Brill's New Pauly Encyclopaedia of the Ancient World (Tuc-Zyt) [15] 9789004142207, 9789004122598

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UMNOMIMLN

Brill’s Encyclopaedia of the Ancient World

New Pauly

ANTIQUITY

luG-Zyvi AS Dy DB) ane

DY.

Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2022 with funding from Kahle/Austin Foundation

httos://archive.org/details/brillsnewpaulyen0015unse

Brill’s New Pauly

ANTIQUITY VOLUME I5

Teer ADDENDA

Brill’s New Pauly SUBJECT

EDITORS

Dr. Andreas Bendlin, Toronto

History of Religion

Prof. Dr. Johannes Niehoff, Berlin Judaism, Eastern Christianity, Byzantine Civilization

History of Civilization

Prof. Dr. Hans Jorg Nissen, Berlin Oriental Studies

Prof. Dr. Rudolf Brandle, Basle Christianity

Prof. Dr. Vivian Nutton, London Medicine; Tradition: Medicine

Prof. Dr. Hubert Cancik, Tubingen Executive Editor

Prof. Dr. Eckart Olshausen, Stuttgart Historical Geography

Prof. Dr. Walter Eder ¢, Bochum Ancient History

Prof. Dr. Filippo Ranieri, Saarbriicken European Legal History

Prof. Dr. Paolo Eleuteri, Venice

Prof. Dr. Johannes Renger, Berlin Oriental Studies; Tradition: Ancient Orient

Prof. Dr. Gerhard Binder, Bochum

Textual Criticism, Palaeography and Codicology Dr. Karl-Ludwig Elvers, Bochum

Prof. Dr. Volker Riedel, Jena

Ancient History

Tradition: Education, Countries (II)

Prof. Dr. Bernhard Forssman, Erlangen Linguistics; Tradition: Linguistics

Prof. Dr. Jorg Riipke, Erfurt Latin Philology, Rhetoric

Prof. Dr. Fritz Graf, Columbus (Ohio)

Prof. Dr. Gottfried Schiemann, Tubingen

Religion and Mythology; Tradition: Religion

Law

PD Dr. Hans Christian Gunther, Freiburg Textual Criticism

Prof. Dr. Helmuth Schneider, Kassel Executive Editor; Social and Economic History, Military Affairs, History of Classical Scholarship

Prof. Dr. Max Haas, Basle Music; Tradition: Music Prof. Dr. Berthold Hinz, Kassel Tradition: Art and Architecture

Dr. Christoph Hocker, Zurich Archaeology Prof. Dr. Christian Hiinemorder, Hamburg Natural Sciences

Prof. Dr. Lutz Kappel, Kiel Mythology

Prof. Dr. Dietrich Willers, Berne Classical Archaeology (Material Culture and History of Art) Dr. Frieder Zaminer, Berlin Music

Prof Dr. Bernhard Zimmermann, Freiburg Tradition: Countries (I)

EDITORIAL TEAM GERMAN EDITION Iris Banholzer

Dr. Ingrid Hitzl

Beate Baumann

Dr. MatthiasKopp

Jochen Derlien

Manuel Kramer

Prof. Dr. Manfred Landfester, Giessen Executive Editor: Classical Tradition; Tradition:

Dr. Brigitte Egger

Heike Kunz

History of Classical Scholarship and History of Civilization

Luitgard Feneberg

Dorothea Mohr-Sigel

Susanne Fischer

Dirk Rohmann

Comparative Literature

Christa Frateantonio

Vera Sauer

Prof. Dr. Dr. Glenn W. Most, Pisa

Dietrich Frauer

Christiane Schmidt

Johannes Fraundorfer

Anne-Maria Wittke

Dr. Margarita Kranz, Berlin Tradition: Philosophy Prof. Dr. André Laks, Paris Philosophy

Prof. Dr. Maria Moog Griinewald, Tiibingen

Greek Philology Prof. Dr. Beat Naf, Zurich Tradition: Political Theory and Politics

Mareile Haase

Brill’s Encyclopaedia of the Ancient World

New Pauly Edited by Hubert Cancik and Helmuth Schneider

English Edition Editor-in-chief Christine F. Salazar Assistant Editors Cordula Bachmann, Kim Barkowski, Tina Chronopoulos, David van Eijndhoven, Annette Imbhausen, Sebastiaan R. van der Mije,

Michiel Op de Coul, Antonia Ruppel, Chad Schroeder, Corinna Vermeulen and Barbara Vetter

ANTIQUITY VOLUME I5

Tuc-ZYT ADDENDA

LEIDEN ZOIO

- BOSTON

© Copyright 2010 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands Koninklijke Brill Nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing, roc Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and vsp. Originally published in German as DER NEUE PAULY. Enzyklopadie der Antike. Herausgegeben von Hubert Cancik und Helmuth Schneider. Copyright © J.B. Metzlersche Verlagsbuchhandlung und Carl Ernst Poeschel Verlag GmbH 1996ff./r999ff. Stuttgart/Weimar Cover design: TopicA (Antoinette Hanekuyk) Front: Delphi, temple area Spine: Tabula Peutingeriana Data structuring and typesetting:

pagina GmbH, Tubingen, Germany

ISBN (volume) 978 90 04 14220 7 ISBN (set) 978 90 04 12259 8

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill Nv provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA.

Fees are subject to change.

This book is printed on acid-free paper. PRINTED

IN THE

NETHERLANDS

Table of Contents INotesstomheiUsera wt ti eineecs. Roe) ae km Me List of Transliterations

satus

ier

Sap

teal he ui.

Viireeral %

ah

wl

goiey reac f

Riiiieintes

aut

b

andere sl aieaithaaheteeniel

ane chy

@ fel tank

nel

brparerip iat vlhevnong Phe show

oh melee eae 1

oad iam ee . wore boutial odT (none en

»

’

wir

ot geass balhsge « boaper yrhergerts

ppm Py ‘analy ceepeadhroel? eal g ibeow cole ow feito 0 eneinet pereom teh .oorett eis Yo vhs lenge covfteresces run. howepre

“nium a und gs 0 he eiwetihoww eT

=e

He ta oe

ah eae

hawel od

arse ptpone a”

i leeeinAd a) ba cbrew domid-t

ee ee eos

doen) oyunu verona

tt eontew teow x rene « freaebeemmeeed retrrbrive trict a

oatg

List of Transliterations Transliteration of ancient Greek

Transliteration of Hebrew

7 aut av B Y ra) € EL £U C n nu 6

a ai au b g d e ei eu z é eu th

a b g d h w Zz h t y k

alef bet gimel dalet he vav zayin chet tet yod kaf

1

lamed

theta

x 2) st in 7 ) t v , 5 y) »

m

mem

U

i

iota

}

n

nun

ts

k

kappa

D

s

samek

nN

]

la(m)bda

v

:

ayin

ub Vv

m n

mu nu

5 &

p/f S

pe tsade

alpha

beta gamma; y before y, x, E, y: n delta epsilon

z(d)eta eta

E

x

xi

?

q

qof

Oo) ou ou

o ol ou

omicron

4 wv 7]

r s §

resh sin shin

t

tav

I

p

pi

n

Q 0,¢ a v

r s t y

rho sigma tau upsilon

Pronunciation of Turkish

c)

ph

phi

x wy w ; a

ch ps 6 h ai

chi psi omega spiritus asper iota subscriptum (similarly y, w)

In transliterated Greek the accents are retained (acute’,

grave’, and circumflex *). Long vowels with the circumflex accent have no separate indication of vowellength (makron).

Turkish uses Latin script since 1928. Pronunciation and spelling generally follow the same rules as European languages. Phonology according to G. Lewis, Turkish Grammar, 2000. A B _C C€ D E F G G H I

a b c ¢ d e f g g h 1

French a in avoir b jin jam ch in church d French é in étre f g in gate or in angular lengthens preceding vowel h in have iin cousin

French i in si

I

i

J

j

French j

K Ib,

k l

c in cat or in cure

M

m

m

lin list or in wool

LIST OF TRANSLITERATIONS

Transliteration of other languages

N

n

n

O

fe)

French o in note

O

6

German 6

P

p

R

fe

S

s

p ie s in sit

9

$

sh in shape

YT U

t u

t

U

ii

Vv

Vv

x

y

Zs

Z

Transliteration Turkish

u in put German t Vv y in yet Z

of Arabic,

Persian,

and

nian the rules of R. ScHmiTT, Grammatik des Klassisch-

|

asa

hamza, alif ba pe

S

t

ta’

—

t

t

g

ta’ gim

a

=

‘é

h

5

cim

d

ha’ ha dal

3

d

dal

5 3

r Zz

3

a,

ed

|

oe

s

o

§

uv?

s

4 L

t Zz

C

;

a

d UNE SES IN ING se = aihesa aren FO: EG) SNP AS! ics Oca nese

ST AOD CON MD RAIN NN Oe AIKID Ag

g

re)

f

3 Hi}

q k

eS

=

J ° i) 6

l m n h

y)

w,u

G

Vaul

Ottoman

Akkadian (Assyrian-Babylonian), Hittite and Sumerian are transliterated according to the rules of RLA and TAVO. For Egyptian the rules of the Lexikon der Agyptologie are used. The transliteration of Indo-European follows Rix, HGG. The transliteration of Old Indian is after M. MAYRHOFER, Etymologisches Wérterbuch des Altindoarischen, r992ff. Avestian is done according to K. HoreMann, B. ForssMAN, Avestische Laut- und Flexionslehre, 1996. Old Persian follows R.G. KENT, Old Persian, *1953 (additions from K. HOFFMANN, Aufsatze zur Indoiranistik vol. 2, 1976, 622ff.); other Iranian languages are after R. SCHMITT, Compendium linguarum Iranicarum, 1989, and after D.N. MAcKENziE, A Concise Pahlavi Dictionary, 1990. For Arme-

gO: Fo

Sz

—y] peeare

ga Br x

5 c =}

S35 99) eos: 3 52 Ae

5B

see (cross-reference)




evolved into (ling.)

i

root

@ a a +

born/reconstructed form (ling.) married short vowel long vowel deceased

consonantal i, u vocalized m, n vocalized |, r

syllable end word end transliteration phonemic representation apocryphal

2. List of General Abbreviations

Common abbreviations (e.g., etc.) are not included in the list of general abbreviations. A. a.U.c. abl.

Aulus ab urbe condita ablative

acc.

accusative

aed. cur.

aedilis curulis

aed. pl.

aedilis plebi

Ap(p).

Appius

Athens,AM Athens,BM_ Athens,NM Athens, NUM b. Baltimore,

Athens, Athens, Athens, Athens,

Acropolis Museum Benaki Museum National Museum Numismatic Museum

born Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery

WAG

Basle, AM Berlin, PM Berlin, SM bk(s). Bonn,RL Boston,

Basle, Antikenmuseum Berlin, Pergamonmuseum Berlin, Staatliche Museen book(s) Bonn, Rheinisches Landesmuseum Boston, Museum of Fine Arts

MFA Bull.

Bulletin, Bullettino

c. G

circa

Gaius

Cambridge, FM

Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum

carm.

carmen, carmina

Gat: cent. ch. Cn. Cod.

Catalogue, Catalogo century chapter Gnaeus Codex, Codices, Codizes

col. conc. Cologne, RGM

comm. Congr. contd. Copenhagen, NCG Copenhagen,

column acta concilii Cologne, Rémisch Germanisches Museum commentary Congrss, Congrés, Congresso continued Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptothek

Copenhagen, National Museum

NM

Copenhagen, ™ cos. cos. des. cos. ord. cos. suff. cur. DDE. d. dat. decret. diss. ed. edd. epist. tls fem. fig(s). fla. Florence, MA Florence, UF

Copenhagen, Thorvaldsen Museum consul

consul designatus consul ordinarius consul suffectus curator Decimus died dative decretum, decreta dissertation edidit, editio, editor, edited (by) ediderunt

epistulae falsa lectio feminine figure(s) flamen

Florence, Museo Archeologico Florence, Uffizi

GENERAL

Iie Frankfurt, LH gen. Geneva, MAH Ger. Gk. Hamburg, MKG

fragment Frankfurt, Liebighaus

Hanover,

Hanover, Kestner-Museum

genitive Geneva, Musée d’Art et d’Histoire German Greek

Hamburg, Museum fiir Kunst und Gewerbe

KM HS ill(s). Imp. inventory no. Istanbul, AM

sesterces

Old Testament Oxford, Ashmolean Museum

\e

page Papyrus Publius Palermo, Museo Archeologico Nazionale

Pas Palermo, MAN Paris, BN _ Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale Paris, CM Paris, Cabinet des Médailles

Istanbul, Archaeological Museum

pr(aef).

praefatio

praef. procos. procur. propr. Ps.Q. qu.

praefectus proconsul procurator propraetor Pseudo Quintus quaestor

¥

recto

rev. Rome, MC Rome, MN Rome, MV Rome, VA Rome, VG_ Ss Ser. S.v. SG sc. schol. Ser. serm. s(in)g. Soc. Sp. St. St. Petersburg, HR Stud. te The Hague,

revised Rome, Museo Capitolino Rome, Museo Nazionale Rome, Museo Vaticano Rome, Villa Albani Rome, Villa Giulia Sextus Serie, Series, Série, Seria sub voce senatus consultum scilicet scholion, scholia Servius sermo singular Society, Societé, Societa Spurius Saint St. Petersburg, Hermitage

loco citato Latin leges liber, libri linguistic(ally) locative London, British Museum Manius Marcus

Madrid, Prado

Malibu, Getty Museum masculinum, masculine

Moscow, PM

Moscow, Pushkin Museum

MS(S) Munich, GL Munich, SA Munich, SM Mus. N. n.d. Naples,

manuscript(s)

Munich, Glyptothek Munich, Staatliche Antikensammlung Munich, Staatliche Miinzsammlung Museum, Musée, Museo Numerius

no date Naples, Museo Archeologico Nazionale

MAN

no. nom. N.S.

OT Oxford, AM p.

plate plural pontifex maximus

Lucius

neutr. New York,

optative

inventory number

Kassel, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen lex line

M. Madrid, PR Malibu, GM masc.

Opus, Opera

opt.

Paris, Louvre

Kassel, SK

BM M’.

New Testament

Op.

pl. plur. pon. max.

itineraria

London,

NT

Paris, LV

illustration(s) Imperator

itin.

MMA

XII

ABBREVIATIONS

neutrum, neuter, neutral New York, Metropolitan Museum of Arts

number nominative

Neue Serie, New Series, Nouvelle Série, Nuova Seria

"

Studia, Studien, Studies, Studi Titus

The Hague, Muntenkabinet

MK

Thessaloniki, National Museum Thessaloniki,

NM ANE al bilo tit. transl. tr. mil.

Tiberius titulus translation, translated (by) tribunus militum

tr. pl.

tribunus plebis

BIBLIOGRAPHIC

et Univ. v.

terminus technicus Universitat, University, Université, Universita

verse

Mi

verso

Vienna,KM

Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum

vir clar. vir ill. vir spect. vol(s).

vir clarissimus vir illustris vir spectabilis volume(s)

ABBREVIATIONS

ABr P. ARNpT, F. BRUCKMANN (ed.), Griechische und rémische Portrats, 1891 - 1912; E. Lippo.p (ed.), Text vol., 1958 ABSA Annual of the British School at Athens AC L’Antiquité Classique Acta Acta conventus neo-latini Lovaniensis, 1973

AD 3. Bibliographic Abbreviations

Archaiologikon Deltion ADAIK Abhandlungen des Deutschen Archaologischen In-

A&A Antike und Abendland A&R

stituts Kairo Adam J.P. Apa, La construction romaine. Matériaux et

Atene e Roma

AA Archaologischer Anzeiger AAA Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology AAAlg S. GsELL, Atlas archéologique de I’Algérie. Edition spéciale des cartes au 200.000 du Service Géographique de l’ Armée, r9r1, repr. 1973 AAHG Anzeiger fiir die Altertumswissenschaften, publication of the Osterreichische Humanistische Gesellschaft AArch Acta archeologica AASO The Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research AATun o50 E. BABELON, R. CacGnaT, S. REINACH

techniques, 1984 ADAW Abhandlungen der Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Klasse fiir Sprachen, Literatur und Kunst ADB

Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie AdI Annali dell’Istituto di Corrispondenza Archeologica AE L’Année épigraphique AEA Archivo Espanol de Arqueologia AEM

Archaologisch-epigraphische Mitteilungen aus Osterreich AfO Archiv fiir Orientforschung AGD

(ed.), Atlas

archéologique de la Tunisie (1 : 50.000), 1893 AATun 100 R. Cacnat, A. MERLIN (ed.), Atlas archéologique de la Tunisie (1: 100.000), 1914 AAWG Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Gottingen. Philologisch-historische Klasse AAWM Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften und Literatur in Mainz. Geistes- und sozialwissenschaftliche Klasse AAWW Anzeiger der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien. Philosophisch-historische Klasse ABAW Abhandlungen der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-historische Klasse Abel F.-M.ABEL,GéographiedelaPalestine2vols.,19 3 3-38

ABG, Archiv fiir Begriffsgeschichte: Bausteine zu einem historischen Worterbuch der Philosophie

Antike Gemmen in deutschen Sammlungen 4 vols., 1968-75

AGM Archiv fiir Geschichte der Medizin Agora

The Athenian Agora. Results of the Excavations by the American School of Classical Studies of Athens,

1953 ff. AGPh Archiv fiir Geschichte der Philosophie AGR Akten der Gesellschaft fiir griechische und hellenistische Rechtsgeschichte AHAW

Abhandlungen der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-historische Klasse AHES Archive for History of Exact Sciences ATHS

Archives internationales d’histoire des sciences AION Annali del Seminario di Studi del Mondo Classico, Sezione di Archeologia e Storia antica

BIBLIOGRAPHIC

XIV

ABBREVIATIONS

AJ

The Archaeological Journal of the Royal Archaeological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland AJA American Journal of Archaeology AJAH American Journal of Ancient History

AJBA Australian Journal of Biblical Archaeology AJN American Journal of Numismatics AJPh American Journal of Philology AK Antike Kunst AKG Archiv fiir Kulturgeschichte

Anadolu (Anatolia) Anatolica Anatolica AncSoc Ancient Society Anderson J.G. ANDERSON, A Journey of Exploration in Pontus (Studia pontica 1), 1903 Anderson Cumont/Gregoire

AKL

G. MEISSNER (ed.), Allgemeines Kiinsterlexikon: Die bildenden Kiinstler aller Zeiten und Volker, *1991 ff. AKM

Abhandlungen fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes Albrecht M. v. ALBRECHT, Geschichte der romischen Literatur, *1994

Alessio G. ALEssIo, Lexicon etymologicum. Supplemento ai Dizionari etimologici latini e romanzi, 1976

Alexander M.C. ALEXANDER, Trials in the Late Roman Republic: 149 BC to 50 BC (Phoenix Suppl. Vol. 26), 1990 Alfoldi A. ALFOLDI, Die monarchische Reprdsentation im romischen Kaiserreiche, 1970, repr. 31980

Alféldy, FH G. ALFOLDy, Fasti Hispanienses. Senatorische Reichsbeamte und Offiziere in den spanischen Provinzen des rémischen Reiches von Augustus bis Diokletian, 1969 Alféldy, Konsulat G. ALFOLDY, Konsulat und Senatorenstand unter

den Antoninen. Prosopographische Untersuchungen zur senatorischen Fihrungsschicht (Antiquitas 1,

27), 1977 Alféldy, RG G. ALFOLDy, Die rémische wahlte Beitrage, 1986 Alféldy, RH

Gesellschaft.

AMI Archdologische Mitteilungen aus Iran Amyx, Addenda C.W. NeerT, Addenda et Corrigenda to D.A. Amyx, Corinthian Vase-Painting, 1991 Amyx, CVP D.A. Amyx, Corinthian Vase-Painting of the Archaic Period 3 vols., 1988 Anadolu

Ausge-

G. ALFOLDy, Rémische Heeresgeschichte, 1987

Alfoldy, RS G. ALFOLDY, Romische Sozialgeschichte, 31984 ALLG Archiv fiir lateinische Lexikographie und Grammatik Altaner B. ALTANER, Patrologie. Leben, Schriften und Lehre der Kirchenvater, 91980

J.G. ANDERSON, F. CuMonrt, H. Grécoire, Recueil

des inscriptions grecques et latines du Pont et de l’Arménie (Studia pontica 3), 1910 André, botan. J. ANDRE, Lexique des termes de botanique en latin, 1956

André, oiseaux J. AnpRé, Les noms d’oiseaux en latin, 1967

André, plantes J. ANDRE£, Les noms de plantes dans la Rome antique, 1985 Andrews K. ANDREws, The Castles of Morea, 1953 ANET J.B. PrircHarD, Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament, +1969, repr. 1992 AnnSAAt Annuario della Scuola Archeologica di Atene ANRW H. Temporini, W. Haase (ed.), Aufstieg und Nie-

dergang der rémischen Welt, 1972 ff. ANSMusN Museum Notes. American Numismatic Society AntAfr Antiquités africaines AntChr Antike und Christentum AntPI Antike Plastik AO Der Alte Orient AOAT Alter Orient und Altes Testament APF Archiv fiir Papyrusforschung und verwandte Gebiete APh L’Année philologique Arangio-Ruiz V. ARANGIO-RUIZ, Storia del diritto romano, °1953

XV

BIBLIOGRAPHIC

Arcadia Arcadia. Zeitschrift fiir vergleichende Literaturwissenschaft ArchCl Archeologia Classica ArchE Archaiologike ephemeris ArcheologijaSof Archeologija. Organ na Archeologiceskija institut i muzej pri B’lgarskata akademija na naukite ArchHom

BaF

Baghdader Forschungen Bagnall R.S. BAGNALL et al., Consuls of the Later Roman Empire (Philological Monographs of the American Philological Association 36), 1987 BalkE Balkansko ezikoznanie BalkSt Balkan Studies BaM

Archaeologia Homerica, 1967ff.

Baghdader Mitteilungen

ArtAntMod Arte antica e moderna ARW

Archiv fiir Religionswissenschaft AS Anatolian Studies ASAA Annuario della Scuola Archeologica di Atene e delle Missioni italiane in Oriente ASL Archiv fiir das Studium der neueren Sprachen und

Bardenhewer, GAL O. BARDENHEWER, Geschichte der altkirchlichen Literatur, Vols. 1-2, *1913 f.; Vols. 3-5, 1912-32; repr. Vols. 1-5, 1962 Bardenhewer, Patr. O. BARDENHEWER, Patrologie, +1910 Bardon H. Barpon, La littérature latine inconnue 2 vols., 1952-56 Baron

W. Baron (ed.), Beitrage zur Methode der Wissenschaftsgeschichte, 1967

Literaturen

ASNP Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa, Classe di Lettere e Filosofia ASpr Die Alten Sprachen ASR B. ANDREAE 1952 ff.

BASO Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Bauer/Aland W. Bauer, K. ALAND (ed.), Griechisch-deutsches Worterbuch zu den Schriften des Neuen Testamentes und der frihchristlichen Literatur, °r988

(ed.), Die antiken Sarkophagreliefs,

Baumann, LRRP

R.A. BAuMAN, Lawyers in Roman Republican Politics. A study of the Roman Jurists in their Political Setting, 316-82 BC (Miinchener Beitrage zur Papyrusforschung und antiken Rechtsgeschichte), 1983

Athenaeum Athenaeum ATL B.D. Meritt, H.T. Wape-Gery, M.F. McGrecor,

Athenian Tribute Lists 4 vols.,

1939-53

Baumann, LRTP

R.A. BAUMAN, Lawyers in Roman Transitional Politics. A Study of the Roman Jurists in their Political Setting in the Late Republic and Triumvirate (Miinchener Beitrage zur Papyrusforschung und antiken Rechtsgeschichte), 1985

AU Der altsprachliche Unterricht Aulock H.v. Autocx, Miinzen und

Stadte

Pisidiens

(MDAI(Ist) Suppl. 8) 2 vols., 1977-79

Austin C. AusTIN (ed.), Comicorum graecorum fragmenta in papyris reperta, 1973

BA Bolletino d’Arte del Ministero della Publica Istruzione BAB Bulletin de l’Académie Royale de Belgique. Classe des Lettres BABesch Bulletin antieke beschaving. Annual Papers on Classical Archaeology Badian, Clientelae E. BapIAN, Foreign Clientelae, 1958 Badian, Imperialism E. Bap1An, Roman Imperialism in the Late Republic, 1967

ABBREVIATIONS

BB

Bezzenbergers Beitrage zur Kunde der indogermanischen Sprachen BCAR Bollettino della Commissione Archeologica Comunale di Roma BCH

Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique BE Bulletin épigraphique Beazley, ABV J.D. Beaztey, Attic

Black-figure

Vase-Painters,

1956

Beazley, Addenda* TH.H. Carpenter (ed.), Beazley Addenda, *1989 Beazley, ARV* J.D. BEAZLEY, Attic Red-figure Vase-Painters, *1963

BIBLIOGRAPHIC

XVI

ABBREVIATIONS

Beazley, EVP J.D. BEAZLEY, Etruscan Vase Painting, 1947 Beazley, Paralipomena J.D. BEazLey, Paralipomena. Additions to Attic

Black-figure Vase-Painters and to Attic Red-figure Vase-Painters, *1971 Bechtel, Dial.’

F. BECHTEL, 1921-24 Bechtel, Dial.” F. BECHTEL,

Die griechischen

Dialekte

3 vols.,

Die griechischen

Dialekte

3 vols.,

BIAO Bulletin de l’Institut francais d’Archéologie Orientale BibIH&R Bibliothéque d’Humanisme et Renaissance BiblLing Bibliographie linguistique / Linguistic Bibliography BIBR Bulletin de |’Institut Belge de Rome Bickerman

E. BICKERMANN, Chronologie (Einleitung in die Altertumswissenschaft III 5), 1933

47963

Bechtel, HPN F. BECHTEL, Die historischen Personennamen

des Griechischen bis zur Kaiserzeit, 1917 Belke K. BEeLke, Galatien und Lykaonien (Denkschriften der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 172; TIB 4), 1984 Belke/Mersich K. Berke, N. Mersicu, Phrygien und Pisidien (Denkschriften der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 211; IIB 7), 1990

Bell K.E. BELL, Place-Names

in Classical Mythology,

Greece, 1989

BICS Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the University of London BIES

The Bulletin of the Israel Exploration Society BiogJahr Biographisches Jahrbuch fiir Altertumskunde Birley A.R. BirLEy, The Fasti of Roman Britain, 1981

BJ Bonner Jahrbiicher des Rheinischen Landesmuseums in Bonn und des Vereins von Altertumsfreunden im Rheinlande BKT Berliner Klassikertexte 8 vols., 1904-39

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Glotta Glotta. Zeitschrift fiir griechische und lateinische Sprache GMth F. ZaAMINER (ed.), Geschichte der Musiktheorie, 1984 ff. Gnomon Gnomon. Kritische Zeitschrift fiir die gesamte klassische Altertumswissenschaft Gobl R. Gos1, Antike Numismatik 2 vols., 1978 Goleniscev I.N. GoentsCev-Kutuzoy, Il Rinascimento italiano e le letterature slave dei secoli XV e XVI, 1973 Gordon A.E. Gorpon, Album of Dated Latin Inscriptions 4 vols., 1958-65 Goulet R. Gou Let (ed.), Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques, 19869 ff. Graf F. Graf, Nordionische Kulte. Religionsgeschichtliche und epigraphische Untersuchungen zu den Kulten von Chios, Erythrai, Klazomenai und Phokaia,

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E.S. GRUEN, The Hellenistic World and the Coming of Rome, 1984, repr. 1986 Gruppe O. Gruppe, Geschichte der klassischen Mythologie und Religionsgeschichte wahrend des Mittelalters im Abendland und wahrend der Neuzeit, 1921 Gundel W. and H-G. Gunpe1, Astrologumena. Die astrologische Literatur in der Antike und ihre Geschichte, 1966

Guthrie W.K.C. Guturig, A History of Greek Philosophy 6 vols., 1962-81 GVI W. PEEK (ed.), Griechische Vers-Inschriften, Vol. I,

1955 Gymnasium

Gymnasium. Zeitschrift fir Kultur der Antike und humanistische Bildung HABES Heidelberger althistorische Beitrage und epigraphische Studien, 1986 ff. Habicht C. Hasicnt, Athen. Die Geschichte der Stadt in hellenistischer Zeit, 1995 Hakkert A.M. Haxxert (ed.), Lexicon of Greek and Roman

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Hamburger K. Hampurcer, Von Sophokles zu Sartre. Griechische Dramenfiguren antik und modern, 1962 Hannestad N. Hannestap, Roman Art and Imperial Policy, 1986

Hansen, Democracy

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Helbig W. HELBIG, Fiihrer durch die 6ffentlichen Sammlungen klassischer Altertiimer in Rom 4 vols., 41963-72 Hephaistos Hephaistos. Kritische Zeitschrift zu Theorie und Praxis der Archdologie, Kunstwissenschaft und angrenzender Gebiete Hermes

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Hild F. Hip, Kilikien und Isaurien (Denkschriften der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 215; TIB 5) 2 vols., 1990 Hild/Restle F. Hitp, M. RestTie, Kappadokien (Kappadokia, Charsianon, Sebasteia und Lykandos) (Denkschriften der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften: Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 149; TIB 2), 1981

Hirschfeld O. HirscHFeELp, Die kaiserlichen Verwaltungsbeamten bis auf Diocletian, *1905 Historia

Historia. Zeitschrift fiir Alte Geschichte HJb Historisches Jahrbuch HLav Humanistica Lavanensia HLL

R. Herzoc, P.L. Scumipt (ed.), Handbuch der lateinischen Literatur der Antike, 198¢9 ff.

HM A History of Macedonia, Vol. 1: N.G.L. HAMMOND, Historical geography and prehistory, 1972; Vol. 2: N.G.L. HAMMOND, G.T. GRIFFITH, 550-336 BC, 1979; Vol. 3: N.G.L. HaMMonD, F.W. WALBANK, 336-167 BC, 1988 HmT H.H. EGGEBRECHT, Handworterbuch der musikalischen Terminologie, 1972 ff. HN B.V. HEAD, Historia numorum. A manual of Greek numismatics, *19I1 Hodge T.A. Hopce, Roman Aqueducts and Water Supply, 1992 Holbl G. HOLBL, Geschichte des Ptolemaerreiches. Politik, Ideologie und religidse Kultur von Alexander den Groen bis zur romischen Eroberung, 1994 Holkeskamp K.-J. HOLKEskamp, Die Entstehung der Nobilitat. Studien zur sozialen und politischen Geschichte der Romischen Republik im 4.Jh. v. Chr., 1987 Hoffmann D. Hormann, Das spatromische Bewegungsheer und die Notitia dignitatum (Epigraphische Studien 7) 2 vols., 1969 f. = (Diss.), 1958 Holder A. Ho tper, Alt-celtischer Sprachschatz 3 vols., 1896-1913, repr. 196r f. Honsell H. Honseit, Roémisches Recht (Springer-Lehrbuch), 31994

Hopfner T. Hopener, Griechisch-agyptischer Offenbarungszauber 2 vols. in 3 parts, 1921-24, repr. 1974-90

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IGBulg G. MinaiLov (ed.), Inscriptiones Graecae in Bulgaria repertae 5 vols., 1956-1996 IGLS Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie, 19249 ff. IGR R. Caenar et al. (ed.), Inscriptiones Graecae ad res Romanas pertinentes 4 vols., 1906-27

IGUR L. Morett1, Inscriptiones Graecae urbis Romae 4 vols., 1968-90 CT International Journal of the Classical Tradition IJsewyn J. IJsEw1jn,

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HWdPh

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JBAA

The Journal of the British Archaeological Association

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JHAS

Journal for the History of Arabic Science

JHB

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JHM

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JHPh

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JHS

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Jones, RGL A.H.M. Jones, Studies in Roman Government and Law, 1968 Jost

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P.M.M. LEUNISSEN, Konsuln und Konsulare in der Zeit von Commodus bis zu Alexander Severus

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Momigliano A. MomicLiANno, Contributi alla storia degli studi classici, 1955 ff. Mommsen, Schriften TH. MomMseEn, Gesammelte Schriften 8 vols., 1904-13, repr. 1965

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Musikgeschichte in Bildern Millar, Emperor F.G.B. Mriiar, The Emperor in the Roman World,

1977 Millar, Near East F.G.B. MILLar, The Roman Near East, 1993

TH. Momsen, Romisches Staatsrecht 3 vols., Vol. 1, 71887; Vol. 2 f., 1887 f. Mommsen Strafrecht TH. Mommsen, Romisches Strafrecht, 1899, repr.

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Miller K. MILLER, Itineraria Romana. R6mische Reisewe-

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Millett P. Mitietr, Lending and Borrowing in Ancient Athens, 1991 Minos Minos MIO

Mitteilungen des Instituts fiir Orientforschung MIR

Moneta Imperii Romani. Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften. Ver6ffentlichungen der Numismatischen Kommission Mitchell S. MITCHELL, Anatolia. Land, Men and Gods in Asia

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Mon.Ant.ined. Monumenti Antichi inediti Moos P. v. Moos, Geschichte als Topik, 1988 Moraux P. Moraux, Der Aristotelismus bei den Griechen von Andronikos bis Alexander von Aphrodisias (Peripatoi 5 und 6) 2 vols., 1973-84 Moreau J. Moreau, Dictionnaire de géographie historique de la Gaule et de la France, 1972; Suppl.: 1983 Moretti L. Moretti (ed.), Iscrizioni storiche ellenistiche 2 vols., 1967-76 MP

Modern Philology MPalerne Mémoires du Centre Jean Palerne MRR T.R.S. BROUGHTON, The Magistrates of the Roman Republic 2 vols., 1951-52; Suppl.: 1986 MSG _C. JAN (ed.), Musici scriptores Graeci, 1895; Suppl: 1899, repr. 1962

Mitteis/Wilcken L. Mitreis, U. WiLcKEN, Grundziige und Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde, 1912, repr. 1978 ML

R. Meices, D. Lewis (ed.), A Selection of Greek

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MLat]b

Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch. schrift fiir Mediavistik

Mommsen, Staatsrecht

Internationale

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Muller D. MULLER, Topographischer Bildkommentar zu den Historien Herodots: Griechenland im Umfang des heutigen griechischen Staatsgebiets, 1987 Miiller-Wiener W. MULLER-WIENER, Bildlexikon zur Topographie Istanbuls, 1977 Miunzer* F. MUNzeER, ROmische Adelsparteien und Adelsfamilien, 1920

XXXI

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Miunzer* F. Minzer, Romische Adelsparteien und Adelsfa-

milien, *1963 Murray/Price O. Murray, S. Price (ed.), The Greek City: From Homer to Alexander, 1990 Muséon

Muséon Revue d’Etudes Orientales MVAG Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen (Agyptischen) Gesellschaft MVPhW Mitteilungen des Vereins klassischer Philologen in Wien MythGr Mythographi

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*1926

Nash E. Nasu, Bildlexikon zur Topographie des antiken Rom, 1961 f. NC Numismatic Chronicle NClio La Nouvelle Clio

Nock A.D. Nock, Essays on Religion and the Ancient World, 1972 Noethlichs K.L. Noeruiicus, Beamtentum und Dienstvergehen. Zur Staatsverwaltung in der Spatantike, 1981 Norden, Kunstprosa E. Norpen, Die antike Kunstprosa vom 6. Jh. v. Chr. bis in die Zeit der Renaissance, °1961 Norden, Literatur

E. Norben, Die romische Literatur, °1961 NSA Notizie degli scavi di antichita NTM Schriftenreihe fiir Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften, Technik und Medizin Nutton

V. Nutron, From Democedes to Harvey. Studies in the History of Medicine (Collected Studies Series 277), 1988

NZ

Numismatische Zeitschrift

OA J.G. Barrer, H. Sauppe (ed.), Oratores Attici 3 vols.,

NDB

Neue Deutsche Biographie, 1953 ff.; Vols. 1-6, repr. 1971 NEAEHL E. STERN (ed.), The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land 4 vols., 1993 Neoph. Neophilologus Newald R. Newatp, Nachleben des antiken Geistes im Abendland bis zum Beginn des Humanismus, 1960 NGrove The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ®1980 NGrovelnst The New Grove Dictionary of Musical Instruments,

1994 NHCod Nag Hammadi Codex NHS Nag Hammadi Studies Nicolet C. Nico.et, L’ Ordre équestre a |’époque républicaine 312-43 av. J.-C. 2 vols., 1966-74 Nilsson, Feste M.P. Nixsson, Griechische Feste von religidser Be-

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M.P. Nitsson, Geschichte der griechischen Religion (HdbA 5, 2), Vol. 1, 31967, repr. 1992; Vol. 2, 41988 Nilsson, MMR M.P. Nitsson, The Minoan-Mycenaean Religion and its Survival in Greek Religion, *1950 Nissen H. Nissen, Italische Landeskunde 2 vols., 18831902

ABBREVIATIONS

1839-43 OBO Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis OCD N.G. HaMMonp, H.H. ScuLiarD (ed.), The Oxford Classical Dictionary, *1970, 31996 ODB

A.P. KazHDaAN et al. (ed.), The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, 1991 ff.

OF O. KERN (ed.), Orphicorum Fragmenta, 71972

OGIS W. DrtrENBERGER

(ed.), Orientis Graeci Inscripti-

ones Selectae 2 vols., 1903-05, repr. 1960 OLD

P.G.W. Giare (ed.), Oxford Latin Dictionary, 1982 (xst installment 1968) OIF

Olympische Forschungen, 1941 ff. Oliver J.H. Ottver, Greek Constitutions of Early Roman Emperors from Inscriptions and Papyri, 1989 Olivieri D. Oxtviert, Dizionario di toponomastica lombarda. Nomi di comuni, frazioni, casali, monti, corsi d’acqua, ecc. della regione lombarda, studiati in rapporto alle loro origine, *1961 Olshausen/Biller/Wagner E. OLsHAUSEN, J. BILLER, J. WAGNER, Historischgeographische Aspekte der Geschichte des Pontischen und Armenischen Reiches. Untersuchungen Zur historischen Geographie von Pontos unter den Mithradatiden (TAVO 29), Vol.1, 1984 ORAZ Orientalistische Literaturzeitung

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XXXII

ABBREVIATIONS

OpAth Opuscula Atheniensia, 1953 ff. OpRom Opuscula Romana ORF E. MatcovatTi, Oratorum Romanorum Fragmenta (Corpus scriptorum Latinorum Paravianum 56-58); vols., 1930 Orientalia Orientalia, Neue Folge Osborne R. OsBorng, Classical Landscape with Figures: The Ancient Greek City and its Countryside, 1987 Overbeck J. Overseck, Die antiken Schriftquellen zur Geschichte der bildenden Kiinste bei den Griechen,

H.G.PFLauM,

Les

carriéres

procuratoriennes

équestres sous le Haut-Empire Romain 3 vols. and figs., 1960 f.; Suppl.: 1982 Pfuhl E. Pruut, Malerei und Zeichnung der Griechen, 1923 Pfuhl/Mobius E. Prunt, H. Mosius, Die ostgriechischen Grabreliefs 2 vols., 1977-79 PG J.P. Mien (ed.), Patrologiae cursus completus, series Graeca 161 vols., 1857-1866; Conspectus auc-

1868, repr. 1959

PA J. Kircuner, Prosopographia Attica 2 vols.,

1901-

03, repr. 1966

Pack R.A. Pack (ed.), The Greek and Latin Literary Texts from Greco-Roman Egypt, *1965 Panofsky E. Panorsky, Renaissance Western Art, 1960

Pfeiffer KPI R. PFEIFFER, Die Klassische Philologie von Petrarca bis Mommsen, 1982 Pfiffig A.J. Prirric, Religio Etrusca, 1975 Pflaum

and

Renaissances

in

Pape/Benseler W. Pare, G.E. BENSELER, Worterbuch der griechischen Eigennamen z vols., 1863-1870 PAPhS Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society Parke H.W. Parke, Festivals of the Athenians, 1977 Parke/Wormell H.W. Parke, D.E.W. WorMELL, The Delphic Oracle, 1956 PBSR Papers of the British School at Rome PCA

Proceedings of die Classical Association. London PCG

torum: 1882; Indices 2 vols.: 1912-32 PGM K. PREISENDANZ, A. HENRICHS

(ed.), Papyri Grae-

cae Magicae. Die griechischen Zauberpapyri 2 vols.,

*1973 f. (1928-31) Philippson /Kirsten A. Puitippson, A. LEHMANN, E. KirsTEN (ed.), Die griechischen Landschaften. Eine Landeskunde 4 vols., 1950-59 Philologus Philologus. Zeitschrift fiir klassische Philologie PhQ Philological Quarterly Phronesis Phronesis PhU Philologische Untersuchungen Phw Berliner Philologische Wochenschrift Picard CH. Picarp, Manuel d’archéologie grecque. La sculpture, 1935 ff. Pickard-Cambridge/Gould/Lewis

R. KasseL, C. AusTIn (ed.), Poetae comici graeci,

A.W. PicKARD-CAMBRIDGE,

1983 ff.

wis, The Dramatic Festivals of Athens, *1988

PCPhS

Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society PdP

La Parola del Passato PE

R. STILLWELL et al. (ed.), The Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites, 1976

Peacock D.P.S. Peacock, Pottery in the Roman World: An Ethnoarchaeological Approach, 1982 PEGI

A. BERNABE (ed.), Poetae epici graeci. Testimonia et fragmenta. Pars I, 1987 Pfeiffer, KPI

R. PreiFFER, Geschichte der Klassischen Philologie. Von den Anfangen bis zum Ende des Hellenismus, 1978

J. GOULD,

D.M.

LE-

Pickard-Cambridge/Webster A.W.

PICKARD-CAMBRIDGE,

T.B.L.

WEBSTER,

Dithyramb, Tragedy and Comedy, *1962 Pigler, I _A. PIGLerR, Barockthermen. Eine Auswahl von Verzeichnissen zur Ikonographie des 17. Und x 8. Jahrhunderts. 2 vols., *1974; Ill. Vol.: 1974 PIR Prosopographia imperii Romani saeculi, Vol. I-II, 27933 ff. Re J.P. Micne (ed.), Patrologiae cursus completus, series Latina 221 vols., 1844-65 partly repr. 5 Suppl. Vols., 1958-74; Index: 1965 PLM Ar. BAEHRENS (ed.), Poetae Latini Minores 5 vols., 1879-83

XXXIil

BIBLIOGRAPHIC

PLRE A.H.M. Jones, J.R. MARTINDALE, J. Morris (ed.), The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire 3 vols. in 4 parts, 1971-1992 PMG D.L. Pace, Poetae melici graeci, 1962

PMGF M. Davies (ed.), Poetarum melicorum Graecorum

fragmenta, 1991 PMGTr

D. Poccetti, Nuovi documenti italici a complemento del manuale di E. Vetter (Orientamenti linguistici

8), 1979 POKeEL,

Philologisches

QSt Quellen und Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur des

Altertums und des Mittelalters Quasten

J. QuasTEN, Patrology 2 vols., 1950-53 RA Revue Archéologique RAC T. Kiauser, E. DAssMANN

H.D. Betz (ed.), The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation, Including the Demotic Spells, *1992 Poccetti

Pokel W.

Schriftstellerlexikon,

1882, repr. *1974

Poetica Poetica. Zeitschrift fiir Sprach- und Literaturwissenschaft Pokorny J. Poxorny, Indogermanisches etymologisches Worterbuch 2 vols., 71989 Poulsen F. PoutsEn, Catalogue of Ancient Sculpture in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, 1951 PP

W. PEREMANS (ed.), Prosopographia Ptolemaica (Studia hellenistica) 9 vols., 1950-81, repr. Vol. 1-3,

1977 PPM Pompei, Pitture e Mosaici, 1990 ff. Praktika Tloaxtixa ths ev ABnvats agyaohoyixns etawetas

(ed.), Reallexikon fiir Antike und Christentum. Sachworterbuch zur Auseinandersetzung des Christentums mit der antiken Welt, 1950 ff. (rst installment 1941) RACr Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana Radermacher L. RADERMACHER, Artium Scriptores. Reste der voraristotelischen Rhetorik, 1951 Radke G. Rapkg, Die Gotter Altitaliens, *1979 Raepsaet-Charlier M-T. RAEPSAET-CHARLIER, Prosopographie des femmes de l’ordre sénatorial (I. — II. siécles) (Fonds René Draguet 4) 2 vols., 1987 RARG H. Bonnet, Reallexikon der agyptischen Religionsgeschichte, *1971 RAL Rendiconti della Classe di Scienze morali, storiche e filologiche dell’ Academia dei Lincei Ramsay

W.M. Ramsay, The Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia 2 vols., 1895-97 RAssyr Revue d’assyriologie et d’archéologie orientale Rawson, Culture E. Rawson, Roman Culture and Society. Collected Papers, 1991

Préaux

C. Pré&aux, L’économie royale des Lagides, 1939, repr.

ABBREVIATIONS

1980

Preller/Robert L. PRELLER, C. ROBERT, Griechische Mythologie, 51964 ff. Pritchett K. PrircHeETT, Studies in Ancient Greek Topography (University of California Publications, Classical Studies) 8 vols., 1969-92 PropKg K. Bitrez et al. (ed.), Propylaen Kunstgeschichte 22 vols., 1966-80, repr. 1985 Prosdocimi A.L. Prospocim1, M. CrisTOFANI, Lingue dialetti dell’Italia antica, 1978; A. MARINETTI, Aggiornamenti ed Indici, 1984 PrZ Prahistorische Zeitschrift PSI G. ViTELut, M. Norsa, V. BARTOLETTI et al. (ed.), Papiri grecie latini (Pubblicazione della Soc. Italiana per la ricerca dei pap. greci e latini in Egitto), 1912 ff.

Rawson, Family B. Rawson (ed.), The Family in Ancient Rome. New Perspectives, 1986 RB P. WirTH (ed.), Reallexikon der Byzantinistik, 1968 ff. RBA

Revue Belge d’archéologie et d’histoire de l’art RBi

Revue biblique RBK K. Wesset, M. RESTLE (ed.), Reallexikon zur byzantinischen Kunst, 1966 ff. (1st installment 1963) RBN

Revue Belge de numismatique RBPh

Revue Belge de philologie et d’histoire RDAC Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus RDK O. Scumitrt (ed.), Reallexikon zur deutschen Kunst-

geschichte, 1937ff.

BIBLIOGRAPHIC

RE

G. Wissowa et al., (ed.), Paulys Real-Encyclopadie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, Neue Bearbeitung, 1893-1980 REA Revue des études anciennes REByz Revue des études byzantines REG Revue des études grecques Rehm W. Reum, Griechentum und Goethezeit, +1952, 41968 Reinach, RP S. REINACH, Répertoire de peintures grecques er romaines,

XXXIV

ABBREVIATIONS

1922

Reinach, RR

S. REINACH, Répertoire de reliefs grecs et romains 3 vols., 1909-12

Reinach RSt S. REINACH, Répertoire de la statuaire greque et romaine 6 vols., 1897-1930, repr. 1965-69

REL

Rhodes P.J. Ruopes, A commentary on the Aristotelian Athenaion Politeia, *1993 RHPhR Revue @histoire et de philosophie religieuses RHR Revue de l’histoire des religions RHS Revue historique des Sciences et leurs applications RIA Rivista dell’Istituto nazionale d’archeologia e storia dell’arte RIC H. Marrinctry, E.A. SYDENHAM, The Roman Im-

perial Coinage 10 vols., 1923-94 Richardson L. RICHARDSON (Jr.), A New Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome, 1992 Richter, Furniture G.M.A. RIcHTER, The Furniture of the Greeks, Etruscans and Romans, 1969 Richter, Korai G.M.A. RicHTER, Korai, Archaic Greek Maidens,

Revue des études latines

1968

Rer.nat.scr.Gr.min O. KELLER (ed.), Rerum naturalium scriptores Graeci minores, 1877

Richter, Kouroi 3 G.M.A. RicuTerR, Kouroi, Archaic Greek Youths,

Reynolds L.D. REYNOLDs (ed.), Texts and Transmission: A Survey of the Latin Classics, 1983 Reynolds/Wilson L.D. REYNOLDs, N.G. Witson, Scribes and Scholars. A Guide to the Transmission of Greek and Latin

Richter, Portraits G.M.A. RICHTER, The Portraits of the Greeks 3 vols. and suppl., 1965-72 RIDA Revue internationale des droits de l’antiquité RIG P-M. Duvat (ed.), Recueil des inscriptions gauloises, 1985 ff. RIL Rendiconti dell’Istituto Lombardo, classe di lettere, scienze morali e storiche Rivet A.L.F. Rivet, Gallia Narbonensis with a Chapter on Alpes Maritimae. Southern France in Roman Times,

Literature, 1991 RFIC

Rivista di filologia e di istruzione classica

RG W.H. WappincTon, E. BaBELoN, Recueil général

des monnaies grecques d’ Asie mineure (Subsidia epigraphica 5) 2 vols., 1908-1925, repr. 1976 RGA H. Becx et al. (ed.), Reallexikon der germanischen Altertumskunde, *1973 ff. (xst installment 1968); Suppl.: 1986 ff. RGG K. GaLLinG (ed.), Die Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Handworterbuch fiir Theologie und Religionswissenschaft 7 vols., 31957-65, repr. 1980 RGRW

Religion in the Graeco-Roman World RGVV

Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und Vorarbeiten RH

Revue historique

RHA Revue hittite et asianique

31970

1988

Rivet/Smith A.L.F. Rivet, C. SmitH, The Place-Names of Roman Britain, 1979 RLA

E. EBELING et al. (ed.), Reallexikon der Assyriolo‘ gie und vorderasiatischen Archaologie, 1928 ff. RLV M. Esert (ed.), Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte 15 vols., 1924-32 RMD M.M. Roxan, Roman military diplomas (Occasional Publications of the Institute of Archaeology of the University of London 2 and 9), Vol. 1, (1954-77),

1978; Vol. 2, (1978-84), 1985; Vol. 3, (1985-94),

RhM

Rheinisches Museum fiir Philologie

1994

RN Revue numismatique

XXXV

BIBLIOGRAPHIC

Robert, OMS L. ROBERT, Opera minora selecta 7 vols., 1969-90 Robert, Villes L. Rosert, Villes d’Asie Mineure. Etudes de géographie ancienne, *1902

Robertson A.S. ROBERTSON, Roman Imperial Coins in the Hunter Coin Cabinet, University of Glasgow 5 vols.

>

1962-82

Rohde E. RouDE, Psyche. Seelenkult und Unsterblichkeitsglaube der Griechen, *1898, repr. 1991 Roscher W.H. Roscner, Ausfiihrliches Lexikon der griechischen und rémischen Mythologie 6 vols., *1884-1937, repr. 1992 f.; 4 Suppl. Vols.: 18931921 Rostovtzeff, Hellenistic World M.I. RostovrzerF, The Social and Economic His-

tory of the Hellenistic World, *1953 Rostovtzeff, Roman Empire M.I. RostovrzerrF, The Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire, *1957 Rotondi G. Roronpt, Leges publicae populi Romani. Elenco cronologico con una introduzione sull’ attivita legislativa dei comizi romani, 1912, repr. 1990 RPAA Rendiconti della Pontificia Accademia di Archeologia

RPC A. Burnett, M. AMANDRY, P.P. RIPOLLEs (ed.), Roman Provincial Coinage, 1992 ff.

RPh Revue de philologie

RQ Renaissance Quarterly

RQA

R6mische Quartalsschrift fiir christliche Altertumskunde und fiir Kirchengeschichte RRC M. CrawForD, Roman Republican Coinage, 1974, repr. 1991 RSC Rivista di Studi Classici Rubin B. RuBiIn, Das Zeitalter Iustinians, 1960 Ruggiero E. De RuccieRo, Dizionario epigrafico di antichita romana, 1895 ff., Vols. 1-3: repr. 1961 f. Saeculum Saeculum. Jahrbuch fiir Universalgeschichte Saller R. SALLER, Personal Patronage Under the Early Empire, 1982

Salomies O. SaLomies, Die romischen Vornamen. Studien zur

rémischen Namengebung (Commentationes humanarum litterarum 82), 1987

ABBREVIATIONS

Samuel A.E. SAMuEL, Greek and Roman Chronology. Calendars and Years in Classical Antiquity (Hdb Plotius [I 2].

CONTINUATION M.Tascio, Todi, 1989; Todi-Orvieto, 1998.

P.BruscuetTi,

A.FERUGLIO, M.M.MO.

KajANTO, Cognomina, 106.

Tucci. City of the > Turdetani, tax-free colonia Augusta Gemella in the conventus of + Astigis (Plin. HN 3,12; erroneously as a city of the Turduli in Prol. 2,4,11:

Tuditanus. Roman cognomen (from tudites, ‘hammers’), prominent in the Republican period in the Sempronii family (++ Sempronius [I 22-24]). KaJANTO, Cognomina, 22; 91; 108 f.; 3.43.

K-L.E.

Totxxt; modern Martos, in the province of Jaén). Men-

tioned in the context of battles between the > Lusitani under — Viriatus with Rome in 144 BC (Diod. 33,7,5; App. Ib. 290). A.SCHULTEN, s. v. T. (1), RE 7 A, 765; Tovar 1, 119 f.; 131; 167.

Tuccius {1] T., M. As a curule aedile in 192 BC he conducted many cases against profiteers and used the fines to lavishly decorate public buildings (Liv. 35,41,9-10). As praetor in 190 he was allotted Apulia et Bruttii as his area of responsibility and this office was twice extended (Liv. 37,2,1; 37,50,13; 38,36,1). In 186 he was one of the > tresviri at the renewal of the colonies of Sipontum and Buxentum (Liv. 39,23,3-4). [2] T. Cerialis. See + M. Tullius [II 1] Cerialis. TAS.

Tuder (TotdeQ/Totider; modern Todi). City in Umbria (+ Umbri) ona steep elevation (411 m) on the left bank of the — Tiber between Umbria and Etruria (Str. 5,2,10; Ptol. 3,1,54; Plut. Crassus 6,6: Tovdeotia/

Toudertia). With its river port and its location on the via Amerina and near the vicus Martis Tudertium (modern Santa Maria in Pantano; ad + Martis [3] on the silver cups of Vicarello 102 MILLER; Tab. Peut. 5,1), which was on the > via Flaminia and was part of T.’s territory, T. was an important communications hub and was economically significant. T. minted coins in the 4th/3rd cents. BC. From 89 BC in the tribus Clustumina

Tufa (possibly a Roman name) was a magister militum

of + Odoacer AD 489-493; by September 489 he had crossed over to Theoderic (- Theodericus [3]) the Great, but returned to Odoacer’s camp (Anon. Vales.

I1,51-52). From 490 he stayed with the Rugian king > Fredericus [2] in northern Italy; in 493 a battle broke out between them, in which T. was defeated and killed (Chron. Min. 1). P. AMory, People and Identity in Ostrogothic Italy, 1997, 4242 PERE,

103m.

WE.LU.

Tuficum. City in Umbria (+ Umbri) on the upper > Aesis, municipium of the tribus Oufentina [x] (PlinS EIN 35143) Ptolagsis 533 GIP de .0ms57.08); modern Borgo Tufico (formerly Ficano) near Albacina (Macerata). T. was on a side road to the > Via Flaminia, branching off at Helvillum (modern Fossato di Vico?) and leading to Aesis (modern Iesi) on the Adriatic (+ Ionios Kolpos). 1 L.R. Taytor, The Voting Districts of the Roman Republic, 1960, 273. NISSEN 2, 386.

GU.

Tugurium (Latin). A primitive hut of perishable building materials; as a rule, a wood and clay construction, roofed with reeds, tree bark or turf (— house), in

Roman literature, originally described as humble hous-

(Sisenna HRR 1, Fr. 119; CIL XI 678). After 42 BC T.

ing (Varro Rust. 3,1,3; Verg. Ecl. 1,68; Plin. HN 16,35)

had to absorb a colony of Roman > veterans (colonia Iulia Fida T.: CIL XI 4646; 4659); under Augustus, T. was assigned to ~ regio VI (Plin. HN 3,113). As an Ostrogoth fortress ( Ostrogoths), T. was conquered by — Belisarius in AD 538 (Procop. Goth. 2,11,1; 2,13,2—4). Ancient remains: city walls (3rd/2nd cents. BC); a forum with remains of buildings above large cis-

and predominantly classified as for primitive peoples

terns fed by subterranean tunnels; a theatre (middle of

the rst cent. BC); outside T. an amphitheatre and various cult sites (statue of Mars, late 5th cent. BC, found

on the Montesanto hill, instituted by the Celt Ahal Trutitis); furthermore a necropolis at Peschiera (end of the

6th to middle of the 3rd cent. BC) with burial goods, two Archaic princely graves and Roman necropoleis on the roads leading out of the town and at Pontecuti, and various villae. The wine of T. was famous (Plin. HN

14,36).

(cf. the huts of the Dacians and Marcomanni in reliefs on the columns of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius in Rome). The principle of the ‘natural house’, which had been described in detail and idealized by Vitruvius (2,1,5), took on outstanding and ‘enlightening’ significance as the ‘ur- hut’ in 18th cent. theoretical discussion of architecture, as in Marc-Antoine LAUGIER, to whose Essai sur l’Architecture of *1755 was attached C. EISEN’s engraving of the ‘Vitruvian ur-hut’, which became famous. W.HERRMANN (ed.), Marc-Antoine Laugier: Das Manifest des Klassizismus, 1989. C.HO.

TUKULTI-NINURTA

4

3

Tukulti-Ninurta (literally ‘Ninurta is my supporter’). Name of two Assyrian kings: [1] T.-N. I(1244-1207). Apart from his military conflicts with the Hittites ( Hattusa II) it is primarily his campaign against Babylonia, conducted in 1228, that is of significance; it is recounted not only in royal inscriptions [1], but also, in high poetic language, in the T.-N. Epic [2]. T.-N. was the first Assyrian ruler to move his

residence out of the ancient ancestral capital of ~ Assur, as he settled in the nearby Kar-T.-N., newly founded by him. According to later sources he was killed by one of his sons. [2] T.-N. Il (891-884). After quite a long period of crisis, Assyria’s renewed rise to political power was continued under his rule. His campaigns were conducted in southeastern Anatolia, in the area of the Habur Triangle and in northern Babylonia.

approbation by Senate, people and gods was replaced by the rule of an individual family (both Servius Tullius and Tarquinius Superbus were sons-in-law of their predecessors); the negative connotation of this form of rule in Roman understanding was further enhanced by the active participation of women (— Tanaquil and T.). W.ED. [2] Daughter of M. Tullius + Cicero and > Terentia [1], born between 79 and 76 BC [1. 140]. First marriage in 63 BC to Calpurnius [I 20] Piso up to the latter’s death in 57 (Cic. Att. 1,3,33 3,19,23 regarding the difficulties arising for the couple from Cicero’s exile, cf. also Cic. P. Red. Sen. 17; Cic. Sest. 54). Between 56 and 51, T. was

3 A.K. Grayson, Assyrian Rul-

briefly married to Furius [I 16] Crassipes. Her third marriage to P. Cornelius [I 29] Dolabella was concluded a year later in Cicero’s absence, at the behest of his wife Terentia (Cic. Att. 6,6,1, cf. commentary by SHACKLETON BalILey on this event). While Dolabella went to join Caesar, T. and her mother initially travelled to the Formianum, then to the Cumanum, where

ers of the Early First Mill. BC, vol. 1, 1991, 163-188. E.FRA.

in May 49, T. gave birth to a son (Cic. Att. 10,18,r) who died soon after. Cicero, who travelled to Greece in

1 A.K. Grayson, Assyrian Rulers of the Third and Second Mill. BC, 1987, 231-299 28B.Fosrer, Before the Muses, 1993, 209-229

Tullia

48, asked Pomponius [I 5] Atticus to provide financial support to the family (Cic. Att. 11,2,2, cf. commentary by SHACKLETON BAILEY On 11,6,43 11,9,33; 11,23,3). As early as 48, Cicero was against this marriage, but did not dare to advocate divorce because of Dolabella’s then influential position (Cic. Att. 11,25,3). In 47, T. met up with her father in Brundisium (Cic. Att. 11,21,2; 11,24,1). After Caesar had pardoned Cicero, she lived in the latter’s house in Rome. Her marriage to Dolabella was dissolved in November 46 [2. 94 f.]. In February 45, 1. died after giving birth to a son who also died soon after. Cicero, in deep mourning for his beloved daughter, so similar to him in character (Cic. Att. 10,8,9; Cic. Fam. 4,6,1-3; 14,11), planned a kind of sanctuary in her memory (Cic. Att. 12,36,1), which was never built,

{1] Daughter of the Roman king Servius > Tullius [I 4], the son-in-law of — Tarquinius [11] Priscus, she was

and wrote a Consolatio (not extant: Cic. Att. 12,14,33 Cic. Tusc. 3,76 and elsewhere).

Tulingi. Tribe, neighbouring the — Rauraci and the > Latobrigi, induced by the > Helvetii to take part in their campaign (Caes. B Gall. 1,5,4; 1,25,6: T. are the rearguard of the Helvetian army; 1,28,3: after the battle of > Bibracte in 58 BC they were sent by > Caesar back to their homeland; 1,29,2: number of marchers 36,000). The role of the T. in the battle of Bibracte implies an experienced mercenary corps (as indeed in [z. 788]). On the homeland of the T. and their ethnic origin (Celtic or Germanic) Caesar says nothing. 1 P. GoEssLER, s. v. T., RE7 A, 788-793.

G.W.

married to her uncle Arruns. Having failed in her attempts to talk Arruns into assuming rulership, T. turned towards Arruns’ brother Tarquinius (the later ~ Tarquinius [12] Superbus), husband of her sister of the same name. After the death of Arruns and of her

SON (ed.), Marriage, Divorce and Children Rome, 1991, 79-98.

sister (by murder?; Liv. 1,46,9; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom.

S.D1xon, Family Finances: Terentia and T., in: B. Raw-

4,30,1), I. married Tarquinius and had him assassinate Servius Tullius. In the Roman street subsequently known as vicus sceleratus (‘Wicked Street’), T. allegedly drove her coach over the body of her dead father (Liv. 1,48,7; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,39,4 f.). The purpose of this much elaborated story (Liv. 1,46,4-48,8; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,28-39) was to highlight and condemn the transgression of a woman into the political sphere (particularly Liv. 1,48,5) and to make her share in the responsibility for the last Roman king’s tyrannical regime (cf. Liv. 1,59,13). Furthermore, this tradition reveals traces of historical knowledge regarding the change in legitimization of rulership compared to the older Latin monarchy (> rex). In the Etruscan era,

1 J.P. Havett, Fathers and Daughters in Roman Society, 1984, 91; 133 f. 2K.R. BRADLEY, Remarriage and the Structure of the Upper-Class Roman Family, in: B. Rawin Ancient

SON (ed.), The Family in Ancient Rome, 1986, 97-118; E. Rawson, Cicero, 1975, s. v. T. ME.SCH.

Tullianum. Part of the Roman state prison (— carcer) for prisoners sentenced to death by strangulation, including the fellow conspirators of > Catilina and the leaders of subjugated people paraded in triumphs (+ Triumph/Triumphal procession, with map). The name Tullianum led ancient authors to suppose that it was built by Tull(i)us Hostilius[4] or Servius Tullius [I 4] (Varro, Ling. 5,151; Fest. 490), but modern ars think that it may have originally been a spring (cp. Fest. 492: tullios = ‘wellsprings’). Liv. 1,33,8 bed the construction of the carcer itself to Ancus

scholhouse ascriMar-

5}

6

cius [I 3]. Sallust (Catil. 55,3-6) describes the Tullianum as dark and foul-smelling, enclosed on all sides and covered by a vault. Ancient information on its location led to the identification [1. 65 f.] with a still existing vault (underneath the church of S. Giuseppe dei Falegnami) close to the + Forum [III 8] Romanum, in the vicinity of the Columna [2] Maenia and the scala Gemonia (‘Steps of Sighs’), onto which the bodies of executed prisoners were thrown. The age of the Tullianum is impossible to establish; the room above, linked to the Tullianum by a hole in the floor, was built in the 2nd cent. BC.

story of > Coriolanus, in which T. supported the latter in his plans out of an old hate for the Romans (Liv.

Tarquinii (+ Tarquinius [11-12]) and, due to numerous reforms, was seen as the second founder of Rome. T.’ origins were mythic-obscure (+ Ocrisia): he was considered the child of an unknown man or a god. Queen ~» Tanaquil supported T. because of early signs of his having been chosen (later he was said to have been the lover of - Fortuna), so that he rose to be the heir of Tarquinius [11] Priscus. When the latter was murdered, T. acceded to the throne in a sort of coup. He was later considered a friend to the people in opposition to the patricians, but was also interpreted as conservative in the time of L. Cornelius [I 90] Sulla, who worshipped Fortuna. His death resulted from the marriage of his ‘wicked’ daughter Tullia [1] to the power-hungry Tarquinius [12] Superbus, who toppled T. from the throne and had him murdered; Tullia’s chariot drove over the body, which lay unburied (main sources: Cic. Rep. 2,37-40; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,1-40; Liv. 1,3948; for the ancient T. tradition [7]). The wealth of detail in the traditions around T. contrasts with the uncertainty about their historical value. All of the core points are disputed, as is the identification of the usurper T. — who may have killed his predecessor himself (or forced him into the sacral sphere: [1.235 f.], cf. [5]; > rex sacrorum) — with the Etruscan adventurer — Mastarna (in favour: [8], opposed: [z. 134-141; 6]), who may also belong to the period after 509 BC. T. himself is to be estimated c. 5 50520 BC; he appears as a breaker of tradition, perhaps even as the founder of a new form of rule (tyrant or highest official for life? [1. 120]). The territorial organization of Rome by > tribus was ascribed to T.” rule (which was depicted as peaceful in terms of foreign policy: Liv. 43,13; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,14,1 f.; 4,15,1-3), as was the timocratically structured > comitia centuriata as the assembly of the hoplite army (Liv. 1,42,5-43,12; Cic. Rep.

2,37,1-8; 2,38,1-53 2539513 2,40,12). His name some-

2,22,39 f.; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,16,1-19,4; [1. 179-

times led to confusion in the Greek authors (e.g. Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 8,1,4: Tullus as praenomen,

197; 4. 122 f.]); this created a counterweight to the noble gentes (+ gens) which dominated the comitia curiata and drew the citizens who were fit for military service closer to the king (whose base of power was the army) and the city as a whole. More recent scholarship sees the new form of classification of the citizens through the reform of the tribus and introduction of a > census as a comprehensive change of the societal forms of organization and the beginning of a Roman civic consciousness independent of the gentile organization, therefore the creation of the > populus (Etruscan puple, ‘youth capable of bearing arms’; [1. 173-197; 4. 120-124]). Regardless of the legendary overgrowth, the tradition in this regard is, at its core, reliable, because otherwise the self-assured behaviour of the -+ plebs in the — struggle of the orders cannot be explained [3]. The (new?) fixing of the + pomerium to include the hills Quirinal, Viminal and Esquiline in the greatly grown Rome and its partial fortification are possible [1. 198-203], the alleged first surrounding of all of Rome with a wall lacks archaeological support

1 F. DE Ficoronl, Vestigia e rarita di Roma antica, 1744 2 NASH 1, 1961, 206 f. (with extensive bibliography). W.ED.

Tullianus. Roman landowner in Bruttium and Lucania; in AD 546 he supported the Byzantines in the reclamation of this region (Procop. Goth. 3,18,20-23). His force of armed farmers, which was supposed to prevent ~ Totila from advancing southwards, broke up under the latter’s influence, however (Procop. Goth. 3,22,1-5). PLRE 3,1344. WE.LU.

Tullius. Roman family name derived from the praenomen —> Tullus; oldest traditional bearer of the name is the sixth king of Rome, Servius T. [I 4]; until the time of — Cicero and his family, other bearers are only rarely K.-LE. recorded. I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD IJ. IMPERIAL PERIOD I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD {I 1] T., Attius. As ‘by far the first man of the > Volsci at the time’ (Liv. 2,3 5,7), tradition connected him with the

Attius as nomen gentile), but Att(i)us (probably from Appius) is undoubtedly to be seen as T.’ praenomen (cf. [x. 21, 68]). Genealogic construction partly made T. the ancestor of > Cicero (Plut. Cicero 1,1; Jer. Vir. ill. San): 1 SALOMIES.

C.MU.

[12] T., M. Represented by > Cicero in 71 BC as the

plaintiff against P. Fadius in an action for property damage (speech Pro Tullio, incompletely preserved). K-LE. [13] T., M. Scribe (scriba quaestorius?

[1.96]) and

close confidant of Cicero in Cilicia in 51-50 BC; he brought important messages in 49 and 45 BC (Cic. Att. Six Beas

3 2254):

1 D.R. SHACKLETON Barey (ed.), Cicero’s Letters to Atticus 3, 1968.

{1 4] T., Ser. According to tradition, the sixth king of Rome, 578-534 BC, who interrupted the line of the

TULLIUS

Uf

8

(the ‘Servian Wall’ is more recent than 387 BC). The first minting of coins is fictitious (~ Money, money economy III). T.’ foundation of a sanctuary of > Diana on the Aventine for the members of the Latin League (+ Latini) to strengthen Rome’s predominant role (Liv. 1,45,2 f.) is widely accepted. The Roman cults and temples of > Fortuna were ascribed to her favourite (Liv.

tive position in local politics [1]. Cicero (Leg. 2,33 3,36)

TULLIUS

10,46,14; Dion. Hal. Ant.Rom. 4,27,7; Ov. Fast. 6,569-575;3 [I. 146-148]), as were the rites and festi-

vals in which slaves were permitted to take part (e.g. + Compitalia, Paganalia). Clearly unhistorical are a debt relief (the model is Solon [1]), court reforms, the distribution of freedmen to all tribus (first a problem in the late Republic), and probably the corn dole and the division of the > ager publicus (cf. Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,9,6—-10,3). 1T.P. Cornett, The Beginnings of Rome, 1995 2M.CrisTorani (ed.), La grande Roma dei Tarquini, 1990 3 W.Epkr, Political Self-Confidence and Resistance, in: T. YuGeE, M.Dot (eds.), Forms of Control and Subordination in Antiquity, 1988, 465-475 4 B.LINKE, Von der Verwandtschaft zum Staat, 1995 5 S.MazzaRINO, Dalla monarchia allo stato della repubblica, 1945 6R.M. Ocitviz, A Commentary on Livy, Books 1-5, 1965 7R.T.Rip.Ley, The Enigma of S. T., in: Klio 57, 1975,147-177. 8R.THOMSEN, King S. T. A Historical Synthesis, 1980. JOR.

TULLII CICERONES The family was part of the local upper class of + Arpinum (and was thus related to the family of C. Marius [I 1]). Probably from the middle of the 2nd cent. BC they carried the hereditary cognomen Cicero, which ancient sources traced back to cicer, ‘chickpea’ (pea-shaped wart on the nose?; Plin. HN 18,10; Plut. Cicero 1,3 f.; cf. Cass. Dio 46,18,1). Silius Italicus (8,404-407; 12,175) constructed a direct relationship between — Cicero and a participant in the 2nd Punic War. K-LE. [I 5] T. Cicero, L. Brother of [I 8], uncle of > Cicero; Greek educated; friend of L. Licinius [I ro] Crassus; in 102-100 BC, at a very young age he was prefect to M. Antonius [I 7] (thanks to M. Gratidius [2]?) in the war against the pirates (Cic. De or. 1,5,1; [1]). His daughter

married L. Aelius [I 14] Tubero. T. died soon after the birth of his son T. [I 6]. 1K.C.InTon,

Initiates in the Samothracian Mysteries,

September 4, 100 B. C., in: Chiron 31, 2001, 27-35.

[I 6] T. Cicero, L. Born c. 98 BC; in 79, he studied in Athens together with his cousins > Cicero and T. [I 11] and T. Pomponius [I 5] Atticus. In 70, he helped Cicero, who esteemed him highly (Cic. Fin. 5,1; Cic. Verr. 2,3,170), in the latter’s investigations against C. > Ver-

res; he died in December 68 BC (Cic. Att. 1,5,1), probably from an epidemic [2. 22°]. [I 7] T. Cicero, M. C. 150-80? BC, landowner in Arpinum, grandfather of + Cicero. He had the sons T. [I 5]

and [I 8] with Gratidia. As opposed to his brother-inlaw M. Gratidius [2], T. (c. 119? 115?) held a conserva-

described T. as frugal and sceptical of education (Cic. De or. 2,265; a topos). [I 8] T. Cicero, M. Father of > Cicero, son of T. [I 7], Roman equestrian (thus Cic. Mur. 17). Enemies of Cicero called him ‘Fuller’, indicating the ownership of a laundry or the like (Plut. Cicero 1,1 f.; Cass. Dio 46,4,2). Cicero (Leg. 2,3) explained T.’ life in Arpinum far from Rome with poor health; nevertheless, T. maintained a house in Rome (Plut. Cicero 8,3), was skilled in political anecdotes (Cic. Off. 3,77) and had contacts with M. Porcius [I 5] Cato, L. Licinius [I 10] Crassus and C. Iulius [I rr] Caesar Strabo (Cic. Fam. 15,4,13;3 Cic. De or. 2,1 f.; 2,265). He provided his sons from his marriage with Helvia [1], Cicero and Q. T. [I rr], with an extensive education and promoted their careers; he also introduced Cicero to Q. Mucius [I 8] Scaevola in 90. T. died on 27 November 68 BC (Cic. Att. 1,6,2; Ascon. 82 CLARK probably incorrect: 64, during Cicero’s candidacy for the consulate). 1C.Nico.et, Arpinum, Aemilius Scaurus et les Tullii Cicerones, in: REL 45, 1967, 276-304 2SyME, AA.

[19] T. Cicero, M. The politician and author, see + Cicero [1 10] T. Cicero, M. Son of > Cicero and Terentia [1], born after 17 July 65 BC (Cic. Att. 1,2,1), separated

from his exiled father 58-57. Beginning in c. 56 BC, T. and his cousin Q. T. [I 12] were educated by house slaves; Cicero, who praised T. all his life at the expense of Q. T., may have written Partitiones oratoriae (54?) for them. As students of the temperamental M. Pomponius [I 6] Dionysius (Cic. Att. 6,1,12), the two youths followed Cicero to Cilicia; they spent the summer of 5x with King > Deiotarus of Galatia (ibid. 5,17,3). In the civil war, T. went to Greece in March 49 (as did his father, uncle and cousin in June 49). From 49-48, he led a cavalry unit (Cic. Off. 2,45); after Pharsalus, he waited in Brundisium with Cicero for Caesar’s pardon until the end of 47 BC. The defeat was followed by the divorce of his parents and the death of his sister Tullia [2] in 45; T. then wanted (like Q. T.) to fight for Caesar in Spain, which his horrified father prevented (Cic. Att. 12,7,1). Still in 45, T. went to Athens, where he was supposed to study under Cratippus [2], but preferred to enjoy himself. T. Pomponius [I 5] Atticus criticized T.’ extravagances (Cic. Att.

12,323; 13,1,1), Cicero primari-

ly blamed his mentor Gorgias [4] and sent T. to Herodes [15]. From 44 to the middle of 43 BC, he was again an officer under M. Tunius [I ro] Brutus in Macedonia. From Rome, where T. ran for pontifex (Cic. Ad Brut. 1,14,1 f.), he fled from the — proscriptions to Brutus at the end of 43; after Philippi, he sought the protection of S. Pompeius [I 5] in Sicily in 42. The amnesty of 39 BC brought him home, where Octavianus [1] supported him. T. then became pontifex; at the end of 30, he was cos. suff. (InscrIt 13,1,171) and introduced proposals against the memory of Cicero’s archenemy M. Antonius [I 9] (Plut. Cicero 49,3 f.); c. 27-25 BC, he was

9

Io

legatus Augusti pro praetore of Syria, c. 24/3, procos. Asiae (App. B Civ. 4,221). There, he had Cicero’s critic Cestius [II 4] whipped out of anger over his pamphlets; another time, he threw a cup at the head of Agrippa [1] (Sen. Suas. 7,13 f.; Plin. HN 14,147). T. died childless; he was considered a ‘nil’ by posterity. [1 11] T. Cicero, Q. 102(?)-43 BC, younger brother of ~ Cicero. Both received the same upbringing, although T. did not have an education in rhetoric, and studied together 79-78. Cicero arranged T.’ unhappy marriage to Pomponia, the sister of T. Pomponius [I 5] Atticus; there were tensions as early as 68 BC (Cic. Att. 1, 552). Around 74-69, T. was quaestor, in 65 aed. pl.; he then probably concentrated on the advancement of Cicero, who as consul then helped T.’ election as praetor for 62 BC (like Caesar) [4]. One indication is the Commentariolum petitionis of 64 (today recognized as genuine: [4]), a (stylized) memorandum from the pen of T. for Cicero’s candidacy for the consulate of 63 BC [3]. Longer military service prior to 62 is also plausible [5]. In the crisis of December 63, T. voted with > Caesar against the death of the Catilinarians (— Catilina), the remnants of whom he pursued in Bruttium in 62. T. managed Asia for an unusually long time (61-59 BC) as propraetor with the legates L. Aelius [I 14] Tubero and A. > Allienus; striving to protect the provincials (inscr. of thanks: SEG 1,381; 37,958; BE 1958,390), he was frequently the victim of his quick temper (Cic. Ad Q. Fr. I,1,37—40; 1,2,5—-9). In 58, T. hurried to Rome. When there was no repetundae case (~ Repetundarum

cri-

men), he campaigned for the return of his exiled brother; in 57, he was thrown from the rostrum and his house was set on fire. At the end of 57, T. went to Sardinia as the legate of the curator annonae Cn. Pompeius [I 3], where he remained until June 56 BC — according to Pompeius, also as security for Cicero’s behaviour (Cic. Fam. 1,9,9 f.; 1,9,12). Afterwards (Cicero dedicated the Orator and De re publica to him at the time), T. moved closer to Caesar,

as whose legate in 54-52 he proved his worth, not only as a bridge to Cicero (Cic. Rab. Post. 41-44; Cic. Ad Q. Fr. 2,r0-3,9) but also militarily in Britain and against the > Nervii. However, in 53 BC, he lost two cohorts against > Ambiorix, for which Caesar (milder in Caes. B Gall. 5,38,1-53,1) criticized him to Cicero (Charisius, Gramm. p. 160,17-19; sometimes applied to Q. + Titurius Sabinus). In 5x after a brief stay in Rome (did he hope for a consulship?), T. set out for Cilicia with Cicero, as his legate, and his son Q. T. {I x2] (= Q.) and conquered Pindenissus for Cicero (Cic. Att. 5,20,1-5; Cic. Fam. 15,4,8; 15,4,10). He resisted

plans to hand the province over to him in the summer of 50; the brothers returned home together. Reluctantly and against the advice of Q. (Cic. Att. 9,1,4), T., who could count on Caesar’s particular anger as an ex-legate and debtor (ibid. 10,4,6), took the side of + Pompeius [I 3], went to Greece like Cicero, but did not accept a command (Cic. Div. 2,53).

TULLIUS

After Pharsalus, T., like Q., blamed his position on Cicero, from whom they parted in anger at the end of 48 BC (Cic. Att. 11,5,4); T.’ solicitation of Caesar’s forgiveness was based — according to Cicero’s sources — on aspersions against his brother (ibid. 11,9,23 10,1; 16,4),

from which the formerly close relationship of the two (Cic. Ad Q. Fr. 2,3,73 Cic. Att. 3,10,2) never completely recovered, In 47, T. came around (ibid. 11,23,2); soon Caesar’s pardon, obtained by Q. (ibid. 11,20,1) allo-

wed him to return home. In the following years, T. again spent more time with Cicero (cf. the dedication of Cic. Fin. and Cic. Div. to T.; his appearance in Cic. Leg.). When his marriage collapsed completely in 4544 BC, there was a quarrel with Q. (Cic. Att. 13,38,1; 13,39,1), who accused T. of new marriage plans for monetary reasons (ibid. 14,13,5). T. did not involve himself in the events from 44 on, but kept his distance from the Caesarians (ibid. 14,17,3) and was proscribed at the end of 43 BC; while fleeing, he parted from Cicero at Formiae due to a lack of money, was betrayed by slaves and killed together with Q. (Plut. Cicero

47,1-3). Scholarship sees T. mostly as a less able ‘appendage’ to Cicero, who recognized in him his own failures such as instability (Cic. Att. 10,11,1) and blind love of Q. Conversely, T.’ influence on Cicero is difficult to estimate. The cultured T. was a lover of history (Cic. Ad Q. Fr. 3,5,7; Cic. Leg. 1,8) and is considered as the publisher of Lucretius [III 1]. He wrote lyric poetry (fr.: [z. 179-181]), dramas and planned an epic; the counterparts to Cicero’s letters to T. (edition: [2]) are lost. 1 COURTNEY

2D.R.

SHACKLETON

Batley

(ed.),

M. T. Cicero, Epistulae ad Quintum fratrem et M. Brutum, 1980 3 G.LasErR (ed.), Q. T. Cicero, Commentariolum petitionis, 2001 (with transl. and comm.) 4 J.-

M. Davi et al., Le ‘Commentariolum Petitionis’ de Quintus Cicéron, in: ANRW I 3, 1973, 239-277. 5 W.C. McDermott, Q. Cicero, in: Historia 20, 1971, 702-717.

[112] T. Cicero, Q. 67/6-43 BC, son of T. [I 11] and Pomponia (Cic. Att. 1,10,5), grew up with his younger cousin M. T. [I ro] (= M.) and suffered his whole life from the quarrels of his parents, who competed for his love. His uncle > Cicero believed that he lacked toughness and described T. (in contrast to M.) as ‘gluttonous’ (Cic. Att. 6,2,2; 13,31,4). In 51-50, T., like M., went to Cilicia. On 17 March 50, Cicero bestowed the toga virilis (reluctantly: Cic. Att. 6,6,4) on him in Laodicea. In 49 BC during the civil war, T. inclined toward + Caesar, whom he even visited (ibid. 10,4,5 f.; 10,4,11). Nevertheless, he followed his father; however, no post is known for him under Pompeius [I 3]. After 48, T. sued for mercy from Ephesus and obtained it in Antioch [1] from Caesar at the end of 47 (ibid. 11,20,1); in doing so, he attacked Cicero even harder than his father did. Like M., T. became an aedile in Arpinum in 46 BC (Cic. Fam. 13,11,3), as well as Jupercus in Rome (Cic. Att. 12,5,1; > Lupercalia). When T. took part in Caesar’s Spanish war in 46-45 BC, Cicero sowed discord between him and M. (ibid. 12,7,1). This was followed by a

TULLIUS

Iz

ET

conflict with his father over the latter’s divorce. Cicero went into an uproar when T. first sided with M. Antonius [I 9] in March 44 (ibid. 13,9,1), and then went over to Caesar’s assassins (ibid. 16,1,6; 16,3,3) — according to his uncle due to a lack of morals and money. When he suffered > proscription at the end of 43, T. was probably quaestor (MRR 3,209); he was killed at his father’s side. JOR. {I 13] T. Decula, M. Praetor no later than 84 BC, consul

under the rule of P. Cornelius [I 90] Sulla in 8x BC (MRR 2,74). {I 14] see > Laureas

K.-LE.

[I 15] T. Sabinus see > Sabinus [A 3] [1 16] T. Tiro, M. The secretary of Cicero, see + Tiro

[1] II. IMPERIAL PERIOD [11] M. Tullius Cerialis. Recorded as cos. suff. in AD 90 by the Fasti Potentini (AE 1949,23). Largely identified with the Tuccius Cerialis named by Plinius [2] in 99 asaconsular, but who could also be identical with the last suffect consul of 93, of whose cognomen only [—]lis is preserved in the Fasti Ostienses. The question must remain open; FO* 44 (for 93); 85. {Il 2] T. Crispinus Praefectus praetorio under Emperor — Didius [II 6] Iulianus in April/May 193. He was unable to fulfil his mission to mobilize the fleet of Ravenna against + Septimius [II 7] Severus. He was then sent by Didius Julianus as a negotiator to Septimius Severus, who however had him killed under the influence of — Julius [II 79] Laetus (SHA Did. Tul. 3,1; 6,4; 7,4—-6; 8,1). [113] C. Terentius T. Geminus

(the main gentile is

Terentius). Suffect consul from October to the end of December 46 (CIL VI 36850; InscrIt XIII 1, p. 264 f.).

Consular legate of Moesia in the final years of Claudius [II x], c. 50-533 [1. 124; 2. no. 24]. He may be identical with the T. Geminus who, according to Tac. Ann. 14,50,1, brought about the downfall of > Fabricius [II 2] Veiento in the senate; but cf. [3. 5377°7]. 1THOMASSON rt 28B.E. THomasson, Zur Laufbahn einiger Statthalter des Prinzipats, in: OpRom 15, 1985 3 SYME, RP 7.

to defend Aquileia against > Maximinus [2] Thrax. Under Gordianus [3] III, he was governor in Moesia Inferior, where he dealt with several Germanic tribes militarily and diplomatically. His removal from the province was probably associated with a personal catastrophe; in any case, his name was eradicated from inscriptions there. K. Dietz, Senatus contra principem, 1980, 233-245.

[Ul 8] P. T. Varro. Senator from Tarquinii in Etruria. According to CIL XI 3004 = ILS 1002, he passed through a cursus honorum under Nero and — Vespasianus up to a proconsulate of Macedonia. Ancestor of

Talley

{II 9] P. T. Varro. Senator who is most likely the grandson of T. [II 8]. His father would then be the P. T. Varro named as dedicant in ILS ro02. For other relatives [x. 521-523]. His career is known from CIL XI 3364 = ILS 1047. After the lower senatorial offices, legate of the legio XII Fulminata and the legio VI Victrix; proconsul of Baetica, praefectus aerarii Saturni, suffect consul in 127 (FO? 49; 116 f.). Curator alvei Tiberis in Rome, consular governor in Moesia Superior and, about 142, proconsul of Africa (THOMASSON, Fasti Africani 61). . 1 SyME, RP 5.

Tullum (Totd\ov/Toullion). Civitas capital of the ~ Leuci in > Gallia Belgica on the left bank of the Moselle River (+ Mosella) on an elevation surrounded by branches of the Ingressin brook, before its confluence with the Moselle; modern Toul (département of Meurthe et Moselle). An important hub for water and land routes (It. Ant. 365,4; 385,10; AE 1975, 634). Despite

good geographical conditions for transport, T. was overshadowed by other cities and civitas capitals. Only in the 5th cent. was it of particular significance (Notitia Galliarum 5,4; Geogr. Rav 4,26). Apart from the + cardo (+ Town planning IV. C.), the topography of T. is unknown. At the end of the 3rd cent. or beginning of the 4th, T. was ringed by a wall (area enclosed rorr ha) [x]. Anumber of inscriptions and sculptures survive (CIL XIII 4671-4677; EspERANDIEU, Rec. 4707-

[II 4] T. Geminus see > Geminus [2]

4714).

[1 5] P. T. Marsus. Suffect consul in November

206

[1].

1 B. HuMBERT, L’enceinte gallo-romaine de Toul, in: Act.

du 95° Congr. National des Soc. Savantes (Reims 1970),

1 W.Eck, H.Lies, Ein Diplom fiir die classis Ravennas vom 22. November (=RMD 3, 189).

206, in: ZPE

96,

1993,

75-88

[Il 6] Q. T. Maximus. Senator from Africa. Legate of the legio VII Gemina in northern Spain, praetorian legate in Thrace, cos. suff. about 168. M. Corsikr, in: EOS 2, 685-754, here 745; THOMASSON I, 166.

[Il 7] T. Menophilus. Consular who was ordered to-

gether with others (vigintiviri) by the Senate in AD 238

1974, 93-100. N. GAuTHIER, Toul, in: Id., Top. chrétienne des cités de la Gaule, vol. 1, 1986, 55-60; J.-L. Massy, Les agglomérations de Lorraine, 1990, 20-23. F.SCH.

Tullus. Rare Latin > praenomen, which became unusual even before the introduction of sigla. There is no assured etymology. The best-known bearer was the third king of Rome, Tullus > Hostilius [4] in the 7th cent. BC. Tullius, the nomen gentile derived from it, is first encountered with the sixth king Servius > Tullius

T3

14

[14]. Of later bearers the best known is M. Tullius > Cicero.

livaries widely, ranging from small mounds marking the actual extent of the burial to monumental complexes (e.g. the Certomlyk kurgan at Nicopolis/Southern Ukraine: diameter c.100 m, height c.20 m; tumulus of Alyattes at > Sardis: diameter more than 3 50 m, height more than 60 m). Apart from earth, gravel or sand (small earth mounds, e.g. over Sub-Mycenaean stoneslab burials in the +» Kerameikos in Athens [4. 16]), mixed methods with internal structures (e.g. circular arrangements of stones, stone packing or wooden structures) were used, especially in larger tumuli. Some examples are accompanied by stone circles or circular ditches (> Glauberg). Tumuliwith a walled stone base in the form of a cylinder or truncated cone represent a further typological development (‘tambour’, > Krepis [r]) [1. 38]; these might be topped with a covering of earth or flat stones (e.g. the Menecrates monument of the end of the 7th cent. BC on Corfu [2. 149 with pl. 66,2]). A round structure from c. 550/540 BC in the Kerameikos, with a Doric structure to its base, may represent a typological link with the architecture of the + tholos [5. 3].

SALOMIES, 58 f.; 186; WALDE/HOFMANN 2, 714.

D.ST.

Tumultus. Military state of emergency determined by the Senate, primarily a threatened attack by an external enemy (‘tumultus Gallicus’, ‘tumultus Italicus’; Cic. Phil. 8,3). A tumultus could also be decreed in the event

of insurgency or an impending civil war [1]. The chief magistrates were authorized, without formal instructions (dilectus), to carry out ad hoc conscription (+ Evocatio). No account was taken of oath-swearing (— Sacramentum) or release from service (> Vacatio). The tumultus decree was as a rule followed by a > iustitium and the donning of battle dress (+ Sagum; Cic. Phil. 5,31). Tumultus was considered in Roman civil law a vis maior (‘higher authority’) and therefore meant exemption from liability (e.g. Dig. 16,3,1,1; 50,17,23). 1 W.KuNKEL,

Staatsordnung

und Staatspraxis

(Hand-

buch der Altertumswissenschaft 10.3,2,2), 1995, 228 f.

TUMULUS

2 G. OstHorF, Tumultus — Seditio, thesis, Cologne 1953.

Ll. Tumulus (Latin ‘hill’, ‘funerary mound’, pl. tumuli; Greek tiuBoc/tymbos, ojua/séma; yOua/chdma). I. DEFINITION, DISTRIBUTION, FUNCTION II. Greece III. Asta Minor IV. PRE-ROMAN Iraty V.NortTH AFRICA VI. CELTIC-GERMANIC CULTURES

I. DEFINITION, DISTRIBUTION, FUNCTION A. DEFINITION B. DISTRIBUTION, FORMS C. FUNCTION, SOCIAL MEANING, GENERAL DEVEL-

OPMENT

A. DEFINITION Tumulusis a general term for a mound, as a rule artificial and usually round or oval in plan, associated with a burial (‘burial mounds’, as opposed, e.g., to prehistoric settlement mounds). Tumulus burial (“mound burial’) describes all burials that have been covered by a mound. Tumulus is also used in archaeology as a technical term for burial mounds outside Europe. The term ‘kurgan’ is customary especially for Southern Russian and Siberian tumuli (+ Scythae L.). B. DISTRIBUTION, FORMS

The custom of constructing tumuli is encountered in virtually the entire ancient world. Their enormous range of distribution extended at various periods from Scandinavia to Southern Europe, to the Iberian Peninsula and North Africa, and from the British Isles to Asia Minor, into the Middle East and East Asia. In Central and Northern Europe, tumuli appeared in the Neolithic in association with megalithic graves (dolmens). They became widespread in Southern Europe during the course of the Bronze Age. The size and form of tumu-

C. FUNCTION, SOCIAL MEANING, GENERAL DEVELOPMENT The function of the tumulus is in the first instance to mark the grave and to protect the underlying > burial or burials and/or accompanying grave goods. The actual grave can take very different forms, depending on period, topography and particular culture, and the status of the deceased person. The grave may be located either above or below the original ground surface. Both cremations and inhumations are possible; the spectrum extends from the simplest forms of burial to lavish internal burial chambers (e.g. megalithic burial chambers in Central and Northern Europe, the wooden chamber at + Hochdorf), vaulted tombs (cf. + Funerary architecture III. B.1.), burial chambers hewn into

the rock (sometimes with subsidiary chambers, e.g. Etruria), or walled tombs with richly worked internal spaces and facades (e.g. Macedonian graves, > Funerary architecture III. B.3.). There is often advance provision for multiple use of burial chambers, in the form of entrances (‘dromoi’) extending into the interior of the mound or cut into its flank (e.g. in Etruria). Cenotaphs (> Kenotaphion) are also possible (Hdt. 1,45; 1,93; cenotaph of — Claudius [II 24] Drusus Maior near Mainz: Suet. Claud. 1,5; [1. 26f.]). Tumuli may be topped by stone steles, some of them figurative (—> Stele; +Funerary architecture III]. G.; —> Hirschlanden, > Glauberg); tomb reliefs are also sometimes present (+ Funerary architecture III. B.3.).

On account of the often immense outlay required in terms of material and labour, researchers are probably correct in associating the construction of large-scale tumuli in particular with the availability of extraordinary economic resources, and thus prominent social standing on the part of the client (+ Princely graves, Princely seats). In the Athenian Kerameikos, the subse-

TUMULUS

16

15

quent obscuring of two large tumuli with additional material (in connection with the reforms of — Cleisthenes [2] at the end of the 6th cent. BC regarding isonomia?) probably indicates the extent to which such monuments were seen as a visible expression of class differences [4. 102]; in fact, the size of tumuli was regulated by law in Athens [2. 146 with n. 520] (Pl. Leg. 12,9). The prestige associated with tumulus burial also seems to have been at all periods an important motive for the very frequent custom of adding new burials to the flanks and summits of mounds; this might occur even hundreds of years after the original burial, and (in the case of multiple burials) at equal interviews thereafter, and even sometimes entailed the heightening of the original mound (as in the case of the mound burial at Eldersberga/Sweden). In the Mediterranean world from Archaic times, the

construction of lavish, large-scale tumuli was largely restricted to aristocratic or monarchic societies characterized by pronounced social differentiation (e.g. Lydia, Thrace, Scythia, Macedonia). The Menecrates monument on Corfu (see above I. B.) marks a shift in the significance of the tumulus (epigraphically attested: IG IX 1, 867) towards a tomb constructed by the > demos [2] or > polis in honour of deserving citizens, possibly in a reference to a form seen as being ‘time-hallowed’. In the Greek motherland, the construction of a tumulus as a mass tomb for the Greeks who fell at > Marathon (490 BC; > Persian Wars) corresponds to this development. New tumuli were constructed in Rome and Italy from the rst cent. BC onwards, initially for aristocratic burials, and now regularly with a stone base and inner burial chamber; they were perhaps based on Hellenistic models, primarily from Asia Minor, but were also influenced by Etruscan > necropoleis; they reached their apogee in the mausoleums of Augustus [3. 99 ] and Hadrian [3. 108] (+ Mausoleum Augusti, > Mausoleum Hadriani, both with ill.). After the early Imperial Period, tumuli in Italy became simultaneously smaller and more numerous (— Funerary architecture III. C.2.1.). Tumuli with a walled base on the Roman model are to be found in Spain and North Africa, also in the provinces on the Rhine and Danube and in Britain [1; 3. 107; 111]. At the same time, simple earth mounds continued to be constructed north of the Alps, probably in accordance with indigenous traditions. The construction of tumuli continued in places in the post-Antique period; this was especially true during the Migration Period and the Merovingian Period, and in Northern Europe in the Viking culture. Notable examples of modern reception referring to ancient models are the monument in Mesolongion in the form of a cenotaph to the fallen of the Greek wars of liberation (18211828), based on the Marathon tumulus, and the tomb of Prince Pickler (died 1871) and his wife, in the form of an earth pyramid, in the middle of a lake in the castle park at Branitz (Brandenburg). ~ Burial; + Dead, cult of the; -» Funerary architecture;

+ Kerameikos;

> Krepis [1];

> MAusoLeuM;

> Ne-

cropoleis; > Princely graves, Princely seats; > Pyramid; — Tholos des 1 J.-N. ANDRIKOPOULOU-STRACK, Grabbauten 1. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. im Rheingebiet, 1986 2 A.Ecxert, Ein Grab fiir Kénige und Biirger. Studien zum monumentalen Tumulusgrab als Mittel der Selbstdarstellung mittelmeerischer Eliten vom 8. bis zum 6. Jahrhundert v. Chr., thesis, Hamburg, 1998 3H.von

HesBerc,

Romische

Grabbauten,

1992

4U.Knicce, Der Kerameikos von Athen, 1988 5 W.Koenics, Ein archaischer Rundbau, in: Id., Rundbauten im Kerameikos (Kerameikos 12), 1980, I-55. M.ALMacro GorBEA, Los campos de tumulos de Pajaroncillo (Cuena), 1973; H.v. HEsBERG, Das Mausoleum des Augustus, 1994; F. Horst, H.KeiLine, Bestattungs-

wesen und Totenkult in ur- und friihgeschichtlicher Zeit, 1991; O.PELoN, Tholoi, Tumuli et cercles funéraires, 1976; I.SuDHOFF, Kreisgraben, Grabhiigel und ver-

wandte Sonderformen von Grabanlagen im Merowingerreich, thesis, Bonn 1999; Cu. T1LLEY, The Dolmens and Passage Graves of Sweden, 1999; D. ZIERMANN, Baustoffe und Konstruktionsformen neolithisch-friihbronzezeitlicher Grabarchitektur Westeuropas, 1991. CH.ST.

II. GREECE A. AEGEAN EARLY PERIOD IRON AGE

= B. LATE BRONZE AGE,

A. AEGEAN EARLY PERIOD Tumulus graves do not occur in the Aegean until the end of the Early Bronze Age (end of the 3rd millennium BC), and then only in isolated instances; they are typical for the Middle Bronze Age (1st half of the 2nd millennium BC), and were still occasionally used in the Mycenaean Period (e.g. Marathon/Vrana I: containing a Middle Helladic stone-cist grave with small mound, surrounded by a stone circle 17 m in diameter, with seven Middle Helladic and Mycenaean graves). Tumuli became a point at issue after Wilhelm DOrRPFELD’s excavations of the Steno necropolis on Leucas (— Leucas, Leucadia), whose ‘round graves’ have been linked with shaft-grave circle A at > Mycenae. The accumulation of tumuli on the coasts (especially Messenia, Argolis, Attica), and similar tumuli in the north (Epirus, Albania and Macedonia), gave rise to speculation that here was evidence of the immigration of the Greeks, and a link with the kurgan culture in the Black Sea area was not excluded. The wish to explain on the basis of just one model a form of burial that has been chosen frequently at various periods and in various locations is, however, problematic; the tumulus over the “House of the Tiles’ in Lerna could be described as a cenotaph. It is in this sense that we should consider the thesis of [4], where precursors of the Early Mycenaean tholos tomb are seen in some Late Middle Helladic tumuli and their adaptations. 1 W.DOrpFeELD,

Alt-Ithaka, 1927

2N.G.

L. Ham-

MOND, T.-Burial in Albania, the Grave Circles of Mycene

and the Indo-Europeans, in: ABSA

62, 1967, 77-105

17

18 3 Id., Migrations and Invasions in Greece and Adjacent Areas, 1976 4G.S. Korres, “Avaoxaai ava tiv TlvAiav, in: Praktika 1980, 129-173. 5 S$.MARINATOS, Further News from Marathon, in: AAA 3, 1970, 153-166 6 Id., Avacxapal Magadevog, in: Praktika 1970, 5-28. GH.

TUMULUS J.BoarpMan, Greek Burial Customs, 1971; D.MrrREVSKI, Proto-Historical Communities in Macedonia through Burials and Burial Manifestations, 1997; S. MULLER, Les tumuli helladiques: OU? Quand? Comment?, in: BCH 113, 1989, 1-42; N. Cu. Srampo ips, Eleutherna, 1996; T.SroyYaNov, ‘Sboryanovo’. Early Iron Age Tumular Necropolis, 1997. RJ.

B. LATE BRONZE AGE, IRON AGE

The Mycenaean and Early Iron Age - tholos graves in Thessaly were covered by tumuli, as were the Helladic, so-called ‘Macedonian’ graves (-* Macedonia VL., with map). It is also surmised that each of grave circles A and B at + Mycenae was covered by a tumulus. In Greece, tumuli were widespread at the period of transition from the Middle to Late Bronze Age (so-called shaft grave period), especially in the Peloponnese and Attica. Subsequently, they virtually ceased to be constructed in these regions. Tumuli with multiple burials occurred in - Epirus and many parts of Macedonia towards the end of the 2nd millennium BC, and were typical especially for the rst half of the rst millennium (see the necropolis of Vergina, > Aegae [1]). The construction of tumuli is a common burial practice in the Homeric epics, and is usually associated with the erection of a stele (e.g. Hom. Il. 7,43 0-6; 12,10-15; 23,163-256). Aspects of many Early Iron Age necro-

poleis, e.g. + Lefkandi on > Euboea [1] and > Eleutherna on > Crete, present parallels with the Homeric tradition, including sacrifices. In Attica, especially in the 7th cent. BC, single as well as multiple graves were covered by larger tumuli, usually circular in plan with a diameter of up to 10 m. Rectangular earth mounds also occur, in the 6th cent. increasingly in the form of built structures (+ Kerameikos). Simple circular or rectangular tumuli continued to be constructed as well as other funerary monuments in the Classical Period in Attica.

Ill. Asta MINOR Tumuli, dating especially from the rst half of the rst millennium BC, are to be found in nearly all regions in Asia Minor. They are relatively well researched in Phrygia (Gordium, Ankara) [1; 2] and Lydia (Sardis, Bin Tepe, Usak/Giire region) [3; 4; 5]. Tumuli are also known in Caria (Bodrum peninsula) [6; 7], Ionia (Clazomenae, Smyrna, Belevi) [8], Aeolis (Larisa [6]; see ill.), Troas (Dardanus, Besiktepe, Kizdldiin, Dedetepe) [9], Bithynia, Paphlagonia [10], Commagene (+ Nemrud Dagi, Karakus) [11], and, thanks to recent research, in Lycia (Phellus, see ill.; Elmali plain, Yavu mountain region) [12; 13; 14].

Phrygian + Gordium has more than 80 tumuli in its vicinity, the largest, called MM (Midas Mound), is at-

tributed to king > Midas or one of his ancestors. Their period of use ranges from the mid 8th to the final years of the 6th cent. BC. Typical of the Phrygian tumuli is a flat-roofed burial chamber built of wood, and the absence of a dromos or other manner of entrance. Althoughtumuli were widespread in all of Lydia in the 6th cent. BC, it is not possible to determine any uniform structural type. In contrast to the Phrygian tumuli, dromoi and often structures with stone-beamed gable roofs are characteristic; moreover, multiple burials are also frequent. Tumulus burials in Ionia also date from the Archaic period, and appear to be related to the Lydian examples.

In the Late Bronze Age in Thrace (~ Thraci, Thra-

cia), a wide variety of burial forms was common, in-

cluding, besides flat-grave fields, necropoleis of tumuli, the graves exhibiting various kinds of structure depending on region. This degree of variety continued in the Iron Age (with both cremation and skeletal burials),

until finally, in the Classical Period, burial in tumuli became the universal norm (cf. Hdt. 5,8,r). M. ANDRONIKOS, Totenkult (ArchHom 3, Kap. W), 1968;

D.Gercova, Thracian Burial Rites of Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age, in: J.Best, N. DE Vries (eds.), Thracians and Mycenaeans,

1989,

231-240;

D.C.

Kurtz,

Phellus (Lycia). Tumulus, so-called type B; gth/8th-6th cents. BC (reconstruction).

Larisa [6] on the Hermus. Tumulus necropolis;

6th cent. BC (reconstruction).

19

20

Whereas the mounds in the above-mentioned regions are normally constructed with earth, the Carian and Lelegian (> Leleges) tumuli are virtually all of stone. Here, the chambers usually have a pyramidshaped voussoir vault. They mostly belong to the Late Geometric and Archaic periods. At about the same period, tumuli similar in terms of structure arose in Lycia, and continued to be built into the Early Classical period. In the Elmali plain (northern Lycia), wall paintings, closely related in style to the Ionian world, and displaying parallels with Etruscan > grave paintings, have also been discovered in the chambers of some tumuli (Karaburun, Kizilbel) [13]. In the sth and 4th cents., the tumulus appears to have been pushed into the background by other forms

dating from as early as the Bronze Age (2nd millennium BC), occur in many regions of the Italian Peninsula. The graves, rarely (e.g. Santa Sabina in Apulia) with multiple, usually (e.g. Crostoletto di Lamone in southern Etruria) with single burials, are indications of the emergence of local elites. Graves became more differentiated in the course of the Iron Age (1st millennium BC), corresponding to the different populations for which we have evidence, especially in central Italy. In the > Villanova Culture, relatively small earth mounds covered cremated (a4 pozzo) remains or inhumation (a fossa) burials, and in > Populonia there were isolated instances of burial chambers of the > tholos type, the tumulus being enclosed by a stone circle. Somewhat more recent (Ist half of the 7th cent. BC) are tombe a circulo (circular tombs) with relatively large tumuli and stone circles above richly furnished individual graves (+ Vetulonia). Tumuli with circles of unworked limestone slabs are common after the 8th cent. in the central part of central

TUMULUS

of burial (> Funerary architecture). It was not until the

Hellenistic and Roman periods that older tumuli were used for secondary burials, and frequently new tumuli once again constructed. Examples may be found in the vicinity of > Pergamum [15], in the Troad and Commagene and in the necropolis of Hierapolis [x] (cf. [x6]). Isolatedtumuli also continued to arise in the Byzantine period, as is shown by examples from Cappadocian Mocisus [17]. — Ancyra;— Gordium (with map); > Sardis (with plan and map) 1R.S. Youne, Three Great Early T., 1981

2E.L. Kou-

LER, The Lesser Phrygian T., vol. 1: The Inhumations, 1995

3 A.RaMAGE,

N.HriRsCHLAND

RAMAGE,

The

Siting of Lydian Burial Mounds, in: D.G. MITTEN et al. (eds.), Festschrift G. M. A. Hanfmann, 1971, 143-160 4B.K. McLaucu.in, Lydian Graves and Burial Customs,

thesis, Berkeley

1985

5 1.OzceEn, J.Ozrtrk, Heritage

Recovered. The Lydian Treasure, 1996

6 W.RADT, Sied-

lungen und Bauten auf der Halbinsel von Halikarnassos (MDAI(Ist) 3. supplement), 1970 7A.M. CARsTENs, Death Matters. Funerary Architecture on the Halikarnassos Peninsula, thesis, Copenhagen 1999 _—-8 S. KASPER, Der

T. von

Belevi

(excavation

report),

in: JOAI

51,

1976/1977, supplement, 127-180 9N.SEvING et al., The Dedetepe T., in: Studia Troica 8, 1998, 305-327 10 W. Horprner, Ein Kammergrab im bithynisch-paphlagonischen Grenzgebiet, in: MDAI(A) 86, 1971, 125-139 11 J.WAGNER (ed.), Gottkonige am Euphrat. Neue Ausgrabungen und Forschungen in Kommagene, 2000 12 J. ZAHLE, Archaic T. Tombs in Central Lykia (Phellos), in: AArch 46, 1975, 77-94 13 M.J. MeLuinx, Kizilbel: An Archaic Painted Tomb Chamber in Northern Lycia, 1998 14 O.HULDEN, Graber und Grabtypen auf dem Territorium der Polis Kyaneai im Bergland von Yavu (Zentrallykien), thesis, Tibingen 15 W.Rapt, Pergamon. Geschichte und Bauten einer antiken Metropole, 1999, 268-270 16 E.SCHNEIDER EquinI, La necropoli di Hierapolis di Frigia, in: Monumenti antichi 48, 1971-1973, 95-138 17 A.BERGER, Virangehir (Mokisos), eine byzantinische Stadt in Kappadokien, in: MDAI(Ist) 48, 1998, 349-429.

O.HU.

IV. PRE-ROMAN ITALY Inhumations covered by relatively small, circular mounds to protect the grave and mark it externally,

Italy (Sabina and Samnium); the monumental tumulus of Corvaro di Borgorose (Rieti), with more than 200

male fossa burials from the 9th/8th and 3rd/and cents. BC, is exceptional. In the case of the tumulus graves enclosed by stone slabs (with individual warriors’ burials) in the Early Iron Age necropolis of Fossa (L’Aquila), in each case six to eight menhir-like limestone slabs lead away in linear formation from the grave, diminishing all the time as they recede. In the rst half of the 6th cent. BC, fossa burials under earth mounds surrounded by a ditch are characteristic for several Central Italian regions (e.g. Marche and Campania). Tumuli reached their peak in terms of monumentality and distribution during the orientalizing era of the 7th cent. BC. In the dominant culture of Etruria,tumuli had a stone surround (- Krepis [1]), either hollowed from the tufa or built from quarried stone, depending on geological circumstances. The tumulus was separated from its surroundings by a wide ditch, which could be bridged by means of a ramp associated with the tumulus krepis (e.g. at + Caere; see ill.); the ramp served to ascend the earth tumulus and to allow for cult acts on its summit. The function of substantial podia associated with the tumulus krepis, with ornamental and figurative decoration (Comeana; Cortona II, Melone del Sodo), is disputed (> prothesis for the deceased?). Tumuli measuring between ro and in some cases Over 60 m were family tombs containing one or on occasion several graves, fashioned either contemporaneously (Castellina in Chianti) or over several genera-

tions (e.g. Caere: Tomba degli Scudi e delle Sedie). With the transfer of the orthogonal street pattern from the town into the necropolis (Volsinii, Caere), the round tumutlus grave declined in importance from the mid 6th cent. BC; rectangular grave forms (cubes, facade tombs) subsequently predominated. Isolated latecomers are the so-called tanelle in northern inland Etruria and the Torlonia tumulus in Caere, which combined local Archaic and contemporary forms in c.300 BC. On Roman Italy see above (I. C.). > Etrusci, Etruria II. C.; > Necropoleis

21

22

TUMULUS

Camera degli Alari (late 7th cent. BC)

Tomba della Capanna (early 7th cent. BC)

Tomba dei Doli (late 7th cent. BC)

Tomba dei Vasi Greci (2nd half 6th cent. BC)

Tomba dei Letti e Sarcofagi (2nd half 7th cent. B

Caere (Cerveteri), Banditaccia necropolis: Great tumulus II; early 7th cent. - late 6th cent. BC (ground-plan).

P. BRUSCHETTI,

P.ZAMARCHI

Grassi,

Esempi di architettura funeraria,

Cortona

etrusca.

1999; A. ZIFFERERO

(ed.), L’architettura funeraria a Populonia tra IX e VI sec.

a.C. (Atti del convegno, Firenze 1997), 2000; $. COSEN-

TINO et al., La necropoli di Fossa, vol.1: Le testimonianze piu antiche, 2001; F. PRAYON, Friihetruskische Grab- und

Hausarchitektur, 1975; Tumuli. Sepolture monumentali nella protostoria europea (Atti del convegno internazionale di studi, Celano 2000)

A.NA.

V. NorTH AFRICA Unlike in Egypt, where the > pyramid became obligatory for monumental graves (~ Funerary architecture II. A.), the tumulus as a type occurred in western North Africa into historical times. It appeared here towards the end of the 3rd millennium BC. The socalled Bazina prehistoric type, occurring predominantly in the southern Maghreb, is normally built of stone, and may have a cylindrical base as well as a walled passageway allowing access, always from the east, to the burial chamber. First to reach monumental form was the great tumulus called Medracen, at the northern edge of the Aurés mountain range (Algeria), probably erected in the rst half of the 2nd cent. BC, and thought to have been a funerary monument of the Numidian dynasty of the + Massylii (+ Massinissa). Similar in form, but more

extensively proportioned, is the circular structure Kbour-er-Roumia, near Tipasa (Algeria). Situated not far from the royal city of Iol/- Caesarea [1] [2], it was probably erected in the rst half of the rst cent. BC as the funerary monument of > Bocchus [r], the elder or the younger. Both these structures have remains of small cult buildings in front of the entrance to the burial chamber; these may have been used for a ruler cult or a cult of the dead [1. 134, 142]. In the Roman period, perhaps from the mid rst cent. AD, relatively smalltumuli with a high podium on a square base were erected in such locations as urban necropoleis, in a direct reference to Roman and Italian grave types. In the post-Roman period, in the west of modern Algeria, probably against the background of the emergence of the Berber princedoms, there arose between the late 5th and the 7th cents. AD a group of 13 mausoleums termed djedars, whose dimensions virtually equalled those of the tumuli of pre-Roman Numidia. Now, however, they were always square or rectangular in plan, with a low, plane base and a pyramid-shaped superstructure. The discovery of a small - incubation room east of the entrance to the burial chamber at the so-called Djedar A (funerary structure belonging to a probably Latin-speaking Christian ruler at the beginning of the 5th cent. AD: [2. 263-79, 282f.]) has indi-

TUMULUS

23

cated a cult of the dead still practised according to Berber tradition in the Christian period. Notable peculiarities always to be remarked in tumuli of North-African origin of all ages (Bazina, large Numidian tumuli, djedars) are the entrance from the east, the system of concentric passages and cult buildings in each case to the east outside the tumulus entrance. The late-period type of circular mound grave is exemplified by the so-called ‘prince’s grave’ (7th cent. AD) at Souk el Gour (Morocco, between Meknes and

24 tral and Northern European Bronze Age (from the beginning to the second half of the 2nd millennium BC), tumuli were often constructed (as a protection or a monument) of earth over individual burials. The dead rested in wooden chambers, tree coffins or stone packing. In Central Europe, the period from the 15th to the 13th cents. is termed the ‘tumulus culture of the Middle Bronze Age’, after its typical grave type; with the + Urnfield culture (from the 12th cent. onwards), tumulilost their importance in this region.

Fez).

+ Africa (with maps) 1F.Raxos, Numidische K6nigsarchitektur in Nordafrika, in: H.G. Horn, Cu.B. RUGER (eds.), Die Numider. Reiter und Konige nérdlich der Sahara (exhibition catalogue, Bonn) 1979, 119-171, especially 132-145 2 F.Kapra, Der Djedar A von Djebel Lakhdar, ein spates Berbermonument, in: s. [1]; 263-284. CH.ST.

VI. CELTIC-GERMANIC CULTURES A. GENERAL B. PRE-CELTIC PERIOD (NEOLITHIC, BRONZE AGE) C. CELTIC PERIOD D. THE GERMANIC PEOPLES

A. GENERAL Tumuli have a long tradition as > funerary architecture (III. G.) in Germanic/Celtic Central and Northern Europe. The various kinds of burials (cremation or inhumation, multiple or individual) were usually covered over with earth mounds, either in demonstration of the significance and rank of the deceased, for his protection or for the protection of the living from the dead. The tumuli were often surrounded or enclosed by ring ditches, post rings or stone circles, and were predominantly circular in form (but could also be oval, trapeziform or rectangular). As monumental individual mounds, tumuli were often an expression of the special status of the deceased (— Princely graves, Princely seats); but relatively large groups of tumuli are also found ( Necropoleis IX.), betraying no external sign to differentiate the various individuals buried beneath them. Tumuli as funerary monuments are confined neither to definite locations (throughout periods of time) nor to definite epochs, which suggests that this kind of burial structure is an expression of particular conceptions surrounding death. It is virtually impossible to assess the original number of tumuli, as they have repeatedly been levelled, destroyed or built over. B. PRE-CELTIC PERIOD (NEOLITHIC, BRONZE AGE)

Neolithic (5th-4th millennia BC) megalithic burials in Northern and Western Europe were already covered over with earth or stone tumuli, and surrounded by various forms of stone ring (circle, trapezium, rectangle); they predominantly comprised burial chambers accessible through the tumulus, and capable of accommodating consecutive burials; the tumuli were thus more monuments than protective coverings. In the Cen-

C. CELTIC PERIOD The tumulus played an important role along with the flat grave in Celtic burials of the 7th—4th cents.; it subsequently lost importance (> Hunsriick-Eifel culture; +» Hallstatt Culture). In the gigantic and richly furnished tumuli of the late Hallstatt period (6th/5th cents.), such as > Hochdorf or > Vix, the great wooden chamber of the burial was additionally protected by an enormous mound of stones over which was then piled the monumental earthen mound, with a diameter of more than 50 m. The large number of internal structures (of stone and wood) indicate the many kinds of rite and phases of construction involved in erecting thetumulus. It was initially surmounted -by wooden or stone steles (> Hirschlanden); secondary burials are at-

tested. The Early La Téne (2nd half of the 5th cent. BC; — La Téne Culture) prince’s tumulus at > Glauberg has proven to be part of a gigantic ritual site, with ‘processional ways’ and enclosures (ditches and earth walls). Tumuli of the 3rd—1st cents. are rare, and only occasionally survive at the periphery of the Celtic world (> Arras Culture, > Aylesford), or are discernible indirectly from relatively small ‘grave enclosures’.

D. THE GERMANIC PEOPLES In the case of the Germanic tribes of the Roman Imperial Period and Migration Period, largetumuli were erected only exceptionally for aristocrats and kings, as e.g. in the 5th cent. AD for > Childeric I. In Northern Europe, tumuli are characteristic particularly of Viking war-leaders (8th—roth cents.). > Celtic Archaeology; - Germanic archaeology T.CAPELLE, s.v. Hiigelgrab, RGA 15, 179-181; O.H. Frey, Zu T.-Bestattungen von der Urnenfelderzeit bis zur Friihlaténezeit, in: S.HANSEN, V.PINGEL (eds.), Archaologie in Hessen. Festschrift F.-R. Herrmann, 2001, 127-129; H.LoreENz, Totenbrauchtum und Tracht, in: BRGK 59, 1978, 3-3 80; S. RIECKHOFF,J.BIEL, Die Kelten in Deutschland, 2001, especially 168-196. VP.

Tuna. The fairly large Common Tuna (Thynnus thynnus L., Greek 6 Ovvvoc/thynnos, Attic also * Ovvvic/ thynnis — primarily the female: Aristot. Hist. an. 55955434 9; Ath. 7,303c-304b — or f OUvvn/thynne: e.g. Opp. Hal. 1,756; Latin thynnus or thynnis) and the smaller Albacore (Albacora thynnus L., perhaps aviwmiac/ aulopias, Ael. NA 13,17) were the economically most important edible fish of the Mediterranean

25

and Black Seas and were therefore given many names. The young (under 1 year) were called smapi Car-

thage, the modern Tunis. First mentioned in conjunction with the uprising of allied troops against Carthage in 396 BC (Diod. Sic. 14,77,3). In 310 BC, the city served Agathocles[2] as a base for his attack on Carthage [1. 190-193], and similarly in 256 BC during the First + Punic War the Roman consul Atilius [I 21] Regulus [1. 235-237]. In the > Mercenaries’ War, T. was from about 214 BC the operational base of the Libyan rebels, and in the Second Punic War, Cornelius [I 71] Scipio relocated his headquarters to T. in 203 BC [z. 412-421]. Consistently allied with Carthage in the Second Punic War, T. was destroyed along with it by the Romans in 146 BC. The city was reestablished under Caesar or Augustus (Str. 17,3,16) as part of the province of Africa vetus (or proconsularis, respectively). T.

was a bishop’s see at the latest from 411. Few remains from the Punic and Roman period have survived (some are in the Bardo Museum). Inscriptions: CIL VII 1, 1127-1139; CIL Suppl. 1, 14270 f.; Suppl. 3, 2198721990;04,1215 362 £.36:25363 a5 [200053 —01 5715 AE 1955, 55-

1 Huss 2 A.MeRLIN Tunisie, 1944.

(ed.), Inscriptions latines de la

AATun 050, p. 20, no. 16; M.H. Fanrar, La tombe de la Rabta, in: Latomus 31, 1972, 349-367; F. WINDBERG, s. v. Tunis, RE 7 A, 1359 f. W.HU.

II. ByZANTINE-ARABIAN PERIOD T. fell under Vandal rule at the same time as > Carthage [I. B.] (434). In 532, it came back to Byzantine rule under Iustinianus[1] I and is confirmed as a bishop’s see for 411 and 553 [1. 164, 165]; few archaeological remains from the late-antique period have survived, however. After initial incursions and the final destruction of Carthage in 698, Arabs established themselves in the nearby T. As a small fortified garrison

27

28

town, T. remained for a long time overshadowed by al-Qayrawan, the seat of the governor; however, in terms of strategic importance and settlement continuity, it succeeded Carthage. In 105 4, it was plundered by Arabian Bedouins; until 1160, it became the centre of a small independent principality.

RAEPSAET CHARLIER, Municipium Tungrorum, in: 4Ead., Cite et municipe Latomus 54, 1995, 361-369 chez les Tongres, les Bataves et les Canninéfates, in: Ktema 5 R.Nouwen, Atuatuca Tungro21, 1996, 251-269 61d., Tongeren en rum..., in: ZPE 115, 1997, 278-280

TUNES

1 J.Mesnace, L’Afrique chrétienne,

Tunis, Histoire d’une ville, 1998 City of Tunis, 1988

1912

Luxembourgoises

15,

1984,

127-173

het land van de T., 1997.

3 M.-Tu.

F.SCH.

2 P.SEBAG,

3 J.S. Wooprorp, The LT-N.

Tungri (Totyyeo/Totngroi). A tribe in Gallia > Belgica (It. Ant. 358,15; Ptol. 2,9,9) that had not yet appeared at the time of > Caesar’s capture of Gallia. At the time, the Germani [2] Cisrhenani were settling between the Scaldis (Schelde) and the Rhenus [2] (Rhine) under the hegemony of the + Eburones. After the defeat inflicted upon the latter by Caesar (Caes. B Gall. 6,53 6,29-34; 8,24 f.), the entire political structure of the Germani Cisrhenani was dissolved in accordance with Roman policy. In the Augustan Period, the civitas of the T. was founded in the western area of the Eburones, from the rest of the old population and immigrants from east of the Rhine. The principal city was Atuatuca (modern Tongeren; > Aduatuci). The expansive territory of the T. was centred around the wide bend of the Mosa [x] (Maas) in front of its estuary mouth and was no geo-morphological unit [1. 50-59; 2. 128 f.]. The T. settled between civitates of the ‘Gallic’ type that belonged to a single dominant ethnic group (the + Treveri in the south-east, the > Remi in the south, the + Nervii and > Menapii in the west) and Germanic tribes on the limes of the Rhine (— Ubii, Cugernes, — Batavi, Frisavones). Although written tradition seems to indicate that the T. remained with Belgica during the formation of the province of Germania superior (— Germani [1] II. C.) (Ptol. 2,9,9; Plin. HN 4,106; AE 1946, 95; 1962, 183), the fact derived froma new inscriptional find (AE 1994,1279) that the capital city Atuatuca was a > municipium is viewed as an argu-

ment for their belonging to the Germanic province (cf. Hyginus [zr], De conditionibus agrorum 86; [3; 4; 5]). After the reform of the provinces by + Diocletianus, the T. belonged to Germania secunda (Amm. Marc.

Tunica. The tunica, cut and sewn from two pieces of generally white woollen or linen material, was worn by both men and women of the Roman upper classes as an undergarment (Suet. Aug. 94,10) underneath the + toga, and as the sole garment by the lower classes. Women often seem to have worn two tunicae, one above the other, with the inner one then referred to as tunica subucula (Varro Ling. 5,131) and the outer one as supparus. In very cold or inclement weather, men, too, would wear layers of tunics (Suet. Aug. 82,1). Originally, tunics were close-fitting and sleeveless, but towards the end of the rst cent. BC, the fashion changed towards wider cuts with short sleeves. Wearing a tunic with long sleeves down to the wrist was considered inappropriate (Gell. NA 6,12; Cic. Cat. 2,22). However, from the 3rd, cent. AD, this long-sleeved version (tunica manicata) became the norm, from which the tunica

~ dalmatica developed. Tunics for men were generally knee-length, the ones for women longer (cf. Plaut. Poen. 1298 f.; Quint. Inst. 11,3,138). Parallel with the emergence of the long-sleeved tunic, the garment also increased in length, down to the ankles (tunica talaris). In public, the tunic was worn with a belt, but unbelted at home, for funerals and religious ceremonies. Purple vertical stripes (clavi) served to indicate equestrian or senatorial rank; equestrians had the right to wear a narrow stripe (clavus angustus), senators a wide one (clavus latus) (Varro Ling. 9,79, cf. Quint. Inst.

11,3,138;

~ Status symbols). For tunica or palmata as part of the triumphal gown cf. > triumph. — Clavus; > Clothing; > FasHion; > Recta H.R. Goette, Studien zu rémischen Togadarstellungen, 1990, 8-10; B.I. ScHoLz, Untersuchungen zur Tracht der romischen Matrona, 1992, 93-100; M.Pauscu, Die

romische Tunika. Ein Beitrag zur Peregrinisierung der antiken Kleidung, 2001. R.H.

15,1173; Not. Dign. Occ. 42,43).

The civitas of the T. was the connecting link between the pax Romana in Gallia and the military world at the Rhine, a transit area for the strategic connection to Bri-

Tunnels, Tunnel construction. Tunnel-building is encountered in Classical Antiquity in two fundamental contexts: > water supply or — irrigation/drainage and-

tannia, a source for recruitment as well as an area of colonisation for soldiers of the Rhine legions. The worship of Roman gods and — syncretism (I) with preRoman cults have been identified along with nonRomanised deities. The scattered location of local cults primarily along the edges of the civitas and the lack of an actual religious centre are the consequences of ethnic mixing and a low degree of urbanisation [2].

less often — road-building (> Roads and bridges, con-

1 M.-T. RaepsarT-CHARLIER, La cité des Tongres sous le Haut-Empire, in: BJ 194, 1994, 43-59

2J.Lorca, Les

Cultes de la ‘Civitas Tungrorum’, in: Bull. des Antiquités

struction of). Tunnels built in the context of — siegecraft or military defences in — fortifications (undermining city defences, such as in the Persians’ attack on + Barce: Hdt. 4,200; underground countermines as a defensive measure against siege ramps: Caes. B Gall. 6,24; escape or rescue tunnel) should — for a definition of TC as a route of communications in the broad sense — rather be described as adits and therefore placed on a level comparable to > mining. In advance, in terms of development, of the full tunnel were hollow ways, rock

29

incisions, rock excisions (rock terraces) and rock galleries; the tunnel as a communications route is defined by a bilaterally organized, and therefore not accidental, opening up of the tunnel passageway and its planned

route. TC in the context of water supply was already common in the Near East; a pioneering example was the Hiskiya Tunnel in + Jerusalem, built in the late 8th cent. BC. Two fundamental techniques were used in the subsequent period: tunnelling inwards in opposite directions from two entry points (a procedure known as Gegenortverfahren), and later, in connection with it, the so-called ganat procedure described in the r1th cent. by the Arab mathematician Al-Karagi, which permitted above-ground checking of incline and direction by means of vertical light- or plumb-shafts. From the 6th cent. BC, important parts of the water supply in Athens were based on tunnel-building; > Eupalinus’ tunnel on Samos, which led an aqueduct through a mountain and into the city, is of outstanding significance to the history of technology (because of the accuracy needed in specifying both direction and incline). In the context of Roman long-distance water conduits (corresponding here to the bridging of valleys), the ‘aqueduct tunnel’ became the normal case; outstanding examples are the Bononia [r1]/Bologna, Side, Gadara/Umm Qais, Lugdunum/Lyons, Nemausus [2]/ Nimes (Sernhac) and Serriéres-de-Briord tunnels. Tunnel construction for drainage and regulating lakes was already known in the Mycenaean period (regulation of the — Copais basin in Boeotia). In Roman Antiquity, TC was part of an often-used repertory in hydraulic and landscape engineering: regulation tunnels for Lacus Nemorensis, Lacus Fucinus and Lacus Albanus (Lakes Nemi, Fucine and Albano) and many others. Road tunnels are essentially limited to Roman Antiquity and are rare even then (since the cost of building them was sizable, owing to the considerable diameter). Pioneering examples can be found in Campania and served as a ‘high-speed road’ link between this region that was of military and economic importance (naval base at -» Misenum/Miseno; civilian ports at Puteoli/ Pozzuoli and Baiae) in the Late Republican and Early Imperial periods, and Rome and Naples. A tunnel connection between Naples and Pozzuoli was built (Crypta Neapolitana), the city of Cumae (+ Cyme [2]) was opened up in the direction of the + Campi Phlegraei by way of an elaborate, partially underground road network, and the various naval installations on the coastal lakes (+ Lacus Avernus; — Lacus Lucrinus; Lacus Baianus), which to some extent are connected with one another and with the sea by canals, were made readily accessible by tunnels (Cocceius’ [1] tunnel through Monte Grillo making Lake Averno accessible from the north). Further prominent examples are the Chiaia di Luna tunnel on the island of Pontia [2]/Ponza and Vespasian’s tunnel at the Furlo Pass (-> Intercisa [2]) on the > via Flaminia (both still in use). + Roads and bridges, construction of; > Water supply

30

TURBO M.DO6riNG, Wasser fiir den ‘Sinus Baianus’, in: Antike Welt 33, 2002, 309; H. von GaLz, Zu den kleinasiatischen Treppentunneln, in: AA 1967, 504-527; K.Grewe, Licht am Ende des Tunnels. Planung und Trassierung im antiken Tunnelbau, 1998; M. Hascuer, Die Crypta Neapolitana.

Ein romischer Straentunnel bei Neapel, in: Orbis Terrarum 5, 1999, 127-156.

C.HO.

Turan [1] Important Etruscan female deity, whose name, inscriptionally recorded from the 7th cent. BC (ET vol. I, 179), was originally Etruscan and implies great age. T. appears in numerous depictions from the late Etruscan period, primarily as a goddess of love, fertility, and beauty. She is identified with the Greek -» Aphrodite and the Roman > Venus [1]; her original sphere of influence, however, may have been wider (cf. > Uni). T. was one of the cult goddesses in the archaic harbour sanctuary of + Graviscae, as Etruscan and Greek votive inscriptions record (temple prostitution?). Her chthonic character is exhibited in her small sanctuary in the Cannicella necropolis of Orvieto (archaic cult statue of a nude goddess in Greek marble) [2]. > Etrusci Ill 1R.Biocu,

s.v.

Aphrodite/T.,

LIMC

2.1,

169-176

2 Santuario e culto nella necropoli di Cannicella (Annali della Fondazione per il Museo Claudio Faina 3), 1987. PFIFFIG, 260-263.

[2] In legendary Iranian tradition the eastern part of the original empire of Fréd6n, which he entrusted to his son Tur. The Turanians subsequently became the enemies par excellence of the Iranians [4]. Later Turkic peoples, who had been invading Iran since the 6th cent. AD, were (incorrectly) identified with the Turanians. The country name T. appears in 3rd/4th cent. AD Sassanid inscriptions (together with Sagestan (> Drangiana and + Arachosia) and Hindestan (Sindh) in the titles of princes in the royal house as part of their territories [x. 29-31]. In Manichaean texts there are accounts of the conversion of the Buddhist Turanshahs by > Mani during his Indian travels [2. 88 f., 102-105; 3. 371-

377]. 1 Pu. Huyse, Die dreisprachige Inschrift Sabuhrs I. an der Ka‘ba-i Zardust (SKZ), 1999 2 W.SUNDERMANN, Zur friihen missionarischen Wirksamkeit Manis, in: Acta Antiqua 24, 1971, 79-125 31d., Weiteres zur friihen missionarischen Wirksamkeit Manis, in: s. [2], 371-379

4 E. YARSHATER, Iranian National History, in: The Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 3.1, 1983, 359-477. iW.

Turbo [1] See > Top

K-LE. [2] Roman cognomen (‘whirlwind’), perhaps originally a one-off description, recorded only in the Imperial period: > Marcius [II 14]. KaJanTo, Cognomina, 339; DeGrassi, FCIR, 271.

K.-LE.

TURDETANI

32

31

Turdetani. Iberian people on the lower > Baetis (modern Guadalquivir). The first archaeological evidence of their existence is from the end of the 6th cent. BC, contemporaneous with the decline of the + Tartessus culture which they inherited. It was already being discussed in Antiquity whether T. and the Turduli were the same Iberian people on the Baetis; whereas Str. 3,1,6 makes no difference between them, Polybius and Plin. HN 3,13 regard the Turduli as northern, Ptol. 2,4,5 as southern, neighbours of the T. Characterized as peace-

4,189-192). Her long-standing traditional identification with the deceased addressed in an epigraphically preserved funerary oration from Rome (known as the + Laudatio Turiae) is uncertain but not ruled out (cf. [x. x0 f.], sceptical: [2. r-8]). T. would then have died no later than 9 BC after 41 years of marriage.

loving (Liv. 34,17,2), the T. were considered the most civilised of all the Iberian peoples (in Str. loc. cit.;

[2] (also Turium; modern Turia, Arabic Guadalaviar). River in the territory of the > Edetani in modern Spain. It rises in the Sierra de Albarracin, flows northwards past Valentia [1] and into the sea to the east of the city. Earliest mention in the presumably Greek original of Avien. 428 (Tyrius; cf. Mela 2,92; Plin. HN. 3,20:

352,15); they had a written tradition of their history, their own poems and laws in verse form. They were particularly receptive of Roman culture. In the lower valley of the Baetis the T. practised flourishing agriculture and fishing, and there were rich metal deposits (Str. BeomONest3 5255) Tovar I, 18-23; 2, 201; TIR J 29 Lisboa, 1995, 158.

Turfan. Town and oasis region (T. basin) in eastern Uyghurstan (Xinjian) in China, to the south of the Tianshan mountains, on the northeastern edge of the Taklamakan desert, an important station on the > Silk Road. There are numerous historically and archaeologically significant places there: 10 km to the west of modern T. is the Chinese fortress of Jiaohe, which from the 2nd cent. BC until the 5th cent. AD was the capital of the kingdom of Cheshi. Around too BC Gaochang came into being 30 km to the east of T., ruled from 640 by a local Chinese dynasty, chief language > Tocharian. To the north of Gaochang at Astana there was a necropolis with thousands of graves (265 to 850 AD). In the arid climate even paper and > silk have been preserved, as have many stone sculptures and paintings (Buddhist wall paintings). In the 8th and early 9th cents. the Tibetans held power in T. After that Gaochang became the capital of an Uyghur state (850-1250). Next to Buddhism appeared Manichaeism (— Mani) and Nestorian Christianity (+ Nestorius). The oasis comprises the Thousand Buddha Caves of Bezeklik and other Buddhist cave-temples with rich murals. In the graves, caves and ruins numerous MSS were found with texts in 16 different languages and 24 scripts from Europe, India, China and western Asia: Greek fables and medical tradition beside Manichaean, Sogdian, Jewish, Syriac, Chinese and other texts. The earliest manuscript from T. has been dated to 344 BC. H.G. Franz (ed.), Kunst und Kultur entlang der Seidenstrafe, 1986; L.Mau-Tsai, Kutscha und seine Beziehungen zu China vom 2. Jahrhundert vor bis zum 6. Jahrhundert nach Chr., 1969; W.SUNDERMANN, Geschichte,

Stand und Aufgaben der T.-Forsch., in: Akademie-Journ. (Mainz) 2, 2000, 12-18.

HJ.N.

Turia [1] Wife of the senator Q. Lucretius [II 5] Vespillo,

saved her husband by concealing him from the > proscriptions of 43 BC (Val. Max. 6,7,2; App. BCiv.

1 A.E. Gorpon, Who’s Who in the Laudatio Turiae, in: Epigraphica 39,1977, 7-12

2D.FLacu, Die sogenannte

Laudatio Turiae, 1991.

W.K.

Turium; Ptol. 2,6,15: Toveotdaog éxBodai/Touroulios ekbolai: ‘mouths of the T.’). It was on the T. that Pompeius [I 3] defeated Perperna [5] in the war against — Sertorius (in the spring of 75 BC; Sall. Hist. 2,54). SCHULTEN, Landeskunde, vol. 2, 38; TOVAR 3, 282.

Turibulum (from tus, ‘incense’, also thymiaterium). Roman portable metal apparatus on which grains of incense were burned in a Roman sacrifice. For pure incense or smoke sacrifices there was a small portable altar, called an acerra or an ara turicrema. Acerra also seems (Val. Max. 3,3,3) to have been used as a synonym for a turibulum. -» Sacrifice; > Thymiaterion A.V. SIEBERT, Instrumenta (Lit.).

sacra,

1999,

93-98;

256 f. ANS.

Turicum. The earliest traces of settlement on the Lindenhof moraine hill in Zurich are ascribed not to a Celtic population but rather to Roman occupation in > Augustus [1 G]’ Alpine war (in 15 BC). The Roman military post was expanded into a fort, around which a + vicus developed. Information about the further growth of the settlement is given by inscriptions, the most important of which also reveals the name of the vicus: a burial inscription for the child of a Roman toll collector, praepositus stationis Turicensis (CIL XIII

5244). W.Drack,

R.FELLMANN,

Die Rémer

in der Schweiz,

1988, 571-574; G. WALSER, Romische Inschriften in der Schweiz, vol. 2, 1980, 168-172. G.W.

Turks. In modern scholarship the term T. includes all members of the Turkic language family. The term (Byzantine Greek Totexo/Totrkoi, Latin Turci in Fredegard) is not attested before the 6th cent. AD; the oldest texts in the Turkish language date to the first half of the 8th cent. AD. Not least due to the terminological uncertainties, it still remains unclear for the period prior to the 6th cent. which of the peoples mentioned in Chinese, Tibetan, Iranian, Greek and Latin sources are to

33)

be associated with the ancestors of the T. There is some probability for a (yet unverified) connection of the T. with the Xiongnu (‘eastern + Hunni’) of the pre-Christian era. The same applies to the Chionite Huns (e.g. in +> Ammianus Marcellinus 17,5,1; 19,1,10 f.), for whom there is 4th cent. evidence from the eastern border of the Sassanid Empire, as well as to the ~> Hephthalites, also Huns (e.g. in > Procopius [3] BP 1,3), and to other central Asian sth cent. nomadic peoples, also to the European Huns of the 4th—s5th cents. It is possible that the + Avares (6th—9th cents., > Pannonia III) were also a Turkic people, as were the > Chazars, whose empire (6th—roth cents. with its centre at the lower Volga) maintained at times close relations with Byzantium (cf. Theophanes, Chronographica 1, p. 409f. DE Boor; -> Konstantinos [1] Porphyrogennetos, De administrando imperio, chs. 10 and 12). From the sth cent., Bulgar T. (> Bulgari) from Siberia, known as Ogurs, Kutrigurs, Sabirs, Bulgars, appeared in eastern Europe and in the Balkans, where they founded states and established relations with Byzantium. In about 550, the T. remaining in the East founded an early empire stretching from China to the Black Sea. In 568, a first delegation of Turks came to Byzantium, in response to which an embassy under Zemarchus was dispatched (as documented by + Menander [x3] Protector, Historiai), followed by one led by Valentinus in order to establish an alliance against the ~ Sassanids. The empire soon disintegrated, and the eastern part of the Turkic empire managed to free itself from Chinese influence in around 682, but was destroyed by Uyghurs around the middle of the 8th cent. T. arrived in central Asia as early as the 8th cent. In the roth cent., new Turkic tribes advanced to eastern Europe and the Balkans, where they are recorded as — Bisseni and Uzes. In the r1th cent., under the leadership of the ruling family of the Seljuks (later the name used for the group as a whole), Western Oghuz T. invaded the Middle East and Eastern Europe. Following the capture of Baghdad in 1055, the Great Seljuks defeated the Byzantine army of emperor ~ Romanos [5] IV Diogenes at Manzikert (eastern Anatolia) in 1071. This opened Anatolia to the influx of groups of Seljuk T. (+ Asia Minor III.J), who set up the sultanate of Konya (+ Iconium). In the 13th cent., this sultanate was subjugated by Mongols and in 1308 finally dissolved into smaller principalities (beylikler), the smallest of which was the one of Osman in > Bithynia. It was to develop into the Osman Empire, which in the course of the 15th cent. took over all of the remaining states of the Byzantine Empire (Constantinople in 1453); its collapse in World War I led to the establishment of the Turkish Republic. The Mongol advance also brought most of the other modern Turkic tribes to their present settlement areas and led to the influx of Kipchak +» Cumani to the Balkans and to Hungary. Prior to the Seljuk era, cultural contacts with the Graeco-Roman world were mainly of military or diplo-

34

TURMA

matic character (however, cf. + Chazars). The Turki-

zation of Asia Minor from the 11th cent. onwards subsequently led to a lively cultural exchange; an interest in Classical Antiquity was established mainly during the roth cent. under European influence. Prior to Islamization from the roth cent. onwards, animism prevailed, alongside Nestorian Christianity (> Nestorius D), Manichaeism (+ Mani) and Buddhism. Nowadays, the T. are part of the Sunni-Islam culture (+ Islam); alongside (mainly Orthodox) Christian groups, there are Buddhists, animists and Karaite Jews (> Karaites). —» TURKEY J.DeEny et al. (ed.), Philologiae Turcicae Fundamenta, vols. 1-2, 1959, 1964; H. GOcKENJAN, s. v. Tiirken, LMA 8, 1103-1106; P.B. GOLDEN, An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples (Turcologica 9), 1992; L.JoHANSON, E.CsaTo (ed.), The Turkic Languages, 1998; W.RADLOFF, Versuch eines Worterbuchs der Tiirk-Dialekte, vols. 1-4, 1893, 1899, 1905, I9rT. CL.SCH.

Turma. According to Varro, a tactical unit of Roman legionary cavalry, consisting of 30 equites (-> Cavalry) and three — decuriones [4], one of whom was in command of the turma (Varro Ling. 5,91; Pol. 6,20,9; 6,25,1 f.; Veg. Mil. 2,14,1 f.). By the 3rd cent. BC, the mounted contingents of the — socii predominated (225 BC: Pol. 2,24,3-16; FGrH 809 F 16), whose turmae occasionally bore the name of their geographic origin (¢. Lucana: Liv. 22,42,4; t. Fregellana: Liv. 37534,6); they used to fight on the wings (alae) in conjunction with the legions (Pol. 6,26,7—9; Liv. 31,21,7). Whereas the legionary cavalry in the Imperial period was divided into > centuria [B], turmae survived in the organization of mounted auxiliary units — alae/cohortes equitatae. The standard — ala [2] (quingenaria) consisted of 16 turmae of 32 riders each (Arr. Tact. 18), the muilliaria of 24 turmae of 42 men ([Hyg.] De munitionibus castrorum 16). The riders of a > cohors equitata were probably divided into three turmae, those of a milliaria in twice that number (BGU 696; [Hyg.] ibidem 27). In late Antiquity, the term was used generically for any equestrian unit (Amm. Marc. 18,8,2; Cod. Theod. 7,13,8). The ordo equester was paramilitarily organized into six turmae under the leadership of seviri equitum

Romanorum

(Suet.

Aug. 38,3;

Dion. Hal.

Ant. Rom. 6,13,4; AE 1934,182). The three turmae of

the equestrian iuventus at the + Troiae lusus consisted of twelve boys each (Suet. Aug. 43,2; Verg. Aen. 5,560 f.; Varro in Serv. Auct. Aen. 11,503). ~» Ala [2]; > Cavalry (III) ; Equites romani 1 D. BREEZE, The Organization of the Legion, in: JRS 59, 1969, 50-55 2S.DEMouGIN, L’ordre équestre sous les Julio-Claudiens, 1988, 217-260 3K.R. Dixon, P. SOUTHERN, The Roman Cavalry, 1992, 23-32

4A.K.

GoLpsworTHy, The Roman Army at War, 1996 5 J.B. McCatt, The Cavalry of the Roman Republic, 2002 6 E.Rawson, The Literary Sources for the Pre-Marian Army, in: PBSR 39, 1971, 13-31.

TURMS

Turms. Etruscan deity, largely corresponding to the Greek -»Hermes and the Roman ~ Mercurius. Equipped with a -> pétasos and herald’s staff (kérykeion, Latin caduceus), later also winged shoes and a winged cap, and sometimes depicted with a beard. Role as a herald, companion of heroes and in the realm of the dead as T. Aitas (> Etrusci [III C]; cf. Gr. Hermes Psychopompos ‘conductor of souls’); not recorded as a deity of craftwork in Etruscan context. Depictions primarily on vases and mirrors from the 6th cent. BC to the 3rd. Earliest representation on clay plates from > Murlo, early 6th cent. BC; Fragments of statues from > Veii (Temple of Portonaccio, cf. map) c. 500 BC. Scanty epigraphic record in mirror inscriptions. No evidence of a cult outside the funerary context.

M. Hararl, s. v. T., LIMC

36

35)

8, 1997, 98-111; I. Kraus-

KOPF, s. v. T., in: M.CrIsToFANI (ed.), Dizionario della civilta etrusca, 1985, 305-306. KA.GE.

Turnacum. Modern Tournai/Doornik in the Belgian province of Hainault. Gallo-Roman — vicus on both banks of the > Scaldis (Scheldt) in the border region between the > Menapii and > Nervii, a node on the route from > Gesoriacum (Boulogne-sur-mer) to > Bagacum (modern Bavai: Tab. Peut. 2,3; It. Ant. 367,7), from which roads lead to Castellum (modern Cassel; It. Ant. 377,5) and > Tervanna (ibid. 378,11). There is evidence of traces of settlement as early as the Iron Age, the Gallo-Roman presence in the time of Augustus is incoherent; the rise of the town in fact began under Claudius [III 1]. The presence of a temporary military camp must be seen in the context of troop preparations for the campaign in Britain. At the end of the rst cent. AD the settlement on the left bank was reorganized according to an orthogonal ground plan. It flourished until the end of the 2nd cent. AD (with urban water and sewer networks, public buildings, > thermal baths, harbour constructions; a > tumulus on the right bank). The city profited primarily from stone quarries, but was also a trade centre for the surrounding agrarian region. Plundered by + Chauci between 172 and 174 AD, T. never again attained its old splendour; in the middle of the 3rd cent. T. was again destroyed. After + Diocletianus’ provincial reform a civitas capital of the Menapii (Notitia Galliarum 6,8), and reduced by about three-quarters at the end of the 3rd cent., the settlement was rebuilt as a > castellum [I 1], in which Germanic — /aeti were stationed [1]. In 407 T. was ravaged by the + Vandali, then restored by the Salian Franks (- Salii [1]) and elevated to a residence city (Hier. Epist. ad Geruchiam from the year 409). The very richly furnished grave of the king — Childeric I, who died in 482, survives [2]. When the Franks expanded under his son + Chlodovechus, the residence was relocated to Paris. 1 R. BRULET, P.-M. VécuHE, Les origines de la fortification urbaine 4 Tournai (Publication extraordinaire de la

Société royal d’Histoire et d’Archéologie de Tournai 2) 2R.BRULET, Les fouilles du quartier Saint1985,29-40 Brice 4 Tournai, 2. vol., 1990/1992. M. Amanp, I. EYKENS-D1eERICKX, Tournai Romain, 1960; R. BRULET, Tournai, in: J.-P. Petrr, M. Manern, Atlas des

agglomérations secondaires de la Gaule Belgique et des Germanies, 1994, 252 f. (Nr. 315); Id., Le développement topographique et chronologique de Tournai, in: Revue Archéologique de Picardie 1984, 271-282; S.J. DE Laer,

s. v. T., PE, 940 f.

F.SCH.

Turnus [1] Mythical king of the > Rutuli, son of > Daunus [2] and Venilia, brother of > Iuturna, from the city of > Ardea; reigning when > Aeneas [1] arrived in Italy. According to a (probably earlier) tradition he and > Latinus [1] fight against the invading Aeneas. When Latinus falls, T. flees to > Mezentius, and the two take up the battle again; in the end T. himself and Aeneas fall (Cato HRR fr. 9-10). In another variant he fights against Latinus and Aeneas, because, having originally promised T. his daughter > Lavinia [2], Latinus has given her in marriage to Aeneas (ibid. fr. 11). Numerous representations in Roman literature are evidence of the importance of the subject: Verg. Aen. bk. 7-12 passim; Liv. 1,2,1-6; Dion. Hal. Ant.Rom. 1,59,2; 1,64,2-4; Ov. Met. 445-608; Str. 5,3,2 etc. The presentation in Vergil becomes the canonical version: T. is stylized as the perfidus (‘scoundrel’) counterpart of pius Aeneas (Verg. Aen. 10,231). The etymology of the name of T. is unclear, derivation from Etruscan tursna (‘Tyrrhenian’, i.e. Etruscan) is still considered the most likely [z. 147]. 1 F.B6MeEr, P. Ovidius Naso, Metamorphosen, bk. 14I5, 1986 (comm.).

P. SCHENK, Die Gestalt des T. in Vergils Aeneis, 1984.

LK.

[2] Famous Roman satirist from the time of Domitianus [x] (Mart. 7,97,8), brother of the tragedy writer Scaevus Memor (Mart. 11,10); his poems profited from the popularity in late Antiquity of Juvenal (-> Iuvenalis), but, apart from two fragments, have been lost. FPL; BLANsDoRF, 335 f.; COURTNEY, 362 f.; B. BALDWIN,

Studies on Greek and Roman

History and Literature,

1985, 199-202; V. TaNDOI, I due frammenti di Turno, in:

Studi di poesia latina. Festschrift A. Traglia,vol 2, 1979, 801-831; M. Correy, T. und Juvenal, in: BICS 26, 1979, 88-94.

Turoni (TovgwvoWTourdnoi). Celtic people on the middle reaches of the Liger (modern Loire; Ptol. 2,11,22), neighbouring the Cenomanni [2] in the north, the Andegavi and the - Pictones in the west, the > Bituriges and the + Carnutes in the east. The T. were among the first to support > Vercingetorix in 52 BC and > Tulius [Il 126] Sacrovir in 21 AD (Tac. Ann. 3,41; 3,46). The T. were a civitas in the province of Gallia > Lugdunensis probably from the time of Augustus

a

38

(CIL XIII 3076 f., middle of the rst cent. AD: civitas

Roman to be spared, but after it was recaptured he was executed at the instigation of C. Marius [I 1] (Sall. lug. 66-69; Plut. Marius 8,1-5; App. Num. fr. 3).

libera et immunis), with a new capital established under Augustus at Caesarodunum where the Cares (modern Cher) flows into the Liger. At the end of the 3rd cent. AD it was incorporated into the province of Lugdunensis III. Many sites of ironworks provide evidence of the T.’s metallurgical activities, but they also exploited tuff quarries. Townships in the territory of the T. were Ambiacum (modern Amboise, a craft centre with ceramics, bronze, weaving, carpentry), Caino (modern Chinon, vicus, limestone quarries [1]), Mediconnum (modern Mougon, ceramic production [6]) and Caesarodunum (modern Tours, oldest remains of domestic

buildings no earlier than from the period of Tiberius [2; 3.953; 4], thermal baths, aqueduct, amphitheatre and defences with 25 towers,

finished c. 370/380;

[5- 93-97]). 1 R.BEDON, Les carriéres antiques de Chinon, in: Caesarodunum 6, 1971, 198-207. =21d., Tours, Caesarodunum, in: Id. (ed.), Les villes de la Gaule lyonnaise (Caesarodunum 30), 1996, 279-303 3 H.GaLinig, R. RanDOIN, Les archives du sol 4a Tours, 1979 4 L.Pretri, La 5 M.Provost, ville de Tours du IV‘ au VIF siécle, 1983.

Carte archéologique de la Gaule. L’Indre-et-Loire

37,

1988 6M. VIEILLARD- TROIEKOUROFF, Les monuments religieux de la Gaule, 1976, 169.

P. GOESSLER, s. v. T., RE 7 A, 1416-1426.

J.-M.DE.

Turpilius [1] Roman comic poet in the > palliata genre, younger contemporary of Terentius [III 1], died according to Hier. Chron. p. 148 HELM 104 BC. Fragments survive of 13 plays with uniformly Greek titles; his main source was — Menander [4]. With Caecilius [III 6] and Terence, who was dramaturgically close to him, T. represents the increasingly Hellenizing and Classicizing development of palliata, whereas multiplicity of metre and colour of language separate him from the stylistic purity of Terence and rather link him to ~ Plautus. + Volcacius Sedigitus’s canon of comedy writers lists him in seventh place, but his plays were still being performed in the time of Cicero; the grammarian ~ Nonius [III 1], to whom we owe most of the fragments, was able still in late Antiquity to make excerpts from an edition of the 13 plays. Fr.: L.RYCHLEWSKA, 1962 (on this W.G. ARNOTT, in: Gnomon 40, 1968, 31-35) and 1971; A. TRAINA, Comoedia, 31969, 155-161.

Lit.: BARDON I, 135-138.

[1a] L. T. Dexter. Suffect consul in 81 AD, probably in November and December (ILS 3452; AE 1998, 419: incorrectly T. instead of L.). In 64/5 he had served as pro-consul of Creta-Cyrenae (Inscriptiones Creticae I 2652) 3

WEE.

[2] T. Silanus, T. Roman citizen from Collatia [1. 10— 16]. In the war with — Jugurtha in 109/8 BC he was praef. fabrum and Roman commandant of the city of ++ Vaga. When Vaga fell to Iugurtha T. was the only

TURRANIUS

1 E.Bapian, Notes on a Recent List of Praefecti Fabrum

under the Republic, in: Chiron 27, 1997, 1-19.

K-LE.

Turpitudo. Offence against Roman morality (boni mores, » Mos maiorum) or an immoral way of life, e.g. + prostitution. In the Republic, the punishment was part of the cura morum (‘morality police’) of the ~ censores; the > praetor could also impose restrictions for turpitudo (e.g. prohibition of representing others in court, > postulatio; Ulp. Dig. 3,1,1,5). Although immorality was not equated with illegality (Paul. Dig. 50,17,144), immoral legal actions could be denied enforcement: in formal actions the praetor refused a complaint (Pomp. Dig. 45,1,27 pr.) or granted an — exceptio doli exception because of guile, cf. Paul. Dig. 45,1,134 pr.); in the bonae fidei iudicium (court proceedings for obligations in good faith) immoral content in an action led to invalidity (Papin. Dig. 22,1,5).

In the event of turpitudo by the recipient actions with immoral ends were in principle reclaimable (— condictio ob turpem causam). This was ruled out if

the turpitudo was on the part of the actor alone (e.g. payment to a prostitute, Ulp. Dig. 12,5,4,3) or of both parties (in pari turpitudine melior est causa possidentis, ‘in the case of equal turpitude the situation of the possessor is more favourable’, cf. Ulp. Dig. 3,6,5,1). ~» Censores; > Condictio; > Dolus; > Infamia; > Iudi-

cium; — Stipulatio B.BALTRUSCH, Regimen morum, 1989; KAsER, RPR 1, 250 f.; F.StTuRM, Quod meretrici datur repeti non potest, in: H.-P. BENOHR et al. (eds.), Iuris Professio, FS M. Kaser,

1986, 281-288; R.ZIMMERMANN, The Law of Obligations, 1990, 844-847.

R.GA.

Turranius. Roman gens name (SCHULZE, 429), sometimes confused with T(h)oranius. [1] T., C. Praetor in 44 BC (Cic. Phil. 3,25). He was presumably proscribed and killed at his son’s instigation (Val. Max. 9,11,5; App. B Civ. 4,71). Not identical

with the also outlawed (Suet. Aug. 27; App. B Civ. 4,47) guardian of Augustus, C. + Toranius. J.BA. [2] C. T. Gracilis. Eques from + Gades (modern Cadiz) (Plin. HN 3,3). He had the confidence of Augustus, who made him praef. Aegypti, recorded between 7 and 4 BC [1. 475]. In AD 14, at the time of Augustus’s death, he was praef. annonae; he presumably served in that office from AD 8. He was still in office in 48 (Tac. Ann. 11,31,1). He is probably identical with the T. mentioned in Seneca [2] (Sen. Dial. 10,20,3); he would then have had to be over 90 years old in 48. 1 P. Buretu, Le préfet d’ Egypte, in: ANRW II 10.1, 1988,

472-502

2H.Pavis p’Escurac, La préfecture de I’

annone, 1976, 317-319.

W.E.

39

40

[3] T. Niger. Cattle breeder from the area of Mutina. In 37 BC > Varro [2] dedicated the second book of his Res Rusticae to him (Varr. Rust. 2, praef. 6;2,11,12). J.BA.

Tuscia (Tovoxia/Touskia). Region and Late Antiquity organisational unit in central Italy. Varro (Ling. 5,325

TURRANIUS

Turrinus. Roman cognomen (derived from an unknown place name Turris); cf. > Horatius [3] and + Mamilius [5]. KaJANTO, Cognomina, 113; 184.

Turrita. Station on the Via Aemilia Scauri in Etruria (> Etrusci) between Vada Volaterrana (modern Vada) and — Pisae; modern Torretta. E. Repettl, Dizionario geografico fisico storico della Toscana, vol. 5, 1843, 543. GU.

rst cent. BC) used Tusci to describe the inhabitants of Etruria (> Etrusci); Both Scribonius [II 3] Largus

(Compositiones 146,33 first half of the rst cent. AD) and his contemporary Florus (Epit. 1,1) are familiar with T. as the name of a region. The regional term is distinguished by later authors (cf. Serv. Aen. 1,67; 2,146; 7,715) from the administrative term T., which is found after Diocletian’s imperial reform (— Diocletianus C.) in the name of the province of T. et Umbria, part of the Dioecesis Italia Annonaria (Serv. Aen. 2,146; 12,753; 4th/sth cent.; cf. Procop. Goth. 1,3,4); but T. on its own was also used to designate the whole province. This did not, however, encompass the full extent of the two regions, particularly not the whole of Umbria (> Umbri).

Turtle see > Chelone; > Testudo; — Tortoise Turullius (T., D. according to coin legends; T., P. ac-

cording to Cass. Dio 51,8,2). Quaestor in 44 BC and one of Caesar’s assassins. He then went with L. Tillius [2] Cimber to Bithynia and supported him in equipping a fleet. After the Battle of Philippi in 42 he remained with the still unbeaten fleet, then crossed to the side of M. Antonius [I 9]. To build the latter’s fleet he (probably with the rank of praef.) had some of the trees of the Grove of Asclepius on Cos lumbered and in 31 he minted coins for him (RRC 545). After Antonius’ defeat in 30 he was delivered to Octavianus and executed on Cos, also for his sacrilege (Val. Max. 1,1,19; Cass. Dio §1,8,2 £.; Lactant. Div. inst. 2,717). SyME, RP 2, 602 f.

Tuscana (Tveenvia/Tyrrhénia, Tvoonvi/Tyrrheéne; modern Tuscania). Etruscan city on the right bank of the Marta (Plin. HN 3,52; Steph. Byz. s. v. Tueenvia), where the > via Claudia crosses the river (Tab. Peut. 5,1; Geogr. Rav. 4,36; 6,2379a3 5,49). A > municipium, tribus Stellatina after the > Social War [3]; various magistrates are known from inscriptions:

e.g. decurio Tuscaniensium, quattuorvir, decurialis haruspex (CIL XI 2955-2959; 2970). The acropolis was

on San Pietro hill. The city was laid out in terraces and was supplied with water by cisterns and aqueducts. In the surrounding area there are necropoleis at Ara del Tufo, Pian di Mola, Madonna dell’Olivo (chamber tombs, burial goods and sarcophagi, also of noble families), S.Quitici GiGi, T. (Forma Italiae, Regio VII, vol. 2), 1970; G.CoLonna (ed.), T., 1990; M.QueErcrout, T., 1999. M.M.MO.

Tusci see > Etrusci, Etruria

Tuscianus. According to Dig. 1,2,2,53, T. and > Fulvius [II 2] Aburnius Valens followed — Iavolenus [2] and preceded -> Julianus [1] as heads of the Sabine

+ law school at the beginning of the 2nd cent. AD. Confusion with Iavolenus, who bore the cognomen Tossianus, is unlikely. D.Liess, Nicht-literarische rom. Juristen der Kaiserzeit, in: K. Luic, D. Lress (eds.), Das Profil des Juristen in der

europaischen Tradition. Symp. F. Wieacker, 1980, 149153; R.A. Bauman, Lawyers and Politics in the Early Roman Empire, 1989, 231-234.

T.G.

Tusculum

(modern Tuscolo). Town on the > mons Albanus in Latium (> Latini with map; Cic. Leg. agr. 2,96; Liv. 2,15,7; Str. 5,3,9: TovoxAow/Tousklon; Diod. Sic. 11,40,5; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 5,76; Cass. Dio 79,21; Ptol. 3,1,61: Tovoxovrov/Touskoulon; Steph. Byz. s.v. Tboxhoc). Foundation legends mention > Telegonus (Liv. 1,49; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,45, but cf. ibid. 1,72) or > Latinus [2] Silvius as the founder (Diod. Sic. 7, fr. 4). As a member of the > Latin League, T. was among those defeated by Rome in the battle of Lake Regillus (+ Lacus Regillus; Liv. 2,r9-20; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 6,2-14). In 381 BC, T. was probably the first + municipium (Cic. Plane. 19) to receive Roman citizenship (tribus Papiria; Cic. Balb. 31; Liv. 6,26,8; 8,37,12). In the Republican Period, the Tusculan magistracy was headed by a dictator (Liv. 3,18,2; 6,26,4), later by two aediles (CIL XIV 2579; 2590; 2621), and in the 3rd cent. BC by a curator rei publicae (CIL Il 1178). Sulla (+ Cornelius [I 90]) had a veteran colony founded in the city as a penalty for Tusculan opposition to him (Gromatici Veteres 1,238,rof.; T. is here erroneously transposed to Campania). T. was regarded as the airy summer resort par excellence for the Roman elite (cf. Str. 5,3,12). There were many villas (- Villa) belonging to wealthy families (Mamilii, Porcii, Fulvii, Fonteii, Coruncanii) and individuals such as + Cato [1], > Cicero (who locates his Tusculanae Disputationes here), + Asinius [I 4] Pollio, + Matidia [1] Salonia and > Tiberius [II 1] (Cic. Planc. 19; Cic. Font. 41; Nep. Cato 1,1; Val. Max. 3,4,6).

41

42

The region of T. was continuously inhabited from the Bronze Age until the Middle Ages. There are remains of fortifications [1], subterranean passages and cisterns and a system of wells (cisterna arcaica) dating from c. 500 BC. The forum of T. (archaeological excavations since 1994) had an irregular ground plan, and many statues have been found in its area [4]. There were several small sacella to the west [3], a building with a porticus to the south (mid—3rd cent. BC; basilica?), the theatre in the east (cavea from early rst cent. BC, stage area from early rst cent. AD) and also an amphitheatre from the mid—znd cent. AD [5]. Remains of an extraurban sanctuary survive on the western slopes of the town (Villa di Tiberio, probably dedicated to the Dioscuri: Cic. Div. 1,43,98; cf. CIL XIV 2576; 2620; 2637; structural phases demonstrably from the 2nd cent. BC onward; [6]). Archaeologists have yet to identify the Temple of Jupiter attested in literature and inscriptions

Tusidius Campester. L. (?) T. Campester. Roman

(Liv. 27,4,11; Macrob. Sat. 1,12,17; CIL XIV 2579).

The remains of villas have been found along the streets radiating out of the town, while cemeteries have been identified in the hilly country to the south of the urban area. 1 L. Quixict, $. Quriici GIGLI, Sulle fortificazioni di Tuscolo, in: Archeologia Laziale 11 (Quaderni di Archeologia Etrusco-Italica 21), 1993, 245-269 2 L. Canina,

Descrizione

dell’antico

Tuscolo,

1841

3 J.NGNEz,

X. Dupré, Un nuevo testimonio de la decuma Herculis

procedente de Tuscolo, in: Chiron 30, 2000, 333-352 4 F.SaLcepo Garcés, Propaganda e programma iconografici della citta di Tuscolo, in: R.F. DocTER, E.M. MoorMaNN

(eds.), Proceedings of the XVth Inter-

TUTELA

senator; suffect consul under + Antoninus [1] Pius in the September/October of AD 142 together with Q. Cornelius [II 54] Senecio Annianus (see also RMD 106, fr. 37 of the Fasti Ostienses = FO*, fr. S and a new fragment of a diploma in [1]). He is without doubt identical to L. Tusidius Campester (CIL XI 5632 = ILS 2735), the son of the procurator M. Maenius [II 1] Agrippa, whose career was in the time of Hadrian. 1 W.Eck, P. Wess, T. C., in: ZPE 134, 2001, 251-260.

W.E.

Tutankhamun. Egyptian king of the Eighteenth Dynasty, c. 1333-1323 BC, Egyptian Twt-bh-Jmn (‘Living Image of Amun’), throne name Nb-hprw-R who ascended the throne while still a child. T. was the son of a king (presumably > Amenophis [4] IV = Amenhotep IV); T. married a daughter of Amenophis IV and > Nefertiti). The restoration of the old cults (primarily that of + Amun) begun by his predecessor Smenkhkare was continued under T., and the religious policies of Amenophis [4] IV were abandoned completely. During the first two years of his reign, the residence was relocated from + Amarna to -» Memphis, and the original name Tutankhaten changed to T. He died probably when he was only 18 years old; the cause of death is unknown. His fame in modern times is primarily based on his richly furnished tomb discovered still intact in the Valley of the Kings in 1922. 1 M.Eaton-Krauss, s.v. T., LA 6, 812-816

national Congress of Classical Archaeology (Amsterdam

SCHNEIDER,

1998), 1999, 344-347 5 L.Quiict, $. QuiLici GIGLI, Monumenti di Tuscolo: l’anfiteatro, in: B.MAGNUSSON (ed.), Ultra terminum vagari. FS C. Nylander, 1997, 241-

*1996, 471-474.

251

61d., Ungrande santuario fuori la porta occidentale

di Tuscolo,

in: Archeologia

Laziale

12.2

(Quaderni

di

Archeologia Etrusco-Italica 23), 1995, 509-534. G.E.

McCracken,

A History

of Ancient

T., 1939;

M.Borpa, Monumenti archeologici tuscolani nel Castello di Aglié, 1943; L. Quizict, $. QuiLici GIGLI, Ricerca topografica a Tuscolo, in: Archeologia Laziale 10 (Quaderni di Archeologia Etrusco-Italica 19), 1990, 205-228; Id., Tuscolo ed il parco archeologico, 1991; X.DuPRE RaveENTOS, La investigaci6n cientifica y la revalorizacion de una ciudad de Lacio, in: A.NAVARENO Mareos (ed.), Actas del congreso Ciudades Histéricas Viva (Merida

1997), 1998, 25ff.; Id., Scavi archeologici di Tuscolo (Rapporti preliminari delle campagne 1994-1999), 2000. M.M.MO.

Tuscus. Roman

cognomen (meaning ‘Etruscan’) describing origin. Used in the Republican period by Aquillius [I 2], Siccius, in the Imperial period by Dasumius [4], Nummius [5], and Tullius. Decrassi, FCap., 149; Id., FCIR, 271; KAJANTO, CogK-LE. nomina, 51; 188.

s.v. T., in: Id., Lexikon

27H.

der Pharaonen,

KJ-W.

Tutela [1] (Latin ‘guardianship’, from tueri, ‘to protect’). I. BASIS AND TYPOLOGY OF GUARDIANSHIP II. GUARDIANSHIP OVER MINORS. __III. GUARDIANSHIP OVER WOMEN IV. GENERAL IMPORTANCE

I. BASIS AND TYPOLOGY OF GUARDIANSHIP Tutela occurred in Roman law as tutela over those

not yet of age (impuberes) and women (tutela mulierum), and concerned those who were not subject to the

personal power of the ‘father of the family’ (> pater familias) or the husband (> manus), and were thus persons ‘in their own right’ (sui iuris). The Twelve Tables (~ tabulae duodecim; tab. 5,6, c. 450 BC) prescribed the nearest male agnatic relative (brother, uncle on fa-

ther’s side, + agnatio) as tutor legitimus (‘legal guardian’). However, this basis of the tutela was probably already secondary by that time. Primarily it was the prerogative of the pater familias to name a guardian in his > will (tab. 5,3). By a lex Atilia (probably 210 BC), those in need of protection who lacked both a tutor legitimus and a tutor testamentarius were assigned a tutor by the praetor (from the 2nd cent. AD a praetor tutelarius) with the people’s tribunes, later (from the rst

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cent. BC) also the provincial governors, and from the rst cent. AD also by the consuls. From the outset, this tutela was seen as an obligation of the guardian. It was therefore permissible to decline it if particular grounds for doing so (- excusatio) subsisted, e.g. illness, age, military service, public office (Dig. 27,1; Inst. Iust. 1,25). The requirement for such grounds for refusal was transferred, probably in the rst cent. AD, to the tutela testamentaria,too, which now required a confirmatio (official confirmation). Previously, it has been possible simply to decline to accept the tutela testamentaria (abdicare). It is not certain whether the possibility of refusal citing grounds also applied to the tutela legitima from this date (as it certainly did in Late Antiquity). In the case of the guardianship of women, at least, the legally-appointed tutor could transfer his function to another (Gai. Inst. 1,168).

tions against its abuse by the tutor: by an ‘action for sums embezzled’ (actio rationibus distrahendis), the ward could exact a penalty for objects wrongfully requisitioned by the tutor in the amount of double their value (Tab. 8,20b, cf. Tryphoninus Dig. 26,7,5 5,1; Ulp. Dig. 27,3,1,24). There was provision against the tutor testimentarius in the ‘accusation of the suspect (sc. of bad faith) guardian’ (accusatio suspecti tutoris) (Tab. 8,20a). However, in the 2nd/3rd cents. AD, the penalty for this was merely the removal of the tutor from his position (remotio). But at this period, fines and dismissal applied in cases of abuse of all types of tutela (Ulp. Dig. 26,10,1,5; 27,3,1,19). Other than by these sanctions, the interests of the ward were also secured by continual state supervision, which was successively extended into Late Antiquity. Furthermore, the magistrate could demand of the tutor that he accept an independent obligation to manage the ward’s assets properly: > cautio or > satisdatio rem pupilli salvam fore (‘undertaking/pledge that the affairs of the ward be

TUTELA

II. GUARDIANSHIP OVER MINORS

At first, the tutela was a subjective right of the guardian: vis ac potestas (’[effective legal] force and power’,

Dig. 26,1,1 pr.). It included the aspect of lordship, as in the > patria potestas (paternal power), but in particular it also gave expression to the interest of the guardian in the assets of the ‘ward’ (pupillus). For this reason, it was the closest heirs who were nominated as tutor in the tutela legitima. At the latest with the introduction of the tutela by official appointment, the focus shifted to caring for the maintenance and education of the ward and for the fiduciary administration of the ward’s assets. Hence, from at least c. 100 BC, there was a recognized

action open to the (former) ward on the basis of good faith (bonae fidei indicium, — fides {II]). This actio tutelae included financial demands, replevin and damages for the tutor’s failure to conduct administration in accordance with his duty. Accordingly, too, the tutor here is not (any longer) viewed as the owner of the ward, but as the entitled possessor with authority to dispose and to conduct cases. However, from the reign of > Septimius [II 7] Severus (AD 195), the tutor was forbidden to sell or encumber rural land (cf. Dig. 27,9,1,2), a ban which was extended under Constantine (+ Constantinus[1z]; AD 326) to include other valuable assets and the provision of a dowry (> dos; Cod. Iust. 5,37,22). A court could, however, grant exemption from these limitations. Minors (- minores) older than seven (impuberes infantia maiores) needed the ‘authority’ of their guardian (> auctoritas [Ill.|tutoris) for transactions which brought them legal disadvantage. The same applied to the receipt of benefits. If it was to the ward’s advantage, however, the action for payment was countered by the > exceptio doli (‘exception of malice’). A rescript (> rescriptum) of Antoninus Pius (2nd cent. AD) allowed the converse: the recipient in such cases could demand his payment by an analogous action (-» actio [2 B.] utilis) (Ulp. Dig. 26,8,1 pr.; 26,8,5 pr. und 1). The Twelve Tables (> tabulae duodecim) already defended the fiduciary character of the tutela by providing sanc-

safe). III. GUARDIANSHIP OVER WOMEN

Tutela over adult > women seems at first to have followed the same rules as the other forms of guardianship. Here too, there was tutela by law, by testament and by ruling of the magistrate. Legal tutela, however, was abolished under — Claudius [III 1] (rst cent. AD). The choice of the tutor testamentarius was now for the most part left to the woman herself (with the right to change tutores; hence tutor optivus, ‘chosen guardian’, Gai. Inst. 1,1 50-154). In the end, by the 2nd cent. AD, the magistrate only appointed a tutor on application from the woman (Gai. Inst. 1,195). The function of the tutela was by this time limited to granting auctoritas for particularly important transactions. However, the woman could overcome the tutor’s right of consent by making an application to the praetor (Gai. Inst. 1,190; 1,192).

A striking step towards the decline of the tutela mulierum is seen as early as the 2nd cent. BC, when the lawyers developed a device for changing guardians at the request of the woman: the > coemptio fiduciaria (the ‘fiduciary coemptive marriage’). Here a woman concluded a marriage of convenience with a fiduciary. Her new ‘husband’ passed ‘possession’ (> mancipium) of the woman to the desired guardian-to-be, who in turn released her from the mancipium. By this contrivance, the pseudo-master became quasi-patron (- patronus [B.]), and as such legal tutor (cf. Gai. Inst. 1,166). A breakthrough of still greater importance to the guardian-free legal status of women was the > ius (E. 2.) liberorum (empowerment, sc. by giving birth to children) under the Julian Marriage Laws of Augustus (late rst cent. BC): from then on, free-born women were freed from the tutela after giving birth to three legitimate children, freedwomen after four.

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IV. GENERAL IMPORTANCE Overall, even after the almost complete extinguishing of the tutela mulierum, tutela in Roman law continued to be of far greater importance than modern guardianship. It is true that the age up to which a tutela was required was, at 14, younger than today. However, the considerably higher rates of -> mortality among Roman masters as compared to parents having the care and custody of children under modern law must be taken into account. Mothers had no legal role in care

Tutelage. Tutelage played an important part in both Athenian (cf. > epitropos [2]) and Roman law (cf. > tutela |1]). It applied not only in respect of infants and impubes (‘those under the age of discretion’) not under the - patria postestas (‘paternal power’), but also in a wider context as a gender-based tutelage in respect of > women (- Kyrios [II], > Tutela, [x IIl]). GS.

and custody. Freed children (+ Freedmen)

and the

children of freedmen were under the twtela of their patron (> patronus B.). It was also possible to appoint a guardian for a particular reason (e.g. where the ‘actual’ tutor was unable to take on his duties) or to appoint multiple guardians (e.g. because of the provisions of a will). On the other hand, Roman law had the special grounds for liability in an arrogation of tutela (actio protutelae). The guardian received compensation for his expenses by a counter-action (actio tutelae contraria). All of this shows that the Roman jurists were very intensively involved in issues of the tutela. It may therefore be no coincidence that one of the few surviving examples of the method of Q. > Mucius [I 9] for arranging legal materials by genera (species) shows five species of the tutela (cf. Gai. Inst. 1,188). —~ Munus, Munera (II.) L.DEsaAnTI, De confirmando tutore vel curatore, 1995; HONSELL/MAYER-MALY/SELB,

419-430;

KASER,

vol. 1, 85-90; 352-369; vol. 2, 222-234; 589-591.

RPR,

GS.

[2] Tutelary goddess, esp. of the Roman Imperial period; developed from the concept of places under divine protection (epigraphical evidence: [3]), venerated together with > Genius and — Fortuna, as coin images also show [1; 4]. Her cult at Rome is attested by an aedicula [2]. There were Tutelae of indiviual cities in Spain [5]. 1 P.Carapria, Una personificazione femminile romana,

T., in: Riv. Italiana di Numismatica e Scienze affini 88, 1986, 77-88 2 LeGurorrt,’siv, *Y GULTUR§ 5,93

3 W. EHLERS, s.v. T. (4), RE7 A, 1599f. 47T.GANSCHOW, s. v. T., LIMC 8.1, 112 f. 5 F. HEICHELHEIM, s. v. T. (5), RE7 A, 1600-1603.

[3] T. navis. Cult image of the deity to which the ‘protection of a ship’ was entrusted. It was placed on the stern (Val. Fl. 8,202 f.), was richly decorated (Verg. Aen. 10,171; Sen. Epist. 76,13), and sacrifices were made to it in situ (satirical distortion, Petron. Sat. 105,3 f.; other evidence: [2]). The ship relief at the Villa Torlonia shows a T. in the form of a winged deity with a garland and an altar [1. 62-65, 158]. + Navigation; > Sea gods 1 O.Hécxmann, Antike Seefahrt, 1985 s. v. T. (10), RE7 A, 2556 f.

2 F. MILTNER,

MSE.

TUTULUS

Tuticanus. A boyhood friend of + Ovidius, who was able to include T.’s name (~~~~) ina letter to him only by playing with the actual syllable quantities (Ov. Pont. 4,12,10 f., cf. 4,14,1 f.). He appears to have translated the episode of the Phaeacians in the Odyssey into Latin (ibid. 4,16,27 with 4,12,27). ED.C.

Tutilius {1] L. T. Lupercus

Pontianus.

Senator,

cos.

ord. in

AD 135; procos. of Asia probably in r50/r [1. 89-94; 2. 310 f.]. He may have been a descendant of the Lupercus mentioned in Plin. Ep. 2,5 and 9,26. 1 H.ENGELMANN, Ephesische Inschriften, in: ZPE 84, 1990 ©2K.DteTz, Die beiden Mummii Sisennae und der Wiederaufbau der Basilika Stoa von Thera, in: Chiron 23, 1993, 295-311.

[2] L. T. Pontianus Gentianus. Senator; descendant of T. [1]; according to HA Aur. 29,1 he had a liaison with the empress — Faustina [3]; Marcus [2] Aurelius did admit him to official positions, however; in AD 183 he succeeded Commodus as a consul (CIL VI 2099 = 32386120). W.E. Tutola (TovtoAa) or Tutula (TovtovAa), also Philotis (DuOtic, Pirwtic); Latin Tutela. Legendary maidser-

vant at the time of the Latin wars, by whose plan the Romans appear to accede to the > Latini’s demands for Roman women but send T. and slave-girls into the Latin camp, dressed as married Roman women; after suc-

cessful deception T. gives the Romans a sign to attack the distracted enemy (Plut. Romulus 29,7; Plut. Camil-

lus 33,4f.; Polyaenus, Strat. 8,30; Macrob. Sat. 1,11,38). The + Capratinae Nonae festival is supposed to commemorate this incident by means of a ritual exchange of clothing. E. PeTERICH, P. GRIMAL, Gotter und Helden, 1971, 160 f.

SU.EL.

Tutulus (originally ‘cap’). Roman head adornment in the form of a rounded cone (meta). Tutulus was known

as the hairstyle of the -» mater familias and the flaminica, and had, therefore, a function similar to the one of the galerus or the pileus of the - pontifices and the -+ flamines [1]. The term tutulus refers also to a high hairstyle with red ribbons, obtained by piling up the gathered hair in a conical form on the top of the head (Fest. 484 L.). The tutulus was already known in Etruria in the 6th/sth cent. BC, as the common hairstyle of Etruscan women [2. 75].

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48

1 A.V. SIEBERT, Quellenanalytische Bemerkungen zu Haartracht und Kopfschmuck romischer Priesterinnen, in: Boreas 18, 1995, 78-83 (bibliography)

fr. 208 CARDAUNS; Varro, Rust. 1,1,4). A supposedly more original, Etruscan finding is a later formation (Sen. Q Nat. 2,41), but it possibly reflects the Etruscan reception of Greek religious conceptions. in Latin literature the TG occur only sporadically (Plaut. Epid. 610 f.; Ov. Am. 3,2,43 f.; Petron. Sat. 39,5), but they do so more frequently in Greek literature of the + second sophistic (Lucian. deorum concilium 15). They are quoted in the theological speculation of the Imperial Period (Apul. de deo Socratis 2; Salustius [2] Peri the6n

TUTULUS

2 L. BONFANTE WARREN, Etruscan Dress, 1975.

AVS.

Twelve (Olympian) gods (Awdexda0eoU/Dodekatheoi, Lat. Di Consentes). I. GENERAL II. GREECE

III. ROME

I. GENERAL Groups of TG are a topic that was already dealt with in Hellenistic literature; their composition has been subject of antiquarian speculation throughout the whole of Antiquity. Nevertheless, they did not represent a ‘monotheistic dodecade’. Worshipping them as a set group of gods was, in compliance with the structural principles of ancient + polytheism, not obligatory and the members of the group varied from one region to the other [1. 360 f.]. I]. GREECE Groups of TG appear neither in Linear B, nor in Homer’s epics. Wilamowitz [2nd vol. 1, 323] was the first to take the significance of TG in Athens as an indication for a Jonian origin. At least for the development of the concept of TG in Greece, > Jonia must have played an important role, due to its contacts with the Ancient Near-Eastern cultures [1. 144-152]; there is evidence of a special interest in the > number twelve in this region (Hdt. 1,143; cf. on the Ancient Near East [3. 15, 174 f.]). The earliest finding is the TG altar on Athens’ agora, dating from c. 522/1 BC (Thuc. 6,54; Hdt. 6,108); possibly, though, there was already a TG cult in > Olympia in the early 6th cent. [1. 154 f.]. The > atthidographers dated the origins of the Athenian cult of TG to the mythical era, e.g. to + Deucalion’s time (Hellanicus FGrH 4 F 6). The TG are rarely encountered in the dramatic, epic and visual arts of the 5th cent. BC; cf., however, the > Parthenon’s frieze with the TG Zeus, Hera, Poseidon, Athena, Ares, Aphrodite, Apollo, Artemis, Hephaestus, Dionysus, Hermes and Demeter. A TG group of this composition, however, became canonical only by the mid—4th cent. From that time onwards, TG groups appear more often in literature (e.g. Amphis fr. 9 Kock) and the visual arts (Val. Max. 8,11,5). With the formation of the Hellenistic territorial states, the TG cult spread all over the Mediterranean world, finding increased expression in its literature and art [1. 187 f.]. Ill. ROME The first Roman TG group appears in the + lectisternium of 217 BC: Iuppiter, Iuno, Neptunus, Minerva, Mars, Venus, Apollo, Diana, Volcanus, Vesta, Mercurius and Ceres (Liv. 22,10,9; on the lectisternium of 399 BC as a possible forerunner, cf. Liv. 5,13,6); the TG are quoted in literature for the first time in this formation by Ennius (Ann. 240 f.). They are also called ~ Consentes Dei (Varro Antiquitates rerum divinarum

kai kosmou 6), as well as in magic texts (PGM 2 no. 7,

862 f.). In astronomy, they are connected with the + zodiac (Manil. 2,433 f.; InscrIt 13,2,284 f. no. 47).

Consecrations and representations of TG are frequent in the art of the Imperial Period [1. 257 f.]. Their spread during the Hellenistic and Imperial Periods could be connected with the tendency of the time towards a universalization of religious conceptions. — Number-> ; Polytheism; > Theoi pantes 1 C.Lonc, The Twelve Gods of Greece and Rome, 1987 (basic) 2WiamMowitz 3M.L. West, The East Face of Helicon, 1997.

O. WEINREICH, s. v. Z.wolfgotter, ROSCHER 6, 764-848.

CRP.

Twelve Cities, League (Etruscan) of. The federation of 12 Cities or tribes into an alliance was an old and widespread occurrence in the Mediterranean region and well beyond (cf. the 12 tribes of Israel). The number 12, which had symbolic significance, emphasized internal closeness and, at the same time, differentiation from the outside. Political/military goals in the sense of a defensive community or a federation for the arrangement of common policies cannot be identified in any of the ancient leagues of twelve cities (LTC), but cannot be excluded for the poorly ascertainable early phase of the LTC in colonial territories (particularly Ionic migration, + Colonization II.; cf. Hdt. 1,170) and in times of political crisis (Hdt. 1,151; 1,170; 6,7). Rather, LTC similarly to an > amphiktyonia — appear to have been cultic associations, whose festive gatherings at a religious centre and occasionally under the leadership of a league priest were intended to symbolically strengthen ethnic or genealogical unity. LTC are primarily known in Etruria and Asia Minor. The Etruscan LTC had its centre in the fanum Voltumnae in - Volsinii (Liv. 1,8,1-3; 4,35,53 551,53 10,16,33

Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 6,75), where the principes Etruriae met annually and a common priest (sacerdos) of the LTC was elected. The Etruscan league was probably first founded in the sth cent. and ceased to exist no later than 264 BC with the destruction of Volsinii. This league was said to have founded another Etruscan LTC north of the Appennines in the Po Plain with its capital at Mantua (Diod. Sic. 14,113,1f.; Liv. 5,33,7—-10, cf. Plin. HN 3,149,130); this LTC was broken up around 400 BC by the invasions of the Celts. A third Etruscan LTC, with its capital in Capua, was destroyed by the Samnites in 424 BC (> Colonization V.).

49

50

In Asia Minor, the best-known LTC is the league of Ionian cities around the + Panionion on Mycale (Hdt. 1,142f.; 1,148). North of that was the LTC of the Aeolians (without a known centre), which consisted of only II Cities after Smyrna joined the Ionian League (Hat. 1,149). The federation of six Doric cities in south-western Asia Minor around the sanctuary of + Triopium provides grounds for supposing an original Doric LTC on the mainland of Asia Minor and the Doric islands in the southern Aegean. In Italy, similar leagues can be assumed for the Samnites and the southern Italic tribes, but are not explicitly

II. IN MEDICINE Ancient medical texts attributed the birth of twins on the the one hand to an exceptional fertility of the parents, particularly the mother, and on the other to excessive sexual behaviour of the mother [2. 4-37]. According to Hippocrates [6], twins were conceived in a single sexual intercourse as the result of excessive ejaculation of semen (Hippoc. De natura pueri 31). If the germ-cell of both parents is male, two boys will be born; if the germ-cell of both is female, the result will be two girls, but if it is male and female, twins of different genders will be born (Hippoc. De victu 30). Aristoteles [6] further expanded this model with his theory of superfetation (Aristot. Gen. an. 772b). According to this

recorded; the -> Latin League (with map) is also not described in the sources as a LTC, although the find of

13 altars in + Lavinium allows this conclusion (if the 13th altar is interpreted as a symbol of unity). In the Greek homeland, other than the amphiktyonia consisting of 12 members around > Delphi (Hdt. 1,145), only one league of 12 ‘parts’ (méré) for the Achaeans is known. W.ED.

Twelve Tables see + Tabulae Duodecim Twins (Greek didvpou/didymor; Latin gemini). I. INRELIGION

II. IN MEDICINE

III. IN CULTURE

I. IN RELIGION

In Greek and Roman Antiquity, multiple births were considered numinous. Even Pliny the Elder (rst cent. AD) considered a birth of more than three children at the same time as a > prodigium (Plin. HN 7,33; cf. Dig. 34,557). In Greek mythology, the birth of twins was seen as caused by the influence of divine power. It was assumed that they had been fathered by a god or that the mother had been impregnated by both a god and a man. The > Dioscuri Castor and Polydeuces were seen as the sons of Zeus (Hom. Il. 3,237 f.), but also as the sons of both Zeus and — Tyndareos (Kypria fr. 5 K1nKEL). Amphion [1] and Zethus [1] were considered sons of Zeus (Hom. Od. 11,260-265), but also jointly fathered with Epopeus, the king of Sicyon (Paus. 2,6,4; + Antiope). Because of this particular notion of their procreation, twins and their mothers were considered taboo. In ancient perception, contact with them was not without risk to the community, an explanation for the recurrent mythological motif of the exposure of twins and the persecution of the mother of twins (cf. > Antiope [x], > Tyro, > Melanippe [1]; + Exposure, myths and legends of). In his description of the abandonment of > Romulus [1] and Remus, Strabo points out explicitly that it was done in keeping with ancient customs (xata 1 mateuov, katd ti patrion: Str. 5,3,2). Compa-

rable notions regarding the paternity of twins and similar ideas on the treatment of twins are also found among primitive peoples. Linked to the notion of their descent from the gods was the veneration of divine twins (e.g. the Dioscuri, Amphion and Zethus). The magical powers ascribed to them made them divine helpers and the founders of cities. [1. 1122-11325

2. 37-48; 3. 5-41].

TWINS

notion, a mother of twins will have had sexual inter-

course with two different men within a short period of time. Aristotle’s prime example for this is the procreation of > Heracles [1] and > Iphicles. He also cites an adulteress who gave birth to twins, one of whom looked like her husband, but the other like the adulterer. In the case of a birth of twins of different genders, Aristotle generally assumes superfetation (Aristot. Hist. an. 584b-585a). Both explanatory models applied throughout Antiquity, until Christian authors — probably for moral reasons — began to reject the superfetation theory [3. 53-67]. In the ancient perception, Egypt was predestined for twin and multiple births, because the Nile had the effect of increasing fertility [2. 49-52; 3. 67-69]. Ancient sources also transmit reports on Siamese twins: Hesiod (frr. 17-18 M.-W.) has the + Actorione appear as Siamese twins, and Augustine also reports on such twins [3. 85-88]. Given poor sanitary and hygiene conditions and food deficiencies, the mortality rate of twins and their mothers, a topic rather frequently discussed in ancient literature, must have been even worse than the already high general mortality [3. 80-85] (> Birth; Mortality). Ill. IN CULTURE In the ancient view, the particular attraction of twins was their baffling similarity in looks. According to Hippocrates, this was due to the fact that they were born to the same conditions and had grown up in the same environment and the same social setting (Hippoc. De victu 30; Aug. Civ. 5,2). Linked to the similarity of twins is the frequently found literary motif of their confusion (cf. the comedy Menaechmi by — Plautus, centred around a pair of twins). However, the risk of confusion was only present for outsiders; those in constant contact with twins could very well distinguish between them (Cic. Acad. 2, 54-57). Their almost identical appearance also explains why buyers were prepared to pay enormous sums for twin slaves [2. 56-80, 110-115; 3. 69-74, [11-115]. Another popular motif in ancient literature is the harmony and inseparability of twins (for two examples of twins who spent their entire life together: Anth. Gr.

51

TWINS

7,551; 75733) In mythology, this concord also applies to the field of love with twin brothers frequently marrying (twin) sisters. Furthermore, twins enjoyed the same education and professional training [2. 65-80, 101; 3. 89-91, ros—109]. However, alongside the motif of concord and harmony, fierce competition and strife between twins also featured. Twin brothers ~ Acrisius and > Proetus and also Esau and > Jacob [1] had reputedly started fighting even before they were born (Apollod. 2,2,1; Gn 25:22) [2. 194-1973 3. 93-

99). The question of primogeniture may have been of importance in ruling dynasties. According to Herodotus [x], the Spartan twin kingship only arose because nobody knew which of the twins was the older, Eurysthenes[x] or Procles[1] (Hdt. 6,52) [3. ro1-105]. At least for slave children, there were obvious tendencies to give them similar-sounding names or to name them after mythological twins [2. 130-192; 3. 109rir].

For the astrological constellation of Gemini the Twins, cf. > Constellations. 1W.Kraus,

s.v.

Dioskuren,

RAC

3,

1122-1138

2 F.Mencaccl, I fratelli amici. La rappresentazione dei gemelli nella cultura romana, 1996

3R.RATHMAYR,

Zwillinge in der griechisch-rémischen Antike, 2000. Tyana (Tvavo/Tyana; Luwian Tuwana). Ancient Ana-

tolian city, capital of southern > Cappadocia, on the road to the Cilician Gates [x], modern Kemerhisar (settlement mound, aqueduct, tapping of springs). Seat of a Late-Hittite kingdom, which in the later 8th cent. BC probably came under the predominance of the Phrygian kingdom (> Phryges). In the Hellenistic Period as ‘Eusebeia near the Taurus’ (EvoéBeia fh med¢ TO Tavew/

Eusébeia hé pros t6i Tauroi: Str. 12,2,7) after Mazaca (> Caesarea) the second most significant city in Cappadocia; at the division of the Roman province in AD 372 capital of > Cappadocia II. Recorded as a bishopric, then the seat of a metropolitan from 325 until the 14th cent. Seriously affected by the Arab conquests of the 8th and 9th cents., T. lost its pre-eminence to ~ Nakida. The philosopher Apollonius [14] was from le > Asia Minor (III. C.x. and III. D.) with maps HILD/RESTLE,

298f.; W.RuGe, s.v. T., RE 7 A, 1630-

1642; D. BerGEs, Neue Forschungen in T., in: Veroffent-

lichungen der Joachim-Jungius-Gesellschaft der Wissenschaft 87, 1998, 179-204; Id., C. BORKER, T. 1996-1997, in: Arastirma Sonuglari Toplantisi 16.1, 1999, 315-327.

K.ST.

Tyche (Tbyn/Tyché, Toxa/Tycha). [1] Greek goddess of fate, the + personification of the abstract term tyche (‘fate’, ‘chance’; ‘fortune’ — both good and bad), etymologically related to the verb tuyxaveww/tynchdnein (‘hit’, ‘meet with’, ‘be favoured with’, ‘happen accidentally’). The close connection between the two aspects (by what is called ‘Person-Be-

§2

reichdenken’) often makes it very difficult in Greek literature to distinguish between the deity and the abstraction [3.3 5-36]. No specific myth is associated with the personified figure of T. Even though Hes. Theog. 360 names her as a daughter of + Oceanus and > Tethys, while according to Pind. Ol. 12,1-2 she is a daughter of > Zeus, such genealogies are of little relevance to the significance of T. Furthermore, she is often linked to other powers of similar character, such as > Moira (Archil. IEG fr. 16; Pind. fr. 41), Daimon (+ Demons V.; Eur. Iph. A. 1136; Lys. 13,63) or > Kairos (Plat. Leg. 709b). T. does not appear in the Homeric epics, but increasingly gained in importance in the literature that followed [1.1650-1673]. Two developments can be observed: initially, T. appears as a power mainly associated with the gods (e.g. Pind. Nem. 6,24; Soph. Phil. 1326; Plat. Leg. 759c), whose actions are predominantly depicted as positive (PMG fr. adesp. ro1; Aesch. Ag. 664), whereas later she appears variously as acting alongside the gods (e.g. Eur. Phoen. 1202; Dem. Or. 4,45). At the same time, greater emphasis is given to the irrational changeability of her actions, at times for the good, at times for the bad (e.g. Soph. Ant. 1158; Eur. Jon 15 12— 1514; cf. Pl. Def. 411b). From the Hellenistic Period onwards, T. often even appears as a moody, blind and unjust random force, e.g. in New > Comedy (cf. Men. fr. 296; 463f.; 630). During this period, the belief in the omnipotence of T., favoured by the changing social and political conditions, gained greater importance in the Greek world, while at the same time the belief in the Olympian gods gradually lost in content and significance (Dem. Or. 18,194; Aeschin. Leg. 131; Chairemon

TrGF 71 F 19; Paus. 4,30,4f.). In addition to the notion of T. as the protectress of cities (in Pind. fr. 39, she is already described as pherépolis — ‘supporter of the city’; cf. IG II? 3607; Dion Chrys. 63,3), a ‘personal’ T. is associated with each human being, accompanying him/her throughout life (Philemon CAF fr. 10; cf. Aeschin. In Ctes. 157). Evidence of a cult of T. has been found in many places in Greece from the 4th cent. BC onwards, e.g. at Athens, Thebes, Megara and Corinth. She was mainly venerated as a deity of good fortune (Agathé T.), often together with Agathos Daimon (Paus. 9,39,5), > Nemesis and others, and in the course of religious > syncretism equated with deities such as —> Isis, > ArtemisHecate and + Cybele. Numerous depictions of T. were known in Antiquity [1.1682-1689; 2]; her attributes included - plodtos (‘wealth’ Paus. 9,16,1f.), cornucopia, bowl, ship’s wheel and a wall crown (as a city goddess). T. largely equates to the Roman goddess — Fortuna. + Fortuna; > Personification 1 G. HERZoG-Hauser, s.v. T., RE 7A, 1643-1689 2 L. VILLARD, s.v. T., LIMC 8.1, 115-125; 8.2, 85-89

3 G. VocT-Spira, Dramaturgie des Zufalls. T. und Handeln in der Komédie Menanders, 1992.

53

54

Nitsson, GGR 2, 200-210; P. PROTTUNG, Darstellungen der hellenistischen Stadt-Tuche, 1995; G.SFAMENI Gas-

PARRO, Daimon and T. in the Hellenistic Religious Experi-

ence, in: P. BIDE et al. (eds.), Conventional Values of the Hellenistic Greeks, 1997, 67-109.

[2] Northern suburb of - Syracusae (Cic. Verr. 2,4,119), named after a sanctuary of T. [1] (Cic. Verr.

2,4,119) located on the south-eastern slope of the plateau of Epipolae, between the quarries of Cozzo Romito and Giardino Spagna-Ospedale Civile. T. was either founded as part of the resettlement programme implemented by -> Gelon [1] from 484/3 BC (cf. Diod. Sic. 11,68,4; 11,68,1 and 3; 11,73,2 with Ephorus FGrH 70 F 66) or under > Dionysius [1] . The siege of Syracuse in 212 BC also affected T. (Liv. 24,21,7; 25,25,4ff.; Plut. Marcellus 18,6). The necropolis along its northern boundary developed from the 3rd cent. BC onwards, alongside the modern Latomia Casale [1.83 5; 2]. 1 H.P. DROGEMULLER, s.v. Syrakusai, RE Suppl. 13, 81 5836 2G.V. GENTILI, s.v. Siracusa, EAA 7, 1966, 331.

Tychon (Tvywv/Tychon). [1] Ithyphallic god (Str. 13,1,12), associated with + Priapus (Diod. Sic. 4,6,4), but primarily with ~» Hermes (Clem. Al. Protreptikos 102,1; Theognostus, Anecdota Oxoniensia 2, p. 33,31 CRAMER), as in the

only inscriptional record, from Magnesia [2] on the Maeander [2] [2. 136 no. 203]; also with > Aphrodite (Herodian. 1,37,15 Lentz; Hesych. s. v. T.; cf. Apollophanes PCG 2 fr. 6). His efficacy was considered limited (Anth. Pal. 9,334,1), but > Alexander [II 15] of Pherae worshipped the lance with which he killed his uncle Polyphron as T. (Plut. Pelopidas 29, 293¢), in etymological play on tuxeiv/ tychein, ‘hit’. 2 O. KERN, 3 W.Die Inschrift von Magnesia am Maander, 1900 1H. Herter,

s. v. T., RE 7 A, 1698-1701

R. MEcow, s. v. T., LIMC 8.1, 141 f.

Jos.

(2] IT. Thaumaturgus (T. Oavpatoveydd T. Thaumatourgos), T. ‘the miracle worker’, a Byzantine saint. His

reconstructed dates (AD 340-403) remain vague; according to the testimony of the Synaxaria (— Synaxdrion), T. was consecrated bishop of Amathus (in Cyprus) by > Epiphanius [1] of Salamis. There is evidence of the church of his tomb from the 6th cent. According to his Vita (written by > Johannes [32] Eleemon), T. took action against the cult of + Aphrodite and performed, among others, a wine miracle: ripening grapes on his holy day (16 June). He is considered the patron of viticulture in Cyprus; his holy day may be a continuation of one in the cult of + Dionysus [3]. The thesis [2] that T. can be traced to a fertility god of the same name is untenable. 1H.

De enaye (ed.), Synaxarium Ecclesiae Constantino-

politanae, 1902, 751-754 1907

5-23.

2H.Usener, Der heilige T.,

3 R.Kany, Dionysos Protrygaios, in: JbAC 1988,

K.SA.

TYDEUS

Tyconius. c. AD 330-390 in Africa (Gennadius Vir. ill. 18). His Latin Liber Regularum (‘Book of Rules’) from c. 383, which surviving almost complete, represents the first extant Christian + hermeneutics. In biblical exegesis, according to T., attention must be paid to seven core issues: 1) the Lord and his body, i.e. the Church; 2)

the body of the Lord, dichotomized into Good and Evil; 3) the Prophecies and the Law; 4) the particular subitem and the textual genre in general; 5) symbolic time information; 6) repetition structures and 7) the bipartite body of the Devil. The aim of hermeneutics, which combines theological and grammatical/rhetorical elements, is the harmonization of contradictory biblical passages and the explanation of ambiguous ones. Through + Augustinus (De doctrina Christiana 3) this scheme was influential until well into the Middle Ages. Surviving only very fragmentarily, T.’ commentary on the Book of Revelation translates his hermeneutic theory into exegetic practice: dispensing with a chiliastic interpretation, his intention is to bring out the timeless validity in history of Revelation, and this is later referred to by e.g. Primasius, Beda and Beatus of Liebana. Of his Donatist writings De bello intestino and Expositiones diversarum causarum, which he wrote before renouncing Donatism (> Donatus [1]), we know only the titles. — Exegesis; > Hermeneutics EpITIONS: 1F.C. Burxirr, The Book of Rules of T., 1894 (Liber regularum) 2F.LoBug, The Turin Frag-

ments of T.’ Commentary on Revelation, 1963. BIBLIOGRAPHY: R.GryYSON, Fragments inédits du com-

mentaire de T. sur |’Apocalypse, in: Revue Bénédictine 107, 1997, 189-226;

K. POLLMANN, Doctrina Christiana,

1996.

K.P.

Tydeus (Tvdevc; Tyders). [1] Son of - Oeneus and — Periboea [6]. He has to leave his home after killing one of his relatives (for his motive: [1. 175]). In Argos, > Adrastus [1] gives him his daughter > Deipyle in marriage. In the siege of Troy, their son» Diomedes [1] fights hard to match the achievements of his father in every way. As one of the + Seven against Thebes, T. is part of an embassy to the city and emerges victorious from a series of contests with the Thebans. On his return journey, he escapes an ambush by killing all but one of his 50 opponents (Hom. Il. 4,384-397). In the actual battle for Thebes, he is conspicuous as a brave, even bloodthirsty (Aeschyl. Sept. 377-393) warrior, who does not shirk from killing Oedipus’ daughter > Ismene [1] (Mimn. fr. 21 W.). And when > Amphiaraus presents him with the head of > Melanippus [1], who had earlier injured T. in battle, T. turns cannibal. > Athena, his tutelary god-

dess, who was about to bestow immortality on him, backs off in horror and returns to the Olympus (Thebais fr. 9 BERNABE; Eur. fr. 537 Nauck*). While Homer (Il. 14,414) has T. buried in Thebes, Attic tradition locates his burial place in Eleusis, where Middle Helladic cist graves were apparently venerated in the late Geometric period as a sanctuary of the Seven [2. 351]. + Thebes [2] II.

TYDEUS

1N.J. Ricuarpson, The Iliad: 21-24, 1993

A Commentary, Books

2J.N. CoLpsTREAM, Geometric Greece,

1977-

J.ScuMIpT, s. v. T., ROSCHER 5, 1388-1404; E.SrmMon, S. LORENZ, s. v. T., LIMC 8.1, 142-145. REN.

[2] Athenian from > Oe, son of the strategos> Lamachus who died in battle on Sicily in 444 BC (IG I/II* 1556); it is likely that T. himself held a military command on the island in 413 ([Lys.] Or. 20,26). He subsequently served as strategos in Athens’ final naval defeat at + Aigos Potamos in 405 (Xen. Hell. 2,1,16; 26). It is possible that the reason for his escape from being executed by the victors was that (according to Paus. 10,9,11) he had been bribed by > Lysander [x]. DEVELIN, 180.

K.KI.

Tydeus Painter. Significant painter of > Corinthian vases, who c. 560 BC primarily made amphorae, kraters, lekythoi and oinochoai; scholarship has not so far been quite successful in distinguishing the TP from stylistically related painters. His most important work can be found on red-ground neck amphorae, such as the eponymous Killing of Ismene by > Tydeus [1] (Paris, LV E 640). Apart from a battle between > Theseus and the Minotaur (amphora Paris, LV E 651) the TP primarily shows battles, horsemen, komasts and animals and fabulous beings. His works are distinguished by a

rich use of red and white and numerous name labels. Amyx, CVP, 269-272; AMyx, Addenda, 79; E.SIMON,

Die griechischen Vasen, 71981, 53 f.

MST.

Tyle (Twn; Tye). [1] Capital of the Celtic kingdom in Thrace (> Thraci, Thracia), founded under Comontorius in 278 BC, abandoned in 212 BC after the Thracians’ victory over

the Celtic king > Cavarus (Pol. 4,46). On the basis of Steph. Byz. s.v. Tbduc, T. is generally localized near + Haemus, in the region around modern Tulovo (district of Kazanlak in Bulgaria). A textual variant in Steph. Byz. loc.cit., however, suggests a location in the Late Antiquity province of Haemimontus in southeastern Thrace, where the fortress TouAeotc/Touleotis (Procop. Aed. 4,11,20) can also be found. — Celts (III. A.) M.Domarapski, 1984.

56

a1)

Keltite

na

Balkanslija

poluostrov, Lv.B.

nuity for the Mycenaean period. In the Archaic period, a sanctuary to Hera was built over the Minoan site. The Dorian settlement (with scanty remains) was above modern T. The ancient history of T. is known only from inscriptions and coins. In the Classical and Hellenistic periods, T. was politically closely connected with + Knossos, at times probably also dependent on Knossos, and had close contacts with > Argos [II.]. In the middle of the sth cent. BC, with the mediation of the latter, T. concluded a treaty with Knossos (StV 2, 148). An > isopoliteia treaty with > Oaxus can presumably be dated to the end of the 3rd cent. BC [1. no. 15]. Throughout the Roman and Byzantine periods (also with scanty surviving remains), thanks to its strategically favourable location in the hinterland of Heracleum and the fertility of its lands, T. maintained a continuity of settlement lasting until today. 1 A.Cuaniotis, Die Vertrage zwischen kretischen Poleis in der hellenistischen Zeit, 1996. H.BEIsTER, s. v. T., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 695 f.; J.Hazziwaxis, T. a lépoque minoenne, 1921; J.W. Myers et al., Aerial Atlas of Ancient Crete, 1992, 272275; 1.F. SANDERS, Roman Crete, 1982, 154.

H.SO.

Tylos see > Dilmun Tymnes (Tbiuvns; Tymnés). Epigrammatist with a Carian name from the ‘Garland’ of Meleager [8] (Anth. Pal. 4,1,19), perhaps 3rd or 2nd cent. BC. Seven poems survive, each consisting of two couplets, with the exception of an epideictic six-line poem Anth. Pal. 7,433 on the ‘Spartan mother’ (imitated by > Erycius, Anth. Pal. 7,230 and — Antipater [9], Anth. Pal. 7,531). Two of the four epitaphs are considered to be on animals, cf. ~+ Anyte (Anth. Pal. 7,199,211). The Priapic poem Anth. Pal. 16,237 imitates > Leonidas [3] of Tarentum (16,236); the dedication ibid. 6,151 is imitated by ~ Archias [9], Anth. Pal. 6,195. GA I.1, 196-198; 2, 553-557; G. GIANGRANDE, An Epigram of T., in: Emerita 49, 1981, 71-74; K.J. Gurzwi1LER, Poetic Garlands, 1998, 37; R.B. Ecan, Archias, Meleager, T.: Dead Birds in Context, in: RhM 141, 1998, 24-30. M.G.A.

Tymnus (Tiyvoc; Tymnos). Port in Caria (Steph. Byz. s. v. T.; > Cares) on the western coast of the Bozburun

peninsula, modern Bozburun. T. was part of the Rhodian — Peraia. Inscriptions survive, including some relating to sacred law [z. no. 201], as do a number of

[2] See > Torus.

Tylissus (Tvdoodc/Tylissés). City in central Crete, 13 km to the southwest of + Heracleum [1] at modern T.; settlement evidently of considerable size from the early Minoan period. From the late Minoan period, there are three richly furnished houses of at least two storeys which afford an impression of superior domestic comfort. There is also evidence of settlement conti-

ruins. 1 W.BLUMEL, Die Inschriften der rhodischen Peraia (IK

38), 1991, 63-74. P.M.

Fraser,

G.E.

Bean,

The

Rhodian

Peraea

and

Islands, 1954, 6x f.; W.RuGE, s. v. T., RE 7 A, 1748 f.; ZausTa, Nr. 1384, Nr. 4.

H.KA.

57

58

Tympanon,

Tympanum

see

- Gable;

->Musical

instruments,V. Greece D. Membranophones (with illustration) Tymphaea (Tuppaia; Tymphaia). Region in > Epirus, to the east of Mount Tymphe (2497 m high, modern Mavrovouni) in the Pindus [1]. T. extended in the northeast from the source rivers of the Veneticus to the basin region of the upper - Haliacmon as far as modern Grevena, in the south as far as the area of the source of the + Peneius around modern Kalabaka. The Tymphaei were originally considered as Epeirotae (Arr. An. 1,7,53 Str. 7,7,8f.; Plin. HN 4,6), and from the time of Philippus [4] II (cf. [1]) belonged to - Macedonia. After 167 BC T. was assigned by the Romans to Macedonia IV (Liv. 45,30,7), which was considered free (Str. 7,7,7£.). T. was mentioned for its production of gypsum (Theophr. De lapidibus 64; Plin. HN 35,198: Tymphaicum gypsum). 1 P.Casanes, L’Epire, 1976, 88f., 114, 132f. N.G. L. HAMMOND, Epirus, 1967, 68of.; Id., A History of Macedonia, vol. 1, 1972, 115-118; vol. 2, 1979, 2O0f., 650f.; vol. 3, 1988, 267-269, 565. D.S.

Tyndareos (Tuvéagews/Tyndareds). Mythical king of Sparta, son of — Oebalus [1] and the Naiad Bateia (Hes. fr. 199) or of > Perieres [1] and > Gorgophone [3] (Stesich. PMGF fr. 227). After his father’s death, T. is driven from Sparta by his (half-?)brother + Hippocoon (Apollod. 3,124; Str. 10,2,24), and seeks refuge in Messenia (Paus. 3,1,4) or Aetolia with king > Thestius, who gives him the hand of his daughter + Leda (Hom. Od. 2,298). + Heracles [1] subsequently kills Hippocoon and his twelve sons, thereby restoring T.’ rule over Sparta (Alcm. fr. 23; Ibycus fr. 41; Apollod. 2,143-145; 3,125). The paternity of some of his numerous progeny is ascribed to Zeus, e.g. of Helen (> Helena [1]) and the — Dioscuri Castor and Polydeuces. > Phylonoe [2], + Timandra [1], -» Clytaemnestra and Phoebe are regarded as his own children (Apollod. 3,126). T. imposes upon the countless suitors of Helen the oath that they will always support the man she chooses and help him in times of need (Stesich. PMGF fr. 190; Eur. [A 49= 71; Paus. 3,20,9). According to Apollod. 3,129-132, this stratagem is suggested by + Odysseus. T. marries Helen to - Agamemnon’s brother -* Menelaus [1], bequeathing his kingdom to him after the deaths of his sons in the Trojan War (Apollod. 3,137; Paus. 3,1,5). He promises their daughter + Hermione to -> Orestes [x], whom he later accuses before the + Areopagus of murdering his mother Clytaemnestra (Eur. Or. 470629; Apollod. Epit. 6,25). T. was worshipped as a god at his tomb in the Temple of Zeus Kosmetas in Sparta (Paus. 3,17,4), and according to Panyassis (fr. 19), ~ Asclepius raised him from the dead.

TYNNICHUS

Tyndarids see + Dioscuri Tyndarion (Tuvddevv; Tyndarion). Tyrant of > Tauromenium, who together with other Sicilian Greeks asked -» Pyrrhus [3] to intervene against the power ambitions of the Carthaginians on the island in 279 BC. In 278 he readily received Pyrrhus when he landed at Tauromenium and was, as the latter’s ally, confirmed in his power (Diod. 22,2,1; Plut. Pyrrhus 22; Paus. 1,12,5; Just. Epit. 18,2,11). H.Berve, Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen, vol. 1, 1967,

459; 461; 732.

B.P.

Tyndaris (Tuvdagic/Tyndaris). Greek city on the northern coast of - Sicily between Mylae [2] and > Agathyrnon, modern Tindari. T. was founded in 396 BC by ~ Dionysius [1] I to protect the Greeks against > Carthage. It was settled mainly by Messenians, who, driven from + Naupactus and > Zacynthos after the > Peloponnesian War, had offered their services to the tyrant and named the city after the Tyndaridae, a Messenian version of the + Dioscuri (Diod. Sic. 14,78,6; cf. coins: HN 189 f.). Soon, the city had over 5,000 citizens. In 344 BC, T. supported > Timoleon (Diod. Sic. 16,69,3), and in 270 BC > Hieron [2] II, in battles with the -» Mamertini in + Messana [1] (Diod. Sic. 22,13,2). In

264 BC, at the outbreak of the rst + Punic War, T. was a Carthaginian possession. It switched to the Roman side in 254 (Diod. Sic. 23,18,5). In spite of its loyalty to Rome through the 2nd and 3rd Punic Wars and for all the Romans’ elegiac celebration of the city (cf. Cic. Verr. 2,3,103; 2,4,84; 2,5,124), I. was incorporated

into the Roman province only at the lower rank of a civitas decumana (Cic. Verr. 2,3,13; > Sicily [VI E]). T. took part in the prosecution of > Verres in 71/70 BC (Cic. Verr. 2,3,1033 24,29; 2,4,48). Sex. Pompeius [I 5]

took T. without bloodshed in 40 BC (Cass. Dio 48,17,4), and the city was conquered by Agrippa [1] in 36 BC (App. B Civ. 5,433; 4503; 481; 483; Cass. Dio 49,7,4). Augustus dispatched a Roman colonia to T. (CIL X 7474-7480; Plin. HN 3,90). T. became an episcopal see in Late Antiquity. Plin. HN 2,206 tells of a landslide that struck T. at an unspecified date in the Imperial Period. Remains survive of the perimeter walls (3rd cent. BC), the theatre (built late 4th cent. BC, remodelled in the Roman Imperial period), a so-called basilica (propylaeum from the Imperial period) and dwellings. The routes of numerous streets have also been ascertained (> decumanus, > cardo; > Town planning [IV C]). -» Sicily (with map) E. Mannl, Geografia fisica e politica della Sicilia antica, 1981, 240; M.Spaparo (ed.), Tindari, *1996.

E.O.

Tynnichus (Tbvviyoc; Tynnichos) from Chalcis (Euboea). Choral lyricist of the 7th cent. BC (?), com-

poser of a - paean often sung in Delphi (Plat. Ion

TYNNICHUS

60

59

534d), which, according to an anecdote, even Aeschylus placed above everything he could have written himself (Porph. De abstinentia animalium 2,18 p. 148 NAUCK). L.KAppEL, Paian, 1992, 359; I. RUTHERFORD,

Pindar’s

Paeans, 2001, 28.

LK.

Typaneae (Tunavéav Typanéai). City and fortress in + Triphylia (Pol. 4,77,9-79,4; Str. 8,3,15; Ptol. 3,16,18: TuunavéalTympanéai) on a rock ridge of Mount Lapithus to the south of modern Platiana: an elongated site (Hellenistic walls, theatre), its western part forming the fortress. T. controlled a pass on the road from > Megalopolis to > Olympia. In the winter of 2148/7 BC T. was occupied by the > Aetoli and conquered by > Philippus [7] V. N.PAPACHATZIS,

Ilavoaviov

“EdAddocg

Tleouynots

3,

1979, 211; 221.

to explain the zoomorphism of the Egyptian gods. > Pherecydes [x] of Syrus (3 F 4 DK) implicitly connects T. himself with the Egyptian > Seth, an equivalence which is then made explicit in Plut. De Is. et Os. 2,351 et passim. This background also accounts for the fact that T. frequently occurs in Graeco-Egyptian + magical papyri as ‘Typhon Seth’, a (malevolent) volcanic demon (possibly etymologically related to t6po¢/ typhos, ‘smoke, fumes’; PGM 7,964; 12,138; 68,1 et passim; [2; 3]). Because Seth was thought of as having an ass’s head, T. probably means ‘ass’ in PGM 4,3250; 12,97 et passim (PMGTr, 339). Overall, the figure of T. seems to betray powerful Eastern formative influences

[3]. 1 O. ToUCHEFEU-MEYNIER,

LIMC 8.1, 147-152

I. KRAUSKOPF,

s. v. Typhon,

27TH. HopeNer (ed.), Plutarch

iiber Isis und Osiris, vol. 2: Die Deutungen der Sage, 1941, 55f. 3 G.SrrppEL, Der Typhonmythos, doctoral thesis Greifswald, 1939. T. Gantz, Early Greek Myth 1, 1993, 48-51; PRELLER/

Typhoeus, Typhon (Tvdwets/Typhoeus, Tupdv/ Typhon; also Tupawv/Typhadon, Tudds/Typhos). Gigantic mythical monster, according to Hesiod the offspring of > Tartaros and > Gaia, with a hundred dragons’ heads (spitting fire) and serpents’ feet (for pictorial representations, see [1]), set up by Gaia as a rival ruler to > Zeus after the fall of the > Titans but defeated by him and cast into the underworld. From then on, he causes storms and volcanic eruptions (Hes. Theog. 820-880). His union with > Echidna produces more monster progeny: > Orthus, > Cerberus, > Hydra [1], -~ Chimaera and others (ibid. 306-332). In a corresponding account in H. Hom. 3,305-355, which deals only with T.’ birth and childhood, > Hera gives birth to T. by parthenogenesis out of jealousy at Zeus’ having given birth to > Athena from his head without a mother. She brings T. to Delphi, where he is brought up by the dragon > Python [1], whom > Apollo kills with his arrows. Stesichorus also mentions Hera as the mother of T. (PMGE 239). Epimenides (3 B 8 DK) tells of T.’ attempt to overthrow Zeus and Pindar links T. with Mount Etna (> Aetna [r]), under which Zeus is said to have buried him (Pind. Ol. 4,6-7; Pind. Pyth. 1,1 5-28: indeed buried in Tartaros, but stretching between Etna and > Cyme [2], i.e. Etna and Vesuvius; Pind. fr. 925; 93; 91; cf. Pind. Pyth. 8,16 f. on upbringing in Cilicia; cf. also Aesch. PV 3 51-3725 Pherecydes FGrH 3 F 54; Acusilaus FGrH 2 F 13 f.). The Roman poets differ from the Greek tradition in referring to T. as one of the > Titans or > Giants

(Verg. Aen.

8,298; 9,716;

Hor.

Carm.

354,53 etal.). Later sources recount yet another version. The gods flee to Egypt in fear of T. and transform themselves into animals: Apollo into a falcon, Hermes into an ibis, etc. Zeus burns T. up, drives him into the sea and finally piles up Etna on top of him (Nicander in Antoninus Liberalis 28; cf. Ov. Met. 5,3 19-331; Hyg. Fab. 152; at length Apollod. 1,39-44). Lucian Sacr. 14 interprets the story of divine metamorphosis as a (Greek) attempt

ROBERT I, 63-66.

LK.

Typology. The term typology only dates back to the 18th cent., referring specifically to the mainly JewishChristian interpretation method of a salvific history which was seen as both coherent and purposeful (to be distinguished from typology in the sense of assigning individuals to particular types or, respectively, as a method of relative dating used in the study of prehistory). Typology has its etymological roots in tuxoc/typos (‘image’, type) respectively tumxdc/typikos (Rom 5,14; 1 Cor 10,6; 11) and &vtitunov/antitypon (‘counter-im-

age’, antitype; 1 Petr 3,21). Typology takes events, institutions or persons of the past — as a promise (prefiguration, type) — as referring to later, sometimes even future, events as fulfillment (antitype). Similar typological constructs had already been known both in the Oriental [2.144-152] and the Jewish tradition (e.g. DeuteroIsaiah) as well as in Graeco-Roman Antiquity ([6]; Claud. In Rufinum 1, praef. 15: Python/Rufinus). The earliest evidence of Christocentric typological interpretations of the OT is found in the NT itself, e.g. x Cor 10,4 (rock/Christ); Mt 12,40 (Jonas in the whale’s belly/Jesus’ three-day stay with the dead). Subsequently, this understanding of historical reality was then used as a general method to interpret the events that make up the biblical narrative (Ger. Typologese), taking Mt 5,17 as a theoretical justification (Jesus did not want to abolish the law, but fulfil it). Starting with > Origenes [2], typology became very popular with theological writers, for the purpose of apology as well as edification, using terms such as allegoria or figura. Well into the Middle Ages, there was often no terminological distinction between typology and ~ allegory/— allegoresis, which is today understood as a method of interpreting a text leaving out of account its historical dimension [x. §§ 900f.]. The schools of > Antioch [1] and > Alexandria [1] used typology and allegoresis in parallel. In

61

62

the r2th/r3th cent., typology bloomed in both literature and visual arts [5], the typological analogies somtimes being extended beyond the Bible, e.g. Odysseus/ Christ or Solomon/Constantine the Great [3.3 27-330, 366-375]. LUTHER abandoned the practice of allegoresis, but continued with typology, later rediscovered by 2oth cent. theology [4.16—-56]. +> Allegory; + Eschatology; + Exegesis; Hermeneutics

stot. Pol. 5,1311a 30-1312b 35; Phaeinias, Tyrdnn6on anhairesis ek timOrias [1]), the defence, honouring and reward of the tyrannicide became a rhetorical practice topic (Tac. Dial. 35,5; Quint. Inst. 9,2,67; Lucian. Tyrannoktonos) in the Hellenistic and Roman eras. Historiography initially spoke of the just death of the unjust ruler (Hdt. 4,164; 4,205; indirectly: 3,125), later demanding punishment by brutal execution (Pol. 2,60,2; cf. the motif of divine justice against an unjust ruler in Jewish historiography, for example Dan

2A.D. Nock, Essays on Religion and the

1LausBERG

Ancient World, 1972

3 F. ONLY, Schriften zur mittelal-

terlichen Bedeutungsforschung, *1983 REVENTLOW, Hauptprobleme der Biblischen 5 §.SCHRENK, im 20. Jahrhundert., 1983 Antitypos in der friihchristlichen Kunst, 1995 6 D. THompson, Allegory and Typology in the Arethusa 3, 1970, 147-153.

4H. GRAF Theologie Typos und Aeneid, in: KP.

Tyracinae (Tvgaxiva/Tyrakinai). City in — Sicilia (Steph. Byz. s. v. T.), presumably near modern Cittadella a Vindicari near Marzamemi [1] or Modica [2] (Cic. Verr. 2,3,129: Tyracinus as a personal name; Plin. HN 3,91: Tyracinenses; Diod. Sic. 12,29,2: Towaxin/

Trinakié). The place name appears in a list of thearodokoi from Delphi between Helorus [3] and Camarina, according to [3. 433 f.; 4. 132 with note 22] a reference to the location. 1 E.Pats, Alcune osservazioni sulla storia e sull’amministrazione della Sicilia, in: Archivio Storico Siciliano 13, 1888,162 2A.Me_ssiNa, Tyrakinai ‘citta di Sicilia, piccola ma florida’, in: Riv. Topografia Antica 1, 1991, 166168

3 G. MANGANARO,

1964, 414-439

Citta Sicilia, in: Historia

13,

41d., Alla Ricerca di Poleis Mikrai, in:

Orbis Terrarum 2, 1996, 129-144.

AL.MES,

Tyraeum (Tugaiov; Tyraion). City on the ~ Royal Road from — Sardis to ~ Susa near + Philomelium (Xen. An. 1,2,14; Artem. in Str. 14,2,29: Tvetatov; Plin.

HN 5,95: Tyrienses; Anna Komnene, Alexias 3,211 f.) in the area of modern Ilgin. On his march against his brother Artaxerxes [2] Ilin 401 BC, Cyrus [3] the Younger also passed through T. W.Rucg, s. v. T. (1), RE 7 A, 1800-1802; BELKE/ MER-

SICH, 409f.

E.O.

TYRANNION

3:31-4). The topos is put to use extensively in the tradition of the murder of + Caesar (Suet. Iul. 76-82; Plut. Brutus 7-18; Cass. Dio 47,20,4; Cic. Off. 3,32). In the ecclesiastical tradition, the concept of unjust rule (Aug. Civ. 2,21,3-4) and the ancient examples (+ Nimrod, Tarquinius

[12] Superbus, Caesar, Nero, Domitian)

continued to have an effect on the reflections on tyrannicide and the right of resistance in the European tradition. 1 WEHRLI, Schule, vol. 9.

H.Berve, Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen, vol. 1, 359 f.;

484-486; 499; 502-504; 701; 742; 753; W.H. FRIEDRICH, Der Tod des Tyrannen, in: A&A 18, 1973, 97-129; J. MreTHkg, s. v. Tyrann, Tyrannenmord, LMA 8, 1997,

1135-1138; Z.PETRE, L’uso politico e retorico del tema del tirannicido, in: S. Serris (ed.), IGreci 2.2, 1997, 1207— 1226; TH. LENSCHAU, s. v. tugavvidos yeadn, RE 7 A, 1804-1811. B.P.

Tyrannidos graphe (tvgavvidos yeah; tyrannidos grapbe). Popular action for tyranny (> tyrannis). Plutarch’s report of the amnesty law of > Solon [1] provides evidence that > atimia (cf. also > time (1)) for tyranny was already current before Solon (Plut. Solon 19). Those supporters of - Cylon [1] who fled into exile after the attempted coup were probably excepted from the amnesty (on their condemnation by the > Areios Pagos, [4. 1806]). Solon sanctioned the attempt to set up a tyrannis, with heritable atimia (Aristot. Ath. pol. 16,10; [5. fr. 37a]). Forfeiture of assets is first attested for + Hippias [1] (Thuc. 6,55,1). Objects of TG were: -» Damasias, > Peisistratus [4] and > Miltiades [2]; cf. also And. 1,97 and IG P 14,33 (453-445 BC; [2. 6185]). The TG was superseded by > ostrakismos and popular actions for high treason (- katalysis). Other than Athens, the TG is attested at: Eresus (Top 191;

Tyrannicide

(tugavvoxtovia/tyrannoktonia;

Latin

tyrannicidium). Term coined in Hellenistic and Roman rhetoric, historiography and law (initially Greek, Diod. Sic. 16,14,1, Latin Sen. Controv. 4,7). The term goes

back to the public veneration of the tyrannicides in Athens

(> Harmodius [1], — Aristogiton [1]). Their

deed quickly became a democratic topos (Thuc. 1,20; 6,5353-6,54,1). Injustice, lawlessness and despotism 86) justified tyrannicide (PI. Plt. 29 1e; Pl. Resp. 9,571-5 (Pl. Prt. 322d) and the honouring of the murderers as the norm of the polis (SEG 12, 87; Isoc. Or. 8,143; Xen. Hier. 4,5; Aristot. Pol. 2,1267a 15). Following the systematic depiction of the motives for tyrannicide (Ari-

after 332 BC) and Ilium (IK 3,25; 3rd cent. BC = OGIS 8; 218, on which [3]). 1 H.Berve, Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen, 1967 2 CH. Kocn, Volksbeschliisse in Seebundangelegenheiten, 1991 3 Id., Die Wiederherstellung der Demokratie in Ilion, in: ZRG 113, 1996, 32-63 4 TH. LENSCHAU, s. v. TG., RE 7 A, 1804-1811 5 E. RUSCHENBUSCH (ed.), ZOAMvos vouot, 1966 (Historia ES 9). G.T,

Tyrannion (Tvgavviwv/Tyrannion). [1] T. of Amisus, Greek grammarian of the rst cent. BC (d. c.25 BC). After training with -> Hestiaeus and ~» Dionysius [17] Thrax, he probably worked at Rome

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from c. 68 BC [r. 29], where he came into contact with Caesar, Atticus and Cicero [2. 94]. Among his pupils was — Strabo. T., with other grammarians (e.g. > Tryphon [3]), marked the beginnings of normative grammar [3.27]. On his role in the establishment of the grammatical quadripartite model, s. [4. 31-32]. Of 68 titles (Suda, s. v. T.), fragments of the prosodic writings and of the commentaries on - Nicander [5] and + Alcman survive along with an orthography. T. won particular merit for his rediscovery of the writings of Aristotle (> Aristoteles [6]) and -— Theophrastus

‘arrogant’ Persian king (Aesch. Pers. 739-826) on the one hand and the salvaged political > freedom on the other, resulting in the image of the tyrant who is a threat to the freedom of the citizenry (Aesch. Cho. 808 from 458 BC; IG 14,33 from 453?) and justifies > tyrannicide. Conversely, the Greek tyrants of 5th cent. Sicily were portrayed positively (Pind. Ol. x on > Hieron [x] I), and Latin poetry still called mythical kings tyranni without negative connotation. The future topos of the tyrant image emerged around 430 in the constitutional debate in > Herodotus [1] (3,80-82). Unlike democracy ( Demokratia), the tyrannis guaranteed neither equality nor political participation, nor did it provide accountability. The tyrannos was violent, susceptible to flattery, obsessed with glory, acquisitive and arrogant. In this sense, the term tyrannis could also be used for the rule of the people (Aristoph. Equ. 1114) or of the polis (Thuc. 1,122). During the 4th cent. BC, the ambivalent view of the tyrant espoused by = Plato [1] (cf. e.g. Pl. Resp. 502a

TYRANNION

[2. 94-95]. Lit.: 1J.Crristes, Sklaven und Freigelassene als Grammatiker und Philologen im antiken Rom, 1979, 27-38 2 W.Haas, Die Fragmente der Grammatiker T. und Diokles, in: SGLG 3, 1977, 79-184 3 E.SIEBENBORN,

Die Lehre von der Sprachrichtigkeit und ihren Kriterien, 1976 4 W.Ax, Quadripertita ratio, in: D. TayLor (ed.), The History of Linguistics in the Classical Period, 1987, 17-40 (also in F. Grewing (ed.), Lexis und Logos, 2000, 190-207). Ep.: W.Haas, (s. [2]), 101-177.

[2] T. the Younger (T. 6 vewtegoc/ho neoteros). Greek grammarian (1st cent. BC), perhaps identical to > Diocles [11] [z. 97]. T. wrote a commentary on the treat-

ise of his teacher, T. [1], on the parts of speech (EEfynois tod Tugawiwvos wequuot/Exégesis tou Tyrannionos merismou) and a commentary on Homer

(AvoQ0woig ‘Ounoixt/Didrthdsis Homerike). tion of other works is uncertain [r. 98]. 1 W.Haas,

Die Fragmente

Attribu-

der Grammatiker

T. und

Diokles, in: SGLG 3, 1977, 79-184 (Fr.: 177-181).

MB.

Tyrannis, Tyrannos (tvgavvic/tyrannis, Archaic Gk. also tugavvin/tyrannié; toeavvoc/tyrannos; Latin tyrannus).

I. TERM; ALTERATIONS

IN MEANING

II. TyRANNIS

AS A HISTORICAL PHENOMENON

I. TERM; ALTERATIONS IN MEANING Tyrannos (non-Greek loan-word, perhaps

from Lydian turan/‘lord’) is first attested around the mid—7th cent. as the term denoting the Lydian king > Gyges [1] (Archil. 22,3 DiEHL; fr. 19 West). Greek Archaic poetry used tyrannis synonymously with > monarchia, but tyrannos was never used in self-presentation or as a title, but was used by aristocrats to attack a peer. This is exemplified in the polemic of — Alcaeus[4] against > Pittacus, who was called ‘king’ (— Basileus) in a folk song of the time. Tyrannis invokes power in combination with wealth, so that the tyrannos is worthy of envy, but is also subject to moralizing criticism. His arrogance (+ Hybris) disrupts the community: he ‘enthrals’ the city (Solon fr. ro DiEHL). In the Athenian democracy, after the —> Persian Wars, the lord/slave dichotomy fused with the experience of the contrast between near subjection by the

with 564a), Isocrates (cf. Nicocles 3,14-16) or Xeno-

phon (Hieron) yielded to the henceforth canonical definition of Aristotle (+ Constitution). The tyrannis was now the negative counterpart of monarchy, the distinction being made according to whether rule was lawful, accepted and conceived with the purpose of the happiness of those ruled, or not (Aristot. pol. 1279a 17-b 10; cf. 1313a 34-1314b 29). In the Hellenistic Period (> Hellenism), tyrannos was used to denote the antithesis to the good ruler (— Princes’ mirror).

In the Roman world, > rex [1] was close in meaning to tyrannos (> Tarquinius [12] Superbus: rex iniustus, Liv. 1,53,1). Cicero follows Aristotle’s typology in distinguishing ‘good’ from ‘bad’ monarchy: that rex who devotes himself to injustice becomes a tyrannus (Cic. Rep. 26,48f.; cf. 1,28,44). In the Middle Ages and the Modern Period, ‘tyranny’ has by way of the reception of Cicero, Plato and Aristotle become the usual term denoting despotic rule, ‘absolutism’, although in the 2oth cent. ‘dictatorship’ has come to be used more often. II. TYRANNIS AS A HISTORICAL PHENOMENON Modern scholarship rejects the one-sided definition of Aristotle, seeing in tyrannis a multiplicity of forms of concentration of power, with varying characteristics. The distinction, usual since the mid—roth cent. [1], of an ‘earlier’ tyrannis of the Archaic Period and a ‘later’ variant from the late sth cent. on, has by now been expanded with the period of Hellenistic tyrannis and has become more highly differentiated. The older tyrannis (mid-7th to late 6th cents. BC) consistently developed out of aristocratic structures, but it presented differently in the Greek homeland and the Aegean (vgl. - Cypselides; — Orthagoras [1]; > Peisistratids; > Pittacus; + Polycrates [x]) from the tyrannis in the cities of Asia Minor under Persian suzerainty (+ Aristagoras [3]). Different in turn was the species of tyrannis which emerged in the west not before the mid—6th cent. and continuing well into the sth cent.,

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esp. that of the + Deinomenids in Sicily. It is characterized by the aristocracy initially participating in the rule (+ Gelon [1]), conflicts with Carthage, the major regional power, and the formation of contiguous territorial ‘kingdoms’. The later tyrannis of the late sth and 4th cents. emerged in the peripheries of the Greek world. It was characterized by territorial dominions on Sicily (+ Dionysius [1] and [2] of Syracuse; -» Agathocles [2]) and in Thessaly (> Iason [2]) and by individual ‘tyrant courts’ in Asia Minor and on Cyprus (> Hermias [1]; > Evagoras [1]; > Nicocles [1]). A special problem for the appropriate assessment of Archaic tyrannis in particular is that the sources blend the perspective of the Athenian democracy, experiences of the later tyrannis and the systematic terminology of Aristotle, so that historical analysis is intermingled with polemic. Moreover, the profile of the tyrannis is exceedingly vague. Tyrannoi could be among the — Seven Sages or be valued as mediators (+ Aisymnetes). The tyrannoi of the 4th cent. included pupils of Isocrates and Plato ( Clearchus [3]; + Hermias[1]; > Dion [I 1]). The ‘kingdoms’ of Agathocles and > Hieron [2] II resembled Hellenistic monarchies. Their courts and those of other tyrannoi (— Polycrates [1]; > Peisistratus [4] and others) attracted poets, artists and scholars. Aristotle’s dismissal of the tyrannis as ‘no constitution at all’ (Aristot. Pol. 1279b 1) is thus also problematic. The significance of the Archaic tyrannis in particular to political, social and economic development is undisputed, but points of focus vary. Thucydides (1,13) already regarded the Archaic tyrannis, along with the emergence of navies, as the decisive indicator of structural differentiation in the developing world of the poleis. Modern scholarship has alternately seen traders, craftsmen, hoplite farmers or impoverished farmers as confederates and beneficiaries of the tyrannis. The current trend in research is to regard the tyrannis as an aristocratic rule carried to extremes by the action of altered economic and social competition conditions, thereupon acting as a catalyst to social development as it led to the attenuation of the aristocracy. The tyrannis, which frequently lasted for two generations, allowed new social structures to emerge, forming a bridge between the aristocracy and democratic/oligarchic conditions. It is open to question to what extent such development took place as it were behind the backs of the tyrannis. ~» Demokratia; + Aristokratia; | —» Constitution; + Freedom; > Princes’ mirror; Rex [1]; > Rulership; > Ruler; -> State; Tyrannicide; + TyRANNIS 1H.G.

Pass, Die T. in ihren beiden Perioden bei den

alten Griechen, 1852. A.ANDREWES, The Greek Tyrants, 1956; P.BARCELO, Basileia, Monarchia, T., 1993; H. BerveE, Die T. bei den Griechen, 1967; J. Copet, Konig, Anfiihrer, Herr, Mon-

arch, Tyrann, in: E. WeLskopr (ed.), Soziale Typenbegriffe 3, 1981, 11-66; A. HEuss, Aristoteles als Theoretiker des Totalitarismus, in: A&A

17, 1971, 1-44; K.H. Kinz1,

TYRMEIDAE

Betrachtungen zur alteren T., in: Id. (ed.), Die altere T., 1979, 298-332; L.pE LiBERO, Die archaische T., 1996; N. Luracut, Tirannidi arcaiche in Sicilia e Magna Grecia, 1994; H.Manprt, s.v. T., Despotie, in: O. BRUNNER (ed.),

Geschichtliche Grundbegriffe 6, 1974, 651-705; T. MoRAWETZ, Der Demos als Tyrann und Banause, 2000; C.Mossk, La tyrannie dans la Gréce antique, 1969; V.PARKER, T0gavvoc. The Semantics of a Political Concept from Archilochos to Aristotle, in: Hermes 126, 1998, 145-172; H.W. PLexet, The Archaic T., in: Talanta 1, 1969, 19-61; K. RAAFLAUB, Die Entdeckung der Freiheit, 1985; M.STAHL, Aristokraten und Tyrannen im archaischen Athen, 1987; E.STeIN- HOLKESKAMpP, Tirannidi e ricerca dell’ “eunomia”, in: S.Serris (ed.), I Greci, vol. 2,1, 1996, 653-679. J.co.

Tyrannus 4th or sth who wrote from two

(Tigavvoc/Tyrannos). Greek rhetor of the cent. AD (definitely before Georgius Monos, around 500 and used T.); fragments survive of his works, five from Ieoi otdacewv (Peri

stdseOn, ‘Case Categories’, a systematic work on stasis

theory; cf. > status [1]) and seven from Iegi duaigéoews Aoyou (Peri dibairéseds logou), a work which, similarly to the Dihairesis zetématon of > Sopater [1], provides guidelines and examples for the preparation of speeches using fictitious cases organized by category. T. generally followed the teachings of + Hermogenes [7], criticizing him occasionally. W.STEGEMANN, s. v. Tyrannos, RE 7 A, 1843-1847 (including the fragments). M.W.

Tyras (Tvead/Tyras). Colony of Miletus [2] on the northwestern coast of the Black Sea (+ Pontos Euxeinos), modern Bilhorod-Dnistrovskyi, at the mouth of the river of the same name, modern Dnister (Ps.-Skymn. 7,98; 7,802 f.; Plin. HN. 4,82). The Ionian character of

the polis is confirmed by inscriptions (IOSPE I* 2-19), the calendar and the cult of Apollo Ietrus. The date of foundation is unknown; the earliest eastern-Ionian pottery is from the 6th cent. BC. Minting from the 4th cent. BC. In 48 BC T. was occupied by > Byrebistas. In AD 56/7 a Roman garrison was stationed there (Legio I Italica, Legio V Macedonica, Legio XI Claudia). Under a thick layer of mediaeval rubble foundations of buildings have been excavated (from the 4th cent. BC), also parts of the defences. Cu. Danoy, s. v. Pontos Euxeinos, RE Suppl. 9, 8661175, here rogx f.; N. EHRHARDT, Milet und seine Kolo-

nien, 1983, 72 f.; A.ZOGRAPH, Monety Tiury, 1957. Ly.B,

Tyrmeidae (Tvopetdou; Tyrmeidai). Small Attic +> mesogeia(?) deme of the > Oineis, from 200/199 BC of the Attalis (+ Attalus [4] I), one (two) bouleutat. In 360/59

and 335/4 BC T. did not send a council member. Its precise location is not known. TRAILL, Attica 9, 19, 49, 70, 78, 112 no. 141 tab. 6, 14;

J.S. TrarLt, Demos and Trittys, 1986, 15, 134, 143 f., 149. H.LO.

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Tyro (Tue; Tyr). The daughter of + Salmoneus and Alcidice, famed for her very white skin (from tyrés, cheese) and her magnificent head of curls (cf. Hom. Od. 2,119 f.; Hes. Cat. 30,25; Pind. Pyth. 4,136, cf 109; Soph. fr. 648; Diod. Sic. 6 fr. 6,5; 7,2). After her parents were killed by Zeus, T. who had opposed her father’s sacrilege, is taken to Thessalia to her uncle + Cretheus and his wife > Sidero. Here Poseidon, assuming the shape of the river god Enipeus, fathers her twins + Neleus [1] and > Pelias; At Poseidon’s behest, T. keeps the pregnancy a secret and abandons the children. After their rescue and recognition of their mother, they free her from being maltreated by Sidero (having her hair cut off and being beaten); the latter is then killed by Pelias on an altar to Hera. T. marries Cretheus and bears him > Aeson [1], Pheres and > Amythaon (Hom. Od. 11,23 5-259; Hes. Cat. 30-33; Apollod. 1,90-96; [xz. 70-99, 162-202]). The treatment of this story in Greek tragedy (Soph. Tyro) is different in that Sidero appears as the second wife of Salmoneus, who as stepmother jointly with him mistreats T.; the location of the drama was changed to > Salmone [2] [2] on the > Enipeus [1] in Elis (Soph. fr. 648-669a; Diod. Sic. 4,68 [x. 79 f., 166]). According to a further version, T. is raped by her uncle > Sisyphus, because an oracle had predicted that her children would revenge him on Salmoneus. When T. hears of the oracle, she kills her children in order to save her father (Hyg. Fab. 60). For T. in Aut See) |Qn S77ANfasi3)|

nysius apparently read Krotoniatai (and not Konotwvufta/Kréstoniétai, as the codices unanimously have it) in the Herodotus MS. Although the context would tend to favour the codices’ version, Dionysius’ variant cannot be dismissed out of hand. Still, the ‘autochthonous’ theory is gathering ever more advocacy today: this would have the linguistic data from Lemnos (> Lemnian) and the inscription in a pyrami-

TYRO

1 P. DrAceEr, Argo pasimelousa, vol. 1, 1993 2 G.Rapkg, s. v. T., RE 7 A, 1869-1875 Seve ie LIM@:3e1, 153 t.

3 E.SIMON, PD.

Tyrrheni (Tveenvoi/Tyrrhénoi, Ionian and Old Attic Tveonvoi/Tyrsénoi cf. Lat. Tyrrheni). Greek name for the Etruscans (— Etrusci), used not only of that people in Italy, but also of peoples of the east, occasionally also identified with the — Pelasgi (cf. Hes. Theog. ror1— 1016; Hecat. FGrH 1 F 59; H. Hom. 7,8; Soph. fr. 270 RaptT; Hellanicus FGrH 4 F 4; Thuc. 4,109,4; Philochorus FGrH 328 F roo). Loci classici for the issue of the origins of the Etruscans are Hdt. 1,57; 1,94 and Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,25-30. Herodotus believes the first Etruscans to have been colonists from Lydia who migrated under the command of Tyrsenus (-> Tyrrhenus), from whom their name supposedly derives. > Dionysius [18] of Halicarnassus, meanwhile, argues for the T. as an indigenous (Italian) people. In the excursus he devotes to this issue, he takes issue with both the supposed Lydian and Pelasgian origins of the T. + Hellanicus [1] he argues to be wrong in asserting that the T. or Etruscans were the Italic Pelasgi, colonists from + Croton (Gr. Krotén),

since it can be deduced from Herodotus (1,57) that the Kootwwata/Krotonidtai or Pelasgi of Umbrian Cortona [1] did not speak Etruscan (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom.

1,29,3). The passage poses critical problems: unless he was pursuing a tendentious invention of his own, Dio-

dal Joom weight found in the Lemnos Cabirium which

bears an onomastic formula probably of Etruscan origin (La Tita) indicating a migration of the T. to Lemnos not from Asia Minor, but from Etruria.

Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,26,2 also supplies an interesting etymology of the T. ethnikon, based on the noun thooei/tyrseis (‘towers’), which apparently occurred in Etruscan as well as Greek. Indeed, according to recent findings, it cannot be excluded that T. may have formed out of the root *turs-, from which originate the Latin + Tuscus (probably derived from *Turscus) and the Umbrian form Turskum ... numem (= Tuscum nomen) of the > Tabulae Iguvinae (Ib,17). —> Etrusci, Etruria D.BrIQUEL, Les Tyrrhénes, peuple de tours, 1993; C.DE Stmong, | Tirreni a Lemnos, 1996; E.GaBBa, Mirsilo di Metimna, Dionigi e i Tirreni, in: Id., Roma arcaica, 2000,

199-215.

Tyrrhenian amphorae. Homogenous group of Attic black figured amphorae, produced between 570 and 545 BC specifically for export. The name refers to the mainly Etruscan finding places (> Tyrrheni), foremost amongst them - Volci/Vulci and — Caere. Neck amphorae with egg-shaped bodies, decorated with animal friezes, make up about 90% of this group, of which a total of 260 vessels and fragments are known to date, attributable to eight master craftsmen (potters-painters). Their standard decoration consists of a shoulder

frieze with narrative pictures, bisected by the handles. Underneath are two or three circular animal friezes,

with a predominance of mythological animals. The neck is generally decorated with a band or cross of lotus flowers and palm leaves. Additionally, there are other variants with additional friezes, ornamental bands or a black lower half of the vessel. Of particular interest is the wide range of the subjects in the narrative pictures. In addition to legends of gods and heroes (particularly + Heracles[1], + Troy), other popular topics include scenes from human life (particularly horse races and + komos images). Legible and nonsensical inscriptions are also common. The drastic and at the same time naive character of these artless depictions, generously enlivened with red and white paint, must have found favour with the buyers, which contributed to the stagnation and progressive carelessness in their execution. For that reason, the Attic origin of this group of amphorae has been repeatedly called into question, but is now considered proven. In shape and decoration, the Tyrrhenian amphorae are modelled on works by > Sophilus [1] and his contemporaries. Their wide distribution is evi-

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dence of the boom in Attic trade in the 2nd quarter of the 6th cent. BC. ~ Vase painting, black figured

The elegies are more likely to have been performed at symposia (including on campaign, cf. + Philochorus FGrH 328 F 216 and [6]) than during battle, which suggests that other Spartans of the time composed or sang songs (perhaps also elegies), and compels us to ask whether some or all attributions of elegies to T. are false (thus, [9] doubts 12 W; [xo] believes all the elegies of ‘T.’ to have been composed in 5th cent. BC Athens). Symposia within and beyond Laconia were probably important in transmission. Excerpts of T. may have

H.Turerscn, “T.” Vasen, 1899; S. MaYER-EMMERLING,

Erzahlende Darstellungen auf ‘tyrrhenischen’ Amphoren, 1982; J.KLurIver, The ‘Tyrrhenian’ Group of Black-Figure Vases, 2002.

H.M.

Tyrrhenus § (Tugenvod/Tyrrhénds, also Tugoyvoc/ Tyrsenos, Lat. Turrenus). Legendary son of the Lydian king > Atys [1] (Hdt. 1,94; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,27,2; Str. 5,2,2), of + Telephus [x] (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,28,1; Serv. Aen. 8,479) or of > Heracles [1] (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,28,1; Paus. 2,21,3). Driven by

a famine, T. allegedly led half of the Lydian people to Italy, where the Lydians named themselves Tyrrhenians after him (Hdt. 1,94: Tugonvoi/Tyrsénoi). The roots of T. as a cultural figure probably go back to Greek Asia minor, as indicated by Tyrrhenian settlements in the Aegean [1; 2]. Additionally, an Italic tradition refers to T. as a cultural hero (Paus. 2,21,3), as the founder of Etruscan political organisation (Serv. Aen. 8,479) and as the father (Cato fr. 45 PETER) or brother of + Tarchon (Lycoph. 1248; Serv. Aen. 10,198). In another Italic tradition it was T. (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,64,2), and not > Turnus [1], who fought against + Latinus [1] as the leader of the Rutuli, which

is a sign of efforts to make T. part of the early history of Latium. ~ Etrusci, Etruria (III.); > Tyrrheni 1D.Briquet,

Les Tyrrhénes,

peuple de tours,

1993

2 H.Rux, L’etrusco tra I’Italia e il mondo mediterraneo, in: A.Lanpr (ed.), L’Italia e il Mediterraneo antico, 1995,

I19-130.

L.A-F.

Tyrsenus see > Turrenus Tyrtaeus (Tvotaioc; Tyrtaios). Spartan elegist and aulete, c. 640 BC (Suda s.v. Tuetaioc, 1205; cf. T.’ dating of + Theopompus [1] to two generations before his own day, 5 W). The (probably Hellenistic) edition of his poems in 5 vols. (Suda loc.cit.) contains (1) martial exhortatory elegies, (2) the Eunomia and (3) war songs. (x) The battle exhortations (txo0}xaV/hypothékat, Suda loc.cit.) urged the Spartans (always in the pl.) to courageous

action

against

the enemy

(Messenians:

23 W; Arcadians and Argives: 23a W). Honour in victory or death was to be preferred to defeat and shame. Some passages imply hoplite weapons and tactics (esp. 11,29-34 W; — Hoplitai). Homeric phraseology, as well as similarities of language [7] and argument to + Callinus [1] (x W) show that T. uses a genre developed in Ionia. An elegant priamel and wide range of mythical reference (12 W), showing T. to be sophisticated and not parochial, may have encouraged Attic claims that T. was an Athenian Lycurg. Oratio in Leocratem 106).

(PI. Leg. 629a-b;

TYRTAEUS

reached the collection ascribed to + Theognis [1] by way of an anthology intended for use in (Attic?) symposia (e.g. Thgn. 1003-1006 =T. fr. 12, ll. 13-16 W, cf. Thgn. 935-938, possibly also 879-884). The martial elegies of T. were certainly known to Plato (loc.cit.), Lycurgus (loc.cit.), Philochorus (loc.cit.), the author of an Acarnanian epitaph of the 3rd cent. BC (GVI 749) and > Chrysippus [2] (SVF II 255,16-25), as well as to Philod. De musica 17, Plut. De Stoicorum repugnantiis 14, 1039e, Dion. Chrys. 36, 10, Gal. De placitis Hippocratis et Platonis 3,309 f., Max. Tyr. 37,5 and readers in 3rd cent. BC (18-23 W) and AD (23a W) Egypt. The two longest fragments (11 W: 38 lines; 12 W: 44 lines, perhaps complete) are preserved in Stobaeus. (2) The ‘Good Order’ (Etvouio/Eunomia in Aristot. Pol. 1306b 36; Str. 8,4,9-11; perhaps the Politeia/‘Constitution’ mentioned in Suda loc.cit.), also in elegiac metre, recounts how > Theopompus [1] conquers Messenia (5-9 W) and consults the Delphic Oracle (with Polydorus; 4 W). It is usually (cf. Plut. Lycurgus 6) interpreted as a poem about the constitution of > Sparta; it also mentioned early history (x W), but the exhortation ‘let us obey’ (2,10 W) permits doubt about its similarity to elegiac narratives such as + Mimnermus’ Smyrnéis. Its length is unknown (one book/scroll?). It was quoted in Arist., Str., Plut. (all loc.cit.), Diod. Sic. Excerptum 7,12,6, Paus. 4,6,5 and 4,14,4-5. It was known in Egyptian > Oxyrhynchus of the rst/2znd cents. AD (2 W). (3) The lost war songs (uéhn moheuotngia/meéle polemisteéria, Suda loc.cit.) may have accompanied a march (Ath. 14,630f) or a dance (Poll. 4,107; but cf. Plut. Lycurgus 21,3). The anapaests in Dion. Chrys. 2,59 (= PMG 856, cf. 857) can hardly be by T. (as the scholiast asserts).

+» Elegy EpiT1ons:

1IEG ed. M.Wesr

= 2 GENTILI/PRATO

3 D.E. GerBer, Greek Elegiac Poetry, 1999 (with English translation) tary).

4C.PraTo, Tirteo, 1968 (with commen-

RESEARCH REPORT: 5 D.E. GERBER, Early Greek Elegy and Jambus. X. T., in: Lustrum 33, 1991, 138-152. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 6E.L. Bowre, Miles Ludens?, in: O. Murray

(ed.), Sympotica,

1990, 221-229

TA

Dover, The Poetry of Archilochus, in: Archiloque (Entretiens Hardt 10), 1964, 190-194 8D.E. Gerser, T., in: Id. (ed.), A companion to the Greek Lyric Poets, 1997,

102-107.

9H.FRANKEL, Dichtung und Philosophie des

friihen Griechentums, 71969, 384-386 10 E. SCHWARTZ, T., in: Hermes 34, 1899, 428-468.

E.BO.

TYRUS

7

72

things, military help from the Egyptians against Zimrida of Sidon. Egyptian place name lists, which mention T. from the time of > Sethos [1] I (1290-1279 BC), and hieroglyphic stele inscriptions found in T. with the names of Sethos [x] Iand > Ramesses [2] II suggest the dependence of the town on Egypt. A ‘postal register’ from the time of Merenptah (1224-1204 BC) lists a letter to B‘Itrmg of T. (ANET 258); the travel report of Wenamun from the end of the 2nd millennium BC mentions the harbour of T. (ANET 26). At the beginning of the rst millennium, T. replaced + Sidon as the politico-economically most powerful Phoenician city. It is doubtful whether trade relations between T. and the Israelite kings already existed at the time of + Hiram] in the roth cent. BC (thus 2 Sam 5:11; 24:5-7; 1 Kg 5:15-26; 9:10-14). Cultural and economic ties only become clearer in the archaeological record for the 9th cent. This is also indicated by the marriage of Ahab of Israel (> Judah and Israel) to Jezebel, the daughter of Ithobaal of Sidon (1 Kg 16:3 1) —

Tyrus (Tyre. Phoenician, Ugaritic sr; Egyptian Dwr, Dr; Akkadian Surru; Hebrew Sor; Greek * Tigos/hé Tyros; Latin Tyrus, feminine; Arabic Sar) was a Phoenician island city that was connected to the mainland when Alexander [4] the Great had a causeway built for its conquest in 332 BC (Arr. Anab. 2,18,3-6 and passim). As a rocky island (Semitic sr, ‘rock’) with two harbours, the town was suitable as a trading post, but water and food had to be acquired from Old T. (Jos. Ant. Iud. 9,285: } néAavhé padlai T., ‘the Old T.’, later also Palaityros; Akkadian Usa cf. TUAT 1,388, modern Tall ar-Rusaidiya) on the mainland. T. is frequently mentioned in texts of the 2nd millennium BC. According to the Ugaritic epic of > Keret, a sanctuary of A8irat [4. 19 f.] was located there. The king of > Ugarit was particularly interested in the textile trade with T., which was primarily based on the + purple industry, which traced back to Heracles [1] according to ancient tradition (Nonnus, Dion. 40,300-

580). According to information in the + Amarna letters, the Tyrian ruler Abimilki requested, among other

not of T., as Josephus [4] (Jos. Ap. 1,123, cf. Jos. Ant.

sr/Tyrus and Palaetyrus Tyrus (conquered 332 BC; part of the city’s buildings are submerged)

Late Bronze and Iron Ages

Temple of Melqart, 10th? cent. BC (literary evidence; on the northern island)

Hellenistic Period Romano-Byzantine Period

Temple of Zeus (literary evidence; on the southern island)

Eastern boundary of the islands (schematic)

fp ibe(fortified from 9th cent. BC, documented from Achaemenid Period; conquered by the Assyrians, Babylonians and Achaemenids)

Ancient coast-line (schematic)

Temple of Melgart (literary evidence) Temple of Astarte (literary evidence)

Originally two neighbouring islands ona N-S axis Sy Gare or Sidonian harbour

‘Northern Island’,

“Shrine of Apollo’ (trial trench with Hellenistic tinds)

(with royal citadel, temples ... )

\

NX Necropolis, Phoen.

Trial trench with Bronze Ag

@ and Iron Age finds

verOns Roman arena

for ‘naval battles; “Southern Island’

a

1 i

Roman triumphal arch } Bie

Street of colonnades Romano-Byz.

{street of colonnades

|Romano-Byz.

® j ‘acd Roman bath

Ces Roman palaestra

eee

Roman aqueduct

|

ofan

orak*eun

E Byz.? arch (reconstructed)

Necropolis, Romano-Byz.

Necropolisias

* Byz. church

Roman hippodrome

Residential quarter, Romano-Byz,

Southern or Egyptian harbour

(abandoned after the Byz. Period)

Tyros

Mediterranean

Palaetyrus Mediterranean Sea

73

74

Tud. 8,317; 9,138) supposes, following Menander of Ephesus. The texts regarding T. in the OT (especially Is 23 and Ez 26-28, cf. also Am 1:9 f.) from the 7th and 6th cents. BC are familiar with the Phoenician trading power and its maritime activities (Ez 2.7:12-243 27:33-

10). The city of T., from which > Carthage was founded in 814/813 BC according to ancient tradition [4. 120], was crucially involved in maritime trade. In the rst half of the rst millennium BC, trading posts spread outward from Cyprus [1. 66, 74] to Mediterranean islands, North Africa and Spain (+ Colonization IlI.; + Phoenicians, Poeni). The solar and chthonic god +> Melgart (*mlk grt, ‘King of the city/underworld’, cf. Jos. Ant. Iud. 8,146), the chief god of T., who was later identified with + Heracles [1], was worshipped everywhere. Thanks to its economic significance for the larger empires, the fortified city (cf. the reliefs on the bronze palace doors of + Salmanassar III in > Balawat [2. 38]) was spared major destruction until Alexander [4] the Great, although it owed tribute to the Assyrians from the time of Salmanassar III (858-824 BC) on (for the Tyrian list of kings Jos. Ap. 1,121-125 [4. 349]). The degree of the loss of Phoenician power, which also affected maritime trade, is shown by the treaty concluded by Asarhaddon (681-669 BC) and Baal of T. (TUAT 1,158 f.) and which names the Tyrian deities Melgart, + Astarte, — Bethel [2], Anatbethel, > Baal-Zaphon and — Esmin. The Babylonian Nebuchadnezzar [2] II (604-562 BC) is said to have besieged T. unsuccessfully for 13 years (Jos. Ap. 1,156; Jos. Ant. Iud. 10,228; cf. Ez 29:17 f., but also Jer 27:2-6). Only Alexander [4] the Great conquered it after a seven-month siege. Under the > Ptolemies, T. prospered through lucrative > slave trade (cf. 2 Macc 8:11), but only in the Roman period, when the city received the autonomous status of a + métropolis, was there an economic and cultural recovery. Herodes [1] the Great emerged as a commissioner of building projects (Jos. BI 1,422), who maintained close relations with T. (ibid. 1,232; 1,238; 1,275; 1,563). In AD 198, T. became the capital of the Roman province of Syria Phoenice. Primarily the Roman period is archaeologically documented on the mainland [2. 102-113], for example a hippodrome, a theatre seating approximately 60,000 people, a bath complex, a colonnade with decorative arches, a large necropolis and remains from murex purple factories, which were fundamental to the city’s trade [2. 108, 143-159] (~ Purple). Soundings which have demonstrated settlement since approximately 2700 BC agree with the information in Hdt. 2,44 on the age of T. At the beginning of the 1990s, illegal excavations in a late Bronze and Iron Age necropolis discovered urns, jewellery and stelae with symbols and inscriptions reminiscent of finds in the daughter city of Carthage [6. 39-82]. + Phoenicians, Poeni; > Syria (with map); > Purple 2N.Jmpeyian, Tyre 1 P.Brxat, Pottery of Tyre, 1978 3 M.S. Jouxowsky (ed.), The through the Ages, 1969

TZETZES Heritage of Tyre, 1992 4H.J. Karzenstsin, The History of Tyre, 1973 5 W.L. Moran, The Amarna Letters, 1992 6H.SEEDEN, A Tophet in Tyre?, in: Berytus Archaeological Studies 39, 1991, 39-82. FOR THE Maps: Liban, l’autre rive; catalogue, Lebanon exhibition in Paris, Institut du monde arabe, 27 Oct. 1998-2 May 1999; 1998, 139. RL.

Tzetzes (Teéttnc; Tzétzés). [1] Isaac T. (load T.; Isaak T.). Byzantine scholar (grammatikos, c. 1110-1138), older brother of Iohannes T. [2] and author of a treatise on Pindaric metre (Pind. Ol. 1-14, Pind. Pyth. 1; the title Meoi tév mwdsagix@v péetewv/Peri tén pindarikén métron is not

authentic and only appears in a more recent MS). With the exception of ten introductory dodecasyllables, the work is written in what is known as ‘political’ verse (i.e. decapentasyllabic verse). After a general introduction to metrics (11-28 Drachmann), based on > Hephaestion [4] and his commentators, T. closely examines the metres used by > Pindarus [2] (28-125 D.), mainly on the basis of ancient metrical scholia. Ancient scholia were available except for Pind. Ol. 1. T. must have used here a Pindar edition close to the so-called abridged Vatican recension. T, advanced some convincing emendations, and his work was of lasting influence on the study of metre in Byzantium in subsequent centuries, foremost on + Demetrius [43] Triclinius (14th cent.). An (extant) commentary on > Lycophron’s [4] ‘Alexandra’, attributed in all MSS to T., should, in view of its

style and method, rather be ascribed to his brother Iohannes T. [2]. Hunceer, Literatur 2, 53f., 62f.; J.IRtGOIN, Les scholies

métriques de Pindare, 1958, 58-72; C. WENDEL, s.v. T. (2), RE7 A, 2or0f.

P.E.

[2] Iohannes T. Byzantine scholar and author of an extensive oeuvre, c. 1110-1185. His father hailed from Constantinople, his mother from Iberia (i.e. Georgia; Tzetz. Chil. 5,58 5-630) [8]. For a short period, T. lived in + Beroea; in Constantinople, he worked as a teacher (grammatikos) and secretary (grammateus). In common with many scholars of his age, he was dependent on the generosity and favour of high-ranking personalities; he found patronage from the sebastokratorissa Irene (wife of Andronicus I Comnenus) and the Camateri and Cotertzai families. T. had the task of introducing Irene, first wife of the emperor Manuel I Comnenus (the German-born duchess Bertha von Sulzbach), to ancient Greek literature and most of all to Homer [10; 17]. T.’ extensive oeuvre was largely written in dodecasyllabic and decapentasyllabic verse [13] and provides detailed information about the author himself as well as about political events and everyday life in Byzantium. Of particular value in this respect are his letters [9; 16], for which he even wrote a commentary in political verse (+ Metrics VII.), entitled ‘Histories’ or ‘Chiliades’.

TZETZES

75

The focus of his philological activities was on ancient authors such as - Homerus [1], > Pindarus [2], + Aeschylus [1], > Euripides [1], > Aristophanes [3], — Thucydides [2] (cf. [7; 15]), > Lycophron [4], > Oppianus [1] and > Nicander [4]. On Homer, T. wrote an exegesis of the Iliad as well as allegories on both the Iliad (6632 verses) and the Odyssey (3109 verses; cf. [r1; 12]). He dealt with mythographic topics in the Carmina Iliaca (Ta med “Ouneov xai ta “Ouneov xal to 120’ “Ounoov/Ta pro Homérou kai ta Homeérou kai ta meth’ Homeron, ‘Antehomerica, Homerica and Posthomerica’, in his Theogony and the epitome of the ‘Bibliotheca’ of > Apollodorus [7]. His incompletely extant verse chronicle (in accentuating iambic dodecasyllables) deals with cosmogony in an allegorical form. In addition, T. wrote treatises on dramatic and bucolic poetry, on rhetoric and metrics as well as a commentary on the anonymous ‘Life of St. Lucia’ (Bibliotheca Hagiographica Graeca 996) [14]. Also transmitted under his name are funeral poems (on Theodorus Camaterus and the emperor Manuel J), satirical poems, poetic gimmickry and other occasional poems. EpiTIONs: 1P.A. M. Leong, Ioannis Tzetzae epistulae, 1972 21d.,loannis Tzetzae Historiae, 1968 3 P.Mart-

76

RANGA, Anecdota Graeca ..., 2 vols., 1850 (repr. 1971) 4 F. Jaxoss, Ioannis Tzetzae Antehomerica, Homerica et Posthomerica, 1793 (repr.1972) 5 A.LoLos, Der unbekannte Teil der Ilias-Exegesis des I. T. (A 97-609), 1981 6 L.Massa PosirTano et al., I. Tzetzae Commentarii in Aristophanem, 3 vols., 1960-1962, Index, 1964 (cf. [11; 12]).

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

7B.BaLpwin, T. on Thucydides, in:

ByzZ 75, 1982, 313-316 8 P.GauTiER, La curieuse ascendance de Jean Tzetzés, in: REByz 28, 1970, 207-220

9 M. GRUNBART, Prosopographische Beitrage zum Briefcorpus des Ioannes T., in: Jahrbuch der Osterreichischen Byzantinistik 46, 1996,175-226 10 HUNGER, Literatur (esp. vol. 2, 59-63) 111d., Johannes T. Allegorien zur Odyssee, Buch 1-12, in: ByzZ 49, 1956, 253-304 12Id., Johannes T. Allegorien zur Odyssee, Buch 13-24, in: ByzZ 48, 1955, 13-38

13M.J. JEFFREYs, The Nature

and Origins of the Political Verse, in: Dumbarton Oaks Papers 28, 1974, 141-195 (esp. 148ff.) 14P.L. M. LEONneE, Sull’ Hypomnema in S. Luciam di Giovanni T., in: Rivista di Bizantinistica 1/2, 1991, 17-21 15 M.J. LuzZATTO, T. lettore di Tucidide, 1999 16 J.SHEPARD, T.’ Letters to Leo at Dristra, in: ByzF 6, 1979, 191-239 17 C. WENDEL, s.v. T. (1), RE7 A, 1959-2010.

U U (linguistics). In Latin, the letter designates the high back rounded vowel /u/. In Greek, this pronunciation is attested for Boeotian, Laconian, Arcado-Cypriot and Pamphylian (Boeotian tovyav ~ Attic twynv); in Attic and (Eastern) Ionic we find /ii/ from earliest times [1. 181-183]. Proto-Indo-European u, i (ua) is represented in Greek as v, 3, in Latin as u, a (Greek Cuyov, Latin ivgum ‘yoke’, Greek 00,6 ‘courage’, Latin fumus ‘smoke’ < Proto-Indo-European *iugo-, *d’us.m6-). A new /u/ (written as ov) emerged in Greek through monophthongization (oxovd} ‘zeal’ < *spoudas:—), contraction (voog ‘mind’ ~ votc) or compensatory lengthening (Attic tous ~ Cretan tovc) [2. 48, 535 67], in Latin from ot, ou (unus ‘one’ < Proto-Indo-European

*ar0ino-; lacus < Old Latin loucos), /u/ in Latin e.g. through vowel weakening from o (s. above iugum, fumus, each time in the final syllable) [3. 60 f., 94]. In old loanwords, Greek v appears in Latin as u (burrus ‘flame red’ < Greek xvgo6c). From Cicero’s times, the Latin alphabet added the letter Y to represent Greek v

[3. 9, 52]. 1 SCHWYZER, Gramm.

2 Rix, HGG

3 LEUMANN.

GE.ME.

Utman

(‘Utman ibn ‘Affan; Ov8udav/Outhman;

Per-

sian- Turkish Osman). Third of the four ‘rightly-guided’ + caliphs (AD 644-655). After the glittering rule of his predecessor + Omar, whose (expansionist) policies he continued, U. instead received reproach and dissatisfaction, e.g. owing to nepotism. His compilation of divine revelations into a final canonical edition (> Qur’an), a move towards strengthening central authority, was also heavily criticized in its implementation. Unexplained happenings after the suppression of an Egyptian revolt were only the external cause of his violent end. — Abu Bakr; > Ali; > Islam G.Levi

Detta Vipa-[R.G.KHoury],

IO, 2001.

s.v. ‘Uthman, EI H.SCHO.

Uberi. Subsection of the tribe of the + Lepontii living near the source of the Rhodanus (modern Rh6ne) in the

upper Valais (Plin. HN 3,135); conquered by Augustus (Plin. HN 3,137). G.BARRUOL, Les peuples préromains du sud-est de la Gaule, 1969, 311. H.GR.

Ubertas + Personification of fertility and abundance; evidence only from 249 AD (on coins as Uberitas). In the form of a standing woman with a purse and cornucopia she embodies the expectation of economic benefits, which the emperor (until Constantinus [2] II, 337-340 AD), asa

ruler with the prerogative of minting coins, guaranteed.

There is no evidence of a cult of U. in contrast to > Felicitas. ~ Copia A. ARNALDI, Il motivo dell’Uberitas (U.) Augusti nella

monetazione tardo-imperiale, in: Riv. Italiana di Numismatica e Scienze affini 81, 1979, 115-126; R. VOLLKOMMER, s. v. U., LIMC 8.1, 157 f.; S. WEINSTOCK, s. v. U., RE 8A, 5s30f. M.SE.

Ubi. Germanic tribe (Caes. B Gall. 4,3,3; Tac. Germ. 28,4; Tac. Hist. 4,28,1; 4,64), settled in Caesar’s time on the right bank of the Rhine (+ Rhenus [2]) between the lower > La(u)gona (modern Lahn) and Taunus. Displaced by the > Suebi, the U. allied with > Caesar in 55 BC (Caes. B Gall. 4,8,3; 16,5-8). Caesar’s Rhine crossings in 55 and 53 BC probably took place from the Neuwieder Becken in the territory of the U. The history and chronology of their resettlement on the left bank of the Rhine at Roman behest in the 2nd half of the rst cent. BC is disputed (Str. 4,3,4; Tac. Germ. 28,4; Tac. Ann. 12,27,1; cf. [1. 533 f.3 2. 132-134; 3. 147-149]). At first, the U. did not fully relinquish their lands to the east of the Rhine, but the Romans later handed them to the > Chatti for settlement (Cass. Dio 54,36,3). A civitas was set up, with the oppidum Ubiorum (> Colonia Agrippinensis, modern Cologne) as its main centre. To the north, their territory reached roughly as far as ~ Gelduba, to the south as far as the Vinxtbach, to the west roughly as far as the Rur and the territory of the Sunuci. The oppidum Ubiorum developed rapidly as the main urban centre from the last two centuries BC. In AD 50, the oppidum was raised to Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium, receiving new settlers including Roman veterans. Large areas of the civitas were destroyed in AD 58 by a major fire (Tac. Ann. 13,57,3). During the > Batavian Revolt, contingents of the U. served in the Roman army (Tac. Hist. 4,28,1 f.). When tribes of the right bank of the Rhine joined the revolt, they sought to subject the U., the “detested civitas’ (Tac. Hist. 4,63,2: Transrhenanis gentibus invisa civitas), to plunder and entirely to disperse them. An alliance of the concilium Agrippinensium, which probably also included the civitas of the U., with the rebel > Iulius [II 43] Civilis, lasted only a short time (Tac. Hist. 4,64—4,66,1). After the defeat of Iulius Civilis at + Augusta [6] Treverorum (modern Trier), the U. defected back to the Roman side. Cohorts of the U. are first mentioned in connection with the events of AD 69/70 (Tac. Hist. 4,18,21) and are attested by inscriptions of the 2nd cent. (cf. CIL X 4862; 6015) on the Danube front. U. were also active at the Imperial court at Rome as corporis custodes (‘life guards’) (ILS 1726). 1 H.Scumiiz, s. v. U., RE 8 A, 532-545 Zur Geschichte

der Rheingrenze,

2D.TrImpE,

in: E. LEFEVRE

(ed.),

Monumentum Chiloniense. Festschrift E. Burck, 1975, 124-147 3 R.Woxters, Romische Eroberung und Herrschaftsorganisation in Gallien und Germanien, 1990.

UBII

L. WEISGERBER, Die Namen der Ubier, 1969; H.von Petrikovits, Rheinische Geschichte I 1, *1980; J.Kunow, Die Militargeschichte Niedergermaniens, in: H.G. Horn (ed.), Die Romer in Nordrhein-Westfalen, 1987, 27-109; §. Neu, Zur Funktion des Kélner ‘Ubiermonuments’, in: Thetis 4, 1997, 135-1453). HEINRICHS, Civitas Ubiorum, 2000. RA.WI.

Ucalegon (Ovxahtywv from obx dhéywv, ‘without care’, Latin Ucalegon). Member of the Trojan council of elders (Hom. Il. 3,146). In Vergil one of the Trojans whose houses were the first to go up in flames when the city was conquered (Verg. Aen. 2,311 f., taken up in Juv. 3,198 f.). F.Buiss, Ucalegon and the Scaean Gate, in: Vergilius 42, 1996, 50-54; P. WATHELET, Dictionnaire des Troyens de VJliade, 1988, Nr. 253. MAST.

Ucenni. Alpine people in the Romanche valley at L’Oisans (Str. 4,1,11; 4,6,5: IxovovIkdnioi), subjugated by Augustus (Plin. HN. 3,137). G.BarRUOL, Les peuples préromains du sud-est de la Gaule, 1969, 318. H.GR.

Ucetia. City in the territory of the > Volcae Arecomici (in the province of Gallia Narbonensis), modern Uzés (in the département of Gard). The > oppidum in the territory of > Nemausus (modern Nimes; Str. 4,1,12;5 Plin. HN 3,37; Notitia Galliarum 15,9: Castrum Uceciense) was an important road hub [1. 406 f.]. U. was a bishop’s see in AD 442 [2. 94 f., 107 f.]. There is evidence of dedications to Mars, Jupiter and a Gaulish deity Segomanna, mentioned only there (CIL XII 292 5-

2961; 5886; [3. 393; 4. 88 f.]). 1 GRENIER6

2CCL148,1963

3 EsPpERANDIEU, Inscr.,

vol.x 4 P.Finoccut, Dizionario delle Divinita indigene della Gallia Narbonense, 1994. RIVET, 170 f.; P.-A. FEVRIER, Uzés, in: Topographie chré-

tienne des cités de la Gaule, 1989, 69-72.

Uchi Maius. Township in Africa Proconsularis (+ Africa [3]) 12 km to the west of > Thugga, modern Henchir Douemis. Marius [I 1] settled Gaetulian veterans there [r. 10]; they did not form a colonia but only a conventus of + Carthage (CIL VIII Suppl. 4, 26250; 26252; 26276). Under > Septimius [II 7] Severus UM was a res publica (CIL VIII Suppl. 4, 26255), in230 AD a colonia (CIL VIII Suppl. 1, 15447; 15450; Suppl. 4,

26270; cf. CIL VIII Suppl. 1, 15446-15467; Suppl. 4, 26239-26415;

80

v2

[2. 1370-1372]). U. Minus (Plin. HN

5529), like UM one of the 15 oppida civium Romanorum in the interior of the province, has not been located. 1S. GsELL, Histoire ancienne de |’Afrique du Nord, vol. 7, *1930 2 A.MeRLIN (ed.), Inscriptions latines de la Tunisie, 1944. AATun 050, Bl. 32, Nr. 62; M.KHANoussI, A. MASTINO (ed.), U. M., vol. 1, 1997; C. LEPELLEY, Les cités de l’Afri-

que romaine, vol. 2, 1981, 233-235.

W.HU.

Uchoreus (Odyooets; Ouchoretis). According to Diod. Sic. 1,50 the eighth child of Osymandias (+ Ramses [2] II) and the founder of + Memphis, which he is supposed to have made into a strong fortress with an embankment anda large lake. Scholars like to identify it with the "Oyvodc/Ochyrds mentioned in the Book of Sothis in Syncellus (FGrH III F 28,110,9). The name is customarily explained as a corruption of dxgevs (‘the permanent’) and considered to be a translation of the Egyptian mn (> Menes [r]). K.SeTHE, Beitrage 1905, r2tf.

zur dltesten

Geschichte

Agyptens, JO.QU.

Ufens. River in Latium (— Latini), after which the tribus Oufentina was named in 318 BC (Liv. 9,20,6; Fest. 212,7 ff. L.: Ofens); modern Uffente. The U. rises on Mons Lepinus (modern Monti Lepini) to the north of > Setia and flowed into the Pomptinae paludes (+ Ager Pomptinus), where it collected (Verg. Aen. 7,801; Str. 55356; Sil. Pun. 8,382). There it was crossed by the + Via Appia on a two-arched bridge. To the east of Cerceii it flowed into the sea. M. CANCELLIERI, Ss. v. Ufente, EV 5, 354.

GU.

Ugarit (Ra’s Samra) is the name of an ancient city on

the Syrian coast (11 km north-east of al-Ladiqiya), which was discovered in 1928. U. was continuously inhabited from c. 6500 to c. 1180 BC. The strategically advantageous position at the intersection of trade routes from the north (Asia Minor) to the south (Palaestina, Egypt) and from west (Cyprus, Mediterranean world) to east (Mesopotamia) facilitated the growth of U. into a significant commercial metropolis (attested as early as the 18th cent. by letters from > Mari; its time of prosperity lasted from the 14th cent. to c. 1180 BC). U. was the centre of a city-state which included approximately 150 settlements (among them the harbour Mina’ al-Baida’), with a powerful fleet used for trading and in war. Prior to 1340, U. was under Egyptian influence, afterwards under Hittite sovereignty (+ Hattusa). The majority of the population consisted of (Ugariticspeaking) — Semites, c. 25 % spoke > Hurrian. The majority of the kings of U. held north-western Semitic (+ Amorite) names (> Amurru [r]). The succession of the final eight kings was [1. 732]: 1. Ammittamru I; 2. Niqmaddu II (from c. 1350; he concluded a vassal treaty with Suppiluliuma I of Hattusa); 3. Ar-Halba; 4. Niqmepa (c. 1313-1260; contemporary of Mursili II and Muwattalli II of Hattusa; second vassal treaty with Mursili II: U. lost a third of its territory in the south); 5. Ammittamru II (c. 1260-1235, contemporary of Hattusili II of Hattusa); 6. Ibiranu; 7. Niqmaddu III; 8. Hammurapi (to c. 1180, contemporary of Suppiluliuma II of Hattusa). Around 1180 BC (roughly contemporaneous with the New Hittite Empire), U. was destroyed in the course of the migration of the Sea Peoples (> Sea Peoples, migration of) and was not settled again afterwards.

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Since 1929, U. has been continuously excavated under French direction. Almost all finds come from the final phase of settlement. Two temple complexes on the so-called ‘acropolis’ of the city and a large (comprising a total of 6500 m*) royal palace are especially noteworthy. In addition, a large number of clay tablets inscribed with texts in eight different languages were discovered: apart from - Ugaritic and > Akkadian, also -> Sumerian, + Hurrian, - Hittite, Egyptian, hieroglyphic Luwian (> Hieroglyphic scripts II A) and Cypro-Minoan (- Cypro-Minoan scripts). Two writing systems predominate: approximately half of the

encountered in Akkadian syllabic + cuneiform script. The textual corpus of Ugaritic is diverse, including epics (+ Keret, Aqhat: > Epic I; + Baal cycle), rituals, lists of sacrifices and gods, prayers, school texts, magical, divinatory, astrological and hippiatric texts, letters, legal and administrative documents, seal inscriptions and others. + Semitic languages

tablets (c. 2100) are written in syllabic (Mesopotamian) cuneiform (-> Cuneiform script), the other half (c. 2000 tablets) in alphabetic cuneiform (+ Alphabet I). The majority of the syllabic texts are Akkadian (state treaties, letters, legal and administrative documents, multilingual vocabularies, cf. + Translations); for the mostly

CK,

Ugaritic (cuneiform) alphabetic texts cf. + Ugaritic. The wealth of literature and religious information from U. are especially fascinating, because they represent a tradition which was widespread throughout ancient Canaan and is seen, to a certain extent, as the

precursor to Biblical literature. Thus, the discovery of U. resembled a rediscovery of the Canaanite world. The most important deities in the Ugaritic pantheon include ~+ El (supreme god); — Baal (weather god); Mot (god of the Underworld); Yamm (sea god); Sap (Sun); Yarih (Moon); ASera (wife of El); + Anat (lover/sister of Baal); + Astarte (goddess of war and love). > Ugaritic 1 W.G. E. Watson, N. Wyatt (ed.), Handbook of Ugaritic Studies, 1999. M. Yon, La cité d’Ougarit sur le tell de Ras Shamra, 1997; Ugarit-Forschungen (periodical, edited by M. DieTricn, O.LorRETZ), 1969 ff. J-TR.

Ugaritic. Term for a + Semitic language, named after + Ugarit, an important city and centre of the northern Syrian city state of the same name. The city of Ugarit was only discovered in 1928. Other than in Ugarit, texts written in Ugaritic have been found in Mina’ al-Baida’ (the port of Ugarit), Ra’s Ibn Hani’ and sporadically in other places, including Cyprus. Ugaritic represents an independent branch of the Semitic language family. Its precise classification is disputed by scholars of the Semitic languages, because of its verbal stems and lack of vocalization. Its stock of phonemes is close to those of Northern Arabian and Ancient Southern Arabian, but, in spite of the lack of certain prepositions, mimation and the lexical stock of Ugaritic show an affinity to ++ Canaanite, and for this reason Ugaritic was usually classed with the latter in the earlier literature. Ugaritic is recorded in a left-to-right script comprising 30 alphabetic cuneiform signs (+ Alphabet I) on clay tablets from the r4th-12th cents. BC. In addition there was a later variant with 22 signs, which probably represents another dialect. In vocabularies, Ugaritic is also

UGIUM

C.H. Gorpon, Ugaritic Textbook, 1965; J. TROPPER, Ugaritische Grammatik, 2000; D. Sivan, A Grammar of the Ugaritic Language, 1997; W.G. E. Watson, N. Wyarr (ed.), Handbook of Ugaritic Studies, 1999.

Ugium. City in — Gallia Narbonensis, present-day Saint-Blaise, east of the mouth of the Rhodanus (Rh6ne), c. 35 km north west of Massalia (Marseille) at the edge of a plateau. The plateau is surrounded by four salt water lakes (Etangs du Pourra, de Citis, d’Engrenier, de Lavalduc). The place name was unkown to the Greek geographers, it is only documented for the Early Middle Age settlement. It is possibly the local name of the Massaliotic oppidum of Mastramele (Steph. Byz. s.v. Maotoapéhy/Mastramélé; Avien. 700: Mastrabala). U. may originally have been the name of the oppidum, the complex of Saint-Blaise/Castelveyre and the pond of Lavalduc with the salt works (Str. 4,1,7). The ancient settlement was located on the northern part of the plateau (c. 8 ha). Steep slopes formed a natural fortification; in the south and south east, the settlement was enclosed by a wall. In the 6th cent. BC, U. was an important economical centre for commerce with Etruscan goods, attesting to the trade relations between the > Etrusci and Celtic tribal areas [2]. Three important settlement phases in the south eastern part of the acropolis and in the north eastern part of the lower city can be recognised: (1) Rhodian-Ionic period (7th5th cent. BC): a large settlement existed at least from the 6th cent. on. (2) Massaliotic period (4th—rst cent. BC): the second fortification wall with four gates originated in this period (4th cent. at the earliest, more likely 3rd cent. BC [3]). The fortification system is similar to that of the Greeks. Few remnants have survived from the Roman period. (3) Christian period (sth—gth cent. AD). The last settlement of U. occurred within the third fortification system (two churches: Saint-Pierre [1. 6170], Saint-Vincent). A Christian necropolis is located

outside of the city wall. 1H.RoLLAND, Fouilles de Saint-Blaise 1951-1956 (Gallia Supplementum 7), 1956 2 B.BOULOUMIE, SaintBlaise et Marseille, in: Latomus 41, 1981, 74-91 3 1d.,

Saint-Blaise. Ein eisenzeitliches Oppidum in der Provence, in: Antike Welt 9, 1978, 17-24. G. DE£MIANS D’ARCHIMBAUD, L’oppidum de Saint-Blaise, 1994; F.BENoit, Recherches sur l’hellénisation du Midi de la Gaule, 1965, 145 f.; J.BRomwicH, The Roman Remains of Southern France, 1993, 196-200; B. Liou, In-

scriptions peintes sur amphores ..., in: Archaeonautica 7,

1987, 55-139.

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84

Uldin (Ow5ns; Orildés). Leader of a federation of Hunni to the north of the Danube. In 400 AD U. had +» Gainas, who had fled over the Danube, killed and sent his head to > Arcadius, bringing about the first Hunni-Roman treaty (Zos. 5,22,1-3). As late as 405/6 he supported — Stilicho against + Radagaesus (Oros. 737,12). In 408 he himself attacked Thrace, but bribed by the Romans his army disbanded (Soz. 9,5,1-5).

W.JUNGANDREAS, s. v. U., RE 9 A, 555 £5 L.ScHMipT,

ULDIN

PLRE 2,1180; G. WirTH, Attila, 1999, 31-37.

WE.LU.

Ulfila see > Wulfila

Uliadae (O’Mddar; Ouliddai). Family connected with medicine and healing cults in > Velia [1] in southern Italy. The name derives from Odlios (OtMoc; Str. 14,1,6—8), one of the numerous epithets of > Apollo (B. 4), and refers to his power both to harm and to heal (cf. + Asclepius/Asclepiadae). The first verifiable member of this family was > Parmenides. Statues and inscriptions in Velia, which were created primarily c. AD 20, represent members of the family, bearing the names Ulis or Uliades, as physicians and as p@Aagyovpholarchoi; this probably suggests a cultic community [1]. A number of these inscriptions give dates that confirm that this organization traced itself to Parmenides or even declared him its founder. The combination of medicine and healing cults (+ Healing deities) has many parallels [2]. 1 M.Fassri, A. Trotra, Una scuola-collegio di eta augustea,1995

2P.KinGsLey, Ancient Philosophy, Mystery

and Magic, 1995, 225.

VN.

Uliaros (modern Oléron, in the département of Charente-Maritime). Island in the Aquitanicus Sinus (modern Biscaya; Plin. HN 4,109; Sid. Apoll. Epist. 8,6,12; Geogr. Rav 5,33), near the mouth of the > Garumna. It assignment to the territory of the > Santoni and hence to > Aquitania is hypothetical. P. MeRxAT, s. v. U., REQ A, 533 f.

MLPO.

Ulixes see > Odysseus Ulmerugi (Gothic *Hulmarugeis, ‘Island Rugians’). Germanic people on the islands in the southern > Mare Suebicum (modern Baltic) near the mouth of the Oder, close neighbours of the + Rugi, who were settled in Pomerania. An etymological relationship between the name U. and the island of Riigen is not confirmed. The U. were driven from their homeland by the > Goti advancing out of Scandinavia (lord. Get. 26). In Old Norse poetry they are found as the Holmrygir; they are also mentioned by the author of the Old English poem Widsith [1. 64], who can be dated to the 6th cent. AD. 1 L.ScHUKKING,

*1933.

Kleines angelsachsisches

Dichterbuch,

Geschichte der deutschen Stamme, vol. 1, 1910, 327.

GHW.

Ulmetum. Roman vicus and fort, node of important roads in Moesia Inferior (Scythia Minor; + Moesi), modern Pantelimon de Sus (district of Constanta in Romania; Dobrugea). The vicus presumably came into being under > Traianus [x1] (there is evidence of magistri and principes loci). The population was ethnically mixed (> Bessi, Romans and a number of Greeks). Destroyed by the > Slavs, U. was rebuilt by Iustinianus [1] I (Procop. Aed. 4,7,17). E. Popescu, Inscriptiones intra fines Dacoromaniae repertae, 1976, 213 ff.; A.G. PouLrer, Rural Communities (vici and komai), in: W.S. Hanson, L.J. F. Kerri (eds.), Roman Frontier Studies, vol. 3, 1980, 729-744; TIRL35 Bukarest, 1969, 76. J.BU.

Ulna (oiévn/oléné, literally ‘elbow’). A measure of length based on one of the proportions of the human body which appears primarily in poetry (cf. e.g. Hor. Epod. 4,8; Verg. Ecl. 4,105; Verg. G. 3,355); its extent is inconsistent. Whereas the term is occasionally used as a synonym for > cubitus (ell = 1’/2 feet), itis also found in Plinius [1] the Elder as a translation of édeyuia/—> drgyia (fathom = 6 feet; cf. Plin. HN 36,87 with Hdt. 2,148,7), the length a human can span with both arms (Plin. HN 16,133; 16,202). Use as an official measure of length is improbable. F.HuttscH,

Griechische

und

rémische

Metrologie,

71882.

ED-ys:

Ulpia [1] U. Marciana. See > Marciana.

ME.SCH.

[1a] U. Plotina. Named in the year AD 69 on a tabula cerata from Herculaneum. She may have been a sister of M. Ulpius [12] Traianus and hence a maternal aunt of the later emperor > Traianus [1] (AE 1993, 461).

We. [2] U. Severina. Wife of > Aurelianus [3] (SHA Aurelian. 50,2), elevated to Augusta probably in AD 274 (CIL Il 472; V 29; V 3330; [X 2327; AE 1927,81; 1934,44), mater castrorum et senatus et patriae (AE 1930, 150). Daughter of — Ulpius [4] Crinitus (?) (otherwise in [1]). Coins: RIC V 1, 313 f. 1 W.Eck, s. v. U. (57), RE Suppl. 14, 943 f.

KIENAST, *1996, 236 f.; PIR V 586; PLRE x, 830 Nr. 2.

ME.SCH.

Ulpianum = (OvAmavov/Oulpianon, Ovddmedva/Oulpiana). Roman fort and probably from the time of > Hadrianus a + municipium in Moesia superior (+ Moesi; Ptol. 3,9,6; Procop. Goth. 4,25,13; Procop. Aed. 4,1,29; lord. Get. 285), modern Graéanica (in the district of Pri8tina in Kosovo). There is evidence of a

decurio and an ordo municipii; in the Severan period (beginning of the 3rd cent. AD) U. was called Res

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86

Publica Ulpiana (CIL III 1685 f.). U. was the centre of a mining district, an important road hub and probably a toll station. In the sth cent. U. was conquered by the ~> Goti. Remains of buildings (e.g. a 400 m X 400 m fortress), necropoleis, and inscriptions

lum, curatoris rei publicae, praetoris tutelaris and quaestoris (‘On the Office of the City Prefect, the Com-

survive.

book; on this [6]) and the Opiniones (‘Legal Opinions’, 6 books; on this [1]), is occasionally doubted [2. r06TASH Spas seaorit Given his professional and literary qualities and his pronounced pro-imperial ideology (Dig. 1,3,313; 1,4,13 on this [8. 67—88]), U. became the most popular jurist of the late Imperial era. He is the main source for the > Fragmenta Vaticana, while in the > Collatio legum Mosaicarum et Romanarum only the Sententiae Pauli are more heavily represented than his works. In the West, a collection of excerpts from his Liber singularis regularum (‘Single Book on Legal Rule’, Epitome Ulpiani; on this [7]) was also in circulation; in the East, a Greek commentary on his work Ad Sabinum (Scholia Sinaitica; on this [5. 179]) circulated. The > law governing citations of 426 (Cod. Theod. 1,4,3) adopted U. in the ‘tribunal of the dead’. The introduction from U.’ Institutiones (‘Textbook of Basic Principles’), in which he derives law (— ius) etymologically from ‘justice’

TIR K 34 Sofia, 1976, 129.

J.BU.

Ulpianus. Domitius U. Roman jurist of the Severan period from Tyrus in Syria (Dig. 50,15,1 pr.), probably a student of - Papinianus [2. 208 f.] and teacher of + Modestinus (Dig. 47,2,52,20). Under Septimius [II 7] Severus, he was assessor for his teacher, who had since become Praetorian prefect (SHA Pesc. Nig. 7,4; SHA Alex. Sev. 26,6), and was probably leader of the chancellery a — libellis (the imperial judiciary office) from AD 205 to 209; + praefectus [4]annonae (leader of the office ensuring food supply; Cod. Iust. 8,37,4) under Elagabalus [2]; Praetorian prefect in 222 (Cod. lust. 4,65,4,1) and member of the consilium (SHA Alex. Sev. 68,1) under Severus [2] Alexander. U. was probably murdered by the Praetorian guard in AD 223 [5.177 f.]. Influenced by the — constitutio Antoniniana (Dig. 1,5,17), which represented a universalization of Roman > law which had become imperial law [2. 26-29], U. wrote a total of approximately 240 scrolls, primarily during the reign of Caracalla (212217). While he may thus have written less than the other “‘encyclopaedist’ of the time, > Iulius [IV 16] Paulus, his style was simpler, more balanced and clearer. His works, a synthesis of Roman jurisprudence which made an effort to find practical compromises, fill more than a third of Justinian’s > Digesta and form the framework for its most important titles. U.’ literary activity, which begins with the humble Notae (‘Notes’) to the Digesta of > Ulpius [8] Marcellus and to the Responsa (‘Legal Opinions’) of Papinians, concludes with the major commentaries Ad edictum (83 books; ~ edictum [2]; > Iulianus [1]), as a summary of magisterial law, and Ad Sabinum (51 books, incomplete), as a summary of civil law, both written following -» Pomponius [III 3]. U. also wrote commentaries on the lex Iulia et Papia (20 books), lex Iulia de adulteriis (5 books) and lex Aelia Sentia (4 books), works on civil law (De fideicommissis, ‘On Testamentary Donations Through Requests to the Heirs’, 6 books; De sponsalibus, ‘On Engagement’, 1 book), financial law (De censibus, ‘On Tax Collection’, 6 books) and trial law (De omnibus tribunalibus, ‘On the Complete Jurisdiction’, 10 books; De appellationibus, ‘On Appeals’, 4 books), monographs and casuistic (Disputationes, ‘Juristic Discussions’, 10 books; Responsa, 2 books) and didactic works (Regulae, ‘Rules of Law’, 7 books; Institutiones, ‘Textbook of Basic Principles’, 2 books). U.’ instructional works on the duties of officials: De officio proconsulis (10 books) and De officio consulis (3 books; ‘On the Office of the Proconsul / Consul’) and the individual books De officio praefecti urbi, praefecti vigi-

ULPIUS

mander of the Guard, State Commissioner, Tutelage Commissioner, Quaestor’) are numerous. The authenticity of some other works, above all the Regulae (1

(iustitia), praises jurists as its priests (sacerdotes) and

true philosophers, distinguishes between public and private law and calls for a natural law for all living things, was placed at the beginning of the Digesta (Dig. 1,1,1) by the compilers. ~ Digesta; > Iuris prudentia;

> Responsa

1 B.SanTALucia, I Libri opinionum di Ulpiano, 2 vols., 1971 2A.M. Honoré, Ulpian, 1982 3 WIEACKER, RRG, 153. 4D.Lteps, Recht und Rechtsliteratur, in: HLL 5, 1989,67f. 5 Id., Jurisprudenz, in: HLL 4, 1997, 175-187, 207-209 6H.L. W. NELson, Der Stil eines Kurzlehrbuches, in: K. ZIMMERMANN (ed.), Der Stilbegriff im Altertum, 1993, 81-87 7 F.MERCOGLIANO, Tituli ex corpore Ulpiani, 1997. 8 V. Marorra, Ulpiano e l’Im-

pero, vol. 1, 2000.

T.G.

Ulpius [0] C.U. Antoninus. Proconsul of Lycia-Pamphylia (communication from M. WAELKENS). Whether he is identical with the senator U. Antoninus who participated in the secular games of AD 204 [x] must remain an open question. W.Ecx, s. v. U. (25), RE Supplementum 14, 935.

[1] M. U. Arabianus. Senator from

> Amastris [4] in

Pontus; cos. suff.; consular governor of Syria Palaestina (+ Syria) between AD 187 and 190 (IGR III 85 = [1. 163, no. 16]); procos. of Africa around 200 (CIL VIII 15876). His son was

M. U. Domitius

Aristaeus

Arabianus, quaestor and legatus of the procos. of Asia in 209/210 or 210/211 (AE 1985, 804); cf. PIR* D 134. 1 Cur. Marek, Stadt, Ara und Territorium in PontusBithynia und Nord Galatia, 1993.

ULPIUS

88

87

[2] M. U. Asclepiodorus Rutilius Longus. A native of Cremna in > Pisidia; senator (bxatwdc/ hypatikos = consular); he probably was cos. suff.; related to U. [6] and U. [x1]. G.H. R. Horsey, $. MITCHELL, The Inscriptions of Central Pisidia, 2000, 57 f. No. 27. W.E.

184. He succeeded in driving back the incursions of the British tribes; cf. [x. 140-142]. Whether he is the same person as the like-named governor of Pannonia inferior, who cannot be dated, must remain uncertain [2.]. 1Birtey

2 W.Ecx,s. v. U. (42), RE Supplementum 14,

941.

WE.

[3] U. Cornelius Laelianus. Roman emperor in 269, see Laelianus [4] Fictitious senator in the biography of the emperor Aurelianus [3] (AD 270-275) in the Historia Augusta. He is said to have traced his family back to the emperor

[8] U. Marcellus. Roman jurist of equestrian origin (2nd cent. AD), counsellor of Antoninus [1] Pius (SHA Pius 12,1) and Marcus [2] Aurelius, to whom he recommended a ruling against the interests of the treasury in

> Traianus [1] (98-117), whose mirror image he was,

wrote Digesta (31 books), a commentary Ad legem Iuliam et Papiam (‘On the Law of lulius and Papius’, 6 books), the first work in legal literature De officio consulis (‘On the Office of the Consul’, at least 5 books) anda single book of Responsa (‘Legal Opinions’) [5]. U. also annotated the Digesta of > Iulianus [1] (on this [1; 3. 129-132]) and the Liber singularis regularum (‘Single Book of Rules of Law’) and probably the Sabi-

and been designated Caesar by Valerianus [2] (253260), held the otherwise unknown office of dux IIlyriciani et Thracici limitis, been consul three times and adopted Aurelianus (SHA Aurel. 10,2-11,8; 13,15

14,4-15,2; 38,2-4). None of this can be verified, the second and third consulships are certainly incorrect. He was suspected to have been modelled on U. Crinitus (the father of Aurelianus’ wife > Ulpia [2] Severina, but her name is unknown in all literary sources). The invention may go back to Eutropius naming Traianus [1] as ‘Ulpius Crinitus Traianus’, whereby a connection was to be created between the optimus princeps esteemed in the Historia Augusta and the soldier emperor (Eutr. 8,2,1 MULLER).

W.Eck, s. v. U. (33) und (57), RE Suppl. 14, 939 and 943 f.; K.-P.JOHNE, Kaiserbiographie und Senatsaristokratie, 1976, 148 f., 168; F.PascHoup (ed.), Histoire Auguste 5.1, Vies d’Aurélien et de Tacite, 1996, 86-88 (with a French translation); PLRE 1, 830; R.SyME, Emperors and Biography, 1971, 100 f., 105, 220. KPJ.

[5] U. Eubiotus Leurus. Senator from Athens, where he held the archonship. Cos. suff. probably in the rst half of the 3rd cent. AD. His son also belonged to the Senate. W.Eck, s. v. U. (36, 37, 47), RE Supplementum 14, 940-

942. [6] M. U. Italicus. Senator who was probably a native of Cremna in Pisidia. He is called taatixdc/hypatikos (consular), thus he must have been cos. suff. at some point, perhaps in the rst half of the 3rd cent. AD. Related to U. [2] and [rr]. G.H. R. Hors ey, $. MircHeE LL, The Inscriptions of Central Pisidia, 2000, 55-57, no. 26.

[7] U. Marcellus. Senator who, according to a military diploma, was consular governor of Britain on 23 March AD 178 (RMD 3, 184; probably also named in an as yet

unpublished diploma); consequently, he had travelled to Britain no later than 177. According to Cass. Dio (73,8,2), however, > Commodus first sent him to the province in 184 in order to deal with a military defeat. Because it is so far unknown for an imperial governor to serve twice in the same province, it is probable that U. governed the province of Britain from at least 177 to

an inheritance case (Dig. 28,4,3 pr.; on this [4. 27]). He

nus commentary of > Pomponius [III 3]. U.’ > Digesta

was annotated by Cervidius > Scaevola [1] and > UIpianus. The governor of Pannonia inferior under Marcus [2] Aurelius (CIL III, 3307) was probably the jurist’s son of the same name [2]. 1 J.RastTAtrer, Marcelli notae ad Juliani Digesta, 1981 2 D.Liess, Jurisprudenz, in: HLL 4, 1997, 108-112 3 H.Anxum, Le juriste Ulpius Marcellus, in: R. RUEDIN

(ed.), Mélanges C. A. Cannata, 1999, 125-136 4l1d., Observations sur la méthode ... d’U. Marcellus, in: M.ZaBEOCKA (ed.), Mélanges W. Wotodkiewicz, 2000, 17-32 5 C.ZULIcH, Der liber singularis responsorum des Marcellus, 2001. TG.

[9] U. Saturninus. Praesidial procurator (> procurator [{x-2]) in Dacia inferior in 160 [1. 337, no. 41]. In 166,

— praefectus [4] annonae, under whom Sex. lulius Possessor was active on the Iberian Peninsula as > adiutor (CIL Il 1180 = ILS 1403). Perhaps the descendant of an imperial freedman [2. 348]. 1 B.STEIDLE, in: L. WAMsER

(ed.), Die ROmer zwischen

Alpen und Nordmeer (exhibition catalogue Rosenheim), 2000 2H.Pavis D’Escurac, La préfecture de l’annone, 1976.

[10] M. U. Senecio Saturninus. Praetorian governor in the imperial province of Thracia under Severus [2] Alexander. THOMASSON I, 172 f.

[11] M. U. Tertullianus Aquila. Senator from Cremna. Procos. of Macedonia in AD 211/2 or 212/3 (SEG 31, 634; most recently [r. 128, no. 63]). He is called bnatxdc/hypatikds (consular) and was logistés (> logistai) of Attaleia [1] in Lycia-Pamphylia (IGR III 474; [2. 69 f., no. 12] =[3. 74 f., no. 44]). Related to U. [2] and U. [6] (PIR V 572). 1 Pu.M. Persas et al., Inscriptions du sanctuaire de la mere des dieux autochtone de Leukopetra, 2000 2G.H.

89

90

R. Horsey, The Inscriptions from the so-called ‘Library’ at Cremna, in: AS 37, 1987, 69f.

3 Id., S. MITCHELL,

The Inscriptions of Central Pisidia, 2000.

[12] M. Ulpius Traianus. Father of the emperor +> Traianus [1]. The family came from - Italica in Baetica (Cass. Dio 68,4,1, cf. [1. 305-308]. He entered the Senate, probably under Claudius [III 1]; in that, a connection with the senatorial family of Marcius [II 3] Barea, whose daughter Marcia [8] he probably married, may have been helpful [2]. The beginning of his career, which started under Claudius, is unknown; most of the offices from praetor on are found on an inscription from Miletus (cf. [3]). Already procos. of Baetica probably around AD 65/6; + Vespasianus used him as legatus legionis X Fretensis in the battle in Iudaea, where he was still active at least in the 2nd half of 69 (Jos. BI 3,289; AE 1977, 829). He probably returned to Rome together with Vespasian, where he became cos. suff. at the end of 70 [4. 60, n.63]. Around the middle of 73, he took over the governorship in Syria, which he held until 78. There, he was awarded the ornamenta triumphalia [5. 64—68]. In 73/74, Vespasian enrolled him among the patricians. In 79/80, procos. of Asia. Two priestly offices as XV vir sacris faciundis and sodalis Flavialis demonstrate his outstanding position above the average senator under Vespasianus and - Titus [II 2]. His relationship to + Domitianus [1] is not recorded, nor is the date of his death. His son later raised him among the divi (> consecratio; RIC II Nos. 251 f.; nos. 762-764; BMCRE III 500-508). Two children are known: his like-named son > Traianus [1], who became emperor in 98, and his daughter Ulpia + Marciana. 1CaBALLos

2D.BoscHuNG, W.EckK, Ein Bildnis der

Mutter Traians?, in: AA 1998, 473-481

3 G.ALFOLDy,

ULTIMA

VERBA

Xenophon’s speech to his sons: Xen. Cyr. 8,7,6-28; [3. 1260]). The presentation of the death of > Socrates [2] in Plato’s Phaedo (esp. 115—116a, 117b-c, 118) in particular became a model for later depictions. In Plutarchus [2], for instance, Cato Minor (792e-794a) reads Phaedo before he dies; Plato’s dialogues influenced Tacitus’s rendering of the death of > Seneca [2] (Tac. Ann. 15,60-64) and of P. - Clodius [II 15] Thrasea Paetus (ibid. 16,34 f.). Like Socrates, they both scold their friends for crying; Thrasea speaks about the immortality of the soul; both offer a gift to Iuppiter Liberator [3. 1258 f.; 4. 60]. Along with the dying of philosophers and oppositionists who staunchly accepted death in order to stay true to their principles -as attested by their UV- we find descriptions of emperors’ deaths (+ Death II H). It is not uncommon to encounter several versions of their UV, as is the case for Caesar [5. 108-rro]. In Suet. Aug. 99,1, > Augustus asks his friends the question whether, in their eyes, he had acted well in the burlesque of life, still manages to add the usual closing formula and dies in the arms of his wife with the words: Livia,

nostri coniugii memor vive, ac vale (“Livia, never forget our matrimonial bond and farewell”; different in parts in Cass. Dio 56,30, very different in Suet. Tib. 21,2). On the ‘theatrical death’ of Augustus, cf. [6. 220], on

further contradictory traditions [1. 43-53; 4. 53 f., 7382].

Several UV that were already famous in Antiquity must be highlighted. > Vespasianus is claimed to have said: “Oh, I think I am becoming a god” (vae, puto, deus fio, Suet. Vesp. 23,4; cf. Cass. Dio 66,17); this evokes the UV of > Claudius [III 1] in Seneca’s satire: “Oh dear, I think I shit myself” (vae me, puto, concacavi me, Sen. Apocol. 4,3; [7. 126 f.]). Particularly

Traianus pater und die Bauinschrift des Nymphaums von

famous became the last word of > Agrippina [3] direct-

Milet, in: REA roo, 1998, 367-399

ed at her murderer: “Aim for the stomach” (ventrem feri, Tac. Ann. 14,8,5), to which Cassius Dio added: “because it gave birth to Nero” (61,13). Much admired was — Arria [1], the wife of + Caecina [II 5] Paetus,

4 G.CAMODECA,

Novita sui fasti consolari delle tavolette cerate della Campania, in: Epigrafia. Actes du colloque en mémoire de A. Degrassi (Rome

1988), 1991, 45-74

5 E. DABROWA,

The Governors of Roman Syria from Augustus to Septimius Severus, 1998.

[13] see > Traianus [1] [14] M. U. Urbanus. Praeses of the province of Pamphylia under the first Tetrarchy between AD 293 and 305S. SAHIN, Inschriften von Perge, vol. 2, 2004, 287; 288.

WE.

Ultima verba (‘last words’). The citation of true or fictitious ultima verba (UV) was popular in Antiquity and appeared as a literary topos, esp. in biographic and historiographic literature, in rhetorical literature and in purely literary works ([1. 7-22] with examples). It was intended to illustrate the character and attitude of the dying person. Occasionally, a conversation was transmitted which the person in question was claimed to have had with a confidant during his last hours ([2]; cf.

who stabbed herself in front of her husband and handed him the dagger with the words: “It does not hurt, Paetus“(Paete,

non dolet, Plin. Ep. 3,16,6), which was

regarded by Plinius as an “immortal and almost divine word” (ibid., cf. Mart. 1,13; Cass. Dio 60,16,6 f.). The fact that such examples of the death of outstanding personalities and their UV were popular reading esp. in Rome is attested by Cic. Fam. 5,12 and by collections such as those attributed by Diog. Laert. 7,184 to - Hermippus [2] of Smyrna. In Rome Cicero (Div. 2,22), C. Fannius (Plin. Ep. 5,5) and Titinius Capito

(Plin. Ep. 8,12) are claimed to have composed such collections [3. 1258, 1260-1263; 4. 41-43].

+ Death 1W.Scumipt,

De

2 E.STAUFFER,

s.v.

ultimis

morientium

3 A.Ronconl,

s. v. Exitus illustrium virorum, RAC

Abschiedsreden,

verbis,

RAC

1914

1, 29-35 6,

1258-1268 4 P.SCHUNCK, Studien zur Darstellung des Endes von Galba, Otho und Vitellius in den Historien des Tacitus, in: Symbolae Osloenses 39, 1964, 38-82

ULTIMA VERBA

92

91

5 W.H. Frrepricu, Der Tod des Tyrannen, in: A&A 18, 1973, 97-129 6 G.Binper, Pallida Mors, in: Id., B.Erre (eds.), Tod und Jenseits im Altertum, 1991, 203247 71d. (ed.), L. Annaeus Seneca, Apokolokyntosis, 1999 (with Ger. transl.). P. A. Marx, Tacitus und die Literatur der exitus illustrium virorum, in: Philologus N. F. 46, 1937, 83-103; J. MOLEs, Some ‘Last Words’ of M. Iunius Brutus, in: Latomus 42, 1983, 763-779; K. SAUER, Untersuchungen zur Darstel-

lung des Todes in der griechisch-romischen Geschichtsschreibung, 1930. CLE.

Ultor see > Mars,I. Cult and myth C. Mars Ultor Ulubrae. Township in Latium, > municipium of the tribus Pomptina, colony of the Triumviri (> Triumvirate), later abandoned owing to its unhealthy location on the edge of the Pomptinae paludes (> Ager Pomptinus) at modern Sermoneta

and Cisterna di Latina

(Cie, Rams7,02,2%.

7,218,335 Hor. Epist.a,11,3050)uv:

10,102;

3,64; Porphyrio

Plin. HN

ad Hor.

epist.

I,I1,30). NISSEN, vol. 2, 637.

GU

‘Umar see > Omar

Umayyads (Banu Umayya). A. THE Dynasty AD 661-750 OF CORDOBA

B. THE UMAYYADS

A. THE Dynasty AD 661-750

First Islamic dynasty (AD 661-750), with its capital at - Damascus. Under the Umayyads, the Islamic expansion reached Central Asia in the east and the Pyrenees in the west. The Byzantines were driven out of North Africa, but kept resisting the Arabs in Asia Minor. This—ethnically and religiously heterogeneous — extensive empire required a new internal organization

and administration, modelled on Byzantine and Persian-Sassanid institutions. Its heyday was followed by a fast decline, aided by a combination of various factors, particularly under a weak ruler (Al-Walid II, 743-744): the strengthening of the Arabian element (‘Arabian Empire’ [3]) combined with a neglect of the Islamic principle of equality, the conflict between Arabs and nonArabs, increasing intertribal feuds (pre-Islamic conflict between northern and southern Arabs), the revival of non-Sunni Islamic orientations (Harigites, > Shiites) and spreading anarchy. B. THE UMAYYADS OF CORDOBA After their overthrow by the > Abbasids in 750, the Umayyads managed to hold on to rule in Andalusia with its capital Cordoba until 1033. In 756, they established the independent emirate of Cordoba. Internal unrest increased from the early 9th cent., caused by newly converted Muslims (separatist movements) as well as later by the Christian Mozarabs followed by

rebellion against increasing Orientalization and Islamization. In the mid gth cent., the Normans plundered Seville. In the first half of the roth cent., the prudent and consistent reign of Abd-ar-Rahman III (912-961), who assumed the titles of > ‘Caliph’ and ‘Ruler of the Faithful’ led to success both internally and externally: the quelling of internal unrest and the unification of the country; capture of Christian fortresses, incursions into the. Maghreb and successful repulsion of the Fatimids. The strengthening of the Berber elements towards the end of the roth cent. was a contributory factor in the fall of the Caliphate. During the rule of the Umayyads, splendid buildings were constructed (Umayyad-mosque in Damascus, Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem; mosque of Cordoba). — Muawiya; > Sunnites 1G.R. Hawtine, L.Mo.ina, s.v. Umayyads, EI ro (on

the Umayyads in Spain) 2H.-R.SincER, Der Maghreb und die Pyrenaenhalbinsel bis zum Ausgang des Mittelalters, in: U.HAARMANN (ed.), Geschichte der arabischen Welt, 1987, 264-322 3 J. WELLHAUSEN, Das arabische Reich und sein Sturz, *1960. H.SCHO.

Umber. Named after Umbria, their place of origin, this breed of dog was highly favoured, primarily as a tracking hound (Grattius, Cynegetica 171 ff.; Sen. Thy. 497 ff.; Verg. Aen. 12,753-55: hound baits deer; Sil. Pun. 3,295 ff.). We do not know its appearance. The Umbrian sheepdogs, mentioned in Varro Rust. 2,9,6,

that returned of their own accord to their flocks were certainly not of this breed. An illustration on an aes grave coin from Hatria in Picenum could represent an umber [1. 124, fig. 49; 2. 95]. + Dog 1 KELLER

2 ToYNBEE, Animals in Roman Life and Art,

1973.

C.HU.

Umbilicus [1] (xotvAndmv/kotyledon, xvuPddov/kymbdlion, oxvtadtov/ skytalion, yijs Oudardd/gés omphalds; Latin umbilicus Veneris, cotyledon), genus of the Crassulaceae family: navelwort with two species (Umbilicus erectus and Umbilicus horizontalis) still growing on rocks and walls in the Mediterranean area, mentioned in Dioscorides (4,91-92 WELLMANN = 4,90-91 BERENpes) and Pliny (HN. 25,159). Its small fleshy leaves, sap

pressed from them and it roots were prescribed for rashes, inflammations (primarily of the eyes), chilblains, ulcers, and internally for heartburn, dropsy, bladder stones and as a diuretic. They were also used as an aphrodisiac and a remedy for infertility in women (Hippocr. De sterilitate 230 = 8,444 Lirrré; Nic. Ther. 681; Plin. HN. 26,32; 80; 106 and 119; Ps.-Apul. De herbis

43). H.Gams, s. v. U., RE9 A, 588-591.

[2] See > Scroll.

C.HU.

93

94

Umbrella, Parasol (oxvddvov/skiddion or oxiddevov/ skiddeion; Latin umbella, umbraculum). Round, collapsible umbrellas and those with fixed frames had been familiar to the Greeks from the sth cent. BC; as in the states of the Near East, in Greece too umbrellas were a status symbol and sign of dignity. Noble Greek women had them carried by a servant girl (Athen. 12,5342, cf. Ael. VH 6,1). For Greek men, carrying an umbrella was considered a sign of effeminacy (Pherecrates PCG 7, 70 (64)). In Antiquity, umbrellas were also used in the Mediterranean area primarily as a provider of shade (e.g. to protect the wares of ointment sellers from the sun: Ath. 13,612a; cf. also Amm. Marc. 28,4,18; Ov. Ars am. 2,209) or as a protection from strong winds (Mart. 14,28); The use of an umbrella as a hiding-place is certainly a joke by the poet (Aristoph. Av. 1507). Umbrellas came in various colours (Juv. 9,50; Ov. Fast. 2,311) and were often given dangling tassels and other decoration. Palm leaves are mentioned as materials for the umbracula (Plin. HN. 13,30), there were also ivory umbrellas (Ath. 12,534a) and those decorated with

clear administrative shape as regio VI: in the north it bordered on regio VIII (Aemilia; cf. Plin. HN 3,115-

gold (Ath. 2,48f) for ceremonial use. Open umbrellas

were often depicted, closed ones only rarely. As well as

UMBRI, UMBRIA

122); in the east, Ua. extended to a stretch of the coast of the Ionian Sea (+ Ionios Kolpos, modern Adriatic) that excluded + Ariminum (modern Rimini) in the north and in the southeast bordered regio V (Picenum; cf. Plin. HN. 3,110f.) at the Aesis (modern Esino River); in the south, Ua. bordered on regio IV (Samnium; Plin. HN. 3,106-109) along the floodplain of the Nar (Nera), reaching the Tiber south of Ocriculum (modern Otricoli), thus encompassing the mountains forming the main ridge of the Apennines as far as — Tetrica mons (modern Sibillini Mounts); in the west, Ua. chiefly bordered on regio VII along the Tiber (Etruria; Plin. HN 3,50-55), from the ager Faliscus to the headwaters of the Tiber (cf. also Str. 5,2,10; Ptol. 3,1,53 f.). On the east side of the Apennines, the following rivers flow in succession from north to south: Pisaurus (modern Foglia), Metaurus

[2] (modern

Metauro),

Suasanus

(modern Cesano), Sena or Miso (modern Misa), and Aesis; on the west side, as tributaries to the Tiber: Clasius (modern Chiascio), Tinia (modern Topino) and Clitumnus (modern Timia).

round umbrellas, burial reliefs in the Noric-Pannonian

area also show rectangular ones. E.Drez, Norisches Madchen in besonderer Tracht, in: JOAI 41, 1954, Addenda 107-128; H. Lonmann, Grabmaler auf unteritalischen Vasen, 1979, 75. RH.

Umbrenus. Italic nomen gentile derived from the ~ Umbri people (SCHULZE, 257; 523). [1] U., P. Freed slave whose former business activities had made him familiar with Gaul, and because of this in

63 BC he was supposed to win the > Allobroges over to + Catilina (Cic. Catil. 3,14; Sall. Catil. 40). When the Senate resolved he should be executed he took to flight (Sall. Catil. 50,4). JBA. Umbri, Umbria I. GEocraApHY

II. History

III]. ECONOMY

IV. TRANSPORTATION

I. GEOGRAPHY Central Italian people and the hilly and mountainous region (flysch in the north, Jurassic lime in the south) they inhabited. It is located in the drainage area of the upper and middle > Tiber between the Etruscan + Appennines and the Chiana Valley with a narrow access to the eastern coastal area. The mountains run from northwest to southeast, between them lie narrow, sparsely populated valleys and a few broader basins (Tiber Valley, the plain around Lake Trasimenus (+ Lacus Trasumenus). Special infrastructural significance fell to Umbria (=Ua.) by virtue of its control over the base of the mountains to the right and left of the Apennines as well as the passes, a fact that is of historical importance as well. As a result of the territorial reform of Augustus in 12 BC, the region was given a

Il. History The U. were an Italian tribe that migrated at the beginning of the rst millennium BC from the north and settled in Upper and Central Italy between the Tyrrhenian Sea (+ Mare Tyrrhenum) and the Ionian Sea (> Ionios Kolpos, modern Adriatic). They were possibly bearers of the > Villanova Culture. In the 7th cent. BC a specifically Umbrian culture developed with fortified centres and princely graves (excavations at Todi, Monteleone di Spoleto, Plestia, Terni) situated in high places and rich in imported wares from Etruria. From the 7th cent. BC on, however, the U. were driven back across the Tiber by the — Etrusci, beset at the upper reaches of that river by the > Sabini, who had separated themselves from the U., and cut off from the sea by the Senones [1] in the 4th cent. BC in the area between the Aesis and the Rubico. For this reason they allied themselves with the Romans against the Etrusci (treaties of Camerinum in 309 BC and Ocriculum in 308 BC). But tensions also arose between the U. and the Romans, who vanquished a group of U. in the battle at Mevania in 308 BC. A Roman colony was founded in 299 BC on the site of the Umbrian Nequinum. Further colonies were founded in the Umbrian region after the Romans had defeated the Senones in 295 BC at Sentinum and the Galli in 283: their territories were seized and the Roman colony Sena Gallica was founded on the eastern coast of Ua. It was followed in 268 by the Roman colony Ariminum; Aesis (modern Iesi) was established in 247 BC and Spoletium (modern Spoleto) in 241 BC. In place of the Umbrian settlements that had originally been established on high plateaus, several cities were now founded in the plain. In the years 232 to 228 BC, Rome began to subdivide the conquered areas

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capital scripts of the traditional GraecoRoman culture, which in turn no longer satisfied the new taste and demands. The influence of Greek biblical majuscule can also not be excluded. Latin uncial is largely a > majuscule script with fluid, round forms. Typical are A, D, E, M (A, 3, €, m) and > minuscule forms h, p, g, v (n, p, q, u); the remaining letters derive

from the alphabet of the > capital scripts; abbreviations are rare. Latin uncial was used throughout the Latin West until the 8th/9th cents. AD and continued in the subsequent period as a display script. The aspect of the script changed between the sth and 6th cents.: there was considerable stiffening of the forms, greater contrast between stems and hairlines, decorative strokes at the ends of the horizontal and vertical stems (new style in contrast to old style: [x]). Among the various types, the most important are: the Roman uncial (6th/7th cents. to the beginning of the 9th cent.), which is characterized by compressed letter forms and also influenced the uncials common in England in the 7th and 8th cents.; and the b-r uncial, which takes its name from the B, which stands high on the baseline, and an R with an almost horizontal final stroke.

B. BiscuorF, Latin Palaeography: antiquity and the Middle Ages, tr. by D. O Créinin & D. Ganz, 1990. 66-72. PE. Unction see > Cosmetics

Underscore see > Writing styles Undertakers see > Libitinarii Underwear

see

— Clothing;

— Perizoma;

~— Stro-

phium; > Subligaculum Underworld I. MesopoTaMiA II. Ecypt III. Asta MINOR IV. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY V. CHRISTIANITY

I. MESOPOTAMIA + Myths, > Epics, > Prayers and > Rituals of the 2nd and rst millennia BC, in the Sumerian and Akkadian languages, describe the location and nature of the Underworld, along with the circumstances under which its inhabitants live. This domain, located beneath the surface of the earth and surrounded by the primeval ocean called + Apsf, is known in Akkadian as ersetu (Sumerian: ki), a term that can refer both to the surface of the earth and to the Underworld. There are other terms for certain characteristics of this region. The Underworld contains gates and buildings, including the palace of EreSkigal (‘mistress of the great place’), queen of the Underworld. Deities and spirits of the dead live there in a hierarchical society, and the spirits probably occupy the same social position as they did in their mortal lives. Although written sources offer a relatively uniform depiction of the Underworld, their descriptions of the paths leading to it differ dramatically. The idea of gaining access by crossing a river is documented as early as the end of the 3rd millennium BC. Ladders were believed to lead down from the surface of the earth; fourteen, or in some accounts seven, gates guarded by gatekeepers marked the path taken either on foot, as by the goddess - I8tar, or by chariot, as by King >» Urnamma. Mount Maégu, where the sun god begins and ends his journey of 12 ‘double-hours’ through the Underworld, is considered to be the entrance and exit to that realm. Life in the underworld resembles mortal life; food and drink, communication and sexuality are of central importance. The spirits of the dead depend on regular provisions from their descendants (-> Dead, cult of the). If none are forthcoming, they are forced to consume dust and brackish water. An essential characteristic of the Underworld is reflected in the term ’(place of) no return’ (/d tari; Sumerian kur-nu-gi4-a): Once they have entered that domain, gods and spirits of the dead must remain there, as creatures with an identity (name) and

105

106

physical being (consuming food and liquids). Only through intervention from ‘outside’ — witness the intervention of Ea on behalf of [Star —is it possible for one to leave the Underworld by providing a replacement

a place where earthly life is reversed: The dead are forced to walk upside down and live on excrement, unless they have knowledge of the necessary remedies

(> Tammuz).

Il. Egypt Along with heaven and earth, the Underworld played a significant role in Egyptian cosmography. A number of lexemes are associated with slightly different views of this concept, but their specific details are unclear. The most common and general term for the Underworld is dw3.t; according to some very early mentions in the Pyramid Texts (+ Funerary literature III B) this region appears initially to have been assumed to be in the sky [6. 207-215], but it was more commonly believed to be located beneath the surface of the earth. The so-called Underworld Books (+ Funerary literature IIITE) contain a particularly comprehensive account of the geography and characters of the Underworld. This is the realm of the gods of the dead, especially + Osiris, and is populated by the dead as well as

In addition to religious corpora, certain secular works provide valuable insights. Two texts in particular (see below) deal with a descent into the Underworld and show that entrances were believed to be not only in graves, but also at certain geographical locations (such entrances are also referred to in the cosmographic texts, cf. > Funerary literature III E, but in most cases they are not described in detail). The account contained in the Vandier Papyrus describes the adventure of a magician who goes to the Underworld to ask that the life of his doomed king be spared [7], an effort that inexorably results in his own death; as the king fails to keep his promises, the betrayed magician seeks revenge. This text is particularly interesting because of its depiction of the relationship between the earthly world and the Underworld, and of the opportunities of the dead to act from the afterlife. The Underworld is also where the dead are judged; the second story of Setne describes how the court of judgement ensures posthumous social justice [1]: The rich sinner is tormented and the contents of his grave are given to the righteous poor man. Here, too, a living person enters the afterlife to witness these occurrences, but he is apparently in no danger, perhaps because a reincarnated individual is there to guide him.

numerous — Demons (II) that protect Osiris and punish

This late text (MS rst cent. AD) adds certain elements —

the damned. Some of these creatures are bound to their location and the duties assigned to them, while others may be sent to the earth as messengers of Osiris. In myth, the threat that demons of the Underworld might be dispatched to earth terrified even the gods [4]. The course of the stars, with their alternating phases of visibility and invisibility, played a crucial role in the conception of the Underworld. Every night the Underworld receives Re, the sun god, who emerges again in the morning. Some sources show the region to be divided into twelve sections, separated by gates, analogous to the twelve hours of the night. The movement of the sun is generally likened to a boat journey; a river in the afterworld corresponds to the Nile. The drowned find their way directly to the afterlife, making burial unnecessary. This explains the occasional ritual of deposit-

possibly of Greek origin (e.g. the + Ocnus motif [2]) to the traditional ‘agonies of hell’. It is quite likely that through the Copts, Egyptian ideas of the afterlife also influenced the Christian concept of hell (e.g. the Apocalypse of Peter, cf. (V) below; — Afterlife, concepts of).

+ Dead, cult of the; > Death 1S. LUNDsTROM, Wenn Du in die Unterwelt hinabsteigen willst..., in: TH. RICHTER et al. (eds.), Kulturgeschichten (Festschrift V. Haas), 2001, 245-253 2G.J. SELz, Den Fahrmann bezahlen, in: Altorientalische Forschungen 22,

1995, 197-209.

ing figurines of Osiris in the water [8]. However, some

of the regions of the Underworld are arid and resemble a sandy desert. There the boat turns into a serpent. It is in the Underworld that the most important mystery of the classical sun-based religion takes place, the union of — Re and Osiris, from which each emerges with renewed strength. But it is also the home of Apophis, the serpent-like archenemy of Re, whose daily efforts to interfere with the course of the sun make countermeasures necessary. The Egyptian Books of the Underworld (beginning with the New Kingdom, approx. 1550 BC) depict the Underworld as a dark and dangerous region. The Coffin Texts (> Funerary literature III C) describe it as

UNDERWORLD

[9].

+ Dead, cult of the; > Death; > Funerary literature 1 H. GRESSMANN, Vom reichen Mann und armen Lazarus,

1918 2F.HoFFMANN, Seilflechter in der Unterwelt, in: ZPE 100, 1994, 339-346 3 E.Hornun«, Altagyptische HOllenvorstellungen, 1968 4 L.KAxosy, Osiris als Gott des Kampfes und der Rache, in: J.ASSMANN et al. (eds.),

Fragen an die altagyptische Literatur, 1977, 285-288 5 H.Kees, Totenglauben und Jenseitsvorstellungen der alten Agypter, 1956 6R.Krauss, Astronomische Konzepte und Jenseitsvorstellungen in den Pyramidentexten, 1997 7G.PosENER, Le Papyrus Vandier, 1985 8 J.F. Quack, Die rituelle Erneuerung der Osirisfigurinen, in:

Die Welt des Orients 31, 2000/2001, 5-18 9D.TopMANN, Die “Abscheu”-Spriiche der altagyptischen Sargtexte (2002) emy, 1960.

10 J.ZANDEE, Death as an EnAv.L.

Il]. Asta MINOR The Hittite terms for the Underworld are dankui tekan/dankuis daganzipas (‘dark earth’) — probably from the Hurrian timeri etc. — and kattera utné, ‘lower land’. The Underworld is located directly beneath the surface of the earth, and access is provided by caves, depressions (hence also graves), fountains, springs and

ponds. The water found under the earth’s surface can be described as a sea or river: Accordingly, the ‘shore of the

UNDERWORLD

108

107

nine seas’ and ‘the nine river banks’ (cf. [1. 198]) are

also terms used for the Underworld; the number nine indicates their totality. The subterranean water emerges at the seashores of the earthly world, which, as the edges of the earth, also form the border between the earthly world and the Underworld [2. 200]. As in Greek tradition, it appears that rivers and springs were believed to run both above and below the surface of the earth. In some cases the rivers of the Underworld bear the same Hittite names as the rivers known to us from the earthly world (cf. [z. 128]). In addition to its function as the realm of the dead, the Underworld is also the place to which impurities are transported by magic [1. 908 f.], cf. the notion of (seven) bronze cauldrons with lead covers in which all sorts of impurities were enclosed (cf. the motif of the pithos of > Pandora as well as Zech 5:5-11 [1. 911]). The ‘dark earth’ is also seen as a mother figure, the childbearing female principle that is the source of all fertility [2. 204]. The connection between these two apparently contradictory functions (as the realm of the dead and as well as the source of vegetation) lies, for one, in the idea that the act of sowing grain is analogous to a burial. This concept is found in the myth in which > Kumarbi, the god of grain, is plunged into the Underworld by the weather god, TesSup [1. 85]. The forces of the Underworld are manifested in the chthonic deities who live there (including the sun gods of the earth, > Sun deity II), which not only play an important role in vegetation and magic (see above), but also serve as the gods of oaths and vows [1. 133 f.]. 1 V.Haas, Geschichte der hethitischen Religion, in: HbdOr Abt. 1.15, 1994, v.a. 127-135 2 1d., Die Unterwelt- und Jenseitsvorstellungen im hethitischen Kleinasien, in: Orientalia 45, 1976, 197-212.

IV. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY A. GREEK B. ROMAN

A. GREEK Nearly all of our concepts of the Underworld are derived from literary sources. Accordingly, it is difficult to determine how well they reflect common beliefs [1. 3-7; 2. 1-16]. The Homeric epics already include many of the details that we find later [1. 7-16; 2. 10106], perhaps drawing on stories about journeys to the Underworld (+ katdbasis) narrated in pre-Homeric heroic epics: the Underworld as a country at the western edge of the world, beyond + Oceanus, where several rivers come together: Pyriphlegethon/—> Phlegethon [2] (the ‘river of fire’), > Cocytus [1] (the ‘river of wailing’), ~ Acheron [2] and — Styx. The names and number of these rivers vary in later sources; the Styx, whose waters are invoked by the gods in an > oath, is almost always mentioned. In the Iliad and other works, the Styx (or another, unnamed, river) separates the Underworld from the world of the living and prevents unauthorized passage back and forth, as does a wall with a gate (Hom. Il. 5,626; 23,71-74) guarded by a

dog (Hom. Od. 11,622-625); it is in the works of Hesiod (Theog. 311; 767-773) that the dog is first called > Cerberus. Later sources add - Aeacus as a gatekeeper to the Underworld or describe + Hecate as the holder of the keys to its gate (Apollod. 3,159; PGM 4,2292, and often). Dense poplar forests and sterile willows line the shores of Oceanus bordering the Underworld. Near its entrance live the > Cimmerii, shrouded in eternal fog (Hom. Od. 11,14-22; cf. also: Hom. Od. 10,508-515; 11,13} II,1§ 5-159; 11,6393; Hom. Il. 23,70-74). -» Minos, and later Aeacus, - Rhadamanthys and -» Triptolemus as well, settle quarrels among the dead (Hom. Od. 11,568-571). Rhadamanthys sometimes specifically judges the blessed (Plat. Gorg. 524; Plat. Apol. 41a; Pind. O. 2,75). A passage presumed to be a later interpolation (Hom. Od. 11,576-600) describes the punishment of the three major sinners > Tityus, + Tantalus and —> Sisyphus; later sources add to that list + Ixion (Pind. P.2,21-48) and the Danaids (+ Danaus, Danaids; Plat. Ax. 371e). Homer makes no mention of rewards in the Underworld, but exceptional individuals escape death and are sent to ~ Elysium (Hom. Od. 4,563-567; cf. Hes. Op. 167-173). The realm of the Underworld is usually referred to as the house of > Hades or simply as Hades, named after its king (Hom. Il. 15,185-193;

20,61; 23,244; Hom.

Od. 11,635); in antiquity his Greek name (H)aidés was derived from a-(w)id- ‘not to be seen’ (Plat. Gorg. 493b4). > Persephone is his wife and ruler over the shadows of the dead (Hom. Il. 9,569; Hom. Od. 11,213; 11,226). It is not until the Homeric hymn to Demeter (Hom. H. 2) that we learn how she found her way to the Underworld (cf. Hes. Theog. 912-914). — Tartaros and Erebos are sometimes considered to be two separate regions of the Underworld, but may also be used as synonyms for Hades. The Underworld scene that opens Od. 24 (‘Second Nékyia’), which is probably more recent than the rest of the Homeric epics [2. 94-103], provides further details: as one drew near Hades, travelling along dark, dank pathways (cf. Hom. Od. 11,93 f.; Hes. Op. 154), one saw a distinctive white rock (the Leucadian Rock), the gates through which the sun god Helios passed at twilight, the land of dreams and the meadow of > Asphodelos (Hom. Od. 24,10-14; cf. 11,573). Although reference is made to a westward journey (Hom. Od. 24,12), the Underworld is subsequently described as lying beneath the earth ‘in hidden depths’ (ibidem 24,203 f.). It is here that + Hermes is first clearly described as psychopompés (‘soul guide’) (ibidem 24,113, but cf. 11,626). Only later, in the > Minyds [2] (fr. 1), does the ferryman > Charon [1] appear, who is another transitional figure between the mortal world

and the Underworld [2. 303-3 56]. Other views of the Underworld that can be traced back to the Eleusinian > Mysteria, the mysteries of ~ Bacchus (Dionysus), to + Orphism) and the philosophical teachings of + Pythagoras [2] and > Empe-

109

110

docles [1], differ from the Homeric picture [3. 79-1 503 4. 71-216]. Most striking is the addition of drastic punishment and great rewards for common mortals: wallowing in mire, carrying water in a sieve or suffering pains on the one hand (Plat. Phaed. 69c5 f.; Plat. Gorg. 493c; Plat. Rep. 364e-365a; Orph. fr. 232; [3. 103-150]), feasting and dancing in sunlit meadows on the other hand (Aristoph. Ran. 316-459; Pind. O. 2,55—-80; Pind. fr. 133; [3. 94-98]). The geography of the Underworld takes on new significance in the socalled + Orphicae Lamellae, where the initiate is required to identify subterranean landmarks such as paths, trees and bodies of water, and respond to them properly if he is to reach his rewards; cf. also Plato’s myth of > Er (Plat. Rep. 614b2—621d3). In the works of Plato and in the Orphic texts, the Underworld is depicted as a place where one prepared for the next incarnation by being punished or purified. As time went by, these images of the Underworld increasingly became literary topoi (e.g. in Lucian’s Cataplus, Dialogi mortuorum, Necyomantia; cf. Virg. Aen. 6). It is possible that the Greeks borrowed some of their conceptions of the Underworld from older sources in the Near East [5. 161-167], although comparison of cultures world-wide suggests that many could have developed independently in Greece as well. — Afterlife, concepts of the; — Dead, cult of the; — Death; > Eschatology; > Hades; > Paradise

torment (ibidem 548-627). Finally, Aeneas arrives at Elysium and the place where the souls of leading protagonists of Roman history are waiting for their incarnation (ibidem 702-892). Two exits — the gates of dreams, one of horn and one of ivory (ibidem 893-900) open onto the path leading back to the world. In terms of philosophy, this description probably owes something to - Poseidonius [3]; Virgil himself was the source of the greatest influence (cf. especially DANTE, Divina commedia). Other depictions of the Undeworld in Roman literature: Virg. Culex; Virg. Georg. 4,466527; Ov. Met. 4,432-480; 14,104-157; Sen. Herc. f. 661-696; Stat. Theb. 8,1 ff.; Claud. Rapt. Pros. 35,282. For the view of the Unterworld in a more narrowly religious sense, see + Manes, Di, — Afterlife, concepts of.

1 S.I. JoHNsTON, Restless Dead, 1999

2 C.SoURVINOU-

INwoop, “Reading” Greek Death: To the End of the Classical Period, 1995 3 F.Grar, Eleusis und die orphische Dichtung Athens in vorhellenistischer Zeit (RGVV 33), 1974 4P.KriNcsLey, Ancient Philosophy, Mystery and Magic, 1995 5M.L. West, The East Face of Helicon, 1997. S1J.

UNDERWORLD

1R.G. Austin (ed.), P. Vergili Maronis Aeneidos liber Sextus, 1977. 2 E.NoRDEN (ed.), Aeneis, Buch 6 (with comm.), 31926, 41957 and passim LK.

V. CHRISTIANITY The Christians of the late ancient period believed that only > Martyrs were able to join Christ in heaven immediately after their deaths; other Christians, like non-Christians, went to the Underworld, or > Hades [5. 58]. However, Christians did not have a clear conception of the Underworld, nor of an interim state prior to divine redemption, since their focus was on the goal: salvation and resurrection. To be sure, written sources as early as the end of the 2nd cent., particularly the works of > Tertullianus [2], mentioned the concept of refrigerium interim (‘interim refreshment’; Tert. De monogamia

10,4;

Tert.

De

anima

33,11;

‘ert.

Apol. 49,2; [5. 44 f., 52 f.]) and described the interior

of the earth as the place where all > souls would conB. ROMAN

Roman conceptions of the Underworld — to the extent that they are presented in literature — can largely be traced back to Greek models. The central text is the 6th volume of Virgil’s Aeneid, which describes the descent of + Aeneas [1] into the Underworld (— Vergilius II D). Led by the > Sibyl, priestess of Apollo on Mount Cumae (+ Cyme [2]), and of + Hecate at Lake Avernus (— Lacus Avernus), Aeneas makes his way to a grotto in

Cumae (Virg. Aen. 6,42-76) [1. 48-58]. With a ‘golden bough’ that enables them to return to the living (ibidem 6,136-147; 183-241), they finally descend through a cave at Lake Avernus (ibidem 236 ff.; [1. 279-286]) into the depths where -> Orcus or the realm of > Dis Pater begins. + Charon [1] reluctantly ferries them across the — Acheron [2]; — Cerberus is rendered harmless. Groups of the dead then appear in various regions of the Underworld: first those who have died at an early age, sometimes of love (-> Dido), or mythical warriors (ibidem 426-534). At that point there is a fork in the road, with one path leading to - Elysium, the other to the place of the damned (ibidem 53 5-5 47) or to the bastion, surrounded by fire, where penitents suffer

gregate (Tert. De resurrectione 44; Tert. De anima 55,152), but neither these sources nor later Christian

writers provided a more detailed description. Hippolytus [2] (commentarii in Danielem 2,29,11; 353152343957) believed that resurrection required souls to dwell first with the (evil) angels of Tartarus in the Underworld [5. 66 f.].

This is why Christian grave inscriptions, with the terms refrigerare (‘refresh’) and andpausis (‘repose’), later also with in pace requiescat/dormit (’(may he/she) rest/(he/she) sleeps in peace’), as well as the Biblical socalled salvation depictions on sarcophagi and on catacomb paintings (Jonah, Daniel, Noah and the miracles of Christ, among other subjects) from the 3rd and 4th cents. were initially interpreted as depictions of the place where souls spent a transitional period, i.e. in a sense the Underworld [5. 105 f., 120 f.]. Today this interpretation is being reconsidered [4. 164; 3. 113]: These pictures, which appear ina variety of forms in the traditional context of pagan grave art, along with bucolic scenes and depictions of the sea (locus amoenus),

are to be viewed as expressing a desire for salvation

after death, for peace in God, as well as the hope of

UNDERWORLD

II1

resurrection [4. 164-169; 1. 253-255; 2. 257-259; 3. 106 f.]. The Christian concept of hell developed primarily in the context of apocalyptic writings (influenced by the Jewish and Judeo-Christian traditions). The oldest descriptions of hell, along with the various zones of heaven and the punishment of the damned, are found in the stories of the ascension of Isaiah into heaven (around AD roo) as well as in the > Apocalypses of Peter (about 135) and Paul [2] (around 200); they (along with Virgil) also influenced Dante’s Divina Commedia. + Afterlife, concepts of; > Apocalypses; > Dead, cult of the; > Death; > Hades; - New Testament Apocrypha; > Paradise

IIi2

must live modestly’; cf. Aristoph. Plut. 537-54). Latin also distinguished between poverty (inopes, ‘without means’; egentes, ‘needy’; pauperes, ‘pauper’; humiles, ‘those who must work for their living’ and abiecti, ‘outcasts’). Beggars occur in literature from Homer on (Hom. Od. 14,123 ff.). Plato deals with mendicancy

(Resp. 618 a) and excludes ptochoi from his ideal commonwealth (Leg. 936 b-c). Inactivity (Greek égyia; argia, Latin inertia) in certain parts of the population or among women is often castigated for moral reasons (Xen. Mem. 2,7: women; Varro, Rust. 3,2,1 ff.: in cities as against the countryside; Columella 12 praef. 9: women), or rejected for political reasons (Thuc. 2,40). Unemployment was sometimes seen at Rome as a social

(eds.), Spatantikes und

danger (Sall. Catil. 37). However, the assumption that programmes of public building like that of Pericles

friihes Christentum, 1983, 249-256 2J.ENGEMANN, Die bukolischen Darstellungen, in: s.[1],257-259 31d., Deutung und Bedeutung friihchristlicher Bildwerke, 1997 4 P.-A. Fevrier, La tombe chrétienne et |’au-dela, in: J.-

ently rejected by scholars. Leisure (Greek scholé, Latin otium) was a cultural ideal in the aristocratic elite (Aristot. Pol. 2,11,1273a). For that elite, the ‘poor’ or ‘base’

1H.BRANDENBURG,

Die

Darstellungen

Lebens, in: H.Becx,

P.C.Bot

maritimen

M. Leroux (ed.), Le temps chrétien de la fin de |’Antiquité au Moyen Age, 1984, 163-183 5 A.SrTuIBER, Refrigerium interim, 1957.

Underworld, vases featuring the. Pots (primarily volute kraters) of Apulian Red Figure vase painting with representations of the Underworld; the divine couple ~» Hades and > Persephone are found, sometimes enthroned within palace architecture, often with > Hermes. The following can also be present: -> Hecate, — Dike [1], the Judges of the Dead (— Triptolemus, ~ Aeacus, > Rhadamanthys), > Orpheus and > Eurydice [1], + Heracles [1] subduing > Cerberus, > Megara [1] with her children. In addition mythical evildoers and penitents appear, e.g. the Danaids (> Danaus), > Sisyphus, > Tantalus, > Theseus and > Peirithous, guarded by > Dike or one of the Erinyes (— Erinys). The images on VFU are not typologically fixed. VFU do not depict mythical incidents; rather their subject matter is South Italian concepts of afterlife (> Afterlife, concepts of), according to which bliss or punishment await the dead. ~ Apulian vases; > Krater; > Naiskos vases; > South Italian vases K.SCHAUENBURG,

Unterweltsbilder

aus

Grofgriechen-

land, in: MDAI(R) 91, 1984, 359-387; Id., Zu zwei Unterweltskrateren des Baltimore-Malers, in: AA 1990, 91-100; B. BRANDES-DruBa, Architekturdarstellungen in der unteritalischen Keramik, 1994, 75-91. RH.

Unemployment. Unemployment was not an economic

problem in Antiquity, because concepts such as full employment and working population did not exist. However, data from early modern cities suggest that in Antiquity, too, up to 25% of the adult urban population was incapable of sustaining itself, and a further 30-40% lived below the subsistence threshold. Aristophanes distinguishes the ntwyc (ptdchds; ‘one who has nothing to live on’) from the mévng (pénés; ‘one who

(Plut. Pericles

12) were a work creation measure is curr-

(xévnc, humilis) were those who had to work to sustain themselves (Aristot. Pol. 4,4,1291b; Pl. Ap. 23¢; Lys. 24,6; Plot. 1,150; Cic. Tusc. 1,1-25). — Beggars; > Leisure; > Poverty 1 G. Boper GicLtont, Lavori pubblici e 6ccupazione nell’ antichita classica,1974 2 P.A. Brunt, Free Labour and Public Works at Rome, in: JRS 70, 1980, 81-100 3 R. Hanps, Charities and Social Aid in Greece and Rome,

1968

4M.MarkiE, Jury Pay and Assembly Pay at

Athens, in: P. CaRTLEDGE, D. Harvey(eds.), Crux. Essays

represented to G.E. M. DE STE. Crorx on his 75th Birthday. 1985, 265-297. 5G.E. M. DE STE. Croix, The Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World, 1981 6R.WurtTaker, Il Povero, Romano, 1989, 301-333.

in: A.GIARDINA,

L’Uomo Sw.R.

Unguentum see — Cosmetics

Uni. Supreme Etruscan female deity, etymologically linked with Latin > Juno and perhaps originating in Latium. She was assimilated to Greek > Hera at an early stage, e.g. she is the wife of > Tinia/+ Zeus. But U. also had Italic elements (Iono Sospita) with special relationships to > Hercle/-> Heracles [1] and > Turan [1]/> Aphrodite. U. was a patron goddess of some cities, e.g. > Veii, from where the cult and statue were removed to Rome in 396 BC by evocatio (Iuno Regina), and. of some sanctuaries (> Pyrgi [1], > Graviscae, ~ Caere), often in cultic association with other deities, e.g. Tinia/Zeus, Thesan/- Eos and Turan/Aphrodite. In the gold tablets of Pyrgi, U. is equated with the Semitic + Astarte. Plentiful pictorial records on vases and mirrors, mostly in mythical contexts. I. KRAuSKOPF, s. v. U., in:

M. CrisTorant (ed.), Diziona-

rio della civilta etrusca, 1985, 310 f.; L.M. MICHETTI, G. COLONNA, s. v. U., LIMC 8, 1997, 159-171.

F.PR.

113

IT4

Unicorn (wovoxeqwc/mondkerds, monoceros, unicornis). The unicorn was irrelevant to Graeco-Roman mythology; and it was not a theme in iconography (it is common, however, in mediaeval book illustration).

fragmentation of countries such as India serves as a further hindrance towards the substitution of English, a superordinate means of communication, with a native national language). VB.

Accounts of one-horned animals are more frequent, originating primarily from the Indian > rhinoceros (Aristot. Hist. an. 2,1, 499b20; Aristot. Part. an. 3,2,663a20; Megasthenes FGrH 715 F 27b; Ael. NA 3,41; 16,20; Plin. HN 8,76; 11,255). The main source was - Ctesias of Cnidus, who was the first to describe in detail a fabulous one-horned wild ass in his Ivduc (Indika = FGrH 688 F 45q). The animal was distinguished by a pointed horn on its forehead and by a special hock; drinking from a beaker made of its horn was supposed prevent illnesses (e.g. hiera ndsos). In this way the unicorn became a typical thaumdsion (‘something amazing’) of ancient ethnography (cf. also Caes. B Gall. 6,26). In the LXX, the Hebrew re’em (‘wild bull’) is translated as monokerés. For this the Vetus Latina has unicornis, the Vulgate rhinoceros, monoceros and unicornis. Luther’s translation ‘eynhorn’ [1] is based on the LXX. The Babylonian Talmud debates how the unicorn could survive the Flood although it did not fit in the Ark (Zebahim 14 113b). The Church Fathers interpreted the unicorn as a symbol of Christ, but also of pride (e.g. Ps 75,5) and evil powers (polemically also as a symbol of the Jews) [2]. The main source fora story of trapping a unicorn (with Christian interpretation) is the > Physiologus (chapter 22 SBORDONE). 1 H.-P. MULLER, s.v. re’em, Theologisches Wé6rterbuch zum Alten Testament, 267-271 2 H. BRANDENBURG, s.v. Einhorn, RAC 4, 840-862.

J. W. Ernuorw, s.v. Einhorn, Enzyklopadie des Marchens, vol. 3, 1246-1256; O. SHEPARD, The Lore of the Unicorn, 1992 (1930).

Universal history see E. Characteristics

RB.

> Historiography,

II. Greece

Universal language I. GENERAL POINTS II. ANCIENT NEAR EAST III. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

UNIVERSAL LANGUAGE

Il. ANCIENT NEAR East The predominance of + Akkadian as a language of correspondence and official documents in the area of the fertile crescent was based partly on Mesopotamia’s cultural influence in North Syria (from the 24th cent. BC on; > Ebla) and later in the whole Levant, and

partly on the fact that there was neither another writing system suitable for recording — Semitic languages (cf. + Writing II), nor any other adequate > writing material than clay tablets. Diplomatic letters ( letter D r) from the archives in > Mari testify to the use of Akkadian as a lingua franca in all Syria during the 18th cents. BC. During the r4th/13th cents. BC, Akkadian was the most important language of correspondence between the —> rulers of Egypt, Syria-Palestine, Cyprus, the Hittite empire (+ Hattusa), Assyria, Babylon and Elam (— Amarna letters). In Syria-Palestine (among others Hazor, - Ugarit, Alalah), the Hittite empire (> Hattusa II) and Elam, > documents were likewise written in Akkadian (18th till 13th cents. BC). Owing to the different linguistic structure of > Egyptian, there was no rivalry to this language with its writing system consisting of > hieroglyphs and > papyrus as its writing material. With the appearance of Aramaic peoples all over the Near East by the end of the 2nd millennium BC, their language, > Aramaic, which had its own alphabetic writing system, increasingly took over the role of Akkadian as the language of administration, correspondence and communication. Especially in the Achaemenid empire (+ Achaemenids), Aramaic was the preferred lingua franca (- Official Aramaic; - Arsames [3]). With the expansion of the Achaemenid empire form the time of Darius I [x] (6th cent. BC), Aramaic was used as far as Bactria and India (— Asoka).

+ Bilingual inscriptions B; — Trilingual inscriptions JRE. III. CLAssIcAL ANTIQUITY

I. GENERAL POINTS The term UL today conveys two meanings: (1) an artificially created language, intended to serve as a lingua franca for the entire world; efforts of this kind were made especially in the r9th cent. (e.g. Esperanto and Volapiik); yet, as might be expected, they fell behind their self-imposed goal. (2) A language actually in world-wide use today is, above all, English. In the wake of the colonial period, it has established itself on all continents at least as a subsidiary means of communication for people of different mother tongues, and continues to be used to this day as a supra-regional official language in several of the former colonial states, even after their independence. (Often, it is better developed than the autochthonous languages; the linguistic

For the period of Classical Antiquity, it is not possible to speak of a UL in the sense of a global presence. Yet repeatedly, there were single languages temporarily serving as means of written and oral communication

(> Literacy/Orality) over vast areas and, in the perception of their speakers, across the whole + oikoumene. The prestige of writing and even the existence of a written language standard play a decisive role in the cultures of the ancient Mediterranean. This is true of both +» Greek and > Latin. Two forms of language spread can be distinguished: (1) Expansion of a UL at the expense of local languages ( Language switching), most of which were eventually given up by the local population at first in their written, then in their spoken form. Confronted

UNIVERSAL LANGUAGE

116

115

with Latin, Celtic idioms (> Celtic languages, with map) died out in what is now France and Spain (> Hispania II). In what is now France, in addition to + Narbonensis, which had already been strongly Romanized at an early stage, > Augustodunum (modern Autun) and -> Lugdunum (modern Lyons) can be regarded as the centres of > Romanization; yet spoken > Gallic, is sporadically recorded at least until the 3rd cent. AD: for instance, the prophecy of a druidess at the time of Severus [2] Alexander (AD 222-235) ‘in Gallic’ (Gallico sermone, SHA Alex. 18,60,6). As late as AD 200, the Roman lawyer Ulpian explicitly authorized Gallic as the language of > wills (Ulp. Dig. 32,1,2). In Spain, coin minting in Iberian ended in the rst cent. BC. The end of written (even indirect) evidence of pre-Roman languages on the Iberian Peninsula lies at the beginning of the Imperial period (— Hispania II.; > Basque, though, has survived to this day). Under the influence of Greek, local languages in Asia Minor likewise died out by the beginning of the Imperial period: the last Phrygian inscriptions date from the Imperial period; the last Lycian inscriptions date to the 4th cent. BC, yet the spoken language is still attested in Acts 14:11. Jerome mentions the existence of a Celtic idiom in Asia Minor which he describes as largely identical with the one spoken in the area around Trier in what is now Germany (Comm. on Gal 2,3; c. AD 400).

(2) Expansion of the ‘invaders’ language’ only at the written and official levels and as a means of communication for the elites, without abandonment of the local languages, thus under conditions of at least partial social > multilingualism (> Diglossia, > Latinization, ~ Hellenization). For a long time, spoken > Aramaic and — Egyptian resisted the influence of Greek and later the expansion of Arabic effected by the spread of Islam. The — Peregrinatio ad loca sancta (end of 4th cent. AD) states that “in this province, a part of the population understands both Greek and > Syriac” (in ea provincia pars populi et grece et siriste novit, 47,3;

this is followed by the description of Bible readings in Greek with oral translations into Syriac). In Late Antiquity, this formed the basis for new written languages (Syriac, still existing in linguistic enclaves as a living language, and > Coptic). The Roman Empire, which largely abstained from imposing an official language policy (exception: the period of emperor - Diocletianus, in which, i.a., no Greek rescripts were written for a while [r. 117]), is a

special case, in so far as in the eastern parts of the Empire, Greek remained intact even in its function as an administrative language and was used by the Roman office holders; the genuinely Roman ruling classes were bilingual as well (according to Suet. Caes. 82, Caesar’s last words were in Greek). Thus, in spite of its exceptional expansion, it is not possible to speak of Latin asa UL during the period of the Roman Empire. 1B.Rocuerrr, Le Latin dans le monde grec, 1997 2 G. NEUMANN, J. UNTERMANN, Die Sprachen im Rémischen Reich der Kaiserzeit (collogium April 1974), 1980

3 P. ACHARD, The Development of Language Empires, in: U.Ammon (ed.), Sociolinguistics/Soziolinguistik (Handbuch zur Sprach- und Kommunikationswissenschaft 3.2), 1988.

V.B.

Univira. The idea that in a woman’s life she should be married to only one man was considered a traditional ideal of Roman society; correspondingly only women who had been married just once were admitted to the cult of + Pudicitia (Val. Max. 2,1,3; Liv. 10,23,3-10). Although in the late Republic and the early Principate the number of divorces increased and remarriages of divorced women and widows was normal, this ideal retained its validity (Catull. rx1xz,1f.). Propertius emphasizes in his elegy to Cornelia [I 1], for instance, that she had been married only once, and under Tiberius a virgo whose mother had had only one marriage was appointed a Vestal (> Vestals) (Prop. 4,11,36; cf. 4,11,68; Tac. Ann. 2,86). The Germanic custom of en-

tering marriage only once is praised by Tacitus as a contrast to Roman (Tac. Germ. 18,1; 19,2).

A woman who had been married only once is described in funerary inscription as univira or univiria, and as such simultaneously praised — usually by her widower (Rome: ILS 4984; 8527; 8559; Ostia: ILS 6167; Puteoli: ILS 8442; Africa: ILS 8444). + Gender roles; -— Marriage (III.); + Widow; — Women (II.) 1S.Drxon, The Roman Family, 1992 2 M.HUuMBERT, Le remariage 4 Rome. Etude d’histoire juridique et sociale, 1972 3B.Rawson (ed.), Marriage, Divorce and Childrenin Ancient Rome, 1991 4 TREGGIARI, 233-237.

H.SCHN.

Upis see > Opis, Upis

Uplistsikhe. Georgian ‘ruler fortress’ (K‘art‘lis C‘hovreba p. 17; 33 et passim) [1]. Rock-cut city (9.5 ha) in ~ Iberia [1], about 20 km to the east of Gori on the northern bank of the Cyrus [5] (xst millennium BC to 18th cent. AD). In the Roman Imperial period U. was expanded into a city with ditches and clay-brick walls on a stone foundation; the cave sites were partly inspired by the Hellenistic rock-cut architecture of Asia Minor. A system of streets with drainage channels and cisterns survives. The city was significant in the Georgian Middle Ages. 1R.W. THomson,

Rewriting Caucasian History, 1996,

24, 47. O.LorpxipanibzE,

Archdologie

in

Georgien,

1991,

161 f. plate 42; D. BRAUND, Georgia in Antiquity, 1994,

166 f.

APL.

Ur (modern Tall al-Mugayyar; Sumerian uri*, in the OT ?Ur kasdim, cf. Gn 11,28 and 31; 15,7 i.a.;no Greek name, since it was abandoned in the 4th cent. BC). City in the southernmost part of Babylonia, discovered and identified in 1854 by J. E. Taylor. Excavations on a

Tey

118

larger scale took place under C. L. Woolley in 19221934, which became well-known because of the discovery of royal tombs with burial gifts of gold, silver and coloured stones. The origins of Ur, which date from the 5th millennium BC (‘Ubaid period), have been explored in several deep excavations. One of the deeper layers, which was free of findings, was interpreted by Woolley as evidence of the > Deluge, although it was caused by one of the frequent local inundations. The central buildings, such as the temple of the city god, the > moon deity Nanna, was situated ona central, rapidly growing ~ tell. During the mid 3rd millennium, 16 shaft tombs and almost 2000 private tombs were constructed in its south-eastern slope. Members of the ruling dynasty were buried in walled vaults. In spite of ancient tomb robbing, artifacts testifying to immeasurable wealth and burials of a large entourage were discovered. The wealth of the city was founded on its function as the main port of Babylonia, which caused its political influence during the 2nd half of the 3rd millennium in spite of its peripheral location. This concerns especially the period about 2000 BC, when Ur was the capital of Babylonia under the rule of > Urnamma and his successors. Within an ensemble of central buildings, the temple area of Nanna, which included the ziggurat of Ur (the prototype of this type of building; > Ziggurat), was of monumental dimensions. Although the political significance of Ur decreased in the 2nd millennium, its role as a port ensured an uninterrupted economic prosperity (‘sea-faring merchants’, cf. [1]), which is attested

by rich residential areas and numerous documents from the 1st half of the 2nd millennium. Following the OT, which refers to Ur as the home town of > Abraham [1], Woolley identified one of the residential buildings as the house of Abraham; however, serious doubts about the identification with biblical Ur remain. The temple of the moon deity was renewed by numerous rulers of the 2nd half of the 2nd and rst half of the rst millennia; - Nebuchadnezzar[z] II (604-562 BC) enclosed the central area with a monumental temenos wall. Ur attracted the interest of + Nabonidus (555-539 BC), because of his special worship of the moon deity. The city seems to have been abandoned shortly after 300 BC, probably as a consequence of a shift in the course of the > Euphrates. The last dated document dates to the 7th year of the reign of Philippus Arrhidaeus [4]. 1 A.L. OPPENHEIM, The Seafaring Merchants of Ur, in: Journ. of the American Oriental Society 74, 1954, 6-17. J. OELSNER, Materialien zur und Kultur in hellenistischer GER, Ur, 1964; S. POLLOCK, s. in the Near East, vol. 5, 1997,

babylonischen Gesellschaft Zeit, 1986; E.STROMMENv. Ur, Oxford Enc. of Arch. 288-291; M. VAN DE MIER-

URANIONES

His attempt to end the Byzantines’ siege of > Auximum remained unsuccessful; the loss of Liguria in 539 prevented him supporting Witigis in Ravenna (Procop. Goth. 2,28,3 1-35). After the latter’s capture in 540, U. refused an offer of the title of king of the Goths and proposed Hildebaldus for it (Procop. Goth. 2,30,3-16). After a conflict with Hildebaldus, he was murdered in 541 (Procop. Goth. 3,1,37—48). 1P.AMory, People and Identity in Ostrogothic Italy, 1997 2PLRE3,1392f. 3H.WoLrram, Die Goten, 42001, 349-351.

WE.LU.

Urania (Ovegavic/Ourania, Latin Urania). [1] One of the + Muses (Hes. Theog. 78), ~ Linus (father Apollo: Excerpta ex Hygino and + Hymenaeus [r] (Catull. 61,2). From Plato (Phaed. 259d) and from the time of

mother of 174 Rose) remarks in Aratus [4] onwards, U. can clearly be identified as patron of + Astronomy/-> Astrology (pictorial representations with globe, pointer; [1]), the natural sciences and — because of her cosmic dimension (U. brings light into the darkness) — philosophy (Diod. Sic. 4,1). U., sometimes also given the traits of > Astraea, is invoked — albeit rarely — by ancient poets in her function as a Muse, surveying the course of the world (e.g. Bacchyl. 5,13; Cic. Div. 2,149) but also appears in literature by Renaissance and modern authors, e.g. by PoNTaNo [3], P. B. SHELLEY (Adonais, 1821) and J. BRopsky (To U., 1988). — Muses

[2] Nymph, daughter of + Oceanus and > Thetis (Hes. Theog. 350). [3] Epithet of > Hera, + Artemis, > Hecate, > Nemesis, + Hebe, mostly emphasizing their association with the Olympians (Olympioi = Uraniones).

[4] Epithet of > Aphrodite as the Queen of Heaven [2] (cflidtwrossir.1 3s haus 457) 1 L.FaEpo, U. tra astrologia e astronomia, in: N. BLANC (ed.), Imago antiquitatis. Religions et iconographie du monde romain. Festschrift R. Turcan, 1999, 209-219 2 W.FauTH, s. v. Himmelsk6nigin, RAC 15, 220-233, es-

pecially 224 ff.

3 E. KLECKER, Mista propago. Der Kata-

sterismos der Virgo in Giovanni Pontanos U., in: WS 110, 1997, 221-244. CW.

Uraniones (Oveavimves; Ouraniones).

[1] Term for the descendants of + Uranus in general (Hes. Theog. 461; 919) and for the > Titans in particular (Hom. Il. 5,898; Orph. fr. 57; Suda s. v. Ov.). For a list of all U. see [1. 973-975]. 1 E. Wusrt, s. v. Uranos, RE 9 A, 966-980.

SLA.

oop, Society and Enterprise in Old Babylonian Ur, 1992; C.L.

Woo .tey, Ur Excavations, vol. 2-10, 1934-1976;

Id., P.R. S. Moorey, Ur of the Chaldees, 1982.

HJ.N.

Uraias. Nephew of + Witigis (on the name cf. [1. 430]), secured Goth power in Liguria in AD 538/9 and conquered Mediolanum [1] (Procop. Goth. 2,18,19; 2,21).

[2] "The Heavenly Ones’, collective term for the Greek gods in general, sometimes with the addition of Oeoi/ theoi (‘gods’; e.g. Hom. Il. 1,570; Hom. Od. 7,242; Orph. fr. 168,15; Q. Smyrn. 6,205), sometimes without (e.g. Hom. Il. 5,373; Hes. Theog. 929; Theocr. 12,22; Orph. Lithica 282 ABEL; Q. Smyrn. 2,443; Nonn. Dion. 26,361).

SLA.

URANIUS

119

Uranius (Ovedvioc/Ouranios). [0] L. Iulius Aurelius Sulpicius Severus U. Antoninus, usurper, who had coins minted in + Emesa in 253/45 very likely identical with the priest of Aphrodite Sampsigeramus (Ioh. Mal. 12 p. 296 f.) who warded off an attack on Emesa by the Persian army in 253, in the course of which their leader (in the text + Sapor [x] I himself) was killed. It may be that Or. Sib. 13,158-171 and IGLS 1799-1801 also refer to these events. When with — Valerianus’ [2] decision to face the Persian danger himself security returned to some extent, U. seems to have voluntarily given up his (local) title of emperor. His further fate is not known. PIR* I 195. H.R. Batpus, U. Antoninus of Emesa, in: Annales archéologiques arabes syriennes 42, 1996, 371-377.

M.SCH.

[1] Bishop of -» Emesa. Despite local resistance and an already elected bishop, Petrus, U. was able to occupy the see of Emesa after 445. Being a friend of Theodoretus [x] of Cyrrhus (Epist. 122 f. to U.: SChr 111, 8491), he is numbered among the signatories to the dismissal of Eutyches by an endemic synod in Constantinople in 449. [2] Bishop of Himeria (Osroene). As the leader of the opposition against - Hiba, who had been acting Metropolitan of Edessa since 435, U. accused him of Nestorianism (— Nestorius), tyranny and embezzlement of church assets and ultimately attained the appointment of a commission of investigation in Constantinople. At the so-called ‘Robber Synod’ of Ephesus in 449, U. agitated against the bishops Hiba, Flavianus of Constantinople and Eusebius [10] of Dorylaeum. 1 Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum IV 3,2, sor f. (s. v. Uranius2and4) 2A.LipPo.p,s. v. U. (20-21), RE9 A,

gsof.

JRL

[3] Author of Arabikd, probably at the beginning of the 6th cent. AD

([1; 2], contra [3]), an accurate Greek

geographical work in at least five books; oddments are preserved in > Stephanus [7] of Byzantium and Tzetzes (FGrH 675). 1G. W. BowErsock, Jacoby’s Fragments and two Greek Historians of Pre-Islamic Arabia, in: Aporemata 1, 1997, 173-185 2FGrH675 3H.v. WIssMANN,s. v. U. (4), RE Supplementum 11, 1278-1292. H.A.G.

Uranopolis (Oveavorohc/Ouranopolis). [1] City on Acte (> Athos I), founded by Alexarchus, the younger brother of + Cassander; according to Plin. HN 4,37 and Str. 7a,1,35, it is to be found on the isthmus of Acte. U. can be connected with the extensive ruins south-west of the modern Ierissos, the extent of which agrees with the size of the city given by Str. loc cit. (30 stadia). U. was probably built c. 315 BC, minted its own. coins according to a standard uncommon in Macedon at the time, but does not appear to have lasted long and may have merged with the neighbouring > Acanthus [1].

I20

F.PapazocLou, Les villes de Macedoine a l’epoque romaine, 1988, 431; M.ZAHRNT, Olynth und die ChalM.Z. kidier, 1971, 120, 209 f.

[2] City in the region of > Cabalis, the exact location of which has still not yet identified, provided there is no error in Ptol. 5,5,6 [x]. 1 E. Wust, s. v. U. (2), RE 9 A, 966.

E.O.

Uranus (Oveavoc, Lat. Uranus). Divine > personification of the sky, treated by Hesiodus (Theog. 126-128) as a mythical figure. U. is born of > Gaia, the earth, without the contribution of a father, ‘so that he may wrap her up and the gods have a permanent seat in him’ (ibid.). After that, U. begets the > Uraniones with Gaia (ibid. 42.4; 486), namely the > Titans, including > Kronos, > Zeus’ father. As a result, U. is the progenitor of the gods (ibid. 44 f.; 105 f.). The > Cyclopes and the + Hekatoncheires (ibid. 132-152) are descended from him as well. After U. locks up the Titans inside the earth, Gaia persuaded her son Kronos to take revenge. When U. wants once again to mate with the earth, Kronos cuts off his genitals with a sickle and throws them into the sea. From the drops of bload falling on the earth, the — Erinyes, + Giants and > Nymphs are born, while the genitals floating in the sea and their foaming sperm produce > Aphrodite (ibid. 173-206). This earliest Greek myth of the > creation of the world originates from the myth of the separation of sky and earth, which is spread in many cultures [r]. In his role as Gaia’s spouse, U. embodies the sky’s generating power, which permeates the earth with warmth and humidity (cf. Aesch. Danaides, TrGF 3 F 44). Hesiodus’ story, especially the succession-line U. — Kronos — Zeus goes back, quite obviously, to Oriental models. Thus in Hurrian-Hittite texts, after Alalu (who has no Greek counterpart), the sky Anu (= Sumerian An) corresponds to U.; Anu is castrated by - Kumarbi (= Kronos), gods are born out of his genitals; Kumarbi devours his offspring (and a stone?), with the exception of the weather god (= Zeus), who in turn overthrows him. In Akkadian texts, especially in the > Enama eli§, the parallelism is not so evident, > Apsfi and > Tiamat, however, make up a primordial couple similar to U. and Gaia. In the Phoenician story of - Sanchuniathon, as in the Hittite one, there are four generations: Elium (Alalu), Epigeus (U., Anu), > El (Kronos, Kumarbi) and Demarus (Zeus, weather god) [2. 18-31]. U. was nowhere worshipped with a cult and no figurative representation ever developed. 1 W.Sraupacuer, Die Trennung von Himmel und Erde. Ein vorgriechischer Schépfungsmythos bei Hesiod und den Orphikern, 1942 (reprint 1968) 2M.L. West (ed.), Hesiod, Theogony, 1966 (with prolegomena and comm.). H.Erpse, Orientalisches und Griechisches in Hesiods Theogonie, in: Philologus 108, 1964, 2-28; H. SCHWABE, s. v. Weltschépfung, RE Suppl. 9, 1433-1582; E. Wusr, s. v. U., RE 9 A, 966-980.

EKG

I21

122

Urartu. Country in the Armenian highlands (9th-7th cents. BC; cf. map) with a distinctive culture, in constant confrontation with Assyria (> Mesopotamia [III D}). Military high points were the victory of the Urartian King Argishtis I over Assur-nirari V in the first half of the 8th cent., the clash between Sarduri II and — Tiglath-Pileser [2] II on the Euphrates border in 743 BC and the long struggle for control over north-western Iran between Rusa I and - Sargon [3] II (722-705), which culminated in Sargon’s successful eighth campaign in 714. Around 830, Sarduri I, the founder of the Urartian kingdom, introduced the -> cuneiform script for his inscriptions at the foot of Mount Van near the capital Tushpa (Turushpa). The Urartian pantheon was led by the national god Haldi, whose role can be compared to that of the god > Assur [2] in Assyria. He conferred the kingship and led victorious armies to their conquests, which extended over the region between the Euphrates and Iranian Azerbaijan and the basin of Lake Sevan in northern

built-it’; harharsu=itu=li ‘they-destroyed-them’. The phenomenon of suffix absorption, i.e. the repetition of the case suffix of a governing noun on a governed noun is common: Minua=i=ni=ei urishusi=ni=ei ’(Object) of the treasury (of it)-of Minua’. Suffix absorption is also important for the formation of proper names, so that the correct rendition of ancient place names must always be preceded by a linguistic analysis. The ancient name of Karmir Blur was not TeiSebaini (oblique case; usually incorrectly cited as such), but TeiSebai.URU, ‘City of (the weather god) Tei8eba’ (the -mi is an instance of suffix absorption). ~ Cuneiform script

Armenia in the 8th cent. BC. The cult of Haldi, whose sanctuary was located in Musasir (in modern north-

(— Police). They bore the numbers X—XII, which demonstrates their close association with the nine cohorts of the - Praetorians. They were also accommodated in the same camp (castra praetoria), while being under the command not of the > praefectus praetorio, but the — praefectus urbi. This could occasion differing political loyalties (cf. Suet. Claud. 10,3 after the death of + Caligula). The UC had the maintenance of peace in the city as their primary function. It is probable that Claudius (AD 41-54) in particular appreciably increased the number of cohorts; nine in all (numbered X-XVIII) existed by 68, one being stationed in each of

eastern Iraq), was introduced around 815 for political purposes by King Ishpuini. The visible legacy of U. is a rich material culture in the form of architecture (fortresses, temples and palaces — e.g. Altintepe and Cavustepe —, tomb complexes), rock reliefs and inscriptions, canals, stepped tunnels, etc. Excavations such as the town of Teishebaini (modern Karmir-blur), Bastam, Rusahinili (modern Toprakkale) and Ayanis yielded many examples of bronze art (cast statuettes, hammered and decorated shields, quivers, helmets with inscriptions). Stone sculpture (bas-reliefs from Adilcevaz/

Kefkalesi) is only attested for the 7th cent BC. On the language, s. > Urartian. M.Satvint, Geschichte und Kultur der Urartaer, 1995; R.-B. WarTKE, U., Das Reich am Ararat, 1993; P.E. ZIMANSKy, Ancient Ararat. A Handbook of Urartian Studies, 1998. FoR THE MAPS: K.KeEssLER, Das Neuassyrische Reich der Sargoniden (720-612 v. Chr.), TAVO B IV 13, 1991;

W.ROLLIG, Ostliches Kleinasien. Das Urartderreich (9.— 7. Jahrhundert v. Chr.), TAVO B IV 12, 1992; S.SALVINI, Geschichte und Kultur der Urartaer, 1995; A.-M. WITTKE

et al., Ostlicher Mittelmeerraum und Mesopotamien um 700 v. Chr. (TAVO BIV 8), 1993.

Urartian. Language of the royal cuneiform inscriptions of > Urartu. Urartian belongs neither to the Semitic nor to the Indo-European families of languages, but is related only to > Hurrian, which is attested as early as the late 3rd millennium BC. The term ‘Asianic languages’, coined for Hurritic-Urartian, > Elamite, Sumerian etc., is a makeshift solution. In terms of linguistic typology, Urartian is agglutinating and ergative; consequently, it is examined in relation with completely different languages. Agglutination in Urartian is purely suffixal; verb forms absorb other clause components as enclitics: aru=me ‘he-gave-me’; sidistu=itu=ni ‘they-

URBANUS

M. Sarvint, Geschichte und Kultur der Urartaer, 1995.

Urban

development

see

— Hippodamus

> Town

planning

Urbanae cohortes. Augustus established three cohorts on military lines for the purpose of ‘policing’ Rome

Puteoli, Ostia and Lugdunum (the modern Lyons), among other places. From Vespasian (69-79) onwards, Rome had four cohorts (X, XI, XII, XIV), Carthage one, Lugdunum one other, all commanded indepen-

dently of the cohorts actually belonging to each city. Each cohors probably comprised 500 men; not until Septimius Severus (193-211) was this number increased to 1,500. They remained stationed in the various castra praetoria, not in their own camp on the forum suarium. It is unclear when the UC were disbanded, although this did not coincide with the dissolution of the Praetorians in 3 12 under Constantine. Recruiting from the population in Italy continued well into the 3rd cent. F.BérarD, Le role militaire des cohortes urbaines, in: MEFRA roo, 1988, 159-182; Id., La cohorte urbaine de Lyon, in: Y. Le Bouec (ed.), La hiérarchie (Rangordnung) de l’armée Romaine sous le Haut-Empire, 1995, 373-382; H.Freis, Die cohortes urbanae, 1967; M.Roxan,

W.Eck, A Military Diploma of AD 85 for the Rome Cohorts, in: ZPE 96, 1993, 67-74.

W.E.

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praepositus sacri cubiculi under > Theodosius [3] Il from AD 434 and again under — Leo [4] I and - Zeno. He did encourage the usurper -> Basiliscus against Zeno in 475, but in 476 contributed to his overthrow. He was close to - Verina, the widow of Leo I, and in 481 probably also supported a conspiracy against — Illus, who had arrested her. He is last recorded as an advocate of the election of the emperor > Anastasius [1] I in 491 and as a sponsor of pious foundations in + Edessa [2] and in the Holy Land in 504/s. PLRE 2, 1188-1190.

FT.

Urbicus see + Lollius [II 4]/Q.L. Urbicus Urbs Vetus (OvefiBevtdc/Ourbibentés; modern Orvieto). Etruscan city in the valley of the Pallia (modern Paglia) on a high tuff outcrop (cf. the description of the site of the city in Procop. Goth. 2,20,5—-11; cf. Geogr. Rav. 4,36: Orbevetus; Paulus Diaconus, Historia Langobardorum 4,32; Procop. Goth. 2,11,1; 2,18,19), its identification with — Volsinii Veteres is

controversial. BTCGI 13, 1-88.

M.M.MO.

Urgulania. Wife of M. Plautius (AE 1972,162), mother of M. Plautius [II 12] Silvanus, grandmother of Plautia [x] Urgulanilla, the wife of — Claudius [III 1]. She abused her friendship with Livia [2], who ended up paying a fine (Tac. Ann. 2,3 4,4) after U. had refused to appear in court. Later she sent a dagger to her convicted grandson M. Plautius [II 13] (Tac. Ann. 4,21,1). Subject of the novel ‘Le Mystére du jardin romain’ by J.-P. NERAUDAU. C.M. Perkxounic, Livia Drusilla — Iulia Augusta, 1995,

176 f.; PIR V 684.

ME.SCH.

[2] (modern Oria). City in Calabria (— Calabri; Str. 6,3,6; Plin. HN. 3,100: U. Messapia; Ptol. 3,1,77: Oventov/Ouréton; 2nd cent. BC coins: Orra; cf. [3])

between — Taras [2] and > Brundisium. Remains of lapygian (8th—7th cents. BC) and Messapian settlement (foundation walls, necropoleis, sanctuary of Montepapalucio; inscriptions [1. 34-56; 2]) and the Roman city survive. 1 C.SANTORO, Nuovi studi Messapici 1, 1982 2 J. BorrsMa, Oria and Valesio, in: MAMA 52, 1990, 57108 3 A.TRAVAGLINI, La monetazione di Orra, in: Studi di Antichita 6, 1990, 23 5-256. D. YNTEMA, In Search of an Ancient Countryside, 1993; J.-L. LAMBOLEY, Recherches sur les Messapiens, 1996, 120-135; BICGI 12, 505-516. ML.

[3] City in + Daunia on the northern coast of Mons Garganus; there are ruins on Lago di Varano, to the west of Rodi Garganico (Str. 6,3,9: Ovjeiov/Oxrion; Plin. HN. 3,103: U.; Ptol. 3,1,17: “Youow/Hyrion). [4] City of the > Sabini, station on the via Valeria (Str. 553,11: Ovagia/Ouaria; Hor. Epist. 1,14,3: Varia), modern Vicovaro. [5] City in > Campania (HN 37), possibly identical with > Nola (cf. Solin. 2,16: Nola ab Yrinis). GVA.

Uriel (Hebrew °ar?eél, ‘My Light is God’) in > apocryphal literature the name of one of the four archangels, beside > Michael [1], > Gabriel [1] and > Raphael. He is recorded as an interpretative figure (angelus interpres, 4 Esra 4:1ff.) and as the ruler of all the stars and lights (x Hen 75:3). U. leads > Henoch through the upper heavens (1 Hen roff.). In particular he is assigned rule over the Heavenly Host and the Underworld (Sheol) (x Hen 20:1), whose gates he smashes in the resurrection of the dead (Or. Sib. 2,229). As one of the

guardians of the Throne of God he is significant in the Jewish Kabbalah. Y.GUTMANN, s.v. U., in: C.RoTH Judaica 16, 1971, 7.

(ed.), Encyclopaedia LUK.KU.

Urgulanilla see > Plautia [1] P. Urgulanilla Uria [1] City of the — Sal(l)entini, founded by Idomeneus [1] (Varro in Prob. in Verg. Ecl. 6,31), probably identical with Oveontov/Oueréton (Str. 6,3,5: originally Baris;

Urkundenrelief see — Relief, II. Greece and Rome A. Techniques and areas of application

Ptol. 3,1,76; Tab. Peut. 7,2: Veretum) at Cape Leuca;

I. DEFINITION

modern Santa Maria di Vereto on the eastern coast of Italy with ancient remains; Messapian and Roman inscriptions [1; 2]. Str. 6,3,6 is unclear as to whether Hyrie at Hdt. 7,170 is to be identified with U. [1] or U. zk

Urn II. Erruria

II]. ANCIENT ROME

I. DEFINITION Originally a round water container, the Latin urna denotes the sepulchral vessel in a cremation (ashes and bones). Morphologically speaking, urns are not always distinguishable from vessels of everyday life or cult.

URN

128

EDT,

They sometimes imitated furniture and building designs. The gathered bones and ashen remains were gathered (ossilegium) for storing in cloth or vessels inside urns of terracotta, metal or stone. Because of the prevalence of cremation in the ancient Mediterranean, the urn was the usual vessel for containing the dead from the Iron Age (early rst millennium BC), and its forms and decorations varied both geographically and chronologically (cf. Greek hydria and amphoreus/—> amphora). IJ. ErRURIA Terracotta or metal designs in Etruria were initially to some extent anthropomorphic, expressing a direct reference to the deceased. From the Archaic Period, local variations in standard forms began to develop, such as the funerary klinai (> Kline) of Caere from the late 6th cent. BC and house-shaped coffers made of terracotta, alabaster, tuff and limestone. Unambiguously sepulchral themes such as funeral games and funeral ceremonies were portrayed, mostly in relief, occasionally as paintings on the front and sides. In the Hellenistic period, the terracotta or alabaster urns bore mythological images, which were superseded from the mid 2nd cent. BC by stereotypical motifs such as garlands and heraldic animal pairs. The lids often show the deceased, alone or in couples, as seated sculptures. The vessels varied between 40 and 80 cm in length, 15 and 40 cm in height.

quets and married couples holding hands served selfrepresentation, while Apollonian and Dionysian motifs fulfilled a consolatory function. In the first quarter of the 2nd cent. AD, the images became less profuse, garlands held by rams’ heads or Cupids taking their place. When large-scale production of > sarcophagi emerged, from the reign of Hadrian, the quality and especially the number of urns began to fall steadily. The last examples date from the reign of Constantine. > Burial E.Brunn, G. Korte, I rilievi delle urne etrusche, 18701916; F.H. Parrautt, Recherches sur quelques séries

durnes

de Volterra

a représentations

mythologiques,

1972; J.M. C. ToynBEE, Death and Burial in the Roman World, 1971, 253-268; D.C. Kurtz, J.BOARDMAN, Thanatos. Tod und Jenseits bei den Griechen, 1985, 295297; 367-380; F.SINN, Stadtromische Marmorurnen, 1987; M.SANNIBALE, Le urne cinerarie di eta ellenistica, 1994; M. CRISTOFANO, F. SINN, s. v. Urne, EAA 2. suppl., vol. 5, 1997, 907-912. RN.

Urna. Roman fluid measure (> Measures of volume); corresponding to half an amphora [2] and hence 4 congii or 24 sextarii. In modern terms approximately 13-1 litres. As an expression of quantity the u. often appears in the context of viticulture (Colum. 3,3,2;

4533805 9595240). — Sextarius (with table) F.Huttscu,

Griechische

und

rémische

Metrologie,

77882, 116 ff.

II]. ANCIENT ROME Roman urns of the Republican period were plain containers made of various types of stone. Simple, round vessels made of clay or glass were also always used, and in the Imperial period these were imitated in spectacular stones such as alabaster and porphyry. Large-scale production of marble urns, with rich relief decoration, developed during the Augustan period. Most of the 1,500 surviving examples come from Rome and its immediate vicinity. The design of the receptacle was by now no longer based on furniture or houses, but on sacred architecture, including altars. As well as cuboid coffers, there were also octagonal and cylindrical examples. There were also many other types of receptacle, such as vessels, baskets and even cash boxes. Relief sculpture took up the Etruscan tradition, but mythological material was depicted in less detail. Instead, the rst cent. AD saw increasing adornment of relief decoration with individual talismans and symbols of luxury (e.g. tendril ornaments, garlands, cornucopias, funeral meals, Cupids). The name of the deceased almost always appeared on a prominent inscription tablet, not infrequently with a portrait. These were framed with garlands and other vegetal decoration. Small images were inserted among the usual architectural forms such as pillars and pediments. The pictorial repertoire increased dramatically in the Flavian-Trajanic period (late xst cent./early 2nd cent. AD). Figurative depictions from life, such as ban-

H-J.S.

Urnamma (2112-2095 BC), king of — Uruk; the Sumerian King List (— Kings’ lists) describes U. as the successor to his brother Utu-Hegal (2119-2113) and the founder of the Third Dynasty of > Ur. U. gradually extended the power of the city of Ur at first to the south and then to the north of Babylonia. His early death in battle with enemies in the east of Mesopotamia and his journey to the > Underworld are the subject of the poem The Death of Urnamma. + Mesopotamia II G E. FLUCKIGER-HAwkeR,

Trad., 1999.

U. of Ur in Sumerian

Literary

J.RE.

Urnfield Culture. Final section of the Central European Bronze Age (13th—8th cents. BC), named after the predominant custom of cremating and burying the dead in urns in largish burial fields (+ Necropolis IX). UC extends — connected by these shared ideas across Central Europe in various regional groups — from the northern edges of the German uplands to the Alps and from central France to the Carpathians. Asa precursor to the Iron Age ~ Hallstatt Culture (8th-5th cents. BC), which is regarded, at least in its more recent period, as Celtic, UC is also occasionally described as an early Celtic phase. A class of shapes (in pottery, jewellery, weapons) of their own, their characteristic manner of

129

130

burial or their distinctive custom of depositing hoards (+ Hoard finds), however, suggest that there was no ethnic or cultural connection with the Celts. + Celtic Archaeology

URSO

Ursa see + Constellations

Urseius Ferox. Roman jurist of the early Principate (1st cent. AD), reviewed in at least ten books (Coll. 12,7,9)

ERBACH et al., Beitrage zur Urnenfelderzeit nérdlich und siidlich der Alpen, 1995. VP.

the opinions of the founders of - law schools, on the one hand Sabinus [II 5] and Cassius [II 14], on the other Proculus [1]. Other than five citations in Ulpian and in lulius [IV 16] Paulus, the work is known only from the commentary Ad Urseium Ferocem by lulianus [1].

Uroscopy. Medical analysis of the urine (odgov/oriron, Latin urina) of a sick person for diagnosis (or progno-

O.LENEL, Palingenesia Iuris Civilis, vol. 2, 1889, r2011224; KUNKEL, 145 f.; D.Lress, Rechtsschulen und Rechtsunterricht im Prinzipat, in: ANRW II 15, 1976,

sis).

200.

H. MULLER-Karre, Beitrage zur Urnenfelderzeit nérdlich und siidlich der Alpen, 1959; H.DANNHEIMER, R.GEBHARD

(ed.), Das

keltische

Jahrtausend,

1993;

M.zu

Ancient sources: the Corpus Hippocraticum (+ Hippocrates [6]; Hippoc. Aphorismi 4,69-73; Hippoc. Prognosticon 12; also the comm. by Galen 17,2,750-763 and 18,2,146-165), Rufus [5] of Ephesus (De renum et vesicae affectionibus) respectively, Galen (De crisibus 9,594-607), the Corpus Galenicum (De urinis 19,574—601; De urinis compendium 19,602-— 608; De urinis ex Hippocrate et Galeno 19,609-628;

De signis ex urinis [1]) and the encyclopaedias of Oribasius (Synopsis pros Eustathion 6,4), Aetius [3] (5,28— 44) and Paulus [5] of Aegina (2,13). The method was based on a theory of blood production in the liver: in the event of a dysfunction, the process led to incomplete digestion (apepsia). The residues of urine, separated from the blood in the kidneys, are modified and contain traces of the pathogenic causes, which a physician can identify from the nature of the urine. The theory seems not to have been formulated explicitly before + Galenus; in his work there is also the first ever list of possible variations in urine (colour, con-

sistency, sediments) and the corresponding illnesses and in some cases also a prognosis. Urine also showed a person’s natural or unnatural equilibrium (cf. - Humoral theory). Lists of the characteristics of urine proliferated in the early Byzantine Period (Corpus Galenicum, Magnus [1] of Emesa). After their adoption in the Latin West [2] and the Arab world they returned in translation from Arabic to the Byzantine world of the 14th cent. (Avicenna: [3. vol. 2, 286-302]; Syrians: [3. vol. 2, 303304]; Persians: [3. vol. 2, 305-306]; anon.: [3. vol. 2, 307-316]), and formed the basis of new treatises, both

anonymous Aktuarios). ons of urine + Medicine

[3. vol. 2, 323-327] and named (Iohannes Byzantine and Latin MSS contain depictivessels with colours mentioned in the text. IV.

1 P.Moraux, Anecdota Graeca minora VI. Pseudo-Galen, De signis ex urinis, in: ZPE 60, 1985, 63-74

2 G.KetL, Die urognostische Praxis in vor- und frihsalernitanischer Zeit, 1970

3J.L. IDELER (ed.), Physici et

medici Graeci minores, 2 vols., 1841 f. (repr. 1963). U.C. BussEMAKER, Uber Magnus von Emesus und dessen Buch vom Harne, in: Janus 2, 1847, 273-297; A.D1a-

MANTOPOULOS

(ed.), History

of Greek

Nephrology,

2000; K.DimitriaptIs, Byzantinische Uroskopie, thesis, A.TO. Bonn, 1971.

Gs

Ursicinus. High-ranking military officer under Constantius [2] II]. He was magister equitum in the East from AD 349-359. On orders from Constantius [5] Gallus, he conducted trials for high treason in Antioch [x] in 354 (Amm. Marc. 14,9,1 and 3) and in 355 deposed the usurper Silvanus [3] in Gaul (Amm. Marc. 15,5,18-31). From 357 on the Persian front again, he lost his command owing to court intrigues (Amm. Marc. 18,5,4), but in 359/60 was again appointed magister peditum (Amm. Marc. 18,6) and relieved of his position once more because the loss of > Amida (in 360) was imputed to him (Amm. Marc. 20,2). Ammianus, who draws a very sympathetic picture of him (e.g. 18,6,1), passes over his later fate. PLRE

1,985 f. no. 2.

WP.

Ursinus. U., a Christian deacon in the city of Rome, was elected a bishop at the end of September 366 in the Basilica Iulii (modern Santa Maria in Trastevere), prob-

ably at the same time as - Damasus, and this led to riots. U. was expelled from the city but recalled from exile on 15 September 367 and after renewed unrest banished to Gaul on 16 November 367. Between 370/1 and shortly before 378, U. may have stayed with friends in Italy again, but outside Rome. U., who met > Valens [4] of Poetovio in Milan, campaigned from there in Rome and was finally banished to exile in Cologne, where he lived until his death (after 385). S. REBENICH, Hieronymus und sein Kreis, 1990, 64f. (bib-

liography).

S.L.-B.

Urso (”Ogowv/Ors6n). Iberian city in Hispania Baetica in the valley of the lower - Baetis (Diod. Sic. 33,21,1; Bell. Hisp. 26; 28; 41 f.: Ursao; Str. 3,2,2: Otseowv/Orirson; Plin. HN 3,12; App. Ib. 274; Ptol. 2,4,14: OvePovy/Ourbone), modern Osuna to the east of — Hispalis (Sevilla). The settlement, which was probably already significant in the 3rd cent. BC, was one of the centres of resistance to Rome in the battle of the + Lusitani under > Viriatus in 139 BC (Diod. Sic. 33,21,1 ff.; App. Ib. 61 ff.) and the Pompeians against Caesar in 45 BC (Bell. Hisp. 22,2; 26,3—6; 41,33 42,1); As a punishment Caesar planned to found a Roman colony at U. — a goal that was realized only after his

131

132

death in 44 BC with the participation of colonists from Rome (Plin. loc. cit.): Colonia Genetiva Iulia sive Ursonensis (discovered in 1932: FIRBruns 28); it belonged to the conventus of > Astigi(s). Only a few ancient

Uruk (modern al-Warka’; Sumerian unu(g)*; in the OT Erek/ rk, cf. Gn 10:10; Greek Ogx6r/Orchoe). City in southern Babylonia, discovered in 1849 by W. K. LorTus, excavated by German archaeologists since 1912 (with wartime interruptions). Based on settlements of the 5th millennium BC, Uruk developed in the 2nd half of the 4th millennium (‘Uruk period’) into one of the first large cities, with an area of 250 ha. Uruk was the cult city of Inanna/— Ishtar, probably from the earliest times. In Eanna, her sacred district, an ensemble of large (assembly) buildings and a variety of smaller buildings of indeterminate function arose in a walled area of c. g ha during the Uruk period. The development of the first script (Proto-cuneiform around 3200 BC; > Cuneiform script) and the cylinder seal (+ Seals) point toa complex economic system. The first large-format artworks indicate a high cultural level. Around 2900, the

URSO

remains survive: reliefs, inscriptions, coins, ceramics. A.D’Ors, Epigrafia juridica de la Espafia romana, 1953, 167-171; TOVAR I, 128 f.; 140-143; J. L. ESCACENA CaR-

RASCO, El poblamiento ibérico en el bajo Guadalquivir, in: A.Rurz, M.Mo.uinos (eds.), Los Iberos, 1985, 273-297.

Ursulus. Comes sacrarum largitionum 355-361, an important aide to the emperor Julianus [11] in his financial distress (Amm. 22,3,7). With Constantius [2] II he visited the ruins of > Amida in 360 AD and levelled criticism at the soldiers’ lack of courage (Amm. 20,11,5). Perhaps because of that he was condemned to death by military officers in the court of Chalcedon which Julianus had commissioned after the death of Constantius. Julianus later distanced himself from the verdict (Amm. 22,3,8; cf. Lib. Or. 18,152; PLRE 1,988 no. I).

W.P.

Ursus [1] see > Tulius [II 140-141] [2] see > Constellations Urtica (from Latin urere, ‘burn’; equivalent of cnide in Plin. HN 32,146, [1.91], Greek &xadnhon/akalephe, uvidr/knide). [1] The stinging nettle, with its two differently sized species Urtica dioica and Urtica urens in the Urticaceae

family, can be identified with the names urtica silvestris and urtica canina (Plin. HN. 21,92), but not with the

herculanea. The species silvestris in particular was used as a drug, its leaves, seeds and roots e.g. for women’s illnesses (Hippocr. De morbis mulierum 1,31; 1,51; 1,74 and 2,175), for pneumonia and other colds (Catull. 44,15), for various poisons (Nic. Alex. 201) and for all kinds of abscesses and scrofula (Dioscorides 4,93 WELLMANN = 4,92 BERENDES; Plin. HN. 22,3136). The young shoots were eaten both in Antiquity and still are today by those without means (Theophr. H. plant. 7,7,2; Plin. HN. 21,93; Hor. Epist. 1,12,8; Pers.

6,69 f.). Consuming the apotropaic plants — which cause stinging of the skin on contact — in the spring was supposed to protect from illnesses the whole year round. [2] Urtica marina describes the sea anemone, a marine animal from the Cnidaria phylum (cf. — Jellyfish), which is well described in Aristot. Hist. an. 4,6,531a 31-b 17 and Plin. HN. 9,146 f. In the winter they were eaten (Aristot. loc.cit.; Aristoph. Equ. 422; Plaut. Rud. 298, etc.). Hippocrates (De victu 2,48) recommends them as a laxative and Pliny, drunk in wine, for bladder stones (HN. 32,102) and, ground with squill vinegar

and applied, as a depilatory (ibid. 32,135).

kar, Lugalbanda or Dumu-zi (~ Tammuz) - in the later myths and epics of Sumerian-Akkadian literature demonstrate the lasting importance of Uruk, even though its political importance declined. Uruk’s political role only reappeared with Utu-hegal, who expelled the Gutians at the end of the 3rd millennium and whose brother + Urnamma achieved the re-unification of the kingdom from the city of > Ur. In the 2nd and rst millennia, the political significance of Uruk fell behind its cultural importance. The temple of Ishtar was expanded by numerous rulers of the 2nd and rst millennia, for example by — Marduk-apla-iddin(a) [2] II, — Sargon [3] Il, ~ Asarhaddon, > Nebuchadnezzar [2] Il and > Darius {2] IL. In the 3rd cent. BC (— Seleucids), U. experienced a

return to the Babylonian culture: in the west of the centre, the massive, multiple-temple complex Bit Ré& (primarily for the sky-god Anu and his wife Antum) was erected in a consciously Babylonian style (Anu-uballit Nicarchus, 243 BC; Anu-uballit Cephalon 201 BC), as were a similar southern structure and a building for the New Year’s festival (+ Akitu Festival). The scribe school and copyist centre, to which we owe our knowledge of numerous Sumerian cult texts, was probably located in the Bit Ré8. In the Parthian era (1xst-2nd cents. AD), Uruk became a major city again, but, apart from the buildings around the so-called Gareus temple, a Mithraeum (?) and various residential buildings, not much has been studied. In the rst cent. BC, Uruk was the site of a school for astrologers. Sassanid coins from the first years of Ardashir [x] (middle of the 3rd cent. AD) attest to a small settlement before Uruk was completely abandoned. Vorlaufiger Bericht iiber die ... Ausgrabungen in Uruk, 28 vols., 1930-1983; Ausgrabungen in U.-Warka, 8 vols., 1936-1968; R.M. BOEHMER (ed.), Ausgrabungen in U.Warka, Endberichte, so far 24 vols., since 1987;

1 LEITNER.

H.Gossen, A.STEIER, s. v. Seeanemone, RE 2 A, 10321034.

legendary king > Gilgamesh of Uruk built a wall around the city, which had grown to over 600 ha. The major role of other early rulers of Uruk - such as Enme-

C.HU.

R.McC. Abas, H. J. Nissen, The U. Countryside, 1972; U. FINKBEINER, U.: analytisches Register zu den Grabungsberichten, 1993; M.van Ess, U. (Warka), in:

133

134 G. WILHELM (ed.), Zwischen Tigris und Nil, 1998, 32-41; H.J. Nissen, U. Eine Grofstadt des 4. Jahrtausends v. Chr., in: W. Serret, A. W1eczorex (ed.), Von Babylon bis Jerusalem, Vol. 2, 1999, 189-221.

HJ.N.

Urvinum Mataurense (Ovepivov/Ourbinon). City (Plin. HN. 3,114; Geogr. Rav 4,33) on an elevation (451 m) on the eastern slopes of the Appenninus between the Rivers Metaurus [2] and Pisaurus (modern Foglia), connected by an access road to the via Flaminia

on the Adriatic coast; modern Urbino (in the Marche region). UM was a > municipium (probably not until after the Social Wars [3] in 89 BC), tribus Stellatina (quattuorviri recorded: CIL XI 6053-6068), Regio VI (Umbria). Involved in the battles between the Goti and the troops of Iustinianus [1], UM was conquered in AD 538 by > Belisarius (Procop. Goth 2,10 f.; 2,19 f.). From the 6th cent., U. was a bishopric. Archaeological remains: city wall with gates, theatre, cisterns, thermal installations, necropoleis. M. Lunt, U. M. (Urbino). Dall’insediamento romano alla citta medievale, in: M.L. PoLicHertmi (ed.), Il Palazzo di Federico da Montefeltro, 1985, 11-49; Id., s. v. Urbino, EAA 2. Suppl., vol. 5, 1997, 904-906. M.G.A.B.

Uscana. Chief city of the Penestae [2] (Liv. 43,18,5). U. is thought to lie either near modern Debar (Dibér, modern Macedonia), at modern Debrce near > Lychnidus or at modern Kiéevo (Kércové). The events of the third of the + Macedonian Wars (171-168 BC) affected the

city in many ways (cf. Liv. 43,10; 43,18; 43,20 f. For the problems of source criticism cf. [1]). 1 B. Sart, s. v. U., RE 9 A, 1075 f.

F.PapazoGLou,

Les villes de Macédoine

a l’€poque

romaine (BCH Suppl. 16), 1988, 46 n. 39; 75; 76 n. 173 298.

PICA.

Usercheres see > Userkare

Userkare (Egyptian Wsr-k?-R‘.w). Egyptian king, according to the evidence of the -> Kings’ lists in the Sixth Dynasty (c. 2300-2250 BC), after Teti I and before Pepi I (— Phiops [1]); scarcely any contemporary record. He is sometimes regarded as a usurper or anti-king before or during the reign of Pepi I.

J. VercouTteR, L’Egypte et la vallée du Nil, vol. 1, 1992, 322.

JO.QU.

USPE

was the seat of the patriarch Simon ben Gamaliel. Yehuda ben Ilai maintained a beth midrash there, in which e.g. Yehuda ha-Nasi studied (tMeg 2,8). U.’s rabbinical discussions had a great influence on the compilation of the Mishnah (+ Rabbinical literature). EH. Ushebti (Egyptian w5b.ty, ‘answerer’, secondarily from 8b.ty, of uncertain meaning). Term for a small magical figure in the Egyptian cult of the dead (+ Dead, cult of the). Ushebtis are made of wood, stone or faience, usually representing the dead person in the form of a mummy, sometimes laid out in a coffin. Based on the associated magic spell, which was often written on the figure (spell 472 of the Coffin Texts, spell 6 of the Book of the Dead, cf. [2]), they were supposed to answer on behalf of the dead person if he was called to do work in the Afterlife, and do it in his place. The earliest ushebti, made of wax, appeared in the Eleventh Dynasty (c. 2050 BC); still rare in the Middle Kingdom, large groups of them (ideally a figure for each day of the year, an overseer for each ten and a scribe), usually placed in special chests, were common grave goods in later periods. Ushebtis appear only rarely in ritual deposits outside the funerary context. 1H.D. ScHNeErpeER, Shabtis, 1977.

2 H.SCHLOGL, s. v.

Uschebti, LA 6, 896-899.

SS.

Usipetes (also Usipi). Germanic tribe, presumably originally settled in the valley of the > La(u)gona (modern Lahn), which was driven out by the > Suebi in 58 BC. After crossing the Rhenus [2] (modern Rhine) they drove out the > Menapii in 56/5 BC and subsequently advanced farther south. In 55 BC Caesar annihilated the U. and the > Tencteri; previously he had unlawfully captured the leaders of the two tribes, and this led to to severe reactions in Rome (Caes. Gall. 4,116; 6,35,5; Plut. Caesar 22,1-5; App. Celt. fr. 1,12; Cass. Dio 39,47,1-50,1). Remnants of the U. fled back across the Rhine to the > Sugambri, and this led to Caesar’s first crossing. In 12/1 BC they crossed again, but were then subjugated by — Claudius [II 24] Drusus (Cass. Dio 54,3252; 54533,1; cf. Liv. Per. 140 and Flor. Epit. 2, 30,33). In 69 AD during the > Batavian Revolt the U. took part in an unsuccessful siege of + Mogontiacum (Tac. Hist. 4,37,3). According to the — Later-

culus Veronensis 14 Roman power at the time of -> Gallienus also extended to the U., who were later absorbed into the > Franci (Ripuarii).

Usha. City in lower Galilee, mentioned in the annals of

S. GUTENBRUNNER, U., RE 9A, 1087-1089; Ss. V. L.Scumipt, Geschichte der deutschen Stamme. vol. 2:

Sennacherib (a,40); an Israelite settlement in Biblical

Die Westgermanen, *1940, 189-199; B. KRUGER, Die Ger-

times is recorded by burial finds. Following the -> Bar Kochba uprising c. 140 AD the place of a rabbinical synod (Sanhedrin; - Synhedrion II.), at which leading scholars of the period, initially without the later patriarch Simon ben Gamaliel, appointed new people to rabbinical positions and issued edicts relating primarily to family law (Song of Songs Rabbah 2,5,3). For a time U.

manen, vol. 1, 1976.

RA.WL

Uspe. High-lying fortified chief town of the Sarmatic + Siraci on the bank of the Panda [1] in the north of the Caucasus (Tac. Ann. 12,16,3); not located. D.D. Kacuarava, G.T. KvirKvELuA, Goroda i poseleniya Pricernomor’ya anticnoi epokhi, 1991, 284. —_E.0.

USTICA

Ustica (Ovotixa/Oustika; also modern Ustica). Small (8-6 km?*, 239 m high) originally volcanic island off the northwestern coast of — Sicily (Plin. HN 3,92; Ptol. 3,4,17), 57 km to the north of Panormus [3] in the Mare Tyrrhenum, probably identical to the vioos ‘Ootemdnc/ nésos Osteddés counted among the Aeoli insulae in Diod. Sic. 5,11,1 (cf. Mela 2,7,120). Archaeological excavations in the area of I Faraglioni (Colombaia): a prehistoric settlement of the middle Bronze Age and graves with Phoenician or Carthaginian grave goods; also mosaics, coins and other material from the Roman period. R.R. Hotioway, s. v. U., EAA, 2. Suppl., vol. 5, 1997, 914 f.; Id.. G.MANNINo, U.: la polemica, in: Sicilia Archeologica 30, 1997, 13-20. H.A.G.

Ustrinum (‘crematorium’). An architectural cremation

place for Roman rulers, of which often only an > altar remains. The best-known example is the Ustrinum of Augustus on the Field of Mars in Rome (+ Campus Martius; > Roma III.) near the > Mausoleum Augusti; Strabo (5,3,8), describes it as lavishly built and preserved, after the act of cremation, as a monument. Remains of other ustrina on the Field of Mars are assigned to the emperors Hadrianus, Marcus Aurelius and Antoninus Pius. A.DanrTI, s. v. Arae Consecrationis, LTUR 1, 1993, 75 f.3 H.von HeEsBerG, S.PANCIERA, Das Mausoleum des

Augustus, 1994, 148-161; V.JOLIVET, s. v. U. Augusti, LTUR 5, 1999, 97; RICHARDSON, s. v. U. Domus Augustae, 404.

136

135

C.HO.

Usucapio (from Latin usus, ‘use’, and capere, ‘to take

in hand’), ‘usucaption’, the ‘acquisition of ownership by use’: acquisition of civil property (> dominium) — land and other objects — on the basis of one or two years of possession in Roman law (Mod. Dig. 41,3,3; Ulp. 19,8; Boeth. ad Cic. Top. 4,23; Isid. Orig. 5,25,30). Usucapio was only available to Roman citizens (Gai. Inst. 2,65). According to the Twelve Tables (— tabulae duodecim, Tab. 8,17) usucaption of stolen goods was excluded (Gai. Inst. 2,45; 49). However, according to a lex Atinia (late 3rd cent./early 2nd cent. BC) it was again permitted once the goods came back into the possession of the victim of the theft (later: of the owner) (Paul. Dig. 41,3,4,6; on difficulties with the unlawful retaking of pawned goods cf. Labeo/Paul. Dig. 41,3,49; Paul. Dig. 41,3,4,21). Plots of land could not be ‘stolen’ (controversial in Antiquity, Gai. Inst. 2,51), and so

were not affected by this. There were other exceptions by a lex Plautia de vi (78/63 BC) and a lex Iulia de vi for goods abstracted by force (Gai. Inst. 2,45), for res sacrae (such as temples), for res religiosae (burial places; Gai. Inst. 2,48) and — as early as the Twelve Tables (Tab. 10,10) for the ‘tomb forecourt’ (forum) and the ‘place of burning’ (bustum). The acquirer was required to have come into possession without fault. According to the Twelve Tables

(Tab. 6,3), the usucaption deadline was one or two years: Usus auctoritas fundi biennium, ceterarum rerum annus esto. (‘Immovable property shall be acquired by usucaption after the lapse of two years; other property after the lapse of one year’). Those relying on usucaptio were (a) those who had only received a > res mancipi only by — traditio (Gai. Inst. 2,41) and (b) those who had received a thing — res mancipi or res nec mancipi — in good faith from someone other than its owner (Gai. Inst. 2,43). The requirement of ‘good faith’ (bona fides) and that of ‘legal basis’ (tusta causa) were developed by the jurists of the Republic (veteres). It was disputed whether a buyer already had to have ‘good faith’ at the point of purchase and still at the point of traditio (Paul. Dig. 41,3,483 41,4,2 pr.) or only at the latter (Dig. 41,3,10 pr.).

Legal bases for usucaptio included purchase (emptio), gifting (donatio), dowry (dos) and bequest (/egatum). A purchaser acquired the object pro emptore (‘as purchaser’), a gift recipient pro donato, etc. The legal basis had to be valid. Hence, a forbidden gifting between spouses could not lead to usucaptio (Paul. Dig. 41,6,1,2), not even after a subsequent divorce, in accordance with the rule ‘No one may alter the basis of possession for themselves’ (Nemo sibi ipse causam possessionis mutare potest, Cassius/Paul.

Dig. 41,6,1,2).

Celsus countered the extension of usucaptio to cases of erroneous acceptance of a legal basis for a justified reason (Iulianus/Africanus Dig. 41,4,11) with the assertion that the advocates of this view were in error themselves (Dig. 41,3,27). Until a senatus consultum under Hadrian, the owner of an inherited object ‘as heir’ (pro herede) could acquire even without good faith. By this means, the Republican jurists (veteres) sought to accelerate the acceptance of inheritance, so that the funeral rites (sacra) could be carried out and there would be a debtor responsible for any liabilities attached to the legacy (Gai. Inst. 2,52,5 5-57). Justinian (- Iustinianus [1]) (6th cent. AD) reformed the law of usucaptio. Usucaptio was limited to movable objects and lasted for three years. For the acquisition of land, the > praescriptio longi temporis now generally applied, with a duration of ro and 20 years respectively ‘among those present’ and ‘among those absent’ (Cod. Iust. 7,31,1; Inst. Iust. 2,6 pr.). —> PROPERTY M.FRUNZIO GIANCOLI, Sabino e l’usucapione delle ‘res furtivae’, in: Labeo 42, 1996, 403-411; G. Hamza, Zum

Verhaltnis zwischen u. und longi temporis praescriptio im klassischen rémischen Recht, in: J.-F.GERKENS et al. (eds.), Mélanges F. Sturm, vol. 1, 1999, 189-203; HonSELL/MAYER-MALY/ SELB, 171-180; KasER, RPR, vol. 1,

103 f.5 134-138; 418-423; 721 f.; vol. 2, 285-288; 536.

D.SCH.

Us7

138

Usurpation I. DEFINITION

II. HELLENISM

III. THE ROMAN

EMPIRE

I. DEFINITION Usurpation (Latin usurpatio from the verb usurpare from usu rapere = ‘to seize something for one’s own use’) is a form of change of rule where the pretender openly challenges the > ruler in office [3. 228]. As, at the same time, this entails testing the loyalty of politically important groups, usurpation is not possible where those groups are not under any circumstances ready to defect from the ruler while he is still alive; in this case, the ruler must first be removed, usually by a coup d’état, before the pretender can show his hand. Usurpation is accordingly possible only in a political system where the ruler can lose his position once he is no longer accepted. The mechanisms of acceptance (contingent acceptance

by defined groups in respect of a particular person’s authority to rule) thus correspond with the possibility of usurpation in terms of the system in question [6. 201-7]. If the pretender is successful in his attempt to gain a greater degree of acceptance from a historically defined political constituency than the reigning monarch, and deposes him, the usurpation is as effective as a peaceful assumption of > rulership in making the victorious pretender a ‘legitimate’ ruler. EF. Il. HELLENISM In the Hellenistic monarchies, the possibility of usurpation derived from their charismatic character, i.e. from the compulsion upon the ruler constantly to prove himself victorious. Although the dynastic principle became increasingly important with the development of stable kingdoms (— Hellenistic states), primogeniture

never became established as a hard and fast rule of succession; thus it was easy for brothers especially (also half-brothers) to become pretenders. The frequency of usurpation varied greatly in the individual Hellenistic monarchies. The Attalid kingdom (- Attalus, stemma) of Pergamum remained free

of usurpations even in difficult times (* Eumenes [3]). In Macedonia on the other hand, partly owing to its significance in respect of the succession to Alexander the Great (~ Diadochi, wars of the), usurpations abounded, especially in the period from 3 10/9 to 276, until the arrival of lasting peace with > Antigonus [2] Gonatas (with stemma). In the kingdom of the - Ptolemies (with stemma),

the relatively stable rule of succession changed when, in 170 BC, Ptolemy VI elevated his brother and sister/wife (— Sibling Marriage) as co-regents, and this became the custom. Conflicts between siblings, frequently exacerbated by power-hungry courtiers and the partisanship of the population of + Alexandria, characterized the history of the Ptolemies until the end of the dynasty under > Augustus [1]. As the largest, and hence the most politically and ethnically diverse of the territories under Hellenistic

USURPATION

rule, the kingdom of the -> Seleucids also experienced the most usurpations, although to a degree only in particular parts of the kingdom

(e.g. —» Achaeus

[5];

> Molon [r]). Although acceptance of the dynasty was initially at a high level among the most important groups in the kingdom, the elite of the philoi (> Court titles) and the army, violent disputes began within the ruling family after the death of Antiochus IV in 164 BC, and these lasted until the end of the kingdom in 64 BC. When alledged and actual members of the dynasty and its branches challenged the ruler in place, they were confronted by the vacillating loyalty of the troops, and could count on the (by no means disinterested) help of

neighbouring states, and the growing interest of Rome in their region. In a development similar to that in Alexandria, towards the end of the Seleucid era the population of + Antioch [1] became increasingly important in the conflicts. III. THE ROMAN EMPIRE In the logically constructed system of Theodor Mommsen’s R6misches Staatsrecht, all the Roman emperors are in principle usurpers, and the Roman monarchy is thus the most illegitimate regime in the history of the world: as there was no enduring, institutionalized monarchy, the — principate always died with the ~ princeps. In this succession of individual principates, a usurper was just as ‘legitimate’ as a ruler who had come to reign without resorting to usurpation [tr. 842-4, 1133]. To this thesis may be opposed the empirical observation that, from the beginning of the Principate, there was no serious attempt to abolish the monarchy again. It follows that the system was ‘legitimate’ to a high degree, but not the individual monarch, who could last (thus rule ‘legitimately’) only as long as he continued to be accepted. According to this most recent view of the > Principate (that of [6]), the explanation for usurpation may be found in the mechanisms of acceptance and loss of acceptance by the major relevant groups in society: the army, the Senate (> Senatus) and the people of the city of Rome (— Plebs III.). As these major groups developed no common authority to transfer and withdraw the prerogatives of rule in a generally binding manner, in the final analysis neither acclamation by a body of troops nor the resolve of the Senate, nor a popular decree (lex de imperio; > Lex de imperio Vespasiani) could definitively assure the emperor of his right to rule [5. 237; 6. 193-6]. The course of the successions shows that the Senate was in any case incapable of consensus, and was never able to agree on an emperor; in the only instance of senatorial election (AD 238), two emperors were appointed (+ Balbinus [1] and > Pupienus). Legions and guards ( Praetorians) might always withdraw their consent when they became disenchanted with a previously acclaimed ruler (as in the case of + Galba in January 69 [2. 15-27; 6. 240-92]. If more than one body of troops each appointed an > imperator, the case was decided by a military contest (e.g. between > Otho and

USURPATION

— Vitellius [II 2]; cf. + Septimius [II 7] Severus; > Aurelianus [3]). In this way, final say in respect of a usurpation remained with the army; but even powerful army groups could not influence the appointment of an emperor if their candidate did not wish to be acclaimed, as in the case of > Verginius [II 1] Rufus and the army of the Rhine [6. 262-75]. Although a ruler’s sons by birth or by adoption stood more chance of gaining acceptance (see e.g. — Tiberius [II 1]; > Nero [x]; > Titus [II 2]; > Adoptive emperors), and the - soldier emperors of the 3rd cent. frequently involved their sons in rulership [3. 185-8], the ‘dynastic principle’ remained ineffective into Late Antiquity [7]: as the challenger arose immediately as ruler, the sons fell with their fathers. The spates of usurpations in 68/9 (— Year of four emperors), 192-195 (Septimius Severus) and 248-269

(esp. + Gallienus; cf. + Triginta tyranni) differed on the one hand according to the extent of engagement shown by provinces and especially cities for ‘their’ emperor (this could turn mere military contests into regular wars, and in 192-195 led to considerable destruction), and, on the other, according to the degree of support by the troops for defeated pretenders; much depended on the structure of the army and its officer corps at any one time. No usurpation ever constituted a ‘crisis of the monarchic system’. Already in the 4th cent., the multiple imperium (> Tetrarches, Tetrarchia IV.) current from — Diocletianus onwards changed the conditions for usurpation, as there was in practice no longer an imperial ‘centre’ to be won over. Usurpers in individual parts of the empire accordingly tried to win the recognition of the senior Augustus (the first instance being > Constantinus [1] in 306) [7. 28]. Entirely new conditions arose for usurpations from the end of the 4th cent. onwards: in the West, with the rise of commanders in chief (> Magister militum) to virtual supreme command of troops who for the most part in any event came from outside the empire (see e.g. > Arbogastes, — Stilicho, > Ricimer), the imperium was put under pressure at the periphery, and eventually destroyed. In the East, which remained unaffected by this development, a new, additional criterion that arose, determining in particular acceptance by the population of Constantinople, was the orthodoxy of the Christian emperor or usurper. + Constitution; > Imperator; > Kaiser (Caesar, Emperor); + Monarchia;

I40

139

> Principate; > Rulers; + Ru-

lership; > Tyrannis, Tyrannos 1 Momsen, Staatsrecht 2 2 K. WELLESLEY, The Long Year 69 A.D.,1975 3 F.HARTMANN, Herrscherwechsel und Reichskrise, 1982 4 A.E. WARDMAN, Usurpers and Internal Conflicts in the 4th Century, in: Historia 33, 1984, 220-237 5 J.SzipatT, Usurpationen in der rémischen Kaiserzeit, in: H.Herzic (ed.), Labor omnibus unus, FS G. Walser, 1989, 232-243 6E.FLaic, Den Kaiser herausfordern. Die U. im Rémischen Reich, 1992

7 Id., Fir eine Konzeptionalisierung der U. im spatrémischen Reich, in: F.PascHoup, J.Szipar (eds.), U. in der Spatantike, 1997, 15-34.

EF.

Usus (lit. ‘use’) had several meanings in Roman law.

For instance, it referred to the actual power over things and over inheritances as a condition of acquisition (-» usucapio, on this also Twelve Tables, > tabulae duodecim, Tab. 6,3), and the one-year preliminary stage of the legal power of the husband over the wife (-» manus), which, however, was interrupted according to the Twelve Tables (Tab. 6,4) if the wife remained outside the home for a period of three nights (trinoctium;Cic. Flacc. 34,84; Gell. NA 3,2,12 f.; Gai. Inst. 1,111). Usus was also a right of use often founded upon legacy and often applying to houses (domus usus, Pompon. Dig. 7,8,22,1; Ulp. Dig. 7,8,2,1) and estates (usus

fundi, Ulp. Dig. 7,8,10,4). Usufruct did not entail usus (frui; Gai. Dig. 7,8,1,1; Ulp. Dig. 7,8,2 pr.). The scope of usus itself was the subject of many disputes. For instance, although a man who had come into the usus of a house by a legacy could house his wife (Ulp. Dig. 7,8,4,1) and family (Ulp. Dig. 7,8,2,1) in it, the Republican jurists (veteres) disputed, for example, the contrary situation (housing of the husband by a woman legatee; first to support: Q. — Mucius [I 9] Scaevola; Dig. 7,8,4,1) or the housing of a guest (hospes; in support: Q. > Aelius [I 17] Tubero). Usus of acountry house (villa, praetorium) included the right to live, walk and ride there (Ulp. Dig. 7,8,10,4). The rstcent. BC jurists permitted the consumption of firewood for daily needs, as well as the use of the garden, fruit and vegetables, flowers and water (— Sabinus [B II 5], + Cassius [II 14]), straw and brushwood (> Cocceius [5] Nerva). The right to use leaves, oil, grain and fruits of the fields was disputed (against: Nerva; for: Sabinus, Cassius, > Antistius [II 3] Labeo, > Proculus [1]; on all: Ulp. Dig. 7,8,12,1).

Usus was inalienable and could not be leased or even transferred to another free of charge (Gai. Dig. 7,8,11;

Ulp. Dig. 7,8,8 pr.). The right of ‘habitation’ (habitatio) was still being treated as usus around AD 200 (Papinian/Ulp. Dig. 7,8,r0 pr.), but in Justinian (— Iusti-

nianus [1]) (6th cent. AD) it appears as a legal figure in its own right (Cod. Iust. 3,33,13; Inst. Iust. 2,5,5). On the duration of the right of habitation, P. > Rutilius [I 3] Rufus was already (before 100 BC) arguing that it endured for life (Dig. 7,8,10,3). The Greek expression chresis was interpreted as synonmous with usus in a legacy (Papinian/Ulp. Dig. 7,8,10,r1). 1 M. Breton, Geschischen des rom. Rechts, 1992, 181 ‘2 HONSELL/MAYER-MALY/SELB,

132;

188

3 KASER,

RPR, vol. 1, 78; 103 f.; 135; 140; 454; vol. 2, 306 4 O. Pérer, Review of [5], in: ZRG 113, 1996, 557-563 5 I. Piro, Usu in manum convenire, 1994.

D.SCH.

Ususfructus. The right, in Roman law, to use something that one does not own without diminishing its substance (uti, therefore usus) and to draw yield from it (frui, therefore fructus; Paul. Dig. 7,1,1; Just. Epit.. 2,4

pr.). Ususfructus developed as early as the 3rd cent. BC. The jurists of the Republic (veteres) debated the issue whether a slave child (+ partus ancillae) belonged to

141

142

the ‘fruits’ (Cic. Fin. 1,4,12; Gai. Dig. 22,1,28,1; Ulp.

cratic authors (+ Corpus Hippocraticum) shared the idea of the uterus as a jar moving up and downa tube in the body (-> Vulva) and closing in on itself during pregnancy. They were of the view that the uterus can, like a living creature, be attracted or repelled by pleasant or unpleasant smells, and that it held no fixed position

Dig. 7,1,68 pr.). An owner could grant ususfructus to another person by way of - in iure cessio (Gai. Inst. 2,30), although, paradoxically, he thereby transferred something he did not have himself (Paul. Dig. 7,1,63). The transfer back was handled in the same way (Gai. loc. cit.). The owner could, for instance, reserve the right of ususfructus in a > mancipatio by excluding the ususfructus (deducto/ detracto usu fructu) (Gai. Inst. 2,33). Often, ususfructus was bequeathed in wills (Cic. Top. 3,153; 3,173 4,21; Cic. Caecin. 4,11; Alfenus Dig. 33,2,12). It was regarded as part of the property (pars dominii, cf. Papin. Dig. 31,66,6; Paul. Dig. 7,1,4; 50,16,25 pr.) but expired when the user became the owner (Iulianus Dig. 7,4,17). It consisted of a right (in

ture consistens). When another person had the ususfructus (ususfructus alienus), the owner was left with

‘mere ownership’ (#uda proprietas, Gai. Inst. 2,30 int. al.). The ususfructus could not be bequeathed (Paulus, Sent. 3,6,33; Just. Epit.. 2,4,3). It was protected by the

vindicatio ususfructus (Ulp. Dig. 7,6,1 pr.), for which the usufructuary had to supply a security to the owner due his use and his ultimate reimbursement (Ulp. Dig. Ft ES prs yeosk pre).

Aside from slaves, objects of ususfructus were country estates, pieces of land (Marcianus Dig. 7,1,41,1), statues and pictures (ibidum 7,1,41 pr.), entire herds (Ulp. Dig. 7,1,68,2), which posed the problem of compensatory purchases (— submissio) (Ulp. Dig. 7,1,68,2; 7,1,70; Pompon. Dig. 7,1,69). Even the totality of a

person’s assets could be subject to an ususfructus (Cic. Top. 3,17; Cic. Caecin. 4,11). A SC passed in the rst

cent. AD included consumable things such as money in the ususfructus (Gai. Dig. 7,5,2; Ulp. Dig. 7,5,1; Just. Epit.. 2,4,2). At that time, it was contested whether

receivables could be subject to ususfructus — this was rejected by Cocceius [5] Nerva but supported by Cassius [II 14] and Proculus [1] (Ulp. Dig. 7,5,3). ~ Usus HonseELL/MAYER-MALY/SELB,

184-191;

KasEeR,

RPR,

vol. 1, 447-454; vol. 2, 302-306; D.Liess, Romisches Recht, 51999, 150-152. D.SCH.

Utens. River which rises in the > Appenninus, forms the northern border of the territory of the Senones [1] (+ Ager Gallicus) (Liv. 5,35,3) and discharges into the Adriatic (+ Ionios Kolpos) to the north of + Ariminum (modern Rimini) between the Rivers -> Ariminus and + Rubico; modern Uso. Scarcely identifiable with the Vitis in Plin. HN 3,115 (modern Montone?). NISSEN 2, 250; 257; G. RADKE, s. v. Viae Publicae RomaGU. nae, RE Suppl. 13, 1417-1686, here 1577 f.

Uterus. The two Greek terms wtoa/metra and totéoa/ hystéra are both of disputed etymology (Soran. Gynaecia 1,6) and are often used in the plural (the belief in its many chambers derives from animal anatomy). Hippo-

inside the body (cf. - Woman

UTHINA

II. F.; - Gynaecolo-

gy B.). It was also liable to emerge from the body or, by pressing on other organs, cause ‘hysterical suffocation’ (> Hysteria). This idea of the wandering womb with its own appe-

tites remained influential even after > Herophilus [1] performed the first dissections of a female body in Alexandria [1]. Although he described many of the womb’s major structures, including the exterior ligaments that held it in place, the anatomical description (> Anatomy) of the womb by > Galenus — the most detailed known from Antiquity — remains a mixture of human and animal dissection. Galen’s contemporary > Lycus [x3] wrote extensively on the uterus, and appears to have dissected both a living and a dead animal foetus. The crude votive representations of the uterus from healing shrines (> Healing deities) such as the sanctuary of > Asclepius in Corinth emphasize its jar-like shape (a frequently used metaphor, cf. Hippoc. Epidemiae 6,5,11; Hippoc. De muliebribus 1,33). The uterus was also compared to a garden, a house with doors and an oven (Artem. 2,10). The oven metaphor also fitted the notion that the foetus is ‘cooked’ in the womb until it is ‘done’, i.e. ready for birth. Greek medical writers (Aristot. De generatione animalium 764a 12-20; Hippoc. De natura pueri 15) stress the spongy texture of the uterus, which provides the moisture needed for the growth of the foetus and which during > menstruation overflows with blood. > Gynaecology; > Hysteria; > Woman (II. F.) VN. Uthina. City (probably of Libyan origin) in Africa proconsularis (> Africa [3]; Plin. HN. 5,29; Ptol. 4,3,34; 8,144,113; Tab. Peut. 5,5 incorrectly Uthica) some 30 km to the south of > Carthage, modern Oudna, with many

archaeological remains (triumphal arch, temple, theatre, thermal baths, amphitheatre). It remains questionable whether U. is identical to Adys (Pol. 1,30,5; [x. 89]), where in 256 BC Carthaginians and Romans for the first time came into conflict on African soil. Caesar or the later Augustus founded in U. a colonia for the veterans of the Thirteenth Legion. Punic cults of Saturnus and Caelestis are recorded [2. 297 f.]. As early as the time of Tertullianus [2] (c. 200), U. had a bishop (Tert. De monogamia 12,6). Inscriptions: CIL VIII 1, 886; 3067; 2, 10521; CIL VIII Suppl. 1, 12400; Suppl.

4, 24011-24030; [3. 758-762]; AE 1969-1970, 633; 1987, 1063; 1989, 882. 1 F.W. WALBank, A Historical Commentary on Polybius, vol. 1, 1970 2C.G. Picarp, Catalogue du Musée Alaoui. N.S. vol. 1.1, (no date) 3 A.MeERLIN (ed.), Inscriptions latines de la Tunisie, 1944.

UTHINA

AATun 050, p. 28, No. 48; M.Lecray, Saturne africain (Monuments I), 1961, 103.

W.HU.

Utica (‘Ivvxn/Ityké). Town in Africa proconsularis (> Africa [3]) at the mouth of the > Bagradas, 33 km north-west of -> Carthage, the modern Henchir Bou Chateur, with important archaeological remains (including mosaics in private dwellings); the oldest Phoenician colony on African soil (Ps.-Aristot. Mir. 134, = 844 a; Vell. Pat. 1,2,3; Mela 1,3,4; Plin. HN 5,76;

16,216; Sil. Pun. 3,241 f.; Just. Epit. 18,4,2; Steph. Byz. s. v. Ivbxr/Ityké; [1. 35]). The Phoenician or respectively Punic name of the town is not known, but the iota transmitted in the Greek name points to a derivation from the Punic 7 (‘island’). The oldest finds in the city date back to the 8th cent. BC [2. 367 f.], but it is likely that Phoenician traders and colonists made contact with the local inhabitants of this region as early as tooo BC. At the latest by the 4th cent. BC, U. had lost its sovereignty to + Carthage (Ps.-Scyl. 11x), but the town retained a position of honour amongst the other Punic settlements in North Africa (Pol. 3,24,13 3,24,33 759553 75957). In 307 BC, Agathocles [2] captured the city for a second time, having already brought it under his rule once before (Pol. 1,82,8; Diod. Sic. 20,54,25553). In the Second > Punic War, U. sided with Carthage. Before the outbreak of the Third Punic War, U. switched sides to become a Roman ally. After the war, the city was not only rewarded by being raised to the rank of a civitas libera (CIL 585,79; App. Lib. 135,640), but also by becoming residence of the governor of the newly formed province of Africa. In 36 BC, Octavius, the future Augustus, granted Roman citizenship to U. (Cass. Dio 49,16,1). Under > Hadrianus [II], it became a colonia Iulia Aelia Hadriana Augusta (CIL VIII 1, 1181), under — Septimius [II 7] Severus or his successors, it was granted ius Italicum. Records from the Phoenician and Punic period confirm that the molk sacrifice to > Baal Hammon was also performed in U. (cf. ~ Moloch). It was also in U. that M. > Porcius [I 7] Cato (‘Cato Uticensis’) committed suicide in April 46 BC (> Caesar [I] D).

Inscriptions:

CIL

VIII

1, 1178-1203;

Suppl.

1,

14309-14330; Suppl. 4, 25378-25411; 25438; [3. 1170-1179]; AE 1969-1970, 633; 1987, 1063; 1989, 882; 893.

1 Huss

144

143

2 G.BUNNENS,

Mediterranée,1979

L’expansion

phénicienne en

3 A. MERLIN (ed.), Inscriptions lati-

nes de la Tunisie, 1944. AATun oso, p. 7, No. 148; M.A. ALEXANDER et al., Utique (Corpus des Mosaiques de Tunisie I 1-3), 19731976; S.M. CEccHINI, s. v. Utique, DCPP, 489; P. Cin-

TAS, Deux campagnes de fouilles a Utique, in: Karthago 2, 1951, 1-122; Id., Nouvelles recherches a Utique, in: Kar-

thago 5, 1954, 89-154, ills. 1-80; E.CoLozier, Nouvelles fouilles 4 Utique, in: ibid., 155-161; J.DesaNcEs (ed.), Pline l’Ancien, Histoire Naturelle (Livre 5, 1-46), 1980, 214-216 (with a commentary); J.KOLENDO, Le cirque,

Pamphithéatre et le théatre d’Utique d’aprés la description

d’A. Daux, in: A.Mastino (ed.), L’Africa romana (Atti del 6 convegno di studio 1), 1989, 249-264; C. LEPELLEY, Les cités de l’Afrique romaine, vol. 2, 1981, 241-244;

A.Lézine, Utique. Notes de topographie, in: R. CHEVALLIER (ed.), Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire offerts a A. Piganiol, vol. 3, 1966, 1241-1255; Id., Carthage, Utique, 1968; Id., Utique, 1970; Id., Utique, Note d’archéologie punique, in: AntAfr 5, 1971, 87-93; G.Poma, Un

appello agli schiavi ad U. e il ruolo della provincia d’Africa negli anni della lotta tra Mario e Sulla, in: AntAfr 17, 1981, 21-35; F. REYNIERS, Port a Utique, 1952; G. VILLE, s. v. U., RE Suppl. 9, 1869-1894. W.HU.

Utii (Otto Ouitioi, in Herodotus 3,93 and 7,68) and Yutica/Yutiya (Middle Persian, in the Darius Inscription of > Bisutun 40,23), mentioned as a Persian tribe in the Fourteenth Satrapy. The U. contingent in Xerxes’s army was under the command of Arsamenes, a son of Darius [1] I. It is suggested that their settlement area was in > Carmania. H. TREIDLER, s. v. U., RE 9 A, 1185-1187; R. BORGER, W.Hinz, Die Behistun-Inschrift Darius’ des Grofen, in:

Id., W.H. PH. ROMER, in: TUAT 1.4, 1984, 419-450. BB.

Utilitas publica (The ‘public weal’, the ‘common good’). Term from the field of the theory and philosophy of the state in Rome. UP occurs for the first time in Latin literature in > Cicero (Cic. Off. 3,47; cf. Cic. Sest. g1), although he makes more frequent use of combinations such as ‘utilitas rei publicae’ and ‘utilitas communis’ [7]. Building on the — political philosophy of + Plato [x], > Aristoteles [6] (Aristotle) and — Stoicism, Cicero in his conception of the common good defines the state as a naturally determined combination of people bound together in their acknowledgement of the law and the commonality of benefit (Cic. Rep. 1,39: “coetus multitudinis iuris consensu et utilitatis communione sociatus”). Law or — justice (‘iustitia’) and the common good are interrelated. They represent the “optimus status rei publicae” (the best constitution for the state, > Status [3]). In a legal order orientated on justice, members of the leading elite are thus called upon to have unconditional regard for UP. The common good constitutes the sense and purpose of legislation (Cic. Leg. 3,8: “salus populi suprema lex esto”); ideally, UP and the individual’s interest are congruent (Cic. Off. 3,101) [1; 7]. Roman principes from > Augustus [1] to - Iustinianus [1] were generally committed to Cicero’s conception of utility [8; 5]. The primacy of the common good is, however, in any event already found in Tacitus (esp. Tac. Ann. 14,44,4), and was to be implemented even without regard for the law (‘reason of state’, [8; 5]; but cf. [7]). In Roman law, the appeal to UP served as an argument to justify the public interest in respect of such matters as the prevention of danger, the supply of grain, or fiscal concerns [2]. The appeal to the public good occurs more frequently in Late Antique texts [8]. UP is first personified at the end of the 3rd cent. AD [9].

145

146

1P.Hisst, UP: Gemeiner Nutz — Gemeinwohl, 1991 2 Tu. HoNsELL, Gemeinwohl und 6ffentliches Interesse im klassischen rémischen Recht, in: ZRG 95, 1978, 93-

137

3TH. Mayer-Maty, Gemeinwohl und necessitas,

in: H.-J.BECcKER

(ed.), Rechtsgeschichte

als Kulturge-

schichte, FS A. Erler, 1976, 135-145 4 G.LONGo, UP, in: Labeo 18,1972,7-71 5 TH. Mayer-Maty, Gemeinwohl und Naturrecht bei Cicero (1960), in: K. BUCHNER (ed.), Das neue Cicerobild, 1971, 371-387

6 U.LepTiEn, Utilitatis causa. Zweckmafigkeitsentscheidungen im rémischen Recht, thesis Freiburg i.Br. 1967

7 J.GauDEMeET, UP en bas empire, in: Rev. historique de droit frangais et étranger 29, 1951, 465-499 8 A.STEINWENTER, U.p. — utilitas singulorum, in: FS P. Koschaker 1939, 1,84-102

LIMC 8.1, 1997, 171.

9 M.DENNERT,S. V. U.Pp., In:

Ted

Utopia A. TERM AND CONCEPT B. EVIDENCE OF UTOPIAN IDEAS IN ANTIQUITY C. CATEGORIES

A. TERM AND CONCEPT Even though utopian ideas were certainly current in Classical Antiquity, it was not until the Humanist era (+ Humanism) that the concept actually received its current name, namely as the title of the book that today is the most famous of all books written in Neo-Latin, the Utopia of Thomas More (1516). The word ‘Utopia’ has a threefold meaning today: a) the work by More; b) a genre of novel that sprang from More’s original work; c) an experimental figure of thought contained in such novels that counteracts and transcends acutely felt impairments — whether due to natural causes (such as sickness, death, hunger, thirst, heat, cold, distance, etc.) or of social origin (exploitation, oppression, social exclusion, injustice toward individuals, social classes, races and the like) — by imagining happy counter-scenarios. Thus utopia has something in common with the locus amoenus of Antiquity. The ‘Greek’ word utopia, which is not an accurate formation (originally More was going to use the ‘Latin’ nusquama), is intended to be ambiguous: it is supposed to name a tomoc/topos (‘place’) that does not exist (the prefix ot-/u-) but which is also ‘pleasant’ (et/eu: pronounced like Europe): thus a ‘no-place’ that is at the same time a ‘good-place’. The distance that separates us from this postulated happy community can be seen as either spatial or temporal; it appears as either a distant island or as a distant past or future. Idealized space is placed in juxtaposition with idealized time. B. EVIDENCE OF UTOPIAN IDEAS IN ANTIQUITY

One finds purely imagined notions of happiness as early as Homer [1], as for example the garden of the -» Hesperides, + Elysium, and the Isles of the Blessed (+ Makaron Nesoi). The Phaeacian idyll (+ Phaeaces)

also contains utopian aspects: ships that can sail as fast as the wind, or even as fast as thoughts, and that miraculously find the course by themselves (Hom. Od. 7,36; 8557-563). Greek mythology as well shows

UTOPIA

many characteristics of utopia: Hermes’ winged sandals, the robots and automata of Hephaestus (Hom. II. 18,373-3773 417-420), similarly the legends of Alexander the Great’s ascent through the air in a wagon pulled by griffins [4]. Hesiod depicts the Golden Age (> Eras) as the epoch of bliss when everybody shares in the general well-being and all ills remain at bay (Hes. Op. 109-120). In the concepts of the state proposed by the Greek philosophers (cf. - Political philosophy) there is an attempt to plan the ideal form of a community of citizens (ariste — politeia): — Phaleas of Calchedon, + Hippodamus of Miletus, > Plato [1] (Politeia and Nomoi) and > Aristoteles [6] (Politika, esp. vol. 2). Attic Old + Comedy depicts lands of milk-and-honey abundance (Ath. 6,276ff.), and in texts of > popular philosophy (e.g. > Crates [5] of Mallus in Diog. Laert. 6,85) one finds descriptions of metaphoric states of bliss (e.g. an untroubled life or freedom). In the ancient novel (esp. in + Theopompus [3], > Iambulus, ~ Hecataeus [4], > Euhemerus), visions appear conveying partly realistic, partly phantasmagorial ideas of happiness [6]. The best-known today is Plato’s description of life on the mythical island of Atlantis (Pl. Ti. 21d—25c; Pl. Crit. toga—121c; — Atlantis). Here Ur-Atlantis and Ur-Athens are juxtaposed. Athens’ greatest achievement was its repulsion, 9,000 years earlier, of the onslaught of a powerful external force: that of the island of Atlantis from the ocean (— Oceanus), intent upon conquering the entire Mediterranean region. Both of these powers subsequently perished as the result of natural catastrophes. The inhabitants of Atlantis were the children of Poseidon and a mortal, and they were ruled by King Atlas and his descendants. The island brought forth all the fruits of the earth in the light of the sun, beautiful and in infinite abundance. When in the course of generations the mortal part gained the upper hand on the divine part, the inhabitants lost their moral superiority as well as the favour of Zeus. In Athens’ mythical repelling of the attack one may see a depiction of the historic Graeco-Persian Wars that were waged a century before Plato wrote his account. Identification of the sunken island has been attempted many times but never definitively established. None of the alternative suggestions (the Mid-Atlantic Ridge; the Azores, Tartessos in Spain; Troy; Santorini; Helgoland; the Bermuda Triangle; Siberia) have yielded results.

C. CATEGORIES Whereas the poets of Antiquity produce mainly only descriptions of utopias, the ancient philosophers offer blueprints for their realization (“constructive’ utopias as opposed to ‘descriptive’ and ‘evasive’ ones [7; 8]). And in contrast to the positive concept of happiness of utopia (‘eutopia’), there is the cautionary, negative or ‘apotropaic’ utopia (‘kakotopia’, ‘dystopia’; ‘anti-utopia’). Alongside the opposition between a spatial utopia (e.g. the Isles of the Blessed) and a temporal utopia (e.g.

147

148

the Golden Age) — the latter being subdivided into visions of the future and an imagined past — one finds the opposition between correcting natural reality and correcting social reality (the physis - nédmos opposition). The ‘classical’ utopian model (pre-Industrial Revolution) differs from the ‘modern’ in three ways [2]:

14 W. VossKamp (ed.), Utopieforschung, vol. 1-3, 1982 15 M. WINTER, Compendium Utopiarum. Typologie und

UTOPIA

Bibliographie literarischer Utopien, 1978.

B.KY.

Uxellodunum

limited vs. world-wide; and c) hierarchical vs. egalitarian. F. Bacon’s Nova Atlantis (1624) is considered to be the first ‘modern’ utopia.

[1] Oppidum in the territory of the + Cadurci (Caes. Gall. 8,32,2) in > Aquitania, conquered by Caesar in 51 BC (Caes. Gall. 8,39-44). The location of U. is disputed among the following places: l’Impernal de Luzech [2. ro9-111], le Puy d’Issolu near Vayrac

+ ATLANTIS; > Constitution; > Happiness; — Justice;

[2. 133-136], Murcens-Cras [1], Capdenac.

a) static vs. dynamic (= ascetic vs. wish-fulfilling); b)

— Novel; > Oceanus; > Origin myths and theories on the origin of culture; + Paradise; — Political philosophy; > Progress, Idea of; > Time; > Uropi1a 1E.BLocu,

Gesamtausgabe,

1959ff. (herein: Geist der

Utopie; Das Prinzip Hoffnung; Erbschaft dieser Zeit) 2 M.I. FINLEy, Utopianism Ancient and Modern, in: K. H. Wo tr, B. Moore

(eds.), The Critical Spirit. Festschrift

H. Marcuse, 1967, 3-20 (repr. in: Id., The Use and Abuse of History, 1975, 178-192) | 3 H.Funxe (ed.), Utopie und Tradition, 1987. 4H.GNU6e, Literarische UtopieEntwiirfe, 1982 5 L.HO.scHeEr, Utopie, in: W.CoNzE, R.KosELLeEcx (eds.), Geschichtliche Grundbegriffe, vol.

6, 1990, 733-788 6B.KytTzLeR, Zum utopischen Roman der Antike, in: Groningen Colloquia on the Novel I, 1988, 7-16 7Id., Utopia. Antik — Modern — Postmodern, in: R. FABER, B.KyTz_er (eds.), Antike heute, 1992, 238-248 8 F.E. and F.P. Manuet, Utopian Thought in the Western World, 1979 9 M. NEu-

GEBAUER-WOLK, R.SaaGE, Die Politisierung des Utopischen im 18. Jahrhundert, 1996 10R.Saacg, Das Ende der politischen Utopie?, 1990 11 J.SrRassEr, Leben ohne Utopie?, 1990 =12 E. Surtz, S.J. und J.H.HExTER (eds.), Th. Morus, Utopia, 1965 (text and comm.) 13 R. TRousson, Voyages aux pays de nulle part, *1979

1 O.BucHseNscHuTz, G.MercapierR, Recherche sur Poppidum de Murcens-Cras, in: Aquitania 7, 1989, 25-51 2 M.I. Laprousse, G. MERCADIER, Carte archéologique

de la Gaule, 1990.

J-M.DE.

[2] (Uxelodu(n)um). Roman fort at modern Stanwix (in Cumbria), probably the command centre for Hadrian’s Wall (> Limes II.; [z. 483; 2. 205]), where the Ala Augusta Gallorum Petriana Milliaria was stationed in the 4th cent. AD. 1 Rivet/SMITH Wall, 1961.

2

E.Birritey, Research

on Hadrian’s

D.J. BREEZE, B. DoBson, Hadrian’s Wall, 31987; TIR N 30, O 30 Britannia Septentrionalis, 1987; 72. M.TO.

Uxii. Iranian tribe, mentioned in Diod. Sic. 17,67, Curt. 5335115, eoArraAnabsser7,” Striea6sni6—1 Siarand Plin. HN 6,133. It is mentioned among the inhabitants

of Huzestan (in Iran) in accounts of Alexander the Great’s campaign. H. TREIDLER, s. v. U., RE 9 A, 1313-1319.

BB.

Ne V (linguistics). In Latin, consonantal u is designated by the same letter as the vowel /u/ (the modern correlation between phoneme and grapheme was not accepted until

Petrus Ramus (*1515) [1.9]), in Greek, where still

(Peloponnese, Northern and Central Greece [2. 224]), by + digamma. Into the rst cent. BC, Latin /a/ probably had bilabial pronunciation. Since then, fricative pronunciation /f/ is attested, which often leads to orthographical mix-ups with B (CILIV 4874 baliat ~ valeat) [3. 41; 1. 139]. In Greek, u < Proto-Indo-European u is long preserved in Arcadian, Boeotian, Thessalian and Cretan (Thess. Fotxog ~ Attic oixoc ‘house’, Lat. vicus < Proto-Indo-European *udiko-) and sporadically into modern dialects (Tsakonian Bavvi ‘lamb’ < *Faeviov) [2. 224 f.], otherwise it has disappeared (in medial position, outside of Attic occasionally with compensatory lengthening: Attic xn ‘girl’ ~ Ionic xoven ~ Arcadian x0gFa) [4. 56]. In Latin, u develops from Proto-Indo-European u (s. above vicus), but also from g“ (venio ‘come’ with the root *g“em-) [1. 131, 150]. — Digamma extant

1 LEUMANN

Latina, 1965

2 SCHWYZER, Gramm. 4 Rix, HGG.

3 W. ALLEN, Vox

GE.ME.

Vacantes. Roman titular officials (like honorarii), i.e.

they bore an official title without holding or having held the corresponding office. They usually received the title when retiring from active service and were entitled to wear the sash (cingulum), which was not granted to honorarii. They ranked after the actual holders of the office. K.G.-A. Vacantia bona. An heirless estate (> Bona). In the Republic, the members of the > gens of a deceased person had a right of acquisition (Gai. Inst. 3,17); if they did not exercise it, anybody could take possession of the estate and obtain it by + usucapio (‘adverse possession’) (Gai. Inst. 2,52-58). If in a will (+ Testamentum) an heir was appointed, but had become unavailable, the will and all its dispositions were ineffective. From the > lex Iulia et Papia (18/9 BC) onwards the VB fell as a > caducum (‘forfeited’) to the state, which also fulfilled the provisions of the will. If the estate was insolvent, bankruptcy proceedings took place (cf. + Missio [2]). From Late Antiquity onwards there were special powers for acquiring a VB (e.g. for a

military unit to acquire the VB of its soldiers). R. AsTo tri, La lex Julia et Papia, 31995, 291-298; HonSELL/MAYER-MALY/SELB,

Vaballathus. L. Julius Aurelius Septimius V. Athenodorus, son of + Odaenathus [2] and > Zenobia, perhaps identical to the + Timolaos [5] mentioned in the Historia Augusta (SHA Gall. 13,2; SHA Tyr. Trig. 15,2 et passim; but cf. SHA Aur. 38,1). He was still a child when his father was murdered (in AD 267), so that his career was guided by Zenobia: V. appears after 267 as rex regum and corrector totius orientis (CIS II 3971), was later imperator and dux Romanorum [1] and Augustus in the spring of 272 (ILS 8924). Coins from Alexandria showing both — Aurelianus [3] and V. should not be interpreted as a temporary recognition of V. by Aurelianus, rather they are evidence of Zenobia’s soliciting this recognition. V. fell into captivity by Aurelianus in 272 and survived the journey to Rome (Zos. i559) PLRE ay 122.

> Palmyra 1 T.Bauzou, Deux milliares inédits de Vaballath en Jordaine du nord, in: P. FREEMAN, D. KENNEDY (eds.), The Defence of the Roman and Byzantine East, 1986, 1-8. U. HarTMANN, Das palmyrenische Teilreich, 2001.

M.SCH.

Vacalus (modern Waal). A slow-flowing (Tac. Ann. 2,6,3 f.) left bank distributary of the Rhenus [2] (modern Rhine); it incorporates the + Mosa [1] (modern Maas) to form the Insula Batavorum (Caes. Gall. 4,10,2; Tac. Ann. 2,6: Vahalis; Serv. Aen. 8,727: Vahal)

and the Rhenus Bicornis (‘with two horns’; cf. Verg. Aen. 8,727). P. GOESSLER, S. v. V., RE 7 A, 2018-2024.

RA.WL.

441;

KasER,

RPR,

vol.

1,

103 f.; vol. 2, 510; 723; P. Vocl, Diritto ereditario romano 2, 71963, 59-60.

UM.

Vacatio. Generally in Latin, ‘exemption’ from something (e.g. of a slave from work, Columella 1,8,19), esp.

‘discharge’ from obligations (or a ‘recompense’ paid in exchange for them, Tac. Hist. 1,46). In the language of the jurists, vacatio is used e.g. for a ‘dispensation’ from assuming a > cura [2] or > tutela (“management of

business for a minor/trusteeship’ or ‘guardianship’, s. — excusatio) and ‘exemption’ from legal public obligations, such as the compulsory service and tributes common in Late Antiquity (> munus), or military service.

Vacatio from munera was granted for various reasons (Dig. 50,4 ff.; Cod. Iust. 10,41 ff.). For instance, it

was available to veterans, certain teachers and people occupied with the grain supply to Rome (> cura annonae; [5.45 ff.; 2. 81 ff.; other instances in [3. 426429]). Anyone burdened with a munus in spite of a vacatio could appeal to the > praeses provinciae (provincial ‘governor’). Individual exemption from military service (vacatio militiae) was at the sole discretion of the official in charge of the — levy (dilectus), unless there were legal grounds for exemption [4. 241-244]. Legal grounds included having completed one’s 46th year, having completed the prescribed number of years of service and important public duties. The inhabitants of Roman citizens’ colonies enjoyed a general vacatio militae.

152

VACATIO

In military parlance, vacatio munerum (1) was the

exemption of a soldier from fatigues for special assignments (Tarruntenus Paternus Dig. 50,6,7; from the 2nd ‘cent. AD such soldiers were called immunes) [6.75 f.]; (2) a general exemption from service or leave purchased by bribing the centurions. Beginning with + Otho (AD 69; Tac. Hist. 1,46), the emperors began to take on these payments, in order to improve the morale and loyalty of the soldiers [6. 108].

The permitted intervals which had to be observed before a > widow or divorced woman could remarry were also called vacationes. According to the lex Iulia (de maritandis ordinibus, ‘on the regulation of marriage’), these were originally one year and six months respectively. The lex Papia Poppaea extended each by one year (Ulp. 14; > Marriage IIL.) [1. 84 f.]. ~— Armies III..; > Immunitas 1R.AsTo.ri, La lex Iulia et Papia, 31995 REICH, Annona,

1997

3 LIEBENAM

2 E.HOBEN4 MOMMSEN,

Staatsrecht, vol. 3 5 B.S1rKs, Food for Rome, 1991 6 G.R. Watson, The Roman Soldier, 1969. RGA.

Vacca. It is only from the r2th cent. onwards that traces of a V. as an expositor Lucani are found in a commentary on the poet > Lucanus [1]. The scholia ascribed to him are characterized by mediaeval amplifications of earlier material. Therefore, not unlike Cornutus in the case of Phocas, Persius and Iuvenalis (cf. Cornutus [4]), V. cannot be considered either as an ancient commentator on Lucan or as the author of the Vita at the beginning of the Adnotationes super Lucanum ({1; 2]; contra [3]); we are probably dealing with a mediaeval mystification. 1 V.Ussant, Per l’edizione Teubneriana delle Adnotationes

super

Lucanum,

in: RFIC

39,

1911,

2 P. Wessner, in: Bursians Jb. 188, 1921, 224f.

258-262

3B.M.

Marti, V. in Lucanum, in: Speculum 25, 1950, 198-214.

Vaccaei

(Oviaxxoto/Ouakkaioi). Celtic tribe of the valley in the middle reaches of the > Durius/Duero (Ptol. 2,6,50; Str. 3,4,12f.: here conflated with the — Celtiberi; Pol. 3,14,1), main settlement > Palantia (modern Palencia). Their territory also included Intercatia (modern Aguilar de Campos?) and > Cauca (Ptol. 2,6,50; Plin. HN 3,26 knows 17 communities). The V probably migrated into the Iberian peninsula in the 6th cent. BC, coming under Iberian influence from the 3rd cent. BC. They are first mentioned in literature, with their cities of Helmantica

(modern

Salamanca)

and

+ Arbucale, in the context of an expedition undertaken into their territories by - Hannibal [4] in 221/0 BC, probably seeking to secure grain supplies for his troops at > Saguntum (Pol. 3,14; Liv. 21,5,5 f.). The V played an important role in the wars of the Celtiberi and > Lusitani against Rome. In 193 BC, they fought C. ~ Flaminius [2] (Liv. 35,7,8), and in 179 BC L. > Post-

umius [I 6] Albinus (Liv. 40,50,6). In 151 BC, they resisted the Roman consul L. - Licinius [I 24] Lucullus (App. Ib. 53 f.), and they formed anti-Roman alliances

with — Viriatus in 143 BC (App. Ib. 76; 80; 87 f.), +» Numantia in 135-133 BC (App. Ib. 83; 88) and > Sertorius in 74 BC (App. Civ. 1,112). They were

finally pacified after further battles with Rome in 5 5 BC and 29 BC (Cass. Dio 39,54; 51,20,5). They belonged to the Conventus Cluniensis (+ Clunia; Plin. HN 3,26). There was rich grain-growing land in the territory of the V, which they worked communally, sharing equally in the yields (Diod. Sic. 5,34,3). F. WATTENBERG, La regiOn vaccea, 1959; TOVAR 3, 98— 103; TIR K 30 Madrid, 1993, 230.

Vacuna. Deity whose worship was evidently limited to the rural areas of the Sabine lands, primarily along the via Salaria (Hor. Epist. 1,10,49; ILS 3484-3486; 9248;

~ Sabini). According to Varro, V. corresponds to the Roman > Victoria [x] (Varro, Antiquitates rerum divinarum fr. 1 CARDAUNS); this makes probable the identification of a cult centre of V. at Aquae [I] Cutiliae, which is also known for its healing powers, but which can not be identified with the Nemora Vacunae mentioned in Plinius (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,15; Plin. HN 3,109; [1. 83-93]). The ancient etymological derivation of vacuus or vacare, ’(be) empty, free’, is debated by scholars, but is central to speculation by antiquaries about the identity of the deity (in total six different interpretationes Romanae, — Interpretatio II) (Schol. Hor. loc.cit.; [2; 3]). Ovid mentions V. as an example of an ancient cult practice (Ov. Fast. 6,305 f.). 1E.C. Evans, The Cults of Sabine Territory, 1939 2 G.DuMEézIL, V., in: J.BERGMAN (ed.), Ex orbe religionum, vol. 1, 1972, 307-311 3 RADKE, 305 f. G.DI.

Vacuum. Pre-Platonic thinkers, suchas the Pythagoreans (> Pythagorean School) or > Anaxagoras [2] had a concept of an empty “> space” (t0 xevov/to kenén). The examination of this view led Aristotle (> Aristoteles [6]) to the conclusion that no such ‘void’ could exist. His argument reveals that Anaxagoras had undertaken experiments to study phenomena of air. For Aristotle, Anaxagoras’ demonstrations show that air is a form of matter (St ott tt 6 Ge/hoti ésti ti ho aér: Aristot. Ph. 213a-214b). In the 3rd cent. BC, > Ctesibius [1] constructed apparatuses which made use of air pressure to achieve certain effects (Vitr. De arch. 9,8,2-4). With Ctesibius, pneumatics (mvevuatx) from mvebtua/pneiima, ‘air in motion’: Hero,Pneumatica 1,1) became a special discipline of > mechanics, in which mastery of technical effects was based upon a thorough analysis of the properties of air. > Philo [7] of Byzantium classified air as one of the elements, which he demonstrated with the help of a narrow-necked vessel, the aperture of which was introduced vertically into water. The fact that the water did not enter the vessel was proof that air is substance. The Pneumatikd of > Hero of Alexandria also begins with a detailed discussion of the properties of air and the existence of the void. According to Hero, the

153

154

spaces between the smallest parts of a body must consist of vacua (xevé/kend) and a ‘continuous vacuum’ (xevov &0Qo0uw/kendn athroun) was an impossibility in nature,

Vada Volaterrana (modern Vada). Etruscan port (Cic.

but could be ‘artificially’ (maga pvow/para physin; Hero, Pneumatica 1,1) produced. This insight led to the construction of many > automata, for instance emitting air to produce acoustic effects to simulate birdsong (ibid. 1,15 f.) or a trumpet (ibid. 2,10). Pressure generated by warming air could be converted into mechanical motion (ibid. 1,38: opening of temple doors). A rotating effect was achieved by heating water: water vapour came out of a ball movably mounted on bearings through bent pipes, causing the ball to start spinning (ibid. 2,11). The technological accomplishments

of pneumatics were applied in various fields, e.g. in the construction of a sprinkler for firefighting (ibid. 1,28; cf. Vitr. De arch. 10,7) and of + musical instruments (hydraulic organ; cf. Hero, Pneumatica 1,42; Vitr. De arch. 10,8).

VADOMARIUS

Quinct. 6,24; Plin. HN 3,5; 3,8; Rut. Namat. 1,453462; It. Maritimum 501,3 f.; It. Ant. 292,6; Tab. Peut. 4,2: Vada Volatera) on the +» Mare Tyrrhenum to the northwest of the mouth of the - Caecina [III 1]/Cecina, settled from the 9th cent. BC. The harbour basin lay between Punta Caletta and Punta del Tesorino. Remains can be found in San Gaetano. Necropoleis, three thermal baths, remains of horrea (granaries) and of a + macellum (xst/2nd cent. AD) survive in Poggetto. P. GamsBool, M. Pasquinuccl, V. e le problematiche sto-

rico-archeologiche della fascia costiera, in: Aspetti della cultura di Volterra etrusca (Atti del XIX Convegno di Studi Etruschi e Italici, Volterra 1995), 1997, 225-236; M.Pasquinuccl,

S. MENCHELLI, V. V.: l’area archeolo-

gica in localita $. Gaetano, 1995; Id., The Landscape and Economy of the Territories of Pisae and Volaterrae, in: Journal of Roman Archaeology 12, 1999, 122-141.

M.M.MO.

A.G. DRACHMANN, Ktesibios, Philon und Heron. A Study in Ancient Pneumatics, grecs, 1980, 130-133.

1948; B.GILLE, Les mécaniciens H.SCHN.

Vada. Roman auxiliary fort, whose exact location is not known; probably on the left bank of the > Vacalus (modern Waal). The name implies a ford. During the + Batavian Revolt in AD 70/1, V. was

attacked by

~ Tulius [II 43] Civilis and successfully relieved by Q. ~ Petillius [II 1] Cerialis. On alleged inscriptional mentions of V. cf. [rz]. 1 H. NessELHAuF, Neue Inschriften aus dem rémischen Germanien und den angrenzenden Gebieten, in: BRGK 27, 1938, 51-134, 119 No. 257. P. GOESSLER, s. v. V., RE 7 A, 2043-2046.

RA.WI.

Vadimonium (surety, bail). A legal transaction agreed in a ~ stipulatio, by which one party in a Roman formulary procedure (> Procedural law IV.) commits itself to appear at a certain location in order to enable legal proceedings to take place. This self-committal replaced the practice of providing guarantors (vades) as had been the practice in the > legis actio. A distinction was made between different kinds of vadimonium. The voluntary summoning vadimonium consisted of the promise (regularly sanctioned by fines) to appear near the law court for a final attempt at an out-of-court settlement; should this attempt fail, the the opposing party could immediately be summoned by > vocatio in ius to appear near the law court in front of the > praetor. The referring vadimonium was set out in detail in the praetorian edict. If a court case in iure (i.e. in front of the

Vada Sabatia. Originally a Celtic (Steph. Byz. s. v. LaPBatia/Sabbatia) port on the western Ligurian coast (Plin. HN 3,48), hard to reach, where the + Appenninus and the > Alpes meet (Cic. Fam. 11,13,2); statio,

where the via Iulia Augusta (CIL V 8095; 8102) and the —» via Aurelia (It. Ant. 295,2) from the west meet the

coast road, the via Aemilia Scauri (Str. 5,1,11; Tab. Peut. 3,4); swampy (Str. 4,6,1), modern Vado Ligure

(near Savona). In the Roman Imperial period probably a — municipium, tribus Stellatina (cf. [1. no. 3]) or Camilia (CIL V 7779). One literary mention in the context of the Roman Civil War in 43 BC (Cic. Fam. 11,10,2; 11,13,2). > Pertinax owned land in VS (SHA Pert. 9,4; 13,4). Archaeological remains: two necropoleis (also Christian graves), private buildings, inscriptions, statues, coins.

1G. MENNELLA, Regio IX, Liguria — V.S., in: Supplementa Italica 2, 1983, 197-214. G. FornI (ed.), Fontes Ligurum et Liguriae antiquae (Atti della Societa Ligure 90), 1976, s. v. V. S.; N. LAMBOGLIA, Savona e Wado, in: Archeologia in Liguria 1: Scavi e scoperte 1967-1975, 1976; A. BetTINI, I marmi di V. S.,

1990.

RPE.

praetor) could not be concluded in one sitting or required a referral to a different court, the magistrate forced the defendant to make such a vadimonium to ensure his appearance at the next hearing. M.Kaser, K.Hackt, Das rém. ZivilprozefSrecht, *1996, 226-231; A.RopDGER, V. to Rome (and Elsewhere), in: ZRG 114, 1997, 160-196. CPA.

Vadomarius [1] (Ballomarius). King of the > Marcomanni, who, from a position of neutrality (?), together with ambas-

sadors from ten other tribes negotiated a peace with M. > Tallius Bassus, the governor of Upper Pannonia, in AD 166, after attacking Germani had suffered a defeat (Cass. Dio, 71,3,1a = Petrus Patricius fr. 6 DE Boor =

Excerpta de legationibus 2,391 DE Boor). P.KeHne,

s.v.

Markomannenkrieg

(Hist.),

RGA

19,

2001, 308-316, especially 312 (with older bibliography).

[2] King of the + Alamanni, then a Roman officer, from

c. AD 354-37. In 354, > Constantius [2] concluded a peace with V., to prevent the latter’s incursions into

155

156

Gaul (Amm. Marc. 14,10,1), but incited him, however,

Roman Empire, but peace was soon concluded. In Persarmenia V. deposed > Artaxias [4] IV, the son of V. [7], in 428 and placed the country under direct Persian administration. The Persian reception, which makes V. a hero of adventures in hunting and love, culminated in the epic Haft paikar by Nizami, which was completed

VADOMARIUS

to further attacks in order to tie up > Iulianus [x1] in Gaul (Amm. Marc. 21,3,4-5). Despite a treaty with Iulianus in 359, V. ended up a captive in 361 and was transferred to the service of Rome. From 361-366, V. was dux in Phoenicia (Amm. Marc. 21,3,5). In 37,1 he fought under > Valens [2] against the Persians (Amm. Marc. 29,1,2). D. Gevenicu, Geschichte der Alamannen, 1997, 50-53; PLRE 1, 928.

WE.LU.

Vaga. City in Africa proconsularis (> Africa [3]; cf. Str. 17,3512; Plin. HN 5,29) 35 km to the north of + Thugga, modern Béja, with a number of ancient remains (city wall, basilica). In the second of the + Punic Wars. V. apparently supplied troops for the Carthaginian contingent (Sil. Pun. 3,259). No later than after the third Punic War, V. fell to > Massinissa. During the War of > Jugurtha, V. was conquered by Caecilius [I 30] Metellus (Sall. lug. 29,4; 47,1; 66-69). It was probably Septimius [II 7] Severus, who elevated V. to a colonia (CIL VII Suppl. 1, 143.94). Indigenous cults continued until the 3rd cent. AD. Inscriptions: CIL VIII 1, 1216-1256; 2, 10569; Suppl. 1, 14387-

in

1197 (German translation [2]). PLRE 2, 1150. 10.Kiima, W.L.Hanaway, Jr., s.v. Bahram V Gor, Enclr 3, 518-519 2J.C. BURGEL, Die Abenteuer des K6nigs Bahram und seiner sieben Prinzessinnen, 1997.

[6] V. VI Chobin A general from the Mihran family of -» Rhagae who served > Hormisdas [6] IV until relieved of his command by him in 589. V. rebelled and in 590 tried to succeed the murdered Hormisdas, but was defeated by > Chosroes [6] II and his Byzantine auxiliary troops the year after. He fled to the Turks, where he was soon murdered. V., who himself seems to have appealed to Arsacid tradition, is considered the ancestor of the Mediaeval Iranian Samanid dynasty. PLRE 3A, 166 f. D.FRENDO, Theophylact Simocatta on the Revolt of Bahram Chobin and the Early Career of Khusrau II, in: Bulletin of the Asia Institute 3, 1989, 77-88; A. SH. SHaBAZI, S. v. Bahram VI Cobin, Enclr 3, 519-522.

14425; Suppl. 4, 25472-25479; [1. 1225-1234]; AE 1973, 600; 1989, 881.

1 A. MERLIN (ed.), Inscriptions latines de la Tunisie, 1944. AATun 050, p. 18, No. 128; C.LEPELLEY, Les cités de

P Afrique romaine, vol. 2, 1981, 228-230.

W.HU.

Vahram (Vararanes). [1] V.I Son of > Sapor [1] I, Persian Great King AD 273-276. The capture and death of > Mani take place in his time. PLRE 1, 945. [2] V. I Son of V. [x], Persian Great King 276-293. V. had to go to battle with > Carus [3] in 283, who was advancing on Ctesiphon. The sudden death of the Emperor and the retreat of the Romans gave the King room to breathe. PLRE 1, 945. A. SH. SHABAZI, s. v. Bahram I-II, Enclr 3, 515-517.

[3] V. HI Son of V. [2], overthrown after his four-month rule by + Narses [1] in 293. PLRE 1, 945.

[7] (Vramshapuh). The brother of + Chosroes [4] TI, who was declared king of Persarmenia in place of V. [4] towards the end of the 4th cent. AD and reigned until c. Aause M.-L. CHAUMONT, s. v. Armenia and Iran II, Enclr 2, 418— 438, esp. 429. M.SCH.

Vakhtang Gorgasal (Georgian ‘wolf’s head’). King of Caucasian

Iberia (— Iberia [1]), second half of the 5th/beginning of the 6th cent. AD, whose Life (Kartlis Cxovreba, 139-244) [1; 2], written down in the rrth cent., portrays him as a champion of national identity and Christianity. 1 R. THomson, Rewriting Caucasian History, 1996, 153251 (Eng. transl.) 2G.PArscu, Das Leben Kartlis. Eine Chronik aus Georgien, 300-1200, 1985 (Ger. transl.). B. Martin-Hisarb, Le roi V. G., in: Temps, mémoire, tradition au Moyen age, 1983, 207-242; M. VAN ESBROECK,

E. KETTENHOFEN, Tirdad und die Inschriften von Paikuli,

Lazique, Mingrélie, Svanéthie et Aphkhazie du IVe au [Xe

1995; O.KLima, s. v. Bahram III, Enclr 3, 517.

siécle, in: Il Caucaso. Cerniera fra culture del Mediterraneo alla Persia (sec. [V-XI), 1996, 198-213. APL.

[4] V. IV Probably a son Great King AD 388-399. tween the Eastern Roman partition of Armenia were

of > Sapor [3] III, Persian Under him negotiations beand Persian Empires on the concluded. PLRE 1, 945.

O.KLima, s. v. Bahram TV, Enclr 3, 517-518.

[5] V. V Gor (‘Wild Ass [Hunter]’). Son of - Yazdgird [1] land grandson of V. [4], Persian Great King 420/1438/9. V. came to the throne with the help of the Lachmids, at whose court he had grown up. At the beginning of his reign he was urged into an attack on the Eastern

Valamer. Ostrogoth king, brother of Theodemir and Vidimir, uncle of Theoderic the Great (> Theodericus [3]), who took part in the campaigns of > Attila (lord. Rom. 331; lord. Get. 199), but after AD 453 escaped from Hunnish rule. After settling in Pannonia (c. 454), between 459 and 462 the brothers fought successfully against Byzantium for better treaty conditions (+ Leo [4] I). In about 468/9 V. was killed in an attack by the + Sciri (lord. Get. 270 f.; 275 f.; [1. 265]). PLRE 2, Tes Sate 1 H. WoLrraM, Die Goten, +2001, 259-265.

WE.LU.

EX7

158

Valcum (Volgum, modern Fenékpuszta). Station on the road from -> Sopianis to > Savaria at the western end of Lacus Pelso (modern Lake Balaton; It. Ant. 29.959):

Late Antiquity fortress with numerous excavated buildings, including the Palatium, a warehouse and a basilica. L. BaRKOCZI, s. v. V., PE952; E. Torn, Zur Urbanisierung

Pannoniens, in: Folia Archaeologica 37, 1986, 163-181. H.GR.

Valens [1] As proconsul of Achaia, V. had himself proclaimed rival emperor to > Gallienus in AD 261 in Macedonia. Although he defeated Piso, who was sent there against him (PIR* C 298), he was soon murdered by his own troops (Aur. Vict. Epit. Caes. 32,4; Amm. Marc. 21,16,10; SHA Tyr. Trig. 19; 21; SHA Gall. 2,2 f.). KIENAST* 227; PIR V 7; PLRE 1, 929 f.

TF.

[2] Flavius Valens. Eastern Roman emperor AD 364378. Born in 321 in Cibalae (Illyria), of lowly origins and without a profound education, he became a soldier and is attested as protector domesticus (head of the palace guard) under Jovian (— Iovianus). He was appointed Augustus on 28.3.364 by his brother Valentinian I (> Valentinianus [1]), and soon afterwards, when the army and imperial administration were divided, he was made responsible for the praefectura orientis with Egypt and Thrace. An attempted usurpation by ~ Procopius [1], who presented himself as a scion of the Constantinian dynasty, failed. There were no further serious usurpations, but V. lived in constant terror of them. A reasonably accurate picture of his government is given in narrative sources (~ Ammianus, > Zosimus,

ecclesiastical historians), the speeches of > Themistius,

legal texts, coins and numerous scattered testimonies. In foreign policy, conflicts arose on two fronts in particular: with the Danube tribes, especially the Tervingi (the future Visigoths), and with the Persians. V. waged the ‘First Gothic War’ from 367 in enemy territory beyond the Danube. Commanded by > Athanaric, that enemy was not only threatening Thrace, but also supporting Procopius [1]. V., however, was unable to prevail, and in 369 he had to agree a peace on equal terms with Athanaric on neutral territory (a ship on the Danube). In 376, V. permitted Tervingi displaced by the Huns to cross the Danube. Supply problems and the incompetence of Roman officials led to a crisis that sparked military confrontation. Although V. recognized the severity of the crisis, he was only slowly able to bring in reinforcements, and at Hadrianopolis [3] (9.8.378) he lost the decisive battle and his life. The Tervingi settled on Roman soil. In the Persian theatre, V. had to try to compensate for the losses incurred by the peace agreed by Jovian, and in consequence he mostly involved himself in Armenia. This drawn-out dispute, though (369-377),

led to almost no military confrontation. By the time V. finally succeeded in arming for war, the Gothic threat forced him to give up these plans.

VALENS

Domestic politics was characterized by pragmatic interventions, especially in favour of coloni (+ colonatus) and curiales [2], but its main purpose was to secure tax incomes and recruitment without making pressure intolerable. In religious policies, V.’ deep mistrust of all magical practices led to measures that could be called persecution. Nonetheless, it was still possible for non-Christians to live according to their religious convictions and to attain high office ({3] with [4]; > Tolerance). The ecclesiastical tradition makes V. an energetic proponent of the Arians and a persecutor of the Nicenes (> Arianism, + Nicaenum, > Trinity). While there is no doubt of his Arian sympathies or of occasional instances of persecution, his generally sophisticated policies in such places as Cappadocia and Egypt also allowed Nicenism to flourish (essential here [1]). His meagre foreign successes and the weakness of his personality posed the panegyrists great problems with V. Themistius overcame them superbly by interpreting the compromise peace with the Goths as an expression of imperial philanthropy and V.’ origins as a guarantee of empathy with the lower orders. The apparently devastating ‘balance sheet’ of his reign has so far prevented all attempts at rehabilitating the reputation of V., although his pragmatic government does seem to deserve subtler treatment. PLRE 1, 930 f. 1 H.C. BRENNECKE, Studien zur Geschichte der Homéer, 1988 2U.Wankg, Die Gotenkriege des V.,1990 3F.]J. Wee, Kaiser V. und die heidnische Opposition, 1995 4 H.LeEppin, review of [3], in: Gnomon 71, 1999, 82-84.

HL.

[3] Bishop of Mursa (modern Osijek, Croatia), spoke against > Athanasius at the First Synod of Tyre in 335, and accompanied Constantine (+ Constantinus [1]) to

Constantinople in early 336. With Ursacius of Singidunum (modern Belgrade), he was an important supporter of the Arian movement. Condemned at the Synod of Serdica, V. pleaded for readmission to the Church at the Synod of Milan (345), and was readmitted in 347. From 3 52, however, he was again embroiled in actions against Athanasius. V. met the emperor + Constantius [2] II before the battle of Mursa (28.9.351) ina church outside the town, where he was also the first to foretell to him his victory. From then on, V. was a confidant of the emperor, taking part in the Synods of Arles (351) and Milan (355). He composed the so-called Second Sirmian Formula in the summer of 357 at the Synod of Sirmium. Although he took a leading part in the Synod of Rimini (May 359), he was again condemned, then readmitted once more at Nice on 10.10.359. He took part in the Synods of Constantinople (359) and Singidunum (366), and died after 367. V. advocated a simple form of the Homoean doctrine of the > Trinity. — Arianism H. Cu. BRENNECKE, Studien zur Geschichte der Homoer, 1988.

159

160

[4] An Arian elected Bishop of Poetovio (later Pettau, modern Ptuj (Slovenia)), then driven out after a shift in ecclesiastical politics, V. went to Milan before 378,

the most important Christian-heretical movement of the 2nd and 3rd cents. AD (with traces into the 7th cent.). It spread through the entire Mediterranean region and presented a serious competition for the emerging majority Catholic Church. Hippolytus [2] (Refutatio omnium haeresium 6,3 5,7) tells of a division into an Italic (+ Ptolemaeus [66], > Heracleon) and an Eastern school (> Theodotus [10], Marcus). Of other V., only the names have been transmitted: Secundus

VALENS

where he found the exiled > Ursinus. The Synod of Aquileia (3.9.381) asked the emperors to send V. back to his homeland. R.EccER, Rémische Antike und frithes Christentum, vol. I, 1962, 36; 62.

S.L-B.

Valentia [1] (modern Valencia). Roman city in the territory of the

— Edetani in the lower valley of the > Turia [2] near the sea (Mela 2,92; Ptol. 6,6,61). There is no archaeological

evidence there of a pre-Roman Iberian city, in Avien. 481 f. called Tyris. V. was founded in 138 BC by the consul D. Iunius [114] for veterans (probably the Roman ones, not the Iberians) of the war with —> Viriatus (App. Ib. 6,75; Diod. 33,1,33 cf. Liv. Per. 55). At the beginning of the rst cent. BC, V. was a colonia, possibly as a consequence of the war with — Sertorius, in which the city remained loyal to him (Plin. HN 3,20; Flor. Epit. 2,10,9). A bishopric in late Antiquity. In the Visigothic period (province of Aurariola) it minted its own coins (AD 612-621). The urban area of V. is sought in the vicinity of the cathedral (largest density of individual finds, esp. pottery). J.EsTEVE Forrior, Valencia, fundacion romana,

1978;

TOVAR 3, 282-285; M. Leciay, s. v. V., PE 952.

[2] City in Gallia Narbonensis in the territory of the (Ptol. 2,10,12: Ovadévtia xodwvia/ Oualéntia kolonia; possibly identical to Ovevtia/ Ouentia; Plin. HN 3,36, V.: in agro Cavarum), modern Valence (in the département of Dré6me), a Roman colony [1] founded at the time of Caesar [1; 4. 300] on the Rhodanus (modern Rhéne), a significant traffic node owing to its location on navigable waters and the road from Vienna (Vienne) to Arausio (Orange). Of the history of V. in the Roman period little is known [2; 3]. Christianity is recorded for V. from the end of the 2nd cent. [2. 39; 5]. Aerial photographs show elements of a centuriation (+ Surveying) and of the ground plan of the city [2]. Ancient remains: external theatre wall, ~ cardo maximus, city wall and tower foundations. Inscriptions record cults of > Cybele and > Mercurius (CIL XII 1744 f.) and indicate a Mithraeum (CIL XII 1746; > Mithras). + Segovellauni

(Iren. Adv. Haereses 1,11,2), Axionicus (Tert. Adv. Valentinianos 4), Alexander (Tert. De Carne rs5f.), Theotimus (Tert. Adv. Valentinianos 4,3), Florinus (on Irenaeus’ dispute see Euseb. Hist. eccl. 5,20,4-8), Candidus [x] (with whom Origenes disputed in c. AD 230 in Athens: Rufin. De Adulterio 7). Central for the V. is the cosmogonic myth about the emergence of the godly aeons and the ‘fall’ of Sophia (+ Cosmogony). The most important sources that cannot be attributed to specific V. are > Eirenaeus’ [2] presentation in Adv. Haereses 1,1-20 (as his source, he refers to the “students of Valentinus”; a parallel in Clem. Al. Excerpta ex Theodoto 43-65); Hippolytus’ [2] presentation of the V. (Refutatio 6,29-36) and the ‘instructional letter’ in Epiphanius Adv. Haereses 31,5,2-6,10. Tertullianus’ writing ‘Against the V.’, however, is based on secondary sources. The same holds true for the anti-heretic writings of Ps.-Tertullian, + Epiphanius [1], > Philastrius of Brescia as well as Theodoretus [r]. Original texts in Coptic language are extant from + Nag Hammadi, i.e. translations from the Greek (copies from the 4th cent.). They have been transmitted without any mention of their authors or time and place of origin. To be mentioned are: ‘The Gospel of Truth’ (NHCod I,3, Fr. in XII,2), ‘The Treatise on the Resurrection’ (NHCod 1,4), Tractatus Tripartitus (NHCod I,5) and “The Gospel of Philip’ (NHCod II,3); two texts extant only in fragments from the eleventh codex: ‘The interpretation of Knowledge’ (NHCod XI,r) and ‘A Valentinian Exposition’ (NHCod IX,2). Valentinian influence also marks ‘The Apocryphon of John’ (NHCod Il,1; Ill,1; I1V,r; Codex Berolinensis gnosticus 8 502,2). + Heresiology; > Valentinus [1] BIBLIOGRAPHY:

1 E. WILL, Les origines de la colonie romaine de Valence, in: Bull. de la soc. nationale des antiquaires de France

~ Valentinus [1]. EpiT1ons: W.FOERSTER, Die Gnosis, vol. 1, 71995, 162ff. (Germ. transl.); J.M. RoBinson et al., The Nag Hammadi Library in English, +1996. BrBLioGRAPHY: B. Layton, The Rediscovery of Gnosti-

1996, 92-102

cism, vol. 1: The School of Valentinus, 1980.

2 A.BLaNc,

Valence

romaine,

1953

3Id., La cité de Valence a la fin de l’antiquité, 1980 4 RIVET, 300-304 5 A. BLANC, Les sarcophages ornés in: Gallia 38, 1980, 215-228.

J.HO.

Valentinianus [1] Flavius Valentinianus I Roman emperor 364-375.

[3] See > Vibo Valentia.

I. ORIGINS AND RISE II. IMPERIAL POLICIES III. DOMESTIC AND RELIGIOUS POLICIES

Valentinians (Valentinianism). V. refers to the students of + Valentinus [1] (the name first appeared in Justin. Dial. 35,6 and Hegesipp. In Euseb. Hist. eccl. 4,22,5),

V. was born in Cibalae in Pannonia in AD 321 (Zos. 3,36,2; Amm. Marc. 30,6,6) as the son of the comes rei

I. ORIGINS AND RISE

161

162

militaris Gratianus [1]. In 357, he was tribunus in Gaul (Amm. Marc. 16,11,6 f.); beginning in 360/1, he held high military office in Mesopotamia; in 362, he was comes et tribunus cornutorum there (Philostorgius, Historia ecclesiae 7,7). According to some Christian traditions, Iulianus [11] exiled him to Egyptian Thebes [x] in 362 due to his Christian attitude (Theod. Hist. eccl. 3,16; Philostorgius 7,7; 8,5; Oros. 7,32,2; Socr. 4,1). > lovianus returned him from exile (Philostorgius 8,5) and appointed him tribunus scholae secundae scutariorum (Amm. Marc. 25,10,9; 26,1,5).

After the death of Jovian, V. was elected emperor by high-ranking military and civil officials in Nicaea [5] and enthroned on 26 February 364 (Amm. Marc. 26,1,5; ZOS. 3,36,2 f.). Since the army demanded a second emperor, V. designated his younger brother ~ Valens [2] as co-emperor on 28 March 364 in Constantinople (Amm. Marc. 26,4,3), divided the court, administration and army that summer in Naissus and Sirmium (Amm. Marc. 26,5,1-4) and took the western portion of the empire for himself (Illyricum, Italy, Africa, Gaul) with Milan (+ Mediolanum [r]) as his capital. There, he decreed numerous laws in 364/5, including for the reform of the military and postal service (Cod. Theod. 7,18,1; 8,5,17). On 27 August 367, after a serious illness, he also named Gratianus [2], his son from his first marriage with Marina [1] Severa, as Augustus

(Amm.

Marc.

27,6,4-16). His son Valenti-

VALENTINIANUS

the corrupt comes Africae

> Romanus (Amm. Marc.

28,6). The dissatisfied provincials, particularly the Donatists (+ Donatus [1]), against whom the emperor

decreed a law in 373 (Cod. Theod. 16,6,1), supported the usurpation of Firmus [3] in Mauretania beginning in 372 (or 370). In 374, Theodosius, who had in the

meantime been promoted to commander of the army, put down the rebellion (Amm. Marc. 29,5,5—50). III. DOMESTIC AND RELIGIOUS POLICIES V. never visited Rome. How little regard he had for the senatorial class is shown by the fact that he named only two senators, but seven generals as consuls. All the same, he twice assigned the praetorian prefecture for Italy, Africa and Illyricum to Roman senators (Vulcacius Rufinus [II 5], Petronius Probus). Otherwise, he, like his brother Valens, promoted primarily Pannonians. He had the Pannonian Maximinus [3] conduct numerous trials against senators as vicarius urbis Romae beginning in 369 (Amm. Marc. 28,1,5—57). A reflex of senatorial resentment is recognizable in the speeches of — Symmachus [II 4] (Symmachus Or. 4 and 5; Symmachus Relat. 2). In the ecclesiastic conflict between the Roman bishops > Damasus and — Ursinus, V. sided with the former (Avell. Epist. 7,11,12). Of an orthodox view himself, he otherwise supported — tolerance in religious politics (Cod. Theod. 9,16,9; Sozom. Hist. eccl.

nianus [3] II came from his second marriage to > Iu-

6,21,7),

stina.

(+ Mani; Cod. Theod. 16,5,3); he had the temple goods

II. IMPERIAL POLICIES

After 366, the focus of V.’ policies was on defending the Empire. He then mostly resided in Trier (+ Augusta [6] Treverorum) in order to ward off the threat to the Rhine border by the > Alamanni and > Franci. In 365 and 366, the Alamanni conducted raids into Gaul, because they were not in agreement with the annual payment which V. granted them in Milan at the end of 364 (Amm. Marc. 26,5,7; 27,1). After a raid by the Alamanni on Mainz (~ Mogontiacum) in 368, V. success-

fully advanced into territory on the right bank of the Rhine in 368 and 369 (Amm. Marc. 27,10). In 369, he concluded a pact with the + Burgundiones (Symmachus Or. 2,13), but balked a year later at a joint undertaking against the Alamanni (Amm. Marc. 28,5,8-13). There was a peace treaty with the Alamannic king Macrianus [1] in 374 (Amm. Marc. 30,3,4—7). In 370, there were successes against the Saxons (> Saxones) on

the lower Rhine (Amm. Marc. 28,5,1-7; 30,7,8). To secure the Rhine border, V. established a series of

watchtowers and fortifications from the mouth of the river to Lake Constance

(Amm.

Marc.

28,2,1; Sym-

machus Or. 2,2; ILS 774 f.; cf. Cod. Theod. 15,1,13). Unrest in > Britannia was checked in 368 by the comes rei militaris Theodosius [II r], the father of the later emperor of the same name (Amm. Marc. 27,8,6— 10; 28,3). The turbulence caused by the Austurians in Tripolitania could not be sufficiently combated due to

but

forbade

Donatism

and

Manichaeism

of the old believers confiscated (Cod. Theod. 5,13,3), but tolerated their cults and even allowed the > haruspices (Cod. Theod. 9,16,9). In order to limit donations to the Church (> Church property), he forbade clerics and monks from entering the houses of widows and single women (Cod. Theod. 16,2,20).

V.’ efforts to improve the situation of the lower classes can be seen in the empire-wide expansion of the office of the defensor civitatis (+ defensor II.), which represented the interests of poor people (Cod. Theod. 1,29,1 and 3-5; cf. also 13,3,8). His frugal fiscal policy was praised by Ammianus

(30,9,1). However, it was often undermined by his officials (Amm. Marc. 30,5,4— ro; Pseudo-Aur. Vict. Epit. Caes. 45,6). In his later reign, he massively increased taxes (Zos. 4,16,1 f.). Ammianus deplored V.’ tendency towards a violent temper (27,7,4) and his hatred for the educated (30,8,10). V. died on 17 November 375 in Brigetio in Pannonia during negotiations with the + Quadi, who had invaded Roman territory (Amm. Marc. 30,6). He was interred in the Church of the Apostles in Constantinople in 382 (Amm. Marc. 30,10,1; Chron. min.

1,243). J.Curran, in: CAH 13, 1998, 80-88; M.FAsoLiNo, Valentiniano I. L’opera e i problemi storiografici, 1976;

Jones, LRE

139-151;

Valentiniano

e Valente,

F.PERGAMI, 1993;

La legislazione di

A.PIGANIOL,

L’Empire

Chrétien, *1972, 189-222; PLRE 1, 933 f. no. 7; R.SoRACI, L’imperatore Valentiniano I., 1971.

VALENTINIANUS

164

163

[2] V. Galates. Son of Emperor Valens [2], born 18 January AD 366 (Chron. min. 1,241), died about 370. He was named consul in 369. On this occasion, > Themistius performed Or. 9, in which he offered himself as V.’ future educator (123c-124b). The orthodox Christian tradition saw the early death of V. as a punishment from God for his father’s Arian views (Soz. 6,16,1-10; Theod. Hist. eccl. 4,19,8-10; > Arianism). PLRE 1, 381. [3] Flavius V. (Valentinianus II) Roman emperor 375-

392, born in 371. Five days after the death of his father V. [x] I, he was elevated to emperor by the troops in Aquincum on 22 November 375 at the instigation of his father’s former advisers, the generals Equitius [2] and Merobaudes [1] (Chron. min. 1,242). He was thus the third emperor, along with his uncle > Valens [2] and half-brother > Gratianus [2], the latter only reluctantly having agreed to the elevation (Philostorgius 9,16), and ruled the centre of the empire (Italy, Illyricum, Africa; thus Zos. 4,19,2) with Milan (+ Mediolanum [r]) as capital. The child emperor’s (+> Emperors, child) Arian mother > Iustina was in charge of government (Rufin. Eusebii historia ecclesiastica 2,15; Socr. 5,11,3—-5). After Gratian was eliminated by the usurper > Maximus [7] in 3.83, he was initially recognized as the emperor in the West by > Theodosius [II 2] I (emperor in the East since 379, after the death of Valens in 378; Zos. 453753). V. twice (383 and 386) entered into negotiations with Maximus [7] — with > Ambrosius, the orthodox bishop of Milan, as emissary — without success (Ambr. Epist. 24). In 384, > Symmachus [II 4], the city prefect of Rome, asked the emperor in his famous third Relatio for the restoration of the altar of > Victoria [x] in the meeting hall of the Senate. The request was rejected due to the intervention of Ambrosius (Ambr. Epist. 17; 18; 57). There was a conflict in Milan with Ambrosius in 385/6 over the demand by the court for Arian religious services (~ Arianism). Since Ambrosius apparently had the majority of the people behind him, V. and his mother conceded (Ambr. Epist. 20 f.; Ambr. Sermo contra Auxentium).

When Maximus advanced on Italy in 387, V. fled to (Zos. 4,42 f.). Theodosius marched to Italy, cancelled a pro-Arian law of V. on his way (Cod. Theod. 16,5,15) and defeated Maximus in the summer of 388 (Pan. Lat. 12,44,2; Zos. 4,46). lustina died the same year. Theodosius remained in Italy until 391. V. was sent to Gaul and was from then on under the influence of the Frankish general -> Arbogastes (Zos. 4,531). When V. sought to dismiss Arbogastes, the latter ripped up the letter of dismissal (Zos. 4,53,2f,; Philostorgius 11,1). V. died on 15 May 392, possibly through suicide (Chron. min. 1,463 and 522; Iohannes Antiochenus fr. 187). Ambrosius held the funeral address at the burial (Ambr. Obit. Valent.). PLRE 1, 934 f. Thessalonica

no. 8. W.ENSSLIN, s. v. V. (3), RE 7 A, 2205-2232; K.GrossALBENHAUSEN, Imperator christianissimus, 1999, 64-92,

125-131; B.CRoxe, Arbogast and the Death of Valentinian II, in: Historia 25, 1976, 235-244.

[4] Placidus V. (Valentinianus III) Roman emperor 42 5455 (in the Western empire), born 2 July 419 in Ravenna. He was a son of > Galla [3] Placidia and + Constantius [6] II], who had been named as the second emperor in the western portion of the empire by Honorius [3] in 421, but died the same year. Because of conflicts with Honorius, V. fled with his mother to + Theodosius [II 3] II in Constantinople (Olympiodorus fr. 40). After the death of Honorius in 423, Theodosius II - in light of the usurpation of Iohannes [7] in Italy - appointed V. Caesar on 23 October 424 and betrothed him to his daughter Licinia > Eudoxia [2] (Philostorgius 12,13; Chron. min. 2,76). After the death of Iohannes, V. was elevated to emperor on 23 October 425 in Rome (Olympiodorus fr. 34, 46; Socr. 7,24). In the period up to the wedding with Eudoxia [2] on 29 October 437 (Chron. pasch. sub anno 437), the regency was held by Galla [3] Placidia and the intermittently rival generals Bonifatius [1] (to 432), Felix [6] (to 430) and Aetius [5] (from 430 on).

In 442, V. had to recognize the Vandal kingdom of + Geisericus in Africa (Chron. min. 1,479) and may have betrothed his daughter Eudocia [2] to Geisericus’ son > Hunericus. Almost all of Spain was ruled by the Suebi and Visigoths, who also occupied parts of Gaul. Britannia was abandoned. In 443, Aetius allocated lands in Gaul to the > Alani and — Burgundiones (Chron. min. 1,660). The > Hunni, who had already ravaged the Danube provinces, advanced to Gaul under ~ Attila. In 451, Roman troops under Aetius and their primarily Visigothic allies won a victory at the —+ Campi Catalauni (lord. Get. 191 .; Chron. min. 1,481 f.). V., who often resided in Rome, offered no resistance to the claims of primacy by Pope Leo [3] I, who had held the Roman see since 440, despite the tensions with the Eastern empire resulting from them. Together with his mother, he championed Leo’s desire — which ultimately failed due to resistance from Theodosius [3] II — for an imperial synod in Italy after the synod in Ephesus in 449, where Leo was condemned (Leo, Epist. 43 f.; 5 5—57; 62 f.). The difficult financial situation of the Western empire, caused by the loss of territory and devastation, prompted V. to take a variety of measures: beginning in 444, he raised a tax on all sales (so-called siliquaticum, Valentinianus, Novellae 15). On the other hand, he twice (438 and 450) waived tax arrears (Valentinianus, Novellae 1,1 and 3). In 439 after a decision by the Roman Senate, V. adopted the collection of laws issued by Theodosius II (codex II. C. Theodosianus).

In 454, V. betrothed his daughter Placidia [2] to (Chron. min. 1,483). The same year, on 21 (or 22) September 454, V. murdered Aetius by his own hand out of fear of the latter’s power (Sid. Apoll. Carm. 5,305 f.). On 16 March 455, V. was ~ Aetius’ son Gaudentius

165

166

then killed by followers of Aetius (Chron. min. 2,86; lord. De summa temporum vel origine actibusque gentis Romanorum 334). PLRE 2, 1138 f.No. 4. we.

[4] From c. AD 535 on, East-Roman commander of the cavalry in the Gothic War; in 537 one of the defenders of Rome against the Gothic siege; in 544, he saved + Hydruntum from being captured by the Goths. In 545, he was killed in an ambush set by > Totila. PLRE 95.03 SontaNiene FT.

Valentinus [1] Christian theologian, probably from Egypt, taught in c. AD 140-160 in Rome (cf. Iren. adv. haereses 35453). He wanted, possibly, to become episcopus (+ episkopos), but was turned down (Tert. adv. Valentinianos 4,1 ff.); afterwards, he must have lived in Cyprus (Epiphanius, Panarion 31,7,2). Besides a few extant fragments from sermons and letters, a work entitled ‘On the three natures’ (Peri trién physeon) is

known to have existed. V. apparently wrote psalms in verse form; a fragment (in Hippolytus, Refutatio omnium haeresium 6,377) mentions the holy trinity made of father (called

Bythos), mother (probably Sophia) and child. The newborn child is identified with the divine world of ideas, the + logos. V. tried to connect the New Testament with the Greek philosophy. The realization, that the cosmic order originated from this child, was the decisive act of redemption. From Middle-Platonic concepts (> Middle Platonism), V. took over the distinction between the highest god (including his Jogos) and the lower creators. God formed matter by means of the /dgos. The effects emanating from the matter were represented as angel and — demiourgos [3]. The world and man were born as a result of the interplay between god’s and the demiourgos’ agencies; the lower agencies, however, were ignorant of God. With this concept of deficient forces of creation, V. parted with the mainstream Church. The creators’ ignorance, the cause of evil, characterized the

world. Men could be released from their ignorance only through God’s revelation in his son. To the question, why these creator forces existed at all besides God, V. must have answered with a cosmogonic myth. — Valentinians Bipi_roGR.: D.M. SCHOLER, Nag Hammadi Bibliography 1948-1969 and 1970-1994, 1971 and 1997 (Suppl. in Novum Testamentum 40 ff., 1998 ff.).

Lir.: J. HOLZHAUSEN, Der Mythos vom Menschen im hel-

lenistischen Agypten, 1994; cus?, 1992;

C. Markscuies, V. Gnosti-

G. QuIsPEL, The Original Doctrine of V. the

Gnostic, in: Vigiliae Christianae 50, 1996, 327-352.

J.HO.

[2] Probably acted as dux praeses (?) inc. AD 260; com-

missioned by Cornelia

> Salonina, wife of Emperor

+ Gallienus, to watch over > Ingenuus [1], whom she mistrusted (Cass. Dio 3,743,162 BOISSEVAIN = Petros Patrikios, Excerpta de sententiis, Nr. 162 BOISSEVAIN). PIR V ro; PLRE 1, 935.

TF.

[3] Pannonian from the province of Valeria, banished to

Britannia because of a crime; there he prepared a rebellion in AD 369, in collaboration with other exiles and with the army’s help. After his plans were betrayed, + Theodosius [II x] had him captured and executed. PLRE 1, 935 Nr. 5.

K.G.-A.

VALERIA

Valeria [1] Sister of P. Valerius [I 45] Poplicola, said to have saved Rome in 488 BC from > Coriolanus (Plut. Coriolanus 33; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 8,39; 8,43,1 f.); first priestess of Fortuna Muliebris (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 8,55,3-53 > Fortuna B.). LATTE, 181.

[2] Daughter of P. Valerius [I 44] (elected belatedly cos. for the year 509 BC), sent to > Porsenna with 19 other hostages (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 5,32,3). They were able to escape to Rome but were sent back by Poplicola. Attacked on the return trip by the Tarquinians, she alone was able to free herself (Plut. Poplicola 18,3; 19,1-8; Plut. Mor. 250; Plin. HN 34,29). The equestrian statue on the via Sacra was most likely dedicated not to her but to > Cloelia [1]. [3] Daughter of one Valerius Messala and a Hortensia; niece of the orator > Hortensius [7]. She was the fifth and last wife of L. > Cornelius [I 90] Sulla, whom she married as her second husband in 80 BC (Plut. Sulla 3555-36,1). After Sulla’s death, she gave birth to a daughter, Cornelia Postuma (Plut. Sulla 37,7). H. Bene, Die Selbstdarstellung Sullas, 1993, 149; R. SEAGER, in: CAH 9, *1994, 206.

[4] Daughter of a freedman released by a certain Valerius Flaccus, probably the grandfather of L. Valerius [I 24] Flaccus (praetor in 63 BC). He was the legal guardian of V. prior to her marriage to Sextilius Andro. Since V. died intestate (Cic. Flac. 84-89), Flaccus succeeded to her estate. [5] According to legend, an oracle demanded the annual sacrifice of a virgin to Juno in order to conquer the plague in Falerii. An eagle snatched away the sword from V. who had been chosen by lot for this purpose, hurled it on a grazing cow and then let a hammer fall upon the altar. V. sacrificed the cow and then touched the sick with the hammer, chanting the word éeewoo

(érrhoso = Lat. vale, ‘grow strong, be healed’) as she did so. The name V. is perhaps an etiological interpretation of vale (Aristides Milesius FGrH 286, ro; Plut. Mor. 314d-e). ME.SCH. [6] V. Galeria. Daughter of + Diocletianus, from AD 293 at the latest the wife of + Galerius [5], played no public role during the First Tetrarchy (- tetrarchés IV.). Just prior to the emperors’ conference at + Carnuntum

in AD 308, she was elevated to Augusta (ILS 8932) in order to emphasize the pre-eminence of her husband; parallel to this, one of the provinces of + Pannonia (IIL) was given the dynastic name Valeria after her. Maximinus [1] Daia attempted in vain to marry her after the

VALERIA

death of Galerius. After his victory over > Maximinus [x], Licinius [II 4] had her executed (Lactant. De mort. pers. 50,2—51,2). At that time, her portrait on the ‘Small Arch of Galerius’ in the palace at Thessaloniki [x] was reworked. PLRE 1,937. Tu. STEFANIDOU TIVERIOU, II piccolo arco di Galerio a Salonicco, in: ArchCl 46, 1994, 279-304.

B.BL.

[7] V. Messalina see > Messalina [2]

Valerianus [1] Q. Cornelius V. Roman equestrian of the rst cent. AD (probably c.45 praef. vexillariorum in + Thracia). Author of an antiquarian compilation mentioned by — Plinius [1] (Pliny the Elder) as source of books 3 (?), 8, 10, 14 and 15 of his Naturalis historia,

and quoted at 3,108 (?), 10,5 and 14,11. PIRSA tA7a.

[2] P. Licinius V. Roman emperor 253-260, born 199 (thus the gist of Joh. Mal. 12 p. 298; SHA Valer. 5,1 is false); from a noble family (Aur. Vict. Epit. Caes. 32,1). His parents are unknown (SHA Probus 5,2 is fictitious), and his only wife > Egnatia [1] Mariniana (SHA Valer. 8,1 is misleading) died before 253. V. probably became consul suffectus under — Severus [II 2] Alexander, and in 238 was one of the ambassadors of the Gordiani (+ Gordianus) who reported their proclamation as emperor to the Senate (Zos. 1,14; SHA Gord. 9,7 falsely). V. participated in the imperial administration under — Decius

168

167

[II 1] (249-251;

Zon.

12,20; Eulogius in

Phot. 182 is exaggerated; SHA Valer. 5,4-8 is fictitious), and in the middle of 253 held a command in Raetia (Aur. Vict. Epit. Caes. 32,1), whence he was to lead troops for > Trebonianus Gallus against the usurper > Aemilianus [II 1], before Gallus was murdered by his soldiers. V. was then acclaimed as emperor by his troops, and Aemilianus’ soldiers defected to him (Zos. 1,28 f.). He reached Rome in the autumn of 253, and made his son ~ Gallienus co-regent. The critical position on the eastern frontier (capture of > Antioch [1] by the Persians in 253) soon caused him to assume supreme command himself (Zos. 1,30). He reached the East by the beginning of 255 at the latest (Antioch gold issue of 1.1. 255). His presence in Antioch is attested for 18.1. (SEG 17,528). V. never returned to Rome (notwithstanding Dig. 6,42,15 of 10.10.256). In 256, > Sapor [1] I expanded upon his incursion of 253, and captured > Dura-Europus and Circesium. A ‘Victoria Parthica’ coin of V. dated 1.1.257 suggests that this offensive was successfully thwarted. V.’ first anti-Christian measures, introduced by a law of 257 (Euseb. Hist. eccl. 7,10f.), were evidently linked to his activities under Decius. They were intensified by a second law in 258 (Cypr. Epist. 80,1 f.), and led to a persecution of Christians to which pope — Xystus [3] (Sixtus) II and bishop ~> Cyprianus [2] of Carthage fell victim. Probably in the same year, the emperor mounted a (moderately success-

ful) defence against an incursion by the Goths in northwestern Asia Minor (Zos. 1,34-6,1; ~ Goti). In 260,

Sapor advanced again and besieged Carrhae (> Harran) and — Edessa [2]. V. opposed him with (supposedly) 70,000 men, but was defeated, and became the only Roman emperor to be taken captive (Sapor claimed to have captured him with his own hand: Res Gestae Divi Saporis, Greek version, Z. 19-25; [1. 284-371]), prob-

ably in the early summer of 260 (not 259). The Persian high king commemorated his victory in four rock-face reliefs (> Bishapur II-III, + Naq§-e Rostam, Darab; in each case, V. is portrayed standing; whether the prone figure in the Bishapur I relief represents V. is disputed). The emperor’s subsequent fate, and the date and circumstances of his death, are unknown. Christian wishful thinking is discernible in, e.g., Lactant. De mort. pers. 5, even more so in Agathias 4,23 (ill treatment of V.), while eastern tradition (Tabari, [2]) speaks both of the emperor’s maiming and killing and of his release (PIR* L 258). + Parthian and Persian wars 1 M.Back, Die sasanidischen Staatsinschriften, 1978 2 Tu. NOLpEKgE, Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit der Sasaniden. Aus der arabischen Chronik des Tabari (Ger. transl. and comm.), 32.

[3] P. Licinius Cornelius Egnatius V. Eldest son of — Gallienus, and grandson of V. [2], he was promoted Caesar in the autumn of AD 256. After his death (1st half of 258) in Illyricum (not in Cologne) he was consecrated as Divus Valerianus Caesar (ILS 556, cf. ILS 557). PIR* L 184. A.CHASTAGNOL, La censure de Valérien, in: Historiae Augustae Colloquium Maceratense, 1995, 139-150; M.H. DopcEon, S.N.C. Lieu (eds.), The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars, 1991; J.F. DRINKWATER,

The ‘Catastrophe’ of 260, in: Rivista storica dell’ Antichita 19, 1989, 123-135; M.JEHNE, Uberlegungen zur Chronologie der Jahre 259 bis 261 n. Chr., in: Bayerische Vorgeschichtsblatter 61, 1996, 185-206; E. KETTENHOFEN, Vorderer Orient. ROmer und Sasaniden in der Zeit der Reichskrise (TAVO B V, 11), 1982; Id., Die romischpersischen Kriege des 3. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. (TAVOBeih. B55), 1982; W.Kunorr, Herrschertum und Reichskrise (Kleine Hefte der Miinzsammlungen an der Ruhr-Universitat Bochum 4/5), 1979; M.MEYER, Die Felsbilder Shapurs I., in: JDAI 105, 1990, 237-302; K.H.Scuwarte, Die Christengesetze Valerians, in: W.EcK (ed.), Religion und Gesellschaft in der romischen Kaiserzeit, 1989, 103-163.

M.SCH.

[4] Bishop of Aquileia (c. 368/9 until c. 388), he fought against anti-Arian trends, developed a capable clergy inclined towards asceticism, attended synods in Rome in 372 and 382, and presided over the synod of Aquileia (3.9.381). + Arianism R. EGER, Romische Antike und frithes Christentum, vol. I, 1962, 36; 62; J.N. D. KELLy, Jerome, 1975, 31 f.; 81. S.L.B.

169

[S] Priscus V. Cultured Gaul of patrician family, a relative of the emperor > Avitus [1] and father-in-law of the orator Pragmatius; before AD 456 praefectus praetorio per Gallias. Probably the same as the V., mentioned in Epistulae Eucherii, who inclined to the old cults, in which case he was also related to > Eucherius [3], Bishop of Lyon. PLRE 2, 1142f. no. 8. K.G-A.

Valerius. Name of an old patrician family, which was said to have immigrated to Rome under King T. > Tatius with V. [I ro] (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,46). The name, derived from the old personal name Valesus/ Valerus, was originally Valesios (cf. V. {I 7]; CIL XII p. 298g: Valesies; Fest. 22; Varro, Rerum divinarum fr. 66 CARDAUNS [4; 5]); the censor App. Claudius [I 2] introduced the new spelling in 312 BC (cf. Dig. 1,2, 2,36). Because in Antiquity the name was derived (etymologically correctly) from valere, ‘to be strong’, it was considered to be a good omen (boni ominis nomen, Cic. Div. 1,102; Cic. Scaur. 30 with Schol. Ambr. 274 ST.; Fest. 108), especially in the military field. The literary tradition concerning the history of the family, which was probably heavily embellished by the annalist V. {III 2] Antias, paints a picture of the attitude of the first Valerii- in contrast to the proverbial ‘arrogance’ of the Claudians — as ‘friendly towards the people’, for which the descriptive epithet Poplicola for V. [I 42-46] and the introduction or renewal of the laws concerning + provocatio by Valerii argues. Numerous legal innovations at the beginning of the Republic were ascribed to V. [1 44], and other members of the gens are also named in the first mention of later customs (a V. [I 5] as allegedly the first dictator in sor: Liv. 2,18,6 f.; as first + fetialis: Liv. 1,24,6; first princeps senatus: V. [I 30]; first > supplicatio for L. V. Poplicola 449: Liv. 3,63,53 Valeria [1] was the first priestess of > Fortuna Muliebris).

The family was already divided into the Maximi and Poblicolae in the 5th cent. In the 3rd cent., the byname Poblicola was replaced by Flaccus and Laevinus, Maximus by > Messalla. From that time on, the most important branch was that of the Flacci, who provided six generations of consuls from V. [I 18] on (with a total of eight consulates). The line of the Messallae continued well into the rst cent. AD. The consul for AD 340, Aradius V. Proculus (PLRE 1,747 f.), was still considered a descendant of the Republican V. (Symmachus Ep. 1,2.4). The palace of the family was located on the Caelius into the late Imperial era [1; 2]. The right of a + sella curulis in the circus is recorded, as well as a house and a (later abandoned) burial place on the Velia in Rome from ancient times (Plut. Poplicola 23; Plut. Quaest. Rom. 79, supposedly stemming from V. [I 44] Poplicola; [2]), decorated by a family monument with honorific inscriptions (InscrIt 13,3, No. 77; cf. CIL VI 1327). Plebeian branches of the family were the Tap-

pones and Triarii. 1 F.CoareLu, s.v. Domus: P. V. Publicola, LTUR 2, 1995, 209 f. 2F.GuIDOBALDI, s. v. Domus: Valerii, in:

170

VALERIUS

LTUR 2, 1995, 207 3 F.MUnzer, De gente Valeria, 1892 4J.ReicumutnH, Die lateinischen Gentilicia, 1956, 25-27;97 5 WALDE/HOFMANN 2, 727. K-LE. I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD III. LrrERARY FIGURES

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD

I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD {1 1] V. Mythological figure from Tusculum, unknow-

ingly fathered Aegipan (equated with — Silvanus [1] and + Pan; FGrH 286 F 5) with his daughter Valeria. Ke [2] V., C. Accused M. Saufeius [2] of the murder of Clodius [I 4] in 52 BC (Ascon. 55 C). [13] V., L. According to Josephus (Ant. Iud. 14,145148), he led a Senate meeting in 47 BC as praetor, in which it was decided to renew the friendship of Rome with the Jewish state. The authenticity, actual time and identification of the magistrate (parallel to the SC effected by a cos. Lucius at the time of the high priest Simon [6], according to 1 Macc 15:15-24) are open. SCHURER I, 194-197.

[I 4] V., L. Mentioned in 5 4/3 BC in the letters of Cicero as a friend and jurist (Cic. Fam. 1,10; 3,1,3; 7,11,2).

JBA. {I 5] V., M’ Livy (2,18,1-7) names V. as the first dic-

tator, appointed in 501 BC due to the threat of a war against the > Sabini, but also provides another version, which he himself prefers, according to which Larcius [I 1] was appointed (V. as the first dictator only in Fest. 216; MRR 1,9 f.; cf. on this [1. 281 f.]). 1R.M

Ocrtviz,

A Commentary

on Livy, Books 1-5,

1965.

[I 6] V., M. Brother of V. [I 30] and V. [I 44]. As cos. in 505 BC (MRR 1,7), he fought against the > Sabini and earned a triumph over them with his colleague; later emissary to the Latini in order to stop the efforts of Tarquinius [12] Superbus and Octav(i)us Mamilius [2]. He was killed in the battle at the > lacus Regillus, mortally wounded at the hands of T. Tarquinius [8], according to Livy, or by Mamilius, according to Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Liv. 2,16,1; 2,20,1-3; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 5,37-393 5353 1-3 6,12,1 f.5 Inscrlt 13,1,64 f.). C.MU. [17] V., P. (Poplios Valesios). About 500 BC; condottiere (probably not connected to the government) and leader of a group of warriors (suodales, ‘followers’) in Latium, who offered a dedication to Mars in > Satricum (so-called + Lapis Satricanus). For his identity, see V. [I 44]. Literature see > Lapis Satricanus.

K.-LE.

[18] V., P. Recorded in 44 BC as friend and host of Cicero in Regium (Cic. Att. 16,7,1; Cic. Fam. 12,25,33 Gic? Philn;8)): [19] V., Q. Friend of > Cicero (Brut. 169), probably

identical with the orator and antiquarian Q. V. [III 7]. J.BA.

VALERIUS

172

17

[I 10] V., Volusus. According to tradition, forefather of the gens Valeria, who came to Rome together with T. + Tatius and mediated between him and > Romulus [1]. He took residence in Rome, was a candidate for the throne after the death of Romulus, which V. then offered to > Numa Pompilius (Plut. Numa 5,2; Plut. Popli-

preme commander over a triumph (Val. Max. 2,8,2;

cola 1; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,46). The praenomen

[I 14] V. Flaccus, C. Appointed flamen Dialis in 209 BC by the pont. max. P. Licinius [I 18] Crassus. Although the dissolute young man only accepted the office reluctantly, the duty is said to have changed him quickly (Liv. 27,8,4-10; Val. Max. 6,9,3). Late Republican debates over the long-vacant office have probably been incorporated into this account, as has a conflict between Licinius and V., when V. forced a Senate seat for himself in 208 against the former’s resistance (Liv. loc. cit.). The sacro-legal bounds which made the office of a flamen very difficult to unite with higher magistracies and thus made it very unattractive in later years, could

~» Volusus assigned to V. was probably a personal name derived from the gens Valeria, and is in that respect an anachronism; according to others, this is an actual praenomen used by the Valerii (cf. [x. 61] with more literature). 1 SALOMIES

2 J.Poucert, Les origines de Rome, 1985,

269 f.

{I 11] V. (Maximus) Corvus, M. One of the best-known Valerii of the Roman Republic, whose achievements are only partially recognizable in the web of historical facts and legendary embellishments. Tradition chronicles a total of six consulates for him in the years 348, 346, 343, 3355 300, 299 BC (as cos. suff.) and two dictatorships in the years 343/2 and 301 BC, as well as three triumphs which he is said to have received as cos. II for a victory over the > Volsci and the capture of — Satricum, as cos. III for two victories over the > Samnites and as cos. IV for the capture of > Cales [2] (sources in MRR 1 for the years). This large number of offices and awards is not credible in view of the discrepancy in time between the earlier offices and the second dictatorship and the two final consulates of his son V. [I 31x] (cf. [1.295 f.] who considers the dictatorship, which is completely rejected by [2. 2417 f.], as historical). On the lex de provocatione ascribed to V. as cos. in 300, cf. V. [1 46]. His cognomen Corvus (‘Raven’, sometimes also Corvinus: Dion. Hal. Ant. 15,1,2; Val. Max. 8,13,1) is based on a single combat against a gigantic Gaul which V. was said to have won as tr. mil. in 349 with the help of a raven (Liv. 7,26; for the background

[3. 394). 1R.RiiNGER,

Die Ausbildung von Amtswechsel

und

s.v.

V. (137), RE

7A,

W.KUNKEL, Staatsordnung und Staatspraxis der romischen Republik 2, 1995, 187, n. 326.

be overcome at the time, so that V. was curule aedile in

199 (Liv. 31,50,6-9; cf. L. V. [I 19] Flaccus; [1; 3]) and — after an admittedly unusually long interval — praetor in 183 (Liv. 39,45,23 39,4554 with [2]). He died before 174. 1 W.KuNnkKEL, Staatsordnung und Staatspraxis der romischen Republik 2, 1995,95,n.152 2R.RILINGER, Der Einflu& des Wahlleiters bei den romischén Konsulwahlen, 1976, 182-184 3J.H. VANGGAARD, The Flamen, 1988,

60.

TAS.

[115] V. Flaccus, C. Brother of V. [I 23]. In 96 BC,

praetor urbanus; cos in 93. From 92-81, he was procos., probably of both Spanish provinces, fought successfully against the Celtiberians and was acclaimed imperator (App. Hisp. 100). From 85 (?) on, he also

administrated Gallia transalpina (coinage: RRC 365; for his provincial administration [3; 4]); in 82, he took the side of L. Cornelius [I 90] Sulla and was therefore replaced as the governor of Spain in 81 by the Marian Q. > Sertorius. Sulla allowed him a triumph de Celtiberis et Gallia in Rome in 81 (Granius Licinianus p. 25 CRINITI).

Amtsfristen, in: Chiron 8, 1978, 247-312 2H. VoLKMmann,

Zon. 8,17,1). He was consul in 239. — Punic Wars (I.)

2413-2418

3 S.P. OAKLEY, Single Combat in the Roman Republic, in:

CQ 35, 1985, 392-410. S.P. OakLey, A Commentary on Livy, Books 6-10, 1998, Index s. v. V.

1997C.MU.

{1 12] V. Falto, M. Quaestor in the delegation which brought the + Mater Magna [1] to Rome in 205 BC (Liv. 29,11,3; 29,11,8). In 203, he was curule aedile,

praetor in 20x. The information on his duty area — Bruttii (Liv. 30,40,5) or Campania (Liv. 31,8,9) — and a position pro praetore in Sardinia in 200 (ibid.) is unre-

1 E. Bapian, Studies in Greek and Roman History, 1968, 88-93 2MRR3,211 3 J.S. RICHARDSON, The Tabula Contrebiensis, in: JRS 73, 1983, 33-41 41d., Hispaniae, 1986, 164 f. K.-LE.

[1 16] V. Flaccus, C. In 59 BC, the son of V. [I 24] appeared in his father’s trial (Cic. Flac. 106). He is recorded in Cilicia in s51/o as a follower of Claudius [I 24] Pulcher (Cic. Fam. 3,4,1; 3,11,3). In 48, he fell fighting for Pompeius [I 3] at Dyrrhachium (Caes. B Civ. B55o5n)s J.BA.

[117] V. Flaccus, L. Mag. equitum of the dictator M.

liable.

Aemilius [I 29] Papus in 321 BC (MRR x,151). cmv. [1 18] V. Flaccus, L. As consul in 26x BC, he led the war

[1.13] V. Falto, Q. City praetor in 242 BC. Standing in for the wounded consul C. Lutatius [1] Catulus, he was said to have played a crucial part in the Roman victory near the Aegadian Islands and then argued with the su-

in Sicily together with T. Otacilius [I 3] (Pol. 1,20,4-7). + Punic Wars (I.) [119] V. Flaccus, L. Was aed. cur. in 201 BC (Liv. 31,4,5-6), praetor in 199 (Sicily; Liv. 31,49,12;

173

174

32,1,2); previously, he had represented his brother V. (I 14], who was prevented from taking an oath by religious considerations (Liv. 31,50,7—-9). In 196, he be-

99 or 98, praetor in 96 or 95, then propraetor in Asia

came - pontifex (Liv. 33,42,5). As cos. in 195, he was

overshadowed by his colleague M. Porcius - Cato [1]; thus, his role in the dispute over the lex Oppia (+ Oppius [I 1]) is unknown. The > ver sacrum following a vow in 217 had to be repeated in 194 due to errors in form (Liv. 33,44,1 f.; 34,44,1-3). Important victories, which he is said to have gained as consul and after an extension of his office in upper Italy, are just as difficult to believe (Liv. 34,22, 1-3; 34,46,1) as supposed earlier successes under his significant participation as

legatus (Liv. 31,21,8; 31,21,13-16). V. accompanied M. Acilius [I 10] Glabrio on the campaign against Antiochus [5] III and fought with varying success. He participated in the peace negotiations with the > Aetolians and showed them clearly the Roman view of > deditio. In 190, he oversaw new settlements around + Bononia [1] as the leader of a three-man commission. Failed in 189, he was elected censor in 184 with Cato [x], who again towered over him in significance, but also made him princeps senatus (Liv. 39,52,1); he died

of a plague in 180 (Liv. 40,42, 6). [I 20] V. Flaccus, L. Curule aedile in 163 BC (Ter. Haut. didascalia), afterwards (160 or 159? cf. ILS 3836 with [1]) praetor no later than 155. He died in 152 during his consulate (InscrIt 13,1,53). A cos. suff. was apparently not elected. Whether this lack is connected with the resignation of all priests and magistrates supposedly for religious reasons (Obseq. 18) is unclear. 1 F.MGnzeER, s. v. V. (174), RE7 A, 20 f.

{1 23] V. Flaccus, L. Father of V. [I 24]. Curule aedile in

[1. 337-339]. During his time in office, the Asian cities donated money for celebrations in his honour; the money was given to the city of Tralleis, which was under the patronage of the Valerii, for safekeeping due to the +> Mithridatic War. His son collected it during his governorship in 62 (Cic. Flac. 55-61). In the civil war between L. > Cornelius [I 90] Sulla and C. + Marius [I x], V. joined the side of Marius in 87 and delivered Ostia to him. After the latter’s death as cos. in 86, he became cos. suff. and decreed a law which exstinguished three quarters of all private debts (lex de aere alieno, Vell. Pat. 2,23,2). He then went to the East with the assignment to relieve Sulla in the war against Mithridates [6] VI. After losses to the fleet on the crossing to Asia Minor and the defection of part of the army to Sulla, there was a conflict with his legate C. Flavius [I 6] Fimbria and, also due to the military ineptitude of V., a rebellion by soldiers — instigated by Fimbria — who murdered V. in 85 after his flight to Nicomedia (App. Mithr. 203-209; Memnon FGrH 434 F 24). 1 J.-L. FERRARY, Les inscriptions du sanctuaire de Claros en ’honneur des Romains, in: BCH 124, 2000, 331-376.

K-LE.

{I 24] V. Flaccus, L. About 103 to after 56 BC, son of L. V. [I 23] Flaccus, whom he accompanied on the campaign to Asia in 86 (Cic. Flac. 5). From. 83-81, he then served in the army of his uncle C. V. [I 15] in Gallia ~ Narbonensis, from 78 as military tribune with Servilius [I 27] Vatia (Cic. Flac. 6) in Cilicia. His quaestorship in Spain followed in 70 (Cic. Flac. 6); in 68-67, V.

[I 21] V. Flaccus, L. Became consul in 131 BC as flamen Martialis; his colleague P. Licinius [I 19] Crassus Mucianus, who was pontifex maximus at the same time, forbade him to leave the city. The popular assembly lifted the threat of punishment, but confirmed the order. Crassus thus ensured the command in the war against Aristonicus [4] for himself (Cic. Phil. 11,8,18). J.H. VANGGAARD, The Flamen, 1988, 56 f.

VALERIUS

TA.S.

[122] V. Flaccus, L. Son of V. [I 21]. Like his father flamen Martialis, triumvir monetalis in 108 or 107 BC (RRC 306). This was followed by a praetorship; a subsequent governorship and the resulting accusation of extortion by M. Aemilius [137] Scaurus is disputed (Cic. Div. Caec. 63; MRR 3, 211 f.). During his consu-

late in 100, he took second place to his colleague C. > Marius [I 1] (Plut. Marius 28,4 f.) and became censor in 97. He survived the period of the Civil War un-

harmed, became princeps senatus in 86 and sought to mediate between the followers of Marius and L. + Cornelius [I 90] Sulla. After Sulla’s return to Rome in 82, V. as > interrex named him - dictator because of a decision of the assembly (Cic. Leg. agr. 3,5; Cic. Att. 9,15,25 App. B Civ. 1,458-46r), thus creating the legal basis for his rule. Sulla then made him his mag. equitum.

proved himself as legate in Crete and Achaia (Cic. Flac. 6; 62 f.; Cic. Planc. 27; Solin. 1,91); in 66/5, as legate of Pompeius [I 3] in the Caucasus (Cass. Dio 36,54). It is therefore hardly credible for him to have been aed. cur. in 66 (thus AE 1987,53). As praetor in 63, he was an

important supporter of Cicero in the fight against ~ Catilina (Cic. Att. 2,25,1; Sall. Catil. 45 f.) and administered the province of Asia in 62/1 (Cic. Flac. 6; IMagn 144-146; [2. 345-350]; probably also IPerg 416). After an embassy to Gaul in 60 (Cic. Att. 1,19,2f.),

there

was

a trial

in

59

for extortion

(> repetundarum crimen) in Asia. Although not entirely innocent [1], V. was successfully defended by -» Cicero and Hortensius [7] (Macrob. Sat. 2,1,13). Cicero’s speech Pro Flacco and an ancient commentary on it (Schol. Bobiensia 93-108 St.) are the most important sources for V.’ life. In 58-56, V. was again legate in Macedonia (Cic. Pis. 54); he probably died soon after. 1 D. ERKELENZ, Cicero, Pro Flacco 55-59, in: Chiron 29, 1999, 43-57. 2.J.-L. Ferrary, Les inscriptions du sanctuaire de Claros, in: BCH 124, 2000, 331-376

3 L. Hayne, The Valerii Flacci, in: AncSoc 9, 1978, 223ICN j.BA.

[I 25] V. Flaccus, P. Consul in 227 BC. All other information — such as that he took part in an embassy to

175

176

+ Hannibal [4], who was besieging > Saguntum (Liv. 21,6,8; Cic. Phil. 5,10,27); that he fought at > Nola in 216 as a legate (Liv. 23,16,13) and commanded a fleet division in 215-214 (Liv. 23,34,4-9; 23,38,7-115 2.4,40,5) —is only recorded in poor annalistic traditions. Even his crucial role in the debate during Hannibal’s

grain supply for the future (Pol. 9,27,11; Liv. 26,40; 27,5,1-7). Following conflicts concerning the officiating of the election in Rome [3], V. returned to Sicily, where he was in office as pro consule until 206 — alongside a praetor from 208 — promoted agriculture and occasionally crossed over to Africa with the fleet (cf.

march on Rome in 211 (Liv. 26,8,6—8) attests at most

Liv. 27,8,13-19; 27,29,7 £3 28,4,5-7; 28,10,16). The assignment to take troops to Arretium in 205 to protect it against Mago [5] is an annalistic forgery (Liv. 28,546,143 with [4]). V. led the embassy to retrieve the

VALERIUS

that V. was still alive and a respected consular at that time.

+ Annalists;

> Punic Wars (II.)

— Mater Magna (Liv. 29,11,1-8). In 204, the repay-

[I 26] V. Laevinus, C. In 189 BC, he accompanied M. Fulvius [I 15] Nobilior (his half-brother) in the war

against the > Aetolians. The latter used a patronage, apparently tracing back to his father V. [I 27], for their peace efforts (Pol. 21,29, 10-12; Liv. 38,9,8). In 179, V. held office as praetor in Sardinia (Liv. 40,44,2; 40,44,7); an alleged second praetorship in 177 (Liv. 41,8,1-3) is poorly consistent with the lex Villia (> cursus honorum). In 176, V. earned a decisive victory against the > Ligures as cos. suff. Because the second cos. ord. also died, the > augures attempted to prevent V. from leading the elections as cos. suff. (Liv. 41,18,15 f.). In 174 and 173, he participated in embassies to the Greek East [1]. In 169, his candidacy for the censorship failed (Liv. 43,14,1).

[I 27] V. Laevinus, M. The first praetor in Sicily in 227 BC (Solin. 5,1). The dating of a first term as cos. suff. remains uncertain. In 215, he was commander — although praetor peregrinus (Liv. 23,24,4; 23,30,18) —in

Apulia (Liv. 23,32,16f.; 23,33,5-83 23,37,12f. unreliable in the details). To fight the new alliance between Hannibal [4] and Philippus [I 7] V, V. was given command of a fleet against the latter (Pol. 8,1,6; Eutr. 954,33 cf. Liv.

31,555 £.5 31,50,4). ~» Macedonian Wars; > Punic Wars (II.); > Sicily 1 H.TRANKLE, Livius und Polybios, 1977, 211-215 2 J.voN UNGERN-STERNBERG, Capua im Zweiten Punischen Krieg, 1975, 83-122 3R.FeIG VISHNIA, State, Society and Popular Leaders, 1996, 59-62 4D.A.Kuxorka, Siditalien im Zweiten Punischen Krieg, 1990,

130-132.

[I 28] V. Laevinus, P. Suffered a serious defeat against + Pyrrhus [3] at Heraclea [ro] in 280 BC as cos., but

1 GRUEN, Rome, 236.

3512,3 £3; Zon.

ment of the expenditures generated in 210 was enacted at V.’ proposal (Liv. 29,16,1-3). In 203, V. was said to have spoken out against the peace negotiated by P. Cornelius [I 71] Scipio (Liv. 30,23,5). He did not live to see the war against Philippus [7], which he is said (according to poor tradition) to have urged (Liv. 31,3,3-65

23,38,7—12;

24,10;43

24,11,3). He was said to have first secured Tarentum/— Taras in 214 (Liv. 24,20,9-16); answering a call

for help by Oricus, he crossed the Adriatic; the re-conquest of the city and the relief of Apollonia [xz] were successful (Liv. 24,40). V. remained responsible for this theatre of war. Details have not been handed down until the conclusion of the treaty with the > Aetolians in 2x1 (Liv. 26,24,1-14; StV 2,536; for the date [r]). Afterwards, he conquered Zacynthus and the Acarnanian cities of Oeniadae and Nasus (Liv. 26,24,15 f.; Pol. 9,39,2 f.). In the spring of 210, he captured Anticyra, before the news of his successful election to consul recalled him to Rome (Liv. 26,26,1-4). There, he was met with discussions of his treatment of former allies [2] and financial problems: V. was able to convince the senators to set a good example by making voluntary contributions; others joined (Liv. 26,36). Afterwards, he set out for the province of Sicily, which he had exchanged with his colleague (Liv. 26,29,9). He took Acragas by betrayal, conquered the rest of the island, accomplished the withdrawal of marauders and thus ensured a significant part of the

prevented the loss of Capua, Neapolis [2] and Regium. The tradition regarding these events is heavily distorted (Liv. Per. 13; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 19,11-12; Plut. Pyrrhus 16,3-17,4; Zon. 8,3-4). + Annalists P. LEVEQUE, Pyrrhus, 1957,

317-3343 351-358.

TAS.

[129] V. Laevinus, P. Despite his aristocratic background, he did not progress beyond the quaestorship (Hor. Sat. 1,6,12-17 and Porph. Hor. comm. 1,6,13 f.). Perhaps he is the Laevinus who angered V. [II 16] Messalla Corvinus (Plin. HN 35,8). J.BA. {1 30] V. Maximus, M’ Occasionally identified in the scholarship with his brother V. [I 6], due to the varying information in the sources regarding V.’s praenomen (M’. in InscrIt 13,1,66 f.; M. e.g. in Liv. 2,30,4; cf. on this [t. 116-118]). + Dictator in the internal crisis of 494 or consul (MRR 1,14). The tradition is divided on the circumstances of the dictatorship: according to Livy (2,30,5-7; 2,31,1-3; 8-11), V. was elected dictator when the people refused military service despite the threat of war, carried out the levies, earned a triumph, but resigned due to the resistance of the Senate to the reforms which he planned. According to another version (among others, Cic. Rep. 2,58; Plut. Pompeius 13; synthesis of both versions in Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 6,23-25; 6,67), V. became dictator after the > secessio plebis and swayed the plebs to return. V. was given the cognomen Maximus for his services as dictator (Plut. loc. cit.; Zon. 7,14). In addition, the tradition mentions a variety of honours for V. (among others, Liv. loc.cit.;

LET

178

Fest. 464; Plut. Poplicola 10,2; elogium to V. from the Augustan era: InscrIt 13,3, No. 78). 1 H. VOLKMANN, s. v. V. (243), RE 8 A, 116-120.

[131] V. Maximus (Corvus or Corvinus), M. Son of V. [I rr]. V.’ consulates in 312 and 289 are certain; on the

other hand, a consulate in 286 is questionable. In addition, there were two others in 300 and 299 (as cos. suff.) and a dictatorship in 301 — the historicity of which is disputed — which the ancient tradition incorrectly ascribed to his father (see V. [I rr]; MRR r for the years). Ultimately, it must remain unclear whether the M. V. Corvus mentioned in Fest. 458 as IIIvir coloniae deducendae (313: Saticula in Samnium) was this V. or his father. Livy (8,35,10) mentions V. as legate of Papirius {1 x5] Cursor in the latter’s conflict with Fabius [I 28] Rullianus (for the doubtfulness of the conflict and thus the role of V. - Papirius [I 15]). On the other hand, V.’ victory over the -Samnites (and Soranians: Liv. 9,29,3; with triumph according to InscrIt 13,1,70 f.) as cos. I and the foundation of Interamna and Lirenas are credible. V. held the censorship in 307. {132] V. Maximus Lactuca, M. As cos. in 456 BC (MRR 1, 41), he was said — a claim that is historically

difficult to accept — to have come into conflict with the tribunus plebis > Icilius [1] over the latter’s lex de Aventino publicando (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 10,31 f.).

The — /udi [III. K.] saeculares were calculated from his consulate. c.MU. {I 33] V. Maximus Messalla, M’ In 263 BC as cos. with M’. Otacilius [I 2] Crassus, he succeeded in an impressive campaign which forced > Hieron [2] II to accept a peace (Pol. 1,16,1-5; Diod. Sic. 23,4,1; Eutr. 2,19; Zon. 8,9,10 f. with [2; 3]; cf. StV 2, No. 479). Although the two consuls worked together both as generals and on the peace, the fame appears to be connected exclusively with V. This cannot be blamed on a partisan tradition (thus [x]), but is a consequence of decisions in the year of office: after the treaty with Hieron and the division of the troops, V. remained alone in Sicily (Pol. 1,17,1-z), was able to lead a prestigious expedition with rich booty against the Carthaginian territory (Naev. fr. 3 FPL}; Diod. Sic. 23,4,2—-5,1; Zon. 8,9,12 with [2; 3]), received a triumph alone as victor over the Carthaginians and Hieron [2] (InscrIt 13,1,74 f.) and was given the byname Messalla (InscrIt 13,1,40 f.), which showed that he brought a joint effort in the interests of the ally Messana [1] to a glorious conclusion. V. had a painting extolling his victory hung up next to the Roman curia Hostilia (Plin. HN 35,22). For the same purpose, he endowed a sundial from the booty, which was installed next to the rostrum (Plin. HN 7,214). Even decisions which he made as censor in 252 are probably attempts to place his great deed in the proper light (Frontin. Str. 4,1,22; Val. Max. 2,9,7). — Punic Wars (I.); > Sicily 2B.D. Hoyos, Unplanned 1M. GELzeR, KS 3,1964,61 3 J.MoLrHaGeEN, Der Triumph Wars, 1998, 104-112 des M. V. Messalla, in: Chiron 9, 1979, 53-72-

VALERIUS

[1 34] V. Messalla, M. Consul in 226 BC and recorded

as fleet commander beginning in 210 under M. V. [I 27] Laevinus, who was not able to push him through as dictator (Liv. 27,5,15-17). ~ Punic Wars (II.)

[135] V. Messalla, M. Granted asylia to + Teos as praetor peregrinus in 193 BC (Liv. 34,55,6) [1]. After one failed candidacy, he became consul in 188 (Liv. 37547573 38,3 5,1), was unsuccessful in the official area Pisae cum Liguribus (Liv. 38,42,1), returned to Liguria in 181 as legate of L. Aemilius [I 32] Paullus (Liv. 40,27,3) and was emissary to Macedonia in 174 (Liv. 41,22,3). One of the + quindecimviri sacris faciundis from 172 on; he died after 167. 1K.J. Ricssy, Asylia. Territorial Inviolability in the Hellenistic World, 1996, 314-316, no. 153; cf. 286.

[I 36] V. Messalla, M. Consul in 161 BC, censor in 154. His plan to build a > theatre of stone in Rome was prohibited by P. Cornelius [I 83] Scipio Nasica Corculum as being decadent (Liv. Per. 48; Val. Max. 2,4,2; Vell, Pat-on.m533;/Oros, 4,21,4;;Aug, Civ.153,592,33). M.Sorpi, La decadenza della repubblica e il teatro del 154 a.C., in: Invigilata lucernis 10, 1988, 327-341. TAS.

[1 37] V. Messalla, M. Cos. suff. in 32 BC. He may have been the son of V. [I 40] and monetalis in 53 [1. 228]. 1 Syme, AA.

J.BA.

[I 38] V. Messalla, Potitus. Son of V. [I 40], quindecimvir sacris faciundis, quaestor, praefectus urbi; cos. suff. in 29 BC, afterwards (between 21 and 17?) procos. of Asia for two years (ILS 8964; Cass. Dio 51,21,1), then

legatus Augusti pro praetore perhaps of Syria. Also mentioned in the acts of the saecular games of 17 BC (ILS 5050, |. 150). The quaestor M. V. Messalla Potitus honoured in Clarus may have been a son who died young [1. 364-366]. 1 J.-L. FERRARY, Les inscriptions du sanctuaire de Claros en l’honneur des Romains, in: BCH 124, 2000, 331-376 2 Syme, AA, 33; 48; 2115 228 f.

K.-LE.

[139] V. Messalla Niger, M. About 104 to before 46 BC. Made pontifex by Sulla about 81 (ILS 46; [1. 227]), V. probably nevertheless supported Sex. Roscius [I 2] in 80 (Cic. Rosc. Am. 149; Schol. Gronoviana 303 StT.). In the subsequent period, he was twice tribunus militum, quaestor and praetor urbanus (ILS 46). He was consul in 6x with Pupius [I 3] Piso. Unlike the latter, V. aligned himself with the conservative senatorial circles in the Bona Dea affair (+ Clodius [I 4]; Cic. Att. 1,13 f.), but then did not stand out again. In no way politically defined, he was part of the special five-man board of the committee for Caesar’s agrarian law in 59 (ILS 46). In 55, V. achieved the censorship (ILS 46; HN 7,55), in which he regulated the Tiber with his colleague P. Servilius [I 27] Isauricus (ILLRP 496; AE 1983,32; 1984,45), but did not complete the + census (Cic. Att.

179

180

4,16,8). In 54, he defended Aemilius [I 38] Scaurus with others (Ascon. 20 C) and was > interrex three times in the electoral confusions in 55, 53 and 52 (ILS 46). He was honoured by Cicero in 46 among the orators who were already dead (Cic. Brut. 246). Father of V. [II 16].

against the + Sabini and > Veii, over which he celebrat-

VALERIUS

1 Syme, AA.

[1 40] V. Messalla Rufus, M. About 102-27/6 BC; he was augur as early as c. 81, being the brother of Cornelius [I 90] Sulla ‘s wife Valeria [3]. Probably praetor in 61 [x. 61 f.], V. was elected consul with Domitius [I 10] for the rest of the year in the summer of 53 (Cass. Dio 40,45,1) after initial resistance by Pompeius [I 3] and many squabbles (Cic. Att. 4,9,1; 4,15-173; Cic. Ad Q. Fr. 2,14 f.; 3,1-3). In 51, V. was accused of bribery in the election of 53, at first acquitted, but then accused again and convicted (Cic. Fam. 8,2,1; 8,4,1; Val. Max. 55952). He is recorded in 47-46 as a legate of Caesar (Bell. Afr. 28; 86-88). Later, he emerged as an author; the works De auspiciis (Gell. NA 13,15,3) and De familiis (Plin. HN 35,8) are known. His son was master of the mint in 53 (RRC 435). 1 F.X. Ryan, The Moment of the Trial of P. Sulla in 62, in: The Ancient History Bulletin 11, 1997, 61 f.

{1 41] V. Orca, Q. As praetor in 57 BC, he argued in favour of Cicero (Cic. P. Red. Sen. 23); he then administered Africa (Cic. Fam. 13,6 f.). In 49, he conquered Sardinia as Caesar’s legate (Caes. B Civ. 1,30 f.) and

was legatus pro praetore in 45 for land distribution (Cic. Fam. 13,4 f.). J.BA. [1 42] V. Poplicola, L. Consular tribune in 394, 389, 387, 383, 380 BC (MRR 1 for the years). Whether the L. V. named in Livy (5,48,5) for 390 as mag. equitum of Furius Camillus is he or V. [I 50] cannot be determined

(cf. [1. 737]). [I 43] V. Poplicola, M. Son of V. [I 42]. Cos. in 355 and 353 BC, each time with C. Sulpicius [I 18] Peticus, in whose dictatorship in 358, V. held the office of mag. equitum (MRR 1, 121; 124 f.). [I 44] V. Poplicola, P. Cos. suff. in 509, cos. in 508, 507, 504 BC (MRR 1,2; 1,5 f.; 1,7 with sources). Son of [I ro], brother of [I 6] and [I 30]. Legendary figure of Roman history, whom tradition assigned an important role at the beginning of the Republic: he participated in the overthrow of the kings, cos. suff. in 509 with Iunius Brutus [I 4] after the discovery of the conspiracy for the return of the Tarquinii and the resignation of Tarquinius [9] Collatinus from the office of consul, he held the + laudatio funebris after Brutus’ death. At first suspected of striving for sole rule, he diffused the suspicion by tearing down his house on the > Velia and through several laws favourable to the people (Liv. 2,8,2; Plut. Poplicola rx f.), above all the lex Valeria de provocatione (+ provocatio; for the laws [1. 59-69]). The ancient tradition explains his cognomen Poplicola (‘friend of the people’; sometimes also Publicola, Liv. 2,8,1; for the etymology, cf. [2. 339]) from these measures. As cos. IJ and III, he fought against > Porsenna, as cos. IV

eda triumph (Liv. 2,16; InscrIt 13,1,64 f.). V. received a state funeral; in addition, a burial place was appointed for him and his family on the Velia (Plut. Poplicola 23; Liv. 2,16,7; cf. [3. 301]). The historical figure behind the legendary tradition is possibly the Poplios Valesios (cf. V. [1 7]) named in the > Lapis Satricanus. If the two are the same — which can admittedly not be ultimately resolved — then a condottiere of the time probably stands behind the V. of tradition. 1 D.Fracu, Die Gesetze der frithen rémischen Republik, 1994 2 WALDE/HOFMANN, vol.2 3 F.FONTANA, Ss. V. Sepulchrum: Valerii, LTUR 4, 1999, 301. F. CoARELLI, s. v. Domus: P. V. Publicola, LTUR 2, 1995, 209 f.; R.M. Ocirviz, A Commentary on Livy, Books I-5, 1965, Indexs. v. V.

[1 45] V. Poplicola, P. Son of V. [I 44]. Tradition names V. as cos. I for 475 BC (triumph over —> Veii and the + Sabini: InscrIt 13,1,166f.; Liv. 2,53,1-3) and ~ interrex in 462, and also portrays V. as having the friendly attitude toward the people ascribed to the Valerii: V. mediated in the conflict over the > rogatio of Publilius [I 2] (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 9,49); according to Liv. 3,15—-18 (cf. [1. 423-428]) as cos. I] in 460, convinced the plebs to take up the fight against App. Herdonius [1] by promising not to prevent a deliberation of the disputed motion of > Terentilius Harsa; was mortally wounded in the fight and received a burial co-financed by the plebs (MRR 1 for the years). 1R.M.

Ocitviz,

A Commentary

on Livy, Books

1-5,

1965.

[I 46] V. Poplicola Potitus, L. Cos. in 449 BC. According to Livy (3,55,3-7), he passed the leges Horatiae

Valeriae with his colleague Horatius [3] Barbatus (MRR 1, 47) after the end of the rule of the > decemviri [x]: binding legal force of decisions taken by the plebeian assembly (consilium plebis) for the entire people, sacrosanctitas (‘inviolability’, cf. + sacrosanctus) of plebeian office holders, right of + provocatio. The tradition connects their establishment to members of the ‘people-friendly’ gens Valeria three times (Liv. 10,9,3-6: V. [I 44], V. himself and V. [I 11]; for the disputed historicity of the + leges overall see Horatius [3]. The lex de provocatione ascribed to V. [I 11] is mainly considered authentic [1. 61]). In addition, he was said to have achieved a triumph over the + Aequi authorized by a decision of the people (Liv. 3,63,8; InscrIt 13,1,66 f.). 1D. FLacu, Die Gesetze der frithen rémischen Republik,

1994. [1 47] V. Potitus, C. Son of V. [I 49]. Consular tribune in 386, 384, 380, 377, 370 and 367 BC (MRR 1 for the years). According to tradition, he won a victory over the Etruscans in 386 (Liv. 6,9,7-11), in 377 over the ~ Volsci and > Aequi (Liv. 6,32; Diod. Sic. 15,61,1). [1 48] V. Potitus, C. There was a series of poisonings during his consulate in 331 BC, which led to V.’ resig-

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VALERIUS

nation, the naming of a > dictator with V. as mag. equitum and the sentencing of a total of 170 respected women (Liv. 8,18; InscrIt 13,1,34 f.). S.P. OaKLey,

A Commentary on Livy, Books 6-10, vol. 2,

1998, 594-602.

C.MU.

[I 49] V. Potitus, L. Son of V. [I 6]. According to one branch of the annalistic tradition, he and his colleague Kaeso Fabius [I 37] Vibulanus, acting as quaestor in

485 BC, had Sp. Cassius [I 19] condemned by a people’s court for high treason (> perduellio) after the latter’s consulate and thrown from the Tarpeian rock (> Tarpeium saxum; Liv. 2,41,11; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 8,77,1-80,1; MRR 1,22). This quaestorial committee procedure may be a late Republican backwards projection [1. 344 f.]. As cos. in 483, he and his colleague were said to have conducted conscriptions outside the boundaries of the city (the official area of the tribunus plebis) against the will of the tribunus plebis C. Maenius [I 2] (Liv. 2,42,7; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom.

8,87,2-90,6). As cos. II in 470, he was said to have unsuccessfully supported the demand of the people’s tribunes for land distribution against the objection of Ap. Claudius [I 5], and waged war against the > Aequi (Liv. 2,62,1 f.; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 9,51-55). 1R.M.

184

183

Ocitviz,

A Commentary

on Livy, Books

1965.

1-5, K.-L.E.

[I 50] V. Potitus, L. Son of V. [I 46]. Consular tribune in 414, 406, 403, 401, 398 and cos. in 392 BC (MRR 1 for the years). In 406, V. attacked > Antium (Liv. 4,59,2); in 401, he besieged Anxur/— Tarracina (Liv. 5,12,6); in

398, he was a member of an embassy to Delphi (Plut. Camillus 4,6). He again appeared as the member of an embassy to Delphi with votive gifts from the spoils from — Veli in 394 (Liv. 5,28,2-5; for the course of the embassy, see > Timasitheus). Initially elected cos. for 393, he had to resign, probably before taking office (cf. InscrIt 13,1,30f.; 100; 386f. and [x. 192]), but then became cos. in 392 (Liv. 5,31,1-4: triumph over the Aequi; holding of the ludi magni). Tradition names V. as > interrex a total of three times (397, 3.92 after resigning the consulate due to illness, 387; cf. MRR x for the years), these offices, however, are quite doubtful (for this [r. 193 f.]; cf. V. [I 42]).

[I 52] V. Triarius, C. Defeated Aemilius [I 11] Lepidus in 77 BC as propraetor of Sardinia (Ascon. 19 C; Exuperantius 40 f.). From 74 on, he was in the war against > Mithridates [6] VI as legate (Liv. Per. 98) of Licinius [I 26] Lucullus. During the Roman offensive in Bithynia in 73, he and Barba conquered Apamea, Prusa, Prusias-Cius and Nicaea [5] (App. Mithr. 333 f.; Memnon FGrH 434,28,5-8). V. joined forces with Aurelius [I 11] Cotta outside Nicomedia, but Mithridates escaped (Memnon 29, rf). Sent against the returning fleet of Mithridates, V. defeated it at Tenedos (Memnon 29,5; 33,1 f.). Summoned by Cotta for help, he succeeded in 70 in conquering Heraclea [7], Tius and Amastris through betrayal (App. Mithr. 369; Memnon 34,5-36). In 69, he aided Delos, which had previously been raided by pirates, and fortified the core of the city (Phlegon FGrH 257,12,13; [1]). In 68, he freed Fabius Hadrianus in Cabira (App. Mithr. 88; Cass. Dio 36,10),

but suffered a crushing defeat near Zela in 67, which earned him unwanted notoriety (App. Mithr. 402-408; Bell. Alex. 72; Cass. Dio 36,12 f.; Plin. HN 6,10; Plut. Lucullus 3 5). 1 F.Durrpacu,

Choix

d’inscriptions

de Délos,

1923,

248-250.

[I 53] V. Triarius, C. Probably the son of V. [I 52]. In 50 BC, Cicero had V. appear in De finibus 1 and 2 as a participant in dialogues. In 49, V. and D. Laelius [I 4] commanded the ships from Asia Minor for Pompeius [I 3], and V. advised waiting for Caesar’s attack at — Pharsalus (Caes. B Civ. 3,5; 3,92). V. may have fallen in the battle, because Cicero honoured the dead man, over whose children he assumed guardianship (Cic. Brut. 265 f.; Cic. Att. 12,28). It is not certain which C. V. Triarius was aedile in Fundi (ILS 5325). [I 54] V. Triarius, P. Son of V. [I 52]. In 54 BC, he vainly accused Aemilius [I 38] Scaurus of extortion (Ascon. 18 f.; 29 C; Cic. Att. 4,17,4), but was then successful with a second prosecution for bribing voters (+ ambitus; App. B Civ. 2,91; Cic. Att. 4,17,5). Since the praenomen P. has been uncertainly handed down, an identity with V. [I 53] cannot be excluded. GRuEN, Last Generation, 332-348.

[I 55] V. Troucillus, C. see

J.BA.

> Troucillus.

1 H. VOLKMANN, s. v. V. (307), RE 8 A, 191-194.

[I 51] V. Potitus Volusus, C. As cos. in 410 BC, he was

said to have conducted conscriptions against the resistance of the tribunus plebis Menenius [3], but with the support of the remaining tribuni plebis, reconquered the arx Carventana (> Carventum) which had been occupied by the > Aequi and received an > ovatio (Liv. 4,5 3,1—-12; for the doubtful historicity of the episode cf. [1. 614]). Also consular tribune in 415, 407 and 404 (MRR 1 for the years). 1R.M. 1965.

Ocitviz,

A Commentary

on Livy, Books

1-5, C.MU.

Il. IMPERIAL PERIOD [Il 1] (D.) V. Asiaticus. Senator from Vienna in Narbonensis, from a Gaulish family, with connections to

Antonia [4] Augusta and L. — Vitellius [II 3]; offices prior to his suffect consulate in 35 (FO* 42) are unknown. Closely connected to > Caligula, who probably had a relationship with Lollia [2] Saturnina (PIR? L 329), the wife of V. He was said to have been involved in the conspiracy against Caligula; supposedly, he cherished ambitions for rule himself. Influential under ~» Claudius [III 1], whom he accompanied to Britannia; cos. II ord. in 46. > Messalina, whose lover he did not want to be, had him accused before Claudius by — Suil-

185

186

lius [3]: V. was said to have established ties to regional Gaulish potentates in order to attempt a coup against Claudius. He was condemned in a summary trial, was allowed to choose his means of death and had his arteries opened. Claudius’ aversion toward him can be perceived in his speech on the ius honorum (+ magistratus C. 2.) of the Gauls (ILS 212 II, |. 15 ff.). V. was extraordinarily wealthy through property in Rome, Italy, Gaul and Egypt (cf. for the last [1. 194196]). His son was V. [II 2] ([2. 416]). PIR! V 25.

ceeded in rising in the army cannot be precisely determined. In AD 218, he commanded a legion in Syria. Involved in the revolt against + Macrinus. He was named praefectus praetorio by Elagabalus and received

VALERIUS

the > ornamenta consularia; enrolled in the Senate; two or three times praefectus urbi; cos. II ord. in 220 together with Elagabalus. Also briefly active as praefectus urbi under Severus [2] Alexander. His descendants are traceable to the end of the 3rd cent. PIR? V 42. PFLAUM 2, 752-756; LEUNISSEN, 310 f.

1 P.J. SiypesTEIJN, Another ovoia of D. Valerius Asiaticus in Egypt, in: ZPE 79, 1989, 194-196 2 Y.BURNAND,

[Il 8] C. Calpetanus Rantius Quirinalis V. Festus. Sena-

Senatores Romani ex provinciis Galliarum orti, in: EOS 2,

tor, son of Calpetanus [2] Rantius (career in CIL V531

387-437.

= ILS 989). After his praetorship, legate of the legio III Augusta in Africa in AD 69. After some delays, he joined Vespasian, although related to > Vitellius [II 3]; he had the proconsul Africae, Calpurnius Piso, murdered. Because of a victory over the > Garamantes, he received dona militaria after his suffect consulate in 71. Consular legate of Pannonia in 73, then of Hispania citerior.

[II 2] V. Asiaticus. Son of V. [II 1]. Praetorian legate of Belgica in AD 69, he immediately joined — Vitellius [II 3], who gave him his daughter in marriage. Designated as consul, probably as ordinarius for 70; however, he could not assume the office, instead dying as cos. designatus, if CIL VI 1528 (cf. VI p. 4709) refers to him. At the end of 69 following Vitellius’ death, he had resolutions of honour passed for the leaders of the Flavian party (Tac. Hist. 4,4,3). PIR* V 26. {11 3] M. Lollius Paulinus D. V. Asiaticus Saturninus.

Son of V. [II 2], patrician (career preserved in IGR IV 960 and JEph. III 695B, likewise the name of his son, V. Taurus Catullus Messalinus Asiaticus). Cos. suff. in AD 94; proconsul Asiae inc. 108/9 [1. 346]. Praefectus urbi before 125 [2. 297]. Cos. II ord. in 125. Probably married twice, to a certain Asiatica (IGRI 967) and a > Fa-

bulla. PIR* L 320. 1 W.Eck, Jahres- und Provinzialfasten der senatorischen Statthalter von 69/70 bis 138/139, in: Chiron 12, 1982, 281-362 21L.VIDMAN, Osservazioni sui praefecti urbi nei primi due secoli, in: EOS 1, 289-303.

{14] M. V. Bradua Mauricus

Cos. ord. in AD

191.

Curator operum publicorum; curator aquarum, censitor Aquitaniae, proconsul Africae about 206. THOMASSON, Fasti Africani 80.

[II 5] V. Capito. Senator who was exiled by Nero at the instigation of Agrippina, but was recalled in AD 59 (Tac. Ann. 14,12,3).

[II 6] L. V. Catullus Messalinus. From an old senatorial

family, not identical to the proconsul of Creta~-Cyrenae named in Jos. BI 7,439-453. Cos. ord. in AD 73 with + Domitianus; cos. II suff. in 85, again with Domitian; whether he was proconsul Africae must remain uncertain. One of the most influential senators under Domitian, who was later depicted as a malicious adviser, especially against dissident senators (cf. for example Juv. 4,113 £.; Plin. Ep. 4,22,5 f.). PIR’ V 41. THoMassON, Fasti Africani, 45.

[Il 7] P. V. Comazon. Freedman who first appeared asa mime. Later a soldier in Thracia; transferred to the fleet as punishment by Claudius [II 8] Attalus. How he suc-

THOMASSON, Fasti Africani, 134.

[II 9] V. Licinianus see > Licinianus [2] [II 10] P. V. Marinus. Named as > Arvalis frater in the

Arval acta of AD 69. Appointed consul for 69 by +> Galba [2]; after Otho’s defeat, Vitellius did not allow him the consulate (Tac. Hist. 2,71,2). Whether he is identical with the praetorian V. Marianus, who sailed to Alexandria [1] in 70 according to Plin. HN 19,3, must remain open (PIR™ V 75/76). The homonymous son of the Arvalis frater received a suffect consulate in gt. W. Eck, Senatoren von Vespasian bis Hadrian, 1970, 67 n. 73

{Ml 11] M. V. Maximianus. Son of a municipal citizen from Poetovio in Pannonia superior. Long equestrian

career, involved in battles against the Parthians and various Germanic tribes under Marcus [II 2] Aurelius. He personally killed the chieftain of the - Naristi, Valao, for which he was publicly honoured by Marcus Aurelius. Procurator of Moesia inferior, then of Moesia superior and Dacia Porolissensis. Enrolled in the Senate; several legion commands in the late period of the Danube Wars under Marcus Aurelius and Commodus. Legate of the legio III Augusta between AD 183 and 185; suffect consulate in absentia. THOMASSON, Fasti Africani,

164-166.

{11 12] L. V. Maximus Cos. ord. in AD 233; praefectus urbi in 255; cos. ord. II in 256. The homonymous cos. ord. of 253 is more likely his son. W.Eck, s. v. V. (241), RE Suppl. 15, 652 f.; LEUNISSEN,

113; 137; 360.

VALERIUS

188

187

VALERI MESSAL(L)AE [II 13-II 22] (11 13] L. V. Messala (Apollinaris?) Cos. ord. in AD 214. Probably related to V. [II 21]. LEUNISSEN, 359.

[Il 14] M. V. Messalla Barbatus. Son of V. [II 15]; related to the emperor Claudius [III 1] through his mother (Suet. Claud. 26). Born no later than 12 BC; married Domitia [5] Lepida; father of Valeria Messalina [2], the wife of Claudius. Died probably before AD 23. Syme, AA 150, 164-166.

the age of 72 — probably in AD 8 (Jer. Chron. p. 170 HELM). He was married at least twice; his sons were V. [II x8] and Aurelius [II 13] Cotta Maximus Messallinus. V. was a famous orator in his day and a productive author of historical works, poetry, grammatical works; he knew Tibullus, Horace and Ovid. A panegyricus Messallae has been handed down in the corpus Tibullianum (Il 7); Catalepton 9 is addressed to him (most recently on this [1]). 1 A. Vatvo, M. Valerio Messalla Corvino negli studi piu recenti, in: ANRW

2,30,3, 1983, 1663-1680; SYME, AA,

200-226.

[Il 15] M. V. Messalla Barbatus Appianus. By birth an App. Claudius Pulcher, adopted probably by M. V. [I 37] Messalla (cos. 32 BC). Consul in 12 BC; he died the same year. Married to Claudia [II 9] Marcella, the younger daughter of Octavia [2]; related in this way to

the house of Augustus. His son was V. [II 14]; his daughter Claudia [II 11] Pulchra. PIR’ V 89. Syme, AA 147-149, 228 f.

[Il 16] M. V. Messala Corvinus. Patrician, son of V. [I 39] Messalla Niger (cos. 61 BC). Probably born in 64 BC (PIR* V 90); in Athens in his early years. Cicero knew of his rhetorical abilities. V. was proscribed in 42, which is why he fled to Junius[I ro] Brutus; he was highly respected by the latter and by Cassius [I ro] (Vell. 2,71,1). He took part in the battle of Philippi and conquered the camp of > Octavianus [1] with Brutus. After the lost battle, he joined Antonius [I 9], with whom he remained for some time, without ever opposing Octavian in principle. V. was involved in the war against Sex. Pompeius [I 5] in Sicily; afterwards, he was enrolled among the > augures as supernumerarius. Army command in Octavian’s war in Illyricum in 35 BC; probably a command against the Salassi in north-western Italy in 34 (Cass. Dio 49,38,3). Only after that was he again with Antony; he must have left him no later than the beginning of 32 and clearly sided with Octavian (Vell. Pat. 2,71,1). The reward for this was the consulate together with Octavian in 31 (in place of M. Antonius). V. published several polemic works against Antony (Charisius, Gramm. 104,18; 129,7; 146,34). He was probably present at - Actium; then with Octavian in the East; governor of Syria for a short time, perhaps 30/29, where he had a gladiator troop of Antony’s eliminated (Cass. Dio 51,7,2-7), then governor in Gaul; there, he received the title of imperator. He celebrated a triumph on 25 September 27, and thus was again in Rome. V. was praefectus urbi for six days, probably at the beginning of January 26, but he resigned, allegedly because of ’potestas incivilis’ (Jer. Chron. p. 164 HELM). In 26 BC, he had the road to Tusculum and Alba renovated (Tib. 1,7,57 f.). When his house on the Palatine burned down, > Augustus [1] supported him (Cass. Dio 53,27,5). V. was the first curator aquarum, from 11 BC until his death (Frontin. Aq. 99). In 2 BC, he made the motion to grant Augustus the title of + pater patriae (Suet. Aug. 58,2). He died at

[117] M. V. Messala Corvinus. Son of V. [II 19]. ~ Arvalis frater from AD 46/7, cos. ord. in 58 together with - Nero. Since the family was impoverished, he received an annual allowance of 500,000 sesterces from Nero. Probably the last of the patrician branch of the Valerii Messallae. SCHEID (Fréres) 240 f.

[Il 18] M. V. Messalla Messallinus. Son of V. [II 16], older brother of Aurelius [II 13] Cotta Maximus Messallinus, to whom he bequeathed his cognomen (Vell. Pat. 2,112,2). Enrolled in the + quindecimviri sacris faciundis before the death of Tibullus; participated in the saecular games of 17 BC. Cos. ord. in 3 BC; legate of Augustus in Illyricum; involved in the battles against the rebellious Pannonians, for which he received the — ornamenta triumphalia; participation in the triumph of > Tiberius [II 1] over Illyricum in AD 12 (Vell. Pat. 2,112,1 f.; Ov. Pont. 2,2,81-84). Under Tiberius, he came forward with motions in the Senate in 14 and 20 at the trial of Calpurnius [II 16] Piso; the motion to honour the domus Augusta in the SC de Cn. Pisone patre probably traces back to him; [1. 88 f.; 237 f.]. Ovid addressed Tristia 4,4 and Pont. 1,7; 2,2 to him. Tacitus portrayed him as a gifted orator and flatterer (Tac. Ann. 1,8,4; 3,18,2; 3,34). PIR V 93. 1 A.CaBALLOs et al., Das senatus consultum Pisone patre, 1996 2 SyYME, AA 229-234.

de Cn.

[11 19] M. V. Messalla Messallinus. Son of V. [II 18].

Cos. ord. in AD 20 during the whole year. He was not actively involved in the trial against Calpurnius [II 16] Piso. Cf. V. [II 18]. SyME, AA 239.

[If 20] L. V. Messalla Thrasea Poblicola Helvidius Priscus. Senator who died relatively young as a designated praetor; his legion command prior to a praetorship is peculiar; dating is difficult, but from the form of the tomb altar scarcely probable prior to the beginning of the 2nd cent. AD, CIL VI 41158. Related to V. [II 21]. {If 21] L. V. Messalla Thrasea Priscus Minicius Natalis. Patrician. His career is known from an inscription from Lanuvium. After quaestor Augustorum, he was enrolled among the praetorians through adlectio; legate in Belgica for holding a census, cos. ord. in AD 196; after-

189

190

wards curator aquarum et fraudis Miniciae (x. 239]. He was executed under Caracalla, having taken a prominent place (Cass. Dio 77,5,5). Related to V. [II 20]. One of his ancestors may have been the cos. suff. for 146, L. Poblicola Priscus [2]. 1D.Nonis, Un patrono dei dendrofori di Lavinium. Onori e munificenza in un dossier epigrafico di eta severiana, in: RPAA 49,1999

=. P. Weiss, Das Konsulnpaar

vom 7. April 145 n. Chr., in: ZPE 134, 2001, 261-266.

[Il 22] L. V. Messalla Volesus. Son of Potitus V. [I 38] Messala. Triumvir monetalis (BMCRE I 45). Cos. ord. in AD 5; the lex Valeria Cornelia bears his name, [1. 519-521]. New codicils in the lex portorii Asiae were initiated by him and his colleague [2. 153-156; 2. soand 55]. He was proconsul Asiae still under Augustus; he was accused of crudelitas and convicted (Sen. Controv. 7,6,22); Augustus also expressed his opinion on the case (Tac. Ann. 3,68,1). PIR' V 96. 1M.CRAWFORD,

Roman

Statutes,

vol.

1,

1996

2 H. ENGELMANN, D. Kniss, Das Zollgesetz der Provinz Asia. Eine neue Inschrift aus Ephesos (EA 14, 1989).

[fl 23] V. Oculatius Praefectus classis Misenensis in AD 225% M.M.

Roxan, A.U.StyLow,

Ein neues Flottendiplom

vom 18. Dezember 225, in: Chiron 29, 1999, 183-192.

{fl 24] P. V. Patruinus. Senator from Ticinum in upper Italy, married to a Vettia; his daughter Valeria Vetilla was the wife of Domitius [II 6] Apollonaris. Cos. suff. in AD 82; governor of Syria c. 87-90 [1. 70 f.5 2. 596—

598]; AE 1997, 176 f. 1 E.DaBrowa,

The Governors of Roman

Syria, 1998

2 SyMeE, RP, vol. 7.

VALERIUS

H.Pavis p’Escurac, La préfecture de l’annone, 1976,

342; W. HABERMANN, Zum Ende der Amtszeit des Prafekten L. Valerius Proculus, in: ZPE, 117, 1997, 180-184.

[Il 29] C. V. Pudens. Praetorian legate of Pannonia inferior probably at the beginning of the reign of Septimius [II 7] Severus; cos. suff. before AD 197; consular legate of Germania inferior in 197. Governor of Britannia in 205; proconsul Africae in 210/11 or 241/12. Eck (Statthalter), 190; THoMassoN, Fasti Africani, 82 f.

[I 30] V. Senecio. Suffect consul in AD 186 (RMD I 69). His son, M. V. Senecio, was legate of the legio III

Augusta in Numidia under Caracalla, suffect consul in absentia and immediately thereafter governor of Germania inferior. THOMASSON, Fasti Africani, 180.

WE.

{If 31] Flavius V. Severus. Roman emperor (AD 305-

307). After a military career, which brought him a higher, but not precisely ascertainable position (Lact. De mort. pers. 18,12), he became Caesar in the Second Tetrarchy (— tetrarchés) after the abdication of > Diocletianus and Maximianus [1] in 305 and ruled Italy and Africa (partly erroneous or incomplete information in Anon. Vales. 5; 9; Eutr. 10,2,1; Aur. Vict. Epit. Caes.

40,1). The claim that V. was only a creature beholden to the Augustus of the East, Galerius [5] (Lact. De mort. pers. 18,12; Eutr. 10,2,1; Anon. Vales. 4,9), can be considered a late construction. After the death of Constantius [1] in 306, V. advanced to the vacant position of Augustus of the West (CIL XII 5527 et passim). When he acted against the usurpation of > Maxentius (which had happened in the meantime) and marched on Rome at the end of the year, the latter’s father Maximianus {1], who had become actively involved in politics again,

[I 25] C. V. Paulinus. Son of the procurator of the same name, V. [II 26]. Cos. suff. in AD 107, amicus of Pliny the Younger. He owned property near Forum Iulii. PIR V 107; 108; PIR? P 173.

{I 26] C. V. Paulinus. Equestrian from Forum Iulii in the province of — Narbonensis. Praetorian tribune; procurator of Narbonensis in AD 69; from an old connection with Vespasianus, he moved the province to join the latter; he repelled Fabius [II 21] Valens, who wanted to reconquer Narbonensis. Later praefectus [4] annonae and praefectus Aegypti under Vespasian. His son was V. [II 25]. PIR* V 105; PIR* P 173. [1 27] L. V. Poblicola Balbinus Maximus. Son of V. [I 12]. Patrician who became cos. ord. in AD 253 after

a short career (ILS 1190 f.; cf. CIL VI pp. 4709 f.). [128] L.V. Proculus. Equestrian, perhaps from Malaca in Baetica. After equestrian military offices, praefect of the fleet of Alexandria [1] in Egypt. Praesidial procurator of the Alpes Maritimae, where he probably also conducted a dilectus (‘troop levy’). Procurator of Hispania Baetica, Cappadocia, Asia, then three provinces together (ILS 1341), c. AD 142-144 praefectus [4] annonae, previously probably a - rationibus. Finally, praefectus Aegypti at least from 144-147.

succeeded in winning over a large part of V.’ soldiers for himself and his son. Therefore, V. had to hurriedly retreat with the rest to Ravenna (Zos. 2,10,1 f.; Lact. De mort. pers. 26,8—10; Anon. Vales. 6). He was captured there by Maximianus and taken to > Tres Tabernae (near Rome; Zos. 2,10,2; [Aur. Vict.] Epit. Caes. 40,3).

When Galerius invaded Italy in 307 to regain Rome for the Tetrarchy, Maxentius had V. killed (Anon. Vales. 10). PLRE 1,837 f. BBL. {0 32] M. V. Turbo Proconsul Asiae, named in a still unpublished inscription from Smyrna (information from P. HERRMANN). If he is identical with the man named in the last place of the senatorial patroni in CIL IX 338 |. 32, his proconsulship could belong roughly to the middle of the 3rd cent. AD; PIR’ V 146. [Il 33] L. V. Valerianus. Equestrian whose career is preserved in an inscription from Caesarea Maritima (AE 1985, 829 =[1. 37-41 no. 4]). After the equestrian + tres militae, he was procurator in numerous positions, finally under Caracalla in the province of Syria Palaestina, where he is also recorded in another (unpublished) inscription from Caesarea.

VALERIUS

1 C.M. LEHMANN, K.G.Ho.um, The Greek and Latin Inscriptions of Caesarea Maritima, 2000.

[Il 34] Q. V. Vegetus. Senator, probably from Iliberris in Hispania Baetica. Cos. suff. in AD 91; his homonymous son was cos. suff. in 112. CaBALLos (Senadores), vol. 1, 301 ff.

[ll 35] C. V. Victor. Senator. Legate of the proconsul of Asia in AD 110/11; praetor designatus [1. 128]. 1 R.Haenscu, Heraclea ad Salbacum, in: W.Eck

192

191

(ed.),

Lokale Autonomie und rémische Ordnungsmacht in den kaiserzeitlichen Provinzen, 1999, 115-139. W.E.

III. LITERARY FIGURES {1 1] V. Aedituus. Author of two erotic epigrams quoted by Gell. NA 19,9,10 ff. - probably from the introduction of Suet. Pratum 15 [5] — which document the penetration of this Hellenistic genre into Rome at the end of the 2nd cent. BC (cf. > Lucilius [I 6]). An identification of V. A. with V. [III 7] Soranus is out of the question (cf. [4. 46-50]). FRAGMENTS: 1 COURTNEY, 70-74 2 FPL? 92 f. (with bibliography). BIBLIOGRAPHY: 3 B.LUuISELLI, Studii sulla poesia bucolica latina x, in: Annali della Facolta di Lettere e Filosofia

dell’ Univ. di Cagliari 28, 1960, 46-50 4 J.GRANAROLO, D’Ennius a Catulle, 1971, 40-42, 50-55 GIR IL SCHMIDT, in: HLL 4, § 404.

[Il 2] V. Antias. Roman historian, probably of municipal origin, most influential representative of the ‘younger — annalists’. According to Velleius Paterculus (2,9,6), a contemporary of > Sisenna and Claudius [I 30] Quadrigarius (in the Sullan era); according to some modern scholars, he only wrote after 50 BC (Cic. Leg. 1,6 f. appears not to know him: cf. especially [7. 1x7121]). His annalistic total history of Rome ranges from its foundation to at least 91 BC (fr. 64 P.). Since the capitulation of C. Hostilius [8] Mancinus (137 BC) is mentioned in the 22nd book (fr. 57), two thirds of the at

least 75 books are allotted to the later history of Rome (from the Gracchi), while the early and middle Republic are treated much more briefly than in Livius [III 2]. The few verbatim fragments are stylistically unremarkable apart from occasional antiquated forms (prior as neuter: fr. 16) and mannerisms (reduplicated perfect forms: fr. 573 60; 62); Fronto’s judgment of ‘unattractive’ (invenuste: p. 13 4,2 VAN DEN Hout) excludes archaic stylization. The content of the work is better known, particularly through numerous mentions in Livy, who used V. A. much more often than he cited him (extensive hypotheses on this in [2]). V. A. devoted himself extensively to the depiction of formal events, e.g. provincial and troop distributions, handling of omens, foundations of colonies. His battle descriptions impressed with extremely high (mostly imaginary) numbers for those

killed or captured and weapon booty (sharply criticized by Liv. 26,49,3; 33510,83 36,38,6f5 38,23,85 failed attempt at justification in [3]). In many cases, he probably invented whole battles (e.g. Liv. 32,6,5-8). The entertainment value is increased by gossip (fr. 25), aetiological tales (e.g. fr. 6) and dramatic reworkings of

old reports in the vein of dramatizing Hellenistic historiography (especially clear in the novelistic depiction of the trial of Scipio in fr. 45; > Cornelius [I 71] Scipio). He apparently used the uncertain state of the source material from the older period to ascribe unattested offices and deeds to representatives of the gens Valeria (cautiously on this [4. 91]). He also had no misgivings in enhancing and embellishing ([1. 21; 6. 2324 f.]; balanced survey: [4. 89-92]) the ‘tradition’ with more or less plausible inventions (even of documents: senatus consultum in fr. 15). V. A.’ extensive and multi-faceted depiction was widely read (conjectures about the audience: [5. 113-117]); apart from Livy, he was used by Dionysius [18] of Halicarnassus and Plutarchus [2] (for the period of the war against Hannibal), but also the elder Plinius [x] and Silius [II 5] Italicus. Fragments: HRR I? 238-275 (as well as — origo gentis Romanae 19,4; 21,1). 1 E.Bap1an, The Early Historians, in: T. A.Dorey (ed.), Latin Historians, 1966, 21 f. 2A.Kiotz, Livius und seine Vorganger, 1940/r 3R.A. Larocue, V. A. and His Numerical Totals. A Reappraisal, in: Historia 26, 1977, 358-368 4S.P. OAKLEY, A Commentary on Livy, Books VI-X, vol. 1,1997 5 D.Timpe, Erwagungen zur jiingeren Annalistik, in: A&A 25, 1979, 97-119 6H. VoLKMaNN, V.A., in: RE 7 A, 1948, 2313-2340 7 T.P. WisEMAN, Clio’s Cosmetics, 1979. W.K.

[0 3] V. Cato, P. Roman poet and grammarian of the

rst cent. BC whose life we know of from Suet. Gram. 11. Born about 95 BC in northern Italy, he lost his fortune in the Sullan civil war (+ Cornelius [I 90] Sulla) and appears not to have become wealthy again later, despite extensive teaching activities. As the teacher and older friend of a loose circle of young poets, the socalled + neoteric poets — the names of > Furius [I 9] Bibaculus, > Helvius [I 3] Cinna and —> Ticida are directly connected to it (cf. Suet. Gram. 4,3) — V. hada crucial part in the transmission of the poetry and poetics of Callimachus [3] to Rome in model interpretations and sample works. His grammatical works [1; 2] and the autobiographical Indignatio, in which V. insists on his free birth, are no more preserved than his poetry, the scholarly epyllion Diana (Dictynna) and the collection of erotic (Ov. Tr. 2,436) short poems (nugae) Lydia —

not identical with the Nugae of the > Appendix Vergiliana — which preformed the two main types of neoteric production. TESTIMONIA: 1FPL3,195f. 2 J.GRANAROLO, L’epoque néoterique ..., in: ANRW 13, 1973, 335-339. FRAGMENTS: 3 GRF, 141-143. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 4 G.BRUGNOLI, Grammatici novi, in:

Riv. di cultura classica e medioevale 4, 1962, 154-161 5 J. GRANAROLO, see [2], 294-299.

193

194

(Ill 4] C. V. Flaccus Setinus Balbus In c. AD 95, Quintilianus [1] laments the apparently recent death of V. Flaccus (Quint. Inst. 10,1,90). He probably meant the

[II 19] Seianus (end of 31, cf. 9,11 ext. 4). The examples are divided into books and sections, in which the Roman example is followed by a foreign example. Since only the individual example chains are thematically united, the overall structure can be disregarded: the area of religion (book 1), political institutions (book 2) and virtutes (books 3-6) as well as the miscellaneous supplemental books 7—9 form organizational details, which are rough and not always consistent in detail; the categories are usually only loosely connected. The sources were similar collections from the Augustan era (Pomponius Rufus, cf. Val. Max. 4,4; > Hyginus), which V. M. expanded from his own reading (Cicero, Livius, Varro). Historical errors crept in during the excerption and co-ordination; however, a_historiographic evaluation would mistake his intention (cf. for example [7]; a comparison of the contemporary — Velleius [4] Paterculus, for instance, in [4; 9]). His style is heavily rhetorically over-fashioned in the individual sections. As multi-faceted practical literature, the examples were edited several times already in Antiquity, first through clarifying chapter headings, then through revision of the final books, which reduced the total to 9, and finally by placing a table of contents at the beginning, which implies a gap in 1,1-4. Used only sporadically in Antiquity, the work gained in popularity in Late Antiquity, as is demonstrated by the two epitomists Iulius [IV 14] Paris and > Ianuarius Nepotianus. The roughly 350 complete MSS [5. 81 ff.] and commentaries since the 14th cent. (for example by Dionigi da Borgo San Sepolcro, cf. [6. 777 ff.]) and translation into Italian (Boccaccio, cf. [8. 49 ff.]), French (Simon de Hesdin/Nicolas de Gonesse) and Catalan (Antoni Canals) speak for the enormous reception in the Middle Ages and humanism. V. M.’ examples are significant as historical sources which have preserved traces of preLivian annals, as a symptom of the rhetorical mode of the early Imperial era and finally as a conveyor of an anecdotally structured image of Antiquity in the Middle Ages and early Renaissance.

senatorial-class [1] author of the Argonautica, a mytho-

logical epic which may have been written in c. AD 75, but which was not completed by its poet ([3]; otherwise [r1. V.4]). It describes the voyage of the > Argonauts and breaks off in the 8th book, during the description of the return journey of the Argonauts and their pursuit by the Colchians. The most important extant models of V. (the Argonaut epic of Varro [3] Atacinus is lost) include Pind. Pyth. 4, Apollonius [2] Rhodius and Ov. Met. 7,1-293. Virgil’s Aeneid is especially important for V., not only for content, but also in regard to form [13]. For example, V. succeeded in implementing the fatum concept of Virgil (+ Fate), which questions the concept’s conclusiveness and meaningfulness [4]. He also adopts the Virgilian divine instrument [5], but lets its effects appear questionable [6]. Contrary to tradition, V. gives the figure of > Medea clearly sympathetic features [7]. The poet achieves an interesting synthesis which demonstrates the search for his own style, transcending mere imitation of Virgil [8], and revealing a very demanding play with the literary tradition [9]. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 1P.Boyancé, La science d’un quindécimvir au I* siécle aprés J.-C., in: REL 42, 1964, 334-

346

2E.LEFEvRE, Das Prodmium der Argonautica des

V. Flaccus (AAWM

1971.6)

Flaccus and the Last File, in:

3H.M.

Poortviiet, V.

M. Korn, H.J. TscHIEDEL

(eds.), Ratis omnia vincet. Untersuchungen zu den Argonautica des V. Flaccus (Spudasmata 48), 1991, 35-43 4 F.MEHMEL, V. Flaccus, 1934, 89-98

5 D.C. FEENEY,

The Gods in Epic, 1991, 313-337 6 G. MANUWALD, Die Cyzicus-Episode und ihre Funktion in den Argonautica des V. Flaccus (Hypomnemata 127), 1998 7 U.EIGLER, Monologische Redeformen bei V. Flaccus, 1988, 78-132 8 A.J. KLEYwectT, Die Dichtersprache des V. Flaccus, in: ANRW II 32.4, 1986, 2448-2490 9A.Zissos, Allusion and Narrative Possibility in the Argonautica of V. Flaccus, in: CPh 94, 1999, 289-301 10J.ADAMIETZ, Zur Komposition der Argonautica des V. Flaccus (Zetemata 67), 1976.

EDITION:

11 W.W. EHLers, V. Flaccus, 1980.

TRANSLATION:

12H.RupprRecHT, Argonautica (Ger-

man), 1987.

COMMENTARY:

13 TH. Barer, V. Flaccus. Argonautica

VALERIUS

BIBLIOGRAPHY: 1C.BoscH, Die Quellen des V. M., 1929 2 A.Kiorz, Studien zu V. M. (SBAW Philosophisch-historische Abteilung 1942.5) 3 G.CoMEs,

B. VI., Einleitung und Kommentar (Zetemata 112), 2001,

V.M., 1950

65-68. RESEARCH

Patercolo e Valerio Massimo, in: Latomus 16, 1957, 232REPORT:

14M.Scarral, Rassegna di studi

su Valerio Flacco (1938-1982), in: ANRW II 32.4, 1986,

2359-2447. CONCORDANCE: 15M.Korn, W.A. Stay, dantia in Valerii Flacci Argonautica, 1988.

ConcorULE.

[Ul 5] V. Maximus. Author of a handbook of historical examples for rhetorical-political or moral arguments; the Facta et dicta memorabilia (‘Memorable Deeds and

Sayings’; originally 10 books, cf. Gell. NA 12,7,8), dedicated to the emperor Tiberius [II 1], was begun

251

4M.L.

Parapint, Rapporti tra Velleio

5 D.M. ScHuLuAN, A Preliminary List of Manu-

scripts of V. M., in: L.B. LawLer (ed.), Studies in Honor of B. Ullman, 1960, 81-95 6 G.D1 STEFANO, Per la fortuna di Valerio Massimo nel Trecento, in: Atti dell’ Accademia delle Scienze di Torino 96, 1961/62, 777-790 7 T.F. Carney, The Picture of Marius in V. M., in: RhaM 105, 1962, 289-337 8M.T. Casexta, Il Valerio Mas-

simo in Volgare: dal Lancia al Boccaccio, in: Italia Medioevale e Umanistica 6, 1963, 49-136 9 J.-M. ANDRE, L’otium chez Valére-Maxime et Velleius Paterculus, in: REL 43, 1965, 294-315 10 P.L. ScumipT, s.v. V.

after AD 27, after V. M. had accompanied his patron

(Bu3)/KiPis gunz it.

Sex. > Pompeius [II 4] to Greece and Asia Minor (2,6,8), and finished soon after the fall of — Aelius

Ep1TIons: C.Kempr, 1854. *1888; R. FANRANDA, 1971 JR.

VALERIUS

196

195

[I 6] M. V. Messala Corvinus see — V. [II 16] [M1 7] Q. V. Often called Soranus for his Latin hometown of > Sora, Latin orator (Cic. Brut. 169) and famous (Cic. De or. 3,43) antiquarian, friend of Varro [2] (frr. 3 and 7) and Cicero. Born about 130 BC, full Roman citizen from about 90, he was murdered in Sicily in 83 as a people’s tribune by Pompeius [I 3] while fleeing from Cornelius [I 90] Sulla [4]. Identification with V. [III x] Aedituus is chronologically out of the question; on the other hand, Q. V. [1.41] Orca may be his son. V.’ didactic poetry, which was dedicated to a P. Cornelius [I 82] Scipio Nasica (praetor of 93 and son-in-law of Licinius [I 10] Crassus; fr. 1), was aimed at problems of language (fr. 2) and religious antiquities; V. was said to have divulged Rome’s secret name in one work on female protective deities (EndatiSec, Epdptides, cf. [5]), which was introduced by a table of contents (Plin. HN praef. 33) and which preserves the beginning of a hymn to Zeus [7]. The sparse fragments are handed down by Varro and Plin. HN. 2 FPL}, 103-106 FRAGMENTS: 1 COURTNEY, 65-68 (with bibliography) 3 GRF 77-79. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 4 C.CicHorRIUs, Zur Lebensgeschichte des V.S., in: Hermes 41, 1906, 59-68 5 T. KOveEsZULAUF, Die Enontideg des V.S., in: Id., KS (ed. by A. HEINRICHS), 1988, 113-147 (first in: RhM 113, 1970, 323-358) 6L.ALFonsi, Un incontro greco-latino, in: Cu. K. Soize (ed.), Aretés mnémeé (Festschrift K. I. Vourveris), 1983,213-217 7 J.PREAUxX, L’hymne a Jupiter de V. de Sora, in: R. CRanay (ed.), Hommages a M. Delcourt (Latomus 114), 1970, 182-195 8 W.SUERBAUM, in: Hla $1415:

is included in the practice of the official vota pro salute (‘solemn prayers for well-being’; + Votive offerings) (as in Domitian: Act. Arv. 122; Commodus: Act. Arv. 185; [3.268]).

V. as a deity (> Personification) and its worship are recorded in inscriptions in numerous parts of the Roman Empire (collected in [2.147-177]); its closeness to the Greek > Hygieia (e.g. CIL II 7279, Athens: Aesculapio et Valetudini) and to the Roman > Salus (denarius of M’. Acilius [I 6] Glabrio, RRC no. 442; on an aureus of Antistius [II 6] Vetus cf. RIC 1, no. 151, with the link V. -— Victoria [3.267]) becomes noticeable. There is evidence of a > collegium of magistri valetudinis in Mevania (modern Bevagna in Umbria; [2.103121]). There were temples to the deity in Glanum [1] in Gaul and in > Auzia in Mauretania (CIL VIII 20747). 1 H.ROLLAND, Un temple de V. a Glanum, in: RA 46, 1955, 27-53 2 G.PROSPERI VALENTI, 3 S. WEINSTOCK, s.v. V., RE 8 A, 264-270.

V.,

1998 JO.s.

Valgius [1] Valg(i)us. Father-in-law (Cic. Leg. agr. 3,3) of Servilius [I 26] Rullus. Under Cornelius [I 90] Sulla V. had appropriated estates in Ager Hirpinus and in Casinum (ibid. 2,69; 3,8-14). He may be identical to the C. Quinctius Valgus recorded as > patronus (D.) of the Hirpinian Aeclanum, as quinquennalis of a town near Frigento and as a duumvir of Pompeii and in Casinum

(ILLRP 523; 565; 598; 645; 646). P. Harvey, Socer Valgus, Valgii and C. Quinctius Valgus, in: E.Borza, R. CARRUBBA (eds.), Classics and the Classical Trad., 1973, 79-94. J.BA.

Valesiana Excerpta see > Excerpta Valesiana Valet(i)um. Community in the north of > Brundisium (also Carbinium): Guido, Geographia 27; 71, modern Carovigno; inscriptions and remains from the Messapian period (8th—znd cents. BC). M.Lomparpo, I Messapie la Messapia, 1992, 222-224.

ML.

Valetudinarium see + Hospital C. Valetudinaria

Valetudo (‘Health’). In contrast to the generally positive connotations of > salus, v. as a term for health is

neutral and is hence given qualifying epithets (bona: Lucr. 3,102; incommoda: Liv. 5,31,9; cf. esp. Manil. 3,140f.) or can, according to context, be biased in diametrically opposed ways (positive: Liv. 4,25,3; negative: 8,12,2). The wish for good health was common (Sen. Ep. 10,4; Petron. Sat. 61), but as early as the Roman Republic appears to have transcended a purely private nature (as in Livius [I 7] Drusus in 91 BC: Vir. Ill. 66,1 1f.; Hirtius, 44 BC: [3.266f.]); this tendency can

be demonstrated even in the early Principate (Augustus: R. Gest. div. Aug. 9,2; Tiberius: Tac. Ann. 3,71; Caligula: Suet. Calig. 14,2; Nero: Act. Arv. 83,1), but later

[2] C. V. Rufus. Famous Roman author at the time of Augustus, born c. 65 BC, pupil of the Greek rhetor + Apollodorus [8]; an allusion to a planned panegyric epic for Valerius [II 16] Messalla Corvinus (cf. Panegyricus Messallae, Tib. 3,179 f.) suggests relations with Messalla’s circle. Horatius (Sat. 1,r0,81 ff.) shows V. in the circle of > Maecenas [2] and attempts (Hor. Carm. 2,9) to inspire him to an epic on Augustus’s most recent triumphs. V. was suffect consul in 12 BC. V. made a name for himself particularly as a poet; surviving fragments (couplets, hexameters, an epigram) refer to the neoteric tradition (cf. + Neoteric poets; fr. 2 refers to > Helvius [I 3] Cinna): (x) the collective title Elegiae refers primarily to the mourning for his friend, who is celebrated under the pseudonym Mystes (Hor. Carm. 2,9,9 ff.); (2) a work dedicated to Augustus on healing herbs was used by Plin. HN 20-27 (cf. esp. 25,4); (3) the Latin version of the rhetorical téchné of Apollodorus praises Quint. Inst. 3,1,18; (4) the multivolume work De rebus per epistulam quaesitis (Gell. 12,3,1) has left its traces in the grammatical tradition. Lit.: FPL}, 266-270; GRF 482-486; CouRTNEY, 287-

290; H. DAHLMANN, Zu Fragmenten roémischer Dichter x (AAWM

1982.11), 34-47.

197

198

Vallatum. Station on the road from — Regina Castra (modern Regensburg) to -» Augusta [7] Vindelicum

Vallis. City in Africa Proconsularis (— Africa [3]; It. Ant. 25,4; 48,9; 49,1; 51,1; Tab. Peut. 5,3 f.) some 60

(modern Augsburg; It. Ant. 250,5); station of the last unit of the Legio III Italica and an -> ala [2] (Not. Dign. Occ. 25,17; 35,26). The place name (which implies a pre-Roman wall structure without ditches) and distance data in It. Ant. suggest that V. was in the walled fort of the Celtic > oppidum (Il) of + Manching; there are no indications there of a late Antiquity military installation, however. Since the excavation of a small late Antiquity fort on the Frauenberg near Weltenburg (in 1978/80), some scholars have inclined to the view that V. (cf. name traditions) was located there [1. 101; 2. 76]. Finds do suggest settlement until the end of the sth cent., but the most recent excavations have yielded no indications of a large fortified entrenchment site [3. 233]. Identification of V. with the late-Antiquity Regina Castra (cf. [4]) is based on an erroneous interpretation of the sources. 1S.RIECKHOFF-PAULI, Die rémische Besiedlung, in: K.SPINDLER (ed.), Die Archaologie des Frauenberges, 1981, 78-101 2 T.FiscHER, R6mer und Bajuwaren,

1988

3M. MackeENsEN, Late Roman Fortifications, in:

J.D. CREIGHTON, R.J.A.WILSON (ed.), Roman Germany,

1999, 199-239 4 W.vON REITZENSTEIN, Lexikon bayerischer Ortsnamen, 1986, 310.

W.Czysz 536f.

et. al., Die Romer in Bayern, 1995, 368 f.; G.H.W.

Vallenses. Four tribes in the Wallis canton (ILS 169: civitates quattuor Vallis Poeninae). The territory of the — Nantuatae, — Veragri, + Seduni and — Uberi was occupied by Rome in its Alpine campaign of 16/15 BC and initially administered in common with — Raetia and Vindelicia (> Vindelici) under a Jegatus. Claudius [I x] united the V. with the + Alpes Graiae, whose

VALUE, MARKS OF

km to the southwest of — Carthage, modern SidiMediene, with significant ancient remains (city wall, temple); an indigenous community, in which evidently a Roman + pagus was established, then a > municipium, in the 3rd cent. a colonia. Inscriptions: CIL VII 1, 1272-1294;

2, 10612; Suppl. 1, 14770-

147903 3, 22004; 4, 25827-25833; [1. 1279- 1282]; AET93 453.1% 1 A. MERLIN (ed.), Inscriptions latines de la Tunisie, 1944. AATun o50, sheet 27, No. 117; N. FERCHIOU, Le grand temple de V., in: RA 1988, 41-50; C. LEPELLEY, Les cités de l'Afrique romaine, vol. 2, 1981, 230-232. W.HU.

Vallum (related to Latin vallus, ‘stake, palisade’), occa-

sionally used with the general meaning ‘protective wall’ (Liv. 9,14,7; 36,18,2; Frontin. Str. 3,17,9), usually ina military context. The typical Roman defensive installation, which was built during a campaign or a siege, consisted of a fossa (‘ditch’), agger (‘earthen wall’) and v. (‘palisade’); soldiers dug out the ditch, throwing the earth inwards and building the v. on this earth wall (Veg. Mil. 3,8,7-9; 4,28,3; Liv. 10,25,6 f.; cf. also the precise description of a Roman v. in Liv. 33,5,5-12). Finally, various fortification works are described as v. ({z]; CIL WI 11965; 141497). ~ Fortifications 1R.G. CoLLincwoop, R.P.Wricut, The Roman Inscriptions of Britain, vol. 1, 1965, 14453; 20343; 2200;

2205. A.JOHNSON, Roémische Kastelle des 1. und 2. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. in Britannien und in den germanischen Provinzen, 1987, 59-81; J. Napott, Recherches sur les fortifications linéaires romaines, 1997. Y.LB.

procurator occasionally had a residence in - Octodurus. This new civitas was given > Latin law (Plin. HN

35135). G. WALSER, Studien zur Alpengeschichte in antiker Zeit, 1994,

59-67, 87-92; F.W1BL£, Deux procurateurs du

Valais et organisation des districts alpines, in: Antiquité tardive 6, 1998, 181-191. H.GR.

Vallia. Visigoth king ( Visigoths), from AD 415 the successor of -> Segericus in Spain. V. may have planned to cross to Africa (see also [2. 89]) in order to escape pressure from > Constantius [6] on the Goths, but in 416 he concluded a treaty with Ravenna in which they probably agreed to a Goth initiative against the other Germanic peoples in Spain and the later settlement of the Goths in Gaul. (MGH AA 11,19; Oros. 7,43,10-15; Olympiodoros fr.30 BLOCKLEY; [2. 88-93]). V. died in 418 before the settlement of the Goths, his successor was Theodoric (+ Theodericus [1]) (Olympiodoros fr. 35 BLOCKLEY; [1. 197 f.]). 1 P. HEATHER, Goths and Romans, 1991 Constantius III., 1998

2 W. LurKenuaus, L147.

3 PLRE

2,

WE.LU.

Value, marks of. Marks of value are rare on Greek coins, as the various denominations were commonly differentiated not only by type of metal, size and weight, but mostly by different images on the coins. Only occasionally does one find explicit indications or designations of values in the form of abbreviations comprising the first letter or letters of the denomination (e.g. O for + obolos: Metapontum, sth cent. BC [1. no. 1503]; A for didbolos: Corinth, 5th cent. BC; cf. the index in [2]). Marks of value without any indication of denomination are more frequently found in Italy and Sicily (in the Sicilian system based on the — litra and — uncia), as well as in the Roman system based on the > as and uncia. Here, the unit was indicated with I, and the number of unciae commonly expressed with ‘pellet’ marks (e.g. in Centoripa, Sicily, 2nd half of the 3rd cent. BC: three pellets for — trias (ancient — tetras, q.v.), two for + hexas [3]). Coins from Rhegium, under Roman influence after the > 2nd Punic War (218-202 BC), bear the signs of value I/II for - trias and III for tetras [1. nos. 25 55-62].

VALUE, MARKS OF

199

In Etruria from the 5th to the 3rd cent. BC, coins bear marks of value such as t = 50, AXX = 25; XIJ = 12 t/a XX =201CGi= 103.0= LOC =153 >= 53 [1. p. 216; 4].

=e

as

lr

The Romans, from the very beginning of their coinage in the rst half of the 3rd cent. BC, on the — aes grave used the marks of value I for the as as a unit, S (= semis) for the half as, and one, two, three, four or five pellet marks for uncia, > sextans, + quadrans, > triens and > quincunx [5. XV]. These marks of value occur on the bronze coins of the Roman Republic in the 2nd and rst cents. until Marcus Antonius [9] (c. 39 BC; [6. no. 530]). When Rome introduced new gold and silver coins during the Second Punic War, these were also given marks of value such as |X = 60 (asses), XX XX = 40, XX = 20, X = ro (for the > denarius), V = 5 (for the + quinarius), IIS for the — sestertius. During the Roman Imperial Period, with isolated exceptions the use of marks of value ceased for Roman coins: thus in about AD 64 the emperor Nero briefly used the marks of value IT, I, Sand three dots on > dupondius, as,semis and quadrans [7. 16]. In the 3rd cent. AD in particular, numerous cities in Asia Minor and in the Thracian world applied Greek figures to their coins to indicate value. In order to react more quickly to inflationary developments, such marks of value were often imprinted retrospectively by means of > countermarks [8. 52ff.] (cf. - Devaluation of money). After the > coinage reform of > Aurelianus [3] (AD 274), Roman coins bore figures giving the number of coins of the kind in question to the Roman pound, either in Roman or Greek numerals (e.g. XXI or KA for the > Antoninianus) [7. 117]. After the coinage reform of emperor — Anastasius [1] I (end of the sth cent. AD), the value of Byzantine bronze coins is indicated by the use of Greek alphabetic figures (more rarely Latin figures), thus M for the > follis [3], K for the half follis, I for the decanummium. For specific marks of value, cf. articles on the individual Greek and Roman coins. -» Coinage reforms; > Coinage, standards of; > Coins, debasement of; + Minting I 1N.K. Rurrer et al. (ed.), Historia Numorum. Italy, 2001 2 W.LESCHHORN, P.R.FRANKE, Lexikon der Auf-

schriften auf griechischen Miinzen, vol. 1, 2002, 420 f. 3 SNG 1, 597-598 4P.Marcuettt, La métrologie des monnaies étrusques avec marques de valeur, in: Contributi introduttivi allo studio della monetazione etrusca (Annali dell’Ist. Italiano di Numismatica 22, Suppl.), 1975, 273-296 5E.A. SYDENHAM, The Coinage of the

Roman Republic, 1952

6 CRAwFoRD

7R.A.G. Car-

SON, Coins of the Roman Empire, 1990

8 C.HowcEGo,

Greek Imperial Countermarks, 1985.

WL.

Valvata. Road station on the Via Quinctia between + Faesulae and > Pisae on the > Arnus (Tab. Peut. 4,1 f.) at modern Cascina. A.Mosca, Via Quinctia 2, in: Journal of Ancient Topography 9, 1999, 165-174. GU.

200

Vandals. East Germanic tribe or ethnic group. Information about their early history and origin (possibly from southwestern Sweden and northern Denmark [1]) is hypothetical. Late references to wars with the + Goti and > Langobardi (Iord. Get. 26f.; Paulus Diaconus, Historia Langobardorum 1,7 ff.) are also problematic. According to Plin. HN 4,99f., V. designates a group of tribes (possibly identical with the Vandilii: Tac. Germ. 2,4). They probably belonged to the cult-based grouping of tribes called the > Lugii [1] and were related to the > Nahanarvali. In the rst cent. BC, the V. occupied the area between Oder and Vistula (Przeworsk culture). Probably as early as the 2nd cent. AD, there existed two subgroups, the Hasdingi (on the border with Dacia; > Daci) and the — Silingi (area of settlement in Silesia), each group with its own ruling family (dual kingship). When the migration to the southwest began is unclear. The Hasdingi took part in the Germanic onslaught on the northern border of the Roman Empire at the time of > Marcus [II 2] Aurelius. Around AD 270, they invaded > Pannonia and were driven back from there by — Aurelianus [3] (Zos. 1,48,1). In c. 278, some of the V. settled in Britannia. Others settled east of the upper and middle — Tisia (today Tisza) as the western neighbours of the Visigoths. Around 330, the Hasdingi, under attack by the Goti and finding themselves being pushed southward, searched for places to settle in Pannonia (Iord. Get. 161). Many remained on the plain of Pathissus, the Silingi in Silesia. At the end of the 4th cent., the V., now united again and together with other ethnic groups (i.a. the > Alani), joined the > Hunni in their migration to the west. In 406-407 they crossed the Rhine (— Rhenus [r]) between Mogontiacum (modern Mainz) and Borbetomagus (modern Worms) and penetrated deep into ~ Gallia. Their king, > Godigiselus, fell in battle with the > Franci (Oros. 7,40,3; Greg. Tur. Franc. 2,9). In

409 the V. crossed the Pyrenees (— Pyrene [2]) and advanced into + Hispania (with map). The Hasdingi and the Suebi settled in Gallaecia, the Silingi in Baetica. Here the V. adopted the Arian religion (— Arianism) (Salv. Gub. 7,66). In 417, the Visigoths, pressed by the western Roman emperor Honorius [3], almost completely annihilated the Silingi. Under > Gundericus, the Hasdingi, in alliance with the Alani, migrated south into Baetica. In 429, the V. under > Geisericus I, numbering around 80,000, crossed over into > Africa [4] where, with the help of neighbouring Mauri (> Mauretania), they conquered the Roman areas within a very short time, excepting eastern Tripolitania and Cyrenaica. With > Carthage (I.B.), the last Roman bastion in Africa fell on October 19, 439. In accordance with a peace settlement concluded with — Valentinianus [4] III in 442, the sovereignty of the ruler of the Vandals was recognized (dominion over Africa proconsularis, Byzacena, western Tripolitana, eastern Numidia, Maureta-

nia Tingitana) and his son > Hunericus was betrothed to Eudokia [2], the daughter of Valentinianus III.

201

202

To a large extent, the V. kingdom in North Africa retained the Roman administrative structures. From Africa, the V. undertook long and successful campaigns of conquest by sea (conquest of Rome on June 2, 4553 that of - Sicily in 468-476). Under Hunericus (Victor of Vita, Historia persecutionis Africanae provinciae 2,6; 3,1) and +» Thrasamund, there was persecution of orthodox Christians: Hunericus issued a decree in 483 that banished 5,000 orthodox Christians to the southern border regions controlled by the Mauri. The persecution did not end until the reign of — Hildericus (523-530). After the Byzantine reconquest of Africa by ~ Belisarius in 533-534 and the deportations of V. in connection with the struggle against various attempts to usurp power (cf. Procop. Vand. 2,8; 2,14ff.;2,28; Coripp. Iohannis 3,307 ff.), there were hardly any V. still living in Africa by 550. The region was organized by > Iustinianus [1] I as an > Exarchate. The cruelty already attributed to the V. by ancient writers (Oros. 7,38; esp. Victor of Vita, ibid. 2,12 ff.), linked ever since the Renaissance with the conquest of Rome in AD 455, gave rise to the term ‘vandalism’, first coined in 1794 by the Bishop of Blois, H. Grégoire, to denote senseless destruction. — Migration of peoples; + VANDALS 1 K. TAUSEND, Lugier — Vandilier — Vandalen, in: Tyche 12, 1997, 229-236.

Cu. Courtois, Les Vandales et l’Afrique, 1955; F.M. CLOVER, The Late Roman West and the Vandals, 1993; T. Hopkin, Huns, Vandals and the Fall of the Roman Empire, 1996; P.HuLren, The True Story of the Vandals, 2001; M. Topp, Die Germanen, 2000, 172-176; A. CAMERON, Vandal and Byzantine Africa, in: CAH 14, 2000,

GHW.

552-569.

Vangio. Suebian. With Sido, he deposed his uncle, + Vannius, in AD 51, divided the kingdom of the Suebi with — Sido and thereafter reigned in close dependency on the Roman Empire, but apparently detested by his subjects (Tac. Ann. 12,30).

WE.LU.

Vangiones. A presumably Germanic, later Celticised people, whose original homeland on the right bank of the > Rhenus [2] (modern Rhine) is unknown. They marched across the Rhine with > Ariovistus, who was defeated by Caesar in 58 BC (Caes. B Gall. 1,51,2). The V. were initially for the most part driven back over the Rhine. In the time of Augustus, but no later than before the middle of the rst cent. AD (Tac. Ann. 12,27,2), they were settled on the left bank of the Rhine to the north of the > Triboci and the Nemetes, and to the south of —» Mogontiacum; the capital of their civitas was > Borbetomagus (modern Worms). In 69/70 the Triboci and the V. allied with the rebelling > Treveri, but soon defected to the Romans (Tac. Hist. 4,70,3). In the 6th cent. their country fell to the + Franci. H. BANNERT, s. V. V., in: RE Suppl. 15, 654-662; G. LENZBERNHARD, H. BERNHARD, Das Oberrheingebiet, in: Mitt.

des Historischen

Vereins der Pfalz 89, 1991,

1-347;

VANTH

R.HAussLer, The Romanisation of the Civitas Vangionum, in: Univ. College London Inst. of Arch., Bulletin 30, 1993, 41-104; W.Boprert, R6mische Steindenkmaler aus Worms und Umgebung, 1998, 1-5. RA.WI.

Vani. City in West-Georgia, Kutaisi, a centre of ancient > ture with three terraces which mid rst cent. BC began to be

c. 25 km southwest of Colchis. In 1896, a struchad been destroyed in the excavated (with interruptions). Three phases could be distinguished (I: 8th— 6th cents.; II: 5th—4th cents.; III: 3rd—1st cents. BC). Several buildings were uncovered (a surrounding wall with gate in phase III) as well as tombs (gold jewellery with granulation); the finds include a large number of Greek imports, among them a Hellenistic bronze torso modelled after the > severe style and fragments of a Greek bronze inscription from the late 4th/early 3rd cent. BC (on the maintenance of cult practices [1]). A workshop for bronze casting was found as well (middle terrace). The Identification with Strabo’s (11,2,17) Leucothia [2] is uncertain [3]. 1 J. VinoGRADOV, The Inscribed Bronze from Vani, in: Id.,

Pontische Stud., 1997, 577-601 2 O.LORDKIPANIDZE, Vani. Ein antikes religidses Zentrum im Lande des Goldenen Vlieses (JRGZ 42), 1995, 400f. Georgia in Antiquity, 1994, 148-150.

3D.BRAUND,

O. LORDKIPANIDZE (ed.), Vani. Archaeological Excavations, 9 vol. until now, 1972 ff.; Id., Arch. in Georgien, 1987, 133-146.

A.P.-L,

Vannius. Of the + Quadi. Installed as king of the territory between the rivers Marus and Cusus (March and Waag?) by — Drusus [II 1] in AD 19, following the elimination of + Maroboduus and —> Catualda (Tac. Ann. 2,63). He developed his rule praedationibus et vectigalibus (‘by robbery and tolls’) (ibid. 12,29). Finally, in AD 51, V. was unable to prevail against internal conflicts (revolt of > Vangio and > Sido) and external pressure from the > Hermunduri and > Lugii. Emperor > Claudius [III 1] did not intervene in these conflicts, but permitted V. to take refuge in exile in Pannonia (ibid. 12,30). T. Nacy, Die Machtpolitik des Tiberius an der Mitteldonau, in: Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 41, 1989, 61-67.

Vanth. Female Etruscan Underworld daemon. nouncer of death and guardian of graves V. usually winged, primarily in the funerary (+ Burial, Dead, cult of the), sometimes with Charun (+ Charon), sometimes in

WE.LU.

As an anappears, domain together mythical

scenes. An earlier type of representation with a long

+ chiton can be traced until the 5th cent. BC; in the Hellenistic period her appearance was strongly influenced by the Greek » Gorgo [1] (snakes as hair) and the Erinyes (boots, short chiton, cross straps; —> Erinys) [1;

2]. Her attributes are a torch, sword, keys or scroll; in addition there was a naked V. type (‘V. group’ in red

203

204

figured vase painting). The name is recorded seven times in inscriptions from the 4th cent. BC (e.g. Tomba Francois, Vulci); an early inscription from the 7th cent. BC is disputed [1; 3]. Besides V. there are other

Manuel (Faustus [4] of Byzantium 5,34 f.; 5,373 legendary Moses [2] of Chorene 3,40). PLRE 1, 945.

VANTH

female Etruscan Underworld daemons (e.g. Culsu). — Charon; > Erinys; - Lasa; > Turan 1 C. WeBerR-LEHMANN, s.v. V., LIMC 8.1, 173-183 2 1.Krausxkorr, Todesdimonen und Totengétter im vorhellenistischen Etrurien, 1987

E.PAscHINGER,

3 PFIFFIG, 327-330.

Die etruskische Todesgottin V., 1992

(problematisch).

Vapincum. City in Gallia Narbonensis, chief town of the Avantici [r. 75, 287, 290] in the territory of the + Vocontii tribal federation, modern Gap (in the département of Hautes-Alpes). A significant station (mansio; beaker from Vicarello 66 MILLER: Vappincum) on a linking road between the valley of the Rhodanus (Rh6ne) and Italy. The earliest traces of settlement (dolmen) are from the Chalcolithic period [2. 1, 20]. Two

pre-Roman oppida lie on the hill of Saint-Mens to the east [2. 17] and that of Puy-Maure to the west [2. 14] of the modern town which covers the Roman settlement [3. rrr]. From AD 69 V. was probably a Roman — civitas (Plin. HN. 3,37). Around 400 the Notitia Galliarum 16,5 considers the civitas Vappincensium part of the province of Narbonensis II. From the 4th cent. V. was a bishopric. Ancient remains: finds from a sanctuary on > Seleucus Mons to the southwest of V. (CIL XII 1535-1538: dedications to > Mars, > Mithras, — Silvanus

[1], > Victoria Augusta; cf. [3. 1r1-115]).

A

fortress with towers is presumably from late Antiquity [Berm] 1 G. BaRRUOL, Les peuples préromains du Sud-Est de la Gaule (Revue archéologique de Narbonnaise, Suppl. 1), 1969 2R.CHEMIN, Carte archéologique de Gap, document final de synthése, 1994 31.GANeT, Les HautesAlpes (Carte archéologique de la Gaule 5), 1995. RIVET, 251-255.

M.-L. CHaumont, s. v. Armenia and Iran II, Enclr 2, 418438, esp. 428; R.H. HewseEn, The Successors of Tiridates the Great, in: Rev. des études arméniennes 13, 1978/79, 99-126; J. MARKWART, Siidarmenien und die Tigrisquellen, 1930, 69-71. M.SCH.

Varazes (BagdOn¢/Bardthés, Varazes). An Armenian who was sent by > Iustinianus [1] to Italy in 548 at the head of 800 of his countrymen and arrived at just the right time to rescue Verus (PLRG 3B, 1370) and his ~+ Heruli from total destruction by > Totila (Procop. Goth. 3,27). Recalled from Italy in 551, he was appointed leader of 800 Tzans (Armenian sub-tribe) against the Persians in -» Lazica (Procop. Goth. 4,13,10). His identification with an Armenian commander V. in Lazica in 5 56 (Agathias 4,13) is disputed. PLRE 3B, 1362 f. M.SCH.

Varciani (Ovaguavoi/Ouarikianot). A possibly Celtic people in + Pannonia (Plin. HN 3,148; Ptol. 2,15,2),

whose settlement area can probably be found in the southeast of Pannonia Superior to the east of the Sisciani (> Siscia). V. were recruited into the Roman army probably as early as during the Great Pannonian Rebellion (AD 6-9) (cf. CIL XIII 7707; 7804; 8188; CIL V 875; CIL VI 3257) and deployed primarily in the Cohors Varcianorum Equitata. B.SartA,s. v. V., in: RE 8 A, 363-365; A. GraF, Ubersicht der antiken Geographie von Pannonien, 1936, 16; TIR L 35 lergeste, 1961, 75. J.BU.

Vardagate. City on the southern bank of the upper Padus (modern Po), possibly modern Casale Monferrato. A > municipium, tribus Pollia, Regio IX (Plin.

HN. 3,49). Cf. an unknown emperor’s rescript to Clodius Secundus from the rst-2nd cent. AD [1. 240-242, no. I].

Varangians (BégayyouvBarangot). Scandinavians who

from about the early roth cent. AD arrived in Byzantium by way of the territory of the Kievan Rus (hence also often described as ‘Pac/Ros or Tauroscythae), from the r1th cent. also Anglo-Saxons who served in the Byzantine army (in which they were considered particularly trustworthy), but primarily in the Imperial Guard. Their characteristic weapon was the battle-axe, which earned them the nickname ‘axe-bearers’ (nehexuogov pelekyphoroi). S. FRANKLIN, A. CUTLER, s. v. Varangians, ODB 3, 2152.

ET.

Varazdat. After the murder of + Pap in AD 374 his nephew (or cousin?) V. was installed by the Roman government as king in Armenia. He had the imperial general MuSel Mamikonian, the son of > Vasaces [x], murdered and c. 378 was banished by Vasaces’s brother

1 G. MENNELLA, E. ZanDa (eds.), Supplementa Italica 13, 1996, 231-249.

E.Gassa, Aspetti sociali del rescritto imperiale di Vardagate, in: M.C&BEILLAc-GERVASONI

(ed.), Les élites

municipales de l’Italie péninsulaire, 2000, 457—-46r.

ES.G.

Vardanes [1] In Ptol. 5,8,2 and 14 (Ovagddavnc/Ouarddnés) the most southerly of the seven rivers beyond the > Tanais (Don) flowing from the east into the > Maeotis (Sea of Azov), on which five cities are mentioned; the V., which is also known to Amm. 22,8,26, was a large navigable river which can be identified with the Kuban. In Antiquity it also had the name > Hypanis [2], in the Roman period, however, it had the Sarmatic name V. E. POLASCHEK, s. v. V. (1), RE 8 A, 367 f.; V. GAJDUKEvic, Das Bosporanische Reich, 1971, 396. AP.-L.

205

206

[2] Younger biological son of the Parthian king - Artabanus [5] Il, who died AD 39 or after, and was initially succeeded by his adopted son + Gotarzes II. V. rose up against his reign of terror c. 41. He managed to drive Gotarzes from the throne and banish him to his ancestral land of Hyrcania. In the early summer of 42 V. also gained Seleucia [1], which had been rebelling for seven years, but had to abandon his plan to conquer Armenia in view of the unwillingness of his vassal +> Izates [2] II

of Logroiio (Rioja). The original Iberian settlement was on modern Monte Cantabria and was relocated to the plain in the rst cent. BC. Archaeological remains: various house foundations, floor mosaics.

of Adiabene. Since, despite several attempts, Gotarzes

was not able to defeat V. militarily, he had him killed in the summer of 45 (Tac. Ann. 11,8-10; Jos. Ant. Iud.

20,3,4). V. left a son, not known by name (mentioned as filius Vardanis only in Tac. Ann. 13,7,2), who in 55 rebelled against + Vologaeses I. His uprising can be dated by ~ tetradrachma with the portrait of a youthful king minted by Seleucia from November 55 until June 58. Without doubt he is identical to the leader of an Hyrcanian rebellion recorded for 57-61 (Tac. Ann. 13,37; 14,25; 15,1-2; cf. Iohannes Lydus, De magistratibus 3,34). After the murder of his father the son was evidently taken to his relatives in Atropatene and after the fall of Gotarzes was instated in the latter’s ancestral land of Hyrcania. His struggle for the great king’s crown failed, however. M.J. OLBRYCHT, Vardanes contra Gotarzes II., in: Folia Orientalia 33, 1997, 81-100; M.ScHorrxy, Parther, Meder und Hyrkanier, in: AMI 24, 1991, 61-134; bes. 87, 103-109; 117-130; genealogical table VII; Id., Quellen zur Geschichte von Media Atropatene und Hyrkanien in parthischer Zeit, in: J.WIESEHOFER (ed.), Das Partherreich und seine Zeugnisse, 1998, 435-472, bes. 445;

447 £5 4525; 458; 464 f.; 467.

M.SCH.

Vardo. River in Gallia Narbonensis (rich in fish according to Sid. Apoll. Epist. 2,9,9), modern Gard or Gar-

don. Fed by the source streams Gardon d’Anduze and Gardon d’Alés on Cebenna mons (Cévennes), it flows into the Rhodanus (modern Rhone) to the north of Tarusco [1]. The river is crossed at Remoulin by a threetier aqueduct (modern Pont du Gard), part of a conduit built c. AD 50 (50.1 km in length; descent 12-27 m) which led the spring water of the Eure by way of -+ Ucetia to -» Nemausus (Nimes) [1]. The Pont du Gard has a length of 142-35 m on the lowest level, 490 mon the uppermost and a height of 48-77 m; today the modern road D 981 runs along a route over the lowest arches, which was widened in 1743. 1 G.Fasre u. a. (ed.), L’aqueduc de Nimes et le pont du Gard, *2000.

M.Louts, A. BLANCHET (eds.), Carte archéologique de la Gaule Romaine VIII: Gard, 1941, 180 f., Pl. Ill.

Vareia (Ovagia/Ouaria). City of the + Berones on a bridge over the > Iberus [1] (modern Ebro), which was navigable downstream from there on (Plin. HN 3,21; cf. Str. 3,4,125 Ptol. 2,6,55), > mansio on the TarracoAsturica road (It. Ant. 393), modern Varea in the west

VARIA

W. Espinosa, V. en el universo romano, in: J. SESMA (ed.), Historia de la ciuidad de Logrofio 1, 1955, ro1—-115;

TOVAR 3, 331; TIR K 30 Madrid, 1993, 236.

Varenus. Roman gens of Etruscan origin (SCHULZE, 248). [1] V., L. was accused c. 80 BC of murder and defended by + Cicero, who claimed that the deed had been in the interest of the accuser Ancharius [2] Rufus and that hence he was the murderer, but lost the case (Prisc. Institutiones grammaticae 7,70; 12,29; Quint. Inst. 513,283 7,1,95 752,363 9,2,56).

J.BA.

[2] V. Rufus A senator; he represented the province of ~ Bithynia et Pontus in the Senate against the proconsul Iulius [II 28] Bassus, who had been accused of extortion (Plin. Epist. 5,20). He himself was praetorian proconsul in Pontus-Bithynia probably in AD 105/6, was accused in the Senate of the same offence (+ Repetundarum crimen) in the province in 106, and was defended by Plinius [2] the Younger and Iunius {Il 7] Homullus. During the case there were long debates on the form of the proceedings (Plin. Epist. 5,20; 6,551; 6,13). In the end a legation from the province revoked the accusation, so that the case went before the emperor (Plin. Epist. 7,6; 7,10). Presumably the case

was not continued.

WE.

Vargunteius. Roman nomen gentile, recorded from the 2nd cent. BC onwards (AE 1997,283; SCHULZE, 160). [1] Roman recitator of the 2nd cent. BC, who recited

the Aunales of > Ennius [1] to large crowds on particular days (Suet. Gramm. 2) and who was understood in later times as a grammarian. Obtaining a textual edition from the Anecdoton Parisinum (GL 7,534) by conjecture on the name is problematic. Hira, $38:

JR.

[2] Died in the Parthian War in 53 BC, when, as a legate of M. Licinius [I rr] Crassus, he and his four cohorts lost contact with the army (Plut. Crassus 28,2; Oros.

6,13,3)[3] V., L. Senator. By 66 BC a lina (Cic. Sull. 67); in 63 he ~» Cicero (Sall. Catil. 28,1). using violence’), presumably Sull. 6).

co-conspirator of +> Catiwas supposed to murder Accused in 62 de vi (‘of he was convicted (Cic. J.BA.

Varia. V. is supposed to have been the name of the grandmother of - Elagabalus [2] (SHA Opil. 9, 1-3; SHA Heliog. 10,1; 12,3; 31,4). This may have been a fiction based on the name of Elagabalus’ father (see + Varius [II 6] Marcellus). WE.

207

208

Varius. Roman family name, probably derived from + Varus. Name-bearers first attested in the rst cent. BC, but only in the Imperial period did they attain any

[I 3] V. Severus (?) Hibrida, Q. From Sucro in Hispania, people’s tribune in 90 BC. He initiated a law on high treason (lex Varia de maiestate; -> maiestas) which founded a special court of equestrian (— equites Romani) jurors. Initially, it was intended to condemn those Roman nobles responsible for the Italic revolt (-» Social War [3]), especially the supporters of M.

VARIUS

prominence. SCHULZE, 249. I. REPUBLICAN

PERIOD

IJ. IMPERIAL PERIOD

I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD [I 1] V. Cotyla, L. Aedile in 48, 47 or 44 BC (Cic. Phil. 13,26), emissary at Rome for M. Antonius [I 9] in 43, and his legate in Gallia transalpina (Cic. Phil. 5,5-7; 8,24-32; Plut. Antonius 18,8). J.BA. [I 2] V. Rufus, L. Renowned Roman poet (Hor. Ars P. 55) of the Augustan period (c. 70-15 BC). With his friend Virgil (Verg. Catal. 7,1; Quint. Inst. 10,3,8), whose Aeneid he edited at Augustus’ request (Don. Vita § 37 ff.), he was at the heart of the circle of + Maecenas [2] (Laus Pisonis 238 f.; Mart. 12,3,1 f.), into which he and Virgil also introduced Horace (Hor. Sat. 1,6,54 f.; 1,5539-423 15,933 1,9,22 f.5 1,10,81-83). Prop. 2,34, meanwhile, suggests more distance, if V. is concealed behind the pseudonym of Lynceus. Works: The didactic poem (few fragments preserved) De morte (‘On Death’), which opposes the fear of death in the Epicurean tradition (cf. Quint. Inst. 6,3,78) of > Lucretius [III 1] and > Philodemus (Peri thanatou), had brought V. renown as an epic poet in the late 4os (Hor. Sat. 1,10,43 f.; Verg. Ecl. 9,35 f.; on influences on Virgil cf. Macrob. Sat. 6,1,39 f.; 6,2,19 f.). Hor. Carm. 1,6,1-4 mentions him (after 29 BC) as a potential panegyricist for + Agrippa [1], and Hor. Epist. 1,16,25—-29 is said by the Pseudo-Acronian scholiast to come from a later panegyric of V. to Augustus (cf. Hor. Epist. 2,1,245-250; derivation according to Ps.-Acro ad loc.). V.’ Thyestes, regarded as a masterpiece equal to the Greek tragedies (Quint. Inst. 10,1,98; Tac. Dial. 12,6; Mart. 8,18,7f.), was performed at the games following the battle of Actium (29) and rewarded with a million sesterces. With his philosophically-motivated focus on genres of the highest style, V. decisively influenced Augustan classicism. Although there was still a reception of his works until Quintilian (> Quintilianus [x]) and > Tacitus [1] (cf. the imitatio of De morte fr. 4 in Sil. Pun. 10,77 ff.), later testimonies and fragments mostly come from the biographical tradition on Virgil and the scholia to Virgil and Horace. Only his Thyestes was still preserved in Late Antiquity. GRF, 571 ff.; FPL3, 249-252; TRF 1953, 309 f.; BARDON 2, 28-34; J.-P.BoucHER, L’(Euvre de L. Varius Rufus. D’aprés Properce II,34, in: REA

60, 1958,

307-322;

L.ALFonsi, La 34a elegia del II libro di Properzio e il poeta Lynceo, in: Maia

15, 1963, 270-277;

F.DELLA-

Corte, Vario e Tucca in Filodemo, in: Aegyptus 49, 1969, 85-88;

W. WIMMEL, Der Augusteer L. V. R., in: ANRW II

30.3, 1983, 1562-1621; KIP 5, 1130 f.

P.L. ScumipT,

s.v. V. (III.), JR.

Livius {I 7] Drusus, but many innocent aristocrats were also accused, and some condemned. Senators were

readmitted to the juries in 89, and V. was condemned and banished under his own law. The trials were then stopped (Val. Max. 8,6,4; Ascon. 22; 73; 79 C; App. B Civ. 1,165-168). ALEXANDER, 53-58; E.BADIAN, Quaestiones Variae, in: Historia 18, 1969, 447-491; E.S. GRUEN, Roman Politics and the Criminal Courts, 147-78 B. C., 1968, 216-220.

K-LE.

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD {11 1] Q. Planius Sardus L. V. Ambibulus. Son of the

Imperial procurator L. Varius Ambibulus (cf. [r]). Adopted into the senatorial class. After the usual initial senatorial appointments, and following a praetorship, he became > praefectus [10] frumenti dandi and procos. of Macedonia in AD 124/5 [2. 53]. Legate of the legio I Italica, legate of the legio II] Augusta in Africa in AD 132, then shortly afterwards cos. suff. His sister was Varia Pansina (AE 1971, 85). He was from Capua [z. 825 f.: V.(9); 3.145 f.]. On his wider relations

[4. 55 f.]. 1 W.Eck, s.v. V. (8a) und (9), RE Suppl. 14, 825 f. 2 P.M. Fraser, The Inscriptions on Stone (Samothrace 2.1), 1960 3 THOMASSON, Fasti Africani 4 W.EcK, M.Roxan, Two New Military Diplomas, in: R.FREISToiBa, M.A. SPEIDEL (eds.), ROmische Inschriften Festschrift H. Lieb, 1995.

[II 2] V. Avitus see Elagabalus [2] {Ii 3] T. V. Clemens. Equestrian of > Celeia in Noricum. After a total of five equestrian military positions from the late Hadrianic period, he first became finan-

cial procurator in Cilicia, then in Lusitania. In AD 152 he is attested as praesidial procurator in Mauretania Caesariensis (unpublished diploma), then in Rhaetia (attested there in 157, CIL XVI 183). Then once more

financial procurator in Belgica and in the two Germanic provinces. At court under + Marcus [II 2] Aurelius and Lucius > Verus as ab > epistulis. Later presumably adopted into the Senate, as he is designated as being of the senatorial rank in the consilium of the > tabula Banasitana. His brother was V. [II 7]. J.SASEL, in: Id., Opera selecta, 1992, 206-213; THOMASson, Fasti Africani, 202 f.

[114] V. Crispinus. Tribune of the — Praetorians, charged by + Otho (in AD 69) with arming the cohors XVII urbana (+ urbanae cohortes) at Ostia. Because of a misunderstanding, the Praetorians were massacred by their own soldiers (Tac. Hist. 1,80). DEMOUGIN, 550 f.

209

210

[If S$] V. Ligus. Involved in an > adulterium case with a certain Aquila in AD 25 (Tac. Ann. 4,42,3). Accused in AD 36 of having sought to bribe the accusers of Mamercus Aemilius [II 14] Scaurus (Tac. Ann. 653052): [wam29] sees no connection with Valerius Ligus. 1 DEMOUGIN.

[II 6] Sex. V. Marcellus. Father of the future emperor ~ Elagabalus [2], from Apamea [3] in Syria, married to Iulia [22] Soaemias Bassiana, and through her related to Septimius [II 7] Severus. Equestrian career: procur. aquarum in Rome, procur. prov. Britanniae, procur. rationts privatae, deputy to the praef. praet. (+ praefectus praetorio) and > praefectus urbi, probably 212 [1. 226-234]. Thereafter adopted into the senatorial class, + praefectus [2] aerarii militaris, governor of Numidia under — Caracalla (CIL X 6569 =ILS 478 = IGRI 402 [2. 179 f.]). It cannot be confirmed whether he is the person mentioned in a diploma from AD 202 [3]. 1 H.HALFMANN,

schen

Zwei

Kaiserhauses,

syrische Verwandte

in: Chiron

2 THOMaSSON, Fasti Africani

12,

1982,

des severi-

217-235

3 S.DuSani¢, Fragment

of a Severan Auxiliary Diploma, in: ZPE 122, 1998, 219228.

[i 7] V. Priscus. Brother of V. [II 3]; equestrian from ~> Celeia. After five military positions, praefectus classis Britannicae, praesidial procurator of Dacia inferior and Mauretania Tingitana (attested there in 157, CIL XVI 181), finally of a third province ([1]; also in AE

1987, 796). 1J.Sa8ex, [ Jarius [ Jiscus, Celeiensis, in: ZPE 52, 1983, 175-182 2 DEvIjJVER 4,1762 V 52bis; 5,2272. WEE.

Varro [1] Mentioned in Jos. BI 1,398 as fyyeuwv (hégemon) of Syria, c. 25-23 BC. Identification uncertain. Most recently [1. 17 f.]. 1 E.Dasrowa, The Governors of Roman Syria, 1998.

W.E.

[2] V. Terentius, M. (Reatinus). The most important

Roman polymath author.

VARRO

the Platonist and reformer of the Academy, — Antiochus [20] of Ascalon (probably c. 84-82, Cic. Acad. 1,12), tutor to + Cicero and his brother Q. > Tullius [I 11] Cicero, V. was married to > Fundania, who owned property in the Sabine country (Varro, Rust. 1,15) and

was a daughter of the curator viarum and people’s tribune for 68 BC, C. Gallus Fundanius [1]. After his military tribunate, V. was triumvir capitalis in 90 BC (Gell. NA 13,12,6), quaestor in 86 and praetor in 68 (App. B Civ. 4,202). After the death of Sulla in 78, he accompanied the proconsul C. Cosconius [I 1] as a legate in the Illyrian War (78/7) (Rust. 2,10,8), but then joined Pompey (> Pompeius [I 3]), ten years his junior, firstly as his proquaestor in the Sertorian War (77-72). When Pompey was consul-elect in 71, V. advised him with the Eisagogikos (see below IV., no. 51), and he was himself probably people’s tribune in 70 (Gell. NA 13,12,6). As a naval commander in 67, he co-operated with Pompey in the war against the pirates (Rust. 2 praef. 3). His legateship in the Third > Mithridatic War (74-63 BC, Solin. 93 after Plin. HN 6,51) and his propraetorship in Asia in 66 (Varro, Ling. 7,109) are uncertain.

Although V. denounced the so-called First — Triumvirate in 59 with the pamphlet Trikaranos (‘The Tricephalous’), he acted as > vigintivir agris dandis in — Caesar’s land reform, much to Cicero’s chagrin. In the 50s, however, he wisely eschewed office of any kind. As a 67-year-old legate and proquaestor of Pompey (cf. denarius, RRC 447,1a) in 49 BC, he surrendered his remaining legion (the other had already deserted at Gades) to the superior force of Sex. Iulius [I 10] Caesar (Caes. B Civ. 2,19 f.) before meeting C. Caesar himself at Corduba (September 49). He at once made his way to Pompey at Dyrrhachium, but returned to Rome from Corcyra [1] following Pompey’s defeat at Pharsalus. After his return, in October 47, he dedicated his Antiquitates rerum divinarum to Caesar as pontifex maximus, but also honoured the memory of Pompey with a substantial tribute (De Pompeio libri II). Caesar commissioned V. to assemble a public > library in Rome in 46 BC (Suet. Iul. 44,2), but this plan fell victim to the unrest in the wake of Caesar’s death. V. himself, proscribed by Mark Antony (+ Antonius [I 9]) and robbed of his property (especially the estates at

I. Lire IJ. ANTIQUARIAN AND HISTORICAL WORKS III. LINGUISTIC WORKS AND WORKS OF LITERARY HISTORY IV. ENCYCLOPAEDIA AND SPECIALIST TREATISES V.PoreTRY VI. ASSESSMENT

Casinum, Cic. Phil. 2,103 f., at Cumae, Cic. Acad. 1,1 and by Vesuvius, Rust. 1,15), almost came to grief—Q. + Fufius [I 4] Calenus, a close confidant of Antony, saved his life (App. B Civ. 4,203). Celebrated with the high accolade of an honorific bust in the first Roman

I. LIFE The Roman state official and scholar V. was born in 116 BC (Jer. Chron.) at Reate (Symmachus, Ep. 1,2) or Rome (Aug. Civ. 4,1) and acquired a comprehensive literary and philosophical education at Rome. V. heard the grammarian and tragic poet L. + Accius, to whom he dedicated the work De antiquitate litterarum (before 86), and his main tutors were the oft-quoted philologist and antiquarian L. > Aelius [II 20] Stilo (see [1]) and

public library of -> Asinius [I 4] Pollio, V. enjoyed a further fifteen years of authorial activity until his death in 27 BC. He was buried in accordance with Pythagorean rites (Plin. HN 35,160).

The only one of V.’s works to survive intact is the Rerum rusticarum libri II, while even De lingua latina is incomplete (only books 5-10). Some 600 fragments of the Saturae Menippeae survive (lost works are marked with *). For most works, we have only the titles

VARRO

211

and quotations of sparse fragments. Jerome compiled a catalogue of works (= Cat.) in the lost Epistula ad Paulam (reference: Jer. Vir. ill. 54 = PL 32,1 p. 702), to which Rufin. Apologia 20 (PL 21,599) refers, and which was only discovered in 1848, in England, as a copy of an extract from a MS from Arras. It was edited by [2] that same year, and expanded as early as 1856 by CHARLES CHapPults from transcripts in two Paris MSS (Cat.). V.’s complete ceuvre is today estimated at 74 titles in a total of 620 books, most of which were written between 59 and 50 BC and between 42 and 27 BC. Their chronology, however, is decipherable only in a few cases. II. ANTIQUARIAN AND HISTORICAL WORKS

(x) The main work is the * Antiquitates rerum huma-

narum

et divinarum

libri XXXXI

(‘Antiquities of

Human and Divine Matters’; Aug. Civ. 6,3; Cat.), dedicated to Caesar in 47 or 46 BC and showered with

212

authors such as Cornelius [II 19] Labeo on sacred antiquities, but above all it became the target for patristic criticism (Tert. Ad nat. 2; Lactant. Div. inst. 1; especial-

ly Aug. Civ. 4;6;7) of Roman ‘paganism’. Augustine’s interest was particularly drawn by V.’s doctrine of the three genera (‘species’) of theologia: genus mythicum (the artificial/artistic mythology of poets), genus physicum (the metaphysical understanding of natural powers in philosophy), genus civile (popular and state cult, coloured by mythology and superstition), which was V.’s particular interest. V. sought to understand Roman state religion as a historically-enriched form of an original natural religion founded on the (Stoic, neo-Academic) principle of a divine ‘world soul’ (anima mundi) which gradually reaches all aspects of the world, including cult (theory of permeation). (2) *De vita populi Romani libri IV ad Atticum (Charisius, Gramm. p. 161,1; Cat.), after 49, over I00 fragments in Nonius. Reconstruction of the history of

Johannes Lydus, De magistratibus) now acquired a shape and contexts. The background to this was not cultural romanticism, but the quest to create the foundation of a new self-consciousness for the Civil War generation — a self-consciousness that would ultimately be designed by -» Augustus [1] and his architects, priests and writers [6]. Without V., the renovatio Augusta would not have been possible [7]; nor would the rational engagement of the Church Fathers [8], especially Augustine (+ Augustinus), with Classical Anti-

Roman civilization [11] (costume, habitation, food, rituals, offices) since the Monarchical period on the basis of annalistic material. Apparent tendency towards cultural pessimism: luxury supplanting utility. (3) *De gente populi Romani libri IV (Arnob. 5,8), written in c. 43, a Roman history ab origine, starting with prehistory (to the Ogygian Flood; Myth V. C.) and moving through the mythical-heroic era (to the First Olympiad) to Roman history (fall of Troy, Aeneas); the chronological system based on the Chronica of > Castor [2] of Rhodes. (4) *De familiis Troianis libri (Serv. Aen. 5,704), with tracing back to Trojans the descent of the old Roman gentes, e.g. the gens Iulia from Aeneas’ son Iulus [12]. (5) *Aetia (mentioned several times by Servius) may also have dealt with the origins of Roman customs and institutions. (6) * Tribuum liber (Varro, Ling. 5,56) explained the development and names of the 35 > tribus. (7) *Annalium libri III (Charisius, Gramm. p. 133,26; Cat.), perhaps a synchronous historical chronology [13]. (8) Two books or more (‘or more’ hereinafter +) *Historiarum libri II+ (Verona scholia to Verg. Aen. 2,717), unless mistranscribed from Humanarum ... ; the quote refers to Aeneas’ flight from Troy. (9) * Rerum urbanarum libri III (Charisius, Gramm. p. 170,19, Cat.), perhaps a historical city chronicle in the style of the Acta diurna introduced by Caesar

quity [9].

(+ acta [3]).

praise by Cicero (Acad. 1,9) in 45. Structure: hexads or triads (Aug. loc. cit.). Book 1: introduction and scheme, Books 2-7 de hominibus (‘of men’), 8-13 de locis (‘of places’), 14-19 de temporibus (‘of times’), 20-25 de rebus (‘of things’). Some 70 fragments survive. The subject is historical research, certainly also including speculations and etymological derivations of Roman civilization, with the aim of constituting an independent, tradition-related consciousness of the Roman world, to free it from a customary conception of cultural dependence on Greece. Cicero (Acad. 1,9) observed this correctly when he credited V. with having given Romans a deserved sense of belonging, where they had formerly lived as foreigners in their own land. Places, buildings, cult objects, images, inscriptions, etc., in Rome and Italy (no complete ‘geography’ [3]), gentes (> gens) and familiae, calendar, chronology (including dating of the foundation of Rome to 753 BC after L. > Tar(r)utius Firmanus [4]) [5], institutions and magistrates (evaluated in Plut. Quaest. Rom., Suet. Pratum, Cens. 21 and

The second

part, the (more easily reconstructed

[x0]) Res divinae, has a parallel structure. Book 26: Introduction and scheme, 27-29 de hominibus, 30-32

de locis, 33-35 de temporibus, 36-38 de sacris, 39-41 de dis on the priestly colleges, cult sites, festivals, rituals and Roman theology, again in the sense of a historical aetiology (not, for instance, as a book of instruction for the pontifex maximus). The work was a central source for Ovid’s Fasti, for Suetonius and for treatises of other

III. LINGUISTIC WORKS AND WORKS OF LITER-

ARY HISTORY (10) Main work: De lingua Latina libri XXV, a systematic description of the ‘Latin language’. V. had already announced to Cicero the dedication of a major work in 47 BC (Cic. Att. 13,12,3), and he duly presented him with the work (therefore before Cicero’s death), though it was apparently completed in haste and without final corrections [14].

213

Although only six of 25 books survive, the treatise, in three parts, can be readily reconstructed [15]. Book *r Introduction and scheme. Part I (books 2-7) impositio verborum (word formation, semantics), ie. *2 arguments against etymology [16] as a method, *3 arguments in favour, * 4 —in conclusion (technique also of subsequent book groups) — the form of defensible etymology in four classifications [17]. Then 5: application to things (res in the Stoic cosmic hierarchy), 6: to motion (tempora, actiones), 7: to the vocabula poetica,

i.e. to difficult nouns in poetic language. Part II (books 8—13) declinatio (‘declension’ in the strict sense, i.e. all form changes [18]) with the same threefold structure, i.e. 8: arguments for the validity of unsystematic consuetudo (anomalia, > anomaly) after the teachings of the Pergamene > Crates [5] of Mallus, 9: counter-arguments in favour of consistent declension (analogia, ~ analogy [2]) after the teachings of the Alexandrian Aristarchus [4] — here, V. seems himself to have constructed the antagonism for the sake of structure [19], ro: (incomplete) correct understanding of central methodological concepts (simile/dissimile, ratio/logos, analogia/consuetudo); then application *r11: to res, *12: to tempora, actiones, *13: to poetic language. Part III (books 14-25) coniunctio (syntax), two books each: *14/15, *16/17, *18/19 for and against the consuetudo of sentence structure and the defensible form, then again *20/21, *22/23, *24/25 application to res, tempora/actiones and poetical practice. In spite of the recourse to > Stoicism (division of the material world, etymology) and Alexandrian Hellenistic language theory (declension), V. was less concerned with a paradigmatic understanding of Latin than with the development of a Roman linguistic consciousness, as his choice of historical and antiquarian examples illustrates. This book, written in unstable times, preserves — in spite of its incipient dialogue — the extremely dry and curt style of a lecture [20], and this hampered its transmission. That transmission is owed entirely to the MS Florentinus F, written at Montecassino in the r1th cent. (the more recent MSS dependent upon it are without value), which won critical acclaim from the Humanists quickly following its first publication in 1471 by Pomponius LageTus (1566 ADRIANUS TURNEBUS, 1566 JOSEPH SCALIGER, 1602 CASPAR SCHOPPE; evaluation in e.g. GEORGES D’HALLuIn’s Restauratio linguae Latinae, 1533). (11) *Epitoma linguae Latinae libri IX (Cat.); Following an introductory book, an abridgement of the three parts of De lingua latina to one third, i.e. 2+2+4 books (12) * De sermone Latino libri V (Charisius, Gramm. p. 132,1; Cat.) on colloquial language, dedicated to M. Claudius [I 15] Marcellus, murdered in 45 BC. (13) *De utilitate sermonis libri IV (Charisius, Gramm. p. 157,3) probably contained an anomalistic treatment (> Anomaly) of Greek words borrowed into Latin.

214

VARRO

(14) “De similitudine verborum libri III (Charisius, Gramm. p. 116,9; Cat.) would then presumably have presented the principles of > analogy. (15) *De origine linguae Latinae (Prisc. GL 2,30,12; Cat.) dealt with interference between Italic dialects and

Greek [21]. (16) *De antiquitate litterarum ad Accium libri I+ (Prisc. GL 2,7,27), written in c. 90, discussed names, numbers, form and order of the alphabet [22]. (17) *Peri charakteron libri III (Charisius, Gramm. Pp. 246,3) either also considered the letters of the alphabet or character types in the Theophrastean manner or, most probably, the types of word formations in declension. (18) De bibliothecis libri III (Charisius, Gramm. p. 110,13) may have been connected with V.’s library commission, and was probably a history of the great Hellenistic — libraries (cf. Gell. NA 7,17), as perhaps also was (19) * De proprietate scriptorum libri III (Non. 527,4 L. = 537,29 M.; Cat.), if it was concerned with questions of authenticity and style. (20) *De descriptionibus libri III (Cat.) may have discussed the dramatic stage characters; (21) * De lectionibus (Cat.), perhaps the history of Roman (poetic) recitation. Poetic theory was the subject of (22) *De poetis (Gell. NA 1,24,3), a kind of biographical literary history [23] starting with Livius [II 1] Andronicus [24] anda source for Suetonius’ De poetis, and of (23) *De poematis libri III (Varro, Ling. 7,36; Cat.), an application of (Aristotelian?) poetics to Roman poetry with the gradation poema — poesis — poetice by form (metre, style) and content [25]. The following works dealt with matters of stage: (24) *De scaenicis originibus libri III (Charisius, Gramm. p. 101,9), a much-used history of Roman theatre [26], (25) *De actionibus scaenicis libri III (Charisius, Gramm. p. 186,24; Cat. De actis scaenicis), a pres-

entation of Roman didascaliae (> didaskaliai |II}) [27], (26) *De personis (Cat.) on > masks in tragedy and comedy, (27) *Quaestionum Plautinarum libri V (Cat.), a commentary on difficult words in Plautus, (28) * De comoediis Plautinis (Gell. NA 3,3,9), a declaration of authenticity and canonical confirmation of the 21 comedies still today accepted as by Plautus. (29) De compositione saturarum (Non. 93,16 L. =

90,16 M.) may have dealt with the verse satire of Lucilius [I 6]. In general, the (30) *Epistulicarum quaestionum libri VII+ (Gell. NA 6,r0,2) dealt with all kinds of linguistic and literary problems in epistolary form. (31) * Epistulae (Gell. NA 2,10) also seems to have been in the form of personal didactic letters, as were certain (32) *Epistularum Latinarum libri II+ (Non. 174,15 L.), and probably *Epistulae Graecae (?) (written in Greek?) [28].

It is uncertain whether the (33) *Orationum libri XXII (Cat.) published V.’s own orations [29] and must be separated from the (34) *Laudationes (‘Eulogies’;

216

25

VARRO

M. Terentius Varro: Works

No. (in text)

Title (Latin)

English title or subject

State of preser-

Edition; Testimonia; Catalogus Hieronymi* (= C)

vation’

Origins of Roman customs

6 frr.

SEMI 3142 ite SEMI 3, 121; HRR 2, 24, nos. 1 f. + C SEMI 2, I2I-142; 142-177; MIRSCH

x (IL 5)

Aetia

2 (II 7)

Annalium libri III

3 (II x)

Antiquitates rerum humanarum et divi-

‘Antiquities of Human and Divine ~ Matters’

narum, libri XXXXI

2, 89-91; GRF 1, 218f., nos. 82-86 SEMI

SEMI

— Chronography (3 books)

2 frr. —Ant. hum.: 107 frag-

4 (25)

De actionibus scae-

5 (IV 41)

nicis libri LI De aestuariis

ments; Ant. div.: 292 fragments Didascaliae of Roman dramatic per- 17 frr. (3 books) formances ‘On the Tides’ Title

6 (II 16)

De antiquitate litte-

History of Roman writing (at least

rarum ad Accium

(41 books)

(Hum.); Carpauns (Div.) > C

SEMI

3, 110; (Varro, Ling. 9,26)

5 frr.

2 books)

2, 9 £.; GRF 1, 183f., nos. x f.; (Pomp.

libri I+ De bibliothecis libri III

Hellenistic library history (3 books) 2 frr.

GL 5 pp. 98,20) SEMI 2,79

8 (II. 28)

De comoediis Plautinis

The authenticity of the comedies of 1 fr. Plautus

SEMI 2, 12 f.; GRF 1, 220-222, no. 88;

9 (Ill 29)

De compositione

Structure of Roman (verse?) satire

(Gell. NA 3,3) SEMI

7 (I 18)

x fr.

saturarum

2, 88; GRF 1, 222, no. 89; (Non.

93,16 L) 10 (III 20) De descriptionibus libri III

Typology of book characters? (cf. _ Title no. 52) Or ekphrasis studies?

SEMI 2eelek

(3 books)

(g

1 (Il 4)

‘On the [sc. Roman] Families of Trojan Origin’ (unknown no. of books) Foundations of philosophy (3 books) Historical genealogy of the Romans (4 books)

De familiis Troianis libri

12 (IV 47) De forma philosophiae libri III 13 (113) De gente populi Romani libri IV

Tats

auiktes 23 frr.

SEMI 3, 122; HRR 2, 9, no.1; (Serv. Aen. 55704) SEMI 2 hia SEMI 3, 112-121; FRACCARO; HRR 2, 10-

14 (IV 45) De gradibus libri

“On the Degrees of Affinity’

imho

t5 (IV 44) Deiure civili libri

— Old institutions in Roman law

Title

24, NOS. I-23 SEMI 2,92 SEMI

Title

SEMI

16 (II21)

XV

(15 books)

De lectionibus

History of recitation

3, 109 >C 2597 Cc

17 (Il 10) De lingua Latina libri XXV

“On the Latin Language’

6 books

(25 books)

(books

1; cf. 2, 48-71; GOETZ-SCHOELL;

5-10: incomplete; 39 frr.)

MarcosCasqQueEro. Individual books: bk. 5: CoLLarT; bk. 6: RIGANTI; FLOBERT; bk. 8: DAHL-

SEMI

MANN; bk. ro: TRAGLIA; TAYLOR

18 (IV 40) De litoralibus

Manual of coastal shipping (?)

Title

SEMI

19 (IV 43) De mensuris

Manual of measurement

1 fr.

SEMI

20 (IV 39) De ora maritima

Nautical manual

Denis

3, 143; (Prisc. GL 2, 420) SEMI

21 (IIL 15) De origine linguae

The derivation of the Latin language x fr.

SEMI

Latinae libri III

from the Greek (3 books)

De personis

‘On Masks’

2, 11; GRF 1, 184f., no. 3; (Lydus, Mag. 1,5 ad Pompeium) > C SEMI

3, 110; (Solin. 11,6)

22 (Ill 26)

3, 109 f.; (Serv. Aen. 1,108; 112)

Title

2,91->C

2

218

23 (IV 46) De philosophia

Philosophical schools and systems

24 (II 23) De poematis libri

The categories of poetry (3 books)

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Extracts: Aug.

SEMI 2, II2—-120

Civ.19,1-3 Sinn

SEMI

IT

25 (II 22) De poetis

2, 85 f£.; GRF 1, 213f., nos. 63-67 >C The Roman poets (and their works)

15 frr.

SEMI 2, 79-84; GRF 1, 209-212, nos. 5 5—

Treatise in defence of Pompey (3 books) Number theory? Or metre?

I fr.

SEMI 3, 110; (Plin. HN 33,136) C (cf. Gell. NA 1,20,4) + C

62 26 (IV 50)

De Pompeio libri III

27 (IV 48) De principiis numerorum libri IX 28 (III 19) De proprietate scriptorum libri III 29 (V 60)

De rerum natura

Title

(9 books)

The personal stylistic qualities of Roman authors (criteria of literary authenticity; 3 bks) + C “On the Nature of Things’

t frr.

SEMI 2, 92; GRF 1, 219, no. 87

(Title)

SEMI 2, 98; (Quint. Inst. 1,4,4; cf. Lact. Inst. 2,12,4) SEMI 2, 88; (Charisius, Gramm. p. ro1,9) SEMI 2, 14-35; GRF 1, 199-205, nos. 33-

(didactic poem) (attribution to Varro uncertain) 30 (III 24)

De scaenicis originibus libri UII

Roman theatrical history (3 vols.)

8 frr.

31 (III 12)

De sermone Latino libri V

The correct Latin colloquial speech

16 frr.

De similitudine verborum libri II De utilitate sermonis libri IV

The role of analogy in Latin (3 books) The role of anomaly in Latin

32 (III 14)

33 (Il 13)

34

De valetudine tuenda liber

35 (I 2)

De vita populi

(5 books) 2MERs T fr.

48 >C SEMI 2, 14; GRF 1, 185f., no. 4 + C SEMI

(4 books)

2, 14; GRF 1, 186, no. 5; (Charisius,

“On Preserving Health’ Title (cf. no. 50: Logistoricus Messalla de

Gramm. p. 157,3) cf. SEMI 3.107 — €

valetudine tuenda) Romani libri IV ad

Cultural history of the Romans by epoch, dedicated to Atticus

Atticum

(4 books)

36 (IV 54) De vita sua libri II

“On [My] Life’

152 Aiies

SEMI

most in Nonius Tite

3, 121-143; Riposati; GRF 1, 251-

258, nos. 191-216 +C SEMI

42 frr.

3, 122; (Charisius, Gramm. p. 113, 13-18) >C SEMI 2, 36-48; cf. 2, 72-79; GRF 1,

(3 books)

37 (IV 38) Disciplinarum libri IX

The (nine) liberal arts (9 books)

38 (IV 51) Eisagogikos ad

Isagoge for Pompey on the arts of

Pompeium (Eioaywyixos)

39 (IV 42) Ephemeris navalis

outra

state Manual of sea weather lore, dedi-

1 fr.

ad Pompeium

cated to Pompey

Epistulae

‘Letters’ on antiquarian and linguis- 3 frr.

205f., no. 49; 258-260, nos. 218-221 +C SEMI 3, 111 f.; (Gell. NA 14,7) SEMI 3, 109; GRF 1, 263, no. 230; (It. Alex-

andri 3) 40 (III 31)

tic matters

‘Latin letters’ (in literary history?; at Title

SEMI 2, 97; (Gell. NA 2,10) (Non. 174,15 L.)

Epistularum Latinarum libri I+ 42 (Ill 30) Epistulicarum quaestionum libri VII+

least 2 books) Problems of cultural history (at least agers

43

Epitoma antiquita-

Epitome of no. 3 (9 books)

Title

SEMI

44

tum, libri IX Epitoma hebdoma-

Epitome of no. 46 (4 books)

Title

C3

Epitome of no. 17 (9 books)

Title

SEMI

Portraits of famous Greek and Roman figures in groups of seven

4 frr.

DGG SEMI 2, 87; (Plin. HN 35,11)

41 (Ill 32)

7 books)

SEMI 2, 92-97; GRF 1, 260-263, nos. 223-— 228

Z,.01G,

dum, libri 1V

45 (Il rx) Epitoma linguae Latinae, libri IX 46 (IV 37) Hebdomades vel de imaginibus libri XV

47 (IL 8)

Historiarum libri

(15 books) Studies (at least 2 vols.)? Or identical

II+

with no. 2? Or no. 3 (Humanarum)?

Title

> C

(Schol. Veron. on Verg. Aen. 2,717)

VARRO

219

220

Title

SEMI

eee

(may belong to no. 51)

3, 111; (Cic. Acad. 1,8; cf. Cic.

49 (IV 52) LegationumlibrilII

On the rights and duties of (his own?) legations (3 books)

Title

Att.13,48,2 laudes Porciae) SEMI © ZnO

50 (IV 49) Logistorici libri LXXVI

Scholarly literary essays (76 books)

18 individualtitles,76 frr. Title

8 (I

5x (11 33)

‘Eulogies’

Laudationes

Orationum libri XXII

52 (II 17) Peri charakteron libri III (Megi yaoaxtHowv) 53 (V 58) Poematum libriX

“‘Orations’ (22 books)

Flexional stereotypes of Latin word 1 fr. formation? Or character typology? (cf. no. 10; 3 books) ‘Poems’ Title (Small-scale poetry?; 10 books)

54(V 57)

Pseudo-tragoediarum libri VI 55 (Ill 27) Ouaestionum Plau-_ tinarum libri V 56 (IIL 55) Rerum rusticarum libri IL

oe SEMI 2, 99-111; Bolisani C SEMI 3,111 >C

SEMI 2, 11; GRF 1, 206f., no. 50; (Charisius, Gramm. p. 246,3) SEMI 2, 98; (Charisius, Gramm. p. 246,

3-14) > C

Closet dramas? (6 books)

Title

Lexicological studies on Plautus (5 books)

2 frr.

‘On Rural Matters’ (3 books) (sole work of Varro to survive intact)

SEMI 2, 98 C3 SEMI 2, 12; GRF 1, 207f., nos. 51f. + C SEMI 4, 9-180; Gotz; Heurgon, Guiraud; Flach (8;

57 (Il9)

Rerumurbanarum libri II

58 (Il 36) Rhetoricorum libri

City chronicle? (3 books)

r fr.

Problems of rhetoric? (3 books)

sae.

SEMI 3, 122; HRR 2, 24, no. 1; (Charisius, Gramm. p. 170,19 f.) +C cf. SEMI 2, 39; (Prisc. GL 2,489,2)

TI

_

59(V 56)

Saturae (Menippeae), libri CL

‘Menippean Satires’ (150 books)

sot frr., most in

SEMI 3, LI-100; BUECHELER-HERAEUS;

60(V 59)

Saturarum libri VI

(Verse?) ‘Satires’ (6 books)

Nonius Title

61

Singulares libri X

(Subject obscure; ro books)

Title (ex-

ASTBURY; CEBE> C SEMI 2, 98; (Porph. Hor. Epist. 1,3) > C SEMI 3, 143

trapolated

G

from C)

62 (IIL 35) Suasionum libri III

Grounds for law proposals?

Title

SEMI 3, III €

63 (116)

Tribuum liber

The names of the Roman tribus

ott

SEMI 3, 143 ; GRF 1, 258, no. 217; (Varro, Ling.

5556) 64 (IV 53) Trikaranos (Tovxaeavos)

‘The Tricephalous’

Title

cf. SEMI 3, 94; (App. B Civ. 2,9)

(First Triumvirate)

1 The fragment numbers given here (SEMI), some being much disputed, are only indications. 2 The partial catalogue of the works of Varro in Jer. Ep. 33 (CSEL 44, 1910 H11Bere) after B. CARDAUNS (cf. [63]), 85-87. 3 Only in the C-apograph Paris Lat. 1628/1629.

Cic. Acad. 1,8) and the (35) Suasionum libri II (Cat.; — suasoriae). Prisc. GL 2,489,2, at least, attests to (36)

*Rhetoricorum libri III, but neither Cicero nor any later authority seems to have known these.

700 portraits with epigrammatic subheadings, divided into books 2- 15, each with an equal distribution of 7X7=49, 1.€. 686 images and 2x7 archetypes in the introductory book, a demonstration of the Romans being on a par with the Greeks (like Plutarch’s Bioi par-

IV. ENCYCLOPAEDIA AND SPECIALIST TREAT-

alleloi, ‘Parallel Lives’).

ISES (37) *Hebdomades

The Pythagorean number seven [31] resurfaces in a sense in the (38) * Disciplinarum libri IX (Vitr. De arch. 7 praef. 14; Gell. NA 10,1,6; Cat., 34/3 BC), based on the seven Greek — artes liberales [323 33; 34] — albeit expanded to include the practical subjects of medicine [35] and architecture ([36]; cf. > enkyklios paideia).

vel de imaginibus

libri XV

(‘Groups of Seven, or: On Images’; Gell. NA

3,10;

Cat.), 39 BC: compilation by V. of portraits of major cultural and political figures from Greek and Roman history [30], in the manner of Callimachus’ [3] Pinakes (120 books). According to Plin. HN 35,11, there were

221

222 On individual subjects: a) Geography: (39) *De ora maritima (Serv. Aen.

1,108), perhaps a guide to coastal shipping written by the naval commander of 67 BC. (40) *De litoralibus (Solin. 11,6) may have recounted personal observations at sea. (41) * De aestuariis (Varro, Ling. 9,26) seems to have explained the tides on the basis of Poseidonius’ [3] Peri okeanou. The (42) *Ephemeris navalis ad Pompeium (It. Alexandri 3) was intended to give Pompey (Pompeius [I 3]), who left for Spain in 77, a practical weather forecasting guide. There is also a gromatic treatise (43) *De mensuris (Prisc. GL 2,420; (Ps.-)Boeth. Ars geometrica) on the Etruscan centuriatio (see

Corpus agrimensorum romanorum p. 10,20 THULIN)

[37]. b) Law: (44) *De iure civili libri XV (Cat.), more a study of legal antiquities than actual law, no remains. (45) *De gradibus libri (Serv. Aen. 5,412) defined degrees of family relationship, probably with a view to legal aspects. c) Philosophy: (46) *De philosophia (Aug. Civ. 19,1-3) linked the value doctrine of Antiochus [20] with — Carneades’ [1] systematics, and derived 288 possible philosophical systems of which, in practice, only three remain: (1) > Virtus (‘virtue’) is the means of the natural primal human state (prima naturae), (2) the prima naturae are means of virtus, (3) virtus and prima

naturae are each valid for their own sake — models to which all existing philosophical schools should be ascribed ([38]; on the work’s historical component, [39]). (47) *De forma philosophiae libri III (Charisius, Gramm. p. 131,15; Cat.) may, if forma was used as in Ling. 7,110 to refer to the themes of books 4 and 10, have developed one or more dogmatic philosophies. (48) *De principiis numerorum libri IX (Cat.) probably referred to Pythagorean arithmology. (49) Under the generic title Logistorici libri LX XVI (Cat.), V. compiled individual essays on various issues of life, an arrangement reminiscent of the treatise form of Cicero’s Cato maior de senectute or, later, Censori-

nus’ [4] De die natali. Known titles of individual logistorici: Catus de liberis educandis, Curio de cultu deorum, Marius de fortuna, Messalla de valetudine,

Tubero de origine humana, Atticus de numeris, Gallus Fundanius de admirandis, Orestes de insania, Pius de

pace [40], Sisenna de historia, Calenus de ..., Laterensis de ..., Nepos de ..., Scaevola de ..., Scaurus de ..., ... de moribus, ... de pudicitia, ... de saeculis. Well-known contemporaries were honoured with pieces on subjects related to their spheres of competence [41]. d) History/biography: (50) *De Pompeio libri III (Cat.), a political apologia for his former comrade-inarms Pompey (Pompeius [I 3]), probably written in 48 after Pompey’s inglorious murder and perhaps the source of the information on Pompey in Plin. HN 7. (51) *Eisagogikos ad Pompeium (Gell. NA 14,7), 71 BC, a legal and administrative manual for the future consul Pompey [42]. The (52) *Legationum libri III (Cat.) were probably not so much autobiographical (in

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spite of V.’s numerous deployments as legate) as historical and legal, particularly since V. never seems to have trumpeted his public service. (53) *Trikaranos (App. B Civ, 2,9), an apparently biting political commentary on the so-called First Triumvirate [43]. Conversely, (54) “De vita sua libri III (Charisius, Gramm. p. 113,14; Cat.) must have been a reminiscence of old age, again depicting particular experiences rather than his personal story. This may have been the origin of the list of works (= Cat.) owned and supplemented by Jerome. e) Agriculture: (55) Rerum rusticarum libri III (‘On

rural matters’), 37 BC. Although this work deals with a ‘Catonian’ and very Roman discipline [44], V. clothes the ars in a sophisticated, carefully-structured dialogue form with playful wit and colloquial lightness [45] (utilitas and elegantia) in the manner of Heraclides [16] Ponticus (many characters, short speeches). His inten-

tion was not to present a teaching manual (like Cato’s [1] De agricultura) so much as to demonstrate the real possibility of the rural way of life, following the physical and moral annihilation of Italy through the civil wars. Book 1: De agricultura (‘On agriculture’) [46] with V.’s beloved tripartition, e.g. on work tools: instrumentum vocale (farmer, slave) — semivocale (draught animals) —mutum (utensils; Varro, Rust. 1,1722, [47]), a traditional scheme following Aristot. Eth. Nic. 8,11; Aristot. Poet. 20; Book 2: Ratio et scientia

pastoris: pastio agrestis (heavy livestock breeding; ~ Stabling of livestock, + Husbandry); Book 3: Pastio villatica (> Breeding of small domestic animals) [48], including the description of his private aviary with adjacent dining-room at > Casinum [49]; also bee-keeping (> Apiculture) and fish-keeping (— piscina [1]). This

treatise is a treasure-trove in V.’s corpus. It shows him as a scientist (derivation of sources [50] in direct filiation from Mago [12] Carthaginiensis, Rust. 1,1,7-10

[51]) and a practical man with his own (albeit not professional) experience, and as a composer of dialogues and a presenter of didactic material, as a specialist author (to whom the Elder Pliny (Plinius [1]) [52], Palladius [II 1] and others have recourse) and a stylist. Its transmission relies primarily on the MS (lost since the 16th cent.) Laurentianus S. Marci, readings of which were recorded by ANGELO PoLiziaNo in the editio princeps of MERULA (Venice 1472). There were also transcripts, especially Laurentianus 51,4, and other independent sources, MS Parisinus 6842A (12th/13th cents.) and the (defective) MS Vindobonensis 33H.

V. POETRY V. excelled early in the field of + satire with his (56) Saturae (Menippeae) libri CL (Cat.) (only completely preserved example of the genre: the Apocolocyntosis of Seneca [2], not Petronius’ [5] Satyrica), prosimetric dialogues (+ prosimetrum) and grotesque fictions in the manner of the Cynic -» Menippus [4] of Gadara (whose work itself can only be conjectured from the imitations of Lucian, see + Lucianus [1] book 3). These entertaining and paraenetic satires [53] of conservative, ascetic

223

224

morality made use of fantastical scenarios (e.g. Marcipor: voyage by cloud with ensuing crash; Sexagesis:

F.SCHOELL, 1910 (Ling. with grammatical fragments); M.A. Marcos CasQuero, 1990 (Ling.); J. COLLART,

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reawakening after generations in alien surroundings;

Eumenides: distanced view from a high tower; Quinquatrus: banquet: Nescis, quid vesper serus vehat (“You know not what the late evening may bring’), see Gell. NA 13,11,1) and an exquisitely linguistically inventive Graeco-Latin hybrid language, to whose intensive examination

in Nonius [III 1] we owe the surviving plethora of tiny fragments. Nonius seems to have used an old collection (from 80-67 BC [54]) giving oneword titles to the individual satires (e.g. Gerontodidaskalos, Parmeno, Flaxtabula) and a later one using double titles (of the type Tithonus negli yhows/peri géros, or Papiapapae nei tyxmpiwv/peri enkomion; [5 5]). Sadly, no play can be reconstructed completely (on the modern revival of the genre — e.g. Samuel BUTLER, Mercurius Menippeus, c. 1650 -see [56]). Nothing more than title attestations survive of (57) * Pseudo-tragoediarum libri VI (cat.), perhaps Cynical closet dramas, (58) *Poematum libri X (cat.), (59) *Saturarum libri VI (cat.) (but even Horace did not know these), (60) * De rerum natura (Quint. Inst. 1,4,4; Vell. Pat. 2,36; Lact. Inst. 2,12,4), a didactic poem formerly attributed to V. [3] Atacinus.

VI. ASSESSMENT Alongside Cicero [57], V. was the dominant figure of Roman intellectual life in the rst cent. BC. He may even have been more versatile than Cicero and in some sense ‘more Roman’ by virtue of his deeper feeling for Italic tradition, though he sacrificed nothing in the way of familiarity with Greek culture [58]. As Cicero’s reception of Greek philosophy was of decisive importance to Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages, so V.’s research was to the Saeculum Augustum and its self-image in history, religion and literature [60], however much he himself may still have conceived his ‘programme’ entirely in the spirit of the old Republic [59]. Like his friend Pomponius [I 5] Atticus, his intellectual distance from daily political life enabled him to live through the most difficult century in Rome’s history in unbroken creative activity, without in the process withdrawing from his practical obligations as a citizen or abjuring his patriotic commitment. He appropriated as it were a cross-section of Hellenistic philosophy, making use of it casually and with aplomb, but without aligning himself to any particular school [61]. To this extent, V. can certainly be portrayed as a ‘modern’ personality. His legacy was considerable, enduring into the Renaissance [62]. ~+ Agrarian writers; > Artes liberales; > Biography; > Buntschriftstellerei; > Cicero; > Encyclopaedia; + Grammarians; > Library; > Philology; > Prosimetrum; — Satire; + Technical literature COMPLETE EDITIONS: F.SEMI, 4 vols., 1965; A. TRAGuA, M. T. V., Opere, 1974 (without the fragments, with an Italian translation, reprint 1979). EDITIONS OF INDIVIDUAL WoRKS: G.GOETZz,

1954 (Ling. book 5, with a French translation and commentary); E. RIGANTI, 1978 (Ling. book 6, with an Italian translation and commentary); P.FLOBERT,

1985 (Ling.

book 6, with a French translation and commentary); H. DAHLMANN, 1940 (Ling. book 8, with a German translation and commentary, reprint (Ling. book ro, with an Italian tary); D.J. TAYLOR, 1996 (Ling. translation and commentary);

J.HeuRGON,

Cu. Gurraup,

1966); A. TRAGLIA, 1956 translation and commen-

book ro, with an English G.GorTz,

1929 (Rust.);

Economie rurale, 3 vol.,

1978-1997 (Rust., with a French translation and commentary); D. FLacu, Gesprache tiber die Landwirtschaft,

1996/97 (Rust. books 1-2, with a German translation and commentary); F. BUECHELER (Men.), in: Id., W. HERAEUS (ed.), Petronius Arbiter, Saturae, 1871 (°1922), 177-250; R. Astpury, 1985 (Men.); J.-P.CEBE, 13 vols., 19721999 (Men., with a French translation and commentary); P.Mirscu, 1882 (Antiquitates rer. hum., in need of reworking); B. CARDAUNS, 1976 (Antiquitates rer. div.; vol. 1: frr., vol. 2: commentary and German translation); B.Riposati, 1939 (De vita p. R.; 71972; with a commentary); P.FRaccaro, Studi Varroniani, 1907 (De gente p. R., with a commentary); E. BOLISANI, 1937 (Logistorici).

COLLECTIONS OF FRAGMENTS FROM DIFFERENT works: GRF 1, 179-371: 461 frr. of the following works

(x, partly), (2)-(3), (6), (xo), (12)-(17), (19), (22)-(25), (27)-(30), (38), (42); HRR 2, xxxii-xxxx, 10-25: frr. of the following works (3), (4), (7), (9), (53); V. BROWN, V., in: P.O. KrIsTELLER et al. (eds.), Catalogus translationum

et commentariorum, vol. 4, 1980, 451-500. INDEx: M.SALVADORE, Concordantia Varroniana, 2 vols., 1995 (Ling. and frr.); W.W. Brices, T.R. WHILE, C.G. SHIRLEY, 1983 (Rust.); E.ZAFFAGNO, 1972, in: Studi Noniani 2, 1972, 139-229 (Men.). COLLECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY: B.RrposaTi, A.Maras-

TONI, Bibliografia Varroniana, 1974 (until 1973); G. GaLIMBERT-BIFFINO, Rassegna di studi Varroniani, 1981 (until 1980); B. CARDAUNS, Stand und Aufgaben der V.Forschung 1935-1980, 1982 (AAWM 1982/84). BIBLIOGRAPHY:

1 Y.LEHMANN, La dette de Varron a

Pegard de son maitre Lucius Aelius Stilo, in; MEFRA 97, 1985, 515-525 2F.Ritscut, Die Schriftstellerei des M. T. V., in: Id., Opuscula 3, 1877 (reprint 1978), 419-

505

3K.SALLMANN, Die Geographie des Alteren Plinius

in ihrem Verhialtnis zu V., 1971, 237-268 4A.T. GRrarTON, N. M. SwERDLOw, Technical Chronology and Astrological History in V., Censorinus and Others, in: CQ 35, 1985,454-465 5 L.DEscHamps, Temps et histoire chez Varron, in: $. BOLDRINI (ed.), Filologia e forme letterarie.

Festschrift F. Della Corte 2, 1987, 167-192 6H.D. JoceLyn, V.’s ‘Antiquitates rerum divinarum’ and Religious Affairs in the Late Roman Republic, in: Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 65, 1982, 148-205 7B.CarDaAuNS, V. und die rémische Religion, in: ANRW II 1, 1978, 80-103 8 M. WirsTRAND-SCHIEBE, Lactanz und V., in: RhM 137, 1994, 162-186

9J.H. Waszink, Var-

rone nella letteratura cristiana dei primi secoli, in: Atti del congresso internazionale di studi varroniani (1974), 1976, vol. 1, 209-223 10H.D. Jocetyn, On Editing the

Remains of V.’s ‘Antiquitates rerum divinarum’, in: RFIC 108, 1980, 100-122

11 B.ReIscu1, Reflexe griechi-

scher Kulturentstehungslehren

bei augusteischen Dich-

225

226

tern, 1976, chs. 2-4

12 S. Weinstock, Divus Iulius,

1971, 4ff., 80ff. 13 T. Tarver, V., Caesar and the Roman Calendar, in: A.H. SOMMERSTEIN (ed.), Religion

and Superstition

in Latin Literature,

1996,

39-57

14 W. Ax, Disputare in utramque partem, in: RhM 138, 1995, 146-177. 15 H.DAHLMANN, V. und die helleni-

stische Sprachtheorie, 1932 (71964) 16 C.FRESINA, La 17 W. PFAFFEL, Quartus gradus langue de Pétre, r991 etymologiae, 1981

18 D.J. Taytor, Declinatio, a Study

of the Linguistic Theory of M.T.V., 1975 19 D. FenLING, V. und die grammatische Lehre von der Analogie und der Flexion, in: Glotta 35, 1956, 214-270; 36, 1957, 20 A. TraG.ia, Elementi stilistici nel De lingua 48-100 Latina di Varrone, in: ASNP 12, 1982, 481-511 21G.Pascucci, Le componenti linguistiche del latino secondo la dottrina varroniana, in: Studi su Varrone in onore di B. Riposati, 1979, vol. 2, 339-363 22 F.DELLA Corte, La filologia latina dalle origini a Varrone (1937), *1981,149-216 23 L.DescHamps, Varron et les poétes, in: Latomus 49, 1990, 591-612 24 G.D’Anna, Alcune osservazioni sulle fonti di Gellio N. A. 17,21, in: ArchCl

25/26, 1973/74, 166-237 25 F.SBORDONE, Sul de poematis di Varrone, in: s. [9], vol. 2, 515-524 26P.L. SCHMIDT, Postquam ludus in artem paulatim verterat, in: G. Voret-Sprra (ed.), Studien zur vorliterarischen Periode im frihen Rom, 1989,77-134 27 A.PocrNa, Varrony el teatro latino, in: Id., Comienzos de la poesia latina: épica,

tragedia, comedia, 1990, 91-121

28R.Rocca, Le let-

tere di Varrone in Nonio, in: Studi Noniani 5, 1978, 203—

223

29 A.TRAGLIA, Sul testo di un’orazione accademica

di Varrone, in: A. Braco (ed.), Cultura e lingue classiche 3, 1993, 887-892 30 A.Manzo, Spunti di storia dell’arte e di critica dell’arte in Varrone, in: RIL 109, 1975,

252-268 31 A.GRILLI, Sul numero sette, in: s. [21], vol. I, 203-219 32 A.TRAGLIA, L’ars grammatica vista da Varrone in rapporto con le altre arti, in: s. [9], vol. 1, 177-195 33J.-Y.GUILLEMIN, La conception des mathématiques de Varron, in: D.Conso (ed.), Mél. F. Kerlouégan, 1994, 269-281

34 U.Pizzanl, La sezione musi-

cale dei ‘Disciplinarum libri’ di Varrone Reatino, in: s. [9], vol. 2, 457-476 35 S.BOSCHERINI, La medicina in Catone e Varrone, in: ANRW

II 37.1, 1993, 729-755

361.Tozz1, L’eredita varroniana in sant’Agostino in ordine alle disciplinae liberales, in: RIL 110, 1976, 281291 370.A. W. Dike, V. and the Origins of Centuriation, in: s. [9], vol. 2, 353-358 38 W.GORLER, Antiochos von Askalon und seine Schule, in: GGPh? 4.2, 971975 397T.TaRvVER, V. and the Antiquarianism of Philosophy, in: J.BARNS (ed.), Philosophia togata, vol. 2, 1997, 130-164 40B.Karz, V., Sallust, and the Pius de pace, in: CeM 36, 1985, 127-158 41B.ZUuUCCHELLI, V.

logistoricus, 1981 42 K.KuMANIECKI, De Varronis libro isagogico ad Pompeium eiusque dispositione, in: Acta classica Universitatis Scientiarum Debreceniensis 10/11, 1974/75, 41-44 43 B.ZuCCHELLI, L’enigma del Toind.gavos, in: s. [9], vol. 2, 609-625 44 A.COSSARINI, Unita e coerenza del ‘De re rustica’ di Varrone, in: Ren-

diconti dell’Accademia delle Scienze dell’Istituto di Bologna.

Classe

di Scienze

morali

65, 1976/77,

177-197

45 E. De Saint-DENIS, Syntaxe du latin parlé dans les ‘Res 46J.E. rusticae’ de Varron, in: RPh 21, 1947, 141-162 SKYDSGAARD, V. the Scholar, 1968

47 W.HUBNER, V.s

instrumentum vocale im Kontext der antiken Fachwissen48 C.M. C. GREEN, Free schaft, 1984 (AAWM 1984.8) as a Bird, Varro De re rustica 3, in: AJPh 118, 1997, 42749L.DescHamps, La salle 4 manger de Varron a 448

VARRO

Casinum, in: Bull. de la Soc. toulousaine d’ét. classiques 191/192, 1987, 61-93

50 G.JacKson, II ‘de re rustica’

di Varrone, in: Vichiana

17, 1988, 33-80

51K.D.

Waite, Roman Agricultural Writers I: V. and His Predecessors, in: ANRW I 4, 1973, 439-497 52 W.KALTEN-

STADLER, Arbeitsorganisation und Fihrungssystem bei den rémischen Agrarschriftstellern, 1978 53 E. WoyTEK, V., in: J.ADAMIETZ (ed.), Die romische Satire, 1986,

311-355 54 E.ZAFFAGNO, I problemi delle Satire Menippee, in: Studi Noniani 4, 1977, 207-252 55 W.A. KRENKEL, V.: Menippeische Satire, Wissenschaft und Technik, 2000 56 H.Castrop, Die varronische Satire in England 1660-1690 (Anglistische Forschung 161), 1983, 25-120 57 CH. ROscH-BINDE, Vom “dewwds &vje” zum “diligentissimus investigator antiquitatis”, 1998 58 F. DELLA Corte, Varrone il terzo gran lume romano, 1954 (*1970) 59 A.TRaGLIA, Varrone e la prosa letteraria del suo tempo, in: s. [21], vol. 2, 497-539 60 TH. Barer, Werk und Wirkung V.s im Spiegel seiner Zeitgenossen, 1997 61 Y. LEHMANN, Varron théologien et philosophe romain, 1997 62 J. Ijsew1yn, De fortuna Varronis apud scriptores latinos renatarum litterarum aetate, in: s. [9], vol. 1, 225-242 63 B. CARDAUNS, M. Terentius V., Einfiihrung in sein Werk, 2001. KL.SA.

[3] V. Terentius, P. (Atacinus). Named Atacinus after

the river — Atax in the vicinity of his home city, + Narbo, modern Narbonne, southern France. On the remains of the vita by Suetonius cf. Jer. Chron. 151; according to this, V. was born in 82 BC. His poetical production included (1.) a translation into Latin of the Argonautika of Apollonius [2] Rhodius (4 books, like the original); (2.) satires (cf. Hor. Sat. 1,10,46), in

which he sang, among others, to a beloved bearing the pseudonym Leucadia (Prop. 2,34,85f.; Ov. Tr. 2,439 f.) — cf. the ‘Collyra’ of Lucilius [I 6]; (3.) a panegyric epic (at least 2 books) Bellum Sequanicum on ~> Caesar’s war with > Ariovistus in 58 BC; (4.) a geo-

graphical didactic poem (after 48/7) Chorographia in three parts (Europe-Africa-Asia) based on an original by > Alexander [IV 22] of Ephesus; (5.) the Ephemeris [3. 36-41], a translation of at least the second part of the Phainomena of Aratus [4] (preserved: 938 ff.). With > Ennius [1] (cf. [2]) and > Lucilius [I 6] as his literary models, and with his preference for epic and didactic poetry, V. was removed from the Callimachean influence on the + Neoteric poets and hence closer to the poets of the older generation, especially + Laevius [2] and Cicero. Although his works were drawn on by the Augustan poets (Virgil, Panegyricus Messallae, Ovid, cf. also Vell. Pat. 2,36,2), the Chorographia was used by Pliny (HN 3-6) and his didactic poems and the Argonautae still won some recognition in Quintilian (Inst. 10,1,87), later tradition knew only the sparse quotations of the grammarians. BIBLIOGRAPHY:

312f.

1 ScHANZ/Hosius,

vol.

1, 41927,

2E.HoFMANN, Die literarische Personlichkeit

des P. Terentius V. Atacinus, in: WS 46, 1928, 159-176 3 W.Spryer, Varronische Studien 2 (AAWM 1959.11),

1960, 35-47. FRAGMENTS: FPL}, 226-241; A. TRAGLIA, Poetae novi, 21974, 20-23, 88-97, 155-159, 191-216; J.GRANA-

VARRO

228

ely

ROLO, L’époque néotérique ou la poésie romaine d’avantgarde au dernier siécle de la République, in: ANRW I 3,

J.J. Wiixes, Dalmatia, 1969, 205, 216 f., 487-492; B. SaPICA.

RIA, s. v. V., RE 8 A, 418-420.

1973, 278-360, esp. 307-311, 351-360. Varuna. First mentioned together with > Mithras [I] in a 14th cent. BC treaty between the Hittites (+ Hattusa) and the > Mittani, V. was that god of the Vedic pantheon who watched over the rules and imperatives of settled, peaceful human coexistence, and who unrelentingly punished transgressions. He thus also took responsibility for the order of the cosmos. In assuming and developing the functions of the Indo-European sky god, V. has a close cognate in the Zoroastrian > Ahura Mazda. His importance declined progressively in the post-Vedic Period. Only his close affinity with water remained to him, as god of the sea.

Vasaces. In AD 62, the Parthian > Vologaeses I succeeded in encircling the Roman army of Caesennius [4] Paetus near Rhandia. V.commander of the cavalry—was sent from the Parthian side to negotiate the capitulation. In the discussion, Paetus prided himself on the Roman supremacy over Armenia which had been in existence from Licinius [I 26] Lucullus and Pompeius [13], while V. emphasised the actual Parthian dominance. His part in the negotiations that followed cannot be clearly determined since the Parthian King Monobazus [2] II of Adiabene, higher in rank than V., came to join the negotiations as a witness (Tac. Ann. 15,14). + Parthian and Persian Wars B

M.SCH.

+ Religion [V]

Tu. OBeERLIES, Die Religion des Rgveda, vol. 1: Das religidse System des Rgveda, 1998, 193-195, 261-264 (with bibl.).

Varus [1] Common Roman cognomen, initially an individual epithet (‘bow-legged’, cf. Plin. HN 11,254). Recorded for Alfenus [3; 5], Aternius, Licinius [I 46-47], Quinctilius [I 1-3; II 7-8], Vibius. The best known bearer was P. > Quinctilius [II 7] V. Deerassi, FCap., 149; Id., FCIR, 271; Kayanro, Cognomina,

242.

K.-L.E.

[2] (Ottagoc/Ouaros). Sophist from Perge, c. AD 150,

from a noble family, presumably the Plancii (> Plancius; cf. [r. 22; 2]). Son of one Callicles and a pupil of one Quadratus (Philostr. Soph. 2,6), perhaps the Quadratus mentioned in Aristid. 50,63 (cf. [1.25]) as a rhetor and the pro-consul of Asia. 1G.W. Bowersock, Greek Sophists in the Roman Empire, 1969

2PIRP 441, 443.

E.BO,

[3] (OtGeoc/Oudros, modern Var). River in the GalloItalian border region (Plin. HN 3,31; Mela 2,72; Ptol. 2,10,1; 2,10,8; 3,1,1) which rises on Mount Caenia (modern Mont Pelat) (Plin. HN 3,35), in the winter could become 7 stadia wide (Str. 4,1,3) and reached the coast between — Antipolis and Nicaea (modern Nice) (Str. 4,1,9). In the summer of 49 BC Caesar disbanded

part of his army at the V. after the successful end of battles with legates of Pompeius in Hispania (Caes. B Civ. 1,86 f.; cf. App. B Civ. 2,172 f. with a speech by Caesar at the V.). P. GOESSLER, V. (1), RE 8 A, 420-425.

H.GR.

Vasak (Latin Vasaces). [1] V. Mamikonian. Armenian, imperial general under + Arsaces [4] II of Armenia. V. tried to maintain good relations with Rome. Together with the king, c. 368 he fell into the hands of > Sapor [2] I, who had V. flayed (Procop. BP 1,5: Baooixwoc; Faustus [4] Buzandaci

35163 4525 4,113 4,16; 4,205 4,23-493 4,53 ff.). [2] V. of Siunik from 442 governor of Armenia, became involved in the conflict between his Christian countrymen and his Zoroastrian general > Yazdgird [2] II. After a Persian victory at Awarayr in 451 he lost his position and property. PLRE 2, rr5rf. M.-L. CHAauMonr, s. v. Armenia and Iran I], Enclr 2, 438, esp. 430.

418-

M.SCH.

Vasarium (from Latin vas, ‘utensil’). Expense allow-

ance paid in advance by the state exchequer (> Aerarium) to a Roman official leaving for his province, so that he could finance the maintenance of himself, his retinue and his soldiers. It does not refer, as [1. 296] has it, to travelling equipment; against this, see [2. 351 f.], who moreover rejects v. as a technical term and interprets the relevant passage (Cic. Pis. 86) with reference to Cato (Agr. 145,3) as a contractually agreed additional payment. 1 MoMMSEN, Staatsrecht, Magistratur, 1995.

Bd. 1

2 W.KuNKEL,

Die

Ld.

Vasates. Ligurian/Celtic tribe in Aquitania (after Diocletian’s reform in the province of Novempopulana) on both banks of the lower Garumna (Amm. Marc. 15,11,14: Vasatae; Ptol. 2,7,15: Ovacdtio/Ouasiatioi);

neighbours of the Bituriges Vivisci to the north, the Nitiobriges to the east and south, the Tarbelli to the Varvaria (Ovagovagia/Ouarouaria). City in the south of Liburnia (+ Liburni; Ptol. 2,17,9; Plin. HN 3,130; 3,139), to the north of modern Sibenik, to the southwest of > Burnum at modern Bribir. Under Tiberius V. was a > municipium in the conventus of + Scardona (quattuorviri).

southwest, and the Boeates in the west. Identification of

the V. with the Vocates mentioned in Caes. B Gall. 3,23,7 1s uncertain, these may rather have been the Boeates. The V. were one of the four peoples of southern Aquitania who at the time of the founding of the Ara Romae et Augusti (+ Gallia B 2) in Lugdunum were

229

230

still independent and hence still not represented on the Concilium Galliarum. With Augustus’ reorganisation, they were probably assigned to the civitas of the Bituriges Vivisci and did not form their own civitas until the late 3rd cent. Their capital was Cossio (Caes. B Gall.

thymides) and to a clear division of labour. The cup painter Oltus, for example, worked for six different potters (among them Pamphaeus, Cachrylion and Euxitheus); Epictetus [1] worked for Andocides [2], Pamphaeus and Hischylus among others; Euphronius [2] for Cachrylion and Euxitheus. In the early 5th cent. on the other hand, Euphronius [2] signed as a potter of bowls himself and one of his painters was > Onesimus [2]. Many VP can be followed for only a decade a two, probably because the task of decorating was mostly assigned to younger assistants. However, other VP may have been active longer (+ Duris [2], > Macron, + Hermonax [1], > Achilleus-painter). Signatures of VP are less common on Attic vases from the Classical Period, (— Polygnotus [2], Polion, + Aeson [2], Aristophanes), and this is the case for > South Italian vases from the 4th cent. as well (> Asteas, —> Python [5]). The c. 40 Attic VP known by name compared to the t00 known potters show that VP held a secondary rank in the ancient work process, while the modern interest in the artistic accomplishments of the VP resulted in a reversal of those ranks in today’s appreciation. Research of VP based on the extant signatures began in the r9th cent. The English archaeologist J.D. BEAzLEY (1885-1970) devoted his life’s work to it. He recognized various individual styles and included anonymous artists in his lists of works which he organized by potters (+ Amasis painter, Andocides [2], Cleophrades, — Meidias painter), by — Kalos inscriptions

3,237; Ptol. loc.cit.: Kéoovv/Kossion), later civitas Vasatica (Notitia Galliarum 14) or civitas Vasatas (It. Burd. 5 50,2), hence modern Bazas (in the département of Gironde), the third post station from Burdigalia, the

starting point of the It. Burd. + Ausonius’ father was from Cossio (Auson. Ad lectorem 3; Auson. Epicedion

4). P.GOESSLER, s. v. V., RE 8 A, 435-439; H.S1on, Carte Archéologique de la Gaule 33, La Gironde, 1994, 52, 83-87.

MLPO.

Vascones (Ovdaoxwvec/Oudskones). Group of peoples who inhabited the area of the modern province of Navarra and parts of modern Aragon, to the north of the Hiberus between Jaca and Cape Higuer (Str. 3,3,7; 3,4,10; Plin. HN 3,22; 4,110). Pompelo (modern Pamplona; Str. 3,4,10) was evidently the chief town of the V.; Cascantum (modern Cascante), Graccurris and Calagurris [1] (Ptol. 2,6,67) were also in the V.’ terri-

tory. Of their origin nothing is known; their name may be Indo-European (barscunes, bascunes; [1]). In literature, they are mentioned for the first time in the context of the campaigns of > Sertorius in 76 BC (by Liv. fr. 21;

VASE PAINTERS

cf. also by Sall. Hist. 2,93; Plin. HN 3,223 4,110; Str.

(> Antimenes

333573 323,10). They were famous for the art of — augury (SHA Alex. 27,6). The V. are the ancestors of the modern Basques.

Cleophon), by the locations where characteristic works were stored (Berlin, Copenhagen) or by themes (+ Achilleus painter, > Foundry painter, -» Gorgo

DE Motes, Cortes de Navarra, 1954/58;

TIR K 30 Madrid, 1993, 236 f.

Vase decoration see

~ Antiphon

painter, + Niobid painter,

1 TOVAR 3, 49-59. J. MALUQUER

painter,

Ornaments

Vase painters. The collective term ‘vases’ for Greek painted pottery (II. A.) as a special sub-genre of ceramics characterized by its often rich decoration emerged in the 18th cent. when the first vasi antichi were discovered in Campania and Etruria. Since their decoration was the task of the potter, no ancient word exists for the profession of vase painters (VP), although they could mark their work with the signature @yoapev/ égrapsen (‘has painted’). The first signatures of VP appear on early archaic, Cycladic and Corinthian pottery. In Athens, the earliest example is —> Sophilus [1] around 580 BC with one éxoinoev/epoiésen- (‘has made’) and three égrapse signatures. In the black-figured style, many potters still painted their pottery themselves (> Nearchus [1]; - Amasis-painter,

+ Execias),

but after 530 BC. the increasing demand resulted in a growing number of VP (> Epictetus [1], > Oltus, > Psiax, Phintias [2], Euphronius [2], Smicrus, > Eu-

painter, Euaeon,

+ Pan painter, — Penthesi-

lea painter). BEAZLEY applied further stilistic criteria (type, group, circle, successors) to shed light on the surroundings of individual painters and thereby allowed insights into the forms in which workshops were organized. The distinction of VP on the pottery of other Greek art-producing regions on the other hand merely serves the purpose of classification. BEAZLEY’S criteria of attribution (anatomical details, facial profiles, inscriptions, systems of folds) were based on G. MorRELLI (1816-1891). Furthermore, the style of a VP was characterised by the flow of lines, figure types, organisation of the space and the picture, choice of topic and narrative style. Fundamentally, the art of vase painting consisted more of drawing than of painting due to the pottery techniques. It found its models primarily within its own trade, more rarely in + toreutics or monumental art (> Niobid painter, - Polygnotus [2]). In serial production, primary picture creations were repeated, varied and gradually simplified into stereotypes.

The fact that VP had varying levels of education is reflected in the different levels in which the picture content is treated as well as in the means of expression and the script. In the 6th cent. BC, Attic and Non-Attic vase painters revealed themselves to be increasingly literate

Bei

232

in signatures and other testimonials, in + kalos and other inscriptions, song beginnings, devotional formulas etc. Individual differences have been identified in the shapes of the letters as well as in the script face. — Pottery II.; > Pottery, production of; > Red-figured vase painting; > Vase painting, black-figured

scale > painting of which hardly any records have survived. Vase paintings are therefore the most authentic source for the development of archaic two-dimensional art regardless of their limited colours. The significance of Attic BFVP lies primarily in its wealth of narrative images. They are an inexhaustible source of Greek mythology and offer insights into the mentality and daily life in the Archaic Period. Almost all known types of > pottery were painted. It is contested, however, in how far the painted pieces were used for practical purposes. In the style of decoration, conventions for special forms emerged that also determined the choice of ornaments but not that of the subject of the images. The painting was tied to specific subjects only in a few cultic pottery forms such as the Panathenaic prize amphorae or the > loutrophoroi. Occasionally, the images refer to the use of the same type of pottery (e.g. symposium pottery with banquet secenes, komast cups or Dionysian scenes; hydriai with fountain-house scenes), but usually the painters chose their themes freely from among the great repertoire of images at their disposal. The limited possibilities of expression in the Archaic Period kept the imagination of the vase painters within certain boundaries but there was hardly a master painter who did not enrich the tradition of images with new themes or his own creations. Along with the animal figures and legendary creatures of the early phase, mythical narratives appeared from the beginning, the most popular of which were the adventures of > Heracles [1]. Gods, recognizable by their attributes, were represented in mythological images (e.g. > Gigantomachy, birth of > Athena) as well as in non-narrative depictions (e.g. Apollinian Triad: Apollo, Artemis, Leto; > Dionysus with his entourage). Very popular were images from the legends surrounding > Troy, which not always represented specific scenes from the epic but more often referred to the heroic past of the aristocracy (e.g. battle and chariot scenes). Images from the life of the upper class (e.g. sports and banquets) are part of the repertoire, while those taken from the trades and commerce (e.g. pottery

VASE PAINTERS

E.Simon, M.Hirmer, Die griechischen Vasen, 1972; C.M. Sripse, Lakonische Vasenmaler des 6. Jh. v. Chr., 1972; AMYx, CVP; H.R. IMMERWARR, Attic Script, 1990;

M. Rosertson, The Art of Greek Vase-Painting in Classical Athens, 1992; D. WILLIAMS, Refiguring Attic RedFigure, in: Revue archéologique, 1996, 227-252; Pu. Rouet, Approaches to the Study of Attic Vases. Beazley and Pottier, 2001. ES:

Vase painting, black-figure. In black-figure vase painting (BFVP), figures are drawn as complete black silhouettes on the clay-coloured surface of the pottery. The drawings within those silhouettes are incised and the figures are varied and enlivened through red and white engobe. This technique required a controlled firing in three phases and was invented in Corinth in c. 700 BC (+ Pottery, production of). I. Attic

II. Non-ATTIC

I. ATTIC Among the various types of BFVP, the most important is that from Attica. In c. 630 BC, Attic vase painters adopted the black-figure technique from Corinth and kept improving it with the aid of their iron-rich clay. For the duration of about one cent., Attic pottery was exclusively painted in the black-figure technique. The invention of > red-figure vase painting (c. 530 BC), which came to dominate the subsequent artistic development, replaced BFVP only very slowly. After 480/470 BC, the black-figure technique was maintained only for > Panathenaic prize amphorae. On Attic black-figure vases at the peak of the genre, the engobe is glossy and evenly deep-black and the terracotta base is finely smoothed out and intense in colour. Asa rule, white covering colour was used for the skin of females, individual horses and special garments and for smaller details and ornaments (esp. rows of dots), while the thicker red colour was used to set off larger areas. (By now, the matte covering colours have largely been rubbed off.) Attic vase-painters developed the blackfigure style into a significant graphic art which is documented in oustanding masterpieces. Along with these, however, many mediocre products and carelessly made mass products exist as well. This style of painting flat silhouettes had limited possibilities of expression and used a formulaic imagery. Figures were still a combination of various typical points of view: the lower body and head were usually represented in profile, the upper body in profile or frontally and the eye always frontally. This type of pre-perspective representation (> Perspective) corresponds to

the developmental stage of the contemporaneous large-

workshops, olive harvests, market scenes) were excep-

tions. Beyond the images themselves, the painters have been thoroughly researched as well. Most influential was Sir John BEAZLEY (1885-1970) who organized Attic BFVP according to painters and groups. His efforts revealed that very different stylistic trends appeared concurrently (cf. fig.) and that the development was influenced by individual painters. A sign of their growing confidence (cf. + Kénnensbewuftsein) is the fact that they increasingly signed their works in the 6th cent. BC. Sixty-eight names of Attic masters are known, 32 of them, however, on = little-master cups, where inscriptions were part of the convention of cup decoration. Signatures with the verb form éxoinoev/epoiésen (‘has made’) are more common than with éyeacev/ égraphsen (sic; ‘has painted’), of which only 10 names are extant. However, epoiésen may also include the act

233

234

VASE

PAINTING,

BLACK-FIGURE

Chronological table for the Attic black-figure vase groups and painters.

620.

610

600

580

art

570

560

_Nettos | Painter _

550

540

530

Nearchus [1 ] |_Execias Execias ||

_Sophilus

Lydus [2]

Fhe fae, fomand 9h Clitias

Gorgo Painter

_Horse-head amphorae

DS

490

480

|

|

|

|

|

/

| |

|

|

Antimenes Painter RESO ESSERE ET

: )

ner

emis

Theseus Painter LEB

OLEAT

ARATE AES HAINES,

Affecter

:

Sencups

| Leagros Group

|

nananlemma

OEE LES OIIT

500

2

Taleides Painter

>

510

|Lysippides Painter

sa eee

erent

se

Painter of Acropolis 606

popes np

|

Amasis Painter

eS

SF

520

eGup

te

Boo

e

RycroftPainter

| Little Master cups et

Priam Painter

ie

Phrynus Painter Swing Painter

_Sappho Painter

Tyrrhenian amphorae

Nicosthenes | 620

610

600

590

580

570

560

of painting. The first Attic painter to sign his work was ~ Sophilus [1], and it is certainly no coincidence that all of the leading black-figure vase painters of the technique’s heyday (570-530 BC) have signed: — Clitias, — Nearchus [1], + Lydus [2] and > Execias. Amasis (+ Amasis Painter) signed only with epoiésen, but was probably the potter as well as the painter, as were Nearchus and Execias. An exception are the many (149) signatures of > Nicosthenes: They do not guarantee that it was his own work, but were a trademark of his workshop that catered its large production to the taste of the Etruscan customers. The painters whose ancient names are unknown but who can be identified by their stylistic characteristics are referred to by modern labels (e.g. by the potter’s name or > kalos inscriptions, the place where they are kept, the theme of key vases or special stylistic characteristics). The extant black-figure vases, the number of which is estimated at c. 20,000 (partially in fragments), constitute about 1% of the original production. The wealth of transmission allows a tight relative chronology which — inserted into the framework of historical dates — makes possible a rather reliable dating. The largest part of the Attic black-figure vases are from Etruscan tombs where they were well preserved. Greek vases were a popular commercial item in the entire Mediterranean region and were exported primarily to Etruria. In the 3rd quarter of the 6th cent., Attic black-figure vases replaced Corinthian pottery on the export market. The large demand doubtlessly contributed to the boom of Attic workshops and, at the same time, led to mass-production for export such as + Tyrrhenian amphorae or the vases from Nicosthenes’ workshop.

550

540

530

vesenmemaa 520

510

500

490

480

+ Colours; — Pottery, production of; — Ornament; + Potter; + Pottery; > Vase painters Beaz.ey, ABV; Id., Paralipomena; Id., Addenda’; J.D. BEazLey, The Development of Attic Black-Figure, *1986; J.BoarpMaN, Athenian Black Figure Vases, *1991; E. S1MON, Die griechischen Vasen, 71986, fig. 44-80, coloured plates XXI-XXX. HM.

II. Non-ATTIC The black-figure technique developed in > Corinthian vase painting was predominant in the 6th cent. BC outside of Athens as well, although in Ionia, vases were still painted in the old outline technique, e.g. Fikellura pottery. While the BFVP in the Greek mainland esp. but in East Greece as well (— East Greek pottery) received a wealth of impulses from Athens and Corinth, it displays a great regional variety of forms and subjects, in contrast to > red-figure vase painting. In Greece proper, the most important workshops outside of Athens are those of > Chalcidian vase painting (also localized in Italy), of + Corinthian vase painting and of + Laconian vase painting. Following a wealth of production of sub-geometric and orientalizing pottery in the 7th cent. BC, black-figure vases were produced in Boeotia as well from the 6th to the 4th cent. BC [x. 243-215]. The distinction between Attic and Boeotian BFV painters is not always clear, esp. since high-quality BFVP in Boeotia was strongly modelled after Athens. The main themes are animal friezes, symposium and komasts (> komos), less frequently mythological images (e.g. + Heracles [1] or > Theseus). In the late 6th and in the 5th cents. BC, a silhouette style became characteristic, which, however, did not lead to the neglect of image content (cf. [1. fig. 450]). The types

236

235

VASE PAINTING, BLACK-FIGURE

Vessel shapes of black-figure vase painting outside Attica

A. Boeotian vases

1 Jug

2 Kantharos

3 Cabiric skyphos

a

oc

,

. East Greek vases Situla

Clazomenian amphorae Samian ®WNna

kantharos in the form of a face Chiote chalice Samian bowl

AS a SCEE

[ne

5

6

Lydion Ans

JE ce 5

t

6

C. 1 2 3

Chalcidian vases Belly amphora Krater Hydria

4 Neck amphora 5 Skyphos 6 Bowl

7

D. Other

1

2

1 Caeretan hydria 2 Northampton Amphora

237

238

of pottery include primarily the + kantharos [1], the lekanis (+ Pottery, shapes and types of), cups, plates and jugs. From c. 420 to c. 350 BC, the ‘Cabiric vases’ with their grotesque figures ( Cabiri) and parodies of myths became the main genre of Boeotian BFVP. Practically the only type of vessels to be painted were +> skyphoi and these have been found primarily in the Cabiri sanctuary of + Thebes [1.258]. BFVP on Euboea was also influenced by Athens and Corinth and here also, a clear distinction from Attic BFVP is not always possible [1. 215 f.]. Painted pottery consisted primarily of amphorae, lekythoi and plates as well as large amphorae that show rich mythological images (Heracles, the judgment of Paris [1. fig. 458 f.]). Other, more rare records of BFVP are a few alabastra from ~+ Andros, plates from -> Thasos [r. 216] or the local pottery of Halae [3] (cf. [2. 308 no. 18]). A large variety of different and locally shaped forms of BFVP originated in Ionia where vases of a high qual-

Among the black-figure vases made in Italy by Greeks, the most important types are the > Caeretan hydriae [3. 111-113] and the Ionian-style ‘NorthamptonGroup amphorae’ that were produced in c. 540 BC, probably in Etruria. They are high-quality neck amphorae with rich ornamentation and some very decorative and unique images (prince with horses; crane rider

ity were produced as early as in the 7th cent. BC [3]. In c. 600 BC, black-figure vases or details of images began to appear in various cities in Ionia: The late Wild Goat Style (+ East Greek vase painting) in Northern Ionia was a low-quality imitation of Corinthian black-figure models; on polychrome ‘Rhodian plates’, some blackfigure details are carved [1. fig. 290]. On Chios, BFVP of lower quality influenced by Corinth developed from 575/550 BC on cups, plates and on otherwise ouststanding Chian kylikes that primarily show animal friezes or komasts. Occasionally, a Laconian influence can also be noticed [3. 73-76]. Rhodos is attributed with several —> situlae (bucket-shaped containers following Egyptian models) that were produced from 560-530 using BFVP with either Greek (e.g. > Typhoeus) or Egyptian themes (such as hieroglyphs, Egyptian sports [3. 116-118]). Apparently, a type of Greek BFVP developed in Egypt as well (cf. [5]). More significant for BFVP are the workshops of + Samos and ~ Clazomenae. Influenced by Athens, ~ little-master cups and face kantharoi were painted on Samos in a precise and decorative style in c. 560/550 BC. A famous example is the interior image of a cup showing Dionysus among grapevines [3. 92-94]. In Clazomenae,

less

elegant

containers

VASIO

[x. 220]). They are similar in kind to the ‘Campana

dinoi’, consisting of bowls but also of hydriae and painted in a vivid style. One original image is the return of + Hephaestus to the Olympus [3. 108-111]. From the 7th cent. BC, Etruria produced vases that followed Corinthian and east Greek models [1. 143]. The important + Pontic vase painting was followed from c. 530 to 500 BC by the extensive ceuvre of the > Micali painter and his workshop, where mainly amphorae, hydriai and jugs were painted. Occasionally one encounters meticulous mythological pictures but more frequent are komasts or symposiasts and animal friezes [7. 308— 311]. Other Etruscan vases closely follow Attic models [7. 306 f.]. Etruscan BFVP came to an end in c. 480 BC with a, for the most part, highly mannerist style of painting and a less careful silhouette technique [7. 311 f.]. A few vases in Celtic France were probably inspired by Greek BFVP as well. The most important fragment shows a horseman [6]. 1 J. BOARDMAN, Early Greek Vase Painting, 1998 2/J.E. CoLeMAN et al., Halai. The 1992-1994 Field Seasons, in: Hesperia 68, 1999, 307f. 3R.M. Cook, P.Duponrt, East Greek Pottery, 1998 4 S.HAckKBEIL et al., Ein wiedergewonnener klazomenischer Sarkophag, in: AA 1998, 271-280 5 F.HOFFMANN, M.STEINHART, Apries und die ostgriechische Vasenmalerei, in: JOAI 67, 1998, Hauptblatt, 49-61 6 CH.H. Lacranp, Le Pegue — Dr6éme. Salle d’exposition archéologique, 1978 7M.A. Rizzo, La ceramica a figure nere, in: M. Martelli (ed.), La ceramica degli Etruschi, 1987, 31-42. MST.

Vase paintings see

Pottery; + Vase painters

Vases. See - Red-figured vase painting; — Potters; ~ Pottery II.; > Vase painters; + Vase painting, blackfigured; > Vases/Vase paintings

(amphorae,

hydriai) were painted with two-dimensional and at times angular figures from c. 550 to 530 BC. Popular themes are women in round dances or animals [x. 148 f.; 3. 95-107]. Later objects are clay sarcophagi that were richly painted with scenes of battles or myths and animal friezes [3. 121-128; 4]. In northern Ionia, several black-figure vases were produced with unique pictures such as a satyr with a ram or a Scythian with a Bactrian camel [1. 149]; they were of high quality but cannot be localized. Ionian ointment containers after Lydian model (lydion; + Lydia III. D.) were usually decorated only with bands, rarely with figures. The question whether some types of BFVP originated in Greece proper or in Italy is a matter of debate (+ Chalcidian vase painting, > Tyrrhenian amphoras).

Vases, iconography of see -> Pottery II. A. 4. Vasio (Ovaciwv/Ouasion; modern Vaison-la-Romaine

in the département of Vaucluse).

Oppidum of Gallia

+ Narbonensis, capital of civitas Vocontiorum (+ Vocontii; Str. 4,1,11; Mela 2,5,75; Ptol. 2,10,16; CIL XII 5669: c(ivitas) V(asio) V(ocontiorum); ILS 2709: res

publica Iuliensium; decuriones, praetores, praefecti, aediles: CIL XII 1307; 1368 ff.; 15293 civitas foederata: Plin. HN 3,37; cf. 7,78). The name V. is pre-Celtic, cf. spring and river V. (CIL XII 1301; 1336). In late Antiquity civitas Vasiensium was part of the province of Viennensis (Notitia Galliarum 11,10). V. was a bishopric (cf. the bishop Daphnus’s participation in the Council of Arelate in 314; in 442 and in 529 councils in V.).

239

240

In the sth cent. destroyed by Franci. Sex. Afranius [3] Burrus and L. Duvius Avitus, a capable general in Germany at the time of Nero, were from V. The Celtic oppidum is presumed to have been on the left bank of the Ouvéze in the area of the modern Colline du Chateau. The settlement was relocated to the right bank c. 20/r9 BC. In the rst cent. AD V. developed between the river and the Puymin hill (on 70/75 hectares) into a flourishing city. The forum has yet to be discovered. Known public buildings are: five thermal

and — harioli, astrologists, fate and dream interpreters, but also > augures and — haruspices of a lower social position. The vates, who often had a low social position, competed in Rome (Liv. 25,1,8-125 39,8,3 f. et alibi) with the + quindecimviri sacris faciundis, the augures and the haruspices as representatives of the public divination. The reproaches against vates, as private religious providers of natural divination, can be compared with those against other divination specialists, such as the Greek — mdntis or the hariolus: religious excess (+ superstitio), lack of knowledge and inspiration, greed and fraud (Enn. Scaen. 319-323; Enn. Ann. 374;

VASIO

baths, sanctuary, a porticus construction, basilica, theatre, bridge and aqueduct crossing the river at the

height of the later Roman bridge. The quarter on the river is as good as unknown, excavations have to date uncovered primarily two private residential quarters. (x) In the Puymin quarter private houses (Maison des Messii with a number of mosaics); the Porticus Pom-

peia — a rectangular square with colonnades and exedras decorated with sculptures (including a diadoumenos, a youth placing a victor’s band on his head; now in the BM in London), a nymphaeum and a theatre built against the hill (diameter 96 m). Its layout is classical with a number of sculptures (statues of the emperors Tiberius, Hadrianus, of Sabina and of municipal officials; heads of Venus, Apollo and Bacchus; masks) in the stage wall. (2) In the La Villasse quarter a basilica and opulent private houses (Maison du Buste en Argent, Maison a Atrium, Maison au Dauphin) with wall paintings and mosaics; thermal baths and foundations of a cathedral from the 6th/7th cent. M.-E. BELLET, Recherches archéologiques récentes a Vaison-la-Romaine et aux environs (Notices d’archéologie vauclusienne 2), 1992; C.GOUDINEAU, Y.DE KIscu, Vaison-la-Romaine, 1991; GRENIER, vol. 3, 194, 766; vol. 4, 104 f.; P.Gazzo_a, Ponti romani, 1963, 128 f.

ML.PO.

Vates. Lat. ‘announcer’ of vaticinationes, ‘prophecies’,

which occur by means of divine inspiration and are, according to Cicero, part of the ‘natural’ divination (Cic. Div. 1,4; 1,34 et passim; > Divination VII: ill. of the communication pattern); occasionally, however, representatives of the ‘artificial’ divination (+ Haruspices; + Augures) are also called vates (such as Liv. 2,42,10). The vates speaks in verse (canere since Enn. Ann. 207; carmina: Sall. Hist. 1,77,3 et passim) and is thus part of a general ancient tradition of prophetically inspired text production. Historically known vates of this kind are a certain Publicius (Cic. Div. 1,115; 2,113), Cn. Marcius [I 2], as well as probably his brother, from the early 3rd cent. BC: the carmina Marciana are said to have prompted the establishment of the ludi Apollinares in 212 BC (-> Ludi III A) and to have been included, subsequently, in the > Sibyllini libri [1. 59]. Vates, however, may refer to different types of divination specialists: to prophets in general (Plaut. Mil. 911; Nep. Att. 16,4; cf. Liv. 26,41,19) or to special divine (such as Apollo: Verg. Aen. 6,12), mythic (such as the + Sibyl: Luc. 1,564) and historical ‘prophets’. Cicero (Div. 1,132) subsumes, under the related terms vates

Lucr.

1,102-111;

Cic. Div. 1,132; 2,149). Notwith-

standing such accusations, people often made use of the vates’ services (e.g. Liv. 25,1,6—-12; Cic. Cat. 4,2; Cic. De consulatu suo fr. 10,28 f. TRAGLIA; Sall. Hist.

1577535 [1]). Varro (Ling. 7,36) interprets the term vates as an

already Old-Latin designation for a poet (poeta). It seems, however, that only his etymology of the word (in the work De poematis) could establish this meaning. By having vates derived from vis mentis, ‘turmoil of the mind’, he sticks to its meaning as that of an inspired announcer; but he links it, however, by following the Greek conception of the poet as a rhapsode (+ Rhapsodes), with the derivation a viendis carminibus, ‘from weaving poems’ (e.g. Isid. Orig. 8,7,3; Schol. Bernense Verg. Ecl. 9,34; [2]). Only this double etymology lends the Latin poetics an — only apparently Old-Latin expression for the divinely inspired, prophetic singer/announcer of socially relevant poetry. Varro’s derivation [3] and meaning expansion were followed by the poets, starting with Virgil (Ecl. 7,27 f.; 9,33 £.; cf. Hor. Epod. 16,66; 17,44; in detail [4]). ~+ Divination VII; > Priests V; > Prophets IV 1 T.P. Wiseman, Historiography and Imagination, 1994, 49-67. 2H.DaHimann, V., in: Philologus 97, 1948, 337-353 (Id., KS, 1970, 35-51) 3 M.Korenyjak, V.:avi mentis, in: Gottinger Forum fiir Alt.-Wiss. 2, 1999, 1-4 4 J.K. Newman, The Concept of V. in Augustan Poetry, 1967.

AN.BE.

Vaticanus. As early as Antiquity, the name V. (Mons Vaticanus; — Ager Vaticanus; on the name see [1. 32913294]) described a hilly area on the right bank of the Tiber between the - Mausoleum Hadriani (modern Castel Sant’ Angelo) and the > Ianiculum (> Rome IIL., map 1). Three important roads (via Aurelia Nova, via Cornelia and via Triumphalis) with rambling burial sites led across the V. In part of this large area were the imperial gardens and the > Circus (I C) of Caligula and Nero [1]. The obelisk which stood on the spina of the circus was erected in Saint Peter’s Square in 15 86. It was in this circus that, according to Tac. Ann. 15,44, Christians accused of starting the Fire of Rome died in AD 64 under Nero. The grave of + Petrus [1] was venerated in a necropolis on the slopes of Mount Vatican from the 2nd cent. onwards (Gaius in Euseb. Hist. eccl. 2525675

241

242

éni tov Baoixavov [sic|/epi ton Basikanon). It was over

(Cic. Ad Q. fr. 2,8,3; Cic. Fam. 1,9,19) or prosecute him in retrospect for campaigning. Under pressure from the triumviri Cicero now successfully defended his en-

this that +» Constantinus [1] had the Basilica Constantiniana (Saint Peter’s Basilica) built in c. 320. Saint Peter’s developed into one of the most important sites of pilgrimage. The pope Leo III crowned Charlemagne emperor there on Christmas Day in 800. It was not until the late Middle Ages that the popes relocated their residence from the Lateran Palace (~ Domus Laterani) to

the Vatican.

emy

(Cic. Fam. 5,9,1; 1,9,19; Quint. Inst. 6,1,13; [r. 317]). After the enforced reconciliation there were largely no hostile statements from Cicero (cf. however

Macr. Sat. 2,3,5), perhaps also because V. no longer took part in Roman internal politics. In 51/o he is recorded as Caesar’s legate (Caes. B Gall. 8,46,4), and in

1 H.-I. Marrou,s. v. Les fouilles du Vatican, Dictionnaire

d’archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie 3346

VATRENUS

15.2, 1953, 3291-

2E.Garz et al., s.v. Vatikan, LThK? ro, 2001,

551-555 (bibliography).

R.BR.

Vatinius I. REPUBLICAN

PERIOD

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD

I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD [11] V., P. Ancestor of V. [I 2] from Reate, who was told of a victory over Perseus [2] in a dream in 168 BC (Cic. Nat. D. 2,6; 3,13; Val. Max. 1,8,1). {I2] V., P. Born c. 95 BC, d. after 42 BC. Presumably from Reate (Cic. Nat. D. 2,6 on V. [I 1]), V. achieved a political rise in Rome under the patronage of the Iulii Caesares: since he was married (schol. Bobiensia 149 Sr.) to Antonia, a niece of L. Iulius [I 6] Caesar, the latter as consul in 64 may have sponsored V.’s election to quaestor in 63 BC (Cic. Vatin. 11). Appraising V.’s person and political activities in the years 60-54 is made difficult by the fact that the most detailed sources are by his declared enemy (cf. Quint. Inst. 6,3,68) — Cicero (primarily Cic. Sest.; Cic. Vatin.; similarly hostile Catull. 14; 52 f.). As a people’s tribune in 59 V. proved to be an effective aid to + Caesar (schol. Bob. 135 ST.): he probably collaborated on the approval of Pompey’s [I 3] political measures (acta) in the East [4] and on combating the resistance of the + Optimates (Cic. Vatin. 21-26; schol. Bob. 147 St.; Cass. Dio 38,6,6), and by plebiscite obtained > Gallia Cisalpina and = Illyricum as provinces for Caesar. Cicero (Att. 2,9,1; Fam. 1,9,7; Sest. 135; Vatin. passim) later accused him of various contraventions of law. Cicero (Vatin. 33 f.) gives certain evidence of only one lawsuit for abuse of office, in 58 BC, from which V. escaped, after returning from a position as Caesar’s legate, by means of an appeal to the people’s tribune Clodius [I 4]. V. and Clodius appear to have cooperated closely several times in the years 58-56, which were characterized by violence and lawsuit-wars, e.g. in the lawsuits against Sestius [3] and Annius [I 14] Milo, i.e. against representatives of the interests of the Optimates or of Pompeius (Cic. Vatin. 1 f.; 40 f.5 [1. 301-303]). In the election for aedileship in 56 BC, however, the two were competitors and this once Cicero (Sest. 114; Vatin. 16) declared himself delighted with Clodius’s victory. V. attained praetorship in 55 thanks to the massive influence of the now reunited triumviri (Plut. Cato minor 42). Nothing is known of his activities in office, but there were attempts to prevent him taking office

48 (Caes. B Civ. 3,19). In 48/7 V. defended the important port of Brundisium against the Pompeians (Caes. B Civ. 3,100), received Cicero there (Cic. Att. 11,5,4) and in a brief campaign regained the Adriatic for Caesar (Bell. Alex. 43-47). For this he was given a consulship in 47 BC and also became > augur (Cic. Fam. 5,10a,2). He was proconsul in Illyricum 4 5-43 and for his success there received a > supplicatio and was awarded a + triumph (cf. [2]). In 43 his troops defected to Iunius [I xo] Brutus (Cic. Phil. 10,11; Vell. 2,69,3 f.), he himself remained a Caesarian. In 42 BC he was allowed to hold his triumph (InscrIt 13,1,86 f.; 342 f.); he died, presumably shortly afterwards. Handicapped by modest origins and physical defects (a goitre; Cic. Sest. 135; Cic. Vatin. passim; Sen. Dial. 2,17,3), by means of his self-mocking humour and a ready wit equal to Cicero’s, V. managed to assert himself in public life in Rome. In Caesar’s following, thanks to his political and military abilities, combined with somewhat ruthless determination, he achieved a considerable political career. 1 GRUEN, Last Gen. 2 G.Marasco, Appiano e il proconsolato di P. Vatinio in Illiria, in: Chiron 25, 1995, 283297. 3L.Pococx, A Commentary on Cicero In Vatinium, 1926 4 Id., Lex de actis Cn. Pompeii confirmandis, in: CQ 19, 1925, 16-21. J.BA.

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD

{11 1] From > Beneventum, physically deformed, e.g. with an over-sized nose (Mart. 14,96); as a witty courtier (scurra) he achieved great influence with Nero,

which he exploited to the detriment of many others according to Tacitus (Ann. 15,34,3). Through his avaritia (avarice) he acquired great riches (Tac. Hist. 1,37,5); in

Beneventum he gave gladiator games in the presence of Nero (— munus [III]; Tac. Ann. 15,34,2). According to Tacitus (Dial. 11,2) Curiatius Maternus (PIR* C 1604) broke his ‘power’ (potentia), but the substance of this remains unclear (PIR V 208). WE.

Vatrenus.

River which rises in the - Appenninus,

passes Forum Cornelii (modern Imola) and flows into the Adriatic to the north of > Ravenna (Plin. HN. 3,119 f.; Mart. 3,67,2: Vaternus), modern Santerno. In

the Roman period it flowed from the right into the Spineticus, a branch of the + Padus (modern Po); the port at its mouth was therefore called Portus Vatreni. G.Uccert, La romanizzazione dell’antico Delta Padano,

1975, 37>

Ga

VATRENUS

Vaults and arches, construction of I. ANCIENT ORIENT AND Ecypt

244

243

IJ. GREECE AND

ROME

I. ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGyPT There is evidence of vaults and arches in western Asia, chiefly in crypts and on canals. There are only few surviving examples of the vaulting of above ground spaces. Both true and corbelled vaults are documented, over quite small or passage-like rooms, posterns, staircase substructures and doorway, gateway and bridge arches. Barrel vaults and domes were comparatively common, primarily on storage spaces and furnaces. For the most part techniques were used in which a vault was supported by a wall in such a way that centring could be avoided. In Egypt — like in western Asia — the use of vaults can be confirmed in the construction of houses, storage spaces and tombs to roof gates, long narrow spaces and corridors. + Canals; > Dome, Construction of domes; > Gates; porches; > Roads and bridges, construction of D. ARNOLD, s.v. Gewolbe, Lexikon der agyptischen Baukunst, 92f.; R. BESENVAL, Technologie de la vote dans POrient ancien, 1984; C. CASTEL, Un quartier de maisons

urbaines du Bronze Moyen a Tell Mohammed Diyab, in: K.R. VEENHOF (ed.), Houses and Households in Ancient Mesopotamia, 1996, 275; E.HEINRICH, s.v. Gewolbe, RLA 3, 323-340. US. II. GREECE AND ROME A. VAULTS B. ARCHES

A. VAULTS A ‘false’ corbelled vault with an ogival cross-section consists of stones laid horizontally, each protruding over the layer below; this building technique had been used since the Cretan-Mycenaean Period for > roofing passages and bridges and for constructing ‘false’ domes (Mycenae, “Treasury of Atreus’; Orchomenus, ‘beehive tomb’), and could span a width or diameter of up to

development of Greek architecture or from general evolution. There is a lack of clarity about the background is of the abrupt emergence of the constructional innovation in the Classical Mediterranean, with a form imported from the area of Asia Minor or western Asia continuing to be assumable. Nevertheless, as the Vergina Tomb of Philip, to date the earliest known GraecoMacedonian example, shows, the thesis, most recently propounded by Boyp, that importation of the form into the Graeco-Macedonian area took place during Alexander’s campaigns, is not tenable for reasons of chronology. If in Hellenistic Greek and Republican Roman architecture (barrel) vaults were largely limited to burial structures and substructures (and there usually of a demonstrative nature, e.g. platforms supported by vault, visible at a great distance, in temples and villas), in Roman representational architecture it developed from the late rst cent. BC onwards into a widespread technique for designing the roofing of monumental spaces. The newly developed poured-cement technique (> Construction

technique;

—~ Opus

caementicium)

and the equally novel technique of building in brick (— Bricks) enabled vaults to be built with the poured cement process or with small mortared bricks instead of massive stone wedge constructions. The use of light building materials (pumice and volcanic ash as aggregate for the cement; hollow and thin-walled but pressure-resistant clay pipes as a substitute for massive bricks) permitted a clear increase in the span of vaults and novel combinations with > dome construction and — as the orthogonal intersection of two barrel vaults — the building of groined vaults. All these forms can be found as early as the rst cent. AD in the repertory of Roman

monumental architecture (e.g. Nero’s + Domus Aurea in Rome) and for centuries shape the appearance of baths (Leptis Magna, Hunting Baths; Trier, imperial baths), basilicae (Rome, Maxentius Basilica), palaces (Thessalonica, Palace of Galerius) as well as early Christian church architecture. By contrast,

approximately 14 m (cf. > Dome construction). ‘True’,

self-supporting barrel vaults of radial stone wedges in a semi-circle were constructed over a supporting and stabilizing centring, which was built for the duration of the constructional process, to cover an oblong ground plan (cf. ill.). Its earliest appearance, in the second half of the 4th cent. BC, was in > funerary architecture in the area of northern Greece, Macedonia and Thrace (Vergina, tomb of Philip, cf. ill. + Funerary architecture; burial chamber of SveStari), where the considerably greater resistance of their roofs to the weight of the earth of a ~ tumulus than that of the flat roofs of box graves guaranteed the increasing size and developing magnificence of Macedonian funerary architecture. From Macedonia and Thrace the barrel vault burst into the architecture of the Hellenistic koiné and Etruria. Here the ‘true’ vault is encountered immediately in its technically ideal form, without preliminary experimental stages; it cannot be derived either from the history of the

‘False! corbelled vault, tholos tomb at Orchomenus

(16th cent. BC); reconstruction.

245

246

VAULTS

AND

ARCHES,

CONSTRUCTION

OF

Construction of a voussoir arch with the aid of

a timber centring frame.

Voussoir vault, technical terminology. 1 Keystone 2 Vault/Arch bearing surface 3 Impost block 4 Impost capital 5 Impost profile 6 Impost moulding 7 Springer/Abutment of arch/vault 8 Vault base

10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

9

20 Door- or gateway

Intrados

in Roman

architecture

Extrados Crown Surrounding masonry Extrados arch Archivolt Hood moulding Tympanum

Spandrel Pier Soffit

monumental

voussoir vaults

remain rare exceptions (e.g. Nimes, “Temple of Diana’). B. ARCHES Asa derivative or a predecessor form of the voussoir barrel vault, a part of it, the voussoir arch, also made its appearance in the 4th cent. BC, initially remaining limited to city gateways in combination with walls; early examples are the western gate of —» Cassope (first half of the 4th cent. BC), the eastern gate of > Priene (mid4th cent. BC), and in the west of the Greek world the ‘Porta Rosa’ in > Elea (c. 300 BC). With the rise of gate buildings in non-fortified contexts the Greek gate arch starts to become an independent architectural element (e.g. Priene, market gate), with the sometimes considerable space or depth of passage of gates (Olympia, stadium entrance) possibly leading to a tunnel-like form and hence to an approximation of a vault structure. Roman architecture initially adopts the arch motif in city gates and in the context of ‘civil-engineering build-

ings’. The pillars of the arches of bridges and aqueducts here consist either of blocks piled into a wedge shape, of massive brickwork or of poured cement clad with bricks or tuff. In Roman representational architecture there are also numerous free-standing architectural arches as monuments or passage-ways, some with complex tiering of the arch motif (Verona, Porta dei Borsari; cf. ill. + Window); for such architectural arches cf. — Triumphal arches. As a new element in architecture as early as the 3rd cent. BC the arch motif in non-tectonic application finds its way into the decorational canon of wall and facade architecture. Here it is found, first in the context of fortification in city walls and gateways (Elea, ‘Porta Rosa’; Miletus, Sacred Gate; Gate Facade A of the citadel of + Dura Europus), shortly afterwards as a decorative embellishment in pure blind and fagade architecture (Ptolemais, Palazzo delle Colonne) and as the culmination of a > window. This use of arches as a decorative motif is continued seamlessly in Imperial-Period Roman architecture. Here the rounded segment pediment, like the pointed > pediment (sometimes even combined with the latter as a ‘broken’ pediment, becomes a canonical element of the horizontal structure of a wall architecture broken up by niches, recesses and curtain-wall half-pillars and pilasters. In the series of arcades which adorned the gardens of villas (Tivoli, Hadrian’s Villa) and bordered long stretches of the main roads of Roman cities (e.g. Leptis Magna), the arch even became a regular sculptural decorative motif. T.D. Boyp, The Arch and Vault in Greek Architecture, 1976; K.DorniscH, Die griechischen Bogentore. Zur

Entstehung und Verbreitung des griechischen Keilsteingewolbes, 1992; B. FEHR, Plattform und Blickbasis, in: MarbWPr 1969, 31-65; B.GossEL-RaECK, Makedonische Kammergraber, 1980; W.HEILMEYER, Durchgang,

Krypte, Denkmal: Zur Geschichte des Stadioneingangs in

VAULTS

AND

ARCHES,

CONSTRUCTION

OF

247

Olympia, in: MDAI(A) 99, 1984, 251-263; W.L. MacDONALD, The Architecture of the Roman Empire II, 1986, 75-99; W.MULLER-WIENER, Griechisches Bauwesen in der Antike, 1988, 95-96; D.S. RoBERTsON, Greek and Roman Architecture, *1943, 23 1-266; L. SCHNEIDER, CH. Hocker, P.Zazorr, Zur thrakischen Kunst im Frihhellenismus, in: AA 1985, 593-643; S.STORZ, Tonrohren im antiken Gewolbebau, 1994; J.B. WARD-PERKINS, Die Architektur der Romer, 1975, 97-195. C.HO.

Veamini(i). Ligurian tribe in the > Alpes Maritimae, subjugated by Augustus (Plin. HN 3,137; cf. the inscription on the Augustus Arch in + Segusio: CIL V

7231). G.Barrucn, Les peuples préromaines du sud-est de la Gaule, 1969, 360 f.

H.GR.

Vectigal see > Taxes Vediovis see > Veiovis Vedius.

Italian gens name,

recorded

from the 1st

cent. BC onwards. I. REPUBLICAN

PERIOD

IJ. IMPERIAL PERIOD

I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD [1] V., P. Friend of Cn. Pompeius [I 3], provoked mockery by Cicero (Cic. Att. 6,1,25) in March of 50 BC for his travelling in an ostentatious style and his collecting miniature portraits of married women. Possibly identical to V. [II 4]. JOF.

Il. IMPERIAL PERIOD [I 1] P. V. Antoninus. Citizen of Ephesus of equestrian rank. Praefectus cohortis and tribunus militum Legionis I Italicae (1Eph Ill 726; 726a). In Ephesus itself he was a prytanis, and a grammateus, and also an asidrchés in the time of Trajan (cf. IEph VII 1, p. 88; [z. 95]).

Whether his family can be traced to V. [II 4] remains an open question [2. 526]. His adopted son, who bears the name M. Claudius P. V. Antoninus Sabinus (IEph VII x, p. 88), appears to have taken on roles only in Ephesus itself or in Asia. V [II 2] is his grandson. 1 C.ScHULTE,

Die

Grammateis

von

Ephesus,

1994

2 SYME, RP 2.

[Il 2] M. Claudius P. V. Antoninus Phaedrus Sabinianus. Grandson of V. [II 1]. He was admitted to the Senate, probably only under Antoninus Pius: XXvir, tribunus legionis IV Scythicae in Syria, quaestor of Cyprus. He developed his chief occupation in Ephesus, where he worked e.g. as a prytanis, a grammateus, and a gymnasiarchos; also an asidrchés and an ambassador to the Senate and the Emperor. Many buildings were financed by him; but conflict also arose with the Ephesians, in which ultimately > Antoninus [x] Pius intervened (IEph V 1491-1493). His daughter Vedia Phaedrina married T. Flavius [II 20] Damianus, three of

248

their sons, T. Fl. Damianus, T. Fl. Phaedrus and T. Fl. Vedius Antoninus, were members of the Senate and attained a consulship; the descendants of the last, T. Fl. Vedius Apellas, T. Fl. Vedius Antoninus and Fi. Damianus, also had seats in the Senate [1. 629]. V. [II 3] is his son. 1 H.Hatemann, Die Senatoren aus den kleinasiatischen Provinzen des romischen Reiches vom 1. bis 3. Jahrhundert, in: EOS 2, 603-650.

[I 3] M. Claudius P. V. Papianus Antoninus. Son of V. [II 2]. He inherited senatorial rank from his father (he is called synklétikds), but appeared to have held no offices either in Rome or in the provinces. At his death he bequeathed a substantial part of his property to his home city of Ephesus (IEph VII 1, p. 88 with references to all evidence). [Il 4] P. V. Pollio. Friend (amicus) of > Augustus. Son of a freedman, presumably from Beneventum. Of his early period nothing certain is known; it may be that he appears in letters of Cicero [1. 518 ff.]. Presumably al-

ready during his triumvirship, certainly after the Battle of > Actium he was an important aide to > Octavianus; recorded primarily in Asia, probably before 27 BC, where he must have held an official position, since as late as AD 43/4 he may have been referenced in a constitutio Vedi Pollionis in Ephesus (IEph Ia, no. 19A,6, lines 2 and 8). His portrait and name also appear on coins from Tralleis (RPC I 2634 f.). V. was probably at least Octavian’s financial agent in this provincial area, he may also have been the ruler’s plenipotentiary representative. Because of his social origins, with the consolidation of the Principate he no longer fitted into the retraditionalized political image, and therefore had to move into the background. He retained his great wealth, with which he financed a Caesareum in Beneventum (ILS 109g). His lavishness is said to have been abhorrent to Augustus (Tac. Ann. 1,10,5); he is supposed to have fed disobedient slaves to his > morays (Sen. De ira 3,40,2; Plin. HN 9377; Cass. Dio 54,23,2-5). On his death in 15 BC he bequeathed the -» Pausylipum at Naples and his palace on the Esquiline to Augustus, who demolished it and had the Porticus Liviae built for the people [2]. PIR V 213. 1 R.SyME, Who Was Vedius Pollio?, in: SymE, RP 2, 518529 2LTUR 2,211 f.,s. v. domus: P. Vedius Pollio.

W.E.

Vegetable gardening. VG was as significant as the cultivation of + grain, > wine and olives (> Olive oil), the so-called Mediterranean triad, to which in recent times

legumes have been added. Its great significance is also evident from the large amount of space dedicated to it by ancient agrarian writers and physicians (Plin. HN. 19,52-189; Columella 11,3). Evidence of widespread VG extends from the Late Helladic period until the Byzantine period. Pulses (beans, peas, etc.), mainly covered by the Latin term legumina (Greek done.a/Ospria), and

249 leaf vegetables, tubers and salad plants (Latin (b)olera, Greek kéyava/lachana) and spices (Latin olera oderata or condimenta) were usually grown in gardens adjacent to houses, as well as in fields and as a crop alternating with vines (+ Viticulture). The conditions required for VG were a good soil, flowing water or a well for irrigation, and careful fertilization, for which ass’s dung was considered particularly suitable (Colum. 11,3,813). Propagation was by seeds, cuttings, or shoots, according to species. Theophrastus distinguishes three sowing times: August to September, January to February and April to May (Theophr. H. plant. 7,1). These are also found in Columella, who furthermore gives sowing times for individual plants (Colum. 11,3,1619). The cultivation of vegetables required careful tending. The plants required adequate watering, in some cases also replanting, and the beds to be kept free of weeds. Some varieties were harvested before fully ripe. For preservation, vegetables were pickled in brine or vinegar. It was legumes that, as rich sources of protein and calories, substituted for meat in the nutrition of the lower classes (Plin. NA. 19,52: ex horto plebei macellum). The consumption of vegetables, eaten boiled or raw, was ascribed a moral dimension by Greek and Roman authors (Pl. Resp. 372c-373a; Hor. Carm. 1,31,15f.; Hor. Epod. 2,57; Plin. HN 19,52-59; Juv. 11,78-81; Plut. Mor. 157f.). Vegetables (such as beans) were also used as cattle feed, and the seeds of some types were used to make oil. Specialized trading in vegetables is recorded for Athens (Aristoph. Lys. 557), Rome, where there was a proper vegetable market (forum olitorium: CIL VI 29830; cf. also the professional term negotiatrix leguminaria: CIL VI 9683 = ILS 7488), and other parts of the Mediterranean world (e.g. CIL VIII 1408 = ILS 5359), particularly Egypt. — Agrarian writers 1 FLACH, 266-274 2J.KopER, Gemiise in Byzanz, 1993 3 W.RicuTeER, Die Landwirtschaft im homerischen Zeitalter, in: ArchHom 2, 1990, H 123 -H 127 4 A.Sarpakl, The Palaeobotanical Approach. The Mediterranean Triad or is it a Quartet?, in: B. WELLS (ed.), Agriculture in Ancient Greece, 1992, 61-76 5 M.SCHNEBEL, Die Landwirtschaft im hellenistischen Agypten, 1925, 182-210 6 WHITE, Farming. K.RU.

Vegetables. Mostly annual plants, parts of which are suitable for eating, either raw or cooked. In the ancient world, there were large numbers of vegetables; there is evidence for Imperial Italy alone of fifty garden species and fifty wild species. Today largely unknown or uncommon, in ancient sources they were divided into three large groups: 1. /egumina (primarily the proteinrich pulses, such as > beans, peas, chickpeas, > lentils, + lupins; cf. the lists in Columella 2,7,1-2; Plin. HN

18,117-136); 2. olera (especially the vitamin- and fibrerich leaf-vegetables, tubers, and varieties of lettuce); 3. olera odorata or condimenta viridia (herbs such as + dill, > fennel, caraway, parsley, mustard; cf. the lists

250

VEGETARIANISM

in Plin. HN 19,52-189). Mushrooms are considered as vegetables only in quite a wide sense. The supply of vegetables was uniformly abundant, regional and seasonal, but very variable. Furthermore, changes in consumer taste led to a varying supply. The number of kinds of vegetable eaten in the cities decreased with time and was limited to a few garden species, primarily beans, peas, chickpeas, garlic, > cabbage, lentils, lupins and > onions. In times of need or in cases of great poverty, however, wild vegetables (e.g. asphodelus, carline thistle, wild chervil, bittersweet,

black salsify) were also collected. Legumina were cheap (CIL III 2, p. 826 1,8-22), whereas high-value olera, such as + asparagus from Ravenna, came at a price

(Plin. HN. 19,54). Options for keeping vegetables fresh were limited, but there were particular methods of conservation such as drying (e.g. of pulses) or pickling in brine and vinegar, by means of which vegetables could be stored until the following spring. Ancient cooking was familiar with various methods of preparing vegetables. Many kinds of vegetable were boiled in water, but their taste usually remained bitter. In refined cooking, at least, honey or reduced wine were therefore added to vegetables (Apicius 3,2,1; 3,6,3). Dried pulses were mostly pounded to a meal then boiled to a pap. Another form of preparation consisted of roasting vegetables; beans and chickpeas were occasionally also roasted. Green vegetables were usually brought to the table raw, dressed with — vinegar, garum (-> Fish dishes) and often also > oil. In the Hellenistic period, the first known books on vegetables were written (e.g. by > Euthydemus [5]). In Antiquity, pulses (as well as bread) were the main food of the lower classes. The typical dish for poor people in Greece was lentil soup, in Rome a bean or lupin porridge (Hor. Sat. 2,3,182; Plin. HN 18,50; ror; 119; 22,154). Garnishes were often conserved or raw vegetables such as garlic, cabbage, > lettuce or onions (Aristoph. Nub. 981). The noble circles rapidly turned away from eating such simple kinds of vegetable (Plaut. Most. 39). Instead they preferred more refined vegetables, prepared in a more

sophisticated

manner

(Apicius

3,4,1;

4,5,2),

which in addition were served not as main courses but as appetizers and side dishes for fish and meat courses (cf. Lucil. 5,193-200). J.AnpR£, L’alimentation et la cuisine a Rome, *1981, 15-49; A.DatBy, Siren Feasts. A History of Food and Gastronomy in Greece, 1996; E. FOURNIER, s.v. Cibaria,

DS 1,2, 982.

1144-1157; F. OrTH, s.v. Kochkunst, RE

1, 944A.G.

Vegetarianism is documented a number of times and for prominent exponents in Graeco-Roman Antiquity, but cannot be understood in the modern sense of strictly defined veganism (rejection of all animal products, including + milk, -» honey and -> wool), but rather is usually limited to abstaining from + meat consumption; the term is a modern one. On the whole, vegetarianism will not have been an overly noticeable phenom-

VEGETARIANISM

enon in everyday Graeco-Roman life, since meat formed only a small proportion of food anyway. Myth reveals features of a vegetarian (= veg.) way of life in even the earliest period: vegetarianism was often (but not always) considered to be a characteristic of the ‘Golden Age’ (aurea aetas; e.g. in Emp. fr. 411 KirK/ RAVEN/ SCHOFIELD; Pl. Plt. 272 f.; Ov. Met. 1,101112; 15,96-142). A peaceful disposition and vegetarianism are associated with each other as early as in Homer’s fairy tale-like description of the > Lotophagi (Hom. Od. 9,82-104; cf. also 9,190f. the term oitopayoc/sitophdgos, ‘corn-eating’, for civilized people), whereas the meat-eating — Scythae were mostly considered brutish and were occasionally even accused of cannibalism (e.g. in an account by Ephorus in Str.

1 J.ANpR&, L’alimentation et la cuisine

a Rome, *1981

2 M.Corpier, The Ambiguous Status of Meat in Ancient Rome, in: Food and Foodways 3, 1989, 223-264 3 J. Hauss.eirer, Der Vegetarismus in der Antike (RGVV 24),1935 4 F.OrtH,s. v. Kochkunst, RE 11, 944-982. CHS.

Vegetius. P. V. Renatus, Latin author in Late Antiquity. As well as a work on veterinary medicine (Digesta artis mulomedicinae; cf. > Mulomedicina Chironis; > Veterinary medicine), V. wrote a technical military text (Epitoma rei militaris), which in four books covers questions of recruitment and military training (book r), the organization of Roman legions (book 2; + Legio),

strategic and tactical problems (book 3), and besieging cities and warfare at sea (book 4; > Naval warfare).

7359). The historical archegete of vegetarianism was > Pythagoras [2]. His prohibition or at least limitation of the enjoyment

252

251

of meat

(éupbywv

anoxn

mwavtwv/empsy-

chon apoche panton, properly ‘abstinence from anything with a soul’, cf. lambl. Myst. 5,4; cf. also Aristot. fr. 275 KirK/RAVEN/SCHOFIELD) is founded primarily on the belief, developed with reference to > Orphism, in the migration of souls; all living beings were considered to be related to one another. Hence Pythagoreans were also not permitted to eat eggs, which contained the germ of a living being (Plut. Symp. 2,3,1 [63 5e]). Other (secondary) motives for abstinence from meat, some documented as early as for the > Pythagorean School, are a sense of fairness for animals, asceticism, character building [3. 140-144] and various medicinal recommendations which for the most part aim for only temporary vegetarianism (e.g. in Caelius [II 11] Aurelianus, Tardarum sive chronicarum passionum, libri 1,4,117: forbidding meat and wine for cases of > epilepsy). None of the great medical authorities (> Hippocrates [6], > Galen, > Celsus [7]) championed veg. principles on principle. Many followers of > Cynicism, too, were vegetarians. + Plato [1] himself may have had a certain leaning towards a veg. diet [3. 189 f.], calling for vegetarianism in the framework of his theory of the migration of souls, although not expressly. In the Roman period, vegetarianism appears to have undergone a renaissance, as e.g. in the School of the Sextians (> Sextius [I x]), which was founded shortly before the beginning of the Christian era. Strict vegetarianism was practised in the rst cent. AD by the neo-Pythagorean Apollonius [14] of Tyana (on him cf. the 8 books of Philostr. Ap.), who even rejected clothing made from animal materials. The most significant work on ancient vegetarianism is + Porphyrius’ De abstinentia: animals, other than carnivores, were not to be killed (Porph. De abstinentia 2,22; 3,26). Apart from moral considerations of the sentience and rationality of animals, the main motive was humans’ attainment of purity. -» Nutrition;

> Meat, consumption of; > Purification;

> Pythagoras [2]; > Soul, migration of the

After V. had written De dilectu atque exercitatione tironum (= book x), he received a commission from the emperor to write an outline of Roman military affairs (Veg. Mil. 2 praef.). V. may have been from the Spanish-Gaulish world, was a Christian and as a senatorial — illustris vir probably held for a time the office of comes sacrarum largitionum (or comes sacri stabuli; cf. > Comes A.). The reference to a deified Gratianus (Veg. Mil. 1,20,3) shows that the work was written after AD 383, and the — subscriptio of a MS gives a terminus ante quem of 450. More precise dating remains hypothetical: as addressees of the work, Theodosius [2] I, Valentinianus [3] Il, Honorius [3] and Valentinianus [4] III come into

consideration; the greatest plausibility lies with the thesis of [3. XXV-—XXIX], that V. directed his work at Theodosius I, the more so since it can probably be dated to before the > Anonymus de rebus bellicis. V. primarily set out by bringing to mind its glorious military past to formulate for Rome lessons for its own present, to halt the barbarization of the Roman army — a concern that was also formulated at about the same time by Synesius [x] in Constantinople — and hence to regain ancient Roman triumphs. This glorification of earlier times corresponds to the rich use V. makes of earlier writings on military matters: he primarily consulted > Cato’s [1]De re militari, a work of the same name by P. + Taruttienus Paternus, a jurist and Praetorian praefect who worked under Marcus Aurelius, Artes by A. Cornelius + Celsus [7], and works on military strategy by Sex. Iulius > Frontinus (Veg. Mil. 1,8,10-12; 2,3,6-8). V. was evidently no military practitioner: he draws on written sources and combines actual experiences with the thoughts of his predecessors. Ancient Roman ideas are also revealed by his conviction of the emasculating effect of long periods of peace (Veg. Mil. 1,28).

In the Middle Ages and the early modern period V.’s work was received to a large extent. The large number of V. MSS from the period up to 1300 alone would be evidence of this. Some parts of MACHIAVELLI’s L’Arte della Guerra (1521) are precisely an attempt to make V.’s remarks directly available to his own time.

254

253

~ Military authors; + Mulomedicina Chironis; — Tactics; > Veterinary medicine EDITIONS:

1 A. ONNERFORS, Epitoma rei militaris,

199 S

2 F.L. MULLER, Epitoma rei militaris, 1997 (with German trans.) 3 N.P. Miter, Epitoma rei militaris, 1996 (with English trans.) 4 E. LomMatzscu, Mulomedicina, 1903.

LITERATURE: 5 H.Branpt, Zeitkritik in der Spatantike, 1988 6 W.Gorrart, The Date and Purpose of Vegetius’

1M. Harari, s. v. V., LIMC 8.1, 183 f. 2 F.-H. MassaParRAULT, Lasa Vecu — Lasa Vecuvia, in: Dialoghi di

archeologia 6, 1988, fascicle 1, 133-143 157-159

3 PFIFFIG,

4A.Vaxvo, La profezia di V., 1988 (with old-

er bibliography).

Veiento. Roman cognomen, originally indicating origin (> Veii); + Fabricius [II 2] and + Perperna [5]. KAJANTO, Cognomina, 119; 189 f.

de re militari, in: Traditio 33, 1977, 65-100

7 M.SpRINGER, V. im Mittelalter, in: Philologus 123, 8 C.ZUCKERMAN, Sur la date du traité 1979, 85-90 militaire de Végéce et son destinataire Valentinien I, in: Scripta classica Israelica 13, 1994, 67-75.

VEII

HB.

Vegistum (Ueteston, Ovéteotov). Town in > Galatia on the southern edge of the territory of the + Tolistobogii (Ptol. 5,4,7; Tab. Peut. 9,5: Vetissus), about 8 km to the west-northwest of modern Siiliklii. Regionally organised in the Roman period as dju0¢ OdntisGewv/démos Uetisséon (MAMA 7, 363); numerous inscriptions survive from the region around V. (MAMA 7, 311-401). BELKE, 242; E. KIRSTEN, s. v. V., RE 8 A, 2437-2439. K.ST.

Vegoia. Etruscan nymph, also known as Begoe (Serv. Aen. 6,72); Etruscan vecut (a), vecuvia (cf. the nomen

gentilevecu/viku, attested especially in Chiusi). V. is mentioned in Roman tradition as the one to create/announce (a part of?) the holy Etruscan books about the doctrine of lightning (Libri fulgurales; Serv. loc.cit.) as well as a part of the books of rituals. The entirety of these books was referred to as libri Vego(n)ici (Amm. Marc. 17,10,2, a part of the Etrusca disciplina) and was

later kept in the temple of Apollo on the Palatine (Serv. loc.cit., along with the > Sibyllini libri). A prophecy for the Etruscan Arruns Veltymnus contained in one of the late writings of the Roman — surveyors is attributed to V. as well (Gromatici Veteres vol. 1, 350,17-351,11 LACHMANN) [4]: The Latin text contains references to an Etruscan cosmogony and threats of punishment for those (domini as well as servi) who wanted to re-draw the god-given borders between the fields and estates of Etruria. Although the prophecy was probably invented [3] and most likely originated in the conservative circles of Etruscan land-owners of the rst and early 2nd cents. BC (the dating. however, is contested, the text itself mentions the 8th saeculum of Etruscan time reckoning; cf. Plut. Sulla 7, 6-13) who were hostile to agricultural reforms [4. 19-53], it mevertheless underscores the close connection between Etruscan religion and the techniques of surveying and drawing borders (> limitatio) and reveals older, genuinely Etruscan elements. The rare pictorial representations from the 4th and early 3rd cents. BC show V. as a young woman, at times with wings (— Lasa) [1; 2]. + Divination VII; > Etrusci, Etruria III.; — Limitation; > Tages

Veli (Ovvoi/Ouioi, Byievtio/Béientia; Etruscan Vei(s)). Etruscan city (App. It. 8,1; Liv. 5,22,8; 5,24,6; Eutr. 1,20) on the plateau (c. 180 ha) between Cremera (modern Valchetta) in the north and the modern Piordo

in the south, r5 km north of Rome near the modern Isola Farnese. Remains from the proto-Villanovan period (roth cent. BC) and Villanovan period (gth/8th cent. BC) are extant, in which several settlements (necropoleis: pozzetto and fossa tombs, grave goods of local manufacture and from other Etruscan cities, from Latium and from central Europe) developed here (see plan). Partially painted chamber tombs (Tomba delle Anatre, Tomba Campana; grave goods: handmade ceramics, local and imported bronze wares) date from the 7thcent. BC. In the 6thcent. BC, a temple was built on the supposed ‘acropolis’ (the modern Piazza d’Armi; see detailed plan). The first sanctuaries, such as that of Portonaccio, developed. The Tarquinii (+ Tarquinius [r1-12]) were said to have commissioned the cult statue and decorations for the + temple (V. C. with ill. 1) of Iuppiter Capitolinus in Rome in the ceramic workshops of V. (Varro in Plin. HN 35,157; Plut. Publicola 13,1). In the 5th cent., a water supply network developed, stretching across the entire territory of V. (ager Veientanus), as did the fortification walls of the city. V. was said to have already been in conflict with Rome at the time of the Roman kings (Romulus [1]: Liv. 1,15; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,54 f.; Plut. Romulus 3,23 f.; Tullus Hostilius [4]: Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 3,23 f.; Liv. 1,27,3-11; Ancus Marcius [I 3]: Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 3,41; back projection of later events in the time of the kings?), which was probably triggered by claims to power over the territory of the Septem Pagi (Liv. 1,15,53; 213543 Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,55,53 Plut. Romulus 25,5) and the saltworks to the right of the mouth of the > Tiber as well as those of + Fidenae left of the Tiber. After various clashes (cf. Jer. Vir. ill. 15; Liv. 2,48,8 ff.; 4,20,5 ff.; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 9,14 f.; Diod. Sic. 11,53), there was a ten-year war at the end of the 5th cent. BC between V. and Rome (Flor. Epit. 1,6), which ended in 396 BC with the defeat of V. The city was destroyed, its territory annexed by Rome (establishment of four new > tribus: Liv. 6,5,8; Diod. Sic. 14,16). In the late Republican period, a municipium (already founded at the time of Str. 5,2,9), later muntcipium Augustum Veiens (CIL XI 3797; 3805; 3808) arose on the territory of V. (still abandoned at the time

VEII

255

Vei(s)/Veii (Municipium Augustum Veiens): city and necropolis (10th cent. BC - 3rd/4th cents. AD) Volci/ VulciX\

[Monte Michele .~

2,

Quattro Fontanili

Picazzano Ml _ Water tunnel, ‘Ponte Sodo’, hewn into the rock

Tomba Campana (late 7th cent. BC)

Quarto di Campetti &

Vacchereccia

~

fof

-

sale

ere

ae

North-East

SF Grotta Gramiccia

rail Casale del Fosso

Campetti

, Oenotri (Hdt. 1,167) in Lucania (> Lucani) on the coast of the Mare Tyrrhenum (Mela 2,69; Ptol. 3,1,8), between steep banks (App. Civ. 5,98) at the

mouth of the the Hales (Bedéa/Beléa in Steph. Byz. s. v. *EhEa), with only poorly fertile land (Str. 6,1,1); Silting of the mouth of the river (bradyseism) led to coastline changes (— Coastline, changes in), and for this reason the lower city was abandoned in the Middle Ages. Ancient remains (city walls with towers and gates, viaduct, agora, various sanctuaries) can be found some 500 m from the coast at modern Castellamare di Velia. Settlers from — Phocaea, driven from their homeland by the Persians, had sought refuge in > Massalia and > Aleria (on Corsica) and then, confronted with the > Etrusci [I I] and + Carthage in a sea battle in 540 BC, had ultimately, on the basis of an oracle, found refuge and established a city here (cf. Hdt. 1,163-167; Antiochus FGrH 555 F 8). The city initially included only an acropolis but soon expanded into the adjacent plain and from the beginning of the 5th cent. BC was fortified. Pressure from the Lucani in 389 BC moved V. to enter the Italiote League (+ Magna Graecia I B; Polyaenus, Strat. 6,11). V. was among the cities of Magna Graecia, which in the first of the > Punic Wars made ships available to the Romans for the crossing to Sicily

261

262

(Pol. 1,20,14); in the second of the Punic Wars too V.

supplied the Romans

with ships (in 210 BC; Liv.

36,29,5). From c. 272 BC V. was a civitas foederata (Pol. 1,20,13 f.; Liv. 26,39,1-5), after the Social Wars in 89 BC a municipium, tribus Romilia (Cic. Balb. 55; Val. Max. 1,1,1; CIL X 452). Because of its mild climate, prized by physicians, prominent Romans maintained country houses in V. (Cic. Fam. 7,20,1; Cic. Att. 16,6,1; Plut. Aemilius Paullus 39,1). + Parmenides, who is supposed to have given the city a constitution, worked in V. (cf. Str. 6,1,1; Diog. Laert. 9,23) as did + Zeno (> Eleatic School). Numerous cults are recorded in inscriptions (Poseidon Asphaleios, Zeus Orios, Zeus Pompaios, Zeus Hypatos, Hera Thelxine, Athena, Demeter, Persephone, Hades, Kairos, Apollo Oulios). G. PUGLIESE CARRATELLI et al,, V. e i Focei in Occidente, in: PdP 21, 1966, 15 5—421; Id. et al., Nuovi studi su V., in: PdP 25, 1970, 7-300; W.LEszL, Pitagorici ed Eleati, in: G. PUGLIESE CARRATELLI (ed.), Magna Grecia, 1988, 197— 226; E.GRECO, V. e Palinuro, in: MEFRA 87, 1975, 81142; Id., F. KRINZINGER (ed.), V. Studi e ricerche, 1994.

A.MU.

VELITRAE

8,9,14). Equipped with leather helmets, round shields. short swords and seven lances (-> hasta [1]; Pol. 6,2.1,922,4; Liv. 38,21,13), it was their job to demoralize the enemy by throwing a volley of javelins and then, after the ‘skirmish’ (velitatio), to retreat behind their own lines (Pol. 2,30,1-53 3,65,5-7; Liv.). The speed at which they surged ahead was essential, since the object was to throw the javelins from as short a distance as possible. In 211 BC, this action was carried out at > Capua with the aid of the - cavalry by having the velites ‘ride double’ to carry them swiflty across the field (Liv. 26,4,410). Later, the velites usually fought in the traditional manner (Liv. 27,18,2; Pol. 10,39,1; 11,22,10), although joint actions with the cavalry are still known (Liv. 31,3 5,2-73 42,58,12; Sall. Lug. 46,7). The defence against war elefants was the responsibility of the velites as well. (Liv. 21,5 5,11; 30,33,3). Inthe camp, they were the sentries (Pol. 6,3 5,5). In the 2nd cent. BC., the function of the velites was increasingly taken on by auxiliary units (— auxilia; Liv. 38,21,2; 38,26,8; App. Hisp. 89; Sall. Jug. 105,2); the last mention of the velites referred to 86 BC and the army of Cornelius [I 90] Sulla (Chaeronea: Frontin. Str. 2,3,17).

[3] Hill in the city of + Rome, which in Antiquity connected the + Mons Palatinus with the Mons Oppius. The topography of the place remains vague, since the V. was largely removed during the construction of the Via dei Fori Imperiali in the 1930s. In the Republican peri-

Army, in: Historia 14, 1965, 404-422 2J.B. McCatt, The Cavalry of the Roman Republic, 2002 3 S.P. Oak-

od it was crowned by a temple to the Penates, later (at

Pre-Marian Army, in: Ead., Roman Culture and Society,

the time of Hadrian) by a temple to Venus and Roma

I991; 34-57-

1 M.]J. V. BELL, Tactical Reform in the Roman Republican

LEY,

A Commentary on Livy, Books VI-X, vol. 2, 1988,

469-471

4E.Rawson, The Literary Sources for the

(> Rome III G). F.COARELLI, s.v. V., LIUR 5, 1999, 109-112; RICHARDSON, s. v. V., 407 f.; A. Tome!, A proposito della V., in: MDAI(R) 94, 1994, 233-251. C.HO.

Veliocasses. Celtic people (according to Caes. B Gall. 2,4,1 originally Germanic) in Gallia + Belgica (Caes. B Gall. 2,4,9; cf. 775,33 857,43 Oros. 6,7,14; 6,131,125 Ptol. 2,8,8: Ovevedoxcaoio/ Oueneliokdsioi; Liv. Per. 67), in the north and to a limited extent also in the south

of the lower reaches of the Sequana (modern Seine; in the south of the département of Seine-Maritime and in the north of the département of Eure). In the preRoman period, the capital of the V. was probably the oppidum of ‘Camp de Calidou’ near Caudebec, from the time of Augustus onwards Rotomagus (modern Rouen) in the province of + Lugdunensis (Plin. HN 4,107). The name V. lives on in the regional name le Vexin. + Gallia (with map) H. BANNERT, s. v. V., RE Supplementum 15, 777-783; S.Ficut1, Les Gaulois du nord de la Gaule, 1994, 157, 173; R.Bepon, Les villes des Trois Gaules de César a MLPO. Néron, 1999, 73, 124 f.

Velites. The velites were a light infantry unit that opend the battle in front of the formation of the manipular army similar to the rorarii of earlier times (Liv. 8,8,8;

Velitrae (Ovehitoa/Ouelitrai). City in Latium in the southern foothills of the modern Colli Albani to the north of the > Ager Pomptinus and the settlement area of the > Volsci (Str. 5,3,10; Liv. 2,30,14; Steph. Byz. s. v. Bédttoa; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 3,41,5; Sil. Pun. 8,379; 13,229: Veliternum), modern Velletri. The

beginnings are disputed: originally Latin (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 5,61,3), occupied by the Volsci and conquered by Ancus Marcius [I 3] (ibid. 3,41) or originally Volscan (Liv. 2,30,14). In the — Latin League in 498 BC (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 5,61; cf. > Latini, with map), conquered in 494 by the Romans, who established a colonia in V. (Liv. l.c.; 2,31,4; reinforced two years later: Liv. 2,3 4,6). Nevertheless, in the following

years there were military disputes time and again between Rome and V. (380: Liv. 6,29,6; Plut. Camillus 42,1; 371/70: Liv. 6,36,1-9; 6,37,12; 6,38,1; 6,42,4; 358: Liv. 7,145,115; 340: Liv. 8,3,9); in 338 BC V. was

finally conquered by the Romans and severely punished: the fortifications were demolished, the members of the city council were deported to Rome and their property confiscated (Liv. 8,14,5 f.). V. became a muntcipium, its citizens received > civitas (B) sine suffragio. Under Claudius [III 1] V. was raised in rank to a colonia (Liber coloniarum 238). The father of the later Augustus was from V. (Suet. Aug. 1,2; Cass. Dio 45,1); Caligula owned an estate in V. (Plin. HN 12,10). V.’s wine was famous (Plin. HN

VELITRAE

264

263

fectus of a > vexillatio troop from eight legions; tribu-

14,65). The earliest core of the city was around the Volscan temple (under the church of Santa Maria della Neve), V. later expanded farther to the southeast and west. The forum, under the modern Piazza Umberto I, and the basilica are also recorded in inscriptions (CIL X 6583; 6588), as is an amphitheatre (CIL X 6565), whereas a temple to Apollo and one to ~ Sancus are only mentioned in Liv. 32,1,10. Under the Chiesa delle Stimmate are the foundations of an Archaic temple; in

in Mauretania; participant in the war against the + Marcomanni, > Quadi and ~— Sarmatae under Domitianus, during which he was also the leader of an expeditio (‘expedition’) through the kingdom of > Decebalus. Finally, Domitian’s procurator in Pannonia/ Dalmatia and in Raetia. He received decorations in the

the surrounding area various necropoleis (early Bronze

Jewish War in 69/70 under Titus [3] and in Domitian’s

Age, early Christianity).

Quadi War. In 72 he had repatriated the sons of Antiochus [18] of Commagene from the Parthian Empire to Vespasianus (see > Julius [II 11]). The dating of his military positions is disputed; cf. [z. 114-117] (AE 1983, 928). According to Mart. 9,31, during a campaign on the Danube he pledged a golden goose for the ~» salus of Domitian. V. [2], [6] and [7] are his descendants.

F.R. Fortunati, II tempio delle Stimmate di V., in: E. RysTEDT et al. (eds.), Deliciae fictiles. Proceedings of the First International Conference on Central Italic Architectural Terracottas

(Rom

1990),

1993,

255-265;

C.BRUUN,

Herakles and the Tyrant. An Archaic Frieze from Velletri, in: ibidem., 267-275; G. CRESSEDI, V., 1953; I. CECCARINI et al., Museo Civico di V., 1989; L. Devoti, R. MamMUCCARI, Velester Velitrae Velletri, 1997. M.M.MO.

nus of the Cohors XIII urbana (> Urbanae cohortes) in Carthage; dux exercitus Africi et Mauretanici in a war

1 PFLAUM 1.

Velius [1] V. Cerialis Amicus of Pliny the Younger (Plin. Ep. 4,21). [2] D. V. Fidus. Senatorial cos. suff. in November/ December AD 148, together with M. Calpurnius [II 16] Longus (AE 1996, 1384 =[1]); governor of the province of Syria Palaestina in 150 (PSI IX 1026 = [2]). Member of the > Pontifices in 15 5 (CIL VI 2120). IGLS VI 2777 is probably his burial inscription [3].

[6] V. Rufus. Mentioned in Fronto [6] (Ad amicos 1,11) and Marcus [2] Aurelius (Eis heauton 12,27). He was a senatorial descendant of V. [5], either father or brother of V. [2] and must have been of senatorial rank [1. 666]. 1G.W. Bowersock, Roman Senators from the Near East: Syria, Judaea, Arabia, Mesopotamia, in: EOS 2, 651-668.

[7] D. V. Rufus Julianus. Descendant of V. [5]. Senator;

1J.D’ARMs, Memory, Money, and Status at Misenum:

cos. ord. in AD 178. Commodus had him executed (HA

Three New Inscriptions from the Collegium of the Augu-

Comm. 4,10).

stales, in: JRS 90, 2000, 126-144 2J.REA, Two Legates and a Procurator of Syria Palaestina, in: ZPE 26, 1977,

217-222

3 W.EcK, Miscellanea prosopographica, in:

ZPE 42, 1981, 227-256.

W.E.

[3] V. Longus. Latin grammarian from the time of Hadrianus (AD 117-138). Some of his works are lost: (1) De usu antiquae lectionis (Gell. NA 18,9,4), (2) on

adjectives derived from proper names (Charisius, Gramm. 1,199,12-15 books) and (3) acommentary on Vergil, of which numerous traces can be detected in a scholia tradition. (4) De orthographia, in which orthographic rules are presented in accordance with the teachings of > Verrius [1] Flaccus, survives. The tradition can be traced to a Codex Bobiensis found in 1493. BIBLIOGRAPHY:

1GL

H.HALFMANN, Die Senatoren aus dem 6stlichen Teil des Imperium Romanum, 1979, 189. W.E.

7, 39-81,

154f.

DARA:

SCHMIDT, V.L., in: HLL 4, 227-229 © 3 Id., s. v. V. (6), KIP 5,1160 4L.STRZELECKI, in: Eos 39, 1938, 11-27. JR.

[4] V. Paulus. Praetorian pro-consul of Pontus-Bithynia in c. AD 79/80 (Plin. Ep. 10,58,3; 10,60,1). On the

name cf. [1. 302 f.°9]. 1 W.Eck, Jahres- und Provinzialfasten der senatorischen Statthalter von 69/70 bis 13 8/9, in: Chiron 12, 1982, 281 362.

[S] C. V. Rufus. From Heliopolis (+ Baalbek) (ILS 9200). Primus pilus of the Legio XII Fulminata, prae-

Vellaunodunum. Celtic oppidum of the > Senones [2], conquered by Caesar’s legate, C. Trebonius [I x], in 52 BC (Caes. B Gall. 7,11,1; 7,11,4; 7,14,1). A precise location between > Agedincum and > Cenabum is not possible; Chateau-Landon and Terres-Blanches du Grand-Villon to the north of Montargis (département of Loiret) are conceivable. M. Provost, Carte archéologique de la Gaule 45. Le Loiret, 1988, 161-163, 165; IIRM 31, 1975, 184.

MLPO.

Vellavii. Celtic people, neighbours of the — Gabali, ~> Arverni, + Allobroges, + Segovellauni and > Helvii, in the Gallic War allied with the Arverni (— Caesar IC), in whose contingent they took part at the Battle of + Alesia in 52 BC (Caes. Gall. 7,75; Str. 4,2,2). Under Augustus they were assigned to the province of > Aquitania with a capital at Ruessium (modern Saint-Paulien). Under Claudius [III x] or Tiberius [1] they received Ius Latii (+ Latin Law Il; cf. [2. no. 25]). In late Antiquity they were part of Aquitanica Prima. 1 M. Provost, B. Remy, Carte archéologique de la Gaule. La Haute-Loire 43,1994 2B.Rémy, Inscriptions latines d’Aquitaine (ILA): Vellaves, 1995 3 P. WuILLEUMIER, s.v. V., RE8 A, 636 f. J.-M.DE.

265

266

Velleius. Roman gentile name (from vel(I)a [1. 377)). 1 SCHULZE.

[1] V., C. From Lanuvium (like Q. Roscius [I 4]: Cic. Nat. D. 1,79), Roman senator, perhaps thanks to L. Cornelius [I 90] Sulla; no longer mentioned after c.

70 BC. Possibly (cf. MRR

2,474) identical to C. V.,

friend of L. Licinius [I 10] Crassus beginning c. 90 BC (Cic. De or. 3,78), senator not later than 77, representa-

tive of the Epicureans in Cicero (Nat. D. 1,15; 1,18-56). [2] V., C. From Campania? [2. 383]; grandfather of [4]; in 52 BC, index selectus, later praef. fabrum of Cn. Pompeius [I 3], M. Iunius [I ro] Brutus (44-42 in Macedonia?) and finally of Ti. Claudius [I 19] Nero in the bellum Perusinum (-> Perusia). In 41 BC, V. committed suicide (Vell. Pat. 2,76,r1). [3] (V.?) Son of V. [2], born 57 BC or later [1], brother (2) of a senator (V.?) Capito (Vell. Pat. 2,69,5) and praef. equitum in Germania until AD 5, when his son from his marriage to Magia, V. [4], replaced him (Vell. Pat. 2,104,3). 1 G.V. SuMNER, The Truth about V. Paterculus, in: HSPh 74, 1970, 257-297.

2SyME,RR.

JOF.

[4] V. Paterculus. Roman historian (for his doubtful praenomen see [7. 658]). I. Lire II. Work I. LIFE Born 20/19 BC; on his father’s side, descended from the Roman equestrian class, on his mother’s side, from

a leading family of the Campanian municipal nobility. V. served as a military tribune in Thracia and Macedonia (Vell. Pat. 2,101,3), witnessed the meeting between Caesar and the Parthian king Phraates [5] (2,101, 2-3) and was praef. equitum under — Tiberius [1] (2,104,3). In AD 6, he became quaestor, but dropped his entitlement to a province in order to support Tiberius against rebels in Pannonia as legatus (2,111,3). Apart from brief interruptions, he remained there until AD 9 (2,111,43; 2,113,33 2,114,5-115,1); in the years 9

to 11, he took part in Tiberius’ campaigns in Germania, in 12, in the latter’s

> triumph in Rome (2,121,3). In

15, he held the praetorship, for which Augustus had recommended him shortly before his death (2,124,4). Afterwards, the only provable biographical event is the dedication of his work to M. > Vinicius, the son of his former commander, on the occasion of his consulate in AD 30.

II. Work The Historia Romana of V., found in 1515 in the Alsatian abbey of Murbach, is the only extant historical depiction of the time of Augustus and Tiberius by a contemporary witness. Because V., apparently as a special homage to the dedicatee, dated the historical events not only ab urbe condita (‘from the founding of the city (of Rome)’; cf. + Eponyms in chronology II C), but also from the consulship year of Vinicius (1,8,1; 2,7,55

VELLEIUS

2,49,1; 2,65,2), the work must have been written in

AD 30 or shortly before [1. 17-20]. The title, which goes back to the Editio princeps of Beatus Rhenanus (1520/1521), does not actually do justice to the content, as the work, divided into 2 books, represents itself as a pocket-sized universal history [2. 282; 3]. From book 1, the proem and the opening chapters are lost, as is the period from Romulus to the Battle of Pydna (168 BC), so that the account begins with the founding of Metapontum; book 2 is almost completely preserved. The boundary between the books is the fall of + Carthage (146 BC) - for V., as for Sallustius [II 3], with whom he shares the view of history, the crucial epochal year for Roman history. With the beginning of the civil war between Caesar and Pompeius down to the time of Augustus and Tiberius, the description widens appreciably and ends in a prayer to the Empire and Emperor Tiberius. In his extremely high estimation of the latter, V. is in complete contradiction to other ancient traditions (in Tacitus [1], Suetonius [2] and Cassius [III 1] Dio).

The history is notable for the interspersed literary and political excurses (> Excursus), e.g. a listing of all Roman-founded colonies (1,14-15), an excursus on Greek and Roman literature and rhetoric (1,16-18) and on Homerus [1] and Hesiodus (1,5; 1,7), as well as on colonies (2,7,7-8), the important Latin authors of the Republic and early Imperial era (2,9; 2,36) and the provinces of the Roman Empire (2,3 8-39). Because of this, the questions regarding sources and genre and the historiographic value of the work are disputed [4]. In any case, the book had little effect in Antiquity. Even after the discovery of the Codex unicus, it found at most ambivalent acceptance [5. 9-23] and was long considered as a poor rhetorical effort by an opportunistic and ingratiating court annalist ([6. 48]; on the style, cf. [7. 647-650; 8], on the genre [9. 412-416]). Only recently has intensive work been performed on a re-evaluation of V. and his oeuvre as a “text sui generis, capable of being interpreted and requiring interpretation” ([5; 10. 190-192]; cf. also [1r. 114-116], on the reliability Gta ieaenes eee f.)9 + Historiography III; - Tiberius [1] Lir.: 1 C.Kunrze, Zur Darstellung des Kaisers Tiberius und seiner Zeit bei V.P., 1985 2G.V. SuMNER, The Truth about V. P., in: HSPh 74, 1970, 257-297. 3 R.J.

SrarR, The Scope and Genre of V.’ History, in: CQ 31, 1981, 162-164

4A.J. WoopMAN, Questions of Date,

Genre and Style in V. Some Literary Answers, in: CQ 25, 1975,272-306 5 U.ScHMITZzER, V. P. und das Interesse an

der Geschichte

6 M.ErRrEN,

im

Einfiihrung

Zeitalter

des Tiberius,

in die rémische

2000

Kunstprosa,

1983 7 A.DIHLE, s.v. V. (5), RE 8A, 637-659 8 F.PorTALurI, Osservazioni sullo stile di V.P., in: Civilta classica e cristiana 8, 1987, 39-57 9M.Koper,

Die politische Anfange Octavians in der Darstellung des V. und dessen Verhaltnis zur historiographischen ‘Tradi10 K.Curist, V. und Tiberius, in: Historia tion, 2000 11 A. MEHL, R6mische Geschichts50, 2001, 180-192

schreibung, 2001 Kaiser, 1999.

12 Z. YaveETZ, Tiberius. Der traurige

267

268

Ep.: J.HELLEGOUARC’H, 2 vol., 1982 (with comm. and Fr. transl.); A.J. WoopMan, vol. 1, V. P. The Caesarian and Augustan Narrative (Vell. 2,94-131), 1977; vol. 2, V. P. The Tiberian Narrative (Vell. 2,41-93), 1983 (each

Venantius Fortunatus. V. Honorius Clementianus Fortunatus, Latin poet of the 6th cent. AD, was born between 530 and 540 in Valdobbiadene/— Tarvisium

with comm.); M.G1EBEL, V. P., Historia Romana

matical, rhetorical and legal education towards a career in administration befitting a member of the higher clas-

VELLEIUS

(with

Ger. transl.), 1989; M. ELEFANTE, 1997 (with comm.).

GK.

Vellocatus. Briton, a shield-bearer (armigerus) of > Venutius (Tac. Hist. 3,45); married in 69 AD to the queen ~ Cartimandua of the Brigantes, who for a short time shared power with him in order to gain support. — Cartimandua W.S. Hanson, G. WeBsTER, The Brigantes. From Clientage to Conquest, in: Britannia 17, 1986, 73-89.

Venafrum

(Ovévapoov;

Ouénaphron).

= C.KU.

City of the

— Samnites in the valley of the > Volturnus [1] (Str. 5535103 554533 554,113 App. B Civ. 1,41; Ptol. 3,1,68) on a natural route connecting Samnium and > Campania. Modern Venafro, V. was praefectura Venafrana in the middle of the 3rd cent. BC (Fest. 262,14), Augustan colonia (CIL X 4894; cf. 4875; Liber coloniarum 239) of regio I (Plin. HN 3,63), tribus Terentina (CIL X 1, p. 477), and from the 4th cent. AD onwards it was in the province of Samnium (CIL X 4858 f.; 4863; 4865). There is evidence of duoviri, praefecti, a praefectus iure deicundo (CIL X 1, 4876), aediles, quaestores (CIL X 1, Pp. 477), pontifices (CIL X 1, 4860; 4885), augures (CIL X 1 4884), a flamen (CIL X 1 4860), a flamen Augustalis (CIL X 1, 4868), seviri Augustales (CILX 1, 4908; 4911) as well as various collegia, such as the Collegium cultorum Bonae Deae Caelestis (CIL X 1, 4849). Remains have survived of an orthogonal city plan traceable to the Augustan colonia, divided into blocks of houses of some two > actus [2], a city wall (cf. CIL X 1, 4876), a domus from the rst cent. AD with mosaics and paintings in the Third Pompeian Style, a Roman theatre from the rst cent. BC with extensions from the JulioClaudian period [1], flanked by a > nymphaeum from the 2nd cent. AD, and a sanctuary (in opus polygonale). In AD 346, the theatre was damaged by an earthquake. Construction of the amphitheatre (known as Verlascio) was paid for by a member of the gens Vibia (CIL X 1, 4892). An aqueduct brought water from the area near the source of the Volturnus (CIL X 1, 4842). On the centuriatio (+ Limitation II A), cf. [2. 139-142]. 1S.Capini, Venafro

(Isernia). Il teatro romano,

I-2, 1990, 21-33, 229-232

2 G. CHOUQUER

in: BA

et al.,

Structures agraires en Italie centro-méridionale: cadastres et paysages ruraux, 1987.

A.LA ReGInA, in: Quaderni dell’Istituto di Topografia antica dell’Universita di Roma 1, 1964, 55-67; S. DIEBNER, Aesernia, V. (Archaeologica 8), 1979; S. CaPinl, V., in: La romanisation du Samnium (Actes du colloque,

Naples, 1988), 1991, 21-33; S. CAPINI et al. (eds.), Samnium: archeologia del Molise (Ausstellungskat), 1991; S.CAPINI et al., Venafro, 1996; F.CoaRELLI, A.La Reaina, Guide archeologiche Laterza: Abruzzo e Molise, 1965, 172-181; P. Oakey, The Hill-Forts of the Samnites, 1995, 28-30.

M.M.MO.

(modern Treviso). In > Ravenna, he received the gram-

ses (Ven. Fort. vita Martini 1,29-39). A pilgrimage to the grave of the holy Martinus [1] in Tours (Ven. Fort. carm. 8,1,21 and Vita Martini 1,44) or political difficulties at home [5.XIV-XIX] led him to the Frankish court in what is present-day Metz (cf. > Divodurum), where he became King Sigebert’s prolific court poet. Among the most important works of the period are the epithalamium (wedding poem) for the wedding of Sigebert to the Visigoth princess Brunichilde (carm. 6,1) and a poem about her conversion from the Arian to the Catholic faith (carm. 6,1a). In the summer of 567, V. went to Lemonum (modern Poitiers), where he became a priest in the monastic community of Radegunde, the daughter of the Duke of Thuringia (cf. carm. 8,3—-10). V. made contacts with leading political and clerical persons to whom he paid tribute with letters and obeisances. Among them was Gregorius [4] of Tours who instigated him to write the Vita Sancti Martini, a > biography of St. Martinus [1], V.’ longest work which was written in the epic metre (hexameter)_unlike his other vitae. After a trip to Paris (581) and another visit to the Frankish court — a period in which his creative powers were waning (carm. 10,11) — the traces of his life, which can be reconstructed only through his work, are lost. He became bishop of Lemonum at the turn to the 6th cent. and must have died soon thereafter. His literary remains comprise more than 200 poems of varying content in 11 bks., which also contain many letters in verses and several prose treatises. The thematic variety of the amusing poems filled with personal experiences is contrasted by a certain metrical narrowness. V. favoured hexameter and elegiac distich over iambus and trochaeus; his rhetorical education is revealed in his strongly rhymed poetry. The last poet of Rome [3.438] and the first poet of the Middle Ages [1.127] became highly influential and was regarded as the undisputed model of style in the Middle Ages. The passiontide hymns Pange lingua (carm. 2,2) and Vexilla regis (carm. 2,6) are still in liturgical use today. 1 BRUNHOLZ1, vol.1 2 J. W. GeorceE, V. F. A Latin Poet in Merovingian Gaul, 1992 3 M. Manitius, Geschichte der christlich-lateinischen Poesie bis zur Mitte des 8. Jahrhunderts, 1891 4 F.J. E. Rasy, A History of Christian Latin Poetry, *1953,86-95 5 M.REYDELLET (ed.), V. E., Poémes, vol. 1: livres I-IV, 1994; vol. 2: livres V—VIII, 1998 (with Fr. transl. and comm.). EpiT1ons: F.LEo, MGH AA 4.1, 1881;

M. REYDELLET,

s.o. [4]; K.SrE1nMaNn, Die Gelesuintha-Elegie des V. F. (Carm. V1.5), 1975 (with transl. and comm.); B. KRuscH, MGH AA 4.2, 1885; S. QUESNEL, V. F., Euvres, vol. 4: Vie de Saint Martin, 1996 (Vita Martini, with Fr. transl. and comm.).

BrBL1oGRAPHyY: E. Cerict, Note sulla lingua di Venanzio Fortunato,

in: Rendiconti

dell’Istituto

Lombardo,

269

270

Classe di Lettere, 104, 1970, 219-251; H.Exss, Untersu-

chungen iiber den Stil und die Sprache des V. F., 1902; F.Leo, Der Gelegenheitsdichter V. F., in: K. LANGOSCH (ed.), Mittellateinische Dichtung, 1969, 57-90; A.MENEGHETTI, La latinita di Venanzio Fortunato, in: Didaskaleion 5, 1916, 195-298; 6, 1917, 1-166; B. TERMITE, T.Racusa (eds.), Venanzio tra Italia e Francia (Atti del

convegno Valdobbiadene/Treviso 1990), 1993.

GK.

Venaria. Island in the Mare Tyrrhenum between Corsica and the Etruscan coast (Plin. HN. 3,81), not pre-

cisely located. W.V. Harris, Rome in Etruria and Umbria, 1971, 118.

GU.

VENEREAL DISEASES

Venelli. People in -» Lugdunensis (Plin. HN 4,107: Venelli) in the northwest of Normandy on the Cotentin peninsula. The V. capitulated in 57 BC to Caesar’s legate P. Licinius [I 16] Crassus (Caes. Gall. 2,34), but rose up the following year (Caes. Gall. 3,r1,14) and also sent troops to + Alesia in 52 BC (Caes. Gall. 7,75). The V.’s chief town in the pre-Roman period was probably the oppidum on modern Mont-Castre, 17 km to the west of Carentan, in the Imperial period initially Crociatonum (Ptol. 2,8,2: Keoxvatovow/Krokidtonon; Tab. Peut. 2,1: Crouciaconnum; modern Carentan, departement of Manche), then Cosedia (It. Ant. 386,7; Tab. Peut. 2,1; later renamed after the later emperor Constantius [1] Chlorus in Constantia, hence modern Coutances).

Venatio is the current Latin term in the literary and epigraphic tradition for the hunting and killing of wild animals under artificially created conditions (ThIL s. v. bestia). In Rome, venatio was an extension of > ludi and hence a component of the state cult; it was prepared and carried out by curule — aediles, for the first time in 186 BC [x. 294]: 63 African predator cats, 40 bears and elephants were killed at this first venatio. In following centuries, the number of animals killed increased; Senate restrictions were to no avail. If a venatio was part of ludi, in Rome, it was organised as late as the late Imperial period in the Circus Maximus (> Circus C) [2. 175-294].

However, in the rst cent. BC, venatio

was also offered as part of a > munus [III] [3. 99-118] and as an independent spectaculum. Augustus (res gestae 22) says, for instance, that he gave the people a venatio

on

26 occasions,

sometimes

in the Circus,

sometimes in the Forum, sometimes in amphitheatres (> Amphitheatre); in these venationes, some 3500 African animals of prey are said to have been killed. According to statements in the sources, from the beginning a venatio provided an opportunity to execute a death penalty ad bestias [4. 38 f.]. The + Colosseum was opened with a display of such executions (Mart. Liber spectaculorum). As part of a munus, a venatio took place in the morning (Sen. Ep. 7,4); even before the building of the Colosseum, bestiarii (+ gladiators trained in fighting animals) were housed in their own barracks (/udus) (Sen. Ep. 70,20). Their skill was less appreciated by audiences than that of the other gladiators (Petron. Sat. 45,11); this probably changed with the passing of time, as is suggested by the scenes of a venatio in a mosaic in the Villa Borghese [5]. In Pompeii, a venatio was a regular constituent of a munus; it took place in the amphitheatre; there was hunting of boars, > deer) and > hares [6. 13-110]. + Ludi; > Munus [III]; > Spectacles 1 F. BERNSTEIN, Ludi Publici, 1998 2J.H. HuMpHRey, Roman Circuses, 1986 3G. VILLE, La gladiature en

occident des origines 4 la mort

de Domitien,

1981

4 A.Honte, A. HENzE, Romische Amphitheater und Sta6P.T. SABBATINI, 5 HeELBIG2,No.1951 dien, 1981 AHO. Gladiatorum Paria, 1980.

H. BANNERT, s. v. V., RE Suppl. 15, 850-855; D. LEVALET, Carte archéologique de la Gaule 50, La Manche, 1989, 42, 58.

MLPO.

Venereal diseases. In the absence of unambiguous diagnostic evidence it is difficult to reconstruct the ancient history of VD. Less harmful infections such as herpes genitalis (Hippocr. De mulierum affectibus 1,90 = 8,214-8 L.) and chlamydia [2z. 220] are well attested, the two major VD of modern times, gonorrhoea and syphilis, can be detected in surviving material only with difficulty. Gonorrhoea, a Greek word coinage presumably from the Hellenistic period, describes any form of excessive production of fluid in a man. Its equivalent for women is leucorrhoea. As in the modern understanding of gonorrhoea, gonococci may also have been responsible for the ancient illness, and one can assume that a series of other illnesses was also described under the same name [2. 214-216; 4. 277-302]. Whether venereal syphilis occurred in Antiquity has long been controversial among scholars. Palaeopathological indications are far from unambiguous, and whether ulcers, tumors and chancres on the genitalia, about which we read in ancient authors and which are associated with deviant sexual practices (e.g Mart. 7,70; Juv. 2,50), are syphilitic can simply not be proved [2. 208-214; contra: 1. 5-7]. Neither have palaeopathologists as yet had success in confirming the occurrence in Antiquity of a non-venereal syphilis, as it was possible to confirm for the late Middle Ages [3. 282284]. From no later than the time of Demetrius of Apamea (3rd century BC; cf. Caelius Aurelianus, Celeres passiones 3,18; Tardae passiones 5,9), in connection with VD ancient authors have spoken chiefly of priapism and satyriasis, from which women can suffer just as men can (Caelius Aurelianus, Gyn. 1,168; 2,23; 2,563 2,112). Rufus of Ephesus, whose work on satyriasis and gonorrhoea survives fragmentarily (pp. 64-84 DAREMBERG), also writes on sexual intercourse and sympathetically discusses the medical conditions that might be consequences of heterosexual and homosexual practices (Aétius 3,8 = CMG 8,1,265-268). Among satirists the idea that abnormal sexual activity, particularly pas-

271

272

sive homosexuality, could easily be recognized in halitosis, pallor and sickly appearance was a commonplace which gives expression to a moral judgment much rather than a medical truth.

II. ORIGIN The V. are frequently mentioned in Greek and Latin writings. Ancient literature describes them as a people with roots in Asia Minor (generally in Paphlagonia) who, under the leadership of Antenor [1], found their way to the northern coasts of the > Ionios Kolpos (modern Adriatic) after the destruction of Troy (Hom. Il. 2,851 £.; Pol. 2,17,5 £.; Strab. 4,4,1; 12,3,8; Plin. HN

VENEREAL DISEASES

~» Gender roles; + Sex; > Sexuality 1 H.M. Brown, Must the history of syphilis be rewritten, in: Bulletin of the Society of medical history of Chicago, 2 M.D. Grek, Les maladies a l’aube de la II, 1925 civilisation, 1983 3 R.SALLARES, The ecology of the Ancient Greek World, 1991 4H. VeRTUE, An enquiry into venereal disease in Greece and Rome, Guy’s Hospitals VN. Reports 102, 1953.

Venethi. People between the central reaches of the Vistula (modern Wista, German Weichsel) and the modern Daugava (German Diina), to the north of the Sarmatae and the Sciri (Plin. HN 4,97; Tac. Germ. 46,2;

Ptol. 3,5,19: OvevéSau/Ouenédai). According to lord. Get. 34 they settled between the Peucini and the Fenni and incorporated various Slav tribes in the region. It is assumed that the V. were bearers of the Przeworsk culture (2nd—6th cents. AD). From the term V. the name for a Slavonic people, the Wends, developed. It is unclear to what extent the name can be connected with the > Veneti. E.POLASCHEK, s.v. Venedae, RE 8 A, 698 f.; J.HERRMANN, Griechische und lateinische Quellen zur Friihgeschichte Mitteleuropas, vol. 1, 1988, 16 f.; L.A. GINDIN u. a. (ed.), Svod drevnejsih pis’mennyh izvestij o slavjanah 1991, 25, 34, 75 £.5 W. Nowaxowskl,

3,130; Liv. 1,1,1-3; Virg. Aen. 245-252). However, ar-

cheologists have found that between the late Bronze Age and the early Iron Age (shortly after Antenor landed with the Enetoi, according to literary accounts), a civilization emerged along the entire central and northern Italic coast of the Ionios Kolpos that is clearly related to the civilizations of central Europe; it was in this context that the Venetic civilization developed in the 9th/8th cents. BC. Despite regional differences, it apparently extended over a large area (Venetorum angulus, ‘corner of the V.’: Liv. 5,33,10) which, from the 8th cent. BC, was defined by the following borders: to the south the > Padus (modern-day Po), to the west the ~» Mincius (Mincio), > Lacus Benacus (Lake Garda) and the > Atesis (Adige/Etsch), to the north the Alps, to the east the river > Tiliaventum (Tagliamento) or perhaps the > Timavus (now Timavo; more recent finds from Oderzo, Concordia and Gradisca sul Cosa). Evi-

dence of significant Venetic influences has also been found in the Belluno region, in the Piave river valley and in Cadore.

Baltes et proto-

slaves dans |’antiquité, in: Dialogues d’Histoire Ancienne 16 H. 1, 1990, 359-402, esp. 392-401; Id., Hic Suebiae finis: Concept of the Border of the Barbarous World at the East Baltic Coast in the Roman Period, in: Barbaricum 2, 1992, 218-230.

Lv.B.

Veneti [1] (Evetoi/Enetoi). People of northeastern Italy. I. CURRENT STATE OF RESEARCH II. ORIGIN III. ARCHAEOLOGY JV. RELIGION V. ASSIMILATION INTO THE ROMAN EMPIRE

I. CURRENT STATE OF RESEARCH The area settled by the V. (after the Augustan territorial reform in > regio X: Plin. HN 3,130) corresponds roughly to the modern regions of Veneto, Friuli— Venezia Giulia and Trentino — Alto Adige. It was not until the end of the r9th cent. that written evidence of the V. was corroborated by archeological finds pointing to the existence of a special type of grave culture in Este (in ancient times called — Ateste). Since that time, scholars have used the term Atestina or -> Este Culture, which can be divided chronologically into four epochs between its inception and the period of Romanization; this terminology is still used, with certain modifications.

III. ARCHAEOLOGY The emergence of the V. during the Italic prehistoric period coincided with a period of considerable population growth that caused radical changes in the region’s socioeconomic structure and led to a territorial reorganization and the development of new settlements. The lowlands were home to only a few, albeit large, settlements, including Ateste and > Patavium (modernday Padua), located in what was originally a branch of the Atesis or > Meduacus maior before sedimentation turned it into solid land (for more on how the Venetic settlements were connected to waterways, cf. Str. 551,5)-. These two settlements gradually became leading centres controlling two regions: Ateste held sway over the territory near Verona and Mantua (Gazzo Veronese, Oppeano, Erbé, Castellazzo della Garolda), Patavium over the region on the southern slopes of the Alps (Treviso, Montebelluna, Mel), in a few places extending to the lagoons on the coast (Lova, Altino). More numerous were the small and medium-sized settlements that were safely tucked away in the hills and foothills approaching the Alps (Castelrotto, Montebello, Montecchio) and served as a link between the lowlands and the transalpine regions; livestock farming and mining provided them with substantial economic resources. Recent research has shown the remarkable economic

dynamism of the Venetic civilization as it opened itself up to other cultures (particularly the Greeks and > Etrusci).

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274

Necropolises (in most cases the dead were cremated) illustrate the development of the Venetic culture: The oldest of them (end of the 9th/beginning of the 8th cent. BC: Este) contain simple, uniform grave offerings. From the 8th cent. BC on, these offerings became more varied: Urns now contained not only ashes, but also jewellery, and next to the urns were objects that reflected the occupation and social status of the deceased. Thus we can distinguish between the graves of the upper classes (priests, knights, artists) and those of the lowest members of society (slaves). The only documented activities of women are spinning and weaving (burial offerings: spindles, spools, loom weights). It appears certain that graves were opened for the purpose of interring other members of the same family. Little is known about the appearance of settlements. In the lowlands the V. tended towards a proto-urban lifestyle, characterized by small, one-room huts with a hearth, walls and roof of straw and clay on a wooden substructure; basements were often found in housing located in hilly and mountainous areas. Many houses contained simple household objects, particularly clay fire dogs.

IV. RELIGION Holy sites, often located within or near settlements (Este), but sometimes also found in more distant regions (Lagole di Cadore/Calalzo), were made up of simple wooden buildings with open rooms. There is no evidence of cultic practices, but inscriptions and the examination of burial offerings suggest the following: In the southwestern region (around Este) the dominant cult was that of the goddess Reitia, “she who directs newborn infants”, also known as Pora, “she who shows the way”, and Sainati, “healer and bringer of health”, while dedications and votive offerings to male gods were

more

common

in the northeast

(around Pata-

vium). Writing appears to have been part of the religious sphere; the numerous votive tablets and bronze styli that have been found in the shrine of Reitia in Este indicate that priests were probably literate. V. ASSIMILATION INTO THE ROMAN EMPIRE

Beginning in the late Iron Age, the Venetic civilization appears to have begun a gradual process of disintegration, caused by an increase in cultural influences and economic

pressure from the Etruscans, Greeks, Celts and Raeti. Another factor was the influence of the Romans (Pol. 2,18,2 f.), who ended the territorial independence of the V. by founding -> Aquileia [1] in 181 BC, sending Consul M. Aemilius [I ro] to Patavium in 175 BC to mediate internal disputes (Liv. 41,27,3) and, in 135 BC, drawing the borders between Ateste, > Vicetia (modern-day Vicenza) and Patavium (CIL V 2490-2492) and building a road system (— Via Annia, > Via Postumia). Political relations between Rome and the V. were marked by — amicitia, which was justified in literature by their common Trojan origins (cf. Liv. 1,1,1-4; Virg. Aen. 1,242-249). —» Venetia; > Venetic

VENETI

G.Focotart, La protostoria delle Venezie, in: Popoli e civilta dell’ Italia antica 4, 1975, 63-2223 Este e la civilta paleoveneta a cento anni dalle prime scoperte (Atti dell’ XI Convegno di studi etruschi e italici, Este-Padova 1976), 1980; A. Asres (ed.), Il Veneto nell’ antichita. Preistoria e protostoria, 2 vol., 1984; A.M. Cuteco BraNcui, L. CALZAVARA Capuls, Este, vol. 1: Le necropoli (Monumenti

antichi 51), 1985; A.M. Cureco BiANcui, I Veneti, in: G, PuGLIESE CaRRATELLI (ed.), Italia. Omnium terrarum alumna, 1988, 3-98; G.FoGoLari, A.L.PRosDOcIMI (ed.), I Veneti antichi, 1988; A.M. Cureco BIANCHI, M.Tomsotani (ed.), I Paleoveneti (exhib. cat.), 1988; P. Pascucct, I depositi votivi dei Paleoveneti, 1990; L. Capuis, I Veneti. Societa e cultura, 1993; B.M. Scare (ed.), Studi di archeologia della X Regio. Festschrift Michele Tombolani, 1994; La protostoria tra Sile e Tagliamento (exhib. cat.), 1996; L. Caputs, I Veneti: territorio, societa, cultura, in: Tesori della Postumia, 1998, 100-104; E. BrANCHIN CITTON u. a. (eds.), ...“presso |’Adige ridente”... Recenti rinvenimenti archeologici da Este e Montagnana (exhib. cat.), 1998; O. PAoLeTTI (ed.), Protostoria e storia del Venetorum angulus (Atti del XX Convegno di studi etruschi e italici, 1996), 1999; G. CRESCI MARRONE, Vigilia di romanizzazione: Altino e il Veneto orientale (Atti del Convegno di Venezia 1997), 1999; J.UNTERMANN, s. v. V. (1), RE Suppl. 15, 855-898; C. VoLTAN, Le fonti letterarie per la storia della Venetia et Histria, vol. 1, 1989.

[2] (Ovéveto/Oxuénetoi). Celtic tribe in Gallia > Lugdunensis (Plin. HN 4,107; Ptol. 2,8,6). I. GEOGRAPHY II. PRE-ROMAN PERIOD II]. ROMAN PERIOD

I. GEOGRAPHY The area settled by the V. corresponds roughly to the Dép. Morbihan (Bretagne) and part of the Dep. du Finistére to the east of the Ellé along with the islands off the coast (Plin. HN 4,109). It is bordered roughly by the Ellé, Vilaine and Oust rivers and to the southwest by the Atlantic coast [1. 12-21]. Neighbours of the V. to the northwest were the

Os(s)ismi(i), to the northeast the

Coriosolitae and to the southeast the + Namnetae. II. PRE-ROMAN PERIOD Written materials offer little information about the pre-Roman period. Early evidence is provided by the megalithic culture around Locmariaquer and Carnac and Celtic finds around Pontivy: huts near Mané-Guegan en Seglien, a village near Kervanen Guern and another near Lan Gouh en Melrand

(Laténe II or III) [1. 22~25]. Numerous settlements were surrounded by fortifications; particularly notable were fortresses situated on the coast: Kervédan (Groix island), Vieux Passage en Plouhinec, Vieux-Chateau en Belle-Ille [1. 25— 27; 2. 79-87]. A relatively large number of burial sites are documented from the Iron Age (Hallstatt II to Laténe III) [1. 27-31]. A notable feature of the Gallic epoch in -» Aremorica were the underground rooms that sometimes served as living quarters [5]. The number of archaeological finds and their age suggest that there was an increase in population between the 5th and rst cents. BC [2. 89-106]. Particular-

VENETI

276

275

ly notable was the dense settlement of the northeastern portion of the Venetic region, which suggests agriculture and intensive use of wooded areas [2. 141-143]; on the cultivation of grain, see also Caes. B Gall. 3,7,3 f. Early on, various types of crafts and trades developed among the V. It appears that a small amount of metalworking (iron, particularly in shipbuilding) and jewellery making took place even before the Gallo-Roman period. The V. probably also made use of the gold that was found in the Blavet valley [2. 143 f., 230]. Ceramics manufacturing played a significant role well into the Roman era [r. 37-40]. In addition, it may be assumed that > salt was mined on the coast, and that during the Roman period, if not earlier, the V. produced > garum, as did the neighbouring — Os(s)ismi(i) [z. 131; 6]. Trade intensified from the end of the Iron Age on. The

V. had an impressive fleet of ships and were the preeminent power on the sea (Caes. B Gall. 3,8,1) [1. 40-

43]. III. ROMAN PERIOD

In 57 BC, the V. and other seafaring peoples (maritimae civitates) — Belgian tribes in the Bretagne and the northern part of Normandy — were brought under Roman rule by P. Licinius [I 16] Crassus, one of Caesar’s legates (Caes. B Gall. 2,34; Cass. Dio 39,40). In 56 BC, however, a conflict arose between the V. (and tribes allied with them) and the Roman occupying force (Caes. B Gall. 3,7-16; Liv. Per. 104; Flor. Epit. 1,45,5). The dominant position of the V. at sea made it necessary for the Romans to build a naval force. Because of strategically located and heavily fortified > oppida, it was impossible to settle the conflict on land, so it continued at sea. Ina single naval battle, Caesars praefectus [7] classis D. Junius [I 12] Brutus destroyed nearly all of the V.’s ships, winning the war for the Romans (Caes. B Gall. 3,14-16; Cass. Dio 42 f.; Strab. 4,4,1) [1. 57— 69].

Under Augustus, the civitas of the V. was part of the newly established province of Gallia + Lugdunensis (Plin. HN 4,107). Virtually no sources shed light on its legal status or administration. Like other civitates, the

V. had a > curator rei publicae (CIL XIII 2950, under Septimius [II 7] Severus and Caracalla). A large number of coins and a milestone bearing the names of the emperors Postumus [3] and Esuvius [1] Tetricus and Victorinus [2] (CIL XIII 9006) have been found, showing that the civitas was part of the > Imperium Galliarum (see vol. 15 addenda; cf. also > Gallia Vol. 2). After Gallia was reorganized by Diocletianus and Constantinus [1], the civitas of the V. became part of the province Lugdunensis III (Notitia Galliarum 3,7). A representative of the V., L. Tauricius Florens, held the office of administrator of the treasury of the Tres Galliae in Lugdunum (ILS 7020,5: allectus ark” GalKiarum)). The main city of the civitas was > Darioritum. Other cities, also listed on the > Tabula Peutingeriana (2,2) and since the 1980s documented by archaeological evidence, were Sulis (modern-day Bieuzy-Castennec)

[2. 214 f.] and Duretie (near the modern city of Rieux); archaeological finds have also provided evidence of another urban centre near the site of what is now Locmariaquer on the Gulf of Morbihan. With the help of aerial archaeology, researchers have discovered a number of Gallo-Roman farmsteads, most of them located in the northern region between Oust and Blavet (in Crédin, Moréac, Naizin, Pluméliau and Saint-Barthelemy, among other sites) [2. 161-170]. Although for the most part they continued to be built in the traditional wooden style, the villae rusticae offer proof of a steady process of + Romanization. A number of these farmsteads were abandoned at the end of the rst cent. AD,

for

unknown

reasons

[2. 179-181].

It

appears that latifundia and villae urbanae emerged during the 2nd cent. AD, particularly to the southeast of the Blavet. Particularly notable villae were those of Bosseno in Carnac (remains of thermal baths, mosaics and murals), the villae Kerhan (thermal baths, houses, cryptoporticus) and LeLodo, as well as the villa ManeBourgerel (thermal baths, mosaics) in Arradon, which was not given more careful scrutiny until the 1980s [2. 175-179; 4. 13-25 and illustrations 1-17]. Many Roman roads have been documented. Most of them began at Darioritum or ran through the city. They include the roads from Iuliomagus (present-day Angers) to > Vorgium (Carhaix), from Darioritum (Vannes) to Condate (Rennes) and Fanum Martis (Corseul) and the road along the coast from Condevincum (Nantes) to Quimper ([2. 150-159]; cf. the milestones from the 2nd half of the 3rd cent.: CIL XIII 8997; 9006; 9008). As was the case during the Celtic era, the main focal areas of industry, commerce and the trades were metalworking, ceramics manufacturing and agriculture. Little is known about the religion of the V. (figurines of + Matres). It was not until 465, in Darioritum, that the civitas had its first bishop’s see, which suggests that Christianization occurred at a late date. 1P.Merxat,

Les Vénétes

tagne, Suppl. 3), 1982 Venétes armoricains, 1999

d’Armorique

(Arch. en Bre-

2 P.Naas, Histoire rurale des 3 Id., La Vallée du Blavet a

lepoque gallo-romaine, 1988 4 J.-P. DARMON, Recueil Général des Mosaiques de la Gaule, vol. 2.5, Province de Lyonnaise, Partie nord-ouest (Gallia, Suppl. 10), 1994,

11-28 and fig. I-XX___5 P.R. Gor, Souterrains et habitats 4 Age du Fer en Armorique, in: A. Duvacet al. (eds.), Les Gaulois d’Armorique, 1990, 53-61 6 R.SANQUER, P.GaLLiou, Garum, sel et salaisons en Armorique gallo romaine, in: Gallia 30, 1972, 189-223.

P.ANDRE, La cité gallo-romaine des Vénétes, 1971; L.Papr, La Bretagne romaine, 1995; A.DuvaL et al. (eds.), Les Gaulois d’Armorique (Actes du 12e colloque de PAFEAF a Quimper 1988), 1990; M.-Y. Darre, Les céramiques armoricaines de la fin de l’Age du Fer, 1992.

Venetia. The mediaeval and modern city of Venice (Venezia) does share its name with the Regio X (Veneta Carni et Histria) of the organisation of — Italia (cf. ~ Regio, with map) under > Augustus, but its centre, the Rialto (< Rivus Altus), was founded only in the

277

Carolingian period. A legend, appearing already in Venetian historiography (cf. also Constantinus Porphyrogennetus, De administrando imperio 28), of the founding of the city on 25 March 421 and of the flight of the population as a result of the destruction of ~> Aquileia [1] by > Attila in 452 is demonstrably false. Crucial, rather, was a systematic relocation, in view of incursions by the + Langobardi, of the population of northeastern Italy into the lagoon, which was initially administered from Heraclea [7] by Byzantine magistri militum, who in turn came under the > Exarchate of Ravenna (until 751). About 700 these commanders, initially appointed from Constantinople, were called duces, from which the Venetian doge developed, and the region was called a ducatus/dogado. The patriarch of Aquileia also resettled to Grado. — VENICE A.CarILe, G.FEDALTO, Le origini di Venezia, 1975; A.Kazpan, s.v. Venice, ODB 3, 2158 f.; H.KretSCHMAYR, Geschichte von Venedig, 3 vol., 1905-1934 (esp. vol. 1); F.C. Lang, Venice. A Maritime Republic, 1973; G.ORTALLI, s.v. Venedig, LMA 8, 1459-1466; G.R6scu, Geschichte einer Seerepublik, 2000. JN.

Venetic. The language of the upper Italian + Veneti [1] is known through 270 inscriptions written between the 5th and the rst cents. BC. The most important sites are Este (more than 120 inscr.), Padua (23), and Lagole di Cadore (Calalzo) in the upper Piave valley (66); individ-

ual finds reach all the way to Vicenza in the west, in the north into the Gail valley and in the east to the Isonzo in Slovenia (see map). A small number of the most recent texts is written in Latin script, all others in the Venetic alphabet, which had been redesigned from an Etruscan alphabet. With the exception of few old texts, a unique variation of the Etruscan syllabic punctuation is used: letters for vowels in initial positions before consonants, second vowels in diphthongs and the final consonants of syllables are placed between two full stops — an important reading aid for texts always written in scriptio continua (> Punctuation). There is one long text on a bronze

tablet, which however still needs to be edited and ana-

lysed sufficiently. All other texts are short and formulaic throughout: votive inscriptions on the capitals of columns, on small bronze tablets and the handles of ladles, funerary inscriptions on steles, cippes and urns made of bronze (— situla I.) or clay. An unusual group of text ist that stemming from the school of scribes in the temple of the goddess Reitia in Este: votive texts on bronze imitations of styli and wax tablets, the latter accompanied by alphabet rows and other orthographic teaching aids. Texts that keep reappearing in a formulaic manner can safely be divided into segments and have mostly been interpreted. The stage of phonetics and inflection is that of an early Indo-European language (such as Latin, Oscan, Celtiberian) but so far cannot be attributed to a known sub-family. The following is a sample text (no word divisions in the origi-

278

VENNONIUS

nal), a votive text of alphabet tablet Es 25: mego

dona.s.to vo,l.tiiomno.s. iiuva.n.t.s. a.riiun. s. $a.inatei. re.i.tiia.i.“Me gave (-s-preterite with middle ending) Voltiomnus Iuvantius Ariunius (personal name and two surnames in the nom. sg.) to Sainas Reitia (name of a goddess in the dat. sg., accompanied by an epithet).” + Italy, Alphabetical scripts; > Italy, Languages G.B. PELLEGRINI, A.L.PRospociMI, La lingua venetica, 1967; M.Lryeunr, Manuel de la langue vénéte, 1974;

J. UNTERMANN, s. v. Veneti, RE Suppl. 15, 855-898; Id., Die venetische Sprache, in: Glotta 58, 1980, 281-317; A.L. PRospociMt, La lingua, in: G. FoGoLart, A. L. PRosbDociMI (ed.), I Veneti antichi, 1988, 328-420. JU.

Venetulani. Latin people, counted among the 30 Alban communities that carried out sacrificial activities on > Mons Albanus (probably Varro in Plin. HN 3,69). The name may derive from a Veneti [1] settlement which may have been called Venetulum. Location unknown. NISSEN 2, 556.

GU.

Vennones. Celtic people in the area around > Comum (Str. 4,6,6: Ovévvmvec/Ouénnones), subjugated by the Roman proconsul P. Silius [II 7] in 16 BC (Cass. Dio §4,20,1: Ovévvio/Ouénnioi), probably identical with the Vennonetes mentioned by Plin. HN 3,136 in an inscription on the Tropaeum Alpium (CIL V 7817; ~ Tropaea Augusti). The V. mentioned in Str. 4,6,8 asa subtribe of the > Vindelici should probably be distinguished from the latter, and similarly the Vennonenses located by Plin. HN 3,135 on the upper reaches of the Rhenus [2]; these in turn are presumably the Ovévvovec (Ouénnones) mentioned by Ptol. 2,12,3 in Raetia.

H.GR. Vennonius [1] Roman historian of the late 2nd cent. BC (in Cic. Leg. 1,6 ordered after C. > Fannius [I 1]); nothing is

known of him as a person. His presumably annalistic work (+ Annalists) began with stories of the founding of Rome and the period of the kings (Origo gentis Romanae 20,1; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,15,1), but its

scope and end point are unknown. Cicero felt the need of it in 46 BC in his literary work in Tusculum (Cic. Att. 12,3,1). Fr. in HRR I* 142 and [x]. 1 M.Cuassicnet

1999, 48 f.

(ed.), L’annalistique

romaine, vol. 2,

W.K.

[2] V., C. Businessman in Cilicia in 50 BC among those around P. Vedius [1]; Cicero did not want him as prefect (Cic. Att. 6,1,25; 6,3,5). He died in (before?) 46 BC (Cic. Fam. 13,72,2). On a possible freedman of V. in

Apamea cf. [1. 518]. JO. [3] V. (Vindex?) [2. 76] sold or bequeathed an estate at Tusculum c. 60-56 BC (Cic. Balb. 56). 1 SyME, RP 2 2 D.R. SHACKLETON BAILEY, Two Studies JOR. in Roman Nomenclature, 1976.

VENETIC

280

279

+>

AGS

jnus

5. Canziano del Corso

AS dareia’ CeluGa warn Stusp esr ulimy

7 tf

tame cay! Gmsamrie

ac

‘ Padis/Po}y

2000

The major find-spots of Venetic inscriptions, in Venetic or Latin script (5th - 1st cents. BC) EE

Find-spot of Venetic inscriptions

Catali-

Tribe

or individual find)

Alpes

Mountain range

(more than 20/fewer than 20,

©

Town of the Veneti

e

Other town

Modern name

Important road (trajectory confirmed/conjectured)

Ancient

——----

a

Pass

/

Patavium

F

Ancient name

ngreneoee

tli

mie/laxe

Ancient river course

3000m

281

282

Venostes. Celtic people, mentioned in the inscription on the Tropaeum Alpium (+ Tropaea Augusti; CIL V 7817; Plin. HN 3,136) after the + Trumpilini and + Camunni and before the Vennonetes/ Vennones and the + Isarci; since tribes are listed there in the order of their subjugation to Rome, the V., like the Camunni, may have been subjugated in 16 BC by the Roman proconsul P. Silius [II 7] (cf. Cass. Dio 5 4,20,1). Their main area of settlement was in the Vinschgau/Venosta valley, extended eastwards as far as Mount Toll, westwards to the Ofen/Fuorn pass and in the north over the Reschen/ Resia pass into the area of Nauders (ancient Inutrium?). GHW.

Plin. HN 7,135; the identity with Sabinus in Verg. Catal. ro [2; 4. 393-399] is questionable), i.e. as a publicanus who supplied the carts and draught animals

Venta Silurum. Town in South Wales, modern Caerwent. After the defeat of the > Silures by the Roman governor > Frontinus c. AD 74-76 (Tac. Agr. 17,3) VS

developed into a centre of civilian settlement in the Vale of Glamorgan. VS became the capital, probably under Hadrian, of the civitas of the Silures (cf. [r]). The construction of public buildings (forum, basilica, temple) began after 125. In the late 2nd cent. AD VS was fortified with earthworks. In late Antiquity VS flourished economically (construction of numerous private houses in stone). The earthworks were replaced with stone in the 4th cent. VS was inhabited until the 5th cent. AD. 1R.G.

CoLLtincwoop,

R.P. Wricut,

The Roman

In-

scriptions of Britain, 1965, 311. Several contributions by T. AsHBy, A.E. Hupp, F.KInc, A.T. Marth, in: Archaeologia 57-64, 1901-1913; V.E. NASsH-WILLIAMS,

1923-25,

Further

Excavations

in: Archaeologia

80, 1930,

at

Caerwent,

229-288;

P.J.

Casey, Caerwent, in: Archaeologia Cambrensis 132, 1983, 49-77; J.S. WACHER, The Towns of Roman Britain, *1995, 378-391. M.TO,

Ventidius I. REPUBLICAN

PERIOD

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD

I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD {I 1] Legate of Q. Cornificius [3] in Africa vetus, killed in 42 BC in the battle against T. Sextius [I 2] (App. B Civ. 4,228; 236). Perhaps the V. who was proscribed in 43 and fled (ibid. 4,198). [I 2] V., P. Presumed father of V. [I 3]. Scholarship often saw him as an Italic leader in the + Social War [3], settled in Asculum, where he was said to have died with the entire local nobility in 89 BC (Oros. 5,18,26; cf. CILIX 5254: freedman of a P. V.). However, Ventidii are also possible in Auximum (Plut. Pompeius 6) and would then have been on the Roman side [1. 141 f.]. [13] V. Bassus (?), P. From Asculum in Picenum (? [2. 71]), became proverbial (Sen. Suas. 7,3) as a major ‘social climber’ in the period of the Roman civil war (important: Gell. NA 15,4,4; also Val. Max. 6,9,95 Vell. Pat. 2,65,3); supposedly from a family hostile to Rome, exhibited as a child with his mother in 89 BC in the triumph of Cn. Pompeius [I 8] (fictitious? [1. 141 f.]). V. became wealthy as a ‘muleteer’ (Cic. Fam. 10,18,3;

VENTIDIUS

for Caesar’s army in Gaul (App. B Civ. 3,270), and later as Caesar’s praef. fabrum [3. 393-398]; c. 47/6, he became a senator (Cass. Dio 43,51,4 f.), (before?) 45 BC, a people’s tribune (MRR 2,308). After Caesar’s death, he supported M. > Antonius [I 9] (= A.), was elected praetor for 43 in the middle of 44, then abruptly left Rome and raised three legions for A. in Picenum. V.’ attempt to stop the army of C. Vibius Pansa failed, as did the union with A.’ troops prior to the Battle of Mutina (+ Mutina, War of). However, V.— now declared an enemy of the state — bypassed the position of D. Iunius [I 12] Brutus with the connivance of Octavianus [1] and joined the rest of the Caesarians at Vada Sabatia in May of 43, rescuing A. V. advanced with A. to the Forum Iulii, probably participated in the preliminary negotiations for the > triumvirate and was soon after elected pontifex and (still in the year of his praetorship!) cos. suff. (InscrIt 13,1,274), a much mocked breach of the law (cf. Gell. NA 15,4,4). In 42, V. secured parts of Gaul as the legate of A. (or procos.?) with Fufius [I 4] Calenus and denied the crossing of the Alps to Octavian’s Spanish army. With the outbreak of the bellum Perusinum in 41 BC, he was supposed to free L. Antonius [I 4] from the siege in > Perusia, but proceeded reluctantly, like Asinius [I 4] Pollio and Munatius [I 4] Plancus, and quarrelling with them, perhaps doubting whether A. wanted the war. Rather than fighting Octavian, V. allowed himself to be pushed aside to Ravenna and Ariminum (App. B Civ. 5,121128; 130-133; 139-141). After the fall of Perusia, V. disappears from the sources; no later than the beginning of 39 BC (Cass. Dio 48,39,2; according to App. B Civ. 5,276: already in 40), he was sent by A. as a proconsul with eleven legions to the war against the > Parthians and Q. Labienus [2]. Labienus withdrew ahead of V. out of Asia into the Taurus, where V. defeated him and the Parthian army in two lightning attacks (Cass. Dio 48,39,3—-48,40,6). V. captured Cilicia and forced his way over the > Amanus to Syria, which the Parthians then evacuated (Cass. Dio 48,41,1—4). In the consolidation of Syria and Iudaea, he was surprised at the beginning of 38 by a new Parthian offensive under Pacorus [1]. Using agents, V. gained enough time to deploy, lured the Parthians into unfavourable terrain and defeated them at Gindarus (Str. 16,2,8), where Pacorus was killed (Cass. Dio 49,19,149,20,5; Frontin. Str. 1,1,6). The series of Roman victories against the feared enemy of Carrhae ( Harran) became legendary. Imperator according to a coin (of disputed date; RRC 531: 39 BC; BMCRR 2,403 No. 73: 41 BC) and now dangerously successful, V. gave A. the pretext to replace him with C. Sosius [I 2] in the autumn of 38, thanks to the futile siege of Antioch [16] in Samosata; V. travelled to Athens with A. and, on 27 November 38 (InscrIt 13,1,86 f.; erroneous Cass. Dio 49,21,3) celebrated Rome’s first Parthian triumph,

283

284

which enhanced A.’ position in Octavian’s sphere of control. Sallust is said to have written V.’ speech for the occasion (Fronto ad Verum imperatorem 2 p. 122,1921 v.D. H. - or fictitious?). V., generally considered a darling of fortune (Flor. Epit. 2,19,5), withdrew from politics. He died before 31 and received a state funeral (Gell. NA 15,4,4).

interdictis (‘Legal provisions for protecting possessions’, 6 books); the first monograph in legal literature, De officio proconsulis (‘The Office of Proconsul’, 4 books); and the first — apart from that of > Volusius [II x] Maecianus — work on De iudiciis publicis (‘Public Penal Procedures’, 3 books).

VENTIDIUS

1 E.Bapran, Notes on Roman Senators of the Republic, in: Historia 12, 1963, 129-143 21.Kayanro, Who Was Sabinus ille? A Reinterpretation of Catalepton ro, in: Arctos 9, 1975, 47-55

3SYME,RR

O.LenEL, Palingenesia Iuris Civilis, vol. 2, 1889, 12071224; D. Liens, Jurisprudenz, in: HLL 4, 1997, 133-1355

J. HERNANDO LRA, Para la Palingenesia de la obra de V. -Saturninus, in: Index 25, 1997, 237-251.

T.G.

4 Syme, RP 1.

JOR.

[6] V. Valens. Procurator in Asia; his precise function and period in office cannot be determined.

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD {111] V. Cumanus. Equestrian who held military authority in IJudaea in AD 48-52, though it remains open whether as > praefectus, who was subordinate to the governor of Syria, or as praesidial procurator (> procurator [1]). Under him, there were numerous conflicts with Jewish groups, which led to the intervention of the governor of Syria, Ummidius [1] Quadratus, who sent V. to Rome. There, Claudius [III 1] sentenced him to exile.

H. Matay, Researches in Lydia, Mysia and Aiolis, 1999,

ScCHURER, vol. 1, 458 f.

WE.

122.

W.E.

Venulus. Tiburtine, sent in Vergil’s Aeneid by > Turnus [x] to seek help from > Diomedes [1] against > Aeneas [x], but fails in this mission and shortly afterwards falls inacavalry battle (Verg. Aen. 8,9; 11,241-295; 11,741758; Serv. Aen. 8,9; 11,757). Linguistically it is debatable whether the origin of the name V. is Celtic or Illyrian. C. FERONI, s. v. Venulo, EV 5.1, 1990, 498 f.

C.MU.

Venuleius. Roman family name, variant of Venilius (SCHULZE, 378; 458).

KeLE, {1] L. V. Apronianus Octavius Priscus. Son of V. [4]. Cos. ord. in AD 123; procos. of Asia 138/9, SEG 36,

Venus I. SIGNIFICANCE AND ORIGINS III. IMPERIAL PERIOD

I]. REPUBLIC

987. SCHEID, Collége, 338-342.

[2] L. V. Apronianus Octavius Priscus. Senator. Son of V. [1]. Although a Patrician, after a praetorship he took

on command of the Legio I Italica in Moesia Inferior. Cos. suff. under > Antoninus [1] Pius; also a consular legate in Hispania Tarraconensis. Cos. ord. II in AD 168. ALFOLDY, FH, 28-32; SCHEID, Collége, 3 38-342.

[3] L. V. Montanus. Senator. Procos. of Pontus-Bithynia under > Nero; if he is meant in AE 1958, 262, he was also cos. suff., probably also under Nero. Father of V. [4]. Married to a Laetilla (AE 1983, 382). W.Ecxk, s. v. V. (8a), RE Suppl. 14, 829; RAEPSAET-CHAR-

LIER, 411

f., Nr. 482; SCHEID, Collége, 338-342.

[4] L. V. Montanus Apronianus. Son of V. [3]. Gover-

nor of Achaea. Cos. suff. in AD 92. Frater Arvalis at least 80-92 [1. 24 f.; 338-344]. Married to Celerina (AE 1983, 382). Perhaps identical to the V. to whom Statius [II 2] dedicated the third and fourth book of his Silvae. 1 ScHEID, Collége.

W.E.

[S] Q. V. Saturninus Jurist under the Antonines (2nd cent. AD), wrote De stipulationibus (‘Formal Oral Promises’, 19 books); Actiones (‘Actions’, to books); De

I. SIGNIFICANCE AND ORIGINS V., the Italic-Roman goddess of love and erotic desire, was generally identified in Antiquity with Greek + Aphrodite (= A.). There has been much speculation about Venus’ original nature. The theory that she was originally a goddess of gardens [8. 289] is no longer in favor; [9. 289], although the association appears already in the earliest Latin literature (Naevius ap. Paul. Fest. 51; Plautus ap. Plin. HN 19,50; cf., later, Varro Ling. 6,20; Varro Rust. 1,1,6; Fest. 322), it probably reflects Greek influence [5. 15-24]. More likely is the thesis (e.g. [5. 30-515; 6. 290-3 33]) that *venus, related to the Latin venerari, venenum and probably venia, originally denoted the quality of winning charm inherent in venerating a deity (veneratio) that allowed worshippers to obtain their favour (venia). Early on, the quality of *venus was interpreted as a divine power, and the noun was used as a woman’s name. II. REPUBLIC The origins and early history of the Roman cult of V. are uncertain. There is no evidence of an archaic cult (Varro ling. 6,33; Macr. Sat. 1,12,12); the goddess had no flamen (- flamines) and no festival in the oldest calendar. The > Vinalia were later associated with V., but seem originally to have been festivals of + Iuppiter (Varro ling. 6,16; Fest. 322; [5. 91-155]). By the 4th cent. BC at the latest, some people identified her with

285

286

the Greek A.: The oldest evidence for V. is a mirror from Praeneste that depicts A.’s dispute with + Persephone over + Adonis and identifies the former as Venos [s, plate 7]. A parallel development occurred in Campania, where the Oscan goddess Herentas was also identified with A. (Vetrers No. 107B).

V. was also linked with other Italic divine names and epithets, although the significance of these associations is obscure. An Oscan dedication (VeTTER No. 182) seems to identify her with > Mefitis. Mefitis is elsewhere given the epithet Fisica (ILS 4028), used also for V. in Pompeii (ILS 3 180). The epithet has been variously interpreted as a transliteration of the Greek physikd (‘linked with nature’) or as an Oscan word meaning fida, ‘faithful’ [5. 383-388]. In Rome, V. was at times identified with Cloacina, the goddess of purifications (Plin. HN 15,119; Serv. auct. Aen. 1,720), and > Libitina, the goddess of burials (Dion. Hal. ant. 4,15,5; Plut. Qu. R. 23; Plut. Numa 12,67e; Fest. 322); the latter may result from the verbal association of Libitina with Lubentina (Varro Ling. 6,47; Serv. auct. Aen. 1,720).

The earliest documented cult of V. may already show Greek influence [2; 3. 141-90; 5. 67-83]. According to Strabo (5,3,5), there was a pan-Latin shrine of A. near > Lavinium (cf. Mela 2,71; Plin. HN 3,57); Lavinium was from an early date associated with — Aeneas [1]. By the 2nd cent. BC at the latest, there was a Roman tradition that Aeneas had dedicated there a statue of V. that he had brought from Sicily (Cassius {III 5] Hemina fr. 7 HRR); this V. was had the epithet Frutis (cf. Fest. 80), perhaps a corruption of the Greek Apbhrodité, or else the name of a separate Italic goddess. The connection with A. is less apparent in the first temple of V. in the city of Rome, dedicted in 295 BC by Q. Fabius [I 26] Maximus Gurges and paid for by fines from adulterous wives (Liv. 10,3 1,9). It stood near the Circus Maximus, and its dedication day was 19 August, the date of the Vinalia Rustica (Varro ling. 6,20; Fest. 322; Fasti Antiates maiores and Vallenses; cf. + Roma

III with map 2). it is impossible to say whether the association of Venus with this festival predated the temple or derived from the coincidence of dates. Gurges gave her the epithet Obsequens, ‘indulgent’ (Serv. auct. Aen. 1,720), perhaps as a result of her favor in the Third

Samnite war (> Samnites IV) [4. 55-59]. During the 3rd cent. BC the role of Venus as the mother of Aeneas became increasingly important. In 249 the Romans captured the important shrine at ~ Eryx in Sicily (Pol. 1,55; cf. Diod. 4,83); this cult was probably native in origin, but reveals strong Punic influence, esp. in the practice of temple prostitution (cf. ++ Prostitution IL.D.; Cic. div. in Caec. 55-56; Strab. 6,2,6),), as well as Greek traditions that linked the cult with Aeneas (Virg. Aen. 5,759-760, Strab. 13,1,53; [3. 63-102]). These no doubt influenced the Roman decision to vow a shrine to Venus Erycina after the Roman

defeat at Lake Trasimene (— Lacus Trasume-

nus) in 217 BC; which Q. Fabius Maximus duly dedi-

VENUS

cated two years later on the Capitol (Liv. 22,9,10; 23,30,13 f.; 23,31,9); its location within the

~> pomerium indicates that the Roman considered this cult as indigenous. They also continued to honor the shrine at Eryx, rebuilding it at public expense in the reign of - Claudius [III 1] (Tac. Ann. 4,43,4; Suet. Claud. 25,5). In the year 181 BC, L. Porcius Licinus

dedicated a second temple to V., this one just outside the Porta Collina (Liv. 40,34,4; cf. 30,38,10; Strab. 6,2,6; Ov. Rem. 549 f.; App. civ. 1,93; > Roma III with map 1, No. bb). Its foundation day was 23 April, the date of the Vinalia Priora (Fasti Antiates maiores, Fasti Caeretani and Esquilini; cf. Plut. Qu. R. 45); prostitutes worshipped V. there on this day (Ov. Fast. 4,863-876).

The Romans also worshipped Venus under the epithet Verticordia (see below). Probably during the Second Punic War, Sulpicia, deemed the chastest matron of

the day, dedicated a statue to this goddess (Val. Max. 8,15,12; Plin. HN 7,120). This was followed in 114 BC by a temple, apparently built in connection with a case of unchastity among the > Vestals (Obseq. 37; Ov. fast. 4,157-160); Roman writers understood the epithet Verticordia to mean ‘turning the hearts of women to chastity’. Her festival was on 1 April; both upper-class and lower-class women took part, washing the statue of the goddess and bathing (Ov. Fast. 4,133-156; cf. Macr. Sat. 1,12,15; Plut. Numa 12,67e; Fasti Philocali; Lyd. Mens. 4,65). Other sources, record that lowerclass women bathed in men’s baths and made offerings to > Fortuna Virilis (Fasti Praenestini; Ov. fast. 4,14 550); there have been numerous proposals to explain the conflicting evidence and the possible connection between the two goddesses [5. 389-395; 8. 103-113]. During the first century BC, political leaders increasingly exploited Venus’ role as ancestress of the Roman people. Sulla (> Cornelius [I 90]) claimed her favour and used the Greek cognomen Epaphroditus (‘darling of A.’; App. B Civ. 1,97; Plut. Sulla 34,473d-e) and Pompey (— Pompeius [I 3]) built a temple to V. Victrix (‘the victorious’) at the crown of his theatre in the Campus Martius (Plin. HN 8,20; Gell. 10,1,7; Tert. De

spectaculis ro; Fast. Allifani and Amiterni on 12 August), but > Caesar went furthest in developing the political aspect of her cult. Since the Iulii traced their ancestry to Aeneas’ son ~ Iulus (cf. > Iulius, Introduction), he claimed a special kinship with V. (Suet. Tul.

6,1; cf. Cic. Fam. 8,15,2); wearing her image on a ring and using her name as his watchword (Cass. Dio 43,4353; App. B Civ. 2,76; 2,104). In 46 BC he dedicated a temple to V. Genetrix, vowed before the battle of Pharsalus, as the centerpiece of his new forum as the centre of his new Forum [III 5] Iulium (App. civ. 2,68; 2,102; Cass. Dio 43,22,2), and instituted games in her honour (App. B Civ. 3,28; Fasti Pinciani, Praenestini

and Vallenses on 26 September). III. IMPERIAL PERIOD Under > Augustus, the cult of Venus maintained its political importance: she was worshipped in his great

287

288

temple of > Mars Ultor (Ov. Trist. 2,296). Virgil described her as the promoter and protector of Rome (e.g.

nismo romano nel sud-est d’Italia (Atti del convegno,

VENUS

Virg. Aen. 1,223-296; [3; 10]). During the empire, her

most important patron was > Hadrianus [1. 128-161], whose massive temple to V. and > Roma ], whose massive temple to Venus and Roma with its foundation day on 21 April, the traditional ‘birthday’ of the city, placed new emphasis on her role as ancestress of the Romans (Cass. Dio 69,4,3-5; Athen. 8,361e-f; [1. 128-161]). The cult of V. was popular throughout the western part of the Roman Empire, often with little reference to its political aspects; dedications are common, and numerous statues and statuettes of the goddess based on famous Greek originals have been found in all regions. For more information on iconography, see + Aphrodite; [7]. -» Aeneas; > Aphrodite; > Eryx; > Religion X; — Sexuality; > VENUS DE MILo 1 J. BEaujeu, La religion romaine a l’apogée de l’empire, 1955 2A.DuBourpiEu, Le sanctuaire de V. a Lavinium, in: REL 59, 1981, 83-101 Aeneas, Sicily, and Rome, 1969

1960

3 K. GALINSKY, 4C.Kocn, Religio,

5R.SCHILLING, La religion romaine de V., 71982

6 id., Rites, cultes, dieux de Rome, 1979 7 E.SCHMIDT, s. v. V., LIMC 8.1, 192-230 8 A.STAPLES, From Good

Goddess to Vestal Virgins, 1998 gion und Kultus der Romer, *1912

9 G.Wissowa, Reli+10 A. WLosoK, Die

Géttin V. in Vergils Aeneis, 1967.

J.BR.

Ofanto, 1976; M. SaLvaTors (ed.), Basilicata: l’espansio1987), 1990; G. VOLPE, La Daunia nell’eta della romanizzazione, 1990; M.SALVATORE

Matera

(ed.), Il Museo

Archeologico Nazionale di Venosa, 1991; A.CAPANO, Inedita Venusina: beni culturali inediti o poco noti di Venosa: catalogo della Mostra: Castello Pirro del Balzo, Biblioteca comunale, 12 dicembre 1995-marzo 1996, 1996; M.L. Marcui, Venusia: (IGM 187 I NO/I NE),

1996; Id., Venosa: forma e urbanistica, 1997; L. TopIsco, La scultura romana di Venosa e il suo reimpiego, 1996

S.D.V.

Venutius. British prince, husband of the client queen > Cartimandua; he struggled with her for supremacy over the > Brigantes. The description in Tac. Ann. 12,40,2—4 suggests that the destabilisation of the kingdom happened as early as the time of A. Didius [II 2] Gallus (AD 52-57), but was brought under control by repeated interventions by Roman troops. No later than AD 69, the situation reversed when the queen officially separated from V. in favour of > Vellocatus, probably in a miscalculation of the position. V. was now able to secure a sufficient following to take over sole power; Cartimandua’s request for help met with little or no success (Tac. Hist. 3,45). There was no compensation

for this de facto collapse of the client-monarch system in northern Britannia until AD 71-74 under — Vespasianus by the governor Q. — Petillius [II x] Cerialis (Tac. Agr. 17,1) and the subsequent incorporation of

Venusia (Ovevovoia/Ouenousia). Township in the territory of the > Samnites (Str. 5,4,11; 6,1,2; Hor. Sat. 2,1,35) in the valley of the middle reaches of the > Aufidus in the border region between the > Lucani and the — Apuli (Hor. Sat. 2,1,35; Str. 6,3,6: between the Samnites and the Lucani; Apulian: Ptol. 3,1,73; Plin. HN 3,104), traversed by the > Via Appia (Str. 6,3,6; It. Ant. 113,13; 21,2; Tab. Peut. 6,4), modern Venosa. Legendary foundation by Diomedes [1] (Serv. Aen. 11,246); foundation of a Latin colonia in 291 BC (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 17/18,5; Vell. Pat. 1,14,6), and again in 200 BC (Liv. 31,49,6). V. was of particular strategic significance in the second > Punic War (Pol. 3,116,13; 3,117,2; Liv. 27,2,11; 27,20,10; Plut. Fabius Maximus

16). In the 3rd—znd cents BC. there is evidence of minting in bronze with the inscription VE. At the time of the Gracchi, there was probably intervention in the agrarian structure (Liber coloniarum 1,210,7; 2,261,19). During the > Social Wars [3] V. rose up against Rome and was conquered by Q. Caecilius [I 31] Metellus (Diod. Sic. 37,2,10; App. B Civ. 1,393 1,52). A municipium of the tribus Horatia, Regio IT (Plin. HN 3,105). In 44/43 BC a colony was settled at V. by the Triumviri (App. B Civ. 4,3). Remains of the settlement, thermae, and an amphitheatre survive (cf. also CIL IX 421-648). V. was the birthplace of the Roman poet > Horatius Handbuch

1877, 500; G.Tocco

der alten Geographie,

A. BrrRLEY, The Fasti of Roman Britain, 1981, 48; 64; 231; W.S. Hanson, G. WessTER, The Brigantes. From Clientage to Conquest, in: Britannia 17, 1986, 73-89. C.KU.

Ver (Latin ‘spring’), a > personification of one of the ~ seasons (II B). V. never had her own cult or myth. In literature and visual representations all the seasons are present, but spring is particularly well developed as a literary motif (+ Seasons II B 2). In pictorial art the seasons are individually identified by type and/or appropriate attributes, but appear only in a cycle —as women figures (+ Horai), as cupids, or as youths (genii). Here V. is identified with seasonal attributes (blooms, individually, as a field of flowers, in garlands etc.), and not

represented in a privileged way. The most recent studies have been particularly interested in the late Antiquity interpretation of the representations. L. ABAD Casal, Horae, tempora anni y la representacion

del tiempo en la antigiiedad romana, in: Anas 7/8, 1994/1995, 79-87; A.CaLvetTl, La danza delle stagioni in un mosaico ravennate, in: Studi Romagnoli 47, 1996, 431-445; G.AKERsTROM-Houcen, The Sixth Century

Seasons Mosaics from the Baths at Hagios Taxiarchis, Greece, in: S.IsaGER, B. POULSEN (eds.), Patron and Pave-

ments in Late Antiquity, 1997, 78-83; G.CanuTi, Una

proposta di lettura del mosaico con le stagioni di via

[7] (Hor. Carm. 1,28,26; Hor. Sat. 2,1,35). A.FORBIGER,

the region into the province.

vol. 3,

(ed.), Civilta antiche del Medio

D’Azeglio a Ravenna, in: Ocnus 5, 1997, 45-60; H. Ert-

stov, Le théme des Saisons dans les maisons pompeiennes, in: D. SCAGLIARINI CorLAlra et al. (eds.), I temi figu-

289

290

rativi nella pittura parietale antica, IV secolo a.C.-IV secolo d.C, (Atti del VI Convegno internazionale sulla pittura parietale antica), 1997, 59-67. FURTHER LIT.: cf. > Seasons II B.

VERANIUS

tory, 1939

7H.S. VERSNEL, Inconsistencies in Greek

and Roman Religion, vol. 2, 1994 V.s., KIP 5, 1181-1183.

8 W.EISENHUT, s. v. CRP.

DLWI.

Veragri (Ovdeayeov Oudragroi). One of the four peoVer sacrum. The Italic ritual of the ‘sacred spring’, practiced in times of great adversity (Fest. 519 f.), integrated ritual elements of expiation and thanksgiving, and was not limited to Italic peoples alone (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,16; Liv. 5,34,2 f.; Just. Epit. 24,1,1; but cf. [x. 708 f.]). The whole yield of a spring (or of the whole year) — plants, animals, humans — was ‘consecrated’ (> Sacer) to a deity; the animals were sacrificed, people (adults) were expelled, although originally, people are said to have been sacrificed as well (Fest. l.c.; Dion. Hal. kes)

It is only possible to date the vow of a VS unusual for Rome (Liv. 22,10,1), after the military debacle near lake Trasimeno (> Lacus Trasumenus) in 217 BC: this

time, the vow was dedicated to Jupiter and people were not included (Liv. 22,10). This VS was carried out in

195 BC (Liv. 33,44) and was repeated in 194 because of a ritual’s mistake (Liv. 34,44). The > Sibyllini libri were consulted by the decemviri sacris faciundis (Liv. 22,9,8 f.), but the ordering of the ritual cannot be directly attributed to them [2. 912 f.; 3. 36-51]. Possibly, the > Sabelli also vowed a VS during the > Social Wars [3] (Sisenna fr. 99, 102 HRR; Str. 5,4,12). A con-

troversial passage (Fest. 510) maybe even locates a VS in the early period of the kings [4. 5075]. More widespread than in Rome was the VS among the Italic tribes. The > Sabini were occasionally called Sacrani after it (Fest. 424 f.; Serv. Aen. 7,796). Others attributed their origin to the > migration of a VS: the ~ Picentes (Plin. HN 3,110) were said to have been led by a woodpecker (picus: Fest. 235), the > Hirpini by a wolf (Fest. 93; Str. l.c.); for other peoples see [2. 919921]. These animals had a special relation to + Mars; the naming of the Mamertini and of ~ Mamers (Fest. 150; [3. 20-35]) also suggests that the Roman dedication of the VS to Jupiter represents a local peculiarity. All ancient traditions, excepting the Roman one, connect the VS with migration movements [2; 5. 34-36; 6. 31-33]. This fact, together with a postulated connection with Apollo (god of the Greek > colonization par excellence: Fest. 150) and the historical migration movements of South Italy [5. 36 f.] have also given rise to hypotheses concerning a link between the VS and colonization (cf. [7. 304-309]). Such an interpretation, however, does not sufficiently account for the role of the Italic Mars and the element of ritual expiation, which occupies a central position in the ancient sources [8. 1x81]. — Expiatory rites; > Human sacrifices 1 R.Ocitviz,

A Commentary on Livy Books I-V, 1970

3 J. HEUR2 W. EISENHUT, s. v. V.s., RE 8 A, 911-923 4 U.SCHOLZ, Studien GON, Trois études sur le V.s.,1957

zum altitalischen und altromischen Marskult und Mars5 E.T. SALMON, Samnium and the Sammythos, 1970 6 E.EvaNs, The Cults of the Sabine Terrinites, 1967

ple in the Swiss canton of Wallis (- Ceutrones [2], ~ Caturiges, > Nantuatae; cf. Str. 4,6,6) with chief town + Octodurus. As inhabitants of + Mons Poeninus (Liv. 21,38,9) the V. organised traffic over the Great Saint Bernard pass. In 57 BC they were attacked by Caesar’s legate Sulpicius [I 12] Galba (Caes. Gall. 3,1,1; Cass. Dio 39,5,2), but subjugated only later, by Augustus (Plin. HN 3,137; CIL V 7817). G.BaRRUOL,

Les peuples préromains du sud-est de la

Gaule, 1969, 310 f.; A. GEISER, Un monnayage celtique en Valais: Les monnaies des Véragres, in: SNR 63, 1984, 55-

D2 5

H.GR.

Veranius [1] Q.V. Equestrian, made procurator [1] of his stepson Claudius [II 24] Drusus by Augustus; later pro legato of Augustus in Germany; father of V. [2]. A. BALLAND, Fouilles de Xanthos, vol. 7, 1981, 81-98.

[2] Q. V. Son of V. [1]. Senator; > comes of Germanicus [2] in the East; carried out duties in Cappadocia,

and was appointed its legate (Tac. Ann. 2,56,4). In the lawsuit against > Calpurnius [II 16] Piso he was an insistent supporter of the theory that + Germanicus [2] was poisoned (Tac. Ann. 3,10-19; cf. [1. 134, 148, 5a): 1 W.Ecx

et al., Das senatus consultum

de Cn. Pisone

patre, 1996.

[3] Q. V. Son of V. [2]. His career is partly preserved in his burial inscription (CIL VI 41075) (cf. [1]). Born c. AD 12; triumvir monetalis, quaestor of > Tiberius [1] and > Caligula, therefore in the year 37 (IGR III 703); tr. pl. 4x (Jos. Ant. Iud. 19,234). Praetor probably in 42; in 43 he was given by Claudius [III 1] the task of making Lycia (+ Lycia et Pamphylia) a province, after there had been considerable internal unrest there. In the five years of his governorship he faced battles with various tribes. The new organization of the province, which also included a modified system of appointing city magistrates [2], can be traced to him. He also saw to it that the road network was systematically surveyed and improved [3. 52 ff.; 45 5. 79-102]. An edict issued by him regulates the management of the archives in the province (AE 1976, 673). Cos. ord. in 49. Claudius had previously elected him augur in 48 and had him accepted as a Patrician. As curator aedium sacrarum et operum locorumque publicoruma statue was erected to him by the ordo equester. As Nero’s minister (‘commissary’), he supervised celebratory games, probably in 57. In the same year he was appointed consular legate in Britain, where he died in 58. V. was buried in Rome ina large monument. There is evidence of two daughters [5. 98 ff.].

VERANIUS

292

291

1 A.E. GorDoN, Quintus Veranius, Consul A.D. 49, 1952 2C.P. Jones, The Claudian Monument at Patara, in: ZPE 137, 2001, 161-168 3 F.Isrrz, H.Iskan, N. CEvik, Miliarium Lyciae, 2001 4S. SAHIN, Stadiasmus Patarensis. Ein zweiter Vorbericht tiber das claudische Stra8enbauprogramm in Lykien, in: R.FREI-STOLBA, M.A. SPEIDEL (eds.), Siedlung und Verkehr im romischen

Reich. Festschrift H. Herzig, 2004 les de Xanthos, vol. 7, 1981.

5 A. BALLAND, FouilW.E.

Veratrum see > Helleborus

sacrificial table was purified with it. The Gauls used the plant verbenaca for drawing lots and prophecies (Plin. HN 25,106). For further cultic uses, cf. > Verbena. M. ScuHusTER, s. v. V., RE 8 A, 976-978.

C.HU.

Verbera (literally ‘strokes, lashes’), e.g. with a stick (ferula) or a whip (flagella), were a means of punishment (castigatio) in Rome. They occurred as an independent (police) punishment primarily for slaves and members of the lower classes (humiliores, see

~ Honestiores) in the framework of the policing powVerax. He and his mother’s brother, the Batavian ~ Julius [II 43] Civilis, attacked the auxiliary fort of — Vada in 70/1 AD; they were repelled by Petillius [II 1] Cerealis but were able to escape into free Germania (acablist 5,205r5,215 1a.)> ~ Batavian Revolt WE.

Verbascum see > Mullein Verbena (usually pl. verbenae, original meaning ‘sacred branch’). Latin collective term for all fresh branches and herbs used in the Roman religion during ritual practices, the main feature being their evil-resisting and purifying effect. There is no evidence to identify V. with a particular herb; the sources mention different herbs: rosemary (Serv. Aen. 12,120), myrtle (Serv. ibidem; Plin. HN 15,119), laurel (Serv. ibd.) or olive (Serv. Ecl. 8,65); probably, the > verbenaca was often meant (both Latin terms cannot be clearly separated). V.’s use was manifold in ritual areas, where purifying powers were needed: as headgear (wreath), as ornament for sacrificial animals or images of deities and to cover altars. V. is known to have had a special significance in connection with the role of the > fetiales. When these priests delivered a declaration of war to the enemy, they carried for protection a bunch of herbs which had been pulled out by the root on the arx of Rome (Liv. 1,2.4,5; Plin. HN 22,5; > sagmen) and which still carried soil: the local herb was meant to protect against hostile powers. On its effect in medicine, cf. Celsus, Med. 2,3,3; 5,18,8a and esp. > verbenaca. M.ScHusTER, s. v. V., RE 8A, 973-976.

ANS.

ers of the magistrates (+ Coercitio), in particular of the ~ Tresviri [1] capitales in the Republican period, then of the emperor and his agents and of the provincial governors. In Roman penal law - as is known from the flagellation of Jesus — verbera were also an ‘additional punishment’ which regularly preceded the execution of the > death penalty. Finally, the exercise of a head of household’s (> pater familias) right of punishment within the Roman family circle (cf. + Patria potestas; -» Family B) was described as verbera. + Punishment, Criminal law M. FUHRMANN, s. v. V., RE Suppl. 9,

1589-1597.

GS.

Verbigeni. Sub-tribe of the — Helvetii, whose area of settlement can not be located precisely, either for the period before 58 BC or after. When the Helvetii capitulated after their defeat at > Bibracte in 58 v. Chr., 6000 armed V. escaped to the Rhenus (modern Rhine). Caesar ordered those living on their escape route to return the fugitives, and punished them under martial law (Caes. Gall. 1,27,4; 1,28,1). F. STAEHELIN, Die Schweiz in romischer Zeit, 31948, 142; E. HowaLp, E. MEYER, Die romische Schweiz, 1940, 34; G. WaLseER, Bellum Helveticum, 1998, 70 f. GW.

Vercassivellaunus (Celtic compound name, [r. 120; 2. 291]). Cousin of > Vercingetorix and leader of the + Arverni. V. was one of the four army leaders who commanded the Gaulish army sent to relieve > Alesia in 52 BC. After the defeat of the Gauls he was captured while fleeing (Caes. B Gall. 7,76,3 f.; 7,83,63 785,43

7,88,4). ~» Commius; > Eporedorix [2]; > Viridomarus

Verbenaca

(Late

Antiquity

verbena;

Greek

igod

Botavy/hiera botané, ‘sacred herb’, or meQuotegedv/ peristereon, ‘dove herb’), the Common Vervain (Ver-

bena officinalis L.) in the Verbenaceae family. It grows as a herbaceous plant, chiefly on walls and paths, and has small purple flowers on branched panicles. The modern scientific name indicates its great medicinal significance, primarily as an astringent for haemorrhage, fever, headaches and hyperhidrosis (Dioscorides 4,59 f. WELLMANN = 4,60 f. BERENDES; cf. Plin. HN 25,105 f.). Among the Romans, verbenaca was used for cultic purification (+ Lustratio), e.g. in the cult of > Iuppiter the

1 Evans

2 SCHMIDT.

Vercellae [1] (Ovegxéhror, Oveguédra/Ouerkélloi, -ai). Chief town of the — Libici (Str. 5,1,12; Ptol. 3,1,36) on the right bank of the Sesites (modern Sesia), a right-bank tributary of the > Padus (modern Po), modern Vercelli [1. 176; 2], probably originally founded by the > Salluvii (Liv. 5,35,2; Plin. HN 3,124). No significant ar-

chaeological finds [3. 212]. It is not there but at V. [2] that Marius [I 1] is generally supposed to have been

293

294

victorious over the + Cimbri (Plut. Marius 25,4). In the Roman period a municipium of the tribus Aniensis [4]. The starting point for road links to the north over the —> Alpes (It. Ant. 282,83 344,63 347,83 350,7; Tab. Peut. 3,5: Vergellae), of strategic significance (AD 69, > Year of Four Emperors; Tac. Hist. 1,70). A bishopric from the middle of the 4th cent. (Hier. Epist. 1,3); the first bishop was Eusebius [12].

the region of Dijon (Caes. B Gall. 7,65-67; Cass. Dio 40,39), V. withdrew to > Alesia with 80,000 defenders. C. was able to surround the hill fort with major siegeworks before the arrival of a Celtic relief contingent. The attacks of the reinforcements were beaten back, hunger forced V. to surrender (Caes. B Gall. 7,68-

1 NISSEN

2

2 G.Rapkg,

s.v. V., RE

8A, 980f.

3 E.PANERO, La cittd) romana in Piemonte, 4 V. VIALE, Vercelli e il Vercellese, 1971.

2000 ASA,

VERDICT

89; Plut. Caesar 27).

C. conveyed the final speech of V. (Caes. B Gall. 7,89,1-2); he concluded his report on the Gaulish uprising and on V. (Caes. B Gall. 7,89,4) with the following

words: Vercingetorix deditur, arma proiciuntur (“They surrendered V. and laid down their arms”). V. was

[2] + Saltus in the Po delta at modern Ferrara, where the + Padus forked into the Padoa and the + Olana (cf. inscriptions from -> Vicoventia ILS 1509: region(is) Padan(ae) Vercellensium Ravennatium). It may have been there and not at V. [1] that Marius [I 1] defeated

the + Cimbri in ror BC (Plut. Marius 25,4: megi Beoxéhdac/peri Berkéllas).

~ Trigaboli

1855;

G.Uccer1, La romanizzazione dell’antico delta padano,

1975, 75-78.

taken to the Roman state prison, the Tullianum, and executed after six years of captivity, when C. celebrated his + triumph over Gaul, which had been delayed due to the civil war (Cass. Dio 43,19,4). The French nationalism of the 19th cent. romanticized V. E. DELAcRorx drew him in 1829; he became a motif for the historical painters (TH. CHASSERIAU,

GU.

Vercingetorix. Celt from the people of the > Arverni, born in c. 82 BC. His father Celtillus, whom the Romans considered the ‘first man’ (princeps) in all of Gaul, was—like > Arminius — murdered by members of his tribe, because he aspired to be king (Caes. B Gall. 74,1). Knowledge of V. is concentrated entirely on the year 52 BC; the main source, > Caesar (= C.), is problematic, because he personalizes the Celtic resistance in V. and does not confront V. without Roman prejudices when recognizing his military performance (e.g. Caes. B Gall. 7,4,9f.: emphasis on cruelty in the characteristics of V.). The Celt endangered everything that had been achieved in Gaul in a year (52 BC) which had also

been difficult for C. in terms of internal politics. C. himself admits to having contemplated extensive plans for retreat (Caes. B Gall. 7,43,5f.). In 52, V. was exiled from his hometown > Gergovia for anti-Roman activities, returned with freshly recruited followers, drove out his opponents and assumed the royal title. He was quickly able to win over a wide variety of Gaulish peoples against Rome and received the supreme command over the combined troops (Caes. B Gall. 7,4,2-8). V. supported a scorched-earth tactic in order to cut the Romans off from supplies and so force them to retreat (Caes. B Gall. 7,14,2-9). How-

L.RoyerR,

1899; H.-P.MoTTE,

1886,

1904).

Famous monuments were produced under Napoleon III (1856: statue by A. MILLET on Mont-Auxois; 1866: first model of the equestrian statue by F. A. BARTHOLDI, the creator of the American Statue of Liberty, in Clermont-Ferrand). During the period of the French resistance, the figure of V. was revived in poetry by L. ARAGON (La Diane francaise, 1944) in the 1960s, the first volume of the Asterix series (the hero is himself a miniature V.) begins with a reinterpretation of the capitulation of the Arvernian, oriented against C.’s depiction, in which V. does not lay down his weapons, but throws them onto C.’s feet. -» Alesia; > Caesar (with map); > Celts (II); > Gallia J.HaRMAND, V., 1984; C.JULLIAN, V., *1902; J.W. C. Norris, Caesar und V., 1931; C. LELu, V. et la résistance

gauloise, 1949; E.MENSCHING, Uber Caesar und V. im 20. Jahrhundert, in: H.-J. GLUCKLICH (ed.), Lateinische Literatur, heute wirkend, 1987, vol. 1, 110-125. WW.

Vercondaridubnus. Haeduus with a Celtic/Venetian name [I. 291; 2. 280]. C. Iulius V. was the first provin-

cial priest at the Ara Romae et Augusti dedicated by + Claudius [II 24] Drusus at Lugdunum/Lyon on 1 August 12 BC (Liv. Per. 139). ~ Haedui; > Ruler cult 1 SCHMIDT

2 EVANS.

D.FisHwick, The Imperial vol. 1.1, 1987, 97-102.

Cult

in the

Latin

West, W.SP.

ever, C. was able to conquer Avaricum, which had not

been evacuated, supplied his troops there (Caes. B Gall. 7,32,1) and sealed V. in Gergovia; but during the siege, the > Haedui deserted the Romans. Except for the Lingones, Remi and Treveri (Caes. B Gall. 7,63,7), all of the Gaulish peoples joined the coalition of V. He defended Gergovia, the Romans withdrew suffering heavy losses (Caes. B Gall. 7,35-53, Cass. Dio 40,3 5-37). A council at > Bibracte (Caes. B Gall. 7,63 f.) recognized

V. as the sole commander (imperator). After a defeat in

Verdict. In Greek and Roman Antiquity, the verdict was determined entirely by the preceding complaint or charge, e.g. in Athens by — dike [2] (civil complaint) and > graphe [1] (criminal charge). For a verdict to be pronounced, there then remained nothing further to be established; it was merely a question of counting the votes of the deciding committee. The function of the ‘judge’ (+ index) in Roman law was essentially confined to hearing evidence. The legal judgement was an-

VERDICT

ticipated by the admission of the complaint (— actio [2]), in particular by the > praetor. + Procedural law; > Punishment, Criminallaw Gs. Verecundus. The very cultured bishop V. of Iunca (Byzacena in Tunisia) was the author of exegeses of biblical texts (9 books Commentarii super cantica ecclesiastica), poems (De satisfactione) and excerpts from the proceedings of the Council of > Calchedon. During the Three-Chapter Controversy (> Synodos II D), in 551 he was summoned by the emperor [ustinianus [1] to Constantinople, where he sided with pope - Vigilius, fled with him to the church of St. Euphemia in Calchedon, and died in asylum there in 552. R. DEMEULENAERE (ed.), Verecundi Iuncensis opera (CCL 93), 1976; F.BRuNS, s.v. V., in: S. Dopp, W. GEERLINGS (eds.), Lexikon der antiken christlichen Literatur, *1999, 6236. S.L-B.

Vergilius. Roman nomen gentile, attested from the rst cent. BC evident mainly in Gallia Cisalpina (frequently confused with > Verginius in MSS). The spelling Virgilius for the name of the poet Vergilius [4] is only documented from the 5th cent. AD onwards. F. DELLA CorrTE, s. v. Virgilio, EV 5.2, 1991,2f.

K-LE.

[1] V. (less frequently: Verginius), C. 57-55 BC; legate of > Calpurnius [I 19] in Macedonia; depicted by Cicero (Prov. cons. 7) as an example of integrity in contrast with Piso. Perhaps (as in MRR 2,205) identical with V. [2]. [2] V. (also: Verginius) Balbus, C. Aed. pl. in 65 BC, praetor in 62 (both times with — Tullius [I 11]: Cic.

Planc. 95 f.), from 61-58 unusually long period of office as propraetor of Sicily. In April 58, he refused to admit the exiled Cicero (ibid.) for fear of > Clodius [I 4]. In the Civil War, he sided with > Pompeius [I 3]. In 46, he was in charge of the defence of > Thapsus [2]; Caesar’s advance on the city forced Pompey’s followers to engage in a battle on 4 April, in which V. fought valiantly. He only capitulated a few weeks later (Bell. Afr. 28,1-4; 79; 86; 93,3) and was dispossessed by Gaesari(GiceAtia3%33 52): [3] V. Eurysaces, M. Probably a freedman (or the son of a freedman), wealthy bakery owner and > redemptor (licensed provider? ILS 7460 a-c) for the aediles; known for his ‘eloquent’ tomb, decorated with bakery scenes; the monument is in the shape of a granary (panarium) and stands at the Porta Praenestina in Rome (c. 50 BC? [I. 329-332; 2. 355]), excavated in 1838. V.’ wife was presumably the Atistia buried in the grave next to his (ILS 7460 d). 1 Nasu, vol.2

296

295

2 RicHARDSON.

JOR.

[4] V. Maro, P. The Roman poet Virgil, 70-19 BC, author of the Aeneid (= A.), the Bucolica (= B., also Eclogae = E.), and the Georgica (= G.).

I. Lire

II. Worxs

III. TRANSMISSION AND

RECEPTION

I. LIFE The ancient biographical tradition about V. is extensive; the Vita Donatiana (VD), the main source for his life preceding the commentary on V. by + Donatus [3], can be traced back almost entirely to the Vita Vergilii in ~» Suetonius’ [2] De poetis (VSD). However, some

pieces of information in the latter also seem to be based on biographical allegory, particularly of passages from the B.; nevertheless, they could also be seen as anecdotes in defence of the poet invented by ancient philologists. Accounts of his birth had already taken on a legendary character, even in the VSD. The application of the strictest criteria to the VSD essentially leaves the following as authentic information about V.’s life: V. was born on 15 October 70 BC in > Mantua and died on 21 September 19 BC in > Brundisium in > Calabria; he was buried near Naples; at the time of his death, his fortune

amounted to about ro million sesterces (which suggests the social rank of an equestrian), he owned a house in

Rome and had personal contacts to + Augustus. In addition, details regarding his working methods are also above suspicion (i.e. his meticulous paring down of verses to a minimum — particularly in respect of the G.); this is confirmed by calculations which suggest that the average output for the G. was one line per day. The total duration of his work on the B. (3 years for 829 verses), the G. (7 years; 2,188 verses) and the A. (11 years; 9,896 verses in the editions) is largely correct. The

actual dating, however, which seems to indicate 39-37 BC for the B., 36-30 for the G., and 29-19 for the A., raises more doubts. The information about arrangements in his last will and testament in relation to the unfinished A. is contradictory even in the VSD, which mentions three testaments. However, Pliny (HN 7,114)

was already aware of the tradition that V. had wanted the A. to be burnt, but Augustus had prevented this in contradiction to V.’ last will. The B. also seem to hint at sponsorship and patronage by Asinius [I 4] A. Pollio. C., > Alfen(i)us [4] Varus and -> Varius [I 3], as well as friendship with the elegiac poet > Cornelius [II 18], while the G. point to influence brought to bear by - Maecenas [2] (G. 3,42). > Horatius [7], whose testimonies are not reflected in the VSD, refers to V. as a good friend (Hor. Sat. 1,5,41 f.), who had introduced him to Maecenas (Hor. Sat. 1,6,54 f.). Other information in the VSD, on events such as on V.’ experiences in the wake of the expropriation of land after 42 BC are more likely based on the identification of characters in the B. with V. Information about > recitations of the completed G. (29 BC) and of 3 books of the A. by V. himself for Augustus, complete with anecdotal details (VSD 32; Serv. Aen. 6,861), cannot be proven wrong. Instead of the sober account in the VSD, the standard biography of V., from the time of early print into the rg9th cent. was a version bloated with interpolations,

297

298

known as Donatus auctus (DA or VSDauct., also Vulgata). It seems that the DA was written in the early r5th cent. Its sources, though, date back into Antiquity, but the work also includes anecdotes designed to prove V.’ all-encompassing knowledge. However, the DA is free from medieval miracle stories about Virgilius the magician and sorcerer.

known work of Latin literature composed of individual poems (a model for -» Horatius [7], > Tibullus, > Ovidius and others) — with the exception of + Catullus [1] and at the same time the foundation of bucolic poetry in Rome (+ Bukolic/Idyll I.). The general model is the Greek pastoral poetry by + Theocritus [2] (cf. Verg. Ecl. 4,1; 6,1). The poetic corpus of eidyllia (idylls) (= little poems) attributed to Theocritus contains not only pastoral poetry, but V. generally only used those idylls

II. Works A. THE COMPLETE OEUVRE (EcLoGcuEs) C.Grorcica

B. BUCOLICA D. AENEID E, OTH-

ER WORKS ATTRIBUTED TO VIRGIL

A. THE COMPLETE OEUVRE From Late Antiquity onwards, attempts have been made to interpret the sequence B. — G. — A. (V.’ authorship of these three works has never been in dispute in contrast with those in the + Appendix Vergiliana, cf. below IIL. E.) as the progressive inclusion of ever wider aspects of life, even as an imitation of the human development (known as the concept of ordo temporum: from shepherd to farmer to warrior). This notion resulted in a series of schematic conceptual triads, assigned to V.’ three canonical works in line with the pattern of V.’ funerary epigram (“cecini pascua, rura, duces”; “I sang of pastures, countrysides, leaders”), and further expanded and systematized in the 13th cent. in the Rota Vergilii (in Johannes de Garlandia/John of Garland’s Poetria). However,

ever since F. Klingner (1930, in:

[15. vol. 1, 3-17]), the unity of Virgil’s complete oeuvre is seen in its gradual convergence with the political-historical world. The common features of the one figure of the poet behind the three works of such diverse genres and correspondingly different roles of the speaker include: his empathy, solicitude almost, for human, animals and plants; his almost melancholy seriousness and the pathos that goes with it; his search for deeper meaning; his religiousness; the love for his home country, Italy; his sense of colours; his interest in objects of art; his unobtrusive but universal education, particularly his erudition; his Alexandrine desire for perfect form and intertextuality; the clarity, musicality and elegance of his language; the homogeneity of his metres (hexameters in all three works). Furthermore, more recent scholars also emphasize the coexistence of an optimistic and a pessimistic trend for all his works, not just the A., thus highlighting the variety and complexity of readings. B. BucOLIcA

(ECLOGUES)

2. CHRONOLOGY AND t. GENRE AND CONTENT 3. INTERTEXTUALITY STRUCTURE OF THE WORK AND INTERPRETATION

rt. GENRE AND CONTENT The Bucolica (= B., this term in the plural seems to be

the original title), a compilation of ro eclogues (= Ecl. or E., short poems, in contrast to bucolica also used in the singular), with a total of 829 verses, constitute the first

VERGILIUS

defined as bucolic in the stricter sense, whose central theme is the song of shepherds (particularly Theoc. 1 and 7). Even if the B. occasionally transcend the limits of the pastoral ambience (as expressly announced in Ecl. 4,1), V.’ E. are fundamentally songs by shepherds, often bearing names taken directly from Theocritus, who sing their songs in an ideal landscape which cannot be identified geographically, combining elements of Theocritus’ Sicily, the ‘spiritual landscape’ of Arcadia (B. Snell, 1946; in: [15.Vol. 1, 44-67]) and V.’ home in northern Italy. Although V.’ bucolic world is a locus amoenus, an idyll in the modern sense, an artificial construct, whose inhabitants, presented as singing shepherds, live almost exclusively for poetry and music, this world is constantly under threat from inherent elements such as sorrow and death and outside influences emanating from the political world. The elements of the real world include the people to whom individual E. are dedicated: + Asinius [I 4] E. 4 and 8; a Varus, probably > Alfen(i)us [4] Varus E. 6; + Cornelius [II 18] Gallus E. ro. But even here, the spheres of reality and fictionality are intermingled: in Ecl. 9,35 f., the singing shepherd Lycidas does not measure himself against Menalcas or Corydon, but against the real poets > Varius [I 2] Rufus and > Helvius [I 3] Cinna.

V.’ lyric poems, though written in hexameters and thus not directly designed for singing (according to VSD 26, they were performed on stage as songs) are composed either in an immediately dramatic form as a dialogue or else as a singing match with alternating verses or any other variation of contrasting two songs between two or three shepherds (all E. with an odd number: 1; 3; 53 7; 9) or as tales by an omniscient narrator (all evennumbered E.; in the late-antique Cod. R, each of them was preceded by a stylized image of the V. as author). Even in Antiquity, the role of the speaker was taken as the basis for a distinction between the dramatic-mimetic E. with character speech and the narrative-diegetic E. with authorial speech. However, the E. with an omniscient narrator also contain longer passages attributed to a specific character, including in E. 4 the quote of a Cumaeum carmen (a prophecy by the > Sibylle of Cumae), in E. 6 an account of Silenus’ songs, in E. 10 the lover’s lament by the elegiac poet Gallus. The construction of a narrative frame associated with these passages is an important technique in V.’ narrative style [29]. In the final verses (> sphragis [3]) of the G. (4,565 f.), V. refers to himself as author of the B., alluding to Ecl. 1,1.

VERGILIUS

2. CHRONOLOGY AND STRUCTURE OF THE WORK It is difficult to draw up a convincing absolute or relative chronology of the ten E. References to clearly datable external events are rare. For example, E. 1 and 9 presuppose the distribution of land in Italy following the battle of > Philippi (42 BC); E. 4 was written on the occasion of the consulship of > Asinius [I 4] Pollio in 40 BC, in the future tense, i.e. in 41 or early 40 BC; E. 8 also seems to have been dedicated to Pollio in reference to his triumphal return from his proconsulate in Macedonia in 39 BC, possibly the final poem of this series (Ecl. 8,11).

Numerous structural interrelations between the individual E. of the book edition have been observed. Reading the E. in the published order, variation and continuity of motifs alternate, as does the role of the speaker (characters or the author). They appear divided into two sections, with corresponding motifs in the ‘cornerstone’ eclogues (1-5 in praise of a pastoral deity; 6-10 in praise of Gallus). For all the structural overlaps or conversely all the various and at times contradictory hypotheses, the overall impression of the published book of E. remains one of deliberate organization of the material. 3. INTERTEXTUALITY AND INTERPRETATION The B. already bear evidence of the complexity of intertextual relations in V.’ work. He shows himself an ‘Alexandrian’ poet not just in the external sense by choosing Theocritus as his main model, but also by adopting the poetic ideals of the Alexandrian poets and their followers in Rome, known as the > Neoteric poets (Cinna is referred to by name in Ecl. 9,35). In addition, early influences of > Lucretius [III 1], (e.g. the desire for a bringer of salvation) are already evident in the E. and not just the later G. Latin love elegy, which developed at about the same time (> Elegy II.), is integrated into the related genre of the B. in the person and poetry of its founding father, the poet > Cornelius [II 18] Gallus. For an interpretation of the B. as a bucolically encoded poetics see [22].

There is a lesser focus on biographical — allegory in recent research. However, it remains legitimate to query whom V. had in mind as the famous puer (‘boy’) in the epithalamium of Ecl. 4. Amongst the many suggestions, the most probable seems to be the son expected to be born to > Octavianus [1] and his wife > Livia [2]. However, the publication of the collected B. at at time when ~ Julia [6] was already born in 39 BC, expands the potential options for the reception of this ambiguous, i.e. open poem. C. GEORGICA I. CONTENT AND STRUCTURE

GENRE

300

299

2. ASPECTS OF

3. ADDRESSEE, STRUCTURE, IDEOLOGY

1. CONTENT AND STRUCTURE The didactic poem on agriculture in 4 books comprising a total of 2,188 verses is a reference book (+ Didactic poem; + Agrarian writers B.2.), discussing

in hexameters most areas of farming activity: bk. x focuses on agriculture, bk. 2 in a somewhat looser structure on arboriculture (particularly the cultivation of olive trees and vines), but also includes three /audes, in praise of Italy (136-176), of spring (315-345), of rural life (458-540); bk. 3 deals with animal husbandry, bk. 4 exclusively with beekeeping, but with the main focus not on technical aspects of + apiculture but on a description of the world of bees (8-280); the second part of bk. 4 (introduction 281-286 and more specifically

287-294) contains advice on the recovery of a bee colony using the technique known as bougonia, with bees arising from the decaying carcass of an ox (295-314); this is followed by an invocation of the > Muse (315 f.), then an aetiological tale (316-5 58) about the invention of bougonia by the shepherd > Aristaeus [1]. Inlayed into this tale is the myth of Orpheus and Eurydice (453527 with the concluding verses 528 f.) as a speech by ~» Proteus, the old man of the sea, indicating Aristaeus’ responsibility for the death of Eurydice. Some areas are missing in V.’ G., which one might have expected to be included in line with the tradition of earlier extant Latin prose handbooks (-— Cato [x], De agricultura; > Varro [2], 3 bks. De re rustica, published in 37/6 and the main factual source for the G., > Agrarian writers B.), such as a section on agricultural labourers (the G. assume as their subject a free smallholder in an idealizing and largely anachronistic manner,); the farm or estate; horticulture, despite the presence of 4,116-148 (complemented in the rst cent. AD by — Columella in bk. ro of his agricultural manual, written exclusively in hexameters); poultry farming (— Breeding of small domestic animals) and fish farming (> piscina [x]). All books have a proem (> Prooemium III.), clearly

set apart from the main instructional description, and also a conclusion in form of an epilogue: bk. x on the misery of the Civil War and the desire for peace after Caesar’s death (406-514); bk. 2 a praise of rural life (458-540); bk. 3 on the great cattle-plague in Noricum (478-566); bk. 4 the autobiographical sphragis (‘seal’), comparing and contrasting the roles of Caesar (> Octavianus [1]/ Augustus) and the poet (‘Vergilium me’;

559-566). Standing out from the factual-technical parts of the poem is also the myth of the establishment of labor improbus (‘remorseless toil’) by Jupiter (1,118-159, a kind of + theodicy). The significance and the implications of the key term in 1,145 f. are the subject of controversy and debate: has the unremitting toil helped to overcome all obstacles or — in a more pessimistic view more in keeping with the context — has endless drudgery, 1.e. the need for hard labour, come to dominate all aspects of life? Other parts of the poem stand out for their intensive or lovingly detailed depictions of the scenery, such as the description of the storm in 1,322334 or that of the garden near Tarentum enriched by autobiographical memories (“memini me ... Corycium vidisse senem”) 4,125-148.

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2. ASPECTS OF GENRE Scholars have almost exclusively focused on the nondidactic parts of the G., in particular the > excursus; they were seen as the truly meaningful passages of the didactic poem. V.’ intention (in the unanimous view of all scholars) had not been to write a practical manual for farmers; he uses the factual topic as a vehicle for wider-reaching statements of religious, philosophical (more precisely: Epicurean), cultural-historical or political relevance. Typologically, the G. thus fall into the group of ‘transparent’ didactic poems which transcend their basic factual topic. In G. 2,176, V. sets himself up as the Roman > Hesiodus; his praise of rural life also contains an anonymous, but still clearly discernible homage to > Lucretius [III 1]. V. thus placed himself not in the tradition of prosaic textbooks, but in that of the literary + didactic poem. The influence of Hesiodus’ Erga on the G. is primarily manifest in the missionary gravity of the views and messages expressed in the G.; farming and agriculture serve as a moral example for the obligation to subjugate the earth in an almost martial manner (a frequently used metaphor: [41]), but also for the duty to look after cultivated plants and animals. This sense of poetic mission also links V. to Lucretius (in addition to inspiration e.g. for the description of a plague or the destructive force of amor in animals in G. 3,242-283). The ideological sources of the G. may also have included the section on the delights of farming work in Cic. Cato 51-60 (with Cato maior as the speaker) together with the glorification of the Italian farmer in the original work by > Cato [1]. Also, the influence of + Aratus’ [4] Phainomena, already available to V. ina Latin translation, is particularly noticeable in G. 1,3 11-

thus Octavian who creates order and peace, the prerequisite for the farmer’s successful work. The largest programmatic passage of the G., the proem to bk. 3, presents itself as a blend of Alexandrian (a parallel passage is found in the Aitia of > Callimachus [3] in the proem of bk. 3, referring to the victory of

465.

A characteristic aspect of the G. is their anthropomorphic stylization; even a plough is described as having something like ears and teeth (G. 1,172). This is particularly obvious in V.’ descriptions of the procreation of plants (bk. 2) and animals (bk. 3). The high point in this anthropomorphism is the description of the bees in bk. 4 (a metaphor for Rome?). 3. ADDRESSEE, STRUCTURE, IDEOLOGY The addressee (an obligatory figure in a didactic poem) of the G. is - Maecenas [2]; he is addressed in the proem of each book (with exact symmetric correspondence: 1,2-4,2; 2,41-3,41), even directly referred to as the one who has commissioned this work (iussa; 3,41). The instructional passages (partes tussivae), by

contrast, are addressed to an unnamed generic farmer in the second person singular. Of greater importance for Italy and the world beyond is the role played by > Octavianus [1] (the future Augustus). He appears in the proem and also the gloomy finale of bk. 1 (1, 502 f.) —as well as in the sphragis at 4,560—562 — as a saviour and redeemer, a future god. He was destined to be the focus of the panegyric epic announced in the proem to bk. 3, apparently as the victor in the strife with barbarian tribes and after the conclusion of the Civil War; it is

VERGILIUS

Berenice) and non-Alexandrian tones. It could be taken

as the + recusatio of a panegyric epic (Caesareis), had V. not subsequently written the A.,an epic in which Caesar (Augustus) is truly at the ideological centre, albeit not at the centre of the narrative level. The strongest deviation from the programme of an ancient didactic treatise is found in the myth of Aristaeus in the second half of bk. 4; for almost 250 verses, the character of the poem is not iussive or descriptive, but narrative. Whereas Lucretius, who also used myths as interludes, deconstructs their purpose and meaning, V.’ use of the myth is to bestow a positive significance and meaning: Aristaeus, prior to V. linked neither to bougonia nor to Orpheus, appears in the G. as victor in the battle with death (in contrast with > Orpheus). V. tries to mitigate the somewhat disconcerting aspects of this passage through the construction of subtle references to the remainder of the book. Only a small number of current scholars accept the version twice purported by > Servius [2] (though not without contradictions) that, after the suicide of Cornelius Gallus who, as a presumptuous — praefectus Aegypti, had fallen from Augustus’ favour in 26 BC, V. had eliminated his original panegyric on Gallus from the finale of the G., replacing it either with the entire Aristaei fabula (according to Serv. Ecl. ro,r) or only with the Orphei fabula (according to Serv. Georg. 4,1). The structure of the G. is transparent. The first half deals with plants, the second with animals. Bks. 1 and 3 are darker in character, not only because of their more sinister finales, while bks. 2 and 4 are lighter. There is a close link between the finale of bk. 2 and the proem of bk. 3, bridging the break between the two halves. The G. appear to modern philologists as ambiguous, particularly because of their transparent character, similar to the B. As is initially the case for the A.,there are optimistic and pessimistic readings of the G. — as already with their key phrase labor improbus. The work as a whole highlights the tensions within Italy (a term and concept of particular importance in the G.), within the world of farmers and that of contemporary history. D. AENEID 1. GENESIS 2. CONTENT AND SOURCES

3. INTERTEXTUAL RELATIONS, NARRATIVE RESEARCH AND STRUCTURE 4. CHARACTERISTICS AND CRITICAL ACCLAIM

1. GENESIS Even though the proem of G. 3 could be seen as the announcement of a historical-panegyrical epic in honour of Caesar (since 27 BC: > Augustus [r]) (i.e. a Cae-

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sareid, see earlier II. C. 3.), it had been known to friends as early as 25 BC (Prop. 2,34,65 f., also to Augustus himself: VSD 30 f.) that V. was working on an Aeneid. Close links between G. 4 and A. 1 lead to the conclusion that they were written at about the same time. The relevant references in VSD 23 f. and 34 (a prose concept

already divided into 12 books; working on isolated individual passages without continuous progress; provisional sketching of the interconnections by way of ‘props’ or ‘support verses’ known as tibicines; keeping of incomplete half-lines) are repeatedly met with exaggerated doubts. The 58 half-lines preserved in the MSS, though surely not intended by V., show that the epos had indeed been unfinished by the time of V.’ death. ~ Varius [I 2] Rufus, the editor, a friend of V. and himself a poet, seems not to have interfered with the posthumous work by adding any interpolations of his own. However, rumours surfaced fairly early on (VSD 42) that he had switched the order of the books (3-1-2?) and that he had eliminated the section known as the pre-proem (1,1a—r1d “ille ego qui quondam”) as well as (according to Serv. auct.on Aen. 2,566) the passage on Helena (2,567-588).

Modern scholarship pays scant attention to the history of the creation and edition of the A. However, both are essential for explaining some of the conceptual contradictions between individual passages (such as the differing accounts of the fate of Palinurus, the helmsman, in bk. 5 and bk. 6; the aimless wanderings in bk. 3, even though Lydius Thybris in Hesperia had already been named as the actual destination at the end of bk. 2). A harmonizing interpretation of this work — edited posthumously, but still seen as a perfect whole — is methodologically wrong, at least when it claims to pertain to an aesthetics of production. 2. CONTENT AND SOURCES The > epic tells of the adventures of > Aeneas [1] and his Trojan followers on their journey from > Troy after its destruction by the Greeks to their new home in Latium (— Latini) on the Tiber, as foretold in oracles and prodigies, up to and including Aeneas’ final victory in a decisive duel over > Turnus [1], his main opponent in Latium and also his rival in winning the hand of > Lavinia [2], daughter of the local king. In religious terms, the A. is the story of a cult transfer, i.e. that of the Trojan > Penates to Latium (to the city of > Lavinium, to be founded by Aeneas, while in politico-historical terms, it tells of the history leading up to the foundation of Rome and the genesis of the Roman people from Italian and Trojan roots. In genealogical terms, the ancestral line (Julians, see — Iulius) of the emperor of the day (+ Augustus) is highlighted in the character of Aeneas himself, his divine mother > Venus and his son > Julus/Ascanius. Since the tale of Aeneas, in its many forms, had already been an integral part of the historical tradition for the pre-history of Rome long before the publication of the A. (accessible in the fragment of bk. 1 of the Origines by > Cato [1] and in bk. 1 of the Antiquitates

Romanae by - Dionysius [18]), V.’ work was received in Rome asa historical epos rather than a mythological one. V. had taken most of his leading characters from this historical tradition (such as Turnus [1], > Latinus [x], > Amata, + Evander [1], > Mezentius, but seemingly not > Camilla); + Dido is also a historical figure

in this sense. Another group of his characters is rooted in the mythographic tradition (such as the characters directly linked to the Trojan War, e.g. > Priamus, ~» Hector,

Andromache, + Diomedes [1]) or repre-

sent V.’ own analogy with a figure from the epic tradition. Often, a single character in the A. combines elements from a number of models (e.g. in Camilla; in Dido: the historical Dido, -» Medea, ~ Calypso, > Cleopatra [II 12], according to Serv. Auct. also typical aspects of a flaminica, cf. > flamines). V. turned Aeneas’ family-oriented — pietas — a long-attested attribute (the rescue of his father Anchises from burning Troy) — into an all-encompassing trait; Aeneas’ most important duty arising from this pietas is to serve the fata (- Fate) who want a Rome that rules the world. 3. INTERTEXTUAL RELATIONS, NARRATIVE RESEARCH AND STRUCTURE The Aeneas of the A. is a further development of a hero from the Iliad (+ Homerus [r]), but the subject of the A. is his post-Homeric history. As regards content, any imitation of Homer can therefore only consist of analogies to various plots in the Iliad or even more so in the Odyssey, such as e.g. the funeral games (Aen. 5 Hom. Il. 23), a descent into the Underworld (Aen. 6 — Hom. Od. rr) or a character such as Pallas, which corresponds to > Patroclus [1] in the I/liad. However,

most of the stops on the wandering travels of Aeneas in the eastern Mediterranean — including his encounter with + Dido in Carthage — as well as the protagonists on the Italian battle fields had been predetermined by the Aeneas myth. Throughout, V. is a representative of the traditional transmission; he hardly ever appears as the originator of a particular tradition. From Antiquity onwards and even more intensively in the modern age, the intertextual connections of the A. (referred to as imitationes) have been amongst the best-researched aspects of the work, beginning soon after its first publication, when V.’ ‘thefts’ were first compiled (VSD 44-46; a highlight for us is Macrob. Sat. B. 5/6). From ancient times to current research, the greatest focus has been on the Homeric influences in the A., from borrowing parts of verses to the structure itself. The A. is seen as bringing together the Odyssey (Aen. 1-6) and subsequently of the Iliad (Aen. 7-12); however, its overall concept is that of the Odyssey (wandering and eventful journey, followed by the recapture of the homeland). V. adopts the stylistic conventions of the epic genre, some directly from Homer and also > Apollonius [2] Rhodius, but some already conveyed through his Latin epic predecessors, mainly through the Annales by ~> Ennius [1]. What is new in the A. is the abandonment of the distant narrator of the Homeric epic in favour of

3°95

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one who takes an active interest in the fate of the protagonists, particularly those who suffer and die young. This empathy and at the same time compassion for the characters in a world dominated by men and their ideals (the relationship between fathers and sons in particular is addressed repeatedly) is less rhetoric than neoteric. Both are linked to the narrative technique of a changing point of view (‘focalization’), evident for example in the numerous speeches by the epic protagonists (almost half of the A. consists of direct speech, including the first-person narrative by Aeneas in bks. 2/3). There are many ways in which V. reveals himself as a poet of erudition (poeta doctus): innumerable further intertextual references to Greek and in particular + Hellenistic poetry and to Latin literary works, equally to traditions of other non-epic poetic genres (lost Greek and Latin tragedies in particular and forms of dramatic representation and structure in general are attracting ever greater scholarly attention) as well as to prose texts (particularly historical and antiquarian texts, but also etymological ones), to non-literary genres (mainly aspects of religious cult, but also the performing arts, for which we have as evidence a number of significant fictional > ekphraseis: 1,4 50-4933; 6,14—

tion of Rome and Augustus and his private voice lamenting the price that has to be paid for the implementation of this mission). In a complimentary movement to the ever more subtle attempts at proving the A. to be the work of an ‘Alexandrian’ poeta doctus, there is a tendency in modern research, almost medieval in quality, to dehistoricize the A. and to interpret the entire work or at least parts of it allegorically, symbolically or (as in the case of the B.) as poetologically encoded, always with the assumption that this had been V.’ original intention. Characteristic for the current understanding of the A. (instructively retraced in the 1998 research report [roo]) are terms such as ambiguity, polyphony (‘further voices’), plurality of possible interpretations, inconsistencies, indistinctness —- summarized more simply as: a subjectivity of hypotheses.

37; 8,626-731; 10,495-499). For that reason V. was seen in Late Antiquity as a master in any conceivable

field of knowledge (and even as a magus in the Middle Ages). Modern research goes ever further in the assumption of V.’ exquisite and allegedly intentional references to literary and cultural hypotexts, albeit without sufficient methodological clarification. Both as a whole and in detail, the A. presents itself almost literally as a tight weave (textus) of internal references. This is apparent not only in the repeatedly used pattern of an (oracular) announcement followed by fulfilment or in the appeal and correspondence of many of the around 100 similes, but particularly in the significant and consistent use of metaphors (e.g. fire or hunting).

4. CHARACTERISTICS AND CRITICAL ACCLAIM Another important fundamental feature of the A. in addition to empathy are the two levels of the narrative: the level of the epic action in the foreground and the level of the Augustan period (anticipated in previews of the future). Aeneas thus appears as a kind of forerunner to Augustus, and Augustus as the one to complete the work started by Aeneas in the service of the Roman fatum (a term and concept which dominates the entire epic) with an almost literal Stoic capacity for suffering. Through its depiction of Roman pre-history as a kind of ~ aetiology of the current political state, V.’ epic can be seen as doubly historical. In scholarship, two opposing schools have dominated the debate since 1963 to the present day regarding the political ideology of the A.: a European school with an optimistic and an American school with a pessimistic interpretation of V.’ attitude (taken as the attitude of the epic narrator) to the ideology of a Roman empire and in particular to Augustus (two-voices theory: the coexistence of V.’ official voice in affirma-

VERGILIUS

E. OTHER WORKS ATTRIBUTED TO VIRGIL In general, modern scholarship is concerned only with the three canonical works B., G. and A. It is typical that in the ‘Enciclopedia Virgiliana’ (EV), all elements of the > Appendix Vergiliana (a modern umbrella term for other, generally smaller poetic works attributed to V.) are generally not taken into account for general observations on V. III. TRANSMISSION AND RECEPTION A. TRANSMISSION AND ANCIENT COMMENTARIES B. ANCIENT AND MEDIEVAL RECEPTION C. MopERN AGE: LITERATURE AND CRITICISM D. MopERN AGE: VISUAL ARTS AND MUSIC

A. TRANSMISSION AND ANCIENT COMMENTARIES More than 1,000 MSS of V.’ work exist, from the 9th to the r2th cents. (EV 3, 1987, 433-443). Modern editions are largely based on three more or less complete MSS (M, P, R) written in capitalis rustica (> Capi-

tal scripts), supplemented with fragments from four other MSS (F, V, A, G) and a palimpsest (B with 81 verses from A. 1), all of them dating from Late Anti-

quity after about AD 400. Medieval MSS from the 8th cent. (almost exclusively cod. p) and the 9th cent. are used for textual reconstruction only after strictest selection. In addition to this rich ancient primary transmission which cannot be traced back to a single stemma and thus an archetype, there is an extensive secondary transmission through lemmata and quotations in extant ancient commentaries on V., particularly those by > Servius [2] (Serv. Aen.), respectively in Serv. Auct. (with

numerous references to different versions rejected by Servius), and in quotations in ancient literature as a

whole, foremost by philologists (grammarians: cf. > Philology II.). Not only is the quality of the quotations very good, but the standard of the reception of V. as represented by the ancient commentaries (including Mabrob. Sat) is very high. Donatus’ [4] main focus is

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on the intended message (known as ‘rhetorical interpretation’). Servius’ commentary on V. stands out from the mass of other late-antique commentaries for its wealth of information and the quality of its interpretations.

(1307-1321) of V. as the guide through Purgatorio and Inferno (but not Paradiso). Petrach’s (1304-1374) enthusiasm for V. is well documented; particularly noteworthy are his hexametric letter to V. (Familiares 24,11), his epic poem Africa and his Bucolicum carmen, an anthology of 12 pastoral eclogues, so allegorically encoded as to render them almost unfathomable.

VERGILIUS

B. ANCIENT AND MEDIEVAL RECEPTION V. later position as the most influential ancient author for Antiquity, large sections of the Middle Ages and also some centuries in the early modern period was already apparent in some of his contemporaries (Prop. 2,34,65 f.), foremost amongst them Horace and Ovid. He became a classical author, imitated by Latin writers in preference to earlier Greek models. This development is particularly striking in the epic poets of the latter half of the rst cent. AD: > Lucanus [1] tried in vain to establish a kind of alternative model to the A., while > Silius [II 5] modelled his epic poem about the Second Punic War closely on the A., and > Statius [II 2] declared his Thebaid (12,816 f.) inferior to the ‘divine Aeneid’.> Quintilianus [1] (Quint. Inst. 10,1,86) considered V. the greatest poet after Homer. From the early 4th cent. onwards, Ecl. 4 has been interpreted as a prophecy of the coming of Christ, thus bestowing on V. the rank of a prophet (as confirmed in medieval iconography). Generally, though, V. was only rarely cited as a voice of authority in early Christianity, instead, he was cited more often to give emphasis to the author’s own thoughts or to highlight a successful turn of phrase. The G. were also read out of interest in the factual information; the A. carried a political ideology which for about three centuries had been adopted directly by the emperors and later continued in the form of the notion of Roma aeterna. In Late Antiquity, this historical significance, which experienced something of a zenith as late as in > Prudentius, no longer had an equivalent in contemporary reality; there was then a switch in emphasis to an appreciation of the moral qualities of the characters in the A., but also a clear way for an existential — allegoresis of the A. (> Fulgentius [x] in the 6th cent., Bernardus Silvestris in the 12th cent.), which saw the calamities and deeds of Aeneas as a reflection of the path of the human soul in its earthly embodiment. A basis for the reception of V.’ works, and one not to be underestimated, was his place in the school syllabus — as an object of elementary linguistic and metric analysis, or as reading material out of rhetorical interest or interest in the actual content. The numerous medieval Vitae Vergilianae, often representing systematic introductions to reading V. (accessus), and the many hundreds of surviving medieval MSS, are evidence of the continuing presence of V. in school education. In the High Middle Ages, the multifarious legend of Virgilius Magus, seemingly originating in Naples, began to join rather than replace the image of V. the poet. An exceptional contribution to the fame of V.’ name to this day has been Dante’s choice in his Commedia

C. MODERN AGE: LITERATURE AND CRITICISM The young Humanist Maffeo Vegio (1406-1458) answered an obvious demand with his publication in 1428 of a Supplementum Aeneidos, a continuation of the A. in 630 Latin hexameters. This 13th book of the A. remained a standard part of V. editions until the 17th cent. V.’ role in the educational system was once more emphasized by Philipp Melanchthon’s (1497-1560) reforms and by systematic school syllabi from about 1525 onwards. Beginning in the Renaissance, V.’ fame was also poetologically confirmed, initially by Marco Girolamo Vida’s Ars poetica of 1527, then by Iulius Caesar Scaliger’s (d. 1558) influential Poetices (posthumously published in around 1561, and an authoritative work for about 200 years, also in terms of NeoClassicism). Both poetics place V. as an exemplary poet even ahead of Homer. The literary debate of the > Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes from-the end of the 17th cent. led to a qualification of V.’ importance. A change only began in the second half of the 18th cent. — not least influenced by the enthusiasm of Johann Joachim Winckelmann (1717-1768) for an idealized ancient Greek culture —, but this development was largely restricted to the German-speaking area. There, Homer as the supposed original genius was placed ahead of the sentimental classicist V., who was copying him. This view was further strengthened by the emerging Classical Philology and its Quellenforschung on V.’ works in the roth cent. Not until Richard Heinze’s book on V.’ epic technique (1903, [43]) was V. restored to being seen as an artist in his own right. The prerequisite for any kind of reception has been the easy availability of V.’ texts. Ever since the invention of letterpress printing, there has been a continuous flood of all kinds of editions numbering in their hundreds, joined by numerous translation into all European national languages from as early as the 16th cent. (earliest German translation of the A. by Thomas Murner in r515, more in [76.D 157]); editions and translations of V.’ work fill dedicated bibliographies. In addition, there is an increasing flood of academic secondary literature; currently, bibliographies record about 200 to 300 new essays or books on V. each year. According to the attention devoted to them in the EV, the following authors stand out in the reception of V.’ work: Benvenuto da Imola (2nd half of the 14th cent.),

Boccaccio,

Cervantes,

Dante,

Ugo

Foscolo

(1778-1827), Luis Gongora (1561-1627), William of

Conches (rst half of the r2th cent.; his students in Chartres included John of Salisbury), Guido of Pisa (x3th/z4th cents.), Leopardi, Lope de Vega, Milton,

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Pascoli, Petrarca, Pope, Shakespeare, and Spenser. The variety in this list may be taken as a reflection of the many different ways in which the works of V. have been received. More important still than as an inspiration for individual authors is V.’ role as a model for new or renewed genres. The B. as the first example of Latin pastoral poetry did not only influence all subsequent works in that genre in Antiquity (+ Calpurnius [III 3] Siculus; ~ Einsiedeln Eclogues; -» Nemesianus [1]; the Christian poet + Endelechius), but also new approaches,

Laocoon and also V.’ and Homer’s descriptions of shields); Johann Gottfried von Herder, 1744-1803 (no separate work on V., whom he contrasts unfavourably with Homer); Theodor Haecker, 1879-1945 (in his influential 1931 essay Vergil, he portrayed V. as the ‘Father of the West’ because of the insights into the nature of mankind attributed to him as “anima naturaliter christiana” (“a Christian soul by nature”), cf.: [84. 48-

such as in the Frankish Empire of the 8th/9th cents. (Alcuin of York, Moduin; in the roth cent. the Eclogue of Theodulus) and in Italy from the start of the 14th cent. (Dante, Petrarca). Jacopo Sannazaro, by explicitly linking his pastoral novel Arcadia (prose with inserted eclogues, published in 1504) to the B., made V. the father of pastoral poetry and idylls fashionable across all of Europe in the réth/r7th cents. (+ Arcadianism, + Bucolic/Idyll). In 18th-cent. England, the G. (under the influence of John Dryden’s translation) led to a re-

vival

of

the

agricultural

didactic

poem

(James

Thomson’s poem The Seasons, 1726-1730, with numerous copies, was authoritative).

It is almost impossible to list all of the modern epics influenced strongly by V. In a wide range of different aspects (content, choice of motifs, structure, use of metaphors, etc.), V.’ influence is evident in the works of Ludovico Ariosto (L’Orlando furioso, c. 1506-1532), Luis de CamGes (Os Lusiadas, c. 15 56-1570), Pierre de Ronsard (La Franciade, 1564-1572), Torquato Tasso (Gerusalemme liberata, 1559-1575), John Milton (Paradise Lost, 1658-1674), Voltaire (La Henriade, 1713-1724). The most important and comprehensive epic poem made up entirely from verses by V. (+ Cento) is Virgilti evangelisantis Christiados (13 bks; published in 1638) by the Scottish clergyman Alexander Ross [95].

Amongst German authors, the following are particularly important for the reception of V.’ work: the author of the Waltharius (c. 930; possibly Ekkehart I of St. Gall, c. 910-973); Hendrik van Veldeke (Heinrich von Veldeke), c. 1140/50 to before 1210: Eneit, completed in 1187/1189, probably the most important and faithful adaptation of the A. ever, in form of a Middle High German courtly poem with a detailed love story between Aeneas and Lavinia, not directly based on the A., but on the anonymous Old French novel Roman d’Enéas; Sebastian Brant, 1457-1521 (illustrated V. edition, 1502); Philipp Nicodemus Frischlin, 15471590 (who adapted parts of the A. in form of dramas or more precisely dialogues: A. 1: Venus, 1584, and A. 4: Dido, 1584; such adaptations were wide-spread in the 16th cent.); Martin Opitz, 1597-1639 (founder of Arcadian-pastoral in Germany in the wake of the B. and Sannazaro: Schafferey von den Nimpfen Hercinie, 1630); Gotthold Ephraim Lessing, 1729-1781 (in Laokoon, his main work on the theory of art published in 1766, he contrasts V.’ account with the sculpture of

VERGILIUS

52]); Hermann Broch, 1886-1951 (his novel The Death of Virgil, English 1945, German 1947, is probably the most important 2oth-cent. study of V., particularly of his relationship to Augustus; cf. [84. 203-2225

92.n0. 4, 35]). At the end of WW2, Hermann Broch’s major novel and almost at the same time T.S. Eliot’s What Is a Classic (1944: V. as the only classic poet of all of Europe) represent the final zenith of the creative and ideological study of V.; soon after, V. seems to have lost his leading role in intellectual life and debate and largely also in European cultural memory. Emblematic figures and constellations such as Laocoon and the Wooden Horse remain in the public awareness, but are hardly ever associated with the A. The zoooth anniversary of his death in 1982 has not been marked with a truly major V. exhibition. Unlike Odysseus, Aeneas has not become a prototype of modern man. It remains to be seen whether — Dido, for centuries the most vivid of V.’ characters, is still present in people’s minds today. However, the fact that V. is still part of the mandatory syllabus in most schools where Latin is offered will ensure a continued albeit limited knowledge of his works in the original language. D. MODERN AGE: VISUAL ARTS AND MUSIC In addition to the literary reception and at times even overtaking it in its impact is the importance of V.’ works as a treasure trove of subjects for painters and artists (only a few mosaics, sarcophagi or —as the oldest evidence of reception — frescoes from Pompeii based on motifs from V. have survived from Antiquity). Next to the Bible and Ovid’s Metamorphoses, the A. may well be the most-illustrated book in global literature. The cyclic book illustration of V.’ work starts as early as 1502 with the much -copied woodcut edition by Sebastian Brant (two of the late-antique V. codices were also already illustrated, V. Vaticanus F and V. Romanus R, cf. » Book illustration; in the Middle Ages, illustrations in MSS of V.’ works were rare; however, as early as the r5th cent., a number of lavishly illuminated codices were produced, foremost among them V. Riccardianus by Apollonio di Giovanni di Tommaso, c. 1465). The tradition of illustrating translations of V.’ work in particular continues to the present day. In addition, other media in the artistic reception of V. show a small selection of scenes from the A. in ever more variations: paintings; drawings; Italian wedding chests (cassont); maiolica plates mainly from Urbino; enamel pieces from Limoges; tapestries from Brussles. From the 13th cent. onwards, monuments have been erected to V. the writer

VERGILIUS

312

Epa

in his home town of Mantua. Various painters, including Raffael in his Parnassus of 1508-11 in the Vatican Stanza della Segnatura, and illustrators created their own image of V., often modelled on the stereotype of a prophet or teacher, due to the lack of an authoritative example, not to speak of an authentic one. The prestigious decoration of many European royal residences in the 16th to 18th cents., particularly in the Baroque age, marks a zenith in the presence of V., with illustrated cycles of the A., establishing a typological link (+ Typology) between Aeneas and the respective ruler. They stand in the strongest imaginable contrast to the pessimistic interpretation of the A. by the majority of most recent scholars.; The A. — particularly the storyline concerning Dido, but also the deeds of Aeneas (including his wedding to Lavinia, also bk. 13: Claudio Monteverdi, Le nozze d’Enea con Lavinia, 1640, libretto by Giacomo Badoaro) and of Camilla, were a popular subject for operas ([80]; cf. EV 3, 1987, s. v. melodramma); between 1641 and 1860, about 140 operas with relevant

titles were written. Pietro Metastasio’s libretto Didone abbandonata (1724) alone has been set to music at least 80 times. The most important operatic version of the A. are Francesco Cavalli’s Didone (1641; libretto by Gian Francesco Busenello), Henry Purcell’s Dido and Aeneas (1689; libretto by Nahum Tate), and Hector Berlioz’ Les Troyens (1856-58; he wrote his own libretto based on bks. 1, 2 and 4 of the A.). A similar role for conveying an operatic subject frequently adapted since 1600 is played by bk. 4 of the G. for the myth of Orpheus and Eurydice. The most famous example (though based on the story in Ov. Met. 10,1-7 and thus indirectly on V.) is Orfeo ed Euridice (1762) by Christoph Willibald Gluck (libretto by Ranieri da Calzabigi). + Appendix Vergiliana; — Literature V.F.; > Epic; — HOMER-VIRGIL COMPARISON I. LITERATURE

(V. = VERGIL):

A. OVERVIEWS AND ESSAY COLLECTIONS: 1 W.F. Jackson

KniGHT,

Roman

V.,

‘1944,

*1966

1262 2-97.

18F.DELLA Corts, s. v. Virgilio, EV 5.2, 1991, 19 N.HorsFatt, V. His Life and Times, in: [11],

I-25. C. Buco.ica (= B.) or EcLocuEs (= E.):

20 H J.Rosz, The Eclogues of V.,1942 21 M.C. J. PutNaM, V.’s Pastoral Art, 1970 22 E.A. SCHMIDT, Poetische Reflexion. V.s B., 1972. 23 A.J. Boyze (ed.), Ancient Pastoral, 1975 24R.KeTrEMANN, Bukolik und Georgik ... bei V.,1977. 25 E.Coxzrro, An Introduction to V.’sB., 1979 26 J. VAN SICKLE, Reading V.’s Eclogue Book, in: [5], 576-603 27 F.DeE tia Corte et al., s. v. Bucoliche, EV 1, 1984, 540-582 28R.LECLERCQ, Le divin loisir. Essai sur les B. de Virgile, 1996 29 L.Rumpr, Extremus labor. V.s to. Ekloge und die Poetik der B., 1996 (with research report and bibliogr.) 30 T.K. Husparp, The Pipes of Pan ... The Pastoral Trad. from Theocritus to Milton, 1998, 45-139 31H.SENG, V.s Eklogenbuch, 1999. D. Grorcica(G.):

32 L.P. WILKINSON, The G. ofV.A

Critical Survey, '1969 (31997) Ascraean Song,1979

33 A.J. Boyze (ed.), V.’s

34 M.C. J. Putnam, V.’s Poem of

the Earth, 1979 35 G.B. Mis, V.’s G., a New Interpretation, 1980 36 F.DeLia Corte et al., s. v. Georgiche, EV 2,1985,664-698 37D.O. Ross, V.’s Elements. Physics and Poetry intheG., 1987 38 J. FARRELL, V.’s G. and the Trad. of Ancient Epic, 1991 39 M.O. Lez, V.as Orpheus. A Study of the G., 1996 40R.CRAMER, V.s Weltsicht. Optimismus und Pessimismus in V.s G., 1998 41 H. Hecke, Das Widerspenstige zahmen: die Funktion der militarischen und politischen Sprache in V.s G., 1998 42 L. MorG@an, Patterns of Redemption in V.’s G., 1999.

E. AENEID (A.): 43 R.HEINZE, V.s epische Technik, "1903 (31915, repr. 1995, Engl. 1993, It. 1996) 44 V.POscHL, Die Dichtkunst V.s, 1950, 31977 (Engl. 1962) 45 G.N. Knauer, Die A. und Homer, 1964 (see T.Berres, V. und Homer, in: Gymnasium 100, 1993, 342-369) 46M.C. J. Putnam, The Poetry of the A., 1965, *1988

47K.QuinNN, V.’s A. A Critical Descrip-

tion, 1968 48 G.BINDER, Aeneas und Augustus. Interpretationen zum 8. Buch der A., 1971 49 G.HIGHET, The Speeches in V.’s A.,1972 50 W.R. JoHNsoNn, Darkness Visible. A Study of V.’s A.,1976 51 E.Burcx, Das rémische Epos, 1979, 51-119

52 R.Rrexs, V.s Deutung

1995 13 C.MarTINDALE (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to V.,1997 14 R.Jenxkyns, V.’s Experience. Nature and History: Times, Names, and Places, 1998 15 P. Harvie (ed.), V. Critical Assessments, 4 vols., 1999 (reprint of 85 essays) 16 S. QUINN (ed.), Why V., 2000; (further anthologies from before 1980 in: W. SUERBAUM,

der rémischen Geschichte, in: [5], 728-868 53 Id., Die Gleichnisse V.s, in: [5], rorm-1110 = 554 G. WILLIAMS, Technique and Ideas in the A., 1983 55 K. W. GRANsDEN, V.’s Iliad, 1984 56 F.DELLA Corte et al., s. v. Eneide, EV 2, 1985, 236-310 57P.R. Harvie, V.’s A. Cosmos and Imperium, 1986 58 R.O. A. M. Lyng, Further Voices in V.’s A.,1987 59R.D. Wixiiams, The A., 1987 60F.Carrns, V.’s Augustan Epic, 1989 61R.O. A. M. Lyng, Words and the Poet. ... Style in V.’s A., 1989 (repr. 1998) 62 K.W. GranspbeEn, V.: The A., 1990 63 S.J. HARRISON (ed.), Oxford Readings in V.’s A., 1990 (essays from 1933-1987) 64R.MarrIn (ed.), Enée et Didon, 199065 J.J. O"Hara, Death and the Optimistic Prophecy in V.’s A.,1990 66 D.C. FEENEY, The Gods in Epic, 1991,129-187 67 R.F. Guet, Der Vater der Dinge. Krieg bei V., 1991 68 N. HorsFALt, Virgilio. L’epopea in alambicco, 1991 69 M.C. J. Putnam, V.’s A. Inter-

KS, 1993, 342-3453

pretation and Influence, 1995

after 1980 in: Id., s. [73], 400-407).

legungen zur Entstehung von V.s A., 1996 71 H.P.Sraut (ed.), V.’s A. Augustan Epic and Political Con-

2 K. BUCHNER, P. V. Maro, RE-offprint, 1955 (= RE 8 A, 1021-1486) 3B.Oris, V. A Study in Civilized Poetry, 1963, 1995 4 F.KLINGNER, V., 1967 5 ANRW II 31.1-2, 1980-1981 6 V.PdscHL (ed.), 2000 Jahre V., 1983 7J.D. BERNARD (ed.), V. at 2000, 1986 8R.A. CARDWELL, J. HAMILTON (eds), V. in a Cultural Trad., 1986

91.MacAustan,

P.WatcoT

(ed.), V., 1990

10 R.M. WILHELM, H.Jones (eds.), The Two Worlds of the Poet, 1992 11N.HorsFatt (ed.), A Companion to the Study of V., 1995 12 J. IRMscner (ed.), V. Antike

Welt-Literature in ihrer Entstehung und Nachwirkung,

B. VITAE AND

BIOGRAPHIES:

der Vita Vergiliana ..., in: ANRW

17 W.SUERBAUM,

Von

II 31.2, 1981, r156-

70 H.-C. GUNTHER, Uber-

text,1998 72 M.C.J. Putnam, V.’s Epic Designs. Ekphrasis in the A., 1998 73 W.SUERBAUM, V.s A., 1999

313

314 (with bibliogr.: 385-410).

F. RECEPTION:

74 D.Comparetti, Virgilio nel Medio

Evo, '1872 (Engl. 1895, 1997), *1937-1941

75 V.ZABUGHIN,

Vergilio nel rinascimento italiano da

Dante a Torquato Tasso, 2 vols., 1921-192 3 76 B.SCHNEIDER, B.KyTZLER (eds.), V. Handschriften

und Drucke der Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbiittel, 1982 77 W.TAEGERT, V. 2000 Jahre. Rezeption in Literatur, Musik und Kunst, 1982 (on [76] and [77] cf. W. SuERBAUM, in: Gnomon 56, 1984, 208-228)

78 P. COURCELLE, Lecteurs paiens et lecteurs chrétiens de lEneide, 2 vols, 1984 79 M. GiGanrE (ed.), Virgilio e gli Augustei, 1990 80 K.D. Koc, Die A. als Opernsujet, 1990 681 B. Pasquier, Virgile illustré de la Renaissance a nos jours, 1992 82 P. Harvie, The Epic Successors of V., 1993 83 C.KALLENDORE (ed.), V. (The Classical Heritage), 1993 84 T.Z1oLKOWsKI, V. and the Moderns,

1993

85 M.DEsMonD,

Reading

Dido,

VERGINIA

RATORE, 1947; R.G. AusTIN, 1955. Bk. 5: G.MONAcoO, 1953; R.D. WituiaMs, 1960. Bk. 6: E.NORDEN, 31926, 41957 (repr. 1995); R.G. Austin, 1977. Bks. 7-8: C.J. Forpycr, 1977. Bk. 7: N.HORSFALL, 2000. Bk. 8: P.T. EDEN, 1975;K. W. GRANSDEN, 1976. Bk. 9: PH. HaRDIE, 1994; J. DINGEL, 1997. Bk. 10: S.J. HARRISON, 1991. Bk. 11: K.W. GRANSDEN, 1991. Bk. 12: W.S. MAGUINNESS, *1962; A. TRAINA, 1997. V. COLLECTIVE COMMENTARIES: C.G. Heyne (G.P. E. WAGNER), 41830-1841 (repr. 1968); J.CONINGTON,

N.NETTLESHIP,

F.HAVERFIELD,

3/51883-1898

(repr.

1963); R.D, WILLIAMS, 1972 f. (A.), 1979 (B., G.). VI. Lexica: M.N. Wermore, 1911; H. MERGUET, 1912; H.H. Warwick, 1975; D.FAscIANo, 1982; M. WAcHrT, 1996; EV (s. also W.SUERBAUM, in: Gnomon 60, 1988, 302-313; 69, 1997, 498-508).

W.SU.

1994

Vorbild spanischer und italienischer Ritterdichtung, 2000 95 S.D6pp, Virgilius Evangelisans, 2000. Further lit. on

[5] V. Romanus. Latin author of > comedies and mimiambic poet of the late rst/ early 2nd cents. AD, praised by > Plinius [2] the Younger for his wit as evidence of poetic fecundity of his own age (Plin. Ep. 6,21, cf. [2]). V. wrote comedies in the style of > Menander [4] and his contemporaries for > public recital in small private circles. However, in contrast with Old Comedy, V. preserved decency even when mocking fictitious characters. No titles or quotations are extant. Pliny also praised his mimiambic poems as refined, sharp-witted, elegant and rhetorically sophisticated. This verdict on V.’ style, which is typical for this period, does not point to a particular literary model (as e.g. > Herodas or Cn.

reception.: [6], 63-221; [7], 107-327; [8], 52-146; [12],

— Matius [3]).

83-93, 121-157; [13], 1-103; [30], 140-341; [64], 55-

— Comedy

86 E. KLECKER, Dichtung iiber Dichtung. Homer und V. in lateinischen Gedichten italienischer Humanisten des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts, 1994 87 C.BasweELL, V. in Medieval England (12th cent. until CHaAucER), 1995 88 H.SAUER, s. v. V. im Mittelalter, LMA 8, 1997, 1522-

1529

89 N.SEEBER, Enea Vergilianus (V. in Piccolomini/

Pius I.), 1997. 90S.MacCormack, The Shadows of Poetry: V. in the Mind of Augustine, 1998 91 M. TuDEAU-CLayTON, Jonson, Shakespeare, and Early Modern V., 1998 92 W.SUERBAUM, V. visuell, H. 1-5, 1998 93S.FREUND, V. im frihen Christentum, 2000 94 B.KOnic, Transformation und Deformation: V.s A. als

312. On reception in general see relevant articles in EV. Il. BIBLIOGRAPHIES:

96 W.SUERBAUM,

in: ANRW

I 31.1, 1980, 3-358 (general and A.), 395-499

(G.);

ANRW II 31.2, 1981, 1359-1399 97 W.W. BricGs, in: ANRW II 31.2, 1981, 1265-1357 (B.) 98 A.MacKay, in: Vergilius (yearly, e.g vol. 45, 1999, 77-110) 99 M. De Nonno et al.., in: G. CAVALLO (ed.), Lo spazio

letterario di Roma antica, vol. 5, 1991, 336-362; s. also [73], 385-410 (A.). II]. RESEARCH REPORTS:

100 P.Harpie, V., 1998.

IV. EDITIONS.: A. COMPLETE: O.RIBBECK, 4 vols., *1894—-95 (repr. 1966); R.A. B. MyNnors, 1969 (repr. 1972-); M.GEyMONAT, 1973; J. GOTTE, 41979 (A., Lat./German; °1997); 41981 (B., G.; Vitae antiquae, ed. by K. BAYER). B. VITAE ANTIQUAE: G.BRUGNOLI, F.STOK, 1997; Id., in: EV 5.2, 1991, 427-540 (all 382 biographical texts

until the 15th cent.). C. ANCIENT COMMENTARIES: Veronensia, 1999; G.BARABINO,

C.BASCHERA, Scholia Interpretationes Vergi-

lianae minores, 1991. Also s. > Servius [2] and + Donatus [4]. 1977; 1959; R.COLEMAN, D. Buc.: P.HoLrorF, W.CLAUSEN, 1994. 1985; 1957; M.ERREN, W.RICHTER, E. Georc.: R.F. THomas, 1988; R.A. B. Mynors, 1990; A. BIOTTI,

1994 (vol. 4).

F. AEN.: Bks. 1-12: E.PARATORE, 1978-1981. BR. 1: R.S. Conway, 1935; R.G. AusTIN, 1971. Bk. 2: V.UsSANI, 1952; R.G. AusTINn, 1964. Bk. 3: R.D. WILLIAMS, 1962; P.V. Cova, 1994. B. 4: A.S. PEASE, 1935; E. Pa-

1 BARDON 2, 218

2 A.N. SHERWIN-WHITE, The Letters

of Pliny, 1966.

JUBL.

Vergina see > Aegae [1]

Verginia. According to traditional legend, found in literature most notably in Livy’s dramatic rendering (3:44-48; cf. Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 11:28-32), V. was

the daughter of Verginius [I 3] and played a role in the demise of the Decemvirate (> decemviri [1]). Recognizing that he had no chance to win her, the decemvir Appius Claudius [I 5] induced one of his clients to claim V., asserting that she was originally his slave and that Verginius had merely been led to believe that she was his child. Not surprisingly, she was awarded to the client in the subsequent court proceedings, over which Ap. Claudius presided. Her father’s response was to kill her in an effort to spare her disgrace. This event triggered the second > secessio plebis. It is clear that Livy’s account is not historically accurate, but represents an embellishment of a well-known legend in Roman lore (on the widespread familiarity with this story, cf. Ascon. 77 C); its central features are found in the work by Diodorus [18] Siculus (12,24,2-4), which refers simply to a decemvir and a virgin (virgo, from which the name V. was probably derived [1. 477]; regarding the stages in the story’s embellishment, see [2. 1530-

315

316

1532]). Other descriptions of this incident can be found

etary fine (Liv. 5,25,133 5,29,15 5,296; on the doubtful historicity of the report cf. [1. 1511; 2. 691f.]).

VERGINIA

in, among others, Cicero (Rep. 2,63; Fin. 2,66; 5,64)

and Zonaras (7,18), who followed a model from the Gracchic period in attaching particular importance to V.’s plebeian origins (regarding the question of V.’s patrician origin in the early tradition of this story, suggested in Diod. Sic., cf. [3. 453 f.*"] with additional literature). There are unmistakable parallels between the outlines of the account of V. and the story of Lucretia (> Lucretia [2]). 1R.M. Ocitviz, A Commentary on Livy Books 1-5, 1965 2H.G. GuNDEL, s. v. Verginius (24), RE 8 A, 1530-1535 3 T.J. Cornett, The Beginnings of Rome, 1995.

J.Bayet, Tite-Live, Histoire romaine, vol. 3, 1942, 133145; H.G. GunDEL, s. v. Verginius (7), RE 8 A, 15121516; J.C. VAN OVEN, Le procés de Virginie d’aprés le récit de Tite Live, in: TRG 18, 1950, 159-190; T.P. WISEMAN, Clio’s Cosmetics, 1979, 106 f. C.MU.

Verginius. Roman family, probably of Etruscan origin, that played an outstanding role, through the Verginii Tricosti branch (genealogy of the V. Tricosti in [z. 1519]), in Roman politics esp. in the sth cent. BC. Characteristic of the V. Tricosti are the additional cognomina Caelimontanus, Esquilinus and Rutilus. The political importance of the family steadily declined from around the middle of the sth cent., becoming altogether insignificant around the middle of the 4th cent. BC. If nothing else, however, this can be seen as an indication that the role tradition has attributed to the V. during the early Republic — tradition records a total of eleven consuls and two consular tribunes issuing from this family — beyond all the uncertainties actually has a historical basis, insofar as subsequent interpolations can be largely ruled out. In addition to these patrician V., tradition also knows several plebeian bearers of the name (V. [I 1; I 2; I 3]; see also > Verginia). Their historicity as well as their possible relationship to the patrician V. remains questionable, however (cf. [r. 1509]).; 1 H.G. GunDEL, s. v. V., RE 8 A, 1507-1509.

I. ROMAN

REPUBLIC

II. ROMAN

EMPIRE

I. ROMAN REPUBLIC [11] V., A. Tr. pl. 461, 460, 459, 458, 457 BC. (MRR x

on the years). Tradition describes V. during his first year in office as an intrepid fighter against Kaeso Quinctius {I x], against whom he brought charges, and in later years as a committed champion of the proposal of C. > Terentilius Harsa, tr. pl. 462 (Liv. 3,11,9-13; 351354 f., 3,213,593 325,43 Dion. Hal. Ant. 10,1-30). [I 2] V., A. Tr. pl. 395 and 394 BC (MRR 1,89 f.). According to tradition, he opposed, acting in accord with the Senate, the proposal of his colleague C. Sicinius to settle half of the citizens in the conquered Etrurian city of + Veii and was therefore sentenced to pay a mon-

1H.G. GunbEL,s. v. V.(4),RE8 A,151z

viz,

2R.M.OcIL-

A Commentary on Livy Books 1-5, 1965.

[I 3] V., L. According to tradition, the father of > Ver-

ginia, whom he stabbed to death when he was unable to save her from the claim of Ap. Claudius [I 5]. V. came from his military service to Rome to attend the trial, then returned afterward to the army, where news of the events in Rome caused outrage and led to the army’s campaign to the + Mons Aventinus, to the second + secessio plebis on the Mons Sacer, and, finally, to the fall of the > decemviri [1]. Subsequently, V. was elected tr. pl. (MRR 1,48) and brought charges against Claudius, who thereupon committed suicide. The tradition that one finds in its elaborate and undoubtedly unhistoric form

in Livy (3,44,I-54,11;

3,56,1-58,6;

cf.

Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 11,28-46) is the result of a progressive evolution of the story of Verginia, in which V. also gains profile as a plebeian who confronts the arbitrariness of the patrician decemviri. [1 4] V. Tricostus, L. According to Livy 6,1,8, V. was elected consular tribune under Furius [I 13] Camillus as — interrex in 389 BC. Possibly identical with V. [I 9]. {[5] V. Tricostus, Opiter. Tradition assigns various accomplishments to V. as consul in 502 BC: according to Liv. 2,17,1-7, together with fellow consul Sp. Cassius [I 19] Vecellinus, he conquered the city of Pometia, which was treated as a conquered city despite its capitulation, and celebrated a victory. According to Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 5,49 f., V. conquered > Cameria in a surprise attack while his colleague fought against the > Sabini. [16] V. Tricostus Caelimontanus, A. Allegedly he fought successfully as consul in 494 BC against the ~ Volsci, taking —> Velitrae and establishing a colony there. According to Dionysius [18] of Halicarnassus, V. was also a member of the senatorial legation to the Plebs in the first

> secessio plebis, an account of his

person that quite agrees with the restrained behavior that Livy attributes to him (2,29,73; 2,30,1; 2,30,10-1 5; 2,31,4; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 6,42,1 f.; 6,43,13 6,69,33 MRR 1,13 f.) vis-d-vis the demands made by the plebeians. The information reported in Fest. 180 may possibly refer to him (cf. V. [I 8], however). [I 7] V. (Tricostus) Caelimontanus, A. Fought as consul in 469 BC against the + Aequi and carried out a puni-

tive expedition against the > Sabini (cf. Liv. 2,63,5-7; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 9,56,5f. with varying evaluations of his conduct of the war). According to Livy, V. was a member of a three-man commission in 467 appointed for the purpose of distribution of arable land (3,1,6; lack of agreement on the historicity of the commission [1. 1523; 2. 393]; MRR 1,31rf.). 1 H.G. Gung, s. v. V. (13), RE8 A, 1522f. 2R.M. Ocitviz, A Commentary on Livy Books 1-5, 1965.

[18] V. Tricostus Caelimontanus, T. According Dion. Hal. Ant.Rom. 6,4,3, fought as consul

to in

Br

318

496 BC (MRR 1,12) in the Battle of Lake Regillus (+ lacus Regillus). Livy (2,21,3) names him— dating the year of that battle as 499 —as consul at this time, but not without reference to the tradition as presented by

from this situation by his colleague K. Fabius [I 37] Vibulanus, to whom had fallen the role of fighting against the - Aequi (Liv. 2,48,4-7; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 9,14,1-8). The augur T. V. Rutilus mentioned by Livy (3,7,6) as a victim of the epidemic of 463 BC could be the same V. C.MU.

Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. The information in Fest. 180, ac-

cording to which a V. was one of the military tribunes who fell in the war against the + Volsci in 487 BC and were cremated at the Circus, could refer to him (but cf.

V. [I 6]). [19] V. Tricostus Esquilinus, L. According to Livy (5,8,1-5,13,8, esp. 5,11,4—5,12,1), he rendered no help as consular tribune in 402 BC to his colleague Sergius

when the latter was hard-pressed near > Veii, was consequently unseated from his office along with his colleagues, and was prosecuted the following year and sentenced to pay a heavy fine. Possibly the same as V. [1 4] (cf. MRR 1,82f.). [110] V. (Tricostus) Esquilinus, Opiter. For the year 478 BC, a suffect consulship of V. should be added in the Fasti Capitolini, which are only fragmentarily preserved for this period (InscrIt 13,1,24f.; 89-91; 356f.; MRR 1,26; cf. [1. 1526f.; 2.371]). Further, Livy (2,54,3) cites V. as Consul in 473 BC, but not without reference to the alternative tradition (in Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 9,37,1f.; Diod. Sic. 11,65,1) which cites Tulius [I 16] Iullus. Preference is to be given to the latter;

V.’s consulship in the year 473 as mentioned by Livy can probably be explained by the fact that in both years (478 and 473) the consulship was vested in Aemilius [I 25] Mamercus, and as a result of confounding these consulships, the suffect consulship of Verginius is dated by Livy as 473. 1H.G. 2R.M.

GuNDEL, Ocitvie,

s.v. V. (18), RE 8A, 1525-1527 A Commentary on Livy Books 1-5,

1965.

{I 11] V. Tricostus Rutilus, A. As consul in 476 BC, V.,

according to tradition, rescued his colleague Sp. Servilius Structus Ahala who, when the troops from Veii stood before Rome, found himself and his troops under siege at the > Ianiculum; when charges were brought against the latter the following year, V. advocated for him vigorously (Liv. 2,51,4-8; 2,52,6-8; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 9,26,1-6; 9,28,43 9,29,3 f.3 9,33,2){1 12] V. Tricostus Rutilus, Proculus. Tradition tells of

devastations brought about by V. as consul in 486 BC in the region of the + Aequi (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 8,68), but also attributes to V. a role in the attempted coup of his colleague Sp. Cassius [I 19] Vecellinus: V. is portrayed as an opponent of Cassius’ plans to include not only Roman citizens but also the allied Latini and Hernici in the proposed distribution of arrable lands (Liv.

2,41,4-7;

Dion. Hal.

Ant.Rom.

8,71,1-72,53

75,1; 78,1 f.). Further, V. is supposed to have dedicated the Temple of Fortuna Muliebris (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 8,55,5) during the year of his consulship. [I 13] V. Tricostus Rutilus, T. According to tradition, V., as consul in 479 BC (MRR 1,35), was encircled by the enemy in the Battle of +> Veii and had to be liberated

VERGINIUS

Il. ROMAN EMPIRE {1 1] L. V. Rufus. Descended from a military family (Tac. Hist. 1,52,4), bornin AD 14/s, his native city was probably Mediolanum [1]. He became a senator under emperor Claudius [III 1] (41-54); in 63 he was cos. ord., a highly unusual occurrence for a man of his origin and one that presupposes that he had powerful patrons, among them - Vibius [II 3] Crispus. In 67 he assumed command of the Upper Germanic Army whose commander, > Scribonius [II 10] Proculus, had been driven to his death by + Nero. Thus V. must have been regarded by Nero as fully trustworthy [z. 28f.]. When -~ Julius [II 150] Vindex revolted against Nero in Gallia -+ Lugdunensis V. reacted hesitantly but in the end advanced against the insurgents and defeated them in 68 at > Vesontio. The version that circulated later, that his army initiated the battle while V. was in negotiations with Vindex, should be seen as an attempted justification vis-a-vis —» Galba [2], whose own elevation, initiated by Vindex, was in fact existentially threatened by V.’s conduct (Plut. Galba 6). V. declined to be acclaimed as ruler by his troops and remained loyal to Nero, and also repudiated a further attempt to acclaim him ruler after Nero’s death (Plut. Galba ro). In the end he allowed his army to take the oath of allegiance to Galba, who, however, dismissed him from his post as commander that same year, costing the new emperor the good will of the Rhine legions. Later V. was called on by + Otho, who made him cos. IT on March 1, 69; with > Vitellius [II 2] he apparently was able to come to terms (Tac. Hist. 2,68,4).

During the Flavian era (69-96), V. remained in the background and did not come forward again until the end of 96, when > Nerva designated him cos. III for the year 97. As he was rehearsing his speech of acknowledgment to be delivered at his inauguration into the consulship, he fell and broke his femoral bone and died as a result of complications-not before the beginning of Nov. 97, since he received a funus publicum (‘state funeral’) and Tacitus [1] (cos. Nov.-Dec. 97) delivered the funeral oration (Plin. Ep. 2,1,6). As an inscription for

his tomb at his villa near Alsium he composed the following: ‘he claimed sovereign power not for himself but for the fatherland’ (imperium adseruit non sibi, sed patriae: Plin. Ep. 6,10,4), a late veiling of the fact that he had not dissociated himself from Nero early enough. Pliny [2] the Younger knew him quite well, partly because of their common homeland. ~ Year of four emperors 1 Eck (Statthalter)

(with preceding lit.).

2 Syme, V. Rufus, RP 7, 512-520

WE.

319

320

{Il 2] V. Flavus. Famous Roman rhetorician of the rst cent. AD whose activities can be perceived only sketchily (his biography in Suetonius’ De grammaticis et rhetoribus has not been preserved). V.’s textbook on the complete rhetorical system (cf. > Rhetoric V., with diagram) was highly appreciated by Quintilianus [1], but occasionally it was also faulted for its lack of differentiation in individual instances (Quint. Inst. 3,1,21; 3515453 4515233 7145243 745403 113,126). As teacher of the satirist > Persius [2] (vita Persii 4), V. was banished, in the wake of the political measures taken after the conspiracy of Piso (65; > Calpurnius [II 13]), by Nero (Tac. Ann. 15,71,4), who envied him his fame as a teacher of rhetoric. cw.

same year. Her body was later transferred to Constantinople and buried there. PLRE 2, 1156.

VERGINIUS

T.E. Grecory, s.v. V., ODB 3, 2160.

FT.

Verminus. Roman god, probably considered the originator of a cattle epidemic called verminatio (Plin. HN 28,180; 30,144). A single inscription represents the only evidence (CIL I? 804 = ILLRP 281); it records the dedication of an altar to V. by the duumvir A. Postumius [I ro] Albinus. This act can be dated to 175173 BC, when epidemics were construed as portents (+ Prodigium), requiring sacrifices of cattle, and of people (Liv. 41,21,5 and 10; Obsegq. 10). E. BucHNER, s. v. V., RE 8 A, 15 §2 f.; L. CHIOFFI, s. v. V.,

Vergobretus. According to Caes. B Gall. 1,16,5 the highest magistrate of the Haedui, who was elected annually by the nobility and, as the senior judge, held authority over life and death. Caes. B Gall. 7,32,3 characterizes his power as ‘royal’ (regia potestas). He was not allowed to leave the tribal territory. If there was an interregnum, the priests presided over the election of the new V., but another member of the same family could not be elected during the lifetime of a V. (Caes. Gall. 7,33,2-3). There was also a council of nobles, to which only one representative of any family could belong. In 58 BC the pro-Roman V. Liscus lodged an appeal against > Dumnorix with Caesar (Caes. Gall. 1,18 f.). In 52 BC Caesar decided by means of a court of arbitration for Convictolitavis and against Cotus, who had evidently unlawfully been proclaimed V. by his brother Valetiacus, a previous holder of the office (CaesnGallazs3 oun): The office of V. appears also to have survived until the Imperial period in other Gaulish tribes, since it is recorded in inscriptions in the territories of the > Bituriges and the > Santoni as well as on coins of the Lexovil.

H.BirkHan, Kelten, 1997, toorf.; B.MAIER s.v. V., Lexikon der keltischen Religion und Kultur, 1994, 327 f.

W.SP.

ara, LTUR 5, 123 f.; RADKE, 315.

GDI.

Vernacular see > Vulgar Latin Verona (Oijowv/Ouéron). City of the > Raeti and the ~ Euganei (Plin. HN 3,130), after their expulsion of the Celtic > Cenomanni

[3] (Catull. 67,34; Liv. 5,35,15

Ptol. 3,1,3 1: OvHewva/Ouérdna; cf. Just. Epit. 20,5,8), of the > Veneti [1] after that (Liv. 1,1,2 f.; cf. Str. 4,6,8; 5,1,6; Procop. Goth. 2,29,41: Beowvn/Berone); on the right bank of the > Atesis (modern Adige), where the

river forms a narrow loop on the slopes of Colle di San Pietro, in the southeastern foothills of the Alps, (cf. Sil. Pun. 8,595; Serv. Aen. 9,676), still V. today. The strategically and commercially significant city lay at the crossing point of roads, already important in preRoman times, which carried goods from the Alps and farther north to Italy east of the Apennines and into Illyricum (the road from the Brenner Pass and the later Via Gallica from Comum through Brixia and then the later > Via Claudia Augusta and the > Via Postumia; cf. It. Ant. 128,1; 274,93 275,93 282,3; It. Burd. 558,11; Geogr. Rav. 4,30,17; Guido, Geographica 15,32; Tab. Peut. 4,3 f.). Invested with > Ius [D 2] Latii in 89 BC on the basis of a law of the consul C. Pompeius [I 8] Strabo (Plin. HN 3,138; Ascon. in Cic. Pis. 3; Cass. Dio 37,9,3; Pan.

Verina (Aelia V., Greek Roman empress, wife of Leo the death of her husband in rule by the Isaurian > Zeno

Byoivn/Bériné). Eastern [4] I, died AD 484. After 474 she initially favoured [18], the husband of her

daughter Ariadne and the father of her grandson > Leo [5] Il, but for a time in 475 she supported the rebellion of her brother > Basiliscus against Zeno. In 478 she and + Epinicus [2] tried to overthrow the powerful magister officiorum — Illus; but he anticipated it and banished her to Tarsus. He was able to win her over in 484, however, to support a rebellion by the general + Leontius [3] against Zeno and crown the usurper emperor in Tarsus on 19 July 484. When Zeno sent troops

against Leontius, the latter escaped with Illus and V. to the Isaurian fortress of Papyrius, where the conspirators were immediately imprisoned. V. died there the

Lat. 12,8,1 probably erroneously colonia), elevated between 49 and 42/41 BC to a municipium of the tribus Publilia (Cass. Dio 41,36,3; FIRA I 20,14) and given its own ager, from the time of Augustus onwards in the Regio X (Plin. HN 3,130). A titular colony probably from Claudius [III 1] onwards (Tac. Hist. 3,8,1; the mention of V. as a colonia as early as in Catull. 17,1 is problematic). In AD 69 V. was secured by circumvallation (vallum: Tac. loc.cit.), which was replaced under ~» Gallienus in 265, in the face of threatening barbarian incursions, with a fixed enclosing wall (at the same time as a new titular colony Colonia Augusta V. Nova Gallieniana: CIL V 3329) (reinforced under Theoderic [3]; Anon. Vales. 12,71). The rich city (Str. loc.cit.; Tac. Hist. loc.cit.; Mart. 14,195,1) was known for its fruit cultivation (Plin. HN

22k

322

15,48) and viticulture. In 589 it was affected by a flooding disaster caused by the Atesis (Paulus [4] Diaconus, Historia Langobardorum 3,23). Archaeological remains: theatre, amphitheatre, three city gates, forum, capitol, basilica, curia, a cryptoporticus and private houses. The Roman poets Catullus [1] and Aemilius [II 10] Macer were from V. E.Bucut, Porta Leoni e la fondazione di V. romana, in:

Museum Manassk,

Patavinum

5,

1987,

La via Postumia

13-45;

G.CAVALIERI

a V., in: G.SENA

CHIESA,

E. A. ARSLAN (eds.), Optima via. Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi “Postumia” (Cremona 1996), 1998, 111-143; Ead., V., in: Tesori della Postumia (exhib. cat.),

1998, 444-453; Ead., V., in: Ead. (ed.), Il Veneto nell’eta romana 2, I-57, 1987.

E.BU.

Verres, C. (c.115-43 BC), son of the senator C. V. (+

c. 71 BC) and probably one Tadia. Nearly all information about V. derives from - Cicero’s speeches in 70, during V.’ trial (Cic. Div. Caec.; Cic. Verr. 1; 2), and, in view of this context, is accordingly to be treated with great caution. Apart from the usual accusations, such as a passion for gambling, consorting with prostitutes and prostituting himself (ibid. 2,1,32f.; 2,5,33 f.), virtually nothing is known of his youth. V. was married to Vettia, sister of his later quaestor T. Vettius and of P. Vettius [I 2] Chilo. In 84 BC, V. was quaestor to the Marian consul - Papirius [I 9] Carbo (ibid. 2,1,34), but in 83 went over to > Cornelius [I 90] Sulla; the accusation that V. had misappropriated 600,000 HS in the process was probably impossible to verify even at the time (ibid. 2,1,34-8). Cn. + Cornelius [I 25] Dolabella, proconsul of Cilicia, made V. his legate in 80 (ibid. 2,1,41f.). Both men used the journey via Achaia, Athens, the Aegean and Asia to enrich themselves and to appropriate works of art (ibid. 2,1,44-61). While on a diplomatic mission in Lampsacus, V. and his companion Rubrius so tormented the dignitary Philodamus and his daughter as to provoke a rebellion. V. barely escaped, and, through the agency of C. Claudius Nero, governor of Asia, instigated the prosecution of Philodamus and his son (ibid. 2,1,63—-85). V. later took advantage of the death of the quaestor C. > Publicius [I 4] Malleolus to misappropriate his estate (ibid. 2,1,90—-4). V., now proquaestor, and Dolabella enriched themselves in the same way as V. did later in Sicily (see below). In order to escape prosecution and auditing, V. then appeared as crown witness in the repetundae proceedings (> Repetundarum crimen) against Dolabella (ibid. 2,1,95—-100). V. was elected praetor urbanus for 74 BC. There appears to have been nothing unusual in his conduct of his office. Cicero brings up little more than the standard accusations that V. was under the spell of a prostitute and sold his decisions (ibid. 2,1,104 f.; 119 f.; 136-40). It cannot be substantiated that V. purposefully formulated his edict (+ Edictum [1]) with particular cases in mind (ibid. 2,1,104-18; 155-8). If V. did not always feel himself bound by his edict (ibid. 2,1,119), this was

VERRES, C.

not unusual, nor was he thereby doing anything illegal [2. 669]. In respect of his supervision of the restoration of the temple of Castor in Rome, however, it appears probable that V. abused his office in the granting of

contracts (ibid. 2,1,127-5 4). When V. was governor of Sicily between 73 and 71 (+ Sicily VI. E.), his conduct in office appears to have been motivated by the desire to make Rome’s grasp on the province’s resources more efficient [4], to the disadvantage of many of its inhabitants. V.’ occasionally brutal procedures also affected the clients (— Cliens, clientes) of influential individuals in Rome (e.g. C. ~» Claudius [I 7] Marcellus, Cn. + Pompeius [I 3]; but cf. [1]). He made himself vulnerable by embezzling public funds, and by appropriating Greek art to a probably unusual degree (with a preference for 4th- and 3rd-cent. — toreutics and Classical and Late Classical sculpture: [6]; ibid. 2,4). The accusation of his involvement in downright temple-robbery, however, appears to have been unsubstantiated, and V. was able to declare all the rest as (favourable) purchases and ‘gifts’. Although this practice was probably not explicitly forbidden (ibid. 2,4,9), in this case again, clients of powerful people were affected (e.g. ibid. 2,4,48; 53). Most particularly, though, in the case of the (compulsory) purchase of an additional consignment of grain (frumentum emptum), occasioned by a crisis of supply in Rome, and of the grain assigned for the supply of the governor and his retinue (frumentum in cellam), embezzlement and extortion on V.’ part were evident (ibid. 2,3,163-225). But the true scandal of the matter appears to have resided not in the misappropriation of moneys assigned by the state for the purchases in question, and the collection of > grain without payment, both evidently normal practice, but in the size of the sum landowners had to pay in default of this levy (ibid. 2,3,213-17).

This behaviour, and the political situation caused by the reform at hand of the Roman jury courts in 70 BC, enabled Cicero to prosecute V. for extortion. The charge against V. was that he had conducted malicious and greedy policies and legal proceedings against Sicilian dignitaries (ibid. 2,2,19-138; in refutation of the charges: [4; 3]), raised taxes corruptly and unjustly (ibid. 2,3), and extorted works of art (2,4). The decisive issue, not at all pertinent to these proceedings, was the charge that V. had killed Roman citizens (ibid. 2,5,13971); it was meant to overshadow V.’ relatively minor successes, such as the fight against piracy (ibid. 2,5,80roo) and the remaining followers of > Sertorius, and the prevention of a spread of the — slave revolt [5. 13743]. The illegality of the killing of Roman citizens regarded as enemies of the state (cf. > Hostis) by a magistrate was problematic [5. 137-43], but still an effective weapon to discredit the opposition. V.’ defenders, +» Hortensius [7] and the Caecilii [I 13; 17; 23] Metelli, attempted to drag out the trial in the hope that, as consuls and praetor respectively in 69 BC, they would be able to influence the verdict of the court (ibid. 1,6; 26—-

VERRES, C.

34). Cicero, however, circumvented this tactic during the first hearing by drastically shortening his statement of the charges, in order to allow time for the hearing of evidence (ibid. 1,53-5), so that the second hearing could begin on time. In view of the apparently overwhelming abundance of witnesses and evidence, V. prematurely ceded the case and went into exile (Ps.Ascon. 205 St.). However, instead of the 40 million HS requested by Cicero (ibid. 1,56), the sum in compensation amounted to only 3 million HS (Plut. Cicero 8,1). V. enjoyed his wealth in exile, until, in 43 BC, it nonetheless became his undoing, gaining him a place on the proscription list ( Proscriptions) and thus bringing about his death (Sen. Suas. 6,3; 24; Plin. HN 34,6). + Art, interest in ; Cicero (I); + Provincia; > Repet-

undarum crimen; — Sicily (VI E) 1P. Brunt, Patronage and Politics in the Verrines, in: Chiron 10, 1980, 273-289 2E. MICHEL, La justice selon Verrés, in: Revue histoire du droit 78, 2000, 661-670 3 J.PLaTSCHEK, Das ius Verrinum im Fall des Heraclius von Syrakus, in: ZRG 118, 2001, 234-263 4R.SCHULZ, Herrschaft und Regierung, 1997 5 R.ScuDERI, Il comportamento di Verre nell’orazione Ciceroniana De suppliciis, RAL ser. 9, 5, 1994, 119-143

6 G. ZIMMER, Das

Sacrarium des C. Heius, in: Gymnasium 96, 1989, 493-

520.

J.BA.

Verritus. In AD 57 together with > Mal(l)orix ‘prince’ (regebant, Tac. Ann. 13,54) of the > Frisii, who had occupied Roman military territory to the south of the IJsselmeer (> Flevum). After the intervention of the Lower German governor L. > Duvius Avitus the two requested Rome to allocate the territories to them. + Nero did grant them citizenship, but refused to assignment the territories and had the Frisians expelled by force (Tac. Ann. 13,54). W. WILL, Romische ‘Klientel-Randstaaten’ am Rhein?, in: BJ 187, 1987, 1-61, esp. 28 f. WE.LU.

Verrius. Roman nomen gentile, perhaps of Etruscan origin (SCHULZE, 287), first recorded in the rst cent. BC. K.-LE. [1] M. V. Flaccus I. Lire

324

323

II. CHIEF works

I. LIFE V. was the leading > grammarian of the generation after > Varro [2], born in > Praeneste after 60 BC. Suetonius’ biography (Gram. 17) reveals competition with Varro: the + freedman (libertinus) V. stands in opposition to the Roman equestrian (eques Romanus), the

grammarian to the philosopher and poet (philosophus et poeta), the politician and soldier. V. became famous through his teaching. Around ro BC, he was summoned to the court as a teacher for Augustus’ grandsons C. Julius [II 32] and L. Iulius [II 33] and was richly remunerated. He died after AD 14; his hometown granted him an honoured memory.

V. was a traditionalist: his canon reaches only to Catullus [1] and Vergilius [4], Cicero and Livius [III 2]; he does not cite Augustan lyric poetry. His conservatism (in harmony with the cultural reforms of the princeps), like his philhellenic horizon, demonstrates him to be a representative of a bicultural epoch. II. CHIEF WORKS 1. De orthographia treats the discrepancy between older language and that based on the analogizing endeavours of Caesar and Cicero; the work is the main source for later orthoepists (beginning with Plinius’ [1] Dubius sermo) and orthographers (beginning with Cornutus [4]) and was used — by way of Plinius and Flavius {II 14] Caper (cf. [1. 235]) — by Iulius [IV 19] Romanus (cf. [x. 237]), Charisius [3] and Carminius [6] (cf. [2. 131]), Terentius [III 3] Scaurus (cf. [1. 225]), Velius [3] Longus (cf. [1. 228]) and Marius [II 21] Victorinus

(cf. [2. 345]). 2. The Res memoria dignae (‘Things Worthy of Memory’) consisted of some 20 books; functionally antiquarian, oriented on the Varronian Antiquitates rerum humanarum (= Ant. hum.), the latter’s Rome-

oriented subject area was expanded toward the Roman Empire and the world, humankind and nature. The work was used extensively by Plinius [1] the Elder (in the index of sources for books 3; 7-8; 14-15; 18; 28-29; 33-35) and Gellius [6], cited in the 3rd cent. AD by Cornelius [II 19] Labeo, referenced in the 4th cent. by Solinus and Macrobius [1] and epitomized several times. Individual books covered a) valuable jewellery as decoration. — b) Roman prehistory, following Varro’s Ant. hum. 2-4 (the corresponding section in V.’ Res memoria dignae formed the template for the > Origo gentis Romanae (2. 185] and was received through Suetonius’ De regibus [1. 26 f.], used by Solin. 1,1-33).—c) The antiquarian calendar work Commentarii fastorum (terminus post quem AD 6, cf. [7. 141 f.]), following Varro’s Ant. hum. 14-16 and Antiquitates rerum divinarum 8-10, used in his own, fragmentarily preserved — Fasti Praenestini [7], in Ovidius’ Fasti, Plutarchus’ [2] Aetia Romana, indirectly in Cens. 19,4-22,17, Cornelius Labeo ([1. 78 f.; 6], after this Macrob. Sat. 1 and Johannes Lydus’ [3] De mensibus), Solin. 13 4-147.-d) Saturnus, used by Macrob. Sat. 1. — e) De nominibus, the section on forenames (De praenominibus) is preserved in C. Titius Probus [2. 121] — the model here was

Varro (probably Ant. hum. 5); xomina gentilia [9. 43 f., 62] and cognomina [4. 17 f.; 10. 63 f.] were also handled, cf. Gell. NA 1,23,4-13. — f) De natura hominis, used by Plin. HN 7 ff. - g) ‘Livestock’, probably excerpts from a larger work, cf. Plin. books 8, 9 (10) and 29 (cf. [5. 305 f., 317-321]). —h) ‘Useful plants’ cf. Plin. 14, 15 and 18; Macrob. Sat. 3,18-20. 3. De significatu verborum (‘The Meaning of Words’), presented as a summary of V.’ linguistic and antiquarian researches to the end of his life, known through the epitome of > Festus [6]. The dictionary of probably 40 books used, beyond the previously named

325

326

works, the antiquarian works of Varro and other antiquarians of the late republican-early Augustan era (cf. [4. 5-305 8. 22-40, 53 f., 80-96; 9. 24~42]) and is used and quoted (predominantly anonymously) e.g. by Gellius [6], Nonius [III 1] and in the commentaries on Vergil and Horace.

Vertragus (ovéeteayoc/ouértragos). |Greyhound, which is particularly prized for hare coursing because of its speed; the Latin name vertragus is derived from a Celtic word. The accurate description in Arr. Cyn. 3-6 of a powerful but slim dog with pointed muzzle and long ears enabled [1] to identify ancient depictions of vertragi. When hunting, the dogs which were kept in large compounds were led on leashes by slaves and released only when the prey had been flushed out and was in view. Hunters used to accompany them on horseback. Usually two vertragi were set on each hare, which they would bring back alive. On a relief from Neumagen (+ Noviomagus [7] Treverorum) the head of a vertragus is recognisable with a collar and ring for attaching the leash [2. fig. 58]. There is a bronze head in London ([3. vol. 1, 102, fig. 38]; further evidence

BIBLIOGRAPHY: 1 P.L. ScHMupT, C. Suetonius, in: HLL 4,§404 21d., Origo gentis Romanae, in: HLL 5, $532.1 3 L.MACKENSEN, De Verrii Flacci libris orthographicis,

1899 4H.Witers, De Verrio Flacco glossarum interprete,1898 5 F.MUNzER, Beitrage zur Quellenkritik der Naturgeschichte des Plinius, 1897 6 Tu. Litt, De Verrii Flacci et Cornelii Labeonis fastorum libris, 1904 7 A. Degrassi (ed.), Inscriptiones Italiae 13,2, 1963, 107—

145 8 R.REITZENSTEIN, Verrianische Forschungen, 1887 9 W.STRZELECKI, Quaestiones Verrianae, 1932 10 F. Bona, Contributo allo studio della composizione del De verborum significatu, 1964. FRAGMENTS:

A.E.

EGGER,

V. F./Festus,

1838,

9-31;

GRF 331-343, 509-523. Verrucos(s)us. Roman cognomen (‘Wart-Bearer’). Epit-

het of Q. Fabius [I 30] Maximus and of Asinius Pollio V. (PIR A 1243, cos. in 81 AD).

VERTUMNUS

[4. 96]). + Dog; > Hunting 1G.RODENWALDT, V. in: JDAI 48, 1933, 204-225 2 W. von Massow, Die Grabmaler von Neumagen, 1932, No. 37,S.88 3KELLER 4 TOYNBEE, Tierwelt.

J. AYMARD, Essai sur les chasses romaines, 1951; W.H. Gross, s. v. V., RE 8 A, 1662-1668.

C.HU.

KaJANTO, Cognomina, 246.

Verrugo — Volsci border city in Latium, which changed owners several times — occupied and fortified by the Romans in 445 BC (Liv. 4,1,4), reconquered by the Volsci in 422, conquered again by the Romans in 409 (Liv. 4,55,8), reconquered by the Volsci in 407 (Liv. 4,58,3). In 394 V. found itself in Roman hands again (Liv. 5,28,6). The place name can be derived from Latin verruca = locus editus asperque = ‘high-lying rough place’ (Cato in Gell. NA 3,7,6; cf. Diod. Sic. 14,11; a place name occurring from > Tridentum to > Eryx [1] in Sicily). Location uncertain, possibly at modern Colleferro in the valley of the Trerus (modern Sacco). NISSEN 2, 649.

G.U.

Vertumnus (Voltumna). An originally Etruscan god [2; 4], mentioned by Varro Ling. 5,46 using an older form as Vortumnus; a Latinised Etruscan form Voltumna has been preserved in Livy (e.g. Liv. 4,23,5; 4,257). A stat-

ue of Vertumnus stood in the Vicus Tuscus at the foot of the Palatine in Rome (Varro Ling. 5,46). Prop. 4,2 has it speak: the god describes himself as an Etruscan from + Volsinii who had left the city during a fire. After the city’s capture in 264 BC, 2000 bronze statues were allegedly carried off by the Romans (Plin. HN. 34,16,34; [x. 109-122]), probably after an > evocatio of the god. It may be in this context that the Temple of V. on the Aventine was built, since in it there was a picture (InscrIt 13,2, p. 495) of Fulvius [I 8] Flaccus, the victor of Volsinii (CIL I* 4,2836), as a triumphator (InscrIt E331, p> 547; Fests228)%

Versification see

Metre

There is no epigraphic evidence of the name of the Etruscan

Verso see ~ Recto/Verso Vertico. Nervian noble (> Nervii) who defected to the

Roman side and helped Q. > Tullius [I 11] Cicero during the siege of his winter camp in 54 BC to send reports to Caesar (Caes. Gall. 5,453 5,49). Evans, 385 f.

Verticordia see

Venus

Vertiscus. Remian noble and army leader (+ Remi). In 51 BC, as commander of a tribal contingent fighting on the side of Caesar, which he was leading in spite of his great age, V. fell in a cavalry battle with the > Bellovaci (Caes. Gall. 8,12). EvANns, 386.

Voltumna,

nor are there pictorial sources;

Voltumna is considered to be an epithet of > Tinia [2. 78; 3], its form may have come about as a blend of an earth spirit called Volta (Plin. HN 2,54,140) with the ancient god of thunder Tinia [5. 235 f.]. Varro Ling. 5,46 describes Vortumnus as ‘the supreme god of Etruria’. In this political sense he probably served as a guarantor of agreements between states: during a war between > Veii and Rome representatives of the Etruscan city states are supposed to have assembled at his sanctuary in order to make common decisions (e.g. Liv. 4,61,25 5,17,6). The god did not have this significance in Rome.

In the time of Augustus, the statue of the god was made of bronze, but originally (before Numa: Prop. 4,259 ff.) allegedly of wood, and this is said to indicate the great age of the cult. This account confirms rather

VERTUMNUS

an attempt by Roman annalists to align the Etruscan god with early Roman religion, however, and to legitimate political claims by his removal to Rome. It was presumably Roman grammarians that connected the name of the Etruscan god in popular etymology with Latin vertere, ‘turn’; out of this meaning Latin poets (Prop. 4,2) reconstructed his essence as a god that could allegedly turn back the tide, as a god of the changing seasons, or simply as one who is ever-changing. In a popular setting V. is presented in + Propertius [1] as a young, elegant and male, but also refined and girlish god. This V. was in essence close to the young Tinia [3]. The Latinized V. is inscriptionally recorded as late as the time of Diocletian (CIL VI 803; 804). ~> Etrusci II 1G.Cotonna, Volsinio capto, in: M.HumBeErT (ed.), Meélanges de droit romain et d’histoire ancienne, 1998, 109-122 2M.CrisToFAnt, Voltumna: V., in: Annali della fondazione per il Museo Claudio Faina 2, 1985, 75-88 3Id., s. v. Voltumna, Dizionario della civilta etrusca, 1985,334 5 PFIFFIG.

4J.P.SMALL,s. v. V., LIMC 8.1, 235 LA-F.

Vertunum. Roman vicus, name only mediaeval, in the western part of the civitas Treverorum (Belgium, province of Luxemburg, > Treveri), at the point where the Rivers Ton and Vire meet. V. developed as a centre on the right bank of the Ton, which gradually rises to a height of 20 m (modern Vieux-Virton) and ultimately merges into the Majeroux plateau; also on the left side in the narrow floor of the Vire valley, where a trade quarter (modern Saint-Mard) developed. V. lay on an old, presumably pre-Roman, road which in the north (near Etalle) joined the main Roman road between Durocortorum (modern Reims) and Augusta [6] Treverorum (modern Trier) and in the south in the direction of Virodunum (modern Verdun) formed a connexion to the road between Durocortorum and Divodurum (modern Metz). The vicus attained its full extent (c. 40 ha) soon after its founding in the middle of the rst cent. AD and prospered until the middle of the 3rd cent. In the northern periphery on the Majeroux plateau a craft quarter developed with potteries, lime kilns, metal working and a coin forging workshop. In the central area there is evidence of a temple, public thermal baths [x] and a large building with mosaics. The town, whose infrastructure is more suggestive of an industrial urban character than an agrarian one, descended into turmoil c. 280 (> Probus [1]; traces of fire, finds of hoards of coins), but at the beginning of the 4th cent. was again settled around the modern Saint Martin’s church; archaeological evidence of a late Antiquity castellum is lacking, however. Ultimately the town was abandoned after 406, but a very tenuous continuity of settlement in the Merovingian period until the high Middle Ages cannot be ruled out; two ancient necropoleis, one in the south (Champs Hayat) and one in the north (Michelet estate).

— Treveri

328

327

1 P.Derosse, $.MaTHtEu, Les thermes du vicus galloromain de Saint-Mard. Rapport de fouilles (1972-1980), in: Le Pays Gaumais 44-45, 1983-1984, 15-144. A. CAHEN-DELHAYE et al., Un quartier artisanal de l’agglomération gallo-romaine de Saint-Mard (Virton), 1994; C.Massart, A.CAHEN, Saint Mard (Vieux-Virton), in: J.P. Perit, M. Manarn, Atlas des agglomérations secondaires de la Gaule Belgique et des Germanies, 1994, 260 f. (Nr. 331); S. MATHIEU, L’agglomération romaine de Virton-Saint-Mard, in: Latomus 40, 1981, 332-360. _F.SCH.

Verucloetius. Celtic compound name (‘famous far and wide’ [x. 123 f.]). Leader with > Nammeius of the Helvetian legation (> Helvetii) that requested of Caesar in 58 BC to be allowed to march through the Roman province of > Narbonensis (Caes. Gall. 1,7,3). 1 Evans.

Verulae — Hernici city in Latium on the southern slopes of the Ernici mountains on a steep rock outcrop (570 m in height) in the upper valley of the Cosa, a left bank tributary of the Trerus (or Tolerus, modern Sacco), on a northern side road of the > Via Latina, modern Veroli. V. did not ally with the Hernici in a battle against Rome in 307/6 BC, reftised the civitas cum suffragio offered as a reward by Rome and retained its own laws with civitas sine suffragio (— Civitas B; Liv. 9,42,113 9,43,23). A municipium (Plin. HN 3,64); - duoviri and a senate are mentioned (CIL X 5796 f£.). The Fasti Verulani in the months of January to March are dated between AD 14 and 41. Remains of the city walls (opus polygonale, with later improvements in opus quadratum; Liber coloniarum 239). The forum was probably between the cathedral and the Palazzo del Comune, where remains of a large terraced site have been found. In the 5th cent. AD there is mention of a Christian presbyter from V. (CIL X 5799). P. ForTINI, Testimonianze di eta arcaica ed ellenistica da Veroli, in: Archeologia Laziale 10, 1990, 253-256; E.M. BERANGER, Ss. v. V., EAA, 2. Suppl., vol. 5, 1997, 1016 f.; F.COaRELLI, Guide archeologiche Laterza: Lazio, 1982, 201-203; P.G. Monti, Via Latina, 1995, 116-123.

M.M.MO.

Verulamium. City above the south bank of the River Ver at modern Saint Albans to the northwest of > Londinium (modern London), settlement centre since the 1st cent. BC of the > Catuvellauni [1]. The settlement expanded into the valley, where after AD 43 the Romans built a fort [2]. A municipium possibly since the Flavian period (Tac. Ann. 14,33), affected by Queen + Boudicca’s uprising in 60/1, V. was given a forum (cf. [3]) in AD 79 or 81 and public buildings c. too. In about 155 parts of the city were destroyed by fire, but they were immediately rebuilt; a theatre and opulent houses were built, as well as earth fortifications with stone gateways. In 429 the bishop Germanus of Autes-

329

330

siodurum (c. (died c. 303) 14-16). This Saint Albans

378-445) visited the grave of Saint Alban in V. (Constantius, Vita Sancti Germani, grave formed the core of the mediaeval on a hill above the Roman city.

1R.E. M. Wuee ter, V. A Belgic and Two Roman Cities, 1936 2S.S. FRERE, V. Excavations, vol. 1, 1972; vol. 2, 1983 3 Id., Excavations at V., in: The Antiquaries Journal 36, 1955, I-10. J.S. WacHER, The Towns of Roman Britain, *1995, 214-

241.

M.TO.

VESIDIA

he adopted the title pater patriae. With Marcus Aurelius he took part in an expedition (expeditio) into the Danube province in 168; in the winter, after a stop-over in Aquilea [1] this was followed at his insistence by return to Rome; during the return journey he died of a stroke in + Altinum at the beginning of 169. His burial in the + Mausoleum Hadriani and + consecratio (3.) ensued. V. traditionally appears as a superficial and easy-going pleasure-lover, a contrast to Marcus Aurelius (cf. HA

Verus. Imp. Caesar L. Aurelius Verus Augustus (in literary sources usually called L. Verus; his vita in the HA is less reliable). Roman emperor AD 161-169. Born on 15 December 130 as L. Ceionius Commodus, son of L. Ceionius [3] Commodus, who was adopted by ~ Hadrianus in 136 but died on 1 January 138, and Avidia [1] Plautia (cf. stemma under - Adoptive emperors). After the death of his father he and the later + Marcus [2] Aurelius were adopted at Hadrian’s command by > Antoninus [1] Pius. His name after adoption was L. Aelius Aurelius Commodus. V. was engaged to Pius’s daughter — Faustina [3], but after the death of Hadrian (in 138) the engagement was broken off again; later he became engaged to > Lucilla, the daughter of Marcus [2] Aurelius, and married her in 164. His rhetoric teachers were Cornelius > Fronto [6] for Latin and ~» Herodes [16] Atticus for Greek. Of his correspondence with Fronto parts survive (see [3]). Others of his teachers, e.g. of philosophy, are named in the HA (Verus 2,5). Perhaps on 17 March 145 he assumed the toga virilis [x. 90], but, in contrast to Marcus, under Pius scarcely made an impression, although in 154 he was cos. ord. and also participated in the Emperor’s consilium [2. no. 163]. In 161 he and Marcus took ona second consulship. After the death of Pius (on 7 March 161) Marcus made him an Augustus of equal rank. V. was given all imperial rights, Marcus Aurelius reserved for himself only the title of pontifex maximus and for the time being the description as pater patriae. In the > Parthian War (B.), which broke out in 161, he was given supreme command; in the late spring of 162 he and a large following set out and, stopping in Athens and Eleusis [1], where

he was

inducted

into the — Mystéria (B. 2.),

reached Syria only in the autumn of 162. There, according to tradition, he shared the pleasures of the rear,

1,45 44-6;

9,8).

1 A.R. Brriey, Marcus Aurelius, *1987 2 J.H. OLIver, Greek Constitutions, 1989. 3 M.P. J. van DEN Hout (ed.), Fronto, *1988, 107-132.

A.R. BrrLey, From Hadrian to the Antonines, in: CAH II, 2000, 132-194; G.R. STANTON, Marcus Aurelius, Lucius V., and Commodus: 1962 — 1972, in: ANRW II 2, 1975, 478-549; W.SzaIverT, Die Miinzpragung der Kaiser Marcus Aurelius, Lucius V. und Commodus, 1986, 161-192.

W.E.

Vescia. City of the > Ausones on the northwestern slopes of + Mons Massicus, where the > Liris (modern Garigliano) flows into the + Mare Tyrrhenum (Luc. 2,425). It remains to be located. V. became involved in the war between Rome and the > Latini (341-340 BC; Liv. 8,11,5 for the year 340); it was destroyed by the Romans in 314 BC (Liv. 9,25,4) and not rebuilt. The place name has survived in Saltus Vescinus (Liv. 10,21,8; modern Monte Roccamonfina; [1. 12 f.]), in Montes Vescini, in Aquae Vescinae (modern Terme di Suio), in Ager Vescinus (Liv. 10,21,7, modern Piano di

Sessa, where in 298 BC the Colonia —> Sinuessa was founded; cf. 10,31,2; 10,46,9; Cic. Leg. agr. 2,66) and in Pagus Vescinus (at San Lorenzo; [2. 32]). 1 M. FREDERIKSEN, Campania, 1984

una

proposta

di localizzazione,

2 F.COARELLI, V.:

in: F.COARELLI

(ed.),

Minturnae, 1989, 29-33.

NISSEN 2, 664.

G.U.

Vescularius Flaccus. Equestrian, a close friend of the emperor > Tiberius [1] whom he accompanied to ~» Rhodes (V) and later to Capri (> Capreae). He also worked as a confidant of Tiberius on the preparation of the trial of + Scribonius [II 6] Libo Drusus (Tac. Ann. 2,28,1 f.). V. was probably also close to > Aelius [II 19] Seianus, and in AD 32 this led to his execution (Tac.

rather than the dangers of the front. When he threatened to fall in love with Panthea, a beautiful and highly

Ann, 6,10,2).

educated

Vesidia. Tyrrhenian coastal river in Regio VII between + Pisae and Luna [3], modern Vezza. It gave its name to the modern region of Versilia. Its location between

Greek

woman

from

Smyrna

(Cass.

Dio

71,1,3), Marcus Aurelius, perhaps earlier than he had planned, pressed for marriage to his daughter Lucilla,

which was celebrated in Ephesus. The victories that were fought by the senatorial generals were used by V. for his own prestige: he adopted victor’s epithets: in 163 Armeniacus, in 165 Parthicus Maximus, in 166 Medicus. On his return to Rome on 12 October 166 he celebrated a triumph over the Parthians; at the same time

W.E.

-» Vada Volaterrana and Velinae (mistake for Velatrae, cf. » Volaterrae), as recorded in Tab. Peut. 4,2, is incorrect.

G.U.

VESONTIO

Vesontio (Vesontine, Bisontii, Besantio, Oveodvttov/ Oues6ntion, modern Besancon, Dép. du Doubs), civitas metropolis of the > Sequani. I. BEGINNINGS

3B

331

II. ZENITH

III. PROSPERITY AND

STAGNATION I. BEGINNINGS Thanks to its outstanding topographical location (Caes. B Gall. 1,38,4; Julian. Ep. 26; Ptol. 2,9,21) in an almost circular oxbow of the > Dubis (modern Doubs; radius 600 m), with the isthmus blocked in the southeast by a natural rise (Colline de la Citadelle), the site was settled from the early Bronze Age on. The special strategic significance of V. was shown in the Gallic War, when > Caesar succeeded in occupying V. ahead of > Ariovistus, shortly after the beginning of the war in 58 BC (Caes. B Gall. 1,38 f.; cf. Cass. Dio 38,34). A late La Téne period settlement could be demonstrated on the western and northern shores of the river bend. The area was separated from the other section of the loop by a ditch (thalweg), where the settlement was not established before the rst half of the rst cent. BC [1; 2]. However, an orthogonal road system laid out in Roman style can only be determined at the beginning of the Augustan era [3] around 25 BC. The main axis (cardo maximus) is formed by the trunk road from Italy, leading across the isthmus from the southeast into the city (modern Grande Rue). Two types of grid have been found, one from the time around 25 BC and one with regular insulae from about AD 14-60. The cardo continued over a bridge in the area of a ford and branched into trunk roads: the itineraries name two routes to the northeast, to Epamanduodurum (modern Mandeure) in the direction of the Rhenus [2] (modern Rhine), one northwest to Andematu(n)num (modern Langres) and one southwest to Cabillum (modern Chalon-sur-Sa6ne) and then on into Narbonensis (Tab. Peut. 3,1; It. Ant. 348,5; 368,3). Of the archacologically proven roads, that to Luxovium (modern Luxeuil) in the direction of the Vosegus (modern Vosges) is worth mentioning. In AD 68, supporting C. Iulius [II 150] Vindex, V. (Cass. Dio 63,24) denied entrance to the governor Verginius [II 1] Rufus; Vindex was killed in the battle outside the gates [4]. During the revolt of Iulius [II 43] Civilis in AD 70, V. remained loyal (Tac. Hist. 4,67). Whether V. was granted the title of a colonia by Galba is disputed (CIL V 6887). IJ. ZENITH The city flourished from the Flavian period into the Antonine era (2nd cent. AD), leading to the lavish design of its infrastructure. The settlement extended to cover the whole peninsula and spread to the right bank of the Dubis. A forum developed on the northeastern side of the cardo maximus in the south of the city (Square Castan). Both Roman and Celtic traditions are represented in religious architecture. The structure abutting the forum on the southeast is probably the

-» nymphaeum of a local deity. Besides the usual interpretation as a sanctuary of a local deity (Mars Vesontius: CIL XIII 5368), a circular complex in the west of the city (Chamars, two concentric walls connected by oblique cross walls) from the Flavian period could also be explained as a > macellum or assembly site. The worship of Roman deities is recorded in inscriptions and pictorial representations, usually in syncretistic interpretation with native cults, thus for Mercurius Cissonius (CIL XIII 5373), Mercurius with Apollo (CIL XIII 5366f.; 5373) and the > Matres (CIL XIII 5371); however, Celtic gods are also recorded, including the hammer god Sucullus (CIL XIII 5371), as well as a deity with cucullus (+ Clothing B 4) and Hypnos with a > torques (II). A temple probably dedicated to the Roman > ruler cult was located on the cardo roughly 200 m northwest of the forum. Public events were served by a large amphitheatre (138 X 106.5 m) on the other side of the river and a theatre at the beginning of the cardo, the cavea of which abutted the Colline de la Citadelle. Nearby was a distribution basin for the drinking water, which was brought in from a distance of 10 km via aqueduct [5]. Below the road, the remains of a collector for sewage are proven. Large baths have been excavated in the north (Marché Couvert). Traces of residential buildings reaching back as far as the Celtic period have been found everywhere; particularly remarkable are those of Roman residential stone architecture with hypocaustum, mosaics, wall paintings and marble facing. In several places, particularly on the northern and northeastern periphery, residences and workshops were connected. There were potteries, weavers and a basketry (or tannery). III. PROSPERITY AND STAGNATION The riots of 173-175 in the civitas Sequanorum, harbingers of the coming general crisis in the Empire, were put down by Marcus [2] Aurelius (SHA Aur. 22,10); they did not lessen the prosperity. At the southernmost point of the main axis, at the foot of the Colline de la Citadelle, a city gate was built (modern Porte Noir or Porte de Mars), probably as a result of these events, though it had a commemorative significance, rather than fortification. The structure (16.60 x 2,.10 m; H: 16.45 m), still imposing in its modern state, takes primarily imperial victories as the subject of the wealth of decor on its walls [6]. As a result of Diocletian’s reform of the Empire, V. became the metropolis of the new province of Maxima Sequanorum and probably the seat of the dux provinciae Sequanorum (Not. Dign. Occ. 36; Notitia Galliarum 9,1). Auson. Pro consulatu 7,31 refers to a school of oratory in V. in the 4th cent. In AD 354, Amm. Marc. 15,11,11 still included the city among the ‘mighty’, but in 360 Iul. Ep. 26 (cf. Amm. Marc. 20,10,3) describes it as a ‘city huddled together’ and a pale reflection of its earlier greatness. The fortification wall of the city, which had drawn back to the Colline de la Citadelle, is archaeologically proven. The

333

334

presence of the bishop Pancharius in 346 suggests the existence of an episcopal complex under the modern cathedral of Saint-Jean [7. 70]. Other archaeological finds: late La Téne era graves and cremation graves down to the time of Nero in the western section of the oxbow (Chamars quarter), necropoleis also on the right bank of the river and on the arterial roads. + Sequani

Vespasia Polla. Daughter of - Vespasius Pollio from

1 J.-O. Guitnor, C. Goy (ed.), Catalogue de l’exposition 20.000 m3

d’Histoire,

Besancon’,

1992

2J.-

O. GuI1LHoT, Besancon (Doubs), in: P. Jup (ed.), Die spatkeltische Zeit am siidlichen Oberrhein (Coll. Basel 1991), 1994, 137-144 3 G.CHOUQUER, Le plan de la ville antique et de la ville mediévale de Besancon, in: Revue archéologique de l’est et du centre-est 45, 1994, 361-407 4 L.-J. Dosy, Verginius at Vesontio, in: Historia 24, 1975,

75-100 5L.Jacortrey, Le probléme de l’approvisionnement de Besancon antique: l’aqueduc d’Arcier, in: Caesarodunum 31, 1997, 399-404 6H. WALTER, La PorteNoire de Besangon, 2 vols., 1986 7 C.MuNIER, Conciles gaulois du IVS siécle (SChr 241), 1977. R.Bepon, Atlas des villes, bourgs, villages de France au Passé romain, 2001, 105-108; C. FOHLEN (ed.), Histoire

de Besangon des origines a la fin du XVIF siécle, 1964, 27-141;

J.-O.GuILHoT

etal.,

Besancon,

Document

devaluation du patrimoine archéologique urbain, 1990; L. Lerat, Besancon antique, 1990; M.-J. MorRANnr et al., Besancon antique, in: E. FREzouts (ed.), Les villes antiques de la France, vol. 2, 1988, 6-178. F.SCH.

Vespa. The only occupational agon surviving from Antiquity is the ‘contest between the cook and the baker’ (Iudicium coci et pistoris) by the Latin poet who called him/herself V. (‘Wasp’); the poem may have been performed in public ( Public recitals); it was included in the anthology of the + Codex Salmasianus (Anth. Lat. 199; Anth. Lat.? 190). Date: between the 2nd and sth cent. AD, probably 4th cent. (probable reference to ~» Nemesianus [1] and > Ausonius). The play, consisting of 99 hexameters, after a traditional invocation of the Muse (> Muse, invocation of the), introduces first the baker, then the cook, each extolling his or her art with somewhat pathetic words parodying epic style. The baker, for instance, sees himself as a descendant of the vegetarian Pythagoras [2], and the cook wants to have made appropriate meals for the heroes of myth, e.g. a dish of wild boar for Meleager [1]. The adjudicator, Vulcan (-> Volcanus), praises both and threatens them that if there is a further dispute he will withdraw from them the element essential for both their activities, namely fire. + Cook; > Parody Epit10on: A.J. BAUMGARTNER, Untersuchungen zur Anthologie des Codex Salmasianus, Diss. Baden (Switzerland) 1981, 13-89. BIBLIOGRAPHY:

V.MiLazzo,

Polisemia e parodia nel

iudicium coci et pistoris di V., in: Orpheus 3, 1983, 250274; K.Smoxak, in: HLL 5, 1989, §550.1; C.M. Rasuzzi, Imitazione e parodia in A. L. 199R, in: Sileno 17, 1991, 259-279; Ead., La fortuna di V., in: Sileno 18, 1992, 157—L67-

K.SM.

VESPASIANUS

Nursia. Married to Flavius [II 39] Sabinus, the father of her three children, including T. Flavius [II 40] Sabinus and the later emperor Vespasian (-> Vespasianus, with stemma). Since her brother had been a senator, she also moved her sons to this career (Suet. Vesp. 1,33 2,2).

W.E. Vespasianus Roman emperor, AD 69-79. Born T. Flavius Vespasianus on 17 Noy. AD 9 at Falacrinae near Reate, son of the tax farmer Flavius [II 39] Sabinus and ~ Vespasia Polla, a daughter of an equestrian officer [1. 155-160]. Married to Flavia [1] Domitilla; the marriage produced — Titus [II 2] (born in AD 39) and Domitian (+ Domitianus [1], born in AD 51). I. EARLY CAREER II. ELEVATION TO EMPEROR AND CONSOLIDATION OF POWER III. CONSOLIDATION OF THE EMPIRE

I. EARLY CAREER At the urging of his mother, V. followed his uncle and his elder brother, Flavius [II 40] Sabinus, in pursuing a senatorial career. His first position was as ~ tribunus [4] militum in Thracia (probably during a war), and he was then quaestor Cretae-Cyrenarum, aedile in AD 38 and praetor, already, in 39. Through the good offices of Narcissus [II 1], he was given command of the legio IT Augusta by the emperor Claudius {WI 1], and V. took his legion from Germania superior across to Britain, where he took part in the conquest (> Britannia). Although he was only of praetorian rank, his successes won him the - ornamenta triumphalia and two priestly offices. Although he was associated with L. > Vitellius [II 3], Claudius’ closest confidant, he only became cos. suff. late (end of AD 51), after which it seems that differences with > Agrippina [3] hampered his ambitions. Only around 63/4 did he win a proconsulship (in Africa), and that was by lot. He broke his links to senators opposed to > Nero [1], his son Titus, for instance, divorcing the daughter of Marcius [II 3] Barea. V. accompanied - Nero on his visit to Achaia, and while there, he was given command of the action against the rebels in Judaea, where he fought from AD 66 (Jos. BI 3-7; > Jewish Wars [I]: see addenda). At Nero’s death, he broke off hostilities to observe the political developments. He seems to have contemplated taking power in the Empire from an early stage. II]. ELEVATION TO EMPEROR AND CONSOLIDA-

TION OF POWER Following agreements with Licinius [II 14] Mucianus, the governor of Syria, and Julius [II 6] Alexander, the prefect of Egypt, V. was acclaimed emperor on 1 July AD 69 by the troops at Alexandria [1] and on the following day by his own. He left the conflict with Vitellius to Mucianus and the Danube legions, who supported him. His personal priority was to secure Egypt. Reports of miracle cures attributed to him there

336

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337

338

(Suet. Vesp. 7,2 f.) were disseminated everywhere to legitimize his rule. That rule was recognized by the senate on 21 December AD 69, and shortly afterwards the people passed the - lex de imperio Vespasiani (‘law of approbation’; ILS 243; Tac. Hist. 4,3,3: cuncta principibus solita, “all [sc. the honours] customarily [sce. granted] to a princeps”). As his regal name, after some

process of integration was the extension of Latin citizenship (ius Latii, > ius [D 2]) to all communities on the Iberian peninsula [2]. Another important job was to revive the army, which had become embroiled in the civil wars across almost the entire Empire, and which had suffered particularly heavy losses in the -» Batavian Revolt. Four Rhine legions were disbanded and three new ones founded: the IV Flavia, XVI Flavia and II Adiutrix (composed of former naval soldiers). Other units were replenished, and many soldiers were discharged and given settlements (some in Italy). In spite of the costs involved, the territory of the Empire was extended on several fronts. New regions were won in Britannia and on the right bank of the middle Rhine. Successful battles were fought in the East against the > Parthians and - Alani (AE 1968, 145; [3]). Cappadocia and Galatia were amalgamated into a single large province governed by a consularis. Judaea was put under praetorian command, while Lycia lost its partial independence (which may only have meant freedom from taxes) and was united into a province with Pamphylia. Antiochus [x8] IV of Commagene was deposed and his country added to Syria. Achaia again retained its status as a province. V. died on 24 June 79. The > consecratio (3) by Titus took place relatively late, for reasons we do not know. As Titus was already in possession of all the relevant legal competencies, power passed smoothly to him.

hesitation (by the end of AD 69), V. followed the style of Augustus in calling himself Imperator Caesar Vespasianus Augustus. V. only reached Rome in October 70, and in June 71 he celebrated (with Titus) his + triumph over Judaea, although the conflict would continue until the conquest of + Masada in 73 or 74 by Flavius [II 44] Silva (Jos. BI 7252-406). He issued coins propagandizing his ‘victory’ (coin legend: Iudaea capta), which was an important foundation of his legitimacy as ruler. The need to legitimize his position was in any case amplified by his lowly origins from a non-senatorial family. He accepted twenty imperatorial acclamations and assumed the ordinary consulship on a regular basis (AD 70-72, 74-77, 79: cos. IX) — almost always together with Titus, thus presenting his sons as his designated successors from the very outset. Also from the outset, there was resistance to the form of his > principate, albeit not on a massive scale (+ Helvidius [1] Priscus). However, he was able to win the members of the old Senate (— senatus) to his side because, for the most part, he let bygones be bygones, and at the same time he renewed the Senate with new blood, bringing in especially those who had helped him in the East in AD 69, mostly incorporating them by adlection (+ Adlectio) into one of the senatorial ranks during his term as censor in 73/4. A — census of all citizens in Italy was also held at this time (AE 1968, 145; Plin. HN 7,162-164). Many of his supporters, e.g. Julius [II 3] Agricola and Ulpius [12] Traianus, were enrolled as patricians, so that a new rul-

ing elite quickly developed, which increasingly included senators (and equestrians) from an increasing number of provinces. III. CONSOLIDATION OF THE EMPIRE The most important task facing V. was the consolidation of the Empire, especially the public finances, which Nero and the civil wars had shattered. V. is said to have introduced new > taxes alongside existing ones (Suet. Vesp. 16), but we know

nothing about them,

except the Jewish Temple Tax, which now contributed eight sesterces to the coffers of the Capitoline Jupiter. It seems that, in fact, V. mostly sought to claim in full unpaid levies that were already due, doing so by sending special emissaries or arranging a census in many provinces. He demonstrated a concomitant general frugality, even regarding the payment of his own soldiers, though he made an exception for the costs of his own self-representation. V. used the Jewish war booty to build the > templum Pacis and the amphitheatrum Flavium (’ Colosseum’) at Rome as victory monuments

(cf. CIL VI 40454a). An important step in the ongoing

VESPASIUS POLLIO

1 G. ALFOLDY, Inschriften aus Nursia (Norcia), in: ZPE 77, 1989, 155-180 2H.GALSTERER, Untersuchungen zum romischen Stadtewesen auf der iberischen Halbinsel,

1971 3 G.ALFOLDY, Traianus pater und die Bauinschrift des Nymphaums von Milet, in: REA 100, 1998,

367-399. Coins: RIC II 1-110 Nr. 1-803. Portraits: G. Dattropr etal., Die Flavier (Das romische

Herrscherbild 2,1), 1966, 9-17. BIBLIOGRAPHY: PIR* F 398; E.Fraic, Den Kaiser herausfordern, 1992, 356-416; M.GrirFIn, The Flavians, in: CAH 9, 2000, 1-83; B.W. Jones (ed.), Suetonius,

Vespasian, 2000; Cu.P. Jones, Egypt and Judaea under Vespasian, in: Historia 46, 1997, 249-253; B.LEvick, Vespasian, 1999; C.L. Murison, Rebellion and Recon-

struction. Galba to Domitian (An Historical Commentary on Cassius Dio’s Roman History, 9: Books 64 — 67), 1999.

W.E.

Vespasius Pollio. Equestrian from > Nursia. Three times he was a tribunus [4| militum in a legion, including the Legio I, then a praefectus [5] castrorum, no earlier than the time of Augustus (Suet. Vesp. 1,3; cf. [1. 155-160]). His daughter was -> Vespasia Polla; one of his sons reached the rank of senator (cf. > Vespasianus, with stemma). 1 G. ALFOLDY, Epigraphische Notizen aus Italien, in: ZPE 77,1989, 155-180

2DEMOUGIN, Nr. 192.

WE.

VESPASIUS POLLIO

.

So2

Vespronius. L. V. Candidus Sallustius Sabinus. Praetorian governor of > Numidia, cos. suff. in the same province, c. AD 176. Consular governor of Tres Daciae (> Daci, Dacia C) c. 183-186. Probably proconsul of Africa (> Africa 3) at the end of the reign of > Commodus. According to Tertullianus [2] (Ad Scapulam 4,3) he treated Christians with leniency. At the beginning of 193 he was sent by the emperor ~ Didius [II 6] Iulianus with a senatorial legation to meet the approaching > Septimius [II 7] Severus; at this event he was allegedly almost killed by his soldiers ‘because of the hard and mean style of command’ (ob durum et sordidum imperium: HA Did. 5,6).

34°

cult became the protectress of the public > fire [E] and thus the guarantor of Rome’s continued existence [12]. The displacement of an original, more private cult of V. (largely unknown) might be indicated in the festival of Vestalia on June 9th (InscrIt 13,2,467 f.). On that day, V. was worshipped by bakers and was depicted on wall paintings as their goddess of protection. Indications of V.’s original function in the domestic cult are weak: penus, ‘pantry’, referred to the innermost partofthe Roman house and also to the temple of V. In Roman inheritance law, an old connection existed between the penus, the Di Penates and V. (Cic. Har. resp. 12); the penus allowed the heir to carry out the cult (sacra) of the family without incurring major costs (Dig.

Piso, FPD, 141-144; THOMASSON, Fasti Africani, 74.

W.E.

Vesta. Roman goddess, at times identified with + Hestia (Cic. Nat. D. 2,67; Cic. Leg. 2,29); evidence for a possible Sabine origin: Varro Ling. 5,74; [1. 168170]. The fact that the Roman cult of V. is very old is indicated by her archaic round temple as well as her connection to the > rex sacrorum or the archaic ritual of the expulsion of purgamina — what was described as stercus (‘garbage’) — from V.’s temple on 15 July (Quando stercum delatum fas: Varro Ling. 6,32; InscrIt 13,2,335 £.5 471; Fest. 466; [2.320f.]). The round temple at the edge of the Forum Romanum (summarising: [3]) which was attributed to King > Numa (Liv. 1,20,3; Fest. 320) had no cult statue (Ov. Fast. 6,253 f.5 differing: Cic. Nat. D. 3,80), was usually accessible to — vestals only and was not inaugurated, therefore an aedes (Serv. Aen. 7,153; Gell. NA 14,7,7). The innermost part was referred to as penus. It housed the palladium (> palladion) (Liv. 5,52,7; [4. 224-226]). Next to it was the > Atrium Vestae (> Roma III, map 2, No.

44), the residence of the vestals, as well as the Lucus Vestae (documented in the rst cent. BC: Gic. Div. 1,101). The temple burned down several times and was

always rebuilt: e.g. in 241 BC (Val. Max. 1,4,5), in AD 64 (Tac. Ann. 15,41), in AD rox (Hdn. 1,14,4); the various restaurations are documented in coins [5. 1724-1726; 6. 299°]. The public cult of Di > Penates was tied to the palladium; this tradition connected V. to the founding legends of the city (> Aeneas [1]; cf. [7]). Especially in the Augustan Period, V. was connected to other deities (e.g. Verg. Aen. 5,744; [8]). On 28 April 12 BC, Augustus himself dedicated an aedicula (altar nook) and ara (altar) of V. as an additional cult site in his house on the Palatine (InscrIt 13,2,452). The interest in V. continued into the later Imperial Period [9. 260-262], it is documented up into the late 4th cent. [10. 157-161]. The public cult focussed on V.’s role as protectress of the state fire (flammae custos: Ov. Fast. 6,258) which was tended by the vestals. However, there is scant evidence of private worship (e.g. Ov. Fast. 6,249-25 23 [5.1775 f.; 11. 210-222]). It is therefore assumed that the original protectress of the hearth fire in the domestic

33,9,3; Gell. NA 4,1,16-23; [13. 135-139]). V.’s function as the ‘keeper of the flame’ may point to an original connection to other deities of the domestic cult; cf. the archaic punishment for extinguishing the fire in the hearth (Fest. 94) and the ancient connection between V., fire and potency (Liv. 1,39,1 f.; Plin. HN 28,39). V.’s original part in the domestic cult could explain the subsequent expansion of her function as protectress of the penus of the Roman state — the repository of the palladium. Perhaps, as a result of this process, V. developed into the public deity par excellence, while her other functions were largely adopted by other deities. However, considerations such as these must remain

speculative. On the iconography cf. [14]. — Fire; > Hestia; > Vestals 1 E.Evans, The Cults of the Sabine Territory, 1939 2 L.HOLLAND, Janus and the Bridge, 1961 3 R.ScorTrT, s.v. V., aedes, LTUR 5, 125-128 4/J.-L.Grrarp, La place de Minerve dans la religion romaine au temps du principat, in: ANRW II 17.1, 1981, 203-232

5 C.Kocn, s.v. V., RE 8 A, 1717-1776 6 S. WEINSTOCK, Divus Julius, 1971 7 G.RaDkE, Die ‘dei penates’ und V. in Rom, in: ANRW II 17.1, 1981, 343-373 8 C.R. Puixiies, A Note on Vergil’s Aeneid 5,744, in: Hermes 104, 1976, 247-249 9 A.D. Nock, A Diis Electa, in: Harvard Theological Rev. 23, 1930, 251-274 (= Nock 1, 252-270) 10 M.SaLzMAN, On Roman Time, 1990 11 H. WAGENvooRT, Pietas, 1980

12 DUMEZIL, 324-331

13 A. Watson, The Law of Suc-

cession in the Later Roman Republic, 1971 14 T. FIsCHER-HANSEN, s.v. V., LIMC 5.1, 412-420 (ills.).

CRP.

Vestals (Lat. virgo Vestalis ‘Vestal virgin’). + Vesta’s

cult was taken care of by six virgines (or sacerdotes ‘priestesses’) Vestales, who lived in the — atrium Vestae, near the aedes Vestae on the Forum Romanum (+ Rome III E, 2nd map, nr. 44). The group was headed by the virgo Vestalis maxima (honorary inscriptions esp. of the 3rd cent. AD with statues on the forum: CIL V132415 ff.;[2]) and stood under the jurisdiction of the > pontifex maximus. The vestal was ‘taken’ (capere) as a six- to ten-years-old child by the pontifex maximus. This act had civil-law consequences: (a) withdrawal from the family (esp. from the right of inheritance, cf. > intestatus) without > emancipatio and > deminutio

341

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VESTINI

capitis, a regulation which had already been established in the law of the twelve tables (Gell. 1,12, from M.

Antistius [II 3] Labeo and Q. Fabius [I 35] Pictor); (b) freedom from the - tutela [1] II mulierum (‘guardian-

During Classicism, the vestal was a formula for female portraits; examples: C.M. CLopion, J.-L.Davip, J.A. Houpon; Angelica KAUFFMANN. The love motif of a vestal, which was scarcely used in Antiquity (cf., how-

ship over women’, Gai. Inst. 1,1 30; 145); (c) entitle-

ever, Sen. Controv. 6,8), is a recurrent subject-matter of

ment to give evidence in court (-> testimonium; Tac. Ann. 2,34). The role of priestess, set apart in this way from the Roman social structure, exclusively determined the vestal’s life for thirty years. Cult function and personal commitment (living together, commandment of virginity sanctioned by > death penalty) coincided, constituting thus a unique arrangement within Roman priesthood (Liv. 1,20,3; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,67; Plut. Numa 9,5—8; ro). Their most important duties were: keeping the — fire burning in the ‘public hearth’ (Cic. Leg. 2,20); preparing the + mola salsa (Fest. 152 f.) and cleaning substances (Ov. Fast. 4,731 ff.; 629 ff.); participating in the celebrations of the state cult, which has been put on record, for instance, for the secular games in AD 204 (CIL VI 32329,9 f.; > saeculum). The leading of a ceremony by a vestal has only been attested for the nocturnal women-festival of the + Bona Dea (Cic. Har. resp. 37; Plut. Cicero 19,3; Plut. Caesar 9 f.). Vestals were not priestesses of a women cult; the tradition does not reveal any interaction or solidarity between them and Roman women [3]. The legal regulation brought about isolation; a tendency towards depersonalisation (the vestal as a living omen, her being buried alive in case of loss of her virginity (incestum) as expiation for a > prodigium) is emphasized by some of the sources (Dion. Hal. a.O.; Plut. Numa ro; [4]). Scholarship should keep an eye on the historical contexts in order to break open this one-sided picture with its focus on sacral law and theology and to point out the social and political role played by the vestals (Liv. 2,42; 4544; 8,15; 22,57; [5]). Plinius’ [2] account (Plin. Ep. 4,11,5-13) of the public killing of the vestal Cornelia [II 5] — probably concerning Cornelia Cossa, who had been appointed in AD 62 (Tac. Ann. 15,22,2) — under emperor Domitianus (Suet. Dom. 8), is the only description based with great certainty on the report of an eyewitness. Chastity at the service of the public welfare, which is guaranteed by the death penalty, is the theological essence of the only and last pontifical statement (end of the 4th cent. AD) about the defence of the Roman concept of virginity against that of the Christians (Symmachus, Ep. 9,147 f.; Symmachus, Relat. 3,11,14; by contrast Prudent. contra Symmachum 2,911-1013; Ambr. Epist. 73,11 f.; Ambr. De virginitate 13; Ambr. De virginibus 1,15).

In the West-European imagination, the chastity model has survived. From the legend of the vestal Tuccia (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom 2,69; Val. Max. 8,1,5; Plin. HN 28,2,12), who carried water with a sieve to prove her innocence, the allegorists of the Renaissance (cf. [6]) took the sieve as a symbol of chastity; the threat of death was hidden in the miracle. Its mediators were Augustinus (Aug. Civ. 10,16,32 ff.) and Petrarca [6].

operas (G.SpontTINI, La Vestale, 1807) and dramas (H.IBsen, Catilina, 1849; A. Parodi, Rome vaincue, 1876). In Cu. FouRIER’s social utopia, women-vestals and men-vestals are elite-youths who set an end to their freely chosen chastity through a free love choice (Euvres Vol. 1, *1841, 257 ff.). — Priests V; > Vesta 1 A. BIELMANN, R.FREI-STOLBA (eds.), Les femmes anti-

ques entre sphére privée et sphére publique (ECHO 2), 2002 2R.FreI-STOLBA, Flavia Publicia, virgo Vestalis maxima, in: P. KNEISsL, V.LOSEMANN (eds.), Imperium Romanum, 1998, 233-251 3 H.CANCIK-LINDEMAIER,

Kultische Privilegierung und gesellschaftliche Realitat, in: Saeculum 41.1, 1990, 1-16 4 Ead., Priestly and Female Roles in Roman Religion. The Virgines Vestae, in: Hyperboraeus 2.2, 1996, 138-150 5 F. Minzer, Die rémische Vestalinnen bis zur Kaiserzeit, in: Philologus 92, 1937, 47-67, 199-222 6M.WarRNER, Monuments & Mai-

dens, 1985, 241-244 (with ill.).

H.C-L.

Vestibulum see > House II. D.1.; > Palace IV. E. Vestini (Ovnotivo/Oxvéstinoi). Italian people (name possibly Indo-European, cf. e.g. > Vesta) on the eastern slopes of the Appenninus, to the south of the > Picentes (Str. 5,4,2), east of the > Sabini (Str. 5,2,1; 5,3,1), and north of the > Paeligni. From the time of Augustus onwards, their predominantly mountainous and barren territory (hunting, cattle husbandry, cf. Sil. Pun. 8,516 ff.; Plin. HN

11,241; Mart. 13,31) was part of

Regio IV (+ Regio with map). By means of a conjecture in Plin. HN 3,107 (cf. Ptol. 3,1,59: settlements of the V.) [Trasmontani; Aveiates] after Pennenses, [1] has advanced understanding of the passage: the V. to the east of the Gran Sasso (Aveia, modern Fossa, cf. Sil. Pun. 518; Peltuinum with Aufinum, modern Ofena on the upper reaches of the > Aternus) are to be understood as Transmontani, and the V. to the west of the Gran Sasso (Angulum, modern Francavilla al Mare on the Adriatic, to the south of the mouth of the Aternus; Pinna, modern Penne) as Cismontani. Other cities of the V. were Ostia Aterni or Aternum (modern Pescara; Mela 2,65; It. Ant.

313,6) and, not located, Frusteniae (Tab. Peut. 6,1), Cingilia and Cutina (Liv. 8,29,12). The V. are mentioned for the first time when in

326 BC they — in the context of tensions at the beginning of the second Samnite War (326-304 BC; + Samnites IV.) — entered into alliance with the Samnites. The Romans — fearing a new theatre of war to the east of the Appenninus — attacked the V. the following year and under the consul D. Iunius [I 17] defeated them in a single battle (Liv. 8,29,1-14). On the initiative of the V., an alliance was formed with Rome in 302 BC (Liv. 10,3,1). It was probably at that time that the V.’s first

VESTINI

coins with the legend VES were minted. There were contingents of V. among the allies called to arms in 225 BC, occasioned by a looming war with the Celts in > Gallia Cisalpina (B) (Pol. 2,24,12; Enn. Ann. 229; — Gaesati; > Telamon). The youth of the V. (iuventus

Vestina: Sil. Pun. 8,5 15-518), who were accustomed to hunting and a life of austerity and hardship, fought Cannae in 216 BC and at the both at the battle of battle of > Pydna in 168 BC (Liv. 44,40,5-7) on the side of the Roman army. On the eve of the Social Wars [3] (91-89 BC), - prodigia were observed in the territory of the V. (Obseq. 51; 54), including a hail of stones. The V. took part in the Social Wars against Rome (Liv. Per. 72; App. B Civ. 1,39,175; Oros. 5,18,8; 5,18,14:

defeat and death of the Roman legate Q. Servilius [I 13] Caepio in July of 90 BC; Liv. Per. 75 f.; App. B Civ. 152,227; Oros. 5,18,25: victory of the consul Cn. Pompeius [I 8] Strabo in 89 BC over the rebels; in the following year capitulation of the V.). There is evidence of cults of Silvanus, Jupiter, Hercules, Venus and the Di Ancites (CIL IX 3515). 1\A.La Recina, Ricerche sugli insediamenti vestini, in: Memorie della Classe di Scienze morali e storiche dell’ Accademia dei Lincei, Ser. 8, 13, 1968, 361-446.

E. Mattiocco, Centri fortificati vestini, 1986; G. FirPo, V. Fonti letterarie, in: M.BUONOCORE, G.FiIRPo, Fonti latine e greche per la storia dell’ Abruzzo antico, vol. 2.2,

1998, 821-840; G.F. La Torre, II processo di urbanizzazione nel territorio vestino: il caso di Aveia, in: ArchCl 27 (1985), 1988, 154-170. M.BU.

Vestinus [1] According to Statius [II 2] (Silv. 4,6,94) V. died at an early age and rivalled his forbears. Probably of noble origin, perhaps a descendant of V. [2]. [2] M. V. Atticus. See > M. Iulius [II 147] V. Atticus. WE. [3] L. Iulius V. Greek lexicographer, first half of the 2nd cent. AD, Superintendent of the > Mouseion in Alexandria, procurator of the Roman and Greek libraries and personal secretary of the emperor > Hadrianus (IG XIV 1085 = CIG III 5900). According to the Suda (0 835 s. v. OvHotivoc), author of an epitome of > Pamphilus [6]’s work on glosses, which in turn became the basis for Diogenianus [2]’ lexicon Pantodape léxis (‘Expressions of Every Kind’). Two further well-known works by V. were, according to the Suda, a collection of glosses on Demosthenes [2] and one on Thucydides [2] and the Attic rhetors. + Lexicography W.KROLL, s. v. Iulius (530), RE 10, 872; PIR IV 3, Nr. 623; K. ZIEGLER, s. v. V. (4), RE 8 A, 1789.

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ST.MA.

Vestorius. Roman gens name [1]. Only known repre-

sentative: C. V., recorded 56-44 BC, versatile businessman (credit broker, pigment producer and long-distance trader) from Puteoli, who had close relations with > Pomponius [I 5] Atticus and > Cicero.

1 SCHULZE, 254 2 J.ANDREAU, Patrimoines, échanges et 3 D’ARMs, Index s. v. V. préts d’argent, 1997, 99-118

J.BA.

Vestricius. T. V.Spurinna. Senator, possibly homo novus, probably of Etruscan origin, but according to [2. 542] rather from an Etruscan family that had migrated to > Transpadana. Born in c. AD 25, since, according to Plin. Ep. 3,1,10, in c. ror he had completed his 78th year. He entered the Senate no later than under + Nero [1]. In 69 he was appointed by > Otho a commander in the battle with the followers of > Vitellius [II 2] (Tac. Hist. 2,11; 18 f.; 235 36). The tradition after that is silent until the year 97. According to Pliny the Younger, he undertook duties in several provinces (Ep. 3,1,12: quoad honestum fuit, obiit officia, gessit magistratus, provincias rexit, “as far as was honourable, he

fulfilled his duties, held offices, and administered provinces”), of which only a governorship in the consular

province of Germania inferior is known. This was followed by a suffect consulship; the year is disputed, as is the period in which he governed Germania inferior; most likely it was a short-term governorship in 97. Politically, V. was certainly closely connected with — Nerva [2], probably also with > Traianus [1], as is evidence by his second consulship on 1 April 98. In Germany, he alone, in a demonstration of Roman power, led the king of the > Bructeri back to his people; for this he was given a triumphal statue (Plin. Ep. 2,7,1 f.). V. was married to a Cottia; one of V.’ sons, Cottius [3], died as quite a young man (adolescens; Plin. Ep. 2,7; cf. 3,10). Pliny, who describes V.’ daily routine as an example of that of a senator who has retired from daily business (Ep. 3,1), was closely attached to V. 1 Ecx (Statthalter), Spurinna).

152-154

2SyME, RP 7, 541-550(V. WE.

Vesulus. Mountain in the > Alpes Cottiae with rich stock of game in its pine forests (Verg. Aen. 707 ff.), modern Monte Viso or Monviso (3841 m). It was con-

sidered the highest peak in the > Alpes (Plin. HN 3,117; Solin. 2,25); The — Padus (modern Po; Mela 2,62; Mart. Cap. 6,640) rises on Mount V. E. Meyer, s. v. V., RE 8 A, 1798.

Vesuna. Italic goddess. Cults are recorded by votive inscriptions in the territory of the > Marsi [1] (VETTER, no. 223, from > Antinum; no. 228b, ‘at Milonia’). In the Umbrian — Tabulae Iguvinae WVIV (- Iguvium), she is the object of sacrificial activities and prayers, together with Pomonus Popdicus, a god of fruits and perhaps of the annual cycle [1. 497]. A (hierarchical) relationship with this god also becomes clear in the formulation of the name (Vesune Puemunes Pupvikes, ‘V. (dative singular) of P. P.’) and is conditioned by the role of the deity in the context of trade (not by mythical genealogy) [1. 484-486]. A functionally comparable

345

346

configuration of gods appears on an Etruscan mirror mythically interpreted with labels (c. 300 BC, at Orvieto: [2]): it shows V. with + Fufluns/Dionysus and in the iconography of the + ‘Maenads’ (thyrsus distaff,

[6. 107—112]), which was accompanied by an earth-

animal skin). 1 A.L. PRospocml, Le religioni degli Italici, in: C. AMPOLO et al. (eds.), Italia omnium terrarum parens, 1989,

475-545 ography).

2J.P. SMALL, s. v. V., LIMC 8.1, 236 (Bibli-

1996, 317-339.

M.HAA.

Vesuvius. Stratovolcano (eruptions of ash and lava), dormant in ancient times, in - Campania (for the ancient forms of the name with a list of all the literary and inscriptional documentation see [6. 33 f., 128-136], modern Vesuvio. The cone-shaped mountain, today 1281 m high, sits in a caldera (Monte Somma; highest peak: Punta del Nasone at 1132 m to the north of V.), which came into being, or was expanded, when the peak of the mountain was blown off during the AD 79 eruption. After a period of dormancy, from the 3rd cent. AD onwards the modern conical volcano grew upwards out of the caldera [1; 2.7 f., 12; 3. 13-29, 58-67; 6. 38-49; 7. 86f.]. There is evidence of quite large eruptions since then in 203 (Cass. Dio 76,2,1 f.), 472 (Marcellinus Comes, Chronicon MGH AA 11, p. go), 512 (Cassiod. Var. 4,50), 1631 and 1944 (compilation of all known eruptions in [3. 126-211, 339357]). Ancient descriptions of the mountain: Str. 5,4,8 (before the eruption of 79); Cass. Dio 66,21,1-4; Procop. Goth. 2,4,21-303 4,35,1-7The last eruption before 79 was many centuries before (c. 700 BC; [3. 127 f., 339]). Nevertheless the volcanic nature of the mountain was generally known (Vitr. 2,6,1—-3; Str. loc.cit.); but there was no awareness

that it could still become dangerous (cf. Plin. Ep. 6,16,5). V. had largely been overgrown before 79 (Str. loc.cit.; cf. Frontin. Str. 1,5,21; Plut. Crassus 9,2; Flor. Epit. 2,8 in the context of + Spartacus’s uprising, see also [6. 49-52]), on its slopes there were numerous villae rusticae (-> Villa; Plin. Ep. 6,16,13; cf. > Boscoreale, - Boscotrecase). The prosperity of the region around V. was essentially due to the volcanic soil. Supported by the favourable climate, its qualities were revealed, firstly in the productivity of agriculture ([6. 35 f.], cf. Verg. G. 2,223 f.; up to four harvests a year: Str. 5,4,3; wine: Columella 3,2,12; Plin. HN 14,22; 14,34; Flor. Epit. 1,11; Auson. Mos. 210; horti-

culture; large-scale cultivation of corn recorded only from the 3rd cent. AD [5. 265]), secondly in construction, in the quarrying of building materials (tuff, lava rock — e.g. for the production of millstones, pozzolana; [5. 265; 6.37 f.]) and thirdly in the spa and tourism businesses in the exploitation of thermal and mineral springs (e.g. in > Stabiae).

In the eruption on 24/25 August 79 (on the date see

quake, several thousand people died. In addition to the many scattered villae rusticae and luxury villas (e.g. in + Oplontis) the cities of + Pompeii, - Herculaneum and -» Stabiae were destroyed and large areas of land were affected. The axis of distribution of the pyroclastic deposits (pumice and ash rain) was in a southeasterly direction

C. Letra, I culti di V. e di Valetudo tra Umbria e Marsica, in: G. BONAMENTE (ed.), Assisi e gli Umbri nell’antichita,

VETERA

[5. 26777, 478]

~ Surrentum

(modern

and extended

Sorrento;

- Mons

across

the

Lactarius)

peninsula as far as the > Poseidonia region; but it also reached + Misenum to the west of V. Eruptional rainfall caused hot mudflows (known as lahars). In two letters to Tacitus Pliny (Plinius [2]) the Younger gave an impressive description of his own experiences and those of his uncle, Pliny (Plinius [1]) the Elder, during the eruption (Plin. Epist. 6,16; 6,20; on the problems of reconstructing the precise course of the eruption with the aid of these letters see [2. 10 f.; 4; 6. 53-563 8.380 f.]; cf. Cass. Dio 66,22 f.; further sources in [8. 382~-388]). Imperial assistance measures were sup-

posed to help place the region back on its feet (curatores restituendae Campaniae, allocation of financial means: Suet. Tit. 8,4; cf. Cass. Dio 66,2.4,1;[6. 56 f.]); the most severely destroyed areas, however, were never (e.g. ~» Pompeii) or only gradually resettled in Antiquity. Some road connexions were not reconstructed until under Hadrian [5. 270-273]. — Volcanoes; > Natural catastrophes 1 C. Acpore Livapre et al., Eruzioni pliniane del SommaVesuvio, in: P.G. Guzzo, R. PERONI (eds.), Archeologia e Vulcanologia in Campania, 1998, 39-86 2 M. FREDERIKSEN, Campania (edited and expanded by N. PURCELL), 1984, 6-12 3 A.Nazzaro, Il Vesuvio, 1997. 4E.OLSHAUSEN, Mit der Katastrophe leben, in: Id., H. SONNABEND (eds.), Naturkatastrophen in der antiken Welt (Geographica Historica 10), 448-461 5 U.PAPPARLARDO, V. Grofe Ausbriiche und Wiederbesiedlungen, in: s. [4], 263-274, 476-480 6E.RENNA, V. mons, 1992 +7 F, Ticuy, Italien (Wiss. Landerkunden 24), 1985, 85-88 8 G. WINKLER, Der Vesuvausbruch vom August 79 n. Chr. in der antiken Uberlieferung, in: s.

[4], 376-395.

V.S.

Vetera. Roman camp on the Rhine at the 6oth milestone downstream from ~ Colonia Agrippinensis (modern Cologne; Tac. Ann. 1,45,1) between the modern towns of Birten and Xanten. The camp originated from the early Imperial period. The name, probably indigenous, refers to an archaeologically unattested earlier settlement nearby (cf. Tac. Hist. 4,18,3: castra quibus Veterum nomen est, ‘camp with the name V.’, quite often in accounts of the —Batavian Revolt; Ptol. 2,9,14: Ovéteoa/Ouétera). The first Roman camp (V. I) lay on the southern slopes of the Furstenberg, which rises out of the Lower Rhenish lowlands, at approximately the same distance from the course of the Rhine as today — despite many a shift of the river bed in the meantime -, opposite the mouth of the + Lupia (the present-day Lippe). According to Tac. Hist. 4,23,1 (cf. 4,30,1;

VETERA

la Vetera. Double legionary fortress of the 5th and 15th Legions (AD 54-68); ground-plan. 1 Cohort barracks of the sth Legion Cohort barracks of the 15th Legion Accomodation (tabernae) of the legions' cavalry units

Residential quarters of the staff officers: Camp commandant and senatorial tribune of the sth Legion Camp commandant and senatorial

tribune of the 15th Legion Equestrian tribune of the sth Legion Equestrian tribune of the 15th Legion

Legion:

sa Administrative and residential building (praetorium) for the legion commander of the 5th Legion sb Administrative and residential building (praetorium) for the legion commander of the 15th Legion 6 Inner courtyards of praetoria 7 Camp forum (principia) 8 Officers! club (schola) of the 1st cohort of the 15th Legion 9 Outbuilding 10 Hospital (valetudinarium) of the 5th Legion rr Administrative building for the camp commandant 12 Latrine

Not excavated

Fortress ramparts

spedues ssas04

349

350

514,25 5,18 on the topography), the camp, built under Augustus, was accessible on one side by way of a gently rising hill, and on the other by way of a level field (evidently northern and southern sides respectively). The dating is confirmed by finds, according to which the camp was built c. 13/12 BC in the context of the campaigns of Drusus the Elder (+ Claudius [Il 24]). A

During the + Batavian Revolt, V.1 was destroyed (for the events cf. Tac. Hist. 4,21-23; 28-30; 36; 59f.). Whereas it was initially possible for the Romans to break through + Iulius [II 43] Civilis’ siege ring at the end of AD 69, further relief attempts failed, so that V. capitulated at the beginning of AD 70; a great part of the garrison was massacred. The Romans’ victory at V. under - Petillius [II 1] Cerialis in the summer of AD 70 played a part in deciding the end of the Batavian Revolt (on the battle of V. cf. Tac. Hist. 5,14-18). In part as a consequence of Vitellius’ [II 2] proclamation as emperor by the Rhine troops (in AD 69), the Rhine army was reorganized by Vespasian. From then on, there was only one legion in V. A new camp (V. II) was laid out about 1 km to the east of the Fiirstenberg on a flood-free lower terrace of the Rhine. The camp existed with various garrisons until c. 275/6. Its remaining troops were presumably transferred to the late-antique fortress of Tricensima in the area of Colonia Ulpia Traiana (modern Xanten). There is evidence of exten-

somewhat earlier base cannot be ruled out, but there is no archaeological evidence. There are records of a number of training camps, among which a permanent camp may be concealed. Attribution of the oldest traces to concrete sites is problematic. Provisionally ‘Fortification B’ belongs to the earliest camp. It is an open question what troops were initially stationed there and in what strength. We can expect detachments and combined groups of legionaries and auxiliary soldiers. The burial stone of a M. Caelius (ILS 2244) with mention of the Eighteenth Legion, which was defeated in the Teutoburg Forest in AD 9, permits the assumption that parts of > Quinctilius [II 7] Varus’ army were stationed at V. The crossing of the Rhine (+ Rhenus [2]) by the > Germani and uprisings by Rhenish peoples, feared after the annihilation of Varus, failed to manifest, thanks to the relief of V. by Nonius [II 5] Asprenas (cf. Vell. Pat. 2,120,3). A double legionary fortress was built on the Firstenberg c. 10 AD, presumably by Tiberius [1] who had again been sent to the Rhine front, and was recorded no later than AD 14 with the legio V Alaudae and legio XXI Rapax (> Legio C. with maps). The camp had a fortification, renewed once, consisting of earthand-timber defences. When Augustus died in AD 14, the Lower German legions mutinied, including those stationed at V. For unknown reasons, they were in the territory of the + Ubii at the time; after the suppression of the mutiny they returned to V., where loyal parts of the army massacred the men behind the mutiny and those who allegedly were prepared to further mutiny (Tac. Ann. 1,48f.). In subsequent years, legions stationed in V. took part in > Germanicus’ [2] campaigns into the territory of Germania Magna. After the recall of Germanicus in AD 16/17, V. was presumably the seat of the governor of the Lower German army district (+ Colonia Ulpia Traiana) until the elevation of the oppidum Ubiorum to a colonia in AD 50. At the end of the 20s AD, or at the beginning of the 308, the old site was burnt down, the area was levelled and a new camp was built. For supplying the garrison it was less indigenous than Roman products that now played the decisive role. In the context of — Claudius’ [III x] campaign in Britain, the legio XXI was replaced in V. by the legio X V Primigenia, c. AD 46. Connected with this was a rebuilding of the camp with stone foundations. At the beginning of the 60s, the last expansion of the camp was completed on the Fiirstenberg, this time in stone and brick. The right half of the castra was occupied by the Fifteenth Legion, the left half by the Fifth (cf. ill.). Outside the camp canabae (> Military camps [1] Canabae) of considerable size developed.

VETERANS

sive burial fields. © — Batavi;

+ Germani;

~ ARCHAEOLOGICAL PARK

H. von Petrixovirs, s.v. V., RE 8 A, 1801-1834; Id., Die Legionsfestung Vetera II, in: BJ 159, 1959, 89-133;

H.SCHONBERGER, Die rémischen Truppenlager der friihen und mittleren Kaiserzeit zwischen Nordsee und Inn, in: BRGK 66, 1985, 321-495, esp. 427 A 8, 440B 14, 449 C 20, 459 D 21; R. URBAN, Der ‘Bataveraufstand’ und die Erhebung des Iulius Classicus, 1985; M.GECHTER, Xanten, in: H.G. Horn (ed.), Die Romer in NordrheinWestfalen, 1987, 619-625; D. von DeTTEN, Die Uberreste der augusteischen und tiberischen Legionslager von V. I, in: J.-S. KUHLBORN

(ed.), Germaniam pacavi, 1995, 59-

77; N.HanE1, V. I. Die Funde aus den rémischen Lagern (Rheinische Ausgrabungen 3 5), 2 vols., 1995. RA.WL.

Veterans (Latin veterani). I. Repusiic

I]. PrinciPaTE

III. LATE

ANTIQUITY

I. REPUBLIC The Roman army in the Republican Period was a militia; all citizens with means exceeding the defined level (cf. + Census) were obliged to provide combat service in the military; the term of service depended on military requirements, and was not precisely defined. It was the custom for soldiers released from the army after military service to return to their farms, and to be available again for recruitment upon the outbreak of another war (Pol. 6,19-26; Liv. 1,43,1-8;

1,42,34). Given

these cicumstances, until the Late Republic, veterans,

that is to say soldiers honourably discharged from the army, were not a social group with specific interests in common, and were in no position to articulate demands or exercise political influence. The settlement of former soldiers is nevertheless frequently attested for the early 2nd cent. BC; thus, after the > 2nd Punic War, the soldiers of > Cornelius [I 71] Scipio received two iugera (+ Iugerum) of land for every year of service in Spain or

VETERANS

352

352

Africa, and soldiers were likewise assigned land upon the foundation of Latin > coloniae (Liv. 31,4,1-3;

31,99,5£.3 32,1565 35,9,7f5 40,34,2-4). By no means, however, did soldiers have a claim to the assignment of land or any other provision after their release from military service.

Once the agrarian legislation of the Gracchi (cf. Sempronius [- [I rx] and — [I 16]]; > Agrarian laws) had failed, and > Marius [I 1] had also accepted — capite censi into the legions (Sall. ug. 86,2—4), provision for veterans became a political issue. In 103 BC, Marius’ close political associate, the people’s tribune L. > Ap(p)uleius [I 11] Saturninus enacted a law providing for the distribution of land to Marius’ veterans (Vir. ill. 73,1), although it remains unclear whether any great number of veterans was actually settled in Africa on the basis of this law. The agrarian law of 100 BC probably also had the welfare of Marius’ veterans as its primary aim (App. B Civ. 1,29). — Cornelius [I 90] Sulla was the first to distribute any great amount of land to veterans; after the end of the Civil War in 82 BC, large areas of land were confiscated in the regions that had resisted Sulla, and were assigned to the c.80,o00 veterans (App. B Civ. 1,96; 1,100; 1,104). Coloniae of Sulla’s veterans are attested for Etruria (Arretium and Faesulae: Cic. Mur. 49), Praeneste (Cic. Leg. agr. 2,78) and Pompeii (Cic. Sull. 60 ff.). The intention behind these measures can scarcely be said to have been social in nature; their primary purpose was military and political security in Italy. The entire motivation for the settlement of veterans thus resided in power politics. Following Sulla’s example, in 70 BC Cn. > Pompeius [I 3] tried to implement assignments of land to the veterans who had fought under his command and that of Q. > Caecilius [I 31] Metellus in Spain. As, however, the Republic was in financial straits, the relevant law was not enacted (lex Plotia; cf. Cic. Att. 1,18;6; Cass. Dio 38,5,1). Pompey appears to have promised a distribution of land to the soldiers during the war against + Mithridates [6]; a remark by Cicero suggests that they were expecting to receive land after the end of the war in 63 (Cass. Dio 38,5,2; Cic. Leg. agr. 2,54). An agrarian law favouring Pompey’s veterans at first failed in the face of Senate opposition (rogatio Flavia; cf. Cic. Att. 1,18,6; 1,19,4; Cass. Dio 37,49f.), but > Caesar was eventually able to enact it in 59 (lex Iulia agraria); a second law also included the + ager Campanus in land to be distributed. A portion of the land destined for the veterans was to be purchased; besides veterans, the law also targeted landless Roman citizens with three or more children (Suet. Iul. 20,1-3; App. B Civ. 2,rof.; Cass. Dio 38,1,2-7,3). Caesar distributed land to veterans of his legions in order to bind his troops to himself during the Civil War, but, for political reasons, refrained from the wholesale settlement of entire units (Suet. Tul. 38,1; App. B Civ. 2,94; Cass. Dio 42,54 f.). The veterans of Caesar’s legions played a decisive role in the political conflicts that followed his assassi-

nation; many veterans were present in Rome in March 44, and represented a threat to the Senate as well as to Caesar’s murderers; they demanded revenge for the assassination of their commander, and a guarantee of their rights of ownership over the land distributed by Caesar (App. B Civ. 2,119f.; 2,125.5 2,135; cf. Cic. Fam. 11,1,1). M. > Antonius [I 9] relied on the support of Caesar’s veterans in the summer of 44 (Cic. Fam. 11,2), and in October 44 the younger Caesar went to Campania to win to his side the veterans settled there (App. B Civ. 3,40). The victory over Caesar’s murderers was followed in 41 by substantial assignments of land in Italy; the conflicts that followed were predicated to a large degree on the veterans’ concern to keep their land, and the fear of further confiscations (Cass. Dio 48,6 f.; App. B Civ. 5,27). After the victory at + Actium (31 BC), long-serving soldiers received land in Italy, the former owners being compensated with a cash payment (Cass. Dio 51,4,5 f.; R. Gest. div. Aug. 15,3; 16,1). Subsequent settlements of veterans in coloniae were concentrated in the western provinces, and contributed accordingly to their > Romanization. Augustus expended large sums from his own fortune on provision for veterans (R. Gest. div. Aug. 16,2), until the question

was finally settled by the creation of the > aerarium militare (see Addenda; AD 6; R. Gest. div. Aug. 17,2); cash payments to veterans upon their release from the army eventually replaced land settlements, the amount of the sums involved being precisely determined on the basis of rank. — Agrarian laws; > Armies; > Coloniae 1 H. BOTERMANN, Die Soldaten und die roémische Politik

in der Zeit von Caesars Tod bis zur Begriindung des zweiten Triumvirats, 1968 NAST, Augustus, 31999

2 BRUNT, 294-344 3D.KIE4 E.T. SALMON, Roman Colo-

nization under the Republic, 1969 5 H.-C. SCHNEIDER, Das Problem der Veteranenversorgung in der spaten rémischen Republik, 1977 6 F. VITTINGHOFF, Rémiche

Kolonisation und Biirgerrechtspolitik unter Caesar und Augustus (AAWM), 1952.

H.SCHN.

II. PRINCIPATE

During the Principate, those soldiers were regarded as veterani who, having completed their period of service, Or upon premature retirement on grounds of invalidity (missio causaria) or by imperial favour, had received their honourable release, the honesta > missio (cf. Dig. 3,2,2,25 49,16,13,3). Synonyms for veterani were the technical terms dimissi honesta missione, emissi, missici, emeriti, evocati and exauctorati. The

ceremonial day of release, usually in one of the winter months, was associated with cult acts (PDura 54, col. 1,7-9: Jan. 7th; > Feriale Duranum; cf. dedications upon release such as AE 1973, 553 f.; ILS 2181; 4833) and payment of the savings kept ad signa (‘in the presence of the standard’, i.e. in the basement of the + principia) and the praemia militiae from the — aerarium militare (see Addenda).

5538

354

Systematic assignments of land in the provinces to veterans are attested more rarely after Augustus, and for the last time under Hadrian; but the possibility of missio agraria continued to exist in the form of viritim assignments (assignments of land on an individual basis). By the 2nd cent. at the latest, however, cash payment (missio nummaria) in the form of praemium militiae was the rule. Subject to membership of a military collegium, veterans received the so-called anularium (compensation: ILS 2438) at the end of their active service, for their material support upon entering civilian

had received land after their release from military service were exempt from land tax; so as to make it easier for them to take up agricultural activities, they were

life. With their missio, veterans received release documents (> Tabulae honestae missionis), if entitled also

~ military diplomas, with which, when occasion arose, to substantiate their claim for privileges accruing, for example when applying for — epikrisis (see e.g. FIRA 3, 7b; cf. PSI 1026). The privileges (+ Immunitas) granted veterans, valid in the place of abode, usually place of birth or home garrison town (the two often being identical after the late rst cent.), underwent certain changes during the Principate; they might comprise exemption from taxes and services in the categories of munera personalia and mixta (~~ Munus, Munera II.), and from portoria (— Portorium), vectigalia and > angaria. However, veterans from different units were not

VETERINARY MEDICINE

granted oxen and seed (Cod. Theod. 7,20,3; 7,20,8). Jones, LRE, 635 f.

Vetericus (Viderich). Amalus (+ Amali), who came with his father Berimund from the territory of the Hunni to Gaul in AD 427 (lord. Get. 251). Probably identical to Vitericus (Chron. min. 1,477 MOMMSEN), who fought with the Romans against the Visigoth Theoderic I (+ Theodericus [r]) in 439 ([2. 259 f.]; otherwise in e.g. [1]). Father of Theoderic the Great’s (+ Theodericus [3]) designated successor > Eutharicus Cilliga. 1 PLRE 2, 1157, s. v. Vetericus Goten, 42001.

I. THE ANCIENT ORIENT ANTIQUITY

9668; cf. Cod. Iust. 7,54,9; 10,55,3). Veterans were regarded as honestiores (+ Honestiores/Humiliores),

TREATMENT

they occupied an elite status, especially in the less developed environs of military stations. Their involvement in the local > political administration and economy, and local cults, is an indication of their integration. Veteran families (IGR 3, 1187; 1266) showed awareness of

Die WE.LU.

II. CLASSICAL

I. THE ANCIENT ORIENT A.SourRcES

some of them moving to high positions in local munici-

2 H. WoLFraM,

Veterinary medicine

necessarily treated on an equal basis (PFouad I 21; SB 8,

palities and urban settlements (AE 1915, 69; 1921, 21);

H.SCHN.

B. SPECIALISTS

C. DISEASES AND

A. SOURCES

Indirect: The Akkadian collection of > Hammurapi’s laws (18th cent. BC) mentions the treatment of

oxen (+ Cattle) and donkeys [1. 70, § 224f.]. Direct: we know of ten remedies in Ugaritic, and six confirmed as such in Accadian; they confine themselves to the treatment of diseases in horses [2].

their status. Veteran associations (CIL VIII 2618; ILS

6847) served social and cult purposes, such as the provision of honourable burial, and probably also the preservation of tradition (— Associations).

— Armies; ~ Missio 1S. Linx, Konzepte der Privilegierung romischer Veteranen, 1989 2J.C. MANN, Legionary Recruitment and Veteran Settlement during the Principate, 1983 3 F. MitrHor, Soldaten und Veteranen in der Gesellschaft des rémischen Agyptens 1.-2. Jahrhundert n. Chr., in: G. ALFOLDY et al. (eds.), Kaiser, Heer und Gesellschaft in der romischen Kaiserzeit. Gedenkschrift E. BiRLEY, 2000,

377-405

4G. WescH-KLEIN, Soziale Aspekte des romi-

schen Heerwesens in der Kaiserzeit, 1998

5 H.WOLFF,

Die Entwicklung der Veteranen-Privilegien vom Beginn des 1. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. bis auf Konstantin den GroGen, in: Id., W.Eck

(ed.), Heer und Integrationspolitik,

1986, 44-115.

Ill. LATE ANTIQUITY

Many privileges were granted veterans in Late Antiquity, above all immunity from taxation for the veteran himself and his wife (Cod. Theod. 7,20,4); veterans who went into commerce were also not called upon to pay market taxes (Cod. Theod. 7,20,2,4). Veterans who

B. SPECIALISTS As far as can be ascertained from the sources, a distinction was made between veterinarians for bovines and for equines [1. 70, § 224, 18; 4]. The profession of

donkey doctor was already known in the time before ~ Sargon (c. 2400 BC) [3]. The Akkadian technical term for a horse doctor (attested in the rst millennium BC) was muna” isu: ‘he who preserves life’. C. DISEASES AND TREATMENT The Akkadian remedies concern colic in horses; those in Ugaritic mention symptoms such as coughing, (excessive) whinnying, problems in respect of urina-

tion, defecation and feeding, and head pain. In the Akkadian remedies [2. 73-6], drugs containing active agents derived from plants, sometimes with wine as an excipient, are poured into the horse’s nos-

trils. One remedy envisages 23 drugs tied in a leather bag, to be introduced into a horse’s anus. In the Ugaritic remedies [2], drugs containing active agents derived from plants are pulverized and introduced into the nostrils. — Horse

VETERINARY

1TUAT1

MEDICINE

25S.D.Parpee, Les textes hippiatriques, 1985

3 A. DEIMEL, Die Inschriften von Fara (WVDOG 43), no.

7o iii 4 ff. 4 F. THuREAU-DanaIn, Lettres et contrats de l’epoque de la premiére dynastie babylonienne (Textes cunéiformes, Musée du Louvre 1), 137 (Brief).

BA.BO.

II. CLassi1caL ANTIQUITY

According

to

Isid.

356

355

Orig.

4,9,12,the

centaur

—» Chiron was the founder of VM (medicina iumento-

rum, ‘medicine for draught animals and beasts of burden’). The oldest extant sources are in Latin: > Cato

[x], De agricultura (79-82: cattle diseases; 105: mange in sheep; 111: poisonings of cattle and other animals; 112: methods for the maintenance of good health in cattle; 33 and 63: fodder for cattle and other animals; 92, 140-41: sacrifices for the health of cattle); > Varro [2], Res rusticae (bk. 2: grazing and guard animals —e.g. sheep and dogs — including reproduction, > castration and diseases, especially of horses: 2,7,16; bk. 3: farm animals, poultry, game and fish, including rearing, with reproduction, symptoms of health and disease, in bees i..: 3,16,20-2); > Columella, De re rustica (bks. 6-9: rearing of cattle and horses and smaller animals, diseases and their treatment — cattle and horses: 6,4-19, calves: 6,2 5-6, horses: 6,30-5, mules: 6,38, sheep: 7,5, goats: 7,7, pigs: 7,10, dogs: 7,13 and bees: 9,13). The Latin authors mentioned refer to earlier such (e.g. > Mago [12]), of whose writings virtually nothing survives. Other works from the 4th cent. BC into the rst

cent. AD contain a large variety of discussions of the animal world and the diseases of animals and their treatment, as well as their anatomy and _physiology (> Xenophon [2], De equitandi ratione; > Aristotle [6], Historia animalium, De partibus animalium, De generatione animalium; -> Pedanius [1] Dioscorides, De materia medica; > Plinius [x], Naturalis historia bks. 8-11).

The veterinarian aspects of later Greek texts (the Corpus Hippiatricum, > Apsyrtus [2], the

~ Hippiatrica and > Geoponica) have not yet been sufficiently researched. Our best sources at present are the not precisely datable Late Antique Latin treatises of + Pelagonius Saloninus, > Palladius [II 1] and > Vegetius, and the > Mulomedicina Chironis. The content of these texts, above all on the subject of ~ cattle and > horses, may be compared with that of therapeutic manuals of human medicine (+ Medicine)

In the ancient sources, VM belongs in the field of ~ agriculture (> Agrarian writers); it appears not to have achieved autonomy as a discipline until late on, and to have remained essentially orientated on the utilitarian aspect of animals as draft animals and beasts of burden, a source of food and an economic resource. Although ancient literature on VM was received in the Byzantine Period and the Middle Ages in the West, in the present state of research, and in the context of inadequate knowledge of sources, its influence cannot yet be assessed. Hippiatric MSS contain illustrations whose origins are yet to be determined. ~ Hippiatrica; + Mulomedicina Chironis; > Pharmacology J.N. Apams, Pelagonius and Latin Veterinary Terminology in the Roman Empire, 1995; L. Bopson, Le vocabu-

laire latin des maladies pestilentielles et epizootiques, in: G.SapBaH (ed.), Le Latin médical, 1991, 215-241; K.D.Fiscuer, Ancient Veterinary Medicine. A Survey of Greek and Latin Sources and Some Recent Scholarship, in: Medizinhistorisches Journal 23, 1988, 191-209; J.SCHAFFER, K.-D.FiscHER, s. v. Tiermedizin, LMA 8,

774-780; S.LazarIs, Contribution a l’étude de l’hippiatrie grecque et de sa transmission a |’Occident, in: M.C. AMourETTI, F.S1GauT (ed.), Traditions agronomiques

européennes, 1998, 143-169; D. TROLLI, Studi su antichi trattati di veterinaria, 1990.

A.TO.

Vetranio. Roman emperor 1 March — 25 December AD 350, of lowly origin from Upper Pannonia, worked his way up to magister peditum under > Constantinus [x] and > Constans [1]. When > Magnentius was proclaimed emperor, V. was in Illyricum. At the request of ~ Constantina, he allowed himself to be proclaimed emperor in order to prevent his army siding with Magnentius, and was recognized by > Constantius [2]. Since the latter’s support was too weak, however, V. formed an alliance with Magnentius, but minted no coins with Magnentius’ image. When Constantius finally came to Europe, V. transferred his army to him and abdicated when his troops, influenced by Constantius, withdrew their support. He did not suffer the usual fate of usurpers; rather he was given a retreat in ~ Prusa, where he lived until 356. PLRE 1, 954, no. 1. K.G.-A.

of the Early Byzantine period onwards: the symptoms of diseases, both internal (e.g. plague, fever, disorders of the digestion and respiration) and external (e.g. wounds, especially to the hooves, malfunctions of the

Vettienus. Roman gens name [2]. The businessman V. ([1]: presumably an —> argentarius [2]) is recorded in 49-44 BC; he had business connexions with — Pomponius [I 5] Atticus and > Cicero (cf. Cic. Att. 10,5,3; LO,L1,53.LO,£3,25 LO,T $543) £25352) 1 $5L3535 ES sL9asEs

joints, haemorrhages,

1552051):

tumours) and their treatment;

parasitology (including the use of leeches); poisoning by fodder; and fractures. Therapies are both pharmacological and surgical. Remedies are of both vegetable and animal origin, and are applied orally or externally (by rubbing in, poultices and fumigation). Surgical interventions include incisions, > cauterization and the setting of fractures. Particular attention is given to fodder and reproduction.

1 J. ANDREAU, Patrimoines, échanges et préts d’argent, 1997,115 2SCHULZE, ror. J.BA.

B57

358

Vettius. Widespread Italic nomen gentile. I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD

I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD {11] V., L. Roman equestrian from Picenum, c. 106-

59 BC. In 89 BC, V. probably served on the staff of Cn. Pompeius [I 8] Strabo (ILS 8888; [1. 16x f.]) and subse-

quently enriched himself as a favourite of L. Cornelius {I 90] Sulla (Sall. Hist. 1,55,17). He later joined the conspiracy of + Catilina (Q. Tullius Cic. commentariolum petitionis ro), but betrayed it to > Cicero in 6 3 BC (Cass. Dio. 37,41; Oros. 6,6,7). In 62, it seems that

opponents of Caesar also persuaded V. to denounce him as a conspirator. He was, however, unable to supply any proof, and was therefore censured (Suet. Iul. 17,1). In 59 BC, V. provoked what has become known as the ‘Vettius Affair’ when he claimed to have planned, together with a group of young ~ nobiles, an assassination attempt on Cn. Pompeius [I 3] Magnus, and that the plot was sanctioned by the consul, M. Calpurnius [I 5] Bibulus. V. was not believed, but was arrested. Caesar presented V. to the people in a > contio, at which he changed the names of the persons accused, presumably at Caesar’s bidding. V. was later murdered while incarcerated. The instigators and purposes of the ‘Affair’ are controversial: as the later sources (Plut. Lucullus 42,7 f.; Suet. Iul. 20,5; App. B Civ. 2,43-46; Cass. Dio 38,9) seem less than reliable, most modern scholars (esp. [4; 5]) follow Cicero (Att. 2,24; Vatin.

24-26), who gives us the most complete account and Caesar as the instigator. Caesar may have wanted to increase Pompey’s commitment to him and to discredit political opponents. It is disputed whether the affair led to a delay in the elections for 58 [5], or whether it should be seen as a failed act of desperation on Caesar’s part, attempting destabilization after those elections [4]. It is also possible that Pompey himself launched the scandal to refurbish his own tarnished names

renown (so [2. 95 f.; 3]). 1 C. CicHortus, Rémische Studien, 1922

Last Generation of the Roman

2 GRUEN, The

Republic

3 B. MarR-

SHALL, Pompeius’ Fear of Assassination, in: Chiron

1987, 119-133

17,

4 C.Merer, Zur Chronologie und Poli-

tik in Caesars erstem Konsulat, in: Historia

10, 1961,

68-98 5L.R.TayLor, The Date and the Meaning of the V. Affair, in: Historia 1, 1950, 45-51.

[I 2] V. Chilo, P. Roman equestrian, c. 73 BC probably

one of the magistri of a> societas of - publicani active in Sicily (Cic. Verr. 2,3,166-168;

[I 4] V. Philocomus. Roman grammarian of the late 2nd cent. BC, commented on the works of his contemporary and friend -* Lucilius [I 6] in his teaching (Suet. Gramm. 2). > Valerius [III 3] Cato was one of his pupils on these occasions (loc.cit.; cf. also Hor. Sat. 1,10; it is uncertain whether this satire is still referring to V. as it continues). Lucilius (fr. 1322 MARrx = Quint. Inst. 1,5,56) seems to mock this V. for his central Italian

dialect. FRAGMENT: GRE 51. BIBLIOGRAPHY: W.SUERBAUM, in: HLL 1,§ 191.1.

pk.

[[5] V. (Sabinus?), T. Praetor in 59 BC, thereafter probably governor of Africa (Cic. Flac. 85). His relationship to the quaestor of > Verres (T. V.; cf. V. [I 2]) and the official responsible for minting coins (T. V. Sabinus) whose dates are disputed (BMCRR, no. 3370; RRC, no. 404; MRR 2,455; 3,219), is unclear. J.BA. [I 6] V. Scato, P. Leader (praetor) of the > Paeligni in

the > Social War [3] of 91-89 BC (Cic. Phil. 12,27). At first, in 91, he operated at Picenum, then in 90 in the borderlands between Latium and the Marsi, where he defeated the Roman consul P. Rutilius [I 1] Lupus at the Tolenus, before the consul’s legate, C. Marius [I 1], forced him to fall back. He then turned southward, defeating the army of the consul L. Julius [I 5] Caesar at Aesernia in Samnium and taking the town. At Asculum in the spring of 89, he negotiated fruitlessly with the consul, Cn. Pompeius [I 8] Strabo (Cic. Phil. 12,27), who went on to conquer most of the Italians. V., still not ready to agree peace, is said to have been about to be surrendered by his own troops and to have taken his own life (Sen. Ben. 3,23,5; Macrob. Sat. 1,11,24). Main source: App. B Civ. 1,181-204. K-LE.

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD [II 1] M. V. Bolanus. Senator, perhaps from northern

Italy, probably a homo novus. Legionary legate in AD 62 under > Domitius [II 11] Corbulo in the East, cos. suff. in 66. In 69, he sided with > Vitellius [II 2] who sent him to Britain as consular governor. There he had to contend with revolts, and in addition to that, he also had to send troops in support of Vitellius in Italy. When Tacitus (Agr. 16,6) speaks of V.’ inertia, this is to be seen as a consequence of the civil war situation and the conflicts in Gaul, to which V. also had to send a legion ( Year of four emperors). He returned to Rome late in 71, and was admitted to the > patricii in 73/4. V. was proconsul of Africa in c. 75/6. His son was V. [II 2]. BIRLEY, 62-65.

[1]). His brother,

T. V., was quaestor for their brother-in-law, -> Verres (ibid. 2,3,168; 5,114). 1 E. BapiAn, Publicans and Sinners, 1972, 72 f.

[13] V. Chrysippus. Freedman (— Freedmen) of the architect Cyrus, attested 53-44 BC; probably himself an architect (Cic. Att. 13,29,1; 14,9,1; Cic. Fam. Ta tAsn)s

VETTIUS

J.BA.

[Il 2] M. V. Bolanus. Son of [II 1]; cos. ord. in AD 111. His brother, V. Crispinus, is celebrated in Stat. Silv. 5,2,162-171 and is probably to be identified with C. Clodius [II 3] Crispinus. {Il 3] C. V. Gratus Atticus Sabinianus. Descendant of V. [II 6], patrician. Cos. ord. in AD 242 (career in CIL VI 1529 = 41234). His father, C. V. Gratus Sabinianus, was cos. ord. in 221. K.-H. Die7z, Senatus contra principem, 1980, 248-251.

VETTIUS

360

359

[ll4] M. V. Latro. Equestrian from — Thuburbo [1] Maius in Africa. He distinguished himself as prefect of the cohors I Alpinorum in Trajan’s (> Traianus [1]) Dacian War. Following further military appointments, procurator annonae Ostiae et in Portu, procurator of the patrimonial estates on Sicily, presiding procurator of the > Alpes Cottiae and, in 128, of Mauretania Caesariensis. Tuomasson, Fasti Africani, 200 f.

[115] C. V. Rufus Cos. suff. (according to CIL XII 4407) with M. Porcius [II x] Cato in AD 36. W.Eck, s. v. V. (42a), RE Suppl. 14, 841 f.

[I 6] C. V. Sabinianus Iulius Hospes. Of the equestrian order. The origins of his family are uncertain. He may have been from Africa and perhaps related to V. [II 4]. After two posts in the militia equestris (— tres militiae), he was admitted to senatorial rank by Antoninus [r] Pius (career in AE 1920,45). After the praetorship, he was legate to the proconsul of Asia, before being posted on a special assignment to the > Cyclades. Legionary legate with the Jegio III Italica; special mission in Gaul to investigate urban finances. Legate of the legio XIV Gemina, linked to the iuridicatus (> Juridicus 1) in Pannonia superior. > Praefectus [2] aerarii of the aerarium Saturni at Rome. Praetorial governor of Pannonia inferior. During this period, he took part in campaigns against Germanic tribes. He was ordered to Italy and Rome in 175 in order to be available for help against the threat of attack by > Avidius [1] Cassius. Cos. suff.; governor of Dalmatia, then of the Tres Daciae (> Daci, Dacia), and finally of Pannonia superior. Proconsul of Africa c. AD 190.

of many of his sources. He deals with all important teachings of astrology, but without classification scheme. It is not clear whether the many adjustments and addenda originated with him or an editor. Most of the 140 individual horoscopes [1. 7,81-131] refer to birth years between AD 50 and 173, and date from AD 139-173, while one prophecy relates to AD 184 [x. V-VII]. The particular value of this text, which is a relatively early one within the field of surviving Greek specialist astrological literature, is as a collection of sources. Among the authors upon whom V. draws are ~» Nechepso/Petosiris, > Critodemus, > Hipparchus [6], > Hypsicles, > Timaeus [4] and > Thrasyllus [2]. He, in turn, was cited by -» Hephaestion [5], > Rhetorius and > Theophilus [8] of Edessa. His text, being a practical one, was often and heavily altered. Along with the fragmentary Greek version of the text, which dates from no later than the 7th cent., there was also an Arabic version preserved via Middle Persian. V. was held in high regard by the Byzantines and Arabs, often being epitomized or quoted. Wrongly attributed to him (probably in the Byzantine period) were: Xojoua texvw0év/Chrésma_ techn6othén, ‘Instructed Prophecy’ (CCAG IV, 146), Tleot tov magavatedAovtmv éxcotns

uoteac/Peri tén paranatellonton hekdstés moiras, ‘On the paranatellonta [stars-rising-together, i.e. extrazodiacal constellations] of every degree’ (CCAG I, 84,18), Koiois OvdAevtos Maxotuet/Krisis Oudlentos

Machotimet, ‘Judgment of Valens by Mahomet’ (CCAG V 3, 110-121). He was also incorrectly associated with the foundation horoscope of Constantinople in the Byzantine period [6. 217, 285].

— Astrology EDITIONS:

1D.PINGREE,

1986

2 J.-F.Bara,

1989

(vol.1 with commentary).

FPD, 131-137; THOMASSON, Fasti Africani, 75.

{I 7] V. Sabinus. Supposedly a senator. His name is

preserved in the > Historia Augusta (HA, Max. Balb. 2,1) as Vectius Sabinus, but is often ‘corrected’ to V. In all probability an invention. H. BrANpDT, Kommentar zur vita Maximini et Balbini der Historia Augusta, 1996, 127.

[II 8] M. V. Scato. Senator from the region of > Marruvium, died (probably in AD 69) while [quaestor] designatus after holding office as triumvir capitalis and military tribune with the legio IIII Macedonica at ~ Mogontiacum (present-day Mainz) (CIL IX 3649 = AE 1979,197 = AE 1991,565; cf. [1. 477] with earlier bibliography).

ENGLISH TRANSLATION: 3 R.SCHMIDT BIBLIOGRAPHY: 4E.BOER,s. v. V. (67), RE 8 A, 1871-

1873 5SF.H. Cramer, Astrology in Roman Law and Politics, 1954, 190f. 6 W. and H.G. Gunpkz, Astrologumena, 1966, 216-221 7 O.NEUGEBAUER, H.B. VAN Hoksen, Greek Horoscopes, 1959 8 W. WARNING, De Vetii Valentis sermone, 1909. W.H.

[II 10] V. Valens. Roman physician and lover of > Messalina [2] (Plin. HN 29,5,8; Tac. Ann. 11,30,2, 31,3), executed by > Claudius [III 1] in AD 48 (Tac. Ann.

author of treatises in Greek, according to [1. V] (cf. [1. 7,116 f.]) born on 8 February AD 120. Around 175,

11,35,3). V. may have been a pupil of Apuleius Celsus and a teacher of - Scribonius [II 3] Largus (compositiones, index 91; 94). According to Plin. HN 29,5,8, pupils flocked to him for his eloquence. He attained influence, but his medical tradition cannot be precisely identified. In the rst cent. AD, however, medicine was characterized by the development of radical theoretical systems sometimes more strongly founded upon therapeutic success than on scientific precepts.

he wrote a substantial work in 9 books, his Anthologiae (AvOohoyiov BiBAia/Anthologién biblia), dedicated to a certain Marcus. V. is proud of his clear language, the -> koine, which he claims stands out from the obscurity

which bear V.’ name, Galen three pharmaceutical preparations, all for internal use (De compositione medicamentorum secundum locos 13,115, 285 and

1 A.M. ANDERMAnR, Totus in praediis, 1998.

W.E.

[II 9] V. Valens. Of Antioch [1], practical astrologer and

Scribonius

mentions

two

prescriptions

(91; 94)

361

362

292). Opium is a striking ingredient in these, as are the kind of extravagant and costly drugs in vogue at the time. The third prescription was already transmitted in different variants by the time of Galen. One of the prescriptions of Scribonius bearing the name of V. (94) was adopted by Marcellus [II 8] Empiricus (16,8). R.HANSLIK,

s.v. V. (51), RE 8 A, 1869; F.P. Moog,

V. Valens. Kaiserlicher Leibarzt und einziger rémischer Schulgriinder (Wiirzburger medizinhistorische MitteilunA.TO,

gen 20), 2001, 18-35.

Vettona. City in Umbria on a hill on the left side of the + Tiberis between - Tuder and > Perusia, modern Bettona. Municipium of the tribus Clustumina [1. 271].

Walls in opus quadratum (+ Masonry); necropoleis from the 4th cent. BC until the 2nd cent. AD. 1 L.R. Tayior, The Voting Districts of the Roman Repub-

VETULONIA

[2] M. V. Civica Barbarus. Son of V. [4] and a Plautia [2]. Born shortly before AD 124; half-brother of L. Aelius Caesar (-» Ceionius [3] Commodus), and therefore uncle of L. + Verus. Patrician; his career in AE 1958, 15th cos. ord. in 157; member of the Sodales Antoniniani. As > comes, he accompanied — Lucilla to her wedding to Verus at Ephesus. Friend of Herodes [x6] Atticus; cf. [r. 845 f., s. v. V. (2)]. [3] C. V. Civica Cerialis. Brother of V. [1], cos. suff. in c. AD 75; consular legate of Moesia (recorded in the year 82). During his pro-consulship in Asia, Domitianus [1] had him killed (Tac. Agr. 42; Suet. Dom. 10,2); cf. [1. 846, s. v. V. (3)], [4] Sex. V. Civica Cerialis. Son of V. [1] or V. [3]. Cos. ord. in AD 106 with L. Ceionius [2] Commodus, whose wife Plautia [2] he later married. Father of V. [2] and V. [5]; possibly a patrician; cf. [1. 846 f., s. v. V. (4)].

lic, 1960.

[5] Sex. V. Civica Pompeianus. Son of V. [4]; V. [2] was

G. BecatTTI1, Nota topografica sulle mura di Bettona, in: SE

his half-brother. Cos. ord. in AD 136 with Ceionius [3] Commodus, the later L. Aelius Caesar; cf. [1. 847, s. v.

8, 1934, 397-400; C. PIETRANGELI, s. v. Bettona, EAA 2, 76.

G.U.

V. (5)] 1 W. Eck, s. v. V. (2-5), RE Suppl. 14, 845-847.

W.E.

Vettones (Ovéttovec/Oxuéttones). Central Iberian peo-

ple with a settlement area between the Rivers Anas and Durius (Ptol. 2,5,9), whose Celtic character is not certain [1. 202 f.]. The V. were herdsmen and cattle breeders. They discovered a herb which was particularly effective against snake bites (Celsus, Med. 5,27,10; modern Betony, Stachys or Betonica officinalis) and in Gaul was called herba Vettonica (Plin. HN 25,84; cf. > Placitus Papyriensis). The V. suffered a defeat in 193 BC in battle with the Romans under the praetor M. Fulvius [I 15] at > Toletum (Liv. 35,7,8). Occasionally, the Roman province was named after them: Provincia Lusitania et Vettonia (CIL II 485; 1178; 1267). 1 TOVAR 2.

J. MALUQUER

DE Motes, Pueblos celtas, in:

R.MENEN-

DEZ Pipa_ (rf.), Historia de Espafia, vol. 1.3, 31976, 25 f.; TIR J—29 Emerita, 1995, 162; A.SCHULTEN,

R. GROSSE,

s. v. V., RE 8 A, 1873 f.

Vettulenus [1] Sex. V. Cerialis. Senator, whose family may have originated in the Sabine lands [1. 325-332]. Legionary legate in the Jewish War under - Vespasianus; after the conquest ofJerusalem (in AD 70), he was the first senatorial governor to take over the province of Judaea (> Palaestina). Probably in the first half of the year 71 he returned to Rome; suffect consul probably in 72 or 73. Recorded 75-78 as consular legate of Moesia (CIL XVI 22; cf. [2. 30, tab. I, Z. 9; 3]) ILS 988 may refer to him. 1Syme RP, vol. 1

2RMDI,No.2

3W.Ecketal.,

Neue Militardiplome zur Geschichte der Provinz Germania inferior, in: Koln. Jahrbuch 2001

4 Id., s. v. V. (1),

5 TH. FRANKE, Die LegionsleRE Suppl. 14, 842-847 gaten der romischen Armee in der Zeit von Augustus bis Traian, vol. 1, 1991, 111 f.

Vetulonia (Etruscan Vatl). Etruscan coastal city in the southeast of > Populonia (Plin. HN. 2,227 and 3,52; Ptol. 3,1,49: OvetovAdviov/Ouetoulonion; cf. Frontin. Str. 1,2,7) at modern V. The city lay on a hill (345 m),

which in the east sloped down to a bay, an ideal natural harbour. Flowing into this bay from the mining region (copper, iron, lead, silver; Massa Veternensis) near Lago dell’ Accesa was the navigable river Prile (modern Bruna), and this location favoured V. as a place of

transshipment of sea and land trade. (cf. coins from V.: dolphins, tridents, anchors; HN 15). Its silting up, and that of the Umbro (modern Ombrone), gradually closed the bay to the sea, however, so that it ultimately formed the lake known in Cicero’s time as > Lacus Prelius (for T. Annius [I 14] Milo’s plan to build a villa on an island in the lake see Cic. Mil. 74). Thus the city was deprived of its port, and this seriously damaged its original economic significance. The first traces of settlement in the area around V. (Val d’Ampio, Val Berretta, Selvello) are from the Early and Middle Palaeolithic periods; from the Iron Age there are + necropoleis (VII) with pozzetto graves (urns in biconic, round and hut shapes; grave goods: small pots, weapons; > Villanova Culture). Around the middle of the 8th cent. BC, body burials also begin (richer grave goods, some imported); groups of graves surrounded by stone circles imply a society ruled by nobles. From the 7th cent. BC chamber graves are also found, under earth mounds with rich grave goods (local, but also goods imported from other Etruscan cities, Sardinia and central Europe, from Greece and the Near East such as chariots, snaffles, weapons, crockery, toiletries), which show the high social rank of the deceased. The few literary notes on the history of the city reveal that V. had supra-regional significance; V. (Dion. Hal.

VETULONIA

364

363

Ant. Rom. 3,51,4 for the year 606 BC) is supposed to have become embroiled on the side of the > Latini in a war with the Romans under Tarquinius [11] Priscus, for

instance; in addition essential insignia of state power (> fasces, > sella curulis, toga praetexta) were adopted from V. by Rome (Sil. 8,484-488). Clear evidence from the period between the end of the sth cent. BC and the end of the 4th is still lacking. Nevertheless it is obvious that the place continued to be settled, since finds of black-glazed pottery, architectural terracotta and local coins from the 3rd cent. BC onwards again imply a prospering urban culture in V., now on the > via Aurelia (built in 241 BC; It. Ant. 292,2: road station ad Lacum Aprilem [sic!]), which helped the city regain a certain economic significance. In the Roman Imperial period, V. belonged to the tribus Scaptia in the regio VII (Plin. HN 3,52). Nevertheless, decline ultimately could not be halted: Rutilius [II 1] Claudius Namatianus went past V. on his voyage home from Rome to Arelate in AD 417, and even spent the night very close to V., but does not mention it at all in his poem De reditu suo (337-348). — Etrusci, Etruria I.Fatcut, V. e la sua necropoli antichissima, 1891; D. Levi, Carta Archeologica di V., in: SE 5, 1931, 13-40;

Id., La necropoli etrusca del Lago dell’ Accesa, in: Monumenti Antichi 35, 1933, I-135; G.CAMPOREALE, La tomba del Duce, 1967; Id., Icommerci di V. in eta orientalizzante, 1969; Id., Gli Etrusci, 2000, 3 5 1-362; M. Cy-

GIELMAN, Note preliminari per una periodizzazione del villanoviano di V., in: P.GastTaxpi et al. (eds.), La pre-

senza etrusca nella Campania meridionale, 1994, 255292; S. BRUNI (ed.), Isidoro Falchi, 1994; C.B. Currt, V. I (regio VII, 5), 1978.

GL.C.

321 with V. [I x], and in the time of the 2nd > Punic War with the Veturii [I 7-8] Philones. While the patrician status of the Cicurini and Philones can be regarded as certain (but cf. [3. 294f.]), in the case of V. [I 1], patrician status as well as a — transitio ad plebem have been hypothesized. From about the middle of the 4th

cent., however, one can presume the existence of a plebeian branch of the Veturii that acceded to the consulship with V. [I x], then became again insignificant after his-humiliating defeat near Caudium (see below; for the debate within the research cf. [4. 11415 5. 585] and for detail on the Veturii in general [6]). There is no direct connection between the Veturii of the Empire and those of the Republic. I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD II. IMPERIAL PERIOD

I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD [I 1] V. Calvinus, T. Consul in 334 and 321 BC (MRR 1, 140; r50f.). As cos. I, he effected the resettlement (+ deductio [2], see supplements) of the colony of + Cales [2] (Liv. 8,16,13 f.). As cos. II, he was one of those responsible for the Roman defeat at the hands of the > Samnites at > Caudium, even though the report by Livy [III 2] (9,1,1-11,13), which is based on the annalistic tradition, puts V.’ colleague Sp. Postumius Albinus at the center of the action: surrounded by the enemy, the consuls concluded a humiliating peace that Rome refused to recognize; consequently, they were handed over to the Samnites who, however, sent them back. On V.’ origin see above. {I 2] V. (Calvinus), T. Presumably the son of V. [I 1]. In his report on the coming into existence of the lex Poetelia (Papiria), Valerius [III 5] Maximus (6,1,9) names him as being the young man whose fate was the occasion for the abolishment of the > nexum (— Poetelius

Veturia. According to a legendary tradition of the early Republic, V. prevented her son Marcius > Coriolanus from conquering his home city Rome with a Volscian army (— Volsci). The best-known version of this often revisited subject matter is that of Livius [III 2] (2,40,112; cf. e.g. Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 8,39-54; Val. Max. 554,13 Plut. Coriolanus 33-36, but there, V. is called + Volumnia [1]), who simultaneously provides an aeti-

ology for the foundation of the temple of + Fortuna Muliebris. Prototypes in Greek tragedy (e.g. Eur. Phoen.; Eur. Hec.) are unmistakable. A possible literary prototype is the ‘Letter of Cornelia [I x], Mother of the Gracchi’ in Nepos (fr. 59 MARSHALL). R.M. Ocitvir, 334-336.

A Commentary on Livy Books 1-5, 1965, C.MU.

Veturius . Name of a Roman family (also often given as Vetusius; on the origin of the gens Veturia [1. 284]), for which the > tribus Voturia was named [2. 42]. The Veturii played a prominent political role in various phases of the Republic: from the beginning of the Republic to the leges Liciniae Sextiae (367 BC) with the Veturii [I 3-6] Cicurini, in the time between 334 and

[3]) because, after ending up in debt bondage, he was sexually harassed by his creditor. [I 3] V. Cicurinus, C. According to the written record,

V., cos. in 455 BC (MRR 1, 42), defeated the > Aequi near Algidus Mons, together with his colleague Romilius [1]. The following year, however, V. was indicted and convicted along with his colleague, according to Livy [III 2], for having put the net proceeds from the spoils of the war into the + aerarium; according to Dionysius [18] of Halicarnassus, in the course of the charges that Lucius + Siccius Dentatus brought against his colleague (Liv. 3,31,2-6; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 10,48,3; 10,49,6). According to Liv. 3,32,3, he was admitted to the Collegium of > Augures in 453 BC. Despite the variation in his praenomen, [1. 456] considers it possible that this V. is identical with V. [I 4] (cf. MRR 1, 45f.). [14] V. Crassus Cicurinus, Sp. (T. or L.?) With vari-

ations in the praenomina (Sp. in the Fasti Capitolini: InscrIt 13,1,26f.; 364f. and Diod. Sic. 12,23,1; T. in Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 10,56,3; L. in Liv. 33,3,3), named in the written record as a member of the first Collegium of + Decemviri [x] in 451 BC. Possibly identical with V. [I 3] or, more likely, V. [I 6] (cf. MRR 1,

45f.).

365

366

[I 5] V. Geminus Cicurinus, T. According to the written record, V. as cos. in 494 BC (MRR 1, 13 f.) found himself confronted, during the tense situation that had arisen that year, with the refusal of the + plebs to render military service. Consequently, in joint action with his colleague Verginius [I 6], he named M’. Valerius [I 30] Maximus > dictator and, after the latter had settled the dispute for the time being, waged war against the

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD {Il 1] D. V. Macrinus. Equestrian governor of Mauretania Tingitana in AD 180 (AE 1957,203 = [2. 349]).

> Aequi (Liv. 2,28,1-29,4; 2,30,4-9). [I 6] V. Geminus Cicurinus, T. Son of V. [I 5]. As cos. in

462 BC (after a preceding interregnum) and together with his colleague, he carried out the struggle against the + Aequi and - Volsci with such success that, according to all records, he was awarded an > ovatio (Liv. 3,8,2-20,4; cf. Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 9,69-71;

InserIt 13,1,66f.; 543). Possibly identical with V. [I 4], one of the + decemviri [1] 451 BC ([1. 456]; cf. MRR a Day 1R.M. Ocitviz, A Commentary on Livy, Books 1-5, 1965 2L.R.Taytor, The Voting Districts of the Roman 3R.E. A. PALMER, The Archaic ComRepublic, 1960 5S.P. 4HOLKESKAMP munity of the Romans, 1970 Oakey, A Commentary on Livy, Books 6-10, vol. 2, 1998 6I].SHATZMAN, Patricians and Plebeians: The Case C.MU. of the Veturii, in: CQ, N. S. 23, 1973, 65-77.

VEXILLATIO

Whether he was also procurator of Mauretania Caesariensis (cf. AE 1951, 141) remains uncertain. The V. Macrinus who is known to have been ~ praefectus Aegypti between 181 and 183, is most likely his father. Which of the two is to be identified as the + praefectus praetorio appointed by Didius [II 6] Iulianus (HA Did. 7,5) remains an open question. 1 THomasson, Fasti Africani, 205, 233. 2:J.GAscou, M.EuzeEn (eds.), Inscriptions antiques du Maroc, vol. 2, 1982.

{I 2] M. V. Veturianus. Senatorial governor of Numidia under > Valerianus [2] and Gallienus. Whether he was proconsul of Sicily before or after this governorship (AE 1914, 245) must remain an open question. On the date of this proconsulship see [1. 259 ff.].; 1 M. CurisToL, G(aius) Macrinius Decianus, Gouverneur

de Numidie, et l’histoire militaire de la Province au milieu

du Ille siécle, in: ZPE 138, 2002, 259-269.

W.E.

Vetus Latina see. > Bibeliibersetzungen; > Vulgata

[I 7] V. Philo, L. Consul in 220 BC, penetrated northern Italy as far as the Alps in the war against the > Celts

Vetus Salina. Roman auxiliary fort and civilian settlement (canabae and vicus) on the Aquincum — Intercisa —

(Zon. 8,20,10). An alleged elective dictatorship in 217

Altinum Limes road (Ptol. 2,16,4: Sahivov/Salinon; It. Ant. 245,4: Vetus Salinae; Not. Dign. Occ. 33,16,37: Vetusalina; Tab. Peut. 5,4: Vetusalo; Geogr. Rav 220,8: Belsalino = Bet(u)salino?; CIL Ill 10305: ‘cives Romani

(CIL Iz p. 24; Liv. 22,33,11f.) cannot be historically verified [1]. Died in 210 BC as censor after having effected the return of M. Livius [I 13] Salinator to politics (Liv. 27,6,17f.; 27,34,6). — Punic Wars (II) 1 T.ScHMitt, Die Marci Pomponii Mathones, in: Gottin-

ger Forum fir Altertumswissenschaften 3, 2000, 83-110, esp. 89-91.

{I 8] V. Philo, L. Senator (Liv. 26,33,5) in 211 BC, possibly curule aedile at that time (Liv. 27,6,19; cf. [1]). In 209, he was praetor peregrinus; the simultaneous commandership in Gallia that was supposedly extended cannot be historically verified (Liv. 27,7,8; 27,22,53 cf. [2]). Asa legate in 207, he played a part in the victory in the Battle of the + Metaurus [2], which he proclaimed in Rome (Liv. 27,5 1,1-6; 28,9,19). As consul in 206, he devoted himself, after conducting a raid on Consentia, to a permanent pacification of Lucania (Liv. 28,11,12-15) before returning to Rome for the elections (Liv. 28,38,6). In 205 BC he was magister equitum

of the elective dictator Q. Caecilius [I 18] Metellus (Liv. 29, 11,9). He took the message of the victory in the Battle of Zama to Rome (Liv. 30,40,1-3). 27.ScHMitr, Die Marci Pomponii 1 Munzer, 127f. Mathones, in: Gottinger Forum fir AltertumswissenTAS. schaften 3, 2000, 83-110, esp. 100.

ad Vetussalinas consistentes’/“Roman citizens settled at VS”), modern Adony in the megye of Fejér in Hungary. Originally a wood-and-earth fort was built in VS (three building periods from the middle of the rst cent. until the 120s AD). The stone camp was built under Antoninus [1] Pius and lasted until the second half of the 3rd cent. The southwestern corner of the camp survives, the rest has been washed away by the Danube (- Ister, Istrus [x]). Known garrisons of VS are the Cohors II and Cohors III Batavorum and the Cohors II Alpinorum. In Late Antiquity, a new stone camp was built, in which the Equites Dalmatae Vetusialinae were stationed. A dolichenum (sanctuary to > Dolichenus) was nearby, and a necropolis; milestones and three military diplomata (2nd cent.) have been found there. Roman pres-

ence can be assumed as late as the sth cent. -» Limes V TIR L 34 Budapest, 1968, 118; S.SoproNtI, Die letzten Jahrhunderte des pannonischen Limes, 1985, 73; Z. VISY, Der pannonische Limes in Ungarn, 1988, 96-98.

J.BU.

Vexillatio. From the late rst cent. onwards, rather than entire legions (> Legio) being sent to reinforce Roman troops in a theatre of war, smaller units were usually dispatched to the scene; these were formed for the specific occasion, and their members drawn from individ-

367

368

ual legions or auxiliary units (+ Auxilia). Thus, for the siege of Jerusalem during the Jewish War, the legions stationed in Egypt provided 2,000 soldiers and the frontier troops on the Euphrates 3,000 (Jos. BI 5,43 f.). Such units, called vexillationes, normally comprised 1,000 (ILS 2726) or 2,000 men. They often included soldiers from various legions, and were formed for an indeterminate period; thus it was entirely possible for vexillationes not to return to their home units and original bases until several years had elapsed. Occasionally, vexillationes also undertook civil duties, for instance in road building (ILS 2478; 2479). Vexillationes are well attested epigraphically (vexillationes from legions: ILS

Via Annia. Built by the praetor T. > Annius [I r5] Rufus in 131 BC as an extension of the > via Appia from Capua to Regium (modern Reggio di Calabria). The naming and routing (cf. It. Ant. 109,1-111,5; 105,1- 106,4) of this via publica (+ Viae publicae) are confirmed by the Polla elogium (ILLRP 454) in connection with the Annius milestone (ILLRP 45 4a). A second VA ran from Bononia through Patavium to Aquileia; it was presumably built by T. Annius [I 13]

VEXILLATIO

9503 1153; 2284; 2287; 2480-2; 2484-6; 2726; 91 14—

20; 9125f.; 9200; vexillationes from cohortes (> Cohors): ILS 2556; 2614; 91273 9132; vexillationes from alae (> Ala [2]): ILS 2546; 2724; 9143). In Late Antiquity, vexillatio is the term for a unit of > cavalry (Veg. IMEI aie) 1 A.K. GotpswortuHy, The Roman Army at War 100 BC-AD 200, 1996, 27 f. 2 Jones, LRE, 54-59 3 L.Kepprre, The Making of the Roman Army 1984, 197.

H.SCHN. Vexillum, -arius see > Decorations, military; militaria; > Ensigns

> Dona

Via. Modern architectural term describing the ideally identical spacing between mutuli (> Mutulus) — sometimes also the distance between the > guttae of mutuli-— on the > geison in the Doric entablature of a peripteral temple (> Angle triglyph problem; > Column). —c.Ho. Via Aemilia. Built by M.> Aemilius [I 10] Lepidus during his consulship in 187 BC (Liv. 39,2,10; CIL I? 617 ff.). It led from > Ariminum to > Placentia, where it was continued by the > via Postumia. As an extension of the > via Flaminia, the VA opened up Gallia Cisalpina. In the same year, Lepidus’ fellow consul, C. Flaminius [2], built (Liv. 39,2,6) a via publica (> Viae publicae) from > Bononia [1] to Arretium, providing the VA, by way of the via Cassia, with two connective routes to Rome. For the route of the VA see It. Ant. 98,7-100,4; 126,10-127,7; 286,8-288,3; Tab. Peut. 3,2-4,2. From the time of Augustus onwards (CIL XI 8103; AE 1957, 215), there are records of regular reparatory works until late Antiquity. Str. 5,1,r1 also gives the name VA to the branch from Bononia to Aquilea. Imperial period road curators (> Cura [2]) are listed in [1. 80]. The VA became the > decumanus maximus of a number of cities and the axis of orientation of + limitations, and also gave its name to the Aemilia region (Mart. 6,85,6; Cic. Fam. 10,30,4; cf. > Regio with map). 1 W.Eck, Die staatliche hohen Kaiserzeit, 1979.

Organisation

Italiens in der

Luscus in 153 BC. F.T. Hinricus, Der rémische StraSenbau zur Zeit der Gracchen, in: Historia 16, 1967, 162-176; Id., Nochmals zur Inschrift von Polla, in: Historia 18, 1969, 251-255; T.P. Wiseman, V.A., in: PBSR 32, 1964, 21-373 Id., V. A. again, in: PBSR 37, 1969, 82-91; Id., Roman Republican Road-Building, in: PBSR 38, 1970, 122-152, es-

pecially 128-130.

M.RA.

Via Appia. Italy’s most famous road (Str. 5,3,6; 6,3,73 Stat. Silv. 2,2,12; Procop. Goth. 1,14,6-11), built by the censor Appius Claudius [I 2] Caecus in 3 12 BC (Liv. 9,29,6; Diod. Sic. 20,3 6,2; Frontin. Aq. 5,1; Eutr. 2,9,25 ILS 54). It was the first via publica (— viae publicae) to bear the name of its founder. Contrary to Vir. ill. 34,6 and Str. loc.cit., the VA extended at the beginning only from Rome to Capua (It. Ant. 107,2=109,1; It. Burd. 611,4-612,5; lab. Peut. 4,5-5,4). As Liv. 7,39,16 suggests, the VA probably went back to a previous road. Appius’ new construction enjoyed a stretch of almost unbroken straight route between Rome and Tarracina, symbolising Rome’s superiority over nature [3. 147]. The VA’s oldest > milestone (CIL I* 21), dating back to 253 BC, bears the names of the aediles P. Claudius {I 29] and C. Furius (MRR 1, 211). There is another milestone near Sinuessa, of a certain Cn. Domitius (CIL I* 822), from the year 162 BC. The VA’s extension via Beneventum, Venusia and

Tarentum up to Brundisium (Str. /oc.cit.; It. Ant. 111,6; 120,1-121,7; It. Burd. 610,11-14; Tab. Peut. 5,4-6,1)

was completed still in the 3rd cent. BC, being carried out, according to [2. 131], by the consul M. Aemilius Lepidus in 285 BC (cf. CIL I? 620). Already during the Republican period, there was an alternative route between Beneventum and Brundisium (Str. 6,3,7) via Canusium, called via Minucia in Cic. Att. 9,6,1; Hor. Epist. 1,18,20. In AD 109, under Trajan, this was extended, becoming the via Traiana [1] (CIL IX 60006052; ILS 452; 1035 f.; 1371). Caesar (Plut. Caesar 5,9) is known to have been the only curator viarum (> cura [2]) of the VA during the Republic. Road curators of the VA during the Imperial period are listed in [2. 80]. Contrary to Diod. Sic. 20,3 6,2, until late in the Imperial period, merely some sections of the road were paved (Liv. 10,23,123; 10,47,4; 38,28,3; cf. 41,27,5). Extensive paving work is attested to have taken place under Nerva and Trajan (CIL X

H. Herzic, Le réseau routier des régions VI et VIII d’Ita-

6824; 6826; 6835; 6839; Cass. Dio 68,15,3*). Records

lie, 1970; T.P. Wiseman, Roman Republican RoadBuilding, in: PBSR 38, 1970, 122-152, especially 126-

from different emperors testify to the intensive use made of the VA and to the regular maintenance work

128.

M.RA.

369

379

carried out (e.g. CIL X 6854) until late in Late Antiquity (CIL IX 6076 f.; X 6850 f.; Procop. Goth. 1,14,6-10). Especially in the vicinity of Rome, the VA was lined with funerary monuments, some of which were of magnificent appearance (such as the one of Caecilia [9] Metella; + funerary architecture III.C.2., ~ necropoleis VIIL.). The VA is mentioned in literature in Hor. Sat. 1,5 (Iter Brundisium). > Roads [V A] (with map: Italy, cf. appendix) 1 Tu. AsHsy, R. GARDNER, The Via Traiana, in: PBSR 8, 1916, 104-171 2 W.Eck, Die staatliche Organisation Italiens in der hohen Kaiserzeit, 1979 3 TH. KIssEL,

Veluti naturae ipsius dominus. Strafen und Briicken als Ausdruck des rémischen Herrschaftsanspruchs iiber die Natur, in: Antike Welt 33, 2002, 143-153. M. Hum,

Appius Claudius Caecus et la construction de

la Via Appia, in: MEFRA 198, 1996, 693-746; B. MAcBAIN, Appius Claudius Caecus and the Via Appia, in: CQ 74, 1980, 356-372; J.R. PATTERSON, s.v. Via Appia, LTUR 5, 1999, 130-133; ST. QuiLici Gre. (Hrsg.), La Via Appia, 1990; T.P. WisEMAN, Roman Republican

Road-Building, in: PBSR 38, 1970, 122-152, especially 130-133. M.RA.

VIA EGNATIA

Via Claudia Augusta. Two Latin milestones (CIL V 8002; 8003 = XVII 4,1 no. 1) relate that in AD 46/7 Claudius [III r] built the VCA, “which his father Drusus had had constructed after the military opening up of the Alps” (quam Drusus pater Alpibus bello patefactis derexserat). This connection mentioned in the inscription from Upper Italy over the Resia/Reschen and Fern passes to Augusta [7] Vindelicum (modern Augsburg) certainly existed before Nero Claudius [II 24] Drusus’ war with the Raeti (in 15 BC). With Altinum on the Adriatic (CIL V 8002) and Hostilia on the Po (CIL V 8003 = XVII 4,1 no. 1: a flumine Pado, “from the River Po”) the Claudian via publica (CIL XVII 4,1 no. 1-5; + Viae publicae) had two feeds in the south. The two roads joined at Tridentum (modern Trento). As milestones record, from no later than the time of Septimius [II 7] Severus the Brenner pass was preferred to the Resia/Reschen pass (CIL XVII 4,1 Nr. 6-29). ~» Roads [V A] (with map: Italy, see appendix) W.CAaARTELLIERI, Die romischen Alpenstrafen tiber den Brenner, Reschen-Scheideck und Pléckenpaf§ mit ihren Nebenlinien

(Philologus Suppl.-vol.

in: M.Pavan,

Via Aurelia. Built presumably in 241 BC by the censor C. > Aurelius [I 3] Cotta, the VA ran initially from Rome to > Cosa(e) (ILLRP 1288; It. Ant. 289,3-292,1;

Tab. Peut. 3,4-4,5). In tog BC under the censor M. Aemilius [I 37] Scaurus (AE 1986, 232; Vir. ill. 72,8), the VA was extended by the via Aemilia Scauri, which, according to Str. 5,1,11, led from Pisae along the coast of Liguria through Genua to > Vada Sabatia and had a branch to Dertona, where it met the > via Postumia. A number of witnesses (Cic. Phil. 12,22; Cic. Cat. 2,6; SHA Pius 1,8) record that by the rst cent. BC the name

via Aemilia Scauri had been supplanted by the name VA. According to It. Ant. 289,3-299,4 (cf. SHA Aurel. 48,2), in the Imperial period the whole via publica (> viae publicae) from Rome as far as Arelate was evidently called VA and hence the name also covered Augustus’ via Iulia Augusta (cf. CIL V 8102 f.; 8106). According to ILS 1071, besides the via Aurelia Vetus there was also a via Aurelia Nova which may have been constructed by the consul L. Aurelius [I 7] Cotta in 119 BC as a new route between Rome and Populonia. The Imperial period curatores viarum (- Cura [2]) are listed in [1. 80]. ~ Roads [V A] (with map: Italy, see appendix) 1W.Eck, Die staatliche hohen Kaiserzeit, 1979.

Organisation

Italiens in der

G.M. De Rosst, La Via Aurelia da Roma a Civitavecchia, 1968; E. FeNTRESS, Via Aurelia, Via Aemilia, in: PBSR 52,

1984, 72-76; H.E. Herzic, Namen und Daten der Via Aurelia, in: Epigraphica 32, 1970, 50-65; N. LAMBOGLIA,

La via Aemilia Scauri, in: Athenaeum 15, 1937, 57-68; T.P. WisEMAN, Via Aurelia Nova and Via Aurelia Scauri, M.RA. in: Epigraphica 33, 1971, 27-32.

18), 1926, 1-186;

W.Czysz, Romische Staatsstrafe via Claudia Augusta, G.Rosapa

(eds.), La Venetia

nell’area

padano-danubiana (Convegno internazionale Venezia 1988), 1990, 253-283; R.HEUBERGER, Zur Geschichte der r6mischen Brennerstrafe, in: Klio 27, 193.4, 3 11-3363 J.P6LL et al., Die romische Reichsstrafe via Claudia Augusta bei Lermoos (Tirol), in: Archaologie Osterreichs 9, 1998, 55-70.

M.RA.

Via Egnatia (f “Eyvatia 6606¢/hé Egnatia hodos). Via publica (— Viae publicae; AE 1973, 492; 1992, 1532) established by Cn. Egnatius [I 2] in c. 143 BC (MRR 3,84 f.). With > Dyrrhachium and Apollonia [x], the VE had two starting points on the Adriatic and led through Heraclea [2], Thessalonica [1] and Amphipolis to Cypsela on the Hebrus (Str. 7,7,4 refers to Polybius; variant in Str. 7a,1,10). No later than towards the end of the Republic, the name was extended to the stretch to Byzantium (Cic. Prov. cons. 4; It. Ant. 317,7-323,8;

329,5-332,9; It. Burd. 601,6-609,3). The VE already had a Macedonian predecessor with milestone-like distance indicators [1]. ~ Roads [V. J] (with map: Balkans, see appendix) 1 Cu. KOUKOULI-CHRYSANTHAKI, A propos des voies de communication du royaume de Macédoine, in: R. FREISTOLBA, K. Gex (eds.), Recherches récentes sur le monde

hellénistique, 2001, 53-64. P. CoLiart, Les milliaires de la via Egnatia, in: BCH 100, 1976, 177-200; L. GOUNAROPOULOU, M.B. HaTzopou-

Los, Les milliaires de la voie Egnatienne entre Héraclee des Lyncestes et Thessalonique, 1985; N.G. L. HamMOND, The Western Part of the V. E., in: JRS 64, 1974, 185-194; Id., M.B. Hatzopou tos, The V. E. in Western Macedonia, in: AJAH 7, 1982, 128-149; Id., The V. E. in

Western Macedonia II, in: AJAH 8, 1983, 48-53; G.RoMIOPOULOU, Un nouveau milliaire de la via Egnatia, in: BCH 98, 1974, 813-816.

372

372

Via Flaminia. Built by the censor C. > Flaminius [1] in

Since, in contrast to numerous Italian > viae publicae, the VL does not bear the name of its constructor, it must

VIA FLAMINIA

220 BC (Liv. Per. 20; according to Fest. 79,16, built already in 223 BC under his consulship; Str. 5,1,11 confuses it, probably, with the construction of the road from > Bononia [1] to > Arretium by the son C. Flaminius [2] in 187 BC). The VF led from Rome, via Narnia and Nuceria [2], to > Ariminum (modern Rimini; Liv. 39,2,10; Str. 5,1,11; 5,2,10; Tab. Peut. 4,2-5). It was Rome’s most important via publica (+ viae publicae) in the Padus’ (modern Po) plain and as for example the silver goblets from Vicarello (CIL XI 3281-84; > Itinerare [II B]) show, it was preferred to the > via Aurelialvia Aemilia Scauri for journeys to Gaul and Hispania. Between Narnia and Nucera, there was a second route beside it, probably originating from Vespasianus’ (AD 69-79) period, which ran via Interamna [x] and Spoletium (Tac. Hist. 2,64,1; It. Ant. 124,8-126,4; It. Burd. 612,10-614,6; Procop. Goth. Pypiitge)

Cic. Att. 1,1,2 gives evidence that Minucius [I 15] Thermus, who probably also built the pons Minucius (unknown location; R. Gest. div. Aug. 20), was curator viarum (> cura [2]) in 65 BC. The road curators of the

Imperial period are listed in [1. 82 f.]. Extensive work took place under Augustus (Cass. Dio 53,22,1; R. Gest. div. Aug. 20; Suet. Aug. 30,1; CIL XI 365), part of which is also the bridge construction near Narnia (Mart. 7,93; Procop. Goth. 1,17,8-11 [2]). The sources

be dated earlier than the > via Appia (312 BC). During the 3rd cent. BC, as Liv. 10,36,16 records for the year 294 BC, the whole road as far as just outside — Casilinum, where it joins with the via Appia, was eventually called the VL. Together with the via Appia, the VL was the most significant communications route (Str. 5,3,9) from Rome to the south. The earliest milestone (> Milestones) (CIL I* 654) is from the consul for 127 BC, L. Cornelius [I 17] Cinna. In about 125 BC, a via Latina Nova was built (ILS 1159) at Fregellae and Interamna [x], beside the now officially designated via Latina Vetus (ILS 1174; 8980; AE 1957, 161). The milestones of C. Calvisius [6] Sabinus (CIL X 6895; 6897-6901; AE 1969/70, 89) and Vespasianus (CIL X 6894; 6896; 6901) are evidence of active use of the road in the Imperial period (cf. also Tib. 1,7,57 ff.; Juv. 5,55; Procop. Goth. 1,14,6 for the year 535). The curatores viae Latinae are listed in [x. 83 f.] (> Cura [2]). — Roads [V A] (with map: Italy, see appendix) 1W.Eck,

Die staatliche

Organisation

Italiens in der

hohen Kaiserzeit, 1979. R.GELSOMINO, Ferentinum del sistema viario Romano, 1986; J.R. PATTERSON, s. v. Via Latina, LTUR

5, 1999,

141; L.Qurtict, La via Latina da Roma a Castel Sacelli, 1978; G. RADKE, s. v. Viae publicae Romanae, RE Suppl. 13, 1417-1686, here 1487-1494.

M.RA.

give evidence of continuous repair and improvement

works during the Imperial period (cf. Mart. 9,57; construction of tunnels [3. 131-135] under Vespasianus CIL XI 6106; Aur. Vict. Caes. 9,10).

According to Cic. Phil. 12,23 and Tac. Ann. 3,9,1, the turnoff from Nuceria via Septempeda to Ancona can also be considered as part of the VF (It. Ant. 311,5312,6). In the vicinity of Rome, the VF was lined by many funerary monuments (Juv. 1,171; Suet. Aug. 100,4). Numerous sources attest to the frequency of its use right through to Late Antiquity (cf. Cassiod. Var. 12,18) and the Middle Ages. + Roads [V A] (with map: Italy, cf. appendix)

Via Postumia. Built as a via publica (> viae publicae) in 148 BC by consul Sp. Postumius [I 11] Albinus Magnus of Genua (CIL I* 624; 584,8 and rr f.), going via Dertona, Placentia, Verona to Aquilia [1]. The VP and the ~ via Aemilia were the most important axes of traffic in + Gallia Cisalpina. + Roads [V A] (with map: Italy, s. appendix) G. Cera, La via Postumia da Genova a Cremona, 2000;

Italiens in der

G.Rapkg, s. v. Viae publicae Romanae, RE Suppl. 13, 1417-1686, here 1601-1606; Tesori della Postumia. Archeologia e storia intorno a una grande strada romana alle radici dell’ Europa, 1998. M.RA.

hohen Kaiserzeit, 1979 2 V.GaL11azo, I ponti Romani, 1994,183-190 3K.GreweE, Licht am Ende des Tunnels,

Via Sacra (‘Sacred Road’). Significant road in the city

1 W.Eck,

Die staatliche

Organisation

1998.

Tu. Assy, R.A. L. Feit, The Via Flaminia, in: JRS rr,

1921, 125-190; M.H. BaLiancz, The Roman Bridges of the Via Flaminia, in: PBSR 19, 1951, 78-117; A. Escu, Rémische Strafen in ihrer Landschaft, 1997, 59-90; H. HeErRz1G, Le réseau routier des régions VI et VIII d’Italie, 1970; G.Messineo, 1993.

A.CARBONARA,

Via Flaminia, M.RA.

Via Latina. One of the oldest roads outside Rome (It.

Ant. 305,7 ff.; Tab. Peut. 4,5—5,1) of pre-Roman origin. The name is unclear; it is traced either generally to the region of Latium (- Latini), which it crosses, or to the temple of Iuppiter Latiaris (Fest. 212,22) on Mons Albanus, probably the oldest destination of the road.

of Rome (VS in Plin. HN 19,23; Suet. Vit. 17,1, elsewhere usually called the sacra via) between the Arch of Titus (relief depiction in [1]; inscription arcus in sacra via summa) or the temple of the Lares (R. Gest. div. Aug. 19) and the sanctuary of Vesta (Mart. 1,70,4 f.). It connects the Mons Palatinus and the eastern quarter of the city with the Forum [III 8] Romanum (Plut. Cicero 22,1; Cic. Att. 4,3,3). The name can be traced to the numerous sanctuaries along the road (Ov. Trist. 351,28): house of the > Rex Sacrorum (Fest. 372), temple of Iuppiter Stator (Plut. Cic. 16,3), the > Regia (seat of the pontifex maximus, Fest. 372), temples of the Lares and Vesta. During the Republic, the VS was a favourite residential district for aristocrats. Buildings such as the temple of Antoninus [1] Pius and Faustina

BAS

374

[2] and the basilica of Constantinus [1] are evidence of its outstanding importance in the Imperial period. Numerous goldsmiths and jewellers on the VS are recorded for this period (ILS 7602; 7685; 7692-7694; 7700). ~ Rome (with maps)

settlements. The few known testimonies to the building of a VP by an aedile (CIL I? 21; 22; 829) date from the earliest phase of Roman road-building. Alongside VP, an equivalent term iter publicum occasionally occurs in legal texts and inscriptions (Dig. 43,7,1; 43,8,2533

1 M. PFaNner, Der Titusbogen, 1983, plate 1,1. F. Coare ty, Il Foro Romano, *1986, 11-118; RICHARDSON, 338-340; F.COARELLI, s.v. Sacra via, LTUR 4, 1999, 223-228; A.ROSENBERG, s. v. Sacra via, RE 1 A, 1674-1677. M.RA.

Via Salaria. The VS, an important trade route since the early Roman period, obtained its name from its significance to the salt trade between the > Sabini lands and Rome (Fest. 436 f.; Plin. HN 31,89; cf. Str. 5,3,1). The via Ostiensis and the via Campana served as a continuation of the VS through Rome to the saltworks at the mouth of the Tiber (Liv. 1,33,9). Initially, VS was presumably the name only of the segment between Rome and + Reate. Extended under Augustus [1. no. 2, 8, 46, 48], it led on through Interocrium (modern Antrodoco) and Asculum as far as Castrum Truentinium (> Tru-

entum) on the Adriatic (It. Ant. 306,3-308,1). Repair works on the VS are known of e.g. from the time of Trajan (AD 98-117) [1. nos. 1, 6, 9]. The Imperial period

curatores viarum (Cura [2]) are listed in [2. 84 f.]. + Roads [V A], > Salt [IID] (with map: Italy, see appendix); -> Viae publicae 1 A.Donat1, I miliari delle regioni IV e V dell’ Italia, in: Epigraphica 36,1974,155-222 2 W.Eck, Diestaatliche Organisation Italiens in der hohen Kaiserzeit, 1979.

J.R. Patterson, s. v. Via Salaria, LTUR 5, 1999, 144 £.; L. Quiuici, La Via Salaria da Roma all’ alto Velino, in: Id., S.Quiticr GiGi (ed.), Strade romane, 1994, 85-154;

G.RapkE, s. v. Viae publicae Romanae, RE Suppl. 13, 1417-1686, here 1644-1646.

M.RA.

Viae publicae I. Iraty

II. Provinces

III. VIA MILITARIS

IV. LEGacy

Rilracy A. DEFINITION B. Types C. ORGANIZATION D. NAMING, REPUBLICAN PERIOD E. ADMINISTRATION, REPUBLICAN PERIOD F. ADMINISTRATION, IMPERIAL PERIOD G. NAMING, IMPERIAL

PERIOD H.Costs TIQUITY

J. TECHNOLOGY

K. LATE AN-

A. DEFINITION VP or ‘public roads’ are clearly defined by > UIpianus (Dig. 43,8,2,20-24; cf. Isid. Orig. 15,16,1-7) and — Siculus Flaccus (103-107 CLAVEL-LEVEQUE): a via publica ran on public soil (solum publicum), served public transport, was built or established by magistrates in possession of imperium (consuls, praetors), was financed from the public purse and lay outside urban

VIAE PUBLICAE

43,8,2,20; 43,8,2,35; CIL Il 4644; VIII 21920). The most demonstrative archaeological evidence of VP is + milestones, which were only laid out along public roads. Other important sources for determining VP are the + Tabula Peutingeriana and the various itineraria (+ Itinerare). The term VP occurs surprisingly seldom in epigraphical evidence (AE 1922, 129).

B. Types In practice, the VP as a group comprised a plethora of different types of streets and roads of varied quality (Dig. 43,141,1,1-3). This also becomes evident when one considers that a VP did not lose its legal status even when its importance dwindled (Dig. 43,11,2). Overall, relatively few VP were newly built during the Republic. Economic considerations were especially relevant (alongside military issues) to the rebuilding or refurbishing of pre-Roman roads. Great road-building projects were also a means and an expression of the Romans’ consolidation of their rule. The example of > Narbo on the via Domitia shows that the construction of VP was sometimes linked with city foundations (Cic. Font. 13; Vell. Pat. 1,15,5; CIL XVII 2,294). C. ORGANIZATION In an area with => limitation, a VP could form the ~» decumanus or coincide with a > limes at the same time. Cadastre B from Arausio (modern Orange) shows that this was not necessarily the case, as the so-called via Agrippa (CIL XVII 2, p. 54-63) does not coincide with a limes. Excavations show that a minimum width was not observed when laying a VP, in spite of the stipulation of the > Tabulae duodecim (Lex XII tab. 7,6 = Dig. 8,3,8). Rather, the width was determined by traffic requirements. As follows from Procop. Goth. 1,14,7, two carts should ideally be able to pass one another (cf. Isid. Orig. 15,16,4). According to Ulpian (Dig. 43,11,1,2; cf. Liv. 41,27,5), the carriageway of a VP was either paved (via lapide strata), gravelled (via glarea strata) or unmade

(via

terrena).

Sometimes,

two

so-called

‘summer roads’ were built running parallel along either side of a VP. The milestones set up by the road seem to have formed its outer limit points (CIL XVII 2, 569-

574; TIR M 32, p. 24). The construction work was the responsibility of a » redemptor (Siculus Flaccus l.c.) or + manceps (Tac. Ann. 3,31,5). In practice, it is very likely that most repair works were carried out by the road’s adjacent owners (possessores) as munus publicum

(Cato

Agr.2,4;

Dig.

49,18,4;

50,4,18,15;

~» munus II). It is not known how this is to be reconciled

with the statement that VP were built and maintained with public funds. The use of convicts (Suet. Cal. 27,3) and soldiers (Liv. 39,2,6; CIL V 7989) in road building (+ Roads and bridges, construction of [III]) was prob-

VIAE PUBLICAE

376

375

ably rare. Apart from roads newly built as Rome expanded (- via Aemilia: Liv. 39,2,10; CIL I* 617), most VP in Republican Italy probably acquired their legal status as pre-Roman roads which either simply continued to be used or were upgraded. For the early Republican network in particular, it must be assumed that Etruscan roads were of considerable significance. D. NAMING, REPUBLICAN PERIOD

VP were usually named after the nomen — gentile of their constructor (via Aemilia Scauri: AE 1986, 2325 Vir. Ill. 72,8; via Domitia: CIL XVII 2, 294; Cic. Font. 18; > via Egnatia: AE 1973, 492; 1992, 1532; Str.

7,7,4). One exception is the > via Appia (CILT* 21; Liv. 9,2.9,5 f.; Diod. Sic. 20,36,2), which took its name from the > praenomen of Appius > Claudius [I 2] Caecus. The example of the — via Flaminia shows that the information about the constructor and date of a VP in antiquity was sometimes contradictory: the constructor of the via Flaminia was C. > Flaminius [1] according to Fest. 79 (date: 223 BC, during consulship) and Liv. Per. 20 (date: 220 BC, while censor), but it was his son C. > Flaminius [2] according to Str. 5,1,11, (date: 187 BC, during consulship). VP could also be named after their place of destination (via Ostiensis: Fest. 296) or their function (> via Salaria: Plin. HN 31,89). Road names were also applied to extensions (Vir. Ill. 3 4,6: the via Appia as far as Brundisium) and side roads (It. Ant. 125,2-5: the via Flaminia via Spoletium rather than Mevania). Only for important roads in Italy are the ancient names known beyond doubt. Apart from these, it is doubtful whether all VP were named in antiquity. As Cic. Att. 9,9,2; 9,16,13, for instance, shows, the destination was sometimes used in place of the road name

(cf. CIL F? 638).

E. ADMINISTRATION,

REPUBLICAN

PERIOD

47,1754). In this respect, the building activity of C. + Calvisius [6] Sabinus (CIL X 6895; 6897; 68996901; AE 1969/70, 89) should probably be taken for an exception (> via Latina; cf. also the activities of + Agrippa [1] according to Cass. Dio 49,43,1), even

though Augustus tried to set an example for such private initiatives with his lavish renovation of the > via Flaminia (CIL XI 365; R. Gest. div. Aug. 20). From 20 BC, Augustus established the collegium of the curatores viarum on the foundation of his cura viarum. Initially they were probably jointly responsible for all roads in Italy. This institution developed continuously through the Julio-Claudian period. Specific areas of responsibility were contained in its official designations from the reign of Vespasian (ILS 1005: curator viae Aemiliae; ILS 1077: curator viae Flaminiae). It appears that such titles did not only refer to the upkeep of a particular road, but also to a particular territorial area. Hence, the (probably) eight curatores viarum of the zenith of the Imperial period divided the Italian peninsula among themselves geographically, in ribbons of territory based on roads. The office was held by former praetors, who had two lictors at their disposal (Cass. Dio 54,8,4; Suet. Aug. 37). The curators of roads also called upon specialists such as mensores (‘measurers, survey engineers’, cf. > mensor) (Mart? 10,18,5 f.). The curators’ main task was to supervise the functional capability of the VP, i.e. to manage repair work and occasional new construction work on sections of route. As Frontin. Aq. 101,1 shows, the work load of the curatores viarum was not overwhelming. Yet some deficiencies seem to have remained unremedied for years (Tac. Ann. 3,31,53; Cass. Dio 59,15,3-5; Mart. 9,57). There were also equestrian curatores for small roads near to Rome (ILS 6529). Into late antiquity, curators of roads never appear by name on milestones, as this was reserved for the emperor alone.

Republican Italy as a whole had no organized roads administration (cura viarum). \t appears that curatores viarum (+ cura |2]) were appointed only rarely and according to need (Caesar, according to Plut. Caesar 5,9, around 67 BC for the via Appia; cf. also CIL * 744). Caesar’s private financial contribution also suggests that the + aerarium would have been quite unable to finance a roads administration of the kind known from the Imperial period. Moreover, only a few milestones are known from the Republican period (approx. 30). As can be deduced from CIL I? 638 et al., they were probably only placed at prominent locations. F. ADMINISTRATION, IMPERIAL PERIOD A clear transformation was seen in the organization

of the refurbishment and expansion of the road network under Augustus, when he took up the cura [2] viarum in 20 BC (Cass. Dio 54,8,4). The road network

must have been in a dilapidated state, not least because of the civil wars. Attempts had already been made to use prominent individuals’ profits from war for road construction

(Suet.

Aug. 30,1;

Cass.

Dio

53,22,1;

cf.

G. NAMING, IMPERIAL PERIOD

Since the principes were now formally the supreme road-builders in Italy on the basis of their cura viarum, new conditions also came into force in regard to the naming of VP, otherwise theoretically every new VP would thenceforth have had to be called the via Augusta. Usually, when new construction, refurbishment or renovation work was done, the principes had new milestones placed, which bore their own name. Apparently, the aim was to pay fitting tribute to their own efforts without having to name a predecessor. But the consequence of this was that the traditional Republican road name would be retained through the Imperial period, and that naming roads after the emperor did not become customary. Where an Imperial road name is present in the sources (via Julia Augusta: CIL V 8102; > via Claudia Augusta: CIL V 8002; 8003 = XVII 4,1; via Nova Traiana: CIL XI 8104; AE 1926,112), this had a very specific significance in regard to the emperor concerned.

aT7

378

HeCostrs Some information survives regarding the construction costs of VP in the Imperial period. Thus, Cass. Dio 53,22,2 supports the remarks of Ulpian and Siculus Flaccus (1.c.) to the effect that construction and maintenance of the VP were funded from the public purse (aerarium). From the reign of Augustus, the — fiscus intervened, probably to an increasing extent, in road construction works (+ via Appia by Nerva: CIL X 6820; 6824; 6826; - via Aurelia by Septimius Severus: AE 1973, 226; > via Latina by Severus Alexander: CIL X 6893; in general for the Flavian period: Stat. Silv. 3,3,99 ff.). We lack specific indications of the costs of construction and repair work. One point of reference is the Hadrianic milestones on the via Appia (CIL IX 6072; 6075; AE 1930, 122), according to which the repair of amere 15.75 Roman miles cost 1,716,100 HS. This shows that the construction and maintenance of the VP devoured colossal sums of money. Costs must have been many times higher for stretches of route with difficult substructures, e.g. in marshy or mountainous terrain, at bridges and when expensive paving was used. This probably also explains the continual support of the aerarium by the principes.

property of the Roman people or of the emperor (cf. Dig. 49,15,20,1). This meant, for instance, that here the criterion of solum publicum for VP was of secondary importance. The two texts of Ulpian (Dig. 43,8,2,2024) and Siculus Flaccus (103-107) are therefore inapplicable here. Since new roads were built or pre-Roman ones refurbished by magistrates and promagistrates from the earliest days of Roman territorial acquisition in the Mediterranean, just as during Roman expansion in Italy, we can certainly speak of VP. For instance, it appears that road construction was conducted in Sicily in just the same way as in Italy from immediately after its establishment as the first province (Str. 6,2,1; AE

J. TECHNOLOGY

Surfacing of the VP improved in quality during the Imperial period. Until the Principate, the talk is very often of ‘munire’ (‘reinforcing’) the gravelled roads (Lex XII Tab. 7,7; Cic. Font. 17; Liv. 41,27,5), but from the late rst cent. references indicating stone paving occur with increasing frequency (ILS 263; 268; 5861; 5873). Conversely, inscriptions like CIL X 6824 (cf. CIL X 6835) show that even the important via Appia between Rome and Capua was not completely paved from end to end by the late rst cent. AD. Stone road coverings gave rise to the term (via) strata ‘paved (road)’, derived from sternere (‘to pave’) (strata Dio-

cletiana: AE 1993, 1600-1605).

VIAE PUBLICAE

1957, 172). B. TYPEs In the provinces, then, scholarly terminology should regard a via as a VP if it is attested by milestones or on the Tabula Peutingeriana or in an itinerarium. Where a route appears in several sources, this may indicate prominent importance (cf. via Domitia: CIL XVII 2, p. 75-106). As in Italy, then, there was a set of roads of varying quality in the provinces (cf. Dig. 43,11,1,2), and these were all referred to as VP. These practical criteria can equally be deduced from the lex agraria of rrr BC (CILIT’ 585, 89 = [1. no. 2] with commentary; ~ Agrarian laws) and the > lex Ursonensis (CILI’ 594, 78 = [1. no. 25] with commentary). To some extent, a

form of ‘legal succession’ took place in this sphere in the conquered territories. This is shown, for instance, by the milestones (CIL I? 650 f.; AE 1995, 1464) of M’. ~» Aquillius [I 3] in Asia Minor, with their term indicating repairs: restituit. Immediately following the securing of the new province of Asia, in 129-126 BC, Aquillius took possession of the Attalid roads in direct succession and refurbished them. In the provinces as a whole, the VP remained permanently based on the preRoman road network. Hence, some sources even speak not of ‘building’, but of ‘surveying’ the roads (Pol. 3,39;

Str. 7,754). K. LATE ANTIQUITY

The special status of Italy in the sphere of public highways ended with the Tetrarchy (late 3rd cent.). Thus it is in the reign of Diocletian that, in contrast to the high Imperial period, the name of a curator viarum appears for the first time on an Italian milestone (Vettius Proculus, CIL X 6892, cf. Fl(avius?) Romulus: AE 1904, 52; 1951, 17; 1975, 358). II. PROVINCES A. DEFINITION PUBLICAN

PERIOD

B. Types

PERIOD

C. ORGANIZATION, RE-

D. ORGANIZATION,

IMPERIAL

E. Costs

A. DEFINITION

In the provinces, i.e. conquered territories without Italian law, the definition of VP was linked to different conditions. According to Gai. Inst. 2,7, soil without the ius Italicum (— ius [D 3]) was, being > war booty, the

C. ORGANIZATION, REPUBLICAN PERIOD The situation also differed from Italy in that there were no road curatores. During the Republic, their duties were fulfilled on an individual basis by legates on the staff of the governor (Cic. Font. 17 ff.). The milestones of Cn. > Domitius [I 3] Ahenobarbus (CIL XVII 2, 294), M’. Sergius (CIL I* 840) and Q. Fabius Labeo (CIL F 823 f.) attest to the establishment of a ‘western route’ from northern Italy to northern Spain, and those of Cn. > Egnatius [I 2] (AE 1973, 492; 1992, 1532) and

M’. > Aquillius [I 3] (see above, CIL I? 648 f.) to that of an ‘eastern route’ from southern Italy through Macedonia to Asia Minor. Apart from these activities, which should probably be seen as expressions of the consolidation of dominion, the existing road network was probably regarded as adequate. Thus, the Carthaginian road network was apparently so good (cf. CIL I 585, 89) that the first record of Roman road-building activ-

VIAE PUBLICAE

380

379

ities in North Africa dates from as late as 6/5 BC, with the milestone (AE 1955, 40) of Africanus > Fabius [II 13] Maximus.

D. ORGANIZATION, IMPERIAL PERIOD Asin Italy, the foundation of the Principate heralded a transformation in the organization of road-building in the provinces. Formally speaking, the + princeps was the chief road-builder in the provinces by virtue of his > imperium maius, and he therefore appears in first place on all milestones. The placing of milestones reveals a systematic expansion of the road network in the provinces through the rst and 2nd cents. AD. Alongside the direct personal intervention of the emperor, e.g. on his travels, on campaign or by written order (CIL VIII 10296: ex auctoritate imp(eratoris) Caesaris

Traiani Hadriani), governors also attended to the administration of the road network, and are therefore sometimes mentioned on milestones (CIL X 7996: viam ... vetustate corrupta(m) restituit curante M. Ulpio Vic-

tore pro(curatore) suo = ’[Philippus Arabs] had the road, which age had spoiled, restored under the com-

mand of his procurator, M. Ulpius Victor’). The greater part of roads administration will have been left to cities and communities. They therefore emphasized their status by explicitly giving their name as a caput viae (‘head of the road’, i.e. point from which mileage was counted) (CIL VIII 10337 f.; AE 1965, 219) or indicating the size of their territorium by stating distances (AE 1903, 95; CIL Ill 5997; XVII 2, 43 5-439). However,

statements of distance on the whole cannot be used to deduce territorial extent. The important position of cities and communities in the administration of roads may also explain why today, even large and important viae which appear in itineraria or on the Tabula Peutingeriana may have no milestones that we know of, or only on sporadic stretches. Apparently, some communities forbore the expensive business of putting them up, while others lavished large sums on it. The appearance of distances measured in > leugae in Gaul also betrays the powerful position of local communities in the administration of roads. E. Costs With only a few exceptions (cf. CIL VIII rorrz7), costs of building and maintenance were entirely borne by the adjacent owners (Cic. Font. 17 ff.) or the communities concerned (AE 1993, 1778: decreto decurionum pecunia publica; CIL VII 102.96; 10322; 10337 f.3 10362). The Aerarium and fiscus would have been overstretched by the financing of the estimated 100,000 km of VP in all the provinces. One exception was the raising of a road toll for the financing of road-building (CIL VIII 10327 f.; 22391). Occasionally, more distant communities were also called upon to join the financing of particularly costly projects (CIL II 2477; III 3202). Little is known of the people doing the building work. Adjacent owners will have done most of the work themselves, not least for reasons of cost (cf. lex Ursonensis

CIL I 594, 98 = [1. no. 25] with commentary). As in Italy, convicts (Plin. Epist. 10,32) and soldiers (CIL VIII 22173) were probably only used in road-building in exceptional cases. Here too, road names were rare in the Imperial period (via Sebaste in Asia Minor: ILS 5828; CIL Il 6974; via Augusta in Hispania: CIL II 4697; AE 1969/70, 280; the Numidian via Septimiana: CIL VIII 2705).

III. VIA MILITARIS The via militaris (VM) was not a separate type of road as such, not a particular form of the VP. Evidence associating the VM with the > cursus publicus (Suet. Aug. 49,3) is not conclusive. Of the 27 references to VM, many are from the Republican period, i.e. before the foundation of the cursus publicus (Cic. Prov. 4; Cic. Pis. 40; Liv. 36,15,9-123 44,43,1), or else do not refer to Roman roads (Curt. 5,8,5; 513,23). Cod. Theod. 8,5,3 even explicitly states that the VM were not used by the cursus publicus. Even a universal correlation between the VM and the military cannot be demonstrated. For instance, the legio III’s paving of the Carthage-Theveste road in AD 123 (CIL VIII 22173) did not lead to the road’s being designated a VM. Equally striking is the fact that the term VM never appears in the German or Pannonian provinces, in spite of the high concentrations of Roman troops there.

IV. LeGacy The major VP continued to be used through the Middle Ages into the modern period (via Appia: GOETHE, Italienische Reise, 23.2.1787). The modern name of the northern Italian region of Emilia-Romagna, ultimately derived from the > via Aemilia, also attests to the enduring legacy of the VP. + Commerce;

— Infrastructure;

— Land

transport;

+ Milestones; + Roads [V] (with maps, v. addenda); + Roads and bridges, construction of (with figs.); ~ Traffic [II]; > Travels 1 M.H. Crawrorp (ed.), Roman Statutes, 1996.

W.Eck, Die staatliche Organisation Italiens in der hohen Kaiserzeit, 1979, 25-87; Id., Cura viarum und cura operum publicorum als kollegiale Amter im frithen Prinzipat, in: Klio 74, 1992, 237-245; R.FREI-STOLBA et al. (eds.), Siedlung und Verkehr im rémischen Reich, 2004; H.E. HErziG, Probleme des rémischen StraSenwesens, in:

ANRW II 1, 1974, 593-648; A.KoLs, Transport und Nachrichtentransfer im Rémischen Reich, 2000; R. LauRENCE, The Roads of Roman Italy, 1999; TH. PEKARY, Untersuchungen zu den rémischen Reichsstrafen, 1968; L. Quixicl, $. QuiLici GiGLI (eds.), Strade romane. Ponti e viadotti, 1996; G. RADKE, s. v. Viae publicae Romanae,

RE Suppl. 13, 1417-1686; M. RaTHMANN, Untersuchungen zu den Reichsstrafen in den westlichen Provinzen des Imperium Romanum. BJ Beiheft 55, 2003; R. REBUFFAT, Via militaris, in: Latomus 46, 1987, 52-67; J. SASEL, Viae Militares, in: Studien zu den Militargrenzen Roms 2 (Vortrage des ro. Internationalen Limeskongresses in der Germania Inferior = BJ Beiheft 38), 1977, 235-244; H.Cu. SCHNEIDER, Altstrafenforschung, 1982; T.P. WISEMAN, Roman Republican Road-Building, in: PBSR 38, 1970,

122-152.

M.RA.

381

Viatores

382

in Rome

served, primarily as assistants

(> apparitores), to all senatorial officials, the > prin-

ceps and the holders of tribunicia + potestas, but also to several collegia of > viginti(sex)viri (ILS 1898; 1911; 1929) and many collegia of priests (ILS 1899; 1931; 4978; 4979; > Collegium). Their duties overlapped to some extent with those of the lictores, particularly for officials (e.g. + tribunus [7] plebis) with no assigned ~ lictor. The viatores functioned as messengers, they called senators (Cic. Cato 56) and judges (Cic. Cluent. 74) to sessions, summoned defendants (Liv. 8,18,8) and made arrests on behalf of officials (Gell. NA 4,10,8). They were organized into decuriae of various numbers and sizes, served long, often life-long, service from at least the late Republican period onwards and received a stipend from the state exchequer (merces: CIL F 587 col. 2,33); they had the right to perform their service by means of a proxy (> vicarius; CIL I 587 col. 2,24-30). Many viatores were freedmen (Tac. Ann. 13,27,1 for all apparitores), but there were also free-born people among them (Val. Max. 9,1,8), some even from the equestrian class (ILS 1921; 6141).

Following the Roman example, there were also viatores as official servants in many > municipia (e.g. Ostia: ILS 6146; Narbo: ILS 6973; Urso: ILS 6087 cap. LXII). They are also encountered as personnel in professional associations and funeral societies both in Rome (ILS 7243; 7350; > Association) and in other cities (ILS 7212 col. 2,19). There is also sporadic evidence of private viatores (CIL VI 1941; 6375). Cx. HABICHT, s. v. V., RE 8 A, 1928-1940; W. KUNKEL,

Staatsordnung und Staatspraxis, vol. 2, 1995, 123-125; MomMsEN, Staatsrecht 1, 360-362. WX.

VIBIDIUS VIRRO

called + Mastarna in Etruria (CIL XIII 1668, line 19): a wall painting in the tomb of the Saties family in Vulci (c. 330 BC) shows how Caile Vipinas was freed from captivity by him [3]. The foundation of a genuine Etruscan tradition is therefore well attested. The Roman tradition (Fest. 486,15 f. L., supplemented by R.Garrucci and K.O. MULLER) mentions a pair of brothers V. from Vulci with the names Aulus (= A. V.) and Caelius (= C. V.): C. V. is supposed to have been an Etruscan general (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,3 6,2; Varro Ling. 5,46; Tac. Ann. 4,65), who went to Rome from Etruria at the time of > Romulus [1] (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,36,2) or > Tarquinius [11] Priscus (Tac. Ann. 4,65). As a comrade-in-arms of Servius Tullius, the king of Rome from Etruria, C. V. was used as an aetiological explanation of the name of Caelius Mons. A. V. is connected with the Capitol (< caput Auli): A head of A. V. found in the foundations of the Temple of Jupiter in Rome was supposed to ensure for Rome later dominance over Italy (Fabius Pictor in Arnob. 6,7 = FGrH 809 F 11; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,61,2; [2. 199201; 1. 98 f.]). The connection between the Etruscan gens Vipina and Rome reveals that Rome adopted Etruscan family stories into its own legends. — Etrusci (III); > Volci/Vulci 1 L. AIGNER Forest1, Gli Etruschie la loro autocoscienza, in: Contributi dell’Ist. di Storia antica dell’Univ. del Sacro Cuore 18, 1992, 93-113 2 A.ALFOxD1, Early Rome and the Latins, 1963 3 F.BURANELLI et al., La tomba Francois di Vulci, 1987. L.A-F,

Vibia [1] Possibly a daughter of C. Vibius [II 9] Marsus, wife of L. Arruntius [II 8] Camillus Scribonianus; when the

latter, as governor of Dalmatia rebelled unsuccessfully

Vibellius. V. is a gens name recorded particularly in

against Claudius [III 1] in AD 42, he died in her arms

—» Campania. [1] Decius V. Led Campanian troops the Romans had relocated to > Regium in 282 or 280 BC. The garrison later set up an independent government there in alliance with like-minded people in - Messana [1] in Sicily. After the Romans’ victory in 270 BC all survivors were executed (Pol. 1,7; Diod. 22,1,2-3; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 20,4—5; Cass. Dio fr. 40,7-12). [2] Cerrinus V. Taurea. One of the leading men from -+ Capua, the subject of anecdotal and often quite contradictory tales connected with their city in the second of the — Punic Wars [1].

while fleeing. She was banished but in 52 was again prosecuted, together with her son (cf. Tac. Ann. 12,52,1; Plin. Epist. 3,16,7—9).

1J.VON UNGERN-STERNBERG, schen Krieg, 1975.

Capua im Zweiten PuniTAS.

RAEPSAET-CHARLIER, 621 f., Nr. 798.

[2] See > Matidia [2] (the Younger). [3] See > Sabina.

Vibidia. Vestal, the oldest in the College of > Vestals in AD 48; shortly before her death she was asked by ~» Messalina [2] to intercede with Claudius [III 1] regarding her marrying C. — Silius [II 1] (Tac. Ann. 11,32,2). She and her father > Vibidius Virro were

honoured in Athens (IG II/II* 3532). RAEPSAET-CHARLIER, 627, Nr. 805.

Vibenna. The Etruscan family name Vipina (with variants: Etruskische Texte (ET) s. v. V.) is well attested in

Etruria until after the 3rd cent. BC. A votive inscription froma Minerva sanctuary (first half of the 6th cent. BC; —» Minerva) mentions an Avile Vipiennas (ET Ve 3.11).

According to Etruscan tradition, Cailius Vivenna was the most loyal friend of Servius > Tullius [I 4], who was

W.E.

W.E.

Vibidius Virro Homo novus, perhaps from Corfinium. No later than 9 BC he was a member of the Senate (Frontin. Aq. 129). Tiberius [1] made him, together with others, leave the Senate, since he had become

impoverished by his way of life and no longer owned the minimum required for a Senator (Tac. Ann. 2,48,3). His daughter was — Vibidia.

383

384

R.SyMeg, Ten Studies in Tacitus, 1970, 76 f.; T.P. WisE-

with the departure of V.’ army of new recruits for Mutina (-> Mutina, war of / Bellum Mutinense) around 19 March 43 BC. Antony forced V. into battle in mid-April at Forum Gallorum, before the latter’s planned link-up with Hirtius, and V. was beaten before the approaching Hirtius defeated Antony in turn (Cic. Fam. 10,30; App. Civ. 3,272-289). V., seriously wounded, was taken to -» Bononia [1]. His unexpected death on the night of 22 April, following Hirtius’ victory and death on 21 April at Mutina (Cic. Fam. r1,3,1 f.), brought suspicion on his doctor (Cic. ad Brut. 1,6,2), and indirectly on the seizer of the day, C. Iulius Caesar > Octavianus [1], who now took supreme command of the senatorial

VIBIDIUS VIRRO

MAN, New Men in the Roman Senate, 1971, 273.

W.E.

Vibius. Uncommon Latin > praenomen, abbreviation V. The etymology of the name is unknown. Like the identical nomen gentilicium, it derives from the OscoUmbrian Vibie/o-. Related nomina gentilicia were Vibidius, Vibuleius,

Vibulenus.

The praenomen

and its

feminine equivalent Vibia- were loaned into Etruscan as Vipie and Vipia respectively. The nomen gentilicium formed from that, Vipi(e)na, appears in Latinized form as > Vibenna. M.Leyeung, L’anthroponymie osque, 1976, 94; 131; 1353

SALOMIES, 61; 96 f.; D. H.STEINBAUER, Neues Handbuch des Etruskischen, 1999, 498. D.ST. I. REPUBLICAN

PERIOD

IJ. IMPERIAL PERIOD

I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD [I 1] V. Curius. Prefect of Caesar, to whom troops of L. + Manlius [I 18] Torquatus and P. > Rutilius [I 2] Lupus defected in 49 BC (Caes. B Civ. 1,24,3). The V. Curius who was a contemporary of Cicero’s (Quint. Inst. 6,3,73), was probably an older relative. {I 2] V. Pansa Caetronianus, C. (cf. ILS 8890). Leading Caesarian, wealthy (v. [2]) son of a senator, Caetronius, who was proscribed in 81 BC (Cass. Dio 45,17,1; cf. [3. 255]), adoptive son of the tresvir monetalis (‘mint master’) for 89/8, C. V. Pansa, and son-in-law of Q. — Fufius [I 4] Calenus (Cic. ad Brut. 1,10,1). V. may have already been with Caesar by 59 BC (Cic. Brut. 218), and he served with him in Gaul and as tr. pl. in 51 (Cic. Fam. 8,8,6-8). V.’ role in the civil war is unknown. He probably held office (aedile or praetor? MRR 2,258) at Rome in 48, and he governed BithyniaPontus in 47-46 (MRR 2, 290; RPC 1,346 no. 2026). In 45, Caesar sent his trusted V. (Cic. Fam. 6,12,2) to

Gallia cisalpina, and he designated him consul for 43 BC. With Caesar’s murder, V. Pansa (whom Cicero and his brother Q. > Tullius [I 11] Cicero held in low regard, ibid. 12,2,3; 16,27,1; Cic. Att. 16,1,4) and his colleague — Hirtius became figures of unexpected importance as leaders of the Caesarian party who were ready to come to an accommodation with the Republic. In April 44, V., relieved by D. > Iunius [I 12] Brutus, was already in Campania, where the consuls-to-be took instruction in oratory from a suspicious Cicero (ibid. 14,11,2; Suet. Gramm. 25,3). After taking office, both hesitated to declare war on Mark Antony (-> Antonius [BI 9]). V., who had taken charge at Rome following Hirtius’ departure, thwarted machinations of Cicero (Cic. Phil. 10,17), delayed the declaration of Antony as a public enemy (- hostis; ibid. 8,1) and was still calling for a settlement in March 43 (ibid. 12,6; 12,18). Cicero, in turn — ignoring the warnings of — Servilia [x] sought to transfer the future provinces of the consuls to the tyrannicides (Cic. Fam. 12,7,1 f.; Cic. ad Brut. 2,4,2; Cic. Phil. 11,21 f.). Tensions were only defused

army (Suet. Aug. 11; Cass. Dio 46,39,1). To honours,

such as recognition as > imperator (Cic. Phil. 14 passim), was added a state funeral for both consuls (App. Civ. 3,311; Val. Max. 5,2,10; epitaph: ILS 8890). Modern verdicts on this Epicurean (who was associated with —» Philodemus; Cic. Fam. 7,12; [1]) follow Cicero. 1 T.DorRanp1, Gaio bambino, in: ZPE 111, 1996, 41 f.

2R.Martiyasi¢, Cronografia dei bolli laterizi della figulina Pansiana nelle regioni Adriatiche, in: MEFRA 95, 1983,961-995 3 G.V.SuMNER, The Lex Annalis under Caesar, in: Phoenix 25, 1971, 246-271; 357-371. JOP.

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD {11 1] C. V. Afinius Gallus Veldumnianus Volusianus. Son of > Trebonianus Gallus; cf. > Volusianus [r].

{fl 2] M. V. Balbinus. Senator from Treia. After junior offices, he became praetor aerarii. He was a legate of Augustus and Tiberius, and finally became proconsul of Gallia Narbonensis. L. GasPERINI, G.Pact, in: EOS, vol. 2, Italia: Regio V (Pianum), 201-244.

[II 3] L. Iunius Q. V. Crispus. From Vercellae, no notable ancestors (Tac. Dial. 8,1). May have entered the senate during the reign of Tiberius; cos.suff. AD 61;

thereafter probably curator aquarum; proconsul Africae, perhaps early in the reign of Vespasian; c. 72/3 legatus Augusti pro praetore in censibus accipiendis Hispaniae citerioris (AE 1939, 60); cos. suff. II in 74; cos. suff. II under Domitian, probably in 83. Influential under Nero as under — Vitellius [II 2], Vespasian and Domitian. He was a controversial figure, as references in Tac. Hist. 4,41; 43 and Juv. 4,84 et al. show. He was renowned as an orator. He died at the age of 83. G. ALFOLDY, Stadte, Eliten und Gesellschaft in der Gallia Cisalpina, 1999, 326 f.; PIR V 379.

[114] V. Fronto. Equestrian praefectus equitum in Syria. When the former Parthian King > Vonones [1] I fled from internment in Syria, V. retrieved him (Tac. Ann. 2,68).

[II S] Q. V. Gallus Cos. suff. AD 119 (AE 1979, 62). J.ScHEID, Commentarii fratrum Arvalium, 1998, Nr. 68, rayne.

385 [116] A.V. Habitus Africa c. AD 16/7.

386

Cos. suff. AD

8. Proconsul

VIBIUS

of

[I 13] C. V. Postumus. From an equestrian family of

{Il 7] L. V. Lentulus. Equestrian, assigned as adiutor to

Larinum, Probably an early connection with Tiberius. Adlected into the senate. Cos.suff. in AD 5; took part in campaigns in Dalmatia under Tiberius between AD 6 and 9, and honoured with the ornamenta triumphalia. Also governor of Dalamatia, probably from AD 9. Proconsul of Asia AD 12-15 or 13-16. Apparently honoured with an equestrian statue at Rome by the colonia

THOMassoN, Fasti Africani, 28.

a curator viarum, aedium sacrarum et operum publi-

corum (the viae referred to were the streets of Rome).

After military offices, became procurator monetae, procurator in Dalmatia and Pannonia, then in the province of Asia; procurator a loricata (responsible for metal reserves at Rome); a rationibus. His appointments date from the early years of Domitian to after AD 102 (IEph. 736; 2061; 3046). PFLAUM I, 156-158.

{II 8] M. V. Liberalis Cos. suff. AD 166. ALFOLDY, Konsulat, 180.

{Il 9] C. V. Marsus. Senator. Suffect consul in AD 17. Comes of + Germanicus [2] in the eastern provinces. In AD 19, after Germanicus’ death, he accompanied

~ Agrippina [2] the Elder back to Rome. Proconsul of Africa for three years, AD 26-29 or 27-30 [1. 31]. He was accused of laesa maiestas in AD 37, but the death of Tiberius lifted the threat. He was governor of Syria from 42-44 under > Claudius [III 1]. He prevented the building of new fortifications at > Jerusalem and had a meeting of various client kings with Herod Agrippa (+ Herodes [8]) stopped. He also acted vigorously against the Parthian kingdom. 1 THOMASSON, Fasti Africani 2 E.DaBrowa, The Governors of Roman Syria, 1998, 44-46.

{fl 10] C. V. Maximus. Friend of — Statius [II 2], who addressed him in Silvae 4,7 and dedicated the Thebais

to him. Also an acquaintance of Martial (+ Martialis [x]) and the younger Pliny (— Plinius [2]). May have

Romulensis (AE 1966, 74). VOGEL-WEIDEMANN, 220-224.

[Il 14] C. V. Rufinus. Son of V. [II 15], family probably from Tusculum. May have been the Rufinus closely associated with Tiberius according to Ov. Pont. 1,3 and 3,4, and who apparently fought with him in Dalmatia and then on the Rhine. Suffect consul in AD 21 or 22; proconsul of Asia 36/7. Legate of the army of Germania superior under > Claudius [III 1], probably AD 41/246/7, by which time he was probably already around 5 5 years of age. Eck, Statthalter, 15 f.; SYME, RP 3, 1423-1435.

{11 15] C. V. Rufus. Father of V. [II 14], probably a homo novus. He married > Publilia, the former wife of Cicero. Only at an advanced age did he win a suffect consulship in AD 16. Head of the collegium of the curatores alvei Tiberis from AD 16-24 (CIL VI 1237). SYME, RP 3, 1423-1435.

{II 16] C. V. Salutaris. Equestrian of > Ephesus. At first a tax collector for a tax-farming association, he later held official equestrian military positions: subprocurator in Mauretania Tingitana, procurator Belgicae under Trajan. He set up a substantial endowment at Ephesus (IEph. 27-36; 620; 3027). G.Rocers, The Sacred Identity of Ephesos, 1991, 136— Ifi.

come from Verona. Praefectus alae in Syria, c. AD 92.

Active in Dalmatia in 95, perhaps as procurator of the province. Before going to Egypt as prefect, he may have held the offices of praefectus vigilum and/or praefectus annonae at Rome. Praefectus Aegypti AD 103-107; later there seems to have been an accusation and condemnation, perhaps for pederasty. He is not to be identified with the individual of the same name in CIL XVI 38. DEVIJVER, V 100, p. 866 f.; 1772 f.; SYME, RP 1, 353f360.

[111] C. V.Pansa Legatus pro [pr(aetore) 1]n Vindol(icis) (CIL V 4910 = ILS 847 = AE 1987, 789), probably under Augustus during the conflicts there. May have been identical to a Pansa who was perhaps proconsul of Creta-Cyrenae. W.Eck, Senatorische Amtstrager in Ratien unter Augustus, in: ZPE 70, 1987, 203-209; PIR* P 92.

[Il 12] V. Passienus. Fictitious figure in SHA Tyr. Trig. Pe RRS elnie 1 R.SymeE, Emperors and Biography, 1971.

{fl 17] L. V. Secundus. Brother of V. [II 3]. Equestrian; procurator in Mauretania. Accused of extortion in AD 60 and convicted. Acquitted in AD 69 through the good offices of his brother. PIR* V 398. [II 18] Q. V. Secundus. Probably son of V. [II 17]. Cos. suff. in AD 86; probably proconsul of Asia in ro1/2. W.Eck, Jahres- und Provinzialfasten der senatorischen Statthalter von 69/70 bis 138/139, in: Chiron 12, 1982, 281-362, esp. 336.

W.E.

[1119] V. Sequester. Author of a concise gazetteer, probably written around AD 400: De fluminibus fontibus lacubus nemoribus paludibus montibus gentibus per litteras (‘On rivers, springs, lakes, groves, marshes,

mountains and peoples, by initial letters’, i.e. the respective sections in alphabetical order). May have formed his own name as an artful pseudonym based on Cic. Cluent. 8,25 Sex. Vibium quo sequestre. For his son, Virgilianus, he took the geographical names (including some that were either purely mythical or obsolete and misinterpreted) from the scholia to Virgil’s (+ Vergilius

387

388

[4]) Aeneid, — Silius [II 5] Italicus (Punica 15), Lucan ( Lucanus [1]) and Ovid (— Ovidius Naso) (Met. 3 and 15; Fast. 4) and assigned each to its proper region. He took the few, but unique quotations (of > Cornelius {II 18] Gallus, + Stesichorus [1] and —> Varro [3] Atacinus) from his source, which was probably a school anthology of these poets. Whatever went uncommented there, he also omitted. The little work was used in teaching and is geographically worthless, but it was used by Giovanni Boccaccio for a similar reference work (published in 1511) and by FRANCESCO PETRARCA (whose annotated codex is lost). Even after it was first printed (M.SALIUS, 1500), it continued to be copied, by the Swiss Humanist AEGiDIUs TSCHUDI in the 16th cent. The present-day textual basis is the Vatican lat. 4929 (roth cent.), which contains, among other things, > Pomponius [III 5] Mela’s geographical work De chorographia, and > Censorinus [4]. — Scholia

G. ALFOLDY, Stadte, Eliten und Gesellschaft in der Gallia WE. Cisalpina, 1999, 311.

VIBIUS

R.Getsomino (ed.), V.S., 1967 (with bibliogr.); KLSA. W.STRZELECKI, s. v. V.S., RE 8 A, 2457-2462.

[II 20] N(umerius) V. Serenus. Senator. In AD 16, as a

praetorian, he was one of the accusers of > Scribonius [II 6] Libo Drusus, but he felt himself inadequately rewarded by Tiberius. Proconsul of Baetica, probably in AD 21/2; there, he was probably the driving force behind the mass publication of the > senatus consultum de Cn. Pisone patre [1. 101-103]. Accused de vi publica in AD 23 and deported to Amorgos. Accused again in the senate the following year by his son [2]. His son was V. [IJ 21]. 1 W.Ecxk et al., Das senatus consultum de Cn. Pisone

patre,1996

21d., Der Blick nach Rom. Die Affare um

den Tod des Germanicus und ihr Reflex in der Baetica, in: A.CaBALLos (ed.), Carmona Romana (Actas del II Congreso de Historia de Carmona 1999), 2000, 543-557.

[Il 21] N. V. Serenus. Son of V. [II 20]; made the second accusation against his own father in AD 24. In 25, he prosecuted Fonteius Capito without success. PIR’ V 400. [If 22] V. Severus. Friend of the younger Pliny. AE 1960, 348 does not refer to him. SYME, RP 5, 459; PIR’ V 4o1.

[If 23] [T.] V. Va[rus] Suffect consul in AD 115 (FO?

r1o and CIL XVI 172). May previously have been proconsul of Creta-Cyrenae. W.EcK, s. v. V. (63a), RE Suppl. 14, 852.

{II 24] T. V. Varus. Probably son of V. [II 23], governor of Cilicia under Hadrian (Dig. 22,5,3,1); cos. ord. in

134. His family was from Gallia Transpadana, perhaps from Brixia. G. ALFOLDY, Stadte, Eliten und Gesellschaft in der Gallia Cisalpina, 1999, 310.

[Il 25] 'T. Clodius V. Varus Cos. ord. in AD 160; son of

V. (I 24].

Vibo Valentia (OiiBdva Ovadevtia/Ouibéna Oualentia). City in + Bruttium on the > Mare Tyrrhenum in the south of the gulf of $. Eufémia, inland north of the foothills of Tropea at a height of 560 m near modern VV (the name was Monteleone di Calabria until 1928). Founded by Locri [2] in the 2nd half of the 6th cent. BC with the place name of Hipponium (Inm@vov/ Hipponion) along with > Medma to the southwest of VV in an effort to reduce the population pressure (Ps.Skymn. 307 f.). In 422 BC, VV fought alongside Locris [2] in the war (Thuc. 5,5,2 f.). In 389 BC, VV was captured and destroyed by Dionysius [1] I, the population was deported to > Syracusae (Diod. 14,107,2); in 379 BC, it was rebuilt with the aid of Carthage (Diod. 15,24). In 356 BC, it was captured by the Bruttii (Diod. 16,15,2; Liv. 35,40,6). In the early 3rd cent. BC, VV was captured by Agathocles [2] and equipped with a harbour (Diod. 21,15; Str. 6,1,5; probably near modern Porto S. Venere). In the following, the city was ruled again by the Bruttii (Diod. 21,8). In the 2nd > Punic War, the area of VV was destroyed by Carthage (Liv. 21,51). In 192 BC, a Roman colonia was founded with the name of VV (Liv. 34,53,13 35,40,5 £5 Vibo, the first element of the name, is probably Oscan; the report in Vell. Pat. 1,14,8 is implausible according to which a Roman colony was established there as early as 237 BC). The city minted its own coins. Following the Social War [3] in 88 BC, VV became part of the tribus Aemilia. Due to the modern development over the city centre, the ancient city has not yet been found. The Greek city, probably located in the centre of the modern city, was built over by the Roman city. Archeological remains: necropoleis, residential buildings, workshops, parts of the surrounding walls with semi-circular towers (6th— 4th cent. BC). The wealth of VV (esp. tuna fishing: Ael. VH 15,3 f.; probably ship-building as well with wood from the nearby Sila [1]) which is reflected in the sources (Duris FGrH 76 F 19; Archestratus fr. 34,8 f. BRANDT) is documented through finds from villae rusticae and pier walls. The city had four holy districts (unknown cults) and a sanctuary on the shore of the

Cofino for Persephone-Kore. In the necropolis of Hipponium, a golden platelet with orphic texts was found (sth/4th cent. BC) [1. 4 A 62] (> Orphicae Lamellae). 1G.Coxui (ed.), La sapienza greca, vol.z: Dioniso Apollo, Eleusi, Orfeo, Museo, Iperborei, Enigma, 3198r.

>

F. ALBANESE, VV nella sua storia, 1962; L.RICHARDSON, s. v. Hipponion, PE, 394; G. Zuntz, Die Goldlamelle von Hipponion, in: WS 89 = Neue Folge 10, 1976, 129-151;

S.Sertis et al., Giornate di studio su Hipponion — V. V. > in: ASNP, Ser. Ill, 19, 1989, 413-876; A.BoTTINI, Archeologia della salvezza, 1992, 51-64; G.GIAN-

GRANDE, La lamina orfica di Hipponion, in: A. MASARACcuia (ed.), Orfeo e l’Orfismo, 1993, 15 5-248; G. lAacosACCI, La laminetta aurea di Hipponion, in; A.MASARACcuia (ed.), Orfeo e l’Orfismo, 1993, 249-264.

A.MU.

389

390

Vibulanus. Roman cognomen, probably derived from an unknown place, common particularly in the Fabii (+ Fabius [I 37-39]) family.

VICARIUS

W. AMELING, Herodes Atticus, vol. 1, 1983, 112; R. BOL,

Das Statuenprogramm phaums, 1984, 134 ff.

des

Herodes-Atticus-NymW.E.

KajANnTo, Cognomina, 209.

Vibulenus see - Vibullius [II 2]

Vibullius. Uncommon Roman gens name, possibly of Etruscan origin (SCHULZE, 405). I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD II. IMPERIAL PERIOD

I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD {1 1] V. Rufus, L. Follower and close confidant of Cn. Pompeius [I 3] Magnus, from no later than 49 BC his

+ praefectus [8] fabrum. In 56 BC he was sent to > Cicero to stop him resisting -> Caesar’s land distribution in Campania (Cic. Fam. 1,9,10); in 54 he was a courier for Caesar (Cic. Ad Q. fr. 3,1,18). At the outbreak of the civil war in 49 BC he was sent to Picenum

to enlist troops for Pompey (Caes. B Civ. 1,15,4). He took over from the defeated P. Cornelius [I 55] Lentulus Spinther there and successfully recruited 14 cohorts, which he had to place under L. Domitius [I 8] Ahenobarbus; the two were then captured by Caesar in Corfinium. After he was set free Pompey sent him to L. Afranius

where (ibid. cated result

[1] in Spain (Caes. B Civ. 1,34,1;

1,38,1),

he was again captured by Caesar and pardoned 3,10,1). At the beginning of 48 BC he communiCaesar’s peace initiatives to Pompey without (ibid. 3,10-11); of his end nothing is known. K-LE.

Il. IMPERIAL PERIOD

The nomen gentile Vibullius occurs in various contexts in the nomenclature of senatorial families from

Achaia, primarily the Euryclides and the family of Herodes [16] Atticus; see also [1. 120-123, 155-160;

2; 3- 209-245]. 1 HALFMANN 2 W.AMELING, Herodes Atticus, vol. 1, 1983 3A.R. Birtey, Hadrian and Greek Senators, in: ZPE 116, 1997.

{I 1] Senator; as praetor in AD 56, despite the protests of the people’s tribune Antistius [II 5] Sosianus V. took action against the rowdy supporters of actors (Tac. Ann. 13,28,1).

{Il 2] V. Agrippa. Equestrian who was accused in the Senate, according to Cass. Dio 58,21,4 in 33, according to Tac. Ann. 6,40,1 in 36. He took poison, still in the Senate, but although already dead he was strangled by lictores in the dungeon, in order to make the punishment clear. [0 3] L. V. Hipparchus. From an Athenian family; he married Annia Atilia Regilla Elpinice Agrippina Atria Polla, a daughter of Herodes [16] Atticus. He had statues erected of a daughter of this marriage, Athenais, and of himself and other relatives in the > exedra of

Herodes Atticus in Olympia.

Vica Pota. Roman goddess, whose cult, which originated perhaps as early as the archaic period, was located at a site at the foot of the - Velia [3] hill (Liv. 2,7,10), where the house of P. Valerius [I 44] Poplicola had once been rebuilt (Ascon. p. 13 CLARK); the ‘birthday’ (+ Natalis templi) of the sanctuary was 5 January (InserIt 13,2,391). In addition to an etymology of the name from victus, ‘food’, and potus, ‘drink’ (Arnob. 3,253 cf. Sen. Apocol. 9,4) there is also a (more plausible) derivation from vinco ‘to conquer, to win’ (vincendi atque potiundi: Cic. Leg. 2,28; cf. Ascon. loc.cit.) and a connexion with — Victoria [r]. R.E. A. PALMER, Roman Religion and Roman Empire, 1974, 201-204; S. WEINSTOCK, s. v. VP, RE 8 A, 2014 f.; F. COARELLI, s. v. VP, LTUR 5, 148 f. (lit.). D.WAR.

Vicarius generally a ‘representative’ (Cic. Verr. 4,81; Liv. 29,1,8 f.; Quint. Decl. 9,9; CIL I 202). [1] (military-political office). In the realm of the Roman + political administration (VIII.), vicarii began to appear especially in the High Imperial Period when state responsibilities were increasing and individual civil and military officials were no longer able to singlehandedly carry out the duties of their jurisdiction. The emperor assigned men to replace or represent them in certain situations. From the 3rd cent. AD, governors in particular were often represented by specially assigned equestrian > procuratores: vice praesidis or agens vices praesidis, vice proconsulis, ‘in lieu of a governor’ (ILS

5453 593; 1186; 1370 f.). Representatives of officers are also documented more frequently from the 3rd cent. (ILS 13 56; 2219; Amm. Marc. 14,11,5; Veg. Mil. 3,4,6;

Cod. Iust. 12,37,19; PCair. Masp. 67057; PMiinch. 14,17). Often, the officials appear to have themselves appointed their own deputies (Justin. Nov. 8,4 and 134 pr.). With the beginning of Late Antiquity, some of these representational offices became independent within the imperial administrations. The most important case is the vicarius who, in the 3rd cent. AD, had represented praetorian prefects (vice praefectorum praetorio) especially in the realm of adjudication (Ulp. Dig. 32,1,1,4). Under -> Diocletianus, he became the principal of one of the newly created dioceses (+ dioikésis; Not. Dign. Occ. 1,24-29; Or. 1,30-34). The vicarius of the urban praefect (-> praefectus urbi) underwent the same development: His function as a representative is documented as early as for the period of - Caracalla (ILS 478), but he was not elevated to an independent office until under Diocletian (Zos. 2,9,3; Cod. Theod. 9,21,1). However, in 357 at the latest, this office was subsumed under the diocesan governorship of the vicarius praefectorum praetorio in urbe. At the time of the + Notitia Dignitatum (early 5th cent.), there were 12 vicarii (including

391

392

the > comes (16) Orientis and the praefectus Augustalis). Vicarii, who could only be appointed and withdrawn by the emperor, filled some of the most important offices of the civil administration in Late Antiquity. As subordinates of the praetorian praefects (Cod. Theod. 1,15,13) and superiors of several governors (with the exception of proconsuls), they supervised provincial administrations, took part in tax collection, acted as ordinarii indices in criminal and civil courts and had jurisdiction in the court of appeals (cf. Cod. Theod., Cod. Iust. as well as Cassiod. Var. 6,15). They were given an officium (‘office’ with 200-300 officiales) led by a princeps (Cod. Theod. 1,15,12-173; 28,1). The importance of the office is reflected in the rank of its holders: at first, the vicarii were viri perfectissimi, soon thereafter viri clarissimi and from c. 385 viri spectabiles (> vir clarissimus). In the 4th cent., the Christian Church adopted the term vicarius to refer to an appointee of the Roman bishop, first the vicarius Apostolicus in Thessalonica, with the aim of emphasizing the primacy of Rome [1]. [2] (Rank among slaves). In the realm of Roman slavery, vicarius refers to a lower slave who had been bought by another slave (servus ordinarius) to carry out his duties for him or to do subordinate tasks (e.g. CIL VI 6384-6434;ILS 1503-1505; 7421; 7468; Dig. 15,1,11; 193 33,8; 6,22). Such vicarii (also referred to as peculiaris, conservus or verna) belonged to the > peculium of the servi ordinarit. As such, the vicarius was the legal property of the master: only he could set him free. — Dioikesis; + Peculium; — Political administration; ~— Procurator [1]; > Slavery

tors (> publicani) and originally went to an aerarium sanctius allocated for emergencies. In 209 BC, the proceeds from this tax, which had been gathering up to that time, were used for the war against Hannibal [4]; there must have been 4000 pounds of gold (c. 1.3 t) (Liv. 27,10,11). Caesar likewise made use of the reserves formed out of these taxes for his troops at the beginning of the civil war (Caes. B Civ. 1,14,1; Cic. Att. 7,21,25 App. B Civ. 2,41). From Claudius [III 1] on, this tax went probably to the > fiscus. The V. hereditatium was introduced by > Augustus [x] in AD 6 along with the centesima rerum venalium and a V. quinta servorum venalium (tax on the sale of slaves), in order to aliment the newly created + aerarium militare (cf. addenda) (Cass. Dio 55,25). In view of the social significance of inheritance and legacy in Rome, there was a massive resistance, especially by the upper classes, against these taxes, but Augustus broke it with the threat of reintroducing the tributum (> Taxes IV B r) in Italy. Excluded from the V. hereditatium were only close relatives and very small inheritances. These exceptions were abolished under Augustus’ successors and were reintroduced only under Trajan (Plin. Pan. 37-40). With his > constitutio Antoniniana, Caracalla is said to have granted the Roman citizenship to all free inhabitants of the-empire only in

VICARIUS

1 Jones, LRE, 888 f. W.ENSSLIN, K. SCHNEIDER, s. v. V., RE 8 A, 2015-2053;

J.Mic1, Die Ordnung der Amter. Pratorianerprafektur und Vikariat in der Regionalverwaltung des R6mischen Reiches von Konstantin bis zur Valentinianischen Dynastie, 1994; F. REDUzz1I MEROLA, Servo Parere. Studi sulla condizione giuridica degli schiavi vicari e dei sottoposti a schiavi nelle esperienze greca e romana, 1990. AG.

Vicellinus. Cognomen of > Cassius [I 19] KaJANTO, Cognomina, 163.

K.-LE.

Vicesima (derived from Lat. viginti, ‘twenty’; literally, ‘the twentieth part’). In Rome, V. was the term referring to five-per-cent > taxes [IV]; esp. important were the V. manumuissionum or libertatis (manumission tax) and the V. hereditatium (inheritance tax). According to the annalistic tradition (Liv. 7,16,7; on this [3]), the V. manumissionum or libertatis was already decided upon in 357 BC by the Roman army through a vote according to > tribus near Sutrium and was afterwards approved by the Senate. Probably from the beginning, it was paid in gold by the > freedmen themselves or by their patron. The tax amount depended on the slave’s value; it was collected by tax contrac-

order to subject them to the V. (Cass. Dio 78,9,5). At first, the inheritance tax was leased; in order to facilitate

its collection, + testaments were deposited at the statio vicesimae (BGU 326: otatuv tig eixootijc/station tés eikostés ‘station of the twentieth’), the local office which was responsible for these taxes. As it was usual with other taxes, in the case of the V. hereditatium as well, > procuratores [1] held office over and besides the contractors. Whether they substituted the latter at some point, cannot be said for sure [2]. ~+ Eikoste; — INHERITANCE LAW; — Manumission; — Taxes 1 E. FerENczy, The Rise of the Patrician-Plebeian State, in: Acta antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 14, 1966, 113-139 2 W.EcK, Zur Erhebung der Erbschaftsund Freilassungssteuer in Agypten im 2. Jahrhundert n. Chr., 1977 (=Id., Die Verwaltung des rémischen Reiches in der hohen Kaiserzeit, vol. 1, 1995, 341-348) 3 S.P. Oaxtey, A Commentary on Livy, vol. 2, 1998, ad locum. H.GA.

Vicetia (Oinxetia/Ouiketia). City of the > Veneti [x] at the confluence of the Rivers Retron (modern Retrone) and Astagus (modern Astico) with the + Togisonus (Str. 5,1,8; Ptol. 3,1,30; Ael. NA 14,8: Bixetia/Biketia; formerly possibly inhabited by Celts: Just. Epit. 20,5,8), modern Vicenza. Because of its location on the > Via Postumia V. had a certain significance to transport (It. Ant.

128,2; It. Burd.

559,1;

Geogr.

Rav.

4530,303

Guido, Geographica 17,44; Tab. Peut. 3,4). First mentioned in inscriptions in 135 BC in connexion with territorial delimitation between > Ateste and V. (CIL 636 = V 2490). Given > Ius (D 2) Latii on the basis of a

395

394

law of the consul C. Pompeius [I 8] Strabo in 89 BC (Plin. HN 3,130; cf. 3,138), it was elevated to municipium of the tribus Menenia between 49 and 42/41 BC (CIL V p. 306), in Regio X from the time of Augustus. V. was well-known for breeding eels of exceptional quality (Ael. Nat. 14,8). Cults of Diana, Fortuna, Nemesis, Venus and the Nymphs (cf. CIL V 31023107). Remains of the city wall (in Piazza Castello), a bridge over the Togisonus (visible until 1889 under the Ponte degli Angeli), a cryptoporticus ( Crypta, cryp-

and of two lictores and servi publici (‘state slaves’). They were also concerned with the distribution of corn ( Cura annonae) and — until the establishment of the Cohortes Vigilum (> Vigiles) — with extinguishing fires in their districts. This organization was in existence at least until the time of Cassius [III 1] Dio, i.e. until the beginning of the 3rd cent. AD (Cass. Dio 55,8); then under Constantinus [1], according to the regional lists, there were only 48 magistri assigned to each region, and this was independent of the number of their vici.

toporticus), a theater (known as the Teatro di Berga) outside the city to the south, an aqueduct, and necro-

poleis. The grammarian Q. Remmius born in V.

[2] Palaemon was

1 E.Bucni, Le strutture economiche del territorio, in: A.BROGLIO et al. (eds.), Storia di Vicenza, vol. 1, 1987,

145-157

2L.Cracco RuaainI, Storia totale di una

piccola citta: Vicenza romana, in: s. [1], 205-303 3 id., Approcci e percorsi di metodo nella storia di una piccola citta, Vicenza romana, in: La citta nell’Italia settentrionale in eta romana (Atti del convegno, Trieste, 13-15 marzo 1987. Collection de Ecole Frangaise de Rome, 130), 1990,1-28 4M.RIGONI, Vicenza, in: Tesori della Postumia (exhib. Cremona), 1998, 460-466. E.BU.

Vici magistri (Singular vici magister). Elected leaders of vici (+ Vicus) in the city of Rome and in Italian cities. I. Rome II. ITatia V. OF POETOVIO

I. ROME VM are recorded as early as the Republic; their identification with the magistri collegiorum mentioned in Asconius (p. 6 CLARK) cannot be doubted (pace [2]). Their duties were the cult of the Lares Compitales (+ Lares [x] C) and organizing the > Compitalia on 1 January. In the late Republic they were involved in the political activities of the + collegia [1] and for anumber of years were banned, until Clodius [I 4] permitted them again. They presumably came under the supervision of the + aediles, to whom the four city — tribus were administratively assigned. Probably in 7 BC, Augustus divided the city anew into 14 regions (> regiones) and 265 vici (Plin. HN 3,66; Suet. Aug. 30; Cass. Dio 55,8; Roma III F with

map 3). In each vicus there was now a college of four magistri e plebe cuiusque viciniae lecti (‘leaders chosen from the population of each district’), who served for one year. They were recruited from among the free and the freed; in a votive inscription of VM for Hadrian (from the year AD 136) of 275 magistri, however, only 13 % are free (ILS 6073). They were subordinate to the new leaders of the regions chosen by lot from praetores, aediles and people’s tribunes. Their chief duties were ministering to the cult of the Lares Compitales and the + Genius Augusti, looking after the related buildings and holding the Ludi Compitales, as well as maintaining public order. Presumably it was only for the games that they were permitted the use of the + toga praetexta

VICTIMARIUS

Il. Iravia

Similar organizations are also known in Italian cities: in Verona for instance three free magistri and three slaves as ministri, who restored a compitum (+ Compitalia) (CIL V 3257), in Naples in AD rx two free people and two slaves, who as magistri looked after the Lares of the emperor (Lares Augustos). A distribution of VM covering Italy on a uniform pattern is not likely. 1 J. BLEICKEN, s. v. VM, RE 8 A, 2480-2483

2 A.FRASCHETTI,

Roma e il principe, 1990, 242-250

3 M. TarpPiIn, Roma Fortunata, 2001, 117-119.

H.GA.

Victimarius (older victumarius). ‘Sacrificial servant’ in the Roman state cult, according to social class a slave or freedman (for the area of the city of Rome cf. CIL VI 2201; 9087; 9088; 33781), derived from Lat. victima, ‘sacrificial animal’ (CIL XII 533). There is a distinction to be made between the victimarii and the popae (who stunned the animals by striking them with a hammer). The cultrarius [1. 2483] (= ‘cutler’: CIL Xz 3984; [2. Nr. 137; 3. 79]) is not a sacrificial servant; this term has been attested only once in literature in its use as ‘sacrificial servant’ with the > culter (Suet. Cal. 32). In modern literature, however, it is frequently used with the meaning ‘sacrificial butcher’. Duties and responsibilities of the victimarius are very well attested in literature, epigraphy and iconography. The victimarti, who were organized in Rome in their own > collegium [1], were employed in the state and municipal administration (CIL VI 971), in the imperial service and in the army (CIL X 3501). They were responsible for the technical duties concerning animals’ sacrifice: bringing the sacrificial animals to the sacrificial spot and killing them with a knife. Numerous iconographic records provide a vivid image of this operation (such as [4]). The victimarius was dressed in a partly-fringed apron (limus: Serv. Aen. 12,120), in whose rolled waistband a knife (culter) was often tukked. The apron is known to have been the attire of public slaves (Isid. Orig. 19,3 3,4). + Sacrifice IV 1S. WEINSTOCK,s. v. V.,RE 8A, 2483-2485 3 A.V. SIEBERT, Instrumenta sacra, 1999

2 ZIMMER 4 F.FLEss,

Opferdiener und Kultmusiker auf stadtrémischen historischen Reliefs, 1995, 70-78, 90 f.

ANS.

395

396

Victor (‘winner, victor(ious)’). [1] Roman cognomen, only attested from the mid-rst cent. BC (Cic. Att. 14,14,2), but from then one of the commonest bynames, and a name of choice.

[5] V. L. Pope, c. AD 189-198. His writings, which are mentioned by + Hippolytus [2], > Eusebius [7] of Caesarea and Jerome (> Hieronymus), are lost. In the Easter Dispute (-> Calendar [B 5]), he made determined efforts to enforce the claim to primacy of the City of Rome [x]. In doing so, V. may have cited Peter (+ Petrus [1]) and Paul (> Paulus [2]), as can be inferred from the reply of Bishop Polycrates of Ephesus, who held fast to the ‘Quartodeciman’ dating of Easter traditional in Asia Minor (Euseb. Hist. eccl. 5,24; cf. 3,31,3). V.’s brusque approach provoked resistance, esp. from Irenaeus (— Eirenaeus, Irenaeus [2]) of Lyons (Euseb. Hist. eccl. 5,24,14—-17; [2]).

VICTOR

KaJANTO, Cognomina, 57; 72; 89; 96; 98; 278; H.Souin, Die stadtromische Sklavennamen, 1996, Loo f. K.-LE.

[2] (Roman epithet for gods), see piter; > Mars; > Tibur.

+ Hercules; + Iup-

[3] Roman Imperial title from the early 4th cent. AD. While the victorious exploits of emperors in the rst-3rd cents. were celebrated mostly in specific bynames of conquest, e.g. Parthicus, » Commodus, who propagated the epithet Invictus (‘the Undefeated’) began a process of reconceiving such victory titles that finally led to the style Victor (also semper/ubique/undique victor ‘always/everywhere/on all sides victorious’, victor omnium gentium ‘conqueror of all nations’, etc.), although the specific celebrations of victory were not abandoned. The process by which Invictus led to Victor (and Invictus too survived as a title) is a matter of dispute (Euseb. vita Const. 2,19,2 gave as reason the vision of Constantine I (+ Constantinus [1]) before the Battle of the Milvian Bridge). Constantine even went so far as to use V. as a > praenomen instead of — imperator (e.g. Euseb.

vita Const.

2,24,r). Through

the 4th cent.,

Victor is mostly found appended to the adjective maximus (‘greatest’), and the expression is also associated with triumphator. There were also further superlatives, e.g. super omnes retro principes victoriosissimus, ‘the

most victorious above all emperors in the past’. Even Justin II (> Justinus [4]), though, was still invictissimus (‘the most invincible’). — Kaiser (Caesar, Emperor) L.BERLINGER,

Beitrage zur inoffiziellen Titulatur

der

1N.Brox, Tendenzen und Parteilichkeiten im Osterfeststreit des zweiten Jahrhunderts, in: ZKG 83, 1972, 2912M.RicHarD, La lettre de saint Irenée au pape 324 RBR. Victor, in: ZNTW 56, 1965, 260-282.

[6] High-ranking army officer of Sarmatian origins, 2nd half of 4th cent. AD (Amm. Marc. 31,12,6). He may have taken part in the Persian campaign of Julian (+ Julianus [x1]) as a comes rei militaris (Amm. Marc. 24,4,13; Zos. 3,16 f.). He took part in the election of Jovian (> Iovianus) as emperor, and Jovian promoted him to magister equitum (Amm. Marc. 25,5,2). He kept this position under > Valens [2], on whose behalf he negotiated with the Goths in 366 and 369 (Amm. Marc. 27,5) and with the Persians in 377 (Amm. Marc. 30,2,4 f.). In 378, he warned Valens in vain against accepting battle at Adrianople, and during the battle, he tried to save the emperor (Amm. Marc. 31,12,6; 31,13,9). He was consul in 369. The strictly orthodox V. (Theod. Hist. eccl. 4,3 3,3) was married to the daughter of the Saracen queen > Mavia (Socr. 4,36,12; cf. ~ Saraceni). > Libanius was a friend of his (Lib. Or.

romischen Kaiser, Diss. Breslau 1935; P. KNEISSL, Die Sie-

2,9). PLRE 1, 957-959, no. 4.

gestitulatur der rémischen Kaiser, 1969, 174-180.

[7] S. Aurelius V. Roman historian. Born c. AD 320 in Africa, he rose from lowly circumstances by virtue of a good education (Aur. Vict. Caes. 20,5 f.), becoming

K.G-A. [4] The name V., also attested as a pagan name, occurs

often in Christian martyr texts and cults. The oldest attestations (mid—3rd cent.) are from Africa (Passio Montani et Lucii; Cypr. Epist. 22,2; 76 f.). Attestations

grow in abundance in late antiquity, and V. cult sites are documented in many places from the 4th cent. on (e.g. Milan, Marseille, Caesarea, Xanten, Trier). It is not

known whether there was always a martyrdom at the root of these cults, nor whether some of these cults may have taken root elsewhere. It is appealing to suppose that, at least in later texts, an honorific title accorded to

> martyrs (under the influence of the ruler cult? Cf. [1.2492]) mutated into a personal name (esp. [2. 120 f.]; somewhat sceptical [3]). ~ Martyrdom, literature of 1S. WEINSTOCK, s. v. V., RE 8 A, 2485-2500 2F.RUrTEN, Die V.-verehrung im christlichen Altertum, 1936 3 V.Saxer, V. titre d’honneur ou nom propre?, in: RACr 44, 1968, 209-218 4B.KOrTTING, s. v. V., LThK? ro, 1965, 771-773.

PE.HA.

WP.

governor of Pannonia secunda (+ Pannonia [III]) under Emperor Julian (+ Iulianus [11]) in 361. He was honoured with a statue, held the office of iudex sacra-

rum cognitionum (- Cognitio 2) under > Theodosius [II 2], and crowned his career by becoming urban prefect of Rome, c. AD 389 (ILS 2945). V. is the author of the Historiae Abbreviatae, generally known as Liber de Caesaribus or Caesares, and probably written in 360. This work presented (relatively briefly) the history of the Roman Emperors, taking up from Livy (- Livius [III 2]), from Augustus to + Constantius [2] II. V. was the first to divide the Imperial history into the so-called -> Julio-Claudian and + Flavian dynasties (see vol. 15, addenda), the periods of the > Adoptive and -» Soldier emperors and the Empire of late antiquity. The treatise is arranged biographically [x] (> Biography [II]) and is accompanied with moral judgments and observations of the author on his own experience of the time. Sallust (+ Sallustius [II 3]) is sometimes recognizable as a stylistic model. V. criticizes

397

398

the dominance of the army, and emphasizes the importance of education to a ruler (40,13). He thus represents an essentially senatorial viewpoint, but does not spare that social group from criticism of moral degradation (37,7). As with the other non-Christian historians of the 4th cent., there is no treatment of Christianity or the church [2. 97]. Until it was superseded by the Epitome de Caesaribus, the anonymous abridgement of the Liber de Caesaribus [3], Aurelius V.’s work seems to have been used on a limited scale. Jerome (-» Hieronymus; Hier. Epist. 10,3) requested a copy to be sent while he was working on his Chronicon (before 380), and he is cited by Iohannes > Lydus [3] (de magistratibus 3,7). He may have

influenced the -> Historia Augusta and + Ammianus Marcellinus, who praises his sobrietas (‘sobriety’) (Amm. Marc. 21,10,6). The breviaries (+ Breviarium) of + Eutropius [1] and > Festus [4] also probably hada deleterious effect on the reception of the Liber de Caesaribus. Still, in late antiquity, an unknown editor combined the work with the + Origo gentis Romanae and the treatise > De viris illustribus urbis Romae, creating a single, complete depiction in brief of Roman history, all of which was transmitted under the name of Aurelius

VICTOR STATUES

[9] V. Vitensis. Bishop of Vita in the North African province of Byzacena (cf. - Africa [4], with map), AD 480-484. During the Vandal period in North Africa (> Vandali), he wrote a Historia persecutionis Africanae provinciae in 3 vols. (probably published 488/9), an ecclesiastical history in the tradition of Jerome (+ Hieronymus) and -> Rufinus [II 6] from the reigns of Geiseric (-+ Geisericus; 428-477) and Huneric (+ Hunericus; 477-484); it is dedicated to one Diadochus. In it, he reports the persecution of the Catholic Church by the Arian Vandals (cf. > Arianism). A Passio VII monachorum (‘Passion of the Seven Monks’) and the prologue were probably added later, becoming traditionally associated with the name of V. Ep.: C.Hatm, MGH

AA 3.1, 1879 (repr. 1993 a.0.);

M. PetscHENIG, CSEL 7, 1881.

TRANSL..: M. Z1nk, Bischof V.s Geschichte der Glaubensverfolgung im Lande Africa, 1883. Lir.: $. Costanza, Vittorio e la Historia persecutionis, in: Vetera Christianorum 17, 1980, 229-268; CH. CourRTols, V. de Vita et son ceuvre, 1954; H.-J. DiEsNER, Sklaven und Verbannte, Martyrer und Confessoren, in: Philologus 106, 1962, ro1—120; R. PITKARANTA, Studien zum

Latein des V. Vitensis, 1978.

U.E.

V. + De viris illustribus; — Historiography ~ Origo gentis Romanae

[III D-E];

1 A.Momic iano, Il trapasso fra storiografia antica e storiografia medioevale, in: Rivista storica italiana 81,

1969, 286-303 2P.L. ScHMipT, Zu den Epochen der spatantiken lateinischen Historiographie, in: Philologus 132,1988,86-100

3 J.SCHLUMBERGER, Die Epitome de

Caesaribus, 1974. Ep.: F.PIcHLMAYR, bus, 1961.

TRANSLATIONS:

R.GRUENDEL,

S. A. V. de Caesari-

T.M. BANCHICH, Epitome de Caesari-

bus (Canisius College Translated texts, 1), 2000 (online); H.W. Birp, A. V.’ De Caesaribus (Translated Texts for Historians, 17), 1994; F. PICHLMAYR, 1997.

coMM.:

H.W.

Brirp, A Historical

A. V.’s Liber de Caesaribus,

Commentary

Diss. Toronto

1972;

on Id.,

S. A. V., A Historiographical Study, 1984.

[8] V. Tunnennensis (Tonnunensis). Bishop of Tunnuna ({1. 178 f.] argues this place, which is recorded in many different name variants, to have been in Africa proconsularis, perhaps near Carthage), who during his exile (from 555) at > Constantinople continued the chroni-

cle of > Prosper Tiro of Aquitania for the period AD 443-566 (terminus post quem of his death). He paid particular attention to events in the ecclesiastical history of his own lifetime, and thereby contributed to the shift, already perceptible in Prosper, from a ‘world chronicle’ to a ‘chronicle of the times’. The work of V. was continued by > Iohannes [20] Biclarensis. ~ Chronicles [D, E]; > Hieronymus Ep.: 1TH. Mommsen, Chronica minora, vol. 2 (MGH 2 PL 68, 941-962. AA 11), 1984 (repr. 1981), 163-210

Victor statues. Victors in Greek agones (mainly in Olympia; > Olympic champions) were awarded the right to erect life-size bronze statues of themselves at the place of competition (and in their home towns), but because of the great cost (ten times the yearly earnings of a craftsman [1. 125]) this was not taken up by all of them. An athlete would therefore only rarely receive more than one VS (three recorded only for Dicon from Caulonia, Paus. 6,3,11) for all his victories. The practice started with the beginning of Greek large-scale sculpture in the 7th cent. BC and is recorded throughout the history of Greek art. In the Altis at > Olympia there were hundreds of VS, which must have had the

effect of a forest of ancient sporting fame. Pausanias (6,1-18) describes some 200 selected examples of them (the oldest a VS of Eutelidas, victor in 628 BC, Paus. 6,15,8; including the one known as Anadoumenos, a

VS created by the sculptor > Phidias of a youth with a wreathed head, Paus. 6,4,5), of which only a head of the boxer Satyrus (cf. [2]) and possibly the Getty Athlete [3]

survive. The VS genre also includes the Charioteer of Delphi [4] (victors in equestrian events also received VS [5. 63]), a runner in the Archaeological Museum in Izmir [6], and possibly the Thermae Boxer [7. 150-174, 201-203] in the Palazzo Massimo alle Terme in Rome. Many lost Greek originals of Roman marble copies (Diskobolos by Myron [3], Apoxyomenos by Lysippus [2] etc.) may also have been VS [1. 131], a boxer by Coblanus [8] is perhaps a genuine marble VS. Apart from attributes, such as discuses and straps for boxers, the pose (shadow boxer, Paus. 6,10,3; athlete at the start, Arch. Mus. Naples inv. no. 5627) can also indicate the relevant discipline. Numerous stone bases of VS survive, whose inscriptions mention the name and

399

400

origin of the victor, and the place and occasion of the dedication, often in poetic form [9]. Athletes who had been convinced of victory by the Oracle, such as Eubatas from Cyrene, took their VS with them to the com-

In Rome, V. acquired political significance through L. > Cornelius [I 90] Sulla, who, in 86 BC, built a + Tropaeum for Mars, Venus and V. (Plut. Sulla 19,9 £.) following the victory over Mithradates [6] VI (as a reaction to the claim of C. + Marius [I 1] to be invincible [5. 2513]). He also introduced public games (ludi Victoriae; Vell. 2,27,6) on 1 November 82 BC after his victory over the Marians. These games became constitutive for the Iudi Victoriae Caesaris that + Caesar first celebrated 20-30 Juli 45 BC after the battle of Munda (CILI’, p. 322 f.; [5. 2515]). In 29 BC, Octavianus had the statue of V. from Tarentum [1] placed on the globus of the newly dedicated curia Iulia (Cass. Dio 51,22,1 f.; Suet. Aug. 100). In the same place, the altar of V. was dedicated on August 28th of

VICTOR STATUES

petition (Paus. 6,8,3), whereas others (e.g. Theogenes of Thasos [9. no. 3]) were granted the honour posthu-

mously. VS could also be awarded to outstanding charioteers in Rome [1o. 124-129] and Byzantium [11].

-» Sports festivals 1 H.-V. HERRMANN, Die Siegerstatuen von Olympia, in: Nikephoros 1, 1988, 120-183 2S. LEHMANN, Zum Bronzekopf eines Olympioniken im Nationalmuseum

Athen, in: Stadion 21-22, 1995/6, 1-29

3. C.C. Mat-

TuscH, The Victorious Youth, 1997. 4 F.CHAMOUX, L’aurige (FdD 4,5), 1955, 71990 5H.BuHMANN, Der Sieg in Olympia, 1972 6 H.T. Ucanxus, Die bronzene Siegerstatue eines Laufers aus dem Meer vor Kyme, in: Nikephoros 2, 1989, 135-155 7 N. HIMMELMANN, Herrscher und Athlet, 1989 8 A.KULENKAMPEF (ed.), Unter dem Vulkan. Meisterwerke der Antike aus dem

Archaologischen

Nationalmuseum

Neapel

(exhib.

Cologne), 1995, cat. nr.7 9 J.EBERT, Epigramme auf Sieger an gymnischen und hippischen Agonen, 1972

the same year (Cass. Dio 51,22,1; CIL I’, p. 327). V.’s

altar was the site of sacrifices made prior to senate meetings. At the end of Antiquity, this altar of V. became the symbol of ‘paganism’ in the confrontation with Christianity: In AD 357, Constantius [2] II removed it (Ambr. Epist. 18,32), Iulianus [x1] replaced it, Gra-

10 G.Horsmann, Die Wagenlenker der rémischen Kai-

tianus [2] removed it again in 382, Valentinianus [3] II

serzeit, 1998

replaced it again at the instigation 392, until Theodosius [2] I finally in 394 ([{1. 386] with lit.), although popularity after that (cf. Claud.

11 A.CAMERON, Porphyrius, the Chariot-

echmno7a: IvOl, Nr. 142-243; W. W. Hype, Olympic Victor Monuments and Greek Athletic Art, 1921; F.Rausa, L’immagine del vincitore, 1994. W.D.

Victoria [1] Roman goddess and personification of victory, etymologically derived from vincere, “to be victorious” [5. 2501]. In contrast to > Nike, her Greek counterpart whom she followed closely in her personification and iconography (as winged goddess, often with cornucopia, wreath and palm leaf: [4. 239-269]), V. was wors-

hipped early and independently in her cult as the symbol of victory achieved (mostly militarily, therefore the close connection to > Mars, according to CIL III 4412; VII 220; V. in the pompa circensis: Cic. Att. 13,44,1; Ov. Am. 3,2,45) [5.2507]. According to Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,32,5, V. received yearly sacrifices on the Palatine already in the period of + Euander [x], but this appears to be a late propagandistic fiction. She received her first temple on the Palatine (+ Mons Palatinus; > Rome III, with map 2) from L. Postumius [I 16] Megellus in the context of the 3rd Samnite War (> Samnites IV). It was probably dedicated on August rst, the day of her festival, in 294 BC (Liv. 10,33,93 [3. vol. 1, 257]; the first statue of V. appeared on the Forum already in 296 BC: Zon. 8,1,2). From 204 BC, the meteor stone of the + Mater Magna [1] was kept there until r91 BC after it had been moved from Pessinus (Liv. 29,14,13). Next to it, M. Porcius

> Cato [1] built

a temple of V. Virgo in 193 BC for his victory (Liv. 3559,6). Numerous sanctuaries of V. can be documented outside of Rome as well (Puteoli: CIL X 1887; Ancona: CIL IX 5904; Lusitania: CIL II 402).

of Symmachus [4] in removed it for good V. in no way lost her de sexto consulatu

Honorii 597).

V. received numerous epithets, esp. geographical ones to designate the subjugation of the respective peoples (e.g. under > Claudius [III 1] as V. Britannica in Corinth [5. 2532], later under Traianus [CIL VIII 23 54] and the Severan dynasty [CIL VIII 4583] as V. Parthica), but also received cognomina such as Aeterna (‘the Eternal One’; CIL VI 3734), Domina (‘the Mistress’; CIL VII 10832) or Sancta (‘the Saint’; CIL III 7687). + Nike; > Personification 1 M.Bearp, J. Nortu, S. Prick, Religions of Rome, vol. 1,1998 2J.R. Fears, The Theology of Victory in Rome, in: ANRW II 17.2, 1981, 736-826 3NasH 4R.VoLLKOMMER,S. V. V., LIMC 8.1, 237-269; 8.2, 167-194 (lit.) 5 S. WEINSTOCK, s. v. V., RE 8 A 2, 2501-2542. jos.

[2] Also referred to as Vitruvia (SHA Tyr. Trig. 6,3; 24,1; 31,1), mother of > Victorinus [2]. After his death in 271, she successfully pushed for the election of + Esuvius [1] Tetricus among the soldiers (!) in the ~ Imperium Gallarium (s. vol. 15, addenda) (Aur. Vict. Caes. 33,14); he then made her Augusta (SHA Tyr. Trig.

553). ~ Soldier emperors; > Triginta tyranni I.K6niG, Die gallischen Usurpatoren,

PIR" V 430; PLRE 96r f.

Victorianus see > Victorinus [1]

1981,

158-160;

ME.SCH.

401

402

Victoriatus (‘Victoria coin’: Cato Agr. 1 5,2; Varro Ling. 10,41; Quint. Inst. 6,3,80), so named after the standard type with a head of Jupiter on the obverse and ~ Victoria, crowned with a > tropaion, on the reverse [2. 15; 5. table IX]. The victoriatus was introduced c. 211 BC [2. 15], possibly after the > denarius ([5. p. 7]; otherwise in [4. 97]). It replaced the + quadrigatus and initially had a weight of 3.4 g, but then, like the denarius, was reduced and weighed only 2.9 g [6. 720]. With a weight of 3 + scripula the victoriatus corresponded to 3/4 of the weight of a denarius, but was worth less, since the alloy of a victoriatus consisted of 80 % silver and 20 % copper, while the denarius was minted in pure silver. In finds outside Italy victoriati are rarely encountered. Its circulation was separate from that of the denarius, with which, since it bore no value indicator, it had no fixed relationship; it was therefore not part of the denarius system [1. 604; 2. 15]. The early anononymous victoriati of the first one or two years were, like the denarius, minted in great quantities ([4. 109; 5. no. 44,1], from 211 BC: 200 obverse and 250 reverse stamps; [5. no. 53,1], after 211 BC: 400/500 stamps); later ones were minted with letters, monograms and symbols of minting sites — e.g. Luceria, Metapontum, Croton, Corcyra [3; 4. 108] —in substantially more limited quantities ([4. 109; 5.no. 57,1], 207 BC: 100/125 stamps; [5. no. 58,1], 207 BC: 20/25

with success against the generals of + Gallienus, > Aureolus and Claudius [III 2] (SHA Gall. 7,1; SHA trig. tyr. 6,1 f.). After a seven month siege he destroyed Augustodunum (modern Autun), which had seceded at the end of 269 and in vain called for help from the emperor — Claudius [III 2] II Gothicus, and had it entirely ransacked. Cos. IT 270 or 271 (CIL XIII 11976). In the spring of 271 V. was murdered in Cologne because of his extravagant way of life (SHA trig. tyr. 7,25

stamps).

Until c. 170 BC victoriati were the greater part of money in circulation. After a great quantity of war plunder came to Italy from Macedonia in 168 BC (+ Macedonian Wars C), the minting of victoriati was

discontinued, and the denarius was now the main coin. The > quinarius, which was revived c. 100 BC, took over images from the victoriatus [1. 605]. 1M.Amanpry (ed.), Dictionnaire de Numismatique, 2001,s.v.V. 2J.P.C.Kenretal., Die romische Miinze, 1973 3 C.M. Kraay, The Victoriate: A Note on Abbreviations, in: NC 1958, 39-41 4H.B. Matrincty, The Victoriate, in: NC 1957,97-119 5RRC 6 SCHROTTER.

GES.

Victorinus [1] V. was governor of the province of Britannia Superior (Zos. 1,66,2; Zon. 12,29 D.) and may be identical with Pomponius Victori(a)nus, cos. ord. and praefectus urbiin AD 282 (Chron. Min. 1,66 MOMMSEN). BIRLEY, 180 f.; PIR* P 762; PLRE 1, 962, nr. 3 and 963, nr.

2.

[2] Imp. Caesar M. Piavonius V. Invictus Augustus.

Emperor of Imperium Galliarum from the end of AD 269 to the spring of 271 (RIC 5,2, 379-398; CIL XIII 9040), son of - Victoria, from rich Gaulish nobility (Aur. Vict. Caes. 33,14). In 265/6 tribunus praetorianorum (CIL XIII 3679 = ILS 563), an experienced soldier (Aur. Vict. Caes. 33,12; Eutr. 9,9,2 f.), cos. ord. I with > Postumus [3] in 267 or 268. He was recognized in Gaul and Britain, but not in Spain, and fought

VICTORIUS

Eutr. 9,9,3; Oros. 7,22,11; Aur. Vict. Caes. 33,12 f.).

Ultimately he was consecrated. Information about a son of the same name (SHA trig. tyr. 6,3 and 7), who was elevated to Caesar after V.’ death, is evidently fictional. J.F. Drinkwater, The Gallic Empire, 1987, 31, 35-38, 90; KIENAST, 246; I. KONIG, Die gallischen Usurpatoren von Postumus bis Tetricus, 1981, 141-157; J. LAFAURIE,

L’Empire Gaulois, in: ANRW II 2, 1975, 853-1012; PIR* P 401; PLRE 1, 965, Nr. 12. TF.

V. oF POETOVIO The bishop of Poetovio (modern Ptuj in Slovenia) in ~» Pannonia Superior suffered martyrdom in the persecutions under Diocletianus (probably in 304). He was the first after > Origenes [2] to write a Latin Biblical commentary on Ge, Le, Is, Ez, Hb, Ec, So, Re and Mt (Jer. Vir. ill. 74). Only his commentary on Revelation survives (in the original edition with a distinctive chiliasm and in an edition by Hieronymus), the short Tractatus de fabrica mundi (with speculations on the numbers 4, 7, 12 and the millennial reign) and a fragment on the chronology of the life of Jesus. Also surviving and ascribed to him are an antiheretical writing (among the works of > Tertullianus [2]) and an exposition on the parable of the ten virgins (attribution uncertain). His clumsy style, interspersed with many Graecisms, was already critsized by Hieronymus (Epist. 58,10,1: quod intellegit, eloqui non potest). Ep.:

M. DuLaey, 2 vols., 1993.

Lir.: A. WLOSOK, V., in: HLL 5, § 573 (with eds. and lit. up to 1986); K.H. ScHwarTE, V. von Pettau, in: $. Opp, W.GeEERLINGS (eds.), Lexikon der antiken christlichen

Literatur, 1998, 627 f.

JGR.

Victorius. Gallo-Roman friend of - Sidonius Apollinaris. Although Catholic, from about AD 471 he was in the service of the Arian Visigoth > Euricus. There is evidence of his holding the titles > dux and > comes. He had responsibility super septem civitates in ~» Aquitania I and after the latter was subjugated by the Visigoths from c. 475 also for Augustonemetum (Clermont). V. came to prominence by endowing churches. His autocratic tendencies and his dissipated way of life made him suspect, so that he ran away to Rome, where he was murdered (in 479?) (PLRE 2, 1162-1164, no. 4).

HL.

403

404

Victricius. Born c. AD 340; after his conversion to the Christian faith, between 360 and 363 he ended his military service (according to Paul. Nol. epist. 18,7, at any rate, with detailed description of the circumstances) and c. 380/386 became bishop of -» Ratomagus (modern Rouen). Letters to him from — Paulinus [5] of Nola (Epist. 18 and 37) and from the Roman bishop Innocentius I ([1. vol. 1, 286]: a liber regularum) from this period survive. The focus of his work was the battle against Homoean theology in the Imperial church

The vici in Rome may have originated in settlement centres of pre-urban Rome (cf. Vicus Tuscus; Vicus Pallacinae). Their officials were > vici magistri. Augustus divided Rome in 7 BC into 14 regions and 265 vici (Plin. HN 3,66), which until the time of Constantinus [x] grew to 307 (> Roma III F with map 3). Vici were the lowest unit of administration in Rome.

VICTRICIUS

(+ Trinity III; > Arianism), the advancement of - mo-

nasticism and the Christianization of rural areas. From time to time he was one of those around > Martinus [1] of Tours (Sulp. Sev. dial. 3,2). V. died between 404 and 409. His sole surviving work, De laude sanctorum (‘Praise of the Saints’), was occasioned by the transfer of

relics from Italy; it contains an interesting combination of theologies of relics, martyrs and the (neo-Nicaean) Trinity, in which conventional elements are combined to make an entirely autonomous synthesis. 1 Pu. Jarré (ed.), Regesta pontificum Romanorum, vol. 1, 1885 2CPL 481. Ep.: J. MULDERS/R. DEMEULENAERE, CCL 64, 1985, 69-

93. Lir.: M.SxKEB, s. v. V., in: Lexikon der antiken christlichen Literatur, 32002, 719 Saint Victrice, 1903.

(with lit.); E. VACANDARD, CM.

Victumulae (‘Ixtobuovrav/[ktoumoulai). Settlement of Celtic + Insubres in the territory of > Vercellae [1]. Expanded, fortified and settled with inhabitants of the surrounding area by the Romans as a trade centre in the war with the Galli (225-222 BC) (Liv. 21,57,9 f.). In

218 BC — Hannibal [4] pitched camp near V. (Liv. 21,45,3) before conquering the town (Liv. 21,57,9 ff.). In the process the men of the settlement are said to have burned themselves in their houses or killed themselves and their families (Diod. 25,17). A lex censoria prohibited the tenants of nearby rich goldmines, to employ more than 5000 workers (Plin. HN 33,78; cf. Str. S52) G. RaDKE, s. v. V., RE 8 A, 2088 f.

1 Momsen,

Staatsrecht, vol. 3, 119 f.

BuREN, s. v. V., RE 8 A, 1958, 2090-2094

2A.W.VAN 3A. CALBI,

L’epigrafia del villaggio, 1993 4 J.-P. Petit, M. MANGIN (ed.), Les agglomérations secondaires. La Gaule Belgique, les Germanies et l’occident romain, 1994 5 CH. SCHULER, Landliche Siedlungen und Gemeinden im hellenistischen und romischen Kleinasien, 1998 6 LTUR 5, 151201 7M.TarpIN, Vici et pagi en Europe occidentale,

2002.

H.GA.

Vicus Aventia (vulgarly also Vicoventia). CIL V 2383; XI 421) in Regio

VIII

> Vicus (cf. (Aemilia;

cf.

~ Regio, with map). It flourished from the rst cent. AD as an administrative centre of the saltus regionis Padanae Vercellensium Ravennatium (cf. ILS 1509). Documented from 431 AD as a suffragan bishopric of Ravenna (Petrus Chrysologus, Sermo 175). G. UccERI, Insediamenti, viabilita e commerci, in: N. AL-

FIERI (ed.), Storia di Ferrara, vol. 3, 1989, 57-60.

GU.

Vidacilius. Rare Italic nomen gentile. C.V. from + Asculum was one of the rebelling Italici in the -» Social Wars [3] 91-89 BC (App. Civ. 1,181). He was in action initially in > Picenum, then in > Bruttium; in the winter of 90/89 he breached the siege of Cn. Pompeius [I 8] Strabo around Asculum, but committed suicide there because of the hopeless situation (App. Civ. 1,207-209; Oros. 5,18,21). K-LE.

Vidimir. Ostrogoth king c. 451-473 AD, son of Vandalarius, brother of > Valamer and Theodemir, uncle of Theoderic (- Theodericus [3]) the Great. He took part in Attila’s campaigns (Iord. Get. 199), and ruled

beside his brothers in a region in Pannonia after Attila’s death in 454 (Iord. Get. 268), from 461 as a Roman

Vicus. Related to Greek *Foikos (cf. > oikos) and Old

ally. V. was sent to Italy in 473 by Theodemir and died there during the campaign (Iord. Get. 283 f.). His suc-

High German wick, the Latin word vicus means ‘a number of houses’ and described both a village within an agricultural area (> Pagus) and a group of houses on a street in a city (and hence often also used as a street

Vidua. Latin expression and Roman

name, e.g. in Rome; cf. [6]).

— widow (II.).

Vici were able to create wealth, had their own cults and their own officials. According to Festus (p. 502 and 508 LinpDsay) some had their own political organization and held courts (partim habent rempublicam et ius dicitur), others had only the right to hold markets. They were the visible centres of pagi, with some pagi also having several or even no vici, as is clear from the Velia Tablet (> Alimenta). In the Greek world vici correspond to x@uav/komai (> Kome).

Vienna. City in Gallia Narbonensis on both banks of the + Rhodanus (modern Rhéne) at the confluence with the Gére, modern Vienne (in the département of Isére) on the left bank and Saint-Romain-en-Gal and Sainte-Colombe (both in the département of Rhéne) on the right bank. Late Celtic settlement of the > Allobroges with an > oppidum on the Pipet and SainteBlandine hills and a trading place at the confluence of

cessor was his son of the same name (lord. Get. 284). PLRE 2,1164. WE.LU.

legal term for es

405

406

the Gére. In the year 61 BC, an uprising of the Allobroges under > Catugnatus expelled the Italic merchants, who had settled there, and they then founded + Lugdunum (Lyon). Under Augustus, V. became colonia Iulia Augusta Florentia V. (CIL XII 2327; with ius Latii; + lus [D 2]). V. swiftly flourished as the chief town of the Allobroges (Str. 4,1,11), in a speech by Claudius [III 1] in the year 48 V. appears as ornatissima

VIERGOTTERSTEINE

A. PELLETIER, Découvertes archéologiques et histoire a Vienne de 1972 a 1987, in: Latomus 47, 1988, 34-525 J.-L. Prisser et al., Evolution urbaine a Saint-Romain-en-

Gal, in: Gallia 51, 1994, 1-133; R. BEDon, Atlas des villes, bourgs et villages de la France au passé romain, 2001, 324-331. MLPO.

“most ornate and strongest colony of the Viennenses”),

Viereckschanze. Square or rectangular enclosure of sides about 80-100 m long with circumvallation and occasionally palisade walls. The interpretation of these

in Mart. 7,87 as pulchra Vienna (“beautiful V.”). The

structures, found in the Celtic settlement area from

enormous territory of the colonia V. extended as far as the + Lacus Lemanus (modern Lake Geneva) and to the border of the Alpine province.

France to Bohemia, is still disputed. For the most part they are regarded as 3rd—1st cent. BC Celtic sanctu-

After the death of Nero, there was unrest and con-

ings. Rich sacrificial finds from recent excavations in France (cf. [1]) — including evidence of animal and ~» human sacrifice, e.g. skull trophies, and weapons, usually rendered unusable, as well as utensils and jewellery — have confirmed this. Viereckschanzen seem to have arisen in the 4th cent. BC and found a direct continuation in Gallo-Roman circumambulation temples. Studies in recent decades have produced indications that in southern Germany in the 2nd/rst cents. BC at least some viereckschanzen were used as enclosed manorial courts (with permanent settlements, craft work and trade), in which, however, there were also cult buildings. It is envisaged that they were the aedificia mentioned by Caesar (e.g. Caes. B Gall. 1,5; 2,73 4,43

.. colonia valentissima

Viennensium

(ILS 212 II, 10:

flict with Lugdunum (Tac. Hist. 1,65; Suet. Vit. 9). As early as AD 35, V. produced a consul in Valerius [II 1] Asiaticus, further comsules and procuratores are recorded in the times of Antoninus and Severus (AD 138235). In the second half of the 3rd cent., there were attacks by the + Alamanni. In the framework of the reorganization of the Empire under Diocletianus, V. became the capital of the diocese (+ Dioikesis II), and by 314 also metropolis of the province of the same name (Concilia Galliarum I, p. 14 f.; Notitia Galliarum 11,3). Until the end of the 4th cent., therefore, V. was, after Augusta [6] Treverorum (Trier), the second most important city in the province of Gaul. V. was the seat of the procurator linyfii Viennensis (administrator of the imperial linen mill of V.; Not. Dign. Occ. 11,62) and together with > Arelate of the praefectus classis fluminis Rhodani (Not. Dign. Occ. 42,14; — Praefectus [7]). Captured by the > Burgundiones in the second third of the 5th cent., V. became one of the capitals of the Burgundian kings (Amm. Marc. 20,10; 21,1); from 534 V. was under the rule of the > Franci. One of the first city walls (at 7250 m the longest in Gaul), whose dating to the time of Augustus remains debatable, encompasses an area on the right bank of the Rhodanus of more than 200 ha. A second wall, only 1920 m long, was constructed in the late 3rd or early 4th cent. Buildings of historical importance: in the Forum area, a temple to Augustus and Livia (initially to Roma et Augustus, then to Divus Augustus et Diva Augusta);

a theatre for an audience of 13,500 (diameter 130.4 m), an odeion, a building for the Cybele mysteries with a temple and possibly another theatre. In several places within the first city wall remains of roads, cloacae and water conduits, houses with frescoes and -* mosaics. To the south of the city wall was a circus (455°2m x 118-4 m); in this area, there is also evidence of residential and storage buildings until the 3rd cent. AD. Excavations in Saint-Romain-en-Gal and Sainte-Colombe have revealed an urban district, settled from the last quarter of the rst cent. BC onwards, with houses and commercial buildings. Settlement breaks off there, too, in the 3rd cent. — Gallia (with map)

aries, with shafts for sacrifices and wooden cult build-

7,14). > Celtic Archaeology; > Celts V.; > Tropaeum 1 A. HaFFner (ed.), Heiligtiimer und Opferkulte der Kelten, 1995 2 S.RreckHoFF, J.BreL, Die Kelten in Deutschland, 2001, 227-234 3 G. WIELAND (ed.), Keltische Viereckschanzen, 1999. VP.

ViergOttersteine are parts of Jupiter-Giants-columns (+ Monumental columns III.), found immediately on top of the columns’ substructures (followed upwards by a medial plinth with the ‘gods of the week’ — e.g. Venus for Friday, Saturn for Saturday, a column shaft, decorated with scales or garlands, with a base and a capital with a > Iuppiter riding down a > Giant). The figures of gods on Viergéttersteine are usually placed in recessed fields: they are usually + Iuno (front), - Minerva (left), + Mercurius (right) and > Hercules (back); other gods can be depicted, however, most often - Victoria, ~» Mars, a> Genius, > Fortuna, ~ Silvanus [1], > Sol, + Ceres. Occasionally, they appear in pairs (e.g. Venus/ Vulcan; Juno/Minerva; Mars/Venus with Amor). For a

number of Viergéttersteine, one side is kept flat in order to take a votive inscription, which is otherwise found on the cornice above Juno or on the medial plinth on top of it.

About 90 Viergéttersteine are known today, mainly from Lower and Upper Germania, and Gallia, especially Belgica. The Jupiter-Giants-columns appeared in the time of Nero (Great Jupiter Column of Mainz: AD 59), with production reaching its peak in the years AD 170 to 246, and after AD 260 petered out.

407

408

G. BAUCHHENSS, P. NoELKE, Die Iupitersdulen in den ger-

1 J.S. RAINBIRD, The Fire Stations of Imperial Rome, in: PBSR 54, 1986, 147-169 20.F. Ropinson, Ancient

VIERGOTTERSTEINE

manischen Provinzen, 1981; M.MatTTrEeRN, Romische Steindenkmaler vom Taunus- und Wetteraulimes (CSIR Deutschland II 12), 2001, Nos. 177-180; 288; 317-320.

RH.

Vigilantia. Sister of the emperor ~ lustinianus [1] I, married to Dulcidius, mother of Praeiecta, of the — magister militum and patricius Marcellus [7] and of the emperor > Iustinus [4] II, who was born c. AD 5 10515; she was still alive for his ascension to the throne in 565 and she had influence over him (Procop. Vand. 2,24,3; Victor Tonnunensis, Chron. Min. ed. MoMMsEN: MGH AA 2,206; Corippus, In laudem Iustini, praef. 21 £.3.1,8 f.5'25283). A. CAMERON (ed.), Corippus, In laudem Iustini (with an English translation and commentary), 1976, 121; 127; 168; 171 f.; PLRE 2, 11653 3, 13763 3,13153 Cf. 3, 428; 3, 1048f; 3, 816 f. Nos. 5; 3, 754-756; K.J. STACHE, Corip-

Rome. City Planning and Administration, 1992, 105-110 3 R. SABLAYROLLES, Libertinus miles. Les cohortes de vigiles, 1996.

Vigiliae. One of the chief concerns of Roman generals was the safety of their troops; both in a fixed legionary camp and in the field, legions were protected by the posting of guards, positioned in front of the vallum, outside the camp, and on the gates or on the vallum; individual guards also had the task of protecting higher officers (Pol. 6,3 5f; Sall. Jug. 100,4). Polybius gives a precise description of the organization of guard duty (vuxteowh pudaxt/nykterine phylaké: Pol. 6,33-37; cf. Onasander ro,10 f.; Veg. Mil. 3,8,17 ff.). To prevent

the sentries becoming tired they were replaced at regular intervals: the day was divided into two periods of six hours (excubiae), the night into four periods of three pus, In laudem Iustini (commentary), thesis, Berlin 1976, hours (vigiliae). Ultimately, the word vigilia became 69 £., 334-336; STEIN, Spatromische Republik 2, 743. used outside the military context to describe a part of KPJ. the night. With a — signal, the > bucinatores and — tubicines announced a change of watch (Tac. Hist. Vigiles. In 23 BC, after a fire in Rome, > Augustus [1] 2,29,2; Veg. Mil. 3,8,17), and a > centurio announced the beginning of the night watch (Tac. Ann. 15,30,r). put 600 slaves at the disposal of the curule > aediles to fight fires (Cass. Dio 54,2,4), thereby replacing the tri- Each sentry consisted of four men (Pol.6,33), and each centuria posted two sentries, the — triarii [1] being exumviri nocturni (Dig. 1,15,1) and the private firefighting corps sponsored by M. Egnatius [II 10] Rufus (Vell. empt from watch duty (Pol. 6,33); the > velites also had to undertake watch duties (Pol, 6,35). A password writPat. 2,91,3 f.). After the division of the city of Rome ten on a — tessera was handed by the — tribunus [4] into fourteen > regiones in 7 BC, seven cohortes were set up (in 6 BC) for firefighting: each consisted of 1,000 militum to the centuriones (Pol. 6,34); the sentries were men, mostly — freedmen (ILS 2154; 2178 f.). Each of these cohortes had the responsibility of protecting two of the fourteen regiones of Rome from fire (Cass. Dio 5558573 55526,4 f.; Suet. Aug. 30,1; ILS 21454-2179). Remains of the barracks of the vigiles (castra: CIL XIV 4381 = ILS 2155; CIL XIV 4387; excubitoria: CIL VI 3010 = ILS 2174) have been found in Rome and Ostia. The vigiles were under the command of the equestrian ( equites Romani) praefectus [16] vigilum, and he also had some junior criminal jurisdiction (Dig. 1,1 5,3). The existence of the vigiles is attested in inscriptions and literature until the 3rd cent. (ILS 2178; Cass. Dio 55,26,5). Fires were fought with bucket relays, axes, fire-beaters and vinegar-soaked matting (Petron. Sat. 78,7; Plin. Ep. 10,33,2; Dig. 33,7,12,18). No similar institution is known in any other city. Elsewhere, members of collegia (+ Collegium [x]) dealt with firefighting (cf. + Fire-brigades). The creation of the vigiles, however,could not prevent major fire catastrophes in post-Augustan Rome, e.g. in AD 27, 36 and 64 (Tac. Ann. 4,64; 6,45; 15,3841; Cass. Dio 58,26,5; 62,16). Portrayals of urban ~ housing conditions in Rome emphasized the risk of fire (Vitr. De arch. 2,8,20; 2,9,16; Juv. 3,197-222).

Similar fire disasters are also reported in provincial Sen. Ep. 91; Tac. Ann. 16,13,3; Nicomedia: Plin. Ep. 10,33 f.).

cities (Lugdunum:

generally subordinate to centuriones (Tac. Hist. 2,29,3) and were supervised by circitores (Veg. Mil. 3,8,18).

Any misdemeanour on watch was punished, after a detailed investigation, by corporal punishment (fustuarium), which usually ended in death (Pol. 6,36 f.). Y.LB. Vigilius. Deacon of pope Bonifatius II (530-532), was in Constantinople with the latter’s successor > Agapetus [2], where he came into contact with + Theodora [2]. He took the body of Agapetus (died 22 April 536) to Rome. In March 537, his intrigues succeeded in deposing the already elected Silverius and he had himself elected pope by - Belisarius. Under V. building works were undertaken in Rome after the Gothic siege (Vigilius inscriptions in a number of - catacombs). He conducted a correspondence with Frankish bishops. On 22 November 545, V. was arrested and taken (entirely against his will?) to Catania/Catane; his consignment of wheat to a starving Rome in February 546 fell into the hands of the Goths. In Patrae on 14 October 5 46, while on his way to Constantinople he consecrated as bishop the deacon > Maximianus [3] of Pola, who was travelling to Ravenna. On 25 January 547, V. arrived in Constantinople, embarked on tough negotiations on the ‘Three Chapters’ (+ Synodos IID), and because of them fled with — Verecundus to the church of St. Euphemia in + Calchedon on 23 December 551; but

409

410

then he assented to the condemnation of the ‘Three Chapters’ and on 8 December 5 53 also signed the anathematisms (condemnations) of the Fifth Synod. On his return to Rome he died in Syracuse on 7 June 555 (buried in Rome in San Marcello, Via Salaria). A. Lippott, s.v. V., RE Suppl. 14, 864-885.

SLB.

Viginti(sex)viri (liter. ‘Twenty(-Six) Men’) I. ANNUAL MAGISTRATES SPECIAL DUTIES

II. OFFICIALS FOR

I. ANNUAL MAGISTRATES Viginti(sex)viri at Rome was a general term covering six collegia of junior magistrates (magistratus minores: Cic. Leg. 3,6) which had developed since the 3rd cent. BC (without differentiation Pomp. Dig. 1,2,29 f.) and which in the late Republic were filled by election under the chairmanship of the praetors (attested for IIIviricapitales: Fest. p. 468) in the tribal assemblies (+ Comitia) (Gell. NA 13,15,4): these were the + tresviri [4] monetales (also IlIviri a.a.a.f-f.), ~ tresviri [1] capitales, + decemviri [2] stlitibus iudicandis, > quattuorviri viarum curandarum, + quattuorviri praefecti Capuam Cumas and the — duoviri viis extra urbem purgandis. The two last of these colleges were abolished under Augustus (before 13 BC: Cass. Dio 54,26,7), so that four colleges remained, with a total of twenty posts (vigintiviri). Holding one of these offices now became a general precondition for entering a senatorial career (on exceptions: [1]). The offices of mint master (tresviri monetales) and decemvir clearly enjoyed higher status until the 3rd cent. AD. Young patricians (and sons of consulares: [2]) preferably became tresviri monetales (cf. ILS 986; 999; 1049), and a striking number of quaestores principis (+ quaestor [II B]) had previously been mint masters (ILS 964; 975; 980; 1029; 1040; 1057) or decemviri (e.g. ILS 948; 991; 1063; 1071; 1077).

VILICUS

Vilicus. In the Roman period, the term vilicus (from ~» villa, ‘house/estate’) generally described an estate administrator, but sometimes also lower administrative personnel in private or public service (Caesaris vilicus: ILS 1612; 1617; 1620; 1621; 17953 5453; 7368; in tax collection: ILS 1557; 1565; 1854; 1857; 1862; 1865). A typical vilicus was a slave (> Slavery) or a > freedman charged by a permanently absent landowner with administrating a medium-sized estate with slaves. Such estates were widespread in Italy from the 2nd cent. BC until the 3rd cent. AD, and, in the early Principate, they can be found in the western provinces, too. A basic description of the position and the duties of a vilicus and a vilica (“woman administrator’) subordinate to him can be found in + Cato [x] (vilici officia: Cato Agr. 5; 143 f.); > Columella later repeats — albeit with additions — the view of Cato (Columella 1,8,1-14; 11,1,329); Roman

perceptions of estate management were

certainly influenced by > Xenophon [2] (Xen. Oec. 12-14; cf. also 9,11-19). The most important duties of a vilicus were controlling of and providing for slaves, organizing all farm work, maintaining agricultural buildings and equipment, purchasing necessary items and products and the sale of superfluous produce; in addition, a vilicus had to keep account of cash, income and work. A vilica was responsible for the living spaces, the feeding and clothing of all the workforce (Cato Agr. 143; Columella 12,1; 12,3,5-9). A vilicus was expected to have knowl-

edge of + agriculture, leadership qualities and the ability to read, write and count (cf. Varro, Rust. 2,10,10; polemically: Columella 1,8,4), as well as a sense of duty and loyalty to his master (dominus). A vilicus often had considerable autonomy, but he could be kept in check by precise instructions and occasional visits by the land owner. Furthermore, remunerations were also awarded; for instance, a vilicus and a vilica were permitted a

kind of family life together (Cato Agr. 143,1; Columella 1,8,5); he could also have at his disposal a > peculium,

and may have been granted a share of the profits (cf. II. OFFICIALS FOR SPECIAL DUTIES Vigintiviri were also otherwise appointed in response to particular needs. In 59 BC, a commission of twenty senators (including Cn. + Pompeius [I 3] and M. Terentius — Varro [2]) was set up to ensure the implementation of Caesar’s agrarian law (Cass. Dio 38,1,6). In AD 238, 20 senators were appointed as vigintiviri rei publicae curandae, to protect Italy against the emperor + Maximinus [2] Thrax (SHA Gord. 10,1-2; Zos. 1,14,2; on individual composition [3)). There were probably also municipal committees of vigintiviri (CIL 10,5915; ILS 6134). — Cursus honorum; > Magistratus 1 D.McALINDON, Entry to the Senate in the Early Empire, in: JRS 47,1957,191-195 3 DIETZ, 326-332.

2ALFOLDY, Konsulat, 96-98

Mommsev, Staatsrecht 2, 592-610; V., RE 8 A, 2570-2587.

H.SCHAEFER,

S. V. W.K.

Varro, Rust. 1,17,5-7). Inscriptions by vilici attest to a

modest prosperity and self-confidence (ILS 44415 6337; 73673; 7370). When the > latifundia expanded farther, complex hierarchies developed in estate management: a + procurator [1], often free-born, controlled one or more estates for a latifundium owner (Columella 1,6,7), and buying and selling were handed over to ~ actores II. 2]. » Agriculture; > Latifundia; > Villa 1 J.J. AUBERT, Business Managers in Ancient Rome, 1994 2 J. Carisen, Vilici and Roman Estate Management until A.D. 284, 1995

3C.SCHAFER, Zur Leitung landwirt-

schaftlicher Betriebe im Imperium Romanum, in: P. HERZ et al. (eds.), Landwirtschaft im Imperium Romanum, 2001, 273-284 4 WuitTE, Farming, 353-355. DR.

VILLA

412

4Il

Villa I. DEFINITION IJ. THE vILLA RUSTICA III. THE VILLA FOR THE PURPOSE OF OPTIUM IV. THE LATE

ANTIQUE DOMAIN

I. DEFINITION In contrast to the townhouse (domus) or the cottage (casa; — tugurium), in Latin usage villa describes a combined residential and commercial building in the context of > agriculture (V.), and occasionally an agricultural establishement including all facilities (usual term for this : > praedium). This connection with agriculture gradually dissipated in the 2nd cent. BC, a fact which is reflected in the increasingly differentiated range of terminology; along with the ‘classical’ v. rustica (‘country house’, ‘country estate’) which continued to have its place in the agrarian economic area, villa forms appeared which increasingly belonged to the area of leisure and recreational culture (cf. > Recreation; > Leisure III.: Latin otium) of the urban (and here initially the urban Roman) upper class and gained a nontypological, but nevertheless functional autonomy as otium-related villa: villa suburbana (lying outside the city), villa maritima (in coastal or lake-front locations) or villa urbana (within the city or located on the edge of the city). As a rule, agriculture was not abandoned here either. However, being kept apart from it, it scarcely played a role any longer in the appearance of the complex. If it nevertheless came to the fore, then rarely for reasons of economic necessity, but more as a factor of the ‘ennoblement’ of the owner or from bucolic mo-

tives, in which not uncommonly a highly specialized, almost scientifically meticulously operated hobby (fish and oyster farming, beekeeping, bird keeping, viticulture, game preserve, flower-growing, among others) was practised in the sense of voluptas (‘pleasure’). The boundaries between villa, domus (townhouse; ~» House) and > palace were already fluid in Antiquity and are correspondingly difficult to determine today. A villa in imperial possession could (in the presence of the emperor) at least occasionally take on the character of a palace (such as the villas of Tiberius on Capri, see ill., or the villas of Domitian at > Circeii and near > Alba Longa/modern Castel Gandolfo), could indeed become permanently understood as a palace or its component (villa of Hadrian in > Tibur/Tivoli near Rome). A clear typological separation between palace and villa is ultimately not possible, which is also made clear by the ‘palace villas’ of various rulers after AD 300, for example those of — Galerius [5] in — Thessalonica [1], Diocletian in + Spalatum/Split (+ Palace with ill.) or Maxentius on the via Appia near Rome. There was also no precise differentiation from the domus; the ambiguity of the ancient terminology in this regard culminated in the + domus aurea of the emperor — Nero: from the concept and location within the city actually the prototype of the villa urbana in the functior of a palace, the structure, which competed directly with the luxury villas of the Roman aristocracy, was likewise consistently referred to as a domus, probably in allusion to the domus Tiberiana on the > Mons Palatinus in Rome.

Capri: 'Villa Jovis' of Tiberius;

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413

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Nennig (Saarland): villa rustica with corner risalits; 2nd cent. AD (ground-plan). 1 Courtyard 2 Vestibule 3. ‘Mosaic Hall!

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+ Domain); here, a highly interwoven network of ‘large-estate miniature worlds’ developed with a luxurious, and at the same time agricultural-economically oriented villa at the centre, which was just as characterized by its sometimes rigorous rejection of the ‘official’ state as by early feudal operating methods and Dominate-like social structures (cf. ~ Dominatus). Thus, in Roman Antiquity, the term villa describes

not only a building or complex of buildings, but a way of life in the rural area positioned in extension of, or in contrast to, the urban culture. From the 3rd cent. AD on, the foundations of the Roman villa culture were increasingly the inequality of land ownership, particularly in the connection of a peasant subsistence economy with large-scale manor system, as well as the conversion to intensive agriculture — both phenomena which massively increased immediately before 200 BC as a consequence of the Second Punic War (- Agricul-

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II. THE VILLA RUSTICA The villa rustica as the ideological and economic core of Republican Roman society was extensively described by — Cato [1], — Columella, > Varro [2], ~ Vitruvius [2] and others. Limited in the early period to the function of a country residence as a counterpart to the townhouse of the nobilitas (> nobiles) in the im-

mediate surrounding area of Rome, the range of owners of villae rusticae grew in the context of the Roman expansion beginning in the 3rd cent. BC to a more or less moneyed middle class in the surrounding areas of conquered or newly founded cities in Italy and the provinces, but was then reduced beginning c. 150 BC by the continuing concentration of agricultural property in the hands of a few large landowners. The remains of numerous villae rusticae have been found, some in a very good state of preservation. Simple farmsteads and representative estates were adjacent, while the size of the

structures reserved for economic activity at least relatively allows the reconstruction of the economic power and thus the agriculturally available area. The numerous wine-producing villae rusticae at the foot of > Vesuvius, north-east of the modern

Torre Annunziata,

which ceased to exist in the eruption of AD 79, make this clear: the number of ceramic containers (+ dolium) for wine fermentation or wine storage (> Wine I.), each

416

415

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Villa dei Misteri

\(extra muros) Z

Villa Arianna A, c. AD 50, and B, Villa San Marco, c. 50 BC

sinus

Aenaria/ Pithecusae

Capo di Sorrento (villa of Pollio, 1st cent. AD)

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500

Aqueduct Locality/Town/Spa Important trade port

Misenum

Minori

Latin name

Modern name

Naval base

c. 8001, originally stored in a roofed structure could range from 15 to roo and thus provide very precise information about the economic significance of the complex. However, it is in no way imperative to see independent small agricultural operations in these villas; affiliation with a large latifundium is possible in each case. Villae rusticae usually consisted of a single compact structure, the core of which was formed by a courtyard; conglomerates of several separate buildings, on the other hand, were rare and predominantly found in the provinces. The different wings were connected by the courtyard, with the residential, sleeping and representational rooms significantly less than one third of the area as a rule and thus markedly less important than the commercial wings. While outwardly the villas were not usually very representative and, in exposed situations, fortified (risalit villas in the northern provinces, see ill.), bedrooms and living rooms could, in individual cases, be richly decorated with frescoes (e.g. the frescoes in the villa rustica of + Boscoreale: New York, MMA; cf. > Wall paintings; see ill.). The installation of > heating was common in the north-western provinces. The inte-

gration of architectonic elements of the house that served representation but were functionless from an agricultural point of view into the villa — e.g. > atrium or peristyle courtyard (— Peristylion) in place of the farm yard — began in the 2nd cent. BC and marked the beginning of the separation of a ‘pure’ villa rustica from the villa for the purpose of otium of the moneyed upper class. Ill. THE VILLA FOR THE PURPOSE OF OPTIUM Topographical preferences, architectonic design, furnishing of the rooms and the implications for the history of mentality of the villa for the purpose of otium are exemplarily recorded in the two ‘villa letters’ of the younger > Plinius [2] (Plin. Ep. 2,17 and 5,6). Assembled from a variety of architectonic elements, often seeming structurally eclectic and spacious in comparison to the compact villae rusticae, the complexes were initially characterized by their relationship with nature. Built in commanding panoramic locations — not uncommonly artificially created by platforms and substructures — on mountain slopes, lake shores, cliffs or the sea coast, the + landscape was extensively integrat-

417

418

VILLA

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1 Vestibule 2 Peristyle 3 Wine press 4 Wine cellar

5 Courtyard 6 Furnace

7 Bathrooms 8 Atrium 9 Tablinum 10 Room with frescoes

of the Dionysian Mysteries ED

Porticus

12 Exedra

ed into the structure: by means of architectonically framed lines of sight oriented on prominent points in the landscape (which could be taken up and continued as a progression in the interior of the complex through illusionistic + wall paintings), gardens which were in harmony with the surrounding nature through perspective design, inclusion of streams (redirected if necessary), the construction of artificial hills, ponds, grottoes or terraces. The Roman dictum of controlling nature through culture (~ Environment, Environmental behaviour ) was comprehensively manifested in the villa

for the purpose of otium. Even when these villas were usually still the focus of an agricultural operation in their real economic situation, this circumstance was obscured through the structural appearance of the complex, indeed sometimes completely ignored. Only otium (‘leisure’) was, as the letters of Pliny record, crucial for the design and selection of specific architectural

elements; economically

necessary commercial buildings were separated from the core of the villa. Indispensable components of the villa were the > atrium, the > diaetae, various secluded cubicula, a cryptoporticus (> Crypta), various other porticoes (> Porticus), a — triclinium integrated into the structural core and one located in the open (e.g. ina grotto with water flowing through) and a stibadium (dining-couch in the garden), as well as extensive garden facilities (hortus; cf. + Xystus [1]) with group-

ing elements such as sturdy observation towers (turris), which occasionally — as an allusion to fortified walls — gave the entire complex an urban character. In addition, there were supply wings (kitchen, heating facility if necessary) and a bath. The investment in furnishings differed depending on the financial power, but also according to the cultural ambitions of the owner: complexes (e.g. in > Baiae or ~» Sperlonga, with ill.) provided with every conceivable grandeur (art collection, opulent wall paintings, rich furniture, the most valuable tableware, prestigious library, etc.) stand in contrast to villas with a sometimes programmatically modest design or one modelled on the elite character of an ‘educational environment’. However, it should not be ignored, as is already apparent in the letters of Pliny, that simply the ownership of such a villa demonstrated luxuria ( luxury) to contemporaries, which could be camouflaged by demonstratively simple furnishings as a reference to Republican virtues, but which could not be hidden. The arrangement of the structural elements was dependent on the topographical situation, with villa complexes located distinctively in the countryside far from the city demonstrating greater variation (cf. the labyrinthine structure of Hadrian’s villa in Tibur/Tivoli in Latium which covers an enormous area; similar but clearly smaller and more modest in luxuriousness are the two villas of Pliny described in the ‘villa letters’ located

419

420

in Laurentum and ~ Tusculum) than the structurally compact villas in the immediate vicinity of the city, such as the villa of Diomedes and the Villa dei Misteri at > Pompeii, the Villa di Settefinestre at Cosa or the villa of the Pisones (Villa dei Papiri) at » Herculaneum. The preferred location for villas of the purpose of otium was initially the hills on the periphery of the city of Rome (which remained accessible in a day’s journey), as well as the coasts of southern Latium and Campania and the shore regions of the larger northern and central Italian lakes.

tur und Lebensform, 1997; R. NEUDECKER, Die Skulptu-

VILLA

IV. THE LATE ANTIQUE DOMAIN

The dissociation between the villa rustica and the villa for the purpose of otium, noted from the middle of the 2nd cent. BC on, was limited to Italy and also went out of fashion there no later than the beginning of the 3rd cent. AD. The crisis of the Imperium Romanum in the era of the soldier emperors, particularly the collapse of urban culture in those years (impoverishment of the decuriones, cf. > decurio [1]; munera, cf. > munus II.) resulted in the flourishing of a rural domain system following the > rural exodus, appearing, in light of the archaeological record, less markedly in Italy than in the provinces. Villas there were an integral component of an agricultural operation, though without dispensing with prestigious luxury in buildings and furnishings. They often became the ‘palace’ of a ‘world in miniature’ cut off from the outside: far from the city and sometimes practically hidden away (— Piazza Armerina, with ill.), surrounded by walls, towers and gates now with a seriously intended defensive character, lavish with — mosaics, decorated with paintings and sculpture, at the same time enhanced by a structural centre previously unknown in villa architecture, a basilica-like aula regia for prestigious receptions by the domain lords, which unmistakably shows the function of the complex as power architecture in the framework of early feudalistic-large-scale agrarian structures. The structural form and general function of the late antique + domain was often taken as a theme in literature and visual arts of the 3rd, 4th and 5th cents. (visual depictions: Dominus Julius mosaic from + Carthage and the villa mosaics from — Thabraca/Tabarka in Tunis; Venus mosaic from — Cuicul/Djemila; silver bowl from > Augusta [4] Raurica/Kaiseraugst; rear

renausstattung rémischer Villen in Italien, 1988; F. Reutti (ed.), Die romische Villa, *1990; K. SCHNEIDER, Villa und Natur. Eine Studie zur Oberschichtkultur im letzten vor- und ersten nachchristlichen Jahrhundert, 1995; L.SCHNEIDER, Die Domane als Weltbild. Wirkungsstrukturen der spatant. Bildersprache, 1983;

P. ZANKER, Die Villa als Vorbild des spaten pompejanischen Wohngeschmacks, in: JDAI 94, 1979, 460-523.

For THE MAP: Cu. Hocker, Golf von Neapel und Kampanien, 1999; R.J. A. TALBerT (ed.), Barrington Atlas of C.HO. the Greek and Roman World, 2000, 44.

Villa Giulia Painter Athenian Red Figure vase painter of the early Classical period (470-450 BC), named after a fragmentary kalyx krater (Rome, VG 909) with a circle of dancing women. According to BEAZLEY [1], he was a representative of the “academic wing of early classic vase-painting”, whose best works are distinguished by “a quiet nobility”. He was a multifaceted painter who produced a large repertory of extremely varied shapes of pots and was the master of various (also white-ground) painting techniques. In addition to standard themes — celebratory groups of gods and libation scenes, a king and two women (a common picture on back sides), athletes, women working wool — his works also contain mythical narrative pictures (— Medea and the daughters of — Pelias, > Perseus [1] and Medusa, etc.) and unusual motifs (a satyr family, a woman with a child sleeping on her shoulder). Most of his stamnoi have pictures of + maenads celebrating a festival before a mask of Dionysus affixed to a column, usually interpreted as a representation of the > Lenaea. Painstaking execution and quiet, harmonious compositions with figures in restrained motion are characteristic of the VGP’s work. His paintings are in the tradition of the workshop of the > Brygus Painter. The > Chicago Painter and the Methyse Painter are his successors. 1 BEAZLEY,

7ARV,

618-626

2 BEAzLey,

*Addenda,

270f. 3M.Rosertson, The Art of Vase-Painting in Classical Athens, 1992, 169-172, fig. 178-181 4 J. BoarDMaN, Athenian Red Figure Vases. The Classical Period, 1989,15 5 A.Lezzi-HarrTer,s. v. Vase painters, § II: Villa Giulia Painter, Dictionary of Art 32, 1996, 69 f. LW.

side of the cover of the Proiecta casket from the Esqui-

Villanova Culture. The VC is among the most signifi-

line treasure in London, BM). + Agriculture; > Gardens (with ill.); > House II. D. (with ill.); + Landscape (Scenery); > Latifundia/Large estates; + Leisure; > Palace (with ill.); > VILLA

cant Iron Age cultural phenomena of early Italy (9th cent. until the last quarter of the 8th cent. BC). The subdivisions are not uniform across the whole area of the VC, but there is general progress from an early phase (c. 900-820 BC), through a transitional phase (c. 820-770) to an end phase (c. 770-730). The core area

M.Bracon, Roman Nature, 1992; R.BENTMANN, M. MULLER, Die Villa als Herrschaftsarchitektur, 31992; H.Drerup, Die rémische Villa, in: Marburger Winckel-

mannprogramm 1959, 1-24; B.FeHr, Plattform und Blickbasis, in: Marburger Winckelmannprogramm 1969, 1-65; R.FOrtscu, Archaologischer Kommentar zu den Villenbriefen des jiingeren Plinius, 1993; P.Gros, L’architecture romaine, vol. 2, 2001, 265-378 (with extensive bibliography); H. Miexscu, Die rémische Villa: Architek-

of the VC

proper covers

ancient Etruria

(> Etrusci,

Etruria), northern Latium and Tuscany, by the early

phase there were already advances across the crest of the Apennines northwards into the Po Plain around Bologna and into the area around Rimini. Features very similar to the VC can also be found in the modern Saler-

VILLANOVA

=
/c;}>

Sich

CULTURE

VILLANOVA CULTURE

nitano region with chief towns at > Sala Consilina and — Pontecagnano and in the region around Fermo on the Adriatic coast. Characteristic of the VC are cremation burials in biconical urns with inverted bowls/cups as lids. In the early phase with very few grave goods, from the 8th cent. BC onwards the graves exhibit a clear differentiation, which can be explained by the development of degrees of rank within the social structure: in addition to an increasing use of iron this manifests itself above all in items of dress and weapons for the most part made of bronze. Typical elements are chain ornaments for women, decorative rhomboid belts, fibulae and objects for processing textiles. Grave goods for men were singleedged crescent-shaped razors, helmets with bronze crests, circular shields and double-edged daggers. It was common to decorate these wrought bronze objects lavishly with chasing, as was also usual for metal vessels (bowls/cups or urns). Settlement remains to date are only sporadically preserved, e.g. Tarquinia, Veii. Urns in the shape of small huts permit inferences on the forms of houses, and foundations oval or oblong in plan are extant. The chief find-spots (Veii, Tarquinia, Vulci, Vetulonia, Populonia, Volterra, Bisenzio, Chiusi) correspond to later Etruscan

settlements. Since there is no caesura between the VC and the ‘orientalizing’ phase of Etruscan culture (7th cent. BC) — close contacts with the Greek world and Sardinia have begun by the 8th cent. BC (> Colonisation V.) — the VC can be described as a prior or early stage of Etruscan culture. — Bononia [1]; > Clusium; — Tarquinii;

424

423

> Veii; > Vi-

sentium; — Volaterrae; > Volci G. BarTOLonl, La cultura villanoviana, 1989; F.p1 GENNARO, Forme di insediamento tra Tevere e Fiora dal

Bronzo Finale al principio dell’eta del Ferro, 1986; A.GuipI, La necropoli veiente dei Quattro Fontanili nel

quadro della fase recente della prima eta del ferro italiano, 1993; C.IatA, Simbolismo funerario e ideologia alle origini di una civilta urbana, 1999; M. PALLOTTINO, Riflessioni sul concetto di villanoviano, in: H. BLANCK, S. STEINGRABER (ed.), Miscellanea archeologica. FS T. Dohrn, 1982, 67-71; Id., Italien vor der Romerzeit, 1987, bes. 58; S. Tovout, Il sepolcreto Benacci-Caprara, 1989. C.KO.

1 W.KuNKEL, Staatsordnung und Staatspraxis der romiTA.S. schen Republik, 1995, 45 f.

[3] V. Annalis, L. Witness of the SC of 29 September 51 BC (Cic. Fam. 8,8,5), probably praetor before 57. V. may have been an acquaintance of Q. Tullius [I rz] Cicero (Cic. Ad Q. Fr. 3,1,20) as well as the senator who was viciously beaten by M. Licinius [I 11] Crassus in 55 (Plut. Crassus 35,3 = comparatio Nicias-Crassus 2,2 = 565f.). In 43, V. was proscribed and betrayed to the murderers by his own son (App. B Civ. 4,69 f.). [4] V. Annalis, Sex. Friend of T. Annius [I 14] Milo, was beaten up during an affair he had with Cornelia [I 5] Fausta (Cic. Fam. 2,6,1; Hor. Sat. 1,2,64-67). He may have been a witness against C. Fundanius in 66 BC [x].

JO-F. [5] V. Tappulus, L. In 213 BC as plebeian aedil, he succeeded in having several wives condemned and sent into exile after he had accused them of fornication (> stuprum) in front of the people’s tribunal. He held the > Judi (III. F.)plebei with a banquet (epulum, cf. > epulo [2]) in honour ofJupiter (Liv. 25,2,9 f.). Due to the large time interval, it is not certain whether he is identical with the praetor by the same name who was in charge of Sardinia in 199 (Liv. 31,49,123 32,1,2). [6] V. Tappulus, P. As plebeian aedil itv 204 BC, he held the > ludi (III. F.)plebei with a banquet (epulum, cf. > epulo [2]) in honour of Jupiter and was elected as praetor of Sicily for the year following (Liv. 29,38,4; 8). Although his imperium supposedly did not include command of the fleet, that command was said to have been prorogated to just him in 202 (Liv. 30,1,9; 3,0,27,8; 30,41,6). In 201, he was a member of a commission to divide and allocate land in Samnium and Apulia (Liv. 3,4,3). As consul in 199, he did not assume command in the war against > Philippus [I 7] V until late that year and, at first, was forced to deal with the soldiers’ strong resistance in Apollonia [x]. They complained about the constant wars in regions far from home (Liv. 32,3,2-7; > Illyrian Wars). A supposed victory in 198 transmitted by Valerius [III 2] Antias was doubted as early as by Livy for good reasons (Liv.

32,6,5-8). In the midst of the operations, he was relieved by T. Quinctius [I 14] Flamininus (Liv. 3,6,4;

Villius [1] V., Ap. Livy (3,54,13) lists V. as peoples’ tribune in 449 BC among those who, after the end of the > Decemviri [x], had been voted into this office “more due to the hopes (that had been put into them) than due to their merits”. C.MU. [2] V. Annalis, L. As peoples’ tribune in 180 BC, he introduced a law about age limits that regulated the competition for offices and thus proved fundamental in the development of the -> cursus honorum [1]. In this, he had the consent of the Senate, which earned him and his descendants the honour of the cognomen Annalis (Liv. 40,44,1). In 171, he was > praetor peregrinus (Gia bres

~ Nobiles

71s cians)

Plut. Flamininus 3,4 = 370c; Zon. 9,16). Under the latter, he acted as legate in 197 (Liv. 32,28,12) and later, as a member of the decemviri instituted by the Senate, in the negotiations with Philip as well as for the reorganization of Greece (Pol. 18,42,5; Liv. 33,24,7). In 196 and 193, he took part in the unfruitful legations to Antiochus [5] III. During his second trip, he conferred with + Eumenes [3] II and with Hannibal [4] (Pol.

18,48,33 18,50,2-52,53 Liv. 3 5,13,6-35,14,43 3 5,15,1— 35,17,2) along with [1]). During the War of Antiochus, he unsuccessfully tried to win over the residents of Magnesia [1] as allies (Liv. 35,39,4—-8). 1 GRUEN, Rome, 222-224.

TAS.

425

426

Viminacium. Roman legion camp and civil settlement in + Moesia superior (Ptol. 3,9,3: Odyuvdxtov/Ouimindkion; Procop. Aed. 4,5,17; 4,6,1: Buawéxov/

Biminakion; Eutr. 9,20,2; Not. Dign. Or. 415316331538; It. Ant. 133,2 f.5 217,5; It. Burd. 564,8: civitas Viminatio; Tab. Peut. 7,2: Viminatio) near modern Kostolac (Serbia). The settlement was located in the area of the Celtic + Scordisci on the right shore of the Mlava near the mouth of the + Ister, Istrus [1] (modern Danube). The Roman advance to V. occurred in the years 12/11 BC, the fortification of the Roman position happened in the 1st cent. AD. The rise of V. in the Roman Period was due to its strategic position. The occupying troops are documented to have been the /egio IV Flavia (possibly from AD 86) and the legio VII Claudia (possible from AD 98). During the campaigns under Trajan against the + Daci, V. apparently served as the seat of the Roman supreme command. The civil population lived in the canabae and was organised in a conventus civium Romanorum from which the > municipium developed under Hadrianus. The peak of V. occurred in the Severan Period. V. was elevated to > colonia in AD 239. The city had favourable river and road connections and was the seat of the procurator of Moesia. From 239 to 258, V. wasa mint. In 196 (?), > Caracalla was proclaimed Caesar in V. (ILS 445); in 285, > Diocletianus defeated — Carinus in the vicinity of V. (Eutr. 9,20,2). In Late Antiquity, V. was the capital of Moesia I; the legio VII Claudia (Not. Dign. Or. 41,31) and a cavalry unit were stationed there (Not. Dign. Or. 41,16). V. was the seat of the praefectus [7] classis Histricae as well (Not. Dign. Or. 41,38). In 535, an archbishopric was established in V. (Nov. 11). In 441, the + Hunni laid waste to the city under — Attila (Priscus fr. 2). Rebuilt under Iustinianus [1] I, V. was completely destroyed in 582 by the > Avares. Excavations have uncovered the rampart of the first camp, residential streets and parts of the drainage system, buildings with hypocaust heating systems and a necropolis with chamber graves. > Moesi, Moesia (with map) TIR L 34 Budapest, 1968, 119; A. Mocsy, Gesellschaft und Romanisation in der rémischen Provinz Moesia Superior, 1970, 145-158; Id., Pannonia and Upper Moesia, 1974, 139 f., 218 f., 225 f., Index; M. MirKovIc, R6mi-

sche Stadte an der Donau in Obermoesien, 1968, 56-73, 164 f.; Ead., Inscriptions de la Mésie Supérieure, vol. 2, 1986, 21-59 (Introduction historique).

J.BU.

Viminalis. One of the seven hills of the city of Rome (> Rome III A with map 1), between the > Mons Qui-

rinalis and the > Esquiliae. In the early Imperial period an elegant residential quarter (Mart. 7,73,2), at the turn

of the 3rd/4th cents. AD in the northeastern part of the hill an enormous thermae complex, founded by the emperor Diocletianus, was built (> Thermal baths II D). RICHARDSON, 431, Ss. v. V. (with sources).

C.HO.

VINCENTIUS OF LERINUM

Vinalia. Name of two Roman wine festivals, the V. Priora on 23 April (InscrIt 13,2,446 f.) and the V. Rustica on 19 August (InscrIt 13,2,497 f.). On the V. Priora people presumably made offerings to Jupiter (— Iuppiter), the dedicatee of the festival, of new wine which went on sale at that time (Plin. HN 18,287; Ov. Fast. 4,863 f.; Plut. Quaest. Rom. 45). The propitiation of the weather on the V. Rustica was also addressed to Jupiter (Plin. HN. 18,284). A third Roman wine festival, the > Meditrinalia, on 11 October, was probably also dedicated to Jupiter. Varro (Rust. 1,1,6) names ~ Venus, instead of Jupiter, as the patron of the V. Rustica, perhaps because her oldest temple in the city of Rome had also been dedicated on 19 August; 295 BC, the year of the introduction of her public cult to Rome, however, is too late for an ancient Roman wine festival (Liv. 10,31,9), so that the discrepancy arising here probably rather reflects a theological dispute between Varro and Verrius Flaccus (Fest. 322 L.). The precise dates of such wine festivals could vary, primarily in the provinces (Dig. 2,12,4). — Wine F. Boer, luppiter und die ro6mische Weinfeste, in: RhM 90, 1941, 30-58; G.DuMEzI1, d’automne, 1975, 87-97.

Fétes romaines d’été et CRP.

Vinarius see > Wine (II. B.) Vincentius of Lerinum I. LiFe

II. Works

I, LIFE V. of Lerinum (Lérins) died before AD 450, perhaps c. 435. According to > Gennadius (De viris illustribus 65) and > Eucherius [3] (De laude heremi 42; Instructiones I, praef. p. 66,5 WOTKE) he was born in northern France and led a secular life, until he took up residence before 427 as a priest-monk on the smaller of the two islands of Lerinum/Lérins off the coast at Cannes (Saint-Honorat), which was used primarily by noble refugees from Gaul as a ‘monastery of asylum’ [5]. V. describes the seclusion of the place with traditional topoi as an escape from the ‘bustle of cities’ (Commonitorium 1,4). He writes elegant Latin and was obviously well educated, and probably also had some command of Greek. Il. Works Under the pseudonym Peregrinus V. wrote c. 434 — initially probably for private use — two books of an antiheretic work, which he described as ‘Reminders’ (Commonitoria) and organized as a synopsis of the doctrine of the majority Church. The second book, apart from odds and ends, is lost. A second, also documented, title, Tractatus pro catholicae fidei antiquitate et universitate adversus profanas omnium haereticorum novitates, is secondary; attempts to ascribe the latter title to another author have not been successful. The work opposes

427

428

such doctrines of Trinity theology and christology as had been judged to be > heresy by the great Ecumenical Councils of the 4th and 5th cents. (e.g. that of > Nestorius). His definition of Church tradition, which alongside the Bible has axiomatic status, has become famous: “In ipsa item catholica ecclesia magnopere curandum est, ut id teneamus quod ubique, quod semper, quod ab

of Ulpian (Dig. 48,19,8,7) about the — carcer (gaol),

VINCENTIUS OF LERINUM

omnibus creditum est. Hoc est etenim vere proprieque catholicum” (2,5) (“Similarly in the Catholic Church itself, all possible care must be taken, that we hold that faith which has been believed everywhere, always, by all. For that is truly and in the proper sense catholic”). If there is progress or change in this tradition of doctrine, it is in the form of a deeper understanding (23,4). In form and content there are links with —> Tertullianus’ [2] work De praescriptione haereticorum. In a number of further texts ascription to V. is discussed but cannot be proved: a Gaulish creed from Late Antiquity, known as the Athanasianum (Quicumque vult ...), may originate from > Caesarius [4] of Arelate or V. [2]. Since it is unlikely that V. was the origin of the model for > Prosper of Aquitaine’s Obiectiones Vincentianae (PL 51, 177-186) (as in [3], otherwise in [4]), V. can also not, on the basis of the view expressed in it, be counted among the opponents of > Augustinus in Lerinum (known as ‘semi-Pelagianism’: — Pelagius). Rather, as appears from the Excerpta sanctae memoriae Vincentii Lirinensis insulae presbyteri ex universo beatae recordationis Augustini episcopi in unum collecto, it is with texts by the bishop of northern Africa that he defends the Church’s Trinity theology and christology. Only in regard to the idea of divine predestination does he — like many monks — not follow Augustine’s radical position. > Trinity 1 C.M. Kasper, Theologie und Askese. Die Spiritualitat des Inselmonchtums von Lérins im 5. Jahrhundert, 1991 2 J.N. D. Ketty, The Athanasian Creed, 1964 (with ed.)

according to which the detention was used not for punishment but for safe-keeping. Carcer and vincula are often used synonymously. Private vincula in this sense, however, were evidently severely limited by the Lex Poetelia (probably 326 BC). Vincula remained a private (law) measure as a punishment for slaves, however. They had to carry out their work in chains and were locked in an > ergastulum for the night. Also, vincula publica (public vincula) were possible — again in connexion with imprisonment in a > carcer —as a sanction

for magistrates.

This

authority

was

a result

of

~ coercitio (coercion). In practice it was a matter of

arrest and detention in preparation of criminal proceedings. Against vincula — as against other measures of coercitio — > provocatio was possible. For free citizens

vincula publica were probably entirely prohibited by the Lex Iulia de vi (1st cent. BC). Later it did occur, however, from the 3rd or 4th cent. AD also as a method of carrying out a sentence (Paulus Sent. 5,17,2), namely

as limited term of imprisonment. — Manus iniectio; > Punishment, Criminal law III Tu. Mayer-Ma ty, s. v. V., RE 8 A, 2198-2206.

GS.

Vindalium. City in Gallia Narbonensis, in the preRoman period an oppidum of the Cavares, to the northeast of Avennio (modern Avignon), on the banks of the Sorgue (Vindelicus amnis in Flor. Epit. 1,37,4; Isid. Orig. 9,2,96; ZovAyac/Soulgas in Str. 4,1,11), situated

near its confluence with the > Rhodanus, probably at Mourre-de-Séve (in the département of Vaucluse), be-

tween Sorgues and Vedéne. In 121 BC, Cn. Domitius {1 3] Ahenobarbus defeated the > Allobroges there (Liv. Epit. 61; Plin. HN 7,166; Oros. 5,13,2; Suet. Nero DeOths Aabyil)s G.BaRRUOL, Les peuples préromains du Sud-Est de la Gaule, 1969, 242.

MLPO.

3 H.Kocn, Vincentius von Lerinum und Gennadius (TU

31.2),1907

4 W.O’ConNoR, St. Vincent of L. and St.

Augustine, 1964 5 F.PRINz, Friihes Ménchtum im Frankenreich (4. bis 8. Jahrhundert), *1988 6 M. Vessey,

“Opus Imperfectum”. Augustine and His Readers 426435 A.D., in: Vigiliae Christianae 52, 1998, 264-285 PAG vcoioyoa ay, EDITIONS: R. DEMEULENAERE, CCL 64, 1985, 147-195; 199-231. C.M.

Vincula (literally ‘chains’). In legal provisions as early as the Twelve Tablets (Tab. 3,3; » Tabulae Duodecim) a creditor could place a debtor in vincula for the purpose of legal enforcement. In this way a culpability was established. Initially its goal was to force the payment of a debt by the debtor himself or a third party, but was also a transitional stage in taking control, after the expiry of a deadline, of the person of the debtor in order to sell him e.g into > slavery or to have him work off the amount he was convicted of in bonded labour. This former function of vincula is alluded to by a statement

Vindelici (Ovwdd\nouv Ouinddlikoi). Celtic people on the Upper Bavarian-Upper Swabian plateau, probably also in Vorarlberg and Tyrol. According to an inscription on the Tropaeum Alpium (+ Tropaea Augusti; cf. CIL V 7817; Plin. HN 3,136 f.; CIL V 4910: Vindolici), there were at least four sub-tribes of the V.; according to Plin. HN 1,133 many sub-tribes made up the V. Str. 4,6,8 counts the Licattii (> Licates, with > Damasia), the Clautenatii (KiautmvatiovKlauténdtioi), the > Vennones who were probably rather Raetian, the Estiones (Eotiwvec/Estiénes, with Cambodunum [1]/modern Kempten) and the Brigantii (Bovydvtiol/ Brigantioi, with > Brigantium/Bregenz) among the V.; Ptol. 2,13,1 also mentions the Rhunicatae (‘Povvixéta/ Rhounikdtai), the Leuni (AetvoWLeinoi) and the Consuantae

(Kwvoovavta/Konsouantai;

Ptol.

2,12,1).

After their conquest of the V.’s territory, the Romans recruited among the V. (Cass. Dio 54,22,5); Tac. Ann. 2,17,4, for instance, mentions four cohorts of V. No

429

430

later than under Claudius [III 1] and probably as early as under Tiberius [1], the territory of the V. and the Inner-Alpine area (> Raeti, with map) were combined as the province of Raetia et Vindelicia. The later capital of that province, Augusta [7] Vindelicum/Augsburg, was probably in the tribal territory of the V. According to Hor. Carm. 4,4,17 ff. the V. fought with Amazon axes.

sible in place of the - curiales [2] for the collection of taxes, esp. of the annona (-> cura annonae). The vindices (literally ‘guarantors’), as subordinates of the ~ praefectus praetorio, were liable for the remittance of the taxes to the state according to the system of tax farming. Under - Iustinianus [1] I, tax liabilities were delegated more and more to the provinical governors. After his death in AD 565, the office is no longer documented.

R. HEUBERGER, Ss. v. V., RE 9 A, 1-17.

GHW.

VINDICIANUS

+ Taxes (V.) W.ENSSLIN, s. v. V. (2), RE 9 A, 25-27.

Vindemia see > Wine II. C.

Vindemitor. Name of a > satyr, a catamite of > Dionysus, after he became a star (formerly + Ampelus [4]; Ov. Fast. 3,407 f.). V. has been since the time of Augustus the usual Latin translation of the star Protrygeter (gotevyntme; Protrygétér) (modern: ¢ Virginis; Vindemiatrix).

CA.BI.

Vindex [1] A vindex, (probably with the same etymology as ~ vindicta) was a guarantor in Roman > procedural law. He played a role in two parts of the trial-in the summoning and in the execution, each time in the context of the manus iniectio (the physical bringing forward of the defendant). According to the Twelve Tables (tab. 1,1; — tabulae duodecim), the latter was permitted when the defendant did not voluntarily follow the order of the plaintiff to appear in front of the court magistrate (— vocatio in ius). The defendant could not

elude this legal use of force in person but could enlist the aid of a third person, a vindex. The latter guaranteed that the defendant would appear in front of the magistrate. Since it was a matter of security for the accuser, the financial circumstances of the vindex had to be equivalent to the defendant’s according to the Twelve Tables (tab. 1,4). Furthermore, the manus iniectio could

occur in the > legis actio per manum iniectionem (Lex XII, tab. 3,1-6) which set in motion the execution. Again, the defendant could elude this grasp — which was more forceful due to the guilty verdict of the court — only with the aid of an ‘enforcement-vindex’ (manum

depellere, ‘to push the hand away’). But this was possible only under the condition that the vindex provided evidence that the personal liability of the debtor as well as the physical seizing symbolizing it was unjustified, and in particular, that the debt in question no longer or never existed. Otherwise, the vindex was now directly (+ addictus) responsible for the debt in place of the debtor. The formula procedure (- formula) only knows the summoning vindex who is accountable along with the accused. + Procedural law M.Kaser,

K.Hack1t,

Das

21996, 66 ff.; 138 f.; 224 fF.

rémische

Zivilprozefrecht,

C.PA.

[2] (BivSis; vindix). Title of an East-Roman civil servant who, from the time of > Anastasius [1] I, was respon-

iui

[3] see > Caesellius Vindex [4] see + Iulius [II 150] Vindicatio see > Rei vindicatio

Vindicianus. Helvius V., 4th-century AD physician, of African origin, teacher of + Theodorus [3] Priscianus. V. had - probably in 382 —contacts with > Augustinus. He concluded his political career with a proconsulship in Africa, where, after being comes archiatrorum presumably in 379, he worked as a physician. V. is mentioned in the Codex Theodosianus (Cod. Theod. 10,19,9: AD 378; 13,3,12: 379).

V. wrote several treatises influenced by Greek medicine, today lost apart from forewords (praefationes) or fragments: (1) a collection of recipes, of which only the Epistula ad Valentinianum survives in > Marcellus [8] (CML

5, *1968, pp. 46-53); (2) an introduction to

physiology in the form of an Epistula ad Pentadium, who he describes as his nepos [1. 484-492]; (3) an anatomical work, from which only frr. with the headings Gynaecia [1. 426-463] and De semine [2], and a number of passages of an Epitome altera [1. 467-483] are preserved; (4) possibly a further anatomical work, the origin of a fr. with the title De natura generis humani [3] and a number of other frr. from the Epitome altera. The actual frr. from (3) and (4) and their various versions are the result of revisions made in Late Antiquity. The collected works were used throughout the Middle Ages. 1 V.Roseg, Theodori Prisiciani Euporiston libri Ill, 1894

2 M. WeLtmann,

Die Fragmente der sikelischen Arzte,

1901, 208-234

3M. Vazquez

BuyjAN, Vindiciano y el

tratado De natura generis humani, in: Dynamis 2, 1982,

Zee W.ENSSLIN,

K. DEICHGRABER,

s. v. V. (2) Avianus, RE

9 A, 29-36; K.-D. Fiscuer, Bibliographie des textes médi-

caux latins. Premier supplément, 2000, 52 f.; J.KoLLESCH, Therapeutische Grundsatze im Werk des Vindician (NTM 3), 1966, 27-31; P. Miciiorint, Dalla realta al testo, in: G.SaBBaH (ed.), Le latin médical, 1991, 367-

378; PLRE 1, 967; G.Sappau et al., Bibliographie des textes médicaux latins, 1987, 154-157; L. ZuRLI, L’epistola a Pentadio (e altre reliquie) di Vindiciano, in: N. SANTINI et al. (ed.), Prefazioni, prologhi, proemi di opere tecnico-scientifiche latine, vol. 2, 1992, 453-462. A.TO.

VINDICIUS

Vindicius (also Vindex: Pompon. Dig. 1,2,2,24). A mythical figure in Roman historiography, e.g. Liv. 2,4,5—-10. As a slave, V. is supposed to have discovered a plot by the Tarquinii (cf. + Tarquinius [7; > 12]) in 509 BC to restore rule by kings. As a reward he is supposed to have been freed and admitted to the status of Roman citizen. It is possible that these legends served as a ‘historical’ explanation for the fact that under Roman law > manumission led to the acquisition of > citizenship, and not only —as in other ancient legal systems — to a lower status (see > Freedmen). The name V. refers to the process of + manumission (manumissio) by means of a legal transaction between living persons: in this manumissio vindicta in the manner of a ‘staged’ legal action by a trustee as ‘claimant’, a > vindicta (staff) was laid on the slave (cf. + Manumission C.). The (former) owner remained silent so that, after a statement by the ‘claimant’ it would be determined by the praetor that the slave was free. H. GunDEL, s. v. V., RE 9 A, 37-39.

GS.

Vindicta. In the Roman legal procedure of — legis actio sacramento in rem (‘legal assertion of claim’): the staff that was symbolically applied to the slave or item of property in order to give concrete expression to the plaintiff’s claim and the defendant’s counterclaim to the item. The etymology of vindicta is disputed (cf. most recently [1. 47f.12]). The most probable connection appears to be with vim dicere (‘to assert that one has — legally founded — power over the item’). ~ Rei vindicatio 1 A. BURGE, R6misches Privatrecht, 1999.

GS.

Vindinum. Chief town of the civitas of the > Aulerci Cenomani in Gallia Celtica, later Lugdunensis (Tab. Peut. 2,3: Subdinnum; Ptol. 2,8,9: Ovivéwov); modern Le Mans (in the département of Sarthe), important communications node on the Sarthe. Probably a late La

Téne period oppidum in the area of the modern Vieux Mans (Celtic sculptures in a 3rd cent. AD wall; Gaulish gold stater). Puits funéraires (well-like shaft graves) from the rst cent. AD and traces of an orthogonal road network survive; the area of the Imperial period town has been estimated at 30-40 ha. From the Roman Imperial period there are remains of three aqueducts, a well, and an amphitheatre. In late Antiquity V. was reformed into a castrum (500 X 200 m, approx. 10 ha) whose wall is one of the best preserved of all of Gaul; several towers and side gates survive. A garrison of the “praefectus laetorum gentilium Suevorum ... et Cenomannos” (sic)” Lugdunensis Tertiae” (Not. Dign. occ. 42,35) was in V.,nowa

civitas Cenomannorum

(Notitia Galliarum 3,2). Fur-

ther evidence from late Anquity: Cenomannis

(Ven.

Fort. Vita Sancti Paterni

10,33); Cenomannica

urbs

(Ven. Fort. Vita Mauritii

21,113;

736).

432

431

Greg. Tur. Franc.

R.Bepon, Atlas des villes, bourgs et villages de la France MLPO. au passé romain, 2001, 187 f.

Vindius Verus. Roman jurist, suffect consul in 138 AD (CIL XVI 84) and consiliarius of Antoninus [1] Pius (SHA Pius 12,1), represented in Iustinianus’s [1] + Digesta (6th century AD) with only five indirect citations. O. LENEL, Palingenesia Iuris Civilis, vol. 2, 1889, 1223 f.; R.A. Bauman, Lawyers and Politics in the Early Roman Empire, 1989, 248 f.; D.Lress, Jurisprudenz, in: HLL 4, 1997, 106.

T.G.

Vindobona. Roman camp with civilian settlement on the Istrus (Danuvius/Danube), in > Pannonia superior;

the modern Vienna. The etymology of the place-name V. is disputed, but a Celtic origin may be assumed; the modern name Vienna/Wien probably refers to the Slavic (?) name of the Wien river. The first literary occurrence is in Ptol. 2,14,3 (Ovt[vd]opova/Qui[nd]6bona; cf. Tab. Peut. 5,1: Vindomana; It. Ant. 34,25; 34,28; Not. Dign. Occ. 34,25; Aur. Vict. Caes. 16,14; (Ps.-)Aur. Vict. Epit. Caes. 16,12; in abbreviated form on milestones and tiles). The oldest settlement traces in the Vienna area go back to the pre-Indo-European Danube culture (3rd millennium BC); there is a La Téne period Celtic settlement on the Leopoldsberg, as well as further Celtic settlements in the modern urban area of Vienna. A detachment (— vexillatio) of the legio XV Apollinaris from > Carnuntum was stationed here in about the middle of the rst cent. AD (CIL III 4570). A camp of auxiliaries (> Auxilia) may have been erected at an unknown location (earth-and-timber construction) in the 2nd half of the rst cent. The camp was successively occupied by several mounted units, among them the ala I milliaria Britannica (CIL Ill 4575 f.; 15197) [1. 86; 2. 243]. There is at least one further camp of auxiliaries in the modern urban area of Vienna (Schwechat, Ala nova: It. Ant. 248,1; Not. Dign. Occ. 34,7,18) [3]. The legio XIII Gemina began to build a legionary camp in c. 100 on a terrace (Hoher Markt) above what is now the Donaukanal (ancient arm of the Danube; CIL Ill 15196). Construction was continued by the legio XIV Martia Victrix, and completed after 114 by the legio X Gemina. The camp, with stone breastwork, was next to the steep slope down to the river, and was naturally protected to the north, east and west by watercourses; it had strong artificial fortifications to the south, and was of irregular, rectangular groundplan (internal area c. 18.5 ha). Parts of the fortifications and traces of the internal structures have been revealed by numerous excavations. At least four phases of construction may be detected: r. initial construction of the camp; 2. rebuilding after destruction in the wars with the + Marcomanni (166-175 and 177-180); 3. construction period in the rst half of the 3rd cent.; 4. construction phase at the beginning of the sth cent., with extensive restructuring of the camp interior.

433

434

Canabae arose around the camp (-> Military camps [x]; timber, then stone structures), with commercial areas going back in part to the settlement prior to the construction of the legionary camp. Necropoleis were located outside the camp’s defences, on its east, south

and west sides. A further civilian settlement developed in what is now the 3rd district of Vienna, probably originating in a - vicus at the angle between two roads. This represented the area settled by the indigenous Celto-Illyrian population (who quickly became highly Romanized); their former centre on the Leopoldsberg had presumably been relinquished at the latest with the construction of the legionary camp. Camp and settlements were destroyed in an attack by the Marcomanni in c. A D166, and subsequently rebuilt. The emperor Marcus [II 2] Aurelius was frequently in V.; it cannot be established whether he also died

there. The civilian settlement received the status of a > municipium in c. AD 212. An altar inscription with the + cursus honorum of a municipal functionary (CIL III 4557, now missing) attests the offices of duoviri iure dicundo, of an aedilis, a quaestor and a praefectus fabrum (> Fabri). The city territory of V. was extracted from that of + Carnuntum. Its eastern border followed the east bank of the Schwechat, while to the west it bounded the frontier between the provinces of Pannonia and Noricum. Although the forum and capitol have not yet been located, abundant archaeological finds indicate prestigious development of the civilian town. Various Roman, indigenous and oriental cults are attested, by epigraphical as well as other means (Apollo + Grannus, > Sirona,

Mithras, > Serapis). Canali-

zation of the Wien river was undertaken in 233, and was possibly accompanied by the creation of a + naumachia near the confluence of the Wien and Istrus. In Late Antiquity, V. belonged to the province of Pannonia I. Troop reductions (frontier army) occurred

here as elsewhere in the 4th cent. The classis Histrica was moved from Carnuntum to V. at the end of that cent. While a Christian tombstone from the 4th cent. may be regarded as indicating the presence of Christianity in V., it is not known whether the Peterskirche goes back to an Early Christian church. V. was affected inc. 395 by anattack by the Marcomanni. Archaeological finds indicate the presence of > Goti and — Alani in V. Pannonia I was ceded to the > Hunni in c. 433; V. fell to the Langobardi at the beginning of the 6th cent., and the > Avares ruled there from 568 to the end of the 8th cent. A residual Roman population appears to have persisted in V. into the early Middle Ages. + Carnuntum; > Legio (with maps); > Migration of peoples (with maps); > Pannonia (with map) 1 O.Har1, V., in: Id. (ed.), V. - die Romer im Wiener 2 W.BOmer, Wien-V., in: H. FRIESINGER, Raum,1978 F. KrINZINGER, Der rémische Limes in Osterreich, 1997,

241-252

3M. Kandler, Schwechat — Ala Nova, in:

M.Kanp er, H.VeTrers, Der rémische Limes in Oster-

reich, 1989, 187-192.

VINDOLANDA

WRITING-TABLETS

A. NEUMANN, V., 1972; Id., s. v. V., RE 9 A, 53-80.

ON RECENT ARCHAEOLOGICAL Wien (periodical, 1998 ff.).

FINDINGS:

Fundort G.H.W.

Vindolanda. Roman fort about 40 km to the west of Newcastle upon Tyne, modern Chesterholm, founded in the Flavian period (AD 69-96) [1]. The fort was renovated under Hadrian; Hadrian’s Wall runs 3 km to the north of it (+ Limes II, with map). The fort was also renovated a century later. A large vicus developed to the west of it in the 2nd and 3rd cents. [2. 1700; 3]. The most significant find from V. is the > Vindolanda Writing Tablets. 1 P.BipweELL, The Roman Fort of V. at Chesterholm, 1985 2R.G. CoLLiIncwoop, R.P.WricHT, The Roman Inscriptions of Britain, 1965

3 R.E. Birey, V.,

1977.

TIR Britannia Septentrionalis, 1987, 22.

M.TO.

Vindolanda Writing-Tablets. Wooden tablets (tablets), a few millimetres thick and inscribed in — ink, first identified in the fort of + Vindolanda (modern Chesterholm) on Hadrian’s Wall in Britain in 1973. Since the first examples were found more than a thousand of these tablets — mostly about 90 mm by 200 mm in size — have been excavated there, together with hundreds of wax tablets. The invariably damp boggy ground in Vindolanda certainly favoured their preservation, but such tablets have also been found in other Roman military camps (e.g Carlisle; cf. [4]) since, and can be assumed in

others. In analogy to > papyrus, which is rare and expensive in the northwest of the Empire, the tablets were used as a universal writing material, for private and for official correspondence, but primarily for the countless lists the military produces. The texts are an excellent illustration of the ‘inner life’ primarily of the ninth Batavian cohort, which was stationed on the then still open northern boundary of the province of > Britannia between c. 90 and ros AD: the eternal grind of garrison life, which was punctuated by visits by the governor, festivals, furloughs or reassignments; the social life of the commanders and their families with colleagues in neighbouring forts, which is also clear from correspondence between the wives of officers [3. 256-265] (cf. + Woman authors II); the supplying of the troops by private tradesmen. The VWT are also clear documentation of literacy extending far down into the lower ranks, at least in the army sphere. + Writing materials;

Tabula; + Vindolanda

1 A. Brirxey, A Band of Brothers. Garrison Life at Vindolanda, 2002 + 2A.K. Bowman, J.D.THomas, Vindolanda: The Latin Writing Tablets, 1983 3 Ead., The Vindolanda

Writing

Tablets

(Tabulae

Vindolandenses

II),

1994 4R.S.O. ToMLIn, Roman Manuscripts from Carlisle: The Ink-written Tablets, in: Britannia 29, 1998, 3184.

H.GA.

VINDONISSA

Vindonissa. Roman military camp and civilian settlement ona tongue of land at the confluence of the Rivers Aare and Reuss at modern Windisch (in Switzerland), where a Celtic settlement in the pre-Roman period is assumed. In connexion with the Alpine War (in 15 BC) under Tiberius [1] and Claudius [II 24] Drusus a small fort may already have been established there. It was not until AD 16/17, however, that the military administration took the decision — in pursuit of the reorganization of Rhine border security necessary after the defeat at the + Saltus Teutoburgiensis — to deploy a legion to the territory of the > Helvetii. The Legio XII] Gemina was the first unit posted there. These troops built the first camp, presumably of wood, and it was later renovated in stone (cf. the construction document CIL XIII 11513 and the burial inscription CIL XIII 5206). In 45 the Legio XXI Rapax took their place in the camp of V. Almost all the utility buildings, barracks and officers’ houses, baths and hospital, temple, and magazines were built by this legion. Outside the circumvallation of the camp the Legion worked on a forum and an amphitheatre for the canabae (> Military camps [1]) in front of the western gate of the camp (cf. CIL XIII 5195). The great need for brick materials was supplied by the Legion’s own brickworks (bricks with the stamp XXI L) (further documents cf. CIL XIII 5208; 5218;

436

435

11514;

11524). In 69 > Vespasianus sent the Legio XI Claudia Pia Fidelis to V., and it was stationed there until rox (cf. numerous burial and votive stones of new citizens of this legion: CIL XIII 5207; 5209-5240 or CIL XIII 5197; 11500 f.3 11506-11508; 11525; bricks with the stamp LEG XI CPF). Evidence of auxiliary units is also found in V. (Cohors VI Raetorum: CIL XIII 12456; Cohors VII Raetorum: CIL XIII 12457; Cohors III Hispanorum: CIL XII 12446-12448).

After the withdrawal of the Legio XI together with its auxilia the camp ceased being occupied for a while. The swiftly growing Celtic and Celto-Roman civilian population in the canabae now took possession of the camp buildings. When the border control line of the ~ Limes (III and IV) in Germania Superior and Raetia was abandoned in the middle of the 3rd cent. AD and the border of the Roman Empire retracted to the RhineDanube line, it meant remilitarization for V., but the newly occupying troops were fewer than the original legions and required only the space of a fort, which at the beginning of the 4th cent. occupied the area of the original Celtic fortifications. Between 300 and 304 Constantius [1] defeated a group of + Alamanniat V. (Paneg. 6(7),4 and 6). After Diocletian’s reform of the Empire the city was part of the province Maxima Sequanorum of the Dioecesis Galliae (> Dioikesis I; Notitia Galliarum 9). The fort was used by the growing population in the southern part of the old camp as a place of refuge; there is evidence that its walls were improved under Valentinianus [x] I(AD 364-378: CIL XIII 5205). ~+ Legio (with maps)

F. STAEHELIN, Die Schweiz in romischer Zeit, >1948, 130—-

139, 623-633;

E.HowaLp,

E.Meyer,

Die romische

Schweiz, 1940, 279-304; G. WALSER, Rémische Inschriften in der Schweiz, vol. 2, 1980, Nr. 147-191; W. DRACK,

R. FELLMANN, Die Romer in der Schweiz, 1988, 537-5 503 E.ETrrLincER, s.v. V., RE9 A, 82-105; J.-P.PETiT, M. Manat, P. BRUNAUX (eds.), Atlas des agglomérations secondaires de la Gaule Belgique et des Germanies, 1994,

131 f.

GW.

Vinea see > Siegecraft (I. A. with ill.) Vinegar (5€0¢/dxos, acetum). Means of flavouring and conserving, usually obtained by fermenting wine, occasionally also the juice of fruits such as dates and figs. Vinegar existed in various qualities, with that from Alexandria being particularly valued (Plin. HN 14,102). Vinegar, which at the beginning of the 4th cent. AD cost less than ordinary wine (Edict. Diocletiani 3,5), contributed to the sweet-and-sour taste of many dishes; Apicius often used it for sauces for meat and fish dishes (e.g. 7,1,1). Mixed with water, cider or wine, vinegar was a thirst-quenching drink for simple people, and for soldiers in the field. Physicians used it for a variety of medical applications (Plin. HN 23,5461).

.

— Caelius [II ro] Apicius J. ANDRE, L’alimentation et la cuisine 4 Rome, *1981; J.Couin, s.v. Essig, RAC 6, 635-46; H.STADLER, s.v. Essig, RE 11, 689-692. AG.

Vinia Crispina. Daughter of T. Vinius [II 1] (Rufinus). Her husband, whose name is unknown, was apparently involved in the Pisonic conspiracy (— Calpurnius [II 13] Piso); she was rescued through the intervention of > Ofonius Tigellinus. In AD 68, her father wanted to marry her to Otho. She arranged for her father’s burial after he was murdered in early 69. RAEPSAET-CHARLIER 629, Nr. 807.

Vinicius (also Vinucius). Italian nomen — gentile, recorded from the rst cent. BC onwards (SCHULZE, 110; 380). I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD

I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD

[11] V., L. Mint master between 54 and 52 BC (RRC 436; MRR 2, 455), ¢r. pl. in 5x (Cic. Fam. 8,8,6) and cos. suff. in 33 BC (Inserlt 13,251; 254 f.). He was presumably the procos. Asiae who in 27 or shortly after enacted a decree of the consuls Agrippa [x] and Augustus in Cyme [3] [x]. Attribution of other procos. named V. in inscriptions is uncertain [2]. If AE 1988,20 refers to him he must still have been alive in 17 BC. V. [II x] was his son. 1 H. ENGELMANN (ed.), Die Inschriften von Kyme, 1976, no.17 2H.PLExeT, The Greek Inscriptions in the Rijksmuseum van Oudheden at Leyden, 1958, 61 f. J.BA.

437

438

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD (Il 1] L. V. Triumvir monetalis (-> Tresviri [4]); since according to the coins Augustus has tribunicia potestas VII and VIII, this suggests the year 16 BC. Suffect consul in 5 BC; he was closely associated with Augustus’s daughter - Iulia [6], and this was criticized by Augustus (Suet. Aug. 64,2). V. was the son and grandson of a Lucius V.; his father was the consul in 33 BC, V. [I 1]. There was no relationship, at least no direct one, to the Vinicii [II 2-4], whose first senator was of equestrian origin. PIR* V 443. {I 2] M. V. Father of V. [II 4], grandfather of V. [II 3], from an equestrian family (Tac. Ann. 6,15,1); entered the Senate probably as a partisan of Octavianus. In the crisis year of 19 BC, V. was suffect consul; from this a special position of trust with + Augustus can be deduced. Before his consulship he had worked as his legate in Gaul (Cass. Dio 53,26,4), and in 13 BC he had taken part in battles in Illyricum against the Pannonians (Vell. 2,96,2). Possibly proconsul of Asia [z. 171 f., no. 45]. ILS 8965 can be attributed to him; the command in Illyricum mentioned in it can probably be dated to the years around 1 BC, in succession to Domitius [II 2] Ahenobarbus [2. 26-39]. From c. 1-4 AD, V. was commander-in-chief of the Rhine Army, where he had an immensum bellum (‘immense war’) to wage (Vell. 2,104,2); Velleius’ [4] assessment, however, can be seen from a particular point of view, that the credit for bringing the situation swiftly under control from the autumn of AD 4 onwards naturally went to Tiberius [1], who took over command from V.. He was honoured with ornamenta triumphalia and a triumphal statue, under which was a speciosissima inscriptio (‘most splendid inscription’) (Vell. 2,104,2). V. was close to Augustus and, as Velleius’ comments show, also with Tiberius.

well; Claudius arranged a funus censorium for him (Cass. Dio 60,27,4; > Funus publicum); this in [1. 304317] is seen as good grounds for doubting the tradition regarding the murder.

1 J.REYNOLDs, Aphrodisias and Rome, 1982 Danubian Papers, 1971.

2R.SYME,

[II 3] M. V. Son of P. V. [II 4], grandson of M. V. [II 3], great-grandson of a P. Vinicius [1. 304-317]. Cos. ord. in AD 30; in that year Velleius [4] dedicated his work of history to him (Vell. 1,8,1; 13,5). No doubt V. was associated with > Aelius [II 19] Seianus, but he was not drawn into his downfall, since the whole family had an extremely close relationship with Tiberius [1]. In 32, Tiberius married V. to Iulia > Livilla [2], one of the daughters of Germanicus [2]. In 36, V. was a member of a commission to estimate the fire damage in Rome (Tac. Ann. 6,45,2), under Caligula he was proconsul of Asia [2. 211]. When his wife Livilla was banished because of a conspiracy, V. was not affected. He was involved in Caligula’s assassination and probably prepared to take power, but the consuls prevented him. Claudius [III 1] apparently took him along on his campaign in Britain because of his relatedness; for this he was honoured with ornamenta triumphalia. Although his wife had been disposed of by Messalina [2], he still remained associated with Claudius. In 45 cos. ord. II, but in 46 the tradition has it that Messalina had him killed as

1 VOGEL-WEIDEMANN

VINIUS

2 THOMASSON

I.

[Il 4] P. V. Father of V. [II 3], son of V. [II 2]; before AD 2, Augustus’s legatus pro praetore in Thracia Macedoniaque, where Velleius [4] served under him as military tribune (Vell. 2,101,3); this command was part of the formation process of the province of Moesia [1. 5333 2. 52-61]; cos. ord. in AD 2; perhaps proconsul of Asia [3. 171 f., no. 45]. When Calpurnius [II 16] Piso tried to engage him as his defence lawyer in AD 20, he refused (Tac. Ann. 3,11,2). V. was famous as an orator who placed a high value on factual clarity (Sen. Gontri7s5300)s 1 Syme, RP 2, 533. 2R.Syme, Danubian Papers, 1971 3 J.REYNOLDs, Aphrodisias and Rome, 1982 4 VOGELWEIDEMANN, 311-314.

{I 5] T. V. Iulianus. Senator, perhaps from Narbonensis [r. 531 f.], suffect consul in AD 80; no genealogical connection with the Augustean Vinicii. 1 SyME, RP 2.

WE.

Vinius (also > Vinnius). Roman — gentile, recorded from the rst cent. BC onwards (SCHULZE, 380; 425). I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD

I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD {I 1] V. (Rufus?), T. was proscribed rescued by his wife Tanusia and his and then pardoned (App. B Civ. 47,754 f.; Suet. Augustus 27,2). He grandfather of T. V. [II 1] (Tac. Hist.

in 43 BC, but was freed slave V. [I 2] 4,187; Cass. Dio is presumably the 1,48,2: incorrectly maternus avus), who attained a praetorship. V. may also be identical to the VIIIvir (+ Octoviri) T. V. Rufus from > Amiternum, which is presumably where the family was then from (ILS 3701). [I 2] V. Philopoemen, T. Slave freed by V. [I 1], who in 43 BC hid his proscribed patron and for this deed was later elevated to equestrian status (App. B Civ. 4,187; Cass. Dio 47,7,4 f.; Suet. Augustus 27,2). MRR 3, 221 f.; SYME, RP 2, 537.

J.BA.

Il. IMPERIAL PERIOD {Ml 1] T. V. (Rufinus?) Born in AD 21/2, from a senato-

rial family. Military tribune under Caligula in Pannonia, where he is supposed to have committed adultery with the wife of his legate Calvisius [8] Sabinus. The change of ruler to Claudius [III 1] allowed him to escape punishment. After his praetorship a legionary legate, under Nero proconsul of Narbonensis. Under +» Galba in 68 again legate, perhaps legatus iuridicus, in Spain. He took a leading part in the acclamation of Galba and therefore had very great influence on him; a

VINIUS

sign of this is also an ordinary consulship in 69 together with Galba. V. prevented the punishment of > Ofonius Tigellinus; on his advice A. Vitellius [II 2] was dispatched to the army in Lower Germany. His offer to adopt + Otho was rejected by Galba, however; nevertheless V. was killed on 15 January 69 by Otho’s supporters. ~ Vinia Crispina was his daughter. H.-G. PrLaum, Les fastes de la province de Narbonnaise, 1978, 7-13; PIR’ V 450.

[Il 2] Q. V. Victorinus. Senator, married to Sulpicia Dymiana, 3rd cent. AD.

Variant

of the nomen

gentile

Violence I. DEFINITION

I. DEFINITION Violence embraces a range of meanings covered by the Latin expressions imperium, potestas, potentia, vis and violentia; in Greek literature, the term tBeuc (hybris) comes closest to expressing the modern concept of the use of illegitimate force. The term violence is today usually used to describe the use of physical force; relationships of violence are one-sided social relationships based on force, and not on mutuality. In the fol-

II. GREECE

V. Asina (MSS and scholia record various cognomina),

t. VIOLENCE

addressee of Hor. Epist. 1,13 who is asked to forward works by Horace to Augustus. The social status of the messenger, who is not represented very flatteringly, is not revealed; V. may also be fictional. JBA.

LAW

Vinovia (Oitvvootiov/Ouinnootion). A Roman fort in Binchester on the important Roman road from > Eboracum (modern York) to Hadrian’s Wall (Ptol. 2,3,16; [z. 1036]; > Limes II), where it crossed the Vedra (modern Wear), 12 km to the south of Durham. V. was founded in the Flavian period (AD 69-96) probably under Cn. Iulius [II 3] Agricola, abandoned under Hadrian, but used again in the late Antonine period and then from the 3rd cent. onwards. An extensive vicus developed outside the fort (with long narrow business premSESH 27 Lane 99s13'2153)1))

Stones from V. were used to build the nearby Saxon church in Escomb. 1R.G. CoLitincwoop, R.P.WricHut, The Roman Inscriptions of Britain, 1965 2R.E. Hooppent, V., in: JBAA 43, 1887, 111-123, 299-306 3R.E. HOoppELt, V., in: JBAA 46, 1890, 253-287. TIR Britannia Septentrionalis, 1987, 7 f.

Vintium (Ovivtwov). Municipium in the > Alpes timae in the territory of the Ligurian Nerusii 3,1,41; Notitia Galliarum 17,8), modern Vence west of Nice; a bishopric since the 5th century

M.TO.

Mari(Ptol. to the (Greg.

Tur. Franc. 9,24). Les peuples préromains du sud-est de la

Gaule, 1969, 368 f.; RIVET, 342.

Violation of graves see > Sepulchri violatio

III. ROME

— Vinius

(SCHULZE, 425). The most important representative is

G.BARRUOL,

IJ. Greece

lowing, violence is understood in this sense, and discussed primarily in terms of its historical relationship to society and the law.

W.Eck, s. v. V. (5a), RE Suppl. 14, 896.

Vinnius.

440

439

H.GR.

IN LITERATURE

2. VIOLENCE

IN THE

3. VIOLENCE IN POLITICS AND SOCIETY

1. VIOLENCE IN LITERATURE Already in Homer we find an ethic of moderation, and a critical attitude to violence (cf. e.g. Apollo’s speech on the actions of Achilles, Hom. Il. 24,33-54). The Odyssey ends with the settlement of violent disputes: when, after the slaughter of the suitors, their relatives wish to take revenge, divine intervention prevents Odysseus from killing them in battle (Hom. Od. 24,413-548); peace is restored to Ithaca in accordance with divine will (Hom. Od. 24,482-6; 24,546). Although, in principle, violence is to be refrained from in council (Hom. II. 1,188—211), this does not prevent Odysseus from physically punishing Thersites, his social inferior, for his defamatory speeches (Hom. II. 2,211-77). On other occasions, too, Homeric heroes treat people of low social status with great cruelty (Hom. Od. 22,465-77). In Hesiod’s Myth of the Ages (Op. 106-201), and in the subsequent allegory of the hawk and the nightingale (Op. 202-11), violence is given a negative aura, and contrasted with the law as with a superior authority (Op. 217f.). In the course of polisforming in the context of the institutionalization of legal proceedings, self-administered justice, blood feud and the use of weapons were made subject to the control and responsibility of the community. As is shown by the description of the shield in the Iliad, conflicts within the polis were settled without violence, with judges pronouncing their verdicts in the market-place after hearing parties to a dispute (Hom. Il. 18,497-508). The transition from blood vengeance as a legitimate or even obligatory act to the principle of binding, public settlement of conflicts and the control of violence is a theme of tragedy: the Eumenides of Aeschylus relates how Athena created the Areopagus as a court of justice for crimes of murder, and introduced rules for arriving at a verdict (Aeschyl. Eum. 470-88; 681-710). Thucydides defines the renunciation of weapons as an epochal step in the development of civilization (Thuc. 1,5f.).

441

442

2. VIOLENCE IN THE LAW The codification of the laws in respect of homicide (Draco, Solon, etc.) by no means entirely excluded the killing of a perpetrator by a private individual under certain circumstances. The priority given to the protection of honour meant that particular instances, such as the killing of a nocturnal thief or an adulterer caught in the act (uoryoc, moichds), always went unpunished. The variation in the way these offences were treated in Athens was striking; depending on the circumstances of the case, the injured party had several options: to kill the perpetrator by his own hand, take him to be executed by the Eleven, or prosecute him. Although, subsequently, the right of punishment resided only with the courts, the principle of private initiative was central both to the legal system and to society in Athens. Neighbourhood help and self-help were fundamental to the everyday control of violence (Lys. 3,11ff.). A recourse

Aristotle, Plato in his Politeia develops a concept of justice designed to guarantee stability and at the same time prevent stasis (Pl. Resp. 417b; 459e; 462b; 464de). Aristotle, too, investigated political violence, in the sections of the ‘Politics’ dealing with stasis (Aristot. Pol. 1301a—16b). It should not be forgotten that relations between citizens of Greek poleis and the dependent population or slaves were often characterized by structural violence. This applies in particular to Sparta, where war was declared annually on the — helots (Plut. Lycurgus 28). Otherwise, the slavery in the mines was regarded as particularly cruel, owing to the difficult working conditions and the scant chance of release. In Hellenistic Egypt, it was especially condemned prisoners, including women and children, who worked in the precious-metal mines; they were exposed to extreme physical compulsion against a background of virtually ceaseless labour (Diod. Sic. 3,12-14). For Aristotle, the slave was essentially an dégyavov (‘a tool’); his function for his master is elucidated by reference to the function of the steering-oar for the steersman. In the view of Aristotle, barbarians rather than Greeks should be enslaved, as barbarians were by nature not created to be free (Aristot. Pol. 1253b-5b). Worthy of note is the view, referred to but rejected by Aristotle, that mastery over slaves was against nature (maea vow; para physin), as, by nature, there was no difference between free people and slaves; thus slavery was not just, but was based on violence (Pol. 1253b 2off.).

available to a victim of violence (or of an assault on his honour) was the yeadi tBeews (graphe hybreds; Dem. Or. 54,1). The law governing this proceeding (vouos tic bBeews; nOmos tés hybreds) comes down to us by way of Demosthenes (Or. 21,47). Athenian society was largely free of violence; the bearing of weapons was unusual. It must not, however, be forgotten that disputes in the milieus of prostitution and the military, or quarrels over questions of property, could easily assume violent forms. Individual cases of this kind are well attested in Attic speeches, an instance being the maltreatment of an Athenian, which led to the charge against Conon (Dem. Or. 54; cf. Or. 21 and Lys. 3). The spectrum of incidents also involved public violence against women (And. 4,13-15; Plut. Alcibiades 8). Worthy of note in this context is the significance of drunkenness in such incidents; the consideration as to whether the perpetrator was drunk or sober certainly played a role in the evaluation of an act of violence (Dem. Ort 2mi737cl5 4535/5 4573 Lys2356;'3312):3. VIOLENCE IN POLITICS AND SOCIETY The problem of violence within a society took its most momentous form in the sphere of politics in the Greek world. Conflicts between the aristocracy and the people in the Archaic Period were often extraordinarily violent; the tyrants, too, generally upheld their regimes by extra-legal violence (cf. e.g on Corinth: Hdt. 5,92; on Athens: Hdt. 5,55; Thuc. 6,59), and, in their turn, were often themselves removed by violent means. The problem became critical during the 5th/4th cents., in the phenomenon of stasis, the disintegration of a political community in civil war. Here, quite apart from the process of the disintegration of a polis, it was above all the intensity and brutality of the excesses of violence that distressed onlookers (cf. Hdt. 8,3,1). Thucydides based his analysis of stasis on the horrific acts perpetrated in the civil war on Corcyra (Thuc. 3,70-84; 4,4 6ff.); he mentions the lust for power, greed and ambition as causes of the disintegration of normal modes of behaviour, the law and society (Thuc. 3,82f.). The experience of anarchy was formative for the political theory of Plato and

VIOLENCE

Ill. ROME 1. POLITICAL VIOLENCE 2. VIOLENCE TOWARDS FAMILY MEMBERS 3. VIOLENCE TOWARDS SLAVES 4. THE RITUALIZATION OF VIOLENCE 5. THE PUBLIC CONTROL OF VIOLENCE 1. POLITICAL VIOLENCE The Law of Twelve Tables (+ Tabulae duodecim),

with its remnants of self-help, repayment and revenge on the one hand, and, on the other, the subordination of private interests to the community for the sake of civic harmony, represented the transition to the internal social regulation of violence. In the Early and Middle Republic, public control over violence appears essentially to have been ensured by social institutions and mechanisms (+ gens, > military clientela and — mos maiorum): the extensive tendency to coercive violence on the part of the bearers of Roman imperium was restricted in its effect by the introduction of provocatio against flogging and execution, and by the lack of means of enforcement. It was not realistically possible to use institutional means to counter an escalation of collective violence, as the deployment of troops was the object of sacral prohibition within the pomerium. This became a key problem of the Late Republic. After the murder of Ti. Gracchus by individual senators and their followers in 133 BC, in 121 for the first time the Senate reacted to a seditio with a resolution requiring the

VIOLENCE

443

consul to defend the res publica (Cic. Phil. 8,14). Thereupon, the consul L. Opimius — disregarding the provocatio law — proceeded against C. Gracchus and his followers, and had many of them killed; there followed a wave of arrests and executions in Rome. Armed groups of followers, organized violence as a strategic tool in political struggle, and the mobilization of the plebs urbana, marked internal politics from the time of the Gracchi onwards. There were repeated attempts to overcome political violence by means of laws (leges de vi). Carrying an offensive weapon (telum) with the intention to kill a person or commit a theft was forbidden under Sulla’s lex de sicariis et veneficis (Cic. Mil. 11; Dig. 48,8,1,1); M. Caelius was prosecuted in 56 BC under the ex Lutatia de vi, under which a quaestio perpetua had been instituted, probably in 78 (Cic. Cael. 70); a further law, the lex Plautia de vi (or Plotia; between 78 and 63 BC) is attested in connection with the Catiline conspiracy (Sall. Cat. 31,4); the felonies in question were precisely defined in these laws (Cic. Cael. 1: “de seditiosis consceleratisque civibus, qui armati senatum obsederint, magistratibus vim attulerint, rem publicam oppugnarint”; cf. Cic. Sest. 75f.; 953 Sull. 15; Sall. Catil. 27,2). The purchase and training of gladiators for carrying out attacks was another offence that could lead to prosecution (Cic. Sest. 84; Sull. 54). In 52 BC, Pompey enacted a general ban on the bearing of arms in Rome (Plin. HN 34,139). All in all, however, these measures proved ineffective: the Republican system foundered on the inability to restore the public monopoly on violence and effective rules governing the peaceful resolution of conflict.

2. VIOLENCE TOWARDS FAMILY MEMBERS A characteristic aspect of Roman society was the prerogative of violence residing in the > pater familias, who possessed an unrestricted right of punishment, even extending to ius vitae necisque (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,26). > Patria potestas, which counted as legitimate personal authority, and, as such, effectively limited the freedom of action of the > res publica, extended over a man’s slaves, freedmen and sons, as well as his daughters and wife (Tac. Ann. 13,32,2). Spectacular cases of the killing of sons are not only recorded in the Republican Period (Val. Max. 5,8; Liv. 2,41,10-12), but are also attested under the Principate (Sen. Clem. 1,15), when opposition began to be voiced. The absolute right to the killing of sons became circumscribed (Dig. 48,8,2, Ulpianus; 48,9,5, Marcianus). 3. VIOLENCE TOWARDS SLAVES Patria potestas over slaves meant in practice severity and regular compulsion (Cic. Off. 2,24), as well as intimidation by the exemplary harshness of punishments (Tac. Ann. 14,44,3). Varro counts the slaves working on an estate as items on an inventory (Varro Rust. 1,17,1: “imstrumenti genus vocale et semivocale et mutum, vocale, in quo sunt servi, semivocale, in quo

sunt boves, mutum, in quo sunt plaustra”); there was, however, awareness that slaves could not be forced to work purely by compulsion and threats, but also had to

444 be motivated by rewards and payments. But there is no doubt that the treatment of slaves continued to be characterized by frequent punishment and the existence of ergastula (+ Ergastulum), the underground slave prisons mentioned by Columella (1,6,3; 1,8,15-18). To prevent slaves from escaping, large numbers of them were shackled by the feet (vincti; cf. Columella 1,7,1; 1,9,4f.; Plin. HN 18,21; Plin. Ep. 3,19,7). The situation for slaves was somewhat more favourable in the area of the urban trades, owing to the regular manumission of qualified craftsmen, and the possibility of pursuing work relatively independently. Neither laws nor the objections of society stood in the way of arbitrary violence and cruel corporal punishment: “in servum omnia liceant” (Sen. Clem. 1,18,2; cf. Sen. Ep. 47,5 and Plut. Mor. 8F). Remarks and attitudes differing from this norm (Sen. Clem. 1,18,1f.) were untypical (cf. Sen. Ep.

47,11). There are many recorded instances of immoderate violence for trivial reasons, and of the sadistic treatment of slaves (Suet. Aug. 67,1f.; Calig. 32,2; Sen. De ira 3,40,2; Plin. HN 9,77; Mart. 2,66); “saevi quoque implacabilesque domini” (Petron. Sat. 107,4) were pro-

verbial. Instances of opposition to excesses of violence in the Imperial Period are few, but there were some legal limits set (cf. Suet. Claud. 25,2; Dig. 1,12,1,1. 8; 48,8,11,1f.; 18,1,42; 40,8,2; 1,6,1,2; Gai. Inst. 1,52; 1,8,2). The brutality inherent in the Romans’ treatment of their slaves is evident in the practice of torturing slaves under interrogation, and in public executions by owners, using crucifixion as the cruellest method available (Sen. Dial. 6,20,3; Mart. 2,82; cf. AE 1971, no. 88, II 8-14). Not only slave-owners, but also officebearers under the Republic and the Principate, used brutal methods against slaves: they were crucified in their thousands in the suppression of revolts (App. B Civ. 1,120,559; R. Gest. div. Aug. 25,1 and Cass. Dio 49,12,4f.). The potential for violence on the part of slaves themselves is also shown in the Slave Wars and in isolated acts of violence committed by slaves (cf. e.g. Diod. Sic. 3 4/35,2,10ff.; Plin. Ep. 3,14). Seneca’s pregnant formulation “totidem hostes esse quot servos” (“we have as many enemies as we have slaves”, Sen. Ep. 47,5) vividly describes the relationship between free people and slaves. In view of this circumstance, the Roman elite went under continual fear of attack by their slaves, and accordingly, after the murder of a city prefect in AD 61, for their own safety’s sake they did not shrink from executing all 400 slaves present in the house at the time of the incident (Tac. Ann. 14,42~4). 4. THE RITUALIZATION OF VIOLENCE Regardless of Augustus’ pacification of Roman society, the display of violence occupied a prominent place under the Principate. Tremendously cruel forms of execution, such as crucifixion and ad bestias, were carried out in public, and even in the context of plays (Mart. Spect. 7). In particular, spectacula such as pursuit by animals, gladiatorial fights and set-piece battles, involving the massacre of thousands of participants (Tac. Ann. 12,56; Cass. Dio 60,33), offered all levels of

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Roman society regular sight of violent excess. It is worth noting that the slaughter of often unarmed victims rather than the competitive aspect formed the focus of unbridled public interest (Sen. Ep. 7,4 is revealing in this respect). The symbolic and political content of these rituals of violence was high: a population no longer accustomed to war and expansion in their own lives under the pax Romana was permitted, through the inclusion of warrior stereotypes such as Samnites, Thracians etc., together with the use of prisoners of war, actually to experience the subjection and destruction of Rome’s enemies in a public presentation. In Pli-

rior of the empire, and the reduction in the size of provinces produced greater efficiency in governors’ use of judicial and executive compulsion, control of violence was probably more easily achieved in the provinces than in the city, where, in any event, the only recourse was usually to send in troops (it is informative to con-

ny’s claim, Pan. 33,1, that honourable wounds (pulchra vulnera), the love of glory (amor laudis), desire for victory (cupido victoriae) and contempt of death (con-

temptus mortis) were present in spectacula, the association between the celebration of violence and the ancient Roman ideal of virtus is striking. Contemporary criticism was rare, and no more than partial (Sen. Ep. 95,33, cf. 7,3-5; Dial. 10,13,6f.; Christian viewpoint: Tert. Spect. 19). These rituals of violence derive addi-

tional significance from the centrality of the circus and arena as a medium for political communication between ruler and people: the ruler presented himself here as an > euergetes, as well as master of life and death; at times of tension, this was a setting for the threat and use of violence against plebs or Senate, thus for demonstrating that violence was the absolute prerogative of the emperor (e.g. Jos. Ant. Iud. 19,24-7; Cass. Dio 73,21).

Conversely, such events were always sources of public unrest and flashpoints of violence. Regardless of the civilizing of Rome, the ritualized spilling of blood and violent excesses signify an essential trait of Roman culture, and show what potential for violence was still present in Roman society. 5. THE PUBLIC CONTROL OF VIOLENCE Units with police functions existed in the capital from the time of Augustus: nine praetorian cohorts (Suet. Aug. 49,1; Tac. Ann. 4,2,1f.; Suet. Tib. 37,1; Juv. 10,94f.) and three cohortes urbanae (Tac. Ann. 4,5,3); these were used precisely for disturbances at the theatre or circus and at hunger riots, and thus were at the same time instrumental in the direction of the complex rituals involved in communication between princeps and plebs (Tac. Ann. 1,77,1; Suet. Tib. 37,2; Tac. Ann. 1,16,3; 13,24f. with 14,15,4). These units’ regular policing tasks are unclear. In the Rome of Late Antiquity, with the successive disbandment of the Praetorian Guard,

the cohortes urbanae and the vigiles, this system of crisis management and the public control of violence collapsed: crises of supply, etc., repeatedly led to outbreaks of violence by the plebs, in face of which the city prefects were virtually helpless (Amm. Marc. 15,7,1-5; 19,10; 27,3,8f.; cf. Ambr. Epist. 40,13). It was not only in Rome that public officials themselves were thus regularly overtaxed by the many violent, religiously motivated clashes (Amm. Marc. 27,3,12f.; 22,11 with Julian. Ep. 60 and Socr. 3,2f.; Ambr. Epist. 40,6). As, in Late Antiquity, troops were often stationed in the inte-

VIOLENCE

sider the course of the tax revolts in Antioch in AD 387: Lib. Or. 19-23; Ioh. Chrys. 21 Hom. de statuis, PG 49, 15-222). It is difficult to judge the general state of security in the empire. Highway robbery, theft and abduction are attested on country roads; in many regions, robber bands were endemic for certain periods. Augustus and Tiberius protected particularly unsafe regions of Italy with military posts (stationes; Suet. Aug. 32,1; Tib. 37,1); but when, in particular situations, recruitment to robber bands increased, security in Italy and the provinces could quickly break down (Maternus in Gaul and Northern Italy: Hdn. 1,10; Bulla Felix: Cass. Dio 77,10). Isauria was notorious for robber bands in the 4th cent. (Amm. Marc. 14,2; 27,9,6); highway robbery took on ever greater proportions in Gaul at this time (Amm. Marc. 28,2,10). In Late Antiquity, the revolts of the bagaudae in Gaul and the movement of the ~ circumcelliones in North Africa eventually led to the complete dissolution of political order in the territories affected. The intense degree of commerce and traffic, however, suggests that security largely prevailed (an idealized view in Aristid. 26, roo—4), aided in Late Antiquity by the development of the justice system. The private possession of weapons had been restricted since the early Principate (lex Iulia de vi publica; Dig. 48,6,1; still effective c. 400: Synes. Epist. 107f.). Felonies involving the use or threat of use of weapons were particularly severely punished (Dig. 47,17,1: Ulpianus). Only on the occasion of invasions by the Goths and Vandals was the ban relaxed, and the population called upon to arm itself (Cod.Theod. 7,13,17; Valentinianus Nov. 9; of 24.6.440). Justinian made the production of weapons a state monopoly, and forbade the sale of weapons to civilians (Cod. Iust. r1,10,7). After the end of the Western Roman Empire, councils in the early German kingdoms even had to forbid clerics to bear weapons; bloody family feuds lasting for generations were widespread in early France. By contrast, the Roman imperial state succeeded — to an extent that was impressive for a pre-industrial society — in monopolizing physical violence and achieving a broad pacification of society. 1 R.S. BAGNALL, Official and Private Violence in Roman

Egypt, in: Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists 20, 1989, 201-216 2K.R. BRADLEY, Slaves and Masters in the Roman Empire, 1984 3 D.COoHEN, Law, Violence, and Community in Classical Athens, 1995 4K.Hopxins, Death and Renewal, 1984, 1-30 65. V.J. Hunter, Policing Athens, 1994 6 J.-U. KRAUSE, Gefangnisse im Rémischen Reich, 1996 7 A.W. LINrotrt, Violence, Civil Strife and Revolution in the Classi-

cal City, 750-330 B.C., 1982 lican Rome, 1968

8 Id., Violence in Repub-

9R.MacMUuLLeEN,

Enemies of the

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Roman Order, 1966 10 W.Nippet, Aufruhr und ‘Polizei’ in der romischen Republik, 1988 11 W.SCHMITZ,

ach illnesses, inflammations of the eye and rectal prolapse. The dark portion of the blossom, dissolved in water and drunk, was believed to help against inflammation of the pharyngeal muscle and epilepsy in child-

VIOLENCE

Der Nomos Moicheias, in: ZRG 114, 1997, 45-140.

JH.

Violentia (literally ‘violence’). From Late Antiquity, in the phrase crimen violentiae, instead of crimen- vis, the term for crime of violence. The basis of crimen violentiae is extraordinarily comprehensive and extends far beyond the area covered by the Lex Iulia de vi (Julian law on violence, rst cent. BC).

+ Constantinus [1]

(beginning of the 4th cent. AD) in general specifies the + death penalty for this > crimen (Cod. Theod. 9,10,1 = Cod. lust. 9,12,6 a. 317). The main cases of crimen violentiae were forcible eviction, forcible unlawful detention and illicit seizure of pledged property by the creditor (Paul. Sent. 2,14,5). — Punishment, Criminal Law 1 G. WEsENER, s. v. V., RE9 A, 157-161 2TH. MAYERMALY, s.v. Vis (2), RE 9 A, 311-337, esp. 332-340 3 J. Corot, La violence en droit criminel Romain, 1915,

303 ff. 4H.NIEDERMEYER, Crimen plagii und crimen violentiae, in: FS P. Bonfante, vol. 2, 1930, 400-417

5Id., Ausgewahlte Introduktiorien zu Ulpian und zur Rechtslehre von der ‘vis’, in: FS S. Riccobono, vol. 1, 1936 (repr. 1974), 193-217, esp. 203-212 6 C.Duponr, Le droit criminel dans les constitutions de Constantin, 1953, 72-79 7L.SoLIDORO Maruortti, La repressione della violenza nel diritto romano, 1993, 98-101. GU.WE.

Violet (iov/ion, iwvia/idnia; Latin viola). The ancient names referred not only to the various types of Violaceae, but also to certain cruciferous plants with yellow and white blossoms (wallflower: Cheiranthus cheiri L., gillyflower: Mathiola incana R. Br., dame’s rocket: Hesperis matronalis L.) that are not the focus of interest here. The word ion in Hom. Od. 5,72 may refer not toa violet, but more generally to a ‘flower with a dark blossom’ [x]. Theophrastus (H. plant. 6,6,7) describes the fragrant violet with blue-violet blossoms called Viola odorata (iov péiav/ion mélan = Latin viola sc. nigra; cf. [2. colour illustration 33 1]), as does Dioscorides (4,121 WELLMANN = 4,120 BERENDES) and (along with violets of other colours) Pliny (HN 21,27). The emphasis on the fact only that this type was aromatic (Theophr. C. plant. 6,20,1) indicates an awareness of other kinds of violets as well. The cultivation of violets in gardens (Athen.9,372b), an easy matter because they were propagated through offshoots, was adopted by the Romans.

Along with its pleasant aroma (cf. Plin HN 21,35),

the dark blue colour of the violet made it a popular choice for wreaths (Pl. Symp. 212e; Theoc. 10,28 f.; Plin. HN 21,14). As a source of nectar, it was planted in the vicinity of beehouses (Verg. G. 4,32; Columella 9,4,4 and 9,5,6); however, in the relevant passages violaria probably refers to wallflower gardens. In the field of medicine, the leaves of the aromatic violet were used for cooling purposes and in compresses to treat stom-

ren (Dioscurides |.c.; Plin. HN 21,130), and its seeds were considered a remedy for scorpion bites (only Plin. loc. cit.). According to Plin. HN 33,163, dried violets boiled in water were used to produce the colour ‘sky blue’ (caeruleum). On Violet Day (dies violaris; documented in [3]), which was celebrated at various different times, violets were laid on graves in Rome; the violet was considered a plant of the Underworld: + Persephone was abducted from a meadow on which hyacinths (> Hyacinthus [2]), > crocus, — roses and violets were in bloom (cf. H. Hom.. 2,6; Ath. 15,684c; on Sicily, according to Diod. Sic. 5,3; cf. the transformation of the blood of > Attis and + Agdistis into a violet: Paus. 7,17,9-12; Arnob. 555). 1 V.HEHN (O. SCHRADER ed.), Kulturpflanzen und Haustiere, ®r911 (repr. 1963), 260f. 2H.Baumann, Die griechische Pflanzenwelt, 1982 3 G. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Rémer, *1912, 434,3. M. ScHUSTER, s. v. Veilchen, RE 8 A, 591-600.

C.HU.

Vipitenum -» Mansio (possibly founded in the 2nd cent. AD; It. Ant. 275; 280; Tab. Peut. 4,2: Vepiteno) in the Val d’Isarco in South Tyrol, modern Vipiteno on the > Via Claudia Augusta, which led from Pons [8] Drusi and Altinum over the Brenner Pass to Augusta [7] Vindelicum (modern Augsburg). Not located, probably between Matreia and Sublavione. In the Bronze and Iron Ages the region around V. was probably inhabited by autochthonous pre-Indo-European peoples, generally described by the Romans as the — Raeti. After the Roman conquest by Claudius [II 24] Drusus the territory was incorporated by Claudius [III r] into the province of Raetia. Mentioned as late as AD 827 and 828 in the Traditio Quartini, a deed of gift of 3x December 827. L. VENEZIANO, Un miliario di Settimio Severo a Vipiteno, in: RIL 124, 1990, 43-49; TIR Mediolanum, 1966, 145; G. WALSER, Die rémische StraSen und Meilensteine in Raetien, 1983, 34-36. M.M.MO.

Vipsanius see > Agrippa [1-2] Vipstanus [1] C. V. Apronianus. His genealogical connexions are unclear. Cos. ord. in AD 59; proconsul of Africa in 68/9. The annexation of his province by + Otho was accomplished with no initiative from his side. Recorded as an > Arvalis Frater from 57-86; in February of 86 his successor was chosen, V. therefore died shortly before that. SCHEID, Fréres, 257 f.; THOMASSON, Fasti Africani, 41 f.

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450

[2] L. V. Gallus. Praetor, died in AD 17 (Tac. Ann. 2,51,1), probably also mentioned in IG II* 4185. Presumably a younger brother of V. [3]. [3] M.V. Gallus Cos. suff. in AD 18 (FO* 41; 61). Probably a brother of V. [2] and perhaps the father of V. [4] and [8]. He or his brother were connected by marriage with the Valerii Messallae family. [4] Messalla V. Gallus. Perhaps a son of V. [2] or [3]. Probably a special envoy of Claudius [III 1] in Teanum

an ordinary consulship — unless an inscription from

Sidicinum in AD 46 (InscrIt 13,1, p. 264). Succeeded

his brother as cos. suff. in 48 (July to December) [1.247]. Consular governor of Pannonia in 53/4 [2. 147 f.]. Proconsul of Asia, probably in 59/60, succeeding his brother V. [8]. V. [5] may have been his son or nephew. 1 G.Camopeca, Tabulae Pompeianae Sulpiciorum, 1999

2 J. Fitz, Die Verwaltung Pannoniens in der Rémerzeit, vol. 1,1993 3 VOGEL-WEIDEMANN, 423-428.

VIR EGREGIUS

Lanuvium (AE r9r1, 95) refers to him; his consulship

could then have fallen in the late period of Hadrianus or under Antoninus Pius. H.M. Corron, W.Ecx, P. MURABBA’AT 1x4 und die Anwesenheit rémischer Truppen in den Héhlen des Wadi Murabba’at nach dem Bar Kochba Aufstand, in: ZPE 138, 2002, 173-183.

W.E.

Vir clarissimus (or clarissimus vir = c.v., literally approximately a ‘highly regarded man’; Greek lampr6tatos, attested from c. AD 160; until the 3rd cent. AD also kratistos). In the (late) Republican Period a general

senatorial honorary attribute; in the Imperial Period VC developed into a title of rank for members of the senatorial class (> Senatus). Up to the early 2nd cent. AD it became a fixed title for senators (until the 4th cent. it was c.v.) which from the 2nd cent. was also transferred to their relatives (clarissima femina, c. iuve-

[5] V. Messalla. Perhaps a descendant of the cos. ord. for AD 48, cf. V. [8]; claris maioribus (Tac. Hist. 3,9,2 f.). Tribune of the Legio VII Claudia; took part in the battle of Bedriacum in the autumn of 69 on the side of Flavian troops, and similarly in the conquest of Rome in December. Later he wrote about the war. In 70 he supported his half brother Aquilius [II 5] Regulus, although he presumably was not yet a member of the Senate. Tacitus makes him one of the interlocutors in his Dialogus de Oratoribus [1. 100-111]. He may have died before reaching the minimum age for a consulship. CIL VI 41080 may refer to him or to another V. of the

nis, c. puer, c. puella). As a rule women lost the title when marrying somebody of lower rank, whereas men could keep it if similarly adopted. To become a senator, somebody born VC also had to have held at least a quaestorship, later (from the 4th/sth cents.) a praetorship. After the administrative reforms of > Diocletianus and Constantinus [1] VC initially remained the only title for higher officials. As a consequence of the expansion of the senatorial class, from c. 365 there were also illustres (— Illustris vir) and spectabiles (— Spec-

rst cent. AD (see the comm. of G. ALFOLDy for the inscription).

e.g. VC et illustres. People could also become a VC by - adlectio or by being granted > ornamenta. In the 5th cent., VC were excluded from participating in Senate sessions; on the other hand they were free to choose their places of residence.

1 SYME, Tacitus 1.

[6] L. V. Messalla. Descendant of V. [5]. Cos. ord. in AD 115 with M. Pedo Vergilianus; cf. [1. 173 ff.]. V. [9] is probably his son. 1 H.M. Cotton, W.Ecx, P. MURABBA’AT 114 und die Anwesenheit romischer Truppen in den Héhlen des Wadi Murabba’at nach dem Bar Kochba Aufstand, in: ZPE 138,

tabilis vir), with viri clarissimi the lowest (third) class of rank; the others, however, also continued to be called

— Court titles (C.) J. Gaag, Les classes sociales dans |’Empire romain, 1964; O.HrrscHFELD, Die Rangtitel der ro6mischen Kaiserzeit (SPrAW), 1901; JONES, LRE, esp. 528-530; H. LOHKEN, Ordines dignitatum, 1982. K.G.-A.

2002, 173-183.

Vir egregius [7] C. V. Poblicola. Probably a senator, coopted in AD 63 into an unidentifiable priestly college. VOGEL-WEIDEMANN 426.

[8] L. V. Poblicola. Working with his brother V. [4] in Teanum Sidicinum in AD 46 probably as a special envoy. Cos. ord. in 48 together with L. Vitellius [II 4]. He proposed in the Senate that Claudius [III 1] should be granted the title Pater Senatus, but it was rejected (Tac. Ann. 11,25,4). Proconsul of Asia in 58/9. V. [5] may be his son. VOGEL-WEIDEMANN 423-427.

[9] L. V. Poblicola Messalla. Probably a son of V. [6]. Patrician, salius Collinus (— Salii [2]; CIL XIV 4245). Probably died early, since otherwise he would have held

(literally approximately

‘outstanding

man’). First encountered under Marcus [2] Aurelius asa

general term for the members of the ordo equester [1.28] (+ Equites Romani), from 180/183 recorded as an official non-inheritable title of office (CIL VII 10570, col. IV, |. ro). In the 3rd cent. AD its significance declined; in his decree of 317, Licinius [II 4] recognizes four grades of equestrian rank: perfectissimus vir, ducenarius vir, centenarius vir, and egregius vir as the lowest (Cod. Theod. 12,1,5, l. 5). The inferiority of the title was due to the increasing awarding of decorations which brought people into the upper levels of the equestrian class, and to the rise of equestrians to senatorial status (— Vir clarissimus). The last VE, Claudius Aure-

lius Generosus, is recorded in the year 324 (AE 1937, 1725 [2.522, §77]); in legal sources the title VE is not recorded after 384 (cf. the listing of equestrian ranks in

451

452

Cod. Theod. 6,30,7 and Not. Dign. or. 13,21-34). The equestrian rank was then organized into three subdivisions of the perfectissimi viri [3.526f.]. > Court titles (C.); > Ducenarius; > Perfectissimus

Works: (x) Commentarii de mundi creatione adversus paganos (‘On Creation against the pagans’; Epist. 7,4); and (2/3) twelve or fifteen instructional letters to his pupils Donatus (Epit. 4, 14, cf. 15,1) and Fabianus (Epist. pr. 3) are lost. (4) Twelve of fifteen (Epist. 2,1) books of Epitomae (bks. 1-11 and 15) and (5) eight instructional letters (Epistolae) to a deacon called Germanus survive. Epitomae and Epistolae agree in their treatment of the eight parts of speech (noun, pronoun, verb etc. = Epit. 5—9); in Epit. 2-4 letters, syllables and metres are added and in ro and 11 scinderatio fonorum [8.18f.; 13.84-88], a kind of secret language, and etymology. The Epitomae complete De sapientia (Epit. 1) and a fictional history of grammar (Epit. 15) (on the lost sections, Epit. 12-14, cf. [3]). A parodic tendency (cf. Epit. 15 and the 14-day dispute on the vocative of ego, Epist. 2,4; but cf. [6.149f.]) is to be seen as criticism of the activities of contemporary grammarians [8.20f.], language games (aptonyms [x3.11-16]; XII genera Latinitatis, Epit. 1,4 [13.8893]) and speculations are probably also devoted to a deeper, not a historicist truth (cf. [13.106-108]; on pedagogical principles: [16]). Apart from > grammarians (Donatus: [13.5-7], probably also Galbungus and Glengus [6.144-147]; Priscianus) and Isidorus [9] [x3.98—ror] he also makes use of the>Bible and the Church Fathers [13.16f.] (for the manner of use generally see [15]). VM’s [17] language is in the tradition of a consciously obscure Latinity, working with artificial and foreign (Hebrew, Greek) words, as it was used especially in Irish areas. The manuscript tradition [2.XXIV—-XXVIII, XXXIXXXII, XXXV-LXII; 7.49-51; 18] came about through an archetype containing the two works (Neap. IV.A.34); only the Epitomae, through a hyparchetype in codd. from the 8th cent. onwards, took the text of the Epitomae by way of northern France to Germany and Italy between the 8th and 1rth cents. The reception from the 7th cent. onwards [2.XXVIII-XXX]; 7.50f.; 13.101-105] was largely restricted to the area of insular cultural influence.

VIR EGREGIUS

1 H.Louxen, Ordines dignitatum, 1982

2%. LEFEBVRE,

Les chevaliers dans les hommages publics d’Afrique, in: S. DeMouainetal. (ed.), L’ordre €questre, 1999, 513-578 3 Jones, LRE.

ME.SCH.

Virbius. Male deity from the circle of > Diana in the context of her little-known cult of > Aricia (Serv. Aen. 55953 7,84); the road from Aricia to the sanctuary was also described as Clivus Virbi after V. (Pers. 6,56 with schol.). The earliest evidence for V. can be found in his identification with > Hippolytus [1], the interpretation being based solely on the fact that horses were forbidden in his sanctuary in Aricia (Verg. Aen. 7,774-779;

Ov. Fast. 3,266). The only piece of evidence of worship of V. outside Aricia is a burial inscription in Naples, which mentions a flamen Virbialis (CIL X 1493). Apparently the cult image of V. was not allowed to be touched, and this also led to his interpretation as a sun god (Serv. Aen. 7,776). G. RADKE, s.v. V., RE 9 A, 178-182.

CA.BI.

Virdo (Virda). River which flows from the Allgau Alps northwards, approximately parallel to the Licca (modern Lech), through the Alpine foothills, modern river Wertach. After 133 km, it joins the river Licca in > Augusta [7] Vindelicum (modern Augsburg) (cf. Ven. Fort. 641; Paulus Diaconus, Historia Langobardorum 2,13).

For the name, Celtic (‘powerful’, ‘speedy’) or Roman (from Latin viridis = ‘green’, after the colour of the water) origins might be assumed; from the roth/r1th

cent., Werthahe/-a, Wertha. Segments of the valley of the V. form a natural communications link between Augusta [7] Vindelicum and > Cambodunum [r] (modern Kempten). It is hence followed by the Roman road (with nearby traces of limitation marks); because of a great danger of flooding, however, the route of the road ran not on the bottom of the valley, but to the east on a flat ridge between V. and Licca; there were ancient and early Mediaeval settlements there. The flood plain was probably used as pasture. G.WIMMER, Die Wertach, 1904/05; R.HEUBERGER, S. GUTENBRUNNER, S. v. V., RE 9 A, 183 f.; H. Frei, Wert-

ach, in: G.GRUNSTEUDEL et al. (eds.), Augsburger Stadtlexikon, *1998, 926 f. GHW.

Virgilius Maro ‘Pen-name’ [8.16f., 26; 13.75f.] of a Latin grammarian of the 7th cent. (terminus ante quem is AD 658, cf. [10]) and therefore a younger contemporary of + Isidorus [9]. His origin (“Land north or south of the Pyrenees” [9.15; 12]) and the area in which he worked (Ireland: [5; 11]; England: [7]; cf. in contrast [x0]) are disputed. It may be that VM was a converted Jew ([9.14f.], otherwise [8.22-26; 11.56-61]).

EDITIONS: (with transl.)

1J.HUEMER, 1886 2 G.POLARA, 1979 3 V.Law, Fragments from the ... Epitomae

of V. M., in: Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studies 21, 1991, 113-125 (complete). HISTORY OF SCHOLARSHIP: 4 G.Poxara, Gli studi su V.M., in: Vichiana 6, 1977, 241-278 (in addition: [5],

35-47). BIBLIOGRAPHY: 5 M.Herren, Latin Letters in Early Christian Ireland, Nr. VII (1979), 1996 61d.,s. [5], Nr. XVIII (1992) 7 V.Law, The Insular Latin Grammarians, 1982, 42-52 8K.SMmoLak, Der dritte Vergil, in: Wiener Humanistische Blatter 30, 9 B.BiscHorr, Die ‘Zweite Latinitat?

MLatJb 23, 1988, 11-16

1988, 16-27 des V.M., in:

10 D.O Crornin, The Date ...

of V. M., in: G. Bernt (ed.), Tradition und Wertung. FS F. Brunhdlzl, 1989, 13-22 +11 M. Herren, V. the Grammarian, in: Peritia 9, 1995, 51-71 12 A.Cizek, V. le grammairien, in: J.-M.Prcarp (ed.), Aquitaine and Ire-

land in the Middle Ages, 1995, 127-136 13 V. Law, Wisdom, Authority and Grammar in the Seventh Century,

453

454

1995 14G.Porara, A proposito delle dottrine grammaticali di V.M., in: Historiographia linguistica 20, 1993, 205-220 15 Id., V. M.e la parodia delle dottrine grammaticali, in: I. ROSIER (ed.), Lhéritage des grammairiens latins, 1988, 109-120 16 L. MuNz1, Tertius Ver-

gilius ego, in: Res publica litterarum 16, 1993, 69-83 17 B.L6rsteptT, Zum Wortschatz des V. M., in: Philolo18 CPL Nr. 1559. gus 126,1982,99-110

VIRIUS

[2] Young man from the tribe of the Haedui of lowly

origin who, by the patronage of - Diviciacus [2], attained Caesar’s high regard. Together with — Eporedorix [2], in 52 BC he uncovered -> Litaviccus’ con-

spiracy. Later he was one of the four commanders at the liberation of - Alesia. (Caes. B Gall. 7,38,2; 39,1 f.;

42553 54513 55545 63,95 76,3) [3. 251 f.]. > Caesar (I C); > Haedui; > Insubres

Virgo Caelestis see > Tinnit Virgo Vestalis see > Vestals Viriatus (in epigraphic and literary sources also Viriathus). Leader of Lusitanian bands and resistance fighter 147-139 BC. After growing up as a herdsman (Diod. 33,1,1), in 150 he escaped Ser. - Sulpicius [I 10] Galba’s massacre and in 147 was appointed leader by the + Lusitani, who were under pressure from C. Vetilius (App. Ib. 60,25 1-62,260). By means of flexible tactics, sham retreats and surprise attacks he became a dangerous adversary of the Roman army (cf. [x]), which had been weakened by the Third > Punic War. In 147 V. defeated C. Vetilius, in 146 C. Plautius [I 3] and brought parts of Hispania Citerior under his power as well as Hispania Ulterior, which Q. > Fabius [I 23] Maximus Aemilianus was able to reconquer in 144 (ibid. 62,260-65,278). In 143 V. also appears to have incited the > Celtiberi to secession from the Romans, which ended in 133 with the desctruction of > Numantia (App. Ib. 66,279 f.). A serious defeat of Q. > Fabius [I 29] Maximus Servilianus in 140 led to a peace treaty,

in which the V.’s territorial gains were confirmed, and he himself was recognised as an amicus populi Romani (‘friend of the Roman people’; ibid. 67,283-69,295). Nevertheless, in the same year Q. Servilius [I 11] Caepio prompted the Senate to resume the war. After rather unsuccessful military operations he had V. murdered in 139 by his own countrymen (ibid. 70,29674,316). In ancient historiography V. appears as a moral counterpart to the perfidious Roman commanders ([2]; Liv. Per. 54: vir duxque magnus, ‘a great man and military leader’; Flor. Epit. 1,33,15: V. Hispaniae Romulus; cf. Diod. Sic. 33,13 33573 335193 33,2145 Cass. Dio fr. 73; 75; 77 f.; Oros. 5,4,1-14; for further instances see [3]).

1 Evans 2Ho.tpER 3B.KREMER, Das Bild der Kelten bis in augusteische Zeit, 1994. W.SP.

Viridorix. Celticcompound name [1. 126]. Chieftain of the Unelli in Venetia, who in 56 BC had a large army assembled from allied tribes and besieged the camp of the Roman legate Q. - Titurius Sabinus. By means of a trick, Sabinus managed to defeat and annihilate V.’ army (Caes. B Gall. 3,17—19; Cass. Dio 39,45). ~» Caesar (I C); > Veneti 1 Evans.

Virilis see > Fortuna (B.)

Viriplaca. V. is a goddess (dea) of the city of Rome, recorded only in Val. Max. 2,1,6, whose small sanctuary (sacellum) still stood on the Palatine at the time of

~ Tiberius [II 1]: couples used to go there (but no longer in the time of Valerius Maximus) to resolve marriage difficulties by mutual exchange of their arguments. The name of the goddess was explained, entirely in the sense of a moralizing strategy by the author, with the etymology a placandis viris, ‘from placating husbands’. With the aid of problematic r9th and 2oth cent. religious and evolutionist categories, V. was interpreted as a ‘sondergottin’ (+ Sondergotter) without any foundation for this or as one of the deities mentioned in the — indigitamenta [1]. V. was also identified with > Iuno in her function as a goddess of marriage [2. vol. 2, 39] and identified with > Venus Verticordia [3. 1827]. 1 W. EIsENHUT, s. v. V., RE9 A, 233 f.

2 J.A. HARTUNG,

Die Religion der Romer, 2 vols., 1836 nalia, 1963.

3 J.GAGE, Matro-

H.-F. MUELLER, Roman 2002, 73 with note 23.

Religion in Valerius Maximus, AN.BE.

1 H.G. GunbDEL, Probleme der rémischen Kampffithrung gegen V., in: Legio VII Gemina, 1970, 109-130 2R.W. Bane, The Development of Roman Imperial Attitudes and the Iberian Wars, in: Emerita 44, 1976, 409-420 3 H.Simon, Roms Kriege in Spanien, 1962, 87-138. J.S. RICHARDSON, The Romans in Spain, 1996, Index s. v. V.; Z.W. RuBINSOHN, The Viriatic War and Its Roman Repercussions, in: Riv. storica dell’ Antichita 11, 1981, 161-204.

Viridomarus (Viridomaros). Celtic compound name: ‘strong hero’? [1. 125]. [1] Prince of the Insubres, who fell at Clastidium in 222 BC at the hands of the consul M. > Claudius [I 11] Marcellus (Liv. Per. 20) [2. 379 f.].

Virius [1] L. V. Agricola Cos. ord. in AD 230; probably a son of V. [4], brother of V. [6]; for his wide but not clearly distinguishable network of relatives cf. IEph III 710 B; PIR* V 476. [2] V. Apronianus. Senator; related to V. [1] and V. [6] (IEph III 710 B). [3] V. Gallus Corrector Campaniae; identical to the cos.

ord. for the year AD 298. PLRE I, Gallus no. 2. [4] V. Lupus. Senator; suffect consul as late as under Commodus (?). A participant in the battles against Clodius {II x] Albinus, probably in AD 196, possibly as a

VIRIUS

consular legate of Germania inferior. In 197 legate of Britain. V. [x] and [6] were his sons. Eck, Statthalter, 188 f.

[5] V. Lupus. According to his burial inscription from Rome (CIL VI 31775 = ILS 1210 = CIL VI 41235), he was praeses Arabiae, then Syriae Coeles, between c. AD 260 and 270; iudex sacrarum cognitionum per Orientem and per Aegyptum; cos. ord. II in 278; praefectus urbi 278-280. Son of V. [1] or V. [6]. M.Peacuin, Iudex vice Caesaris, 1996, 127-129.

[6] L. V. Lupus Julianus. Probably a son of V. [4] and brother of V. [x]; although a patrician, only [vir capitalis, legate under the pro-consul of Lycia-Pamphylia, adlectus inter quaestorios probably for a particular reason, praetor; in AD 232 cos. ord. Under Gordianus [3], V. may have been the consular legate of Syria Coele. K. Dietz, Senatus contra principem, 1980, 254-256.

W.E.

Viroconium (Oviegoxdviov/Ouirokénion). Roman legionary camp, in c. AD 55 laid out in connection with military operations in the valley of the upper > Sabrina (modern Severn) [1.292 f.]; modern Wroxeter in Shropshire, England. Abandoned in c. AD 74, as late as the end of the rst cent., V. developed into the capital of the civitas Cornoviorum [2]. In AD 128/9, The city acquired a forum [1. 288] and, no later than the middle of the 2nd cent., thermal baths [3]. Numerous private houses were built from the 2nd cent. onwards. In the 4th cent., the forum was abandoned, and from AD 350 the thermal baths were no longer used; nevertheless, the palaestra of the thermal baths was in operation until the 5th and 6th cents. 1R.G.

CoLLiIncwoop,

R.P.WricHt,

scriptions of Britain, 1965 1975

3 D. ATKINSON,

The Roman

In-

2G.WeBSTER, The Cornovii, Report on the Excavations

at

Wroxeter 1923-1927, 1942. P.BaRKER, The Baths Basilica Wroxeter: Excavations 1966-1990, 1997; TIR Britannia Septentrionalis, 1987,

84 f.

456

455

M.TO.

Virodunum. Roman vicus in Gallia Belgica in the territory of the Mediomatrici (It. Ant. 364,3; Not. Dign. Occ. 42,68; Not. Galliarum 5,4: Verodunum; various

forms of the name in Greg. Tur. Franc. passim) on a spur between the Mosa [1] (Meuse) and its tributary, modern Scanne, at a crossing of the DurocortorumDivodurum road with regional roads, modern Verdun in the département of Meuse. A Celtic oppidum cannot archaeologically be ascertained, the Imperial period topography is largely unknown (> macellum in Rue de Mazel?); already by the middle of the Imperial period, V. was the centre of a regional entity which separated from the territory of the Mediomatrici in late Antiquity and advanced to become a > civitas in its own right. At

this time, a wall enclosing ro ha was built around the city. In the 4th cent., there is evidence of the presence of Sarmatian troops and their followers; cf. the praefectus Sarmatarum (Not. Dign. Occ. loc.cit.). Necropoleis along the route to Durocortorum and in the north of V. R.Bepon, Atlas des villes, bourgs, villages de France au passé romain, 2001, 321; N. GAUTHIER, Verdun, in: Td Topographie chrétienne, vol. 1, 1986, 61-65; TIR M 31, 186; P. WUILLEUMIER, s. v. V., RE 9 A, 240; F.GAMMA, V., 1997; M. Toussaint, Le territoire et les limites de la

Civitas Verodunensium, in: Bull. archéologique du Comité des Travaux Historiques et Scientifiques 1951/52

(1954), 343-357-

F.SCH.

Viromandui. A people of Gallia Belgica, Northern France, settled in the region of Picardie on the so-called ‘sill of Vermandois’, on the upper courses of the + Samara (the modern Somme) and > Isar(a) [2] (the modern Oise; Liv. Per. 104; Plin. HN 106; Ptol. 2,9,113; Oros. 6,7). In part surrounded by dense forests, the V. had as neighbours to the north and north-east the + Nervii and —> Atrebates [1x], to the west the > Ambiani and — Bellovaci, and to the south the — Suessiones. During > Caesar’s Gallic War, they belonged to the Belgian coalition of 57 BC (Caes. B Gall. 2,4,9), and were defeated in the battle on the river Sabis [1] (2,16,2; 2,23,4). The late La-Téne period oppidum of the V. (16-20 ha) was at Vermand, at the tip of a plateau above the valley of the Omignon, and needed protection by an earth wall and ditch only to the south and west. The tribal centre, located on an ancient east-west route, declined in importance after the Roman conquest, when the geographical focus of routes shifted to the newly founded civitas capital > Augusta [ro] Viromanduorum, 12 km to the south-east. The oppidum continued to be occupied, however. A new, predominantly industrial quarter (ceramics, glass production) arose adjacent to it to the north-west, at Le Calvaire, which was traversed by the new via Augusta Viromanduorum-Samarobriva. An important cult precinct in the Gallo-Roman tradition, whose origins go back to the middle La-Téne period, and which must be understood as the religious centre of the V., was located on the other bank of the Omignon, at Le Champ des Noyers. Apart from a few epigraphic mentions of V. within and outside their civitas (ILS 2096; 7054; CIL XIII 1465; 1688; 3529; 8341f.), this people left no further traces in the written tradition of the high Imperial Period. The defensive wall of the ancient oppidum was extended in Late Antiquity with > spolia [1] among other things. As Augusta Viromanduorum went into decline, the town enjoyed new prosperity, and was promoted to the status of caput civitatis, bearing the name Viromandis (Notitia Galliarum 6,5). Occupation in all parts of the settlement extends to the end of the 4th cent. Finds indicate a prosperous civilian population, protected from the beginning of the 4th cent. by a garrison partly consisting of Germanic mercenaries and their families. Vir-

457

458

omandis is famous for its six burial grounds from Late Antiquity and esp. for the magnificently furnished tomb of the so-called chef militaire, whose grave-gifts point to an eastern Germanic group of peoples with a strong Pontic-Danubian tradition [1; 2] (on Germanic and Sar-

matian troops in the area of the V.: Not. Dign. Occ. 42,65; 42,67). After the bishopric, that was acquired in Late Antiquity, was lost to Noviomagus [4] (probably in AD 531), Viromandis declined in importance. 1 D.ScHorscn, The Vermand Treasure, in: Metropolitan Museum Journal 21, 1986, 17-40 ~=2 C. voN CARNaP-

BORNHEIM, Kaiserzeitliche germanische Tradition im Fundgut des “Chef militaire” in Vermand, in: T. FISCHER (ed.), Germanen beiderseits des spatantiken Limes, 1999, 41-61.

R.BEpon, Atlas des villes, bourgs, villages de France au passé romain, 2001, 321 f.; J.-L.CoLzart, Le déplacement du chef-lieu des V. au Bas-Empire 4 Vermand, in: Revue archéologique de Picardie 3/4, 1984, 245-258; Id., Vermand,

in: J.P. Perrr, M.ManaIN

(eds.), Atlas des

agglomerations secondaires de la Gaule Belgique et des Germanies, 1994, 230 f. (No. 269). F.SCH.

Virtue (&geti/arete; ‘fitness’, ‘excellence’; Latin virtus). A. ARCHAIC PERIOD B. SOCRATES, PLATO, ARISTOTLE C. HELLENISTIC AND ROMAN LOSOPHY D. CHRISTIANITY

PHI-

A. ARCHAIC PERIOD The term ‘virtue’ has pre-philosophical and philosophical meanings. Pre-philosophical conceptions (in, for example, Greek epic and Archaic elegy, historiography and the Attic orators) correspond to a heroic and political ethics, whose main characteristics are practical wisdom and courage as well as the pursuit of fame and the avoidance of shame. On the other hand, the Delphic Maxims, ascribed to the — Seven Sages, proclaim ‘know yourself’, ‘nothing to excess’. The transformation from unquestioned traditional morality to philosophical reflection in the 6th and 5th cents. was a result of increasing complexity in the social order. Otherwise intractable conflicts could be resolved by the establishment of transindividual norms (e.g. Solon’s eunomia (> Solon [1])). The emergence of the notion that the soul (psyche; > Soul, theory of the) is the true seat of responsibility led to an internalization of morality; actions are no longer judged by their result but by their intention. The fundamental distinction between external and internal goods is first discussed by ~ Heraclitus I [1] (22 B 119 DK) and + Democritus [1] (68 B 171 DK). Certain > Sophists attacked traditional morality as mere convention (mdmos) and made the natural, unrestrained satisfaction of desire (émOvupic/ epithymia and mheove&ia/pleonexia) into the measure of [4], e.g. — Antiphon (eudaimonia; + happiness + Thrasymachus; Pl. Grg. 482e-3e; Thuc. 5,105,2).

VIRTUE

B. SocraTES, PLATO, ARISTOTLE

The Socratic question of how one should live leads to further self-examination: instead of wealth, prestige or other external goods, a person’s primary concern should be striving for the perfection of his (or her) own soul (epimeleisthai tés psychés, Pl. Ap. 29d-e; 36c). ~» Socrates [2] sought to learn, in conversation with others, what virtue is, what kind of knowledge it is, and whether it can be taught. Socrates’ inquiry into the nature of virtue already implies an > ethics of dialogue. > Plato [1], further intellectualized and ‘moralized’the concept of virtue. He also developed the influential schema of the four cardinal virtues: wisdom (oodia/ sophia or edvyouc/phroénésis), courage (dvdeeia/ andreia), self-mastery (owheootvn/ sophrosyne), justice (Stxatoobvn/dikaiosyné, Resp. 427¢ ff.; 442b-d); in Cicero’s Latin sapientia or prudentia, fortitudo, temperantia and iustitia. In Plato and, more clearly, later in

~+ Middle Platonism and + Neoplatonism, the human and the divine good (t6 d&ya0d6v/t6 agath6n) coincide (Pl. Resp. so5d-e): the goal is to fulfil man’s intellectual nature by the assimilation to the divine (Pl. Tht. 176a-b; Plotaus257)s Aristotle (> Aristoteles [6]) draws a distinction be-

tween ethical (@.xH/ethike) and intellectual (Suavontixr/dianoétike) virtue (Aristot. Eth. Nic. 6). He does not confine the former to the four cardinal virtues, but includes, for example, generosity (\evOeQuotys/ eleutheriotés), greatness of soul (ueyakowuxia/megalopsychia), and truthfulness (cf. GAn@evtxdc/alétheutik6és; Aristot. Eth. Nic. 3,6-9; 4). He conceives of the ethical virtues as intermediacy (mesdtés) between excess and deficiency. Aristotle returns in part to the older ethics and its practical conception of the wise life: happiness is comprised not only of the goods of the soul, but also the bodily and external goods. Virtue is not acquired primarily by insight, but by habituation (éthos; Aristot. Eth. Nic. 1103a-b).

C. HELLENISTIC AND ROMAN PHILOSOPHY The Hellenistic schools of philosophy further debated on whether virtue alone is sufficient for happiness, or if other goods are also necessary. In > Stoicism, virtue is the sole constituent of happiness: the virtuous life is in accordance with nature and reason (kat’ empeirian ton physei symbainonton zén, Diog. Laert. 7,87). For > Epicurus, the greatest good is no longer virtue, but > pleasure (hédoné). Virtue thus becomes a means

to happiness, rather than being constitutive of it. Accordingly, the > Epicurean School strove primarily for freedom from fear and guilt. The Roman concept of virtue fused traditional Roman morality with Greek philosophical conceptions. Derived from vir (‘man’), virtus initially signified ‘manliness’, ‘courage’ (fortitudo: Cic. Tusc. 2,18). The ‘pre-philosophical’ striving of the Roman elite for glory merged with the Stoic conception of virtue mediated by ~ Panaetius [4]. Cicero further developed this fusion, with virtues such as trustworthyness (fides) and devo-

VIRTUE

tion to parents and family (pietas); his understanding of Roman virtue was fundamentally political (Cic. Off. 1,153; Rep. 1,22). Especially in > Seneca [2], > Epictetus [2], > Plutarchus [2] and + Marcus [II 2] Aurelius, Socratic self-examination was fostered by new and more refined means of self-formation, and taught as + popular philosophy. D. CHRISTIANITY Christianity adopted the four cardinal virtues, while (x Cor 13) complementing and transforming them with the specifically Christian virtues of faith (siotic, + pistis, Latin fides), hope (é\nic/elpis, Latin spes) and love (&yann/— agapé, Latin caritas). Essential components of virtue were now obedience (LXX: émaxedaotc/ epakroasis, vulg. Latin: oboedientia), humility (tamewopooovvn/tapeinophrosyné, Latin humilitas) and penitence (uet&voio/metdnoia, Latin paenitentia). Stoicism in particular was absorbed by the Church Fathers through the mediation of Cicero and Seneca. Of lasting historical significance was the influence of Cicero’s De officiis on — Ambrosius. — Augustine adopted the cardinal virtues as forms of love toward God. The notion, not wide-spread in Antiquity, that virtue was not a human achievement but a gift from God, was given new meaning and justification in Christian theology in respect of specifically Christian virtues. — Conscience; — Ethics; > Happiness; — Political Philosophy; — Practical Philosophy; > Soul, theory of the; — STOICISM; > PRACTICAL PHILOSOPHY A.W.

H.

Apxins,

Merit

and

Responsibility,

1960;

F. ALEssE, La Stoa e la tradizione socratica, 2000; J. AN-

Nas, The Morality of Happiness, 1993; F.BOouRRIOT, Kalos Kagathos — Kalokagathia, 1995; M. CANTO-SPERBER, Ethiques grecques, 2001; K. J. Dover, Greek Popular Morality in the Time of Plato and Aristotle, *1994; S.EvERSON (ed.), Companions to Ancient Thought, vol. 4, 1998; R.GEIGER, Dialektische Tugenden, 2006; C. GILL, Personality in Greek Epic, Tragedy and Philosophy, 1996; id. (ed.), Virtue, Norms, and Objectivity, 2005.; P. Hapot, Exercises spirituels et philosophie antique, 31993, 13-75 (English translation 1995); Cu. Horn, Antike Lebenskunst, 1998, 113-145; D.S. HuTcHInson, The Virtues of Aristotle, 1986; B. INwoop, Ethics and Human Action in Early Stoicism, 1985; Id., Getting to Goodness, in: Id., Reading Seneca: Stoic Philosophy at Rome, 2005, p. 271-301.; T. Irwin, Plato’s Ethics, 1995; W. A. MEEK, The Origins of Christian Ethics, 1993;

P.Mursi,

Epicurus’

Ethical

Theory,

1988;

M.Ni11, Morality and Self-Interest in Protagoras, Antiphon and Democritus, 1995; R.Sorasyi, Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation to Christian Temptation, 2000; P.STEMMER, s. v. T. (I.), HWdPh ro, 1998,

1532-1548; G.STRIKER, Essays in Hellenistic Epistemology and Ethics, 1996; M. Vecertt, L’etica e la filosofia antica, 1989.

Virtus. essence age (on concept

460

459

RR.

The Latin word virtus generally refers to the of ‘man’ (vir), expressed in particular as courother meanings, cf. + Virtue). However, as a

of social and ethical values, the Latin virtus

translated the Greek areté. In Christian usage, too, virtus comprises many different ‘virtues’ (Aug. Civ. 4,20). At Rome, V. was honoured as the goddess of ‘manfulness’, at first in association with + Honos. The circumstances of temple foundations and the cultic iconography of V. on Republican and Imperial coins (a helmeted female figure with a lance, her foot often resting on spoils of war) suggest a close connection with war and warfare. In 222 BC, M. > Claudius [I 11] Marcellus vowed a temple to V. and Honos before the Battle of Clastidium, but the votum (— Votive offerings [II]) was only completed in 208 (Liv. 27,25,7-9) and the temple in front of the Porta Capena at Rome was finally dedicated in 205 BC (Liv. 29,11,14). It is probable that a cella with a cultic image of V. was simply added to an existing Temple of Honos, which had been built on the orders of Q. > Fabius [I 28] Maximus Rullianus in the

late 4th cent. BC. A second temple of Honos and V. in front of the Porta Collina was commissioned after 133 BC by P. > Cornelius [I 70] Scipio Africanus. Very close by was a statue of V., which was struck by lightning in 38 BC (CIL VI 3735; Cass. Dio 48,43,4). C. > Marius [I x] had a third temple built with the booty from his victories against the Cimbri on what would later be the site of the Arch of Titus (Cic. Div. 1,59). Pompey (+ Pompeius [I 3] Magnus) also had V. honoured, alongside other deities, in the temple that formed part of the theatre complex he had built. V. was one of the four ‘Virtues’ with which Augustus was honoured in 27 BC (R. Gest. div. Aug. 34,2), but V. appears seldom in Imperial coinage before AD 69. — Personification; > Virtue W.EIsSENHUT, V. Romana, 1973; R. Fears, The Theology of Victory at Rome, in: ANRW II 17.2, 1981, 736-826 (esp. 747f.); Id., The Cult of Virtues, in: ANRW II 17.2, 1981, 827-948,

(esp. 859-861); T.GANSCHOW,

s.v. V.,

LIMC 8.1, 273-281; L.RICHARDSON, Honos et V. and the Sacra Via, in: AJA 82, 1978, 240-246; A.ZI01KOWSKI, The Temples of Mid-Republican Rome, 1992, 58f. D.WAR.

Virtutes dicendi (Ggetai AeEews/aretai léxeds, ‘virtues of verbal expression’). I. TERMINOLOGY AND SYSTEM

II. DEVELOPMENT

I. TERMINOLOGY AND SYSTEM The ancient teaching of the best use of linguistic tools (VD) pertains to the field of elocution (> elocutio, AtEc/léxis or pecors/phrasis), and proceeds on the

premise of an attainable ideal, either intrinsically (in terms of the aesthetics of production) as the fulfilment of the regulations of a - techne (Latin ars) or extrinsically (in terms of the aesthetics of reception) as a successful process of persuasion (persuadere, meiew/ peithein; Quint. Inst. 2,15,12; [8]). In the course of the establishment of a rhetorical ars, the optimum elocution could no longer be measured solely by the orator’s actual persuasive success, but also had to include an immanent system of rules or an accepted linguistic

461

462

code. Beside the virtues (virtutes), nical treatises presented the errors or pexQov/psychron, literally ‘cold ed. The main considerations of VD

therefore, the tech(vitia, xaxiovkakiai things’) to be avoidwere linguistic cor-

rectness (latinitas or &\Anvopdc/hellénismos), clarity (perspicuitas, oadivew/sapheéneia, especially using

words

in literal

mgénow/prépon)

meanings), and

ornament

appropriacy

(aptum,

(ornatus,

XOOLOc/

Tradition, 2005. bus dicendi, r912.

VIS

10 J.SrRoux, De Theophrasti virtuti-

Virunum. Italic-Roman trade centre (Noric iron) on the Magdalensberg (1058 m) in Carinthia in Austria, on the eastern edge of the Zollfeld with a sanctuary on the peak of the mountain. The identity of V. with an indigenous Celtic centre, occasionally identified with > No-

kosmos, xataoxevi—kataskeue) (Cic. Orat. 79; Quint.

reia, has yet to be proven. About the middle of the rst

Inst. 8,1,1).

cent. AD, the settlement centre was relocated to the nearby Zollfeld. From the time of Claudius [III 1] a municipium (‘Claudium V.’, Plin. HN 3,16), until the

Il. DEVELOPMENT The polarity of ‘right’ and ‘wrong’ was constituted by Aristotle (+ Aristoteles [6]), as in his Ethics (cf. Aristot. Eth. Nic. r106a 13), as an exclusive, correct mean (uscotns/— mesdtés) between two extremes that were

to be avoided (Aristot. Rh. 1404b 1-4; [9]). This mean comprised the clarity between an excessively banal expression on the one hand and a contrived expression on the other, and it was regulated by appropriacy. Aristotle thus really defined only a single virtus dicendi [r0. 30]. + Theophrastus followed this conception. In his lost treatise Peri lexeos [1. Fr. 681-704], he seems only to have added linguistic correctness to clarity, and to have more closely particularized the Aristotelian demand for alienation with ornatus (cf. [1. fragment 684]: suave et affluens; [5. 251-268, especially 257 f.;

43 2). Subsequently, a graduation of linguistic tools developed, according to the measure of rhetorical context and the referred object in the sense of the aptum. This formed the basis for the > genera dicendi. According to Diog. Laert. 7,59, the Stoics added — brevitas. Dionysius [18] of Halicarnassus (Epist. ad Pompeium 3) distinguished necessary VD — purity of language (to xabaoov/katharén), clarity (oarveva/sapheneia), brevity (ovvtopia/syntomia; cf. Latin — brevitas) — from complementary VD —- distinctness (évdgyevo/ endrgeia), ethical/pathetic representation (ipnouc )0@v/mimesis éthdn), scale/magnificence (to péya xai Oavpactov/te méga kai thaumaston), strength (ioxbc/

ischys), grace, plausibility (fdovi/hédoné, nevOw/ peitho), appropriacy — and in doing so created a differentiated code of evaluation for the prose to be judged. ~» Elocutio; > Literary theory; + Rhetoric 1 W.W. ForTENBAUGH et al. (ed.), Theophrastus of Eresus: Sources for his life, Writings, Thought and Influence, 2 vols., 1992 (with an English translation) 2G.M. A. GruBeE, Theophrastos as a Literary Critic, in: TAPhA 83, 1952, 172-183 3 D.Haceporn, Zur Ideenlehre des 4 G.L. HeNprRicKsoN, The PeripaHermogenes, 1964 tetic Mean of Style and the Three Stylistic Characters, in:

5 D.C. INNES, Theophrastus AJPh 25, 1904, 125-146 and the Theory of Style, in: W.W. FORTENBAUGH et al. (eds.), Theophrastus of Eresus: On his Life and Work,

1985, 251-268 | 6G.A. Kennepy, Theophrastus and Stylistic Distinctions, in: HSPh 62, 1957, 93-104 8 Id., s. v. Persua7 J.Knape, Was ist Rhetorik?, 2000 9 TH. SCHIRREN, Persuasiver sion, HWdR 6, 2002 Enthusiasmus in Rhetorik 3, 7 und bei Ps. Longin, in: J. Kare, TH. SCHIRREN (eds.), Aristotelische Rhetorik-

second half of the 2nd cent. capital of the province of ~ Noricum. Comprehensive excavations since the second half of the 18th cent. have uncovered the city centre with a forum, capitol (with temple), several > insulae, a theatre, a quite large building (governor’s palace?) and several sanctuaries. There are no clear indications of a bishop in V. until the year AD s9r. At the beginning of the 5th cent., the unfortified city declined. G. PiccortrTinI, Alt-V., in: Antike Welt 29, 1998, 185-198; Id., H. Vetrers, Fiihrer durch die Ausgrabungen auf dem Magdalensberg, 51999; H. VeTTERS, s. v. V. (1), RE 9 A, 244-309; G.DoBEscH, Zu V. als Namen der Stadt auf

dem Magdalensberg und zu einer Sage der kontinentalen Kelten, in: Carinthia I, 187, 1997, 107-128. GHW.

Vis. Although vis (lit. ‘force’, ‘exercise of force’) may be understood as a Latin opposite to ius (Cic. Caecin. 5;

+ ius [A 1]), this did not apply without condition, as Roman law also recognized permissible intervention. The permissibility of the violent repulsion of direct, unlawful assault—vim vi repellere licet— was a principle of ius naturale (Dig. 43,16,1,27; cf. Cic. Mil. 10), and was recognized as such in all legal systems (Dig. 9,2,45,4). Occasionally, too, institutionalized legal force was termed vis ac potestas (Dig. 26,1,1 pr. on the tutela). In political rhetoric, mention of the vis tribunicia indicates the possibility of abuse associated with the perception of the official powers of the people’s tribunes (— tribunus [7] plebis) (Cic. Leg. agr. 2,14; Cic. Leg. 3,26; Sall. Hist. 3,48,12). From no later than the early 2nd cent. BC, various praetorian interdicts (— interdictum) forbade the violent acquisition of (land) property (vim fieri veto; Dig. 43,17,1), but protected only the last owner to have been in lawful possession, thus continuing to imply acquiescence in self-defence in other circumstances (Cic. Tull. 44 f.; Cic. Caecin. 92 f.; Gai. Inst. 4,154). In reaction to the violent ownership disputes of the post-Sullan period, an interdict of 69 BC forbade the use of armed gangs without limitation (Cic. Caecin. 23). An appeal (over and above the > lex Aquilia) before > recuperatores against this type of violence was allowed as early as 76 BC (Cic. Tull. 8-12; 41-45). This period also saw the emergence of criminal prosecution for the use of violence directed against the order of the commonwealth. A lex Lutatia (probably 78 BC; + Lutatius [4]) and a lex Plautia de vi (by 63 BC;

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> Plautius [I 1] or [I 12]) also made armed attacks on the Senate or the magistrates, the occupation of public squares by armed men, the damaging of, or setting fire to, public buildings and the raising of mobs for these purposes were made indictable before a (probably per-

MRR 3, 222; D.R. SHACKLETON BaILey, Two Studies in Roman Nomenclature, 1976, 76; 134; G.SUMNER, Review of Shackleton Bailey, Two Studies in Roman No-

vIS

manent) court of jurors ( quaestio) (Cic. Cael. 1; 70;

78; Cic. Sull. 54; Sall. Catil. 31,4 with 27,2; Ascon. p.

55C). Later laws extended these regulations and supplemented them. Although one lex de vi derives from Caesar (Cic. Phil. 1,23), the leges Iuliae de vi mentioned in the Digestae (48,6 and 48,7) are probably attributable to Augustus (probably between 19 and 16 BC). Among the significant innovations, actions of officials, i.e. breaches of the right of provocation (— provocatio; Dig. 48,6,7; Paulus, Sent. 5,26,1), and acts of violence

perpetrated by armed gangs could now also lead to criminal prosecution as vis. No clear criteria in reference to elements of a case (damage to public or private interests), categories of perpetrators (officials or private individuals) or degree of punishment (death penalty or forfeit of a third of assets) can be deciphered in relation to the distinction described in the Digestae between vis publica and vis privata and their supposed treatment by two different laws. Moreover, a series of cases is cited which clearly would only have been considered vis from the 3rd cent. AD, so that it appears that this term later tended to become separated from casuistry and came to encompass any form of violent crime. From the reign of Constantine (— Constantinus [1]) (Cod. Theod. 9,10,1), the term > violentia was used. J.D. CLoup, Lex Iulia de vi, 1988, 579-595; N. S. 67, 1989, Violence in Republican Rome, s. v. Vis, RE 9 A, 3141-347; W.

in: Athenaeum N.S. 66, 427-465; A. W. LINTOTT, 1968; TH. MAYER-MALy, VirzTHuM, Untersuchun-

gen zum materiellen Gehalt der ‘Lex Plautia’ und ‘Lex Julia de vi’, 1966.

menclature, in: CPh 73, 1978, 159-164.

J.BA.

Visentium. City in southern Etruria on the southwestern shore of Lacus Volsiniensis (Lago di Bolsena), modern Monte Bisenzio. The course of the city wall, an aqueduct, shore fortifications and wall remains interpreted as grain stores are the only memorials to Roman V. (municipium; tribus Sabatina).

The city is more important for information it offers on the Etruscan and above all the early Italian Iron Age. Expansive necropoleis (e.g. Olmo Bello, Polledrara, San Bernardino) with rich grave goods of bronze and precious metal are evidence of the significance of the Villanova settlement (> Villanova Culture). Until the founding of > Volsinii Novi, it may have been the relevant place for controlling Lake Bolsena. Later, V. was probably part of the territory of > Tarquinii. A slow decline is observable from the 5th cent. BC onwards; at the latest, the construction of the via Cassia, which no longer reached the city, finally deprived V. of its significance. Mentions of the Visentini or Vesentini in ancient sources can be found e.g. in Plin. HN 3,5,52. > Etrusci, Etruria; > Volsinii E. BorMANN, s. v. V., CIL XI,1 2909-2924

(Ethnikon);

F. DELPINO, s. v. Bisenzio, in: M. CrISTOFANI (ed.), Dizio-

nario illustrato della civilta etrusca, 1985, 38 f.; J.DRIEHAuS,

Ricerche

su un

insediamento

Bisenzio, in: SE 53, 1985, 51-64;

arcaico

a Monte

L. GasPERINI, Nuove

iscrizioni etrusche e latine di ‘V.’, in: Epigraphica 21, 1959, 31-50; U.PAaNNuccl, Bisenzo e le antiche civilta: intorno al Lago di Bolsena, 31989. C.KO.

Vishtaspa, Vistaspa- see > Hystaspes

WN.

Visellius. Roman nomen gentile (+ Gentile) for which there is certain evidence from the 2nd cent. BC onwards (SCHULZE, 256; 4413 445). [1] V. Aculeo, C. Roman equestrian, presumably from Arpinum, who was married to the sister of > Cicero’s mother Helvia [1]. V. was considered a connoisseur of civil law and was quite a close acquaintance of the rhetor L. Licinius [I ro] Crassus (Cic. De or. 1,191; 2,25 2,262; Cic. Brut. 264).

[2] V. Varro, C. (before 103 — before 55 BC). Son (?) of V. [x] and cousin of Cicero (Cic. Brut. 264; Cic. Prov.

cons. 40). V. was in Asia in c. 80 BC as tr. mil. (Cic. Verr. 2,1,71), before 73 qu. (SHERK, 23), perhaps tr. pl. (if author of the Lex Visellia de cura viarum: ILS 5800) and aed. cur. in an unknown year (Cic. Brut. 264; Vitr. 2,8,9; Plin. HN 35,173). The following year, V. who, like his father, was considered learned in legal matters, died during his term in office as index quaestionis (‘investigating judge’; Cic. Brut. 264). Val. Max. 8,2,2 has a ‘scandalous lawsuit’ to tell of.

Visigothic script. The chief minuscule script of the Spanish peninsula from the late 7th cent. AD onwards (+ National scripts; + Minuscule). Although its letter forms are of Roman, rather than Visigothic origin, the modern term Visigothic Script (VS) is justified: the script had already developed before the Arab conquest of the kingdom of the > Visigoths; their descendants used it for a long time afterwards. From the gth cent. onwards, VS was superseded by Carolingian minuscule in Catalonia and disappeared entirely in the 12th cent. (alternative view in [1]). VS bears a striking resemblance to the script of a number of Latin MSS from the Monastery of Saint Catharine on Mount Sinai (—> Sinai Script), which presumably were copied either on the Sinai peninsula itself or in northern Africa. It can hence be assumed that VS was indigenous not only to the Iberian peninsula but also — and perhaps even earlier among the Latin-speaking Christians of northern Africa. All the letters of VS — with the exception of g and ncan be derived from half-uncial; even the particularly characteristic uncial form of g could have its origin in its

465

466

variants. The script exhibits a strong influence of Roman cursive (-> Writing styles II 3) (primarily in the

first, but the + foedus concluded by King — Vallia with + Constantius [6] III in 418 then formed the foundation of the Kingdom of -» Tolosa (modern Toulouse; 5th cent.). In 419, with the assent of the council of the seven provinces of southern Gaul, the V. were stationed in the province of - Aquitania II and in some civitates of the provinces of Novempopulana and -> Narbonensis. Under Theoderic I (+ Theodericus [1]) and his sons, the Visigoths became the dominant force north of the Alps. Theoderic I played a major role in - Aetius’ [5] victory over the Huns (-* Hunni) in AD 451 on the + Campi Catalauni. In 455, his son, Theoderic II

-~ ligatures of e after c, m, n, r, s and x, and of t with a subsequent e, / or r). Other noteworthy letters are: an open 4, which is easily confused with u; both uncial and half-uncial d; a rising i at the beginning of a word (not, however, when another elongated letter follows) and in the middle of a word as a semi-consonant (e.g. in eius);

t, the left half of whose horizontal bar continues in a curve to the base line and is connected at the upper end with the shaft — the right half of the bar is is added only at the end; and, lastly, a long narrow v. From the middle of the roth cent. onwards (at least in northern non-lIs-

lamic regions), a graphic distinction was made between the ti ligatures for assibilated and non-assibilated sounds, with the i being extended below the base line for the assibilated sound. Further cursive variants of VS were also in use, primarily in documents, short texts and marginalia. For titles, subscriptions (> Subscriptio) and other special purposes, the scribes of VS used older Roman scripts, particularly the Capitalis Rustica (— Capital scripts), which was also used as the basis for a characteristic Visigothic decorative alphabet. 1 A.M. Munp6o, La datacion de los cédices liturgicos visigoticos toledanos, in: Hispania Sacra 18, 1965, I-25 (w. 16 plates).

B. BiscHorF, Latin Palaeography: Antiquity and the Middle Ages, tr. by D. O. Croinin & D. Ganz, 1990, 96-99; L.E. Boyte, Paleografia latina medievale. Introduzione bibliografica, 1999, 119-124, 365 (Eng. original: Medi-

eval Latin palaeography: a bibliographical introduction); A.MILLaREs

CarLo,

JM.Ruiz

Asencio,

Tratado

de

paleografia espafiola, 3 vols., 31986; R.P. ROBINSON, Manuscripts 27 (p. 29) and 107 (p. 129) of the Municipal

Library of Autun. A Study of Spanish Half-Uncial and Early Visigothic Minuscule and Cursive Scripts, 1939. JJ-J-

Visigoths. Gothic tribe, at the turn of the 4th/5th cents. AD arisen from the remains of the - Tervingi, also known as the Vesi (the ‘Good/Noble Ones’), who

had settled > Thracia and Moesia (> Moesi) in the 4th cent. (Cassiodorus coined the pair of geographical opposites Ostrogothi-Vesegothil Visigothil Visigothae, understood as ‘Eastern and Western Goths’ in the 6th cent.). The term Vesi is also found referring to the V. in — Sidonius Apollinaris. The Romans’ Gothic > foederati in the Balkans had proclaimed Alaric I (- Alaricus [2]) their king in AD 391. Although their army suffered major losses on a number of occasions in battle against Western Roman forces, it was reinforced by the influx of troops of very diverse origins following the death of - Stilicho in 408, and of Pannonian Goths and Alani under Alaric’s brother-in-law and successor Ataulf (— Ataulfus). In 412, Ataulf led the Gothic army into Gaul. Following his marriage to > Galla [3] Placidia in 414, his attempts to create a kingdom in Gaul and Spain were fruitless at

VISIGOTHS

(+ Theodericus [2]), had his tutor, Eparchius + Avitus [x], proclaimed Emperor of the Western Empire, and later his brother Euric (+ Euricus) came to control Gaul between the Loire, Rhéne and Atlantic, except for the

Basque regions, and from 476 also Provence. His collection of laws, the Codex Euricianus, marked the first time a confederate (foederatus) king functioned as a legislator in the Imperial manner. In Spain, Gothic armies had been operating under Roman commanders from the 460s, but the Chronicle of Zaragoza (> Caesaraugusta) states that Alaric II (> Alaricus [3]) was the

first to establish regular settlements, from AD 497. It was also Alaric II who took decisive steps towards incorporating the majority Roman and Catholic population in 506, with his Breviarium Alaricianum/Lex Romana Visigothorum and the Council of Agde (> Agatha).

Visigothic rule in Gaul ended in 507 with defeat at the hands of the > Franci and > Burgundiones at the Battle of Vouillé, the Franks under Clovis I (+ Chlodovechus) taking power. However, the intervention of the Ostrogoth Theoderic (— Theodericus [3]) at least kept Gothic territorial losses to a minimum. From 511, the Ostrogothic king also ruled the Visigoths until his death in 526. The period of Ostrogothic dominance in the western Gothic kingdom was extended by > Theudis (531-548), only ending with the death of Theudigisel in 549/550. The centre of gravity of Visigothic settlement shifted towards Spain through the first half of the 6th cent., while their territories in Gaul shrank under pressure from the Frankish expansion into the Septimania region (coastal zone of the modern départements of Gard, Hérault, Aude and Pyrénées-Orientales, also the territory between the Garonne, the Pyrenees, the southern Cévennes and the Rh6ne). In 551, the Byzantines Eastern Romans established themselves in the province of Carthaginiensis during the rebellion of the Visigoth Athanagild against the Visigothic King Agila I (549-555); they remained in Spain until 625. Only under > Leowigild (568-586), who also conquered the Suebi in 585/6, and his son + Reccared (586-601), was the Visigothic kingdom again consolidated. The 3rd Council of Toledo (+ Toletum) in 589 brought unity between the Visigoths (no more than 5 % of the population) and the Roman majority in the Catholic faith. From now on, the Church

VISIGOTHS

played a decisive role alongside the monarchy and nobility in determining matters of state. A succession of highly-educated bishops, who were also figures of literary significance, represented the florescence of the culture of late antiquity in Spain at its zenith. Particularly worthy of mention among them are Leander of Seville and his younger brother — Isidorus [9], Braulio of Zaragoza,

~Iulianus [21] of Toledo, Ildefons and + Eugenius [4] II of Toledo and > Iohannes [20] Biclarensis. The royal synods called by the Visigothic king at Toledo also dealt with political issues, and clarified the close interweaving of monarchy and church, which may already have manifested itself in the anointing of King Liuva II in 6or. In spite of the attempt to establish royal election at the Fourth Council of Toledo (IV Toletanum, ch. 75) in 633, the royal succession remained variously subject to attempts at dynastic entrenchment and the morbus Gothorum (‘sickness of the Goths’), i.e. the violent assumption of power by usurpation. Although the Liber Iudiciorum issued in 654 by Recceswinth (653-672) already provided for a territorial law, a converse tendency towards increasingly anti-Semitic legislation had already weakened the internal structure of society in the Visigothic kingdom, e.g. with the compulsory baptism provisions imposed by Sisebut (612-621) in 615. This anti-Semitic tendency reached its zenith in 694 with the legislation of the Visigothic King Egica (687-702), decreeing the enslavement of all Jews in the kingdom. There were tensions between the Visigothic King Roderic (> Rodericus) and the followers of his predecessor, > Witiza at the time of the Arabic invasion under Tariq Abu Zara, and these tensions may have contributed to the defeat in battle against the > Arabs at the Guadalete (23.6.711). Although the last Visigothic resistance was eliminated with the conquest of Narbonne by the Arabs in AD 720, the successful revolt of the Hispano-Gothic aristocrat Pelagius in 722 led to the foundation of the Kingdom of Asturias, and the survival of the Visigothic tradition in the kingdoms of the Reconquista. > Goti; > Gothic script; > Migration of peoples (with maps); Ostrogoths; > Visigothic script V.BIERBRAUER, Archaologie und Geschichte der Goten, in: FMS 28, 1994, 98-134; D.CLaupe, Geschichte der Westgoten, 1970; Id., Adel, Kirche und K6nigtum im Westgotenreich, 1971; R. COLLINS, Early Medieval Spain, *1995; Id., The Arab Conquest of Spain 710-797, 1989;

A. FERREIRO, The Visigoths in Gaul and Spain. A Bibliography, 1988; L.Garcia Moreno, Historia de Espaiia Visigoda, 1989; R.Garcia VILLOSLADA, Historia de la Iglesia en Espafia, 1979; P.HEATHER, The Goths, 1996, 43-633 Id., (ed.), The Visigoths from the Migration Period to the Seventh Century, 1999; P.D. Kinc, Law and Society in the Visigothic Kingdom, 1972; J.ORLANDIS, Historia de Espafia, vol. 4: Epoca Visigoda, 1987; Id., D. Ramos Liss6n, Die Synoden auf der iberischen Halbinsel bis zum Einbruch des Islam, 1981; L.ScHMIDT, Die Ostgermanen, *1941, 221-249; E.A. THompson, The Goths in Spain, 1969; H. WoLFram, Die Goten, 31990, 65-145.

468

467

A.SCH.

Visio Dorothei see > Visionary literature Visionary literature. The visions portrayed in Jewish and Christian visionary literature, which were experienced in dreams or in > ecstasy, described mystical revelation, divine intervention and the eschatological conflict between divine justice and mercy. In the bestknown category, the ‘descent into hell’, a divine being leads a seer to the place where the damned are tormented (Apocalypse of Zephaniah, Apocalypse of Peter, Apocalypse of Paul, see > Paulus [2] III, the original

Greek Apocalypse of Ezra, Latin Visiones Esrae, Acts of Thomas 55-57). Another common feature of these visions is an ascent to heaven (for example in writings originating between the 3rd cent. BC and the 2nd cent. AD: Book of Watchers = 1 Hen 1-36, the parables of > Henoch = 1 Hen 37-71, Apocalypse of Zephaniah, 2 Hen, Apocalypse of Abraham, the ascent of Isaiah to heaven, Testament of Levi, 3 Bar).

The dense images, symbolism and allegorical language of visionary literature often require the interpretation of an intermediary (e.g. an > angel); sometimes the seer speaks directly with God, or the interpretation is left to the reader. Some texts present revelations under the name of a respected authority (> Pseudepigraphy II) such as > Abraham [1], Zephaniah, — Elias [x] or > Ezra [x] (4-6 Ezra). Early Christian writings describe parts or all of the visions of Jesus’ disciples, including John [1], > Maria [II 2] Magdalene, > Petrus [x], Bartholomew and > Thomas [r1]. The Apocalypse of Mary describes the journey of the mother of Jesus (— Maria [II r]) to the Underworld, where she pleads for mercy for the damned. A related work is the Apocalypse of Paul (of earlier origin than the Apocalypse of Mary), which contains startling visions of life after death, paradise and the judgement of the righteous as well as the godless; this work was probably the strongest influence on the ‘descents into hell’ and, together with the Apocalypse of Peter, inspired many popular Christian conceptions of heaven and hell, especially during the Middle Ages (such as DanTE’s Inferno). Also considered to be visionary literature are the visions of + Hermas, the Sibylline Oracles (+ Sibyllini libri), the Book of Elchasai, the recently discovered P Bodmer XXIX and the Latin Visio Dorothei, a vision of the Christian Dorotheus, who is described as a guard of the heavenly palace. Visions are central to several martyr texts (+ Martyrs; > Martyrdom, literature of) such as the account of the martyrdom of > Perpetua and Felicitas. Future research is needed to explore the origins of these writings, their intertextuality and their Jewish or Christian character, as well as to shed light on the question of to what degree these visions are literary depictions of authentic experiences, or whether they merely convey ethical, eschatological, prophetic or political ideas. ~ Afterlife, concepts of; + Apocalypses; + Dreams; + Henoch; > Katabasis; - New Testament Apocrypha; > Testamentary literature;; » Underworld

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EpiT10Ns: F.Bovon, P.GEo.rRAIN, Ecrits apocryphes chrétiens, vol. 1, 1997; J.H. CHARLEsworRTH, The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, vol. 1, 1983; W. SCHNEEMELCHER, Neutestamentliche Apokryphen, vol. 1, °1999; vol.

VITA GREGORI.

the - Mare Suebicum to > Carnuntum and Aquilea [1] (Plin. HN 37,45). S. GUTENBRUNNER, Ss. v. V., RE 9 A, 364 f.

GHW.

2, 1989.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: E. BENZ, Die Vision, Erfahrungsformen und Bilderwelt, 1969; P.DINZELBACHER, Vision und Visionsliteratur im MA, 1981; M. HIMMELFARB, Tours of Hell, 1985. AGB.

Vistilia [1] Probably a daughter of Sex. -> Vistilius. Married to the senator Titedius Labeo. In AD 19, she declared herself before the aediles to be a prostitute, in order to

avoid being punished under the Lex Iulia de adulteriis (+ Adulterium). She was banished to the island of Seriphos (Tac. Ann. 2,85,2). W.Eck, s. v. V., RE Suppl. 14, 910 f.; SyYME, RP 2, 811.

[2] Probably a sister of Sex. + Vistilius. Plin. HN. 7,39 mentions her six marriages, from which six children resulted; while the husbands cannot all be precisely identified, the children are known: Glitius [3], probably the son of Glitius [2] Gallus; Q. Pomponius [II 18] Secundus and P. Pomponius Secundus; Orfitus, probably the father of the consul for AD 51 of the same name (> Cornelius [II 50]); P. Suillius [3] Rufus and > Milonia Caesonia (see appendices). Pliny particularly mentions that she gave birth to most of her children by the seventh month. W.Ecxk, s. v. V., RE Suppl. 14, 911; SYME, RP 2, 811-814. W.E.

Vistilius. Sex. V. Senator at the time of Augustus and Tiberius who rose to the rank of praetor; from Iguvium. Closely connected with Nero Claudius [II 24] Drusus the Elder, he was received by > Tiberius [II 1] into his circle of amici (> Amicitia). Repudiated by Tiberius be-

cause of a pamphlet against Caligula he had allegedly written he took his life (Tac. Ann. 6,9,2). Probably a brother of Vistilia [2], father of Vistilia [1]. SYME, RP 2, 810 f.

Visurgis. River which, according to Ptol. 2,11,1 (Ovvwoveytoc/Ouisourgios) in combination with 2,11,5, rises on + Mons Melibocus [2. 560], modern river Weser; for the etymology cf. [1. 366 f.]. In 12 BC, Nero Claudius [II 24] (Drusus the Elder) arrived by sea in the land of the Chauci between the Amisia [1] (modern Ems) and the V. (Cass. Dio 5 4,32,2). In rx BC, he advanced by land against the Cherusci and the Chauci to the V., without crossing it (Cass. Dio 5 4,33,1-3). It was not until 9 BC that he advanced over the V. as far as the Albis (modern Elbe) and is supposed to have established among other things praesidia atque custodia (‘defensive buildings and watch-posts’) on the V. (Flor. Epit. 2,30,26). After him, Tiberius [1] also reached or crossed the V. presumably in 8/7 BC (cf. Vell. Pat. 2,97,4), certainly in AD 4/5 during his second command in Germany (Vell. Pat. 2,105,1; 2,106,2; Cass. Dio

55,28,5).

In AD

9, —> Quinctilius

[II 7] Varus,

marching from the V. to the Rhenus [2] (modern Rhine), fell into an ambush which led to the defeat of the Roman army (Cass. Dio 56,18,5). After that, the V.

was not reached or crossed again until AD 16 (Tac. Ann. 2,9 f.; 2,12,1 describes a.o. a probably fictitious dispute between > Arminius and Flavus [1] on the V.) and a battle was fought at > Idistaviso on the V. (Tac. Ann. 2,16,1) with success for Rome. It seems that after Germanicus [2] was recalled, no other Roman army

reached the V. The probably almost entirely navigable river was doubtlessly of economic significance as a communications route for both local and trans-regional trade. 1 S. GUTENBRUNNER, W.JOHN, s. v. V., RE9 A, 366-371

2 G. Cu. Hansen, Ptolemaios (commentary), in: J.HERRMANN (ed.), Griechische und lateinische Quellen zur Frihgeschichte Mitteleuropas, vol. 3, 1991, 553-587. H.-W. Goetz,

K.-W.Wetwe!

(eds.), Altes Germanien,

1995.

RA.WL.

W.E.

Vita Vistula (Ottotovha/Ouistoula). The main river in modern Poland (Amm. Marc. 22,8,38: Bisula; Plin. HN 4,81; 97; 100: Vistla, Visculus; derived from IndoEuropean *vis = ‘to flow’: Germanic * Wistlo, Slavonic Visla), German Weichsel, Polish Wista. The V.’s source rivers, the Black and White Vistula, rise in the Jablunka mountains in the western Beskids, accurately given in Ptol. 2,11,4; 3,5,5 as in the east of the Asciburgium mountains. Its wide-branching delta (modern Bay of Gdansk) formed a natural gateway for immigrants from Scandiae (-> Scadinavia). For the geographers of the period of Augustus (cf. Mela 3,33), the V. is the eastern limit of the Germanic area of settlement. The course of the V. formed part of the Amber Road from

see

— Autobiography;

— Biography;

—> Vitae

Sanctorum

Vita Gregorii. The first life of - Gregorius [3] the Great is an Anglo-Saxon MS from the first half of the gth cent. AD in the monastery library of Sankt Gallen (Switzerland) [1.182]. It is a text on 18 leaves, which was copied by various scribes with numerous corrections and errors and which must trace back to a > biography by a monk from Whitby in England [2]. Long fallen into oblivion, the VG was for the most part known only from a mention in the text by Iohannes Diaconus with the same title (PL 75, 61). From the first

collected edition of the early lives of Gregory in 1904 [3] the question arises of the dependencies of Johannes

VITA GREGORII.

472

471

and - Paulus [4] Diaconus, > Beda Venerabilis and the VG - the last two cite details from the > Liber Pontificalis. The 33 chapters of the VG were most likely written as readings for the feast days of Saint Gregory and contain eulogies (e.g. the accounts of miracles) and instructive texts (legends or sayings by Gregory). The anonymous author emphasizes the purely oral sources on which his work is based. According to information in the text, the VG must have been written between AD 680 and 714 and is therefore one of the earliest AngloSaxon literary works. + Gregorius [3]; > Hagiography

Vita Sanctae Melaniae. The Vita Mariae Senatricis is

1 G. SCHERRER, Verzeichnis der Handschriften der Stiftsbibliothek von St. Gallen, 1875 2 P.Ewa.p, Die alteste

the earliest surviving detailed Latin > biography of a woman [3.15 6f.]. It has not been clarified whether the Latin text [1], not published until 1905, is an original or a translation of a Greek version [2]. In either case the work was written in Palestine by a priest named Gerontius shortly after the death of the younger > Melania [2] (died 3x December 439 in Jerusalem). It describes the asceticism of this rich Roman woman [4] of senatorial status who is travelling and making donations against the background of profound general religious and social upheaval [5]. > Hieronymus’ biographical letter on > Paula (Hier. Epist. 108 Epitaphium Sanctae Paulae) is the main literary model for the VSM [3.15 6-

Biographie Gregors I., 1886,17-54 3 F.A. GASQUuET, A Life of Pope St. Gregory the Great, 1904.

+ Woman IV.; > Hagiography; — Vitae Sanctorum

B. CotGraveE, The earliest Life of St. Gregory the Great, in: Celt and Saxon 1963, 119-137.

Vita patrum Iurensium (‘Lives of the Jura Fathers’). A Latin biographical series describing the lives of the abbots Romanus, Lupicinus and Eugendus, founders of the monasteries of Condat (= St. Oyend, St. Claude), St. Lupicin and RomainmOtier in Burgundian Jura mountains (Ed.: [1; 2]). They lived at the turn of the 5/6th cent. and were part of the Rhéne monasticism influenced by the monastery of Lérins [3]. [1] considered the trilogy to be a 9th cent. forgery; more recent scholarship has argued for a date around 520 [2.53-57]. ~ Hagiography; > Vitae Sanctorum EDITIONS: 1B.KRuSCH, Passiones vitaeque sanctorum aevi Merovingici et antiquiorum aliquot (MGH Scriptores rerum Merovingicarum 3), 1910 (repr. 1979), 131-166 2 F. MarrTIngE, Vie des péres du Jura, 1968. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 3 F. PRINZ, Friihes Monchtum im Fran-

kenreich, 1965, 66-69.

W.B.

Vita Sanctae Genovefae. The VSG (ed.: [x]) tells, in a long-winded and often solecistic form, how, during the advances of the Hunni (in 451) and the Franks [4] on Paris in the midst of the collapse of Roman culture, belief in the miraculous flourished in every corner [2]. Genovefa (‘the magic woman’), virgin and friend to many in need, died in 502. The author’s assertion to have written the vita 18 years later, is taken seriously again by modern scholars [3; 5]. ~ Hagiography; — Miracles EDITIONS: 1B.Kruscn, Passiones vitaeque sanctorum aevi Merovingici et antiquiorum aliquot (MGH Scriptores rerum Merovingicarum 3), 1910 (repr. 1979), 215-238.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: chenstil

im

2 W.BERSCHIN, Biographie und Epo-

lateinischen

MA,

vol.

2,

1988,

8-14

159]. EDITIONS:

1M.RAMPOLLA DEL TINDARO, Santa Mela-

nia Giuniore: senatrice Romana, 1905 2 D.Gorcg, Vie de sainte Mélanie (with Fr. transl.), 1962. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 3 W.BERSCHIN, Biographie und Epochenstil im lateinischen MA, vol. 1, 1986 4 B.FEICHTINGER, Apostolae apostolorum, 1995, 227-232 5 CH. KruMEIcH, Hieronymus und die christliche feminae clarissimae, 1993, I17-153. W.B.

Vita Sancti Alexii. The VSA is an originally Syrian story about Mar Riscia, a ‘man of God’ who died [1]

under the bishop > Rabbula of Edessa [2] (412-435). Before his death the ascetic Mar Riscia related that as a son of a rich Roman family he had fled to Edessa to avoid marriage and dedicate himself to God (‘Alexius motif’; > Alexius). Before the 9th cent. a Greek version [2] came into being in which Alexius returned to Rome and lived unrecognised in his parents’ house. The first Latin versions appeared in the roth cent. [3; 4]. The man of God acquired a symbolic name (Alexios = ‘defender’). The pathos of legend is dominant in the last phase of the Vita where the saint is made to live under the staircase of his parents’ house [5.169-171]. Alexius plays a part in the 12th cent. Poverty Movement: his legend was a decisive factor in the conversion of the merchant Petrus Waldes, the founder of the Waldensians. — Vitae Sanctorum EpiTions: 1A.Amiaup, La légende syriaque de saint Alexis Phomme de dieu, 1889 2 F.M. EsTEvEs PEREIRA,

Legende grecque de homme de Dieu saint Alexis, in: Analecta Bollandiana 19, 1900, 241-253 3 J.BotLANDUS et al. (ed.), Acta Sanctorum Iulii, vol. 7.4 (= 33),

1725 (repr. 1868), 251-253 4U.MOLK, Die 4lteste lateinische Alexiusvita, in: Romanistisches Jahrbuch 27,

1976/77, 304-315.

3 M. HEINZELMANN, J.-C. Poutin,

Les vies anciennes de

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

Sainte Genevieve de Paris, 1986

4 J.-C.PouLin, Gene-

chenstil im lateinischen MA, vol. r, 1986.

viéve, Clovis et Remi, in: Clovis. Histoire et mémoire, 1997, 331-348 5S%.WITTERN, Frauen, Heiligkeit und

Macht. Lateinische Frauenviten, 1994.

WB.

5 W.BERSCHIN, Biographie und EpoWB.

Vitae Sanctorum (‘saints’ lives’), an important genre of hagiographic literature. The VS enjoy a special position among the documents concerning early Christian ~ saints (B.) and their veneration. From the point of

che

474

view of the literary genre, they belong to the -> biography (‘spiritual biography’: [5.8]), but they can also assume features of other Greek and Roman > literary genres (such as the novel), as well as of biblical stories.

Modern scholars favour the term ‘hagiographic discourse’, which includes numerous types of texts and shows, in its function and structure, numerous points of contact with contemporary Greek and Roman literature [7.152, 159-164]. The beginnings of VS are closely related with the early Christian accounts of martyrs (> Acta sanctorum; > Passio). A good example is one of the earliest saints’ lives, the biography of bishop Cyprianus [2] of Carthago (CPL 52). F.Lotrrer made a rough distinction of two basic forms of VS (cf. [7.153]): on the one hand, there is the rhetorical-idealizing type of Christian — biography (III.), which is strongly indebted to the contemporary Greek and Roman model but obtains, by its author’s personal modelling, a specifically Christian character [7-164]. On the other hand, there is the hagiographicconventionalized type of saints’ lives, which is also found in collections (e.g. -* Historia Monachorum in Aegypto: CPG 5620, Historia Lausiaca by > Palladius {I 3]: CPG 6036), and constitutes the origin of hagiographic legend. The earliest VS tell mostly of ascetics. Their form and content were patterned on the Vita Antonii (the life of > Antonius A. [5]) by > Athanasius (CPG 2101), whose model (philosophers’ lives?) and genre are disputed (cf. [7.161-163]). At the end of the 4th cent., — Hieronymus wrote a hagiographic trilogy comprising the novella-like lives of Paulus of Thebes and Malchus, as well as the life of Hilarius, which comes close to being a > novel. Lives of early Christian women ascetics are narrated by — Gregorius [I 2] of Nyssa (Vita Macrinae/‘Life of + Macrina’: CPG 3166) and Gerontius (+ Vita Sanctae Melaniae Iunioris, ‘Life of St. Melania [2] the Younger’: CPL 2211). In the 6th cent., + Cyrillus [3] of Scythopolis wrote important monks’ biographies. Among the likewise early attested bishops’ biographies, important works are those of + Gregorius [x 2] of Nyssa (Vita Gregorii Thaumaturgi, ‘Life of + Gregorius[I 1] Thaumaturgus’: CPG 3184), Sulpicius [II 14] Severus (Vita Martini Turonensis, ‘Life of ~ Martinus[r] of Tours’: CPL 475), — Palladius [I 3] (Dialogus de vita Ioannis Chrysostomi/‘Dialogue on the life of Iohannes [4] Chrysostomos’: CPG 6037), + Paulinus [3] of Milan (Vita Ambrosii, ‘Life of + Ambrosius’: CPL 169) and — Possidius (Vita Augustini, ‘Life of + Augustinus’: CPL 358). The huge amount of VS, not least in the languages of the Christian East (e.g. the Life of St. + Rabbula of Edessa) — over 3000 titles having been attested for the Greek area alone — are accessible through catalogues [2-4]. + Acta Sanctorum; > Biography III.; + Hagiography; — Literature VI.; > Passio; > Saints EDITIONS:

1CH. MOHRMANN

(ed.), Vite dei santi, 4

2 Bibliotheca hagiovols., 1974-1975 (with It. transl.) graphica latina (BHL), 2 vols., 1898-1901 (repr. 1992);

VITELLIA

vol. 3 (Suppl.), 1986

3 Bibliotheca hagiographica graeca

(BHG), $1957 (repr. 1985), with Novum Auctarium 1984

4 Bibliotheca hagiographica orientalis (BHO) rgro, repr. 1954. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 5 G,Barpy, s.v. Biographies spirituelles, Dictionnaire de Spiritualité 1, 1932, 1624-1634 6 T.BAUMEISTER,

s.v. Vita, in: $.D6pp, W.GEERLINGS

(eds.), Lexikon der antiken christlichen Literatur, 1998, 629-632 (bibl.) 7 M.VAN UyTFANGHE, s.v. Heiligenverehrung, RAC 14, 150-183 8 Id., s.v. Biographie II (spirituelle), RAC Suppl. 1, 2001, 1088-1364 (esp. rr71— 1364) 9D.VON DER NAHMER, Die lateinische Heiligenvita, 1994.

JRL

Vitalianus. Flavius V., Byzantine army leader, who rebelled in AD 513 because of the lack of supplies for his troops, but also because, as a supporter of the Christology of the Synod of Calchedon (> Synodos II. D.4.), he was opposed to the monophysite emperor — Anastasius [1] I (+ Monophysitism). When in 514 V. had brought under his control Anastasius’ nephew > Hypatius [4], who had been sent against him with an army, he consented to free him for a large ransom and, in return for being appointed — magister militum per Thracias and the emperor’s backing down on the question of belief, to bring his rebellion to an end. When Anastasius did not summon a promised synod, however, V. attakked Constantinople again in 515 and until the death of the emperor remained his embittered opponent. Appointed magister militum praesentalis in 518 and consul in 520 under Anastasius’ successor > Iustinus [1] I, he was killed in 520 at the instigation of the later emperor > lustinianus [1] I. PLRE 2, 1171-1176.

FT.

Vitalis. Army leader in the war between the Eastern Roman empire and the Goths in Italy, recorded only in — Procopius [3] (Goth. 3,10,2) under the name Butétc/

Bitdlis as magister militum per Illyricum c. AD 539544. PLRE 3, 1380 f., no. x (s. v. Vitalius). ET,

Vitellia [1] Daughter of the emperor —> Vitellius [II 2] who married her to Valerius [II 2] Asiaticus, governor of the province of Belgica in the year AD 69 (Tac. Hist. 1,59,2). After the death of her father, she was spared by Vespasian and married to a person of high social status. RAEPSAET-CHARLIER 640, no. 817.

W.E.

[2] Township in Latium, assumed to be at modern Civitella, first literary mention in connection with the events around - Coriolanus (Liv. 2,39,4: Vetelia). The Vitel-

lienses were considered to be among the peoples of the Albenses (Plin. HN 3,69; > Latini). Conquered by the + Aequi in 393 BC (Liv. 5,29,3). The place name has been preserved in the name of the gens V. (> Vitellius), their family goddess V. and the name of a road (via V.) which ran from the > Ianiculum to the south-west of Rome, to the campus Salinarum (Suet. Vit. 1,2 f.). NISSEN 2, 543, 602.

GU.

VITELLIUS

476

475

Vitellius. Roman nomen gentile, in the form > Vitellia also a place name, diminutive of > Vitulus (thus [1)). The information on the early history of the family in Suet. Vit. 1,1-3 is fictitious. I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD II. IMPERIAL PERIOD I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD {I 1] The name is first recorded in the late Republican period. Therefore, the Vitellii fratres, who wanted to topple the young Republic with the Aquilii fratres (+ Aquillius [I r]) in 509 BC according to annalistic tradition (Liv. 2,4,1-3; Plut. Publicola 3,4), are fictitious; likewise fictitious is the wife of the founder of the Republic L. — Iunius [I 4] Brutus, Vitellia (Suet. Vit. T32))e 1 WALDE/HOFMANN 2, 807.

IJ. IMPERIAL PERIOD [I 1] A. V. Son of V. [II 5], brother of V. [II 3], [II 6] and [II 8]. Admission to the Senate perhaps first under Tiberius [1]. It is only possible that CIL VI 879 refers to him if an error in the information regarding his father is accepted; otherwise the person named there was his son. Cos. suff. in AD 32; according to Suet. Vit. 2,2, he died during his consulate, which, remarkably, is not mentioned in the > Fasti Ostienses. Suet. Vit. 2,2 calls him famosusque cenarum magnificentia (‘notorious for the magnificence of his table’). {fl 2] A. V. Roman emperor in AD 69 (— Year of four emperors). Son of V. [II 3] and > Sextilia, brother of V. {II 4]; born on 7 or 24 September AD 12 or 15. V. was first married to Petronia, then to Galeria [2] Fundana; children: Vitellia [1], V. [II 9] and [II ro]. From the beginning, his life was closely connected with that of the currently reigning ruler, not least through his father, who was a close confidant of Tiberius [II 1] and Claudius [III 1]. V. stayed with Tiberius on Capri and had contact with Caligula, allegedly because of his skill as a charioteer (V. was a follower of the factio Veneta, — Factiones II). No offices are known before his time as cos. ord. in 48, apart from his membership in the + Arvales fratres. In AD 60/1, he was probably proconsul of Africa; in the following year, he supposedly remained there as the legate of his brother. His administration as governor was highlighted with praise by Suetonius [2] (Vit. 5). As curator operum publicorum (> cura [2]) in Rome, he is supposed to have replaced valuable objects in the temples with forgeries. He was sent to Germania inferior by > Galba in the autumn of 68, where he took office on 1 December. He immediately visited all troop units in his territory, whose attitude toward Galba was very critical. Thus the foundation for the future was probably already laid, so that the acclamation by the troops in Mainz and especially the legion in Bonn under Fabius [II 21] Valens was not a surprise. On the evening of 2 January 69, he was acclaimed > imperator in the > praetorium of Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium (modern

>

Cologne) by the Bonn legion and on the following day by the other units of the army of Lower Germany. V. adopted the cognomen Germanicus. His full name was initially A. V. Germanicus Imperator. Thus, he did not at first bear the name Augustus or even Caesar. In a short time, almost all governors in Gaul, Britain and Spain joined him. Still in January, two army groups advanced to the south to enforce his claim by force of arms first against Galba, then against > Otho. In the Battle of Bedriacum (at Cremona) on 14 April 69, Otho was defeated and committed suicide. On 19 April, V. was recognized by the Senate; on 30 April, the comitia tribuniciae potestatis were held. Only with his entry into Rome on 18 July did V. accept the name Augustus, as well as the chief pontificate. He still did not adopt the name Caesar; however, he supposedly wanted to do so shortly before his death (Tac. Hist. 3,58,3); his name from then on was A. V. Germanicus Imp. Augustus (thus on coins). He had himself named consul perpetuus. In Rome, he dismissed the previous Praetorians and replaced them with soldiers from his legions; the number of units was increased to 16 at the same time. The news of the elevation of Vespasian to emperor did not immediately trigger military measures; V. appears to have remained inactive for some time, perhaps due to illness. Only once the defection of the Moesian troops became known, did he send Alienus Caecina [II x] and Fabius [II 21] Valens to the north and name Lucilius [II 2] as prefect of the fleet. However, when the first Flavian troops under Antonius [II 13] Primus appeared in upper Italy, individual commanders and units soon defected. On 24/25 October 69, again at Bedriacum, V.’ troops were defeated. V. did not advance together with the rest of his army, which surrendered on 17 Decemeber at > Narnia. Negotiations in Rome with the Flavians, in which Vespasian’s brother Flavius [II 40] Sabinus participated, ended unsuccessfully, although V. wanted to abdicate. On 20/21 December, V. was captured during the storming of Rome and succumbed to his wounds. It would be too much to say that V. began recognizably new policies. His rejection of the name Caesar, however, was important; he also was the first to assign important tasks which had previously been carried out by + freedmen to an equestrian (see ILS 1447). In the tradition, he is considered an effete gourmet, who was interested only in luxury, food and drink. No methodical way to look behind this fagade has yet been found. Cu.L. Morison, Rebellion and Reconstruction: Galba to Domitian. An Historical Commentary on Cassius Dio’s Roman History, Books 64-67 (A.D. 68-96), 1999; B.Ritrer, V. Ein Zerrbild der Geschichtsschreibung, 1992; VOGEL-WEIDEMANN, 189-196.

[II 3] L. V. Son ofV. [II 5], brother ofV. [II x], [II 6] and [II 8], father of the emperor V. [II 2]; born no later than 10 BC; married to ~ Sextilia. Early connection to the domus Augusta, primarily through Antonia, the granddaughter of Augustus. Frater Arvalis beginning AD 28.

477

478

His senatorial career proceeded relatively slowly, since he was at least 44 years old as cos. ord. in AD 34. In 3 is Tiberius [II r] entrusted him with the governorship of Syria and a general oversight of the situation in the East (Tac. Ann. 6,32,3). V. succeeded in resolving a crisis in the relationship with the - Parthians without military intervention. He established order in Judea by recalling Pontius [II 7] Pilatus and sending him to Rome after massive accusations by Jewish leaders; Tiberius gave him permission to grant the high priests access to the sacred vestments again. In Cappadocia, V. took military action against the Cietae (> Cietis). In 37, he broke off a campaign against the Nabataean kingdom after the death of Tiberius; in 3 9, he was recalled by Caligula; despite tensions with the latter, he was able to survive through adulatio (‘flattery’) in his presence.

the autumn of 69 because of the battle against the Flavian troops, Lucius was left in charge of Rome. He mobilized the Praetorians against the defecting fleet of Misenum, leading to the capture of Tarracina; he was captured and killed at Bovillae. Whether he played an independent role next to his older brother cannot be determined.

V. was closely connected to > Claudius [III r], as well as to Messalina [2] and the imperial freedmen (Suet. Vit. 2,4 f.; how the negative portrayal is to be understood in the concrete context remains unclear). Cos. IJ together with Claudius in 43; during Claudius’ campaign in Britain, he was his ‘representative’ in Rome; according to Suetonius (Vit. 2,4), Claudius passed the cura imperii on to him. Cos. III again with Claudius in 47; censor in 47/8 together with the emperor. Almost no other senator achieved such an accumulation of the highest honours and authorities. V. was supposedly a willing tool of Messalina (cf. [1]), at whose fall he kept a low profile. He had, likewise, a close connection to — Agrippina [3]; among other things, he proposed in the Senate to allow a marriage between Agrippina and her uncle Claudius. He also struck Iunius [II 36] Silanus, who was engaged to Claudius’ daughter Octavia [3], from the Senate list to clear the way for Agrippina’s son, the later Nero, to marry the ruler’s daughter. A complaint in the Senate against V. in 51 was unsuccessful. When he died, still under Claudius, he received a funus censorium (> Funus publicum); under a memorial statue was the text: pietatis immobilis erga principem (‘of unwavering piety towards the princeps’: Suet. Vit. 3,1). In the tradition, V. appears as a capable functionary and a slippery courtier who succeeded in serving every ruler.

V. was active in the Moesian-Thracian area in AD 12

VITIRIS

1 THomasson,

Fasti Africani

2 VOGEL-WEIDEMANN,

196-199.

[II 5] P. V. Equestrian from Luceria; rerum Augusti procurator, thus probably patrimonial procurator under Augustus. Father of four sons, V. [II x], [II 3], [II 6] and [II 8] (Suet. Vit. 2,2). [I 6] P. V. Son of V. [II 5], brother of V. [II x], [II 3] and [II 8]. Admission to the Senate already under Augustus.

on military assignments [1. 90 f.]. In 15, he led two legions on the Rhine under Germanicus. In AD 16, he participated in the census in Gaul. Proconsul of Bithynia et Pontus perhaps in 17/8; then comes of Germanicus in Syria, at whose death in Antioch he was present in the autumn of 19. In AD 20, V. was one of the accusers of Calpurnius [II 16] Piso in the Senate; he published the speech in which he levelled the charge of poisoning (Plin. HN 11,187). Praefectus aerarti militaris in 31. After the fall of > Aelius [II 19] Seianus, V. was indicted and committed to one of his brothers to be kept under house arrest, where he committed suicide. 1 R.SyMe, History in Ovid, 1978 2M.Corsier, L’aerarium Saturni et l’aerarium militare, 1974, 358-367 3 PIR'V 502 4 VOGEL-WEIDEMANN, 191 f.

{fl 7] Q. V. Probably the brother of V. [II 5]; Senator. PIR* V 504.

[I 4] L. V. Son of V. [II 3], younger brother of V. [II 2];

[II 8] Q. V. Son of V. [II 5], brother of V. [II 1], [II 3] and [II 6]; quaestor under Augustus. Under Tiberius, he had to leave the Senate, because he had become impoverished through faults of his own (Tac. Ann. 2,48,3). PIR* V 505. [fl 9] V. Germanicus. Son of V. [II 2] and Galeria [2] Fundana. After the victory over the Othonians, his father gave him the name Germanicus. Killed at the end of December 70 on the order of Licinius [II 14] Mucianus. [I 10] V. Petronianus. Son of V. [II 2]. Allegedly killed by his father. PIR* V 509. {I 11] P. V. Saturninus. Not frater Arvalis in AD 124, but rather one of the pueri patrimi matrimi (-> Amphithaleis paides).

married first to Iunia [4] Calvina, a member of the im-

J.ScHEm, Commentarii fratrum Arvalium, 1998, 216.

1 TH. WIEDEMANN, Valerius Asiaticus and the Regime of Vitellius, in: Philologus 143, 1999, 323-335 2 E.DaBrowa,

38-41

The Governors

3PIR*V500

of Roman

Syria, 1998,

4 VOGEL-WEIDEMANN, 192-196.

perial family, later to a Triaria. Cos. suff. in AD 48 as the successor to his brother; frater Arvalis. Proconsul of Africa, likewise as successor to his brother, who, ac-

cording to Suet. Vit. 5, remained in the province as V.’ legate (year of office probably 61/2 [1. 39]). When his brother V. [II 2] was acclaimed emperor, Lucius was in Rome. Although he had to go to upper Italy in the company of Otho, he remained unharmed. He met his brother in Lugdunum. When the emperor left Rome in

{11 12] M. Flavius V. Seleucus Cos. ord. in AD 221, Decrassl, FC 62. W.E.

Vitiris. A god, also invoked in the plural, of unknown function, which appears on some 50 small and for the most part portable votive altars, all from military sites on Hadrian’s Wall or its outposts (> Limes IL.). In the

Latin inscriptions, the vowels of the name vary between

VITIRIS

480

479

i and e (V., Viteris, Vetiris, Veteris); an » sometimes added before or after the initial v (e.g. Hvitiris, Vheteris) suggests a Germanic name. A connection between the (late Imperial period?) cult of V. and the presence of Germanic troops on the Wall can be assumed. F. M. HEICHELHEIM, s. v. V., RE9 A, 408-415; E. BIRLEY, The Deities of Roman Britain, in: ANRW

II 18.1, 1986,

3-112 (especially 52, 62-64).

M.E.

Vitorius [1] C. V. Hosidius Geta. Son of V. [2], born before AD

95; recorded from AD 118 among the fratres Arvales. Praefectus urbi feriarum Latinarum causa, ‘quaestor Traiani’ (CIL VI 370079 = 41116). Praetor before 120 [z. 35, n. 22]; suffect consul under Hadrian (before 139 since he is mentioned in ILS 7190) [2. 53, 379-384]. 1 W.Eck, Senatoren von Vespasian bis Hadrian, 1970

2 ScHEID, Collége.

[2] M. V. Marcellus. Senator, from Teate Marrucinorum, born shortly after AD 60. One of his fellow pupils was a C. Septimius Severus. Legal orator; admission to the Senate no later than shortly after 85. After a praetorship, curator viae Latinae at the beginning of the 90s; Statius [II 2], who dedicated the fourth book of his Silvae to him, predicted that he would command a legion in c. 95. Suffect consul in 105 (FO* 46). It is possible that V. was proconsul of Africa in c. 120/2 [x. 53 f.]. Probably married to an Hosidia, a daughter of C. Hosidius [3] Geta. As well as Statius, Quintilianus [1] also dedicated a work to him, the Institutio Oratoria. V. [x] is his son. 1 THOMASSON, Fasti Africani. SYME RP 3, 1306.

W.E.

Vitrasius [1] L. V. Flamininus. Probably a descendant of V. [2]. A senator from Cales, where he was buried by his son L. V. Ennius Aequus [1]. Suffect consul in AD 122, subsequently curator alvei Tiberis, legatus pro praetore exercitus et provinciae Dalmatiae (it may be that at that time quite large numbers of troops were stationed there and this is the reason it was specially emphasized), recorded as a consular legate in Moesia superior between 131 and 133 in an unpublished military diploma (Catalogue Lanz, auction 104: orders and honours, 29.5. 2001, no, r). Probably after that, in any case not

[2] C. V. Pollio. Equestrian from Cales who after two military posts became procurator of the provinces of Aquitania und Lugdunensis under Tiberius [x] (CIL X 3871). Praefectus Aegypti 38-41 [1. 271]. He is identical with the praefect of Egypt mentioned in Cass. Dio 58,19,

6.

1 G.BasTIANINI, Lista dei prefetti d’Egitto dal 30a al 299p, in: ZPE 17, 1975, 263-328.

[3] T. V. Pollio. Probably a descendant of V. [1], or at least related to him, from Cales. Senator. Legate of the legio VII Gemina; governor of Lugdunensis under Hadrianus (Dig. 27,1,15,17). Suffect consul in c. 137; probably identical with the proconsul of Asia in c. 151/2 mentioned in Aristides (Or. 50,94). ALFOLDY, FH, 120.

[4] T. Pomponius Proculus V. Pollio. Son of V. [3]. Patrician. His career is almost entirely preserved in CIL VI 41145. After lower offices he held a suffect consulship in c. 151; after that, consular governor of Moesia inferior from c. 156 — 159, under Marcus [2] Aurelius and Verus in Hispania citerior; proconsul of Asia in c. 167/8; comes of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus, of Marcus Aurelius and then of Marcus Aurelius and Commodus. Decorated with the dona militaria. Amicus of the rulers, cos. IJ ord. in 176. His outstanding status was primarily due to his marriage to Annia Fundania Faustina, a cousin of Marcus Aurelius. For his being honoured with statues see G. ALFOLDy in his commentary of CIL VI 41145. WE.

Vitrum see > Woad Vitruvius [1] Vitruvius Vaccus, Marcus. According to Livy (8,19,4-8,20,10), V. was an influential citizen of ~ Fundi (Fondi) who led the revolt against Rome that

was undertaken by > Privernum (Piperno) with the support of Fondi in 330/329 BC. After the failed insurrection he was executed in Rome. It is difficult to explain V’s role in this revolt, given that he was clearly not an unimportant figure in Rome and owned a house there, which was then destroyed by decree of the Senate (Cic. Dom. ror still knows of the Vacci Praia, the ‘Meadows of Vaccus’, as the place where this house once stood). S.P. Oakey,

A Commentary on Livy Books VI-X, vol. 2,

1998, 602-606; E. Part, s. v. Domus: M. Vitruvius Vaccus, LTUR 2, 1995, 215. C.MU.

before 127/8, legatus pro praetore Italiae Transpadanae, i.e. one of the four consulars installed by Hadrian to administer Italy [2]. Proconsul of Africa in c. 137

[2] Roman Architect and Writer on Architecture, rst

[3. so].

cent. BC.

1 G.CAMODECA, Quattro carriere senatorie del II e III secolo, in: EOS I, 529-545 2 W.Ecxk, Die italischen legati Augusti pro praetore unter Hadrian und Antoninus

I. BroGrapHy II. WorK AND TEXTUAL TRADITION III. SIGNIFICANCE OF THE WORK

Pius, in: Id., Die Verwaltung des rémischen Reiches, 1995,

I. BloGRAPHY All that survives of the Roman architect, military and civil engineer V. in the context of the transmission

vol. 1, 315-326

3 THOMASSON, Fasti Africani.

481

482

of his treatise De architectura libri decem (‘Ten Books on Architecture’) or of references to this work by ancient authors (among others by Plinius [1], Frontinus, Cetius Faventinus and Sidonius Apollinaris) is his nomen gentile. Several different praenomina (Gaius, Lucius, Marcus) are fictions which arose in the wake of the rediscovery of his treatise during the period of the Renaissance, and are inauthentic, like the cognomen Pollio, which is ascribed to him in a (in this respect

the text, on the date of the individual books in relation-

dubious) section of the preface to > Cetius Faventinus’ De diversis fabricis architectonicae (c. AD 300) [2. 262]. According to his own account, V. was originally a poliorcetic engineer in the army of Caesar, where he was concerned with the manufacture of artillery (Vitr. De arch. r pr. 2; 8,3,25), an area of expertise typical for a Roman > architect. Later (presumably on the staff of M. Vipsanius + Agrippa [1]), he worked as a hydraulics engineer (Vitr. De arch. 8,6; Frontin. Aqu. 25) in Rome and also, less extensively, as a structural engineer (Vitr. De arch. 5,1,5; 6 pr. 4). The only record we have for the work of V. in this area is his plan for the basilica of + Fanum Fortunae (Vitr. De arch. 5,1,6-10). The remarkably uncanonical form of this building has encouraged critical judgment of his treatise as a largely theoretical work, distanced from actual architectural practice, and was conducive to a healthy skepticism of modern researchers towards many of his statements on architectural compositions. His comments on structural, astronomical and mechanical matters are considered

to be reliable. Precise dates for the life of V. are unknown, but his work in the second half of the rst cent. BC is known. A close connection to the court of > Augustus (through the advocacy of Octavia) secured his material well-being. According to his own testimony (6, praef. 5), his occupation with architecture was motivated by his own interest (and also in the context of his personal vanity, useful for his posthumous reputation), but not as a means of earning an income. II. WorRK AND TEXTUAL TRADITION The treatise De architectura libri decem is, according to its praefatio (preface) to the first book, dedicated to Augustus (not least in gratitude for his generosity shown to the author). This preface was later used as a model for the panegyrics of the epigonal V.-imitators (Alberti, Palladio, etc.). The text of De architectura libri decem, at least its latest parts, was originally composed only after 23 BC, as shown by occasional reminiscences of Horatian odes (see + Horace [7]); but it was clearly compiled over a lengthy period of time. Only once is Octavian addressed with the honorific Augustus, customarily used after 27 BC (5,1,7), but otherwise is regularly referred to as Imperator Caesar; all the buildings referred to in the text date to the period before 31 BC; the latest of the sources cited is Varro’s Disciplinae (presumably 34/33 BC). There is thus far no agreement on the precise time of composition, on the homogeneity of

VITRUVIUS

ship to their prefaces, or on the original order of the existing books. The overall character of the work is contradictory. On the one hand, a claim for universal education is voiced, which implies the aim for understandability by a general reader as a pedagogic and aesthetic intention. On the other hand, Augustus appears frequently as the primary addressee, and the text itself as a scholarly attempt to develop Augustus’ own understanding of architecture, specifically in a pragmatic conservative manner, in the context of the comprehensive building programme begun after the battle of > Actium (31 BC). Each of the ten books has a preface, which rarely relates to the topic of the book concerned. The only exception in this respect is the preface to Book 8, which is explicitly linked with the theme of the following discussion (hydraulic engineering). Otherwise, the emphasis is usually on the dignitas, the dignity of architecture, and — on a meta-level — on the function of the treatise itself (with numerous references to its usefulness) and also the person of the author. The ten books are organized as follows: B. 1 deals with the training of the architect, basic aesthetic principles, a factual division of the different aspects of architecture and the principles of > town planning. B. 2 describes building materials and techniques, while B. 3 and B. 4 provide instruction on building temples. B. 5 develops basic principles concerning the construction of public buildings, and B. 6 and B. 7 consider a whole range of aspects of private houses. B. 8 deals with hydraulic engineering (+ Water supply), B. 9 is concerned with astronomy and the measurement of time (> Clocks).

B. ro contains

basic + mechanics

and

instructions for the building of machinery. The terse, technical and occasionally difficult diction of the work and its mixture of unadorned everyday language, anachronisms and — archaisms was a frequent object of philological debate and rhetorically-oriented criticism. The text was doubtless aimed at a general readership; thus, according to modern criteria, it was a practical introduction rather than a technical manual ( Technical literature), written for a wider circle of

users, notably for those commissioning building work. V.’s work was known in classical times (earliest citati-

ons in Plin. HN 35; 36), but its content was largely ignored (see below). The oldest of the just 30 pre-1200 MSS known today (Harleian 2767: London, BL) dates from the 8th cent.; this, and six further MSS from the period until the roth cent. (Paris, Leiden, Vatican, Brussels, Wolfenbiittel, Sélestat; all other surviving texts are later copies of these) are generally assumed to derive froma common archetype. The tradition may be traced back to the early Imperial period via Einhard (8./9th cents.), possibly + Isidorus [9] of Seville (6./7th cents.), then certainly through — Sidonius Apollinaris (5th cent.), M. -+ Cetius Faventinus (3./4th cents.) and + Frontinus (rst cent. AD). Textual lacunae and compilation errors can largely be resolved and clarified with

483

484

recourse to the synopsis of the early MSS, so that the text is considered to be reliable overall. Numerous drawings and sketches which presumably accompanied the original text were already lost in the classical period.

tween pillars, their heights, etc.) all in conjunction with extensive architectural descriptions. The extent to which V.’s text provides a general framework for the understanding of architecture in the classical period is still the subject of vigorous debate between architects, archaeologists and art historians. There is at least agreement that V.’s theoretical explanations to a large extent do not reflect the reality of late Republican Roman building practice, but have their origins in the theoretical world the high Hellenistic period in Asia Minor. ~» Architect; -> Architectural theory; -> Augustus; + Building; > Ekphrasis; > Technical literature; — Siegecraft; - Technology; - ARCHITECTURAL THEORY/ VITRUVIANISM

VITRUVIUS

III. SIGNIFICANCE OF THE WORK The significance of the De architectura libri decem may be assessed from different viewpoints. This most

extensive example of a classical > ekphrasis of architecture is valuable through its use of numerous sources, especially from the writings of earlier architects, which are no longer extant, but are represented here through more or less literally and extensively quoted extracts. Among others, there are explicit citations from the works of > Pythius, > Hermogenes [4], > Satyrus [3], Aristoxenus, > Ctesibius [rz] and Diades. V. also used

~ Poseidonius [3] (hydrology and hydraulic engineering), > Lucretius [III 1] (Epicurean doctrines), a com-

mentary of > Aratus [4] (astrology) and — Varro’s [2] Antiquitates (history of architecture). Beyond this, there are also numerous references, in catalogue-like lists, to further writings of classical architects and engineers, so that V.’s text — aside from details — documents the general state of writings on architectonic and technical themes since Hellenic times, as well as individual writings of architects of the pre-Hellenic period. Beyond this, there is considerable value in the information given by V.’s work on the concept of architecture and the training and areas of activity of an architect in Antiquity — which besides aedificatio (building) also included gnomonice (the making of timepieces), machinatio (mechanical engineering) and finally hydraulic engineering, that is, four extensive specialist fields —, on central aspects of Roman technical knowledge, and on the nomenclature of architecture (admittedly often problematic in view of the frequency of Latinized Greek terms, although mostly established in general usage). V.’s + architectural theory on the other hand, that is, his efforts to establish norms, to coin technical terms and to lay down guidelines, remained without much response in the classical period itself. His theories were only taken up after the rediscovery of V. in the early Renaissance. V.’s treatise offered an exemplary framework for an abstract and now intensively revitalised concept of architecture. On the one hand, it provided explanations for architectural forms (such as the development of those forms from primitive and then advanced wooden constructions, and also the refinement of temple types with a variety of new discoveries), a naturalistic derivation for buildings (primitive hut architecture), measures and proportions, and also a conceptual structure for the distinction between the theory (ratiocinatio) and the practice of construction (fabrica), a terminology for the planning and design process (ordinatio, dispositio, eurythmia, symmetria, modulus), concepts for practical guidelines of architecture (utilitas, firmitas, venustas), and finally sets of adaptable rules for designing structures (such as those for the + proportions of rooms, for the distance be-

Epit1ons: 1V.Rose, H. MULLER-STRUBING (eds.), V. de architectura libri decem, 1867 (with continuous numeration) 2F.KRroun(ed.),V.,1912 3 F.GRANGER (ed.), V. on Architecture, 1931 (with Engl. transl., introduction

and bibliography; numerous reprints) 4 C. FENSTERBUSCH (ed.), Vitruv: Zehn Biicher tiber Architektur, 1964 (with German transl., introduction and bibliography), 1976 5 P.FLEURY, P.Gros et al. (eds.), Vitruve. De Parchitecture, 1990 ff. (with French transl., introduction and commentary.). TEXTUAL TRANSMISSION, INDICES, REFERENCE works: H. Nou, Index Vitruvianus, 1876 (based on the numeration

of RoOsE/MULLER-STRUBING);

B.EBHARD,

Die zehn Biicher Vitruvs und ihre Herausgeber seit 1484, 1918 (reprint 1962); L. CALLEBAT, P. FLEURY, Dictionaire

des termes téchniques du “De architectura” de Vitruve, 1995; I.N. Howe, I.D. Row anp, M.J.Dewar, V. Ten

Books on Architecture, 1999 (Engl. transl. with introduction, commentary and illustrations). LITERATURE: P. FLEuRy, La mécanique de Vitruve, 1993; H.J. Frirz, Vitruv. Architekturtheorie und Machtpolitik in der romischen Antike, 1995; P.Gros, Vitruve. L’architecture et sa théorie, a la lumiére des études récentes, in: ANRW II 30.2, 1982, 659-695; Id., Hermodoros et Vitruve, in: MEFRA 85, 1973, 137-161; H.KNELL, Vitruvs Architekturtheorie, *1991; W.H. Krurt, Geschichte der Architekturtheorie, 41995, 20-43; H.PLomMmer, V. and Later Roman Building Manuals, 1973; S.SCHULER, V. im Mittelalter, 1999; F. W. SCHLIKKER, Hellenistische Vorstellungen von der Schénheit des Bauwerks nach Vitruv, 1940; B. WESENBERG, Beitrage zur Rekonstruktion griechischer Architektur nach literarischen Quellen, 1983; S.WeyRaAuCH, Die Basilika des Vitruv, 1976; E. WIsTRAND, V.-Studien, 1933. C.HO.

Vitta. Part of the diadem-like binding worn by Roman priests and priestesses, or part of cultic adornment. Vittae are the woollen bands hanging on both sides behind the ears or the tassel-shaped ends or fringes. Vitta is often used as a synonym for the whole woollen binding, the - infula (especially in poetry), but the relationship and difference (see above) between infulae and vittae are unambiguously clear [1. 1-3; 2. 292]. 1 U. SrarFuorst, P. Ovidius Naso, Epistulae ex Ponto III I-3, 1965 2F.BOmeEr, O. Ovidius Naso, Metamorphosen vol. XV, 1986 (commentary)

485

486

A.V.

StEBERT,

Quellenanalytische

Bemerkungen

zu

Haartracht und Kopfschmuck rémischer Priesterinnen, in: Boreas 18, 1995, 77-92; Ead., Instrumenta sacra

(RGVV 44), 1999, 139; 271 no. 77.

AVS.

Vitudurum Vicus or late Roman fort at modern OberWinterthur (in the canton of Zurich in Switzerland). At the end of the rst cent. BC, a station (+ Statio) was established there on the road connecting the Roman legionary camp in -> Vindonissa and the Raetian centre in Augusta [7] Vindelicum. In the two first centuries of the Roman Imperial period, V. grew into a> vicus with a Gallo-Roman temple district, baths and a residential quarter. When, with the abandonment of the — limes (III.), Roman rule in Germania collapsed, Diocletian

had the old east-west connection secured by expanding the vicus of V. into a fortress with strong walls, 3 m thick in average, and towers (preserved to some extent) (cf. an AD 294 building inscription: ILS 640). F. STAEHELIN, Die Schweiz in rémischer Zeit, 31948, 633; W.Drack, R.FELLMANN, Die ROmer in der Schweiz, 1988, 556-561; E. MEYER, s. v. V., RE9 A, 489-491.

VLACHS

Vivianus. A Roman lawyer, active probably at the end of the rst century AD, who wrote a single work [1], often cited by + Ulpianus and + Iulius [IV 16] Paulus, either a commentary on edicts [2] or Digesta [3. 34 ff.]. 1O0.LeENneEL, Palingenesia Turis 1225 ff. 2SCHULZ, 2353270 Viviano giurista minore?, 1997.

Civilis, vol. 2, 1889, 3 C.Russo RUGGERI, T.G.

Viviscus. Pre-Roman Celtic road station on the > Lacus Lemanus (modern Lake Geneva; Ptol. 2,12,5: Otwxoc/ Ouikos; It. Ant. 352,1; Tab. Peut. 3,2 f.; Geogr. Rav 4,26) on a route from the Summus Poeninus (modern Great Saint Bernard Pass) to Genava, modern Vevey (in the canton of Vaud). At V., a road branched off northwards through Minnodunum (modern Moudon) to + Aventicum (modern Avenches). This crossroads was secured by a guardpost of > beneficiarii (CIL XII 164). J.-P. Perir et al. (eds.), Atlas des agglomérations sécondaires de la Gaule Belgique et des Germanies, 1994, 131; E. Meyer, s. v. V., REg A, 503 f.

GW.

GW. Vitula see > Vitulatio

Vitulatio. The Vitulatio is described in the Roman calendar as the day of joy (Latin vitulari in ancient Roman poets means “express joy’) and bears a no longer clearly explicable relationship to a festival which had to do with military activities. It was celebrated on 6 July and not, as formerly assumed, on 8/9 July [1; 2. 572]. On that day there were celebrations in honour of the goddess Vitula (Macrob. Sat. 3,2,11-15), the personification of Joy and Victory (— Personification), with

sacrifices (to Jupiter?) and games. The Vitulatio is probably connected with the > Poplifugia on 5 July. 1 W.EISENHUT, s.v. Vitula, RE 9 A, 491-493

2 J.RGpxe, Kalender und Offentlichkeit, 1995.

ANS.

Vix. A s5th- to rst-cent. BC Celtic > necropolis at the village of V. near Chatillon-sur-Seine (in Burgundy). The best-known grave is that of the ‘Princess of V.’ ina + tumulus with a voluminous wooden chamber; this early 5th-cent. BC princess’s tomb (-> Prince’s tomb) is richly furnished with imported Greek and Etruscan goods (bronze — krater, silver phiale/— patera, Greek pottery) and a gold torque (— Torques) and a state carriage. Attached to the necropolis was a fortified settlement as a princely seat on the neighbouring Mont Lassois and a small early 5th-cent. BC sanctuary with a square burial enclosure (similar to a > Viereckschanze) with fragments of limestone figures (warrior, women e.g. with torques, as well as the remains of a sacrificial meal). + Celtic Archaeology P. Brun, B. CHauME (ed.), V. et les éphéméres principautés celtiques, 1997, 179-200; B. CHAUME, V. et son terri-

Vitulus. Roman cognomen (‘young bull’) with + Mamilius [6-7]. KaJANTO, Cognomina, 329.

Vivarium see > Zoo

Viventius. From Siscia, as quaestor sacri palatii (+ Quaestor III.), in AD 364 he helped supporters of Tulianus [11] who were accused of practicing magic (Amm. Marc. 26,4,4). Between 365 and 367 as praefectus urbis Romae, he tried, in vain, to end the unrest

occasioned by the election of a bishop disputed between + Damasus and — Ursinus (Amm. Marc. 27,3,11 f.). 368-371 he was praefectus praetorio Galliarum. Numerous laws are in his name (e.g Cod. Theod. 7,13,5; 13,10,4). PLRE 1,972.

WP.

toire a |’Age du fer, 2001.

VP.

Vlachs (BAd&youvBlachoi). Byzantine ethnographic term of unclear (ethnic or social) definition. Etymologically, it is the Slavic designation of all Romance peoples in south-east Europe. During the migration period, the ancient Celtic tribe-name of the + Volcae was transferred by the Germanic peoples to their Romance neighbours (‘Walch’, ‘Welschen’). The South-Slavs are responsible for its phonologic form (Bitx/Vlach), which can be found in the Byzantine chronicles (lohannes > Skylitzes p. 329,80 Thurn, interpolated) or in the work of Kekaumenos (Strategikon p. 66 ff. and esp. 74 f. Wassiliewsky-Jernstedt: representation of the way of life of the V. and speculations about their Dacian descent after the manner of representation of the ancient Origo gentis, connected with negative cliches of unfaithful, nomadic robber people). The Osmans used the term eflak.

487

488

In the modern Balkan languages, the Greek word vldchos and its related Slavic forms usually refer to the group of almost entirely Orthodox wandering herdsmen, who speak a Romance language. The economic source of their subsistence was based on transhumance [x], but also on transport, long-distance trade and handicraft, until the modern national states increasingly made it increasingly difficult to preserve their group identity and language. V. is how they are called by others, while the group’s own term of self-definition is mostly armani, i. e. Romani (see [2], esp. [2. 56 ff.]). Their language, which is sufficiently attested only after the Middle Ages, is closely related to Romanian (— Balkans, languages), containing, however, less Slavisms

Vocatio in ius . In Roman law, the ‘call’ (in the sense of summons) to stand trial. The VII addressed the problem, fundamental in every jurisdiction (but most particularly at early stages of development), of how to bring an accused person before the court: as long as no direct compulsion is available or permitted, sanctions with at least indirect effect must accompany the summons. Both variants are found in the development of Roman law: for the oldest type of trial, the > legis actio (action under the (XII-Table) law), the Twelve Tables (tab. 1,1 ff.; > Tabulae duodecim, c.450 BC) prescribes that the accuser should first informally invite the accused to appear voluntarily; if this request failed, and the accused offered no sureties to appear ( Vindex [x]), the accuser could use force (+ Manus iniectio). In the classical Roman formula trial (> Formula), the vindex played a role as before, but the more obscure + vadimonium gradually became predominant in the relationship between accuser and accused; this was a formal legal obligation, and was backed up with effective measures of compulsion: breaches were subject to sanction by praetorian edict (+ Edictum [2] perpetuum), with fines or consignment of the property of the accused to the accuser (cf. Dig. 2,5-7). This edict also defined those individuals who could not be served with a VII, or could be so served only in limited circumstances. Certain functionaries, bridegrooms and individuals without capacity to act (Dig. 2,4,2 and 4 pr.) could not be summonsed at all; persons

VLACHS

than the latter, but on the other hand, more Grecisms,

Turkisms etc. Traditionally, it is classified as one of the four main dialects of Romanian. Attempts to evaluate it as a Romance language of its own, are on the rise. The main problem encountered by research concerns esp. the relationship to ancient Roman identity (+ Romanization) in the south-east Balkans [3], which is further complicated by the nationalistically charged question concerning the continuity of the Romance peoples north of the Danube. Since the Aromuni/V. in modern times usually settle south of the Danube and south of the Jirecek-line, and since the Byzantine sources use the term V. in a wider sense than we do today, their ethnogenesis and their relationship to the Daco-Romanians and to other Graecophone groups practicing transhumance (such as the Sarakatsans) are controversial. The V./Aromuni are probably descendants of those Romanized inhabitants of the Imperium Romanum, who fled to the south, in the wake of the Slavs’ raids (> Slavs), to get protection under the Byzantine Empire (according to [4. esp. 131 ff.]), so that,

for instance, in the Middle Ages, Thessaly could be referred to as Megdlé Vlachia (‘Great-Vlachia’, Niketas Chroniates p. 638,50 van Dieten). ~ Balkans, languages B 1 A. BEUERMANN,

Fernweidewirtschaft in Sidosteuropa,

1967 27H. Kant, Ethnizitat und raumliche Verteilung der Aromunen in Siidosteuropa, 1999 3 G.SCHRAMM,

to whom the accuser owed ‘reverence’ (reverentia; Dig.

254,133 e.g. parents or patron, Dig. 2,4,4,1 ff.) could be summonsed only with the praetor’s consent. The VII could be served at any conceivable location (Dig. 244,20: e.g. at the baths, in the theatre), but not (Dig. 2,4,18) at the home of the accused. This is the European origin of the legal proposition ‘my home is my castle’, subsequently ascribed only to England. In the event of a violation, the accused became liable to an actio iniuriarum (charge of illegal behaviour: — Iniuria). > Antestatio; > Procedural law M.Kasgr,

K.Hacxt,

Das

rémische

ZivilprozeSrecht,

*1996, 64-69; 221-231.

C.PA.

Frithe Schicksale der Rumanen: in: Id., Ein Damm bricht:

die romische Donaugrenze und die Invasionen des 5.— 7. Jahrhundert im Lichte von Namen und Wértern, 1997, 275-343 4 id., Eroberer und Eingesessene. Geogr. Lehn-

namen

als Zeugen der Geschichte

Siidosteuropas

im

1. Jahrtausend n. Chr., 1981. M.BraGojevic, s. v. Vlachen, LMA 8, 1789; D. DrotrCHENKO-Markor, The Vlachs, in: Byzantion 54, 1984, 508-526; A.KazHDAN, s.v. Vlachs, ODB 3, 2183 f.;

Voccio, Voctio. King of + Noricum with a probably Celtic name [1. 478 f.]. One of V.’s sisters had married > Ariovistus in Gaul, in 58 BC she and his other wife died (Caes. B Gall. 1,53,4). = Gaesan((Gs) 1 Evans.

P.NastTureEL, Les Valaques balcaniques au X‘-XIII* siécles, in: ByzF 7, 1979, 89-112; T.J. WINNIFRITH, The

Vlachs, History of a Balcan People, 1987.

JN.

Voconius I. REPUBLICAN

Vocabulary see + Lexicon / Vocabulary

PERIOD

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD

I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD [I 1] V. Naso, Q. In 66 BC, V. was the judge in a lawsuit against A. Cluentius [2] Habitus (Cic. Clu. 147 f.), hence presumably an aedile in 67. Before 60, V. was a

489

490

praetor (Cic. Flac. 50). His relationships to a certain V., who was governor in 49 (Cic. Att. 8,15,3) and to Naso, augur presumably in 45 (ibid. 12,17) are unclear. —_.BA. [12] V. Saxa, Q. As people’s tribune (-> tribunus [7] plebis) in 169 BC, with the support of M. Porcius > Cato [1] he had a + plebiscitum passed (> lex Voconia) according to which members of the highest census class were not permitted to designate women as heirs by ~ wills and testaments [2 IV.]. It was also forbidden for a — legatum or a + donatio mortis causa to exceed the extent of the bequest (Cic. Verr. 2,1, 106-108; Gai. Inst. 2,225 f.; 2,274; Gell. NA 6,13,3; 17,6,1; 20,1,23; Cass. Dio 56,10,2). > Inheritance law III.; Women II.

VOCONTII

by the Vaucluse uplands, mons Vintur (modern Mont Ventoux), the lower reaches of the > Druentia (modern Durance) and the territory of the + Salluvii, in the east

by the upper reaches of the of various Alpine peoples. were in federation with the the Sogiontii, the Avantici

Druentia and the territories A number of smaller tribes V., such as the Vertamocori, and the Sebaginni [1. 278-

294]. The first military conflicts between Rome and the V. came about in the context of a campaign undertaken by M. Fulvius [I 9] Flaccus in 125 BC against the Salluvii (Liv. Per. 60; [2. 105]). In 124/3 BC, C. Sextius [I 3]

consulship is known from ILS 8828 (= TAM II r201rA = [x]) and IPerg 154: Xvir stlitibus iudicandis, tribune of the legio III Cyrenaica and XII Fulminata (in this func-

Calvinus successfully continued the campaign against the V., the Salluvii and the + Ligures [2. 106]. In 76-74 BC, the propraetor M. Fonteius [I 2] also came into conflict with the V. (Cic. Font. 9,20). No later than the middle of the rst cent. BC, the V. were considered loyal allies of the Romans (Cic. Fam. 10,18-23; 21; [x. 280 f.]). At that time, the V. were probably elevated to the rank of a civitas foederata (Plin. HN. 3,37; 7,78; [3. 251-264]). From the second half of the 1st cent. BC onwards [4. 192], they had ius Latii (Plin. HN. 3,37; 7,78). They had a certain autonomy with respect to the proconsul of the Narbonensis (Str. 4,6,4). It is probably attributable to this legal status that the V. described their highest officials not as duoviri or quattuorviri, but as aediles (CIL XII 1375; 1514; 1579), praetores (CIL XII 1369; 1371) and praefecti (CIL XII 1368; 1375) [3. 288]. Moreover, there is evidence of seviri (CIL XII 1363 f£.; 1367 f.), flamines (CIL XII 1368; 1372 f.), flaminicae (CIL XII 1361 ff.) and pontifices (CIL XII 1368; 1373; AE 1976, 400). In the early Imperial period, the V. were the only tribe in Gallia Narbonensis from which two auxiliary units, the ala Augusta Vocontiorum and the ala Vocontiorum, were drafted [Stes mt] In addition to a multitude of Gaulish and Roman deities (CIL XII 1276 ff.), the local goddess Andarta, worshipped particularly in > Dea Augusta Vocontio-

tion

War).

rum (modern Die) (CIL XII 1537; 15393 15543; 15603

Quaestor in Macedonia, people’s tribune, praetor; curator viae Valeriae in c. 13 2/3; during his curatorship, he conducted a dilectus (‘recruitment of troops’). Legate of the legio IV Scythica, proconsul Ponti et Bithyniae, imperial legate of Lycia Pamphylia in c. 143-146 [2]; cos. suff. 146. Cf. [3. 645 f.].

1707) [7. 24], can be pointed out. The mention of two chief towns, > Vasio (modern Vaison-la-Romaine) and Lucus Augusti (modern Luc-en-Diois), in Plin. HN 3,37 [4] who knew the region from his own observation (Plin. HN. 2,150) is unusual. Whether Vasio was the

A. WetsHaupT, Die lex Voconia, 1999.

TAS.

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD {II 1] C. Licinius Marinus V. Romanus. His full name is preserved in CIL II 3866. From Saguntum in Hispania

citerior; since contemporary with > Plinius [2], born at the beginning of the 60s AD. In Tarraco, flamen provinciae Hispaniae citerioris [1. 76 f.]. Pliny obtained ius trium liberorum (- lus [E. 2.]) for him, but he failed to persuade Traianus [1] to permit him admission to the Senate, although V. ultimately received the required senatorial wealth from his mother. The senatorial governor Priscus, probably Iavolenus [2] Priscus, was supposed to have awarded him a post as a military tribune. V. worked as an advocate; Pliny sent him his writings on adjudication. Connections also with Pompeia — Plotina. Married to Popilia Rectina. 1 G. ALFOLDY, Flamines provinciae Hispaniae citeriores,

1973

2PIR*L210

3 Syme, RP 2, 480-482.

[II 2] Q. V. Saxa Fidus. Senator, whose career until his

a participant

in Traianus’

[1] Parthian

1 D. J.BLACKMAN, in: J. SCHAFER, Phaselis, 1981, 154-159

2 Cur. KoxxiniA, Die Opramoas-Inschrift von Rhodiapolis, 2000, 258 3 W.Eck, Latein als Sprache politischer Kommunikation, in: Chiron 30, 2000, 641-660. W.E.

Vocontii

(Ovoxdvtio/Ouokontioi). Celtic people in Gallia > Narbonensis (Str. 4,6,4; Notitia Galliarum 11,10) whose territory was bounded in the north by the Isara [x] (modern Isére) and the territory of the > Allobroges (Caes. B Gall. 1,10,5), in the west by the territory of the + Segovellauni and the Cavares and the valley of the + Rhodanus (modern Rhone), in the south

political and economic centre of the civitas, and wheth-

er Lucus Augusti, whose function was taken over at the end of the 3rd cent. by Dea Augusta Vocontiorum, was the religious centre cannot be clarified [9]. Mela 2,75 and Ptol. 2,10,17 mention only Vasio as chief town. Of Lucus Augusti little is known (Tac. Hist. 1,66,3) [5.291], even archaeological remains [6. 39-43, no. 69] and inscriptions (CIL XII 1578 f.; XIII 8059) are

scarce. Apart from the cities mentioned, Plin. HN 3,37 further cites r9 smaller significant towns in the territory of the V. + Segustero [5. 294-295] and + Vapincum can be pointed out At the beginning of the 4th cent., the territory of the V. was divided into the civitas Deensium around Dea

491

492

Augusta Vocontiorum (Notitia Galliarum 11,7) and the civitas Vasiensium around Vasio (Notitia Galliarum

10,12,4—-8). By the year 281 BC at the latest, V. was allied with Rome (cf. the victory of the consul Q. Marcius [I 16] Philippus over the Etruscans: MRR 1,190). During the second > Punic War, V. supplied Rome with grain and timber planks for shipbuilding (Liv. 28,45,15). Etruscans and individuals who had been proscribed by Cornelius [I 90] Sulla gathered in V. and succeeded in withstanding a siege by Sulla’s troops from 82 to 80 BC, before finally surrendering; V. lost its citizenship rights, conferred on the city only in 89 BC, and its citizens were stripped of their property (Str. 5,2,65 Liv. Per. 89). Under > Cicero’s consulship in 63 BC, V. regained its former rights (Cic. Rosc. Am. 20; 1053 Cic. Caecin. 18; Cic. Dom. 78 f.; Cic. Fam. 13,4,1-4; Cic. Att. 1,19,4). Under the > Triumvirate in 43 BC, V. was forced to accept a colony of Roman veterans (Liber coloniarum 214). Having been granted the status of municipium, V. belonged to regio VII (Ptol. 3,1,48), tribus Sabatina. Of significance beyond the immediate Caecina (Cic. Fam. 6,5—93 region was the local gens 10,25,33 13,66,1 f.; Cic. Att. 16,8,2; Cicero’s speech Pro Caecina). A. Caecina [I 4] was the author of a work

VOCONTII

11,10). Bishoprics developed in these two civitates. Also in the 4th cent., the civitates Vappencensium and Segestericorum were then separated from the territory (Notitia Galliarum 16,6 f.). 1 G. BARRUOL, Les peuples préromains du Sud-Est de la Gaule,1969 2DecGRassi,FCap. 3 C.GOUDINEAU, Les

fouilles de la Maison au Dauphin, Recherches sur la romanisation de Vaison-la-Romaine (Gallia Suppl. 37), 1979

4H.Wo.rr,

Vocontiorum Civitatis Foederatae

Duo Capita -Bemerkungen zur Verfassung der Vocontiergemeinde, in: Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae

41, 1989, 189-195

5 RIVET, 286-299

6 J. SAUTEL, Carte archéologique de la Gaule Romaine 11: Carte et texte du département de Drdéme, 1957 7 P.Finoccul, Dizionario delle Divinita indigene della Gallia Narbonense, 1994 8 D.B. SappINGToN, The Development of the Roman Auxiliary Forces, 1982 9H.Desayg, Die et Vaison, in: P.Gros (ed.), Villes et campagnes en Gaule romaine, 1998, 143-156.

Volasenna [1] P. V. Suffect consul in c. AD 54; pro-consul of Asia

on Etrusca disciplina (> Divination

probably in 62/3 [1. 438-441]. Probably a brother of WE eb

6,6,3; Plin. HN 1,2b; Sen. Q Nat. 2,393 [1; 2. 2955 3]). The poet A. Persius [2] Flaccus was born in V.

1 VOGEL-WEIDEMANN.

[2] C. V. Severus. Probably a brother of V. [1]. Suffect consul together with Cn. Hosidius [4] Geta in November/December AD 47 [1. 247]. Cf. CIL VI 8,3, p. 4784 ad 31767. 1G.CamMopeEca,

‘Tabulae

Pompeianae

1999.

Sulpiciorum, W.E.

Volaterrae (Ovoiratéeea/Ouolatérra, Etruscan Velathri). Etruscan city (cf. Str. 5,2,5 f.; CIE 1185; 1231) located on a high, steep-sloped terrace between the Caecina [III 1] and Era rivers, to the west and east respectively, today called Volterra. I. History IJ. ARCHAEOLOGY I. History

As a member of the Etruscan > League of Twelve Cities, Volaterrae controlled the territory between the + Arnus to the north, + Vada Volaterrana on the -+ Mare Tyrrhenum to the west and > Falesia to the south. It is likely that it had trade relations with the centres located on the coast of the Mare Tyrrhenum, dating back to the late 7th cent. BC. V. played a role in the Etruscan expansion to the north and east beyond the + Appenninus (the family of the Caicna ~ Caecina of V. are mentioned on a stele in Felsina/-> Bononia [1]). Together with four other Etruscan cities, V. supported the > Latini in their struggle against the Roman king Tarquinius [11] Priscus (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom.

355). In 298 BC, the Roman consul L. Cornelius [I 76]

Scipio Barbatus

defeated the Etruscans

at V. (Liv.

VIL; Cic. Fam.

II]. ARCHAEOLOGY Traces of a settlement from about 1000 BC were found on the Acropolis (Pian di Castello); a settlement called Velathri is documented from the 8th cent. BC; necropoleis have been found near Badia-Guerruccia and Ripaie. Burial sites going back as far as the 9th cent. BC have been discovered in the Ripaie urban area (e.g. tomb QI). Later in the 6th cent. BC, there were sanctuaries on the Acropolis (architectural terracottas); tombs were decorated with steles (cf. the stele of Avle Tite).

Surrounding the city was a large ring wall (opus polygonale; in places up to 15 m in height, some sections as thick as 4 m; two city gates have also been preserved; cf. the mention in Str. 5,2,6). Traces of a temple from the 4th cent. BC are still present on the Acropolis; remnants from the 3rd cent. BC are better preserved (Etruscan Temple B; later Temple A with important architectural terracottas from the end of the 3rd cent. BC). The emission of the so-called > aes grave also dates back to this period [4]. During the mid rst cent. BC, work was done to restore the wall (Porta all’Arco); there is evidence that in the necropoleis ash urns made of tuff and alabaster were used [5; 6]. Important buildings were donated by the gens Caecina during the Imperial era: theatres in Vallebuona from the 1st quarter of the rst cent. AD, later a porticus post scaenam (> Porticus II.) was added. Baths (mid 3rd cent. AD), built using > spolia [1] from the theatre, were found near Porta S. Felice and the theatre [7]. > Etrusci, Etruria (with map) 1 F. Mtnzer, s. v. Caecina (7), RE 3, 1237 f. 2 M. TorELLI, Senatori etruschi della tarda repubblica e dell’impero, in: Dialoghi di Archeologia III,3, 1969, 285—-

493

494

363

3 D.Vorrero (ed.), Seneca, Questioni naturali (with an Italian translation), 1989, 344, NO. 1

4 M. CRISTOFANI MARTELLI, II ripostiglio di V., in: Annali dell Istituto Italiano di Numismatica 22, 1977, 87-104 5 Ead. et al., Urne volterrane, vol. 1: |complessi tombali (Corpus delle urne etrusche di eta ellenistica 1), 197 5; vol.

2,1977 ff. 6 G.CarTENI, F. Fiascui, Le urne di V. e l’artigianato artistico degli etruschi, 1984 =7M.Munzi, N. TeRRENATO, V.: il teatro e le terme, 2000. E. FruMI, V. etrusca e romana, 1976; M. Munz1, N. TER-

RENATO, La colonia di V., in: Ostraka 3, 1994, 31-44; N.TERRENATO,

Tam

firmum

municipium,

in: JRS 88,

1998, 94-114; Ead. et al., V. tra tardoantico e alto medioevo, in: Archeologia Medievale 21, 1994, 639-656; G. Mae7zke (ed.), Aspetti della cultura di V. etrusca (Atti del XIX Convegno di Studi Etruschi ed Italici 1995), 1997; M. TorELLI (ed.), Atlante dei siti archeologici della Toscana, 1992, 187-197; R. ENGKING, G. RADKE, s. v. V., RE 9 A, 721-740; S.STEINGRABER, Etrurien, 1981, 39-

109.

M.M.MO.

Volcacius [1] V. Sedigitus. Author of a Latin > didactic poem in senarii (~ Metre [VI.C.3].) on the history of literature (Plin. HN. 11,244), probably from the end of the 2nd cent. BC. Four fragments (in total 20 verses) are preserved (probably by way of Varro, De poetis) of the genre of the > palliata (+ Comedy [II.C.]). They treat biographies of poets (fr. 2 FPL = 3 GRF on the death of Terentius [III 1]), questions of authenticity (in Gell. NA 3,3,1 on Plautus; fr. 3/4 on the alleged co-operation between Cornelius [I 70] Scipio and Terence) and literary criticism. Poets are appraised according to their dramatic effectiveness: Terence’s Hecyra is rated low (fr. 4/2), in the canon of the still-performed palliata poets (nine, plus Ennius ‘on account of his age’), and the first prizes go to > Caecilius [III 6], + Plautus and > Naevius [I x]; Terence appears only in sixth place (fr. 1, cf. Don. Vita Terentii 7). The work (and the more or less contempo-

rary didactic poem by > Porcius [I 12] Licinus) stands in the tradition of > Accius’ Didascalica. + Comedy; > Literary criticism; — Palliata FRAGMENTS: FPL? (BLANSDORE), 101-103 (with a bibliography); CourTNEY, 93-96; GRF, 82-84. BIBLIOGRAPHY: W.SUERBAUM, s.v. V.S., in: HLL 1,

§ 144. [2] Author of a commentary on Cicero’s speeches, mentioned by Jer. Contra Rufinum 1,16 in a series of commentaries on classical authors (Virgil, Sallust, ... Terence), cf. Jer. Ep. 70,2,1. Possibly identical to the author of the Scholia Bobiensia. P.L. SCHMIDT, s. v. V., in: HLL 5, § 526.1.

Volcae. Celtic people in Gallia + Narbonensis. Originally from Germania, the V. migrated in two groups, some to Greece and Asia Minor (> Tectosages), some to > Gallia (A). Their first appearance in the southeast of Gallia can possibly be placed in the middle of the 3rd cent. BC [1. 85-90]. In the context of Hannibal’s [4]

VOLCAE

Alpine campaign (> Punic Wars), Liv. 21,26,6 f. (cf.

Pol. 3,37,9; App. Hann. 4) mentions the V. in the ~» Rhodanus (modern Rhéne) region, only later is there evidence of them as far as + Tolosa (modern Toulouse). At the time of the establishment of the province of Gallia Transalpina in 121 BC, the territory of the V. encompassed the area between the Pyrenees (— Pyrene [2]) in the south, the + Garumna (modern Garonne and Gironde) in the west, the + Cebenna mons (modern Cévennes) in the north and the Rhodanus in the east.

The important Roman trunk road to Hispania, the via Domitia from Ugernum (modern Beaucaire) to the Pyrenees, following the ancient mythical via Heraclea (Pol. 3,39; Str. 4,1,12), ran through the territory of the V. The V. were divided into two sub-tribes, the V. Arecomici (= V. A.) and the V. Tectosages (= V. T.). The numerically smaller group, the V. A., settled chiefly to the west of the Rhodanus; their territory was bounded in the west by the territory of the V. T. and in the north by the territory of the > Helvii. The chief town of the V. A. was > Nemausus [2] (modern Nimes; Str. 4,1,12; Plin. HN 3,37; Ptol. 2,10,10) [2]. A praetor Volcarum Arecomicorum is mentioned in an inscription (CIL XII 1028). The territory of the V. + Tectosages (II) extend-

ed from the Pyrenees in the south and the Garumna in the west as far as the territory of the V. A. in the east. The chief town of the V. T. was Tolosa (Str. 4,1,13; Plin. HN 3,37; Ptol. 2,10,9; Cass. Dio 27,90). Other significant cities in their territory were: > Narbo (modern Narbonne; originally in the territory of the V. A.: Str. 4,1,12, after the establishment of the province, no later than 52 BC, placed under the V. T.: Caes. B Gall. 7,74), — Baeterrae (modern Béziers) (modern Carcassonne; Plin. HN 3,36).

and

Carcaso

In 219/218 BC, Hannibal [4] marched through the territory of the V. who, according to Liv. 21,26,6 f., ultimately confronted him to the west of the Rhodanus.

Allied with the Romans probably from 121/118 BC, during the invasion of the > Cimbri and the > Teutoni the V. T. broke their alliance with Rome. In 106 BC, the consul Q. Servilius [I 12] Caepio conquered and plundered Tolosa (Str. 4,1,13; Cass. Dio 27,90; on the theft of treasures from the Temple of Apollo and other sanctuaries in Tolosa, the ’aurum Tolosanum’ Cic. Nat. D. 3,74; Just. Epit. 32,3,20; Gell. NA 3,9,7; Oros.

5515525). In 104 BC, L. Cornelius [I 90] Sulla who served as a legate under Marius [I 1] took Copillus, one of the leaders of the V. T., captive (Plut. Sulla 4,1). In the context of the war against — Sertorius, in 77 BC the V. A. and the Helvii rebelled against Rome, and for this

reason their territory was added to > Massalia (modern Marseille) (Caes. B Civ. 1,3 5,4; Cic. Font. 26). Dur-

ing Caesar’s campaign in Gallia, the V. overall remained loyal to the Romans (Caes. B Gall. 7,7; 7,64 f.). The means of existence for the V. was agriculture (corn cultivation: Caes. B Gall. 1,10,2), but with their

central position between Hispania and Gallia, and even Italia, (transshipment) trade in agricultural products

VOLCAE

(corn, wine) and metals (gold, silver, iron, tin, lead) also earned them a great deal (Str. 4,1,13; Liv. 21,20,8) [1. 137-200; 3. 115-117]. For minting by the V. cf.

[4. 54-59, 169-171]. 1 M.Lasrousse, Toulouse antique, 1968 2 M.CurisTOL, C.GoupInEAU, Nimes et les Volques Arecomiques, in: Gallia 45, 1987, 87-103 3River 4D.F. ALLEN, The Coins of the Ancient Celts, 1980.

J.-C. ARRAMOND,

J.-L.BouparTcHoUuK, Le Capitolium

de Tolosa?, in: Gallia 54, 1997, 203-238; A. DIRKZWAGER, Strabo iiber die Gallia Narbonensis, 1975, 55; 85; R. DE Fitippo, Nouvelle définition de l’enceinte romaine de Toulouse, in: Gallia 50, 1993, 181-204; M. Massy, Languedoc-Roussillon, in: Gallia Informations, 1992.1, 87-200; M.Provost et al., Carte archéologique de la Gaule Romaine 30, vols. 1-3: Le Gard, 1999; H. BanNERT, s. v. V., RE Suppl. 15, 937-960 (with map).

Volcanalia see > Volcanus

Volcanoes. There is no Greek or Latin term to be found in ancient literature corresponding to the modern ‘volcano’; nevertheless, individual volcanic phenomena are identified, such as lava-flow: Greek 6vaE/rhyax (< b&w/

rhéo, ‘to flow’; cf. also Theophrastus’s Peri rhyakos tov en Sikeliai mentioned in Diog. Laert. 5,49), Lat. Vulcanius amnis (‘Vulcanic stream’, Claud. Rapt. Pros. 172; from Latin Vulcanius, ‘pertaining to Vulcan and his works’), saxa liquefacta ‘liquified rocks’ (Verg. Aen. 3,576) or massa ardens ‘blazing mass’ (Iuv. 10,130). For the Roman god see > Volcanus. In the seismically and tectonically sensitive Mediterranean world volcanoes were an historically relevant factor in all periods. Naturally, the majority of ancient accounts are about those volcanoes that erupted at more or less regular intervals or caused great destruction. The greatest frequency of eruptions recorded is for — Aitne [1] (modern Etna) in Sicily, whereas the most detailed accounts are about the eruption of > Vesuvius in AD 79 (Plin. Ep. 6,16; 6,20; cf. also > Herculaneum, ~ Pompeii and — Stabiae). The dating and effects of the great volcanic eruption of > Thera are disputed (cf. [z]). — Strongyle (modern Stromboli) in the > Aeoli insulae (insulae Vulcani: Liv. 21,51,3) has also been active since Antiquity. For all the dread that volcanoes and their destructive powers spread and that popular religion attempted to compensate by means of sacrifice and expiatory ceremonies for the gods held responsible (> Poseidon,

496

495

> Volcanus),

the connexion

— evident

particularly in Campania — between volcanic activity and the fertility of the soil was entirely familiar in Antiquity (Vitr. 2,6,1 f.; Procop. Goth. 2,4,21-30). Popularly connected with the effects of mythical beings (+ Giants, + Typhoeus) (Hes. Theog. 820-880), vol-

canic activity has also been studied scientifically and, particularly by Posidonius [3], related to earthquakes (Posidon. fr. 43 THEILER). ~ Natural catastrophes

1S.Marinatos, The Volcanic Destruction of Minoan Crete, in: Antiquity 13, 1939, 425-439.

S.BIANCHETII, Der Ausbruch des Atna und die Erklarungsversuche der Antike, in: E.OLSHAUSEN, H.SONNABEND (eds.), Naturkatastrophen in der antiken Welt. Stuttgarter Koll. zur Histor. Geogr. des Alt. 6, 1996 (Geographica Historica 10), 1998, 124-133; F.SAUERWEIN, s. v. Vulkan, in: H.SONNABEND (ed.), Mensch und Landschaft in der Antike, 1999, 585-589; H.-U.SCHMINCKE, Vulkanismus, 72000; H. SONNABEND, Naturkatastrophen H.SO. in der Antike, 1999.

Volcanus is the original form of the name of the Roman god (CIL I? 453; VETTER No. 200B 6b; Volchanus: CIL I? 1218; Volganus: CIL I 364; Volkanus: CIL IX 6349),

the form Vulcanus is more recent. Attempts to trace this name back through the Etruscan > Velch(ans) [1. 289409] to a Cretan Fedydvoc (Welchanos, or + Zeus Velchanos) [1. 15 5-287] and thus to identify its origin in the eastern Mediterranean region are based primarily on linguistic similarities; the conclusion that Volcanus was therefore originally a god of vegetation is hypothetical and of little help in shedding light on the Roman deity. In Rome and the Roman world, V., as the god of ~ Fire, was invoked under various epithets to provide protection from fire’s devastating power: Ouietus (‘the quiet one’, CIL VI 801), Mitis (‘the mild one’, AE 1983,827) and > Mulciber (CIL V 4295; XI 5741). In-

scriptions associate V. Quietus with > Stata Mater (she who ‘brings fire to a standstill’) (CIL VI 802); red-hued sacrificial animals, imitating the colour of blazing flames, were offered to V. to ensure protection against fire (CIL VI 826; cf. Tac. Ann. 15,44; consecration by a — praefectus [16] vigilum: CIL VI 798; [2.955 f., 958 f.]). There is early evidence of the metonymy V. = fire (Naev. 121 f. TRF? = 97 TrRaGLia; Enn. ann. 509; Plaut. Amph. 341; Plaut. Aul. 359; Plaut. Men. 330; CIL ? 1218; Virg. Aen. 7,77; et alibi) and of the connection of god and fire (first in poetry: Naev. fr. 45 TRF? = 36 TRAGLIA; fr. 60 FPL?). This connection no doubt explains why some examples of the literary tradition portray V. as the father of > Cacus, > Caeculus and Servius > Tullius [I 4], who were born of fire (Ov. fast. 6,625—628); it also explains why it was seen as an offering to V. when weapons captured from enemies were burned (Liv. 8,10,13; App. Hann. 133; Serv. Aen. 8,562).

It is problematic to conclude that V.’s primary or original ancient Roman function was as the god of fire (as in [3]). The evidence points to acquired specialization, as is characteristic of polytheistic systems (see > Pantheon [1] III), particularly since V. appears to have been identified with the Greek god of the forge > Hephaestus as early as the 4th cent. BC in mythology and iconography, as was the Etruscan > Sethlans (cf. [4. 290 f. No. 78 f.]). Coins from the late Republican era show V with a > pilleus (cap), tongs, hammer and anvil [4. 293]. The characterization of V. as the god of

497

498

lightning (only in Serv. Aen. 1,42) may be rooted in a secondary identification with the Etruscan Sethlans, and the description of V. as the god of subterranean fire and volcanoes no doubt stems from his identification with Hephaestus. The > lectisternium for a Roman group of + twelve gods from 217 BC, which shows V. with -> Vesta, is also based on Greek cultic theology

or alone, V. was the object of military (e.g.. CIL III 305; [14. 275]) and magisterial dedications, but also of a private cult (e.g. AE 1903,27; cf. AE 1997,412); however, he is almost never found in - lararia) [13. 193]. ~» Hephaestus (III); > Volcanoes

(Enn. Ann. 240 f.; Liv. 22,10,9; [5. 97-103]). According to one Roman tradition, the construction

of the Volcanal, the open shrine to V. located above the Comitium in Rome, dates back to + Romulus [1] (Plin. 16,236; Plut. Romulus 24,5), and another tradition has it that the cult can be traced back to T. > Tatius (Varro

Ling. 5,74; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,50,3). Today most scholars agree that the Volcanal was the same as a shrine from the early 6th cent. BC at the site of the + Lapis Niger [6. 161-188; 7]. Even if they are assumed to be identical, however, a black-figured Attic shard found in the votive repository (> Votive practice) of that shrine (approx. 570/560 BC) showing Hephaestus’ return to Mt. Olympus [1] [8. 56] is not, in itself, clear evidence that V. was generally regarded by the people of the time as equivalent to the Greek god, i.e. by more than a few individuals. A second shrine, built prior to 214 BC, was located at + Campus Martius, or the site of Circus Flaminius (Liv. 24,10,9; InscrIt 13,2, 149; [9]; cf. [r0. 218-242]). V. had a flamen (Varro Ling. 5,84; Imperial era: CIL VI 1628 = 41294) who brought sacrifices to > Maia [x], V.’s partner (at least according to Gell. NA 13,23,2), on the rst of May (Macr. Sat. 1,12,18-20). However, the contention that > Maiesta was the god’s wife is mere speculation (Calpurnius Piso fr. 42 PETER = 10 ForsyYTHE). Calendars refer to the 23rd of May as — Feriae for V. (InscrIt 13,2,460 f.). During the ludi Piscatorii on 7 June, live fish were sacrificed at the Volcanal to ensure the success of future fishing expeditions (Fest. 232; 274-276 L.); the juxtaposition of water and fire may provide a key to understanding this ritual. The Volcanalia with burnt offerings of (living?) animals to V. and Maia took place on 23 August (InscrIt 13 ,2,500502; Varro ling. 6,20).

The local prominence of the cult of V. in the Roman settlement of > Ostia ([11. 337-343]; cf. AE 1986, 114 f.), which can not be explained solely by his role as god of fire, is evidenced by the sacral office of a + pontifex Volcani et aedium sacrarum (e.g. AE 1968,81; AE 1988,216), to whom ~ aediles and ~ praetores sacris Volcani faciundis were subordinate (CIL XIV 4553; 4625; AE 1986,111 f.; AE 1989,125; cf. AE 1995,244). In Roman Italy, the northwestern provinces and beyond (e.g. AE 1995,1226), pictorial depictions (statuettes, > Votive reliefs, > Viergottersteine: [4. 293-298; 12; 13. 202, 204]) and inscriptions attest to widespread familiarity with V. It is often difficult to determine whether in certain cases the name V. may have referred to a local god (— interpretatio). Together with other deities (AE 1968,302; AE 1974,512), in connection with the > ruler cult (cf. CIL XIII 3 528)

VOLCEI

1 G. CAPDEVILLE, V., 1995 (lit.) 2 W.EISENHUT, s. v. V., RE Suppl. 14, 948-962 3 G.Wissowa, s.v. V., ROSCHER 6, 356-369 4 E.SIMON, G. BAUCHHENSS, s. v.

V., LIMC 8.1, 283-298 5 Cu. R.Lone, The Twelve Gods of Greece and Rome, 1987 6 F. CoarRELLI, II Foro Romano, vol. 1, 1983 7 id., s. v. Volcanal, LTUR s, 1999, 209-211 8 M.CrisToFANi (ed.), La Grande Roma dei Tarquini, 1990 9D.MaANacorpa, s. v. V., aedes, in: see [7], 211-213 10 F. Coare 11, I! Campo Marzio, 1997 11 R. Meices, Roman Ostia, *1973

12 F.BRoMMeErR, Der Gott V. auf provinzialromischen Reliefs, 1973 13 A.KAUFMANN-HEINIMANN, GOotter und Lararien aus Augusta Raurica, 1998 14 G.L. IrByMassie, Military Religion in Roman Britain, 1999. AN.BE.

Volcatius [1] V. Tullus, C. Recorded in 53-48 BC as a junior officer of Caesar (Caes. B Gall. 6,29,3: adulescentem; 8,46,4(?); Caes. B Civ. 3,52,2). Brother or cousin of V.

[3]. [2] V. Tullus, L. (before 109 — after 46 BC). Although he failed to be elected aedile, in 66, V. succeeded in gaining a consulship (Cic. Planc. 51);during his year of office, his most memorable deed appears to have been his rejection of — Catilina’s candidacy for a consulship (Sall. Catil. 18,3). In 56, he spoke up for Ptolemaeus’ [18] XII repatriation to Egypt [13] by Pompey (Cic. Fam. 1,1,3; 1,2,1; 1,4,1). At the outbreak of the Civil War he, like others, made attempts at mediation (Cic. Att275353 598515 35:9451s\ 9510573 95092). In4

65aVc was

therefore opposed to the pardoning of Caesar’s enemy M. Claudius [I 15] Marcellus (Cic. Fam. 4,4,4). [3] V. Tullus, L. Son of V. [2]. Praetor in 46 BC (Cic. Fam. 13,14), then governor in a province neighbouring Syria (Cic. Att. 14,9,3). In 33, V. was cos. (InscrIt 13,1,251; 254 f.5 283; 508 f.), later procos. Asiae (SEG 15, 815). V. is presumably the uncle, who was of great service to the state, of Propertius’ [1] friend (V.) Tullus (Prop. 1,6,19 f.). SyME, RP 2, 536 f.; 557-565; IT.WISEMAN, New Men in the Roman Senate, 1971, 276 f. J.BA.

Volcei. City in Lucania on a hilly ridge (663 m high) in the valley of the Tanager, modern Buccino (in the province of Salerno). Subjugated in 209 BC by the Romans (Liv. 27,15,2), at first a municipium of the tribus Pomptina, then a praefectura (Liber coloniarum 1,209). The Numestrani (Plin. HN. 3,61; Numistro) and the pagi Forensis and Naranus (Nares Lucanae, modern Lo Scorzo) were assigned to it (CIL X 407). V. Bracco, V. (Forma Italiae, Regio III, vol. 2), 1978; Id.,

V. in: Supplementa Nowsky, Italici

209-212.

Italica, N.S.

3, 1987; W.JOHAN-

e Magna Grecia, 1990, 35-40; BICGI 4,

GU,

VOLCI/VULCI

Volci/Vulci (Plin. HN. 3,51,52; Etruscan Velch?, "Ohntov/Olkion, Steph. Byz. s. v.). City in southern Maremma on the western bank of the River Fiora which connected V. with the interior of Etruria and the coast 12 km away. Already settled in the Neolithic and in the Copper Age, V. flourished for the first time in the gth and 8th cents. BC (> Villanova culture). From the end of the 7th cent. BC until the beginning of the sth, V. was one of the richest cities in Etruria and exported pottery and bronze products beyond Italy into the Celtic and Greek worlds. A large proportion of known highvalue Attic pottery is from the > necropoleis which have been excavated since the 18th cent. The most significant indigenous pottery tradition extends from Etrusco-Corinthian (Pittore della Sfinge barbuta) through black-figure (> Pontic vase painting, > Micali Painter) to red-figure pottery of the Hellenistic period (Vanth Group; cf. > Vanth). After a crisis in the 5th cent., V. flourished again in the 4th cent. BC. Among the funerary buildings, those known as the Cuccumella (> Tumulus, 7th cent. BC) and the Tomba Francois (late 4th cent. BC, now in the Villa Albani in Rome) are outstanding, and the tomb of the Saties family whose freschi illustrate battle scenes of Etruscan and Roman aristocrats (> Mastarna; Servius > Tullius [I 4]). In 280 BC, the Roman consul Ti. > Coruncanius

triumphed over V. (InscrIt 13,1 p. 73) which lost its coastal territory with the founding of the Latin colonia of > Cosa(e) in 273 BC. In 90 BC, V. became a Roman

— municipium. There is archaeological evidence of e.g. foundations of a city wall, gates (5th/4th cents.), a bridge (1st cent. BC), temple, a Roman villa (1st cent. AD); it continued as a modest rural town until the 4th cent. AD. ~ Etrusci, Etruria (with maps); > Umbri, Umbria (with map) S.GSELL,

Fouilles

dans la nécropole

de Vulci,

1891;

C.Iara, Simbolismo funerario e ideologia alle origini di una civilta) urbana, 1999, 81-92; A.M. ScGuBINI Moretti, Vulci e il suo territorio, 1993; Ead., Ricerche archeologiche a Vulci: 1985-1990, in: M. MARTELLI (ed.),

Tyrrhenoi

500

499

Philotechnoi,

Etrurien, 1981, 183-203.

1994,

9-49;

S.STEINGRABER, MLLE.

Volero. A ‘lost? Roman > praenomen without siglum, in DeGrRAssi, FCap., recorded in 37 for the consular tribune of 399 BC, Volero Publilius [I 2] P.f. Voler. n. Philo. Etymologically it is an n-stem extension of ~ Volusus/Volesus. SALOMIES, 59; 169 f.; 190.

Volksrecht I. TERM II. ‘REICHSRECHT’ AND Volksrecht PRIOR TO THE CONSTITUTIO ANTONINIANA

Ill. Reichsrecht AND Volksrecht AFTER THE CONSTITUTIO ANTONINIANA IV. Volksrechte IN LaTE ANTIQUITY

I. TERM Volksrecht, a term coined by L. Mirrets [z. 4-9] in 1891, refers to the local legal traditions in the provinces of the Imperium Romanum in contrast to Roman law as Reichsrecht. Conferment of Roman citizenship (> civitas [2]) on (virtually?) all free inhabitants of the empire by the + Constitutio Antoniniana (AD 212; see [23 3]), contrary to some sources (e.g. Theod. Gr. aff. Cur. 9,13 RAEDER), did not result in an orientation of provincial legal life towards Roman law. This has been proven by papyri, inscriptions, and by legal opinions from imperial rescripts (— rescriptum; particularly from the Diocletian chancellery around AD 300) given in answer to inquiries from the eastern provinces. As (surviving) local law, Volksrecht was distinguished from > vulgar law as degenerate Roman law. For the specific legal relationships of a particular province (e.g.

the lex Hieronica for Sicily; Bibliothéké enktésedn/ + cadaster for Egypt, further examples under [5]; monumentum Ephesenum for Asia, also cf. last [6]) the category ‘provincial law’ has been used [4]; [5. 174191]. For Volksrecht in the study of Byzantine legal history cf. [7. 115]; for Volksrecht in (juridical) studies of the law of the Germanic peoples cf. [8]. II]. ‘REICHSRECHT’ AND VOLKSRECHT PRIOR TO THE CONSTITUTIO ANTONINIANA

In the Roman provinces no uniform rules were laid down for situations where local right should (or had to) be applied (for a detailed discussion, see [9]). Under the so-called lex Rupilia (system of judicature for Sicily, 132 BC, Cic. Verr. 2,2,32ff., see [93 10. index; [r1]) Sicilians from the same town had to litigate against each another before the domestic courts (domi certet suis legibus, ‘let him dispute at home according to his laws’). However, the jurisdiction of the Roman governor applied between Romans; Romans and Sicilians (judge: Sicilian or Roman according to the nationality of the defendant); Sicilians from different communities (the judge was presumably Sicilian); and between private individuals and communities (see [11]). The provincial edict of Q. + Mucius [I 9] Scaevola (procos. Asiae probably 94 BC) also applied the principle ‘that the Greeks decide among themselves according to their laws’ (ut Graeci inter se disceptent suis legibus, Cic. Att.

Volesus see > Volusus

6,1,15).

Volgum see > Valcum

However, according to Cic. Flacc. 48 ff. (see [9; ro. index]) Greeks from the same town were able to litigate

before a (presumably Roman) collegium of ~ recuperatores appointed by the governor. Plutarch [2] (Praecepta gerendae rei publicae 19) observed that the provincials distrusted their own courts and pre-

501

502

ferred to turn to the governor. The Roman form of process in the provinces was the formulary procedure (+ formula) {12]; not in Egypt [5]. It was based on the jurisdictional edict (provincial edict) of the governor [12] - an understanding of Roman law was also imparted in the provinces ([{13] with literature) although the (urban Roman) jurists also examined the validity and application of local law [14]. There is evidence of recuperatores as judges appointed by the governor for the provinces of Asia, Macedonia, Lycia and for the prov-

ince of Arabia for example [10. 2069 ff., 22109 ff.]. The documents from AD 94-132 in the archives of the Jewish widow Babatha in the province of Arabia founded in AD 106 (see [15; 10. 2109ff., 2173 ff., 2199 ff.]; also [16; 17]) illustrate the rapid establishment of Roman law in provincial practice, e.g. three copies of a literal Greek translation of the Roman formula for the actio tutelae (guardianship suit, PYadin 28-30), which Babatha presumably wished to use in a dispute about the guardianship of her son Jesus (from her first marriage; cf. [18]), and various + denuntiationes

‘statements’,

see

[10.

2173,

2191 ff.]). Two contracts of sale from AD 130 containa stipulation clause in proper form (- stipulatio) in Greek (PYadin 21f., cf. [19. 475 ff.]), which made the contracts actionable before the Roman governor in Petra. The Greek marriage contract between Shelamzion, the daughter of the (second) husband of Babatha, and her (likewise Jewish) groom from 128 also demonstrates the mixture of the legal traditions (PYadin 18). In respect of the maintenance that the groom was obliged to provide to the bride (and future children), the parties refer to a hellénikos némos (‘Greek law’, |. 16), but the contract was placed under Roman law by means of a stipulation clause. The marriage contract between

VOLKSRECHT

of the Latin mancipation testament (> testamentum)

and the ius liberorum (‘privilege in inheritance based on the number of children’). Some papyri make express reference to — patria potestas (‘paternal authority’), others are based on the assumption that children enjoy independent property rights. There is further evidence for the partial release of slaves which was impossible under Roman law. The principles in the + Syro-Roman book of laws, or alternatively, its Greek model, correspond with Roman law (ed. and comm. [22]; different view [1]). They could be interpretationes (original is not reconstructable) of a collection of imperial constitutions (according to [22. vol. 3, 26ff.]); the terminus post quem for the final edition is the death of emperor Leo(n) [4] I in AD 474. Under Justinianus [1] (6th cent. AD) Volksrecht that deviated from Roman law was no longer able to claim validity (cf. Const. Tanta § 23; AD 533.). The emperor expressly forbade in two re-enactments (edicta Iustiniani 3: 23.07.535; Coll. 168 Novellae 21 = Authenticum 21: 18.03.536) for the Roman part of Armenia (province from the end of the 4th cent. AD) local legal customs such as the law of succession which was restricted to men, marriage by purchase and marriage without an endowment (— Dowry; cf. > dos) for the wife. Roman laws alone were to prevail et nihil Armeniorum leges a Romanorum differre, ‘and the laws of the Armenians are not to differ in any way from those of the Romans’ (Authenticum 21,1).

~» Vulgar law; > VULGARISM RESEARCH 1 Mirreis 2 J.OLtver, Greek Constitutions of Early Roman Emperors from Inscriptions and Papyri, 1989 3 P. KUHLMANN, Die Giefener literarischen Papyri und die Caracalla-Erlasse,1994 4 D.NoOrr, Iurisprudentia universalis von Schreiberhand: zur katharopoiesis-Klausel,

Babathas and her second husband (AD 122-125) was

in: M. SCHERMAIER et al. (eds.), Iurisprudentia universalis.

still drawn up as an Aramaic k ‘tubbd [20]. In Egypt (for a detailed discussion, see [5]) Egyptian law and Ptolemaic royal legislation lived on after the Roman conquest as a ‘regional custom’ so to speak. Adjudication by the governor was, however, not bound by it, not even in lawsuits between Egyptians. Consequently, in the suit brought by Dionysia (POxy. 2,237; AD 186), the plaintiff relied on decisions by Roman judges who had disregarded an Egyptian legal principle allowing the father to recall his daughter from her marriage, even against her will, as being ‘unjust’.

FS Th. Mayer-Maly, 2002, 529-547 5 WOLFF, vol. 1, 6 M.Ametortrt1, Leggi greche in diritto romano, 2002 in: Minima epigraphica et papyrologica 4.6, 2001, 11-23

II]. REICHSRECHT AND VOLKSRECHT AFTER THE CONSTITUTIO ANTONINIANA

Egypt has the best evidence of the implications of the + constitutio Antoniniana [5]. Traditional types of transactions and formulas remained in use there (but there was always the possibility of an > interpretatio Romana). Evidence of the prevalence of Roman law is provided in the case of the stipulation clause [21], which from AD 220 onwards suddenly makes a frequent appearance in contracts (consequence of a judgement by the governor on the invalidity of a contract?),

7 D.SIMoN, Provinzialrecht und Volksrecht, in: Fontes

minores 1, 1976, 102-116

8 E.KAUFMANN,§s. v. Volks-

recht, in: A. ERLER et al. (ed.), Handworterbuch zur deut-

schen Rechtsgeschichte, vol. 5, 1998, 1004-1006 9 W.KuNKEL, R. WiTrMann, Staatsordnung und Staatspraxis der romischen Republik, vol. 2: Die Magistratur (HdbA 3,2,2), 1995, 354-363 10 D.Norr, Historiae juris antiqui. Gesammelte

Studien, 3 vols., 2002

11

J. PLatscuek, Das ius Verrinum im Fall des Heraclius von Syrakus, in: ZRG 118, 2001, 234-263 12 K.HAcKL, Der Zivilprozef des friiheren Prinzipats in den Provinzen, in: ZRG 114, 1997,141-159 13 D.LigBs, Rechtskunde im rémischen Kaiserreich. Rom und die Provinzen, in: see [4], 383-407. 14 M.TALAMaNnca, Particolarismo normativo ed unita della cultura giuridica nell’esperienza romana, in: Diritto generale e diritti particolari nell’esperienza storica (conference Florence 1998), 2001, 9-276 15 Y. YApIn, N. Lewis (ed.), The Documents from the Bar Kokhba Period in the Cave of Letters (Judean Desert Studies), vol. 1: Greek Papyri, 1989, vol. 2: Hebrew, Aramaic and Nabatean-Aramaic Papyri, 2002 16 H. Cotron, ‘H véa éxcoxeva Agapia: The New Province of Arabia in the Papyri from the Judean Desert, in: ZPE

VOLKSRECHT

116, 1997, 204-208 17Id.,Some Aspects of the Roman Administration of Judaea/Syria-Palaestina, in: W.Eck (ed.), Lokale Autonomie und rémische Ordnungsmacht, 1999, 75-89 18 T.Curusi, Zur Vormundschaft der Mutter, in: ZRG 111, 1994,155-196 19 H.L. W. NELson, U. MANTHE (ed.), Gai institutiones II 88-181, 1999, 475-479 (with commentary)

504

503

20 H.Corron, XHev/Se

2, Inv. No. 870: A Cancelled Marriage Contract from the Judean Desert, in: JRS 84, 1994, 66-86 21 D.SImMoNn, Studien zur Praxis der Stipulationsklausel, 1964 22 W.SeLB, H.KauFHOLD, (ed.), Das Syrisch-rémische Rechtsbuch, vol. 1-3, 2002. IV. VOLKSRECHTE IN LATE ANTIQUITY

The laws decreed by the Germanic kings on the territory of the former Roman Empire in the late antique period have been referred to as Volksrechte (usually in the plural) since the rgth cent. In the classical spirit of the early modern age they had been called leges barbarorum (‘Barbarian laws’). Modern research usually only mentions /eges, but this is misleading since > lex was also a source of Roman law from the Twelve Tables (+ tabulae duodecim) until the > constitutiones of the emperors in the late antique period. However, still later Germanic Volksrechte were referred to as leges (as was the lex Alamannorum and the lex Baiuvariorum, both not later than the 8th cent. AD). Late antique sources which were particularly important for the west of the former Roman empire are the leges Romanae, which applied to Roman (Latin speaking) subjects of the Germanic kings. The most influential > law code of this type was the lex Romana Visigothorum (AD 506) under King > Alaricus [3] II (hence also Breviarium Alarici). In the areas of southern France which were intermittently conquered by the > Visigoths, this lex was the prevailing written law (droit écrit), until the Roman law of the > Corpus iuris was enforced there in the 12th and 13th cents. It is a collection of various Roman legal sources, principally extracts from the > Codex (II.)Theodosianus, an extensive revision of the Institutiones of > Gaius [2] and extracts from the ‘sententiae of Paulus’ (cf. > Iulius [IV 16] Paulus). The lex is also accompanied by an + interpretatio (I.), which at times provides references to other sources of Roman law. A comparable work by the > Ostrogoths was the Edictum Theoderici from the reign of - Theoderic [3] the Great (474-526) with extracts from the Codex Theodosianus and the preceding collections of Constitutiones (> Codex II. B.). The same models as for the lex Romana Visigothorum were incorporated into the lex Romana Burgundionum (beginning of the 6th cent. AD). > Vulgar law; > Vulgarism research 1 DULCKEIT/SCHWARZ/WALDSTEIN, 306-308 2TH. Mayer-Maty, s. v. R6misches Vulgarrecht, in: A. ERLER et al. (eds.), Handwérterbuch zur deutschen Rechtsgeschichte, vol. 4, 1990, 1132-1137 3 H.SteMs,s. v. Lex Romana Visigothorum, in: s. [2], vol. 2, 1978, 1940-1949 4H. NEHLSEN, s. v. Lex Romana Burgundionun, in: s. [2], vol. 2, 1978, 1927-1934. GS.

Volnius. Author, probably in the rst cent. BC, who wrote ‘Etruscan tragedies’ (tragoediae Tuscae). V. was Varro’s [2] (Ling. 5,55; written in c. 45 BC) informant for the Etruscan origin of the names of the first Roman + tribus: tribus Titiensium, tribus Ramnium, tribus Lucerum. C.O. TuuLin, Die etruskische Disciplin III, 1909 (repr. 1968), 48; W.STRZELECKI, s. v. V., RE9 A, 766 f. M.HAA.

Vologaeses (Ovoddyatooc/Ouoldgaisos(and other spellings); Lat. Vologaeses (and other spellings), Parthian Walagas), name of Iranian and Armenian rulers (> Parthians). [1] V. ISon of > Vonones [2] II and a Greek mistress (Tac. Ann. 12,44; Jos. Ant. Lud. 20,3,4 erroneously referred to him as the son of > Artabanus [5] II). In AD 50/51, he successfully fought for the Parthian throne against — Gotarzes II. The first phase of his reign was marked by a war on two fronts—against the Romans in Armenia and against a son of > Vardanes [2] who operated from Hyrcania. In c. 61, V. succeeded in destroying the pretender. Regarding Armenia, an agreement was reached in 63/66 according to which V.’ youngest half-brother > Tiridates [5] became King but under Parthian, not Roman dominion. The relationship to Rome continued to fluctuate in the following years (cf. > Iulius [II 11]; [Il 76]), esp. when Vespasianus refused to support V. against the Alani (Cass. Dio 65,15,3) who in c. 75 had invaded the kingdoms of his brothers > Pacorus [2] and Tiridates. V. must have died at approximately the same time as Vespasianus (inc. 79, cf. Cass. Dio 66,17,3), after he had accepted Pacorus [3] as his co-regent. — Sassanids M.Scuorrky, Parther, Meder und Hyrkanier, in: AMI

24, 1991, 61-134; 113-121, genealogical table VI; VII; Id., Quellen zur Geschichte von Media Atropatene und Hyrkanien in parthischer Zeit, in: J. WiESEHOFER (ed.), Das Partherreich und seine Zeugnisse, 1998, 435-472;

ESP. 445-4493 454; 464-467. [2] V. If Parthian coins from AD 77/78 are attributed to a putative son of V [1] [1. p. 174-176]. However, this

attribution is questionable and adds confusion to the chronology of the Parthian V. 1 G. LERIDeR, Suse sous les Séleucides et les Parthes. Les trouvailles monétaires et l’histoire de la ville (Mémoires de la Mission Archéologique en Iran 38), 1965.

[3] V. II (If?) probably a son of > Pacorus [3] from whom he inherited the claim to the throne against > Osroes [1]. With the death of the latter, he became the single ruler until AD 147/8. M.J. OLBRYcuHT, Das Arsakidenreich zwischen der mediterranen Welt und Innerasien, in: E.DaBRowa (ed.), Ancient Iran and the Mediterranean World (= Electrum 2), 1998, 123-159, esp. 138-150.

595

506

[4] V. Ill (IV?) The son of a Mithradates, King of Parthia from AD 147/148. In 151, he established his rule in ~> Mesene [1]. As the single Parthian ruler, he declared war against the Roman Empire and had > Osroes [2] capture Armenia in 161. In 165, a Roman counteroffensive (from 162) resulted in the capture of Seleucia [1] and Ctesiphon but the Romans had to retreat due to an epidemic that spread through the army. After further conflicts surrounding Armenia (> Sohaemus [4]), peace negotiations with Marcus [2] Aurelius did not begin until 176 (SHA Aurel. 26,1). V. was in power until 193.

sian influence (Faustus [4] Buzandaci 5,37—44). V. must have died young (cf. Moses [2] Chorenaci 3,41) since he is no longer mentioned at the time of Armenia’s division between (East) Rome and Persia (AD 384-389). PLRE 1, 929.

1D.S. Porrer, The Inscriptions of the Bronze Herakles from Mesene, in: ZPE 88, 1991, 277-290.

[5S] V. IV (V2) Son of V. [4], who accepted him as coregentin AD 191, from 193 single Parthian King. When Septimius [II 7] Severus occupied Parthian regions in Mesopotamia in 195, V. withdrew to his ancestral country. After the emperor retreated, V. invaded Mesopotamia and occupied Nisibis in 196. In 198, Severus returned and captured Babylon, Seleucia [1] and Ctesiphon. V., who again had withdrawn into the interior of the country, was able to recapture his empire after the Romans left and continued to rule until 207/208

VOLONES

M.-L. CHAuMontT, s. v. Armenia and Iran II, Enclr 2, 418438, esp. 425; 428; C. TOUMANOFF, s. v. Arsacids VII, Enclr 2, 543-546.

[10] Greek authors referred to him, int. al., as BA&ons/ Blasés (Procop. Pers. 1,5,2; 1,6,17), Badac/Bdlas (Agathias 4,27) and OvdéAac/Oudlas (Theophanes anno 5969 and 5971), in New-Persian-Arabic Bald, the Per-

sian Great King from AD 484. He was the son of ~ Yazdgirds [2] Il and assumed power after the death of his brother > Peroz [1] in the battle against the ~ Hephthalites. V. made peace with Wahan Mamikonian, the leader of the rebellious Armenians and received his support in the fight for the throne against his brother Zarer. After he ruled for four years ina humane and tolerant way, he was replaced by his nephew > Cavades [1] I, who had him blinded. PLRE 2, 1136. M.-L. CHAUMONT,

s. v. Balas, Sasanian King of Kings,

Enclr 3, 579.

M.SCH.

(> Parthian and Persian Wars).

[6] V.V (VI?) Son of V. [5], Great King from AD 207/208. After the revolt of his brother > Artabanus [8] IV, V.’ rule was limited to Babylonia. His precarious position probably led him to agree with Caracalla’s demand to hand over two fugitives (Cass. Dio 78,19,1; 21,1). His series of dated tetradrachmas from Seleucia [1] ended in c. 222, with a single minting in 227/228 remaining isolated [1. 286]. At that time at the latest, V. must have been defeated by > Sassanid king — Ardashir [1] L. 1D.G. SeLtwoop, An Introduction to the Coinage of Parthia, *1980. On V. [1-6]: M. KarrAS-KLAPPROTH, Prosopographische Studien zur Geschichte des Partherreiches, 1988, 192209;

K. SCHIPPMANN, S. v. Balas I-VI, Enclr 3, 574-579.

[7] Traianus [1] ceded a part of Armenia to V., the son of > Sanatruces [2], in AD 116 (Cass. Dio 75,9,6, in the

editions after 68,30,3). Hadrianus recognised his rule (SHA Hadr. 21,11). V. was still in power in 134-136 when his country was invaded by the Alani (Cass. Dio 69,15,1).

[8] A certain V. appeared among the contenders for the Armenian crown who were passed over in favour of —» Sohaemus [4] (Fronto, Ad Verum Imp. 2,16, p. 126

Vologaisia see > Vologesocerta Vologesocerta (Plin. HN 6,122; Prtol. 5,20,6: Ovdioyatoia/Ouologaisia; Amm. Marc. 23,6,23: Vologessia; Tab. Peut. 11,4: Volocesia; Steph. Byz. s. v. Bohoyeooiac/Bologessias). City in Babylonia, founded by the Parthian king — Vologaeses I on the > Naarmalcha near - Seleucia [1] and in competition with it; presumably at modern Abi Halafiya. A. OPPENHEIMER, Babylonia Judaica in the Talmudic Period (TAVO Beiheft B 47), 1983, 198-207. E.O.

Volones was the name applied to the some 8000 slaves that the Senate recruited on a voluntary basis after the Roman defeat at Cannae in 216 BC (> Hannibal [4]) (Liv. 22,57,11 f.; Fest: 511; Macrob.)Sat. 1,11,30); after the victory over Hanno at Beneventum in 214 BC the volones were ceremonially given their freedom (Liv. 24,14-16). A comparable recruitment of non-free men is attributed to Marcus [2] Aurelius (SHA Aur. 21,6). In both cases libertas (+ Freedom) and > civitas were held

in prospect, whereas on other occasions of deployment of slaves in battle their + manumission was generally a prerequisite (Serv. Aen. 9,546).

VAN DEN Hout). If he came to power after the death of

1 L.ScHuMAcHER, Sklavereiin der Antike, 2001,

the latter, his rule would date into the decade after AD 180. [9] (Armenian WatarSak), a younger son of Armenian

2 K.-W. We.wet, Unfreie im antiken Kriegsdienst, vol. 3:

King > Pap. After the imperial commander Manuel Mamikonian had driven out King -» Warazdat, he installed > Arsaces [5] III and V. as co-regents. V. as the second king and his brother soon ended up under Per-

Rom, 1988, 5-18.

188-191

VOLSCI

507

Volsci. The Volsci, an Italian people in central Italy. I. IMMIGRATION AND FIRST CLASHES WITH ROME Il. WARS WITH ROME UNTIL THE END OF AUTONOMy

III. THE VOLSCI SOUTH OF THE LIRIS

I. IMMIGRATION AND FIRST CLASHES WITH ROME The V. migrated from the central + Appenninus into the south of Latium (— Latini) probably towards the end of the 6th cent. BC or the beginning of the sth. This assumption is confirmed by the relationship between the Volscan and Umbrian dialects; cf. the inscription on the Tabula Veliterna (4th/3rd cent. BC; VETTER, no. 222). The legendary pre-history of the V. we know mainly from Vergil, who introduces the V. under their queen > Camilla as allies of — Turnus (Verg. Aen. I1,539-828); accounts by Roman historiographers of the war Ancus Marcius [I 3] is supposed to have waged against the V. (Dion. Hal. ant. 3,41,5) are projections of later events into the period of kings, as is the statement that Tarquinius [12] Superbus defeated the V. in a battle and seized + Suessa Pometia from them (Liv. 1,53,2; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom 4,50,2 ff.). An account of an + Aurunci legation that supported the V.’s cause in the Senate in Rome (Liv. 2,26,4; 495 BC), may bea reflex of contacts during which the V. moved into the area originally settled by the Aurunci (Mons Lepinus: Colum. 10,131, modern Monti Lepini; — Ager Pomptinus, coastal region from > Antium to > Tarracina). These early disputes between Rome and the V. (Liv. 6,12,2) show how hard the Romans had to work to regain their influence in the south of Latium, which threatened to be lost to the V. and which is documented e.g. by the Roman-Carthaginian treaty of 509 BC (Pol. 3,22). How problematic the Romans saw these conflicts is shown by the essentially legendary figure of + Coriolanus (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 8,14-36; Liv. 2,33-40) assigned by Roman historiography to the years 491-488 BC (Cic. Brut. 41), who as a Roman exile among the V. marched to the gates of Rome at the head of Volscan troops. This struggle particularly involved the cities of Velitrae, Cora, Norba, Satricum, Ecetra, Antium, Corioli, Tarracina (Volscan: Anxur) and the Roman colonies of Pometia (Liv. 2,16,8; near modern Cisterna di Latina), Signia (modern Segni) and Circei (Liv. 2,9 ff.; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 5-7). IJ. Wars WITH ROME UNTIL THE END OF

AUTONOMY The Romans took some 150 years (from c. 500 until c. 350 BC) to get their hands on the territory claimed by the V., gradually and then finally. At times they waged wars against individual Volscan cities, or those held by the V., and at times against the V. as a whole. Repeatedly, however, various Volscan cities found themselves resisting Rome together, and time and again treaties concluded with the V. as a whole were broken by individual Volscan cities. Both Rome’s assignation of the + Ager Pomptinus in 383 BC (Liv. 6,21,4) and the

508

institution of the Tribus Pomptina (— Tribus, with map) in 358 BC (Liv. 7,15,12) stirred the V. to resistance. For military and political security, Rome as well as the V. established colonies in the endangered regions (chliivay52752). Rome’s wars against individual Volscan cities: + Antium: Roman triumphs 468 BC T. Quinctius [I 5], 462 L. Lucretius [I 10], 459 L. Cornelius [I 58]. Liv.

6,2,13 notes a 70-year war, scholars make of this a 70year peace or a 7-year war, before the Antiates at the time of the Gaul disaster (> Gallia Cisalpina B) in 389 BC again embarked on war against Rome; 386 battles against the Antiates; 377 capitulation; 346 triumph of M. Valerius [I 11] Corvus; 338 BC uprising together with Velitrae, defeat at Astura, capitulation. Establishment of aRomancolony. Triumph of C. Maenius [I 3].>» Ardea: relief of the city from a Volscan siege, triumph of M. Geganius [1] Macerinus in 443 BC. — Artena (not

located): 404 BC conquered and destroyed. —— Ecetra: 459 BC triumph of Q. Fabius [I 38]; 431 T. Quinctius [I 9]. — > Privernum: 357 BC battles; 329 uprising in alliance with the > Fundi, conquered, triumph of the consuls L. Aemilius [I 24] and C. Plautius [I 5]. - > Satricum: 499 or 496 BC participation in the battle of — Lacus Regillus against the Romans; 395 and 386 uprising; 377 and 346 BC destroyed. — — Tarracina: 406 BC conquered. — > Velitrae: 494 BC conquered, establishment of a Roman colony; 395 uprising; 370 siege; 3 58 uprising; 340-338 BC uprising together with Antium, defeat at Astura and conquest; establishment of anew Roman colony. Triumph of C. Maenius [I 3]. — Verrugo (not located): 408 BC conquered, the next year regained by the V. Combined Volscan actions, sometimes together with the > Aequi: peace treaty with Rome in 396 BC (Liv. 5,23,12)3; 390 uprising, 389 defeat at Maecium (at Lanuvium? Liv. 6,2,8; cf. Diod. 14,117; triumph of M. Furius [I 13] Camillus); 385 BC defeat, triumph of A. Cornelius [I 21]. Rome ultimately concluded peace treaties only with each Volscan city, not with the V. as a whole. II. THE VOLSCI SOUTH OF THE LirRIS The V. to the south of the > Liris (modern Garigliano; > Arpinum, > Casinum, > Fregellae) were less affected by the conflicts with Rome described under IJ; in the Samnite Wars (+ Samnites IV) they found themselves between the fronts, and this became particularly problematic when Rome established a colony in Fregellae in 328 BC (Liv. 8,22,1 f.; 8,23,6). After the defeat of the Romans at > Caudium in 321 BC > Satricum (in an unknown location on the upper Liris; Liv. 9,12,5-8;

9,16,2-10) rebelled, but was not able in 319 to assert itself against the Romans. With the institution of the Tribus Oufentina (in 318 BC) Roman rule was at length established even in this southern Volscan territory (Liv. 9,20,6; cf. Diod. Sic. 19,72,3 f.). + Marius [I 1] and + Cicero were from Volscan Arpinum. > Tribus (map)

5909

510

E.Mannl, Le tracce della conquista volsca nel Lazio, in:

VOLTEIUS

H. Soin, Sul concetto di Lazio nell’antichita, in: Id. (ed.), Studi storico-epigrafici sul Lazio antico, 1996, 1-22; G.Firpo, Per un’ introduzione metodologica allo studio dei rapporti tra Roma e gli Equi, in: M.BUONOCORE, G.Firpo, Fonti latine e greche per la storia dell’Abruzzo

with dipinti with references to the Afterworld (+ Etrusci [III.C.]) and weapons and red-figure pottery, some of local production, some imported, date to the middle of the 4th cent. BC. The prosperous and powerful city which resisted the Romans for a long time (Val. Max. 9,1; Liv. 5,31 f.5 10,37; Oros. 4,5) was evacuated by them to V. [2] and destroyed in 264 BC, and the settlement sites were abandoned (Zon. 8,7).

antico, vol. 2.1, 1998, 285-363; P.G. Monri, Terra dei V., 1989; G. RADKE, s. v. V., RE 9 A, 773-827. M.BU.

[2] The population of V. [1] was resettled in V. (It. Ant. 286,1; Tab. Peut. 5,1), modern Bolsena, on the Lacus

Athenaeum 17, 1939, 233-279; F. COARELLI, Roma, i V. e il Lazio antico, in: Crise et transformations des sociétés de l'Italie antique au V° siécle av. J. C. (Rome 1987), 1990, 135-154;

M. Narissi, s. v. V., EV 5.1, 1990, 617-619;

Volscius. V. Fictor, M. Ancient tradition, scarcely historically accurate and in itself inconclusive (see [1]) at-

tributes, with individual variations, to V. a people’s tribuneship in the years 461 to 457 BC (MRR 1, 37-41) and links him with a lawsuit against Kaeso > Quinctius {I 1], who V. accused of having mortally wounded his brother. Initially accused, but unsuccessfully because of the intercession of his fellow tribunes, of false witness

(cf. V.’s cognomen Fictor, ‘Inventor’) in 459 BC by Kaeso’s father > Quinctius [I 7] Cincinnatus, in 458 he was convicted by Cincinnatus of being a > dictator and went into exile (Liv. 3,13,2 f.; 3,23,73 3,2453-73 3525523

3,29,6). That this account is irreconcilable with his continuation as people’s tribune in that year, is obvious. For the etymology of V.’s nomen gentile cf. [2. 107;

3- 523]. 1H.G.

GuNDEL,

2ScHULZE 1956.

s.v.

V.

(2),

RE

9A,

827-829

3J.REICHMUTH, Die lateinische Gentilicia, C.MU.

Volsinii (Etruscan Velzna/Velsna). The suggestion [1. 451, n. 61] that there were two towns with the name of V. in Etruria has been gaining increasing support in recent times. It is assumed, for instance, that two Etruscan cities had the name: [1] V. Veteres (modern Orvieto) and [2] V. (modern Bolsena). [1] The original city (+ Urbs Vetus) was on a tuff outcrop (325 m in height, approximately 5 km in circumference) in the south-east of the valley of the — Pallia near its confluence with the > Tiber. Settlement on the rock extends back at least to the roth cent. BC (sub-

Appennine pottery from excavations under the church of St. Andrea). There is little evidence from the 9th and 8th cents. BC, clearly more, and more significant, finds date from the 7th—-sth cents. BC. V. was a member of the Etruscan League of Twelve Cities (+ Twelve Cities, League (Etruscan) of) (whose cult centre was the Fanum Voltumnae in V.). The ancient settlement is little known

because of complete over-building in mediaeval and modern times. From the second half of the 5th cent. and from the 4th cent. BC, there are regularly laid-out necropoleis with fossa and chamber graves (inscriptions and wall paintings) of tuff blocks, grave goods (valuable handicraft of local production and imports from Greece), temple (evidenced by architectural terracottas, based on models of Greek art of the sth cent. BC), second half of the sth and 4th cents. BC. Graves

Volsiniensis (modern Lago di Bolsena). There is evidence there of an Etruscan city with necropoleis with pottery (late Villanova period and the Orientalizing period), a ring wall from the 4th cent. BC and remains of two temples from the 3rd—2nd cents. BC, house foundations, also a forum, basilica, and amphitheatre from the Roman period. Liv. 7,3,7 mentions a temple of + Nortia in V. Seianus (> Aelius [II 19]) and the poet > Avienus were from V. [2]. + Etrusci, Etruria (with maps); — Twelve Cities, League (Etruscan) of; > Villanova culture 1 K.O. Miter, Die Etrusker, 1828.

M.Bizzari, Orvieto etrusca, 1967; M. ToRELLI, II donario di M. Fulvio Flacco nell’area di S. Omobono, in: Quaderni dell’Istituto di Topografia Antica dell’ Universita di Roma 5, 1968, 71-76; G.CAMPOREALE, La Collezione Alla Querce. Materiali archeologici orvietani, 1970; Id., Buccheri a cilidretto di fabbrica orvietana, 1972; Id., Gli Etrusci, 2000, 301-312; R.BLocu, Recherches archéologiques en territoire volsinien, 1973; M.CAGIANO DE AZEVEDO, Un trionfo e una distruzione: M. Folvios e Volsinium, in: PdP 27, 1972, 239-245; F.RONCALLI, Il ‘Marte’ di Todi, in: Memorie della Pontificia Accademia Romana di Archeologia 11,2, 1973, 1-141; F. PRAYON et al., Orvieto. Tiibinger Ausgrabungen in der CannicellaNekropole 1984-1990, in: AA 1993, 5-99; M. BONAMICI et al., Orvieto. La necropoli di Cannicella, 1994; Annali della Fondazione per il Museo Claudio Faina, vol.1, 1980; vol. 2, 1985; vol. 3, 1987; vol. 6, 1999; F. T.BucHICCHIO, Note di topografia antica sulla V. romana, in: MDAI(R)

77, 1970, 19-45; W.V. Harris, The Via Cassia and the Via Traiana Nova between Bolsena and Chiusi, in: PBSR

33, 1965, 113-133; A.E. FERUGLIO et al., Pittura Etrusca a Orvieto, 1982; L.Ricetti (ed.), Studi su Orvieto Preromana, in: Bolletino dell’ Istituto Storico Artistico Orvietano 44-45, 1988-89 Etrurien, 257-297.

[1992],

1-311;

S.STEINGRABER, GLC.

Volteius. Roman ~ gentile presumably of Etruscan origin (SCHULZE, 259). The best-known representative is V. Mena. The auctioneer, evidently of non-free origin, who by gift of L. Marcius [I 13] Philippus becomes a farmer and thereby ultimately falls into misfortune (Hor. Epist. 1,7,46-95), is a constructed figure. Horace

uses him as his fourth and most detailed example of the problems gifts from patrons could cause. O.HILTBRUNNER, 289-300.

V. Mena,

in: Gymnasium

67, 1960, J.BA.

VOLTUMNA

512

bypfse

6 G.RaADKE, s. v. V. (1), RE9 A, 858 f.

Voltumna see > Vertumnus

(2), RE9A, 859.

7 Ead., s. v. V.

G.VA.

Voltur. Mountain of volcanic origin to the right of the Aufidus in southern Samnium, modern Monte Volture

Volturnus

with the peaks of Monte Pizzuto (1327 m) and Monte Monticchio (1262 m), on the western slopes of which there are two small crater lakes. Although it is situated in southern Samnium (> Samnites), it is located by Hor. Carm. 3,4,9 and Luc. 9,185 (Vultur) in Apulia (+ Apuli), where they claim it can be seen from a great distance. The name of the mountain has been connected

[1] River in southern Italy (approximately 185 km in length) with a catchment area of approximately 5,677 km. It rises on the south-eastern slopes of Monte Metuccia (near > Aesernia) from a large karst spring, absorbs tributaries from the Monti del Matese and ul-

with the Etruscan root in > Volturnus (wind and river), Veturia (island in the > Mare Tyrrhenum), Volturcia (> Gens), with the Oscan meaning of ‘mountain’, and also with volvere (‘roll’, relating to lava) and voltur (‘vulture’; cf. Serv. Aen. 10,145), without a definite clarification being possible.

— Tifata mons through to the Mare Tyrrhenum, where its alluvial deposits have created the plain of Campania

G. RADKE, s. v. V., RE 9 A, 856 f.; NISSEN 2, 827.

G.VA.

Volturcius > Gentile of Etruscan origin (SCHULZE, 260). Most important representative: V., T., a supporter of > Catilina. In 63 BC, V. who was from Croton was arrested when, on behalf of P. Cornelius [I 56] Lentulus, he went with ambassadors of the Allobroges to deliver a letter to Catilina. For his willingness to provide information he was granted immunity from prosecution (Cic. Cat.. 3,43 4,5; Sall. Catil. 44-47; 50,1; Flor. 2,12,9; App. B Civ. 2,13-15). J.BA. Volturnum (OvovAtotevod Ououltotirnos).

[1] Township on the > Mare Tyrrhenum at the mouth of the > Volturnus [1] in the north of Campania (Str.

timately the Calor (modern Calore) to the west of + mons Taburnus, before breaking to the north of the

(Str. 5,4,4; Serv. Aen. 7,728). Here it forms numerous

swamps and reaches the coast in a delta at > Volturnum [x] (Varro, Ling. 5,4,29; Liv. 25,20,2; 25,22,53 2.657593 32529533 36537533 Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 7,3,33

Str. 5,3,103 5,454; Mela 4,2,70; Plin. HN. 3,61; Stat. Silv. 4,3,88—94; Plut. Fabius Maximus 6,3). Thus it cuts right across the Samnite settlement area (Varro, Ling. 5,4,29). In ancient literature, it is described as a wild and dangerous (Claudianus, Panegyricus Probino et Olybrio consulibus 256), fast-flowing river (Luc. 2,423) which carries with it a great deal of earth (Ov. Met. 15,714 f.) and is therefore yellow in colour (Stat. Silv. 4,3,67 ff.) and full of shallows (Verg. Aen. 7,728 ff.). The V. was of strategic significance particularly in the context of the Samnite Wars and the Second Punic War (Liv. 10,20,6; 10,31,23 22,14,1; 23,14,13; 25,22,5; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 15,4).

> Volturnum G. RADKE, s. v. V. (2), RE9 A, 861-864; A. RussI, s. v. V., EV 5, 619 f.; NISSEN 2, 711. G.VA.

5535103 5,4,4; Varro, Ling. 5,29; Plin. HN. 3,61; Mela

2,70), modern Castel Volturno. It was converted into a fort by the Romans ina battle with Hannibal [4] in 212

BC (Liv. 25,20,2). A > colonia proposed in Rome in 197 (Liv. 32,29,3) was settled at V. in 194 BC (Liv. 34,45,1). V. was the seat of a praefectura (Fest. 242,10; > praefectus iure dicundo). V. was destroyed in 38 BC at the command of Sex. Pompeius [I 5] in a dispute with the later Augustus (Cass. Dio 48,46,1). Augustus had a

new colonia established at V. and had the town fortified (Liber colonialis 239). With the building of the via Domitiana in AD 95, V. obtained a link northwards to the + via Appia and thereby acquired significance in terms of transport policy (cf. Stat. Silv. 4,1, in the title; Cass. Dio 67,14,1; V. as a statio in Tab. Peut. 6,3). A number of ancient remains can be found in the modern Civita district. Cf. [25 5; 6]. [2] The original Etruscan name of the city renamed + Capua by the > Samnites. A connection between V. and the River > Volturnus [1] is nowadays generally rejected. For the various ancient etymologies of Capua cf. Liv. 4,37,1 and Serv. Aen. 10,145 [13 3; 4; 7]. 1 BI'CGI 4, s.v. Capua, 455-476 2L.Crimaco, V., 1991 3J.HeuRGoN, Recherches sur histoire, la religion et la civilisation de Capoue préromaine, *1970 4Id., s.v. Capua, EV 1, 656-658 5 NISSEN 2, 697

[2] The addressee of the Volturnalia festival, listed as

early as in the late Republican — Fasti Antiates Maiores, in the city of Rome on 27 August was, according to three Imperial period calendars (InscrIt 13,2,503), the god V. Varro, too, possibly derives (in a corrupt passage, Varro, Ling. 6,21) the festival from him. The otherwise unknown Flamen Volturnalis (Enn. Ann. 116; — Flamines) was considered to be his — priest (Varro, Ling. 7,45; cf. Paul. Fest. 519,19 f. L.), he himself is called flumen (‘river’) by the Tiberian Fasti Vallenses (InscrIt 13,2,149). This information may, but does not have to, be an indication of the existence of a

river god V. in the city of Rome; a secondary identification with the River V. [1] would also be conceivable. The V. described in the euhemeristic/mythographic tradition (in Arnob. 3,29) as father of the spring nymph ~ Juturna and grandfather of Fons (‘Spring’) may also be the River V. [1]. In the view of Varro (Ling. 5,29), the name V. is not Latin; but the alternative of an Etruscan origin for V., derived from the Etruscan name form velOurna, is not very plausible either. + Personification; > River gods LATTE, 37, 777, 131 £.; RADKE, 347 f.

S43

514

[3] Latin name for a dry warm wind which is identified with the south-east wind + Eurus (e.g. Varro in Sen. Q Nat. 5,16,4; Columella 5,5,15: vulturnus; Vitr. De arch. 1,6,10; Plin. HN. 2,119 and 18,338; Gell. NA 2,22,10); etymological derivation from the mountain ~ Voltur is improbable. The V. is first mentioned by Lucr. 5,745 (citation in Isid. Orig. 13,11,6) as “thun-

dering high above” (altitonans). It was disastrous that in 216 BC in the battle of + Cannae against Hannibal [4] the V. was blowing dust into the faces of the southfacing Roman battle line (Liv. 22,43,10 f. and 46,8 f.). — Winds G.Rapkg, s.v. V. (1), RE 9 A, 860 f.; K. NIELSEN, Les

noms grecs et latins des vents, in: Classica et Mediaevalia 7, 1945, I-113.

C.HU.

Volubilis. City in» Mauretania Tingitana in a strategically favourable location 20 km to the north of Meknés (in Morocco); modern Walila. V. was originally probably a Berber settlement, but as an inland city was Punicised relatively early. From the 4th/3rd cents. BC onwards, V. was one of the residences of the Moorish rulers. From no later than the 3rd cent. BC, V. was under the administration of > sufetes. Neo-Punic inscriptions attest to the survival of the Punic language until the time of the Moorish king Ptolemaeus [24] (AD 23-40); moreover, some 600 stelai in the (neo)Punic style have been found. Temple B (1st—3rd cents. AD), known as the Temple of Saturn, was outside the wall surrounding the Moorish city. After the death of Ptolemaeus, V. allied with Rome [2. 116] and under a (non-Latin) Claudius — [III 1] became Roman —> municipium [1]. The city, in which some 10,000 people lived, was probably, along with > Tingis (modern Tanger), a residence city of the procurator of Mauretania Tingitana. From the high point in the 2nd and 3rd cents., ruins of numerous public buildings survive. Berber, Punic, Greek and Roman gods governed the cultic life of the city. From the end of the 3rd cent., Christianity also encroached on V. At about this time, V. was occupied by Berber tribes. In the 4th cent., it appears that there were no longer Roman soldiers or magistrates in V. Documentary evidence: Mela 3,107; Plin. HN 5,5 (‘Volubile oppidum’); Ptol. 4,1,14; 8,13,6 (OvohovBiric/Ouoloubilis); It. Ant. 23,2 (V. colonia [incorrectly]); Geogr. Rav 43,2 (Bolubili). Inscriptions: CIL VIII 2, 9993-9996; 10950 f.; 10987; Suppl. 3, 21821-21904; [2. 45-183]; AE 1969-1970, 7473

VOLUMNIUS

1997, 25-51; J.BouBr, Documents d’architecture maurétanienne au Maroc, in: Bull. d’archéologie marocaine 7, 1967, 263-367; V. BROUQUIER-REDDE et al., Le temple B

de V.: nouvelles recherches, in: AntAfr 34, 1998, 65-72; M.CuristToL, J.Gascou, V., cité fedérée?, in: MEFRA 92,1, 1980, 329-345; J. Gascou, La succession des bona vacantia et les tribus romaines de V., in: AntAfr 12, 1978, 109-124; H.GHaAziI-BEN Maissa, V. et le probléme de regia Iubae, in: A. MAstTINo, P. RuGGeERI (eds.), L’Africa romana. Atti del ro convegno di studio, vol. 1, 1994, 243-

261; Huss, 32 (with more bibliography); A. Jopin, L’enceinte hellénistique de V. (Maroc), in: Bull. archéologique du Comité des travaux historiques N. S. 1-2 (1965-1966), 1968, 199-221; Id., V. regia Iubae, 1987; Y.LE BOHEC, Onomastique

et société

a V., in: A.MastIno

(ed.),

L’Africa romana. Atti del 6 convegno di studio, vol. 1, 1989, 339-356; M. Lenoir, V. du Bas-Empire a l’€poque islamique, in: Bull. archéologique du Comité des travaux historiques N. S. 19B (1983), 1985, 425-428; Id., Inscriptions nouvelles de V., in: Bull. d’archéologie marocaine 16, 1985/86, 191-233; A. LUQUET, V., 1972; M.Mak-

DouN, Nouvelles recherches sur le quartier nord-est de V., in: Bull. archéologique du Comité des travaux historiques N. S. 25 (1996-1998), 1999, 41-51; M.Pownsicn, V. in

Marokko, in: Antike Welt 1.2, 1970, 3-21; Id., Le temple dit de Saturne a V., in: Bull. d’archéologie marocaine ro, 1976, 131-144; Id.,s. v. V., DCPP, 493 f. (with more bib-

liography); R.THOuvENOT, V., 1949; M.RisszE, V. Eine romische Stadt in Marokko (Antike Welt, additional vol.), 2001.

W.HU.

Volumnia [1] According to a much-related story about Marcius + Coriolanus (in which V. plays only a subordinate role, however), when he and a > Volsci army are outside Rome, the pleas of his wife V. and his mother > Veturia cause him to refrain from attacking his home city (the story in e.g. Liv. 2,39,1-2,40,11; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 8,40-54; Val. Max. 5,2,13 5,4,1; Plut. Coriolanus 33,1-36,6, but there, it is not his wife but his mother who bears the name V.). C.MU. [2] Freedwoman (and lover: Cic. Fam. 9,26,2) of P.

Volumnius [3] Eutrapelus, known by the stage name + Cytheris as a pantomime actress (mima: Cic. Phil. 2,58 et passim), who, in c. 49-46 BC, had M. Antonius {I 9] (Cic. Att. 10,10,5; Cic. Phil. 2,58; 2,61), and possibly previously M. Tunius [I ro] Brutus (Vir. ill. 82,2), as lovers. Later she was connected with C. > Cornelius [II x8] Gallus (Serv. Ecl. 10,1) who extolled her under the fictional name of Lycoris (especially Ov. Tr. 2,445; Mart. 8,73,6; Qasr Ibrim papyrus = FPL? 257, fr. 2). H. Leppwy, Histrionen, 1992, 228 f.

W.K.

1983, 9953 1985, 989; 1987, 1091; 1989, 875; [3. Irr]; RIL 886. -» Africa (with maps); > Mauretania 1 J. Gascou, Municipia ciuium Romanorum, in: Latomus 21L.CHATELAIN (ed.), Inscriptions 30, 1971, 133-141 3 L.GALAND et al. (ed.), Inscriplatines du Maroc, 1942 tions antiques du Maroc 1, 1966.

M. BEHEL, Un temple punique a V., in: Bull. archéologique du Comité des travaux historiques N. S. 24 (1993-1995),

Volumnius. Name of an originally Etruscan plebeian family (Etruscan form Velimna) that was significant in the early Republic. The Volumnii of the rst cent. BC are not its descendants. The tomb of the V. in - Perusia (modern Perugia) with bilingual inscriptions (CIL XI 1963 — CIE 3763) was used from the 2nd cent. onwards. SCHULZE, 258

f.

K.-LE.

VOLUMNIUS

[1] V., P. . Fought in 42 BC as a friend of M. Iunius [I 10] Brutus in the battle of Philippi, and wrote about it in a now lost work (Plut. Brutus 48; 51). Possibly identical to V. [4]? J.BA. [2] V. Amintinus Gallus, P. The tradition contains nothing of note for V.’ consulship in 461 BC (MRR 1, 36 f.), but in the following year, after his successor in office had fallen in battle against Ap. -» Herdonius [1], has

him taking over leadership in the battle and cites him for the year 458 as ambassador to the + Aequi (Liv. 3,18,9; 3,25,6-9; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom.

516

515

10,22,4-6).

Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 10,43,3; Liv. 3,57593 10,251 f.) were voluntarii. In the 3rd cent. BC, when the regular service period was fulfilled with 16 campaigns for the infantry and with ro for the > cavalry (Pol. 6,19,2; Liv. 32,3,2-7), military service continued to be important for the military strength of Rome, while payment may have provided strong motivation (Liv. 4,59,115 557,125 Diod. Sic. 14,16,5; Pol. 6,39,12 £.; cf. > Soldiers’ pay). According to Livius [III 2], Sp. Ligustinus served several times as a voluntarius from 195 to 171 BC after his discharge from military service and extended his service

C.MU.

to 22 years, partly as evocatus (— evocati; Liv. 42,34,5-

[3] V. Eutrapelus, P. Roman equestrian, attested 50-44 BC as a correspondent of Cicero (Cic. Fam. 7,32; 333

35,2; cf. App. Hisp. 84; Liv. 42,31,4). This puts into perspective Sallust’s assessment (Sall. Iug. 86,2; cf. Val. Max. 2,3,1; Plut. Marius 9,1) that Marius [I 1] accepted the fifth wealth class of the > capite censi into in the army on a volunteer basis (uti quoiusque lubido erat) in great style around 107 BC. The practice was neither new nor did it lead to a ‘proletarization’ of the legions.

9,26). Possibly identical with the judge mentioned in 66 in a lawsuit against A. Cluentius [2] (Cic. Clu. 198). In 44, V. allied himself to Antonius [I 9] (Cic. Att. 15,8,1; Cic. Phil. 13,3) and is presumably identical with the praef. fabrum mentioned by Nepos (Nep. Att. 9,4; Oso 3254).

[4] V. Flaccus. Recorded in 43 BC as a legate of D. Junius [I 12] Brutus to the Senate (Cic. Fam. 11,12,1; 11,18,1). Possibly identical or related to the —> quattuorvir from Signia of the same name (ILLRP 666). Identity with other V. remains uncertain. —_—J.BA.

[5] V. Flamma Violens, L. . One of the most prominent plebeians (— plebs) in the period around the turn from the 4th to the 3rd cents. BC. He was married to the patrician Verginia (Liv. 10,23,3-10), and in 307 occupied his first consulship (Liv. 9,42,4 f.; cf. Diod. Sic. 20,80,1 f.), a fact which the annalist L. > Calpurnius

[III 1] Piso does not mention (Liv. 9,44,3 with [z]). He held office for the second time in 296 together with the same colleague as before, namely App. > Claudius [I 2] Caecus. The account of the election for the following year is the earliest surviving evidence of its being led by the plebeian colleague (Liv. 10,21,13—-10,22,9 with [2; 3]; cf. > Consul(es)). Because of the contradictory tradition (Liv. 10,17,11f.; 10,18,7; 10,26,5-73 10,30,6 f.), V.’ contribution to the successes in war with the - Sal(l)entini, the —Samnites and the + Etrusci cannot be determined with certainty. Accounts of a > prorogatio of the > imperium in 295 (Liv. 10,22,9), of action as legatus in 293 (Liv. 10,40,7; 10,41,9-14), and of his wife’s pride at his fame suggest that he was a significant politician. 1 G.Forsytue, The Historian L. Calpurnius Piso Frugi and the Roman Annalistic Tradition, 1994, 336-339 2 R. RINGER, Der Einflu& des Wahlleiters bei den rémischen Konsulwahlen von 366 bis 50 v. Chr., 1976, bes. 47. 3 K.-J.HOLKEsKamp, Die Entstehung der Nobilitat, 1986, 136.

Except for emergencies, the voluntary service of — veterans was also preferred in the rst cent. BC (Cass. Dio

36,1 4,33 49,34,33 App. B Civ. 5,3). The professionalization of the Roman military was completed under Augustus, when he set the active seryice period of the legionaries (> legio) initially to 16 and then to 20 years (Cass. Dio 54,25,5 f.F §5,23,13 Suet. Aug. 49,2); a voluntary extension of military service thus became obsolete (apart from the + evocati). In the imperial era, the term voluntarii was limited to certain auxiliary cohorts (e.g. CIL III 386 = ILS 2718; 6758 = ILS 2760; VI 3520 = ILS 2731; 32929 = ILS 2700; IX 5835 =ILS 1415; XIII 8824 =ILS 9178; 11717). These coh(ortes) vol(untariorum) c(ivium) R(omanorum)

were recruited by Augustus in the Pannonian Revolt and after the Varus catastrophe (> Quinctilius [II 7]) predominantly from — freedmen (Suet. Aug. 25,2; Cass.

Dio

55,31,1;

Plin.

HN

7,149;

Macrob.

Sat.

I,11,32) and assimilated with the citizen troops (Tac. Ann. 1,8,2). Non-citizens could also serve in the later

regular auxiliary troops (— auxilia), without the name being dropped (CIL XIII 7382; XVI 38; 96 = ILS 2005;

179). — Armies 1P.A. Brunt, The Fall of the Roman Republic, 1988, 240-280 2E.Gassa, Republican Rome, the Army and the Allies, 1976, 1-69 3P.A. Hoxper, The Auxilia from Augustus to Trajan,1980 4 L.Keppie, The Making of the Roman Army, 1984 5 D.B. SappiINcTon, The Development of the Roman Auxiliary Forces from Caesar to Vespasian, 1982 6 J. W. RicH, The Supposed Roman Manpower Shortage of the Later Second Century B. C., in: Historia 32, 1983, 287-331.

TAS.

Volusenus Voluntarii (literally ‘volunteers’). In the early Republic, all Roman citizens of the first four wealth classes (Liv. 1,42,4-43,13), who volunteered for military service outside of the annual muster or after the age for compulsory military service of 17 to 46 (Gell. NA 10,28,1;

[1] V. Quadratus, C. From > Sestinum (? cf. [1]), military tribune of Caesar in Gaul, primarily for ‘commando raids’, put to the test in the assault on > Octodurus in 56 BC, as a scout before the landing in Britain in 55 and in the relief of Q. Tullius [I rr] Cicero in 53

517

518

(Caes. B Gall. 3,5,2; 4,21; 6,41,2 —the identity of this C. V. with Quadratus is widely accepted: MRR 3, 71). A mission by V., now praefect, to murder -» Commius in 52 failed; a second encounter of the enemies in 5 1 ended with V.’ being dangerously wounded (8,23,4-6; 48,1-8), and in the Civil War (at Dyrrhachium in 48), he avoided an attack (Caes. B Civ. 3,60,4). V- entry into Caesar’s Senate [2. 147] remains an assumption (but plausible). 1 F. CENERINI, Personaggi e genti curiali in un municipo

dell Appennino, in: Riv. Storica dell’ Antichita 16, 1986, 139-153

27.P. Wiseman, New Men in the Roman

Senate, 1971.

JOR.

[2] L. V. Catulus. Since in CIL VI 31543, he is specified by f(ilius), his father of the same name must also have been a member of the Senate, in his case at the time of

Augustus. The son was, probably at the beginning of the reign of Tiberius [1], a member of the collegium of curatores alvei Tiberis (CIL VI 31543), later also of the collegium of curatores locorum publicorum iudicandorum (CIL VI 1267a-b; 31573 f. = ILS 5940 f.; cf. for the office [1. 284-290], — Cura [2]). According to

VOLUSIUS.

[3] Urban Roman. His name V. indicates that he belon-

ged to the Ceionii family. He cooperated with the Ostrogoths (> Theoderic [3]); patrician, cos. in AD 503, member of a senatorial five-man court (> quinquevirale iudicium) in a prosecution for magic against two senators in 510/11; died probably in 511. PLRE 25:0183°f. HL. [4] See + Ceionius [8—9; 16].

Volusius. Roman gens name from Etruria, whose bearers first appear in the rst cent. BC. With V. [II 2] Saturninus the family was ennobled under the emperor + Augustus and in the rst cent. AD was able to amass considerable wealth (large burial site on the via Appia: CIL VI 7281-7393). SyMgE, AA, Index s.v. V.; Id., RP 2, 605-616. I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD

K.-LE.

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD

I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD [11] Haruspex (+ Haruspices) in the retinue of C. Verres 73-71 BC, several times appointed — recuperator in — according to Cicero (Verr. 2,2,753

Quintilianus [1] (10,1,24), he was defended in a lawsuit by Domitius [III 1] Afer and Sallustius Passienus Cri-

2,3,28; 54; 137) — unfair lawsuits. {I 2] V., Cn. Travelled with C. > Pomptinus to Cicero in

spus, perhaps in the time of Claudius.

Cilicia in 51 BC (Cic. Att. 5,11,4). Probably not identical with Q.V. [I 3]. {1 3] V., Q. From Cingulum (?) [2.277], he took over jurisdiction in Cyprus for Cicero in 50 BC (Att. 5,21,6 — as praefect?). In 44 he appeared as defence lawyer of the pirate Catilius (Cic. Fam. 5,10a,2). V. [II 2] was presumably a son from his marriage to a sister of Ti. Claudius [I 19] Nero [1.424+]; at least one of the his fore-

1 W.Ecx, Die Verwaltung des rémischen Reiches in der Hohen Kaiserzeit, vol. 1, 1995. WE.

Volusianus [1] Imp. Caes. C. Vibius Afinius Gallus Veldumnianus V. P. F. Invictus Aug. (RIC 4,3, 173-189). Roman emperor from the middle of AD 251 until the middle of 253. Born c. 230 in Perusia (?), the son of + Trebonianus Gallus and Afinia Gemina Baebiana. After the battle of + Abritus against the Goths and the death of ~ Decius [II 1], the legions proclaimed him and his father emperor in June 251 (Eutr. 9,5; Zon. 12,21 D.); at

the same time, he was appointed Caesar by his father (Aur. Vict. Caes. 30), proclaimed Augustus about two months later (e.g. ILS 524). When in the middle of 253, M. Aemilius > Aemilianus [II 1] was elevated to emper-

or by the Moesian legions and marched to Italy, Trebonianus Gallus and V. opposed him, but were murdered in August 253 by their own troops at Interamna (Aur. Vict. Caes. 31,2; Eutr. 9,5). KIENAST, 210 f.; M. PEACHIN, Roman Imperial Titulature, 1990, 36; PIR V 376. TF.

[2] Rufius Antonius Agrypnius V., son of Ceionius [13] Rufius Albinus, uncle of Melania [2] the Younger. Prominent non-Christian, before AD 412 procos. Africae and quaestor sacri palatii, in 411/2 in Carthage, correspondence with > Augustinus; in 417/8 praef. urbis Romae, in 428/9 praef. praetorio Italiae; in 436 he courted Eudoxia [2] on behalf of Valentinianus [4] Ill and fell very ill; Melania visited him and persuaded him to be baptized shortly before his death on 6 January K.G-A. 437. PLRE 2, 1184-85, no. 6.

bears was a praetor (Q.V.?) (Tac. Ann. 3,30,1). 1 SyME, RR Senate, 1971.

2 T.P. WisEMAN, New Men in the Roman JO.F.

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD {fl 1] L. Volusius Maecianus. Roman lawyer at the time

of Antoninus in the 2nd cent. AD [2], pupil of > Iulianus [1] (Dig. 35,1,86 pr.) and of — Vindius Verus (Dig. 35,3,32,4). V. was a consiliarius of Antoninus Pius (SHA Pius 12,1) and his two adopted sons, the divi fratres (Dig. 37,14,17 pr.). He gave lessons in law to the young Marcus [2] Aurelius (SHA Aur. 3,6), and wrote a short work Assis distributio (‘Distribution of inheritan-

ces’; ed. [1]) for him. V. was > praefectus Aegypti AD 160-162, from 164 > praefectus [2] aerarii and in 166 suffect consul (AE 1955, 179). He wrote Quaestiones de fideicommissis (‘Questions of fideicommissa’ in 16 bks.; cf. also > Fideicommissum), and —apart from that of - Venuleius [II 5] Saturninus — the first monograph De iudiciis publicis (‘Public courts’, 14 bks.) and the first Roman legal work in the Greek language: Ex lege Rhodia (Dig. 14,2,9; see also [3.132f.]; ‘From the lex Rhodia’, the law on average, i.e. damage at sea to a ship or its cargo; cf. also — iactus).

519

520

Iurisprudentiae anteiustinianae

Lucus Feroniae, 1998, 30ff.; 71998, 38ff. 11 W.ECcK,s.v. 12 Id., I Volusii SaturV. (20-21), RE Suppl. 14, 963f. W.E. nini, (Archeologia. Materialie problemi 6), 1982.

VOLUSIUS. 1 E.SeckeL, B.KUBLER,

reliquiae, vol. 1, °r908, 409-418 2 A.RuGGIERO, L. Volusio Meciano tra giurisprudenza e burocrazia, 1983 3 D. Liess, Jurisprudenz, in: HLL 4, 1997, 130-133.

iG,

[Ul 2] L. V. Saturninus. Born c. 60 BC, probably a son of Q. V. (Cic. Fam. 5,20,4), who had been appointed to Cyprus by Cicero. The family may have been from Lucus Feroniae, where it owned a large villa [2.461-484 = 3.125ff.]. Entry to the Senate possibly as late as in the Triumvirate Period; cos. suff. in 12 BC; Vivir epulonum. Appointed II vir turmis equitum recognoscendis by Augustus (Tac. Ann. 3,30,1; AE 1983,399). Proconsul of Africa c. 7/6 BC [4.23]; consular governor of Syria 4-6 AD. Died AD 20 [5.26f.]. [I 3] L. V. Saturninus. Son of V. [II 2], born in 38/7 BC since in AD 56 he died in his 93rd year. Only his consular career is known [2.461-484 = 3.12 5ff.]. His early career must have proceeded quite normally, since he became consul in AD 3 at about 40/41 years of age. As late as under Augustus, V. was proconsul of Asia, and consular governor in an unknown province probably only after that, then in Dalmatia at least until 38 [6.17— 19]. Under Claudius [III 1] praefectus urbi; he held this office until his death in his 93rd year. Nero had a funus censorium (> Funus publicum) organized for him; the Senate decided to erect nine statues in his honour at various places in Rome (CIL VI 4107 5a; [7.129-167 = 3.271ff.; 8.259ff.]; this was part of Nero’s efforts to retain the support of the Senate). V. [II 4] is his son; a L. V. Saturninus, pontifex, may have been his elder son (CIL VI 7393); cf. [9.37£f.]. {fl4] Q. V. Saturninus. Son of V. [II 3]; presumably admitted as a patrician by Claudius [III 1]. Cos. ord. in 56; in this capacity he delivered the public funeral address for his father. Member of three priestly colleges: the — sodales Augustales, the Sodales Titii and the Arvales fratres. As legate in 61, V. was sent to Belgica to carry out a census. In this there were conflicts of rank with Sextius [II 1] Africanus. The consuls of AD 87 (L. V. Saturninus) and 92 (Q. V. Saturninus) were his sons [2.475-477 = 3.13 1ff.; rz]. — Symmachus [2] 1 M.Bonocorg, Schiavi e liberti dei Volusii Saturnini, 1984 2W.Ecx, Die Familie der Volusii Saturnini in neuen Inschriften aus Lucus Feroniae, in: Hermes

1972, 461-484

100,

31d., Tra epigrafia, prosopografia e

archeologia. Scritti scelti, rielaborati ed aggiornati, 1996,

125ff.

4 THOMaSSON, Fasti Africani

5 E. DaBRowa,

The Governors of Roman Syria, 1998 6 A. JAGENTEUFEL, Die Statthalter der romischen Provinz Dalmatia, 1958 7 W.Eck, Senatorial Self-Representation: Developments in the Augustan Period, in: F. MiLLar, E. SEGAL (eds.), Caesar Augustus. Seven Aspects, 1984 8 S.OrLANDI, Statuae in publico positae: Gli onori a L. Volusio

Saturnino e il problema della porticus Lentulorum, in: ZPE 106, 1995, 259-268

91.p1 STEFANO MANZELLA,

Lucius V. Saturninus ‘pontifex’e ‘patruus’, in: Epigraphica 63, 2001, 37-46 10 Id., Le iscrizioni e la genealogia dei Volusii Saturnini, in: A.M. ScuBINI MoreETTI (ed.), Fastosa rusticatio. La villa dei Volusii Saturnini a

Volusus (also Volesus). Uncommon Latin

> praenomen, probably adopted from an ancient tradition without — rhotacism. Etymologically, it is related, with ablaut, to the root of val-ére ‘to be strong and healthy’ and to the nomen gentile Valerius. Secondarily as a > cognomen in L. Valerius Messalla V. (cos. in AD 5; — Valerius [II 22]). A V. is considered the ancestor of the Valerii (> Valerius [I ro]). The zomina gentilia Volus(i)enus and—> Volusius are derived from the praenomen. SALOMIES, 61; 322; WALDE/HOFMANN 2, 727.

D.ST.

Volute. Modern architectural term, borrowed from French, for a spiral or helical decorative element on corbels, pediments and capitals usually of the Ionic order (+ Column). The much-admired precise incision of a High or Late Classical capital volute with its often painted or inlaid decoration (— Intarsia) was presumably produced with the help of a pair of compasses uniformly decreasing in diameter; a corresponding instrument can at least hypothetically be reconstructed. The V. also appears as a handle of the volute krater (— Pottery, shapes and types of, with ill.), which is named after it, and in > toreutics. H.Businc, B. LEHNHOFF, Volutenkonstruktion am Beispiel der Erechtheion-Osthalle, in: Antike Kunst 28, 1985, 106-119; K.HiTz1, Die Entstehung des Volutenkraters

von den friithesten Anfangen bis zur Auspragung des kanonischen Stils in der attischen schwarzfigurigen Vasenmalerei, 1982, 4-14; W.KirncHHoFF, Die Entwicklung des ionischen Volutenkapitells im 6. und 5. Jahrhundert v. Chr., 1988; T.LOERTSCHER,

Voluta

constructa.

Zu

einem kaiserzeitlichen Volutenkonstruktionsmodell aus Nordafrika, in: Antike Kunst 32, 1989, 82-103. C.HO.

Volux. Son of the Moorish king > Bocchus [1]. In 106 BC in the Romans’ war with his brother-in-law > Iugurtha, he took L.> Cornelius [I 90] Sulla to Bocchus, who thereby indicated his change of sides. The dramatic description of this risky mission in Sallustius [II 3] (Sall. lug. 101,5; 105-107), which shows V. as an unreliable cowardly ‘barbarian’, can probably be traced to Sulla’s memoirs. L-M.G.

Vonones [1] V. I was the eldest of four Parthian princes who in 10 BC were placed in the custody of the Romans by their father + Phraates [4] IV. He was able to succeed > Orodes [3] IIc. 8 AD, but did not manage to gain the respect of the Iranian nationalist nobility that > Artabanus [5] I arrayed against him. V. was able to force his competitor to temporarily retreat into the Medean mountains, but ultimately had to flee from him to Armenia. He tried to win the throne there, which was

Sar

522

vacant after the final retreat of + Erato [2], but here too

he was unable to establish himself in the face of Artabanus’ threatening behaviour. His royal exile in Antioch [1] in Syria did not last long either, since Artabanus prevailed on him to leave the border region. V. was relocated to Pompeiopolis in Cilicia. From there he tried to escape in AD 19, but was retrieved and killed by — Remmius [1]. [2] V. II Successor of his brother + Artabanus [5] II as sub-king of Atropatene. When his illegitimate son

+ Vologaeses [1] I prevailed against > Gotarzes II in AD 51, he seems to have made V. a (titular) Great King, but V. died soon after (Tac. Ann. 12,14,4). M.ScuHorrky, Parther, Meder und Hyrkanier, in: AMI 24, 1991, 61-134, bes. 61-63; 77f.; 81; 113-116, Stammtafel II; IV—VII; Id., Quellen zur Geschichte von

VOSEGUS 1L.Papr, La civitas des Osismes a l’époque gallo-ro-

maine, 1978, 95-101.

R.Bepon, Atlas des villes, bourgs et villages de la France au passé romain, 2001, 132 f.; P.GALLIOU, Carte archéologique de la Gaule 29, Le Finistére, 1989, 43-49. |MLO.

Vortigern is the name in British (+ Nennius, Historia Brittonum 3 1-49) and English sources of a king who, in

AD 428 or 449, enlisted the Anglo-Saxons under + Hengist and Horsa and was thereby responsible for the Germanic conquest of Britannia. + Gildas 23 does not mention V. by name, but calls him by the probably less appropriate title of superbus tyrannus (‘proud tyrant’). PLRE 2, 1185. A.J. KeTrxe, s. v. V., LMA 8, 1860; J. Morris, Arthurian Period Sources 3, 1995, 171 f. M.SCH.

Media Atropatene und Hyrkanien in parthischer Zeit, in: J. WIESEHOFER (ed.), Das Partherreich und seine Zeug-

Nisse, 435-472, esp. 445; 448; 465-467.

M.SCH.

Vopiscus. Uncommon Roman > praenomen (in Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 9,37,1 Ovonioxoc/Ouopiskos) to be found in V. Iulius (cos. in 473 BC). According to ancient evidence, vopiscus is a term for a child whose twin is stillborn. The etymology of the term is disputed. As a cognomen, it appears in one of the alleged authors of the > Historia Augusta, Flavius V. SALOMIES, 59-60; 141; 275; WALDE/HOFMANN 2, 835.

D.ST.

Vorganium. Town in the territory of the > Os(s)ismi(i), probably in Kérilien-en-Plounéventer (in the département of Finistére), where there is evidence of a pre-

Roman settlement and an Imperial period vicus (about 30 ha, theatre). V. is not identical to + Vorgium, the chief town of the civitas. P. GaLLIou, Carte Archéologique de la Gaule 29, Le Finistére, 1989, 95-98.

MLPO.

Vorgium. City in Gallia Celtica in the territory of the Aremorici (* Aremorica), later in Lugdunensis, from

the time of Augustus the chief town of the civitas of — Os(s)ismi(i)

(Ptol. 2,8,5: Ovogyaviov/Ouorganion;

Tab. Peut. 2,2: V.; also the Maél-Carhaix milestone CIL

XIII 9013), modern Carhaix (in the département of Finistére). In Late Antiquity, V. lost its rank as a civit-

as-capital to Gesocribate (modern Brest). Discussion of the identity of V. and > Vorganium has been decided in the negative. Only V. represents Carhaix, Ptol. loc.cit. evidently confuses two settlements [1. 31-36]. Information from CIL XIII 9016 (Kerscao milestone) ’*Vorgan(io) m(ilia) p(assuum) V[II...)° suggests Vorga-

nium to be farther to the north, probably at Kerilienen-Plounéventer (in the département of Finistére). V.,

evidently not founded until the time of Augustus (no traces of pre-Roman settlement have been found), was an important road junction. Regular street grid, aqueduct, fanum.

Vortumnus see > Vertumnus

Vosegus. The uplands which extend over some 200 km in eastern France (Caes. B Gall. 4,10; Luc. 1,397; Plin. HN 16,197; Vibius Sequester 145,16 RIESE; Vosagus: Tab. Peut.

3,2-4; Ven. Fort. 7,4; Greg. Tur. Franc.

10,10), modern Vosges Mountains, form in the east the

western edge of the Upper Rhine lowlands and in the west cross into the Lorraine plateau and the Monts Faucilles, in the north continue in the Palatinate Forest and in the south descend towards the Burgundy Gate. The V. is considered to be the boundary between the Roman provinces of > Belgica and Germania superior (> Germani [1] II.C.).

In the northwestern Early Triassic zone of the V. (between Petite-Pierre and Cirey-sur-Vezouze), there is evidence of some hundred small settlements in the GalloRoman period which formed an independent ‘Culture of the high-lying villages of the Vosges’ and are distinguished from the civilization of the villae and vici of the Lorraine plateau and the Alsatian plain by a number of characteristics, especially archaisms. Characteristic are the use of stone blocks to delimit paths, to enclose central farmsteads and outer fields and for the substructure of wooden houses, and the wide spread of Jupiter-Giants columns (+ Monumental columns III.) with a protective function for the family, and of funerary steles in the shape of houses. The settling of the population (whose chief activity was in pasturing) in this region does not have its origins in the pre-Roman period, rather it was driven back into this fringe region no earlier than in the late Augustan (northeast: Wasserwald, Saverne) or nian (southwest: Saint-Quirin) periods of the limits of Roman acculturation. V. was also worshipped as a forest 6059; ILS 3916; 3917 = ESPERANDIEU,

Claudian-Nero-

and is a witness

deity (CIL XII Rec. 7, 207).

F.Pétry, Les limites de l’acculturation a l’epoque galloromaine, in: L’Annuaire de la société d’histoire et d’archéologie de la Lorraine 79, 1979, 35-48; Id., Les agglomérations des sommets vosgiens, in: J.-L. Massy (ed.), Les

VOSEGUS agglomérations

secondaires

de la Lorraine

Romaine, F.SCH.

1997, 399-405.

Vota (Pl. of Lat. votum, ‘vow to the gods’; vota suscipere, ‘to make vows of performing an action pleasing to the gods, if the latter will give protection from harm’; vota solvere, ‘to fulfil the vows by performing the promised action, if everything has ended well’). Besides the private vota, during the Imperial period, there were also the vota publica of the subjects for particular operations undertaken by the emperor. On coins, vota are found for the first time and with precise formulas under + Augustus

[1], such as: IOVI VOT(a)

SVSC(epta)

PRO SALVT(e) CAES(aris) AVG(usti) S. P. Q.R., vota without specific dedications (+ Traianus [1], Hadrian) and later mostly the vota that were renewed every five years, dedicated to another 5 (V), 10 (X), etc., years of

successful governing. Without further information at hand, it is often impossible to distinguish between vota suscepta (‘vows’) and vota soluta (‘fulfilled vows’) in the coins. Formulae like VOT V MVLT X or VOT V SIC X are used in both senses, whereas in VOT V ET X suscepta should be supplied for both V and X. Vota were often anticipated. So Tacitus [2], who ruled for only half a year, had coins minted with VOTIS X ET XX, while Probus [1] did so with VOT SOLVTA X, although he ruled only six years. Coin images are in the form of a legend within a wreath (referring to the vota or mentioning the > decennalia; Antoninus [1] Pius — Anastasius [1] I), the emperor performing a sacrifice (Antoninus Pius — Tetrarchy), the emperor wearing the vestments of a consul opening a festival (4th—5th cents.), Victoria(s) with or without a vota tag (Gallienus — lustinianus [1] I; also on the decennalia base in the Forum

Romanum

in Rome)

and Roma

(sth cent.).

Yearly vota publica of the subjects on the day of the accession to the throne are mentioned by Pliny (Epist. 10,52 f.; 10,102 f.); Cassius Dio describes the celebrations of the decennalia of Septimius [II 7] Severus (76,1,1-5; cf. Hdn. 3,10,r f.). Further general vota or vota with other additions on coins: vota Augusti; vota Caess.; votis felicibus (fleet in harbour; Commodus, Diocletian); vota as congratulations to the emperor’s

wedding (wedding scene; Marcus [2] Aurelius, Commodus); vota orbis (Valerianus [2]), often vota publica (Hadrianus — Honorius [3]).

+ Votive offerings 1 P. Bastien, Les solidi des vota publica de Valentinien I. 4 Theodose I., in: Numismatica

e Antichita Classiche 14,

1985, 305-333 2A.CHASTAGNOL, Jublilés décennaux et vicennaux des empereurs sous les Antonins et les Sévéres, in: RN 1984, 104-124 ~=3 H. MatTINGLy, The Imperial “V.”, in: Proceedings of the British Academy 36, 1952, 155-195; 375 1953, 219-268

4 SCHROTTER, Ss. Vv.

V. 5M.Tuirion, Les vy. impériaux sur les monnaies entre 337 et 364, in: SNR 44, 1965, 5-21 6 O.ULRICHBansa, V. Publica, in: Anthemon. Festschrift C. Anti,

1954, 5-45.

524

523

DLK,

Votienus Montanus. Famous (Tac. Ann. 4,42,1) orator of the early Imperial period from - Narbo (modern Narbonne). Accused in his home city by P. > Vinicius [II 4], he had to answer to Tiberius [1] (Sen. Controv. 7,5,12); convicted in AD 25 of insulting the emperor (Tac. loc.cit.) and banished, he died in 27 (Jer. Chron. p. 173b H.) or later [3]. Despite his polemics against the fashion for —~ declamationes (Sen. Controv. 9, pr. 9,6,10), V. was not able to entirely withdraw from the activities of the school, as citations in Seneca [x] the Elder show (ibid. 9,1-6; 10,2-3). His style was considered somewhat unsophisticated: his tendency to repetitive variation earned him the reputation of an ‘Ovid among orators’ (9,5,15 ff.). Of his writings (9,6,18) only the title of his first oration (‘For Galla Numisia’, 955515 f.) is attested. FRAGMENTS: 1H.Meyer, Fragmenta, *1842, 556-558. BIBLIOGRAPHY:

Oratorum

2H.BORNECQUE,

Romanorum

Les déclamations,

1902, 200f. 3 R.HeELM, Hieronymus’ Zusatze in Eusebius’ Chronik (Philol. Suppl. 21.2), 1929, 74 f.

Votive inscriptions. VI, which denote an object as a — votive offering to a deity (or deities) by one or more persons, are among the oldest — inscriptions; they may express gratitude for victory in a battle or for a merchant ship that has returned safely home. VI were often made because of a vow taken in a moment of danger, hence the formula VSLM, votum soluit libens merito (‘he has honoured the vow of his own free will and according to custom’).

The inscription medium was either a stone pedestal (such as for statues) or the dedicated object itself (for instance, helmets or chest armour from the > war

booty). Other inscription carriers might also be votive offerings made of precious metal, as well as ceramic cups, in which the inscriptions were painted (the socalled pocola deorum). Altars often carried, besides the deity’s image, a corresponding text as well. VI began in Rome in the 6th cent. BC with votive offerings made to Castor and Pollux, and to Mars. The majority of the twelve inscriptions, which date back to the 7th—4th cents. according to [1], are votive offerings to deities. Especially important from the historical point of view, as well as controversial, is the votive offering to Mars (Mamarti) by the warriors under the command of a certain Publius Valerius (+ Lapis Satricanus). During the Imperial Period, VI spread also in areas which until then had known neither inscriptions nor visual representations of their gods, such as the inscription for the + matres in Germania. Inscriptions for emperors often took over features of VI. Starting from the 4th cent. AD, with the triumph of Christianity, nonChristian VI disappeared soon (however, with varying speed in different regions). + Votive offerings; > Votive practice 1 A.Deerassi

(ed.), Inscriptiones

publicae. Imagines, 1965.

Latinae

liberae

rei

525

526

E.Meyer, Einfiihrung in die lateinische Epigraphik, 1973, 64-66; J.TouLouMakos, Bilingue (GriechischLateinische) Weihinschriften der rémischen Zeit, in: Tekmeria I, 1995, 79-129 (with bibl.). H.GA.

Votive offerings I. ANCIENT NEAR East AND Ecypt

II. CLASSICAL

ANTIQUITY

I. ANCIENT NEAR East AND EGypt Votive offerings (VO) to a variety of deities played an important role in the religious practices of the Ancient Middle East and Egypt, as documented by inscriptions found on consecrated objects. In Mesopotamia, the oldest clearly identifiable VO date from the 24th cent. BC [14], and in Egypt from the prehistoric and Early Dynastic eras (end of the 4th/early 3rd millennia; e.g. the Narmer Palette). Most of the attested Mesopotamian offerings came from > rulers or members of their families. The formula, which was often inscribed on a statue depicting the person praying, was ‘X has consecrated (this) to the deity Y’, often with the addi-

tional words ‘for his life (well-being) [6. 60f., 71-73]; the construction of a temple or other cultic structure was usually marked with the wording ‘has built his temple called ... (for the god Y)’. The construction of ~ temples was the province of Ancient Oriental rulers. A Hittite text mentions the precious materials, gathered from all over the world, that were used in erecting a certain temple (Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazkéy, vol. 4, no. 1 = ANET 356). In Egypt, temples were usually built on large tracts of land donated by the pharaoh [9.237].

The

offerings found

in Mesopotamia

are

almost exclusively cultic objects, and were usually included in the year names of the rulers of the 3rd Dynasty of Ur and of those of the dynasties of the Ancient Babylonian era (cf. + Chronography). VO are mentioned in Hittite texts as well [ro]. In Egypt, VO included large numbers of figurines or statues of the gods; inscriptions, if present, bore the names of the respective god and the donor [1. 1078]. Offerings made of stone have been found in Mesopotamia [3]; the use of precious materials was rare [3. 157f.]. Reports of gifts of live cattle to a temple are found primarily in Egyptian and Hittite texts [z; ro]. In Mesopotamia, neither inscriptions nor archaeological finds shed light on the number of VO donated by private individuals. Egypt’s climate, in contrast, allowed for the preservation of many VO from individuals, which varied widely in their form, quality and materials [x. 1078]. Some Egyptian temples contained workshops for the manufacture of VO that were then sold to pilgrims and other believers [1. 1080]. Another type of offering (ex voto offering) was dedicated to a deity post factum, to fulfil a vow after the answering of a — prayer [1.1077]. Mesopotamian omen apodoses [2; 4] are evidence of ex voto offerings in the form of silver emblems, and legal documents attest to the promise of silver offerings [8]. In Egypt,

VOTIVE OFFERINGS

archaeological evidence has been found of a variety of ex voto offerings [9. 72-80, 93, 304f.], including some in the shape of human limbs. In Mesopotamia, economic hardship sometimes meant that an individual might be given to a temple, particularly during the 3rd Dynasty of Ur (21st cent. BC; such individuals were called Sum. a.ru.a, ‘dedicated’ [7; 11]) and the Neo-Babylonian era (6th/sth cents. BC; there they were called sirku, ‘gift’, i.e. (temple) oblate [5]). In the Ancient Babylonian period there was an institution called naditum, a class of unmarried women who had taken a vow of chastity — daughters of the upper classes who were dedicated to the temple or its god and charged with praying for their families [12. 15 5f.]. 1H.BRUNNER, s.v. Votivgaben, LA 6, 1077-1081 2 Chicago Assyrian Dictionary, vol. E, 1958, 284, s.v.

eresuA 3 Ibid., vol. Q, 1982, 157f.,s.v. qasu2’ 4 Ibid., vol. $/1, 1989, 333, 8.v. Saméatu 5 Ibid., vol. §/3, 1992, 106-111, s.v. Sirku

6D.O. EDZARD, J.RENGER, s.v.

K6nigsinschriften, RLA 6, 59-77.

7 I.J. Gets, The Arua-

Institution, in: RAssyr 66, 1972, 1-32 8 R. Harris, Old Babylonian Temple Loans, in: JCS 14, 1960, 126-137 9 B.J. Kemp, Ancient Egypt, 1991 10H.OTTEN, V.Sou-

CEK, Das Geliibde der Konigin Puduhepa an die Gottin Lelwani, 1965 11 Philadelphia Sumerian Dictionary, vol. 1, 1992, 156-160, S.v. a.ru,a.ru.aA

Untersuchungen

zum

Priestertum

Zeit, I, in: ZA 58, 1967, 110-188

titische geloften, 1984

12 J.RENGER,

in altbabylonischer 13 J.DE Roos, Het-

14 H.SrTerBLE, Die altsumeri-

schen Bau- und Weihinschriften, 1982.

II. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY A. GREEK B.ROMAN/LATIN

JRE.

C. AFTERLIFE

A. GREEK The Greek word for a VO is &va0nna/—> anathema, derived from &vatwWévan (anatithénai, ‘to set up’, ‘to hang up’, ‘to erect’). The installation of a VO also implied the act of consecration. Archaeologists have found evidence of VO from as early as the 8th cent. BC, when the first (fortified) + sanctuaries appeared; until the 3rd cent. BC, wars were the most common occasion for public VO, aside from the consecration of temples, — cult images or cult objects (e.g. Paus. 1,28,2; 1,40,3). In Greece, VO were made either to express thanks to a deity or as payment in advance for anticipated help, in the latter case often accompanied by a vow [1. 154; 9. 137]. In addition to the spoils of war, particularly common VO given by cities or military commanders included figurines of bronze or clay, (monumental) statues, paintings, vessels and tripods. From c. 700 BC onward, the shrine to Zeus at -+ Olympia was the first prominent Panhellenic site for the dedication of VO; it was later followed by > Delphi (oracle of Apollo), + Ephesus (Artemisium) and ~ Samos [3] (Heraeum), among others. The offerings brought there by cities and military commanders constituted a public expression of their piety (+ Eusébeia); they also enhanced the reputation of the shrines and

527

528

spurred further construction (e.g. open porticoes) [x. 156; 8. 58]. Beginning in the 3rd cent. BC, literary descriptions emerged of particularly distinguished shrines and their VO, which may also have served as a kind of ‘advertizing’ to attract further visitors (e.g. Menodotus of Samos in Ath. 16,655 on the Heraeum; Democritus of Ephesus FGrH 267 F 1 on the Artemi-

change was in the recipients of such offerings. Among the first Christian literary sources to describe significant shrines, the precious VO they contained and famous individuals who dedicated them were Procopius [3], Paulus [4] Silentiarius and the > Peregrinatio ad loca sancta [2] (cf. + Ekphrasis). The term consecratio became part of the legal vocabulary of the Catholic Church, referring not only to the act of dedicating an individual to a Christian office, but also to the consecration of objects to God [7] (> Saints, Veneration of

VOTIVE OFFERINGS

sium).

During the Hellenic and Imperial periods, — rulers brought VO to Greek shrines as well, particularly to the most prominent among them; this was frequently associated with granting other beneficia (> Beneficium; cf. + Euergetism) to the city in which the shrine was located (e.g. IEph 2,274: an expression of appreciation from the Ephesians to Hadrian for VO to the Artemisium and for granting the city inheritance rights to the shrine and gifts of grain). In turn, > ruler cults prompted cities to dedicate VO (Paus. 1,18,6: Athens as well as its colonies dedicated statues of Hadrian at the shrine of Zeus in Athens). B. ROMAN/LATIN The Latin terms for dedication of a VO are + consecratio and > dedicatio [6. 35ff., 190f.]. The most prominent Roman site of public VO, whether of Roman

or foreign (i.e. non-Roman)

origin, was un-

doubtedly the > Capitolium (e.g. Liv. 6,29,8). As long as Rome needed the support of allied Italian communities, it shared with them the spoils of war, some of which were consecrated at the cities’ temples (Liv. 10,46,7). During the early Imperial era, in connection with a vow (votum, cf. > Votive practice) by the equites of the city of Rome for the health of the empress (the votum could be redeemed only at the shrine of Fortuna in > Praeneste), the Senate ruled that all cult acts and shrines in Italy were subject to Roman law and, most importantly, to Rome’s authority (Tac. Ann. 3,71); this

undoubtedly meant that the Romans no longer sought permission for carrying out dedications and depositing VO in Italian temples. In provincial peregrine communities, acts of consecration were not required to follow Roman custom in order to be legally valid (cf. Plin. Ep. 10,49 and Trajan’s reply, Plin. Ep. 10,50), but they had to be carried out by city officials (Dig. 1,8,6,3). For the provincial cities of the East, it was a coveted privilege to have temples consecrated and VO deposited by Roman officials or the emperor himself, and this enhanced the status of the community as well as that of its shrine (e.g. Paus. 2,17,3; 10,35,4). In this context, there has been even less research on the Western part of the empire than on the East. C. AFTERLIFE In the Christian tradition, the practice of displaying pictures and objects as a way of honouring a vow continued virtually uninterrupted (cf. for example Anth. Gr. 1,35: three Christians dedicate a painting to the archangel Michael and make a vow) [9. 141]; the only

saints). + Healing deities, healing cults IV.B; -» Votive inscriptions; > Votive practice

— Relief II;

1 BurKeRT 2F.FeLTEN, Weihungen in Olympia und Delphi, in: MDAI(A) 97, 1982, 79-97 3 J. FERGUSON, Among the Gods, 1989 4 T. Linpers (ed.), Gifts to the Gods, 1987. 5 B.Neurscu, Schiffsvotive und Schiffs-

prozessionen am Cap Palinuro als Nachleben der Antike, in: Klearchos 7, 1965, 93-103 6 E.M. Or.In, Temples, Religion and Politics in the Roman Republic, 1997 7 P.PLANK, s.v. Weihe, LMA 8, 1997, 2104-2108 8S.Price, Religions of the Ancient Greeks, 1999

9 J. RUPKE, Die Religion der Romer, 2001.

CF.

Votive offerings in springs. In Celtic and Germanic cultures, as in the Graeco-Roman sphere, a special significance is attached to spring offerings as well as offerings in water and bogs. The primary archaeological evidence of this are late 4th-cent. BC Celtic finds from a hot spring at Duchov in northern Bohemia and rst- to 4th-cent. BC Germanic finds from a mineral spring at Bad Pyrmont in Lower Saxony. In both complexes hundreds of examples of fibulae (— Pins; some with traces of use) dominate. SO are interpreted as votive gifts in the context of a fertility cult. +> Celtic archaeology; — Germanic archaeology; ~ Hoard finds; > Springs V.Kruta, The Treasure of Duchoy, in: $.Moscati (ed.), The Celts, 1991, 295; K.MotyxKovA, s.v. Dux, RGA 6, 311-315; W.-R. TEEGEN, Studien zu dem kaiserzeitlichen Quellopferfund von Bad Pyrmont, 1999. VP.

Votive practice. Form of symbolic interaction in a religious context, consisting of a vow (Gr. evyi/euche, edywdt/euchdle; Lat. votum), which involved a request (> prayer), and the fulfilment of the vow as a sign of gratitude for having had the request granted. Vow and gratitude could each be expressed by setting up (Gr. avatiWévavanatithénai, also iotavavhistanai) or giving (Lat. ponere, (donum) dare; cf. also Etruscan mul(u)vanice, tur(u)ce: [2; 12]) a votive offering (Gr. avéOnua/— anathema, dHeov/déron; Lat. votum). These were objects of various size and economic value: (painted) wooden slabs (Gr. pinakes, Lat. tabulae); small reproductions of animals, persons, deities or other motives, mostly made of clay or bronze, which were frequently produced in large numbers with the help of moulds (on the production of votive terracottas: [7; 9]); if the addressed deity possessed healing functions, also

529

530

reproductions of human body parts and organs (socalled ‘anatomical votives’; [5; 1; 4]); in Greece also stone votive reliefs or relief tablets (Gr. wxovtypoi) with texts and images. The names of dedicator and/or addressee could be inscribed on smaller objects as well. VP distinguishes itself from another form of ritual interaction, the — sacrifice, through several elements, such as the vow or the relatively durable material of the votive objects, as well as by having an ancient terminology of its own. This difference, however, sometimes becomes blurred on the meta-level because of a misleading terminology (cf., for instance, ‘votive offering’, offerta votiva).

2003 7S.Kararzas, Technical Analysis, in: H.Nacy, Votive Terracottas from the ‘Vignaccia’, Cerveteri, in the

Lowie Museum of Anthropology, 1988, 3-11 8 A.MaGaIAni et al., Vasi attici figurati con dediche a divinita etrusche,

1997

9 A.MUuLLER, Les terres cuites

votives du Thesmophorion: de l’atelier au sanctuaire (Etudes Thasiennes 17), 2 vols., 1996 10 P. PENSABENE, Terrecotte votive dal Tevere, 1980

11 E.Sauer, The

Coin Deposit from Bourbonne-les-Bains in the Light of Coin Offerings in Springs in the Roman Empire, thesis, Oxford 1999 12 B. SCHIRMER, I verbi etruschi mul(u)vanice e tur(u)ce: Prolegomena per una determinazione di semantica ed impiego, in: PdP 48, 1993, 38-58.

S.B. ALEsHIRE, The Athenian Asklepieion. The People,

Votive offerings were set up or hung up in sanctu-

aries, so that other visitors might see them; sometimes 11]. Votive offerings installed in sanctuaries can be interpreted as the material expression of a symbolic interaction with a deity which was considered successful; the way in which they were exposed had an advertizing function in the rivalry of the ancient sanctuaries and cults among themselves (cf. [6]; > Polytheism I.). Only in exceptional cases have votive offerings been found in their original expositional context [3]; they have been mostly attested in so-called votive deposit. These are simple or reinforced pits in the ground within the temple areas. Probably for reasons of space, votive offerings were cleared away at regular intervals and deposited in the pits; this also happened when a sanctuary was restructured or given up. Findings of objects with votive inscriptions in tombs are in need of explanation (on such findings see [8]); they cannot be explained by the connection of the respective deities to the Underworld, but rather by a ‘second-hand’ usage of earlier votive offerings as burial objects. The votive object bears a significant relation to other components of the action: to the dedicator, to his or her request, to the addressed deity. This relationship is variable: the images could express an already existing function of a deity, but they can also create such a function for the first time during the performance of the action (cf. [6]). That is why, contrary to a widespread opinion of scholars, implicitly based on structural-functional conceptions, it is not possible to necessarily conclude similar requests by the executors and similar functions of the deities starting from the same or similar image motives. ~ Healing deities, healing cults; + Relief; + Votive offerings they were immersed into rivers or lakes [10;

1G.Bacocieri et al., ‘Speranza e sofferenza’ nei votivi anatomici dell’antichita 1996 2 G.Cotonna,

(exhibition catalogue Rome), Iscrizioni votive etrusche, in:

G.BARTOLONI et al. (eds.), Anathema (Scienze dell’An3 A.COMELLA, Il matetichita 3-4), 1989/90, 875-903 4 M.FENELLI, Deporiale votivo tardo a Gravisca,1978 siti votivi in area etrusco-italica, in: Medicina nei secoli 7,

1995, 367-382

VOUNI

5 B.Forsén, Griechische Gliederwei-

6 M.HaasgE, Votive als Werbemedien?, in: hungen,1996 U. Veir et al. (eds.), Spuren und Botschaften. Interpretationen materieller Kultur (conference Tiibingen 2000),

their Dedications, and the Inventories, 1989; B. ALROTH, Greek Gods and Figurines: Aspects of the Anthropomorphic Dedications, 1989; Ead., Changes in Votive Practice? From Classical to Hellenistic, in: R. HAGG (ed.), Ancient Greek Cult Practice from the Archaeological Evidence, 1998, 217-228; G. BARTOLONT et al. (ed.), Anathema. Regime delle offerte e vita dei santuari nel mediterraneo antico (Scienze dell’Antichita 3-4), 1989/90; M. BENTz, Etruskische Votivbronzen des Hellenismus, 1992; J.W. Bouma, Religio votiva, 3 vols., 1996; A. CAMPUS, Ex voto come fine, ex voto come mezzo, in: Rivista di studi fenici 25, 1997, 69-77; A. COMELLA, Tipologia e diffusione dei complessi votivi in Italia in epoca medio- e tardo-repubblicana, in: MEFRA 93, 1981, 717-798; T. DERKs, Gods, Temples and Ritual Practices, 1998, 215-239; W.H. D. Rouse, Greek Votive Offerings, 1902; M.ToreLLi et al. (eds.), Corpus delle stipi votive in Italia, 1986ff.; F.T. VAN STRATEN, Gifts for the Gods, in: H. VERSNEL (ed.), Faith,

Hope and Worship, 1981, 65-151.

M.HAA.

Votive relief see > Relief Votum, Votive see > Votive practice; V; > Votive of-

ferings Vouni. Modern name for an extensive fortified palace site on a hill above the bay of Morphou on the northern coast of - Cyprus, about 7 km to the west of Soli [1], probably the residence of one of the Cypriot city kings. Built in c. 500 BC, destroyed in c. 380 BC (it is not known by whom). In the first two phases of building up to the middle of the sth cent., a site developed with a central peristyle courtyard, around which the residential and representational rooms were grouped, and a storage section in the south-west. In subsequent construction, an upper storey was added and a second courtyard with further utility rooms in the east. The palace is surrounded by a number of small cult spaces and sanctuaries, the largest of which, on the southern peak of the hill, was, according to the evidence of finds (statuettes of Athena), dedicated to Athena. E. Gyersvap et al., V., in: Id. et al. (eds.), The Swedish

Cyprus Expedition 3, 1937, 76-290; Id., The Cypro-Geometric, Cypro-Archaic and Cypro-Classical Periods, in: Id. et al. (eds.), The Swedish Cyprus Expedition 4.2, 1948, 13-16, 23-29; V.KARAGEORGHIS, A Guide to V. Palace, 1965; Masson, 213-216; A.T. Reyes, Archaic Cyprus,

1994, 91-94.

RSE.

vow

532

531

Vow see > Oath; > Sacramentum Vowel see > Metre, esp. V.C, VI A/B; > Phonetics and

phonology; > Pronunciation; + Prosody II.

some literary texts which make use of elements of spontaneous or ‘popular’ usage with the purpose of realistic portrayal (e.g. the comedies of + Plautus and Terence (+ Terentius [III 1]) and the Cena Trimalchionis of > Petronius

Vramshapuh see > Vahram Vulca. Etruscan terracotta sculptor from — Veii. According to Plin. HN 35,157, V. made the clay cult image of > Iuppiter Capitolinus in Rome commissioned by Tarquinius [11] Priscus (first half of the 6th cent. BC) for a temple which was not, however, dedicated until 509 BC. Ascribing to V. the rest of the building sculpture of this temple and that of the temple of Veii is hypothetical. A Hercules fictilis by V. in Rome (Plin. HN loc.cit.) is not more closely defined and is not identical with a statuette mentioned in Mart. 14,178. M.PaLLoTTINo s.v. V., EAA 7, Vacano, V., Rom und die Wolfin. Kunst des friihen Rom, in: ANRW A. ANDREN, In Quest ofV., in: RPAA

1206 f.; O.W.von Untersuchungen zur

I 4, 1973, 523-583; 49, 1976/77, 63-83. RN.

the auric(u)la (‘ear’) implied by all Romance idioms,

but also unattested reconstructed forms inferred from Romance

Vulcanus see > Volcanus

Vulgar Latin I. DEFINITION RY

IJ. SOURCES AND RESEARCH HISTO-

II]. PECULIARITIES DISTINCT FROM CLASSICAL

LATIN

I. DEFINITION The definition and validity of the technical term VL, which is formed from the Latin vulgaris sermo ’speech of the masses’, are not undisputed, but it serves a general purpose in denoting those forms of a primarily orally-conceived ‘spontaneous’ language deviating from the norms of classical, written Latin, i.e. spoken Latin and its reflection in some written documents. In this sense, VL as a collective term connotes a range of socially, culturally, regionally and diachronically differentiated language variants. VL is of particular interest to historical linguistics as the basis of the > Romance Languages. ‘Proto-Romance’ VL as continued or implied by Romance idioms here represents only a portion of the spoken Latin language, but also incorporates correspondences to the classical language.

II. SOURCES AND RESEARCH HISTORY VL is nowhere accessible in a direct, authentic form

as an oral language. However, its peculiarities and diachronic shifts can be approximately ascertained, firstly from some written Latin sources, and secondly from the indirect testimony provided by the Romance languages. Of the Latin sources, there are not only the explicit notes of grammarians, e.g. making linguistic corrections (e.g. auris non oricla; + Glossography II), but also various documents of VL coloration, reflecting to some degree the language as it was spoken. These include

[5]); texts of Christian authors making

some concessions to the language of the masses; postclassical texts influenced more or less unconsciously by VL traits through a lack of (knowledge of) literary standards, e.g. the so-called Itinerarium Egeriae, ~ Peregrinatio ad loca sancta; specialist texts; chronicles; legal texts; documents; private letters; private inscriptions, which esp. attest to phonetic changes through deviations from orthographic norms (e.g. in Pompeii Niycherate vana succula que amas Felicione et at porta deduces illuc tantu in mente abeto: ‘Nicerate, you treacherous slut/piglet, who love Felicio, and go out with him, just bear in mind that...’ CIL IV 2013). For anthologies of texts of VL colour: [1; 2. 171 ff.; 3]. Reconstruction from Romance forms serves to confirm and often enlarge upon the written Latin sources, e.g.

descendants,

such

as

*cominitiare

(‘to

begin’). VL has been an object of intensive research for over a century, both by Latinist and Romanists, and a synthesis of the perspectives of both disciplines has proved sensible and fruitful. After the first systematic specialist study by [4], works particularly worthy of mention are those of EINAR LOFSTEDT (e.g. [5]), the overview of colloquial Latin in [6] and the colloquia on VL and Late Latin taking place since 1985 [7]. For more recent surveys of research, cf. the articles of [8]. Standard textbooks: [2] and [9]. III. PECULIARITIES DISTINCT FROM CLASSICAL LATIN

A. UNIVERSAL ORAL CHARACTERISTICS B. Post-CLASSICAL DEVELOPMENTS (SELECTION)

A. UNIVERSAL ORAL CHARACTERISTICS

As an orally conceived language, VL presents a number of ‘universal oral characteristics’, for the most

part determined by the specific conditions of oral communication. Among these fundamental peculiarities, which [6] already took into consideration, are the socalled ‘conversational particles’ (classification/contact/correction signals, interjections, modal particles: e.g. et, heu, heus, hui, iam, sane), sentence segmentations, sentence breaks or truncations, the preference for terms of general over precise content (e.g. ire ‘to go’ also for abire ‘to go away’and for proficisci ‘to set out’) and for expressive variants (v. [B 3]). Cf. [r0; 11. 102-118; napacen

ae]

533

534 B. Post-CLassICAL DEVELOPMENTS

de Poral, in: [7], vol. 4, 125-144 13 R. MULLER, Sprechen und Sprache. Dialoglinguistische Studien zu Terenz,

(SELECTION) I. PRONUNCIATION

VULGAR LAW

2. MORPHOSYNTAX

1997.

3. VOCABULARY 1. PRONUNCIATION Some consonantal reductions in particular are attested from an early stage, and are implied by all Romance languages, e.g. the elision of -m and h (cf. e.g. the inscription cited above: Felicione, porta, tantu for Felicionem, portam, tantum and abeto for habeto). The classical quantitative opposition entirely vanished as the vocalic system developed, leading sometimes to replacement by qualitative opposition and sometimes to collisions (with a and widely 7 > e, i > 0). 2. MORPHOSYNTAX The — inflection of the noun demonstrates a profound realignment of classical case declension, with the accusative becoming generalized as an oblique case (e.g. solem, with the aforementioned elision of -m, > Italian sole) and increased use of analytical prepositional periphrases (de for the genitive, ad for the dative), while the article developed (esp. from the demonstrative pronoun ille) in the course of the Latin-Romance transition. Traditional inflectional structures were preserved to a higher degree in the conjugation of verbs, although individual formal categories experienced restructuring, likewise partly reflecting what was clearly a wider tendency towards periphrases (e.g. the future tense, where the cantabo type was replaced by initially modal periphrases such as cantare habeo). 3. VOCABULARY VL is above all characterized by the preference for and generalization of highly expressive (in terms of content and form), sometimes also clearer and/or simpler terminological variants or neologisms, e.g. for flere ‘to weep’: plorare, plangere; for edere ‘to eat’: comedere, manducare; for pulcher ‘beautiful’: formosus, bellus; for vis ‘force’: fortia (3rd cent. AD). Overall, with the transition to Romance, around a third of the thousand commonest Classical words and a far higher proportion of the total vocabulary entirely vanished [rr]. — Latin 1 G.ROHLEs, Sermo vulgaris latinus, 71969 NANEN, Introduction au latin vulgaire,*1981

2 V. VAA3 M.ILtEs-

cu, D.SLUSANSKI, Du latin aux langues romanes, 1991 4H.ScCHUCHARDT, Der Vokalismus des Vulgarlateins,

3 vols.,

1866-1868

5 E.LOrstept,

Philologischer

Kommentar zur Peregrinatio Aetheriae, 1911 HorMann, Latenische Umgangssprache, #1951

6 J.B. 7 Latin

vulgaire — latin tardif: vol. 1, J.HERMAN (ed.), 1987; vol. 2: G. CALBOLI (ed.), 1990; vol. 3: M.ILiescu, W. Marxcut (eds.), 1992; vol. 4: L. CALLEBAT (ed.), 1995; vol. 5: H.PETERMANN (ed.), 1999 8 G.Ho tus et al. (eds.), Lexikon der Romanistischen Linguistik, vol. 2.1, 1996 9 J. HERMAN, Le latin vulgaire, #1975 (Eng. transl. Vulgar

10 A.STEFENELLI, Sprechsprachliche UniLatin, 2000) versalien im protoromanischen V., in: [7], vol. 3, 347-359 11 Id., Das Schicksal des lateinischen Wortschatzes in den romanischen Sprachen, 1992 12 P.Kocu, Une langue comme toutes les autres: Latin vulgaire et traits universels

Vulgar law. In modern discussions of legal history, the term VL (first used in [1. 143, 139]) refers to a simplified Roman law (of Late Antiquity), in contrast to a ‘High Law’ or Kunstrecht of classical Roman > iuris prudentia (1st—3rd cents. AD). VL is not to be confused with the + Volksrecht of local, indigenous legal systems. Characteristics of VL (on which [2; 3; 4; 5]) include a loss of concept in relation to the writings of the classical Roman jurists, the use of rhetorical stylistic devices and the basing of arguments on opinions of equity, so that the contours of classical juridic institutions are blurred or such institutions are entirely abolished (thorough treatment in [2; 3] and in detail on individual legal matters [6; 7]). VL is regarded as beginning with the reign of Constantine I (+ Constantinus [x]) (early 4th cent. AD), and VL tendencies are perceptible in both the eastern and western halves of the Empire (on the legal literature in Italy [8], in Africa [9] and in Gaul [ro], on one particular juridic work [1r]). Sources of information on VL are the imperial laws of Late Antiquity (mostly preserved only in the excerpts in the Codex Theodosianus and Codex Iustinianus, cf. > Codex [II. C.]). The only complete documents are post-Theodosian — Novellae [B.], individual imperial laws (preserved in collections such as the > Collatio legum Mosaicarum et Romanarum or the > Fragmenta Vaticana), works of Late Antiquity such as the Pauli sententiae (cf. > Iulius [IV 16] Paulus; new treatment of

this work in [12]) and the Epitome Gai (cf. > Gaius [2]), descriptions of Roman law in the Germanic states (e.g. Lex Romana Burgundionum; > Burgundiones) and documents, etc. However, it is argued today that the use of rhetorical stylistic devices in imperial laws began before Constantine I, and that distinctions must be made according to the particular form of imperial regulation (in detail [5], also in juridic literature) — the transmission, often only in excerpted form, frequently hampers understanding of laws [13]. The reception history of these sources (esp. through the Lex Romana Visigothorum; cf. > Alaricus [3]) in the West was considerable [14; ro]. ~» VERNACULAR LAw 1 H.BrRuNNER, Zur Rechtsgeschichte der romischen und germanischen Urkunde, 1880 2M.Kaser, s. v. Vulgarrecht, RE 9 A, 1283-1304 3Kaser, RPR 2 4 F. Horak, s. v. Vulgarrecht, KIP 5,1340f. 5 P. PIELER, Byzantinische Rechtsliteratur, in: HUNGER 2, 341-480 6 F. BAUER-GERLAND, Das Erbrecht der Lex Romana Burgundionum, 1995 7M.JOHLEN, Die vermogensrechtliche Stellung der westrémischen Frau in der Spatantike, 1999 8 D.Liess, Romisches Recht in Italien, 1987

9 Id., Romische Jurisprudenz in Afrika, 1993 10 Id., Romische Jurisprudenz in Gallien (2. bis 8. Jahrhundert), 2002 11N.KreurTer, Romisches Privatrecht im 5. Jahrhundert n. Chr. Die Interpretatio zum westgotischen Gregorianus und Hermogenianus,

1993

+12 D. Ligss, Die

535

536

pseudopaulinischen Sentenzen, in: ZRG 112, 1995, 151-

Differences of numbering and variant book-titles between the Hebrew Bible and the Septuagint/Vulgate

VULGAR LAW

171; ZRG 113, 1996, 132-242 13 W.E. Voss, Recht und Rhetorik in den Kaisergesetzen der Spatantike, 1982 14 M. Conrat, Geschichte der Quellen und Literatur des roémischen Rechts, 1891 (repr. 1963).

Hebrew Bible

Septuagint/Vulgate

Ps

Psoeeer—8

1-8

G.Srturr, Vulgarrecht im Kaiserrecht, 1966; R. BACckHaus, K.H.Mrsera, Ernst Levy und das Vulgarrecht, in: W.Doerr et al. (eds.), Semper apertus. Sechshundert Jahre Ruprecht-Karls-Universitat, vol. 3, Heidelberg, 1986, 186-214; TH. Mayer-MALY, s. v. Rémisches Vulgarrecht, in: A.ERLER et al. (eds.), Handwéorterbuch zur deutschen Rechtsgeschichte, vol. 4, 1990, 1132, 1137; E. Levy, West Roman Vulgar Law: The Law of Property, 1951 (= Westromisches Vulgarrecht: Das Obligationenrecht, 1956); Id., Gesammelte Schriften, vol. 1, 1963, 163— 320; F. WIEACKER, Vulgarrecht und Vulgarismus, in: Studi A. Biscardi, vol. 1, 1982, 33-51; WIEACKER, RRG.

9-10 II-I13 LI4-I15 I16:1-9 » I16:10-19 L1I7-146 I47:I-11

I14

I47:12-20

147

148-150

148-150

115 LI6-145 146

= Jere

Vulgate. The Vulgate is the revision by Jerome (= Jer.) (+ Hieronymus) of the old Latin — Bible translation (the so-called Vetus Latina, earlier known also as the Itala), which contained considerable textual variation. The designation Vulgate (Lat. vulgatus = ‘universally disseminated’; after the rst cent. AD also applied to literary works, cf. for example Jer. Ep. 65,9) was firmly established only at the Council of Trent (1545-1563). There are details of Jer.’s Bible revision — some on specific points — in his letters (esp. 53, 57, 70, 106) and prefaces. Urged to do so by Pope + Damasus (GospelPrologue), Jer. revised the Gospels in c. 383, then after 384 the Psalms and probably the rest of the OT according to the > Septuaginta or the Hexapla (— Bible translations I.B.2.; > Origen [2]; Jer. Ep. 112,19; only the Psalms, Job and two prologues survive). In 390-407, Jer. undertook a thoroughgoing new translation of the OT based on the Hebrew text (cf. > Masorah, Masoretes) (the translation of the Psalms in this second version, the so-called Psalterium iuxta Hebraeos, was replaced in around 800 by that of the first version, the so-called Psalterium Gallicanum — Psalms II.). Tob und Jud were translated for Jer. from Aramaic into Hebrew by an interpreter. Those books which were not revised (3-4 Esr, Wisd, Sir, Bar, r-2 Macc) were retained in the Vetus Latina form. In the case of Acts, the NT Epistles and Apc, there was probably a slightly later reviser (for the Pauline writings possibly Rufinus of Aquileia). Even in the parts re-worked by Jer. the Vulgate is uneven. The extent ofJer.’s command of Hebrew has caused controversy in scholarship (certainly he used material from Jewish informants). Narrative sections are freer, theologically important passages are translated literally (since even the position of the words is part of the mysterium: Jer. Ep. 57,5). Over the years, Jer. developed a great mastery in translation techniques and style; his influence on formal medieval Latinity is enormous. In approximately 10,000 MSS, the Vulgate and the Vetus Latina are frequently mixed. Editing the Vulgate therefore requires removing the Old Latin variants (which is only possible with a comprehensive edition of the Vetus Latina itself).

2 IO-112 II3

prsr=2:5:213

151 Jer

= 1:1-25:13

25:15-38

32:1-24

26-43

FSSHO

44

5L:1-30

45

$1:31-35

46

26

47

29:1-7

48

31

49:1-6

30:17-22

49°7-22

30:1-16

Ged = Bill

30:2.9-33

49:28—3 3

30:23-28 25:14-19

49:34-39

49:42 SOS

25:20 27-28

52

52

For Prov, the Stuttgart Septuagint edition [7] retains the Masoretic numbering, but prints the text-divisions according to the Septuagint in the following sequence: Prov

T:I-24:22

30:1-14

2.4:23-34 30:1 5-3 1:9 25:1-29:27 31:10-31 The Council of Trent recognized in 1546 the Vetus vulgata Latina as standard, and demanded an accurate edition. After some hesitation, in 1589 Sixtus V authorized the so-called Sixtina, which was banned not long after his death and replaced in 1592 by the Clementina of Clement VIII. M. LuTHER based his own Bible-translation not on the Vulgate, but on the Hebrew and Greek original texts (hence the differences in numbering). > Bible; > Bible translations; + Hieronymus; —> Septuagint; > Translations EpiTions: 1 Biblia Sacra iuxta Latinam Vulgatam versionem, Rome, 18 vols., 1926-1995 2H.DE SAINTEMarie, Sancti Hieronymi Psalterium iuxta Hebraeos (Collectanea biblica Latina rr), 1954 3 R. WEBER et al., V., 1969 (41994; both psalters synoptically) 4 J.Worpswortn, H.J.WuiTe, V., 1889-1954 (to be consulted for the NT) 5 A. JiLicHer, W.Marzkow,

137

538

VULTURE

Book names in the Hebrew Bible, the Septuagint and the Vulgate

Masoretic text 1./2. Samuel 1./2. Kings Ezra Nehemia = -

Septuagint 1./2. Kings 3./4. Kings 2. Ezra 1-10 2. Ezra 11-23 Tr, Ezra

Vulgate 1./2. Samuel 1./2. Kings 1. Ezra 2. Ezra

Baruch Epistle of Jeremiah Susanna Bel and the Dragon Ode 12

Baruch Baruch Daniel Daniel Prayer Epistle

1./2. Kings 3./4. Kings

3. Ezra A, Bzra

1-5 6 13 14 of Manasseh to the Laodiceans

In the Septuagint and the Vulgate individual writings have different designations to those in the Masoretic text. Itala, Das Neue Testament

in altlateinischer Uberliefe-

rung, 4 vols., 1938-1963 (71963-1976)

6 Vetus Latina,

Die Reste der altlateinischen Bibel, herausgegeben von der Erzabtei Beuron, 194 9ff. (corresponding apparatus to the V.)

7 A.RAHLEs, Septuaginta, 1935 (repr. 1979).

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

B.FISCHER,

Das

Neue

Testament

in

lateinischer Sprache, in: K. ALAND (ed.), Die alten Ubersetzungen des Neuen Testament, 1972, 1-92; B. FISCHER, Lateinische Bibelhandschriften im friihen Méittelalter,

1985; HOFMANN/SZANTYR, 44*-46*; LXIX-LXX; A. KaMESAR, Jerome, Greek Scholarship, and the Hebrew Bible,

1993; F.KAULEN, Sprachliches Handbuch zur biblischen Vulgata, *1904 (repr. 1973); B.KEDaAR, The Latin Translations, in: M.J. Mutper, H.Sysiine (eds.), Mikra,

1988; S.REBENICH, Jerome: The ‘Vir trilinguis’ and the ‘Hebraica veritas’, in: Vigiliae 77; F.StumMMerR, Einfihrung 1928; C.B. Txacz, Labor tam V., in: Vigiliae Christianae 50,

Christianae 47, 1993, 50— in die lateinische Bibel, utilis, The Creation of the 1996, 42-72 (with bibl.).

H.MA.

Vulgientes. Celtic people in Gallia Narbonensis. The chief town of the V. in the Roman period was the colonia Apta Iulia Vulgientum, modern Apt (in the département of Vaucluse). P. WuILLEUMIER,

s.v. V., RE

9 A, 1304f.;

R.BEDON,

Atlas des villes, bourgs et villages de la France au passé romain, 2001, 78 f.

MLPO.

Vulture (yiw/gyps; Lat. voltur or vultur, voltur[i]us, derived from vellere, to pluck, or of Etruscan origin). Ari-

stotle knows only the small, light-coloured Egyptian vulture (Neophron percnopterus), as well as the significantly larger and ash-gray monk vulture (Aegypius monachus) (Hist. an. 7(8),3,592b 6-8). In his writings, however, Aiyumudc (aigypids) refers to the lammergeier or bearded vulture (Aristot. Hist. an. 8(9),1,610a 1), which is related both to the eagle and to the vulture (Ail. nat. 2,46). The perknopteros (Hist. an. 8(9),32,618b 3 1-619, 3) with its nickname oreipélargos (black-andwhite feathers like a stork!) could also well be the delicate Egyptian vulture with its white head. The vulture

sets up nest on inaccessible rocks (rarely reported in Antiquity) with two (Aristot. Hist. an. 6,5,563 a 5-12) or one to two eggs (ibid. 8(9),11,615 a 8-14). The assertion of Herodorus, father of the sophist Bryson, which has been quoted in both places and according to which the vulture came there from foreign countries not as a breeding guest (cf. Plin. HN 10,19), is quite correct. Plut. Mor. 286c and Ael. NA 2,46 report the Egyptian view, according to which there were no males, which is why the vultures were fertilized by the Notus or Eurus winds (cf. Dionysii Ixeuticon 1,5 [1. 5]). Their carcass consumption produced stench (i.4. Gorg. 82 B 5a DK; Ael. NA 2,46 i.a.), but it made them seem not dangerous (Plut. Mor. 286b). The sight of marching armies (for which the vultures had a sense of smell, according to Plin. HN 10,191) signaled forthcoming pickings to the birds (Aristot. Hist. an. 6,5,563a 10; Ael. NA 2,46; Plin. HN 10,19: three days in advance!): corpses were frequently thrown to dogs and vultures. This is described in Homer’s poems (Il. 4,237 et alibi; Od. 11,578 et alibi) and is likewise attested for the dead of the Persians (Hdt. 1,140) and of the Spanish Vaccaei (Ael. NA 10,22). In the folk medicine, the feathers were considered to have ecbolic properties (Plin. HN 30,130), the heart (Plin. HN 29,77) was said to help, as an amulet, against wild animals and snakes, and the liver (Plin. HN 30,92) against epilepsy. According to Dioscorides (2,80,4 p. 1,163 WELLMANN = 2,98 p. 192 BERENDES), the smoke emanating from their burnt excrements killed embryos. The organotherapeutic significance is emphasized by Hier. adversus Iovinianum Probie 235202)

The relative significance of vultures in Egypt is clear from their depiction in hieroglyphs (vulture sign) and paintings ([2. see index] and [3]). In Greek mythology, Zeus appears in the form of a vulture as father of the +» Palici (Ps.-Clementina recognitiones 10,22). In Hom. Il. 7,59f., Apollo and Athena watch the duel between Hector and Ajax from a beech tree, both having the form of a vulture. The sculptor > Polygnotus (Nekyia, see Paus. 10,28,6) represented the underworld demon Eurynomus sitting on a vulture’s hide. The seer > Mel-

539

540

ampus is told by a vulture how Iphiclus can recover (Apollod. 1,9,12). Vultures devour the liver of > Prometheus and —> Tityus. In Rome, according to an ancient tradition, killing a vulture was considered as sacrilegious; the bird seems to have been sacred to > Mars,

matrix, was used in addition to the technical term uterus as a term for the womb [1]. All three terms remained in use throughout Antiquity; in late Latin medical authors, vulva seldom occurs. In the course of time the term changed in meaning, in that it also included the vagina (Celsus, De medicina 4,1,12) and even the clitoris (Juv. 6,129). In his Etymology (Isid. Orig. 11,1,137), Isidorus [9] of Seville connects the word with valva (in the sense ‘gateway to the womb’) and this suggests that he, too, was proceeding from the position that the term encompassed the cervix and possibly also the vagina. His analogy also recalls ideas of the womb as a chambered uterus with entrance gates. — Woman II. F.; Uterus

VULTURE

the god of war (Cornut. 21). The Etruscans observed the vulture in augury (Plin. HN 29, 112 and 30,130). In the context of Rome’s foundation history, the positively interpreted appearance of 12 vultures was invented for Octavian (Liv. 1,7,1, cf. Ogilvie 5 4f., comm.). 1Dionysii Ixeuticon libri ed. A.Garzya, 1963 2 H. Kees, Handbuch der Orientalistik, section 1, vol. r. 3 O. KELLER, s.v. G., RE 7, 93 rff. C.HU.

Vulva. According to Varro [2] (Rust. 2,1,19) derived

from Latin volvere, ‘roll’, by which is meant the swathing of a fetus. In the early Imperial Period, vulva, like

1J.N. Apams, The Latin Sexual Vocabulary, 1982, 100—

109.

V.N.

W W (linguistics). W is a letter that does not appear until after antiquity, arising out of the ligature of V V that represents consonantal u in Western Germanic languages [1. 102 § 105]. 1 W. Brauner, H.Eccers, Althochdeutsche Grammatik,

per. Although wage tariffs are also available for Egypt, texts (esp. in the field of manual labour) attest to recompense irrespective of the nature or amount of work done. + Cuneiform, legal texts in; + Demotic law; > Egyptian law; + Ergasterion; + Hittite law; > Renting and

41987.

hiring; + Social structure;

— V (linguistics)

Waccho

BF.

(also Wacho, Waccho, Vaces). King of the

+ Langobardi; he killed his uncle Tato, expelled his cousin IIldichis and sought by marriage policies to make alliances with the Thuringi, the Gepidae and the Heruli. Allied with Byzantium, he refused in 539 AD to support + Witigis. V. died shortly afterwards. (Paulus Diaconus, Historia

Langobardorum

1,21; Procop.

Goth.

2,22,I1I-12). J.JARNUT, Geschichte der Langobarden, PLRE 3, 1350.

1982, 20-22; WE.LU.

Wages I. ANCIENT NEAR East II. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY II]. EARLY MIDDLE AGES

I. ANCIENT NEAR EAST There is evidence of wages as recompense for ~ work done by labourers hired for limited periods in Mesopotamia from the mid 3rd millennium BC to the late Babylonian period (znd half of rst millennium BC), in Hittite Anatolia (2nd half of 2nd millennium BC) and

in Egypt (from the Old Kingdom on). In Mesopotamia, the institutional households (> Palace; + Temple) of the Ur III period in particular (21st cent. BC) supplemented their own labour force (which received rations

as payment in kind irrespective of hours worked or nature of work) with the seasonal employment of wage labour, esp. in — agriculture, transport and manual labour (— crafts, trade) [1. 230-243]. The in kind rations generally did no more than guarantee a subsistence minimum. Wages, which were terminologically distinct, were generally higher. Evidence shows private use of labour from outside in exchange for the payment of wages even in the Ur III period, but esp. in the Old Babylonian (zoth—16th cents. BC) and Late Babylonian periods (6th—4th cents. BC). As well as numerous ration

and wage lists from Mesopotamia and Egypt (3rd—rst millennia), relevant tariff regulations also survive in legal collections (Old Babylonian Codex Esnunna and Codex of — Hammurapi; Hittite legal collection), whose application in practice is also sometimes demonstrated. However, the level of wage payments (per day, month or year) could vary according, for instance, to the nature of work and the qualifications and age of the hired labour. Wages were mostly paid in barley or silver, in Egypt in barley and emmer, sometimes also cop-

> Woman

11.J. Gets, The Ancient Mesopotamian Ration System, in: JNES 24, 1965, 230-243 2 M.GUTGESELL, s.v.

Loéhne, LA 3, 1072-1078

3 J. KRECHER u.a., s.v. Miete,

RLA 8, 156-187.

HN.

II. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

Only rarely did wages

(Greek \110006c/— misth6s;

Latin merces) of unskilled (manual or agricultural) la-

bourers exceed subsistence levels in Antiquity. Because of the state of the sources, it is very difficult to ascertain the exact levels of wages. Fragmentary transmissions of documents intractable to interpretation are all that survives from the Greek and Roman worlds alike. Payment in cash (+ money) was often supplemented with allowances of provisions or other non-monetary recompense (wheat, wine or oil allowances, clothing, free accommodation) (CIL IV 6877 for Pompeii: operariis panem denarium, i.e. bread and one > denarius). Harvest labourers received a share of the harvest (cf. Cato Agr. 136), and staff of the curator aquarum also received provisions (Frontin. Aq. 100). It is difficult to assess the extent of these benefits and allowances, and therefore those sources that only mention the monetary amount paid as a wage, but not the further allowances, are of no use. Benefits in kind are recorded in some Egyptian archives, e.g. the > Heroninus Archive, while work and education contracts on papyrus give information on board provided during work or on provision of clothing (POxy. 498; 725). At Rome, the work contract was legally speaking an indenture of — lease (locatio operarum), and the ‘wage’ was called merces — a word also used for ‘hire’ and ‘rent’. The only two regions of the Roman world for which wages can be compared to the cost of living are Egypt and Campania (the latter thanks to the graffiti at Pompeii). In Egypt, recompense for work did not deteriorate between the rst and 3rd cents. AD. Only a few indications exist for wages in the western part of the Roman Empire. In spite of a few inscriptions from Pompeii and the tabulae from Dacia which contain work contracts for the ~ mining industry, more is known about the recompense of particular offices (city officials, water supply personnel in Rome, high officials of the equestrian and senatorial ranks) than of workers’ wages. The ~ lex Ursonensis (CIL II 5 439,62 = ILS 6087,62) gives the following annual wages for the staff of the ~» duoviri: scribes: 1,200 sestertii (HS), accensus: 700

HS, lictor: 600 HS, viator: 400 HS, librarius: 300 HS,

haruspex: 500 HS, praeco: 300 HS. Staff of the aediles

WAGES

544

543

received lesser wages: scribes: 800 HS, flute-players: 300 HS, praeco: 300 HS. If a subsistence level of 400 or 500 HS per annum is assumed, it becomes apparent that many urban day labourers and many agricultural labourers were living close to the poverty line, because they were only paid for the days on which they worked. The Edictum Diocletiani (AD 301) gives an impressive compilation of wages, but one that must be interpreted with caution (see table below). The development of military pay after Augustus was closely associated with the principes’ military and social policies. Ordinary soldiers’ pay was raised from 480 HS in the 2nd cent. BC (Pol. 6,39) to 900 HS under Caesar and 1,200 HS under Domitian (Suet. Jul. 26,3; Tac. Ann. 1,17,4: 10 ases per day; Suet. Dom. 7,3). Differences in the rates of pay to different ranks are surprising here. In the 2nd cent. AD, centurions received a much higher rate of pay than ordinary soldiers, e.g. the centurio primipilus of the first manipulus of the triarii took home 60,000 HS per annum.

69-102 8 D.RaTHBONE, Economic Rationalism and Rural Society in Third-Century A.D. Egypt, 1991. J.-A.

Il]. Eanty MIDDLE AGES What little can be drawn from the sparse written records regarding paid labour in the centuries from the Edictum Diocletiani (301) to the Carolingian period can only be very roughly interpreted, even where terms for ‘wages’ such as merces (from which mercennarius),

pretium, salarium or conductio were used. As social dependency shifted towards manorial/protectoral, Christian familial and feudal/vassal forms, jobs traditionally paid for mostly in small-change cash (soldiers, agricultural labourers, manual help, servants and agents of public administration and private estates) increasingly came into the sphere of ‘service’ (servitium), the rewards for which, on the one hand, tended to con-

sist not of money but of victus and vestitus (‘food’ and ‘clothing’) or goods to produce them, and which, on the other hand, were understood in a different way (as praebenda, expensa, donum, honor, beneficium, red-

Table: Day wages in denarii from the price edict of emperor Diocletian (Edictum Diocletiani: selection; ED

ditus). In spite of these general shifts, there are indications of manual labour for hire, performed by waged

7). For all occupations except line 39, the suffix pastus (‘including board’) applied.

‘journeymen’

1a

for the hiring of seasonal agricultural labour and transport, and discussions of the commutation of corvées

(construction,

perhaps

mining,

leges),

and from the gth cent. also of the calculation of wages (recreational mathematics). There are also instructions

operarius rusticus (agricultural labourer)

25

2 lapidarius structor (stonemason) 3. faber intestinarius (joiner) 3a _faber tignarius (carpenter) 4 calcis coctor (lime-burner)

50 50 50 50

5 | marmorarius (marble-mason) 6 musearius (worker in mosaic) 8 pictor parietarius (wall painter) 9 pictor imaginarius (image painter)

60 60 70 150

IO 11 12

carpentarius (cartwright) _faber ferrarius (blacksmith) pistor (baker)

50 50 50

17

camelarius, asinarius, burdonarius

18 19 31 32

(camel-driver, ass-driver, muleteer) pastor (herdsman) mulio (muleteer) aquarius omni die operans (aqueduct cleaner) cloacarius omni die operans (drainage channel cleaner)

39

scriptor in scriptura optima versus n. centum

(calligraphic scribe, for 100 lines) + Denarius; -— Edictum Diocletiani; > Paid labour/wage work; - Sestertius 1 H.-J. DREXHAGE,

Preise, Mieten/Pachten,

25

20 25 25

ever, these traces of what were certainly widely applicable but small-scale complementary forms of household management in estates, workshops, monasteries, castles, palaces and market towns do not disclose enough of the detailed circumstances to permit the inference that agricultural, artisanal or mining wage labour, or wage labour hired ad hoc by large estates, was an established phenomenon. 1S.A. Epstein, Wage Labor & Guilds in Medieval Europe,1991 2H.JANKUHN (ed.), Das Handwerk in vorund frithgeschichtlicher Zeit (AAWG Bd. rx), r98x

3 W.SCHEIDEL, Grundpacht und Lohnarbeit in der Landwirtschaft des rémischen

Handel und Wucher Rechtsquellen, 1992.

Italien, 1994

im Spiegel

4 H.SIEMs,

friithmittelalterlicher LU.KU.

25

Wagon, Chariot 25

I. ANCIENT ORIENT AND EcyptT TIQUITY

II. CLassicat AN-

> Misthos;

Kosten

und

Lohne im rdmischen Agypten, 1991, 402-454 2 H. Cuvieny, The Amount of Wages Paid to the QuarryWorkers at Mons Claudianus, in: JRS 86, 1996, 139-145

3 A.C. JOHNSON, Roman Egypt to the Reign of Diocletian (ESAR 2), 1936, 301-322

subordinate to cultivation into coin (urbaria). How-

4 W.KRENKEL, Zu den Tage-

l6hnen bei der Ernte, in: Romanitas 6-7, 1965,

130-153

5 Les dévaluations 4 Rome, vol. 1, 1978, 195-248 6 Les dévaluations 4 Rome, vol. 2, 1980, 61-101 7S. MroZEK, Prix et remunération dans |’Occident romain, 1975,

I. ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGypT As a single- or double-axled vehicle, wagons were used in the Ancient Orient as a means of transporting people, gods and objects whose weight or size excluded their being carried by people or animals. Wagons were used in battle, in cult and ritual, and for display, travel, transporting goods, and pleasure (e.g. some forms of ~> Hunting). Signs in early writing (archaic texts from Uruk, end of the 4th millennium BC; > Cuneiform script) show the first drawn vehicles with axles and/or

545

546

wheels. Wagons did permit an increase in the effectiveness of transportation, but because of the various conditions of topography and roads in the Near East (no developed road network; -> Traffic), could only be employed to a limited extent; pack animals and ships remained important. From the middle of the 3rd millennium BC, there is evidence of a simple two-axle wooden box-cart with a team of two oxen and disc wheels, and of faster teams of four equids as draft animals, presumably mules, and high box fronts. The wagon platform provided room for one or two people. Harnessing was accomplished by means of a shaft and a yoke. Signs of strain from these are observable in the preserved bones of draft animals. During the 2nd millennium BC, advances in military technology led to the deployment of manoeuvrable + war chariots (now with spoked wheels) as instruments of battle, which were then also put into service for hunting and display. In the Neo-Assyrian period

Il. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY See — Bigae; — Land transport; > Traffic; > Travels; + War chariot

(9th-7th cents. BC), depictions represent rulers and dignitaries standing in war chariots —a pattern that con-

tinued until the Achaemenid period. From the many Ancient Near Eastern small-scale terracotta wagons of various eras, details (e.g. plans) can be gained of nonsurviving upper structures. Depictions of gods in chariots on the one hand are a representational type, and on the other can be related to the transportation of divine images.

In the middle of the 2nd millennium BC, a singleaxled chariot was introduced into Egypt by the ~— Hyksos. As a war chariot, it was pulled by two horses and was used primarily for the speedy advancement of charioteers and warriors with bows. In a royal state chariot the > pharaoh sat either alone or with his queen and children (as on the approach to a temple from the Amarna period). In addition to their military function, chariots were used primarily in the New Kingdom for demonstrating the social prestige of owners (pharaohs and Egyptian nobles). Egyptian officials drove to their place of work by chariot. As a portable means of locomotion, chariots and draft animals could also be accommodated when travelling by ship. As hunting vehicles, chariots are found only briefly (in the Eighteenth Dynasty) in private tombs, after that this form of display is apparently considered to be solely for a pharaoh. Practice exercises of shooting at targets from chariots are a sport (Eighteenth Dynasty; - Sport). Four-wheeled wagons are rarely recorded in Egypt. — War chariot; > Traffic M.A. Lrrraver, J.H.Crouwet, Wheeled Vehicles and Ridden Animals in the Ancient Near East, 1979; W. DECK-

ER, s.v. Wagen, LA 6, 1130-1135; C. BECKER, Der Beitrag archaozoologischer Forschung zur Rekonstruktion landwirtschaftlicher Aktivitaten — ein kritischer Uberblick, in: H.K.ENGEL (ed.), Landwirtschaft im Alten Orient (=Berliner Beitrage zum Vorderen Orient 18), 1999, 43-58

AR.HA.

WALL PAINTINGS

~ Quadriga;

Walagash, Walash see > Vologaeses Waldalgesheim. The tomb of a Celtic ‘princess’ from the second half of the 4th century BC was discovered in 1869 at W. (in the district of Mainz-Bingen); originally, it was probably covered by a large > tumulus which has not survived. Of the rich surviving furnishing, ornate gold neck, arm and leg jewellery, parts of ornate belts, a Celtic bronze jug, a bronze bucket from Campania and parts of a two-wheeled > war chariot are remarkable. The Celtic ornamentation of some of the objects is named ‘W. Style’ after this find. The princess’ tomb of W. is the most recent of the > Hunsriick-Eifel culture. ~ Princes’ tombs; > Celtic Archaeology H. BalTINGER, B.PINSKER (eds.), Das Ratsel der Kelten

vom Glauberg (exhibition catalogue), 2002, esp. 304306; H.-E.Joacuim, W. Das Grab einer keltischen Fiirstin, 1995.

VP.

Walid [1] W. L. Sixth Umayyad caliph (born AD 668, reigned 705-715; > Umayyads A.), continued his father ‘Abdal-Malik’s policy of Islamization. He had the church of Saint John standing on the site of the Temple of Hadad/ Jupiter in > Damascus (C.) converted into a mosque

(Umayyad mosque; see — Arabic-Islamic cultural sphere I. A.) and had the al-Aqsa Mosque built in > Jerusalem and the Mosque of the Prophet in Medina (> Yatrib). Under his rule the conquest of the Iberian Peninsula (in 711) and of > Chorasan and Transoxania

(in 742) began and Islamic troops reached the lower Indus region (in 713). [2] W. IL. Eleventh Umayyad caliph (born AD 706, reigned 743-744). Devoted primarily to poetry and hunting; his short reign was marked by numerous internal political upheavals. Builder of the Al-MuSatta desert castle. H. KENNEDY, The Prophet and the Age of the Umayyads, 1986;

G.Hawtinc,

s.v.

Umayyads,

EI,

CD-ROM,

1999ff.; D. DERENK, Leben und Dichtung des Omaiyadenkalifen al-Walid ibn Yazid, 1974.

LT.-N.

Wall construction see > Masonry; > Town planning

Wall paintings I. ANCIENT ORIENT II. EGyPtT II]. MINOAN-MYCENAEAN CULTURE V. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

IV. ETRURIA

I. ANCIENT ORIENT Numerous Ancient Oriental + temples, > palaces and private residences were painted inside, but due to the a secco-technique, only traces of the paintings still remain. Each colour has its own symbolism. Red, the colour of life and strength, was used as early as the roth

547

548

millennium BC for painting the walls and floors of houses (e.g. ‘Ain Mallaha, Israel). Clay or lime plaster served as the base [1; 2]. The oldest and best-preserved figural wall paintings (WP) are found in the houses of Catalhityiik (7th cent.): Hunting scenes with people and animals, painted sculptures of female figures and bucrania are found on walls and floor paths. In the late 4th millennium, the design of WP in the three-part building of Tall ‘Ugair indicated societal changes: A hierarchical order appears in the depiction of human processions in an orthogonal frame. Extant from the rst half of the 2nd millennium are the paintings in the palace of > Mari (Syria, new reconstruction: [4]). Their date might fall in the period from Ur III to the capture of the city by Hammurapi (c. 2100 to the 18th cent. BC). The ‘Investiture of Zimri Lim’ (court 106) probably dates from before the rule of the latter [5]. Some of the Neo-Assyrian orthostat — reliefs were originally painted in several colours. The WP in the palace of the Assyrian governor in > Til Barsip (modern Tall al-Ahmar, Syria, 8th cent. BC) can be regarded as a cheap replacement of the reliefs.

or stately and representative contexts, possibly upperclass houses as well. The poor condition of the pigments and of the excavation methods at most locations give a wrong impression. As with palace architecture (+ Palace IV. B.), the question of external influence dominates the discussion about the beginning of WP in the Aegean. Floor decoration and WP in the Aegean style and with Aegean themes in Tel Kabri on the Levantine coast and in Tall ad-Dab‘a/Auaris in Egypt, however, document a mutual exchange and the ‘Bronze Age Koine’ in the eastern Mediterranean. Records of Aegean WP are known from three regions: Crete, the Greek mainland and the islands; they originated in different periods and can be distinguished stylistically as well. It is therefore difficult to give an overarching presentation that goes beyond the deter-

WALL PAINTINGS

1 A.NunN, Die Wandmalerei und der glasierte Wandschmuck im Alten Orient, 1988 2P.R. S. Moorey, Ancient Mesopotamian Materials and Industries. The Archaeological Evidence, 1994 (*1999) 3 J.-C. MARGUERON et al., Les appartements royaux du premier étage dans le palais de Zimri-Lim, in: MARI 6, 1990, 433-451 4 B.PIERRE-MULLER, Une grande peinture des appartements royaux du palais de Mari (salles 219-220), in: MARI 6, 1990, 463-558 5 J.-C. MARGUERON, Mari: A Portrait in Art of a Mesopotamian City-State, in: J.SasSON (ed.), Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, vol. 2,

1995, 887-899

II. Egypt

Many more WP are known from Egypt where they decorate numerous tombs of pharaohs and officials. WP, however, were not as prestigious as painted > reliefs. The oldest WP date from the late Prehistoric Period (4th millennium BC). Second only to the rock tombs of Beni Hasan (12th Dynasty), the Theban necropolis of the 18th Dynasty (z0th—r9th cents. BC) stands out due to its unique wealth of WP. G.Rosins, Egyptian Painting and Reliefs, 1986 (repr. 1990); W. V. Davigs (ed.), Colour and Painting in Ancient Egypt, 2001 A.NU.

IIT. MINoAN-MYCENAEAN CULTURE Bronze Age WP (c. 2700-1200 BC) was applied as a

~ fresco, details and touch-ups at times a secco. Images and ornaments decorated walls and floors as well as stucco columns and the enclosures of hearths in interior rooms. Paintings are also known on exterior facades (e.g. the central courtyard in + Phaestus [4], the tholos tomb in ~—Tiryns), and even a sacrificial bowl (+ Thera) and a sarcophagus from Agia Triada were painted in this technique. WP is primarily tied to cultic

mination of general categories.

Crete: A small older group such as the frescoes of Agia Triada with a lively and free composition can be distinguished from a later group which is characterized by a more paratactical composition. A more exact stylistic determination is difficult due to questions regarding centre versus periphery and the dating of the buildings with WP, as well as the historical issue of the influence exerted by the Mycenaean presence, for instance in the palace of > Knossos. : Greek mainland: Two stylistically distinct groups exist here as well. The first was found in the refuse of the last renovation of the palaces (e.g. — Tiryns and — Pylos [2]) and is therefore devoid of any architectural context, the second was found in the remnants of the destroyed buildings. Islands: The particularly well-preserved frescoes in Akrotiri/> Thera found within their original context have clearly changed the discussion about Aegean WP. The images from the small number of painted rooms in a house have made it possible to infer the functions of these rooms or of the house. But even here, questions surrounding dating as well as the fictitious idea of colonial dependence on Crete impede a secure classification within all of Aegean WP. For archaeological research, Aegean WP is used as a source for larger questions that relate to individual details, for instance, the absence of battle scenes on Cretan frescoes is placed in a context of a Minoan period of peace. The temporally and regionally varying conditions of this art form, which was at times contemplative and at times almost propagandistic, still require further research. With the decline of the Bronze Age economic and social system, this luxurious form of elite self-presentation disappeared as well. > Aegean Koine (with maps); > Crete; > Minoan cul-

ture and archaeology; + Mycenaean culture and archaeology; - Woman (I*) M.CAMERON,

Fresco, a Passport into the Past, 1999;

Cu. G. Doumas, Die Wandmalerei von Thera, 1996; S. A. IMMERWAHR, Aegean Painting in the Bronze Age, 1990; M.L. Lana, The Palace of Nestor at Pylos in Western Messenia, vol. 2: The Frescoes, 1969; N. MaRINATOs, Kunst und Religion im alten Thera, 1988; G. RODENWALDT,

S49 Tiryns, vol. 2: Die Fresken des Palastes, 1912; Cu. A. TELEBANTOU, Axewrjgt Oneas. Or roryoyedpor ms dSvtv«js ovniac, 1994 G.H.

IV. ETRURIA From its origins in the 7th cent. BC, Etruscan WP was closely related to Etruscan vase painting, which was in turn influenced by developments in Greece (Corinthia, Ionia, Athens). This connection is reflected in the literary tradition surrounding the figure and the artistic circle of the Corinthian + Demaratus [1], who had emigrated to Tarquinii in c. 650 BC (Plin. HN 35,16). The colours-at first only red, brown and black—were applied directly to the smoothed rock surfaces of Etruscan chamber tombs. In the 7th cent. BC, figures such as birds, mythical creatures and heroes were predominant (+ Veii: Tomba (= T.) delle Anatre; > Caere/Cerveteri: T. dei Leoni Dipinti; T. degli Animali Dipinti). Similar animal themes have been transmitted on the clay roof plates on Etruscan residential houses from the 7th cent. (+ Acquarossa; [r]). In the 6th and sth cents. BC, clay plates with painted figures and ornaments became popular (— Pinax [6]) [2]. In tomb paintings, still the prevalent form of WP, the walls were prepared with thin layers of stucco made from a lime-clay mixture, the figures were marked by line drawings scratched into the stucco and the colour palette was enriched with white, blue, green and mixed colours [3. 93-95]. The main centre was > Tarquinii, where the development of different painting styles, of external influences and of decorative themes can be best traced: The T. delle Pantere (before 550 BC) is still in the tradition of Corinthian art, while the Ionian tradition is reflected in tombs such as the T. dei Tori (c. 530/520) and the Attic tradition is first observable in the T. delle Bighe (c. 490). In c. 530/520, the T. degli Auguri presents large-format figure paintings representing funeral games on all four walls above a monochromatic base. The imagery of archaic tombs, along with Tarquinii primarily in > Clusium/Chiusi (T. della Scimmia; T. del Colle), depicts above all the life of the local aristocracy, for instance, in

scenes of hunting, dance, athletic competitions and banquets, while landscapes (T. della Caccia e della Pesca) are rare.

Technically, stylistically and iconographically, Etruscan WP from the 4th—znd cents. was strongly influenced by ~ South Italian vases. The same holds true for the preparation of the base with several thick layers of stucco and for the sophisticated colour gradations with the chiaroscuro effect [3.95 f.]. Instead of joyous scenes of sports or dance, the theme of the afterlife became more prominent: banquet scenes include the names of the dead (Tarquinii: T. degli Scudi), and psychopomps as well as gods of the Underworld are present (Volsinii-Orvieto: T. Golini I). In the T. dell’?Orco (Tarquinii), this theme is enriched by Odysseus’ journey into the Underworld [4]. Mythology and images connected to death and the afterlife also decorate the inte-

550

WALL PAINTINGS

rior of the T. Frangois in > Volci/Vulci (c. 300 BC): Battle scenes between Etruscan and Roman aristocrats (+ Mastarna) which refer to events from the 6th cent. BC mark the beginning of historical paintings in Italy [5]. Processions of the dead, magistrates and demons of death are frequent (Tarquinii: T. Bruschi; T. Tifone; T. del Colloquio). Along with figural decoration and ornamentation, Etruscan WP had an architectural function as well. The notion that the tombs were houses (— Funerary architecture III.C.1.) was emphasized in the paintings: In the Archaic Period, this was done through the imitation of colourful fabrics on walls and ceilings and through architectural elements such as ridge beams, architraves, windows and doors [6]. In the Late Period, the same purpose was served through the reproduction of weapons and kitchen utensils in the atrium: Caere-Cerveteri, T. dei Rilievi (c. 300 BC, cf. [7]). + Dead, cult of the; > Etrusci, Etruria II. C.3.; + Grave paintings; — Necropoleis VII.; > Painting; > Pottery II. A.3. 1 C.E. OSTENBERG, Case etrusche di Acquarossa, 1975 2F.RoncaLui, Le lastre dipinte di Cerveteri, 1965 3 L.Viap Bore tt, Technik und Konservation der etruskische Malerei, in: S.STEINGRABER (ed.), Etruskische Wandmalerei, 1985, 91-100 4 C. WEBER-LEHMANN, Polyphem in der Unterwelt?, in: MDAI(R) 102, 1995, 71too. = 5. F. BuRANELLI (ed.), La Tomba Francois di Vulci, 1987, 225-243 6 A.Naso, Pitture dipinte, 1996 7 H.Bianck, G.Proretti, La Tomba dei Rilievi a Cerveteri,

1986

M. CRISTOFANI S.v. pittura, in: Id. (ed.), Dizionario della civilta etrusca, 1985, 223-225; F. MESSERSCHMIDT, Bei-

trage zur 1926; etrusca,

Chronologie

M.Moretti, 1966;

der etruskische

Nuovi

monumenti

M.PALLoTTINO,

Wandmalerei, della

La peinture

pittura étrusque,

1952; S.STEINGRABER (ed.), Etruskische Wandmalerei, 1985; F. WEEGE, Etruskische Malerei, 1921 FPR.

V. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY A. INTRODUCTION, TECHNIQUE B. CLASSICAL GREECE AND ITS SPHERE OF INFLUENCE C. ROME AND ITS SPHERE OF INFLUENCE D. AFTERLIFE A. INTRODUCTION, TECHNIQUE

The technical prerequisites of WP (tovyoyeadia/ toichographia; Lat. expolitio; opus tectorium; parietum pictoria; > Pigments; + Fresco) were treated in ancient technical literature (e.g. Plin. HN 35,49; 36,177; Vitr. De arch. 7,3-14). The processes varied in different periods and places, and furthermore depended on the natural condition of the walls to be painted: They were either simply smoothed (e.g. rock walls) or prepared by single or multiple layers of stucco for the dry or wet application of paint [1. 87-94; 2; 3. 26-35]. Roman WP, the most skillfully produced of all, has been best researched; it was probably produced through a combination of fresco and tempera painting techniques. Its bright effect is due to the smoothing of the stucco and

WALL PAINTINGS

55%

551

subsequent manual polishing, not to any wax treatment as is still wrongly assumed [2.70f., 104 f., 145 f.; 15. 15-17].

C. ROME AND ITS SPHERE OF INFLUENCE

1. OVERVIEW 2. HISTORY OF RESEARCH 3. HIsTORICAL SEQUENCE FROM THE 2ND CENT. BC TO THE 1ST CENT. AD

B. CLASSICAL GREECE AND ITS SPHERE OF INFLU-

ENCE Few ancient written sources exist regarding WP, a

fact which suggests that panel painting, which is more frequently mentioned, was held in higher esteem (Plin. HN 35,118; regarding the sources, cf. — Painting; [4. 99 ff.]). A reason for this might be found in the fact that a type of painting which is ‘tied’ to architecture and fixed locations was less common at first because it was limited to a few public, sacred or funerary locations. It appears to have occurred as an exception in private residences in the 6th and 5th cents. ( Agatharchus), as is suggested by the criticism of WP as a luxury in contemporary literature [5. 1, 9, 58]. The famous Early Classical monumental paintings by ~— Polygnotus [x], ~+ Panaenus and > Micon were located in temples and buildings for public assembly (Paus. 1,15,1 f.; 1,18,93

10,25-31). A reason for their infrequent mention might also be found in the perhaps different evaluation of the anonymous craftsmen-painters in contrast to established > artists with their impressive individual works ({6. 10 f.]: comparison with Renaissance). In contrast to the rather sparse written sources and the poor state of preservation of > painting, WP has survived better—due to the relatively long life of walls and to important new finds in the last few decades (which come mostly from the peripheral regions of the Greek world). The little evidence for Early Archaic WP consist of a few colourful stucco remnants from the Temple of Poseidon in Isthmia near Corinth from the late 7th cent. BC [1. 88; 7. 259], but their condition is so fragmentary that it does not allow conclusions about the underlying decorative scheme. Later material comes from chamber and cist graves from various regions in the Late Archaic Period. The late 6th and early 5th cents. BC gave rise to large-scale decorations with scenes of chariot riding and symposia in the Lycian chamber tombs at Kizilbel and Karaburun [8; 9]. Important for the study of the development of painting in Greece are the Macedonian examples from Vergina (+ Aegae [x]; > painting; > Nicomachus [4]) and the numerous South Italian > grave paintings [1o. 3; 11; 12]. The famous Tomb of the Diver in Paestum (> Poseidonia) dates from the sth cent. BC. The majority of the many preserved war and battle scenes and images from life and myth in Southern Italy date to the 4th and early 3rd cents. BC. Also from the 4th/3rd cents. is the frieze of the Thracian beehive tomb at Kazanlak which shows a princely couple surrounded by its entourage. Late Hellenistic in date are the paintings of the Macedonian tomb of Lyson and Callicles (Lefkadia) which already display an illusionist concept of architecture [13]. Beginning in the 4th cent. BC, colourfully decorated rooms with floral, architectural or abstract themes are known from private residences as well

[5. 56; 14. 347, 516, 577 £3 15. 21-25].

1. OVERVIEW The modern concept of Roman WP is shaped by individual finds primarily from Imperial Rome and from the particularly well-preserved remnants of the houses buried in the AD 79 eruption of Vesuvius in > Pompeii, — Herculaneum and other Campanian country towns. In the last few decades, the amount of material has been enlarged through further digs in this region as well as by finds from various provinces of the Roman Empire that stretch into > Late Antiquity. The remains are supported and explicated by many written sources. — Plinius [x] the Elder, for instance, who in the rst cent. AD was certainly familiar with wall decoration, mentions several Roman, Italian and probably originally Greek painters (e.g. Plin. HN 35,19 f.; 115 ff.; 120; 154) from as early as the Republican Period. From this it can be concluded that the Temple of Salus on the Quirinal in Rome was decorated with WP as early as in 304 BC. More important facts are provided by the architectural historian > Vitruvius [2] who wrote in the Augustan Period. In book 7,5 of the De architectura, he summarizes the

development of WP among the ‘ancients’ (antiqui) and polemicizes against the excesses in his own time (iniqui mores, ‘degenerate taste’; error, ‘wrong path’; monstra, ‘monstrosities’, etc.).

2. HISTORY OF RESEARCH Serious research into Roman WP began in the first half of the 18th cent., although copies had already occasionally been made by artists beginning in the 15th cent. Early investigation focused on locating works of art in the excavations of specific complexes in Herculaneum, Pompeii and — Stabiae. These excavations were initiated by the Bourbon kings and are only partially documented. Because of the period’s excavation techniques, the only accidental preservation of single images that were cut out and the (ongoing) inadequate maintenance of the remaining painted walls, many of the frescoes that were visible at that time have since been destroyed by nature or have been divorced from their original contexts. In 1957, K.SCHEFOLD [23] attempted to reconstruct the extant remains in Pompeii into a plan for the whole town, esp. with the aid of the central images from the National Museum of Naples and of paintings known only from older publications. The finds had first been organized in a systematic work by F.Mazots [15. 12 f.] that appeared in the first half of the roth cent. The first actual scholarly analysis of the paintings was provided by W. HELBiIc in 1868. The organization into four ‘styles’ which is still valid today, although it has become increasingly modified and sophisticated, was established by A. Mau, who published his Geschichte der decorativen Wandmalerei in Pompejt (“History of decorative wall painting in Pompeii’) in 1882 [15. 12-15]. The typological distinction of the

553

554

various painted wall systems and of floor and ceiling decorations in chronological order according to characteristics under the heading of ‘style’ is clumsy in the usual sense of the word, but has remained common up to the present day. The focus on research has shifted, on the one hand, towards problems surrounding the origin, creation and adoption as well as transformation of individual elements of ‘style’ that are partly explained as being based on models from theatre backdrops or, more recently, from Hellenistic palaces and Late Hellenistic villa architecture [15. 3 5—38], and on the other hand, towards the connections with relevant historical and political situations, while studies that are purely focused on art history have become more rare. Roman WP as a social phenomenon is regarded as a result of > Hellenization and acculturation of Greek tastes and lifestyle [16. passim]. Questions about the way room decorations related to the functions within firmly delineated house structures and to the lives of their residents and visitors can be better answered based on new documentation of the

tional or composed landscapes with components of sanctuary architecture and the humans or animals contained therein, or myths copied from Classical and Hellenistic Greek panel paintings. The third (c. 20 BC to AD 40/50) or ‘candelabra’ style is characterized by the ornamentation and abstraction of painted architectural elements. The paintings are situated on metal bases with a precious appearance and floral and animal elements. As a result, the evenly white, red or black wall appears as a cohesive area; the effect of the colours behind seemingly floating delicate ornamental bands is heightened. Small pictures (people, animals, plants, objects) and groups of figures are interspersed and there is a preference for garden landscapes and Egyptianizing themes. Exemplary of the developing third style are the Villa of > Boscotrecase and the Pompeian Imperial Villa. The fourth style (c. the middle to the end of the 1st cent. AD) is too complex in appearance and the examples are too numerous for a short definition. It combines a resumption of the architectural perspectives from the second style and a further development of the third style in a new, more pictorial language: central images, persons and groups are freely integrated on the wall space, and friezes, imitations of large and small fold-out paintings as well as ornamental emblems enrich the decorative system of the figural paintings. Examples of the latter style are the > Domus Aurea of Nero in Rome and the house of the Vettii in Pompeii. In the rst half of the 2nd cent., walls in the style of the 2nd or 4th groups dominate. At the same time, a reduction of architectural forms and symmetry can be observed. Simple panel decorations become more popular. The co-existence of various decorative systems is maintained in the following period, with simple panel decorations increasing in popularity. Roman WP did not come to an end with the destruction towns around

extant inventory [17].

3. HISTORICAL SEQUENCE FROM THE 2ND CENT. BC TO THE IST CENT. AD The first style, known as the ‘masonry style’ (— Incrustation), appears in — Pompeii during the 2nd cent. BC primarily in public buildings and large upperclass houses (House of Sallustus; House of the Faun). The decorative system had a realistic effect due, among other things, to stucco elements, was derived from monumental architecture and imitates an ashlar wall built up from various elements and materials. The monochromatic or patterned frame imitates precious marble cladding. The first style is not a Roman innovation but began in the Hellenistic period, and thereafter dominated the entire Greek world in a variety of forms, and from there influenced the Romans [18]. The second style depicts illusionist paintings of architecture and began at c. the turn of the 2nd to the 1st cent. BC and lasted until the end of the latter. Its main characteristics include an increased opening up of the closed wall structure through painted columns or pilasters on high bases and bold perspectives in the upper part of the wall with views on even more painted architectural elements painted in many layers. In Rome, it is found first in the Casa dei Grifi on the Palatine, in Pompeii and surroundings in the large aristocratic villas (Villa of the Mysteries in Pompeii; in + Boscoreale and + Oplontis). The aristocratic villas contain examples of the great figural friezes that began to appear in that period, friezes that became the object of countless interpretations ([15. 40-45, 46-48]; opposing interpretation in [19] and [20. 42-52]). Examples for the late second style, which seems distinctly are the houses of Augustus and of Livia on the Palatine (-* Mons Palatinus) as well as the Villa Farnesina in Rome, where the architectural views are grouped around central images. Furthermore, new themes were added to the architec-

tural presentations and figural friezes, for instance, fic-

WALL PAINTINGS

Vesuvius. For the further developments, cf. [15. 93138]. D. AFTERLIFE Since the Renaissance, elements of Roman WP have

occasionally been adopted in public and private modern interior decorations. Noteworthy examples are the copies of the frescoes on the Tomb of the Nasonii in 18th-cent. Rome [21], the Pompejanum in Aschaffenburg completed in 1849 by F. GARTNER under King Ludwig I of Bavaria [22], or the copy of the Villa of the Papyri of Herculaneum in Malibu by J. P. Gerry which was built as a museum (> Malibu). +» Fresco;

ting;

+ Grave

Pigments;

paintings;

- Ornament;

— Pain-

» Pompeii (with city map); > Villa;

+ CLASSICAL ARCHAEOLOGY; 1. ScHEIBLER,

Griechische

Malerei

der Antike,

1994

2 A.KNoEPFLI, Reclams Handbuch der kiinstlerischen Techniken 2, 1990, 133-153 3N.Kocu, Techne und Erfindung in der klassische Malerei, 2001

4 A.Rou-

VERET, Profilo della pittura parietale greca, in: G. PuGLIESE CARRATELLI (ed.), I Greci in Occidente, 1996, 99-

108

5 V.Harwarb, Greek Domestic Sculpture and Ori-

WALL

PAINTINGS

gins of Private Art Patronage, 1982

555

6 S. ROETTGEN,

Wandmalerei der Frithrenaissance in Italien 1, 1996 7 F. CROISSANT, La peinture grecque et ’histoire des styles archaiques, in: M.-CH. VILLANUEVA-PuIG et al. (eds.), Céramique et peinture grecques: modes d’emploi, Actes du colloque international 1995, 1999, 257-267 8 M. MELLINK, Kizilbel: An Archaic Painted Tomb Chamber in Northern Lycia, 1998 9 O.BINGOL, Malerei und Mosaik in der Tiirkei, 1997. 10 S. STEINGRABER, Grabmalerei in Unteritalien, in: Antike Welt 20.4, 1989, 3-23 11 M. Cipriani, F.LONGO, Poseidonia e i Lucani, 1996 12 M.Mazzz1, Arpi, L’ipogeo della Medusa e la necropoli, 1995 13 S.MuLER, The Tomb of Lyson and Kallikles, 1993 14 W.HoEpENER, Geschichte des Wohnens, 1999 15H.MreLtscu, Rémische Wandmalerei, 2001 16 P. ZANKER, Pompeji. Stadtbild und Wohngeschmack, 1995 17J.-A.DicKMANN, Domus frequentata, 2 vols., 1999 18 P.GULDAGER BiLpE, The International Style: Aspects of Pompeian First Style and Its Eastern Equivalents, in: Acta Hyperborea 5, 1993, 151-177 19 P. VeyNE, Les mystéres du gynécée, 1998 20 G.SauRON, La grande fresque de la villa des Mystéres 4 Pompéi, 1998 21 B. ANDREAE, C. Pacer, Das Grab der Nasonier in Rom, in: Antike Welt 32.4, 2001, 369-382; 32.5, 2001, 461—

479 22 K.StnxeL, Das Pompejanum von Aschaffenburg, 1984 23 K.SCHEFOLD, Die Wande Pompejis, 1957

E. DE CarOLIs, Dei ed eroi nella pittura pompeiana, 2000; J. und M.GuiLLaup, La peinture a fresque au temps de Pompei, 1990; H. Lavacns (ed.), Jeunesse de la beauté. La peinture Romaine antique, *2001; R. Linc, Roman Paint-

ing, 1991; Id., Stuccowork and Painting in Roman Italy, 1998; E.MoorMANN, Functional and Spatial Analysis of Wall Painting, 1992; R.A. Typout, Aedificiorum figurae, 1989

N.H.

Walnut see > Iuglans

Waluburg (BaiovuBovey; Baloubourg). Semnonian seer (‘Sibyl’), mentioned on an AD 2nd-century > dstrakon from — Elephantine (in Egypt): BadovBovey Zyvovi otpvAAa (SB III 6221). The inscription contains a list of people on the staff of the > praefectus Aegypti; W. was therefore in Roman service and may have been responsible for interpreting omens and soothsaying. Her name may trace back to Gothic *walus (pilgrim’s/traveller’s staff or magic wand). Other Germanic women seers probably also had political roles beyond their tribes, e.g. Ganna, a successor to + Veleda, who was received in Rome between AD 92 and 96 with her king Masyus (Cass. Dio 67,5,3). The example of W. shows that Germanic women seers, at times linked with lowly priestly tasks, could function in quite different roles (see also [5]). -» Semnones; — Sibyl 1 R. Bruper, Die germanische Frau im Lichte der Runeninschriften und der antiken Historiographie, 1974, 15 1162 2E.ScHRODER, Walburg, die Sibylle, in: ARW 19, 1918, 196-200 3 R.SiMkK, s.v. W., Lexikon der germanischen Mythologie, 1984, 458 4 D.TIMpPE, s.v. Ganna, 2. Historisches, RGA 10, *1998, 420f. 5 H. VOLKMANN, Germanische Seherinnen in rémischen Diensten, 1964.

W.SP.

556 Wanax. Mycenaean Greek term (cf. e.g. nom. sg. wana-ka = wanaks, dat. sg. wa-na-ka-te = wanaktei and adjective wa-na-ka-te-ro = wanakteros) for the ‘king’ (ruler, sovereign, highest dignitary) in Mycenaean petty kingdoms at the end of the 13th cent. BC, on Crete (+ Knossos), in the Argolid ( Mycenae), in Messenia (+ Pylos [2] II) and in Boeotia (> Thebes [2] II A). The Greeks (describing themselves as “EdAnves, ‘Hellenes’) presumably were one of the causes of the change from Early Helladic II to Early Helladic III c. 2500 BC by migrating into what was later named Greece after them (+ Mycenaean culture and archaeology B 1). Only gradually does a certain wealth appear to have developed in the Argolid, in Boeotia and Messenia (~~ Mycenaean culture and archaeology B 2 and 3); the increasing organization of local palaces and the areas dominated by them is not conceivable without the model of Minoan Crete (> Minoan culture and archaeology). The archives of clay tablets, written in > Linear B (cf. + Mycenaean), preserved on the Greek mainland are all from the last months before the destruction by fire of the Mycenaean palaces. According to statements on these clay tablets the wanax was the king of a palace and of the territory controlled by it. With certainty he possessed a number of privileges. The extent of his power and his importance in religious affairs are variously assessed [1. 40-101]; there is, however, much to suggest even ascribing divine kingship to a wanax Ina fragment series of tablets from Pylus, for example, his title is in the position of the recipient of the sacrifice, where in other cases a divine name would appear; both in palace architecture and in the religious sphere everything appears to be informed by a central role for kingship [5]. According to tablet PY Ta 711 the wanax of Pylos had just appointed a person called Augéwas to the post of damokoros (‘people’s caretaker’?), and this suggests a general responsibility for the internal organization of the territory. The second person in a Mycenaean kingdom was the militarily important > lawdgetas (literally: ‘leader of the warfolk’, lawo-; cf. e.g. Mycenaean Greek nominative singular ra-wa-ke-ta and adjective ra-wa-ke-si-jo = lawagesijos). It is astonishing that in Phrygia in the 6th cent. BC a (king?) Midas, for whom a burial site was endowed, was honoured with the title (in the dat. sg.) lavagtaei vanaktei [3. 333-344]. This equivalence of Mycenaean Greek and Ancient Phrygian vocabulary is best understood if it is assumed that the terms lawagetas and wanax had been used by the ancestors of the later Greeks and Phrygians in the middle of the 3rd millennium BC, when they were still living in the Balkans and were in closer contact [6]. Presumably the original meaning of wanax was ‘goods-gaining’ [2. 66-68]. The term wanax survives, slightly altered, in the rst millennium BC, but the king was now described as Baotrevcs (> Basileus). In the Homeric epics &vat/dnax (Favag; the initial w/digamma was no longer pronounced, but was still taken into account in metre) is “a title applied to a god, ruler, or general by inferiors and

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equals in salutation and conversation, and by a poet in narration” [4. 781-790]. Cf. also [1. 215-221; 6]. ~> Aegaean Koine; + Minoan culture and archaeology; > Mycenian culture and archaeology; -> Phryges; ~ Phrygian

drew from divine inspiration and of his identity-defining symbols (+ Marduk). The same applies to the removal of important monuments (-» Hammurapi). The Near East was to differing extents and at different times subject to the WB campaigns of the nomadic tribes (+ nomads) present on the peripheries of the region. For such tribes, raids of this kind were part of their survival strategy.

1 P. Carer, La royauté en Gréce avant Alexandre, 1984 21.Haynat, Mykenisches und homerisches Lexikon,

1998 3M.LeryeuNE, Mémoires de philologie mycénienne, vol. 3,1972 4LFE1,1979,s.v.Anax 5T.G. PALAIMA, The Nature of the Mycenaean Wanax, in: P. REHAK (ed.), The Role of the Ruler in the Prehistoric Aegean, 1995, 119-139 6 C.Brixne, Achéens et Phrygiens en Asie Mineure, in: M. Fritz (ed.), Novalis Indogermanica. Festschrift G. Neumann, 2002, 49-73.

War see + War, law of; > War guilt, problem of; — International law; — Fortifications; - Armies; > Naval warfare

War booty I. ANCIENT NEAR East

II. GREEcE

III. ROME

I. ANCIENT NEAR EAST In the ancient Near East, the procurement of WB was directed towards obtaining important raw materials (e.g. metals — Egypt: gold from Nubia, silver from Cilicia, copper from Cyprus (Middle Kingdom); Assyria: iron from Iran, silver from Cilicia; > Cilices, Cilicia) and items required for further warfare (e.g. horses, chariots in Assyria, rst millennium BC) or served to supply the royal court with luxury goods for purposes of prestige. WB must be distinguished from ‘one-off tributes imposed on foreign rulers immediately upon their defeat. Winning booty and taking tributes were complementary phenomena to long-distance trade (+ commerce) and those Egyptian expeditions that were expressly intended for the acquisition of raw materials (gold, precious stones, building materials), which occasionally closely resembled campaigns of plunder when access to sources of raw materials (e.g. gold in Nubia) had to be fought for [2. 60]. WB was in principle forfeit to the ruler. Winning booty was an expression of royal power. Thus, booty records are constitutive elements of Egyptian (Thutmosis III) and Mesopotamian royal inscriptions (cf. the Neo-Assyrian booty lists TUAT 1, 380f., |. 259f.; MDOG 11s, 1983, 104-110, ll. 352-407) and subjects of pictorial representation (RLA 7, 449, fig.). Some WB in Mesopotamia, the Hittite Empire and Egypt was offered up to the gods (and, according to the Old Testament, to Jehovah) and distributed as reward among the army and dignitaries of state. The Neo-Assyrian kings > Sargon II and > Assurbanipal boasted of the incalculable quantities of valuable metals and animals (e.g. camels) which ‘flooded’ the Assyrian heartlands, such that a measure of grain now cost as much in silver as it once had in copper [5. 97f.]. The abduction of divine images was of symbolic importance. The intention here was to rob the defeated enemy of the power he

WAR BOOTY

1 E.BLErBerG, Official Gift in Ancient Egypt, 1996 2 E.BLUMENTHAL, R.GUNDLACH, s.v. Expeditionen, Expeditionsberichte, LA 2, 55-61 3 W.M. Martin, Tribut und Tributleistungen bei den Assyrern, 1936 4 M.De Oporico, Numbers and Quantifications in the Assyrian Royal Inscriptions, 1995 5 J. RENGER, Patterns of Non-Institutional Trade, in: Incunabula Graeca 82, 1984, 31-123.

J-RE.

II. GREECE Various terms were used in Greek to denote WB in general (Adgdvueov/laphyron, classically in the plural, or Aeia/leia) or in particular armour taken from a dead enemy (oxvtdov/skylon) and enslaved captives (avdean0dSo0v/andrapodon). Campaigns of warfare in the Homeric epics are often scarcely distinguishable from simple plunder raids — the poet here probably illuminating an important aspect of Archaic warfare. Nor did this dimension of war ever vanish in later periods: plunder remained an accepted part of warfare, the chief motive of which was often the winning of WB (PI. Phd. 66c). Evidence for this ranges from Homer (Hom. Il. 1,154; 1,366ff.; 2,226ff.; 9,13 5ff.; 9,328ff.; 11, 670ff.; Hom. Od. 9,40ff.; 14,229ff.) through Archilochus (fragment 2 West), Herodotus (Hdt. 6,132: Miltiades campaign against Paros) and Xenophon (Xen. Hell. 5,1,17) to the post-Classical authors. The philosophers, meanwhile, denounced the thirst for WB as pernicious (Pl. Leg. 83 re) and considered the acquisition of booty legitimate only in wars against barbarians (Pl. Resp. 471ab; Aristot. Pol. 1256b 22f.). Any movable asset (livestock, money, jewellery, clothing, household effects, food, metals — and people) could become WB, including weapons and (in naval warfare) even ships. On longer campaigns, WB and prisoners were sold to camp-follower traders, but they were also sometimes brought to market in the home city. In the Archaic and Classical periods, WB and the earnings from it were forfeit to the victorious community. Among allies, the division of WB was often agreed by treaty, while the Hellenistic kings claimed WB for themselves. Internal distribution was regulated by the individual polis or ruler, according to particular circumstances (Diod. Sic. 11,25,1; on the problem of division of WB, cf. also Xen. Cyr. 4,2,42ff.; 4,5,3 8ff.). Part of the haul, often a tenth part, was dedicated to the gods as a thank offering, while the commander received the other part. Particular military prowess could also be rewarded or the WB used to pay the soldiers or to improve the public finances. Many campaigns, e.g. against the Great King or his satraps, and sometimes against

WAR BOOTY

Greek cities, will have been highly lucrative: the wealth of 5th cent. BC Athens was due in no small part to its success in warfare. For example, financial motives lay behind the Athenians’ Sicilian Expedition (-> Peloponnesian War) (Thuc. 6,24,2f.). Philip II’s conquest of Olynthus in 348 BC won him the resources to continue his programme of conquest (Diod. Sic. 16,53,3). Alexander’s campaign was also a campaign for WB, in the course of which the king, his officers and his soldiers acquired immeasurable wealth. From the 4th cent. BC on, armies were increasingly reliant on WB for their supply, and often obtained their provisions in the theatre of war (cf. strikingly, Xen. Cyr. 3,3,16; 5,4,28). The Panhellenic sanctuaries of Greece, esp. Delphi and Olympia, have yielded much material evidence of offerings of WB. Evocative examples are the donations of two helmets from the Persian booty at Olympia, one consecrated by Miltiades, the other of the oriental type. + Logistics; Lytron; > Prisoners of war; > Slavery; — War, consequences of 1 Y.GARLAN,

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Guerre

et €conomie

en Gréce

ancienne,

1989 2W.Nowaa, Raub und Beute in der archaischen Zeit der Griechen, 1983. 3 W.K. Prircuert, The Greek State at War 5, 1991, 68-541 4 W.GaueER, Weihgeschenke aus den Perserkriegen, 1968 5 H.-V. Herrmann, Olympia, 1972, 181 pl. 32¢, ill. 81. LB.

Ill. ROME WB was one of the most important motivations to warfare and to Rome’s policy of conquest and expansion. The practice of taking booty in war, criticized today, was regarded as normal procedure in the ancient world. Three terms in Latin denoted WB and the use made of it: praeda, spolia and manubiae. Officers and soldiers knew that victory could bring them wealth — Gaius made a classic legal formulation of this generally recognized view in antiquity (Gai. Inst. 2,69). WB also encompassed the body of the enemy, which was designated for slavery (> Prisoners of war). Plunder after battle was accepted, provided it took place in adherence to military order (Onasander 35). WB was generally divided between the commonwealth (res publica), the commander of the victorious forces and his soldiers. The commonwealth received the land with all buildings, added to the > ager publicus (Dig. 49,15,20,1). Polybius gives a detailed description of the division of WB after the conquest of a city. Soldiers selected for the purpose from the maniples began with the plunder operation. The booty was then sold and the money earned was distributed equally by the tribunes — those who had not taken part in the battle, for instance because of illness or guard duties, were not forgotten (Pol. 10,16f.; cf. also Liv. 45,34). The legion’s commander could then requisition the enemy’s remaining assets. He used these to boost his own fortune or to increase the number of his clientes. Augustus used his WB for congiaria (> congiarium), building projects and offerings to the gods (ex manibiis: R. Gest. div. Aug. 15,1; 15,33 21,1f.). After the victory at Antium,

Augustus offered the entire booty to the gods (Tac. Ann. 2,53,2). Tacitus describes the principle of the early Principate that expugnatae urbis praedam ad militem, deditae ad duces pertinere (“spoils froma city taken by force belong to the soldiery, those from a surrendered city to the commanders”, Tac. Hist. 3,19,2), because by its capitulation, a city was throwing itself on the — fides of Rome. There can be no doubt that there was an inherent

economic interest in WB. During the Republic, several commanders undertook campaigns or began wars on their own initiative in the expectation of acquiring WB, e.g. Cn. Manlius Vulso in Asia Minor (Pol. 21,3 4-47; Liv. 38,12-15; 38,18; 38,45) and L. Licinius Lucullus in Spain (App. Hisp. 51-55). According to Cato, the senators who demanded a declaration of war against Rhodes in 168 BC were hoping to enrich themselves by conquering this wealthy port city (Gell. NA 6,3,7; 6,3,52). Caesar’s campaign in Gaul was similarly motivated (Suet. Iul. 54,2f.). Trajan’s and Marcus Aurelius’ Columns (~ Monumental columns) show soldiers engaged in plunder and also attest to the fact that this behaviour was widely accepted. There were other aspects of the allocation of WB: it was an honour to receive part of the booty, and a commander would advertise this outwardly by displaying the spolia on his house (Gell. NA 2,11,3; Liv. 10,7,93 ships’ prows in the house of Pompey: Cic. Phil. 2,68). The city itself could also receive WB and set it up in public places to commemorate glory, as in the case of the spolia of ships’ prows in the Forum (rostra; Liv. 8,14,12; Plin. HN 34,20). Part of the WB was offered up to the gods as a votive gift, esp. the weapons and armour of enemy commanders, the spolia opima, which were classified as prima, secunda or tertia according to whether they were designated for Jupiter Feretrius, Mars or Quirinus (Plut. Romulus 16; Liv. 4,20,5-6; Val. Max. 3,2,33 3,256). 1 E.BapiAN, Roman Imperialism in the Late Republic, 1967 2J.HARMAND, L’armée e le soldat a Rome de 107 a 50 a.n.é., 1967 3HarRIs 4/J.RicH, G.SHIPLEY (eds.), War and Society in the Roman World, 1993. Y.LB.

War chariot I. ANCIENT ORIENT AND EoyptT II. CLassicat ANTIQUITY III. CELTO-GERMANIC AREA

I. ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGypT

In both the Ancient Orient and Egypt the WC was a single-axle open chariot with spoked wheels pulled by horses. WCs were predominantly made of wood and in some cases clad in metal. The first evidence of WCs is on 2nd millennium BC seal rolls in Anatolia, and then in Syria (> Seals). Their origin is disputed. In particular Hittite texts record the military significance of WCs (battle of + Qadesh in 1275 BC between Muwatalli II and Ramses [2] II). There is also evidence of WCs as prestige goods in an exchange of gifts between Mesopotamia and Egypt in the 2nd millennium. WCs can

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often be seen in 9th-7th cent. BC Assyrian reliefs, in battle or in a royal lion hunt. Technical alterations (harnessing, number of animals: up to four horses; number of people: from the 8th cent. BC at most four warriors, two of them archers) made the WC more powerful but less manoeuvrable. In depictions in Cyprus, the Levant, Anatolia and Elam WCs follow the Assyrian types. There are scarcely any Neo-Babylonian records of WCs. Achaemenid WCs are recorded in inscriptions as militarily ineffective. In Egypt the WC (wrryt, mrkbt, t prt) with strikingly

the side of the Britons (Tac. Agr. 35,3; 36,3; cf. 12,1). In Rome essedarii (chariot warriors in esseda) appeared at the Games (Suet. Cal. 35,3; Suet. Claud. 21,5).

large six-spoked wheels (diameter 1 m) was introduced

c. 1600 BC by the > Hyksos. In the New Kingdom it is often recorded in texts and illustrations, which attest to its high social prestige. Of particular interest are six complete preserved examples from the tomb of Tutankhamun, which give a unique insight into the highly developed technology and elegant form of a 2nd millennium BC WC [2]. 1 R.H. Beat, The Organisation of Hittite Military, 1992,

141-190 1135

2 W.DECKER, s. v. Wagen, LA 6, 1986, 11303 U.HOFMANN, Fuhrwesen und Pferdehaltung im

Alten Agypten, diss. Bonn 1989 M.A.LrraueR,

4J.H. CrouweEL,

s. v. Chariots, in: The Oxford Encyclo-

pedia of Archaeology in the Near East, 1997, 485-486 5 W. FARBER, s. v. Kampfwagen (Streitwagen). A. Philologisch, RLA 5, 1976-1980, 336-344 6M.A.Lirauer, J.H. CRouweE1, Chariots and Related Equipment from the Tomb of Tutankhamun, 1985 7D.Nosez, Assyrian Chariotry and Cavalry, in: State Archives of Assyria. Bull. 4, 1990, 61-68.

AR.HA.

WAR GUILT, PROBLEM OF

A. Hy anp, Equus, 1990.

Y.L.B.

II]. CELTO-GERMANIC AREA According to the evidence of literary sources and ancient depictions, e.g. on Iron Age bronze vessels such as ~ situlae and Celtic coins, WCs were light two-wheeled chariots with a yoke-like harnessing of two horses. They occur quite often in Celtic burials of the > La Téne culture from the sth to the rst cents. BC, with a concentration in the western Celtic area (Champagne, + Hunsriick-Eifel culture), and this can be traced to Graeco-Etruscan influence. In the 2nd/rst cent. BC WCs are also known from Britain (> Arras culture), cf. e.g. Caes. Gall. 4,33; 5,15-17,19 (see above II). Of WCs it is normally the metal cladding and wheel parts and the harnessing paraphernalia that survive. In burials WCs are an essential status symbol of the buried warrior; there are also pictorial indications, however, that they were used for racing. In the Germanic area, WCs as grave goods are also often in evidence in richly furnished burials of the early pre-Roman

Iron Age (2nd/rst cent. BC) in northern

Germany and Denmark. In later Germanic burials the chariots themselves were no longer buried, at best horses or parts of their harnesses were. ~ Germanic archaeology; > Celtic archaeology D.vAN ENDERT, Zur Stellung der Wagengraber der ArrasKultur, in: Berichte der R6misch-Germanischen Kommis-

II. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

In Antiquity numerous peoples outside the GraecoRoman world made use of horse-drawn WCs in war. Thus the Greeks and Romans repeatedly faced enemies who used WCs. In the Homeric period a WC drawn by two horses (Goua/hdrma, often plural Goeuata/bdrmata) was used by noble warriors primarily as a means of transport, to reach the place of battle (Hom. Il. 19,392-424); fighting was usually on foot. With the establishment of the hoplite phalanx (+ Phalanx I) the Greeks dispensed with deploying WCs. The Persians, in contrast, and later the > Seleucid kings did use WCs, with - sickles attached to their axles (G4onata doexavnpdoa/harmata

drepanéphora; falcata quadriga, ‘sickle chariots’; at — GCunaxa’ in 401 BC: Xen. An. 1,7,10; 1,8,10; at — Magnesia [3] in 190 BC: Liv. 37,40,125 37,41,5-12).

The Celts deployed WCs in wars against Rome (see below III), as in the Battle of Sentinum in 295 BC (Liv. 10,28,8; 10,30,5; cf. Diod. 5,29) and in their attack on Italy in 225 BC (Pol. 2,23,4). In Britain Caesar’s troops also had to fight against the WC (essedum) (Caes. Gall.

452.4515 4532553 45335 509933 S01 500s 551951; cf. Cic. Fam. 7,6,23 7,751; Verg. Georg. 3,204). Pomponius Mela mentions the covinnus, the WC of the Britons (Mela 3,52). In 83 AD covinnarii (‘chariot warriors’) took

part in the Battle of + Mons Graupius in Scotland on

sion 67, 1986, 203-288; M.GuStTin, L.PauLi (eds.), Keltski Voz, 1984; P. HarBIson, The Chariot of Celtic Funerary Trad., in: O.-H. Frey (ed.), Marburger Beitr. zur Arch. der Kelten. Festschrift W. Dehn, 1969, 34-58; K.Rappatz, Das Wagengrab der jiingeren vorromischen

Eisenzeit von Husby, 1967; S. W1LBERS-Rost, Pferdegeschirr der romischen Kaiserzeit in der Germania libera,

1994.

VP.

War guilt, problem of. Indications of public indignation at peace-breakers in Homer (Hom. Od. 24,424437) and the emergence of the Roman > fetiales rite as the opening of a bellum iustum (- International law)

show that even in the Archaic period wars were not regarded as a normal state of affairs and that WG was discussed [1. 127]. WG acquired greater political significance in the course of expansionist aspirations. The actions and causes which triggered battles between the Greeks and ‘Barbarians’ form a leitmotiv in the work of -» Herodotus. > Thucydides’s distinction between the (direct) causes of and the (deeper) reasons for the - Peloponnesian War directed all later discussions of WG. He sees the actual reason (1,23,5f.: aléthestate prophasis) as the growth of Athens’s power and the consequent fear of the Spartans, and, with his theory that great powers will inevitably be drawn into conflicts, tries to refute simplistic mutual recrimination.

WAR GUILT, PROBLEM OF

In the 2nd cent. BC, in the framework of his presentation of the rise of Rome to a world power > Polybius also sets out to give a comprehensive analysis of the development of the Punic and Macedonian Wars (> Punic Wars). In doing so he seeks to overcome the

Roman position that Rome’s wars were always to be seen as defence against external threat, and to show ina ‘unbiased’ way how as a leading power in Italy Rome reacted to the challenge from the power of Carthage by building security barriers and consistently defending them, until after the war with Hannibal (218-201 BC) it intervened unhesitatingly in conflicts in the GreekHellenistic world in order to destroy any potentially dangerous build-up of power. A detailed commentary by Polybius (36,9) on the Roman policy with regard to Carthage in 149 BC sheds light on contemporary Greek discussions of WG. The main theme of later assessments of Roman expansion and warfare is an ideology of world dominance, in which Rome is ascribed the task of a peacekeeping power in perpetuity (Cic. Off. 2,2,7: patrocinium orbis terrae; cf. Cic, Rep. 3, particularly 3522,33ff.; Verg. Aen. 6,851). Critical voices counter this ideology with accusations of belligerence and robbery (Sall. Hist. 6, letter by Mithradates VI.; Tac. Agr. 30-32, speech by Calgacus; Aug. Civ. 4,3-4). + Punic Wars; > International law; > War 1 A. GRAEBER, Friedensvorstellung, in: ZRG 109, 1992, I16-162.

S. ALBERT, Bellum iustum, 1980; G.E. M. DE STE. CROIX, The Origins of the Peloponnesian War, 1972; C. HEUCKE,

Mit dem Unrecht leben, in: U. FELLMETH, H. SONNABEND (eds.), Alte Geschichte Festschrift E. Olshausen, 1998, 85-97; B.D. Hoyos, Unplanned Wars, 1998; D.Kacan, The Outbreak of the Peloponnesian War, 1969; E.A. Meyer, The Outbreak of the Peloponnesian War after Twenty-five

Years,

in: CH.D.

HamILTron,

P.KRENTZ

(eds.), Polis and Polemos. Festschrift D. Kagan, 1997, 23-54; J.RUPKE, Domi Militiae, 1990; CH. SCHUBERT, K.BRODERSEN (ed.), Rom und der hellenistische Osten. Festschrift H.H. Schmitt, 1995; D. VoLLMER, Symploke, 1990; V.M. Warrior, The Initiation of the Second Macedonian War, 1997. K.-W.W.

War, art of see > Military technology and engineering

War, consequences of I. Greece

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IJ. ROME

I. GREECE The consequences of a war in Ancient Greece for individuals, cities or kingdoms depended on its duration and size, and a systematic or general assessment is thus not unproblematic. Several authors describe the terrible sight of a battlefield (Xen. Hell. 4,4,12; Xen. Ages. 2,14f.; Plut. Pelopidas 18,5; cf. Thuc. 7,84f.). During a hoplite battle in the classical period, on average 5 % of the victors and 14% of the vanquished would fall [4]; in addition there would be the wounded and the

enslaved prisoners. Demographic losses during a war could thus be considerable: Athens after the defeat in Sicily lost a large proportion of its hoplites and equestrians, and of its young men of fighting age (Thuc. 8,1,2; Peloponnesian War). Long-term wars led in addition to debt and impoverishment (cf. Hom. Il. 18,288-92; Thuc. 8,1), which also affected the population (Athens: Xen. Mem. 2,7; 2,8; Dem. Or. 57,45).

Economic burdens also frequently brought devastation to the territories of warring poleis; although, if only one harvest failed, the loss could be restored relatively quickly. The Spartans caused considerable damage to the economy of Athens by their attacks against Attica during the Peloponnesian War, especially after the fortification of > Decelea, when more than 20,000 slaves went over to the enemy (Thuc. 2,55; 3,26; 7,27). Athens’ methods of waging war scarcely differed from those of Sparta (cf. for example Thuc. 2,27; 2,56; 4,56f.; 5,116). The constant wars of the 4th cent. BC also resulted in considerable destruction (Xen. Hell.

3525265 44,193 456,4ff5 5,2,435 553535 524,565 6,256; 6555153 655,223 6,5,273 751,28). Although individual stretches of territory were often annexed, it was rare for the existence of a polis to depend on the outcome of a war. The extinction of a community, as in the cases of Messene (7th cent. BC), Sybaris (510 BC), Aegina (431 BC), Olynthus (348 BC) and Thebes (335 BC), remained exceptional. It was not, however, uncommon for a political system — democracy or oligarchy — to be imposed on a city in the course of a war. A great power might also incorporate a defeated city into its hegemonic system; and it often happened that the political system of a city fell into crisis as a result of a defeat, without any direct intervention from outside (Athens 411 and 404 BC). The devastation of the territory of a polis by Greek armies was criticized by political theorists, and in this respect a clear distinction was drawn between wars against Greeks and those against barbarians (Pl. Resp. 470a-ICc).

The cohesion of Hellenistic kingdoms depended critically on the monarch’s military success. Especially in the period of the Diadochi (323-280 BC), defeat in battle and the king’s death could lead to the end of an empire (Lysimachus, 281 BC). Soldiers as well as the civil population also had to bear considerable burdens arising from the constant wars of this period. > Lytron; > Population, demographic history; > Prisoners of war; + War booty 1 Y. GARLAN, Guerre et économie en gréce ancienne, 1989 2 H.J. GEHRKE, Stasis, 1985 3 V.D. HANson, The West-

ern Way of War, 1989

4 P. KRENTz, Casualties in Hop-

lite Battles, in: GRBS 26, 1985, 13-20.

LB.

Il. ROME Scholars have often overlooked the important fact that wars in Antiquity affected many areas of political, social and economic life in different ways. On the internal political level, wars could be stabilizing for Rome,

565 as in the case of the 2nd Punic War, or destabilizing, like the wars of the 3rd cent. AD. In external politics, on the other hand, for Rome war meant the restoration of an order that was governed by treaties, which, in turn, always gave a dominant position to Rome. Such a treaty would contain terms determining the borders of conquered territories, the fate of allies, defectors and > prisoners of war, the payment of compensation, and the freeing of hostages (Pol. 1,62,8-9). Economically speaking, wars are marked by sharp contradictions. There is the damage caused: agricultural areas are devastated, buildings and villas destroyed,

and people killed; thus the 2nd Punic War was said to have caused some 100,000 deaths, and Hannibal boasted of having destroyed 400 settlements. During the crisis of the 3rd cent. AD, rising military costs led to a considerable -> devaluation of money. Then again, war might be followed by a phase of prosperity. A real Roman currency arose in the war against Pyrrhus; the ~ denarius was minted to finance the war against Hannibal; and wars made merchants rich (Pol. 14,7,2f.).

During the 2nd Punic War, Rome became in demographic and economic terms the greatest power in the Mediterranean area. Regions spared by war (in the 2nd Punic War north-western Italy, and in the 3rd cent. AD Africa) were able to use that situation to export their products at high prices. Not only in the 2nd Punic War, but also in the Social Wars and the war against Spartacus, whole areas of Italy were devastated (Str. 6,3,11; Cic. Tull. 14); but, in many cases, it was possible to remedy the damage to agriculture in quick order. Vines and olive trees are robust plants, and recover quickly. In many regions, the decline in arable cultivation coincided with a rise in livestock breeding. Successful wars made the res publica richer by the annexation of land, which became ager publicus, and soldiers by the acquisition of booty. But war also worsened social disparities on the Roman side, for the profits and costs occasioned by war service were divided unequally. During campaigns, Roman soldiers could no longer cultivate their land, and they were ever more starkly exposed to the pressure of competition from the great estates, which were worked by slaves. The growth of that slave labour was favoured by the enslavement of prisoners of war. In this manner, the rich became ever richer, and the poor ever poorer. It is possible to conceive of the political crisis caused by the agrarian laws of Ti. -» Sempronius [I 16] Gracchus in 133 BC as entirely the consequence of the previous wars, and the associated burdens laid on the peasant classes. Even religious traditions were affected by longdrawn-out wars; a Senate resolution of 213 BC sought to halt the spread of foreign cults in Rome, and forbade the possession of books of divination etc. (Liv. 25,1,6). The Christian persecutions of 249 to 303/304 AD should also be seen in this light. 2 V.D.Hanson, Le modeéle 1 G.Brizzi, Annibale,1984 3. J. Laraurte, L’Empire occidental de la guerre, 1990

566

gaulois, in; ANRW

WAR, LAW OF

II 2, 1975, 853-1012

4Y.LE

Bonec, Histoire militaire des guerres puniques, 1995 5 B.ScarpiGL1 (ed.), I trattati romano-cartaginesi, Fonti e Studi 5, r99r 6 K.SrRoBeL, Das Imperium Romanum im 3. Jahrhundert, 1993 7 A.J. Toynser, Hannibal’s Legacy, 1965 8H.ZEHNACKER, Moneta, 1973. _ Y.L.B.

War, law of. The origin of the ancient law of war, like that of + international law, cannot be attributed to a particular event or treaty. Already before the Greek and Roman periods there were concepts and customs that may retrospectively be understood as part of a law of war. Thus, in ancient Mesopotamia and Homeric Greece, taking spoils was considered legitimate, and a particularly important part of the spoils was the enslavement of > prisoners of war and subjugated peoples (> War booty). The OT (Dt 20) commands not to wage war against a town that voluntarily submits. From this derived the necessity of first offering an opponent peace, which is an important precursor of the requirement for a declaration of war. Among the Greeks, early evidence of a law of war are the descriptions of the armistice (> ekecheiria) for burying the dead in the ‘Iliad’. Limits to waging war are evident in the > amphiktyonia: towns of a cultic association could not besiege and destroy other member

towns. However, in general war among the Greeks was all the more destructive and cruel. The most famous example is the fate of the Melians in 416 BC: despite the town’s neutrality during the > Peloponnesian War, the Athenians killed the men and sold the remainder of the population into slavery (cf. Thuc. 5,8 5-113). Although a declaration of war before military action was common in Greece, it was not considered a legal requirement for legitimate war. Usually, both the end of fighting and surrender resulted in a treaty. The Romans framed war in more explicit legal terms. But that only applied to its beginning and end: the declaration of war (indictio belli) was usually issued only after a formal demand for satisfaction by a Roman priest (— fetiales), the expiry of a 30-day term and a resolution by the Senate. This was linked to the idea that war required a special legitimization, which resulted in the concept of a just war (bellum iustum). During the war there were treaties over armistices (indutiae), e.g. for preparing the peace treaty. The conclusion of the war, even in the case of the capitulation or unconditional surrender (> deditio) of the defeated, took the form of a contract. A private-law aspect of the Roman law of war was the right of prisoners of war to resume their full legal position after their return to Rome (+ postliminium). » Fides; — Prisoners of war; War, problem of responsibility for; War, consequences of 1K.H. Ziecier, Volkerrechtsgeschichte, 2 F. Sint, Bellum nefandum, 1991, 187-232.

1994, 20-73 Gs:

WARPALAWAS

Warpalawas (‘he who is superior in knowledge’, Hittite Warballawa, Assyrian Urballa). Luwian ruler of Tuwana (Greek — Tyana), formerly Assyrian Tabal (in Cappadocia). Son of Muwaharanis (IVR Zane, [x. 327 f.]). W. was a contemporary of Tiglatpileser [2] III and Sargon [3] II of Assyria (second half of the 8th cent. BC). In the BOR inscription (Bor Stela, [1. 291, 294]) he describes himself as hantawati-, ‘king’ (Lycian xntawati = Baowet weather god Tarhunza, and planted a vineyard and set up a stela acknowledging his gratitude to him. Tarhunza “placed his (ie. Warpalawas’s) enemies under his feet” (BOR § 9). W. is also depicted standing in front of Tarhunza in the well known colossal rock

relief at Ivriz with an inscription in situ (IVRIZ 1). The relief shows the epiphany of the weather god “Tarhunza of the Vineyard’, holding vines in his right hand and ears of barley in his left. 1K.BrtreL, Die Hethiter, 1976 2J.D. Hawkins, Corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions, 2000, 425531 (for the inscriptions of Tabal). P.HO.

Warships see > Navies Washing Painter. Athenian Red Figure vase painter, working c. 43 5-410 BC. In ever decreasing scale and in various workshops, he painted lebetes, loutrophoroi, hydriai and pelikai ( Pottery, shapes and types of) of which many examples survive; in the end he remained unique. In his paintings, he disclosed the world of women: brides, deep in wistful playing of the harp or occupied with self-adornment, who would later go “cheir epi karp6i” [“hand upon the wrist”] heading for their new homes (— Gestures [III F]). In addition, he portrays hetaerae practicing dances, spending their free time spinning or washing in basins (hence the name of the painter). In his late, mythical scenes on clay eggs (> Pottery, shapes and types of), he praises the activities of Eros. BEAZLEY,

*ARV,

1126-1133;

BEAZLEY,

Paralipomena,

453-454; BEAZLEY, *Addenda, 332-333; V.SABETAI, The Washing Painter. A Contribution to the Wedding and Genre Iconography in the 2nd Half of the 5th Century B.C., 1994

568

567

A.L.-H.

Wasit (al-Wasit). City southeast of al-Kut (southern

Irak), founded in AD 703 by the Umayyad governor Haggag ibn Yusuf as the centre of military administration to replace the garrison cities al-Basra and al-Kifa. In the Umayyad Period (+ Umayyads), W. functioned as the capital. Across from W. was Kaskar, the former Sassanid centre of administration. Excavations in the centre of the city area yielded remnants of the earliest mosque (with a length of 100 m), featuring a prayer hall with several naves, a courtyard and surrounding porticoes in a highly decorative style. The palace directly adjoining the mosque was twice its size. The central location of mosque and palace found in W. became a model for other cities.

F.Sarar, Wasit,

1945; K.A. C. CRESWELL, Early Muslim

Architecture, vol. 1.1, 71969, 132-138, pl. 39; B. FINSTER, Friihe Iranische Moscheen, 1994, 26f.

Wasps (6 ooi&/sphéx, Latin vespa). Wasps occur in the Mediterranean region in several families of Hymenoptera. In ancient sources it is almost always the eusocial

(Aristot. Hist. an. 1,1,488a 10; 5,23,554b 22-29; 8(9),41,627b 23-628b 31; Aristot. Gen. an. 3,9,758b 18-7 59a 3) paper wasp that is meant. Aristotle [6] (Hist. an. 8(9),41, 627b 23 ff.) distinguishes between wild and tame wasps; of these the former are rarer and larger, and live on rocks, perhaps of the genus Polistes. Since tracheal breathing was still unknown, wasps were considered to be bloodless non-breathers, with wings. They are related to > bees and often described in comparison with them. This is the case in Aristot. Hist. an. 55235554b 22 ff., also with the larger and more dangerous hornet (avOonvy/anthréné, &vOondmv/anthrédon, Latin crabro). A distinction was made between workers (éoyatat/ ergdtai), fertile queens (fyewovec/hégemones, pijtoa/ métrai) and male drones (xndfyvec/képhénes), which appear only occasionally. Because of its industriousness Aristotle considered (ibid. 8(9),38,622b 19) the wasp to be one of the éeyatimmtata C@a/ergatikotata zdia, the ‘most hard-working animals’. Aristotle was also aware that wasps eat insects and spiders (Aristot. Hist. an. 5,20,552b 26-30 =Plin. HN 11,72). It was claimed that when they have eaten snake flesh (Plin. HN 11,281; Ael. NA 5,16 and 9,15) or stung a snake, their sting becomes more dangerous. The lack of a sting in queens, which Aristotle doubted (ibid. 8(9),41,628b 1-3), was considered a sign of their placidity (Plin. HN 11,74; Ael. NA 5,15). Hornets in particular were feared enemies of bees (e.g. Verg. G. 4,245; Columella 9,14,10; Plin. HN 11,61). Homer (Il. 12,167-170 and 16,259) and others (Aristoph. Vesp. 404 f.; Callim. fr. 191,27 PFEIFFER) describe their tendency to attack. They were therefore compared to Attic judges (Aristoph. loc.cit.) or gibing poets (Anth. Pal. 7,71; 7,405 and 7,408). Remedies for their stings can be found e.g. in Plin. HN 20,173 and 23,118. It was also believed that wasps arose out of the corpses of horses (Plin. HN 11,70; Ael. NA 1,28) or asses (Isid. Orig. 12,8,2). Wasps also appear in fables (Aesop. 325, 504, 556 and 598 PERRY). KELLER 2, 431-435; W. RICHTER, s. v. Wespe, RE Suppl. 15, 902-908.

Water clock see > Clocks

C.HU.

569

57°

WATER-LIFTING

DEVICES

Water-lifting devices I. GENERAL POINTS II. THE SWEEP-POLE WELL Ill. WATER WHEELS IV. THE ARCHIMEDEAN Screw V. THE BUCKET-CHAIN METHOD VI. Pumrs VII. Score oF APPLICATION VII. THE PROPULSION OF WATER-LIFTING DE-

VICES

I. GENERAL POINTS Water was needed for various purposes in ancient

civilizations: in the household as drinking water, for preparing food, and for hygiene (+> Hygiene, personal); in crafts (+ Crafts, Trade) for metalwork (> Metallurgy) and for fulling (- Fulling, Fuller); in public life

for bathhouses and - thermae; and finally in > agriculture for the > irrigation of + gardens and fields. However, in the Mediterranean region, it was not avai-

lable in sufficient quantity and quality in the form of surface water. In addition, the supply of water varied in the course of the year, since many river courses and springs went dry in the summer owing to the seasonal lack of precipitation. The population was thus forced to use underground water reservoirs by sinking wells. Private > wells were dug up to 18 m deep, as is demonstrated by a respective Athenian law (Plut. Solon 23).

Tympanum (reconstruction according to Vitr. 10,4).

Under these circumstances, water had to be raised from

a considerable depth. Since water is very heavy, this was a difficult task, which only became superfluous, at least in the urban centres, with the construction of aqueducts (+ Water supply II.C) and pump houses with water outflow in the 6th cent. BC. However, many rural settlements still obtained their water from shaft wells (+ Wells) until Late Antiquity. For watering gardens and fields in Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, water had to be brought up from streams and rivers or creeks onto the higher level of the land to be watered. WLD were therefore technically important for ancient civilizations and economy. Il. THE SWEEP-POLE WELL In archaic times, clay vessels were lowered without auxiliary means into wells on a rope and then dragged back up again. A hoisting device, the sweep or swape, is attested in pictorial representations on Attic vases of the 6th cent. BC. Set up beside a well, its vertical pole bore a moveable crossbeam, which had a weight at one end, while a vessel was fastened to the other end with a rope. The counter-weight made it considerably easier to lift a full vessel. The sweep-pole well was still in use in Roman times (tolleno: Plin. HN 19,60), although this device was effective only at shallow depths. Another possibility of raising water consisted in mounting a pulley over the well. This did not reduce the work, but the change in direction of moving the rope (lowering) made it better adapted to human movements. It is unclear when the pulley was first used for raising water, but a well with a > winch is depicted on a Late Antique mosaic (the Samaritan Woman at the Well, Ravenna, Sant’ Apollinare Nuovo).

Water-wheel from Dolaucothi, Wales (reconstruction).

Ill. WATER WHEELS Vitruvius [2] describes two scoop wheels under the heading of WLD (“organa, quae ad hauriendam aquam inventa sunt”). The tympanum was a broad, drumshaped wheel that moved around an axle. The drum itself had several compartments, each of which had an opening on the outer edge for collecting water and a hole near the axle, through which the water could flow as the scoop wheel turned. The water was thereby raised to about half the height of the wheel. Another design of the scoop wheel turned out to be more effici-

WATER-LIFTING DEVICES

Sa

571

So-called Archimedean (Archimedes [1]) screw pump or water snail (coclea) from Centenillo, Spain (reconstruction).

ent: here, the outer rim consisted of watertight buckets which, as the wheel turned, first filled with water and

then emptied again when they reached the summit. In this case, the height to which the water was raised was almost equivalent to the wheel’s diameter. Both scoop wheels were rotated by human labour (Vitr. De arch 10,4,1-3 ye

IV. THE ARCHIMEDEAN SCREW In Antiquity, the Archimedean > Screw (xox)iac/ kochlias, literally ‘snail’; hence the Latin coclea), first attested in the time of Hieron [2] of Syracuse (269-215 BC), was considered to be an invention of > Archimedes [x] of Syracuse (Ath. 5,208 f; Diod. Sic. 1,34,25 553753 f.). It is presented in detail by Vitruvius (Vitr. De arch. 10,6). It consisted of a long, round beam, around which strips of wood were placed and attached to form a spiral. These were then covered with narrow wooden slats, resulting in compartments that could be made watertight. When the screw, set up on a slant between two posts, was made to rotate, water was raised up into the compartments. Since the screw only worked efficiently on a slight inclination, water could not be carried as high as with a scoop wheel, but greater heights could be negotiated by placing several screws in sequence.

V. THE BUCKET-CHAIN METHOD The principle of bucket-chains was known in Antiquity, and is taken into account by Vitruvius in his presentation of WLD (Vitr. De arch. 10,4,4). Bronze buckets with a capacity of approximately three litres were fastened to an iron chain wrapped around a shaft over the well, and reaching the water surface. By rotating the shaft, the containers were filled, raised, and then emptied at the top of the shaft. Judging by archaeological finds, and contrary to Vitruvius’ remarks, rope and wood were probably the preferred material for the buckets. VI. Pumps Ctesibius [1] built a pump that raised water through pressure. This device (oi@wv/ siphon) had two cylinders with pistons connected by a single rocker-arm, so that one piston was moved downwards and one upwards on each occasion. Two valves regulated the inflow of water

Bucket-chain. The content of a bucket is equivalent to one congius ( = 3.275 l).

and were shut by pressure, forcing the water up through an outlet pipe (Vitr. De arch. 10,7,1-3). In the rst cent. AD, the principle of the double-piston pump was applied to build a fire engine (cf. Heron, Pneumatica 1,28).

VII. ScopE OF APPLICATION Without doubt, the most important use of WLD was for the — irrigation of land in Egypt and the Near East. The use of Archimedean screws is already attested at an early date in the Nile Delta (Diod. Sic. 1,3 4,2). In other areas, gardens were watered by means of this device. Pliny [1] mentions the scoop wheel, the pump, and the sweep-pole well (rota, organa pneumatica, tolleno: Plin. HN 19,60). WLD were also used for other purposes: in the 3rd cent. BC, the Archimedean screw served to pump out bilge water from ships (Ath. 5,208 f), and saltworks received water by means of scoop wheels (Vitr. De arch. 10,4,2). The installation of WLD became necessary in Roman mines when the Romans began to exploit deposits of precious metals beneath the groundwater table in Spain in the 2nd—rst cents. BC, so that drainage became a crucial technical problem in + mining. Contemporaries were deeply impressed by the fact that the Romans were able to pump

large quantities of water out of their mines by means of Archimedean screws (Diod. Sic. 5,37,3 f.; Str. 3,2,9).

573

574

Apart from Archimedean screws, water wheels were also used; they were set up in pairs in a way that the water was moved over a considerable difference in height in several stages. The extraction of precious metals — and thereby Rome’s + minting — depended on the efficiency of WLD. The Romans further ensured the ~> water supply of one of their legionary camps in Egypt by means of such water-lifting devices (Str. 17,1,30).

The construction and development of WLD is among the fascinating examples of technological innovation in Antiquity. Raising water to a higher level was mechanized through water wheels and pumps, and the devices were used for various purposes and further improved. In the process, achievements from other branches of + technology were adopted for the development of WLD. Thus, the bucket-chain, driven by an animal, was the basis for the transmission mechanism of water mills (+ Mills). Ancient WLD were so efficient that they were still in use almost unchanged in the 2oth cent., like the sagiya and the Archimedean screw. The principle of the Archimedean screw is still used today for transporting fine-grained, solid materials. + Irrigation; > Mechanics; -> Mining; > Screw; — Water supply; > Wells (with ill.)

VII. THE PROPULSION OF WATER-LIFTING DEVICES Large water wheels and the Archimedean screw had to be rotated by human effort (Vitr. De arch. 10,4,2; 10,6,3). In Egypt, the Romans used slaves for this purpose (Str. 17,1,30), and there are also indications that

convicts and those awaiting trial were condemned to carry out such labour (Artem. 1,48; Suet. Tib. 51,2). When water wheels were set up beside rivers, the current could be used for their propulsion. To achieve this, paddles had to be attached to the outer rim of the water wheel, and thereby the wheel itself took over the function of its propulsion (Vitr. De arch. 10,5,1). In Egypt under the Principate, the bucket-chain was provided with a transmission mechanism, so that the shaft could be rotated by animals (saqgiya). The shaft was provided with a > cog wheel, which meshed with a second, larger horizontal cog wheel. By rotating the horizontal cog wheel, the shaft of the bucket-chain was rotated. The horizontal cog was connected to a horizontal pole, to which an ox could be harnessed (Sulp. Sev. 1,13).

WATER PIPES

1G.C. Boon, C.Wittiams, The Dolaucothi Drainage Wheel, in: JRS 56, 1966, 122-127 2C.DomeERGugE, Les

mines de la péninsule Ibérique dans l’antiquité romaine, 1990, 443-460; 548-556 3)J.F. Hearty, Mining and Metallurgy in the Greek and Roman World, 1978, 93-100 4 J.G. LANDELs, Engineering in the Ancient World, 1978, 84-98 5 A.Neyses, Eine rémische DoppelkolbenDruckpumpe aus Eichenholz aus dem Vicus Belginum (Wederath/Hunsriick, Kreis Berkastel-Wittlich), in: Technikgeschichte 39,1972, 177-185 6J.P. OLESON, Greek and Roman Mechanical Water-Lifting Devices, 1984

7 Id., Water-Lifting, in: O.WIKANDER (ed.), Handbook of Ancient Water Technology, 2000, 217-302

8 TH.SCHIOLER, Wheels, 1973 kultur, 1990

Roman

and

Islamic

Water-Liftig

9 R. TOLLE-KasTENBEIN, Antike Wasser©6110 Wu ITE, Farming, 146-172.

H.SCHN.

IX. ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE

Our knowledge of ancient WLD relies essentially on archaeological evidence and finds. Among pictorial representations, two wall paintings should be emphasized. A wall painting in - Pompeii (Casa dell’ Efebo) depicts an Archimedean screw being turned by an Egyptian: the man is holding on to a horizontal pole with both hands. The screw has been provided with a roof, probably intended to reduce evaporation and at the same time to protect men from direct exposure to the sun’s rays as they worked. The image illustrates the statement by Artemidorus that men turning a waterlifting device “stride as if they were walking, but stay on the same spot” (Artem. 1,48). The second painting is a fresco from the West Necropolis of Alexandria [1] (Alexandria, Greco-Roman Museum) depicting two oxen driving a bucket-chain. Parts of Archimedean screws and water wheels have been found in the Roman mines of Spain and Britannia; based on these finds, it has been possible to reconstruct WLD exactly, and analyze their use with precision. Further ancient material

Water nut. The only representative of the Trapaceae (formerly Hydrocaryaceae) family is called, from the shape of the nut, 6 toiPodoc/tribolos sc. évvdeoc/ énhydros (‘tricorn’), Bovxépahoc/boképhalos (‘ox’s head’), tavooxéoac/taurokéras (‘bull’s horn’) in Greek, and tribulus sc. aquaticus in Latin. The plant grows primarily in marshy places in soft-water rivers in the climatically favourable zones of Europe and Asia, with all but the leather-like serrated floating leaves under water (good description in Theophr. Hist. pl. 4,9,1-3; cf. Plin. HN 21,98), and produces hard black fruit. These are rich in starch and had been eaten since prehistoric times raw or ground as a bread substitute, primarily by the Thracians (Dioscorides 4,15 WELLMANN and BERENDES). In pharmacology the WN was prescribed as an astringent and cooling agent for inflammation, ulcers and bladder stones (Dioscorides loc.cit.; Plin. HN 22,27). F. LAMMERT, s. Vv. Triboloi, RE 6 A, 2413-2415; M.ScHu-

STER, s. v. WassernufS, RE 8 A, 485-487.

CHU.

originates from Pompeii and -> Cosa(e). In both cases, a

bucket-chain served as the urban water-supply system. In Pompeii, it was installed in the Stabian Baths. Remains of piston pumps were found in greater numbers in the north-west provinces; many of these pumps were made of wood.

Water pipes were an essential element of the > water supply and the -> infrastructure of ancient cities. They brought fresh water over or under ground into the city from springs outside (Roman aqueducts of up to 130 km in length). As an underground network they

WATER

PIPES

576

oy

formed the prerequisite for distributing water within the city. — Water supply I C, II C, and E C.HO.

houses) and fields and gardens. Besides round wells, rectangular ones also occur. Water was raised by a bucket ona rope with the aid of a pulley or a drum with a crank. An impressive example is the 30-m deep Anu-

Water supply

Adad temple well in > Assur [1], which > Salmanassar Ill (858-824 BC) had dug. There are sporadic records of names of wells (in Assur, Nippur, Ur, e.g. ‘Honey Well’, ‘It Preserved Its People’, ‘Shining Silver’, cf.

I. ANCIENT ORIENT

IJ. CLassicaL ANTIQUITY

I. ANCIENT ORIENT A. GENERAL PoInts B. RIVER, GROUND AND SPRING WATER SUPPLY C. WATER CONDUITS D. WATER STORAGE E. LEGAL ASPECTS

A. GENERAL POINTS Despite its central importance to the origin and development of settlements, the supply of water for drinking and other uses in the cities of the ancient Orient has to date not been systematically studied. The analysis of the numerous archaeological discoveries is made difficult by the fact that in most cases they have not been adequately recorded, in others not at all. Individual exceptions are the water installations in the cities and fortresses of ancient Israel, which have been accurately recorded and studied in depth [5]. B. RIVER, GROUND AND SPRING WATER SUPPLY

The technologically simplest form of WS was the use of surface water, particularly from rivers or intermittent water courses (wadis). Depending on the difference in height to be overcome, water was raised by means of a bucket on a rope or a leather bag, and from the last third of the 3rd millennium BC with a shadoof (Arabic Saduf). Water was also drawn from artificial water courses (canals), which were typical of the Ancient Ori-

ent (~ Canals). In epigraphical sources they are always mentioned in connection with the artificial > irrigation of soil. Many cities in southern Mesopotamia lie on canals, others are even transected by canals (e.g. in + Uruk, and Kar-Tukulti-Ninurta/Tulal al-‘Agar in northern Iraq). Depending on its the level and usable surface, water could be taken from the canals — even more easily than from rivers — for WS. An indication of this use can be found in Nineveh, where > Asarhaddon (680-669 BC) hada canal dug for horses to drink from. There is evidence of the sinking of wells to obtain ground water in the Ancient Orient as early as prehistoric times (Fara, Tall ‘Obéd). There is epigraphical and archaeological evidence of wells in connection with buildings in urban settlements (- palaces, > temples,

[4. 337 e]). The development of distant water resources (river and spring water) to supply a capital city had a long tradition in Assyria (14th-7th cents. BC) and was also an important duty of Urartian kings (gth—8th cents. BC; + Urartu). Although in texts the canal systems for the Assyrian capitals of Assur, Kar-Tukulti-Ninurta, + Kalhu, Dar-Sarrukin and particularly for Nineveh (+ Ninus [2]) are mentioned exclusively in connection

with irrigating fields, they were probably also used to supply water to these cities. This is also the case for the water constructions of the Urartian capital Tuspa (Van), since the water of Lake Van (> Thospitis Limne) is not drinkable owing to its high salt content. It was presumably also to supply water to the city of > Arbela [x] that the Assyrian king > Sennacherib (704-681 BC) diverted water from the Wadi Bastura. The first stretch of the conduit was accomplished in general by means of an open conduit. On the distribution of water within the various towns nothing is known. The kerbing of springs to supply water to cities in the Ancient Orient was, Israel apart, rather rare. The Assyrian king Ilu-Suma (zoth cent. BC) gives an account of kerbing two springs and leading the water to the city of Assur [7. 17, l. 30-48]. In the Urartian area there is evidence from inscriptions in situ of the kerbing of springs at TuSpa and ‘Ein-e Rum in Iranian Azerbaijan from the time of the king Minua (c. 810-785/780 BC). The supply of water to fortified settlements in Iron Age Israel was based on ground water, mainly on springs at the foot of a settled hill. In order to secure the WS in times of war, kerbs and conduit systems were built underground, consisting of the following elements: access to a shaft within the town, vertical access shaft, connecting tunnel between shaft and spring, water chamber. Such installations have been found in ~> Gezer, > Gibeon, Hazor, Jerusalem and > Megiddo. Of particular interest is the WS of + Jerusalem (with map B.) from the Gihon spring, which at various times used the Warren shaft, the Siloah tunnel and the Hiskiya

nA Y

+39,55

Pipeline

Fig. 1: Syracusae. Double gallery of the Ninfeo aqueduct; late Classical Period; southern section, longitudinal section.

577

578

WATER SUPPLY

Selinus valley ? a$azUaW FP \s2J8g

fs.

Water reservoir

Vv

Aksu Springs v Geyikli Dag

Fig.2: Pergamum, trajectories of the aqueducts (overwiew map). wseee= Selinus aqueduct (Hell.)

===

Selinus aqueduct (Hell./Roman)

se=e= Aksu aqueduct (Roman)

meee

see

Madra Dag aqueduct (Roman)

«eee Ottoman pipelines

===

Madra Dag aqueduct (Hell.)

Geyikli Dagi aqueduct (Hell./Roman)

Kaikos aqueduct (Roman)

tunnel. The rise of population later required a system of four conduits, which brought spring water into the city from the wider surroundings; they were built between the 2nd cent. BC and the rst cent. AD. C. WATER CONDUITS There is both archaeological and epigraphical evidence of a large number of > canalization installations in the cities of the Ancient Orient from the 4th to the rst millennium BC: stone and brick canals, clay pipes and clay gutters, drainage shafts. According to the current state of research, however, the majority of these canalizations were used for disposing of waste water. Only in rare cases can an installation be described as a freshwater supply, as e.g. in a number of Anatolian sites of

the 2nd millennium BC: in the Hittite capital + Hattusa a clay pipe brought fresh water through the southern gate of the city into the lower city. A number of stone canals were the water conduits in Alagahoyiik, where a branching network was also in existence. In the + Yazilikaya rock sanctuary several clay conduits have been discovered, which brought water in for cult use. A close study of the conduits of the Ancient Orient could lead to a determination of further water conduits, particularly in the context of industrial sites. There is no evidence of

pressurized water conduits in the Near East before the Roman period. D. WATER STORAGE The Sumerian word pi and the corresponding Akkadian bartu or baru were terms for both wells and cisterns. This double use also applies to the Hebrew bor, which occurs frequently in the Bible. The Akkadian term gubbu (cistern) is recorded in texts from the 8th

and 7th cents. BC (earlier only as a component of place names). There is evidence of a cistern of approximately 21 mx 12 mina storage building in Nineveh (~ Ninus [2]) in a bill of sale. Rock cisterns can be demonstrated in the city of Sardurihinele (Cavustepe) and in other Urartian sites (Davti-Blur, Yesilalig).

The WS of the desert fortresses in the Jordan valley, which played a particularly important role in the period between the Maccabean Revolt (in 167 BC;

Macca-

bees) and the Roman conquest (in 63 BC), was achieved by means of cisterns fed in various different ways. In a number of cases part of the surface run-off after heavy rain was captured and collected in guttering and led into the cisterns (Alexandrium, Cyprus). In other cases

the flood of a wadi could be diverted to fill cisterns (+ Dok, Hyrcania, -» Masada, - Machaerus). It was

WATER

SUPPLY

580

579

1 A.M. Baca, Assyrische Wasserbauten, 2000 = 2 Id., Wasserhebevorrichtungen im Alten Mesopotamien, in: 3C.A. BURNEY, Wasser & Boden 53/6, 2001, 40-47 Urartian Irrigation Works, in: AS 22, 1972, 179-186 4 Chicago Assyrian Dictionary, vol. B, 1965, 335-338, 5 W.Drerx, G.GarRs. v. burtu A; 342f.,s.v. baru B (eds.), Wasser im Heiligen Land, 2001 BRECHT

6

G.GARBRECHT, The Water Supply System at TuSpa

(Urartu), in: World Archaeology

11, 1980, 306-312

7 A.K. Grayson, Assyrian Rulers of the Third and Sec8 C. HEMKER, Altorientaliond Millennium BC, 1987 sche Kanalisation, 1993 9 F.SAFAR, Sennacherib’s Project for Supplying Erbil with Water, in: Sumer 3, 1947, 23-25.

II. CLassicaL ANTIQUITY A. GENERAL Points B. GROUND

AND SPRING

WATER SUPPLY C. WATER SUPPLY BY CONDUITS D. WATER STORAGE E. WATER DISTRIBUTION F. LEGAL AND ORGANIZATIONAL ASPECTS

Fig. 3: Ramp of the siphon near Chaponost; Gier Aqueduct to Lyons (Lugdunum); tst half 2nd cent.AD (reconstruction).

va

\

furthermore also possible to make the flow from a spring usable to feed cisterns (Cyprus, Herodium). Fortress cisterns, filled by transferring water from lower cisterns outside the city, ensured a supply of water during sieges. The WS of Masada was achieved by means of seventeen large and eight medium and small cisterns, with a total storage volume of 48,000 m3. The water was transported by pack animals, and for this an efficient network of routes was laid out at the same time as the building of the cisterns. E. LEGAL ASPECTS

Access to or distribution of water for drinking and other purposes was not regulated in the law codes of the Ancient Near East. The few sections that directly or indirectly deal with water rights regard irrigation (damage caused by negligence, access to irrigation water). The clauses of which there is infrequent evidence in legal documents also exclusively regulate the use of water for agricultural purposes.

A. GENERAL POINTS A reliable WS is a necessary condition for any village or urban settlement and for human life in general. Particularly in the pronounced summer dryness of the Mediterranean climate zone WS is of considerable significance for settler communities. The sinking of a well (+ Wells) with an adequate ground water capacity, comparatively simple from a technological point of view, was often possible only with great difficulty if at all; it was therefore necessary to accept the considerable constructional and organizational expense of bring in, storing and distributing water. In establishing new settlements (as in the context of > colonization) the question of WS was as significant as the suitability of the potential site with regard to fortification. Water played a correspondingly large part in the mythology and cult of Classical Antiquity: the worship of various > nymphs connected with specific wells and springs (cf. also + Naiads) and other mythological figures connected with water was customary over a large area, as was the construction of related sanctuaries and the establishment of cult festivals. Whereas current knowledge of the WS of Greek cities is almost exclusively the result of archaeological finds, numerous technical, legal and organizational details relating to the WS of Rome and its provincial cities are known from textual sources, e.g. > Vitruvius [2] (Book 8 of his treatise ‘On Architecture’) and > Frontinus (De aquaeductu urbis Romae/‘The aqueducts of the City of Rome’); in the following there will be no detailed reference to these sources, which are extensively drawn on by modern technical literature.

Settling

Open channel

tank

Inverted siphon —_—>

Aqueduct

Venter (lowest point of the pressure line)

yy

Settling tank

Fig. 4: Roman pressure line (functional drawing).

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582

The complementary problem to WS is water disposal; cf. + Drainage; > Canalization. On WS in an agrarian context see > Irrigation.

stance, to give a potential besieger no immediate opportunity to interrupt the WS. This did not, however, protect against besiegers who - like e.g. the Athenians at Syracuse in the +» Peloponnesian War — applied themselves to looking for conduits and systematically destroyed them (Thuc. 6,100,1). Apart from clay pipes, galleries (cf. Fig. 1) and covered canals were common as

B. GROUND AND SPRING WATER SUPPLY The exploitation of natural fresh water resources developed by means of -> wells or by kerbing springs was in principle the technologically simplest form of WS, but which was seldom adequate to entirely supply a largish settlement. Here it was possible to kerb an open spring, open up a ‘concealed’ spring by means of seepage collection galleries (e.g. Corinth, upper Peirene spring (- Peirene [2] II.); Perachora near Corinth), or

sink a well to a layer bearing ground water. Elaborate well buildings and spring kerbs (e.g. in — Tiryns; ~» Mycenae; - Athens) are evidence as early as the Mycenaean period of the significance of such installations and equally of the need to protect springs from contaminants and — in the event of war — from enemy intervention. In high-yield wells with a constant flow the shaft was secured with a brick (and not just wooden) lining; various constructions for the simple scooping or more complicated lifting of water were available for use in wells (bucket drawn over a pulley block; treadwheel; chain of bailers; piston pump; > Water lifting devices).

C. WATER SUPPLY BY CONDUITS WS by conduits is a technical extension of ground and spring WS. On the one hand conduits (Greek dyetdcd/ochetos; tdoaywyeiow/hydragégeion; Latin aquae ductus) are encountered as constructional installations for exploiting springs and wells outside the area of a settlement, and therefore for the transport of the water obtained there. In these cases they started at a spring, usually well secured with a building since outside a settlement, and connected it with a collection point, as a rule of representational design, in the town (cf. > Wells). On the other hand, conduits could also be used for water distribution within a town (see also E.

below).

Bringing water from a spring outside the urban area by means of a conduit made of dovetailed clay pipes (Athens, conduit near the Dipylon), bored stone, or spigot-and-socket-jointed lead pipes (+ Ephesus, Artemision) was usual in Greek towns whenever no adequate spring existed within the town, and, as a consequence of the density of settlement from the early 6th cent. BC onwards, this applied to almost all the larger Greek urban areas (e.g. -» Athens, > Megara [2], + Aegina, — Priene, > Ephesus). At first a natural slope was exploited for this, which seldom exceeded 2 % and kept the water pressure in the conduit low (in this regard the Priene clay conduit with a final gradient of 10 % and a correspondingly high pressure was unusual). An underground, and therefore invisible, course for a conduit was not only common but, primarily for considerations of fortification, as desirable and necessary as the protection of the spring, in order, for in-

WATER SUPPLY

conduits (Athens; > Syracusae); not infrequently water

conduits were also led through ~ tunnels, with that of ~ Eupalinus (with ill.), by means of which the city of -» Samos [3] was supplied with water from the 6th cent. BC onwards, remaining in the Greek period the most elaborate construction of this kind. The necessity of a more or less constant gradient placed close constraints of length and route on such conduits, which were not surpassed until c. 400 BC with the appearance of pressure lines (for an early example see - Olynthus). With the latter technique, which is based on the ‘principle of communicating pipes’, long-distance conduits could be established that also overcame rises and falls in the landscape, as long as the end point of the conduit was lower and no point of the whole conduit was higher than the spring (cf. fig. 4). A requirement was a pressure-resistant material (lead sheets bent into reasonably pressure-resistant tubes with an almond-shaped cross-section and soldered or jointed with stone casings; hollowed stone; bronze and wood were rarely used). For long-distance water conduits a combination of canalized gradation and a stretch pressurized as necessary was usual, with the water collected at the beginning and end of the pressure line in basins (e.g. > Aspendus; > Lugdunum/Lyon; cf. Fig. 3). A pressure conduit whose course and technology is well known and parts of which survive is that of — Pergamum from the 3rd(?) cent. BC. Inserted into the course of the conduit — particularly as opportunities for diverting or changing the direction of the route — were closable and cleanable sedimentation basins (as a measure for water hygiene) and — usually in the area at the

end of the conduit — pressure-equalization basins (Priene). The sometimes considerable length of pressure conduits is often due not to the lack of nearer springs but the result of a principle of construction, as only sufficiently high-lying springs of adequate flow were eligible; these were preferred to the exploitation of lower, and at the same time nearer springs (cf. fig. 2). The method of construction usual in the Roman period fundamentally corresponded — sometimes with clear enlargement of the installations — to the GraecoHellenistic procedure; it is described in technical detail in Vitr. 8,6. The routing, in contrast to Greece largely above ground, of conduits and the largely visible aqueducts (cf. fig. 4), which as constructions are comparable to bridges, required an intact peaceful territorial state (and hence the absence of the need to conceal a conduit from a potential enemy). The earliest of these aqueducts on arches supplied the capital Rome (Aqua Appia, 312 BC; Anio Vetus, 272 BC; Aqua Marcia, the first entirely above-ground conduit, after 144 BC; Aqua

583

584

Tepula, c. 125 BC); the building of further aqueducts for the rapidly rising water requirements of the metropolis (due not only to the increasing density of settlement, but also mainly to the building and running of more and more > thermal baths) became a prime duty of the emperors in the 1st and 2nd cents. AD (Aqua Virgo, Aqua Iulia, Aqua Claudia, Aqua Traiana; cf. ~ Roma III. with map 4). The length of individual conduits grew from just 17 km (Aqua Appia) to almost 100 km (Aqua Marcia), in the 2nd cent. AD even up to a good 130 km (Hadrianic aqueduct at > Carthage); a subtle levelling with a minimal gradient of about 300 mm/km as for the aqueduct at -~ Nemausus [2]/Nimes (with plan) and the Caicus conduit at Pergamum (cf. fig. 2) — together with the construction of a watertight plaster-lined canal (specus) and a complete mastery of pressure technology — was a requirement of such engineering works. As in the case of bridges, whose > construction tech-

cisterns there were reservoirs, of basically similar construction and also underground, for storing fresh water from springs or conduits; they were used not only as storage, but also as a technically necessary temporary storage (conduit reservoir) in the flow of the supply and therefore as a connecting element between the water conduit and end users in the context of water distribution within an urban area. Rainwater cisterns with their sometimes complicated collection mechanisms survive e.g. in Epidaurus, Perachora, Samos [3] and Delos; good surviving examples of reservoirs are the ‘well’ of Megara in Greece, and from Roman Antiquity e.g. the enormous site on the west side of the Bay of Naples (the latter for supplying water to the fleet stationed at Misenum; the ships’ tanks were filled by a bucket conveyed by way of a multi-component system of wooden ducts). The reservoirs of Carthage, Rome and Constantinople are also worth mentioning. The almost completely preserved

nique is similar (> Roads and bridges, construction of),

Piscina Mirabilis (> Piscina [1]) of > Bauli (rst cent. AD) has an enclosed volume of 22,000 m3 and a storage

WATER SUPPLY

the material, > opus caementicium, was a recipe for a high speed of construction, maintainable structure and an ability to be moulded to fit any landscape; here, too, the motif, ubiquitous in Roman — architecture, of culture’s overcoming nature manifested itself (> Environment II.; > Villa). The constructional, but in this sense also symbolic, high points of aqueduct construction can be found primarily in the Roman provinces (Pont du Gard near Nemausus

[2]/Nimes;

“water fort” near

Aspendus). Individual ancient water conduits (e.g. ~ Segovia [1], > Tarraco/Tarragona) have remained in used until today; moreover, the constructional principle and visual appearance of Roman aqueducts have also generally been used in the modern period as a lead when building new aqueducts (e.g. I Pilastri on Ischia, 16th/17th cents.; Ponti della Valle near Maddaloni at Caserta, a direct adaptation of the Pont du Gard by the Baroque architect Luigi VANVITELLI, 18th cent.). D. WATER STORAGE The core element of effective water storage is the construction of underground — cisterns for collecting rain water either hewn into rock, sunk into impermeable strata, or built in brick with hydraulic cement; natural caves could also be expanded to make cisterns. As a communal facility cisterns were the (sometimes only) means of securing of the WS of a settlement: the best known examples are Alexandria [x], which has no springs, and Miletus [2] and all the 3rd/2nd-cent. BC towns founded on hilltops, such as Neo-> Pleuron. Cisterns could also supply individual houses within a larger residential complex (Carthage) or villae (Capri, Villa Iovis) and estates without their own springs. The existence of a cistern was accompanied by advantages in the event of war or siege, but also disadvantages with regard to water hygiene and a general dependence on adequate precipitation in winter. Cisterns were also regularly found in settlements with springs and conduits, to supplement the WS. In addition to rainwater

capacity of almost 11,000 m3; this is clearly exceeded by various sites in Rome and the ‘Philoxenus Cistern’ in Constantinople (built around the middle of the 6th cent. AD).

All drinking water cisterns and reservoirs are accompanied by sedimentation tanks at their lowest point and/or at the inlet and sometimes by technological devices for emptying; in this they differ from utility water cisterns for industrial and commercial purposes, which are also not uncommon (e.g. the ‘ore-washing sites’ at — Laurium or water tanks for tanneries, dye-works, etc.). The construction, usual for centuries in the Near Orient and Egypt, of dams used to store river water (+ Euphrates [2], > Tigris, > Nile) underwent a renascence in the Roman Imperial Period, but mostly for the purpose of irrigating and draining areas used for agriculture and less often as a measure for supplying drinking water (e.g. in Augusta [2] Emerita/Mérida and +> Glanum). E. WATER DISTRIBUTION

In all periods of Antiquity the manual distribution of drinking water was more common than the connection of houses to a drinking water main. In Greek cities water brought to the town or city by way of a conduit was collected in a representational well(-house) (xeryvn/ krené) (> Wells) in a prominent position, and carried from there to houses; the kréné was also of great social significance as an important meeting place for women. Occasionally smallish associated fountains, supplied by conduits within the town (and always underground), served the more distant parts of the town (Athens, Priene).

Water distribution was hierarchically systematized within Roman cities if — as in Roman, for instance — a

number of conduits into the city were linked and the WS could be maintained at an approximately constant level even if individual supplies failed. The best-known is the

585 WS of + Pompeii. Water brought into the city by way of aqueducts was collected in distributor towers (castella) at high points at the edge of the city, where it was filtered and divided into three parts by means of a sliding regulator (sluice): Connected to the first were the fountains spread throughout the city and smaller distributed reservoirs — the public drinking-water supply (M. V. Agrippa [1Jalone, during his period in office as curator aquarum, built 700 such fountains in Rome; in the 4th cent. AD there is evidence of some 1,350 such sites in Rome); the second part served baths, theatres

and other buildings in the city, and, finally, the third private consumers (private individuals, commercial businesses or consortia, e.g. neighbourhoods; these conduits had to be installed and maintained privately). In the event of water shortage individual outflows could be switched off — the general drinking-water supply then had precedence over public buildings, these in turn over private conduits. Whereas, from a technical point of view, sumptuous nymphaea (-» Nymphaeum) and fountains such as the meta sudans in Rome (— Water-

works) were components of the WS, nevertheless they were primarily an expression of public Juxuria (+ luxus) and were not functionally integrated into the

586

tiquite, 1984

WATERWORKS

3 J.-P. Boucuer (ed.), Journées d’études

sur les aqueducs romains (conference, Lyons 1977), 1981 4 Cu. Bruun, The Water Supply of Ancient Rome, 1991 5P.Croucn, Water Management in Ancient Greek Cities, 1993 6 M.D6rinG, Wasser fiir den ‘Sinus Baianus’, in: Ant. Welt 33, 2002, 305-319 7 W.Eck, Die Wasserversorgung im rémischen Reich, in: Id. (ed.), Die

Verwaltung des rémischen Reiches in der hohen Kaiserzeit, vol. 1, 1995,

179-252

8 H.EscHEBACH,

Die

Gebrauchs-Wasserversorgung des antiken Pompeji, in: Ant. Welt 10, 1979, 3-24 9 G.GARBRECHT, Meisterwerke antiker Hydrotechnik, 1995 10 K.GeissLer, Die 6ffentliche Wasserversorgung im rémischen Recht, 1998

11 K. Grewe, Planung und Trassierung romischer Wasserleitungen, 1985 12 T.HopcGeE, Roman Aqueducts and Water Supply, 1992 13 D.Kex, Der rémische Aquadukt als Bautypus und Reprdasentationsarchitektur, 1996 14 A. MALIssarb, Les Romains et l’eau. Fontaines, salles de bains, thermes, égouts, aqueducts, 1994 15 H. ManDERSCHEID, G.GARBRECHT, Die Wasserbewirtschaftung romischer Thermen, 3 vols., 1994 16 R. TOLLEKASTENBEIN, Antike Wasserkultur, 1990 17 Ead., Das archaische Wasserleitungsnetz fiir Athen, 1994 18 W. MULLER-WIENER, Griechisches Bauwesen in der Antike, 1988, 174f. 19 W.WOLFEL, Wasserbau in den alten Reichen, 1990. C.HO.

WS of the city. Watermark see -> Codicology; > Paper F. LEGAL AND ORGANIZATIONAL ASPECTS The functioning of the public WS, particularly in large cities, was of crucial significance, and the number of people involved was correspondingly large. Approximately 700 public servants worked in this area in the city of Rome in the rst cent. AD. Responsibility (and therefore also liability) in Greek cities rested with elected supervisory officials (Aristot. Ath. pol. 43,1), in Rome with the curatores aquarum (> Cura [2)). New construction or expansion of WS facilities had precedence over the private concerns of individuals; the principle of appropriating land with compensation was current in the Roman Imperial Period, when no agreement could be reached with the owner. In addition to maintaining the system, particular regard was given to the theft of water by tapping parts of aqueducts outside towns: in his review of the city of Rome’s conduits, ~ Frontinus noted, e.g. for the Aqua Marcia, a daily flow of 185,000 m? at the source but only 115,000 m? at the end of the conduit in Rome — a loss of 70,000 m3 (almost 40 % of capacity) a day, only a small part of which was the result of structural damage. A law passed by the consul T. Quinctius [II 2] Crispinus Sulpicianus in 9 BC punished the illegal tapping of conduits with a fine of 100,000 sesterces. For well laws relating to the public WS, particularly the punishability of intentional contamination of water and the rules of procedure fixed by customary law cf. + Wells E. > Canalization (with ill.); + Drainage; — InfrastrucII.; — Springs; > Technology; ture; Irrigation Wells (with ill.) > Water lifting devices (with ill.); 1G.Bopon et al., Utilitas necessaria. Sistemi idraulici 2 J.BONNIN, L’eau dans I’annell’Italia romana, 1994

Waterworks. In Classical Antiquity, the playful and wasteful use of water — already known occasionally from the Near East — became a factor within the context of a secured > water supply, an unrestrictedly enjoyed, at least in part positively defined, public and/or private ~» luxury and especially in the framework of a specifically Roman understanding of nature (—> Environment II.); it was also reflected in the architecture relevant for

them. Waterworks were uncommon in the Greek polis world. Waterworks are first recorded in connection with opulently designed > gardens. Particularly in + palaces (+ Domus Aurea, imperial palaces on the > mons Palatinus in Rome) and in Roman > villas, there were babbling brooks (to some extent artificial), garden or grotto triclinia surrounded by flowing water as well as small fountains (Plin. Ep. 2,17,25; 5,6,19-22). By contrast, the function of various large water tanks in Hasmonaean palaces of the Hellenistic period (» Hasmonaeans) remains unclear. Waterworks were also popular in ‘bourgeois’ provincial settings, as numerous decorative fountains in domestic gardens in > Pompeii show. From the early Imperial period onwards, fountains became more and more common in Roman cities and for the most part played a more decorative and less functional role within the system of the local water supply. The largest example was the meta sudans in Rome (+ Meta [2] C), a conical fountain built near the Colosseum under the emperor Domitianus [1] (similar, though considerably smaller, is a well-preserved fountain in Cuicul/Djemila in Numidia). Also functioning as a fountain was a water-spouting -> Triton [1] which

587

588

Pompeius [I 3] had installed in his porticus on the Field of Mars in Rome (cf. Prop. 2,32,11 f.). The many magnificent Roman nymphaea (> Nymphaeum) are also considered waterworks, though they very often provided drinking water as well.

community depended largely on property; many cities required proof of assets for joining the council or for assuming an office. A political career in Rome came with high expenses for campaigns, contributions and games (> Munus, munera). Through gifts, by bearing the costs for public buildings or by distributing food in times of scarcity, wealth could bring the prestige of being a benefactor (— Liturgy; > Euergetism). At the same time, high standards were applied to wealth; using material wealth for conspicuous consumption (> Luxury) without any benefit to the community was definitely subject to criticism. Although in political theory the concentration of wealth in a small upper class was considered a risk for society, in Antiquity there were almost no political efforts to establish a social system founded on the social equality of all human beings. How someone had acquired his fortune played a significant role in how wealth was judged. Certain ways of making money were regarded as dishonourable (Cato Agr. praef.; Cic. Off. 1,150-151; Dion. Chrys. 7,109-132). Wealth was mainly derived from the ownership of

WATERWORKS

R. Amepick, Ein Vergniigen fiir Augen und Ohren. Wasserspiele und klingende Kunstwerke in der Antike, in: Antike Welt 29, 1998, 497-5073 30, 1999, 49-59; R. TOLLE-KASTENBEIN, Antike Wasserkultur, 1990, 187-199 C.HO.

Wax (xnodc/kérds, Lat. > cera). On melting (Plin. HN 21,83), the honeycombs of — bees yielded cheap (Colum. 9,146,1) wax, which was bleached by boiling in sea water, adding bicarbonate of soda and then drying in the air (Plin. HN 21,84; cf. Dioscurides 2,83 WELLMANN = 2,105 BERENDES). In medicine it was used to make salves, patches (Plin. HN 22,117 and 30,70) and suppositories (> Pharmacology). Small moulded items (xnoonhaotxt/kéroplastiké: Poll. 7,165) as toys for children (Aristoph. Nub. 878), toy figures (Plin. HN 8,215; > Children’s games, > Dolls), household gods (Lares: Juv. 12,87), statues of gods (Plin. Ep. 7,9,11), decorative fruits (Priap. 42,2), all kinds of animals (Petron. 69,9), busts (Hor. Epist. 2,1,264f.; Ov. Met. 10,285; Pers. 5,40; Juv. 7,237; Anth. Pal. 7,602) and even life-size figures (Cass. Dio 56,34; — Imagines maiorum; cf. > Funus imaginarium) were made from wax. In metal casting (lost-wax process) a model from wax was formed around a plaster core and covered with elutriated clay. Then molten metal was poured over it, melting the wax out (— Sculpting, technique of IIB x and II C with ill.). Wax pigments were used for > encaustic (painting) (Varro, Rust. 3,17,4; Sen. Ep. 121,5;

Vitr. De arch. 7,9,3). Roman —> writing tablets (cerae)

had a covering of coloured wax, in which the letters were scratched with a metal — stylus (stilus) (Ov. Am. I,12,11 and 3,7,29; Quint. Inst. 1,1,27). Tallow (Colum. 2,21,3; Amm. Marc. 18,16,15) and wax (cerei, candelae: Apul. Met. 4,19,2; Mart. 14,42; Varro, Ling. 5,119; Plin. HN 16,178 bulrush wicks; Juv. 3,287) can-

land, which was farmed in a market- and revenue-oriented manner; in addition to the cultivation of > wine

and > grain and the production of olive oil (> Oils for cooking),

animal

> husbandry

was

important,

too.

High income could also be generated from urban real estate (> Renting), the banking business (> Banks) and trade (> Commerce). In general, wealth in Antiquity was a relative term; with the economic development and expansion of a community, — private wealth also grew. The assets of the richest Athenians of the Classical Period in the amount of 100 to 200 talents (= 600,000-1.2 million drachmai; cf. Lys. 19,47 f.) appear quite modest compared to the wealth of some Roman senators of the Early Principate. High social prestige was not solely based on wealth; free birth, > citizenship and descent from an aristocratic family were important for social status as well; a ~ freedman’s wealth was met with criticism as was the poverty of a member of an aristocratic family.

dles (candela, cf. > Lighting) were used by the Romans. ~ Apiculture;

> Bees;

> Cast

BLUMNER, Techn. 2, 151-163; S.ADAM, Technique of Greek Sculpture in the Archaic and Classical Periods, 1966;R. BULL, E. Moser, s.v. Wachs, RE Suppl. 13, 13 471416.

C.HU.

Wax tablet see > Cera; > Writing tablets

wealth is praised as immense (Hom. Od. 14,96-104).

Wealth I. DEFINITION ANTIQUITY

II. Greece

IJ]. Rome

II. GREECE Wealth was one of the characteristics that distinguished the > aristocracy of the Homeric epics, especially ownership of large herds of cattle, but also of precious artifacts: e.g. Odysseus supposedly owns twelve herds each of cattle, sheep, pigs and goats; his

IV. Late

I. DEFINITION In Antiquity, wealth was valued positively predominantly because it bestowed a high social prestige and was the prerequisite for a life without the need for physical labour. A person’s position within the political

The rooms of Menelaus’ palace are decorated with gold, silver and ivory and he can afford to give a gift of a large > krater made of pure silver (Hom. Od. 4,71-75; 4,613-619). Inthe Archaic Period, the poet > Theognis declared that every man honours the rich and despises the poor; the masses know only one virtue, namely to be rich (Thgn. 621 f.; 699f.): wealth and poverty are contrasted repeatedly and the discrepancy between aristocratic rank and property is emphasized. Poignantly Theognis notes that many bad people (xaxoi/ kakoi)

589

590

were rich, and many good people (&ya@oi/agathoi) were poor (315). - Solon acknowledges his desire to own goods but rejects unjust wealth: the unjust pursuit of wealth could have negative consequences for the polis

larger workshops (> ergasterion) or of » banks could

and bring about its downfall (Sol. 1,7f.; 3, 5-10). The

Isaeus 6,60; Aeschin. In Ctes. 3,222; Din. 1,42; Dem. Or. 18,102-109).

value of wealth is put into perspective even more when

WEALTH

be found among wealthy Athenians. All in all, Athens’ upper class was financially burdened with + liturgies (+ Choregia and > trierarchia) and -> eisphora (cf. e.g.

Solon, like Theognis, points out that man cannot take

any goods along with him to Hades (Sol. 14; cf. Thgn. 719-728).

At least from the late sth cent., the contrast between rich and poor as a topos increasingly shaped political thinking. Apparently already + Socrates took the needs of men as a measure for poverty and wealth (Xen. Mem. 2,38; Xen. Oec. 2,2 ff.). Accordingly, + Plato [1] rejects the claim that better men should have more than worse ones (Pl. Grg. 483d; 508a). In his Republic, the guardians of the ideal polis cannot own any property (PI. Resp. 416d—417b) and are supposed to prevent wealth and poverty among the citizens (421d-422a; > Utopia). The timocratic and oligarchic polis is criticized because of the rulers’ greed for money (ibid. 5 48a; 550e); the oligarchic polis consists of two cities, Plato claims, one of the poor and one of the rich (ibid. 5 51d). For > Aristotle [6], the purpose of acquisition was to have the goods needed for the > oikos; on the other hand, striving to acquire wealth beyond the needs of man was rejected as unnatural (Aristot. Pol. 1256a— 1259a). An important statement in Aristotle’s political theory is that there are three social classes in every city:

the rich, the poor and those of average wealth. A polis that has only rich people and poor people therefore really is a city of slaves and masters, and not of free citizens. Thus the middle needs to be strengthened as it most readily prevents conflict between the rich and the In Aristotelian ethics, wealth was the prerequisite for generosity, an important -> virtue; this was the context for the formulation of the maxims ‘wealth exists to be used’ and ‘generosity is the ability to give the right amount to the right person at the right time’ (Aristot. Eth. Nic. r120a—

Ill. ROME From the beginning, wealth and political power had always been closely connected in Rome; in the phase of expansion beyond Italy the wealthy class of political leaders used their position to further exploit new opportunities for enrichment. Through marauding expeditions during the wars (-* War booty), plundering of provinces and foreign policy decisions in exchange for pay fortunes of previously unknown size were accumulated; landownership remained the foundation of the wealth of senators who since the Early Principate owned huge estates in the provinces (-» Latifundia/ Large estates). The wealth of the senatorial class found its expression in the unrestrained consumption of luxuries, including food and banqueting, the sumptuous decoration of townhouses, —> villas and — gardens, clothing and > travels as well as the purchase of works of art and the establishment of > libraries. Under these circumstances, wealth became a topic for philosophy again. -> Cicero extensively discussed the social and philosophical problem of wealth in De offictis and considered it the responsibility of the community to protect property (Cic. Off. 2,73). By rejecting unnecessary luxury, - Seneca the Younger took a critical attitude (Sen. Ep. 87). However, the increase in private wealth was justified by those who pointed out the overall prosperity in the Imperium Romanum (Tac. Ann. 2,33).

poor (> stasis) (ibid. 1295b-1296a).

1121Aa). The Stoics (> Stoicism) counted wealth among

the external

goods

(d6vadoea/adiaphora:

cf. Diog.

Laert. 7,104; 7,106).

Around 400 BC, wealth and poverty became a topic of - Comedy; in this literary genre, radical solutions could be played out such as the prohibition of private property

(Aristophanes,

Ecclesiazusae)

or

fictional

events, such as the healing of — Ploutos’ (the god of wealth) blindness (Aristophanes, Plutus). In the 5th cent., the wealthy aristocratic families of democratic Athens could still exert considerable influence on politics; typically such families owned large estates; a few aristocrats earned high incomes by renting out slaves to work in the mines (Xen. Vect. 4,14 f.5 > Slavery). In the economically difficult times after the -» Peloponnesian War, large fortunes appear to have shrunk considerably (Lys. 19,47f.; 19,52). In the late 5th cent. and in the 4th cent. BC, not only landowners like Phaenippus [1] but increasingly also owners of

IV. LATE ANTIQUITY

Although in Late Antquity senators had largely lost their political influence through the reforms of > Diocletianus and the relocation of the imperial residence to Constantinople, they nevertheless kept a strong economic position and high prestige because of their wealth. The discussion of wealth in the texts of Late Antiquity is dominated by a Christian position which invoked the Gospels (Mk 10:17—33 1) and had been formulated already before Clement [3] of Alexandria. According to Clement, who devoted a text to the issue (Quis dives salvetur,’ Who Is The Rich Man That Shall Be Saved’), a rich man is excluded from heaven not because of his property per se, but because he makes poor use of it; therefore the commandment of loving kindness towards fellow human beings is obligatory, especially for a rich man. By contrast, the proponents of early + Monasticism and of an ascetic lifestyle demanded the complete renunciation of all worldly goods. But the Christian duty of giving alms to the poor allowed believers to reconcile Christianity and wealth. + Economy; ~ Ethics; -> Latifundia/Large estates; +» Money, money economy; -> Poverty; - Private

wealth

WEALTH

1 ALFOLDY,RS 2Davizs 3J.K. Davies, Wealth and the Power of Wealth in Classical Athens, 1981 4 DuNcaNn-JONES, Economy 5 FINLEY, Ancient Economy 6A.Fuxs, Social Conflict in Ancient Greece, 1984 7 H.GrassL, Sozialékonomische Vorstellungen in der kaiserzeitlichen griechischen Literatur des 1.-3. Jahrhunderts. n. Chr., 1982 8 F.GSCHNITZER, Griechische Sozialgeschichte, 1981 9JoNES, LRE 10S.MrartSCHEK-HALEFMANN, Divites et praepotentes. Reichtum und soziale Stellung in der Literatur der Principatszeit, 1993 11B.SCHEFOLD, Wirtschaftsstile, vol. 1, 1994 12 H.SCHNEIDER, Wirtschaft und Politik. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der rémischen Republik, 1974 13 I.SHATZMAN, Senatorial Wealth and Roman Politics,

1975 14P.Veryne, Bread and Circuses. Historical Sociology and Political Pluralism, 1992 (Le pain et le cirque, 1976)

592

591

S.MR.

Wealth, distribution of I. GENERAL II. THE TYPES OF WEALTH AND THEIR ECONOMIC SIGNIFICANCE III. PERSONAL

DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH

I. GENERAL The study of the distribution of wealth in a society should offer information about the various types of wealth and their economic significance in a national economy and about the share of individuals or social groups in the overall national wealth. Because quantitative information on the > economy and = private wealth is only available in an extremely limited scope for Antiquity, the statistical methods of modern economics cannot be applied in the field of ancient economic history; on the basis of sporadic numerical information, general statements by ancient authors and generalizing theoretical assumptions, it is only possible to draw qualitative conclusions on the ancient distribution of wealth, although these must appear to be less precise when compared to work on the distribution of wealth in modern societies. Another significant difficulty of any analysis of the ancient distribution of wealth is that the ancient economy was not static, but rather demonstrated special developments in various eras and in specific regions, which often had significant effects on the distribution of wealth; alongside the primary economically determined processes, changes in the political context above all played a crucial role. IJ. THE TYPES OF WEALTH AND THEIR ECONOM-

IC SIGNIFICANCE Ancient societies were pre-modern agrarian socie-

ties; under this condition, agriculturally used land was the most important type of wealth, socially and economically. For the rural population, land ownership was crucial for ensuring survival, and the > wealth of the aristocratic upper classes consisted primarily of land, which was farmed by dependent peasants, tenants or slaves. Typical members of the Greek and Roman upper classes were large landholders such as + Phaenippus [1] (Dem. Or. 42,5 ff.; 42,21; 42,26 f.)

or the younger ~ Plinius [2], who said of himself that almost his entire fortune was invested in land (Plin. Ep. 3,19,8; > Latifundia/Large estates). In macroeconomic

terms, the low productivity of > agriculture offered only limited scope for the development of the urban economy; for production in the > crafts, manual labour with simple > tools remained characteristic. This is indicated by the fact that in the specification of the wealth of > Demosthenes’ [2] father only the slaves and the material available for working were listed in the case of the two workshops (éeyaotneua/ergastéria; + Ergasterion; Dem. Or. 27,9 f.). Esp. in the Roman

era, large fortunes could not be earned in commercial production; many craftsmen were poor or at most had modest prosperity. In contrast, involvement in > navigation demanded the allocation of a large sum of money at the least for the purchase or construction of a trading ship; however, long-distance trade was often financed through > maritime loans, so that an individual trader did not necessarily have to have appreciable wealth. The pre-eminence of land ownership among the types of wealth thus had structural causes and lasted into late Antiquity. Nevertheless, it should not be overlooked that, at certain times in scattered regions, prosperous economic centres developed in which wealth arising from banking and commercial transactions was concentrated. This applies, for example, to the > Piraeus; a banker (> Trapezites) such as > Pasion [2] was without question one of the wealthiest citizens of Athens (Dem. Or. 36,4 f.). At the beginning of his Politeia, > Plato [1] described this milieu of wealthy metics in the Piraeus (Pl. Resp. 328b-331b; > Metoikos). In the Augustan age, the city of > Gades, for example, was a trading centre with an uncommonly wealthy upper class (Str.

35553). It should also be emphasized that aristocratic families often owned other economically used wealth along with landed property. In the 5th cent. BC, individual wealthy Athenians provided slaves as the workforce for silver mining and in this way shared in the high profits from the exploitation of the precious metal (Xen. Vect. 4,14 f.; > Mining); in inventories of assets in > Isaeus [x], houses in Athens or the Piraeus, slaves who worked as craftsmen and loans are listed along with landed property (Isaeus 6,33 f.; 8,35; cf. Aeschin. In Tim. 97; Dem. Or. 27,9-11). The same is also true for many Roman senators, who, along with their country estates, owned urban real estate (Plut. Crassus 2) or loaned

money in the provinces at high > interest (Cic. Att. 52ano ff. 651,9 ffs" 652,718 Tac Annie 13y4za) Members of the ordo equester (-> equites Romani), who in many cases owned extensive lands like the senators, took part in the societates publicorum (- Societas; > Publicani). The extent to which political contexts influenced the structure of wealth should be clear from two facts: through a Roman law (lex Claudia de nave senatorum) in 217 BC, senators were forbidden from owning larger trading ships (Liv. 21,63,2 ff.; cf. Cic. Verr. 2,5,45)5

523

594

WEALTH, DISTRIBUTION OF

Table 1: Average size of estates and the Gini coefficient

Location

Date

Publication

Gini coeffi_cient!

Ligures Baebiani Veleia Volcei Lamasba/Numidia

Calculated average size of the estates in iugera

2nd 2nd AD AD

CILIX 1455 CIL XI 1147 CILX 407 CIL VII 18587

(120) (390) (312) (17)

Magnesia/Asia

0.435 0.526 0.394 0.447

57 46 (36) 78

4th cent. AD

IMagn. 122

(420)

0.679

67

Hermopolis/Egypt

4th cent. AD

Jones, Economy, 2409ff.

76

0.856

198

cent. AD cent. AD 307 218/222

|Number of properties

1 The Gini coefficient measures the concentration of land ownership, where equal distribution equals the value o and the existence of a single owner corresponds to the value r.

Table 2: The total area of a territory and the percentage size of the largest property Location Ligures Baebiani Veleia Volcei Lamasba Magnesia Hermopolis

Area in iugera 8942/17884 24318/48636 11188 1316 28160 15132

Largest possession as a % of the total area ai .2, 12.4 13.4 7.6 21.6 9.9

senators were thus denied involvement in long-distance trade and they therefore preferred the ownership of land and real estate as an investment. The monopoly of the cities, rulers and communities on natural resources can be seen as a second important factor in this context; private persons were able to own and exploit mines only for relatively short periods (Plut. Crassus 2; Tac. Ann. 6,19,1). Normally, deposits of precious metals were considered public property and were leased, partly to miners, who were subject to the oversight of a procurator and were only allowed to work in a small area of the mining district (Vipasca: FIRA 1, 104 f.) III. PERSONAL DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH Ancient societies were unquestionably characterized by strong social disparities; a large part of the population was very poor and could only ensure their livelihood with difficulty through their own physical work; this — poverty was in contrast to the extravagant wealth of a small number of members of the political and social leadership class. Compared to the relationships in Greece, the situation in Rome appears to have been significantly aggravated by a rather extreme growth in the wealth of rich senators (> Senatus) and + equites; huge fortunes of this sort sometimes developed less as a result of economic than of political activities. While fortunes of 70, 100 and 200 talents are

stated for the wealthiest Greeks of the 5th cent. BC (Lys. 19,46-48) — corresponding roughly to 1.68 million, 2.4 million and 4.8 million HS - the corresponding numbers for Roman fortunes amount to several 100 million HS. This disparity in the distribution of wealth is reflected in the concentration of land ownership; individual Romans owned whole countrysides in Italy or

large parts of the provinces (Cic. Leg. agr. 3,8; Plin. HN 18,35). The Gini coefficient was calculated by [2] to depict the unequal land distribution in those territories for which there is a register of ownership, thus allowing a comparison to be made between different areas (see tables).

The criticism of the distribution of wealth expressed in Antiquity is often characterized by a resentment toward the wealth of non-aristocratic classes, which is made clear by many statements by > Theognis [1] (Thgn. 315-318; 351-3543 373-400); this position is clearly more radically formulated in the image of blind -» Ploutos in > Aristophanes [3]: the unworthy become rich, while poverty is widespread. In the political philosophy of > Plato [1], negative effects are ascribed to both wealth and poverty, which is why they are to be avoided (Plat. Resp. 421c-422a). The problems of the distribution of wealth were discussed fundamentally by ~ Aristoteles [6]; in his view, the citizenry of the > polis consisted of three classes: the rich, the poor and the middle class. An extreme development of the distribution of wealth, so that some own a great deal and others nothing, leads to political instability. For this reason, a polis which has a strong class of citizens with a medium level of wealth is above all considered to be well-ordered (Aristot. Pol. 1295b—1296a). In the Roman Republic, the agrarian laws were established with consideration for the injustice of the existing distribution of wealth (Plut. Ti. Gracchus 9); in his agitation, > Catilina likewise pointed to an unjust — in his opinion distribution of wealth (Sall. Catil. 20,8). The demands for land distribution and + debt redemption (II F) were discussed extensively by Cicero and rejected with the argument that states arose to protect private property

595

596

(Cic. Off. 2,72-85). After the experiences of the civil war, the distribution of wealth was no longer called into question in the Principate; the problem of > luxury was then in the foreground of political and philosophical discussions (Tac. Ann. 2,33; 3,52-55)+ Agrarian laws; — Agriculture; >» Banks; ~ Com-

+ Akkad (victory stela of > Naramsin of Akkad, c. 2200 BC), and by the Late Bronze Age it had superseded the reflex bow in Egypt and the Near East. Helmets and shields were used as protective weapons from as early as the 3rd millennium BC (so-called ‘Vulture Stele’ of Eannatum of Lagash, c. 2450 BC). Bronze mail coats were later also used for protection. In Iron Age > Urartu (8th-7th cents. BC), shields and belt plates were richly ornamented. Heavy, two-axled battle chariots were superseded by lighter, single-axle > war chariots in the 2nd millennium BC. Like the siege machinery of the Neo-Assyrian period (roth-7th cents. BC), these are to be understood as attack weapons. ~ Military technology and engineering

WEALTH, DISTRIBUTION OF

merce; > Debt, Debt redemption; + Ges anadasmos; > Latifundia/Large estates; Poverty; ~ Private wealth; > Slavery; > Wealth 1D’Arms/Korrr 2R.DuUNCAN-JONES, Some Configurations of Landholding in the Roman Empire, in: FINLEY, Property, 7-33

3 DUNCAN-JONES,

Economy,

17-32;

343 f. 4 Frniey, Ancient Economy 5 H.-J.GEHRKE, Die klassische Polisgesellschaft in der Perspektive griechischer Philosophen, in: Saeculum 36, 1985, 133-150 6 W.V. Harris, Between Archaic and Modern: Some Current Problems in the History of the Roman Economy, in: Id. (ed.), The Inscribed Economy, 1993, 11-29 7 Jones, Economy, 228-256 8S. MraTSCHEK-HALFMANN, Divites et praepotentes, Reichtum und soziale Stellung in der Literatur der Prinzipatszeit, 1993 9 I. SHaTzMAN, Senatorial Wealth and Roman Politics, 1975.

H.SCHN.

Weapons I. ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND EGYPT I]. MINOAN-MYCENAEAN

PERIOD

II]. PHOENICIAN-CARTHAGINIAN

REGION IV. IBERIAN-HISPANIC REGION V. IRON AGE Iraty VI. CELTO-GERMANIC REGION VII. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

I. ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND EGyPT Weapons were among the earliest artefacts fashioned by humans and their ancestors. Stone arrowheads and blades were the first recognizable weapons in the ancient Near East into the Neolithic Period (c. ro0o00 BC). From the 4th millennium BC, weapons were depicted on roll seals and stelae in scenes of warfare or hunting. Of maces suitable for close combat, generally only the heads (of stone or metal) survive. One exception is the deposit at the Chalcolithic find site of Nahal Mismar in Palestine (6th millennium BC). The Sumerian character for ‘weapons’ includes the determinative for ‘wood’, indicating that wood was used as a material for weaponry. Only with the emergence of > bronze in the second half of the 4th millennium BC do swords (e.g. the sickle-sword), daggers and various forms of battle-axe (e.g. fenestrated axes) begin to be attested. They are mostly found in graves (as ceremonial objects also in precious metals) from the Levant to Iran, and were sometimes put to ritual use. The so-called ‘divine weapons’, e.g. the mace of Ningirsu with its multiple lions’ heads, are meanwhile known only from textual references and pictorial depictions. Greater distances were covered using long-range weapons such as slings (projectiles mostly of clay), lances or + bow and arrow, the efficiency of which stimulated the development of fortifications. The composite bow was known from the time of the dynasts of

R.CHapMAN, s.v. Weapons and Warfare, in: E.M. Meyers (ed.), The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Ancient Near East, vol. 5, 1997, 334-339; H. ERKANAL, Die Axte

und Beile des 2. Jahrtausends in Zentralanatolien (Prahistorische Bronzefunde 9.8), 1977. AR.HA.

II. MINOAN-MYCENAEAN PERIOD Since the earliest researches of the Aegean Bronze Age (c. 2700-1200 BC), weapons have been at the centre of attention. The rich weapon finds by Heinrich SCHLIEMANN in the shaft graves of > Mycenae not only confirmed the Homeric dating of Mycenaean culture, but also characterized that culture as warlike, a view that endures to this day. In fact, however, weapon finds in graves, hoards etc., are rather rare, both on the mainland and on Crete. The depictions of weapons on seals, pottery, precious metal vessels, wall-paintings and on weapons themselves (e.g. niello dagger from shaft grave IV at Mycenae) are almost more important to the scholarly debates. These depictions also show clothing and defensive weapons (which have not survived) and make it possible to develop a concept of battle techniques (single or group combat, charioteers) as well as of the social status of warriors. Written references to weapons in Linear B texts are rare and reveal little, but the Homeric epics play an important part in interpretation. The Bronze Age Aegean seems to have been linked into a network of transregional trade in weaponry and technology transfer between the Near East and Central Europe, e.g. in the development from the Early Bronze Age rod-tanged swords to the Late Bronze Age flangehilted swords. A weapon workshop has been postulated at > Knossos, and Crete has also yielded the most discussed of all weaponry-related finds, the so-called ‘warrior graves’. One group of researchers attempts to prove on the basis of the weapons buried in these graves that the bodies with which they lie must have been Mycenaeans from the mainland, while the opposing camp sees them as Minoans who had relinquished their peaceful way of life under external pressure. Each interpretation would bring historical and cultural consequences, e.g. in reference to the causes and dating of the destruction of the Minoan palaces, the reasons for the appearance of + Linear B on Crete, the reasons for the

597

598

effacement of the Minoans in long-distance trade, etc. The discussion is a fundamental one, and it shows the limitations of interpretation — not only in respect of

dagger with lance formed the basic equipment of the Iberian panoply. From the late 3rd cent., under Italian influence, the Celtic top-knob helmet and long shield

Bronze Age weapons. ~ Aegean Koine; > Minoan culture and archaeology; ~ Mycenaean culture and archaeology; > Wall paint-

ings Ill.

R.A. Avia, Bronzene Lanzen- und Pfeilspitzen der griechischen Spat-Bronzezeit (Prahistorische Bronzefunde 5/1), 1983; H.-G.BucHHo1z, J. W1EsERT, Kriegswesen (ArchHom E), Part 1, 1977; Part 2, 1980; O. HOCKMANN,

Lanzen und Speere der agaischen Bronzezeit und des Ubergangs zur Eisenzeit, in: H.-G. BucHHoLz (ed.), Agaische Bronzezeit, 1987; G.Karo, Die Schachtgriber von

Mykenai, 1930/1933; I. KILIAN-DirRLMEIER, Die Schwerter in Griechenland (auferhalb der Peloponnes), Bulgarien und Albanien (Prahistorische Bronzefunde 4.12), 1993; W.LOwe, Spat-bronzezeitliche Bestattungen auf Kreta,

1996;

C.F. MacponaLp,

A Knossian

Weapon

Workshop in Late Minoan II and III A, in: R.HAcc, N. Marinatos (eds.), Function of the Minoan Palaces, 1987; Tu. J.PAPADOPOULOS, The Late Bronze Age Dag-

gers of the Aegean I (Prahistorische Bronzefunde 11), 1998; N.K. Sanpars, Later Aegean Bronze Swords, in: AJA 67, 1963, 117-153.

G.H.

II]. PHOENICIAN-CARTHAGINIAN REGION The urban Phoenician and Carthaginian cultures of the Levantine coast developed no great innovative force in weapons technology or the art of war, but tended to copy other models, esp. the great Mesopotamian power of Assyria. + Salmanassar III, in his report of his 853/52 BC campaign, refers to Phoenician war chariot units. Carthage was still deploying forces of this kind in the 5th and 4th cents. BC in the Sicilian Wars (e.g. Diod. Sic. 11,20,2-3), but for its conflicts with other Mediterranean cultures it was compelled to create its own heavy infantry with hoplite armament. Hannibal [4] in particular developed the strategic and tactical role of the light infantry (recruited from vassals and merce-

naries), who were generally armed with a small round shield, a spear and a dagger. From the 4th/3rd cents., the ‘classical’ weaponry of the Carthaginian armies included the African (forest) + elephant (Loxodonta africana cyclotis). G.Brizzi, L’armée et la guerre, in: V.Krincs

(ed.), La

civilisation phénicienne et punique (HbdOr I Bd. 20), 1994, 303-315. H.GN.

IV. IBERIAN-HISPANIC REGION Hispanic armament was subject to diverse influences. Stelae in the Late Bronze Age south-western Iberian Peninsula attest, for instance, to eastern — war chariots, ‘Herzsprung’ shields and Atlantic carp’s tongue swords. Barbed arrowheads recall Oriental antetypes. Iberian chest armour and crested helmets of mostly perishable materials (e.g. leather) imply Near Eastern or Italian stimuli (see below V.). The round shield of Bronze Age tradition (caetra), sword and/or

WEAPONS

(scutum) prevailed. The distribution of the — falcata was concentrated in the east and south of Iberia, that of the long swords in the Celtiberian north-east (La Téne antetypes), and that of the short swords and antenna daggers on the Celtiberian mesetas. ~ Pyrenean peninsula (with map) M.Btech et al., Hispania Antiqua. Denkmaler der Frihzeit, 2001; A.J. Lorrig, La evolucién de la panoplia celtiberica, in: MDAI(Madrid) 35, 1994, 212-257; F. QuESADA, El armamento ibérico, 1991; P.F. Stary, Zur eisen-

zeitlichen Bewaffnung und Kampfesweise auf der Iberischen Halbinsel (Madrider Forsch. 18), 2 vols., 1994.

M.BL.

V. IRon AGE ITALY The Iron Age cultures of Italy (c. 12th—7th cents. BC) had considerable uniformity in terms of weaponry, which in most areas was designed with hand-to-hand combat in mind. Pictorial evidence is found esp. on ~ situlae in northern Italy and on small bronze sculpture and stone statues in central and southern Italy. Most finds are grave goods, the weapons within the tomb complex representing the ceremonial equipment. Defensive weaponry comprised bronze helmets, armour, greaves and shields. Crested, bronze so-called Negau helmets (> Helmet, with fig.) are typical, as well as simpler forms with a small stem-like attachment on the crown instead of the pointed crest. In the south, the Corinthian helmet seems to have been adapted at an early stage, under the influence of the Greek colonies. Greaves are very rare, and where they occur during the Iron Age it is usually in the form of laced designs. Body armour was probably mostly leather, metal mostly being applied as discs to protect vital organs. Shields were round or oval. All defensive weaponry had geometric repoussé ornamentation including circumpunct, bird and solar barge motifs, attesting to links with the -» Hallstatt Culture. Attack weapons were the sword and the javelin. Arrows were probably mostly used for hunting. Javelin tips were mostly either of laurel-leaf, triangular or olive-leaf shapes. The socket in the tip was often sunk deep into the point. The foot of the wooden shaft was often protected with a pointed javelin butt. Swords, initially daggers for stabbing, were increasingly reconceived as slashing weapons. Haft designs (including antenna hafts) included solid-hilted and flange-hilted swords, and hilts were often adorned with bone plates and amber inlays. A peculiarity of the Picenian and southern Italian regions was the makchaira, a curved slashing sword. Whereas weaponry in Central and Southern Italy came over time more and more closely to resemble Greek hoplite equipment, the north remained more in the Hallstatt orbit, a tendency that was further reinforced by the Celtic incursions (from c. 4th cent. BC).

599

600

Peroni, Die Schwerter in Italien/Le spade

C.von CarNAP-BoRNHEIM, Beitrage zu rémischer und barbarischer Bewaffnung in den ersten vier nachchristlichen Jahrhunderten, 1994; O.-H.FRey, Kompositpanzer der frithen Kelten, in: E.Pout et al. (eds.), Archaologi-

WEAPONS V.Branco

nell’Italia continentale (Prahistorische Bronzefunde 4.1), 1970; M. Eg, Italische Helme. Studien zu den altereisenzeitlichen Helmen in Mittelit. und den Alpen, 1986; P.F.

Srary, Zur eisenzeitlichen Bewaffnung und Kampfweise in Mittelitalien, 2 vols., 1981. C.KO.

VI. CELTO-GERMANIC REGION Most archaeological evidence of weapons from the Celtic and Germanic regions comes from grave and sacrificial finds, and from occasional pictorial depictions, great importance being attached in these contexts to the particular value of weaponry and its function as a status symbol and emblem of rank. There are almost no examples recorded from settlements or workshops, let alone battlefields. It is therefore uncertain whether the complete inventory of weapons is known and whether an accurate description of armament in these regions can be deduced from what is known. + Celtic archaeology documents both attack and defence weapons, esp. as grave goods in Celtic warrior and — princely graves. Weapon forms and the composition of weaponry changed in the course of the shift from the early Celtic > Hallstatt Culture of the 6th—5th cents. BC to the > La Téne Culture of the 5th—rst cents.

BC. The most important attack weapon was the -» sword, which the dagger only replaced for a short period in the 6th/5th cents. BC. The javelin was also an important Celtic attack weapon. There is evidence both of sturdy lances for close combat and of lighter throwing-spears as distance weapons. The Celts’ usual protective weapon in the Late Iron Age (5th—r1st cents. BC) was the shield, of which the various iron bosses used as fittings (spindle or band-shaped at first, later round and cap-shaped) and occasionally iron handles (strap handles) and rim fittings are preserved. Various designs and constructions of + helmets were often placed in wealthier Celtic warrior graves as emblems of rank, with layish ornamentation (gilding, plumes), less frequently as functional weapons. Indications of armour are rare in graves (e.g. Ciumesti/Romania) or sacrificial finds (e.g. Berne-Tiefenau/Switzerland). Armour is depicted, for instance, on the warrior stelae from the > Glauberg, indicating close contacts with the Greek world. These stelae (e.g. also at + Vix) also show other 5th-cent. weaponry, including swords and shields. There are also portrayals of weaponry from the Hellenistic world, from + Pergamum (votive relief, figure of the ‘Dying Gaul’), with sword, shield etc. A frequent and striking feature of Celtic and Germanic burials is that weapons were rendered unusable before being given as grave goods, e.g. by bending or breaking them. The same phenomenon is also seen at cult sites, e.g. the Celtic > viereckschanzen or Germanic sacrificial bogs like > Thorsberg Moor. Germanic weapons in general were rather simpler, and limited mostly to swords, javelins and shields. Body protection (helmets, armour) was not usual.

» Germanic archaeology

sches Zellwerk. FS H. Roth, 2001, 201-208; H. LORENZ,

Totenbrauchtum und Tracht, in: BRGK 59, 1978, 1-38; F. MULLER, Der Massenfund von der Tiefenau bei Bern. Zur Deutung laténezeitlicher Sammelfunde mit Waffen, 1990; A.Rapin, Un bouclier celtique dans la colonie grecque de Camarina (Sicile), in: Germania 79, 2001, 273-

296; TH. STOLLNER, Grab 102 vom Diirrnberg bei Hallein, in: Germania 76, 1998, 67-176; T. Wesk1, Waffen in germanischen Grabern der alteren romischen Kaiserzeit siidlich der Ostsee (British Archaeological Reports. International Ser. 147), 1982; N.ZIELING, Studien zu germa-

nischen Schilden der Spatlaténe- und der rémischen Kaiserzeit im freien Germanien (British Archaeological Reports. International Ser. 505), 189.

VP.

VII. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY A. GREECE B. ROME

A. GREECE Of the > armament of the pre-Archaic Period, we know of wooden throwing-spears and lances with bronze tips, slashing and stabbing swords and round shields made of organic materials. From the 7th cent., weaponry was designed with > phalanx combat in mind. The hoplites (> hoplitai) carried a lance and a short, double-edged, iron dagger (Eidoc/xiphos) or a concave, single-edged slashing sword (xomic/kopis; udxo.ea/mdchaira). Defensive weaponry consisted of a round shield (8show/hdplon), and, depending on status, various types of armour (@m@gQaE/—> thorax [1]) and ~ helmets. Light infantry carried light throwing-spears and a_ sickle-shaped - shield (méAtn/pélté; cf. ~ peltastai) made of woven willow. From the late sth cent., the light infantry also included > slingers. A 5-6 m lance (odguoo/— saris(s)a) enabling a particularly deep phalanx gained currency in Macedonia in the 4th cent. BC. B. ROME The nature and effect of Roman weaponry in the Republican Period gave more flexibility compared to the Greek phalanx, while according equal importance to the + shield. Strong Celtiberian influence is noticeable from the 3rd cent. BC. The legionaries’ attack weapons were two throwing-spears (> pilum). Until the rst cent. BC, the > triarii [1] used a javelin with a leaf-shaped tip (- hasta [1]; lancea, cf. + lancearii), while the - velites fought with light, short throwingspears (iaculi). In close combat, short swords (gladius, ~» sword) and daggers (pugio) were used. An oval — later rectangular — > shield (scutum) and various forms of armour and -> helmets provided the legionaries’ protection. From the rst cent. BC, their weapons were increasingly standardized, while the > auxilia continued to use local weaponry variants.

601

602

In Late Antiquity, the heavily-armoured — cavalry of the east was adopted. -> Bow and arrow and slings (+ Staff sling; + funditores) were often used by the auxilia, > catapults by the legions. These, however, never became primary weapons of battle for the Roman armies.

WEATHER GODS

1 B.REHM (ed.), Die Pseudoklementinen, vol. 2, Rekognitionen, *1994 2 F.IMHOoorF-BLUMER, O. KELLER, Tier- und Pflanzenbilder auf Miinzen und Gemmen des

klassischen Altertums,

1889, repr. 1972

3 KELLER

I,164-171

M.ScuusTER, s.v. Wiesel, RE 8 A, 2128-2130.

CHU.

~> Armament; + Armies; > Cavalry; > Kataphraktoi;

> Legio; -> Military ~ Slinger; > Tactics

technology

and

engineering;

1M.C. BisHop, J.C.N. Coutston, Roman Military Equipment, 1993 2 P.CONNOLLY, Greece and Rome at

War,*1998 3A.M. SNopGrass, Arms and Armour of the Greeks, *1999. F.MEI.

Weasel (yaAi/galé, also yaita/galéa; Latin mustela, the ‘mouse-hunter’, in Isid. Orig. 12,3,3 interpreted with a false etymology as a ‘long mouse’; usually the weasel (Mustela nivalis L.), but also other members of the Mustelidae = marten-like family). The galé is sometimes identified with the ixtic/iktis (schol. Nic. Ther. 196; Plin. HN 29,60; cf. + Polecat, Marten); Aristot. Hist. an. 2,1,5;00b 24 and 8(9),6,612b 10 contradicts this, however. Weasels hunt mice, moles (Pall. Agric. 4,8,4), snakes, lizards and birds. People caught them with live-catch traps (yakecyea/galedgra), in order to use their gall for snake bites (Plin. loc.cit.) and to feed

the brain to young hens and doves, supposedly to protect them from weasels (Plin. HN 30,144). It was believed that if a living animal had its bladder or testicles removed and was then set free, weasels would no longer be found in the area (Geop. 13,3,2). A weasel tail was supposed to protect the carrier from the barking of dogs (Plin. HN 29,99). Tame weasels were kept in the house as mousecatchers and snake-hunters (Plin. HN 29,60) (yaAq nxatoxidioc/galé katoikidios, ‘house weasel’); in Late Antiquity, > cats took over this role. Weasels allegedly take their young to a different place every day (Plaut. Stich. 499-501; Plin. HN 29,60; Isid. Orig. 12,3,3). The idea that they conceived by way of their mouths and gave birth through their ears (Ps.-Clementines, Recognitiones 8,25,5 [1]) is rejected by Isidore (loc.cit.). The smell of weasels was proverbial (Aristoph. Ach. 243; Plut. 693 with schol.). Their characteristics as a domestic animal made ‘weasel’ a term of endearment for girls; but lazy maids (Theocr. Id. 15,28) and thieving people could also be so called. Weasels could be sacrificed in place of piglets (Aristoph. Eccl. 128). In divination its significance was bad (Aristoph. Eccl. 792; Theophr. Char. 16). By eating -> rue, weasels were supposed to become immune to snake venom (Isid. Orig. 17,11,8). ->Galinthias is turned into a weasel (Ov. Met. 9,306-323), and a weasel into a human (Aesop. 50 Perry and Babr. 32). Hecate changes an evil person into a weasel (Ael. NA 15,11). A bronze coin from Segesta in Sicily shows a weasel among other things [2. tab. 1,24]. For pictorial repre-

sentations see [3. 168 f.]. + Domestic animals

Weather see -» Meteorology Weather gods. The cult of the Sumerian god I8kur can be documented for Babylonia from the early 3rd. millennium BC. He was the head of the > pantheon of the Middle Babylonian city of Karkar, but remained less significant beyond this area. ISkur was attributed with the threatening power of storms, but also with the rains beneficial for vegetation. Just as +» Ninurta, he was regarded as a fighter against the power of chaos, and vice versa, Ninurta displayed traits of a storm god in this context. As early as in the 3rd millennium, [kur was identified with the Semitic weather god, who was one of the most prominent gods in Syria and Upper Mesopotamia from earliest times (the oldest form of the name in Syria: Hadda, later Haddu/-— Hadad, in Babylonia/Assyria Adda, Addu, then usually Adad; different variants existed in all epochs). Beginning in the OldBabylonian Period (early 2nd millennium BC) — supported by the establishment of Amurritic dynasties in Babylonia (+ Amurru [1]) — Adad was one of the great gods of the Babylonian-Assyrian pantheon (wife: Sala). In the 16th cent. BC, the original Haddu epithet Ba‘lu, ‘lord’ began to establish itself as the proper name of the weather god (cf. + Baal) along the Syrian-Palaestinian coast. At the same time, in Northern Syria and Upper Mesopotamia, Haddu became conflated with TesSob, the weather god and king of gods of the > Hurrians. The most important cult sites of Tessob were Kumme in the Kurdish mountains and Northern Syrian Halab (> Aleppo), which is known as the cult site of the Semitic weather god since the 3rd millennium. The mythical residence of the weather god was the Gabal al-Aqra‘ (Saptina/Hazzi; Greek > Casium). The Old Syrian goddess Hébat was regarded as the wife of TesSob. Various myths (the Ugaritic cycle of Ba‘lu, the Hurrian-Hittite cycle of + Kumarbi among others) report the victorious battle the weather god fought for the crown —a theme that appeared in the Northern Syrian realm as early as in the 2nd millennium. A common basic element of these texts, which exerted some influence on Greek mythology (+ Theogony, > Typhoeus), is the enmity between the weather god and the sea. Only in the Ugaritic cycle of Ba‘lu, the endangerment of the rule of the weather god includes his temporary exile to the + underworld. The death and resurrection of the weather god is reflected in the seasonal change between extreme drought and the rainy season (+ Tammuz). The myths surrounding the Hurritic Tessob are known only from Hittite tradition, shaped by Hurritic influences in the realm of cult and mythology from the r5th cent. BC. The Hittite weather god Tarhun(ta)-,

603

604

who stood at the top of the imperial pantheon and of numerous local cults, was identified with TesSob. The Hurritic myths were integrated into the Hittite tradition. Originally Anatolian myths of the weather god show selective Northern Syrian-Hurritic influences. The Hittite Tarhun(ta)- had adopted numerous traits of the Hattic Taru early on; like Taru, he was regarded as a paternal protector of the king and as the ruler of the land. The god of vegetation Telipinu showed traits of a thunder god as well. In the Late Hittite principalities

that indicate the changing of the > seasons. > Meton [2] and > Euctemon linked signs with the calendar and a 19-year cycle. + Democritus [1] (fragment B 14 DK) already used the form of a > parapegma ([12]). Similar calendars with episemasia were prepared for single cities (albeit without serious consideration of local weather conditions) by > Philippus [I 29] of Opus, ~» Eudoxus [1] of Cnidus and > Callippus [5] of Cyzicus. Later lists were compiled by — Dositheus [3], > Clodius [III 4] Tuscus, > Varro [2] and the pseudoGeminus. Gradually, the concept changed to the idea

WEATHER GODS

(> Asia Minor III C), the weather god (Tarhunza-) often stood at the top of the local panthea. In the Syrian and Southern Anatolian region, Tar-

hunza- was identified with the Phoenician Ba‘al who belonged to the tradition of the late Bronze Age Ba‘lu, in the Upper Mesopotamian region with the Aramaic Hadad, whose name continued the older Haddu under the influence of Assyrian Adad. The animal associated with the weather god was the lion-dragon in Babylonia, and from the late 3rd millennium it was above all Taurus, the bull, which was assigned to the weather god in Anatolia, Syria and Upper Mesopotamia from earliest times. The god himself was depicted as anthropomorphic, in the Syrian-Anatolian area usually in the posture of a ‘smiting god’. He carries a bundle of lightning and various weapons (club, ax) in his right hand, which is raised and ready to strike. Theriomorphic representations as a bull are known from 2nd millennium Anatolia. In the Egyptian New Kingdom, the god > Seth was identified with the Syrian Ba‘al. As a result, Seth adopted traits of a weather god as well. — Asia Minor IV B and C; > Baal; > Religion II T.METTINGER, The Riddle of Resurrection. Dying and Rising Gods in the Ancient Near East, 2001; D. SCHWEMER, Die Wettergott-Gestalten Mesopotamiens und

Nordsyriens im Zeitalter der Keilschriftkulturen, 2001 (with literature).

DA.SCH.

Weather portents and signs (&monuaciou/episemasiai, dioonuetat/diosémeiai, also onueia/sémeia; Latin signa). The term is used in two ways: to designate a portent of a particular weather phenomenon to be expected, or to refer to a sign expressed by the current weather. The oldest weather forecasts were assembled by the Babylonians on the basis of precise observations (> Assurbanipal; - Divination; -» Meteorology), and were often linked with astrological prophecies [6; 7] (> Astrology), sometimes compiled in menologies (prophecies by the phase of the > moon; cf. > calendar

[B 2]). The systematic study of the phenomena that forecast the weather, rain, temperature, wind and sea conditions, drought, crop yields etc., however, is first found in

Greek literature. Portents and signs were deduced from celestial, atmospheric (which included comets) and terrestrial (earthquakes, volcanism, etc.) phenomena, and esp. from animals (birds in particular), but also from inorganic substances. Hesiod (Op.) mentions animals

that the matutinal (heliacal) and vespertine (acrony-

chal) first and last visibility of certain > fixed stars not only indicated (émonuaiveww/episémainein) the weather, but created (otetv/poiein) the weather. From the late 4th cent., the parapegmata were replaced by almanacs following the pattern of the pseudo-Eudoxian Octaeteris (forecasts for a period of eight years; > Eudoxus [1]) [8. 213-234], whose last significant descendant was the Phaseis of Ptolemy (-> Ptolemaeus [IV 65 II A 2]). The division into five signs of the — zodiac [5] in Ptolemy’s Apotelesmatika (2,12) was

also relevant. The Byzantine period saw the emergence of the stereotypical lists of keraunologies (lightning calendars), brontologies (Tonitrualia, thunder calendars), seismologies (earthquake calendars) etc., and fur-

ther menologies, arranged either according to the months or the signs of the zodiac, phases of the moon or individual degrees [4. vol. 1, 172-177, vol. 2, 151159]. Iohannes > Lydus [3] compiled some lists in De ostentis. The catalogues survived (their content constantly changing) through the Greek and Latin Middle Ages [15]. Also preserved are forecasts for cycles of twelve years, following the circulation of Jupiter (Dodekaeterids, cf. [14. 275 f.]). The pseudo-Theophrastian treatise De signis (eo onusiwv/Peri semeion) and the anonymous alphabetical registers of animal names (CCAG, vol. 8.1, 137-138; vol. 11.2, 180-183; [1. 1611 f.]) are in the Peripatetic tradition. These observations and classifications found their way into post-Hesiodean didactic poetry (Arat. 733-1154 and scholia; Verg. G. 1; Germanicus fragments 3 and 4 LEBOEUFFLE = Prognostika [9]) and epic poetry. Roman mantics, Stoic in spirit, conducted speculative searches for correspondences between sign and signified. 1 R. BOxgr, s. v. Wetterzeichen, RE Suppl. 9, 1609-1692 2 F.BoLt, Griechische Kalender, Vol. 1-5, 1910-1920 3 BoucHE-LECLERCQ, Vol. 4 4 W.HUsner, Grade und Gradbezirke der Tierkreiszeichen, 1995 5 Id., Astrométéorologie, in: CH. CusseEr (ed.), La météorologie dans

PAntiquite. Entre science et croyance. Actes du Colloque international interdisciplinaire, Toulouse, 2.-4. mai 2002,

2003, 75-95 6H.HuNGerR, Astrologische Wettervorhersagen, in: ZA 66, 1976, 234-260 7 U.KocnWESTENHOLZ, Mesopotamian Astrology. An Introduction to Babylonian and Assyrian Celestial Divination, 1995 8 F.LassErre (ed.), Die Fragmente des Eudoxos von Knidos, 1966 (with commentary) 9 R.MONTANARI Catpini, L’astrologia nei “Prognostica” di Germanico,

605

606

in: SIFC 45, 1973, 137-204

WEDDING

CUSTOMS

AND RITUALS

10 E. PFEIFFER, Gestirne

und Wetter in griechischem Volksglauben und bei den Vorsokratikern, 1915 11 Id., Studien zum antiken Sternglauben, 1916 12 A. REHM, Parapegmastudien, 1941 13 F.ROCHBERG-HALrTon, Elements of the Babylonian Contribution to Hellenistic Astrology, in: Journ. of the American Oriental Soc. 108, 1988, 51-62 14 J. ROHR,

FS

A

i

Beitrage zur antiken Astrometeorologie, in: Philologus 83, 1928, 259-305 15 E.SVENBERG, Lunaria et zodiologia

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new moon). Rituals performed in preparation for that event, which were called mootédeva (protéleia), were expiatory and purifying in nature: On the eve of the wedding a sacrifice was offered at the house of the bride, and prayers were offered to the tutelary gods of marriage — in particular Zeus, Hera, Artemis, Apollo and Peitho (Plut. Quaest. Rom. 2,264b). The bride dedicated her toys and personal possessions as well as locks of her hair to Artemis or — depending on local custom —

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yuray Water supply). Wells also served to make ground water accessible, whereas -> cisterns collected rain water.

B. WELLS WITHOUT ARCHITECTURAL DESIGN Shaft wells with polygonal or circular cross-sections were constructed in all periods and played a crucial role in satisfying the demand for water. Conical shafts could be made of rubble, ashlar or even circular segments. From the 4th cent. BC onwards, these were replaced by fired clay rings (0.7 — 1.0 m in diameter), which were always (as today) positioned by digging downwards from the inside. Climbing holes in shaft walls, necessary for construction, were also used for maintenance. Stone well curbs show traces of the ropes from windlasses; for clay well openings, a similar structure with a drum and a rope can be expected. C. WELLS AND TYPES OF WELLS OF ARCHITECTURAL DESIGN Essential to the construction of fountain-houses was the storage of water, in particular protecting it from warming and contamination, as well as a user-friendly

50 cm

Aulis, stepped well; ground-plan and cross-section Athens, Olive Tree Pediment; view of the fountain-house (reconstruction).

design. Fountain-houses were built in ashlar masonry as a rule. Given suitable geological conditions they could be carved from rock. The use of rubble masonry (without mortar) also occurs in the case of step wells. As a result of the necessary installation of large storage tanks (reservoirs) and connections to pipes, emphasis was placed on the design of the fountain-house fagade. Apart from aesthetic concerns, technological and geological conditions determined the individual design of a fountain-house, and so classifying them by type can only amount to taking stock.

624

623

WELLS

VU AS

5

N

y Zi ZC ‘i O e

1. Step wells: a flight of steps led down to a covered spring basin; most commonly recorded in sanctuaries. At > Aulis the limited height of the building can be deduced from a relief on the Archaic Olive Tree Pediment (Athens, AM).

2. Oblong shaft wells were laid out on the same principle as step wells, but without steps and with a wide, open facade. 3. Draw-well house with spouts: the extraction of water was possible only along the edge of the basin. Often there was a column or pillar at the edge. The large capacity of the basin reservoirs and a tall ante-chamber required a hip or saddle roof; for a lower, wider fountain-house facade a lean-to roof seems likely, just as for smaller ones ona terrace. By contrast, pediment facades are found e.g. at > Epidaurus and > Phigalia. 4. Draw-well house with closed reservoir: a limited supply of water or sporadic use necessitated the installation of large reservoirs. In the fountain-house of Theagenes a blocking mechanism at the connection made it possible to clean halves of the reservoir and a drawing basin separately; there were five rows of columns in the reservoir, pillars on the half-height partition between the reservoir and basin, and facade columns supporting the roof. Whereas a saddle roof is likely at + Megara, at Perachora there was an Ionic colonnade with a lean-to roof in front of the rock, completing the reservoir facade. 5. Niche fountains are drawing basins with a spout, built into a colonnade or a terrace wall. 6. Courtyard fountains: there were spouts in a wall, with only a drainage channel in front; so far only found in + Delphi. 7. Simple fountains: water spouts were attached to a half-height or human-height fountain column (or pole), on a pillar of a gate arch, on the pedestal of a monument, etc. In front of it was a trough- or bowl-shaped basin, and the user went directly to the spout. Lion sculptures are recorded as spouts in the Archaic Period. In the case of human fountain figures from the Classical

Q\

Y Ui le

Ialysus, ? fountain-house: : reconstructed cross-section (left); reconstructed longitudinal section (centre) and elevation (right); ground-plan (below).

Period onwards, there was often a decorative motif relating to water. D. SIGNIFICANCE OF WELLS Wells played an important role in the infrastructure of cities and sanctuaries (+ Water supply). In sanctuaries, the cultic significance of wells fed by the local spring are is also of importance. From the outset, the growth of towns and cities in the Greek world in the second half of the 6th cent. BC led to a network of conduits of a high technical standard. Fountain-houses were developed at the same time as the monumental ~ architecture of the Greeks. Costly conduit projects 0

10m

Megara, ‘Fountain-house of Theagenes’ (ground-plan).

Megara, ‘Fountain-house of Theagenes’ (longitudinal section).

625 WELLS

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, SSNS sy by

7 SSS

ed a

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$4’

Perachora: reconstructed cross-section (top left); reconstructed elevation

(top right); ground-plan (below).

the famous Athenian draw-well houses were many times larger than all others (mainly Hellenistic ones) of the same type. It is assumed that at > Priene from the middle of the 4th cent. onwards there was a simple fountain on the south-western corner of every residential block, so that no house was more than 40 m from one. A dense network of wells also covered the city of Rome; as an aedile, > Agrippa had 500 fountains built there. In + Pompeii a simple fountain supplied about 160 inhabitants in a 50 m radius. The combination of the symbolic content and effects of water with victory monuments (e.g. Nike of > Samothrace) or statues of Ptolemaic rulers led to a design of well which became the model for Roman nymphaea (+ Nymphaeum); the

Athens, Agora. Fountain-house at the southwest corner; reconstruction.

and the construction of grand fountain-houses at their end-points are sometimes connected in ancient literature with the names of tyrants (wells in -» Athens to + Peisistratus; - Eupalinus’ aqueduct on Samos to + Polycrates). Often-visited places, at the gates of a town or in an > agora, were suitable locations. Overflow water was channelled off into troughs next to fountain-houses and was used for animals or to irrigate groves. Within the Athenian Agora there was a 6thcent. fountain-house and one from the beginning of the 4th cent., as well as nearly 100 6th—4th cent. shaft wells;

functionally close relationship between fountains and nymphaea is documented by the rst-cent. AD monopteros fountain in Argos, whose inscription describes it as a nymphaion.

E. LAWS RELATING TO WELLS According to Solon’s laws, a public well served the inhabitants of an approximately 720 m radius; citizens from farther away had to dig their own wells. In the countryside,

&yoovonovagronomoi were the responsible authorities; the laws regarding wells in towns and sanctuaries were directed at Gyogavouot or GotuvoLol/ astynomoi (+ Agoranomoi; + Astynomoi). Malicious contamination and washing in a well were explicitly forbidden and punished. For the officials responsible for well facilities, the administrative authorities and the organization of water distribution in the Roman world, see + Water supply.

627

628

F. PICTORIAL REPRESENTATIONS Well houses appear sporadically in Greek reliefs (Ar-

imitates gilding with applied yellow-orange moulded ornamentation. Although WSW is best known from Athens, it was produced in several eastern Mediterra-

WELLS

chaic Olive Tree Pediment, Athens, AM) and quite frequently in vase painting. Greek vase painters use three simplified ground-plans to depict well houses, which

are arbitrarily combined and multiplied. The same schemes were also used to represent bath houses (> Baths). FRONTINUS-GESELLSCHAFT (ed.), Die Wasserversorgung antiker Stadte, 1/2, 1987/88; F. GLaser, Antike Brunnenbauten (KPHNAI) in Griechenland, 1983; Id., Ein Ver-

gleich des Brunnen-Hauses in Aulis mit der Darstellung im

Olbaumgiebel,

in: JOAI 51, 1976/77

Beiblatt

1-10;

T.Hopce, Roman Aqueducts and Water Supply, 1992; W.LeTzner, Romische Brunnen und Nymphien in der westlichen Reichshalfte, 1990; E. MANAKIDOU, Athenerinnen in schwarzfigurigen Brunnen-Hausszenen, in: Hephaistos

11/12,

1992/93,

51-91;

D.MARCHETTI,

K.Kotoxotsas, Le nymphée d’Argos, 1995; N. NEUERBURG, L’architettura delle fontane e dei ninfei nell’Italia antica, 1965; R. TOLLE-KasTENBEIN, Antike Wasserkul-

tur, 1990

F.GL.

Wepwawet (Wp-w3.wt/Upuaut, ‘Opener of the Ways’) is represented as a standing jackal or a jackal-headed man. He is a god of the dead (cf. + Anubis), but his standard also leads the king’s ‘Horus escort’, when he walks in public. This is reflected in Hdt. 2,122, where a priest is led by two jackals to the Sanctuary of Demeter [3. 58 f.]. Presumably W. is also the Macedon mentioned in Diod. Sic. 1,18 as a companion of > Osiris [x. 83]. Clem. Al. Strom. 5,7,43 suggests an astronomical interpretation of the figure of W. as the two hemispheres or tropics [5. 81 f.], and there are indications for this in a hymn from the Middle Kingdom [4. 64-70]. The chief cult location of W. was + Lyconpolis (modern Asyut). Numerous votive stelae found there are evidence of the worship of jackals, which are sacred to W.

[2]. 1 A. Burton, Diod. Siculus Book I. ACommentary, 1972 2 T. DuQuEsNE, Votive Stelae for Upwawet from the Salakhana Trove, in: Discussions in Egyptology 48, 2000, 5-47 3 A.B. LLoyp, Herodotus, Book II, Commentary 99-182, 1993 4 P.Munro, Die beiden Stelen des Wnmj

aus Abydos, in: ZAS 85, 1960, 56-70, Taf. IV-VI

5 J.F.

Quack, Ein neuer funerarer Text der Spatzeit (pHohenzollernSigmaringen II), in: ZAS 127, 2000, 74-87, Taf. X-XVIIL. Aw.L.

West Slope Ware. Modern term for a genre of Greek fine pottery, particularly from the eastern Mediterranean of the Late Classical and Hellenistic periods. The original German name ‘Westabhangkeramik’ was coined in r901 by C. WaTzINGER [6] for pots discovered shortly before in Athens on the western slope of the Acropolis. It is a genre of + black-glaze ware, which in addition is decorated with white, pink or yellowish slip ornamentations, often in combination with scorings,

vertical fluting and wheel-stamp decorations. It developed in the 4th cent. BC from a genre of pottery which

nean centres as well (particularly > Pergamum).

In

view of Athens’s economic decline in the 4th—3th cents. BC, the development of WSW attested in Athens was probably not typical, but rather reflected general tendencies. Preferred types of pots (> Pottery, shapes and types of) are pyxides, kraters, hydriai, amphorae, pelikai, jugs, krateriskoi, kantharoi, calyx cups, bowls and lebetes. In the western Mediterranean closely related genres of polychrome pottery occur (e.g. > Gnathia ware). W. survived in developed forms until the 2nd half of the 2nd cent. BC. + Pottery trade; + Pottery, production of; — Pottery ILA. 1J.W. Hayes, Fine Wares in the Hellenistic World, in: T. Rasmussen, N.Spivey (ed.), Looking at Greek Vases,

1991, 183-202

2G.Kopcxe, Golddekorierte attische

Schwarzfirniskeramik des 4. Jh. v. Chr., in: MDAI(A) 79,

1964, 22-84 35.1. RorrorFr, Attic West Slope Vase Painting, in: Hesperia 60, 1991, 59-102 4 Ead., Hellenistic Pottery. Athenian and Imported Wheelmade Tableware and Related Material (Agora 29), 1997 5 J. SCHAFER, Hellenistische Keramik aus Pergamon, 1968 6 C. WATZINGER, Vasenfunde aus Athen;-in: MDAI(A) 26, I9OI, 50-102. RD.

Wet-nurses. While women in archaic Greece usually nursed their own children, the use of wet-nurses became

more common in the classical period. The tO}vy/ tithéné or vixOr/tithé (the nanny who did not nurse was referred to as teodc/trophos) was usually a slave (such as GVI 1729), although some free-born or freed women in Athens provided this service as well, usually Eévau/ xénai. In the visual arts, wet-nurses played a primarily attributive role up into the 4th cent., but later one can observe an increased interest in them — that is, in their function, less as persons. In Rome, wet-nurses (nutrices; assa nutrix refers to

the ‘nanny’) were probably not employed until after 200 BC, when Greek slave women — the most soughtafter wet-nurses — came to Italy in greater numbers. In the Imperial Period, servae, libertae and ingenuae as wet-nurses are well documented. Their use was strongly criticized by authors who valued tradition (Tac. Dial. 2,393 Plut. Mor. 3; Gell. NA 12,1). Many documents present wet-nurses as the lifelong confidantes of the children they raised (Plin. Ep. 6,3), although this often appears to be a topos. As revealed in philosophical and medical texts or work contracts for wet-nurses written on papyrus

(such as BGU

1106;

1107), they were

chosen according to certain physiological, psychical and moral standards. The comments by Soranus yield much information (2,19 ff.). The parents of the child or other employers (in the case of orphans raised as slaves) could terminate the contract with a wet-nurse or could demand compensation if, for instance, the milk was bad or the child was not returned weaned and well kept

629

630

after the end of the nursing period (usually two years). Wet-nurses were mostly hired by wealthy city households, rarely in poor families — if a poorer mother had died in childbirth or was not able to feed the newborn infant, it was raised by relatives or neighbours, The practice of wealthy parents to let others nurse their children was not as much due to the parents’ indifference towards the newborn or to emotional self-protection in the face of high infant mortality but was a result of the medical requirements and aristocratic conventions that did not allow upper-class women to be subject to the physical strain of nursing.

ous Greek landscapes (esp. Ionia, Laconia, Cyklades). But only in Athens did WGP develop into its own genre from 530/525 BC next to Black-figured and Red-figured pottery. The term WGP is therefore used almost exclusively in reference to Attic pottery. The light-coloured slip was probably intended to make the pottery appear more valuable, perhaps to elicit associations with ivory or marble. However, the white slip never covered the entire surface of the piece and often WG painting was combined with red-figured painting (e.g. bowls with a WG picture on the inside

1 K.R. BRADLEY, Wetnursing at Rome: A Study in Social Relations, in: B.Rawson, The Family in Ancient Rome, 1986, 201-229 =©2. J.HENGsTL, Private Arbeitsverhalt-

nisse freier Personen in den hellenistischen Papyri bis Diokletian, 1972, 61-69 3 M.A. Manca MasciaprI, O.MontTevEccHI,

Icontratti

di

baliatico,

1984

4S. PFISTERER-Haas, Darstellungen alter Frauen in der griechischen Kunst, 1989.

j.W.

Whale. Employing a term originally used for large marine animals in general, the whale, he largest marine mammal and related to > dolphins [1], was called to xqtocd/kétos (first in Hom. Od. 12,97; Latin loanword cetus, plural cete(a): Ambrosius, Exameron 5,10,28 and 5,11,32; Isid. Orig. 12,6,8); there also is the term odhawa/phdlaina (Aristot. Hist. an. 1,5,489b 4 f.), Latin ballaena (Plaut. Rud. 545; Ov. Met. 2,9; Plin. HN 9,4; 9,8 and 9,16) for the supposedly female animal, and for the male the ironic term musculus (‘little mouse’, Isid. Orig. 12,6,6). Furthermore, for whales of the North Sea and the Atlantic the name ovontyo/ physéter, Latin physeter (Plin. HN. 9,8; Solin. 52,42; Str. 15,2,12 (725) occurs, presumably referring to the sperm whale [1. 200]). Live birth and the suckling of their young is mentioned in Aristotle (Hist. an. 1,5,489b 4 f.) as well as Pliny (HN. 9,21 and 78) and Ambrosius (Exameron 5,3,7), and again by Pliny their blowholes that are connected to their lungs (ibid. 9,19, following Aristot. loc.cit.). Ambrosius

(loc.cit.) even

claims that whales take their young into their mouths for protection. Baleen whales are familiar only to Aristot. Hist. an. 3,12, 519a 23 f. In the Bible, whales occur several times (Gn 1,21; Job 7,12; Is 27,1; Dan

3,79), but primarily in the story of Jonah, who was supposedly eaten by a whale, (Jon 2,1: piscis grandis; cf. Mt 12,40: Ionas in ventre ceti; cf. also + De Iona). 1 LEITNER.

KELLER I, 409-414.

C.HU.

Wheat see > Grain Wheel see > Land transport; + Wagon, Chariot

White-ground pottery. Pottery with a light-coloured, whitish slip containing kaolinite as a base for painting is known in the Geometric and Archaic Periods from vari-

WHITE-GROUND POTTERY

and a and red-figured picture on the outside.) As WG painting is less durable than red-figured or black-figured painting, it was mostly used for votive or funerary pottery. The following painting techniques can be identified: (x) Black-figured painting on white-ground pottery: Introduced probably by the potter — Nicosthenes in Athens, then adopted by other workshops, it is distinguished from common black-figured painting only by the white ground, which is rarely pure white but yellowish or light beige and is found mainly on smaller to medium-sized pieces. (2) Outline drawing on white ground: used from the end of the 6th cent. mainly on cups, > alabastra and small lekythoi (+ lekythos [1]) and was carried out at first with the relief lines known from red-figured painting, but from 500 BC increasingly with yellow-brown lines made of thinned-out lustre. A combination between (1) and (2) is the so-called semi-outline-technique, which is found only in the rst half of the 5th cent. BC and almost exclusively onlekythoi and alabastra. (3) Four-colour-painting with lustre and earth tones: Developed in the rst quarter of the 5th cent. BC, probably in the workshop of > Euphronius [2], it shows a combination of outline drawings with lustre and colourfully painted surfaces and is found primarily on bowls and pyxides (> pyxis); details such as fruit, jewellery, containers or parts of weapons are at times highlighted with slip and gilded. The colour palette is limited to red and brown tones, yellow, white and black. (4) Early classicallekythoi painting with lustre, earth tones and non-ceramic matte paints developed in the 2nd quarter of the 5th cent. BC for the painting of bigger /Jekythoi in the funerary cult. The pictures consist largely of colourful surfaces, pure outline drawing is found almost only in the representation of male bodies. Femal bodies are painted with white covering colour, the dress with black lustre, with earth tones, and at times with non-ceramic colours such as vermillion or Egyptian blue. Most of these lekythoi pictures show scenes in the women’s quarter while funerary scenes are rare. Famous examples are by the > Achilleus-painter. (5) Polychrome lekythoi painting: It replaced the early classical lekythoi painting in c. 450 BC. White covering colour and black lustre disappear from the the pictures, the female bodies are represented again in pure silhouette drawing, the use of non-ceramic paints increases. At the same time, several painters begin to use

WHITE-GROUND

POTTERY

red or black-gray matte paint instead of lustre to draw contours (the initiator was the + Sabouroff Painter). These contour paintings were applied before the firing, the rest of the painting after the firing. As a result, the adherence of the colours is poor and they have often disappeared or were preserved in few remnants only so that the evaluation of the original chromaticity is problematic. The pictures show mainly funerary scenes. Important lekythoipainters of the Classical Period (5th cent.) were, along with those mentioned above; the Thanatos Painter, Bird Painter, Square Painter, Woman

Painter, Reed Painter and - Phiale Painter, furthermore the painters of > Group R and the Triglyph Painter. Towards the end of the sth cent. BC, the first attempts of shading can be found in the representation of male bodies, influenced by panel painting (group of the Huge Lekythoi). In the 2nd half of the 5th cent. BC, WGP was largely limited to funerary lekythoi. When the production of the latter came to an end in c. 400 BC, WGP ended as well. Not until Hellenism did pottery types with a white slip reappear in various places, some with monochrome, others with polychrome painting: > Lagynos, — Hadra vases,

632

631

+ Canosa vases, > Centuripe vases.

If there were children of the first marriage, these were counted among the family of their father, and passed to the custody of a guardian. There were cases in which a woman’s children from a first marriage were brought up in the family of the second husband, who would then also act in the interests of the child towards the guardian (Isaeus 7,7 f.). The mother could choose whether to remain with her children or to return to her original family. If she remained with her children in the household of the deceased husband, her dowry also remained there and was co-administered by the guardian until the son was of age and obtained power of disposal over it. At this point, he also incurred the obligation of caring for his mother (accommodation and sustenance). The mother had lost her claim on the dowry, but in return she had a claim for maintenance enforceable against her children. Under Athenian law, a wife could not inherit from her husband (> Succession, laws of II.), except where the husband by his will added to the dowry his wife had brought to the marriage in regard to a possible remarriage. Under such circumstances, the social status of most widows was not enviable. Many of them were probably compelled to work.

~ Pottery, production of; > pottery II. A. D.C. Kurtz, Athenian White Lekythoi. Patterns and Painters, 1975; J.R. MERTENS, Attic White-Ground: Its Development

on Shapes Other

than Lekythoi,

1977;

I. WEHGARTNER, Attisch weifSgrundige Keramik, 1983; ead., Neue Untersuchungen zur weifSgrundigen Lekythenbemalung, in: J. CHRISTIANSEN (ed.), Proc. of the 3°! Symposium on Ancient Greek and Related Pottery, Kopenhagen 1987, 1988, 640-651; M. ROBERTSON, The Art of Vase-Painting in Classical Athens, 1992, 51-56, 155-159, 185-188, 198-205, 207-210, 252-255; U. KOCH-BRINK-

MANN, Polychrome Bilder auf weifgrundigen Lekythen, 1999. LW.

Widow (yi00/chéra; Latin vidua). I. GREECE

II. ROME

I. GREECE Remarriages, including of widows, were common in Classical Athens, and were accepted by public opinion. Especially if a widow was still of childbearing age, remarriage was even expected. Athenian legal speeches attest on a number of occasions to widows marrying a second

time (Isaeus 7,7; 8,8; 9,27;

11,8; Lys. 32,8;

Dem. Or. 36,8; 45,3 f.). This attitude is attributable to the fact that women married very young in ancient societies, and that the age difference between marriage partners was large. Athenian law did not even recognize an obligatory period of mourning. Widows, like women in general, had only limited scope for choosing their spouse. As a rule, the father or a brother as xdetoc/> kyrios would deal with the reimbursement of the dowry (> proix; > pherne). He then had the responsibility of finding a new husband for the widow, and he was also morally obliged to provide her, at remarriage, with a dowry at least equal in value to the first (Lys. 32,8).

II. ROME

‘

At Rome, despite the idealization of the > univira (the ‘one-man woman’ who only married once in her lifetime), widows did often remarry and there was no

stigma attached. By the time of the Augustan marriage laws, indeed, divorced women and widows were more or less cajoled into remarriage to ensure the continuance of the noble families. The Julian Marriage Law (— lex Iulia, 18 BC) allowed widows and divorcées a period of only one year and six months respectively to remarry and thereby avert the sanctions now imposed on unmarried women. The lex Papia of AD 9 extended the deadlines to 2 years and eighteen months respectively. However, financial motivations were often decisive factors influencing the remarriage of widows and divorcées. Although they had the dowry (— dos) at their disposal after the dissolution of the first marriage, it seldom sufficed as a means of subsistence. There was no labour market for free women, and so marriage was often the only source of provision for them. Laws of - succession (III.) imposed a very unfavourable status on the wife in a sine manu marriage (> Marriage II. C.). If no > will had been made, she only inherited from her husband in the absence of any blood relation. However, spouses could provide for one another by testament, but the testator’s children took precedence. The widow usually relied on the support of her children. Her maintenance was generally assured by her acceptance into the household of a married son. At an early stage, the Christian Church took over and began to regulate the care for widows in the congregations (1 Tim 5:1-16). 1,500 widows at Rome, and 3,000 widows and virgins at > Antioch [1], were supposedly supported by the congregations in the 4th cent.

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634

(Euseb. Hist. eccl. 6,43,11; loh. Chrys. Hom. Mt 66,3). The remarriage of widows was controversial in the Church; Tertullian (+ Tertullianus [2]) dogmatically rejected it (de exhortatione castitatis; de monogamia). ~ Family; > Gender roles; > Marriage; - Mourning; + Orphans; - Succession, laws of [III]; —> Univira; —+ Woman 1J.F. GARDNER,

Women

in Roman

Law

and Society,

1986 21L.-M.GUNTHER, Witwen in der griechischen Antike — zwischen Oikos und Polis, in: Historia 42, 1993, 308-325 3 V.HunTER, The Athenian Widow and Her Kin, in: Journal of Family History 14, 1989, 291-311 4 R. Just, Women in Athenian Law and Life, r989 5 J.U. Krause, Witwen und Waisen im Rémischen Reich, 4

vols., 1994/5 Greece, 1968

6 W.K. Lacey, The Family in Classical 7S. TREGGIARI, Roman Marriage, 1991.

JK.

Wig (pevaxn/phenaké, xnvixn/pénekeé, Latin capilla-

mentum, galerus). The use of wigs apparently began in Greece at the end of the 6th cent. BC; late Archaic korai show hairstyles that are inconceivable without added hairpieces. In the theatre, too, people made use of wigs in the sth cent. BC (Aristoph. Thesm. 258) and also used false beards (Aristoph. Eccl.25), musicians and conjurers similarly wore wigs and hairpieces (Ael. VH 1,26; Lucian Alexandros 3). The use of wigs and hairpieces was extremely popular in Imperial Rome (Ov. Ars am. 3,165—168; Artem. 1,18; Anth. Pal. 11,3 10; for dedications of wigs: Anth. Pal. 6,211; 6,254). There was above all a fascination with the blond hair of Germanic women, which was used for wigs (e.g. Ov. Am. 1,14,45; Mart. 5,37 5,68; Juv. 6,120). People used wigs

to cover their own — perhaps greying — hair or the lack of it (Lucian, Dial. meret. 11,4; Anth. Pal. 5,76). Orna-

trices (hairdressers) creating the complicated hairstyles of Roman women had not been able to get by without wigs since the time of Flavius. Women sometimes trimmed or shaved their own hair (Lucian, Dial. meret. 5,3) when intending to wear wigs. Wigs were also worn by men when forced to by baldness (cf. Suet. Otho 12, Lucian, ibid. 5,3); the painting of hair on a bald head is the rather wicked joke of a poet (Mart. 6,57). Ultimately wigs could be a means of disguise (Suet. Cal. rx and Suet. Nero 26; Juv. 6,120; Pol. 3,78). G.M. A. RicHTER, Korai. The Archaic Greek Maiden, 1964, 13; K. SCHAUENBURG, Periickentragerin im Blatter-

kelch, in: Stadel-Jb. 1, 1967, 45-63; D. ZIEGLER, Frauenfrisuren der romischen Antike. Abbild und Realitat, 2000, RH. 167-178.

Will. Gk. Bovanou/boulésis (Bovdr/boulé, Bovdnua/ bouiléma), yvourn/gnomé, dvavova/didnoia, (é)0édnorc/ (e)thélésis, émOvuiclepithymia, deekc/orexis, Sour! hormé, nooaigeot/prohairesis, etc.; Latin voluntas, arbitrium, etc.

WILL

I. DEFINITION AND BACKGROUND II. PLATO AND ARISTOTLE III. HELLENISTIC PHILOSOPHY IV. ROMAN

PHILOSOPHY

AND LATIN CHRISTIAN-

CLy

I. DEFINITION AND BACKGROUND As is already indicated by the variety of the Greek terms and their secondary meanings, there was no concept of the will in the sense that, since the Middle Ages, has been serving in all European languages to describe an autonomous mental readiness to act (whether it originates in rational reflection or irrational drive, disposition or emotion). That the lack of such an expression, whose justification, moreover, was the subject of lively controversy among philosophers in the 20th cent., does not signify any psychological lacuna [8] relies on the fact that the volitional element is contained in terms for rational reflection, decision or readiness on the one hand, and for non-rational desire on the other (cf. [25 6; 7|). Expressions for cognitive readiness signify either mere affirmation or practical intention, depending on the particular context. Il. PLATO AND ARISTOTLE The differentiation of psychological capacity by the Greek philosophers of the Classical Period did nothing to alter the subsumption of the volitional element under ~ rationality (intellectual endeavour) on the one hand and emotionality (non-rational desire; > Affects) on the other. Plato’s tripartite division of the soul (PI. Resp. 4 and 9; cf. > Soul, theory of the) ascribes a specific component of the will to each of the three divisions of the soul: rational desire, active effort, and irrational longing. While Aristotle [6] expressly distinguishes between theoretical and practical reason (sophia or epistemé and phronesis), he nevertheless adopts Plato’s differentiation between rational and non-rational desires in order to explain impulses to action (Aristot. Eth. Nic. 1,13; 6,2). Human action is determined by the resolve (prohairesis), which, as bouleutike drexis (‘ratiocinative desire’) or orektike bovileusis (‘desiderative reason’; Aristot. Eth. Nic. 3,5; 6,2), links reason and desire. The problem of so-called ‘weakness of will’, traced back to Socrates [2] (Pl. Prt. 352a-7e: hetton einai; cf. akratia: Pl. Grg. 525a and regularly in the late writings: Pl. Ti. 86d; Leg. 886a), remains for Aristotle, too, a question of lack of knowledge under the influence of irrational — desire (Aristot. Eth. Nic. 7,6: akrasia). Aristotle discusses ‘freedom ofwill’ in terms of the sense in which we are responsible for our actions (&’hutv/ eph’hemin; Aristot. Eth. Nic. 3,53 [5]): freedom of will presupposes on the one hand the absence of compulsion (bia), and, on the other, knowledge of the circumstances of the action. Il]. HELLENISTIC PHILOSOPHY

The eph’hémin is also central to debates between the Hellenistic schools of philosophy on the reconcilability of determinism and human responsibility [3]. Only in

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Late Antiquity does the conception develop of a will in the sense of an autonomous psychological capacity. This change is due, on the one hand, to controversies between later Stoics ( Necessity E.) and Aristotelians [x], and, on the other, to the beginnings of the debate with Judaism and Christianity, which assumes an absolute will on the part of God [2; 4]. Bovlésis, used to describe a mental power independent of understanding and desire, is not yet found in Plotinus or the early

(S. caprea L.), almond-leafed willow (S. triandra L.) and purple willow (S. purpurea L.), all of which grow near water (cf. Hor. Carm. 2,5,7 f. and Ov. Met. 10,96: amnicola), as well as the greyleaf willow (S. glauca L.) which grows in the mountains. The weeping willow (S. babylonica L.) was probably not known in Antiquity. Hom. Il. 21,350 mentions a willow on the bank of the river > Scamander; Hom. Od. 10,510 mentions them in the Underworld with the epithet @Aecinaemoc/ 6lesikarpos (‘fruit-shedding’, quoted in Theophr. Hist. pl. 3,1,3 and Plin. HN 16,110). This was because the masculine catkins were thought to be fruits. In fact, the plant propagates vegetatively by root suckers or cuttings (Theophr. ibid. 3,1,1). The cultivation of willows was popular in Italy owing to their many uses — e.g. the canes for basketwork — and was regarded as profitable (Cato Agr. 1,7: salictum, ‘willow-planting’, quoted in Varro, Rust. 1,7,9; Plin. HN 16,176). Columella 4,30,2-7 gives precise directions for growing. Most frequently the raffia was used for tying up vine shoots (e. g. Columella 4,30,2 and 11,2,92; in 4,13,2 it is thought to be unsuitable,

WILL

Greek Church Fathers; more frequently, however, in later — Neoplatonism (Procl. Theologia Platonica 1,73,21 and 5,60,18; Nemesius, De natura hominum 30,284 T17O).

IV. ROMAN PHILOSOPHY AND LATIN CHRISTIANITY Unlike Greek, Latin, with voluntas, had from early on an expression available for an undifferentiated, psychological capacity of ‘willing’. Although — Cicero avoids the expression in his philosophical writings, in favour of reproducing eph’*hémin with in nobis, in nostra potestate (Cic. Fat.), or prohairesis with arbitrium, > Lucretius [III 1] uses the term libera voluntas (‘free will’) in his defence of an Epicurean position, and ~» Seneca [2] frequently uses voluntas in discussing Stoic theory (Sen. Ep. 16,1,8; 95,57,1-3). But, for a theory

of the will in the full sense, we have to wait for > Augustine’s juxtaposition of the divine and the human will [2; 4]. The question of > freedom (II.), of course, is associated not with the will, but, as in Greek, with the resolve (prohairesis; Augustine: De libero arbitrio voluntatis, ‘On the free resolve of the will’). Augustine’s conception is taken up by later theologians, and developed to the full in the Summa Theologiae of Thomas Aquinas [4]. + Epictetus

[2]

B; — Ethics;

— Fate;

— Freedom;

+ Practical Philosophy; — Predestination, theory of II.; — Soul, theory of the 1S. BosziEn, The Inadvertent Conception and Late Birth of the Free Will Problem, in: Phronesis 1998, 133-175 2 A.Dinte, The Theory of Will in Antiquity, 1982 3 B. INwoop, Ethics and Human Action in Early Stoicism, 1985 4C.Kaun, Discovering the Will, in: J. M. Ditton, A.A.Lonc (eds.), The Question of Eclecticism 1988, 23 4259 5 A.Kenny, Aristotle’s Theory of the Will, 1979

61T.JAHN, Zum Wortfeld Seele-Geist in der Sprache Homers, 1987 7 A. WirsTRAND, Die griechischen Verba fir wollen, in: Eranos 1942, 16-36 8 B. WILLIAMS, Shame and Necessity, 1993. D.FR.

Willow. In ancient sources, Greek itéa/itéa and its related forms, f oiobo/oisya (Poll. 7,176), } &dinn/heliké (especially in Arcadia, according to Theophr. Hist. pl. 3,13,7) and Latin salix each designate in a non-specific way (cf. the descriptions in Theophr. I.c.; Plin. HN 16,174-177) one of the species of the Salicaceae family growing around the Mediterranean. Its many forms include the white willow (S. alba L.), crack willow (S. fragilis L.), basket willow (S. viminalis L.), goat willow

however) and the canes served for weaving baskets (for bees: Columella 9,6,1) and other receptacles (Theophr. ibid. 5,7,7) and even for shields (Thuc. 4,9,1; Theophr.

ibid. 5,7,7;cf. Verg. Aen. 7,632 f.). The wood was made into slats or wedges, e.g. for an oil press. The copious shoots from pruned trees (Theophr. ibid. 4,16,2; Plin. HN 16,175) were fed to animals, and the flowers pro-

vided bees with nectar and pollen. The leaves, which have an astringent effect, the bark (containing among other things salicylic acid, which reduces fever and was still being used for preserving food up until the 2oth cent.) and the sap of the willow were prescribed as medicines to be taken internally for eye diseases, headaches and earache, as well as diseases of

the intestines, and externally for skin diseases and gout (Plin. ibid. 24,56-58; Dioscorides 1,104 WELLMANN = 1,135 BERENDES). M.ScuusTER, s.v. Weide, RE 8 A, 582-590.

C.HU.

Wills and testaments [1] (Religion) see

+ Bible; + Christianity;

+ New Tes-

tament Apocrypha; — Septuagint; > Testamentary literature; > Vulgate [2] (History of law) I. GENERAL Pornts

Ill. GREECE

II. MippDLE East

IV. RoME

I. GENERAL POINTS Testament (from the Latin testamentum in the sense of the final will made before witnesses; see below IV.) denotes a unilateral ‘last will and testament’ (or, in common English parlance, ‘will’), by which an heir is

appointed, or a person envisaged by the legal system to be an heir excluded from inheritance. The Roman will is the model for the will in European jurisdictions to the present day. The prerogative to dispose of one’s wealth

637

638

and inheritance freely and irrevocably is neither selfevident nor unrestrictedly recognized in all legal systems. The question of disposability relates to the importance of the perpetuation of the family in religious and social systems. The will is often associated with specific forms for its drafting and for its reading after accrual of the inheritance. Another method of settling an inheritance was by -+ adoption, which already existed in the

end of the New Kingdom, demotic marriage contracts (+ Demotic law) commonly included agreements by which the husband transferred his entire present and future wealth to his wife, ultimately in trusteeship in favour of their children [10. 78 f.; rx. 56f.]. Inheritance agreements are then also found in Graeco-Egyptian marriage contracts [8; 9]. Demotic ‘wills’ occurred, again under Greek influence [6. 59f.].

WILLS AND TESTAMENTS

Ancient Orient. C. JEWISH LAW Il. MrpDLE East A. ANCIENT ORIENT

B.EGypt

C. JEwIsH LAW

A. ANCIENT ORIENT The - cuneiform laws assumed the succession of relatives, and thus basically blood heirs (cf. > Civil law

I. C.). Accordingly, they allowed for no freely revocable, final dispositions in favour of non family-members, in the sense of a will; provisions deviating from the customary manner of dividing the inheritance were restricted to such gifts and divisions as were made by the testator before death (with limitations protective of his interests), or in the event of the death of an heir. The disinheritance of sons was possible with qualifications. Non-family-members had to be incorporated into the family by a legal transaction (mainly adoption and marriage). The content and typical legal nature of final disposals of assets differ according to period and place, both in principle and in individual cases. Examples are the way childless hierodules (+ Hierodouloi), by virtue of their status, made over their estate to another hiero-

dule (Old Babylonian; [4. 81-5]), the Old Assyrian wills (2oth/r9th cents.) that, for example, gave separate

Originally, only intestate inheritance existed in Jewish law (+ Civil law III. C.). The ‘last will and testament’ (sawwa’), usually associated with the deathbed > blessing, consisted predominantly of instructions for life (e.g. Jer 3 5:6—-10; cf. also Gen 27:1-40). Only as the law developed further did dispositions of wealth in the sense of instructions for the division of an inheritance emerge, above all in association with the > Hellenization of Judaism; Greek influence is reflected in, e.g., dejatika (Babylonian Baba Bathra fol. 152b; from diaOhxn; diatheke) [1; 20]. > Civil law I.-IIL.; + MarriaGE 1 M.Conn, s. v. T., in: I. ELBOGEN (ed.), Jiidisches Lexi-

kon, vol. 4.2, 1927, 923 f.,

2M.J. GeLter,

Marriages, Wills and Leases of Land. Some Notes on the Formulae

of

61.MrsicH,

Demotic

Contracts,

Untersuchungen

in:

zur

[2],

parative des institutions 59), 1992

8 H.-A. RUPPRECHT,

lonian gifts in the event of death (6th/5th cents.) [21.

American

payment (s/3 db} hd), which mimicked a purchase (e.g. [x1. 57-60; 10. 81-3, 76-9]; [14]-[17]; [3]). From the

des

Alten Reiches, 1968 7 Actes a cause de mort, vol. 1: Antiquité (Recueils Société Bodin pour Vhistoire com-

papirologica. FS R. Roca-Puig, 1987, 307-311

B. EGypt Although there was no will in the real sense (cf. — Civil law II. B.), Egyptian law did provide for unilateral, revocable disposition in the event of death, in the form of the ‘domestic certificate’ (jmt-pr; for a general differentiation of terms: [6. 131-46; 3]), attested from the 3rd Dynasty (c.2635-2570) onwards. Its actual purpose was the transfer of ownership of significant items, but a particular use was in transactions under family law: the transfer inter vivos of portions of a man’s estate to his wife and other family members, disinheritance, gifts subject to burden in the event of death, determination of a future share, or transfer to a trustee of the task of allocating shares in the inheritance. Dispositions were revoked by a similar document. The jmtpr disappeared towards the end of the New Kingdom (c.1070 BC), to be replaced by the record of money

58-78

Hausurkunde

consideration to a wife or daughter in the priesthood, and were read formally [19], and wills from > Nuzi (15th/14th cents., tuppi Simti; e.g. [13]), or Neo-Baby17-41]. These dispositions entailed no release from the provisions of family law.

H. MaAcn-

LER (eds.), Legal Documents of the Hellenistic World: Papers from a Seminar, 1995 3K.B. GODECKEN, s. v. Imet-per, LA 3, 141-145 4/J.Kuma, Untersuchungen zum altbabylonischen Erbrecht, 1940 5 C.J. MarTIN,

Ehevertrag und Erbrecht, in: S. JANERAS (ed.), Miscellanea 9 Id.,

Zum Ehegattenerbrecht nach den Papyri, in: Bull. of the Soc. of Papyrologists

22,

1985,

291-295

10 E.Semp1, Agyptische Rechtsgeschichte der Saiten- und Perserzeit, *1968 11 1d., Einfithrung in die agyptische Rechtsgeschichte bis zum Ende des Neuen Reiches, 1957 12 S.H. SmitH, Marriage and Family Law, in: [2], 46-57

13 E.A. Spetser, A Significant Will from Nuzi, in: JCS 17, 1963, 65-71 14A.THEODORIDES, L’acte a cause de mort dans l’Egypte pharaonique, in: [7],9-27

15 Id., Le

testament dans l’Egypte ancienne, in: RIDA 3° sér. 17, 1970, 109-216 (repr. in: [18], 409-508)

16 Id., Le tes-

tament d’Imenkh4ou, in: JEA 59, 1968, 149-154 (repr. in: [18], 509-516) 171d., Le testament de Naunakhte, in: RIDA

3° sér. 16, 1966, 32-70 (repr. in: [18], 517-558)

18Id., Vivre de Maat. Travaux

sur le droit égyptien

19 C. Witcke, Assyrische T., in: ancien, 2 vols., 1995 ZA 66, 1976, 196-233 20R.YaRON, Acts of Last Willin Jewish Law, in: [7], 29-45 21M.San Nico1o et al.

(eds.), Neubabylonische Rechts- und Verwaltungsurkunden, vol. 1, 1935. JO.HE.

II]. GREECE The Greeks may be regarded as the real inventors of the will in Europe. In the > diatheke they invented an instrument that, in the course of time, led to ever greater freedom for the testator in settling the inheritance of his

639

640

wealth. > Solon [1] himself is supposed to have created an inheritance law for — Athens [1]. At that time (beginning of the 6th cent. BC), there was the possibility of drawing up a will, but only if the testator had no issue. The fully developed will, on the other hand, is known from the Hellenistic Period out of Egypt [2]. There is, of course, no evidence that the diatheké had any direct influence on the will in Roman law, for instance via the Greek culture of > Magna Graecia

Imperial sources (Gai. Inst. 2,104; Ulp. 20,2. 95 cf. Isid. Orig. 5,24,12) describe the ritual as follows: in front of five witnesses and a ‘bearer of the scales’, a testator

WILLS AND TESTAMENTS

(Southern Italy). — Succession, laws of 1 A.R. W. Harrison, The Law of Athens, vol. 1, 1968,

149-155 2H.-A.RuppRECHT, Kleine Einfiihrung in die Papyruskunde, 1994, 111 f. GS.

IV. ROME A. ORIGIN AND FORMS

do, ita lego, ita testor, itaque vos Quirites testimonium

B. PERSONAL CONDITIONS

AND PERMITTED CONTENT C. LEGAL IMPLICATIONS D. WILLS AND TESTAMENTS AFTER THE 6TH CENT. AD

transferred his wealth to a familiae emptor (‘purchaser of the family’, i.e. of the entire inheritance, including people), who took the inheritance into his trusteeship with the words Familiam pecuniamque tuam endo mandatela tua custodelaque mea esse aio, eaque, quo tu iure testamentum facere possis secundum legem publicam, hoc aere aéneaque libra esto mihi empta (“I affirm that, by your instructions, your family and your material property are under my trusteeship, and will be acquired by me in order that your testament might have legal effect, in accordance with the people’s law [i.e. the Twelve Tables]”). The testator also spoke during the ritual: Haec ita, ut in his tabulis cerisque scripta sunt, tta

E. CULTURAL SIGNIFICANCE

A. ORIGIN AND FORMS The will in Rome, in the sense of the last will and testament, had its origins under the Monarchy (prior to c.600 BC). Anyone who had no natural heirs (> Sui heredes) could appoint an heir before the people assembled in their curiae (— Curiata lex), an event that took place for this purpose twice annually (perhaps 24 March and 24 May; — Calendar B. 4.) [2. 447f.; 3. 105 f.]; the assembly delivered its decision by means of a law (Gai. Inst. 2,101-3; Ulp. 20,2; Gell. NA 15,27,3). Appointment of an heir by comitial testament was probably an adapted form of adrogatio (> adoption of a ‘citizen not subject to the paternal power of another’), subject to the suspensive condition that the heir should survive the testator. Outside those two days, only an emergency testament was possible in front of the army prepared for war (in procinctu, Gai. Inst. 2,101; Fest. p. 294,3-9; Paul. Fest. pp. 67,15-18; 96,28-9; Vell. 2,5,3: TA2B Ex Cics Nat, D239):

Testament by > mancipatio (testamentum per aes et libram, ‘testament by copper and scales’) was permitted by the Twelve Tables (> Tabulae duodecim): 5,3 Uti legassit super pecunia tutelave suae rei, ita ius esto, “As

he has disposed of his rights and prerogatives in respect of his possessions, so shall it be by law”. The testator could now make individual dispositions (++ Legatum) in respect of his affairs in the form of a mancipatio [3. 10721], with exactly the same effect (ius esto) as if a ruling had been made by the magistrate entitled to cre-

mihi perhibetote (“I give and bequeath this as it is written in these wax tablets, and say it before witnesses, and so, Roman citizens, bear witness for me.”). During his affirmation (+ Nuncupatio), the testator referred to

sealed wax tablets (> Tabulae privatae) on which he had already written his dispositions, so that the contents of the will itself remained secret until his death. The sources make it apparent that, although it was usual to draw up a written will, this had to be given force of law by the ritual affirmations of the familiae emptor and the testator. In actual fact, a purely oral testament, in which the dispositions were directly stated in front of the witnesses, was sufficient (historical references [1. 62°, 653, 72773 2. 44975; 3. 680" **]). It is possible to conclude from this that dispositions were not originally written down and incorporated in the ritual in documentary form, and that the testament by mancipatio in the period of the Twelve Tables always took spoken form. The familiae emptor was perhaps initially the heir himself, and later on in all probability a kind of > executor; in the Imperial Period he was a purely formal figure, who had nothing to do with the execution of the dispositions contained in the will or testament. The strict form of the affirmation was adhered to into the 2nd cent. AD, and a demonstrable formal error rendered a will null and void. From Caesar’s time onwards, soldiers were able to testate in any form they desired [3. 681]. -» Antoninus [1] Pius decreed that, even in ius civile (Gai. Inst. 2,120), proof of a formal error had no force against a will bearing the seals of seven witnesses; with this, the written will was no longer a document in evidence, but became constitutive, and the spoken was replaced by the written form [2. 451; 3. 680].

ate ius by simple declaration (— Ius A. 1.). From about

the 4th/3rd cents. BC, heirs could also be appointed and slaves liberated (» Manumission) by mancipatio (Dig. 50,16,120), so that the comitial testament fell into disuse. The testamentum in procinctu probably vanished in the 2nd cent. BC [3. 107]. From about the 2nd cent. BC, the testament by mancipatio was the only form of will under Roman law.

B. PERSONAL CONDITIONS AND PERMITTED

CONTENT The making of a will depended upon the testator’s active testamentary capacity (testamenti factio activa): Roman citizenship (— Civitas; non-citizens could testate according to the law of their home country), freedom from the power of a father (cf. > Patria potestas),

641

642

and majority; in the Late Republic, women could make a will with the agreement of their guardian, and from

C. LEGAL IMPLICATIONS A will was ineffective from the outset in the event of formal errors, the testator’s lack of testamentary capacity, or non-appointment of an heir; it became ineffective if it was withdrawn, if a son was passed over (— Praeteritio), in the event of loss of testamentary capacity, or if none of the appointed individuals actually came to

the time of Hadrian (AD 117-138) without restriction

[3. 683]. Only Roman citizens could be included in the will (testamenti factio passiva, ‘passive testamentary capacity’), plus the testator’s own slaves if they were freed under the same will. Bequests to those subject to a father’s power, and bequests to slaves of other households, reverted to the particular father or master [3. 683 f.]. The + lex Voconia (169 BC) forbade the nam-

ing of women of the rst census class as heirs; the /eges Furia (c.200 BC), Voconia and Falcidia (41 BC) restricted the permitted size of legacies (according to the lex Falcidia: three quarters of the estate); under the > lex Iulia et Papia (AD 9), bequests to the unmarried and the

childless were forfeited in favour of fathers or the state treasury (+ Legatum; + Caducum). A will might include children yet to be born (> Postumus [2]). The permissible contents of a will were the appointing of heirs, disinheritances, bequests, manumissions

and guardianships. The appointment of an heir (or universal successor: Titius heres esto; ‘Titius is to be heir’) was seen as the

indispensable prerequisite and cornerstone of any will (Gai. Inst. 2,229); dispositions written prior to the

appointment of an heir were ineffective; if no appointment existed, or all appointees lapsed and no replacements were appointed, the will and all dispositions contained in it became irretrievably ineffective (+ Vacantia bona). This rule may perhaps have an historical explanation: the comitial testament under the Monarchy permitted only the appointment of an heir, without which it was naturally ineffective. The testament by mancipatio under the Twelve Tables initially served only to make bequests, and thus cannot have known this rule. When, subsequently, the appointment of heirs was also permitted in a testament by mancipatio, this new aspect was accorded such importance that, from then on, no will was conceivable without it [3. 1077’, 686]. With time, the strictness of the rule relaxed in individual instances [2. 454; 3. 6867]. Legally appointed heirs could be disinherited without further ceremony (- Exheredatio). The effect of terms in a will might be related to real property or in personam (-> Legatum); settlements might be entailed (-» Fideicommissum) either within or

outside the will, and reversionary settlements (> Substitutio) might also be arranged by entail. + Manumissions could be directly decreed (Stichus liber esto; ‘Stichus is to be free’), so that the slave became free immediately upon the death of the testator, or imposed by way of entail on an appointee under the will (so-called fideicommissaria libertas) [3.294 f.]. In principle, guardianships (Titium liberis meis, uxori meae tutorem do; ‘I appoint Titius guardian of my children and my wife’; cf. also — Tutela [1] III.) could be decreed only in respect of sui heredes, but the practice subsequently extended to other cases [3. 354-5]. The will could be amended by ~ codicilli.

WILLS AND TESTAMENTS

inherit (owing to prior death or renunciation; > Abstentio), and no substitute heir (+ Substitutio) existed [3. 690ff.]. If only some of the appointed heirs fell

away, and no substitutes had been appointed in their place, either the will lapsed (- Caducum), or the portion due to the missing heirs accrued to those that remained (-> Succession, laws of III. D.) [3. 690 ff., 725,

729-30]. Inheritance under a will, like any other inheritance, fell to a domestic heir immediately upon the testator’s death (> Succession, laws of III. B.; > Sui heredes); he could refrain from inheriting; an external heir had to take up his inheritance (> Abstentio, > Aditio hereditatis, > Immiscere). If a sole heir was appointed provisionally upon a condition, the estate was without subject until that condition came to apply (hereditas iacens); in the interim, slaves belonging to the estate could substantiate rights and duties for and against the future heir. An heir might also decline civil inheritance in respect of an estate, and instead apply to the > praetor to be included in the inheritance on the basis of a seven-seal testament (— bonorum possessio secundum tabulas). Anyone, having been appointed as an heir, whose legacy was subject to a testamentary gift, but who, at the same time, was entitled as a statutory heir (— Intestatus), could, if a domestic heir, step down, if an external heir refrain from taking up his bequest, so as to receive the inheritance as a statutory heir, and thus unimpeded by the dispositions of the will. The praetor obliged such an heir to fulfil the dispositions of the will if he should prove to have acted deceitfully [3. 747]. If either a son subject to the power of a father or a > postumus (‘posthumously born child’) was neither appointed nor disinherited in the will, the will with all its dispositions was ineffective, and statutory inheritance came into play (cf. intestatus); if other domestic heirs (sui heredes) were overlooked, they received a portion of the estate, while the will remained in other respects effective. Upon application, the praetor brought overlooked domestic heirs or emancipated children (who, under ius civile,

were not statutory heirs) into the inheritance (bonorum possessio;

-» Succession, laws of III. E.;

-» Praeteritio)

[3. 705-9]. A > patronus to whom his > freedman had not left half of his estate could also apply for bonorum possessio contra tabulas (‘against the will’), unless the freedman had appointed his own children as heirs [3. 708f.; 6. r11ff.]. Even if the freedman had appointed his own children, the lex Papia allowed the patron a proportionate share as his rightful inheritance under civil law [6. 115 ff.]. A will could be entirely invalidated by a > querela inofficiosi testamentt.

643

644

The lex Iulia de vicesima hereditatium (AD 6), in order to protect the five percent inheritance tax provided for by its terms, introduced a procedure for the reading of the will; from this time, proof of a will’s effectiveness was demanded at the time of its reading.

sources, inscriptions and papyri of the entire period of Roman Antiquity [1. 29 ff. 3. 6799, 477, 608 (on §160%)]. The sources provide a lively picture of the Roman testator pondering his bequests to family members, friends, and, in benevolent - endowments, also the generality of Romans (- Legatum). The nobility saw bequests to the emperor as a bounden duty, and the sums bequeathed flowed back to the general population via the services supported by the imperial treasury [5. 178]. It was in his will that a Roman passed judgement over his fellows, while representing himself as being aware of his duty, so that posterity in turn would be able to give a favourable judgement of him [5. 178 f.]. — Codicilli; + Fideicommissum; > INHERITANCE LAW;

WILLS AND TESTAMENTS

D. WILLS AND TESTAMENTS AFTER THE 6TH cENT. AD The law of Justinian and common Roman law knew the written will with seven seals, the will spoken before seven witnesses, and the public will drawn up before an official, as well as the simplified emergency will [4. 47982; 7. 220-31]; the autograph (holograph) will occurred only in the Western part of the Empire (and was not reintroduced until the Modern Period) [4. 481]. Requirements governing testamentary capacity and the appointment of heirs were relaxed [4. 485 ff., 531 ff.]; posthumous offspring born outside the family could now be appointed (Cod. Iust. 6,48,1), and the possibility created of a family entail over four generations (Nov. 159,23; > Postumus [2]) [4. 554]. Iustinianus [1]

removed the classic rule that the appointment of an heir must stand at the head of all final testamentary dispositions (Inst. Iust. 2,20,34; Cod. Iust. 6,23,24; AD 528),

and relaxed the requirement that the will should include the effective appointment of an heir at all: in the event that appointment of an heir was ineffective, the will remained otherwise effective as a bequeathing instrument (Nov. 115,4,9) [4. 490f., 521]. The lex Falcidia, reserving a quarter of the estate for the appointed heir, remained in force. The scope of the — querela inofficiosi testamenti was extended; if a dependant received a quarter share by means of the querela, the will remained in other respects effective [4. 518]. The caduciary law was finally abolished in 533 (Const. Tanta 6b; confirmed by Cod. Just. 6,51). The types of bequest were rationalized (Cod. 6,43,2), although the differing terms in the sources were not reconciled [4. 553; 7. 574 f.].

+ Legatum; > Succession, laws of 1 E.CHAmpLIN, Final Judgments, 1991 2 HonseELL/ Mayer-MALy/SELB, 447-462 3 Kaser, RPR, vol. 1, 105-109, 678-694 4KasER, RPR, vol. 2, 477-497 5 U. MANTHE, Review of [1], in: Gnomon 73, 2001, 177179 6H.L. W. Netson, U. MANTHE, Gai Institutiones

Ill 1-87, 1992 +7 B. WINDscHEID, TH. Kipp, Lehrbuch des Pandektenrechts, vol. 3, 91906, 213-330. M. AMELOTTI, I] testamento romano attraverso la prassi documentale, vol. 1, 1966; KARLOWA, vol. 2, 847-879; B. KUBLER, s. v. T. (B), RE 5 A, 985-1010; P. Voci, Diritto

ereditario romano, vol. 2, *1963, 64-103; Id., Linee storiche del diritto ereditario romano I: Dalle origini ai Severi, in: ANRWII 14, 1982, 392-448; Id., II diritto ereditario romano nell’eta del tardo impero 1 (I-IV secolo), part 1.1, in: lura 29, 1978, 17-113; part 1.2, in: FS C. San-

filippo, vol. 2, 1982, 655-735.; 2 (V secolo), in: SDHI 48, 1982, 1-125; A. WATSON, The Law of Succession in the Later Roman Republic, 1971, 8-84; WIEACKER, RRG, 326.

UM.

Wilusa. State recorded in the r4th-13th cents. BC by the Hittite tradition (Hittite Uilusa-/Uilussa-) in the northwest of Asia Minor, which was initially known to the Hittites at the end of the 15th cent. under the name

Assuwa (=A.). Its geographical location in the > Troad E. CULTURAL SIGNIFICANCE It is reported of Cato [1] Censorius that he regretted having spent one day of his adult life adidthétos (‘without a valid will?’ or: ‘without specific affairs?’; Plut. Cato maior 9); it is often inferred from this that there existed a customary obligation for every Roman male to draw up a will [2. 437°; 3. 5597]. But no great significance should be ascribed to Cato’s words [1. 45]. Of all the inhabitants of the Empire, only about one tenth possessed Roman citizenship, and of these perhaps half were adults; of these again, the female half could not draw up a will without the approval of their guardian (until the time of Hadrian), and probably tended not to do so. Probably very few of the remaining male adult citizens were so wealthy that it made sense for them to draw up a will at all [x. 42]. It is thus permissible to assume that, while a few millions of inhabitants of the Empire died each year, only some tens of thousands of them were testate when they did so. Only a few thousand wills are attested in the literary and juridical

(cf. + Hattusa II, map, and above all the maps in [2. 304-307]), which was proposed as early as 192.4 [6] and was able to be proved in 1997 on the basis of new evidence [8; 4], follows from W.’s close connexion with the sea [10. 603], from its geographical proximity to the island of Lazba/> Lesbos and from its immediate neighbourhood to the countries of -> Séha [5. 42-44, 5of.], Masa (eastern Mysia/Bithynia; Alaksandu Treaty § 6; see [7. 134]) and Karkisa. The ’A. List’ in the Hittite annals of Tudhalija I (c. 1420-1400 BC) [x. 158 f.] mentions the countries Uilusita- and Tru (u)isa- next to one another, so that the ‘country of Wilusiya/W.” (and equally the ‘country of Tru(w)isa’ only attested here) in the 15th cent. BC can be regarded as a political and administrative sub-unit of the A. state. The location of the state of W. in the Troad in itself has nothing to do with the identification of the names Uilus(s)a- in Hittite and (W)Ilios/Troté (> Troia) in Ho-

meric Greek. In the matter of its capital (not explicitly named in Hittite texts, but very likely of the same

645

646

name), however, it necessarily leads to identification

Winch {1] (Implement).

with the ruin mound of Hisarlik and its Hittite-period settlement stages of Troy VI and VIla as the only princely seat which fits the description and hence also justifies interpreting Uilus(s)a- and *Wilios as different adaptations of a still earlier form of a place name. The often raised objection, that the equation Uilus(s)a- = *Wilios exhibits discrepancies in terms of ‘sound laws’, in contrast, fails if only on a methodological basis, since foreign language place names are not adapted according to sound laws, but rather according to similar types of place name formation in the adapting language and/or the interpretations of popular etymology [8. 448%; 7. 110-112]. Itcan form no conclusive objection that in the Greek tradition the original names, W. and Tru(w)isa, which stand for different but neighbouring countries (and their capitals), have become a ‘double

monumental name’. The location of the state of W. in the Troad, pace [3. 117-119], is also not shaken by the fact that the Egyptian account of the battle of + Qadesh mentions in its place on the Hittite side the land of D-r-d-n-y [Dardaniya], whose name may have been continued in (the Homeric) > Dardani ([{r] and [2]). On the question of the historicity of the Trojan War (> Troy III), which in the 13th cent. BC, when W. wasa member state of the Hittite Empire, could only have been an Ahhiyawan-Hittite war, Hittite sources supply no clue of any kind. The use of writing in W., more specifically of > cuneiform script, is compellingly implied by the existence of the ‘Alaksandu treaty’, and moreover by § 11, 14, 15 of the text, where there is explicit discussion of exchange of written reports between W. and Hattusa [7. 136 f.]. The Troy Seal, inscribed in Hieroglyphic Luwian, with its mention of the official term ‘scribe’, suggesting a state administration, in contrast, has only a confirmatory function. ~ Asia Minor III C 1.; > Luwian; > Mira; > Troy 1 O. CARRUBA, Beitrage zur mittelhethitischer Geschichte I., in: SMEA 18, 1977, 137-174 2 Die Hethiter und ihr Reich, exhibition cat. Bonn, Berlin 2002 3 P. W. HarDER, Troia zwischen Hethitern, Mykenern und Mysern, in: Grazer Morgenlandische Studien 4, 1997, 97-140

4 J.D. Hawkins, Tarkasnawa King of Mira, in: AS 48, 1998, 1-31 5 PH. HouwINK TEN Cate, Sidelights on the Abhiyawa Question, in: Jaarbericht van het Voor-Aziatisch-Egyptisch Genootschaap 28, 1983-84, 33-79 6 P.KRETSCHMER,

Glotta

AlakSandus,

13, 1924, 205-213

Konig

von

ViluSa,

in:

7 J.Laracz, Troia und

Homer, 2001 8 F.STARKE, Troia im Kontext ... Kleinasiens im 2. Jahrtausend, in: Studia Troica 7, 1997, 447-

487.

9Id., Troia im Machtgefiige des 2. Jahrtausend

v. Chr.: Die Geschichte des Landes W., in: Troia. Traum

und Wirklichkeit (catalogue to exhibition Stuttgart etc.), 2001/2, 34-45 10 1d., Untersuchungen zur Stammbildung des keilschrift-luwischen Nomens, 1990. ES.

I. THe ANCIENT ORIENT ANTIQUITY

WINCH

II. CLASSICAL

I. THe ANCIENT ORIENT The winch, as a mechanical device for moving and lifting or lowering objects, is not attested archaeologically in Egypt nor in the Ancient Near East. However, its functional components, the spool with protruding crank arm (handspikes) for the application of muscle power (horizontal spool = reel, vertical spool = windlass), the pulley for transferring or diverting the applied force, the rope/hawser with the drum for winding and unwinding it, were already known. Egyptian (12th dynasty, beginning of the 2nd millennium BC) and NeoAssyrian reliefs (beginning of the 7th cent. BC) show heavy stone figures being transported utilising the laws of mechanics using levers, sledges, boards and rollers, and possibly also lubricants such as oil. RW. II. CLAssICAL ANTIQUITY

The winch (dvoc/6nos, dvioxoc/oniskos; Latin sucula) is first mentioned by Herodotus in connection with the construction of the Persian bridge over the Hellespont (480 BC; Hdt. 7,36,3). The force applied by human beings was enhanced by the leverage through the handspike. The subject is first treated in the Corpus Hippocraticum (> Hippocrates [6]): there, the winch is seen as one of the most effective (ioyvedtata/ischyrotata) implements invented by mankind, along with the wedge and the lever. On the Hippocratic bench, the winch served to apply tension to broken limbs. Compared to the direct application of human force, it had the advantage of being readily adjustable (Hippoc. De fracturis 31; cf. 13; Hippoc. De articulis 47; 72) and enabled the application of greater traction force. Using the results of his own analysis of circular motion, Aristotle [6] attempts in the Mechanics to explain the effect of the winch by means of the geometry of that motion, taking shaft and handspikes as the midpoint and radii of a circle (Aristot. Mechanica 3,850a-b). In the application of a given force, the radii of larger circles move faster, and cover a greater distance than those of smaller circles; therefore a force operates more efficiently, the further from the centre it is applied. On this basis, handspikes are used, and thin shafts reduce the force that needs to be applied (ibid. 13,852b). Inthe rst cent. AD, > Hero [1] of Alexandria names the winch as one of the five simple mechanical implements (with the lever, the block and tackle, the

wedge and the > screw), describing it as a horizontal beam held fast by two supports, with a centrally placed wooden disc that has holes for handspikes at its outer edge (Hero, Méchanika 2,1). The winch was used where it was necessary to transfer force over a distance (adjusting the direction in which the force was exerted by means of pulleys), where it was necessary to apply great forces, or where the

WINCH

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647

degree of force had to be precisely regulated, e.g.in combination with > lifting devices (Vitr. De arch. 10,2,110); in navigation; in > presses, in order to pull down the press beam (Cato Agr. 18f.), or in order to raise a weight that pulled down the beam (Hero, Méchanika 3,13-15); in siege craft (+ Catapult: Vitr. De arch. 10,10-12, esp. 10,1 1,1; wall-boring machines: Vitr. De arch. 10,13,7); at the birthing stool to ease the delivery in the case of difficult births (Sor. Gyn. 2,3; > Birth). The use of long handspikes to enhance the leverage effect in the use of presses (levers 2.40-5.40 m in length in Cato Agr. 19,2) gave rise to a danger of accidents; for this reason, Hero [1] recommended the use of screw presses (Hero, Méchanikd 3,15). A relief from Avezzano (1st cent. AD) depicts a large, vertical winch being operated by two men [1. fig. 139]; a winch-operated well is attested on a mosaic from Ravenna (The Samaritan Woman at the Well, Sant’Apollinare Nuovo, 6th cent. AD).

~ Lifting devices (with ill.); - Mechanics 1 Casson, Ships

2J.G. LANDELS, Engineering in the

Ancient World, 1978.

MPU.

Window I. ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGypT

II. GREECE AND

ROME

I. ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGYPT

Ancient oriental houses usually had small highly placed window slits. Internal spaces in larger architectural complexes required special > lighting by means of a clerestory or openable skylights in the ceiling. Findings in Egypt are in principle similar. Some wider window openings there had richly decorated grilles. D. ARNOLD, s.v. Fenster, Lexicon der agyptischen Baukunst, 80-82; G.Lricx, A Dictionary of Near Eastern Architecture, 1988, 242-244. US.

II. GREECE AND ROME As a means of = lighting internal spaces of a building or as a constructional measure for allowing a view of the surrounding area, windows gradually become common in the architecture of the Mediterranean lands from the middle of the 2nd millennium onwards and replace formerly current light and ventilation openings in the upper part of a wall, in the shelter of the roof overhang. Windows are found in Minoan — palaces and citizens’ houses [5; 16. 8-20 with fig. 8] just as in early Italian/Etruscan and Geometric/Greek > houses; to what extent, however, Etruscan burial architecture [15. 164-166], numerous surviving 8th- and 7th-cent. BC clay models of houses [17. 153-154] and clay urns shaped as houses, usually not very informative with regard to windows [1. 86 with ill.; 15. 164], reflect the real profane architecture of the early period, the structure of which has rarely survived, is as disputed in detail as the degree of exactness of later renditions in extremely varied visual media (e.g painting, mosaics, relief [7]).

10cm

°o

House model, Samos; Vathy Arch. Museum inv. no. C 25

(1st half 6th cent. BC), elevation.

Greek profane architecture of the Geometric, Archaic and Classical periods has only rarely been sufficiently well preserved that the certain position of a window can be demonstrated in archaeological findings by a gap in the rise of a wall; the presumably wooden construction of window frames and casements remains largely unknown [14. 107-108]. Various building inscriptions of the sth and 4th cents. BC describe windows with a term derived from that for a door, Ougic, Ougides (thyris, thyrides) [11. 11-12; EBERT]. The ‘Pinakotheke’ of the

Propylaea in Athens was illuminated by two oblong windows framed by Doric pilasters; ashlar houses in Ammotopus/Orraon

(Epirus) [11.

11-12], some

pre-

served up to just below the roof, reveal small window openings with massive stone lintels and embrasures, some at quite considerable height in the walls. Greek + temples in contrast were only rarely lit by windows; well-known exceptions are the Erechtheion on the Acropolis in Athens with its large window openings in the western side and the two small windows, once probably closed with stone slabs, in the eastern wall [19. 208-215], possibly also the > Parthenon (window in the eastern wall of the cella [9]) and the Temple of the Athenians on Delos ({13. 220-227], comprehensively: [20]). All these window openings, analogous to

649

650

WINDOW

ii ii

WHBGBMHLAE. Athens, Erechtheion (421-409 /06 BC), east-side windows.

TOA

4m

Delos, Temple of Apollo |

of the Athenians (425-417 BC), east front

with window openings.

> doors, were probably closed by means of large-mesh grilles of wood or metal or possibly stone slabs, those of profane domestic architecture also predominantly with wooden shutters. Windows of late Classical and Hellenistic peristyle houses as a rule looked out onto a courtyard, only rarely onto a street and into the public space; they are then placed high in the wall in such a way that people cannot see inside [8. 290; 11. 11-16]. With the development in the early Hellenistic Period of multi-storeyed wall architecture and and the accompanying novel patterns

of facade structure, the window acquired a new function as a component of walls and facades [10. 253256], which found a seamless continuation in Roman representational architecture and made the window an architectural structural element of fundamentally equal rank to the niche (e.g on the Porta Nigra in Trier). Windows in Etruscan and Roman houses in grouped constructions within an > insula are as a rule oriented inwards, e.g onto a garden or a peristyle; windows opening onto a street, by contrast, are small and placed comparatively high in the wall. In Roman > villae,

652

651

WINDOW

nin.

18 K. SCHNEIHausmodelle, 15. Beih. MDAI(A), 1990 per, Villa und Natur. Eine Studie zur rémische Oberschichtkultur im letzten vor- und ersten nachchristlichen 19 L.SCHNEIDER, CH. HOKJahrhundert, 1995, 48-52 20 CH. KER, Die Akropolis von Athen, 1990, 208-215 SKRABEI, Fenster in griechischen Tempeln, in: W.-D. HEILMEYER, W. HOEPENER (ed.), Licht und Architektur, 1990,

aliaAlon

35-42

21 D.Spert, Glas und Licht in Architektur und

Kunst, in: W.-D.HEILMEYER, W.HOoEPENER (ed.), Licht 22 J.B. WARD-PERKINS, und Architektur, 1990, 61-71 C.HO. ‘Roman Imperial Architecture, 1970, 415-466.

ee

Winds I. METEOROLOGY

ifr GET EN

II. WIND

CULT

iL

de

I. METEOROLOGY A. EARLY CONCEPTIONS

THEORIES

C. WIND

B. ANEMOLOGICAL

ROSES

A. EARLY CONCEPTIONS 1

Verona, SW main gate (Porta dei Borsari), mid Ist cent. AD.

which from the late 2nd cent. BC onwards were ever more consciously located in the landscape and did not make merely passive use of the landscape panorama but consciously formed prospects even down to architectural details [3], windows acquire an important role as an instrument for guiding a constructed view or as a frame for natural phenomena such as sunrise or sunset (cf. e.g Pliny’s villa letters [4. 1-14, 201] and Cic. Att. 2,3,2 [3- 56-57 with note 131]); the numerous faux windows in Roman-Campanian > wall painting of the Second and Third Styles, which frame illusionistic garden or landscape pictures, can be understood in a similar sense [18. 48-52]. 1 M. CrisTorFAnl, Die Etrusker, 1985

2 D.Baatz, Fen-

sterglastypen, Glasfenster und Architektur, in: DiskAB 5, 1991, 4-13 3B.Fenr, Plattform und Blickbasis, in: MarbWPr 1969, 31-65

4R.FOrTSCH, Archaologischer

Kommentar zu den Villenbriefen des jiingeren Plinius, 1993 5 J.W. GraHaM, Windows, Recesses, and the Piano Nobile in the Minoan Palaces, in: AJA 64, 1960, 329-333 6R.GUNTHER, Wand, Fenster und Licht in der spatantik-friichchristlichen Architektur, 1965 7 W.HerBIG, Das Fenster in der Architektur des Altertums, 1929 und Stadt im 9 M. Korres, in: E. BERGER

47-54 1986

8 W.HOoOEPENER, E.L. SCHWANDNER, Haus klassischen Griechenland, 1986 Der Pronaos und die Fenster des Parthenon, (ed.), Parthenon-Kongref Basel 1982, 198.4,

10H.Laursr, Die Architektur des Hellenismus, 11 Cu. Loup, Griechische Hauser nach 348

v.Chr.: Hof, Fenster, Tiiren, in: W.-D. HEILMEYER, W. Ho-

EPFNER (ed.), Licht und Architektur, 1990, 1o-19 12 W.L. MacDona.p, The Architecture of the Roman Empire II], 1986

13 D. Merrens, Der Tempel von Sege-

sta und die dorische Tempelbaukunst des griechischen Westens in klassischer Zeit, 1984 14 W. MULLERWIENER, Griechisches Bauwesen in der Antike, 1988 15 F.PRayon, Friihetruskische Grab- und Hausarchitek-

tur, 1975

16 D.S. Ropertson,

Architecture, *1943

Greek and Roman

17 TH. SCHATTNER,

Griechische

In Antiquity, Greece with its many islands, and intimately connected with the sea, relied on the observation of the winds (&vewoc/dnemos, Latin ventus) that blow at various times of the year, because navigation (> Navi-

gation) for merchant ships through the Aegean and Mediterranean to Egypt and Magna Graecia was always important (except for the Spartans) [1]. > Homerus [1] already refers to the most prevalent winds, named after their direction of origin and their strength: a) the powerful north wind > Boreas (Bogéac/Boréas; Hom. Il. 9,5), blowing southwards from Thrace (Hom. Od. 19,200); b) the wind from the opposite, southerly, direction, > Notus (Notoc/Notos; following Favorinus in Gell. NA 2,22,14, the Greek name is derived from votic/notis, ‘moisture’ [2. 1,324f.]), also often violent; c) > Eurus (Evjeoc/Euvros, Hom. Il. 2,145), generally a south-easterly, and often mentioned in conjunction with the south wind; and d) the wind contrary to Eurus (Hom. Od. 5,332), i.e. the westerly or north-westerly + Zephyrus (Zépueoc/Zéphyros, the name has an apparent etymological connection with Codoc/zdphos, Hom. Od. 10,190, ‘gloom’, ‘the dark quarter’, i.e. the ‘land of darkness’ in contrast to where the sun rises).

B. ANEMOLOGICAL THEORIES ~ Anaximander (12 A 24 DK) and > Anaximenes [1] (13 A 19 DK) saw winds as currents of air and moisture of unknown origin. In the sth cent. BC, > Thrasyalces of Thasos postulated that these currents arose from the evaporation of water by the sun’s heat, and that this was why Boreas was cold, arising as it did in the regions of frosty chill, and why Notus was warm — despite its origin at the cold Antarctic South Pole proposed by + Anaxagoras [2], it had to cross the heat of Libya (Hippoc. Vict. 2,38 [4]). + Aeschylus [1] (fr. 193 METTE) was also aware of this theory. Observation of the etesian winds (— Etesiai) was important for explaining the prevalence of the north and south winds, which gave rise to Eurus and Zephyrus through the annual progression of the sun along the horizon, by

653

654

which Boreas was diverted towards the estival sunrise (NE) or sunset (NW) respectively. The same was hypothesized for the + Apheliotes (Asndudtng; Apélidtés) and the -> Argestes (Agyéotns; Argéstés), which supposedly derived from the deviation of Notus to the

A rival system for a wind map was that of + Timosthenes [2], known to us from — Agathemerus. Five of the twelve Aristotelian winds were given different names: Boreas for Meses, lapyx [8] in addition to Argestes, Libonotus for the nameless south-westerly wind and Euronotus for the nameless south-easterly. The centre point here was probably the author’s home, Rhodes, and the map was that of + Dicaearchus. > Eratosthenes is also said to have drafted a regular octagonal wind rose with Apeliotes, Boreas, Aparctias, Caurus, Zephyrus, Libs, Notus and Eurus (Ps.-Gal. commentary on Hippoc. Hum. [9]). This widely-known wind

hibernal sunrise (SE) and sunset (SW) respectively (Str.

1,2,21 with reference to Thrasyalces; Theophr. De ventis chapters 2 and 10). + Democritus [1] (68 A 93a DK) attributed the winds

to an excessive accumulation of atoms within too small avoid. - Aristoteles [6] (Mete. 1,13,349a 19-b 25), ina somewhat obscure reference, has the winds developing in the same way as rivers, out of small rivulets of amalgamating chthonic emanations. Theophrastus, who wrote his own treatise De ventis (‘On Winds’), modified

Thrasyalces’ theory inasmuch as he limited the effect of the - Sun to merely generating the movement of the winds through its warmth (Theophr. De ventis 15). The actual origin of the winds, he proposed, were local emanations (aveavVaurai; ibid. 24-26). According to Stoic

theory (cf. Sen. Q Nat. 5,1,1), compressed air possessed the intrinsic power of movement as wind; the dissipation of this compression could also cause the wind to drop toa calm. C. WIND ROSES Thrasyalces’ physical theory of two winds did not as yet envisage a wind rose. From the sth cent., > geography distinguished the four cardinal compass points by the winds (counterclockwise): towards Boreas, Zephyrus, Notus and Eurus (= Apeliotes on the world map of Ephorus [5]). Among the Romans, the equiva-

WINDS

rose formed the basis for other works, such as the ‘Tower of the Winds’ (see below II. B.) of Andronicus of Cyrrhus at Athens (description in Vitr. De arch. 1,6,4, cf. 1,6,9-11) and Varro’s Latin ‘Farmers’ Calendar’ in

Plin. HN 18,223-320. > Climate; > Energy B. 3.; > Navigation; > Pneuma; — Zone [2] 1 A.STANGE, Versuch einer Darstellung der griechischen Windverhaltnisse und ihrer Wirkungskreise, 1911 2 Frisk 3D1e1s/Kranz 4 W.H.S. Jones (ed.), Hippocrates, vol. 4: Regimen (De victu), 1931 (repr. 1992) 5 FGrH 70 F 30 =©66 W.H. Roscuer (ed.), Die hippokratische Schrift von der Siebenzahl, 1913 7GGM 2, 473,1-17. 8GGM2, 504,29 C.G. KUHN (ed.), Galenos, Opera omnia, 16,403

G.ScHMIDT, s.v. W., RE 8 A, 2211-2387

C.HU.

Il. WIND CULT A. INTRODUCTION B.GREECE C. ROME D. PERSPECTIVES OF RELIGIOUS HISTORY

lent names were Aquilo, Favonius, Auster and Eurus.

Varro’s proposal that the Greek loan-word Eurus be replaced with Volturnus (Sen. Q Nat. 5,16,4; Gell. NA 2,22,10) did not gain acceptance. There are seven winds in Hippoc. De hebdomadibus 3 [6], namely (beginning from the east) Apeliotes, Boreas, Arctias, Zephyrus, Lips (+ Libs), Notus and Eurus. To restore the under-

lying system of eight, Argestes must simply be inserted after Arctias. — Aristoteles [6] was the first to create the conditions for the design of a wind rose (according to ancient terminology, a Oéo1 dvéwwv/thésis anémon; Mete. 2,6,363a 21) and the categorization of the winds (divisiones ventorum, Vitr. De arch. 1,6,7) in association

with the sphericity of the earth and the climatic zones. The array of the winds was seen on a circular horizon from the observer’s point of view, which formed the centre at which two contrary winds would theoretically meet. Aristotle (Mete. 2,6,363a 21-b 27; cf. Plin. HN 18,333—-339) goes so far as to offer twelve winds (beginning from the east): Apeliotes (E), Caecias, Meses, Aparctias (= Boreas; N), Thrascias, Argestes, Zephyrus (W), Libs, a nameless wind (later: Leuconothus), Notus (S), a nameless wind (later: Phoenicias) and Eurus. The diagram to which the Greek letters in Aristotle’s text refer is lost.

A. INTRODUCTION There is little evidence of a coherent ‘wind cult’ in Classical Antiquity. There were, however, diverse local religious traditions about winds and their worship, often in conjunction with other meteorological phenomena such as rain (Ombroi: [21]), or in association with the Olympian gods of the Graeco-Roman > pantheon [1].

B. GREECE -» Linear B evidence [1. 23; 2. Bd. 1, Nr. 1 und 13] attests to a ‘Priestess of the Winds’ (anemo ijereja) as part of the public religion. A Minoan wind cult also seems possible [3. 16-27]. The genos of the Anemokoitai (‘Wind-lullers’) at Corinth (Hsch. s.v. &vepoxottat) may have had an equivalent with the family of the Heudanemoi at Athens [4. 293]: both family names may hint at local wind-appeasing cults. Ancient Near Eastern influence is possible: Akkadian deities such as [Star and Marduk also send winds [5. 5 50]. Acusilaus (FGrH 2 F 15) and Hesiod (Theog. 379 f.)

make > Zephyrus, > Boreas and -> Notus children of -» Eos. This triad of ‘friendly’ winds stood alongside the usual group of four, which also included -> Eurus (Hom. Od. 5,295). Other, destructive winds were descended from + Typhoeus (Hes. Theog. 869 f.). > Or-

WINDS

phism combined the two groups (Pherecydes 7 B 5 DK; Aristoph. Av. 695; [6. 441 f.]). Although Homer described > Aeolus [2] as the god of the winds (Hom. Od. 10,1 f.) and he was later localized on Lipari (Thuc. 3,88) or, with all the other winds, in Thrace (schol. Apoll. Rhod. 1,826), he was not generally associated with a cult. Rather, the major gods took the form of wind gods, in accordance with the structural principles of ancient > polytheism. > Zeus in particular, in his function as sky-god and weather-god, is closely associated with winds, storms and rain (Hom. Il. 12,25; Sol. fragment 13,17 f. West; Philostr. VA 4,30; Apoll. Rhod. 2,516 f.). He calms storm winds (Hom. Il. 5,522 f.) and sends favourable winds (Hom. Od. 5,176; 15,475). A Zeus Ourios (Zeus ‘granter of fair winds’) was already known at Athens in the sth cent. BC (Aesch. Supp. 594), and similar wind cults were in existence during the Persian Wars (Hdt. 7,178; 7,189; 7,191). Zeus Ourios had a temple by the Bosporus (Arr. Peripl. p. eux. 37; Anth. Pal. 12,53). Zeus also had the epithets Euanemos (‘sender of serene winds’: Paus. 3,13,8; Theoc. Id. 28,5) and possibly Boreios [7. vol. 3, 161 f.]. Even in Homer, however, other deities controlled the winds: > Athena (Hom. Od. 2,420; 5,383); + Apollo (Hom. Il. 1,479); + Calypso (Hom. Od. 5,268); > Circe (Hom. Od. 11,5 f.). Achilles may have sacrificed to the winds Boreas and Zephyrus (Hom. Il. 23,194 f.), but it was > Artemis who had a wind cult in Aulis (Aesch. Ag. 214 f.). Unlike the Olympian gods, the winds made spontaneous appearances (Apul. Met. 45354), which may explain that of the Homeric winds, only Boreas (Hdt. loc. cit.; Paus. 8,27,13; 8,36,6; Hsch. s.v. Bogecotat) and Zephyrus (Paus. 1,37,1: Athens) had personalized wind cults. There are also reports of generalized wind cults in Arcadia (Paus. 8,29,2), Corinth (Paus. 2,12,1) and Sparta (Fest. 190 L.). During the Hellenistic period, the religious tradition of the winds became more widely distributed. Cities gave names to winds (Aristot. fr. 250 ROsE = Ps.-Aristot. anémon thésis 973a x f.; Cic. Att. 7,2,13 cf. [8]), while research in mythography and cultic antiquities (Callim. fr. 404; fr. 615) led to poetic elaboration of the mythical material (Callim. Hecale fr. 321), esp. in regard to the traditional winds [9. 286 f.]. The octagonal so-called ‘Tower of the Winds’ at Athens, a horologium by Andronicus, which also served to define the winds from eight points of the compass (2nd/rst cents. BC: Varro,

656

655

Rust.

3,5,17;

[10. 188 f. nos.

12;

11. 2f.]), attests to the period’s technical and scientific interest in the winds (cf. above [I C]). The definition of

twelve winds gave a division of the sky into thirty segments [12. 2350 f.], but this figure was not canonical (Plin. HN 2,119). Offerings to the traditional gods in their wind-deity function also continued (Syll.3 1126, Delos, c. 100 BC: Zeus Ourios). The winds were rarely depicted in pre-Hellenistic art. Only Boreas and Zephyrus were occasionally represented separately [ro. 186 f.].

C. ROME At Rome, L. - Cornelius [I 65] Scipio dedicated a temple to the Tempestates (‘storm winds’) in 259 BC (ILLRP 3 10; [13; 14. 58 f.]). Winds were generally seen as divine (Fronto Epist. p. 217 VAN DEN Hout). Offerings were made, e.g. to > Iuppiter Sequadanus (= Ourios) on Delos (ILS 9237), Tempestati Iovis etc. (ILS

3060; 3061), or simply to the Tempestates (ILS 3933; 3935). On Roman speculation about the winds and their names, cf. [15. 518 f.; 8]. Influence from Italic traditions is probable: anafriss, ‘rain’ (according to VETTER no. 147,9) in Oscan ritual texts may also be translated as ‘winds’ [x6. vol. 1, 455 f.]. The twin connotations again indicate the close connection between winds and other meteorological phenomena. D. PERSPECTIVES OF RELIGIOUS HISTORY

Mythical traditions, such as Aeolus’ ‘sack’ containing the winds (Hom. Od. 10,19), combined in Antiquity

with the human aspiration to control the winds (e.g. Empedocles: Suda s.v. AwbxAou; Emp. 31 A r p. 278,3335; B 111 DK; Pythagoras: Porph. Vita Pythagorae 29; Apollonius of Tyana: Philostr. VA 4,13). The philosopher Sopater was executed by Constantine I (+ Constantinus [1]) for supposedly having calmed the winds and thereby prevented a supply fleet from reaching its destination (Eunap. VS 6,2,9-12). Approaches to controlling the winds in the > magical papyri (PGM 4,550 £.; 7,320 f.; cf. Apul. Met. 1,3) and the bothros (‘pit’) sacrifices of black animals for such purposes (17. 633 £.] have led to the modern view that ritual control of winds was ‘> magic’ and not ‘= religion’ [18. vol. 3, 57 f.; 19. 5f.; 3]. The supposedly ‘chthonic’ origin of the winds (— Chthonic deities) has also been discussed in this context [20. vol. 2, 845 f.]. However, such evaluations impose Judaeo-Christian concepts (Mk 4:35 f.) and/or problematic theories of ‘religious evolution’ on the wind cults of ‘pagan’ Antiquity. 1P.Mericc1, Das minoische B nach Ventris’ Entzifferung, in: Glotta 34, 1954/5, 12-37 2 J.CuHapwicket al. (ed.), Corpus of Mycenaean Inscriptions from Knossos, 1986 3R.Hampr, Kult der Winde in Athen und Kreta, 1967 4R.Parxer, Athenian Religion, 1996 5M.L. West, The East Face of Helicon, 1997. 6 N.DUNBAR (ed.), Aristophanes, Birds, 1995 7 A.Coox, Zeus, 1940 8 R.BOEKER, s.v. Windnamen, RE 8 A, 2288-2325 9 K.SpaNoupakIs, Philitas, 2002 10 E.SIMON, s.v. Venti, LIMC 8.1, 186-192 11J.v. FREEDEN, OIKIA KYPPESTOY, 1983 12 R.Borxer, s.v. Windrosen, RE 8 A, 2325-2381 13 A.ZIOLKOWSKI, s.v. Tempestates, LTUR 5,26f. 14P.Kruscuwirz (ed.), Carmina Saturnia Epigraphica, 2002 (with commentary)

15 R. REITZENSTEIN, Die geographischen Biicher Varros, in: Hermes 20, 1885, 514-552 16 R.voN PLANTA, Grammatik der oskisch-umbrischen Dialekte, 1892 17 P.STENGEL, Der Cult der Winde, in: Hermes 35, 1900,

627-635

18 F. Weicker, Einfluss der Luft und der

Winde (1832), in:Id., KS, 1850 19 W.FrepLeEr, Antiker Wetterzauber, 1931 20GRuppE 21 L. Rosert, Dédicaces de Byzance, in: Hellenica 9, 1950, 56-66

657

658

K.Neuser, Anemoi. Studien zur Darstellung der Winde und Windgottheiten in der Antike, 1982 CRP.

Wine (oivos/oinos; Lat. vinum). I. EGypt AND ANCIENT NEar East ANTIQUITY

WINE

8 P. MicHatowskI, The Drinking Gods: Alcohol in Mesopotamian Ritual and Mythology, in: s. [4], 27-44 9 W. WesTENDOR®, Koptisches Handwérterbuch, 1971. JRE.

II. CLASSICAL

I. EGypt AND ANCIENT NEAR East Archeological finds (excavations, pictorial representations in tombs) as well as Egyptian and Roman texts contain a plethora of information about the growing, production and use of wine in Egypt from the Early Period to the Ptolemaic-Roman Period. Wine (Egyptian irp; Coptic érp; Old-Nubian orpj/é; cf. in Sappho 5x tom beer — apparently played no role at all in cults or as a beverage of the kings [8. 32 f.]. Not until the beginning of the 2nd millennium, wine (Akkadian karanu) appears to have been

imported from the surrounding mountain regions of northern and eastern Iraq and from Northern Syria. Texts from — Ebla document a wine culture for the 24th cent. BC [3. 122-124]. Red and white as well as old and new wine are documented. The taste was described as comparatively ‘sweet.’ Texts from — Mari (x8th cent. BC) document that wine was chilled with imported ice for the king’s table [3. 248]. Grapes and vines are depicted on Neo-Assyrian palace reliefs (7th cent. BC) [6. 354 f.]. Mesopotamian texts contain no information about the growing and making of wine. In the rst millennium BC, wine was even sold by street vendors (Sa karanim) [1. 206]. 1 Chicago Assyrian Dictionary, vol. K, 1971, 202-206, s. v. karanu, a karanim 2 Ibid., vol. 5/3, 1992, 347 f., s.v. Suripu 3 W.J. Darsy et al., Food: The Gift of Osiris, 1977, esp. 551-618 4 P. FRONZAROLI, Osservazioni sul lessico delle bevande dei testi di Ebla, in: L.MILANO (ed.), Drinking in Ancient Societies, 1994, 121-127 5 J.-

J. GLassner, Les dieux et les hommes - Le vin et la biére en Mésopotamie ancienne, in: D. FOURNIER, S. D’ONOFRIO 6 B.HRoupa, Der (eds.), Le ferment divin, 127-146 7 CH. Meyer etal., s. v. Wein, WeinAlte Orient, 1998 krug, Weinopfer, Weintrauben, LA 6, 1169-1192

Il. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY A. VITICULTURE B. WINE TRADE PRODUCTION

C. WINE

D. WINE VARIETIES AND QUALITIES

E. WINE CONSUMPTION WINE

F, THE CULTIC USE OF

A. VITICULTURE 1. INTRODUCTION

2.GREECE 3. ROME AND THE IMPERIUM ROMANUM 4. LATE ANTIQUITY 5. WINE GROWING AND LABOUR 6. TRAINING THE GRAPEVINE 7. PRODUCTION FORMS AND YIELDS

1. INTRODUCTION The grapevine (&uehoc/ampelos; Lat. vitis), which

in its wild form probably originated in the Caucasus, belonged to the oldest cultivated plants in the Ancient Near East and in the Mediterranean region. Wine has been known in Greece from c. 2000 BC at the latest. Since wine, - grain and olive oil must be regarded as the staple foods of the ancients, viticulture was one of the most important parts of > agriculture throughout Antiquity. 2. GREECE Viticulture is documented relatively rarely for the Mycenaean Period; wine is not listed in the registers of food rations. In +> Knossos, however, wine inventories were recorded. In Homer’s epics, wine already appears as a common beverage (ottog xai oivoc/sitos kai oinos, ‘food and wine’: Hom. Il. 9,706; 19,161; cf. 5,341;

Hom. Od. 7,265); the Iliad offers an impressive description of Viticulture in this period (Hom. Il. 18,561-572). In the Archaic Period, viticulture was widespread throughout the eastern Mediterranean area (Histiaea: Hom. Il. 2,537; Arne: Hom. Il. 2,507; Lemnos: Hom. Il. 7,467 f.; Phrygia: Hom. Il. 3,184; less importantly the islands of Ithaca and Syria: Hom. Od. 1,193; 15,406; Onchestus: Hom. H. 4,186-188; Clarus: Hom. H. 9,5). The great importance of viticulture in the Classical Period is suggested by the frequent mention in historiography of the destruction of vines in times of war, by the great deal of attention that Xenophon [2] paid to viticulture (Xen. Oec. 19,1-12), and by the wide recognition of wine and its consumption in literary and philosophical texts. The fact that viticulture reached a high standard is suggested by the detailed instructions for the leaseholders of vineyards (IK 38/352) and by Theoprastus’ extensive presentation of viticulture (Caus. pl. 3,11-16). The Hellenistic kings were clearly interested in technical improvements and in intensifying viticulture, for instance through the introduction of new kinds of grapes. Instructive examples are Ptolemaic Egypt and, in particular, the Zeno Archive which documents the import of a great variety of grapes from the Greek area into the Fayoum (P Cairo Zen. I 59033; > Zeno

660

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[5]). A handbook about the treatment of grapes that was apparently copied by Zeno himself (PSI 6,624) attests to the use of technical literature in viticulture. 3. ROME AND THE IMPERIUM ROMANUM

climate was suitable: in Gallia, the northern edge of viticulture extended into the valleys of the Seine and the

While the Greeks introduced viticulture to the West, on Sicily, in Southern Italy and in Southern France (on Massilia/Marseille cf. Just. 43,4) in the course of their ~ colonization, the Romans appear to have adopted their knowledge of viticulture from the Etruscans. Much speaks in favour of the fact that early on, viticulture and thus the consumption of wine played only a marginal role among the Romans. From the 2nd + Punic War, the economic importance of viticulture began to grow. In Campania in particular, a > villa economy developed that was specialized in wine; Cato Maior presents an exact inventory of such an estate (Cato Agr. rr). Plinius [1] mentions that up to the year 121 BC, the year of the so-called Opimian wine, named after Consul L. Opimius [1]), wines were labeled with the names of the consuls in office, while the different kinds of wine were not distinguished until later (Plin. HN 14,94; cf. 14,55; 14,59-72). In the Late Republic, viticulture experienced a heyday In the Early Principate, the demand for wine rose steadily in Rome and Italy, with the result that the upper classes became increasingly interested in viticulture. In the course of the Roman expansion, viticulture was introduced in the western provinces as well, esp. in Gallia Narbonensis, Tarra-

Given the economic importance of viticulture, the Roman > agrarian writers discussed it in depth (Cato

conensis

and in Baetica

(— Hispania

Baetica), from

where wine was exported to Rome in large quantities. Viticulture was widespread throughout the Mediterranean region, specifically in Africa and Egypt, Syria, Palestine (cf. Mt 20:1-16), Asia Minor and Greece. Viticulture is documented even for > Dura-Europus and the central Euphrates region. ~+ Cato [1] regarded viticulture as one of the most lucrative branches of + AGRICULTURE from early on, later, + Columella had a similar view: in an exemplary calculation of the profits earned in viticulture, he tried to prove that viticulture yielded greater profits than lending money (Cato agr. 1,7; Columella 3,3). However, the estate owners were often disappointed in their profit expectations: Plinius [2] often complained in his letters about bad wine harvests and the resulting debt of the coloni (Plin. Ep. 8,2; 8,15; 9,163; 9,20; 9,28,2; 9,37; — colonatus). Cicero mentions a prohibition of viticulture in the provinces which was probably designed to protect Italian wine production (Cic. Rep. 3,16). During the Principate, viticulture was perceived as a competition for grain, as is indicated by a decree by Domitian which banned the creation of new vineyards and ordered their partial destruction in the provinces. However, the princeps did not insist that his orders be carried out (Suet. Dom. 7,2; Philostr. VA 6,42). 4. LATE ANTIQUITY Viticulture was still very important in Late Antiquity. Palladius [1], for instance, paid broad attention to it. Wine was grown in the provinces wherever the

WINE

Mosella (Auson. Mos. 20 ff.; 152 ff.). 5. WINE GROWING AND LABOUR

Agr. 11; 19; 24 ff.; 32 f.5 413 49; 105-1153 1373 147 £5 Varro Rust. 1,8; Columella 3-5,8; Plin. HN 14,8-136; 17,1§2—215; Pall. Agric. passim). Wine was cultivated in closed plantations (i &umehoc/ampelos, 5 cumeddv/ ampelon; Lat. vinea, vinetum). The Egyptian papyri show that various other plants were grown between the vines (such as fruit, olives, vegetables) as intertillages, a practice found in other regions as well (cf. IK 38/3 52); apparently, the sowing of grain between grapevines was common (Columella 5,7,3). A vineyard required yearround attention and great care (P Oxy. 3354; cf. Verg. G. 2,397-419): In the winter, that is, in January, the fine roots that had grown over the summer had to be removed from the grapevines (ablaqueatio: Columella 454523 4,8,23 4,9,1; 4,22,3; Pall. Agric. 2,1). In February, pruning (putatio; Pall. Agric. 3,12,1) had to be undertaken, and in connection with it, work on the support (see below). In May or June, superfluous green shoots had to be broken off the vine (pampinatio: Plin. HN 17,190; Pall. Agric. 6,2,1). Shortly before the grape harvest, the vine was defoliated, so that the grapes could receive better ventilation and light (Columella 4,28,1). Further work was necessary throughout the year such as hoeing the soil in particular, which according to Columella was supposed to be done at least once a month between March and October to remove grass and weeds (Columella 4,5; cf. Plin. HN 17,188 f.; for Egypt, cf. P Soterichus 1,19-22; P Lond. III 1003, p. 259,11: hoeing the soil twice or five times). The vines needed to be regenerated through layers or scions (Columella 4,15; Plin. HN 17,212). For this, specialists employed grafting as well (Columella 4,29). The wine harvest, which in Italy took place in September (Columella 11,2,66-71; Pall. Agric. 10,11,1-2), was regarded as particularly labour-intensive: While a single winegrower was able to carry out the other tasks over an area of seven > iugera (Columella 3,3,8), the wine harvest required a larger number of harvest workers, so that a shortage of workers was a potential problem (SB 14, 12107,21—24; harvest workers as an organized group in Pompeii: CIL IV 6672). For that case, Cato advises the sale of grapes from the vine; the buyer had to provide his own workers for the harvest and had to oversee them (Cato Agr. 147; cf. 1373; Plin. Ep. 8,2). A vivid description of a wine harvest on Lesbos is presented by - Longus (Daphnis and Chloe 2,r f.). The grapes were carried to the wine press in large troughs (linter; Tib. 1,5,23; Cato Agr. 11,5), crushed and stomped by foot and pressed with the aid of wine ~ presses. The wine was then stored in large > pottery containers (see below C.). Work in the vineyard was represented in Antiquity in vivid pictures, for instance the wine harvest on an Attic

663

WINE

Training of the vine without support (sine pedamento)

Training of the vine with support (cum pedamento)

vitis prostrata vitis capitata vitis bracchiata

vitis pedata vitis ilugata (canteriata) vitis compluviata vitis characata

pergula vitis arbustiva

Oo DN FY AW eN

664

665

666

black-figure amphora (Wiirzburg, Martin-von-Wagner-Museum; BEAZLEY, ABV, 151,22) or the care of the

vines in winter on a Roman mosaic from Northern Africa (early 3rd cent. BC, Cherchel, Musée Archéologique); the large mosaic of the seasons from Vienna contains several viticultural scenes as well (St. Germainen-Laye, Musée des Antiquités Nationales).

6. TRAINING THE GRAPEVINE The training of the vine determined the growth and the shape of the grapevine (Lat. vitis; cf. Columella 5,4-6; Plin. HN 17,164 f.). In general, two forms of training can be distinguished (cf. fig.): without support (sine pedamento) and with support (cum pedamento). In the first, the vine twined about the ground (vitis prostrata) or all twigs were cut off up to a certain height so that a tip formed or arms reached up at the sides (vitis capitata oder bracchiata). In the training cum pedamento, the grapevine was raised up on a single stake (vitis pedata) or on a stake with a cross-piece so that it grew to two sides (vitis iugata, cant(b)eriata). The twines of a row of plants could also be connected with each other. Or, the vine could be trained in four direc-

tions on one stake with four arms (compluvium). There was also the possibility to place several stakes around the vine so that twines could be raised in circles around the grapevine (vitis characata). A pergola (pergula) was used for fruit grapes or decorative purposes on the side of a house. In certain regions, the grapevine was raised on a tree (Columella 5,6; Plin. HN 14,10; 17,199); for

this, special trees with sparse foliage were used such as poplars, elm trees or ash trees (vitis arbustiva).

7. PRODUCTION FORMS AND YIELDS Three different types of vineyards must be distinguished: the first produced a wine of lower or higher quality for the supply of local and regional demand, the second one produced high-quality wine for trade and the third and final one supplied a cheap mass product. Relatively little information exists about the yields: Varro mentions regions in Italy where ro to r5 cullei (5200-7800 |) of wine were supposedly produced per + iugerum, while Pliny lists a yield of 7 bis 10 cullei (3640-5200 1) per iugerum (Plin. HN 14,52; cf. Varro Rust. 1,2,7). Columella, on the other hand, assumed 3 cullei as the lowest yield and based his model calculation on a harvest of one > culleus (520 1), (Columella 3,3,10 f.). He lists a market price of 300 HS for one culleus of wine. + Alcohol, consumption of (vol. 15, Addenda); + Agriculture; > Beverages; -» Commerce; -> Food; + Intoxicating substances; > Presses (with fig.); ~ Transport amphorae 1 M.-C. AMoureTTI,

La viticulture antique, in: REA go,

1988, 5-17. 2 Ead., J.P. Brun (eds.), La production du vin et de l’huile en Mediterranée, 1993, 151-161 3 H.CabELL, La viticulture scientifique dans les archives de Zénon,

PSI 624, in: Aegyptus

4 G.Hacenow,

39-58

49, 1969,

1os—120

Aus dem Weingarten der Antike, 1982,

5 V.D. Hanson, Warfare and Agriculture in

Classical Greece, *1998, 68-71 6 ISAGER/SKYDSGAARD 7 N.PurcELL, Wine and Wealth in Ancient Italy, in: JRS

WINE

75,1985, 1-19 8 W.RicuTER, Die Landwirtschaft im homerischen Zeitalter (ArchHom 2,H), *r990 9 Rosrovrzerr, Hellenistic World, 1164 f.; 1188 f. 10 K. RurFING, Herstellung, Sorten, Qualitatsbezeichun-

gen von Wein im rémischen Agypten (1.-3. Jahrhundert n. Chr.), in: MBAH 17.1, 1998, 11-31 11 Id., Weinbau im rémischen Agypten, 1999 12 M.SCHNEBEL, Die Landwirtschaft im hellenistischen Agypten, 1925, 239292 13 A. TcHERNIA, Le vin de I’Italie romaine, 1986 14 B. Wexts

(ed.), Agriculture in Ancient Greece, 1992,

77-86; 161-166

15 WnuiTE, Farming, 229-246.

B. WINE TRADE 1. GREECE AND HELLENISM 2. ROME AND THE ROMAN EMPIRE 3. LATE ANTIQUITY

1. GREECE AND HELLENISM In Antiquity, wine was one of the most important trading goods and was at times transported to market over long distances. The spectrum of the wine trade included retail shops in villages or urban centres, producers for the local supply as well as specialized dealers (oiveusogoc/oinémporos; meatync/oinopratés; Lat.

oivomtdnc/oinopdles; negotiator, negotians

oivooder

mercator vinarius) that operated ona regional as well as supra-regional level. A first reference to the wine trade can be found as early as in Homer: ships from Lemnos delivered wine to the Greeks before Troy and traded it for a variety of natural produce (Hom. Il. 7,467—475). Archaeological finds support the existence of wine trade in this period: amphorae from Chios ended up in Smyrna in the 8th cent. BC, and amphorae from Lesbos in Athens in the 7th cent. BC. Wine was furthermore exported from Lesbos to Naucratis (Str. 17,1,33). In the sth cent. BC, Thasos began to develop into a centre of wine trade which supplied wine to the Pontus region, the Northern Aegean, to Athens and to Egypt (P Cairo Zen. 1 59012); at the same time, ships from Thasos were prohibited to bring foreign wines to the region between Mount Athos and Cape Pacheie (IG XII Suppl. 347). In the 4th cent. BC, Peparethos, Cos, Mende and Chios regularly exported wine to the Pontus region (Dem. Or. 35,35). Finds of stamped amphorae (~ Amphora stamps) document a far-reaching wine trade from Rhodos, which during Hellenism exported wine to Alexandria [1] ona large scale. At the same time, Delos developed into an important transshipment centre for wine after the Romans declared it to be a free-trade port. An indication for the latter is the presence of Italian wine traders on the island (IDélos 1711). Beginning in the 3rd cent. BC, traders engaged in a brisk commerce with wine from Leucas, Cnidus, Syria and Sicily as well. In the rst cent. BC, wine was imported to Italy on a large scale from Chios and Cos (Varro Rust. 2 praef. 3). 2. ROME AND THE ROMAN EMPIRE Phoenician amphorae in Rome attest to wine imports as early as the 7th cent. BC. However, the Romans did not engage in the large-scale import of wine from the east and its export to Spain and Gallia

WINE

until after the 2nd — Punic War. As is revealed in the amphora finds of the type ‘Dressel 1’ in Gallia, considerable quantities of Italian wine were exported to Gallia in the rst cent. BC (cf. Diod. 5,26,3). Scholars assume a volume of 100,000 hl per year. The Sestii, owners of large estates from Cosa, participated in this trade [8]. In

the Early Principate, Italian wine increasingly became subject to competition with wine from Hispania Baetica and Tarraconensis as well as Gallia Narbonensis. During the Principate, Rome developed an extremely high demand for wine: According to estimates, the level of consumption was between 1 and 1,5 million hl per year. For the wine trade, a special wine port and wine market were created in Rome (portus vinartus: CIL VI 37807 =ILS 9429; forum vinarium: CIL VI 9181; in Ostia: CIL XIV 409 =ILS 6146). Augustus

firmly rejected any responsibility for the wine supply of urban Rome beyond his act (Suet. Aug. 42,1). Wine traders are well documented epigraphically for Rome and Ostia (Rome: ILS 7276; 7277; 7485-7487; Ostia: ILS 6146; 6162). A sarcophagus from Ancona shows the sale of wine from a wine store (ZIMMER, 177). Beginning with the Flavians (znd half of the rst cent. AD), the demand for wine was increasingly met by cheap wine from Gallia. In Lugdunum/Lyons, a corpus of the negotiatores vinarii existed (ILS 7030; 7033; — negotiator) and the wine traders from this city were active in Rome as well (CIL VI 29722 =ILS 7490). Under the Severans, wine from Mauretania, the Aegean

and esp. Crete increasingly supplied the city of Rome. While wine was usually transported in amphorae (= amphora) in the Meditarrenean region, wooden barrels were used in the north-western provinces. For ~ land transport, heavy wagons carrying a single large barrel were used, as is depicted on several reliefs from Gallia (ESPERANDIEU, Rec., 3232). 3. LATE ANTIQUITY

The Price Edict of Diocletian lists no fewer than seven Italian wines (> Edictum [3] Diocletiani 2,1a—7); they are significantly more expensive than simple wine (ibid. 2,9 f.). As early as under Aurelian (270-275), wine had been included in the annona (— cura annonae) of the city of Rome (SHA Aurel. 48). In the 4th cent., wine was sold in Rome at a price reduced by 25 % (Cod. Theod. r1,2,2; 11,2,3). Despite these initiatives, there was occasional unrest in the city due to shortages of wine (Amm. Marc.

668

667

14,6,1; 15,7533 27,3,4). Wine

from the eastern Mediterranean region still reached Italy in the 6th cent. (Cassiod. Var. 12,12,3). Constantinople also developed into an important market for foreign wines but to a much lesser degree than Rome during the Principate. 1 A.CuHaANroTis, Vinum Creticum excellens: Zum Weinhandel Kretas, in: MBAH 7.1, 1988, 62-89 2B.G.CunKENBEARD, Lesbian Wine and Storage Amphoras, in: Hesperia 51,1982, 248-267 3 J.-Y.EMPEREUR, Y.GaRLAN (eds.), Recherches sur les amphores grecques, 1986, 145-196 4 Y.GarRLAN, Les timbres amphoriques de Thasos1,1999 5 P. Herz, Studien zur rémischen Wirtschaftsgesetzgebung, 1988, 296-302 6 Jones, LRE,

704f.

7 E.Kisincer, Zum Weinhandel in friihbyzan-

8D.P.S. tinischer Zeit, in: Tyche 14, 1999, 141-156 Peacock, D.F.Witiiams, Amphorae and the Roman 9 D.RATHBONE, Italian Wines in Economy, 1986 10 K.RurRoman Egypt, in: Opus 2.1, 1983, 81-98 FING, Zum Weinhandel zwischen Italien und Indien im 1. Jahrhundert n. Chr., in: Laverna 10, 1999, 60-80 11 Id., Einige Uberlegungen zum Weinhandel im rémischen Agypten, in: MBAH 20.1, 2001, 55-80 12 B. Sinks, Food for Rome, 1991, 391-394 13 A. TcHERNIA, Italian Wine in Gaul at the End of the Republic, in: GARNSEY/HOPKINS/WHITTAKER, 87-104. For THE MAP: K.-W.WEEBER, Panem et circenses (Antike Welt, Sonderheft 158), 1994, esp. ill. 235. KRU.

C. WINE PRODUCTION In the Mediterranean countries, the wine harvest (tovyntoc/trygétés, Lat. vindemia) took place from the

end of August to the end of September, in the areas bordering to the north up to several weeks later. First, the grapes were crushed and stomped by foot in basins or vats; more juice was then extracted from the mash in + presses (see above II A 5). The resulting must was filtered and decanted into fermentation vats (Greek miOoc/pithos, Lat. dolium) where it fermented into

wine. In the spring of the following year, the young wine was separated from the dregs and filled into amphorae and jugs on which the year and the growing region were noted, occasionally the name of the vintner as well (> Amphora stamps). The many varieties of wine (cf. Columella 3,2,1-32; Plin. HN 14,20-43) were distinguished by growing region and age as well as by colour, taste, consistency, smell and strength (Gal., Commentary on Hippocr. De victu acutorum 3,1 f.; Ath. 29b). Naturally pure wines were regarded as the ideal (Columella 12,19,1-2) but remained an illusion due to the inadequate preparation techniques. Instead, the wine adopted the taste of the extraneous materials in the storage containers, which were usually sealed with > pitch and resin, as well as additives. The latter were added during the production and the preserving of wine in order to stabilize it (pitch, resin, salt water) and to improve its taste, smell (sweet must, gypsum, spices) and appearance (— aloe) (Plin. HN 14,120-130). Numerous clues about the production and the use of wine (primarily as a medicine, e.g. to improve bowel movements and urination, against pain of the hip, worms) can be found in Cato Agr. 104-125.

D. WINE VARIETIES AND QUALITIES Due to the flourishing wine trade, wine was widely common and available everywhere. The choices ranged from quality wine (genus nobile: Plin. HN 14,87) and table wine to pomace wine (vinum deuterium; lora: Columella 12,40; Plin. HN 14,86). Red wine appears to have exceeded white wine in quantity. The majority of wines were table wines (trik6tylos, literally ‘containing three small cups,’ probably a wine of which one could obtain three carafes for one obolos) that were consumed within one year and were transported over short

669

670

distances only. Some wines satisfied more sophisticated tastes, could be stored longer and were traded supra-regionally. In the Greek regions, these were wines from Chios, Lesbos, Mende and Thasos [1. 141-146]. In the time of Plinius [1], c. 80 such wines existed in the entire Roman Empire (Plin. HN 14,87). Roughly twelve of these quality wines (among them Albanian, Caecuban,

the proper amount as a cure-all that could aid in the fight against many diseases of the body and the mind (Plin. HN 23,31-51; Pedanius Dioscorides 5,7-83).

Calenian, Falernian, Formian, Mamertine, Massic, Sur-

3,25). It played an important role in Greek and Roman ~ libations. It was also part of the Roman womens’ festival of + Bona Dea, of meals for the gods (cf. Cato Agr. 83), of > supplicatio. Regarded as a gift of + Dionysus or - Bacchus, wine served as a stimulant in the rituals of the Dionysian + mysteries. The Christians adopted wine in their cult (s. [3]). + Alcohol, consumption of (see Addenda vol. 15); ~ Banquet; + Beverages; - Comissatio; — Intoxicating substances; -> Nutrition; + Table culture

rentine wines) were even regarded as top wines that had to mature for ten to twenty years or longer. The masses preferred sweet and smooth wines. This is indicated esp. by the popular specialty wines such as honey wine (mulsum),

spice wine

(aromitates,

vinum

conditum,

esp. rose or pepper wines: Plin. HN 14,107—109) and liqueur wine (passum) that was pressed from dried grapes (Plin. HN 14,80 f.). Other wines made not from

grapes were, for instance, apple wine and cherry wine. E. WINE CONSUMPTION In the Mediterranean area wine was an everyday beverage for all social classes. As an alcoholic stimulant, it competed against - beer and honey wine (+ Mead) in the regions bordering the ancient world to the south and to the north. Estimates suggest that men on average drank o,8—11 of wine a day in Imperial Rome, women half that amount [2. 26]. Wine was consumed during meals (in small amounts) but it primarily played a role in the experience of communal intoxication. The most formal way of drinking was that of the symp 6sion (-> Banquet) or the > comissatio, a carousal of mostly aristocratic or rich men that followed the actual meal (Seinvov/— deipnon, Lat. > cena). Collective drinking aided conversation and sociability, allowed the opportunity to make new social contacts and to practice certain cultural acts. The common male population, on the other hand, satisfied its desire for social drinking mostly in taverns (xamnheiov/kapéleion, Lat. caupona; > Inn) which were widespread in the cities. These were accessible to women and slaves as well who according to the prevailing norms were excluded from formal carousals. Due to its intoxicating effect, wine was an important cultural factor in Classical Antiquity (+ Intoxicating substances), and the consumption of wine was therefore governed by strict rules. Beginning in the Archaic Period, it was common to mix wine with water. A normal proportion was one part wine to two or three parts water (Ath. 10,426b-f). In the summer, cold wine was preferred, in the winter, wine was often mixed with warm water. Furthermore, the mixing of wine with water was a way to distinguish oneself normatively from the ‘barbaric’? world: Uncivilized people (cf. + Barbarians) drank undiluted wine and lost control over themselves. An early example for uncontrolled

WINGED

SUN

F. THE CULTIC USE OF WINE Ancient man regarded wine as a revelation of divine action (e.g. Hor. Sat. 1,4,88 f.; Hor. Carm. 2,19,1-8;

1A.Datsy, Essen und Trinken im alten Griechenland. Von Homer bis zur byzantinischen Zeit, 1998 (original: Siren Feasts, 1996) 2A.TCHERNIA, Le vin de I’Italie romaine, 1986 3 H. CANCIK-LINDEMAIER, s. v. Euch-

aristie, HrwG 2, 1990, 347-356. M.-C. AMovureTTI, J.-P. BRUN

(eds.), La production du

vin et de ’huile en Méditerranée. Oil and Wine Production in the Mediterranean Area, 1993; J.ANDRE, Essen und Trinken im alten Rom, 1998; P.E. McGoverN et al. (eds.), The Origins and the Ancient History of Wine, 1996; O.Murray, M.Tecusan (eds.), In vino veritas, 1995; A. TCHERNIA, J.-P.BRuN, Le vin romain antique, 1999.

A.G.

Wineskin (Goxdc/askos; Lat. culleus, uter). For trans-

porting solid (Thuc. 4,26) and liquid foods (Hom. II. 3,247; Hom. Od. 5,265; 9,196), apart from barrels, people also used animal (ox, sheep, goat; in the Arab lands also camel, Hdt. 3,9) skins sewn together, a leg of the animal serving as inlet and outlet. Representations of wineskins are common in ancient art in transportation scenes; a wineskin-carrying — silen is a fixed feature of the iconography of Dionysian scenes (+ Dionysus). In myths, wineskins play a limited role; but cf. in the Odyssey the wineskin containing — Aeolus’ [2] winds (Hom. Od. ro,r9ff.). According to an aetiological legend the city of > Damascus took its name from the giant Ascus, whom Hermes or Zeus defeated (25én008/edamase) and flayed (skin = askos) [1]. On the vase shape named after the wineskin, see > askos [2] and - Pottery, shapes and types of, fig. E 13. For drowning in a sack as a death penalty cf. [2]. + Askoliasmos; — Culleus 1 K.TUmpet, s.v. Askos, RE 2, 1701 Culleus, RE 4, 1747f.

2 H.Hirzie, s.v. RH.

mus (Hom. Od. 9,3 53-374).

Winged sun. The winged sun arose as a combination of a solar disc with a pair of falcon wings in Egypt during

Temporary intoxication was socially acceptable, but physicians warned of drinking too much wine because it harmed the body. On the other hand, they regarded

symbol for the manifestation of a divinely gifted kingship [1]. In the ancient Orient, the earliest evidence for

+ alcohol consumption (see Addenda) is > Polyphe-

the Third Dynasty (27th cent. BC), where it became a

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672

the winged sun is found on the seal of the Matrunna of + Karchemish (first third of the 18th cent.) [2]; in the ancient Syrian glyptic, it replaced the simple sun disc in a crescent moon and then found its way into Assyrian iconography, by way of Mittani glyptic in the 14th cent. In the Hittite Empire, the winged sun was an attribute of the sun god of the sky and the designation of the the royal title “my sun”. In the 9th cent. BC, a half-figure depiction was added to the winged sun in Assyria, its skirt (like its wings) stylized as coloured flounced fabric, familiar from the clothing of gods [3]. In later representations of the winged sun and those without figure the skirt is attached to the central disc and appears like the tail of a bird, particularly in later winged suns with

edge that includes technical skill (+ Techne), life experience and political judgement. In Greek philosophy, the concept was confined to the theoretical knowledge that lends a human being a god-like state. In the philosophical schools of the Hellenistic and Late Antique Period, theoretical and practical aspects came together once more in the ideal knowledge of a wise man (e.g. in

WINGED

SUN

ornithomorphic wings [4]. Because of the close association with the Assyrian kingship, the winged sun was occasionally, erroneously, attributed to the god ~ Assur [2] instead of the sun god. The winged sun with bird’s wings (which was adopted by Darius I at the end of the 6th cent. BC) on more recent monuments (other than on tomb facades) is associated with the Achaemenid king [5] and disappears after the decline of the Achaemenid kingdom apart from a short appearance under the Hellenistic rulers of Persis. 1D.WitpunG,

s.v.

Fliigelsonne,

LA

2,

277-279

2 D. Parayre, Carchemish entre Anatolie et Syrie. A travers l’image du disque solaire ailé (ca. 1800-717 avant J.C.), in: Hethitica 8, 1985, 319-360 3 E.UNGER, Die Symbole des Gottes Assur, in: Belleten 29, 1965, 423-483 4 B. PERING, Die gefliigelte Scheibe in Assyrien, in: AfO 8, 1932/3, 281-296 5 P.CALMEYER, Fortuna — Tyche — Khvarnah, in: JDAI 94, 1979, 347-365. U.SE.

Winnowing see > Grain Wisdom (co¢ia/sophia, Latin sapientia). I. GREcO-Roman II. JEwisH III. CHRrIsTIAN IV. IsLAMIC I. GRECO-ROMAN

A. GENERAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL CONCEPT B. PRESOCRATICS C. SOCRATES AND PLATO D. ARISTOTLE E. HELLENISM AND LATE ANTIQUITY

A. GENERAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL CONCEPT The Greek noun oodia/sophia (Ionic: copin/sophie), derived from the adjective 606 (sophds), which has been documented since the 6th cent. BC, generally refers to the superior skill and knowledge that distinguishes the expert and > artist from the masses and accounts for the high regard in which he is held. The term sophia is used to describe any practical mastery, such as that of a helmsman, master builder, physician, military commander or statesman (cf. Hom. Il. 15,411f.: Zimmermann; Pind. N. 7,17: one knowledgeable of the weather; Eur. lon 1139: one who is capable of calculating the area of a tent; Sol. 1,5 1f.: poet). Thus sophia refers to a superior, consummate kind of knowl-

—» Stoicism).

B. PRESOCRATICS In earliest Greek thought, sophia is attributed to the ~» Seven Sages, who were not philosophers, but instead venerable men renowned for their knowledge of human nature, their practical life experience and their political judgement — in other words, for their superior knowledge; they were regarded as models from the time of Plato [1] (Pl. Prot. 343a). Among the sayings and stories attributed to them (DiELS/KRANZ vol. 1, p. 61-66) is the legend of a tripod found in the sea with the inscription ‘dedicated to the wisest one’ (t@ oodotatw/tdi sophotatoi). Every wise man receiving it would pass it on to the next, until the last one — or all of them together — would finally dedicate it to the god > Apollo and send it to Delphi, the seat of divine wisdom. The so-called ~» Presocratics — and in particular the Ionic natural philosophers Heraclitus [1], Xenophanes [2] and Anaxagoras [2], the Pythagoreans (such as Philolaus [2]) and Democritus [1] — increasingly use the term sophia to

refer to explicitly theoretical and philosophical scholarship, which goes hand in hand with — virtue and an exemplary life. [x] attempted to reconstruct the corpus of early Greek wisdom by emending and rearranging fragments from the ‘Presocratics’ under the title La sapienza greca, excluding later uses of the term. He had planned to complete an eleven-volume work, but because of his premature death the third volume was the last to be finished. C. SOCRATES AND PLATO The works of - Socrates [2] and > Plato [x] contain the definitive formulation of an idea that was already found in > Pythagoras [2]: true sophia belongs only to God, while man must be content to be a ‘friend of wisdom’ (#1A0-00g0¢/phild-sophos) (Pl. Phdr. 278d; cf. Pl. Symp. 204a; + Philosophy A). Moreover, a philosopher can be distinguished from a sophist (— Sophists) based on his view of sophia. The sophist believes that he possesses sophia, regards it as an art and charges money for teaching it to anyone interested (PI. Prt. 312c). The ‘philo-sopher’, by contrast, knows only that he knows nothing. As a friend to wisdom, he is situated ‘between the wise and the unknowing? (PI. Symp. 204}; cf. Pl. Phdr. 279a). He is not a wise man, nor is he a simple

ignorant man, but he is so motivated by his love of sophia that he devotes his life to searching for it. Sophia, which is to be striven for as the highest kind of theoretical knowledge, and as insight into the concept of the good and the — principles ‘beyond Being’ (+> Ideas, theory of), makes man akin to God (PI. Rep.

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10,6r1¢; Pl. Tim. 5 re; Pl. Leg. 10,897b). Accordingly, sophia is the highest + virtue (Pl. Prt. 330a), the one of the four cardinal virtues (sophia, ‘wisdom’; dvdeeia/ andreia, ‘courage’; owgoovvy/sdphrosyné, ‘self-control’; duxciootvn/dikaiosyné, ‘justice’; cf. + Plato [1] G.2) that is required of the philosopher-kings in the ideal state (Pl. Rep. 4,428e-429a). An influential distinction between sophia and philosophia can be found in the Academic ‘Definitions’ (Pl. Def. 414b; cf. Xenocrates [2] fr. 161 HEINZE = fr. 259 ISNARDI PARENTE): Sophia is the ‘anhypothetical’, or hypothesis-free, fixed science (émothun dvurd0etoc/ epistemé anhypothetos) of the eternal Being and its causes, while philosophy means ‘striving for knowl-

knows everything; (2) it is capable of recognizing even what is difficult; (3) it is the strictest kind of knowledge, and at the same time teaches the most; (4) it is executed for its own sake; (5) it prevails over everything else.

edge’ (€motmuns deekic/epistémés Grexis) and a corre-

sponding concern for the soul (émmédeia woyiic/epiméleia psychés). Thus while philosophy takes a hypothetical approach, sophia represents direct insight into the cause of Being. Later Christian theologians viewed the Platonic sophia as a kind of recognition of God (yv@ouc 8e0t/gndsis theon). D. ARISTOTLE Based on common usage of the term, > Aristotle [6] initially describes sophia in his ‘Nicomachean Ethics’ (Aristot. Eth. Nic. 6,7) as the highest level of knowledge (eidévaveidénai) within a certain discipline; in this sense, it refers to having perfected a certain art (codia doeti) téxvyc/sophia areté téchnés, 6,7,1141a 12; cf. + Techne). Beyond this partial (kata méros) sophia, he introduces a holistic sophia, which is the highest degree of overall knowledge (6\wc¢/h6lds). This encompasses émotmun (epistemé) and voids (noiis, 6,7,1141a 18-19; 1141b 3), or syllogistic science and the noetic ascertainment of principles, apodictic argumentation and direct possession of the elements on which that argumentation is based. It is a virtue of the intellect (&4eeti dtavonuxtVareté dianoétiké), the perfection of the scientific capacity of the soul (émotnuovimov/epistemonikon), while practical prudence (pgd6vyotc/phronésis) is the intellectual virtue of the calculating capacity of the soul (Aoytottxov/logistikon). Hence wisdom is contrasted with practical > prudence: it does not command (émitaxtt/epitaktike), nor does it serve the purposes of this life, but it refers to the necessary Being, the highest heavenly reality (6,13). Aristotle names > Thales and -» Anaxagoras as exam-

ples of wise men (sophoi) and models of a theoretical way of life that focuses exclusively on sophia (Eth. Nic. 6,7,1141b 3ff.), and Pericles as a model of practical prudence (phronésis) (Eth. Nic. 6,5,1 140b 7ff.; + Prac-

tical Philosophy C.r). A precise definition of the essence of sophia is found at the beginning of Aristotle’s ‘Metaphysics’ (Aristot. Metaph. 1,2,982a 3-17). After perception (aio@yot Stoicism and the + Epicurean School (Diog. Laert. 10,117-131; [15.330-341]). Particularly influential was the Stoic view of a wise person, which was developed by Zeno [II 2] of Citium and > Chrysippus [2], and remained a point of reference for centuries thereafter — into the modern era, when Justus Lipsius wrote a treatise entitled ‘On the Constancy of the Wise Man’ (De constantia sapientis, 1584). The Stoics defined wisdom as the knowledge of things divine and human (@eiwv te xai avOeunivov émothyun/theion te kai anthropinon eptstemé, SVF II 35-36). Cicero adopted this definition word for word: sapientia quae est rerum divinarum et humanarum scientia (Cic. Off. 1,43,153; cf. > Practical Philosophy D). Seneca [2] offered an extensive discussion of wisdom, defining sapientia as the ‘perfect good of the human mind’ (perfectum bonum mentis humanae), philosophy, on the other hand, was ‘love and affection for wisdom’ (sapientiae amor et affectatio; Sen. Ep. 89). Thus wisdom and the wise man came to be a popular central motif in Roman philosophy — particularly in the works of Cicero and Seneca. The treatment of this subject achieved literary excellence, but the concept itself was borrowed from Greek Stoicism. In this Stoic sense, wisdom is not only theoretical insight, but also disposition (u0¢otc/didthesis), i.e. basic ethical behaviour, hence fundamental virtue in theoretical as well as practical matters which performs all tasks well and leads to a good life, as well as helping to maintain felicity even in adverse circumstances (+ Happiness). It is the art of living (téyvy tod Biotv/ téchneé ton biotin, Lat. ars vivendi; Cic. Fin. 3,4; 4,193 Gics Tuscwasra?

SV

Merrz vBpict) 45156351 504-2)),

indeed, the art of arts (téyvn teyv@v/téchné technon,

SVF II 301). Only a wise person has this capacity; it means that he is of a divine nature (Diog. Laert. 7,119; Cic. Leg. 17,22; Epict. 1,9,4f.). In the philosophical schools of Late Antiquity, and particularly from the middle period of — Stoicism, sophia — often synonymous with phronésis, Lat. prudentia — was now generally regarded as the first of the four

cardinal virtues (cf. Plut. De virtute morali 552,443e-444e; Alkinoos [2], Introductio in Platonem 1). It was also understood in the sense of a kind of knowledge that, according to Pl. Tht. r76b, made it possible ‘to become like God, so far as this is possible’ (Spoiwois De xata 16 duvvatov/homoidsis thedi kata to dynaton, Stob. 2,49,17f.), and was increasingly theologized. Thus for -> Plotinus, sophia was identical with

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676

phronésis, namely contemplation of all that exists in the

for ‘justice’, ‘truth’ and ‘order’, which > Pharaoh is re-

WISDOM

Intellect (Plot. Enn. 1,2,6). In the syncretist Neoplato-

nic and Gnostic — hypostasis and -» Epistemology; >» Seven Sages; >

schools it was ultimately viewed as personified. > Ethics; + Happiness; > Prudence; Virtue; > Wisdom literature

1G.Coxu, La sapienza greca, 3 vols., 1977-1980 2 W.BurKERT, Weisheit und Wissenschaft. Studien zu Pythagoras, Philolaos und Plato, 1962 (Engl.: Lore and Science in Ancient Pythagoreanism, 1972) 3 J.DomaXsxi, La philosophie, théorie ou maniére de vivre. Les controverses de |’Antiquité 4 la Renaissance, 1996 47T.B. ERIkKsEN, Bios theoretikos. Notes on Aristotle’s Ethica Nicomachea X, 6-8, 1976 5 A.J. Festuciire, Contemplation et vie contemplative selon Platon, 1936 (71950) 6 B.GLapicow, Sophia und Kosmos, 1965 7 P.Hapor, Exercices spirituels et philosophie antique, 1987 8 Id., Qu’est-ce que la philosophie antique?, 1995 9 W.JaEcER, Uber Ursprung und Kreis-

lauf des philosophischen Lebensideals (SPrAW, Philos.Histor. Kl., 25), 1928, 390-421

(= Id., Scripta minora,

vol. 1, 1960, 347-393) 10 A.Kenny, Aristotle on the Perfect Life, 1992 11H.LrIsEGANG, s.v. Sophia, RE 3 A, 1019-1039 12G.Lucx, Zur Geschichte des Begriffs sapientia, in: ABG 9, 1964, 203-215

13 B.SNELL, Die

Ausdriicke fiir den Begriff des Wissens in der vorplatonischen Philosophie, 1924 14 Id., Leben und Meinungen der Sieben Weisen, 1952 15 H.USENER, Epicurea, 1887 16 U. WILCKENS, s.v. oogia..., ThWB 7, 465-475. — F.Vo.

Il. JEwIsH

A. OLD TESTAMENT AND EARLY JUDAISM ER JUDAISM

B. LatT-

A. OLD TESTAMENT AND EARLY JUDAISM

1. GENERAL COMMENTS

1. GENERAL COMMENTS The modern technical term ‘wisdom’ refers to an intellectual movement in the OT, linked to the Hebrew concepts of hokmd, ‘wisdom’, and hakdm, ‘wise’. Wisdom in this context means knowledge gained through experience, which makes it possible to master life or a specific discipline. Such ‘life lessons’ are summarized in sayings, most of them contained in the book of Proverbs, that have often become adages, for example: “Whoever digs a pit shall fall into it” (Prov 26:27; cf. + Wisdom literature). This sentence reflects the most important feature of wisdom thinking: the ‘fateful nature’ of one’s deeds [4.26] (or the link between what one does and what one suffers [4.41]), pointing out that an evil deed tends automatically to harm the perpetrator. The theological relevance of wisdom lies in the fact that it attributes to God, as the world’s creator (+ World, creation of the), the ‘secret order’ [8.194] that is revealed through experience. Wisdom is not a specifically Israelite phenomenon, but lies within the context and influence of the wisdom of Egypt and Mesopotamia (which no doubt reached Israel through Canaan): in Egypt, -> Ma’at is a central figure standing

quired to ensure. Mesopotamian wisdom includes no comparable personification or concept, but is more practice-oriented. The passage in Prov 22:17-23,11 is taken almost word for word from the Egyptian book of Amenemope (cf. - Wisdom literature). 2. THE CRISIS OF WISDOM The recognition that the actual world is not in keeping with the wisdom concept was increasingly a problem for OT theology in the post-Exilic period -as, much earlier, in both Mesopotamia and Egypt. The reasons for this lie in the gradual development of an individual concept of guilt (Jer 31:29f.; Ez 18:2), and probably in the emergence of the Torah (Gn-Dt) in its existing form during the 5th/4th cents., which provided a set of laws as a basis for determining whether God’s will was being fulfilled. Wisdom theology used various strategies to overcome this crisis. These include: reversing the link between what one suffers and one’s actions (it is precisely when things are going badly that one belongs to God: Ps 34:20; cf. Ps 70: 86); postulating the inscrutable nature of wisdom (Ecc 3:1-8; 3:11; cf. Job 28; Bar 3:31), which then becomes a matter of faith (Ecc 8:12f.; cf. the story of Job); the eschatologization of wisdom (Dan 12:1-3; Sapientia Salomonis 3:1~9; 5:15; 15:3) and mythologizing. According to the latter model, ‘Lady Wisdom’ must preach lessons that are no longer common knowledge (Prov 1:20f.). Her adversary, ‘Lady Folly’ (Prov 9:13-18), seeks to win people over with perverse sayings (Prov 9:17; > Wisdom literature).

The connection between wisdom and the Torah is central to > Judaism: the fear of God is the beginning of wisdom (Ps 111:10); those who meditate on the Torah are wise (Ps 1:2; 37:30f.). As the process of mythologizing continued, wisdom developed in Hellenistic Judaism in the direction of a > hypéstasis [2] with the characteristics of pre-existence and God’s role as creator (Prov 8:22-30), as in the works of > Philo [12] of Alexandria (Legum allegoriae 1,65), for example, who equated wisdom and the concept of Adyoc/—> ldgos [x], which is so important to Christianity [10.209-211, 265-267; 5.166-170]. For a discussion of the parallel nature of the attributes of Wisdom and = Isis, see [3]. 1J.J. CoLLins, Jewish Wisdom in the Hellenistic Age, 1997 20O.KeeEL, Jahwes Entgegnung an Ijob, 1978

3 J.S. KLOPPENBORG, Isis and Sophia in the Book of Wisdom, in: Harvard Theological Review 75, 1982, 57-84 4 K.Kocn, Gibt es ein Vergeltungsdogma im AT?, in: Zeitschrift fiir Theologie und Kirche 52, 1955, 1-42 5B.L. Mack, Logos und Sophia, 1973 6 R.E. Murry, The Tree of Life, 1990 (72002) 7L.G. PERDUE (ed.), In Search of Wisdom, 1993 8 G.voNn Rap, Weisheit in Israel,1970 9 H.H.ScHmip, Wesen und Geschichte der Weisheit,

1966

10 H.-F. Weiss, Untersuchungen

zur

Kosmologie des hellenistischen und palastinischen Judentums, 1966.

M.HE.

677

678

B. LATER JUDAISM While in the OT the term wisdom (Hebrew hokma) refers mainly to practical knowledge related to manual or artistic pursuits (Ex 31:3), leadership (1 Kg 3:12; ~» Salomo’s petition for wisdom indicates that this is a necessary attribute for successful kingship), proper advice (2 Sam 16:15—23) and a prudent mastery of life (Prov 8:32~35), in later Jewish literature the practical aspect became less important. In addition to the human

component of the biblical concept, which was not necessarily moral in character, wisdom gained religious significance. Wisdom and the Torah came to be identified with each other based on Gn 1:1 and Prov 8:22; thus Gn 1:1 reads, in the Aramaic translation, ‘With

wisdom God created...’. In Hellenistic Judaism, it was postulated that ‘Jewish’ wisdom and Greek philosophy were compatible and to some extent identical, so Greek philosophers were considered to be students of biblical wisdom (cf.

for example the ‘Wisdom of Solomon’/Sapientia Salomontis). Wisdom was preached in + wisdom literature (IV.) and identified as the goal of life. However, rabbin-

ic Judaism was also aware of ‘Greek wisdom’ (i.e. Greek philosophy) that deviated from Jewish scholarship, and banned both its study (bBQ 82b) and Greek customs (> Judaism C). In the course of rabbinical eff-

orts to disseminate specifically Jewish practices more widely, wisdom in the sense of a lifestyle characterized by the fear of God and adherence to the law, rather than the ability to lead, became the generally accepted religious goal. In the biblical understanding, wisdom was usually associated with direct divine inspiration, as is made clear in biblical + wisdom literature. This also includes the ability to understand dreams and omina (Gn 41:15; Dan 1:17). In the rabbinical view, the wise man (hakam) knows God’s commandments and lives according to them (bBB 12a states that a wise man

WISDOM

ollary, in: J. KRazovec (ed.), The Interpretation of the Bible (International Symposium ... on the Occasion of the Publication of the New Slovenian Bible, Ljubljana 1996), 1998, 521-546.

E.H.

Ill. CHRISTIAN A, Jesus B. EARLY CHRISTIANITY A. JEsus Present-day scholars (fundamentally [4]) no longer

regard -> Jesus simply as the prophet of the end of days, but also as a teacher of wisdom: Jesus himself made the wisdom tradition a central component of his proclamation of the kingdom of God (Mk 1:15), since the kingdom of God is not in opposition to the creation of the world (+ World, creation of the), but instead completes and renews that creation. In keeping with the wisdom tradition, the parables relate the kingdom of God to the creation (through analogy, comparison or contrast). Wisdom proverbs (Lk 11:10/Mt 7:8: ‘He who seeks finds’; cf. also Mk 4:22; +» Wisdom literature) explain the actions of Jesus and his disciples (Mk 2:16f.). Particularly in the words of the Logia source (— Jesus A.2.b), Jesus is depicted as a messenger of God’s wisdom (Lk 11:49-51; cf. Wisd 7:27 and 10:10-16) who is rejected by mankind (Deuteronomistic conception of the suffering > prophet). In Matthew, wisdom and Jesus become even more closely associated (Lk 11:49: ‘wisdom of God’, Mt 23:34: ‘T’; cf. also Mt 11:2 and 19). B. EARLY CHRISTIANITY In the NT, it is only in the works of > Paulus [1] (1 Cor 1:24; 30) that Christ is explicitly referred to as ’(God’s) wisdom’ (and other similar terms). However, the focus is not on Christ as the personification or hypostasis of wisdom, but on understanding the message of the crucified Christ relative to worldly wisdom. In the admonitions of other NT epistles (particularly

ranks higher than a > prophet). Wisdom is identified with rabbinical scholarship, ‘wise man’ is used as a term for a teacher, while a scholar’s pupil is called talmid

James), wisdom materials often serve to explain why a

hakam (‘student of a wise man’).

certain kind of behaviour is required.

The tendency to personify wisdom (as a woman) found in the Bible (Prov 8: hokma) continues in rabbinical Judaism. Since Philo [12] of Alexandria (died AD 50), Wisdom has been identified with the Torah. In the Palestinian-Aramaic

— Bible translation

of Gn

1:1,

therefore, wisdom is interpreted as the plan for the creation of the world (—- World, creation of the): ‘With

wisdom the Lord created heaven and earth.’ Thus Sabu‘ét (the festival celebrating the gift of the Torah) became a festival of wisdom; since the 6th cent. AD, its liturgy has described the gift of the Torah to Moses in poetic terms as a marriage of Wisdom and her chosen bridegroom. — Wisdom literature G.Boccaccint, The Preexistence of the Torah, in: Henoch 17.3, 1995, 329-350; J.J. CoLzins, Jewish Wisdom in the Hellenistic Age, 1997; J. H. ELLENs, Sophia in Rabbinic Hermeneutics and the Curious Christian Cor-

Some texts (in certain cases hymnic in character),

which probably have their roots in Hellenistic Jewish Christianity, assign qualities of hypostatized wisdom, namely pre-existence and agency in creation, to Jesus Christ (Phil 2:6-11; Col 1:15-20; Hebr 1:1-4; Jo 1:118). This projects the significance of the resurrected and raised Christ back to the very beginning of creation. Although wisdom theology had a profound effect on Christology, Christ is never linked in these texts with the (feminine) term sophia, or ‘wisdom’ (not least, one

can assume, because of the word’s grammatical gender); instead, in Jo 1:1-18 that concept is replaced by the (masculine) word \oyos (+ Logos [1]; regarding -» Philo [12] see above), which became the central term used in Christianity. However, in the battle against +» Arianism, > Athanasius underscored the identity of l6gos and wisdom. Many Byzantine churches were consecrated to ‘Holy Wisdom’ (-» Hagia Sophia), viewed

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680

as an attribute of God or as the second or third person of the > Trinity. Another independent person that developed, along with Jesus Christ, in the systems of + Gnosis, was hypostatized ( Hypostasis) Wisdom

genres of ritual, incantation and > prayer. Here, the god Enki/Ea with his son Asalluhi/ Marduk, considered the ‘lords/gods of wisdom’ par excellence [1.1], play a central role; accordingly, someone who has been initiated into the various rituals and ceremonies is considered wise (> Magic I.; > Ritual IIL). The discussion below is about wisdom in the sense of ‘wealth of general human experience’.

WISDOM

(see above, II. A.) (cf. for example Iren. Adversus haereses I,1,2-1,2,4; for more information see [1; 2]). 1R.H. Artuur, The Wisdom Goddess, 1984 2D.J. Goop, Reconstructing the Tradition of Sophia in Gnostic Literature, 1987 3 H.-J.Kiauck, ‘Christus, Gottes Kraft und Gottes Weisheit’ (x Kor 1,24), in: Id., Alte Welt und neuer Glaube, 1994, 251-275 4H.von Lips, Weisheitliche Traditionen im NT, 1990 5 S. VOLLENWEIDER, Christus als Weisheit, in: Evangelische Theologie 53, 1993, 290-310. M.HE.

IV. IsLamic

In the pre-Islamic era, the Arabic term hikma initially referred merely to the maxims of experienced wise men (hakim, plural hukama’). Added to these were then numerous sayings, most of them attributed to the legendary prophet Luqman, who in turn harks back to the wisdom tradition of the Middle East (particulary > Ahigar, [3.57f.]; + Wisdom literature V.). In the Quran, however, wisdom is a divine gift that is associated with purity (Quran 2,123) and characteristic of the > prophets (VI) [2]. In a religious context, wisdom implies a knowledge of spiritual truth and of what is allowed or forbidden under religious law. The secular sphere was different: under the influence of the Greek concept of sophia (see above I.), it also included science in the Islamic era, so that hikma, in Ibn Sina (Avicenna), ultimately came to mean the root of all science [2], since it encompassed all human knowledge. 1 L.Gautuirr, La racine arabe h-k-m et ses dérivés, in: E.SAAVEDRA (ed.), Homenaje a D. Francisco Codera, 1904, 435-436 2 A.M. Goicuon, s.v. Hikma, EI’, CD-ROM 1999 3D.Gurtas, Classical Arabic Wisdom

Literature: Nature and Scope, in: Journal of the American Oriental Society 101.1, 1981 49-86.

LT.N.

Wisdom literature. I. ANCIENT NEAR East

ANTIQUITY

II. Ecypr

IV.JuDAIsM

III. Ciassicar

V.IsLAM

I. ANCIENT NEAR EAST A. DEFINITION

B. SOURCES

A. DEFINITION When applying the term wisdom literature (WL) to ancient Mesopotamian literature we need to distinguish between the idea of wisdom (Akkadian némequ, Sumerian nam.ku.zu, ‘precious knowledge’) [xo; 11] as ‘wealth of general human experience’ and the concept of wisdom as expertise in a cult. On the one hand, there are a number of non-homogenous, formally different literary genres in which knowledge, procedures, advice and behavioural guidelines are passed on; on the other hand, there is wisdom as a genuine concept and expertise both in cult and in magic along with the literary

B. SOURCES t. SUMERIAN 2. AKKADIAN

1. SUMERIAN Sumerian WL, based on a dialogue relationship between teacher and student (the texts mention the wise man and his son), had its Sitz im Leben in the > scribe schools at the royal court. Because of their conservative and traditional nature these institutions created an ethos defined by conscientiousness, control of one’s emotions and conformity. Formally, the texts, which became a crucial instrument in the education of magistrates, fall into three categories: (a) dialogues, (b) monologues and (c) collections of sayings. (a) consists in part of the genre of disputations with an emphasis on dialogues of personified animals, seasons or agricultural implements and tools. The > ruler decides the dispute — being highest in the hierarchy he has the role of wise judge [2]. Another group of texts in the form of dialogues are the so-called ‘school disputes’ in which students show off what they have learned [3]. (b) Monologue form is represented by some of the so-called school satires — texts admonishing the student to embody conscientiousness, conformity and subordination [4]. Also passed down in monologue form are instructions of a ‘wise man’ to his ‘son’, e.g. the Farmer’s Instructions to His Son [5] (with detailed instructions on working the fields, sowing and harvest), the Instructions of Ur-Ninurta [6] and the Instructions of Suruppak [7] — both of which are > ‘proverb-poems’ set in a narrative frame. (c) Among the collections of sayings in the widest sense are > fables, > riddles and > proverbs. Following the the biblical concept of > wisdom, literary texts which emphasize a pious life or fear of God — including e.g. the lament Man and His God [8] - are also considered WL. 2. AKKADIAN Compared to Sumerian WL, the Sitz im Leben of Akkadian WL is less obvious. In part this is because, along with the royal court, the temple became central in running scribe schools; in addition, scribe schools as they were known for the Sumerian area became less important since learning to read and write was tied to family and work. Furthermore, the appearance of many Akkadian literary works does not allow for many conclusions about the intellectual context of their place of origin, since most of them were copies from the library of > Assurbanipal in Niniveh (+ Library [II. A.]). The-

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matically Akkadian WL focuses on admonitions to conscientiousness and control of emotions and moral teachings, as well as the topic of fear of God and justice. Just as in Sumerian WL, Akkadian WL also has dialogues and collections of sayings. For example, the genre of disputation exists in Akkadian [1.1 50-212] as well. The monologue as a form of instruction is represented only as an imitation (?) of the ‘Instructions of Suruppag’ and two collections of admonitions for a conscientious and God-fearing life addressed to ‘my son’ or a second person [1.96—109]. Among the collections of sayings are > fables and — proverbs. Righteous behaviour is also the topic of two other genres not known from Sumerian WL: didactic hymns which not only feature moral admonitions but also praise of a deity (‘Ninurta Hymn’, ‘Shamash Hymn’ {z.r18—138]) and behavioral maximes formulated in ‘if-then’ sentences, among them the so-called ‘Princes’ Mirror’ [1.110—115] and a group of so-called ‘Behavioral Omina’ [9]. In Akkadian WL the literary treatment of the topic of + Job is more extensive; again there are two distinct genres: the hymn to Marduk ‘Let Me Praise the Lord of Wisdom’ [1.121—138] and a dialogue about divine justice and predestination called ‘Babylonian Theodicy’

reliable attributions — the issue of their pseudo-epigraphic character has never been resolved. This is especially true for the instructions attributed to the princes and viziers of the Old Kingdom (c. 2700-2300 BC), supposedly the oldest literature in Egypt - MSS are documented only from the Middle Kingdom (after c. 1900 BC). The “Teachings of Hordjedef’ discuss above all the appointment of priests for the dead, and the choice of a wife and concubines. The ‘Teaching of Ptahhotep’ prepares an official for various situations as a subordinate. Two teachings from the First Intermediate Period and the Middle Kingdom form a special group since they are attributed to kings and contain mainly political advice paired with a reminiscence of the father’s actions [4.315-317]. Other teachings of the Middle Kingdom are also characterized by open partiality for the royal family. In the New Kingdom (after c. 1300 BC) the focus shifts to the private area with explicitly religious topics in the foreground. Noteworthy are the teachings of Amenemope which evidently influenced Prov 22:17— 24:22. In addition, for schooling purposes, form letters, admonitions, hymns, etc. were collected and labeled ‘teachings’. Numerous late and demotic teachings have some similarities with comparable texts from the Near East and the Greek sphere (maxims of > Sextus [2] and — Menander [4]): In particular the sayings of > Ahigar, which were translated directly into + demotic, had considerable influence, both in terms of content and form. Formally, the instructions consist of a prologue, an epilogue and chapters which had a rather casuistic structure especially in the earlier period; later the structure became somewhat looser. In demotic instructions there was a tendency to abandon the structure of maxims for a loose associative sequence of individual

[1.63-91]. — Literature [II]; + Proverbs; > Scribes;

> Wisdom

1 W.G. LAMBERT, Babylonian Wisdom Literature, 1960 2 H.L. J. VANstIPHouT, Disputations, in: W.W. HALLo

(ed.), The Context of Scripture, vol. 1, 1997, 576-588 3 Id., School Dialogues, in: s. [2], 588-593 4 A.SyOBeERG, Der Vater und sein mifratener Sohn, in: JCS 25, 1973, 105-169 5 M.Crivit, The Farmer’s Instruc-

tions. A Sumerian Agricultural Manual, 1994 6B.A.stTeR, Ur-Ninurta, in: s. [2], 570 7Id., The Instructions of Suruppak: A Sumerian Proverb Collection, 1975

8 J.KLeIN, Man and His God, in: s. [2], 573-575

9B.BOck,

Die

babylonisch-assyrische

Morphoskopie,

2000, 40-42, 128-147. 10H.GatTeER, Die Worter fiir Weisheit im Akkadischen, in: I.SEYBOLD (ed.), Meq6r hayyim. FS G. Molin, 1983, 89-105 11 C. WILCKE,

Gottliche und menschliche Weisheit im Alten Orient, in: A. ASsMANN (ed.), Archaologie der literarischen Kommunikation, vol. 3: Weisheit, 1991, 259-270.

B.ALsTER, Vaterliche Weisheit in Mesopot, in: vol. 3: Weisheit, 1991, 103-115 A. ASSMANN (ed.), Archaologie der literarischen Kommunikation,; G.BUCCELLATI,

Wisdom and Not: The Case of Mesopotamia, in: Journal of the American Oriental Society to1.1, 1981, 35-473 S.DENNING-BOLLE, Wisdom in Akkadian Literature: Expression, Instruction, Dialogue, 1992. BA.BO.

WISDOM LITERATURE.

statements (e.g. ‘Instruction of Ankhsheshonqy’ [2]).

Whether a number of other texts, traditionally considered ‘wisdom’ in the wider sense by scholars, really belong to the genre is more doubtful. A case could probably be made for the still unpublished ‘Book of Thot’ (a dialogue between the god > Thot and a ‘lover of wisdom’) and the ‘Myth of the Eye of the Sun’ (> Tefnut, legend of) in which a cat and a monkey have discursive philosophical conversations. The teachings of wisdom, which often had a very long tradition, impart essential cultural values and were important components of Egyptian culture. -» Imuthes

[2]; — Literature

(II.B.);

- Proverbs (II.);

> Scribes 1 H.BRUNNER, Die Weisheitsbiicher der Agypter, 1991 2 M. LicuTHEIM, Late-Egyptian Wisdom Literature in the

II. EGypt One of the typically Egyptian genres of writing is ‘practical instructions’ (sb3y.t). The dialogue usually consists of a father giving advice to his son; therefore, unlike any other Egyptian literary genres, these instructions are associated explicitly with the names of - authors. Yet, as the ‘authors’ are part of the programmatic intention of the texts, their names cannot be considered

International Context, 1983 3 A.LopRIENo (ed.), Ancient Egyptian Literature, 1995 4R.B. PARKINSON, Poetry and Culture in the Middle Kingdom, 2002 5 K.F. D. ROMHELD, Die Weisheitslehre im Alten Orient, 1989

6 P. VerNus, Sagesses de l’Egypte pharaonique, 2001. JO.QU,

WISDOM

LITERATURE.

683

III. CLassicaL ANTIQUITY A. GENERAL POINTS B. ARCHAIC PERIOD C. FROM THE CLASSICAL PERIOD TO THE ROMAN

EMPIRE cISM

D. SEPTUAGINT, CHRISTIANITY, GNOSTIE. ROME

A. GENERAL POINTS Long before Homer and Hesiod, Mesopotamia and Egypt had literary works of admonitory and didactic content. Typically, they are in the form of, e.g., concisely worded practical instructions, such as from father to son; in other instances the texts seem little more than a collection of > proverbs attributed to a king or wise man. In modern scholarship this literary corpus is called ‘WL’ (see above, I. and II.). WL is a popular genre characterized by advice on worldly questions in the form of aphorisms (as opposed to philosophical speculation on the causes and principles of the world). In Greco-Roman culture, WL is more difficult to identify and define. There was no distinct genre for instructional literature nor was there a distinction between didactic and narrative literature. Therefore it is preferable to follow the model of Ancient Near Eastern WL. B. ARCHAIC PERIOD The Greek text that comes closest to Near Eastern WL is > Hesiodus’ (8th cent. BC) Erga kai hémérai (‘Works and Days’), an admonition in hexameter addressed to his brother Perses, which combines myths, — gnomai, > fables and warnings of divine retribution with practical instructions on moral, social, religious and agricultural matters. Two other hexameter poems were of a similar nature: Hesiod’s (mostly lost) Megdla érga and the so-called Cheironos hypothékai (‘Advice of > Chiron’), a gnomic text (Quint. Inst. 1,1,15) at-

tributed to Hesiod in which the wise centaur instructs young Achilles. In the — ‘Contest of Homer and Hesiod’ (205-210 ALLEN) the king explains that contrary to the prevailing opinion of the Greeks it is just to award Hesiod the victor’s crown since he supports agriculture and peace; this explanation reveals a conflict between didactic poetry and the kind of narrative poetry that pleases the popular taste. The gnomic tradition continued in the so-called Phocylidea, a collection of gnomai in hexameter, dated at least a century after Hesiod (— Phocylides [r]). + Elegy, however, was the preferred form of the didactic poetry of the Archaic Period: + Mimnermus, + Solon [1] and esp. > Theognis. Of the 1,400 verses total attributed to Theognis, 300 are addressed to his beloved (hetairos) and fellow-citizen Cyrnus (perhaps a historical person like Hesiod’s Perses?). His aphoristic advice made Theognis a popular author read in schools as early as the 5th cent. BC. When Isocrates (2,23,43) in the 4th cent. BC calls Hesiod, Phocylides and Theognis the ‘best counsellors for human behavior’ (and complains that the masses ignored their advice, hypothékai), he has identified the particular quality that makes this poetry WL.

684

A Greek variation of WL emerges in the gradual canonization of the > Seven Sages. In early Greek literature oodia/sophia (> Wisdom [I.]) is associated with practical skills and knowledge (téxvn/— téchné): with carpentry, medicine, poetry, prophecy, horsemanship and the navigation of ships. Accordingly, the sophia of the Seven Sages is realized via its practical application in both personally or politically prudent actions and in linguistic mastery (cf. the Homeric ideal: excellence in good counsel as well as in war, Hom. Il. 1,258). Plato [x] emphasizes the linguistic aspect: one could recognize the wisdom of the Seven Sages by their concise and memorable sayings (PI. Prt. 343a).

C. FROM THE CLASSICAL PERIOD TO THE ROMAN EMPIRE In Homer and in the Archaic Period gnomic statements are widely used. Words with a general meaning such as émoc (épos, Hom. Il. 15,206), aivoc (ainos, Hom. Il. 23,795) or AOyos (/égos, Alcaeus fr. 360), which are applied to a series of speech acts (praise, reprimand, admonition, insult), as well as phrases such as &ya0dc (agathos, ‘good to’) and yen (chré, ‘one has to’) with an infinitive or eatew (phrazed, ‘consider’) followed by a common place can indicate proverbial expressions. The so-called gnomic aorist (Hes. Op. 218) and the epic te (te, Hom. Od. 3,147), both of them

Proto-Indo-European constructions, also often mark gnomic expressions. Only in the 5th and 4th cents. BC (possibly under the influence of the > Sophists) specific terms were defined to distinguish between the — sometimes overlapping — areas of worldly wisdom, admonition, proverb and sentence: yv@un/gnomé, bmoOHxn/ hypothéké, nagomia/— paroimia, a&xop0eyno/— apophthegma. Of these terms > gnomé is the oldest one (documented as early as in Heracl. 22 B 78 DK in the sense of practical wisdom) and the most comprehensive (cf. yyopodoyia/gndmologia in Aristotle [6] in the sense of ‘study of sentences’, Aristot. Rh. 2,1394a 19-26). The growing interest of + rhetoric in gnomai notwithstanding, Greek WL hardly attained the high literary level of the ‘proverbs’ of the OT which flourished especially in the form of ‘wisdom sayings’, i.e. particular speech acts in “an almost invisible realm of folk literature that permeates ancient Greek culture at a relatively modest level of performance” [9.50]. Other noteworthy manifestations of WL in prose are: the gnomic language of + Heraclitus’ work; the texts of the ‘Sophists’ (sophistai, literally ‘wisdom teachers’) who instructed the young in a number of disciplines (e.g. mathematics, politics, grammar and rhetoric); > Democritus’ collection of practical wisdom (Gndémai); — Isocrates’ + princes’ mirror To Nicocles (in which he addresses a young king the way a teacher would address his student); some didactic works by Xenophon [2], among them the Oikonomikos (with instructions on agriculture and instructions for a young wife) or On Hunting (addressed to ‘the young’: 1,18); the Mondsticha (oneliners) of -» Menander [4]; the four books of Apo-

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686

phthégmata by > Plutarch [2]. Plato [1] cannot be considered an author of WL in the aforementioned sense; he considered himself (and his teacher Socrates [2]) pudoogoc/philésophos rather than ooddc/sophds (‘wise’) because he turned away from the everyday world and toward the world of ideas. Epicurus with his Kyriai déxai wrote a collection of maxims, but like the Epicurean sophoi (‘wise men’) after him, he sought to distance himself from the polis and from practical things. In a certain sense, the works of the later Stoics (+ Stoicism) can be considered WL: they call for involvement in politics and for the effort to create a just society. Marcus [2] Aurelius’ Meditationes do not belong in this category, since on the quest for personal insight they are addressed ‘To Himself? (Eic éavt6v/Eis heauton).

didactic poem De rerum natura also has elements of admonition and advice on worldly wisdom which have been typologically connected with WL from its beginnings. ~ Didactic poetry; — Fable; - Gnome; Literature;

D. SEPTUAGINT, CHRISTIANITY, GNOSTICISM

With a few exceptions (such as Eur. Med. 840-45) a ~ personification of sophia is found only in the Greek translation of the > Septuagint (‘Proverbs’ and ‘Ecclesiastes’). The Christians adopted the Jewish understanding of divine sophia as an emanation of the glory of God and sometimes identified it with the Holy Spirit of the > Trinity (+ Wisdom [II.]). In the Gospel, — Jesus is considered the embodiment of wisdom (Lk 7:35); > Paul [2] complicates this idea by stating that God destroyed ‘the wisdom of the wise’ and turned it into ‘foolishness’ (Cor 1:18—22). In > Gnosisticism di-

vine sophia is one of the Aeons, the female principle and counterpart of the Father. Other aspects of the Gnostic sophia relate her to the cosmic > démiourgos [3] and to the salvation of man. E. ROME In Latin literature, a large number of practical handbooks can be considered a continuation of the traditions of WL. Cato [1] Maior (the cognomen ‘Cato’ supposedly referred to his sagacity) with his collection of admonitions to his son (Ad filium) and with the letter De re militari (‘On the Art of War’), also addressed to his son, should be mentioned. Various Latin handbooks

on agriculture could also be classified as a form of WL (— Agrarian writers). Although some handbooks on agriculture — Cato’s De agri cultura (addressed to a young man), Varro’s De re rustica (addressed to his young wife) and Columella’s De re rustica (addressed to a neighbouring landholder) — contain elements of WL, they are too technical and thematically too specialized to be part of this category. To the tradition of WL in an extended sense belong Latin handbooks on orators and rhetors (Cato [1], Cicero, Quintilianus) or also + Seneca [1] the Elder’s work Oratorum et rhetorum sententiae, divisiones, colores (written for his sons) as

well as the moral treatise attributed to Ap. + Claudius [I 2] Caecus (censor 312 BC), Cato’s [1] Carmen de

moribus and — Seneca [2] the Younger’s Epistulae morales (to his friend Lucilius). + Lucretius’ [III r]

WISDOM LITERATURE.

-» Proverbs; > Riddles 1 P, FRIEDLANDER, “YroOjjxou, in: Hermes 48, 1913, 558—

616

2D.Goop, Reconstructing the Tradition of Sophia

in Gnostic Literature, 1987

3 A.M. Igract-Bro, Le con-

cept de paroimia: Proverbium dans la haute et la basse antiquite, in: F. SUARD (ed.), Richesse du proverbe, vol. 2,

1984,83-94 4J.F. KInDsTRAND, The Greek Concept of Proverbs, in: Eranos 76, 1978, 71-85 5 A.LarDINoISs,

The Wisdom and Wit of Many: The Orality of Greek Proverbial Expressions, in: J.WATSON

(ed.), Speaking Vol-

umes, 2001, 93-107 6 1d., Wisdom in Context: The Use of Gnomic Statements in Archaic Greek Poetry, thesis, Princeton 1995 7R.Marrtin, The Seven Sages as Performers of Wisdom, in: C.DouGHERTY, L. Kurke (eds.), Cultural Poetics in Archaic Greece, 1993, 108-128 8 A.W. NIGHTINGALE, Sages, Sophists, and Philosophers: Greek Wisdom Literature, in: O. TapLin (ed.), Literature in the Greek and Roman Worlds, 2000, 156-191 9 J.Russo, Prose Genres for the Performance of Traditional Wisdom in Ancient Greece: Proverb, Maxim, Apophthegm, in: L.EpMuNDs, R.W.WALLACE (eds.), Poet, Public and Performance in Ancient Greece, 1997, 49-64 10 Id., The Greek Concept of Proverbs, in: Journal of Folklore Research 20, 1980, 121-130 11M.L. West, Hesiod, Works and Days, 1978.

IV. JUDAISM

The Hebrew Bible contains various texts that are considered WL and are of great importance in Judaism: ‘Proverbs’, — ‘Job’ and > ‘Qoheleth’ (‘Ecclesiastes’) and also some Psalms. The common theme of — wisdom (II.) as a way of life is discussed in various forms; e.g. in the traditional didactic form (with direct address, admonition and precise instructions on how to act), but also by questioning theological concepts. The theological orientation of WL becomes more obvious in later texts. A significant part of Jewish > apocryphal literature (A) and pseudo-epigraphic texts is considered WL, such as the ‘Wisdom of Ben Sirach’ (— Sirach), parts of the Greek Daniel, 1 Esra 3:1-4,41 and much else. The fact that WL was also recorded in > Qumran ( Dead Sea (textual finds)) suggests that it was part of the canon of biblical — literature (IV.). Especially in Hellenistic + Judaism (C), WL played an important role in illustrating the compatibility of Jewish religion and Greek philosophy. The Greek ‘Wisdom of Solomon’ (Lopia Lakwpmvoc/Sophia Salomonos) was written in the rst cent. BC in Alexandria [1]. Addressed to Jews and non-Jews, it first states the benefits of Jewish religion, then describes in detail the merits of wisdom and of its teachings ( Wisdom II.). With various texts widely quoted, among them the non-canonical ‘Wisdom of Ben Sirach’, Rabbinical Judaism (+ Rabbinical literature) saw a return to biblical WL. The first four chapters of the + Mishnah tractate Avot (‘Sayings of the Fathers’) consist of wisdom

WISDOM

LITERATURE.

688

687

sayings attributed to rabbinical scholars by name, formulated partly as admonitions, partly as general statements. With the inclusion of the tractate in the liturgy in the period of the Geonim (9th-roth cents.), Avot was accorded high status as the most important example of rabbinical WL and was studied regularly. Talmudic forms of WL (> Rabbinical Literature [IV.]) are, among others, collections of sayings (e.g. bBer 17a), interpretations of dreams (bBer 56a-57a), numerical sayings (e.g. mAvot 5; bQid 49b) and medical advice (e.g. bGit 68b-69a). They are scattered throughout the Talmud and convey religious and practical wisdom which often is closely related to WL of other cultures. Through Bible references popular proverbs are given a religious interpretation and are transformed into WL (e.g. bBQ 92b). To a large extent the two small postTalmudic tractates Derek res Rabba and Derek Eres Zuta also belong to WL. The modern discussion surrounding the date of the so-called ‘Wisdom text from the Cairo > Genizah’, written in biblical style, proves that in Judaism the genre of WL was very much conventionalized. According to [3] and [5] its origin lies in the 9th—zoth cents. The Hebrew ‘Alphabet of Ben Sira’ is a medieval parody of WL in which a naive student instructs his teacher by way of fables and proverbs. In the Middle Ages, WL is succeeded by ethical testaments (written admonitions

texts in the > princes’ mirror literature in particular (e.g. the Kalila wa Dimna and the Sindbad novel) go back to Persian and Indian sources. The apocryphal cycle of letters between Aristotle [6] and Alexander [4] the Great on the other hand mostly relied on Byzantine administrative and tactical handbooks from the 6th and ath cents. [4]. The extensive Graeco-Hellenistic gnomic material (> Gnome [1.]) had a great impact; translated by Hunain ibn Ishaq in the gth cent., it became the basis for many Arabic gnomologies ([7], cf. also [1; 5; 8]). WL was an important part of Arabic literature and found its way into collections of proverbs, administrative handbooks and educational texts. + Wisdom IV. 1]. Aton, Isocrates Sayings in Arabic, in: Israel Oriental Studies 6, 1976, 224-228 2 L.GauTuierR, La racine arabe h-k-m et ses dérivatives, in: E.SAAVEDRA (ed.), Homenaje a D. Francisco Codera, 1904, 435-436 3 A.M. Gorcuon, s.v. Hikma, EI?, CD-ROM 1999

4 M. Grienascui, Les Rasa’ilAristatalisa ila Iskandar de Salim Abu-l~ Ala et ’activité culturelle a ?@poque Omayyade, in: Bulletin des Etudes Orientales 19, 1965-1966, 7-83 5D.Guras, Greek Wisdom Literature in Arabic Translation, 1975 6Id., Classical Arabic Wisdom Lit-

erature: Nature and Scope, in: Journal of the American Oriental Society ror.1, 1981 49-86 8 F.ROSENTHAL,

Knowledge

9M.ULLMANN,

literature (instructions for a good life agreeable to God, ethical writings), which also combine admonitions, fables, sayings and narratives to encourage an education that leads to a wise (i.e. religious) life. — Apocryphal literature A.; > Bible B.; > Literature IV.; > Rabbinical literature; > Wisdom II.

nannten Menandersentenzen, 1961.

61-82 2B.Z. BoKsEeR, Wisdom of the Talmud, 1951 3 E. FLEISCHER, The Proverbs of Sa’id ben Babshad, 1990, esp. 47-63, 155-168 4D.H. Kine, Ideological Confluence in the Wisdom of Solomon, 1982 5 $.SCHECHTER, A Further Fragment of Ben Sira, in: JQR 12, 1900, 459ff. 6G.STEMBERGER, Der Talmud, 1982, 214-226 7 G. VeLTRI, Mittelalterliche Nachahmung weisheitlicher Texte, in: Theologische Rundschau 57.4, 1992, 405-430.

EH.

V.IsLam The Arabic WL is highly developed and extensive (Arab. hikma, ‘wisdom’, also WL) and in part derives from translations and adaptations of Greek, Persian and Indian models. The adoption of external materials comes from the idea — controversial in a religious context — that authoritative knowledge is passed down from the sages of the past, independent of their cultural and religious background; therefore eclectic collections are typical. The WL attributed to the legendary Luqman for example, is based on biblical, apocryphal and Syrian + Ahigar traditions; from the 9th cent. on this figure also started to resemble + Aesop. Many

Die arabische

Triumphant,

and rules for the descendants of the author) and Mussar

1 C. BENNEMA, The Strands of Wisdom Tradition in Intertestamental Judaism, in: Tyndale Bulletin 52.1, 2001,

7 A. LOEWENTHAL,

Honein Ibn Ishak, Sinnspriiche der Philosophen, 1896 Uberlieferung

1970 der soge-

LTN.

Wisent (Biowv/bison, Bovacod/bénasos; Latin biso, viso or bonasus). A wild ox which, together with the > aurochs (urus), was common in northern Europe (Plin. HN 8,38 and 40; Solin. 20,4), and particularly in Paeonia (> Paeones); it had a horse-like mane (Aristot. Hist. an. 2,1,498b 31), inward-curving horns (Aristot.

Part. an. 3,2,663a 13) and the ability to fend off enemies by flinging dung (Aristot. loc.cit; Hist. an. 8(9),45,630a 18-b 17). Paus. 10,13,1-4 describes a method for capturing them [1]. That it was found in Paeonia is confirmed by the bronze wisent head mentioned by Pausanias [8], which was dedicated in Delphi by the prince Dropion of Paeonia. In Imperial Rome, wisents were exhibited in the Circus (Mart. 1,104,8; Mart. Liber spectaculorum 22,10 HEeRAgus). The alleged Indian wisent (Str. 15,1,69) is probably a > buffalo. A gem from Tanagra seems to depict a wisent [2. tab. 18,57]. 1 W.RicHTer, in: Philologus 103, 1959, 283 2 F.IMHooF-BLUMER, O. KELLER, Tier- und Pflanzenbilder auf Miinzen und Gemmen des klassischen Altertums, 1889 (repr. 1972)

KELLER 1, 341 f.

C.HU.

Witigis (Ovittyic; Ouittigis). First non-Amal Ostrogoth king in Italy AD 536-5 40, successor to Theodahat (+ Theodahatus), nephew of Ulitheus, uncle of > Uraias. Spatharius (‘sword-bearer’) to > Athalaric (Cas-

689

690

siod. MGH AA 12,476). After Theodahat’s failure in the face of the Byzantine invasion, V. was proclaimed king by the Gothic army in Reate at the end of 536 (Procop. BG 1,11,5). He had Theodahat killed (Procop. BG 1,11,6) and subsequently marched to Ravenna, where he forced -> Matasuntha, granddaughter of > Theoderic [3] the Great, into marriage (Procop. BG 1,11,27) [3. 16234.343]. Meanwhile, Rome was lost to

Woad (Greek ioduc/isdtis, Lat. vitrum and glastum, e.g. Plin. HN 22,2) the dye-plant ‘Dyer’s Woad’, L. Isatis tinctoria. This genus of Brassicaceae thrives in Europe in a number of species. Until the discovery of the dye indigo in the roth cent., it was used for colouring textiles blue (+ Dyeing). It is a perennial plant, growing up to 1.4 min height, with yellow flowers [1. 157, colour photograph 326] developing into single-seed pods which are violet when ripe. A mash of ground dried leaves (flowers according to [1. 159]) and water is fermented and oxidized into a blue dye by air (cf. Indicus, indigo: Plin. HN 35,30 and 46; > Pigments, with table). According to Caesar (B Gall. 5,14,2), the Britons dyed their bodies with it before battle to deter their opponents (cf. Mela 3,6,51). Their wives used it to dye their entirely naked bodies in certain rites, evidently to ward off evil spirits (Plin. HN 22,2). Its leaves, ground and applied with a barley paste, were supposed to heal skin ulcers (Plin. HN 20,59, cf. Dioscurides 2,184

~ Belisarius (Procop. BG 1,14,14). V. conducted negotiations with the Franks, in order to be able to start

fighting against Byzantium

(surrender

of southern

Gaul: Procop. Goth. 1,13,26f.). He then besieged Rome

(beginning of 537-March 538: Procop. Goth. 1,192,9), but retreated to Ravenna after Byzantine campaigns in northern Italy and Ariminium in the middle of 538. With Frankish and Burgundian help he was able to regain Mediolanum [1] (modern Milan) in 539 (Procop. BG 2,21~-38). Belisarius however conquered Auximum (at the end of 539) and then laid siege to V. in Ravenna (Procop. BG 2,28). Complicated negotiations led to a treaty in March 540 ([z. 205-207]; [2]). V. went to Constantinople with Matasuntha and died two years later (Iord. Get. 313). —~ Ostrogoths 1 PLRE 3, 1382-1386 2A.ScHwarcz, Uberlegungen zur Chronologie der ostgotischen K6nigserhebungen nach der Kapitulation des Witigis, in: K. BRUNNER,

B. MERTA

(eds.), Ethnogenese und Uberlieferung, 1994, 117-122 3 P.AMory, People and Identity in Ostrogothic Italy, 1997, 460f. 4H. WoLrramM, Die Goten, 42001, 341349.

WE.LU.

Witiza. In AD 694/5, W. became co-regent of his father, the Visigoth king Egica, who had become senile and died in 702. Information about his sole reign is difficult to obtain. The acts of the 18th Council of Toledo (c. 703) are lost; medieval historiography (beginning with the Chronicon Moissacense, 9th cent.) primarily describes the alleged (particularly moral) misconduct of the last but one Visigoth king. This was apparently supposed to explain the swift collapse of the kingdom, which W.’s successor — Rodericus was scarcely to blame for alone. It is consistent with this that Muslim armed reconnoitring voyages across the Straits of Gibraltar may have begun by 709 and would therefore have occurred late in the reign of W., who died in 710. — Visigoths D.Ctiaupe, Geschichte der Westgoten, 1970; Enciclopedia Universal Ilustrada Europeo-Americana, s.v. W., vol.

70, 1930, 358f.; FRENZEL, 684.

Witnesses see — Martyria; monium falsum

> Testimonium;

M.SCH.

- Testi-

> Magical papyri; > Magic doll;

WELLMANN = 2,215 BERENDES).

1 H. Baumann, Die griechische Pflanzenwelt in Mythos, Kunst und Literatur, 1982. M.ScuusTER, s. v. Waid, RE Suppl. 8, 911-914.

Magi-

—C.HU.

Wolf (6 Avxoc/lykos, i Avxawa/lykaina, diminutive huxidevc/lykideus, occasionally oxbirat/skylax, ‘young animal’; Latin lupus, lupa and lupus femina, e.g. Enn. Ann. 1,68; Etym.: leo + pes, ‘lion-foot’, in Isid. Orig. 12,3,23). Large and feared land predators, wolves were known by first-hand experience to all peoples in Antiquity. Only Opp. Cyn. recognizes five species. Plin. HN 8,84 and 11,202 mentions a Gaulish lupus cervarius and distinguishes it from the Aethiopian wolf, in reality a jackal (cf. @@e¢/thées in Aristot. Hist. an. 6,35,580a 26-31). The lycaones (Plin. HN 8,123; Mela 3,88) has been identified as the African wild dog. I. Brotocy U. CHaractrer II. HARMFULNESS IV. MaGIc AND MEDICINE V. RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY VI. FIGURES OF SPEECH AND FOLKLORE I. BloLocy

Its coat is described by Homer [1] (e.g. Il. 10,334) and Ovid (Met. 7,550) as ‘grey’ (moAtdc/polids), but also as ‘fiery’ (ai®wv/aithon) and ‘yellowish’ (xvyxoc/ knékos; Babr. 113,2). Aristotle [6] provides a brief description of its reproduction (Aristot. Hist. an. 6,35,580a 11-22) and diet (ibid. 7(8),5,594a 26-31), the number of cervical vertebrae (Part. an. 4,10,686a 21 f.; cf. Plin. HN 11,177) and toes (Part. an. 4,10,688a 5 f.; cf. Plin. HN 11,245), the initial blindness of the young (Gen. an. 2,6,742a 8 f.; cf. Plin. HN 10,176) and their number (Gen. an. 4,4,771a 21 f.). Pliny relates wolf fables (Plin. HN

Wizardry, Witchcraft see - Magic; Miracles, Miracle-workers; cal spells

WOLF

8,80-83) and tells of its eyes

glowing by night (11,151; cf. Ael. NA 10,26). The wolf has a complete set of teeth and only one stomach (Aristot. Hist. an. 2,47,507b 15-17); its bushy tail (cf. Plin. HN 11,265) was supposed to have an aphrodisiac effect (Plin. HN 8,83: amatorium virus). In accordance with

691

692

its nature as a predator, the wolf lives on raw flesh (Aristot. Hist. an. 7(8),5,594a 26; cf. Ov. Met. 15,87) and does not spurn human corpses (Hor. Epod. 5,99; Tib.

the human liver (ibid. 28,197) and much more. The pelt was considered helpful for children’s teething (ibid. 28,257). Evil was averted by putting wolf fat on doorposts, a wolf’s muzzle on the gate of a courtyard, and a wolf’s tail on a manger (PGM, Index s.v. Abxoc/Iykos). The wolf was feared as a terrible animal since the earliest times, mainly because of its bewitching stare (e.g. Theoc. 14,22; Verg. Ecl. 9,54; cf. Pl. Rep. 336d), its death-dealing tread (Isid. Orig. 12,2,24; Gp. 15,1,6) and the magical power of its pelt (e.g. Hor. Sat. 1,8,42). Its appearance was always an evil omen for the Romans

WOLF

155,533 Ov. Met. 7,550). Aristot. Hist. an. 594a 29-31, however, considers the eating of human flesh to be an exception. Its howl is mentioned primarily by poets (e.g. Call. fr. 725 PFEIFFER; Luc. 6,688). Hybrids of wolves and dogs are claimed to exist (Aristot. ibid. 607a 2 f.; Diod. Sic. 1,88,6). In Gaul, they were common according to Plin. HN 8,148.

II. CHARACTER According to Aristot. Hist. an. 488a 28, the wolf is noble (yevvaioc/gennaios), wild (&yevos/dgrios) and cunning (éxiPovkoc/epiboulos; cf. Pind. Pyth. 2,84); according to Aeschylus (Cho. 421; Sept. 1036), voracious and bestial. It is above all the predator par excellence, which cannot be tamed (Aesop. 209, 267 and 366 PERRY), and sometimes also a thief (Tib. 1,1,33). Its rapacity makes it wily (Pind. loc.cit.; cf. Pl. Soph. 23 1a) anda killer (e.g. Aesch. fr. 39 *NAuck; Eur. Hec. 90; Paus. 6,14,8), superior to more powerful animals such as bulls (Ael. NA 5,19). Almost all land animals are moved to panic by its appearance (cf. Ov. Ars am. 1,118; Lucian Asinus 15). Mentioned as its enemies are

asses, bulls, foxes (Aristot. Hist. an. 8(9),1,609b 1), lio-

(e.g. Liv. 3,29,93 21,46,2; Cass. Dio 39,20,2 and 40,17,1; SHA Maximianus 31,3) and for the Jews (Gn At aT LaLa 27)

V. RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY For the Egyptians, the wolf was apparently a god (Hdt. 1,88,6 f.; Diod. 1,83,1 — Wepwawet, > Lyconpolis). Nevertheless, there were probably no pre-Greek wolf gods [3. 1,187]. In the myth about —> Lycaon, he was transformed into a wolf (Nicolaus Damascenus FGrH 90 F 38). Humans who ate the meat of other people were, according to an ancient idea originating with the Scythians (Hdt. 4,105; Mela 2,1,13), transformed into werewolves (cf. Paus. 6,8,2; Varro in Aug. Civ. 18,17). The Romans also used this motif in literature

nesses (Verg. Ecl. 2,63) and snakes (Paus. 10,33,9); it

(Verg. Ecl. 8,97-99; Petron. 62,6).

maintains friendship only with parrots (Opp. Kyn. 2,408; Timotheus of Gaza 7,10: [1. 22]). Wolf-like traits in human > physiognomy are attributed to a correspondingly dangerous nature (e.g. Nemes. De natura hominis 50; Ps.-Aristot. Phgn. 59).

made between > Apollo and the wolf, arising (cf. Aristot. Hist. an. 6,3 5,580a 16-19) from a misunderstanding of his epithet Avxnyevnc/lykégenes (‘Lycian-born’: Hom. Il. 4,101 and 119). In the cult of Apollo in Argos, sacrifices were made to the wolf (Aesch. Suppl. 760; Paus. 2,19,4). In Delphi there was a statue of a wolf (Paus. 2,19,4; Ael. NA 12,40). At Aesch. Sept. 145, in his role as a god of shepherds, Apollo, like + Heracles {1] (Anth. Pal. 9,72), was called ‘wolf-killer’ (Avxoxtovoc/lykoktonos). The significance of > Artemis’ epithet Lykaina (Abxawa/Lykaina) is uncertain. Rome’s foundation legend with the feeding of > Romulus [1] and Remus by a she-wolf is canonical from Fabius [I 35] Pictor onwards. A statue of the animal (Liv. 10,23,12) was placed on the Ficus Ruminalis (+ Rumina) by 296 BC. A copy of it on the Capitol was famous, and was often reproduced on coins [2. tab. 1,30], tombs and the city emblem. Compound names such as Lupa Martia (Prop. 4,1,55) and others (e.g. Hor. Carm. 1,17,9; Verg. Aen. 9,566) show the relationship between the wolf and > Mars. The suckling of the twins by the she-wolf was located in the Mars Cave

III]. HARMFULNESS

Its voraciousness made the wolf the greatest enemy of farmers and shepherds (cf. Pl. Rep. 415e; Verg. Ecl. 3,80) because it took and killed above all sheep and goats (Hom. Il. 19,325; cf. depictions on gemstones [2. tab. 15, 59-64]), sometimes also calves (Lycoph. 102; Stat. Theb. 9,116) and other large domesticated animals (Varro, Rust. 2,9,2; cf. Str. 4,4,3). Shepherds had to get bold, swift and strong dogs to help defend against wolves

(Xen. Mem.

2,7,14; Xen.

Hipp. 4,8; Varro,

Rust. 2,9). Wolves were also caught in pits and traps (Plaut. Poen. 648; Hor. Epist. 1,16,50). According to

Plut. Solon 23,3, people in Athens paid 1-5 drachmai as a prize for catching them. IV. MaGic AND MEDICINE An account of magical apotropaic practices using wolf’s blood is given by Plin. HN 28,266 f. (cf. Gp. 18,14). The pelt was only rarely used (e.g. Verg. Aen. 7,688; Opp. Cyn. 3,202; Paus. 4,11,3). The liver, bile, fat and dung were used medicinally. The fat was supposed to soften indurations on the skin (Plin. HN 28,234) and remove bleariness of the eyes (ibid. 28,172), the ashes of an incinerated wolf’s head would firm up loose teeth (ibid. 28,178), the bile would end constipation (ibid. 28,203), the liver would cure pain in

A connection was

(Mavortium Antrum, Verg. Aen. 8,630), i.e. at Luper-

cal, the site on which later the > Lupercalia took place. The + Hirpini people were allegedly led to their homeland by a wolf (Str. 5,250). VI. FIGURES OF SPEECH AND FOLKLORE

The behaviour of wolves was readily compared to that of human beings in fables, proverbs, insults and as a metaphor (e.g. Plaut. Capt. 912; Stich. 577; Pseud. 140; Poen. 647 and 776). Sometimes a wolf stands

693

694

directly for a human being (e.g. Pl. Rep. 566a; Aesch. Ag. 1257) or for an entire people (e.g. Vell. Pat. 2,27; Hor. Carm. 4,4,50; Liv. 3,66,4). The proverb lupus in fabula describes suddenly falling silent at the appearance of someone just as they have been mentioned. In the Golden Age (-> Period, Era) and in similar utopian descriptions, the wolf is missing or he behaves entirely peacefully (cf. Verg. Ecl. 3,80 and 8,52; Hor. Carm.

Reflexes of the role of women in society are found in the elevated position given to a significant number of goddesses in Mesopotamia and also in other ancient Oriental religions. In the world view of Mesopotamia,

1,33,73 Lib. 2,1,20; Sen. Phaedr. 572; also in the OT: Is

B. MESOPOTAMIA In numerous legal documents and law books (law book of + Hammurapi, middle Assyrian law book [5]; > Cuneiform, legal texts in) from Mesopotamia, women function as both subject (as lenders, buyers or sellers, witnesses) and as object (as sold or freed slave, wife given in marriage, and as the object in criminal law) of legal agreements or acts. As a rule, women were not entitled to inherit, instead receiving a dowry; as widows, they were managers of the inheritance for their

11:6 and 65:25). In fables, the predatory wolf is often outwitted by other animals (Aesop. 134,

157, 160, 187, 258, 261 and 345 PERRY; Phaedr. 1,10). In contrast to dogs, wolves often appear as hostile, although they are sometimes amicable (Babr. 85,159). They are often encountered in allegories in epics (e.g. Hom. Il. 16,15 6163; Verg. Aen. 2,355-360; 9,59-64 and 565 f.; Sil. 7,127 and 717; Stat. Theb. 3,45; 19,43; 11,26 and 12,739). In Christian language, heretics and false prophets are often described as wolves (e.g. Mt 7:15;

Acts 20:29; Prudent. Liber peristephanon 11,241), in

particular Photeinus and Arius [3] (Prudent. Psychomachia 795) and + Marcion (Euseb. Hist. eccl. 5,13,4). 1F.S. BODENHEIMER, A.RABINOWITZ, Timotheus of Gaza on Animals,1950 2 F.IMHOOF-BLUMER, O.KELLER, Tier- und Pflanzenbilder auf Miinzen und Gemmen des klassischen Altertums, 1889 (repr.1972) 3 O.KERN,

Die Religion der Griechen, *1963 KELLER 1,87 f.; W. RICHTER, s.v. W., RE Supplement 15, 960-987

C.HU.

Woman I. ANCIENT ORIENT, EGYPT AND IRAN II. GREECE AND ROME III. JuDAisM IV. CHRISTIANITY I. ANCIENT ORIENT, EGYPT AND IRAN A. INTRODUCTION B. MESOPOTAMIA C. EGYPT D. IRAN, ACHAEMENID ERA E. IRAN, SASSANID PERIOD

A. INTRODUCTION Knowledge of the status of women is largely based on texts of a legal nature (legal documents, law books,

royal decrees). Accordingly, research to date emphasizes primarily the legal aspects of the position of women in family and society. Non-legal texts from a variety of genres contain information on the activities of women from the families of the elite, particularly those of the royal clan. Thus, the Hittite royal wife Puduhepa (13th cent. BC) had a personal influence on the foreign relations of the Hittite empire with Egypt (Ramesses II) — she sealed, among other things, the treaty between the two states with her own seal. Marriage alliances among the ruling elite served to legitimate and retain power, such as those between the ruling houses of the Ancient Orient as a means of maintaining relations between states. The living conditions of women from the lower classes remain unclear.

WOMAN

Egypt, Syria (but not in the OT!) and the Hittites, the emergence of the cosmos and earthly order traced back to the union of female and male elements.

minor sons.

As a rule, women were bestowed in + marriage by their parents. Virginity when entering marriage was —as

usual in most traditional societies — demanded. There is no confirmation to date for other reports (Hdt. 1,199: cult prostitution before marriage). Decrees from the 13th cent. BC provide a look into life in the harem of Assyrian rulers [4]. Particularly in the patrimonial oikos system (+ Oikoseconomy) of the 3rd and early 2nd millennia BC, women of the royal family clan stood at the head of large, autonomous palace or temple households. In the rst millennium in Assyria, the mother of the king played a role as an administrator of the throne (~ Semiramis), which can also be proven for Syria-Palaestina. In the literary written record, individual female figures receive (beginning in the late 3rd millennium) particular regard; worthy of mention is the only (fictional) > autobiography of a woman, that of Adad-guppi (7th/6th cent. BC), the mother of > Nabonidus, which is handed down in the form of a monumental inscription. As in all agrarian societies, women were part of the social workforce (+ work). In the o7kos system, women were used as compulsory workers in > ergasteria, in the harvest and in public works and received daily rations, which were generally half of those for male workers. Women did not practise professions in the strict sense, exceptions are scribes (in specific social context); women practised activities which required their particular knowledge and experience: among others as midwives, in oversight functions in large households, as preparers of salves, musicians or singers. Women were at the head of the cult staff of numerous gods, particularly in the 3rd and early 2nd millennia; the lower priestly ranks were reserved exclusively for men. +» Family; > Social structure 1 B.LANDSBERGER, Jungfraulichkeit: Ein Beitrag zum Thema Beilager und EheschliefSung, in: J.A. ANKUM et al. (eds.), Symbolae ... M. David vol. 2, 1968, 41-105 2 B. Lesko (ed.), Womens’ Earliest Records. From Ancient

695

696

Egypt and Western Asia, 1989 (with lit.) 3 I. MULLER, Stellung der Frau im Recht altorientalischer Kulturen und Altagyptens, 1996 4E.F. Werpner, Die Hof- und

chief wives could hold the regency for their minor son and, in the three thousand year history, were able to take rule five times. There were important goddesses such as + Hathor, ~» Neith and = Isis. The goddess of writing was a woman, but the greatest deities were male. + Family; > Social structure

WOMAN

Haremserlasse assyrischer Kénige, in: AfO 1956, 257-293 5 TUAT x, 39-91.

17, 1954J.RE.

C. EGYPT In Egypt, daughters were almost as desired as sons; infanticide was forbidden. A woman could move freely and was capable of holding rights and could be charged with crimes. She could inherit and bequeath, conduct legal transactions, e.g. buy and sell, lease and rent, witness documents, appear in court as an accuser — even against her father or husband or for her siblings — as a witness or even as a juror. On the death of her husband, she could keep guardianship of her children, whose inheritance she managed, but whom she could also hire out for work, and in the Roman era give up for adoption. During the absence of her husband, she could manage his business. Literate women are recorded. Because they married early, women were professionally dependent on the position of their fathers and husbands. Professions for common women were largely of a domestic nature; however, they could also assist as winnowers and with the flax and lotus flower harvest or be obligated to heavy work in compulsory labour. At banquets, women sang, made music or danced, alone or alongside men. In the households of kings or members of the royal family of the Old Kingdom (2700-2190 BC), women are known in the posts of overseer or manager of food or linen, in the house and estate administration, as doc-

tors, priestesses of the dead, inspectors of the treasury and keepers of seals. However, supervision was predominantly by men. The title of a female judge and a female vizier were respected as honourable titles in the Old Kingdom. In the Middle Kingdom (19001630 BC), women were only found in lower overseer and administrator posts. Daughters could perform the cult of the dead for their parents, establish or manage endowments for the dead. In the Old Kingdom, even princesses and queens could only hold the position of simple priestesses; in the New Kingdom (15 50-1070 BC), they can be seen holding sacrifices. In the New Kingdom, the spouses of officials appeared as singers and musicians for a local or national deity. They were subordinate to a ‘great one of the (god’s) harem’, who was frequently the wife of a high priest or member of the royal house. However, the importance of these functions should not be underestimated. Their powers corresponded to those of men in the same functions. From the Middle Kingdom on, the institution of the ‘God’s wife’ is recorded, practised by the wives or daughters of the ruling king, which became a counterweight in the late era to the overpowerful priests in Thebes. The chief wife of the king had her own household and administrative apparatus. As mother or wife, she could have great influence on her son or husband. Thus,

1 E. Feucut, Die Stellung der Frau im Alten Agypten, in: J.Martin, R.ZOEPFEL (eds.), Aufgaben, Rollen und Raume von Frau und Mann 1, 1989, 239-306

2 Ead.,

Gattenwahl, Ehe und Nachkommenschaft im Alten Agypten, in: E.W. MULLER (ed.), Geschlechtsreife und Legitimation zur Zeugung, 1985, 55-84 3 G.ROBINS, Frau-

enleben im Alten Agypten, 1993. D. IRAN, ACHAEMENID

EFE.

ERA

Marriage alliances and economic independence characterize the position of royal women in the Achaemenid empire. Alliances of the early Persian kings are characterized by polygamous marriages to daughters of defeated kings, as a sign of recognition of Persian suzerainty, and to daughters of the Persian nobility to secure their loyalty. Beginning with the consolidation of the empire under > Darius [1] I and his successors, mar-

riages between the > Achaemenids and the Persian nobility were frequent, particularly with the families of > Gobryas (Hdt. 7,2,2; 7,5,1; 6,43; [2.Pfa 5]) and — Otanes (Hdt. 3,88,4; 7,82; 7,61,20). In the expanded

circle of the royal family, marriage was possible between half brothers and sisters, e.g. between > Darius [2] Ochus (as satrap of Hyrcania) and — Parysatis (FGrH 688 F 25). The outstanding position of the king’s mother or wife is characterized by her role as mediator and protector of the royal family. Royal women had their own staff, labour force and owned property. The ownership of personal seals confirmed their economic independence. This, like the indication of travel by royal women, contradicts the Greek view of the seclusion of Persian women. The continuity of the position of women in the Achaemenid era in the Seleucid and Parthian empires can only be deduced to a limited extent. Among working women, the leader of the pasap workers held a unique position, with the highest allocation of rations (c. 50 | grain, 30 | wine, */; sheep per month). While specialized work by women and men was paid equally, women who performed non-specialized work received one third less. Mothers received a one month special ration for the birth of children. The image in Greek historiography of influential and brutal women at the Achaemenid court is ideologically and morally biased and can be revised in many cases. 1M. Brostus, Women in Ancient Persia (559-331 BC), 1996 2R.G., Kent, Old Persian, 1953. MAB.

E. IRAN, SASSANID PERIOD

Generally, women in the period of Sassanid rule (3rd—7th cent. AD) were subject throughout their lives

697

698

to the guardianship (salarih) of a man, to whom they owed obedience and who represented them legally and commercially to the outside world. They were granted legal and commercial capacity only in exceptional cases: as a widow or wife in a so-called ‘consensus marriage’ (xwasrayun/eén), they were permitted to represent their own interests in court and the business world

A. ICONOGRAPHY C. GRAVE FINDS

(> Family).

Prior to marriage, the guardianship of a woman was usually held by her father, brother or other male person from her ancestral group. On reaching sexual maturity, she generally entered an arranged marriage of the ‘fully entitled’ type (pdadixSay marriage), in which she was legally subject to her husband and held a title to a certain share of his estate. In this marriage, she was obligated to bear sons for her husband, even if he remained incapable of fathering children throughout his life or died childless. For this purpose, the woman entered a second ‘auxiliary marriage’ (cagar marriage) with a close relative of her childless first husband (or any other man). This marriage was concluded without the guardianship of the man; the woman did not inherit from the husband. Children from this marriage were legally ascribed to the first padixsay husband. Daughters and sisters of a man were obligated to ensure the succession of their father or brother through a cagar marriage if he did not leave behind a fully entitled wife. M. Macuc3, Inzest im vorislamischen Iran, in: AMI 24, 1991, 141-154; Ead., Rechtskasuistik und Gerichtspraxis zu Beginn des 7. Jahrhundert in Iran, 1993; Ead., Das sasanidische Rechtsbuch ‘Matakdan i hazar datistan’ (part 2), 1981; A. PERIKHANIAN, The Book of a Thousand

Judgements, 1997.

M.MA.

Ia. MINOAN AND MYCENAEAN CULTURE Knowledge of women in the Bronze Age Minoan and Mycenaean cultures essentially comes from pictorial representations (sculpture, > wall painting), administrative texts on — Linear B clay tablets and from

grave contexts. The Minoan palace culture in > Crete from about 2000 BC (cf. > Minoan culture and archaeology) differs from the Helladic culture (c. 2100-1600) on the

Greek mainland, but the shaft tombs of > Mycenae and the wall painting of + Thera, which belonged to the Minoan koine, record clothing, jewellery and rites for Minoan women which can be dated to the period beginning around 1600 BC. Minoan cultural and economic forms were retained even after the transition of the political dominance in the Aegean region to the Mycenaeans (beginning around 1450 BC; cf. + Mycenaean culture and archaeology) on Crete (centre: + Knossos) and

also partly from the Mycenaean mainland.

upper class of the

WOMAN B. WRITTEN SOURCES

A. ICONOGRAPHY 2. MYCENAEAN

I. MINOAN

1. MINOAN Depictions of women in statuettes, wall paintings and seals have been the main source for our knowledge of Minoan women since the excavations of A. EvANs in Knossos (1900). Goddesses and women of the upper class dominate Minoan religious imagery [1; 2; 3. 109 f.]. However, this is no longer seen as evidence that women held a leading social or economic role in Minoan society. There is no evidence for matrilineal succession or matrilocality which could point to a matriarchal society ([2; 3. 63-65, 94-97]; cf. > Matriarchy B.). The oldest female statuettes, which also provide an impression of the sumptuous clothing, date to the Minoan Old Palace period (c. 2000-1700 BC). Wall paintings and seals from the New Palace period (c. 1700-1450) predominantly show women practising religious rituals; this led EVANs to the —later widespread — assumption that the Minoans worshipped a female chief deity and that all depictions show the same goddess [1. 113; 2. 9; 4. 147]. However, the two so-called ‘snake goddesses’ (faience from Knossos) and seal images suggest a Minoan pantheon of both sexes. Many of the goddesses stand in connection with flowers, trees and animals, i.e. fertility symbols; however, they are not depicted as mother goddesses with child (+ Kourotrophos) [1. 123-125; 4. 165 f.]. Scenes of women on Minoan wall frescoes and seals often show > epiphanies (a goddess appears to her followers) or ritual acts such as processions, dances and sacrifices. It cannot be clearly recognized, and may have been left deliberately open, whether the female central figure is a goddess or a priestess taking on the role of the goddess in the cult [3. 116; 4. 141, 143-144]. In the so-called procession fresco of Knossos, women lead the men in the ritual [4. 51-53, ill. 41; 6. 88 f., Tab. 40]; on the sarcophagus of Hagia Triada, women sacrifice while men play music [4. 31-36; 6. 100 f., Tab. 50 f.]. Depictions of women in sculpture, wall paintings and seals exclusively show women of the Minoan upper class [3. rr1-118; 4.145 f.] and scarcely activities from everyday life. The pictorial record of clothing for Minoan women includes a short-sleeved bodice/jacket or dress, which emphasizes and supports the bare breasts, and a (wrap-around) flounced skirt made of richly patterned materials [5.314 f.]. On wall paintings, women (identified by white skin and artistically coloured clothing) generally do not perform any strenuous activities, while men (with red-brown skin, muscles and a loincloth or ‘kilt’) are shown in combat with other men or animals (above all bulls) [6. 50-62; 7. r11123]. Whether the white-skinned bull leapers on the Bull-leaping fresco’s (Knossos) are to be interpreted as

WOMAN

young women or young men is the subject of controversy in the scholarship [6. 90-92, Tab. 41 f.; 4. 218220].

2. MyCENAEAN

On the Greek mainland, female depictions from the Mycenaean

700

699

Palace period (c. 1500/1450-1200 BC)

also show clothing forms following the Minoan model [5. 324; 6.114 f.], but in Mycenaean form. Women (goddesses?) appear on seals and gold rings with mythological animals or (female or male) cult followers; in ritual scenes, women lead the cult activity [8. 109 f., ill. 33]. Prominent subjects in Mycenaean wall painting are processions of women dressed in Minoan fashion, bringing gifts to a goddess, or goddesses with weapons or staff (e.g. in Mycenae [8. 81, 111, ill. 34]). In addition, women appear as spectators in war or hunting scenes (cf. two women in the chariot on the boar hunt fresco of Tiryns, dressed in the Mycenaean + chiton, belted at the waist and covering the breast, which was also worn by men [5. 324 with ill.; 15. 11; Gelb 7e 12 2ar5iSehel)) The very numerous terra cotta statuettes of women found on the Greek mainland (so-called Tau, Phi and Psi figurines) with a striped robe which covers the whole body [8. 116] come from settlements, sanctuaries and tombs; they may have been household goddesses and/or toys. Approximately 70 of them hold a small child in their arms (a motif without parallel in Mycenaean wall painting and seals). Painted ceramic sarcophagi (larnakes) from > Tanagra (mainland) and Rhethymnon (Crete) frequently show a row of women gesturing in lamentation, with hands raised to the head (— Prothesis; [6. 155-157; 18. 165]). B. WRITTEN SOURCES Clay tablets with > Linear A inscriptions do not extend our knowledge of Minoan women, because they have not been deciphered. On the other hand; > Linear B tablets (from palace archives in Knossos, > Pylos [2], + Thebes [2], + Mycenae, > Tiryns) are important sources of information for women in the Mycenaean era. The ideogram for woman shows wide hips and a long skirt (as well as breasts in Knossos), that for man is a triangular body with a narrow waist [16. 155] (there is an ideogram for man in Linear A, but none for woman).

Clay tablets from the Mycenaean palace archives (unlike Mesopotamian archives) do not contain lists of the female members of the ruling house, but rather of female workers who were directly subject to the palace and female cult personnel of the middle rank with a right to food, clothing and land [9; 10; 14. 36-39]. In lists of staff, rations and raw materials (tablets primarily from Knossos and Pylos [10; rr]), hundreds — probably not free [9] — female workers and children are combined into groups. Individual personal names are lacking, the groups are named by number, activity and geographic origin. Boys appear in the latter place or were identified by affiliation with their mother; only one

Pylos tablet (PY Ad 684) mentions fathers [10; 12];

grown daughters, who worked together with their mothers, were identified with the abbreviation tu (for thugatér, daughter) [x1; 12; 13]. The majority of these

groups were employed as weavers, spinners, seamstresses, etc. in the production of textiles for the palace, which also served for export/sale (cf. tablets from Tiryns, Thebes, Mycenae

[11; 14.17,

23, 58, 1033

5. 283 f.]) — in addition, grain millers, serving women or bathing women are recorded. Ethnika, e.g. on tablets from Pylos or Knossos, refer to the individual origins of the female workers: among others from Miletus (mi-rati-ja) or Cnidus (ki-ni-di-ja), probably as women taken as booty [10], or from Cretan centres. Women who held cultic offices are listed on tablets by name and/or with title as land tenants (e.g. PY Ep 704) or as recipients of food (Knossos, Pylos, Thebes). In Pylos, the highest offices for women — the i-je-re-ja (‘priestess’) of the goddess Po-ti-ni-ja and the ka-ra-wipo-ro (‘bearer of the keys’) [14. 56, 72 f.] - may have also been responsible for the administration of the workshops and lands allocated to the sanctuaries of the goddesses: Pylos, Knossos, Thebes [15]. The large number of female cult functionaries fits well with the outstanding role of women in Mycenaean religious imagery; on the other hand, the female cult staff (e.g. Pylos) appear to have had a relatively low status when the size of the land ownership is compared to that of men outside the sanctuary. Almost nothing has been transmitted about Mycenaean women who were not directly connected to the palace. C. GRAVE FINDS Further important information about women in the Minoan and Mycenaean cultures comes from burials (tombs, grave goods and bone finds). Here, there are traces of the common people who are do not appear in the palace archives or wall paintings. Frequently, women, men and children were buried in family tombs, though children were often buried separately in graves or urns. Graves of women (and children) were generally as richly furnished as those of men from the same social class (Mycenae, grave circle A and B); differences are based on social status, not sex [20]. Along with necklaces, knives and ornamented gold leaf, ceramic vessels

with food, drink and perfumed oils were the most common grave goods for women and men. Arm bands and -> pins were reserved for women, > weapons for men [17. 127 f.; 18]. Anthropological studies of skeletons [19] show only limited differences between eating habits for women and men, but do show a younger age at death for women (probably due to births) [18.128; 19]. The wealthiest burials are those of the local ruling and noble houses — groups of people who also appear in iconographic finds; however, the majority of the tombs can be ascribed to peasant and artisan families, whose women are not listed in the palace documents. No tombs have been ascribed to the unfree female workers who are known from the clay tablet archives.

7OI

7O2

> Aegean Koine (with maps); —» MaTRIARCHY; ~> Minoan culture and archaeology; Mycenaean culture and archaeology; > Religion (V and VI); — Wall painting II 1 L.Goopison, C. Morris, Beyond the ‘Great Mother’: the Sacred World of the Minoans, in: Ead. (ed.), Ancient Goddesses. The Myths and the Evidence, 1998, 113-132 2 L.Nrxon, Gender Bias in Archaeology, in: L.J. ARCHER et al. (eds.), Women in Ancient Societies, 1994, 8—1 3 3 M. EHRENBERG, 94-99, 109-118

Women in Prehistory, 1989, 63-6 55 4N.Marinartos, Minoan Religion,

1993 5 E.BarBER, Prehistoric Textiles. The Development of Cloth in the Neolithic and Bronze Ages, 1991 6 S.IMMERWAHR, Aegean Painting in the Bronze Age, 1990 =7 M.Lekr, Deciphering Gender in Minoan Dress, in: A. RAUTMAN (ed.), Reading the Body. Representations

WOMAN

(e.g. Demeter cults). While the groups of men met as dining and combat associations and performed agons and sacrifices, the ritual practice of women was in the context of their responsibility for the continuity of the + oikos and the stability of the community. This is shown, for example, in the - cult of the dead, which was an important domain of women in Greece, in festivals which revolved around agrarian and human fertility (e.g. Adonia, » Thesmophoria) and in the ritual of dedicating the garment for the city god, which is recorded for Athens, Argos and Sparta. While the cult activities of women in Greece frequently took place in the sphere of the family or the neighbourhood, but also of the city — the leader of the festival of Thesmophoria, for example, was selected from the circle of the wives of

and Remains in the Archaeological Records, 2000, r11-

members of a deme (borough; Isaeus 8,19) —, in Rome,

123

the couple also formed a cult unit. Complementary functions as part of the sacrifice were held by the six Vestal Virgins (> Vesta), who produced the sacred flour for the sacrifice performed by the pontifex maximus. In addition, women had their own cults, such as the Matralia or Matronalia, which served to reinforce the bond of cognate relation. While rites frequently reflect an ideal image of the cooperation of the sexes, conflicts are more often the subject of mythological tales. In the Pandora myth (Hes. Theog. 534-613, Op. 53-105), the family of women (yévocg yuvaixdv/génos gynaik6n) is in contrast to the male sacrificial community. > Pandora, the first woman and ancestress of the génos gynaik6n, is depicted as a beautiful evil with whose appearance mortality finds its way into the community of male people. Roman tales, such as the rape of the Sabine women (Liv. 1,9,1-16), > Tanaquil (Liv. 1,34,4-9) or the death of Horatia (Liv. 1,26,2-14), revolve around the problem of exogamy and accentuate, in the light of the structuring of Roman society according to agnate ancestral associations, the conflict of loyalty for women between their paternal family of origin and that of their husbands.

8K.A.undD. Warb-e, Cities of Legend: the Myce-

naean World, 1997 9 J.CHADWICK, The Women of Pylos, in: J.-P.OLtvier, T.G.PALAIMA (eds.), Texts,

Tablets and Scribes (Minos Suppl. vol. 10), 1988, 43-95 10 J.KILLEN, The Textile Industries at Pylos and Knossos, in: C.SHELMERDINE, IT.G.PALAIMA (eds.), Pylos Comes

Alive, 1984, 49-63

11 S. HILLeR, Familienbeziehungen

in den mykenischen Texten, in: T.G. PALAIMA et al. (eds.), Studia Mycenaea (1988). Ziva Antika monographies 7, 1989, 40-65 12 P.CaRLIER, Les mentions de la parenté

dans les textes mycéniens, in: $.DEGER-JALKOTZY et al. (eds.), Floreant Studia Mycenaea, vol. 1, 1999, 185-193

13 M.-L. Noscu, Acquisition and Distribution, in: C. GrLLis et al. (eds.), Trade and Production in Premonetary Greece, 2000, 43-61 14 M.LINDGREN, The People of Pylos II (Boreas 3.1),1973

15 S.LuPACK, Palaces, Sanc-

tuaries and Workshops, in: M. GALaty, W. A. PARKINSON (eds.), Rethinking Mycenaean Palaces, 1999, 25-34 16 M. VENTRIS, J.CHADWICK, Documents in Mycenaean

Greek, 71973

17 W. CAVANAUGH,

C.MeEzE, A Private

Place: Death in Prehistoric Greece (Stud. in Mediterranean Archaeology = SIMA Gender Bias in Mycenaean K. BRANIGAN (ed.), Cemetery Bronze Age, 1998, 165-170 ORGE, Late Minoan III Burials

125), 1998 18 C. MEE, Mortuary Practices, in: and Society in the Aegean 19 B.HALLAGER, P. McGEat Khania (SIMA 93), 1992

20 1.KILIAN-DIERLMEIER, Beobachtungen zu den Schachtgrabern von Mykenai und zu den Schmuckbeigaben mykenischer Mannergraber, in: JRGZ 33.1, 1986, 159-198.

II. GREECE AND ROME A. WOMEN IN THE SYSTEM OF SYMBOLIC ORDERS B. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL POSITION OF WOMEN C. WOMEN’S WoRK D. BEHAVIOURAL NORMS E. WOMEN POETS AND PHILOSOPHERS F. MEDI-

CINE

A. WOMEN IN THE SYSTEM OF SYMBOLIC ORDERS Ancient cosmogonies describe the cooperation of female and male powers in the creation of the cosmic and social order, the continuance of which was reinforced in cult activity. In the cults of the Greek poleis, women and men acted in separate groups; some cults were open only to men (e.g. Heracles cults), some only to women

B. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL POSITION OF WOMEN Female functions of power and authority were connected to status and age and differed with the political system of the ancient cities. In the Greek poleis of the Archaic and Classical eras, which focused on collective leadership, women did not hold political office; however, old and high-ranking women could earn great respect (Hom. Od. 7,71; Paus. 5,16,5-6) and take in those seeking protection (Plut. Solon 12). The assumption of priestly offices was widespread. Priestesses, such as those of Athena Polias, administered the temple treasury and led cult activities (Lycurgus fr. 5; Aeschin. In Ctes. 18). They received places of honour at festival events and shares of the sacrificial animal as privileges (for Olympia cf. Paus. 6,20,9). Women did not participate in the > popular assembly in ancient communities. In court, women required representation through a male relative almost everywhere.

WOMAN

704

703

Where power concentrated in the hands of a few families, as in the cities of Asia Minor in the Hellenistic era and Principate, women like Plancia Magna in Perge also achieved political office, such as that of annual official, as members of influential families. They acted as benefactors (— Euergetism) and were honoured for grain donations and building activities with statues of honour — just like male family members. In Republican Rome, the public honouring of women began late. The first public portrait statue was set up for + Cornelia [1], the mother of the Gracchi (Plin. HN 34,31; ILS 68).

With the monopolization of political rule in the hand of a princeps, the dynastic element came to the fore in Rome as it previously had in the Hellenistic kingdoms. With this, new fields of public representation opened up for the female members of a ruling house. Within a household, women performed important functions and definitely held a position of authority. In Rome, women took part in banquets and receptions, unlike in Greece (> Hetaerae; Cornelia: Plut. C. Gracchus 19; Livia: Cass. Dio 57,12,2; Agrippina minor: 61,3,2). That is why Roman authors expressed amazement at the exclusion of Greek wives from the drinking parties of their husbands (Corn. Nep. pr. 6f.; Vitr. De Arch. 6,7,4). Since the power of a house depended on the number of its clients, women in Rome also took on patronage functions (— Patronus). C. WOMEN’S WORK In Antiquity, work which was performed for one’s own needs or as service for a friend or for honour was, unlike dependent activities, very positively regarded (Aristot. Pol. 1278a; Xen. Oec. 4,2; Cic. Off. 1,150f.). Of female activities, domestic > textile production was particularly esteemed; however, slave women were used for this from quite early. Cloth produced in timeconsuming pattern weaving was one of the goods which distinguished the wealth of a household in Archaic and Classical Greece (Hom. Od. 3,346-355; Aesch. Ag. 958-963). In social exigencies, women were certainly employed, for example as > wet-nurses (Dem. 57,3 5f.; 57,44f.; cf. Xen. Mem. 2,7). Agricultural work by women is rarely perceptible in the sources, but must have been widespread due to the importance of the agricultural sector for the ancient economy. Along with + weaving and spinning (Verg. G. 1,293-296; 1,390392) Roman agricultural writers also mention field work by female slaves (Columella 12,3,6); Varro (Rust. 2,10,6ff) remarks on the lives full of hardship of shepherdesses. Roman inscriptions record the broad area of female activity in the class of freedpersons. D. BEHAVIOURAL NORMS Tomb inscriptions, vase images, poetry and philosophical works provide a picture of the virtues and behaviours which were expected from women. Prudence (owpgootvn, > sdphrosyné) and_ simplicity (apéeva, aphéleia) were considered to be important virtues for Greek women (Semonides fr. 7,108 DIEHL;

Xen. Oec. 7,14-15; Plut. Phocion 19). Castitas (chastity) and pudicitia (a woman’s faithfulness to her husband) formed the virtuous ideal of the Roman matrona (Liv. 1,58,5; cf. Plin. Ep. 7,19,4: castitas, sanctitas, gravitas, constantia). In addition, the ideal of the rhetorically skilled and educated woman also existed in Rome (Cic. Att. 13,21,5; Plin. Ep. 4,19). In Greece and in Rome, women of the upper class were recognizably status conscious. Roman matronae emphatically advocated the use of the carriage (carpentum) and the public wearing of jewellery (Liv. 34,1-8; Cic. Rep. 4,6). For Greek and Roman women, accompaniment by servant women was an expression of their social rank (Theophr. Char. 22,10; Plin. Pan. 83). In a face-to-face society, which the ancient communities generally were, men and women were subject to the controlling view of

the public. The ideal formulated by Greek poets and philosophers of the silent woman (Soph. Aj. 293: yuvaEi xdopov fh ory déoet, “silence does credit to women”; Aristot. Pol. 1260a; cf. Eur. Heracl. 476f.; Thuc. 2,45,2) can be explained from the importance of the public for the reputation of individual women. E. WOMEN POETS AND PHILOSOPHERS For the contribution of women to ancient literature and philosophy, cf. > Women authors and > Women philosophers. + Eroticism; + Family; + Gender roles; > Hetaerae; — Marriage; — Prostitution; > Sex; > Sexuality 1M.Berttini, Antropologia e cultura romana, 1988 2S. BLUNDELL, M. WILLIAMSON (eds.), The Sacred and the Feminine in Ancient Greece, 1997 3 D. COHEN, Seclusion, Separation, and the Status of Women in Clas-

sical Athens, in: G&R 36, 1989,3-15

4 M.H. Derren-

HOFER (ed.), Reine Mannersache? Frauen in Mannerdo-

manen der ant. Welt, 1994 5 S. Dixon, A Family Business: Women’s Role in Patronage and Politics of Rome 80-44 B.C., in: CeM 34, 1983, 91-112 6 E.FANTHAM et al., Women in the Classical World. Image and Text, 1994 7J.F. GARDNER, Women in Roman Law and Society, 1986 8 E.A. HEMELRIJK, Women’s Demonstrations in Republic Rome, in: J. BLoK, P. Mason (eds.), Sexual Asymmetry, 1987, 217-240 9R.Just, Women in Athenian Law and Life, 1989 10 N. Kampen, Image and Status: Roman Working Women at Ostia, 1989 11 U. Kron, Priesthoods, Dedications and Euergetism, in: Boreas 24, 1996,139-182 12 C.Mossé£, La femme dans la Gréce antique, 1983 13 S.B. Pomeroy, Goddesses, Whores, Wives and Slaves, 1975 14 C. REINSBERG, Ehe, Hetarentum und Knabenliebe im ant. Griechenland, 1989

15 R.SALLER, Patriarchy, property and death in the Roman family, 1994 16 W.ScHEIDEL, Feldarbeit von Frauen in der antiken Landwirtschaft, in: Gymnasium 97, 1990, 405-431 17 P.ScHMITT-PANTEL (ed.), Geschichte der Frauen. I: Antike, 1993. B.W.-H.

F, MEDICINE Medical texts on the female body, tions and the illnesses to which it is provide information on ancient health they also allow conclusions regarding

its normal funcsubject not only care for women, the general atti-

Vaos)

706

tude toward the social role of women. Particularly in the Hippocratic authors, the health of a woman is considered a direct sign that she has fulfilled her role as a wife and mother in accordance with social standards. In some Hippocratic texts from the Classical era, the medical care of women developed into a specialty (cf. ~ Gynaecology), in which all disease symptoms of a female patient are traced back to the failure of the menstrual period or the mobility of the uterus, which could put pressure on other organs by wandering through the body. Because the idea of the human body was based on the model of men, it was even possible to deny the uterus a fixed place in the ‘normal’ body [1]. The purpose of medical measures consisted in part of the restoration of a balance in the female body. Although tending toward imbalance in the course of a month due to the constant collection of excessive humours, the body could, in a healthy state, make use of its built-in mechanism of regular strong menstruation in order to create an — admittedly temporary — balance.

prostitutes, and argues that the medical tradition opens a rare access to the world of thought of ancient women and to female practices. However, it can probably be assumed that the reference in ancient medical works to ‘female knowledge’ is a rhetorical device which serves to provide the male author with authority. Medical authors tell their readers that women know when they have conceived, because they either notice that the male seed has remained in their body or because they sense chills followed by hot flashes and shivers (e.g. Hippoc.

However, medical intervention was also meant to

ensure the production of healthy children. Here, marital sexual intercourse for the purpose of reproduction not only represented the goal of treatment, but were sometimes the treatment itself. This explains the insistence of gynaecological texts from the Corpus Hippocraticum that “a woman should have sexual relations with her husband” or that “it is healthy if she is pregnant” (e.g. Hippoc. Genit. 4 = 7,476 Litrr£; Hippoc. Mul. 5,37 = 8,92. L.; Mul. 1,59 = 8,118 L. etc.). If a

young girl did not marry as soon as she was “ripe for marriage”, she was exposed to the risk of becoming seriously ill, because the excess of blood which her body began to produce with the onset of puberty, would not be able to flow through her flesh without pain if it was not set in motion by sexual intercourse and the flesh ‘made compliant’ through a birth (Hippoc. Virg. 8,466— 470 L. and Mul. 1,1 = 8, 10-14 L.). Young widows were advised to remarry (Hippoc. Nat. Mul. 3 = 7,314 L.). Galenic medicine gave force to the Hippocratic view by indicating that a lack of sexual intercourse could lead to a congestion of the female seed, a substance considered more poisonous than unreleased menstrual blood (Gal. De locis affectis 6,5; 8,420-424; 432 Ktun). The only medical author of Antiquity who did not consider sexual intercourse and birth to be important for the health of a woman was — Soranus, although he expresses even his claim that chastity is the healthier option for men and women (Gyn. 1,9) as part of a gynaecology which is completely oriented on pregnancy and birth [2]. In recent years, there has been much discussion in the scholarship over the extent to which medical texts represent the knowledge of men or women. MANutt [3] says that such textual material can at best be understood as male fantasies. ROUSSELLE [4], on the other hand, believes the statements of ancient medical authors that they owe their knowledge of the condition of women to discussions with women, particularly with

WOMAN

Steril. 220 = 8,424 L.; Hippoc. Carn. 19 = 8,610 L.).

The author of the pseudo-Aristotelian work on infertility (636b39-637a5) considers such indications to be misleading; if male and female partners produce more seed than the uterus can hold, the excess will flow away and the woman will falsely believe she has not conceived. The author of De carnibus claims that women, or more precisely prostitutes and ‘experienced women’,

taught him everything he had to impart about female perceptions which accompany conception (Carn. 19 = $36n0 L.;.cts Nat. Puer: 13'=7,490 Ja): 1 A.E. Hanson, The medical writer’s woman, in: D.M. HALPERIN, J.J. WINKLER, F.I. ZEITLIN (eds.), Before Sexuality, 1990, 309-338 2 J.RuBIN PrnAULT, The medical case for virginity in the early second century C.E., in: Helios 19, 1992, 7-30 = 3. P,. MANULI, Donne mascoline, femmine sterili, vergini perpetue, in: S. CAMPESE, P. MaNnuLt, G.Sissa (eds.), Madre Materia, 1983, 147192 4A.RoUSSELLE, Images médicales du corps. Obser-

vation féminine et idéologie masculine: le corps de la femme d’aprés les médecins grecs, in: Annales E.S.C. 35, 1980, 1089-11T5.

A.E. Hanson, Conception, gestation and the origin female nature in the Corpus Hippocraticum, in: Helios 1992, 31-71; H.Kine, Self-help, self-knowledge: search of the patient in Hippocratic gynaecology,

of r9, in in: R. Haw ey, B. Levick (eds.), Women in Antiquity: new

assessments, 1995, 135-148.

HK.

Ila. ErRURIA Information on the life and status of Etruscan women is provided primarily by four types of sources: Greek and Latin authors, archaeological excavations and Etruscan inscriptions and depictions in Etruscan art (cf. ~ Etrusci, Etruria I C. and II).

The Greek historian - Theopompus [3] (4th cent. BC), quoted by Ath. 517d-518b (c. AD 200), describes the extravagant, loose lifestyle of the Etruscans, the tryphe (‘debauchery’, cf. > Luxury), which Greeks and Romans considered typical for -> barbarians. More shocking than the wild carousal, nudity, luxury slaves and slave women or the homosexual practices which the Greek authors of the 4th cent. BC ascribed to the Etruscans was the freedom of their women — one obvious difference to Greek society: Etruscan women were said to move freely among men at festivals, to drink with them and to all raise their children without knowing their fathers (critical study of these statements: especially [12]).

WOMAN

Roman historians, especially > Livius [III 2] (Liv.

1,343 1,393 1,41, 1,46-48) and — Dionysius [18] of Halicarnassus (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,4 f.; 4,28-30;3 4,39), report on the behaviour of Etruscan queens (- Women rulers), who were similarly contrasted to Roman norms: > Tanaquil, the wife of + Tarquinius [11] Priscus (the fifth king of Rome), brought her favourite — Servius Tullius [I 4]) to the throne after her husband’s murder; likewise —> Tullia [1] forced her husband > Tarquinius [12] Superbus, the tyrannical last king of Rome, to power, even defiling her chariot with the blood of her father in the process. The customs of the women of Tarquinia, who attended banquets together with their husbands, was compared to the domestic life and superior modesty of the Roman matrona ~ Lucretia [2] (Liv. 1,57-59); cf. on this [1. 186-197]. Such banquets are depicted on > wall paintings in tombs of the Archaic period in Tarquinia, with wives reclining with dignity alongside their husbands on

klinai — quite unlike the > hetairai at the Greek men’s symposia depicted on Attic vases (cf. — Banquet). Furthermore, there are depictions in Etruscan art (especially statuary) of nursing mothers - a motif which Greek art avoided [5]. In Etruria, families and lovers were important pictorial subjects, especially married couples as the founding element of Etruscan noble society, in which the family of the woman was just as important as that of the man. It is known from epigraphic evidence that Etruscan women

708

FOF,

(in contrast

to Roman

women,

who

16, 1985,

276-291

4Ead.,

Etruscan

Women,

in:

E. FANTHAM et al. (eds.), Women in the Classical World, 5 Ead., Nursing Mothers in Classical 1994, 243-259 Art, in: C.Lyons, A.KoLoski-Ostrow (eds.), Naked Truths: Women, Sexuality and Gender in Classical Art and Archaeology, 1997, 174-196

6 Ead., Marriage Scenes,

Sacred and Otherwise. The Conjugal Embrace, in: Art Stud. Quarterly 4, 1999, 20-25 7 G.CoLonna, L’Italia antica: Italia centrale, in: A.EmiLiozzi (ed.), Carri da guerra e principi etruschi, exhib. 1997-2000, 15-23 8 J. HEuRGON, Daily Life of the Etruscans, 2002 (La vie quotidienne chez les Etrusques, 1961) 9 M. NIELSEN, The Lid Sculptures of Volterran Funerary Urns, in: P. BRUUN et al., Studies in the Romanization of Etruria (Acta Instituti Romani Finlandiae 5), 1975, 263-404 10 Ead., Women in the Late Etruscan Society, in: E. Wa-

ABEN (ed.), Fromhed of verdslighed i middelalder og renaissance. Festschrift Th. Jexlev, 1985, 191-202 11 Dies., Etruscan Women. A Cross-Cultural Perspective, in: L.Larsson Loven (ed.), Aspects of Women in Antiquity. Proc. of the First Nordic Symposium on Women’s Lives

in Antiquity

(Géteborg

1979),

1998,

69-84

12 A.J. PrirFic, Zur Sittengeschichte der Etrusker, in: Gymnasium 71, 1964, 17-36 13 A.RALLO (ed.), Le donne in Etruria, 1989, 49-63, 157-171 14 M.Sorp1,

La donna etrusca, in: Misoginia e maschilismo in Grecia e Roma (Istituto di Filologia Classica e Medioevale, Genova 71), 1981, 49-67.

were

named with the feminine form of the gens name) had individual names. The metronym (personal name derived from the mother) also played an important role (for Etruscan onomastics:

+2. L. BoNFANTE, Etruscan Couples and v.Chr.), 2000 Their Aristocratic Society, in: H.P. Fouey (ed.), Reflecti3 Ead., ons of Women in Antiquity, 1981, 323-343 Amber, Women, and Situla Art, in: Journ. of Baltic Studies

[1. 80-92]). Tomb inscrip-

tions allow comparative statistical statements on the age of men and women, their status and the number of burials [1. 93-118]. Archaeological evidence for the high position of women in the Etruscan upper class also comes from the uniquely find-rich Etruscan chamber tombs of the Orientalizing and Archaic periods (+ Bononia [x]/Bologna, — Caere/Cerveteri, + Praeneste); they were filled with valuable textiles, amber, gold and magnificent chariots. In Archaic tombs in Cerveteri, the sex of the deceased is clearly identified: women had special biers in the form of chest sarcophagi, in later eras stone memorials in the form of houses. The writing utensils frequently found in women’s tombs show that women could read and write. This is also recorded by many of the some 3000 bronze ~ mirrors from the 5th to 3rd cents. BC, the backs of which bear inscriptions identifying the scenes and people depicted there; these wedding presents, which the aristocratic Etruscan women took to the grave with them, are evidence of their education and high culture [8. 106-138]. ~ Etrusci, Etruria; + Grave paintings; > Wall painting Il 1P.Amann, Die Etruskerin. Geschlechtsverhaltnis und Stellung der Frau im frithen Etruria (9.-5. Jahrhundert

III. JuDaIsm

According to Biblical understanding, God created people in his image, male and female. According to Gn 2:18, woman is not subordinate to man, but rather his helpmate. Despite this relative equality, the legal view that the woman is the property of the man prevailed in the ancient Israelite period; she was ‘purchased’ by the man at the marriage for a bride-price (Hebrew mohar). However, the woman also enjoys (financial) protection guaranteed in the katubba, the marriage contract. An important feature of daily routine in a woman’s married life are her ‘clean’ and ‘unclean’ days: while menstruating she is a nidda and thus considered unclean according to Biblical and rabbinical concepts; the status of purity is restored seven days after the last day of menstruation only with immersion in the migqwah, the ritual bath. From the earliest time, the duties of the (married) woman primarily covered the house, although not a few women were active as prophetesses, circumcisers, ritual butchers. Women enjoy the highest respect, especially as wives and mothers. They were exempt from visiting the synagogue, but they were essentially responsible for the ritual introduction of the Sabbat, running a kosher household and raising children based on a Jewish foundation. In the Talmudic period (3rd-8th cent.), based on Dt 7:4, the law developed that only Jewish mothers, but not Jewish fathers, could pass on Judaism to their children, following the maxim mater semper certa est .

+ Marriage; > Succession, laws of

709

710

B.BRooren, Women leaders in the ancient synagoge, 1982; S.CARLEBACH, Ratgeber fiir das jiidische Haus, 1918; E.GUGGENHEIM, Heirat und Ehe, 1982; R.HERWEG, Die jiidische Mutter, 1994; T.ILAN, Jewish women in Greco-Roman Palestine, 1995; M.LAMM, The Jewish way in love and marriage, 1980; J.MITTELMANN, Der

altisraelitische Levirat, 1934; S.Riskin, Women and Jewish divorce, 1989; A. Weiss, Women at prayer, 1990.

YD.

IV. CHRISTIANITY New Testament scriptures draw a contradictory image in regard to the importance and activity of Christian women. Into the zoth cent., the restrictive statements of 1 Cor 14:34-36 and 1 Tim 2:9-15 characterized the Christian view of women. Verses 34-36 in the Apostle Paul’s letter to the community in Corinth, which may only have been added later, forbid women from speaking in the meetings for religious worship. 1 Tim, which originated at the beginning of the 2nd cent. intensified the command of silence by extending it to a general ban on learning, which was based on the claim that women were subordinate to men. This postulated ranking of the sexes was traced back to the temptation of Adam by Eve (Gn 3:6). Women were relegated to bearing children as their most important task. The anthropology developed in the Deutero-Pauline Eph 5:22-33 and the concept of marriage derived from it point in the same direction: a woman should be subordinate to her husband as her head (similar: 1 Cor 11:1-16). Although this traditional line reflects only one aspect of the early Christian literature, it came to the fore as forming the norm, so that early Church, medieval and modern limitations, such as the ban on sermons by women and exclusion from priestly office, are fixed to this. Particularly the new feminist-theological approaches of the last 20 years have made a broad range of female activities in the early Christian communities apparent once again. Gal 3:28 (“There is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither bond nor free, there is neither male nor female: for ye are all one in Christ Jesus”) can be seen as the maxim of an egalitarian, Ancient Christian ethos, which women and men draw on, as with Joel 3:1, in the search for alternatives to the widespread construct of male rule and female subordination. Women belonged to the group of the Apostles and missionaries of Ancient Christianity: Paul mentions his collaboration with the married couple > Prisca and > Aquila [4] (Acts 18:2,18,26) and with Andronicus and Iunia (Rom 16:7). The latter, although known to the late antique Church Fathers as a woman, was reinterpreted as a man, so that she disappeared from the Christian tradition asa female apostle. Thecla, the student of Paul who does not appear in the New Testament, but rather only in the apocryphal Acts of Paul and Thecla from the 2nd cent., preached and baptized as a wandering apostle in Asia Minor. In Rom 16:1, Paul mentions a woman named Phoebe, who took a position leading the congregation as didkonos. However, it is not clearly evident from this (as with comparable offices held by men)

WOMEN AUTHORS

which duties belonged to the function (cf. also 1 Tim 3:11). The story of the purple seller Lydia (Acts 16:14,15,40) can be considered as proof that women functioned as the leaders of Christian congregations which gathered in their house. r Cor 11:5 and Acts 22:9 indicate the activity of prophesying women. In the course of the differentiation and institutionalization of the male hierarchy of offices, the offices of virgins, widows and deacons previously held by women lost significance throughout the Church. Their duties were increasingly limited, so that, for example, female deacons could only perform baptismal preparations for women, but were no longer directly involved in the baptism or performed it themselves. A new area opened up for women in the field of the ascetic-monastic way of life. Here, for example, they could also practise a teaching function. The biographical-hagiographic literature of Christian late Antiquity shows the histories of the cloister founder Macrina or the didkonos Olympias, who worked in Constantinople. The > veneration of saints, which began with the cults of the martyrs, perpetuated the memory of women such as Blandina, + Perpetua or Julitta. Particularly sermons from Church Fathers which refer to these women venerated as saints underscore that men and women are the same in terms of virtue and piety, indeed women are more virtuous than men. R. ALBRECHT, Das Leben der heiligen Makrina auf dem Hintergrund der Thekla-Traditionen. Studien zu den Urspriingen des weiblichen Ménchtums im 4. Jahrhunderts in Kleinasien, 1986; G. DAUTZENBERG et.al. (eds.), Die Frau im Urchristentum, 1983; U.E. Eisen, Amtstra-

gerinnen im frihen Christentum. Epigraphische und lit. Studien, 1996; A. JENSEN, Gottes selbstbewufte Tochter. Frauenemanzipation im frihen Christentum?, 1992; R.S. KRAEMER,

Maenads,

Martyrs, Matrons,

Monastics.

A

Sourcebook on Women’s Religions in the Greco-Roman World, 1988; G.PETERSEN-SZEMEREDY, Zwischen Weltstadt und Wiiste: R6mische Asketinnen in der Spatantike,

1993; L.ScHoTrroFF, Lydias ungeduldige Schwestern. Feministische Sozialgesch. des friihen Christentums, 1994; E.SCHUSSLER FIORENZA, Zu ihrem Gedachtnis ... Eine feministisch-theologische Rekonstruktion der christlichen Urspriinge, 1988; K. THRAEDE, s.v. Frau, RAC 8, 197-269.

R.A.

Women authors I. GREECE

II. ROME

I. GREECE Poetic works by Greek women authors are documented from the Archaic to the Hellenistic period. Even though these works achieved great fame in their time and had a significant influence on the Greek and Latin literature of subsequent periods, they have only survived in small fragments. These confirm that all ancient Greek women authors wrote about mythological topics, often about love, frequently love between women [28. r6rf.].

WOMEN AUTHORS

712

Ce

— Sappho of Lesbos (late 7th cent. BC), the earliest and best known amongst Greek women poets, was an outstanding lyricist, much admired and frequently copied, e.g. by the Roman poets - Horatius [7] and > Catullus (1st cent. BC.). However, of her nine books, only one poem is transmitted in full, in addition to a wealth of fragments. These show a lively, sensual imagery, humour, mythological references and variations on the topic of love: Aphrodite, marriage, love between women and for Sappho’s daughter Cleis [4; 5. 137-162; 8; 13; 24. 245-248]. Passionate desire is expressed in fr. 47 L.-P.: “Love shook my senses, like wind crashing on mountain oaks”. Female homoeroticism is associated with friendship amongst young women (“May you sleep on the breasts of your tender companion”, fr. 126) as well as with ritual significance: the description of an exchange of garlands, perfume and erotic passion in fr. 94 is followed by sacred altars, groves and dances performed by young women. Several fragments refer to ritual acts (fr. 2; 154) and the importance of a chorus of women (fr. 27; 30); they also include the earliest document about the mourning rites for > Adonis (fr. 140). Only a few lines each have survived of the works by + Telesilla of Argos and —> Praxilla of Sicyon (both mid—5th cent. BC); Praxilla’s works included dithyrambs and drinking songs (> Skolion) [20. 54-62]. Nothing has survived of the works by Myrtis of Thebes (late 6th cent. BC; [20. 40f.]); according to the Suda, she was the teacher of > Pindarus and of > Corinna of Tanagra, the latter a choral lyricist and rival of Pindar, whom she was later said to have surpassed in poetic competitions. Extant fragments of Corinna’s works show mythological topics and motifs of the > encomium or song of praise, typical for the choral poetry of her age; she wrote that Terpsichore called on her “to sing beautiful tales of heroes to the white-robed women of Tanagra” (655,1-3 PMG). They confirm the importance of this choral lyric poet and the chorus of young women for their city [11; 17; 20. 41-54]. Fragments of four women poets of the Hellenistic age are extant: Anyte, Nossis, Moiro and Erinna (all around 300 BC). Their epigrams — votive and funerary inscriptions — are mainly transmitted in the later Anthologia Graeca [9; 10; 12). 24 poems, mainly epitaphs for women and men, by + Anyte of Tegea are known (the second-largest number of fragments after Sappho). Her animal epitaphs and most of all her pastoral landscape poetry was very influential on later poets [9. 181]. Her pastoral poems paint a picture of an idyllic and peaceful landscape inhabited by rural-erotic deities such as Aphrodite, Pan and Dionysus; Anyte’s homeland of + Arcadia has become a by-word for such imagery [20. 67-77; 24. 2409f.]. > Nossis from Locri [2] in southern Italy considered herself Sappho’s successor (Anth. Gr. 7,718); her focus was on love as the greatest of raptures. Some of her epigrams describe portraits of women; it is possible that

they were placed alongside the image as a dedication: “Melinna herself has been reproduced. See how tender her face is. She seems to gaze upon us benignly” (Anth. Gr. 6,353,1-2). References to Sappho, Anyte and Nossis are found in the poems of H. D. (Hilda DooLITTLE 1886-1961) and other Imagists of the early 20th cent. [5. 77-963 14; 20. 77-84]. Of > Moiro, two (apparently votive) epigrams and

six epic verses about the birth of Zeus are extant. Much better known today and widely famed in Antiquity for epigrams and longer poems is > Erinna of Telos, mainly because her work was thought to be comparable to that of Homer and because she created it before her early death at the age of only 19. Two epigrams and a longer hexametric fragment (The Distaff) lament the death of a close female friend who also died at the age of 19. The Distaff mentions the play and games which young girls leave behind at their wedding, and it also seems to refer to homoerotic relationships between adolescent girls [10; 20. 86-97; 24. 250].

From the Imperial age, too, there is Greek poetry written by women. > Julia [ro] Balbilla (2nd cent. AD),

an acquaintance of emperor Hadrian and his wife Sabina, wrote Greek poems in the Sapphic tradition (see II below). Works by Aelia > Eudocia [1] (sth cent. AD),

the wife of emperor Theodosius II, who had received an outstanding classical education by her father, an Athenian orator and scholar, include panegyric poems (e.g. on the city of Antioch), bible paraphrases and stories about the death of martyrs, all written in erudite hexameters (only extant in fragments). In line with other well-educated Christian women, she tried to combine

Christian

content

with

pagan

scholarly

traditions

[3- 13685 75 225 23h The extant fragments from the works by Greek women poets and the reports of other such authors confirm that in Greek Antiquity, poetry as an area of creative activity was open to women as a field in which they could achieve fame and influence. In addition, we also know of Greek > women philosophers. However, we do not know why women were particularly active in the areas of poetry and philosophy as opposed to other literary genres and why most records date back to the Archaic and Hellenistic periods and not the the Classical era. Apart from missing or fragmentary transmission, one possible explanation for this could be that Greek poetry developed from an older, pre-literary tradition, originally an oral tradition, in which women could play an essential role. By contrast, the prose genres (such as historiography and rhetoric) mainly developed and existed in male-dominated public and literary contexts not open to women. Records from the Classical period (sth/4th cent. BC), predominantly from Athens, confirm a particularly rigid definition of the female position in society (> Gender roles), involving exclusion from the male public-political domain of the Athenian democracy; this may also explain to some extent why no woman writer from Athens is known to us.

713

714

> Homosexuality;

— Literature

(III Greek); > Lyric

poetry 1S. BARNARD, Hellenistic Women Poets, in: CJ 73, 1978, 208-210 2 Y. BATTISTINI, Poétesses grecques: Sapphé, Corinne, Anyté, 1998 3 G.CLaRK, Women in Late An-

tiquity, 1993

4 P.Dusors, Sappho Is Burning, 1995

5 F.DE Martino (ed.), Rose di Pieria, r991

6 R.GLEI,

‘Sappho die Lesbierin’ im Wandel der Zeiten, in: G. BINDER (ed.), Liebe und Leidenschaft. Historische Aspekte von Erotik und Sexualitat, 1993, 145-161 7 M.HAFENER,

Die Kaiserin Eudokia als Reprasentantin des Kulturchristentums, in: Gymnasium 103, 1996, 216-228 8 J. HAutett, Sappho and her Social Context, in: Signs 4, 1979, 447-464 9G.Luck, Die Dichterinnen der grie-

chische Anthologie, in: MH rr, 1954, 170-187 10 H. Meuse, Dichterinnen der griechische Anthologie — Grabepigramme der Erinna und Anyte, in: AU 38/6, 1995, 27-44 11B.M. Patumso Srracca, Corinna e il suo pubblico, in: R. PRETAGOsTINI

(ed.), Tradizione e inno-

vazione, Festschrift B.Gentili, 1993, 403-412 12 S.PomMeERoy, Technikai kai Mousikai, in: AJAH 2, 1977, 17-22 13 W.RGsLER, Homoerotik und Initiation: Uber Sappho, in: T. STEMMLER (ed.), Homoerotische Lyrik, 1992, 43-54 14 M.SKINNER, Nossis Thelyglossis, in: S. POMEROY (ed.), Women’s History and Ancient History, 1991,20-47 15 Ead., Sapphic Nossis, in: Arethusa 22, 1989, 5-18 16 Ead., Woman and Language in Ar-

WOMEN

AUTHORS

daughter Caecilia Metella, depicted by Ovid (Ov. Tr. 2,437f.) as an author of poetry celebrated under the name of Perilla. The latter must not be confused with the young female poet by the same name, but a generation younger, the addressee of Ovid’s letter from exile (Ov. Tr. 3,7), possibly his stepdaughter. The most remarkable of the lost works by women authors is that of + Agrippina [3] the Younger (AD 15-59), the sister of the Roman emperor Caligula, wife of the emperor Claudius and mother of the emperor Nero; both Pliny the Elder (Plin. HN

7,46) and Tacitus (Tac. Ann. 4,53,3) mention her memoirs as an important historical source. However, there are some extant works by female Roman authors from the 2nd cent. BC to the 2nd cent. AD. Two sections of a letter by — Cornelia [I 1], the daughter of P. > Cornelius [I 71] Scipio Africanus have been transmitted by Cornelius Nepos [2] (fr. 59 Marshall); in this letter, she insists angrily and imperiously that her younger son C. > Sempronius Gracchus should not stand for the office of tribune. The letter seems to have been written around 124 BC, about one century before Nepos’ death. However, it has been disputed that Cornelia (or even any woman) was the author of this letter; on the other hand, both Cicero

chaic Greece, or, Why is Sappho a Woman?, in: N.S. RaBI-

(Cic. Brut. 241) and Quintilianus (Quint. Inst. 1,1,6)

NowiITz, A. RICHLIN (eds.), Feminist Theory and the Classics, 1993, 125-144 17 J.M.SNypDER, Korinna’s ‘Glorious Songs of Heroes’, in: Eranos 82, 1984, I-10

Nondramatic Poetry in its Setting, 1997 20 Ead., The Woman and the Lyre: Women Writers in Classical Greece and Rome, 1989 =.21 N. Tonta, Zu den Besonderheiten des poetischen Schaffens von Dichterinnen in Griechenland und Rom, in: E. G. ScHMiptT (ed.), Griechenland und

confirm that at the time Cornelia’s correspondence was taken as proof for her positive influence on the rhetorical style of her sons Gaius and Tiberius. Also, the echoes of this letter in similar indignant speeches by mature female characters in works of the early Augustan period (latter three decades of the rst cent. BC) indicate that at least at the time of Nepos these letters were seen as genuinely having been written by Cornelia. Such references are found in the speeches by > Veturia (the moth-

Rom... , 1996,

er of Coriolanus) in Livy (2,40), by Dido, Amata or the

18 Ead., Lesbian Desire in the Lyrics of Sappho, 1997 19 E. STEHLE, Performance and Gender in Ancient Greece:

220-230

22 M.D.

UsHer, Homeric

Stitchings: The Homeric Centos of the Empress Eudocia, 1998 23 P. VAN DeuN, The Poetical Writings of the Empress Eudocia, in: J.DEN Borrt, A. HiLHorst (eds.), Early Christian Poetry, 1993, 273-282 24 B.VIVANTE, Women’s Roles in Ancient Civilizations, 1999, 245-253

25L.H. Witson, Sappho’s Sweetbitter Song, 1996 26 J.WERNER, Der weibliche Homer: Sappho oder Anyte?, in: Philologus 138, 1994, 252-259

27M.L. West, Die

griechische Dichterin. Bild und Rolle (Lectio Teubneriana 5),1996 28B.Zweic, The Primal Mind, in: N.S. RaBiNOWITZ, s. [16], 1993, 145-180. B.Z.V.

II. ROME Comedies by the early 2nd cent. BC Roman playwright Plautus (Plaut. Pseud. 20-75; Plaut. Cas. 860f., 1005-1007) already depict women as the authors of literary texts. Roman writers mention several — unfortunately not extant — works by women authors from the 1st cent. BC and AD. They include > Clodia [1], the sister of P. > Clodius [I 4] Pulcher and wife of Q. > Caecilius [I 22] Metellus Celer, generally identified as the woman immortalized by — Catullus under the metrically equivalent name of Lesbia (Cic. Cael. 27,64 refers to her as poetria, ‘poetess’), as well as Clodia’s

mother of Euryalus in bks 4, 7, 9 and 12 of Vergil’s Aeneid, as well as those by Augustus’ stepdaughter Cornelia [II 2] in Propertius’ (4,11) work. Book 3 of the elegies by > Tibullus, probably compiled soon after his early death in AD 19, contains eleven poems describing the passionate love affair of a young woman by the name of > Sulpicia. Because these poems describe her as the daughter of Servius and a certain Messalla, evidently acting as her guardian, it has been concluded that her father had been the consul of 51 BC (who died eight years later) or possibly his son. According to Hier. in lovinanum 1,46,288c, the wife of the former had been Valeria, the sister of M. > Valerius Messalla Corvinus (cos. 31 BC), the patron of Tibullus.

Sulpicia thus seems to have been Messalla’s niece and ward and enjoyed his literary patronage (-> Circles, literary).

These eleven elegies (eight of which are written in the first person) talk of Cerinthus, the object of Sulpicia’s passion — obviously a pseudonym, like the Greek pseudonyms of the female lovers in Tibullus and Ovid. A number of scholars (e.g. [9]) think that these first five elegies (of which three are not in the first person) form

WOMEN AUTHORS

an anthology or garland and are by a male admirer and imitator, not by Sulpicia herself. This assumption is based on the observation that these poems are longer than the other six and that they contain a higher number of learned allusions. However, correspondences in choice of expressions and topics between the six later elegies and other Latin poetry (e.g. Catullus’ Carmina or Vergil’s Aeneid) but also between the first five and the subsequent six elegies support the case for Sulpicia as the author of all eleven poems. In addition, these agreements also suggest that Sulpicia wanted to see the erotic behaviour of her literary persona positively compared with Vergil’s + Dido. Full of self-confidence, she describes her physically fulfilled love to a man who was not her husband; in that way, she offers details of her own love story as a stand-in for readers of both sexes without erotic experiences of their own (“mea gaudia narret, dicetur si quis non habuisse sua”, “Jet (Venus) tell of my joys, if some woman will be said not to have had her own.”, Tib. 3,13,5-6 POSTGATE = Sulpiciae Elegidia 1). She refers to her lover and herself as equal partners, dismissing social restrictions imposed by a good reputation and the talk of other people (fama, rumor) as unimportant. Martial (10,35; 10,38) mentions the poetic work of a contemporary female poet, also by the name of > Sulpicia (latter half of the rst cent. AD); he describes it as both erotic and decent, because it dealt with her passion for her husband Calenus. Further reference to this second Sulpicia are found in later Roman authors (Auson. Cento nuptialis; Sidon. Apoll. Carm. 9,261f.; Fulg. Mythologiae 1,4; 1,12f. Helm). Martial’s comparison (Mart. 10,35) of this Sulpicia and the Greek Archaic lyricist > Sappho (see above under I) ended in favour of the former; the same preference was given to the (otherwise unknown) female poet Theophila (Mart. 7,69). Two lines (in iambic trimeters) from Sulpicia’s work have survived in a scholion on luv. 6,537 (108 WEssNER; they were quoted by Giorgio VALLA (15th. cent.) under the name of Probus). The satire Sulpiciae Conquestio (+ Sulpiciae satira), a fictitious attack on emperor

Domitian

716

715

transmitted

in

the

Epigrammata

Bobiensia under the name of Sulpicia, is a 4th cent. forgery [9; ro], but confirms how well the author was known. Sappho was also the model and benchmark for Ovid’s Perilla (Ov. Tr. 3,7, see above) and possibly also for Cicero’s use of the term poetria (‘poetess’) for Clodia (Cic. Cael. 27,64). Recent excavations in > Vindolanda at Hadrian’s Wall in northern England brought to light an archive of the correspondence between Claudia Severa, an officer’s wife, and her friend Sulpicia Lepidina (c. AD r00). These letters are an accidentally preserved example of female writing in Roman Antiquity. The familial address as soror (‘sister’) and the loving language with erotic undertones, in which she invites her friend to her birthday party, are signs of mutual affection between women, as also celebrated by the elegiac poet Sulpicia.

To commemorate their Egyptian journey to the Colossus of ~ Memnon in Thebes, on which she accompanied the emperor > Hadrianus and his wife + Sabina in AD 130, > Iulia [10] Balbilla, probably a granddaughter of Ti. Claudius [II 15] Balbillus (prefect of Egypt under Nero), wrote four epigrams in elegiac distichs in the Aeolian Greek dialect, the language of Sappho; they were carved into the statue [3; 11]. These verses celebrate Iulia’s own high birth and Sabina’s beauty. It has been conjectured [1] that the poet would thus assume the role of Sappho in her relationship with Sabina and that she is to be seen as the female counterpart to Hadrian’s lover + Antinous [2]. The acts of Christian martyrs (no. 8 MuUsURILLO, p. 1-62 VAN BEEK) include the Latin description of the martyrdom of a young woman called — Perpetua in Carthage in North Africa (AD 203). The major part of this account consists of a long tale in form of a diary, allegedly written by Perpetua herself, who was later canonized. In her determination to oppose the official ban on Christianity, she rejected — as she tells it — her father’s pitiful pleas that she should rescind her faith and thus save her life; she even handed him her small child who was not yet weaned. While she awaited her death by wild animals in the arena, she gained strength from visions, including of her brother who had died young and of her victory over Satan [5; 6]. Two women of the 4th cent. AD are amongst the most prominent Christian Latin authors. Faltonia Betitia > Proba wrote a (lost) epic poem about the civil war between Magnentius (under whom her husband served as prefect of Rome in AD 351) and Constantius II, as well as an extant > cento in 694 hexameters, which tells the story of the creation of the world and the life of Jesus with the aid of lines and sections from Vergil’s Aeneid. Proba’s work presumes an educated readership; she declares herself a prophetess (> vates), rejects the objects of the pagan epic and daringly adapts pagan phrases for her Christian topic. Egeria (also known as Aetheria; > Peregrinatio ad loca sancta) was the author of the account of her > prilgrimage to Jerusalem, in the course of which she also visited places in Egypt, Palestine, Syria and Cilicia. It is assumed that Egeria was a nun from Spain. Her account of her adventures on this pilgrimage which served to strengthen her faith was very obviously directed at other Christian women. For women authors of ancient philosophical works, see > women philosophers + Lyric poetry; > Literature (IV. Latin) 1 E.Bowir, Greek Poetry in the Antonine Age, in: D. A. RussELu (ed.), Antonine Literature, 1990, 62 2A.K. Bowman, J.D. THomas, New Texts from Vindolanda, in: Britannia, 18, 1987, 125-142 3 T.C. BRENNAN, The Poets Julia Balbilla and Damo at the Colossus of Memnon, in: CW 91.4, 1998, 215-234 4G.CLARK, Women in Late Antiquity, 1993 5 P. DRONKE, Women Writers of

the Middle Ages: A Critical Study of Texts from Perpetua to Marguerite Parete, 1984

6 P. HABERMEHL, Perpetua

und der Agypter, 1992 7 J.P. HALLETT, Martial’s Sulpicia and Propertius’ Cynthia, in: CW 86.2, 1992, 99-123

717

718

8 A. Kerru, Tandem venit amor: A Roman Woman Speaks of Love, in: J.P. HALLETT, M.SKINNER (eds.), Roman Sexualities, 1998, 295-310 9H.PARKER, Other Remarks on the Other Sulpicia, in: CW 86.2, 1992, 89-9 5 10 A.RICHLIN, Sulpicia the Satirist, in: CW 86.2, 1992, 125-140 11 J.ROWLANDSON (ed.), Women and Society in Greek and Roman Egypt, 1998, 309f. 12 J.SNYDER, The Woman and the Lyre. Women Writers in Classical Greece and Rome, 1989.

JULHA.

Women painters + Painting (yeaduni/graphike) appears to have been one of the few ‘arts’ (téyvav/téchnai) that could also be

practised

successfully

by women

(cf.

+ Women

authors; + Female musicians). The vocational descrip-

tion 6/1) Cwyeadoc/zdgraphos (‘male / female painter of living things’) is attested on one occasion for a female painter (Phot. p. 149b 29-38), whilst no feminine counterpart for the more common yeadevs/grapheus (‘painter’) has been passed down to us. We would therefore have to regard the women trained in this téchné as a negligible marginal phenomenon if it were not for a catalogue passed down to us by Plinius [1] the Elder titled pinxére et mulieres (‘the following women also painted’) and listing FP from the end of the sth to the rst cents. BC (Plin. HN 35,147 f.) [1. 202; 6. 53]. Depictions of women painters in > wall painting and small works of art supplement the details in the list even if the paintings rarely show whether painting was done professionally or as the work of educated women [8]. Investigations of FP therefore have to contend with a tradition [7. 145-147] that while concentrating on a few canonical painters of the 5th and 4th cents. has left out of account many practitioners, including male artists, for instance from Hellenistic Asia Minor. The fact that occasional examples of FP like + Helena [2] and Olympias were able to be passed down to us through so-called lists of homonyms suggests that more comprehensive lists of works by FP were compiled during the Hellenistic period [5. 535]. The FP of the sth and 4th cents. BC mentioned by Pliny like Timarete (daughter of — Micon), Eirene (daughter of Cratinus), Aristarete (daughter of Nearchus), learned the craft from their fathers. Olympias in turn (cannot be dated) herself trained painters (Plin. HN 35,148). The works mentioned in the list as well as the ‘Battle of Issus’ (the battle fought by Alexander in 333 BC, Phot. p. 149b 29-38; cf. + Alexander mosaic; > Historical painting) [1.175] attested for Helena prove that the FP were already brilliant artists in classical times in all formats and techniques and were by no means limited to miniatures or still-life painting like their successors in the 18th cent. The fact, however, that modern researchers dispute passionately the credibility of such testimonials that are in any case rare [4] demonstrates that the image of women in the 19th and 20th

cents. proved to be an additional hindrance standing in the way of investigations into the artistic and social status of FP.

WOMEN

PHILOSOPHERS

One of the the reasons for training one’s daughters in painting must have been a shortage of male specialist staff in Greek family workshops [2. 68-76]. And so it may well be that in the 5th and 4th cents. many monumental paintings passed down to us under the name of a single master may actually have been a joint work done by the sons and also the daughters and signed by the master. In the course of the recognition of painting as a discipline and its establishment in schooling from > Pamphilus [2] (Plin. HN 35,77; Aristot. Pol. 1337b 22-27) onwards, it should be considered that in Hellenism increasingly painting was done by those women to whom this education was available [6. 53 f.; 7. 15 4157]. In around roo BC, among the most sought-after virtuosos of the art market in Rome (> art, interest in) was an unmarried woman: Iaia (or: Laia) of + Cyzicus

[z. 205; 3], whose works were in demand both in miniature and in monumental painting and were attested in the special discipline of > encaustics (Plin. HN 35,147 f.) [2. 41-50, 80-103]. A comment to the effect that women held Iaia in particularly high regard as a female portrait painter [2. 91-94, 107 f.], makes it clear that ancient art writers regarded as a specific achievement of hers the development of a concept of art that was especially targeted at the female client and observ-

er + Female musicians; — Painting; - Women ~» Women authors; > Women philosophers; ~» GENDER STUDIES

IL;

1 H. Brunn, Geschichte der griechischen Kiinstler, vol. 2, 27886 2N.J.Kocn, Techne und Erfindung in der klassischen Malerei,2000 612 4E.PFUHL,

3 G.LIPPOLD,s. v. Jaia (4), RE 9, s.v. Helene (7), RE 7, 2837

5 F.Mtwzer, Zur Kunstgeschichte des Plinius, in: Hermes 30, 1895, 499-547 6S.PoMmERoy, Technikai kai mousikai. The Education of Women in the Fourth Century and in the Hellenistic Period, in: AJAH 2, 1977, 51-68 7 T.SCHEER, Forschungen tiber die Frau in der Antike Ziele,

Methoden,

Perspektiven,

in: Gymnasium

107,

2000, 143-172 8 I.SCHEIBLER, Griechische Malerei der Antike, 1994, 73, 76 fig. 30. N.K.

Women philosophers A. PROBLEMS OF DEFINITION B. HISTORICAL OVERVIEW C.HISTORY OF SCHOLARSHIP

A. PROBLEMS OF DEFINITION In view of the usually familial links between women philosophers (WP) and known

thinkers, in classical

sources what is usually reported is their relationships to the latter (as lovers, concubines, wives and daughters).

It is only in the rarest of cases possible to form a balanced judgment of the life and achievements of WP. Feminist theory goes as far as to designate as WP all women whose philosophical ambitions are in any way documented [6.XIII-XV].

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B. HisTORICAL OVERVIEW Literary sources most typically report on the emulation by WP of their male colleagues: thus on + Hipparchia and Theodorus Atheus (Diog. Laert. 6,97), Leontion and + Theophrastus (Cic. Nat. D. 1,93), + Hypatia and — Isidorus [7] (Damascius, Epitome Photi 164 ZINTZEN). Neoplatonist writings (+ Neoplatonism) are the first to stress the superiority of WP, as for Sosipatra (Eunap. VS 6,6,5), for the wife of Maximus of Ephesus (ibid. 7,3,16) and for Hypatia (Synes. epist. 136; Socrates Scholasticus 7,15,1). The margi-

ures, but not a Greek female philosopher like > Themista, were to be taken up in Roman literature and be used as models (Cic. Fin. 2,68; on the dismissal of WP, using the example of Themista, see also Cic. Pis. 26,63). The Christians provided the concept of philosophein (‘to engage in philosophy’) both in general terms and also, indeed, with reference specifically to the life of women, with a new content: to aim the whole of life towards God and a transcendental existence in the spirit of the NT, and to follow an ascetic life-style. Gregory [2] of Nyssa discusses this understanding of philosophy in the vita of his sister + Macrina (Greg. Nyss., Vita

WOMEN PHILOSOPHERS

nalization of WP was abetted by the the socio-cultural prerequisites for genuine philosophy: the philosophical Eros in the Platonic tradition, like the philia- concepts of the Peripatetics (> Peripatos) and the Stoa, have male connotations. To be sure, the Pythagoreans and Epicureans showed a greater acceptance of WP. In the - Academy there are conflicting reports [2]. No women are mentioned among the Peripatetics. WP took up standpoints on problems in physics, ethics and logic. There is also a markedly religious component in female philosophy: examples reach from Themistoclea (Diog. Laert. 8,8) down to the women Neoplatonics Sosipatra (Eunap. VS 6,6,6-7) and Asclepigeneia (Marinus, Vita Procli 28). Basic dogmas of the philosophical anthropology upon which the order of the sexes is founded seem not to have been addressed explicitly by WP. However, it may be seen from the letters of female Pythagoreans that WP reflect a female life-context, augmenting the male perspectives. Female thinking was as a rule presumably adapted into patriarchal thought-patterns and structures. For women who belonged to the social elite there was in Greek and Roman antiquity no provision for any kind of upbringing that would call for a foundation in philosophy. Contact with philosophy as such came about through association (usually through a personal relationship) with a philosophical group. The function of leading a school is securely attested only for Arete of Cyrene (Str. 17,3,22). Sosipatra (Eunap. VS 6,9,2) and

Hypatia (Socrates Scholasticus 7,15,1; Damascius fr.

102,5-7 ZINTZEN; ~ Philosophy, teaching of) both taught, even though this was not in a specific institutional context. While for the end of the Hellenistic Period and from Late Antiquity onwards there is plenty of evidence of the activity of WP, starting with the female pupils of Plotinus (Porph. Vita Plotini 9,2-4), there are no corresponding records for Rome. An interest in philosophy is attested only for a handful of women, a disciple of Cicero named Caerellia (Cic. Att. 13,21a,2), and wom-

en from the circles of the Stoics, notably Porcia, daughter of M. Porcius [1] Cato (Plut. Cato minor 23,2-6).

To be sure, there are insufficient indications that they actually engaged in philosophy. Even the reception of Greek WP in Latin writings is modest, with the exception of Christian women writers. In explanation of his appropriation of Greek philosophy, Cicero formulated his opinion of WP very directly: exemplary political fig-

Sanctae Macrinae, esp. 5,44—50; 11). Even the activity

of an unnamed female apostle in the southern Caucasus (Socr. 1,20,2), who, unlike Macrina, worked in public, is described with the word philosophein. While the supply of sources for pre-Christian WP is insufficient to provide for a plausible literary depiction, it is possible to gain a clear image of a Christian WP, especially in the Greek East [3.13-23]. For the Roman West we may point to Marcella, a disciple of Jerome. Her philosophical activities become visible as sketched in Jerome, Ep. 127, esp. 4-9.

Collaboration by women on works published under the name of a male teacher has frequently been suspected, as in the case of Hypatia’s epitomizing edition of the Ptolemy-commentary of her father, Theon of Alexandria [5.69]. Beside the fundamental marginalization of women writers, is it possible that esoteric doctrines by WP who deliberately avoided committing them to writing have also contributed to the fact that only a few texts by WP have survived (against this see [1.132134]). The female Pythagoreans preferred to place their writings into letters, which have often been considered pseudepigraphic, and the dating of which remains a matter of debate [4]. C.HIsTORY OF SCHOLARSHIP In Classical Antiquity itself there already existed collections of material on WP (Phot. cod. 161 HENRY 2, p. 127). That WP constituted a group that was not to be neglected is made clear by a satirical comment in Lucian, Eunuchus 47,7. According to Clement of Alexandria, Strom. 4,19,121,5 Jerome also mentions (Jer.

Adv. Iovinianum, PL 23, 1,42,285) that Philo (pupil of Diodorus [4] Cronus) dedicated a treatise to the daughters of his teacher, the WP Argia, Artemisia, Pantaclea and Theognis. Actual handbooks on WP usually depend upon the Historia mulierum philosopharum of G. MENAGE (1690). Attempts to base a history of classical WP upon feminist theory remains part of the investigation into the lives and works of the WP [6]. ~» Education; > Gender roles; -» Hipparchia; > Hypatia; + Macrina;

+ Woman; > Women authors

1 G.CLarK, Women in Late Antiquity, 1993 2 T.DoranpI, Assiotea e Lasteneia, due donne all’ Academia, in: Atti e memorie dell’Accademia Toscana ‘La

Colombaria’ 54, 1989, 53-66 3 E.GIANNARELLI, La tipologia femminile nella biografia e nell’autobiografia cristiana delIV secolo, 1980

4 Moravux, vol. 2, 605-607

721

722 5 A.TrHon, Le ‘Grand Commentaire’ de Théon d’Alexandrie aux tables faciles de Ptolemée, vol. 1, 1 985

6 M.E. Warrue, A History of Women Philosophers I. Ancient Women Philosophers 600 B.C.-s00 A.D., 1987 (review: F. DECcLEvA-Caizzi, in: Rivista critica di storia

della filosofia 44, 1989, 569-572). A. CAVARERO, Platon zum Trotz. Weibliche Gestalten der antiken Philosophie, 1992, 145-207; T. DORANDI, Figure femminili della filosofia antica, in: F.>— MARTINO (ed.), Rose di Pieria, 1991, 261-278; M.ERLER, Frauen im Kepos, in: GGPh* 4.1, 1994, 287f.; GouLET, vol. 1-2,

1994; A. JENSEN, Gottes selbstbewufte Téchter. Frauenemanzipation im friihen Christentum?, 1992; G.MENAGE, The History of Women Philosophers (Engl. transl.), 1984.

HE.HA.

Women rulers I. ANCIENT ORIENT

II. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

WOMEN RULERS

Into this context also belongs -» Zenobia [2], ruler of the empire of + Palmyra (3rd cent. AD). The biblical report about the Queen of + Saba’, Sabaei may be a legendary reflection of an actual situation (1 Kg 10). ~» Gynaecocracy; - Rulers; > Rulership; + Woman I 1M.G. Bica, Les femmes de la famille royale d’Ebla, in: J.-M. Duranp (ed.), La femme dans le Proche-Orient Antique, 1987, 41-47 2 Chicago Assyrian Dictionary, vol. /2, 1992, S. Vv. Sarratu, 72-75 3 H.DOoNNeR, Art und

Herkunft des Amtes der K6niginmutter im AT, in: R. von Krente etal. (eds.), FestschriftJ.Friedrich, 1959, 105-145 4 V. Haas, review of R.S. Bin-Nun, The tawananna in the Hittite Kingdom, 1975, in: WZKM

69, 1977, 150-156

5 S.Rorn, Gebieterin aller Lander. Die Rolle der kéniglichen Frauen in der fiktiven und realen AuSenpolitik des agyptischen Neuen Reiches, 2002 6 M.P. STRECK, s. v. Naqra, RLA 9, 165 7 J. T1iscHLER, Hethitisches etymologisches Glossar, vol. 3, 1993, 282-286 (with lit.).

JRE.

I. ANCIENT ORIENT In the societies of the Ancient Orient and Egypt with their rules regarding patrilineal inheritance and succession, women did not assume the role of rulers. The only exceptions to this occurred in cases when a female member of the ruling family — generally the queen mother — acted as regent for an underage heir to the throne. For example, — Hatshepsut, half-sister and wife of > Thutmosis [2] II, acted for 22 years as regent for her underage nephew > Thutmosis [3] III.. In Assyria, it is not certain whether Shammuramat (Greek — Semiramis), the wife of Shamshi-Adad V and mother of his son and successor Adad-nirari III, whose political influence seems to have been substantial, had also taken on the formal regency for her son. Naqi’a, wife of ~» Sennacherib and mother of Asarhaddon, played a significant role in securing the throne for her son and later (by way of a vassal treaty) for her grandson > Assurbanipal. Her word was seen, “like that of a god, final” [6. 165]. According to the OT, in Judah in particular (— Judah and Israel), the queen mother enjoyed significant political and dynastic rights as well as ceremonial rights at court. As a kind of official designation, she bore the title of g‘bira (literally ‘mistress’ or ‘patron’ as opposed to other members of her family who either had limited or no legal rights). Documents found at + Ebla (see [x]) and + Ugarit point to a comparable institution. However, in both cases, the queen mother did not hold an official position as ruler [3]. The title of tawananna, born by the wife of the ruling Hittite great king, referred to her position as the highest priestess of the sun goddess of Arinna (> Sun god). She would retain her title even after the death of her husband; only after her own death would the wife of the successor to the throne become the new tawananna |4; 7]. Nothing is known regarding a regency by the tawannana for an underage successor to the throne, as there are no historical records of such a case. Women rulers in tribally organized Arabian societies appear on the inscriptions of Neo-Assyrian rulers [2].

II. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

Using the older constitutional definition of > rulership as the exercise of political power by virtue of legal rights invested in the ruler, hardly any woman ruler can be identified because of the limitation of political rights to male citizens, as was common practice in Antiquity. However, a slightly wider functional understanding of rulership, which also takes into account women’s actual disposal of resources and their ability to create a consensus between the ruled and the rulers, makes it

possible to classify women as rulers also in GraecoRoman Antiquity [14. 47-53]. Two types appear in ancient sources: On the one hand, the female co-ruler as the female part of a ruling couple, in parallel with mythical divine couples (e.g. the equation of the Roman imperial couple with JupiterJuno or the Hellenistic royal couple with Helios-Selene) with clear assignments as to their respective roles and a gender-specific division of tasks as father and mother of the dynasty [3]; in this, they acted as models for the population as a whole and in particular for male and female members of the aristocracy. In this context, women provided dynastic legitimization because of their close family relations with past and/or future generations of the ruling family; in addition to material resources, they often also controlled access to the > rulers. On the other hand, the temporary sole female ruler who ~ against the legal norm and sometimes for extended periods — either carried on ruling after the death of the ruler or who took on the rule in place of an underage, incapable or sick nominal male successor

[14. 39-42, 51-673 To]. Ancient literature paints an ambivalent picture of WR, depending on the genre [5]. Whereas epos and tragedy perpetuate the obvious image of powerful female rulers from Greek and Roman mythology (+ Arete [1], —> Penelope, — Clytaemnestra: [13], + Dido: [1]), female rulers, both historical and mythi-

cal, are clearly rejected and even demonized by historiographers (e.g. > Tomyris, bloodthirsty queen of the

WOMEN RULERS

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WG

Massagetes: Hdt. 1,214,4f.; the patricidal Roman queen > Tullia [1]: Liv. 1,46-48). Callousness, greed, vindictiveness, often also sexual deviance and the interference in the - seen as strictly male — domains of pollitics and the military are part of the standard topos of the ‘evil female ruler’. The background to such invectives could be the defence against a danger from outside (c.f. the negative characterization of -» Cleopatra [II 12] C VII as the enemy: Hor. Carm. 1,37,21) or the compensation of conflicts within the society arising from the changed role of women, particularly of female members of the Roman aristocracy (— Fulvia [2]). In the depiction of foreign female rulers in Greek and Roman sources, there was often an overlap between the definition of the genders and the notion of the alien, resulting in an even more emphatic rejection of female rulers in their own culture. This tradition is still clearly apparent in the 4th cent. AD in > Ammianus Marcellinus. In his portrait of > Constantina, the sister of the emperor and wife of > Constantius [5] Gallus, as a power-hungry fury, his criticism of emperors’ wives who shared in their husbands’ power is all the more biting as he suggests, by citing the usual list of female rulers of the East, that this type of rule was alien to Greco-Roman culture (e.g. > Semiramis, > Cleopatra {II 12], > Zenobia [2]) [14. 74-195, 318-346].

Alongside these negative images of ancient female rulers, beginning in the Hellenistic period, there was a widespread > panegyric directed at female members of the ruling families or of the aristocracy, praising them as just and beautiful benefactresses (> Euergetism). In Roman times, added positive attributes were marital faithfulness, modesty in demeanour and, for the lateantique Christian empresses, the praise of orthodoxy (e.g. Claudianus, Laus Serenae; Iulinus, Or. 3; funeral orations by > Gregorius [I 2] of Nyssa). The panegyric reflected the interests of the ruling house and those in its favour; on the other hand, with the increasing importance of closeness to the > court as the measure of an individual’s social position, the criticism of an author directed at female rulers may also be a reflection of his grumbling that women, too, were barring his access to the centre of power [14. 298-305]. Research into the role of WR has already produced important, mainly prosopographic studies on particular rulers and the role of women in particular dynasties [25 7; 8; 11; 12], but diachronic studies of the development and structural characteristics of WR still remain desiderata [9]. Question of titles and honours, marriage

strategies, disposal of resources (matronage versus patronage) or differences in the definition of > gender roles in the different cultural spheres of Antiquity still require further clarification in order to identify similarities and differences in the positions of Hellenistic, Roman-Byzantine and foreign WR (e.g. — Teuta, ~ Boudicca, + Zenobia [2]) and to uncover the nature of the conditions under which ancient WR ruled compared with the typology of their counterparts in other eras and cultures [4]. It is still an open question why the

late-antique ‘imperial’ women (~ Imperial family, women of the) in the East of the Roman empire enjoyed a far greater potential for political activity than those in the West (even culminating in the middle Byzantine period in the sole rule of women: e.g. + Irene, > Zoé, + Theodora [5]). + Augusta; ~ GENDER STUDIES; -> Gynaecocracy; + Imperial family, women of the; + MATRIARCHY; + Rulership; > Rulers; Woman 1 E.D. Carney, Reginae in the Aeneid, in: Athenaeum 66,

1988, 427-445 2 Ead., Women and Monarchy in Ancient Macedonia, 2000 3 S.FISCHLER, Imperial Cult: Engendering the Cosmos, in: L.FOXHALL, J.SALMON (eds.), When Men Were Men. Masculinity, Power and Identity in Classical Antiquity, 1998, 165-183 4L.O. FRADENBURG (ed.), Women and Sovereignty, 1992 5 B.GarLIck,

$.Drxon, P. ALLEN

(eds.), Stereotypes of

Women in Power. Historical Perspectives and Revisionist Views, 1992 6 R.HIESTAND, Eirene Basileus — die Frau als Herrscherin im MA, in: H.Hecxer (ed.), Der Herrscher. Leitbild und Abbild in MA und Renaissance, 1990, 253-283 7K.G. Hotum, Theodosian Empresses. Women and Imperial Dominion in Late Antiquity, 1982 8 E.KETTENHOFEN, Die syrischen Augustae in der histo-

rischen Uberlieferung. Ein Beitrag zum Problem der Orientalisierung,

1979

9 Cu. Kunst, U.RIEMER

(eds.),

Grenzen der Macht. Zur Rolle der rémischen Kaiserfrauen, 2000

10 D.Mrron, Transmitters and Represen-

tatives of Power: Royal Women in Ancient Macedonia, in: AncSoc 30, 1990, 35-52 11 D.O«GDEN, Polygamy, Prostitutes and Death: The Hellenistic Dynasties, 1999 12 H. Temporini, Die Frauen am Hofe Trajans. Ein Beitrag zur Stellung der Augustae im Principat, 1978

13 B. WAGNER-HASEL, Die Macht der Penelope. Zur Politik des Gewebes im homerischen Epos, in: R. FABER, S. LANWERD (eds.), Kybele — Prophetin — Hexe, 1997, 127— 146 14 A. WIEBER-SCARIOT, Zwischen Polemik und

Panegyrik. Frauen des Kaiserhauses und H. des Ostens in den Res gestae des Ammianus Marcellinus, 1999. AN.WI.

Wonders of the world (Greek e.g. ta Oecuata/bepta thedmata ‘seven spectacles’: Str. 14,6523; 656; 16,7383 17,808, among others; Latin e.g. [septem] miracula:

Plin. HN 36,30; Mart. de spectaculis 1,1; septem opera mirabilia ‘seven wondrous works’: Hyg. fab. 223; septem spectacula: Vitr. De arch. 7, praef.). In antiquity, magnificent human cultural achievements that were particularly notable for their technical construction and artistic ornamentation were referred to as “wonders of the world”. The term was traced back by Gell. NA 3,10,16 to Varro’s lost work septem opera in orbe terrae miranda ‘seven works to wonder at in the world’. A group of (usually seven) “wonders” is documented from the 3rd cent. BC on (probably as a result of a tendency to record and praise what was wondrous or spectacular, something that was evident from the Early Hellenic era; cf. + Paradoxographi). Many different lists of wonders of the world were in circulation during the ancient era, sometimes in competition with one another, and these lists continued to be modified and discussed until well into the Renais-

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sance. An early and reliable source was the epigrammatist + Antipater [8] of Sidon (about 150 BC), who in Anth. Pal. 9,58 included among the wonders of the world the walls of + Babylon, the chryselephantine statue of Zeus in the temple at Olympia (cf. > Goldivory technique; - Phidias), the “+ Hanging gardens “of Semiramis in Babylon, the Colossus of Rhodes (+ Chares [4]; +» Rhodos III), the Egyptian — Pyramids, the -* Mausoleum of Halicarnassus and the Temple of Artemis at Ephesus (- Chersiphron; ~» Ephesos I C; + Metagenes [2]). Later lists, for example in Diod. Sic. 1,63 (ta éxtér t& Emipavéotata %oya/ta hepta ta epiphanéstata érga ‘the seven most outstanding works’) and 2,11 (ta éxta ta xatovouatoueva Eoya/ta hepta ta katonomazémena érga ‘the so-called seven works’) and in Strabo (see above), made certain changes; among others, they added the > Lighthouse of Alexandria [1] (phdros), the Horn Altar in the shrine of > Delos (III A), a stone bridge across the + Euphrates [2], the Egyptian city of Thebes (> Thebes [1]) and the palace of Cyrus [2] in Ecbatana. One Christian tradition (in + Gregorius [4] of Tours) also included Noah’s legendary ark and Solomon’s temple in > Jerusalem (Greg. Tur. de cursu stellarum 1-3). The wonders of the world were almost always seven in number; in the 6th cent. AD the city of Rome was added as the eighth by Cassiodorus (Cassiod. var. 7,15,4: fabricarum septem miracula ‘seven wondrous building works’). The spectacular + Hagia Sophia in Constantinople, which was noted for its dome (cf. + Dome, Construction of domes), was also regarded as one of the wonders (+ Cosmas [3] of Jerusalem, PG 38, 547). A monograph called “Peri tn hepta theamdton’, traditionally attributed to > Philo [17] of Byzantium, was devoted to the seven wonders of the world. The fact that the wonders of the world were concentrated in the Middle East and Egypt is evidence of a cultural shift, evident from the Early Hellenic period, away from Greece proper (it is generally accepted that the original list dates from the 3rd cent. BC); moreover, it reflects the esteem in which ‘ancient civilizations’ were held; it is not without reason that + Herodotus [1], given his admiration for the structural accomplishments of Egypt and the Orient, was referred to as the “intellectual father” of these lists. Long regarded merely as a curiosity of the ancient world, the lists of the wonders of the world have only recently been recognized as an important phenomenon in the reception of ancient civilization and a subject of research in their own right. General perceptions of the wonders of the world were strongly influenced by the well-known illustrations of Marten van Heemskerck (1498-1574) and Johann Bernhard Fischer von Erlach (1656-1723). ~» WONDERS OF THE WORLD K. BRODERSEN, Die Sieben Weltwunder. Legendare Kunstund Bauwerke der Antike, 1996; P.A. CLAYTON, M.J.Rice

(eds.), Die Sieben Weltwunder der Antike, 1990; M.Dawip, Weltwunder der Antiken Baukunst und Plastik, 1968; TH. Dombarr, Die Sieben Weltwunder des Altertums, 1967; W.EKsCHMITT, Die Sieben Weltwunder, *T991.

C.HO.

WOOD

Wood A. GENERAL POINTS B, AGRICULTURE, CRAFTS, HOUSE BUILDING C. WOOD AS A MATERIAL IN SCULPTURE D. SHIP BUILDING AND LAND TRANSPORT E. OTHER USES F, WOOD AS A FUEL G. TRANSPORTATION AND WORKING OF WOOD H. Woop anp pouitics J. BUILDING MATERIAL K. FURNITURE

A. GENERAL POINTS In Antiquity, as in pre-industrial societies in general, wood was a universally worked material, used even as a substitute for metal and for expendable parts, and beside animal and human muscle power was also the most important source of energy. The tree species and their economic and technical uses are summarized by Theophrastos (H. plant. 5), Vitruvius (2,8,20; 2,9f.) and Pliny (HN. 16). B. AGRICULTURE, CRAFTS, HOUSE BUILDING

Agriculture and industry were to a great extent oriented towards wood as a material for tools and equipment. As early as in Hesiod (Erg. 420ff.) there are suggestions for which wood should be used to make various parts of vehicles (cf. Hom. Il. 4,485f.) and ploughs; wine and olive presses were fitted with long wooden turning-beams (Cato Agr. 31,2). Furthermore, wood was needed for a multitude of other tools, e.g. for hoes and flails and threshing sledges; the use of wooden equipment and instruments was also typical in craft production. Wood was used in house building in miscellaneous ways for doors, door frames and thresholds, roofs and roof beams, flooring and stairs (Theophr. H. plant. 5,754); simple roofing shingles also consisted of wood (Plin. HN. 16,36). In Rome, house building was originally almost entirely in wood; only later was it usual for walls to be stone or brick; simple functional buildings (sheds, stables), however, often continued to consist of wood. For the diribitorium (> Saepta Iulia) on the Field of Mars in Rome cantilevered roof beams, roo feet long and 1% feet thick, were used; it was considered the largest roofed building in the world (Plin. HN. 16,201; 36,102; Cass. Dio 55,8,4). A beam from the Alps, intended by Tiberius for the pons naumachiarius (+ Naumachia), had a length of 120 feet and a thickness of 2 feet (Plin. HN. 16,190; 16,200). The lack of long roof beams was normally circumvented by constructing roofs in intermediate stages and by means of mortise and tenon joints with wooden dowels. In Roman cities wood was moreover used as a building material for half-timbering (Vitr. 2,8,20; 2,9,16) and for projecting balconies

(Amm.

27,9,10). Large-scale constructions

which, like the rotating double-theatre of P. Scribonius Curio (tr. pl. 50 BC; Plin. HN.

36,116ff.), were not

intended for long-term use were also built in wood. This manner of building was retained even after the collapse of a wooden theatre at Fidenae (Tac. Ann. 4,62f.; Suet. Tib. 40). Numerous bridges, such as the bridge over the

WOH:

728

Moselle in Trier and Trajan’s bridge over the Danube, had a weight-bearing construction of wood. Despite the high risk of fire wood always remained an important building material; after disastrous fire Nero, and later Zeno, restricted the use of wood in house building (Tac. Ann. 15,43,3f.; Cod. Iust. 8,10,12). Large quantities of wood were also needed in the building industry for frames and cladding (+ Opus caementicium) and for securing foundations on damp surfaces with the aid of piles. In addition wood provided the material for chairs, tables, klinai, bedsteads, boxes and chests; during the late Republic and the early Principate a general luxury in furnishings led to the production of particularly valuable furniture. Tables of citrus wood, for instance, are

works none survives. Samos, however, has provided deposits of high-quality votive statuettes from the 7th cent. BC, individual pieces are from Pitsa near Corinth (6th cent.) and from Sicily (7th-6th cents.). Assessment of the styles and states of development of these early works is controversial in the history of art. The limited size of votive offerings and xoana and the development, which began shortly after, of stone and bronze sculpture are used to argue against an exclusively wooden origin for Greek three-dimensional sculpture. 6th-cent. BC wooden victor statues are replaced by bronzes. Wood was later considered specifically suitable only for statues of Priapus. Wood with a plaster coating was also used, by contrast, as a cheap substitute for statues of other gods, e.g. for Sarapis in marble-

supposed to have cost up to 1.3 million sesterces (Plin.

poor Egypt.

HN. 13,91-99). + Architecture; technique

Sources also tell of early xoana from Rome (Servius Tullius, Veiovis). In the Imperial period wooden images of gods were considered artless (Lucan. 3,412-413). The few preserved wooden statuettes belonged to the domestic domain and can be classed as cheap substitutes, e.g. wooden portraits from Herculaneum, statuettes belonging to a lararium (> Lares) froma ship burial [2] and dolls. As far as craft decoration of furniture and utility articles is concerned, Coptic Egypt, in particular, has preserved an abundance from Late Antiquity. As the sole surviving example in Rome the wooden doors of S. Sabina’s (first half of the 5th cent. AD; [3]) attest to the high quality of late antique relief art in wood. ~ Akrolithon; > Herms; > Sarcophagus; > Sculpting, technique of

WOOD

— Building

trade;

— Construction P.H.

C. WooOD AS A MATERIAL IN SCULPTURE Wood is preserved only in the absence of air, and for this reason the spatial and temporal distribution of finds is not representative of the totality of ancient wood sculpture. Many significant wooden finds are from fringe areas of the Graeco-Roman world, owing to the favourable preservative conditions. Whereas there is a wealth of finds of ancient Egyptian products, wood sculpture can only be inferred in Minoan art. By contrast, figurative carving by nomads of the Asiatic steppes is conserved in frozen graves (Altai, 6th—5th cents. BC). Thousands of wooden votive statuettes have been found in damp and hermetically sealed sites in spring sanctuaries, particularly in Gaul (source of the Seine, Chamaliéres, rst cent. BC), mostly simple pilgrim figures. In Punic graves anthropoid sarcophagihave been preserved (Kerkouane, 4th—3rd cents. BC; [1]). The burial buildings of Greek colonists on the Black Sea contained sarcophagiwith coloured wooden figurative attachments (Crimea, 4th—3rd cents. BC). From the time of Daedalus onwards wood sculpture in Greece underwent an artistic development in the form of cult images, + xoana, which experienced a long cultivation and also imitation. The written tradition combined them with the names of the earliest, legendary artists such as + Daedalus and > Theodorus of Samos (Plin. HN. 7, 198) and tells of about 50 examples in all, some as late as the Imperial period. Their origins may lie in early dendrolatry; for this reason the wood of the olive tree was considered appropriate to Athena and the vine to Dionysus. The most famous wooden sculpture, Epius’ Trojan Horse, existed only in the epic; Most of the works of + Endoeus are also legendary. More believable are accounts of the Samian Hera by Smilis (6th cent. BC) and an Apollo by + Canachus. The term Aiginetikd érga refers to Aegina as an early centre of the art of wood carving. 48 wood statues appear in the inventories of Delian temples. Of all these

1 M. Fanrar, Un sarcophage en bois a couvercle anthropoide découvert dans la nécropole punique de Kerkouane, in: CRAI 1972, 340-354 2M.L’Hour, Les statuettes de bois de l’€pave Planier

14 Marseille, in: Archaeonautica 4,

1984, 53-73 3 G.JeREMIAS, Die Holztir der Basilika S. Sabina in Rom, 1980. BLUMNER, 238-347; G. BERMOND Monranartet al., s.v.

legno, EAA 4, 1961, 530-537; S.I. RUDENKO, Frozen Tombs of Siberia, 1970; M.VAuLina, Bois grecs et romains de l’Ermitage, 1974; H.V. HERRMANN, Zum Problem der Entstehung der griechischen Grofplastik, in: Wandlungen. FS Homann-Wedeking, 1975, 35-48; H.Kyrievets, Neue Holzfunde aus dem Heraion von Samos, in: ASAA 61, 1983, 295-302; S.Deyts, Les bois

sculptés des sources de la Seine, 1983; A.M. RoMEUF, Ex-voto en bois de Chamaliéres et des sources de la Seine, in: Gallia 44, 1986, 65-89; M.H. RurscHowskaya,

Musee du Louvre. Catalogue des bois de l’Egypte copte, 1986; FUCHS/FLOREN, 2053 309; 369-371.

RN.

D. SHIP BUILDING AND LAND TRANSPORT For building warships (> Navies) the Greeks preferred oak for keels, fir and mountain pine for hulls,

ash, mulberry or elm for load-bearing parts and fir or cedar for masts (Theophr. H. plant. 5,7). Oars were made of fir. Cedar and cypress, which were used primarily by the Phoenicians and Persians, were considered less suitable, as they were too heavy. Decisive cri-

729

teria for the choice of wood for warships were its capacity to withstand stress and its weight. For the keel, efforts were made to use whole trunks; probably the longest keel was made by > Demetrius [2] Poliorcetes from a Cypriot cedar 130 feet long (Plin. HN. 16,203). Carriages and heavy carts for transporting goods by land were also constructed from wood; although there is evidence of the use of pack animals (asses, mules and, in the East, camels) in transporting loads until Late Antiquity, nevertheless working in wood also gained significance in the trade in goods.

E. OTHER USES In this connection weapon production and military technology can also be mentioned: simple weapons, such as lances and spears, were made of wood, and

shields were boards joined together (Pol. 6,23). Large siege engines (-> Siegecraft) in the Hellenistic period, including mobile towers (-> Helepolis) and catapults, however, were also built in wood. How indispensable wood was for all areas of ancient civilization is shown for example by > musical instruments, such as flutes, harps and lyres. Wooden tablets and wood were an important writing support and therefore of considerable significance to official and private communication. F. WOOD AS A FUEL Beside + charcoal, wood was the most important fuel in Antiquity; it was primarily waste wood (P. Koln 52) and brushwood that were used for heating. The large-scale use in baths in the city of Rome (for Misenum cf. CIL X 3678 = ILS 5689) led to the establishment in Late Antiquity of a + munus for wood supply (Cod. Theod. 14,5,1; Symm. Epist. 10,40), to the importation from Africa of wood for burning, which was carried as ballast in grain transporters, and to economies of use. For the baths of Catania, for instance, a reduction from 32 (4960 kg) to 18 pensae (2790 kg) was ordered (IG XIV 455). In wood-poor Egypt, wood was largely substituted by reeds or papyrus.

G. TRANSPORTATION AND WORKING OF WOOD Trunks with the branches removed were transported over short distances by being dragged by teams of oxen or mules with a person walking behind (CIL IV 485 = ILS 6417b: lignarii plostrari). In addition there are records of river transport of individual trunks and rafts (ratiarii on the Rhéne and the Isére: CIL XII 2597; 2331). Transport on the sea was as deck cargo, as well as in rafts. For the most part wood was traded already cut (planks, beams) (Edictum Diocletiani 12ff.); it was negotiatores materiarii or negotiatores lignarii that dealt in building wood; building material of high quality was sometimes obtained from distant regions, e.g. from the island of Carpathus for the Parthenon (Syll.’ 129). Trunks from the Alps were carried on the River Po to Ravenna, and then to cities on the Adriatic —as far as Ancona (Vitr. 2,9,16). The city of Rome received wood from Etruria and Umbria by way of the Tiber (porticus

730

WOOD

inter lignarios; Liv. 35,41,10). There were also organized navicularii lignarii in Ostia (CIL XIV 45 49,3), who were responsible for the importation of wood. In the wood-working professions a considerable differentiation and specialization can be identified in terms of the products made (carpentarius, cuparius, scandularius), as well as the kind of wood used (e.g.

citrarius, eborarius; in all more than 50 professional terms are recorded). A number of professions were later freed from munera civilia (public duties) (Cod. Theod. 13,4,2 = Cod. lust. 10,66,r). The time when trees were to be felled and the significance of the locations and ages of trees to the quality of their wood are taken up as subjects by Theophrastus and Pliny (Theophr. H. plant. 5,1f.; Plin. HN. 16, 188ff.; 16,197f.; cf. Veg. Mil. 4,34ff.). As early as in Homer’s epics the work of tree-fellers in the mountains are described in similes (Hom. Il. 11,86ff.; 13,178ff.; 13,390ff.; 16,482ff.; 16,63 3f.; 17,742ff.; cf. Hom. Od. 5,234ff.; Verg. Aen. 2,626ff.); the organization and scope of obtaining wood for building fleets in the Hellenistic period are illustrated by an account of the preparations for war by Antigonus in 315 BC (Diod. 19,58).

H. Woop AND POLITICS Since large quantities of ship-building timber were needed to build fleets, access to forest areas that could provide adequate numbers of suitable tree-trunks was a decisive question in terms of power politics for a naval power (Thuc. 6,90,3; Xen. Hell. 6,1,11; Plat. Leg. 705 ff.). Fleet-building programmes were also connected with the task of acquiring the necessary wood (Thuc. 8,1,3; Diod. 14,42,4f.; 19,58), and in war it was one of the strategically important goals to inhibit an enemy’s supply of ship timber or to destroy their stores (Thuc. 4,108,1; 7,25,2). Inthe Peloponnesian War, Athens was dependent on the help of the Macedonian kings (IG I* 105; cf. And. 2,11); it was therefore understandable that in 168 BC the Romans forbade the Macedonians to fell wood for ship-building or allow others to do so (Liv. 45,29,14). For building Roman warships, tree-trunks from the Apennines were used (Sidon. Carm. 5,441ff.), in the Principate the Romans were able to draw on the resources of the whole Mediterranean. A large part of the forests was royal property (in Macedonia, regiae silvae in Bithynia) or > ager publicus, such as the Sila Forest, in Italy (Cic. Brut. 85) or in Lebanon. Furthermore, forest also existed in the ownership of communities and private individuals. Protection programmes for the forests in the Lebanese mountains are recorded in the time of Hadrian (IGLS 5oo15187). There was similarly targeted protection and promotion of planting in Hellenistic Roman Egypt. Timber resources were continually damaged, however, because of the secondary use of woodland for grazing. I. DENDROCHRONOLOGY

Hous

ees

I. DENDROCHRONOLOGY In modern archaeology finds of wood are an important aid to chronology. Since annual tree-rings show different intensities corresponding to different weather conditions, ‘characteristic ring sequences’ can be distinguished; for individual regions a relatively accurate chronology (dendrochronology) can be compiled in this way and thus the time at which the wood was worked can be determined.

HN. 29,136 cannot be identified. Also 2) with the elongated (cf. Aristot. Part. an. 4,5,682a 5) species of iovioc/ioulos (Aristot. Hist. an. 4,1,523b 18; Part. an.

WOOD

1 J.-C. Brat (ed.), L’arbre et la forét, le bois dans l’antiquité, 1995 2 BLUMNER, Techn. 2, 238-356 3 W.EcK, Inschriften auf Holz. Ein unterschatztes Phanomen der epigraphischen Kultur Roms, in: P.KNEIssL, V.LOSEMANN (ed.), Imperium Romanum, 1998, 203-217

4H.-

C.GRASSMANN, Wirkungsweise und Energieverbrauch antiker romischer Thermen, in: JRGZ 41, 1994, 297-321 5 B. Kramer, Arborikultur und Holzwirtschaft im griechischer, romischer und byzantinischer Agypten, in: APF 41,1995, 217-231 6F.G. Mater, Neue Wege in die alte Welt —Methoden der modernen Archdologie, 1977, 305ff. 7R.MeicGs, Trees and Timber in the Ancient Mediterranean World, 1982 8 H.v. Perrixovits, Die Spezialisierung des romischen Handwerks, in: H. JANKUHN (ed.),

Das

Handwerk

(AAWG

in vor-

und friihgeschichtlicher

122), 1981, 63-132

Deutschland, 1989, soff.

Zeit

9J.RADKAU, Technik in

10 ZIMMER, Catalogue nos.

56-74.

P.H.

4,6,682b 3f.), whose appearance, according to Arat. 957, heralded rain. 3) With the marine isopod, oxohonevdoa Sahattio/skolépendra thalattia, perhaps the Sea Mouse Aphrodite aculeata L., described at Aristot. Hist. an. 2,14,505b 13-18 (cf.8(9),37,621a 6-9 = Plin. HN. 9,145 on its ability to remove itself from a fishing hook by turning its body inside out). According to Dioscorides 2,14 ([1. 126] = 2,16 [2. 157]), boiled in oil and applied externally it is a means of removing hair. Aelian mentions the Giant Sea Mouse at NA 13,23, but does not believe in it himself, while Antipater of Sidon does (Anth. Pal. 6,222f.; [9. 290f.]. — Crustaceans 1M. WELLMANN (ed.), Pedanii Dioscuridis de materia medica 1, 1907, repr.1958 2J.BERENDES (ed.), Des Pedanios Dioskurides Arzneimittellehre iibersetzt und mit Erklarungen versehen, 1902, repr.1970 3 D.KAIMAKIS, Die Kyraniden, Beitrage zur klassischen Philologie 76, 1976 4L.Dexarre (ed.), Textes latins et vieux francais relatifs aux Cyranides, Bibliothéque de la Faculté de Philos. et Lettres de L’Université de Liége, fasc. 93, 1942 5 KELLER 6LEITNER 7 H.Boess (ed.), Thomas Cantimpratensis, Liber de natura rerum, 1973 8 PL 32, 1877.

9 H.Gossen, Die Tiernamen in Alians 17 Biichern

meol Cawv, Quellen und Studien zur Geschichte der Na-

J. BUILDING MATERIAL

See > Architecture; tion technique

> Building trade; - Construc-

turwissenschaften und der Medizin 4, 1935, repr. 1973, 280-340.

A. Marx, s.v. A., RE II, 1744.

C.HU.

K. FURNITURE

See > Furniture; > Household equipment Woodlouse (dvoc/6n0s, nodinovs/polyplous, dvionoc/ oniskos, xobBaeu/koubaris, xvaywod/kyamos, whov/ tylon, centi-, mille- (or mili-) and multipedium). The

common woodlouse, rough woodlouse or pill bug (mentioned as early as Soph. fr.363 N2) of the Crustacea subphylum, at Aristot. Hist. an. 5,31,557a 2.4f. (on similarities between fish lice and many-legged dvow/ Onoi), Dioscorides 2,35 [1. 1. 133] (on many-legged évou which curl up under water containers when disturbed as helpful against e.g. jaundice and as a component of injections against inflammation of the middle ear) = 2,37 [2. 164f.] (here xouBagidec/koubarides) = Plin. HN.

29,136 = Cyranides 2,32 [3. 165; Latin: 4. 122]. Confusions [5. 2. 481 ff.; 6. r68f.] occurred r) with millipedes, oxoddnevdoa yeqoaia/skolépendra chersaia), which were viewed as poisonous (cf. Aristot. Hist. an. 8(9),37,621a 9f.; Incess. an. 7,707a 30 on the movement of separated body parts = Plin. HN rx,r0). The multipes was passed down to the Middle Ages by Isid. Orig. 12,5,6 as an earthworm arising asexually from moisture and earth. Thomas of Cantimpré 9,27 [7. 305] cites an experiment in Aug. De quantitate animae 31 [8. 1070] from AD 388, described from personal experience in Liguria, that each part of a multipes divided into two went its own way. D1w/Séps in Plin.

Woodpecker (Greek S0u(0)xodantys/dry(o)kolaptes, ‘wood-pecker’ at Aristoph. Av. 480 and 979, aunw/ pipo at Aristot. Hist. an. 7(8),3,593a 4, mehexdc/pelekas at Aristoph. Av. 884 and 1155; Latin picus at Plaut. Asin. 260, cf. Ov. Met. 14,314). Aristotle (Hist. an. 7(8),3,593a 3-12) is familiar with two spotted woodpeckers of different sizes (probably Dendrocopos major and minor) and the green woodpecker (xehedc/keleds, Picus viridis), which is about the size of a turtle dove and is widespread, particularly in the Peloponnesus. Aristot. Hist. an. 8(9),9, 614b 7-17 also appears to describe the black woodpecker (Dryocopus martius), which, in addition to ants and maggots, also eats almonds and nuts by placing them in cracks in wood to open them. With the help of ‘touch-me-nots’ (paeonies; Plin. HN 25,14 and 29; 27,85), it removes pieces of wood (Plin. HN 10,40) and stones (Ael. NA 1,45) blokking its hole. For the Romans, the woodpecker was a bird of auguries (Hor. Carm. 3,27,15; Plin. HN 10,41 with an anecdote about the city praetor — Aelius [I 12] Tubero). At the founding of Picenum (- Picentes; Plin. HN 3,70 and rro) and the rescue of + Romulus [1] and Remus, the woodpecker took part as well as the wolf (Plut. Romulus 4,20). The woodpecker was sacred to Mars (Non. 834 L.). > Picus, turned by > Circe into a woodpecker (Verg. Aen. 7,189-192; Ov. Met. 14,320396), was a mythical ancient Italian king; according to

733

734

Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,14,5 he had an ancient oracle for the + Aequi in Tiora Matiene. The green woodpekker was often confused with the > bee-eater in the Middle Ages.

from texts from > Ebla (24th cent. BC), > Alalah and ~> Ugarit [3]. Purple woollen materials from Phoenicia (> Purple) were a very desirable export item in Antiquity. In Egypt, wool played no great role until the second half of the rst millennium BC. Linen (> Linen, flax) was the principal raw material for textiles there. Indications of the existence of > cotton in Mesopotamia can be found in the > Sennacherib inscriptions [1. 64]. > Husbandry; + Rations; + Sheep; — Textiles, production of

KELLER 2, 50-52; D’ARcy W. THompson, A Glossary of Greek Birds, 1936 (repr. 1966), 92 f.3 A.STEIER, s.v.

Specht, RE 3 A, 1546-1551

CHU.

Wool I. ANCIENT NEarR East

II. CLassicat ANTIQUITY

I. ANCIENT NEAR EAST In the Near East, wool (Sumerian si, Akkadian Sipdtu) from > sheep was an essential raw material for textile production (+ Textiles, production of). Chiefly with the aid of numerous administrative documents from the time of the Third Dynasty of Ur (21st cent. BC), many typical details of wool production can

be reconstructed. The fleecing of sheep, for which Sumerian has various terms, took place as a rule in spring. This is the removal of the fleece from the sheep in its totality (without a knife or similar tool). Blankets were laid on the ground to protect the fleece from dirt. Sheep were usually driven into the enclosed courtyards of administrative or cultic buildings for fleecing. The weight of a fleece, for administrative records, varied according to sex and age of the animal between approximately 1 kg for a full-grown ram and approximately 0.15 kg for a lamb (today adult sheep are expected to yield between ro and 5 kg of wool per shearing). The quality of the wool was assessed by the workers carrying out the fleecing. The fineness of the fibres was crucial. In the Ur III period, there were four, later five, administrative qualities of wool. Quality assessment was based e.g. on the cleanness of the fleece and its origin from a particular part of the fleece. Various colours of wool were distinguished (white, black, yellowish, also red). Woollen fabrics and garments could also be dyed [2]. The yield per sheep, varying according to its quality, was recorded: on average there was less than 1 % of first-class wool and about 66 % of fifth-class (normal). The careful differentiation of various qualities was a prerequisite for the production of high-value material for export to Mesopotamia. From the Ur III period (21st cent. BC) onwards, the accounting value in institutional trade was between 4 and 6.66 Seqels of silver per talent of wool (30.3 kg); for comparison: the annual corn ration for an adult man was 2.4 gurs (c. 600 kg) of barley and had a value of 2.4 Seqels, the annual wool ration was 4 minas (c. 2 kg). The annual wool ration was an essential component of the provisions for workers in institutional households. In one text, for instance, 1,148 talents of wool of various qualities were listed as > rations (sufficient for 17,220 workers) [5. 77]. Sheep’s wool was probably the main raw material for textiles in Syria-Palestine; evidence comes primarily

WOOL

1 Chicago Assyrian Dictionary, vol. $/3, 1992, 57-64, S.V. Sipatul) 2 8B.LANDsBERGER, Uber Farben im Sumerischakkadischen, in: JCS 21, 1969, 139-173 3S. RIBICHINI, P.XELLA, La terminologia dei tessili nei testi di Ugarit, 1985 4CuH. STORK, s.v. Wolle, LA 6, 1285 f. 5 H. Wartzo.pt, Untersuchungen zur neusumerischen Textilindustrie, 1972 6D. WerIsBERG, Wool and Linen Material in Texts from the Time of Nebukadnezzar, in: Eretz Israel 16, 1982, 218-226

J.RE.

II. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

The most important raw material for textile production ( Textiles, production of) in Graeco-Roman Antiquity was the wool (g.a/éria neuter plural; Latin lana) of > sheep, which were kept primarily for producing wool, although their meat and > milk (for cheese-making) were also of considerable economic significance. In their remarks on sheep-rearing, Roman — agrarian writers also take an interest in the quality of wool (Varro, Rust. 2,2,3; 2,2,18 f.; Columella 7,2,3-6; 7,4; Plin. HN 8,187—-199). Different breeds of sheep were valued according to the quality of their wool; a basic distinction was made between sheep with fine wool and those with coarse wool (Columella 7,2,6; Plin. HN 8,189). The aim of selecting rams or cross-breeding was the production of high-value wool. Here basics about the effect on the quality of wool that the climate, soil conditions and water had were understood. In order to produce soft, fine wool that could be used for making valuable textiles, and in order to keep the sheep skin clean, sheep, primarily in the area around Tarentum (— Taras [2]), in Attica and in Epirus, were wrapped in blankets or skins (bx0dipOeoot noipva/hypodiphtheroi poimnai: Str. 4,4,3; oves pellitae: Varro, Rust. 2,2,18; Hor. Carm. 2,6,10).

Sheep were shorn with spring-shears once a year — in the Spanish provinces also twice (normally in spring or early summer); in some regions it was still usual to fleece sheep. The animals were separated according to colour in advance, so as not to mix wools of different tints with one another. It is unclear whether sheep were generally washed before being shorn, in order to remove dirt from the wool. This is recorded only for Tarentine sheep, whose wool was cleaned with soapwort root (Varro, Rust. 2,11,5—10; Columella 7,4,7 f.; 11,2,35; Plin. HN 8,191). The advantage of shearing was primarily that the wool of a sheep was obtained as a fleece in one connected piece.

WOOL

After shearing, the wool processing proper began. The unwashed shorn wool — called grease wool or unscoured wool — was first carefully washed with soapwort root in luke-warm water. Only by being expertly washed was the wool prevented from becoming rough or being felted, because it could not be allowed to lose too much of its natural grease (lanolin). In this way it was guaranteed that the wool kept its good properties and remained elastic. After this process the wool was first dried, then beaten to remove any remaining dirt. The wool was prepared for spinning by plukking and carding; any still-felted threads were separated and worked with a wool-comb (Latin pecten). There is

a vivid description of wool processing in Aristophanes (Aristoph. Lys. 575-578). Natural or dyed wool could then be further processed for spinning and weaving (> Textiles, production of). Wool takes dye very well, quite in contrast to plant raw materials such as cotton or linen (+ Dyeing; > Pigments). Even so, the natural colour of wool was highly prized. Pure white wool was considered the most valuable and was particularly sought after. In Diocletian’s Price Edict, various kinds of wool appear; the prices mentioned range between 25 and 200 denarii a pound (Edictum [3] Diocletiani 25). There are epigraphic records (ILS 7556; 7556a; 7557-75593 cf. 7553) of wool preparation workers (lanarii). On a tomb stone there is a pictorial representation of wool shears (CIL IX 4024; [5. no. 33]); an inscription to a

lanarius in Rome has a beautiful depiction of a sheep

(CIL VI 9489; [5. no. 34]). > Clothing; > Cotton; — Fulling, Fuller; > Linen, flax; — Sheep; > Textiles, production of 1 BLUMNER, Techn. 1, 98-120

736

Le

2/J.M. Frayn, Sheep-

Rearing and the Wool Trade in Italy during the Roman Period, 1984 3 W.O. MoeELLER, The Wool Trade of Ancient Pompeii, 1976, 18-27. 4J.P. WiLp, Textile Manufacture in the Northern Roman 22-26 5 ZIMMER, NOS. 33; 34.

Provinces, 1970, AP.-G.

Word boundary see > Sandhi Word division. In archaic Greek inscriptions there are rather irregular and arbitrarily placed word division (WD) symbols (i.e. symbols to separate individual words from one another), presumably of Phoenician origin (e.g. points and small lines). In subsequent periods, they are increasingly infrequently used and disappear entirely in the Classical and Hellenistic periods, in favour of continuous writing (scriptio continua; cf. + Punctuation I. B.). This development is very likely based i.a. on the increasing spread of the stoichédén style (+ Writing, direction of A.), in which the letters are arranged in columns underneath one another. In the Hellenistic-Roman period, individual horizontally written words were often separated by means of a hedera distinguens (literally, ‘separating ivy’), an ornamental plant motif which had been used irregularly before.

In Italic scripts, words are separated by one or more dots, without a fixed system. In Latin inscriptions, words are often separated, usually by points, lines and (from the Imperial period onwards) the hederae distinguentes mentioned above (these hederae are later even used as ornamentation within a word). In Greek books, WD is extremely rare, and occurs only in the form of points or dotting, if at all. It is not until the minuscule of the 9th/roth cents. that WD occurs, but not always in a regular or constant manner. In Latin scripts up until the early Imperial period, WD is achieved by means of a point or a gap. The scriptio continua was in use from the 2nd cent. AD until the Carolingian period. The need to mark individual words as visible units very likely arose again in the high Middle Ages in Ireland and Anglo-Saxon England; the practice spread from there throughout the Continent and by the r2th cent. was common usage. ~ Punctuation; > Writing;

> Writing, direction of

S. CorSTEN, s. v. Worttrennung., LMA 9, 339.; P. STEIN, Schriftkultur: eine Geschichte des Schreibens und Lesens, 2006, chs 3-5.

Word families. Within the > lexicon of an Indo-European language, words which share a meaning-bearing core element form a WF. It is always particular words belonging to the class of verbs, substantives, adjectives, and adverbs (‘content words’) that together make up a WF. The core element is often the stem of a primary verb, i.e. a verbal root: Gr. &y(-), deix(-vuut), deo(-w); or Lat. ag(-o), dic(-o), fer(-o). A WF is enriched by ~ word formation, particularly by suffixation (poe@-G, in combination with > ablaut; ag-men) and compounding (xags0-09-0¢; fragi-fer: these two each belong to two WF). Shifts come about by means of > popular etymology: Latin peierdre ‘perjure’ passes from the malus/peior WF to that of > its (> perierare etc.) [8]; poplicus (:populus) is later connected with pabés (> publicus) [7. 250]. Losses also result from the extinction of words (ag-olum ‘crook’ only in Paul. Fest.) and by their becoming intransparent (cogitare ‘think’ < *kom-ag- forms the basis of a new WF). For such reasons a presentation of a Greek or Latin WF (cf. e.g. [5; 9]) has to be diachronic. Latin mdlus ’(ship’s) mast’, for example, has attracted no WF. To date there is no modern scholarly dictionary of Greek or Latin WF; etymological dictionaries [1; 2; 3; 10] and older works or those meant for use in schools [4; 6] provide a poor substitute. 1 CHANTRAINE

2 ERNOUT/MEILLET

3 Frisk

4 F. HARTMANN, Die Wortfamilien der lateinischen Sprache, 1911

5 E.Larocne, Histoire de la racine nem- en

grec ancien, 1949 6M.B. MENDEs Da Costa, Index etymologicus dictionis Homericae, 1905 7 H.Rix, Oskisch vereiia a la Mommsen, in: J. HABISREITINGER et al. (eds.), FS B. Forssman, 1999, 237-257 8 ThIL 10.1, 985 9F.M. J. Waanpers, The History of tédoc and tedém in Ancient Greek, 1983 10 WALDE/HOFMANN. G. Auest, Das Wortfeld-Wérterbuch, in: F.J.HAUSMANN et al. (eds.), Wo6rterbiicher, vol. 2, 1990, I14§-11§2;

(3M

738

B. Forssman, Die etymologische Erforschung des Lateinischen, in: O.PANAGL, TH. KRISCH (eds.), Latein und Indogermanisch, 1992, 295-310, esp. 299-302. BE,

Word formation I. GENERAL

II. PARTICULARS

I. GENERAL The vocabulary (+ Lexicon) of a language is an open inventory which is or can be constantly expanded through the adoption of elements from other languages (loan words) or by the creation of words with the means of the language itself. Linguistic creativity is most clearly revealed in the adoption and creation of new items of vocabulary. Since speakers seldom reflect on the ‘onomasiological’ or content elements of the lexicon, their attention is probably first caught by formal similarities, e.g. in word formation (+ Word families). The term WF refers to all the processes available for the creation of new words. The nature of the processes themselves depends on the various types of languages. Since the Classical languages (> Greek, — Latin) belong to the inflectional type and, as + Indo-European languages, stem from the same genealogical source, a joint discussion is unproblematic. Common to both languages, with different degrees of importance, are the combination of freely occurring stems to make a new term (composition) and of bound affixes added to a given base (derivation) — possibly in combination with free elements. The inherited means of WF further include ablaut and reduplication. As a consequence of the genealogical circumstances, the basic vocabulary will mostly contain inherited words, either inherited in their entirety, or formed pre-historically or in attested times. Etymology, the history of words, is concerned with their interpretation and description. Since inherited derivational morphemes may remain productive, the boundaries between etymology and WF are fluid. Yet the content of a lexeme, fully transparent at the time ofits formation, may quickly be lost through semantic change. The principles behind the description of WF take terminological account on the one hand of the lexical category of the base (e.g. noun) and the derivative (e.g. denominal), and on the other hand of the position of the formative element (affix) according to its position within the word (prefix, infix or suffix). There may sometimes be difficulty in attributing a process to either WE or — inflection (see below B: (c) collective, (d)

formation of feminines). Familiarity with rules of WF is an aid in explaining the meaning of words that are recorded only rarely or once (+ Hapax legomenon, see Addenda). > Internationalisms attest to the continuation of Classical methods of WF into the modern period. II. PARTICULARS (a) In the formation

speech remains

of a diminutive, the part of the same (noun), and the meaning

WORD FORMATION

changes only insignificantly. This is called modification: mavis > navi-cula ’small ship’; (b) similarly with deverbal frequentatives (intensives) rogare ’ask’ > rogitare ‘ask often, eagerly’. (c) Collectives, too, are formed without a change in lexical category; cf. Gr. avAdv/ pylon ‘gateway’ from wvdn/pylé ‘gate’, pl. xbda/pylai, in Latin also purely morphologically locus ’place’ > neutr. pl. loca ‘locality, area’. (d) The term ‘motion’ is generally used to describe the morphosyntactic property of particular adjectives of having two stems for expressing agreement: Gr. vé-o-c/né-o-s, vé-a/né-a, Latin

nov-u-s, nov-a ‘new’. Any process of WF that expresses

the female sex in a noun is accordingly also called ‘motion’; cf. de-a ’goddess’ and in rég-ina ’queen’. (e) A change in lexical category without formal indication is called conversion, e.g. substantivization of the neutr. adj. in bonum ‘good’. (f) Back-formation is a special case: the denominal verb pugndre is derived from pugnus ’fist’; originally it meant ‘fight with one’s fists’, then generally ‘fight’; the back-formation of pugna ‘fight, battle’ represents an inversion of the WF rule which produces e.g. the verb céndre ’dine’ > from céna *meal’. (g) Certain adjectives from among those that denote relationships (patr-ius, mdto-voc/padtr-ios ‘fatherly’) come to refer to affiliation to a place or region: *AOnvatoc ‘Athenian’ (> Ethnikon; see Addenda). (h) In > onomastics, a substantivized adjective expresses the relationship to (or descent from) a father (patronymic, + Personal names). (i) An abstract describing a phenomenon is generally a noun, and can be based on both an adjective or a verb: Gr. véoc/néos ‘young’ > vedtyc/ neotés ‘youth’. Infinitives are grammaticalized verbal abstracts. (j) Adverbial expressions can be lexicalized and converted to adjectives (hypostasis), as in *sé dolo *without guile’ > sédulus, -a, -um (with a change of meaning) ‘diligent’. (k) WE through compounding, i.e. the combination of two stems into a new lexeme, can be compared to syntactic structures, the relationship between the two compound members being explained by the (syntactic) relationship the two stems would have when freely occurring: for instance, in the Greek verbal governing compound degtouoc/pheré-oikos (adjective) ‘housebearing’, the second member oixoc/o?kos ‘house’ is to be understood as the object of the verbal stem dege/o (phere/o)— ‘carry’ that forms the first member. -» Lexicon; -» Word families; - Etymology; + EryMOLOGY P. CHANTRAINE, La formation des noms en grec ancien, 1933; A.DEBRUNNER, Griechische Wortlehre, 1917; LEUMANN, 257-403; M.LeEUMANN, Gruppierung und Funktionen der Wortbildungs-Suffixe des Lateinischen, in: Id., KS, 1959, 84-107; M. Mrter-BrucGeR, Griechi-

sche Sprachwissenschaft, vol. 2, 1992, 18-39; E. Riscn, Wortbildung der homerischen Sprache, *1974; SCHWyYZER, Gramm. 415-544. D.ST.

WORK

739

Work [1] The Ancient Near East. Work in the Ancient Near East was normally identified with physical labour in the agricultural and craft sectors, as well as in construction and haulage. Free labour was the province of selfemployed producers and wage workers in institutional households (palace and temple). In the latter contexts, unfree labour was performed by dependents of many kinds, and also existed in the form of a state-decreed obligation of service. Slave labour was present to a varying degree, predominantly in the private economy. People sought to avoid work based on dependency and obligation, which was understood to be ambivalent and oppressive even as a concept, by fleeing or resorting to the refusal of labour [5.278-81]. The literary tradition, while characterizing work as a hardship and a burden, sometimes also brings up the importance of agricultural and manual activities in creating and maintaining the foundations of community life [4. 109-17; 6. 25 with n.

33]. 1 G. BREKELMANS, s. v. Arbeit, in: H.Haac (ed.), Bibel-

Lexikon, 1968, 100-101 2 B. BRENTJES (ed.), Der arbeitende Mensch in den Gesellschaften und Kulturen des Orients, 1978

3 W.HEeELckK, s. v. Arbeit, LAI, 370-371

4B. Hruska, Die landwirtschaftlichen Arbeiten in den sumerischen literarischen Texten, in: J.ZABLOCKA, S. ZAWADSKI (eds.), Sulmu IV: Everyday Life in Ancient Near East, 1993 5 H.KLENGEL, Formen sozialer Auseinandersetzungen im alten Vorderasien, in: Klio 61, 1979

6H.NEUMANN, Handwerk in Mesopotamien, 1987 7 M.A. Powet (ed.), Labor in the Ancient Near East, 1987.

HN.

[2] Greece and Rome. The modern concept of work in the sense of socially recognized, purpose-related value creation is not applicable to Antiquity. In a society where the subsistence economy predominated, agricultural work was regarded not as value creation, but as the means of sustaining life; it was thus associated with similarly life-sustaining strategies, such as piety, procreation and morality. Owing to the limited function of markets, theories corresponding to the modern labour theory of value were absent. As, moreover, ancient views of work were essentially defined by the existence of slave labour, it was not the value of the work itself that registered, but that of the working person. There are examples showing that the value of unfree labour could be included in calculations of the value of land (ML 20,44 f.); similarly, an unfree herdsman might be regarded as part of the livestock (Isaeus 6,33). For Aristotle, finally, the slave is the property of the otkos (Aristot. Pol. 1,4,1253b). As a consequence, the ranges of meaning of the various Greek and Latin terms for work were orientated towards other cultural and economic facts than is the case for their equivalents in modern languages. Gr. ponos, méchthos, athlos and Lat. labor indicate the hardship and pain associated with work; 4thlos in particular the effort of athletes and soldiers, linked with glory. Although Gr. érgon, Lat. opus and industria are value-neutral terms for work, they signify

740 in the broader sense human actions, structures, achievements, financial dealings, performances and artworks. The nature of work processes depended essentially on the technical apparatus available to ancient society. Work in the craft industries was, with few exceptions, defined as an activity practised with simple tools; it thus depended on knowledge of the tool, of the object to be produced, and of the material to be worked, as much as on manual skill. As animal power or water power could be used only for grain mills, humans had to drive with their own muscle power such machines as were used in the crafts and in agriculture, in mining for drainage and water-supply, or in construction and haulage. This applied not only, for example, to devices for raising water and to cranes, but also to such a simple device as the potter’s wheel. The development of complex mechanical devices such as the screw press, which was used both in agriculture and in textile production, the nature of work changed in as far as it came to consist in the operation of such machines. While this increased the efficiency of work considerably, work as such doubtless remained demanding and monotonous. New machines were brought into use in agriculture not only to improve conditions of work, but, as in the case of the Gaulish harvesting machine, to cope with a shortage of labour (Plin. HN 18,300). How little a new technical device such as the rotary mill eased the lot of working slaves is shown by Apuleius’ description of work in a mill (Apul. Met. 9,12). Only the watermill gave the poet reason to hope that humanity would be liberated from demanding physical labour (Anth. Pal. 9,418). Thus technical advances, while they should not altogether be underestimated, had only a limited influence on the nature of work processes. In Antiquity, as in other pre-industrial societies, some 80% of the population was engaged in agriculture, where, mostly, the labour unit was no bigger than

the peasant family, the primary aim being to sustain the existence of such families through cultivation, animal husbandry and handicrafts. While work on the land was extraordinarily arduous, owing to climatic conditions that changed from year to year, poor soils, primitive tools and a lack of surplus labour, at the same time it was constantly threatened with failure. The work of a peasant family was by no means confined to food production: machines such as the plough were manufactured by the peasants themselves; the women were responsible for textile production, and it may be assumed that pottery was also produced within the household. In the agricultural ofkos, human labour was supplemented by the draught power of oxen; the care of animals became an important part of farming activity. The large estates that existed in Classical Greece alongside peasant agriculture were increasingly operated with the aid of slaves. In the peasant economy, too, the work of the family was supplemented to some extent with slaves, or with free wage labour. In Sparta and Thessaly, agricultural labour was carried out by an aboriginal population bound to the soil. A system of bonded labour on the

741

742

land also appears to have persisted into the Classical

Period on Crete. The persistence of pre-Greek structures, and regional differences in the conditions of work, are nowadays regarded as characteristic of the Hellenistic Period. On Crete and in Laconia, the old conditions of dependency persisted. Owing to a growing concentration of land ownership, the use of slave labour in agriculture increased in the Ancient Greek world; it was also typical of some areas of the Seleucid kingdom, whereas in Ptolemaic Egypt the tax-paying, free peasantry predominated. Characteristic of Asia Minor was the labour of the dependent /aoi, who were tied to the land and liable for taxation. Although legally and economically included in the title of the land, the /ao/ were not slaves, insofar as they could not be sold, their local and familial

links remained intact, and they were accordingly not a rootless population. Local studies suggest that free peasants in many regions continued to practise traditional methods of subsistence-based working and cultivation of their own land. There was a great structural variety of conditions of work in Roman Italy and the Roman Empire. Besides slave labour, the seasonal use of free local wage labour formed an indispensable part of the economy of the big estates (Cato Agr. 1,3; 1,44,4; Varro, Rust.

1,17,2;

Suet. Vesp. 1,4; CIL VIII 11824); a symbiotic relationship existed between the big estates (production for the market) and the peasant farmers (subsistence econo-

my). From the rst cent. BC onwards, the big estates were increasingly worked by small leaseholders (coloni; Columella 1,7); in the Roman Empire, the typical providers of agricultural labour in the eastern provinces (Asia Minor, Syria, Palestine), Egypt and the province of Africa were coloni, while in southern Gaul, Greece and parts of Spain slave labour predominated. In animal husbandry, which formed part of the agricultural economy (Varro, Rust. 2,2,8), many slaves worked as

herdsmen, accompanying the herds on their summer migrations

into the mountains

(Varro Rust.

2,10,1;

+ Transhumance). These slaves had to protect the herds from wild animals, and were accordingly often armed. Although ancient society always remained agricultural, the economic significance of towns and the urban economy should not be underestimated. Urban crafts developed from the Late Archaic Period onwards to become a prosperous economic sector, supplying craft products above all to the urban population, but to some extent also to the surrounding countryside. The result was the division of urban and rural labour, so typical for Antiquity. The predominant commercial form taken by the crafts in the towns was the small, independent workshop run by the owner, alone or with the aid of a small number of slaves; the workshop also served as a shop, and work was often carried out to special order. There were no factories as such, only workshops with a large number of slaves. We know of Cephalus’ shield workshop in Athens, with 120 slaves

WORK

(Lys. 12,19; cf. Dem. Or. 27,9; 37,4). Production for markets beyond regional boundaries remained confined to high-quality items. Urban craft production should be distinguished from similar activities on the large estates of the Principate, which in many cases depended on the presence of raw materials (e.g. clay) locally. The function of the fabricae (— Fabrica, fabricenses) of Late Antiquity was primarily to supply the army and the administration. In the larger towns, there was sometimes a division of labour within a particular sector; but this was seen as a measure for improving the quality of products, not for increasing productivity (Xen. Cyr. 8,2,5; Aug. Civ. 7,4). More important than the division of labour within establishments was the specialization of individual workshops and craftsmen in particular products. The distinction between freedom and bondage was of considerable importance as regards social position and an individual’s situation at work. The slave’s entire person, including his labour power, was appropriated by the owner, and he was largely without defence in face of the arbitrary power of his master; he lost the right to dispose of his own labour power, and could only try to satisfy his master in the hope of winning manumission. Although slaves were as a rule provided with sufficient food and clothing to sustain their labour power, in agriculture in particular they were subject to strict control in all particulars; some had to work in fetters and live in ergastula (> Ergastulum), and they were exposed to severe forms of punishment. The working conditions of free men with no property were likewise in many respects problematic. When they worked as day labourers they were often engaged only for the one day. Such day labourers could not expect to find work every day, and were probably under-employed for long periods. Differences of status were on the whole less pronounced in the urban economy than in agriculture: in the public construction trade, for example, free citizens, foreigners and slaves worked alongside one another, and slaves working in urban craft industries had a greater prospect of manumission than their counterparts on the great estates. The value assigned to work also depended on the status of the person carrying out any particular task. Thus in Homer’s epics physical work both in agriculture and in the crafts is given positive value, as long as its purpose is either glory or the sustainment of one’s own oikos, whereas the labourer wandering from house to house enjoys little respect in Homer. In the Works and Days of Hesiod, too, neither agricultural labour nor craft work is seen as socially demeaning, if it serves one’s own oikos and the ends of self-sufficiency. For Hesiod, work is an evil for all humanity, but individuals can distinguish themselves morally by their readiness to undertake tasks (Hes. Op. 286 ff.). Accordingly, physical exertion (p6nos) was accorded high cultural worth (Pind. Ol. 11,4; I. 5,24f.; Pyth. 10,22 ff.; Soph. Phil. 1419 f.;Xen. Mem. 2,1,21ff.). Authors from the social

elite had a low opinion of wage workers and craftsmen.

WORK

744

743

Political theorists thus excluded craft workers as a social group from citizenship (Pl. Resp. 564e; 421d; 496d; Leg. 920d; Aristot. Pol. 3,5,1278a); this is also typical of Roman political theory (Cic. Off. 1,150f.). The attitude was by no means shared, however, by Greek and Roman craft workers themselves. On dedicatory reliefs, vase paintings and Roman funerary reliefs, craft workers are proudly depicted in their workshops, and the same message is indicated by the great number of trades detailed in Roman funerary inscriptions.

A fundamental division of work in Greek and Roman society resulted from the differing roles of the sexes; while the public sphere and activity in the open air were men’s preserve, women were identified with activities in the home (Aristot. Pol. 3,4,1277b; Xen.

Oec. 7). Women’s work not only included spinning and weaving (which, from Homer onwards, symbolized the virtuous woman: Xen. Oec. 7,5 ff.; Suet. Aug. 64), the

raising of children and the preparation of food (Xen. Oec. 7,10-13), but also the oversight of finances, household possessions and purchases (Xen. Oec. 8,22). It was also one of the tasks of young women to fetch water from the public well, an activity that, in vase paintings, acquired a symbolic function similar to that of textile production. Among the lower social orders, however, women were not confined to the home, nor was there a pronounced gender-based division of work. There is evidence for the presence of women in most sectors of urban craft work, but in literature they are attested above all as market sellers (Aristoph. Vesp. 497; Lys. 564; Plut. 1120). They are frequently mentioned as > wet-nurses, children’s nurses and physicians (Lys. 1,9; Pl. Resp. 373b; Pl. Tht. 149a—-150b; Diog. Laert. 13,1,2: midwife and physician; CIL VI 12023; V 3461; VI 9615-17: freedwomen as physicians); innkeeping and prostitution were regarded as unworthy women’s activities. Children, too, were included in the work process; according to Ulpian (Dig. 7,7,6), slave children were regarded as part of the productive workforce from the 6th year of age upwards. Roman funerary inscriptions indicate that training in the craft trades began between the ages of 10 and 12. On the land, children were employed on lighter tasks in the cultivation of grapes and olives (Hes. Op. 469-71; Columella 2,2,13), and in herding small livestock (Varro, Rust. 2 UOsDs Salis

Intellectual work, apart from philosophy, was normally not ranked above physical work. Both freedmen and slaves were active as physicians, teachers, architects and artists. Architects in Athens received the same wage as trained craft workers, but were given an annual salary rather than a daily wage. An exception was the high level of payment for teachers of rhetoric and philosophy. In Rome, they worked under different legal conditions than wage workers; their payment was described as honorarium (fee) rather than a wage. In Late Antiquity, Christian authors departed from Greek and Roman conceptions, and increasingly gave work a

positive valuation. The NT already criticizes the inactivity of community members, demanding that Christians should constantly pursue an occupation (2 Thess 3:6-15). Besides poverty and asceticism, it was above all craft work that characterized the monastic way of life. Monks’ obligation to work was defended against conceptions to the contrary, and theologically justified, by Augustine in De opere monachorum. It is, however, scarcely likely that such positions, formulated in similar vein by other Church Fathers, for example John Chrysostom, led to the development of a generally binding work ethic in Late Antiquity: the Christian view of work gained real currency only in the course of the Middle Ages. + Economy;

> Ergastulum;

— Fabrica,

fabricenses;

+ Helots; > Slavery; > Technology 1 P. A. BruNT, Free Labor and Public Works at Rome, in: JRS 70, 1980, 81-100

=.2. D. Craw orp, Kerkeosiris,

1971 3J.K. Davies, Cultural, Social and Economic Features of the Hellenistic World, in: CAH VII.1, 257-322 4 FINLEY, Economy, 176-98 5 J.M. Frayn, SheepRearing and the Wool Trade, 1984 6 P. Garnsey (ed.), Non-Slave Labour in the Greco-Roman World, 1980 7 M.H. JaAMEsoN, Agricultural Labour in Ancient Greece, in: B. Wets

(ed.), Agriculture in Ancient Greece, 1992

8 H.Katcyk, Untersuchungen zum attischen Silberbergbau, 1982 9N.KAMPEN, Image and Status: Roman Working

Women

in Ostia,

1981

10 LAUFFER,

BL

11 N. Loraux, Ponos. Sur quelques difficultés de la peine comme nom du travail, in: Annali dell’ Istituto Universi-

tario Orientale di Napoli, Archeologia e Storia Antica 4/1982, 171-192 12 C.Mossé£, The Ancient World at Work, 1969 13 R.OsBORNE, Pride and Prejudice, Sense and Subsistence: Exchange and Society in the Greek City, in: J.W. RicH, A. WALLACE-HaADRILL (eds.), City and Country in the Ancient World, 1992 14 R.OSBORNE, The Economics and Politics of Slavery at Athens, in: A.PowELL, The Greek World, 1995, 17-43 15 D. RaTHpong, The Slave Mode of Production in Italy, in: JRS 73, 1983, 160-168 16K.D. Wuire, Technology, 1984

17 WHITTAKER, I-4.

S.wv.R.

Work contract. Besides slavery, free, contract-based labour was also used in all sectors of the ancient economy. Although craft workers and singers who belonged to an oikos only for a short period are mentioned by Homer, contracted wage work goes back rather to the use of mercenaries in the 6th cent. BC. In classical Athens, it does not appear to have been the normal practice for work contracts to be determined in writing. A special category is made up by work contracts occasioned by public building projects, which were publicized in inscriptions: e.g. the Erechtheum (IG Iz. 372-4; Il2 1654-5, 5th cent. BC), Eleusis (IG Ilz 1672-3, 4th cent. BC), Epidaurus (IG [V2 I 102, 4th cent. BC) and on Delos (IG XI 2, 142, 150, [Delos 502-8, 3rd cent. BC). The building inscriptions of the Erechtheum indicate that work was paid for either on a daily basis (other units of time also being used) or on the basis of pieces produced (and other units); also that slaves worked for the same wage as citizens and foreigners

TAS

746

(although the wage presumably went to the slave owner) [5]. The inscriptions from Delos lay down mutual obligations, the nature and amount of the wage, advance payments, penalties for non-fulfilment, and particular privileges for foreigners working on the structures [3; 6]. The distinction between different work

polem(h)isteria) to > Tyrtaeus, among which there may have been anapaestic marching songs (+ embatérion), even if the surviving example is probably not genuine (856 PMG; cf. 857 PMG). Plutarch mentions that the Spartans marched into battle to the sound of the Kastoreion (De musica 1140c). ~» Paeans were sung before battle (Aesch. Pers. 386-394; cf. 858 PMG). A number of fragments by + Archilochus show that mercenaries sang on watch [2.11]. The song of the Cretan Hybrias, however, is a > skolion rather than a war song [3.178180]. Oarsmen in a trireme rowed to the sound of an aulds, played by an aulétes who was a member of the crew (e.g. IG 2*, 1951, roof.; in Aristophanes’ Frogs, Dionysus and the chorus of the frogs sing to a rhythmical pattern provided by Charon (Aristoph. Ran. 208)). Rowers’ songs were called égetxd/eretikd. P Oxy. 425 and 1383 give an impression of sailors’ songs. Ath. 618c—620a and Poll. 4,52f. list terms for many kinds of working songs: there are various country songs such as the harvest ovdoc/oiilos or iovioc/ioulos and those named after Boeusoc/Borimos, Mavéows/ Manéros, Avwvéeons/Lityérsés and “Hovyovn/Erigoné (Anijtic/Alétis); winnowing songs (xtwotindv/ptistikon

law [2]. Late Imperial-Period codices distinguish between so-called locatio conductio operarum and locatio conductio operts (Dig. 19,2; see also Cic. Off. 1,150), taking up on the Greek distinction between work paid by unit of time and work paid at a piece rate, and probably also reflecting a social differentiation between wage work and contract work [1; 6. 188-90]. A further distinction was made between wage work and higher-level services such as those of rhetoricians and philosophers, which were based not on /ocatio, but on the so-called mandatum, a non-pecuniary agreement (Dig. 17,1). Payment for such services was referred to as honorarium {x.269f.; 6.188-90]. A number of private work contracts surviving from Roman Egypt afford a precise insight into the conditions relating to wage work and higher-level services (P. Cornell 9; P Oxy. 72.4; 2586; P

contracts was statutory in Roman

WORKING

HOURS

Fouad I 37).

or ntwoudd/ptismos); vintage songs (émArywo/epilénia);

— Slavery

songs accompanying the grinding of corn (ipahic/himalis), of which we have a beautiful early example (869 PMG); water-drawing songs (ipatoc/himaios, cf. Callim. fr. 260,66; Pollux, Hesychius and the Suda also identify the iuatog with the grinding song (ipahic)); lullabies (xataPavxadnoeu/katabaukaleseis) and songs of bath servants and boxers (xvuxtixdv/pyktikon); songs of herdsmen (fovxodwaopndc/boukoliasmos, mowevxd/ poimenika and ovBwwxd/sybotika). The possible ety-

1 A.BorKowskl, Textbook on Roman Law, 1994, 266— 272 2J.A. Crook, Law and Life of Rome, 1967, 191205 3P.H. Davis, The Delian Building Contracts, in: BCH 61, 1937, 109-135 4 J.HENGSTL, Private Arbeitsverhaltnisse freier Personen in den hellenistischen Papyri bis Diokletian,1972 5 R.H. RANDALL, The Erechtheum Workmen, in: AJA 57, 1953, 199-210 6G.E. M. DE Ste. Crorx, The Class Struggle in the Ancient World, 1981, 179-204.

S.v.R.

mological link between vouog (”6mos, ‘law, custom;

melody’)

and vowocg (nomos,

‘place of pasturage’)

Work songs. Although songs were generally part of the leisure sphere in Greece, there is some evidence that music also accompanied work. On the Reaper Vase Rhyton from Hagia Triada (c. 1500 BC) a group of peasants, returning from work in the fields, are carrying their tools on their shoulders; the procession is accompanied by singing musicians, of which the first is shak-

remains attractive [3. 150]. ~» Musical instruments; > Songs

ing a —sistrum.

Working hours. They were generally determined by the circumstances under which the work was performed. Thus agricultural work began at dawn and ended at

Homer

mentions

the Aivoc(linos;

+ Ailinos), a song played on the lyre by a boy to accompany dancing and singing at the grape harvest (Il. 18,569-572), as well as a song played on the flute by herdsmen tending their cattle (Il. 18,525-526). Herdsmen’s songs had certainly existed from very early times, even if they did not become an independent art form until > Theocritus [2]. Circe and Calypso sing while

1 E.-M. VoictT, Sappho et Alcaeus, 1971

2M.L. West,

Studies in Greek elegy and iambus, 1974 3 G.LAMBIN, La chanson grecque dans l’antiquité, 1992. ER.

dusk; A herdsmen, tending a herd on a nearby meadow, would return in the evening (Varro Rust. 2,10,1). On

musical: in the EM, xeoxic(kerkis, ‘weaver’s shuttle’) is derived from xoéxw (krékO, ‘to weave’), a verb whose

the large estates in Italy WH would be extended by e.g. fieldworkers being deployed on other work on rainy or frosty days; even holidays were used for work against which there was no religious objection (Cato Agr. 2,3; 2,4; 2,39; Columella 12,3,6). It was already clear to + agrarian writers that productivity does not depend on the hours worked alone, but also on the speed of working; they therefore attempted to set standards for

original meaning of beating the fabric was probably extended to ‘striking’ (or playing) a string instrument (Frisk II, 13; cf. Soph. fr. 890 TGrF IV]. The Suda attributes war songs (uéhy todepotiora/melé

could also be carried out by lamp light. Mills were often run without break and hence required night working (Apul. Met. 9,12). Working hours were particularly

weaving

(Hom.

Od.

5,61-62;

10,221-222),

and

+ Sappho fr. 102 VorcT implies the existence of spinning songs [1]. Even the loom itself was considered

it. (Varro Rust.

1,18; Columella

2,12). Craft work

747

748

long in mining, where, as ancient authors remark, slaves and criminals had to work without pause (Diod. 3,12,1; 3 ff.). In the > Digesta, in contrast, it was established that wage-workers had to be allowed time for meals and for physical recovery (Dig. 38,1,50,1). —» Slavery

III. THE WORLD AS AN ORDER Originally, there was no word in Greek for the world. Homer lists the individual parts of that which exists (as in the division of the world by Zeus/Dids dasmos, Hom. Il. 15,189-193), but does not use a generic term. Hesiod emphasizes the completeness of this list by the adjective panta (‘all things’), Hes. Theog. 738 and 809; cf. Aeschyl. fr. ros Metre). Heraclitus adds the article and speaks of ta pdanta (Heracl. 22 bk 1, 7, 53, 64, 66, 80, 90 DK). Empedocles [1] was the first to turn this formula into a singular: t0 pan (‘the all’, 31 bk 13; 14; 26,7; 17,32 DK). At about the same time, the prophets of Israel refer to the object of God’s creation as ‘the whole’ (ha-kol, Jer 10,16; cf. Jes 44,24). Kosmos as the term to describe the universe appears from the 5th cent. BC onwards (cf. Cosmology). At the same time, physis (nature) became established as the term for that which rests in itself, in contrast with — nomos [2] as that which has been decreed by humans (+ Law). The use of késmos is usually ascribed to Pythagoras [2], but is only confirmed beyond a doubt for Heraclitus (22 bk 30 DK). Thanks to Plato’s Timaeus, kosmos has become the term for all that exists. A related term such as ouranos (‘heaven’) can also describe the entire content of the world envisaged as a sphere, in which the differences between heaven and earth are ultimately annulled. The meaning of the word kdsmos is the ‘order’ and ‘beauty’ of the whole. Because of its connotation with cosmetics or respectively tactics, it was long seen as a metaphor (Tert. Adversus Her-

WORKING HOURS

1 J.A. Crook, Law and Life of Rome, 1967, 179-205. S.v.R.

Workshop, Shop see > Ergasterion; —> Crafts, Trade; + Technology; > Tools World I. MEANING II. EGypT AND MESOPOTAMIA II]. THE WORLD AS AN ORDER IV. THE WORLD AS APLACE V. THE WORLD AS A WAY OF BEING

I. MEANING

Etymologically, neither the English world nor the German Welt correspond to the Greek xdopoc (késmos), but to aidv (aidn) in its Hellenistic meaning of ‘lifetime’. The etymology is clearly evident in the Dutch wereld: wer (Latin. vir) — eld (cf. old), ‘man-age’. The world is the place where we are after we ‘have come into the world’ and before we ‘have left this world’, i.e. our present conditions of life amongst fellow humans. This modern concept associated with world is thus alien to the ancient Greek notion, as is the modern use of the word in the sense of the ‘habitable earth’ or as synonymous with ‘people’ (cf. French du monde: the corresponding ancient Greek term would rather be oikouméneé, the earth as the dwelling place of humans). Even the use of ‘cosmos’ to refer to the ‘universe’ is an artificial neologism (hardly older than ALEXANDER VON HuMBOLDT’s 1845 book title ‘Kosmos’) rather than ancient Greek. Il. Egypt AND MESOPOTAMIA The cultures of the Ancient Near East had no word to describe the entirety of being in a single term, but terms to describe the habitable earth (in contrast with the inaccessible heaven, the seat of the gods). Similarly, in designating the whole of ‘creation’, the major river cultures of the Nile valley and of Mesopotamia initially contented themselves with a listing of the most important areas (such as the sea, the primal water, the dry land and so on). Frequently, the vertical opposition of earth and heaven is favoured (e.g. in the Sumerian EN-KI, in the Akkadian Sam# u ersetum, in biblical Hebrew Samayim w*-eres, Gn 1,1). In addition, there was the adjective ‘all’ (Egypt. tm) or noun for ‘allness’ (Akkadian kissatu, gimirtu). The Babylonian god Marduk is redundantly attributed with the rule over the entirety ofall of the allness (kisSat kal gimréti) (Enama Elis 4,14).

mogenem

40,2;

Johannes

Scotus

Eriugena,

in Jn,

3:6:21 f.); the same also applies to the Latin translation mundus (Plin. HN 2,3,4). According to Plato [x] and Aristotle (who followed Eudoxus [1] and Callippus [x]), the model of a system of concentric spheres applied, in which the earth was assigned the lowest rank (+ Astronomy C.). The only dispute was about the number of spheres necessary to explain all celestial phenomena; Aristotle already admits to some uncertainty (Aristot. Metaph. 12,8,1074a 16 f.). The hypotheses of Claudius > Ptolemaeus [IV 65] (2nd cent. AD) remained undisputed, until the Andalusian astronomers of the rath cent. (al-Bitrigi) attacked them in the name

of Aristotelian physics. IV. THE WORLD AS A PLACE If the world is envisaged as an order, the exact description of its structure becomes relevant. By contrast, the human existence in the world as something that is immediately experienced does not require a specific concept of the world. The entry into life is expressed in metaphors: the world is a city whose laws have to be obeyed (Phil. Legum allegoriae 3,32,9; Phil. De praemiis et poenis 7,41), or a theatre providing the stage on which one appears (M. Aur. 11,3). It is a lavish temple to be entered in awe (Sen. Q Nat. 7,30,1; cf. Plut. De tranquillitate animi 20,477¢). > Birth is like emerging from a well-appointed cave into a wonderfully painted palace (Aristotle in Cic. Nat. D. 2,37,95). Nature leads

749

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us into life and the world as a whole (Ps.-Longinus, De sublimi 35,2). + Plotinus postulates the belonging of the souls to the world, which even predates their fall into the body; it is part of the essential nature of the soul to be worldly (Plot. 3,2[47],7,23-27 ScHWyYZERHenry; — Theory of the soul).

World, creation of the

V. THE WORLD AS A WAY OF BEING The Christian use of the Greek kosmos and Latin mundus contains echoes of the Hebrew ‘olam. Originally, it may have implied any distant period of time. By the time that Greek and Jewish cultures encountered each other in Hellenism, ‘olam already referred to an age or period, more precisely an epoch within the entire history of salvation, in which the ‘current age’ (ha‘olam ha-zeh) of disaster is contrasted with the ‘future age’ (ha-‘olam ha-ba’), the desired direct rule by God. Birth is an entry into the world; this latter formula is confirmed in the NT (Jn 1:14), by the early Church Fathers (Clement of Rome, Epist. 1 ad Corinthios 38,3; Aristides [4], Apology 1) and by the rabbis of the Babylonian Talmud (Rosh ha-Shana ré6a). For Paulus [II 2], the world (késmos) describes that which Christians should distance themselves from: God has unmasked its ~ wisdom as foolishness (Rom 1:20). In consequence, Christians must not copy the attitudes (schéma) of the world (Rom 12:2). In the gospel of St. John, world (kdsmos) refers to the attitude of humans separated from God (Jn 1:9; 13:1; 16:33). According to the Gnostics (> Gnosis), the world is the creation of a bungler or an executioner. It is the consequence of a fall (gospel of Philippus [I 28] 99,95,2 f.): we have come into the world because of an apostasy from the transcendent father, we have been ‘cast into’ it (uBadAew/emballein; Clem. Alex. Excerpta ex Theodoto 78,2). The beauty of the world is a trap for the yearning souls it holds. The medieval Latin term saeculum, ‘lifetime’, refers toa way

of being that is different from that of a monastic order: the ‘worldly’ life of laymen. + Astronomy; - Cosmology; — Creation of the world R. BRAGUE, Aristote et la question du monde, 1988; Id., La sagesse du monde, *2002; J. KERSCHENSTEINER, Kosmos. Quellenkritische Untersuchungen zu den Vorsokratikern, 1962; W.KRANZ, Kosmos, 2 vols., 1955-1957; C.S. Lewis, World, in: Id., Studies on Words, ‘1960 (and repr.), 214-269.

World ages (myth) see — Period, Era

World soul see — Middle Platonism,D. 2. ; -» Nature, Natural philosophy,I. M.; > Plato,[1] G. 4. ; > PlotinussG@e2.

World, beginning of see > Cosmology; -> World, creation of the

WORLD, CREATION OF THE

I. DEFINITION

II. Mesoporamia

IV. GREECE AND ROME ANITY

V. JupaisM

III. Eayrer

VI. CuristTI-

VII. IsLam

I. DEFINITION The term ‘creation of the world’ (‘CW’) (xtiotc/ ktisis, Lat. creatio) in the narrower sense should be distinguished from two similar concepts. Unlike ‘cosmogony’, ‘CW’ refers to a personal act. Secondly, unlike ‘fashioning of the world’ in the sense of the craft of a + demiourgos [3] (cf. [x]), ‘CW’ does not mean the mere modelling of existing material in analogy to the creative intervention of an artist, but the absolute bringing-into-being of everything (the universe, i.e. ‘the whole’, t4 mavta/ta panta) out of the void. The concept of a creation in this sense can be traced back no further than to 2nd-cent. Christianity. It emerges as an ontological and cosmological consequence of the commitment to the sovereign creative power of the Christian/biblical god. It appears mostly in the context of interpretations of the biblical creation myth [2; 3] and is developed under the influence of (and in antithesis to) popular and philosophical conceptions of creation. 1 W. THEILER, s.v. Demiurgos, RAC 3, 1957, 694-711

2 In principio: interprétations des premiers versets de la Genése (Centre d’Etudes des religions du livre), 1973 3 J.C. M. vAN WINDEN, s.v. Hexaemeron, RAC 14, 1988, 1250-1269.

AN.M.

Il. MESOPOTAMIA

No unified cosmogony developed in early Mesopotamia (before the > Enuma elis). Other than mythical and magical texts, indications of cosmogonic concepts are mostly found in god-lists ([2; 3]; > Lists). Particular attention was given to the ancestors of the godking > Enlil with the central couple Enki-Ninki (‘Lord Earth’-‘Lady Earth’). Cosmogony was envisaged as the generation of succeeding couples, the active forces being gods as embodiments of the elements. Nammu personifies the primeval world-ocean, which asexually generates the sky and the earth [3]. In the Enuma elis, the primal deities are Apsa (the subterranean ‘Freshwater Ocean’) and > Tiamat (‘Sea’). A central element of the cosmogony is the separation of heaven and earth (as also in the sole Hittite cosmogonic reference [1. 570]). This is described in the Enuma elis, according to which the victorious ruler > Marduk divides the defeated Tiamat and forms heaven and earth from her remains. The cosmos is shaped and populated, by the actions of deities (e.g. by building), by the metamorphosis of killed deities (e.g. Tiamat) and by forming out of clay [1. 546 f.]. + Akitu Festival; » Anthropogony; + New Year’s celebration; Origin myths and theories on the origin of culture 1 W. Hemet,

G. BECKMAN, s.v. Mythologie A., RLA 8,

537-572

2W.G. Lampert, s.v. Kosmogonie, RLA 6,

218-222

3F.A.M. WiccerMaNn, Mythological Foun-

WORLD,

CREATION

OF THE

dations of Nature, in: D.J. W. MEIJER (ed.), Natural Phe-

nomena, 1992, 279-306.

75%

Teas

WA.SA.

Ill. Ecypt Indications of Egyptian conceptions of the CW are found in various text genres (literary, magical, hymnal, ritual and funerary texts) and in images. Only late texts, esp. on the walls of temples of the Graeco-Roman period, give detailed depictions. Various traditions can be assigned to particular places (- Heliopolis [1], ~» Memphis, > Thebes [1], > Esna). However, it is not possible clearly to categorize information either locally or chronologically — it interpenetrates and overlaps. The undifferentiated condition before the creation is characterized by primeval darkness and primeval flood. From these rise the primeval hill or the primeval cow which serves as solid ground for the autogenic male or female demiurge. The creator embodies the unity of the divine and of all existence. From his differentiation emerge deities, humans, sky, earth and all living things, by the secretion of semen, saliva, sweat and tears, or by the utterance of a creative formula. According to other traditions, cosmogony is the result of an act of manual labour. No canonic or even hierarchical sequence of creatures developed. Cosmogony may be interpreted as the creation (e.g. by raising the sky) and construction of a habitat for pre-existing humanity and deities. Egyptian cosmogony, as a creatio primordialis, is not conclusive, but requires cyclical renewal in the struggle against the forces of chaos, manifested for instance in the daily rising of the sun out of the primeval waters, or the annual re-emergence of the land from the Nile flood. S.BICKEL, La cosmogonie égyptienne, 1994; E.HorNUNG, Vom Ursprung der Dinge, in: Id., Geist der Pharaonenzeit, 1989, 35-50. HE.FE.

IV. GREECE AND ROME The idea of a CW by one or more deities long remained largely unknown to the Graeco-Roman world. In Hesiod (+ Hesiodus; 8th cent. BC), the emergence of the gods (> Theogony) merely constitutes an element within the emergence of the world (cosmogony). To him, ‘bringing into existence’ (sotetv/poiein) by the gods is a concept applied only to the origin of humanity (+ Anthropogony). > Heraclitus [I 1] (500 BC) taught the ‘uncreatedness’(dyevvnota/agennesia) of the cosmos, while the Atomists taught the unceasing alternation of coming-to-be and passing-away of the worlds (+ Atomism). For > Lucretius [III 1] (1st cent. BC) na-

ture is the bringer of ever-new life (rerum natura creatrix). Confronting the biblical creation myth, > Galen of Pergamum (AD 2nd cent.) rejects the idea of God’s sovereign creative power [8. 1393f.]. Instead of the term ‘CW’, therefore, it would be better in the context of pagan Graeco-Roman Antiquity to speak of the ‘emergence of the world’ or ‘cosmogony’. Although there are already reflections of some early cosmogonic conceptions in Homer (Hom. Il. 14,153ff.: reflection of

the succession myth; Hom. Od. 1,51 on the myth of the separation of heaven and earth, with — Atlas [2] as the separator), cosmogony in the true sense occurs for the first time in Hesiod, and it does so as part of a > theogony (Hes. Theog. 116-138; [1. 621]): in the beginning is > Chaos; from it emerges the ‘broad-breasted earth’ (+ Gaia), murky > Tartarus and > Eros [1], as well as darkness (Erebus, cf. -» Underworld) and night (+ Nyx), which in turn brings forth + Aether and Hemera (day). Gaia then gives birth to the sky (+ Uranus), mountains and the sea (> Pontos,

+ Oceanus).

Only then do those generations begin that contain the multiplicity of personifications representing the forces at work in the cosmos. Eros, the daimon (> Demons V. A./B.) personifying sexual procreation, is the decisive force in this development from chaos to cosmos. In Hesiod, we already see the beginnings of that transition from a ‘mythical’ to a quasi-‘philosophical’ explanation of the world from its emergence, which continues into the cosmogonic teachings of the Presocratics (> Milesian School). The second mythical cosmogonic concept to develop alongside the Hesiodic one came with > Orphism. The crucial moment in this cosmogony is the bringing forth of an egg (by the night/ Nyx or by > Chronos), from which ultimately hatches > Phanes [x1] (the ‘FirstBorn’: Protogonos), the central Orphic being. He is finally swallowed by > Zeus, and the current race of the gods is formed [2. 23; 3. 37]. ~ Pherecydes [1] of Syros, with his cosmogony of Oriental influence (though not as deeply as Hesiod’s), had crossed the threshold to the rationalistic, philosophical explanation of the world. Particularly striking is his premise that Zas (Zeus), Chronos (time) and Chthonia (earth) have always existed [2. 61-66] and that the creative impulse comes from Chronos (similar cosmogony laus).

in — Musaeus [1], — Epimenides,

— Acusi-

The cosmogonic teachings of the so-called > Presocratics were distinguished — sometimes consciously — from mythical conceptions, with material doyai/archai or > principles in which they saw the origin of the cosmos, e.g. water (+ Thales); > apeiron (‘the boundless’,

generating heat and cold from an eternal motion and producing a ball of fire which finally led to the emergence of the cosmos [2. 138-145]) (+ Anaximander); eternal fire (+ Heraclitus [1]); air and its compression (> Anaximenes [1]; [2. 166f.]); four elements in cyclical change, driven by philotes (love) and neikos (hate) (+ Empedocles [1]) [2. 313-336]. The representatives of - Atomism

(+ Democritus [1], > Leucippus [5],

> Epicurus, — Lucretius [III 1]) explained the emergence of the (many existing) world(s) from respective recurrent incidences of the agglomeration and swirling of atoms [2. 454-459] (cf. also the later concept of eternally recurrent coming-to-be and passing-away in > Stoicism (IV.; [4. 319-409]). While these Presocratic thinkers thus essentially saw

cosmogony as a single or recurrent reordering of exist-

G33

754

ing material principles, others derived the cosmos from intellectual principles. The Pythagoreans (-> Pythagoras [2]; + Philolaus [2]) derived the emergence of the

V. JUDAISM A. EarLy JUDAISM/HEBREW BIBLE Ic JUDAISM

cosmos

from

‘the One’

[2. 372-374],

CREATION

OF THE

B. Post-ExIL-

> Anaxago-

ras [2] from the nous (‘mind’) itself [2. 397-420]. With that, the conceptual ground was prepared for + Plato [1] to construct his CW in the Timaeus. Here, the emergence of the world is attributed to a Demiurge (Snuioveydc/> démiourgds [3], literally ‘craftsman’), also called moumris xai natje (poietes kai pater, ‘composer and father/author’). This craftsman, it is envi-

saged, built the cosmos out of existing matter according to the pattern (magaSevypa/—> parddeigma) of the intelligible world (PI. Ti.). After Plato’s time, this conception at first faded into the background once more, but it underwent a revival in the Imperial Period. On the one hand, we find in this period popular identifications of the Demiurge with ~ Zeus (e.g. in the Coptic version of the hermetic treatise of Asclepius, NHCod 6,8,75,13-17) or > Hermes (e.g. Naassene Fragment: — Hippolytus [2], Refutatio 557,29, 3rd cent. AD). On the other, the Demiurge was given a special place in the cosmologies of + Middle Platonism and > Neoplatonism, as a subordinate creator-god separate from the supreme deity or the ‘One’ [6; 7. 27-106]. The most prominent account of a cosmogony in Latin literature is in Ov. Met. 1,5—88. Here, too, the start-

ing-point is chaos (5-20). This is followed by the separation of the elements (21-31), the ordering of the heavy elements and the division into five zones (32-51), the settling of the light elements (52-68), and finally the living beings: celestial bodies, gods, animals (69-75), lastly humanity (76-88). The mythical depiction is strongly infused with concepts of natural philosophy. The separation of the elements plays the central role here (cf. also Cic. Nat. D. 1,10,25ff.). Hellenistic Roman poets’ fascination with cosmological themes is also shown, for example, in Apoll. Rhod. 1,496ff.; Verg. Georg. 2,475; Hor. Epist. 1,12,16; Prop. 3,5,253

[s. 15-47]. + Anthropogony; - Cosmology; > Elements, theories of the; + Nature, Natural philosophy; - Principle; —» World 1Nusson, GGR1 2G.S. Kirk et al., The Presocratic Philosophers, *1983 3 M.L. West, The Orphic Poems, 1983 4A.A. Lona, D.N.Sep.ey, The Hellenistic Philosophers, 2 vols., 1987-1989 5 F.BOMeR, P. Ovidius Naso, Metamorphosen Buch I-III, 1969 (comm.) 6M.Battes, Die Weltentstehung des platonischen Timaios und die antiken Interpreten, 1976/78 7 L. Brisson, Le méme et !’autre dans la structure onto8 J.KOHLER, s.v. logique du Timée de Platon, 1974

Schépfung II-III, in: HWdPh 8, 1393-1399.

H.Scuwast, s.v. Weltschopfung., RE Suppl. 9, 14331582.

WORLD,

AN.M.

A. EARLY JUDAISM/HEBREW BIBLE The central theme of Canaanite religion was the continual sustenance (creatio continua) of the world. An initial creation (prima creatio) of the world appears implicit in various god-epithets (Ugaritic qny or bny, ‘creator’), but is nowhere explicitly described, e.g. in the texts from — Ugarit (destroyed c. 1200 BC). It interpreted the vegetation cycle as a constant struggle of creative and destructive deities (theomachy) for the divine throne. When the Israelite tribes conquered the Canaanite cities, including > Jerusalem, from the late r1th cent., these aspects were integrated into the genuinely Israelite concept of god, and at the same time reinterpreted. God tamed the chaotic powers in primordial times, and was therefore the perpetual king (Ps 93; 47; 29; [I. 15-69; 4. 21-86, 165-225]). The creatio continua was given emphasis: God gives life and takes it away (Ps 104:29f.; on the reception of the > Akhenaten tradition in Ps 104: [4. 38-49]; > Amenophis [4]). The concept of a fundamental initial action was now implied, but not yet expressed in explicit terminology of ‘creation’. Only in the crisis of the Babylonian exile (from 587 BC) did the concept of an initial creation definitively achieve a breakthrough and start to serve as the theological starting-point for hope for a new beginning in the wake of the history of Israel’s failure (+ Judah and Israel). Thus, Deutero-Isaiah (Is 40:12-3 1) infers God’s will to salvation from His power as creator. Theologically related is the creation account of the > priestly document (probably late 6th cent. BC), Gn 1-2:4a (on which [2]); this draws on a rich religious and historical tradition, recalling the style of the Achaemenid royal inscriptions (- Achaemenids [2]; deeds of the Great King) and Ancient Near Eastern list scholarship(cf. + Lists; > Kings’ lists). The sober text on the creation of Heaven and Earth (1:1) is thoroughly structured in detail. Eight works of creation are recounted over six days in a symmetrical arrangement (1-1-2/1—1-2): 1) light, 2) heaven, 3a) earth and seas, 3b) plants, 4) celestial bodies, 5) animals of water and air, 6a) animals of land, 6b) humanity. The works are constructed accord-

ing to a recurring schedule: a) God announces the creation in words; b) establishment of the actual happening in the formula ‘and it was so’; c) report of the creation act as a deed of God; d) God approves and judges the creation ‘good’ (after c and d often naming and blessing of what has been created). Unlike creation myths of the Assyrian-Babylonian world, the creation myth of the Hebrew Bible emphasizes that, other than God, all things are creatures. Sun and Moon (deities in Mesopotamia) are here spoken of merely as two ‘lamps’; the stars, of great importance in Babylonian > astronomy and ~ astrology, are mentioned only in passing (Gn 1:16). As His final work,

WORLD,

CREATION

OF THE

God creates humanity ‘as male and female’ (1:27), and humanity in its likeness to God is God’s governor on Earth (the concept originates in the Egyptian kingly ideology conveyed via Persia; > Rulers [II.]). The ensuing Paradise myth (Gn 2:4b-3:24; on which [3]; > Paradise), from a different source (the so-called Jehovist; dating disputed: roth or 6th cent. BC?) refers to the CW only ina transitional phrase (2,4b), and concentrates entirely on the creation of the first (male) human being (adam) out of earth (?“damd; wordplay), and the anthropological consequences of that creation. God sets up a garden (> paradeisos) on the as yet uncultivated earth for this man, to be his habitat, with plants, rivers, animals and, finally, creates a woman as his consort. The reception history of Gn 1-2:4a (and 2:4b-3:24) in theology, literature, art, etc., is immeasurable, and is already recognizable in the OT. The concept of an initial creation (prima creatio) from Gn 1 has percolated into reworkings within the older > Psalms, esp. clearly in e.g. Ps r04:5-9 and 148:6f. [4. 73f.], similarly also in Prov. 8:22-31, where God places > Wisdom, his first creation, by his side as His ‘delight’ during the ensuing creation of the world (8:30). The concept of the rooting of God’s salvation in His action of creation came to a crisis in the late Persian-Hellenistic period in view of the fate of the suffering righteous man (Job) and the opacity of fate (Ecc., esp. 3:11). In Sirach (Sir 24), the place of the CW is taken by the obedience to the Torah and the Temple cult as venues of assuring salvation. — Paradise 1 J.JeEREMIAS, Das KGnigtum Gottes in den Psalmen, 1987

2 O.H. Steck, Der Schopfungsbericht der Priesterschrift, *z981

31d., Die Paradieserzahlung, in: Id., Wahrneh-

mungen Gottes im Alten Testament, 1982, 4 H.SPIECKERMANN, Heilsgegenwart, 1989

756

BSS

9-116 5R.G.

Kratz, H.SPIECKERMANN, s.v. Schdpfer/Schépfung II. Altes Testament, TRE 30, 1999, 258-283 (bibliography). M.HE.

B. POsT-EXILIC JUDAISM

The adoption of Greek terms into the discussion of creation in Hellenistic + Judaism led to the beginnings of a creation theology which contained Aristotelian, Platonic and Stoic elements. The terms kosmos (+ world) and nomos (usage, custom, law) were connected here: contrary to Aristotle (— Aristoteles [6]),

the eternity of the world and an emergence of the world within — time were both rejected. Contrary to + Stoicism, it was argued that the world was unique, and only created thanks to the goodness of God (Aristobulus). In > rabbinical literature, the discussion concerning the CW takes place mostly in the midrashim to Genesis (e.g. GenR 1-17 and PRE 3-11). There are also scattered remarks elsewhere in midrashim and talmudim. Biblical traditions are defended against ‘pagan’ philosophical and Gnostic positions. The identification of tohu (‘wasteness’), bohu (‘emptiness’), darkness, etc., with the prima materia is rebutted with the argument

that these were created on the first day (GenR 1,4). Six concepts were said to have been created before the world, including the Torah and the name of the > Messiah. God was the sole creator: + Angels were only created on the second or fifth day (GenR 1,3), or else counselled God against creating the world (GenR 8,4; bSanh 38b). The authors here opposed dualistic interpretations of Gn 1:26. Creation took place without effort, by mere intention or by word (mAv 5,1; bMeg 21b). According to interpretations of Prov. 8:22, the Torah was the means and the plan for the CW (mAv 3,14). The world converted to tohu and bohu if Israel does not accept the Torah (bShab 88b). The CW was said to be perfect (SifreDt § 307), and to have ended in the evening dusk of the sixth day with the creation of ten things that would be of importance in the subsequent history of the world. Discussions of the sequence of creation referred mostly to logical coherence, not to chronological sequence. Esoteric aspects were already connected with the CW at an early stage, as shown e.g. by the ban on teaching the ‘work of creation’ (ma‘%é b‘résit) publicly (mHag 2,1). The creation by letters was central here, as in the Sefer Yetzirah (Sefer ha-— Jezira), which names the 32 ways of creation as the 22 letter characters and ro numerical characters (sephirot). On the other hand, the CW was often addressed in Jewish liturgy. The unity of the creator who documents his omnipotence in creation thus belongs to exoteric knowledge. A. ALTMANN, A Note on the Rabbinic Doctrine of Creation, in: Journal of Jewish Studies 7, 1956, 195-206; D.BOrNER-KLEIN, Tohu und Bohu. Zur Auslegungsgeschichte von Gen 1,2a, in: Henoch 15, 1993, 3-41; D.T. RuniA, Philo of Alexandria and the Timaeus of Plato, 1983; N.SAMUELSON, Judaism and the Doctrine of Creation, 1994. EH.

VI. CHRISTIANITY

A. HELLENISTIC JUDAISM AND CHRISTIANITY OF THE APOSTOLIC PERIOD B. GNOSTICISM C. CHURCH FaTHERS D. DUALISTIC COSMOLOGIES

A. HELLENISTIC JUDAISM AND CHRISTIANITY

OF THE APOSTOLIC PERIOD Although 2 Maccabees and - Philo [12] speak of a creation ‘not from existing things’ (obx & évtwv/ouk ex Onton: 2 Macc 7:28), they do not do so in a strictly

ontological sense: the concept of eternal matter is not excluded [11. 1-26; 20]. The NT adopts the creation

concept of the OT (the act of creation being referred to mostly as xtiouc/ktisis, the result as aidvec/aidnes and ta navta/ta panta) and develops it soteriologically by the avowal of the double creation agency of the — logos [x G], which is identified with Christ. As the world was originally created by the logos, the pre-existing Christ, so Christ as the new Adam made new the creation fallen in Adam. The creation concept acquired an eschatological dimension through the perspective of the

pees

758

perfection of the new creation at the end of days (evidence: [10. 1395]). Even when Christians began to concern themselves with philosophical teachings, the biblical belief in the omnipotent creator did not directly lead to a rejection of the doctrine of pre-existing matter.

being is inherent within it as a mere potentiality [11. 63-

Christian philosophers such as Justin (> Iustinus [6])

(Justin. Apol. 10,2) and > Athenagoras (Legatio 15,2f.; 19,4; 10,3) — but also + Hermogenes [6] (cf. [5. r98234]) and Clement of Alexandria (+ Clemens [3]) [x1. 122-150] — were able to reconcile the two doctrines. B. GNOSTICISM The idea of creation was primarily experienced as a problem where the cosmos was felt to be hostile and ungodly. - Gnosticism, for instance, asked the theodicean question of how an imperfect world could be reconciled with a perfect God (+ Theodicy). To answer this, the Gnostics proposed two approaches [6]. A minority of Gnostic systems assumed a multiplicity of + principles (archai). Existing for all eternity alongside the supreme God was irreducible, non-generated + matter, > chaos or darkness. While this concept was generally associated with the idea of an evil or at least nescient creator god (e.g. Tractatus tripartitus NHCod_ 1,5,105,1; De origine mundi NHCod 2,5,100,14), ~ Marcion, from the periphery of Gnosticism, identified the Demiurge with the historically operative god of the OT, whose punitive rule he contrasted with the mercy of the God announced by Christ [r1. 54-62]. As simple as this solution of principled dualism was to the theodicy question, so complex were the explanations of the creation of cosmos and matter in most Gnostic systems, because these proceeded from a single principle (e.g. even Marcion’s pupil > Apelles [3]: [5. 82-89]). Myth here depicts the emergence of cosmos and matter from the hubris of demiurgic powers. The original order of being, thus disturbed, is accordingly only to be restored by the annihilation of the material world. In Valentinus’ system (- Valentinus [1]), the supreme God has nothing to do with creation. He merely brings forth the ajewpa/pleroma (‘fullness’; term for the transcendent world directly emerging from God, in contrast to the cosmos) by + emanation (xoofodt/probole). After the fall of Sophia (+ wisdom), she creates the cosmos with the

help of the Demiurge, out of her materialized passions [1r. 104-119].

In > Basileides [2], whose cosmology differed radically from those of other Gnostics, we meet for the first time the idea of the creatio ex nihilo. According to him, the CW consists in the creation (xataPodn/katabole in contrast to the Valentinian mooBodt/probole = emanation) of the world-seed, from which in turn the whole of reality emerges according to God’s plan (mgd6vow/ pronoia). But the world-seed comes from nothing, and even it is still in a state of not-being (cf. Hippolytus [2], Refutatio 2,1,4, on which [11. 72]), because all

WORLD, CREATION OF THE

86].

C. CHURCH FATHERS The first non-Gnostic theologians to turn explicitly against the doctrines of the ‘fashioning of the world’ and to argue for creation ex nibilo were + Tatianus and > Theophilus [4] of Antioch [11. 151-167]. Tatianus traces the origin of matter directly back to God (xQoBaAheoOa/probdllesthai probably not in the sense of emanation, but of creation). Matter, he argues, is

then formed into cosmos by the Jogos. Theophilus explicitly speaks of creation ‘from nothing’ (2E obx Svtav/ ex ouk Onton; Ad Autolycum 1,4; cf. 2,4; 2,10; 2,133 1,8), and does so in such a formulaic way that it can be assumed that he used an existing expression. Theophilus justifies creation ex nihilo by the povaeyia/monarchia (sole primordiality and sovereignty) of God (which would be contradicted by a non-generated and therefore godlike matter) and by His omnipotent will (which would by definition be superior to the creative power of an artisan; on the effect of these arguments, [12. 52-

70). The ecclesiastical doctrine of creation reached its enduring form through Irenaeus of Lyons (> Eirenaeus, Irenaeus [2]; [11. 167—182]). Confronting Gnostic cos-

mology, which he argued was dependent on the Platonic, he emphasized that creation derived directly and exclusively from the sovereign and omnipotent will of God. In opposition to Gnostic speculations, he demanded that people content themselves with the Scriptures: God made matter, and the world had a chronological beginning (Iren. Adversus haereses 2,28,3; 2,28,7). The meaning of the CW lay in the creation of Man and soteriological care of God, which would ultimately bring Man to God. Creation permitted the inference of a good creator. Later theologians primarily concerned themselves with the problem (discussed since the > Presocratics and Aristotle (— Aristoteles [6])) of how alterable things could emerge from immutability and how temporality could emerge from the eternal. According to Origen (-> Origenes [2]), the creation was an eternal

process in God. The spiritual beings created within it were as ideas within the Jogos (Orig. De principiis 1,5; 1,22; 4,3—5). Only after the fall of the spiritual beings was the earthly world created by the logos (2,1; 3,5,1-5). Its flaws, he argued, served the education of souls (Orig. Contra Celsum 7,50; [13]). Augustine (+ Augustinus) saved the concept of the immutability of God with the idea that everything was already contained within the divine will (voluntas), including the creation of time. God, then, was not temporal (i.e. subject to time), but ruled over time (Aug. Civ. 11,4-6; 12,r0-21; Aug. Conf. 11,10,12-14,27). Augustine

thereby linked the creatio ex nihilo with the idea of the ‘fashioning of the world’. God first created formless matter out of the void, then formed it into the ordered cosmos (Aug. De genesi contra Manichaeos 1,5,9-7,12;

WORLD,

CREATION

OF THE

Aug. De genesi ad litteram liber imperfectus 3,10-4,18; Aug. Conf. 12; Aug. De genesi ad litteram 1,14,2815,30). From the creatio ex nihilo followed, according to Augustine (De genesi ad litteram 5,20, cf. Greg. M. Moralia 15,38), the creatio continua (continuous creation or sustenance of the world). As the world was created from nothing, he argued, it required for its continued existence a sustained influx of being. With this, he provided the philosophical justification for an old constituent of the Christian creed that was rooted in Stoic cosmic piety (> Stoicism [IV.]), but reinterpreted it in one vital respect: the creator and sustainer was conceived as an individual intervening in history (Col 1:17; Hebr 1:3; Jo 5:17). In Augustine’s Platonically-inspired system, the ‘goodness’ of creation is guaranteed by the definition of evil as privatio boni (‘want of good’) [4. 263-286; 16; 18; 22]. D. DUALISTIC COSMOLOGIES

With their emphasis on the omnipotence of God and the goodness of creation, the patristic authors turned against various dualistic concepts that assumed the dichotomy of two eternal principles, God and matter: Manichaeism (+ Mani) [7. 166-188], > Priscillianism (to combat which the Synod of Toledo of 447 was held), Mandaeism (— Mandaeans) [14], the cosmogonic myth of > Bardesanes, against which > Ephrem wrote [9], and which later influenced early Arabic creation exegesis.

+ Anthropogony; —> Matter;

— Chaos; — Demiourgos [3]5 — Principle; — Theogony;

— Nature;

—> World 1M.Battes,

Die

Weltentstehung

des

_platonischen

Timaios und die antiken Interpreten, 1976/78

2 J.BrrREE, Der Mensch als Medium und Adressat der Schépfungsoffenbarung, 1989

3 L.Brisson, Le méme

et autre dans la structure ontologique du Timée de Platon,1974

760

USS

4K.FLascn, Augustin, 1980

5K.GrescHAT, Apelles und MHermogenes, 2000 6 R. Haarpt, Schopfer und Schépfung in der Gnosis, in: K.-W. TROGER (ed.), Altes Testament — Friihjudentum — Gnosis, 1980, 37-48 7 M.Hutrer, Das Erlosungsgeschehen im manichaisch-iranischen Mythos, in: Id. et al.,

Das manichaische Urdrama des Lichts, 1989, 153-236 8 In principio: interprétations des premiers versets de la

J.C. M. van WinDEN, s.v. Hexaemeron, RAC 14, 1988, 20H.-F. Weiss, Untersuchungen zur Kos1250-1269

mologie des hellenistischen und palastinischen Judentums, 1966.

AN.M.

VII. IsLam In the first Qur’anic revelation (6,1-5), God already reveals himself to -- Muhammad as the creator. The idea that the entire world was God’s creation and that it

is maintained by His sustained action permeates the entire > Qur'an, and it decisively influenced the subsequent Islamic view of the cosmos. In ~ Islam, creation is not seen as a single procedure carried out at the beginning of history, but as a happening that is perceptible in every moment, serving as a sign of God and as a reminder to humanity. This conception seems to derive from speculations independent of Jewish and Christian sources (cf. the creation myth given by ‘Adi ibn Zaid, similarly also Umaiya ibn Abi’s-Salt [1. 176f., 179f.]). On it depends the Islamic (esp. Mu‘tazila) doctrine of constant creation as a divine attribute. Conversely, Qur’anic references to the CW as a single, six-day event (7,54; 10,3; I1,7; 25,59), to the throne of God (69,17) and the creation of the first man from clay (30,20) derive from OT models (see above [V.]). However, there is no actual creation myth in the Qur’an. Unlike in the OT, God does not rest after the creation, because no fatigue can overcome him (2,255). He is always present for creation and sustains it. The influence of biblical narrative is also very strong in the

corpus of Islamic tradition, the Hadit, in which various mythical traditions from the rabbinical > Haggadah and Hellenistic

and Iranian

Gnosticism

(— Gnosis,

Gnostics, Gnosticism) were drawn upon to ornament

and explain these Qur’anic references (e.g. > Tabari’s introduction to his Ta’rih (‘Chronicle’).

Meanwhile, Neoplatonist conceptions of an eternity of creation (specifically > Proclus’ [2] commentary on the Timaeus) had a decisive influence in philosophical speculations (esp. on Ibn Sina/Avicenna and al-Farabi/ Alfarabius/Avennasar). Finally, later developments, esp. in Islamic mysticism (Ibn ‘Arabi), saw the creation as an expression and mirror of God. Similar ideas emerged among the Isma‘iliya (Ismaelis) and Si‘a

Genése (Centre d’Etudes des religions du livre), 1973

(Shiites).

9 T. JANSMA, Ephraems Beschreibung des ersten Tages der

> ARABIC-ISLAMIC CULTURAL SPHERE, THE [I. C.3.2.]

Schdpfung, in: Orientalia Christiana Periodica 37, 1971, 295-316 10 J.KOHLER, s.v. Schopfung II-III, in:

HWdPh 8, 1393-1399 11 G.May, Schépfung aus dem Nichts, 1978 12 J.Pépin, Théologie cosmique et théologie chrétienne, 1964 13 A.P&REz DE LaBorpa, El

R. ARNALDEZ, s.v. Khalk, El’, CD-ROM 1999; L. GarDET, s.v. Ibda, EI’, CD-ROM 1999; T. NaGEL, Der Koran, 1984, 172-184; TH. J. O”’SHAUGHNESSY, Creation and the Teaching of the Qur’an, 1985. LT.-N.

mundo como creacion, in: Helmantica 46, 1995, 33-80 14 K.RUDOLPH, Theogonie, Kosmogonie und Anthropo-

Worms. As late as the 18th cent., Carl von LINNE com-

gonie in den mandaischen Schriften, 1965 (NGS) Di be RuniA, Philo of Alexandria and the Timaeus of Plato, 1983 16R.J. TesKe, The Motive for Creation According

worms), Nemertini (ribbon worms) and Nemathelmin-

to St. Augustine, in: Modern Schoolman 65, 1987/88, 245-253 17 W.THEILER, s.v. Demiurgos, RAC 3, 1957,

694-711 18N.J. Torcura, Creatio ex nihilo and the Theology of St. Augustine, 1999 (review by J. A. VAN DEN Bere in: Vigiliae Christianae 55, 2001, 111-113)

19

bined

the different

phyla

of Plathelminthes

(flat-

thes (roundworms) into the single phylum of Vermes. Only a very few representatives were known in Antiquity, almost all parasites, with confusion between true worms and worm-like maggots and larval forms being common. By oxwAng/skoléx, tegnddv/terédén, evdn/

761

762

eulé, inp/ips and H €du(v)c/ bé hélmi(n)s both insect larvae or maggots as well as worms can therefore be meant. 1. Common Earthworms (Lumbricus terrestris), Evtega yijc/éntera gés (Arat. 959: oxddné/skoléx; Numenius in Ath. 7,305a: tovdoc/foulos), Latin lumbricus or vermis terrenus. According to Aristot. Hist. an. 6,16,570a 16 f. as well as Lucr. 2,871-873 and 928930, they arise asexually from mud and earth, primarily

after rain, and — eels are produced from them. Worms lack eyes or limbs (Aristot. Mot. an. 4,705b 28; cf. Plin. HN 11,140) and are larva-like (Aristot. Gen. an. 3,11,762b 26-28). If they crept out of the earth it was a

WREATH,

GARLAND

oxen (Columella 6,18, with a means of dealing with the parasite, which attaches itself inside the pharynx, by means of a tube through which hot oil is poured, or smoke from the burning of a bug). Pliny (HN 23,55) recommends that affected people drink vinegar. Their use in + phlebotomy, still occasionally practised today, is mentioned as early as in Plin. HN 32,123. As a metaphor for avaricious people, the leech is encountered e.g in Plaut. Epid. 187; Cic. Att. 116,11; Hor. Ars P. 476 and in the Bible at Prov. 30:15. KELLER

2, 501-505; H.GosseEn, s.v. Wiirmer, RE 20,

2548-2551

C.HU.

sign of bad weather (Theophr. De signis tempestatum 3,5; Arat. 958 f.; Plin. HN 18,364). They were fed to birds such as thrushes (turdus: Plaut. Bacch. 792) and to

pigs (Columella 7,9,7). They were supposed to be good for numerous maladies (Plin. HN 29,92), such as earaches (Plin. HN 29,135). 2. Tapeworms

(Cestodes spec.), €\uw0ec mateta/

hélminthes plateiai, Latin taeniae, which Aristot. Hist. an. 5,19, 551a 9 f. and Columella 6,30,9 distinguish

from other intestinal parasites. According to the first mention of them in Hippoc. Morb. 4,54, tapeworms occur as early as in embryos and during puberty grow to the length of the intestines (according to Plin. HN II,I13 up to 9 m). Hippocrates misunderstood the significance of excreted pieces, similar to cucumber seeds, for their reproduction (oimbov onétoua/sikyou spérma: Aristot. Hist. an. 5,19,551a 11-13). Like fever, heart pain and vomiting (Hippoc. Epid. 2,3 = 5,73 L.), these were symptoms of an infestation. According to Theophr. Hist. pl. 9,20,5 (= Plin. HN 27,145), Thrace and Phrygia were allegedly free of them. Attempts were made — probably for the most part without success — to expel them from the intestines with many remedies, such as iris [2] (Plin. HN 21,140) and walnut (> Iuglans, Plin. HN 23,148). 3. Intestinal Roundworms (Ascaris), uv0Eec oteoyyuravhélminthes strongylai, Latin (as 1) lumbrici

(e.g Columella 6,25: in calves). Aristot. Hist. an. 5,19,551a 6-10 (cf. Lucr. 2,870 f.) claims that these intestinal parasites, which occur in humans (Cato Agr. 126) and animals (Columella 6,30,9 f., with a means of combating it) and are described by Celsus (4,24), arise from faeces. Hippoc. Epid. 4,55 (= 5,195 L.) and Celsus 2,3 interpret their excretion by patients as a positive sign. 4. Roundworms (Nematodes) may be the intestinal parasites doxagidec/askarides (= ascaridae with no other text in Isid. Orig. 12,5,14) which are mentioned in sources, primarily Hippocrates (Aph. 3,26; Epid. 2,3 = 5573 L. and 6,11 = 5,272 L.), but are indeterminable. 5. Leeches, pdéida/bdélla, Latin hirudo, for the Hirudinea order of segmented worms (Annelida). Sev-

eral freshwater species were wellknown as blood-sucking (Theoc. 2,56; Plin. HN 11,116) parasites of animals, e.g of crocodiles (Hdt. 2,68; Apul. Apol. 8),

elephants (Plin. HN 8,29: hirudo = sanguisuga) and

Wormwood (&pivOiov/apsinthion or * dapwoc/apsinthos or éapw0ia/apsinthia, Latin absinthium since Plaut. Trin. 935) describes popular spices and > medicinal plants in several of the roughly 200 species of the + Artemisia [3] genus in the Compositae family. Predominant was Artemisia absinthum L., which appears on the Greek mainland as Artemisia arborescens L. The yellow-flowered herbaceous plant reaches a height of about 1.20 mand has lancet-shaped leaves with silvery hair, which contain aromatic and bitter substances. Cappadocia and Pontus [2] produced the best quality. Plinius [1] extols wormwood as a very important astringent and purgative (Plin. HN 27,45) and as a means of protecting clothes from moths (ibid. 27,52). The Corpus Hippocraticum (> Hippocrates [6]) mentions the plant quite often, e.g. Morb. 3,11; Aff. 52; Mul. 1,74 and 1,78. — Pedanius [1] Dioscorides (3,23 WELLMANN and BERENDES) and Pliny (HN 27,45-52) recommend it internally for almost any disease of the digestive organs, and externally as a plaster for ulcers, inflammations and wounds. Spiced wine made from wormwood (dpuv0ityc/apsinthités sc. oivoc/oinos, Latin absinthites, Dioscorides loc.cit., Plin. loc.cit. and 14,109; for its preparation, see Dioscorides 5,39 WELLMANN = 5,49 BERENDES, and Columella 12,35) was a favourite primarily in Asia Minor and Thrace, and since easy on the stomach, it was used for a variety of ailments, including problems with the liver, kidneys and digestion. M. SCHUSTER, s.v. Wermut, RE 8 A, 1553-1558

Wreath, Garland

C.HU.

(otépavoc/stéphanos, otepdavr/ste-

phané, Lat. corolla, corona). Wreaths and garlands were formed out of flowers, leaves and branches, or

were reproduced (out of bronze, silver and gold; cf. e.g. [x]) in their image. They were a constituent part of culture and everyday life in Greece and Rome: a symbol of consecration, honouring and decoration for people and gods. Wearing a wreath was a mark of distinction (cf. Apul. Met. 11,24.4) and it was reprehensible to attack a person wearing one (cf. Aristoph. Plut. 21). Wreaths have been worn from time immemorial (Tert. De corona 13).

WREATH, GARLAND

764

763

Wreaths were essential in cultic practice (FGrH 334 F 29); exceptions in this case were rare (Apollod. 3,155,754). The gods and goddesses were assigned wreaths made of specific materials: so laurels were for Apollo, Zeus and Aphrodite; ears of corn for Demeter and Kore; ivy and grape leaves for Dionysus and so on. The wreath was regarded, a result, as a sacred object. It could not be removed or thrown away at will and it was considered a sacrilege to appropriate one (Plin. HN 21,8, cf. Tib. 1,2,82) or to wear it without right (Plin. HN 21,8). In the > mysteries, wearing or putting on a wreath was a sign of affiliation or initiation to the deity. During sacrificial rituals, the priest performing the sacrifice as well as all other cult participants were wreathed. Everything from altars, gods’ statues, temples and sacrificial animals down to the cult implements was decorated with wreaths. Since festivals always had ritual connotations as well, wreaths were part of them and gained significance even in everyday life. At Greek and Roman weddings (+ wedding customs and rituals), bride and groom were wreathed (e.g. Catull. 61,6; Apul. Met. 4,27); a child’s > birth was announced by a wreath made out of olive branches or wool, which was hung on the door. People put on wreaths during symposia. According to Ath. 15,675b-c, > Dionysus introduced the use of wearing an ivy wreath during symposia as a preventive measure against the consequences of wine consumption, for which wreaths of myrtles, violets and roses seemed to be best suited (cf. Petron. Sat. 70,8 with wreathing of legs and feet); the wine crockery was also decorated with wreaths. At night, on the way back home (+ Komos), the wreath was hung up on the door of the beloved (Theokr. 2,153; Anth. Pal. 5,92). Wreathing was not unusual as a form of preparation for fighting, as was the case with the Spartans (Hdt. 7,209). In fight representations, wreaths are worn by victors as wellas by the fallen. During the agones, the victors were also honoured with a wreath (made of olive branches in Olympia; celery and pine in Nemea and on the Isthmus; laurels in Delphi; wreaths made of poplar and myrtle are also mentioned, as well as those made of olive branches during the Panathenaea); cf. the wreath’s symbolism during the Roman > triumph. In the Hellenistic poleis, wreath awarding became an established and highly regarded form of conferring distinction, which emphasized special merits and virtues. Hellenistic funeral monuments recorded and displayed wreaths that had been awarded to the deceased, although the wreath had, in addition, an older significance. The deceased received a wreath (such as in Eur. Tro. 1144; Ath. 11,460b; in Plin. HN 21,7, ibidem 10,122, a dead raven is given a wreath) and the funeral urn was wreathed [1. 178f.], or the wreath was laid in the tomb; accordingly, wreathes were hung or painted on funeral monuments as well. -+ Ceremonial dress; + Decorations, military; + Diadema; > Dona militaria

1 J.VoxoropouLou, Fiihrer durch das Archaologische Museum Thessaloniki, 1996, 154f., 171, 190, 195, 199, 22a Es:

B. ANDREAE, Laura coronatur. Der Lorbeerkranz des Asklepios und die Attaliden von Pergamon, in: MDAI(R)

100, 1993, 83-106; M. BLECH, Studien zum Kranz bei den Griechen, 1982; E.pe JuLus, Gli ori di Taranto in Eta Ellenistica, 1984, 71-108; H.R. GorTTE, Corona spicea,

corona civica und Adler, in: AA 1984, 573-589; H.G. . Horn, Mysteriensymbolik auf dem Kélner Dionysosmosaik, BJ, 33. Supplement 1972; E.KUNzL, Der romische Triumph. Siegesfeiern im ant. Rom, 1988; R.LULLIEs, Abermals: Zur Bedeutung des Kranzes von Armento, in: JDAI 97, 1982, 91-117; M.SCHLEIERMACHER, Juppiter

mit dem Kranz, in: Kélner Jahrbiicher fiir Vor- und FriihRH. geschichte 23, 1990, 249-254.

Wren. The smallest European passerine (Troglodytes troglodytes) is presumably meant by teoyxihoc/trochilos in Aristot. Hist. an. 7(8),3,593b 11 f.; 8(9),6,612a 20— 24 (= Plin. HN 8,90; but there by trochilos = rex avium the so-called crocodile bird, Pluvianus aegyptius, is meant [z. 241]). The alleged enmity between the wren and the eagle (Aristot. Hist. an. 8(9),11,615a 17-20 = Plin. HN 10,203) refers to the attribute ‘king’. 1 LEITNER.

-

KELLER 2,82-84; D’Arcy W. THompson, A Glossary of Greek Birds, 1936, repr. 1966, 287-289. C.HU.

Wrestling I. EGYPT AND THE ANCIENT MIDDLE

East

II. GREECE AND ROME

I. EGYPT AND THE ANCIENT MIDDLE EAST In ancient times, wrestling, an age-old form of martial art, was widespread. The earliest representations in Egypt go back as far as the First Dynasty (c. 3000 BC) [x. 533-564, L 1]. In seven Middle Kingdom graves of

district princes in Bani Hasan there are depictions of in all some 500 wrestling pairs, some arranged in cinematographic sequences [1. L 15-21; 2. 70-72]. Wres-

tlers are also documented for the New Kingdom, including at - sports festivals; Nubians among others are mentioned especially [1. L 27-29, 31, 34, 39]. Umpires [x. L 25, 34; 3] kept the rules, which permitted a free style allowing grips on the whole body and ground fighting. Expressions and representations of wrestling are also recorded in the Ancient Middle East as early as the 3rd millennium BC (belt wrestling). It even occurs in the Epicof -+ Gilgamesh, in which the hero wrestles with Enkidu (2,209ff.) [4. 16-18]. As in Egypt, it was also an item on the programme at cult festivals, e.g at the > Akitu Festival, where there is also talk of a ‘wrestlers’ house’ (é-geSba) and a ‘great court’ (kisal-mah) as competition venues [4. 18-22, 28-30]. As a victory prize a wrestler named Sulgigalzu was given a silver ring of ten shekels in value [4. 30f.]. Wrestling is a motif depicted on seals of the Ancient Levant [5]. Wrestling is

765

766

also recorded for the Hittites (— Hattusa) (KUB XXIII 55 col. 1, ll. 2-27 and 20f.) [6].

Writing

II. GREECE AND ROME Whereas wrestling appears not to be represented in Minoan-Mycenaean art, in the Homeric epics it is an entirely usual discipline (xédn/pdlé, Hom. Il. 23,635; 700-739; Hom. Od. 8,126f.) [7]. In the programme of the Greek agones wrestling was (and allegedly had been since 708 BC) a fixed element [8. 170]. At Olympia it was staged both as an individual discipline (also in the

I. DEFINITION Writing is understood to be a set of signs for the visual preservation of human language. Within cultural history, creating and employing writing require (1) its usability, (2) a considerable degree of language analysis

youth class) and as the last, decisive, discipline of the

+ pentathlon. Wrestling in the -> stadion took place on loose soil (oxéypo/skdmma). Throwing the opponent to the ground three times decided the bout; great weight increased the chances of winning as there were no weight classes. A fragment of a wrestling training book survives (POxy. 3,466). The most successful wrestler of Greek Antiquity was > Milon [2] of Croton [9. nos. IIs, 122, 126, 129, 133, 139] with, among others, six victories at Olympia; he was almost equalled by Hipposthenes from Sparta (six victories at Olympia) [9. nos. 61, 66, 68, 70, 73] and his son Hetoemocles (five victories) [9. nos. 82-86]. In myth many heroes (such as Heracles, Theseus) are said to be highly accomplished in wrestling [10. 150]. In Greek (and less often in Roman) art wrestling is a favourite theme [11. nos. 162-165], as in Etruscan art [12. tombs nos. 15, 17, 22,

WRITING

I. DEFINITION II. ANCIENT NEAR East III. CLAsstcaL ANTIQUITY

and (3) a triggering idea. Since writing can be mastered

effortlessly even by six-year-olds and — once in existence —can be used for the most varied cultural purposes, the decisive factor for the moment of its invention is the idea. However, one should not readily assume that writing was invented independently in different locations that were within easy reach from each other, and even less so when we are dealing with very similar periods of its invention such as in Egypt and Mesopotamia (shortly before 3000 BC). Many (public or secret) scripts from Antiquity had to be rediscovered in the Early Modern Period because the tradition of their use was interrupted (— Cryptography; — Bilingual inscriptions; -» Decipherment). The precise knowledge of what an individual script provided at each point in its history is important for the evaluation (or restitution if necessary) of texts and their content as well as for the language itself (> Pronunciation; > Linguistics).

25, 42, 47, 743 13. 269-285]. In Roman entertainment,

wrestling (/uctari; luctatio; luctatus; luctator) is clearly

present in a more limited way than in Greek sport. ~ Sports; > Sports festivals 1 W.Decker,

Agypten,1994

M.Hers,

Bildatlas zum

Sport im Alten

2A.G. SHEDID, Die Felsgraber von Beni

Hasan in Mittelagypten 1994 3 Z.Hawass, M. VERNER, Newly Discovered Blocks from the Causeway of Sahure, in: MDAI(K) 52, 1996, 184f. pl. 56b 4 R.ROLLINGER, Aspekte des Sports im Alten Sumer, in: Nikephoros 7, 1994,7-64 5 CH. EDER, Kampfsport in der Siegelkunst der Altlevante, in: Nikephoros 7, 1994, 83-120 6 J. PUHVEL, Hittite Athletics as Prefigurations of Ancient Greek Games, in: W. RASCHKE (ed.), The Archaeology of

the Olympics, 1988, 26-31 7S. LASER, Sport und Spiel, ArchHom T, 1988, 49-52 8 I. WeILerR, Der Sport bei den Volkern der Alten Welt, *1988, 169-176 9L.Moretri, Olympionikai, 1957 101. Weiter, Der Agon im Mythos, 1974 11 O. TzaAcHOU-ALEXANDRI (ed.), Mind and Body, 1989 12 S. STEINGRABER, Etrus-

kische Wandmalerei, 1985 13 J.-P. THUILLIER, Les jeux athlétiques dans la civilisation étrusque, 1985. M.B. PottaKorr, Combat Sport in the Ancient World, 1987; I. WEILER (ed.), Ringen, 1998 (texts, translations and commentary by G.DOBLHOFER, W.PETERMANDL, U. SCHACHINGER). W.D.

II. ANCIENT NEAR EAstT

A. Ecyrt

B. MEsoporTamMia, SYRIA, ANATOLIA

C. SyRIA-PALESTINE

A. EGYPT The succession and co-existence of two or three types of writing (hieroglyphic, hieratic and demotic) is characteristic for ancient Egypt. - Hieroglyphs were developed at the beginning of the 3rd millennium BC in pictorial form and remained in existence as a monumental script carved in stone (temple walls, statues, tombs) into the Late Period. The sign inventory was even extended by numerous ideograms during the Ptolemaic and Roman Periods. From the beginning, hieroglyphs were also a part of Egyptian art. As such, the direction of writing hieroglyphs was not fixed and, from the New Kingdom, hieroglyphs could also be used in cryptographic writing. On papyrus, so-called cursive hieroglyphs were used as a meticulous ‘book script’, e.g. in the books of the dead (> Funerary literature). + Hieratic, a simplified cursive form of script written on > papyrus, (and ostraka, i.e. stone or pottery sherds) was used as an every-day-script for letters, business texts etc. The direction of writing was originally in vertical columns. From the Middle Kingdom, hieratic was usually written in horizontal lines from right to left. Gradually, the hieratic writing developed into the even more cursive > demotic. When the Greek script was used in Egypt, demotic remained in use to write Egyptian religious and literary texts. The Egyptian writing

naqeydje Jduos

"que (39

UeUdAD sIGeI|Asyduds Wo4J) > pl| UIL ‘JUad (Dg

sJaqeyde WoL)yg

JUad0} 2

00S (Dd

—YIZL) 432/438*s}U89(D4

UeIsAYdUa}WUM suIeLALWoy)47g

sIBIWAS

ysapiO 42215

PIO

PIO

WOJeuNd JduDs436)— Y3Z"93489(34

UE

Y}Z—YIOL) “s}Ua9(Dg

WHOyauNd }duos

UeLIAssY

Souk

ye

Y4Z/4I8 “s}U29(Da

ees CS

so1aka/zign5 @

SOySeUe es

y

JIYdA|Soua!y duos 4IZL) —

DAS

ubauvsLatIipap

‘n4dAjSosaly usaysea

yy

iS)

euek|;euemn.

oes 2

ere ao

J

U Myth, — epic, > prayer,

hymn, invocation, etc.) cannot be distinguished graphically from everyday texts, but are often organized in up to ten columns due to their length. Word divisions were very rare (in Old-Assyrian), in younger texts, spatia occur occasionally. Usually, the end of a line coincided with the end of a word. For certain types of documents, various table formats could be used. With few exceptions, cuneiform script came to an end in Asia Minor shortly after 1200 BC with the fall of the Hittite Empire, and in Syria in c. 600 BC with the fall of the Assyrian Empire. Luvian hieroglyphic script (+ Luwian) (and the Phoenician/Aramaic consonant script) continued to be used up to the 7th cent. BC in monumental inscriptions, the only records to have survived (+ Karchemish; > Karatepe). The alphabetic cuneiform script than ran from right to left, used only in ~ Ugarit, disappeared along with this city in c. 1190 BC. The > Ancient Persian cuneiform script created by Darius [1] I that was used only for the king’s official announcements did not outlive the Achaemenid Em-

WRITING

C. SyRIA-PALESTINE The linear alphabetic scripts used from the 17th cent. BC with strong local variations began to be used in Syria-Palestine in the now standardized Phoenician form with 22 signs (probably starting from — Byblus [1]) only from the rrth cent. BC. Extant are primarily inscriptions in stone, seals, pottery labels, and bronze arrow heads. The script runs from right to left and occasionally separates words with dots or short lines. At times, words run beyond the end of the line. In the course of the 9th/8th cents. BC, a cursive developed which gave rise to regional variants (e.g. Aramaic, Hebrew). The shapes of the signs vary due to different ~ writing materials (stone, clay, ostraka, papyrus). Oc-

casionally, paragraphs or separating lines were used to structure longer texts. The clear structure of economic texts and letters indicates the existence of administrative conventions. Literary texts are rare and cannot be distinguished in appearance from administrative texts. Scrolls that must have existed according to the OT (2 Kg 22,8) have all been lost. + Alphabet; — Bilingual inscriptions; — Cuneiform script; + DECIPHERMENT;

~ Inscriptions; > Papyrus;

— Scribes; Square script; > Trilingual inscriptions; 1B. ANDRE-LEICKNAM,

Pécriture, 41982

C. ZIEGLER

(ed.), Naissance

de

2R.BorceER, Assyrisch-babylonische

Zeichenliste (AOAT 33a),*1981

3 M.Dretricu, O.Lo-

RETZ, Die Keilalphabete, 1988 4G.R. Driver, S. A. Hopkins, Semitic Writing from Pictograph to Alphabet, 71976

=©5 I.J. GELB, s. v. Writings, Forms of, The

New Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol. 19, 1981, 1033-1045 6 J. Goopy, The Logic of Writing and the Organization of Society, 1986 7 M.GreeEN, The Construction and Implementation of the Cuneiform Writing System, in: Visible Language 15, 1981, 345-372 8 M. KREBERNIK, H.J.Nussen, Die sumerisch-akkadische Keilschrift, in: H. Gtntuer, O. Lupwie (ed.), Schrift und Schriftlichkeit — Writing and Its Use, vol. 1, 1994, 274-288 9J.NAvEH,

Early History of the Alphabet, 1982 10 W. ROLLIG, Das Alphabet und sein Weg zu den Griechen, in: Jahrbuch. der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften 1999, 2000, 28-33 11 A.ScHLOTT, Schrift und Schreiber im Alten

Agypten, 1989

12 W.von

SopEN, W.ROLLIG, Das

akkadische Syllabar (Analecta Orientalia 42), 41991 13 C. Witcke, Die Keilschrift-Kulturen des Vorderen Orients, in: s.[8], 491-503. For

THE

MAP:

K.KeEssLer,

Assyrien

bis 800 v. Chr.,

TAVO B IV 10, 1987; Id., Das Neuassyrische Reich der Sargoniden (720-612 v. Chr.) und das Neubabylonische Reich

(612-539

F.Prayon,

v.Chr.),

Kleinasien

vom

TAVO

B

IV

13,

1991;

12.-6. Jahrhundert y. Chr.,

TAVO B IV 9, 1991; Id., A.-M. Witrke, Kleinasien vom 12.-6. Jahrhundert v. Chr., TAVO Beiheft B 82, 1994; W.RO IG, Uber die Anfange unseres Alphabets, in: Das

Altertum 31, 1985, 83-91, bes. 85; Id., Ostliches Kleinasien. Das Urartaerreich (9.-7. Jahrhundert v. Chr.), TAVO BIV 12, 1992; F.STaRKE, s. v. Kleinasien, DNP 6,

525 hs

W.R.

WRITING

Fae

III. CLassicAL ANTIQUITY A. MYCENAEAN PERIOD B,. GREECE IN THE ALPHABETIC PERIOD C. ITALY AND ROME D. CELTS, GERMANS AND OTHERS E. RELIGIOUS USE OF WRITING

A. MyCENAEAN PERIOD In the 2nd millennium BC, various syllabic scripts were used in Greece, on Crete and on Cyprus (> Greece, Writing systems; > Cypro-Minoan Scripts). Most likely, only + Linear B was used for the Greek language. None of them played a role in the transmission of literature, since syllabic scripts with signs only for open syllables (as Linear B) are not suitable for elaborate texts that go beyond stereotypes. It is remarkable that this type of script survived on Cyprus as the ~ Cypriot script into the Hellenistic Period, apparently due to the fact that the tradition never broke off completely. B. GREECE IN THE ALPHABETIC PERIOD Presumably in the early 8th cent. BC, the Greek alphabet (— Alphabet II., with table) was created as the first purely phonemic script. It was probably the result of a co-operation between (at least) a Phoenician and a Greek (the latter from Athens or Euboea?). Since then, it has branched off and developed in multiple ways in an unbroken tradition. Very early, certainly still in the 8th cent., the Etruscan alphabet (see below C.) and in the East at least the Phrygian alphabet (> Asia Minor VI. Alphabetic scripts) split off. The alphabet was immediately used for the ‘classical’ types of > inscriptions, esp. for — architectural inscriptions, owner inscriptions, ~ honorary inscriptions and > funerary inscriptions as well as religious > votive inscriptions and (a little later) defixionum tabellae (see below IV. and —> defixio). In addition, it also served literary purposes almost from the beginning (— Literacy/Orality), a fact that was reflected in remarkably numerous early Carmina epigraphica (e.g. the Nestor Cup inscription from Ischia CEG 454 and the Dipylon inscription from Athens CEG 432, both from the 8th cent.). Writing was also used for archival purposes (> Archive) early on. Furthermore, the Greek alphabet was used to record numbers (number systems). The direction of writing (> Writing, direction of)

was at first from right to left following the semitic model. From c. 600 BC, the direction from left to right began to dominate. For the rendition of verses, a division into lines (stichic) was common from early on (as on the Nestor Cup). Prose texts on the other hand were usually written in scriptio continua, longer texts in boustro-

phédon (that is, as in ploughing: In the ‘real boustrophédon’ the signs of two lines are always placed head to foot, in the ‘false boustrophéd6n’ head to head and foot to foot). Approximately in the mid 6th cent., a technique referred to as stoichédén became popular, in which the texts were fit into a table with the same number of signs per line (regardless of word and sylla-

77%

ble boundaries); this protected the texts from falsifications through corrections, insertions or deletions. At first, the marking of paragraphs (e.g. through horizontal lines) and the punctuation of words (more precisely: units of accents) or of word groups (often syntactical units) were the only divisions [x]. Beginning in the 4th cent. BC, more reading aids were added such as sentence punctuation, accents, spiritus or breathing, etc, esp. on > papyrus (cf. [2] and > punctuation). Various

writing styles developed early; as early as in the 6th cent., clear differences between, for instance, carefully

chiseled stone inscriptions and hastily painted vase inscriptions can be observed [3. 15-19]. At first, various local Greek alphabets were used that were clearly distinguishable in the shape of their letters and in their writing systems (the sequence of signs and their attribution to phonemic values) but that still could be read with relative ease by readers from the other locales. However, this variety on such a basic level probably prohibited the development of actual cursives (see the Berezan lead letter, LSAG pl. 80.1, c. 500 BC).

In the sth cent., the East Ionic alphabet began to dominate due to the increasing importance of literature (esp. + Homerus [z]). The combination can be found on Attic vases [3. 176-182; 4. 41-49]). Under > Euclides [x], the East Ionic alphabet was declared to be obligatory for official use in Athens in 403/402; it established itself in the Greek world in the 4th cent. and developed (as documented by papyri) cursive variations, which became the starting-points for later writing styles. C. ITALY AND ROME After the adoption of the alphabet by the Euboean colonists of Pithecussae (Ischia) and its surroundings through Campanian Etruscans (> Etrusci I. H.), the alphabet spread among the peoples of Italy in the 7th and 6th cents. (— Italy, alphabetical scripts, with tables). The Etruscans and almost all the Indo-European language communities that adopted their alphabets maintained the direction from right to left, only the Romans changed it to writing from left to right in c. 500 BC and at the same time modernized the shape of several letters (e.g. the M with four strokes instead of five), both doubtlessly following the Greek model and in conscious distinction from the Etruscans (cf. the > Duenos inscription still in Etruscan style). The adoption of the Greek writing style continued in the 4th cent., and various orthographic characteristics that were introduced at the beginning of the literary era (from the mid 3rd cent.) can be understood best through a Greek model (Greeks in Latium and Rome) [5. 125, 144, 324-333, 338-342, 497-504]. At that time, the first forms of the cursive (esp. for E and" for F, both of unknown origin) developed that are characteristic for the Latin small

wax plates, the defixionum tabellae as well as the Pompeian graffiti.

(Ne)

774

D. CELTS, GERMANS AND OTHERS

On the Iberian Peninsula, the alphabet was used for the development of further individual scripts (> Hispania, III. Writing systems; + Decipherment II.), for instance, for the language of the + Celtiberi. In Gallia, the Celts used the Greek alphabet (if at all; Caes. Gall.

6,14,3) and in the Roman Period the Latin alphabet. A special case is the Irish -- Ogam script (from the 5th cent. AD).

The Germans in the south used the Latin alphabet occasionally, while in the north the + runes were created from the 2nd cent. AD (alphabet with its own sequence of signs). For the Goths, bishop Wulfila (— Ulfila) created the + Gothic script [1] following the Greek alphabet (with a few Lat. characteristics) for the purpose of his - Bible translation in c. AD 350. In the Middle East, the + Avesta script was created (3rd. cent. AD?) inspired by the Greek alphabet, but otherwise independent. Following the Greek alphabet (with the same sequence of signs) were the > Georgian (4th cent.) and the > Armenian (5th cent.) scripts. ~ Alphabet; — Writing styles; - WRITING SYSTEMS, STUDY OF 1 R. WacntTer, Evidence for Phrase Structure Analysis in

WRITING

~> prayers are extant, although we know that petitions could be written on perishable materials and left in shrines (Juv. 10,54 f.). Curse tablets and amulets perhaps best represent the original diversity of evidence (+ defixio; + phylakterion). Common among the surviving artifacts are testimonies to the power of a deity. These include aretalogies, the records of benefits bestowed by a god, especially associated with healing gods like Asclepius [5]; somewhat different in focus are the ‘confessional inscriptions’ from Anatolia [7]. There are also written versions of hymns performed in cultic contexts [2], and literary works like the hymns of Callimachus [3] ( Hymn). 3. Prophetic (— Prophets) or oracular texts (+ Oracles) rarely played a part in public cult, with the exception of the > Sibyllini libri in Rome. In private contexts, however, such texts seem to have been used extensively, despite the disapproval of civic authorities. In Archaic and Classical Greece, professional diviners known as chrésmologoi, ‘oracle-mongers’, used collections of oracles attributed to legendary seers like Musaeus [x], + Bacis and the > Sibyls (Aristoph. Pax 10431126; Aristoph. Av. 959-90; Hdt. 7,6,3), and in Republican Rome a collection circulated under the name

Some Archaic Greek Inscriptions, in: A.C. Cassio (ed.),

of the seer Marcius [I 2] (Liv. 25,12,2-11). Surviving

Kata Dialekton. Atti del 3. Colloquio Internazionale di

texts of this kind range from the Jewish-Christian Sibylline oracles (> Sibyllini libri, Sibyllina oracula) to the set of questions and responses known as the ‘Lots of + Astra(m)psychus’. Some of these anonymous or pseudonymous works functioned as divine revelations. 4. In the Greek world, writing used to record religious directives was largely restricted to official > calendars and to ‘sacred laws’ (leges sacrae), that is, publicly inscribed prescriptions covering such things as the regulation of shrines and the organization of public festivals [8; 11; 12]. In the Italic tradition, especially in the

Dialettologia

Greca

(1996),

1999,

365-382

(=AION,

Sezione Filol.-Lett. 19, 1997) 2E.G. Turner, Greek Manuscripts of the Ancient World, edited by P. J.PARSONS (BICS Suppl. 46), 1987, 1-23 3 H.R. IMMERWAHR, Attic Script: A Survey,1990 4 .L. THREATTE, The Grammar of Attic Inscriptions, vol. 1: Phonology, 1980 5 WACHTER.

P.T. Dantets, W.BriGutT (ed.), The World’s Writing Systems, 1996; H. GUNTHER, O.Lupwic et al. (ed.), Schrift und Schriftlichkeit, 1994-1996. R.WA.

Roman

E. RELIGIOUS USE OF WRITING

Writing played an important role in Greek and Roman religion. For heuristic purposes, we may distinguish four categories of religious uses of writing, although in practice these were not strictly separate. r. Firstly, writing was used in relaying stories about the gods (+ Myth) and in discussing the nature of the divine (+ Philosophy). Myths about gods regularly appear in ancient literature from Hesiod’s Theogonia to Nonnus’ Dionysiakd. Some scholars do not regard such texts as religious because they had no known connection with cult practices, but this distinction is problematic [3]. Speculations about the nature of the divine were a significant element in ancient philosophy, particularly in the Platonic, Stoic, and Neo-Platonic traditions. Although they had little connection with cult practices, they were influential in the development of Christian doctrine. 2. Writing was also important in expressions of piety and in personal contacts with the divine [1. 39-48]. Dedications to the gods were often recorded in inscriptions (+ Votive offerings). Fewer examples of written

tradition, written records were more impor-

tant. The public > priests of Rome kept records of their activities and their rulings on ritual law. (Cic. Dom. 136-138; Cic. Nat. D. 2,11; Cic. Div. 2,42; 73); the pontifices (> Pontifex) also kept written copies of the formulae used in various rituals, which they dictated to the magistrates (Liv. 8,9,4; 9,46,6; Plin. HN

28,11).

From the 2nd cent. BC, > antiquarians began to collect this material and produce systematic treatises on sacred law; the extent to which they built on earlier priestly systematization is uncertain [6; 10]. Copies of the official Roman calendar have been found throughout Italy; they had an important symbolic as well practical function [9]. According to [4], the increasing importance of

writing in Roman religion had the ideological function of furthering the dominance of the elite in religious matters. But written ritual prescriptions could also lend power to those outside the social and political elite. Private individuals who offered books of ritual or theogonic contents are mentioned by PI. Resp. 364e-365a; the so-called + magical papyri illustrate the importance of unofficial ritual prescriptions in the Imperial period.

WRITING

1 M.Bgarp, Writing and Religion., in: Ead. (ed.), Literacy in the Roman World, 1991, 35-58 2J.M. BREMER, Greek Hymns, in: H.S. VeRSNEt (ed.), Faith, Hope and Worship, 1981, 193-215 3 D.Freney, Literature and Religion. at Rome, 1998 4 R. GorDON, From Republic to Principate: Priesthood, Religion and Ideology, in: M. BearD, J. NorTH (eds.), Pagan Priests, 1990, 177-198

5 L.R. LiDonnici, The Epidaurian Miracle Inscriptions, 1995 6 J.LinperRskI, The Libri Inconditi, in: Id., Roman Questions, 1995, 496-523 7 G.PerTzL, Die Beichtinschriften Westkleinasiens (EA 22), 1994 8 G.M. Rocers, The Sacred Identity of Ephesus, 1991

9J.RUpKE,

Kalender

10 J.ScuErip

(ed.), Les documents

Mémoire

THe

HES

perdue:

romaine, 1998, 5-197. Suppl.

und

Recherches 11LSAM

Offentlichkeit,

1995

sacerdotaux, in: La

sur

|’administration

12LSCG

13 LSCG, J.B.R.

Writing exercises I. SourcEs

IJ. CONCEPT AND TYPOLOGY

I. SOURCES

intervals (e.g. every fifth or sixth). Exercises known as yadwvoi/chalinoi consisted of verses or words that contained all the letters of the alphabet in non-alphabetic order and were hard to pronounce (e.g.: xvaSCBux, Ouxtns oreyuo Semy/knaxzbich, thyptés, phlegmo drops). After learning the order of letters, pupils wrote their names. The next exercise consisted of repeatedly writing short texts (maxims, dicta, verses from Homer).

Whether a copy of a text is that of a pupil trying to improve his handwriting is revealed when the teacher’s model survives. Beginners can be recognized by the way they passively string letters together without being able to correct any errors that may arise. According to Quint. Inst. 1,1,28, higher education was supposed to give one a good and legible handwriting. Some school exercises provided training in a formal round writing style, which was elaborate and decorative (cf. e.g. [1. no. 256, 257, 258, 261, 262]). The fluidity and perfection for which professional > scribes strove, however, was not expected of pupils.

Writing exercises (WE) are mentioned in Greek and Latin literary sources (i.a. Plat. Prot. 326c-e; Sen. Epist.

1 R.Cripiore, Writing, Teachers and Students in GraecoRoman Egypt, 1996 2 Ead., A School Tablet from the

94,9 and 51; Clem. Al. Strom. 5,8,48,4-9; 49,1 STAHLIN; Quint. Inst. 1,1,35 and 37), according to which they were supposed to improve knowledge of the > alphabet. This was achieved by means of copying short texts (usually maxims), once or several times, following a teacher’s model. No uniform term can be obtained from the above sources; the models for WE were called broyeaunol tadiumo/hypogrammoi paidikoi or, in Latin, praescripta. The best-known are those from 3rdcent. BC to 7th-cent. AD Graeco-Roman Egypt. WE were written on wood and wax tablets, less often on papyrus. Teachers’ models and the corresponding pupils’ copies are found on — easily erasable — wax tablets (> Writing tablets). Ostraca (ceramic sherds and limestone fragments; > Ostrakon) also bear WE, but no calligraphic exercises, for which a softer surface was required.

Hearst

I]. CONCEPT AND TYPOLOGY WE were supposed to train beginners in the handling of a pen and hand-eye co-ordination; advanced pupils improved their handwriting and acquired calligraphic skills; apprentice scribes practiced for their work as professional — scribes. A great number of exercises for prospective professional scribes survive (cf. [2; 3], see also PLondinensis lit. 253; PLugdunensis Batavorum XXV, 15; PFlorentinus XXII,28-3 1): individual words and documentary formulae were practised by repetition, as well as whole documents and passages from literary texts. Little is known, however, about writing schools or the duration and terms of training. The basic training concentrated on familiarization with the alphabet: beginners wrote the whole alphabet in rows of letters; the advanced then evidently practised individual letters. In omission exercises, individual letters of the alphabet had to be skipped at particular

Museum,

in:

ZPE

107,

1995,

263-270

3 H.Harrauer, P.J.SIjpESTEIJN, Neue Texte aus dem antiken Unterricht, 1985.; R.CRIBIORE, Gymnastics of the mind: Greek Education in Hellenistic and Roman Egypt, 2001.

RG

Writing materials I. WRITING MEDIA

II. WRITING UTENSILS

I. WRITING MEDIA

In Antiquity, a large variety of media were used as writing support. Modern scholarship divides them into inorganic and organic materials. A. INORGANIC B. ORGANIC A. INORGANIC An inorganic medium for writing is natural rock on which inscriptions were chiselled; they are found in Egypt and in the mountains of to the east Mesopotamia from the 2nd half of the 3rd millennium BC. An early example from Greece are the inscriptions of > Thera (IG XII 3,5 36-601; 1410-1493) from the end ofthe 8th cent. BC. Alongside natural rock, the walls, pillars, columns, and pylons of temples and other public buildings were used to inscribe temple rules, legal texts, etc. Of the greatest importance are Egyptian temples and numerous tombs with at times very detailed ritualistic, historical, and autobiographical texts that range in date from the Early Period to the Roman Period. In Mesopotamia, where rock was sparse, texts that were deemed particularly important, such as > treaties (the so-called Stele of the Vultures), documents about land grants (kudurrus), reports of exceptional military campaigns or collections of laws (the so-called Codex of Hammurabi; + Cuneiform, legal texts in) were chiselled in stone, esp. on diorite. Legal texts from Greece

DEE

778

include the Cretan inscriptions from Drerus (2nd half of the 7th cent. BC) and similar texts from > Gortyn (6th cent. BC). In the early 6th cent. BC, the first Greek inscriptions on four-sided stone pillars begin to appear (> Stele, + Inscriptions). - Marble was the material of

important writing support and was used often, along

choice, although stone (limestone, etc.) was used in the

absence of marble or when it was too expensive. Furthermore, inscriptions can be found on all types of funerary monuments (sarcophagi, tombstones, funerary altars; > Funerary inscriptions). Another medium was pottery which could be inscribed with the names of the represented persons and artists, + kalos inscriptions, personal messages, the price of the respective piece, as well as the content. The oldest

WRITING MATERIALS

with steles and rock, for treaties (i.a. the Hittite treaty between Kurunta and TuthalijaIlV from Hatti, 13th cent. BC, which was found in Bogazkéy; e.g., cf. Paus. 5523.33 Thuc. 5,47,11; Suet. Vesp. 8,5). Inscribed bronze panels have survived in various ways, for instance from - Olympia. B. ORGANIC Papyrus was used as a writing support primarily in Egypt, where it was also best preserved (s. > Papyrus). -> Plinius [1] mentions books made from bast and palm leafs (Plin. HN 13,69), while Roman authors frequently mention books made from linen (libri lintei, Plin. HN

Greek inscriptions on pottery start to appear in the 2nd

TRSO9; MLV I4 57a

half of the 8th cent. BC at the Dipylon Gate (+ Dipylon

SHA Aurelius 1,7; —> flax). They contained sacred texts, official lists of civil servants, and were also used in the

Painter) in Athens, in + Rhodos, and - Pithecussae

(Ischia). Shards of pottery and flat stones, a virtually free material for short messages, have survived in large numbers (> Ostrakon). Even doors and the plastering on walls of rooms and houses were used for personal or official messages (> Advertizing): an early record for this is the Aramaic Bileam text from the 8th cent. BC on the wall of a cultic room in Dair ‘Alla (Jordania). Numerous finds have survived from the cities destroyed by the eruption of Vesuvius as well (> Herculaneum, — Pompeii). Clay was the material of choice in the cuneiform cultures of Mesopotamia, Syria, Anatolia, and Iran for all types of texts from the earliest beginnings. The tablet was usually only dried, though on rare occasions it was fired (e.g. for library or archival purposes). In the 2nd half of the 2nd millennium BC, clay tablets were used for the > Linear A und — Linear B scripts current in Crete (and Pylos). Some clay writing supports from the rst millennium BC have survived from Cyprus. In the 7th cent. BC, numerous, usually heartshaped, documents (so-called dockets) were inscribed with the Aramaic consonant script. + Glass was used less frequently as a writing support. We have pieces of glass with the names of the workshop owners or of the represented persons, with aphorisms or toasts, particularly from the Roman Period. Among metals, + gold and = silver were less common. Examples include a few cuneiform royal inscriptions in Assyrian and Old Persian, the Phoenician and Etruscan dedications of Tefarie Veliunas from Pyrgi, and small Greek silver and gold curse tablets. The original of the treaty

between Ramses II and Hattusili II of + Hattusa (1259 BC), which was inscribed on a silver panel, is not extant. > Zinc was rare as a medium for writing (Paus. 4,26,8). Finds include two scrolls from the caves of + Qumran. — Lead was also used, e.g. for Assyrian building inscriptions and, in the Greek area, for questions directed at the oracle of Zeus in» Dodona. Curse tablets (> defixio) made of lead also survive. Lead was apparently also popular for correspondence, for instance in the rst millennium BC, inscribed with Luvian hieroglyphs. Longer texts could also be written on lead (Paus. 9,31,4; Plin. HN 13,69). > Bronze was a very

seasA

7sweAezO, Soedeaasn analaOG;

private sphere, e.g. for family chronicles. An extant text of this type is the Zagreb Mummy Text (roo BC; — Book A.; > liber linteus). One of the most important materials used for writing on was + wood which was inscribed in Egypt, in Mesopotamia, and among the Hittites in Anatolia as early as the 2nd millennium BC and then throughout all Antiquity, in the shape of small manageable tablets with texts of all types. Several kinds of wood were available. The wooden tablets were inscribed in two ways: an area within the frame was slightly recessed and coated with wax that was hardened with additives, and the text was scratched on with a > stylus (> Diptychon). Alternatively, they were painted white and inscribed with > ink. In Greece and Rome, official notices, texts of general interest, council decisions, decrees, accounting statements, lists of victors, and contracts were written on white-washed wooden tablets (\evxwua/ leukoma, Lat. album) that were displayed in the entrance halls of temples and office buildings or on public squares. Exceptionally, private messages could also be made public on wooden tablets (Diog. Laert. 6,33). Noteworthy are the wooden posts (&&ovec/axones), the panels with the laws of — Solon [1], which could be turned on an axis (Paus. 1,18,3, cf. Plut. Solon 25).

Another material that was particularly common in the Near East was > leather (cf. the Persian chronicles

are referred to as Baotxal dupSéeavbasilikai diphtherai, Diod. 2,32,4). The Ionians seem to have been the

first to have adopted leather as a writing support (> Skytale), followed by the other Greeks, until > papyrus and - parchment became available (Hdt. 5,5 8,3)- Leather was also used in the Italy. For instance, Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,58 reports that contracts were commonly written on cow-hides. > Ivory was used as a writing support relatively early on, for example: a diptychon with an omen text from Nimrud/Kalhu, a small box with a Phoenician inscription from Ur (KAI 29), and a writing tablet from Marsiliana d’Albegna. The ivory > diptychs which originated in the Late Imperial Period and were given as gifts by consuls or high magistrates became very famous. Mart. 14,5 informs us

WRITING

MATERIALS

that the white ivory was inscribed with black paint or ink (cf. the libri elephantini, SHA Tac. 8,1 f.). In rare cases, texts or signs were applied to unusual

media: in Babylon, male and female slaves were marked at the wrist, animals on the fur, slaves on the scalp (Hdt. 5535) or the sand in which + Demetrius [2] wrote a message with a lance (Plut. Demetrius 4). II. WRITING UTENSILS A hard metal pen sufficed for texts that were carved into a hard base. These scratched-on inscriptions can be found primarily on > ostraka and vases. A sharpened reed pen was used for inscribing cuneiform tablets. In the prehistoric period, the round end of the stylus was used for the number signs. A stylus was used for inscribing wax-covered wooden tablets (— Stylus, > Writing tablets). It had a pointed end for engraving the text while the other end was wide like a putty knife for smoothing the wax when corrections were necessary. A brush-like rush or > pen and ink were used to write on papyrus, parchment, and whitened or un-waxed wooden tablets. Ink was available in two colours: black ink (uétav/mélan, Lat. atramentum) consisted of soot (from ovens or wood resin) mixed with water and gum arabic; red ink was made from > cinnabar (xtwwvéBaev kinndbari, Lat. cinnabaris) or minium (uiAtoc/miltos, Lat. — minium). Ink was stored in small pots (uekavddytov/melandéchion, Lat. atramentarium) a considerable number of which survive, esp. from the Roman Period: cylindrical cans of clay or bronze witha small opening for dipping the pen. Occasionally, they are found in pairs for black and red ink. There was also gold and silver ink, and in Late Antiquity and in the Byzantine Period green, blue and yellow ink. Crimson ink was used by the Byzantine emperors to sign their decrees (Cod. Just. 1,23,6). > Album [2]; — Book; > Codex; > Cryptography; ~ Linear B; > Papyrus; > Parchment; > Scroll; > Skytale; > Writing tablet H.Huncer, Die Uberlieferungsgeschichte der antiken Literatur und der Bibel, #1961, 21-43; A.Kisa, Das Glas im Altertume, vol. 3, 1908, 923-967; H.BLANCK, Das Buch in der Antike, 1992, 40-63; E.B. DUSENBERY, Samo-

thrace II. The Nekropoleis.

Catalogues of Objects

1,

1998, 1148-1168; S. BRETON-GRAVERAU, D. THIBAULT (ed.), L’aventure des écritures. Matiéres et formes (Exhibition Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale 1998/9), 1998; O.Mazat, Griechisch-rémische Antike (Geschichte der Buchkultur, vol. 1), 1999, 61-98; D. Dir1GER, The Book before Printing; M.Manict, P.F. MuNArO, Ancient and Medieval Book Materials and Techniques, 1993. RH.

Writing styles I. DEFINITION II. Cursive

780

MID

IJ. GREEK WRITING STYLES

I. DEFINITION The concept of writing styles (WS) is used in Greek palaeography to classify certain frequently used and

constantly recurring script types. The concept of style (or style levels or stylization level) also encompasses the various calligraphic levels of a hand. In Latin palaeography, however, WS are rarely talked of; instead, stylization or the type of a script are used to differentiate PE. between book hands. IJ. GREEK WRITING STYLES A. CLASSIFICATION B. MINUSCULES

A. CLASSIFICATION Since the work of Turner [5], the following criteria are taken into account when classifying the WS of Greek MSS, at least those of the first four cents. AD (the older material is not sufficiently informative): a) degree of formalization of the hand; b) speed of execution; c) skill; d) size of the hand; e) character typology; f) slant; g) position of the characters between two notional lines (bilinearity) or two written lines (interlineation or upper-line and lower-line hands). Three main groups of book hands are distinguished: r) informal round hands; 2) formal round hands; 3) formal mixed hands

[5. 20-3]. In the above formal groups (2) and (3), Turner dis-

tinguished

between

different types, referred to by

Cavallo [1] as stili or canoni. WS (stili) and script can-

ons (canoni) started to develop from the 3rd cent. BC onwards, when the production of papyrus rolls began in earnest. The high level of writing activity resulted in graphic innovations; scripts arose which lent themselves to classification in stylistic categories (classi stilistiche). We can speak of a WS when the most frequently recurring characteristics form a system, and a group of scripts possesses a clear common structure. Despite relatively strict rules, a style may display variations that can be ascribed to an as yet unstandardized script system. The book hands from the period between the rst cent. BC and the 3rd cent. AD include the ‘epsilon-theta’ style [2], the > ‘severe style’ and the so-called stile intermedio (‘intermediate style’) [4]. The scripts subsumed under the term — ‘ornamental style’ cannot be regarded as constituting a style in the sense understood by Cavallo; this term was invented by Schubart,

who (in common with other palaeographers) used the term ‘style’ in a much broader sense to describe any group of scripts which, while displaying overall similarity, does not fit within a system [4]. The transition from different styles to canons of scripts can be observed from the 2nd cent. AD onwards. Such canons comprise nothing more than WS which lost their original spontaneity, and continued to exist for centuries in fixed typological forms. Examples are the round majuscule (also called the ‘Roman uncial’), the Biblical majuscule, the vertical and the right-sloping ‘pointed-arch’ majuscule, and the Alexandrian majuscule (+ Uncials; cf. > Majuscule). 1 G. CAVALLO, Fenomenologia ‘libraria’ della maiuscola greca: stile, canone, mimesi grafica, in: BICS 19, 1972,

131-140

21d., Lo stile di scrittura ‘epsilon-theta’ nei

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782

papiri letterari, in: CE 4, 1974, 33-36 3 G.MENCI, Per Videntificazione di un nuovo stile di scrittura libraria greca, in: Atti del XVI Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia, vol. 1, 1984, 51-56 4 W.ScHusart, Griechische Palaographie, 1925 5 E.G. TURNER, Greek Manuscripts of the Ancient World, +1987.

G. CavaLLo, La scrittura greca libraria tra i secolila.C.—I d.C. Materiali, tipologie, momenti, in: D. HARLFINGER, G. Prato (ed.), Paleografia e codicologia greca, 1991, vol. I, 11-29; vol. 2, pl. 1-24; Id., Scritture ma non solo libri, in: Id. (ed.), Scrivere libri e documenti nel mondo antico, 1998, 3-12.

G.M.

B. MINUSCULES Minuscule scripts (+ Minuscule) have broadly the same characteristics as majuscule scripts (+ Majuscule), but with the addition of features such as > liga-

tures and other ornamental graphic forms. The first of the important WS and stylizations, apart from the first attempts at stylization of the Early Minuscule in the Levant, and in the circle of the Studiou Monastery in Constantinople (8th—9th cents.), is the socalled + ‘Anastasius style’ (end of the 9th cent.). roth-

cent. styles worthy of note are the > *bouletée script’ and the > ‘pearl script’, and, in the 2nd half of the 13th cent., the so-called — ‘beta-gamma style’ and the — ‘grease-drop script’. From the turn of the 13th cent. onwards, the canonized forms of the ‘pearl script’ were revived as an — archaizing script; this includes the ‘Hodegon style’ (named after the monastery of the same name in Constantinople; - Minuscule), whose influence can still be discerned in the 15th and 16th cents. Of the scholarly scripts of the 1st half of the 14th cent., the ~ ‘Metochites style’ is especially important. > Humanist scripts of the 15th and 16th cents. often revived older styles and trends. Clearly characterized, distinct WS developed in some former provinces of the Eastern Roman Empire. Among the Greek > South Italian minuscule scripts, it is possible to distinguish the Reggio style, used in northeastern Sicily and Calabria (early of the r2th—14th cents.), the Rossano style (11th—12th cents.), and the stylizations of Nilus of Rossano (t 1004) and his school (the so-called Scuola niliana). Two styles developed in

the region around Otranto, one typified by square characters (11th—12th cents.), the other by more ‘baroque’ forms (13th-1r4th cents.). The ‘Ace of Spades’ script (zoth cent. until the rst half of the r1th cent.) can scarcely be called a style in its own right; it is characterized by an epsilon-rho ligature in the form implied by its name. Finally, various stylizations are attested in Palestine and Cyprus (cf. + Cypriot scripts), among them an ‘epsilon style’ (12th-13th cents.) and a ‘bouclée’ script (13.-14. cents.). P. CanarT, Paleografia e codicologia greca. Una rassegna P.E. bibliografica, 1991, 40-48.

Ill. CuRSIVE 1. DEFINITION IN CURSIVE

WRITING STYLES

2. STYLES AND VARIANTS

3. LAT-

1. DEFINITION The defining characteristic of cursive is the execution of all or some strokes of a character or combinations of characters in a single gesture, that is to say without the writing implement being removed from the writing surface, so as to write more rapidly, economically and functionally (‘cursive’ thus often being equated with ‘document hand’). Although labour-saving character combinations are attested in inscriptions and on wax tablets, it is writing with ink and a writing implement incorporating a fine and relatively stiff point that led to any notable acceleration of the writing process. 2. STYLES AND VARIANTS In contrast to the > majuscule and minuscule scripts (see above II. A.), clear styles are difficult to define when it comes to Greek cursive. Many Greek MSS are written in cursive hands, but it is not (yet) possible to distinguish clearly stages of development or epochs. A functional script, facilitating the writing of many characters quickly and simply, already existed in Greek Antiquity on Greek papyri (— Papyrus) and ostraka (+ Ostrakon);

owing to its use in commercial

and

everyday documents, it is also referred to as > document hand. Copies made by or for private individuals for study purposes on papyrus also reveal a more or less cursive form of script, the so-called semi-cursive; this is less joined-up, and still quite close to book majuscule. In the 4th cent. BC, the type of script used in Greek papyrus documents still corresponds to that found in literary texts; in the rst half of the 3rd cent. BC, changed administrative, social and cultural conditions resulted in a more rapid mode of writing. While the book hand continued to be based on epigraphic models, the document hand soon departed from them: the rst half of the 3rd cent. BC saw the spread of the so-called ‘Alexandrian’ or ‘Zenonian chancellery script’ (named after the archive of > Zeno [r. 41-42]). Here, the horizontal

components of the characters were pushed upwards, so that the letters appear to hang as if on a thread. Many Ptolemaic cursive scripts display this influence, while in other, more or less contemporaneous scripts, it is the verticals that were developed. > Ligatures between individual characters appear in papyri in the 2nd cent. BC. At the same time, the characters regained their proportions of height and width. In Egyptian Greek papyri of the 2nd half of the same cent., the height of the characters is more pronounced, the vertical strokes of N, T, K and I somewhat bowed, until, in the rst cent. BC, they

acquire a pronounced curve. At the same time, ligatures increasingly combine two or more characters into a single one. Three variants of cursive developed in the rst cent. AD: (x) a very small, rounded, sinuous script, with

many ligatures; (2) angular script types; (3) the so-cal-

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784

led demoticizing script type, with small and roundbodied characters, in a close-packed sequence, but with strong vertical strokes, extensions and flourishes. In the 2nd cent. AD, the elegant book majuscule of ‘Roman uncial’ or ‘round majuscule’ influenced Greek cursive: the so-called ‘Roman cursive’ is characterized by rounded, clear character forms with few ligatures and distortions. Greek cursive displays a new development in the letter of the prefect Subatianus Aquila of AD 209 (PBerolinensis 11532): narrow, rectilinear vertical strokes are interrupted by small rings and ‘eyes’ on the top line [2]; Schubart [4. 73] called this style ‘lattice’ hand. Another type, which became widespread in the course of the 2nd cent., displays considerable innovations in some characters; the characters slope to the right. At the end of the 2nd cent., Latin influence on Greek

onwards, scribes in the service of the Roman administration were using only rapidly executable character forms for any unified set of official documents, thus excluding the more complex forms. In the middle of the 3rd cent., cursive therefore divided into a bureaucratic or chancellery script and an everyday script for private documents. In 367, the distinction between these two scripts, the litterae coelestes (literally ‘celestial characters’, then already the exclusive prerogative of the imperial chancellery) and the litterae communes (literally ‘common characters’), was legally affirmed by a rescript of Valentinian and Valens (Cod. Theod. 1,19,3). While chancellery script was used in the imperial chancellery, after the abolition of Latin as a written language in the Byzantine Empire, cursive survived in everyday script (or ‘new cursive’). With the end of political unity and the administrative structures of the Roman Empire in the West, ‘new cursive’ assumed a cohesive role there. From the 7th cent. onwards, cursive — written slowly — was also used in many stylistic variants as a book hand, but only a few of these forms made the transition to calligraphy. The spread of > ‘Carolingian minuscule’ as the generally used book hand resulted in a period of decline for cursive. As early as the 920s, Carolingian minuscule penetrated some parts of documents (e.g. the datum) in

WRITING STYLES

cursive increased, initially in military documents, later

also in administrative and judicial documents, which, after Diocletian (end of the 3rd cent.), were no longer written exclusively in Latin. The four-line system of Latin > minuscule also determined the development of Greco-Byzantine cursive in the 4th cent.; this script is marked by frequent infringements of the two-line rule by flourishes and extensions of strokes, as well as superfluous, synthetic ligatures. Some characters take the form of analogous Latin counterparts (a = a; 6 = d; n = h). The stiff form of 4th-cent. Greek cursive (comparable to the contemporary Coptic script) was evidently due to bilingual scribes. During the following centuries, cursive aligned itself primarily with the four-line system, and was dominated by ligatures. In Arab usage (7th to 8th cents.), Greek document hand often anticipated the minuscule form of the later Middle Ages [3]. ~ Ligature; > Majuscule; > Minuscule; > Papyrus 1 G. MEssERI SAVORELLI, R. PINTAUDI, Documentie scritture, in: G. CAVALLO, E. Criscti et al. (ed.), Scrivere libri e

documenti nel mondo antico, 1998, 39-53 2 G.CaVALLO, La scrittura del PBerol. 11532, in: Aegyptus 45, 1965, 216-249 3J.IRIGOIN, De l’alpha a l’oméga, in: Scrittura e Civilta 10,1986,7-19 4 W.SCHUBART, Griechische Palaographie, 1925.

A. BLANCHARD, Les origines lointaines de la minuscule, in: La paléographie grecque et byzantine, 1977, 167-173; P. Decnl, La scrittura corsiva greca nei papiri e negli ostraca greco-egizi (IV secolo a.C.-III d.C.), in: Scrittura e civilta 20, 1996, 21-88; G. MESSERI SAVORELLI, R. PINTAUDI, s. [1]; R.SE1DER, Paladographie der griechischen Papyri, vol. 1.1: Urkunden, 1967; Id., Palaographie der

griechischen Papyri, vol. 3.1: Urkundenschrift I, 1990. G.M.

3. LATIN CURSIVE The oldest Latin cursive displayed a multitude of forms; it embodied a coherent system of — ligatures which continued in use until the end of the 12th cent. Increasingly in the rst and 2nd cents., new character forms (ever more labour-saving, and morphologically more sophisticated) joined the existing stock without replacing it. From the beginning of the 3rd cent.

the imperial chancellery (where clerics, thus scribes schooled in book hand, were also active), and, operat-

ing as a norm, brought about the elimination of cursive’s fastest character combinations. This process had progressed so far in Germany in the 2nd half of the 9th cent. that Carolingian minuscule entirely drove out the cursive of the Late Roman tradition, a few stylistic elements aside. ‘New cursive’ persisted longer in Italy than elsewhere, either due to the conservative habits of powerful associations of notaries, or due to its exclusive and intensive use in private documents. However, even here the book hand brought about a progressive reduction in the forms of character and ligature between the rith and rath cents. Exceptions to this process were those territories in Southern Italy where Carolingian minuscule arrived very late, and with a varying degree of regional penetration, thus not posing a threat to ‘new cursive’, which was still being used there in the 13th cent. in quite antiquated forms for documents and books. Towards the end of the rath cent. and during the course of the 13th, the growing everyday requirement for documents, and more frequent use of writing (also by new groups of writers), led to a renewal of cursive, which regained its independence from book hand. Essential to this development was the advent of a new system of ligatures, complementing those inherited from the traditional Roman system: ligatures that depended on character form, and were executed sine virgula et superius (i.e. the final horizontal stroke of a character is linked to the first vertical stroke of the following character) were now joined by those executed virgulariter et inferius (in the case of characters that

785

786

finish with a descending vertical stroke). The link with the following character was now obtained with an upward movement by means of an element not belonging to the structure of the character. As had already been the case in the 7th and 8th cents., from the end of the 13th cent. (and increasingly in subsequent centuries) this renewed cursive was stylized and written vertically, with a relatively broad pen, just as the littera textualis (> Gothic script [2]), and also used for copies of literary texts, most often in national languages. At the beginning of the 15th cent., the trend among Florentine and Venetian Humanists to restore the littera antiquae formae (i.e. the Late Carolingian script), and to imitate r1th- and r2th-cent. models, also embraced the cursive that had now been elevated to the status of a book hand, thus resulting in a script that, while having

had been customary from the 6th cent. BC, and were

no real traditional basis, was felt to be an alternative to

the antiqua; at least initially it was used for copies of little formal importance, but at the beginning of the 15th cent. this cursive was also increasingly used for documents, notably those produced in the most important chancelleries. At the hands of gifted copyists it became a refined instrument for the production of luxury editions; in the first years of the 16th cent., through the medium of Aldus Manutius’ typeset, a form of this cursive not too far removed from that used in MSS was adopted by the new craft of book-printing. — WRiTING/TYPOGRAPHY E. CASAMASSIMA, Litterulae latinae, in: $. CaRoTI, $. ZAMPONI, Lo scrittoio di Bartolomeo Fonzio, 1974, IX—XXIII; Id., Tradizione corsiva e tradizione libraria nella scrittura latina del Medioevo, 1988; E. CASAMASSIMA, E. STARAZ,

Varianti e cambio grafico nella scrittura dei papiri latini, in: Scrittura e civilta 1, 1977, 9-110; J.MALLoN, Paléographie romaine, 1952; A. Mastruzzo, Ductus, corsivita, storia della scrittura, in: Scrittura e civilta 19, 1995,

403-464; J.WaRDROP, The Script of Humanism, 1963. T.DR.

Writing tablets. The use of wooden tablets (5é)to0 Writing). In this context, the Homeric epic (Hom. Il. 6,168—170) speaks ofamiva& wtuxtoc/pinax ptyktos (cf. Hdt. 7,239: dedtiov dintuxov/ deltion diptychon). The folding wooden tablet (> Diptychon) consisted of two panels connected with a hinge; their inner sides, covered with a layer of wax, were written on. In addition to closable tablets, there were also single tablets of various materials, such as wood, ivory (e.g. the tablets from Marsiliana d’Albegna

[x. 154 no. 203]) or metal (Soph. Trach. 683); the term déltos was also used to describe an entire collection of written materials (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,27,3) or a book (Batr. 3). Déltos was in addition the word for bronze tablets (+ Writing materials) on which treaties

and laws were kept; in the Greek world, these tablets

WRITING, DIRECTION OF

used elsewhere in Etruria and Rome (cf. Suet. Vesp. 8,53

Plin. HN 34,97). The term EvAa/xyla is also recorded for the Archaic period, and laws were painted on these planks of wood (Diod. Sic. 9,27,4). In addition — particularly in Athens — there were tablets covered with plaster (oavidec/sanides) that were used for announcing proposed laws or amendments, lawsuits in process (Aristoph. Vesp. 349; 848; Aischin. Or. 3, 39) or public debtors (Demosth. Or. 25,70). The Latin terms for WT were pugillares (Plin. Ep. 6,5,8; Amm. Marc.

28,4; 28,13), pugillaria (Catull.

42,5), codicilli (Plin. HN. 16,155) or simply tabellae (Ov. Am. 1,11,23-28); these WT were used for messages of all kinds (e.g. Prop. 3,23; Plin. HN 13,88). The corresponding Latin term for diptychon was tabella duplex (e.g. Suet. Aug. 27,4). Bronze > military diplomas, consisting of two closable WT, should also be mentioned. ~ Book; + Codex; > Diploma; - Letter; > Military diplomas; — Pen; > Stylus; + Writing materials 1 M. CyGIELMAN (ed.), Etrusker in der Toskana. Ausstel-

lung Museum fiir Kunst und Gewerbe, Hamburg, 1987. A.HEuBECK, Schrift (ArchHom 3), 1979, X 143-1453 A.K. Bowman, The Vindolanda Writing Tablets (Tabulae Vindolandenses 2), 1994; H.BLANCK, Das Buch in der Antike, 1992, 46-51; W.ScHUBART,

Griechen und Romern, 31961.

Das Buch bei den

RH.

Writing, direction of I. Greek

II. LATIN

I. GREEK The direction of writing in the earliest Greek > inscriptions is not fixed; i.e both single and multiple line inscriptions can begin on the left or the right and are continued in the same direction ([3. 44] versus [5. 141]). Similarly, and this right from the beginning, we have texts that are written boustrophédon (‘turning like a team of oxen in ploughing’) (and even in what is probably the earliest of all stone inscriptions, CEG 433: 8th cent. BC): it begins (in the case in question) on the right in the first line and continues leftwards in the second line (and so on, alternately) [2. 119]. Paus. 5,17,6 describes such a boustrophédon inscription on the ~» Cypselus Chest. It is only after the 4th cent. BC that this favoured manner of writing seems to have gone out of fashion [3. 49]. Occasionally, vertical boustrophedon is also found. Less frequent still is the combination of boustrophédon with a way of writing in which the letters are carefully arranged in columns one under another (stoichédon, ‘in rows’) [3. 50]. The earliest Greek hexameters recorded epigraphically run from right to left (CEG 432: 740-720 BC; CEG 454: 535-520 BC); -» Linear B is written left to right.

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788

II. LATIN The direction of writing in the earliest Latin inscriptions [6. 29] is downwards (CIL I* 3 and 4) or boustrophédon (CIL F° 1 and 5), while that of the linguistically related > Oscan-Umbrian language changes, as a rule, according to the alphabet used [7. 3; 4. 527]. Inscriptions in Etruscan or the national indigenous alphabet are usually written from right to left, while the text moves from left to right in inscriptions using the Greek and Latin alphabets. Etruscan itself occurs in both directions [1].

2,12,504a 11-19; Aristot. Part. an. 4,12,695a 23 fe Plin. HN 11,256), and was called ivyE/iynx or xivatdoc/ kinaidos (literally ‘lewd person’) or xwvaidvow/kinaidion (Hesych. s.v.), with the Latin loanwords iunx (Laevius fr. 27,3) or iynx. Ael. NA 6,19 has a flute imitate its unique call. With its long tongue and thin beak it catches insects. According to Dionysius (Ixeuticon 1,23 [x]), it thus catches ants. In Greece, wrynecks were used in love spells from at léast as early as the 6th cent. BC. For Pind. Nem. 4,35 and Aesch. Pers. 987, the bird embodies mutual attraction and desire. In Theocritus’ [2] Id. 2, the zynx is invoked in a nine-times repeated incantation by a girl in order to attract her beloved to her house (cf. Anth. Pal. 5,204). For this a living bird, or a piece of wool as a substitute, was tied to a spoked wheel (6dufoc/> rhombos; cf. > Iynx [1]; > Magic, esp. III. C. 1) which was then rotated (schol. Pind. Pyth. 4,214; cf. Prop. 2,28,35 and 3,6,26; Ov. Am. 1,8,7; [2. 127, ill.]). Aphrodite herself is supposed to have created the wryneck to help + Jason [1] win - Medea from Olympus [1] (Pind. loc.cit.). A gem in Berlin [3. pls. 21,21; 4. fig. 20] shows this scene. According to Callimachus (fr. 685 PFEIFFER), Hera turned Echo’s daughter Iynx into this bird to protect Zeus from her advances.

WRITING, DIRECTION OF

1 M. CrisToranl, Sull’origine e la diffusione dell’alfabeto etrusco, in: ANRW I 2, 1972, 466-489

Schrift (Archaeologia 3 L.H. Jerrery, The *z990 «64 A. ManieT, 12,1972, 522-592 matik, vol. 1,1939

2 A.HEUBECK,

Homerica 3 X), 1979 Local Scripts of Archaic Greece, La linguistique italique, in: ANRW 5 E.ScHwyzeER, Griechische Gram6SOMMER/PFISTER 7 VETTER. GE.SCH.

Writing, inclination of. In the history of Greek and Latin palaeography attention has only lately focused on the inclination of writing. The first serious work on the subject and its definition was by J. MALLON [1]. His studies on the change in Latin writing in the 2nd cent. AD brought him to the assumption that the transition from —> majuscule to > minuscule was due to an altered writing inclination (WI); he understood this to be the position of the writing implement relative to the intended line. According to Mallon, the alleged change of WI was brought about by the writing material: the increasingly popular > parchment codex — in contrast to the papyrus > scroll — permitted the writer a new (more comfortable) handling, and therefore perhaps a different angle of inclination for the > pen [1. 22, 81-82]. Sucha thesis, which seeks to make credible the changed WI as an explanation for the rise of minuscule, has been considered excessive, the more so since the underlying analyses took account only of individual elements of the writing (such as base and hairline strokes) — which, for their part, assume a broad-tipped writing implement (whereas strokes by a fixed fine tip cannot be ruled out [2]). A comprehensive definition describes WI as the angle complementary to that formed by the straight line (connecting the ends of the writing implement) and the base line [3. 25 note 3]. The WI is only one constituent element among several for evaluating a scribal ductus or a MS; its analysis should not be made absolute, nor should it be categorized as a phenomenon independent of the writer. 1 J. MALLON, Paleographie romaine, 1952

2M.PALMa,

Per una verifica del principio dell’angolo di scrittura, in: Scrittura e civilta 2, 1978, 263-273 3 G. CAVALLO, Ricerche sulla maiuscola biblica, 1967. P.E.

Wryneck. A grey-brown bird, related to the + woodpecker, which can turn its neck 180 degrees around like a snake and has two forward pointing and two backward pointing claws on each foot (Aristot. Hist. an.

—> Tynx [1] 1 A.Garzya (ed.), Dionysii Ixeuticon, 1963 2 D’ARcy W.THompson, A Glossary of Greek Birds, 1936 (repr. 1966),124-128

3 F.IMHOOF-BLUMER, O.KELLER, Tier-

und Pflanzenbilder auf Miinzen und Gemmen des klassischen Altertums, 1889 (repr.1972) 4 KELLER 2, 52-54 H. GossEn, s.v. “Ivy&, RE 10, 1384-1386

C.HU.

Wulfila (‘Wolfling’, Gr. Ovdditac/Oulphilas, also Ovedirtac/Ourphilas), born c. 311, died 382 or 383. Bishop of the Goths (> Goti), author of a Gothic translation of the Bible (> Bible translations), the most important source by far for the > Gothic language and the East-Germanic languages in general. Son of a Christian Greek mother (captured in a Gothic raid on Cappadocia) and a Gothic father. Probably in 341 (Auxentius of Durosturum in Maximinus [6], Dissertatio 34: triginta annorum episcopus est ordinatus), W. was consecrated ‘bishop of the Christians in the land of the Getae’ at the Synod of Antioch [x], but it is not clear whether his responsibility covered only the Gothic Christians or non-Gothic Christians under Gothic rule as well. During the Gothic persecutions of Christians (by > Athanaric?) in 348, W. fled across the Danube with a number of Christian convert Goths and asked to be admitted into the Roman Empire. This was granted: with the permission of Constantius [2] II the group (whose number is hard to estimate) settled as Goti minores in the area of Nicopolis [2]. In 360, W. participated at the Council of Constantinople. W. was apparently a follower of the homoians; there have also been attempts to categorize him as an Arian (> Arianism) on the basis of single observations on his

789

790

WULFILA

Bible translation (‘oa Oe@/isa thedi, ‘identical to God’, Phil 2:6, is rendered by galeiko guda, but elsewhere galeiks corresponds to the Greek 6potoc/homoios, ‘similar’; tooc/isos, ‘identical’, is translated by ibns). The life of W. is quite well attested in several sources: in Latin there is a text by his pupil Auxentius of Durosturum (end of the 4th cent.), part of a collection of Arian polemic writings, quoted as marginalia (vita stylized to follow the biblical example of David). And there are accounts in Iord. Get. 51 and Isid. Historia Gothorum 8. In Greek, the earliest sources are Philostorgius 2,5 (excerpts in Photius), Socr. 2,41 and 4,33f., Sozom. Hist. eccl. 6,37 and Theod. Hist. eccl. 4,33 (all 5th cent.; sources in [3]). Of W.’s own writings in Latin, Greek and Gothic (treatises, exegesis) nothing survives; we have only excerpts of his Bible translation (which Auxentius, in contrast to his other literary works, leaves unmentioned). Since this was a first written text, W. first had to develop an alphabetic system (> Gothic

script [1]). The scope of the translation (probably from Greek) is not entirely known (fragments survive of the

Gospels, the Epistles of Paul and a short fragment of Nehemiah); according to Philostorgius W. omitted to translate Kings, in order not to provide a Biblical justification for the Goths’ warlike tendencies. The main evidence is the so-called Codex argenteus (now in Uppsala), a purple codex of the 6th cent. which originated among the Ostrogoths; this raises the question, however, of whether there may have been an Ostrogothic edition of the original Visigothic text. + Bible translations; > Christianity; script [1]; > Visigoths

Goti; > Gothic

1 W.Krause, Handbuch des Gotischen, +1968 2A.LiprpoLp, s.v. Ulfila (rz), RE 9 A, 512-531 3 W.STREITBERG, Die gotische Bibel, vol. 2, 72000 4H.Wo.rraM, Die Goten und ihre Geschichte, 2001 5 Id., Die Goten, 42001.

VB.

x X (linguistics). In the Latin alphabet, the letter x does not designate its own phoneme, but a combination of /k/+ /s/ [x. 45]. In this form and with this meaning, x was adopted from the West Greek alphabet of Euboea (XENO®ANTO for Eevopévtov [znd plate 48.11]; — Italy, alphabetical scripts). In Greek, West Greek X always refers to the combination /k/+ /s/ (as does the East Greek letter 2), yet admittedly the etymology of the majority of words with € in initial position is unknown

Xanten see — Vetera; > Colonia Ulpia Traiana; > Ar-

chaeological park

(*ks- as in Evw ‘I scrape’ with the Proto-Indo-European

Xanthea (ZdvOeva; Xantheia). City in Thrace between the Bistonis limne (modern Lake Vistonida) and Maronea [1] on the northern coast of the > Aigaion Pelagos (Str. 7a,1,44) on the southern slopes of > Rhodope, not precisely locatable. In the Byzantine city of the same name no remains suggesting Antiquity have been discovered; it was on the > Via Egnatia (Nikephoros Gre-

root *kseu- ‘to scrape’ [3. 341 f.]).

goras 727,24; 814,19); modern Xanthi.

In East Greek alphabets, on the other hand, the letter

X designates the sound/k*/ (for which W in West Greek alphabets). This was pronounced as a voiceless aspirated velar stop up into late antiquity [4. 22 f.]. In inherited words, y goes back to g/g”, as well as g”” before u: duixdn ‘fog’, Lithuanian migla < *amighlea— cf. Sanskrit méghas ‘cloud’; dyog ‘wagon’ < *uog’o- cf. Old Church Slavonic voz; éiaybc¢ ‘small’ < *alng@'u- Cf.

éhadods ‘fast’ < °g””-r6- [6. 84,86]. In front of consonants, x furthermore represents the sequence of/ks/ (8x9e6c ‘hostile’, originally *’foreign’ — cf. Lat. extra ‘outside of [5. 326; 6. 78]), and, in rare cases, also the Proto-Indo-European group -ka2— (Greek xdoyyn ~ Sanskrit Sankhd- ’(sea)shell’ < *konko.— [5. 298]). On the representation of *g’i/g’i by Greek tw/o0, cf. > T (linguistics). x evolved from y through the dissimilation of aspirates (xéyuuau< *k’e-k'u- < *g"e-¢"u-) [6. 97]. Since Classical times, y has been represented in Latin by CH; earlier, it had been written as C (BACANAL, CIL P 581: SC de Bacchanalibus). ~ Alphabet (with chart); > Italy, Alphabetical scripts 1 W.S. ALLEN, Vox Latina, 1978 2LSAG 3 FRIsk 2 4 W.S. ALLEN, Vox Graeca, 1987 5 SCHWYZER, Gramm. 6 Rix, HGG.

GE.ME.

Xandrames (Zavdeduns/Xandrameés). Indian king (in Diod. Sic. 17,93,2; Latin Agrammes in Curt. 9,2,3; Sacram(es) in the Epitome Mettensis 68), second half of the 4th cent. BC. He was described to Alexander [4] as the most powerful king in the Ganges valley. It is therefore probably Nandrus, the last king of the Nanda dynasty in Indian sources, that is meant (+ Nandas). The account in Just. Epit. 15,4,12-19 of the fall of Nandrus Chandragupta (> Sandracottus; -» Mauryas), although differing in detail, in general agrees with the various Indian traditions. Later he was occasionally confused with Porus [3] (Lib. Or. 57,52). K.KARTTUNEN, India and the Hellenistic World, 1997, 36f.; D.Krenast, s.v. X., RE 9 A, 1331-1333; F.F. SCHWARZ, Hommages a M. J. Vermaseren, vol. 3, 1978, 1116-1142; O.STEIN, Kleine Schriften, 1985, 189-206. K.K.

S.P. KyRIAKIDIS, Heol tiv totogiav thc Oeaxnys, 1960, 27-32; P.A. Panros, ‘Iotogixt tomoyeadia tod vopnot ZadvOy,

in: Ooaxids

Keowxd

32, 1975/76,

1-26;

1978, 1-6; SOUSTAL, Thrakien, 501 f.

34,

Lv.B.

Xanthi (EavOo1; Xdnthoi). Thracian people (Hecat. FGrH 1 F 180), whose location cannot be determined; mentioned in Str. 13,1,21 in a list of Thracian/Trojan homonyms as a parallel to the River Xanthus (Hom. Il. 20,74; > Scamander) in the Troad. Lv.B.

Xanthippe (Zav0innn; Xanthippeé). {1] Daughter of Dorus, with Pleuron parent of + Agenor [3], Sterope, Stratonice and Laophonte (Apollod. 1,58). [2] Woman who fed her father Mycon in prison with her milk (Hyg. Fab. 254; the same motif with different names: Val. Max. 5,4, ext. 1; Plin. HN 7,121; Fest. 228,28-32; Solin. 1,124f.; Nonn. Dion. 26,1r01-145).

SLA. [3] Wife of the philosopher > Socrates [2]; origin unknown. It is uncertain whether she was the mother of all three of his sons or just of the eldest, Lamprocles (Xen. Mem. 2,2,1), who was a meirdkion and therefore 15-20 years old in 399 (Pl. Ap. 34d). If the ancient tradition according to which Socrates had a second wife called + Myrto [2] is to be believed, the mother of the two younger sons, Sophroniscus and > Menexenus [1], who were small children in 399 (Pl. Ap. 34d.; Pl. Phd. 116b), was probably Myrto (Diog. Laert. 2,26). The view posterity took of X. is characterized by a remark of + Antisthenes [1] in Xenophon’s Sympdsion (2,10), that X. was the most disagreeable (yoatexwtétn/chalepotaté) woman there was, had ever been or would be. The numerous anecdotes told about X. in ancient literature have been collected in [2]. Until present times the character of X. has continued to inspire authors of extremely great variety to turn their attention to her in poems, dramas and novels. 1E.ABMA,

Sokrates in der deutschen

Literatur,

1949

2 H. DoerRIE s.v. X. (4), RE 9 A, 1335-1342

3 T. Narb1, Sulle orme di Santippe. Da Platone a Panzini, 1958.

K.D.

B23.

794

Xanthippus (ZavOunnoc/Xanthippos).

+> Atilius [I 21] Regulus (Pol. 1,3 2-36; Diod. 23,14-16) [2. 233-237]. In payment for his services Carthage minted special gold coins, which are remarkable for their large denominations (25 g, 12 g) and the purity of the metal [3. 173-175]; this numismatic evidence strengthens doubt about a tendentious tradition of a murder plot against X. and his defrauding his comrades (App. Lib. 4; Val. Max. 9,6, ext. 1; Zon. 8,13). X. was also known as a military writer until late Antiquity (Veg. Mil. 3, praef.) [4. 33].

[1] Athenian from the Cholargos deme, father of Ariphron, > Pericles [1] and a daughter, born c. 520 BC, married to > Agariste [2], a niece of the Alemeonid > Cleisthenes [2]. In 489 BC X. argued as plaintiff for > Miltiades’ [2] conviction. In Aristoteles [6] X. therefore appears not only as a leading demagogue but also as an adversary of Miltiades ([Aristot.] Ath. pol. 28,2). In the spring of 484 X. was banished by > ostrakismos from Athens, perhaps as an opponent of - Themistocles’s fleet-building policy, but returned to Athens on the basis of an amnesty before the naval battle of Salamis (in 480; + Persian Wars). It is possible that in 479 he was an ambassador with + Cimon [2] and > Myronides [1] in + Sparta, in order to effect the dispatch of the Peloponnesian army to Boeotia (-> Plataeae). In the same year X. was operating as a strategos of the Athenians in an allied fleet led by the Spartan king > Leotychidas [2] in the Aegaean and made a decisive contribution to the victory against the Persians at > Mycale. While Leotychidas sailed back to Greece with the Peloponnesian contingent, X. and the Athenian squadron, together with allies from Ionia and the Hellespont, proceeded to the Chersonesus [1], conquered > Sestus in the winter of 479/8 BC, and had the infamous satrap Artayctes there crucified. A statue of X. was erected on the Athenian Acropolis (Paus. 1,25,1). TRAILL, PAA

730505. Davies,

455-57;

R.MERKELBACH,

Nochmals

das X.-

Ostrakon,in: ZPE 62, 1986, 57-62; A.J. PODLECKrI, Perikles and His Circle, 1998, 1-10; K.-W. WELWEI, Das klas-

sische Athen, 1999, 40 f., 71-76.

[2] Eldest son of > Pericles [1] from his first marriage and grandson of X. [1]. His mother, related to Pericles, later married the wealthy Hipponicus (Plut. Pericles 24,8). Despite a careful upbringing (Plat. Men. 94b) according to - Stesimbrotus (in Plut. Pericles 36,3—-6) X. had a tendency for extravagance, exacerbated further by his demanding wife, a daughter of Tisander. His relationship with his father, probably in contrast to that of his younger brother Paralus [1], was not unclouded. X. died of the ‘plague’ at the end of 430 BC, before his brother and father (Plut. Pericles 36). TratLt, PAA 730515: Davigs, 457 f.; A.J. Popteckt, Perikles and His Circle, 1998, 93; 148. WS.

[3] Son of Ampharetus from > Elatea [1], who came to

prominence in the Diadochi wars (> Diadochi, wars of the) in the defence of Phocis in 301 BC against > Cassander and in 285 against + Antigonus [2] Gonatas; for this he was honoured in Delphi with two statues, one with a eulogy (Syll.3 361 B,C; SEG 18, 1962, 197). [4] X. from Sparta [1. 314], became famous as a leader of mercenaries for > Carthage in 256/5 BC; by reforming and strictly drilling the Carthaginian army he achieved a complete victory in the first of the + Punic Wars at Tunis over Roman invasion troops under M.

XANTHUS

1 A.S. BRADFORD, Prosopography of the Lakedaimonians, 1977

2Huss

3H.R.BaLpDus, Zwei Deutungsvor-

schlage zur punischen Goldpragung im mittleren 3. Jahrhundert yv.Chr., in: Chiron 4 J. SEIBERT, Hannibal, 1993.

18,

1988,

171-179 L.-M.G.

[5] Was left by Ptolemaeus [6] III in the summer of 245 BC as ‘governor general’ [1. 84] of the “Trans Eu-

phrates’ provinces (Porphyrius FGrH 260 F 43), but was no longer able to hold the position after the return of the king. Hardly identical to X. [4]. PP V r4110?; PP VI 15060. 1 BENGTSON 2, 84, 3, 173".

B. BEYER-ROTTHOFF, Untersuchungen zur Aufenpolitik Ptolemaios’ III., 1993, 38; 191. W.A.

Xanthius (ZavOi0c/Xanthios). [1] Father of > Leucippus [3] from the > Bellerophontes family. When his daughter’s fiancé tells him that she has had a relationship with another man, in an attempt to apprehend the stranger, he — unaware that the culprit is his own son — unintentionally wounds his daughter, before inadvertently being killed by his own son (Parthenius, Narrationes amatoriae 5,1-5 according to Hermesianax).

[2] Boeotian king, killed in single combat by > Melanthus [1] by means of a trick (Schol. Plat. Symp. 208d = Hellanicus FGrH 4 F 125). Also called + Xanthus [r]. SLA. Xanthus (Zav0o0c/Xanthos). [1] Name of several male figures in Greek mythology: 1) Son of Phaenops [2], who was killed by Diomedes [1] at the gates of Troy (Hom. Il. 5,152-158). 2) Son of Triopas and Oreasis. X. received a part of Lycia; from there, he settled the deserted island of Lesbos

(Diod. Sic.

5,81,2; Hyg. Fab. 145). 3) One of the sons of Aegyptus, who is killed by Arcadia, daughter of Danaus (Hyg. Fab. 170). 4) A son of -» Niobe (Pherecydes FGrH 3 F 126). 5) King of Crete, who, according to a rare transmission, abducts - Europe [2] (Aug. Civ. 18,12). 6) According to Arcadian tradition, son of Erymanthus, grandson of - Arcas and father of Psophis (Paus. 8,24,1). 7) The Egyptian or Cretan founder of the city of X. [4] in Lycia (Steph. Byz. s. v. X.). 8) Father of Lycia who becomes the mother of Patarus with Apollo (Steph. Byz. s. v. Patara; cf. > Patara). According to another version, the brother of Patarus; both roam

XANTHUS

around as robbers and then settle in Lycia (Eust. in Dionys. Per. 129). 9) X. was also a rich citizen of Miletus whose wife Herippe is stolen by a Celtic prince. X. travels to Massalia in order to pay the ransom for his wife. The Celtic prince displays nobility in waiving the ransom (Parthenius, Erotica pathemata 8). 10) A Boeotian king is called X. as well. When Athens and Thebes fight over Oenoe, X. enters a duel with > Melanthus [1]. The latter manages to kill X. through deceit, an act that functions as an aition for the festival of - Apatouria (Ephor. FGrH 70 F 22; Konon FGrH 26 F 1,39). 11) Finally, horses of Achilleus [1] (Hom. Il. 16,149), of the Thracian Diomedes (Hyg. Fab. 30,9) and of Castor were named X. as well (Stesich. 178 PMGF). JSTE. [2] Poet (uwedonotdc/melopoids), perhaps from Magna Graecia; mentioned by > Stesichorus [1] (6th cent. BC), otherwise little is known about him. According to Ael. VH 4,26, Stesichorus wrote an adaptation of X.’ Orésteia. X. introduced —> Electra [4] into the plot of Orésteia (the name of Laodice was changed: Hom. Il. 9,145), allegedly in order to emphasize that Electra was ‘unmarried’ (&dexteoc/dlektros). According to the Homer scholar > Megaclides (Ath. 12,5 12f-513a), X. had represented Heracles in the Homeric fashion but Stesichorus changed it (magamenoinuev/parapepoieken). PMG 699-700.

796

WS

ER.

[3] X. ‘the Lydian’, lived probably in c. 450 BC, supposedly from > Sardis, author of Lydiakd which is extant in few fragments only (FGrH 765 F 12-30). Most of it is owed to Nicolaus [3] of Damascus who referred mainly to X. for the history of the Near East along with — Ctesias. As far as can be determined, X. indeed must have integrated the Lydians into the history of the Near East, more strongly so than + Herodotus [x]. The following have been traced back to X.: Nicolaus FGrH 90 F 15-16; 18; 22 (Early Lydian history), F 44-47 (from the Heraclids to the Mermads: Adyattes/CandaulesGyges), F 62-65 (Croesus) and F 66-68 (rise of Cyrus, end of the Lydian Empire). The early history of the Lydians begins with the Trojan War, the immigration of the Phrygians and the resettlement of the Mysians, whom X. took to be the descendents of the Lydians based on linguistic indications (FGrH 765 F 14-15). The field of Old Anatolian Studies arrived at the similar conclusion that the origins of the Lydians must be located in Propontic Mysia. The fact that they did not found their monarchy in Xyaris (= Sardis) until later was known to X. as well. It appears that in many areas X. might prove to be a richer historical source than Herodotus (e.g. regarding trade and crafts), perhaps an even more authentic one. The latter applies for instance to the significance of the queen within the Lydian constitution, which according to him provided for an ekklesia (‘assembly’). X. presented the legend of Niobe as originally from Lydia, the same holds true for the Amazons or the nymphs whom the Lydians would call muses. It is striking that for X., the Greeks were not as significant as for Herodotus. For instance, the so-called

‘Ionic colonization’ played no role for X., Delphi is not mentioned. It is therefore doubtful that X. and Herodotus were kindred spirits. — Lydia H.HERTER, s. v. X., RE 9 A, 1353-1374.

P.HO.

[4] (Lyc. Arfina). Residence of the dynasty and polis in ~» Lycia in the valley of the lower X. [5], ata distance of c. 8 km from the sea near modern Kinik, mythically founded by the hero X. [1, No. 7] (Steph. Byz. s. v. X.). The oldest archaeological remnants are from c. 700 BC. It was destroyed in the mid 6th cent. and integrated into the Persian Empire with the rest of Lycia (Hdt. 1,176). The Lycian acropolis and settlement wall are from the 2nd quarter of the 5th cent. BC [1. 101-107]. Furthermore, there are several cult buildings or other prestigious buildings on the acropolis and in the sanctuary of — Leto, numerous monumental tombs: tomb columns, rock graves, sarcophagi, the monumental temple grave of a 4th cent. BC dynast ((Monument of the Nereids’). X. was the residence of an important dynasty and the de facto political centre of Lycia; Kuprlli (c. 480440 BC) ruled over almost all of Lycia. X. was probably the head of the Lycian members of the + Delian League (Avxtot xal ovvtereic/Lykioi kai syntelets: ATL 3 1 30; 9 Ill 34: 452/1 and 446/5 BC). From the 2nd half of the 5th cent., a rich transmission of Lycian inscriptions (TAM I 36-51; N 44 f) and coins documents the undisputed rule of Kuprlli’s successors in X., Kheriga (c. 440-

425; probably the sponsor of the column for inscriptions TAM I 44), Kheréi (. 425-400) and Erbbina (c. 400-385); their heirs were pushed out of X. by Pericles [3]. As a consequence of their participation in the ‘great satrap revolt’, the Lycian heredetary rulers were overthrown, the Greek influence became strong under the Carian dynasty of the Hecatomnidae, and the polis was developed according to the Greek model [2]. X. was captured by Alexander [4] in 33 4/3 (Arr. Anab. 1,24,4; Plut. Alexandros 17), and thereafter came under Ptolemaic and Seleucid rule. In the 2nd cent., X. was a founding member of the > Lycian League and one of the most important poleis with three votes in the federal assembly (Str. 14,3,3 following Artemidorus; cf Str. 14,3,6), but gradually lost its position as the main city of Lycia to > Patara (cf. Liv. 37,15,6: Patara as caput gentis, ‘main city of the people’). In 43/42 BC, the city was captured by M. Iunius [I 10] Brutus (App. B Civ. 4,78 f.). The last coins were minted in its own name in c. 20 BC, from AD 43 it was part of the Roman province of Lycia, that is of + Lycia et Pamphylia. The centre of settlement was redesigned during the building of a theatre (rst/2nd cent. AD). In the 140s, X. received donations from Opramoas of + Rhodiapolis (TAM II 905; XIX Br2f.; XVII C 2). From no later than the 4th cent., X. was a diocesan town (Hierocles, Synekdemos 684,11; Not. Episc., passim), flourished into the 7th cent., then began to slowly decline. 1 TH. MarKSTEINER, Die befestigte Siedlung von Limyra, 1997 2M.Dominco GyGax, Untersuchungen zu den

797

798

lykischen Gemeinwesen in klassischer und hellenistischer

XENARCHUS

Zeit, 2001.

Scipio (Plut. Aemilius Paullus 15,10) in a report about his flanking manoeuvre prior to the battle of Pydna

Fouilles de Xanthos, 1958 ff.; E. HANSEN, Le temple de Let6 au Léetéon de X., in: RA 1991, 323-340; A. KEEN,

(168 BC). X. must therefore be dated into the rst third of the 2nd cent. BC or earlier.

Dynastic Lycia, 1998; P. DEMaRGNE,

H. METZGER, s. V.

X. (33), RE 9 A, 1375-1408.

K. ZIEGLER, Plutarchstudien, in: RhM rro, 1967, 57-63. H.A,.G,

[5] River in western Lycia (Hom. Il. 6,172), modern Egen Cay. Its older name was Sirbis (LigPu/Sirbis, Str. 14,3,6). It originates in the western slopes of the Taurus [2] and reaches the sea near > Patara.

Xeine (Eeivy/xeiné, ‘stranger’). According to Hdt. 2,112 term fora manifestation of Aphrodite, with a temple in + Memphis. Presumably it was a cult of the Syrian goddess > Astarte, i.e. ‘the Stranger’, who had been worshipped there since the Eighteenth Dynasty [z. 45]. Itis uncertain whether it can be identified with a temple of Aphrodite or Selene mentioned in Str.

Xenagorou Nesoi (Zevaydogou vijoo/Xenagorou nésoi). Island group off the western coast of Lycia: the rocky islands of Sigan (Byzantine Ochentres) and Yilan (Byzantine Dragonési) outside the bay of Kalkan between the island of Roge (Byzantine Rho) and Patara (Stadiasmus maris magni 245 f.). According to Plin. HN 5,131 (Xenagora VIII) further islands could be meant by XN. A. DExartE, Les Portulans grecs, 1947, 183, 254; F. HILD,

H.HELLENKEMPER, in: TIB 8 (Lykien und Pamphylien), 2004; H. TREIDLER, s. v. X.n., RE 9 A, 1417.

FH.

07.23% [one36]: 1 A.B. LLoyp, Herodotus, Book II, Commentary 99-182,

1988

2 J. Yoyorre, P. CHaRver, Strabon, Le voyage en

Egypte (transl. with comm.), 1997.

JO.QU.

Xenagoras (Eevayogac/Xenagoras). [1] Greek historian and geographer probably in the 3rd cent. BC (X. FGrH 240), mentioned by Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,72,5 after Callias [ro] [1. 912 f.]. It is unclear whether he was identical to X. from Heraclea [7], the father of Nymphis [1. 913; 2. 1410 f.]. He wrote a chronicle that included Egypt (F 1) and the west, esp. Sicily (F 12; 14; 15; 17; 18), probably Italy i.e. Rome as well (if F 29 is a part of the chronicle) in at least 4 bks. (title: XeOvo/Chronoi, FGrH 240 F 1). It covered the beginnings to at least the > Ionian revolt (FGrH 240 F 1 with comm.), probably up to the Hellenistic Period [2. 1411]. The 1st bk. of the chronicle was the main source for the middle part of the > Lindian Chronicle written by Timachidas, so that cultic consecrations probably played a special role [2. 1414 f.]; a certain old-fashioned simplicity of style might be explained by the old sources used by X. [2. 1415]. His work ‘On Islands’ (Ileoi vnowv/Peri néson, prob-

ably only one bk. [1. 913; 2. 1413]) was probably organized according to a ‘periegetic’ norm [2. 1415]; Cyprus (F 26a,b; F 27a,b) and Pithecussae (F 28b) are mentioned. > Chronicles C; + Periegetes, Perihegetes 1 P. CEccARELLI, I Nesiotika, in: ASNP, classe di lettere e filosofia, ser. 3, 19.3, 1989, 903-935 2 F.GISINGER, s. Vv. X. (1), RE9 A, 1409-1416

3 K. Wickert, s. v. X. (3), RE

9 A, 1416.

[2] Mathematician and geographer, son of Eumelus; he measured the height of the - Olympus [1] of Pythium [2] rather correctly as ro stadia and 96 feet (= 1789,06 m). The metric inscription referring to the measurement is documented by P. Cornelius [I 83]

Xenagos (Eevayoc; xenagos). The word xenagos was a

Spartan technical term, literally a ‘leader of foreigners’ (E€vovxénoi); this referred to the Greek allies of Sparta within the Spartan symmachy (— symmachia). Originally, a xenagos was a high-ranking Spartan officer designated to take overall command of the troops of an allied city (Xen. Ag. 2,10; Xen. Hell. 3,5,7; 4,2,19). The post of xenagos, which is first documented for the opening phase of the — Peloponnesian War (in 429 BC: Thuc. 2,75,3), was probably created soon after the + Persian Wars or shortly before 450 BC. In the 4th cent. BC, xenagoi were also in command of foreign -—>mercenaries (Xen. Hell. 4,3,15; cf.Dem. Or. 23,139); in the Hellenistic Period, officers outside Sparta were also described as xenagos [2]. The post of xenagos was additionally used to secure Spartan hegemony; when Mantinea was disaggregated (dioikismos) in 385 BC, for instance, the Spartans sent xenagoi as political officers in charge of each of the four separate villages (Xen. Hell. 5,2,7). ~» Sparta 1D.KaGan,

The Outbreak

of the Peloponnesian War,

1969, 54f. 2M.Launey, Recherches sur les armées hellénistiques, 1950 3 L. THOMMEN, Lakedaimonion Politela, 1996.

P.C.

Xenarchus (Zévaoyoc; Xénarchos). [1] Comedy writer of the (probably late) 4th cent. BC. Eight play titles (quite typical of this period) and 14 fragments have been preserved (exclusively in Athenaeus [3]). In fragment 1, a speaker (perhaps a slave, also the eponym character, Butalion) laments in exuberant dithyrambistic language, that there is no means of curing his master’s impotence [2. 263]; in fragment 4 (Mévtabdoc/Péntathlos, ‘Pentathlete’) a brothel-keeper

sings a song in praise of prostitutes and risk-free lovefor-sale [2. 323f.]; in fragment 7 (Mogpteo/Porphyra, possibly the name of a hetaira) the vile tricks of fishmongers are described.

XENARCHUS

800

7299

1PCG VII, 1989, 791-801

2 H.-G. NESSELRATH, Die

attische Mittlere Komédie, 1990.

H.-G.NE.

[2] Greek poet c. 400 BC, mentioned together with the renowned — Sophron [1] as a mime writer (— Mimos I.) in Aristot. Poet. 1,1447b 10 (even as a son of Sophron in Phot. P. 485,21 = Suda g 121 s.v. ‘Pyyivous). He is supposed to have written, at the instigation of Dionysius [1] I, a satirical poem on the alleged cowardice of the inhabitants of > Regium (Phot. ibid., cf. Zenob. Vulgata 5,83). No fragments survive. According to Suda o 871 s.v. Zwtddy¢, X. had written Iovixoi AoyovIonikoi ldgoi (‘Ionic speeches’) in a style comparable to that of > Sotades [2] ina later period (pAvaxec xai xivardouvphlyakes kai kinaidoi, ‘tragic burlesques and obscene verse’); the mimes mentioned by Aristotle [6] seem to have been metrical compositions that contained a dramatic mimeésis of a rather humorous nature. In Plut. Nikias 1,3 the historian Timaeus [2] is compared to X. in an unflattering way. A. OLIviERI, Frammenti della commedia greca e del mimo nella Sicilia e nella Magna Grecia, 1947, 143-146; PCG], 2001, 254f. W.D.E.

[3] Achaean from Aegira, stratégds of the Achaean League (— Achaeans) in 175/4 BC, like his brother + Archon [2] committed to > Lycortas’ policy of unconditional autonomy for the Achaeans [1. 206f.;

2.144; cf. 3. 69]. As ambassador to Rome in 183, X. was forced to sign a treaty which was unfavourable to the League in a conflict with Sparta (Pol. 23,4,11-15) [x. 179-182, 288; 3. 47]. Despite Archon’s support in the League, X. was not able to achieve a revision, offered in a diplomatic initiative by — Perseus [2] in 175/4 BC, to the pro-Roman course increasingly pressed for by > Callicrates [x1], (Liv. 41,23,4-24,19)

[3. 54-58]. 1 R.M. ErrincTon, Philopoemen, 1969 2 J. DEININGER, Der politische Widerstand gegen Rom in Griechenland 217-86 v. Chr., 1971 3H. NotrMeyer, Polybios und das Ende des Achaierbundes, 1995. L.-M.G.

fifth substance’) he attempted to refute, point by point, Aristotle’s [6] arguments for the existence of a fifth element as the substance of celestial bodies (fragments preserved in -> Simplicius’ commentary on De caelo, ‘On the heavens’). Alexander [26] of Aphrodisias had preceded Simplicius in defending Aristotle against X.’ criticism in his (lost) commentary

on De caelo. X.’ objections were vigorously received in Antiquity and considered important. Even as Simplicius was writing his commentary on De caelo, Iohannes > Philoponus was setting out new arguments against the theory of the fifth element (in his work traditionally titled De aeternitate mundi: contra Aristotelem, ‘On the eternity of the world, against Aristotle’). According to Simplicius, Philoponus’ objections were heavily influenced by X.’ arguments (Simpl. in Aristot. De caelo 26,31-33; 42,19f.). X.’ arguments had an effect far beyond Antiquity and were extensively used in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. A terminus post quem for medieval knowledge of X. and his criticism of Aristotle is the Latin translation of Simplicius’ commentary on De caelo by Willem van Moerbeke in 1271. X. did not allow his exegesis of Aristotle to hinder development of his own theories — he reworked Aristotle’s theory of natural > motion and thereby made it accessible to philosophy in late Antiquity. The theory revised by X. is based on two principles (Simpl. in Aristot. De caelo 21,3 5-22,17): 1) A simple body always moves in a straight line if it is not in its natural location. 2) A simple body always moves in a circle or remains at rest if it is in its natural location. X.’ theory of natural motion is presented is such a way that it is consistent with — Plato’s [1] conception of the sensorily perceivable world in his Timaeus. Proclus’ (Procl. in Plat. Tim. 2,11,24-31 and 3,114,30f.) and Simplicius’ (Simpl. in Aristot. De caelo 20,10-15) ascription of this theory to Plotinus and Ptolemaeus [65] show the success and influence of X.’ revision. - Aristotle [6]; > Elements, theory of; > Motion— Peripatos 1 A. Fatcon, Corpie movimenti. Il De caelo di Aristotele e la sua fortuna nel mondo antico, 2001, 80-84, 158-174

[4] Peripatetic philosopher in the second half of the rst

2 P. Moraux, s.v. X. (5), RE9 A, 1422-1435

cent. BC. I. Lire IJ. TEACHINGS AND LEGACY

I,197-214 4S.SamBursky, The Physical World of Late Antiquity, 1962, 125-132.

I. LIFE Only very little is known of X.’ life. According to Str. 14,5,4 he remained only a short time in his homeland of Seleucia [5] (Cilicia). X. taught in Alexandria [x] and Athens; in Rome he became a philosopher at the court of Augustus; his friend and patron Arius [2] of Alexandria (Arius [1] Didymus?) probably introduced X. to the princeps (Str. loc.cit.). II]. TEACHINGS AND LEGACY X. was a thinker, Aristotelian in character, but inde-

pendent and creative.

In the lost work

Todc tiv

néuntyv ovoiav (Pros ten pémptén ousian, ‘Against the

3 Moraux

Xenares (Eevcons; Xendrés). Spartiate, probably identical to the son of Cnidis who, as harmost

(+ Harmostai [2]) in > Heraclea [1] Trachinia in the winter of 420/19 BC, fell in battle against the Aenianes, the Dolopes and other tribes in that territory (Thuc. 5,51,2). As éphoros in 421/20 BC, X. and his colleague in office + Cleobulus [3] rejected the alliance between + Sparta and Athens concluded after the Peace of +> Nicias [1]. After unofficial negotiations with the Boeotians and the Corinthians, the two managed to conclude a special alliance between Sparta and > Boeotia in March 420 (Thuc. 5,36,1-37,1). Their goal was to regain Pylos for Sparta. They presumably also had a

801

802

hand in the Boeotians’ destroying the fortress of > Panactum in breach of the treaty, before handing it back to Athens (Thuc. 5,39) [1. 196].

Literature, archaeology and inscriptions offer abundant evidence for ‘tables of offering’ (hiera trépeza) set with food and klinai with blankets for the entertainment of the divine guests. Smaller sacrificial offerings

1 K.-W. Wetwel, Das klassische Athen, 1999.

K.-W.W.

XENIA

(such as fruit and cakes) were put on the ‘tables of offer-

Xenelasia (Eevndacia; xenélasia). ‘Expulsion of aliens’ (> Xenoi), traditionally incorrectly represented as a measure often repeated by the Spartans to protect their city from outside influences (Xen. Lac. 14,4), traced to ~ Lycurgus [4] in the tradition in Plutarch (Lycurgus 27,7; Agis 9; Mor. 238d) and explained by scholars e.g.

by an alleged internal change in > Sparta in the 6th cent. BC. The first xenelasia is supposed to have been the expulsion of - Maeandrius [1] of Samos (Hdt. 3,148); however, that was not a general prohibition of residence for foreigners but a targeted action against a particular foreigner [1. 145f.]. Neither was a strict prevention of private contacts with the outside world intended in Sparta in the subsequent period. Athenian references to ‘expulsions of aliens’ in Sparta can be explained in terms of the situation immediately before the ~» Peloponnesian War (Thuc. 1,144,2; 2,39,1). Aristo-

phanes’ allusion (Av. 1012) to a xenelasia remains without concrete basis. Plato’s [1] claim (Prot. 342Cc) that the Spartans had expelled Laconicized and other aliens in order to be able to converse with Sophists undisturbed, is hardly applicable in that trenchant formulation. A xenelasia in Sparta, allegedly caused by famine, is documented only in Theopompus FGrH 115 F 178 (schol. Aristoph. Av. 1013). Whether it refers to the period after the Peace of > Philocrates [2] remains uncertain. For the practice of xenelasia attested on Crete by Aristotle [6] (Pol. 1272b 17) and in Apollonia [x] by Aelianus (Var. 13,16) there are no other accounts. Comparisons with the expulsions of Latins from Rome (Liv. 39,3,4—6) [2. 1438] are misleading. ~ Aliens, the position of;

Sparta II; + Xenoi

1L.THOMMEN, Lakedaimonion Politeia, 2 H. SCHAFER, s.v. X., RE 9 A, 1436-1438.

1996

S$. REBENICH, Fremdenfeindlichkeit in Sparta? Uberlegungen zur Tradition der spartanischen Xenelasie, in: Klio 80,

1998, 336-359.

K-W.W.

Xenetus (Zévetoc; Xénetos). Prominent citizen of Locri

[2] in Lower Italy. In a double wedding in 398 BC ~ Dionysius [1] I of Syracuse married both X.’ daughter Doris and the Syracusan > Aristomache, bestowing his favour on both women equally. Later he held X.’ wife responsible for Aristomache’s infertility and had her killed (Diod. 14,44,6-45,1; Plut. Dion 3,3-6), K.MEI. Xenia (ta Eévia/xénia neutr. pl., also SeoEewa/theoxénia, feminine singular: ‘hospitality (to the gods)’). A Greek rite of central importance in which, as an alternative to a customary sacrifice, gods and heroes of all kinds were invited to a public or private sacrificial meal.

ing’, and sometimes the raw or cooked meat of the main sacrificial animal (e.g. LSCG 65,86; images with representations of the furniture: [1]; the vocabulary, e.g. Ath. 137e). The ‘tables’, comparable in value to a smaller animal sacrifice, were often found in addition to the feast’s main sacrifice; still more often, they worshipped additional heroes (> Hero cult) or lesser gods without substantially raising the costs of the feast (e.g. Attica: LSCG 1,11,20B51-4; SEG 32,147, all late sth cent. BC). In some feasts, the X. rite constituted the ritual’s high point (e.g. Magnesia [2]: LSAM 32, 196 BC; Cos: LSCG 177, 4th cent. BC or later, both with apparently limited participation at the meal). Although basically all gods could be worshipped with the X. rite, it is above all attested for the > Dioscuri (Sparta, Peloponnesus and South Italy, Athens and Paros: e.g. Pind. Ol. 3; Pind. Nem. 10,49 f.; Bacchyl. fr. 21; Paus. 4,27,1-3; Chionides fr. 1,5 CAF; numerous representations of their epiphany in art: [2. 107; 390°4]) and for > Heracles [1] (cf. [3; 4]). Special heroxe(i)nia existed on Thasos (LSCG, Suppl. 69, 4th cent. BC.); cf. Schol. Pind. Nem. 7,62 and 68 on > Delphi. For the reliefs of the ‘heroes’ banquet’, which are probably iconographically connected with the X. rite, cf. [5]; for the theodaisia for > Dionysus, cf. [6]. Feasts called theoxénia were celebrated in Pallene (Paus. 7,24,4; Schol. Pind. Ol. 7,15 6c) and in the Cyclades (Paros: IG XII 5,

129, 2nd cent. BC; Tenos: IG XII 5,

872; Ceos: IG XII 5,543, 4th/3rd cent. BC). X. were also the central rite in the frequently attested X. for -» Apollo and other gods in > Delphi (cf. Pind. Pae. 6; Philodamus, Pae.; Paus. 7,27,7; Ath. 9,3724).

X. are a frequent motif of aetiological myths (Hom. Od. 17,48 5-488; [7]), especially in connection with the cults of + Demeter (e.g. H. Hom. 2; Melissus’ daughters in Paros: POxy. 15,1802) and Dionysus (— Pentheus, cf. Dexithea and Euxantius: Pind. Pae. 4; Bacchyl. 1; Callim. fr. 75,64 ff.; [8; 9]).

+ Lectisternium; — Ritual; + Sacrifice 1M.Jameson,

Greek

Theoxenia,

in: R.HAGG

(ed.), Ancient

Cult Practice from the Epigraphical

Evidence,

1994,35-57 2 BuRKERT 3 A. VERBANCK-PIERARD, Herakles at Feast in Attic Art, in: R. HAGe (ed.), The Iconogra-

phy of Greek Cult in the Archaic and Classical Periods, 1992, 85-106 4 O. WALTER, Der Saulenbau des Herakles, in: MDAI(A) 54, 1937, 41-51 5 J.H. Dentzer, Le motif

du banquet couché dans le Proche-Orient et le monde grec du VII‘ au IV¢ siécle avant J.-C., 1982 6 F. PFISTER, s. v. Theodaisia, RE 5 A 2, 1711 7 E.Kearns, The Return of Odysseus: A Homeric Theoxeny, in: CQ 32, 1982, 2-8 8 A.P. BURNETT, Pentheus and Dionysos: Host and Guest, in: CPh 65, 1970, 15-29 ans, 2001, 288 f.

9 I. RUTHERFORD, Pindar’s Pae-

L. Bruit, Sacrifice 4 Delphes, in: RHR 201, 1984, 338367; F.DENEKEN, De theoxeniis, 1891; D. FLUCKINGER-

XENIA

GUGGENHEIM, Gottliche Gaste, 1984; D.H. Grit, Greek Cult Tables, 1991; A. HoL.s, Callimachus Hecale, 1990,

341-354.

a

Xeniades (Eevicdyc; Xeniadés). [1] X. from Corinth. Proto-sceptic philosopher of the 5th cent. BC. - Sextus [2] Empiricus (the only source) repeatedly cites him, together with other philosophers who rejected a criterion of truth and falsehood (S. Emp. P. H. 2,148; S. Emp. Adv. math. 7,48), as an example of an archetypical negative dogmatist; he is said to have considered all phenomena or — opinions as misleading or false (S. Emp. P. H. 2,76; S. Emp. Adv. math. 7,53; 388; 399) and claimed that there is no truth (S. Emp. Adv. math. 8,5). X.’s dating is possible based on the information (S. Emp. Adv. math. 7,53) that he is said to have been mentioned by > Democritus [1] (second half of the sth cent. BC) (81 DK = 68 B 163 DK; cf. also S. Emp. Adv. math. 7,140). Sextus (loc.cit.) also mentions an ontological statement by X.: what comes into being arises from the non-being, and what ceases to be passes into the non-being. This suggests that X.’s rejection of human beliefs (56&a/ddxai) was based on Eleatic epistemology [2. 3247]. Democritus, who tried to provide an explanation of becoming and ceasing based on Eleatic criteria, may well have compared his theory of existence and cognition (> Epistemology) with that of X. Fr.: 1 Drers/KRANZ 2,271 2 M.F. BurnyeatT, Idealism and Greek Philosophy: What Descartes Saw and Berkeley Missed, in: Philosophical Rev. 91, 1982, 3-40. LB.

[2] See > Diogenes [14] of Sinope;

> Monimus [1].

Xenias (Zeviac; Xenias). [1] Arcadian from Parrhasia; as a mercenary leader in

405/4 BC he accompanied > Cyrus [3] the Younger to the court of the Persian king and later took a large number of > mercenaries to him in Sardis (Xen. An. I,I,2; 2,1-3), but, together with —> Pasion [x] from Megara, left Cyrus’ army in Syria without taking his family, which Cyrus sent after him (Xen. An. 1,4,6-8). [2] Rich Elean (— Elis [2]), proxenos (— Proxenia) of the Spartans, friend of > Agis [2] II and leader of a group of pro-Spartan oligarchs (> Oligarchia) who tried to overthrow the democratic system in Elis [2] in 4or BC. After the coup failed he and his followers fled to Agis II, who consequently stationed a Spartan garrison in > Epitalium on the Alpheius and granted the exiles asylum there (Xen. Hell. 3,2,27-29; Paus. 3,8,4; 7,10,2) [x.120; 2.251]. Whether he returned to his polis after the peace with the Spartans and is identical to a X. convicted by the Arcadians in 364 BC remains uncertain. 1Cu.D.

804

803

Hamitron,

Spartan

Bitter

Victories,

1979

2 P. CARTLEDGE, Agesilaos and the Crisis of Sparta, 1987. K.-W.W.

Xenias graphe (Eevias year; xenias graphé), literally a ‘charge/claim of (the status of) foreigner’. Public action for arrogation of Athenian — citizenship. A Greek — polis was constituted as an association of persons; despite their right to personal freedom, outsiders (+ xénoi, cf. [1. 1442-14473 4. 18-27]) had no fundamental participation in family or citizen status, or in the protection of the law. The rights of a citizen (sodity¢/ polités; presumably to be distinguished from an Gotdc/ astos [3. 49-78]) could be exercised in Athens only by somebody who had been entered at the age of majority in the lists of his > démos [2]. If the statutory conditions for this were not satisfied, any respectable citizen (cf. + graphé) could raise a XG against somebody incorrectly registered [1. 1473-1475; 6. 178 and note 98]. In detail these were: (1) children of foreign parents (Lys. 17,72 £.; cf. IGP 102: 410/09 BC); (2) children of one foreign parent after a law enacted under — Pericles [x] in 45x BC (renewed in 403/2 BC after relaxation caused by war, Aristot. Ath. pol. 26,4; [3. 58-63]); (3) — nothoi (those born outside of valid marriages) (?); (4) children of slaves. The court magistrates were initially the — nautodikai, in the middle of the 5th cent. BC special — xenodikai [5. Bd. 2, 23 f.3 4. 152-155], then nautodikai again and finally, in the 4th cent: BC + thesmothétai [z. 263]. The accuser could apply to the — polémarchos [4] for arrest or bail. The accusation had to be presented on the last day of a month. The sanction was death (escaping to another country was possible; > phygé ) and forfeiture of property or being sold into slavery (Dem. Or. 24,131; [5. vol. 1, 165; 2.92]). After a successful action for false witness (> pseudomartyrion diké )resumption of a XG was presumably possible (> anadikia; [2.271; 6.178, 18o}). 1 E.BERNEKER, s.v. X. g., RE 9 A 2, 1441-1479 2 A. BIscaRDI, Diritto greco antico, 1982 3 E.E. COHEN, The Athenian Nation, 2000 4 PH. GAUTHIER, Symbola,

1972 5 A.R. W. Harrison, The Law of Athens, 2 vols. 1968-1971 6 A.C. ScAFURO, Witnessing and False Witnessing: Proving Citizenship and Kin Identity in ForthCentury

Athens,

in: A.L.

BoEGEHOLD,

A.S.SCAFURO

(ed.), Athenian Identity and Civic Ideology, 1994, 156198.

GT.

Xenion (Zeviwv; Xenion). Author of an historical treatise on Crete, Kentixa (Krétikd) or Tegi Kents (Peri Krétés). Pol. 6,45,1, where X. should probably be read instead of Xenophon [2] as the informant on the Cretan constitution, can probably be added to the fragments in FGrH 460 cf. [1]. It would result in X.’s being dated ‘before Polybius’, i.e. before the end of the 3rd cent. BC. 1K. Z1EGLER, Ein neues Fragment des Historikers X., in: K.MEI. Hermes 82, 1954, 498 f.

Xenios see > Zeus

805

806

Xenippa. Fertile and densely settled area in > Sogdiana, mentioned only in Curt. 8,2,14 as “bordering Scythia.” The location and region are today identified with Erkurgan and its surrounding area near Karshi in the plain of the River Qashqadaryo in Uzbekistan. At the approach of Alexander [4] the Great in the winter of 329/8 BC the inhabitants of X. expelled the Bactrians (> Bactria) that had defected from the Macedonians and sought refuge in their land.

+ Antiochus [5] III (Liv. 35,38; 50,8; 51,6 f.) [1. 8184].

1 F. GrEneT, Zoroastre au Badakhshan, in: Studia Iranica

31, 2002, 193-214 2C.Rapin, L’Afghanistan et |’Asie centrale dans la géographie mythique des historiens d’Alexandre et dans la toponymie des géographes grécoromains, in: O. BOPEARACHCHI, M.-Fr. Boussac, Afghanistan. Ancien carrefour entre |’Est et "Ouest, 2005, 143-

172.

Tw.

Xenoclea (Zevoxieia; Xenokleia). > Prémantis of the Oracle at Delphi. At first unwilling to prophesy for ~ Heracles [1], who is sullied by the murder of > Iphitos, after the theft and return of the tripod she nevertheless does (Paus. 10,13,8; Apollod. 2,130; schol. Pind. Ol. 9,43, without mention of her name). Xenocleides (Zevoxdreidync/Xenokleidés). [1] Corinthian. One of five naval commanders sent by Corinth against > Corcyra in 433 BC (Thuc. 1,46,2). The fleet achieved a partial victory near the > Sybota islands (Thuc. 1,47-54; Diod. 12,33,3 f.). On the return voyage X. captured Anactorium on the Gulf of Ambracia and occupied the town with Corinthian settlers (Thuc. 1,55,1). In 426/5 BC X. led 300 hoplites in defence of Ambracia (Thuc. 3,114,4). J.B. Satmon, Wealthy Corinth, 1984, 318; K.-W. WELwEI, Das klassische Athen, 1999, 144 f.

[2] 4th cent. BC Athenian poet, none of whose works survive. Lover of the famous hetaira > Neaera [6]. His

opposition to > Callistratus’ [2] proposal for Athens to support Sparta against Thebes, earned him a lawsuit in 369 BC on the pretext that he had not taken part in the military expedition (astrateia). Although, as leaseholder of the grain customs, he was exempt, he was convicted

and declared

without

honour

(— Atimia).

His exile in Macedonia ended with banishment by order of > Philippus [4] II; X. returned to Athens in 343 BC. He was still in a state of atimia at the time of the Neaera trial (Dem. Or. 19,331; [Dem.] Or. 59,26 f.). TRAILL, PAA 731760. J. Bucxer, The Theban Hegemony 371-362 BC, 1980.

Ws.

[3] X. from Chalcis, leader, with -- Micythion, of the pro-Roman

orientation

of Euboea

(Liv.

35,38,1)

[1. 130]; in a power struggle with Euthymides, who had been banished to the Aetoli, on the eve of the Antiochus War (192-188 BC) he was not able, despite support for his group from T. > Quinctius [I 14] Flamininus and + Eumenes [3] II, to prevent his city from going over to

XENOCLES

1 J.DEININGER, Der politische Widerstand gegen Rom in Griechenland 217-86 v. Chr., 1971. L.-M.G.

Xenocles (ZevoxArjc; Xenoklés). [1] See + Little-Master cups. [2] Attic tragic poet, end of the 5th cent. BC, son of > Carcinus [3] (family tree: TrGF I 21, p. 129), frequently mocked in comedy (TrGF I 33 T 1-7); successful at the + Dionysia in 415 (DID C 14) with Oedipus, Lycaon, Bacchae and the satyr play Athamas. There is evidence of the further titles Licymnius (one surviving verse, F 2) and possibly Myes (Muec, Mice) (but cf. TrGF I 21 T 3 d-e). BZ. [3] Spartiate who accompanied > Agesilaus [2] II on his campaign in Asia Minor and commanded the cavalry in a battle against the satrap > Tissaphernes. On Agesilaus’s return march to Greece in 394 BC he was supposed to conduct negotiations in Larisa [3] to obtain free passage through Thessaly, but was taken captive by Thessalians and set free only after Agesilaus intervened (Xen. Hell. 3,4,20; Diod. 14,80,2; Plut. Agesilaus 16) ak 1 P. CARTLEDGE, Agesilaos and the Crisis of Sparta, 1987, 154;

157-

K.-W.W.

[4] Wealthy Athenian, friend of > Lycurgus [9]. In 346/5 BC X. was a victor as a gymnasiarchos (-> Gymnasiarchy) at the great > Panathenaea, in 33 5/4 triérarchos (> Trierarchy), ultimately holding one of the central financial posts (émi 1 Svotmroet, epi tdi dioikései), and in 321/20 was supervisor of the Mystery cult of Demeter and Kore. He had a bridge built to improve access to the sanctuary in Eleusis [1]. He was a judge (+ agonothétés) in the drama productions at the Lenaea in 307/6. In 306/5 X. brought Athens subventions from > Antigonus [1] for building ships and to overcome the state of emergency. TRAILL, PAA 732385. Davies, 414 f.

[5] Athenian, married to the daughter of one Pyrrhus. After the death of Pyrrhus’s adopted son Endius c. 350 BC, X. made a claim to the estate as the husband of an + epikléros. X. fought a brother of Endius for the disputed inheritance in two lawsuits (Isaios or. 3). TRAILL, PAA 732240. WS. [6] Rich Athenian rhetor in the second half of the 4th cent. BC, who is parodied for the luxury of his dining table by > Matron of Pitane in his “Attixov detmvov/ Attikon deipnon (Ath. 134d). TRAILL, PAA 732440. P.BRANDT (ed.), Parodorum epicorum Archistrati reliquiae, 1888, 57 and 60.

Graecorum

et JE.

[7] Achaean from Sicyon, who fled from imprisonment to Argos and, thanks to his knowledge of the weak points in Sicyon’s walls, helped > Aratus [2] overthrow the tyrant + Nicocles [4] in 251 BC (Plut. Aratos 553-5).

L.-M.G.

XENOCLES

808

807

[8] Greek rhetor and politician of the 2nd and rst centuries BC. According to Str. 13,1,66, probably in the 80s he led a legation to the Roman Senate from the cities of Asia Minor in defence against accusations of proMithridatic sentiments (+ Mithridates [6]). Cicero became acquainted with him during his journey in Asia (in 78/7 BC) and appears for a time to have been in quite close contact with him (Str. 14,2,25; Plut. Cicero 4,5); Cicero describes X., whose oratory belonged to the Asianic style (> Asianism), as one of the leading orators of the time, but has about him (unlike about his contemporaries Menippus [5] and Molon [2]) otherwise nothing positive to say (Cic. Brut. 316). MW. [9] Presumably a tragic actor of undetermined period (IrGF J 268). BZ. Xenocrates (Zevoxoedtnc/Xenokratés). [1] Brother of the tyrant > Theron of > Acragas. Pind. Pyth. 6 refers to X.’ victory in chariot-racing at the Pythian Games (> Pythia [2]) in 490 BC, and Pind. Isthm. 2 to his charioteering victory at the Isthmian Games (> Isthmia) in c. 470 BC. The latter ode was written after X.’ death. H. Berve, Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen, 1967, 133; 135.

K.MEI.

[2] X. of Chalcedon. Academic philosopher (— Academy), 4th cent. BC. I. Lire IJ. Writincs III. PHiILosopuy I. LIFE

Probably b. 396/5 BC, d. at the age of 82 (Diog. Laert. 4,14) in 314/3. X. attached himself to > Plato [x] at an early age (&x véov/ek néou, ‘from youth upwards’, Diog. Laert. 4,6), i.e. probably around 375, and always remained very close to his teacher, whom he accompanied on at least one of his voyages to Sicily. After Plato’s death, he went with Aristotle (> Aristoteles [6]) to Hermeias at > Assos (Str. 13,1,57). When — Speusippus was close to death, he asked X. to return to Athens and take over as head of the Academy (Diog. Laert. 4,3). Nonetheless, a scholarch election was held, and X. won by a slim margin over > Heraclides [II 16] Ponticus and ~» Menedemus [4]. According to Diog. Laert. 4,14, he held the office for 25 years until his death. A list of X.’ pupils is found in Philod. Academicorum index 4,7ff. The most important pupil mentioned here is X.’ successor, > Polemon [1]; other sources also give > Epicurus (e.g. Diog. Laert. 10,13) and the Stoic > Zeno [2] of Citium (e.g. ibid. 7,1). The anecdotal material plentifully supplied in Diog. Laert. 4,6-11 permits the inference that X. was very closely associated with Plato (cf. here also the much embellished account of the role played by X. in Aristotle’s break with Plato in Ael. VH 3,19). Many anecdotes also show his particularly thoughtful and unassuming nature, as well as what seems to have been a rather off-putting seriousness (cf. Plato’s appeal to him ‘to sacrifice to the Graces’ [Ovew tac Xdevo/ thyein tais Charisi]; Plut. Mor. 141f. et passim).

II. WRITINGS A catalogue of works is preserved in Diog. Laert. 4,11-14. To judge from the titles of the 70 or more writings, X. covered all subject areas of Platonic philosophy. However, no original fragments of X. survive. Reconstruction of his philosophy depends solely on various doxographical references ( Doxography). [8.48-50] attempts a more exact description of the most important of X.’ writings. The most significant texts are now available in the commented edition of [2], the scope of which exceeds the long-authoritative edition of [x]. For other testimonies which may refer to X. and are disregarded by [2], cf. [8.44f.]. Ill. PHILOSOPHY X. seems to have seen himself primarily as a conservative heir, exegete and commentator of his teacher’ philosophy. He did not seek to develop a systematic approach of his own, but rather undertook an attempt to systematize the philosophy laid out in the writings of Plato. In this way, he provided decisive impulses for -» Middle Platonism in particular. The division of philosophy into the three disciplines of physics, ethics and logic, determinative of Hellenistic philosophy, derives from X. (fr. 1 HEINZE = fr. 82 ISNARDI PARENTE). He was thus crucial to the conception of > ethics as a philosophical discipline. Aristotle gave a systematic foundation to what was for X. a pragmatic subdivision. The ethical writings attested for X. show similarities to Aristotle in thematic orientation and systematic outline (on this in more detail [8.63-

65)). In > dialectics (mostly treated in the comprehensive treatise Ilegi uaOnudtwv tov mei thy A€Ew, Peri mathé-

mat6n ton peri ten léxin, ‘On Philology’; cf. fr. 10/11 H. = fr. 88/89 I. P.), X. gave decisive stimuli to Stoic > logic by his distinction and grouping of linguistic analysis, interlocutory dialectics and _ dialectical thought techniques [8.5o]. X. seems to have accepted Plato’s ontological thought (esp. fr. 26 H. = fr. roo I. P. in connection with fr. 5 H. = fr. 83 I. P.) without significant divergences (+ Ontology; > Physics), and sought to connect it with Plato’s doctrine of principles (cf. esp. [7.21-191; 8.51]; + Principle). Others, however, have attempted to explain X.’ position solely on the basis of the Platonic dialogues [2; 3]. A particular effort is evident here on X.’ part to explain the structure of the individual spheres of being. In his philosophy, the formation of spheres of being is made concrete. The influence of his predecessor Speusippus is still clearly felt in his assumption of special materials and minimum sizes for all three dimensions (on X.’ physics in detail [6.3 3 3-362], in summary [8.54f.]). For X. the celestial sphere plays a particular part, which could be regarded as the ‘centre axis’ [8.51] of the order of being. This special status of the celestial sphere derives from Plato’s Timaeus. It remains uncertain whether X. was making an original case with his theory that ideal and mathematical numbers and

809

810

quantities coincide (otherwise [8.52]). For X., the following hierarchy of being applied (fr. 34 H. = fr. 103 I. P.): principles, ideal numbers and other mathematical entities, the celestial sphere with the soul, and the sublunary, perceptible world. In addition, an ontological hierarchy indicating the doctrine of three principles is detectable in fr. 15 H. = fr. 213 I. P, with recourse to the universal principles (restricted to the two cosmological principles of votc/

tween gods and men, X. seems to have given the myths of the Platonic dialogues Symposium, Politicus and Leges a place. X.’ > demonology [C 1] was another decisive factor for Middle Platonism. -» Academy; - Aristoteles [6]; — Ideas, history of; > Plato [1]; > Speusippus

nous, ‘intellect’ — povac/monas, ‘the one’, and cosmic GdQuotos Sudc/adristos dyds, ‘indefinite dyad’). It is dis-

EDITIONS

XENOCRATES

WITH

COMMENTARY:

1R.HEINzE, Xeno-

krates. Darstellung der Lehre und Sammlung der Fragmente, 1965 (orig. 1892) 2M.ISNARDI PARENTE, Senocrate. Ermodoro: Frammenti, 1982.

BrptioGRraPHy:

3H.Cuerniss, Die Altere Akademie,

puted whether both thoughts are to be understood as aspects of a single doctrine of being [4.250f.; 8.62;

1966, 42-102 4H.Happ, Hyle, 1971, 241-256 5H.J. KRAMER, Aristoteles und die akademische Eidoslehre, in:

7-122-124, 390-393]).

AGPh 55, 1973, 119-190 6Id., Platonismus und hellenistische Philosophie, 1971, 304-321, 333-362 7Id., Der Ursprung der Geistmetaphysik, 1967 8 Id., Xenokrates, in: GGPh* 3, 44-72 9 PH. MERLAN, From Platonism to Neoplatonism, 1960. K-H.S.

With his theory of an ontological primacy of species over genus, analogous to the relationship between the part and the whole, perhaps under Speusippus’ influence, X. seems to have adopted a position that was determinative of Aristotle’s Theory of Forms. This is inferred primarily from a doxographical report of ~ Alexander [26] of Aphrodisias, preserved in Arabic, and newly found to be pertaining to X. (now fr. 121 I. P., German transl. in [5.188—190]) — on the question how to place this in the context of the Theory of Forms in the Old Academic and the relationship to Aristotle, cf. [5.13 0ff.]. X.’ definition of the soul as a self-moving number is preserved (fr. 60-65 H. = fr. 165-187, 189-194, 196198 I. P.). In this he distances himself from Speusippus’ geometrical definition of the soul (though [9.47] stresses the similarity, to the extent that both definitions highlight the mathematical nature of the soul; on this also [3.57£.; 8.56]). X. further postulates a soul without intellect alongside the thinking soul. In contrast to Aristotle, he also locates a capacity for desire within the rational part ( Soul, theory of the).

Cosmological considerations also occupy much of X.’ work. Here is also found the definition of the idea as ‘a paradigmatic cause of the [things] that are always constituted according to nature’ (fr. 30 H. = fr. 94 I. P.: eivat thy idéav aitiav magaderypatimyy TOV xaTa pbow

del ovveotitwv/einai ten idéan aitian paradeigmatiken ton kata physin aei synestoton; - Ideas, theory of), associated with Plato’s Timaeus and Sophistes (P|. Soph. 265c and e). The Middle Platonic concept of the ‘ideas in the mind of God’ may also derive from X. in this respect [8.61f.; 7.21ff.]. X.’ theological position, in which he also principally defers to the Timaeus, is mainly characterized by consideration of religious tradition (cf. fr. 15 H. = 213 I. P.), as the elemental regions are equipped with divine powers to which he allegorically assigns the names of the gods. There is an unmistakable popularizing tendency here, as the Olympian pantheon is not only present in the elemental forces, but also in the form of the sublunary + demons, the astral gods and the supramundane —> démiourgods. With his theory of demonic intermediary beings placed above humanity in hierarchy and charged with the task of communicating be-

[3] Otherwise unknown Greek tragic poet of the 3rd cent. BC (TrGFI 122).

B.Z.

[4] Sculptor from Athens. Both his father, Ergophilus, and his son, Themistocles, were also sculptors. X.’ teacher is said to have been > Tisicrates or > Euthycrates [2], both of whom he supposedly excelled in output (Plin. HN 34,83). Epigraphic evidence confirms X. as the sculptor of the so-called great Attalid victory monument at + Pergamum; he was thus active in the late 3rd cent. BC. Other signatures survive from ~ Oropus and > Elatea [1]. He did important work as the author of treatises on the theory of Greek art (cf. the preserved Latin titles: De arte sua, Toreutice, De pictura), the approximate outline of which can be reconstructed on the basis of numerous references in Pliny and Quintilian. Rather than the abstract philosophical terms of literary criticism (e.g. > mimésis: ‘imitation’;

alétheia: ‘truthfulness’; kalds: ‘beautiful’; mégethos: ‘greatness’), X. used criteria referring to artistic work,

such as rhythm, symmetry, foreshortening and > perspective. He marked progress in sculpture and painting on the basis of a series of artistic innovations. The originality of his theories, however, is difficult to evaluate, because comparable ancient writings on art theory are lost. OverBECK, Nr. 1527, 1528; Loewy, Nr. 135a, 135b, 154, 296; B. SCHWEITZER, Xenokrates von Athen, in: Id., Zur Kunst der Antike, vol. 1, 1963, 105-164; H. JUCKER, Vom Verhaltnis der Rémer zur bildenden Kunst der Griechen, 1950, 118-146; P. MORENO, s.v. X., EAA 7, 1234;

Id., Scultura ellenistica, 1994, 256-263.

RN.

[5] X. of Ephesus (also called ‘Son of Zeno’, Zenonius). Greek author of a book on gems (> Lithika) from the reign of + Nero [1] (mid-1st cent. AD). Pliny the Elder (> Plinius [1]) cites him frequently in book 37 of his Naturalis historia, e.g. 37,25 on the extraction of rock crystal in Asia. Each of his descriptions gives the nature of the stone and its subcategories, its countries of origin,

colour, weight, consistency, physical qualities and magical and medical effects. Several later petrological

811

812

works derive from him [x]. There are fragments of an Arabic translation [2].

[3] Greek grammarian from Cos, according to > Heracleides [27] of Tarentum (in + Erotianus 4,24 NACHMANSON) author of the first glossary of + Hippocrates [6]. According to the standard interpretation [1] of this passage of Erotianus X. may have lived before the Herophilean > Callimachus [5], i.e. at the beginning of the 3rd cent. BC. From X.’ glossary the only explanation preserved in Erotianus (a 5 s. v. GAAopaooovtes, 12,7 NACHMANSON) is that of the word cAAopaooew in its usual Ionian dialect meaning of ‘to be delirious’.

XENOCRATES

1K.W. Wirsetauer, Antike Lapidarien, Diss. Berlin 1937 2M.ULiMmann, Das Steinbuch des Xenokrates von Ephesos, in: Medizinhistorisches Journal 7, 1972, 49-64. M. ULLMANN, s.v. Xenokrates (7), RE Suppl. 14, 974-977. C.HU.

[6] X. of Aphrodisias. Pharmacologist, c. AD 70, of the generation of the grandparents of + Galen of Pergamum (Gal. 12,248,11), among the sources of Pliny the Elder (> Plinius [x]; Plin. HN 20-30). As one of the physicians discussed in the MS Vindobonensis med. gr. 1 (f. 2”), he was highly regarded in the 5th—6th cents. AD, although Galen sharply criticized him for advocating the therapeutic use of remedies of human and animal origin (including organs, urine, excrement and other physiological products). X. was probably the author of at least three pharmacological treatises: (1) on the therapeutic qualities of human and animal body parts and products (this may have been the source of the excerpt on the dietetic qualities of marine fauna in > Oribasius: Orib. Collectiones 2,58: CMG, vol. 6.1.1, 47-57); (2) on the therapeutic qualities of plants; (3) on compound remedies, not necessarily consisting of human or animal products. Some of the recipes are preserved in Galen.

1 M.FuHRMANN, s. v. X. (4), RE 9 A, 1533 2 PFEIFFER, KPI, 120 note 26 3 F.SusEMIHL, Geschichte der griechischen Litteratur in der Alexandrinerzeit, 1891, vol. 1, 346.

ST.MA.

[4] X. of Rhodes. Presumably to be dated between the 3rd cent. BC and the first half of the rst cent. AD. Author of two epigrams, one (presumably as an inscription) for the cenotaph of a young castaway (Anth. Pal. 7,291), and one original epideictic poem on a herm (+ Herms), wishing for arms and legs in order to be set up in a palaistra (Anth. Pal. 16,186). FGE t1o1-103.

M.G.A.

Xenodamus (Zevodau0c; Xenddamos). 7th century BC

gen, 1972, 226; F.KUDLIEN, s.v. Xenokrates (8), RE 9 A,

Greek choral lyric poet from — Cythera. In the generation after > Terpander, together with > Thaletas and — Xenocritus [1] of Locri he took part in various musi-

1529-1531.

cal reforms in Sparta (Plut. De musica 9,1134b-c). Like

C.Fasricius, Galens Exzerpte aus alteren Pharmakolo-

A.TO.

the other two he was a composer of — paeans (Plut. Xenocritus (Zevoxeutoc/Xenokritos). [1] Choral lyricist of the 7th cent. BC from Locri (in

lower Italy). In the generation after + Terpander he, + Thaletas and + Xenodamus took part in various musical reforms in Sparta (Plut. De musica 9,113 4b-c). Like the other two he was a composer of > paeans (Plut. loc.cit.), which were also classed as dithyrambs (+ Dithyrambos) in Antiquity because of their mythical and heroic subject matter (Plut. De musica 10,113 4¢; [x. 41], cf. [z. 15-17]). Pindar dedicated quite a long passage in a poem to X. as a significant paean writer (Pind. fr. r40b MAEHLER) [3. 382-387]. X. was particularly considered to be the inventor of the ‘Locrian’ mode (schol. Pind. O. 10; 17k; 18b DRACHMANN; Call. fr. 669) [4. 184]. 1L.KAppeL, Paian, 1992 2 Id., Bakchylides und das System der chorlyrischen Gattungen im 5. Jahrhundert v. Chr., in: A.BAGOoRDO,

B.ZIMMERMANN

(eds.), Bak-

chylides. roo Jahre nach seiner Wiederentdeckung, 2000, 11-26

3].RUTHERFORD, Pindar’s Paeans, 2001

West, Ancient Greek Music, 1985.

4M.L.

LK.

[2] Athenian. In regard to the foundation of the panHellenic colony of + Thurii in 443 BC under the leadership of Athens X. is placed beside the + oikistés> Lampon [2] as co-founder in Diod. 12,10. D.M. Lewis, The Thirty Year’s Peace, in: CAH 5, *1992, esp. 141-143. K.KI.

ibid.), which in Antiquity were also classified as + Hyporchémata (Plut. loc.cit.; [1. 82], cf. [2. 15-17;

3. 99-1003 4. 335]). 1L.KAppet, Paian, 1992 21Id., Bakchylides und das System der chorlyrischen Gattungen im 5. Jh. v. Chr., in: A.BAaGorDOo, B.ZIMMERMANN

Jahre

nach

seiner

(eds.), Bakchylides.

Wiederentdeckung,

3 I.RUTHERFORD, Pindar’s Paeans, 2001 Ancient Greek Music, 1985.

2000,

100

11-26

4M.L. West, Ine

Xenodice (Zevodinn; Xenodiké). [1] A daughter of ~ Minos and > Pasiphae or Crete (Apollod. 3,7). [2] (Also Xenodoce). Daughter of — Syleus, killed by + Heracles [1] (Apollod. 2,132). [3] Trojan prisoner in a painting by > Polygnotus [1] in the + Lesche of the Cnidians in Delphi (Paus. 10,26,1). Xenodicus (Zevodinoc; Xenddikos). [1] Son of the > Emmenid Telemachus and uncle of ~ Theron of Acragas. His sons Hippocrates and Capys rebelled against Theron in 476 BC, who defeated them at Himera, whereupon they settled in Sicanian Camicus (schol. Pind. P. 6,5a and O. 2,173f-g). H.Berve, Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen, 1967, 135.

[2] X. (also Xenodocus) from Acragas (both forms of the name can be found in Diod. 20,31,4; 32,25 56,1-2;

813

814

62,4-5). During + Agathocles’ [2] African campaign, X. was elected stratégds by the Acragantines to free Sicily of the rule of Agathocles and of the Carthaginians. He brought Gela, Enna, Herbessus and Echetla over to his side (Diod. 20,31, 1-32,2), and took numerous fortified locations from the Carthaginians. In 307, however, he was defeated by + Leptines [4] and Demophilus, Agathocles’ generals, dashing the hopes of the Acragantines of liberating Sicily (Diod. 20,56, 1-3). After a fresh defeat by Leptines, X. forestalled impending condemnation from the Acragantines by voluntary exile to Gela (Diod. 20,62,2-5).

offered accommodation without charge to the needy as lodgings for pilgrims, hospitals, homes for the elderly, widows and orphans, or almshouses. We have quite detailed information of the xenodocheion in -> Caesarea (in Cappadocia), which was founded by Basilius [1] (Basil. Epist. 94,36-38; Greg. Naz. Or. 43,63). The institution was soon adopted in the west of the Roman Empire and is documented for Ostia and Rome c. AD 380 (Jer. Ep. 66,11; 77,6). No large xenodocheia developed there, however, and a mixture of the various functions remained dominant in the West; in the East, by contrast, a functional and also constructional differentiation largely prevailed in the 5th/6th cents. The Christian caritas practised in xenodocheia, on which a considerable proportion of church incomes was spent, had such an attractive effect that the emperor Julian (+ Iulianus [11]) ordered the institution of non-Christian xenodocheia as competition and supported them generously (Julian. Ep. 84a). It was at sites of pilgrimage that increased numbers of pilgrims brought about the rise of monastic xenodocheia; monastic rules were adapted accordingly (cf. Pachomius Regula 50-52). ~ Hospital; > Pilgrimage II.

K. MetsTer, Agathocles, in: CAH 7.1, *1984, 401-403.

K.MEI.

Xenodikai (Eevodixa/xenodikai). [1] First mentioned in Athens as ‘judges of foreigners’ (IG B 439,75 andIG EB 440,126) for the years 444-442 BC in which the xenodikai had to provide quite large sums for the construction of the Parthenon. It cannot be deduced from this evidence [3. 661 f.] that they operated only for a relatively short period after > Pericles’ [x] statute of civic rights as an authority for lawsuits relating to illegal arrogation of Athenian civil rights (+ Xenias graphe) [1; 2. 1475]. They are recorded in treaties of legal assistance between Athens and Troizen (IG II* 46 fr. k, 27) and between Athens and Stymphalus in the Peloponnese (IG II? 144, frr. i, 8 and aA, 8; SEG XV 91; StV II* 279) as late as c. 375 and between 368 and 364 BC, and operated in proceedings affecting foreigners (> Xenoi) (excluding > metoikoi who were the

responsibility of the + polemarchos). [2] In addition, xenodikai are recorded in Oeanthea/ Locris (IG IX? 1,3, no. 717,10) and in a sympoliteia contract between Medeon and Stiris/Phocis (Syll.3 647,38) in about 175 or 135 BC ( Sympoliteia). Here, they apparently accepted the complaint in lawsuits against foreigners who needed protection and supervised the selection of ‘judges’ (cf. Dikastes) [4. 290]. [3] The functions of the xenodikai in the Classical and Hellenistic Periods are clarified by the later use of the term as a Greek equivalent for the Latin — praetor peregrinus (Lydus, Mag. 1,38). — Xenoi 1 A. Korte, Die attischen X., in: Hermes 68, 1933, 238242 2E. BERNEKER, s. v. Xenias Graphe, RE 9 A, 14411479 3RHODES 4 PH. GAUTHIER, Symbola. Les étrangers et la justice dans les cités grecques, 1972. K.-W.W.

Xenodocheion (Eevodoyxetov/xenodocheion; Lat. xenodochium). In Late Antiquity, the xenodocheion was a

charitable church institution that served as a hostel and a hospital. In the xenodocheion, the Christian tradition of taking in fellow-Christian travellers without payment found an institutionalized form. Unlike the commercially run + inns, xenodocheia (which were established, and often endowed as well, by bishops, monasteries and affluent Christian individuals), generally

XENOI

1 D.J. CONSTANTELOS, Byzantine Philanthropy and Social Welfare, 1968 2E.KisLincER, Kaiser Julian und die (christlichen) Xenodocheia, in: W.HORANDER (ed.), Byzantios, Festschrift H.Hunger, 1984, 171-184 3 B.K6rtING, Peregrinatio religiosa. Wallfahrten in der Antike und das Pilgerwesen in der alten Kirche, 1950, 366-386 4S.ScICOLONE, Basilio e la sua organizzazione dell’attivita assistenziale a Cesarea, in: Civilta classica e cristiana 3, 1982, 353-372 5 TH. STERNBERG, Orientalium more secutus. Raume und Institutionen der Caritas des 5. bis 7. Jahrhunderts in Gallien (JbAC, suppl. 16), 1991. JH.

Xenoetas (Zevoitac; Xenoitas) from Achaea. In 221 BC

~ Antiochus [5] III sent him as a stratégds with full authority against the renegade > Molon [1] who defeated him with a ruse after an early victory, despite support from the governors of - Susiana and + Mesene

(Pol. 5,45,65 46,9-48,9). H.H. Scumitr, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte Antiochos’ des Groen, 1964, 116; 127-131; 178 f. A.ME.

Xenoi (Eévow/xénoi). ‘Alien’, i.e. free-born person not

belonging to the Greek citizenship structure, who voluntarily stayed in a place and enjoyed certain rights there. Non-free aliens (slaves, prisoners of war) were not members of the group of xenoi, which was primarily defined in terms of rights. I. CLassi1cAL GREECE II. PrOoLEMAIC EGyPT I. CLASSICAL GREECE The term xenoi generally describes large groups of free-born people, staying permanently or temporarily in a particular community, without being citizens of it (Thuc. 2,31,1; 2,36,4; 6,30,2; Aristot. Pol. 1300b

815

816

31 f.), often used in contrast to éotoi/astoi, more rarely as an antonym of mohitaw/politai [1. 50-53]. A distinction can be made between citizens from another ‘state’ who (possibly also as refugees) lived in a host country temporarily and, when necessary, with special permission (ovpBorov/symbolon) (nagemdnuotvtec/parepidémoiintes), and xenoi, who had permanently settled in a foreign territory (> métoikoi or synoikoi: cf. + Synoikismos, or kdtoikoi), as well as those known as Baepaeovbarbaroi (’> Barbarians’). The xenoi transiently living in Athens as parepideémotintes were not able to acquire estates in Attica or marry Athenian women and had to pay a tax (Eevixov/ xenikon) on market businesses. In all, they had fewer rights than métoikoi [2. 11] and had to apply for metoikos status if they intended to live permanently in Attica. The consequence of pretending non-existent citizenship (> politeia) was a prosecution based on a public ‘bill of

Zevina Stxaothoua/xenika dikastéria (‘courts for aliens’) are mentioned in [1] as urban institutions in Ptolemaic Alexandreia [1] where they are listed alongside courts for citizens; their existence is an indication of the great number of aliens in the city and the limited availability of Alexandrian citizenship: even (citizens menotoyeadhuevoupepolitographemenoi with limited citizenship) came under their jurisdiction. The plaintiff and the accused had to agree on the procédure of a case to be brought on in these courts.

XENOI

indictment’

(> xenias graphe; cf. > graphé [1]) [3]. Moreover, in Athens a general review (> diapséphismos) to confirm or reject citizenship for particular groups of people could also be conducted. In Miletus, legal regulations concerning xenoi were compiled in the — ‘position of aliens’ (Eevimdcg vouoc/xenikos némos) [8]. Between different communities, there could be treaties (ovpBodat/symbolai or ovuBodo/symbola) of legal assistance between the host country and the country of origin of xenoi [4]. The proxenoi were favoured among xenoi (cf. + proxenia) [5]. A special case was the application of the term xenoi to mercenaries from other communities or countries (Thuc. 1,121,3; 7,13,2; Xen. An. I,1,10; Xen. Lac. 12,3; IG P 1184,89) [6; 7. 79-82].

The protective god of xenoi was considered to be + Zeus xénios. + Marginal groups; > Xenias graphe 1 E.E. COHEN, The Athenian Nation, 2000 2 Pu. B. ManVILLE, The Origin of Citizenship in Ancient Athens, 1990 3 E. BERNEKER,

s. v. Eeviag yoadn, RE 9 A, 1441-1479

4 Pu. GAUTHIER, Symbola. Les étrangers et la justice dans

1 Dikaiomata. Ausziige aus Alexandrinischen Gesetzen und Verordnungen, 1913, 84, 91-95 (Papyrus Halensis I,156-165).

M.F. BasLez, L’étranger dans la Gréce antique, 1984; H. BraunertT, Die Binnenwanderung, 1964, 385; R.Lonis (ed.), L’étranger dans le monde grec, 1988; CL. PreAUX, Les étrangers a l’époque hellenistique, in: L’étranger (Recueils de la société Jean Bodin 9), vol. 1, 1958, 141-193; H.J. Wotrr, Das Justizwesen der Ptolemaer, 1970, 91 f. W.A.

Xenombrotus

(Zevoufeotoc/ZevovPootos;

brotos/Xen6nbrotos).

Xendm-

According to [1. no. 340], X.

was victorious in horse riding (the first from his home island of Cos) at Olympia in 420 BC, while his son Xenodicus [1. no. 363] won in the youth class of boxing in 400 BC. Paus. 6,14,12 describes a shared monument to the two, for which there have been attempts to connect it with IvOl 170. As [2. no. 49] has shown, however, this inscription refers only to the victory of the father, whose father also bore the name Xenodicus. On palaeographic and stylistic grounds, this inscription is dated to the second half of the 4th cent. BC, so that X. was honoured with a victor inscription as late as c. three generations after the occasion. There is no archaeological evidence of the other monument mentioned by Paus. (loc. cit.). 1L.Moretri, Olympionikai, 1957 2J.EBERT, Epigramme auf Sieger an gymnischen und hippischen Agonen, 1972.

WD.

les cités grecques, 1972 5 F.GSCHNITZER, s. v. Proxenos, RE Suppl. 13, 629-730 6L.P. Marinovié, Le merce-

nariat grec au IV¢ siécle avant notre ére et la crise de la polis, 1988 7P.McKeEcHNIg, Outsiders in the Greek Cities in the Fourth Century BC, 1989 1,3, 1914,37 a.

8 A.REHM, Milet K-W.W.

II. ProLeMaAiIc EGypt The word €voc/xénos

(‘alien’) was used quite vaguely in Hellenistic Egypt: it can denote > mercenaries (with corresponding derivatives) or a Greek from the mother country, somebody from the rural area (chéra) lacking the citizenship of a city (and therefore not only Egyptians), a non-local person (in this form until Late Antiquity; = émi€evoc/epixenos), even some-

body who was merely not a member of an > association; the viewpoint of the writer is always important. From the term alone, therefore, membership of a social class cannot be deduced, nor even a distinction between Greeks and Egyptians.

Xenomedes (Zevowhdyc/Xenomédés) of Ceos. Logographer of the 5th cent. BC (Dion. Hal. de Thucydide 5). Author of a history of his home island (title unknown!), from which Callimachus [3] (Aetia 3, fr. 75 PFEIFFER) took the famous story of Acontius and Cydippe [1]. Other themes treated by X. are mentioned by Callimachus (fr. 75,54-77, also [1]). X. may also have been used by Aristotle [6] for his Keon politeia (fr. 511 Ross, cf. also 611,26—29). + Logographos 1 G. HuxLEy, Xenomedes ofKeos, in: GRBS 6, 1965, 23 5245.

FGrH 442 with comm.

K.MEI.

817

818

Xenon (Zévwv/Xéndn). [1] Athenian banker of the 4th cent. BC, witness in a lawsuit for property damage (> blabés diké) against ~> Phormion [2] c. 350/49 (Dem. Or. 36,13 and 37).

among some 1000 Achaeans transported to Rome as war criminals in 167 (cf. Pol. 30,13,8-11) as a result of sweeping allegations by -> Callicrates [x1] which, feeling innocent, X. had himself undertaken to refute (Paus. 7,10,9-10) [1. 198 f.; 3. 97 f.]. In Rome X. probably soon died, since X. [8] does not mention him, unlike > Polybius [2] and Stratius, among the fellow countrymen requested to be returned. [8] Achaean from Aegeum, who in 159 BC - and probably again in 155 — asked the Senate in Rome in vain to set free Achaeans deported in 167, + Polybius [2] and Stratius in particular (Pol. 32,3,14-17; 33,1,3—-8) (rears ss mrss

PA 11322; TRAILL, PAA 734715; A.R. W. HARRISON, The Law of Athens, vol. 2, 1971, 116 f. JE.

[2] Tyrant of + Hermion(e), one of the tyrants in the Peloponnese who under pressure from Aratus [2] after the death of the Macedonian king Demetrius [3] in 229 BC abdicated and joined their cities to the Achaean League (+ Achaeans, Achaea [1], with map; Pol. 2,44; Plut. Aratus 34 f.; Str. 8,7,3). H.Berve, Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen, H.H. Scunnrt, s.v. X. (3), RE 9 A, 1536 f.

1967, 400; J.co.

[3] Stratégos of > Antiochus [5] III, who retreated from the rebel + Molon [1] into fortified cities on the Tigris in 222 BC. As commander of > Sardis after the defeat of Antiochus in 190, he was unable to prevent his troops and the city’s inhabitants from negotiating with the Romans (Pol. 5,42,5; 43,73 Liv. 37,44,7). H.H. Scumitr, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte Antiochos des Grossen und seiner Zeit, 1964, 128-130 A.ME.

[4] Writer of New Comedy (3rd cent. BC), known only for two verses from an unknown play preserved in — Heraclides [18]’s work ’On the Cities of Greece’ [1]. In them the inhabitants of + Oropos are denounced as extortionate tax collectors. 1 PCG VII, 1989, 802

T.HI.

[5] Alexandrian grammarian (znd cent. BC), who in addition to — Hellanicus [2] is considered one of the chief representatives of the > Chorizontes (Procl. Vita Homeri 73-76 SEVERYNS). His great significance for this school of Homeric criticism, including the possibility that X. founded it (cf. [1]), can be deduced from — Aristarchus’ [4] work Iled¢ t0 Zévwvog mapadoEov/ Pros to Xénonos parddoxon (Against X.’s false doctrine’, schol. Il. 12,435), which was presumably conceived as a refutation of X.’s theses [2. 119]. X.’s own works have not survived; even in the scholia on Homer there is no direct reference to his work [3. 154].

XENON GROUP

1 J.DEININGER, Der politische Widerstand gegen Rom in Griechenland 217-86 v. Chr., 1971 2 F.W. WALBANK, A Historical Commentary on Polybius, vol. 3, 1979 3H. NotTrMeyer, Polybios und das Ende des Achaerbundes,

1995

L-M.G.

[9] X. from Athens, wealthy friend (and business partner?) of T. Pomponius [I 5] Atticus. In 51 BC X. was host to Q. Tullius [I rr] Cicero (Cic. Att. 5,10,5) and induced M. Cicero to block in the Areopagus a building project of C.Memmius [I 3] in Epicurus’ Garden (ibid. 5,11,6). In 45-44 BC, X. paid maintenance for M. Tullius [I ro], too parsimoniously for his family’s liking (ibid. 16,1,5). He is presumably X., a son of Dios, was master of the mint c. 70/69 (LGPN 2, X. no. 33, cf. 13; [z. 51 f.]) and may himself have been an Areopagite. 1 E. Rawson, Cicero and the Areopagus, in: Athenaeum

63, 1980, 44-67 [10] X. from Menae (in Sicily), convicted in 72 BC by C. — Verres in a— probably lawful — lawsuit (on conflicting Hellenistic and Roman legal norms: [1]) (Cic. Verr.

253555). 1S. MazzarIno, In margine alle Verrine per un giudizio storico sull’ orazione De frumento, in: Atti del 1. Congresso internazionale di Studi Ciceroniani, 1961, 2, 99118

JOR.

M.B.

Xenon Group. A special group of > South Italian vases, named after a label ona pot in Frankfurt with the charioteer Xenon preparing to start [1]. The decoration of XG vases was applied with red slip to a pot covered with dark glaze (+ Gnathia ware). The pots (+ Pottery) used are quite small in scale. Decoration is chiefly lim-

[6] Commander of the Macedonian garrison of Telon in

ited to ornamentation (~~ Ornaments) such as ivy and laurel branches, rod ornaments, wavy lines, meanders

1 M. FUHRMANN, S.v. X. (15), RE9 A, 1540

2 F. MonTANARI, in: SGLG 7, 119-121

s.v. Hellanikos (8), RE 8,

153-155

3 A.GUDEMAN,

-» Athamania; in 191 BC he surrendered the city to + Amynander (Liv. 38,1,10 f.). [7] Achaian from Patrae, stratégds of the Achaean League (+ Achaeans, Achaea) in 174/3 (?) BC [x. 1787°; 2. 333], who, like > Lycortas, during and in the run-up to the third of the + Macedonian Wars followed a strict policy of neutrality, but in 170/69, like + Archon [2] and Stratius, was concerned not to provide radical friends of Rome with an excuse for denouncing them (Pol. 28,67) [1. 178 f.; 3. 67 f.]. X. was

etc.; in contrast, representations of animals or people are distinctly rare. The production of XG ware probably began towards the end of the 5th cent. BC and ended at the conclusion of the 4th cent. BC. Also to be counted among the groups of South Italian vases with applied decoration are the footless bowls or plates of the Red Swan Group, which appeared c. 350 BC and are named after their preferred motif. Other motifs (snake, dogs or other animals, Eros, objects

such as kantharoi or amphorae) are less common. The outer faces of the bowls have floral ornamentation.

XENON GROUP

1 CVA Frankfurt am Main (4) Liebighaus (CVA Deutschland, vol. 66), pl. 65, 4-5. J.Green, Native Apulian and Xenon, in: M.E. Mayo, K.Hamma (eds.), The Art of South Italy. Vases from Magna Graecia, Richmond, 1982, 291 f.; E.D. G. ROBINsON, Between Greek and Native: The Xenon Group, in: J.-P.Descorpres (ed.), Greek Colonists and Native Populations. Proceedings of the First Australian Congress of Classical Archaeology, 1990, 251-265; K.SCHAUENBURG, Studien zur unteritalischen Vasenmalerei,

2001,

RH.

36-39.

Xenopeithes (EevometOyc/Xenopeitheés). [1] Athenian of the late 5th and early 4th cent. BC, son of Nausimachus from the Paeania deme; won a victory with a boys’ chorus at the > Thargeliain c. 385-366 (IG I? 1138,20); possibly an uncle of X. [2] (cf. [1]). TRAILL, PAA 733255. 1PA 11263

820

819

2 Daviss, 415 f.

[2] Athenian, son of Nausicrates from the Paeania deme; in c. 350-346 BC, he and his brother Nausimachus again sued the sons of their guardian Aristaechmus who had died in c. 363 for a large sum of money, despite having already made a settlement with him (Dem. Or. 38) [1]. TRAILL, PAA 733260. 1PA 11262 2 Davies, 416-418 3G. KLEINDIENST, De causa orationis in Nausimachum et X. Demosthenicae (XXXVI), 1913. JE.

Xenophanes (Zevopavnc/Xenophanés). [1] X. of Colophon. Greek poet, social and religious critic, natural philosopher (6th/5th cents. BC). I, LIFE AND TRANSMISSION II. PHILOSOPHY II]. INFLUENCES AND RECEPTION

I. LIFE AND TRANSMISSION

X. must have lived between 570 and 467 BC (these dates reflect adjustments for contradictions in the ancient biographical tradition). According to an autobiographical comment, he lived to be over 90 years old (21 B 8 Dk). Ancient doxography connected him to Elea (— Velia) and > Parmenides. The claim that he had founded the — Eleatic School is generally rejected today (see below). It is fairly certain that X. moved from Ionia to settle in Western Greece, that he was active in Sicily and perhaps in Southern Italy as well and that his travels as a wandering rhapsode took him through the entire “Hellenic land’ (21 B 8 DK). X. was the first philosopher of the so-called — Presocratics, and a large number of literal quotations from his elegiac, hexametric and iambic poetry has been transmitted along with doxographic testimonies. Many of the fragments probably originated from a work in 5 bks. with the title DtAdou (Silloi, ‘Satirical (mocking) poems’). The ancient report that he had written epic poems about the founding of Colophon and the colonization of Elea are mostly doubted today.

II. PHILOSOPHY X.’ social criticism was aimed at several of the foremost ‘icons’ of Greek culture: against the glorification of victorious — athletes (21 B 2 DK) and against > Homerus and > Hesiodus because of their focus on conflict and violence (21 B 1,21-23 DK) and their presentation of immoral gods (21 B 11; 12 DK). He vigourously criticized religious prejudices that are culturespecific (“The Ethiopians represent their gods as blacks, the Thracians as blue-eyed and red-haired”, 21 B 16 DK) and polemicized against > anthropomorphism (21 B 14 DK; “If horses or oxen or lions could draw”, they would represent their gods as the corresponding animals: 21 B 15 DK). X. rejected the belief in favourable or baleful epiphanies: the rainbow is not the goddess Iris (2x B 32 DK), the — ‘Dioscuri’ of sailors (St. Elmo’s fire) are not divine twins (21 A 39 DK) - rather, both phenomena are special types of the formation of clouds. For each point that he criticized, X. formulated an alternative. The exaggerated honours for athletes should be granted to a wise poet like himself instead (21 B 2 DK). The harmful influence of epic poetry should best be alleviated through ethical behaviour and educational poetry, as he stated in his famous sympotic poem (2x Bx DK). Ina first step towards Greek philosophical — theology (and probably primarily towards > monotheism), X. formulated a new concept of God: according to the criteria of ‘what is befitting’ (cf. énuteémeV epiprépei 21 B 26,2 DK), he concludes that there must be a “single God, greatest among gods and men, dissimilar in body and mind to mortals” (21 B 23 DK). God’s perception is direct, wholistic and not tied to sensory organs (21 B 24 DK). God ‘shakes’ (xeadatvel/ kradainei) all things or ‘the All’ (wavta/pdnta) without effort or physical movement through a single act of thinking (21 B 25, 26 DK). X.’ demythologizing of natural phenomena is supported by his > cosmology: the earth expands infinitely towards the depth (21 B 28 DK), above it, the realm of watery vapours expands infinitely as well, a realm which contains a myriad of unusual clouds that “emit light (and colour), due to a certain movement” (Sia thy mova xivnow maQaddpnovioldia tén poian kinésin paralamponta: 21 A 39 DK). These special cloud formations comprize all heavenly phenomena: from those that appear close to the earth (rainbows, ‘Dioscuri’) to the sun, moon and stars. On or near the surface of the earth, earth and water supply the materials that constitute the various living beings (2x B 29; 33 DK). This mixture is caused by a cosmic process of low tide and high tide in which parts of the earth’s surface are at times above and at times below water. X. is claimed to have reached this conclusion after examining fossils of marine creatures (21 A 33,5-6 DK). X. was the first Greek philosopher to offer an > epistemology. Divine revelation did not play a role: “As they search, in time mortals will find that which is better” (21 B 18 DK). The primary source of insight are

821

822

obviously the senses (21 B 36 DK) which, however, must be controlled through comparative perception: “If God had not created honey, figs would seem much sweeter” (21 B 38 DK). For things beyond human perception (e.g. the depth of the earth, the essence of God, past times of floods or the nature of heavenly bodies),

Even without the distortion of an Eleatic re-interpretation, X.’ influence on others is considerable. The Eleatic élenchos (‘argumentational refutation’), for instance, might indeed owe much to the spirit and the method of the widely known Silloi. X.’ critical epistemology is doubtless reflected in Parmenides, not only in his contrast between the déxai (‘erroneous opinions’) of the mortals and actual philosophical noein (‘cognition’), but also in what Parmenides regarded as the central deduction - that epistemology leads to > ontology. He was read with conscious scepticism (e.g. by ~ Timon [2] of Phleius) and thus X.’ epistemology had a long-lasting influence on > Scepticism. X.’ derivation of a deity’s ‘befitting’ attributes reveals well-known parallels to Plato (Pl. Resp. 380d—383a) who also revived X.’ critical discussion of epic poetry (Resp. 377d394c). X.’ completely non-anthropomorphic and unmoved God who ‘shakes all things’ (21 B 24 DK) is a precursor to Aristotle’s ‘unmoved mover’. Even X.’ thesis, that the philosopher deserves the highest honours of the polis better than an Olympic athlete reappears in a famous Platonic text: Socrates’ [2] defence speech (PI. Ap. 36d 4-372 1).

mortals can use extrapolations or suppositions, as X. declaredly did (Sdxo¢/d6kos, S0Edtew/doxdzein, 21 B 34,5; 21 B 35 DK), that are “appropriate” (21 B 26,2 DK) or “similar to the truth” (o1mdta toig évopouod

eoikota tois etymoisi, 21 B 35 DK). III. INFLUENCES AND RECEPTION In many modern representations of Greek - philosophy and - science, X. appears as a second-rate thinker, and often he is overlooked altogether: (x) The ‘Eleatic-style interpretation’ of X. by Plato [x] had negative consequences, since Plato remarked rather jokingly that Eleatic monism “had begun with X. and even earlier” (Pl. Soph. 242d 5). Aristotle [6] legitimized this concept of an Eleatic ‘succession’ although he acknowledged that X.’ only step towards monism was the theory of a single God (Aristot. Metaph. 1,5,986b 20-25). Since Aristotle, X. has regularly been placed alongside the three Eleatic philosophers (Parmenides, Zeno [1] and Melissus). Correspondingly, the Ps.-Aristotelian text De Melisso, Xenophane et Gorgia, of Peripatetic or Sceptic origin, creates a forced connection between X.’ theology and a quasi-Eleatic derivation of the characteristics of the ‘One’. Asa result, X. is reduced to the role of a mere precursor of + Parmenides. Furthermore, it resulted in the misunderstanding of his cosmology (e.g., X.’ infinite earth became a globe) and the neglect of his natural philosophy, which was regarded as epistemologically questionable after the model of the Parmenidean doxai. (2) Another negative infuence was the overestimation of putative early breakthroughs in 6th-cent. BC Greek philosophy and science. Compared to earlier, supposedly superior models, X.’ theory of an infinite earth and his astrophysics of clouds must appear as a regression to primitive thought. Today, X.’ natural philosophy has been disburdened from unjustified comparisons and is judged much more favourably: as an early, intelligent attempt at combining empirical observations and theory in a coherent interpretation of Na-

ture. X.’ connection to his three Milesian precursors (cf. + Milesian School) is fairly obvious. The constitutive role of water in X. is evocative of + Thales, and the topic of the &xeipov (dpeiron, if understood as something ‘undetermined, unlimited or infinite’) is evocative of > Anaximander and > Anaximenes [r1] (cf. — Infi-

nity). The relationship between God and the world in X. is very similar to that of the all-encompassing dpeiron and the world in Anaximander. The cloud theory obviously continues Anaximenes’ theory of dilution/thickening. X., like Anaximander before him, placed much importance on opposites.

XENOPHANES

FRAGMENTS:

DIELS/KRANZ

I (no. 21), 113-139; GEN-

TILI-PRATO, 144-183; M. UNTERSTEINER (ed.), Senofane, 1956 (with It. transl. and comm.); E. HErTscu (ed.), X., 1983 (with Ger. transl. and comm.); J. H. LEsHER (ed.), X. of Colophon, 1992 (with Engl. transl. and comm.).

BIBLIOGRAPHY: B.S1jakovic, Bibliographia praesocratica, 2001, 460-467. LITERATURE: A.KELESIDOU, ‘H ®uooodia tod Eevoodavn, 1996; J.MANSFELD, De Melisso Xenophane Gorgia: Pyrrhonizing Aristotelianism, in: RhM 131, 1998,

239-276; A.P. D. MourELATOS, ‘X Is Really Y’: Ionian Origins of a Thought Pattern, in: K.J. Boupouris (ed.), Ionian Philosophy, 1989, 280-290; Id., La terre et les étoiles dans la cosmologie de Xénophane, in: A. Laxs, C. LouGUET (eds.), Qu’est-ce que la philosophie présocratique?, 2002, 331-350; P. STEINMETZ, X.studien, in: RhM 109, 1966, 13-73; T.WuesNER, Ps.-Aristoteles,; MXG: der historische Wert des X.referates, 1974.

[2] Athenian, son of Cleomachus, in the 2nd > Punic

War legate of > Philippus [7] V for the formation of the alliance between Macedonia and Carthage (cf. Pol. 7,9,1)

[t.no. 104].

On

his return

trip at sea,

the

Romans captured X. along with his delegation and the accompanying party from Carthage and discovered the treaty. X. was questioned in Rome and finally released (Liv. 23,34,5-9; App. Mac. 1,2; Just. Epit. 29,4,2f.; Zon. 9,4,2—4) [2.245]. It is a matter of debate whether X. had been captured already on the trip to + Capua but set free as the result of the bold deception of the praetor M. -* Valerius [1 27] Laevinus, which allowed [4] (Liv. 23,33,6-9) him to reach + Hannibal [osaigu®?; 372721) 1 E.OLSHAUSEN, Prosopographie der hellenistischen Konigsgesandten, 1974 2J. SerBeRT, Hannibal, 1993 3 Id., Forschungen zu Hannibal, 1993 4 PAA 733550.

L-M.G.

823

824

[3] lambographer originally from Lesbos, whose lifetime dates are unknown; mentioned by Diog. Laert. 9,20 (= JEG II’ p. 191). M.D.MA.

After his death, his son was suspected of possessing confiscated funds (Lys. Or. 19).

XENOPHANES

Davies, 199f.; TRAILL, PAA 734360; D.Hamet, Athenian Generals, 1998, 43f.; 142; 205-208. WS.

Xenophilus (Zevodthoc/Xendphilos). [1] Comedy writer of the 5th cent. BC, victorious once at the Lenaia [1. test. 2] and possibly also once at the Dionysia [r. test. 1]; neither play titles nor fragments

[2] X. of Athens (&. ‘A@nvaioc; X. Athénaios), from the deme Erchia, about 430 to about 3 54 BC. Greek writer, historiographer and > Socratic (short biography in

survive.

Diog. Laert. 2,48-59).

1 PCG VI, 1989, 803.

B.BA.

[2] X. of Chalcidice. Pupil of — Philolaus [2] (Diog. Laert. 8,46) and one of the last of the Pythagoreans (Iambl. v.P. 251; cf. > Pythagoras [2]). X. was thought remarkable in Antiquity primarily because of his age (x05 years old) (Val. Max. 8,13 ext. 3; Plin. HN. 7,168; Lucian. Macrobii 18). Modern interest in X. is based on his being a/the teacher of > Aristoxenus [1], who occupies the position of a renegade in the Pythagorean tradition, since his school of music theory developed into an antithesis to Pythagoreanism (cf. Ptol. Harmonika T,2)5

RO.HA.

[3] Officer under > Alexander [4] the Great, in 331 BC appointed commandant of the fortress of > Susa (Curt. 552,16; a different name in Arr. An. 3,16,9, who must have misunderstood his source: [1. 319]). He held the fortress and the treasure stored there (cf. Athen. 12,514e-f) for > Eumenes [1] against — Seleucus [2]

(Diod. 19,17,3; 18,1: 317 BC). After the death of Eumenes he made an agreement with Seleucus and, without yielding the fortress, travelled for negotiations to > Antigonus [1], who received him with feigned friendship in order to seize the fortress (Diod. 19,48,6). From Diodorus it can be deduced that he was then killed. 1 A.B. Boswortu, A Historical Commentary on Arrian’s History of Alexander, vol. 1, 1980 2 CH. HaBICcHnt, s. v. X. (3), RE9 A, 1565 f. EB.

[4] Greek historian, after 600 BC. Author of Avétxai iotogiat (Lydikai historiai). Only one fragment has survived (FGrH 767): Sadyattes [2], the king of Lydia (c. 625-600), married his sister Lyde and with her fathered his successor + Alyattes, cf. FGrH 90 Nikolaos F 63. P.HO.

I. Lire

Il. Works

I. LIFE

X., son of Gryllus, probably came from the prosperous equestrian class. His childhood and youth were during the -» Peloponnesian War, his acquaintance with — Socrates [2] in the years after 410. In 4o1, X. took part in the campaign of > Cyrus [3] the Younger, without military function according to his own statement, against the latter’s brother, the Persian king ~ Artaxerxes [2]. After the death of Cyrus in the Battle of > Cunaxa and the treacherous murder of the Greek generals, X. together with the Spartan > Chirisophus [x], led the Greek > mercenaries through Anatolia back to Trapezus, then entered the service of the Thracian king > Seuthes [2] with them and in 399 BC joined the Spartans under > Thibron [1] II, whose goal was liberating the Ionian cities from the Persians. In 396, he met the Spartan king > Agesilaus [2] in Asia Minor, returned to Greece with him and fought on the Spartan side at - Coronea in 394 against the Boeotians (> Boeotia B.; > Corinthian War), who were allied with Athens. Whether the reason for his exile from Athens lay here or in his participation in the campaign of Cyrus (Xen. An. 75757 mentions it in this context) is disputed [1]. X. probably received an estate in > Scillus from Agesilaus (Xen. An. 5,3; Diog. Laert. 2,52; Paus. 5,6,5). After the defeat of > Sparta against the Boeotians at > Leuctra (371 BC) and the attack on Scillus by Elis, X. settled in Corinth. Athens lifted his exile around 365, but X. probably remained in Corinth (Diog. Laert. 2,56). His work Poroi, written in 355 BC, provides the terminus post quem for his death. Many works probably originated in Scillus, but“with the exception of the Andbasis, X.’s major works are late” [13.1902]. According to the ancient publication lists, his complete work is

extant. Xenophon (Zevopav; Xenophén). [1] Athenian. Initially commander of the — cavalry (hipparchés; IG } 51x); then participated in the campaign against Samos in 441/40 BC as = stratégds (Androtion FGrH 324 F 38), was also stratégos the following years and operated as such in Thrace in 430/429. He was treated with hostility due to his unauthorized acceptance of the capitulation of > Potidaea (Thuc. 2,70), but remained in office and fell as stratégds

at Spartolus in the summer of 429 during a campaign against the Chalcidians and Bottians (Thuc. 2,79,1-7; Diod. Sic. 12,47,3). A daughter of X. married a wealthy Athenian who was killed in 389 or 388 as a triérarchos.

Il. Works A. HISTORIOGRAPHIC

WORKS B. Po ritiCAL-DIDACTIC WORKS C,. SOCRATIC WORKS D. INSTRUCTIONAL WORKS E, STYLE AND INFLUENCE F. FALSE ATTRIBUTIONS

A. HISTORIOGRAPHIC WORKS In the historiographic monograph “AvdéBaotc (Andbasis), X. describes in 7 books [3] first of all the ‘march of the Ten Thousand’, the Greek mercenaries in the service of Cyrus [3] to Asia as well as the return of the troops after the battle of Cunaxa (Xen. An. 1,8) and

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32, ‘S: PY Peloponnesian War left behind by > Thucydides [2] to its end in 404 (Xen. Hell. 1,1253,10), following Thucydides in chronological arrangement and style. The rest of book 2 deals with the oligarchic revolution of 404 (> Triakonta) and the restoration of the democracy in Athens. In books 3-7 (to the year 361 BC) the perspective switches to > Sparta: Sparta’s war against the Persians and events of the same time in Greece, from 401 to 386 (3,1-5,1); the predominance of Sparta and her decline during the hegemony of Thebes (5,2; cf. > Thebes [2] II. C.). The work ends with the battle of > Mantinea (362 BC). This reflects

his own memories of his time with > Agesilaus [2], enhanced by reports, probably primarily from Spartan informants, on events which X. did not experience himself. His military expertise is reflected in detailed description of military actions. Unlike Thucydides, X. did not systematically look for information or did not want to analyze root causes, but rather used historical events paradigmatically as proof of human greatness in individuals and thus pursued — as elsewhere (cf. 5,3,7) — a moralizing tendency. Here, he showed clear preferences, for example for Agesilaus, and on the other hand disregarded other figures (e.g. + Epaminondas) and ignored important events (like the liberation of > Messana [2] and foundation of + Megalopolis). Unlike > Aristoteles [6] (Pol. 1269a 28-1271b 19), X. could not (or would not) analyze Sparta’s structural weaknesses and explained its decline (Xen. Hell. 5,4,1) with the wrath of the gods, because it would not guarantee the Greek states their autonomy. With the dramatic depiction of individual events (e.g. the defeat of Athens: ibid. 2,2), he anticipated Hellenistic + historiography, which aimed for effect (on X.’s historiography in general cf. [2]). B. POLITICAL-DIDACTIC WORKS The Kvgov madeia (Kyrou paideia, Cyropaedia, i.e. ‘Education of Cyrus’) in 7 (8) books [4] is a fictional work on the life of the founder of the Persian Empire, ~ Cyrus [2] (reigned 559-529). The education named in the title is only dealt with in book 1, while books 2-8

show the educational principles proving their worth in a variety of situations (Xen. Cyr. 4,2,453 54,12): pri-

marily in military difficulties which show Cyrus’ superior analytical ability for estimating military situations and for thoughtful planning (7,5,5) and how he can spur his army to extreme performance through personal integrity (5,2,10), generosity and care for their wellbeing (cf. 3,3,593 51,26) and is able to conquer an empire. In speeches or dialogues, his position rationally proves to be the only one justifiable, because it is ultimately useful. Cyrus never makes mistakes. In the administration of his empire (from 7,5,37), he presents himself to his subjects as a moral example (8,1,21).

With the depiction of crimes and luxury in Persia after Cyrus’ death, the final chapter (8,8) offers the terminus post quem for the chapter and probably for the entire work, because it implies the > satrap revolt of 362/1. Cicero (Ad Q. Fr. 1,1,23) saw that X. was not aiming

for historical truth in the Kyrou paideia, but wanted to describe the image of just rule (+ Princes’ mirror). It is significant that X. chose a > ‘barbarian’ as his model. In the ‘Iéowv (Hiéron; on this [5]), a fictional discus-

sion, the tyrant > Hieron [1] of Syracuse and the poet + Simonides of Ceos exchange their ideas on — tyrannis. The tyrant emphasizes (Xen. Hier. 1-7) ex-

clusively the negative side (for example, living in permanent fear of persecution), the poet counters (ibid. 8-11) with its generally positively seen features, while advising him to use his great financial and political facilities for the benefit of all and so gain true friendship. The negative image shows many correspondences with — Plato’s [x] ‘Republic’ (bks. 8 and 9) and Aristotle (Pol. 1320b 1-1323a 15; cf. > Constitution). The work ‘Aynoitaog (Agésilaos) is intended as praise (€satvoc/épainos) of the Spartan king > Agesilaus [2] (Xen. Ages. 1,1). It thus belongs to the literary genre of the > enkomion, reveals influence from — Isocrates’ Euagoras, but is closer to historiography, because X. describes the military performance of Agesilaus with allusion to the Hellénikd (cf. [6]) in the first part (x-2). In the second part (3-11), Agesilaus is depicted not only as the embodiment of the good king, but also as a model for all who strive for true virtue (10,2); thus the work follows protreptic intentions. The Agésilaos was written not long after the death of the king and defends him against possible criticism (ibid. 21,235)

In the Aaxedamoviov moditeia (Lakedaimonion politeia, ‘Constitution of the Spartans’), X. traces the

power and fame of > Sparta back to the constitution created by the lawgiver > Lycurgus [4]: an educational system which trains manliness, obedience (Xen. Lac. 8) and a sense of community (6,1) from an early age, as well as state institutions which are connected with these values, where the > éphoroi strictly monitor the values of the community and where the place in the > gerousia represents the reward for outstanding behaviour (10). X. extensively explains the military organization of Sparta (11-13). With the declaration in the last chapter

829

830

(14) that the leaders of Sparta in his time no longer wanted to follow the laws of Lycurgus, he probably wanted to encourage reflection on the old values, and perhaps also hold up a mirror to the Athenians (cf. Xen.

understandable, because only discomforts await him at his age. His daiménion is not a new deity, but rather a more sublime form of the voice of the divine, which the Athenians attempted to understand in Athens from the flight of birds and from sacrificial animals. The Dvpxdovov (Sympdsion, for this [7]) belongs to the genre of > symposium literature. In the house of > Callias [5], his beloved Autolycus, the latter’s father > Lycon [2], Socrates and > Antisthenes [1], among others, gather. Acrobatic and pantomime performances

Mem. 3,5,16).

The treatise ‘Immagyixdg (AOyos) (Hipparchikés (logos), ‘On the Cavalry Commander’) addresses a man

who is to take over the office of cavalry commander (hipparchos; cf. + Hippeis; + Cavalry), treats all aspects of leading a cavalry unit, including ways and means of gaining the loyalty of the cavalry troops (Xen. Eq. mag. 6), or strategic advice, e.g. how to make a cavalry troop appear larger to the enemy (5,5). The T6got (P6roi, often quoted by Latin title Vectigalia, ‘Ways and Means’) include suggestions for ensuring the supply of the citizens of Athens after their defeat in the + Social War [1] in 355 BC, without relying on the previous unjust measures against the allies. The settlement of + métoikoi or the promotion of trade should strengthen Athens economically. X. mainly suggests a one-off special tax for the purchase of slaves by the state; these are to be leased to renters of the silver mines in + Laurium, with every citizen being paid three obols per day from the proceeds of the lease. This measure in the tradition of the salary system of the Attic democracy (> Demokratia) is difficult to reconcile with the otherwise rather aristocratic ideas of X. However, the final chapter suggests the interpretation that X. wanted to replace the payment for political activity (cf. > Misthos III.) with this daily payment and thus put an end to negative consequences of the payment for political activities which was lamented by critics of the democracy

[14.15-30]. C. SOCRATIC WORKS Along with the political and historical works, X. also wrote a series of philosophical works, about and inspired by > Socrates [2] (cf. + Socratics), whom he had known personally according to several statements. The Yrouvnuovevpata Loxeatovg (Hypomnéemoneumata Sdékratous; Lat. Memorabilia) contains X.’s ‘Memories of Socrates’ in 4 books: at the beginning (chs. 1-2), X. refutes the charges against Socrates; in the following chapters, Socrates teaches his dialogue partner, usually in short conversations, about aspects of moral behaviour, friendship (Xen. Mem. 2,2-10), politics (3,1-7), but also the household (2,7). Book 4 focuses on education. Socrates appears as the virtuous Athenian, who wants to be of use to his fellow citizens and whose conduct of life belied the charges raised by his accusers. Although the young X. knew Socrates (Xen. An. 3,1,5-7), the Memorabilia probably does not offer a basis for reconstructing the historical Socrates from his own experiences, because X. made use of the extensive Socratic literature. The “Axodoyia Lwxedtovg (Apologia Sokratous, ‘Apology of Socrates’), a short work, does not repeat his defence speech, but rather seeks to clarify some points of view: Socrates’ disdain of life is not boastful, but

XENOPHON

(ch. 2; 9) frame the discussion (cf. -» Banquet II.). At first, each guest describes his ability to do something good (Xen. Symp. 3-5). The climax is Socrates’ speech on + Eros (ibid. 8). He contrasts ‘pandemic’ love, which seeks physical pleasure, with heavenly love, which leads to beautiful deeds. Here, X. draws on Plato [x] (Pl. Symp. 180d-18 5c; cf. also Pl. Phdr. 23.9e-241¢). Paederastic love is rejected as shameless (— Paederasty) and this is reinforced by a pantomime of the erotic encounter of Ariadne and Dionysus, which deeply moves the group. The Oixovowixds (AOyos) (Oikonomikos (l6gos)) is a partially dialogical treatise on the proper running of a household. Socrates talks to Critobulus about the management of the household (+ Oikos), i.e. his complete wealth. Socratic themes are touched on (only that which one knows how to use to one’s advantage is considered an asset; Xen. Oec. 1,9-12; 6,4). The conversation leads to an encomium of > agriculture (4-6),

which influences people physically and in terms of character. Socrates names the landholder Ischomachus as an example of > kalokagathia and presents the latter’s report on the instruction of his young wife in the duties of household administration (7-10). In contrast to the philosophical and literary tradition, an important role is acknowledged for the - woman (II.) here in maintaining the assets [15.36]. Cicero translated this work into Latin (not extant).

D. INSTRUCTIONAL WORKS With Tel immuxijs (Peri hippikés, ‘On the Art of Horsemanship’; Latin De equitandi ratione), X. seeks to go beyond the work of > Simon [2]. Questions connected with + horsemanship are dealt with in detail, such as the purchase of a suitable horse, breaking and care, but also the psychology of the rider (Xen. Eq. 6,13) and of the horse (9,2; 10,13; 11,6) as well as in

particular its military use. At Eq. 12,14, X. recommends his Hipparchikos (see above II. B.). The Kuvnyntixds (Aoyos) (Kynégétikos (logos)) is a textbook on hunting (on this [8]; authenticity disputed: [9]); it deals with > hunting native animals (hares, roe deer, wild boars), and in passing with non-local animals as well (lions, bears, others), primarily with dogs and nets. The work contains fine observations, for example on the anatomy of the + hare (Xen. Cyn. 5,30), its movement or its sleeping with open eyes (5,10f.) and provides a teleological explanation (5,26f.), anticipating Aristotle’s [6] zoology. A positive effect on military

831

832

performance (chap. 12), but also on thinking, speaking and behaviour is attributed to hunting (1,18, cf. chap. Tate igeus))y

Uber Tyrannis, 1963 6 K. BRINGMANN, X.s Hellenika und Agesilaos. Zu ihrer Entstehungsweise und Datierung, in:

XENOPHON

E. STYLE AND INFLUENCE In almost all of X.’s works, a basic stock of statements on the conduct of life recurs, which reveals contemporary influence, probably primarily from — Socratics, but certainly also from X.’s personal experiences as a soldier, commander and landholder: in the long view, only effort and self-control can lead to happiness. X.’s style is occasionally full of charm and witty humour, often dry, matter-of-fact, without digressions. X. enjoyed great popularity throughout Antiquity: a high estimation of X. is recorded for Caesar and Cicero, and the stylists and grammarians saw in him a chief representative of the simple style (aéAeva/aphéleia), even if X.’s occupation with other literatures, his long absence from Athens and his frequent contact with Greeks who spoke other dialects left demonstrable traces in his language. As an Attic writer, X. experienced a real renaissance at the time of Atticism, so that the MSS of his works survived the Dark Ages. Up to the 21st cent., X. has been a popular school author and model of style for Attic Greek. Furthermore, X. receives greater attention today both as a man of letters and as a source for the political, economic, social and mental history of the 4th cent. BC

Gymnasium 78, 1971, 224-241

7 K.VON FRITZ, Antis-

thenes und Sokrates in X.s Symposion, in: RhM 84, 1935, 19-45

8 V.Gray, X.’s Cynegeticus, in: Hermes

1985,

156-172

113,

9 L.RADERMACHER, Ueber den Cynegi-

ticus des X., in: RhM 51, 1896, 596-629; 52, 1897, 13-41

10 K.Minscuer, X. in der griechisch-rémischen Literatur (Philologus Suppl. 13, no. 2), 1920

11 W.G. FORREST,

The Date of the Pseudo-Xenophontic Athenaion Politeia, 12 E.ScHUTRUMPF, Die .in: Klio 52, 1970, 107-116 Folgen der Atimie fiir die Athenische Demokratie, Ps.-X. ‘Vom Staat der Athener’ 3, 12f., in: Philologus 117, 1973, 166-168 13H.R. BREITENBACH, s.v. X. (6) von Athen, RE 9 A, 1569-2051 (special issue 1966) 14 E.ScHUTRUMPF, X.s Poroi (Texte zur Forschung 38), 1982 15 $.B. Pomeroy, X.’s Oeconomicus. A Social and Historical Commentary, 1994.

EDITIONS:

Complete: E.C. MARCHANT,

Xenophontis

Opera Omnia, 5 vols., 1900-1920; Az.: P.MASQUERAY,

1949/52

(with French transl.); Ath. pol.: E.KALINKA,

1913 (with German transl. and comm.); Eq.: K. WIDDRA, 1964; Hell.: K.HUDE, 1930; J.HATZFELD, 1948/54 (with French transl.); Eq. mag.: E. DELEBECQUE, 1973, 2003 (with French transl.); Cyr.: W.GEMOLL, 1968; M.Bizos,

vol. 1 und 2, 1972/73, E. DELEBECQUE, vol. 3, 1978 (with French transl.); Oec.: P. CHANTRAINE, 1949 (with French transl.); G.PIERLEONI, X. opuscula, 1954; A.H. R. E. Paap, The Xenophon Papyri, 1970 (with comm.).

[ro].

LEXICON, INDEx: F.G. Sturz, Lexicon Xenophonteum, 1801-1804 (repr. 1964); A.R. LOpEz, F.M.Garcia,

F. FALSE ATTRIBUTIONS A series of letters under X.’s name was handed down in Antiquity. The “AOnvaiwv modtela (Athénaion poli-

Index Xenophontis Opusculorum, 1994.

teia, ‘Constitution of the Athenians’) is also not authentic (‘Pseudo-X.’). Its unknown author disapproves (probably at the beginning of the —> Peloponnesian War; [11]) of the democratic constitution of Athens, because the ‘bad people’ (xovygoi/ponérot) do better than the ‘good’ (yenotoi/chréstoi) under it, but admits that the > démos rightly rule, because as oarsmen in the fleet they helped Athens gain mastery of the sea, the advantages of which the author esteems. Despite the lack of education, the démos know very well how to maintain power. Precisely the moral and _ political aspects which are criticized by the opponents of the democracy (e.g. ruthless treatment of the allies, refusal to take on expensive or risky functions) show the ability of the démos to ensure their rule. The sometimes ironicsounding arguments recognize personal advantage as the basis of action and thus indicate a relationship to sophistic ideas [12] (-> Sophists). ~ Cyrus [3]; > Demokratia; + Gryllus [2]; > Historiography II.; > Peloponnesian War; > Socrates [2]; > Socratics; + Sparta E., > HistoRIOGRAPHY 1 P.J. Rann, The Date of X.’s Exile, in: G.S. SHRIMPTON, D.J.McCarcar (eds.), Classical Contributions. FS M. F. McGregor, 1981, 103-119 2J.DiLLery, X. and

the History of His Times, 1995 3G.B. NussBaum, The Ten Thousand. A Study in Social Organization and Action in X.’s Anabasis, 1967 4 CH. MULLER-GOLDINGEN, Untersuchungen zu X.s Kyrupadie, 1995 5 L.STrauss,

TRANSLATIONS:

W.MUri,

B.ZIMMERMANN

(eds.), X.

An.: Der Zug der Zehntausend, 1990; G. STRASBURGER, X. Hell., 32000; R. NICKEL, X. Cyr., 1992; K. WIDDRA, X. Eq. (Schriften und Quellen der Alten Welt 16), 1965; G. AupRING, X. Okonomische Schriften (Schriften und Quellen der Alten Welt 38), 1992; P. JAERISCH, X. Erinnerungen an Sokrates, +1987. COMMENTARIES:

O.LENDLE,

Kommentar

zu

X.s

Anabasis, 1995; J.P. SrRONK, The Ten Thousand in Thrace. An Archaeological and Historical Commentary on X. an., 1995; F.OLLIER, La république des Lacédémoniens, 1934 (with ed. and Fenchtransl.); K. M. T. CurtMES-ATKINSON, The Respublica Lacedaemoniorum, 1948; S.REBENICH, X., Die Verfassung der Spartaner, 1998 (with Gk. text and German transl.); PH. GAUTHIER, Un commentaire historique des Poroi de Xénophon (Hautes Etudes du monde gréco-romain), 1976; O.GIGON, Kommentar zum ersten/zweiten Buch von X.s

Mem., 1953/56; G.J. WoLpiNGa, X.s Symposium. Prolegomena en Commentaar (2 vols.), thesis, Amsterdam

1938/39; H.FRIscH, The Constitution of the Athenians, 1942 (with ed. and English transl.). BIBLIOGRAPHY: TRAILL, PAA 734300; K. ANDERSON, X., 1974, *2001; E. DELEBECQUE, Essay sur la vie de X., 1957; L.Gautigr, La langue de X., 1941; D.R. Morrison, Bibliography of Editions, Translations, and Commentary on X.’s Socratic Writings, 1600-Present, 1988; R.NickeL, X. (Ertrage der Forschung rrr), 1979 (on Xenophontic scholarship); J.-M. G1ranp, X. et Phistoire,

2001. FOR

raum.

THE

Das

MAP:

P.HOGEMANN,

achamenidische

Ostlicher

Westreich

von

Mittelmeer-

Kyros

bis

833

834

Xerxes (547-479/8 v.Chr.), TAVO B IV 23, 1986; T.MitForp, Thalatta, Thalatta: X.’s View of the Black Sea, in: AS 50, 2000, 127-132 with ill. 2. EES.

[3] Poet attested to in Diog. Laert. 2,59 [1. test.1] as affiliated with the old + comedy, for whom only one victory in the Lenaea is recorded in an inscription [1. test.2]; there, X. appears chronologically immediately before the poets — Philyllius and — Philonicus, and thus was active about 400 BC. 1 PCG VII, 1989, 804.

H.-G.NE.

[4] Sculptor from Athens. With -» Cephisodotus [4] or [5], he created the cult group in the sanctuary of Zeus in + Megalopolis (Paus. 8,30,10) and executed the marble parts of the + akrolithon of Tyche in Thebes [2] (Paus. 9,16,1). This suggests an approximate creative

period in the 4th cent. BC; his style remains unknown. OVERBECK, nos. 1140, 1142, 1144; LIPPOLD, 225, 230;

P. MORENO s.v. X., EAA 7, 1235-1236.

goras, possibly active in > Alexandria [1]. He wrote about tumours and may be the X. quoted by > Soranus in his Gynaikeia (3,29) with a very exotic method of treating — hysteria. X. believed that the day on which the crisis occurs in the progress of the disease has something divine about it (Erotianus, Glossarium, p. 108 NACHMANSON), comparable to the > Dioscuri, who appear to sailors in need. V.N. [6] Achaean from Aegium, pro-Roman follower of — Aristaenus (cf. [1.109,1]), with whom he represented the interests of the Achaean League (— Achaeans, Achaea, map) in 198 BC at the side of T. > Quinctius {I 14] Flamininus against — Philippus [7] V. (Pol. 18,1,4;

Liv.

32,32,11);

in 197

(FGrH 273 F 72 and FHG 3, fr. 22). The periplous dealt with the west and north of the outer sea; here he reported, probably following — Pytheas [4], on a large island in the northern sea (southern Scandinavia? -> Scadinavia), which he called ‘Balcia’ (Plin. HN 4,95; Solin. 19,6: Abalcia), and further on the insulae Gorgades (Plin. HN 6,199-201; Solin. 56,10-12) to the west of Africa; here X. referenced -» Hanno [1], misrepresenting the latter’s geographic information [2.13f. n. to §18]. The characterization of Diog. Laert. (ibid.) could very well refer to the mention of a 600-year-old king of the Lutmii and his 800-year-old son (Plin. HN 7,155; cf. Val. Max. 8,13, ext. 7: Latmii). Independent work cannot be demonstrated in the transmission of the periplous of X. In any case, his treatment of the west and north shows the direction of the geographic interest of his audience [1.2055]. 1F.GISINGER, s.v. X. (to), 2 C. MULLER, GGM 1, 1882.

RE

9A,

2051-2055 H.A.G.

RN.

[5] Greek doctor about 300 BC, student of > Praxa-

during the Roman-

Macedonian armistice, X. led the embassy to the Senate (Pol. 18,10,11).

XENOPHON

first

Achaean

1 J. DEININGER, Der politische Widerstand gegen Rom in Griechenland 217-86 v. Chr., 1971. L-M.G.

[7] Strategos of Cyprus and archiereus, probably also syngenes 168-163 (?) or after 124 BC (?) (SEG 20, 200). R. BAGNALL, The Administration of the Ptolemaic Possessions outside Egypt, 1976, 257f.; L.Mooren, The Aulic Titulature in Ptolemaic Egypt, 1975, 197, Nr. 0357.

W.A.

[8] Geographer from Lampsacus, mentioned by Pliny (HN book 1; bks. 3-6), to be estimated chronologically at the end of the 2nd and beginning of the rst cent. BC, on the one hand due to allusion (Solin. 56,12) to the

destruction of Carthage, and on the other because ~+ Alexander [23] Polyhistor used him (FGrH 273 F 17 and possibly F 72). Whether Diog. Laert. 2,59 means X. with the fifth of the seven Xenophontes, from whom comes ‘a fabulous tale of wonders’ (uvOdy¢ teoateia/ mythddeés terateia) is uncertain. X. wrote a > periplous (FGrH 273 F 17) and probably two works — known only by the title — on Syria

[9] see > Xerxes [4] [10] X. of Ephesus (=. 6 Epeouaxdc; X. ho Ephesiakos),

author of the Greek — novel ‘Tales of Ephesus’ (Eoeouaxa/Ephesiakad) or ‘Habrocomes and Anthia’ (probably 2nd cent. AD). According to Suda 3,495 ADLER,

X. was

a ‘historian’

(iotogixdc/historikos),

author of a romance novel about Habrocomes and Anthia in ten books and a work (otherwise unrecorded)

on the city of Ephesus. This information on his biography — all that we have — is uncertain: his origin in + Ephesus (not confirmed in the MSS) could be derived, like the work on the city (the description of which is imprecise in the text) from the action of the novel. In contrast to the number of books named in the Suda, the extant text is divided into five books — in a rapidly advancing narrative which frequently lacks proper motivation. The assumption by [9] that this is only an abridgement (— Epitome) of the original novel text was expanded by [12] to a hypothesis of three epitomai from different eras; contra the thesis of the epitome: [10]. However, the question remains open. The dating of the novel is also uncertain: the mention of an eirenarch (eiorvaoyoc/eirenarchos) from Cilicia (2,13,33 35955) is seen as a terminus post quem, because this office is not recorded before the reign of the Roman emperor Trajan (AD 98-117); on the other hand, a date

long after the middle of the 2nd cent. AD is improbable, because X.’s novel clearly precedes that of + Achilles Tatius [1] and belongs to the early phase of this literary genre (-> Novel II. A.), in which sentimental entertain-

ment predominates (according to [14], X. is even to be dated to before > Chariton). The Ephesiaka show the typical formula of the Greek novel in its pure form, the basic level of the entire corpus, without variations or notable innovations: two beautiful young people from the best families fall in love at first sight in the famous temple of Artemis in Ephesus; their love is initially imposed as punishment by the god — Eros for the narcissistic pride of the protagonist

835

836

Habrocomes. After overcoming some difficulties, they marry. Separated by a powerful fate, the couple experience a long series of parallel adventures, which take place throughout the known world at the time and are always caused by the plots of rivals, until they are finally reunited in a typical happy ending on the island of Rhodes (location of their separation); this circular structure concludes with their return to their homeland. In the long series of adventures, the Manto episode (2,3-6) stands out: Manto is the daughter of the robber captain, whose slaves the two protagonists are at the time — one of the many Greek versions of the biblical theme of Potiphar’s wife (Gn 39:7ff.). The interposed tale of the fisherman Aegialeus of Syracuse, who lives together with the embalmed corpse of his beloved wife and thus the ideal of the Greek novel of an érds beyond the bounds of time and space, is implemented as a novella. Among the numerous rival characters, Hippothous, the ‘good robber’ (cf. Thyamis in > Heliodorus [8]), plays an oscillating role between a typical antagonist to the couple and a helpful figure; like the slave couple Leucon and Rhode, he participates in the happy end with his young lover (the only case of paederastic love with a positive outcome in the Greek novel). The world model of the Ephesiakd is dominated by an oppressive fate. Reduced to mere plot figures, characters in X. — unlike in the novel of his predecessor Cha-

Xenophont d’Efes. Efesiaques, 1967 (with Catalan 7A.D. PApANIKOLAOU, Xenophontis Ephesii transl.) Ephesiacorum libri V, 1973 8 P.H. PEERLKAMP, Xenophontis Ephesii de Anthia et Habrocome Ephesiacorum

XENOPHON

riton — receive almost no characterization. As a result,

the style is extremely simple, often almost formulaic, and demonstrates few rhetorical flourishes. Therefore, a very simple audience, which enjoyed the serial repetition of the adventures, can be assumed: X.’s book has rightly been called the most comparable of all ancient novels to modern mass entertainment and soap operas [rr].

Apart from a direct influence on the much more complex novel of > Heliodorus [8], the Ephesiakd were

probably not widely distributed in Antiquity. Transmitted in a codex unicus (Cod. Laurentianus conv. soppressi 627), which Angelo PoLiziaNno resorted to in 1480 for his Latin translation of the Artemis procession (1,2; Liber Miscellaneorum LI), it first reappeared in 1723 in the Italian translation of A.M. SALVINI, soon after, in 1726, in the editio princeps of [2]. The influence on modern literature (from SHAKESPEARE’S Romeo and Juliet and Cymbeline to FIELDING) seems to trace back more to a diffuse spread of Greek novel themes than to direct influence. ~ Novel II. EDITIONS, TRANSLATIONS, COMMENTARIES: 1 Q.CaTAuDELLA, Il romanzo classico. Il romanzo di Senofonte Efesio, 1958 (with It. transl.)

2 A.Coccut,

Xenophontis Ephesii Ephesiacorum libri V, London 1726 (ed. princeps with Lat. transl.)

3 G.DALMEYDA, Xéno-

phonte d’Ephése. Les Ephésiaques ou le roman d’Habrocomes et d’Anthia, 1926 (with Fr. transl.) 4M.Hapas, Three Greek Romances, 1953 (Engl. transl.)

5 B.KyrzEr, X. von Ephesos. Die Waffen des Eros oder Anthia und Habrokomes, in: Id. (ed.), Im Reiche des Eros, 1983, vol. x, ro1—163 (German transl.)

6 C.MIRALLES,

libri V, 1818 (with Lat. transl. and comm.). BIBLIOGRAPHY: 9K.BURGER, Zu X. von Ephesos, in: Hermes 27, 1892, 36-67 10 T.HAce, Die Ephesiaka des X. Ephesios. Original oder Epitome?, in: Classica et Mediaevalia 27, 1966, 118-161 11 N.Houzpere, Der antike Roman, *2001, 72-76 12K.KeERENyI, Die grie. chisch-orientalische Romanliteratur in religionsgeschichtlicher Beleuchtung, 1927 13 B.Kyrz eR, X. of Ephesus, in: G.SCHMELING (ed.), The Novel in the Ancient World, 1996, 336-359 14J.N. O’SuLLIvAN, X. of Ephesus: His Compositional Technique and the Birth of the Novel, 1995

15 C.Ru1z-MoONTERO, X. von Ephesos: ein Uber-

blick, in: ANRW II 34.2, 1994, 1088-1138. 16 G. SCHMELING, X. of Ephesus, 1980.

M.FU.

Xenophron (Zevopewv/Xendphron). 4th cent. BC Athenian living as one of the > hetairoi of > Philippus [I 4] II at his court in > Pella [1], son of Phaedria (ac-

cording to Xen. Hell. 2,3,2 one of the ‘Thirty’, > Tridkonta, of 404/3, but in Dem. Or. 19,196, it is his father Phaedimus that is mentioned). X. organized a symposium in Pella in 346 for the Athenian ambassadors to negotiate the Peace of — Phitocrates [2] (but Aeschin. Leg. 157 names the host as Xenodocus). PA 11295; TRAILL, PAA 733980.

JE.

Xerogypsos (Eneoyuvwos; Xérdogypsos). Small river near — Perinthus in southeatern Thrace (Anna Komnena, Alexias 7, 378,14 NIEBUHR; Theophylaktos Simokattes 6,245,2 BEKKER), presumably modern Corlusuyu (in Turkey). C. Danov, s. v. X., RE 9 A, 2094.

Xerxene (Zeg&tvn; Xerxené). Region in Greater Armenia (cf. Armenia A.) on the upper reaches of the Euphrates (Str. 11,14,5; Plin. HN

5,83: Derzene; Steph. Byz. s. v. KapBvonvy; s. v. &.) in the plain around modern Tercan. H. TREIDLER, s. v. X., RE 9 A, 2094-2096.

E.O.

Xerxes (Zégénc/Xérxés; Old Persian XSayarsa, ‘ruling over heroes’). [1} X. IAchaemenid great king (486-465 BC), son of ~ Darius [1] I and — Atossa [x]. ‘Born in the purple’, X. was designated by his father as his successor (XPf 31 ff. = [6. 81-85]; Hdt. 7,2 f.; > Porphyrogénnétos). At the beginning of his reign he defeated an uprising in Egypt (Hdt. 7,3), and later the rebellions of SamaéEriba and Bél-Simmanni in Babylonia [3. 36x ff.]. A campaign to Greece (in 480/79 BC) — about which only accounts from the Greek point of view survive [8] —had been planned by his father (+ Persian Wars [r]).

837

838

According to earlier studies (bibliography: [7. 260— 2.63]) the decline of the Achaemenid Empire (> Achaemenids) began with X. —in the Greek tradition a > ruler who did not recognise divinely set boundaries (Hdt.) nor follow the model of his father (as in + Aeschylus’ Persians), and who is later depicted as someone who committed sacrilege and as the oriental despot par excellence (Greek authors of the 4th cent. and the > Alexander historians). In contrast, more recent studies [1; 5; 7] emphasize the accomplishments of the king, his building program in > Persepolis, for example, where the most significant buildings are based on his plans as is the ideological concept of a Pax Achaemenidica, which is expressed in reliefs [4] and inscriptions [6]; and the fact that he consolidated his father’s reformed kingdom, preserved the unity of the realm and expanded Persian presence in the provinces. Continuity with his predecessors can also be documented in his religious policies, because the inscriptions have to be understood as formulaic declarations (cf. DB 5 with XPh [6]). Consequently, modern studies acquitted X. of several accusations — such as the theft of the statue of - Marduk and the destruction of + Babylon (cf. [3]) — and placed the destruction of sanctuaries (e.g. in Athens) in its historical context. X. fell victim to a murder attempt in 465 BC. In the Hebrew Bible he appears as ’“*haSwéros

X. murdered by Antiochis (lohannes of Antioch, Fr. 53 = FHGIV, p. 557).

(Est 1-10).

+ Achaemenids (with stemma Wars [1] (with map) 1 BRIANT, s. v. X. I.

and map); — Persian

2 S.GRAZIANI (ed.), I testi mesopo-

tamici datati al regno di Serse (485-465

a.C.), 1986

3 R.ROLLINGER, Uberlegungen zu Herodot, X. und dessen angeblicher Zerstérung Babylons, in: Altorientalische Forschungen 25, 1998, 339-373

4M.C.

Vanden Berghe, 1989, 549-561 6R.ScHmMiTT (ed.), The Old Persian Inscriptions of Naqsh-i Rustam and Perse7 J.WIESEHOFER, Ancient Persia, *2001, s. v.

X. I. 8 Id., ‘Griechenland ware unter persische Herrschaft geraten...’ Die Perserkriege als Zeitenwende?, in: S. SELL(eds.), Zeitenwenden,

2001,

209-

The

[2] X. II Son of Artaxerxes [1] I, who succeeded his father in 424 BC. Within a few weeks, he fell victim to a murder attempt by his brother Secyndianus/Sogdianus. 1 BRIANT, s. v. X. II.

[4] Son of Mithridates [6] VI. After his father’s failed attempt to capture > Phanagoria in 63 BC, X., when still a child (pais: App. Mithr. 513), was, along with his siblings, besieged in the fortress in Phanagoria by the citizens of the city, and handed over to Rome (ibid. 510-512); in 61 BC, X. was paraded in Pompeius’s [I 3] triumphal procession in Rome (ibid. 572). Tu. Remnacu, Mithridates Eupator, 1895 (reprint 1975), 404 f. W.ED.

Xestes (Eéotns/xéstés). From the turn from the 3rd cent. BC to the 2nd onwards, the term xestes is recorded as a Greek term for the Roman > sextarius, a fluid

and dry measure of capacity (= c. 0.546 |) corresponding to */,8 of an > amphora [2], */s of a > congius or 2 — heminae, 4 > quartarii and 12 > cyathi. In late Antiquity Egypt, 72 xestai/sextarii corresponded to an artabé, which was subdivided into 48 choinikes. Hence a — choinix can be equated with 17/2 xestai/sextarii. —» Sextarius (with table) 1 H.CHANTRAINE, s.v. X., RE 9A, 2101-2130 2 R.DuNcAN-JONES, The Choenix, the Artaba and the Modius, in: ZPE 21, 1976, 43-52 3 F.HuLrscu, Grie-

chische und romische Metrologie, *1882

4 J.JAHN, Zum

Rauminhalt von Artabe und Modius Castrensis, in: ZPE 38, 1980, 223-228. H.-J.S.

Xilia (Zia; Xilia). City in northern

5 H.SANCISI- WEERDENBURG, The Personality of Xerxes, King of Kings, in: L.D—E Meyer, E.HAERINCK (ed.), Archaeologia Iranica et Orientalis, vol. 1, Festschrift L.

MER, H.BRINKHAUS

M.Scuorrxy, Media Atropatene und Grof$-Armenien in hellenistischer Zeit, 1989, Index s. v. X. M.SCH.

Root,

King and Kingship in Achaemenid Art, 1979

polis, 2000

XIPHARES

jw.

Africa (s0Atc Aupvy¢, ‘city in Libya’), not located. Mentioned in Alexander [23] Polyhistor FGrH 273 F 44 (1st cent. BC). H. TREIDLER, s. v. X., RE 9 A, 2129.

W.HU.

Ximene (Zyjvn; Ximené). Region in the territory of -+ Amasea, which in the south of Diacopene and Pimolisene “reaches as far as the river > Halys... In X. there are salt mines, from which the Halys, it is surmised, took its name” (Str. 12,3,39). According to the sequence of mentions in Str. loc.cit. the X. is to be looked for in the area between Corum and the River Kuzilirmak. OLSHAUSEN/BILLER/WAGNER,

174 (with map A3).

—_E.0.

[3] X., probably a son of + Abdissares, was the king of

(western) Armenia, when he was besieged in his capital +» Arsamosata by Antiochus [5] III Megas in 212 BC. Against the advice of those around him to transfer the rule of Armenia to > Mithridates [11], Antiochus came to an agreement with the still young X. which provided for shared payment of the outstanding tribute and the marriage of X. to Antiochus’s sister > Antiochis [3] (see Addenda) (Pol. 8,25). In about 202 BC, Antiochus had

Xiphares (Zupaens/Xiphdrés). Son of Mithridates [6] VI and Stratonice [7], who was killed by his father in 64 BC in revenge for the betrayal of his mother (App. Mithr. 502-505). In 64 Stratonice — without knowing that X. was with his father — had handed over a fortress (Sinoria?) which had been entrusted to her by Mithridates after losing a battle against Pompeius [I 3] in 66 (+ Mithridatic Wars C), together with all its treasures

839

840

to Pompeius [III 1] who promised in return to spare X. if he should fall into Roman hands (Plut. Pompeius 36,6; Cass. Dio 37,7,5).

Xisuthrus (ZicovOgod/Xisouthros: [1.19 f.] or Lioovdeo0c/Sisouthros: Abydenus FGrH 685 F 2). Graecised form, in the context of renditions of the story of

XIPHARES

Tu. Retnacu, Mithridates Eupator, 1895, 398 f. M.GeLzer, Pompeius, 1984, 87 n. 105; CH. HaBICcHT, s. v. X., REg A, 2131 f. W.ED.

Xiphilinus (Ziptidivoc; Xiphilinos). Byzantine jurist and, as John VIII, — patriarch of Constantinople (1064-1075) [4.556f.; 5.379-389], whose nephew of the same name was a monk and the author of an epitome of Cassius Dio. Born in Trebizond between roro and 1012, X. studied in Constantinople under Iohannes + Mauropous and was a friend of Michael — Psellos [4.556]. During the reorganization of the university (x045) under Constantine IX Monomachus (+ Constantinus [11]) [4.557] X. became the leader of the law school (+ Nomophylakes) in Constantinople [7]. For political reasons X. was forced to become a monk on Mount Olympus [13] (Uludag) in Bithynia (c. toso1064) [1.65,69,151]. His legal work contains scholia on the > Basilics, the Tractatus de peculiis, the Tractatus de creditis and the Meditatio de nudis pactis [6.2932,40-45,51; 8]. His occupation with — Aristotelianism and disagreement with Psellos’ Platonism is hinted at in Psellos’ epitaph to X. [2.421-462] and represented in Psellos’ famous letter (udg 6 Whdtwv/emds ho Platon, ‘Plato is mine!) [3]. His philosophical treatises are lost [4.557]. Of his hagiographic works a martyrium of Eugenius from Trebizond and an account of the miracles of the same martyr survive [4.557]. 1 E.RENAULD (ed.), Michel Psellos, Chronographie, vol. 2,1967 2C.N. Satuas (ed.), Bibliotheca Graeca Medii Aevi, vol. 4, 1874 3 U.CriscuoLo, Michele Psello Epistola a Giovanni Xifilino, 1973 4 H.-G. Beck, Kirche und theologische Literatur im byzantinischen Reich, 1959 5 V.GRUMEL, Les regestes des actes du patriarcat de Constantinople, vol. 1, 2-3, 1989 (the years 715-1206) 6 A.SCHMINCK, Studien zu mittelbyzantinischen Rechtsbuchern, 1986 7 W.Wo.xsKka-Conus, Les écoles de Psellos et de Xiphilin sous Constantin IX Monomaque, in: Travaux et Mémoires 6, 1976, 223-243 8Id., L’école de droit et l’enseignement du droit a Byzance au XII siécle: Xiphilin et Psellos, in: Travaux et Mémoires 7, 1979, 1-107.

Xiphonia (Eupwovia; Xiphdnia). Port (Scyl. 13) and headland (Str. 6,2,2) on the eastern coast of Sicily on an elongated sword-like (cf. Eidoc/xiphos, ‘sword’) penin-

the Flood, of the Sumerian name

Zi.uy.sud.ra (‘Life of

distant days’), Akkadian Utanapisti (‘I have found my life’), the mythical Sumerian/Akkadian survivor of the ‘Great Flood’ (+ Deluge, legend of the). + Atrahasis; Gilgamesh Epic 1 S.M. BursTEIN, The Babyloniaca of Berossus, 1978. 2

J.RE.

Xoana (Zdavo; Xdana). City in the Indian subcontinent on the left of the lower reaches of the > Indus [1] (Ptol. 7,1,61), to the northeast of > Patala, probably at modern Hyderabad in Pakistan. H. TREIDLER, S. v. X. (1), RE 9 A, 2138-2140.

E.O.

Xoanon (Edavov; xdanon). Greek term, attested from the 6th cent. BC, for gods’ images (derived from Eetv/ xein, ‘to polish’) made of wood, ivory and stone,

regardless of size or artistic period. The modern archaeological usage, however, often limits the term xoanon to an ancient cult figure made of wood, which goes back to the restricted use of the term by Pausanias, who has handed down most of the information on xoana. The most famous wooden xoana were created in the 8th—7th cents. BC. In ancient literature, their sculptors (> Theocles, > Angelion) were considered part of the Daedalian school (— Daedalus [1]). The wood came from cedars (Paus. 9,10,2), cypresses (Xen. An. 5,3,12)

or yew trees (Paus. 8,53,11), and was often a valuable import. Like ivory and gold, it made up part of the treasure in sanctuaries (> Thesauros [1]). Besides gilded xoana (Paus. 2,2,6), there were, especially before mid-éth cent. BC, > sphyrelata. Acrolithic (+ Akrolithon) and chryselephantine (+ Gold-ivory technique) gods’ images from the classical and Hellenistic periods were likewise considered xoana in ancient literature (such as Paus. 1,18,5). Art historians consider wooden xoana to be closely connected to the emergence of largescale Greek sculpture in the Daedalian period (7th cent. BC). Wooden remains from Samos have recently made possible reconstructions of early xoana of a far larger size than that of statuettes. ~ Cult image

sula in the east of Megara [3], on which the king Frederick II founded the city of Augusta in the 13th cent. X. played an important part in connection with Hannibal’s [2] sea manoeuvres in 263 BC (Diod. 23,4,1).

E. PARIBENI, s. v. X., EAA 7, 1966, 1236 f.; H. V.HERRMANN, Zum Problem der Entstehung der griechischen Grofplastik, in: Wandlungen: Studien zur antiken und

E. Mannl, Geografia fisica e politica della Sicilia antica, 1981, 62, 241 f. GU.

Testimonianza delle fonti scritte, 1980; FUCHS/FLOREN, 357; A.A. Dononue, Xoana and the Origins of Greek Sculpture, 1988; S.DE ANGEL, Agalma, sphyrelaton e xoanon. Considerazioni sulla statua di divinita arcaica, in: N.BasGELEN (ed.), Festschrift fiir Jale Inan, 1989, 397418; J.Bouzexk, X., in: Oxford Journal of Archaeology 19, 2000, IO9-II5. RN.

neueren Kunst: Ernst Homann-Wedeking gewidmet, 1975, 35-48; J.PAPADOPOULOS, Xoana e sphyrelata:

841

842

Xodrace (Zodgcxn; Xodraké). City in the western part

Attica, where he founds the -» Tetrapolis (Oenoe, Marathon, Probalinthus and Tricorynthus) and took Creusa as his wife (Conon FGrH 26 F 1,27; Str. 8,7,1). According to another version, X. is expelled by his brothers after the death of Hellen for having misappropriated part of their inheritance. In Athens, after Erechtheus’ death, he acts as arbitrator of the royal succession and awards it to > Cecrops. The other sons of Erechtheus then drive X. away to Aegialus where he dies (Paus. 7,1,2 f.). In Euripides’ [r] fon, X. is one of the main characters. Euripides makes Ion a son of Apollo, and X. is only his unsuspecting, putative father. Euripides moreover places X. and his brothers in a genealogical sequence: X. becomes the son of Aeolus and

of India, left of the lower reaches of the - Indus [1] (Ptol. 7,1,60), on the southeast border between modern Pakistan and India; not precisely locatable. H. TREIDLER, s. v. X., RE 9 A, 2149-2152.

E.O.

Xois (ois; Xois). Egyptian city in the northwestern Nile Delta, Egyptian (pr-)H3sww, chief town of the Sixth District of Lower Egypt. Parts of the ancient set-

tlement are beneath modern Saha; no others are extant. There are no archaeological remains from the 3rd and 2nd millennia BC and few textual references; most of the finds are from the Hellenistic and Roman periods. According to a dubious piece of information in > Manetho [1] (FGrH 609 F2,10), the r4th Dynasty (c. 1650 BC) is supposed to originate from X. During the troubles at the end of the 19th Dynasty (c. 1200 BC), the area around X. was ravaged by Libyan invaders (pHarris I, 77,2; [1]). There were cults in X.

primarily worshipping the Sun God (e.g. as

> Amun-

Re) and > Osiris. In the Middle Ages, the bishops of X.

played a role of some significance in the Coptic Church. 1 P.GRANDET, Le Papyrus Harris I, 1994 2P.VERNUS, s.v. X., LA 6, 1302-1305 3ST. Tim, Das christlichkoptische Agypten in arabischer Zeit, vol. 5, 1991, 223 12237, s.v. Saha.

XYLINEPOLIS

the father of Dorus (Eur. Ion 292; 1589 f.). Furthermore, he has X. rule over Athens as the successor to

Erechtheus. [2] Son of Aeolus [2] and ruler of the region of Xuthia near Leontini (Diod. 5,8). [3] Father of two oikistai (-> oikistés) in Euboea (Plut. Mor. 296d). F.PRINz, Griindungsmythen und Sagenchronologie, 1979, 359-376; A. W. SAxoNHOuSE, Myths and the Origins of Cities, in: J.P. EUBEN (ed.), Greek Tragedy and Political Theory, 1986, 252-273; M.L. West, The Hesiodic Catalogue of Women, 1985, 57-59. J.STE.

KJ-W.

Xuchis (Zoty1c; Xoiichis). Northern African city (OAc

Aupins), recorded by Artemidorus [3] of Ephesus (fr. 16 = GGM 1,576; 1st cent. BC). If X. can be identified with Zotytc/Zotichis (Str. 17,3,18; Steph. Byz. s. v. Zovyics) and Xovtic/Chouzis (Ptol. 4,3,41), the town is

Xylicces (Zvudxxelc; Xylikkeis). A — possibly negroid — people which probably lived to the north of the Ahaggar Massif (in the Sahara) (Ptol. 4,6,23: 2. AtOtomec). J. DEsAaNGEs, Catalogue des tribus africaines, 1962, 241; H.TREIDLER, Ss. v. £., RE 9 A, 2161-2163.

W.HU.

between the two Syrtes (-» Syrtis), somewhat inland on

a lake which also bore the name X. (probably modern Bahiret el-Biban). M.Lectay, s. v. Zuchis, RE ro A, 856 f.; H. TREIDLER,

s.v. X., REg A, 2155 f.

W.HU.

Xyline (Zvaivn; Xyliné). [1] Coastal town in Colchis between the mouths of the Archabis (modern Arhavi) and the Cissa (modern Kise; Ptol. 5,6,6), not locatable more precisely. H.TREIDLER, Ss. v. X., in: RE 9 A, 2163 f.

Xuthia (ZovGia; Xouthia). Region (chéra) at > Leon-

tini, kingdom of a mythical ruler, Xuthus [2], still so called in the time of Diodorus [18] (5,8,2) (in Steph. Byz. s. v. 3. incorrectly listed as a city). The name of Sortino, 16 km to the south of modern Lentini, recorded from the 13th cent. onwards, may derive from X.

Lv.B.

[2] Settlement in — Pisidia to the north of Termessus [x], to the south of Cormasa (not located with certainty: [x. 67]); precise location unclear. Cn. Manlius [I 24] Vulso stayed there in 189 BC (Liv. 38,15,7). 1N.P. Mixner, An Epigraphical Survey in the KibyraOlbasa Region, 1998.

HB.

E. Mannl, Geografia fisica e politica della Sicilia antica, 1981, 92, 242.

G.U.

Xuthos (Zot0c; Xouthos). [1] Son of + Hellen and Orseis/Othreis, brother of + Dorus and > Aeolus [1] (Hes. fr. 9MW; Hellanicus FGrH 4 F 125; Apollod. 1,49); X. is the mythical ancestor of the tribe of the Ionians (> Iones). With > Creusa [2], the daughter of the Athenian king - Erechtheus, he fathered > Ion [1], > Achaeus [1] and Diomede (Hes. fr. 10a,20-24 MW; Hat. 7,94; 8,44; Apollod. 1,50). X. is sent away from Thessaly by his father and journeys to

Xylinepolis. One of Alexander [4] the Great’s settlements (Plin. HN 6,26,96; perhaps following Onesicritus), where his fleet set off under > Nearchus [2] on its coastal voyage westwards; according to [2] identical with “AdeEdvdoou du/Alexdndrou limen (‘Alex-

ander’s port’) in Arr. Ind. 21,10 where the western branch of the Indus flows into the Arabian Sea [r. 127]. 1J.AnprR£, J.Firtrozar (ed.), Pline lancien, Histoire naturelle. Livre VI, 2° partie, 1980 (with French transl. andcomm.)

2 H.TREIDLER, s. v. X., RE 9 A, 2164-2172. K.K.

843

844

Xylophoria (by analogy with plur., 4 tv EvAodogiov éooti/hé ton xylophorién heorté). The Jewish ’(festival of) wood-carrying’. Once a year (middle of August/beginning of September) it celebrated, possibly from as

modern Mount Ari near Dalama) and other places (Plin. HN. 5,109) between the Harpasus [1] and the Marsyas [4], left-bank tributaries of the Maeander [2], modern Kérteke. Archaeology: a mountain fortress, presumably of the — Leleges (cf. Str 7,7,2; 13,1,59), with pre-Classical and Mediaeval walling.

XYLINEPOLIS

early as the end of the 5th cent. BC (Neh 10,35; 13,31) and probably until the beginning of the 2nd cent. AD (Ta‘an. 4,4: Sim‘on ben ‘Azzai, c. AD 110), the fetching of wood, which was, or — after the destruction of the ~ Temple (III.) — would had been, necessary to maintain the eternal fire which burned for the morning and evening burnt sacrifices (Jos. BI 2,17,6). EG.

Xylopolis

(ZvAdmodc;

Xylopolis).

Settlement

R.J. A. TALBerT, Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World, 2000, 61 G 3; E. FABRICIUS, F. ECKSTEIN (eds.), Korteke Kalesi in Karien, in: MDAI(Ist) 30, 1980, . 321-328; L.RoBeERT, BE No. 362, in: REG 95, 1982, 388; H.TREIDLER, s. v. X., RE 9 A, 2182.

H.KA.

at

Xystos (Evotdc/xystds; Latin xystus). In Roman Anti-

~ Mygdonia [1] in Macedonia (Plin. HN. 4,35; Ptol. 3,13,36), not located. MA.ER.

quity a walkway (ambulatio) or a terrace, usually an element of a hortus (+ garden) and hence part of a ~ villa. According to Vitr. 5,11,4 such a xystus consisted of an unroofed path edged by plane trees. In a Greek > gymnasiun, the original context of a xystus (in

Xyniae (Evvicu; Xyniai). City in Achaea > Phthiotis in western > Othrys, about 4 km southwest of modern X. (formerly Daukli). X. lay 74 m above the southeastern shore of Lake > Xynias and controlled the pass on the road from Lamia [2] to > Thaumaci. X. was Aetolian from the middle of the 3rd cent. BC (at this time there was a definition of borders with the neighbouring city of > Melitaea: IG IX 2, p. XI, no. 3), but at the end of the 3rd cent., X. was Macedonian. In 198 BC, after a massacre of its inhabitants, X. was plundered by the > Aetoli (Liv. 32,13,13 f.). From 186/5 BC its territory was Thessalian (Liv. 36,26). The town still existed in

the Roman Imperial period, and from the 9th cent. it was a fortress with the Slavic name Ezeros. E. MEYER, s. v. X., RE 9 A, 2174-2177; F.STAHLIN, Das

hellenische Thessalien, 1924,

159-161; KELNHOFER, 158. HE.KR.

Xynias

(Evvic; Xynias). Lake in a caldera of the + Othrys (approximately 5 km x 7 km in size, up to 5 m in depth), named after the city of > Xyniae on its southeastern shore, drained to the north, called Ezeros in the Middle Ages, and today dried up. F. STAHLIN, Das hellenische Thessalien, 1924, 159 f.

HE.KR.

Xypete (Eunétn; Xypété). Attic > asty deme of the + Cecropis phyle, from 307/6 until 201 BC of the Demetrias [2] phyle, seven bouleutai; with Peiraeus, Phalerum and Thymaetadae, X. formed the cult federation of the tetrékémoi with a common Herakleion at Peiraeus. Its location between this sanctuary and Phalerum at modern Kallithea-Moschato is certain.

evidence there since the 5th cent. BC), in contrast, a

covered running track was meant. There is disagreement about the precise definition of a xystus in Roman architecture; sometimes (Varro Men.

162; Cic. Att. 1,4,2) itis only the course of a specifically laid out footpath that is termed a xystus. In the luxurious building style that existed from the rst cent. BC onwards, the xystus became an established element of an otium villa — often attested in literature, but because the architectural elements of its structure were few and therefore hardly durable there is rarely any archaeological evidence (Torre Annunziata villa; > Gardens with ill.). Typological considerations therefore remain speculative. R.FOrtscH, Archalogisches Kommentar zu den Villenbriefen des jiingeren Plinius, 1993, 73-75; A. GIERE, Hippodromus und Xystus. Untersuchungen zu rémischen Gartenformen, 1986. C.HO.

Xystus [1] (Evotoc/Xystos). In sixth place (as successor to an

Alexander) in his list of sources of the Apostolic tradition (traditio apostolica) in Rome, Iren. Adversus haereses 3,3 mentions a X., who may therefore have been considered the most important member of the Christian community in Rome in the first half of the 2nd cent. This list was later understood as a list of bishops and X. was placed as Sixtus I with a period in office from 117 to 125. > Petrus [1] D E. Caspar, Geschichte des Papsttums, vol. 1, 1930, 8-21, 48; E.KETrENHOFEN, s.v. SixtusI., in: BiographischBibliogr. Kirchenlex. 10, 1995, 575-578 (lit.).

E. MEYER, s. v. X., RE 9 A, 2178-2182; TRAILL, Attica,

II, 50, 67, 112 No. 142, Table 7, 12; J.S. TRAILL, Demos and Trittys, 1986, 5, 13, 14, 24, 115, 134; WHITEHEAD, Index s. v. X. H.LO.

Xystis (Evotic/Xystis). City in northwestern Caria (> Cares IV.; Steph. Byz. s. v. &.), like Orthosia [x], Euhippe (at modern Dalama), Coscinus or Coscina (at

[2] (Svotoc/Xystos, Latin Xystus = Sixtus). Sixtus II,

Bishop of Rome (30? August 257-6 August 258), decapitated during persecutions of Christians under the emperor > Valerianus [2] (Cypr. Epist. 80,1,4), buried in the Calixtus catacombs (Damasus, Epigramma 25). X. ended the Heretic Baptism Controversy (+ Heretics, controversy about their baptism) and restored ecclesi-

845

846

astical unity with the northern African and Oriental bishops. Together with his deacon Laurentius, who was executed on ro June 258, X. became the point of crystallisation for a rich legendary development.

the jurisdiction of Rome) against Constantinople [x. 53, 58]. Confidently formulated inscriptions document his building work in the > Baptisterium (C) in the Lateran and in the first church of Saint Mary in Rome (Santa Maria Maggiore); its complex imagery illustrates the preeminence of the Roman church (— Petrus [1] D) as conceived by X. and his successor > Leo [3] I (who was possibly involved in the construction). It is disputed to what extent the > Symmachian Forgeries, which are connected with X., are based on information from the period of X. ([2. 84-89]; texts and translati-

~ Saints, Veneration of saints; - Martyrs; > Martyr-

dom, literature of M.Borco.re, Petrusnachfolge und Kaiserimitation, 1989, 22, 345; E. Caspar, Geschichte des Papsttums, vol. I, 1930, 71 f., 91 f., 628 (index); St. HEID, s. v. Sixtus II., LThK? 9, 643 f.; E.KETTENHOFEN, s. v. Sixtus II., in: Biographisch- Bibliogr. Kirchenlex. 10, 1995, 578-582 (lit).

XYSTUS

ons: [2. 262-283]).

[3] (Svotoc/Xystos, Latin Xystus = Sixtus). Sixtus III,

bishop of Rome (31 July 432-19 August 440). As a presbyter under his predecessors + Zosimus [4], > Bonifatius [2] I and Coelestinus, X. had already corresponded with > Augustinus on the theme of the theory of grace (— Pelagius [4]; Aug. Epist. 191; 194); as bishop of Rome he took a position opposing the antiAugustinian > Iulianus [16]. In 433 X. successfully mediated between the patriarchs > Cyrillus [2] and —> Iohannes [13] (+ Nestorius, > Synodos [2]) and defended Illyria’s belonging to Thessalonica (and therefore to

2 E. WIRBELAUER, 1 W.ULLMaNN, GelasiusI., 1981 Zwei Papste in Rom, 1993. REGESTS, SURVEYS: JAFFE [-KALTENBRUNNER], 57 f. with nrs. 391-397 H.J. FREDE, Kirchenschriftsteller. Ver-

zeichnis und Sigel, +1995, 757. Lir.: M.BorGotte, Petrusnachfolge und Kaiserimitation, 1989, 46, 346 B. BRENK, Die frithchristliche Mosaiken in S. Maria Maggiore in Rom, 1975 E.Caspar, Gesch. des Papsttums, vol. 1, 1930, 416-422, 628 (Reg.)

H. FELD, s. v. Sixtus III., Biographisch-Bibliogr. Kirchenlex. 10, 1995, LThK3 9, 644.

583 f. G.SCHWAIGER,

s.v.

Sixtus III, E.W.

ns Y (linguistics). In Greek, the letter Y (ypsilon) first represented the vowel [ul], later [ii]; the first was kept in Greek dipthongs (vatc = [naus]; Zeb¢ = [zeus]) and in the Old Latin letter V (RVFVS; AVT). The Y that was later adopted into the Latin alphabet mainly represented Greek [ii] (LYRA, LYDVS), as well as a similar sounding variation in original Latin words (inscriptional FYDES) [1. 9, 51 f.]. — V (linguistics) 1 LEUMANN.

B.F.

Yahweh. Name of the God of the Israelites and Judaeans, and after the collapse of these states (722/720 and 586/582 BC), of the God of the Hebrew Bible (Old Testament). A. NAME

B. ORIGIN, BEGINNINGS

C. RELATION-

SHIP TO OTHER GODS A. NAME The Old Testament gives only the consonants of the god’s name (Yhwh; epigraphically attested from the 9th cent. BC), its pronunciation is a taboo in Rabbinic Judaism. Yhwh is usually read as ‘Lord’, ’“dondy, hence the Kveuos (kyrios) of LXX as well as the erroneous ‘Jehovah’, in which the consonants of the written Yhwh are provided with the vowels of the read >“dondy. The pronounciation * Yahwé is based on the morphologic analysis of the consonant frame as the long imperfect of the root HWY, as well as on Greek transcriptions in the writings of the Church Fathers (Iaové, Clem. Al. Strom. 5,634; IaBé, IaBai, Theodoretus in Exodum 15; ~ Theodoretus [1] of Cyrrhus). Besides the long form, short ones appear in personal names (Judaean —*yahu, in cuneiform script Ia-u as in ha-za-qi-ia(-a)-v/u = Hizqiyahu (Hezekiah) of Judah; Israelite -Yau/Yo-, in cuneiform script Ia- as in Ia-’a-su = Jehoash of Israel) as well as independently (*Yaho among the Jews of > Elephantine in the 5th cent. BC, in the Graeco-Egyptian magic papyri 1a@; Ya[h] in biblical Hebrew). The short forms have derived from the long one. As an imperfect one-word name, it tells something about its bearer. This archaic name-formation held out in Arabia until the pre-Islamic period. Since the god Y. comes from northwest Arabia and in the oldest records behaves as a weather god (Judg 5:4f; 1 Kg 8:12f.), from the many explanations that have been suggested, the interpretation of J. WELLHAUSEN comes closest: ‘he blows, he rages’, after the Arabian HWY ‘to blow’. Considering the god’s origin, the lack of this root in Hebrew points rather to the latter interpretation. In Ex 3:14, the utterance ‘I am who I am’ is not meant to explain the meaning of the name through the Hebrew HYY, ‘to be’, but rather to ward off + Moses’ inquiry about name and meaning — early evidence of the god’s name being made taboo.

B. ORIGIN, BEGINNINGS

The god is older than the people of Israel. In topographic lists of + Amenophis [3] III (x4th cent. BC), a ‘Shasu country Yhw3’ (‘country of the Yhw nomads’?; 3

here stands for any long vowel) is mentioned in the context of the ‘Shasu country Seir’. One of the oldest texts of the Old Testament, Judg 5:4 (roth cent. BC), also assumes Y.’s origins to lie in Seir/Edom, while the later texts consider them to be in the southern, neighbouring Midian, Hab 3:7; Ex 3; 18. Because of their mining interests in Wadi I-‘Araba, the Egyptians came in contact with Edom’s and Midian’s farmers and stock breeders in the 13th and 12th cents.; at the same time, they controlled the province Canaan and in 1208 they subdued the central-Palestinian tribe of Israel. Egypt as

the meeting place of the north-western Arabian god Y. with the Israelites is historically plausible (cf. Hos 11:1; Ez 20:5). Following the arrival of the ‘exodus group’ in Canaan (after 1185 BC?), Y. became the god of Israel and Israel the people of Y. C. RELATIONSHIP TO OTHER GODS Jerusalem’s official theology from David or Solomon until the 7th cent. BC is reflected in Dt 32:8f. (LXX), according to which, during the Creation, the Highest God (E/ Elyon) distributed the peoples as fiefdoms among his sons, so that Y. received Israel (thus implicitly becoming a brother of other national gods). In Judah’s folk religion, Ashera was Y.’s spouse (blending of Y. and > El; inscription of Kuntillat “Agrad and Hirbat al-Qom). In the beliefs of the northern kingdom Israel, Y. took > Anat as spouse, formerly > Baal’s sister and lover (if we assume that the religion of the military colony of Elephantine in the sth cent. BC continued Bethel’s tradition). Y. and Baal were originally two manifestations of the weather god > Hadad. Their cults came into conflict starting from the 9th cent. BC in Israel and from the 8th cent. in Judah, when conservative tribal-rural circles started to criticize, in Y.’s name, the state and interest capitalism which was proliferating under the influx of Phoenician capital, identifying its bearers with Baal’s devotees. Besides the clearer distinction between Y. and Baal, there is a splitting of Y. in local manifestations: in Kuntillat ‘“Agrad Y. of Samaria besides Y. of Teman (= ‘South’ = Judah?). Israel and Judah’s state god was neither the only god, nor one without images. Biblical monotheism gained the upper hand not before the fall of the state Israel (722/720 BC) and not later than that of the state Judah (586/582 BC). As the coin emissions of the Persian province Yehud show, it is from the second quarter of the 4th cent. that besides being an only god there, Y. became a god without images as well (in contrast to Samaria at the same period). Thus, Y.’s essential traits, which had been projected back onto his beginnings by the Bible, had now become historical reality. ~ Judah and Israel; > Judaism

849

850

W.DierricH,

M.A.

KLOPFENSTEIN

(eds.),

Ein

Gott

allein? JHWH-Verehrung und biblischer Monotheismus, 1994; O.KEEL, CH. UEHLINGER, Géttinnen, Gétter und Gottessymbole, 31995; E.A. KNAur, Midian, 1988, 437 63; 97-141; H. Nrenr, Der héchste Gott, 1990; K.vAN DER Toorw, s.v. Y., Dictionary of Deities and Demons, 1995, 1711-1730; CH. UEHLINGER, Anthropomorphic Cult Statuary in Iron Age Palestine and the Search for Yahweh’s Cult Image, in: K.vAN DER Toorn (ed.), The Image and the Book 1997, 97-15 5; M. WEIPPERT, Jahweh E.AK. und die anderen Gétter, 1997.

Yamuna. The largest tributary of the + Ganges; Iomanes in Arr. Ind. 8,5 (lopavys/lomdnés, Var. IwBdaenc/ I6barés) and Plin. HN 6,21,63; 6,22,69; 6,23,733 Avapovvac/Diamounas in Ptol. 7,1,29 (probably from

Prakrit Jamuna), perhaps identical to the Oidanés of Artemidorus (in Str. 15,1,72). rises in the western Himalayas and joins Ganges at Allahabad. Between the Y. in the the Ganges in the east is the Doab, the ancient of Aryan India.

Oidévne/ The river

with the west and heartland KK.

Yatrib (Quran 33,13; ‘Id0gutxa/Iathrippa in Steph. Byz. 321,13; corrupted as Aa€ginxo/Lathrippa in Ptol. 6,7,31), modern Medina. I. PRE-ISLAMIC PERIOD II. ISLAMIC PERIOD I. PRE-ISLAMIC PERIOD Ancient oasis settlement of economic significance in western central Arabia on the — Incense Road. The

Babylonian king + Nabonidus set out from > Tayma c. 550 BC on campaigns in the course of which he also conquered Y. Y. is mentioned in 3rd-cent. BC name lists in the Minaean capital Qarnawu (> Minaei). From the rst century AD until the advent of Islam, there were powerful Judaeo-Arabian tribes in Y. W.W.M. II. ISLAMIC PERIOD

After + Muhammad’s flight (Higra/> Hejira, in 622) from > Mecca to Y. in a period of internal conflicts, Y. was renamed Al-Madina (from Aramaic ‘the town’; Medina) and became the centre of early > Islam,

until in 656 the fourth + caliph, - Ali, relocated to ~ Kufa. Visiting Muhammad’s grave in Y. is an optional element of Muslim > pilgrimage (III).

YAZDGIRD

Tamil literature of southern India, Yavanar is found as a term for sea traders and mercenaries, who probably came from Roman Egypt. K. Kartrunen, India and the Hellenistic World, 1997, 316-320,

K.K.

Yaz Tepe (Yaz Depe). Settlement remains on the upper reaches of the Murgab (southeastern Turkmenistan), 34 km north-northwest of Bajram Ali. Excavations show an Iron Age sequence Yaz I to III of strata with characteristic pottery (including some painted, from Yaz 1), buildings with storehouses, and a citadel [1]. According to a recent carbon dating [2], Yaz I and analogous finds in other parts of southern central Asia date to 1512-1309 BC; the demarcation and cultural categorisation of the Yaz II and III sections remain uncertain, but both are considered pre-Hellenistic [3]. 1 V. Masson, Drevnezemledel’€eskaja kul’tura Margiany (Materialy i issledovanija po archeologii SSSR 73), 1959, chapter 2 2 F.H1eBertT, Chronology of Margiana and Radiocarbon Dates, in: Information Bull. International Association for the Study of the Cultures of Central Asia 19, 1993, 144 3 A.CaTTENAT, J.-C. GARDIN, Diffusion

compareée de quelques genres de poterie, in: J.DESHAYES (ed.), Le plateau iranien et |’Asie centrale dés origines a la conquéte islamique, 1977, 230-232.

Yazdgird (Isdigerdes). [1] Y.I Persian great king 399-420/1. His rule represents a high point of good relations with the Roman East (otherwise: Claud. in Eutropium 2,475f.). This was expressed e.g. in the dying > Arcadius’ [1] request of Y. to take on the guardianship of his under-age son Theodosius [3] II (Procop. Pers 1,2,7—10; Theophanes A. 5900; uncertainty in Agathias 4,26,3-7), but, above all, Y. appeared so tolerant to Christians that Western accounts even ascribe to him the intention of converting himself (Socr. 7,8; Theophanes A. 5906). When, however, a number of Christians were punished after acts of violence against fire sanctuaries, it was interpreted as a resumption of Persian persecutions of Christians (Theod. Hist. eccl. 5,39). The indigenous tradition calls the king, who in its perception did not propagate the Persian state religion militantly enough, ‘Y. the Sinner’. PLRE 262.7:

W.M. Warr et al., s.v. Madina, EI 5, 994a-1007b.

H.SCHO.

~» Parthian and Persian Wars; > Sassanids J.BarpILL, G.GREATREX, Antiochus the Praepositus, in:

Yavana yonaka;

(Old Indian; Early Middle later also jona). The Indian

Indian yona, name for the

Greeks (most likely from Old Persian yauna) originally described the > Iones. The earliest records are from about the 4th and 3rd centuries BC (in the grammarian Panini and king > Asoka), hence in the Mahabharata it may have been a term for the > Indo-Greeks. Later the name receives a more general significance as a term for more distant neighbours, and from about the 7th cent. AD it was used as a name for Arabs and Moslems. In the

Dumbarton Oaks Papers 50, 1996, 171-197; G.GREATREX, $.N.C. Lieu (eds.), The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars, Part II, 2002, Index s.v. Y.

[2] Y. Il Son of + Vahram [5] V, Persian great king 438/9-457. After a short military offensive (in AD 440), the grandson of Y.I kept peace with the Roman East. In the eighth year of his rule, Y. began persecuting Christians, which claimed many victims in the province of Carca [1. 179-187]. An attempt to Zoroastrianize (— Zoroastrianism) Christian Persar-

851

852

well had little success, despite a victory at (in 451) [2. 430]. Of > Attila’s alleged plans his kingdom (Priscus fr. 11,2 BLOCKLEY), Y. had no knowledge. PLRE 2, 627f.

Vindex’s revolt against > Nero (beginning of AD 68) in Gaul and the elevation to emperor of ~— Vespasian (x July 69 in Egypt, 3 July 69 in Syria) or its recognition by the Senate in Rome (21/22 December 69). + Galba [2], from an ancient patrician family, sided with Julius Vindex’s rebellion, was proclaimed emperor by soldiers and provincials in Spain in April 68 and was recognized in Rome by the Senate and the Praetorian Guard on 8 June 68 (shortly before Nero’s suicide). His politically insensitive behaviour, however, soon lost him the acceptance of all socially important groups. On 1 January 69, the Rhine army refused the oath and on 2 January proclaimed > Vitellius [II 2] emperor. Galba’s attempt to stabilize his rule by adopting (on ro January) the young noble Calpurnius [II 24] Piso, whom he immediately appointed Caesar, failed because by doing so he deceived > Otho, who as governor of Lusitania in 68 had immediately come out on the 70-year-old Galba’s side, whom he hoped to succeed. Otho succeeded in having himself elevated to emperor by the Praetorian Guard on 15 January, and this resulted in the deaths of Galba and Piso. On 14 April his army, unable to wait for the Danube legions, suffered a serious but not decisive defeat against the swiftly advancing troops of — Vitellius [II 2] in the battle of Bedriacum (near Cremona). Nevertheléss, two days later Otho committed suicide. — Vespasian had probably been contemplating his own usurpation for some time, but had always made his troops swear the oath to the emperor of the time. He carefully arranged his proclamation as emperor together with the governor of Egypt (> Alexander [18]), the governor of Syria (Licinius [II 14] Mucianus) and the Danube legions. His proclamation as emperor in Egypt (on 1 July) was immediately followed by the acclamation of his troops and those in Syria, the march of the Danube legions to Italy with a victory over the Vitelli-

YAZDGIRD

menia as Awarayr to attack probably

1O.Braun,

Ausgewahlte

Akten

persischer

Martyrer,

r915 (translated from Syrian) 2M.-L.CHAUMONT, s.v. Armenia and Iran IJ, Enclr 2, 418-438 3 G.GREATREX, S.N.C. Ligu (eds.), The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars, Part Il, 2002, Index s.v. Y.

[3] Y. I Grandson of > Chosroes [6] II, Persian great king. The scarcely adult Y. ascended the throne in 633 and was initially under the influence of > Rustam. After the latter’s defeat by the > Arabs at Al-Qadisiya Y. evacuated Ctesiphon [2] and fled first to Hulvan, then to > Rhagae. Here he again assembled quite a large army, which engaged the Muslims in battle at + Nihawand in 642, but was defeated completely. After that Y. stayed in Persis, in Carmania and in Sacastan. In the end he withdrew to Chorasan, where he intended to gain the Western Turks and the Chinese as allies. When the Arabs also advanced in that direction, Y. was abandoned by his followers, his funds were robbed and in 651/2 he was killed by a miller at — Merw. PLRE 3 A, 721f. B.SPuULER, Iran in frith-islamischer Zeit, 1952, 8-21. M.SCH.

Yazilikaya. Hittite rock sanctuary (dated to c. 1260 BC), about 2 km to the northeast of the capital

~ Hattusa. In a limestone layer — accessible from the outside by means of a cleft — there are two naturally formed main chambers and two side chambers, whose vertical rock walls are covered in reliefs. In front of the opening there were several buildings, serving as an entrance area for the sanctuary proper in the upwardly open rock chambers. In the centre of the depiction on the northern wall of Chamber A are the chief Hurrian deities TeSSob (+ Weather gods) and Hébat (> Hurrians), each leading long processions of lesser male and female deities, which continue on the eastern and western sides. The gods are standing on their associated animals. The reliefs are attributed to the rulers Hattusili II, Tudhaliya Il and Suppiluliuma II. + Hattusa (with lists of rulers) K. BitTeL, Das hethitische Felsheiligtum Yazilikaya, 1975; K.KOHLMEYER, Anatolian Architectural Decorations, Statuary, and Stelae, in: J.M. SAsson (ed.), Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, 1995, 2649-2651. HJ.N.

Year see > Calendar; -» Chronography

Year of four emperors. Modern term for the year AD 69, in which four > emperors — some at the same time, some in swift succession — ruled the Roman Empire (Galba, Otho, Vitellius and Vespasian), and in the broader sense for the period between > Iulius [II 150]

ans, again at Bedriacum, and the capture of Rome, where Mucianus had meanwhile also arrived. With the recognition of Vespasian by the Senate in December 69 the turmoil, which had affected almost the whole of the Roman Empire, took an end. The significance of the year lies not in the number of emperors (between December 192 and April 193 as well as between January and May 238, five pretenders were proclaimed, for instance; cf. also + Soldier emperors; > Triginta tyranni), but in the gaining of the position of + princeps by means of > usurpation for the first time. This made clear not only the lack of constitutional foundation for the > principate, but also its military basis, since the legitimacy of each princeps to rule flowed primarily from the assent of the legions and/or the > Praetorians. E.Fiaic, Den Kaiser herausfordern, 1992, 240-410; H.Grasst, Untersuchungen zum Vierkaiserjahr 68/69 n. Chr., 1973; P. A. L. GREENHALGH, The Year of the Four Emperors, 1975; K. WELLESLEY, The Long Year 69 A.D.,

1975.

W.ED.

853

854

Years, names of see > Chronography

II. YOUTH AND GENERATIONAL SUCCESSION Although pubertal physical changes were observed (particularly the emergence of sexual maturity: #P1/ hebé, pubertas), ancient authors lacked any concept of a specific phase of life called ‘youth’. ‘Youths’ and ‘young people’ (in the modern sense) were mostly measured by adult standards in ancient societies, and were often seen as deficient adults. There are benevolent characterizations of this phase of life (e.g. Aristot. Rh. 1389a-b) and evidence of leniency towards youth (Cic. Cael. 42). Such judgements and expectations, which were often adopted by adolescents themselves, did not prevent pubertal, rebellious behaviour among young people. However, there was no distinct ‘youth culture’ as such. Generational conflicts were rather rare in Antiquity, for demographic (low life expectancy), social

Youth I. ISSUE AND METHOD II. YOUTH AND AGE IN ANTIQUITY III. YOUTH AND GENERATIONAL SUCCESSION IV. YOUTH AND PUBLIC LIFE V. GIRLS

I. IssuE AND METHOD Little research has yet been done into the complex of themes comprising the history of youth in Antiquity, except for individual problems such as the terminology of youth, the education of young people and youth organizations. What is especially needed is more genderspecific and class-specific studies, and more individual studies differentiated according to time and place. The focus of recent studies has been on the issue of whether ‘adolescence’ was perceived as existing at all as a phase of life distinct from childhood and adulthood, and of the relationship between ancient concepts of time of life and phases of education on the one hand and physical and social realities on the other. There has also been work on rites of passage and life-cycle. Comparative historical and anthropological studies have shown that adolesence, as a clearly distinct phase between childhood and adulthood (approx. 12-20 years of age) typified by critical processes of adaptation to the world of adults, is a modern concept. II. YOUTH AND AGE IN ANTIQUITY

*Youth’ in Antiquity is to be understood as a phase of life, terminologically and temporally indistinct, which was orientated towards the values of the adult world and characterized by the early adoption of the tasks and roles of that world. In Greece and Rome alike, all kinds of definitions of phases of life by age occur. Individual terms were used sometimes precisely, sometimes vaguely, and could mean different things to different authors and in different contexts. For instance, while the épnfeia (+ Ephebeia) was still precisely defined in terms of years of age in 4th-cent. BC Athens, this was no longer so in the Hellenistic period. The upper age limit for the véou (néoi) also seems to have been vague. At Rome, a child could be addressed as adulescens (Plin.

Epist. 1,14,10), as could a thirty or even forty-year-old. A sixteen-year-old (CIL V 3 189) ora fifty-year-old (CIL VIII 9158; cf. Gell. NA 10,28) could be a iuvenis. It is also striking that it was not age but capacity or physical development that determined the composition of groups in education and at agons. There is little evidence for the alignment of schooling to educative content appropriate for children or young people. The orientation of the behaviour of children and young people to the life and values of the adult world and the aspiration to skip early phases of life are also clear from the testimonies to Wunderkinder

in literary (Quintilian)

and epigraphic sources, which gave rise to concepts such as the puer-senex or matic téhevos (pais téleios).

YOUTH

(relocation), legal (emancipation) and cultural (early acceptance of traditional values) reasons and reasons of family strategy. Children of the poorer strata of the populace probably underwent the integration process into the adult world at an even earlier age because the family needed their labour.

IV. YOUTH AND PUBLIC LIFE In spite of the prevalence in ancient thought of the dichotomy of childhood (- Child, Childhood) and adult life, it is noticeable that the phase of life preceding adulthood and hence the point of full integration of an adolescent into the political order was not only terminologically described in ancient societies (e.g. by vedtatoc/épnfos, nedtatos/éphebos or adulescens/ iuvenis), but also politically organized. Certain institutions aimed at instilling in young men a very specific conception of their future role as citizens of the polis or the res publica. In Archaic and Classical Greece, physical exercise, > hunting and military training (sometimes also > paederasty) played vital parts in this phase of socialization, while in Republican Rome it was military training and, for sons of the ordo senatorius and the ordo equester, rhetorical and political training in the forum. Regulations concerning minimum ages for appointment to offices and functions also indicate the ancient conception of the years of youth as ‘unripe’. Early entry of young people into professions, early investiture in offices and functions where no minimum age applied, and the early presentation of children and adolescents in public life (at least in the sphere of the political and intellectual elite) are all likewise evidence of how young people adopted parental roles and value concepts at an early age. The extension of Py (bébé), adulescentia and iuventus far beyond the physiologically observable phase of youth is explained in Greece by the fact that political and legal competence only came into force in stages, and at Rome by the long dependency of sons on their fathers. The acceptance of the adolescent into the society of fully-fledged members of the community, and into the circle of adults and those of marriageable age, was associated in Antiquity with particular rites and ceremo-

855

856

nies, e.g. the koureion ritual at the Athenian Apaturia (cf. IG II? 1237) and the putting on of the toga virilis at Rome (Ov. Fast. 3,771ff.).

5 A.ScunapP, Das Bild der Jugend in der griechischen Polis, in: V.G. Levi, J.-C.Scumitr (eds.), Geschichte der Jugend von der Antike bis zum Absolutismus, 1996, 2169 6B.S. Srrauss, Fathers and Sons in Athens, 1993 7R.ZoepFFEL, Geschlechtsreife und Legitimation zur

YOUTH

V. GIRLS We know little of the life of young females, not least because the transition of girls into a new phase of life was not associated with an acceptance into political or civic life. At Athens, for instance, they took on tasks as arktoi (4extot, > Brauron, > Artemis), > kanéphoroi (xavnddeot) or > arrhéphoroi (&eenddeot, cf. Aristoph. Lys. 638-647) in the service of the city divinities (— Initiation).

Marriage rituals for husband and wife were more than mere rites of passage, as marriage in the Greek polis was a cornerstone of the reproductive system of the citizenry. Greek education (matSeia; paideia) did also contain educational material and forms of education for young girls and women, albeit mostly role-specific. Roman girls (puellae, virgines) were according to the general understanding destined to become wives (uxores) and mothers (matrones) upon attaining puberty. Wedding rituals were thus an expression of women’s societal function of reproduction. + Age(s);

~ Agoge;

> Homosexuality;

— Initiation;

~ Iuvenes (Iuventus);

> Life expectancy; > Marriage, age at; > Tirocinium fori; Trophima 1E. EYBEN, Geschlechtsreife und Ehe im griechisch-rémischen Altertum und im friihen Christentum, in: E. W. MULLER

(ed.), Geschlechtsreife

und

Legitimation

zur

Zeugung, 1985, 403-478 2Id., Restless Youth in Ancient Rome, 1993 3 A.FRASCHETTI, Die Welt der jungen Romer, in: V.G. Levi, J.-C.ScHMitT (eds.), Geschichte der Jugend von der Antike bis zum Absolutismus, 1996, 7O-112

4M.Kueyjwecr,

Ancient

Youth,

1991

Zeugung im alten Griechenland, in: E.W. MULLER (ed.),

Geschlechtsreife und Legitimation zur Zeugung, 319-401.

1985, j.W.

Yuiezhi. Chinese name of a ‘nomadic people’ with an original settlement area between the Qilian chain of mountains and Dunhuang, the starting point of the ~ Silk Road in northwestern China. Driven from there between 176/174 and 161 BC at the command of Maodun, khan of the Xiongnu, the Y. turned west and in turn subjugated the Sai tribes (— Sacae). Shortly afterwards, expelled from the Sai pasture lands in the Ili Basin and on Lake Ysyk by the Wusun, a subject people of the Xiongnu, the Y. followed the Sai westwards, eventually crossed the > Jaxartes and established themselves in > Sogdiana and Ferghana. Between 141 and 129, they brought to an end the Graeco-Bactrian kingdom to the north of the Hindu Kush. Among the Y. were, according to an account (Str. 11,8,2; Just. Epit.

Prol. 41) by > Apollodorus [18] of Artemita, the tribes of the Asiani, Pasiani, > Tochari (the Y. proper) and the -» Sacaraucae (i.e. the Saiweng, Sai who were subjugated and incorporated by the Y.). The > Kushan are an extended family of Y. ~ Graeco-Bactria (with map); > Silk Road 1 W.Poscu, Baktrien zwischen Griechen und Kuschan, 1995 2J.WIESEHOFER, Griechen, Iraner und Chinesen an der Seidenstrafe, in: U. HUBNER et al. (eds.), Die Seidenstrafe, 2001, 17-33. jw.

L Z (linguistic). In Greek, the letter Z originally designated a voiced dental affricate /d’/ [1. 56-59]. This is supported by the development of Greek € from di/gi/g““i in words inherited from Proto-Indo-European (Greek Zevc < *diéus, meCoc ‘pedestrian’ < *pedio-, Ionian Doric pétw < *“meg-ios-a ‘bigger’ from wéya, vitw *nig“-ie/o- [2. 330; 3. 91]; in Aeolian also from secondary di, cf. Aeolian ta ~ dua). Yet the pronunciation/zd/ must have developed early; it leads to spellings such as dtog ‘twig’ (Aeolian d080c) < *o-sd-o(Gothic asts *branch’), itw ‘sit’ < *si-sd-6, Oveate ‘out the door’ < *@vgao0-d¢ (cf. -Se in oixdv-de) [1. 56 f.; 2. 329f.; 3.77]. Beginning in the 4th cent. BC, t appears as the voiced sibilant /z/ (with phonetic spellings such as &vaPaluove [2. 217]). C in initial position also represents Proto-Indo-European *i- (butalso *i- > h-), although it is still debated for which alternative the additional influence of a laryngeal must be assumed (Greek Cuyov ‘yoke’ < * aiugém [3. 70] / *mgom [4. vol. 2, 412 f.], d¢ ‘which’ < *i6-s [3. 186] /*aid-s [4. vol. 2, 390]). € entered the Etruscan alphabet with the sound value of/t’/, cf. Etruscan ciz/ citz ‘three times’. It must have had the same value when it was adopted into the Early Latin alphabet; yet in the course of the alphabet reform in the 3rd cent. BC it was replaced by the letter G (— Italy, alphabetical scripts). In the period of Cicero and Varro, Z with the sound value /z/ [5. 46] was reintroduced into the alphabet to represent € in Greek loan words [6. 326 f.]. Earlier, this had been represented by the letter S, cf. sonam (Plaut. Merc. 925; in MS transmission at times z-) for Greek Covn/zone. ~» Alphabet (with chart); > Italy, alphabetical scripts 1 W.S. ALLEN, Vox Graeca,1987

3 Rix, HGG

2 SCHWyYZER, Gramm.

4M.Mayruorer, Etymologisches Wor-

terbuch des Altindoarischen, 1986 ff. Vox Latina, 1978 6 WACHTER.

5 W.S. ALLEN, GE.ME.

Zaa (Zad/Zad). People in Aethiopia, mentioned by a king of + Axum in an inscription found in + Adoulis (CIG II 5127 B 10), with the Lasinae and the Gabala (modern Galla) at hot springs in snowy mountains, and

therefore probably in the area of modern Addis Ababa. H. TREIDLER, s. v. Z., RE 9 A, 2193 f.

Zaabram

(ZaaPodu,

also ZaPay/Zabam,

Zaaodp/

Zaaram, ZoPoa/Zambra). City on the western coastal

strip of the Arabian Peninsula. According to Ptol. 6,7,5 domain (Baoihevov/basileion) of the Kinaidokolpites (cf. also Steph. Byz. 293,16, where it is Zadgcapr/ Zadramé). Z. was probably the seat of power of a dependent prince (elsewhere in Ptol. pytedmodtc/ métropolis) and according to [1. 65] was in Marsa Ibrahim (Portuguese: Massabraim), the port of the Al-Lit oasis to the south of Jeddah (see [5]); others [2; 3; 4] locate Z. nearer to Mecca in the Wadi Zahran. On the

Kinaidokolpites cf. Ptol. 6,7,23; Steph. Byz. 293,18; 372,14; Cosmas Indicopleustes, Topographia Christiana 2,62,6; 2,64,4. Their territory corresponded roughly to the modern Higaz and ‘Asir (cf. [1. 64: map]). According to [1. 65f.] the Aethiopian occupation of southern Arabia started from the land of the Kinaidokolpites (cf. the Monumentum Adulitanum, OGIS 24). This fits with an account in the Talmud that in AD 130 rabbi + ‘Aqiba met an Aethiopian prince, presumably in Z. [6]. 1 H.von WissMaAnn, Zur Geschichte und Landeskunde

Altsiidarabiens

(Sitzungsberichte

der Osterreichischen

Akademie der Wissenschaften 246), 1964 2GGM 1, 527 3 A.SPRENGER, Die Alte Geographie Arabiens, 1875,39 4E.GraseEr, Skizze der Geschichte und Geographie Arabiens, vol. 2, 1890, 235 5 A.GROHMANN, Arabien (HdbA 3.1.3.3.4; map: H.von WIssMANN, Das

vorislamische Arabien)

6 C.Conti Rossin1, Expéditi-

ons et possessions des habesat en Arabie, in: Journal Asiatique, 11th series, 18, 1921, 17f. LT.-N.

Zaba

(Zafa/Zdba).

An island, which Ptol. 7,4,13,

while listing islands off + Taprobane (Ptol. 7,4,11),

mentions only by name. Given the geographical width and length of the Boreion dkron of Taprobane (Ptol. 7,4,2) Z. has to be located to the east of Sri Lanka, so that the Nicobar islands are the most likely candidates. H. TREIDLER, s. v. Zaba, RE 9 A, 2195-2197.

FR.SCH.

Zabdicena (Amm. Marc. 25,7,9; Syriac Beth Zabde). Southern Armenian region where the > Tigris emerges from the Taurus mountains. In AD 298, Z. became the most easterly province of the Roman Empire (Petrus Patricius Fr. 14 FHG 4, 189: ZapSunvi/Zabdikene) and in 363 was returned — together with e.g. > Nisibis and four other regiones Transtigritanae/‘regions beyond the Tigris’ (Arzanena, Moxuena, Rehimena and Corduena; > Limes VI with map) — to the > Sassanids (Amm. Marc. ad loc.). Z. was then an administrative

unit (rostag) of the Sassanid district of + Nisibis in Arbayestan/Arabic Diyar Rabi‘a and a church province. The seat of administration and the bishop was the capital Bezabde (Amm. Marc. 20,7,1; 20,11,16; Zapdaiov/Zabdaion, Sozom. Hist. eccl. 2,13,7) which is traditionally identified with modern Cizre (Arabic Gazirat Ibn ‘Umar) [3], but perhaps lay 13 km to the north in Eski Hendek [1. 249-252]. Although the regions ‘beyond the Tigris’ must, given this name, have been on the left bank of the Tigris [4. 147-158], the bishopric of Beth Zabde was probably primarily on the right bank [2]. ~» Parthian and Persian Wars 1G. Atcaze,

281 1977.

A New Frontier, in: JNES 48, 1989, 241-

2J.M. Frey, Nisibe metropole syriaque orientale, 3C.S. Ligutroot, The Site of Roman Bezabde,

in: S. MITCHELL (ed.), Armies and Frontiers in Roman and

ZABDICENA

Byzantine Anatolia, 1983, 189-204 4 E. WINTER, B. DiGNaSs, Rom und das Perserreich, 2001. S.HA.

Zabe (ZaPy/Zabé). Moorish region (chora), Mauritania hé proté (‘First Mauretania’) as a Byzantine province, beyond the Aurés mountains, probably the area of Chott el-Hodna (in Algeria): Procop. Vand. 2,20,30. Sitifis was the > métropolis [2] of this region. Not identical with the city of > Zabi (It. Ant. 30,3). C.Courrois, Les Vandales et l’Afrique, 1955; H. TREIDLER, S. v. Z., RE 9 A, 2203 f.

W.HU.

Zaberganes (ZoaPeyavys/Zaberganés). In 531 the Persian diplomat Z. succeeded in annihilating his rival Mebodes (Procop. BP 1,23,25 f.). In 540 he took part in the conquest of Antioch [1] (Procop. Pers. 2,8,30-32),

and shortly afterwards he received a letter from the empress > Theodora [2] with a request to mediate peace (Procop. Arc. 2,32-35). In 544 he led negotiations with citizens from Edessa [2], which was under siege (Procop. Pers. 2,26,16-19). PLRE 3B, 1410.

~ Sassanids

860

859

M.SCH.

Zabergas (ZaPeoyas; Zabergds). In the winter of AD 558/9, Z. the khan of the Hunnish Cotrigurs led his warriors across the frozen Danube and advanced as far as Constantinople. > Belisarius, who had retired from active service in 551, was recalled and sent with a motley army against the Cutrigurs. Z. lost the battle and soon afterwards abandoned his camp at > Melantias. Since Iustinianus [1] recalled Belisarius immediately after his initial success, Z. was able to plunder the diocese of Thracia unimpeded for a month. In the summer of 5 59, Z. concluded a treaty with the emperor, which provided for the departure of his hordes from Imperial territories (Agathias 5,11-23; Theophanes a. 6051, without mentioning Z. by name). PLRE 3B, 1410. A. Lippo.p, s. v. Zabergan (2), RE 9 A, 2204-2206.

M.SCH.

Zabi. City in Mauretania Sitifensis between = Sitifis and + Auzia, modern Henchir Bechilga (in Algeria). In the 3rd cent. AD the Mauretanian > Limes (VIII C) ran near the city. In Not. Dign. Occ. 25,26 a praepositus limitis Zabensis is mentioned. Destroyed by the Vandals, Z. was rebuilt by Iustinianus [1] I (It. Ant. 30,3; Julius Honorius, Cosmographia A 48. Inscriptions: CIL VIII 2, 8805 f.; Suppl. 3, 20565). AAAIg, sheet 25, Nr. 85; C. Courrois, Les Vandales et

l'Afrique, 1955; M.Lectay, s. v. Z. (1), RE 9 A, 2206 f.

W.HU.

Zabida (ZéPida/Zabida). Village settlement in the centre of a large oasis in the interior of Arabia Felix (> Arabia), on the Wadi Zabid to the northeast of mod-

ern Zabid (in Yemen), mentioned by > Uranius [3] in the third book of his Arabikd (in Steph. Byz. s. v. Z.). Z. and its port on the > Erythra Thalatta [1] was the starting point of an important trade route into the high mountains through Achoma (modern Ahum) and Adana (modern Al-Udain) to Tarphara (modern Zafar), the chief town of the Homeritae, the > Himyar of Arab literature. A. DieTricu, s. v. Z., RE 9 A, 2207;

H. von WISSMANN,

s. v. Z., RE Suppl. 11, 1312-1322 (1315 f.: sketch of the map); Id., s. v. Uranios (4), RE Suppl. 11, 1278-1292,

here 1278.

E.O.

Zabii (ZéPio/Zdbioi). Indian people according to Nonnus, Dion. 26,65 (who goes back to the Bassarika

of Dionysius [32]). Their territory was probably in northwestern India, neighbouring the — Dardae (cf. Steph. Byz. s. v. Aaedau/D4ardai), but is not identifiable [x]. Attempts to make a comparison between the information in Nonnus (and Dionysius) and Indian realities remain tenuous (already [2], later e.g. [3], [4]; see also [5]). Rather, it is a matter of a Greek literary reflection of a mythical India, which only accidentally coincides with the India of geography and history. 1H.Tremwier, s.v. Z., RE 9 A, 2208 f. 2 Ae Wison, Remarks on the Portion of the Dionysiacs of Nonnus Relating to the Indians, in: Asiatic Researches 17,

1832, 607-620 3R.DosrAtovA, Das Bild Indiens in den Dionysiaka des Nonnos von Panopolis, in: Acta Antiqua 15, 1967, 437-450 4/J.-F. Schulze, Das Bild des

Inders in den Dionysiaka des Nonnos von Panopolis, in: Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Universitat Halle 22/5, 1973, 103-112 5 P.CHuvin, Mythologie et geographie dionysiaques. Recherches sur |’ceuvre de Nonnos de Panopolis, 1991.

KK.

Zacharias (Zayagiac/Zacharias, Graecised form of the Hebrew Zacharyah, ‘Yahweh remembers’). [1] According to 2 Chr 24:17-22, Zechariah bar Jehoiada was stoned to death in the + Temple at the command of the king Joash (840-801 BC), for having reproached the people for practicing idolatry and hence abandoning their god. The Jewish > Haggada developed this story: the blood of the murdered one boils on the floor of the Temple and does not come to rest (ultimately, this act of sacrilege is even supposed to have led to the destruction of > Jerusalem and the Temple). Presumably, Mt 23:35 also alludes to this Haggadic tradition; Barachias, however, is here mentioned as his father (Hebrew Berechya; cf. Zech 1:1). S.H. BLANK, The Death of Zechariah in Rabbinic Litera-

ture, in: Hebrew Union College Annual 12-13, 1937/38, 327-346.; J..D.Dusors, Etudes sur PApocryphe des Zacharie et sur les traditions concernant la mort de Zecharie, Diss. Oxford 1978; H.L. Strack, P.BILLERBECK, Kommentar zum Neuen Testament aus Talmud und Midrasch, vol. 1, 91986, S. 940 f.

[2] The Old Testament prophet Zechariah who appears 520-518 BC.

861

862

[3] Father of + Iohannes [39] the Baptist of the priestly service group of Abijah (1 Chr 24:10), one of the in all 24 groups that provided temple service in Jerusalem for one week twice a year (cf. 1 Chr 9:25; 2 Chr 23:4 and 8). Gabriel appears as the Angel of the Lord to Z. when the latter is sacrificing at the altar of incense and announces the birth of a son. Since Z. does not believe this notification owing to his own great age and the infertility of his wife, he is punished by being struck dumb; this is then lifted at the circumcision of the promised son (Lk

ponnesus). Three zones cross Z. from northwest to southeast: in the west a broad almost uninhabited limestone mountain range (Vrachionas, up to 756 m high) with a steep harbourless coast, a plain in the middle and a belt of hills, a little over 200 m high, along the eastern coast and broad foothills including Scopus (483 m high) in the south east. The south of the island forms a broad open bay, but without harbours. The ancient city of Z. lay on an elevation r km from the eastern coast above modern Z. The place name is pre-Greek [1. 61]. There are remains of a Mycenaean settlement on the eastern coast at Vasiliko-Kalogeros

I,5-67).

[4] According to Jos. BI 4,33 5-343, a Z., son of Bareis, was killed by zealots in the Temple in Jerusalem in AD 67.

BE.

[5] Z. Rhetor (Z. Pitwe/Rhétor, also Z. Scholasticus/Z. Lyohaotwxod/Scholastikés, occasionally Z. of Mytilene). Legal adviser (scholastikés) and historian (born in 465/6 in Maiuma near Gaza; died after AD 536). Z. received a thorough education in literature and law in Gaza, Alexandria [1] — under the rhetor Sopatrus the Younger and the philosopher Ammonius [12] — and in ~ Berytus under the famous lawyer > Leontius [5]. After a short stay (from 491) in Maiuma he worked as an advocate in Constantinople. Z. had good contacts at the imperial court and unreservedly supported its changeable religious policy, particularly the —» Henotikon, despite his earlier tendency to > monophysitism. In 536, as bishop of Mytilene (on Lesbos) he took part in a synod in Constantinople. Z. left comprehensive works, most surviving in Syriac (survey with edition and translation: [4. 305 f.]). His ‘Church history’ used by Euagrius [3] Scholasticus (CPG 6995) occurs abridged as part (books 3-6) of a later Syriac compilation (‘Pseudo-Z.’) [1; 2] and is a valuable source for the years 451-491. Z. described monophysites of the East personally known to him in biographies (Vita of Petrus the Iberian: CPG 7001; Vita of the monk Isaias the Younger: CPG 7000; Vita of the patriarch Severus of Antioch: CPG 6999). Furthermore, he was the author of various dogmatic/polemic writings, including a dialogue Ammonios (CPG 6996) aimed at Ammonius [12]. + Law schools EpiT1ons:

1 E£.W. Brooks, Historia ecclesiastica, 1919;

1921; 1924 (CSCO 83 f.: Syrian text; CSCO 87 f.: Latin translation) 2K.AHRENS, G.KRUGER, Die sogegannte Kirchengeschichte des Z. Rhetor, 1899 (German translation and commentary). BIBLIOGRAPHY: 3E.HONIGMANN, Z. of Mytilene, in: Id., Patristic Studies, 1953, 194-204 4J.Rust, s. v. Z. Scholastikos, Biographisch-Bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon 14, 303-307 (Bibliography) 5Id., Die soge-

gnannte Kirchengeschichte des Z. Rhetor, in: M. TAMCKE (ed..), Syriaca, 2002, 77-99.

JRL

Zacynthos (f Zaxvv0o0c; hé Zakynthos). The southernmost of the Ionian islands (401 km*; approximately 37 km in length, r9 km in width); the southeastern coast is 16 km from the mainland (Elis [1] in the Pelo-

ZACYNTHOS

and Akrotiri-Alikarnas, and the Late Helladic tholos tombs (+ Tholos) at, for example, Keri, Planos and

Akrotiri exhibit influences from the western Peloponnese (Messenia, Elis) [2]. The wooded island of Z. mentioned in Hom. Od. 1,246; 16,123; 19,131 is identical to the modern island; in the ‘Catalogue of Ships’, Z. belonged to the kingdom of Odysseus (Hom. Il. 2,634) [3. 579-584; 594]. The Greek settlers, according to Thuc. 2,66, were from Achaea (+ Achaei); because the acropolis of Z. bore the name > Psophis, its foundation has been reconstructed as from the place with the same name in Achaea (Paus. 8,24,3; other foundation legends in Hdt. 3,59 and Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,50). Traces of a settlement with a sanctuary from the 8th/7th century BC near Vasiliko suggest a staging post for colonizing voyages to the west. Presumably in 455 BC, when it belonged to + Cephallenia, Z. was annexed to Athens by the Athenian strategos + Tolmides (Diod. 11,84,7), and was thereafter also used in the + Peloponnesian War as a naval base for the > Delian League. After the war ended in 404 BC, an oligarchic pro-Spartan government was established. The repatriation of democratic exiles by the Athenian strategos Timotheus [4] in 375 BC brought about a temporary division of the city; the democrats were admitted as a special community (6 duos 6 év t@ NtAw, location on Z. uncertain [4]) to the > Athenian League (IG II’ 43 B35). Z. was a member of the > Corinthian League of Philippus [4] Il in 338/7 BC (IG II* 236 b 12). In 217 BC, Philippus [7] V took Z. under his control (Pol. 5,102,10). The island was conquered by Rome in 211 BC in the first Macedonian War (+ Macedonian Wars A) and later declared a civitas libera (— Civitas A) (Plin. HN 4,54). In the years 39-32, C. Sosius [I 2] administered the island for Antonius [I 9] [5. 1290-1293]. In the Roman period, Z. was considered fertile (Str. 10,2,18)

and prosperous (Expositio totius mundi 64). In AD 467, > Vandali under + Geisericus abducted 500 members of the upper class (Procop. BG 3,22,15-18). Z. is frequently mentioned in late Antiquity itineraries (Hierocles, Synecdemus 648,7; It. Ant. 524,2) and in lists of bishops, and from 707 onwards the island is recorded as a bishopric [6. 278-280]. Remains of the ancient city and a Byzantine fortress on the plateau are sparse because of Venetian overbuilding and occasional violent earthquakes (most recently in 1953). There are an early Christian basilica and

ZACYNTHOS

864

863

an ancient quarry at modern Melinado [6. r91 f.; 7]. Inscriptions [8. 1730-1750]; coins [8. 333 f.; 9]. 1 ScHwyzeER, Gramm.

2 CH. SouYouDzOUGLOU-Hay-

be located on the ruins of Ras Bergavad to the west of Ad Turrem (modern Lubrik). H. TREIDLER, s. v. Z., REg A, 2219 f.

W.HU.

woop, The Ionian Islands in the Bronze-Age and Early Iron Age, 1999, 121-127 3 E. Visser, Homers Katalog der Schiffe, 1997. 4 F.W. MircHett, The Nellos, in:

Chiron 11, 1981,73-77. 5 RPC 7 D.Strraucu, Aus der Arbeit am Ionischen Inseln: IG IX 1?, 4, in: 246 8IGIX1*,4 9BMC, Gr

6 SoustAt, Nikopolis Inschriften-Corpus der Chiron 27, 1997, 244(Peloponnes), 94-104.

H.Katetscu, s. v. Z., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 716718; W.M. Murray, s. v. Z., ODB, 2219 f. DS.

Zadokids (Hebrew bné Sadégq, ’sons of Zadok’) is a term for the descendants of Zadok (a grandson of + Aaron), one of the high priests in the Temple in Jerusalem at the time of > David [1] (2 Sam 15:24-37). In the pre-Exilic period (up to 586 BC), they had sole claim to the office of high priest (1 Kg 2:26 f.), and in the post-Exilic period (from 538 BC), they once again were able to prevail in the offices of priest and high priest (Ez 44:6-16; > Priests III). In the post-Exilic period, the performance of sacrifice was the sole preserve of the priests; they were clearly distinct from the > Levites, who had to perform lowlier services in the Temple (Nm 3:5-13; 18:1-7). In 175/4 BC, in a context of political disputes between the pro-Hellenic and conservative religious parties in Judaea (+ Hasmonaeans), the last legitimate Zadokid high priest > Onias [3] O. IL. — Onias III was deposed (2 Macc 4:27-38). The > Sadducees (Hebrew s‘duqim, derived from Sdadoq), described by Josephus [4] as one of the four Jewish religious parties, can be traced to the priestly family of the Z. The religious community at > Qumran may have constructed its own claim to the legitimate Zadokid tradition and succession in opposition to the Hasmonaeans, who from 143/2 BC combined both political and priestly power. Scholars debate how closely the Zadokid priesthood was connected to the settlement at Qumran and the Dead Sea Scrolls [x; 4]. 1 Pu.R. Davies, s. v. Zadok, Sons of, in: Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 2000, 1005-1007 =.2:.J.SCHAPER, Priester und Leviten im achamenidischen Juda, 2000

3 SCHURER

2, 237-256

4C. WerMAN, The Sons of

Zadok, in: L.H. SCHIFFMAN et al. (eds.), The Dead Sea Scrolls, 2000, 623-630. LWA,

Zadracarta (1% Zodeaxdota/ta Zadrakdrta; Arr. Anab. 3,23,6; 25,1). Largest city and fortified Achaemenid residence in > Hyrcania, whose precise location is not certain (Sari?, Qal‘e Handan?). Alexander [4] the Great passed through Z. while pursuing > Bessus in 3g aNbC; iW.

Zagazaena. Town on Syrtis Major (modern Gulf of Sidra in Libya); Tab. Peut. 8,1; Ptol. 4,3,14: Doxdpata/

Sakamaza or Landtopa xmpr/Sakdzama kome; Geogr. Rav. 37,33: Zacassama; 89,33: Zacasama; Guido, Geographica 133,25: Zacasama. It may be that Z. can

Zagira (Zéyewo/Zdgeira). Village in + Paphlagonia, whose location has not been determined. Its listing among the towns in the interior (mesdgeioi) in Ptol. 5,455 suggests that it can not be identified with a coastal place - Zacoria, Zagora, Zagoron to the east of > Sinope (cf. [r]). H. TREIDLER, s. v. Z., RE 9 A, 2220 f.

C.MA.

Zagora. Early Iron Age settlement (9th—8th cents. BC) on the western coast of the island of > Andros, on a limestone massif rising steeply out of the sea, protected on three sides by cliffs; only a col in the northwest, connecting the high plateau with the island, had to be fortified with a strong embankment and a wall (late Geometric/8th cent. BC). The place of settlement was probably chosen on strategic grounds, since the plateau is exposed to strong north winds and possesses no natural sources of water. Parts of the settlement, temple and fortification embankment have been studied; densé settlement (set-

tlement size LG = Late Geometric: c. 7.5 ha) can be assumed; the houses exhibit a particularly good state of preservation, since they were built in stone and no later over-building is detectable. In LG I the houses were for the most part one-roomed and schematically built one next to another, with stone-walled hearths in the middle and stone shelves along the walls for pithoi (— Pithos [2]) and stores; they had flat roofs supported on posts, entrances usually towards the south or east, often with a veranda or vestibule in front, and rounded corners. In LGII the houses were divided into more rooms and often extended with living rooms to the west, which were connected by courtyards with the working part of the house; in a later stage the buildings were integrated into living complexes. A particularly large building, in a central position aligned with the sanctuary, has been interpreted as the ruler’s seat; houses built against the defensive wall probably formed a craft quarter; to date it has not been possible to demonstrate streets within the fortification. C. 700 BC the settlement came to an abrupt end. In the centre there was a sanctuary from the Geometric period with an open-air altar (votive offerings), after the settlement was abandoned in the 6th cent. BC, a temple building with closed cella [1] and a non-centred altar; use of the sanctuary is demonstrable until the 5th cent. +> Dark Ages [1] E; > House II A; > Polis I A.CAMBITOGLOU, Z., Andros. A Settlement of the Geo-

metric Period, in: Archaeology 23, 1970, 303-309; Id. et al., Archaeological Museum of Andros, 1981; Id. et al., Z., Excavation of a Geometric Town on the Island of Andros, Greece, vol. 2: Excavation Season 1969. Study Season 1969-70, 1988; M.Droup1, Heroenkulte in

homerischer

Zeit, in: British Archaeological

Reports,

865

866

International Series 806, 1999, 65-67; J.R. GREEN, Z.

ZAKROS

Eretria and Z. c. 700 B. C., in: Acta Hyperborea 7, 1997,

literature, the Z. is first mentioned in connection with the rebellion of + Molon [1] against Antiochus [5] II] as a mountain range which sometimes divides into individual chains, sometimes merges again into a single chain, and is broken up by deep gorges and valleys (Pol. 5,44,7: 10 Zayeov degoc/td Zagron Gros in the year 222 BC; cf. Pol. 5,54,8; 5,55,6 f. for the year 220 BC),

III-141.

and which divides + Media from -> Mesopotamia. Isi-

Population Increase and Society in the Later Eighth Century B.C., in: J.-P.DEscorupres

(ed.), Eumusia. Fest-

schrift A. Cambitoglou, 1990, 41-46; W.HELD, Der Tempel in Z. auf Andros, in: AA 1998, 361-363; M.C. V. Vink, Urbanization in Late and Sub-Geometric Greece.

Abstract Considerations and Concrete Case Studies of KJA.

dorus [2] of Charax agrees when he (Stathmoi Parthenikoi § 3) describes the Z. as the borderline between Zagreus (Zayoevs/Zagrevis). The name

Z. (or ‘Dio-

nysus Z.’) is used as a useful if also problematic term for > Dionysus, the son of Zeus (and the daughter of Zeus > Persephone) who, according to the Orphic > anthropogony (~ Orphism), had been killed and eaten as a small child by the + Titans. Ancient lexica cite Callimachus’s Aftia (fr. 43,177) as the sole source for the epiclesis of Dionysus Z.; but this is not used until the 6th cent. AD (in Ps.-Nonnus, Commentaria in Greg. Naz. Serm. 5,30 NIMMO SMITH) in the context of the Z.

myth. The name, which does not occur in surviving orphic texts, was evidently also ignored by the most important later Orphic-theogonic text, the ‘Rhapsodia’ (+ Orphism II A; rst/2nd cent. AD). However, in the

context of dismemberment by gods, Plutarch cites Z. as another name for Dionysus in his connection with Delphic theology (Plut. De E 9,389a). On the original nature of Z., there can, as there could in Antiquity, only be speculation. Lexica interpret the name as ‘great hunter’; the Greek word Cayon/zdgré means ‘pitfall’. It is possible that Z. was a local — master of animals who was identified with + Hades [3]/> Pluto: Both the + Alcmaeonis (fr. 3 BERNABE, c. 600 BC) and Aeschylus (fr. 5 and 228 RapDr) portray Z. as an Underworld deity. Euripides associated a ritual of Z. Nuktipolos, ‘night-bird’, connected with the consumption of raw meat, with the ecstatic cult of Idaean

Media and Chalonitis, the country on the left bank of the - Tigris around > Ctesiphon [2] (cf. Plin. HN 6,122; 6,131). This location is also found later in Strabo (11,12,4: t0 Zdyeuov dSeoc/t6 Zadgrion Gros; cf. Str. FLIES >350 Ws 3;Os Liss.

Show.Dsl On0,Soir Osteng fs

Plin. HN 6,122; Ptol. 6,2,4; 6,2,6 f.). The northwest-

southeast extent of the Z. is ultimately defined by Plin. HN 6,131: it stretches from + Armenia to Ctesiphon. Hence, the ancient Z. corresponds to the western portion of the modern Z., stretching from the Armenian highlands to the valley of the Diyala (ancient Diabas: Amm. Marc. 23,6,21). The Diyala flows into the Tigris just above Ctesiphon and forms a natural break in the range, which then continues to the south (> Pylae [4]). Westermann Lexikon der Geographie 4, 71973, 1047, S.v. Z.-Gebirge; H. TREIDLER, s.v. Z., RE 9 A, 2283-2285.

E.O.

Zakoria. Station on the Pontic coast road (Arr. Per. p. E. 21: Zaywoa/Zagora; Tab. Peut. 10,1; Geogr. Rav. 2,17:

Agoria;

5,10: Z.; Guido, Geographica tor) from ~» Sinope to > Trapezus between Gurzubathon (modern Kurzuvet) and > Zaliches (at modern Alacgam), presumably at modern Cayagzi at the mouth of the Aksu. E.O.

Zeus (Eur. Kretes TGF 472 Z. 9 = Porph. De abstinentia 4,19 PATILLON-SEGONDs; [1]).

Zakros. Located on the east coast of the island of

The Orphic Z. myth has been interpreted as a neoPlatonic or even modern fiction [2]. Even if it should rather be described as a ‘myth of the murdered child Dionysus’ there is no cause for such a Pyrrhic conclu-

the building of Ano Z. in the western hills to the bay with the harbour and the > palace of Kato Z. It had been settled as early as the late Neolithic Period and the

sion [3].

as is indicated by finds on the cliffs of Kato Kastellas above the gorge of Z. and by Early Minoan burials in the caves of the so-called ‘gorge of the dead’. In the Protopalatial Period (c. 2000-1700 BC), buildings and farms existed in Kato Z. but probably no palatial building yet. Not until the Neopalatial Period (c. 1700-1450 BC) was a palatial building built in the middle of the settlement (see ground-plan), smaller than the palaces of -» Knossos, — Phaestus [4], > Malia, Mallia and the newly discovered palace of Galatas in Central Crete near Voni, but larger than that of Petras near Sitia. It conforms to the usual Minoan plan, in that its rooms in four wings are centred around a courtyard with a north-south orientation (see ground-plant). The north wing housed the kitchen and dining rooms, the west wing contained the storage rooms, the so-called

— Curetes; > Dionysus; + Orphism 1G.Casapio, I Cretesi di Euripide e l’ascesi orfica, in: V.F. Cicerone (ed.), Didattica del classico, 1990, 278310 2R.EDMOoNDS, Tearing Apart the Zagreus Myth,

in: Classical Antiquity 18, 1999, 35-73.

3 A.BERNABE,

La toile de Pénélope, in: RHR 219, 2002. W.Fautu, s. v. Z., REg A 2, 2221-2283; T. GANTZ, Early Greek Myth, 1993, 118f.; H.JEANMAIRE, Dionysos,

¥9 51,2721.

RG.

Zagros (Zayood/Zagros). Alpine mountain range, with the same name today, which runs from the northwest to the southeast in southwestern Iran, stretching from the Armenian highlands to the Kah-e Fargan on the Gulf of Oman with an area of c. 1200 X 200 km. In ancient

+ Crete, the Minoan settlement of Z. extended from

Prepalatial Period (c. 2600-2000 BC, low chronology),

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‘treasure chamber’ as well as wide halls for representational purposes and cultic events, and the south wing housed workshops. The poorly preserved east wing is assumed to have contained residential rooms. This part of the palace had various wells and water basins along with another system of halls. Some rooms of the palace, although very few in the settlement, were decorated with frescoes or colourful floors (> Wall paintings III). A remarkably large number of stone vessels, some with elaborate reliefs, were found in the palace along with bronze dishes, whole sets of bronze tools and a few ~ weapons, some of them in the rubble of a collapsed upper story. Of particular significance are six copper bars and three elephant tusks as well as - ostrich eggs as evidence of East Mediterranean trade. Evidence of administration, especially clay seals with seal imprints and - Linear A tablets, were found in the palace and in the settlement of Kato Z. The palace and the settlement were connected with the peak sanctuary of Traostalus, the settlement of Palaekastro and many other places by an extensive system of roads and paths with strongly built guard-houses

stasius [1] I. Towards the end of the 6th cent., the settlement was destroyed by Avari and Slavs.

(e.g. Karumes, Chiromandres, Kokkino Frudi).

The palace was finally destroyed in the course of political and social upheaval at the end of Late Minoan IB (1490-1470 BC according to the high chronology or

1425 BC according to the low chronology), like the palund Mal(l)ia and numerous other Cretan administrative buildings, but apparently only partially looted. Typical for the Postpalatial settlement of the region of Z. are fortified settlements on precipitous ridges (Kato Kastellas, Voukoliades, Koufotos). aces of Phaestus

— Aegean Koine (with maps); > Linear A; > Minoan

culture and archaeology CMS 2,7; J.DRIESSEN, C.F. MACDONALD, The Troubled Island. Minoan Crete Before and After the Santorini Eruption (Aegaeum 17), 1997; D.G. HoGarTH, Excavations at Zakro, Crete, in: ABSA 7, 1900-1901, 121-149; L. PLa-

TON, New Evidence for the Occupation at Z. Before the LM I Palace, in: P.P. BETANCOURT et al. (eds.), Meletemata. Festschrift M.H. Wiener (Aegaeum 20), 1999, 671-681; N. PLaTon, Z. The Discovery of a Lost Palace of Ancient Crete, 1971; Y. TZEDAKIS et al., Les routes minoennes. Rapport préliminaire. Défense de la circulation ou circulation de la défense, in: BCH 113, 1989, 43-753 Y.TZEDAKIS, ST. CHRYSOULAKI, L. VOKOTOPOULOS, To Zoevvytixd modyeapnpa *Muvarxoi Agdpov,in: Kretike Hestia 5, 1994-96, 359-366; L. VOKOTOPOULOS, Katw Kdotedhac, Aevina, in: Kretike Hestia 6, 1997-98, 237-

ZO

RJ.

Zaldapa (ZéAdana/Zaldapa). Late Roman and early Byzantine settlement and fort (Iohannes Antiochenus FHG 4,32; Procop. Aed. 4,11,20; name probably Thra-

cian) in Moesia inferior (Scythia minor). Formerly identified with Abrit(t)us, today Z. is equated with modern Abtaat to the southwest of Tropaeum Traiani (modern + Adamclisi). There were road connections with Tropaeum Traiani, Scopis, Durostorum and Tomis. Z. was

the birth-place of > Vitalianus, a usurper against Ana-

ZALICHES

A. SUCEVEANU, A. BARNEA, La Dobrudja romaine, 1991, 199, 291, 296 f.; P.SCHREINER, Stadte und Wegenetz in Moesien, Dakien und Thrakien nach dem Zeugnis des

Theophylaktos Simokates, in: R.PILLINGER (ed.), Spatantike und friihbyzantinische Kultur Bulgariens, 1986, 25-35; V. VELKOV, Cities in Thrace and Dacia in Late Antiquity, 1977, 109. J.BU.

Zaleucus (Zdevxoc; Zdleukos). Legendary 7th/6thcent. BC legislator from — Locri [2] in Lower Italy, often compared to — Lycurgus [4], > Solon [x] and ~ Charondas (Aristot. Pol. 1274a 23-31). Despite ‘exact’ dating in Eusebius [7] (Eus. Chronicon, Armenian version, on Olympiad 29-2 = 663/2 BC) his historicity was already debatable in Antiquity (Timaeus FGrH 566 F 130; [1. 2298-2300]).

Z. is supposed to have enacted numerous social laws (e.g. adultery, behaviour of women in public, drunkenness), regulated transfer of property, contract law and procedures for interpreting and altering laws, and primarily determined fixed penal measures ([2]; [3]); an excessive archaic rigor, as well as a pedagogic intent, allegedly under Pythagorean influence, were considered characteristic ( Pythagoras [2]). The individual measures can be classified under various phases and hence make a general authorship by Z. questionable. Certainly no body of legislation (> Law, codification of) or institutional constitution can be ascribed to him (otherwise: Ephoros FGrH 70 F 139; Diod. Sic. 12,20,1 f.). The scarcely concrete tradition of his person and works contrasts with the prominence of Z. [2. 187-189]; presumably the Greek-style organization of Locri, considered stable and exemplary, was supposed to have acquired particular dignity by referring to an ‘originator’ (— prdtos heuretes). 1K.von

Fritz, s.v. Z., RE

9 A, 2298-2301

2K.-

J. HOLKEsKamp, Schiedsrichter, Gesetzgeber und Gesetzgebung im archa. Griechenland, 1999, 187-198 3 M. Mtiux, Die Gesetze des Z. und Charondas, in: Klio 22, 1929, LO5—-124; 432-463.

Zaliches (Zadtyn¢/Zalichés). Coastal city on the coastal river of the same name (> Marcianus [1], Epit. Peripl.

Menipp. ro: ZaAnxoc/Zalékos; Peripl. m. Eux. 2.4; Ptol. 55453: Zadtoxos motapndc/Zaliskos potamos) in Pontus, in late Antiquity one of the seven cities of the consular province of Helenopontus: ZdAtoc (> Saltus) Zahixns/ Saltos Zalichés (Hierocles, Synekdemos 701,6 — an imperial domain?) with the suffragan bishopric of Amasea, now also called Leontoupolis (possibly from the reign of the emperor Leon [4] I, 457-474, onwards; Not. Episc. 1, 240: Z. toi Aeovtovmohic/Z. étoi Leontoupolis; 3,177; 8,292; 9,201; 10,296; 13,155: Ladiyns/

Salichés; Nov. 28 praef.), presumably at Alagam on the River Alagam. A.BryYER, D. WINFIELD, The Byzantine Monuments

Topography of the Pontos, vol. 1, 1985, 89 f.

and

E.O.

871

872

Zalissa (Z&\ooo/Zdlissa). Town in > Iberia [1], mentioned only in Ptol. 5,10,2, identified with Dzalisa in Muxranital, about 45 km to the northwest of Tbilisi in Georgia. In the northwest of the area, there is a citadel,

Zama [1] Z. Regia. City in Africa proconsularis, probably modern Seba Biar [1. 416 f.; 2. 321-3265 3. 325 £5 45 5.251 f.; 6. 42 f.]. It was near Z. — at Naraggara — that the decisive battle between > Hannibal [4] and P. Cornelius [I 71] Scipio was fought in 202 BC [1. 417-420]

ZALISSA

in the plain the site of the 2nd cent. BC to 8th cent. AD town (approximately 7oha), among other things remains of a palace with a mosaic of Dionysus (3rd cent. AD; [1]) and three-roomed thermal baths (serial type), a further thermal bath with a natatio (> Piscina [2]), streets, water conduits and sewers survive. 1M. Op16E11, Spatantike und frithchristliche Mosaike in Georgien, 1995, 11-26.

O. LorDKIPANIDSE, Archdologie in Georgien, 1991, 170— 172; D. BRAUND, Georgia in Antiquity, 1994, 256-258.

AP-L.

Zalmoxis (Zdaiuokic; Zalmoxis). God of the > Getae; the name of the king Zalmodegicus (SEG 18,288) of the Getae shows that the spellings Zalmoxis and Salmoxis (SéAuoEtc) are variants [x]. Z.’ epithet was probably Beléizis (Hdt. 4,94,1: thus recent editions against earlier Gebeléizis). The main source is Hdt. 4,94-97, which is largely if not exclusively followed by Hellanicus FGrH 4 F 73 [2.156 note 202], which tells who among the Getae Z. was considered to be a god that taught religious rites. This suggests an initiatory cult of the aristocracy [3], as Herodotus already mentions that Z. invi-

ted the most prominent men; his subterranean ‘men’s house’ points in the same direction. This ‘milieu’ is confirmed by euhemerizing reports making Z. councillor to the Thracian king Decaenus (Str. 7.3.5) or lawgiver among the Thracians (> Thraces, Diod. 1,94,2). The etymological connexion with Thracian zalmos, bear hide, (Porph. Vita Pythagorica 14) alludes to ecstatic warriors dressed in bear skins [3. 91]. Hesychius’ interpretation of the name Salmoxis as ‘dance and song’ (s. v. Salmoxis) could also imply > Mysteries. The frequent vacillation between Z. as a god and Z. as a mortal (Hdt. 4,96; Pl. Chrm. 156d; [4; 5]) remains unexplained. Herodotus (loc.cit.) associates Z. with the power to bring about immortality, which Hellanicus had interpreted as Pythagorean soul migration (> Soul, migration of the). This naturally associated him with > Pythagoras [2]. Herodotus’ account also shows the Greek sense of superiority: a god among the Thracians is merely a slave of Pythagoras [2; 3]. 1K.von Fritz, I.Russu, s. v. Z., RE 9 A, 2301-2305

2 W. Burkert, Lore and Science in Ancient Pythagoreanism, 1972

3 F.GRar, Orpheus: A Poet among Men, in:

J. BREMMER

(ed.), Interpretations of Greek Mythology,

*1988, 80-106 4L.Brisson, L’incantation de Z. dans le Charmide (156d-157c), in: TH. Ropinson, L. BRIsson (eds.), Plato, Euthydemus, Lysis, Charmides. Proc. of the V Symposium Platonicum, 2000, 278-286 5 D.J. MurpHy, Doctors of Z. and Immortality in the Charmides, in: ibid., 287-295. M.E.iape, Z., the Vanishing God, 1972, 2-75 (72001; engl. 1988); F.Hartoc, Le miroir d’Hérodote, 1980, 102-126.

J.B.

(— Punic Wars II). In the war with > Iugurtha (111-

105 BC), Z. was attacked by Q. Caecilius [I 30] Metellus (Sall. Iug. 56 f.). No later than the time of Iuba [1], Z..was one of the Numidian residence cities (hence ‘Regia’; Bell. Afr. 91; Str. 17,3,9; 17,3,12). In the Roman period, Z. was initially an oppidum liberum (Plin. HN 5,30), then a colonia (CIL VIII, Suppl. 1, 12018), later a colonia Aelia Hadriana Augusta (CIL VI I, 1686; cf. Bell. Afr. 92,4; 97,1; Ptol. 4,3,33: Zoapoptwv/Zamamizon and Zaya Meitwv/Zama Meizon; Tab. Peut. 5,3: Zamareigia. Inscriptions: CIL VI 1, 1686: Zama Regia; CIL VIII, Suppl. 1, 12017-12025 from Sidi Abd el-Djedidi; [7. 571-579], found at Ksar Toual Zouameul). > Africa [3] 1 Huss (with bibliography)

2 J.DEsanczs (ed.), Pline

PAncien, Histoire Naturelle. Livre V, 1-46, 1980 3 C. LEPELLEY, Les cités de |’Afrique romaine, vol. 2, 1981 4 C.BourGEots, Des eaux de Jama aux eaux de Z., in:

Bulletin archéologique du comité des travaux historiques N.S. 15/16 B (1979-1980), 1984, 1-5 5 A.M’CHAREK, Inscriptions découvertes ..., in: A. MASTINO (ed.), L’Africa romana. Atti del 9 convegno di studio, vol. 1, 1992, 251264 6A.BEsCHAOUCH, Z., in: Bulletin de la Société nationale des Antiquaires de France, 1995, 42 f. (with other locations) 7 A. MERLIN, Inscriptions latines de la Tunisie, 1944 S.LANCEL, E. LiPINsKI, s.v. Z., DCPP, 500; M.LEGLay, s.v. Z. (2), RE 9 A, 2305 f.; C.LEPELLEY, Les cités de

Afrique romaine, vol. 2, 1981, 325-329; A. M’CHAREK, Z. Regia, cité de la Proconsulaire, in: P. TRousser (ed.), L’Afrique du Nord antique et médiévale, 1995, 381-394

W.HU. [2] (Zawa; Zama). Road station in the northwestern

Cappadocian strategia of Chamanene (> Cappadocia; Ptol. 5,6,12), approximately 56 km to the northwest of Aquae Saravenae (modern Kirgehir; cf. Tab. Peut. 10,1;

[z. 147]). 1 D.H. Frencn, A Study of Roman Roads in Anatolia, in: AS 24, 1974, 143-149 K.ST.

[3] City between the upper reaches of the Euphrates [2] and of the Tigris (Ptol. 5,r8,12), location unknown. H. TREIDLER, s. v. Z. (3), RE 9 A, 2307.

E.O.

Zamareni. According to Plin. HN 6,158 a people in the interior of southern Arabia, which has not been successfully identified. It may be derived from the name of the modern town of Damar, to the southeast of Sana’a. In Plinius the two (also unlocated) cities of Sagiatta and Canthace are classed as theirs. The context suggests that the Z. lived in the territory of the Homeritae at Sapphar (Zafar).

873

874

E. Gaser, Skizze der Gesch. und Geogr. Arabiens, vol. 2, 1890 (repr. 1976), 136, 142 f.; J.PIRENNE, Le Royaume Sud Arabe de Qataban et sa Datation (Bibliothéque du Muséon 47, Leuven), 1961, 143, 155 f. LT.-N,

Zamasphes (Zoycopye/Zamasphés). Persian king, son of + Peroz [1] I. His reign 496-499 interrupted that of his brother » Cavades [1] 1, who had been dethroned in a conspiracy of high nobles and Zoroastrian clerics because of his support for - Mazdak. When Cavades, who had escaped from the ‘Castle of Forgetfulness’, returned at the head of an army of > Hephthalitae, Z. vacated the throne without a fight (Agathias 4,28). His later fate is unclear. PLRE 2, 1195. ~ Sassanids A.LiproLp, s. v. Z., RE 9 A, 2308 f.; K.SCHIPPMANN,

Grundziige der Geschichte des sasanidischen 1990, 49 f.

ZARAI

1 A. BeRTHELOT, L’Asie ancienne centrale et sud-orientale

d’aprés Ptolémée, 1930 2 A. HERRMANN, Das Land der Seide und Tibet im Lichte der Antike, 1938. H. TREIDLER, s. v. Zapioat, RE 9 A, 2310-2312.

K.K.

Zamnes. According to Plin. HN 6,180 a town on the middle reaches of the -» Nile on the west bank between Pagoartes in the north and -> Meroe in the south; perhaps modern Al-Ziima to the southwest of + Napata in a southern curve of the course of the Nile. According to Plin. the habitat of elephants is supposed to begin there. H. TREIDLER, s. v. Z., RE 9 A, 2312 f.

Zancle see -> Messana, Messene [1]

Reiches,

Zangenae. Tropical eastern Africa to the south of Cape

M.SCH.

Guardafui (Plin. HN 6,176), also “ACavia/Azania (Peripl. m.r. 15f.; 18; 31; 61; Ptol. 1,7,6; 1,17,6; 4,752.8; 4,7535) and Ziyyiow/Zingion (Cosmas [2] Indicopleustes 2,293 2,30; 2,50); the Arabs formed their word zang (‘black man’) on the basis of this name (cf. ‘Zanzibar’ and “Tanzania’). Z. extended from the trade town of

Zamazii (Zapwatvo/Zamazioi). Ethnic group which, together with the Salathi and Daphnitae as well as the Aroccae, Cetiani and > Nigritae, lived between the Mandron and Sagapola mountains in the interior of Libya (Ptol. 4,6,18), perhaps in the valleys of the central Atlas mountains. J. DEsANGEs, Catalogue des tribus africaines, 1962, 241; H. TREIDLER, s. v. Z., RE 9 A, 2309. W.HU.

Zames (Zaunc/Zameés, also Zauntoc/Zameétos). According to Ptol. 6,7,20 a long mountain range in central Arabia. This is presumably not the Jurassic escarpment of Gabal Tuwaig (see [1.213 f., 279], see also [2]), which extends across the Arabian peninsula, since that corresponds to the MagewWa/Mdreitha mentioned in Ptol. loc.cit., but rather, as in [3. no. 315] and [4. 192], the Sammar Mountains much farther to the north [5]. Cf. also [6] (with a map of pre-Islamic Arabia). 1 E. Giaser, Skizze der Geschichte und Geographie Arabiens, vol. 2, 1890, 213 f.,279 2 TAVO, Map III 6.1 (Escarpment landscape Gabal Tuwaigq/Saudi-Arabia), 1984 3 A. SPRENGER, Die alte Geographie Arabiens,

1875 4H.von WissMANN, Zur Geschichte und Landeskunde von Alt-Siidarabien, SAWW, philosophischhistorische Klasse vol. 246, 1964 5 M. AL-RASHEED, s. v. Shammar, El?, CD-ROM 1999 6 A.GROHMANN, Arabien (HdbA 3.1.3.3.4; map: H.voN WISSMANN, Das vorislamische Arabien), 1963. LT-N.

Opone (modern Ras Hafun) to Rhapton (probably modern Dar-es-Salaam) and from the time of Trajan as far as Cape Prason (probably the modern Cape Delgado [z. 39-43]. A tetradrachmon of Ptolemaeus [15] IX found at Dar-es-Salaam may indicate the age of the trade town of Rhapton, which was also visited by the Arabs. In the trading posts of Z. Roman merchants probably sought primarily expensive goods: precious stones, spices and ivory. 1 J. DesaNces, Rom und das Innere Afrikas, in: H. DucH-

HARDT et al. (eds.), Afrika, 1989, 31-50. H. von WISSMANN, s. v. Z., RE Suppl. 11, 1337-1348.

W.HU.

Zaradrus (Zdeaseo0cd/Zdradros, in manuscripts also Zadsad5oeoc/Zddadros). Indian river in Ptol. 7,1,27 and 42; Sydrus in Plin. HN 6,21,63; Old Indo-Iranian Sutudri (in the Veda), Satadru (in Epic), modern Sutlej, an eastern tributary of the - Indus [1] in the Punjab.

The river rises in the western Himalayas, flows through the Kulindrene region and then into the Indus. As the easternmost of its tributaries it was not noticed by Alexander [4] the Great and therefore not mentioned in Alexander literature. H.TREIDLER, s. v. Z., RE 9 A, 2314 f.

Zamirae (Zauioa/Zamirai, perhaps better Tayieal/ Gamérai). A tribe, described by Ptol. 7,2,16 as cannibal, in India extra Gangem, beyond the Cirrhadia, roughly in modern Burma (Argyra chora, ‘silver land’ in Ptol. 7,2,17). It is almost impossible to identify the individual peoples and places of southeastern Asia named in Ptol. (attempts in [1] and [2]), because most other sources are from a substantially later period.

K.K.

Zarai. City in Numidia near the Mauretanian border, modern Zraia (to the northwest of Batna in Algeria; It. Ant. 35,7; Tab. Peut. 2,3: Zaras). In the time of Hadrian, a cohors was stationed in Z. (CIL VIII 1, 2532 = Suppl. 2, 18042). A customs tariff of the year AD 202 was discovered in Z. (CIL VIII 1, 4508 = Suppl. 2, 18643) which gives important information on questions of economic law and history [1. 7-23]. Inscrip-

ZARAI

876

875

tions: CIL VIII 1, 2532; 4508-4574; 2, 10765; Suppl. 2, 18042; 18643-18645. 1 J.P. Darmon, Note sur le Tarif de Zarai, in: Les Cahiers de Tunisie 12, 1964, 7-23. AAAlg, sheet 26, Nr. 69; M.LeGLay,

monuments, PBS Ii

Saturne africain:

vol. 2, 1966, 66f.; Id., s.v. Z., RE 9 A, W.HU.

[2] Mountain and village in southern Euboea [x], the largest demos [2] in Eretria [x] (Lycophr. 373 with schol.; IG XII 9, 72-77) at modern Zarakes (Zarka). The village is probably on the site of the fort of Zaretra (Zaonteo/Zarétra, Plut. Phocion 13,4), which was conquered in 348BC by ~ Phocion. Modest ancient remains. W.Wattace, The Demos of Eretria, in: Hesperia 16, 1947, 115-117, 138 (map); E. MEYER, s.v. Z. (2), RE9 A,

Zarama (Zogcua; Zardma). Not precisely locatable township, mentioned only in Ptol. 6,2,16, in the interior of + Media, presumably to the southwest of Europus (> Rhagae).

Jw.

Zaranis (Zagavic/Zavioic; Zaranis/Zaniris). Not accu-

rately locatable township, mentioned only in Ptol. 6,2,13, in the interior of > Media (cf. Zonbis in Amm. Marc. 23,6,39). M.G. ScumipT, Die Nebeniiberlieferung des 6. Buchs der Geographika des Ptolemaios, 1999, 25 f. Jw.

Zaraspadum. City in modern Afghanistan, according to the context in Plin. HN 6,94 in the area of the > Etymander, not precisely located. H.TREIDLER, s. v. Zaraspad(r)um, RE 9 A, 2317f.

Zarathustra see - Zoroaster;

EO.

> Zoroastrianism

“Dg gs

AKU.

Zarbienus (Zaopunvoc/Zarbiénods). A king of Corduene ( Gordyaea), who negotiated with Appius Claudius [I 24] Pulcher in 71/70 BC over an alliance with Licinius [I 26] Lucullus, and was betrayed to his overlord + Tigranes [2] II of Armenia, who disposed of him. Lucullus gave him a magnificent burial in 69 and confiscated his treasures (Plut. Lucullus 21; 29). M.SCH.

Zariadres (Zaowdenc/Zariddrés). In Chares [2] of Mytilene (FGrH 125, F 5 = Ath. 13,575), there is a love story between Z., the brother of a certain Hystaspes of Media, and the daughter of a Sarmatian prince. It exhibits strong similarities to an episode in Iranian literature. There two brothers called Gustasp and Zarér appear and it is Gustasp who (under circumstances comparable to those of Chares’ Z.) wins the daughter of the ruler of Rim. M. Boyce, Z. and Zarér, in: BSO(A)S 17, 1955, 463-4773

Zarax (Zdoeat/Zarax).

E. YARSHATER, Iranian National History, in: Cambridge

[1] City of Laconian > perioikoi on a bay (modern Limin Jerakas, Kastri or leraka) on the eastern coast of the > Parnon, modern Ierax. Remains of ancient city walls on the northern side of the entrance to the harbour. Z. had an extremely advantageous maritime location (natural harbour) but lacked both good connections with the Laconian inland plain and drinking water. Paus. 3,24,1 describes the city, which was depopulated and destroyed in 272 BC by the Spartan king Cleonymus [3], as the puniest of all the cities of the > Eleutherolakones and mentions only a temple to Apollo with a cult statue of the god holding a cithara. Z., probably ending up in the possession of > Argos [II] after the + Chremonidean War, was besieged in vain by the Spartan king Lycurgus [11] in 219 BC (Pol. 4,36,4) and, probably under Augustus, added to the cities of the Eleutherolakones. There is inscriptional evidence of border disputes between Z. and Epidaurus Limera, the neighbouring city to the southwest (IG V 1, 931; SEG 11, 894b). In the Middle Ages Z. appears to have been called Porto Bottas. — Laconica

History of Iran 3 (1), 1983, 359-477, esp. 467 £.; K. Z1EGLER, W.HInz, s. v. Z., RE 9 A, 2324 f. M.SCH.

S.GRUNAUER

VON HOERSCHELMANN,

s.v. Z., in: LAUF-

FER, Griechenland, 719; P. CHARNEUX, Inscriptions d’Argos, in: BCH 82, 1958, 1-15, esp. 7-12; A.J. B. Wace,

F.W.

Hastuck,

Laconia.

Topography,

in: ABSA

ts,

1908/09, 158-176, esp. 167-173; E. MEYER, s.v. Z. (1), RE 9 A, 2319-2322.

Zariadris (Zagiadeic/Zariadris). Antiochus [5] III’s governor in Armenia, together with > Artaxias [1]. The two defected after Antiochus’s defeat by the Romans in 189 BC and assumed royal titles, Z. in the western part of > Armenia (particularly > Sophene, Acilisene, Odomantis; capital probably at Carcathiocerta). Successors may have ruled until c. 93 BC (Str. 11,14,23 5; 15). WILL 2, 55.

A.ME.

Zariaspa (Zagiaona/Zariaspa: Arr. Anab. 4,1,53 457513 Pol. 10,49; Str. 11,11,2; in Plin. HN 6,48 called Zariastes). Earlier name of the chief town of > Bactria, which later was known as Bactra (> Balkh).

JW.

Zarina (Zagiva; Zarina). Queen of the > Sacae, supposed to have waged war with the Medes (c. 600 BC) (Ctesias F 7-8 FGrH 688; Nicolaus F 5 FGrH 90).

PHO.

Zarkaion oros (Zagxaiov boc; Zarkaion ros). Craggy mountains between Chauon (modern Héy in Iran) and Ecbatana (Diod. 2,13,5), and therefore a chain in the northern Zagrus mountains in Media. H. TREIDLER, s. v. Z.0., RE 9 A, 2328.

E.O.

877

878

Zarotis. River, mentioned only in Plin. HN 6,99, which flowed into the + Persian Gulf. Presumably identical to the Or(o)atis, named in Plin. HN 6,111; 1 36 as the border river between —> Persis and — Elymais (cf. Ptol.

like ‘freedom for Zion’ and ‘for the salvation of Zion’. Rabbinic sources offer no objective historical presentation, merely reflecting the negative assessment of the Zealots which emerged in the centuries after Jewish defeats in uprisings against Rome and in disappointed Messianic expectations [2.21f.]. Josephus, whose account of the Zealots — like his presentation of the Jewish-Roman War in general — is tendentious and proRoman, also quite often uses pejorative terms instead of ‘Zealots’: Josephus describes as ‘robbers’ (Ayotai/ léistat) all those who rose up with armed violence against the Roman occupation, as ‘dagger-carriers’

6,351; 6,4,1 f.: Orodtis; Amm. Marc. 23,6,26: Oroates; modern Sir Ab) or the Arosis, described in Arr. Ind.

39,9 as the border between the Persians and the Susians (modern Zohre/Hendigan). 1M.G. ScHmipt, Die Nebeniiberlieferung des 6. Buchs der ‘Geographie’ des Ptolemaios, 1999, 25 f. JW.

Zarzas (Libyan zrbts? [1. 264°°]). Prominent Libyan, leader beside (and with equal authority with?) ~> Mathus and > Autaritus in the > Mercenaries’ War [2. 108 f.; 112 f.5 3. 31-33], e.g. in the battle on the Bagradas and with > Spendius in the pursuit of Hamilcar [3]; [1. 269%; 264].

ZEALOTS

(oxaguiovsikdrioi, from Latin sica, ‘curved dagger’) the

group of rebels around - Menahem ben Yehuda and + Eleazarus [12] ben Yair who ended up resisting the

Zattara. City in Africa Proconsularis between Calama and Thubursicum [2] Numidarum, modern Kef Bezioun. Neo-Punic inscriptions provide evidence of the city’s pre-Roman past [1]. In the time of Hadrian Z. had an ordo decurionum (ILAlg I 533). In a 4th cent. inscription Z. is described as a municipium (ILAlg I 534; cf. also CIL VIII 1, 5177-5193; 2, 10833-10836; Suppl. 1, 17266-17276; ILAlg I 533-559.

Roman army in the fortress of > Masada until AD 73. The beginnings of the Zealot movement presumably lie in the resistance of Judas Galilaeus (the son of the bandit leader Hesecias executed under Herodes [4] Antipas) and his followers against the Roman occupation or the government of > Palaestina as the Roman province of Judaea and the accompanying political and economic decline for the Jewish population from AD 6 (Jos. BI 2,8,1; Jos. Ant. Iud. 18,1,1 and 6). Apart from Judas Galilaeus, the (apparently non-historical) Pharisee Zadogq (Greek Sdddokos) is mentioned as founder of the Zealots in Jos. BI 2,118. The rebelling or warring Jewish parties of the Zealots and Sicarians (which are not clearly separable) accordingly combine priestly and socially revolutionary tendencies. Josephus places the Zealot movement close to the Pharisees (— Pharisaei;

1 J.-B. CHABOT, Punica, in: Journ. Asiatique, Ser. 11, 7,

Jos. Ant. Iud. 18,1,6) so that they can be described as a

1 Huss 2 L.Loreto, La grande insurrezione libica contro Cartagine del 241-237 a.C., 1995 3 W.Huss, Die Libyer Mathos und Zarzas und der Kelte Autaritos als Prageherren, in: SM 38, 1988, 30-33. L-M.G.

1916, 443-445 (444 = KAI 171). AAAIlg, sheet 18, Nr. 233; M.Lectay, s. v. Z., RE 9 A, 2331; C. LEPELLEY, Les cités de l’Afrique romaine, vol. 2,

DAT.

W.HU.

Zea see > Athens; ~ Harbours, docks; > Piraeus

Zealots (Cndwtai/zelotai, from Greek Cndotv/zéloun, ‘strive after’). Political and religious group of Jews who rose against Roman rule in Palestine in the rst cent. AD, primarily in the first Jewish-Roman War (+ Jewish Wars). The term ‘Zealots’ can be found in -> losephus [4] Flavius (BI 4,160f.; 7,268-270), whose Bellum Iudaicum (books 4-7) and Antiquitates form the most important historical sources for the Zealots’ movement and ideology. The term is a translation of the Hebrew qannda‘im (qanna’, ‘eager’, sc. for God, e.g. in the Babylonian Talmud, Tractate Sanhedrin 82a) and as a self-

description of the Zealots can be traced back to the biblical model of the high priest Pinchas the Zealot (Nm

left wing of the Pharisee movement [2.341]. Judas Galilaeus died a violent death (Acts 5:37); two of his sons were executed as rebels during Tiberius > Alexander [18]’s procuratorship (Jos. Ant. Iud. 20,5,2). His third son Menahem ben Yehuda and his grandson -» Eleazarus [12] ben Yair were the most significant Zealot leaders in the first Jewish-Roman War, together with + Simon [9] bar Giora and > Iohannes [2] of Gishala. To what extent John the Baptist (+ Iohannes [39]),

> Jesus and early Christianity can be interpreted as part of the Zealot movement is a matter of controversy [2. 306f.; 4]. There is evidence for the Zealot movement in the Gospels (the Apostle Simon is described as zélotes, e.g. Lk 6:15), in the Acts of the Apostles (e.g. Acts 1:13) and in the Epistles of Paul (e.g. Gal 1:14), in the Ecclesiastical History by Eusebius [7] and in Hippolytus [2].

+ Jewish Wars; > Judah and Israel; + Palaestina 1T.L. Donapson, Rural Bandits, City Mobs and the Zealots, in: Journal for the Study of Judaism 21, 1990,

25:6-13) [2. 178-181].

19-40

The Zealots stood for the autocracy of God and for freedom; their leaders had Messianic ambitions, their political goals were religiously motivated. This is shown e.g. by the coins minted by the Zealots after the Roman conquest of Jerusalem in AD 70, with slogans

LEY, J.S. HANSON, Bandits, Prophets and Messiahs. Popular Movements at the Time of Jesus, 1985 4 R.HorsLEY, Jesus and the Spiral of Violence: Popular Roman Re-

2M.HeEnGEL, Die Zeloten, 1961

sistance in Jewish Palestine, 1987

3 R.Hors-

5 L.KapMman, The

Coins of the Jewish War of 60-73 C.E., 1960 6 SCHURER 1, 484-513 7M.SMALLWoop, The Jews under Roman

879

880

8 Y. YADIN, Masada,

Zeeritae (Zeeoita/Zeéritai, ZewitaZeiritai or Eigita/ Eiritai). A people in Arabia mentioned in Ptol. 6,7,24 but still not unequivocally located. [x] places their territory in Wadi al-‘Ird (modern Wadi Bani Hanifa near Al-Riyad), and therefore central Arabia; [2] in the area of Oman as far as the Wadi al-Dawasr, and therefore dispersed across the whole of the Al-Rub‘ al-Hali desert.

ZEALOTS

Rule, 1976, 153-155, 312-369 1969.

LWA.

Zebeke (Zeféxn/Zebéké). Josephus [4] Flavius mentions Z. as the place of a battle mentioned in Judges 1:1-7 between the tribes of Judah and Simeon on the one hand and the Canaanites, led by Adoni-Zebek (Jos. Ant. Jud. 5,121: Adwwitépexoc/Adonizébekos), on the other. The Hebrew form of the name in Judges 1:4f. is Bazaq or »Adoni-Bazaq (in manuscripts of the Josephus tradition, ‘Zebeke’ is sometimes corrected to BeCéxn/ Bezéké). The text of Judges 1 derives the place name from the personal name ’Adoni-Bazaq and places it near Jerusalem (cf. Judges 1:7). According to 1 Sam 11:8, Bazaq is the place where Saul mustered his army and can be identified with Hirbat Ibziq to the northeast of Tubas (cf. Eus. On. 54,5). P. WELTEN, Bezeq, in: ZPalV 81, 1965, 138-165.

RL.

Zebra (Equus zebra, E. quagga, E. grevyi). There is only scanty osteological, iconographical and textual evidence from prehistoric and ancient cultures for both the zebra, a wild equid once indigenous to northern Africa, and for its hybrids (zebroids). In northern Africa, primarily Algeria and Egypt, there are Palaeolithic and Neolithic finds of zebra bones, whereas the species is clearly absent from the repertory of motifs of rock paintings of this large region. In later periods, owing to a general decrease in species in northern Africa, the zebra presumably no longer existed there. In pharaonic Egypt, the zebra does not appear in any pictorial or written source, or in the tradition of exotic animals known or imported from the south, which suggests a taboo on the zebra as an animal of > Seth, analogous to the (wild) ass. This swift animal of the African savannah with its characteristic stripes was first described by Cassius {III x] Dio under the apt name innos tryooetdyo/hippos tigroeides (‘tiger-like horse’) (75,14,3) and as innotyetc/hippotigris (‘tiger-horse’) (77,6,2). Timotheus [14] of Gaza (10) [1. 25] thought that the zebra was a wild ass and knew it as a rare draught animal in the circus, which also pulled the carriage of an imperial princess (perhaps Fulvia [3] Plautilla). The bulk of pictorial evidence, including for a zebroid, can be found in Late Antique or Early Christian polychrome mosaic paving, primarily in the area of Syria and Palestine (see [2. 215, 217—221]). 1F.S. BoDENHEIMER, A.RABINOWITZ, Timotheus of Gaza on Animals, 1949 (with commentary and English translation) 2K.Hornic, Das Zebra in den prahistorischen und antiken Kulturen des Mittelmeerraums, in: D. BUCHNER (ed.), Studien in memoriam W. Schiile, 2001 >

207-224

KELLER 1, 274; W. RICHTER, s.v. Z., RE Suppl. 15, 991994

1 A. SPRENGER, Die alte Geographie Arabiens, 1875 (repr. ~ 1966), Nr.395 2E.GLAsER, Skizze der Geschichte und Geographie Arabiens, vol. 2, 1890 (repr. 1976), 292 f.

LT--N. Zeira (Cevod/zeird). A loose colourful cloak, reaching to the feet and belted in the middle, worn by Arabs (Hdt. 7,69) and Thracians (Hdt. 7,75), which gave protection from the cold and, unlike the + chlamys, was long enough to keep the feet warm when on horseback (Xen. An. 7,4,4). In depictions of Thracians in Attic vase painting it can be identified from its length and ornamental decorations. W.Raecx, Zum Barbarenbild in der Kunst Athens, 1981, 69-72; I.Maper, Thrakische Reiter auf dem Fries des Parthenon?, in: F. BLAKOLMER (ed.), Festschrift J. Borchhardt, vol. 2, 1996, 60-62. RH.

Zela (Zia; Zéla). City in Pontus [2] (Str. r1,8,4; Plin. HN 6,8; Ptol. 5,6,10; Steph. Byz. s.v. Z.) on the River

Hotan, a left-bank tributary of the Iris [3], modern Zile. Originally Z. was a rgth-cent. BC Assyrian trading post (karum; Assyrian Durchamit, Hittite Durmitta; cf. Str. 12,3,37), then a priest-state of > Anaetis and the Persian deities Omanos and Anadates who were revered together with her, and the administrative centre of the royal > eparchia of Zelonitis under the > Achaemenidae [2] (Str. 12,3,31; 37; 39), the Mithridatidae (— Mithridates [1-6]) and the Polemonidae (— Pontus [2]). Z. was incorporated into the Roman province of + Galatia under Nero in AD 64. From the mid—4th cent. AD Z. was a suffragan bishopric of Amasea (Not. Episc. 3,178) in the consular province of Helenopontus (ibid. 1,241; Hierocles, Synecdemus 701,5). In the ruins of the Seljuk fortress there are few ancient substructures; no archaeological excavations. In the plain between Z. and Scotius (modern Namhisarkale) some 4.5 km to the northeast, the battle took place in which Mithridates [6] = VI defeated the Roman legate C. Valerius [I 52] Triarius (Bell. Alex. 72,2; Plin. HN 6,10, here mistakenly Ziéla) in the spring of 67 BC, as well as the one in which Caesar defeated Pharnaces [2] on 2 August 47 (Bell. Alex. 72,1-3; Plut. Caesar 50,2-4; Cass. Dio 42,47,1: Zého/Zéla). K. ABEL, s.v. Z. (1), RE Suppl. 14, 984-986; E. OLSHAUSEN, Stadt und Land, Griechen und Iranier, Konige und Priester, in: Die Alte Stadt 16, 1989, 287-293; Id., Der K6nig und die Priester, in: Id., H.SONNABEND (eds.), Stuttgarter Kolloquium zur Historischen Geographie des Altertums 1, 1980 (Geographica Historica 4), 1987, 187205; C.Marek, Stadt, Ara und Territorium in PontusBithynia und Nord-Galatia (IstForsch 39), 1993; OLs-

88r

882

HAUSEN/ BILLER/WAGNER, map 2 B; D.R. WILson, The

Historical Geography of Bithynia, Paphlagonia, and Pontus, D. B. Thesis Oxford 1960, 212-217 (typoscript). E.0.

Zeleia (ZéAeva; Zéleia). City in the valley of the > Aesepus (Hom. Il. 2,824f.; 4,91; 4,103; 4,121; Str. 12,4,6;

12,8,11) in the territory of + Cyzicus in Mysia, near modern Sarikéy. Homer (loc. cit.) describes Z. as the

Zenas (Zyvac/Zends). Sculptor’s name on two Roman portrait busts from the early 2nd cent. AD. The addition to the signature of the father’s name Alexander (IG XIV 1241) in the one case and of f in the other (IG XIV 1242) suggests two different sculptors. The name points to a connection with sculptors from Aphrodisias (+ Aphrodisias [1], sculptors’ school). Loewy, Nr. 383 a-b; P. MorENO, s. v. Z., EAA 7, 12.47 f.

RN.

home city of Pandarus [1] and the latter as belonging to the Lycii; for this reason ancient commentators (cf. schol. Hom. Il. 2,826f.) assumed two regions with the name Lycia — one in the southwest of Asia Minor (+ Lycii, Lycia), the other in the north of the Troad (for this discussion cf. > Pandarus [1]). The mythographer ~ Palaephatus refers to Amazones in Z. (FGrH 44 F 4). F. W. Hastuck, Cyzicus, 1909, ror.

E.O.

Zelos (Zijdoc; Zélos). + Personification of zeal; son of

Pallas and > Styx. He and his siblings, > Nike, Kratos and > Bia, are constant companions of > Zeus (Hes. Theog. 383-388), and his aides in the fight against the ~ Titans (Apollod. 1,9). He is later equated with Zelotypia (‘Jealousy’: Orph. Fr. 127; Meleager Anth. Gr. 5,190; Hyg. Fab. praef. 17: Invidia; Hes. Op. 195 f.). SLA. Zelotus (Znhwtd¢/Zelotos). Greek epigrammatist, possibly first half of the rst cent. AD. Planudes ascribes to him an anonymous poem Anth. Pal. 9,31: a boat, hewn from a pine tree uprooted by the winds, predicts storms at sea. Ascribed by the Codex Palatinus to a bearer of the extremely rare name Z. —- as an alternative to

ZENO

Zenicetes (Zynviméts; Zénikétés). Lycian/Isaurian pirate chieftain, defeated during P. > Servilius [I 27] Vatia Isauricus’ campaign in 77 BC, with Z. being killed in his own house in + Olympus [11] (Str. 14,5,7) [r. 216 f.; 2. 259-263, 226]. > Piracy 1 H.A. ORMEROD, Piracy in the Ancient World, 1924 2 H.Pout, Die rémische Politik und die Piraterie im 6stlichen Mittelmeergebiet vom 3. bis zum 1. Jahrhundert v. Chr., 1993. L.-M.G.

Zenis (Zivic/Zénis). [1] Z. from Dardanus [4], sub-satrap of Pharnabazus [2] in the > Troad (in Xen. Hell. 3,1,10: Aeolis); after his death, his wife > Mania [3], with the assent of Phar-

nabazus, took over power and ruled successfully until her assassination shortly before the arrival of > Dercylidas in 411 BC (Xen. Hell. 3,1,14; 3,1,16). W.ED. [2] (also Znvevc/Zéneus). Writer from Chios, possibly 4th cent. BC; he wrote ‘about his homeland’ (xegi tis natetdoc/peri tés patridos; FGrH 393 with comm.). K. ZIEGLER, s. v. Z. (2), RE9 A, 2502.

H.A.G.

~— Bassus— is a one-line version on the same theme (Ant.

Pal. 9,30). FGE, 103; M. LausBer«, Das Einzeldistichon, 1982, 364.

Zeno (Zivwv/Zenon.) [1] Z. of Elea (Son of Teleutagoras). Eleatic philosopher

M.G.A.

of the 5th cent. BC; a pupil and intimate friend of ~ Parmenides who became famous for his paradoxes. According to the Suda (29 A 2 DK), Z. wrote many

Zemarchus (Zraoyod/Zéemarchos). Magister militum per Orientem under the emperor Iustinus [4] II, a Cilician by origin who led a legation to the khan Sizabulus of the Turks (AD 552-576) to the central Asiatic region of - Sogdiana in the years 569-571/2, rather than 5 68/9. He took part in Sizabulus’ campaign against the Persians, concluded a treaty with the Turks and returned after an adventuresome voyage over the Volga. The account of this legation is very important for its infor-

books; but his Adyou (Légoi, ‘Arguments’, 40 according

to Proclus, 29 A 15 DK) probably belonged to a single book, the one he read aloud to his closest circles in Athens (cf. Pl. Prm. 127¢-d). In the lost dialogue Sophistes, Aristotle (+ Aristoteles [6]) declares Z. to have been the ‘inventor’ (+ protos heuretes) of — dialectics (29 A roand A r DK, cf. 29 A 2 DK). The judgment is understandable insofar as, in this text, Z. was pursuing — but not, as the young Socrates remarks [2] in the Parmenides (PI. Prm. 128a-b), stating in so many words — mation about the > Turks in the 6th cent. (Menander the goal of defending Parmenides’ philosophy by refutProtector fr. 19-22 and 43 FHG 4, 227-230; 244-2473 ing pluralism, and demonstrating that the assumption Excerpta de legationibus 452-454 DE Boor). of a plurality (ta 2OdAa, ta polla) of different entities + Sogdiana contains contradictions [1]. Interestingly, it was posA.Kazupan, W.E. Kasai, s. v. Z., ODB 3, 2222; PLRE 3, sible to hold that Z.’s arguments refuted not only plu1416 f.; cf. 1163 f.; STEIN, Spatrémische Republik 2, 773. KPJ. ralism, but also Eleatic monism (Eudemus fr. 37a Wehrli = 29 A 16 and 29 A 21 DK; ~ Eleatic School). The arguments against pluralism display a common pattern: if there is plurality, or if many things exist, then

ZENO

884

883

they must be similar and dissimilar (Pl. Prm. 127d, cf. also Pl. Phdr. 261d = 29 A 13 DK); they must be infinitely large and so small as to have no extension (29 B 1 and B 2 DK); they must be precisely as many as they are, and at the same time infinitely many, as, given two entities, there must in every instance be a third between them (the paradox of plurality, 29 B 3 DK). The example of the millet grain (29 A 29 DK) is similar to the extension paradox, and is meant to show that the assumption that perceptible qualities are divisible has absurd consequences: the sound made by a whole bushel of falling millet grains will be the sum of many nonsounds, as the fall of a single millet grain does not make a sound. Aristotle mentions four aporiai (> Aporia) of motion for Z., with structures that are not necessarily identical with those of the previous paradoxes. Their premise is the existence not just of plurality, but also of — motion, an assumption from which they arrive at impossible consequences. The first two aporiai differ from the arguments against plurality in that they arrive at just one, absurd inference, not two mutually contradictory statements. The gist of the ‘dichotomy’ argument (Aristot. Ph. 239b 11-13) is that, in running a distance, one first has to cover one half of that distance, then one half of the half, and so on ad infinitum, thus without ever arriving. In the famous paradoxical example of Achilles and the tortoise (Aristot. Ph. 239b 14 ff.), it does not matter how much faster Achilles is than any other living being, for instance a tortoise: in order to overtake it, he must first reach the point from which it started, while it has already moved a short distance forwards; here, too, there ensues an unending series of intermediate stages. The third aporia of the flying arrow (ibid. 239b 5-7) states that each period of time in the flight of a moving object is a series of moments in which the object occupies a space of exactly its own size, therefore is at rest, and the sum of those moments represents nothing more than a period in the existence of a motionless object. The fourth aporia of the moving series (ibid. 239b 33-240a 18) demonstrates that, if we allow motions that relate to one another, identical stretches of space and time may be measured as both double and half [2]. Z.’s paradox of place (29 A 24 DK) states that either a place is nowhere, and so does not exist, or it is somewhere, but that there then ensues an infinite regress, with the place of a place, etc. It is not only the way in which later dialecticians argued that was thoroughly influenced by Z.; the debate concerning the structure of physical, temporal and spatial extension also bore the mark of his paradoxes. The paradoxes were directed against the notion of distinct parts, a central theme of the Atomists (> Atomism), who denied the infinite divisibility of fundamental physical entities, and of + Anaxagoras, who assumed that all material particles are fully divisible. It is quite probable in both cases that, as post-Parmenidean philosophers, they were followers of Z. Thus Aristotle relates a quasi-Zenonian divisibility argument (Aristot.

Gen. corr. 1,2 and 1,8) which, he says, the Atomists used to support their theory of fundamentally indivisible units of bodies [3], while Anaxagoras’ theses, that big and small entities contain an equal number of parts, and that they are big or small in relation to one another (59 B 3 and 59 B 6 DK), demonstrate that he adopted Z.’s paradoxical analysis of extension. + Aporia; > Eleatic School; + Parmenides; > Presocratics; > Time, concepts of ~ 4K. von Fritz, Zeno of Elea in Plato’s Parmenides (= id., Schriften zur griechischen Logik, vol. 1, 1978, 99-109) 2 P. FEYERABEND,

Some

Observations

on

Aristotle’s

Theory of Mathematics and of the Continuum, in: Midwest Studies in Philosophy 8, 1983, 86-87 (esp. fig. 12) 3 Sr. Makin, The Indivisibility of the Atom, in: AGPh 71, 1989, 125-149.

FRAGMENTS: Die.s/KRANZ, vol. 1, 247-258; H.D. P. Lee, Zeno of Elea, 1936 (with English translation and commentary)

; M.UNTERSTEINER,

Zenone:

Testimo-

nianze e frammenti, 1963 (with Italian translation and commentary).

LireratTure: M.Caveine, Zénon d’Elée, 1982; K. von Fritz, s. v. Z. (1), RE 10 A, 53-83 (= Id., Schriften zur griechischen Logik, vol. 1, 71-98); R. FERBER, Z.s Paradoxien der Bewegung und die Struktur von Raum und Zeit, 1981; R. McK1raHan, La dichotomie de Zénon chez Aristote, in: A. Laks, C. LouGukt (eds:), Qu’est-ce que la philos. présocratique?, 2002, 465-496; W.R. KNorRR,

Zeno’s Paradoxes Still in Motion, in: Ancient Philosophy 3, 1983, 55-66; ST. Maxin, Zeno on Plurality, in: Phronesis 27, 1982, 223-238; G.E. L. Owen, Zeno and the Mathematicians,

in: Id., Logic, Science

and Dialectic,

1986, 45-61.

LB.

[2] Z. of Citium. Stoic philosopher, c.334-262/1 BC; founder of the Stoic school (> Stoicism). I. Lire

I]. INFLUENCE

III. Worxs

IV. TeEacu-

INGS I. LIFE

The main biographical sources are Z.’s vita at Diog. Laert. 7,1-38 and Philodemus [1. coll. 1-12]. Born the son of Mnaseas in -> Citium on Cyprus, a Phoenician town with a mixed Greek-Phoenician population, Z. studied philosophy in Athens, where he founded his school and also died, probably in 262/1 BC [2. 780f.]. His date of birth and the date of his arrival in Athens are uncertain. His pupil > Persaeus [2] of Citium relates (in Diog. Laert. 7,28) that Z. died at the age of 72 and reached Athens when he was 22; in that case, he would have been born c. 334, and arrived in Athens in 312/11 (according to another tradition, Diog. Laert. 7,2, Z. was already 30 on his arrival in Athens). The account that he died at the age of 98 has little credibility (Diog. Laert. 7,28). The conjecture of his Phoenician origin, which is probably connected with his birthplace, is also disputed (Diog. Laert. 7,15; 7,25). Anecdotal accounts (Diog. Laert. 7,2; 5; 13) have him coming to Athens in the course of maritime trade, and turning to philosophy while there, after hearing a reading about ~ Socrates [2] from —» Xenophon’s [2]

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Memorabilia (book 2). Yet another tradition (Diog. Laert. 7,31-2) says that Z.’s philosophical interest was awakened by reading dialogues of unspecified > Socratics, which had been brought home to Cyprus by his merchant father. In Athens, he was first drawn to the Cynic - Crates [4] of Thebes (Diog. Laert. 7,2-4; 7,12). Under his influence, Z. wrote the Republic (Modwteia/Politeia), a critical utopia, for which he became notorious (see III. below). For a period, he then also studied with other philosophers (we know of + Polemon [1], > Stilpo, -* Diodorus [4] Cronus, + Philo [I 4], and possibly + Xenocrates [2]). He eventually began teaching on his own in the stod poikilé (the Painted -Stoa [1]), near the Agora (+ Athens [1] II 4); he chose that location out of a dislike for crowds, and because it suited his habit of walking up and down while teaching (Diog. Laert. 7,5; 7,14). His followers were at first called ‘Zenonians’ (Znvovevo/Zéndneioi), then (after the school’s location) ‘Stoics’ (Ztwxoi/Stdikoi). Z. was known for his striking appearance, his simplicity (he avoided dinner parties) and preference for green figs and sunbathing, his modesty and his integrity. He enjoyed the favour of — Antigonus [2] Gonatas; when Antigonus wanted him to move to his court, Z. declined, and sent his pupils Persaeus and Philonides of Thebes in his place. At Antigonus’ instigation (Diog. Laert. 7,15), the Athenians decreed him a gold crown and a state tomb in the — Kerameikos (Diog. Laert. 7,10-12 transmits the wording of an honorific inscription). His death is related at Diog. Laert. 7,28: when, in his old age, he fell and broke his finger (or toe), he took this as a sign that his time had come, and ended his life by ‘holding his breath’ (suffocation or strangulation: apopnixas heauton).

[2] (Diog. Laert. 7, 179). Of these, Ariston and Herillus were eclipsed by Cleanthes, Dionysius moved his allegiance to the + Epicurean School, and Persaeus mixed philosophy with pro-Macedonian political activity. Sphaerus devoted himself primarily to philosophy, although he also advised -» Cleomenes [5] II of Sparta. While Cleanthes’ version of Stoicism claimed fidelity to the work of Zeno, Chrysippus claimed to be closer to the spirit of its founder.

II. INFLUENCE

Z.’s school endured for over five hundred years, and decisively shaped the history of philosophy. His impact was considerable even in his own lifetime. He, in turn, absorbed a broad range of influences from earlier traditions. This is indicated by the story of how he consulted an oracle (Diog. Laert. 7,2): asking the god what he might do to live the best life, he was told that he should ‘be touched by the complexion of the dead’, which he interpreted to mean that he should read the works of ancient philosophers. This he did, reshaping their doctrines into a system adapted to his own intellectual context. His teaching also shows the impact of Platonism (through > Xenocrates [2], > Polemon [1] and —> Crantor; Academy II.), the debate with the Academic Sceptic — Arcesilaus [5], the -» Megarian School and contemporary dialectic (> Philo [4]). The question of Peripatetic influence is controversial [11]. Zeno’s students included > Ariston [7] of Chios, + Herillus of Carthage, + Dionysius [8] of Heraclea, + Persaeus [2], > Zeno [3] of Sidon, > Cleanthes [2] of Assus (who succeeded him as head of the school), — Sphaerus of Borysthenes, and possibly + Chrysippus

ZENO

Ill. Worxs The (incomplete) list at Diog. Laert. 7,4 mentions the following titles: ‘Republic’ (Modtteio/Politeia); ‘On the life according to nature’ (Iegi tod xatd pbow Biov/ Peri tou kata physin biou); ‘On impulse’ (Tegi deuic/ Peri hormés) or ‘On human nature’ (Ilegi &vOeasovu pvoewc/Peri anthropou physeos); ‘On the passions’ (Ilegi sa0@v/Peri pathdn); ‘On appropriate action’ (Hegi tot xaOnxovtoc/Peri toa kathékontos); ‘On law’ (Ilegi vonwov/Peri n6mou); ‘On Greek education’ (Meoi Tis “EAAnvixis madeiac/Peri tés Helléenikés paideias); “On vision’ (Ilegi 6wews/Peri 6pseds); ‘On the universe’

(IIegi tod ddov/Peri tou hdlou); ‘On signs’ (Meoi onueimv/Peri séemeion); ‘Pythagorean studies’ (Ilv8ayoouxd/Pythagorika); ‘General studies’, or ‘On universals’ (Ka@odwxd/Katholikd); ‘On style’ (Ileoi

NEewv/ Peri léxeon); ‘Homeric problems’ (MeopAnuata dunoixa/Problémata homérikd, 5 books); ‘On listening to poetry’ (Ilegi moms axeodoewc/Peri poietikés akrodseos); ‘Handbook’ (Téyvy/Téchné: possibly on rhetoric, but more likely the ‘Art of love’ mentioned at Diog. Laert. 7,34: Eowtx) téxvn/Erotike téchnée); ‘Solutions and refutations’ (Avosic xal tieyyxouLyseis kai élenchoi; in 2 books: but the title ‘Solutions’ may represent a separate work); ‘Reminiscences of Crates’ (AtopvnpwovevLata Keatyntoc/Apomnemoneumata Krdtétos); ‘Ethics’ (H@md/Ethikd). The ‘Discourses’ (AvateiBai/Diatribai) also included ‘scandalous’ material on erotic matters (Sext. Emp. P.H. 3,245; Diog. Laert. 7,34), and the ‘Maxims’ (Xoeiou/Chreiai) contained anecdotes about Crates (Diog. Laert. 6,91; cf. > Chreia). Diog. Laert. 7,34 reports efforts by later Stoics to remove Z.’s more outrageous Cynic utterances (cf. > Cynicism). His work Ileoi Adyou (Peri logou, ‘On rational discourse’) dealt with the elements of philosophy (Diog. Laert. 7,39-40): here, Z. adopted the tripartite division of philosophy proposed by + Xenocrates [2]. Writing about Hesiod’s Theogony, he interpreted it as an allegorical treatment of physical and cosmological theory; he also wrote on Homer. He produced texts ‘On substance’ (Ilegi ovoiac/Peri ousias; Diog. Laert. 7,134) and ‘On nature’

(Ieoi picews/Peri physeds), including a discussion of providence (Aet. 1,27,5 = p. 322 Diels, DG).

IV. TEACHINGS Most of Z.’s works fall under the headings of + logic, physics, and - ethics (which he held should be taught in that order). He had a strong interest in

ZENO

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887

~ dialectics (especially a concern with dialectical puzzles), but it fell to > Chrysippus [2] to perfect Stoic logic as a system. Z.’s epistemology (> Epistemology, with table) was essentially empiricist in character: the fundamental criterion of > truth is sensory information, received as impressions (typdseis = phantasiai) understood by him literally as physical shapes impressed on the material stuff of the soul (itself a form of fiery > pneuma; cf. - Phantasia); such impressions are the

foundation of all human concepts and beliefs, and are subject to assent (synkatdthesis) or rejection by human reason. The debate with Arcesilaus turned on the existence of a kind of self-certifying impression (kataléptikai phantasiai); Z. held that a wise man would never assent to uncertain impressions, since to do so would be to hold mere opinion (déxa) rather than knowledge (epistemé, which must be unshakable and irreversible).

Z. defined a > techne as a complex system of developed and goal-oriented cognitions (katalépseis). He recognized the value of rhetoric, but thought that it had less persuasive power than dialectic did.

the power of > wisdom and moral perfection to transform society, setting that power in opposition to the Cannibalism). It is taboos of his culture (> Incest, unclear whether he believed that his ‘Republic’ could be politically realized. In ethics, Z. set out the key Stoic doctrines. Working within a Socratic and eudaimonistic tradition, he held that the télos (‘goal’; > Teleology, Supplements) was to live virtuously, which means consistently with one’s self and in accordance with nature. He held that — virtue alone is sufficient for attaining > happiness and that it is the only genuine ‘good’ (with vice being the only evil). Everything else is a matter of indifference (&duapogov/ adiéphoron). He coined the terms ‘preferred’ (moonypévov/proégménon) and ‘dispreferred’ (anoneonyuevov/apoproégménon) for lesser-ranking positive and negative values. Z. advocated a doctrine of the unity of all virtues based on their shared foundation

sive (to m&oyov/td pdschon). Passive and unqualified matter underlies all existent things; even qualities are configurations of matter. Only material things ‘exist’ and have causal power, although incorporeals (void,

(I.), and, on this basis, constructed an idealized image of the wise man (ooddc/sophos). He is also credited with coining the term and developing the Stoic doctrine of xaO/xovta (kathekonta, ‘appropriate acts’), which define the behaviour appropriate for humans. The concept of > oikeiosis was developed to connect the natural needs of newborns with equally ‘natural’ mature virtue, and thus to underpin his view of the fundamentally social character of human nature. + Epistemology (with table); — Ethics; > Nature (I.

— space (or place), > time, predicates) are necessary in

A.); > Socrates [2]; > Stoicism; > Virtue;

In physics, Zeno was a materialist (+ Materialism), and analyzed all substance (+ Matter) in terms of two principles, the active (t6 xovotv/to poiotn) and the pas-

the description of reality. Z. played an important role in developing the notion of a ‘cause’ (> Causality). Z. was strongly committed to the uniqueness and unity of the cosmos, regarding it as a living entity guided and pervaded by a divine force (Nature or Zeus). It is composed of four basic elements (earth, air, > fire, water; cf. > Elements, theories of the; - World), and comes into being via a watery phase in which the fiery seeds of a rational plan are contained. These guide the development of the cosmos towards its fiery destruction (ekpyrosis). The cycle of generation and destruction is repeated endlessly in a rational pattern. Human events, too, are causally fixed within this closed system, which is governed by providence (prénoia) in the interests of all rational beings (gods and men; cf, > Predestination, theory of; + Fate); Zeno’s sketches of a theory of fate were elaborated by Chrysippus into a fully determinist system. Animals are compounds of bodies and the refined stuff of souls, both parts being material and completely blended with one another. The human soul is rational, unlike that of animals, but its immanent reason is not divided from the passions as it is according to Platonic theory. The soul is divided into eight ‘parts’: the five senses, the voice, reproductive power, and the mind or hégemonikon (> Soul, theory of the). Z.’s portrayal of a utopian society of wise people in his ‘Republic’ (see [12]; - Utopia) challenged many norms of Greek political and cultural life. In depicting the ideal of a city of the wise, Zeno focused attention on

in > wisdom

> Wisdom

1 T. Doranpi (ed.), Filodemo, Storia dei filosofi: La stoa da Zenone a Panezio (with Italian translation and commentary),1994 2R.GOULET, in: M.-O.GOULET-CAZE

et al., Diogéne Laérce, 1999 (vol. 7; French translation and commentary). FRAGMENTS: 3H.vON ARNIM, SVF I, 3-72 (Greek and German) 4K.HULsER, Die Fragmente zur Dialektik der Stoiker, 1987-1988 (Greek with German translation and commentary) 5 A.A. Lone, D.N.SEDLEy, The Hellenistic Philosophers, 1987, vol. 1, 158-437; vol. 2, 163-431 (Greek and English) 6 A.C. PEARSON, The Fragments of Zeno and Cleanthes, 1891 (repr. 1973; with English translation and commentary). LITERATURE: 7 A.ERSKINE, The Hellenistic Stoa, 1990 8 K. VON FRiTz, s. v. Z. (2), RE 10 A, 83-121

Lone,

Hellenistic

Philosophy,

10 M. POHLENZ, Die Stoa, 1948 Aristotle and the Stoics, 1985 Stoic Idea of the City, 1991.

1974,

9 A.A.

107-209

11 F.H. SANDBACH, 12 M.ScHOFIELD, The

[3] Z. of Sidon. Stoic philosopher, c. 300 BC; a student of + Zeno [2] of Citium, alongside whom he probably studied under + Diodorus [4] Cronus (Diog. Laert. 7,16 and 38 with [1] ad loc.). He is mentioned by Philodemus col. 11 [2]. The Suda attributes an ‘Apology of Socrates’ (Apologia Sokrdtous) and a ‘History of Sidon’ (Sidoniakd) to him. [3: 168-70] doubts his existence. 1R.GouLeT, in: M.-O.Goutet-Cazé et al., Diogéne Laérce, 1999 (vol. 7, French translation and commentary) 2 T.Doranpt (ed.), Filodemo, Storia dei filosofi: La stoa

889

890

da Zenone a Panezio, 1994 (with Italian translation and commentary)

filosofi, 1962.

3 M.Gr1GanTg, Diogene Laerzio: Vite dei

B.I.

[4] Commander of Ptolemaic warships (&bgaxtov aphraktoi) in the Aegean; subordinate to and representative of the nesiarch > Bacchon (288/286 BC; cf. > Nesiotai [2]). Z. arranged a transport of grain to Athens (IG II* 650), and liberated inhabitants of Ios

who had been abducted by pirates; for this he was made proxenos (> Proxenia, proxenos) there (OGIS 773). PP VI 15043.

[S$] Administrator in Ptolemaic Egypt, 3rd cent. BC; known from the archive of the so-called ‘Zeno Papyri’. I. THE PERSON II. THE ZENO PapyRi

I. THE PERSON Son of - Agreophon; a native of + Caunus [2] in Caria. He is known to us from numerous papyri from his activities in Egypt only, but he maintained the links to the town of his birth as long as he lived; his brothers Apollonius and Epharmostus (died in late October 243 BC) lived in his vicinity; one Cleon calls him ‘father’ (P

CZ Ill 59457; PSI V 528). Z. worked in the service of > Apollonius [1], the Ptolemaic — dioiketes in + Alexandria [1], and dealt with private and public affairs for his master. He travelled from Alexandria to > Palaestina on November 11, 260 BC, travelling across Coele Syria (Stratonos Pyrgos, Idumaea, Jerusalem, Jericho, Jordan: Amman, Hauran, Phoenicia). Upon his return to Alexandria in summer 258, he accompanied Apollonius as his secretary on journeys in Egypt (258/6, mainly in the Delta), and from 256 was administrator (oikon6mos) of the > dorea (see Supplements) of Apollonius, where the economic ideas of + Ptolemaeus [3] I and his dioikétés were carried through. During his period as administrator, Z. was also Mooeotxws ths MOhews/proestékos tés pdleds (city director) in + Philadelphia [4] (PSI IV 341; P CZ V 59832). He used his position to conduct lucrative affairs of his own: besides the income to be expected from his activities for Apollonius, he farmed on his own account (esp. after 248). Z. cultivated land that he leased from cleruches (— Klerouchoi II.) — he never owned land himself, but did own ships to transport grain (PP V 14080) — and he had craftsmen work for him. Z. was dismissed c. 248, and replaced by > Eucles; he subsequently lived in Philadelphia, where he was listed as parepidemos (a resident foreigner). We know that he possessed Greek books; his literary interests are also attested by the poem to his hunting dog Tauron that he commissioned (P CZ IV 59532). In 240 he handed his papers to his brother Apollonius; he is last mentioned on 14.2.229 (P LugdBat 20 Suppl. E: tax debts from 231). PP I/VI 80.

ZENO

Il. THE ZENO Papyri Z.’s importance does not lie in his person, even though we know many details of his life from the papyri; it lies in the ‘archive’ he left behind, which is now scattered across all the great collections of papyri (for the most important volumes: see below, Editions). The Zeno archive was found by farmers c. 1910 in the ruins of ancient - Philadelphia [4]; it comprises around 1,750 documents on + papyrus, most of which are so far unpublished. Almost all of these papyri, from the period between 270 and 230 BC, are in Greek; only a few are in + Demotic; some are bilingual. Some groups of papyri illuminate various phases of Z.’s life: his time in > Syria (260-258) and in > Alexandria [1] (261-256); documents concerning his predecessors on the + dorea of Apollonius (257/6); papyri from Z.’s own period on the dored (256/248); texts concerning his successor (247-243), and Z.’s position in Philadelphia (256-229). About a third of the Z. Papyri (mainly texts from the period after 260 BC) concern the activities of Apollonius as dioikétés, and his affairs in Alexandria: thus, for example, a letter of 258 concerning the king’s decision to melt down all foreign gold coins entering Alexandria, and mint new coins (P CZ I 59021). The papyrus from 259 BC that contains the terms for royal control of all oil production (P Revenue Laws) does not come from the Zeno archive (SB Suppl. 1). Other texts give information on military and political events such as the 2nd ~ Syrian War, and the posthumous honours for > Arsinoe [II 3], sister and wife of > Ptolemaeus [3] II. The administration of the estates (10,000 arures = 2750 ha) received by Apollonius from Ptolemy II in 259 in addition to the earlier ddreai is the subject of more than half the papyri in the Zeno archive. The documents taken over by Z. from his predecessor Panacestor (who also came from Caunus) demonstrate the

enormous scale of the works required merely to make the land suitable for agricultural use, e.g. the provision of drainage and irrigation canals (SB XX 14624: a proposal to employ 15,000 workers for two months). A schematic plan of the dored from 259 BC shows that it was divided into rectangular plots, and indicates the layout of the ditches and canals that were to be built (P Lille I x, not from the Zeno archive). From 256 BC

onwards, it was Z.’s task to improve the agricultural exploitation of these estates. The archive provides much information in this regard, including a royal command to sow wheat a second time (256 BC, P CZ II 59155), the planting of vines, olives and poppies (for oil), and the importation of Milesian sheep. The mostly Egyptian workforce (leaseholders and day labourers) resisted such innovations. All in all, the papyri reflect agricultural development in the > Faiyum and the rest of Egypt; thus emmer was replaced by wheat as the most important > grain crop, and the rural lands were in part opened up to the + money economy. On the basis of his position, Z. was a leading figure in newly-founded Philadelphia, a city laid out on Greek

891

892

models, with a orthogonal street grid and at least ten temples of Greek and Egyptian divinities, a stoa, a theatre and a gymnasium. He acted as mediator between Greek settlers and the Egyptian population that had moved from other districts of Egypt. Z. had his own regular financial interests: about a quarter of the papyri in the archive are concerned with his own business activities. He leased land awarded to soldiers, collected taxes, managed bath-houses, bred sheep and goats, hunted, supported the gymnasium and was patron to young athletes. Because the archive contains public as well as private documents, it is the most important source for the royal economy in Ptolemaic Egypt, and the relations between Greek settlers and the indigenous population in the 3rd cent. BC.

an epitome of the Punic Wars. His influence, e.g. in > Polybius [2], cannot be verified.

ZENO

EpiT1ons: P CZ I-V; W.L. WesTERMANN et al., ZenonPapyri, 2 vols. 1934/40; P Lond VI; P MichZen; PSI IVVI; G.Messert SAVORELLI, R.PintaupI, I papiri del archivio di Zenon a Firenze, 1993; W.SPIEGELBERG, Die demotischen Urkunden des Zenon-Archivs, 1977; Papyrologica Lugduno-Batava 20-21, 1980/81. LITERATURE: W.CLARYSSE, K.VANDORPE, Z., 19953 X.Duranpb, Des grecs en Palestine au Ile siécle av. J. C., 1997 (review: T. REEKMANS, in: CE 73, 1998, 144-158);

G. FRANKO, Sitometria in the Z. Archive, in: Bull. of the American Society of Papyrologists 25, 1988, 13-98; CL. OrriEux, Les papyrus de Zénon, 1983; Id., Zenon de Caunos, 1984; P. W. Pestmanetal., A Guide to the Zenon Archive (Pap. Lugd.-Bat. 21), 2 vols., 1981; S.B. PoMEROY, Families in Classical and Hellenistic Greece, 1997, 210-219; CL. PR&AUx, Les grecs en Egypte d’aprés les archives de Zénon, 1947; T. REEKMANS, La sitométrie dans les archives de Zénon, 1966; Id., La consommation dans les archives de Zénon, 1996; M.RostovrizerF, A Large

Estate in Egypt, 1922; R. SCHOLL, Sklaverei in den ZenonPapyri, 1983.

[6] Z. from Rhodes. Politician and historian of the 3rd/2nd cent. BC; an older contemporary of > Polybius [2]. Author of a 15-volume (?) local history of Rhodes (+ Rhodos) entitled yeovexh obvtaEu/Chronike syntaxis (cf. F 2), which extended from the beginnings to perhaps 164/3 BC; fr. in Diod. Sic. 5,5 5-9 (= archaeology of Rhodes) and Pol. 16,14,1-19,11 (several events

from the year 201 BC). It contained only brief coverage of early history, as book 2 already speaks of > Pyrrhus [3]. In addition to the history of Rhodes, Z. also reports on events in other places and provides all kinds of cultural and historical information. According to Pol. (16,17,9), Z. aimed for high literary style. Polybius (16,20,5-7) criticizes topographical inaccuracies — not always justifiably! — and Z.’s Rhodian local patriotism, even exchanging letters with him on the subject. FGrH 523; K.Metster, Historische Kritik bei Polybios,

1975, 173-178.

FGrH 158 with commentary (JACOBY).

K.MEI.

[8] Zeno of Tarsus. Stoic philosopher, active mainly in the 3rd to early 2nd cents. BC; son of Dioscorides, pupil and successor of > Chrysippus [2]. Diog. Laert. 7.35 notes that he wrote few books but left many students (some listed at Philod. col. 48 [1]). Notable is his alleged hesitation concerning the doctrine of ekpyrdsis (Arius Didymus fr. 36 Diels). 1SVF II, p. 209 27T.Doranpi (ed.), Filodemo, Storia dei filosofi: La stoa da Zenone a Panezio, 1994 (with Italian translation and commentary). BI.

[9] Greek doctor, a pupil of > Herophilus [1]; active in the first half of the 2nd cent. BC, he wrote on the pulse love (+ Pulse, see Addenda) and on Hippocratic philology. With his interpretation of the abbreviations in some Alexandrian copies of the Epidemics of — Hippocrates [6], he raised a controversy that lasted an entire century. Although Z. also wrote about pharmacological topics, an identification with a pharmocologist + Z. [13] of > Laodicea [4] is by no means assured. ; VN. [10] Z. from Sidon. Epicurean philosopher (late 2nd/early rst cent. BC), a pupil of > Apollodorus [xo] Kepotyrannos, and his successor in 110 (Diog. Laert. 10,25). He heard and admired the Academic > Carneades [1] (died 129) in Athens (Cic. Acad. 1,12,46 = T 7 Angeli-Colaizzo), and so was born c.150 [1]. Said to have celebrated the capture of Athens by L. > Cornelius [I 90] Sulla in 87, he was sent into exile for a short while by > Aristion [1] (fr. 3 A.-C.; [2]). Z. was > Cicero’s teacher in Athens in 79/8 (Cic. Acad. 1,46; Fin. 1,16; Tusc. 3,38); he probably died c. 75 BC. He was a faithful interpreter of the teachings of > Epicurus, even though differences of emphasis are present (in math-

ematics, or the assessment of rhetoric) as a consequence of reformulations, disputes with — Stoicism, and adjustments to cultural conditions (logic, rhetoric,

poetry). His work embraced epistemology, logic (esp. the question of the circumstantial conclusion), physics, ethics, and the separate disciplines of grammar, history, biography, rhetoric and geometry. Worthy of note are his philological interests, which, among other things, added much to the work of Epicurus (questions of authenticity, interpretation; fr. 4; 13; 14 A.-C.). In ~> mathematics, Z. takes. issue with > Euclid [3], perhaps in reaction to -> Poseidonius [3] (cf. fr. 27 A.-C.). He appears to want to support Epicurus’ charge that geometry makes no sense. It is possible that Z.’s work contains the beginnings of a non-Euclidean geometry

[3]. [7] Greek historian of unknown origin and date (according to Jacoby 2nd third of the 3rd cent. BC). According to Diog. Laert. 7,3 5 the author of a work on the campaigns of > Pyrrhus [3] in Italy and Sicily, as well as

1 T. Doranpt, Ricerche sulla cronologia dei filosofi ellenistici, 1991, 52 21d., s. v. Aristion, GOULET 1, 369 f. 3 K.v. Frirz, s. v. Z. (§), RE 10 A, 122-138.

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894

A. ANGELI, M.Coxaizzo (ed.), I frammenti di Zenone Sidonio, in: CE 9, 1979, 47-133; P. and E.Dr Lacy et al. (ed.), Philodemus, On Methods of Inference, *1978;

M.Erter, Epikur —- Die Schule Epikurs — Lukrez, in: GGPh* 4.1, 1994, 268-272; J.-L.FeRRARY, Philhellénisme et impérialisme: aspects idéologiques de la conquéte romaine du monde hellénistique, 1988 (esp. 445-447, 479-482).

M.ER.

ZENO

[12] Greek orator and politician of the rst cent. BC from - Laodicea [4] on the river Lycus; father of -> Polemon [4], who is known as a Roman client king (and from 14 BC as king of the Bosporan Kingdom). Str. 12,8,16 counts Z. and his son among Laodicea’s great benefactors; in 40 BC, the pair ensured that their home city resisted and successfully withstood the attack of the Parthians under > Pacorus [1] and Q. + Labienus [2]

[11] A sculptor’s name that occurs several times. In-

(Str. 14,2,24).

scriptions of the 2nd-rst cents. BC from the bases of lost statues on > Rhodos and + Lindos attest to a Z.

[13] Z. of Laodicea [4]. Doctor and pharmacologist from the rst cent. BC. His remedies against rabies, colic and the bites of poisonous creatures are often cited by ancient authors (Gal. 14,171 K.; Caelius Aurelianus, De morbis chronicis 4,99; > Philumenus, De venenatis animalibus 10,6-9). -» Galen (14,163) describes the preparation of a theriac of Z. VN. [14] Z. of Myndus. Greek grammarian (Steph. Byz. s. v. Mobvioc/Myndos = 462,3-5 Meineke) of the early Imperial Period, spent part of his life at the court of > Tiberius [1]; contemporary of — Seleucus [13] Homericus. Besides the epigrammatic poem mentioned by Diog. Laert. 7,35, a work entitled Et@vvau (Evthynai, ‘Corrections’; at least 4 books) is attested in the Scholia Tzetz. chil. 1,19b (= Anecdota Oxoniensia Graeca Cramer 3, 350,14ff.). Z. appears to have concerned himself with the linguistic/etymological and factual exegesis of Greek authors of the Classical Period.

from + Amisus, and a Z. from + Soli [2] who worked with a Sosipatrus. In Rome, the sculptor’s name appears frequently from the early 2nd cent. AD onwards, giving his place of origin as Aphrodisias: on a herm shaft without a head (Rome, VM; > Herms), a Z. claims to have carved in

his old age a stele and sculpture to his deceased wife and his son; a signed, clothed female statue, which still existed in Syracuse in the 18th cent., has since disappeared. The possibility that one or other of these named sculptors is the same as one of the three following, who also came from > Aphrodisias [1], cannot be excluded: Z. the son of Attinas signed a now headless, seated statue in Rome, to be attributed on the basis of replicas to a statue of + Moschion [1] (probably 2nd half of the 4th cent. BC; Rome, TM); a male, seated statue by Z. the son of Alexander, still extant in the roth cent., again headless, in Lyktos (Crete), and since disappeared, por-

trayed Zeus or an emperor in the style of Zeus; Flavius Z. from Aphrodisias signed at least three statues (IG 14, 1269-71) —among them a Satyr and a Hercules — in an ensemble of statues of gods and mythical figures from Rome (now Copenhagen, NCG), made in concert with other sculptors from Aphrodisias; two similar inscriptions have been recorded in other locations in Rome (IG

14, 1268; CIG 3, 5899). All the inscriptions give Z. a priestly office and title. Two further inscriptions from Aphrodisias, on which Z. appears at the same time as dedicator, indicate that this particular sculptor was working in the 4th cent. AD. The nature of the inscriptions is unusually comprehensive for a sculptor’s signature, and suggests that Z. was a member of one of those export-oriented sculpture workshops that continued the tradition of the so-called ‘School of Aphrodisias’ (-> Aphrodisias [1], School of sculpture) into the 4th cent. AD. In the case of the ensemble of statues from Rome, which has so far

been dated to the 2nd cent. AD, a late antique origin has recently been proposed on stylistic grounds [4; 5; 6]. 1 LoEWwy, nos. 190; 364-367; 549

2P.Moreno,-s. v. Z.

and Z., Flavius, EAA 7, 1966, 1250f. 3 C.ROUECHE, K.Er1M, Sculptors from Aphrodisias. Some New Inscriptions, in: PBSR

50, 1982,

102-115

4 B. KIILERICH,

H.Torr, Mythological Sculpture in the Fourth Century A. D. The Esquiline Group and the Silahtaraga Statues, in: 5 M.BERGMANN, ChiMDAI(Ist) 44, 1994, 307-316 ragan, Aphrodisias, Konstantinopel. Zur mythologischen Skulptur der Spatantike, 1999, 14-17

6 M.MOLTESEN,

The Esquiline Group. Aphrodisian Statues in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, in: AntPl 27, 2000,

111-129.

RN.

MW.

1H.GARTNER, s.v. Z. (11), RE 1oA, 143-144 2 M.MuELLeErR, De Seleuco Homerico, thesis, Gottingen 1881, 26-27 and 49-50. ST.MA.

[15] Greek orator of the 2nd cent. AD, somewhat older than + Hermogenes [7]. According to the Suda, he came from > Citium, and was an author of scholarly rhetorical texts (on the theory of proofs and tropes), and commentaries on + Xenophon [2], — Lysias [1] and > Demosthenes [2]; the latter is cited four times in the extant Demosthenes scholia, each time offering original positions on technical questions. Z.’s text on the theory of stasis, also mentioned in the Suda, was used by > Sulpicius [IJ 17] Victor as his main source, and thus can readily be reconstructed: Z., like Hermogenes, distinguished 13 stdseis (> Status [1]), but used a different sequence and method of division. Philostr. VS 2,24,1 mentions a Z. from Athens as teacher of the Sophist + Antipater [12]. This may be the same person: either the Suda falsely assigns the same birthplace to this Z. as to the famous Stoic + Zeno [2] of the same name, or Philostratus erroneously names as Z.’s birthplace the city in which he lived and worked. MLW. [16] Son of a Theodorus; an architect (c. AD 140-170); he designed the theatre and other buildings in + Aspendus. D. De BERNARDI FERRERO, Teatri classici in Asia Minore, vol. 3, 1970, 161-174. W.H.GR.

[17] Z. of Cyprus, Greek doctor in > Alexandria [1] c. AD 360. The emperor Julian (+ Iulianus [11]) (Ep. 45) praises him, and > Eunapius (VS 497-9) esteems his

895

896

outstanding ability as a teacher and practitioner. His pupils included + Magnus [5] of Nisibis, the encyclopaedist > Oribasius, and > Ionicus. VN. [18] Flavius Z. East Roman emperor (Nov. 474 — Jan.

Zeno of Verona. Probably the eighth bishop of > Ve-

ZENO

475; Aug. 476 — 9 April 491). Born 425 or 430 as an Isaurian (> Isauria, Isauri) by the name of Tarasis, son of Kodisas (thus also ‘Tarasikodissa’/Tagacvodicoa [1]). C. 466 he took the name Z. in remembrance of an

earlier Isaurian — magister militum Z. (PLRE 2, 1199f., no. 6). From 467 married to Ariadne, daughter of the emperor > Leo [4] I, he became magister militum per Orientem in 469, and assisted Leo against the powerful Alan magister militum Aspar (> Ardabur [2]), in whose assassination in 471 he probably played a central role. When Leo I died on 18 Jan. 474, the son of Z. and Ariadne, born 467 and elevated to Augustus on 17 Nov. 473, followed him on the throne as > Leo [5] II, but as early as 9 Feb. 474, Z. had himself proclaimed Augustus by his son, ruled in common with him, and, after the son’s early death in Nov. 474, became sole emperor in the East. But in Jan. 475 the revolt of — Basiliscus forced him to flee to Isauria. It was not until Aug. 476 that, with the help of general — Illus and > Theoderic [3] (the Great), he was able to topple the usurper and return to the throne. Shortly afterwards, imperial rule in the western part of the Roman Empire was superseded by the military king > Odoacer, and from then on Z. ruled as sole emperor. In 482, consultation with patriarch > Acacius [4], he attempted to reconcile the adherents of Chalcedonian and Monophysite Christology by enacting the socalled + Henotikon (Evwtuxov/Henotikon) [4] - in vain (+ Monophysitism; > Trinity). In 484, Pope Felix Ill condemned the proposed formula, and there ensued a first rift between the Churches of Rome and Constantinople, the so-called Acacian > Schism (until 519). In 484, Illus, in alliance with the empress > Verina, widow of Leo I, supported the usurper > Leontius [3] against Z.; after being crowned in Tarsus, Leontius was unable to endure for long, and was executed in 488. In 488/9, Z. prompted Theoderic to march from Illyricum into Italy, where, in 493, Theoderic had Odoacer assassinated, and took power himself. The mostly unfavourable picture of Z. in historiography of the period and later is primarily to be explained by his Isaurian origin and his religious policy [6]. 1R.M. Harrison, The Emperor Z.’s Real Name, in: ByzZ 74, 1981, 27f. 2 PLRE 2, 1200-1202, no. 7 3 T.E. GReGorY, s. v. Z., ODB 3, 2223. 4 DERS., s. v. Henotikon, ODB 2, 913 ~—-5 STEIN, Die Geschichte des

spatromischen Reiches, vol. 1, 529-539 (358-364 of the French transl.); 2 (French), 7-39; 58-76

6 A.LANIADO,

Some Problems in the Sources for the Reign of the Emperor Z., in: Byz. and Modern Greek Studies 15, 1991, 147-

173E

RT.

rona, c. AD 370. In his treatises (homilies and short draft sermons) he comments on the > Trinity and Mariology (> Maria [II r] as a virgin also during and after the birth of > Jesus: 2,12, CCL 22 = 2,9 BKV 2,10). In 1,38 (CCL 22 = 2,43 BKV 2,10) he interprets the + Zodiac allegorically in terms of Christian salvific history. » Gregorius [II 3] the Great (Dial. 3,19; cf. also + Paulus Diaconus, Historia Langobardorum 3,23) explains Z.’s fame as a patron saint for protection from

the dangers of the water (miracle during the flooding of the Adige in 589). B.DUMLER, s.v. Z., in: $.DOpp, W.GEERLINGS (eds.), Lexikon der antiken christlichen Literatur, *1999, 636 (bibl.).

M.HE.

Zeno papyri see > Zeno [5] Zenobia (Znvopia; Zénobia). [1] The wife of the Armenian king > Radamistus is the heroine of an episode in Tacitus (Ann. 12,51): when her husband was forced to flee to Iberia in AD 54, she was apparently unable to cope with the hardships of the journey due to her pregnancy and supposedly asked to be killed. Injured by her husband and thrown into the Araxes, Z. was rescued and brought to Radamistus’ rival — Tiridates [5] I, who treated her honourably. These events were essentially confirmed by a Greek inscription: later, Tiridates granted a gift of land to the son of one Rhodomistus

(= Radamistus). This must have been the child of Z. that was born at the court of Tiridates [1.223-225]. The question whether Tacitus had invented the story of Z. [2.298] is therefore unfounded. 1M.ScHotrxy, Dunkle Punkte in der Konigsliste, in: AMI 27, 1994, 223-235

armenischen 2N. Enr-

HARDT, Parther und parthische Geschichte bei Tacitus, in: J. WIESEHOFER (ed.), Das Partherreich und seine Zeugnisse, 1998, 295-307.

[2] The Palmyrene Septimia Z., Palmyrenean Bat-Zabbai, born in c. AD 240 as the daughter of Antiochus (CIS Il 397x), became the wife of > Odaenathus [2] in the mid 250s. In the tradition, the daughters from this marriage are not named (Zon. 12,27), only the sons ~+ Herennianus and Timolaus [5] (SHA Gall. 13,2; SHA Trig. Tyr. 15,25 17,2; 24,4; 27f.; 30,2; SHA Aurel. 38,1). The primary sources mention only + Vaballathus (Pol. Silv. Chron. min. 1 p. 521 MOMMSEN; SHA Aurel. 38,1) of whom few records exist in literature. In the autumn of 267, Odaenathus and his son from his first marriage fell victim to a conspiracy instigated by > Gallienus (Iohannes of Antiochia, fr. 152,2 = FHG 4, 599; cf. Cass. Dio (Cont. Dionis) vol. 3, 744 BOISSEVAIN). Reports of Z.’s participation are implausible (SHA Trig. Tyr. 17,2; Eutr. 9,13,2). Odaenathus’ widow Z. stepped in as regent for the young Vaballathus and assumed her husband’s position of power (Zos.

897

898

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pyesouess Paradeisos). Reliefs of hunting lions, wild asses etc. are known from the palace of + Assurbanipal in Nineveh with representations of cages/enclosures; there are written records of lion enclosures as early as the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC in Babylonia (texts from Drehem: Third Dynasty of Ur; > Lion). R.D. Barnett, Assyrische Palastreliefs, no date, pl. 81104;

H.D.

Gatrer,

Paradies

und

Palmentod,

in:

953

954

B.Scuou1z, Der orientalische Mensch und seine Beziehungen zur Umwelt, 1989, 237-253. HJ.N.

II. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY A. GREECE B. ITALY AND ROME

A. GREECE The Greeks became familiar with zoos as a privilege of Asiatic rulers during the Persian Wars in the sth/4th cents. BC. Persian parddeisoi are first mentioned in Xenophon (e.g. Xen. Hell. 4,1,15; Xen. An. 1,2,7; 1,4,10; Xen. Cyr. 1,4,11); according to Poll. 9,13 the Persian loanword was adopted into Greek as a technical term. These artificially laid out zoos were surrounded by walls and were used for royal -+ hunting; besides Persia there is evidence of zoos in India (Curt. 8,9,28), in Sogdiana (Curt. 8,1,11 f.), in Syria (Lucian. De Syria Dea 41) and in late Antiquity still in Babylon (Amm. 24,5,2). In the democratically organised Greek > pdlis there was no zoo, since this lavish form of hunting was considered aristocratic [1]. Hellenistic rulers were the first to establish zoos, which in addition to hunting were used for zoological study: Strab. 12,3,30 gives evidence of zogreia in Pontus [2]. It is known of Ptolemaeus [3] II that he captured exotic animals and had them paraded in the great procession in the > Ptolemaia (Athen. 5,197C and 200F; Diod. 3,3 6,3; 3,37,7—93

[2]); this implies attempts at taming the animals as well as keeping them for some time and probably also exhibiting them in enclosures [3]. B. ITALY AND ROME It is said that the first zoos in Italy existed at the time of the younger Scipio Africanus (middle of the 2nd cent. BC) (Gell. 2,20). These roboraria or leporaria (Varro Rust. 3,3,2), fenced with oak planks, in which only > hares were kept, developed on the estates of the upper classes at the beginning of the rst cent. BC into fenced zoos, some more than ro hectares in size. They included enclosures (leporaria, vivaria; Varro Rust. 3,12,1 f.; Plin. HN. 8,211) for deer and wild boars, wild goats and wild sheep, aviaries (aviaria) for + peacocks, +» doves and > thrushes and ponds (piscinae) for fresh and salt water fish (Gell. 2,20; indications of the layout of a zoo in Colum. 9,1). These private zoos were used for hunting and economic exploitation [4] (according to Varro Rust. 3,6,1 M. Aufidius {1 6] Lurco earned 60,000 sesterces a year by selling peacocks to rich gourmets), but served mostly to satisfy aesthetic requirements. Animals formed the decorative elements in an idyllically staged landscape [5]: Varro (Rust. 3,13,3) describes a zoo, in which animals are lured with horn signals by a slave dressed as Orpheus. There were also public menageries, which were closely connected with the presentation of exotic specimens in animal baiting in the amphitheatre (+ Amphitheatrum). In 186 BC M. Fulvius [I 15] Nobilior established the first + venatio, in which the audience saw lions and leopards (Liv. 39,22,1 f.) [6]. In the Imperial period animals were

ZOO

decorated (Sen. Epist. 41,6) and presented in cages (Plin. HN. 8,65; 36,40; Suet. Aug. 43,4); among those exhibited were lions, elephants, tigers, panthers, giraffes, rhinoceroses, hippopotamuses, crocodiles, elks, snakes, aurochses, boars, and bears [7]. The largest collection of wild animals in Rome was shown by Gordianus III during his aedileship (SHA Gord. 3,6-8). The last animal shows we know of are those of the emperor Probus in AD 281 (SHA Probus 19). These animal shows were not fixed institutions. Only the imperial elephant enclosure between Laurentum and Ardea (ILS 1578), in which the elephants used in triumphal processions (+ Triumph) and animal baiting were kept, and Nero’s private zoo in his > Domus Aurea (Suet. Nero 31,1) existed any length of time. The idea of species conservation was alien to the Romans, displayed animals were predominantly destined for amphitheatres. With the growth of the Empire they became more and more exotic, since the Romans saw them as proof of the expansion of their power. The enormous number of animals introduced to Rome even led to the extinction of certain species [8]. Some emperors, e.g. Commodus (Cass. Dio 72, 10,3), themselves appeared in the arena killing animals, since the royal hunt increasingly served the purpose of monarchic representation [9]. Lion and elephant hunting in particular were an imperial privilege, as indeed was the ownership of elephants (SHA Aurelian. 5,6). Thus large zoos came into being near Imperial hunting villas on the model of Persian parddeisoi. + Garden; + Domestic animals; - Hunting; > Paradeisos; > Venatio; > Villa 1 J.K. ANDERSON, Hunting in the Ancient World, 1985, 17-29 2H.VOLKMANN, s. v. Ptolemaia, RE 23, 1582 3 C.SCHNEIDER, Kulturgeschichte des Hellenismus, vol.

1, 1967, 535 4H.Donr, Die italische Gutshofe nach den Schriften Catos und Varros, 1965, 7 5 P.GRIMAL, Les jardins romains, 1969, 287-292 welt, 4

7 FRIEDLANDER,

LANDER, vol. 2,82

6 TOYNBEE, Tier-

vol. 4, 268-275

8 FRIED-

9 A.DEMANDT, Privatleben der rémi-

schen Kaiser, 1996, 147-156. J.P. V. D. Batspon, Life and Leisure in Ancient Rome, 1974, 302-313; FRIEDLANDER, vol. 2, 77-89; G. LAFAYE, s. v. Vivarium, DS vol. 5, 957-962; U.DieRaueER, Tier und Mensch im Denken der Antike, 1977; G. JENNISON, Animals for Shows and Pleasure in Ancient Rome, 1937; ToynBEE, Tierwelt, 2-23; 276; K. W. WEEBER, Alltag im alten Rom, 1995, 418 f.; K. ZIEGLER, s. v. Paradeisos, RE 18.3, I1Z3I-1134.

S.MU.

ZOOLOGY AND BOTANY

Zoology and botany I. Mesopotamia

II. Ecypr

III. Crasstcat AN-

TIQUITY I. MESOPOTAMIA A. CONCEPTAND SOURCES

956

955

1S.M. FriepMan, If a City is Set on a Height, 1998 2 B. LANDSBERGER, Die Fauna des Alten Mesopotamien, 1934 31d., The Fauna of Ancient Mesopotamia (Materials for the Sumerian

41d., A.DRAFFKORN

Lexicon

[= MSL]

8.1), 1960

Kitmer, MSL 8.2, 1962S

Id.,

E. REINER, The Series HAR.ra = hubullu Tablets XVI, B. ZOOLOGY

C. BOTA-

NY

A. CONCEPT AND SOURCES The is no accurate or systematic, zoological or botanical classification of the animal and plant kingdoms from the Ancient Orient. The main source is one of the most voluminous Mesopotamian lexical texts with 24

chapters, known from its initial line as HAR-ra = hu-

XVII, XIX, 1970

6 A.L. OPPENHEIM, L.F.

HARTMANN,

The Domestic Animals of Ancient Mesopotamia, in: JNES 4, 1945, 152-177. 7 E. REINER, Astral Magic in Babylonia, 1995 8R.C. THompson, Cuneiform Texts in the British Museum, vol. 14,1902 9 P.C. WapnisH, Animal Names and Animal Classifications in Mesopotamia, Columbia Univ., thesis, 1984.

B.J.Coxuins (ed.), A History of the Animal World in the Ancient Near East, 2002.

BA.BO.

bullu (’(rate of) interest’). It is a catalogue of objects and

living creatures, ordered acrographically (i.e. by the first cuneiform sign) according to semantic aspects (+ Science). This principle represented a mnemotechnic aid; the text was used for didactic purposes (— Scribes). The originally monoglott Sumerian list (> Lists; evidence of antecedents from c. 3000 BC onwards) was provided with Akkadian translations (from the mid— 2nd millennium onwards) [3; 4; 5; 6]. B. ZOOLOGY Tablets XIII, XIV and XVIII of HAR.ra = bubullu contain an enumeration of animals. On Tablet XIII, domesticated animals (— sheep, > goat [2], > cattle and

ass) are listed, probably in the order of their significance in the Ancient Orient [3; 6]. Wild animals (snake, wild bull, dog, — lion, fox, > pigs, rodents and insects) are the subject of Tablet XIV [2; 4; 9]; Tablet XVIII deals with fish (> Fishing) and birds [4]. Because of the strict acrographical ordering colloquial names of plants, which are literally terms for animals, are also listed among the animals [4. 49-65]. Worth mention in addition to this lexical list (> Lists) is a small fragment (textual copy from the 7th cent.) of an Akkadian manual of snakes, which describes their appearance (‘The Nature of Snakes’, séru Sikingu) [8. tab. 7 col.4206+ rev.]. Further information on the behaviour and appearance of domesticated and wild animals are given by a divinatory manual (Summa alu, > Divination I.) [1].

C. BOTANY On Tablet XVII of HAR.ra = hubullu, plants are listed; initially those whose names begin with Sumerian 0 (‘herb’), followed by terms which end with the Sumerian determinative sar (‘plant’) [5]. A more practical pharmacological purpose is assumed for the manual Uruana = mastakal, a text in the form of a list with equivalents of plant names and occasional data on medicinal indications (4 tablets), for the three-columned DUB.U.HL.A (literally ‘Tablet on Plants’), knownas the ‘Vademecum of a Physician’, in which plant names, indications and applications appear, and for ‘The Nature of Plants’ (Sammu Sikin&u), in which the botanical properties and applications of plants are described (> Pharmacology III.) [7].

Il. Eeyrr Detailed Egyptian animal pictures (reliefs, wall paintings) record careful observation of indigenous fauna from the early 3rd millennium BC onwards. In the Middle Kingdom (c. 1990-1630 BC) series of depictions (wall paintings) also appeared, in which the animals were not shown ina hunting (or similar) scene, but collected in the manner of a catalogue. In the New Kingdom (c. 1550-1070 BC; particularly reliefs of the ‘Botanical Garden’ at Karnak) the fauna and flora of western Asia were also included, with flora generally presented for the first time detached from a scenic context. Although only few collective terms existed in addition to the many specific terms, the Egyptian classification of living nature is visible, on the one hand, in the use in writing of determinatives, by means of which a word was assigned to a category (e.g. furry animals. Other determinatives (e.g. lion) indicate a special classification [2]; for the plant kingdom, however, it is less strongly developed. On the other hand, enumerations of living creatures in religious texts are informative. Overall, a (never rigid) coarse classification according to habitat can be recognized [3. 69 f.]: besides gods and humans (and a number of special cases) furry animals (mammals, some amphibians), birds (including bats and insects), fish (aquatic animals), crawling animals (reptiles, scorpions, worms, some amphibians), trees and herbaceous plants. Two genres of text are typical of Egyptian zoology and botany in all eras: onomastica and monographs. In the former [1], various animal or plant terms were listed; Egyptian onomastica are generally organized in (ascending) sequence of content. The ‘monographs’ (which could also be parts of larger collected works) on

animals [4. 121 ff.5 5. 51-53] and plants [5. 54 f.; 93 f.] contain in addition to the name e.g. a continuous numbering, a description of the appearance, data on the distribution, way of life, (medicinal) effect, and application. A further important text for zoology is the Veterinary Papyrus of the Middle Kingdom [5. 76-78]. Zoology and botany were not taught as proper school subjects in Egypt. According to the question posed they were part primarily of lexicography, > medicine (II.), pharmacology or theology.

957

958

1 A.H. Garpiner, Ancient Egyptian Onomastica, 1947 2 O. Go_pwasser, The Determinative System as a Mirror of World Organization, in: Géttinger Miszellen 170, 1999, 49-68 3 E. Hornung, Die Bedeutung des Tieres im alten Agypten, in: Studium Generale 20, 1967, 69-84 4 J. OsinG, Hieratische Papyri aus Tebtunis, vol. 1, 1998 5 W.WesTeNDorF, Hdb. der altagyptischen Medizin,

1999. B.J. Coins (ed.), A History of the Animal World in the Ancient Near East, 2002.

III. CLAsstcaL ANTIQUITY A. ZooLocy B. BoTANy

A. ZOOLOGY ~ Aristotle [6] was the first to make an important contribution to zoology (tv Cowv iotogia/tén zdidn historia; Latin historia animalium) and to botany in the 4th century BC, in the context of his natural philosophy which forms the basis for our modern knowledge. In it he was more interested in fauna than in flora. He wrote a corpus of three texts, which are thematically connected and which in a tradition based on the Arabic transmission were combined as 19 books [1; 2; 3]; this was retained by Michael Scotus in his Latin translation (c. AD 1210) [4] (scholars traditionally cite the titles of the following works in Latin): (1) De partibus animalium (Meoi Cowv poeiwv/Peri z0i6n morion, ‘On the Parts of Animals’: 4 books; Book 1 between 334 and 322 BC, Books 2-4 between 347 and 334 BC) deals with animal anatomy and to some extent also human bodies, and in each case attempts a causal explanation in connexion with an investigation of the functions of the individual organs. (2) De generatione animalium (Teoi towv yevéoews/Peri zoion genéseos, ‘On the Generation of Animals’: 5 books, between 334 and 322 BC) has as its subject the breeding and reproduction of living creatures, and also strives for a clarifying understanding of the various kinds of reproduction. (3) The 10 books De historia animalium (Megi Cowv iotogia Peri zoion historiai, ‘Zoology’) have long been interpreted as an early basic descriptive work of zoology, in which the anatomy, reproduction and behaviour of animals were comparatively sketched. However, Aristotle never reached his promised causal explanation (1,6,491a 7-14; cf. [5. 507]), unless the abovementioned special texts were to have performed that task. The transmitted text of the ‘Zoology’ is quite unfinished and only barely completed by rearranging books, with Andronicus [4] carrying out the final edition c. 40-20 BC [5. 40]. Later editions have transposed the traditional 7th book with the 8th, the 8th with the 9th and the 9th with the 7th. The original sequence was restored by D. M. BaLME in an edition completed by A. GOTTHELF [6]. Before the ancient edition the Peripatetic School (cf. Peripatus; > Aristotelism) had made numerous amplifications. The individual animals figure in general only as examples of particular bodily structures and patterns of

ZOOLOGY AND BOTANY

behaviour, but of 581 animal names some 550 have been identified [5. 525]. The names of the large groups of animals of the classification system (which is never addressed for its own sake) — such as the birds (S@viec/ ornithes) or the molluscs (ywahexva/maldkia) - Aristotle himself formed or introduced. Since, in his opinion, in nature not only expediency but also orderliness rule, he endeavours to investigate this manifold and complicated order. Here he came to the conclusion that all animals are included (ibid. 7(8),1,588b 4-12) in a continuous hierarchical gradation from non-living matter up to humans, the ‘best-known animal’ (ibid. 1,6,491a 22). Their body-plans are entirely wonderful, so that nobody should feel disgust at any living creature (Aristot. Part. an. 1,5,645a 15-17). Overall, the animal book (edn.: [6]; cf. [7. 95]) proves not to be a work of Aristotle’s middle period [5. 51] but of his late period in

Athens (334-322 BC). This fits with the fact that many of the observations processed relate to places in Asia Minor, about which Aristotle could have learned only during his exile there in the years 347-334 and for the processing of which he needed time. It was not translated from Greek into Latin until 1260, by Wilhelm of Moerbeke, whose edition [8; 9] comprised 21 books, because he added the two Aristotelian writings on the theory of animal motion: (4) De motu animalium (Tleoi Gawv xuvhoews/Peri zoidn kineseds; between 334 and 322 BC) and (5) De incessu animalium (Tleoi mogeias Ciwv/Peri poreias zoidn; between 347 and 334). B. BOTANY

1. PURE BOTANY 2. AGRICULTURAL BOTANY 3. MEDICINAL AND PHARMACEUTICAL BOTANY 4. ASTROLOGICAL AND MAGICAL BOTANY

1. PURE BOTANY The botanical work of Aristotle [6] belongs to his period in exile (347-334 BC) and must antecede his

zoology, because in nine passages [5. 514] there are references to it. The work itself is lost, but a total of 147 frr. of it have been confirmed. A short treatise in two incomplete books, which used to be considered Aristotelian, was by > Nicolaus [3] of Damascus, and was known in the Middle Ages not only in a Latin translation from Arabic by Alfredus Anglicus (= de Sareshel, c. 1210) [ro], but was also preserved in e.g. Syrian and Hebrew [11]. + Theophrastus (372-285 BC) collected his botanical knowledge, which he probably acquired before his encounter with Aristotle in Asia Minor, in two basic works of pure botany. Schooled in Aristotelian philosophy, he was the first, and last Greek to write instructional works: (1) a botany, Historia plantarum (Tei pvt@v tovogiac/Peri phytén historias), corresponding to Aristotle’s zoology, in 9 books and (2) ‘The Causes of Plants’ (Teoi put@v aitv/Peri phyton aition, De causis plantarum) — according to [12. 11] the counterpart to Aristotle’s De generatione animalium; in 6

ZOOLOGY

AND BOTANY

books the causes of movement in plant reproduction are discussed [13]. The view of [14], that Theophrastus’ botany was assembled by Andronicus [4] from some nine individual texts c. 80 BC, has now been disproved; [12], by contrast, has proved that the work was carefully planned. Theophrastus not only scientifically defined many botanical terms, but even coined them for the first time

[15]. Also new were his discussion of the influence of the position of a plant on its appearance and properties and his differentiation of the four most important forms of plant (tree: 5évigov/déndron, shrub: Odpvoc/ thamnos, sub-shrub: devyavov/phryganon, herb: xoa/ poa), of which the tree represents the most perfect. Based on accounts by participants in Alexander’s campaign to India, Theophrastus described foreign plants [16] by comparing them with well-known indigenous ones. He was interested in the economic exploitation of plants and their parts just as much as in their medicinal and pharmaceutical applications. De causis plantarum exhibits fundamental knowledge both of practical botany and of the treatment of plant diseases. Not least, Theophrastus recognized the influence of the climate on the geographical peculiarities of plants, but not — despite his knowledge of the artificial pollination of edible figs and date palms — the necessity of fertilization also for plants [17]. 2. AGRICULTURAL BOTANY In comparison with pure botany, we have no technical writings by the Greeks on arable farming. Later Greek technical literature (> Agrarian writers) offers only economy as a doctrine for the most sensible organization of farm work. The only surviving Greek work on agriculture is the Oikonomikos by > Xenophon [18], which takes the form of a Socratic dialogue. In it, however, there are practical hints for tending fields and orchards, betraying the botanical knowledge of the author. As for the practical Romans, in (1) De agricultura (‘Agriculture’) by Marcus Porcius > Cato [1] there is a detailed description of > agriculture with numerous instructions for all agricultural operations (including house building) and for the agricultural and horticultural cultivation of plants and for animal > husbandry [x9]. (2) The

Roman

poet

> Vergilius

Maro,

too,

describes in the 4 books of his Georgica all the procedures of agriculture and animal husbandry familiar to him, including bee-keeping (Book 4; [20]). A philological commentary by Servius [2], from which Isidorus [9] Hispalensis took a great deal of material for his Origines,

made

this ancient

960

De)

didactic

poem

(+ Didactic

poetry) more comprehensible for Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages [21]. (3) In the rst cent. AD, L. Iunius

Moderatus > Columella confirmed in his 12 book De re rustica (‘On Agriculture’) [22] much of the information in the (4) Naturalis historia, Plinius [x] the Elder’s + encyclopaedia of natural history, which links agricultural botany closely with the other branches of botany [23]. (5) Marcus Terentius

> Varro [2] reveals

in his 3 book De re rustica a good knowledge of Roman agriculture, including its botanical components [24]. (6) Surviving from the beginning of the 5th cent. is the Opus agriculturae by Palladius [1] Rutilius Taurus Aemilianus in 13 books, which, after an introductory book on the building of a farmhouse with accommodation for cattle, bees and poultry and the care of them, describes each month’s agricultural work [25]. It was this work, based on experiences on the large estates of northern Africa, that was greatly used in the Middle Ages; a number of 9th-cent. MSS have been preserved. (7) Under the Byzantine emperor Constantinus [1] VII Porphyrogennetus in the middle of the roth cent., Cassianus Bassus Scholasticus compiled a collection of excerpts from agricultural works, known under the name > Geoponica (Greek Peri georgias eklogai), some with important data on sources ([26], cf. [27]).

3. MEDICINAL AND PHARMACEUTICAL BOTANY Since plants provide the majority of medications (> Pharmacology), in Antiquity there was a corresponding Graeco-Roman > technical literature, but it scarcely rose above the level of recipes. As far as is known, the ‘Pitotouwwdv/Rhizotomikon by Diocles [6] of Carystus was the first Greek work of pharmacological botany, still identifiable in citations in Theophrastus, Pedanius Dioscorides, Nicander [4] and Plinius [1] ([28. 164, 181-185] cf. [29]). Evidently Diocles was a Peripatetic, living c. 340-260 BC. — Crateuas, the author of a herbal, was working at the court of Mithridates [6] VI c. r00 BC; the famous Greek Dioscorides from the library in Constantinople (now in the Austrian National Library in Vienna), a deluxe illuminated codex for the emperor’s daughter Iulia Anicia from the year 512, contains ten frr., probably from the scholarly Rhizotomikon of Crateuas [30. vol. 3144-146]. In his rst-cent. AD pharmacopoeia De materia medica (Ilegi tans iateretic/Peri hylés iatrikés, ‘On Materia Medica’) in 5 books [30; 31] the Greek physician + Pedanius Dioscorides gives, in addition to a discussion of plants as drugs, many good descriptions of plants. In its Latin edition, the Dyascorides was the basis for instruction in pharmacology in mediaeval schools. The second work by Dioscorides, De simplicibus medicamentis (Hegt ankOv dagudxwv/Peri haplon pharmak6on, ‘On Simples’), whose authenticity is dubious, by contrast, hardly had an effect. 4. ASTROLOGICAL AND MAGICAL BOTANY _ Inthe Byzantine Period some plants, e.g. the legendary mandragora (~ Intoxicating substances), were interpreted as magical and used accordingly [30]. The ‘Koiranides’ [33; 34. 3-206], also in Latin translation, and the Compendium aureum [34. 209-233], preserved only in Latin, were similarly used for magic. ~+ Agrarian writers; — Agriculture; — Aristotle [6]; > Cato [1]; + Columella; + Crateuas; > Diocles [6]; > Geoponica; - Isidorus [9]; > Nicander; > Nicolaus [3]; > Palladius [x]; + Pedanius Dioscurides; — Pharmacology; > Plinius [1]; > Theophrastus; + Varro [2]; ~ Vergilius Maro; > Botany; > ZOOLOGY

961

962

1 A.Bapawi (ed.), Aristutalis Tiba al-hayawan, Kuwait 1977 2R.Kruk (ed.), The Arabic Version of Aristotle’s

Parts of Animals, Books XI-XIV of the Kitab al-Hayawan,1979

3A.M.I. vAN OppEnraayy (ed.), Aristotle,

De animalibus. Michael Scot’s Arabic-Latin Translation, vol. 3 (Books XV-XIX: Generation of Animals), 1992 4 B.K. VOLLMANN (ed.) De animalibus libri XIX, Books I-XIV (Aristoteles Latinus),

1994 (typescript)

ZOPYRUS

vieux frangais relatifs aux Cyranides, (Bibl. de la Fac. de

Philos. et Lettres de Univ. de Liége 93), 1942.

C.HU.

Zopyrion (Zonveiwv; Zopyrion). [1] Macedonian of unknown origin, who as governor of Thrace allegedly undertook a campaign with 30,000 men across the Danube c. 325 BC, advanced as far as

51.Dur1ng, Aristoteles. Darstellung und Interpretation

the Borysthenes (modern Dnieper), besieged Olbia [1],

6D.M. Ba.Me (ed.), Aristotle, seines Denkens, 1966 History of Animals, Books VII-X, 1991 7 CH. HUNEMORDER, Aristoteles als Begriinder der Zoologie, in: G.WOuRLE (ed.), Geschichte der Mathematik und der Naturwissenschaften in der Antike, vol. r: Biologie, 1999, 89-102 —8 G. RupDBERG (ed.), Textstu-

but as his army was severely worn down by bad weather, was defeated by the - Scythae and killed (Curt.

dien zur Tiergeschichte des Aristoteles. Das erste Buch der aristotelischen Tiergeschichte nach der Ubersetzung des Wilhelm von Moerbeka, 1908 9H.J. DRossAART Lutors (ed.), De generatione animalium translatio Guillelmi de Moerbeka (Aristoteles Latinus 17.2.5), 1966

10 E.H. F. Meyer (ed.), Nicolai Damasceni de plantis libri duo Aristoteli vulgo adscripti. Ex Isaaci ben Honayn versione arabica Latine vertit Alfredus, 1841 11H.J.DrosSAART LuLors, E.L. J. POORTMAN (ed.), Aristoteles Semi-

tico-Latinus. Nicolaus Damascenus, De plantis. Five Translations, 1989 12 G.W6uRLE, Theophrasts Methode in seinen botanischen Schriften, 1985 13 B. Ernarson, G.K. K. Linx (ed.), Theophrastus, De causis plantarum, 3 vols., 1976-1990 14 G.SENN, Die Pflanzenkunde des Theophrast von Eresos (ed. O.G1GON), 1956 15 R.STROMBERG, Theophrastea. Studien

zur botanischen Begriffsbildung, 1937 16H.BRETZ1, Botanische Forschungen des Alexanderzuges, 1903 17 O.REGENBOGEN, Eine Forschungs-Methode antiker Naturwissenschaft (1930), in: Id., KS (ed. by F.DrrtMEIER), 1961 18 K. MEYER, Xenophons “Oikonomikos” (trans. and comm.), thesis, Marburg 1975 19 A. MazzarINo (ed.), M. Catonis de agricultura, 1962

10,1,43—-45; lust. Epit. 2,3,4; 12,1,4; 12,2,16f. with incorrect dating; 37,3,2; Macr. Sat. 1,11,33). Berve, vol. 2, Nr. 340; A.B. Boswortu, Conquest and Empire. The Reign of Alexander the Great, 1988, 166.

MZ. [2] Greek grammarian (c. AD roo) and reviser of part (A-A) of + Pamphilus’ [6] collection of glosses (Suda & 1140 s.v. Atoyevetavos and m 142 s.v. Hdudtros). Pos-

sibly identical to the person of the same name in Plutarchus’ [2] OQuaestiones convivales, presented there as a yoauatiotyc/grammatistes (‘schoolmaster’) (Plut. Symp. 9,3,3) [1.764] who is questioned on Homer (ibid. 9,4,1). For Epicurean traits of this character cf. [2]. 1K. ZIEGLER, s.v. Z. (2), RE 10 A 764-765 T.TeEoporsson, A Commentary on Plutarch’s Talks, vol. 3, 1996, 320.

2S.Table MB.

Zopyrus (Za@nveos; Zopyros). [1] Prominent Persian, son of > Megabyzus [1], who

Krauterbuch der Griechen, in: FS F. Susemihl, 1898, 2-23 30 M. WELLMANN (ed.), Pedanii Dioscuridis Anazarbei De materia medica libri V, 3 vols., 1906-1914 (repr. 1958)

according to Hdt. 3,153ff. had the gates of rebelling Babylon opened to > Darius [1] I by using a ruse (selfmutilation and pretending to be a victim of the Great King). For this deceptive manoeuvre (Polyaenus, Strat. 7,13; referring to King Cyrus: Frontin. Str. 3,3,4) Z. allegedly received from Darius the satrapy of Babylonia for life and tribute-free, but he was killed when the Babylonians rebelled again. This is confirmed by Ctesias (FGrH 688 F 13,26), but he connects the ruse and reward to Z.’ son Megabyzus [2] (cf. Diod. 10,19,2: ‘Megabyzus, also called Z.’; Just. 1,10,15ff.: Zopyrus). Attempts to connect the story of Z.’ > aristeia with historical uprisings against Darius [1] I or Xerxes [1] I are not convincing [4. 348 f.34]. [2] Grandson of [1], son of > Megabyzus [2] (Thuc. 1,109) and Xerxes’ daughter Amytis (Ctesias FGrH 688 F 14,45). Z. supported his father’s revolt against -» Artaxerxes [1] I in 448 BC and entered service with the Athenians a few years later (Hdt. 3,160; Ctesias loc.cit.). He met his death on a campaign in Caria (probably c. 429; for the dating see [2. 24]) (Ctesias loc.cit.). It is often assumed that this younger Z. was

31 J. BERENDES, Des Pedanios Dioskurides aus Anazarbos

+ Herodotus’

Arzneimittellehre in fiinf Biichen, iibersetzt und mit Erklarungen versehen, 1902 (repr.1970) 32 M.H. THOMSON

1,95,1; [1. 102]), but the issue is debated [3. ro5 f.].

20 R.A.

B. Mynors

1969,29-101

(ed.), P. Vergili Maronis

Opera,

21 G.THILO (ed.), Servii Grammatici qui

feruntur in Vergilii Bucolica et Georgica commentarii, 1887 22 W.RicurTeER (ed.), L. I. M. Columella, Zwolf Biicher iiber Landwirtschaft, 3 vols., 1981-1983 (with German trans.) 23 L.JaN C.MayuorFr (ed.), C. Plini Secundi naturalis historiae libri 37, 5 vols., 1892-1909 (repr. 1967, still unsurpassed) 24 W.D. Hooper, H.B. Asu (ed.), Marcus Porcius Cato On Agriculture, Marcus Terentius Varro On Agriculture, 1934 (repr. 1967; with English trans.) 25 R.H. Ropers (ed.), Palladii Rutilii Tauri Aemiliani Opus agriculturae, De veterinaria medicina, De insitione, 1975 26 H. BECKH (ed.), Geoponica sive Cassiani Bassi Scholastici De re rustica eclogae, 1895 (repr. 1994) 27 W.GEMOLL, Untersuchungen iiber die

Quellen, den Verf. und die Abfassungszeit der Geoponica (Berliner Stud. fiir classische Philologie und Archaologie 1,1), 1883 (repr. 1972) 28 W.JaEGER, Diokles von Karystos, 1938, *1963 29M. WELLMANN, Das Alteste

(ed.), Textes grecs inedits relatifs aux plantes, 1955 33 D.Karmaxis (ed.), Die Kyraniden, 1976 (Beitr. zur klass. Philol. 76) 34 L.Dexatre (ed.), Textes latins et

informant on Persian affairs (cf. Hdt.

1 B.BAsier, Fleifige Thrakerinnen und wehrhafte Skythen, 1998 2M.C. Micrer, Athens and Persia in the Fifth Century B.C., 1997.

3D.M. Lewis, Persians in

963

964

Herodotos, in: M.H. JAMESON (ed.), The Greek Histo-

identified with the historian Z. cited by Alexander [23] Polyhistor (FGrH 273 F 29), he is datable no later than

ZOPYRUS

rians: Literature and History, FS A. E. Raubitschek, 1985,

ror-118 4R.RoLLINGER, Uberlegungen zu Herodot, Xerxes und dessen angeblicher Zerstérung Babylons, in: Altorientalische Forschungen 25, 1998, 339-373. —_J-W.

[3] Magus (Diog. Laert. 2.45) and physiognomist (Cic. Fat. ro) presumably from Syria, who worked in Athens at the time of Socrates [2] (end of the 5th cent. BC). His own works have not survived, only a number of anecdotes, according to which he made fun of Socrates’ appearance and prophesied his violent death [x. vii-xiii; 2. 183-188]. > Phaedo made the conflict between Z. and Socrates the theme of his lost dialogue Z. [3. 239240]. — Physiognomy 1 R.FOrsTER

(ed.), Scriptores Physiognomonici, vol. 1,

1893 2L.Rosserti, Ricerche sui ‘Dialoghi Socratici’ di Fedone e di Euclide, in: Hermes 108, 1980, 183-200 3 K. D6r1NG, s.v. Phaidon aus Elis, GGPh* 2.1, 238-241.

MB. [4] Z. from Heraclea (probably not later than 4th cent. BC) Z. is credited with three Orphic poems (+ Orphism): ‘Mixing-vessel’ (Keat}e/Krater, also attributed to - Orpheus or -> Musaeus), ‘Mantle’ (Ilémdoc/Péplos) and ‘Net’ (Atxtvov/Diktyon), which are also attributed to Brontinus. The echo of Pythagorean thought in the title metaphors is the basis of a hypothetical identification with the Z. from Tarentum (hence Z.’ possible origin from Heraclea [10] in southern Italy) mentioned in Iambl. VP 267. An account of Z.’ participation in an improved edition of Homer under Peisistratus [4] (with Orpheus from Croton, ~— Onomacritus and an unrecognizable fourth person) can be traced to a questionable theory by Pergamene grammarians. — Orphism OF T 179, 189, 222-223; M.L. West, The Orphic Poems, 1983, IO-13, 249-251.

TH.

[5] Greek rhetor, datable to the 3rd cent. BC by the story in Diog. Laert. 9,114 that Timon [2] of Phleius

read from his poetry to him. It follows from Quint. Inst. 3,6,3 that Z. was from Clazomenae and was considered by some to have been the inventor of the rhetorical term stasis (+ Status [1]); others, however, mentioned Hermagoras [1] or Naucrates [1] in this context, and Quin-

tilianus [1] refers to the fact that this term already occurred in Aeschines’ third speech. MW. [6] 6 Mayvyc/ho Magnes (‘the Magnesian’), Greek historian, probably 4th/3rd cents. BC; he wrote a Midtytou xtiotc (Milétou ktisis, ‘Founding of Miletus’) in at least 4 books. Only a verbatim fragment in schol. B (T) on Hom. Il. K 274 survives. He may be identical with the Z. who called for recitation of Homer’s works in the Aeolian dialect (cf. fr. 3). FGrH 495 with commentary by JAcoBy.

K.MEI.

[7] Greek geographer, author of a text on rivers in at least two books (Harpocr. s.v. “Eouos); if he is to be

the beginning of the rst cent. BC. Critical (in contrast to [x. 4, 531f.]) review of nine authors with the name Z. in (2. 336] with commentary and notes; discussion of possible identifications in [3; 4]. 1C.MU.ier,FHG

2F.Jacosy,FGrH

3 F.GISINGER,

s.v. Z. (10), RE 10 A, 769f. 4 F. SUSEMIHL, Geschichte der griechischen Literatur in der Alexandrinerzeit, vol. 2, ' 1892, 467-469.

H.A.G.

[8] Greek physician in Alexandria [1], working c. 100 BC; surgical teacher of > Apollonius [16] of Citium. As a representative of the > Empiricist School he gained lasting fame with his work as a pharmacologist. An antidote and a plant are named after him (Plin. HN 24,15,87). He corresponded on antidotes with ~» Mithridates [6] VI of Pontus (Gal. 14,150). Anentire series of his recipes, which he set down in his work ‘Simple Remedies’, has been preserved in > Oribasius. VN. [9] Toreutist. According to Plinius (Plin. HN 33,156), at the time of Pompeius [I 3] (st cent. BC) Z. depicted scenes from the Oresteia (— Orestes [1]) on two cups, which were valued at 1,200,000 HS. Identification with the so-called Corsini Cup (Rome, Palazzo Corsini) is unproven, but can convey an idea of Z.’ work. OVERBECK, no. 2167; P.MORENO, s.v. Z., EAA 7, 1287;

H.FRONING, Die ikonographische Tradition der kaiserzeitlichen mythologischen Sarkophagreliefs, in: JDAI 95, 1980, 331-334.

RN.

[10] Greek tragedy writer of undetermined date, quoted in Stob. 4,20 (IrGF I 216), but otherwise unknown.

BZ. Zoroaster (Zweocotenc/Zoroastés, Avestan Zara®ustra, Middle Persian Zardu(x)st, New Persian

Zartost or Zardost). First mentioned by Xanthus [5] the Lydian, later the most widespread (and also astrologically inspired) Greek form of the Old Iranian male name Zara@ustra, which is of unclear etymology. Only the latter part, °uStra- (‘camel’), can be clearly determined. Zara®ustra’s (extended) family is supposed to have borne the epithet spitdama-, its precise significance is also unknown. When Zara@uéstra lived and where he worked are notoriously disputed (if indeed he is to be regarded as a historical individual). The current consensus places him in central Asia or eastern Iran c. 1000 BC. Whereas an influential theory dates him substantially earlier (upwards of 1200 BC) [1], there has also been a recent attempt to rehabilitate the ancient (Greek, Christian, Jewish, Manichaean, and Islamic) traditions that date Z. to the 7th or 6th cents. BC (e.g. 618-541 BC) [2]. The question of dating and location is linked explicitly or implicitly to further rival historiographical and ideological interpretations.

965

966

Z. is usually understood as the founder of a religion, a prophet, poet-prophet or priest-prophet, sometimes also as a speculative mystic, an ecstatic or a shaman. These categories relate to the interpretation of five Old

British colonial period. Self-designations found in older

Iranian or Avestan hymns, the Ga@a, which are sup-

posed to trace back to Z. entirely or at least partially. In these hymns, we encounter Z. as somebody who is in direct communication with - Ahura Mazda (Avestan; Middle Persian Ohrmazd; see -» Zoroastrianism) and the other gods, and who is endued with potent ritual spells (mg®@ra-), which makes him a ritual spokesman for the ‘Ga0a-group’, which felt threatened [6. 22-26]. In other, presumably later, Avestan ritual texts, Z. is found in a more schematized form: he is the first protagonist of everything good, an embodiment of ritual competence, an exemplary worshipper of gods and goddesses and fighter of demons; he also conducts interviews with Ahura Mazda, who answers Z.’s questions [6. 31-40]. Several Middle and Modern Persian texts construct a new vita for Z. [5; 6. 40-47]. The core points are his miraculous childhood, his travels to Iran at the age of 30 with subsequent epiphanies and his successful communication of his religion to king Wistasp (Avestan Vistaspa; + Hystaspes [1]). Even today, the key points of his biography are commemorated in festivals [6. 55 f£.]. Zs biography is also assigned a cosmic dimension: Z. has a central position between the primordial androgyne GayOmart and the eschatological ‘marvel workers’, who originated directly from Z., and were each born by a young woman from his sperm [6. 62-68]. Cf. also > Zoroastrianism. ~ Avesta script; > Iranian languages; > Mani, Manichaeans; nism

— Religion V.; — Zoroaster;

> Zoroastria-

1 M. Boyce, Zoroastrianism. Its Antiquity and Constant Vigour, 1992 2 GH. GNOLI, Zoroaster in History, 2000 3 H. Humsacu (ed.), The Gathas of Zarathushtra and the

Other Old Avestan Texts, 2 vols., 1991 (with Engl. translation and commentary) 4 J.KELLENS, E. PrraRt (ed.), Les textes vieil-avestiques, 3 vols. 1988-1991 (with

French translation and commentary) 5 M.Mozé, La legende de Zoroastre selon les textes pehlevi, *1993 6 M. STausBERG, Die Religion ZarathuStras, vol. 1, 2002.

Zoroastrianism. Ancient Iranian religion, widespread to this day. I. DEFINITIONS IJ. DUALISM, MONOTHEISM, POLYTHEISM III. CALENDAR IV. THE END OF TIME AND LIFE V. ETHICS AND BEHAVIOUR VI. WOMEN, PRIESTS, RITUALS VII. AFTER THE

CLASSICAL PERIOD I. DEFINITIONS

The term Zoroastrianism derives from the name Zoroaster (for dates and name forms cf. -+ Zoroaster),

who is considered as ‘founder’, ‘prophet’ and ‘apostle’ of this religion. Its members have also been using the term Zoroastrianism to refer to themselves since the

ZOROASTRIANISM

(Avestan = Av., Middle-Persian = MP and New-Persian = NP) sources, by contrast, derive from the worship of the god + Ahura Mazda (Av.; MP Ohrmazd): the ‘good religion worshipping Mazda’, the ‘religion of the Mazda worshippers’, or simply the ‘good religion’. In the external view found in writings of classical Greek authors, the focus was on ethnic criteria; they mention the ‘Persian customs’ (Hdt. 1,131; Str. 15,3,13; [7]) for example. The ethnic distinction also appears in MP texts, in which the others (i.e. non-Zoroastrians) are

defined as ‘sinners’ and ‘non-Iranians’ and their religion as ‘non-Iranian’. This distinction is explained by the fact that this religion did not spread beyond the Iranian territories, or those (occasionally) belonging to the Persian Empire (cf. + Iran). Christian and Islamic discourses emphasize the (in their view illegitimate) worship of fire, when they refer to the Zarathustrians, or Mazda worshippers, as ‘fire idolizers’ [7. 343 ff.]. In Islamic Iran, the term gabr (and its derivatives) has prevailed after all as a designation for the followers of Zoroastrianism. II. DUALISM, MONOTHEISM,

POLYTHEISM

The question of the appropriate definition of the Zoroastrian religion leads to perspectives from within the religion. The Av. texts distinguish between the ‘Mazda worshippers’ and the ‘demon worshippers’. This implies a moral and a ritualistic valuation at the same time: a ritual that is executed inaccurately does not benefit Ahura Mazda, but the > demons (IV.), and as a consequence is considered ‘demon worship’. Repelling the demons is already typical of probably the oldest Iranian text: the ritual poems of the Gaéa, often attributed to ZaraOustra himself. On account of the relationship between the Av. term for demon (daéuua) and the Vedic (and Indoeuropean) designation of God, deva-, it was assumed for a long time that ZaraOustra had rejected the old ‘pagan’ gods in favour of the new Mazdaism, or ~ monotheism.

However,

this reconstruction

is

problematic. Ahura Mazda is surely the dominant God of the Gaéa, but there are also other protagonists of divine goodness, as well as further representatives of the other (evil, negative) side, whose relationship did not (yet) form a theological system. Of central importance, however, is the opposition between Aa (neuter: ‘truth’, ‘order’) and the feminine Druj (‘lie’, ‘chaos’). However, not all of the old Iranian (Av.) texts have a

dualistic structure: the old Yasna Haptanhditi, for example, which has occasionally been attributed to ZaraQustra, worships only goodness, and the dualistic configurations are transformed in the course of time. As a consequence, A§a is of less significance, while Ahura Mazda, who is often identified with + Zeus in Greek literature, becomes a direct antagonist of the evil spirit (Av. Angra Mainiiu) in one variant. This pattern is attested by Plut. De Is. et Os. 46; it is used in the inscriptions of an important Zoroastrian priest, Kerdir, from the 3rd cent. AD, and is found in the MP treatises of the

967

968

oth and rothcents. AD, the Pahlavi literature [3]. In one variant, which is often described as ‘heresy’, the two opponents Ohrmazd (= MP for Ahura Mazda) and + Ahriman (= MP for Angra Mainiiu) are superseded in rank by time, i.e. the god of time Zurwan (~ Zurvan), who is said to be the father of both opponents (‘Zur-

should contribute to this process by siding with Ohrmazd and the gods, and by weakening the demons, for example by curbing the arch-demons anger, greed and avarice in their daily life. Crucial towards the achievement of ‘world bliss’ (MP fraggird) is also the appearance of eschatological heroes at the end of time (i.e. at the end of the last three millennia). ‘World bliss’ is preceded by an Armageddon of the gods against the demons. With the eschatological ‘world bliss’, the dead are resurrected and the last judgment takes place. The complexes of these motives have a somewhat strained relation to the individual eschatology. This is the result of a journey to the afterworld, which is undertaken by the soul — one of several anthropologic components — after its division from the body, i.e. after death. From now on, its fate, which leads either to hell or to heaven, is decided at the afterworld bridge, the scales of the soul, or the great reckoning, during which the soul encounters its eschatological double (in the form of a young girl or an old hag). The evaluation proceeds on the basis of a purely quantitative-mechanical principle, according to which the number of merits is set off against that of transgressions, although the acknowledgment of transgressions, as well as posthumous rituals, may influence the results.

ZOROASTRIANISM

wanism’).

Besides Ahura Mazda (i.e. Ohrmazd), numerous other divine beings, principles and elements populate the Zoroastrian texts. These have been partly arranged in a systematic order: the six (seven, including Ahura Mazda) charitable immortals (Av. amaaSa sponta; MP Amahrspandan; NP AmeSasfandan) constitute a system integrating cosmologic, anthropologic, ritual and ethical components. Besides the charitable immortals, there is an open group of venerable figures (Av. yazata), which can also include such goddesses as > Anahita or gods like Mithra (MP Mihr; NP Mehr; cf. + Mithras), who possessed an independent profile and were in some regions worshipped individually as well.

III]. CALENDAR The processes of theological systemizing are distinctively expressed in the Zoroastrian calendar: the twelve months of the year and the thirty days of the month are nominally assigned to specific gods or divine figures, factors and elements. The five epigomena (additional days) are named after the five Ga6a (see above II.). The seasonal arrangement of the calendar seems to have been changed several times, and the impracticable principle of inserting not a single day, but (every 120 years) a whole month, created additional problems. Apart from the division into 12 x 30 + 5 days, the year was structured by six or seven seasonal festivals (MP Gahanbar), each of which was associated with a charitable immortal and the phases of the creation of the world (+ World, creation of the). There were also local festivals, as well as a further cycle of festivals, whose axis was constituted by the two main festivals, Nouruz (— New Year’s celebration II.) and the Mihragan (*Mi@rakana) named after Mithra (-> Mithras I.). This festival corresponds to a further construction principle of the religious qualification of time: the days, whose names coincided with the name of the particular month (Mihragan on the day dedicated to Mihr in the month dedicated to Mihr; Tirgan on the day dedicated to Tir in the month dedicated to Tir), were religious holidays.

V. ETHICS AND BEHAVIOUR

Merits are obtained through ethical conduct as defined by the Zoroastrian ideals (truth, justice, marriage — possibly among next of kin — and procreation, tending of the cattle and soil, acquisition of wealth and support of the poor, getting up early, wearing shoes, etc.) and through performing the prescribed rituals, or rules of ritual behaviour, such as eating in silence and killing ‘Ahrimanian’ monsters (snakes among others), the participation in the Zoroastrian festivals and the observance of purity, including numerous purity regulations [6]. The latter concern the maintenance of purity of the elements, especially of fire and water (these two elements should by no means come into contact with each other!), the control of the discharge of body liquids (saliva, blood, sperm) and the disposal of ‘dead’ corporal matter (cut hair and nails, as well as corpses), which should also be kept away from fire and water. The burial of corpses, but also sexuality, menstruation and birth are provided with special regulations. VI. WOMEN, PRIESTS, RITUALS

IV. THE END OF TIME AND LIFE

Zoroastrianism also uses the concept of a ‘great year’. Time in this cycle can be thought of as a succession of millennia leading from the dualistic primeval configuration (Ohrmazd/ Ahriman; light/ darkness; knowledge/ ignorance; up/ down), via the creation and formation of the initially meta-empirical world, which later took empirical form, to the eschatological ‘world bliss’, in which Ahriman, the demons and all the representatives of evil will be irrevocably destroyed. People

Especially women are exposed to the realm of impurity. Although Zoroastrian sources do not reveal any firm attitude of misogyny, they tend to claim that women are more prone to the evil [4]. Accordingly, women had to be kept in check socially; restraint and obedience were considered, until the modern period, as important female virtues. The ideal of purity is embodied by the (male) priest. In Greco-Latin literature. Abundant information on Iranian priests, the mdgoi, can be found. They are said

969

970

to have exerted a wide range of social functions, such as political advisors, court officials and divination experts. During the Sasanid period (3rd—7th cents. AD), a downright hierarchy of the clergy evolved. Priests were also employed in the legal system. The recitation of the Av. texts (which were handed down orally over a long period of time), often in front of a (sacred) fire, is a central feature of Zoroastrian rituals. Archaeological evidence suggests that the pressing (performed in the context of the Yasna liturgy) of haoma, whose botanical identity has not yet been definitively clarified (Harmel?), was practiced at least since the Achaemenid period. As early as in Classical Antiquity libation rituals were handed down. Bloody animal sacrifices (+ sacrifice) were a usual ritual practice up into

the roth cent., although they gave rise to inherent theological problems (killing was considered as an activity of Ahriman).

VII. AFTER THE CLASSICAL PERIOD With the Arab conquest of Iran, the country was subjected to a process of Islamisation (whose course varied from region to region), which went on for centu-

ries [5] and in whose course Iranian Islam acquired a specific form. In some regions, the Zoroastrians could still assert themselves as a majority religion for quite a long time. By the 13th cent. AD, however, they constituted a minority everywhere, and they were repeatedly exposed to strong socio-cultural, religious and political pressure. In the zoth cent., the Zoroastrians profited from the project of societal modernization; in the Islamic Republic of Iran they are a recognized religious minority (c. 25,000 people). During the Islamic period, probably following longestablished successful trade relations, stable Zoroastrian communities with their own organizational structure established themselves on the Indian west coast. These so-called Parsis (or Parsees) could successfully assert themselves under Islamic rule in India, and rose to one of the wealthiest groups in the country under British colonial rule. In the context of colonial globalisation, Zoroastrians settled in Asia, Africa and Europe. The migration intensified in the wake of India’s independence and, later, after the Islamic Revolution. Starting from the 1960s, many Zoroastrians have moved to North America and, recently, to Australia and New Zealand. Today there are worldwide c. 125,000 Zoroastrians, 75,000 of whom live in India, 25,000 in Iran and well over 10,000 in North America. -» Demons IV.; > Iran; - Religion V.; > ZOROASTER/

ZOSIMUS

9M.Mo xk, Culte, mythe ancien, 1963

et cosmologie

dans

iran

10SH. SHAKED, Dualism in Transforma-

tion, 1994 11 M.SrausBerG, Die Religion Zarathushtras, 3 vols., 2002 12 G. WIDENGREN, Die Religionen Irans,1965 13 R.C, ZAEHNER, Zurvan, 1955.

Zoscales (Zwoxcdyc/Zoskdlés). Hellenistically influenced king who reigned in > Axum and ruled from the territory of the Moschophagi (to the west of Ptolemais [6] Theron) to the area of > Barbaria: Peripl. m. r. 5; the author of this rst cent. AD work [r. 6 f.] describes Z. as a contemporary. 1 L. Casson, The Periplus Maris Erythraei, 1989. F, GISINGER, s. v. Z., RE 10 A, 844-848.

Zosimus (Zdomoc; Zosimos).

[1] Z. of Thasos. Greek epigrammatist, whose works are probably to be dated between 150 BC and AD 50: three (Anth. Pal 6,183-185; 6,15 is also ascribed to him, alternatively to Antipater [8] of Sidon) are variations on the theme of ‘dedication to Pan’ from the view of a hunter, a bird catcher and a fisherman (cf. -> Satyrius). Another deals with the unusual theme of a shield saving its owner who uses it as a raft (Anth. Pal. 9,40, cf. + Diocles [1o]). FGE 104-107.

M.G.A.

[2] Marcus Canuleius Zosimus. Toreutic artist. His tomb inscription, which is dated to the rst cent. AD,

praises Z. as an outstanding master of caelatura Clodiana. Pliny (Plin. HN 33,139) does mention silver vessels called Furniana, Clodiana or Gratiana, but he does not give an explanation of the particular character of this toreutic work. The term probably traces back to the fact that + toreutics were frequently produced in aristocratic households by the family’s slaves, as for example with the Clodii (+ Clodius). P.E. Arias, s.v. Canuleius Zosimus, EAA 2, 318.

RN.

[3] Close confidant and medical advisor of Aelius + Aristides [3], who presents him as his tutor (teodets/ tropheus) in the ‘Iegoi Adyou (Hieroi légoi, ‘Sacred

Tales’; cf. [x]) and repeatedly emphasizes Z.’s merits in the years AD 146-148 [2.1155]. Z.’ death in 148 [2.1188] is presented by Aristides as a painful turningpoint, accompanied by several visions (Aristid. Or.

49,47). 1 F.ZucKER,

s.v.

Zosimos

(4), RE

to A,

787-790

2 C.H. Benr, Studies on the Biography of Aelius Aristides, in: ANRW II 34.2, 1994,

1140-1233.

MB.

ZOROASTRIANISM 1 M.Boyce, A History (31996); vol. 2, 1982; 2 Ead., Zoroastrianism, ratura pahlavi, 2001

of Zoroastrianism, vol. 1, 1975 vol. 3 (with FR. GRENET), 1991 1992 3 C.G. CeremI, La lette4J.K. CHOKsy, Evil, Good, and

Gender, 2002 5 Id., Conflict and Cooperation, 1997 6Id., Purity and Pollution in Zoroastrianism, 1989

8 PH. KReEy7 A.DE JONG, Traditions of the Magi, 1997 ENBROEK, Sraosa in the Zoroastrian Trad., 1985

[4] Bishop of the city of Rome (18 March, 417-26 December, 418), of Greek origin. He pursued an authoritarian intervention policy in Gaul in favour of ~» Patroclus of Arles. When he absolved — Pelagius [4] and Caelestius in September 417, he affronted the African bishops. Despite his reversal in March 418 and the subsequent condemnation of Pelagius and Caelestius in

ZOSIMUS

the epistula tractoria under pressure from the imperial court at Ravenna and the African episcopacy in the summer of 418, relations with the African Church remained tense, when he sought, like his predecessor ~ Innocentius I, to make Rome a court of appeal in the conflict surrounding Apiarius of Sicca Veneria. Shortly before his death, a resistance formed among his own clergy against him. Sources: L.Ducuesne (ed.), Liber Pontificalis, vol. 1, 1955 (repr. 1981), 225f.; PL 20, 642-686. BIBLIOGRAPHY: C. FRAISSE-COUE, s.v. Zosime, in: P. LEVILLAIN (ed.), Dictionnaire historique de la Papaute, 1994, 1743-1745 (bibl.); $.HEID, s.v. Zosimus, LThK? IO, 2001, 1492 (bibl.); W. LUTKENHAUS, Constantius III., 1998, 121-139; J.LOsst, Julian von Aeclanum, 2001, 262-286.

O.WER.

[5] Late antique historian. The educated non-Christian

Z. probably came from the area of Syria-Palaestina. Photius [2] (Cod. 98) installed him as > comes and former > advocatus fisci, which suggests a legal education. Between AD 498 and 518, Z. wrote a ‘New History’ (Iotogia véa/Historia néa, actually: ‘History of Modern Times’), which, following some important dates in Greek history, provides an outline of the imperial era to > Diocletianus (book 1), then describes the 4th and sthcents. more extensively and suddenly breaks off in book 6 shortly before the conquest of Rome by Alaricus [2] (410). This and much more evidence for the lack of a final edit indicate that the work was unfinished. For the period 270-404, Z. particularly follows > Eunapius, then > Olympiodorus [3], beginning with 5,26. Because these authors’ works have survived only in fragments, Z.’ work, despite some chronological and factual errors, is an important source, particularly for the years following 378, and in part for the 3rd cent. (cf. [6]). In conscious contrast to — Polybius [2], who described the rise of Rome to a world power from 220 to 167 BC (Pol. 1,4f.: ‘in not quite 53 years’), Z. sought to describe the decline of the Empire (Zos. 1,1; 1,57,1). For him, the crucial factor was Christianization. His depiction is characterized by deep pessimism, despair over the prevalent conditions and fatalistic resignation. However, unlike Eunapius, he largely avoids polemic attacks against > Christianity (but cf. also [7]), because he considered the time for open discussion to be past; instead, he pleaded for religious > tolerance, but was disappointed by the Christians. Thus, for example, book 4 ends with the conclusion that the religious intolerance of Theodosius I led to incremental reduction and barbarization of the imperial territory (4,59,3), and the end of book 5 shows the Roman elite more devoted to the Christian emperor than to the gods, which Z. views as an indication that even divine providence had left the elite (Zos. 5,51). However, despite all the reversals, the gods remained well-disposed toward mankind, but this offer was not accepted; the result was the decline of the

Empire (5,6; 5,24,7f.; 5,38; 5,41, 1-35 5,41,7).

97%

oT

Even though the pessimism of Z. is anchored in the traditional Roman historiographic teleology (cf. [11]), he goes far beyond this. Z. interprets events ex eventu, i.e. for him, the fall of the entire Empire is a historical fact (1,571; 2;7,2). This is based on his own conception (cf. [4. especially 429ff.]), which cannot be traced back to Eunapius and Olympiodorus (whose influence on Z. is usually overestimated in scholarship, most recently by [15.124, 131-135]; but by contrast cf. also [14]). The radical viewpoint of Z. is the result of his parallelization of the fate of the ancient cults with that of the Empire. Correspondingly, indications of the end of pagan cults intensify over the course of the work and are increasingly connected with current politics, especially in the 5th book. For Z., religious and political downfall are thus two aspects of the same fateful development. This began with the rule of Constantinus [1] I (whose abandonment of the secular games — long excursus: 2,1-7 — began the decline: 2,7,1), was only briefly delayed under Iulianus [11] (cf. 3,32), was clearly manifested in the scandalous melting down of the statue of ~ Virtus (5,41,7) and would probably peak in the synchrony of the final triumph of Christianity and the fall of the western Roman Empire. Z. no longer recognized a metaphysical concept of Rome; for him, Rome was the historical past. As the final refuge of pagan traditions, he focussed on Athens, which remained spared from earthquakes and plundering due to its adherence to the old cults (4,18; 5,6).

Z., who saw divine providence as the all-guiding power (— Predestination, theory of), probably addressed a small audience of pagan intellectuals who were interested in an alternative to Christian concepts of historiography (> Eusebius [7], > Orosius, > Socrates [9], > Sozomenus, > Theodoretus [1]) [9. 100-183; 5.1326f.]. He carefully avoided touching upon themes of Christian historiography (no mention of the vision of Constantine at the Battle of the Milvian Bridge: 2,16) and offers interpretations of historical events which were debated in pagan circles, e.g. the reason for the conversion of Constantine with the possibility of receiving forgiveness as a Christian for even the most horrible deeds (Zos. 2,29; cf. Soz. 1,5 [9.24-625 ro]). Z.’ effect was modest, although he was still read in the late 6th cent. by Evagrius [3] (Evagr. 3,40; 5,24) and in the 9th cent. by Photius. + Historiography II.D. 1 A.E. Baker, Eunapius and Zosimus, 1987 2 H.CicHocka, Zosimus’ Account of Christianity, Siculorum Gymnasium 43, 1990, 171-183

in:

3 T.DaMsHOLT, Das Zeitalter des Zosimos, in: Analecta Romana Instituti Danici 8, 1977, 89-102 4 W.Gorrart, Zosimus, The First Historian of Rome’s Fall, in: American Historical Review 76, 1971, 412-441 5 T.M. Green, Zosimus, Orosius and Their Traditions, thesis, New York 1974 6 E. KETTENHOFEN, Beobachtungen zum 1. Buch der Néa Historia des Zosimos, in: Byzantion 63, 1993, 404-415 7 K.-H.LEvEN, Zur Polemik des Zosimos, in: M. WissEMANN (ed.), Roma Renascens, 1988, 177-197 8 F.PascHoupD, s.v. Zosimos (8),

973

974 RE 10 A,795-841,

9Id., Cing Etudes sur Zosime, 1975

10 Id., Zosime et Constantin, in: MH

12 R.T. Rip.ey, Zosimus the

Historian, in: ByzZ 65, 1972, 277-302 13 D.C. ScavonE, Zosimus and His Historical Models, in: GRBS 11,

1970, 57-67 14P.SpEcK, Wie dumm darf Zosimos sein? Vorschlage zu seiner Neubewertung, in: Byzantinoslavica 15 F. WINKELMANN, Heiden und Chris52, 1991,1-14 ten in den Werken der ostrémischen Historiker des 5. Jahrhundert, in: J. vAN Oort, D. Wyrwa (eds.), Heiden und Christen im 5. Jahrhundert, 1998, 123-159. EDITIONS AND TRANSLATIONS:

F.PascHoup, Zosime,

Histoire Nouvelle, 5 vols., Paris 1971-1989 (with Fr. transl. and comm.); R.T. RIpLey, Zosimus, New History, 1982, repr. 1984 (Engl. transl. and comm.); O.VeH, St. REBENICH, Zosimos, transl. and comm.).

Neue

Geschichte,

1990

(Ger. M.MEI.

[6] Z. of Ascalon. Greek grammarian, probably active as a teacher in + Gaza during the reign of the emperor ~ Anastasius [1] (AD 491-518); schoolmate of > Damascius under the Alexandrian rhetor Theon. In the title index of the Suda (€ 169 s.v. Z.), an ‘Alphabetically Arranged Rhetorical Lexicon’ (AéEtcg 6ytooimh xatd otorxeiow/Léxis rhétoriké kata stoicheion) and a ‘Commentary

on

—Lysias’

[1] (Yxouvnua

eis Avoiav/

Hypomnema eis Lysian) are listed under Z.’ name; no frr. remain of these works. On the other hand, traces of a ‘Commentary on Demosthenes’ [2] (“Yaouvynua eis tov

Anuoo8évnw/Hypomneéma

eis ton Démosthénén)

re-

corded in the Suda are found in the Biog Anuoobévouc/ Bios Démosthénous (‘Life of Demosthenes’; ed. [3]) handed down under Z.’ name. An anonymously transmitted ‘Life of Isocrates’ (New ed. [2]; cf. [1; 3]) and the information on the contents of Isocrates’ individual

speeches indicate a commentary by Z. on ~ Isocrates [2]. Furthermore, Z. appears to have dealt with P. Aelius > Aristides [3], although not necessarily as the author of an independent commentary [4.793-794]. Z. is quoted many times in the corpora of scholia on the Attic orators; however, it cannot be proven that he was

also the editor of these corpora [4.792-793]. Just as uncertain is Z.’ involvement in the Life of Thucydides handed down under the name of ~ Marcellinus [2] with commentary. + Lexicography (B.-C.) Epitions: 11.G. Barrerus, H.Sauppius (eds.), Oratores Attici, vol. 2, 1850, 3-6 2 G.MarTHIEU, E. BREMOND (eds.), Isocrate. Discours, vol. 1,*1956, XX XIJ-XXX VIII

3 A. WESTERMANN (ed.), Buoyoaot. Vitarum scriptores Graeci minores, 1845, 253-259 and 297-302. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 4H.GARTNER, s.v. Zosimos (7), RE 10 A, 790-795 5 A.GUDEMAN, Review of [7], in: Philolo-

gische Wochenschrift 47, 1927, 609-620 6R.A. KasTEr, Guardians of Language, 1988, 438-439 (repr. 276) 7G.OomEN, De Zosimo Ascalonita atque Marcellino, Diss. Minster 1926.

Zoster see -> Attica [1] (with map); + Hymettus

54, 1997, 9-28

11 Z. Petre, La pensée historique de Zosime, in: Studii

Clasice 7, 1965, 263-272

ZURVAN

ST.MA.

Zostrianus (Zwotevavoc; Zostrianos). Title of the longest text of the + Nag Hammadi corpus (NHCod VIII,1, 1-132). Porphyry attests its use by the Roman Gnostics (Porph. Vita Plotini 16). Z. is a variant of the name Zarathustra (-» Zoroaster); the teachings of both are identified. The text relates Z.’ journey to heaven, leading through ‘air-earth’, the antitypoi of the aeons up to the highest, threefold mighty spirit. The journey involves frequent spiritual baptisms. The text was probably written in the first half of the 3rd cent. and it belongs to + Sethianism. The adoption of Middle- and Neo-Platonic ideas is documented through a parallel in + Marius [II 21] Victorinus (Mar. Vict. Adversus Arium 1,49 f.). J. H. SteBeEr (ed.), Nag Hammadi Codex VIII, 1991 (with Engl. transl.);

M. Tarpreu, Recherches sur la formation

de l’Apocalypse de Zostrien et les sources de Marius Victorinus, 1996.

J.HO.

Zotion (Zwtiwv; Zotion) from Ephesus. Only the name of this Greek tragic poet from the middle of the 2nd cent. BC is recorded (IrGF I 133). BZ.

Zulil (Punic *s/yt). City in + Mauretania Tingitana to the southwest of > Tingis (modern Tangiers), modern

Asilah or Dchar Djedid. Z. was a Phoenician or Punic foundation. In the time of the Moorish kings, Z. minted coins with Punic legends [1. 188 f.] and was in active contact with the Iberian Peninsula. Augustus resettled the inhabitants of Z. to Spain in order to make space for his > veterans (Mela 2,96). According to Plin. HN 5,2,

Z. was under (Strab. 3,1,8; Zilia; It. Ant. Zichi; Guido,

the control of the proconsul Baeticae 17,3,6: Ziuc/Zélis; Ptol. 4,1,13: Zudia/ 8,2: Zili; Geogr. Rav. 42,46: Zili; 88,4:

Geographica 132,13: Zichim; AE 1987,

1128; 1130). 1 J.Mazarp, Corpus nummorum

Numidiae Mauretani-

aeque, 1955. M. Lec ay, s. v. Z., RE 10 A, 857 f.; Id., s. v. Dchar Djedid, DCPP, 127. W.HU.

Zurvan. The Iranian god of time (Avestan: zruuan; Pahlavi: zaman). Z. had two forms: as the eternal time of divine existence he is zruuan akarana- (Avestan), ‘the boundless time’, as the period of the confrontation between Good and Evil, zruuan darengo.x‘adata, ‘the time of long dominion’. Earlier it was assumed that within the Zoroastrian religion (+ Zoroastrianism) ‘Zurvanism’ represented a Median sonderform, a degeneration or a heresy. The myth in which the cosmogonic deity Z. enables both the transient rule of Evil (> Abriman) and the ultimate victory of Good (+ Ahura Mazda), is now perceived as a variant of dualism that in the Sassanid period (+ Sassanids) was

widespread as orthodoxy [1. 14-22]. Similar, but not identical, orally transmitted cosmogonic Z. myths are

ZURVAN

976

975

recorded by — Eudemus [3] of Rhodes [2. 1368 f.]. Attempts to show Iranian influence on the Greek Aeon (Aidv/Aion) are to be regarded with scepticism. — Time, concepts of;

Zoroaster;

+ Zoroastrianism

1S.SHAKED, Dualism in Transformation, 1994 2G.Casap1o, Eudemo di Rodi, in: $.GRAZIANI (ed.), Studi sul Vicino Oriente antico, 2000, 13 55-1375.

L. Brisson, La figure de Chronos dans la théogonie orphique, in: D. TrFFENEAU (ed.), Mythes et représentations de temps, 1985, 37-55; A. DE JONG, Traditions of the Magi, 1997, 330-338; S.SHAKED, The Myth of Z., in: I.GRUENEWALD et al. (eds.), Messiah and Christos, 1992, 219-

240.

RG.

Zweckverfiigung. A term used in modern scholarship, from Ancient Greek law. HANs JULIUS WOLFF (19021983; obituary [4]) discovered in the contract law of the Greek poleis and Hellenism a fundamental doctrinal concept, which departs in essential respects from modern conceptions modelled on Roman law: it is not the — consensus between the parties to an agreement that creates the right to claim on the part of the ‘creditor’ and the liability on the part of the ‘debtor’, but, indirectly, the felony of injury (BAGBr/blabe) against the creditor’s assets occasioned by the debtor’s behaviour in breach of the agreement. It was WOLFF’s view that a disposition to a particular purpose is required, normally on the part of the creditor, as a basis for this conception: the injury is constituted by the debtor’s frustration of that disposition ([6. 2526], cf. also [zo. 120]; > Blabes dike, > Athenian law G.), the real act

creating the liability having sometimes been merely (fictitiously) documented [8. 142f.]. Woxirr defended Zweckverftigung against advocates of the ‘consensus theory’, above all, in [9], against [2. 13-16], and more narrowly defined it against E.SEIDL’s ‘principle of necessary enforceability’ [7]. The theory of Zweckverfiigung was further developed in respect of leases on land [x. 15-28] and work contracts [5. 512-14], and elaborated in the form of an ‘authorization subject to burden’ [3]. 1 D. BEHREND, Attische Pachturkunden, 1970

Werkvertrag, in: FS. A. Biscardi, vol. 5, 1984, 471-514 6Id.,s. v. Recht I, LAW 3, 2516-2530 7 Id., Zum Prinzip der notwendigen Entgeltlickeit, in: H.HUBNER et al. (ed.), FS E. Seidl, 1975, 231-241 8Id., Das Recht der griechischen Papyri Agyptens, vol. 2, 1978 9Id., Zum Problem der dogmatischen Erfassung des altgriechischen Rechts, in: P. Dimaxis (ed.), Symposion 1979, 1983, 9-20 10 Id., Vorlesungen iiber Juristische Papyruskunde (ed. J.G. WoLF), 1998. GT.

Zygactes (Zuyéxtys; Zygdktés). Coastal river to the east of + Philippi (App. B Civ. 4,105; 4,128); not identified. Lv.B. Zygantis (Zvyavtic/Zygantis). City in Libya (Hecat. FGrH x F337: mddc AtBtyc/polis Libyés). The Zoyavtes (Zygantes) in Steph. Byz. s. v. Zvyavtis might be identical with the TvGavtes (Gyzantes) in Hdt. 4,194, since the same story about collecting honey is told about both. The Zygantes possibly lived on the Tunesian mainland across from the island of Cercina along with other tribes. J. DESANGES, Catalogue des tribus africaines, 1962, 97 f.; K. ZIEGLER, s. v. Z., RE 10 A, 859 f. W.HU.

Zygi (ZvywwZygioi). People on the eastern coast of the Black Sea (> Pontos Euxeinos) who lived between the Achaei [2] and the Heniochi (Str. 2,5,31; 11,2,1; 11,2,13 f.: Zvyo/Zygoi; Dionys. Per. 687 with Eust. ad locum; Avien. Descriptio orbis terrae 871) and financed their way of life, tolerated by the > Regnum Bosporanum, by means of piracy on the coasts of the Pontos Euxeinos (Str. 11,2,12). V.F. GaypuxeEvi¢, Das Bosporanische Reich, 1976, 311, 343.

Lv.B.

Zygritai (Zvyeitat; Zygritai). Libyan people to the west of + Catabathmus and to the east of the Chattani (Ptol.

4,522), approximately in the area of Sidi Barrani (in modern Libya).

2 A.BiscarbIi, Diritto greco e scienza del diritto, in: Id.

J. DEsances, Catalogue des tribus africaines, 1962, 174;

(ed.), Symposion

M. LEGLay, s. v. Z., RE 10 A, 857.

1974, 1979, I-31

3 J.HERRMANN,

Verfiigungsermachtigungen als Gestaltungselemente verschiedener griechischer Geschaftstypen, in: H.J. WOLFF (ed.), Symposion 1971, 1975, 321-332 (= Id., KS zur Rechtsgesch. (ed. G.SCHIEMANN), 1990, 59-70) 4 G. THUR, Hans Julius Wolff zu Gedenken, in: ZRG ror, 1984, 476-492 5 Id., Bemerkungen zum altgriechischen

Zythos see > Beer II. Greece and Rome

W.HU.

Addenda Accenna [M.?] A. Verus. Suffect consul in AD 125 together with P. Lucius Cosconianus [1; 2]. Like the other senatorial Accennae he was from Baetica; cf. [3. 27 ff.]. 1 W. Eck et al., Neue Militardiplome mit neuen Konsulndaten, in: Chiron 32, 2002, 401-426 2 W.Eck, P. Weiss, Hadrianische Suffektkonsuln: Neue Zeugnisse aus Militardiplomen, in: ibid., 449-4893 CABALLos, vol. ie WE.

Acestes see > Aegestus

Acilius [II 12] A. Strabo. According to the Fasti Septempedani (AE 1988, 419) suffect consul in AD 80, possibly a son of L. A. [II 11] Strabo. In that case his governorship in Lower Germany, if it can be inferred from ILS 3456, was not until the time of Domitian. {11 13] P. A. Theodorus Vir perfectissimus, praeses of the province of Alpes Graiae, probably 3rd cent. AD (AE 1998, 872).

WE.

elevation. In modern scholarship, the Greek term acropolis also refers to fortress-like complexes in high elevations in settlements outside of the Greek realm, as in Etruria (cf. [3]). 1 E. Kirsten, Die griechische Polis als historisch-geographisches Problem des Mittelmeerraumes, 1956, 43-55 2 DS, vol. 1, 36-39, s.v. Acropolis 3 M. CrIsTOFANI, L’acropoli di Volterra, r98r. W.ED.

Adranum (‘Adgavov/Adranon, Hadranum). Founded c. 400 BC by Dionysios I near the Siculan sanctuary of Adranus on the western slopes of the volcano Aetna [1] (Diod. 14,37,4) on the Adranus (coins), a tributary of the Symaethus; modern Adrano, ancient remains. Timoleon, in alliance with A., defeated Hicetas near there (Diod. 16,68-69). A. was conquered by the Romans in 263 BC (Diod. 23,4,1); A. was given > Ius

Latii (Plin. 3,91). Near A. was the Siculan centre of Mendolito with

inscriptions (IG XIV 567-572), coins and prehistoric pottery ware (Siculan collection in the museum at Cas-

Acropolis (é&xgémodu/akropolis, ‘upper city’), the highest part (akros = ‘located at the top’) of a Greek settlement, in Greece and in the Aegean area often with fortification walls, rarely so in the colonies of Sicily and Lower Italy (> Fortifications). The original reference to these elevated settlements as polis (on the Mycenaean roots of the word s. — Polis I) was preserved in the designation of the Acropolis of Athens as polis up into the 5th cent. BC (Thuc. 2,15,6; cf. Aristoph. Nub. 69; Paus.

tello Normanno).

1,26,6). When settlements began to extend down the slopes beginning in the 8th cent. and central squares

Adriatic Sea see > Ionios Kolpos

(> agora) were built at the foot of the hills (Hom. II.

18,490-497; Hom. Od. 6,262-267; 7,43-45), the old settlement was called acropolis in distinction to the growing polis in the plain below ([z. 54 f.]; on the spread of the term s. [2]). From the archaic period, the acropolis offered refuge as a fortified ‘hill fortress’ (e.g.

Advertizing. Probably the simplest and most effective way of advertising a product or announcing something was shouting aloud in market-places and streets (cf. — propaganda). Moreover, the geographical origin of a product spoke for its quality; there is, for instance, a tradition of formulations such as “Tarentine’ or ‘Amor-

Xen. An. 152,13).

gian cloth’, ‘Chian wine’, ‘Falernian wine’, etc. as a seal

When cities were enclosed by walls in the 5th and 6th cents. BC, the acropolis was usually included within the circle, lost its function as habitation and was reshaped

of approval or a mark of quality. Advertising could also occur in a written form on the walls of buildings (> Graffiti), in > letters, epigrams, etc. In contrast to commercial advertising are the + kalos inscriptions of 6th-cent. BC Athenian vase painting, which eulogize a young aristocrat and thereby make him known to a group or the public. A particular form of self-advertisement was used by the vase painter

into a temple complex (cf. Paus. 2,24, 1-3; 8,13,25 8,38; 8,39,5). This development took a different form in the

western colonies. The acropolis of Selinus [4] (with sanctuaries on the hill with the oldest settlement) still followed the pattern of the mother country, but in Acragas, the complex of important temples was built on a hill directly behind the city wall instead of on the old acropolis (modern cathedral hill) [1. 53]. In flat +» Poseidonia/Paestum, the most important temples were built in the southern part of the city in a separate area which was referred to as acropolis (modern field name: Agropoli), comparable to the common use of the term ~ capitolium (II, s. addenda) in the Roman Period for the temple of the main god of a city regardless of its

> Siculi; > Sicily R. CatciatTi (ed.), Corpus Nummorum Siculorum vol. 3, 1987, 156-161; O.A. W. DILkg, s. v. A., in: HAKKERT 2, 1993, 190-192; G. MANGANARO, Dai mikra kermata di

argento al chalkokratos kassiteros in Sicilia nelle V sec. a. C., in: JNG 34, 1984, 11-41, hier 34; P. PELAGATTI, Intervento, in: Kokalos 10/11, 1964/65, 245-252. GILMA.

~» Euthymides, who wrote on an amphora (Munich, SA

8730): “as Euphronius never [can/could]”. Similarly, artists’ signatures, e.g. those of vase painters and potters, can be understood as an indication of their mastery of the material and the artistic quality of the depiction and hence as self-advertisement (—> Artists; > Potters; > Vase painters).

Roman Antiquity, at least, was familiar with advertising by means of notices both with and without illus-

ADVERTIZING

980

OME

trations on the walls of buildings, known — because of the special conditions of preservation — primarily from + Pompeii. Election notices (e.g. CIL IV 117;

180; 710), for instance, in which a candidate for a political office is proposed or commended, survive, as do notices for gladiatorial games and animal baiting (e.g. CIL IV

1189; 5215; 4397), Offers of rooms to let (e.g. CIL IV 138; 807, cf. Petron. Sat. 38) and price lists of food or wine in shops (e.g. CIL 16793 5380; 8566). Some of the notices in Pompeii also advertise games taking place elsewhere (CILIV 1187; 3881; 3882); evidently, therefore, advertising could go beyond a city’s boundaries. Shop signs (preserved e.g. in Ostia, Pompeii) were a particular genre of advertising. These were stone or clay reliefs which were set into the external walls of shops and businesses and proclaimed the trade conducted there (e.g. two men with amphorae for a wine shop, a flagstone with a mason’s equipment for a mason. Advertisements for > brothels (/upanar) were part of the everyday life of Roman cities. In other businesses craftsmen or workers advertised their shops by being represented practicing their activities; inn signs were also common (Pompeii: CIL IV 806 f.; similarly Ostia: CIL XII 4377). Mosaic pictures and inscriptions in the pavement of the Piazza delle Corporazioni in Ostia in front of businesses indicated the trade and and commerce established there (e.g. timber dealers, ropemakers, ship-

and as Asia’s liberation from the Barbaric threat (> Celts III A and B), matching Attalus I in his ambition for ideological significance. 1 K.STROBEL, Die Galater, vol. 1, 1996.

K.ST.

Aelius [110] Ae. Aemilianus Praefectus classis Misenensis, documented on 28 December AD 247 (CIL XVI 152). Promoted to praefectus vigilum in 248 or 249 (unpublished document), perhaps as the successor of Faltonius Restitutianus. {ll 5a] P. Ae. Brutt[ianus] Lucianus. Proconsul of the province of Lycia (-Pamphylia), probably not before the late 2nd cent. AD. (IGR III 776); the name previously assumed to be Brutt[ius] must be changed to Brutt[ianus]. He was most likely born in the province of Cilicia. P. Aelius Bruttianus, 6 xodtiotoc/ho kratistos, may have been a relative of his [1]. 1 W.Ecx, Eine Senatorenfrau aus Elaiussa Sebaste, in: EA

33, 2001, LO§—I10.

{il 13a] Ae. Iulianus. Financial procurator of Syria Palaestina, not before the period of Severus Alexander (AD 222-235; AE 1985,830b = [1]). . 1 C.M.LeHMaANN, K.G.Ho Lum, The Greek and Latin Inscriptions of Caesarea Maritima, 2000, 46 f.

owners from various cities).

Prostitutes advertised themselves of course by means of their appearance (e.g. diaphanous clothing) in the streets and squares (> Prostitution); beggars and those

who had been shipwrecked painted their misfortune on panels and intoned their fate in verses (Pers. 1,88; Juv. 14,301), thus attempting to gain sympathy and donations. The self-representation of families in their burial monuments on the main roads between Greek and Roman cities was seen by strangers and those passing through as well as locals. ~+ Commerce;

ons; — Graffiti;

—» Communication;

-> Communicati-

> Propaganda; > ADVERTIZING

W.KRENKEL, Pompejanische Inschriften, 1963; C. PavoLINI, La vita quotidiana ad Ostia, 1986. RH.

Aegosages (Aiyootyes/Aigosdges). Celtic tribe recruited by Attalus [4] I in 218 BC for the battle against Achaeus [5] in > Thracia and taken to Asia Minor (Pol. 5577 £.5 §,411,1-73 [1. 233, 243]). In Aeolia (> Aeolians [2]) and ~ Mysia, Attalus I operated successfully

{i 17a] L. Ae. Oculatus. Suffect consul along with Q. Gavius Atticus, documented on 30 May AD 85 (CIL XVI 18 and an unpublished diploma); according to the Fasti Ostienses (FO* 44), his consulate lasted from May Ist to June 30th. [1117b] P.Ae.Panopeus. Imperial freedman and procurator in Egypt under Marcus [II 2] Aurelius and Lucius Verus. S. DEMOUGIN, J.-Y. EMPEREUR, Inscriptions d’Alexandrie

I: Un nouveau procurateur Alexandrin, in: J.-Y. EMPEREUR (ed.), Alexandrina 2 (Etudes Alexandrines 6), 2001,

149 ff. (correction of AE 1998,1480).

WE.

Aemilius {Il 15] C. Ae. Severus Cantabrinus. Senator, cos. suff. along with a L. Iulius Messala Rutilianus under Commodus, documented on August 11th, probably of the year AD 192 (CIL XVI 132). B.PFERDEHIRT, Ein neues Militardiplom fiir Pannonia inferior vom r1.8.193 n. Chr., in: Arch. Korrespondenzblatt 32, 2002, 247 ff.

with the A. who, however, started a mutiny at the

+ Macestus due to a lunar eclipse. Attalus kept his word to the A. and settled them at the > Hellespontus where they proceeded to plunder the surrounding cities and finally occupied > Ilium. After a contingent from the city of Alexandria [2] chased them out of the Troad, the A. settled in Arisbe in the region of Abydus [x], where they were attacked in 216 BC by Prusias [1] land massacred along with their women and children. Prusias I celebrated this event as a great Galatian victory

{If 16] L. Ae. Sullectinus Praefectus classis Ravennatis in AD 202 [1]. Also documented in CIL XIII 1770; cf. [233% 26rckh |. 1 B. PFERDEHIRT, Vier neue Militardiplome im Besitz des R6misch-Germanisches Zentralmuseums, in: Arch. Korrespondenzblatt 31, 2001, 261-280 2 W.Eck, Proso-

pographische Bemerkungen, in: ZPE 139, 2002, 208-210 3 F. VON SALDERN, Bemerkungen zu einem Militardiplom von 202, in: Arch. Korrespondenzblatt 32, 2002. WE.

981

Aerarium militare. Since the Roman senate in the Republican Period was unwilling to support the soldiers after they left the army with provisions of land or money (praemia), certain commanders took care of it on

their own account. This contributed to the development of armies that owed personal allegiance to an individual leader and helped to undermine political stability, beginning with the dictatorship of Cornelius [I 90] Sulla. When the younger Augustus (C. Octavius) established himself against his adversaries in the civil wars in 31 BC, he essentially owed his power to the legions. However, he also wished to respect traditional elements of Roman life and to co-operate with the senatorial class. Under these circumstances, it was necessary for him to reorganize the support of the + veterans. > Augustus prided himself in his Res Gestae on having invested 860 million HS of his own funds to purchase land for discharged soldiers between 30 and 14 BC, and later a further 400 million HS for cash payments to the soldiers (R. Gest. div. Aug. 16). The continuing financial burden of the praemia was heavy: 12,000 HS for a soldier and 20,000 HS for a praetorian; the fact that sol-

diers were kept in service far beyond their designated time (a complaint of the mutineers of AD 14, Tac. Ann. 1,17,2) indicates the princeps’ difficulty in paying praemia. For this reason, Augustus created a ‘military treasury’ in AD 6, the aerarium militare (AM), intended to pay the praemia to the soldiers (R. Gest. div. Aug. 17,2; Cass. Dio 55,24,9-25,6; Suet. Aug. 49,2; Tac. Ann. 1,78). Dio was incorrect in assuming that the AM

was also intended for the > soldiers’ pay. The move was controversial and Augustus had to get his way by challenging the senate to produce a better proposal for funding the payments. The expenses of the AM were financed by an inheritance tax (> vicesima) of five percent — only the estates of very poor citizens and those bequeathed to close relatives were exempt — as well as by a one percent tax on auctions. Augustus himself contributed 170 million HS from his own funds with the promise of an annual contribution; furthermore, he accepted donations from kings and cities. These were the first direct + taxes imposed on Roman citizens since 167 BC. In response to continuing hostility, Augustus proposed a tax on land estates in AD 13, but that was even more unpopular and the existing system was retained (Cass. Dio 56,28,4-6).

The AM was managed by three > praefecti [2], senators of praetorian rank chosen by lot, who served for three years and had two lictors each. In the late 2nd cent., they were chosen directly by the princeps and no longer had lictors. Plinius [2] the Younger is the best known of the prefects of the AM (ILS 2927; probably AD 94-96), but he tells us nothing about his duties and most of our evidence comes from inscriptions. The prefects made the cash payments and managed the accounts, making sure that the funds were sufficient for the projected number of discharged soldiers; we may assume that they had scribes and other assistants. Hold-

982

AETIOLOGY

ing the prefecture of the military treasury did not necessarily mean advancement to the consulship; the most succesful were those who, like Pliny, also were prefects of the public treasury (aerarium Saturni), which was seemingly the more senior post. The office of prefect of the AM existed at least into the mid 3rd cent. AD. ~ Aerarium 1M.Corsier,

tare, 1974.

L’Aerarium

Saturni et l’Aerarium

Mili-

J.CA.

Aetiology Il. ROMAN LITERATURE The explanation of cultural institutions and artefacts by their origins (genetic explanation) constitutes a form of distancing oneself from one’s own culture which manifests itself in very diverse traditions of narrative and literature (even in the oldest layers of the OT; cf. - Bible B.). It requires a consciousness of history which assumes the fundamental distinctness, yet at the same time the implicit continuity of present and past. The founding acts are typically located in a specific, distant and in a certain sense isolated past (e.g. in the Age of the Heroes (— Period, Era)). Alternatives to this paradigm include — genealogies and the wisdom records of ‘Listenwissenschaft’ (> Lists; > Wisdom literature). However, for the Roman tradition in particu-

lar, its orientation being towards the history of the city, characteristic features are rather the brief chronology (+ Chronography) rooted in the archaic (— Rex) or early Republican beginnings of Rome, and the constructive and normative quality of the entire tradition, while its mythology (often aetiological in orientation, cf. > Myth), antiquarian writings and — historiography cannot be distinguished by period [1]. Nonetheless, cosmological mythology and historicizing aetiology cannot be reckoned up against one another as two fundamentally different — ‘Greek’ versus ‘Roman’ — discourses. Causae (‘reasons’) are found from an early date performing argumentative or illustrative functions. The Eubemerus of - Ennius [1] presents aetiological argumentation in the Roman literature of the early 2nd cent. BC, albeit in a utopian form, i.e. expressly not located in his own homeland. Conversely, the Roman praetexta (+ Tragedy) did construct specific reference to contemporary conditions as a discursive offering. Beyond the simple collation and recording in writing of cultural institutions, Latin historiography achieved the widespread implementation of aetiological argument with the > annalists of the last third of the 2nd cent. BC ( Gellius [2]) and with antiquarian literature (> Accius). This was often associated with the etymological method in consequence of Stoic theories of + language. + Philology and antiquarianism went hand in hand from the rst cent. BC (> Aelius [II 20] Stilo, especially M. Terentius

> Varro [2], > Verrius [1] Flaccus). Here,

the systematization of the cultural heritage takes precedence over the solution of the individual problem. Sys-

AETIOLOGY

984

983

tematic criteria of language, or objective criteria, determine the structures of these presentations, as well as their philological and antiquarian reception. In the literary forms of poetical output, this form of harmonization of history with contemporary culture was connected with the genres of Hellenistic literature. This is true on the one hand for the historical or quasihistorical epic (> Historical epic) and its association

with aetiological explanations and interpretations of

1 G.Dumézi, Camillus, 1980

2D.PoRTE, L’Etiologie

religieuse dans les Fastes d’Ovide, 1985 3 G. BINDER, Aitiologische Erzahlung und augusteisches Programm in Vergils ‘Aeneis’, in: Id. (ed.), Saeculum Augustum, vol. 2, 1988, 255-287. 4J.LogHR, Ovids Mehrfacherklarungen in der Tradition aitiologischen Dichtens, 1996. II]. PHILOSOPHY

see + Causality; > Principle

the present in Virgil (> Vergilius [4]) (Aeneis) [3] and

his Republican predecessors, as on the other hand for elegiac poetry from the fourth book of > Propertius [1], which began the reception of the aetiological poetry of + Callimachus [3]. This reception was taken up by Ovid (+ Ovidius Naso) — with an even stronger reliance on the antiquarian Roman tradition (Varro [2], Verrius

[x] Flaccus) and in competitive and surpassing imitatio of Propertius and Callimachus [2]. Significantly, these literary projects focus much more narrowly on specific, urban Roman institutions (festivals and places at Rome in Propertius, the Roman calendar, the — Fasti, and Roman history in the Libri fastorum and Metamorphoses) than is the case in Callimachus, whose geographical horizons are much wider (cf. in Greek the restriction of the Athenocentric Atthidography, —> Atthis). One characteristic of aetiology which has become detached from historical scholarship is multiple explanations (on this, [4]). Yet it is this in particular which affords Roman literature its construction of ironic distance and its celebration of the many-layered nature of the traditions against universalizing interpretations, such as were monumentalized in official > propaganda and programmes of architecture or imagery (e.g. the Forum [III 1] Augustum).

At this stage if not before, aetiology at Rome also became the object of — light reading, both as + Buntschriftstellerei and as Quaestiones (— Plutarchus [2], > Symposium literature). Alongside the lexicographical (especially + Verrius [x] Flaccus) and antiquarian (especially > Suetonius [2]) traditions, it is such works as these which delivered the raw materials for the + commentary literature and > glossography (I.) of Late Antiquity to describe a dying culture — materials which that culture itself had produced as constructs of its own past. + Antiquarians; > Etymology

3

4 5

6 vy)

infans/puer L infans/puer é™ infans puer { L infans puer U l! infans puer

Ager Romanus. As distinct from the ager peregrinus, the ‘foreign territory’, ager Romanus (AR) was the area of the state of Rome inhabited by Romans (including the city). It consisted of privately owned real estate (ager privatus) and public lands (> ager publicus). Parts of the ager publicus could be transformed into ager privatus through the settlement of Roman citizens (assignatio viritim, ‘man by man’; or in closed citizens’ colonies, cf. > coloniae C) or could be completely divided from the AR to become ager peregrinus when colonies with their own state areas were established on it under > Latin law (> coloniae D). According to estimates by [1. 619-621] and [3. 2643], the AR covered an area of 822 km’ at the beginning of the Roman Republic (c. 500 BC) and almost doubled in size with the capture of — Veii (396 BC, 1510 km’), then increased to 5289 km’ up to the integration of Latium in 338BC (> Latin Wars, s. addendi) and reached 30 times its original size (24000 km?) in 264 BC upon the completion of the capture of — Italia while the Roman population barely tripled (census numbers: 503 BC = 120000; 265 BC = c. 290 000). After the war of Hannibal (— Punic Wars II), the AR was expanded considerably by confiscations in Campania and in Southern Italy (by c. 10 000 km? according to an estimate by [2. 73]). After the > Social Wars [3] and the granting of citizenship to all Italians and their acceptance into the Roman > tribus (87 BC), the AR was identical to Italy south of the Po and was finally expanded by Caesar (49 BC) to include the area between the Po and the Alps. 1BeLtocH, RG

21d., Der Italische Bund unter Roms

Hegemonie, 1880, 43-77.

Typen des romischen I-81.

Five roman models for classifying the stages of life (3 to 7 stages)

4M.Kaser, Die

62, 1942, W.ED.

Age(s). Table for + Age(s)

adulescens/iuvenis/iunior 4 \ adulescens iuvenis { adulescens iuvenis J adulescens iuvenis L gs adulescens iuvenis vir

3Brunr

Bodenrechts, in: ZRG

senex/senior t senex t senex gN senior senex t 1 senior senex

985

986

Agon (éydv/agon).

sanctum baptisma (PG 31,440): exemplarity of the agon for the contest of the ‘athlete of piety entered for the race’; Aug. Civ. 14,9: Paul, the ‘athlete of Christ’, who fought and won the great agon. On other evidence, see [3]. Tertullian makes abundant use (alongside the military) of the Greek agon vocabulary (Tert. Ad martyras 3).

I. TerM II. FIGURATIVE USAGE III. GREEK AND ROMAN AGons _IV.’AGONISTIC PRINCIPLE’

I. TERM From the Homeric epics onward, agon meant a ‘(place of) assembly’ and a ‘(place of) contest’. Agon as contest was not restricted to sporting and _ artistic > competitions, but could also denote a legal battle (Dem. Or. 15,30), a difficult challenge (Soph. Trach. 159), a great effort (Hdt. 7,209) or a hazardous

AGON

In the post-Classical period, agon was often used figuratively [10. 189-206]. In philosophical writings, it

II]. GREEK AND ROMAN AGONS In an impressive study, [4] has attempted to demonstrate the origin of the Greek agon in the cult of the dead (cf. [5]). His theory that a ritual battle lay behind the agon (the defeated combatant expiating the death of a deceased person; + human sacrifices) is disputed (cf. e.g. [6. 204 f.]), as is the contention that a link can be made between this armed combat and the funeral games widely attested in antiquity [7; 8], which in turn could have inspired sporting agones (thorough survey [6. 202—213]). While cults of the dead and funerary customs may certainly be seen as one important root of Greek sporting festivals (> Sports festivals IV), their derivation by this route alone, although suggested by the ancient sources, seems impossible [9. 78-109]. The agon also became a theme of poetry, particularly in drama (— Competitions, artistic [II A]; on Euripides cf.

takes the sense of exercise in &gety (areté, > virtue), or

[20]).

life as struggle in general; in Jewish theological literature, it is used in the sense of the suffering and death struggle of the martyrs ([1. 135 f.] with examples). The

Conversely, it seems certain that the Roman gladiatorial games had their origins in cultic/religious activity

apocryphal Testamentum Iob (4,10; cf. 27,3-5) com-

be assumed for an original form of the > Troiae lusus included by Virgil in his description of the funeral games for — Anchises (Verg. Aen. 5,545-603: no equivalent in the Homeric account of those for Patroclus, Hom. Il. 23) [1]. On individual agones, s. > Capitolea; + Competi-

ordeal (Xen. Cyr. 3,3,44). Associated terms were used

in corresponding ways: dywviteo8at (agdnizesthai, ‘to contend for a prize, to compete’), &ywviotnys (agonistes, ‘competitor,

combatant’),

dydavioua

(agonisma,

‘(object/prize of) contest’) etc.; also &ywvia (agonia, with the connotation of ‘struggle for victory’, hence ‘struggle, ordeal’, finally ‘deathly fear/pain, death struggle, agony’). In Latin literature, the Greek terminology of the agon was mostly preserved. An equivalent was certamen (and related words).

II. FIGURATIVE USAGE

pares the steadfast Job with a boxer who attains the crown of victory. Both traditions also determined the use of agon in the New Testament, where it is almost confined to the (Deutero-)Pauline epistles (central: Phil I:27-30; 1 Cor 9:24-27): striving for man’s perfection (Col 1:28 f.), for the imperishable crown of victory (2 Tim 4:6-8); the battle against obstacles and dangers (x Thess 2:2); the struggle of suffering and martyrdom (rx Tim 6:11 f.); the struggle for personal salvation and that of the multitude (Lk 13:24; Col 2:1 f.; 4,12 f.) [x. 136-139]. The figurative usage of agon in the New Testament is for the most part clearly distinguished from the military imagery used to describe similar circumstances (on this, [2]). The aforementioned agonal

images were retained in early Christian and patristic literature, but here the emphasis, besides that on man’s spiritual struggle against evil (cf. conversion of Augustine, Aug. Conf. 8,9-11, and his treatise De agone Christiano, PL 40,289-3 10), is on the concept of life as

a struggle, decided in martyrdom, of victory for the sake of personal beatitude (as an ascetic goal) or of the general triumph of the Church: 2 Clem:7 on the perpetual agon of the Christian; Acta Thomae 39: Christ as an exemplary combatant in the agon (this an example of the mixing of agonal and military terminology, cf. Cypr. Epist. 10,4 f., AD 250); Greg. Nyss. De beatitudinibus orat. 8 (1301 M; opera 7.2, 170): Christ at once the judge in the agon of the Christians and the victory prize (cf. also [3] s. v. &ywworrs); Basil. homilia 13 in

(+ Munus, Munera III; [r0. 229-243]). The same can

tions, artistic; > Isthmia;

> Nemea [3]; > Olympia IV;

— Pythia [2]; > Sports festivals IV and VI.

IV. ‘AGONISTIC PRINCIPLE’ Late in the r9thcent., in his posthumously published Griechische Kulturgeschichte (Greek Cultural History), Jacob BURCKHARDT coined the term ‘agonistic’ denoting a driving force inherent in the Greeks ([12. 59159: chapter III]; cf. [13]). Subsequently, it became customary to speak of the Greeks as an ‘agonistic people’, whose — sports and social, political and cultural life were generally characterized by the idea of (fair) competition, this characteristic being absent from other ancient peoples. The theory was applied generally with the sense that the ‘agonistic principle’ was ‘one of the roots, if not the sole root of Greek culture per se’ (quote: [9.3]); the contrary position, generally supported today, is formulated by [8] (cf. [16], summaries in [14. 94-102] and [1o. 38-40]; critical of [9; 16] are [6. 237 £.49; 15. 6-11]). BURCKHARDT’s idea appears as a late echo of German Classicism’s idealization of Greece, and it lingers, esp. outside scholarly discourse. ‘Agonistic sport’, further defined as one of the ‘great Indo-Germanic accomplishments’, was suitable for

987

988

inclusion in the racially-conceived research planning of the National Socialists [17. 147 f.].

Graeco-Oriental transfer of scholarship, and was regarded as an important source by the Arabs [1; 4]. A second and better translation was produced by Hunain ibn Ishaq (c. 808-873, a translater who worked primarily in Baghdad) (Magiisi, Malaki 1,4,5). Numerous Arabic quotations have survived in ar-Razis Hawi [4]. A. described the aetiology, symptoms and therapy of diseases, was aware of smallpox, and often used chemical substances for treatment, such as natron, borax or ammonium chloride [4].

AGON

More recent research has, on the one hand, stressed

the military background to the development and characteristics

of Greek agonistics (e.g. [18. 93-105; 19. 23 ff.]), and on the other hand demonstrated ‘agonistic’, competitive concepts and behaviour in the cultures of the ancient Near East, the Egyptians, the Etruscans and the Romans (summary in [9. 69 f., 217 f., 233-238] with bibl.). 1 E. STAUFFER, s. v. &ywv, ThWB 1, 134-140 Harnack, Militia Christi, 1938 (repr.1963) Lampe, A Patristic Greek Lexicon, 1961

2A.VON 3 G.W.H. 4K.MEULI,

Der griechische Agon, 1968 5Id., Der Ursprung der Olympischen Spiele, in: Id., Gesammelte Schriften, vol. 2, 1975, 881-906 6M.B. PottaKorr, Combat Sports in the Ancient World, 1987 7 L.MAattEn, s. v. Leichenagon, RE 12, 1859-1861 81. WeILeR, Der A. im Mythos. Zur Einstellung der Griechen zum Wettkampf, 1974 9l1d., Der Sport bei den Vélkern der alten Welt, 21988 10S. MULier, Das Volk der Athleten, 1995 11 G.Binper, Lusus Troiae. L’Enéide de Virgile comme source archéologique, in: Bull. de l’Association Budé 1985, 349-356 12 J. BURCKHARDT, Griechische Kulturgeschichte, vol. 4, 1898-1902 (new edition 1930-1931 = repr.1977) 13 H.BErve, Vom agonalen Geist der Griechen, in: Id., Gestaltende Krafte der Antike, *1966, 1-20 14 K.-W. WeEBer, Die unheiligen Spiele, 1991 15 S.LasER, Sport und Spiel (ArchHom T), 1988 16 1. Weiter, AIEN APICTEYEIN, Ideologiekritische Bemerkungen zu einem vielzitierten Homerwort, in: Stadion 1, 1975, 199-227. 17 V.LosEMANN, Nationalsozialismus und Antike, 1977. 18 W.DECKER, Sport in der griechischen Antike, 1995 19 M.GOoLDEN, Sport and Society in Ancient Greece, 1998 20M.Dusiscuar, Die A.-Szenen bei Euripides, 2001. G.BI.

Agonistic festivals see > Sports festivals Agrippa [6] A. I. see > Herodes [8] Iulius Agrippa [7] A. Il. see > M. Iulius [II 5] Agrippa II. Ahron (Arabic Ahrun ibn A‘yan al-Qass (Ibn an-Nadim, Fihrist 297,3-5); Greek “Ad6wv; Arrhon [2]), Christian physician and presbyter in Alexandria. In the 6th or early 7th cent., A. wrote a Greek medical handbook with 30 sections in the environment of the + Alexandrian School [1] already captured by Islamic troops (Pandectae medicae, the Greek title might have been Lbvtaypo/Syntagma [5. 88]),a work which apparently no longer had any resonance in Greco-Byzantine sources and was lost. A certain Gosiés first created a Syriac translation (Barhebraeus, Chronica 8,57 [cf. 3]). The Jew Masargawayh, who probably lived in Basra, is claimed to have added two further books in the period of the Umayyad caliph Marwan (683-685) and to have translated that version into Arabic with the title Kunnag (‘textbook’). Regardless of justified doubts about this dating [2; 3. 88], A. belongs to the earliest medical authors to have been received in the framework of the

1 A.BAUMSTARK, Geschichte der syrischen Literatur, 1922,189 2A.Drerricu, s. v. A., El’, Suppl. 1-2, 52 3.M.Meyernor, in: Islam 6, 1916, 220f. 258 4 SEZGIN, 166-168 5 ULLMANN, 23, 87-89. CHS.

Al(l)ecto (AMA)nxt/Al(ekto, ‘the one who never rests’). Along with > Megaera and -> Tisiphone [x], A. is one of the > Erinyes whose names are not mentioned until late (Apollod. 1,3). Described as particularly fertile by Vergilius (Verg. Aen. 7,324-329), she put + Amata into a rage against the Aeneads at the order of + Iuno, incited

+ Turnus

[1] to start a war against

— Latinus [x] and with a trick sparked the first fight between the Aeneads and the Latins (ibid. 7,3 41-571).

Alcohol, consumption of

:

I. InrRopucTION II. ANCIENT NEAR EAST III. GREECE AND ROME II. ROMAN PROVINCE Il. ARCHAEOLOGY I. INTRODUCTION Ethanol (C2H;OH, drinking alcohol) was unknown

to the ancients in its pure form. There is thus no word for alcohol in Greek or Latin. The term is derived from the Arabic (al-kubl, etym. traceable to the Akkadian gublu [x.272]) and originally denoted a fine, black antimony gloss used to dye the eyebrows. It was PaRaCELSUS (1493/4-1541) who first used the term to refer to the volatile constituent of wine (Alco(h)ol vini). Alcoholic drinks of Antiquity were + mead (Greek bdeduehVhydrémeli, Latin mulsum) and similar concoctions not only composed of honey and water (cf. Columella 12,12; Plin. HN 14,113 f.; [13]), > beer (Greek Ci00c/z9thos, Latin cer(e)visia: from various raw fermentation materials, e.g. barley, wheat, millet, fruit, bread) and + wine (Greek oivoc/oinos, from Fotvoc/woinos = Latin vinum; strictly speaking wine pressed from the wine grape, Latin vitis vinifera, but also wines from fruits and pomaces). Fermented milk products were of local importance at most in the Graeco-Roman world. The absence of suitable distillation processes meant that there were no drinks of higher alcohol content until the 12th cent. [4. 416; 5. 735]. The maximum level attainable (by natural fermentation) in antiquity was approx. 17.5%, as the yeast fungi which produce and excrete alcohol during the anaerobic breakdown of carbohydrates are poisoned by their own metabolic product at higher concentrations. The remark in Plin. HN 14,8,62 that certain Falernian

989

990

wines were flammable is credible only if, in the course of the period of storage, so much water evaporated through the porous walls of clay amphorae that the alcohol, which remained behind because of its larger molecular size, by this means reached a sufficient conc-

primarily consumed for its alcoholic effects at carouses

entration [2. 219].

II. ANCIENT NEAR East The most widespread alcoholic beverage of the ancient Near East was beer (Sumerian kas, Akkadian Sikaru, Hittite SieSSar), which was brewed (from at least the late 4th millennium BC) usually from barley malt,

later also from dates. It was regarded as a staple of the diet. Wine, which was more expensive than beer, remained the preserve of the elite. Alcohol was consumed on various occasions: in the home (everyday narcotic),

as a payment for work [12. ro], in taverns, at festivals and cult ceremonials (e.g. ‘Festival of Intoxication’ of the Egyptian goddess Hathor [3. 8]) and in medicine (it is uncertain whether beer was dispensed for its inebriating effects in particular [1. 290]). Beer was also used as an offering, and was included in grave goods. The evidence for purposeful consumption of alcohol in connection with prophecy or religious ecstasy is not conclusive. It is difficult to assess the intensity of the effect of alcoholic beverages of the ancient Near East. The alcohol content of the beer, which was brewed without hops and therefore spoiled rapidly, having to be made almost ona daily basis, cannot have been particularly high, but the relatively high levels of consumption (2-3 I/day for an adult labourer [12. r0]) must be taken into account, as must the hot climate, which would accentuate the effect. The states of intoxication mentioned in Old Mesopotamian cuneiform texts and rare references to dipsomania are either mentioned in a negative way, or, in accordance with the regular tendency to play down this issue, not at all [r. 289]. Conversely, the euphoria and facilitation of communication brought by the moderate enjoyment of alcohol were regarded entirely positively. Apart from a few individual regulations, there is no evidence of any prohibitive societal restriction in regard to the age, gender or status of the consumer. III. GREECE AND ROME From Mycenaean times, alcohol was consumed here mostly in the form of wine. Beer, although known from c. 700 BC, established itself in Italy or Greece either not at all, or only among the lower orders by virtue of its low price. In spite of the sometimes relatively high alcohol content of certain wines compared to beer, the primary purpose of wine consumption in Greece and Rome was generally not profound intoxication. The estimated average consumption of an urban male Roman was c. o.8-1 | of wine per day [18. 91]. Wine is to be regarded as a staple of the diet. It was generally diluted (Latin vinum dilutum), commonly at ratios of 2:5 or 1:3 (wine:water) (opposite merum, ‘unmixed’). Wine was

ALCOHOL, CONSUMPTION OF

(Petron. Sat. 34,6-8; 52,8 et al.), in association with (mystery) cults (esp. Dionysus, > Bacchus

[10. 306]), as consolation (e.g. Hor. Carm. 1,7,31; cf. also Avaioc/Lyaios, Lat. Lyaeus ‘the releaser from cares’ as epiclesis of Dionysus) and in medicine (e.g. ina ‘theriac’? combined with opium: Celsus, De medicina 5,23,3). Wine was a well-nigh universal medicament and solvent (cf. Hippoc. De affectionibus 48; Celsus,

De medicina 3,6,17; Plin. HN 14,100; Dioscurides 5,11 WELLMANN) - the sick, too, thus sometimes consumed

not inconsiderable quantities of alcohol. However, it was little used as a narcotic before surgical interventions, probably because doses of alcohol high enough to give an analgesic effect would be toxic. Cases of excessive enjoyment of alcohol are described in many literary genres, e.g. tragedy (Eur. Alc. 747-804), the novel (Heliodorus 1,1,4; 5,32,1 f.: a tavern brawl with fatalities; the combination of excessive wine consumption and aggression is often met with in Graeco-Roman literature, cf. e.g. Curt. 8,1,41-52) and the specialist treatise, which also addressed the theme of the ruinous psychological and social consequences: Plin. HN 14,137, for example (cf. 14,142), mentions confusion, criminal tendencies (cf. also Juv. 3,278-28 5 on the vulgar behaviour of drunks on the streets at night) and the valuing of wine above all else. > Galen of Pergamum knows of cases in which pathological alcohol consumption led to $gevitis (phrenitis, ‘frenzy’) (Gal. De comate secundum Hippocratem 4 = 7, 663 f. Ktun), Cassius [III 4] Felix 62 (154 Rose) giving the symptoms as a reddened face, irregular eye movements, insomnia, weak pulse, mental confusion and krokydismos, ‘floccillation’, i.e. the picking at woollen bedclothes [7]. The physical, mental and social consequences allow the retrospective diagnosis of cases of alcoholism, esp. among the Roman elite [18. 14]. Such cases were, at least on the part of the medical profession, regarded as pathological. Dipsomania and habitual drinking (Lat. ebriositas, cf. Cic. Tusc. 4,27) were regarded negatively, in contrast to occasional intoxication (Lat. ebrietas, ‘ebriety’). Principled opposition to intoxication is encountered rarely in comparison to the constant theme of the price of wine consumption, e.g. in Sen. Epist. 83,18, who rejects intoxication as ‘voluntary insanity’ (voluntaria insania). substances; + Beer; > Beverages; ~ Intoxicating + Mead; > Poisons; + Wine 1 W.Farper, Drogen im alten Mesopotamien — Sumerer und Akkader, in: G. VOGLER (ed.), Rausch und Realitat. Drogen im Kulturvergleich, 1981, vol. 1, 270-290 2 G.Hacenow, Vom alten Falerner, in: RhM N. F. 132, 1989, 214-220 3 E.Hastauer, Sitzen am Ufer der

Trunkenheit

-

Bier

im

Alten

Agypten,

in:

E.M.

RUPRECHTSBERGER (ed.), Bier im Altertum, 1992, 5-8 4G. Jorrner, s.v. Alkohol, LMA 1, 416f. 5 Id., s.v. Destillation, -sverfahren, LMA 3, 735 f. 6 A.LEGNARO, Ansatze zu einer Sozialgeschichte des Rausches, in: s. [x],

52-63, bes. 58 f.

7J.O. Lerpowirz, Studies in the His-

991

99%

tory of Alcoholism II. Acute Alcoholism in Ancient Greek and Roman Medicin, in: British Journal of Addiction to

cropolis with sarcophagi and Carian rock graves; a mausoleum in the modern village.

ALCOHOL, CONSUMPTION OF

Alcohol and Other Drugs 1967, 62-86 (ed.), Drinking in Ancient Societies, 1994

8 L.MILANO 9 G.PREISER, Wein im Urteil der griechischen Antike, in: s. [x], 296-303 10Id., Wein im Urteil der Romer, in: s. [1], 304-308 11 W.ROLLIG, Das Bier im Alten Mesopotamien, 1970 12 Id., Die Anfange der Braukunst im Zweistromland, in: s. [3], 9-14

13 M.ScHusTER, s. v. Met, RE 15, 1297-

1310 14 C.SELTMAN, Wine in the Ancient World, 1957 15 W.von SopEN, Trunkenheit im Babylonisch-Assyrischen Schrifttum, in: A. BORGMANN (ed.), Al-bahit. FestschriftJ.Henninger, 1976, 317-324 16 A. [CHERNIA, Le vin d’Italie romaine, 1986 17 K.-W. Weeper, Alkoholismus, in: _Id., Alltag im Alten Rom, 1995, 14f. 18 Id., Die Weinkultur der Romer, 1993. CHS.

Alexander [34] Brother of > Molon [x], governor of > Persis III at the beginning of the reign of > Antiochus [5] III. In 222-220, he rebelled against the king along with his brother and after the victory of the royal troops committed suicide (Pol. 5,40,7-5,41,13 5543563 555455): J.D. Graincer, A Seleukid Prosopography and Gazetteer, 1997, 75 s. v. A. (2); H.H. Scumirr, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte Antiochos’ des GrofSen und seiner Zeit, 1964, 116-147.

J.G.

Alfius

1 BMC, Gr (Caria), ro-12.

G. HirscuFELp, s. v. A., RE 1, 1489; G.E. Bean, Kleinasien, vol. 3, 1974, 200-208; W.KOENIGS, Westtiirkei, 1991, 157f.; Ropert, Villes, 363 f.; H.H. ScHMrrt,

Untersuchungen zur Geschichte Antiochos’ des Grofen, 1964, 244 f.; $.DoRuK, Antik Alinda kentindeki pazar yapisi (Die Markthalle der antiken Stadt A.), in: Belleten SL NLS 7ALEL7—E1S7-

H.KA,

Almond tree see > Amygdale

Amenhotep see > Amenophis Ammonides (Auuwvidns; Ammonidés). Undatable author of a short Greek epigram mocking an unknown Antipatra (Anth. Pal. 11,201): “If Antipatra had been shown to the Parthians naked, they would have fled through the Pillars of Heracles”‘.’ As little is known of the poet as of the addressee. An attempt by BRUNCK to amend “Auuwvidov (-ov: Planudes) to “Aupoviov, in order to ascribe the couplet to > Ammonius [ro], the equally unknown author of the epigram Anth. Pal. 9,827, has no basis. 1R.F. PH. Brunck, Analecta veterum poetarum Graecorum, vol. 2, 1785, 448 2M.Lausperc, Das Einzeldistichon, 1982, 416, 597. ED.

[4a] P. A. Avitus. Governor of Pontus-Bithynia between AD 223 and 225 (AE 1996,1413 = SEG 45,

1995, 1696). Alinda

(‘Adwéa/Alinda).

WE. City

in northern

Caria

(> Cares; Ptol. 5,2,20). In the > Delian League in the

middle of the sth cent. BC (ATL 1, 467 f.); in 341/40 the only fortress remaining to the princess > Ada, which in 334 BC she handed over to Alexander [4] the Great, only to receive it back by adopting him (Arr. Anab. 1,23,8; Diod. 17,24,2). After that A. was for a short time renamed Alexandria on the Latmus [1]; the city is supposed to have possessed a statue of Aphrodite by —> Praxiteles (Steph. Byz. s. v. “AkeEGvdoeua). The city reached its height in the 3rd—2nd cents. BC: A. was expanded by > Olympichus as residence. Minting is recorded for the 2nd cent. BC, in the Imperial period until the 3rd cent. ([1]; HN 607 f.). A. was a member of the Chrysaorian League of the > Cares (Str. 14,2,25; -» Stratoniceia [2], > Idrias), was part of the conventus iuridicus of + Alabanda (Plin. HN. 5,109) and in the Byzantine period was a suffragan bishopric of Stauropolis (+ Aphrodisias [1]; Hierocles, Synekdemos 688). At the modern village of Karpuzlu there are ruins of the twin cities each with its own ring wall: the higherlying part of the city may once have been a palace quarter, the lower — connected by way of a saddle and staggered downwards — the centre of the city; preserved there are a massive three-storey market hall on an agora, above that an Hellenistic/Roman theatre and a city wall with a tower. Roman aqueduct; extensive ne-

Amorges (Audoyns/Amorgés). Persian, illegitimate son (n6thos: Thuc. 8,5,5) of the satrap of Sardis > Pissuthnes; from Caria he resumed his father’s rebellion against the Persian king Darius [2] II, which had failed before 413 BC. No later than 412 BC Athens made an attempt at cooperation with A. (Thuc. 8,19,2), in breach of a treaty with Darius [2] II (And. Or. 3,29; cf. + Epilycys), if payments to an Athenian general in Ephesus in the year 414 [1. no. 77, Z. 79] were for assistance for A. (asin [1. 236; 2. 326]; contrary in[3. 2931]). The hesitant stance of an Athenian admiral, Phrynichus [2], enabled a Spartan fleet as late as 412 to conquer a base of A. in Iasus [5] and deliver A. to the Persian satrap > Tissaphernes (Thuc. 8,28; cf. 8,54,3). 1ML 2H.D. Westiaxe, Athens and Amorges, in: Phoenix 81, 1977, 319-329 3D.KaGan, The Fall of the Athenian Empire, 1987. W.ED.

Amphinomus [2] Son of Nisus from Dulichium, one of the suitors of

~ Penelope who was liked by her because of his good nature (Hom. Od. 16,394-398 et. al.; Str. 7,7,11; Apollod. fr. Sabbaitica, in: [1. 179]), killed by — Telemachus (Hom. Od. 22,89-96). 1 A. PAPADOPULOS-KERAMEUS, Apollodori bibliothecae fragmenta Sabbaitica, in: RhM 46, 1891, 161-192. SLA.

993

994

Amyzon (‘Auvtwv/Amyzon). City in Caria (> Cares; cf. Str. 14,2,22; Ptol. 5,2,19), on the northern slopes of the Latmus [1] mountains 15 km to the northwest of + Alinda (see vol. 15 addenda). A 6th cent. BC settlement which arose around a mountain sanctuary — in the middle of the sth cent. possibly belonging to the > Delian League (ATL 1, 521) — was expanded under + Idrieus (351-344 BC) into a Greek-style city. It attained its peak in the 3rd cent. BC. A. was renamed Alexandria for a short time, was then temporarily Ptolemaic, and was captured in the spring of 203 BC by the troops of Antiochus [5] III, who assured the population of protection and respect for temple asylum [1. 38-40]; 188-167 Rhodean. In the 2nd cent. BC there was a treaty with Heraclea [5] (IPriene 51). In the Roman period A. belonged to + Alabanda (peripolios ‘peripheral’: Str. 14, 2,22), where the relevant conventus (Plin.

HN. 5,109) was located; nevertheless there was local minting in the late Hellenistic and Imperial periods (HN 608). In the early Byzantine period a see (Hierocles, Synekdemos 688). On the hill of the Mazin fortress there are ruins (mostly 4th—3rd cent. BC): a city wall, on a terrace (in the Byzantine period a fortress) a (Doric) temple to Artemis and Apollo (benefactor inscription of Idrieus: OGIS 235); archaic terracottas and frieze fragments suggest a predecessor building; a(n Ionic) propylon; colonnades on a broader terrace, a small theatre, substructures of market buildings. 1 WELLES.

J. und L.Rosert, Fouilles d’ A., 1983; F.PONTANI, I. Amyzon 27 C-D: Teil eines milesischen Isopolitievertrags, in: EA 28, 1997, 5-8; G.E. BEAN, Kleinasien, vol. 3, 1974, 208-210; R.T. MARCHESE, The Historical Archae-

ology of Northern Caria, 1989, 52, 63 f.; HH. ScHMitt,

Untersuchungen zur Geschichte Antiochos’ des Grofen, 1964, 228 f., 246, 281; ZGUSTA, § 61-1. H.KA.

Anaea (Avaia; Anaia). Coastal town in > Ionia to the

north of the > Mycale mountains at and near the Byzantine fortress (12th/13th century AD; [3. 65-74]), now called Kadikale, where [2] found pottery from the roth—3rd cent. BC. When the Athenians conquered Samos in 365 BC, A., as part of the — peraia of + Samos [3], was used by the Samians as a place of refuge [1. 44 f.]. 1 Cu. Hasicut, Athen, 1995

ANNIA

(present-day Bahrain) [1.2 No. 80; 2. vol. 1, 85 f., vol. 2, 125-153]. Author of a Paraplous ofIndia, from which information has survived about pearl fishing as well as botanical details such as the relationship between salt water and plants (FGrH 711). 1Berve

2D.T.Porrs, The Arabian Gulf in Antiquity,

2 vols., 1990.

H.A.G.

Angels (from Greek tyyehoc/dngelos, ‘messenger’, equivalent of the Hebrew mal’ak; Latin angelus). Angels as messengers between the heavenly and earthly spheres are familiar in many religions (cf. e.g. > Zoroastrianism; + Hermes). In the Old Testament the Angel of God appears (in human form) asa helper of Israel (Ex 14:19; 32:34) and a divine messenger, often hard to distinguish from -» Yahweh himself (Judg 2,1-4). Winged composite creatures (> Kerub, -> Seraph) are not counted by the Old Testament as angels. In > Judaism belief in angels gains importance under Babylonian and Persian influence: God, abstracted into transcendence, is surrounded by a courtly state of angels, headed by archangels (now known by name): > Gabriel [1], > Michael [1], > Raphael, > Uriel. There are also personal guardian angels, angels of peoples, angels that interpret visions (known as interpreting angels: Sach 1-6; Dan 7-12; 4 Esr 4-10, > Apocalypses), evil angels fallen from God (— Satan), etc. The New Testament adopts the Jewish doctrine of angels (as — Islam also did later). Angels appear at the birth and resurrection of Jesus, they assist the Apostles (Acts 12,7-11) and will accompany the events at the End of Days (Mt 25:31; 1 Thess 4:16; Apc 8-16). The Gnostics’ (+ Gnosis) speculations on angels are rejected. The Christian veneration of angels increases from 300 onwards: angels are prayed to, churches are built to archangels, particularly in Egypt. The mediaeval angelology largely follows - Augustinus and - (Ps.)-Dionysius [54] Areopagites. Although they are generally considered spiritual beings, from the 3rd cent. onwards angels are represented as (young) men in tunicae, from

c. 400 also winged. + Demons; - Satan U. Mann et al., s.v. Engel, TRE 9, 580-609; J. MICHL, T. KLAUusER, s.v. Engel, RAC 5, 53-322; K.M. WoscHiTz et al., s.v. Engel, RGG4 2, 1999, 1279-1290. S.GE.

2 Z.MERCANGOZ, Kusa-

dasi, Kadikalesi Kazisi, in: 24. Kazi, Arastirma ve Arkeo-

H.LO,

Animals. See — Animal epic; + Domestic animals; ~ Fodder> ;+; Husbandry; > Veterinary medicine Zoo; > Zoology and botany

[4] Trierarch from > Thasus. At the order of Alexander [4] the Great, he explored the east coast of the Persian Gulf from the mouth of the Indus [1] to the mouth of the Euphrates [2] in the fleet of Nearchus [2] and then went

Annia [2a] A. Fundania Faustina daughter of M. Annius [II 9] Libo, married to T. Pomponius Proculus Vitrasius [4] Pollio; executed under Commodus (AD 180-192, HA Comm. 7;7). PIR* A 713.

metri Sempozyumu, 2003

telalterliche

Befestigungen

MDAI(Ist) 11, 1961, 5-122.

3 W. MULLER- WIENER, Mit-

im

siidlichen

Ionien,

in:

Androsthenes

on to explore alone with his 30-oared ships the west coast (= east coast of Arabia) to the island of > Dilmun

RAEPSAET-CHARLIER, Nr. 60.

W.E.

ANNIA

[5] A. Regilla Atilia Caucidia Tertulla, Appia daughter of Ap. Annius [II 6] Gallus and wife of Herodes [16] Atticus whom she married between AD 140 and 142. The marriage produced at least six children. In Athens, A. became priestess of > Tyche [1] (Syll.> 856), in Olympia, she consecrated the Nymphaeum as priestess of Demeter (IvOl 610). A. died shortly before 160. Her brother Ap. > Annius [II 2] Atilius Bradua accused Herodes of the murder of A. in 160 but was unsuccessful. The widower ostentatiously displayed his grief with numerous monuments XIV 1389-1392).

996

99'5

(Paus. 7,20,6; SEG 23,121; IG

W.AMELING, Herodes Atticus, 1983; J. Topin, Herodes

Attikos and the City of Athens, 1997.

J.BA.

and Digest fragments, and in the 18th and roth cents. the Edictum praetoris urbani [2.274 ff.] and, after preparation by compilation of an author register, the fragments of the classical juristic treatises were added (A. Wieling, 1727; C. F. Hommel, 1767; [3]). The stock of sources of AJL increased further from the end of the 18th cent. with a plethora of inscriptions, documents of public and private law on wax and wooden tablets, parchments and (esp. numerous) papyri from Pompeii, Herculaneum, the provinces and esp. Egypt. Since the end of the r9th cent., papyrus finds of small juristic fragments of Gaius, Papinian, Paulus and Ulpian have been added, as well as some of as yet unknown writings. 1TH. Mayer-MALy, s. v. Anteiustinianisches Recht, in:

KIP I, 368

Annius {MI 3a] L. A. Fabianus. Suffect consul AD 141 W.Ecx, P.Werss, Tusidius Campester, cos. suff. unter Antoninus Pius, und die Fasti Ostienses der Jahre 141/142 n. Chr., in: ZPE 13.4, 2001, 251-260. WE.

Quellen und Literatur der neueren europdischen Privatrechtsgeschichte, vol. 2 (1500-1800), 1977, 615ff., 656ff. 5 WIEACKER, RRG, 17f., 39ff. COLLECTED

Ante-Justinianic Law. Testimonies of Roman law from all periods of its history including Late Antiquity and pre-Justinianic Classicism, as opposed to the Corpus iuris of Justinian and Byzantine law. The term AJL should be used for technical editorial reasons and reasons of legal history [pace 1]. The ‘elegant’ jurists of Humanism began to publish the sources of AJL and to invoke them in their critical textual review of the Justinianic tradition (Observationes). The sources of AJL also permitted deeper understanding of non-Classical legal conditions, to which the discovery of MSS of the non-juristic legal tradition (including Greek texts and esp. the Basilica) contributed significantly. The following sources of AJL were edited by the Humanists: the Lex Romana Visigothorum (P. Aegidius, 15173; J. Sichard, 1528; J. Cuias, 1566, 1586) with Gai. Epitome (the aforementioned and A. Bouchard, 1525), the Tituli ex corpore Ulpiani (with notes: J. Cuias, 1554, 1585) the Pauli sententiae (A. Bouchard, 1525; with notes: J. Cuias, 1558, 1559) and the Papinian fragment, the Consultatio veteris cuiusdam iurisconsulti (J. Cuias, 1563, 1577), the Codex Theodosianus (Id., 1566, 1585), the Collatio legum Mosaicarum et Romanarum (P. Pithou, 1573), the Fragmentum Dositheanum (J. Cuias, 1586) and the Notitiae dignitatum (W. Maranus, 1608). Added to those was also the post-

humous 1665 edition of the six-volume commentary of J. Gothofredus on Theodosianus. This body of texts was supplemented in the r9th cent. by the Institutiones of Gaius, the fragments De iure fisci (both 1820 by J. F.

2 HavuBo Lp, in: Hugo’s Civilistisches Maga-

zin 2,1827 3 O.LENEL, Palingenesia iuris civilis, 1889 4H.E. Troje, Die Literatur des gemeinen Rechts unter dem Einflu& des Humanismus, in: H. Coing, Hdb. der

souRCES:

A.SCHULTING,

Jurisprudenzia

vetus anteiustinianea, Leiden 1717; P. F. GrRARD, F. SENN, Textes de Droit Romain, I/II, 71967; FIRA I: Leges, II: Auctores, III: Negotia. x W.EV.

Antiochis [3] Sister of > Antiochus [5] II], who in 212 BC married her to > Xerxes [3], King of Armenia, after he had used military force to subjugate the latter and to demand the payment of tribute from him (Pol. 8,23,5). A. is claimed to have been involved in the later elimination of Xerxes (Iohannes Antiochenis, FHG IV 557). J.D. Gratncer, A Seleukid Prosopography and Gazetteer, 1997, 8,s. v. A. (2); H.H. Scumirt, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte Antiochos’ des Grofen und seiner Zeit,

1964, 37 f.; WILL 2, 54 f.

[4] Daughter of > Antiochus [5] III, married to Ariarathes [4] IV of Cappadocia (c. 220-163 BC), mother of future King - Ariarathes [5] V (see vol. 15 Addenda). At the time her brother > Antiochus [6] IV died in 164 BC, she was staying in Syrian > Antioch [1] and was murdered for unknown reasons at the behest of the powerful Imperial administrator — Lysias [6] (App. Syr. 5; Diod. 31,19,7; Pol. 31,17,2). J.D. Graincer, A Seleukid Prosopography and Gazetteer, 1997, 8, s. v. A. (1); L.-M. GUNTHER, Kappadokien,

die seleukidische Heiratspolitik und die Rolle der Antiochis, Tochter Antiochos’ III., in: Asia Minor Studien 16,

1995, 47-61.

L. Goeschen), the Institutiones of Ulpian (Endlicher, 1835; Th. Mommsen, 1850), the Vat. (A. Mai with support of F. Bluhme, 1823; Th. Mommsen, 1860) and the Sinai scholia (R. Dareste, 1880; Zachariae von Lingen-

their fiscal income as a gift (+ Dorea). The two cities revolted as a result (2 Macc 4,30).

thal, 1881). The Humanists had already reconstructed the Twelve Tables from Cicero, antiquarians, historians

J.D. Graincer, A Seleukid Prosopography and Gazet-

[5] Mistress of + Antiochus [6] IV who gave her the Cilician cities of + Tarsus and > Mallus along with

tCCL, 19975775 So Vir

IG

997

998

Antiochus

Aperlae (Anéoia/Apérlai). Settlement on the southern coast of Lycia (+ Lycii, Lycia; Plin. HN. 5,100), in the northeastern corner of a westward opening bay, modern Sicak Iskelesi. In the 5th cent. BC Lycian city coins, in the rst cent. BC Lycian League minting, and again c. AD 240 (HN 694). In the Roman period A. was the chief town of a + sympoliteia of three neighbouring communities in the > Lycian League (IGR 3, 692 f.): Apollonia (modern Kilingli), Isinda [1] (near modern Belenli) and Simena (modern Kale) with the nearby island of Dolichiste (modern Kekova). After an earthquake disaster in AD 141/42 A. was among the Lycian cities that benefited from large donations by Opramoas from > Rhodiapolis (TAM 2, 905, XIX C). Imperial period ruins stretch up the slope from the bay: city walls with towers to protect the quay installations, two early Byzantine churches; ‘Lycian’ sarcophagi. Bishopric (Hierocles, Synekdemos 684).

[3a] A. Hierax (‘Iéga&é/hiérax, ‘the falcon’). Son of > Antiochus [3] II and of - Laodice [II 3], younger brother of > Seleucus [4] II who accepted him as coregent in Asia Minor in c. 241 BC so that he could concentrate on ending the 3rd —- Syrian War against > Ptolemaeus [3] Il. After the peace agreement with Ptolemaeus, the brothers came into conflict, with the mother Laodice supporting the younger. Supported by Galatian mercenaries and his brother in law + Mithradates [2] II of Pontus, A. managed to defeated his brother in 240 or 239 and to push him out of Asia Minor. However, soon thereafter he was faced with a mutiny of the Galatians, and, by the year 227 BC, he had lost the larger part of Asia Minor to > Attalus [4] I of Pergamum (the exact chronology is unclear) despite his marriage to the daughter of Bithynian King > Ziaelas. He attempted to invade Mesopotamia but was defeated by his brother’s commanders. He escaped through Cappadocia and Egypt to Thracia, were he was murdered in probably 226 BC.

BMC, Gr Lycia 10; 43; SNG v. AULock, Nr. 4109 f.; Nr. 4270 f.; G.E. Bgan, Kleinasien 4, 1978, 100-103; M.D. Gycax, Untersuchungen zu den lykischen Gemeinwesen in klassischer und hellenistischer Zeit, 2001, 79-81; SH.

J.D. Graincer, A Seleukid Prosopography and Gazetteer, 1997, 35 f. s. v. A. (1); WILL 1, 294-301.

{12a] A. XI. Epiphanes Philadelphos. Son of — Antiochus [1o] VIII and of Cleopatra [II 8] V Selene, one of the last > Seleucids. After the violent death of his older brother + Seleucus [8] VI, he proclaimed himself king in Cilicia in 95 BC together with his brother — Philippus [24] I. Already in the following year, however, he lost his life during an attack on the rival to the throne + Antiochus [12] X in Syria. The two brothers had a series of coins minted on which they were portrayed together. A.R. BELLINGER, The End of the Seleucids, in: Transacti-

ons of the Connecticut Acad. 38, 1949, 51-102; J.D. GRAINGER, A Seleukid Prosopography and Gazetteer,

JAMESON, s. v. A., RE Suppl. 14, 51 f.; JONES, Cities, 44; MacIe, 1378, 1391; M. ZIMMERMANN, Untersuchungen zur historischen Landeskunde Zentrallykiens, 1992, 129-

132, 138-140, 199-211.

[8a] Greek historian from Artemita (east of the + Tigris). In his Parthikd of at least 4 bks., he described,

probably in the mid rst cent. BC [2], the beginning of Parthian [1] rule (> Arsaces [1]) in the Graeco-Parthian east which spread into central Asia, Scythia, Iran, Armenia and India. He was consulted intensively by Strabo and Pompeius [III 3] Trogus [1]; the few fragments (FGrH 779) also contain geographical and botanical information. 1 J.-M. ALONSO-NONEZ, Un historien entre deux cultures:

A. d’Artémita, in: M.-M.Macroux,

JG.

Mélanges P. Lévéque, vol. 2, 1989, 1-6

Antonius [Il 5a] Q. A. Cassianus. Suffect consul not in the year AD 142; if he was mentioned in the Fasti Ostienses he must have held office as early as in 141. W.Eck, P. Weiss, Tusidius Campester, cos. suff. unter Antoninus Pius, und die Fasti Ostienses der J. 141/142 n. Chr., in: ZPE 134, 2001, 251-260.

E.Geny (eds.), 2 V.P. NIKo-

noroy, A. of Artemita and the Date of His Parthica Revisited, in: E.DaBrowaA (ed.), Ancient Iran and the Mediterranean World, 1998, 107-122. H.A.G.

Antipater [7a] Financial procurator of the province of Syria Palestine probably in the late 2nd or early 3rd cent. AD (unpublished inscription from Caesarea Maritima). WE.

H.KA.

Apollodorus

1997, 34, S. v. A. (1); A.HouGHTON, The Double Portrait Coins of Antiochus XI and Philip I, in: SNR 66, 1987,

79-85; WILL 2, 445-448.

ARABIA

Apotheosis see — Dead, cult of the; + Deification; -» Katasterismos; > Ruler cult

Ara of Domitius see > Architectural sculpture Arabia II. ROMAN PROVINCE A. TERRITORY OF THE PROVINCE

MINISTRATION

B. ROMAN

AD-

C. HISTORY BEFORE DIOCLETIAN

D. History AFTER DIOCLETIAN

E. CHRISTIAN-

ITY

[II 8a] Q. A. Granius Erasinus Procurator in the provinces of Baetica and Lusitania (unpublished inscriptions from Corduba; communication by A. U. STYLow). WE.

A. TERRITORY OF THE PROVINCE Following the death of Rabbel II, the kingdom of the + Nabataei was annexed, probably after 22 March,

ARABIA

AD 106, by the governor of Syria, A. > Cornelius [II 38] Palma Frontonianus, to form the core of a new province

1000

999

of A.

(Cass.

Dio

68,14,5;

Amm.

Marc.

14,8,13). Also added to the new province were parts of the — Dekapolis, i.e. Adraha (present-day Dar’a), -» Gerasa (present-day Gara’), Philadelphia (+ Rabbath-Ammon, modern ‘Amman), possibly Dion (near > Pella [2], location not identified), and of the Peraia (the region of > Palaestina beyond the River Jordan (> Iordanes [2])), ie. Esbus (present-day Hisban) and -» Medaba [10.17-54]. B. ROMAN ADMINISTRATION The first known governor of the province of A. was C. > Claudius [II 61] Severus (mentioned on milestones of the via nova Traiana from 111, e.g. ILS 5834, but already posted there from 107: P Mich. 466, on this s. [4; 9.611]). Much indicates that the province of A. was woven into a particularly tight web of Roman legal regulation. A conventus system (— Provincia C.) was introduced, with centres at > Bostra, > Petra [1], Rabbath Moab/Areopolis, possibly also Gerasa and > Philadelphia [3] [5.242f., 558f.]. The provincial governor was generally a senator of praetorian rank. His residence is likely to have been originally at Petra, from the latter years of the reign of Hadrian (d. AD 138) probably at Bostra ([5.238-242, 366], otherwise [9.612]). The procurator resided at Gerasa ([3.55; 5.244, 371], otherwise [9.613]), it having been, from the late rst cent., the residence of an equestrian procurator entrusted with the administration of the Dekapolis and subordinate to the legate of Syria [5.244]. Through the 2nd and 3rd cents., the garrison consisted of one legion (usually the /egio III Cyrenaica [4]) and numerous auxilia ({7; 9.621]. On their bases, s. > Limes VII.). C. HisTORY BEFORE DIOCLETIAN In the absence of literary sources, little is known of the actual history of the province. The construction of the via nova Traiana from the Syrian frontier to the ‘Red Sea’ (> Erythra thalatta [1]) (ILS 5834; cf. > Roads [V.G.]) was important. There may have been unrest even under the Nabataeans in connection with the revolt under > Bar Kochba [zx]. At all events, however, the army of the province of A. took part in its suppression [2.84-86]. The documents (P Yadin [17] and P Hever [18]) of the Jews who fled the province at this time constitute the most important source for its early history. Around 200, and certainly before 225, the frontier between the province of A. and Syria Phoenice was moved north, such that the whole of the Trachonitis (modern al-Lagah), the north of > Batanaea and the northern Auranitis (region around modern Gabal ad-Durtz) were added to the province of A. ({9.616f.], map: [9.1013]). Only for a few cities (cf. [9.643f.]) is anything known: — Petra [1] was granted the title of metropolis under Trajan, and that of colonia under + Elagabalus [2]. Bostra became a colonia under -> Severus [II 2] Alexander and metropolis under — Philip-

pus [II 2] Arabs (evidence in: [5.242]). Bostra had to endure the assault of > Zenobia [2] in AD 270 (IGLS XIII 9107). Sahba (subsequently Philippopolis), the home of — Philippus [II 2] Arabs, was particularly favoured under that emperor [9.980]. The territories of some cities at least seem to have been divided into administrative districts [x9]. There is much undatable evidence of severe internal tensions at Gerasa ([9.652£.]; AE 1996, 1600).

D. HisTORY AFTER DIOCLETIAN The government of Diocletian (— Diocletianus) brought significant diminution to the territory of the province of A. Between AD 295 and 297, perhaps in conjunction with the redeployment of the legio X Fretensis to Aila (> ‘Aqaba), the entire southern part of the

province of A., i.e. the regions south of the Wadi l-Hasa at the south of the Dead Sea, was transferred to the province of Palaestina, and in c. AD 358 it was transformed into the province of Palaestina III. Significant parts of the former Nabataean kingdom, including Petra, hence now no longer belonged to the province of A. This frontier was shifted still farther to the north between 451 and 535: the river Arnon (present-day Wadi |-Muagib) now formed the southern border of the province of A. [10.64-75; 16.16—-18]. From 262, recorded governors are exclusively equestrian. Only in 349/350 is a > vir clarissimus again attested in this position (SEG 7, 1062 = AE 1933, 171). In 348/9 [25.224] and 3 51/2 [26.2194], too, the first dux (and hence the separation of military from civilian supreme authority) is found. This particular regulation, typical of the Diocletianic reforms, was not always observed in A. Again and again, the same office-holder is seen exercising both functions, with the titles of + comes and > dux in the late 4th and early 5th cents, and those of dux and drchon under Justinian I (— Iustinianus [1]) [10.100—120].

The leaders of various bands of increasingly nomadic Arabian tribes acquired crucial importance to the defence of the province from the late 3rd cent. [6.23 5-249; 10.121—203; 12; 13; 143 153 20.138—-147]. There is evi-

dence that these leaders had connections with cities of the province of A.: funerary inscription of a courtier of

Gadimathus = Gadima, king of the Thanueni = Tanah, in Umm al-Gimal [8.433f.]; funerary inscription of Imrw’ al Qais, ‘King of all (?) the Arabs’, in Namara

[8.434f.]; the church complex at Nitil, probably privately owned by a Gassanid dynast of the late 6th cent. Rectal

E. CHRISTIANITY In terms of ecclesiastical organization, the province belonged to the patriarchate of > Antioch [1]. The attempt of bishop Iuvenalis (422-458) to incorporate it in the patriarchate of > Jerusalem [II B], which he had founded, failed at the Council of Chalcedon (451) [21.61f.]. The 18 bishops of A. named at Chalcedon may correspond approximately to the total number of

Ioot

1002

sees founded in Late Antiquity [21.214] and of urban centres in existence at that time (cf. [22.215—218]). The province’s zenith, typical of Late Antiquity and above all demonstrable in church architecture [23; 24], was only emulated in the 20th cent. The first evidence of churches is from the 4th cent. ([26.2252, 2293 a] = [25.736, 670]) and the last from the 8th. ~ ARaBIC-ISLAMIC CULTURAL SPHERE 1H. Cotron, The Bar Kokhba Revolt and the Documents

from the Judaean Desert, in: P.SCHAFER (ed.), The Bar Kokhba Wars Reconsidered (Acts of Conference, Princeton 2001), 2003 2 W.Ecx, The Bar Kokhba Revolt, in: JRS 89, 1999, 76-89 3 P.-L. Gatrer, Gouverneurs et procurateurs a Gerasa, in: Syria 73, 1996, 47-56 4lId., La Legio III Cyrenaica et l’Arabie, in: Y. LEBonec (ed.), Les legions de Rome sous le Haut-empire, 2000, 341-349

ARCHAISM

larly portrayed as old idols, thus incorporating archaisms. The problems of the dating of many works hampers any chronological treatment of archaism. Individual creations present archaistic traits in Attica from 480 BC (the ‘pig sacrifice’ relief, Athens, AM). > Alcamenes [2] created the Hermes Propylaios (Izmir Museum) at Athens around 450 BC, and the Hekate Epipyrgidia (Athens, British School) around 430, both with archaizing hair and costume features. Archaizing tendencies in sculpture can be shown to have increased through the 4th cent., despite the fact that the attribution of almost every piece is disputed. Of convincing date are a fourgod base from Athens (Athens, AM) of 380-370 BC

from the Bar Kokhba Period in the Cave of Letters, 1989

relief with dancers from Samothrace (Samothraki Museum) of c. 340 BC. From the mid 4th cent., documentary and votive reliefs of the Dionysian circle, with nymphs, Charites and Horai, show archaizing figures of a hyper-fastidious daintiness, while in the field of three-dimensional sculpture, statues of Artemis-Hecate and of girls bearing perirrhanteria have characteristics of Late Archaic korai. New workshops appeared in the Hellenistic period, especially from the 2nd cent. BC, with archaistic manufacture. A few divinities, such as — Tyche [1], ~ Athena, — Isis and > Dionysus were portrayed in statue form. There are Artemis-Hecate statues from Rhodes and Cos, and the ‘Dancing-Girls’ from Perga-

18 H.M.

mum. From the late 2nd cent. BC, archaistic idols were

5 R. HAENSCH, Capita provinciarum, 1997

_—-6 B. ISAAC,

The Limits of Empire,*1992 7 D.KENNEDY, The Roman Army in Jordan, 2000 ~—-8 F. Mi1LLar, The Roman Near East,1993 9 M.SarTre, D’Alexandre a Zenobie, 2001 10 Id., Trois études sur |’Arabie romaine et byzantine, 1982

11].Santp, The Newly Discovered Sixth Century

Church Complex at Nitil, Jordan, in: Pré-Actes du XXe Congrés International des Etudes Byzantines, 2001, vol. 3,314 12Id., Rome and the Arabs, 1984 13 Id., Byzantium and the Arabs in the Fourth Century, 1985 14Id., Byzantium and the Arabs in the Fifth Century, 1989 15 Id., Byzantium and the Arabs in the Sixth Century, 1995

16 TIR/IP Cotron,

17N.Lewis, The Documents

A. YARDENI,

Aramaic,

Hebrew

and

Greek Documentary Texts from Nahal Hever and Other Sites, 1997. 19H.Cotron, Administrative Divisions in Arabia, in: W. Eck (ed.), Lokale Autonomie und romische Ordnungsmacht, 1999, 71-73 20G.W. BowERSOCK, Roman Arabia, 1983 21R.DEvREESSE, Le Patriarchat

d’Antioche, 1945

22 M.SartTre, Les Metrokomiai de

Syrie du Sud, in: Syria 76, 1999, 197-222

23 M.PicciRILLo et al., The Mosaics of Jordan, 1993 24 H.-P. KuHNEN, Palastina in griechisch-rémischer Zeit, 1990 =.25 E. Lirrmanw et al. (eds.), Publications of the Princeton University Archaeological Expeditions to Syria, vol. 3A, Greek and Latin Inscriptions: Southern Syria, 1921 26 W.H. WappincTon (ed.), Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie, 1870.

Archaism II. ARCHAEOLOGY The definition and application of this term, which has been transferred by modern scholars from Hellenistic literary criticism (G:@yatoudc/archaismos, &oyaitew/archaizein = ‘to archaize’) to the fine arts, are disputed. Archaism exists where works of art from the Classical period and later (from c. 480 BC) intentionally adopt aspects of the Late Archaic period (2nd half of the 6th cent. BC). Such aspects are especially hair and beard styles, garments (zigzag folds) and motifs of gesture (splayed fingers, motif of the standing figure). These motifs often exaggerate archaic forms or reinvent them. Archaism occurs in > reliefs, more rarely on — statues and in glyptics (+ Gem cutting). It is rare on coins and in vase-painting, but statues of gods are regu-

anda

used as stays for statues. Hellenistic archaism is characterized by confinement to very few details. In the context of the Classicism of the so-called ‘Neo-Attic’ workshops, the late Hellenistic period (from 100 BC) also saw a rise in archaism in reliefs, to which were now added new genres such as decorative reliefs and candelabrum bases. Archaistic antetypes from the 4th-2znd cents. were henceforth tirelessly repeated and eclectically juxtaposed. In the Roman Imperial period until the late 2nd cent. BC, the period of the quantitative zenith in the production of archaistic works, these models continued to be used, including in other relief genres (Campana reliefs, tabulae Iliacae). Archaism in statuary remained rarer in the Imperial period, and confined to a small group. One archaistic Roman creation developed from a kore was + Spes. All these statues are characterized by a scale less than life-size. Ancient archaism should not be called a style, but a mode of portrayal. It is an expression of a recollective mentality, and is linked to particular aspects of religiosity. Archaism conveys an aura of sacrality and venerability. At Rome, archaism played a part in the efforts at religious renewal in the Augustan period. Moreover, refined classical and archaistic formal language was always preferred when the aim was to express aesthetic ultimates. E.Scumipt, Archaistische Kunst in Griechenland und Rom, 1922; W.Fucus, Die Vorbilder der neuattischen Reliefs, 1959, 44-59; E.B. Harrison, Archaic and Ar-

ARCHAISM

1004

1003

chaistic Sculpture (Agora 1x), 1965; D. WILLERS, Zu den Anfangen der archaistischen Plastik in Griechenland, 1975; B. RipGway, The Archaic Style in Greek Sculpture,

1977, 303-322; C.M. Havetock, Archaistic Reliefs of the Hellenistic Period, in: AJA 88, 1984, 43-58; J.J. PoLitt, Art in the Hellenistic Age, 1986, 175-184; M.D. FULLERTON, Archaistic Statuary of the Hellenistic Period, in: MDAI(A) 102, 1987, 259-278; P. ZANKER, Augustus und die Macht der Bilder, 1987, 244-247; M.A. Zacpoun, La sculpture archaisante dans l’art romain du Haut-Empire, 1989; M.D. FuLLerTON, The Archaistic Style in Roman Statuary, 1990; T. BRAHMS, Archaismus. Untersuchungen zu Funktion und Bedeutung archaistischer Kunst in der Klassik und im Hellenismus, 1994; N.HackLANDER, Der archaistische Dionysos. Eine archaologische Untersuchung zur Bedeutung archaistischer Kunst in hellenistischer und romischer Zeit, 1996.

RN.

Aretalogies to the Egyptian deities are attested (composed metrically or (mostly) in prose) between c. 100 BC and AD 300, in inscriptions in sanctuaries of the Egyptian deities, esp. in Greece and Asia Minor (list of Isis aretalogies and related texts: [6.8-11]). There are extracts, subjected to literary reworking, in > Diodorus [18] Siculus (Diod. Sic. 1,27; rst cent. BC) and Apuleius (Apul. Met. 11,5; 2nd cent. AD). The most substantially preserved is the Isis aretalogy of Cyme (rst/2nd cents. AD). The common archetype of the Diodorus passage and the aretalogies of Andros, Cyme, Ios and Thessalonica has been dated to the 3rd/2nd cents. BC (cf. [9.12]). Written in Greek and usually found outside Egypt, the aretalogies to Egyptian deities refer to both Greek and Egyptian mythemes ([3; 9]; cf. — Isis, table, “Epithets of Isis’). Some of the aretalogies (e.g. Cyme, Andros) refer back to a stele text (not archaeologically

Aretalogies. Term of modern scholarship for a group of ancient religious texts. The term (following [xo]) is based on the Greek d&getahoyia/aretalogia, ‘celebration (of the deeds and qualities of a deity)’ (from areté, here ‘(deed of) wonder, miracle, sphere of power’, and légein, ‘to speak’). Sources: LXX Sirach 36,19, c. 180 BC; cf. Str. 17,1,17 (possibly corrupted); pejorative in — Manetho [2], Apotelesmatika 4,447; cf. Latin virtu-

tes narrare: Ter. Ad. 535f. There is no record of the term ‘aretalogy’ as the name of a genre of texts in Antiquity. None of the sources given below refers to itself as an aretalogy or stands explicitly in context with the — aretalégoi. The modern definition of the term and of the text category thereby referred to varies (on the scholarly history: [12.3f.]). According to a narrowly circumscribed definition, it denotes the narrative account of a concrete, miraculous act of a deity, often confirmed by witnesses [7; 8.113*]. The > miracle concerned is often a healing, and the deities are often those with healing functions, such as > Asclepius. An early piece of evidence for this form of aretalogy has been seen in a votive inscription to Athena from the Athenian Acropolis (IG Il? 4326, c. 350 BC; other sources: [7]). According to a broader definition, aretalogies also include those representations of deities that give nonnarrative portrayals of a deity in the form of a catalogue-like list of their characteristic qualities and deeds ([1; 2; 6]). These contain remarks on mythological genealogy, cultic sites and names, on functional spheres and ‘inventions’ (— Protos heuretes, > Origin myths and theories on the origin of culture), and can either be composed as a> hymn in the 2nd or 3rd pers. sing. (e.g. [5; 6]) or as an epiphanic utterance of the deity in the rst pers. sing. (e.g. in the dream of Lucilius in Apul. Met. 11,5; > Epiphany). Aretalogies are used in this sense esp. in reference to the so-called ‘Egyptian’ deities (esp. + Isis, also — Serapis, Osiris, Harpocrates, Anubis). The more broadly the definition is drawn and the more texts are included in the genre, the more indistinct the delineation from other forms of ancient hymns becomes (cf. > Hymn).

substantiated) from Memphis. The first person form has parallels in ancient Egyptian literature (examples: [x.427]). The controversy among scholars, triggered by this finding, as to whether the aretalogies should be located within the literary and religious tradition of Greece or Egypt, remained unresolved (summary of discussion: [6.12-14; 13.42-44]). It seems more fruitful to interpret the inscriptions within the contexts of their respective fields of action. — Hymn; — Isis 1J.AssMANN,

s.v. Aretalogien, LA 1, 1975, 425-434

2 R. BAUMGARTEN, Heiliges Wort und Heilige Schrift bei den Griechen, 1998, 196-218 3 J.BERGMAN, Ich bin Isis, 1968 (bibl.) | 4 F.DUNAND, Isis: Mére des Dieux, 2000, 78f. 5 H.ENGELMANN, The Delian Aretalogy of Sarapis,1975 6 Y.GRANDJEAN, Une nouvelle arétalogie d’'Isis 4 Maronée, 1975 (bibl.) 7 V.LoNGo, Aretalogie nel mondo greco, 1969 8 R. MERKELBACH, Isis Regina — Zeus Sarapis, 1995, 113-119 9D.MULLER, Agypten und die griechischen Isis-Aretalogien, 1961 10S.REINACH, Les arétalogues dans |’antiquité, in: BCH 9, 1885, 257-265 11B.RossiGNouyt, Le aretalogie, in: Patavium 9,1997, 65-92 12 M.Smiru, Prolegomena to a Discussion of Aretalogies, in: Id., Studies in the Cult of Yahweh, vol. 2, 1996, 3-27 13 H.VERSNEL, Ter unus, 1990, 3952 (bibl.). MHAA.

Ariarathes (Aguied0n¢/Ariarathés). Name of kings of + Cappadocia. [1] A.I A. I, b. 405/4 BC, became satrap of Northern Cappadocia under > Artaxerxes [3] III, and retained the position under the latter’s successors and during the Macedonian conquest (v. + Alexander [4] the Great). In 322 BC, he was defeated by > Perdiccas [4], who had him executed. [2] A. Son of + Orophernes [1], nephew and adoptive son of A. [1], defeated the Seleucid strategos Amyntas around 280BC [1.93 f.] with the assistance of ~ Orontes [4] III of Armenia, thus founding the dynasty of his line in Southern Cappadocia. 1 M.Scuorrky, Media Atropatene und Gross-Armenien in hellenistischer Zeit, 1989.

1005

1006

[3] A. Hl. Grandson of A. [2] II, made co-regent around 255 BC by his father, Ariaramnes, and the first of his line to bear the title of king. His marriage to > Stratonice [5] forged good contacts with the Seleucids. A. died around 220 BC. [4] A. IV Eusebes. Son of A. [3] III, king of Cappadocia c. 220-163 BC, married to + Antiochis [4] (see vol. 15 addenda), daughter of + Antiochos [5] III Megas. The decline of the power of the Seleucids following the battle of + Magnesia [1] in 190 caused A. to switch to the Roman-Pergamene cause. His daughter, + Stratonice [6] was married to two ruling Attalids in succession. This association endured through the Pontic War (182179 BC), during which A. fought with his son-in-law ~> Eumenes [3] II] against + Pharnaces [1] I. A.’s family relationships raised eyebrows. His elder sons A. [5] and > Orophernes [2] were subsequently said to have been foisted upon him by the queen. [5] A. V Eusebes Philopator (orig. name Mithridates), son of A. [4] IV and > Antiochis [4]. Shortly after taking the throne (c. 163 BC), he rejected the proposal of ~ Artaxias [1] I to partition Sophene between Armenia and Cappadocia, and proclaimed > Mithrobuzanes, who was under his protection, as the king of that region. His reign also saw the vain attempt of Ptolemy (— Ptolemaeus [56]) of Commagene to acquire the Cappadocian city of Melitene. His ties to Rome caused A. to reject marriage to a sister of the Seleucid > Demetrius [7] I. Demetrius then turned his favour towards A.’s brother

(?) + Orophernes

[2], who

then from

157/6 ruled as co-king in Cappadocia (with Roman approval), but was soon driven out. A. remained a loyal ally of Rome, participating in the overthrow of Demetrius in 150 BC. He fell fighting on the Roman side in 130 in the war against — Aristonicus [4]. As thanks,

A.’s successor received Lycaonia from the Attalid bequest. [6] A. VI Epiphanes Philopator. Son of A. [5] V. Tensions with Pontus were at first successfully allayed by a marriage of A. to > Laodice [II 16], the sister of + Mithridates [6] VI. However, in 116 or 111 BC, Mithri-

dates had A. murdered by his supporter, the Cappadocian — Gordius [2]. [7] A. VII Philometor. Son of A. [6] VI and + Laodice [Il 16], who was at first his guardian. When the dowager married > Nicomedes [5] III of Bithynia, her brother — Mithridates [6] VI intervened, driving out the Bithynian troops and securing de facto power for his nephew. However, A. refused to countenance the return of > Gordius [2], and sought to offer military resistance to a consequently threatening advance by his uncle. Mithridates therefore invited A. to a parley, at which he murdered him with his own hands (c. roo BC). [8] A. VIII Son of A. [6] VI, younger brother of A. [7] VII. The Cappadocian nobility attempted to throw off Pontic rule by a revolt in his name. The rising failed around 96 BC. A. died in exile.

ARMAMENT

[9] A. (IX) Eusebes Philopator A son of + Mithridates [6] VI, whom the latter tried several times to make king of Cappadocia between c. 100 and 88 BC, failing on each occasion. A. served his father as a military commander, and d. around 86 BC during a campaign in Thessaly. [10] A. EX (X) Eusebes Philadelphos. Son of — Ariobarzanes [4] II, brother of + Ariobarzanes [5] III. In 51 BC, during Cicero’s governorship of Cilicia, and in 47 and 45 under Caesar, he played a shadowy role as a pretender to the Cappadocian throne. The annihilation of his brother by Cassius in 42 BC brought A. the undisputed succession. However, from 41, he had to fend off the claims of + Archelaus [7] Sisines, a protégé of Mark Antony’s (+ Antonius [I 9]). Only in 36 BC did the triumvir resolve this conflict, by expelling (and probably eliminating) A. B. Nes, s. v. A. (1-10), RE 2, 815-821; H.H. Scumitt,

s. v. Kappadokien, KWdH, *1993, 329-332; R.D. SULLIvan, The Dynasty of Cappadocia, in: ANRW II 7.2, 1980, 1125-1168, esp. 1127-1136; 1147-1149; M. WEISKOPF,

s. v. Cappadocia, Enclr 4, 780-786, esp. 782 f. | M.SCH.

Aristeia (Gu.oteia/aristeia from douoteveww/aristeviein, ‘to be the best, to excel, to stand out’), the literary glorification in Greek epic of a hero’s outstanding performance in battle; as a typical scene, one of the main forms of Homeric narrative art (+ Homerus [1]). The narrative runs through the following typical phases: A scene in which the hero arms himself is followed by his first success in battle. In his further advance, he endangers himself but is saved through divine intervention. If the hero is not forced to abandon the fight due to an injury (> Agamemnon: Hom. Il. 11,1-283), the aristeia

culminates in his death (> Patroclus [1]: ibid. 16,130867) or in a single combat (+ Diomedes [1]: bk. 5; + Achilleus [1]: 19,368-424; 20,75-22,372; —> Hector:

11,284-16,863; — Ajax [1]: 7,206-3 12). Post-Ho-

meric examples: — Heracles [1] (Hes. Sc. 122-425),

+ Nisus [2] and

Euryalus [4] (Verg. Aen. 9,176-458).

1 T.KriscHER, Formale Konventionen der homerischen Epik (Zetemata 56), 1971, 13-89 2 M.MuUttER, Athene als géttliche Helferin in der Odyssee: Untersuchungen zur Form der epischen Aristeia, 1966 3 R.SCHROTER, Die Aristeia als Grundform homerischer Dichtung und der

Freiermord in der Odyssee, 1950. Armament I. GREECE

II]. ROME

I. GREECE The main literary source for the armaments of Greek armies of the Geometric period is the ‘Iliad’, and the main archaeological sources are weapon finds and vase depictions mostly from grave goods. These genres of source materials cannot always be demonstrated to be consonant, as Homer has some of his heroes use weaponry from the Mycenaean period, and these are no longer archaeologically attested (e.g. boar’s tooth hel-

ARMAMENT

1007

met, Il. 10,261-265; long or ‘tower’ shield, Il. 7,219223; chariots, which are often depicted on Geometric vases and often occur in Homer, but serve almost exclusively as means of transport for his heroes, were no longer used on the battlefield after the Mycenaean period). The attack weapons of the Geometric period were lances with iron tips and wooden shafts, of which the warrior could carry several for throwing and thrusting, and swords of various kinds with iron blades and grips of a lighter metal. Defensive weapons were primarily a small round shield of perishable material such as wood or leather, with a bronze boss in the centre. A strap allowed it to be carried on the back. The so-called dipylon shield often found on illustrations, with its characteristic concavities to either side, seems never to have been used in reality, but, according to SNODGRASS [8], may have represented an iconographic recollection of the Mycenaean figure-of-eight shield. Fighting was done on foot. Horses were available only to aristocratic warriors, who used them to travel to the battlefield. During the Archaic period, the gradual shift to the closed hoplite phalanx took place. By the mid 7th cent., this was the normal battle formation for many Greek cities, and it was largely standardized in equipment and tactics. The typical armament of the hoplites, which, thanks to literature and weapon offerings, we know well, consisted of the éxAov (hdplon), the large, mostly slighty convex round shield, made of wood and reinforced with bronze. It was fitted with a shield loop (nOQmaé, porpax) on the inside, and on its right edge with a handle (&vwia, antilabe), making it more easily directable and enabling the warrior to counter a blow, slash or stab with the power of the whole arm. The hoplon also had to cover the neighbour to the left in the battle rank, and also served as a thrusting weapon at the first collision of the phalanxes. It was not for nothing, then, that the shield was regarded as the symbol of the bravery of a hoplite. Accordingly, its loss was correspondingly shaming (Lys. 10,1; 10,21-23). The hoplite also defended himself with greaves, chest armour and helmets. Among the last of these, the Corinthian helmet was at first the most widespread. It was made from a single piece of bronze and had nose, cheek and neck protection as well as a round crown (it also had a plume). In the 6th and sth cents., its place was taken by lighter helmets, such as the Chalcidean, with cut-out sections for the ears and a larger opening for the face, and the Attic, characterized by a high crown, forehead brim and often prominent cheek flaps. The hoplite’s most important attack weapon was the thrusting-lance, taller than a man. Ash was preferred for the shaft, while bronze was again used alongside iron in the 6th and 5th cents. for the tip, which was narrow and phylliform. Alongside it, swords were used for attack, at first short, double-edged and iron, then in the sth cent. also bronze, single-edged and slightly curved. Hoplite equipment did not change significantly in the 5th cent. The gradual replacement of the usual

1008

bronze thorax by flax linothorax or muscle armour shows the effort to make the hoplite lighter. This tendency continued into the 4th cent., by which time the armour was often replaced by a fabric doublet (Xen. An. 3,3,20; 4,1,18) and greaves were seldom used. Hoplites remained the most important type of unit of most Greek poleis into the era of Alexander, but from the Peloponnesian War in particular, they came to be supported, depending on terrain and course of battle, by cavalry or light infantry, archers (often from Crete) and peltastai, whose protective weaponry was reduced to a minimum, making them much more manoeuvrable than the hoplites. Already under Philip II and Alexander, the core of the Macedonian — phalanx, the pez-

hetairoi, were armed with the long sarissa, which was carried in both hands. Because of its weight, the shield had to be made smaller, and the sword became a light stabbing weapon. Macedonian soldiers seem no longer to have worn any chest armour, a custom which, how-

ever, was not adopted by Seleucid or Aegean armies, because their opponents generally fought with effective long-distance weapons. The importance of cavalry grew, and they were equipped with the Boeotian helmet (characterized by an open face and a large brim), two spears and enhanced protective weaponry. The Macedonian phalanx remained the most important unit of Hellenistic armies, and was reinforced by the adoption of local types and weaponry, such as the war elephants deployed by the Seleucids until 162. ~ Military technology and engineering 1 B. Bar-Kocuva, The Seleucid Army, 1976 2P.Bo1, Argivische Schilde, 1989 3H.-G.BUCHHOIz, J. WIESNER (eds.), Archaeologia Homerica, E: Kriegswesen, 1, 1977; 2,1980 4P.DucrRey, Guerre et guerriers dans la

Gréce antique, 1985 5 P.GREENHALGH, Early Greek Warfare, 1973 6 V.Hanson (ed.), Hoplites, 1991 7 H.PrLuc, Schutz und Zier, 1989 8 A.SNODGRASS, Arms and Armour of the Greeks, 1967. LB.

Il. ROME The weapons of Roman soldiers can be subdivided into several categories: 1. collective (artillery and naval) or individual weapons, 2. defensive or offensive weapons. Weapons of attack or defence are distinguished according to their function, depending on whether they were meant for the defence of the warrior or the destruction of the enemy. Defensive armament comprised the helmet (cassis, galea), armour (lorica), shield (scutum, clipeus, parma) and greaves (ocrea). At first,

the attack weapons were hand weapons: dagger (pugio), short sword (gladius) and long sword (spatha), lance (hasta, lancea) and throwing-spear (also hasta, pilum). Slings and projectiles (funda and glandes) and bows and arrows (arcus and sagittae) must also be mentioned. The use of these weapons, which were normal components of military equipment, has recently been the subject of intensive research. New critical readings of the most important texts (Pol. 6, 19-42; Jos. Bl. 3,70109; Amm. Marc.; Veg. Mil. 1,20; 2,15) have been

1009

1010

made possible by studies of the pictorial evidence (Trajan’s Column, funerary reliefs, to be interpreted with caution) and by numerous finds, which must, however, be dated. The composition of equipment and weaponry varied according to economic, social and esp. military conditions. It was also adapted according to tactics. These in turn were connected with the enemy to be countered, whose achievements Rome was ina position to imitate. Equipment varied according to rank (officer or soldier) and to type of military unit (infantry or cavalry, heavy or light armament, elite unit or regular

gladius and pilum. They fought with a short sword (approx. 75 cm) which was first used in Spain during the 2nd Punic War and was suited to cutting and thrusting. The pilum, a fearsome throwing-weapon with an iron tip, of Italian, probably Samnite origin, consisted of a 60-cm-long iron tip and a wooden shaft 1.4 m long.

troops). A. EARLY PERIOD B. MIDDLE REPUBLIC C. PRINCIPATE D. LATE EMPIRE

2nd cent. BC), this equipment had been expanded with a small round shield (parma), which replaced the clipeus, a mail shirt and a sword (6,25).

A. EARLY PERIOD The armament of the earliest period remains largely unknown. One thing is certain: the individual heroic deed, and man-to-man combat played an important role. The first wars against the Italians brought no major changes. Roman soldiers had to pay for their own equipment, including the round or long shield (clipeus, scutum), the sword and the lance (hasta).

C. PRINCIPATE The armament of the Principate had to adapt to two new circumstances. On the one hand, the army was now that of the > princeps, and its most important deployed species of troops was always the heavy infantry of the legions (approx. 125,000 men), reinforced by

B. MIDDLE REPUBLIC The description of the Roman army in Polybius means that Roman weapons of the period from the 2nd

fleet. On the other hand, Rome now faced new enemies.

ARMAMENT

The soldiers of the third battle line, the triarii, also car-

ried a sword, but instead of the pilum they had a longer, heavier hasta. The cavalry long followed the Greek example, equipping themselves with a helmet and lance (cassis, hasta). At the time of Polybius (2nd half of the

the less strong auxilia-cohortes (infantry) and alae (cavalry) (together making another 125,000 men). There

were also the soldiers of the garrison at Rome and of the

Punic War (218-201 BC) are better known. The Roman

soldiers of this period fought in small units or maniples (— manipulus), which consisted of two centuries. Each individual soldier had a space at his disposal of 1.2 m’, enabling the units to be very manoeuvrable in hilly terrain — however, they were at a disadvantage on a plain. Beside the Roman soldiers fought the allies or + socii, who either carried the same weapons or fought according to their own traditions. The lightly-armed soldiers (velites; cf. Pol. 6,22) preceded the Roman battle formation. From a certain time, these infantry troops hada round shield, the parma, and a throwing-weapon, the iaculum. Towards the end of the Republic, slingers were recruited from the Balearic Islands and archers from Crete. The heavy infantry of the legions were not excessively burdened with equipment and weaponry. Their primary protection was a helmet. The upper body was protected by armour, of which the oldest model consisted of two thin metal plates linked by cords. This first appeared among the Samnites and probably originated in Greece. Scale armour probably came from the same source: it was a leather vest on to which small metal pieces were sewn. The soldiers also protected themselves with a large shield. The archaic round shape was replaced by an oval. The round, central boss (umbo) was replaced by an elongated spina. The greaves, previously confined to wealthy foot soldiers and centurions, finally disappeared. The choice of attack weapon depended on the location of the soldier within the battle formation. The men of the first two rows, the hastati and the principes, used the famed combination of sword and throwing-spear,

The > Parthians had shown their destructive power when they annihilated the army of Crassus at Carrhae in 53 BC. Their main strength lay in their cavalry, consisting of units of mounted archers and armoured horsemen. The Germans, who by contrast deployed only light troops on foot or mounted, brought Augustus the painful defeat in the Teutoburg Forest in AD 9. Much evidence points to important developments in Roman armament. Josephus (Bl. 3,70-109) describes the Roman army during the First Jewish-Roman War which began in AD 66. The armoury found at Corbridge in Britannia dates from the late rst cent., and Trajan’s Column depicts the conquest of Dacia between AD rox and 106. Numerous excavations allow the description of armament of the 2nd and 3rd cents. until the fall of Dura-Europus, a Roman garrison on the upper Euphrates which was taken by the Sassanids in 256. Infantry were once more equipped with greaves, and always used helmets. Two types of helmets are distinguished according to the most important find sites: the Haguenau type, made of bronze, and the Weisenau type, made of iron, with neck protection and cheek pieces. The armour used in the Republic remained in use. The lorica segmentata was added to it. It consisted of 14-16 metal plates, and was capable of withstanding the blows of the Parthians. The same reason lay behind the emergence of a new, precisely rectangular, semicylindrical shield for the legionary soldiers, while the auxilia had an oval one. The attack weapons were a 35-cm dagger and the sword. Archaeology cannot confirm the distinction made by Tacitus (Ann. 12,35,3) between the short sword of the legionary soldiers (gladius) and the long sword of the auxilia (spatha). Early in the 3rd cent., the spatha was

ARMAMENT

IOIL

between 75 with cheek shield, had spears (Jos.

and 90 cm long. The cavalry wore a helmet pieces, protected themselves behind a long a long sword, a lance and three throwingBl. 3,96-97).

D. LATE EMPIRE After the crisis of the 3rd cent., a new army was formed, which was larger than before, and which obtained its weapons from the great complexes of imperial factories, the fabricae. Although Vegetius asserts that equipment and helmets were no longer worn after the reign of Gratian (+ Gratianus [2]) out of slackness, and that the infantry therefore fought unprotected (Mil.1,20), a general decline of standards in the military is today no longer regarded as credible. Archaeological and literary sources all attest to some improvements in armament (on cavalry cf. e.g. Veg. Mil.1,20). Among

the defensive weapons, various helmets are mentioned, which were no longer made from a single piece, but were assembled. The shield (scutum) was larger and oval, virtually circular. The armour (lorica) may have been used less than in the Principate. The mail shirt was still in use, and the armoured clibanarii emerged. As for attack weapons, there is archaeological evidence for lances and throwing-spears. The long sword (spatha) measured 70 to 90 cm. The bow was by this time only rarely deployed in military contexts. Rome’s supremacy in the field of armament goes a long way towards explaining its military successes. 1 F. Beck, H.CHEew, Masques de fer, 1991.

2 M.C.

BisHop, J.C. N. COULSTON, Roman Military Equipment, 1993. 3 G.Brizzi, L’armamento legionario dall’eta giulio-claudia e le guerre partiche, Critica Storica 18, 2, 1981, 177-201. 4 M.FrEuGERE, Casques antiques, 1994. 5 M.FruGERE, Les armes des Romains, 1993. 6 J. Krier und F. Reinert, Das Reitergrab von Hellingen, 1993. 7 Y.LEBOHEC,*1990 8 1d., Histoire militaire

des guerres puniques, 1995. 9 H.RussELL ROBINSON, The Armour of Imperial Rome, 1975. Y.LB.

Ioi2z

larly in Roman antiquaries) is fragmentary (collection of sources: [8]; attempt at reconstruction: [3]). The longest fragment of a ritual of augury in Classical Antiquity is contained in the Umbrian > Tabulae Iguvinae (2nd/rst cent. BC; text: 3rd cent. BC: [7. 33 f.]; comm.: [6. 609-613, 742-748, 757]). There have been archaeological attempts at identifying augury sites, known as auguracula, in Rome, Cosa, > Bantia and ~ Marzabotto (> Templum with bib.). There are no confirmed pictorial representations of augury from ancient Greece and Italy; for a discussion of a scene in the Etruscan Tomba Frangois (which shows the occupant of the tomb, Vel Saties, a smaller figure and a bird) cf. most recently [2; ro]. The richly differentiated terminology of augury in Hittite [x1; 1] demonstrates the multitude of conceivable signs. The question of whether, in analogy to hepatoscopy (> Haruspices C, with ill.), a tradition of techniques and terms of augury in the ancient Near East (for augury there cf. [4]) found its way to the West and then by way of the Etrusca Disciplina into Roman religion, requires investigation. Augures; Divination (VII, with ill.); — Lituus; + Templum (with ill.) 1 A.ArcHI, L’ornitomanzia

119-180

ittita, in: SMEA

16, 1975,

2M.Lesxy, Zum Gewand des Vel Saties in der

Tomba Francois, in: L. AIGNER-FoRESTI (ed.), Die Integra-

tion der Etrusker und das Weiterwirken etruskischen Kulturgutes im republikanischen und kaiserzeitlichen Rom, 1998, 177-185 3 A.MacpELain, L’auguraculum de Parx a Rome et dans autres villes, in: REL 47, 1969, 253269 4G.McEwan, A Seleucid Augural Request, in: ZA 70, 1980, 58-69

SPFIFFIG

6PROSDOCIMI

7H.RIx,

Descrizioni di rituali in Etrusco e in Italico, in: A. QuaTTORDIO MorescuinI (ed.), L’Etrusco e le lingue dell’Italia antica, 1985, 21-37 8 Roman Augury and Etruscan Divination, 1975 9 C.O. THULIN, Die etruskische Disciplin, vo. 3, 1909 (repr. 1968) 10 C. WeBeR-LEHMANN,

Die Auspizien des Vel Saties, in: R. F. Docrer (ed.), Classical Archaeology Towards the Third Millennium (Proc.

Amsterdam 1998), 1999, 449-453

11A.UNaL, Zum

Att criticism see > Art, theory of

Status der ‘Augures’ bei den Hethitern, in: RHA 31, 1973,

Art, theft of; Art collections see > Art, interest in

P. CATALANO, Contributi allo studio del diritto augurale,

27-56.

1960; J. LINDERSKI, The Augural Law, in: ANRW II 16.3,

Art, trade in see > Art, interest in

Augury (devopuavteia/ornithomanteia ‘bird divination’ or deviWooxomio/ornithoskopia ‘bird watching’, also dégvOsio/ornitheia

‘bird (art)’; Latin auspicium ‘bird watching’, augurium; cf. Augures; cf. Umbrian aves anzeriaom). Method of divination; the interpretation results from the configuration of visual and aural signs (bird species, motion [in flight]; bird noises) and from its arrangement into a space defined by boundaries and divided into meaningful sections (Latin > templum; + Limitation [I], > Pars antica, postica).

The tradition of the theory of augury in Italy, mediated in part by writers on Etrusca Disciplina ([9. 105115; 5. 150-152];

Umbricius), in literature (particu-

1986, 2146-2312; A.GIOVANNINI, Les livres auguraux,

in: La memoire perdue. Recherches sur l’administration romaine, 1998, 103-122.

Aurelius [Sb] T.A.Calpurnianus

M.HAA.

Apollonides equestrian procurator, at first for the census of Gallia Aquitania, then financial procurator in Moesia inferior, documented in AD 174 (SEG 45, 1995, 985); after that, procurator Thraciae, procurator ducenarius Dalmatiae (et Histriae), procurator ducenarius for the + Idios légos; died at the age of 5 5. He was married to Aurelia Paulina (SEG 45, 1995, 985: Honourary decree of the city of Chersonesus for the married couple). PIR? A 1471.

1013

Io14

PFLAUM 2, 715

ff.; see the review by F. Mizar, in: JRS

53, 1963, 198. {11 32a] A. Victor. Equestrian procurator ad Mercuwe. rium in Alexandria [1] in AD 199 (BGUI 106).

Banishment. In Graeco-Roman Antiquity banishment largely replaced the + death penalty for members of the upper class, but also existed as an independent — punishment, as in the Attic + ostrakismos. For details for Greece, particularly Athens, see + phyge, > aeiphygia, — apeniautismos, for Rome see > exilium, GS ~ deportatio, > relegatio. Bisseni (Latin Bisseni, Greek MattwwéxaPatzindkai). Turkic-speaking group of tribes, first mentioned in AD 834, to the north of the Caspian Sea. After the collapse of the kingdom of the > Chazars in 969 they were driven by the Oghuz Turks across the Volga into the Pontic steppes and in 971 they were defeated by the Byzantines and the Kievan Rus. The B. fled from the Rus to Bulgaria in 1036 and fought bitter battles (including in alliance with the Oghuz) with Byzantium (in rogi and 1122) and with the > Cumani, who were encroaching from the steppes. In 1171 they were defeated by the Byzantines and disappeared from history. H. Namik, Die Petschenegen, 1933.

H.SCHO.

BULL CULTS

Bog bodies. Term for bodies or body parts of dead humans found in bogs, which ended up there for various, usually unclear reasons (e.g. sacrifice, punishment, burial, accident, battle). Most of the several hundred cases are from the bogs of northern Germany, Denmark and the Netherlands and date — in as far as can be determined (by carbon dating, pollen analysis) — predominantly to the later Iron Age (from c. 500 BC) and the Roman Imperial period of the centuries around the birth of Christ. Because of the mostly well-preserved state of the organic substances BB are an important source for -» Germanic Archaeology, permitting glimpses of appearance (hairstyle, clothing, physiognomy etc.), nutrition, state of health and hygiene, etc. Occasionally, a noose, a weighting stone, a wooden stake, etc. is present, implying a violent killing, whether a sacrifice (+ Human sacrifice), or a punishment. Germanic

BB are usually youthful or adult men and even women; the very young or elderly are hardly ever found. ~» Germani, Germania A. Dueck, Die europaischen Moorleichenfunde (Hominidenmoorfunde), 1965; P.V.GLos, Die Schlafer im Moor, 1966; W.VAN DER SANDEN, C14-Datierungen von Moorleichen aus Niedersachsen und Schleswig-Holstein, in: Die

Kunde 46, 1995, 137-155.

VP.

Bull cults I. MEsorpoTaMia

II. EGypt

Black-glaze ware. Modern term for a genre of Greek fine > pottery, particularly of the Late Classical and Hellenistic periods. Sintering of iron-containing clay slip in a reducing fire yielded a glossy black result (+ Pottery, production of). BGW was made either by turning on a wheel or by moulding. The top coat was applied with a brush on a turning — potter’s wheel or was obtained by dipping in elutriated slip. BGW could also be decorated with white, red and gold painting. Repeating stamped patterns (~ Stamped ware) and reliefed sides (> Relief ware) were also common. From

the 5th cent. BC, BGW drove Red Figure pottery (— Red Figure vase painting) from the Mediterranean market within a century. In the Hellenistic period numerous workshops, now including non-Greek ones, were active, whose production was mostly but not exclusively for a local or regional market. BGW is increasingly used as a source of information on eating customs and the forms of contact between regions and cultural areas. ~» Pottery trade J.W. Hayes, Fine Wares in the Hellenistic World, in: T. RASMUSSEN, N. Spivey (eds.), Looking at Greek Vases, 1991,

183-202; J.P. MoreL,

Les formes,

1981;

Céramique campanienne:

S.I. RotrorF,

Hellenistic

Pottery.

Athenian and Imported Wheelmade Tableware and Related Material (Agora 29), 1997; B.A. Sparkes, L. TALcorr, Black and Plain Pottery of the 6th, sth and 4th Centuries B. C. (Agora 12), 1970.

R.D.

I. MESOPOTAMIA

In historical times, bull cults were of no significance in the religions of Mesopotamia which were mainly anthropomorphic in character. > Enlil was metaphorically referred to as a bull, and the roaring of the weather god + Hadad compared to the bellowing of a bull. The fact that bulls (and other animals) served as pedestals for the statues of gods (in Syria-Palestine and Hittite Anatolia) is no argument for an actual bull cult. The ‘golden calves’ in Ex 32 and 1 Kg 12,28-32 are also interpreted as pedestals for the invisible + Yahweh. JRE. II. Ecypr The veneration of sacred bulls was particularly prevalent amongst Egyptian animal cults [3; 5]. Sacred bulls were considered the ‘soul’ (b3) or ‘herald’ (whm) of

certain gods. The most important of these were -» Apis [1] in -» Memphis (> Phthas), Mnevis in Heliopolis [1] (+ Re) and Buchis in Armant (Month). Each one of these bulls was distinguished by certain physical features (e.g. the colour of its coat). For that reason, great care had to be taken in slaughtering that none of the animals were in fact sacred. This duty was in the hands of the Moschosphragist (‘calf stamper’, BGU I 250), who also checked on the health of animals destined for slaughter. A bull that identified as sacred was enthroned and kept in the temple enclosure. Killing such an animal was seen as sacrilege — the killing of an Apis was often cited as proof for the alleged godlessness of - Cambyses [2]

BULL CULTS

IO16

IOIS

Il.. After their deaths, bulls were often interred in their own grave complexes [1; 6; 7]. Not only the bulls themselves were considered sacred, but also their mothers. In addition, each sacred bull had its own herd as a ‘harem’. The calves born to these herds were also subject to certain restrictions, e.g. when being sold [z. 74, Z. 1-7]. As sacred animals were living deities, they were particularly suited for pronouncing ~ oracles. — Cattle; > Religion 1 J. Borssneck et al., Die Miinchner Ochsenmumie, 1987 2 A.H. GarpiInerR, Ramesside Administrative Documents, 1948 3D.KessuEr, Die heiligen Tiere und der

Konig, 1989 4R.Monp, O.Myers, The Bucheum, 1934 5E.Orro, Beitrage zur Geschichte der Stierkulte in Agypten, 1938 6 J. QuAcK, Beitrage zum Verstandnis des Apisrituals, in: Enchoria 24, 1997/8, 43-53 7R.L. Vos, The Apis Embalming Ritual, 1993. Av.L.

Cane, club, stick. These objects (Baxteov/baktron, unovxeiow/kerykeion, 6Bdoc/rhdbdos, oxinteov/ sképtron; Lat. baculum, caduceus, — lituus [1], ~ rudis, stimulus) could be straight, with a curvature at the top end, knotty, angled or smooth and could vary in thickness and length. They were carved from hard wood (e.g. olive or myrtle) and might be left plain or decorated with gold embellishments (Ath. 12,543 f.) or reinforced with iron (Theoc. Epigr. 17,31). They were used by old people (old men, teachers) and the sick, who consecrated them in gratitude for healing (Anth. Pal. 6,203; 9,298), or as a support when tired (cf. Paus. 10,30,3). Hence, the stick was an attribute of the blind (— Teiresias), beggars (> Odysseus), wanderers (e.g. Plin. HN 15,37) and herdsmen. Small sticks were used by children as toys for juggling, and by teachers to punish pupils (Anth. Pal. 6,294). Adults, too, threatened one another with sticks (Diog. Laert. 6,21), and they sometimes served as a killing weapon (Pind. Ol. 7,50; Diod. Sic. 15,57,8 ff.). They were also used as walking sticks to provide stabler passage on uncertain terrain (Str. 11,14,4: Baxtyeia/baktéria; Ath. 2,43e). They were also carried by > Asclepius (e.g. Apul. Met. 1,4) and physicians (Anth. Pal. 11,124), symbolizing the peripatetic nature of their work. For this reason too they appeared in the hands of Cynics and other philoso-

1 V.Karaceorcuis, Ancient Art from Cyprus. The Cesnola Collection in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2000, 95 Nr. 84.

W.HornsosteL, (Karyx) Damasios Daigyleinos. Zu einem neu bekanntgewordenen Herold-S., in: Jb. der Hamburger

Kunstslg.

11/12, 1992/3, 7-16; M.Hatm-

TIssERANT, G.SIEBERT, s. v. Kerykeion, LIMC Bd. 8, 1997, 728-730 (with lit.); H. ScHuLzE, Ammen und Pad-

agogen. Sklavinnen und Sklaven als Erzieher in der anti- ken Kunst und Gesellschaft, 1998, 24 f.,70f.,75f RH.

Cantharus (Kdv@aooc; Kantharos. Cp. > Kantharos) [2] The main harbour of > Piraeus (Plut. Phocion 28,3; Aristoph. Pax 145 with schol.; Hesch. s.v. KavOagoc; Anecd. Bekk. 1,271,8), otherwise referred to simply as mégas or mégistos limen (‘large’ or ‘largest harbour’; Plut. Themistocles 32,4; Paus. 1,1,2; IG II? 1035,45f.) [x. 61rf.; 2. 9], modern Kentrikos limen. Named after an otherwise unknown heros [1] C. (Philochorus, FGrH 328 F 203) or after the pottery shape > Kantharos [1] (cf. [3]). Moles narrowed the entry into the C. which, as limen kleistos (‘closed harbour’; Schol. Aristoph. Pax 145) was located within the fortifications of Piraeus [x. 6rf.]. 1K.V. von EIcKsTEDT, Beitrage zur. Topographie des antiken Piraus, 1991 2R.GARLAND, The Piraeus from the Fifth to the First Cent. BC, 1987 3 W.JUDEICH, Topographie von Athen, *1931, 443ff. H.LO.

[3] The name C. was read by [3] next to a giant on the Siphnian Frieze in Delphi. However, the more recent reading Tharus (OdQ(e)os ‘courage’, ‘audacity’) appears to be more plausible [1; 2]. 1 V.BRINKMANN, Namensbeischriften an Friesen des Siphnierschatzhauses, in: BCH 109, 1985, 92; 128-130 2 Id., Die Friese des Siphnierschatzhauses, 1994, 161-162 3 E.Mastroxostas, Zu den Namensbeischriften des Siphnier-Frieses, in: MDAI(A) 71, 1956, 77ff. 4 F. VIAN, s.v. Kantharos, LIMC 5.1., 952.

RA.MI.

kerykeion; Latin caduceus) is the attribute of the divine

[4] Poet of the Attic Old Comedy whose active period was the late 5th cent. BC [x1]. If his name was correctly supplemented on the corresponding inscriptions, he was victorious at least once in the Great Dionysia (422 BC) [and test. *2; *3]. Of his cevre, the Suda mentions the title of five plays (MSeva ‘Medea’, Tngets ‘Tereus’, Zuppayial/Symmachiai ‘Alliances’, Mubguynxec/Myrmékes ‘The Ants’, “Anddvec/Aédénes ‘The Nightingales’) which have been lost except for sparse fragments

messengers, + Hermes

[2].

phers (Lucian, Dial. mort. 11,3). They were also insi-

gnia of dignitaries, priests, judges, kings (skeptron) and heralds (Thuc. 1,53, cf. Hdt. 9,100; > Keryx). The cane topped with an open-ended figure-of-eight (xnowxevov/ (Lat. > Mercurius) and => Iris

[x]. Cattle and the draught animals pulling racing chariots and carts were goaded on with a stick with a metal tip (xévteov/kéentron; Latin stimulus). With such a device, > Lycurgus [1] threatened the god Dionysus (Hom. Il. 6,130 f.). Another type of stick worthy of mention is the > narthex [1] staff used by Dionysus and his retinue as an insignia and weapon. Metal kerykeia and crooks, prob. of herdsmen’s sticks, have been variously preserved [r]. + Kampyle; > Pedum [1]; > Skytale

1 A. KOrTs, s.v. K. (3), RE 10, 1884f. 57-62.

2 PCGIV, 1983,

T.HI.

[S] Bronze sculptor from Sicyon, the son of Alexis and student of - Eutychides and therefore active in the early 3rd cent. BC. Since it is unlikely that his father was the Alexis who studied under Polycletus, C.’s place in the chronology is secure, pace LipPoLp. Pliny lists C. among the sculptors who failed to achieve fame

IO17

ro18

through any of their works. Pausanias saw two of C.’s statues of victorious youths in Olympia.

Roman Imperial Period onwards, initially in Rome itself and later also in other cities of the Empire, organised chariot races in hippodromes (-> Hippdédromos [1]). They were grouped — distinguished from one another by the colours white, red, blue and green — around successful charioteers and in Late Antiquity, primarily in the East of the Roman Empire, occasionally exhib-

OverRBECK Nr. 1536-1538; TONI, EAA 4, 313.

LippoLp,

317; G.CARETRN.

Canthus (KévOoc; Kdnthos). > Argonaut from Euboea, in Apollonius Rhodius the son of Canethus, the eponym of a Euboean mountain, and grandson of + Abas [1c], the eponym of the whole island under its old name Abantis (1,77). In Valerius Flaccus, C. is the son of Abas. C. scarcely makes an appearance in the story of the Argonauts, only his death in battle — either on the return journey in Libya (Apoll. Rhod. 4,14851501: he is the only one of the Argonauts to fall in battle there; cf. Orph. Arg. 141-143), or in Colchis fighting the Iazyges (Val. Fl. 6,317-341) is described in some detail. H.FRANKEL, Noten zu den Argonautika des Apollonios Rhodios, 1968, 602. EV.

Cartonnage. Cardboard or papier maché made from used pieces of > papyrus for making mummy bandages (for humans or animals). Common in Egypt during the Ptolemaic period (find spots: necropoleis of Ghoran, Madinet al-Nuhas, Al-Hiba); a number of examples can be dated to the end of the Augustan period (find spots: Aba Sir al-Malaq). Numerous 3rd-cent. BC fragments of Greek literary texts (e.g. Callimachus, Menander, Plato; list in [1]) and copies of documents (petitions or submissions/entexeis to the Ptolemaic court) have been recovered from dismantled cartonnage. 1 A.BLANCHARD, Les papyrus littéraires grecs extraits de cartonnages: études de bibliologie, in: M. MANract, P.F. Munaero (eds.), Ancient and Medieval Book Materials and Techniques, 1993, 15-40. E.SALMENKIVI, Carton-

nage papyri in context: new Ptolemaic documents from Abi Sir al-Malaq, 2002. T.D.

Caspeira (Kdaoneioa; Kaspeira). City of the Caspiraei in India (Ptol. 7,1,47; 49). The name C. was often associated with modern Cashmere, but whereas Ptolemaeus locates C. in the eastern Punjab, the Caspiraei’s territory extends from the Punjab as far as the Vindhya mountains in the south; the Caspiraei appear therefore to have lived approximately in modern Rajasthan and Gujarat. Ptol. (7,1,42), however, connects the land of Caspeiria with the upper reaches of the Jhelum, the Chenab and the Ravi, and this again rather suggests Cashmere. A. HERRMANN, S.v. K., Kaspeiraioi, RE 10, 2270-2272.

COBBLER

ited a clear political orientation (+ Nika Revolt; + Factiones I1.). In the 6th cent. AD, for instance, the ‘Blues’ were followers of the Eastern-Roman emperor >» lustinianus [1] I, whereas the ‘Greens’ were as a rule

considered their opponents. Outside Constantinople, CF are recorded in the East primarily in inscriptions in Alexandria [1] (cf. [4]) and in Aphrodisias [1] (cf. [5]). + Circus [II F.]; > Factiones 1M.McCormick, s.y. Factions, ODB 2, 773 f. 2 F. TINNEFELD, Die friihbyzantinische Geschichte, 1977, 181-204 3K.-P.Matscnxe, Uberlegungen zum Parteienproblem in Byzanz, in: F.WINKELMANN (ed.), Volk und Herrschaft im friihen Byzanz, 1991, 70-84

4 Z. BoRKOWSKI, Inscriptions des factions a Alexandrie, 1981 5 Cu. RougecHE, Performers and Partisans at Aphrodisias in the Roman and Late Roman Periods, 1993, 218-228.

ET.

Cobbler I. INTRODUCTION

AND TERMINOLOGY FACTURE III. WORKSHOPS AND SALES STANDING OF THE COBBLER

II. MANUIV. SOCIAL

I. INTRODUCTION AND TERMINOLOGY

As is shown by the numerous literary allusions and references, ancient society was well acquainted with the craft of the cobbler (Aristoph. Lys. 414-419; Xen. Cyr. 8,2,5; Herodas 7; Hor. Sat. 2,3,106; Lucian, Gallus). Its usefulness was recognized: the cobbler was among Plato’s craftsmen of the original polis (Pl. Resp. 369d; cf. 370a; 370d; 370e). Although shoes will certainly also have been manufactured and repaired in the private household (Hom. Od. 14,22 ff.; Hes. Op. 541 f.; Theophr. Char. 4,15), the cobbler’s craft was widespread. The cobbling concession in the mining region of Vipasca (modern Portugal) was leased (CIL Il 5181=ILS 6891). Various terms for ‘cobbler’: oxvtotopoc/ skytotomos (lit. ‘leather-cutter’), Latin sutor (‘seamster’); also bxodnuatonowc/hypodématopoios, oxvtercs/ skyteus, nxatrupatomod/kattymatopoids, veveoeeddoc/ neurhorrhaphos; Latin crepidarius, sandalarius, caligarius. Some of these terms denote specialization, but may refer only to one of several activities undertaken by the cobbler.

K.K.

Chancellery script see > Document hand Circus factions (Latin factiones; Greek uéor/meére or, less succinctly, Sjpovdémoi; see + Demos [2] C.). Modern term for the associations or clubs that from the

I]. MANUFACTURE The manufacture of shoes comprised several stages of work and techniques. First, the leather was cut. An awl was used to bore holes in the individual pieces, so that they could be sewn together with animal sinews. Finally, soles, of wood or cork, were sewn on. Nails,

COBBLER

such as were found at the workshop of Simon at Athens, were sometimes used to fix them (cf. Theophr. Char. 4,15; Plin. HN 9,69; 22,94; Juv. 16,24; cf. > Simon [3]). also little with

I020

101g

Shoe leather was usually dyed black, sometimes red or blue. The cobbler’s tools, which changed through Antiquity, consisted of various knives straight and curved blades, a hard wooden block

with table and bench on which the leather was cut, awls

and instruments for polishing the leather. III. WORKSHOPS AND SALES The cobbler generally worked in a small workshop, alone or with one assistant. There were also larger workshops. For instance, the father of Timarchus had an — ergasterion with nine or ten slaves who were trained cobblers (Aeschin. In Tim. 97). At Rome, many cobblers were freedmen or slaves. Increased demand generally did not lead to the creation of large workshops with mass production, but rather to the establishment of new small workshops. Small workshops, too, had distribution of labour, e.g. between the craftsman and his young assistant. When Xenophon speaks of the specialization among cobblers in a large city, he is referring to quality, not to work productivity (Xen. Cyr. 8,2,5). The workshops of cobblers belonged to the ancient cityscape, and were sometimes centrally located. At Athens, the workshop of Simon [3] was directly adjacent to the Agora, venue of philosophical discussions between prominent figures of the city (Diog. Laert. 2,122 f.; Plut. Mor. 776b). It is therefore understandable that the craft of shoemaking is said to have played an important part in the arguments of Socrates (PI. Grg. 490d-491a; Pl. Symp. 221e). At Rome, there was the vicus sandalarius and the atrium sutorium (Gell. NA 18,4,1; Varro, Ling. 6,14; cf. Suet. Aug. 57,1). Illustrations of cobblers’ workshops are rather rare: important examples are the black-figured vase painting of the + Eucharides Painter (Oxford, AM; BeazLtey ABV 396,21) and the votive relief of the cobbler Dionysius from the 4th cent. BC (Athens, Agora Museum).

The design and materials of > shoes varied according to tastes and needs. Cato recommends buying wooden clogs at Rome for slaves working on the land (Cato Agr. 135,15 cf. 59). Shoes were mostly made to order, measurements and adjustments being made in the workshop. However, there must always have been a market for ready-made shoes, which would have been sold either by the manufacturer or by retailers elsewhere (OGIS 629,79; Herodas 7). Diversity of manufacture and a wide range guaranteed regular sales, so the cobbler described by Herodas, with sixteen types of shoes in stock, may not have been untypical (Herodas 757-61).

On the other hand, ancient literature has a plethora of contemptuous asides on cobblers and their craft (Cic. Flac. 17; Mart. 3,16; Juv. 3,293 f.). ~» Crafts, Trade; > Shoes 1 BLUMNER, Technologie 1, 273-292 2A.BURFORD, Craftsmen in Greek and Roman Society, 1972 3J.M. Camp, Die Agora von Athen, 1989, 166-169 4 W.K. PRITCHETT, The Attic stelai, in: Hesperia 25, 1956, 178328 5 ZIMMER, Katalog 47-55.

Cog wheel (tympanum dentatum: Vitr. De arch. 10,5,2). The term CW describes a mechanical device used for the direct transfer of force. In combination with other CWs they transfer rotary motion through interlocking teeth from one axle to another. In the Graeco-Roman world, the use of the CW is attested from the 3rd century BC: according to Vitruvius [2], > Ctesibius [1] constructed a water clock in Alexandria [x] with CWs and racks and pinions (Vitr. De arch. 9,8,5—6; > Clocks B.). Further evidence of the use of CWs is provided by the Antikythera Mechanism, an instrument with numerous bronze CWs, recovered from the Mediterranean at the beginning of the 2oth cent. The Antikythera Mechanism was probably used for astronomical calculations. CWs were used to construct a taximeter and an instrument for ships to measure distances, and also — in an extraordinarily creative manner — for building > automata (cf. e.g. Vitr. De arch. 10,9; Heron, Pneumatikd 2,32; Heron, Peri automatopoiétikés 24,5). The CW gained economic significance because it enabled power to be transferred froma driving wheel to the circular motion of a part of an apparatus. The transmission mechanism of a watermill, for example, consisted of two CWs (Vitr. De arch. 10,5,2); The ox-driven water pump in Egypt (saqiya) (cf. Sulp. Sev. dialogi 1,13) also used CWs. A precise mathematical and technical presentation of the possibilities of power transmission by means of CWs can be found in Hero of Alexandria (rst cent. AD: Heron, Méchanika 1,1-2; cf. 1,3-73 1,153; 1,19). ~ Mechanics 1 B.COTTERELL, J.KAMMINGA, Mechanics of Pre-Industrial Technology, 1990, 96 f. 2 D.DE SoLta PRicE, Clockwork Before the Clock and Timekeepers Before Timekeeping, in: J.T. Fraser, N. LAWRENCE (ed.), The Study of Time, Vol. 2, 1975, 374-379 31Id., Gears from the Greeks, The Antikythera Mechanism, 1974 4A.G. DRACHMANN, The Mechanical Technology of Greek and Roman Antiquity, 1963 5 C.Matscuoss, Geschichte des Zahnrads, 1940, 6-9.

Coincidence (adtéuatov/autématon, wyn/tyché; Latin fors, fatum). I. INTRODUCTION

II. PHILOSOPHY

IV. SOCIAL STANDING OF THE COBBLER

The sometimes striking social aspirations of cobblers are expressed on funerary reliefs and steles, e.g. the tombstones of the Athenian Xanthippus or the Roman freedman C. Iulius Helius (CIL VI 33914=ILS 7544).

I. INTRODUCTION In Greek and Roman Antiquity, talk of coincidence referred to events which took place independent of human intention and planning, or in extraordinary cir-

1021

cumstances created by the interaction of mutually independent causal sequences. Coincidence in the modern sense, that of an event which cannot be explained as the result of legitimate developments or deliberate planning, was unknown to the ancients. Coincidence appears in Greek poetry as a divine power personified as +> Tyche (e.g. Pind. Nem. 6,24). Later, in New > Comedy (I.), coincidence becomes to

all intents and purposes a dramatic principle [3. 184191]. It brings about (often happy) events which might just as well have been the result of deliberate human planning, thus unexpectedly realizing the aims of human actions (e.g. Menander, K6neiazomenai 1 3-20; Men. Sam. 55 f.; Aristot. Poet. 9,1452a 6-10).

Il. PHILOSOPHY > Plato [1] stresses that ‘the most beautiful and greatest things’ and the constitution of the + world as a whole do not derive from ‘coincidence’ (tyché) or + nature (physis), but from a shaping ‘intellect’ (mods) (Pl. Leg. 10,889a). Nature and coincidence thus in cosmological terms constitute the antithesis to planning and creation (Pl. Leg. 10,889b-d). Aristotle (+ Aristoteles [6]) developed a theory of coincidental events in the context of his doctrine of causes. According to this, it is true of every event that it is the result of some cause, and that it must necessarily come about whenever that cause is present (principle of — causality). The ‘coincidental’ events are those which occur not always (i.e. not by ~> necessity) or at least for the most part, but only comparatively rarely. These events too must, however, have a cause. They are brought about accidentally, by luck (tyché) or coincidence (automaton). Both are accidental causes for exceptional cases in the field of purposive happenings (Aristot. Ph. 2,5,197a 32 ff.). Here, tyché in a narrower sense means the sphere of events defined by decision (prohairesis), while automaton includes all other cases. The coincidental is a special case of the accidental, i.e. of that which has ‘no precisely determined cause’, but whose cause is ‘indeterminate’ (Aristot. Metaph. 5,30,1025a 24 f.). Aristotle makes a corresponding distinction between events which are ‘caused’ in the real sense (e.g. a house built by the capability of the builder thus applied) and events which are caused ‘by the way’, i.e. accidentally (xata ovpBeBnxdc/ kata symbebékos), and whose cause is therefore relatively ‘indeterminate’ (Aristot. Ph. 2,5,196b 24-29). The latter is the case when an event, though unintentionally (coincidentally) brought about in a particular situation, is nevertheless the possible result of purposeful activity: for instance, if someone who has lent another money goes to the marketplace and there (albeit not for a determinate but for an indeterminate reason) by happy coincidence meets his debtor, who has just come into possession of money, such that the creditor can demand that his loan be repaid. Although it was not the intention of the creditor to demand the repayment, it could have been (Aristot. Ph. 2,5,196b 33 ff.).

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CORYCUS

Proceeding from the Aristotelian doctrine of coincidence, the commentator

Philoponus

further distin-

guishes various degrees of accidental causality (Philoponus CAG XVI 278,12-19); > Simplicius explicitly seeks to distinguish happy from unhappy coincidence (Simpl. CAG IV 337,27-32). While according to + Epicurus, events occur partly by + necessity, partly by coincidence (tyché) and partly by virtue of human

> freedom (II.) (Diog. Laert. 10,133), > Stoicism’s doctrine of fate excluded the possibility of coincidence (tyché, automaton) in the sense of an event that is not causally determined (— Predestination, theory of). Even the apparently coincidental has a cause, which may, however, be obscure to human cogitation (SVF II 945, 965-973). Natural and human events form a seamless causal whole (SVF I 175), determined by divine providence (xedvoua/prénoia, Latin providentia) and — fate (eiwaguévyn/beimarmeéné, Latin fatum). Thus all events are caused by previous events and are in this sense predetermined (determinism). An important debate in Latin Late Antiquity that bears close thematic relation to discussions of coincidence, in the sense of accidental causality, is the debate about fatum (— Fate). One context in which fatum was discussed was the question of whether determinism was compatible with the assumption of human free will (e.g. Cic. Fat. 9,20; Alex. Aphr. De Fato 187 ff.; > Will). Another context, in connection with the relationship between > necessity, on the one hand, and coincidence in the sense of possibility, on the other, was the debate about the conditions for the truth of statements about contingent/coincidental events. Epicurus and > Chrysippus [2] only hold a statement about the future to be true or false if the occurrence or non-occurrence of the predicted event is already guaranteed by causes now present (Cic. Fat. 14,20 f.; 11,26), for which reason Epicurus rejects the principle of bivalence (that every statement is either true or false). For Cicero, on the other hand, the truth of a statement about the future does not require ‘a cause from eternity’ (Cic. Fat. 14,32), but

merely the actual occurrence of the event predicted (Cic. Fat. 14,27-32). + Fate; + Fortuna;

> Moira

A.; > Nature, Natural

philosophy; > Tyche [x]; > Will 1 M. Forscuner, Die stoische Ethik, 1995 2 H.SrrouM, Tyche. Zur Schicksalsauffassung bei Pindar und den friihgriechischen Dichtern, 1944

3 G. VocT-

SprrA, Dramaturgie des Zufalls. Tyche und Handeln in der Komédie Menanders, 1992 telische Physik, 1992.

4 W. WIELAND, Die aristo-

Corycus (Kdevxoc/Kérykos). Port in Cilicia Tracheia, which, in rivalry with the neighbouring > Elaeussa, declined to a village (komé) at the beginning of the 3rd cent. AD, but then became a bishopric (suffragan to Tarsus in Cilicia I) and, according to the evidence of numerous inscriptions and impressive buildings (more than ro basilicae), a commercial and industrial metropolis of supra-regional significance. The last Chris-

CORYCUS

tian port on the southern coast of Asia Minor, C. was not conquered by the Caramanids until 1448. It was connected with > Corasium, its neighbour to the west, by means of its own messenger service (Korasiodromos). To the west of C. was the ‘Corycian Cave’ (modern Cennet (ve) Cehennem ‘Heaven and Hell’), the home of Tryphon with a cult of Zeus, which later became a Christian cult site; modern Kizkalesi. HILD/HELLENKEMPER, 314-320.

F.H.

Critodemus [2] (Koit6dnuoc; Kritédémos) Physician — according to Arrian (Anab. 6.11.1) a Coan from the family of the Asclepiads — who treated > Alexander [4] the Great in 326 BC, when he had been struck in the chest by a barbed arrow while fighting the > Malli. In Q.Curtius’ melodramatic account of the operation he is called Critobulus (9.5.25: inter medicos artis eximiae, ‘of outstanding skill among the doctors’). This latter, according to Pliny (HN 7.37.37), was the doctor who extracted an arrow from Philippus [4] II’s eye in 354. Given the similar names and the interval of almost thirty years, it is possible that Critobulus was C.’ father, and that Curtius confused the two names. C.F. SALAZAR, The Treatment of War Wounds in GraecoRoman Antiquity, 2000, 206 and n. 129 CES.

Cup-palmette. The CP is an ornament of Assyrian origin imitating a palm leaf, which is used in Phoenician art, either in the form of a simple leaf, or with bunches of fruit (dates or grapes) and with stems both as a symbol of individual — sacred — plants, trees and bushes and on floral friezes or as a decorative filler motif, often in combination with ornamental lotus flowers. — Tree of Life; > Ornaments

1024

1023

CHB.

Medea and Domitius (3,4) and probably an Agamemnon (9,2) are attributed to him by Tacitus (Dial. 2 f.; 9-11). While Tacitus (about AD 76) personalizes the contrast of writing about great men and limited public speech in C. as a writer, Cass. Dio 67,12,5 reports on the execution of a rhetor Maternus because of his criticism of tyranny. One identification is worthy of consideration; C. may have been a close relative of M. > Cornelius [II 36] Nigrinus C. Maternus or even identical to him. PIR *C 1605/7M 360; W.Eck, Jahres- und Provinzialfasten der senatorischen Statthalter von 69/70 bis 138/139, in: Chiron 12, 1982, 281-362, esp. 324, n. 172.

JR.

Cypriot scripts (medieval). Collective term for Greek scripts from the 2nd half of the 11th cent. AD, esp. on the island of Cyprus, as well as from Palestine. These scripts did not fully develop their characteristic traits until the period between 1250 and 1300. One of these traits is the so-called ‘epsilon style’, a vertical, calligraphic style with pseudo-— ligatures executed with an upward stroke in two forms: a rectangular one and a small round one. The latter is common in the so-called ‘Family 2400’ of the (usually miniature) MSS of the NT. In the second half of the 13th cent., this style loses its characteristic peculiarities. In the 14th cent., a square, ancient-style script exists alongside the bouclée script which leans to the right and whose letters and ligatures are embellished by loop-like strokes. Both scripts are usually found in MSS made of Near Eastern paper and written in black ink. In the 15th cent., only the traditional style is left: the square script of the preceding century. P. CanarT, Les écritures livresques chypriotes du XI* au XVI siécle, in: Teadto AteOvig Tvumdoi0 Meoawwvuxtic Kueiaxis Toakaoyeasniac/First International Sympo-

sium on Mediaeval Cypriot Palaeography, 1989, 27-53.

Curiatius. Italian surname (SCHULZE, 355); according to Roman legend, Rome’s war against Alba Longa under King Tullus Hostilius was decided through the fight between the triplet Curiatii brothers of Alba and the triplet Horatii brothers (+ Horatius) of Rome, with the former being killed (Liv. 1,24f.; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 3,16-20). After the destruction of Alba, the family is said to have moved to Rome and to have been included among the Patricians (Liv. 1,30,2; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 3,29,7). The consul recorded in the fasti for 453 BC, member of the rst collegium of the decemvirs for the drafting of the 12 Tables, P.C. Fistus Trigeminus (MRR 1,43f.; 45), is probably not historically correct; the politically unimportant Plebian family of the Curiatius traced itself back to him in the 2nd/tst cent. BC (RRC 223; 240; Cic. Leg. 3,20; Val. Max. 3,7,3).

K.-LE. [1] C. Maternus. Roman orator and writer of tragedies

who is known only from > Tacitus’ Dialogus in which he appears as the host on the day after the recitation of his tragedy Cato. Furthermore the tragedies Thyestes,

Ip., Etudes de paléographie et de codicologie, 2008, passim.

2 vols, PE.

Defectiveness see > Suppletion Devil. Early Christianity’s view of the Devil (Gr. diaBodoc/didbolos, ‘vilifier’, ‘deranger’, Lat. diabolus; many other names, too) was derived from the Bible,

early Judaism and the apocrypha, but also connected with other cultures’ and religions’ views of harmful and evil powers (> Satan; + Demons). The Devil was generally regarded as an angel or angel prince, originally good, created by God, who then through pride or envy fell from God and took some of the angels with him to be the demons. “And the demon, i.e. the devil, is also called ‘dragon’ [draék6n] on account of his fleeing [apodedrakénai] from God. For at first he was an angel” (+ Theophilus [4] of Antioch, Ad Autolycum 2, 28, 14f.). Since his fall, the Devil, as God’s adversary, has sought to deprive men of earthly well-being and eternal salvation through sin and false belief. While gods and

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evil spirits of the world could be integrated into the faith as demons, the dualism which made the Devil a second, evil principle alongside God (-> Gnosis; » Mani) was unanimously discarded. At — baptism, the baptismal candidate was torn from the grasp of the Devil by driving out and renouncing him. Attacks by the Devil and demons (which were experienced as quite real) were countered by the sign of the cross, prayers and sacred objects such as > relics. The first monks (- Antonius [5]), conversely, actively

sought out battle with the demons in the desert. Augustine (+ Augustinus) interpreted the history of the world as the struggle between the City (civitas) of God and that of the Devil. Some Church Fathers linked Christ’s work of salvation with the Devil: the death of the God-man Christ, himself free of sin, bought human-

ity freedom from all sway held over them by the Devil since the original sin of Adam and Eve. This was either conceived as an honourable legal transaction between God and the Devil or as the deception of the Devil with Christ as bait. If the Middle Ages brought little theological innovation in respect of the Devil, they did enrich the pictorial and conceptual world borrowing from the belief of converted peoples, from the duped Devil of legend and the stage, to Goethe’s “Nordic phantom” (“das nordische Phantom”) familiar to us today with its “horns, tail and claws” (“Hérner, Schweif und Klauen”) (Goethe, Faust I, 2497f.).

ELENCHOS

Although the questioner obviously determines the structure of the argument, it is vital to the success of the method that the respondent answers the questions truthfully (what the questioner himself knows or believes to be the truth is of no importance). The questioner must bring the respondent to a position directly opposed to his original one. For the purposes of the elenchos, it is irrelevant whether the respondent considers the premises or even the conclusion to be valid. The Socratic method does not test the convictions of the questioner, but only seeks to demonstrate the inconsistency of the answers. However, according to [8], some Platonic dialogues (e.g. the Gorgias) use the Socratic method not merely to prove the inconsistency of the respondent’s views, but also to show that his initial view was wrong and the contrary view of Socrates is right. According to [8], the Socratic elenchos is therefore based on two conditions: (x) Socrates’ views are all true because their consistency

RussELL, Satan: The Early Christian Tradition, 1981; A. WUNSCHE, s.v. Teufel, in: Realencyklopadie fiir prote-

has been exhaustively proven; (2) Socrates is always capable of eliciting right answers latent within the respondent, which accord with Socrates’ own opinion. This theory is problematic because if Socrates believed that he had consistent and true convictions, he would question the truthfulness of his own assertion of knowing nothing. Some have argued that Socrates stuck to his method with good reason since he had true convictions that were justified, if such justification fell below that required for knowledge. One might object to this view that the early dialogues make no such distinction between ‘knowledge’ and ‘true conviction’. In the Hellenistic period, Socrates’ elenctic method was taken up by the Academic Sceptics (e.g. > Arcesilaus [5]; cf. Cic. Acad. 1,43-46; Diog. Laert. 4,28) in their assertion to refrain from judgement (— Scepti-

stantische Theologie und Kirche 19, 31907, 564-574.

cism, see addenda). The Stoic > Epictetus,[2] (B), con-

— Demons; > Lucifer [1]; > Satan J. DanrELov et al., s.v. Démon II-IV, in: Dictionnaire de spiritualité ascétique et mystique 3, 1957, 152-2343 G.Rosxorr, Geschichte des Teufels, vol. 1, 1869; J.B.

S.GE.

Elenchos (éieyyoc/élenchos, from the verb éhéyyew/ elénchein, ‘to cross-examine, test, refute’; Lat. refutatio). Rhetorical and philosophical technique of argumentation (cf. Lat. > argumentatio; > Argumentation theory B). The word elenchos is first attested in a philosophical context in + Parmenides (28 B 7,5 DK). Ina narrower sense, it usually refers to the ‘Socratic method’ (> Socrates [2] C.2) as described by — Plato [x] (G.6) in the early dialogues (e.g. Pl. Ap. 29e 5; Pl. Chrm. 166c 5; Pl. Prt. 331c 6). The Socratic elenchos uses a sequence of questions and answers to test whether the respondent can claim knowledge of a certain area. By this ‘elenctic method’ in Platonic dialogues (e.g. Euthphr., La.), the questioner elicits from the respondent the claim of expert knowledge in a certain field. The former then goes on to refute this claim by asking the ‘right’ questions, which finally requires the interlocutor to hold a view exactly contrary to his original assertion. The respondent is thus left in a state of dmogia (- aporia), i.e. completely at loss about the issue.

versely, used elenchos not for purely negative purposes, but as a positive instrument of his teaching method to support his own philosophical views. In his Diatribai, the questioner always holds true views while using elenchos; these are rigorously tested against preconceived ideas (moodtweic/prolepseis), which Epictetus thought of as innate. The respondent, whose views are disproved, has the same innate preconceptions and can thus be brought to true insights by elenctic argument. In a wider sense of the word, elenchos also means (1) proof of the contradictory converse of an assertion, (2) a dialectical or rhetorical argument against an assertion, (3) a socalled ‘sophistic’ argument against an assertion, 1.e. a fallacy (cf. the ‘sophistic elenchus’ of + Aristoteles [6]). 1 H. Benson, The Problem of the Elenchus Reconsidered,

in: Ancient Philosophy 7, 1987, 67-85

27.C. BRICK-

HousE, N.D.Smirn, Vlastos on the Elenchus, in: Oxford

Studies in Ancient Philosophy 2, 1984, 185-195 3 T. Irwin, Plato’s Moral Theory, 1977, 37-101 4 1d., Plato’s Ethics, 1995, 17-30 5 R.KraAuT, Comments on Gregory Vlastos, The Socratic Elenchus, in: Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy 1, 1983, 59-70 6 T.Lona, Epictetus, 2002, 67-96 7 G.A. ScorrT (ed.),

Does Socrates Have a Method? Rethinking the Elenchus

ELENCHOS in Plato’s Dialogues and Beyond, 2002

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1027 8 G. VLASTOS,

The Socratic Elenchus, in: Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy 1, 1983, 27-58 91d. Afterthoughts on the So-

cratic Elenchus, in: Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy I, 1983, 71-74.

Faustinus [1] See > Faustulus.

[2] Wealthy friend of the poet - Martial, who dedicated bks. 3 (3,2) and 4 (4,10) to him; he owned villae in Baiae (3,58), Tibur (4,57), Tarracina (10,51,8) and Tre-

bula (5,71). PIR* F 127. KeGE, [3] Governor, probably in AD 273, of the province of Belgica under > Esuvius [1] Tetricus; according to Polemius Silvius (Chron. Min. 1, 522 MOMMSEN), as a usurper he stirred up troops against Esuvius in Trier (Aur. Vict. Caes. 35,4).

TE. [4] The presbyter F. was active in Rome towards the end of the 4th cent. AD among the so-called ‘Luciferians’ (— Lucifer), a strictly ‘Old Nicene’ community, which had separated from the Roman majority Church and its new Nicene Creed. In a petition to the emperors > Valentinianus II, Theodosius and Arcadius, however, F. protested against this description of his group and the suspicion of heresy raised against it (De confessione verae fidei; CPL 1571, § 86). Before 386, F. wrote, perhaps at the request of the wife of the emperor Theodosius, a treatise on the theology of the Trinity (De Trinitate ad Augustam Flacillam; CPL 120), which makes use of corresponding works by > Athanasius, > Hilarius and + Ambrosius. He also combats the originally Origenist and then also new Nicene Creed of the three hypostases of the Father, Son and Holy Ghost in his Confessio fidei to Theodosius (CPL 119) by constantly describing it as a heretical creed of three substantiae. M.SimonetT!1 (ed.), Faustini Opera (= CCL 69), 1967, 285-392; Id., Note su Faustino, in: Sacris Erudiri 14, C.M.

Faustulus. Foster father of > Romulus and Remus, hus-

band of — Acca Larentia. According to the tradition [1. 9f.] going back to Diocles [7] and Fabius Pictor (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,79,4; Plut. Romulus 3,1,19a; 8,9,22¢; Ps.-Aur. Vict. Origo 20,1), F. is either

dation (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,87,1-2; Ps.-Aur. Vict. origo 23,5; Plut. Romulus 10,2,23bc). According to Ovid (Fast. 5,453ff.), F. is still alive after Remus’ murder: the latter’s soul appears to him and to Acca, asking them to propose Romulus to hold a feast in his honour.

F.’ funerary monument is supposed to have represented a lion and to have been located on the Forum (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,87,2). The Lapis Niger at the site of the Comitium is also identified with, among other things, F.’ tomb [2]. On the identification of the tugurium Faustuli with the casa Romuli, see [3].

PIR? F 131; PLRE 1, 326 (F.1); KIENAST, *1996, 249.

1963, 50-98.

Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,84,3f.; Plut. Romulus 6,1,20¢; Ps.Aur. Vict. origo 19,7). Since F. and the twins are in Amulius’ service, the character of Faustinus, F.’ brother and Numitor’s shepherd, is introduced to maintain the contact between the boys and their grandfather. F. discloses to Romulus and Remus their royal descent. He is killed during the brothers’ quarrel about Rome’s foun-

> Amu-

lius’ leading shepherd, to whom the other shepherds hand over the newly-born brothers Romulus and Remus (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,79-83), or the one who finds the twins with the she-wolf on the Tiber banks (Liv. 1,4). He in his turn gives the children to his wife Acca, who has just given birth to a child that dies soon afterwards (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,79,9f.). According to the rationalising version of the later annalists (Valerius Antias, Licinius Macer) [1. 14], F. is an Arcadian, attendant of + Evander, to whom - Numitor secretly hands over the children for bringing them up (Dion.

1TH. MomMseEN, Romische Forschungen vol. 2, 1879 (repr. 1962) 9f. 2 F.CoaRELLI, Il foro romano, 1986, 166ff. 31d.,s.v. casa Romuli, LTUR 1, 241.

F. Cassoia, Le Origini di Roma e l’eta regia in Diodoro, in: E.GALVAGNO, C.MOoLE VENTURA (ed.), Mito Storia Tradizione, 1991, 273-324; H.-J. KRAMER, Die Sage von Romulus und Remus in der lateinischen Literatur, in: H.FiasHar, K.Galser (eds.), Synusia, FS for W. Scha-

dewald, 1965, 355-402; J.P. SMALL, s.v. F., LIMC 4.1, 130ff. FR.P.

Fir (Greek éhatn/elaté, Latin abies; but Ancient Greek elate is never ‘spruce’). Eleven species of fir, some of uncertain taxonomy, are today distinguished in the mountainous regions of the Mediterranean countries,

their development variously explained partly by clinal variation and geographical isolation, partly by natural bastardization ([1. esp. 7-10] with figs. and area maps). Beyond the Graeco-Roman cultural sphere, the West Himalayan Fir (Abies pindrow Royle) was discovered during the campaigns of Alexander the Great (Arr. Anab. 4,21,3; Str. 11,7,2; 11,7,4; [2. 2219]). Ancient

texts show distributions much wider than today’s (credible are e.g. Nic. Ther. 472 for Samothrace and Heraclides Creticus 2,2 for the Pelion). [3. 371] shows the diminishing range in Italy, while archaeological finds show that firs grew even on Crete during the Bronze Age [3. 99-101].

Theophrastus, thoroughly familiar with dendrology [2. 2219-2222], records the populations from Corsica to Pontus precisely [2. 2218 f.], and in Greece distin-

guishes a male species (Abies cephalonica) from a female (A. alba, cf. Theophr. Hist. pl. 3,9,6 and on this [6. 153]). Abies borisii-regis is a cross of these two [4. 1-3, with area maps 393], so that in Greece — and only here — the tree name elate cannot without reservation be assigned to a modern species name. The oldest evidence in the Iliad (5,560; 14,287; 24,450; cf. also H. Hom. 5,264, thereafter e.g. Verg. Aen. 9,674) refers to Abies equi-trojani, the Trojan Fir on Mount Ida (Kaz Dag1), which was so named by P. F. A. ASCHERSON

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after its rediscovery in 1883, citing Verg. Aen. 2,16. The only fir in Italy was Abies alba (Plin. HN 16,197 also knew of its occurrence in Central Europe), and in Sicily Abies nebrodensis, almost wiped out now but common in Antiquity (according to Diod. Sic. 14,42,4) [5. 73 f.]. In Theophrastus’ botanical treatise, the fir is the most commonly-mentioned tree of all. It provided the most sought-after timber of the ancient world, which is hard, light, smooth and elastic, and which was accordingly esp. used in shipbuilding (~» Wood D.; -> Shipbuilding), esp. of warships (hence the great strategic military importance of its sources [3. 116 ff.]), but also in house and bridge-building, for writing and painting boards and for fine carpentry of all kinds (Theophr. Hist. pl. 5571-5; on this [3. 443 f.; 2. 2216 f., 2222 f.]). The fir was sacred to + Dionysus/— Bacchus by reason of its

created jointly by the gods, was + Pandora. Mythological inventive artists (> protos heuretes) to whom is ascribed the design of primal humans are the + Daktyloi Idaioi, the + Cabiri, + Pygmalion [2], also ~» Prometheus, partly for having created the first people out of water and earth (PI. Prt. 320c; Apollod. 1,45), mostly for having educated men out of an animal existence. A ‘second’ creation of humanity after the Great Flood was accomplished by - Deucalion and + Pyrrha

primitiveness (v. [7. 621] on Ov. Met. 3,709, cf. even

Xenoph. B 17 DK). 1 P.Scuurr, Tannenarten Europas und Kleinasiens, 1991 2 A. STEIER, s. v. Tanne, RE 4 A, 2216-2223 3 MEIGGS 4D.Puirtos et al. (eds.), Flora Hellenica, vol. 1, 1997 5 S.PicNnatriI (ed.), Flora d'Italia, vol. 1, 1982

FLOODING

[1] (+ Deluge, legend of the), who created new people

by throwing stones behind themselves (Apollod. 1,4652)s ~+ Anthropogony; - Deluge, legend of the; — Period, Era; + World, creation of the 1 M.L. West (ed.), Hesiod: Theogony (with prolegomena andcomm.), 1966

21d. (ed.), Hesiod, Works and Days,

1978.

M.E tape, Die Sch6pfungsmythen, 31998.

Flooding

(inundatio:

ILS

207;

LK.

5797a;

Tac. Hist.

1,86,2; diluvia: Plin. Ep. 8,17,1; aquae ingentes: Liv.

6 S.AmIGuEs (ed.), Théophraste. Recherches sur les plan-

3559,23

tes (Historia plantarum, with French trans. and comm.), vol. 2, 1989 7F.BOMeEr, P. Ovidius Naso, Metamorphosen. Comm., vol. 1, 1969. B.HE.

30,3 8,10; proluvies: Cic. Ad Q. Fr. 3,5,8). Only exceptionally were > natural catastrophes taken as > historiographical subjects in Antiquity, and then for instance when > earthquakes hit famous cities and substantial emergency measures were undertaken to help the populace. This is true in the case of flooding and flood disasters, too, on which subject we have information almost solely in connection with the city of Rome and

First man. Graeco-Roman antiquity had no conception of a ‘first man’ in the sense of the Judaeo-Christian myth of Adam and Eve. The first point of comparison appears with the myth of the Ages of Man in Hes. Op. 109-200. According to this, there were various races of men during the Golden, Silver, Bronze, Heroic and

38328,4; aquarum

magnitudo:

Liv. 30,26,5;

the construction activities of Justinian I.

blood of > Uranus (on the descent of Man from ash

The > Tiber floods mentioned in historical sources began to occur in the late 3rd cent. BC, and the focus of accounts is generally on human and livestock losses and the collapse of buildings. In the military crisis after the defeat at > Cannae in 215 BC, the Romans were faced with a flood catastrophe. There were further floods in 203, 202, 193, 192 and 189 BC. The flood of 192 BC even brought down two Tiber bridges (Liv. 24,9,6;

trees cf. also schol. T on Hom. II. 22,106; Palaephatus 35; Hsch. s. v. periag xagmdc; [1. 221; 2. 187]). Named

It is probably an issue of the sources that no more floods

after the ash tree (uedia/melia), these people were called

are mentioned in the 2nd cent.BC (Livius’ [III 2]) work

Melioi (> Meliae).

only survives for the time up to 167 BC). In the latter years of the Republic and the early Principate, Cicero and Cassius Dio again record Tiber floods, some of which lasted several days, e.g. in AD 5 seven days in all. Boats were needed to get around the streets of the centre

(present)

Iron Ages (> Period, Era), each of which

(except the last) was superseded by the next. While the first two demonstrated characteristics that were rather superhuman and utopian, the third race appeared as the first to be truly human. It grew from ash trees (ibid. 145, cf. Hes. Theog. 187) which grew from the drops of

There were also many myths — almost every Greek region had its own — deriving the first humans directly from the soil (of the respective homeland). Some of these primal humans are named by Hippolytus (refutatio omnium haeresium 5,7,3—6). They included Alalcomeneus of — Alalcomenae [1] (cf. Euseb. Praep. evang. 3,1,6), the > Curetes of Mt. Ida, the Corybantes of Phrygia, + Pelasgus of Arcadia, ~ Dysaules of Eleusis, Cabirus (-> Cabiri), + Alcyoneus [1] of Pallene. The Athenians in particular stressed that the FM came from Attic soil, hence reinforcing their primacy by virtue of their autochthony (Pl. Menex. 237d-23 8a). In Aegina, the entire population was said to have crawled up out of the earth as ants and been transformed into people (-- Myrmidones: Ov. Met. 7,614 ff.). The first woman,

30,26,53; 30,38,10-125

35,9,2-35 35,21,5—-6; 38,28,4).

of Rome (Cass. Dio 39,61; 53,20,I3 53533553 5451s13 SHE 5125 $9 22599 56327,495 7504.75 che Cie: Ad: Qu Fr.

3,558). There is a report of an unusual Arno (> Arnus) flood in connection with the march of Hannibal [4] through Etruria in the spring of 217 BC (Liv. 22,2). Comprehensive measures were undertaken in the Augustan period to counter Tiber floods. For instance, Augustus had the river bed cleared of debris and rubbish, while widening it by demolishing buildings directly on the riverside. At the same time, a commission for the protection of the Tiber bank, the cura alvei

FLOODING

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Tiberis, was formed (cf. > cura [2]). This office was held under Augustus by the two consulars C. Asinius [II 5] Gallus and C. Marcius [II 5] Censorinus (Suet. Aug. 30,13 3751; ILS 5923a-d). In the end, a commission of five senators was formed to handle this portfolio, the curatores riparum et alvei Tiberis (Cass. Dio 57,14,8; ILS 5925). Epigraphical evidence shows these curatores still being appointed in the 4th cent. AD (ILS 1217; 1223). Dykes were also built on both sides of the Tiber (Plin. HN 3,55). After a flood in AD 15, the senators Ateius [6] Capito and L. Arruntius [II 3], commissioned to present proposals to the Senate for the prevention of future flood disasters, proposed reducing the size of the Tiber’s catchment area in order to cut the flow of water. A tributary was to be diverted into the Arno, and the ~ Nar was to be diverted into canals. After lengthy discussions, the Senate rejected this proposal for fear that its realization might cause flooding of the Arno valley (Tac. Ann. 1,76; 1,79). Under Claudius [III 1], a canal was built in the lower reaches of the Tiber in conjunction with the construction of the harbour at > Ostia, the intention being to accelerate the draining of floodwaters (ILS 207). Another canal was built in the course of restructuring of the area of the Tiber mouth under Traianus [1] (ILS 5797a; cf. Plin. Ep. 8,17,2). In spite of these measures, Rome continued to be threatened by Tiber floods even after Claudius (e.g. AD 69: Tac. Hist. 1,86,2 f.; c. AD roo: Plin. Ep. 8,17; AD 374: Amm. Marc. 29,6,17-18). It is certain that com-

prehensive measures were undertaken against flooding in Late Antiquity, too (evidence in Procopius’ [3] treatise on the construction projects of Justinianus [r1]). After a flood catastrophe in the city of Daras, Justinian had the river dammed off above the city by the construction of a transverse wall (Procop. Aed. 2,3,1-23). The city of Antioch [1] was likewise protected against flash flooding from torrents pouring down from the mountains (Procop. Aed. 2,10,15-18). In AD 525, the

city of Edessa [2] was completely destroyed by a flood disaster. After its reconstruction, Justinian had a huge overflow basin dug alongside the river Scirtus, and had the city protected by a large wall (Procop. Aed. 2,7,110). The city of Zenobia [3] on the > Euphrates [2] was protected from floods by a large embankment of millstones laid out in front of the city fortifications (Procop. Aed. 2,8,16-18). The river Dracon in Bithynia was also regulated to avoid further serious flooding. Above all, in spate, it had often flooded a highway, causing many deaths (Procop. Aed. 5,2,6-14). A second river bed was laid at + Tarsus for the -» Cydnus, enabling floodwaters thereafter to be safely drained without danger to the city (Procop. Aed. 5,5,14-20). The bridges were considerably reinforced at the same time. The crucial factor causing flooding was certainly the high associated levels of precipitation mentioned in many texts. For instance, Plinius [2] writes of uninter-

rupted rainfall and cloudbursts in connection with the Tiber floods (Plin. Ep. 8,17,5: imber adsiduus et deiecti nubibus turbines). Procopius blames the floods that

destroyed Edessa on heavy rain (Procop. Aed. 2,7,4). However, sudden thaw could also have devastating effects (Tarsus: Procop. Aed. 5,5,15). Overall, particular meteorological circumstances seem to have lain behind the flooding that took place. It cannot, for instance, be supposed that anthropogenic alteration of the > landscape brought about flooding in Antiquity. Construction and deforestation certainly did not alter the natural landscape to the extent of significantly increasing water runoff. However, the construction of cities in close proximity to rivers and on flood plains did lead to difficulties. Such locations led to the impacts of floods as described in ancient literature. In coastal regions, flood disasters could be caused by seaquakes, as e.g. in AD 366 (Amm. Marc. 26,10,15-19). 1 A.CAMERON,

Procopius,

1985

2 F.KoLs,

Rom.

Geschichte der Stadt in der Antike, 1995 3 J.LE GALL, Le Tibre: Fleuve de Rome dans l’antiquité, 1953 4 R. Meiccs, Roman Ostia,*1973 5 G. WALDHERR,S. V. Uberschwemmungen, in: H.SONNABEND (ed.), Mensch und Landschaft in der Antike, 1999, 573-575 6K.W. WEEBER, Smog iiber Attika, 1990, 155-167. H.SCHN.

Food offerings. Generally, a sacrificial offering in food form, raw (the first fruit of harvest, a cup of wine) or cooked (such as a pot of porridge or the navonequia/ panspermia, a mixture of first fruit or seeds), dedicated to the gods or the dead. The term comprises the offering of consecrated meat, cereals and other vegetarian foodstuffs (vegetables, fruit, cake, cheese), as well as different liquids (wine, milk, honey-based drinks etc.); it includes also the offering of whole meals (— theoxénia) and animal sacrifice (— sacrifice). Offerings of vegetarian foodstuffs are found in many rites: sometimes in combination with bloody offerings (such as scattering cereals before or on top of the sacrificial animal) or independent from them. The cult’s rules determined the form of FOs according to the deity they were meant for. Edible offerings were placed on the altar for the deity to have them as they were, or they were burnt, becoming thus available to the gods in the form of smoke. A special form of offering consisted of a table covered with various dishes: these > theoxénia have been attested for different places of the Greek world. The Roman rite knew the > lectisternium, which was influenced by the Greeks and during which dining couches (or chairs, - sellisternia, for goddesses) for six or twelve deities were prepared in a sacred place. Being a token of - hospitality, this ritual meal had an integrating function. Another rite consisted in placing sacrificial offerings ona ‘sacred table’ (iegd toaneta/hiera trapeza) besides the altar, with the offerings being given in their original form, not burnt, to the gods. All of these offerings, or part of them, fell to the > priests. FOs could have economic significance, such as the harvest offerings of Athens’ allies to the goddesses of ~ Eleusis [1], which contributed to finance the cults.

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1 J. SVENBRO, Bibliogr. du sacrifice grec, in: M. DETIENNE,

J.-P. VeRNaNT (eds.), La cuisine du sacrifice en pays grec, 1979, 309-323 (with the most important lit. until 1979) 2 L.Bruir ZarpMan, Les dieux aux festins des mortels. Théoxénies et xeniai, in: A.F. Laurens (ed.), Entre hommes et dieux. Le convive ..., 1989, 13-25 3 Ead.,

The Meal at the Hyakinthia: Ritual Consumption and Offering, in: O. Murray (ed.), Sympotica ..., 1990, 162-1 74 5 M.H. JAMESON, 4D.G1i1, Greek Cult Tables, 1991 Theoxenia, in: R. HAGG (ed.), Ancient Greek Cult Practice from the Epigraphical Evidence, 1994, 35-57 6 M.Nourtuan, Les lectisternes républicains, in: s. [2], 7 J.ScHEID, La religion des Romains, 1998. 27-41

P.S.-P.

Fowling (doviWevtxi/ornitheutikée, Eevuxd/ixeutikd; Latin aucupium). As is shown by the large number of casual references, fowling was probably very widespread in Antiquity, and in rural regions was esp. common. In literary texts, fowling regularly appears in connection with + hunting and = fishing, as in Sophocles [1], who introduces fowling to illustrate the supremacy of humans over animals (Soph. Ant. 342-347). Plato [1] deals with fowling among the regulations for hunting, but rejects it as an activity for free youths; he maintains that fowling should be permitted only in open fields or in mountainous areas (Pl. Leg. 823a—824a). The respective characteristics of hunting, fishing and fowling are carefully compared in the Halieutika (1) and in the Kynégetika by Oppianus [2] (II) (Opp. Hal. 1,155; Opp. Kyn. 1,47—80); it is emphasized there that a fowler does not kill with a weapon. Fowling was known as early as the Homeric period, and was concisely described by Xenophon [2] in the 4th cent. BC (Hom. Od. 22,468-470; Xen. Cyr. 1,6,39). In the late Roman Republic, references to fowling made up part of the appreciation of rural life (Cic. Cato 56; Hor. Epod. 2,33 f.; Catull. 114,3; cf. later also Mart. 9,54). Fowling also appears in presentations of peasant life (Verg. G. 1,139; 1,271; Longus 3,5 f.). There were various forms of fowling listed — albeit incompletely — by Xenophon and Oppianus (Opp. Hal. 1,29-34; Opp. Kyn. 1,64-66). Without a doubt, the most important and recognizable implement of fowling was a net (dixtvov/diktyon; Latin rete), which is recorded as early as in Homer and later in numerous epigrams (Hom. Od. 22,468-470; Anth. Gr. 6,11-16; 6,179187); the use of birdlime (i€dc/ixds; Latin viscum, (h)arundo) is graphically described by Longus (Longus 3,5£.;cf. also Petron. Sat. 40,6; Plin. HN 16,248). People used trained birds of related species as decoys, or + owls, which were attacked by songbirds during the day (Xen. Cyr. 1,6,39; Opp. Hal. 4,r20-125; Aristot. Hist. an. 609a). In Thrace, smaller birds were hunted with the aid of > falcons (Aristot. Hist. an. 620a-b; cf. Plin. HN 10,23). The preferred season for fowling was winter. In Virgil, fowling is expressly listed as one of the activities of this season, and the scene in Longus happens in winter, when birds can no longer find food in the deep snow in fields and look for it near settlements (Verg. G. 1,259-275; Longus 3,3-6).

GOVERNOR

It remains unclear whether birds were caught alive to be kept as pets (-+ Domestic animals). Daphnis, at any rate, kills and plucks the birds he has caught, and they are ultimately eaten (Longus 3,6,2; 3,9,3). In Italy, + thrushes were caught to be fattened in bird-houses (Columella 8,10,1). An impressive pictorial representation of fowling with an owl as a decoy can be found on an Attic black-figure amphora (6th cent. BC, New York, private collection; [2]). 1 E.B6nr, Vogelfang mit Leim und Kauz, in: AA 1992, 573-583 2J.BOARDMAN (ed.), The Oxford History of Classical Art, 1993, 71 f. 3 A.W. Mair (ed.), Oppian,

Colluthus, Tryphiodorus, 1928, XXXIV-XXXVI_

4K.-

W.WEEBER, Alltag im Alten Rom. Das Landleben, 2000, 255-259, S. Vv. V. H.SCHN.

Francolin (Francolinus francolinus, &cvaytv/ attagen, Attic &ttayac/attagds). This wild hen, which resembles

a rock partridge, still widespread in Asia Minor and Africa, often (as in Plin. HN. 10,133) bears the Latin epithet Ionius. According to Pliny, it multiplied particularly in Gaul and Spain. Aristoph. Ach. 875 mentiones francolins in Boeotia. By the attagén caught in the Alps the hazel grouse was probably meant. Hor. Epod. 2,53 and Mart. 13,61 prize its excellent flavour. Alexander of Myndus in Ath. 9,387f gives a good description: it is larger than a rock partridge, has a reddish colouration, a spotted design on its back and is clumsy owing to its short wings. A mosaic from Thysdrus in Tunisia shows a standing pair [1. 2,159]. Two ancient coins survive, one from Asia Minor [2. pl. 5,47f.]. 1 KELLER

2 FR. IMHOOF-BLUMER, O. KELLER, Tier- und

Pflanzenbilder auf Miinzen und Gemmen des klassischen Altertums, 1889, repr. 1972. C.HU.

Governor. The modern term ‘governor’ merges numerous designations of regular officials and functionaries in the ancient Near East and Graeco-Roman antiquity into one. The common factor of all these positions was the fulfilment of military and administrative duties (i.e. ‘governing’) far from the centre of rule, in clearly geographically defined areas (+ Eparchia; > Provincia; satrapy, s. > Satrap) and by order of and in the place of the actual political ruler. Representatives and deputies of the ruler who worked in the political centre (court, capital: e.g. viziers; > Praefectus urbi), and the heads of central offices (+ Dioiketes; + Magister officiorum; + Praefectus praetorio), were thus not considered governors. The governor’s tasks included primarily commanding troops, who were sometimes also recruited in the region of his rule, also often civil administration, the dispensation of justice and the collection of > taxes. Where these spheres were institutionally separate, it was generally the military commander who was regarded as the ‘governor’. The competences of a governor developed in the large territorial empires of the ancient Near East (+ Mesopotamia, esp. III; > Egypt), becoming in the

GOVERNOR

huge empire of the + Achaemenids (+ Darius [1]; ~» Satrap) autonomous regions with their own right to mint coin (except gold), in which the governor ruled to all intents and purposes as a viceroy. This system continued in the empire of > Alexander [4] the Great and the —> Hellenistic states (— Strategos, > Hellenism). From the 3rd cent. BC, Rome governed its rapidly expanding empire through magistrates (-> Magistratus) and promagistrates (-> Proconsul; + Propraetor), who acted in their provinces as governors with military and administrative competences. From the time of Augustus, legati Augusti pro praetore (of consular or praetorian rank; > Legatus [4]) operated as governors in the Imperial provinces, proconsuls of praetorian rank in the Senatorial provinces. The governor of Egypt, which was directly ruled by the Emperor, had a unique role (> Praefectus Aegypti). From the reign of - Claudius [III x], equestrian officials too (+ Procurator [r]) emerged as provincial governors in their own right. In late antiquity, provincial governors occurred bearing the titles > consularis, > corrector and (esp. in the many provinces created by the administrative reforms of > Diocletianus) > praeses. There were no governors in the geomorpholigically and politically fragmented world of the Greek poleis, but there too the essentials of a comparable function did appear where one polis exerted control over others: e.g. the rule of a tyrant’s brothers or sons over neighbouring states (> Gelon [1]; > Hieron [1]; cf. > Tyrannis), or in bases and colonies of tyrants (> Cypselides); the role (more akin to that of a ‘state commissar’) of the Athenian overseer (— Episkopos [1]) in allied cities within the > Delian League; the Spartan > harmostai [1] in the role of commanders of occupying forces. The physical distance from the centre, which necessitated independent action, and the availability of sometimes large bodies of troops created a latent tension in relations between governors and the political centre, which in times of crisis or interregna could spark governors’ uprisings, secession attempts and wars of succession (- Satrap revolt; > Year of four emperors). It was thus in the interests of the centre to exert effective control over governors. This could be achieved by limiting the latter’s scope for action by targeted surveillance (+ Agentes in rebus;

1036

1035

+ Frumentarii; — Secret police)

and the appointment of advisors (> Legatus 2 and 4), but also by limiting the term of the appointment, by dividing large territories into several smaller ones and removing from the authority of the governor esp. important military bases, the commanders of which were answerable directly to central authority (> Phrourarchos). W.ED.

Hellenic League. Modern term for the league of c. 30 Greek states (31 in Plut. Themistocles 20,3; cf. > Snake column) which swore an oath to unite against the Persians in the autumn of 481 BC, immediately prior to the attack of Xerxes [1] I and whose representatives (probouloi: Hdt. 7,172,1) met regularly in the sanctu-

ary of Poseidon on the Isthmus of Corinth, beginning no later than the spring of 480. The first meeting took place in 48x in Sparta (Paus. 3,12,6), the leading Greek power of the time (cf. Thuc. 1,18,2), or on the Isthmus (Hdt. 1,145,1). The league had no official name and is usually known today as the ‘Hellenic League’ (following Paus. 3,12,6) or ‘Confederation’ ([1. 36]; > Persian Wars). Sparta received the supreme command over the army and navy (~ Cleombrotus [1]; Pausanias [x]; Eurybiades; Hdt. 8,2-3); the military office holders of the league members continued to hold office, but a commander of each polis contingent also appears to have been appointed as a member of the war council headed by Sparta (e.g. - Themistocles). Through the settlement of internal feuds (Hdt. 1,145,1) and the threat of sanctions against Greeks who voluntarily supported the Persians (Hdt. 7, 132,2), the league sought to increase internal unity and, at the same time, to gain help from the outside, for example from Argos (Hdt. 7,148 f.) and the Sicilian ruler > Gelon [1] (Hdt. 7,153,1; 7,157-162); both efforts failed. After the Persians were repulsed, Samos, Chios, Lesbos and other Aegean islands were included in the league in 479. It continued (cf. Thuc. 1,102,4 on the year 462; 3,63,2 f. on the year 427 BC), although Sparta withdrew from its activities in 477 BC (Thue. 1,95,3-7). With that, Athens in effect took over the supreme command of the league and used the opportunity to found the > Delian League (cf. [2]) within the Hellenic League. 1 K. WicKERT, Der Peloponnesische Bund, 1961

2 P.A.

Brunt, The Hellenic League against Persia, in: Historia 2,

1953, 135-163

3A.TRONSON, The Hellenic League of

480 B. C. - Fact or Ideological Fiction?, in: Acta Classica

34, 1991, 93-110.

W.ED.

Heracleon (‘Hoeaxdéwv; Héraklédn) is considered the ‘most famous’ representative of the heretical Christian school of the > Valentinians (Clem. Al. Strom. 4,71,1). He was active in the second half of the 2nd cent. AD, but it is not known where (Rome and/or Alexandria?). Apparently Hypomnemata were produced from his exegesis of John, which Origenes [2] cites in his commentary on John (48 fragments). In his interpretation, which also draws on other gospels, Paulus [II 2] and the Old Testament, there is a background cosmogonic myth. In it the world-creating > démiourgo6s [3], who is also the legislator, is devalued with respect to the supreme God. Under him is the -> Devil (didbolos), symbolizing matter and its forces. The burden of the fragments applies to anthropology and soteriology. If the soul rules over the body and if it by free choice follows the divine — will revealed by Christ, it will attain a limited salvation, as e.g. in the case of John the Baptist (Jo 4,46—53; H. fr. 40); in contrast, the ‘choikos’ (yoixdc/choikds, ‘person made of earth or dust’) is subject to his physical drives, so that he deserves to be called son of the Devil. Only somebody whose soul carries in itself a pneumatic seed (> Pneu-

1037

1038

ma) can achieve true knowledge; but also, before the coming of the Saviour such a soul is in ignorance and sin. This fate of the ‘Pneumatics’ (pneumatikoi) is indicated, in H.’s view, in the story of the Samaritan woman (Jo 4,1-42; H. fr. 17-23). ~ Heresy; + Valentinians; > Valentinus [1] A.E. Brooke

57; J. HoLznausen, Die Seelenlehre des Gnostikers Herakleon, in: Id. (ed.), Wuyh — Seele — anima, 1998, 279-300. J.-HO.

Imperium Galliarum. The IG (SHA Tyr. Trig. 5,5: imperium Galliarum; Zon. 12,26) was founded in AD 260 by > Postumus [3] and included Gaul, Britain,

northern Spain and probably parts of Raetia (AE 1993, 1231). Postumus succeeded in binding the regional leadership class and the population to himself and establishing rule after Roman model, with capitals in Cologne (+ Colonia Agrippinensis) and Trier (Augusta [6] Treverorum). When Postumus was slain by his own soldiers in 269 after victories over > Gallienus, > Aureolus and the usurper > Laelianus, the apparently consolidated empire collapsed. + Marius [II 1], who was elevated to emperor in 269 and soon murdered, was followed by > Victorinus [2], who was killed in 271. His mother > Victoria [2] pushed through the election of the aristocratic Gaul > Esuvius [1] Tetricus as the new Augustus. In 274, > Aurelianus [3] defeated Tetricus and reincorporated the territories into the Roman Empire. With the successful defence against the Germans during its existence, the IG had a stabilizing function similar to the roughly contemporaneous empire of + Palmyra (cf. > Rome lI. E.2.e.). Itis disputed whether the IG should be seen as an independent political entity (Eutr. 9,9,3; Eusebius FGrH rot F 2,5) or asa reparatio

Galliarum

(‘restoration of the Gallic

provinces’;Eutr. 9,9,1 [1. 182-188]). 11. Konic, Die gallischen Usurpatoren von Postumus bis Tetricus,

1982

2 J.F. Drinkwater, The Gallic Empire,

1987.

ME.SCH.

Indoor keeping of cattle see > Stabling of livestock

John see > Iohannes Justice at the gate. In Mesopotamia, from the 3rd millennium BC, the gates of + temples, cities and other locations (e.g. + palaces) could serve as venues for jurisdiction [1. 140 f.; 2. 66 withn. 6; 3. 321-325]. The same was true in Egypt [4. 782]. This was associated with the role of gates as foci of public and economic life in cities, and in the case of temple doors it was also linked to the temple’s function as a venue for the taking of oaths of testimony and purification. — Door

1 A.FALKENSTEIN

(ed.), Die

Inschriften

Gudeas

von

Lagas, vol. 1: Introduction/Einleitung, 1966 2 Id., Die neusumerischen Gerichtsurkunden, vol. 1, 1956 3 E.Domprapl, Die Darstellung des Rechtsaustrags in den altbabylonischen ProzeSurkunden, vol. 1, 1996 4H. BRUNNER, s. v. Tiir und Tor, LA 6, 778-787. HN.

(ed.), The Fragments of H., 1891 (repr.

1967); W. FOERSTER, Die Gnosis, vol. 1, *1995, 214-240 (Germ. transl.); C. BAMMEL, s.v. Herakleon, TRE 15, 54-

provinciarum

RENTING AND HIRING

Karanos (xdeavoc/kdranos < Old Persian *karana-, lord over an army [2]). Term used by Xenophon [2] (Xen. Hell. 1,4,3 f.) referring to + Cyrus [3] the Younger for an Achaemenid military leader, higher in rank than an ordinary ~ satrap, to whom the -> Great King has assigned particular military duties (and administrative/financial?) duties (command over the peoples by the sea?). Since the term is mentioned only once, it remains unclear whether other officials with similar authority can also be described as karanoi[1. 26; 3] and whether the so-called ‘satrap coins’ are to be regarded as ‘karanic’ [1. 50-65]. 1P.DeBorpD, a.C.),1999

L’Asie Mineure

au IVe siécle (412-323

2 C.HAEBLER, Kégavoc. Eine sprachwissen-

schaftliche Betrachtung zu Xen. Hell. I,4,3, in: J. Tischler (ed.), Serta Indogermanica. FS G. Neumann, 1982, 81-90 3 A.G. KEEN, Persian karanoi and Their Relationship to the Satrapal System, in: T. W. Hillard et al. (eds.), Ancient History in a Modern University, vol. 1: The Ancient Near East, Greece and Rome, 1998, 88-95.

Ouroboros (Oveofde0c; Ourobéros). Snake biting its own tail, frequently used as a symbol by ancient alchemists but also appearing frequently in Graeco-Egyptian — magical papyri (PGM 7, col. 17; cf. PGM 1,145f.; 12,203f.; 12,274f.; 36,184). It represents the unity of all forces and processes in the cosmos. By investigating a single matter accurately one understands everything: the macrocosm is reflected in the microcosm. The formula that explains the symbol is evidently meant to express the principle that the existence of the individual exists for the sake of the existence of the whole (and vice versa): év to nav/hén to pan, “One is all (and all is through it, and all is for its sake, and if something does not contain all, all is nothing)” [1]. There is also evidence of the ouroboros in Egypt [2]. 1 G.Lucx, Arcana Mundi, 1985, 367 2 A.PIANKOFF, The Shrines of Tut-Ankh-Amon, 1955, pl. 48 31d., Mythological Papyri, 1957, 22 fig. 3; 174 fig. 74; pap. 20; pap. 27. W.Deronna, Ouroboros, in: Artibus Asiae 15, 1952, 163170; K.PREISENDANZ, Aus der Geschichte des U., in: F.HERRMANN et al. (eds.), Brauch und Sinnbild. FS E. Fehrle, 1940, 194-209. ini

Renting and hiring I. GENERAL

II. ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGYPT

Ill. GREECE

IV. ROME

I. GENERAL Renting and hiring today are contracts concerning transfer of the use of a property or an object in return

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