Brill's New Pauly Encyclopaedia of the Ancient World (Mini-Obe) 9789004122727, 9789004122598, 9004122729

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Encyclopaedia of the Ancient World

ANTIQUITY

MINI-OBE

ML

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FROM AE LIBR

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UNIVERSITY of NEW HAMPSHIRE LIBRARY

EDMUND G. MILLER

LIBRARY

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Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2022 with funding from Kahle/Austin Foundation

https://archive.org/details/brillsnewpaulyenO009unse

Brill’s New Pauly

ANTIQUITY VOLUME 9

MINI-OBE

Brill’s New Pauly SUBJECT

EDITORS

Dr. Andreas Bendlin, Toronto

Prof. Dr. Johannes Niehoff, Budapest

History of Religion

Judaism, Eastern Christianity, Byzantine Civilization

Prof. Dr. Gerhard Binder, Bochum History of Civilization

Prof. Dr. Hans Jorg Nissen, Berlin Oriental Studies

Prof. Dr. Rudolf Brandle, Basle Christianity

Prof. Dr. Vivian Nutton, London Medicine; Tradition: Medicine

Prof. Dr. Hubert Cancik, Tubingen Executive Editor

Historical Geography

Prof. Dr. Walter Eder, Bochum Ancient History

Prof. Dr. Filippo Ranieri, Saarbriicken European Legal History

Prof. Dr. Paolo Eleuteri, Venice Textual Criticism, Palaeography and Codicology

Prof. Dr. Johannes Renger, Berlin

Prof. Dr. Eckart Olshausen, Stuttgart

Oriental Studies; Tradition: Ancient Orient

Dr. Karl-Ludwig Elvers, Bochum

Prof. Dr. Volker Riedel, Jena

Ancient History

Tradition: Education, Countries (II)

Prof. Dr. Bernhard Forssman, Erlangen Linguistics; Tradition: Linguistics

Prof. Dr. Jorg Ruipke, Erfurt Latin Philology, Rhetoric

Prof. Dr. Fritz Graf, Columbus (Ohio)

Prof. Dr. Gottfried Schiemann, Tiibingen

Religion and Mythology; Tradition: Religion

Law

PD Dr. Hans Christian Giinther, Freiburg Textual Criticism

Prof. Dr. Helmuth Schneider, Kassel Executive Editor; Social and Economic History,

Prof. Dr. Max Haas, Basle Music; Tradition: Music

Prof. Dr. Berthold Hinz, Kassel Tradition: Art and Architecture

Dr. Christoph Hocker, Zurich Archaeology Prof. Dr. Christian Hiinemorder, Hamburg Natural Sciences Prof. Dr. Lutz Kappel, Kiel Mythology

Military Affairs, History of Classical Scholarship Prof. Dr. Dietrich Willers, Bern

Classical Archaeology (Material Culture and History of Art) Dr. Frieder Zaminer, Berlin Music

Prof Dr. Bernhard Zimmermann, Freiburg Tradition: Countries (I)

ASSISTANT EDITORS

Dr. Margarita Kranz, Berlin Tradition: Philosophy

Brigitte Egger

Prof. Dr. André Laks, Lille

Jochen Derlien

Philosophy Prof. Dr. Manfred Landfester, Giessen Executive Editor: Classical Tradition; Tradition: History of Classical Scholarship and History of Civilization

Prof. Dr. Maria Moog-Griinewald, Tiibingen Comparative Literature Prof. Dr. Dr. Glenn W. Most, Pisa Greek Philology Prof. Dr. Beat Naf, Zurich

Tradition: Political Theory and Politics

Susanne Fischer Dietrich Frauer Ingrid Hitzl Heike Kunz Vera Sauer

Christiane Schmidt Dorothea Sigel Anne-Maria Wittke

(GERMAN EDITION)

Brill’s Encyclopaedia of the Ancient World

New Pauly Edited by Hubert Cancik and Helmuth Schneider

English Edition Editor-in-chief Christine F. Salazar

Assistant Editors Tina Chronopoulos, Susanne E. Hakenbeck, Annette Imhausen, Sebastiaan R. van der Mije, Paul du Plessis,

Antonia Ruppel, Ernest Suyver, Barbara Vetter

and Matthijs Wibier

ANTIQUITY VOLUME 9

MINI-OBE

LEIDEN 2006

- BOSTON

© Copyright 2006 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands Koninklijke Brill Nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing, roc Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and vsp.

Originally published in German as DER NEUE PAULY. Enzyklopadie der Antike. Herausgegeben von Hubert Cancik und Helmuth Schneider. Copyright © J.B. Metzlersche Verlagsbuchhandlung und Carl Ernst Poeschel Verlag GmbH 1o996ff./r9g9off. Stuttgart/Weimar

ISBN-13 ISBN-13 ISBN-1O ISBN-1O

(volume) 978 90 04 12272 7 set) 978 90 04 12259 8 volume) 90 04 12272 9 set) 90 04 12259 I

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher.

Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Brill provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910,

Cover design: TopicA (Antoinette Hanekuyk) Front: Delphi, temple area Spine: Tabula Peutingeriana

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Fees are subject to change.

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Data structuring and typesetting: pagina GmbH, Tibingen, Germany

PRINTED

IN THE

NETHERLANDS

Table of Contents Notes to the User . List of Transliterations List of Abbreviations .

List of Illustrations and Maps List of Authors Entries

Notes to the User Arrangement of Entries

Abbreviations

The entries are arranged alphabetically and, if applicable, placed in chronological order. In the case of alternative forms or sub-entries, cross-references will lead to the respective main entry. Composite entries can be found in more than one place (e.g. a commentariis re-

All abbreviations can be found in the ‘List of Abbreviations’. Collections ofinscriptions, coins and papyri are listed under their sigla.

fers to commentarits, a).

Bibliographies

Identical entries are differentiated by numbering. Identical Greek and Oriental names are arranged chronologically without consideration of people’s nicknames. Roman names are ordered alphabetically, first according to the gentilicium or nomen (family name), then the cognomen (literally ‘additional name’ or nickname) and finally the praenomen or ‘fore-name’ (e.g. M. Aemilius Scaurus is found under Aemilius, not Scau-

Most entries have bibliographies, consisting of numbered and/or alphabetically organized references. References within the text to the numbered bibliographic items are in square brackets (e.g. [ 1.5 n.23] refers to the first title of the bibliography, page 5, note 23). The abbreviations within the bibliographies follow the rules of the ‘List of Abbreviations’.

rus).

However, well-known classical authors are lemmatized

according to their conventional names in English; this group of persons is not found under the family name, but under their cognomen (e.g. Cicero, not Tullius). In large entries the Republic and the Imperial period are treated separately.

Texts and maps are closely linked and complementary, but some maps also treat problems outside the text. The authors of the maps are listed in the ‘List of Maps’.

Spelling of Entries

Cross-references

Greek words and names are as a rule latinized, follow-

Articles are linked through a system of cross-references with an arrow > before the entry that is being referred to. Cross-references to related entries are given at the end of an article, generally before the bibliographic notes. If reference is made to a homonymous entry, the respective number is also added. Cross-references to entries in the Classical Tradition volumes are added in small capitals. It can occur that in a cross-reference a name is spelled differently from the surrounding text: e.g., a cross-reference to Mark Antony has to be to Marcus + Antonius, as his name will be found in a list of other names containing the component ‘Antonius’.

ing the predominant practice of reference works in the English language, with the notable exception of technical terms. Institutions and places (cities, rivers, islands, countries etc.) often have their conventional Eng-

lish names (e.g. Rome not Roma). The latinized versions of Greek names and words are generally followed by the Greek and the literal transliteration in brackets, e.g. Aeschylus (Aioxbdoc; Aischylos). Oriental proper names are usually spelled according to the ‘Tiibinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients’ (TAVO), but again conventional names in English are also used. In the maps, the names of cities, rivers, islands, countries

etc. follow ancient spelling and to allow for differences in time, and Cappadocia can be found. non-Latin scripts can be found terations’. Latin and transliterated Greek

are transliterated fully e.g. both Kanmadoxa The transliteration of in the ‘List of Transtliwords are italicized in

the article text. However, where Greek transliterations

do not follow immediately upon a word written in Greek, they will generally appear in italics, but without accents or makra.

Maps

—_

ag) qui ont iar : bee

(nie

nd

1

e

‘

reel) of

s

sal

fl

*

alp

~~

YG)

Me

wy

Ge

ou) gh

pa

4)

SY

eee

u

PY]

a

ONY TM en Age

>

.

w@

te

ae

a

¥

je

«

Ce 3°42

4am

ait

ee Gab

re

~

ai

luaThias

—

ed

i

pets

=

=

oy Sn

Gama

upgee)'

gest

ris gg ©

Ge

bk a2 jes A

as

ied

ml 0

hea

mM,

lll

-

Howlett 10 ant

wnt « @aaal

—

nag

ie

de

BT 1208 Ay wee @ eS.

A

eed

Gee

Co

8 oe Popes BD)

erste

ii

Viet aries tay op eure

ee

eeee

aps aA open ata

mo

a

rqer

Seyret

-

ae

aa

ee

08,

vehi 96

qraresip (ae

rea

s

»

anol @teed Cape « si : ms

wequit-2 gars. (ye anueennitigty

>

—

% givin’

;

ein

*

me [oer

List of Transliterations Transliteration of ancient Greek

Transliteration of Hebrew

a cut au

a ai au

alpha

X 2 i

a b g

alef bet gimel

B y é € EL

b g d e ei

beta gamma; y before y, x, €, y: n delta epsilon

7 7

d h

dalet he

; t n

w Z h

vav zayin khet

v

t

tet

, 5 9 a) 3 fe) y 5 x ? A wv Uv

y k | m n s ‘ p/f s q r S Sy

yod kaf lamed mem nun samek ayin pe tsade qof resh sin shin

n

t

tav

ev

eu

G n nu 0 U x r uw Vv eS ) Ou Ov

Zz é éu th i k | m n x ) ol ou

z(d)eta eta

I 0 0,¢

p f s

pi rho sigma

Tt

t

tau

v o x w @ , a

y ph ch ps ) h ai

upsilon phi chi psi omega spiritus asper iota subscriptum (similarly y, o)

theta iota kappa la(m)bda mu nu xl omicron

Pronunciation of Turkish Turkish uses Latin script since 1928. Pronunciation and spelling generally follow the same rules as European languages. Phonology according to G. Lewis, Turkish Grammar, 2000.

French a in avoir In transliterated Greek the accents are retained (acute ’,

grave’, and circumflex ~). Long vowels with the circumflex accent have no separate indication of vowel length (makron).

b jin jam ch in church d French é in étre f g in gate or in angular lengthens preceding vowel h in have iin cousin French i in si

French j c in cat or in cure

l in list or in wool eoggag el eo Ooo Se Se m Ca SivayG@yy Cl aes GG ee Ne

LIST

OF TRANSLITERATIONS

N

n

O

fe)

O

6

n French o in note German 6

P

P

Pp

Transliteration of other languages

R

ie

r

S

S

s in sit

Akkadian (Assyrian-Babylonian), Hittite and Sumerian are transliterated according to the rules of RLA and TAVO. For Egyptian the rules of the Lexikon der Agyptologie are used. The transliteration of Indo-European

S

§

sh in shape

follows Rix, HGG. The transliteration of Old Indian is

AR

t

t

U

u

uin put German u Vv y in yet Zz

U

i

V

Vv

Y

y

16,

Zi

Transliteration Turkish Pa

»,a

wv

b

of Arabic,

Persian,

hamza, alif

b

b

P

P

ba pe

Ss

t

t

t

ta’

—

t

s g

s g

ta’

g

a

a

(G

Cc

o é

h h

h h

h h

>

d

d

d

3

d

z

z

5 5

r Zi

r

r

L

Zs

3

=

Re oe

s §

vu?

s

a

d

L 4 a

c Zz Q

Z

z

S

S

j s d

3 s d

z

z g

t

t

é

4

g

os

f

f

f

te) 4 &

q k a

q

q,k

J -

k

k, g, fi

g

gn

| m

m

m

ro)

n

n

n

0

h

h

h

w,u

v

Vv

y

y

Gos

and

I

I

Ottoman

after M.MAYRHOFER, Etymologisches Worterbuch des Altindoarischen, 1992ff. Avestian is done according to K. HorrMann, B. Forssman, Avestische Laut- und Flexionslehre, 1996. Old Persian follows R.G. KENT, Old Persian, *1953 (additions from K. HOFFMANN, Aufsatze zur Indoiranistik vol. 2, 1976, 622ff.); other Iranian languages are after R. SCHMITT, Compendium linguarum Iranicarum, 1989, and after D.N. MACKENziE, A Concise Pahlavi Dictionary, +1990. For Armenian the rules of R. ScHmitT, Grammatik des KlassischArmenischen, 1981, and of the Revue des études arméniennes, apply. The languages of Asia Minor are transliterated according to HbdOr. For Mycenean, Cyprian see HEuBECK and Masson; for Italic scripts and Etruscan see VETTER and ET.

List of Abbreviations 1. Special Characters > < >

see (cross-reference) originated from (ling.) evolved into (ling.)

i,u m,n ie

consonantal i, u vocalized m, n vocalized |, r

Vv

root

|

syllable end

-

born/reconstructed form (ling.)

a

word end

@

married

es

transliteration

a a

short vowel long vowel

/ / (4

phonemic representation apocryphal

ii

deceased

col. conc. Cologne, RGM comm. Congr. contd. Copenhagen,

column acta concilii Cologne, R6misch Germanisches Museum commentary Congrss, Congrés, Congresso continued Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptothek

2. List of General Abbreviations Common

abbreviations (e.g., etc.) are not included in

the list of general abbreviations. A. AU, abl. acc. aed. cur. aed. pl. Ap(p). Athens,AM_

Aulus ab urbe condita ablative accusative aedilis curulis aedilis plebi Appius Athens, Acropolis Museum

Athens,BM_ Athens,NM_ Athens,

Athens, Benaki Museum Athens, National Museum Athens, Numismatic Museum

NUM b. Baltimore, WAG Basle, AM Berlin, PM Berlin, SM bk(s). Bonn, RL Boston, MFA Bull. G: é Cambridge, FM carm. Cat. cent. ch. (Gin Cod.

born Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery Basle, Antikenmuseum Berlin, Pergamonmuseum Berlin, Staatliche Museen book(s) Bonn, Rheinisches Landesmuseum Boston, Museum of Fine Arts Bulletin, Bullettino

Gaius circa Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum carmen, carmina

Catalogue, Catalogo century

chapter Gnaeus Codex, Codices, Codizes

NCG Copenhagen, NM Copenhagen, ™ cos. cos. des. cos. ord. cos. suff. cur. De Dec d. dat. decret. diss. ed. edd. epist. f.l. fem. fig(s). fla. Florence, MA Florence, UF

Copenhagen, National Museum Copenhagen, Thorvaldsen Museum

consul consul designatus consul ordinarius consul suffectus curator Decimus died dative decretum, decreta dissertation edidit, editio, editor, edited (by) ediderunt epistulae falsa lectio feminine figure(s) flamen Florence, Museo Archeologico

Florence, Uffizi

GENERAL

fr. Frankfurt,

LH gen. Geneva,

fragment Frankfurt, Liebighaus genitive Geneva, Musée d’Art et d’Histoire

MAH Ger.

Gk. Hamburg, MKG Hanover,

KM HS ill(s). Imp. inventory no. Istanbul, AM

German Greek

Hamburg, Museum fiir Kunst und Gewerbe Hanover, Kestner-Museum

sesterces illustration(s) Imperator

PM MS(S) Munich, GL Munich, SA Munich,

Latin

:

recto

leges liber, libri linguistic(ally) locative London, British Museum

rev. Rome, MC Rome, MN

revised Rome, Museo Capitolino Rome, Museo Nazionale

Rome, MV Rome, VA

Rome, Museo Vaticano Rome, Villa Albani

Rome, VG

Rome, Villa Giulia

Manius Marcus Madrid, Prado

St Ser.

Sextus Serie, Series, Série, Seria

S.V. SC sc. schol.

sub voce senatus consultum scilicet scholion, scholia

Ser.

Servius

manuscript(s)

serm. s(in)g.

sermo singular

Munich, Glyptothek

Soc.

Society, Societé, Societa

Sp. St. St. Petersburg, HR Stud. ce

Spurius Saint St. Petersburg, Hermitage Studia, Studien, Studies, Studi Titus

The Hague,

The Hague, Muntenkabinet

Malibu, Getty Museum masculinum, masculine Moscow, Pushkin Museum

Munich, Staatliche Antikensammlung Munich, Staatliche Miinzsammlung

SM Mus.

Museum, Musée, Museo

N. n.d.

Numerius

Naples, MAN neutr. New York, MMA no. nom.

Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale __ Paris, Cabinet des Médailles Paris, Louvre

loco citato

Lucius

Moscow,

Paris, LV

page Papyrus Publius Palermo, Museo Archeologico Nazionale

Pseudo Quintus

Kassel, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen lex line

GM masc.

Opus, Opera optative Old Testament Oxford, Ashmolean Museum

Ps.(Op qu.

Istanbul, Archaeological Museum itineraria

Madrid, PR Malibu,

New Testament

Op. opt. OF Oxford, AM p. EF 2, Palermo, MAN Paris, BN Paris, CM

plate plural pontifex maximus praefatio praefectus proconsul procurator propraetor

itin.

M.

NT

pl. plur. pon. max pr(aef) praef procos. procur. propr.

inventory number

Kassel, SK

N.S.

XII

ABBREVIATIONS

no date Naples, Museo Archeologico Nazionale neutrum, neuter, neutral

New York, Metropolitan Museum of Arts

number nominative Neue Serie, New Series, Nouvelle Série, Nuova Seria

quaestor

MK

Thessaloniki, National Museum Thessaloniki, NM

eewlitis

Tiberius

tit. transl. tr. mil. tr. pl.

titulus translation, translated (by) tribunus militum tribunus plebis

XII

BIBLIOGRAPHIC

tf. Univ.

v.

terminus technicus Universitat, University, Université, Universita verse

Vienna,KM_

verso Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum

vir clar. vir ill.

vir clarissimus vir illustris

vir spect.

vir spectabilis

vol(s).

volume(s)

ABBREVIATIONS

ABr P. ARNDT, F. BRUCKMANN (ed.), Griechische und r6mische Portrats, 1891 - 1912; E. LippoLp (ed.),

Text vol., 1958 ABSA Annual of the British School at Athens AG L’Antiquité Classique Acta Acta conventus neo-latini Lovaniensis, 1973

AD Archaiologikon Deltion 3. Bibliographic Abbreviations

ADAIK

A&A

Abhandlungen des Deutschen Archaologischen Instituts Kairo Adam

Antike und Abendland

J.P. ApamM, La construction romaine. Matériaux et

A&R

techniques, 1984

Atene e Roma

AA

ADAW

Abhandlungen der Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Klasse fiir Sprachen, Literatur und Kunst

Archaologischer Anzeiger AAA Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology

AAAlg

ADB

Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie

S. GsELL, Atlas archéologique de I’Algérie. Edition spéciale des cartes au 200.000 du Service Géogra-

phique de I’ Armée, 1911, repr. 1973 AAHG Anzeiger fiir die Altertumswissenschaften, publication of the Osterreichische Humanistische Gesellschaft AArch Acta archeologica AASO The Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research AATun o50 E. BABELON, R. CacnaT, S. REINACH

(ed.), Atlas

archéologique de la Tunisie (1 : 50.000), 1893 AATun too R. Cacenat, A. MERLIN (ed.), Atlas archéologique de la Tunisie (1: 100.000), 1914

AAWG Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Gottingen. Philologisch-historische Klasse AAWM

Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften und Literatur in Mainz. Geistes- und sozialwissenschaftliche Klasse AAWW Anzeiger der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien. Philosophisch-historische Klasse ABAW Abhandlungen der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-historische Klasse Abel F.-M.ABEL,GéographiedelaPalestine2vols., 193 3-38 ABG, Archiv fiir Begriffsgeschichte: Bausteine zu einem historischen Worterbuch der Philosophie

AdI Annali dell’Istituto di Corrispondenza Archeologica AE

L’Année épigraphique AEA Archivo Espanol de Arqueologia AEM

Archaologisch-epigraphische Mitteilungen aus Osterreich AfO Archiv fiir Orientforschung AGD Antike Gemmen in deutschen Sammlungen 4 vols., 1968-75

AGM Archiv fiir Geschichte der Medizin Agora

The Athenian Agora. Results of the Excavations by the American School of Classical Studies of Athens, 1953 ff. AGPh Archiv fiir Geschichte der Philosophie AGR

Akten der Gesellschaft fiir griechische und hellenistische Rechtsgeschichte AHAW Abhandlungen der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-historische Klasse AHES Archive for History of Exact Sciences ATHS Archives internationales d’histoire des sciences AION Annali del Seminario di Studi del Mondo Classico, Sezione di Archeologia e Storia antica

BIBLIOGRAPHIC

XIV

ABBREVIATIONS

AJ The Archaeological Journal of the Royal Archaeological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland

AJA

American Journal of Archaeology

AJAH

American Journal of Ancient History

AJBA Australian Journal of Biblical Archaeology AJN American Journal of Numismatics

AJPh

American Journal of Philology

AK Antike Kunst AKG Archiv fiir Kulturgeschichte AKL G. MEISSNER (ed.), Allgemeines Kiinsterlexikon: Die

bildenden Kiinstler aller Zeiten und Volker, *1991 fhe AKM Abhandlungen fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes Albrecht M. v. ALBRECHT, Geschichte der romischen Literatur, *1994

Alessio G. ALEss1o, Lexicon etymologicum. Supplemento ai Dizionari etimologici latini e romanzi, 1976 Alexander M.C. ALEXANDER, Trials in the Late Roman Republic: 149 BC to 50 BC (Phoenix Suppl. Vol. 26), 1990 Alfoldi A. ALFOLDI, Die monarchische Reprasentation im romischen Kaiserreiche, 1970, repr. >1980 Alféldy, FH G. ALFOLDy, Fasti Hispanienses. Senatorische Reichsbeamte und Offiziere in den spanischen Provinzen des romischen Reiches von Augustus bis Diokletian, 1969 Alfoldy, Konsulat G. ALFOLDY, Konsulat und Senatorenstand unter den Antoninen. Prosopographische Untersuchungen zur senatorischen Fuhrungsschicht (Antiquitas 1,

27), 1977 Alfoldy, RG G. ALFOLDy, Die rémische Gesellschaft. Ausgewahlte Beitrage, 1986 Alfoldy, RH G. ALFOLDy, Romische Heeresgeschichte, 1987 Alfoldy, RS G. ALFOLDY, Romische Sozialgeschichte, +1984 ALLG Archiv fiir lateinische Lexikographie und Grammatik Altaner B. ALTANER, Patrologie. Leben, Schriften und Lehre der Kirchenvater, ’1980

AMI Archaologische Mitteilungen aus [ran Amyx, Addenda C.W. Neert, Addenda et Corrigenda to D.A. Amyx, Corinthian Vase-Painting, 1991 Amyx, CVP

D.A. AMyx, Corinthian Vase-Painting of the Archaic Period 3 vols., 1988

Anadolu Anadolu (Anatolia) Anatolica Anatolica AncSoc Ancient Society Anderson J.G. ANDERSON, A Journey of Exploration in Pontus (Studia pontica 1), 1903 Anderson Cumont/Grégoire J.G. ANDERSON, F. Cumonrt, H. Grécoire, Recueil

des inscriptions grecques et latines du Pont et de l’Arménie (Studia pontica 3), 1910 André, botan.

J. ANDRE, Lexique des termes de botanique en iatin, 1956

André, oiseaux

J. ANpr&, Les noms d’oiseaux en latin, 1967 André, plantes J. ANpr£, Les noms de plantes dans la Rome antique, 1985 Andrews K. ANDREws, The Castles of Morea, 1953 ANET J.B. PritcHaRD, Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relat-

ing to the Old Testament, +1969, repr. 1992 AnnSAAt Annuario della Scuola Archeologica di Atene ANRW

H. TEmporIni, W. Haase (ed.), Aufstieg und Nie-

dergang der romischen Welt, 1972 ff. ANSMusN

Museum Notes. American Numismatic Society AntAfr Antiquités africaines AntChr Antike und Christentum AntPI Antike Plastik AO Der Alte Orient AOAT

Alter Orient und Altes Testament APF

Archiv fiir Papyrusforschung und verwandte Gebiete

APh

L’Année philologique Arangio-Ruiz V. ARANGIO-RuIZ, Storia del diritto romano, °1953

XV

BIBLIOGRAPHIC

Arcadia Arcadia. Zeitschrift fiir vergleichende Literaturwissenschaft ArchCl Archeologia Classica ArchE Archaiologike ephemeris ArcheologijaSof Archeologija. Organ na Archeologiceskija institut i muzej pri B’lgarskata akademija na naukite ArchHom Archaeologia Homerica, 1967ff. ArtAntMod Arte antica e moderna ARW

Archiv fiir Religionswissenschaft

AS Anatolian Studies ASAA Annuario della Scuola Archeologica di Atene e delle Missioni italiane in Oriente

ASL Archiv fur das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Literaturen

ASNP Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa, Classe di Lettere e Filosofia ASpr Die Alten Sprachen ASR B. ANDREAE

(ed.), Die antiken

BaF

Baghdader Forschungen Bagnall R.S. BAGNALL ET AL., Consuls of the Later Roman Empire (Philological Monographs of the American Philological Association 36), 1987 BalkE Balkansko ezikoznanie BalkSt Balkan Studies BaM

Baghdader Mitteilungen Bardenhewer, GAL O. BARDENHEWER, Geschichte der altkirchlichen Li-

teratur, Vols. 1-2, *1913 f.; Vols. 3-5, 1912-32; repr. Vols. 1-5, 1962 Bardenhewer, Patr. O. BARDENHEWER, Patrologie, *1910 Bardon H. Barpon, La littérature Jatine inconnue 2 vols., 1952-56 Baron

W. Baron (ed.), Beitrage zur Methode der Wissen-

schaftsgeschichte, 1967 BASO Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Bauer/Aland W. Bauer, K. ALAND

Baumann, LRRP

R.A. BAUMAN, Lawyers in Roman Republican Politics. A study of the Roman Jurists in their Political Setting, 316-82 BC (Miinchener Beitrage zur Papyrusforschung und antiken Rechtsgeschichte), 1983

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BCAR

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Bulletin de l’Académie Royale de Belgique. Classe des Lettres BABesch Bulletin antieke beschaving. Annual Papers on Classical Archaeology Badian, Clientelae E. BapIAN, Foreign Clientelae, 1958 Badian, Imperialism E. Baptan, Roman Imperialism in the Late Republic, 1967

Bollettino della Commissione Archeologica Comunale di Roma BCH Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique BE

Bulletin epigraphique Beazley, ABV J.D. Beaziry, Attic

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Belke K. BELKE, Galatien und Lykaonien (Denkschriften der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 172; TIB 4), 1984 Belke/Mersich K. Berke, N. Mersicu, Phrygien und Pisidien (Denkschriften der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 211; TIB7), 1990

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BibIH&R

Bibliothéque d’Humanisme et Renaissance BiblLing Bibliographie linguistique / Linguistic Bibliography BIBR Bulletin de I’Institut Belge de Rome Bickerman E. BICKERMANN, Chronologie (Einleitung in die Altertumswissenschaft III 5), 1933 BICS

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The Bulletin of the Israel Exploration Society BiogJahr Biographisches Jahrbuch fiir Altertumskunde Birley A.R. Brr.ey, The Fasti of Roman Britain, 1981

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Berliner Klassikertexte 8 vols., 1904-39 BKV Bibliothek der Kirchenvater (Kempten ed.) 63 vols., *T9TI-31 Blansdorf J. BLANsDorr (ed.), Theater und Gesellschaft im Imperium Romanum, 1990

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Bulletin de Liaison de la Société des Amis de la Bibliothéque Salomon Reinach BSL Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris BSO(A)S Bulletin of the School of Oriental (from Vol. ro ff. and African) Studies

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CAH The Cambridge Ancient History 12 text- and 5 ill. vols., 1924-39 (Vol. 1 as 2nd ed.), vols. 1-2, 31970-75; vols. 3,1 and 3,3 ff., *1982 ff.; vol. 3,2, "1991

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CCAG F. CUMONT ET AL. (ed.), Catalogus Codicum Astrologorum Graecorum 12 vols. in 20 parts, 1898— 1940 CEL Corpus Christianorum. Series Latina, 1954 ff. CE Cronache Ercolanesi CEG P.A. HANSEN (ed.), Carmina epigraphica Graeca (Texts and Commentary 12; 15), 1983 ff. CeM Classica et Mediaevalia CGF G. KarBEL (ed.), Comicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, *1958

CGL G. G6rz (ed.), Corpus glossariorum Latinorum, 7 vols., 1888-1923, repr. 1965

Chantraine P. CHANTRAINE, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque 4 vols., 1968-80 CHCL-G E.J. KENNEY (ed.), The Cambridge History of Classical Literature. Greek Literature, 1985 ff. CHCL-L E.J. KENNEY (ed.), The Cambridge History of Classical Literature. Latin Literature, 1982 ff. Chiron Chiron. Mitteilungen der Kommission fiir alte Geschichte und Epigraphik des Deutschen Archdologischen Instituts Christ K. Curist, Geschichte der romischen Kaiserzeit von Augustus bis zu Konstantin, 1988

Christ, RGG K. Curist, ROmische Geschichte und deutsche Geschichtswissenschaft, 1982

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F. Hixp, Kilikien und Isaurien (Denkschriften der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften,

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Hirschfeld O. HirscHFELp, Die kaiserlichen Verwaltungsbeamten bis auf Diocletian, *1905 Historia Historia. Zeitschrift fiir Alte Geschichte HJb Historisches Jahrbuch HLav Humanistica Lavanensia

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HLL

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HS

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IGUR L. Moretm1, Inscriptiones Graecae urbis Romae 4 vols., 1968-90

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JHAS

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JHB

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JLW Jahrbuch fiir Liturgiewissenschaft

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JPh Journal of Philosophy JRGZ Jahrbuch des Roémisch-Germanischen seums JRS Journal of Roman Studies

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Schmidt K.H. ScumrptT, Die Komposition in gallischen Personennamen in: Zeitschrift fir celtische Philologie

26, 1957, 33-301 = (Diss.), 1954

BIBLIOGRAPHIC

XXXVI

ABBREVIATIONS

Schonfeld M. SCHONFELD, Worterbuch der altgermanischen Personen- und Volkernamen (Germanische Bibliothek Abt. 1, Reihe 4, 2), ro1r1, repr. *1965) Scholiall H. Ersse (ed.), Scholia Graeca in Homeri Iliadem (Scholia vetera) 7 vols., 1969-88 SChr Sources Chrétiennes 300 vols., 1942 ff. Schr6tter F. v. SCHROTTER (ed.), Worterbuch der Miinzkunde,

Sezgin F. Sezcin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, Vol.3: Medizin, Pharmazie, Zoologie, Tierheilkunde bis ca. 430 H., 1970 SGAW Sitzungsberichte der Gottinger Akademie der Wissenschaften SGDI H. Cotuitz ET AL. (ed.), Sammlung der griechischen Dialekt-Inschriften 4 vols., 1884-1915 SGLG K. Avpers, H. Erpse, A. KLEINLOGEL (ed.), Samm-

*1970

Schirer E. SCHURER, G. VERMES, The history of the Jewish people in the age of Jesus Christ (175 B.C. — A.D.

lung griechischer und lateinischer Grammatiker 7 vols., 1974-88

SH H. Ltoyp-Jongs, P. Parsons (ed.), Supplementum Hellenisticum, 1983

135) 3 vols., 1973-87 Schulten, Landeskunde

A. SCHULTEN, Iberische Landeskunde. Geographie des antiken Spanien 2 vols., 195 5-57 (translation of the Spanish edition of 1952) Schulz F. ScHuLz, Geschichte der romischen Rechtswissenschaft, 1961, repr. 1975 Schulze W. Scuuize, Zur Geschichte lateinischer Eigennamen, 1904 Schwyzer, Dial. E. SCHWYZER (ed.), Dialectorum Graecarum exempla epigraphica potiora, +1923 Schwyzer, Gramm. E. ScHwyZeER, Griechische Grammatik, Vol. 1: Allgemeiner Teil. Lautlehre Wortbildung, Flexion (HdbA II x, 1), 1939 Schwyzer/Debrunner E. SCcHWYZER, A. DEBRUNNER, Griechische Grammatik, Vol. 2: Syntax und syntaktische Stilistik (HdbA II 1,2), 1950; D. J. GEorGacas, Register zu beiden Banden, 1953; F. Rapt, S. Rapt, Stellenregister, 1971

Scullard H. H. ScuLiarb, Festivals and Ceremonies of the Roman Republic, 1981 SDAW Sitzungsberichte der Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin SDHI Studia et documenta historiae et iuris SE Studi Etruschi Seeck O. SEECK, Regesten der Kaiser und Papste fiir die Jahre 311 bis 470 n. Chr. Vorarbeiten zu einer Prosopographie der christlichen Kaiserzeit, 1919, repr. 1964

SEG Supplementum epigraphicum Graecum, 1923 ff. Seltman C. SELTMAN, Greek Coins. A History of Metallic Currency and Coinage down to the Fall of the Hellenistic Kingdoms, *1905

SHAW

Sitzungsberichte Wissenschaften Sherk

der Heidelberger

R.K. SHERK, Roman

Documents

Akademie

der

from the Greek

East: Senatus Consulta and Epistulae to the Age of Augustus, 1969

SicA Sicilia archeologica SIFC

Studi italiani di filologia classica SiH

Studies in the Humanities Simon, GG

E. Simon, Die Gotter der Griechen, +1992 Simon, GR E. Simon, 1 Die Gotter der Romer, 1990

SLG D. Pace (ed.), Supplementum lyricis graecis, 1974 SM Schweizer Miinzblatter SMEA Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici Smith W.D. Smiru, The Hippocratic tradition (Cornell publications in the history of science), 1979 SMSR Studi e materiali di storia delle religioni SMV

Studi mediolatini e volgari SNG Sylloge Nummorum Graecorum SNR

Schweizerische Numismatische Rundschau Solin/Salomies H. Soin,

O. SALomigs,

Repertorium

nominum

gentillum et cognominum Latinorum (Alpha Omega: Reihe A 80), *1994 Sommer F. SOMMER, Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre. Eine Einfiihrung in das sprachwissenschaftliche Studium des Latein (Indogermanische Bibliothek 1, 1, 3, 1), 31914

XXXVII

BIBLIOGRAPHIC

ABBREVIATIONS

Soustal, Nikopolis P. Soustrat, Nikopolis und Kephallenia (Denkschriften der Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse I 50; TIB 3), 1981 Soustal, Thrakien P. Soustat, Thrakien. Thrake, Rodope und Haimimontos (Denkschriften der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 221; TIB 6), r991 Sovoronos J.N. Sovoronos, Das Athener Nationalmuseum 3 vols., 1908-37 Spec. Speculum Spengel L. SPENGEL, (ed.), Rhetores Graeci 3 vols., 1853-56, repr. 1966

Syme, AA R. SyME, The Augustan Aristocracy, 1986 Syme, RP E. BaDIAN (Vols. 1,2), A.R. BrRLEY (Vols. 3-7) (ed.)

SPrAW

Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association Taubenschlag R. TAUBENSCHLAG, The law of Greco-Roman Egypt in the light of the Papyri: 332 B. C. - 640 A. D.,

Sitzungsberichte der Preufsischen Wissenschaften SSAC Studi storici per l’antichita classica SSR

Akademie

der

G. GIANNANTONI (ed.), Socratis et Socraticorum Re-

liquiae 4 vols., 1990 Staden H. v. STADEN, Herophilus, The Art of Medicine in Early Alexandria, 1989 Stein, Prafekten A. STEIN, Die Prafekten von Agypten in der rémischen Kaiserzeit (Dissertationes Bernenses Series 1,

I), 1950

Stein, Spatrom.R. E. STEIN, Geschichte des spatrémischen Reiches, Vol. 1, 1928; French version, 1959; Vol. 2, French

only, 1949 Stewart A. STEWART,

Greek sculpture. An exploration 2 vols., 1990 StM Studi Medievali Strong/Brown D. STRONG, D. Brown (ed.), Roman Crafts, 1976 Stv Die Staatsvertrage des Altertums, Vol. 2: H. BENGTSON, R. WERNER (ed.), Die Vertrage der griechischromischen Welt von 700 bis 338, 71975; Vol. 3: H.H. ScumitT (ed.), Die Vertrage der griechisch-rémischen Welt 338 bis 200 v. Chr., 1969 SVF J. v. ARNIM (ed.), Stoicorum veterum fragmenta 3 vols., 1903-05; Index: 1924, repr. 1964 Syll.* W. DITTENBERGER, Sylloge inscriptionum Graecarum 3 vols., *1898-1909 Syll.3 F. HILLER VON GAERTRINGEN ET AL. (ed.), Sylloge inscriptionum Graecarum 4 vols., 1915-24, repr. 1960

R. Syme, Roman Papers 7 vols., 1979-91

Syme, RR K. Syme, The Roman Revolution, 1939 Syme, Tacitus R. Syme, Tacitus 2 vols., 1958 Symposion Symposion, Akten der Gesellschaft fiir Griechische und Hellenistische Rechtsgeschichte Syria Syria. Revue d’art oriental et d’archéologie TAM

Tituli Asiae minoris, r9or ff. TAPhA

*1955 TAVO

H. Brunner, W. ROLLIG (ed.), Tuibinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients, Beihefte, Teil B: Geschichte, 1969

ff. TeherF Teheraner Forschungen TGF A. Nauckx (ed.), Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta,

*1889, 2nd repr. 1983 ThGL H. STEPHANUS, C. B. HAsE, W. UND L. DINDORF ET

AL. (ed.), Thesaurus graecae linguae, 1831

ff., repr.

1954 ThIL

Thesaurus linguae Latinae, 1900 ff. ThIL, Onom.

Thesaurus linguae Latinae, Supplementum onomasticon. Nomina propria Latina, Vol. 2 (C — Cyzistra), 1907-1913; Vol. 3 (D - Donusa), 1918-1923 WALZ

Theologische Literaturzeitung Monatsschrift fiir das gesamte Gebiet der Theologie und Religionswissenschaft Thomasson B.E. THOMASSON, Laterculi Praesidum 3 vols. in 5 parts, 1972-1990 Thumb/Kieckers A. THums, E. Kiecxers, Handbuch der griechischen Dialekte (Indogermanische Bibliothek 1, 1, r), PLO 32

Thumb/Scherer A. THuMB, A. SCHERER, Handbuch der griechischen Dialekte (Indogermanische Bibliothek, 1, 1, 2),

*1959 ThWAT G.J. BOTTERWECK, H.-J. FaBry (ed.), Theologisches Worterbuch zum Alten Testament, 1973 ff.

BIBLIOGRAPHIC

XXX VIII

ABBREVIATIONS

ThWB G. KirreL, G. FRIEDRICH (ed.), Theologisches W6rterbuch zum Neuen Testament rr vols., 1933-79,

Trendall, Paestum A.D. TRENDALL, The Red-figured Vases of Paestum, 1987

H. Huncer (ed.). Tabula Imperii Byzantini 7 vols.,

Trendall/Cambitoglou A.D. TRENDALL, The Red-figured Vases of Apulia 2 vols., 1978-82

1976-1990

TRE

repr. 1990 TIB

Timm S. TimM, Das christlich-koptische Agypten in ara-

bischer Zeit. Eine Sammlung christlicher Statten in Agypten in arabischer Zeit, unter Ausschluf von Alexandria, Kairo, des Apa-Mena-Klosters (Der Abu Mina), des Sketis (Wadi n-Natrun) und der Sinai-Region (TAVO 41) 6 parts, 1984-92

TIR Tabula Imperii Romani, 1934 ff. TIR/IP Y. TsaFrir, L. Dit SEGNI, J. GREEN, Tabula Imperii Romani. Judaea — Palaestina. Eretz Israel in the Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine Periods, 1994 Tod M.N. Top (ed.), A Selection of Greek Historical Inscriptions to the End of the Fifth Century BC, Vol. 1: *r951, repr. 1985; Vol. 2: *1950

Tovar A. Tovar, Iberische Landeskunde 2: Die Volker und Stadte des antiken Hispanien, Vol. 1 Baetica, 1974; Vol. 2: Lusitanien, 1976; Vol. 3: Tarraconensis, 1989

Toynbee, Hannibal A.J. ToyNBEE, Hannibal’s legacy. The Hannibalic war’s effects on Roman life 2 vols., 1965 Toynbee, Tierwelt J.M.C. ToynBEE, Tierwelt der Antike, 1983 TPhS Transactions of the Philological Society Oxford Traill, Attica J. S. TRarLL, The Political Organization of Attica,

1975 Traill, PAA

J. S. TRaILL, Persons of Ancient Athens, 1994 ff. Travlos, Athen

J. Travios, Bildlexikon zur Topographie des antiken Athen, 1971 Travlos, Attika J. Travios, Bildlexikon zur Topographie des antiken Attika, 1988 TRE G. Krause, G. MULLER (ed.), Theologische Realenzyklopadie, 1977 ff. (rst installment 1976) Treggiari S. TREGGIARI, Roman Marriage. Iusti Coniuges from the Time of Cicero to the Time of Ulpian, 1991 Treitinger O. TREITINGER, Die Ostromische Kaiser- und Reichsidee nach ihrer Gestaltung im hofischen Zeremoniell, 1938, repr. 1969 Trendall, Lucania A.D. TRENDALL, The Red-figured Vases of Lucania, Campania and Sicily, 1967

O. Ripseck (ed.), Tragicorum Romanorum

Frag-

menta, *1871, repr. 1962 TRG

Tijdschrift voor rechtsgeschiedenis TrGF B. SNELL, R. KANNICHT, S. Rant (ed.), Tragicorum

graecorum

fragmenta,

Vol.

1, *1986; Vols.

2-4,

1977-85 Trombley F.R. TROMBLEY, Hellenic Religion and Christianization c. 370-529 (Religions in the Graeco-Roman World 115) 2 vols., 1993 f. TG) Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur TUAT

O. Kaiser (ed.), Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testaments, 1985 ff. (1st installment 1982) TurkAD

Turk arkeoloji dergisi Ullmann M. ULLMANN, Die Medizin im Islam, 1970 UPZ

U. Witcken (ed.), Urkunden der Ptolemaerzeit (Altere Funde) 2 vols., 1927-57 v. Haehling R. v. HAEHLING, Die Religionszugeh6rigkeit der hohen Amtstrager des ROmischen Reiches seit Con-

stantins I. Alleinherrschaft bis zum Ende der Theodosianischen Dynastie (324-450 bzw. 455 n. Chr.) (Antiquitas 3, 23), 1978 VDI

Vestnik Drevnej Istorii Ventris/Chadwick M. VeNTRIS, J. CHADWICK, Documents in Mycenean Greek, *1973 Vetter E. Vetrer, Handbuch der italischen Dialekte, 1953 VIR

Vocabularium

iurisprudentiae

Romanae

5 vols.,

1903-39 VisRel Visible Religion Vittinghoff F, ViTTINGHOFF (ed.), Europdische Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte in der rémischen Kaiserzeit, 1990 WAU W. STAMMLER, K. LANGOSCH, K. RUH ET AL. (ed.),

Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters. Verfasserslexikon, *1978 ff. Vogel-Weidemann U. VoGEL-WEIDEMANN, Die Statthalter von Africa

XXXIX

und Asia in den Jahren 14-68 n.Chr. Eine Untersuchung zum Verhdltnis von Princeps und Senat (Antiquitas I, 31), 1982

VT Vetus Testamentum. Quarterly Published by the International Organization of Old Testament Scholars Wacher R. WacHER (ed.), The Roman World 2 vols., 1987 Walde/Hofmann A. WALDE, J.B. HOFMANN, Lateinisches etymologisches Worterbuch 3 vols., 1938-56 Walde/Pokorny A. WALDE, J. Pokorny (ed.), Vergleichendes W6rterbuch der indogermanischen Sprachen 3 vols., 1927-32, repr. 1973 Walz C. Wauz (ed.), Rhetores Graeci 9 vols., 1832-36, repr. 1968

WbMyth H.W. Haussie

(ed.), Worterbuch der Mythologie, Teil 1: Die alten Kulturvolker, 1965 ff. Weber W. WeBer, Biographisches Lexikon zur Geschichtswissenschaft in Deutschland, Osterreich und der Schweiz, *1987 Wehrli, Erbe F. WEHRLI (ed.), Das Erbe der Antike, 1963 Wehrli, Schule F. WEHRLI (ed.), Die Schule des Aristoteles ro vols., 1967-69; 2 Suppl. Vols.: 1974-78 Welles C.B. WELLES, Royal Correspondence in the Hellenistic Period: A Study in Greek Epigraphy, 1934 Wenger L. WENGER, Die Quellen des rémischen Rechts (Denkschriften der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-Historische Klasse

2), 1953 Wernicke I. WERNICKE, Die Kelten in Italien. Die Einwanderung und die frithen Handelsbeziehungen zu den Etruskern (Diss.), 1989 = (Palingenesia), 1991 Whatmough J. WHatmMoueH, The dialects of Ancient Gaul. Prolegomena and records of the dialects 5 vols., 194951, repr. in r vol., 1970 White, Farming K.D. Wuite, Roman Farming, 1970 White, Technology K.D. Wuire, Greek and Roman Technology, 1983, repr. 1986

Whitehead D. WHITEHEAD, The demes of Attica, 1986 Whittaker C.R. WHITTAKER (ed.), Pastoral Economies in Classical Antiquity, 1988 Wide S. Wipe, Lakonische Kulte, 1893

BIBLIOGRAPHIC

ABBREVIATIONS

Wieacker, PGN

F, WikACKER,

Privatrechtsgeschichte der Neuzeit,

*1967 Wieacker, RRG

F. WikACKER,

R6mische Rechtsgeschichte, Vol. 1,

1988

Wilamowitz U. v. Witamow1Tz-MoELLENDORFF,

Der Glaube

der Hellenen 2 vols., *1955, repr. 1994 Will

E. WILL, Histoire politique du monde hellénistique (323-30 av. J. C.) 2 vols., *1979-82 Winter R. KEKULE (ed.), Die antiken Terrakotten, III 1, 2: F.

WINTER, Die Typen der figiirlichen Terrakotten, 1903 WJA Wiurzburger Jahrbiicher fiir die Altertumswissenschaft WMT L.I. CONRAD ET AL., The Western medical tradition. 800 BC to A.D. 1800, 1995

WO Die Welt des Orients. Wissenschaftliche Beitrage zur Kunde des Morgenlandes Wolff H.J. Woirr, Das Recht der griechischen Papyri Agyptens in der Zeit der Ptolemaeer und des Prinzipats (Rechtsgeschichte des Altertums Part 5; HbdA 10, 5), 1978

Ws Wiener Studien, Zeitschrift fiir klassische Philologie und Patristik WUNT Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament WVDOG

Wissenschaftliche Verdffentlichungen schen Orient-Gesellschaft

der

Deut-

WZKM

Wiener Zeitschrift fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes YGIS Yale Classical Studies ZA Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archaologie ZAS Zeitschrift fiir agyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde ZATW Zeitschrift fiir die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft Zazoff, AG

P. ZazorrF, Die antiken Gemmen, 1983 Zazoff, GuG P. Zazorr,

H.

Zazorr,

Gemmensammler

und

Gemmenforscher. Von einer noblen Passion zur Wissenschaft, 1983 ZDMG

Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft

BIBLIOGRAPHIC

XL

ABBREVIATIONS

ZDP

Zeitschrift fiir deutsche Philologie Zeller E. ZELLER, Die Philosophie der Griechen in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung 4 vols., 1844-52, repr. 1963

Zeller/Mondolfo E. ZELLER, R. MONDOLFO, La filosofia dei Greci nel suo sviluppo storico, Vol. 3, 1961

ZEN Zeitschrift fiir Numismatik Zgusta L. Zcusra, Kleinasiatische Ortsnamen, 1984 Zimmer G. ZIMMER, Romische Berufsdarstellungen, 1982

ZKG, Zeitschrift fiir Kirchengeschichte ZNTW

Zeitschrift fiir die Neutestamentfiche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der alteren Kirche ZpalV Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palastina-Vereins ZPE Zeitschrift fiir Papyrologie und Epigraphik ZKG Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung fiir Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung ZRGG Zeitschrift fiir Religions- und Geistesgeschichte

Aeschin. In Ctes. lee, In Tim.

Aesop. Alc. Alc. Avit.

Alex. Aphr. Alci. Alcm.

Alex. Polyh. Am

Ambr. Epist. Exc. Sat.

Obit. Theod. Obit. Valent. Off. Paenit. Amm. Marc. Anac.

Anaxag. Anaximand. Anaximen.

And. Anecd. Bekk. Anecd. Par. Anon. De rebus bell. Anth. Gr. Anth. Lat.

Aeschines, In Ctesiphontem De falsa legatione In Timarchum Aesopus Alcaeus Alcimus Ecdicius Avitus Alexander of Aphrodisias Alciphron Alcman Alexander Polyhistor Amos Ambrosius, Epistulae De excessu Fratris (Satyri) De obitu Theodosii De obitu Valentiniani (iunioris) De officiis ministrorum De paenitentia Ammianus Marcellinus Anacreon Anaxagoras Anaximander Anaximenes Andocides Anecdota Graeca ed. I. Bekker Anecdota Graeca ed. J.A. Kramer Anonymus de rebus bellicis (Ireland

1984) Anthologia Graeca Anthologia Latina (Riese *1894/1906)

ZVRW

Zeitschrift fiir vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft ZS

Zeitschrift fiir Vergleichende Sprachforschung

4. Ancient Authors and Titles of Works

Abd

Abdias

Acc. Ach. Tat. Act. Arv.

Accius Achilles Tatius Acta fratrum Arvalium

Act. lud. saec.

Acta ludorum saecularium

Acts

Acts of the Apostles

Aet.

Aetius

Aeth. Ael. Ep. NA VH

Aetheriae peregrinatio Aelianus, Epistulae De natura animalium Varia historia

Aen. Tact.

Aeneas Tacticus

Aesch. Ag. Cho.

Aeschylus, Agamemnon Choephori

Eum. Pers. PV

Eumenides Persae Prometheus

Sept. Supp.

Septem adversus Thebas Supplices

Anth. Pal. Anth. Plan. Antiph. Antisth. Ape Apoll. Rhod. Apollod. App. B Civ. Celt. Hann. Hisp. Il. lhe Lib.

Syr. App. Verg.

Apul. Apol. Flor. Met. Arat. Archil. Archim.

Anthologia Palatina Anthologia Planudea Antiphon Antisthenes Apocalypse Apollonius Rhodius Apollodorus, Library Appianus, Bella civilia Celtica Hannibalica Iberica Illyrica Italica Libyca Macedonica Mithridatius Numidica Regia Samnitica Sicula Syriaca

Appendix Vergiliana Apuleius, Apologia Florida Metamorphoses Aratus

Archilochus Archimedes

XLI

ANCIENT

Archyt. Arist. Quint.

Archytas Aristides Quintilianus

Aristaen.

Aristaenetus

Aristid. Aristob.

Aelius Aristides Aristoboulus Aristophanes, Acharnenses Aves Ecclesiazusae Equites Lysistrata Nubes hax Plutus Ranae Thesmophoriazusae Vespae Aristotle, De anima (Becker 183 1-

Aristoph. Ach. Av. Eccl. Equ. Lys. Nub. Pax

Plut. Ran.

Thesm. Vesp. Aristot. An.

70) An. post. An. pr.

Ath. pol. Aud. Cael. Cat.

Col. Div.

Eth. Eud. Eth. Nic. Gen. an. Gen. corr. Hist. an.

Mag. mor.

Metaph. Mete. Mir. Mot. an. Mund. Oec. Pareeane

Phgn. Ph. Poet.

Pol. Pr Rh. Rh. Al. Sens. Somn.

Analytica posteriora Analytica priora Athenaion Politeia De audibilibus De caelo Categoriae De coloribus De divinatione Ethica Eudemia Ethica Nicomachea De generatione animalium De generatione et corruptione Historia animalium Magna moralia Metaphysica Meteorologica Mirabilia De motu animalium De mundo Oeconomica De partibus animalium Physiognomica Physica Poetica Politica Problemata Rhetorica Rhetorica ad Alexandrum De sensu

Soph. el. Spir. Top.

De somno et vigilia Sophistici elenchi De spiritu Topica

Aristox. Harm.

Aristoxenus, Harmonica

Arnob. Arr. Anab. Cyn. Ind.

Arnobius, Adversus nationes Arrianus, Anabasis Cynegeticus Indica

Peripl. p. eux.

Periplus ponti Euxini

Succ. Tact.

Historia successorum Alexandri Tactica

Artem.

Ascon. Athan. ad Const.

AUTHORS

AND

TITLES

OF

WORKS

Artemidorus Asconius (Stangl Vol. 2, 1912)

Athanasius, Apologia ad Constantium

c. Ar. Fuga Hist. Ar.

Apologia contra Arianos Apologia de fuga sua

Ath.

Historia Arianorum ad monachos Athenaeus (Casaubon 1597) (List

Aug. Civ. Conf. Doctr. christ. Epist.

of books, pages, letters) Augustinus, De civitate dei Confessiones De doctrina christiana Epistulae

Serm.

Retractationes Sermones

Soliloq.

Soliloquia

Retract.

Trin.

Aur. Vict. Auson. Mos.

Urb. Avell. Avien. Babr.

Bacchyl. Bar Bas.

Basil. Batr.

Bell. Afr. Bell. Alex.

Bell. Hisp. Boeth. Caes. B Civ. B Gall.

Callim. Epigr. Fr.

leh Calp. Ecl. Cass. Dio Cassian. Cassiod. Inst. Var.

Cato Agr. Orig. Catull. Celsus, Med. Celsus, Dig. Censorinus, DN Chalcid. Charisius, Gramm. Tm Chis Chi:

Chron. pasch. Chron. min. Cic. Acad. 1 Acad. 2

De trinitate

Aurelius Victor Ausonius, Mosella (Peiper 1976) Ordo nobilium urbium Collectio Avellana Avienus

Babrius Bacchylides Baruch Basilicorum libri LX (Heimbach) Basilius

Batrachomyomachia Bellum Africum Bellum Alexandrinum

Bellum Hispaniense Boethius Caesar, De bello civili De bello Gallico

Callimachus, Epigrammata Fragmentum (Pfeiffer) Hymni

Calpurnius Siculus, Eclogae Cassius Dio Johannes Cassianus Cassiodorus, Institutiones Variae

Cato, De agri cultura Origines (HRR)

Catullus, Carmina Cornelius Celsus, De medicina

luventius Celsus, Digesta Censorinus, De die natali Chalcidius Charisius, Ars grammatica (Bar-

wick 1964) Chronicle Chronicon paschale Chronica minora Cicero, Academicorum posteriorum liber 1 Lucullus sive Academicorum priorum liber 2

ANCIENT

AUTHORS

Ad Q. Fr. Arat. Arch. Att. Balb. Brut. Caecin. Cael. Cat. Cato

AND

TITLES

OF

XLII

WORKS

Epistulae ad Quintum fratrem Aratea (Soubiran 1972) Pro Archia poeta Epistulae ad Atticum Pro L. Balbo Brutus Pro A. Caecina

Tusc. Vatin.

Waist, Te 2 Claud. Carm.

Rapt. Pros. Clem. Al.

Clu.

Pro M. Caelio In Catilinam Cato maior de senectute Pro A. Cluentio

De or.

De oratore

Deiot. Diy. Div. Caec. Dom.

Pro rege Deiotaro De divinatione Divinatio in Q. Caecilium De domo sua

Cod. Theod. Col Coll.

Epistulae ad familiares

Colum. Comm. Cons.

Cod. Greg. Cod. Herm. Cod. lust.

Tusculanae disputationes In P. Vatinium testem interrogatio In Verrem actio prima, secunda Claudius Claudianus, Carmina (Hall 1985) De raptu Proserpinae Clemens Alexandrinus Codex Gregorianus Codex Hermogenianus Corpus Iuris Civilis, Codex Iustinianus (Krueger 1900)

De haruspicum responso

Const. nm ComerCor

De inventione

Coripp.

Laelius de amicitia De legibus De lege agraria Pro Q. Ligario

Curt.

Pro lege Manilia (de imperio Cn.

Din.

Demad.

Marcell. Mil.

Pompei) Pro M. Marcello Pro T. Annio Milone

Codex Theodosianus Letter to the Colossians Mosaicarum et Romanarum legum collatio Columella Commodianus Consultatio veteris cuiusdam iurisconsulti Constitutio Sirmondiana Letters to the Corinthians Corippus Curtius Rufus, Historiae Alexandri Magni Cyprianus Daniel Dinarchus Demades

Democr. Dem. Or.

Democritus Demosthenes, Orationes

Mur.

Pro L. Murena

Dig.

Nat. D. Off.

Opt. gen.

De natura deorum De officiis De optimo genere oratorum

Orat.

Orator

P. Red. Quir. P. Red. Sen. Parad.

Oratio post reditum ad Quirites Oratio post reditum in senatu Paradoxa

Corpus luris Civilis, Digesta (Mommsen 1905, author presented where applicable) Diodorus Siculus Diogenes Laertius Diomedes, Ars grammatica Dion Chrysostomus Dionysius Halicarnasseus, Antiqui-

Part. or.

Phil.

Partitiones oratoriae In M. Antonium orationes Phi-

Philo.

lippicae Libri philosophici

Pis.

In L. Pisonem

Planc.

Pro De Pro Pro Pro Pro

Fin. Flac. Font. Har. resp. Inv.

Lael. Leg. Leg. agr. Lig. Leg. Man.

Proy. cons.

Q. Rose. Quinct.

Rab. perd. Rab. Post. Rep. Rosc. Am.

Scaur. Sest. Sull. Tim.

Top. Tull.

De fato De finibus bonorum et malorum Pro L. Valerio Flacco Pro M. Fonteio

Cn. Plancio provinciis consularibus Q. Roscio comoedo P. Quinctio C. Rabirio perduellionis reo C. Rabirio Postumo

De re publica Pro Sex. Roscio Amerino Pro M. Aemilio Scauro Pro P. Sestio Pro P. Sulla Timaeus Topica Pro M. Tullio

Cypr. Dan

Diod. Sic. Diog. Laert. Diom. Dion. Chrys. Dion. Hal. Ant.

tates Romanae

Comp. Rhet. Dionys. Per.

Dion. Thrax DK Donat.

Drac. Dt

Edict. praet. dig. Emp. Enn. Ann. Sat.

Scaen.

Ennod. Eph

Ephor.

De compositione verborum Ars rhetorica Dionysius Periegeta Dionysius Thrax Diels /Kranz (preceded by fragment number) Donatus grammaticus Dracontius Deuteronomy = 5. Moses Edictum perpetuum in Dig. Empedocles Ennius, Annales (Skutsch 1985) Saturae (Vahlen *1928) Fragmenta scaenica (Vahlen *1928) Ennodius Letter to the Ephesians Ephorus of Cyme (FGrH 70)

XLII

Epict. Eratosth. Esr

ANCIENT

Epictetus Eratosthenes Esra

Esther Etymologicum genuinum Etymologicum Gudianum Etymologicum magnum Eunap. VS Eur. Alc. Andr. Bacch. Beller. Cyc. El. Tec.

Hel. Heracl. HF Hipp. Hyps. Ion

Or.

Phoen. Rhes. Supp. Tro. Euseb. Dem. evang. Hist. eccl. On.

Euclides, Elementa Eunapius, Vitae sophistarum

Euripides, Alcestis Andromache Bacchae Bellerophon Cyclops Electra Hecuba Helena Heraclidae Hercules Furens Hippolytus Hypsipyle Ion

Iphigenia Aulidensis Iphigenia Taurica Medea Orestes Phoenissae Rhesus Supplices

Troades Eusebios, Demonstratio Evangelica

Praep. evang. Eutr. Ev. Ver. Ex Ez Fast. Fest. Firm. Mat.

Flor. Epit. Florent.

Frontin. Aq.

Past.

Greg. Naz. Epist. Ox: Greg. Nyss. Greg. Tur. Franc. Mart. Vit. patr.

Hab

Hagg Harpocr.

Hdt. Hebr Hegesipp. Hecat.

Hell. Oxy. Hen Heph. Heracl.

Heraclid. Pont. Herc. O. Herm. Herm. Mand. Sim. Vis.

Hermog.

Onomasticon (Klostermann

Hdn. Hes. Cat.

Praeparatio Evangelica Eustathius Eutropius Evangelium Veritatis Exodus = 2. Moses Ezechiel Fasti Festus (Lindsay 1913) Firmicus Maternus Florus, Epitoma de Tito Livio Florentinus Frontinus, De aquae ductu urbis Romae

Str. Fulg. Fulg. Rusp. Gai. Inst. Gal Gal. Gell. NA Geogr. Rav

Epist.

Historia Ecclesiastica

1904) Eust.

Gp. Gn Gorg. Greg. M. Dial.

Strategemata

Fulgentius Afer Fulgentius Ruspensis Gaius, Institutiones

Letter to the Galatians Galenus Gellius, Noctes Atticae Geographus Ravennas (Schnetz

1940)

Op. Se

AUTHORS

AND

Gorgias Gregorius Magnus, Dialogi (de miraculis patrum Italicorum) Epistulae Regula pastoralis Gregorius Nazianzenus, Epistulae Orationes Gregorius Nyssenus Gregorius of Tours, Historia Francorum De virtutibus Martini De vita patrum Habakkuk Haggai Harpocrates Herodotus Letter to the Hebrews Hegesippus (= Flavius Josephus) Hecataeus Hellennica Oxyrhynchia Henoch Hephaestio grammaticus (Alexandrinus) Heraclitus Heraclides Ponticus Hercules Oetaeus Hermes Trismegistus Hermas, Mandata Similitudines Visiones Hermogenes Herodianus Hesiodus, Catalogus feminarum (Merkelbach /West 1967) Opera et dies Scutum (Merkelbach /West1967)

H. Hom.

Hymni Homerici Homerus, Ilias

Epist.

Epod.

WORKS

Genesis = 1. Moses

Theogonia Hesychius Hilarius Hippocrates

Hor. Ars P. Carm. Carm. saec.

OF

Geoponica

Theog. Hsch. lati Hippoc. Hom. Il. Od.

TITLES

Odyssea Horatius, Ars poetica Carmina

Carmen saeculare Epistulae Epodi

Sat Hos

Hosea

Hyg. Astr.

Hyginus, Astronomica (Le Boeuffle

Fab. Hyp.

Fabulae Hypereides Iamblichus, De mysteriis

Satirae (sermones)

1983)

Iambl. Myst.

ANCIENT

AUTHORS

Protr.

VP Iav. Inst. Iust.

AND

TITLES

OF

XLIV

WORKS

Protrepticus in philosophiam De vita Pythagorica lavolenus Priscus Corpus Juris Civilis, Institutiones

Lactant. Div. inst. Ira

Hom. ...

Ioh. Mal. lord. Get.

Iohannes Chrysostomus, Epistulae Homiliae in ... Iohannes Malalas, Chronographia lordanes, De origine actibusque Getarum

Iren.

Irenaeus (Rousseau/Doutreleau

Is

Isaiah

Lam

Lex Irnit.

Lex Irnitana

Lex Malac. Lex Rubr. Lex Urson.

Lex Lex Lex Lex

Lex Visig. Lex XII tab. Lib. Ep.

Leges Visigothorum Lex duodecim tabularum Libanius, Epistulae

Or. Liv. | We Luc. Lucil. Lucr. Lucian. Alex.

Orationes Livius, Ab urbe condita Luke Lucanus, Bellum civile Lucilius, Saturae (Marx 1904)

Opif.

Lex Salpens.

Orig. Isoc. Or. It. Ant.

Aug. Burd. Plac. Tul. Vict. Rhet. Iuvenc.

Isidorus, De natura rerum

Origines Isocrates, Orationes Itinerarium, Antonini

Augusti

Burdigalense vel Hierosolymitanum Placentini C. Tulius Victor, Ars rhetorica Iuvencus, Evangelia (Huemer

Anach. Cal.

1891)

Jac

Jdg Jdt Jer Jer. Chron. Comm. in Ez. Ep. On.

Letter of James Judges Judith Jeremiah Jerome, Chronicon Commentaria in Ezechielem (PL

Cataplus Demonax

Dial. D. Dial. meret. Dial. mort.

Dialogi deorum Dialogi meretricium Dialogi mortuorum Herodotus Hermotimus Quomodo historia conscribenda

25)

Her.

Hermot. Hist. conscr.

Justin. Apol. Dial. Juv. 1 Kg, 2 Kg KH KN

De viris illustribus rst — 3rd letters of John John Jona Josephus, Antiquitates Iudaicae Bellum Iudaicum Contra Apionem De sua vita Joshua Letter of Judas Julianus, Epistulae In Galilaeos Misopogon Orationes Symposium Justinus, Epitoma historiarum Philippicarum Justinus Martyr, Apologia Dialogus cum Tryphone Juvenalis, Saturae 1, 2 Kings Khania (place where Linear B tables were discovered) Knossos (place where Linear B tables were discovered)

Lucianus, Alexander Anacharsis Calumniae non temere credendum

Demon.

Epistulae Onomasticon (Klostermann

Lucretius, De rerum natura

Catapl.

1904) Vir. ill. 1-3 Jo Jo Jon Jos. Ant. Iud. BI Ap. Vit. Jos Jud Julian. Ep. In Gal. Mis. Or. Symp. Just. Epit.

municipii Malacitani Rubria de Gallia cisalpina municipii Salpensani coloniae Iuliae Genetivae Ur-

sonensis

1965-82) Isid. Nat.

De ira dei

De mortibus persecutorum De opificio dei Lamentations

De mort. pers.

(Krueger 1905)

Ioh. Chrys. Epist.

Lactantius, Divinae institutiones

sit

Ind. lupp. trag. Luct. Macr. Nigr. Philops. Pseudol. Salt. Somn. Symp. Syr. D. Trag. Ver. hist. Vit. auct. Lv

LXX Lydus, Mag. Mens. Lycoph. Lycurg. Lys. M. Aur. Macrob. Sat.

Adversus indoctum

luppiter tragoedus De luctu Macrobii Nigrinus

Philopseudes Pseudologista De saltatione Somnium

Symposium De Syria dea Tragodopodagra Verae historiae, 1, 2 Vitarum auctio Leviticus = 3. Moses Septuaginta Lydus, De magistratibus De mensibus Lycophron Lycurgus Lysias Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Augustus Macrobius, Saturnalia

XLV In Somn.

ANCIENT

Commentarii in Ciceronis somnium Scipionis

t Macc, 2 Macc Mal

Maccabees Malachi

Manil.

Manilius, Astronomica (Goold

Ov. Am. Ars am.

Mela Melanipp. Men. Dys. Epit. Br

Mimn.

Min. Fel.

Naev.

Nah

Neh Nemes.

Nep. Att. Hann.

Nic. Alex. Ther. Nicom. Nm Non.

Martianus Capella Maximus Tyrius (Trapp 1994) Pomponius Mela Melanippides Menander, Dyskolos P Abinn.

1962

P Bodmer

Mark Herennius Modestinus Moschus Matthew Mycenae (place where Linear B tables were discovered) Naevius (carmina according to FPL) Nahum Nehemia Nemesianus Cornelius Nepos, Atticus Hannibal Nicander, Alexipharmaca Theriaca Nicomachus Numbers = 4. Moses Nonius Marcellus (L. Mueller

PICZ

Obseq.

Opp. Hal. Cyn. Or. Sib. Orib. Orig. OrMan Oros. Orph. A. Fr.

H.

Notitia dignitatum orientis Notitia dignitatum et episcoporum Corpus luris Civilis, Leges Novellae (Schoell/Kroll 1904) Julius Obsequens, Prodigia (Rossbach 1910) © Oppianus, Halieutica Cynegetica Oracula Sibyllina Oribasius Origenes

Prayer to Manasseh Orosius Orpheus, Argonautica Fragmentum (Kern) Hymni

Ovidius, Amores Ars amatoria

BELLET AL. (ED.), The Abinnaeus

Mimnermus Minucius Felix, Octavius (Kytzler 1982,*1992)

Nonnus, Dionysiaca Notitia dignitatum occidentis

WORKS

Archive papers of a Roman officer in the reign of Constantius II, Papyrus editions according to V. MartTIN, R. KASSER ET AL. (ED.),

Papyrus Bodmer 195 4ff. Papyrus editions according to C.C. EpGar (ED.), Zenon Papyri (Catalogue général des Antiquités égyptiennes du Musée du Caire) 4 vols., 192 5ff. Papyrus editions according to Papyri aus Herculaneum Papyrus editions according to F.G. KENYON ET AL. (ED.), Greek Papyri in the British Museum 7 vols., 1893-1974 Papyrus editions according to C.C.

P Hercul. P Lond.

P Mich

Epcar, A.E.R. Boak, J.G. WINTER ET AL. (ED.), Papyri in the

University of Michigan Collection 13 vols., 1931-1977 Papyrus editions according to B.P.

P Oxy.

GRENFELL, A.S. HUNT ET AL. (eD.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri,

1888)

Nonnus Dion. Not. Dign. Occ. Not. Dign. Or. Not. Episc. Nov.

OF

Ibis Medicamina faciei femineae Metamorphoses Epistulae ex Ponto Remedia amoris Tristia Papyrus editions according to E.G. TuRNER, Greek Papyri. An Introduction, 159-178 Papyrus editions according to H.I.

Perikeiromene Samia Micha

Mi

TITLES

Fasti

Marius Victorinus Martialis

Epitrepontes Fragmentum (Korte)

AND

Epistulae (Heroides)

1985) Mar. Vict. Mart. Mart. Cap. Max. Tyr.

AUTHORS

Pall. Agric. Laus. Pan. Lat.

Papin. Paroemiogr. Pass. mart.

Paul Fest. Paul Nol. Paulus, Sent. Paus.

Pelag. Peripl. m. eux. Peripl. m.m. Peripl. m.r. Pensy T Petty

1898 ff. Palladius, Opus agriculturae Historia Lausiaca Panegyrici Latini Aemilius Papinianus Paroemiographi Graeci Passiones martyrum Paulus Diaconus, Epitoma Festi Paulinus Nolanus Julius Paulus, Sententiae Pausanias Pelagius Periplus maris Euxini Periplus maris magni Periplus maris rubri Persius, Saturae

Pett

Petron. Sat.

Letters of Peter Petronius, Satyrica (Miller 1961)

ANCIENT

AUTHORS

Phaedr.

Phil Phil. Philarg. Verg. ecl. Philod.

Phlp. Philostr. VA Imag. VS Phm Phot.

Phryn. Pind. Fr. Isthm. Nem.

Ol. Rae:

Pyth. Pl. Alc. 1 Alc. 2 Ap. Ax. Chrm.

Clit. Crat. Crit. Criti.

Def. Demod. Epin. Ep. Erast.

Eryx. Euthd.

Euthphr. Grg. Hp. mai. Hp. mi. Hipparch. Ion War

AND

TITLES

OF

Phaedrus, Fabulae (Guaglianone

1969) Letter to the Philippians Philo Philargyrius grammaticus, Explanatio in eclogas Vergilii Philodemus Philoponus Philostratus, Vita Apollonii Imagines Vitae sophistarum Letter to Philemon Photius (Bekker 1824) Phrynichus Pindar, Fragments (Snell/Maehler) Isthmian Odes Nemean Odes Olympian Odes Paeanes Pythian Odes Plato, Alcibiades 1 (Stephanus)

Alcibiades 2 Apologia Axiochus Charmides Clitopho Cratylus Crito Critias Definitiones Demodocus

XLVI

WORKS

Thg. Tht. Tot Plaut. Amph.

Theages Theaetetus Timaeus Plautus, Amphitruo (fr.according to Leo 1895 f.)

Men.

Asinaria Aulularia Bacchides Captivi Casina Cistellaria Curculio Epidicus Menaechmi

Merc.

Mercator

Mil. Mostell.

Miles gloriosus Mostellaria Poenulus Pseudolus Rudens Stichus Trinummus Truculentus Vidularia

Asin.

Aul. Bacch. Capt. Cas.

Cist. Cure.

Epid.

Poen.

Pseud. Rud. Stich. Trin. Truc.

Vid. Plin. HN

Plinius maior, Naturalis historia

Plin. Ep.

Plinius minor, Epistulae

Pan.

Plot. Plut. Amat.

Panegyricus Plotinus Plutarchus, Vitae parallelae (with the respective name) Amatorius (chapter and page numbers)

Epinomis

Epistulae

De def. or.

Erastae Eryxias

De E

De Pyth. or.

De defectu oraculorum De E apud Delphos De Pythiae oraculis

Euthydemus Euthyphro Gorgias Hippias maior Hippias minor Hipparchus Ion Laches Leges Lysis Menon Minos Menexenus Parmenides Phaedo Phaedrus Philebus Politicus

De sera

De sera numinis vindicta

De Is. et Os.

De Iside et Osiride (with chapter and page numbers) Moralia (apart from the separately mentioned works; with p.

Protagoras

Res publica Sisyphus Sophista Symposium

Mor.

numbers)

Quaest. Graec. Quaest. Rom.

Quaestiones Graecae (with chapter numbers) Quaestiones Romanae (with ch.

Symp.

numbers) Quaestiones convivales (book,

Pol. Pol. Silv.

Poll.

Polyaenus, Strat. Polyc. Pompon. Pomp. Trog. Porph. Porph. Hor. comm. Posidon.

chapter, page number) Polybius Polemius Silvius Pollux Polyaenus, Strategemata Polycarpus, Letter Sextus Pomponius Pompeius Trogus Porphyrius Porphyrio, Commentum in Horatii carmina Posidonius

XLVI

Priap. Prisc. Prob.

Procop. Aed. Goth. Pers.

Vand. Arc.

Procl. Prop. Prosp. Prov Prudent. Ps (Pss) Ps.-Acro Ps.-Aristot. Lin. insec.

Mech. Ps.-Sall. In Tull.

Rep. Ptol. Alm.

Geog. Harm. Tetr.

PY

4 Q Flor AW) Patt 1 Q pHab

4 Q pNah 4 Q test 1 QH 1 QM t QS t QSa 1 QSb Quint. Smyrn.

Quint. Decl. Inst.

R. Gest. div. Aug. Rhet. Her. Rom

Rt

Rufin. Rut. Namat.

S. Sol. Sext. Emp. Sach Sall. Catil. Hist.

lug. Salv. Gub. 1 Sam, 2 Sam

ANCIENT

Priapea Priscianus

Pseudo-Probian writings Procopius, De aedificiis Bellum Gothicum Bellum Persicum Bellum Vandalicum Historia arcana Proclus Propertius, Elegiae Prosper Tiro Proverbs Prudentius Psalm(s) Ps.-Acro in Horatium Pseudo-Aristotle, De lineis insecabilibus Mechanica Pseudo-Sallustius, In M.Tullium Ciceronem invectiva Epistulae ad Caesarem senem de re publica Ptolemy, Almagest Geographia Harmonica Tetrabiblos Pylos (place where Linear B tablets were discovered) Florilegium, Cave 4 Patriarch’s blessing, Cave 4 Habakuk-Midrash, Cave 1 Nahum-Midrash, Cave 4 Testimonia, Cave 4 Songs of Praise, Cave 1 War list, Cave 1 Comunal rule, Cave 1 Community rule, Cave 1 Blessings, Cave 1 Quintus Smyrnaeus Quintilianus, Declamationes minores (Shackleton Bailey 1989) Institutio oratoria Res gestae divi Augusti Rhetorica ad C. Herennium Letter to the Romans Ruth Tyrannius Rufinus Rutilius Claudius Namatianus, De reditu suo Song of Solomon Sextus Empiricus Sacharia Sallustius, De coniuratione Catilinae Historiae De bello Iugurthino Salvianus, De gubernatione dei Samuel

Schol. (before an author’s

AUTHORS

AND

TITLES

OF

WORKS

Scholia to the author in question

name)

Sedul.

Sedulius

Sen. Controv.

Seneca maior, Controversiae

Suas.

Sen. Ag. Apocol. Ben.

Clem. Dial. Ep. Herc. f. Med. Q Nat. Oed. Phaedr. Phoen.

Thy. Tranq. Tro. Serv. auct. Serv. Aen.

Eel: Georg. Sext. Emp. SHA Ael. Alb. Alex. Sev. Aur.

Aurel. Avid. Cass. Gate @arac:

Clod. Comm. Diad.

Did. Tul. Gall. Gord. Hadr.

Heliogab. Max. Balb.

Opil.

Suasoriae Seneca minor, Agamemno

Divi Claudii apocolocyntosis De beneficiis De clementia (Hosius *1914) Dialogi Epistulae morales ad Lucilium Hercules furens Medea Naturales quaestiones Oedipus Phaedra Phoenissae Thyestes De tranquillitate animi Troades Servius auctus Danielis Servius, Commentarius in Vergilii Aeneida Commentarius in Vergilii eclogas Commentarius in Vergilii georgica Sextus Empiricus Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Aelius Clodius Albinus Alexander Severus M. Aurelius Aurelianus Avidius Cassius Carus et Carinus et Numerianus

Antoninus Caracalla Claudius Commodus Diadumenus Antoninus Didius Julianus Gallieni duo Gordiani tres Hadrianus

Heliogabalus Maximus et Balbus Opilius Macrinus

Pesc. Nig.

Helvius Pertinax Pescennius Niger

Pius

Antoninus Pius

Quadr. tyr.

Quadraginta tyranni

Sev. dae:

Severus Tacitus

Tyr. Trig. Valer.

Triginta Tyranni Valeriani duo

Rent.

Sid. Apoll. Carm. Epist. Sil. Pun.

Apollinaris Sidonius, Carmina Epistulae Silius Italicus, Punica

ANCIENT

AUTHORS

AND

TITLES

Sor. Gyn.

Simonides Simplicius Jesus Sirach Scylax, Periplus Scymnus, Periegesis Socrates, Historia ecclesiastica Solon Solinus Sophocles, Ajax Antigone Electra Ichneutae Oedipus Coloneus Oedipus Tyrannus Philoctetes Trachiniae Soranus, Gynaecia

Sozom. Hist.

Sozomenus, Historia ecclesiastica

Simon.

Simpl. Sir

Scyl. Scymn. Socr. Sol. Solin.

Soph. Aj. Ant.

EI. Ichn. OC Ol Phil. Trach.

eccl. Stat. Achil. Silv. Theb. Steph. Byz. Stesich. Stob. Str. Suda Suet. Aug.

Statius, Achilleis

Silvae Thebais Stephanus Byzantius Stesichorus Stobaeus Strabo (books, chapters) Suda = Suidas

Dom.

Gram. lul. Tib. Tit. Vesp. Vit.

Sulp. Sev. Symmachus, Ep. Or Relat.

Synes. epist. Syne. Tab. Peut. Tac. Agr. Ann.

Dial. Germ. Hist. Ter. Maur. Ter. Ad. An. Eun. Haut. Hec. Phorm.

Tert. Apol. Ad nat.

Thebes (place where Linear B tables

TH Them. Or. Theoc. Theod. Epist. Gr. aff. Cur. Hist. eccl. Theopomp. Theophr. Caus.

Hist. pl. 1 Thess, 2 Thess Thgn. Thuc. sul

Tib. 1 Tim, 2 Tim Tit Tob Tzetz. Anteh.

Caligula Divus Claudius Domitianus De grammaticis (Kaster 1995)

Divus lulius Divus Tiberius Divus Titus Divus Vespasianus Vitellius Sulpicius Severus Symmachus, Epistulae Orationes Relationes Synesius, Epistulae Syncellus Tabula Peutingeriana Tacitus, Agricola Annales Dialogus de oratoribus Germania Historiae Terentianus Maurus Terentius, Adelphoe Andria Eunuchus

were discovered) Themistius, Orationes Theocritus

Theodoretus, Epistulae Graecarum affectionum curatio Historia ecclesiastica Theopompus Theophrastus, De causis plantarum Characteres Historia plantarum Letters to the Thessalonians Theognis Thucydides Tiryns (place where Linear B tablets were discovered) Tibullus, Elegiae Letters to Timothy Letter to Titus Tobit Tzetzes, Antehomerica

Ulp. Val. FI.

Chiliades Posthomerica Ulpianus (Ulpiani regulae) Valerius Flaccus, Argonautica

Val. Max.

Valerius Maximus, Facta et dicta

Chil. Posth.

Suetonius, Divus Augustus ([hm

1907) Calig. Claud.

XLVI

OF WORKS

Varro Ling. Rust. Sat. Men.

memorabilia Varro, De lingua Latina Res rusticae

Saturae Menippeae (Astbury

1985) Vat.

Veg. Mil. Vell. Pat.

Ven. Fort. Verg. Aen.

Catal. Ecl. CG. Vir. ill. Vitr. De arch. Vulg. Wisd Xen. Ages. An. Ap. Ath. pol. Cyn. Cyr.

Fragmenta Vaticana Vegetius, Epitoma rei militaris Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae Venantius Fortunatus

Vergilius, Aeneis Catalepton Eclogae Georgica De viris illustribus Vitruvius, De architectura Vulgate Wisdom Xenophon, Agesilaus Anabasis Apologia Athenaion politeia Cynegeticus Cyropaedia De equitandi ratione De equitum magistro Hellenica

H(e)autontimorumenos

Hiero

Hecyra

Respublica Lacedaemoniorum Memorabilia Oeconomicus

Phormio Tertullianus, Apologeticum Ad nationes (Borleffs 1954)

XLIX

ANCIENT

Symp.

Symposium

Vect.

De vectigalibus Xenophanes Zeno Zenobius

Xenoph. Zen.

Zenob.

AUTHORS

Zenod.

Zenodotus

Zeph

Zephania

Zon.

Zonaras

ZOs.

Zosimus

AND

TITLES

OF

WORKS

List of Illustrations and Maps Illustrations are found in the corresponding entries. ND means redrawing following the instructions of the author or after the listed materials. RP means reproduction with minor changes.

Musical instruments: Ancient Israel

ND after an original by H. SEIDEL Musical instruments: Greece

ND after an original by F. ZAMINER Musical instruments: Rome

Some of the maps serve to visualize the subject matter and to complement the articles. In such cases, there will be a reference to the corresponding entry. Only literature that was used exclusively for the maps is listed.

ND after an original by L. ZANONCELLI Mycenae Mycenae (14th — rrth cents. BC) ND: G. HIESEL

Mira The dynasty of the kings of Arzawa/Mira (late 15th to late 13th cent. BC) ND: F. STARKE

Mycenaean culture and archaeology The spread of Mycenaean culture in the Aegaean area (17th—11th cents. BC) ND: G. HieseL/EDITORIAL TEAM TUBINGEN

Moesi, Moesia

Natural catastrophes Datable earthquakes,

Provincial development in Illyricum, Moesia and

based

on

ancient

sources

(8th/6th cents. BC — rst cent. AD)

Thracia (1st cent. BC — 3rd cent. AD) ND: F. SCHON/EDITORIAL TEAM TUBINGEN

ND: H. SONNABEND/EDITORIAL TEAM TUBINGEN

Mogontiacum Mogontiacum: schematic layout plan of the Roman camps and civilian settlements (c. 13 BC to 4th cent.

AD) ND: EpiroriaL TEAM TUBINGEN

Naucratis Naucratis:

archaeological site-map (late 7th—3rd

cents. BC)

ND: A. MOLLER Nemausus

Money boxes Ancient money-boxes Berlin, Antikensammlung:

from Priene

(znd—1st

Colonia Augusta Nemausus: Archaeological sitemap ND: EpiroriAL TEAM TUBINGEN

cents. BC)

Naples, Museo Nazionale: from Pompeii (1st cent. AD) From Pompeu (1st cent. AD) Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale, Cabinet des Médailles (xst-2nd cents. AD)

Nicomachus [9] of Gerasa

Diagrams of polygonal numbers ND after: J. Mau, s.v. Nikomachos [7], KIP 4, rrsf. Nicomedes [3]

Simplest form of conchoid ND after: O. BECKER, Das mathematische Denken

Monogram

Greek monograms on inscriptions and coins ND after an original by K. HaLLor Murus Gallicus Cross-section of a murus Gallicus (reconstruction) ND after: P. CONNOLLY, Hannibal and the Enemies of Rome, 1978, 53. Musical instruments Musical instruments: ND after an original Musical instruments: ND after an original

Ancient Near East

by K. VoLK Egypt by E. HicKMANN

der Antike, 1957, 87. Mechanical device for producing the conchoid ND after: J. L. HEiBERG (ed.), Archimedis opera, vol. 3, *1915, 99.

Novaesium

The legionary camp of Novaesium (Neuss) ND after: H. CUprers (ed.), Die Romer in Rheinland-Pfalz, 1990, 79, fig. 33.

ae Genethlius and > Porphyrius were his pupils. A small treatise by him survives (8 pages in SPENGEL) on rhetorical proofs (Ilegi émuyevonuatwv/ Peri epicheiremdaton), which in close imitation of Aristoteles [6] starts by distinguishing the inartificial (atechnoi) frorn the artifical (éntechnoi) and then differentiates the latter into three kinds: )0mai/ethikai,

C.MU.

over the Samnites (+ Samnite wars) or (according to a

divergent tradition) fell in the battle with the Samnites (Liv. 9,44,5-15; MRR 1,166). Ancestor of the plebeian branch of the Minucii. K.-LE. [1 4] M. Basilus, L. Served in Gaul in 53/2 BC (Caes. B Gall. 6,29,4ff.; 7,90,5) and in the Adriatic in 49/8 (App. Civ. 2,249; Oros. 6,15,8) as an officer of > Caesar’s,

who rewarded him in 45 with a praetorship and gifts of money. Out of disappointment at being passed over in the allocation of provinces M. joined the conspirators (App. Civ. 2,474; Cic. Fam. 6,15; Cass. Dio 43,47,5). In the summer of 43 M. was killed — probably with no political motivation — by his own slaves (App. Civ. 3,409; Oros. 6,18,7). Not very convincing is the iden-

tification of this M. with M. Satrius, who was adopted by his uncle L.M. Basilus and was closely allied with M. Antonius after the Ides of March 44 (Cic. Off. 3,74; Cic.

Phil. 2,107; [3. 3.45 785 4. 69]).

MINUCIUS

38

BY 1 MRR 3, 143. 2 M. H. DeTreENHOFER, Perdita Iuventus, 1992, 18;340 3 D. R. SHACKLETON BAILEY, Two Studies

{I 10] Maximus as his magister equitum — probably under pressure from senators who counted on a swift

in Roman Nomenclature, *1991

victory over > Hannibal. After a tactical error compromised Fabius and M. was victorious in an engagement

4 Id., Onomasticon to

Cicero’s Speeches, *1992.

T.FR.

[1 5] M. Esquilinus Augurinus, L. As consul in 457 BC

(according to the Fast. Capitolini cos. suff., according to Liv. 3,25,1 and Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 10,22,1 regu-

lar cos.) M. is said to have been surrounded by the ~ Aequi on Mount > Algidus and only set free by an army under the dictator L. > Quinctius Camillus, who removed M. from office (Liv. 3,25,4-29,6; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1£0,22,2—25,3). As a member of the second college of > decemviri [1] with four other members M. is supposed to have suffered a defeat, also on the Algidus against the Aequi, in 450

(Liv. 3,41,10; 42,5-7;

Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 11,23,2-5; one of the two reports is probably a duplicate). Tradition identifies M. with the praef. annonae 440/439 who during a famine allegedly informed on Sp. > Maelius [2] to the consuls or the Senate because by selling corn cheaply the latter was making a bid for kingship, for which M. was honoured with a monument (Columna Minucia; Liv. 4,12,8; 13,6-10; 16,2; Dion. Hal Ant. Rom. 12,1,5f.; 1,11-15, 4,3; representations on coins: RRC 242/1; 243/1; see — Monumental columns). M.’s reported consequent

transition to plebs (> transitio ad plebem) and adoption as an eleventh tr. pl. into the college of people’s tribunes (Liv. 4,16,3) isan anachronism which connected the early patrician Minucii with the later plebeian ones. On the whole the tradition concerning M. is highly contradictory and hence has in part been largely rejected by scholars (cf. [1]).

Esquilinus,

centre at Cannae. > Punic Wars T. ScHmirTtT, Hannibals Siegeszug, 1991, 289-290.

TAS.

{[[11] M. Rufus, M. Praetor peregrinus in 197 BC. From 194 triumvir for the founding of > Vibo Valentia in Bruttium (MRR I, 345), but in 193 accompanied P. Cornelius [I 71] Scipio and P. Cornelius [I 11] Cethegus to Africa, to mediate between Carthage and > Massinissa (Liv. 34,62,16).

P.N.

{I 12] M. Rufus, M. Perhaps people’s tribune in 121 BC (cf. M. [I 8]), in 1147 arbitrator between the Genoese and the Ligures (CIL I’ 584), in

110 consul, fought with extended imperium until 106 in Macedonia and Thrace against the > Scordisci and — Bessi (acclamation as imperator; MRR 1, 5433; 3, 144). After his triumph he had the > Porticus Minucia built with the spoils (Vell. Patz 8a3)):

1 BELOCH, RG, 16-18.

[16] M.

at Gereonium in Apulia, the people’s tribune Metilius {I 1] carried through a plebiscite that M. should also be appointed > dictator as well, with the same capacities and duties as Fabius. The subsequent splitting of the army was undone in favour of Fabius, after M.’s troops almost caught in a stratagem of Hannibal’s. Other than as the annalistic tradition has it, M. did not retreat, but returned initially to Rome, where he probably led the elections, and ultimately found himself back as the commander of his troops in the field, when his dictatorship simultaneous with that of Fabius came to an end. In 216 he fell as one of the commanders of the Roman

Q. Presumably

a brother

of

M. [I 5]. As cos. in 457 BC (MRR 1, 41) M. is said to have invaded the territory of the Sabines, without encountering an enemy (Liv. 3,30,8; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 10,30,7f.). [I 7] M. Faesus, M. Augur in 300 BC (Liv. 10,9,2), the

year in which the great colleges of priests were opened to plebeians (lex Ogulnia). He is remembered on coins of the mintmasters C. and M. Augurinus (RRC 242/1; 243/2-5). C.MU. [I 8] M. Rufus, M.(?) As people’s tribune in 121 BC proposed repealing the laws of C. > Sempronius GracKLE. chus; perhaps identical with M. [I 12]. [I 9] M. Rufus Naval officer of + Pompeius who operated unsuccessfully in the Adriatic at the beginning of 48 BC, fled from Caesar from Oricum to > Dyrrhachium (Caes. B Civ. 3,7,1f.; App. Civ. 2,225). T-RR. {I 10] M. Rufus, M. As consul in 221 BC led a successful campaign against the Histri (> Histria; MRR 1, 233f.). An alleged dictatorship in 220 is an invention. His role from 217-216, which in sources (Pol. 3,103-105; Liv. 25-30 &c; MRR 1, 243) and the literature is very variously presented and reviewed, can be reconstructed like this: initially he was appointed by the dictator Q. Fabius

{1 13] M. Rufus, Q. In 201 BC people’s aedile, in 200 praetor in Bruttium, in 197 consul with P. Cornelius [I x1] Cethegus. After battles in Upper Italy M. celebrated an ~ ovatio over the Boiae and the Ligures (MRR 1, 332f.). In 189 the highest ranking leader of the legation of ten who reorganised Asia Minor after the victory over Antiochus [5] II] (MRR 1,363). In 183 probably an envoy to the Celts in Upper Italy. = k-LE. [114] M. Silo After a failed attempt on the life of the Caesarian Q. Cassius [116] Longinus in Cordoba (Hispania Ulterior) he was tortured and executed in 48 BOi (Gell Alexe sorm ny sea cassez) [115] (M.) Thermus Praetor before 65 BC, the time when Cicero mentioned M. — who was at the time quite popular as the curator of the Via Flaminia (Pons Minucius: R. Gest. div. Aug. 20) — among his potential rivals in future consular elections (Cic. Att. 1,1,2). With some probability — assuming an adoption — identical with C. Marcius [I] 12] Figulus (Thermus), cos. in 64 (Sall. Ceyall, rey), MRR 3,144; D. R. SHACKLETON BAILEY, Two Studies in Roman Nomenclature, *1991, 35; 78.

[1 16] M. Thermus, M. Adherent of > Cornelius [I 90] Sulla, praetor in 81 BC. Subsequently proconsul in

39

40

Asia, where under his command Caesar’s first scandals and heroic deeds took place (mission in Bithynia,

Christian morals, and Christian expectation of salvation and preparedness to suffer as reasonable and superior to other religions. The Octavius is meant to lead protreptically to Christianity (like Cicero’s Hortensius to philosophy). Education (institutio) is deferred (40,2); hence cavilling at theological deficiencies is inappropriate. MF is doing Christian service for the public, in particular missionary work among the educated. Accordingly in style he follows —» Cicero with influences from the > Second Sophistic and in content he takes GraecoRoman modes of thought as his point of departure, with recourse to pagan authorities (programmatically 39; cf. the Catalogue of Poets and Philosophers 19,120,1). MF makes use of Cicero (esp. Cic. Nat. deor.), Seneca, Virgil (the only expressly cited author, 19,2),

MINUCIUS

corona

civica at Mytilene:

Suet. Tul. 2). MRR

2,76.

T.ER. [117] M. Thermus, Q. In 202 BC military tribune in

Africa, in 201 people’s tribune, in 197 triumvir for founding colonies in Central Italy; in 196 praetor in Hispania (triumph on returning in 195). In 193 consul with L. Cornelius [I 6r] Merula. M. fought with ex-

tended imperium until 191 against the > Ligures. In 189 —together with M. [I 13] - member of the legation of ten for the reorganisation of Asia Minor; in 188 envoy to > Antiochus [5] III, in order to accept the swearing of the peace of Apameia (Pol. 21, 43,1f.; Liv. 38, 39,1; see > Syrian Wars). Killed in Thrace in 188 during the return march of Cn. Manlius [I 24] Vulso’s army (MRR 1,367). K-LE. [118] M. Thermus, Q. Born about roo BC; in 73 member of the Senate committee for settling a legal dispute with the Attic city of Oropus (IG VII 413), in 62 people’s tribune (opposition to > Pompeius; Plut. Cato min. 27,1-28,1). In 58 praetor (MRR 2,238: 53?), in 5 1/50 propraetor in Asia (Cic. Att. 5,21,14; 6,1,133 Cic.

Fam. 2,18). In the Civil War, in 49 M. commands an abortive military action against the Caesarians in Umbria (Caes. B Civ. 1,12,1f.) and in 43 he isa member

of a Senate legation, which demanded Sex. Pompeius’s support against M. Antonius (Cic. Phil. 13,13). M. survived the disturbances of the > Proscriptions by fleeing to Sicily; later he reconciled himself with the new rulers

(App. Civ. 5,579). Il. IMPERIAL PERIOD [Il 1] M. Felix, M. Christian

Latin author. He was probably from Africa, was an advocate (causidicus, Lact. Div. inst. 5,1,22) in Rome (Min. Fel. 2,1-2) and after his conversion (Min. Fel. 1,4) wrote the dialogue

Octavius between 197 and 246 (later than Tertullian’s Apologeticum, and earlier than Cyprian’s Ad Donatum [3]) the dialogue Octavius. Hier. vir. ill. 58; epist. 70,5,1 also mentions De fato vel contra mathematicos (‘Against Astrologers’) as imputed to MF (probably suggested by Min. Fel. 36,2).—The Octavius is a framed dialogue, set in Ostia, between Caecilius, the Christian Octavius and the author as umpire: after a proem by the author and a scene-setting introduction (1-4) Caecilius (5-13) speaks against Christianity, after an interloquium (14-15) Octavius (16-38) speaks in its favour; at the end (39-40) there is Caecilius’s conversion. MF is the second Christian Latin apologist after » Tertullianus and the first Christian Ciceronian (signalled by 1,1 cogitanti mihi from Cic. de orat. 1,1). In the form of a Ciceronian controversy dialogue (> Dialogue) he commends Christianity as vera religio (‘true religion’, 1,5; 38,7). He combines defence against attacks on the teachings and behaviour of the Christians, supported by the union ofreligious traditionalism and philosophical scepticism (6,1 following Cic. Nat. deor. 3,5—-6), with emphasis on Christian monotheism,

Plato and Roman historians, and of the Christians Ter-

tullian. Going beyond the latter’s rejection of the Romans’ religious and political concept of themselves (Tert. apol. 25,1-15), M. rejects Rome as an unjust state (25,1-7). The tension between rhetoric and the communication of truth is made visible by 14,2-16,6. MF had an influence on -> Cyprianus [2] and particularly on > Lactantius [1] (appraisal in Lact. inst. 5,1,22). The Ps.-Cyprianian - Quod idola dii non sint (4th century) contained an excerpt of MF. Transmitted as ‘ book 8’ of Arnob., the Octavius was not recognised for what it is until the 16th century. ~ Apologists EDITIONS: 1 J. BEAUJEU, 1964 (withcomm.) 2 B. KyTzLER, *1992. LITERATURE: 3 C. BECKER, Der ‘Octavius’ des MF, 1967

4H. von Gersau, s.v. MF, RE Suppl. 11, 952-1002, 1365-1378 5 E. Heck, in: HLL, vol. 4,§ 475 6 B.KytzLER, s.v. MF, TRE 23, 1984, 1-3.

7 P. G. VAN DER NAT,

Zu den Voraussetzungen der christlichen lateinischen Literatur: die Zeugnisse von MF und Laktanz, in: Entretiens 23, 1977, 190-294 8 C. SCHAUBLIN, Konversionen in antiken Dialogen?, in: Id. (ed.), Festschrift B. Wyss, 1985, 117-131 9 C. INGREMEAU, M.F. et ses »sources«: le travail de l’écrivain, in Rev. des ét. augustiniennes 45, 1999; 3-20.

E.HE.

Minuscule I. Overview

II. ALEMANNIC

II]. CAROLINGIAN

MINUSCULE

MINUSCULE

I. OVERVIEW A. DEFINITION

B. GREEK WRITING

C. LATIN

WRITING A. DEFINITION Minuscule, in contrast to

> majuscule, is the name

given to the form of writing where letters, often ligatured (— Ligature), are organised in a(n idealised) four-

line system: the two middle lines delimit the space for the bodies of the letters and the outer lines that for ascenders and descenders.

41 B. GREEK WRITING In the history of Greek writing minuscule developed out of late antique cursive (> Writing, styles of), which was used exclusively for non-literary texts. The earliest examples of literary minuscule texts date from the 7th and esp. the 8th cents. AD (the oldest dated minuscule MS was written in 835). In the 9th cent. most ancient literary texts were transliterated into minuscule; the

untransliterated texts were lost as a consequence. Early minuscule (8th/9th — end of the 9th cent.) occurs in a number of stylisations: these include the Stoudites minuscule (developed in the Stoudios monastery at Constantinople), the Club style (until the roth cent., common in - Arethas of Caesarea’s circle; predominantly round letter shapes with club-shaped thickening of the ascenders and descenders) and the angular Hook style (until the middle of the roth cent.; -» Anastasius style); then, from the end of the 9th cent. until the end of the roth, the > Bouletée script (also called Liturgical style) and particularly > Pearl script (until the rrth and 12thcents.), which was later also imitated by archaising copyists (— Archaizing script). In the period between the second half of the rth cent. and the second half of the r2th, book script was increasingly subject to influence from everyday script, with the result that the unified character of book script was gradually lost. From this period originate a number of specific regional scripts, such as the one known as Group 2400 (siglum of the NT manuscript Chicago, Univ. Library 965) from the Palestine-Cyprus region (until the 13th cent.; > Cypriot script) and the > Southern Italian script of Otranto (11th—1r2th cents.), the Rossano style (rectangular, rrth-12th cents.) and the Reggio style (beginning of the r2th cent. to the r4th; first dated example from 1118). After the conquest of Constantinople by the ‘Latins’ (1204) and the continuing dissolution of the Byzantine Empire, numerous stylistic trends and attempts at stylisation developed, especially from the second half of the 13th cent., often influenced by everyday and chancery scripts, and giving rise to scripts such as + Grease Drop script, the > Beta-Gamma style, the - Metochites style and the scripts developed by scholars of the 14th cent. (e.g. those of Demetrius [43] Triclinius and Nicephorus Gregoras), but also archaising reactions (esp. in monasteries), such as the imitation of Pearl

script in the rrth cent. (> Archaizing script); this includes the Hodegon style (named after the Hodegon monastery in Constantinople). At the same time specific kinds of script can also be identified in the erstwhile provinces of the Eastern Roman Empire, e.g. the Otrantine Baroque style in Southern Italy (13th—1 4th cents.; -» Southern Italian script) and in Cyprus (and perhaps in Palestine) what is known as ‘Chypriote Bouclée’ (13th—14th cents.; cf. > Cypriot script). In the 15th and 16th cents. earlier tendencies and stylistic trends were often continued (cf. Humanist script); the script of the Humanists was also taken as a model for printing types in the West, but by the turn of the 16th cent. also vice versa (~» Minuscule (printing)).

42

MINUSCULE

La paléographie grecque et byzantine, 1977; P. CANART, Paleografia e codicologia greca. Una rassegna bibliografica, 1991; G. CAVALLO, G. DE GreGorIO, M. MANIACI (ed.), Scritture, libri e testi nelle aree provinciali di Bisanzio, 1991; D. HARLFINGER, G. PRaATO (ed.), Paleografia e codicologia greca, 1991; K. & S. Lake, Dated Greek mi-

nuscule manuscripts to the year 1200, 1934-39.

C. LATIN WRITING Latin writing underwent radical changes in the 2nd3rd cents. AD, both in book script and in everyday script, and the later Roman cursive of the 3rd cent. was a forerunner of minuscule. From the calligraphisation of this script, normally used for documents, developed the earlier and the later half uncial, considered the first minuscule (first half of the 3rd cent. and 5th cent.), as

did almost all the scripts known as pre-Carolingian or > national scripts: viz. the > Merovingian scripts (6th—

8th cents.), the cursives used in upper and central Italy (7th—-8th cents.), the > Beneventana (last quarter of the 8th cent. until the 13th cent.), the > Visigothic script (8th-12th cents.) and local stylisations, such as Alemannian minuscule (second half of the 8th cent. — third decade of the 9th cent.; v.i. II) and the > Sinai script (9th-roth cents.). In contrast, the insular script (AngloSaxon and Irish) (7th-11th cents.) developed out of half

uncial. Carolingian minuscule (CM) (v.i. III.) developed during the last decades of the 8th cent. AD, and swiftly supplanted all the local scripts of France, Germany, and Switzerland, as well as northern and central Italy; only in the roth cent. was it also transplanted to England; towards the end of the r1th cent. it replaced the Western Gothic script in Spain. Local tendencies kept emerging alongside an often only apparent unity of form. CM was also used as a chancery script. In the second half of the rrth cent. in northern France and in what is now Belgium, the first beginnings of a transformation of CM become visible, leading to the > Gothic script [2]; from the r2th/13th cents. on this spread throughout Europe. In the 13th cent. we also begin to encounter Gothic cursive, from which the > Bastarda traces its origin (13th/14th-16th cents). The fractura, in turn, derives from the chancery script or Bastarda (15th—16th cents.). As a result of PETRARCH’s criticism of the kind of script used in his time (the litterae scholasticae, which he felt were unsightly and cluttered) CoLtuccio SaLuTATI and esp. Poccio BRACCIOLINI (beginning of the 15th cent.), developed a ‘new’ kind of script, the Humanist script (+ Writing, styles of) by imitating r1/r2th-cent. CM. B. BiscHorr, Latin palaeography: antiquity and the Middle Ages (transl. D. O Créinin & D. Ganz), 1990; L. E. Boye, Medieval Latin palaeography: a bibliographical introduction, 1984 (see also Italian transl. of 1999 for added material); G. CeNceTTI, Lineamenti di storia della scrittura latina, *1997. P.E.

MINUSCULE

Il. ALEMANNIC MINUSCULE A stylisation of Latin script from the pre-Carolingian period, which probably developed on Alemannic soil (bounded by Franconia, Burgundy, the Alps, and Bavaria) and displays a certain similarity to the contemporary script of neighbouring Alsace and Rhaetia. Alemannic minuscule (AM) (with its round types, the elongation of the body of the script, and the minor distinctions between book and document scripts) is characterised by the cc-shaped a (ce), the ¢ with a left-curving downward cross-stroke (a) and the various ligatures derived from cursive

44

43

(ri: p, Mt: ng). The centre of AM

was the scriptorium of the monastery of St Gall, whose rich corpus of 8th-cent. documents allows a precise chronological classification of the MSS: the earliest datable example is from the period of the abbot John II (760-781). There was another scriptorium on the island of Reichenau, where, however, book production started a little later (end of the 8th cent.). The localisa-

tion of other MSS containing AM is problematic; yet they seem, possibly by a purely historically conditioned accident, to be concentrated on the southern shore of

Lake Constance. It is still not clear whether Constance Cathedral had its own scriptorium (as argued by [4]): the clergy there did have access to MSS written in the two monasteries mentioned above, and in addition the

bishop of Constance was also often abbot (8th — 9th cents.) of one or the other monastery, if not both. In about 820/830, AM was replaced by Carolingian minuscule (v.i. III.); some of the latter’s letter shapes — such as uncial a —are attested in the former early on (c. 760). 1J. AUTENRIETH, s.v. Alemannische M., Lexikon des gesamten Buchwesens I*, 1987, 56-57 2B. BISCHOFF, Latin palaeography: antiquity and the Middle Ages (transl. D. O Créinin & D. Ganz), 1990, 103ff 3 Id., Panorama der Handschriften-Uberlieferung aus der Zeit Karls des Grofen, in: Mittelalterliche Studien 3, 1981, 21-22 4K. LOFFLER, Zur Frage einer Konstanzer

Schreibschule in karolingischer Zeit, in: W. M. LInDsay (ed.), Palaeographia Latina, vol. 5, 1927, 1-27.

DAF.

III]. CAROLINGIAN MINUSCULE This Latin script of the late 8th to the early 13th cents. was revived in about 1400 by the Italian Humanists in the form of the > Antiqua. In the 1460s it was the model for the type ‘Antiqua’, still widespread today. Its description as ‘minuscule’ derives from some of its letters having —as in the lower-case letters of modern print types — up and down strokes extending above or below the size of normal letters (above: b, d, h, k, |; below: g, p, q, y, occasionally also f, long s, and x). It is called Carolingian because it came into existence during the reign of Charlemagne, whose efforts at cultural development created favourable conditions for its dissemination. The earliest dated examples of Carolingian minuscule (CM) are in a Bible MS commissioned by the abbot Maurdramnus of Corbie (772-780) and in dedicatory verses by the writer Godescalc, who added them in the years 781-783 to the copy of a Gospel intended for

Charlemagne [6. vi, no. 707; v, no. 681]. The script is

probably less an autonomous creation ofa learned writer than —as the surviving documents suggest — the result of a gradual process, with mutually independent efforts in various writing centres in northern France and the bordering regions of modern Germany and the Low Countries. In the early 9th cent. the script spread from these regions throughout the Carolingian Empire (apart from the deep south) and already in the middle of this century it had supplanted all other kinds of script for copying literary texts, including the Anglo-Saxon script native to various German centres. In the second half of the roth cent., CM began to replace this script in Latin texts even in England [4]. From the late rrth cent., CM occupied the place of -> Visigothic script in Spain, from the r2th cent. that of the > Beneventana in southern Italy. And, with the expansion of Western Christianity into northeastern Germany, eastern Europe, and Scandinavia, CM was decisive as the medium of dissemination.

In document scripts too, CM prevailed against the + Merovingian script and other scripts derived from Roman cursive: the royal German chancery adopted it in the late 9th cent., the French chancery in the early rith cent., and the Papal chancery in the early rath cent. In privately produced documents it appeared earlier. In these documents the script is often distinguished from book script by longer upstrokes with multivarious letter endings, eye-catching abbreviation strokes, and ligatures (ct, rt, and st) with sweeping joining strokes. The late r1th cent. saw a gradual change from book and document scripts to + Gothic script, complete in almost all of Western Europe by the early 13th cent. The usual basic shapes of the Carolingian alphabet correspond — more or less — to modern Antiqua types (with the exception of long s). It was assumed that CM

derived either from half uncials or from the pre-Carolingian half cursive scripts. In either case both had an influence [5]: the first writer of CM had previously used half cursive shapes, and the old writing habits left traces in the ductus and letter proportions. Thus the forms of most ofthe letters of CM are similar to both of the older scripts. Over the centuries the new script retained its basic shape, but the letters underwent both general and individual changes, which allow manuscripts to be dated and localized. CM was a new development — previously there had been no script of precisely this kind — although, through its half uncial elements, it was part of the + Carolingian Renaissance of antiquity. > Palaeography 1 J. AUTENRIETH, Probleme der Lokalisierung und Datierung von spatkarolingischen Schriften (10. und rr. Jahrhundert), in: Codicologica 4, 1978, 67-74 2B. BiscHOFF, La nomenclature des écritures livresques du IX* au XIII* siécle, in: Nomenclature des écritures livresques du IX‘ au XVI‘ siécle, 1954, 7-14 3 Id., Latin palae-

ography: antiquity and the Middle Ages (transl. D. O Croinin & D. Ganz), 1990, 112-118, 202-223

4T. A.

46

45 M. BisHop, English Caroline Minuscule, 1971

5 G. CEN-

ceTTi, Lineamenti di storia della scrittura latina, *1997,

151-188 6E. A. Lowe, Codices Latini Antiquiores: A Palaeographical Guide to Latin Manuscripts Prior to the Ninth Century, 11 vols with suppl., 1934-1972 (esp. vol. 6, xii; vol. 8, x).

JJJ-

MINYAE

husbands. After the miracles and tearing apart of Leucippe’s son in the > Cithaeron, they were pursued by the > Maenads because of their blood guilt but were turned into a crow, a bat and an owl. In Plutarch, the Minyades tear apart the child out of desire for human flesh, their husbands are called the Psoldeis (‘the sootcovered ones’) because of their mourning clothes, and

Minuscule (print) (Druckminuskel)

The German term Druckminuskel, coined by H. HUNGER, describes a type of Greek book script from the end of the 15th and the beginning of the 16th cents. This script was influenced by contemporary printing types and shows an increasing rigidity and sterility in appearance. Examples are the text of > Musaeus, copied from the Aldina edition in 1498, in Cod. Vindobonensis Phil. gr. 284, and the text of > Aristotle in Cod. Vaticanus Reg. gr. 123-125 (c. 1500, the writing imitates the Aldina edition of 1494-1498). The emergence of book printing certainly led some copyists to give their writing an altogether more unified shape, but reciprocal influence of printing and writing can be assumed: a number of famous calligraphers lived and worked during the period in question and their handwriting was eminently suitable as a model for printing types (e.g. Ioannes Honorius Hydruntinus, Zacharias Kallierges, and Angelos Vergikios). In fact, writers such as Johannes

Nathanael and Demetrios Damilas were commissioned to design printing types. H. Huncer, Antikes und mittelalterliches Buch- und Schriftwesen, in: Geschichte der Textuberlieferung der antiken und mittelalterlichen Literatur, vol. I, 1961, 105106; D. HARLFINGER, Zu griechischen Kopisten und Schriftstilen des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts, in: La paléographie grecque et byzantine, 1977, 338-339, 342. L.D.F.

Minyades (Muvvdédec, Latin also Minyeiades/singular Minyeias or Minyeides/singular Minyeis). The three daughters of > Minyas, whose names were > Leucippe (Leuconoé), Arsippe (> Arsinoé [I 2]) and > Alcathoé [x] (Alcithoé). Their myth, which is missing in Apollodorus, is found with variants in Ov. Met. 4,1ff., 3 89ff., Plut. Mor. 299e-300a (Qu. Gr. 38), Antoninus Liberalis ro and Ael. VH 3,42. According to Antoninus Liberalis, who follows Nicander (Heteroioumena, B. 4) and Corinna (fr. 665 PMG), the Minyades, (daughters of Orchomenus), who are industrious weavers, refused to worship > Dionysus. After being terrified by his different shapes and miracles (nectar and milk flowing from the looms), they drew lots for a (human) sacrifice for him [1. r95ff.]. After the Minyades had torn apart Leucippe’s son > Hippasus [4], they swarmed out as Bacchae until Hermes turned them into nocturnal birds (bat, owl, eagle owl). Ovid, who assumes that the Minyades were unmarried and living in their father’s house in Thebes, omits the child sacrifice. According to Aelianus, who mentions the Minyades together with the > Proitides and others as raging women, they refused the Dionysus cult because they longed for their

the Orchomenians call them and their descendants up to that time the Olefai (instead of Aioleiaiin MSS.; from oloai, ‘destroyers’). Plutarch links the aetiology of the feast of the > Agrionia [1. 189ff.; 2. 271ff.] to this: The Dionysus priest pursued women with a sword at the feast, but in Plutarch’s time the priest > Zoilus killed a woman. He died after a prolonged disease, while the Orchomenians experienced misfortune and took the priestly office from his family. The Minyad myth belongs to the ritual field of resistance against the invading cult of Dionysus (> Lycurgus [1], > Pentheus) [3. vol. 1, 565, 611ff.]; for example, the Minyades were seen as the female tribal members of the > Minyae reduced to three [4. 2orf., 204f.]. 1 W. BurkERT, Homo

3 Nitsson, GGR

necans,

1972

2 NILSSON,

Feste

4 PH. ButrMann, Mythologus, vol. 2,

1829.

S. EITREM, s.v. M., RE 15, 2010-2014; M. JANAN, “There

beneath the Roman ruin where the purple flowers grow’. Ovid’s M. and the Feminine Imagination, in: AJPh 115,

1994, 427-448.

P.D.

Minyae (Mwia; Minyai). Mycenaean-period tribe with a highly developed culture (domed tombs, palace, dyke works on Lake > Copais [1. 127ff.]), living both in Boeotia (chief town > Orchomenus [r], with the epithet Minyeios, Hom. Il. 2,511; Hom. Od. 11,284; Hes. fr. 257,4; founded out of ~TIolcus: Apoll. Rhod. 3,1093ff.) and in southern Thessaly ({1. 139ff.5 2. 205ff.; 3. 243ff.] place name Minya, IG IX 2, 521; Steph. Byz. s.v. Miva; M. in Iolcus: Sim. fr. 540 PMG;

founded by M.: Demetrios Skepsios fr. 51 GAEDE; Strab. 9,2,40). In the Trojan campaign Orchomenus and Aspledon took part with 30 ships (Hom. Il. 2,5 11516). The mythological eponym of M. was the wealthy ~+ Minyas (Pind. I.1,56), the representative of the M.’s dominance over Thebes was > Erginus (Apollod. 2,67— 69; Paus. 9,37; Pind. O. 4,19ff.). The name of M. was extended by Mycenaean trade relations to the Peloponnese ([1. 144ff.]; otherwise [4. 67f. note r]), by the participation of the (Ionian) M. in the Ionian colonisation into Asia Minor (Teos, Paus. 7,3,6; Hdt. 1,146,1 [tr.

153; 2.211]). Inthe historical period there were still M. in Orchomenus

(Paus. 4,27,10: 4th century, Leuctra;

IG VII 3226: 2nd-—tst cents.). The southern Thessalian settlements account for the (probably pre-Homeric) use of the name M. as a synonym for > Argonautae (Pind.

Pid,6930 Edt 45x45) (x. 03 6fh;y aco sf£s: 4.. 253 Ft.|, doubtful [5. 246]), and this was later explained by the fact that Jason (~ Iason [1]) and the majority of the Argonauts were descended from daughters of Minyas

MINYAE

47

48

(+ Minyades), who was an Aeolid (+ Aeolidae) (Apoll.

Mira

Rhod. 1,229-233; 3,1093f.).

I. GEOGRAPHICAL

1M. P. Nirsson, The Mycenaean Origin of Greek Mythology, 1932,*1972 2 PH. Burrmann, Mythologus, Bd. 2,1829 3K. O. MULLER, Orchomenos und die Minyer, *1844 4 WILAMOwWITZ, vol.1 5 Id., Hellenistische Dichtung, vol. 2, 1924. P.D.

Minyan Ware see > Pottery Minyas [1] (Mwtac; Minyas). M.’ genealogy is very intricate [r. 129ff.; 2. 195ff.; 3]: grandson of Zeus, son or grandson of Poseidon, son of Ares or Aleus [1], grandson,

great-(great-) grandson of Aeolus [1], father, son or brother of Orchomenus, father of Clymene [4], Persephone and the > Minyades (the female members of the tribe of > Minyans reduced to three [2. 204f.]). This lack of a fixed position in genealogy and of his own myths ([4. 133]; Apollod. 3,105 only mentions M. as the father of Clymene and the grandfather of — Atalante) suggests M. as the eponymous king of the Minyans (Pind. I.1,56) and a genealogical interpolation derived from the tribal name. The wealth of M. and

SITE, BOUNDARIES

II. OuT-

LINE OF THE POLITICAL HISTORY

I. GEOGRAPHICAL SITE, BOUNDARIES M. (Hittite also Merd-) is the name of the core territory of the significant - Luwian-speaking state of + Arzawa in western Asia Minor, which is attested from the 16th cent. BC on, primarily through the —» Hittite tradition, and of the Hittite vassal state formed out of it in c. 1315 BC. The vassal state grew into a Great Kingdom at the end of the 13th cent., and may have survived the collapse of the Hittite Empire (shortly after 1200 BC; see > Hattusa II.). The western part of M., with the Arzawan capital of Abasa/— Ephesus, encompassed the region of the later Ionia, southern Lydia and northern Caria, with the massif of the Boz Daglari (Greek > Tmolus) forming the boundary to the northern neighbour state of Séha (now definitive owing to a new reading of the Karabel inscription; v.i. II.B.). In the south, M. — including the peninsula of Mycale (Hittite Arinmnanda-) — bordered on the Mycenaean settlement of Millawa(n)da (> Mile-

tus),

which

belonged

to

Ahhijawa/

— Achijawa

-» Orchomenus [1] was proverbial (Paus. 9,36,4; 37533

(Greece) in the r4th/13th cents. Farther inland, it bor-

Hom. Il. 9,381; Apoll. Rhod. 2,1153); the domed grave unearthed there by SCHLIEMANN is described by Paus. 9,38,2f. Cult/games for M.: IG VII 3218; schol. Pind.

dered on > Lukka. The rivers (Hittite) Astarpa and

terres Meanearts [51° 1K. O. MULLER, Orchomenos und die Minyer, *1844 2 Po. BurrMann, Mythologus, vol. 2, 1829 3K. FIEHN, s.v.M.,RE15, 2014ff. 4M. P. Nitsson, The Mycenaean Origin of Greek Mythology, *1972 5 E. Simon, s.v. M., LIMC 6.1, 581f.

[2] (Mwvvdc; Minyds). Early Greek epic with an unknown theme: The title suggests the eponymous ruler of the Minyans, Minyas [1], or the Minyans in general but the few preserved fragments and testimonies do not make this relationship evident. Of the six preserved attestations to its content (in [1]) (1 fragment in 2 hex-

ameters, 5 references), five are from Pausanias (description of the Underworld painting by Polygnotus) and one from Philodemus. Pausanias, as is appropriate for his topic, mentions only a ‘journey to the Underworld’ (with a description of the Underworld) contained in the Minyas, but at 10,28,7 he explicitly describes it as only a part of the Minyds, as well as of the ‘Odyssee’ and the ‘Nostoi’; Philodemus [1. F 6] appears to be quoting from another part of the Miyads. It is disputed whether this is identical with the ‘Hades journey of Orpheus’ (> Orphics) ascribed in the Suda and other sources [1. F 4] to one Prodicus (e.g., [3]), [4]. EDITION: 1PEGI 2 EpGF. LITERATURE: 3U. v. WILAMOWITZ-MOELLENDORFF, Homer. Unt., 1884, 222-226 4M.L. West, The Orphic Poems, 1983, 6, 9f., 12. JL.

Sijanti are identified as the eastern boundary of the vassal state [3. 117, 119]. These are probably the upper reaches of the + Maeander [2] and the Sag Menderes, which rises southwest of Afyon and flows south of Civril (cf., also for the geographical information below, the map for > Hattusa, vol. 6, 13f.), whereas the Arzawan core territory of M. may have extended somewhat farther east. The valley of the Maeander, the main artery for traffic between the Anatolian plateau and the Aegean coast, accordingly formed the backbone of the territory. By the roth cent., there is evidence from the palace site of Beycesultan (southwest of Civril, c. r9001750 BC; [1. 66—68]) for the establishment of a significant state within the territory of M., with a political centre in the upper Maeander valley. However, its relationship to the state of Arzawa is as yet unexplained. I]. OUTLINE OF THE POLITICAL HISTORY A. ARZAWA IN THE I6TH-14TH CENTURIES B. THE VASSAL STATE OF MIRA (C. 1315-1200)

A. ARZAWA IN THE I16TH-14TH CENTURIES In the 16th cent. Arzawa was the goal of a Hittite campaign under Hattusilil but otherwise known by scarcely more than its name (Old Hittite Arzauiia- gen., < Luwian ethnicon Arzaui-*). From the second half of the rsth cent., it appears as the most powerful state of western Asia Minor. It was soon able to extend its territory (including the later Hittite vassal state of Haballa) both to the Hittite ‘Lower Land’ (Katteran Utne, Lycaonia) and to the Kaskaean region (> Ka8kaeans) northwest of the Marassanta (Halys) and so rose to be, besides the Kaskaeans and the > Mittani, the

49

50°

MIRA

The dynasty of the kings of Arzawa/Mira (late 15th to late 13th cent. BC) K VK GK

King of Arzawa Vassal king of Mira Great King of Mira

R_

Representative of the king of Ahhijawa in Millawanda (Miletus)

: Fragmentary dynastic line i Descendance not certain but probable

Hattusa

Arzawa/ Mira

Tudhalija |.

Kubantakurunta (K)

1400

Arnuwanda I.

:

|

Tudhalija II. Tarhuntaradu (kK)

1350

Daughter CO Amenophis [3] Ill. of Egypt } Ubhazidi (K)

Suppiluliuma |. Mashuiluwa (VK) CO Muwatti

Arnuwanda II. Mursili Il.

Tablazunauli

f200

Pijamakurunta

Kubantakurunta (VK)

Pijamaradu |

Muwattalli if.

Atpa (R) OO Daughter

Mursili IlI.-Urhitesub

Hattusili II. CII." 1250

Alantalli (VK)

Tudhalija III. (‘IV.')

Tarkasnawa (VK)

1200

Mashuitta (GK)

most dangerous opponent of Hattusa in the r5th/r4th cents. At the height of its power Arzawa was ruled by Tarhuntaradu, who in the Amarna correspondence (> ‘Amarna Letters’) with Amenophis [3] III of Egypt (1390-13 §2) in the two ‘Arzawa Letters’ in the Hittite language [8. 192-195] had the title of king, but according to the salutation formula assumed the rank of ‘King of Kings’. The worst military blow against Hattusa and the conquest of many parts of the Lower Land as far as Tuwanuwa (Tyana), which was to be reversed only under SuppiluliumaI (c. 1355-1322), also fell in his reign. It was probably soon after the death of Tarhuntaradu that internal dynastic disputes in the Arzawan royal family forced the legitimate successor Mashuiluwa into exile in Hattusa, where by marrying a daughter of Suppiluliuma I he was adopted into the Hittite royal family. The disintegration of Arzawa, however, which by this time had certainly been envisaged by the Hittites and was now declared as a reconquest in favour of Mashuiluwa, could not be effected before Mursili II. In the

third year of his reign (c. 1316), Mursili II occupied the Arzawan capital Abasa without a fight after a victory by the Astarpa river. His opponent Uhhazidi (presumably brother of Mashuiluwa and usurper of the Arzawan throne) and his family fled over the sea to the sovereign territory of Ahhijawa. Arzawa was then dissolved into the vassal states of M. and Haballa, which

Arnuwanda Ill.

Suppiluliuma II.

Mursili II placed under his brother-in-law Mashuiluwa and Tarkasnalli (of whom nothing detailed is otherwise known) as kings. Séha was added as a third vassal state, whose king Manabatarhunta, despite earlier help from the Hittites, had taken the side of Uhhazidi, but eventually also had to bow to the Hittite supremacy. B. THE VASSAL STATE OF MIRA (C. 1315-1200) The extant Hittite treaties with M., Haballa, Séha and > Wilusa (Troa), which was added at the beginning

of the 13thcent., were co-ordinated with one another in content. The aforementioned states were vassal states (collectively called ‘Arzawa Lands’ by the Hittites) that combined within the Hittite Empire into a union of closely co-operating states — probably on the model of the northern Syrian vassal states under the leadership of the secundogeniture of > Karchemish. Due to his origin in the Arzawan royal dynasty and his marrying into the Hittite royal house, the king of M. occupied a preeminent political position. After the high treason and deposition of Mashuiluwa (rath year of the reign of Mursili II, c. 1306), it was retained by his adoptive son and successor Kubantakurunta, who, after the Hittite throne was usurped by Hattusili II (‘III’; c. 1265), con-

tinued to support the Urhitesub politically members of the royal Hittite-Egyptian pact

overthrown emperor Mursili IIIas one of the most prominent family of Hattusa. Even after the of 1259 (recognition of the dy-

st

52

tried to

with Ramses II [2. no. 28]. In M. itself, however, the positions of Mashuiluwa

salutation and content show the addressee to be living in the west of Asia Minor and a great king occupied with internal problems of the country of Wilusa [9. 2146], so that identification of his country

and Kubantakurunta were relatively unstable for a long

with M. seems inevitable (see also [6. 2of.]). According-

time despite massive Hittite assistance. There was con-

ly, M. had again attained the status of a Great Kingdom towards the end of the 13th cent., which the sovereign Arzawa had in fact already possessed at the beginning of the 14th cent. Owing to the condition of the surviving evidence, it remains an open question, to what extent this Great Kingdom, like the Hittite secundogenitures of Karkamis and — Tarhuntassa after the collapse of the Hittite Empire (shortly after 1200 BC), took up the succession. But there are as well reasons to assume continuity in the Arzawan vassal states (> Asia

MIRA

nastic line of Hattusili II), Kubantakurunta

intervene — be it unsuccessfully - on Mursili’s behalf

siderable opposition in the Arzawan royal family, probably primarily because the Uhhazidi family, which was still in exile in Ahhiyawa, was bidding its return to power. In the first half of the 13th cent., the Arzawan prince Piyamaradu (probably Uhhazidi’s grandson) repeatedly set out from Ahhiyawan Millawa(n)da (Miletus), where he had formed influential family connexions, to gain a foothold in and around M. By his political and military actions reaching from Wilusa to Lukka, Piyamaradu provoked several Hittite campaigns into western Asia Minor and, at the time of Hattusili II (c. 126 5— 1240), a diplomatic exchange of notes with the king of Abhiyawa (‘Tawaglawa Letters’). Also, the temporary usurpation of the throne of Séha, achieved in the latter part of the reign of Tudhaliya II] (‘IV’, c. 1240-1215) by a certain Tarhunnaradu with the backing of the king of Abhiyawa (see [4] and > Séha), is today best understood in the context of internal dynastic disputes in the Arzawan royal family. Hence Tarhunnaradu (cf. the Arzawan royal name Tarhuntaradu of parallel form) can simultaneously be considered as the son of Piyamaradu.

Minor III.C.).

—» Hittite studies 1K. Birrex, Die Hethiter, 1976 2 E. EDEL, Die agyptischhethitische Korrespondenz aus Boghazk6i, 1994 3 J. FRIEDRICH, Staatsvertrage des Hatti-Reiches in hethitischer Sprache, vol. 1, 1926 4H.G. GUTERBOcK, A New Look at One Ahhijawa Text, in: H. OTTeEN et al. (ed.), FS S.

Alp, 1992, 235-243

5 A. HAGENBUCHNER, Die Korre-

spondenz der Hethiter, vol. 2, 1989 6J. D. Hawkins, Tarkasnawa King of Mira, “Tarkondemos’, Karabel, and Bogazkéy Sealings, in: AS 48, 1998, 1-31 7 Id., A. MorpuRGO Davies, Of Donkeys, Mules and Tarkondemos, in:

J. Jasonorfr et al. (ed.), FS C.Watkins, 1998, 243-260 8 W. L. Moran, Les lettres d’el-Amarna, 1987

91. SING-

Kubantakurunta’s successor Alantalli (on him see also [10. 142-149]) and Tarkasnawa have only recent-

ER, Western Anatolia in the Thirteenth Century B.C. according to the Hittite Sources, in: AS 33, 1983, 205-217

ly been identified as the authors of the hieroglyphic Luwian inscriptions of Karabel, the head of the Tmols Pass between Ephesus and Sardis [6] (the well-known accompanying relief had been described in Hdt. 2,106, but relating it to the Egyptian king > Sesostris). The

10 TH. VAN DEN Hout, Der UlmiteSub-Vertrag, 1995.

silver “Tarkondemos’ seal (known since 1880) can be linked to Tarkasnawa [7] as well. Since its composition

and digraphic inscription (outer ring of cuneiform, Luwian hieroglyphics (+ Hieroglyphic scripts) in the middle) conspicuously approximates Hittite imperial seals, it is also an indication that the political significance of the king of M. within the Hittite Empire had increased in the second half of the 13th cent. This is also corroborated by the fragmentarily surviving ‘Milawada Letter’ from the latter part of the reign of Tudhaliya III (‘IV’;c. 1240-1215), according to which the addressee — judging by the border problems with Millawa(n)da treated therein, doubtless the king of M., probably also Tarkasnawa — took care of sovereign duties in the sphere of the Arzawan vassal states (assistance in the restoration in Wilusa of the overthrown king Walmu), which for northern Syria were otherwise entrusted only to the king of Karkamis (cf. [6. 19; 9. 214-215]). Mashuitta may be considered the last known king of M. (the written form of the name can also be read Parhuitta), so far recorded only as the addressee of a fragmentary letter (probably written by Suppiluliuma II after c. 1215) [5. no. 215]. The name ofthe country M. itself is not preserved in it, but the formula of

T. Bryce, The Kingdom ofthe Hittites,

1998; ST. DE MAR-

tino, L’Anatolia occidentale nel Medio Regno ittita, 1996; S. HEINHOLD-KRAHMER, Arzawa, 1977; F. STARKE,

Troia im Kontext des historisch-politischen und sprachlichen Umfeldes Kleinasiens im 2. Jahrtausend, in: Studia Troica 7, 1997, 447-487. FS.

Miracle Stories see > Paradoxographoi Miracles, Miracle-workers I. GRECO-ROMAN TIAN

II. BiBLICAL — EARLY CHRIS-

I. GRECO-ROMAN Attempts were made to reconstruct the ancient type of the ‘holy man’ (iggd¢ GvOQwaoc/hierds anthropos and Oetoc dvno/theios aner) or miracle-worker, primarily on the basis of satirical works by > Lucianus of Samosata (especially in his ‘Alexander’, ‘Peregrinus’, and ‘Philopseudes’), as well as — Philostratus [5]’s vita of + Apollonius [14] of Tyana (most recently [1]). The terms most often used by the aforementioned authors for designating miracle-workers and _ their deeds are forms derived from téoac (téras; ‘omen’, ‘freak’, ‘monster’, ‘miracle’), for instance teratourgos, ‘miracle-worker’). Scholars see precursors or models of these personages, who are attested, beginning in the rst cent. AD, only in the Eastern half of the Imperium

53

54

Romanum, in such (healing) gods as above all + Apollo and -> Asclepius, as well as in such historical figures of the Archaic period as + Empedocles or > Pythagoras, who mastered forms of magic (+ Magic, Magi) — here conceived positively — in order to bring about miracles of healing and nature (cf. Emp. 31 B r1 DK; Iambl. v. P. 36). At the same time, the miracle-workers of the Imperial period, for their part, were seen as forerunners and to some extent also competitors of > Jesus and his successors (see also > Saints, Veneration of saints). In other words, they were considered a phenomenon that is to be interpreted in confrontation with emerging + Christianity [2] (see below, II.).; The typical characteristics of miracle-workers or ‘holy men’ presented in literary testimonies include an ascetic way of life [2] (for instance, Lucian, Philopseudes 34; Philostr. Ap. 1,10-13), wearing the philosopher’s cloak [1. 34 ff.], and above all the acquisition of special religious and/or magical knowledge (hence the frequent accusation of ‘sorcery’; cf. Philostr. Ap. 1, 2), usually by means of many years spent travelling. Such knowledge was ‘imported’ preferably from Egypt (Philostr. Ap. 1,2; Jambl. v. P. 4,18; Plut. Mor. 410a; Lucian, Philopseudes 33 f.). The miracle-workers then offered their special knowledge to individuals or cities in the course of further journeys; here, knowledge was ‘exported’ preferably to the metropolises of the eastern

seek to attest and praise God’s actions in Israel. However, the OT understands basically every event in nature and history that reveals God’s powerful and exalted proximity as a miracle, whether or not it transcends or disrupts the natural order. In the NT, the > Gospels report some 30 miracles of ~ Jesus (exorcisms, healing the sick, waking the dead, miracles of food and nature; Svvapuc/ dynamis, onuetov/ semeion, téoac/ téras, \avpal thauma; Lat. miraculum, also signum, ‘sign’), which, as eschatological proofs of his power, announce the advent of the reign of God that occurs with Jesus’ apparition. The same miracles (with additional punishment-miracles) recur with the disciples and apostles, who accomplish them by means of the Spirit in Jesus’ name. The ~ New Testament Apocrypha, which, under occasional Gnostic influence

provinces of the Imperium Romanum, in the western

part almost exclusively to Rome. > Exorcism of > demons, healing of the sick, and protection against plagues were prominently represented (cf. the overview in [1. 91 ff.]). Miracle-workers also served as advisers on almost all central ethical and religious questions [1. 102 f.]. Exceptional by his sedentary nature was Alexander [27] of Abonouteichus, who attracted numerous visitors from surrounding provinces by establishing his own oracular shrine (Lucian, Alexandros 18; [6. 4 ff.]; > Pilgrimage). 1G. ANDERSON, Sage, Saint and Sophist: Holy Men and Their Associates in the Early Roman Empire, 1994 2 L. BIELER, Theios aner: das Bild des ‘g6ttlichen Menschen’ in

Spat-Antike und Frihchristentum, *1967

3 W. COTTER,

Miracles in Graeco-Roman Antiquity: a Sourcebook, 1999 4M. Epneretal., Lukian: Die Liigenfreunde oder der Unglaubige, 2001

5 R. REITZENSTEIN, Hellenistische

Wundererzahlungen, 31974 6 U. Victor, Lukian von Samosata: Alexandros oder Der Liigenprophet, 1997 7 O. Wernreicu, Antike Heilungswunder, 1909.

CF.

I]. BIBLICAL — EARLY CHRISTIAN In the OT, stories of extraordinary miracles (on the Hebrew terms [9]) occupy only a relatively small place

on the whole. They are concentrated in the context of the history of the foundation of Israel, the complexes of the Exodus, the salvation at the Red Sea, the wandering in the wilderness, the occupation of land, and the tradition of Elias-Elisa, as well as in the book of Daniel, where, formulated as the theological overcoming of crisis-situations experienced in the past or present, they

MIRACLES,

MIRACLE-WORKERS

(> Gnosis, Gnostics, Gnosticism), sought to respond in

a folkloric or novelistic way to the needs of Christian circles for entertainment, edification, and glorification of the heroes of faith, magnified miracles to the point of exuberant fabulousness, but such proliferations were neutralized by the process of formation of the > canon. Throughout the 2nd and 3rd cent., a lively awareness persisted in the Great Church that ‘proofs of the Spirit and of strength’ (1Cor 2:4) — exorcisms, healing the sick, prophecies and even, in the Christian communities, waking of the dead (Iren. 2,31,2; 2,32,4); cf. also the rain miracle in the army of - Marcus [2] Aurelius (Tert. Apol. 5,6; Eus. HE 5,5) — had not been lacking down to the present. > Origenes [2] (likewise > Eusebius [7] of Caesarea and others, down to the young + Augustinus) informs us that for him the genuine heyday of miracles was the beginnings of Christianity, since miracles were particularly important for the success of proselityzing (> Mission), whereas the present can only show traces thereof, and since then the ‘greater miracles’ (Jo 14:12) take place in conversions (Orig. Contra Celsum 1,2; 1,46; 2,8; 2,483 3,24; 8,47). Nevertheless, belief in miracles was also attached to the

Eucharist (Cypr. De lapsis 25 f.) and the liturgy (Eus. HE 6,9). Above all, according to common conviction,

the martyrdom of the witnesses for the faith (> Martyrs), in whom Christ himself gave battle, had the force ofa miracle. Theological reflection found its expression primarily in the confrontation with pagan, Jewish and heretical opponents (> Heresy); here, the miracles of Jesus stood in the foreground of the controversies. As opposed to their denial as magical, sorcerous trickery, or their docetic (+ Doketai) spiritual volatilisation, they were interpreted in their historical facticity as genuine miracles, victorious over + demons and bringing salvation to man, as the fulfillment of ancient promises, and as the revelation of the divinity of Jesus. Belief in miracles gained new forms and proportions from approximately the mid—3rd cent., in association with the extension of the veneration of saints (— Saints, Veneration of) to outstanding ascetics and bishops who had not suffered a martyr’s death. > Athanasius’s Vita Antonii (the model of all saints’ lives, although it did

MIRACLES,

MIRACLE-WORKERS

not seek to be one; > Vitae Sanctorum;

55

56

> Hagiogra-

the dead in Gaul. Miracle-working images are first encountered in the entourage of the — Stylites. + Acta sanctorum; > Exorcism; -» Hagiography (cf.

phy) gives accounts of his miracles, handed down by the circle of Anthony’s students, and accompanied by certain theological reserves. Less reserved are the ‘Lives’ of Pachomius, which form a bridge to monastic chronicles, while Hieronymus II clearly wished to surpass Anthony by the cataloque of miracles of his three monks’ lives. The genre was inaugurated in the West by the miraculous tales of > Sulpicius [II 14] Severus in his hagiographic cycle on > Martinus [1] of Tours, who

was venerated more as ascetic than an bishop. Henceforth, miracles in all their forms, vouchsafed to the ascetic on the basis of his intercession before God and performed by him through the intervention of the divine power granted to him, belonged among the constitutive elements of monastic literature, which was increasingly typified ( Monasticism). Early examples of the veneration of a miracle-working bishop are the elogia of Basilius [1] (De spiritu sancto 74) and Gregorius [2] of Nyssa (Vita Gregorii Thaumaturgi) for

Gregorius [1] Thaumatourgos, which go beyond ancient traditional material. In the dialogues of Pope Gregorius [3] the Great, the miracles reported of officials and ascetics (sometimes even of nuns), are limited to

Italy, in order to put Greek predominance back in its place. A further developmental element is represented by the cult at the graves of martyrs, as well as the inventio/translatio complex (‘discovery/transfer’) of > relics (first attested for Babylas at > Antioch [r], c. 354), insofar as the saints perform miracles not only during their lifetime, but also through their remains. Despite the protests of > Athanasius, this type of miracle-practices spread. The remains of the martyrs Gervasius and Protasius, discovered by > Ambrosius and used by him in church-political struggles, showed their authenticity by miracles. Miracles at the tomb of Felix, to whom +> Paulinus [5] felt particularly closely connected, made Nola into a place of pilgrimage. The cult places of the patrons of the sick (such as > Cosmas [1] and Damianus, Cyrus and Johannes), found in many places, which functioned free of charge and where healing took place by means of > incubation, or those of miraculous helpers who carried out salvation in a broader sense (such as Menas, Demetrius, or > Thecla), usually owed their origin to translations. These always resulted in increased prestige for the respective patriarchate or bishopric. Lively miraculous activity developed in association with the relics of Stephanus, which reached North Africa: here, for the first time, they were recorded in official libelli miraculorum (‘little books of miracles’), which were read in church and preserved in archives. This custom was supported by > Augustinus, who, like the early Church in general, basically acknowledged no contradiction between God’s effects in nature and in miracles. He himself gives a long list of miracles from the earliest times (Aug. Civ. 22,8; Aug. Serm. 320-324).

The miraculous tales of + Gregorius [4] of Tours con-

tain primarily miracles accomplished posthumously by

addenda); > Saints, Veneration of saints; > Literature VI.; > Martyrs; > Magic, Magi; > Pilgrimage; ~ Vitae

sanctorum 1TH.

BAUMEISTER,

M. VAN

UYTFANGHE,

s. v. Heiligen-

verehrung, RAC 14, 96-184 2H. DELEHAYE, Les premiers ‘libelli miraculorum’, in: Analecta Bollandiana 29, 1910, 427-434 3 Id., Les recueils antiques de miracles des Saints, in: Analecta Bollandiana 43, 1925, 5-85 and 305-

325 4R.M. Grant, Miracle and Natural Law in GraecoRoman and Early Christian Thought, 1952 5 Hagiographie. Cultures et sociétés, [Ve-XIle siécles (Actes du Colloque Nanterre — Paris 1979), 1981 6B. KOLLMANN, Jesus und die Christen als Wundertater, 1998 7 F. Mosetro, I miracoli evangelici nel dibattito tra Celso e Origene, 1986 8 L. SCHWIENHORST-SCHONBERGER, J. WEHNERT, s. v. W., M. GOrG (ed.), Neues Bibel-Lexikon

3, 2001, 1133-1138 1979.

9F.-E. Witms, Wunder im AT, D.W.

Mirobriga (Merobriga). Name of three towns in Spain (celtic ‘fort of Miro’ [1. 599]). [1] Town near modern Capilla east of Mérida near Almadén (cf. CIL II 2365f.), located by Plin. HN 3,14 in Baeturia Turdolorum and mentioned among the oppida non ignobilia (cf. Ptol. 2,4,10; 6,58; Itin. Anton. 444,6)

[25 3] [2] Town in the area of Salmantica (modern Salamanca) and Bletisa (modern Ledesma): CIL II 85 8f. [3] Town to the west of Pax Iulia (modern Beja) near

Santiago do Cacém and the coast; ruins and inscriptions. (CIL II Suppl. 5165-5167); cf. Plin. HN 4,118; Ptolionsnic: 1 HOLDER 2 2 F. DE ALMEIDA, Nota sobre os restos do circo romano de M. do Célticos (Santiago do Cacém), in: Revista de Guimaraes 73, 1963, 147-154 3 TOVAR 2,96,

Loe

P.B.

Mirror (xétontegovw/katoptron; Lat. speculum). I. GREEK IJ. Erruscan AND GERMANIC

III. Roman

IV. CELTIC

I. GREEK Circular hand mirrors made of > bronze with decorated ivory handles were already known in the Mycenaean period. Then mirrors are again evident from the second half of the 8th cent. BC. Greek mirrors can be divided into hand mirrors, standing mirrors and folding mirrors. Silver mirrors from the Mycenaean period have not survived, those from later periods only in exceptional circumstances. Round hand mirrors were developed as a direct imitation of Egyptian models. The handle could be made of ivory, wood, bone or bronze; on the disc there was often a mount for a ring which was used for hanging it up. Standing mirrors emerged under Egyptian influence in about the middle of the 6th cent. BC - probably initially in Sparta. The handle was now commonly replaced with a supporting figure. The chief

MIRROR

Dy

58

motif of these figures was a clothed kore (in Sparta also

ing box mirrors with lids, into which coins of Nero were incorporated. Round hand mirrors with handles on the back stem from the early Imperial period. Fragments survive of some examples of silver and glass mirrors

naked), in Lower Italy a naked kouros (> sculpture;

+> statues). Non-figurative supports are fairly rare. In the second half of the sth cent. BC standing mirrors were replaced by the newly invented folding mirrors, which consisted of the mirror disc proper and a protective cover. A small latch protected it from unintended opening. After the second half of the 4th cent. BC rectangular hand mirrors also emerged [1. tab. 369,5], as well as simple rectangular mirrors which were kept in a box and could be taken out for use. 1 TRENDALL/CAMBITOGLOU.

RH.

Il. ErRuUSCAN From pre-Roman Etruria and Latium numerous mirrors survive, especially as grave goods, dating from

the late 6th to the early 2nd cent. BC. Typologically they are closely related to Greek mirrors and, like them, are mostly made of bronze with a round disc (ro-25 cm in diameter) and a spike to which a wooden or ivory handle could be attached, later made of solid-cast bronze. The front was polished, the back was richly engraved or occasionally decorated with reliefs with ornamental and figural motifs, mostly with feminine connotations: themes related to love and toiletry, deities (esp. Aphrodite/> Turan, Athena/Menerva, Hermes/~> Turms) and scenes of Greek myths and occasionally of local Italian or Etruscan ones. The figures are mostly named with annotations in the Etruscan language and hence form one of the most important sources of Etruscan onomastics and mythology. The question of production centres and workshops is disputed, particularly because workshops are thought to have been itinerant. The invention of the ‘Spiky Garland Group’ (end of the 4th cent. BC) named after the specific ornamental border of the picture — is attributed to the city of > Volsinii/Orvieto; further development in the 3rd cent. is localised in other centres. Besides Volsinii, important centres are considered to be > Volci/Vulci, > Tarquinii, > Caere, > Clusium and > Volaterrae in Latium Praeneste where the engraving techniques of mirrors were also used for the genre of bronze cistae (> Praenestine cistae). CSE, since 1981; U. FISCHER-GRAF, Spiegelwerkstatten in Vulci, 1980; I. MayER-PRoKop, Die gravierten etruski-

schen Griffspiegel archaischen Stils, 1967; G. PFISTERRoesGEN, Die etruskische Spiegel des 5. Jahrhunderts v. Chr., 1975; G. SASSATELLI, s. v. Specchio, EAA 2nd suppl., vol. 5, 1997, 346-352. FPR.

III. ROMAN

The shapes of Roman mirrors correspond to those of Greek and Etruscan culture. Furthermore there were round bronze hand mirrors, the circular border of the mirror occasionally being decorated with holes or serrations, and folding mirrors and round or rectangular pocket mirrors with a diameter of only a few centimetres, and — in the period of Nero — small round open-

(Plin. HN 36,66).

In Antiquity most people seem to have used hand mirrors; large mirrors, such as the distorting mirror in the temple of Smyrna (monstrifica, Plin. HN 32,129, cf. Sen. Q. Nat. 1,5,4 and Paus. 8,37,11), are mentioned only rarely; wall mirrors (Vitr. 11,8,2) and the ‘Hall of Mirrors’ in Sen. Q. Nat. 1,16,3-4 (cf. SHA Heliog. 14), formed of a continuous row of many mirrors, are also exceptional. The incorporation of a hand mirror into a dressing table is as yet unique ([1. cat. no. 25], rst cent.

BC).

1 W. Hornpostet et al., Kunst der Antike. Schatze aus

norddeutschem Privatbesitz, 1977, 34-37LITERATURE

ON

GREEK

AND

ROMAN

MIRRORS:

P.

OBERLANDER, Griechische Handspiegel, diss. Hamburg, 1967; G. ZAHLHAAS, Romische Reliefspiegel (Katalogus der Prahistorischen Staatssamlung Minchen 17), 1975; G. LLoyp-Morgaw, The Mirrors (Description of the Collection in the Rijksmuseum G.M.Kam Nijmegen 9), 1981; G. ZIMMER, Friihgriechische Spiegel (132. BWPr), 1991; K. DAHMEN, Ein Loblied auf den sch6nen Kaiser.

Zur moglichen Deutung der mit Nero-Munzen verzierten romischen Dosen-Spiegel, in: AA 1998, 319-345; A. SCHWARZMAIER, Griechische Klappspiegel (18 Beiheft MDAI(A)), 1998.

R.H.

IV. CELTIC AND GERMANIC Among the Celtic and Germanic peoples north of the Alps mirrors occurred fairly frequently; they mostly consisted of a round bronze disc with a handle and a face that was either polished or covered with tin or silver. These were Greek imports and their corresponding imitations. In the case of the Celts, mirrors are found as grave goods in particularly rich graves of women (also as status symbols from the 5th cent. BC until about the birth of Christ), e.g. on the central Rhine and in Burgundy, in the 2nd/rst cents. BC also in the British Isles. These mirrors occasionally have ring handles and a typically ‘Insular Celtic’ decoration on the back. At the beginning of the Roman Imperial period in the rst/2nd cents. AD, mirrors from the Celtic world were also included in Germanic — princes’ tombs east of the river Elbe and there occasionally also in the graves of men. + Arras Culture; - Germanic archaeology; > Celtic archaeology R. Ecut, Das Firstinnengrab von Reinheim, 1999, 111115; D. VAN ENDERT, Die Bronzefunde aus dem Oppidum von Manching (Ausgrabungen in Manching, vol. 13), 1991, 62-64; K. Parritr, A Late Iron Age Burial from Chilham Castle near Canterbury, Kent, in: Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 64, 1998, 343-351; K. WurM, Eine stilkritische Untersuchung iiber den friithkeltischen Bronzespiegel von Hochheim am Main, in: Fundberichte aus Hessen 12, 1972, 1974, 230-251.

VP.

MISAGENES

60

59

Misagenes (Musochanes). Son of > Massinissa. In the

The urban area of M., which stretched from modern

Third — Macedonian War in 171 BC, Massinissa supported Rome with food and dispatched M. as the

Bacoli to the centre of modern Miseno, developed only from the time of Augustus, even though various villas

commander of a Numidian auxiliary contingent with 1,000 horse, a similar number of infantry and 22 war elephants to northern Greece to fortify his own position

had been built there since the 2nd cent. BC (those of Marius, Pompey, Caesar: Sen. Ep. 51,11; of Lucullus: Tac. Ann. 6,50; Suet. Tib. 72ff.). Bradyseism and continuous settlement make archaeological research here particularly difficult. Of the monumental port installations only the remains of pillars are extant, but no traces of arsenals or barracks. There are remains of aqueducts and reservoirs for public and private buildings. Built against the rocky foothills, and constructed in the area of the forum in the first phase of building in the Augustan period, there is the Sacello degli Augustali, a ritual area, today partially submerged, with three rooms, one of which is as a podium temple with a four-column pronaos. It was in use until the end of the 2nd or the beginning of the 3rd cent. AD, when the rock wall, against which the theatre stood, collapsed as a result of seismic activity, burying the cult building. Not far away from the cult area stood a theatre dating from the 2nd cent. AD. In the extreme south of Miliscola beach were public baths, also from the 2nd cent., in use until the end of the 4th cent. Numerous epitaphs attest to the heterogeneous composition of the naval personnel.

(Liv.

42,29,8-11;

42,62,2;

42,65,12-14;

42,67,8;

44,4,11). On the return journey in 168 after completing

the task, M.’ transport fleet got into difficulties at sea and his horse troops suffered losses, which were replaced by the Roman state to the extent of its ability (Liv. 45,14,8; Val. Max. 5,1,1d). ~» Macedonian Wars; ~ Numidia M.-R. ALFOxp1, Die Geschichte des numidischen Konigreiches und seiner Nachfolger, in: H. G. Horn, C. B. RUGER (ed.), Die Numider, 1979, 43-74; C. SAUMAGNE,

La Numidie et Rome. Masinissa et Jugurtha, 1966.

BM.

Miscera (Mioxeoa/Miskera). Town in Sicania (> Sicani; Theop. FGrH r1r5 F 198). Location unknown. BTCGI 10, 159f.

GLE.

Mise (Mion/Mise, also Muoatic/Misatis). Deity associated with Métér/> Cybele (Hsch. s.v. M.). According to

Orph. H. 42, M. was bisexual and was worshipped in Eleusis, Phrygia, Cyprus (besides Aphrodite), and Egypt (besides Isis). Inscriptions record her cult in Pergamon (Demeter sanctuary, 2nd century AD) and the surrounding region (Samurlu). Her identification with Kore (- Persephone),

as attested in the Samurlu

in-

scription (cf. Eur. Hel. 1301-1368; schol. Aristoph. Plut. 431), probably lies behind the non-localised festival of her descent (kathodos, hence probably into the Underworld: Herodas 1,56, first half of the 3rd century BC; cf. Plut. De Is. et Os. 69, 378e). It is therefore curious that M. may have been included in the Eleusinian genealogy (> Mysteria) as the daughter of > Dysaules and > Baubo (Asclepiades of Tragilus in Harpocr. s.v. Avoavdyg according to the emendation by C. MULLER, BELG ore3i3.9)): ~» Demeter; > Cybele F. Gra, Eleusis und die orphische Dichtung Athens in vorhellenistischer Zeit, 1974, 159f. T.H.

Misenum The foothills of M. in the extreme south of the > Campi Phlegraei define the western boundary of the Bay of Naples, as does the Promunturium Minervae (modern Punta della Campanella) to the east. Accord-

ing to Vergil (Verg. Aen. 6,162ff.; 23 4ff.) M. was named after Aeneas’s trumpeter - Misenus [1], who died there. According to Strabo (1,2,18; 5,4,6) M. was said to be connected with Odysseus’s companion > Misenus [2]. The foothills encompass a natural harbour with two connected basins, which had been very important to - Cyme [2] since the Greek archaic period. Under Augustus it acquired great significance as the largest naval base in the West.

BTCGI 4, 428-433; F. Cect, s.v. Miseno, EAA, 2nd Supplement, 1995, 712f.; M. PAGANO, Sulla storia del bradisismo flegreo, in: R. GIAMMINELLI (ed.), Gli studiosi dei Campi Flegrei rendono omaggio a R. Annechino. Atti del

Convegno 17, 1997, 1997, 253-265.

M.G.

Misenus I. GREEK

II. ROMAN

I. GREEK (Muonvoc; Misenos).

{11] Trumpeter of + Hector and, after his death, of Aeneas [1] (Verg. Aen. 6,164ff.), son of the Trojan Aeolus (ibid.; cf. Ov. Met. 14,103). When competing in shell-blowing against a trumpeter called Trito in the Bay

of Cumae, he perished in the waves and was lost (Verg. Aen. 6,171ff.). Later, his body was recovered and, on

the command of Sibyl (ibid. 149ff.), ceremoniously buried (ibid. 175ff.). Eponym of the foothills of + Misenum (Strab. 5,4,6; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,53). [12] Companion of Odysseus. He and Baius died during their wanderings on the Campanian coast. They became eponyms of > Baiae and - Misenum (in Strab. B.2e0 85h. Ly cophe73 7). E. NorpDEN, P. VERGILIUS

179f.

Maro, Aeneis B. VI, 41957,

LK.

Il. ROMAN [Il 1] Bishop of Cumae, * 435, ¢ 11 January 511 (according to an inscription from Puteoli; ILCV rorg). He

and bishop Vitalis went to Constantinople in 483, as

61

62

legates of Felix III, to intervene against the monophysitic tendencies of the emperor Zeno and the patriarch ~» Acacius [4] (~ Monophysitism). He allowed himself to be talked over by Acacius, however, and hence was relieved of his office by the Roman > Synodos in 484. Even though representatives of the Eastern Church intervened, M. was only later recognised as bishop again, by pope Gelasius I (492-496) at the Roman synod of 13 March 495, and only after he anathematised Acacius as a heretic (Coll. Avellana, Epistula 103, CSEL 35, 474-487). In 499 he again took part in a Roman synod [1]. 1 J.D. Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, vol. 8, 233b-e, 1762.

E. SCHWARTZ, Publizistische Sammlungen zum acacianischen Schisma (ABAW ro), 1934. O.WER.

Mishnah see > Rabbinical Literature Missa Since the 4th cent. the term missa (‘mass’) has

been in use in the western church for the Eucharist that is celebrated in all Christian churches, mostly on Sun-

days. According to the Synoptic Gospels and 1 Cor 11, this celebration goes back to Jesus himself. In the postApostolic period (around too/beginning of the 2nd cent.), it is first mentioned by the > Didaché. lustinus [6] (around 150) refers to the bipartite nature of the church service: reading and explanation of the Holy Scriptures on the one hand, and the offering, blessing and distribution of the gifts of bread and wine on the other, which is also called the Eucharist (evyaguotia/ eucharistia; lustin. Mart. 1 Apol. 66,1). The continuing history of the missa can be seen above all in the + church regulations, like the Traditio Apostolica (215), and in the baptismal catecheses. The prayers used in the Eucharist have been passed down to us from c. 400 onwards. These include particularly the high prayers of the Eucharist which show that the Christian churches are in agreement about the major aspects of these. Their structure, based on the Jewish blessings, comprises the anamnesis (praise for the great deeds of God) and the epiclesis (the invocation of the Holy Ghost for the gifts and for the parish). In the Eucharistic high prayers, there is mostly also the account of the institution of the sacrament with the words ofJesus; in this way, faith in the presence of the Lord is expressed. In the ancient Christian tradition, it is associated with the consecrated gifts of bread and wine. As, however, > Ambrosius in particular as well as early Christian art attest, in the Eucharist Christ the Lord also fulfils his promise to remain with his own until the end of time. At the same time, the high prayers make the pronouncement that the faithful, thanks to the sacramental presence of the sole High Priest Jesus Christ, shall share in his devotion to the Father. Meanwhile people only gradually came to include a belief in the correlation between the celebration of the Eucharist and the crucifixion of Jesus. The celebration of the

MISSIO

Eucharist is therefore seen as a ‘small Easter festival’ (cf.

Aug. Civ. 10,6; Leo the Great, Sermo 63,6f.). > Liturgy A. H&nool, J. PAHL, Prex Eucharistica, 1968; H. B. Meyer, Eucharistie (Handbuch der Liturgiewissenschaft 4), 1989. B.STU,

Missale see > Liturgical Manuscripts

Missio [1] The word missio was a technical term for dismissal from Roman military service. During the Principate, honesta missio usually followed after completion of the normal period of service (20 years in the legions, 16 in the praetoriae cohortes, 25 in the Auxilia and the equites singulares Augusti, 26, later 28, years in the navy), often even several years later. Invalids received early missio causaria. Severe misconduct was punished by

dishonourable discharge (7issio ignominiosa). > Veterans who were dimissi honesta missione or emeriti received various privileges (praemia militiae), depending on the kind of unit they were in and varying over time. These privileges could include allocation of land (missio agraria). Dismissal was decided by the commander-inchief of each unit (e.g. governors, praefecti praetorio), though nominally the princeps was the highest commander. The time of the missio depended on the situation; fixed terms came into being for units stationed in Rome itself (beginning of January). It is likely that missio was often confirmed in writing to the emeriti

(probably on perishable material, such as wax or wood tablets).

+ Military certificates 1 W. Eck, M. M. Roxan, Zwei Entlassungsurkunden —

tabulae honestae missionis — fiir Soldaten der r6mischen Auxilien, in: Archaologisches Korrespondenzblatt 28, 1998, 95-112 2 A. NEUMANN, s.v. veterani, RE Suppl. 9, 1599-1601.

[2] Missio in possessionem Missio has a multitude of meanings in Roman legal language. What they have in common is that a person is permitted access to another’s capital, in whole or in part. In a rough classification Ulpian distinguishes in execution law three types of missio in possessionem (‘transfer of possession’, Dig. 42,4,1):

1. Missio rei servandae causa (‘for preserving an object’): a detailed description of the pertinent cases regulated by the praetorian edict is given in Gai. Inst. 3,78. With this missio execution of the formal procedure against the debtor’s wealth (instead of his person) begins. The > praetor, in the provinces the governor,

grants this missio in bona to the creditor either if the debtor (unwilling or unable to pay) has already been sentenced or been so treated (> confessio), or if he has not presented a defence in the lawsuit (indefensus), or

cannot be contacted at all. Rei servandae causa grants a creditor possession only for the specific purpose of sei-

MISSIO

zure and disposal of the debtor’s property, and this only for a term of 30 or 15 days (Gai. Inst. 3,79). These 15 days are meant for the transfer of possession in bona mortuorum (the capital of the deceased), for instance if

the debtor has died without heirs. After the term is ended the execution procedure continues with venditio bonorum (sale of assets) to the highest bidding bonorum emptor (purchaser of assets), if the creditor has not been paid back in full. The missio was often made known publicly (proscriptio), in order to notify the as yet unaware creditors of any imminent execution proceedings. These were always bankruptcy proceedings, thus serving to pay back all creditors. 2. Missio legatorum servandorum gratia et ventris nomine (‘for the protection of legacies or rights of the unborn’) for a legatee who has an unexpired claim against the inheritors over restitution of the legacy and can therefore demand security (cautio) of his claim, but

did not receive it (Dig. 36,4,5 pr.). Alternatively for a child born after its father’s death, which is not therefore

suus heres; in this case the missio benefits the guardian (curator ventris, Dig. 37,10,1,1).

3. Missio damni infecti nomine (‘for help on collapse of a building’): if a building threatened to collapse (cf. for example Plut. Crassus 34,1), an endangered neighbour could require security from the owner. If he declined, the creditor received this missio (text of the

edict in Dig. 39,2,7 pr.). Not mentioned by Ulpian is the issio dotis servandae causa (‘for protection of the dowry’), securing the claim of a wife against her husband for return of the dowry (-> dos). M. Kaser,

64

63

K. Hack1,

Das romische

Zivilprozefsrecht,

*1996, 388ff.; A. VOLKL, Insolvenz ohne Vollstreckungsverfahren im klassischen Rom, in: M. J. SCHERMAIER (ed.), Ars boni et aequi. Festschrift W. Waldstein, 1993, 355-368.

C.PA.

Mission I. GENERAL POINTS

IJ. CHRISTIANITY

III. ISLAM

I. GENERAL POINTS Since the 16th cent. the Latin term missio (‘sending’) has designated the efforts by Christians to spread their religion, by divine command. The term mission, unknown in antiquity, corresponds in essence to the instruction of the risen Christ to his disciples to make all peoples disciples (Mt 28:19). It is this commission that distinguishes Christian mission from similar manifestations of expansion (diffusion) in most other religions and cults. Only Manichaeism (— Mani) and > Islam (divine ‘summons’, da‘wa, to spread the religion) are acquainted with a phenomenon comparable to Christian mission. Modern religious scholarship to some extent uses the term mission generally for the spread of religions and their recruiting of followers, particularly for Hinduism and Buddhism, which have been develop-

ing a ‘mission’ since the rgth cent. In the interests of a specific meaning for the term mission, however, a

narrow definition is required. Judaism, which to some extent intensively sought > proselytes, now, after centuries of oppression by Christian mission, resists the term mission as a description of this activity. Il. CHRISTIANITY Like the OT prophets, > Jesus understood himself as sent by God to the people of Israel. He sent his disciples to preach the Gospel (+ Gospels) and to heal sicknesses (Mk 3:r4f.). In the ‘mission command’ (Mt 28:19, v.s.) this command is expanded. Thus the disciples understood themselves as envoys (apdstoloi) with this charge. At the ‘Apostles’ convention’ (Acts 15; Gal 2) it was agreed that > Paulus and his companions (> Timotheus; > Titus; > Barnabas) should undertake missions to the Gentile world and Peter and his companions to Israel. Paul wanted to preach the Gospel as far as Spain (Rom 15:24), so that when all peoples had entered the faith even ‘obdurate Israel’ would convert (ibid. rx:25f.). The activities of the original Christian itinerant vocational missionaries are largely known to us. They were entitled to maintenance from Christian communities, but this also led to abuse (Didache 12), as had been caricatured by > Lucianus [1] (De morte Peregrini 12-16). According to later views the Apostles divided the world up into missionary regions (Thomas: Parthia, Andrew: Scythia, John: Asia Minor etc., cf. Eus. HE 3,1). The expansion and mission of Christianity, however, meanwhile proceeded unorganised and uncontrolled (‘opportunistic mission’). In the 3rd cent., in the most strongly Christianised regions, i.e. northern Africa, Asia Minor, and parts of Egypt, a targeted mission to the provinces began by deorganisational structure veloping the Church’s (construction of new bishoprics), proceeding from the cities. Missionary efforts outside the Roman Empire was mostly dependent on private initiatives: in > Armenia, missioned by Gregory the Illuminator, Christianity probably became the state religion in the year 301 (consolidated at the end of the 4th cent.), in > Georgia (> Iberia [1]), missioned by Saint Nino, in about 337. In the Sassanid Empire Christianity was at times tolerated and at times severely persecuted. It reached Ethiopia and southern Arabia with merchants (4th cent.) and probably also Ireland (in the 4th - or as early as the 2nd —cent.).

In the 4th cent., after the ‘Constantinian turningpoint’ (+ Constantinus [1]), upbringing, education and

the newly established > monasticism gained a great significance for the mission to the masses, who became Christian for socio-political reasons. It was primarily through women that Christianity infiltrated the Roman upper class (senatorial aristocracy). For political reasons the now nominally Christian Roman state occasionally supported mission outside the empire and resolutely promoted the Christianisation of the peoples gaining ground on and in the Roman Empire (> Migrations of peoples), such as the Goths (cf. also > Ulfila) by -» Constantius [2] Il. Federations of Germanic tribes as

MISTHOS

65

66

a rule followed their princes in adopting the new belief when they settled in the territory of the Empire (mass baptisms, e.g. Chlodovechus and the Franks, probably

vincing other Muslims to take up the cause of a particular personality or family claiming the right to rule the Islamic community. The best-known example is the Ishmaelite mission (> Ishmael). Its activities were mostly underground and it was based on a conspiratorial secret net of missionaries throughout the Islamic world, with its headquarters initially in Syria and finally in Fatimid Egypt (roth-r2th cents. AD) [1]. These missionaries did not even shrink from political assassinations [2]. The > Abbasids (AD 749-1258) prepared their seizure of power by means of appropriate propaganda [3]. The Almohads acted in a similar way (AD 1147-1269).

in 498).

The dispatch of the abbot Augustinus and 40 monks to Kent by > Gregorius [3] I the Great in the year 597 represented the first properly systematic mission. After initial difficulties, it built up in Britain a Christianity faithful to Rome and hence one of the bases for the later papal jurisdiction over the whole of the West. Whereas earlier monks (> Martinus [1] of Tours; cf. also — Patricius) were only sporadically active in missionary work, in France mission became increasingly

the main task of > monasticism, from 590 of Irish and in the 8th cent. also of Anglo-Saxon itinerant monks: Columbanus the Younger (Irish, died 615) and Bonifatius (Anglo-Saxon, 672/5-754). At the same time Frankish policy also propelled missionary activity intended to integrate the border and the conquered regions, with violence (forced baptism on penalty of death for resistance) (e.g. in the Saxon Wars 772-804). It was only through Romano-Frankish missions in the 9th cent. and Byzantine missions in the roth that the basic structure of the modern division of eastern Europe into Roman Catholic (Croatia, Czech and Slovak republics, Poland and Hungary) and Orthodox countries (Bulgaria, Serbia, Romania, Russia) developed. ~ Cyrillus [8] and > Methodius [4]’s mission, which set out from Thessalonica in 863, was initially only episodic in Great Moravia, but is of enormous significance for Slavonic Christianity (development of the Old Slavonic alphabet with translation of the Bible, > Church Slavonic). The ‘Nestorian Churches’ (— Nestorius D.) developed an intensive missionary activity in India, Central Asia, China and southern Arabia. + Apostles, Letters of; > Acts of the Apostles; > Christianity

1 H. Haim, Das Reich des Mahdi, 1991, esp. 29-48 2 B. Lewis, The Assassins. A Radical Sect inIslam, 1967 3 T.

NaGEL, Untersuchungen zur Entstehung des abbasidischen Kalifates, 1972. M. CaNnarD, s.v. Da‘wa, EI 2, 173-176a; W. IvANow, The

Organisation of Fatimid Propaganda, in: Journ. of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (JBBRAS) 15, 1939, 1-35; H. HAM, Die Schia, 1988.

LTN.

Missua Town in the province of Africa Proconsularis (> Africa [3]), in the northwest of the peninsula of — Cape Bon, modern Sidi Daoud. Sources: Plin. HN 5,24 (loppidum] Misua); Ptol. 4,3,7 (Nioova); It. Ant. 493,1f.; Tab. Peut. 6,2 (Misua); Procop. Vand. 2,14,40 (Mioova); Geogr. Rav. 88,41; Guido p. 132,62. The name seems to derive from the Phoenician-Punic root ns‘ (‘hewing [rock]’) and refers to the nearby quarries of El-Haouaria [1. 295]. M. may have been a colonia Iulia [2. 186]. Significant ruins survive. Inscriptions: CIL VIII 1, 988-990. A bishop is first mentioned in the year 484 (Notitia episcoporum proconsularis Africae 17). 1 E. LipiNski, s.v. M., DCPP 2.1L. Teutscu, Das Stadtewesen in Nordafrika in der Zeit von C. Gracchus bis zum Tode des Kaisers Augustus, 1962. H. TREIDLER, s.v. Mis(s)ua, RE 15, 20626.

W.HU.

H. FROHNES et al. (ed.), Kirchengeschichte als Missions-

geschichte, vol. 1: Die alte Kirche, 1974, vol. 2: Die Kirche des fritheren Mittelalters, 1978; A. V. HARNACK, Die Mission und die Ausbreitung des Christentums in den ersten drei Jahrhunderten, 2 vols.4 1924 (repr. 1966); F. Haun, Das Verstandnis der Mission im Neuen Testament (Wiss.

Monographien zum Alten und Neuen Testament 13), 1963; K. SCHAFERDIEK, s.v. Germanenmission, RAC tro, 491-548; K. KERTELGE (ed.), Mission im Neuen Testament (Quaestiones Disputatae 93), 1982; A. V. StrOM, s.v. M., TRE 23, 1994, 18-80 (Literature); M. GoopMAN, Mission and Conversion, 1994; R. FLETCHER, The

Conversion of Europe. From Paganism to Christianity 371-1386 AD, 1997. M.HE.

Ill. Istam The classical interpretation is that non-Muslims should at first be called to profess the true religion and in case of resistance should be fought and subjugated. As a rule Islam does not recognise a systematic mission (Arabic da‘wa) among those of other beliefs. Within > Islam there were certainly from early on political and religious missionary movements with the goal of con-

Misthophoroi see

Mercenaries

Misthos (006c; misthos). I. DEFINITION II. ARCHAIC AND CLASSICAL PERIop II. MistHoOs AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IV. HELLENISM AND THE ROMAN EAST

I. DEFINITION The word misthos was used in Greece in the meaning of ‘price’ or ‘payment’ for a service performed (wage, salary). Misthos also meant the remuneration for granting the use of movable and unmovable goods (cf. wioAwotc, > misthosis). II]. ARCHAIC AND CLASSICAL PERIOD Members of the sub-peasant class (- thetes, ~» pelatai), who hired themselves out as agricultural servants to nobles or farmers, lived on the estate, received provisions and after the end of the year a wage for their work (e.g., clothing, shoes), which was agreed

MISTHOS

68

67

upon in advance in a verbal agreement. Occasionally, the misthos was denied at the end of the year (Hom. Il. 21,444-457; Hdt. 8,137). During seasonal work peaks,

seasonal and day labour was added. Misthds also described a prize for special actions for social equals (cf. e.g., Hom. Il. 10,304). In the classical period, work as farmers, craftsmen or

merchants was numerically predominant compared to wage labour, which is attested in agriculture, crafts and homes. In agriculture, slave labour replaced service by free persons. In Athens, the thetes and resident — métoikoi were often employed in the navy and on public buildings because of the prosperity of the city, which had become the hégémon of the Athenian symmachy and the economic centre of Greece (Thuc. 6,24,3; Plut. Pericles 12). In Athens, employment-seek-

ing day labourers gathered on the xokwvog Gyogatoc (kolonos agoraios). Over the long term, wage labour

IV. HELLENISM AND THE ROMAN EAST In the Hellenistic period, the word dyaviov (opsonion) became more common for wages and soldiers’ pay. The misthds of soldiers and mercenaries, which was staggered according to weapon categories, ranged from 4 ob. to 3 drachmai. Employment-seeking day labourers gathered in the market (Mt 20,1-7). According to epigraphically preserved building accounts, the misthos of skilled workers was on average 2 drachmai. In Roman Egypt, wages rose from 2-6 ob. in the st cent., 4-10 (even 17) ob. in the 2nd cent. and 2-9 drachms in the middle of the 3rd cent. + Wages; > Wage Labour 1 A. BurForb, Craftsmen in Greek and Roman Society, 1972 2Ead., Land and Labor in the Greek World, 1993 3 H.-J. DREXHAGE, Preise, Mieten/Pachten, Kosten und

Lohne im rémischen Agypten, 1991

4 A. Fuxs, Kolonds

Mem. 2,8,2) and was regarded derogatorily by Plato and Aristotle (Plat. Rep. 371e; Aristot. Pol. 1278a 6-25). In the 5th cent. BC, the word misthds was used as a synonym for teoo1 (trophe) and oitog (sitos) and, therefore, the amount of the misthds was determined by the cost of living. The distinction between provision

misthios, in: Eranos 49, 1951, 171-173 5 V. GABRIELSEN, Financing the Athenian Fleet, 1994, 110-114 6Y. GarLAN, Le travail libre en Gréce ancienne, in: P. GARNsey (ed.), Non-Slave Labour in the Greco-Roman World, 1980, 6-22 7 PH. GAUTHIER, Sur l’institution du misthos de l’assemblée a Athénes, in: M. Pr£RarT (ed.), Aristote et Athénes, 1993, 231-250 8HANSEN, Democracy 9J. HENGSTL, Private Arbeitsverhaltnisse freier Personen in den hellenistischen Papyri bis Diokletian, 1972 10H.

money (outyneéotov, sitérésion) and wages became more

Kiort,

strongly drawn only in the 4th cent. BC. Epigraphically preserved building accounts contain a great deal of information regarding the amount of wages for tradesmen (IG BP 435f., 444-451, 472, 476 of the 5th cent. BC; IG II? 1672/73, IV* 1,102 from the 4th cent. BC). Less skilled labour was paid by the day (on average 1 drachm), skilled labour by the unit and measure (contractual price) based on a base rate of 3-5 drachmai per work day. Citizens, métoikoi and slaves received the same wage for the same work. Architects were paid a salary per prytany (37 or 36 days).

rémischen Welt, in: Saeculum 35, 1984, 200-221

was considered an insecure basis for existence (Xen.

Ill. MisTHOS AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION In Athens, a misthos of 3 to 6 > obolds (= ob.) was introduced between 480 and 430 BC for citizen soldi-

ers. The ephebes received 4 ob. daily about 330 BC, a larger misthos was granted to officers (Aristot. Ath. pol. 42,3; cf. also Xen. An. 7,6,1). A misthos was paid to Athenian citizens on session days for exercising political activities regardless of their economic and social status. In the mid—sth cent., day money for judges was introduced (Aristot. Ath. pol. 27,2; 27,4; Plut. Pericles 9); about 330 BC the dimaotino¢ wio0d¢ (> dikastikos misthos) was 3 ob.; in this period council members received 5 ob. and the prytanes an additional 1 ob. for provisions (Aristot. Ath. pol. 62,2). An éxxdnouotxo¢ wo0dc (ekRlésiastikOs misthos) was paid since about 400 BC for participating in the popular assembly (> ekklésia), the amount of which was later increased to 6 and for an ekkleésia kyria to 9 ob. (Aristot. Ath. pol. 41,33 62,2). It is disputed whether magistrates received

payment instrument

after 404/3. Day monies, for Aristotle an of democratic

outside Athens.

constitutions,

also existed

Arbeit und Arbeitsvertrage

in der griechisch11S.

Popes, Bezahlung fiir politische Partizipation im klassischen Athen, in: AncSoc 26, 1995, 5-25 12 W. K. PritCHETT, The Greek State at War, vol. 1, 1974, 3-52 13B. WESENBERG, 1985, 55-65

Kunst und Lohn am Erechtheion, in: AA 14 E. WILL, Notes sur w00dc, in: J. BINGEN,

G. NACHTERGAEL (ed.), Le monde grec. Hommages 4 Claire Préaux, 1975, 426-438. WS.

Misthosis (ic@motc; misthosis). A. GENERAL AGREEMENT

B. RENTAL AND LEASING C. WorRK D. PRIVATE EMPLOYMENT

A. GENERAL Similar to the Roman = locatio conductio, the Greek misthosis comprises a series of remunerated transactions in which one person transfers things (or a person) to another person for use, so that a particular outcome is achieved, or commits themselves to providing labour or a service. The current (Romanist) classification of these transactions into rent/lease, work and service agreements is too coarse for misthosis because Greek contract practice developed suitable special regulations depending on the specific facts of life. A summary representation of misthosis still does not exist (on the Graeco-Egyptian papyri s. [28. 122-129], on the rest of the Graeco-Hellenistic legal sphere, s. [29], partial aspect [2; 5; 31]). Despite the multitude of external forms of misthosis, a basic underlying idea can be determined: After receiving the goods (or at least part of the remuneration as an advance), the contractor is liable for the contracted success, 1.e., he is subject to the sanctions which the parties

69

7°

agreed on in case of poor or non-fulfilment. It was common practice to provide security (+ engyé). Mast-

hosis (as were Greek loan contracts in general) is not just based on consent but also upon an agreement on purpose [34; 35; 36. 120ff.]; the party transferring the person, good or money ‘disposes’ of possessions subject to his governance (kyrieia; > kyrios [II.]) with the agreement regarding the purpose that the receiving party handles the good according to agreement and returns it properly. The verb wio8otv (misthoiin) is used for the position of the tenant, lessee, ordering party and service provider; wio0o0to8a (misthotisthai, med.) [2. 42] for that of the contract partner, and the remuneration is called tw0806¢ (> misthds) with a number of synonyms specific to the agreement. That this also includes the terminology of sale is due to the fact that sales and leasing transactions were often handled as auctions [26].

B. RENTAL AND LEASING

Only one rental agreement from Athens is preserved (ostrakon, SEG 31, 143 and 32, 328); apparently the numerous metics (— métoikoi), who could not own property, received shelter from their protector (prostdtés) without misthosis [32]. On building and residential rent according to the Delos inscription [11; 12], on the Graeco-Egyptian papyri [24]; the remuneration is called évoixtov (enoikion). In Egypt, renting of both animals [6] and boats [22] is also documented. Misthosis as a leasehold is very flexible (general [5], papyri [28. 122-124]). Leases of state and temple land in the documentary form of the > syntheké are preserved in inscriptions (on Athens [2], on additional cases [3; 4]), private documents in the papyri [13] and [ro], where the hypomnéma (leasing petition, |19]) appears as a special form. The leasing rate in money is usually called @de0¢ (phoros), in kind éxpdguov (ekphorion); partial lease was also agreed upon [18. 223ff.], subcontracting was sometimes specifically regulated. The rate was often due at harvest time; misthosis had a special character because of advance payment (xed5on0, prodoma) [17]. The lease extended over one or several harvests, even over decades or an undeter-

mined period (‘forever’) as a hereditary lease with a ‘cultivation requirement’ imposed on the lessee [5. 2452f.]; on forced leasing in late Antiquity [5. 24532456] (> colonatus B.). Landlords always had the right to expel the contract partner from the property, especially for contract violations; the lessor secured himself against other disruptions (including by third parties) with a > bebaiosis clause [27] in the papyri without the misthosis assuming a sales character as a result. The boundary between a land lease and a sale blurred in ‘mixed forms”: a ‘sale’ of the future harvest, with the land owner providing seed and irrigation, and the ‘lessee’ at most harvesting (xagnwvia, karponia) [28. 127f.], but also designed as a genuine prenumeration sale (i.e., payment before delivery) of the produce

[33.974f.].

MISTHOSIS

Misthosis (rent, lease, but also a service agreement)

was often combined with a loan transaction: The capital transferred (or just the interest) were repaid through a time-limited transfer of use (Gvtiyonotc, antichresis), [28. 127]. Apart from land, livestock herds were the subject of leasing, in the papyri frequently with a @Odvatog clause (athdnatos, immortal: ‘iron cattle’), which required the lessee to return the number of heads received [6]. Enterprises (a bank: Dem. Or. 45,31, shoe factory: Aeschin. 1,97, or charcoal operation: Men. Epitr. 163) were leased, specifically in Athens the entire assets of a ward. This occurred with the involvement of the drchon (> archontes) and special surety through collateral, + apotiméma [20. 257-262]. Finally, the state also leased sovereign and sacred use rights; on ‘mine leases’ in Laurion [2. 69f.] with the acceptance of a sale [8. 422], specifying that it is not an auction [25]; on tax farming [23; 30]; on ‘sales’ of priestly offices [7]. Despite the sales terminology, the legal nature of these transactions is probably most closely approximated with the basic concept of leasing.

C. Work AGREEMENT Misthosis also included contractual relationships in which one or more entrepreneurs owed to the contractor a particular outcome in respect of a person or goods transferred (the latter might also be supplied by the entrepreneur, ‘contract for labour and materials’). In particular, building agreements are preserved in inscriptions (temple, theatre, city walls [21]), mostly in the form of building contracts, > syngraphe [31]. An advance payment of part of the remuneration and payment of additional instalments according to the progress of construction is typical. The names of the guarantors and the entrepreneur (oy@vyc, ergones: ‘seller’ of the work), who received the assignment in the auction, and the amount of the remuneration are set out below the specifications of the syngraphe, (similar to the Latin document FIRA 3, 153, Puteoli, 105 BC). The acts that create or modify liability are receipt of the payment and the start of construction [31]. Private work agreements (other than Plat. Leg. 11,920e-921d) are preserved in papyri [35. 149f.], [9. 52; 18. 222f.; 28. 124f.|; in building agreement PSI 162 (Oxyrhynchus, AD 286), the entrepreneur is required to ‘remain’ with the building (magapévew, paraménein). Special groups are training agreements and agreements with artists. In shipping agreements (usually receipts for the delivery of freight), it is often uncertain if a private agreement or leitourgia (— Liturgy I) is present; rental of ships is also documented [22]. D. PRIVATE EMPLOYMENT Activities specified by time and scope and against time-dependent payment are the content of special forms of misthosis [9; 18]. Since employment against day wages was rarely ever recorded in documents, some special forms in a small number of papyri are all that is

MISTHOSIS

71

available for investigation. Contracts for wet-nurses and apprentices are some examples of misthosis. The duties of nursing care are contractually regulated (sometimes even including an athdnatos clause: in case of the infant’s death, a substitute must be provided and nursed to the end of the contract period [15; 28. 126]). In the apprentice agreement, a training fee and the wage are regulated, with the duty to ‘remain’ also being fixed. This paraménein has the character of an antichrésis (s. above on leasing; work in return for the training fee due) and as with work agreements (s. above) does not imply bonding in persona [1; 14; 16]. 1B. Apams, Paramone und verwandte Texte, 1994 2D. BEHREND, Attische Pachturkunden, 1970 3 Id., Rechtshistorische Betrachtungen zu den Pachtdokumenten aus Mylasa und Olymos, in: Akten des VI. Kongresses fiir Epigraphik 1972, 1973, 145-168 4Id., Die Pachturkunden der Klytiden, in: G. NENcI, G. THUR (ed.), Symposion 1988, 1990, 231-250

2434-2483

5S. VON BOLIA, s.v. Pacht, RE 18,

6 Ead., Untersuchungen zur Tiermiete und

Viehpacht im Altertum,*1969 7H. ENGELMANN, R. MERKELBACH, Die Inschriften von Erythrai und Klazomenai, vol. 2 (IK 2), 1973, no. zor 8K. HaLior, Der Verkauf

72

Rechtsfragen des Weinkaufs, in: Akten des 21. Papyrologenkongresses 1995, 1997,967-975

34H.J. Woxrr, Die

Grundlagen des griechischen Vertragsrechts, in: ZRG 74, 1957, 26-72

351d., Zur Rechtsnatur der M., in: Id.,

Beitrage zur Rechtsgeschichte Altgriechenlands und des hellenistisch-rém. Agypten, 1961, 129-154 36 Id., Vorlesungen iiber Juristische Papyruskunde 1967/68, 1998. Gi.

Misteltoe (i€ia/ixia and iEdc/ixds, also the name for birdlime made from mistletoe berries, and otehic/stelis and toéae/hyphéar in Greek dialects, Latin viscus or viscum). Of the two genuses in the family Loranthaceae,

Theophrastus

(H. plant.

3,7,6

and

3,16,19)

knows as ixia only the true oak mistletoe, which is green in summer,

or yellow-berried mistletoe (Loranthus europaeus L.). As hyphéar he distinguishes from them the evergreen white or Nordic mistletoe (Viscum album L.) with white berries, which grows parasitically primarily on apple trees and conifers (cf. Theophr. C. plant. 2,17,2). The yellow-red

berries of Loranthus

konfiszierten Vermégens vor den Poleten in Athen, in: Klio 72, 1990, 402-426 9 J. HENGSTL, Private Arbeitsverhaltnisse freier Personen in den hellenistischen Papyri

europaeus L., which prefers oak and sweet chestnut hosts, are used to make glue (process in Plin. HN 16,248) for rods for the popular catching of birds (earliest evidence Eur. Cycl. 432, cf. also Dionysius,

bis Diokletian, 1972

Ixeuticon 3,2 [1. 39] et passim). Plin. HN 16,247 does

Bodenpacht

10 D. HENNIG, Untersuchungen zur

im ptolemaisch-rémischen

Agypten,

11 Id., Die ‘heiligen’ Hauser von Delos, in: Chiron

1967 13,

1983, 411-495 12Id., in: Chiron 15, 1985, 165-186 13 J. HERRMANN, Studien zur Bodenpacht im Recht der graeco-aegyptischen Papyri, 1958 14 Id., Vertragsinhalt und Rechtsnatur der didaskalikai, 1957/58, in: Id., KS, 1990, 164-184

15 Id., Die Ammenvertrage, 1959, in: Id.,

KS, 1990, 194-203

16 Id., Personenrechtliche Elemente

der Paramone, 1963, in: Id., KS, 1990, 221-233 171d., Prodoma-Leistungen in den Urkunden der Ptolemderzeit, 1982, in: Id., KS, 1990, 278-288 18 A. JORDENS, Vertragliche Regelungen von Arbeiten im spaten griechischen Agypten (P. Heid. V), 1990 19 A. KRANZLEIN, Zu den

Privatpacht-Hypomnemata der ersten zwei nachchristlichen Jahrhundert, in: J. Symposion 1977, 1982, WELL, The Authenticity Symposion 1985, 1989,

MoDRZEJEWSKI, D. Lies (ed.), 307-324 20D. M. MacDoof Dem. 29, in: G. THUR (ed.), 253-262 21F.G. Maigr, Grie-

chische Mauerbauinschriften, 2 vols., 1959, 1961 22A. MeEyYER-TERMEER, Die Haftung der Schiffer im griechischen und rémischen Recht, 1978 23 L. Miceortre, Les finances des cités grecques, in: J. H. M. STRUBBE et al. (ed.), Energeia. FS H.W. Pleket, 1996,79-96 24H. MUL-

LER, Untersuchungen zur Misthosis von Gebauden im Recht der grako-agyptischen Papyri, 1985 25 B. PALME, Ein attischer Prospektorenvertrag?, in: Tyche 2, 1987, 113-139 26F. PRINGSHEIM, Der griechische Versteigerungskauf, in: Id., Gesammelte Abhandlungen 2, 1961, 262-329 27H.-A. RUPPRECHT, Die Bebaiosis, in: Studi

C. Sanfilippo, vol. 3, 1983, 613-626 28 Id., Einfihrung in die Papyruskunde, 1994 29 O. SCHULTHESS, s.v. M., RE 15, 2095-2129

30R. Stroup, The Athenian Grain-

Tax Law of 374/3 (Hesperia Suppl. 29), 1998

31G.

THUR, Bemerkungen zum altgriechischen Werkvertrag, in: Studi A. Biscardi, vol. 5, 1984, 447-514 32Id., Wo wohnen die Metoken?, in: W. SCHULLER et al. (ed.), Demokratie und Architektur, 1989, 117-121 33 I1d.,

recognise its dioecism, but erroneously states that it is the male plant that bears fruit. Theophr. C. plant. 2,17,5 and Plin. HN 16,247 correctly explain the spread of mistletoe on trees in the faeces of birds that have eaten the seeds. According to Plin. HN 16,243 like ~ ivy it kills the host tree. The druids worshipped mistletoe and prescribed the berries for infertility in animals and as an antidote for poisons (Plin. HN 16,251). According to Plin. HN 24,12 if carried by women it would promote conception. Dioscurides (3,89 WELLMANN = 3,93 BERENDES) mentions (as does Plin. |.c). its use for ulcers. Today it still has a certain significance in therapies for cancer, epilepsy and cramps. A sprig of white mistletoe is supposed to have opened for > Persephone the gate to the Underworld (cf. Verg. Aen. 6,205; [2. 69]). 1A. Garzya (ed.), Dionysius: Ixeuticon, 1963 BAUMANN, Die griechische Pflanzenwelt, 1982.

2H.

A. STEIER, s.v. M., RE 15, 2063-2074; K. vON TUBEUF,

Monographie der Mistel, 1923.

Mistress of animals see

C.HU.

> Potnia Theron

Mite Classical antiquity distinguished (unlike [1]) by name only a few kinds of this order of > arachnids: 1.) the tick (xedtwwkrdton, xvvogaor)c/kynoraistes, Latin ricinus) as a parasite of dogs (Hom. Od. 17,300; Aristot. Hist. an. 5,19,552a 15 and 5,31,557a 16; Zenob. 6,27; first good description by THOMAS OF CANTIMPRE 9,20 [2. 303] as engulas, pediculus silvestris or theca = caeca, from which English ‘tick’, German ‘Zecke ’etc.), hedgehogs and foxes (Aisop. 36; Aristot. rhet.

73

74

2,20,1393b 24-27: xvvoeatotic), cattle (xedtwv Bowvy,

tion of Herodotus) [4. 127-129]. The monument of -» Antiochus [16] I of Commagene at > Nemrud Daghi (mid—rst cent. BC), on which Mithras is called Apollo Mithres Helios Hermes (IGLS 1,1 Z. 55) [5. 266, fig. 4],

Aristot. hist. an. 557a 15) and sheep and goats (Aristot. Hist. an. 5,31, 557a 15f.); 2.) the Ornithoborus mon-

bata Murray, 6d& in Libya in Ael. NA 3,36, rhagion [3. 35f.] or rhox [conjecture according to Nik. Ther. 716] in Plin. HN. 29,86; described as a dark ‘berry’ with short legs and a small mouth under the body, i.e. a down-turned proboscis. Its poisonous bite stung like a scorpion’s, Its interpretation as malmignatte, Lathrodectes, remains hypothetical; 3.) the spider mite, axagic, the smallest animal according to Aristot. Hist. an. 5,32,557b 7f. — The itch-causing mite was not known. 1H. Gossen, s.v. M., RE Suppl. 8, 354ff.

2H. BoEsE

(ed.), Thomas Cantimpratensis, Liber de natura rerum, 1973 3 LEITNER. C.HU.

Mithaecus of Syracuse see

Cookery books

Mithradates see > Mithridates Mithras (Mi0gac/Mithras, MiOenc/Mithres). I. Persia

II. THE ROMAN MITHRAS

I. PERSIA A Hittite treaty with the Mitanni (14th cent. BC) contains the earliest evidence of Mithras ([1. No. 16]:

Mitra). In the oldest literary evidence, the Indian Rg Veda, Mitra is the god who together with Varuna is responsible for upholding the rta, the cosmic order. Likewise, in Iran Miora is one of the most important yazata (gods), who leads people ‘on the path of asa, order’ (Yast 10,86; [2. 114f.]), and guides a multitude

of social relations such as agreements, friendship, marriage and blood kinship (Yast 10,1 16f.). In this function

he acts both as judge and as an armed champion of law. Because it was customary to seal agreements by a fire, Mithras was associated with it (Yast 10,127). Also, in his one-wheeled chariot he supposedly rode ahead of the sun (Yast 10,13; Herodotus’ error of interpreting Mithras as the Persian equivalent of > Aphrodite (Hdt. 1,131) may be explained as an inference from the common identification of Mithras with the morning star/Venus, which appears before the sun). He was also the lord of the blood sacrifice and as the rainmaker responsible for plant growth (Yast 10,61) [3. 27-34]. The Mithra Yast (Yast 10) was created in the Achaemenid period (~ Achaemenids [2]), from which other sources concerning Mithras’s role as the god of oaths and trust are extant (Xen. Oec. 4,24; Plut. Alexander 30,682c). The main feast of Mithras, the Mithrakana, held on the autumn equinox, was lavishly celebrated by the Achaemenid kings (Ctesias FGrH 688 F 50; Duris FGrH 76 F 5). Both in the eastern and the western regions of the Persian empire Mithras was eventually identified with the sun. The earliest evidence from the west is the source of Str. 15,3,13, probably Apollodorus of Artemita (cf. FGrH 779, 1st cent. BC, with a correc-

MITHRAS

illustrates the > syncretism of Iranian and Greek religious ideas that made the Roman Mithras cult possible [6]. In the Fravasi Yast (Yast 13) as well as among two Kurdish sects, traces of a non-Zoroastrian cosmogonic myth are preserved, according to which Mithras introduced light and warmth into a lifeless world by sacrificing a primordial bull [7]. Il. THE ROMAN MITHRAS With the title Mithras invictus (‘Mithras the Undefeated’) or Sol invictus Mithras, the god became the cen-

tral deity of a > mystery cult (Justin. Apol. 1,66; Orig. Contra Celsum 6,22) that from the znd cent. AD rapidly spread throughout the Latin speaking part of the Roman empire. Despite not having any local roots, it constituted an important element in the transition of the Mediterranean world to a ‘market place’ of religious ideas in the period from 200 BC to 200 AD: Unlike the public religions of the ancient city states, the Mithras cult offered the possibility of a personal religious identity. In this respect it is comparable to early Christianity and the = Isis cult. A. ORIGINS AND History

B. THE CULTIC RELIEF

C. TEMPLE AND CULT

A. ORIGINS AND HISTORY

Since almost all the evidence is archaeological, all questions relating to the history and doctrines of the cult, and especially its soteriology, are disputed. The cult claimed Persian origins and the earliest literary evidence locates Mithras in a Persian cave (Stat. Theb. 1,719f., before AD 92). F. CuMonr [8], who used the Isis cult as a model, was of the opinion that the Mithraic mystery cult was authentically Iranian and imported by magousaioi, Greek-speaking Zoroastrian priests from Anatolia. This thesis has virtually no support now in this extreme form. Currently, two essential alternative hypotheses exist: (1) a ‘moderate’ Iranian thesis, which in various forms is held by most Iranists and states that core elements of the Mithras cult are Iranian but were strongly modified in the West; and (2) a radical position that considers the cult’s links to Iran incidental and assumes a bricolage created in the West [5]. A variant of (2) considers the widespread cult relief a map of the stars (see B. below). Both positions have problems although the ‘mild Iranian’ thesis is a priori more plausible. However, both sides distance themselves from Cumont because Iranian texts cannot compensate for the loss of Greek and Roman sources for the cult. Although there are Mithraic finds from the entire Roman world, the centre of gravity lies in central Italy, northern Dalmatia, the Rhenian and Danubian provyinces. The earliest documented adherents of Mithras (c. AD 100-150) are Roman legionary officers and soldi-

FES

76

ers as well as slaves in relatively privileged positions. As the cult spread, its followers were mainly recruited from the relatively affluent layer of urban freedmen. Women were not permitted as mystai. Many places had several small temples (Mithraeums, e.g. at least 16 in > Ostia, 5 in > Aquincum), so it is probable that the congregation was deliberately limited in size. Between AD 180 and 220 the cult spread extraordinarily rapidly. An album (member list) from Virunum (AE 1994, 1334) shows an average annual growth of 10% over about 18 years following AD 183/4. (However, only five deaths and no withdrawals are recorded). The cult retained a remarkably continuous presence in the army, as demonstrated by a series of altars dedicated in the late Antonine-Severian period by the tribuni laticlavii of the legio II Adiutrix in - Aquincum (AE 1990, 814f., 817-819). These dedications also

the origin of the sacrificial custom. Current scholarship considers the possibility of an influence on Christian

underline the fact that the Roman elite, apart from its

C. TEMPLE AND CULT The spatial form of the Mithras temple (Latin spelaeum, templum) with its juxtaposed podiums appears to have been designed for the shared meal: Frequent finds of large amounts of shards and animal bones suggest a central role of ritual meals. However, Mithras temples also had a complex symbolic dimension. Each temple created a reminder of the cave/celestial arc where Mithras defeated the bull and ofthe original cave in Persia where > Zoroaster first celebrated the mysteries. It also represented the cosmos whose order Mithras upheld (Porph. De antro nympharum 6). Some temples could be illuminated by the sun following a ritual calendar. But there also were artificially created contrasts between light and dark (i spelaeo, in castris vere

MITHRAS

functions in the army’s command, largely ignored the Mithras cult up to the late 3rd cent. AD. A book by Eubulus, the head of the Academy (+ akadémeia) in Athens about AD 260, brought the cult to the attention of educated circles (Porph. Vita Plotini 15; Porph. De abstinentia 4,16).

The 3rd cent. crisis resulted in the closure or abandonment of many Mithraeums, which is most strongly evident in the province of Dacia, on the Rhine > limes and in Syria. There are signs of an officially supported revival during and after the rule of Gallienus (AD 253268) [9]. The cult played an important role during the ‘pagan reaction’ in Rome (c. AD 360-395). A few Mithras temples throughout the empire were still in use in the late 4th or even early 5th cent., though their state was neglected. Some were deliberately destroyed, apparently by Christians, but many others were simply abandoned [ro]. B. THE CuLTIc RELIEF About 650 examples of the central image of Mithras as the bull slayer in a cave are known. An image of this kind, whether as relief or painting, was the focal point of every Mithraeum. Others occur on votive altars and walls, while small ones were transportable or used for private worship in ‘house temples’. This iconography represents a moment in the > epiphany of a hypothetical cult narrative [11]. Its standard components

are,

apart from Mithras forcing the bull to the ground and killing it, the dog and snake drinking the bull’s blood, the scorpion stinging its scrotum and the two torch bearers > Cautes and Cautopates. This moment is the basis for the claim that Mithras saved his followers by spilling the bull’s blood: et nos servasti [...] sanguine fuso [12. 217-221]. This ‘salvation’ contained a series of elements: The bull’s death established both a (new)

cosmic order with a dependent temporal dispensation and with the cycle of natural fertility. However, it also had anthropological implications because it enabled the ‘rebirth’ of the individual. The cult claimed to close the gap between god and man through a new myth about

‘salvation rituals’ to be rather remote (» Mysteries D.).

Other narrative episodes supplement this epiphany Sol at a table covered with the dead bull’s skin occasionally has a special status because it is depicted on the reverse of the main scene (e.g. in Nida/Heddernheim I [1. No. scene. One of these, the feast of Mithras and —

1083]). In this case, the narrative represents a founding

myth for the ritual meal during which the initiates remember Mithras’s act of salvation. A recent theory interprets the figures on the cultic image as transcriptions of cosmic constellations located along the ecliptic (or celestial equator) between Taurus and Scorpio. However, the validity of this interpretation and its implications are heavily disputed [13].

tenebrarum: Tert. De corona 15,3).

The ritual life of the mystae (mystai), no less complex in structure, was based on a seven-stage ascending hierarchy of corax, nymphus, miles, leo, perses, heliodromus and pater. (However, the evidence for individual stages is geographically unevenly distributed). Each state had its specific initiation rituals and special clothing [14]. At least in Rome and Ostia this hierarchy conformed to the order of the planets. The initiation rituals and the ritual meals were subject to strict requirements of > purity, self-denial and moral self-examination (Porph. De antro nympharum 15), humiliation and fear also played a role [15]. Unpublished frescoes in a Mithraeum in Hawarti (Huarte) north of Apamea (Syria) from the 4th cent. AD appear to represent moral errors as black-skinned demons who are punished [16]. The elaborate initiation structure is supplemented by the complexity of the Mithras theology which, unfortunately, is largely lost. Particularly, the relationship between Mithras and > Sol (the sun) and the role of the lion-headed god Areimanius [1. No. 834] are largely incomprehensible at present [17]. Furthermore, the basis of the cult was apparently always open to reinterpretation, so that the actual religious practice and the claims of various communities may have varied strongly. For example, in the Gallo-Roman provinces Mithras was often identified with > Mercury. + Iran; > Mysteries

78

77 1 M. J. VERMASEREN, Corpus inscriptionum et monumentorum

religionis Mithriacae,

2 vols., 1956,

1960

21.

GERSHEVITCH, The Avestan Hymn to Mithra, 1959 3 M. Boyce, A History of Zoroastrianism, vol. 1,71989 4A. DE JONG, Traditions of the Magi, 1997. 5 R. MERKELBACH, Mithras, 1984 6R. L. Beck, The Mysteries of Mithras: A New Account of their Genesis, in: JRS 88, 1998, 115-128 7G. KREYENBROEK, Mithra and Ahreman

in Iranian Cosmogonies,

in: J. R. HINNELLS

(ed.),

Studies in Mithraism, 1994, 173-182 8 F. Cumont, Die Mysterien des Mithra, +1923 9 M. Crauss, Sol Invictus Mithras, in: Athenaeum 78, 1990, 423-450 100. NicHo.son, The End of Mithraism, in: Antiquity 69, 1995, 358-362 11S. Zwirn, The Intention of Biographical Narration on Mithraic Cult Images, in: Word & Image 5, 1989, 2-18

12M. J. VERMASEREN, C. C. VAN ESSEN,

The Excavations ... in S. Prisca, Rome, 1965 13N. M. SWERDLOW, On the Cosmical Mysteries of Mithras, in: CPh 86, 1991, 48-63 14H.-G. Horn, Das Mainzer Mithrasgefafs, in: Mainzer Archdologische Zeitschrift 1, 1994, 21-66 15M. J. VERMASEREN, Mithriaca, vol. 1: The Mithraeum at S. Maria Capua Vetere (EPRO 16,1), 1971 16 M. GAwLikowski, Hawarti: Preliminary

Report, in: Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean 10, 1999, 197-204 17H. M. Jackson, The Meaning and Function of the Leontocephaline in Roman Mithraism, in: Numen 32, 1985, 17-45. R. L. Beck, Mithraism since Franz Cumont, in: ANRW

II

17.4, 1984, 2002-2115; Id., In the Place of the Lion, in: J. R. HINNELLS (ed.), Studies in Mithraism, 1994, 29-50;

Idem, R. L. Gorpon, Mysteries of the Unconquered Sun (2001); M. CLauss, The Roman Cult of Mithras (2000);

Idem., Cultores Mithrae, 1994; G. LEasg, Mithraism and Christianity: Borrowings and Transformation, in: ANRW II 23.2, 1980, 1306-1332; R. TuRCAN, Mithra et le mithriacisme, *1993; Id., Salut mithriaque et sotériologie néoplatonicienne, in: U. Brancui, M. J. VERMASEREN (eds.), La soteriologia dei culti orientali nell’Impero Romano, 1979, 173-191; R. VOLLKOMMER, s.v. Mithras, LIMC 6, 583-626. RG.

Mithrenes

(Miorvyc;

Mithrenés).

Eminent

Persian,

who surrendered the castle of > Sardis to Alexander [4] the Great in 334 BC (Arr. Anab. 1,17,3f.; Diod. Sic. 17,21,7: Mithrinés; Dion Chrys. 73,2: Maithranés). After having accepted him as an honoured member of his retinue and having used him in diplomatic service (Curt. 3,12,6), Alexander appointed him satrap of Armenia, which had not yet been conquered (Arr. Anab. 3,16,5; Diod. Sic. 17,64,6; Curt. 5,1,44 and 8,12), in 331/330. However, the Orontides (Orontes IV), of which M. was definitely not a member, re-

mained in power there (OGIS 393). M. ScHotrxy, Media Atropatene und Grofs-Armenien, 1989, 85-88.

M.SCH.

Mithridates (also Mithradates; MiWouddtys/Mithridatés, MiWoadatnc/Mithradates). The personal name MiOgadarng is Persian — coins [4.

10-17] attest to the original spelling. Inscriptions, (Syll.3 709 passim; 741,14,233 742,43 12) sporadically

MITHRIDATES

give MiWeddatyc, even contemporary ones (Greek ILS 37,8, Latin ILS 38,28; 60,5; 9), which is the form found

in most later documents (Syll.3 785,10) and manuscripts. The change a/t is due to weakening of vowels at the morpheme boundary, demonstrable from the 5th century onward and appearing in the spoken language, being adopted only gradually in written language [1]. A Persian origin for the Mithridatid dynasty was already claimed by the family history (see below); the organisation of the Achaemenid empire explains how this family from Susa ended up in western Asia Minor (see > Asia Minor, III. E.). — Lysimachus [2]; > Seleucus [2] I 1 R. ScHmitTt, Iranische Personennamen auf griechischen Inschriften, in: B. M. Prpprpi (Hrsg.), Actes du VII* congrés international d’epigraphie greque et latine 1977,

1979, 144f. [1] M. I. Ktistes Scion of the dynasty of Cius and Arrhine on the Propontis, which allegedly stemmed from one of the Persian nobles who conspired against + Gaumata (Diod. 19,40,2 and 20,111,4; cf. Pol. 5,43,2 — Arrhine/Marine cannot be identified). M.’ father Ariobarzanes was the brother of another M., who was the ruler of the principality between 337 and 302 BC (otherwise [6. 250"), as a follower of > Antigonus [1] I was suspected of high treason in his connections with > Cassander and was killed by the former (Diod. 20,111,4). M.’ grandfather Ariobarzanes was a satrap of Lesser Phrygia and the first ruler of the principality (363-337; Diod. 15,90,3). His great-grandfather M. was a satrap of Lycaonia and Cappadocia (401-3 63/2; XenmAMayanos 25):

In 302, M. fled into the Paphlagonian Olgassys Mountains, where he established himself in Cimiata (near Ilgaz) (Strab. 12,3,41; Plut. Demetrius 4,2~-5). From 281 he may have had the title of king (cf. the beginning of the Pontic era in Sync. 523,5-73 §93,7-103 for the adoption in 297 of Bithynian era reckoning attested by coins cf. [5]). In federation with various coastal cities he was able to assert and enlarge on his position against the > Seleucids (Memnon FGrH 434 F 1,7,2; 11,2; Diod. 20,111,4; Strab. 12,3,41; App. Mithr. 27— 293 [1. 23-263 2. 13-20; 3. 398-406]). 1 L. BALLESTEROS PasTOr, Mitridates Eupator, 1996

2

B. C. McGinec, The Foreign Policy of Mithridates VI Eupator, King of Pontus, 1986 3 E. OLSHAUSEN, s.v. Pontos (2), RE Suppl. 15, 396-442

4 W.H. Wappinc-

TON, E. BABELON, TH. REINACH, Recueil général des mon-

naies grecques d’Asie Mineure, *1925 5 G. PERL, Zur Chronologie der K6nigreiche Bithynia, Pontos und Bosporos, in: J. HARMATTA (ed.), Studien zur Geschichte

und Philosophie des Altertums, 1968, 299-330 6 B.C. McGinc, The Kings of Pontus, in: RhM 129, 1986, 248259. [2] M. II King of Pontus (256/50 -c. 220 BC [1. 26f.; 2.

20-23; 3. 406-409]), son of the second Pontic king + Ariobarzanes [6] (266-256/50), who had probably taken possession of Amastris [4] with his father M. [1] I

79

80

in 279 (Memnon FGrH 434 F 1,9,4) and formed an with the Galatae (— Galatia) (Apollonios FGrH 740 F 14). However, he may then have fallen out with the Galatae, as they attacked the young heir to the

therefore it was M., though it may have been Pharnaces, who relocated the residence from -» Amasia to ~ Sinope. M. strove for worldwide contacts — cf. the honours paid to him on Delos (IDélos 15 55-1574 [2]), the activities of his official Dorylaus [1] in Thrace, Greece

MITHRIDATES

alliance

throne M. in c. 250 (Memnon FGrH 434 F 1,16,1). M.

achieved recognition of his kingship by the Seleucid house (marriage to a sister of > Seleucus II, Phrygia as dowry: Porphyrius FGrH 260 F 32,6; Just. 38,5,3; marriage of his daughter Laodice [II 7] to Achaeus [5]: Pol. 557455; 8,21-23, marriage of another daughter of the same name to > Antiochus [5] III: Pol. 5,43,1-4; [4. 5 8ff.]). He supported Antiochus Hierax against Seleucus II in 239 with Celtic mercenaries in the battle of Ancyra (Porphyrius FGrH 260 F 32,8; Phylarchus FGrH 81 F 30). With donations to earthquake-damaged Rhodes in 227, too, M. placed emphasis on the worldwide importance of his kingdom (Pol. 5,90,1). -» Heraclea [6] 2

B. C. McGinc, The Foreign Policy of Mithridates VI 1986

3 E. OLSHAUSEN,

1 E. OLsHAUSEN, Zum Hellenisierungsprozef$ am Pontischen Konigshof, in: AncSoc 5, 1974, 153-170 2 L. RosBert, Monnaies et textes grecs, in: Journal des Savants

[3] M. I King of Pontus (220 — c. 185 BC). He or his predecessor M. [2] II tried in vain to conquer — Sinope

in 220 (Pol. 4,56 and Plut. Demetrius 4,4; App. Mithr. 540; Just. 38,5,3). M. was the first of the Pontic kings to have coins minted with his own portrait [2. 10 Nr. 2f.; 3) LOSSanas ty: 1 B. C. McGinc, The Foreign Policy of Mithridates VI Eupator, King of Pontus, 1986

2 W.H. WADDINGTON, E.

Recueil 8 général des monnaies

grecques d’Asie Mineure, *1925

L. BALLESTEROS Pastor, Mitridates Eupator, 1996; E. OLSHAUSEN, S.v. Pontos (2), RE Suppl. 15, 396-442.

s.v.

Pontos (2), RE Suppl. 15, 396-442 4 J. SErBERT, Historische Beitrage zu den dynastischen Verbindungen in hellenistischer Zeit (Historia Einzelschr. 10), 1967.

BABELON, TH. REINACH,

FGrH 434 F 1,22,2).

1978, 151-163.

1 L. BALLESTEROS Pastor, Mitridates Eupator, 1996 Eupator, King of Pontus,

and on Crete (Strab. 10,4,r0), his measures for Hellenising his court [3]. He attacked Ariarathes VI the king of Cappadocia and bound him by marriage to his daughter (Memnon FGrH 434 F 1,22,1; Just. 38,1,1). He made the Paphlagonian > Pylaemenes make him the heir to his lands (Just. 37,4,3-5; 38,7,10). M. fell victim to an attack on his life in Sinope in 120 (cf. App. Mithr. 541; Strab. 10,4,10; Just. 37,1,6; cf. Memnon

3 Macie.

[4] M. IV. Philopator Philadelphus King of Pontus (160/55 — c. 4152/1 BC), brother and successor of ~ Pharnaces I (185-160/155; [1. 34-36; 2. 415f.]), married to his sister Laodice [II ro] (coins with portraits of the ruling couple [3. 13 no. 7]; IDélos 1555). In alliance with Rome (IGUR 1 no. 9 and CIL I* 73a; [4]), supported —> Attalus [5] IJ against — Prusias II in the winter of 15 5/4 (Pol. 33,12,1). 1 B. C. McGinc, The Foreign Policy of Mithridates VI Eupator, King of Pontus, 1986 2 E. OLSHAUSEN, s.v. Pontos (2), RE Suppl. 15, 396-442 3 W.H. WappINGTON, E. BABELON, TH. REINACH, Recueil général des monnaies grecques d’Asie Mineure,*1925 4 A. Decrassi, Le

dediche di popolie re asiatici al popolo Romano ea Giove Capitolino, in: BCAR 74, 1951/2, 19-47.

[5] M. V. Euergetes King of Pontus (c. 152/1-120 BC), son of > Pharnaces I ([Delos 1557). Allied to the

Romans, he supported them in the Third > Punic War (149-146; App. Mithr. 30) and in the conflict with Eumenes [4] III from 133-129 (> Aristonicus [4]; Strab. 14,1,38; Just. 37,1,2; Eutr. 4,20; Oros. 5,10,2).

His son M. [6] VI was born in Sinope (Strab. 12,3,11),

[6] M. VI. Eupator Dionysus King of > Pontus (born 132, reigned 120-63 BC), eldest son of M. [5] V. He, his

mother > Laodice [II 11] and his younger brother M. Chrestus came to the throne in 120 (Memnon FGrH AZ4 Fb is22,20 Cl. [4 |; Strabs 1O,4,L0 JUst13 7415o) alm 116 (the chronology of his early reign is very much in dispute) he removed his mother (not mentioned with the brothers in inscriptions after 116/5, cf. OGIS 368f.), and his brother soon after (Memnon FGrH 434 F 1,22,2; App. Mithr. 549: cf. [5]). With a purpose he placed himself from the beginning in the tradition of his ancestors, esp. - Pharnaces I and his father M. V. In this way M.’s reign was characterised by aggressive diplomacy and wars, which he conducted at first on the northern coast of the -» Pontus Euxinus, then in Asia Minor and also in Greece. In 115/4 he struck out to the north over the sea, where the Scythians’ conflict with Chersonesus [2] and the Bosporanians under Paerisades V (Strab. 7,4,3f.) offered him the opportunity to intervene (Just. 37,3,13 38,74; cf. Strab. 2,1,16; 7,3,17—4,73 Just. 37,3,23 38,7543 Syll.3 709). By diplomatic means, but also with land and sea forces, M. established a protectorate over the cities of Olbia and Tyras and as far as Apollonia [2] (cf. IOSPE 1* no. 35), while the Bosporanian kingdom was incorporated under Pontic rule[1.

43-553 2. 43-655 3. 420-422]. In Asia Minor in 1o4/3, M. gained Colchis and Armenia west of the Euphrates (Strab. 11,2,18; 12,3,13

28; App. Mithr. 53) and eastern Paphlagonia, based on claims of inheritance. The western part of Paphlagonia was claimed by Nicomedes [4] III (Just. 37,4,3-5; 38,5,4; 7,10). On the strength of that the Roman Senate

called on the kings to withdraw from Paphlagonia (Just. 3754.4). As in Galatia (Just. 37,4,6) M. intervened in Cappadocia

in ror

(Memnon

FGrH

434 F 1,22,1;

Strab. 12,2,11; Just. 38,1-2; 5,9). There, however, the

Roman Senate had the Cappadocian Ariobarzanes [3] enthroned by Sulla in the year 95 (Plut. Sulla 5,3; App.

81

82

MITHRIDATES

Mithr. 23 1; Liv. per. 70). M. resumed his old plan in the year 90 and appointed one of his sons king under the

1 L. BALLESTEROS Pastor, Mithridates Eupator, 1996

name Ariarathes (IX) Eusebes (App. Mithr. 33; 233; Just. 38,1,10) [1. 56-80; 2. 66-88; 3. 423-425]. M.’

Eupator, King of Pontus, 1986 3 E. OLSHAUSEN, S.v. Pontos (2), RE Suppl. 15, 396-442 4 M. JANKE, Histo-

attempt, after the death of Nicomedes III in the year 94, to take away the Bithynian kingdom’s independence and in this way make the Pontus Euxinus a Mare Mithradaticum with untold material and human resources, brought him into military conflict with Rome (— Mithridatic Wars), which ended with him and his kingdom

reduced to the Bosporanian satrapy in the year 64, where he was still able to overcome his disloyal son -» Machares (cf. App. Mithr. 281; 342; 375; 4683; 474f.; Plut. Lucullus 24,1; Memnon FGrH 434 F 1,37f.; Cass. Dio 36,50,2), but finally in the year 63, he was forced

into suicide by his son > Pharnaces, and fell to the blade of one of his Celtic officers (App. Mithr. 522-540). M.’ outward appearance, his physical and mental abilities, and his character are regularly portrayed to us by the literary sources in a somewhat hymnical way. In this a consequence of court propaganda can also be seen, with which M. took pains to associate himself with Alexander [4] the Great (cf. esp. coins [6. 13—-20]): tall and powerful in stature, a passionate huntsman, an energetic and persevering horseman, charioteer and soldier, often wounded, seldom sick, he was intelligent and clever, a gifted speaker, an excellent orator, educated in the Greek manner, a bibliophile, scholarly, particularly interested in toxicology, knowledgable about art and a lover of music. He had a winning nature, was energetic, but also unscrupulous and cunning to the point of slyness (cf. the evaluation of M. in App. Mithr. 540-5 50; further evidence in Just. 37,2—4). In older research, which is essentially influenced by sources biased towards Rome, M. is seen as situated

between the poles of > East and West and often assessed as a failed hybrid (‘Hellenised barbarian’). A more differentiated assessment is now current [1. 463ff.], relativising the propaganda-laden judgments of these sources particularly in comparison with the other Hellenistic monarchies. As a matter of fact, the evidently last chance to bring together the Hellenistic east against Rome arose after the setback of the Pontic War (182179) at the time of Pharnaces I, with the constant rise of the Pontic kingdom under M. V. It was not his supposed organisational (cf. despite the traits of typically Hellenistic government) or strategic incapacity (cf. despite his

efforts to reform the army), but quite substantially his allies’ such as > Tigranes’ insight into the danger from the West made M. fail. M.’ effect on the Roman world is shown primarily in the reactions to the death of the king (cf. esp. Cicero’s statements: [2. 179]); they make clear what fear M. was able to inspire in the Senate. This last significant external opponent of the Roman Republic, with Roman (contacts with > Sertorius’s Senate), Greek (Hellenistic upbringing) and Iranian (family tradition) elements combined in one person, indicated a part of the path the Roman Empire later followed. >» Regnum Bosporanum

2

B. C. Mcatne, The Foreign Policy of Mithridates VI

rische Untersuchungen zu Memnon von Herakleia, 1963 5 B. C. McGine, Appian’s ‘Mithridateios’, in: ANRW II 34.1, 1993, 496-522 6 W.H. WappincrTon, E. BaBELON, TH. REINACH, Recueil général des monnaies grecques d’Asie Mineure, *1925. Tu. Rernacn, M. Eupator, 1895 (repr. 1973); N. VLa-

HOGIANNIS, Diplomacy and War. Aspects of M. Eupator’s Foreign Policy, thesis Melbourne 1987 (typescript).

[7] Son of M. [6] VI. In the First > Mithridatic War in 85 BC, with Taxiles, Menander [9] and Diophantus [2] as advisers, he led an army against the Romans under Flavius [I 6] Fimbria, but, after initial successes, was

severely beaten on the Rhyndacus in Bithynia (Memnon FGrH 434 F 1,24,4; App. Mithr. 210; Frontin. Strat. 351755; Oros. 6,2,10). After the conclusion of peace M. was asked to be and became satrap in the disloyal satrapy of Colchis, as a result of which the Colchians stayed loyal again. Shortly after that, however, M.’ father ordered him to > Sinope and had him executed (App. Mithr. 266) [1. 132f., 346ff.]. 1L.

BALLESTEROS

Pastor,

Mitridates

Eupator,

1996.

E.O. [8] From Pergamum (6 Ilegyaunvoc; Pergaménos), son

of the Pergamanian Menodotus and the Galatian Adobogiona, relative (nephew?) of the tetrarch > Brogitarus. M. was considered an illegitimate son of M. [5] and grew up in his court. In 59 BC he was a witness against L. Valerius Flaccus in Rome (Cic. Flacc. 41). In Pergamum, for which he secured privileges from Caesar, M. held priestly offices (IGRIV 1682) [1. 329-340]. At the end of 48 he followed Caesar to Alexandria, which he soon left, to fetch help against Ptolemy XIII. With troops and ships assembled in Asia Minor, supported by > Antipater [4], M. captured Pelusium in March 47 (Bell. Alex. 26), and later Memphis. Caesar rewarded him at the end of 47 with the Galatian tetrarchy of the ~ Trocmi-—at the expense of > Deiotarus —and the title of king of the Bosporanians. M.’s campaign against Asander, the murderer and successor of the king Pharnaces, however, ended unhappily (Strab. 13,4,3) and presumably with M.’ death. 1 H. Heppine, M. von Pergamon, in: MDAI(A) 34, 1909, 329-340.

OU:

[9] M. VII Son of + Aspurgus and > Dynamis (?), brother of > Cotys [II 1] I, Bosporanian king AD 3 8/944/5. To bring to an end the conflicts between the heir M. and Caligula’s appointee > Polemon II, Claudius [III x] installed M. as Bosporanian king in the year 42. His policy was emphatically anti-Roman, as his coins show. In 44/5 Cotys overthrew him with Roman help. M. fled to the Dandarii, was betrayed in 49 in the battle against Cotys and taken to Rome (Petrus Patricius, FHG IV, 184t3 Tac. Ann. 12,175; 12,21; Cass. Dio

83

84

60,8,2) and in 68 executed on the personal command of

by Characene. A war against Armenia (in about 120)

Galba (Plut. Galba 13; 15).

led to the prince > Tigranes (I)’s being held hostage at the Parthian court. He was installed as king of Armenia only in 95 and in return had to cede 70 border valleys

MITHRIDATES

V. F. GarpuKevic, 340ff.; R. WERNER,

Das bosporanische Reich, *1971, Die Dynastie der Spartokiden, in:

Historia 4, 1955, 437f.; A. N. ZocRaF, Ancient Coinage, vol. 2, 1977, pl. XLVI 7. Ly.B.

[10] M. was named after his maternal grandfather (— Laodice [II 6]) and was a son of Antiochus [5] III. (SEG 37, 1987, 859, Z. 3; cf. Liv. 33,19,9). He must

have been identical with the later king > Antiochus [6]

IV, having changed his name. A. AymMarp, Etudes @histoire ancienne, 1967, PEGI Ie GAUTHIER, in: BE 1989, 405 Nr. 277; M. HoLieaux,

Etudes d’épigraphie et d’histoire grecques, vol. 3, 1942, 183-193; M. WoOrrLE, Inschriften von Herakleia am Latmos I, in: Chiron 18, 1988, 421-470.

A.ME.

[11] Nephew of > Antiochus [5] III Megas. In 212 BC he was proposed by Antiochus’ advisers as ruler of the just-subjected Armenia (Pol. 8,23). As the king nevertheless retained M. in his service, he may be identical with a M. described as an (adoptive?) son of Antiochus, who was sent with an army against Sardeis in 197 (Liv.

33519,9). E. R. Bevan, The House of Seleucus, vol. 2, 1902, 16, 39

(repr.

1985); M. ScHotrky, Media Atropatene und Grofs-

Armenien, 1989, 109.

[12] M. I Founder of the Parthian empire (— Parthia). M., a younger brother of —~ Phraates I, who designated him heir after the death of his own sons, succeeded him to the throne in 171 BC. His first campaign, between 160 and 155, was directed against Graeco-Bactria under - Eucratides, who had to withdraw from Tapuria and Traxiane. Reports of a further offensive, after the death of Eucratides (150 BC) (Diod. 33,18; Oros. 5.4516), are hard to reconcile. His campaigns in the west were initially aimed at acquiring Greater Media, which, as can be inferred from an inscription found in Bisutun, in 148 was still administered by the Seleucid governor of the upper satrapies, but probably fell into Parthian hands soon after. M. then turned towards Mesopotamia, where he invaded Seleucia on the Tigris at the beginning of July 141 and in October, after a victory over the Seleucid strategos of Babylonia, he was able to extend his dominion as far as Uruk. > Demetrius [8] II’s attempt to win back the lost Seleucid territories ended with his defeat and capture. M., who at the time was staying in — Hyrcania, received him graciously and married his daughter Rhodogune to him. In 139/8, M. died in another raid into > Elymais. [13] M. Il Nephew of M. [12], son of > Artabanus [4] I, called ‘the Great’ on account of his great deeds (Just. 42,2,3). King of the Parthians from 124/3 until 88/7 BC. In his early years he fought the Scythian-Massagetian tribes, whose incursions severely damaged Parthian power under M.’s predecessors > Phraates II and Artabanus I. In 4122/1, + Hyspaosines was subjugated

(Strab. r1,14,15). Those years also saw the first contacts between the Romans and the Parthians, when M.’s envoy ~ Orobazus met with Cornelius [I 90] Sulla by the Euphrates (Vell. 2,24; Plut. Sulla 5). M. was again victorious over the Seleucids Antiochus [12] X and Demetrius [9] II, but had to defend his own position after the usurpation by Gotarzes I in 91. [14] M. III Son of > Phraates II], whom he and his brother + Orodes [2] II deposed in about 57 BC. In the subsequent struggle for the Parthian succession M., despite initial Roman help, was defeated by his brother, who had him executed in c. 55. [15] (Meherdates: Tac. Ann. 11,10; 12,10-14). Son of of > Vonones I living in Rome. He was nominated against > Gotarzes II by the Parthian nobility in about AD 48. At the beginning of 50, M. lost to his opponent, who made him incapable of ruling by cutting off his ears. ~» Parthia E. DaBrowa, Philhellén. Mithridate ler et les Grecs, in: Id. (ed.), Ancient Iran and the Mediterranean World (Electrum 2), 1998, 35-44; M. ScHotrky, Media Atropatene und Grofs-Armenien, 1989; Id., Gibt es Miinzen atropatenischer K6nige?, in: AMI 23, 1990, 211-227; Id., Parther, Meder und Hyrkanier, in: AMI 24, 1991, 61-134; esp. 94-99; 109-112; Stemma VII; H. WaLDMANN, Die hellenistische Staatenwelt im 2. Jahrhundert v.Chr. (TAVO B V 4), 1985; J. Wotsxi, L’Empire des Arsacides, 1993.

[16] M. 1 Callinicus of Commagene reigned 100-70 BC; founder of the Hierothesion (tomb sanctuary) of Arsamea [2] on the Nymphaeus. [17] M. If of Commagene Grandson of M. [16], son of -» Antiochus [16] I Theos. He ruled around 36-20 BC (Plut. Antonius 61; cf. Cass. Dio 52,43,1). [18] M. Ill Nephew (?) of M. [17]. In 20 BC he was appointed king of Commagene by Augustus (Cass. Dio

545953). F. K. Dorner, Der Thron der Gotter auf dem Nemrud

Dag, 31987; R. D. SuLtivan, The Dynasty of Commagene, in: ANRW II 8, 1977, 732-798; esp. 753-7633 775783.

[19] Iberian king at the time of Augustus (Cass. Dio 58,26,4). [20] Son of M. [19], designated king of Armenia by Tiberius and with the help of his brother, > Pharasmanes I of Iberia, brought to the throne by force in AD 35. Called to Rome by Caligula in 38 and imprisoned, he was set free by Claudius and sent back to Armenia, but was killed by his nephew Rhadamistus in 51. In Armenian documents the governments of M. and his successor converged into the reign of terror of the ‘bastard’ and ‘usurper’ Eruand.

85

86

MITHRIDATIC

WARS

und Grofs-Armenien,

Liv. per. 74; lust. 38,3,4). Aquillius incited (for his mo-

1989; Id., Dunkle Punkte in der armenischen K6nigsliste, in: AMI 27, 1994, 223-235; esp. 223ff.

tives [2. 8of.]) Nicomedes IV to a surprise attack on

M. ScHotrxy,

Media

Atropatene

[21] King of Atropatene, son-in-law of > Tigranes II of

Armenia. Together with the kings of Pontus and Armenia he fought the Romans in 67 BC (Cass. Dio 36,14,2). M.SCH. M. Scuortrky, Gibt es Miinzen atropatenischer Kénige?, in: AMI 23, 1990, 211-227; bes. 211-216; Id., Quellen

Pontus, which provoked Mithridates into reprisal (Cass. Dio fr. 99; App. Mithr. 3 5f.; lust. 38,5,10). Unlike Rome, Mithridates was well prepared. In 89/8 he succeeded in gaining the whole of Asia Minor,

seldom encountering resistance (Laodicea on the Lycus: Strab. 12,8,16; App. Mithr. 78; Magnesia [3] on the Sipylus: App. Mithr. 82; Rhodes: Memnon FGrH 434 F 1,22,8; App. Mithr. ro2ff.). In order to compromise

zur Geschichte von Media Atropatene und Hyrkanien in

Greek cities with Rome and bind them to him, Mithri-

parthischer. Zeit, in: J. WIESEHOFER

dates issued the order for the ‘Ephesian Vespers’ in the spring of 88: 80,000 Italians were killed in one day (Memnon FGrH 434 F 1,22,9; App. Mithr. 85f.; Plut.

(ed.), Das Parther-

reich und seine Zeugnisse, 1998, 435-472, eSp. 4513 465.

[22] M. Il The son and successor of > Pharasmanes [1] I as king of Iberia [1]. He is known chiefly through a Greek inscription (SEG 20, 1964, 112). It documents

Roman help in the construction of fortifications near Mtskheta in AD 75. The same rule is referred to by the Aramaic inscription of a pitiaxs (‘governor’) of the Ibe-

rian king Mrdat, son of Parsman. PIR* M 638. [23] M. If Among the princes gained as allies by ~ Traianus [1] for the Parthian War was the king of Iberia (Eutr. 8,3). His name is mentioned in a Greek inscription, which records the death of Amazaspus, the brother of the king M., in the year 115/6 (IGRI 192). He was presumably the son of M. [22] I and father of > Pharasmanes [2] II PIR* M 639. B. Meissner, A Belated Nation: Sources on Ancient Iberia

Sulla 24; Cass. Dio fr. 109,8). In the autumn of 88,

Mithridates sent across the Aegean two armies, which were received with open arms almost everywhere (but cf. Sparta and Thespiae, Memnon FGrH 434 F 1,22,10; App. Mithr. 112). In Athens a pro-Mithridatic regime was established under Aristion [1]. When — Cornelius [I 90] Sulla crossed the sea to Epirus in the spring of 87 to take up the fight with the king, Mithridates’ realm and sphere of influence had reached its greatest extent (cf. [7]). Sulla moved against Athens, besieged and conquered the city on 1 March 86 (App. Mithr. 116-155; Plut. Sulla 12-14; Strab. 9,1,20; Paus. 1,20,6f.; 9,7,4f.5 Liv. per. 81; Vell. 2,23,4-6; Eutr. 5,6,2; Oros. 6,2,5). Soon after that Pontic armies were annihilated at Chaeronea (spring.: App. Mithr. 161-176; Plut. Sulla 16-19;

and Iberian Kingship, in: Arch. Mitt. aus Iran und Turan

23; Eutr. 5,6,3; Oros. 6,2,5) and Orchomenus (autumn:

32, 2000, 177-206, esp. 190 f.

App. Mithr. 194-202; Plut. Sulla 21; Polyaen. 8,9,2;

M.SCH.

Liv. per. 82; Frontin. Strat. 2,3,17; Granius Licinianus 35,62-69 CRINITI; Eutr. 5,6,3; Oros. 6,2,6). Then Sulla

Mithridatic Wars Mithridatic Wars (MW) is the term for the military conflicts between Mithridates [6] VI

Eupator, the ruler of the kingdom of Pontus, and Rome. The wars each originated in Mithridates’ attempts to expand his domain in the manner of the Diadochi in Asia Minor and constantly led to conflicts with Rome, which did not wish to permit a concentration of power in the region. A. THE First MITHRIDATIC

WAR (89-85 BC)

B. THE SECOND MITHRIDATIC WAR (83-82 BC) C. THE THIRD MITHRIDATIC WAR (73-63 BC) A. THE First MITHRIDATIC WAR (89-85 BC)

It was out of the attempt by Mithridates after the death of Nicomedes [4] III (94) to pass over the legitimate successor, enthrone Nicomedes’ brother Socrates Chrestus and make a dependency of the Bithynian kingdom (> Bithynia) (App. Mithr. 32; 42; 232; Memnon FGrH 434 F 1,22,5; Iust. 38,3,4), that the Firsts MW developed (89-85; cf. [r1]). In 90 BC, a Roman legation under Aquillius [I 4] returned the two kings expelled by Mithridates, Nicomedes [5] IV and Ariobarzanes [3], to Bithynia and Cappadocia respectively, whereas Mithridates had his favourite Socrates disposed of and called back Ariarathes IX (App. Mithr. 33;

transferred the war to Asia Minor. With a haste dictated by internal politics (he had been proclaimed a public enemy (hostis publicus) in Rome, and from 86 -~» Flavius [I 6] Fimbria operated a competing popular army against Mithridates), in 85 he dictated to the king in Dardanus a peace treaty which was not fixed in written form and which restricted him in Asia Minor to Pontus and obliged him to pay contributions, supply 70 ships and hand over all prisoners and defectors (App. Mithr. 228-240; Strab. 13,1,27; Plut. Sulla 22; 24; Sertorius 23; Memnon FGrH 434 F 25,2; Liv. per. 83; Vell. Da2ee6))s

B. THE SECOND MITHRIDATIC WAR (83-82 BC)

The previous war had undermined the economic power of the kingdom and Mithridates’s royal authority to such an extent that Bosporus and Colchis broke free from the centre. In order to win them back the king had to rearm, but the purpose of these preparations could be misinterpreted as directed against Rome and gave Licinius [I 34] Murena, the propraetor of Asia, the opportunity to attack Mithridates (Cic. Manil. 9; App. Mithr. 265-267). ‘Second MW’ (deziteros ... pdlemos) was how Appian (Mithr. 264) described the raids car-

ried out by Roman troops on Pontus in 83/2. In 82 Mithridates managed to confront Murena and defeat

MITHRIDATIC

WARS

him. Mithridates was prevented from exploiting this victory by Sulla ordering Murena back (App. Mithr. 280; cf. Cic. Fam. 15,4,6). C. THE THIRD MITHRIDATIC WAR (73-63 BC)

Mithridates had been rearming with a purpose since 85 and meanwhile was also preparing diplomatically for a new conflict with Rome, having formed contacts with Tigranes, the Ptolemies, Sertorius in Spain and the

well-organised pirates operating throughout the Mediterranean. When Nicomedes [6] IV died in the year 75 and bequeathed his kingdom to the Romans, Mithridates declared the will counterfeit and in 73 autocratically installed a pretender with the name Nicomedes (V), who was challenged in turn by the Roman Senate as foisted on them. The first phase of the war (in 73/2) was determined by the unsuccessful siege of Cyzicus by Mithridates in conflict with Licinius [I 26] Lucullus (App. Mithr. 305325; Plut. Lucullus 9-11; Diod. 37,22b; Strab. 12,8,11; Sall. Hist. 3,26-37; Frontin. Strat. 3,13,6; Oros. 6,2,14-24). Mithridates ended up fleeing to Pontus (second phase: 72-70), where a static war developed. It has not been explained why he surrendered the fortress of Cabira in 71 and fled to > Tigranes (App. Mithr. 360-368; Plut. Lucullus 15-17; Memnon FGrH 434 F 1,30,1; Cic. Manil. 22; Sall. Hist. 4,12; Liv. per. 97).

With the fall of > Sinope and > Amasea in the summer of 70, the entire core of the Pontic lands was in Roman hands. Tigranes held Mithridates in captivity for 20 months (Memnon

88

87

FGrH 434 F 1,38,1), it seemed ap-

propriate to him to free Mithridates and install him in Pontus against the Romans. However, when Lucullus (third phase: 69-67) marched against Tigranes into Armenia, Tigranes needed Mithridates’s help and hence delayed him, but even Mithridates could not prevent either of the Armenian defeats at Tigranocerta (App. Mithr. 382-388; Plut. Lucullus 27f.; Memnon FGrH 434 F 1,38,4f.; Phlegon FGrH 257 F 12,10; Cass. Dio 36,1b,1; Frontin. Strat. 2,1,14; 2,4; Oros. 6,3,6) and

Artaxata (Plut. Lucullus 31; App. Mithr. 397) in 69. The winter of 68/7 put a halt to the progess of the Roman troops, but after a siege of several months nevertheless Nisibis fell. Meanwhile in the autumn of 68, Mithridates and 8,000 horse had broken through into Pontus (fourth phase: 68/7). After several successes he was soon master of his own house again and regained parts of Bithynia and Cappadocia (App. Mithr. 414; Plut. Lucullus 35; Cass. Dio 36,9,1; Cic. Manil. 5). In the spring of 66 (fifth phase: 66-63), > Pompeius took over command against Mithridates from Lucullus, whom the Roman troops refused to obey. Pompey pursued Mithridates through Armenia and was able to defeat and destroy him in the place which was to become the site of Nicopolis, founded by Pompey (App. Mithr. 458-462; Plut. Pompeius 32; Cass. Dio 36,4 8ff.; Eutr. 6,12,2; Fest. 16,1; Suda s.v. Mounioc; Oros. 6,4,6). Mithridates himself escaped and fled by way of Dioscurias (winter 66/5) to Phanagorea, where he

drove his son Machares to suicide. Here he prepared further undertakings against the Romans (cf. [9]). However there was a rebellion led by his son > Pharnaces, in the course of which Mithridates saw himself forced into suicide [1. 217-2825; 2. 145-1673 3. 4314353 4. 321-365 with note; 5. 2181-2198; 6. 313-410;

8}. The MW were of particular significance to Roman internal politics, and Sulla and Pompey acquired their powerful army clientela and their momentous foreign clientela in the East because of these conflicts. In terms of external politics, the connections with numerous states in the eastern Mediterranean promoted and successfully concluded during these wars were important to Rome, whether they were a matter of provincial organisation or simple client relationships. 1 L. BALLESTEROS Pastor, Mitridates Eupator, 1996

2

B. C. McGinc, The Foreign Policy of Mithridates VI Eupator, King of Pontus, 1986

3 E. OLSHAUSEN, s.v.

Pontos (2), RE Suppl. 15, 396-442 4 Macie GEYER, s.v. Mithradates (12), RE 15, 2163-2205

5 F. 6TH.

REINACH, Mithradates Eupator, 1895 (repr. 1973) 7TavoB V6 8 A. MAsTROCINQUE, Studi sulle guerre Mitridatiche (Historia Einzelschr. 124), 1999 9 H.SONNABEND, Ein Hannibal aus dem Osten? Die letzten Plane des Mithradates

VI. von

Pontos, in: U. FELLMETH,

H.

SONNABEND (ed.), Alte Geschichte FS E. Olshausen, 1998, 191-206.

E.O.

Mithridatium (MwWoddtt0ov; Mithriddtion). Hellenistic fortress at the point where the Alaca Cayi breaks through the basin of Alaca towards the north, modern Gerdekkaya (north east Galatia; formerly usually erroneously identified with + Kerkenes Dagi). Two rock tombs of the 3rd cent. BC; outer settlement until well into the Byzantine period. Fortress of > the Trocmi, given by Pompey in 65/4 BC, with the surrounding territory, to > Brogitarus (Str. 12,5,2); originally border fortress of the Pontic kingdom for controlling the region around Alaca, probably founded by Mithridates I, most likely in emulation of the nearby castle of Pazarli (sth to 4th cents.) [1. 142-148]. 1K. StRoBEL, Galatica I, in: Orbis Terrarum

131-153.

3, 1997,

K.ST.

Mithrobuzanes (MwWeofovtavyc; Mithrobouzanés). Son of > Zariadris of Sophene, who was at the court of Ariarathes V of Cappadocia when his father died (163 BC). Ariarathes rejected the proposal of Artaxias | (> Artaxias [1]) of Armenia to eliminate the sons of

Zariadris and to split Sophene between Armenia and Cappadocia, and helped M. to take up his throne (Diod. Sic. 31,22; Pol. 31,16). M. Scuotrxky, Media 1989, 196-199.

Atropatene und Grof-Armenien, M.SCH.

89

90

Mithropastes (MwWeontotnc; Mithropdstes). Son of the satrap Arsites of Phrygia Minor. M. fled from Darius III (+ Darius [3]) to the island of > Ogyris

with Aphrodite Urania of Ascalon, in Assyria with + Mylissa (Mylitta). Etymologically the name may be

(modern Masira) in the Red Sea before 330 BC, and from there to Mazenes, on the isle of Oaracta (modern Kism) in the Persian Gulf. When — Nearchus [2] landed

there in 325/4, they both joined him. M. pated in the subsequent journey across the during which he informed Nearchus about Ogyris, which he had visited (Nearchus,

then particiPersian Gulf, the island of FGrH 133 F

Ph 7s)

connected with métér (‘mother’). W. PREISENDANZ, s.v. Mitra (2), RE 15, 2220f.

.RE.

Mittani (Mitanni, Maittani). Country attested from c. 1500 to sometime in the 13th cent. BC in Upper Mesopotamia, called Naharina (from Semitic nahar, ‘river’)

in Egyptian

hieroglyphic

sources

and

Hanigalbat

(meaning unknown) in Akkadian sources. The oldest

H. Scuiwek, Der Persische Golf als Schiffahrts- und See-

handelsroute in achamenidischer Zeit und in der Zeit Alexanders des Grofsen, in: BJ 162, 1962, 4-97, especially iste M.SCH.

Mitra [1] (uiteo/mitra; witen/mitre). (1) According to Homer (Hom. Il. 4,137; 187; 216; 5,857) a piece of armour

worn to protect the lower body, identified by archaeological research with semicircular plates of bronze, dating from the early Archaic period and found particularly on Crete. Similarly, mitra is the name of a piece of armour worn by the — Salii (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,70; Plut. Numa 13,4). (2) Belt for young women (Theocr. 27,55, cf. ptteoxitwv/mitrochiton, Athen. 12,523d)

MITTENDARII

and goddesses

(Callim.

H.

1,120;

4,222,

Epigr. 39) and also for chariot racers, according to a late source (Anth. Pal. 15,44). (3) From the 7th cent. BC, mitra also meant a headband introduced from

Lydia and worn by girls (Alcm. 1,32; Sappho 98 a.b DIEHL; Plin. HN 35,58), by Orientals (Hdt. 1,195, cf.

e.g. Verg. Aen. 4,215), by Eros (Anac. fr. 28 DIEHL) and by hetairai (Poll. 4,151; 154). A victor’s band was called mitra as well (Pind. Ol. 9,82-84; Pind. Isthm. 5,62). It was especially connected with Dionysus (Diod. 44,4; Athen. 2,198d; Prop. 4,2,31), who hence bore the epithet ptenpdeod/mitréphoros. Mentioned as a sign of kingship as early as Hdt. 7,195 for the Cypriot kings, a mitra embellished with gold became an insignia of ruling power in Hellenism, equalling a > diddéema (Athen. 12,53 5f-536a, cf. Callim. H. 4,166). (4) In the sacral sphere, the dancers in the cult of > Cybele wore mitras, as did the priest of Heracles on Kos (Plut. Quest. 304C) and the high priest of the Jews (LXX Ex 29,6 and elsewhere). Later, mitras became insignia and head coyerings of the higher officials of the Eastern and Western Churches. H. BRANDENBURG, Studien zur Mitra: Beitrage zur Waffen- und Trachtgeschichte der Antike, 1966; Dadalische Kunst auf Kreta im 7. Jh. v.Chr., Ausstellung Hamburg 1970, 1970, 35-38; E. Prttz, Kalemaukion et Mitra, Insignes byzantins impérieaux et ecclésiastiques, 1977; R. TOLLE-KASTENBEIN, Zur Mitra in klassischer Zeit, in: RA

1977, 23-36; E. R. KNAUER, Mitra and Kerykeion. Some

Reflections on Symbolic Attributes in the Art of the Classical Period, in: AA 1992, 373-399.

[2] (Mitoa; Mitra). According to Hdt. 1,131 a Persian

goddess, allegedly adopted from Assyria. Identified

form of the name, Maittani, may be derived from the name of a person, Maitta. The centre of M. was the +» Habir region with the most important cities of WasSukkanni, Taide and Kahat. The dynasty of M. had a tradition of Indo-Aryan (throne) names and worshipped, among others, Indo-Aryan gods (Mitra, > Varuna, Indra, NaSatya); the historical background of this is still unclear. In the rsth and r4th cents: the kings of M. ruled a territory comprising — Kizzuwatna (Cilicia) and Central Syria in the west and Arrapha (Kirktk) and also briefly (around 1420) Assur in the east (‘M. Kingdom’). The kingdom of M. probably originated in the period around 1600. The decline of the Hittite Old Kingdom (+ Hattusa) after 1530 is probably linked to the expansion of M. Inthe rsthcent. M. had to defend itself for a time against Egyptian expansion, but also underwent two expansion phases under the kings Parrattarna (rst half 15th cent., expansion as far as the Mediterranean) and SauStattar (2nd half 15th cent., control over Kizzuwatna, conquest of Assur). In the 1380s M. formed a peace treaty with Egypt. From this period onwards the kings of M. (Artatama I, Suttarna II, ArtaSumara, Tus-

ratta) maintained an alliance with the pharaohs, which they secured by dynastic marriages. The re-strengthening of the Hittite kingdom under Suppiluliuma (probably after 1350) and Assyria under ASSur-uballit led to the collapse of M. in around 1335. The traditions of M. were continued in the 13th cent. in a much restricted area until it was ultimately conquered by the Assyrians. 1 G. WILHELM, s.v. Mittan(n)i, RLA 8, 286-296.

GE.W.

Mittendarii Officials on the staff of the comes sacrarum largitionum and the comes rerum privatarum (— comes), therefore belonging to the > palatini. Their principal task was to act as messengers in the provinces. They are first attested under > Theodosius I, who stipulated their conditions of rank and salaries (Cod. Theod. 6,30,2; table in [1. 124]), but they probably ex-

isted before that. The advancement rota consisted initially of two years and inthe sthcent. AD ofone year. A schola mittendariorum of the praefectus praetorio Africae existed in the 6th cent (Cod. lust. 1,27,30). The difference between a mittendarius and a singularius

may have been the fact that the mittendarius had two horses, the singularius only one.

MITTENDARII

1 R. DELMairRE, Les institutions du Bas-Empire romain de Constantin a Justinien, vol. 1: Les institutions civiles palatines, 1995, 124-126.

K.G.-A.

Mixed constitution In antiquity, there was no unequivocal term to refer toa MC [1. 18-26]. MC refers to the view that a political order is composed of elements of different constitutions, resulting in a constitutional form sui generis. A concept of MC presupposes the formation of the Greek typology of constitutions (with concepts like -» demokratia and ~ oligarchia) in late 5th cent. BC. Given the overthrow of numerous constitutions, the reflection about the advantages and disadvantages of political systems strove, from the very beginning, to answer the question which system would guarantee the greatest possible stability (Hdt. 3,80-83). The solution involving a MC was looked for in several models. Early forms of the first variant, which concentrates on the composition of a participating citizenry, were

developed at the end of the sth cent., as is implied by the praise of the Athenian ‘constitution of the 5000” in 411 as “balanced mixture” (uéteia obyxQaoid/meétria synkrasis) “of the few and the many” (Thuc. 8,97,2). In systematic form, it first occurs in Aristotle (Pol. 1294a 30-b 18). His reflections about a specific mixed form, called modwteia/politeia, consisting of democracy and oligarchy (eb pepetyOar dnuoxoatiav xal drvyaoylav/eu

memeichthai

92

91

demokratian

kai

oligarchian,

ibid.

1294b), start with the allocation of political rights; be it that a middle census should be elected, be it that the

actual exercise of political rights is to be influenced by combining typically democratic and typically oligarchic procedures: payment of allowances to poor citizens, coercing the wealthy into political participation by imposing fines, combination of voting and -> election by lot for the allocation of offices. This is based on the assumption that the political equality of all citizens would mean the rule ofthe ‘poor’, so that the chances of the ‘rich’ to participate had to be improved. The second variant of MC was modelled on the constitution of -» Sparta, which, because of its stability, presented the great exception and could not be subsumed under the usual types (Thuc. 1,18,1; Pl. Leg. 712d). The coexistence ephors of kings, ~ gerousia, (> éphoroi) and people’s assembly (> apélla) was understood as a balance of social interests, while the tension-filled relationship between the two kings, and between kings and ephors, was seen as a check on offices that would prevent the misuse of power and the resultant instability (Pl. Leg. 691d-692c; 712d-e; Aristot. Pol. 1265b 33-1266a 1; 1270b 5-35; 1271a 23-26; 1313a 23-33).

The development of the theory in Hellenistic times can not be reconstructed from the fragmentary records [2. 13-23, 70-84]. A comprehensive model of MC can be found in the historical works of > Polybius; to what extent the new elements go back to lost sources or represent his own view must remain an open question.

Polybius thinks the MC offers the chance to escape a ‘cycle of constitutions’ (politeion anakyklosis) which, as a law of nature, follows from the abuse of power by the current rulers (Pol. 6,3-9). MC is understood as a system of mutual control and co-operation between institutions. In Sparta, the interplay based on kings, gerousia (with a specific balancing function) and the people (the ephorate is ignored here) was put forward by Lycurgus [4] (Pol. 6,10,1-9). In Rome, the order based on consuls (+ consul; as holders of quasi-monarchic power), senate (—> senatus), people’s assembly (+ comitia) and people’s tribunes (— tribunus), was the result of experiences and conflicts of many generations (Pol. 6,10,12—14). Polybius uses this system for a de-

scription of the interweaving of powers between the institutions (Pol. 6,11-18), which not only enabled the

stability of the internal order, but also Rome’s success in foreign affairs (Pol. 6,1).

Cicero also prefers a MC (iuncta moderateque permixta conformatio rei publicae) over the three ‘simple’ constitutions (tribus primis generibus) (Cic. Rep. 1,69),

but he emphasises the integrative effect following from the institutional arrangements. The perfection of the MC in Rome resulting from the recognition of the people’s tribunate meant that the people’s claim for libertas (> freedom) was fulfilled without endangering the political leadership of senate and magistrate (Cic. Rep. 257-59; Cic. Leg. 3,15-17; 19-26). In the Imperial period, the concept was also applied to the > principate [3]. This mirrors a linguistic usage in which the concept of democracy was already stripped of its institutional content and merely referred to the success of governmental practice. For Tacitus 43351), a MC is a chimera.

(Ann.

In the history of European constitutional thought the theory of the checks between powers has become particularly influential. This theory made it possible to apply the insight derived from the Spartan and Roman examples, that the interweaving of power promotes stability, to other politico-constitutional contexts, or to convert this insight into normative claims. Of special importance is the implicit change in the concept of democracy. Already in the ancient models of this type of MC, ‘democracy’ does not stand for the participation of the whole citizenry in the political decision-making process, but for the involvement of ephors and people’s tribunes, who are regarded as representatives of the people. However, a theory of political representation was not developed in antiquity. -» Mixed constitution 1 W. Nipret, Mischverfassungstheorie und Verfassungsrealitat in Antike und friiher Neuzeit, r980 2G. J. D. AALDERS, Die Theorie der Gemischten Verfassung im Altertum, 1968 3C. Carsana, La teoria della ‘costituzione mista’ nell’eta imperiale romana, 1990. WN.

Mixoparthenos

(M(e)iEoxue0evoc;

nos). Mythical mixed creature:

M(e)ixoparthe-

half girl, half snake,

identical to > Echidna. Apart from that, M. is also used

MNASITIMUS

95

94

as an epithet of the > Sphinx (Eur. Phoen. 1023; Hdt. 4,9,1) and > Scylla (Lykophr. 669). LK.

Mnasiades (Mvaousdy¢/Mnasiddés). Son of Polycratus, from Argos, athlete, eponymous priest of Alex-

Mnasalces (Mvaodixn¢; Mnasdlkés) of Sicyon. One of the epigrammatists in Meleager’s ‘Garland’ [8] (Anth. Pal. 4,1,16), probably around 250 BC. He is attributed with 18 poems: dedicatory (ibid. 6,110: more likely by > Leonidas [3] of Tarentum), funerary (ibid. 7,488 = PK6ln 204: this papyrus possibly contained a collection dedicated exclusively to M.) and epideictic epigrams, all of which are mainly modelled on those of > Anyte. In 17 G.-P. (cf. Ath. 4,163a) M. reworks the subject of one of Asclepiades’s epigrams (Anth. Pal. 7,145) and shows familiarity with the Stoic > Cleanthes [2]. The epitaph dedicated to him by > Theodoridas (Anth. Pal. 13,21) suggests that M. may also have been the author of lost works in a bombastic dithyrambic style. GA I.1, 140-44; 2,400-413; M. GRONEWALD, Epigramme des Mnasalkes, in: Kolner Papyri 5, 1985, 22-32; A. CAMERON, The Greek Anthology: From Meleager to

Planudes, 1993, 3, 32f., 391f.; K. J. GUTZWILLER, Poetic Garlands. Hellenistic Epigrams in Context, 1998, 31, 45f.

M.G.A.

ander in 218/7 BC, father of > Polycrates (PP II 2172, VI 15065). PP IX 5200b. W. CLARYSSE, G. VAN DER VEKEN, The Eponymous Priests

of Ptolemaic Egypt, 1983, 15.

W.A.

Mnasicles (Mvaowdt\c; Mnasiklés). Attic poet of New Comedy, who was given the task of composing an inscription in honour of the technitai of Dionysus (c. 130 BC) [1]. His entire work has been lost. jc = 1 PCG

1989. 15,

T.HI.

Mnasilochus (Mvacihoyoc; Muasilochos). Athenian, in 411 BC 4rchon during the oligarchic regime of the 400 (— tetrakosioi). After two months in office dismissed by the 5000 (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 33,1; 1G I’ 373,2). Probably identical with the Mnesilochus mentioned by Xenophon (Hell. 2,3,2), one of the 30 tyrants of 404/3. PA 10324; TRAILL, PAA 656955.

WSS.

Mnaseas (Mvaoéac; Mnaséas).

Mnasippus

[1] Phocian, father of Aristotélous hetairos (‘compan-

sent in 373 BC as nauarchos with a fleet against Cercyra, besieged the city and devastated its territories. The Athenians sent a fleet to the aid of Cercyra in 372, but by the time they arrived M. had already lost control of his mercenaries, owing to arrears in pay, and had been defeated. He fell in battle; Sparta discontinued the operation (Xen. Hell. 6,2,3-26; 31; Diod. 15,47,1-7)

ion of > Aristoteles [6]’) Mnason (Timaeus FGrH 566

F 11; Aristot. Pol. 1304a to-14). Aristotle says the cause of the Third > ‘Sacred War’ was a dispute between M. and Euthycratus over an heiress, but this explanation (probably originating from Mnason) is considered inadequate. After the death of > Onomarchus, in 352/1 BC Phayllus appointed M. guardian of -» Phalaecus and stratégds, but he was killed shortly afterwards during a nocturnal attack by the Boeotians (Diod. 16,38,6f.). J. Buck er, Philip Il and the Sacred War, 1989, 18f., 98.

(Mvéoutnocd/Mndsippos).

Spartan,

was

[1.414]. 1 W. K. PritcHertt, The Greek State at War, vol. 5, 1991.

WS.

Mnasitimus (Mvaoitytoc/Mnasitimos).

[2] Periegetic writer (3rd cent. BC) from Patara in Lycia

[1] Greek painter from Rhodes

(cf. P Oxy. 1611 col. 1, 127ff.), probably a pupil of -» Eratosthenes [2] of Cyrene (cf. Suda s.v. *Eoatoobévy¢/Eratosthénés). M. wrote a work entitled Heoimhouc (Periplous) or Meoumyioeis (Peribégeseis), consisting of several books, in which, arranged according to geographical areas (Europe, Asia, Libya), myths and Oavudova/thaumdsia (‘miracle stories’) are interpreted in a rational, euhemeristic way ([{1], on this [2; 3. 39-40]). Parallel tradition supports the belief that M. took his sometimes far-flung material from good, reliable sources [4. 2251-2252]. M.’s second work, a collection of oracles, probably had the appropriate title of Heol yonoudv (Peri Chrésmon). — Eratosthenes [2]

cent. BC (?), mentioned by Plin. HN 35,146 as a rather

1FHG3,149-158 2FHG4,6s59ff. 3H.J. Metre, Die kleinen griechischen Historiker heute, in: Lustrum 21, 1978, 5-43

4R. LAQueurR, s.v. Mnaseas (6), RE 15,

2250-2252.

GR.DA.

(?) of the later 3rd

second-rate painter. Provenance and date can only be inferred by genealogical conclusions from other artists of this name; nothing is known of his work. G. LipPpoLp, s.v. Mnasitimos (1), RE 15, 2256f.

N.H.

[2] Various sculptors from one Rhodian family. The reconstructed family tree contains six generations from the 4th to the 2nd cents. BC. According to the evidence of several extant bases with signatures, an older M., son and pupil of the painter Aristonidas (Plin. HN 35,146), was active around 285-240 BC, sometimes in collabo-

ration with his son Teleson. His grandson M., son of Teleson, in turn worked with his son, the younger Teleson, between 244 and 215 BC. The last M., son of the younger Teleson, is attested by signatures as a sculptor around 180-170 BC. The extant bases, a total of 13, show, as far as recognisable, bronze statues of priests or victors.

MNASITIMUS

95

OVERBECK, Nr. 2026, 2027; LoEwy, Nr. 181-184, 197; LiPPOLD, 307, 360, 375; A. Di Vita, s.v. Mnasitimos (2), (4), (5), EAA 5, 1963, 127; V. C. GOODLETT, Rhodian

Sculpture Workshops, in: AJA 95, 1991, 669-681.

Mneme

(Mvjun/Mneme,

RN.

lat. Memoria). In literary

sources, starting with the Hellenistic period, personified > memory, with Lethe as its counterpart (Anth. Pal. 10,67). M. is largely identical to + Mnemosyne (Phil. De plantatione 129 WENDLAND), but is rarely more than an abstraction (cf. relief of Homer by Archelaus [9] of Priene, where she is portrayed next to Physis, Arete, Pistis and Sophia [1]). In Ascra, the cult association of the — Aloads worshipped her, together with Melete (‘diligence’) and Aoide (‘song’), as a > Muse (Paus. 9,29,2). In the magical papyrus P Lond. 46,115 (= 5,416 PREISENDANZ) she is invoked as the mother of + Hermes and in Pl. Euthd. 275cd instead of the Muses. 1 O. E. GHIANDONI, s.v. Mneme, LIMC 6.1, 628f.

Cw.

Mnemon (Mvijuwv; Mnemon). [1] Slave of + Achilles [1] whose sole responsibility it was to warn his master not to kill any of Apollo’s offspring as he was predestined to die soon thereafter. He forgets to issue the warning when Achilles is fighting ~ Cycnus [2] and > Tennes and is consequently put to death (Lycoph. 240-242 with schol. ad loc.; Plut. Quaest. Graec. 28).

LK.

[2] s. > Artaxerxes [2] II

Mnemones (viywovec/mnemones). Literally ‘memorizers’; the term goes back to the pre-literary era (from c. 700 BC) and refers to the keeper of the archive of a Greek polis, usually called yeadets/grapheus, ‘writer’. (In a sacral context Aristot. Pol. 1321 b 34 lists —+ hieromnemones as well). The term xatd&xoov katakooi, “listener” [2. 218], goes back to the pre-literary era as well, whereas the term mowtxaottc/poinikastds, ““someone who knows the Phoenician letters” [1. 180 f.], attests to a nascent literacy. Since the sth and 4th cents. BC, mneémones have been documented through inscriptions in Gortyn, Halicarnassus and Iasus [5], sometimes in the context of registering land transactions. In the Hellenistic and Roman periods the activity of the mnémones is well attested on Paros and Thasos [4]. The regulation, mentioned by Theophrastus (Laws, chapter Symbolaia), that documents concerning sale of land had to be registered, as well as the early Hellenistic register from Tenos (IG XII 5, 872), indicate that it was the job of the mnemones to protect the evidential value of private documents by archiving them. Archives are also attested for Priene, Andros(?), Hierapolis [1] and Myra, the latter two dating to the Imperial period. The mmemones in [5. 8] (16/5 BC) have Hellenistic models and are already equated with > agoranomoi [3. 25 f., 86].

96

1 R. Koerner, Vier friihe Vertrage zwischen Gemeinwesen und Privatleuten auf griechischen Inschriften, in: Klio 63,1981,179-206 2IPArk 3 WoLrr 4M. WOrRLE,

Ein hellenistisches Urkundenwesen von in: Chiron 13, 1983, logue of the Greek

Reformgesetz tiber das 6ffentliche Paros, 8.2: Das Mnemonat in Paros, 328-345 5A. S. Hunt (ed.), CataPapapyri in the J.Rylands Library,

Manchester, vol. 2, 1915.

Gin

Mnemonics A. MEMORIA

AS PART OF THE RHETORICAL

SYSTEM

B. MNEMONICS

A. MEMORIA AS PART OF THE RHETORICAL SYSTEM In Graeco-Roman antiquity, a speech was supposed to be delivered from memory, i.e. without written aids (exception: Cicero’s speech to the Senate on his return from exile; he merely prefaced it with some improvised words of thanks, Cic. Planc. 74). Recall of phrases, thoughts, and arguments of the rhetorical system were also indispensable for the orator: memoria, the ‘treasure-house of recollection’, is the foundation of every form of rhetoric (Cic. Inv. 1,9; Rhet. Her. 3,28). On that basis, memory is one of the five > partes orationis (development phases of the speech; e.g. Quint. Inst. 35351). This lofty theoretical position of the capacity for recollection led to rhetoricians becoming concerned with memory and also with techniques of, and aids to, learning by heart. The mnemonics developed in this way, which continue to have influence today (> Mnemonics), demonstrate a complete and technically welldeveloped system of memorization and recall that adapts the material in question thoroughly and comprehensively to the structure of memory [1. 1]. B. MNEMONICS

The initial steps in techniques of mnemonics in Greece are attributed to > Simonides of Ceos, > Hippias [5] and, in particular, + Theodectas [1. 38-104]; more detailed theoretical texts, however, are not found until the Roman rhetoricians (Rhet. Her. 3,28-40; Cic. De or. 2,3 50-360; Quint. Inst. 11,2,1-26). They all distinguish between memoria naturalis (natural memory)

and memoria artificiosa (artificial memory). Another common feature in their expositions is the concept of a‘ topography’ of memory, so that in rote learning loci (places) and imagines (images) can be distinguished. The poet Simonides is reputed to have been the first to recognise the link between order and memory (Cic. De or. 2,351; Quint. Inst. r1,2,11): broken up into units

and following a distinct order, these places are, as it were, the reusable support structure for every process of memorization. You might, for example, think of a house with several rooms, or the districts of a city, where, for the rhetorician, the /oci correspond to thoroughly familiar and real places (and therefore fixed by memoria naturalis). However, it is also possible to invent such a place (although this complicates the process of learning by heart).

oY

98

To those loci are allocated the personally created, distinctive and unambiguous images that are a symbolic and emblematic expression of a particular object (e.g. an anchor for navigation, a sword for a war). This production of images (the strategy of which can be seen extending into modern advertising) exploits all qualities and mechanisms of the tropes (— tropus) and will also invoke etymology and phonetics as aids. The loci

others mention representations of M. [1]. Since the Muses are intricately connected with memory, especially the remembrance of the deeds of heroes and gods (Hom. Il. 2,488 ff.), their mother M. is of fundamental importance for all poetry looking back to the past. Therefore Hermes honours her in H. Hom. 4,29 f. as the inspiration for his theogony. In modern times, M. has become a fundamental philosophical theme in HeceEv (‘Phanomenologie des Geistes’, 1807), HO1DERLIN (‘M.’, 1803) and HEIDEGGER (‘Was heifSt Denken?’, 1952/54) [2].

and imagines are combined in memory, as the images

are visually referenced against the places, with the result that a linguistic and visual synaesthesia is developed. The difficulty with this method lies in the fact that the memory is at one and the same time a tool of memory, and that is why comparisons with written notes (e.g. Rhet. Her. 3,30) do not hold up. Even if this method is principally designed to help the memory out with words and meanings, the highly complicated use of mnemonics to memorize lines of verse, as the Rhet. Her. 3, 34 recommends, seems to have been based on a misunderstanding by the anonymous author. Quint. Inst. 11,2,23ff., on the other hand, recommends mnemonics primarily for learning sequences by heart; in dealing with the regular text, one should in his opinion rely primarily upon natural memory and conventional techniques of memorization (reading aloud, writing down,

etc.). Even if for Rome virtuoso feats of memory have been authenticated (Hortensius, Seneca the Elder: Sen. Controv. 1, pr. 2; pr. 19) and mnemonics assume a prominent place with the rhetoricians, it is impossible to estimate how widespread these techniques were. Compilations of memory artists in Sen. Controv. 1, pr. passim; Quint. Inst. 11,2,50f.; Plin. HN 7,88-90. -» Partes orationis; > Rhetorica ad Herennium; — Rhetoric; > Mnemonics 1H. Brum, Die antike Mnemotechnik,

1969

2F. L.

MULLER, Kritische Gedanken zur antiken Mnemotechnik und zum Auctor ad Herennium, 1996. CW.

MNESARCHUS

1 O. E. GHIANDONI, s.v. Mnemosyne, LIMC 6.1, 629-630 2 R. MEYER-KALKuS, P. STEMMER, s.v. Mneme, Mnemo-

syne, HWdPh 5, 1141-1444. S. EITREM, s.v. Mnemosyne, RE 15, 2265f.

Cw.

Mnesarchus (Mvijoaexoc; Mneésarchos).

[1] Father of > Pythagoras (6th and early 5th cents. BC), whose historicity seems certain (cf. Heracl. fr. 17 MarcovicH and Hdt. 4,95,1), even if the tradition is contradictory and sometimes legendary. M. is some-

times described as a Samian gem cutter (Diog. Laert. 8,1; Apul. Flor. 15; cf. Porph. Vita Pythagorica 1; [1]), sometimes as a merchant from the Tyrrhenian island of Lemnos who had settled on Samos (Neanthes FGrH 84 F 29a = Porph. ibid. 2; cf. Aristox. fr. 1ra WEHRLI = Diog. Laert. 8,1; also Antonius Diogenes p. 132 STEPHENS-WINKLER = Porph. ibid. ro; [2]); another version has him as a Syrian who saved Samos from a famine (Neanthes |.c. = Porph. ibid. r). 1 N. DEMAND, Pythagoras, Son of Mnesarchus, in: Phronesis 18, 1973, 91-96 2A. FRASCHETTI, Aristarco e le origini tirreniche di Pitagora, in: Helikon 15-16, 1975-76, 424f. K. von Fritz, s.v. Mnesarchos (3), RE 15, 2270-2272.

[2] Allegedly a son of > Pythagoras and > Theano (cf. Suda s.v. Theano), who, together with his mother and

Mnemosyne (Mvynootvn/Mnémosyne, Latin Moneta; Liv. Andronicus, Odusia fr. 21 MoOrREL-BUCHNERBLANSDORF). Goddess of - memory (cf. - Mneme).

As a daughter of > Uranus and > Gaia M. belongs to the oldest generation of Titans (Hes. Theog. 135), who represent cosmic and social concepts. After spending nine nights with > Zeus, she became the mother of the nine > Muses who bring human beings joy and temporary light-heartedness (Hes. Theog. 54 ff.; Pind. Nem. 7,15; Pind. Isthm. 6,75). Parallels to Zeus’s other love affairs (Hes. Theog. 901 ff.) show M. is a true goddess and not a mere personification. M. was worshipped in cult, especially together with the Muses (near Eleutherai on the Cithaeron: Hes. Theog. 54; at a spring near the river Hercynnum: Plin. HN 31,15; in Athens: Paus. I,2,5; private cult and offerings: Ath. 11,503 f.). There is also evidence that she was integrated into the cults of + Asclepius (Piraeus: IG II 1651) and — Trophonius (Lebadea: Paus. 9,39,8; 9,39,13). Paus. 8,47,3 (Tegea) and Plin. HN 35,143 (painting by Simonides) amogn

his brother Telauges, succeeded his father as principal of the School, according to Euseb. Praep. Evang. 10,14,14. Yet according to Anon. Photii p. 237,14f. THESLEFF = Phot. bibl. 249, 7 p. 126,28-30 HENRY he died young. — Pythagorean School [3] M. of Athens. Stoic philosopher, active in the nineties of the first cent. BC, often paired with > Dardanus [3] in our sources. A pupil of > Panaetius (Cic. de Orat. 1,45) and perhaps of > Diogenes [15] of Babylon [r. col. 51]. Writings are mentioned by Cicero (Cic. Fin. 1,6); we know of views on rhetoric (Cic. De orat. 1,83), psychology (ps.-Gal. Historia Philosophiae 24 = DrELs, DG 615), god (Stob. 1,35 = Diets, DG 303) and the categories (Stob. 1,179 = Diets, DG 463). 1 T. Doranpi (ed.), Filodemo, Storia dei filosofi: La stoa da Zenone a Panezio, 1994. B..

99

itete)

Mnesibulus (MvyoipovAod/Mnésiboulos). [1] The Athenian M. was involved after 356 BC ina lawsuit for false testimony (— pseudomartyrias diké) on behalf of his brother-in-law Theophemus in an ear-

The main part of the Propylaea resembles a hexastyle amphiprostyle (+ Temple) in the Doric order; it was adapted to the upward-sloping terrain as well as to its function as an entrance hall. The extension of the central bay, through which the three-metope system as a frieze variation was newly introduced, relates to the latter; the mezzanine-style terracing between western and eastern facades can be attributed to the former. The lavish passageway which is accompanied by Ionic columns is an innovation whose forms and proportions served as models for subsequent ages. M. has been shown to have been one of the most important architects of his time [1. 180-184], not least because of the supreme ease with which he coped with complex demands and because ofthe grand design of the internal space. The Stoa of Zeus Eleutherios on the Athenian Agora may perhaps also be attributed to him [3. 527]. + Athens II.1. (with map of Acropolis); > Gates; porches

MNESIBULUS

lier atkeia suit (> aikeias diké) (cf. Dem. Or. 47,5 and

53 = Apollodoros; Din. fr. 97 CONOMIs). ~ Apollodorus [1]; + Demosthenes [2] DAVIES, 225-226; PA 10265; TRAILL, PAA 655710.

[2] Athenian

from the deme of Acharnae, was con-

demned at first before 324/3 BC, but then reprieved by the people because of his ‘moderate way of life’ (sophrosyné tou biou) and his merits (Dem. Epistulae 324-26). J. A. GOLDSTEIN (ed.), The Letters of Demosthenes, 1968, 221 und 223; PA 10268; TRAILL, PAA 655735. JE.

[3] from Elatea (Phthiotis); victor at the 23 5th Olympic Games (AD 161) in the sprint (> Stadion) and in the

armed race and successful in both disciplines at the four great sports festivals (— Periodos, Periodonikes) ({1. 868-869]; cf. IG IX 1,146). By also being victorious in the armed race in the Eleutheria at Plataeae he

became Gouvotos “EAMov/daristos Hellénon (‘the best of the Greeks’) [2]. M. fell in battle against the + Costoboci (Paus. 10,34,5). 1L. Moretti, Olympionikai, 1957 2L. ROBERT, Recherches épigraphiques, in: REA 31, 1929, 13-20.

W.D.

Mnesicles (MvyoxAfic; Mneésiklés). [1] Greek architect of the classical period. His chief work are the Propylaea on the Athenian Acropolis, begun in 437 BC and prematurely discontinued at the outbreak of the > Peloponnesian War in 431 BC (Plut. Pericles 13). The forms and proportions of the architecture of the Propylaea show that M. acquired his skills among the masons of the Parthenon. While the Propylaea remained unfinished and their original design had to be altered owing to conflicting local interests, the original design can nevertheless be discerned: the original plan was for a long, three-winged structure to encompass the entire western side of the Acropolis. As well as the actual gate building, the project included side structures extending on either side and two wings in the shape of megaron temples protruding to the west. The side structures were never built and of the southern wing only the fagade. Opposite the northern wing, the so-called Pinakotheke, a reception are is created in front of the actual Propylon. The Propylon itself stands above an earlier structure which was destroyed during the Persian Wars. In contrast to it, M. rotated the axis of movement so far to the east that, once the gateway has been passed, the gaze of the visitor first falls upon the > Parthenon. It is perceived diagonally, as a three-dimensional structure [2. 4-7]. This supports the argument that M. had probably participated in the conception of an overall plan for the Acropolis (IG I? 91/92).

1 G. GRuUBEN, Die Tempel der Griechen, 1980 2G. P. STEVENS, The Setting of the Periclean Parthenon (Hesperia Suppl. 3), 1940 3 Travios, Athen J. A. BunpGaarp, M. A Greek Architect at Work, 1957; W. B. DinsMoor Jr., Preliminary Planning of the Propylaia by Mnesicles, in: Le dessin d’architecture dans les sociétés antiques, Conference Strasbourg 1984 (1985),

135-147; E. Fasricius, s.v. M. (3), RE 15, 2275f.; W. MU tter, Architekten in der Welt der Antike, 1989, 179181; H. Svenson-Evers, Die griechischen Architekten archaischer und klassischer Zeit, 1996, 252-267

(with

further bibliography); C. TiBERI, Mnesicle, l’architetto dei Propilei, 1964;J.A. K. DE WAELE, The Propylaia of the Acropolis in Athens. The Project of Mnesicles,

1990.

H.KN.

[2] Athenian of the 4th cent. BC; a wealthy leaseholder of a mine, from the Collytus deme. He played a key role in a diké metalliké of Pantaenetus against Euergus and Nicobulus (Dem. Or. 37,4-7). As a council member in 346/5, he was charged with the supervision of the shipyards (IG II* 1622,420). DEVELIN, no. 2022; PA 10314; SCHAFER, Beilagen, 1885,

201-207; Traill, PAA 656815, cf. 656820.

[3] Athenian of the 4th cent. BC, who was a notorious ~> sycophant, according to two speeches (biased against him) attacking Boeotus in the Demosthenian corpus (cf. Dem. Or. 39,2 and 40,9). PA 10307; TRAILL, PAA 656695.

JE.

Mnesilochus (Mvnoiioyoc/Mnésilochos). [1] See > Mnasilochus [2] Father-in-law of — Euripides [1], of the deme of Phlya. In our sources, the daughter’s name varies between Choerile and Melito. In the hypothesis to Aristophanes’ ‘Thesmophoriazousai’ the kédéstés (close relative) of Eupolis is incorrectly identified with M. (also in manuscript R). U. v. WiLaMowitTz-MoELLENDOREFF, kles 1 1895, 7.

Euripides,

Hera-

102

Io!

[3] Second son of > Euripides [1]. Actor, said to have collaborated with Socrates on a Phrygian drama by Euripides (Diog. Laert. 2,18). B.Z.

Mnesimachus (Mvyoicyoc; Mnésimachos). [1] A comic poet whom both Athenaeus and the Suda attribute to Middle Comedy [1. test. 1, 2]. His name is on the victors’ list of the Lenaean festival, immediately after Antiphanes [r. test. 3], and his creative period extends from the 360’s into the 340’s BC [2]. We still have the titles of seven of his plays: “AAxwatwv (or -éwv), Bovowtc, Avoxorog, ‘Inmoteddos, Iobuwovinnys, Pagua-

xonmdns, Pidinmos (Alkmaion/éon, Bousiris, Dyskolos,

Hippotrophos, Isthmionikées, Pharmakopoles, Philippos). By far the longest fragment (fr. 4) consists of a lengthy sequence of anapaests (65 verses) about a host or chef boasting about a forthcoming banquet [3. 274—276]. 1PCG7, 1989, 16-26

2278f. 3 H.-G. Komddie, 1990.

2A.KoerTE,s.v.M. (2), RE15,

NESSELRATH,

Die attische Mittlere T.HI.

[2] M. from Phaselis, Greek grammarian who must have lived between the times of > Charon [3] of Lampsacus and - Eirenaeus [1] [1]. He is mentioned in

three scholia on Apollonius [2] Rhodius (2,477; 2,1015; 4,1412) in a text about the Scythians (Ile DnvO Ov; Peri Skythén) and the ‘classifications’ (Auaxoouo; Didkosmot). The latter contains a catalogue of nymphs, in which a passage about the tree nymphs (viudat &uadevdadsec; nymphai hamadryddes) has been preserved in the scholion on 2,477. (EAB UxeS- Vo Vina) Es es. 20%7G.

MB.

Mnesiphilus (Mvnoidtioc/Mnésiphilos). Athenian from the deme of Phrearrii. Immediately before the battle of > Salamis (480 BC), he advised > Themistocles

to assert his influence with the allies in order to prevent their planned retreat to the Isthmus. Later writers generally regarded M. as a teacher of practical wisdom in the tradition of > Solon and as an adviser and friend of Themistocles (Plut. Themistocles 2,6; Plut. Mor. 79 5c). 14 ostraka from the Kerameikos show that in 487/6 BC M. was nominated for ostrakophoria (see > ostrakismos). Whether he himself was politically active or was regarded with suspicion because of his connections with Themistocles must remain a matter for conjecture. F, J. Frost, Themistocles and Mnesiphilus, in: Historia 20, 1971, 20-25; PA 10385; TRAILL, PAA 657855.

MNIZUS

the deeds of Antiochus the Great than with the entire history of the Syrian kings’ [1]. Because of the many trivial details about the court in his writings, he was ridiculed in comedy (cf. Ath. 10,40 p. 432be = T 2). 1 FGrH 164 with commentary.

K.MEI.

Mnesitheus

(Mvyoi8e0c; Mnésitheos). Athenian doctor, fl. 350 BC. His tomb was seen by Paus. (1,37,4). He was wealthy enough to erect statues and was one of the dedicators of the beautiful ex-voto inscription to Asclepius IG II? 1449. He is frequently associated with + Dieuches [x]; he wrote extensively about — dietetics including diets for children, and is counted amongst the more important Dogmatic physicians (> Dogmatists) [1]. Galen ascribes to him a logical classification of illnesses that follows Plato’s method (fr. 10,11 BERTIER). He believed in the importance of humours (fr. 12-16 BERTIER), though he regarded these as nutriment rather than as constituent elements of the body. 1 J. BERTIER (ed.), Mnésithée et Dieuchés, 1972.

V.N.

Mnevis (Egyptian mr-w7r) is the name ofthe holy bull of Heliopolis [1], which was worshipped in an animal selected for certain features (black coat, hair against the grain, particularly large testicles). The bull Onouphis (Ovovgics; Egyptian Wnun-nfr, a designation of Osiris) described in Ael. NA 12,11 may therefore have been a form of M. Theologically M. was considered the soul (ba) of the > Sun God and its herald (corresponding entirely to the relationship of the — apis bull to Ptah). The cow goddess Hesat was regarded as its mother. The name M. is first attested in the coffin texts of the Middle Kingdom, but in the pyramid texts of the Old Kingdom there is mention ofa ‘Bull of Heliopolis’. Manetho dates the beginning of its cult in the 2nd Dynasty, but the cult (to which a herd of M. also belongs) is attested only from the 18th Dynasty, the burials of the bulls (north of Heliopolis) only from the r9th Dynasty. In this period the form and organisation of the cult are in all probability already largely comparable to those of Apis of Memphis. Both had prominent status among the Egyptian animal cults (Str. 17,803). After its death M. (like

Apis) became > Osiris. Its burial was celebrated with extended festivities (Diod. 1,84). There are also occasional reports of sacrilege against M. (Ael. NA 11,11). > Bull cults L. KAxosy, s.v. M., LA 4, 165-167; E. Orro, Beitrage zur Geschichte

der Stierkulte

in Agypten,

1938,

34-40.

KJ-W.

ES.-H.

Mnizus (Mvitoc/Mnizos). Way station, later a town, on

Mnesiptolemus (MvyourtoAeuoc/Mnésiptolemos). Son of Calliarchus from Cyme, a city in Asia Minor (IG XI 697), Greek historian at the court of king > Antiochus [5] Ill of Seleucia (222-187 BC). In his Historia, now completely lost, he was ‘probably more concerned with

the road from Nicaea to Ancyra (Cod. Theod. 9,40,16; 95453), 8 km to the west of modern-day Ayas. It was a suffragan bishopric from AD 451 until sometime in the 12th cent. BELKE, 207.

K.ST.

MOAB, MOABITIS

Moab,

Moabitis

(Hebrew

m06?ab;

Egyptian

103

104

m23b;

Greek Xauws (Chamos; 1 Kg 11:33; 2 Kg 23:13 et passim) with his wife *‘Asta/or, according to KAI 181,17

Akkadian ma-?-a-ba, ma-~a-ba, mu-a-ba; LXX Mwaf/

Moab; Jos. Ant. Iud. 1,205 Mwafoc/Moabos; Ios. passim Mwapita/Moabitai). Term for a land, state and people to the east of the Dead Sea between ~ Ammon [2] in the north and — Edom in the south. The earliest evidence is found in Egyptian texts of Ramses II, in a relief with inscription at the Temple of Luxor, and then primarily in the OT, in inscriptions of the Moabite king MeSa (KAI 181) and in Neo-Assyrian sources. The etymology of the name is doubtful. Settlement has been proved as early as the Palaeolithic, continuous from late Bronze Age B until Iron Age I. In the late Bronze Age, M. was still outside cultural urbanisation and was presumably settled by nomads (Egyptian $3sw). Excavations in Aroér, Bala‘, Dibon, -» Medaba and al-Mudayyina confirm the independent development of M. within the Syro-Palestinian smallstate formations of the Iron Age. Moabite rule com-

“Strkms, ‘the ‘AStar of Km8’. His sanctuary was at Oryt (KAI 181,13), modern Hirbat Qurayya ‘Ulayyan(?). Personal names in an Aramaic inscription of the 3rd cent. BC from al-Karak record the worship of the god even after the fall of the state. Ks is presumably one of the group of weather deities; a chthonic origin could be assumed, if the identification of Nergal with a 'Ka-am-mus/ mu-us [1. 33, 66] referred to Kms. Evidence from Ebla (*Ka-mi/mi-is) and Ugarit (Zz-w-Kmt;

Tz-w-Kmt; Zz-w-Kmd) are unclear. 1 L. W. Kine, Cuneiform Texts from the British Museum 24, 1908.

J. M. Miter, s.v. M., Anchor Bible Dictionary 4, 1992, 882-893; S. TIMM, s.v. M., Neues Bibel-Lexikon 2, 1995, 826-829; M. WEIPPERT, s.v. M., RLA 8, 318-325 (with

bibliography).

TH.PO.

prised a tribal society (‘People of Gad’, KAI 181,10),

with national and tribal boundaries not always being identical (Dibon, Moabite Qrhh, as the periphery of the land of Daibon, the modern Tall Diban). After the collapse of the union of Israel and Judaea in about 930 BC, M. emerged as an independent nation state. The earliest ruler of M. we know of, however, is recorded only for the early 9th cent. BC as KmSyt in the inscription (KAI 181) of his son and successor Mesa

(Mosi’) written in the Moabite language. The inscription — dedicated to the Moabite national god Kemos — contains detailed information on the history of M. Historically, in comparison with 1 Kg 3, the inscription indicates that the population was alternately under Moabite or Israelite rule. The northern border of M. with Israel was the Arnon (Nm 21,13; Ri 11,18); however, it is more likely that this statement reflects a shortlived conquest of this region by Omri and Ahab of Israel. MeSa conquered the Israelite region and consolidated the young state by expanding the province of Modaba’ (KAI 181,9ff.). Influenced by the Neo-Assyrian policy of expansion under Tiglatpilesar II], M. and its East Jordanian neighbour states went into voluntary vassalage. From 7th-cent. Neo-Assyrian sources we know of nomadic raids and forays into M., which the Moabite king Kam0oS‘asa was able to ward off. A Judaean letter from Lachis mentions another king Kms?x(x) in about 587 BC, and in the year 582/1 M. was conquered by Nebuchadnezzar II (Jos. Ant. Iud. 10,181rf.). According to Jos. Ant. ud. 13,374ff. Alexander the Great made M. and Gilead tributary, but seems to have been forced to return them later (Jos. Ant. Jud. 13,382). The notes in the OT, which mention in Gn 14:5; Dt 2:1of. the ancestors of the Moabites and in Nm 21:27ff. the kingdom of one Sihon in Heshbon, who is said to have defeated the Moabite king, are probably legendary. Judges 4:16ff. and 1 Chr 2:9f. even ascribe a Moabite grandmother to King David [1]. According to the OT, the national god of M. was Kamos, Moabite Kms,

Moabite Language of the inhabitants of ~ Moab, a country to the south of the Dead Sea; it is very similar to Hebrew. Moabite is recorded on seal inscriptions and on a 34-line inscription of King Mesa of Moab (c. 850 BC), which was found in the vicinity of Diban (KAI 181).

+» Canaanite; > Semitic languages A. DEARMAN

(ed.), Studies in the Mesha Inscription and

Moab, 1989; W. R. Garr, Dialect Geography of SyriaPalestine, 1000-586 BCE, 1985.

CK.

Mobility A. DEFINITION

B. SPATIAL MOBILITY

C. SOCIAL

MOBILITY

A. DEFINITION The concept of spatial and social mobility means the — voluntary or involuntary — movement of people or social groups from one position to another: geographically (usually residential mobility) [1] or within a social structure (social mobility) [2. 224-234; 3. 572-576]. This modern concept must be applied with great care to historical circumstances. In Antiquity, there was nothing even approaching an idea of or a term for the modern definition of mobility. For mobility in the broader sense, i.e. individual mobility, cf. > medicine, > traffic, + land transport, > navigation, - communications and > travels. B. SPATIAL MOBILITY There is a difference between migration within a cultural area, a state or an area only mentally perceived to be a unity (internal migration) and migration across such boundaries (external — migration). External migration: in Antiquity, there were great movements of peoples (> Sea Peoples, migration of, +» Migrations of peoples). The reasons were overpopulation, shortage of land, climate change or pressure

LO§

106

from other peoples. Continual occurrences of > colo-

free citizens in the social hierarchy. The use of a class model is impeded here for lack of a clearly defined class awareness in the supposed classes in Antiquity. This article is based on the current social stratification model for the social history of European Antiquity [4. 83-98;

nization (Greek, Phoenician, Hellenistic, Roman), mass enslavement (— Prisoners of war, esp. in Rome from the

3rd cent. BC; > Slavery) and mass deportation (e.g. 721 BC from Israel, 586 BC from Judah, 494 BC from Miletus, 490 BC from Eretria) are also indicative of considerable spatial mobility of groups. Furthermore, throughout Antiquity individual migration for economic, political or religious reasons or in the form of trade in people (on the slave market in Delos sometimes thousands of slaves were sold, according to Str. 14,5,25 ~» Slave trade) played no small role. Exile, mostly as a political measure of punishment in the context of civil wars or even in normal Roman law (deportatio, +> relegatio, cf. e.g. Tac. Ann. 3,38; 85; 4,133 6,48; or, as a prominent example, the exile of + Ovidius to ~ Tomi on the Pontus Euxinus) was not infrequent. Internal migration: a noteworthy mobility of individuals existed in territorial states (the Hellenistic empires, Rome) and in the relation between colonies and

~» métropoleis [1], e.g. in military matters, administration and long-distance trade. This is amply documented by inscriptions, e.g. in epitaphs which often mention a death abroad. With the spread of urban culture and the concomitant economic detriment to the countryside, a large > rural exodus occurred everywhere. The bestknown example is the depopulation of large areas of Italy, connected with a surge in the population of Rome, from the 3rd cent. BC (cf. Liv. 41,8,6-12; Sall. Catil. 37; Vitr. De arch. 2,8,17). The so-called circular mobility of merchants, bankers, administrative offici-

als, landowners (inspecting their various estates) and seasonal workers (— paid labour), who only temporarily stayed away from home, going on business trips as it were, also counts as internal migration in the narrower sense. A special case of circular mobility is the part-nomadic way of life of cattle breeders (> transhumance). Because living and working were mostly combined in the same place in Antiquity, the number of people ‘commuting’ for professional reasons will have been limited. In local trade (small traders or farmers ‘commuting’ to the local > market) this kind of mobility will have played a role. Finally, > travel can be counted as circular mobility: cultural travel (e.g. prominent Romans visiting Greece and Egypt), travel for religious reasons, pilgrimages (e.g. to the Panathenaea in Athens; > pilgrimage) or travel to festivals and events in the cities (cf. e.g. the riot of the inhabitants of Nuceria in the amphitheatre of Pompeii in AD 59; Tac. Ann. 14,17,1). C. SOCIAL MOBILITY Assessment of social mobility depends on the measure applied (estate, rank, or class model). The categories of estate law alone (Athens: — aristocracy, politai, + métoikot, slaves; Rome: free citizens/cives and noncitizens, > freedmen, slaves; > equites, > ordo [2], + plebs, -»senatus, > slavery) are not sufficient to judge social mobility. Métoikoi, freedmen and even slaves could occupy social top positions, outflanking

MOBILITY

53 6. 277-341]. Only a limited social mobility existed in the smaller city states because of their rigid social order. The social order of larger states at the other hand (Athens, Hellenistic kingdoms, Rome) allowed for a considerable social

mobility. This elasticity and social permeability was ultimately a guarantee of the stability of their social order. Social rise occurred mainly in the cities. The opportunity for social rise depended (and still depends today) on economic success, on a political or military career

and on the level of education. Therefore, upward mobility can be observed in cities especially among manufacturers (> Crafts, Trade), merchants (+ Commerce),

officials and intellectuals. - Manumission of slaves also happened as a rule only to urban slaves — slaves labouring on the land and in mines usually remained unfree until death. In the country, rigid economic and social structures prevented social rise. The autocratic patriarchal structure of rural families prevalent throughout Antiquity (> Patriarchy) allowed hardly any room for social mobility. The emancipation of the Roman

equestrian

class

(> equites

Romani,

cf.

~» Struggle of the orders), the Italics, the provincials and the Christians could be mentioned as examples of collective social rise. These examples show how collective social mobility could contribute to maintaining the system.

Conversely, downward social mobility was always a possibility. Subjugated populations or states, for instance, or those made slaves, those put on the proscription lists (> proscriptions), or impoverished farmers (> poverty, > debt) clearly descended socially. Protests against social changes often had a conservative, defensive character. Conversely, social measures taken by the state were mostly aimed at maintaining or restoring the social status of the targeted groups, instead of structural change: e.g. abolition of debt-slavery, > debt redemption, corn grants for the urban poor, limitation of > latifundia and colonization (— cura annonae, — congiarium, — liberalitas, cf. > alimenta). Downward mobility — especially of individuals — also was more intensive in the cities than in the country. It is not possible to identify periods of particularly great social mobility in Antiquity. In small communities, those with limited urbanisation and with small farmers forming a considerable portion of society, social mobility was always more limited than in large urban communities with complex social structures and division of labour. The increase in territorial states (— Territorium), with considerable urbanisation and a society with highly complex division of labour, in the Hellenistic period and especially the Roman period, however, will normally have resulted in increased individual and collective permeability of social structures.

MOBILITY

107

The long-predominant view that in late Antiquity social mobility was curtailed because of state regulation has recently met with opposition. There was considerable social mobility (predominantly downward) in late Antiquity, despite many laws and proscriptions [7. 49-53]. » Manumission;

+ Commerce;

— Crafts;

—» Coloni-

zation; > Rural exodus; > Land transport; > Migration; > Communications; ~ Ordo [2]; > Patriarchy; + Travels; > Navigation; > Sea Peoples, migration of; -» Slavery; + Social structure; — Town planning; ~ Traffic; > Deportation 1 G. ALBRECHT, Soziologie der geographischen Mobilitat, 1972 2K. M. Botte, s.v. Mobilitat, Fischer-Lexikon Soziologie, 1970

Mochos see > World, creation of the Mocis(s)us

(Maxto(o)oc/Mokis(s)6s,

also

Mocesus,

Iustinianupolis). Town in Cappadocia, which was rebuilt around 520 AD by Iustinianus I as a mountain stronghold (Procop. Aed. 5,4,15); present-day Viransehir, to the south of Aksaray. It was probably relocated again at the end of the 7th cent. and was still a metropolitan seat in the r4th cent. A. BERGER, Survey in Viransehir (M.), in: Arastirma sonuclari toplantis! 13, 1996, 109-126; 14, 1997, 27-41; 15,

1998, 227-237; HILD/RESTLE, 238f.; W. RuGE, s.v. M.,

REirss agai:

K.ST.

3 G. REINHOLD, s.v. Soziale Mobilitat,

Soziologie-Lexikon, 31997

4 J. BLEICKEN, Die atheni-

sche Demokratie,

5G.

*1994

Sozialgeschichte,*1979 Sozialgeschichte

108

ALFOLDY,

R6mische

6 J. BLEICKEN, Verfassungs- und

des rémischen

Kaiserreiches,

vol.

1,

41995 7R.MacMULLEN, Social Mobility and the Theodosian Code, in: JRS 54, 1964, 49-53.

Modalism The term modalism, which was used probably as early as the second half of the 17th cent., was finally established as a subcategory of > Monarchianism by the work of A. VON HaRNACK. GE.MA.

gen der Einwohner eroberter Stadte in der hellenistisch-

Modares According to Zosimos (4,25,2-4) M. was a Goth of royal descent (relative of -» Athanaric [2. r89f.]. He went over to the Romans, received a military command and shortly after (380 AD?) in Thrace achieved a success (probably exaggerated by Zosimus [2. 77f.]) against pillaging Goths. > Gregorius [3] of Nazianzus addressed two letters (epist. 136 and 137) to M. as magister militum. M. was a Christian but not an

romischen Zeit, 1961.

Arian [1. 388].

J. BoarDMAN, The Greeks Overseas, 31980; P. A. BRUNT, Italian Manpower..., 1987; E. OLSHAUSEN, Einfihrung in

die historische Geographie der Alten Welt, 1991, 118—120, 122-123; H. SONNABEND, Deportation im antiken Rom, in: A. GEstRICH e.a. (ed.), Ausweisung und Deportation (Stuttgarter Beitr. zur Histor. Migrationsforschung 2), 1995, 13-22; H. VoLKMANN, Die Massenversklavun-

Mocadene

(Moxad(5)nvy;

UL.FE.

Mokad(d)éne).

Region in

eastern Lydia along the upper Hermus in Maeonia [1], on the border with Phrygia; its location was established through inscriptions naming places within it (komé Thermai Theséos, modern Kula Emir Hamamlari; metropoleis Silandus, modern Selendi, and Temenothyrae). It remains doubtful whether to associate Moccadeni, a demos in Asia (incorrectly located in Bithynia in Ptol. Geog. 5,2,18), with Mocadene. K. BurescH, Aus Lydien, 1898, 186 with map; J. KEIL, s.v. M., RE 15, 2113; Id., s.v. Mokkadenoi, RE 15, 2115; MaAGIE 2, 1022. H.KA.

Mochlos (MoyAoc). Small island situated on the north-

east coast of Crete and south-east of the Gulf of Mirabello. In Antiquity the island was probably connected to the mainland by an isthmus. Costly finds from the Minoan necropolis indicate considerable prosperity. Mochlos was also important in Roman (remains of walls and towers) and Byzantine times. Roman containers for holding fish lie beneath the surface of the water close to the mainland.

1F. PascHoup, Zosime, vol. 2,2, 1979, 387f. HeaTHER, Goths and Romans, 1991.

PAD

WE.LU.

Modell see > Sculpting, technique of Moderator Late antique collective term for those provincial governors who held the title of — vir clarissimus (Cod. Theod.

1,10,8 et passim), similar to rector or

iudex. It was Justinian who in AD 535 first used moderator as a genuine official title for the governors of particular provinces with the rank of spectabilis (+ Court titles; Moderator Iustinianus Helenoponti, Nov. 28, Phoniciae ad Libanum, Edict. 4, Arabiae, Nov. 1oz). This last had civil and military authority. Occasionally moderator is also found as the title of officials who were not governors, including even the emperor. For numerous attestations cf. [1. 2315-2318]. 1

W.

ENSSLIN,

s.v.

Moderator,

RE

15, 2315-2318.

K.G.-A.

Moderatus

(Modéoatoc/Modératos)

of Gades.

Neo-

186—

Pythagorean, middle of the rst cent. AD. He was the author of a work consisting of eleven books on the Pythagoreans (Porph. Vita Pythagorica 48), on which, it

Crete, 1982, 136; R. B. SEA-

seems, all accounts about him are based. M. makes a

GER, Explorations in the Island of M., 1912; J.S. SOLEs, C. Davaras, Excavations at M. 1992-1993, in: Hesperia 65,

sharper distinction than Numenius [6] does between Pythagoras and Plato, whom he (like Aristotle, Speusippus, Xenocrates and Aristoxenus) accused of appropriating Pythagorean ideas in such a way that made it

H. BeisTER, s.v. M., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 439; J.

W. Myers etal., Aerial Atlas of Ancient Crete, 1992, 193; 1. F. SANDERS, Roman

1996,

175-230.

H.SO.

109

110

easy for later authors not to take seriously the typically Pythagorean remainder (ibid. 53). Of particular significance is his trinitarian conception of the one (to év/to hén; on this see Simpl. in Aristot. Ph. 230,34ff., from Porphyrius’s De materia, with citation from M.). To the first ‘superintelligible’ one a second ‘intelligible’ one and to this a third ‘psychic’ one is subordinated. The second one withdraws into itself, thus bringing into existence a formless multiplicity, quantity or intelligible matter. Here for the first time the influence of Plato’s ‘Parmenides’ on the later theory of principles seems to become apparent: a monistic system, in which matter is traced back to the one, and a trinitarian concept of the intelligible world in a form that at least superficially is reminiscent of — Plotinus. ~ Neopythagoreanism

Ulpian as koryphaioi, ‘head men’ (Dig. 27,1,13,2) [also 2. 31ff.], shows a subservience alien to the jurists working in the capital during the Principate. In view of M., popularity in both the teaching and the practice of late antiquity the law governing citations (> Citations, law governing) of AD 426 (Cod. Theod. 1,4,3) adopted him as the youngest member in its “Tribunal of the Dead’

J. Ditton, The Middle Platonists, 1996, 344-351.

MFR.

Modern Greek see > Greek

MODIUS

[4. 201]. 1ScHuULZ

2 T. MasIeLLo, I ‘Libri excusationum’ di Eren-

nio Modestino,

1983

3D. LieBs, Die Jurisprudenz im

spatantiken Italien, 1987

41Id.,in: HLL 4, 195ff.

= T.G.

Modestus [1] Sab(inius?) M. Governor of the province of Moesia inferior in AD 241, documented by coins of the city of Nicopolis [z. 504-518 nos. 2040-2107]. Accordingly he must previously have held the office of suffect consul. 1 F. IMHOOF-BLUMER

(ed.), Die antiken Miinzen Nord-

Griechenlands, vol. 1, 1898.

Modestinus Herennius (also: Herennius M.). Roman jurist, pupil of > Ulpianus (cf. Dig. 47,2,52,20), from the Hellenistic east. It is likely that from AD 223 to 225 he was secretary a libellis to Alexander > Severus, and in about 228 praefectus vigilum [4. 195f.]. A rescript of Gordianus [3] III (Cod. lust. 3,42,5) of the year 239 follows his ‘not-to-be-despised’auctoritas as a respondent [3. 25f.]. It is doubtful that he gave the son of Maximinus [2] Thrax instruction in law (SHA Maximinus 27,5) [3.118f.]. Apart from the Responsa (‘Expert Opinions’, 19 volumes) M. wrote Pandectae, linked to Ulpian’s work of the same name, (‘Classified Collections’ of law, 12 volumes; also [1. 280f.; 5. 199]) and Regulae (‘Legal Rules’, 10 volumes), Differentiae (approximately: ‘Legal Terms’, 9 volumes), De Excusationibus (‘On Grounds for Discharge’, 6 volumes in Greek; also [2; 4. 197]) and De Poenis (‘On Punishments’, 4 volumes). He also wrote casuistic (De Enu-

cleatis Casibus/‘On Selected Cases’ and De Heurematibus/‘On Legal Findings’; also [1. 308f.; 4. r99f.]) and monographic ‘individual volumes’ (De Testamentis/ ‘On Testaments’, De Inofficioso Testamento/‘On the Contrary to One’s Duty’, De Legatis et Fideicommissis/ ‘On Legacies and Bequests’, De Manumissionibus/‘On

Manumissions’, De Ritu Nuptiarum/‘On the Wedding Rite’, De Differentia Dotis/‘On the Various Forms of Dowry’ and De Praescriptionibus/‘On Prescriptions’; also [4. 196f.]). In the Regulae, M. outlined a topics of the foundations of law (Dig. 1,3,40: agreement — necessity — custom/consensus — necessitas — consuetudo) and a scheme of obligation diverging from that of > Gaius [2] (Dig. 44,7,52), which recognises lex (statute), ius honorarium (law of custom) and necessitas (necessity) as the

bases of obligation apart from contract and tort. It is with M. that the late-antique ‘Hellenisation’ of Roman jurisprudence begins [1. 321, 373ff.; 4. 200]. His citation of Cervidius Scaevola, — Iulius [IV 16] Paulus and

PIR S 2; A. SreIn, Die Legaten von Moesien, 1940, roof.

TF.

[2] Flavius Domitius M. — Praefectus praetorio Orientis from AD 369/370 to 378 (?). Originally from Arabia. M. began his career before 358 presumably as an advocate (Lib. epist. 389). From 358 to 362 he held the office of comitiva Orientis, then of city prefect (see — prefaectus urbis) of -» Constantinople twice (362363 and 369; Chron. min. 1,241). He entered office as praef. praet. between December 369 and April 370 (Zos. 4,11,4). M. was a confidant of > Valens, who took him with him on his travels and entrusted him with important special duties particularly in religious affairs (fight against the Orthodox followers of the + Nicaenum e.g. > Basilius [1]) (Greg. Naz. Or. 43,48). In 372, Valens honoured him with a regular consulship. During his praetorian prefecture M. converted from ‘paganism’ to Arian Christianity (+ Arianism). He presumably remained in office until shortly after the battle of > Hadrianopolis [3] on 9 August 378 (Amm. Marc. 31,12,10). M., who had a son called Infantius, died before 390 (Lib. Epist. 987). PLRE 1, 605-608 no. 2.

AG.

Modius Roman surname. SCHULZE, 194.

[1] M., Q. Cited by Varro (Rust. 2,7,1) as a distin-

guished horse breeder. His (probably invented) cognomen Equicolus, which indicates this activity, may have been interpreted by Varro as Aequicolus, so that a later period reveals a Septimus M. as the first king of the Aequiculi (Lib. de praenominibus 1). K-LE. [2] M. Fabidius Son of a virgin of the > Aborigines who comes to dance in the sanctuary of > Quirinus in the territory of Reate, but is then seized by divine inspira-

MODIUS

ITI

tion, ruches into the sanctuary, is impregnated by the god and gives birth to M. Fabidius. He founds the city of + Cures (so Dion. Hal. Ant. 2,48). The etymological derivation of the name M. from mato (‘male member’, Hor. Sat. 1,2,68) seems doubtful; perhaps the derivation from mdd-, méd- (‘measure out, think out’) is correct: It would account for M. as the one who ‘estimates’ and ‘apportions’, which suits his role as city founder [x]. 1 RADKE, 220.

L.K.

(3] Latin term for the largest Roman unit (‘bushel’) for dry goods, predominantly grain, with a volume of 16 > sextarii, 32 > heminae, 64 > quartarit, or 128 acet-

Doz

Modura see ~ Mathura

Modus has two meanings in Roman law: one describing a ‘measure’ primarily of land, the other — according to the matter in hand — the same as the modern concept of an instruction (on a gift or testamentary benefit). M. agri (the land measure) was the subject of a wellknown action from Paul. sent. 2,17,4 (actio de modo agri): if the price of a piece of land was calculated according to its area, the purchaser could demand from the seller double the proportional price as a private penalty, if it transpired that the area was smaller than stated. This may have been a fairly antiquated form of guarantee connected with the formal alienation of

abula. That corresponds according to HuLtscH [2. 121-126, 704 table XI C] to c. 8-75 |, according to NissEN [4. 844 table XII] c. 8-73 1, with numerous regional variations [2. 63 1-633]. The volume of a modus castrensis is disputed. Less frequently the modus is encountered as a measure of area at ‘/, > iugerum (c.

In Roman law, the instruction is clearly distinguished from a condition (+ condicio): While the legal effect of a transaction depended upon a condition, the instruction signified a contribution for certain purposes, the fulfillment of which initially did not affect the

840 m’).

contribution itself. However, in certain circumstances,

The vessel described as a modus is an important piece of equipment for handling grain. It was an open measuring vessel standing on feet and tapering upwards, made out of either wood with staves and bands or metal. On numerous coins from the Republic and the Principate, less often in reliefs and carved stones, there are depictions of the modus, filled with

the instruction could also be enforced independently, where, for example, its fulfillment was the subject of a stipulatio, or where a third party would benefit from it. In these cases, a policy action was mostly granted to the third party in late antiquity (> actio [2] utilis, Cod. lust. 8,54,3). The instruction was also viewed as a species of atypical obligation. If it was not fulfilled, the person who gave the instruction or his heirs could enforce performance with a > condictio ({C.] ob rem). Under Justinian in the sixth century AD, modus in a technical sense, referred to the described ancillary purpose of a contribution. This emperor’s particular interest arose from the intention to impose instructions in favour of

ears of corn (BMCRE 3, pl. 6,1) and as an attribute of

Africa [5], Annona

[6] and

- Ceres [7]. A bronze

modus (Modus Claytoniensis) with a measurement in-

scription of the year 90/91 has been found in the military camp of Carvoran on Hadrian’s Wall. The object, which is now in the Museum of Chester, is 19.7 — 30.5 cm in diameter, 28.5 cm high and has a weight of 11.8kg [8. 2415.56 with pl. I A-B]. The term modus/bushel was also used by ancient authors somewhat proverbially (cf. Cic. Lael. 67; Mt 5:15). In the sphere of Roman politics and agriculture, the modus was the usual measure of volume for > grain; the amount of grain that was bought by the Republic, distributed to the plebs in Rome (> Nutrition IIIA.) or given to slaves as food, that was specified for sowing or had been harvested, was measured in modi (cf. Cic. Verr. 2,3,163; Cato Agr. 56; Varro Rust. 1,44,1; Colum. 2,12). A modus corresponds to about 6.6 kg of wheat and 5.5 kg of barley. -» Measures of volume (Greece and Rome) 1 R. DuNcAN-JONES, The Choinix, the Artaba and the M.,

in: ZPE 21, 1976, 53-62

2 F. Huttscn, Griechische und

romische Metrologie, *1882 3 J. JAHN, Zum Rauminhalt von artaba und castrensis modius, in: ZPE 38, 1980, 223228 4H. Nissen, Griechische und romische Metrologie, in: Handbuch der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft, vol. I, *1892, 834-890 5 M. LeGtay,s.v. Africa, LIMC 1, pl. 188,35; 190,40 6H. Paris D’Escurac, s.v. Annona, LIMC 1, pl. 644,3,10,12,13 7S. DEANGELI, s.v. Demeter/Ceres, LIMC 4, pl. 603,111; 606,140; 608,156b 8R.

COLLINGWOOD ZL

OG Ih

(ed.), Roman Inscriptions of Britain, vol. H.-J.S.

> mancipatio among Roman citizens.

the Church. KaseEr, RPR, vol. 1, 133, 259f.; vol. 2, 98, 582f.

Gs:

Moenus The modern Main, the largest, right-hand tributary of the Rhine (evidence in [1. 606]). It was of limited value for river navigation because of its meandering course, having to penetrate the wooded mountains of the Odenwald, Spessart and Rhon. Since further use required rule over the Main-Frankish bank region and the Main valley opened up no further important tribal region, it was logical for the Romans to push no farther east towards Lower and Upper Franconia from the important legionary camp of + Mogontiacum (Mainz) at the mouth of the Main, but rather through the Wetterau to the northwest into the Hessian highlands to the Lahn and the Weser river system. The early circumstances of settlement on the M. remain obscure ([2]; groups of > Cimbri and > Teutoni can be assumed: in Miltenberg Mercurius Cimbrianus CIL XIII 6604f.; the “Toutonenstein’ CIL XIII 6610 [3]). Settlement by the land-seeking » Hermunduri and Sentius Saturninus’ campaign against the - Marcomanni may have concerned the Main Franks; it is more certain that the the camp in Marktbreit [4] was part of a

113

114

line of communication proceeding from Mainz, and therefore it can be assumed that there were further stations downstream at the time. After the occupation of the Main plain and Wetterau by > Domitianus [1], the + limes from Grof-Krotzenburg to beyond Worth, from the middle of the 2nd cent. AD as far as Miltenberg, followed the M. [5]. Wood-cutter details belonging to the Mainz legion in Obernburg, Trennfurt and Stockstadt are indirect evidence of the use of the M. for

Moeris

transport

[2] (Moietc; Mofris). Greek grammarian and lexicographer of the late 2nd or early 3rd cent. AD. Author of an alphabetically ordered lexicon of Attic expressions

purposes

[6. 425-427].

After

260

the

Romans largely lost the rule over the M., but it remained a geographical landmark for quite a long time (Aur. Vict. Caes. 21,2; Amm. Marc. 17,1,6). 1 HOLDER 2 2D. Timpe, Die Siedlungsverhaltnisse Mainfrankens in caesarisch-augusteischer Zeit ..., in: C. PESCHECK (ed.), Die germanischen Bodenfunde der rémischen Kaiserzeit in Mainfranken, 1978, 119-129 3B. BECKMANN, Greinberg, in: D. BAatz, F.-R. HERRMANN (ed.), Die Romer in Hessen, *1989, 440-443 4D. Baatz, in: s. [3], 414f. 5M. Prerscu, in: W. Czsyz et al. (ed.), Die Romer in Bayern, 1995, 475-479 6 P. HERz, Zeugnisse romischen Schiffbaus in Mainz — Die Severer und die Expeditio Britannica, in: JRGZ 31, 1985, 422-435.

M. Pierscu et al., Das augusteische Truppenlager Marktbreit, in: BRGK 72, 1991, 263-324. K.DI.

Moeragenes (Mowgayévys; Moiragénés). Author of ‘Memories of the Magus and Philosopher Apollonius of Tyana’ (Ta “Anodhwviov tot Tuavéws ucyou xal purooogov Aouvnuovevuata: Orig. contra Celsum 6,41). The title and size (4 volumes according to Philostr. Ap. 1,3, who bluntly dismisses M. as ignorant regarding Apollonius [14]) suggest that M. (cf. Apollonius of Tyana, epist. 16,17) was not presenting Apollonius in an unfavourable light as a ‘charlatan’ (gdés), but favourably as a ‘magus’ (mdgos). He is possibly the M. mentioned in Plut. Symp. 671c and/or the M. of IG 27 6495, a contemporary of Hadrian who was married to a woman named Pythagora [1]. 1 E. L. Bowre, Apollonius of Tyana: Tradition and Reality, in: ANRW II 16.2, 1678-1679. J.-J. FLINTERMAN,

Power,

Paideia

1995, 69-70; G. ANDERSON, 300.

&

Pythagoreanism,

Philostratus, 1986, 299E.BO.

Moericus In 212 BC, Iberian commander of the Carthaginians in > Syracusae, which was being besieged by M. > Claudius [I rr] Marcellus. It fell by reason of M.’ treachery at the section of wall he was guarding in the assault on the Achradina, allowing the Romans to also conquer the island part of the city, Orthygia (= Nassus) with the royal stronghold (Liv. 25,30). M. did have to take part in Marcellus’s ovatio in gold chains, but was then rewarded with Roman citizenship and lands in Sicily (Liv. 26,21,10; 12). J. SerBERT, Hannibal, 1993, 315, 318 A. 99.

L.-M.G.

MOEROCLES

[1] Indian prince of the Patalii at the mouth of the Indus, a companion of > Alexander [4] (Curt. 9,8,28). The

name M. is said to have been derived from Maurya [1. 25-27], but this is extremely unlikely. + India 1 P. H. L. EGGermont, Alexander’s Campaigns in Sind and Baluchistan, 1975, 25-27.

under the title “Attumoms or Aé&etc “AttixOv xa ‘Edjvov xat& otoyetov (on the title [8. 182f.]). The work is described by > Photios as a ponémation (Phot. bibl. cod. 157) and comprises in 919 > glosses a concise contrasting of Attic and non-Attic terms, with, contrary to the usage of his time, the Attic terms placed first (cf. in contrast e.g. the Eklogé of the lexicographer > Phrynichus [4]). Supplemented by a few notes on diction and grammar the lexicon served as an aid to the correct use of > Attic. In regard to language the rigid Attikoi-Hellénes scheme is occasionally broken, as non-Attic terms from Homer and Herodotus are also included among the Attikoi [4. 29]. M.’s model authors are primarily Plato, Thucydides, Xenophon, the Attic orators and Aristophanes [3]; there are no examples from the tragedians. The category of Héllénes comprises, in addition to words from Hellenistic prose, 26 colloquial expressions marked with koinon |[7. 54-62]. The main sources are: > Phrynichus, the grammarian — Pausanias and Aelius > Dionysius [21]; in addition there are Diogenianus [2], Pamphilus, the Hellenistic grammarian Philemon and Herennius Philon [5. 57-62; 6. 3656; 8]. Decisive for the transmission of the work the inclusion in a corpus of Atticistic lexica to which Photius had access (bibl. 151-158). From there it was taken over into the roth century Cod. Coislinianus 345. ~ Lexicography Ep.: 1J. Pierson, Leiden 1759 3 D. U. HANSEN, 1998.

21. BEKKER, Berlin 1833

Lit.: 4C. G. Coset, Variae lectiones ... in scriptores Graecos, *1873 5 H. Ersse, Untersuchungen zu den attizistischen Lexika, in: Abhandlungen der deutschen Akademie. der Wissenchaften. Berlin, philol.-histor. Klasse,

1949, 1-92 6D. U. Hansen, Das attizistische Lexikon des Moeris. Quellenkritische Untersuchung und Edition, 1998 7A. MarpuHor, Zur Begriffsbestimmung der Koine, besonders auf Grund des Attizisten M. (Beitrage zur historischen Syntax der griechischen Sprache 20), 1912 8 C.

WENDEL, Die Uberlieferung des Attizisten M., in: Philologus 84, 1929, 179-200.

MBB.

Moerocles (MowgoxAfis/Moiroklés, Harpocr. s.v. M.),

from the demos of Salaminii. Athenian politician, indicted for dishonest administration around 350 BC by + Eubulus [1]. M. was one of the men whose extradition > Alexander [4] the Great demanded in 335, but did not subsequently insist upon (Arr. Anab. 1,10,4;

MOEROCLES

115

116

Plut. Demosthenes 23,4). In a comedy of 324, he was placed on a list of those bribed by > Harpalus (Athen.

consular legate. After the conquest of Dacia the importance of Moesia inferior increased; for certain periods its territory also included the plains to the north of the Danube and east of the Aluta (present-day Olt/Romania). The proconsul also bore responsibility for using the classis Moesica to protect the Black Sea region from Scythia minor to Kerch.

8,341f.), but he was not on the list of accused as pres-

ented by the > Areopagus following an investigation. In the same year, as a member of the Eleven (> héndeka), he had the sons of > Lycurgus [10] put in chains (Demosth. Epist. 3,16). EB. Moesi, Moesia A. GEOGRAPHY

B. THE ROMAN

OCCUPATION

C. UNDER ROMAN PROVINCIAL ADMINISTRATION

A. GEOGRAPHY The members of a group of tribes of Thracian origin who lived in the northeastern part of the Balkan peninsula were referred to, in Greek, as Moisoi (Movwool), Mysoi (Mvooi), and in Latin as M. or Moesae. Other tribes settled there as well, such as the > Dardani, > Triballi, Timachi and > Skythae, who were later

counted among the Moesicae gentes as inhabitants of the province of Moesia (Plin. HN 3,149; 4,3). After the territory of the — Getae was incorporated into the province of Moesia inferior, its inhabitants as well were referred to as Moesi (Cass. Dio 51,22,6f.). The lower

Danube formed the northern border of Moesia. The adjacent provinces were > Pannonia inferior and Dalmatia (> Dalmatae) in the west and

> Thracia in the

south. Moesia was bounded on the east by the western coast of the Black Sea. The province of Moesia thus extended to the territory of Serbia, northern Bulgaria and Dobrudja (present-day Romania).

B. THE ROMAN

C. UNDER ROMAN PROVINCIAL ADMINISTRATION Under Roman rule the cities showing particular growth were those that had sprung up near the major military encampments on the Danube. The presence of large numbers of troops led to the relatively comprehensive > Romanization of the population. In the 2nd century the municipia and coloniae took on increased significance. Single-minded efforts were made to develop the system of roads, which caused trade, in particular, to flourish. It was due not least to that fact that Moesia became an important element in the Roman tariffs system (publicum portorium Illyrici et ripae Thraciae) in the entire Danube region. The country’s wealth lay in agriculture (farming, livestock breeding, wine production) as well as in wood and ore processing. In the 3rd century, M. suffered from attacks by Germanic tribes. After the withdrawal from Dacia under ~ Aurelianus [3], the province of Dacia ripensis was established on Moesian territory. The administrative re-organization carried out by Diocletian (> Diocletianus, with map) was intended to enhance the stability of Roman rule in the lower Danube region (establishment of the provinces Moesia

OCCUPATION

I, Moesia II, Dacia Mediterranea, Dacia ripensis, Scy-

In 75 BC the Romans first advanced as far as the lower Danube. However, this advance produced no permanent results, nor did the incursion by Licinius

thia). Under the increased pressure from the north and northeast to which the Roman border territories were subjected in the 4th cent., it became necessary to station sizeable military units in Moesia even in late antiquity; however, this could not prevent the terrible devastation of this region resulting from the large-scale migrations of that time. Nevertheless, continued settlement is documented into the 6th/7th cent.

[I 27] into Dobrudja in 72 BC or that of Antonius [I 2], which was beaten back in 59 by the rebellious Dardani (Cass. Dio 38,10,3). It was not until 29/8 that Moesia was conquered by Licinius [I 13] Crassus (Cass. Dio 51,23,2) and initially brought into administrative union with > Macedonia. During the Augustan period the Romans apparently established a classis Moesica (‘Moesian fleet’) to control the lower Danube, its tributaries and the adjacent portion of the Black Sea coast. An independent province of Moesia was probably not established until AD 45/6. Under Nero, the legate Tiberius Plautius Silvanus brought more than 100,000 settlers from the region beyond the Danube to Moesia and reinforced Roman influence in the Scythian territories (ILS 986). During the second half of the rst century AD, Moesia gained in military importance owing to increased Roman interest in Dacia (+ Daci). Under + Domitianus [1], Moesia was divided into two independent provinces (M. supertor and M. inferior) whose border ran to the west of the Cebrus river (Kiaufpeoc/Kiambros, Ptol. 3,8,2; 9,1; 10,1; present-day Tsibrica, Bulgaria)

and on to the

south, each of which was subject to the authority of a

> Limes M. Fuuss, s.v. M., Moesia, RE 15, 2347-2411; A. Mocsy, Gesellschaft und Romanisation in der romischen

Provinz Moesia Superior, 1970; Id., Pannonia and Upper

Moesia, 1974; L. Mrozewicz, Die Entwicklung der Munizipalverfassung und Fortschritte der Romanisierung in Moesia Inferior, 1982 (Polish with German summary); A. STEIN, Die Legaten von Moesien,

1940

(review: R.

SyME, in: JRS 25, 1945, 108-115); J. Fitz, Die Laufbahn der Statthalter in der ro6mischen Provinz Moesia Inferior, 1966; B. E. THomasson, Laterculi praesidum: Moesia, Dacia, Thracia, vol. 1,1, 1977; B. Gerov, Beitrage zur Geschichte der r6mischen Provinzen Moesia und Thrakien, 1980; V. VELKov, Roman Cities in Bulgaria, 1980; Id., Geschichte und Kultur Thrakiens und Moesiens, 1988; B. Gerov (ed.), Inscriptiones Latinae in Bulgaria repertae,

1989; C. SCORPAN,

Limes Scythiae,

1980; A.

SUCEVEANU, A. BORNEA, La Dobroudja romaine, 1991; M. ZAHARIADE, N. GupbEA, The Fortifications of Lower Moesia, 1997.3

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LITERATURE

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11g

USED FOR THE MAP: K. BUSCHMANN

Mittelmeerraum

Antoninus Pius bis zum

und

Mesopotamien.

u.a.,

Von

Ende des Parthischen Reiches

(138-224 n.Chr.), TAVO B V 9, 1992; E. KETTENHOFEN,

Ostlicher Mittelmeerraum und Mesopotamien. Die Neuordnung des Orients in diokletianisch-konstantinischer

Zeit (284-337 n.Chr.), TAVO B VI x, 1984; Id., Ostlicher Mittelmeerraum und Mesopotamien. Spatromische Zeit (337-527 n.Chr.); Id., Vorderer Orient. R6mer und Sasaniden in der Zeit der Reichskrise (224-284 n.Chr.), TAVO B V 11, 1982; A. Mocsy, Pannonia and Upper Moesia, 1974; G. Morra (ed.), Atlante Storico, 1979, 27/3, 28 and 29/2; I. PILL-RADEMACHER et al., Vorderer Orient. R6mer und Parther (14-138 n.Chr.), TAVO B V 8, 1988; J. WAGNER, Die Neuordnung des Orients von Pompeius bis Augustus (67 v.-14. n.Chr.), TAVO B V 7, 1983.

J.BU., F.SCH. and A.W.

Mogador Largest island (40 ha) of one of the small archipelagos of the Atlantic coast of southern Morocco opposite the port of Essaouira (originally also an island), which is presumably identical with the insulae purpurariae (Plin. HN

6,201; 203), on which

> Ju-

ba [2] Il established dyeing workshops. In the 7th cent., as evidenced by ceramics found (some with Phoenician graffiti!), Phoenicians founded a trading post there, which existed until the end of the 6th cent. BC. + Africa (with map) E. LipINsk1, s.v. M., DCPP, 296; M. G. AMADASI GUZZO,

Notes sur les graffitis phéniciens de M., in: Lixus. Actes du colloque ... Larache 1989 (Collection de l’Ecole frangaise de Rome 166), 1992, 155-173; A. Jobin, M. Comptoir phénicien du Maroc Atlantique, 1966; P. ROUILLARD, Maroc, in: HbdOr I 20, 1995, 780-781. H.G.N.

Moge(n)tiana Roman settlement in Pannonia superior

on the Savaria-Aquincum road, to the north of the southwestern part of Lake Pelso (Mogetiana: Itin. Anton. 233; Mogentinais: ibid. 263); probably modern Tiiskevar (in the Veszprem-Devecser district of Hungary). From M. there was a branch road to Limusa and Sopianae. The Roman settlement grew up on the site of a Celtic one, but the indigenous element continued to play a role in the Roman period. Under Hadrian, M. became a municipium. There are records of a decurio,

left bank of the Rhine opposite the mouth of the Main. From this strategically favourable position between 10 BC and AD 16 there were repeatedly successful Roman advances into the territory of Germania Magna. Together with > Vetera (modern Xanten), for a long time

M. was the most significant military base on the Rhine with the task of securing also against the Gauls. At times there were up to four legions encamped in M., so that in addition to auxiliary troops the camp in MainzWeisenau about 4 km south of the main camp will occasionally have also accommodated legions or parts of them. Until the Flavian period (second half of the rst cent. AD) there was stationed in and around M. a large number of alae (> ala [2]) and cohortes (— cohors),

known of primarily from the gravestones of their members [7; 15]. Which legions garrisoned M. up to AD 9 is uncertain. The legio XIV Gemina and the XVI Gallica can be proved in M. only for the late Augustan-Tiberian period. Other legions may have camped there temporarily. Between AD 39 and 43, in connection with > Caligula’s planned war with the Germani and > Claudius [III 1]’s Britannia campaign, multiple shake-ups of the legionary garrison were carried out. The legio III] Macedonica and the XXII Primigenia were in M. between AD 43 and 7o. In the year of four emperors, 69, and during the > Batavian Revolt of AD 69/70, the camp at M. was attacked by the > Chatti, the -— Usipetes and the + Mattiaci (Tac; Hist: 4,37,2-3). Shortly after it was occupied by > Iulius [II 139] Tutor. The Roman legions had to swear an oath to the Gauls, but M. soon declared itself against the rebels again (Tac. Hist. 4,59,3; 61,3; 62,4). After Petilius had restored Roman authority (Tac. Hist. 4,70f.), the legions were exchanged. From AD 70 the legio I Adiutrix and the XIV Gemina were encamped in M., reinforced from time to time by the XXI Rapax. After the rebellion of the governor Antonius [II 15] of Upper Germania in AD 88/9, which began in M., the two-legion camp was dissolved. From AD 92/102 until the middle of the 4h cent. AD, only the legio XXII Primigenia was at M. From the late Domitianic period, M. was primarily an administrative metropolis with the residence of the governor

of the

province

of

Germania

superior.

Whereas in inscriptions the military element clearly

IIIT viri and a flamen (CIL Il 15188"), a scriba (CIL Il

recedes, there is an unmistakable increase in civil monu-

4137 = 10900), a quaestor (CIL III 10993) and a duovir

ments, especially votive memorials [12; 13; 14]. Several vici can be demonstrated, also a conventus civium Romanorum (ILS 2465) from the Julio-Claudian period, but there is no hint of a privileged city status. M. is first described as being a municipium in AD 355 by

quinquennalis (CIL II 11043). The continuity of the settlement into late antiquity can be demonstrated. M. FLuss, s.v. Mogentiana, RE 15, 2418-2420; TIR L 33 Trieste, 1961, 52; A. MOcsy, Pannonia and Upper Moesia, 1974, Index s.v. M.; A. LENGYEL, G. T. B. RADAN (ed.), The Archaeology of Roman Pannonia, 1980, Index, s.v. M.

J.BU.

Mogontiacum Roman Mainz. An indigenous settlement near Mainz-Weisenau, named after a Celtic deity, seems to have given it the name. In the middle of the 2nd decade BC a Roman double legion camp was constructed on a high terrace on the

Amm. Marc. 15,11,8.

After the middle of the 3rd cent. and the fall of the - limes, M. was once more a city on the front line. There was a subsequent circumvallation with connection to the legionary camp. After the abandonment of the latter under Julian (361-363) or Valentinian (364375), a newer section of wall was built from the rubble. In AD 368 and 406, M. was overrun by the Germani and destroyed to a considerable extent. In the 4th cent.

121

E22,

MOGONTIACUM

\ \4 uae Mattiacae \

Z- Heddernheim 2

(Wiesbaden)

Bingium (Bingen) LE

Bingium (Bingen)

Lopodunum

pee

Aquae [III 4]), the theatre, the aqueduct supplying the Flavian legionary camp and the monument in honour of Claudius [II 24] Drusus after his death in Germania in 9 BC are well known (Suet. Claud. 1,3; Cass. Dio 55,2,3; Eutr. 7,13,1; Tabula Siariensis fr. 1,26-30 — cf. Tac. Ann. 2,83,2) [8]. Among other significant monuments are the Neronian Jupiter Column [x2] and the Arch of Dativius-Victor [4]. Wrecks of war,

6 Weisenau camp (built c. AD 10-86) and vicus (Celtic settlement) 7 Roman harbour settlement (?) at the Dimesser Ort; find spot of the Jupiter Column 8 Castellum Mattiacorum (Mainz-Kastell; c. AD 71 stone construction) with its vicus; fortified in the 3rd cent. AD. Roman honorary arch (1st cent. AD)

50

100

150

200m

passenger and heavy freight ships have been recovered from the Rhine near M. [ro]. ~» Legio (with map); > Limes (with map); > Mainz,

Rheinisches Landesmuseum 1 D. Baatz, M., in: Limesforschungen 4, 1962 2K. WeIDEMANN, Die Topographie von Mainz in der Romerzeit und dem frihen Mittelalter, in: JRGZ 15, 1968, 146-199 3 K.-V. DECKER, W. SELZER, M.: Mainz von der Zeit des

Augustus bis zum

Ende der rémischen Herrschaft, in:

ANRW II 5.1, 1976, 457-539

4H. G. FRENz, Der Ehren-

bogen des Dativius Victor und seine Rekonstruktion, in: BRGK 62, 1981, 219-260 5 L. SCHUMACHER, R6mische Kaiser in Mainz im Zeitalter des Principats, 1982 6 V. KRONEMAYER, Beitrage zur Sozialgeschichte des romi-

schen Mainz, 1983 7 B. OLDENSTEIN-PFERDEHIRT, Die rémischen Hilfstruppen nérdlich des Mains, in: JRGZ 30,

MOGONTIACUM

124

123

Moira (Moioa; Moira).

1983, 303-348 8H. G. FreNz, Drusus Maior und sein Monument in Mainz, in: JRGZ 32, 1985, 394-421 9G.

A. Fate

Rupprecut, Mainz, in: H. CUppers (ed.), Die RGmer in

ICONOGRAPHY

Rheinland-Pfalz,

1990, 458-469

100.

r991, 49-64

11 CSIR Deutsch-

land 2,2-8: Mainz und Umgebung (individual vols. as below) 12G. BaucHHENSS, Die grofe luppitersaule (CSIR Deutschland 2,2), 1984 13 Id., Denkmaler des luppiterkultes (CSIR Deutschland 2,3), 1984 14H. G. FRENZ, Denkmaler des rémischen Gotterkultes (CSIR Deutschland 2,4), 1992 15 W. Boppert, Militarische

Grabdenkmialer (CSIR Deutschland 2,5), 1992 16 Ead., Zivile Grabsteine (CSIR Deutschland 2,6), 1992 17H.G. FRENZ, Bauplastik und Portrats (CSIR Deutschland 2,7), 1992 18C. Srriprny, Die Herkunft der rémischen Werksteine (CSIR Deutschland 2,8), 1987. Maps: E, KUNzL, Gladiusdekorationen der frihen rémischen Kaiserzeit, in: JRGZ 43, 1996, 383-474, esp. 440 fig. 22 RA.WI.

Mohenjo Daro see > Indus Culture Moicheia (uotyeia; moicheia). In Greek law, clandestine sexual intercourse with a free, respectable woman against the will of her > kyrios (II.). It was therefore not only a matter of > ‘adultery’ but of wounding of the family honour; the closest male relative of an unmarried woman was also insulted. Only the head of the household (> otkos) was meant to decide on a woman’s sexual matters, family relationships and descendants. If a man invaded this relationship, he fell victim to private revenge. If he was caught in the act, (Lys. 1,30; 13,66),

the kyrios or his closest male relative was permitted to kill him. The avenger then often had to defend himself in a blood trial ( murder) against the accusation that he had lured the moichos (‘adulterer’) into the house so

as to kill him (Lys. 1,37ff.). In Tenedos, true uncontrollable impulse was only conceded if the avenger killed the seducer and also the woman (which was otherwise not applicable) with an axe (Aristot. fr. 593 R.); according to the great legal inscription of > Gortyn {IlI.], the avenger, with four co-jurors, had to cleanse himself of an accusation of such kind (col. II 36ff.). In Athens, if the insulted party seized the moichos alive, he could detain him and blackmail him for ransom money, with the threat that he would otherwise be allowed to dishonour him publicly by exercizing his right to revenge (raphanideésis). An action could also be brought against unauthorized arrest (Dem. Or. 59,66). In Gortyn the amount of damages was regulated by law. We know only from the grammarians of the option to merely sue for moicheia in Athens. The woman involved suffered honour punishments in several Greek cities; in Athens the husband had to separate from her and she was excluded from the cults. +» Adultery; > Marriage

E. CANTARELLA, M. Reconsidering a Problem, in: M. GaGARIN

(ed.), Symposion

1990,

1991,

289-296;

D.

COHEN, Law, Sexuality, and Society, 1991; K. LATTE, s.v. M., RE 15, 2446-2449.

C. CULT, MYTH,

HOCKMANN,

R6émische Schiffsfunde in Mainz, in: U. LOBER (ed.), 2000 Jhare Rheinschiffahrt,

B. GODDESSES OF FATE

G.T.

A. FATE Asa generic noun, moira in singular and plural refers to the part of a whole, e.g. the personal ‘share’ of land, booty, sacrificial meat and life (moira bidtoio or biou) [5; 13; 17]. Starting with Homer, the singular also refers to the existential limits that all mortals face, especially to the fate apportioned to each person at birth [4]. Etymologically related are moros (fate, death), mor(s)imos (destined) und heimarméné (> fate; < meiromai, to get one’s portion, to have one’s share [1. 8ff.]); according to these terms, human fate is the necessary consequence of the divine allotment of shares: ‘“‘of everything the immortals have given each mortal his share (moiran)” (Hom. Od. 19,52f.). Here moira is associated with the idea of an inviolable boundary and the right order [1; 13; 15], and thus has a normative function that related concepts like — aisa (share), potmos (one’s lot) and tyché (chance) lack [6; 8]. Moira is ambivalent. In rare cases, it may indicate a fortunate outcome (Hom. Od. 20,76; Hom. Il. 3,182: moirégeneés ‘child of fortune’ [20. 3088]). Usually, however, moira means bad luck; in poetic language, it has become a euphemism for ‘the fate all mortals share’ (CEG 541, 554, 601), i.e death (explicitly moira thanatoio, Hom. Od. 2,100; CEG 67 etc.). The negative associations of moira prevail not only in epic poetry and tragedy, but also in numerous funerary epigrams dating from the 6th cent. BC to Late Antiquity ({14]; CEG, GVI and SEG). B. GODDESSES OF FATE The generic term moira led to the concept of moira or moirai (Moirae) (with modern upper case) as personified fate, an idea common to the entire ancient world [1. 25ff.]: “Moira, the portion at the apportionment of the world, becomes, by a kind of amalgamation of Eileithyiae (> Eileithyia) and Erinyes (- Erinys), a group of three ancient and powerful goddesses: Clotho (KAwO): the »Spinning«, Lachesis (Adyeotc): the » Lotcasting«, and Atropos ("Ateoxos): the »Unturnable«’ [2. 270]. In Greek religion, groups of female deities tended to be triads (e.g. the > Charites, Erinyes/> Erinys, > Horae). In the case of the Moirae, the boundary between individual deity and group of deities always remained fluid [5. 2479ff.; 12. r5of.|: there was Moira as well as the Moirae (first in plural in Hom. Il. 24,49; Hes. Theog. 217, 904), Clotho as well as the Clothes (Hom. Od. 7,197) and Lachesis as well as the Lacheseis (IG V 1, 602). The trinity of the Moirae and their individual names are first attested in Hesiod, where they appear as creatures of the night and sisters of the Keres (> Ker) and Erinyes, and later as children of + Zeus and + Themis (Hes. Theog. 213ff., 9o1ff.). In a hymn to the Moirae, > Aisa, Clotho and Lachesis as kurai Nyktos (daughters of the night) weave decrees of fate (1018 PMG; cf. Orph. H. 59).

£25

126

These contradictory genealogies reflect the polarity of the Moirae as ‘bestowers of both good and bad’ (Hes. Theog. 218f., 905f.; Hom. Il. 6,489; fr. 504 TrGF). They were called ‘Olympian as well as chthonic’ (1018 PMG) and represented the liminal area between chaos and order [7. 30f.]. In Delphi there were statues of two Moirae as a symbol of their dual nature (Plut. De E 385c; Paus. 10,24,4; [5.2479]). Their ambivalent status is also apparent in colourful epithets, which de-

reference to this is made in the myth of the drunk Moirae, whom Apollo subdues with wine so as to delay

pending on context can range from appeasing supplications to extremely negative attributes [4. 77f.;

5.2477f.; 10. 112f.; 14. 33ff.]. The ideas associated with the Moirae are reflected in particular in Greek funerary inscriptions [5; 14]: the Moirae are said to spin

the legendary thread of fate (SEG 15, 670 and 796; 27, 6153 39, 1132; Callinus fr. 1,8f. West; [1. 47ff., 205 ff.]; cf. the allegory in the Derveni Papyrus col. 18f. [11]); like the Roman > Parcae and modern Greek M(o)ires they write down the sentence of fate (GVI 1029;

[5. 2484f.; ro. rr9ff.]), watch over birth (SEG 1, 570;

3, 400) and death and relentlessly impose their will (SEG 16, 6153 33, 8373 40, I105).

MOIRO

Admetus’s death (Aesch. Eum. 723ff.; Eur. Alc. roff.,

32ff.). Conversely, the Moirae on the seventh day after Meleager’s [1] birth announce his fate and tie it to the burning log (Apollod. 1,8,2; Diod. Sic. 4,34,6; Paus. 10,31,4).

In art, the Moirae usually appear as three agents in concrete mythical scenes. They act as a triad in the +» Gigantomachy, at the birth of gods such as Athena, Aphrodite and Dionysus and at the weddings of gods [3]. Unparalleled are the four Moirae depicted on the Francois Vase in the procession of the gods at the wedding of Peleus and Thetis ([3. 25], around 570 BC). On sarcophagi from the Imperial period, individual Moirae are present at the death of heroes like Meleager [3. 46ff.]. The presence of the Moirae in the MinoanMycenaean pantheon is still disputed [19], but they still exist as goddesses of birth and fate in modern Greek popular belief [5. 2495ff.; 10]. -» Ananke; > Fate; > Nemesis; > Tyche 1 U. BrancHl,

AIOD

AISA.

Destino, uomini

e divinita

nell’epos, nelle teogonie e nel culto dei Greci, C. CULT, MYTH, ICONOGRAPHY

The relationship between the Moirae and the Olympian gods is complex. Especially in the Homeric epics, the impotence of the gods towards the Moirae is emphasised repeatedly [9; 16; 17]. Fate and gods are autonomous controlling authorities, and they are not always in harmony. The Moirae are the deciding entity only when fate is taken as an absolute (Hdt. 1,91,1; Moschion fr. 2,1f. TrGF; Adespoton fr. 503 TrGF). Usually, however, they are subordinate to the Olympian gods — especially so in cult [1. r99ff.; 3. 638; 5. 2451ff., 2494f.], where they are worshipped as a group of divinities. The importance of the Moirae in Greek polytheism reflects their role as custodians ‘at crucial moments of human life, such as birth, wedding and death’ [2 1. 220f.]. In many places they are closely associated with the cult of Zeus Moiragetes, ‘the guide of the Moirae’ [7. 24f.], with Eileithyia and with wedding goddesses such as Hera Teleia, Artemis and Aphrodite [7. 29f.]. In Athens, where women practiced their cult, the Moirae were associated with the Eumenides (Aesch. Eum. 959ff.; Eur. Melanippe Desmotis fr. 6 v. ARNIM); elsewhere they were associated with the Horae and Charites (937 PMG; Paus. 1,40,4 und 3,19,4). The dark side of the Moirae is also evident in cult. In Sparta the tomb of — Orestes [1] was near the sanctuary of the Moirae (Paus. 3,11,10); in Sicyon the altar of the Moirae was situated in the grove of the Erinyes (Paus. 2,11,4), who, like the Moirae, are daughters of the night (Aesch. Eum. 962). On Attic curse tablets (— defixio), the Moirae are invoked along with Pluto, Persephone, the Erinyes and Hecate (SEG 30, 326; [5. 2475]). Although the Moirae were worshipped in cult, they are not mentioned on many votive inscriptions (SEG 24, 1128; [14. 3ff.]). Like the Erinyes, they received sacrifices without wine [7. 26ff.]. Antonymous

1953

2 BuRKERT 3S. DE ANGELI, s.v. Moira, LIMC 6.1, 636648 4B. C. Dierricu, Death, Fate and the Gods: The

Development of a Religious Idea in Greek Popular Belief and in Homer,

1965

5S. EITREM, s.v. Moira, RE 15,

2449-2497 6Idem, Schicksalsmachte, in: Symbolae Osloenses 13, 1934, 47-64 7 GRAF 8 W. KRAUSE, Die Ausdriicke fiir das Schicksal bei Homer, in: Glotta 25, 1936, 143-152 9Idem, Zeus und Moira bei Homer, in: WS 64,1949, 10-52 10 K. Krixos-Davis, Moira at Birth in Greek Tradition, in: Folia neohellenica. Zeitschrift fiir Neograzistik 4, 1982, 106-134 11 A. Laxs, G. W. Most (ed.), Studies on the Derveni Papyrus, 1997

12 R. Latti-

MORE, Themes in Greek and Latin Epitaphs, 1942

13 E.

Leitzxke, Moira und Gottheit im alten griechischen Epos. Sprachliche Untersuchung, 1930 14 A. Mayer, Moira in griechischen Inschriften, 1927 15 NiLsson, GGR, vol. 1, 361ff. 16 W. F. Orro, Die Gotter Griechenlands, 31947,

257ff. 17 W. PérscHER, Moira, Themis und ty im homerischen Denken, in: WS 73, 1960, 5-39 18 P. Ramat, La figura di M. in Omero alla luce dell’analisi

linguistica, in: SIFC 32, 1960, 215-248 19 M. A. STELLA, in: F. JOUAN (ed.), Visages du destin dans les mythologies. Mélanges J.Duchemin, 1983, 11-19 20 C. VON WEIZSAKKER, s.v. Moira, ROSCHER, vol. 2, 3084-3103 21 U. von WILAMOWITZ-MOELLENDOREF,

vol. 2, 91922.

Griechische

Tragédien,

AL.H.

Moiro (Motgd/Moird) from Byzantium. Epic, elegiac and melic poet, mother of the tragedian > Homerus [2] (flourished in the years 284/281 BC) and wife of the otherwise unknown Andromachus, called phildlogos (cf. Suda s.v. Mugw). Meleager [8] places her alongside her contemporary > Anyte and immediately before ~ Sappho (Anth. Pal. 4,1,5; cf. Antipater [9] of Thessalonica Anth. Pal. 9,26,3f.) and claims to have collected ‘many lilies of M.’ in his ‘garland’: the only works preserved are Anth. Pal. 6,119 and 189 (two clear quatrains in ‘Peloponnesian’ style, cf. > Epigram I.E.). We

MOIRO

Tea

128

also have ro hexameters from the Mnémosyné (about the childhood of Zeus). None of the melic poetry sur-

pests to plants that e.g. bite through the roots of cultivated plants, moles were caught with horsehair snare and hunted with cats and tame weasels (Pall. Agric. 4,9,4) or driven away e.g. with lees of olive oil (amurca, Plin. HN 17,266) or by fumigating their tunnels with a burning nut filled with straw, cedar oil and sulphur (Pall. Agric. 1,35,10). The harm caused by their burrowing was in part very much exaggerated (Plin. HN 8,226 on the destruction of fields in Orchomenus; cf. 8,104 and Diod. 3,30). Their excellent skins, which were sold in the market-place in Athens (Aristoph. Ach. 887; Antigonus of Carystus, Mirabilia 10) were made into blankets (Plin. HN 8,226). Because of their origin in the earth (avt6yOwv/ autochthon, Opp. Kyn. 2,612) moles were prescribed — probably applied whole — for the bites of shrew-mice (mus aranea), for toothache a tooth extracted from a living mole was supposed to be effective as an amulet (Plin. HN 30,20; cfl. also e.g. 30,38). A sprinkle of mole’s blood was used by sorcerers to return the insane to their senses (Plin. HN 30,84). Seed-corn touched by a mole’s shoulder blade was supposed to bring a rich yield (Plin. HN 18,158). As to the assertions of sorcerers that swallowing a mole’s living and still beating heart would bestow the gift of prophecy and success in an undertaking, Pliny (HN 30,19) expresses scepticism.

vives, neither does her poem ‘Agat (Arai, ‘Curses’) nora

hymn to Poseidon. + Women authors CollAlex 21-23; GAI.1, 145; 2, 413-415; K. J.GuTzwiL-

LER, Poetic Garlands. Hellenistic Epigrams in Context, 1998, 17f., 66.

M.G.A.

Mola see > Mills

Mola salsa A mixture of spelt groats and brine that was prepared by the > Vestal Virgins (e.g. Varro in Non. 223) and used as a sacrificial offering in Roman cult; in the > sacra publica, it was sprinkled on the sacrificial animal by the magistrate or priest as part of the ~ immolatio (cf., for example, Cic. Div. 2,37, Serv. Aen. 2,133 and 4,57). The spelt ears from the new harvest were presented to the Vestal Virgins between the 7th and 14th of May, then dried, pounded and ground. The ground spelt was then made into mola salsa by adding the brine during the > Lupercalia and Vestalia (— Vesta) as well as on the Ides of September (Serv. Ecl. 8,82).

~» Sacrifice A. L. Prospocmt, M.s. Le giovani spighe in fiore, in: Archeologia classica 43, 1991,

1297-1315.

CF.

Pictorial representations, e.g. on vases

[2. 1,21], are

rare. 1A. STEIER, s.v. M., RE

14, 2338-2342

2 KELLER. C.HU.

Mole (conddak/aspdlax or dopddat/asphdlax and ondhat/spalax, op-/sph- or oxahmyp/skalops, Hesych. s.v., according to Schol. Lykophr. 121 also oupvedc/ siphneus, according to Alexander Trallianus 2,575 PUSCHMANN xahauic/palamis; Latin m. and f. talpa). This is in fact the insectivore mole, not the blind molerat (Microspalax leucodon) of northern Greece, a rodent. The externally invisible mole’s eye, described by

Aristot. Hist. an. 4,8,533a 3-12 (cf. Hist. an. 1,9,491b 28 and Plin. HN 11,139) and interpreted as a developmental defect, is interpreted by [1. 2340] — presumably correctly — as that of the Mediterranean Talpa caeca Savi. In the thick cornea over the eyes of this species there is only a tiny opening. In ancient literature its alleged blindness is often interpreted as a punishment for its perniciousness (as a plant-eater) (Stesichoros fr. 95 BERGK 3,233, cf. Verg. Georg. 1,183; Isid. Orig. 12,3,5). Hesych s.v. and Dio-

genianus 8,25 give the phrase: ‘blinder than a mole’

Moles Martis Mentioned in the Republican libri sacerdotum as an addressee of prayers (Gell. NA 13,23,2). In the Augustean period, the MM received a > supplicatio every 12 May (Feriale Cumanum, InscrIt 13,2, p. 279). This supplication is connected with the > natalis templi of the sanctuary of Mars Ultor in the Forum Augustum and with the Judi for Mars on the same day (~ Mars 1.C.). The compound moles belli, ‘the dangers’ or ‘privations of war’, inspired by the molos Aréos (since Hom. Il. 2,401), is present in Roman poets and historians from the 2nd cent. BC (Acc. fr. 610 TRF; Liv. 7,29,5 et passim). Therefore, the MM presumably do not belong, as is sometimes assumed, to an early phase of the Roman religion, but became, in accordance with

the customary metonymy of Mars = bellum, an object of theological speculation and cult only through Roman literature. AN.BE.

(tudAdtEeQos Gomddaxos). Opp. Kyn. 2,612-628 claims,

uniquely, that the Thracian king > Phineus had been blinded by Phaeton and tormented by the Harpies and, after the banishment of these nuisances by the two sons of Boreas > Calais and Zetes, finally turned into the blind and voracious mole by Phaethon. It was known to Pliny (HNat. 10,191 and 9,17) that moles heard and breathed proverbially well under the earth. It is only in Aristot. Mir. 176 that moles in Aetolia are described as eating grasshoppers. As alleged

Molione see -> Actorione Molluscs Aristotle (Hist. an. 1,1,487b 15 f.) defines molluscs (uaddxa/malakia; Lat. mollia sc. animalia, e.g. Plin. HN 9,73; 11,133 and 11,267) as bloodless (marine) animals that are capable of floating and have a rigid internal structure (otegedv/stereén = onmov/ sépion or Eidoc/xiphos, ‘sword’, here the mostly calcareous shell, well described in ibid. 4,1,524b 22-27),

129

130

having eight tentacles, each with two rows of suckers (dixotvAov/dikotyloi), a head and a body (xbto¢/kytos; ibid. 4,1,523b 1-5 and 21-29) enclosed by a fin (mteQvyia/pterygia). Today we refer to these > cuttlefish as cephalopods (Cephalopoda), and unlike Aristotle we also include all snails and mussels among the phylum of the Mollusca. Aristotle particularly emphasizes the two additional longer ensnaring tentacles (me0Booxidec/proboskides) of the true cuttlefish (oynzia/ sépia; e.g. Sepia officinalis) and of the small (tevOic/ teuthis, perhaps Allotheuthis media) and large squid (tet80c/tetithos, perhaps Loligo vulgaris), and describes their importance in procuring food and in copulation (523b 29-524a 9). Molluscs swim using their eight

commanders, occupied the Apolloniatis (left bank of the Tigris, to the north of Babylon), crushed an army led by > Xenoitas in 221 and conquered the territory from Iran to the Euphrates. It was only Antiochus himself who succeeded in defeating M. in 220. Following his suicide, M. was impaled at a pass over the Zagros

tentacles, their fins, which are indeed present in pairs, and their vestibulum (xowddc¢ abvaAdc/koilos aulds; 524a

9-13). KELLER 2, 507-516; A. STEIER, S. v. Tintenfische, RE 6 A, 1393-1406.

Moloch

(72%, molak,

C.HU.

LXX:

Mohox/Moloch,

Vulg.:

Moloch). M. is most probably the name of a Canaanite deity to whom children were supposedly sacrificed. However, it is difficult to determine how M. fit into the Canaanite pantheon (Malik? Milkom? Adad-Milki?). Referring to the Phoenician-Punic term for a sacrifice, mlk/molk, EISSFELDT interpreted M. not as a god, but as a technical term for the sacrifice of children (or substitutes) [x]. But this view is contradicted by passages in which M. clearly referred to a god (cf. Lv 20:5). The Hebrew Bible explicitly forbids sacrifices to M. (Lv 18:21; 20:2-5), as well as any sacrifice of children (Dt 12:31). For a time, however, Israel appears to have

hadacult of M. Sucha cult was forbidden in the context of the cultic reform of Josiah of Judah (II Kg 23:10; cf. 16:3; 21:6; Jer 7:31; 32:35). Lhe LXX contains M. both as a proper name (II Kg 23:10 and Jer 39:35: Modox) and, in accordance with the Hebrew melek (‘king’), as

cexwv/archon (‘ruler’; Ly 18:21; 20:2-5) basilevs (‘king’; I Kg 11:5). Rabbinical interprets the prohibition of sacrifices to biting children from indulging in idolatry ~» Human sacrifices

or Baoweds/ literature reM. as prohi[2].

VERMES, Leviticus 18:21 in Ancient Jewish Bible Exegesis, in: J. J. PerucHowski, E. FLEISCHER (ed.), Studies in

Aggadah, Targum and Jewish Liturgy, 1981, 108-124 3 H.-P. MULLER, s.v. M., ThWAT 4, 957-968 (Lit.) 4J. Day, M.: A God of Human Sacrifice in the Old Testament, 1989.

mountains (Pol. 5,40-54). T. FiscHer, M. und seine Miinzen, 1988; H. H. ScumirTt,

Untersuchungen zur Geschichte Antiochos’ des Grofen, 1964, 116ff.; WILL 2, 17ff. A.ME.

[2] Real name Apollonius, son of M., eminent rhetorician of the 2nd and rst cents. BC from Alabanda in Caria, pupil of Menecles [4]; moved some time after his namesake, friend and countryman Apollonius [5] to Rhodes (Strab. 14,2,13), where, in the 70s, he was the most famous teacher of oratory of his time (Suet. lul. 4); among his pupils were aristocratic Romans such as

Cicero, Caesar (Plut. Cicero 4,862f; Plut. Caesar 3,708d), T. Manlius [I 18] Torquatus (Cic. Brut. 245).

Cicero had already been greatly impressed by M. in the year 81, when M. had spent an extended period in Rome and, as envoy of the Rhodians, was the first to be permitted to give an address before the Senate in Greek without a translator (Val. Max. 2,2,3). Cicero high-

lights his outstanding quality both as a teacher and as a speaker in legal proceedings (Cic. Brut. 307, 316); it appears that Cicero learned from M., who had probably also written a textbook on rhetoric (Quint. Inst. 351,16; SPENGEL 3,44), in particular an effective but labour-saving delivery technique (Cic. Brut. 316). M.’s primary stylistic principle seems to have been to avoid any obtrusive rhetorical flourishes and to polish finelyhoned sententiae — in imitation of ~ Hypereides, although, according to Dionysius [18] of Halicarnassus (De Dinarcho 8), he failed to achieve Hypereides’ gracefulness (chdris) and thus lapsed into a lacklustre, arid (auchmeros) style. In addition to speeches, M. probably authored philological works on Homer (Porph. Quaestionum Homericarum 1,5) as well as historical writings with a polemic bias against the Jews (Jos. Ap. 2,148; FGrH 728), and he took a critical view of philosophy (schol. Aristoph. Nub. 144; Diog. Laert. 3,34). G. KENNEDY,

1 O. E1ssFELDT, Molk als Opferbegriff im Punischen und Hebraischen und das Ende des Gottes M., 1935 2G.

R.B.

Molon (Mo)iwv; Mo6l6n). [1] In 222 BC, together with his brothers Alexander and Neolaus, M., as satrap of Media and governor-general of the Upper Satrapies, rebelled against the young Antiochus [5] II. and assumed the title of king (on coins: Baotéws Modwvoc). M. repelled Antiochus’ military

MOLORCHUS

326f.

The Art of Persuasion

in Greece,

1963,

M.W.

Molorchus (Mod0ey0c/Molorchos, Mo)ooxoc/ Molorkos: reconstructed in its original form in [r]). Poor elderly farmer from Cleonae, host to > Heracles [x] before and after his battle against the Nemeic lion; inventor of mousetraps. Famous because of Callimachus’ Victoria Berenices (SH 254-268C) at the beginning of the 3rd book of the Aftia, to which later mentions of M. as an examplar of hospitality refer (Verg. G. 3,19; Ps.-Tib. 4,1,12f.; Stat. Theb. 4,159ff.; Nonnus,

Dion. 17,52ff.; versions of the myth in Probus on Verg. G. 3,19; Apollod. 2,74f.).

MOLORCHUS

1 J. D. MorGan, The Origin of Molorc[h]us, in: CQ 42,

nes (ed.), L’Illyrie méridionale et l’Epire dans l’antiquité, 1987, 71-83.

1992, 533-538.

P. J. Parsons, Callimachus: Victoria Berenices, in: ZPE

25, 1977, I-50.

ae

131

AA.

Epirus, 1961

4 P. R. Franke, Die antiken Miinze von 5 I. VOKOTOPOULOU, Vitsa, 1986.

N. G. L. HAMMOND, Epirus, 1967; N. G. L. HAMMOND, Illyrians and North-West Greeks, in: CAH 6, *1994, 422-

443.

DS.

Molossi (Modo00i/Molossoi). One of the main tribes

of > Epirus, with many small tribes. They originated in northern > Pindus. From the 5th cent. BC, the tribes of the M. populated the basin of modern Ioannina, which originally belonged to the Thesproti, with the sanctuary of + Dodona (Str. 7,7,8; 11). The borders in the north were the upper part of the Thyamis (modern Kalamas), and in the south-east the Arachthus. In the early 4th cent., part of the northern bank of the Ambracian Gulf also belonged to the M. [2. 130-133]. The main town of Passaron was situated to the north-west of Ioannina near the acropolis of Gardaki [3. 71-73]. Their language and way of life make the M. belong to the cultural area of north-western Greece. The economy was based on raising livestock and forestry [5], urban life developed in the 4th cent. BC at the earliest [3], and tribal structures determined their political organization. Under the first kings known to us, > Tharyps (Thuc. 2,80,6) and > Alcetas [2], the > koinon of

the M. developed. They assumed a leading role among the Epirotes and were the first tribe to strike coins with the legend MOAOZ2QN [4]. The king of the M., as the commander of the army, was subject to restrictions under constitutional law: the earliest inscriptions from the rule of Neoptolemus I (370-368 BC) [2. 534f. no. 1] mention as officials a prostates (chief official), a grammateus (scribe) and ten damiorgo/ (councillors; later 15 syndrchontes). All divisions of the tribe sent their representatives to the council of the league; the army assembly made up of all free men (ekklesia) could remove the king from office and make league decisions [1. 135-1453 2. 157-172]. From the time of the treaty of alliance of 358 BC with the M. and his marriage to > Olympias, princess of the M., the Macedonian king - Philippus II had great influence over the internal affairs of the M. After the death of the king of the M., > Alexander [6], appointed by Philippus I and active in southern Italy from 334 to 330, the Epirote symmachy came into being inc. 330; its military leader (hégemon) became king of the M., from the house of the Aiacides. > Pyrrhus (297272) fought in this capacity in lower Italy and Sicily. The Aiacid kingdom ofthe M. met with a violent end in c. 232, and the M. tribes became members of the Epirote League. In the 3rd Macedonian War, in contrast to the other Epirotes, they supported > Perseus. After the end of the war in 167 BC, the M. were wiped out by + Aemilius [I 32] Paullus through the destruction of their towns and the enslavement of the population. ~ Macedonian Wars 1 H. Beck, Polis und Koinon, 1997 2 P. CaBANnes, L’ Epire, 1976 3 S. 1. DAKaRis, Organisation politique et

urbanistique de la ville dans l’Epire antique, in: P. CABa-

Molossus (Modoood¢/Molossés). Son of > Neoptolemus [1] and > Andromache (unnamed in Eur. Andr.). In Pausanias (1,11,1f.) brother of Pielus and Pergamus, stepbrother of Cestrinus. Eponym of the > Molossi and forebear of the Molossian dynasty (Eratosth. in schol. Hom. Od. 3,188; cf. Pind. Nem. 7,38-40 and schol. Pind. Nem. 7,5 6a-b; Serv. Aen. 3,297). SLA. Molpadia (MoAnadia; Molpadia). [1] Daughter of - Staphylus and Chrysothemis [1]. Together with her sister > Rhoeo, she was charged with guarding the wine, which had just been invented. However, they fell asleep and pigs overturned the jug. Out of fear, the sisters leapt into the sea. Apollo rescued them and took M. as » Hemithea to Castabus in the Carian Chersonesus of Knidos (Diod. 5,62f.). [2] Amazon who killed Antiope [2], who was fighting alongside Theseus, after which she is herself killed by Theseus (Plut. Theseus 27,13; Paus. 1,2,1). O. SCHERLING, s.v. M. (1-2), RE 16, 26.

R.HA.

Molpoi (Moaxoi/Molpoi). Term for the members of a

society responsible for performing the > paean at public sacrifices, documented almost exclusively in the towns of the Ionic Dodecapolis (especially Miletus and Ephesus) and their colonies. Although colleges of M. are only sparsely attested, the number of personal names formed from ModAs- in the Ionic Aegean [1], the Dodecapolis (e.g., Hdt. 5,30,2; IEph 4102) and the Milesian colonies (e.g., SEG 41, 619, Olbia) indicates their political and religious significance there. Lists of cult officials in Lindus [2. no. 487 |. 20] and Ephesus (IEph 14 |. 21; cf. 900f.; 18974) indicate that the M. had a musical function in the chorus similar to that of the hymnoidotin other towns. The definitions of Hesychius S.V. LOATOG, 0c, LLWMdO0c, mots (“Molpos’, s‘inger’,

‘chorus singer’, ‘composer’) hint that the M. were involved in composition as well. It is quite possible that they were originally connected with the eumolpidai of Eleusis, whose mythical progenitor was > Eumolpus. The M. of > Miletus [2], who are best documented, had special status. The list of the town’s eponymous magistrates, which was set up in the Milesian Delphinium and is preserved from 525/4 BC to AD 31/2 with only two interruptions (259/8-233/2; 183/2-90/89 BC), demonstrates that the stephanéphoros, an eponymous official, officially carried the title aisymnetés (aesymnete, ‘supervisor’) ton Molpon ([3. No. 122128]; cf. IDidyma 3 80-387; SEG 45, 1620 |. 14). Every six months he appointed from 3 ofthe 6 Milesian phylai five proshetairoi, who formed a council. The origin of

133

134

this mixing of political elite and chorus association is unknown. The existence of comparable societies of M. in Aegiale on Amorgos (IG XII 7,415; 418) and in Olbia [5], both Milesian colonies, implies that the M. enjoyed a special status no later than the mid—7th cent. BC. The political and religious role of the M. continued even after the discontinuation of the stephanéphoroi lists ([3. No. 134] = LSAM 53). The cultic role of the M. is only documented in a cult law found in the Delphinium, a preserved copy of which was written about 100 BC but is based on older statutes (commentary: [3. No. 133] = LSAM 50). This statute regulated (1) the procedure for the annual installation of a new aisymneétés during the feast of Hebdomaea (I. 6-18); (2) the annual state procession to the temple of Apollo in > Didyma, ‘the festival of the Molpoi’, during which the M. had to perform paeans in front of several sanctuaries (1. 18-31) [4. 59-62]. The majority of costs for the sacrifice was born by a subgroup of the M., the onitadai (|. 31-40). ~ Hymn; > Paean; — Associations

M. makes an appearanice: this doll symbolises M.’s beheading as a punishment for ravishing a nymph.

1 LGPN

1, s.v.

*T941

3 G. KAwerAu,

Modax-

2 C. BLINKENBERG,

Lindos,

A. REHM, Das Delphinion in

Milet (Milet, vol. 1,3), 1914 (repr. 1967) 4L.KAPPEL, Paian, 1992 5 F. Grar, Das Kollegium der Molpoi von Olbia, in: MH 31, 1974, 209-215.

K. B. GOEDEKEN, Beobachtungen und Funde an der Heiligen StrafSe zwischen

Milet und Didyma, in: ZPE

66,

MOMOS

NILsson, Feste, 440, 468f.

LK.

Molycrium (Modvxgetov/Molykreion). Corinthian colony in the foothills of Antirrhium, at a point dominating the strait between the Gulf of Patras and the Gulf of Corinth; its exact location is unknown. Sources: Whuc. 2,84,4; 3,102,2: Ms) 2,86,2: Ethnikon

Mohuxoxdc; Pol. 5,94,7: Modvxoia; Str. 8,2,3: Ethnikon Modvxotoc; 9,4,8; 10,2,21: Modvxoera; Plin. HN 4,6:

Molycria; Ptol. 3,15,3: Modvxeia; Ps.-Scyl. 35: Mondvxeeta; Steph. Byz. s.v. Modvxeia. Occupied by Athens around 460 BC, conquered in 426 by the Spartans under Eurylochus (Thuc. 3,102,2; Diod. 12,60,3). From the middle of the 4th cent. BC, M. was a member of the Aetolian League. A paneégyris (cult festival) continued to be celebrated into the Imperial period (Plut. Mor. 162e) in the sanctuary of Poseidon at M. (Thuc.

2,84,4; Paus. 9,31,6) — which may have been identical with the sanctuary of > Naupactus of the same name. C. BursIAN, Geographie von Griechenland, vol. 1, 1862, 146; L. Lérat, Les Locriens de l’Ouest, vol. 1, 1952, 35f., 84-86, 189-191; PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN 2, 322; N. D. PAPACHATZIS, Ilavoaviov “EAkGdog Meouyynou, vol. 5,

1981, 461; R. SCHEER, s.v. Molykria, in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 440. G.D.R.

1986, 217-253, hier 235-253; F. POLAND, s.v. Molpoi,

RE Supplement 6, 509-520.

RG.

Molpus (MoAzxo¢/Molpos). In the local legend of > Tenedos, according to some sources M. is a flute-player from Colonae in the Troad whose false testimony was partly responsible for the banishment of > Tennes, the son of > Cycnus [2], when Tennes was accused by his

stepmother Philonome of attempted rape (Plut. Quest. Graec. 28; schol. Lycophr. 232). Older sources (‘Heraclides’ = Aristot. fr. 611,22 ROSE; Lycophr. 232-239; Conon FGrH 26 F 1; as well as Paus. 10,14,2) do not mention M. According to Apollod. Epitome 3,24-26 his name was Eumolpus and he was later stoned to death. His offence, which also provided an explanation for the exclusion of flute-players from the Tennes shrine on Tenedos (Diod. Sic. 5,83,4f.; Plut. l.c.), led to the proverbial term Tenédios aulétes (‘Tenedian flute-player’) for someone who gave false testimony (Steph. Byz. s.v. Tévedoc). The name M. was probably derived from the Milesian > Molpoi (cf. Eur. Jon 88rf.; Anth. Pal. 6,195; Syll.3 333,1). A. Lesxy, s.v. Tennes, RE 5A, 503-506.

R.G.

Molus (Moio¢/Mélos). Mythical Cretan, son or brother of > Deucalion, uncle or brother of Adomenes, father of > Meriones (Hom. Il. 10,269; Apollod. 3,17; Diod. Sic. 5,79). There is a report about a Cretan festival in Plut. De def. or. 14, in which a headless doll called

Momemphis (Mapeudic; Momemphis). Town in the north-western Nile delta, according to Str. 17,803 a regional capital in Roman times; centre of a cult of Aphrodite (ibid.; Diod. Sic. 1,97), i.e. the Egyptian Hathor (later also of — Isis: POxy XI, 1380, 14f.). According to Herodotus (2,163; 169), the decisive battle

between > Amasis [2] and > Apries took place at M. (and this is supported by Egyptian sources), while Diod. Sic. (1,68) places this at > Marea (representing M. as the site of the victory of Psammetichus I over the ‘Dodecarchs’: Diod. Sic. 1,66; possibly a corrupt tradition). The exact location of M. was long disputed; at present its identification with Kaum al-Hisn (ag. j773w) is generally accepted. A. BERNAND, Le delta égyptien d’aprés les textes grecs, 1970, 443-489.

KJ.-W.

Momos (M@poc/Médmos). Greek personification of censoriousness, son of +» Nyx/Night (Hes. Theog. 214). In the Kypria, M. is an advisor to Zeus (Kypria fr. 1 EpGF). lulianus (Ep. 50) tells that M. was gripped by excessive rage, because he could find no fault with Aphrodite. After Callimachus, who often refers to him in his literary feuds as the embodiment of the stupid, carping caviller (e.g. Callim. H. 2,113; Callim. Fr. 393), M. is often mentioned in later literature (Lucian. Iuppiter tragoedus roff; Lucian. Verae historiae 2,3). In his Oneirokritika (Artem. 4 pr.), the dream interpreter Artemidorus depicts M. as one excluded from the society of gods and men. Cw.

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Mona Island off the coast of north Wales, modern Anglesey, one of the most fertile regions of western Britain. M. means ‘high island’ in Celtic, while in Welsh, the

called ‘monarchs’ (Pind. Pyth. 4,152; 165; Eur. Andr. 366; Eur. Supp. 352). In the constitutional debate, Herodotus [1] referred both to self-serving rulers and the beneficent ones who ‘care for the people’ as ‘mon-

MOMOS

island is called Mam Cymru, ‘Mother of Wales’. In antiquity, M. was important for supplying the mountainous regions of Wales with provisions and ores, esp. copper. Perhaps the > Ordovices were the inhabitants of M. in the Iron Age and during Roman rule. The importance of M. in the later Iron Age is demonstrated by the great cultic site in the peat bog of Llyn Cerrig Bach, where various votive gifts (weapons, chariot parts, bridles, tools, chains and a trumpet: [1]) have been found.

M. was the target of aRoman attack in AD 59/60 under Suetonius Paullinus, but he was forced to withdraw owing to the revolt of > Boudicca (Tac. Ann. 14,29). > Julius [II 3] Agricola took M. in AD 78 or 79 (Tac. Agr. 18). Copper mining remained important, but the island’s primary source of wealth was in agriculture. In the later Roman period, a small fort was built near Holyhead to protect against assaults from Ireland

[2. 135-137]. 1 C. Fox, A Find of the Early Iron Age from Llyn Cerrig Bach, Anglesey, 1946 2 V. E. NasH-WILLIAMS, The Roman Frontier in Wales, *1969.

F. Lyncu, Prehistoric Anglesey, 1970; Royal Commission on Ancient

Monuments

(Wales)

(ed.), Anglesey,

1937.

M.TO.

Monaeses (Movaioncs; Monaisés). Parthian nobleman who fled from > Phraates IV. to Marcus > Antonius [I

9| in 37 BC. The latter accepted him as a possible pretender to the throne (Cass. Dio 49,24,2), but did not oppose M.’s reconciliation with Phraates (Plut. Antonius 37). In Anthony’s Parthian War (> Parthian and Persian Wars), M. defeated the Roman army (Hor. Carm. 3,6,9) but had his cousin, Mithradates, show the retreating triumvir a route to the Armenian border (Plut. Antonius 46). M. KARRAS-KLAPPROTH, Prosopographische Studien zur Geschichte des Partherreiches, 1988, 90-92; PIR* M 675. M.SCH.

Monarchia (uovagyia/monarchia, ‘rule by one’). In archaic Greek poetry synonymous with the term > tyrannis more commonly encountered there; used first by > Alcaeus [4] of Myrsilus [1] and > Pittacus of

archs’ (3,80; 82).

+ Aristotle’s [6] system of constitutions divided by types of rule is influenced by the tradition. Here, monarchia is a generic term encompassing negative (> tyrannis) and positive (> basileus) variants, distinguished according to whether the rule is legal, consensual and directed towards the well-being of the ruled or not (Aristot. Pol. 3,6f.,1279a 17-bro). The relationship between rule and community is presented by the ancient sources in many different forms, both integrating community and rule and opposing them. Zeus is ‘king of Heaven’ (ourdnoi embasileviei, Hes. Theog. 71), ‘over gods and men’ ((basileus) theon kai andron, Hes. Theog. 923). This is reminiscent of ancient Oriental sources, as is the attribution to the king of the capacity to bring blessing on nature and society (Hom. Od. 19,109-114). The kings of myth were always present, throught Homer, Pindar and the tragedies, as well as through the legends on migration and settlement. Kings ruled over the Scythians, Thracians and Macedonians, in the cities of Cyprus, over Egypt and the realms of the Lydians and Persians, the empire of Alexander [4] the Great and the Hellenistic monarchies (+ Hellenistic states). Continuing ancient Oriental tradition, a wide stream of literature (> Princes’ mirror) reflected the relationship between ruler and community, a tradition still effective in the self-presentations, legitimizations and > panegyrics of the Roman emperors. Since the expulsion of the kings from Rome (c. 500 BC), the Latin term — rex had connoted — tyrannis. Instead of the Greek monarchia (see Cass. Dio 53,17,1), Augustus and his successors created their own terminology (> princeps, > imperator, > dominus). The term monarchia appears only late and unspecified in Latin (Tert. Adversus Praxean 3,2; SHA Max. Balb.

14,4). ~» Basileus; > Dominus; > Princes’ mirror; > Rulers; - Rulership; ~ Imperator; + Mixed constitution; > Princeps; > Rex; > Tyrannis, Tyrannos; - Monar-

chy P. BarcELO, Basileia, Monarchia, Tyrannis, 1993; J. CosetT, Konig, Anfiihrer, Herr; Monarch, Tyrann, in: E. WexskoprrF (ed.), Soziale Typenbegriffe, vol. 3, 1981, 11-

Mytilene (Alcaeus 122 DIEHL = 6,27 LOBEL/PAGE = VorcT; 179,3 L/P. = Voict; SLG 271,5f.). Following the perspective of aristocratic society, ‘rule’ was turned

J. Martin, s.v. Monarchia, Geschichtliche Grundbegriffe 4, 1978, 134-140. CO;

into a polemical and abstract concept: an opportunity to realize one’s own fortune through power and wealth, thus destroying society (Sol. 10,3 D.; Thgn. 1,52; cf. Archil. 22 D. = 19 West = IEG). The perspective of the incipient Athenian democracy contrasts the rule of the Persian kings with the obligation of accountability to the city (Aesch. Pers. 213 with Aesch. PV 323f.). Yet not the Persian rulers, but only the kings of myth were

Monarchianism The term monarchianism is derived from the word monarchiani (Tert. Adversus Praxean 10,1), apparently a neologism of > Tertullianus’s. It denotes the position of Christian theologians of the 2nd and 3rd cents., who refused to interpret Christ as a preexisting Jogos of God, in order to circumvent the assumption of a differentiated deity and a consequent

66; P. Hapot, s.v. Fiirstenspiegel, RAC 8, 1972, 55 5-632;

138

137 implication of ditheism (the belief in two gods), and thus to protect the monarchia (personal rule of God),

i.e. strict - monotheism. Monarchianism was widespread among intellectuals, but also among ordinary Christians, in Asia Minor, Rome and Africa, from AD 190-220. Two types of monarchianism are distinguished: 1. Dynamic (HARNACK [3]: adoptionist) monarchianism was brought from Byzantium to Rome at the end of the 2nd cent. AD by Theodotus ‘the Shoemaker’. Theodotus taught that the > pnevima (spirit) descended into Jesus, the son of the Virgin, at his baptism, conferring divine powers upon him. Only the resurrected Christ, according to Theodotus, was due the title of ‘God’ (Hippolytus [2], Refutatio omnium haeresium 7,35,1-36,1; Eus. Hist. eccl. 5,28). Despite the excommunication of Theodotus by bishop — Victor, his followers were able to hold out at Rome until well into the 3rd cent. 2. Modalistic monarchianism (or modalism) conceived of the Father, Son and Holy Spirit as different ‘modes of being’ (modi) of God. - Noetus of Smyrna, its earliest advocate (c. 190), equated Christ with the Father: “He alleged that the Father Himself was born, suffered and died’ (Hippolytus, Contra Noetum 1; cf. also Hippolytus, Refutatio omnium haeresium 9,10,1— 12). Sabellius (+ Sabellianism; Rome, c. 215) described God as the ‘Son-Father’ (hyiopdtor) and argued that God worked successively in history as Father, Son and Holy Spirit. Such views of a change of function within God were intolerable to the Logos theologians, being contradictory to the philosophical axiom of the inalterability of God. — Praxeas (between 190 and 220) equated God the Father and God the Son, but simultaneously sought to characterize the relationship between divinity and humanity in Christ. The bishops of the city

MONASTICISM

des 2. und 3. Jahrhunderts, in: ZNTW 87, 1996, 101-125.

GE.MA. Monasticism A. CONCEPT

B. CONDITIONS

C. CONCRETE

MANIFESTATIONS

AND FOUNDATIONS

A. CONCEPT Monasticism is a well-known and distinctively Christian way of life. Its essential form arose in the Early Christian period. The central conceptual term uwovayoc/monachds (Latin monachus, hence ‘monk’) refers to the Christian living the ascetic and solitary life (Eus. Commentarius in Psalmum 68(67),7, PG 23,689; Egyptian papyri from the same time). Independent terminology gradually formed in parallel to the development of the way of life. In this, > Athanasius’ Vita Antonii [4] with its Latin translations, and the writings of + Hieronymus, were influential. The first classification of monasticism appears in Jer. Epist. 22,34:

those living together in a community (coenobites, xowopiaxdc/koinobiakos, xowofiowtyc/koinobidtes; Latin coenobita), those living alone and remote from human society (anchorites, dvaxwentis/anachorétes; Latin anachoreta, eremita), small groups (two or three) in inhabited settlements. These distinctions were accepted in subsequent monastic literature, the four genera of the Regula Benedicti 1 (and Regula Magistri [9; 10] 1) becoming the standard types. Thus, solitude and separation made visible (anachoresis) became the constitutive element of monasticism, enacted spatially, socially and in lifestyle. Spatially: outside the inhabited world, in the ‘desert’; socially: alone (anchorite/hermit/recluse) or in a community (coenobite, ‘communal solitude’); lifestyle: characterized by asceticism and guided by religion.

of Rome > Victor (189-198), > Zephyrinus (198-217)

and Callistus (218-222) sympathized with monarchianism, and finally enabled extreme monarchianism to be overcome at Rome (compromise formula of Callistus in Hippolytus, Refutatio omnium haeresium 9,7). A settlement with Logos theology came only later. Monarchianism survived for a time in Syria (> Paulus of Samosata), Arabia and Libya, but disappeared at the end of the 3rd cent. In the West, the followers of modalist monarchianism were polemically dubbed ‘Patripassians’ (i.e. ‘those who assert that the Father suffered’), and in the East Sabelliani. In the 4th cent., ‘Sabellians’ was the heretical epithet leveled at > Marcellus I [4] of Ancyra and those of a like mind. > Trinity 1 M. Decker, Die Monarchianer, thesis Hamburg 1987 2 C. ANDRESEN (ed.), Handbuch der Dogmen- und Theologiegeschichte, vol. 1, 1983,71998 3 A. VON HARNACK,

Lehrbuch der Dogmengeschichte, vol. 1,41909

4R.M.

Huesner, Der antivalentinianische Charakter der Theologie des Noét von Smyrna, in: H. C. BRENNECKE e.a. (ed.),

Logos, Festschrift L. Abramowski, 1993, 57-86

5 W.A.

Loupe, Theodotus der Lederarbeiter und Theodotus der

Bankier — ein Beitrag zur romischen Theologiegeschichte

B. CONDITIONS AND FOUNDATIONS These were given by the > asceticism practised from the outset in Christian communities. The summons to the imitation of — Jesus with its eschatological unworldliness and spiritual transcendence of the world was lived to differing levels of intensity. Comparative models were available in the ascetic attitudes and practices prevalent in the world around (Stoics, Cynics etc.), which could be Christianized without difficulty: sexual abstinence, restrictions on nourishment, material frugality extending to the renunciation of possessions. This visible isolation (anachoresis) can be detected in individual cases from the late 3rd cent. AD. It became a movement encompassing the entire Church only in the 4th cent., and initially in the East, where Christians were more numerous and active. The reasons behind this continue to be hotly debated; the process certainly cannot properly be ascribed to a single cause. Economic factors are cited, especially for Egypt (secular anachoresis due to financial necessity, pressure of taxes and forced labour for the state [19]). An argument is also made for a mentality of withdrawal and renunciation

139

140

brought about by the destabilization of the Roman Empire [19]. This renunciation may also be applied to 4thcent. ecclesiastical developments: the embryonic state Church may have promoted the special Christian way and a more demanding way of life. Monks and nuns have justified and explained their calling in entirely religious terms: the assurance of eternal personal salvation by the imitation of Christ, understood as asceticism. Advocates and defenders of monasticism have highlighted this motivation in particular, thus assuring monasticism of its secure place within the Church.

modest social, charitable and educational apostolate (so-called ‘Rule’ of St. Basil in the classical form of erotapokriseis, i.e. questions and answers). 2. THE WEST Pre-monastic asceticism had its own distinct tradition in the Latin Church (virginity and viduity/widowhood). Only in the second half of the 4th cent. did a step take place towards the monastic way of life. Increasing Christianization was a prerequisite, and the influence of eastern monasticism was decisive (literary influence, personal interactions; Aug. Conf. 8,6,14-15). Educated theologians — > Ambrosius of Milan, > Jerome, > Rufinus of Aquileia, > Sulpicius Severus, > Paulinus of

MONASTICISM

C. CONCRETE

1. THE EAST

MANIFESTATIONS

2. THE WEST

fe DEAS T Eremitism: Its prototype was — Antonius [5] of Egypt (t+ 356), celebrated and interpreted ecclesiastically and theologically by Athanasius (Vita Antonit). The hermit did not live in absolute isolation, but in a

loosely-structured hermits’ settlement: spiritual fathers with teaching (cf. Apophthegmata Patrum [1; 2; 3]) and healing functions, rudimentary elements of an organizational structure (shared services, discussions, sale of handcrafts). Coenobitism: The prototype was — Pachomius (t+

346), with his foundation of the monastery of Tabennisi/Upper Egypt (c. 323), which was quickly followed by other monastery foundations. The communal, uniform life was precisely ordered by rules. The work of Pachomius was motivated by pastoral considerations and a Biblical standpoint (literary depiction in the Historia Lausiaca of — Palladius).

Intermediate forms: communities living the ascetic life without the complete renunciation of possessions. The large number of (male and female) monks alone (said to be 100,000 out of approx. 5 million inhabitants of Egypt) would indicate a wider variety of lifestyles than is documented [20. 181-198]. Monastic map was divided between the two basic forms: in Palestine, there were also Latin monasteries as

by-products of the flourishing pilgrimage tradition (— Pilgrimage) to the holy places (> Melania [1] the Elder and > Melania [2] the Younger in Jerusalem; Jerome with > Paula in Bethlehem); Syria, tendencies towards ascetic extremism (recluses = those who locked

themselves in cells, ‘Stationaries’ and Stylites = those who stood on pillars), but also towards social-charitable and apostolic missionary (> Mission) activity. Asia Minor was characterized by the reforming work of + Basilius [1] of Caesarea (+ 379) and the preceding ascetic movement under > Eustathius [6] of Sebaste (+ 377), which was critical of Church and society, and which at first influenced both Basil and his sister » Macrina. According to Basil, the ascetic communities — with the exception of eremitism — should form models for the Church and Christianized society, in which love of God and of one’s neighbour should be lived in practice, in an ordered daily routine and in a

Nola, > Augustinus, Iohannes > Cassianus, etc., for-

mulated a monastic theology which was indebted to Latin tradition and Greek models. This theology was taken up and translated into practice above all by women— Roman aristocratic ladies led the way — and by men living together in various forms of communities: monasteries (lay communities), episcopal monasteries (clerical communities) and basilica monasteries (service in

churches and at the graves of martyrs). Eremitism remained peripheral; in theory it was regarded as the perfect form, which was only possible after proving one’s worth in monastery life (Regula Benedicti 1,3-5). Geographical centres of monasticism were, alongside Italy, North Africa (where Augustine upheld his own monastic programme in competition with eastern monasticism [5]) and southern Gaul (where Honoratus, t 429 as bishop of Arelate/modern Arles, founded the island monastery of Lerinum in 410, and where soon afterwards Johannes - Cassianus made Massalia/modern Marseilles into a beacon of monasticism). The unconventional monasticism of > Martinus [1] of Tours was of only marginal significance. Even his biographer Sulpicius Severus devoted himself to a more cultured way of life in his monastery of Primuliacum/modern Primuliac. Elsewhere, Irish monasticism grew (from the 6th cent.) in its own character: monasteries closely linked to the respective founding families became centres of an ecclesiastical and monastic organization and of culture: the Latin language, reception of the Church Fathers, illumination of manuscripts. Columba (Columbanus the Elder, + 597) founded the monastery of Iona (Hy, a small island off south-western Scotland), whose influence reached Scotland. Columbanus (the Younger, ¢ 615 in Bobium, modern Bobbio) took the Irish form of monasticism to Merovingian France in the late 6th cent., where it won influence through the Mixed Rule. Latin monasticism generally shows an aristocratic stamp in the tradition of Roman country life (asceticism and culture), as well as a stronger connection with the Church (asceticism and theology; signs of a clericalization of monasticism and a monasticization of the clergy) and finally the regulation of the way of life (rules: between AD 400 and 700 there are approx. 30 monastic rules, including the first specific convent rule of + Caesarius [4] of Arelate, + 542; elsewhere the same

141

142

rule applying to both sexes). Female communities were prescribed stricter isolation (heightened by Caesarius to claustration, i.e. confinement), while handiwork was

confined to traditional female work. The monastic rules established no new forms of monastic life; they codified the monastic consensus, specified individual elements of the tradition or amplified what had hitherto been incomplete or unclear. The best-known and most important example was the Regula Monachorum in the name of > Benedict of Nursia (6th cent.), which together with other standard texts had formed the binding monastic rule (the so-called ‘Mixed Rule’) in Merovin-

gian-Frankish monasticism from the early 7th cent., later to rise to become the sole recognized monastic rule in the Carolingian period. ~> Asceticism; > Christianity; sticism

> Woman IV.; > Mona-

EDITIONS (SELECTION): APOPHTHEGMATA PATRUM: 1PG65,72-410 2PL 73,740-1066 3 L.REGNAULT, Les sentences des Péres, 5

vols., 1966-1981. ATHANASIUS, VITA ANTONII: AUGUSTINE, ‘RULE’: 5G.

4 SChr 400, 1994. Lawxess, Augustine

of

Hippo and his Monastic Rule, 1987. BASIL, ASCETIC

WRITINGS:

6PG

31

7 Lat. Rule:

CSEL 86,1986

8K.S. Frank, Die Monchsregeln. Basi-

lius von Caesarea, 1981. REGULA MacistTrRi: 9SChr 105-107, 1964/65 S. FRANK, Die Magisterregel, 1989. REGULA

MONACHORUM

(=

REGULA

ON

LATIN

10 K.

BENEDICTI):

11 CSEL 75, 1960.

COLLECTIONS

OF TEXTS

12 K. S. FRANK, Friihes 1975 (texts in German LITERATURE: 13 K.S. der alten Kirche, 1975

DE VoGué, Histoire littéraire du mouvement monastique dans l’antiquité, 4 vols., 1991-1998 16 J. HiRSCHFELD, The Judean Desert Monasteries in the Byzantine Period, 1992 17G. JENAL, Italia ascetica atque monastica, 2 vols.,1995 18 F. PRINZ, Fruhes Monchtum im Frankenreich, 1965 (*1988) 19K. Heussi, Der Ursprung des Monchtums, 1936 20M. Martin, Laures et ermitages du désert d’Egypte (Mél. de I’Université St. Joseph Bey-

K-S.F.

Moncores Son of Harpaesis, syngeneés (> court title). (District) strategos of Pathyritis, Ombitis etc. at least between 69/8-62 BC [3]. As such, subordinate to > Callimachus [9]. Two of his sons and two of his grandsons were also strategoi. This Egyptian family was responsible for the office of strategos in Hermonthis for three generations. 1H. J. THIsseN, Zur Familie des Strategen Monkores, in: ZPE 27, 1977, 181-191 2L.M. Ricxetrs, The Epistrategos Kallimachos and a Koptite Inscription: $B V 8036 Reconsidered, in: AncSoc 13/4, 1982/3, 161-165 3 W. F. EDGERTON (ed.), Med Habu Graffiti Facsimiles,

1937.

Mondaea (Movéaia/Monddia). A city, mentioned only

in inscriptions, in the neighbourhood of Perrhaebian ~» Azorus in north-western Thessaly. It is identified with the ruin at Lutron Elassonos, c. 25 km north-west of Elasson. G. Lucas, La Tripolis de Perrhébie et ses confins, in: I. Btu (ed.), Topographique antique et géographie historique en pays grec, 1992, 93ff., rogf.; F. STAHLIN, s.v. Mondaia, RE 16, 106f. (sources).

HE.KR.

Monemvasia Chronicle Brief local chronicle, original version from the roth cent. AD. Mainly concerned with Patras, it tells of the founding of Monemvasia (southeastern Peloponnese) as a retreat settlement, of the conquest of western and central Peloponnese by the Avars and Slavs, and finally of their subjugation from the east at the beginning of the 9th cent., which introduced a period of rehellenization. The author may be the learned bishop > Arethas of Caesarea, who came from Patras. EpiTIon: I. Dujcev (ed.), Chronaca di Monemvasia, 1976. BIBLIOGRAPHY: P. CHARANIS, Studies on the Demogra-

phy of the Byzantine Empire, 1972, passim; J. KODER, Arethas von Kaisareia und die sogenannte Chronik von Monemvasia, in: Jahrbuch der Osterreich. Byzantinistik 25, 1976, 75-80; ST. KYRIAKIDES, BuCavtval werétat 6, 1947, 33-97; P. LEMERLE, La chronique improprement dite de Monemvasia, in: Revue des Etudes Byzantines 21, 1963, 5-49.

G.MA.

MONASTICISM:

Ménchtum im Abendland, 2 vols., translation, with introductions). FRANK, Askese und Monchtum in (older literature) 14 M.-E. Bru-

NERT, Das Ideal der Wiistenaskese und seine Rezeption in Gallien bis zum Ende des 6. Jahrhunderts, 1994 +15 A.

routh 42), 1966.

MONETA

W.A.

Moneta Epithet of > Juno. According to tradition, her

Roman temple on the Arx (— Capitolium) was vowed by L. Furius ({I rr], probably not [I 12]) Camillus in 345 BC (Liv. 7,28,4) and dedicated on 1 June 344 (Liv. 7,28,5f.; Ov. Fast. 6,183f.; Fasti Venusini, InscrIt 13,2,

p. 58). The traditional story that the shrine was erected at the site of the house of M. Manlius [I 8] Capitolinus (e.g. Liv. 6,20,133 7,28,5; Ov. Fast. 6,185f.) is based on its erroneous localization on the Arx. The source of this tradition is the mistaken identification of Juno M. with the Juno whose gaggling geese supposedly warned M. Manlius on the Arx of the attack by the Gauls on the Capitol in 390 BC. There are no clear indications of a cult of Juno M. that could be dated earlier than 34 5/4 and would permit such identification (despite [1]). The legendary geese belonged to the sanctuary of the Capitoline Triad [2. 39-41; 3]. In 168 BC, C. Cicereius dedicated a temple to Juno M. on the > Mons Albanus that had been vowed five years earlier (Liv. 42,7,1; 45,15,10). The entry of Iunoni Monetae on 10 October in the late Republican Fasti Antiates maiores (Inscrlt 13,2, p- 20; cf. p. 53) probably does not refer to a new dedication of a restored shrine on the Arx, but to this second temple of Juno M. (cf. [4. 96 note 9]). The Republican consecration CIL I? 2864 to Juno M. of Signia (Segni) does not allow the conclusion that there was a temple of the goddess at that location.

143

144

The shrine on the Arx was home to the magistrates’ lists referred to as libri lintei (Liv. 4,7,11f.; 4,20,8;

zens the possession of gold and silver and allowing the use of coins only for daily life (Plat. Leg. 741e-742C).

> liber linteus). Since the early 3rd cent. BC, a mint had

Lending money for paying > interest was considered

been located in the immediate vicinity (Liv. 6,20,13; Suda s.v. Moviyta), which + Domitianus [1] presum-

problematic (Plat. Leg. 742c; Aristot. Pol. 125 8b). A differentiating MT can be found in Aristotle (Aristot. Eth. Nic. 1133a-b): by consensus (xata ovvOnxny) money is the measure of value for various necessities that can only be bartered if their values can be measured. It does not exist in nature, only by political ordinance (ov mvoet GAAG VOU). As a result the conceptual opposition of money as a commodity and money as a convention was introduced, defining as late as the 17th and 18th cents. the debate between the Metallists and the Anti-Metallists. In his ‘Politics’ Aristotle traces the development of money or coins to the exigencies of trade between the poleis. He represents the view that at first silver or iron were used for their utility and handiness as an object of exchange, with the metal having to be specified by size and weight but later it was given a stamp as a sign of the quantity (tot toood onpetov) (Pol. 1257a-b). However, Aristotle also holds to the theory of money as a means of exchange based on agreement. In Aristotelean philosophy, money is determined as a representation of needs, a general measure of value and a means of store of value, ideas which have still have their place in modern MT. Roman lawyers too made a theme of the opposition between substantia and quantitas when discussing the significance of money in property and liability law. To the question of whether buying and selling should be seen as categories of natural exchange (permutatio), the lawyer Paulus maintained that what is decisive for the general and enduring value (publica ac perpetua aestimatio) of money is not the substance (substantia) of coins, but their official stamp (forma publica), which expresses the uniformity of their value (aequalitas

MONETA

ably had moved to the Roman Regio III after the fire on the Capitoline Hill in AD 80 (Cass. Dio 66,24,1-3) [5]. Because of the geographical connection, the name of the goddess was applied to the mint as early as the Republican period (Cic. Att. 8,7,3). During the High Imperial period the mint was also known as M. in its new location (CIL VI 33726), while the equestrian position responsible for > minting, documented from the early 2nd cent. AD, was referred to as procurator Monetae ({6]; AE 1975, 849; 1989, 309). M. is still found in the Romance languages as a term for ‘coin’ (in poetry since Ov. Fast. 1,222). A distinction should be made between

depictions of the goddess — RRC 396/1 and 464/2 (cf. BMCRE 3, 136); [7. no. 55] — and those of M. as the ~ personification of the minting system since Domitianus [8].

The meaning of the epithet M. is unclear. In Antiquity, M., the ‘admonisher’, was derived from monére (‘admonish, remind’) (Cic. Div. 1,101; 2,69); Livius

Andronicus’ translation of the Greek

Mnemosyne as

M. (Odusia fr. 21 FPL?) is based on the same etymol-

ogy. Modern scholars seek a more exact linguistic explanation [9], but the ancient etymology, albeit formed incorrectly, may nevertheless be what was originally intended. 1 G. GIANNELLI, s.v. uno Moneta, LTUR 3, 1996, 1232 T. P. WiseMAN, Topography and Rhetoric: The 125

Trial of Manlius, in: Historia 28, 1979, 32-50 (= idem, Roman Studies Literary and Historical, 1987, 225-243, 382) 3 A. ZIOLKOWSKI, Between Geese and the Auguraculum: The Origin of the Cult of Juno on the Arx, in: CPh 88, 1993, 206-219 4 J. RUpKE, Kalender und Offentlichkeit, 1995 5 F. CoareLii, Moneta. Le officine della Zecca di Roma tra repubblica e impero, in: Annali Istituto Italiano di Numismatica 3 8-41, 1991-1994, 23-66 6 M. PEACHIN, The Procurator Monetae,

94-106

7P.-H. Martin,

in: NC

Die anonymen

146, 1986,

Miinzen des

Jahres 68 n.Chr., 1974 8M. DENNERT, s.v. Moneta, LIMC 8.1, 852-854 9 WaLDE/HOFMANN, s.v. Moneta AN.BE.

quantitatis) (Dig. 18,1,1, pr.

1).In Roman literature too

the criticism of richness is connected with a polemic against money. Thus Sallustius demands that Caesar should put a stop to greed for money and take auctoritas for money (Sall. Epist. 2,7,3—8,3 ). Plinius describes the first minting of gold coins as scelus (‘crime’) and money generally as a source of avarice and profiteering (Plin. HN 33,423 33,48). + Money

Monetary theory Although in Antiquity no proper MT had been formulated and no writings on the topic existed, in philosophical literature and in poetry the problems connected with the existence of money were repeatedly discussed, such as the questions of what the basis of its value is and what the consequences for a society of the use of money are. Among the Greeks a critical attitude to money and richness based on financial means crystallized at quite an early stage: the striving for wealth has destructive consequences for morale and society (cf. e.g. Soph. Ant. 295ff.), whereas the lack of precious metals or the prohibition of possessing it were valued positively (Plat. Leg. 679b; Xen. Lac. 7,5f.). Consequently Plato argues for forbidding citi-

1 K. Curist, Die Griechen und das Geld, in: Griechische

Geschichte und Wissenschaftsgeschichte, 1996, 59-77 2 K. Has_Ler, Studien zu Wesen und Wert des Geldes in der romischen Kaiserzeit von Augustus bis Severus Alexander, 1980 3 S. T. Lowry, The Archaeology of Economic Ideas, 1987 4 S. MEIKLE, Aristotle’s Economic Thought, 1995 5 C. NIcOLET, Pline, Paul et la théorie de la monnaie, in: Athenaeum n.s. 62, 1984, 105-35 6 S. VON REDEN, Exchange in Ancient Greece, 1995. Sw.R.

Money boxes (a&gyveo0}xr/argyrotheke; Latin arcula, crumena). It seems that MB were unknown in archaic

and classical Greece; money was kept in trunks and chests together with jewellery and other objects of value

145

146

Ancient money-boxes

Money supply In ancient communities or kingdoms, the MS depended primarily on the level of public spending, rather than on a comprehensive monetary policy with the intention to provide society and economy with a sufficient amount of coin for all necessary transac-

MONEY

SUPPLY

tions. The primary purpose of coinage was to guarantee

Berlin, Antikensammlung: from Priene

Naples, Museo Nazionale: from Pompeii (1st cent. AD)

(and- rst cents. BC)

payments for soldiers or building works. Because in Antiquity money was usually fixed to a material value, the limits of the > minting of coin were basically constrained by the volume of the supply of precious metals, which largely depended on the exploitation of metal ore deposits. In some cases, cities also received silver for minting from other communities, as for example Aegina from Siphnus. During the time of the Roman republic, the MS grew to an extent unknown before, due to the exploitation of the Spanish silver mines after the 2nd Punic War. It was also possible, by manipulating the weight or the precious metal content of coins, to continue coinage at the usual rate when gold or silver mining suffered from falling production volumes, or to increase the volume of an emission when the supply of precious metal remained steady. Whether the decline in the quality of coins, occurring in the 3rd cent. AD, went hand in hand witha significant increase in MS has to remain open. There is

From Pompeii (1st cent.

AD)

Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale, Cabinet

des Médailles (1st-2nd cents. AD)

little evidence, though, that the price increases in the late 3rd cent. were a reaction to a strongly rising MS, for in Antiquity there was hardly a possibility to perceive fluctuations in the MS accurately and then to react by adjusting prices. Other factors influencing the MS are the pace of money circulation and the export of coins or precious metal; the hoarding of coins is also a significant factor. Especially in crises resulting from over-indebtedness, large volumes of money were taken out of circulation

(e.g. Theophr. Char. ro). Probably the oldest surviving

(Tac. Ann. 6,16f.; AD 33). In such situations, the export

MB is from Priene (2nd/rst cent. BC) and has the form

of gold (Cic. Flacc. 67; 63 BC) or the possession of larger sums of cash were prohibited (Cass. Dio 41,3 8,1;

of a little temple with a slit in the pediment for inserting money, which can be taken out again through a lockable opening at the rear [1. 190 f. no. 25]. The Romans used small pots for keeping money (olla or aula, Cic. Fam. 9,18,4, cf. also > Plautus’s comedy Aulularia). It is only from the Roman imperial period that MB of a different form are known, particularly from the provinces on the Rhine and Britain: small chests, spherical MB with and without flat bases, beehive-shaped, and flat circular MB, which in appearance resemble the medallions of Roman lamps. MB were also distributed as gifts at the > New Year’s celebration, because in a few cases they bear good wishes for the new year. 1 W.-D. HemMeyer, Antikensammlung Berlin. Die ausgestellten Werke, 1988. S. M. Cueriixk,

A Roman Terracotta Savings Bank, in:

AJA 67, 1963, 70 f.; A. HENSEN, Eine romische Sparbiichse aus Wiesloch, in: Archaologische Nachrichten aus Baden 59, 1998, 3-6. R.H.

49 BC). The necessity to constantly mint coins resulted from the fact that gold and silver coins were hoarded, lost or melted down, to make jewellery for example, and also used as payment for imported luxury goods (for trade with India cf. Plin. HN 6,101; 12,84). Scholars have drawn conclusions regarding the MS based on coins found, and in particular on > hoard finds. The method they use is to establish the number of relevant mintmarks on the obverse and reverse and their combination, based on a selection of hoards from

the same period, and to deduce by statistical extrapolation the original number of coinages. This number is then multiplied with the estimated number of coins minted per coinage. However, this method is disputed because of its numerous uncertainties (estimate of the number of coins minted per coinage, estimate of the loss rate, ratio of circulating and hoarded coins). 1 F. Beyer, Geldpolitik in der Romischen Kaiserzeit, 1995 2T. V. Butrrey, Calculating Ancient Coin Production: Facts and Fantasies, in: NC 153, 1993, 335-51

3 K. Hor-

MONEY

SUPPLY

147

KINS, Taxes and Trade in the Roman Empire (200 BC-AD 400), in: JRS 70, 1980, ro1-125 4 C. HowGEGo, Ancient

History from Coins, 1995 5 Idem, The Supply and Use of Money in the Roman World 200 BC to AD 300, in: JRS $2, 1992, 03.

S.v.R.

Money, money economy I. ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGypT Ill. Rome

IV. Byzantium

II. GREECE

V. EARLY MIDDLE

AGES

I. ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGYPT As early as the beginning of the 3rd millennium BC metals (copper and silver, later also tin and gold) fulfilled monetary functions as a medium of exchange, a means of payment for religious, legal or other liabilities, a measure of value and a means of storing wealth. Until the rst millennium fungible goods, primarily corn, also served as a medium of exchange and measure of value. Economies in the Near East and Egypt were characterised by subsistence production, self-sufficient palace and oikos economies. The need for goods or services which could not be produced or provided in the household or the o7kos was largely satisfied by barter or servitude. In this respect there was scarce room for the development of a money economy. In the Near East coins were not used until a late stage and then initially only in particular economic spheres, i.e. the Hellenized sectors of economy and society. + Banks; > Dareikos; tem Economy

J. ReNGER,

- Commerce;

Subsistenzproduktion

> Coinage

sys-

und _ redistributive

Palastwirtschaft, in: W. SCHELKLE, M. Nirscu Ratsel Geld, 1995, 271-324 (with bibliography).

(eds.), J.RE.

Il. GREECE The history of money should be separated from the rise of coinage as both theoretically and historically the concept of money precedes — minting. An historically meaningful definition of money has not yet been achieved, but it has proved helpful to distinguish various functions of money and thus identify various forms of money. These functions are 1. measure of value, 2. means of preserving value, 3. means of payment, 4. medium of exchange. It is a matter of debate how coin money in Greece first combined in itself all the functions of money and thus represented the first all-purpose money in Antiquity. There are indications that this step had been accomplished with the practice of using uncoined precious metals or precious metal ingots by weight as a measure of value or a means of payment. In Homer’s epics measures of value, means of preserving value and means of payment appear repeatedly. The various functions of money were distributed among different objects however. Cattle e.g. were considered a measure ofvalue (Hom. Il. 6,23 5f.; 23,703 f.; 23,885); vessels of precious metal, jewels and valuable textiles (xeyudva/keimelia) had the function of preserv-

148

ing value and also served as gifts or trophies (Hom. Il. 8,290f.; 11,700; 22,163f.; 23,259ff.; 23,485; 23,851; Hom. Od. 4,129; 13,133; 13,2173 15,84). In a description of primitive exchange, the Greeks at Troy gave the Lemnians copper, iron, skins, oxen and slaves for wine (Hom. Il. 7,467-474). There is archaeological evidence of arrowheads in the Black Sea area and roasting spits in Cyprus and the Greek motherland as a means of payment. In texts from the 7th and 6th cents. BC, the term xonpata (chrémata, plural of ‘thing’) begins to become current as a term for money, but by that one should understand (as in later times) not a particular monetary object, but rather a class of goods which could perform monetary functions (Hes. Op. 320, 402; Ale. fr. 360,2; Theognis 197, r115). A decisive preliminary for the introduction of coins was payment in uncoined precious metal, which was weighed according to fixed weight standards. This increasingly gained in significance, particularly in the administration of justice in archaic Greek poleis. The first coins, which have been found in a hoard mixed with jewels in the base of the temple of Artemis in Ephesus, were minted in c. 600 BC in western Anatolia. Their metal is electrum (+ Elektron), an alloy of silver and gold, which occurs naturally in this region. The next generation of coins, attributed to Croesus of Lydia (c. §61-547 BC), consisted of pure gold or silver. Nothing is known about the function of the first minting in electrum, nor can anything be said with certainty about whether they were of Greek or Lydian origin; the literary tradition is of limited value on the question (Hdt. 1,94; Poll. 9,83). However, the fact that in the roo items of the Artemisium hoard there is evidence of only three different standards of value with very differentiated denominations hints at a local use of these early coins. From Asia Minor the use of coins rapidly spread to Greece and from the middle of the 6th cent. BC had been adopted by Aegina, Corinth, and Athens, then the cities and tribes of Macedonia and Thrace and a little later by the Greek cities in Sicily, Lower Italy, southern France and Spain. The metal of coins here was normally silver. Gold currency remained exceptional, and bronze was of significance only in the western Greek colonies of Thurii, Acragas and in Ptolemaic Egypt. The transition from quantities of precious metals reckoned by weight to coins, whose value and weight was guaranteed by impression of the polis, should be seen as a gradual process, never completed in Antiquity. All precious metal currencies were a medium of exchange outside their area of validity according to their value by weight. An exception was Ptolemaic Egypt, where foreign currencies were forbidden. The — drachme and the > obolos were the most important denominations in the Greek cities. Generally, the > didrachmon (- stater) is the largest coin used in many silver currencies. This gives the following relations: 1 didrachmon = 2 drachmai; 1 drachme = 6 oboloi.

149

150

Larger sums of money were expressed in terms of the weight units mina and talent, with the > mina corresponding to 100 drachmai and the talent 6000 drachmai or 60 minai. The drachme — and likewise with the other denominations — had different weights in the various poleis (Aegina: 6-24 g; Corinth: 2-8 g; Athens: 4-37 g); in the 4th cent. BC the Athenian standard of coinage had prevailed generally. Neither the origin in Asia Minor nor the rapid and wide spread in the Greek Mediterranean permit inferences as to the reason for the introduction of coins. The

specialist literature on polis finances (Xen. Vect.; Ps.-

purely economic significance of money in modern times

should not mislead us to think this was central in Antiquity as well. Rather, more recent scholarship considers the development of the polis and the concomitant increasingly standardised payments in the legal and political spheres as a basic prerequisite for the transformation of disparate forms of money into all-purpose money and ultimately into minting coins. The often heard view that coins were initially minted only in large denominations and money was therefore usable only for trade between poleis can no longer be sustained today either. Rather, developments within the poleis, which simultaneously had external contacts, was the precondition for the emergence of coined money. Although the first currencies were in circulation by the 6th cent. BC, there was no real money economy before the beginning of the 5th cent. BC. Also, despite increasing horizontal (geographical) monetization, many areas of the Mediterranean continued to manage without coined money (e.g. Egypt until the Greek conquest in 332 BC and probably Sparta until the middle of the 4th cent. BC). Until the middle of the sth cent. BC Crete possessed no minting of its own. The differences in monetization of Greece must be connected with the unequal distribution of resources of precious metals. To what extent vertical (social) monetization remained restricted to urban areas spheres of influence is hard to say. The motor of monetization in the Mediterranean was Athens. Its standard and currency dominated the circulation of money in the sth and 4th cents. both in the west and in the east. Causes are the construction of a fleet in the first quarter of the sth cent. BC and the obligation to pay tribute in money to the Athenian — symmachia from the middle of that century. Simultaneously and not independently from the symmachia, the Athenian democracy developed into a system which entered into numerous monetary commitments (daily allowances, soldiers’ payments, — liturgies and ~ eisphord), thus mobilizing coins within the citizenry of the polis. In the 5th cent. BC, private commerce and market trade were only one of several factors in the success of the money economy. This can be recognised in Athens in the continual ideological conflicts over the role of money in the value system of the polis. In the 4th cent. BC, the institutions of the money economy (+ Banks, > Maritime loans, > Public finances) gained in significance, and to a limited extent there developed a

MONEY,

MONEY ECONOMY

Aristot. Oec.). When power shifted from the independent polis societies to Macedonia and the regions conquered by Alexander, new precious metal resources were made accessible. Also, a new international currency was established in the name of Alexander and Athens was replaced by Rhodes as the centre of the money economy. In the course of the political reorientation in the Mediterranean, the extent of trade and the circulation of money increased considerably. In Egypt in the 3rd cent. BC, written orders for payment and cheque money became customary, but this can be explained by the scarcity of precious metals and by the particular administrative structure in Egypt, rather than by radical economic changes in the money economy. 1M. R. ALFOLpD1, Antike Numismatik, Part I, 1978, 63-

7o

2/1. Carrapice, M. Price, Coinage in the Greek

World, 1988 3 K. Curist, Die Griechen und das Geld, in: Saeculum 15, 1964, 214-229, also in: Id., Griechische

Geschichte und Wissenschaftsgeschichte, 1996, 59-77 4C. Kraay, Archaic and Classical Greek Coins, 1976 5 L. Kurke, The Traffic in Praise, r991 6 Id., Herodotus and the Language of Metals, in: Helios 22, 1995, 36-64

7 M. Price, Thoughts on the beginnings of coinage, in: C. BROOKE et al. (ed.), Studies in Numismatic Method pres-

ented to Philip Grierson, 1983, 1-10 8S. VON REDEN, Money, Law and Exchange: Coinage in the Greek Polis, in: JHS 127, 1997, 154-176 9K. Rutter, Early Greek Coinage and the Influence of the Athenian State, in: B. CUNLIFFE (ed.), Coinage and Society in Britain and Gaul: Some Current Problems, 1981, 1-9 101. SrroM, Oboloi of pre- or protomonetary value in Greek Sanctuaries, in: T. Linpers, B. ALROTH (eds.) Economics of Cult in the Ancient World, 1992, 41-51.

S.v.R.

Ill. ROME A. EARLY ROME AND THE REPUBLIC

B. PRINCIPATE

C. LATE ANTIQUITY

A. EARLY ROME AND THE REPUBLIC

In the history of Roman > minting and Roman money, two aspects need to be looked at. One is that of internal development, the other that of the increasing predominance of Roman money in the Mediterranean, its use throughout the Imperium Romanum and the absorption of Roman currency in the mintings of the successor kingdoms in the West and the Byzantine Empire in the East. It is likely that in Italy by an early stage valuable and non-perishable objects such as metals served to enable the acquisition of other products; at the same time probably any goods, e.g. cattle, could be used to assess value. A decisive step was the creation of a unit

which was generally recognised as money, consisted mostly of precious metal and was available both as a measure ofvalue and for payments — including fines and taxes. This stage was accomplished in Rome in about 500 BC. The production of money in the form of minting in the Roman world began in the late 4th cent. BC.

151

152

Until the early Republic, Rome managed without minting, like the other communities and peoples of cen-

unprecedented drawing on private wealth (Liv. 26,36),

tral Italy, except

tive turn for the Romans. At this time a unit (as) of the

MONEY,

MONEY ECONOMY

for some

Etruscan

cities. Bronze,

which was weighed, was used as a measure of value (known as aes rude) in early Rome, with a pound of about 324 g as a unit. Undoubtedly, the aes rude was used chiefly to fix penalties resolving private retribution. This phase of the history of Roman money is reflected in the Law of the Twelve Tables. Transactions per aes et libram (‘with the help of bronze and scales’) had full validity in Roman civil law as a means of transferring ownership. Between 338 and 275 BC, Roman expansion introduced to central Italy booty in the form of gold, silver and bronze, bringing about the conditions for minting on the Greek model. A further stimulus was the construction of the Via Appia in the late 4th cent. BC, when Roman relations with the Greek cities of Campania began. After 326 BC, Rome had bronze coins with the legend PREMAIQN minted in Naples; in addition silver coins, probably worth two drachmai, with the legend ROMANO were minted. These coins were not different from the Greek mintings in southern Italy. The insignificance of minting for Rome is proven by the fact that almost a generation passed until the next issue of coins, probably in the time of the Pyrrhic War. From this point on there was a continuous succession of Roman mintings until the end of the Imperium Romanum in the West. Bronze coins were added to the silver > didrachmai; in addition round bronzes (aes grave) were cast whose

unit (+ as) weighed a pound. In the short period between the Pyrrhic War and the First Punic War bronze ingots were cast which are nowadays erroneously called des signatum (to a Roman this expression meant little more than ‘minted bronze’). It is characteristic that, in comparison with the mintings of Carthage and the Greek cities of Italy, Roman coinage was still of small size. Silver money, copper coins, whose legend ROMANO was now replaced by ROMA, and cast bronze existed with equal status side by side until the outbreak of the second Punic War in 218 BC. It is likely that Roman currency first circulated in the territories of the peoples of the central Apennines at that time. Just as military necessities were probably the cause for Roman minting at this time, military factors, particularly soldiers returning home, contributed to the use of Roman money among the Samnites and other peoples. The enormous financial efforts of the war against Hannibal led to a reduction in the metal content of the heavy cast bronze currency, then to an issue of gold coins and finally to a reduction in the metal content of the silver coins. Rome’s first monetary system collapsed; hence in or about 211 BC a new system was introduced and with it a new silver coin was created, the > denarius, which remained the most important Roman silver coin until the 3rd cent. AD. In the beginning the issue of this coin was financed by means of an

but later by means of booty, after the war took a posibronze money had a weight of only about two unciae (54 g), whereas the denarius (or ‘tenner’) had a value of

ten of these units. There were further denominations both of silver — including the > victoriatus, which weighed three-quarters of a denarius, although it had a lower and fluctuating silver content — and of bronze, a well as a short-lived issue of gold coins. After the war, minting in the other Italian cities practically came to a halt; soon Roman currency was the only one in circulation in

Italy. When the Italici minted their own money in 90-88 BC, it followed the model of the denarius, apart froma gold coin with which they anticipated Sulla’s minting. Despite the introduction of the denarius, bronze money remained the most important element of the

Roman monetary system for a number of years. The idea, close to Cato’s view, that silver money should be

seen as a symbol of increasing wealth and decline of public morality led to a decade of suppression of the silver currency. The consequences of the Roman conquest of the Mediterranean, however, could not be suppressed for long. The booty that from 194 BC on flowed into Rome in the form of silver mainly, and the control exercised since 167 BC over the Macedonian gold and silver mines, brought about a considerable increase in the issue of silver money from 157 BC. It became normal practice to mint in one year as many coins as a

Greek city did in a century. It was only with Sulla that the mint abandoned the practice of reminting the majority of the coins needed every year. It converted to the later customary practice of supplementing the public revenues, so far as they had already been accepted as Roman coins, with issues of mainly newly extracted metal. In the years after 157 BC, the predominant position of Rome in the Mediterranean began to be reflected in the faces of coins, in that the designation of the origin of coins was omitted as it was no longer needed for the identification of Roman money. The ratio between the metals used most — gold, silver, bronze — changed again and again in the course of time, with factors such as Rome’s exploitation of Spanish silver deposits from the 2nd cent. BC on exercising decisive influence; this also had an effect on the relations between the various denominations. The relatively limited significance of bronze currency after 157 BC led to the as no longer being issued; in its place there were smaller denominations with a significantly reduced standard of weight. In 141 BC, bronze currency was effectively devalued by fixing the value of the denarius to 16 (no longer ro) asses, al-

though it retained its name. Towards the end of the 2nd cent. BC, victoriati had only about half the weight of a denarius; coins with the value of half a denarius (> quinarit), were minted from now on, with interruptions, often for the Po valley or the province of Gallia Transalpina. After the Second Punic War, Roman money became the currency of the whole Mediterranean

153

154

world. The denarius soon became the silver coin of Sicily, supplemented by Roman bronze coins and the bronze currency of individual cities. Probably in c. r50 BC, the Romans allowed or required the minting in Spain of silver or bronze coins based on the model of the denarius. In the Po valley and the province of Gallia Transalpina the Romans recognised the local money, the unit of which had a value equivalent to half a denarius, and on several occasions they even had such coins minted for these regions. Wholly in contrast to this, the Greek East remained largely uninfluenced by the Roman monetary system until the rst cent. BC. Since, however, more and more regions of the Mediterranean world came under direct Roman rule and thus were drawn into the civil wars towards the end of the Republic, the use of Roman denominations and coins also spread as far as Africa, Greece and the East as well as to Gaul. Only Egypt, which had been annexed by the Romans in 30, remained isolated and had its own system of money. The growth of the Roman money economy is regarded as a possible cause for the emergence of the nummularius, a banker who exchanged coins of different monetary systems and also tested them to find out whether they were forgeries. The most important evidence of the activities of a nummularius are considered to be the tesserae nummulariae, small tablets which first appeared in the late 2nd cent. BC. They usually bear the name of a slave, of his owner, the declaration spectavit (‘he has tested’) and a statement of day, month and year; it is assumed that they were attached to sealed bags of coins that had been checked. Sulla had gold and silver coins minted from 84 BC onward. He had access to sufficient precious metal and he needed to pay his soldiers in the Civil War. Caesar followed Sulla’s example. The enormous amounts of gold he had been able to capture in Gaul and Britain were used by A. Hirtius in 46 BC for what was then the biggest issue of gold coins. From 44 BC the distribution of gold coins (- aureus) to the troops had become usual practice. Caesar, who tried to excel his rival Pompey both in wealth and in esteem, effectively removed from the res publica the authority to mint coins. In the civil wars after his death, most of the rival army leaders had

mint officials (— tresviri monetales), as a rule young

coins minted, with various metals, including bronze,

being used. A uniform monetary system could only be restored after Augustus had disposed of the institutions of the free res publica and created an autocracy. Caesar Octavianus’s currency became the currency of Rome. The faces of coins from the period of the Roman Republic exactly reflect the escalating conflicts within the nobility. From 211 BC, minting was the duty of

MONEY,

men who were at the beginning of a political career. The opportunities for self-representation connected with this office became noticeable in the 2nd cent. BC. The choise of representation on the face of the coins of an issue was left to the mint official, who could therefore commemorate his home city, the deeds of his ancestors or possibly the merits of an influential patron. On Caesar’s coins there was a portrait of himself, a clearly monarchical symbol. Even Brutus, who styled himself a liberator, had two of the daggers with which Caesar was assassinated depicted on one side of his last issue, but on the other side his own portrait. In striking contrast to Antonius, the future Augustus gradually suppressed any mention of his generals on his currency; the coins with which he paid his troops after the battle of Actium (31 BC) showed only his own portrait and attributes. B. PRINCIPATE In the Augustean period, important changes took place in the Roman monetary system. The silver subdivisions of the denarius, which had filled the gap between the denarius and the as, were mostly replaced by brass (orichalcum) multiples of the as, namely the > sestertii (4 asses) and > dupondii (2 asses), which are among the best-known Roman coins of the Principate. At the same time, the > as and the smallest denomina-

tion, the > quadrans (‘quarter’), were made of copper. The legend SC on Augustus’s copper coins probably means that these issues of copper money had been sanctioned by senatorial resolution. The currency of the Imperium Romanum therefore consisted of aurei and denarii (in the proportion of 1:25) and small denominations, subdivisions of the denarius, of copper, brass or bronze. Although a large, if not the largest, part of the money was normally minted in Rome itself, this was not obligatory. It is probable that between Augustus and Nero most of the precious metal coins were minted in Gaul (Lugdunum). In addition, the Imperium Romanum continued older traditions of minting in the East and issued > cistophori in Asia until the 2nd cent. AD, Syrian tetradrachmai until the early 3rd cent. AD and tetradrachmai in Egypt until Diocletianus. With the transfer of minting from Gaul to Rome, however, there began a process of concentration of coinage, which lasted until the Severi. After that, the development of the Imperium Romanum led to an increase of minting in the provinces of the most important Roman coins. Moreover, bronze money in the East for a long time consisted not of the denominations known in Rome (sestertii, dupondit, asses

The most important denominations of Roman money in the Principate

gold aureus I

silver denarii

25 1 denarius

brass sestertii 100

dupondii 200

4 I sestertius

8 »

MONEY ECONOMY

copper asses

quadrantes

400 16 4

1600 64 16

MONEY,

MONEY ECONOMY

156

155

and quadrantes), but of a series of provincial coinages. The multiplicity of currencies in the Imperium Romanum was supplemented by hundreds of local currencies, which existed in the West until Claudius and in the East until the 3rd century AD. These currencies were probably based on Roman denominations or were convertible with them. It remains unclear, however, whether the Imperium Romanum can be regarded as a region in which money circulated unimpeded. It must be assumed that even the most important denominations minted in Rome often circulated only in a limited area; this is the case even for the rst and 2nd cents. AD. This regional restriction of circulation was further strengthened when the economy went over to barter, at least partially, in the 3rd cent. AD. It should also be observed that despite a wide spread of coined money in the Roman world and its peripheral zones, even at the peak of the Imperium Romanum large areas in the Mediterranean remained largely untouched by the money economy. The Roman monetary and financial system always operated within very tight parameters. In normal times some 80% of public expenditure was covered by tax income; the remaining 20% had to be financed by minting coins from metal provided by the mines. The Roman world never developed any form of paper money, let alone a machinery of credit in order to increase the money supply. In 64 AD, Nero reduced the weight of the aureus and the weight and the silver content of the denarius. Despite the attempts of the Flavians to halt this trend, in the following 150 years the silver content of the denarius slowly decreased, accompanied by a similar or even worse decline in provincial silver money (— Devaluation of money). Commodus reduced the weight of the denarius still more and Septimius Severus reduced its silver content drastically. Caracalla preferred instead to create a new coin, which is designated by modern scholars as the > antoninianus and had a weight of approximately 1*/, denarii but a nominal value probably of two denarii. The population ofthe Imperium Romanum did not allow itself to be deceived and paid taxes with the new inferior money, while hoarding or melting down the older coins of better quality. Together with rising expenditure on the military, unavoidable because ofthe barbarian incursions into the Imperium, this development led to complete collapse of the silver currency. The production of the denarius was stopped and from 270 AD the antoninianus had only a wholly insignificant proportion of silver. At the same time the vast amount of coins produced and their appalling quality facilitated the production of counterfeits; the nummularii were completely overtaxed. Even the weight of gold coins was subjected to variations, as the principes presumably minted just as many coins as they needed for soldiers’ wages etc. from the gold at hand. The circulation of money — raising of taxes, wages of soldiers and other officials, payments to farmers supplying corn for soldiers and other officials — lost in sig-

nificance, so that the wages of a soldier increasingly consisted of his corn ration. The administrative structures of the Roman Empire gradually adapted to these circumstances. In this context the > adaeratio should be mentioned, a process which in Late Antiquity designated the conversion from payment in kind to payment in money. Its increasing spread presupposes a preceding change to barter and payment in kind. Just as the collapse of the money system in the 3rd cent. AD had as a consequence the success of barter and payment in kind, the existence of a stable gold currency from the time of Constantine I was the reason for the slow return to money payments and money transactions in the late 4th and 5th cents. AD. C. LATE ANTIQUITY

Aurelianus [3] and the principes directly succeeding him tried, by means of a series of reforms the details of which remain unclear, to reorganise and stabilise the monetary system. Aurelianus had coins minted, marked XX I or (in Greece) K A to indicate a silver content of 5 percent, followed by coins with a value mark of X I or (in Greece) I A indicating 1o percent silver. In Diocletianus’s reform the standard for gold currency was fixed at 60 aurei a Roman pound and a pure silver currency of 96 units a pound was created. Additionally, a bronze coin was minted with a small content of silver (+ nummus). From now on the gold unit was designated as > solidus. The small denominations of bronze money no longer had any silver content; they consisted of a nominal with a crown of rays and a subdivision of half the value with a wreath of laurels. In 301 AD, Diocletianus’s edict of coinage reform decreed further provisions. This edict is known through coins and a fragmentary inscription from Aphrodisias. 12-15 mints, scattered throughout the Imperium Romanum, had responsibility for minting from the time of Diocletianus; money normally circulated in the region it was minted in. Constantine reduced the weight of the solidus to 72 coins a Roman pound; these gold coins later exercised a great influence on the history of money in Byzantium, the mediaeval kingdoms and even the Arabic world. Diocletianus’s nummus was no longer minted, alhough some later bronze coins at least approached the nummus in diameter. The currency of Late Antiquity essentially consisted of solidi and a large number of small bronze denominations of varying value. The > follis was initially a bag for coins, then — from the late 3rd or early 4th cent. AD — a bag holding a specific number of coins, and finally an accounting unit the value of which in the period after the tetrarchy was subject to considerable changes. Practically no evidence exists for the idea that follis was applied to a single coin before the reforms of Anastasius (491-518 AD), although some confused statements in metrological authors can be so interpreted. The Republic’s monetary system based on silver and bronze coins had turned into a system with a gold currency and a bronze one.

157

158

In the 5th cent. AD, with the emergence of very small bronze nummi, a certain stability in the value of money had again finally been achieved. This system of money became the model for the Germanic kingdoms in the

rency as the value of silver rose (there was now a ratio of 1 : 8). The small copper denominations should for the most part be seen as fiduciary money. After a long period of devaluation in the 4th and 5th cents., copper money was stabilized by > Anastasius [1], who had heavy coins (> follis and subdivisions) minted, with an indication of value and, after 538, also the year of the reign. In the area of public finances money was used for paying taxes, which essentially had to be paid in gold coins, whereas expenditure was paid with gold, silver or copper coins. Until about 610 AD, minting was the responsibility of the comes sacrarum largitionum. Whereas gold and silver coins were minted in the prefectures of Constantinople, Thessalonica, Africa and Italia, bronze money was produced in diocesan mints. In the 7th cent., minting was entrusted to the vestiarion and minting for the whole of the east of the Empire was centralized in Constantinople, whereas in Africa and Italy local mints continued to mint money exhibiting special denominations and coin faces. In the eastern Mediterranean, until the middle of the 6th century, money was ubiquitous and indispensable. Excavations in large and smaller cities and in rural settlements have brought to light coins from this period in great numbers. Historical and hagiographic texts, papyri and inscriptions confirm the spread of coin money in all areas of the economy. Coin money circulated most quickly in coastal regions and in areas accessible by inland navigation. The use of money also differed in the various social strata. Gold coins were used primarily by officials, wholesalers and big landowners for their business, while silver and copper money were the medium of payment for the lower classes. The exchange of various coins, made necessary by the taxation system, was provided for by money changers and bankers. From the middle of the 6th cent., money increasingly disappeared from economic life, initially in the Balkans and then in Asia Minor. The circulation of money was regionally bounded, and owing to growing uncertainty supra-regional trade collapsed. But in the 8th cent. there were still a few areas offering resistance to the decline. From these, in the 9th cent., the rise of Byzantium would begin again, in Constantinople itself, the islands, Sicily and the coastal regions, and above all in the Peloponnese.

West, until the silver currencies characteristic of the

Middle Ages developed. In the East too, silver money prevailed in the once Byzantine regions conquered by the Arabs from the 6th cent. AD on. 1M. Amanpry et al., Roman Provincial Coinage, 1992 2 A. Bay, The letters SC on Augustan aes coinage, in: JRS 62, 1972, 111-122 3R. A. G. Carson, Coins of the Roman Empire, 1990

4 M. H. CrawForb, Coinage and

Money under the Roman Republic, 1985 5 Id., Finance, coinage and money from the Severans to Constantine, in: ANRW II, 2, 560-593 6 Id., Money and exchange in the Roman world, in: JRS 60, 1970, 40-48 7Id., Roman Republican Coinage, 1974 8 R. DuNcAN-JoNnEs, Money and Government in the Roman Empire, 1994 9 K. Hart, Coinage in the Roman Economy, 1996 10 M. F. HENDy, From public to private: the western barbarian coinages as

a mirror of the disintegration of late Roman state structures, in: Viator 19, 1988, 29-78 111Id., Mint and fiscal administration under Diocletian, his colleagues, and his successors, AD 305-24, in: JRS 62, 1972, 75-82 12Id., Studies in the Byzantine Monetary Economy, 1985 13K. Hopkins, Taxes and trade in the Roman Empire (200 BCAD 400), in: JRS 70, 1980, 101-125 14C. J. HoweEco, Greek Imperial Countermarks, 1985 15 J. P. C. KENT,

Gold coinage in the late Roman Empire, in: Essays in Roman Coinage presented to Harold Mattingly, 1956, 190-204 16C. M. Kraay, The behaviour of early imperial countermarks, in: Essays in Roman Coinage (s. 15),

113-136 17H. Martina ty, E. A. SYDENHAM et al., Roman Imperial Coinage I, *1984 18 H. MATTINGLY et al., Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum I,

1923

19 A.S. ROBERTSON, Roman Imperial Coins in the

Hunter Coin Cabinet I-V, 1962-1982

20D.R. WALKER,

The Metrology of the Roman Silver Coinage I-III, 19761978 21 A. WaLLAce-HapRriLL, Image and authority in the coinage of Augustus, in: JRS 76, 1986, 66-87. MC.

IV. BYZANTIUM The introduction of the > solidus by Constantine I can be viewed as the true beginning of the history of the Byzantine monetary system, because this gold coin became the basis for a period of ten centuries of the Byzantine system of currency. The origin of this system is traditionally dated to the year 498 AD; but nowadays the significance of the 4th and 5th cents. for the history of Byzantine money is generally recognised. The alloy and high stability of Byzantine gold currency made it into the most important means of international payment, until the Omayyads had the dinar minted in 697 AD. Although the standard and weight of the solidus were slightly reduced towards the end of the 7th cent. (96-5% and 4:36 g on average instead of 98% and 4-41 g for the period from 491 until 668), it remained widely recognised. During the sth and 6th cents., silver became less important as the proportion gold : silver amounted to 1 : 14. From the 7th cent., silver coins constituted a supplement of the gold cur-

MONEY,

MONEY

ECONOMY

1 P. GrrERSON, Catalogue of the Byzantine Coins in the Dumbarton Oaks collection and in the Whittemore collection, 3 vols. (491-1081), 1966-1973 2 W. Hann, Moneta Imperii Byzantinii, vols.1-3 (491-717), 1973-

1981

3 M.F. HENnpy, Studies in the Byzantine Monetary

Economy c. 300-1450, 1985 4C.Morrissonetal., L’or monnayé I. Purification et altérations. De Rome a Byzance, Cahiers Ernest-Babelon 2, 1985 5 Id., Monnaie et finances a Byzance: analyses, techniques, 1996. CE.M.

MONEY,

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ECONOMY

160

159

I. From Constantine to Anastasius (312-498)

aurum solidus

semissis

tremissis

argentum miliarense (heavy)

miliarense

siliqua

Wz

144

216

60

(light) GX

4°58

22g

15g

548

458

228

I

AL

3

12

15

30

144

per pound

Il. The early Byzantine period (498-720)

aurum

argentum

solidus

semissis

tremissis

hexagram

siliqua

72

144

216

48

variable

I

2

3

12

24

V. EARLY MIDDLE AGES

In the history of money, the beginning of the transition from Late Antiquity to the early Middle Ages is the establishment of a gold currency (> solidus of c. 4:5 g) under Constantine I. The end is the Frankish-AngloSaxon-Friesian choice for a silver currency (from c. 670 AD) and the establishment of a heavy silver denarius (1-7 g) as the main weight and standard coin of the currency under Charlemagne (794 AD). With these developments the conditions were set for a monometallic continuity lasting 500 years and a discontinuous economic expansion in the European West. In this expan-

sion, the North Sea and Baltic regions were opened up for trading activities, without neglecting the old Mediterranean connections with Byzantium and the Orient, or the new ones with the Arab world. The transition from gold to silver entailed a considerable reduction in monetary circulation, but also a qualitative change of the highest importance for the history of economics: coined money clearly lost significance in the tax empire of Late Antiquity and in the municipalities as the primary fiscal-redistributive medium of payment for supplying the standing army and the administration. Money was increasingly used under loose political supervision and in a form (a broad, flat, light silver penny) conducive for the exchange for important commodities, to be used for trade and market activities. All barbarian kingdoms had a common point of departure: the late Roman monetary system was adopted. Due to the change in the function of money, first the copper currency supplementing the gold solidus disappeared from circulation. Gold money gradually lost its function as the means of paying taxes, pensions, rent and salaries. It remained in use, however, as treasure (hoarding) — which signified a revaluation as a commodity of prestige — and was increasingly used for socially, not commercially, regulated expenditure. From the end of the 4th cent., gold money increasingly flowed into the East. Its consequent scarcity (5 50-700 AD) is reflected in fewer mintings, smaller issues (trientes) and reduced fineness. Towards the end of the 7th

cent. gold currency largely no longer existed outside the Eastern Roman sphere; nevertheless the solidus remained in place as a unit of calculation for measuring value. These processes had different consequences in

the barbarian kingdoms: in Britain e.g. the use of gold coins as money broke down from c. 430-650 AD; in Italy, in contrast, connection was maintained with the Byzantine area of gold currency until the late 8th cent. The 7th and 8th cents. are considered a decisive period in the ‘evolutionary change’ (SPUFFORD) from the currency of — trientes — now low in gold content — to one of pure silver denarii (twelve of which made a new silver solidus, at least in calculations). These changes are relatively easily recognisable in the Frankish core territories. The same tendencies hold for Visigoth, then Muslim, Spain and for the Anglo-Saxon coasts. There, royally privileged local connections developed everywhere between coinage and markets and closer relations developed between minting, periodical market events in civitas, vicus and villa, seigneurial payments of rents and authorized trade. For the early Middle Ages money was a gift from God, per se neutral or unfruitful (in the Aristotelean sense). Only by use did it become good (alms) or evil (accumulation of riches, interest, bribery). The same was repeated in councils and synods. +» Money 1 W. BLeiBER, Naturalwirtschaft und Ware-Geld-Beziehungen zwischen Somme und Loire wahrend des 7. Jahrhunderts, 1981 2 R. DOEHAERD, Le haut moyen age occidental. Economies et sociétés, 1971, 297-345 3 P. GRIERson, Dark Age Numismatics. Selected Studies, 1979 4 P. GriERSON, M. BLackBurn, Medieval European coinage, vol. 1: The Early Middle Ages (sth — roth Centuries),

1986 5 M.F. HENpy, From public to private: the Western barbarian coinages as a mirror of the disintegration of Late Roman state structures, in: Viator 19, 1988, 29-78 6 R. Hopces, Dark Age economics. The origins of towns

and trade A.D. 600-1000, 1982 7 P. SPUFFORD, Money and its Use in Medieval Europe, 1988. LU.KU.

Monile see > Neck Ornaments Monimus (Movuioc/Moénimos). [1] M. from Syracuse, slave of a Corinthian banker, heard Xeniades, a rich citizen of Corinth, extol the virtue of > Diogenes [14] of Sinope, who lived with him. In order to be able to leave his master and follow Diogenes, M. made out that he was insane; he was dis-

161

162

missed and so became Diogenes’ pupil. He also stayed with > Crates [4] for a long time and imitated his way

(Ael. Nat. 16,10, cf. [2]). The ugliness and viciousness of monkeys were proverbial (cf. Archil. fr. 81 and 83; Semonides 7,71; Aristoph. Ach. 906; Plaut. Mil. 179 f. &c), their appearing was an omen (Cic. Div. 1,34; Artemidorus 2,12, etc.). ‘Monkey’ as a term of abuse: Plaut.

of life (Diog. Laert. 6,82). M. must have been famous,

as he appears in one ofthe comedies of Menander, ‘Hippokomos’ (Diog. Laert. 6,83; cf. Sext. Emp. Adv. math. 8,5; see also 7,87f.). In his earnestness he cared nothing for public opinion and devoted himself to the passionate search for truth (ibidem). He was considered an author of ‘light verses in which a certain earnestness is concealed’

(xaiyvua

onovdt

AeknOvia

weprypéva/

paignia spoudéi leléthuiai memigmena), and because of this he was regarded as the inventor of the spoudaiogéloion, a mixture of jest and seriousness characteristic of the writings of the cynics; two books ‘On Endeavours’ and a ‘protreptikos’ are also ascribed to him. Sextus Empiricus (Adv. math. 7,48; 8,5) connects M. with Xeniades of Corinth, a philosopher mentioned in Democritus. Whether this Xeniades is the same as the master of Diogenes cannot be completely ruled out, but is also not very likely. Ep1TI0Nn: SSR II 519-521. BIBLIOGRAPHY: J. BRUNSCHWIG, Démocrite et Xéniade,

in: Proceedings of the rst International Congress on Democritus (Xanthi, 6—9 October 1983), 1984, 109-124; K. Dorine, Sokrates, die Sokratiker und die von ihnen

MONNICA

Most. 887; Hor. Sat. 1,10,18, etc., similarly xadAtas/

kallias: Herondas 3,41. Their supposedly foolish affection for their young is described in Plin. HN 8,216 and Babrius 35, the anatomical and morphological characteristics in Aristot. Hist. an. 502 a 22-b 24 and Plin. HN 11,215; 246, etc. Fabulous descriptions of monkey hunts are in Diod. 17,90; Strab. 15,699 and in the Byzantine Physiologos [6. app. 1, no. 5, 305 f. and app. 2, no. 8, 318 f.]. Monkeys were dissected by physicians (Gal. 2,222, etc.). Their meat was considered a remedy (Ael. Nat. 5,39; var. 1,9) for sick lions, but never as

human food. 1 TOYNBEE

2 KELLER

3 LEITNER

4GGM _ 5H. GosseEn,

Die Tiernamen in Alians 17 Biichern regi Cv, Quellen und Studien zur Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften und der Medizin 4, 1935, repr. 1973, 280-340 6F. SBoRDONE (ed.), Physiologi Graeci ... recensiones, 1936, repr. 1976.

C.HU.

Monks see > Monasticism

begriindeten Traditionen, GGPh? II.1, 1998, 302-304.

M.G.-C.

W. Ciarysse, Une famille alexandrine dans la chora, in:

Monnica (AD 33 1/2 to 387). Mother of > Augustinus, froma Christian family in North Africa. She had at least four children from her marriage to the non-Christian Patricius in Thagaste. Our knowledge of M. is limited to what we know through Augustine. Even her epitaph is only a testimonial to her connection with her son (and the beginnings of her veneration as a saint) [1]. M.’s religious influence on her husband and children must have been considerable. Augustine’s Confessiones depicts her as a constant — sometimes undesired — companion of her son (Aug. Conf. 1,6,7-11,18; 2,3,5—-83

Chronique d’Egypte 63, 1988, 137-140.

JoA sim

[2] Spartiate; one of the Spartan ambassadors sent to

the court of > Darius [3] III imprisoned by > Alexander [4] the Great in 331/30 BC (Arr. Anab. 3,24,4; Curiysaio.ia5)s K-W.W. [3] Son of Cleander (Pap. Petrie I* 1), lived with the Egyptian woman Esoeris in 254-230 BC; daughter Sostrate (Greek personal name!). M. is the first Alexandrian citizen we know of to enter into a relationship with an Egyptian. W.A.

Monkey (xi6yxo Ael. Nat. 5,26) trained (cf. the monkey theatre in Iuv. 5,153-155 and FRIEDLANDER ad loc.; Mart. 14,202) domestic and luxury animals. Plin. HN 8,216 also recognises guerezas (genus Guereza, callithrix according to [2. 1,9], cf. [3. 66]) and gorillas from Ethiopia (xfoc/képos: Plin. HN 8,70 and 6,200 according to [4. 1,13] cf. [5. 336] on Ael. Nat. 17,9). Ctesias and other geographers mention Indian Hanuman langurs

2a Olsn Sos 5—9 sls

Onls D2,

PewOnla 2a —Tegaangs

8,12,29f.; Book 9, especially from 8,17; facts and references complete in [2]). Even when he admits weaknesses, he stylizes her as a pious Catholic who through her

prayers and her tears works towards the conversion of her son (ibid. 8,12,28-30). From 385 she stayed with him in Milan and took part in Cassiciacum in the (later published) dialogues De beata vita and De ordine. Here Augustine shows her to be an intelligent interlocutor despite her poor education. She died in Ostia before the crossing to Africa [3]. Recent research demonstrates particular interest in the psychological evaluation of the relationship between her and Augustine [4; 5]. Her name is attested only once: Aug. Conf. 9,13,37. 1 W. WISCHMEYER, Zum Epitaph der Monica, in: RQA 79, 1975, 32-41

2A. MANDOUZE, Prosopographie chré-

tienne du Bas-Empire, vol. 1: Afrique, 1982, 758-762 3 P. Henry, La vision d’Ostie. Sa place dans la vie et Poeuvre de saint Augustin, 1938 4 P. Brown, Augustine of Hippo. A Biography, 1967 (several reprints and translations)

5 A. SCHINDLER, Didos Selbstmord und Augu-

stins Entwicklung. Uberlegungen zur Verifizierbarkeit psycho-historischer Beobachtungen, in: M. BAUMBACH et

163

164

al. (ed.), Mousopolos Stephanos, FS H. Gérgemanns, 1998, 352-359 (bibliography) 6J. Z1oLKOWsKI, St. Augustine: Aeneas’ Antitype, Monica’s Boy, in: Literature and Theology 9, 1995, 1-23 (bibliography) 7 S. LANCcEL,

Martial’s epigrams [5. Vol.1, 286; 6.24f.; 7.173 8. 175f.]. It was eventually concluded [8] that the term

MONNICA

Saint Augustin, 1999.

AL.SCHI.

Monobazus (Movofatoc; Mondbazos). [1] King of the Parthian vassal state of > Adiabene who married his sister Helena with whom he had two sons,

- Monobazus [2] and > Izates [2] (Jos. Ant. Iud. 20,18-27); he reigned until c. AD 36. [2] M. If. Oldest son of [1] and successor to Izates [2] since about AD 59; like Izates and Helena he had converted to Judaism (Jos. Ant. ud. 20,75). In AD 64, M. was involved in the Parthian campaign of Cnaeus ~ Domitius [II 11] Corbulo (Tac. Ann. 15,1; 15,14; Cass. Dio 62,20,2-4; 62,23,43 63,1,2). Like his mother

he owned a palace in Jerusalem (Jos. BI 5,252f.) and donated expensive votive gifts to the temple (Mishna Joma 3,10). [3] Relative of M. [2]; he was amongst the members of the royal dynasty who joined the Jewish rebellion in AD 66 (Jos. BI 2,520) and were taken prisoner by the Romans in AD 70 (Jos. BI 6,3 56f.).

Propertius MSS was interpolated from the book title of

monobiblos was taken from Martial and incorporated into the mediaeval tradition, and that Martial used the term monobiblos to refer to a specific edition, probably a papyrus containing the collected works of Propertius or a volume with a selection or collection of elegies — not necessarily the entire first book. 1 Tu. Birt, Das antike Buchwesen in seinem Verhaltniss

zur Litteratur, 1882 2K. E. HENRIKSSON, Griechische Biichertitel in der r6mischen Literatur, 1956, B.102,1

3 O. Sxutscu, The Structure of the Propertian Monobiblos, in: CPh 58, 1963, 238f. 4H. E. Butter, E. A. BARBER (ed.), The Elegies of Propertius, 1933 5M. Haupt, Opuscula 1-3, 1875f. 6J. L. Burrica, The Manuscript Tradition ofPropertius, 1984 7 G.P. GOOLD (ed., tr.), Propertius, Elegies, 1990

8S. J. HEYworTH,

Propertius: Division, Transmission and the Editor’s Task, in: Papers of the Leeds International Latin Seminar, 8, 1995, 165-185.

H. BLancK, Das Buch in der Antike, 1992; P. FEDELI, ‘Propertii m.’: struttura e motivi, in: ANRW II 30.3, 1983, 1858-1922; W. ScHUBART, Das Buch bei den Griechen und Romern, 1907, 31962; O. SkuTSCH, The Second Book

J. NEUSNER, The Conversion of Adiabene to Judaism. A New Perspective, in: Journal of Biblical Literature 83,

of Propertius, in: HSPh 79, 1975, 229-233; B. L. ULL-

1964, 60-66; SCHURER 3.

45-51.

K.BR.

MANN, The Book Division of Propertius, in: CPh 4, 1909,

FB.

Monochord see - Musical Instruments Monobiblos (uovopiproc/mondbiblos), English ‘single book’. The Latin term liber singularis is a modern translation. The word monobiblos is found in Greek authors between the 2nd and the rrth cents. AD (in a scholarly context)

approx. 50 times designating works ‘about’/peri... The noun may be masculine or (more often) neuter; only one documented case shows it to be feminine (Olympiodorus in Aristot. Meteor. 6,6 =CAG 12/2). The oldest evidence is in Galen (Ars medica 1, 410,17 KUHN) and Aelius Herodianus (e.g.: GG 3,2. 1,33 7775183 779,113 785,4 —all: monobiblos as a title -; 785,6). Simplicius shows the form monobiblion (Simpl. in Aristot. Cat. 418,27; 423,2 = CAG

8). Most docu-

mentation is from the 5th and 6th cents. AD, particularly in the writings of the last Neoplatonists from Athens and Alexandria. In Latin literature, this term is found in the book title Monobiblos Properti (Mart. Apophoreta 14,189) as well as in the titles of a number of Propertius MSS. Based on that fact, as well as on an analysis of the contents and style of the first book of Propertius, it is now generally assumed that in ancient times this volume circulated under the title Monobiblos, separate from the

other volumes. The presumption was that — Propertius himself used the title Monobiblos in order to distinguish this book from others so that it might be regarded as a liber singularis |1. 424°; 2. 54f.; 3. 238f.]; or that the title was given to it by an ancient publisher only after publication of the collected works of Propertius [4. XXXIV]; also, finally, that the term monobiblos in the

Monochromata

(‘monochrome paintings’, from the

Greek wovoyemc/mondchros or wovorxea@uatoc/ monochromatos, ‘monochrome’). Pliny (HN 35,15;

35,56) characterises with this expression the use of colour during an early stage in the development of Greek painting which was also still practiced in his day [3]. He mentions a number of artists in this regard — one can be dated to the mid-7th cent., based on the evidence of contemporary vase painting, another, > Cimon [4], to

the end of the 6th cent. Scholarly opinion of the nature and appearance of monochromata used to assume that one single colour was used for paintings executed toneon-tone, in the manner of Flemish or Italian Renaissance and Baroque grisailles. However, it is more likely that such a technique was associated with the monochromata ex albo of - Zeuxis mentioned by Plin. HN 35,64 [2]. The darkly coloured figures on vases of the geometric period or the apparently monochromatic + paintings on marble from Herculaneum (‘red chalk drawings’) were considered to be examples of this style from antiquity; however, these owed their appearance solely to the specific conditions of their preservation. More recent research [1], on the other hand, interprets the monochromata‘as images made up of several coloured areas, each filled with an unmixed and thus pure pigment, so that uniform overall coloration is achieved’. These mineral pigments — of striking luminosity if applied evenly — were obtained during metal extraction processes and are equated by Plin. HN 35,29

165

166

as colores singuli with the monochromata which he had already discussed in the book on metals (HN 33,117). > Painting; > Pigments

choral genre of the -» Dithyrambos is parodied. Only a few of the soli in Aristophanes are not parodies (Aristoph. Ach. 263-279; Aristoph. Lys. 1247-1272;

1 N. Kocn, De Picturae Initiis, 1996, 25ff., 33, 36f. 21. SCHEIBLER, Griechische Malerei der Antike, 1994, 103f. 3 E. THomas, M.., in: D. SCAGLIARINI CorLAITA (ed.), I

temi figurativi nella pittura parietale antica, 1997, 13 5-

41.

N.H.

MONOGRAM

1279-1294;

1296-1315).

W. BarNER, Die Monodie, in: W. JENs (Hrsg.), Die Bauformen der griechischen Tragédie, 1971, 277-320; B. ZIM-

MERMANN, Untersuchungen zur Form und dramatischen Technik der Aristophanischen Komddien, vol. 2, 1985,

1-73.

B.Z.

Monody (uovwdia; mondidia). Monody and the verb wovwdetv (mondidein) are found already in the 5th cen-

Monoeci Herculis portus see > Herculis portus

tury BC as technical terms used to describe solo arias by actors in drama (Aristoph. Pax ro12; Aristoph. Thesm.

Monogram

1077; Aristoph. Ran. 849; 944; 1330). Occasionally

individual letters of a word to ‘one’ (mdno/(n)) ‘charac-

they are equated with > Threnos, as a notable component of the arias, the complaint (see Aristoph. Vesp. 317-323), was transferred to the whole structural element, as is also the case with antiphonal songs

ter’ (grdmma), involving a change of their original order. Sometimes the individual elements of the monogram need to be read more than once, sometimes only in part. Hence many monograms are ambiguous or indecipherable (g). Monograms are found more frequently in Greek than in Latin texts. The basic forms used are

(+ Kommos

[2], > Amoibaion).

M. are the musical

high points in the tragedies of > Euripides [1] in particular. According to their function, a distinction may be made between monodies in the > Parodos, in which a given character is introduced with a lyrical section (Eur. Andr. 103-116; Hec. 59-97; Tro. 98-152; El. 112-166; Hel. 164-178; lon 82-183; Soph. El. 86-120; Aeschyl. Prom. 88-127; Aristoph. Av. 227-262), and monodies which follow the dramatic high points, especially the catastrophe (— Peripeteia), to which an actor reacts with an aria (esp. Eur. Or. 1369-1502). The monody as a solo is highly suitable for the effective combination of word, music and choreography, since a soloist can build up pathos and emotion by changes in rhythms far better than can a chorus. The mimetic tendencies in the sections provide evidence of the influence of the so-called New > Music. M. are probably to be viewed as a tribute to public taste in the late 5th century BC and to the emergent virtuosity so severely criticised by Plato (Rep. 397a.; Leg. 700a-7orb) and in comedy. The monodyparodies of > Aristophanes [3] (Aristoph. Thesm. ror—

is the name given to the merging of the

squares (a; b; e) and (from the 6th cent. AD onwards) crosses (c; d; f), less often triangles (g). The monogram

may include the original word — or several words: (f) — either as a whole (a-d) or sometimes shortened by suspension (e). Coins show place names (j; k) as well as names and

titles of mint masters (usually omitting endings) written as monograms; seals from the Byzantine era also include official titles. Unlike ligatures, monograms are rarely found in Greek inscriptions until the Byzantine period, but are very common between the 6th and 8th cents. [3; 4]. They are used for names (a-d), titles (e), epithets and Christian emblems (f).

The monogram for Christ (Christogram, also chrismon: h), a ligature of the first two letters of Christ’s name in Greek (XP), was widely encountered during the Constantinian era (> Constantine [1]). It is often

supplemented by a cross and the letters alpha and omega (i) [5]. 1M. Avi-Yonan,

Abbreviations in Greek Inscriptions

129; 1015-1055; Aristoph. Ran. 1264-1277; 12851295; 1309-1328) stress in particular the discrepancies

(The Near East, 200 B.C.-A.D. 1100), 1940 2 P. BRUUN, The Christian Signs on the Coins of Constantine, in: Arc-

between form and content, and the latent comedy in the description of things of every-day life in a lyrical-pathetic high style. In Aristoph. Plut. 29off. the attempt of -» Philoxenus to introduce sung soli into the lyrical-

tos 3, 1962, 5-35 3 W. Fink, Das friihbyzantinische Monogramm Untersuchungen zu Loésungsmoglichkeiten,

in: Jb. der Osterr. Byzantinistik 30, 1981, 75-86 GARDTHAUSEN, Das alte Monogramm, 1924

NER, s.v. Christusmonogramm, LCI 1, 456-458.

Greek monograms on inscriptions and coins

Resolution of the monograms: a IAYAOY (PAULOU) b ILPOAPOMOY (PRODROMOU)

e ILPEC [Bttepoc] (PRES [BYTEROS]) f ®wc ZwH (PHOS ZOE)

c

g A.A.E.P.T.X.(?), A.D.E.R.T.CH.(?)

XPICTOAOTOY

(CHRISTODOTOU)

d ®IAIIMOY (PHILIPPOU)

h Christogram

i Christogram J KOP [kvpatwv] (KOR [KYRAION]) k AEYK [adfwv] (LEUK [ADION])

4 V.

5 W. KELL-

MONOGRAM

168

167

O. Mazat, s.v. M., Lexicon des gesamten Buchwesens 5, *1999, 223-224. P.E. and K.H.

Monokondylion see -- Cryptography; — Subscriptio

particular to express his emotions and feelings (e.g. Sen. lercrtar fizostinnag2 tte) ilo924 0. In the literature of philosophy, monological speech is found in the sense of giving an accounting or examining one’s conscience

Monologue ‘Soliloquy’ (the term ‘monologue’ is not of ancient origin; it was only > Augustinus who coined the term soliloquium, cf. Aug. retract. 1,4,1), special form of speech (- rbésis) found in various — literary genres. In distinguishing monologue in its proper sense from other forms of rhéseis, such as a messenger’s

report (— messenger scenes), the criterion should not be the length of the monologue, but only the communication situation [4. 180 f.]: the solitude or isolation of the speaker, who is not addressing his speech to a listener. In + Homer’s [r]‘Iliad’ there are a number of typologically comparable monologues in situations in which decisions must be made (Odysseus: Hom. Il. 11,404410; Menelaus: 17,91-105; Agenor: 21,5 53-570; Hector: 22,99-130): The hero finds himself outnumbered by enemies; in a monologue he weighs the advantages and disadvantages of retreat and resistance (introduced by a plaintive and desperate @ wou tyw(v), 6 moi ego(n)/‘oh woe is me!’), followed by an animal simile and finally the retreat from the battle [2. 68-71]. Monologue as speech to oneselfor as self-exhortation is found in > lyric poetry and > elegy (e.g. Archil. fr. 128 IEG; Thgn. 695 f., 1029: addressing the 0updc/thymos, one’s own heart; in Latin literature e.g. Catull. 8: Ov. Arsam. 3,11).

Monologue assumes a position of central importance in Attic drama [3. 5]; in > tragedy it is used to emphasize the isolation of the tragic hero (Soph. Aj. 646 ff., 815 ff.; Soph. El. 1126 ff.), frequently in the form of an impassioned lament (Aeschyl. Prom. 88 ff.), or to express the struggle to reach a decision amidst conflicting emotions (Eur. Med. rozr ff., cf. Apoll. Rhod. 3,466-470; 636-644). Monologues in prologues (> prologos) (sometimes directed to an audience, sometimes as an actual soliloquy) provides information and exposition (e.g. Aeschyl. Ag. 1 ff.; Eur. I/T 1 ff.; Eur. Hel. 1 ff.; Eur. Phoen. r ff.), sometimes combined with an initial characterization of the speaker (Aristoph. Nub. 1 ff.). The most common form of monologue in New > Comedy is the entrance monologue, which serves to introduce and characterize the speaker (already in Aristoph. Plut. 335 ff.; Men. Dysk. 153 ff.; Plaut. Amph. 153 ff.; Plaut. Cas. 443 ff., Plaut. Most. 429 ff.). The large number of monologues in New Comedy is due to the fact that the > chorus, having disappeared from the action, there was no one to whom the actors could address themselves when speaking [6. 240].

The Heroides of + Ovid show considerable affinity to internal monologue, the direct rendition of emotions as silent monologue [1. 45 ff.]. In the tragedies of + Seneca [2], monologue is one of the most important devices, a showpiece created using all the rules of rhetoric, often to provide a self-portrait of the speaker and in

(in — Stoicism, cf. Sen. De ira

3,36,1 f.), or describing one’s thinking process (Cic. De or. 1,1) in struggling to find the truth (Augustine’s Soliloquia, cf. the definition of the philosophical soliloquy in Aug. Retract. 1,4,1: ‘I asked questions of myself and gave the answers as if my intellect and I were two people, although I was alone’, me interrogans mihique respondens, tamquam duo essemus ratio et ego, cum solus essem).

+ Dialogue; > Comedy; > Speech II.; > Tragedy

> Prologos;

— Rhesis;

1 U. AuHAGEN, Der Monolog bei Ovid, 1999 (with a detailed bibliography) 2 B. FENIK, Stylization and Variety: Four Monologues in the Iliad, in: Id. (ed.), Homerische

Tradition and Innovation, 1978, 68-90 3 F. Leo, Der Monolog im Drama, 1908 4M. PrisTER, Das Drama, 1977 5 W. SCHADEWALDT, Monolog und Selbstgesprach, 1926 6R. J. TARRANT, Senecan Drama and Its Antecedents, in: HSPh 82, 1978, 213-263. B.Z.

Monophysitism Monophysitism, a term known since the 7th cent. AD, refers to the doctrine that Christ, after the union of the divine and human, has a single nature (udvoc/monos, single; pvots/physis, nature). In a narrower sense, monophysites are opponents (who may be of a variety of theological and organisational backgrounds) of the doctrine of the two natures of Christ as stated by the Council of + Calchedon (AD 451). Contrary to the definition of the Council (one person or hypostasis in two natures), they upheld the formula of ~» Cyrillus [2] of Alexandria of ‘one incarnated nature of God-Logos’ (uia mvoig tot Oeot oeoaoxmpévy/mia phusis toi theot sesarkoméné). They also reject the christological distinction between nature, hypostasis and person. They base their doctrine on pre-Calchedonian Alexandrian theology, especially that of Cyrillus [2]. There is a difference between real and verbal monophysitism [1. 219f]. The former probably originated with > Apollinarius [3] of Laodicea; its proponents included > Eutyches [3], who was condemned in 451, and groups under his influence. Verbal monophysitism, which was widespread and had many variations, avoided the doctrine of the two natures and explained the hypostatic union through the mia physis formula and other theologoumena. Among its most important proponents in the sth and 6th cents. were > Timotheus [12] Aelurus (died 477), > Philoxenus of Mabbog (died 523), > Severus of Antioch (died 538), > Iulianus [18] of Halicarnassus (died after 527) and Iohannes > Philoponus (died ca. 570). Besides this theological dispute serious conflicts arose— influenced by imperial religious policy [4. vol. 2, 95-177] — when episcopal sees needed to be filled. At first, the centres of anti-Calchedonian resistence were in

169

170

Alexandria and Palaestina [6]. In Antioch, the monophysites made Petrus Fullo (died 488) patriarch. The Calchedonian restauration under the emperor — Iustinianus [1] I [2. 255-295] encouraged parallel hierarchies. > Jacob [2] Baradaeus e.g. gained followers, especially in Syria (the so-called Jacobites [5. 157-245]). In the Synods of Dvin (506 and 555) the Armenian Church rejected the Chalcedonense. Besides the Coptic Church of Egypt, which gained strength in the 6th and 7th cents., Nubia and Ethiopia were anti-Calchedonian as well. Repeated efforts at unification promoted by the Emperor (e.g. the Henotikon in 482, and the religious conference with Severians in 532) remained fruitless.

serve a political purpose, e.g. securing important building materials for ships. Monopolies are reported for

1 P. ALLEN, s.v. Monophysiten, TRE 23, 219-233

2 W.

H. C. FrenD, The Rise of the Monophysite Movement, 1972 3A. GRILLMEIER, Jesus der Christus im Glauben der Kirche Il/1, 1986; II/2, 1989; II/4, 1990 (Sources: II/z, 22-103) 4 A. GRILLMEIER, H. Bacut (ed.), Das Konzil

von Chalkedon, 3 vols., 1951-1954 5 E. HONIGMANN, Evéques et évéchés monophysites (CSCO 127), 1951 6 L. PERRONE, La chiesa di Palestina e le controversie cristo-

logiche, 1980 7A. VAN Rory, P. ALLEN, Monophysite Texts of the Sixth Century, 1994. JRL

Monopodium (Greek trépeza monopous, Poll. 10,69). Round or rectangular tables with only one central support, whose foot could be carved into floral or mythical motifs. In Greece such tables had been used since the Archaic period but only became more common in Hellenistic times; in Rome, monopodia were very popular ever since their first introduction to the public, being carried along in the triumph of 187 BC (Liv. 39,6,7; Plin. HN. 34,14). Most of those that survive come from the towns around Vesuvius. Varro, (Ling. 5,125) mentions the cartibulum which stood in the > compluvium and was used to hold the dining utensils. > Delphica; > Furniture; + Household goods; ~ Table RICHTER, Furniture, 70, 112-113; St. DRouGou, Ein Marmortisch aus Vergina, in: Egnatia 1, 1989, 65-77; C. F. Moss, Roman Marble Tables, 1989; R. M. SCHNEIDER,

Orientalische Tischdiener als romische TischfiiSe, in: AA 1992, 295-300. RH.

Monopoly I. GREECE

II. ROME

I. GREECE Although the terms wovomwAta/monopolia and uovomdAov/monopolion are documented only since the late 4th cent. BC (Aristot. Pol. 1259a 21-23; Hyp. fr. 43 JENSEN), monopolies existed much earlier. According to Aristotle, the poleis set up monopolies for certain goods, especially in times of financial difficulty; such measures belonged to the art of acquiring (> chrématistiké). We know of monopolies on sales and exports: private individuals, cities or rulers controlled the trade in certain goods in order to raise money through higher sales prices. A monopoly could also

MONOPOLY

Macedonia (IGE 89), Ceos (IGII* 1128), Selymbria (grain), Egypt (grain) and Athens (lead; Ps.-Aristot. Oec. 2,2,17; 252,333 252,36); in Byzantium there was a

monopoly on changing money (Ps.-Aristot. Oec. 2,2,3). After 450 BC, Athens imposed on the allied cities the exclusive use of Attic coins, measures and weights (Decree on Coinage and Standards: ML 45). Although the exploitation of natural resources was usually a prerogative of cities or rulers, the ancient sources do not call this a monopoly. In Ptolemaic Egypt large sectors of the economy were controlled by the state. Scholars call the extensive control of natural resources, supply to manufactories, production and sales at a fixed price a monopolistic economy. But the term monopdolia is only documented for a sales monopoly on wheat-flour and lentil porridge (SB 8,9841; cf. PSI 6,619). The monopolies introduced by Ptolemy II Philadelphus appear to go back to the pre-Hellenistic period; as a regular and constant source of income for the state, they were of crucial importance. Sometimes they were enforced directly by the state or applied as a > tax; usually monopolies were leased out to enterprises and traders, who had to pay a monthly fee for their concession. To protect the monopolies, high customs duties were leveled on imports and private enterprises were taxed as well. Temples enjoyed privileges as far as their private use was concerned. Strabo calls Alexandria’s factual domination of the trade between India, Ethiopa and the Mediterranean monopolia

(17,1,13). Il. ROME

Since the time of the Republic there existed a salt monopoly, exercised by leaseholders or magistrates (Liv. 2,9,6; 29,37,3). By the time of the early Principate, the word monopolium was still considered a foreign word in Latin (Suet. Tib. 71). The senate decided on monopolies, as it did on vectigalia (Suet. Tib. 30). There were monopolies on a variety of products (Plin. HN 8,135). Other Italian communities also exercised monopolies on natural resources in order to fill their coffers (Pol. 34,10,14; Lipara: Diod. Sic. 5,10,2). In Egypt under the Principate, many monopolies were maintained, albeit in modified and relaxed form, and continued to exist into the Byzantine period. Further monopolies are known from Asia Minor, the Levant and Petra (IGRIV 352 = OGIS 484; OGIS 515; Procop. PerSa 2,05 yems > Commerce 1A. ANDREADES, De l’origine des monopoles ptolémaiques, in: Mélanges Maspero, vol. 2, 1935-1937, 289-295 2J. Brncen, Le Papyrus Revenue Laws, 1978 3A. Donat1, La documentazione epigrafica di eta romana nel Libano, in: Corsi di cultura sull’ arte ravennate e bizantina 23, 1976, 167-172 4F. HEICHELHEIM, s.v. Monopole, RE 16, 147-199 5N. Lewis, Papyrus in Classical Antiquity, 1974 6PREAUX 7H. Rafos-CHOULIARA, La chasse et les animaux sauvages d’aprés les papyrus grecs,

MONOPOLY

in: Anagennesis 1, 1981, 45-88 8 RostovrzerF, Hellenistic World, 234-248 9S. L. WaLLAcE, Taxation in Egypt from Augustus to Diocletian, 1938, 181-190.

WS.

Monopteros see > Tholos Monotheism I. CONCEPT II. MESOPOTAMIA AND EGYPT II]. ANCIENT ISRAEL IV. GREECE AND ROME V. JUDAISM AND CHRISTIANITY VI. ISLAM

I. CONCEPT Monotheism — the belief in the existence of a single god, in contrast to > polytheism and henotheism (worship of a single god while still recognizing other gods) — is a concept from the early modern era, probably first evident in the Cambridge Platonist H. More [1] (Christian-apologetic dissociation from pagan forms of religion; argument defending the trinitarian concept of God).

Monotheism has been viewed both from an evolutionary perspective as a final stage of development and as an original form of religion that later degenerated into polytheism, as a fall from grace, as it were [2]. However, neither of the two macro-theories of development is convincing. Still, the concept of monotheism seems to presuppose that of polytheism, and monotheism often results in a revolutionary rejection of polytheism [3]. When looking at specific details, it becomes clear that the concept of monotheism does not always do justice to the complexity of the state of affairs. Il. MESOPOTAMIA

72

La

AND EGYPT

In Mesopotamia, ‘monotheistic tendencies’ can be found in hymns to a single God; however, this did not call into question the fundamental polytheistic system [4]. In Egypt, during the (short-lived) monotheistic revolution initiated by Amenophis IV (Akhnaten) in the 14th cent. BC, the Egyptian > pantheon was gradually replaced by the sun god > Aton [5].

III. ANCIENT ISRAEL

It is difficult to trace the development of Biblical monotheism. However, the close connection between

JHWH (> Yahweh) and the nation of Israel in the midst of and as distinct from a polytheistic environment is an old one; Israel never had a well-developed pantheon. On the other hand, foreign influences, such as the worship of Baal (cf. 1 Kings 16:31-33; 11:5—-8), had an effect on the cult of Israel. The names of the son and grandson of King Saul may have contained the word » Baal (1 Chronicles 8:3 3-34; ostraca from Samaria). Inscriptions from the time of the monarchy refer to JHWH in connection with the goddess Asherah [6]. Ofcentral importance in the formulation of Biblical monotheism was the prophetic literature of the 8th cent. BC (Isaiah 2:17-18; Hosea 13:4) and its criticism of the worship of other gods (Hosea 2:15;18—19; earlier also Elijah: 2 Kings 1:3; 6). Accordingly, around the

time of the Babylonian exile (6th cent.), Deutero-Isaiah

(Isaiah 43:10; 44:6) and the Deuteronomic History (Deuteronomy 4:35; 39) rejected the existence of other gods. It was not until after Israel lost its independence as a state that monotheism truly took root as part of a more general establishment of Israelite identity; it was succinctly formulated in the first commandment of the Decalogue

(Exodus

20:3; Deuteronomy

5:7), which,

however, did not so much seek to deny the existence of other gods as to rule out other gods for Israel, in favour of the one God (Deuteronomy 6:4). Thus even for the Hebrew Bible the concept of monotheism is limited in its persuasiveness [7].

IV. GREECE AND ROME

In pagan antiquity, the relevance of monotheism was limited to some connection with the philosophical religion of the Greeks and a tendency to regard the highest principle as the highest god. The origin of all that exists was described as ‘the divine’ (10 Oetov/to theion) (DIELS/ KRANZz 12 A 15). -» Xenophanes referred to the one god as the supreme being (DIELS/KRANZ 21 B 23) without ruling out the existence of other gods [8]. This philosophical discussion resulted in a break with religious tradition in rejecting the anthropomorphism of the gods; however, this did not imply a development toward monotheism (even Homer’s Zeus stood above all other gods and humans: Hom. Il. 8,18-27). Plato’s creator of the world (+ Demiurgos [3]) is simply called the ‘god’ (Plat. Tim. 34a), but there are other gods as well to whom he assigns certain tasks (ibid. 28a ff.). Aristotle formulated a kind of monotheism of the intellect [9], as God (the one ‘Unmoved Mover,’ followed, however, by astral deities in eternal motion) emerges through the spirit in thought (Aristot. metaph. 1074b 34-35). Io be sure, philosophical discussion and cultic reality were not necessarily the same, and in practice the concept of god remained unresolved. A specific god might be regarded as possessing supreme power, locally or individually [10], but radical monotheism was foreign to pagan antiquity. However, the monotheistic God of the Jews was respectfully depicted, particularly from a Stoic perspective, as a single being that encompassed the cosmos (Strab. 16,2,35) and a deity that was not subject to pictorial representation. The Roman antiquarian Varro provided support for his construct of an originally Roman aniconism for example by referring to the ‘supreme God’ of the Jews, of whom no images were made (in Aug. Civ. 4,31; Aug. De consensu evangelistarum 1,22,30). At the same time the Jewish belief in a single God was also viewed as an example of Jewish separatism (cf. + Hecataeus [4] of Abdera in Diod. 40,3,4 in connection with the ‘misanthropic’ way of life, wadEEevos Bioc/ misdxenos bios, of the Jews, as well as Tac. Hist. 5,5,4 [11]).

173

MONOTHELETISM

174

V. JUDAISM AND CHRISTIANITY The monotheistic understanding of Hellenic Judaism is in line with the tradition of Biblical monotheism (Phil. De opificio mundi 171; Phil. Quod deterius potiori insidiari soleat 160), but also with the philosophical world view of the Greeks [12]; Jewish authors regarded the monotheistic tendencies of the Greek philosophers as derived from Biblical monotheism (Jos. C. Ap. 2,167-168) [13]. Polytheism was rejected, frequently along with idolatry (Phil. De decalogo 52-53; 65); in the Rabbinical tradition, Abraham was a monotheistic revolutionary who shattered the statues of the gods of his father, Terach (Bereshit Rabbah 38,13). In addition to the Decalogue, the basis of Jewish monotheism is above all the $%na‘ Jisr@él (Deuteronomy 6,4: ‘Hear, Israel, JHWH is our God, JHWH is one/only’) [14]; however, this monotheism was able to co-exist with the development of an angelological system [15]. For Christianity, in the tradition of Judaism, monotheism is really self-evident (Mark 12:29-30; Galatians 3:20). There may be other gods, but they are of no significance (1 Corinthians 8:4-6). However, the development of Christology and the doctrine of the Trinity (> Trinity; > Monarchianism) made Christianity vulnerable to charges of ‘tritheism’; the question of how to reconcile the Trinity with the one God was not settled until the Councils of Nicaea (325, > Nicaenum) and Constantinople (381, —» Nicaeno-Constantinopolitanum), when a trinitarian monotheism was formulated (hypostasis formula: uta ovoia — teeic baootdoets/mia ousia — treis hypostdseis ‘one being — three hypostases/persons’) [16].

Finally, monotheistic religious concepts could collude with a monarchical form of government, to some degree even ina polytheistic environment [17], and particularly beginning in the time of + Constantine [1] I the goal was to legitimize autocratic rule. The emperor’s claim to sole power could be seen as parallel to a corresponding divine claim [18]. — Pantheon; — Polytheism; > Religion 1H. More, An Explanation of the Grand Mystery of Godliness, 1660 2 F. SCHMIDT, Polytheisms: Degeneration or Progress?, in: Id. (ed.), The Inconceivable Polytheism, 1987, 9-60 3 J. ASSMANN, Moses the Egyptian.

The Memory of Egypt in Western Monotheism, 1997, 5-7 4B. HarTMANN, Monotheismus in Mesopotamien?, in: O. Ket (ed.), Monotheismus im Alten Israel und seiner

Umwelt, 1980, 49-81 5 J. ASSMANN, Monotheismus und Kosmotheismus. Agyptische Formen eines ‘Denkens des Einen’ und ihre europdische Rezeptionsgeschichte, 1993 6 F. Srouz, Einfiihrung in den biblischen Monotheismus, 1996, 135-140 7 W.H.ScHmMiIpT, s.v. Monotheismus, II. Altes Testament, TRE 23, 237-248 (bibliography) 8 L. P. Gerson, God and Greek Philosophy, 1990, 18-20 9 BURKERT,

486

10H.

S. VERSNEL,

Inconsistencies

in

Greek and Roman Religion, vol. 1. Ter Unus. Isis, Dionysos, Hermes. Three Studies in Henotheism, 1990 11 P. SCHAFER, Judeophobia. Attitudes toward the Jews in the Ancient World, 1997, 34-50 12M. HENGEL, Judentum und Hellenismus, 31988, 473-486 13 E. GRUEN, Heritage and Hellenism. The Reinvention of Jewish Tradition,

1998, 246-253 ThWAT

14N. LOHFINK, J. BERGMAN, s.v. THR,

1, 210-218

15 P. Hayman,

Monotheism

— A

Misused Word in Jewish Studies?, in: Journal of Jewish Studies 42, 1991, I-15 16 CH. SCHWOBEL, s.v. Monotheismus, IV. Systematisch-theologisch, TRE 23, 256-262 17 A. MoMIGLIANO, The Disadvantages of Monotheism for a Universal State, in: Classical Philology 81, 1986, 285-297

18P. BARCELO, Die Macht des Kaisers - Die

Macht Gottes: Alleinherrschaft und Monotheismus in der romischen Kaiserzeit, in: Id. (ed.), Contra quis ferat arma deos?, 1996, 79-101. M. Bearp, J. Nor tH, S. Price, Religions of Rome, vol. 1, 1998, 286-287; BURKERT, 452-495; G. FOWDEN, Empire

to Commonwealth: Consequences of Monotheism in Late Antiquity, 1993; P. ATHANASSIADI, M. FREDE Pagan Monotheism in Late Antiquity, 1999.

(ed.), RB.

VI. IsLaAM -» Islam developed its strict monotheism by contrast

to Arab > polytheism and most of all — Christianity. Underscoring the credo ‘there is no God but God’, the Koran criticizes the doctrines of the > Trinity and the incarnation, and views Jesus as a messenger rather than the son of God (Surah 4,171; 5,72-75). God has ‘no partner in royal power’ (17,111; 25,2), He ‘does not

beget, nor is He begotten’ (112,3; as opposed to > Nicaenum and > Nicaeno-Constantinopolitanum); as the one and only God, He is without equal (112,4). Later criticism — sometimes shallow, sometimes very sophisticated — objected that the doctrine of the Trinity used a dialectical trick, differentiating the one being from the three persons or hypostases of God, to avoid tritheism. J. vAN Ess, Theologie und Gesellschaft im 2. und 3. Jahrhundert. Hidschra. Eine Geschichte des religidsen Denkens im frihen Islam, vol. 4, 1997, 361-477 (bibliography). M.HE.

Monotheletism Theological controversy of the 7th cent. AD, closely linked to the politics of the Byzantine Empire.

Monotheletism, as well as its predecessor, monenergism, is the doctrine of a single will (udvoc/ mOnos, ‘single’; O&dnwa/thélema, O&dnorc/thélésis, ‘will’) or a single action or power of action (évégye.a/ enérgeia) in Christ. Following military victories (Persian Wars), the East Roman Emperor > Heraclius [7] (610-641) tried to reestablish ecclesiastical unity with the monophysites (> Monophysitism). This was the starting point in ecclesiastical politics for the conflicts waged primarily in Byzantium and against the Roman papacy. With the way paved theologically by what was referred to as neo-Chalcedonism (interpreting the Council of Chalcedon in accordance with > Cyril [2] of Alexandria) [4], in 633 a union was established with the Egyptian monophysites on a monenergetic basis (a God-man power of action in Christ). Massive resistance led to the withdrawal of the formula, but the commitment to Monotheletism (one will in Jesus Christ) in the so-called > Ekthesis of Heraclius (638) caused the conflict to flare up again. In the centre of resistance were the popes (John IV, Martin I) as well as the theologian

MONOTHELETISM

175

> Maximus [I 7] Homologetes. The attempt by Emperor Constans [2] II to quell the conflict through force (imperial rescript of 648) failed. The rapprochement between

Emperor

> Constantinus

[6] IV (668-685)

and Rome finally led to the sixth Ecumenical Council (Constantinople III: 680/1, so-called Trullanum) which condemned monotheletism as well as a number of its alleged promoters, including Pope Honorius (so-called Honorius question). 1 F. X. Murpny, P. SHERWOOD, Konstantinopel II und Ill, 1990, 163-315, 350-368 2F. WINKELMANN, Die Quellen zur Erforschung des monenergetisch-monotheletischen Streites, in: Klio 69, 1987, 515-559 3Idem., s.v. Monenergetisch-monotheletischer Streit, TRE 23, 205209 4K.-H. UrHEMANN, Der Neuchalkedonismus als Vorbereitung des Monothelismus, in: Studia Patristica 29, 1997, 373-413 5 A. THANNER, Papst Honorius I. (625638), 1989, esp. 126-144. JRL

Mons

Albanus Volcanic massif (956m)

the

> Pomerium (but within the Servian walls). The MA was inhabited early, evidently Ancus > Marcius [I 3| settled there natives of various Latin localities he had conquered and devastated. Subsequently the MA remained a district populated predominantly by ‘foreigners’ and plebeians, which developed in the context of the nearby port and warehouse areas of the Tiber (+ Mons Testaceus) into a lively business quarter. In the rst cent. AD, following the emperor’s move to occupy the > Mons Palatinus, the region turned into a preferred new residential district of the city of Rome’s nobility. Proved larger buildings: Temple of Diana and Minerva, late antique basilica of Saint Sabina, sanctu-

ary of Jupiter Dolichenus, mithraeum of Saint Prisca, thermae suranae. + Rome A. MERLIN, L’Aventin dans l’antiquité, 1906; RICHARDSON, s.v. Aventinus Mons, 47.

C.HO.

in Latium

Vetus (— Latini), modern-day Monte Cavo, southeast

of Rome (from it derives the term lapis Albanus, a greycoloured peperino or volcanic tuff used in buildings in Rome). The centre of cult worship originally lay beneath > Alba Longa ina grove, then later in the temple of luppiter Latiaris (templum Iovis Latiaris, CIL XIV 2227) 20 miles from Rome, where , in spring, the Latins

and Romans sacrificed a white bull on occasion of the -» feriae Latinae and organised games in the presence of all the magistrates. The grove of Diana Nemorensis (nemus Dianae) was situated on the southern slopes with the shrine beside Lacus Nemorensis. In the west lay + Lacus Albanus, where the villa of Domitian [1] and the Castra Albana (legio II Parthica) stood. Here

were the springs that fed into the Aqua Iulia. The via Latina ran to the north of mons Albanus along mons Algidus and to the south the via Appia stretched to + Aricia. The remains of Roman villas are preserved. A. ALFOLDI, Das friihe Rom und die Latiner, 1977, 7ff.; P.

Cuiaruccl, Albano Laziale, 1988; I. D’Arco, Il prodigio del lago Albano, in: Miscellanea greca e romana 21, 1977, 93-148.

176

G.U.

Mons Caelius see > Caelius mons [2] Mons Cetius Mountain range, intrinsically linked with -» Cetium, bordering — Noricum in the east (Ptol. 2,13,1)

and

+Pannonia

in the west

(Ptol. 2,14,1)

reaching the Danube to the north between > Vindobona and Cetium. Essentially the Vienna Woods and the contiguous Styrian Alps to the south, the modern Karawanken and the Carnic Alps. TIR M 33,61; G. WINKLER, s.v. Cetium, RE Suppl. 14, 91.

KDI.

Mons Ciminius Volcanic massif (1053 m, modern Monte Cimino) in southern Etruria, in the borderlands shared with the > Falisci in the Silva Ciminia. The MC towered above the Lacus Ciminius, which was rich in fish (according to Serv. Aen. 7,697, the lake was created by Hercules; modern Lago di Vico). East of the lake, it

was crossed by the via Ciminia, a branch of the via Cassia between ~ Sutrium and Aquae Passerianae (near Viterbo). There seems to have been an ancient

place of worship on Monte Venere beside the lake.

Mons Argentarius Promontory on the coast of Etruria (635 m; Rut. Nam. 1,315) to the south of the mouth of

the > Albinia (modern Albegna), today still Monte Argentario, connected to the mainland by two narrow strips of land enclosing a lagoon. R. Bronson, G. UGGeERI, Isola del Giglio, Isola di Gian-

nutri, Monte Argentario, Laguna di Orbetello, in: SE 38, 1970, 201-214. G.U.

Mons Aventinus Steep trapezoidal hill in Rome, stretching from the southernmost point of the city to the Tiber. It includes the Augustan regio XIII and parts of regio XII. The MA consists of two hilltops connected by a ridge (Aventinus Maior and Aventinus Minor). Until the regency of the emperor Claudius it was outside

S. Francoccl, D. Rose, L’antica via Ciminia dell’Etruria, in: Journ. of Ancient Topography 6, 1996, 37-82. GU.

Mons Circeius sources to have land by silting 2,201), modern identified with

Cape on the Tyrrhenian Sea, said by the been an island connected to the main(Theophr. C. plant. 5,8,3; Plin. HN Circeo (513 m high). The MC has been the island of > Circe (Hom. Od. 12,9;

Hes. Theog. rorrf.). In the Roman period, Circe and Athena were venerated here (CIL X 6422; Strab. 5,3,6).

The grave mound of > Elpenor was displayed (Ps.-Scyl. 8). Nearby: villa of Domitian. T. AsuBy, Monte Circeo, in: MEFRA 25, 1905, 147-209; G. LuGLI, Circeii, 1928; R. Ricut, La villa di Domiziano

in localita Palazzo sul lago di Sabaudia, in: Archeologia

178

177

MONS

MASSICUS

Laziale 3, 1980, 97-110; Atti convegno ‘Incontro con l’ar-

sible location of the battle (a British “Teutoburg For-

cheologia’ 1984, 1989; L. Qurtict, L’iscrizione del Promuntorium Veneris al Circeo, in: Rupes Loquentes. Atti del convegno internazionale di studio sulle iscrizioni

est’), the hill of Bennachie (528 m) at Durno near Inver-

rupestri di eta romana in Italia, 1992, 407-429.

G.U.

Mons Garganus Cape, forested in ancient times (Hor. Carm. 2,9,7; Hor. Epist. 2,1,202; Sil. 8,629), in Apulia on the eastern coast of Italy, isolated mountainous massif (1065 m high), called “Agiovoc é600¢/Arionos oros (‘Mountain of Arion’) in Scyl. 14, today Promontorio del Gargano. The MG was an important landmark for maritime navigation and for geographers. To the north were the Lacus Pantanus (modern Lago di Lesina) and the Sinus Urias (modern Lago di Varano) with Uria [3], off the coast the Insulae Diomedeae (modern Tremiti), to the south east Matinum (Plin. HN 3,105; modern Mattinata), and to the south, the Gulf of + Sipontum. M. DE Grazia, Appunti storici sul Gargano, 1930.

GU.

Mons Gaurus Volcano in Campania north east of the + Campi Phlegraei (Plin. HN 3,60: Gaurani montes). Proto-Apennine settlements (vase finds) were probably destroyed by a volcanic eruption. The Romans were victorious over the +» Samnites there in 343 BC (Liv. 753252). Thereafter part of the ager Campanus, and from 194 BC incorporated in the territory of Puteoli. Evidence of numerous villae rusticae. The wine produced there enjoyed a good reputation (Plin. HN 14,38; 64: Calventina vines). Nicomachus Flavianus, son-inlaw of > Symmachus (cos. AD 391), owned a villa there (Symm. Epist. 8,23,3). Few remains of ancient build-

ings (in opus reticulatum, opus latericium). J. BELocn, Campanien, *1890, 25;J.D’ARMS, Romans on

the Bay of Naples, 1970, 217-228; P. AMALFITANO et al.,I Campi Flegrei, 1990, 151; G. GUADAGNO, I vini della Campania, 1997,

in: Rivista Storica del Sannio ser. 3, Nr. 8,

245-259.

U.PA.

Mons Graupius The Roman invasion of eastern Scotland under > Julius [II 3] Agricola brought Roman troops across the isthmus between the Forth and Clyde

urie (Aberdeenshire) has emerged as highly probable [3]. It overlooks a broad plain, in which is located a large (approx. 60 ha), only sporadically-used camp. The battle was won by Roman auxiliaries: legions were not used. This success marked the zenith of Roman rule in northern Scotland [4]. 1 W. S. Hanson, Agricola and the Conquest of the North,

1987 2G.Maxwe .t, A Battle Lost,1990 3/J.K.S.Sr. JosepH, The Camp at Durno and M.G., in: Britannia 9, 1978, 271-288 4G. MAxweELL, The Romans in Scotland, 1989.

O. G. S. CRAwFoRD, Topography of Roman

Scotland

North of the Antonine Wall, 1949; R. M. Ocitvig, I. A. RICHMOND (ed.), Cornelii Taciti de vita Agricolae, 1967; TIR N 30/ O 30 Britannia Septentrionalis 7. M.TO.

Mons Lactarius Mountain ridge in Campania branching off the mons > Appenninus. The name ML may be derived from the plentiful milk production (Gal. De methodo medendi 5,127; Symm. Epist. 6,17; Cassiod. Var. 11,10). Many Roman villae are preserved (Tramonti, Ravello, Amalfi, Positano, Minori, Stabia, submerged by the Vesuvius eruption AD 79). > Narses was victorious over Teja here in AD 553 (Proc. BG 4,35). NISSEN 2, 767;J.BELOCH, Campanien, *1890; E. RENNA,

Vesuvius Mons, 1992, 79 n. 135; M. Romito, Una villa

rustica romana a Polvica di Tramonti, in: Rassegna del Centro di Cultura e Storia Amalfitana 6, 1986, 168-178.

U.PA,

Mons Magaba Mountain massif near > Ancyra, onto which the > Tectosages and — Trocmi retreated from the Romans in 189 BC; the Galatae were defeated with their Paphlagonian and Cappadocian allies in the foothills (Liv. 38,24-27); today a lush outcrop (Kale/ Dogandere Tepe) of the Elma Dagi-Massif (incorrect [1. 53f.]; reference to the mons Modiacus west of Ancyra at Fest. rr cannot be correct). 1 MITCHELL

ft.

W.RucE, s.v. M., RE 14, 287; K. STROBEL, Die Galater 2, 1999; BELKE, 207. K.ST.

in AD 82 or 83 (Tac. Agr. 29,2-3 8,2; [1]). In contrast to

the tribes of southern Scotland, the + Caledonii to the

Mons Massicus Mountain range (up to 813 m) of vol-

north of the isthmus were very much more dangerous opponents. They were led against the Romans by -» Calgacus, who had probably been elected commander by the clans. He first evaded the legions, but, when the Roman advance made progress across the coastal plains, he understood that he was forced to risk everything in open battle. According to Tacitus (Tac. Agr. 29), the decisive battle took place in AD 83 on the MG; he does not describe the location in greater detail [2]. The only topographical characteristic mentioned by Tacitus (loc.cit.) is a hill emerging from a plain; this description, however, fits many locations in eastern Scotland. After comprehensive discussion of the pos-

canic origin between mons

Mefineis (modern Rocca-

monfina) and the Tyrrhenian Sea in the region of the Aurunci (> Ausones) between Latium Adiectum and Campania (cf. Plin. HN 3,59f.), modern Monte Massico. Of great strategic importance (cf. Liv. 22,14; Sil. 7,261 up to 217 BC); the via Appia ran first northwards over the saddle between the MM and mons Mefineis, then after the foundation of the colonia of > Sinuessa (295 BC) on the narrow coastal strip, controlled from there, between the MM and the sea (details in

[1. 215f.]). The mountains were famed for their wine (cf. Hor. Sat. 2,4,51-54; Colum. 3,8,37—40; Plin. HN 14,64; Mart. 13,111); there were villae on the slopes.

MONS

MASSICUS

1G. Rapke, Die ErschlieSung Italiens durch die rémischen Strafsen, in: Gymnasium 71, 1964, 204-235.

A. ForBiGeR, Handbuch der alten Geographie, vol. 3, 1877, 355f.; M. FREDERIKSEN, Campania, 1984, 38-40, 214. VS.

Mons Medullius Mountain in north-eastern Spain; the name is Celtic [1]. Here, in 25 BC, the > Cantabri put up the last resistance against the army of Augustus (Flor. 2,33,50; Oros. 6,21,7). SCHULTEN [2. 170] identified the MM, probably wrongly, with the Monte S. Julian at Tuy on the Mino; it is much more likely to have been (cf. [3. 153ff.]) on the Silnear Las Médulas (Prov. Leon). 1 HOLDER 2, 528

Lomas

2SCHULTEN, Landeskunder

SALMONTE,

3F. J.

Asturia prerromana y altoimperial,

1989.

P. BARCELO, Das Kantabrische Gebirge im Altertum, in: E.

O.sHAUSEN, Lebensraum

H.

180

179

SONNABEND

(Geographica

(ed.),

Historica

TIR K 29 Porto, 1991, 72.

Gebirgsland 8), 1996,

als

53-61;

P.B.

an important nucleus of what was to become the world city of Rome. At first, an aristocratic residential area extended between two places of worship (Temple of Magna Mater, from 204 BC; Temple of Jupiter Victor, from 295 BC, as yet not archaeologically identified); numerous remains of prestigious houses have been discovered in excavations since the 18th cent. As the residence of > Augustus and his family, the MP saw its character begin to alter in the rst cent. AD from a residential district to the imperial seat of the Roman emperors. The house of Livia [2], the house of Augustus and the Temple of Apollo built as an annex to the latter became the core of an imperial residence which soon covered the entire hill, ever expanding and encompassing widely-differentiated functions (Palace of Tiberius, Flavian palace, Severan palace extension). The modern term ‘palace’ is derived from the MP, as the archetype of such structures. + Palace;

> Rome

RICHARDSON,

s.v. Palatinus mons, 279-282 (bibliogra-

C.HO.

phy).

Mons Melibocus (Mydipoxov dg0¢/Mélibokon oros).

Mons Poeninus Mountain (Ptol. 2,12,15; 3,1,1; 20) and

According to Ptol. (2,11,7), the most northerly and

pass (2,469 m) on the route from Italy into Gaul and

important mountain range in Germania, which stretched over several degrees of longitude; the southern frontier of the Cherusci and the Chamavi. Its precise identification is disputed. Recently the Thuringian Forest and the Erzgebirge mountains have been put forwards. A. FRANKE, s.v. Melibocus mons, RE 15, 509; G. Cur. HANSEN, in: J. HERRMANN

(ed.), Griechische und lateini-

sche Quellen zur Friihgeschichte Mitteleuropas bis zur Mitte des 1. Jahrtausends unserer Zeit, Part 3, 1991, 564,

57at.

RA.WI.

Mons Nebrodes (Nefpowdy den/Nebrodé ore). Densely-wooded mountains, which ‘rise opposite Etna, lower than it, but broader’ (Strab. 6,2,9); the modern Monti Nébrodi and Monti Madonie in north-western Sicily (north-west of Etna), where according to Sil. 14,236f. both rivers known as -» Himeras rose. Probably named after nebros/veBeodc, ‘stag’ (Solin. 5,12). K. ZIEGLER, s.v. N., RE 16, 2157.

E.O. GLF.

Rhaetia, the modern Great St. Bernhard. Used from the

Neolithic period, traffic increasing from the La Téne period, it served the Celts on their invasion of Italy (Liv.

553552). Liv. 21,38,6ff. was already dismissing speculation concerning the expeditionary route of > Hannibal (with etymological place-name interpretation based on the ethnic). Under Augustus, the MP was occupied by the Romans (Strab. 4,6,7; 11); milestones show the consolidation to a road under Claudius (cf. Sen. Epist. 4,2,9; Plin. HN 3,123). In the spring of AD 69, the troops of > Vitellius crossed the MP (Tac. Hist. 1,61,1; 1,70,3; 1,87,1; 4,68,4). At the summit of the pass (summus Poeninus, Tab. Peut. 2,3f.; Itin. Anton. 350,43 351,4), not far froma pre-Roman place of sacrifice, was a temple to Jupiter Poeninus, the local mountain god (Liv. 21,38,9) with numerous votive objects (statuettes, fibulae, inscribed votive tablets). Adjacent buildings (mansio, mutatio) provided accommodation. The coin finds interpreted as offerings (rst cent. AD to late 4th cent. AD) show the intensive traffic which continued into late antiquity (cf. Amm. Marc. 15,10,93 15,10,16:

Mons Neptunius Mountain range in north-eastern Sicily (Solin. 5,12), modern Monti Peloritani, named after the Temple of Poseidon which the mythical hunter -» Orion [1] is said to have erected on Mt. > Pelorias (Hes. in Diod. 4,85,5). K. ZIEGLER, s.v. N., RE 16, 2514.

Mons

Palatinus

Centrally-located,

GLF.

spacious, steep-

sided hill—at 5 1 m, however, relatively modest in height — at Rome. Probably settled from as early as the roth cent. BC (Iron Age wattle-and-daub huts), the MP was

source of the Rhéne in the Alpes Poeninae). Further afield, there is evidence of traces of paths cut into the rock and of house remains. L. Pauxt, Einheimische

Gétter und Opferbrauche

im

Alpenraum, in: ANRW II 18.1, 1986, 820-825; G. WALSER, Summus Poeninus, 1984; Id., Studien zur Alpenge-

schichte in antiker Zeit, 1994, 101-107.

H.GR.

Mons Quirinalis The most northern of the seven great hills of Rome; in classical antiquity it was actually called collis rather than mons. It has been inhabited since the Iron Age; the Sabines are said to have settled there under Titus > Tatius. The Quirinal was mainly a

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182

residential area up until the late Imperial era, with a mixed social structure in the west but a more impoverished one in the east. (The poet > Martialis [1] describes very vividly the conditions in which he lived here on the 3rd floor of a block of flats). Various shrines and temples are documented, partly by written evidence and partly by archaelogical evidence (temple of Quirinus, the Capitolium Vetus, the shrine for the gens flavia, the temple of Serapis). Various town villas and magnificently laid-out > gardens were situated in the north of the Quirinal; the horti Sallustiani, once part of Sallust’s town villa, passed into the emperor’s possession in the regency of Tiberius. The two giant baths of Diocletian and Constantine which were built here point to the importance of the Quirinal hill as a residential area even in late antiquity [1] I. ~ Rome

Indians and southern Arabians had probably known these winds for a long time, but their discovery was ascribed by the Greeks to a navigator called » Hippalus

RICHARDSON, S.v. Quirinalis Collis, 325f.

C.HO.

MONSTERS

[2] (6 MBovotoc/libonotos, Latin libonotus; Peripl. m. r. 57). In Plin. HN 6,100; 104 the wind itself is called

Hippalus or Hypalus, and it has been conjectured [1] that the same word is the origin of the Arabic name of the southwest wind awali. 1 P. H. L. EGGERMONT, Hippalus and the Discovery of the Monsoons,

in: A. THEODORIDES

et al. (ed.), Humour,

travail et science en Orient, 1988, 343-364. A. TCHERNIA, Winds and Coins: From the Supposed Discovery of the Monsoon to the Denarii of Tiberius, in: F. De Romanis, A. TCHERNIA (ed.), Crossings. Early Mediterranean Contacts with India, 1997, 250-284. K.K.

Monsters I. ANCIENT East AND EGypT

II. CELTIC REGIONS

III. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY Mons Scordus see > Skardon oros

Mons Taburnus Massif in the > Appennines (highest elevation is Monte Taburno, 1394 m) in Samnium (cf. Vibius Sequester 311 GELSOMINO; differently Serv. Aen. 12,715: mons Campaniae) north-west of > Caudium (cf. Grattius, Cynegetica 507). The summit region and the north side are bleak and untouched, the south side is fertile; olive growing (Vib. Sequ. l.c.; Verg. Georg. 2,38). VS. Mons Testaceus An artificial hill, like modern rubbish dumps, to the south of the > mons Aventinus in Rome, a heap of rubble dating from classical times measuring about 30m in height and a good 1ooom in circumference. It consists for the most part of shards (lat. testa, testaceum -hence the name) of container amphorae (> Earthenware vessels) which accumulated as breakages in the nearby port and storage facilities. The greater part of the shards, which were brought there via a ramp, originate from around AD 140 to 250. As a complete archaeological find MT forms an almost unique archive of Roman economic life but is, however, currently only in the initial stages of investigative research. — Rome E. Ropriguez

Atmeipa,

Il Monte

Testaccio,

1984. C.HO.

Mons Tifata see > Tifata Mons Vesuvius see > Vesuvius

Monsoon The regular seasonal winds of the > Indian Ocean. By using the summer southwesterly monsoon it was possible to sail quickly and safely from southern Arabia to India and return in the winter with the northeasterly monsoon. In a similar way the winds could also be used between India and southeastern Asia. The

I. ANCIENT EAST AND EGYPT Monsters appear frequently in the art of the Ancient

East and Egypt, with the exception of the very earliest periods. They combine elements from two of more animals, or from animals and humans.

In Egypt the gods themselves are often represented as hybrid monsters. with a great variety of forms: gods with animal heads, like > Amun and Chnum (ram; — Chnubis), > Thot (ibis), > Horus and > Re (falcon), Sebek (crocodile), > Anubis (dog) and Chontamenti (wolf or jackal); goddesses such as Bastet with a cat’s head or Hathor with a cow’s head; vulture-goddesses like > Mut and Nechbet; gods with a lion’s head, like the male Nefertum and the female Sechmet and Tefnut; the god Nu, who often has a frog’s head; Seker, who is depicted as a hawk or as a mummy with a hawk’s head; the dwarf-god Bes with a bushy tail. > Seth was shown as a “Typhonian beast’ (> Typhoeus), as a being with the body of a greyhound. Many of these gods were shown in three different forms (human, animal, and asa hybrid of the two). In other areas of the East, deities were customarily presented anthropomorphically: many demons, such as Pazuzu and Lamastu in Mesopotamia (see > magic,

with illustration), appear as monsters. Monsters were reckoned to be supernatural creatures, either friendly or hostile to humans, with a position in the hierarchy below that of the gods (> Demons). In Sumerian and Akkadian texts their names are written without the divine determinative that normally preceded the names of gods. What lay behind the combination of different elements in the representation of these entities was probably the urge to have them appear as particularly powerful and hence able to do battle with evil. A chronological division into five phases has been proposed for the development of monsters. in the preAchaemenid art of Mesopotamia and Iran [tr. rf.]: r.

MONSTERS

Early forms of monsters, which appear in the later Ubaid and in the Uruk periods (c. late 5th—4th cents. BC). 2. Akkadian seals (c. 23 40-2150 BC), which show the capture, bringing before a judge and punishment of hostile demons. 3. In Old Babylonian art (c. 2000-1600 BC) monsters appear for the first time as positive elements which fend off evil. 4. On cylinder seals of the Mittanian,

184

183

Kassite

and Middle

Assyrian

equally frequently a hybrid from different animals (> Chimaera,

> Onocentaurus,

— Orthrus,

— Pega-

sus, Sphinx, > Scylla, » Charybdis, etc.). They represent > demons and originate in Minoan [1], and probably earlier, in oriental [2] religion. 1 Nitsson, GRR

1, 233, 242f., 297, 479

2F. A. M.

WIGGERMANN, A. GREEN, S.v. M., RLA 8, 222-264.

LK.

periods (c.

14th-1r1th cents. BC) for the first time scenes with animal hybrids become prominent as opposed to representations of humans. 5. In Neo-Babylonian art (c. r0o00539 BC) we find predominantly pictures of evil demons with terrifying forms. From the Middle Babylonian period at the latest (c. 1600-1000 BC), Mesopotamian demons were present

as groups both in pictorial representations and in mythical narratives. During the rst cent. BC a clear and circumscribed repertoire of standardised monsters developed, also including new forms, which joined those whose origins were much earlier. — Amulet 1 E. Porapa, in: A. E. Farkas et al. (ed.), Monsters and Demons in the Ancient and Medieval Worlds, 1987.

L. KAxost, s.v. Mischgestalt, LA 4, 195-216; E. EBELING, s.v. Mischwesen, RLV 8, 195-216; F. A. M. WIGGERMANN, A. GREEN, s.v. Mischwesen, RLA 8, 222-264.

A.GR.

Montana Camp and civilian settlement in Moesia inferior, later Dacia ripensis (ILS 9275), formerly Mihajlovgrad, now M. (NW Bulgaria). An important military base from the rst/2nd cents. AD, raised to a municipium around AD 161-163. Fortifications were built in the 3rd cent. against Gothic assaults. Evidence of continuity of settlement even into late antiquity. Inscriptions, coin finds. TIR K 34 Sofia, 1976, 88; V. VELKov, G. ALEXANDROV, Epigraphische Denkmaler aus M. (Montana 2), 1997.

J.BU.

Montani [1] According to Varro Ling. 6,24,5-7, the inhabitants of the pagi on the hills of the Roman Septimontium, distinguished from the inhabitants of the other pagi. Gu,

[2] Il. CELTIC REGIONS Monsters in the shape of winged animals or humananimal combinations (see ~» Sphinx, + Pegasus, ~» Centaurs, — Silenus-masks) appear frequently in Celtic art, taken over from Greek-Etrurian art or mythology. Sometimes these are direct imitations of Mediterranean forms, sometimes adaptation to Celtic patterns are apparent. Most of these are three dimensional objects in bronze or gold (vessel handles and decorations, buckles, fibulae, > torques), while bone-carvings and chased gold or bronze foil is rare. They come almost without exception from early Celtic > Princes’ tombs, especially of the early > La Téne culture, more rarely of the late > Hallstatt culture (late 6th to 4th cents. BC). It is unclear what significance monsters had amongst the Celts. Only in the case of later (3rd—1st cents. BC) representations of male figures with antlers (as on the > Gundestrup Cauldron) is the identification with the Celtic god > Cernunnos certain. ~ Celtic archaeology; > Vix O.-H. Frey, Die Bilderwelt der Kelten, in: H.DANNHEIMER, R. GEBHARD (ed.), Das keltische Jahrtausend, 1993,

153-168; M. GREEN, Animals in Celtic Life and Myth, 1992; P. JACOBSTHAL, Early Celtic Art, 1944. VP. III. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

Mythical fabulous creatures, frequently half human, half animal (+ Centaurs, + Chiron, » Nereus, ~ Oceanus, -» Nereids,

> Minotaurus, ~» Oceanides,

> Triton, > Typhon, > Typhoeus, > Silenus, > Satyr),

Inhabitants of the Ligurian Maritime Alps (Livy. 28,46,11; 14; 40,41,5; Plin. HN 3,135), who often served in the Roman army (cf. Tac. Hist. 2,14). G. BARRUOL, Les peuples préromains du sud-est de la Gaule, 1969, 364. Sil

Montanism A. GENERAL

B. History

C. TERMINOLOGY

A. GENERAL

Christian revivalist movement of the 2nd-6th cents. AD (from c. AD 157), named after Montanus, apparently a new convert to Christianity from Phrygia, who was regarded as one of the founding prophets together with > Priscilla and — Maximilla [2]. Montanism began, and survived longest, in Phrygia, where it developed out of local Christianity and not out of pagan Phrygian prophecy. B. History

Montanism spread rapidly from Pepuza (an unidentified town in Phrygia, also called ‘Jerusalem’, the descent of the heavenly Jerusalem, cf. Rev 21,2, being expected there) through Asia Minor to Rome and Carthage (most famous convert: > Tertullian). It attributed its prophecy, visions, (probable) speaking in tongues (glossolalia) and rigorous way of life to the works of the promised Paraclete (‘Advocate’: designation of the Holy Spirit in John; Jo 14,16-17,26; esp. 16,12-15).

Women too had clerical status. Catholics and Monta-

185

186

nists were at odds over spiritual gifts (charismata) and prophetic ecstasy (Epiphanius, Panarium 48,1-13), over the expectation of the last days and the enthusiasm for martyrdom (Martyrium Polycarpi 4 and Tertullianus). Although early Montanism was orthodox and probably anti-Gnostic (> Gnosis), Montanists increas-

ingly left the Catholic Church or were expelled from it. Montanism split, was accused of > heresy and ritual infanticide (by Epiphanius [1], Augustine, Jerome) and was outlawed in the post-Constantinian period. C. TERMINOLOGY The modern term Montanism is usually used anachronistically in referring to Antiquity. In earlier phases, Montanism was known as ‘the new prophecy’ (hé néa prophéteia). Montanists (Gr. Montanoi/Montanistai), Tertullianists, Artotyrites, Priscillians, Quintillians, Pepuzians and Cataphrygians are later terms. Apart from > Tertullianus and the > Passio Perpetuae, most evidence concerning Montanism comes from antiMontanists. Montanism’s various phases and local characterizations (in Asia, Africa etc.) require strict differentiation. ~ Christendom; > Woman (IV); > Heresy 1 W. TABBERNEE, Montanist Inscriptions and Testimonia, 1997 2C. Trevett, Montanism: Gender, Authority and the New Prophecy, 1996 3 W.H. C. FREND, s.v. Montanismus, TRE 23,271-279 4 R. HEINE, The Montanist Oracles and Testimonia, 1989 5 A. STROBEL, Das heilige Land der Montanisten, 1980 6H. PAULSEN, Die Bedeutung des Montanismus fiir die Herausbildung des Kanons, in: Vigiliae Christianae 32, 1978, 19-52 7 W. SCHEPELERN, Der Montanismus und die phrygischen Kulte, 1929 8 P. bE LABRIOLLE, La crise montaniste, 1913

Les sources de histoire du Montanisme:

9 Idem,

textes grecs,

latins, syriaques, 1913.

CHR.TR.

MONTHS,

NAMES

OF THE

[4] M., Iulius Author of hexametric and elegiac poetry of the early Principate (Ov. Pont. 4,16,11). Seneca the

Younger describes him as a ‘tolerable poet’, who loved descriptions of sunrises and sunsets, and was at times a friend of the Emperor Tiberius (Sen. Epist. 122,11). Seneca the Elder calls him a ‘distinguished (egregius) poet’ (Sen. Contr. 7,1,27); according to the record in Don. Vita Verg. 29 he also told an anecdote bearing witness to M’s imitation of Virgil. EDITIONS: FPL? 299-300. BIBLIOGRAPHY: H. DAHLMANN, (AAWM No. 6), 1975, 138f.

[5] s.

Cornelius

Severus

JAR.

> Montanism

Monte Sirai A settlement which was founded in the 8th cent. BC on an indigenous Nuragic Age site situated on a hilltop at the natural entrance to the ore-rich Iglesiente in the south-west of Sardinia, north-east of the Phoenician settlement of — Sulcis; > Sardinia). It was

taken over by Carthage at the end of the 6th cent. and the partly preserved walls were built in the 4th cent. The civil settlement (five izsulae with narrow buildings) ini-

tially flourishing after the conquest by Rome was suddenly abandoned around the close of the 2nd century BC. + Sardinia P. BARTOLONI, L’insediamento di M.S. nel quadro della Sardegna fenicia e punica, in: Actes du IIle Congrés international des études phéniciennes et puniques, vol. 1, 1995, 99-108; G. Tork, s.v. M.S., DCPP 298f.

H.G.N.

Monte Testaccio see > Mons Testaceus

Month see > Calendar

Months, names of the Montanus referring to lican period the Imperial

Roman cognomen, probably originally an origin ‘in the mountains’; in the Repubit was found in the family of the Tarpeii, in period also among the Iulii and Venuleii.

2 Decrassi, 1 Decrassi, FCap., 146 3 KaJANTO, Cognomina, 81; 309.

FCIR,

259

kek EF

[1] One of the proceres (‘leading men’), whom > Domitianus [1], according to Juvenal (4,107; 13 1f.), gathered

at his farm in the Alban Hills. He was certainly a senator; as a number of senators of this period bore the cognomen M., identification is uncertain, but he is most likely to have been T. Iunius M., cos. suff. in AD 81 [z. 532]. PIR* M 681. 1 SyMgE, RP, vol. 7.

[2] Senatorial amicus of Pliny the Younger; probably identifiable either with T. Iunius M., cos. suff. in AD 81, or with L. Venuleius M., cos. suff. in 92. PIR* M 682. [3] L.M. Proconsul of Pontus-Bithynia under > Nero (RRC 1, 2083). On possible identification, see PIR* M 685.

W.E.

I. ANCIENT ORIENT

IJ. GREECE

III. ROME

I. ANCIENT ORIENT A. MESOPOTAMIA B. SYRIA/PALESTINE/ARABIA C. ACHAEMENID EMPIRE D. HITTITE ASIA Minor E. Ecypr

A. MESOPOTAMIA From the middle of the 3rd millennium BC onwards, numerous systems for the names of the months that varied according to region and era are attested. In the Old Babylonian Period (zoth-17th cents. BC), a system used throughout Babylonia gained acceptance. In the r9th/r8th cents., there were initially autonomous local systems, among other places in the Diyala area and in ~ Mari, and up to the end of the 2nd millennium BC also in Assyria as well as during various periods in the fringe areas of Mesopotamia, like in > Ebla, > Elam [2. 366] and Nuzi [2. 367-371]. As far as can be interpreted, the names of the months in all the systems were originally oriented towards seasonal characteristics, especially the sequence of agricultural tasks, the festivals

187

188

associated with them, and the deities worshipped in this process. In the local calendars of the Ur III Period (21st

that fell within the corresponding months, especially during the Middle Kingdom and in the Late Period.

cent. BC), the names of the months, according to their

+ Calendar; > Seasons

MONTHS,

NAMES

OF THE

meaning, may have shifted in relation to the real sequence of the year, perhaps as a result of a reform of the calendar. HER.

1 J. VON BECKERATH, s.v. Kalender, LA 3, 297-299

2M.

E. COHEN, The Cultic Calendars of the Ancient Near East, 1993 3H. Huncer, s.v. Kalender, RLA 5, 297-303 45S. Lancpon, Babylonian Menologies and the Semitic Calen-

B. SyrtA/PALESTINE/ARABIA In Halab/Aleppo, Alalah (17th and r4th cents. BC in Akkadian texts) [2. 372-375] and Ugarit (Ugaritic cuneiform texts), various Hurritian- or Akkadian (Babylonian)-influenced systems for naming the months have been passed down to us. Individual names of the months are also to be found in Nuzi. In the so-called ‘farmer’s calendar from — Gezer’ (roth cent.) [4. 24f.] the important agricultural tasks were each allocated one or two months according to the pattern of ‘two months for the harvest, two months for sowing ... one month for the barley harvest, two months for the vine harvest etc.’ The Canaanite names of the months, as far

as these have been passed down in Phoenician inscriptions and in the OT [4. 25], refer mostly to the seasons and their typical agricultural activities. In the official calendar of Israel, they were replaced by ordinal numbers, as is also attested in a few instances for Mesopotamia. After the Babylonian exile, the Babylonian names of the months gradually became generally established; ultimately they were accepted in orthodox Judaism. In the Hellenistic period, the Macedonian names of the months were also used temporarily [5. 299]. In the Nabatean area, as in Palmyra, the Babylonian names of the months [2. 386] were adopted. The systems for naming the months of ancient southern Arabia [4. 13-15] and of the pre-Islamic Arabian calendar were not influenced by the Babylonian tradition [4. 26]. C. ACHAEMENID EMPIRE The Babylonian version of the > Bisutun Inscription used the Babylonian names of the months while the Old Persian version employed an Iranian system which was oriented according to agricultural activities and the seasons (TUAT 1,421). The Babylonian names of the months, which were common in Achaemenid administration, are also found in the Aramaic papyri of > Elephantine [2. 386].

dars, 1935

E. EGYPT In Egypt the months were counted numerically within the three + seasons [1. 298]. The months of the

Egyptian lunar calendar, from which the Coptic months were derived, were named after the — festivals

J.RE.

Il. GREECE The individual Greek states (poleis) all had their own — calendars. As a result, in the various calendars, dif-

ferent names for the months are repeatedly encountered. Certainly most of the names of the months are attested in more than one state, and the calendars of any two given tribes often resemble each other very clearly, particularly in comparison with those of other tribes. The Greek corpus of the months currently contains around 200 names for the months. The oldest testimonials for the names of the months come from the Mycenaean period for which nine names of the months are attested [1]. Of these three also appear in the rst millennium BC (Dios very often, Dipsios in Pharsalus and Lapatos in Arcadia and on Cyprus). The oldest testimonial in alphabetic Greek is found in Hes. Op. 504 (Lénaion). Most evidence is of an epigraphical nature. Normally a Greek month was named after a > festival celebrated during its period, e.g. Anthestérion after the Festival of Anthesteria (~ Anthestéria) or Dionysios ( Dionysia). From a formal point of view, the names of the months can be assigned to two groups. Almost all the months from the Ionian region have the ending —(i)on, while almost all the others, have the ending -ios. The former are based on a morphologically reinterpreted genitive plural of the names of festivals ending in -ia (‘month of festival x’ > x-fon scil. month > x-ion). Only in the Hellenistic period and then fairly rarely did the Greeks also number the months. The names of the months can be proven to be of very different ages. Originally the festivals that were respectively of the greatest importance gave their names to the months pertaining to them. These festivals were then partly forgotten while other festivals became important, e.g. the Panathenaea

(> Panathénaea), the new

year’s festival of Athens that was celebrated in the Hekatombaion

D. Hittite Asia MINOR In Hittite documents, there are no dates from which a system for naming the months can be deduced. In rituals the months were counted numerically, and occasionally passages are encountered that name the festival celebrated in a particular month.

5R. DE VAUX, Das AT und seine Lebensord-

nungen, *1964.

month

(high

summer),

which

was

named after a barely tangible festival of Apollo called Hekatombaia. Older names of months could also be replaced at any time by new ones named after more modern festivals, e.g. the Lénaion (> Lénaea) common to Ionia, that was superseded in Attica at some date during the > Dark Ages [1] by Gamélion (named after the wedding festival of Gameélia that took place during it). The basic festivals in Athens are by far the bestknown. Particularly in the non-Ionian area, the important festival names have often remained unfathomable. In view of the fact that the Greek language and culture owe essential components to the pre-Greek substratum,

189

190

it is methodologically correct, in unclear cases, also to expect non-Indo-Germanic word material, e.g. in Arcadian-Cypriot Lapatos and general Greek Panamos (see

sized that the (well-attested) Macedonian calendar also belongs to the Greek calendar [2. § 206-208].

below).

III. ROME The Latin names of the months are quite different from the Greek ones in many respects. Firstly, we have only a comparatively small number of Latin names of the months to discuss; for historical reasons, the names of months of Rome at the time of our testimonials dis-

The alphabetic Greek material can be assigned to three partial corpora: in the Ionian-Attic region, in the Doric-Northwestern Greek region and in the Thessalonian-Boeotian (Lesbian) region. In each case there is vast evidence found only in that particular area, which is not only well attested there but also widespread. Among the Ionians, these are (in alphabetical order): Anthestérion, Apaturion, Boédromion, Bouphonion, Thargeélion, Kronion, Lénaion, Maimaktérion, Meta-

geitnion and Taureon. On the basis of this evidence, an ancient Ionian calendar can be reconstructed, to which

all later Ionian calendars must go back and which we have to estimate as originating in the period before the Ionian eastward migration (~ Colonization), i.e. at the latest at just before c. tooo BC [2. § 7-33]. The most

typical Doric-Northwestern Greek names for the months are Apellaios and Dionysios. There are also those that are very characteristic of the Doric area but not of the northwestern Greek region (Agridnios, Theodaisios, Karneios, Hyakinthios) as well as one name of a month in particular that is well attested in the western Greek area but is absent among the Dorians: Boukdtios. Most typical of the Aeolian, i.e. Thessalonian-Boeotian (Lesbian), region are: Agagylios, Apollonios, Apbrios, Hermaios, Hippodrémios, Homoloios, Itonios, Leschanorios, Themistios and Thouios. These names of the months all occur in Thessaly and in Achaea Phthiotis. Four of them are also attested in Boeotia (Hermaios,

Hippodr6émios, Homoloios and Thouios), while in the Lesbian-Asia Minor-Aeolian region, only Apollonios and Homol6ios are part of the common Aeolian cultural heritage. On the basis of the known material, we cannot reassemble either a western Greek or Aeolian ancient calendar. Nonetheless we must assume that the western Greek and the Aeolian names of the months ultimately go back to their own respective, prehistoric stock of festivals. The Arcadian-Cypriot material, by contrast, consists essentially of hapax legomena; at least, Arcadian-Cypriot Lapatos and the more widespread Dios occur not only both in Arcadia and on Cyprus but are also already to be found on the Mycenaean tablets, so that, from the point of view of the names of the months, we should tend to regard the Arcadian-Cypriot population as the direct descendants of the Greeks represented by the Linear B texts (> Linear B). Extremely widespread in the entire Greek area and even attested in the Macedonian calendar are Artemitios (or Artemisios, Artamitios, Artemision) and Panamos

(or Paénemos).

The latter and at least the Artemitia, on which the

month of Artemis was based, must have been a legacy of periods common to the Greeks. The etymology of Panamos is unclear. It is most likely to be a loan word from the pre-Greek substratum that once perhaps described the leap month [2. § 23]. Finally it must also be empha-

MONTHS, NAMES

OF THE

placed other Italian names of the months; in addition,

we have only a very fragmentary knowledge of the nonRoman calendar of Italy. Secondly, the formation of words for names of the months in the Latin region is more diverse than for the Greek months (Greek -ios or -ion, see above; in Latin four variants, see below). Thirdly, the word stems in the Latin corpus are also heterogeneous and should not be understood — as they almost always are in the Greek corpus — as clear derivations of festival names. The Latin names of the-months are presented, chronologically arranged, as follows (references e.g. in [3]): Martius, Aprilis, Maius, Iunius, OQuintilis (later Iulius), Sextilis (later Augustus), September, October, November, December, lanuarius, Februarius. It is certain that in the early period, Martius started the year, cf. [3]; it is undetermined when the beginning of the year was moved forward two months. In the region of Latium, to a large extent the same names of the months as in Rome were used (formal deviations: Iunonalis, Iunonius, Quinctilis; also attested for Latium: Martius, Maius, Sextilis, September, October, December; cf. for the exclusively literary evidence [3. 66]). Moreover, a few Oscan names of months are attested: Fale(r?)nio- [7. 82£.]; Flusari- (ILLRP* 508 = CIL I? 756); Luisari- [7.74]; Maesio- (Paul Fest. p. 121,4 L); Mamerttio- [7. 84-86, 92]; Urnasio- (Tabulae Iguvinae IIl,3; cf. [4]). Here Oscian Mamertti(o)s is phonetically consistent with Latin Martius (< *Mamart-).

Oscian

Maesi(o)s is derived from *ma(i)es-io- [5. 38 with note

26], which is likely in view of the existence of the abstract noun maiestas (*mag-, cf. magnus, maior etc.;

in this regard, probably the goddess Maia is related to the name of the month Maius). Two of the Oscan testi-

monials therefore have linguistic correlations in Latin: Martius/

Mamertti(o)s

and

Maius/Ma(i)esi(o)s

were

probably already in use in the common Italian preliminary phase of Latin and Oscan. In keeping with its comparatively old age is the fact that the suffix -io- that should be regarded as a prerequisite for the Indo-Germanic basic language, also represents the oldest demonstrable suffix for the formation of the names of the months in the Greek area (already attested in the 2nd millennium BC). According to word formation, the Latin names of the months can be classified as follows: (1) Martius, Maius, Tunius; (2) lanuarius, Februarius; (3) Aprilis, Ouintilis, Sextilis; (4) September, October, November, December. In the latter six cases, the basis is number

MONTHS, NAMES

OF THE

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191

words, with cardinal numbers being a distinctive feature of category (4). It is commonly accepted that Martius is related to the god > Mars (< *Mamars), Maius to the goddess > Maia, Iunius to the goddess > Iuno and Tanuarius to the god > Ianus. Februarius is based on the adjective februus that according to Varro, Ling. 6,13 is connected with a (primarily Sabine) purification ritual. However, on the morphological level, the syllable -ber of the names of the months in category (4) is unclear: possibly Septembri- < *Septem-me(n)s-ri(likewise Novem-, Decem-), according to this, by analogy, October [6. 206, 352] (improbable [5.37 with note 20] that is based on doubtful evidence). In any case, the Roman calendar of the historic period contains elements from different ages and different origins. According to the tradition passed down to us, lanuarius and Februarius were introduced only subsequently — by the legendary king > Numa Pompilius — and the other ten names of the months are said to have already been used by > Romulus and borrowed by other Latins. As names of objects are derived using the suffix -drio- (numerous examples in [6. 297]), lanuarius could have been formed before the god > lanus existed, i.e. as a derivation of ianus, -us masked ‘fool’ or

similar. Hence, according to all the sources, lanuarius and Februarius were probably of common origin and introduced in the early period of the Republic at the latest, as otherwise the new introduction of a god lanus would undoubtedly have left traces behind in the tradition. ~» Calendar; > Greek dialects 1C. TRUMpy, Nochmals zu den mykenischen Fr-Tafelchen, in: SMEA 27, 1989, 191-234 2Id., Untersuchun-

gen zu den altgriechischen Monatsnamen und Monatsfolgen (Bibliothek der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft n.F., 2. Reihe, vol. 98), 1997. 3 W. SONTHEIMER, s.v. Monat B., RE 16, 53-74 4W. A. BorGEAuD, Fasti Umbrici, 1982, 36 5G. RapkE, Fasti Romani, 1990 6 LEUMANN 7 VETTER. CIR:

Montius Magnus Came from Africa, proconsul of Constantinople around AD 350, quaestor sacri palatii of > Constantius [5] Gallus AD 351-353; while seeking to gain influence with the life guards during Gallus’ struggle with the praef. praet.. Domitianus [3], he was murdered by soldiers incited by Gallus (Amm. Marc. 14,7,12-14; 9,4; 11,17; Philostorgius 3,28; PLRE 1, 535-536, II; I, 608). K.G.-A.

Monumental columns I. GENERAL II. ANCIENT GREECE III. ROMAN ANTIQUITY AND THE EARLY CHRISTIAN PERIOD IV. HISTORY OF RECEPTION I. GENERAL In archaeological scholarship monumental columns are defined as > columns that are used as monuments. They are separated from their traditional architectural context and crowned by a sculpture, a group of sculp-

tures or an object, and they are either free-standing or grouped together in rows. Common to both varieties is the emphasis on the object on top of the capital, which is created through the extreme elevation, vertical trajectory and high visibility of the column. From the 5th cent. BC monumental columns have been a common form of monumental architecture in Greece. They were paralleled by monumental pillars which were largely analogous in structure and meaning. Il. ANCIENT GREECE

In ancient Greece, monumental columns were used to carry votive offerings from the archaic period. The best-known examples are the sphinx columns of + Aegina and > Delphi (both from the 6th cent. BC). However, as early as the archaic period monumental columns were also often used as funerary monuments, e.g. in the necropolis of > Assus (6th cent. BC) and later —in the 4th cent. BC—in the grave precinct ofBion in the + Kerameikos in Athens. In this context the column could bear a sculpture or simply an inscription. An early form of the monumental column is the isolated votive column without a crowning object (e.g. the ‘Aeolian votive column’ from Larisa [6] on Hermus or the early Ionic capital associated with a similar column from Olympia). This may be considered evidence for a hypothesis, which has recently been propounded repeatedly, i.e. that the Ionic order with its dipteral monumental buildings of the late 6th cent. BC (-— dipteros) emerged as a combination of individual dedications into a combined votive structure (— temple). From the Hellenistic period, the monumental column functioned as the ideal structure for elevating ruler figures worthy of veneration. The evidence par excellence forthis groundbreaking type of monument, which had been unknown in the Greek city states of the classical period, is provided by the ‘Ptolemaic dedication’ in -» Olympia (3rd cent. BC; see plan no. 12). Even though they specifically made reference to architecture, twocolumn monuments were built for a similar purpose, especially by the Aetolians in Delphi. Standing close together, these columns are connected with a lintel structure forming a bay (> spacing, interaxial). The bay is crowned by statues of those that are being honoured and has an honorary inscription on its architrave. In the context of choregic dedications in Athens (> chorégds) some monumental columns carried bronze tripods. Monumental columns usually have original dimensions, i.e. their scale is comparable to genuine architecture, but occasionally they are reduced in size (Olympia: column height 1.70 m) or made from terracotta in the manner of models (e.g. the little column in the collection of the Renaissance architect Guarino GUARINI). Doric, lonic and Corinthian orders are equally well represented and the designs of shaft and capital conform to contemporary styles, although the base does not always follow the architecturally necessary model (e.g. stepped krepis), but instead becomes a distinct new field for

194

193

design. An example is the Doric votive column from Paestum (> Poseidonia). Also noteworthy are the round pedestal of the Doric column in the funerary precinct of Bion in the Kerameikos in Athens or the bases of Ionic monument columns (e.g. the Naxian column in Delphi), which are more closely related to monuments than to their architectural models.; Overall, monumental columns from ancient Greece are relatively rarely preserved, but they are so frequently depicted on vases (especially on > Panathenaic prize amphorae and representational vessels from Lower Italy) that there can be no doubt that they were common in the funerary and monumental architecture of the 4th cent. BC. II]. ROMAN

ANTIQUITY AND THE EARLY CHRIS-

TIAN PERIOD In the early Roman Republic, monumental columns variously occurred as prominent victory or honorary monuments (e.g. in Rome the Columna Minucia, 439

BC, Columna Maenia, 338 BC, Columna M. Aemilii Paulli, 255 BC). In some instances they continued to be used as such through to the Imperial period (Columnae Rostratae Augusti, 36 BC). Monumental columns were also employed as funerary monuments, but they soon

became the exclusive medium for personal representation and were merged with Republican honorary columns (e.g. the monumental columns at the corners of the Cestius pyramid in Rome). Monumental columns reached their high points with the ‘imperial columns’ of the 2nd cent. AD in the city of Rome (columns of Trajan, Marcus Aurelius and Antoninus Pius). These are monuments which elevated the emperor — in the form of a monumental bronze statue — to the ‘heavens ’and praised his deeds on a spiral relief band and an elaborately carved base (which was was also used as an imperial tomb, at least in the case of Trajan’s Column). The tradition elevating the emperor above the profane world on a column was repeatedly revived in Late Antiquity, at times without an immediate sepulchral function (porphyry column of Constantine, the five-column monument of the tetrarchs and the Phocas column (Columna Phocae) in the Forum Romanum). As in Greek antiquity, all common architectural column designs also occurred in monumental columns in Roman antiquity (in addition to the ‘classical’ orders, shafts were mainly shaped like corkscrews, serpents and spirals as well as being decorated with scales). Apart from being used as monuments, particularly in the northwest provinces isolated columns often appeared as cultic monuments and centres of settlements, frequently in the form of a Jupiter column or a Jupiter Giant column dedicated to the emperor and witha relief decoration with complex iconography (— Viergottersteine, ‘Igel Column’). In various bizarre forms of asceticism the symbolic removal effected by the column played an important role in early Christian > monasticism. As a kind of human monument, stylite saints such as > Simeon

MONUMENTAL

COLUMNS

(called Stylités; early 5th cent. AD) for many years lived in lofty heights on the limited space of the abacus of a column capital. They were considered astonishing attractions by the population and found successors through to the roth cent. IV. HisTORY OF RECEPTION Monumental columns with crowning sculptures as demonstrative signs of power and markers of topographical features often occurred in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (Venice, Piazza San Marco; har-

bour moles of Rhodes). The Roman imperial column as a monument type enjoyed a growing popularity in 16th-cent. Europe. This was initiated in 1587/8 by pope Sixtus V, who placed a sculpture of the Apostle Peter on the vacant top of Trajan’s column in Rome and thus gave the monument new significance. Numerous designs for remodelling, which were based on the monumental! columns of the 2nd cent. AD in the city of Rome but were adapted to the respective needs of their modern builders, were produced and implemented. Imperial grandeur was demonstrated, i.a. in the victory column in Berlin (dedicated in 1873 as a memorial to the victory at Sedan and built on a monumental radial substructure that was unknown in Antiquity), in the Napoleonic honorary column for the army erected in 1792 on Place Vend6me in Paris and in the two great monumental columns in London (Nelson’s Column in

Trafalgar Square, erected in 1840-1843, and the Monument, built in 1671 as a memorial for the great fire of 1666). Even democratic America made use ofthis representational form (design of the columnar Washington Memorial in Baltimore by Charles BIDDLE), though at times altering it in an odd, pragmatic and functional manner (in 1860 Theodore R. ScoWDEN designed a water tower as a monumental column in the Louisville Waterworkscomplex). During Classicist period, monumental columns were also common as funerary and memorial monuments (‘Otto column’ in Ottobrunn near Munich, 1833/4, several monumental columns in the Nekrotaphion Alpha cemetery in Athens). + Funerary architecture (III.C.2.5); — Serpent Column; — Votive offerings; > Column G. BAUCHHENSS, P. NoELKE, Die Jupitersdulen in den germanischen Provinzen, 1981; B. BRANDES-DRuBA, Architekturdarstellungen aufunteritalischen Vasen, 1994, 126—131; V. H. ELBERN, Symeon Stylites. Verehrung und Darstellung von Saulenheiligen im christlichen Osten und fruhen Mittelalter, in: AA 1967, 602-606; W. GAUER, Sdulenmonumente in Rom und Europa, in: H. BUNGERT (ed.), Das antike Rom in Europa. Die Kaiserzeit und ihre Nachwirkungen, 1985, 53-86; G. GRUBEN, Die Sphinx-

Saule von Agina, in: MDAI(A) 80, 1965, 170-208; W. HAFTMANN, Das italienische Saulenmonument von der Antike bis in die Neuzeit, 1939; K. HERRMANN, Spatarchaische Votiv-Saulen in Olympia, in: MDAI(A) 99, 1984, 121-143; Cu. H6ckER, Sekos, Dipteros, Hypaithros —

Uberlegungen zur Monumentalisierung der archaischen Sakralarchitektur

Ioniens,

in: Ver6ffentlichungen

Joachim-Jungius-Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften

der

Ham-

195

196

burg 87, 1998, 147-163; W. Hoeprner, Zwei Ptolema-

which he sometimes refused — through the course of his life, as well as his service and expenses on behalf of the plebs Romana and veterans, his construction projects in the City of Rome and finally the victories and conquests won under his supreme command, or achieved by diplomacy, for the Roman state. The objective of the document is disputed; it is unclear if it should be regarded as a political testimony [x], the mythology of a new god [4], ‘an exercise in monarchical self-portrayal’ [9. 660], or all of these. — Augustus; > Propaganda

MONUMENTAL

COLUMNS

erbauten (MDAI(A), 1st. suppl.), 1971; W. Josst, Ein spatantikes Saulenmonument in Ephesos, in: MDAI(Ist)

39, 1989, 245-255; M. JorDAN-Ruwe, Das Saulenmonument,

1995; H. KAHLER, Das Fiinfsaulendenkmal fiir

die Tetrarchen auf dem Forum Romanum, 1964; H. LauTER, Die Architektur des Hellenismus, 1986, 207-211; U.

PESCHLOW, Betrachtungen zur Gotensdule in Istanbul, in: A. DassMANN (ed.), FS J. Engemann (JbAC suppl. 18), 1991, 215-228; S. SeTtis et al., La Colonna Traiana, 1988 (with bibliography); P. D. Vatvanes, Saulen, Hahne,

Niken und Archonten auf panathendischen Preisamphoren, in: AA 1987, 467-480; L. VoGEL, The Column of Antoninus Pius, 1973; D. WANNAGAT, Saule und Kontext, 1995, 17-48 (with bibliography); B. WESENBERG, Kapitelle und Basen, 1971; E. ZAHN, Die Igler Saule bei Trier, 1982.

C.HO.

Monumentum Ancyranum Among the documents left behind by — Augustus and read out in the Senate after his death in AD 14 was an index rerum a se gestarum (‘Report of Actions’), which was then published on two bronze tablets set up in front of the > Mausoleum Augusti (Suet. Aug. ro1,4; Cass. Dio 56,33 and R.Gest.div.Aug. prooem.; on the setting up of the tablets and their reconstruction see [8. 6 fig.]). A copy of this text with a Greek translation was attached to the temple of the imperial cult in — Ancyra (modern Ankara), the capital of the province of Galatia; smaller fragments of a Latin copy were found in Antiochia [5] (Monumentum Antiochenum), and of a Greek copy in Apollonia in Pisidia (Monumentum Apolloniense), both in that same province. Copies from other provinces, which might be expected to exist, have yet to be found, as do remains of the Roman original. The text can be reconstructed from the preserved copies with reasonable certainty. After a brief prescript, which defines the subsequent text as a copy of the Res gestae divi Augusti (R. Gest. div. Aug.) and Augustus’ impensae (‘expenditures’) on behalf of the Roman people, the emperor first gives a 3 5-chapter account of his military and political successes, then, in the form of very brief resumés, a summary of his expenses for the common good. The latter were, like the foreword, probably added to the original document only after Augustus’ death, the main text having been, according to R. Gest. div. Aug. 35,2, composed,

or more likely finally edited, in AD 13; preparatory work dated back at least to 13 BC (Cass. Dio 54,25,5). The text begins with the coup d’état of the 19-yearold heir to Caesar, who privato consilio (i.e. without consulting the constitutional authorities) and by his own means raised an army to liberate the state from the control of a clique (factio) (R. Gest. div. Aug. 1,1), and ends with the creation of the > Principate, if so it may be called, in 28/7 BC (ibid. 34) and the award ofthe title

> pater patriae by Senate and people (ibid. 35,1) BC. Between these events, it reports the countless extraordinary offices and honours which Augustus awarded with the consent of the entire people —

in 2 and was and

EpITIONs:

1TH. Mommsen, Res Gestae Divi August,

1883 (first, and still important, edn. with commentary) 2 H. VOLKMANN, R.Gest.div.Aug.,*1969

3 P. A. BRUNT,

J. M. Moors, R.Gest.div.Aug. The Achievements of the Divine Augustus, 1967 4E. WEBER, Augustus, Meine Taten, °1989. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 5Z. YAvETZ, The Res Gestae and Augustus’ Public Image, in: F. Mriiar, E. SEGAL (ed.), Caesar Augustus, Seven Aspects, 1984, 1-36 6E. S.

RamaGg, The Nature and Purpose of Augustus’ ‘Res Gestae’, 1987 7B. Stmon, Die Selbstdarstellung des Augustus in der Miinzpragung und in den Res Gestae, 1993 8 W. Eck, Augustus und seine Zeit, 1998 9/J. BLEICKEN, Augustus: Eine Biographie, 1998. H.GA.

Monumentum Ancyranum

Antiochenum

see

> Monumentum

Monumentum Ephesenum see — Toll Moon I. ANCIENT

ORIENT

II. Ecypt

III. GREECE AND

ROME

I. ANCIENT ORIENT The rotation of the moon and the phases of themoon served as significant structural elements of the > calendar from early times in all ancient Oriental cultures. People discussed not only the phases of the moon but also, from earliest times, the eclipses of the moon, regarding them as ominous signs (> Astrology; > Divination). Like the sun, the moon, which was represented as a deity, was the protagonist of numerous myths in Egypt, Asia Minor [1. 373-375] and Mesopotamia (— Moon deities). In Babylonia, as early as toward the end of the 3rd millennium, the systematic observation of the rotation of the moon was the basis for determining leap months. The astronomical compendium MUL.APIN ([2]; ~+ Astronomy) from the rst millennium BC contains, among other things, details about the conjunction of the moon and the > Pleiades as a criterion for establishing a leap month. In addition, it provides tables deduced on the basis of observation of the length of day and night including data regarding the ideal time interval between sunset and the setting of the moon in the case of new moons, other tables concerning the change in the duration of the moon’s visibility, as well as information about the constellations through which the path of the

197

198

moon passes. Observation texts from the 7th cent. BC that report about ominously important manifestations of the moon lead us to discern constant observation practice by experts experienced in astronomy; the so-

tem. Controversy raged as to whether the surface of the moon was like that of the earth: Thales, Philolaus, Anaxagoras and Democritus supported this concept, but it was rejected by Diogenes [12] of Apollonia, Heraclitus, Plato and above all by the Stoics. The moon was considered to be the boundary between the eternal (‘supralunar’) and the transitory (‘sublunar’) world. Philolaus (A 18 DK) saw in the wetness of the moon a risk to the existence of the cosmos. Most late Hellenistic views on the moon were collected by Plutarch in his work De facie in orbe lunae. The diameter and distance between the moon and the earth were calculated from the time of > Eudoxus [x] of Cnidus onwards, with the most varied of results. Anaximander is said to have estimated the moon to be 19 times bigger than the earth while for Aristarchus [3] of Samos it was 19 times smaller than the sun. According to the latter, the ratio between the diameters of the earth and the moon was between 108:43 and 60:19; according to this, the earth is about three times as large as the moon. According to > Hipparchus [6] of Nicea and Ptolemy, the earth is 3*/, times as big as the moon. -» Eratosthenes [2] of Cyrene estimated the distance to be 780,000 stadia (c. 4216 km) and Aristarchus 9.5 earth diameters. Hipparchus differentiated between the smallest distance in the perigee with 31, the mean distance with 33 and the greatest distance with 36 earth diameters.

called ‘Astronomical Diaries’ (7th—rst cents.) note as-

tronomically relevant observations month and day by day. Mathematical-astronomical litating, among other things, the calculation light and the full moon as well as of eclipses and moon originated in the 5th—rst cents.

by month texts faciof the new of the sun

1 V. Haas, Geschichte der hethitischen Religion, 1994 2 H. Huncer, D. PINGREE, MUL.APIN, 1989 3 H. HunGER, s.v. M., RLA 8, 1995, 354-356 4Id., A. SACHs,

Astronomical Diaries and Related Texts from Babylonia, 3 vols., 1988-1996. JRE.

II. Ecypr Before the 2nd half of the rst millennium BC, con-

cern with the rotation of the moon and the phases of the moon — — as far as we can discern from the written records passed down to us—— was almost exclusively of a mythological nature [4]. To date we know of only a single case from the New Kingdom which concerned matters of the calendar [4. r95f.]. Only from Roman times (1st/2nd cents. AD) are texts known that among other things contain omina regarding eclipses and appearances of the moon

(archetype c. 500 BC, [7]), or rules as to how, within a cycle of 309 months, these can be established diagrammatically with 29 or 30 days [5. 220-225; 2]; they also contain models in which the duration of moon cycles is given from new moon to new moon calculated exactly to the hour [5. 243-250], or pictorial representations of the moon on each day of a month [3. table. 9; 6. 22f., table r]. 1 L. Depuyprt, Civil Calendar and Lunar Calendar in An-

cient Egypt, 1997

2 Id., The Demotic Astronomical Papy-

rus Carlsberg 9 Re-Interpreted, in: W. CLARYSSE (ed.), GS J. Quaegebeur, 1998, 1277-1297 3 F. Li. GRIFFITH, W. M. F. Petrie, Two Hieroglyphic Papyri from Tanis, 1889

4 W. HEtck, s.v. M., LA 4, 192-196

5 O. NEUGEBAUER,

R. A. PARKER, Egyptian Astronomical Texts, vol. 3, 1969 6 J. Osinc, G. Rosati, Papiri geroglifici e ieratici da Tebtynis, 2 vols., 1998 7R. A. PARKER, A Vienna Demotic

Papyrus on Eclipse- and Lunar-Omina, 1959.

JO.QU.

II]. GREECE AND ROME A. NATURE OF THE MOON

B. ORBIT OF THE MOON

A. NATURE OF THE MOON

It is said that Philolaus of Croton was the first to realize that the moon is the heavenly body that approaches the earth most closely [1]; knowledge of the spherical shape of the moon is attested since Plato. Since + Thales at the latest, people have known that the moon receives its light from the sun. It is uncertain whether he also already traced the phases of the moon back to the position of the moon in relation to the sun (Apul. Flor. 18); in general, people assumed that there were eight phases and astrologists later refined the sys-

MOON

B. ORBIT OF THE MOON For the Babylonians the moon was the most important measure of time, and the marker stars of its path form the MUL.APIN list (> Astronomy). Their system of 28-30 stations of the moon spread as far as India and China, and only later was it also disseminated to the Latin West. They already also knew of the Saros period of > eclipses (18 years and rr months or 223 synodic months). Two moon calculations of the Babylonians are known (called A and B, [2]), and Greek science [3] linked up with the exact observation details of these —— especially from the Seleucid period: Hipparchus’ eclipse data go back to 595 BC. The synodic revolution period (from new moon to the next new moon) amounts for Hipparchus fairly precisely to 29.5 days, which already led at an early time to month pairs with 59 days. He calculated it to be 29 days, 12 hours, 44 minutes and 3.3 seconds (deviating by only 0.4 seconds from the actual figure), and the sideric revolution period (return to the same position in the fixed star sky) to be 27 days, 7 hours, 43 minutes, 13.1 seconds (a deviation of 1.7 seconds). Only in the zodiac sign of Gemini can there be a new and full moon twice (Macrob. In Somn. 1,6,51). A big problem was posed by the anomaly of the movement

of the moon

(evection) caused by the sun

that was discovered by Hipparchus. Added to this was the fact that the moon, of all the — ‘planets’, deviates from the > ecliptic the farthest to the north and south. Hipparchus estimated this width deviation to be twice 5° whilst most of the others considered it to be twice 6°

MOON

199

(Theon Smyrnaios, Expositio p. 194,9 HILLER). Only when the path of the moon and the ecliptic intersect do eclipses take place: in the so-called ‘draconitic moon junction’, later interpreted as a pseudo-planets ([4]: crossing of the ecliptic rising to the north: dvaBipacwv/ anabibazon; crossing of the ecliptic descending to the south: xatapiBacww/katabibazon) which complete a revolution in c. 18 years, against the direction of the planets, i.e. from east to west. The degree of precision was initially raised through tripling to 54 years (exeligmos; + Eclipses C.) and then increased to 345 years by Hipparchus through expansion to 19 cycles. From the time of > Apollonius [13] of Perge at the latest, people attempted to explain these anomalies, parallel to the movements of the planets, by means of epicycles (deferents and excentres). As Hipparchus had rejected the heliocentric system of > Aristarchus [3] of Samos, he too continued to calculate by means of epicycles whose values he improved. > Ptolemaeus, our most important source for all the earlier theories, set out in bks. 4-6 of his Syntaxis a simple and sophisticated theory of the moon that with the aid of a further epicycle also equalized the evection, as well as providing tables for parallaxes, conjunctions and eclipses. Eclipses of the moon and occurrences of the moon covering stars were also used to calculate geographical lengths. From the time of > Seleucus of Babylon and » Poseidonius, astronomers supported the idea that the tides depended on phases of the moon and position in relation to the sun. The Stoics in particular assumed various other effects on this basis, and the doctors saw

in it a link with > menstruation. ~ Astronomy; > Ecliptic; Helios; > Luna; deities; > Planets; > Selene 1 Diets, moon) nomie 172 3 1957,

DG,

355-363

(doxography

» Moon

concerning

the

2B. L. VAN DER WAERDEN, Die Anfange der Astro(= Erwachende Wissenschaft, vol. 2), 1966, 136—O. NEUGEBAUER, The Exact Sciences in Antiquity, 105-144 4 W. Hartner, The Pseudoplanetary

Nodes of the Moon’s Orbit in Hindu and Islamic Iconographies, Ars Islamica 5, 1938, 113-154. W. GUNDEL,

s.v. M., RE

16, 76-105; Tu. L. HeEatu,

Greek Astronomy, 1932; O. NEUGEBAUER, The Exact Sciences in Antiquity, 1957; Id., A History of Ancient Mathematical Astronomy, 1975; B. L. VAN DER WAERDEN, Die Astronomie der Griechen, 1988. W.H.

Moon deities I. GENERAL

IJ. ANCIENT ORIENT

III. EGyptT

IV. GREECE AND ROME

I. GENERAL The status of the moon in ancient mythological speculation and cult worship reflected its central position in the calendar cycles, agricultural cycles and monthly cycles with respect to their various aspects. The moon (personified) could be the addressee of the cult; the cult also included the male and female deities embedded in the traditional panthea and associated

200

with the moon as moon deities (MD) with regard to their particular aspect. Whilst e.g. > Selene/> Luna just like Helios/> Sol did not gain a foothold in the official religion of the Graeco-Roman world until the Hellenistic period, other deities (frequently the main deities of the ancient Oriental panthea or of the Egyptian pantheon, Greek > Artemis, Roman

> Diana, > He-

cate, > Isis or Juno + Lucina) were already previously identified with the moon (> Syncretism) and linked in their (non-exclusive) function as MD with the life cycles influenced by the moon. This identification was based on the tendency to personalize social and religious entities (> Personification) as well as the attempt theologically to classify the world of the gods as a > pantheon with a division of labour; any further statements regarding the development of the relationship between the moon and the MD tend to be problematical when it comes to individual cases. + Calendar;

— Lunaria;

-» Mena;

~— Menstruation

AN.BE. Il. ANCIENT ORIENT The MD who is always considered to be male (apart from in Egypt) was worshipped in cults in all countries of the ancient Orient under names that were partly different. The various phases of the moon played a special part in this. People had prayed to Sumerian Nanna, the son of > Enlil and Ninlil (> Mylissa, in southern Mesopotamian ~ Ur since time immemorial, but under the 3rd Dynasty of Ur (21st cent. BC) they also prayed to his wife Ningal. His Semitic equivalent was Suen/Sin who had an additional cult centre in northern Mesopotamian > Harran. The phases of the moon were well known, cf. the Akkadian description of the moon as a ‘fruit that develops from itself’ [6. 7, 23]. The epithet ‘(whose) rise (is) radiant’ (Sumerian Asimbabbar, Akkadian Namrasit) refers to the full moon whilst ‘the cargo ship of the sky’ was occasioned by its usual appearance in the Orient as a reclining crescent moon. This is how the MD is also mostly depicted, occasionally also as a horned bull. This is how he appears too in the Akkadian myth of the ‘MD and the cow’, passed down to us in the context of a birth ritual. In an eclipse of the moon, the MD is conceived of as captured by the Sebettu deities (> Magic). He is only freed again by the god of light Nuska with the help of Ea. Just like the sun god, the MD also dispensed oracles. Among the Hurrites he was known as Kuguh, and in Hittite Asia Minor as Arma (Lycian and Lydian as armor erm- in personal names). In Syria he was called Sanugar (Ebla)or Saggar, Seger (Emar) or Yarih (e.g. in the Old Testament). A poetry text from Ugarit extols the wedding of Yarih and Nikkal (< Sumerian Ningal). The MD was extremely important in pre-Islamic Arabia. At > Nerabos he was worshipped as Sahr. In > Palmyra and among the Lihyan, he was called Aglibol (‘young bull of Bol’) and belonged to the group cent-

202

201

MOPSU(H)ESTIA

red around Baalsamin (> Baal); in Hatra he was Bar-

43) compared the plumage of the ibis, which was sacred

marén who was represented as a bull. In > Saba, as »Almaqah, he was the true god of the kingdom with a large temple complex in Marib, whilst he was placed at the top of the pantheon as Wadd (after ‘Attar) in Ma‘in and in > Hadramaut as Sin.

to Thot, with the colour of the moon and also connect-

1 M. G. HALtt, A Study of the Sumerian Moon-God, thesis Philadelphia, 1985 2M. Horner, s.v. ?Almaqah(a), WbMyth 1, 1965, 420, 492-494, 534, 549f. 3S. Lanc-

ed > Apis [1] with the moon. In this manifestation he appears together with the Heliopolitan > Mnevis bull on coffins and shrouds from the Roman period. Together they represent the sun and moon whose opposition in the case of a full moon was the so-called ‘union of the two bulls’, a religiously significant event. 1S. AUFRERE,

L’univers minéral dans la pensée égyp-

DON, Babylonian Penitential Psalms, 1927. 4G. DEL Oxmo Lete, Yarhu y Nikkalu: La mitologia lunar sumeria

tienne, 1991, 197-303

en Ugarit, in: Aula Orientalis 9, 1991, 67-75

escortes de la lune dans le complexe lunaire de Khonsou a

SCHMIDT, s.v. Moon, in: K. VAN DER TOoRN

5B. B. (ed.), Dic-

tionary of Deities and Demons, ro98-1113 6 A. SJ6BERG, Der Mondgott Nanna-Suen in der sumerischen Uberlieferung, 1960 7 J. TuBacu, Im Schatten des Sonnengottes, 1986, 129-140, 300-319 8N. VELDHUIS, A Cow of Sin, 1991. WR.

Ill. Ecypr MD were mainly male in Egypt, as the word for moon (j‘) is masculine. From Ramses II onwards (1290-1224 BC), there are rare references to

a moon

goddess. In the Graeco-Roman period, she became more popular (probably through the similarity with + Selene) became more popular and was then mostly understood as > Isis. The male gods traditionally associated with the moon were essentially Chons, > Horus,

lah, > Osiris and > Thot, with Iah being the moon per se [2]. Several of these gods can be put together as syncretistic forms like Chons-Thot. Chons and Thot appear as MD as early as the pyramid texts of the Old Kingdom. The moon was regarded as the nightly deputy of the sun; on a theological level, the equivalent of this was Thot as vizier of > Re. Especially important was the way in which the lunar cycle was regarded as parallel to the myth of Osiris: > Seth in the form of a black pig was held responsible for the waning of the moon; the victim was either Osiris who was killed or

Horus whose left eye was injured. The healing of the eye or the physical restoration of Osiris corresponded to the waxing of the moon. In addition a group of gods that was essentially identical with the Theban unity of nine (+ Thebae) was associated with the phases of the moon. They entered the moon one after another in order to fill it with certain minerals [1]. These deities could be arranged figuratively on a staircase up which they climbed to the disc of the moon. Each day of the lunar month also had its own god. Other MD in the widest sense were many and varied genii in the entourage of the moon who were responsible for the proper sequence of the heavenly cycles [3; 4; 5]. It also appears that the god > Min was linked to the moon; in his main cult centre of Achmim there was a temple to the moon. A common literary image describes the moon as a bull; the full moon was called ‘bull on heat’, whilst the new moon was the ‘ox’. A manifestation of Thot as a bull should probably be linked with this form. Besides this, late tradition (Plut. De Is. et Os.

2 PH. DERCHAIN, Mythes et dieux

lunaires en Egypte, 1962, 17-68 Karnak, 1997, 13-26

3F. LaBrique, Les

4 Ead., L’escorte de la lune sur la

porte d’Euergéte 4 Karnak I, in: R.GUNDLACH, M. RocnHOLzZ (ed.), Feste im Tempel, 1998, 91-121

5 Ead., L’es-

corte de la lune sur la porte d’Euergéte 4 Karnak I], in: Rev. d’Egyptologie 49, 1998, 107-149 Der Himmel iiber Esna, 2000.

6 A. VON LIEVEN, Av.L.

IV. GREECE AND ROME > Luna; > Men; => Selene; see also above I.

Moor see > Swamp

Mopsium (Mow.ov; Mépsion). Town and hill in the Thessalian territory of Pelasgiotis. In 171 BC, it served + Perseus for a time as an advance base out of the Tempe Valley for attacks on the Romans in the Plain of > Larisa [3] (Liv. 42,61,11; 65,1; 67,1: Mopselus). M.

may possibly be equated with the town ruins Makrichori, approx. 25 km north west of Larisa. F. STAHLIN, s.v. M. (1), RE 16, 236-240.

at

HE.KR.

Mopsopus (Moworocd/Mépsopos, also Modwow/ Mopsops or Mowoc/Mopsos). Presumably Attic king or hero. Name conjectured from Mopsopia, the old name for Attica (Lycophr. 733, 1340; Call. fr. 709; Strab. Cio Cowen Wid. all wise Ihlo, maps (hn, Met. 5,661; 6,423; Ov. Epist. 8,72; Sen. Phaedr. 121; 1276).

SLA.

Mopsu(h)estia (Mowou éotia/Mopsou hestia, ‘Hearth of Mopsus’, many variants; ethnikon Mowedtye/

Mopsedtés). Town in > Cilicia Pedias on the lower reaches of the > Pyramus, modern Yakapinar; according to legend, founded by the seer > Mopsus; prehistoric settlement mound. First literary reference known in Theopompus (FGrH 115 F 103); on Seleucid coins, M. sometimes bears the name of ‘Seleucia on the Pyramus’ [1. 232f.]. M. was destroyed in 95 BC (dynastic wars). Awarded asylia c. 85 BC by Cornelius [I 90] Sulla and Licinius [I 26] Lucullus (cf. [2]). After the repatriation of the inhabitants deported by > Tigranes, its urban era began in 67 BC [3. 204, 213]. In the Roman period, M. was developed, with a theatre, an aqueduct and a bridge over the Pyramus (coins of Valerians), across which the road led into Syria. Sapur I. conquered M. in AD 260. ~ Theodorus, the ecclesiastical writer later condemned

203

204

as a heretic, was bishop here until his death in 428. Byzantine and Arab rule alternated often [4]. A basilica with a mosaic depicting Noah is preserved [5].

tions to Septimius Severus and his sons [1. 49-58, table III-V], temple of Saturn [2. 252f.], curia, tombs. Inscriptions: CIL VIII 2, 8655-8688; suppl. 3, 20417-

+ Asia Minor III. C. 1. c.; > Cilikes, Cilicia B.; > Karatepe

20428.

MOPSU(H)ESTIA

1 L. GALAND, Mons, M. et Mopti, in: MEFRA

1H. v. AuLock, Die Miinzpragung der kilikischen Stadt

35-91, pls. I-VI

Mopsos, in: AA 1963, 231-278

ments, vol. 2, 1966.

2M. Sayaretal., Asy-

lieerklarungen des Sulla und des Lucullus fiir das Isis- und Sarapisheiligtum von M., in: Tyche 9, 1994, 113-130 3 R. Zrecter, Aren kilikischer Stadte und die Politik des

61, 1949,

2M. Lecray, Saturne africain. Monu-

AAA, BI. 16, Nr. 196; W. KROLL, s.v. Mopta, RE 16, 251.

W.HU.

Pompeius in Sidostkleinasien, in: Tyche 8, 1993, 203-219

4 HILD/HELLENKEMPER

§ L. Buppe, Antike Mosaiken

in Kilikien, vol. 1, 1969. G. Dacron,

Mora (ea; 0ra).

H.TA.

[1] In the Spartan army no later than from 403 to 371 BC mora was the usual term for the six largest divisions of the infantry and cavalry assigned to it (Xen. Lac. pol.

Nampsu-

mora was commanded by a > polémarchos (Xen. hell.

145,5; Mansucrinae, Itin. Burdig.

454573 554,51), had a required strength of more than 1,000 men and was organised into lochoi (> lochos).

D. FeIssEL, Inscriptions de Cilicie, 1987,

129-156.

11,4; Xen. Hell. 2,4,31; 4,5,3-19; Diod. 15,32,1). Each

Mopsucrene

(Mowovxervy/Mopsoukrene;

crone, Itin. Anton.

579,2). Road station between Tarsus and the Cilician Gates [1]. HILD/HELLENKEMPER, 3 59f.

BEL

Mopsus (Mowoc/Mopsos). Famous mythological seer (or seers?), who already participates in the expedition of the — Argonauts in archaic Greek epic (POxy. 53,3698) and Pindar (Pyth. 189-192). He is the son of Ampyx and grandson of > Ares (Hes. Sc. 181), comes from Titaresus (i.e. > Dodona) and dies on the journey, after being bitten by a serpent in Libya (Apoll. Rhod. 4,1502ff.). Originally, he may well have been the heros

1 J. F. Lazensy, The Spartan Army, 1985, sff.

LB.

[2] Default in Roman law. A. TERM DEFAULT

B.DEBTOR

DEFAULT

C. CREDITOR

A. TERM

Mora isa technical term in Roman law, linguistically and factually the immediate model for the Recht des Verzuges (law governing delay of performance) in the German BGB. Mora is the only offence of obstructing ~» obligatio that Roman law distinctly developed.

eponymos of the Thessalian > Mopsium (Str. 9,5,22).

The exact relationship between this M. and the famous seer from Asia Minor, who is the son of Apollo (Str. 14,5,16) and > Manto, daughter of > Teiresias (Paus. 7,352), is still unclear. This oriental M. founded the oracle of > Clarus |1], where he defeated — Calchas in a contest of divination (Hes. fr. 278); the motif of a duel with a seer recurs in the later deadly contest with > Amphilochus [1] (Lycophr. 439-446; Str. 14,5,16; Apollod. 6,19). He then emigrates to Cilicia, where the town of — Mopsu(h)estia carries his name, but Perge too

honoured M. as its founder (SEG 34, 1305 = I. Perge 106). As a Hittite inscription mentions a ‘Muksus’ and the Luwian-Phoenician bilingual inscription at Karatepe (7th cent. BC) refers to the ‘House of M.’, this M. probably derives from Anatolia [1. 52]. But how does this fit with the name mo-go-so in Linear B (KN De 1381 B; PY Sa 779)? Was there a family of seers called M.? 1 W. Burkert, The Orientalizing Revolution, 1992, 52. E. SIMON, s.v. Mopsus

(1-2), LIMC

6.1, 650-654; T.

ScHEER, Mythische Vorvater, 1993 (on the traditions concerned with Asia Minor).

Mopth..

City

in

+ Cuicul in Numidia

-— Mauretania

JB.

Sitifensis,

near

(Tab. Peut. 2,4: Mopti Munici-

pium), modern Mons. Ruins: Capitolium with inscrip-

B. DEBTOR DEFAULT Initially morae were not relevant to all debt relationships: if the debtor did not voluntarily pay and hence had to be sued by the creditor, it followed in general from the standard — formula for the type of action whether the debtor was sentenced to simply pay (viz. the monetary value, > condemnatio pecuniaria), or, on occasion, also damages. If the action (e.g. the + condictio) was for (re)payment of a particular sum, the debtor was sentenced to pay, independent of whether he was financially at all in a position to. If the obligation, e.g. from a > stipulatio, was in an unspecified manner to give or to do something (quidquid dare facere oportet), then the judgment arising from such an indeterminate claim (— intentio incerta) also includes replacement for the value of what was owed for the damage or destruction. The debtor was even liable for further damages, when the intentio contained the additional clause ‘in good faith’ (ex fide bona). If — again e.g. in a stipulatio — a debtor has committed himself to the transference of a particular object or to the production of a particular individual work or the like but the obligation has disappeared as a consequence of the destruction of the object or the impossibility of production, an action against it has to be unsuccessful. From the 2nd cent. BC, Roman lawyers provided help in such cases with the fiction of a ‘per-

205

206

petuation of obligation’ (perpetuatio obligationis), so that the debtor could nevertheless be sentenced to pay the monetary value. A prerequisite for this was complicity of the debtor in the destruction or just default (mora debitoris, also ‘delay of performance’: mora solvendi). In addition to this liability for accidental destruction and accidental deterioration, the mora debitoris in actions for an indeterminate object of performance (incertum) had the effect of a duty to produce revenues (products and rents), and to make good damages due to default including loss of profit. The condition for debtor default was a duty of performance which was due and which the debtor could

withhold the main payment until these sums were settled, or he could count them against the claim of the creditor (> compensatio).

have rendered. It had to have been due to him (and not

the creditor or a third party) that performance had not occured (per eum steterit, quo minus solverit, Dig. 12,1,53 17,1,37). Fault, on the part of the debtor was not what was meant here, and even less deceit (dolus) [1]. The delay was then due to the debtor in any case if he had been reminded by the creditor after the due date or had obtained possession of the object to be produced by criminal means (fur semper in mora: ‘a thief is always in default’, cf. Dig. 13,1,8,1). It has not been proved for the law of antiquity that a summons was superfluous in the case of a fixed-term agreement (in common law: dies interpellat pro homine, ‘a date warns as well as a person’). The debtor could purge the effects of default by means of a subsequent offer of payment (purgatio morae). C. CREDITOR DEFAULT Apart from debtor default classical Roman law also recognised creditor or recipient default (mora creditoris, mora accipiendi): if it was due to the creditor that a payment offered was not effected, he for his part (even without fault) fell in sora. For this to happen the debtor had to have offered performance in the way the contract stipulated. Preparedness to accept it at a later stage led to purging of the default (purgatio morae). Ina case of creditor mora, the debtor was liable only if he had deceitfully caused the destruction of the object or its deterioration. Otherwise, in the case of owing a specific object he was not liable for performance, in the case of monetary debt or the obligation to supply a certain species of goods he was at least protected by way of objection by an > exceptio doli from any claims by the creditor. A particular case is if a buyer of wine gets into mora: in order to enable the seller the use of the vats for new wine, he may pour out the wine that has been bought (Dig. 18,6,1,3f.). But the buyer can also sell the wine to somebody else to settle his account or acquire other vats at the creditor’s expense. If the creditor does not accept the money offered him, the debtor may seal and deposit it. Then the creditor would bear the risk of the perishing of the coins. From the time of Diocletian depositing money counted as performance (Cod. lust. 8,42,9). The debtor could not independently sue for costs and damages caused by the delay of acceptance, but he could

MORAY

1H. H. Jaxoss, Culpa und interpellatio bei der mora debitoris nach klassischen Recht, in: TRG 42, 1974, 2356.

HOoNSELL, MAYER-MALY, SELB, 245-249; KASER, RPR 1,

514-518; Id., s.v. M., in: RE 16, 252-277; R. ZIMMERMANN, The Law ofObligations, 1990, 790-800, 817-823. Gs.

Moray In antiquity (0)wveawwa/(s)myraima, Latin murena mostly meant the Mediterranean moray, Muraena helena L., a long, eel-like (cf. Aeschyl. Choeph. 994f.) edible fish, distinguished from the related outeos (smyros, M. christint) by its markings. The latter kind of moray (smyros) is admittedly considered to be the male (Aristot. Hist. an. 5,10,543a 24-28; Plin. HN 9,76). Others believed in a mating of morays with snakes (Plin. l.c. and ibid. 32,14; detailed description in Opp. Hal. 1,554-579: Ael. Nat. 1,50), but Andreas [1] of Carystus rejects it as false (Athen. 7,3 12e). There was an opinion that morays could live quite some time on dry land like eels (Theophr. fr. 171,4, cited in Athen. 7,312b; Plin. HN 9,71 and 73; Ail. nat. 1,50). They were said to have received the epithet ahwti/plote (Archestratos in Athen. 7,313a), Latin fluta (Varro Rust. 2,6,2; Colum. 8,17,8) because they floated in water owing to their fatness. Sea eels (Aristot. Hist. an. 8(9),2,610b 17; > conger, Plin. HN 9,185; Ael. Nat. 5,48), crayfish (+ Crustaceans, Ael. Nat. 1,32) and octopi (Ael. Nat. 1,32) are mentioned as their enemies. Aristotle claimed that morays spawned the whole year round in great numbers and grew quickly (Hist. an. 5,10,543a 19-29), had no fins (ibid. 1,5,489b 28 = Plin. HN 9,73), four-part lungs (Aristot. hist. an. 2,13,505a 14-16) and gallbladders next to the intestines (2,15,506b r5f.; cf. Plin. nat. 11,194), mated abdomento-abdomen (5,4,540a 33—-b 1) by entwining and alternated between the deep sea and coastal waters (7(8),43,598a 14). Their motion by wriggling their bodies is described in Aristot. Part. an. 4,13, 696a 5-8 (Plin. HN 9,72). According to Nic. Ther. 823, fishermen were afraid of their bites and were able to catch them only with difficulty, owing to their ability to slip through nets (cf. Ps.-Ovidius, Halieuticon 27ff.; Plin. HN 32,12; Opp. Hal. 3,117-120). They also bit through fishing lines (Plin. HN 32,13). They were killed with giant fennel (> Narthex [1], cf. Ael. Nat. 1,37) or a blow to the tail (Plin. HN 32,14). The main fishing areas were the coasts of — Tartessus in Spain (Aristoph. Ran. 475; Strab. 3,145c; Colum. 8,16,10) and Messina (Varro Rust. 2,6,2; Plin. HN 9,169). By breeding morays in fish ponds rich gourmets such as L. Licinius Murena (praetor 100 BC) and C. > Lucilius [I 5] Hirrus (Varro Rust. 3,3,10; Colum. 8,16,5; Macr. Sat. 3,15,2) had sufficient supplies at their disposal, so that the latter was able to lend Julius Caesar 6,000 morays (Plin. HN

MORAY

207

9,171; Macr. Sat. 3,15,10). Their culinary appreciation is demonstrated by Hor. Sat. 2,8,42 and Plin. HN 35,162, but mainly by the recipe in Apic. ro,2. It was not everybody that considered them mere delicacies (cf. Plin. HN 9,172) — Vedius Pollio allegedly had condemned slaves thrown into a pond of morays (Plin. HN 9,77, cf. Sen. De ira 3,40). In medicine, according to Plin. HN 32,58, only the ashes of their heads were used as an antidote to their bites. Depictions in mosaics from Pompeii [1. 392, fig. 124] and Praeneste (modern Palestrina) [2] and in wall paintings survive. 1 KELLER, vol. 2, 361-363

2G. GULLINI, I mosaici di

Palestrina, 1956.

A.

STEIER,

s.v.

M.,

RE

16,

652-657;

THompson, A Glossary of Greek Fishes, DER, S.v. Piscina, RE 20, 1783-1790.

D’ARcy

W.

1947; K. SCHNEIC.HU.

Morcus (Méox0¢/Morkos). Illyrian. In 169 BC, he and Parmenion were sent to Dion as envoys from > Genthius to > Perseus to conclude the Illyrian-Macedonian alliance against Rome. In 168 BC, he took part in -» Metrodorus’s [4] negotiations on Rhodes (Pol. 29,359; 29,11,1—6; Liv. 44,23,4f.). ~ Macedonian Wars E. OLsHAUSEN, Prosopographie Konigsgesandten, 1974, 281f.

der

hellenistischen L-M.G.

Mores The plural of mos (> mos maiorum, ‘custom of the ancestors’) describes an entire complex of normative requirements in Roman society. While the ideological value of tradition and conservatism stands in the foreground with the word mos, until the early Imperial period mores invoked in the first place a concrete system of norms and sanctions that is most clearly recognizable in the ‘moral jurisdiction’ (regimen morum) of the censors (— cemsores). The censor’s reprimand (> nota censoria) and the censor’s harsh sanction of

down-grading political rights (e.g., elimination from the list of senators) were not a part of jurisdiction (iurisdictio) but were meant to preserve the mores, which were strictly differentiated from law. While — ius granted ‘rights’ to individuals, societal and state interests were reflected in the mores. Thus, the ius permitted to the > pater familias complete rule over his descendants but an arbitrary use of this power (e.g., killing) could be seen as a violation of the mores. Because of these differences in the field of regulation and especially in the responsible institutions, the mores were not invoked as an element in contemporary law forming, e.g., of ‘customary law’ (consuetudo), judicial law or praetorian law (ius honorarium). However, the mores and the mos maiorum were cited to legitimize very old legal institutions, especially those that could not be rationally explained (anymore), such as the archaic form of the > mancipatio or the ‘marital powers’ of the > manus.

208

During the Imperial period, the > princeps himself supervised compliance with the mores. However, since

he was the highest institution of legislation and jurisdiction, the difference between mores and law became

increasingly blurred: Ulp. Dig. 1,1,6,1 — explicitly following Greek concepts — juxtaposed in about AD 200 ‘written’ and ‘unwritten law’ (ius ex non scripto); the

latter is largely equivalent to mores. Only a little earlier, in Gai. Inst. 1,1, laws (/eges) and mores are cited as

equal sources of the entire ius. Even in the period of the formal ‘isolation’ of law from the mores, the latter must have at least progressively influenced the ‘basic understanding’ of legislative institutions — from the people’s assembly to the jurists in the ‘council’ (consilium) of the praetor. Thus, the mores were part of a standard of trustworthiness (— fides) in personal and business affairs. With the increasing importance of fides in law, the mores were also able to gain recognition within the law. Therefore, for example, the formless contract (+ consensus,

> contractus)

subject to fides was rejected if its content violated the boni mores (‘good manners’). Kaser, RPR 1, 195ff.; W. KUNKEL, R. WITTMANN, Staats-

ordnung und Staatspraxis der romischen Republik, vol.2: Die Magistratur (HdbA 10,3,2,2), 1995, 405ff.; WIEAKKER, RRG, 504f. GS.

Moretum Latin poem in 122 hexameters, transmitted in the > Appendix Vergiliana and probably datable to the middle/late rst cent. BC. It describes how a farmer called Simulus gets up on a winter morning, lights the fire and prepares his modest food, which consists of home-baked bread and a salad (moretum) of cheese, garlic and herbs. The anonymous poet is an accomplished artist, whose mannered style is in strong contrast with his subject matter of everyday life. The description of Simulus’s life as an unstopping battle for survival implicitly disproves the idealised image of life on the land found in Vergil and Horace. A. PERUTELLI (ed.), P. Vergili Maronis M., 1983; E. J. Kenney, M., The Ploughman’s Lunch, 1984. E.KE.

Morgantina (Mogyavtiva, Mogyavtivn/ Morgantina, Morgantine; Latin Morgentia, Murgantia). City of the

~ Siculi in Sicily, some 15 km northeast of > Piazza Armerina (Serra Orlando). Pottery finds attest to an immigration of Italic settlers in the r1th cent. BC (cf. Str. 6,1,6; 2,4). The development ofthe city of M. began in about 560 BC with a settlement of Greeks on the modern Cittadella (578 m). In 459 BC > Ducetius conquered the city (Diod. 11,78,5) and destroyed the Greek settlement. After his defeat in 450, M. came into the possession of > Syracusae, and in 424 BC it was ceded to > Camarina (Thuc. 4,65,1). In 397 BC, M. was con-

quered by Dionysius [1] (Diod. 14,78,7). According to archaeological evidence M. developed significantly during the time of > Timoleon; its highpoint fell in the period of + Agathocles [2] (cf. Diod. 19,6,2) and of

210

209

» Hieron [2]. In 211 BC, in the second of the > Punic

Wars, M. was conquered by the Romans, who gave it to their Hispanic allies as a reward for their services (Liv. 26,21,17; coin legends: Hispanorum). M. received the status of a civitas decumana (Cic. Verr. 3,103) and was counted as one ofthe stipendiarii (Plin. HN 3,91). In the second of the Sicilian > slave revolts (104-101 BC) M. was besieged in vain by the revolutionaries (Diod. 36,4,5-8; 36,7,1?). Under — Verres, M. suffered badly (Cic. Verr. 3,103). Archaeological evidence (settlement from the 3rd millennium BC) confirms Strabo’s assertion (6,2,4) that M. no longer existed in the Augustan period. Systematic excavations since 1955 have uncovered most of the city, including the acropolis, agora, bouleuterion, gymnasium, theatre (3rd cent. BC), several sanc-

tuaries, and numerous houses. Preliminary reports of excavations [13 2; 3]. 1 E. SJOQvistT, R. STILLWELL, in: AJA, 61-68, 1957-1964 (excavation report) 2 Ead., in: Fasti Archaeologici,

1957ff. (excavation report) 7, 1966, 215f. K. ZIEGLER, s.v. M., RE

Greek town

3 E. SyOqvisT,s.v.M., EAA 16, 299; B. Tsaxrrcis, M. A

in Central Sicily, in: T. FiscHER-HANSEN

(ed.), Ancient Sicily (Acta Hyperborea 6), 1995, 123-1473 E. DE Miro, s.v. Serra Orlando, EAA 2. Suppl. 5, 1997, 225-227; R. STILLWELL, s.v. M., PE 594f.; Morgantina Studies, 5 vols, 1981-1996. E.O. GLF.

Morgetes People (named after their king Morges) originally settled in Lower Italy, who migrated from there (Antiochus FGrH 555 F 9: M. driven by the Oenotri; otherwise F 2) to Sicily (Strab. 6,2,4), where the city of > Morgantina has preserved their name (Antiochus l.c.; Steph. Byz. s.v. Mogyévtiov/Morgéntion). Murgantia, the name of a city of the > Samnites, is probably also related (Liv. 10,17,3; 11). G. DevorTo, Gli antichi Italici, 31967; J. BERARD, La colonisation grecque, *1957; R. PERONI, Enotri, Ausoni, Italie altre popolazioni dell’estremo sud dell’Italia, in: G.

PUGLIESE

CARRATELLI

parens, 1989, 144-188.

(ed.), Italia omnium

MORINI

ished (Lys. Or. 7,25). The oil offered as prize at the + Panathenaea for track-and-field disciplines and horse racing was from the pieces of land on which there were moriai (Aristot. l.c.). C. Carey (ed.), Lysias: Selected Speeches, 1989, 114f.; ISAGER/SKYDSGAARD,

203-205;

RHODES,

672-676.

JOS.

Morini (Celtic for ‘sea people’). A people in Gallia + Belgica in the modern Pas de Calais, whose territory in the north and west stretched to the sea. Their northeastern border with the neighbouring — Menapii followed the Aa upstream to east of Saint Omer, southwards to meet the Leie, and a little upstream along this, where at Merville it met the one-time territory of the > Atrebates [1]. From here it probably reached the old boundary of the bishopric of Arras in a southern direction to the source of the Canche at Ivergny, which formed the southern border with the Ambiani down to its mouth (Strab. 4,3,5; Mela 3,2,32; Ptol. 2,9,1; 4). The M. sent 25,000 men against > Caesar in 57 BC (Caes. Gall. 2,4,9). After an unsuccessful attempt at the

end of 56 (ibid. 3,28f.), Caesar managed to subjugate them in the following year (ibid. 4,22,53 38,13; 5,42,2). They were placed under Commius, the king of the Atrebates (Caes. Gall. 7,76,1), as clients. In the general Gaulish revolt in 52 BC they sent an auxiliary contingent of 5,000 men to > Alesia (ibid. 7,53,3). After their unsuccessful uprising in 29 BC (Cass. Dio 51,21,6) they remained true to Rome (Tac. Hist. 4,21). Among the M., who were considered ‘the outermost of men’ (extremi hominum, Verg. Aen. 8,727) owing to their

inhospitable and remote location in a region of moors and marshes (Caes. Gall. 3,28,2; Strab. 4,3,5), Roman

influence prevailed only with difficulty and not before the Flavian period (second half of the rst cent. AD). Whereas for a long time the district around the civitas capital Taruenna (CIL XIII 8727; modern Thérouanne)

and the places on the old long-distance connection with the coast at Sangatte (the Leuléne) held on to the indig-

terrarum

enous tradition, after the conquest of Britain (— Britan-

E.O. and GLF.

nia) the demographic and economic focus shifted to the west, where > Gesoriacum developed into the most significant ferry port. The sea was also important for the M.’s economy: the cultivation of flax for the production of sailcloth (Plin. HN 19,8), fishing, goose breeding (Plin. HN 10,53), salt mining and salt trading (CIL XI 390f.), for which the thin-walled orange-red pottery produced in the country found a use. Under Diocletian’s administrative reform (— Diocletianus), the civitas was partitioned into the Civitas Morinorum with the capital Taruenna and the Civitas Bononensium with the capital Bononia (modern Boulogne; Notitia Galliarum 6,11). The general decline and the far-reaching depopulation of Morinia in the second half of the 3rd cent. AD, caused by Germanic incursions and documented by finds of coin hordes, had already begun before the ‘Dunkirk sea Transgression’ (c. 290), when large parts of the land subsided into the sea (cf.

Moriai (wogia/moriai). In Athens a term for the olivetrees that were sacred to > Athena, the maintenance of which, by assigning special custodians, known as gnomones, was watched over by the Areopagus (— Greios pagos) (Lys. or. 7,25). The moriai and even their stumps, which were protected by fences (sékos), were sacred, and this may be connected with the high regenerative power of olive trees (cf. Hdt. 8,55). Even the Spartans are said, according to schol. Soph. OC 7o1, to have spared them when devastating Attica. Offences against the moriai were punished with death (Aristot. Ath. pol. 60,2), but by the beginning of the 4th cent. BC with banishment (Lys. Or. 7,3 und 41) and at the time the Aristotelian treatise was composed existed as a law in the letter only (Aristot. l.c.). Even working the soil near the moriai was forbidden and was pun-

MORINI

211

Paneg. Constantii 295). The region did recover under » Constantinus [1] around AD 320-330, but then the greater was its decline when from 409 it was regularly overrun by Germani (Hier. Epist. 12,13,5), leading less to the establishment of a new population group than to devastation and emigration. Christianisation was accomplished at the end of the 4th cent. by Victricius, the bischop of Rouen (Paul. Nol. Epist. 18,4). S. J. DE Laer, Les limites des cités des Ménapiens et des Morins, in: Helinium 1, 1961, 20-34; R. DELMAIRE, Civitas Morinorum, pagus Gesoriacus, civitas Bononensium, in: Latomus 33, 1974, 265-279; Id., Etude archéo-

logique de la partie orientale de la cité des Morins, 1976; Id., in: R. De-Marre (ed.), Le Pas-de-Calais. Carte archéologique de la Gaule 62, 1994, 53-77. F.SCH.

Moritasgus [1] Judging by the name (Celtic muir = ‘water’, mori = ‘sea’) and findspot a local Celtic god connected with healing water and associated with > Apollo (interpretatio [II.] Romana). In his sanctuary at Alise-SainteReine (- Alesia), which exhibits several temples and

buildings with water basins supplied by a system of spring water pipes, besides a building inscription for a portico erected to the Deus M., two organ votive offerings dedicated to Apollo M. came to light. A dedication (AE 1965, 181) names as partner of Apollo M. the Celtic goddess Damona, who was worshipped with Apollo Borvo elsewhere. Further ex-votos attest to the healing character of the god, probably also explaining the association with Apollo. According to the evidence of the finds, the cult, which can be proved up to the 4th cent. AD, had already been observed in pre-Roman times.

212

According to myth M. was a woman from Corinth who devoured at first her own children, then those of

others (schol. Aristides p. 41 D.). The name means ‘terrible’ (Hesych. and Phot. s.v. M.) and could be used generally for anything inspiring fear (Aristoph. Pax 474; Xen. Hell. 4,4,17). Mormolykia also referred to comedy masks (Aristoph. fr. 31 K.-A.). ~ Ahoros;

> Demons

S. 1. JOHNSTON, Restless Dead, 1999; J. TAMBORNINO, S.v. Mormo, RE 16, 309-311. S.LJ.

Morpheus (Mogdevs). One of the many sons of Hypnus (of ‘Sleep’, Latin - Somnus) who personify the dream life of people. With his brothers Icelus and Phantasus M. is responsible for the realistic form of dream images. M., who appears to > Alcyone in the form of her dead husband > Ceyx, in particular, became proverbial in the tradition of Ovid (‘lie in M.’s arms’). The

‘dream artists’, mentioned only by Ovid (Met. 11,63 3676) in his description of the caves of sleep localised in Cimmeria, are among the poetological figures in the ‘Metamorphoses’ reflexively referring to his own poetry which demonstrate the difference between nature and art. Cw.

Morphology

see > Word formation

Morro de Mezquitilla Phoenician settlement of the

archéologie et histoire, 41990; F. LE Roux, Introduction a

early 8th cent. BC, founded on the site of a Copper Age settlement on a height overlooking the mouth ofthe Rio Algarrobo, 6km east of Vélez-Malaga (southern Spain). Its associated necropolises were probably partly on the opposite (western) bank of the river, where a 7th-cent. BC chamber tomb, significant from an architectural point of view, is preserved, along with evidence

une étude de Il’Apollon gaulois, in: Ogam 11, 1959, 222-

of others (> Trayamar).

226; F. STAHELIN,

~ Necropolis

G. BAUCHHENSS, s.v. Apollon/Apollo, LIMC 2.1, 46rf.; J. DEVRrIES, Keltische Religion, 1961, 73;J.LE GALL, Alésia:

Denkmaler

und Spuren helvetischer

Religion, in: Anzeiger fiir Schweizerische kunde, N.F. 26, 1924, 26 n. I.

Altertums-

[2] Brother and predecessor of Cavarinus, who was installed by Caesar in 54 BC as king of the > Senones but banished by his tribe (Caes. Gall. 5,54). The possibility that M. bore the name of the god M. [1] attested in Alesia, can not be excluded owing to the fact that the Senones and the Mandubii were neighbouring tribes. F. MUnzer, s.v. M., RE 16, 309.

M.E.

Mormo (Mogud/Mormo). A female spirit, principally used to frighten children (Theocr. 15,40 with schol.; Plat. Phd. 77e; Str. 1,2,8; schol. Aristides p. 41 D1nDORF = 1,5), in this role often interchangeable with +» Gello, > Lamia [1] and strix (a nocturnal bird which sucked the blood out of children). Her other name, Mormolyké or Mormolykia, suggests she was imagined as a wolf, though Theocr. 15,40 (with schol. ad loco) associates her with a horse and Erinna 26f. implies she could change shape.

H. G. NreMeYeER, H. ScHusBart, Trayamar. Die phonizi-

schen Kammergraber und die Niederlassung an der Algarrobo-Miindung, (Madrider Beitrage 4), 1975; H. ScHuBART, PhOnizische Eisenschmiede auf dem M. d. M., in: R. ROLLE, K. ScHmipT (ed.), Archaologische Studien in Kontaktzonen der antiken Welt (Wissenschaftliche Veréffent-

lichungen der Joachim Jungius-Gesellschaft

87), 1998, 545-557.

Hamburg

H.GN.

Morrylus (MégevAo0c/Morrylos). City in Macedonian Crestonia (~» Macedonia) near modern Ano Apostoloi, known from inscriptions no earlier than the Hellenistic period, later also mentioned in Plin. HN 4,35 and Ptol. 3,13,38. M. had city status in the 3rd cent. BC and received theoroi (‘festival envoys’) from Delphi [r. 18 Z. 84]. M. sustained a significant cult of Asclepius. 1 A. PLassart, Liste delphique des théorodoques, in: BCH 45, L921, 1-89. M. B. CHatzopouLos, L. D. LoukopouLou, M. Cité de la Crestonie (Meletemata 7), 1989. MA.ER.

BI

214

Mors Roman personification of death, modelled on the Greek > Thanatos. Recorded in the title of an Atellan farce Mortis ac Vitae iudicium by Novius in Non. p.

Mortality

479,7, a satire Mors ac Vita by Ennius (cf. Quint. Inst.

GROUPS

MORTALITY

I. GENERAL HIGH

II. CAUSES OF DEATH

MORTALITY

IV. INDIVIDUAL

III. CAUSES OF SOCIAL

9,2,36), in Latin poets and on tomb inscriptions. Rep-

resented with corresponding attributes M. visualizes (1) the cause of death (Stat. Theb. 7,53: voltuque cruento M. armata sedet), (2) the transition from life to death (Anth. Lat. 2,429,1-2; 346,3-4; Hor. Carm. 1,14,13) and (3) death as a state (motionlessness, silence: Lucr. 3,959). It is not common for M. to be associated with + Hades/— Pluto (Stat. Theb. 4,528). The various —

mythological, philosophical, caricaturing, moralizing and religious — contexts in which M. is encountered indicate a means of representing death, not a religious function of M. HE.K. Mors litis (literally: ‘death of a lawsuit’). According to Gai. Inst. 4,104 a means introduced by the I. Iulia iudiciorum privatorum specially for the indicium legitimum (— indicium), to limit the duration of lawsuits. Whereas all other lawsuits were limited by the period in office of the magistrates who appointed judges, ML was what happened when after 18 months there had been no judgment. From the > lex Irnitana (ch. 91, |.2) it followed that this regulation was transferred — evidently by pretending that the municipal process was identical to the iudicium legitimum — also to this Spanish community of Irni (and probably others outside Rome). The term was evidently modified several times from the 3rd cent. BC, until Justinian finally fixed it at three years from — litis contestatio for the majority of all lawsuits (Cod. Iust. 3,1,13,5: 530 AD). M. Kaser, K. Hack,

Das rémische

Zivilprozefrecht,

*1996, 352f., 607 W. SIMSHAUSER, Stadtrémisches Verfahrensrecht im Spiegel der lex Irnitana, in: ZRG 109, 1992, 163-208, esp. 176.

C.PA.

Morsimus (Mogouoc; Morsimos). Son of Philocles, great-nephew of Aeschylus [1] (IrGF I 12 T 3), middle of the 5th cent. BC, oculist (IrGF I 29 T 2) and tragedian, the latter according to Aristophanes (Equ. 401, Pax 802, Ran. 151) of particularly poor quality. Bz.

Morta In Livius Andronicus (Odusia fr. 23 FPL according to Caesellius Vindex in Gell. 3,16,11) M. foretold the day of a person’s death. According to Gell. ibid., M. is the Latin translation of the Greek > Moira, which can be considered etymologically certain owing to their having the same origin. Caesellius Vindex’s grouping of M. with Nona and Decuma as the tria fata (contradicted

by Varro

at Gell.

3,16,10)

is an

antiquarian

construct and provides no key to the significance of M. to Roman religion. HE.K.

I. GENERAL Before the so-called ‘demographic transition’ with its change to lower birth and death rates, societies generally have high natality and mortality, especially infant mortality and concomitant low average — life expectancy for new-born babies. This must have been the same in Antiquity, although less is known about Greece than about the Imperium Romanum. Modern scholarship assumes an ancient life expectancy of c. 20-25 years. According to modern mortality table ‘West, level 3’ — often used for comparison with Rome — a ‘stable population’ demonstrates an annual death rate of c.4°/,,,. for women and 44/,,,, for men. Also, more than a half of death cases affected children under ro years old. More recent investigations try to calculate ancient life expectancies differentiated by region, time, society, age and sex. We must distinguish here between (usually regional) ‘crises of mortality’ (periods of war, epidemics) and the demographically ‘normal state’. The demographic factor of mortality determines not only the number of surviving children, widows or widowers, it is also a standard for the age structure of these groups and the likelihood of remarriage after the loss of a partner. High mortality was of enormous significance for ~ divorce and for both for the structure of ancient families and the political dealings with ~ widows and > orphans. Il. CAUSES OF DEATH For the Roman world regionally quite different seasonal patterns of mortality have been documented. In Roman Egypt e.g. there was a doubling of the mortality rate in summer. In Antiquity, — diseases often resulted in death, such as the numerous fevers like typhus, paratyphus, undulant fever and > malaria, lung diseases like pneumonia and tuberculosis, dysentery and diarrhoea (especially in children), and cholera and scurvy. There is no certain evidence of smallpox before AD 165. We cannot determine what significance criminality, accidents and military service had for mortality. Yet, given the numerous mentions of such cases in literature and inscriptions, it should not be underestimated. Military service at the other hand had no statistical significance as a cause of death in peacetime. III]. CAUSES OF HIGH MORTALITY

~ Malnutrition for socially disadvantaged people, poor sanitary and hygienic conditions (especially in the cities), the rapid spread of infectious or > epidemic diseases and inadequate medical care can be mentioned as causes of mortality. Failed harvests or plagues of > locusts led to famine and the deaths of many people. Most of the famines and epidemics, however, had only regional effects. From AD 165, when smallpox was im-

MORTALITY

215

ported from Mesopotamia by the army of Avidius [1] Cassius, on several occasions there were virulent epidemics throughout the empire, claiming the lives of numerous victims also in Rome itself. In AD 189, 2,000 people are said to have died daily (Cass. Dio 73,14,3 f.). IV. INDIVIDUAL SOCIAL GROUPS

In addition to the causes of high child mortality mentioned above (diseases, poor hygienic conditions, malnutrition, lack of substitute for mother’s milk) modern scholarship discusses the significance of > child exposure for child mortality. The effects on ancient mortality of sexually specific factors such as mother mortality or death in war are hard to determine. The factor of mother mortality may have been overestimated previously, but the disadvantage of female family members in terms of nutrition and medical care is provable. On the whole a greater life expectancy for men than for women may be assumed. Attempts to construct class specific mortality patterns fail for lack of relevant sources. In estimating the mortality of slaves it should be borne in mind that they represented a valuable work force for their owners and were therefore often better cared for with provisions than poor free people (- slavery). Nevertheless the mortality of slaves was highly dependent on their conditions of work; in mines it must often have been extremely high (Diod. 3,13; Str. 123,40).

- Population, studies 1R.

Demographic

S. BAGNALL,

B. W.

history;

chest (Paus. 5,18,2) women are seen at work with mor-

tars, then in terracottas and vase paintings. In myth Thracian women attack Orpheus with pestles and + Andromache defends herself with one at the fall of Troy. B. A. SpaRKES, The Greek Kitchen, in: JHS 82, 1962, 125126; W. Hicers, Lateinische Gefaf{namen (31. Beih. BJ),

1969, 225-227; H.-G. BucHHOoLZz, Morser-Symbolik, in: Acta Praehistorica et Archaeologica 7-8, 1976-77, 249270; U. PESCHLOw, Byzantinische Morser, in: MDAI(Ist)

43, 1993, 487-493.

RH.

Mortarium see > Mortar

Mortis causa capio In Roman law, any ‘acquisition mortis causa ’not based on succession or legacy (— Inheritance law III. H.): (1) gift mortis causa (— donatio); what someone (2) received in fulfilment of a condition of a will or (3) on the condition that a third party (not the executing party) would die, or in exchange (4) for waiving an acquisition under inheritance law or (5) for an application for provisional safeguarding of an estate in favour of an unborn child (— missio in possessionem) (Dig. 39,6,38; 31 pr./2; 8 pr.; 12). KaseR, RPR

1, 765; 2, 567; P. Voct, Diritto ereditario

— Population

Friern, The Demography

of

Witwen und Waisen im romischen Reich, vol. 1, 1994 6T. G. PARKIN, Demography and Roman Society, 1992 7 R. SALLaRES, The Ecology of the Ancient Greek World, 1991 8 B.D. SHaw, Seasons of Death. Aspects of Mortality in Imperial Rome, in: JRS 86, 1996, 100-138 9 W. SCHEIDEL, Measuring Sex, Age and Death in the Roman

Mortar

Many originals of mortars still exist, and they are also portrayed — in use —in art. As early as on the +> Cypselus

romano 2, 71963, 471ff.; E. WEISS, s.v., RE 16, 321-322.

Roman Egypt, 1994 2B. W. Frier, Demography, in: CAH 2 XI, 2000, 787-816 3 TH. W. GALLANT, Risk and Survival in Ancient Greece, 1991 4 P. GaRNSEY, Food and Society in Classical Antiquity, 1999 5 J.-U. KRAUSE,

Empire, 1996.

216

JW.

(dduoc/hélmos, tydic/igdis, Oveva/thyeia, taegov/ hyperon, Latin mortarium, pistillum, pila). Mortars and pestles of various materials were among the household utensils (Plaut. Aul. 94-95; > Household equipment) necessary for kneading dough, grinding corn, chopping and mixing fruits, vegetables, etc. Mortars were also used for preparing cosmetics and drugs, pigments and metal alloys. Mortars included smaller grinding bowls (with or without a lip and round grinding stone, called a coticula in Latin, Plin. HN 34,106; made of granite for eye ointments, Plin. HN 36,63), as well as (cf. Hes. Op. 423) mortars about waist-high with longish club-like pestles, somewhat thinner in the middle for gripping, and tapering at the ends. Mortars could be so big that a person could be pounded in them (Ov. Ib. 571; cf. Diog. Laert. 9,58).

UM.

Morychus Tragedian from the closing years of the 5th cent. BC; according to the scholia on Aristophanes he was known for his gluttony (TrGF I 30 T 1-3). BZ. Morzius

(Moégtios;

Morzios)

of Gangra,

prince of

(south) Paphlagonia (Str. 12,562,41). As an alleged ally of > Antiochus [5] III, like Ariarathes IV of Cappadocia, M. supported the Celts against Cn. > Manlius [I 24] Vulso (Liv. 38,26,4) in 189 BC. Around 182/180 -» Pharnaces of Pontus plundered M.’s territory and in 179 had to pay him compensation as part of the peace treaty with the main enemy, > Eumenes [3] II of Pergamon (Pol. 25,2,539). J. Hopp, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der letzten Attaliden, 1977, 46. L.-M.G.

Mos maiorum (‘Custom of the fathers’, sometimes also mos patrius: Cic. Rep. 5,1; Cic. Cato 37; vetus mos: Cic. Rep. 5,1; Tac. Ann. 14,42,2; mos antiquus: Varro

Sat. Men. fr. 303; Tac. Dial. 28,2; interpretational paraphrase e.g. Liv. 27,11, 10: mos traditus a patribus) is the core concept of Roman traditionalism. As little in Rome was regulated by positive law, in all areas of life people in many

respects followed custom

(mos; sometimes

connected with disciplina, e.g. Cic. Flacc. 15; with consuetudo, e.g. Gell. 15,11,2; with institutum, Cic. Mur. 1; Cic. Dom. 56) and traditional practice (instituta).

207

218

It was generally assumed that usage was exemplary and binding, because of its age and the auctoritas matorum (-» auctoritas 1). However, differences in the de-

gree of obligation can be observed. Sometimes MM refers without moral connotation to the habitualness of behaviour in private and public events (Cic. Sull. 42; Val. Max. 1,4,33; 1,5,4). Much more often MM is referred to when stressing or admonishing the observance of ancient rules — e.g. in questions relating to the conduct of lawsuits (Cic. Rosc. Am. 102; Cic. Deiot. 3), of religion or of state life (Cic. Mur. 1; Cic. Fam. 13,10,1;

Liv. 31,20,1-5). The strongest moral claims are found in those passages that show the addressee the achievements and moral conduct of the ancestors in order to correct or prevent erroneous behaviour. Invocation of MM in order to stress correspondence with tradition may have occurred at Rome from an early date. In the Middle Republic, reference to custom in order to fend off innovations in public life is conceivable. The pressing moral appeal to follow or return to the customs of ancestors at the other hand cannot have arisen before the 2nd cent. BC, since it assumes perception of and reflection on ‘a decline in morals’, as was probably first criticised by > Cato [1], who in his cen-

sorship (184 BC) pursued the goal of ‘punishing novel misdeeds and bringing back the old customs’ (castigare ... nova flagitia et priscos revocare mores, Liv. 39,41,4).

Other censors (— censores) of the 2nd cent. followed this tendency, e.g. > P. Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus, who in 142 BC exhorted the people ad maiorum mores and criticized what offended against ancient usage (Gell. NA 4,20,10; 5,19,15). In this phase it was still seriously attempted (though in vain) to limit erroneous developments by means of exhortations, censorious reprimands, edicts and laws (e.g. > luxury and + ambitus laws: |1. 169-172]) and to codify the traditional ways of behaviour. Later, the recollection of MM became an idealised glorification of the past, occasionally with a resigned undertone (e.g. Cic. Rep. 5,1-2; Cic. Off. 2,27). Yet the ‘normative validity of tradition’ [6. 18] was adhered to unabatedly. > Pompeius’s mandate ‘to improve morals’ (corrigendis moribus, Tac. Ann. 3,28,1), just like Caesar’s appointment as praefectus moribus (Cic. Fam. 9,15,5; Cass. Dio 43,14,4), remained without lasting effect. > Augustus was the first to include in his state reform moral and religious renewal in the sense of MM (R. Gest. div. Aug. 8; cf. Suet. Aug. 31,4). Restorative tendencies in some areas are also recorded for later emperors (Claudius: Suet. Claud. 22; Vespasian: Tac. Ann. 3,55,4). + Imagines maiorum; > Mores 1 J. BLEICKEN, Lex publica, 1975, 347-396

2K.-J. HOL-

KESKAMP, Exempla und Mos Maiorum, in: H.-J. GEHRKE, A. MOLLER (ed.), Vergangenheit und Lebenswelt, 1996, 301-338 3M. Kaser, Mores maiorum und Gewohnheitsrecht, in: ZRG 59, 1939, 52-101 4H. RecH, Mos maiorum. Wesen und Wirkung der Tradition in Rom, Diss. Marburg 1936

5H. ROLorrF, Maiores bei Cicero,

Diss. Leipzig 1938 6J. Voct, Ciceros Glaube an Rom, 1935, 2-33 (repr. 1963) 7H. VOLKMANN, Mos maiorum

MOSA

als Grundzug des augusteischen

Prinzipats, in: Idem.,

Endoxos Duleia. Kleine Schriften zur Alten Geschichte, 1975, 173-190 8B. Linke, M. STEMMLER (ed.), Mos maiorum, 2000.

W.K.

Mosa [1] River, modern name Maas, which rises in Germania superior in the land of the > Lingones, on the plateau of Langres (differently Caes. B Gall. 4,10,1: in the Vosges), then flows northwards through — Belgica, cuts through the Ardennes shortly before Germania inferior and arrives at the > Mare Germanicum in the land of the > Batavi. The apparently contradictory information from classical authors, as to whether the M. flowed directly into the sea (Plin. HN. 4,roof.; Ptol. 2,9,3) or via the left arm of the Rhine, the Waal, (Caes. B Gall.

4,10,1: Vacalus; Tac. Ann. 2,6,4: Vahalis; Tac. Hist.

5,23,1), is explained in the light of the geological conditions: from time to time there was a convergence at Heerewarden where the two water courses come closest to one another. However the M. flowed to the sea mainly by following its own river bed. In AD 47 > Domitius [II 1x] Corbulo had a canal built between the M. and the Rhenus (Rhine) (Tac. Ann. 11,20; Cass. Dio 60,30,6). Conditions for settlement were relatively sta-

ble in the delta region in Roman times until the consequences of the sea’s encroachment became apparent at the end of the 3rd cent. [1; 2]. 1 O. BRINKKEMPER, Wetland Farming in the Area of the South of the Meuse Estuary, in: Analecta Praehistorica Leidensia 24, 1991 2L. P. Louwe Koorjmans, The Rhine/Meuse Delta, in: Oudheidkundige Mededelingen

53/4, 1972/3. A. NorLinp, Die geographische Entwicklung des Rheindeltas, 1912 (repr. 1969); F. Rousseau, La Meuse et le pays Mosan en Belgique, 1930.

[2] The posting station mentioned on the Tongeren milestone (ILS 5839) at the junction of the street from + Durocortorum to > Colonia Agrippinensis over the Mosa. [1], present-day Méziéres (Dépt. Ardennes); Merovingian cemetery. V. PERIN, Trois tombes de chefs du début de la période mérovingienne, in: Bulletin de la Société. Archéologique Champenoise 65, 1972, 3-78.

[3] Near Mosa [2] on the road from > Durocortorum to > Colonia Agrippinensis there was a place called M. on the upper reaches of the Mosa [1] in the civitas of the — Lingones. It was located 11 or 12 leugae (c. 24/26 km) from Andematun(n)um (Tab. Peut. 2,5; It. Ant. 385,8) on the road from Andematun(n)um to Tullum. The modern place-name Meuvy (Dépt. HauteMarne) goes back to Mosa vicus (mentioned in Merovingian manuscripts). M. Provost (ed.), Carte archéologique de la Gaule 52, 1997, 255f. F.SCH.

MOSAIC

219

HN 36,184ff., 189 perhaps means a mosaic made of tessellae (‘small shaped stones ’; Sen. Q Nat. 6,31,3) or tesserae (Vitr. 7,1,4) laid edge to edge, that is, opus or

Mosaic I. PHOENICIAN-PuNICc

II. GRAECO-ROMAN

I. PHOENICIAN-PUNIC A fundamental technical innovation in the creation

of floors first occurred in the sth cent. BC in the region of Carthage (Kerkouane) [1]: the surface was designed with the help of small, rectangular or almost square cubes (tessellae) made of terracotta (opus figlinum, see below II.B.), limestone or marble, which were set into a

bed of mortar with the tightest possible fit and were then polished for walking upon. It appears to have developed in this important metropolis of the central Mediterranean

(— Pavimenta

Poenica).

Inscriptions

and monochrome white symbols (e.g., the Tanit symbols in Carthage, Kerkouane and Selinune) were also set into mortar screed, using this technique. A multicoloured mosaic emblem with a geometric design (square) dating from the 3rd cent. BC was also found in Carthage (Hamburg excavation, Phase VIlIla, c. 250210 BC). It was set within a lead frame and was made of

marble tessellae in an opus figlinum floor. 1 J.-P. Moret, Kerkouane, ville punique du Cap Bon. Remarques archéologiques et historiques, in: MEFRA 81, 1969, 499-500 and fig. 28. K. M. D. DunBaBin, Early Pavement Types in the West and the Invention of Tessellation, in: Fifth International

Colloquium

on Ancient

Mosaics,

Part 1 (Journal of

Roman Archaeology, Suppl. 9, Part 1), 1994, 26-40 (with

further evidence from the 4th —2nd cents. BC).

220

H.GN.

II. GRAECO-ROMAN B. TERMINOLOGY AND TYPES OF MOSAICS C. PRODUCTION AND CREATORS D. CHRONOLOGY AND TyPpoLoGy E. MOTIFS F. REGIONAL IDIOSYNCRASIES IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE

A. GENERAL

pavimentum tessellatum (Suet. Caes. 46), 1.e., a tessera

mosaic. This interpretation is not contradicted by the description in the same passage according to which the lith6stroton consisted of parvulis crustis (‘very small broken stones’), which suggests opus sectile, a pavimentum made of multicoloured marble platelets laid in geometric

(or figurative)

patterns.

However,

other

interpretations of lithdstrdton consider it to be a floor made of larger stone slabs (e.g., [11. 431-446]; s. also > pavimentum). The two techniques were occasionally also combined. Nevertheless, opus sectile is often incorrectly not considered a mosaic although the patterns are partly the same, e.g., the pavimentum scutulatum (opus sectile made of lozenge-shaped slabs forming a cubeshaped pattern). The earliest written source (Gal. Protreptik6s I p. 19 KaIBEL) speaks of pséphoi (‘river stones’) and thus of a pebble mosaic, which is the earliest form of mosaic. Opus signinum is the earliest form of the mosaic in Italy; it consists of mortar made of crushed roof tiles and amphorae, bound with white lime and decorated with patterns made of rows of white tesserae. Also typical for Italy is opus figlinum, a mosaic consisting of small rod-like tesserae, which —as implied by the name — were usually made of ceramics and were laid in pairs or in a herring-bone pattern. Opus vermiculatum (‘worm-like work’, Plin. HN 36,185) was only used for figurative emblemata (‘inserted images’, Varro, Rust. 3,2,4; Cic. Brut. 274) and

consists of the smallest tesserae, which were laid along the contours of figures causing the joints of the opus vermiculatum to have irregular curvatures. The emblema was produced separately on a stone, marble or terracotta plate and set into the floor as a completed centre piece.

A. GENERAL Originally, the pebbles, fragments, cut stones, glass pastes and shells that were laid to form a surface only covered floors (~ pavimentum), but later they were also used to decorate walls and ceilings, with more fragile materials generally only being used for walls. They have usually been found in larger residences and villas. Being a labour-intensive and expensive decoration, mosaics were primarily found in representational rooms or, at least, in areas accessible to guests. The individual motifs and patterns characterize the respective room or part of the room and its use, e.g., > symplégmata for bedrooms and welcoming inscriptions on the threshold [32; 36].

B. TERMINOLOGY AND TYPES OF MOSAICS The collective term mosaic is used for both figurative and non-figurative decoration. The ancient technical term opus musivum is not attested to before the 4th cent. AD, though terms for specific types of mosaics are

C. PRODUCTION AND CREATORS Mosaics were produced in four stages: (1) preparing the substrate by levelling the surface and creating a mortar base (screed) in three to four layers of progressive fineness (Vitr. De arch. 7,1); (2) sketching the pattern with red ochre; (3) producing or readying the required limestone or marble tesserae, or other materials based on the area dimensions (the contours of figures in pebble mosaics were sometimes marked with lead strips); (4) and finally inserting an emblema, which was produced separately on a clay, tuff or marble plate ina workshop — perhaps it was even imported from a workshop in another region [25. 17; 27] — and filling in the pattern, beginning with the contours. The pride and marketing awareness of the Greek late classical and Hellenistic mosaicists and also of their Roman counterparts, free men and slaves alike, is reflected in the preserved signatures [24. 45-47]. Pliny (HN 36,184) named —> Sosus as the most important mosaicist, whose

used earlier. Thus, the /ithdéstré6ton mentioned in Plin.

most

famous

works,

the asdrdtos

oikos

(‘unswept

221

room’) and the dove mosaic, are preserved in several

faithful copies [34]. D. CHRONOLOGY AND TYPOLOGY The beginnings and origins of mosaic art have not yet been clarified (for a Minoan-Mycenaean origin: [15]). The pebble mosaics in > Gordium from the 8th cent. BC suggest an origin in Asia Minor. It is a matter of debate whether only one place of origin should be postulated or whether the idea of decorating pavimenta with stones arose in several places. The earliest preserved mosaics exhibit geometric motifs distributed across an area without concern for symmetry. The transition from a freely decorated area to a fixed decoration scheme occurred in the sth cent. BC. The framed mosaic picture emerged in an analogy with textiles (> Textile art) and > carpets [30. 298]. The oldest figurative pebble mosaics were discovered in - Motya (cf. [28]). The technique reached its high point during the 4th cent. BC in Macedonia with the high-quality mosaics of — Pella. The transition from pebble to tesserae mosaics also appears to have been a complex process with several regions involved. The early Punic tesserae mosaics (see above I) did not function as models everywhere. Another transition possibly occurred in Egypt ([18]; [45] differs) but only slowly, as may be concluded from the pebble mosaics in which irregular and increasingly more regular tesserae were used together with pebbles. In any case, pebble mosaics were definitely displaced in the course of the 3rd cent. BC. Hellenistic tesserae mosaics are characterized by measured dimensions and the preferred use of emblemata in very fine opus vermiculatum, which had its high point during this period. Geometric patterns framed scenes which consisted of one or few figures that were presented against a simple dark background. The fine colours of the tesserae were supported with dyed mortar to complete the illusion of > painting. Not only were motifs borrowed from painting but some mosaics were actually represented as copies of walls and ledges with pinakes (painted panels), as, for example, in + Pergamum [1. pl. 12-15, fig. 39, text pl. 26]. The -» Alexander Mosaic, too, is a copy of a painting, with recent research showing that the copy only imprecisely represents the painting ([{42]; most recently on the Alexander Mosaic [49; 52]).

In the rst cent. BC the first wall mosaics were created, mainly in + gardens and > nymphaeums, due to changes in the architectural style. They imitated architectural components such as cassettes (-> Pompeii) — first with shell and pumice, then from the rst cent. AD with glass tesserae, which were used for pavimenta only in exceptional circumstances. With the first wall mosaics, (see [48]), pavimenta in Italy and surrounding Europe also changed. They no longer followed the Graeco-Hellenistic tradition but instead were replaced by geometric and figurative black-and-white mosaics [x6] that constituted a return to the old pavimenta in

222

MOSAIC

Opus signinum. Numerous examples have been preserved in > Ostia (cf. [7]), but also in the rest of Italy (cf., e.g., [23]). The early black-and-white mosaics were initially silhouette images, but from the rst cent. AD a more three-dimensional effect was achieved with shading and a restrained used of additional colours. During the 2nd cent. AD, polychrome mosaics, which had never disappeared in the East and North Africa, experienced a new flowering that continued into Late Antiquity. At the same time the size and design of mosaics shifted from a small square format to a rug-like mosaic where large areas were decorated and separately produced emblemata were now only rarely used. These mosaics were created with larger tesserae. Production was simplified in this way but quality suffered. Prices fell and the number of mosaics grew exponentially. The origin of these new dimensions and types of decoration appears to lie in the mosaic workshops of North Africa where a new social class formulated its new needs [ro]. Apart from large figurative scenes, decoration systems made up of geometric forms, framed by bands, and filled with allegorical representations, such as masks, animal scenes or busts, were popular [44]. In contrast to

Hellenistic scenes, the few multi-figured scenes and scene sequences of the late Imperial period were shown against a light background, large sections of which were freely or in measured doses supplemented with architectural components and representations of landscapes. The > Nile Mosaic of Praeneste and the rural scenes in Ziiten [25. figs. 95-96] are typical examples. Inscriptions became increasingly common -— they were needed to explain to the observer the allegoric energy and shifting meanings of the figures and furthermore they suggest a clientéle that increasingly required these explanations [29]. The framed emblemata were often set pieces, without a transition from the recurring pattern to the frame of the image in the middle of the pavimentum. This changed again in the 4th cent. with a new appreciation of busy scenes distinguished by large, crowded figures, a paucity of free background and a rich array of colours. Examples are the mosaics of ~ Antiochia [1] on the Orontes (cf. [13]), > Paphus in Cyprus [20], > Piazza Armerina in Sicily [14; 51] and Trier (+ Augusta [6] Treverorum; [3 5; 41]). In early Christian art the tradition of the floor mosaic was continued as opus tessellatum (cf., e.g., [33]). However, in late antique and early Byzantine buildings the decoration of walls and ceilings, and especially of domes, now attained new heights. The oldest known Christian dome mosaic was found in the late Roman villa of Centcelles in Spain [46]. The extensive use of gold in early Byzantine ecclesiastical architecture justifies the use of the term gold mosaic. The mosaics of + Ravenna with their wealth of colours and their thematic variety are a high point of the late antique development [21].

MOSAIC

owners of latifundia. Conspicuous is a marked prefer-

E. Mortis

The motifs of mosaics and > paintings cannot be separated. The earliest mosaics were decorated with + ornaments, primarily geometric (triangles, squares,

lozenges, scales) but soon also with floral patterns (palmettes, rosettes, garlands). At first these were employed irregularly but covering a large area; later, especially in the Hellenistic period, ornaments became the frames of emblemata and pavimenta (particularly common: running dogs, egg-and-dart moulding, braided bands, > maeanders, vines, > swastikas, crennelations), and in the Hellenistic and Roman period they were used as large-scale decorations of ancillary rooms and hallways. In the later Imperial Period, geometric motifs in the form of complex decoration systems with recurring patterns and filler motifs (compositions consisting of octagons, squares and circles) came to prominence [3; 6]. Numerous possible combinations resulted in a multitude of similar mosaic floors that nevertheless were never identical [44; 47]. Inscriptions on mosaics are found from the late classical period (4th cent. BC), with name labels and also

the signatures of mosaicists. The latter occasionally appear in association with (Greek) poiein and (Latin) facere (‘make’) and the names of donors were connect-

ed with pséphoiin and tessellare (‘to lay stones’) [24. 39-40]. There are also greetings (have) and warnings (cave canem), especially in the threshold area. Particularly in late Imperial and Christian mosaics, the incorporated texts become longer and are enriched with quotes [29].

The earliest figurative representations are mostly of dolphins, fighting animals and friezes with predators and game in combination with fabulous creatures and mythical groups of two or three (e.g., Pyramus and Thisbe, satyr and nymph). In the Hellenistic period, the repertoire is extended to include additional animals (e.g., parrots, doves, fish) and multi-figured mythical themes. A particular objective of Hellenistic representation is to entertain and stimulate the observer with deceivingly naturalistic imitations of reality ([32]; cf. the asarotos

224

223

otkos, see above

C.; [34]; incorrectly also

interpreted as symbolic meals for the dead). The small representations of fruit, fish and other food, the socalled xénia (‘guest gifts’; > xénion), which are linked to — still lives, should be interpreted in a similar manner [4]. They begin in the Hellenistic period and are most common at the peak of the Imperial period. Since there are noticeably fewer preserved paintings from the period after the end of the Vesuvian towns (AD 79), mosaics are also important as sources for the state of > painting from the Flavian period onwards. In the later Imperial period, multi-figured scenes with various animals, plants and mythological characters appeared, but, beginning with the rst cent. AD, scenes of everyday life were increasingly found, e.g., chariot races and hunting scenes, often in a -» parddeisos (‘zoo’). They may be interpreted as expressions of the lifestyle of a new class of nouveau-riche

ence for the varieties of nature, evident in a choice of

themes that facilitated the representation of exotic animals or more generally of a multitude of species, which is tied into to the allegory of happiness and salvation common to the time: e.g. - Orpheus, the Indian triumph of> Dionysus and the deeds of > Hercules. With the dissolution of the image fields into decorative schemes with filler motifs, these scenes are largely replaced by symbols, allegories and personifications. Seasons, the zodiac signs and personifications of the months were predestined to become filler motifs. Dionysus frequently also appears in Late Antiquity, with the image often suggesting a new, monotheistic content [19]. Pagan motifs are increasingly used for Biblical themes, or both subjects are combined, e.g. hunting scenes with Christian imagery [46]. F, REGIONAL IDIOSYNCRASIES IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE

For a long time, research was mainly concerned with Greek mosaics and its artists. For the Imperial period the discussion of the origins of mosaics and their workshops is still in its infancy. An intensive engagement with Roman mosaics has only begun in the 2nd half of the 2oth cent., as a result of which the availability of publications has now fundamentally changed. Publications of mosaics from various parts of the empire are expanding the bibliographies with innumerable new publications every year [12]. Mosaic production was local in nature and for some time it was closely defined geographically, but workshops also moved and their routes still need to be researched.

Because the identification of workshops based on the style of the images is problematic and because significant uncertainties remain with this approach, the issue of the workshops will only gradually be put on a firm foundation with further publications of decoration schemes, patterns and their combinations. Independently from the question of the workshops, regional idiosyncrasies are already becoming apparent (see also D.). The most noticeable peculiarity is the development of the black-and-white style in Italy [16], which did not remain limited to Italy but radiated into surrounding countries [30; 39]. At the same time North Africa continued to develop the polychrome mosaic for compositions of a large format. These spread from there mainly to Sicily and the western Roman empire [9; 10; 25]. ‘Inhabited scrolls were a peculiarity of the art of Asia Minor [8; 17] that was not restricted to mosaics; occasionally they appeared as a motif elsewhere. Predominantly figurative mosaics of excellent quality, also in opus vermiculatum, are found in Egypt [18], presumably because a shortage of stone material enabled only the elite to provide houses with mosaics, particularly during the Hellenistic period. Recurring geometrical patterns, exclusively in opus tessellatum, are found in the northern and western territories of the Roman empire. Mosaics achieved a considerable diversity and

226

225

quality in the Iberian peninsula; however, Northern Europe, where mosaics occurred only late, never attained the excellence of the old centres [37]. + Ornaments; > Paintings; > Pavimentum; MOSAIC 1 G. KAWERAU, TH. WIEGAND, Die Palaste der Hochburg

(Altertiimer von Pergamon 5,1), 1930

2 P. ASIMAKOPOU-

Lou-Atzaka, I techniki opus sectile stin entichia diakosmisi, 1980 3 C. BALMELLE et al., Le décor géométrique de la mosaique romaine, 1985 4 C. BALMELLE et al., Recher-

ches Franco-Tunisiennes sur la mosaique de |’Afrique antique, vol. 1: Xenia, 1990 5 J. Batty, Mosaiques antiques de Syrie, 1977 6 A. BARBET, A.-M. GUIMIER-SORBET, Le

MOSCHION Israel, 1987

39 P. M. Packarp, A Monochrome Mosaic

at Isthmia, in: Hesperia 49, 1980, 326-346 40 C. PALLASMANN-UNTEREGGER, Entstehung und Entwicklung der Quadratsysteme in der rémischen Mosaik-Kunst, in: JOAT 57, 1986/7 Beiblatt, 220-290 41 K. Partasca, Die romischen Mosaike in Deutschland, 1959 42 M. PFROMMER, Untersuchung zur Chronologie und Komposition des Alexandermosaiks auf antiquarischer Grundlage, 1998 43 C. Roportti, Sappiamo come lavorano i maestri mosaicisti di Pompeji, in: Antiqua (Rivista di archeologia, architettura, urbanistica) 7, 1982.1, 9-11 44 G. SALIES, Untersuchung zu den geometrischen Gliederungsschemata rémischer Mosaike, in: BJ 174, 1974, 1-178

45D.

motif de caissons dans la mosaique du IV’ siécle av. J.-C. a la fin de la République romaine, in: J.-P. Darmon, A. ReBourG (ed.), La mosaique gréco-romaine (IV° colloque international pour |’étude de la mosaique antique, Tréves 1984), vol. 4, 1994, 24-38 7G. BEcaTTI, Scavi di Ostia,

SALZMANN, Untersuchung zu den antiken Kieselmosaiken, 1982 46 H. ScHLUNK, Die Mosaik-Kuppel von Cent-

vols. 4,1 and 4,2: I mosaici, 1961 8 O. BINGOL, Malerei und Mosaike der Antike in der Tiirkei, 1997 9 M. BLANCHARD-LEMEE, M. ENNAiFER, H. SLIM, L. SLIM, Sols de

49 K. STAHLER, Das Alexandermosaik. Uber Machterrin-

PAfrique Romaine, 1995

10D. v. BoesELaGER, Antike

Mosaike in Sizilien, 1983

antiques de pavement:

11 PH. BRUNEAU, Deux noms

kataklyston et lithostroton, in:

BCH 91, 1967, 423-446

of Antioch, 1988 14 A. CaRANDINI, A. Ricci, M. DE Vos, Filosofiana. La villa di Piazza Armerina, 1982 15 F. CrLiBERTO, F. CANCIANI, s.v. Mondo Antico, Grecia, EAA suppl., vol. 2, 1995 16 J. CLARKE, Roman Black-andWhite Figural Mosaics, 1979 17 C. DaupHin, The Devel-

opment of the ‘Inhabited Scrolls’ in Architectural Sculpture and Mosaic Art from the Late Imperial Times to the Century A.D., in: Levant

19, 1987,

193-194

18 W. A. DaszEwsk1, Corpus of Mosaics from Egypt, vol. 1: Hellenistic and Early Roman Period, 1985 19 Id., Dionysos der Erléser, 1985 20 Id., D. MICHAELIDES, Mosaic Floors in Cyprus, 1988

1988 47 K. SCHMELZEISEN, ROmische Mosaike der

Africa Proconsularis, 1992

48 F. B. SEAR, Roman Wall

and Vault Mosaics (23. Erganzungsheft MDAI(R)), 1977 gung und Machtverlust, 1999 50 M. DE Vos, Pavimenti e Mosaici, in: Pompei 79, 161-176 51R. J. A. WILson, Piazza Armerina, 1983 52 F. Zevt, Die casa del Fauno in Pompeji und das Alexandermosaik, in: MDAI(R) 105, 1998, 21-65.

AL.PA.

12 Bulletin de l’Association

internationale pour l’étude de la mosaique antique (AIEMA: bibliography) 13 S.D. CAMPBELL, The Mosaics

Seventh

celles,

21 W. DEICHMANN,

Ravenna,

vol. 1,1969 22R.D.DEPuMa, The Roman Fish Mosaic, thesis Bryn Mawr 1970 23 M. DoNpDERER, Die Chronologie der romischen Mosaike in Venetien und Istrien bis zur Zeit der Antoninen, 1986 24 Id., Die Mosaizisten der Antike und ihre wirtschaftliche und soziale Stellung, 1989 25 K. M. D. DunsBaBin, The Mosaics of Roman North Africa, 1978 26Id., Mosaics of the Greek and Roman World, 1999 27 1d., Technique and Materials of Hellenistic Mosaics, in: AJA 83, 1979, 265-277 28 M.L. FamA,

Il mosaico a ciottoli di Mozia dopo il restauro, in: Atti IV Colloquio dell’Associazione Italiana per lo Studio di Mosaico (Palermo 1996), 1997, 147-153 29 P.-A. FEvRIER, La lettre et l'image, in: s. [6], 383-401 30 V. VON GONZENBACH, Die romischen Mosaike der Schweiz, 1961 31 F. Jopst, R6mische Mosaike aus Ephesos I (FiE 8,2), 1977 32H. Joyce, Form, Function and Technique in the Pavements of Delos and Pompeji, in: AJA 83, 1979, 253-

263 33H. KAHLER, Die Stifter-Mosaike in der konstantinischen Siidkirche von Aquileia, 1962 34 H. MEYER, Zu neueren Deutungen von Asarotos Oikos und Kapitolinischem Tauben-Mosaik, in: AA 1977, 104-110 35 J. Moreau, Das Trierer Kornmarkt-Mosaik, 1960 36S. Mutu, Erleben von Raum — Leben im Raum. Zur Funktion mythischer Mosaik-Bilder in der romisch-kaiserzeitlichen Wohnarchitektur, 1998 37D. S. NEAL, Roman Mosaics in Britain, 1981 38 R.and A. OvapiaAH, Hellenistic, Roman and Early Byzantine Mosaic Pavements in

Moscha (Mooya Awhv/Moscha Limen, Ptol. 6,7,10; Peripl. maris Erythraei 32). Port on the south coast of - Arabia Felix in the territory of the Adramitai tribe (> Hadhramaut). It was probably situated on the present-day Haur Ruri (Yemen), where recent excavations

indicate a strongly fortified town. According to inscriptions on some finds, it was founded on the orders of the king of Hadhramaut. M. might have been the port of

Zafar but Zafar appears to have been founded later. A. BEEsTON, The Settlement at Khor Rori, in: Journ. of Oman Studies 2, 1976, 39-42; L. Casson, The Periplus Maris Erythraei, 1989, 170f.; J. PIRENNE, The Incense Port of Moscha (Khor Rori) in Dhofar, in: Journ. of Oman Studies 1, 1975, 81-96. LT.-N.

Moschi (Moocyot; Moéschoi). Caucasian tribe between > Colchis and Armenia. The Moschiké was situated in the hinterland of > Phasis (Mooytxt/Moschike, Str. 11,2,17), the Moschian mountains were to the south of Colchis (Str. 11,2,15; Moschorum tractus, Plin. HN 6,29). Hdt. 7,78 describes the M.’s primitive weapons (wooden helmets, small shields and lances). Under Dareius [1] I. and Xerxes the M. were part of the roth Persian satrapy (Hecat. FGrH 1 F 288). A shrine to + Leucothea and the so-called oracle of > Phrixus, which was plundered by Pharnaces II. und Mithridates [8] of Pergamon, were situated here (Str. 11,2,17) [z. 99, 124f.3 2. 141344]. 1 E. HERZFELD, The Persian Empire, 1968

2 MaAcIe. Lyv.B.

Moschion (Mooyiwv/Moschion). [1] Athenian tragedian, probably 2nd half of 3rd cent. BC, known almost solely through quotations by Stobaeus. Titles attested include ‘Telephos’ and two historical dramas: “Themistokles’, at the heart of which

MOSCHION

Ny,

was probably the naval battle at > Salamis, following on from Aeschylus’ ‘Persians’, with the distinction that M. made Themistocles the protagonist; and “The Pheraeans’, probably dealing with the death of Alexander [15] of Pherae. A lengthy fragment preserves an +> origin myth reminiscent of Aeschylus’ ‘Prometheus’ (IrGF 197 F 6). B. GAULY u.a. (Hrsg.), Musa tragica, 1991, 200-207; TH. K. STEPHANOPOULOS, Tragica HU, in: ZPE75, 1988, 19-38; Ders., Der Tragiker M., in: Archaiognosia 9, 1995/6, 1375 Se B.Z.

[2] M. of Mallus. Academic philosopher; mentioned in Philod. Academicorum index Mro-21 among the ‘successors’ (diddochoi) left by - Lacydes at his death (probably 207 BC). He was thus evidently part of the latter’s intimate circle of students, though nothing more is known of his philosophical teachings. + Academy K.-H.S. [3] see > Paradoxographi [4] Greek physician of the rst cent. AD, author of works on > Dietetics, cosmetics and pulsation (Galen, De differentiis pulsuum 4,16; 8,758 K.). For correcting and extending — Asclepiades [6] of Bithynia’s definition of pulsation to include the brain and its meninges as well as the vascular system, he was nicknamed ‘the Corrector’ (SvogAwti¢/diorthdtes). Several of his drug recipes are preserved by > Galenus, who took them from the pharmacological writings of M.’s friend (and probably teacher) > Andromachus [5]. A treatise on gynaecology ascribed to M. is in reality a Byzantine version of + Mustio’s Gynaecia. J. ILtBErG, Die Uberlieferung der Gynakologie des Soranos von Ephesos, in: ASAW 28,2, 1910, 3-121. V.N.

[5] Comic poet of unknown period, mentioned only by Clement [3] of Alexandria, who quotes one sentence:

“Of all men the happiest is he who leads a balanced life to the end’ [1]. Clement compares this quote with verses of Bacchylides (Bacchyl. fragment 25 SNELL) and cites it as an example of theft of intellectual property with the Greeks. 1 PCG VII, 1989, 27.

THI.

[6] Author of two short series of sayings (—> gnome [1]); otherwise unknown and not possible to identify more closely (late Imperial period?). One series is preserved in the Corpus Parisinum (Cod. Parisinus Graecus 1168; Cod. Oxoniensis Bodleianus Digby 6 [5. 55 ff.]) under the entry

Mooyiwvog

yv@uou

(Moschionos

gn6mai,

‘Sayings of M.”); the other, under the entry Mooyiwmvog broOjuat (Moschionos hypothékai, ‘Admonitions of M.’), was known to numerous Byzantine gnomologists [4. XLIX-LII, 493-496; 6.90 ff.]. A selection from both the collections ascribed to M. was also preserved in — Stobaeus’ ‘Anthologion’ (which also included more sayings): Gnomes nos. 125-171 in Stob. 3,1 mei doetis (Peri aretés, ‘On Virtue’), and nos. 37-45 in 3,9 megi Sixatoovvyng (Peri dikaiosynés, ‘On Justice’), though both are ascribed to > Epictetus.

228

Attempts have been made on the basis of the gnomes common to the various collections to derive all the works from a hypothetical, single original collection of M./Epictetus, most of whose material would have been lost in the course of transmission [4. XLIX]. Attributions to Epictetus may be based on the wide distribution of sayings in his name in Gebrauchsliteratur (‘literature for use)’, e.g. the Gnomologium Byzantinum, collections of + Democritus [1], > Isocrates and Epictetus [6. 162-216]; Gnomologium Epicteteum: Cod. Vaticanus Graecus 1144 [4. 476-492; 2].

Irrespective of the identification of the author of the collection of epigrams circulating under the names of M./Epictetus, its content suggests a possible date for the collection in the late Imperial period. This is implied by the generally ethical themes (> Popular philosophy) and familiarity with e.g. the gnome collection of the Neopythagorean > Sextus [2] Empiricus. -» Epictetus; > Gnome; > Sextus [2]; > Wisdom literature 1 A. BERTINI MALGARINI, GeExYatwv Pirocdgwv yvMuat xaL

axop0éyuata in un manoscritto di Patmos, in: Elenchos 5, 1984, 153-200 2A. Etter, Neue Bruchstiicke des Ioannes Stobaeus, in: RhM 47, 1892, 131-137 3D. Guras, Greek Wisdom Literature in Arabic Translation, 1975 4H. SCHENKL (ed.), Epicteti Dissertationes ab Arriani digestae,*1916 5 D. M. SEARBY, Aristotle in the Greek Gnomological Trad., 1998 6 C. WACHSMUTH, Stu-

dien zu den griechischen Florilegien, 1882.

R. M. P.

Moschopulos, Manuel Byzantine philologist, lived c. AD 1265-1316, a pupil of Maximus > Planudes. He was the author of the Erotemata grammatika (Eeotjyata

yeaupatixa),

a Greek

grammar

in the

form of a dialogue, which was still respected by the early Humanists, and scholia on numerous ancient texts, including the first two books of the Iliad, Hesiod’s Erga kai hémérai, Pindar’s ‘Olympian Odes’, on the Byzantine Triad of Euripides (Hekdbé, Oréstés, Phoinissat) and of > Sophocles (Aias, Eléktra, Oidipous Tyrannos), also on works by > Aristophanes [3], by > Theocritus, the + Batrachomyomachia, etc. M. improved these texts in many places by conjectures based on his good knowledge of ancient metrics. An ascription to M. of a lexicon of Attic words and a treatise on Ancient Greek dialects is uncertain. EpiTions: Ed. princeps Milan, c. 1493; F. N. Trrze (ed.), Manuelis Moschopuli Cretensis opuscula grammatica, 1822.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: E. Trapp (ed.), Prosopographisches Lexikon der Paladologenzeit 8, 1986, no. 19373 (with ex-

tensive bibliography).

ALB.

Moschus (Mooyoc; Moschos). [1] M. from Elis, with + Anchipylus a pupil (or pupil of a pupil) of > Phaedon of Elis and teacher of > Asclepiades [3] of Phleius and + Menedemus [5] of Eretria. According to an ancient piece of gossip M. and Anchipylus are supposed to have subsisted only on water and

229

230

figs their whole lives (Diog. Laert. 2,126; Athen. 2,44C).

also the epyllion‘Megara’, which the manuscript tradition incorrectly ascribes to M.). The ecphrasis of the basket (vv. 28-62) recalls Theocritus’s first poem.

M. is presumably identical with the homonymous person whose name is the title of a dialogue by — Stilpon (Diog. Laert. 2,120). SSR II E.

MOSES

Epition: A. S. F. Gow, Bucolici Graeci, 1952. COMMENTARIES: W. BUHLER, Die Europa des Moschos, 1960; M. CAMPBELL, Moschus. Europa, 1991.

K.D.

[2] M. from Lampsacus Tragedian, end of the 3rd cent. BC, author of at least 30 plays (TrGF I 125). B.Z. [3] M. of Syracuse. According to the Suda s.v. M., a pupil of Aristarchus [4], but this may only mean that he was part of the generation after Aristarchus and hence lived in the middle of the 2nd cent. BC (on the erroneous

chronology which has M. as the author of the epitaphios on Bion and hence places him later, see > Bion

[2]). Surviving works are the epyllion ‘Europa’, for which his authorship was already famous in antiquity (cf. the reprises in Hor. Carm. 3,27 and Nonn. Dion. 1,46-1373; 322-355), and other hexametric texts: the epyllion ‘Eros the Runaway’ ("Eews deanétys, Anth. Pal. 9,440) and three citations, each of about ro verses in length, which according to Stobaeus are from a collection with the title Boukolikd, and could represent fragments of either long poems or shorter ones forming a complete unit. The poem ‘Eros the Runaway’, elaborates on the topos of the epigram and the > Anacreontea about -» Eros, who ends up in chains (Aphrodite announces a reward for the return of her son, who again and again refuses to obey her and causes her great concern, and adds a detailed description of his characteristic disloyalty), is also thematically connected with the apospdsmata 2 and 3 Gow cited by Stobaeus: mythological examples provide the opportunity for thought on the psychology of Eros in the manner of Theocritus’s poems 11 and 13. Only apospasma 1 Gow attests to content that could justify the title Boukolikd for the collection of poems used by Stobaeus. The poem probably takes up (as Theocritus does frequently in his bucolic idylls) the popular tradition of comparison of land and sea (cf. Aesop. 207 PERRY: Ilowwhv xai OG4Aao00a; Epich.: Pa xat

SECONDARY

LITERATURE:

R. SCHMIEL, M.’ Europa, in:

CPh 76, 1981, 261-272; L. M. RAMINELLA, Mosco imitatore di Omero, in: Maia 4, 1951, 262-279. MFA.

Mosella (‘the little Maas’, diminutive of - Mosa [1]). Lefthand, 545 km long tributary of the Rhine, today the Moselle. Its source was on the > Vosegus in the territory of the Leuci, it flowed in the land of the Treveri through the provinces of Gallia Belgica and Germania superior, and its mouth was near Confluentes

(Kob-

lenz). Situated on the M. were > Divodurum, > Augusta [6] Treverorum and > Rigodulum (cf. Tac. Ann. 13,533 lac. Hist. 4,71; 77). The legate of Germania superior, L. Antistius Vetus, wanted to join the M. and Arar via a canal in AD 58, which was prevented by the legate of Gallia Belgica, Aelius Gracilis (Tac. Ann. 13,53). > Ausonius, in his work Mosella, praised the wealth of fish in the M. (15 species) and the fertility of the banks (vineyards); he named ten tributaries (Mos.

349ff.: Sura with Promea and Nemesa/Nims; Celbis/ Kyll; Erubris/Ruwer; Lesura; Drahonus/Dhron; Salmona; Saravus; Alisontia/Alzette [2]). Ven. Fort. 10,9

describes a journey on the M. and Rhine from Metz to Andernach. 1 W. JUNGANDREAS, s.v. M., Historisches Lexikon der Siedlungs- und Flurnamen des Mosellandes, 1962, 698f. 2 P. DraAcer, Alisontia — Eltz oder Alzette?, in: Gymnasium 104, 1997, 435-461 (expanded version in: Kurtrierer Jb. 37, 1997, 11-38; 38, 1998, 11-16). P.D.

Moses (Hebrew Moseh, Greek Mw(v)oijs; MO(y)sés).

[1] I. BIBLICAL TRADITION

II. PostT-BIBLICAL

TRADITION

0éda00a and Sophronius: ‘QAtevs tov &yEeowWMTay).

‘Europa’, the second extensive poem by M. (166 verses), too, reveals a certain predilection for describing landscape (see esp. the detailed catalogue of flowers adorning the locus amoenus where Europa and her companions are at the time of the abduction, vv. 6371), but it is anchored by numerous details in the poetic tradition of the 3rd cent. BC and particularly in that of the mythological > epyllion: the aetiological element (the abduction of Europa to Crete from Phoenicia will give the continent of Europe its future name and found a dynasty of kings of Crete); the warning dream (1-27) in which Europa believes she sees two women fighting over her, standing symbolically for the two continents — on one side Asia, on the other, as yet nameless (vv. 9), the woman/continent that then abducts Europa (in this way the meaning of what is in store for her is anticipatingly conveyed to Europa herself at the same time as to the reader; cf. the dream in Apoll. Rhod. 3,617—631; cf.

I. BIBLICAL TRADITION

According to tradition, M. was a > Levite who grew up as an Egyptian prince, was forced to flee to > Mi-

dian, was called there by the god > Yahweh to lead the enslaved Hebrew people out of Egypt; Biblical cultic and moral law were revealed to him on Mt. Sinai, and he led the Hebrew people through the desert to the edge of the Promised Land, where he died on Mount Nebo, across from Jericho (Ex 2 — Dt 34). It was primarily Jewish theologians of the 7th to 5th cents. BC who elaborated this depiction; the story ofhis birth (Ex 2,1—-10), for example, relies on the Sargon legend [5. 40] (similar motifs are also found in > Cyrus [2] II. and > Romulus and Remus), thus it can be dated to the Sargonid or post-Sargonid period (7th cent. BC or later). If M. was, for the Deuteronomist school, the exemplary > prophet (Dt 18,15; 18), he was far more than that for the

final version of the > Pentateuch 34,10-12).

(Nm

12,6-8; Dt

MOSES

It is nearly impossible to discern the historical tradition behind the theological structure, especially since there are also traditions that deviate from the canonical story: According to Judges 18,30, the priesthood of Dan traced its ancestry back to a grandson of M. named Jonathan, and according to a (Sadducean?) tradition recounted in Strab. 16,2,3 5-36, M. led his people into the unpopulated mountains of Judea, where he founded Jerusalem. Historically, it is certain that the name ‘M.’ is Egyptian (msj/mss, common particularly in the Ramesside period — 13th/12th cents.) and that it entered the (oral) tradition before the turn of the 2nd to the rst millennium, since in this name as well the Egyptian $ became the Hebrew s (in the 1st millennium the Egyptian sis consistently rendered as the Hebrew s, as in the name of ‘Ramses’ city’ Ex 1,11). Thus it can hardly be disputed that there is a historical basis for the traditional story. Among the historical prototypes for M. are not only the vizier Arsu/Bija (with the court name of R-msjsw-h-m-ntrw), who was overthrown by Sethnakht in 1187, but also the copper mine inspector R“msj-Sw-mpr-R‘ who worked under > Ramses II and III in Sinai and in southern ‘Arabah. Both officials could easily be linked to (proven or possible) events when a group of Asians were expelled from Egypt or escaped from Egyptian forced labour; among them, in the case of Bija, there may also have been deported Israelites from Merenptah’s campaign of 1208 BC. 1 J. AssMANN, M. der Agypter, 1998 *t952

Dae

ART

2M. Buser, M.,

3H. Donner, Gesch. des Volkes Israel, *1995,

123-131 4M. Gore, Die Beziehungen zwischen dem Alten Israel und Agypten, 1997, 142-151 5 J. GoopNICK WESTENHOLZ, Legends ofthe Kings of Akkade, 1997 6 R. SMEND, Das M.-Bild von Heinrich Ewald bis Martin Noth, 1959. E.A.K,

Il. Post-BIBLICAL TRADITION In extra- and post-Biblical > Judaism, the Biblical

tradition of M. was widely received, reflecting a variety of ideological groups. In the apocalyptic tradition, M. appears as a bearer of revelation. Accordingly, the ‘Ascension of M.’ (between 4 BC and AD 30), for example, relates how M., shortly before his death, reveals to his successor, Joshua, the history of Israel from the land

acquisition up to the present time, which was marked by injustice and terror, and prophesies to him that God will intervene at the End of Days, enemies will be punished and Israel will be raised up (cf. also M. as an eschatological prophet in the New Testament, Acts B222) In Jewish-Hellenic literature, M.’ biography is embellished (cf. - Artapanus in Eus. Pr. Ev. 9,27; ~ Ezekiel [2] Tragicus in Eus. Pr. Ev. 9,28; Phil. De vita Mosis; Jos. Ant. lud. 2,205 ff.), he is presented as a hero and the introducer of culture. For Eupolemus [x] (in Eus. Pr. Ev. 9,26), he is the inventor of the alphabet; according to Artapanus, M., who is identified with > Musaeus [1], is also regarded as the teacher of > Orpheus, the first philosopher, the inventor of numerous

war engines and other technical equipment, as well as responsible for the irrigation of Egypt and its political division into 36 nomoi and also as the founder of the Egyptian animal cults (Eus. Pr. Ev. 9,27). According to Aristobulus (approx. 170 BC), in turn, the books of M., which were apparently translated into Greek long before the Septuagint, were already familiar to the Greek philosophers Pythagoras, Socrates and Plato (Eus. Pr. Ev. 13,12). Furthermore, M. is described as a law-giver whose works form the basis for Greek legislation (Phil. De specialibus legibus 4,61; Ios. c. Ap. 2,154), which reveals the universal character of Jewish law. While (Ps.-) + Hecataeus [4] of Abdera [7th volume 1, 20-44] portrays M. as the founder of the Jewish political system whose initiative gave rise to both the land acquisition and the building of Jerusalem and the temple, the figure of M. in pagan literature is primarily rooted in the context of anti-Semitic content. A compilation of such anti-Jewish topoi is found in Josephus [4] Flavius: According to the Egyptian priest Manetho (3rd century BC), M. was a rebellious priest who established a 13-year reign of terror in Egypt, with the help of the Hyksos (Jos. C. Ap. 1,228); according to Lysimachus [6] (1st century BC), he commanded his people

to destroy all foreign temples and altars (cf. Jos. C. Ap. 1,309; [7. vol. 1, 382-388]; in > Poseidonius and Apollonius > Molon [2], M. appears as the creator of a negative, hate-filled body of law (1st century BC, [7. vol. 1, 141-147, 148-156]). In the > magical papyri, by contrast, M. also appears as a magician. In rabbinic literature M. is depicted as the inspired author of the > Pentateuch (bBB 14b) who received both the written and the oral Torah on Mt. Sinai (mAb 1,1; cf. Men 29b). Following a childhood marked by miraculous circumstances, he was a perfectly just man (Meg 11a) who can be seen as a model for the > Messiah (TJ on Can 4,5). However, in order to prevent a deification of M. (cf. Sir 45,2, where M. is compared to the angels), rabbinic literature also emphasises that M. died a natural death and was not — like + Enoch and > Elias [1] - carried up to heaven (cf. for example the Midrash Petirat Moshe). B 1M. HENGEL, Judentum und Hellenismus. Studien zu ihrer Begegnung unter besonderer Beriicksichtigung Palastinas bis zur Mitte des 2. Jahrhunderts v.Chr., 31988, s.v. M. 2L. GinzBerc, The Legends of the Jews, 7 vols., 1909-1938, Indexs.v.M. 3L. Jacoss,s.v. M. Rabbinic View, Encyclopaedia Judaica 12, 1972, 393-395 4M.

in Schrift und Uberlieferung, 1963. 5 G. OBERHANSLIWIDMER, s.v. Mose/Moselied / Mosesegen/Moseschriften. 3: Apokalyptische und jiidisch-hellenistische Literatur, TRE 23, 347-357. 6A. ROTHKOFF, s.v. M. In the Aggadah, Encyclopaedia Judaica 12, 1972, 395-398 7 M. STERN (ed.), Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism (with Introduction, Translation and Commentary), 2 vols., 1974-1984, Indexs.v.M.

8 D. Winston,

s.v. M. In Hellenistic Literature, Encyclopaedia Judaica 12, 1972, 388-393.

B.E.

234

2.33 [2] Moses of Chorene (Movsés Xorenac‘). Influential Armenian historian. His three-volume ‘History of Armenia’ (Patmut‘iwn Hayoc‘ [2|) describes the country’s past from prehistoric times until the death of > Mesrop Mastoc‘ (439), the creator of the Armenian alphabet (> Armenian). Attached is an epilogue lamenting the state of the country and its church at that time (bk. 3, ch. 68). Since M. refers to himself as a pupil of Mesrop (bk. 3, ch. 61), his book, which deals with the most varied sources (Armenian authors, Josephus [4] Flavius, Eusebius [7] of Caesarea, among others; overview in [6. 60-75]), is frequently dated to the sth cent. AD. Stylistic and thematic characteristics (support for the Armenian-Georgian dynasty of the Bagratids, first citation at the beginning of the roth century etc.), however, argue for the 8th century (cf. [5. 156]). Also considered works by M. are a ‘Book of Rhetoric’ (Girk‘ Pitoyic‘), a treatment of the rhetorical arts in imitation of ancient models (~» Aphthonius, Theon), as well as a variety of homilies. The book ‘Geography’ (Asxarhac‘oyc‘), which is attributed to him, is probably the work of Ananias of Sirak (7th cent. AD). + Armenians, Armenian literature EDITIONS:

1 Matenagrut‘iwnk‘, Venice 1843 (71865;

completeedn.)

1913 Erevan

2M. ABELEAN, S. YARUTIWNEAN, Tbilisi

(repr. Delmar/New 1991)

York

1981; with additions:

3 M. Lauer, Des Moses von Chorene

Geschichte Gross-Armeniens, Regensburg 1869 (German tr.). LITERATURE:

4R. W. THOMSON,

Moses Khorenats‘i.

History of the Armenians, 1978 5 Id., A Bibliography of Classical Armenian Literature to 1500 AD, 1995, 156168 (bibliography) 6A. and J.-P. Mang, Histoire de l’Arménie par Moise de Khoréne, 1993.

Mosomagus

(‘Market

on the Mosa’),

JRL

present-day

Mouzon (Dépt. Ardennes); town on the road from ~ Durocortorum to > Augusta [6] Treverorum, be-

tween the civitates of the > Remi and the > Treveri on an island between two arms of the Mosa [1]. It was a significant trading centre especially from the 2nd cent. AD. A fortification dating from Late Antiquity has been archaeologically authenticated. Musmagenses under a magister equitum inter Gallias are documented (Not. coins mention Dione OCG 7,105): Merovingian Mosomo castri. J.-P. Levant, Mouzon,

in: J.-P. Petit (ed.), Atlas des

agglomérations secondaires de la Gaule Belgique et des

Germanies, 1994, 217f.

F.SCH.

MOSQUITO

+» Mecca, washing facilities and usually one or more minarets

(— Muezzin).

In

special

Friday

mosques

(gami‘) the Friday prayer is performed together in the afternoon and the Friday sermon is given. —» Imam; > Kaaba J. PEDERSEN

et al., s.v. Masdjid,

EI 6, 644b-707A.

H.SCHO.

Mosquito (i gunic/empis, & xdvow/kondps, Diminutive xwvdmow/kdnopion, Lat. culex, culicellus, culiculus; conops: Dioscorides Longobardus 3,23) is the general name for these buzzing insects which cause irritation by sucking blood. Aristotle gives a clear account at Hist. an. 5,19,551b 27-552a 8 and 1,1,487b 3-5 (so [1]) of the development of a midge of the genus Chironomus including the metamorphosis of the empis. The culices ficarii which help to pollinate figs are wasps of the type Blastophaga psenes (Plin. HN 11,118; 15,80 and 17,255). The common mosquito is the one normally referred to (e.g. Aristot. Hist. an. 4,7,532a 14: xivomed/ROnGpes and 1,5,490a 21: empis; Plin. HN T1,2f. and roo; Ps, Vere. — Culex; Hor: Sat. 15,04 i.a.). We do not know to what extent the Greek names

konops (since Hdt. 2,95) and empis (since Aristoph. Nub. 167ff.; Aristoph. Lys. 1032) had different meanings.

Mosquito plagues are mentioned frequently: Hdt. 2,95 for Egypt, Aristoph. Av. 244 for the area around Marathon, Diod. Sic. 3,23 for Ethiopia, Paus. 7,2,11 for Myus in Caria, Amm. Marc. 18,7,5 for Mesopotamia and Hor. Sat. 1,5,14 for Lower Italy. People tried many means to repel them, e.g; by fumigation using lupins (Plin. HN 22,157), pomegranate rinds (ibid. 23,114) or black cumin (git; ibid. 20,184) as well as by covering the head with absinth and oil (Dioscorides Longobardus 3,23, [2. 387]). The Gp. 13,11, knows of many ways allegedly from Democritus. Pliny correctly explains the inclusion of mosquitoes in amber (HN 37,46). Other insects are clearly meant by the culices which damage gardens (ibid. 19,180, cf. Pall. Agric. 1,35,2). In addition to Hdt. 2,95, Hor. Epod. 9,16 (cf.

schol. Iuv. 6,80) and Isid. Orig. 19,5,5 mention the beneficial Egyptian invention of the mosquito net.(> konopion, Lat. culicare). On the basis of its persistence the mosquito became a metaphor for vituperative individuals such as an orator (Aristoph. Equ. 1038) and an insistent lover (Plaut. Cas. 239). The contrast between the tininess of its body and the effect of its sting is a theme of fables (Aesop. 267 and 292 Hausr., variant Aesop. 140). Depictions on

Mosque (masgid; ‘place where one prostrates oneself (in prayer)’; the Arabic word is of Syrian origin: masgeda). Muslim (> Islam) place of prayer; also, a social meeting-point and a place of teaching. In the course of time several architectural types of mosques developed and already existing cult buildings were taken over ( Hagia Sophia, Constantinople; Ummayad Mosque, Damascus). All mosques have a prayer niche facing

Greek coins [3. Taf. 7, 30-3 1] also show larger animals being tormented by a mosquito. 1 A. THIENEMANN, Aristoteles und die Abwasserbiologie, in: FS gewidmet den Teilnehmern der 84. Versammlung Deutscher Naturforscher und Arzte in Miinster in Westfalen, 1912, 175-181 2H. STADLER (ed.), Dioscurides Longobardus (bk. 3), in: Romanische Forschungen 10, 1899, 372-446 3 F. IMHOOF-BLUMER, O. KELLER, Tier-

MOSQUITO

235

236

und Pflanzenbilder auf Miinzen und Gemmen des klassischen Altertums 1889, repr. 1972.

coins (HN 653f.), which advertised the ancient Lydian origin of M. with the legend Avdav Mootyva@v/Lydon Mostén6n (‘the Lydians of M.’) and a picture of a goddess or a mounted god with a double axe (from 2nd/rst cents. BC). In the early Byzantine period, M. belonged to the province of Lydia (Hierocles, Synek-

KELLER, Vol. 2, 451-454.

C.HU.

Moss was evidently neither noticed nor unambiguously given a name by the Greeks. In Dioskurides (1,21 WELLMANN)

Boevov (bryon), actually means, amongst

other things, lichens on oak trees. The Latin muscus describes not only this lower plant but also often algae or lichens. In order to improve a poor meadow, Colu-

demos 671,6). K. Burescu, Aus Lydien, 1898, 32, 184, 192 mit Karte; F. IMHOOF-BLUMER, Lydische Stadtmiinzen, 1897, 46, rorf., 136f.; J. Kem, s.v. M., RE 16, 379f.; MAGIE 2,

1022, 1036, 1358f.

H.KA.

mella 2,17,2 and Pall. Agric. ro,10,3 recommend pull-

Mostis (Moottc/Mostis). King, who probably ruled the + Caeni in southeastern Thrace in the last quarter of the 2nd/beginning of the rst cent. BC (earlier dating refuted). He is known only through tetradrachmai at-

ing out moss or eradicating it by scattering ashes. Moss should also be removed from the base of grape vines in order to promote their growth (Columella. 4,24,6), as well as when it had formed a layer on olive trees, especially in cold and damp regions (Columella 5.9,15, cf.

testing to a 38 year reign, bronze coins and two inscrip-

Pall. Agric. 6,4,2). On the other hand it served as an

tions (BE 1972, 284; MoretTTI

outer protection for a tree graft against heat and rain (Columella 4,29,8 cf. Pall. Agric. 3,17,3 and 7 as well as

696 and XXXVII 602; [3. 190]). He may have been a confederate of > Mithradates [6] VI.

5,11,6) and as a cover for olive tree cuttings in nurseries (Columella 11,2,42). A. STEIER, s.v. M., RE 16, 232-236.

C.HU.

2, 116; SEG XXXIV

1 F. pe Catiatay, L’histoire des guerres Mithridatiques vue par les monnaies,

1997, 258-259

2J. JURUKOVA,

Monetite na trakijskite plemena i vladeteli, 1992, 165173, 276-279 3M. H. Sayar, Der thrakische Konig Mostis, in: Tyche 7, 1992, 187-195. U.P.

Mossynoeci (Mooovvoixot; Mossynoikoi). People in the > Paryadres mountains to the south of the Black Sea coast between Cerasus and Trapezus (Hekat. FGrH t F 204f.; Xen. An. 5,4,2; 5,1; Apoll. Rhod. 2,1016ff.; Diod. 14,30,5-7) to the east of the > Tibareni and + Chalybes, from time to time with a large sphere of influence (to the south: Strab. 11,14,5; to the west: Xen. An. 5,5,1). Under Darius I and Xerxes, the M. belonged to the roth satrapy (Hdt. 3,94; 7,78), in Xenophon’s time they were independent (Xen. An. 7,8,25). They lived under kings in hill settlements with tower-like

Mosyli (Moovaot; Mosyloi). People on the south coast

of the Gulf of Aden who have given their name to a port and a headland. References: Plin.HN. 6,174, promunturium et portus Mossylites; Ptol. 4,7,10; Steph. Byz. s.v. Moovaov. The port was situated two to three days’ journey to the east of the ancient island of Mundu,

Peripl. m. r. 10 (GGM I 265; to Moovddov). Export items were > cinnamon and > incense. F. WINDBERG, s.v. M., RE 16, 380f.

farmsteads (60(0)uves; m0os(s)ynes: Xen. An. 5,4,26;

Diod. l.c.; Strab. 12,3,18), hence their name, and for the

Motes (Mots; Motes). Ptolemaic strategos of Caria

Greeks were the embodiment of barbarity (cf. Xen. An.

248/7 BC who, together with the oikondmos Diodotus,

5e46s4s OK VID

Pane

intervened in the administration of the town of > Kalynda (PCZ 59341).

1 R. Hansen, De gentibus in Ponto orientali inde a Thermodonte fluvio ad Phasim usque habitantibus, thesis Kiel

R. BAGNALL, The Administration of the Ptolemaic Possessions Outside Egypt, 1976, 99f., 216, 245; PP VI 15058.

OOM -we Strap

ael:c-- meiuamOte

2. 126°; 3]; > Barbarians).

1876 2 MITCHELL, 126n.36 M., RE 16, 377-379.

Mostene

(Mootyvyn;

3 F. SCHACHERMEYR, S.Vv. E.O.

Mosténé).

Lydian

city

(Ptol.

5,2,16), localised according to inscriptions and coins either at the eastern foot of Mount > Sipylus near modern Cobanisa or Sancakliboz or to the south of > Thyateira or c. 40 km to the east of > Magnesia [3] (modern Asartepe near Urganli). In AD 17, M. was destroyed by an earthquake (Tac. Ann. 2,47,3). M. was one of 12 or 14 cities of the province of Asia that thanked > Tiberius for help in rebuilding with honorary inscriptions and a monument in Rome (copy: Puteoli, CIL X 1624; ILS 156) (IGR 4,1514; ILS 8785; 30 or 31 AD). Further evidence of gratitude is the epithet Katocgeta/Kaisdreia (‘Imperial’; from Claudius until the Flavian period) on

W.A.

Mothakes (60axec/mothakes). The mothakes, first mentioned in Phylarchus (FGrH 81 F 43) and probably identical with the uo0mvec/modthones, either belonged to the > Spartiatae or formed their own social stratum below the Spartan elite. Presumably they were children of a Spartan father and a helot mother (> Helots), but they are not necessarily identical with the vo0oWU/n6thoi (+ Nothos), who according to Xenophon had received a Spartan upbringing (> agdgé) (Xen. Hell. 5,3,9). According to Aelianus, high Spartan officers were originally mothakes (e.g. — Callicratidas [1], > Gylippus and -» Lysander [1]; Ael. VH 12,43) and this would mean that the mothakes could acquire the status of a

238

237

Spartiate; the other mothakes belonged bopetwvec/bypomeiones (Xen. Hell. 3,3,6).

to

the

1 P. CarTLEDGE, Agesilaos and the Crisis of Sparta, 1987 2S. Linx,Der Kosmos Sparta. Recht und Sitte in klassischer Zeit, 1994 3D. OGDEN, Greek Bastardy in the Classical and Hellenistic Periods, 1996 4P. OLtva, Sparta and Her Social Problems, 1971 5S. POMEROY, Families in Classical and Hellenistic Greece. Representations and Realities, 1997.

P.C.

Mother goddesses Numerous deities were referred to as ‘Mother’. In Greece, the oldest is a Mycenaean ‘Divine Mother’ (Matere teija, in the dative: PY fr. 1202);

the most

important

are

— Demeter,

~ Rhea

and

— Gaia, as well as the Lycian > Leto and, above all,

that goddess who actually was called ‘Mother’ (Métér) or ‘Mother of the Gods’ (Métér theén) and was consid-

ered exotic and at the same time very ancient (> Cybele). Also well-known are the Sicilian Mothers, who were interpreted as the nurses of Zeus (Diod. Sic. 4,7980; 5,64—-65). In Rome, the cult of the Mater Magna, introduced in 204 BC, existed alongside the cults of other Roman or Italic mother goddesses: — Mater Matuta, > Tellus, > Larunda, > Bona Dea. The cult of the - Matres/Matronae was widespread in the Germanic and Gallo-Roman regions. In contrast, in Mesopotamia [1; 2], the numerous goddesses — who were sometimes mothers, but more often great, sovereign and creative deities, birth goddesses or the mistresses of fate — experienced a decline beginning in the middle of the 2nd millennium BC in favour of other figures, such as the Sumerian > Innana (the Akkadian — [8tar). These were not mothers, but goddesses who appeared primarily as warriors or lovers. The even older Anatolian representations from Hacilar and Catal-Hoyiik remain silent for us. In some of these the ancestress of the Phrygian mother of the gods (— Cybele) may be seen, especially in the maternal figure shown sitting ona throne, surrounded by leopards, and perhaps in the act of giving birth [3]. These different and independent deities are sometimes traced back to one single figure, supposedly the “Great Goddess’ (after the epithet given to some of these mother goddesses). While goddesses are sometimes assimilated within the framework of a theological reflexion (e.g. Gé — Metér — Rhéa — Héra and Déo in PDerveni: [4]), in terms of cult practice the differences, the diversity, are critical. Extant ancient documents argue against the theory ofJ.J. BACHOFEN, author of the work on ‘Das Mutterrecht’ (Mother Right) [5], according to which the various female figures of the Greek pantheon can be traced back to one original being, the ‘Great Goddess’ [53 6; 7]. It is sometimes believed that a wide variety of figures of this goddess can be found from the Celtic region and the edges of the Mediterranean to the Egyptian Near East and the Ugarit sphere of influence, from the Anatolian highlands to Iran and India and even beyond. These figures are imagined to be prehistoric and of tran-

MOTHER

GODDESSES

scultural character [8; 9; 10; 11]. This scholarly mirage appeared because the figures of the goddesses are very numerous and are easy to assimilate. In iconography, several Iranian figures are encountered in Greek interpretation: Nanaia, Nana, Ardoxsho. The representations of the deities - who approximate the goddess + Anahita in their turn — reach as far as the art of the Kushan and thus connect the Greek Occident and the Iranized Orient [12; 13]. In India, the lion goddess, the terrible Durga, likewise shows characteristics which are comparable in many respects to Cybele [14; 15]. However, it remains to be determined whether the influence of the iconographic motifs — and perhaps also the rituals — spread from the Orient to the Occident or rather, as the chronology seems to indicate, from the Greek region to India. Nevertheless, in reality there existed a cultic proximity between the Mother of the Gods and other female deities, including occasional common cults. The cults of the Mother of Gods and the Dea > Syria (Atargatis) e.g. are connected in several places by common priesthoods [16; 17]. These encounters bear witness to a ritual and theological effort to assimilate these goddesses in a comparatistic, if not henotheistic, interpretation. This hermeneutic process is closely related to what can be seen ona more theological level in the case of > Isis and the deities associated with her from the 2nd or rst cent. BC in the litanies and hymns designated as aretalogies [18]. Thus, as a deity in Hellenic form, which can be interpreted by the rules of Greek mythology, the Mother of the Gods, meets Isis, the goddess from the dynastic context of Greek Egypt [19], who for her part became a significant goddess of universal character: a mother of civilization present throughout the Greek and Roman world. This goddess is now no longer Egyptian, Greek or ‘barbarian’ — however, she appears at the end of a development and not at its beginning. ~ Gynaecocracy; — Interpretatio (II.) Graeca; > Polytheism; > Religion; > Syncretism; > Matriarchy 1M. KreBernik, Muttergottheiten, in: RLA 7/8, 1997,

502-516 21. FRYMER-KENSky, In the Wake of the Goddesses, 1992 3L. E. ROLLER, In Search of God the Mother, 1999,27-39 4 ZPE 47,1982, in fine, col. XVIII 1.7 5J. J. BACHOFEN, Das Mutterrecht, 1861 6E. GERHARD, Metroon und Gottermutter, in: Abhandlungen

der Koniglichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, 1849,459-490 7 PH. BoRGEAUD e.a., La mythologie du matriarcat: l’atelier de J.J.Bachofen, 1999 8R. BOYER, La Grande Déesse du Nord, 1995 9M. GimsutTas, The Goddesses and Gods of Old Europe, 1974 10 E. NeuMANN, The Great Mother. An Analysis of the Archetype, 1955 11B. Wacner-HAset (ed.), Matriarchatstheorien der Altertumswissenschaft, 1992 12 J. M. ROSENFIELD, The Dynastic Arts of the Kushans, 1967, 69-91 (84 ill. 10, 86 ill. 11, 90ill.12) 13 W. Serpet (ed.), Weihrauch und Seide. Alte Kulturen an der Seidenstrafe, 1996, 305 nr. 169, 425

14M. BrarDEAu (ed.), Autour de la déesse,

1981 15D. Kinsey, Hindu Goddesses, 1986 16M. SILVESTRINI, Cibele e la Dea Siria in due iscrizioni di Egnazia e Brindisi, in: Epigraphica 51, 1989, 67-84 17U. Witcken, Zu den Syrischen G6ttern, in: Festgabe fiir A.

MOTHER

GODDESSES

240

239

wandte Gottheiten, 1987; PH. BoRGEAUD, La mére des

tion of the persistence of motifs has remained unanswered. Motif research has undergone a decisive transformation as, in the wake of structuralism, V. PRopp’s analysis of Russian magical and miracle tales was rediscovered [7]. Prop? isolated a total of 31 possible ‘func-

dieux, 1996; F. Stouz, s.v. Muttergottheiten, HrwG

4,

tions’ (cores of plots) which, in selection but in a fixed

PH.B.

order, constitute folk-tales. W. BURKERT adopted and expanded this idea for the analysis of Greek myths, postulating primeval-biological causes for basic plot sequences [8]. Although the latter assumption is contested, it provides a functional analysis that has supplemented motif research and has made it more rigorous. ~ Folk-tales; > Myth; —> Fairy-tale; > Myth

Deissmann, 1927, I-19 18 Y. GRANDJEAN, Une nouvelle arétalogie d’Isis a Maronée (EPRO 49), 1975, 8-11

19 F. Coun, L’Isis dynastique et la Mére des dieux phrygienne, in: ZPE 102, 1994, 271-295.

G. BAUCHHENSS, G. NEUMANN

(ed.), Matronen und ver-

1998, 166-168.

Mother-of-pearl (unionum conchae). The pearl oyster (concha, Plin. HN 9,106; cf. > Shells D. 3.), imported from India (Plin. HN 9,106), provided the valuable > pearl (uaoyagitns/margarités, margarita), but its shell covered with the same substance was scarcely used. We know only that Nero (Suet. Nero 31) had the walls in his palace in Rome, the > domus aurea — still partially traceable — decorated with mother-of-pearl. A. SCHRAMM, s.v. P., RE 19, 867; BLUMNER, Techn. 27, 380.

C.HU.

Motherwort see Artemisia [3 | Moths see — Lepidoptera Motif research is the study of the motif understood as the ‘smallest unit of content’ within traditional narratives (myth, legend, folktale [1]). Such a unit might be a plot (the burning of an object which is connected to a person’s life will kill that person: > Meleager [1]) or a characteristic person (the youngest son is the cleverest: -» Zeus). Motif research has long dominated the study of folk-tales and myths. However, a precise and standard definition of ‘motif’ and its distinction from related constitutive characteristics has never really been accomplished [2]. Motif research originated from the observation that modern folk-tales share numerous narrative themes and that the same motifs also reoccur in ancient myths as well as in non-European traditional narratives. Asa result, motifs came to be regarded as the constitutive units of folk-tales and intensive work was invested in the recording of all existing motifs: The index by S. THoMpPson [3] comprising 40,000 motifs is seen as the foundation of legend and folk-tale research, even though the rigour of the classification is debatable (> Folk-tales). Motifs shared by modern folk-tales and ancient myths were taken as proof for the presumed primeval age of these narrative traditions — a view postulated already by HERDER and the Brothers GRIMM - since the persistence of these motifs is understandable only through the assumption of their primeval oral transmission. In the case of the Homeric narrative of > Meleager [1], this idea was applied regarding the creation of the ‘Iliad’ [4]. However, newer studies have been able to demonstrate that some motifs of ancient myths were not reshaped into folk-tales until after antiquity [5; 6]. As a result, motif research has been relieved of its Romantic and evolutionist heritage; however, the ques-

11.-M. Greverus, Thema, Typus und Motiv, in: Laographia

12, 1965,

130-139

2M.

LUtrui, Marchen,

61976, 22, 87f. 3 S. THompson, Motif-Index of Folk-Literature, 6 vols., *1955-1958 (reprint 1975-1976 and lat-

er) 4A. HeEuBECK, Die homerische Frage, 1974, 74-77 5 D. FEHLING, Erysichthon oder das Marchen von der miindlichen Uberlieferung, in: RhM 115, 1972, 173-196 6 W. BurKErT, Vom Nachtigallenmythos zum ‘Machandelboom’, in: W. SteGmunpD (ed.), Antiker Mythos in unseren Marchen, 1984, 113-125 7 V. Propp, Morphologie des Marchens, 1972 (Russian 1928) 8 W. BurKERT, Structure and History in Greek Mythology and Ritual, 1979, 5-34. F.G.

Motion (xivnouc/kinésis, pood/phora; motus, motio). In Antiquity, there were two senses of the term ‘motion’, a

narrow one (change of place, poga/phora) and a broad one (change, pwetaPodt/metabole). Pre-Socratic philosophers since Anaximander had been occupied with the problem whether being is at rest or in motion. The ~ Heracliteans claimed everything is in permanent motion and explained stability as an illusion. The ~ Eleatic School at the other hand denied the reality of motion. Zeno tried to corroborate this thesis by means of four paradoxes of motion [1]: 1. The argument of dichotomy. Motion is impossible because a moving object, before it travels the whole distance, must arrive half-way, but before it gets there, it must arrive at its half-way point and so on. 2. The ‘Achilles’: The fast Achilles can never overtake the slowest animal, the tortoise, if itis ahead of him. When he arrives at its starting point, the tortoise is at another point in front of him, and when he arrives at this point, the tortoise has reached yet another point ahead of him and so on. Although the distance is reduced, Achilles — contrary to observation — will never overtake the tortoise. 3. The motionless arrow. A flying arrow is only apparently in motion: it does not move at the point where it is; and where it is not, it certainly does not move. 4. The moving rows (the ‘Stadium’). Result: time equals half of the time. For the Atomist > Democritus, motion is an in-

herent property of the atoms, inextricably bound up with them [2]. The atoms are always in motion, they move without any coordination through the void. If a sufficient number of atoms collide, a unidirectional

241

242

MOUNTAIN

PASSES

motion forms itself, a vortex, and out of it a world is

of the physical world.

born. Epicurus considers the atoms’ weight to be the reason for their motion. Weight and collision define the

sors, 1960; R. SoraByl, Matter, space and motion, 1988.

A comparison with his predeces5.M.-S.

direction; velocity is the same for all atoms, constant

and ‘quick as a flash’. Innovative is the theory of devia-

Motya (Motva, Morin; Motya, Motyé). Phoenician-

tion (1aeéyxdouc/parenklisis, clinamen), with which he dismisses determinism : atoms occasionally break the regularity of their motion, by deviating slightly, at in-

Carthaginian settlement on an island (c. 45 ha) in the lagoon 8 km to the north of Marsala, modern Mozia on

definite times, in indefinite places and without cause, from their normal trajectories (Lucr. 2,216-293). Plato distinguishes between two kinds of motion (Tht.

181

a 5; Parm.

138

b): change

(GAAoimotc/

alloiosis) and local motion (xegupoed/periphora). In a ‘motion catalogue’ (Leg. 10,893 b-895 b), he classifies ten kinds of motion (from circular motion and becoming to motion with internal or external causes) [3], with

the goal of proving that the self-motion of the soul is the principle of motion. The self-moving World Soul is the principle of all cosmic motion. In Aristotle’s philosophy of nature motion plays a central role. He defines motion as the transition from potentiality to actuality and as the realization of what is possible as such (energeia; Ph. 3,1,201 b 4: f tov duvatov, } Suvatov, évtedéxera, cf. ibidem 201 a rof.). He distinguishes between four kinds of motion, derived from the categories: 1. Substance (though it is excluded from motion as well): emerging/perishing increase/decrease (yéveouc/p00eG) 2. Quantity: (avEnouc/pOiots) 3. Quality: change (&Adoiwots) 4. Place:

local motion (pogd). Nature is the principle of motion. Because everything that moves is moved by something else, Aristotle assumes, in order to avoid an infinite regress, an unmovable prime mover (tO 2e@tov xwodv &xtvytov), god, which moves things by their striving for him (9@pevoc). That is why the celestial sphere has the most perfect motion, the circular one, whereas the sublunary world has linear motion. Arguing against Zeno, Aristotle points to the continuity of motion. Against the Atomists, he argues that motion does not need a void; motion is exchange of places in a filled space (&vtumegtotacis). » Neoplatonism applied the concept of motion to the intelligible. 1G. Kirk, J. RAVEN, M. SCHOFIELD, The Presocratic Phi-

losophers, 71983, 296-305 2R.L6BL, Demokrits Atomphysik, 1987, 97-120 3P. M. STEINER (ed.), Platon,

San Pantaleo. With > Solus and > Panormus, M. was

the last fortress held by the Phoenicians in their retreat from the Greeks in western Sicily (Thuc. 6,2,6; own coins inscribed in Greek and Phoenician in the 5th and 4th cents. BC: HN 157f.) and was conquered and destroyed by > Dionysius [1] in 397 BC (Diod. 14,47-53), in the following year regained by the Carthaginians, but voluntarily surrendered because replaced by the sea fortress of — Lilybaeum (Diod. 14,55; 62), and subsequently used almost exclusively for agriculture. Today the lagoon is to a considerable extent silted up, the stone material of M. has mostly been carried off. Archaeology: necropolis from the archaic period (end of the 8th— 6th cents. BC; later burials were on the coast at Birgi); craftsmen’s workshop (7th cent. BC-397 BC); tophets (holy districts): 8th-beginning of the 3rd cent. BC; sanctuary of Cappiddazzu: three building phases from the end of the 8th cent. BC until after 397; small Christian basilica with apse. The coastal strip is accompanied by a ring wall reinforced by square towers (built in several phases, 6th—3rd cents. BC). Near the southern gate there was an artificial harbour connected to the sea by a 7-m wide canal. From the northern gate a causeway (now submerged) led to the mainland. V. Tusa, s.v. Mozia, EAA 5, 1963, 249f.; Id., s.v. Mozia, EAA? Suppl. 2,3, 1995, 827f. Id., s.v. M., PE, 596. H.G.N. and GLF.

Motyca (Motuxa, Motovxa; Motyka, Motouka). City of the > Siculi in the southeast of Sicily (Ptol. 3,4,14), modern Modica to the south of Ragusa. Finds from as early as the prehistorical period. Ancient inscriptions from the area (IG XIV 243-253). The ager Mutycensis was the ager decumanus of the Roman province of Sicilia (Cic. Verr. 2,3,101; 120), the Mutycenses were stipendiarii (Plin. HN 3,91). K. ZIEGLER, s.v. M., RE 16, 407; BICGI

Morgantina Studies, 5 vols., 1981-1996.

10, 169-177;

E.O. GLF.

Nomoi X, 1992, 127-156.

S. GERSH, Kivnous &xivntos. A study of spiritual motion in

the philosophy of Proclus, 1973; M. Kappes, Aristotelische Lehre iiber Begriff und Ursache der xivnotc, Diss. 1887; F. KAULBACH, Der philosophische Begriff der Bewegung, 1965; G. Kirk, J. RAVEN, M. SCHOFIELD, The Pre-

socratic Philosophers, *1983, 296-305; CHR. LAUERMANN, Platons Konzeption der Bewegung des Geistes, 1985; M. SCHRAMM, Die Bedeutung der Bewegungslehre des Aristoteles fiir seine beiden Losungen der zenonischen

Motyum (Motvov/Motyon). Fort in the region of ~+ Acragas, occupied by > Ducetius in 451 BC, reconquered by Acragas the following year (Diod. r1,91,1; 4). Possible location at modern Vassallaggi. G. T1GANo, Vassallaggi: nuove ricerche e nuovi dati, in: Atti Convegno su Antichita e Storia della bassa Valle dell’Himera, (1987), 1993, 191-204. GLF.

Paradoxie, 1962; H. SCHRODTER, Kinesis. Eine Untersu-

chung iiber Denkart und Erfahrungshorizont des Platonismus am Werk des Proklos, in: Festschrift Hirschberger 1965, 219-237; J. B. Skemp, The theory of motion in Plato’s later dialogues, *1967; F. SOLMSEN, Aristotle’s system

Mountain passes Way from one region to another across or through a narrow place sketched out by nature (a saddle at a relatively low point of a watershed,

243

244

water gap ofa river flowing across a mountain chain, or between the sea and steeply rising mountains). The

sites of the Classical period (mainland, islands, Asia

MOUNTAIN PASSES

modern term ‘pass’, like the late mediaeval term /ittera

passus (‘document of passage’), derives from the Latin passus, which in mediaeval Latin usage already had the meaning (among others) of ‘way through or across’. Locally other terms, frequently oriented towards the character of the landscape, are customary: in the German-speaking area these are, e.g., Joch, Scharte, Torl, Tauern, and in English-speaking countries, designations such as defile, col, gap or notch. Ancient terms often also emphasise the character of the pass (8uaPaotc/ didbasis, mbhaw/pylai, Latin portae, aditus, transitus) or the appearance of the formation of the landscape (ta oteva/ta stend, Latin angustiae, fauces, furcae). Passes were significant to both regional and long-distance traffic, e.g. for private travellers, shepherds with their flocks, merchants, migrant tribal groups, and armies. The fortification of individual pass routes in particular had a channelling effect on long-distance traffic. For example, in the Alps (> Alpes) there is evidence of more than 750 passes used as connections between neigh-

bouring valleys or for long-distance traffic. Roman road building concentrated long-distance traffic in particular on a few pass crossings, which consequently were intensively frequented. In the course of the collapse of the Roman road system from the 4th cent. AD the original multiplicity was reinstated. Fundamentally it is assumed that people tried to negotiate mountains as quickly as possible, and therefore preferred short, if also steep, stretches. The pass roads represented an economic factor not only for the regions they connected, but also for the districts they led through (tolls, inns, hire of draft animals, trade ties). At high passes mountain or pass deities were not uncommonly worshipped, a fact particularly

Another form of MS is represented by Greek cult Minor) on heights outside the cities. Their topography was related to the nature of the god (e.g. Zeus Olympios), expressed by the > epiclesis, or to the ancient concept of a deity as standing ‘outside of’ the town (e.g. Demeter) [3. 201, 368f.]. For the Roman world, especially the worship of Iuppiter Latiaris on the Mons Albanus is worth mentioning (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,49). In the cities (e.g. Athens, Rome), heights were the site of significant cults (the acropolis in the Greek poleis, the hills in Rome). In general, high locations were preferred, if not always realized, for sanctuaries (cf.

Xen. Mem. 3,8,10, stating the high degree of visibility as reason).

In the MS of Celtic and Germanic civilizations, there is frequent evidence of a continuity of cult sites from pre-Roman to Christian times. First, Germanic- or Celtic-Roman sanctuaries were built on the original (openair) MS, then, in Late Antiquity, early Christian churches [4; 5. 820ff.]. The > Peregrinatio ad loca sancta (e.g. 3,3 and 3,5 SChr 296) testifies to the presence of churches on mountains along the Exodus route of the people of Israel from Egypt, documenting the worshipping of sites from Old Testament in Christian times. 1 R. WENNING, E. ZENGER, Ein bauerliches Baal-Héhen-

heiligtum im samaritischen

Gebirge aus der Zeit der

Anfange Israels, in: Zetschrift des Deutschen PalastinaVereins 102, 1986, 75-86 2BURKERT 3GRaAF 4K. J.

GILLES, ROmische Bergheiligtiimer im Trierer Land. Zu den Auswirkungen der spatantiken Religionspolitik, in: TZ, 1985, 195-254 5 L. Pautt, Einheimische Gotter und Opferbrauche im Alpenraum, in: ANRW II 18.1, 816871.

TH. BAUMEISTER, s.v. Hohenkult, RAC

15, 986-1015. C.F. and HE.K.

well attested for the Great Saint Bernard (~ Mons Poe-

ninus, with bibliography). Passes could also be sites for the demonstration of power, cf. the Tropaeum Alpium (> Tropaea Augusti) built by Augustus on the occasion of the subjugation of the Alpine peoples (in 15/4 BC) at the high pass on the Ligurian coastal road over the Maritime Alps (> Alpes Maritimae) [1. 164]. Cf. also entries on individual mountain ranges. ~» Roads; > Traffic 1 E. OrsHausEN, Einfithrung in die historische Geographie der Alten Welt, r991, 164-168. VS.

Mountain sanctuaries MS (= sanctuaries on rises or

Mourning I. LITERARY SOURCES II]. MOURNING

IJ. ICONOGRAPHY

PERIODS

I. LITERARY SOURCES In Greece and Rome, deaths and accidents, financial

and business losses and military defeats were occasions for mourning (mév00¢/ pénthos; Lat. luctus). Aside from the characteristic > mourning dress, women displayed their mourning by renouncing gold jewellery (Dion. Hal. Ant. 5,48,4; Liv. 34,7,10), by beating, and sometimes baring, their chests (Prop. 2,143,273; Petron. r11,2), by loosening and tearing their hair (Catull.

anticlines) were to be found in various ancient civiliza-

64,348-3 513 Tib. 1,1,67 f.; Liv. 1,26,2), by crying and

tions. Among the oldest monuments known to archeology are the so-called fire sanctuaries of > Baal in the Near East [1]. It has been assumed that the numerous sanctuaries of the 2nd millennium on Crete were influenced by this tradition [2. 6of.]. More than 20 MS have been found there, identifiable by excavated clay figures and traces of altars.

wailing (Plut. Timoleon 39,1 f.), by tearing their robes (Verg. Aen. 12,609; Iuv. 13,132 f.) and by scratching their cheeks in spite of Solon’s [x] ban and the Law of Twelve Tables (Plut. Solon 21,4 f.; Cic. Leg. 2,59; Plin. HIN 11,157; Eur. Hec. 655; Tib. 1,1,68). Men com-

monly either gave up shaving (mourning beard) or shaved in periods when beards were in fashion, they also neglected their hair and dress and beat their chests

245

246

(Hom. Od. 20,17; Aeschyl. Pers. 1046; Iuv. 13,127; Mart. 2,11,5) and wept. Furthermore, men did not

III. MOURNING PERIODS Mourning periods appeared to have varied in Greece. The few literary sources indicate that the official mourning period in Athens as well as in Argos lasted thirty days (Lys. De caede Eratosthenis 14; Plut. Quaest. Graec. 286f-297a) but only eleven in Sparta, where the mourning period was concluded with sacrifices on the twelfth day (Plut. Lycurgus 27,2); in + Gambrium (Mysia), women mourned for five months, men for only four (Syll.3 3, 1219, Z. ro-12). According to Plut. Numa 12,2, the Romans had no mourning period for a child under the age of three, and a maximum of ten months for older children and

carry the insignia of rank or wear golden rings (Liv. 9,758; Suet. Aug. 00,2). Men and women also cut their hair which was then placed on the grave along with flowers and other signs of affection for the dead (Eur. Alc. 98-104; Soph. El. 51; 448-450; 900 f.; Ov. Fast. 3,561 f.; Hdt. 1,82,7; Plut. Pelopidas 33; Prop. 1,17,21; Dion. Hal. Ant. 11,39,6; > Dead, cult of the), but this was done only by family members, friends and relatives (Eur. Or. 106; 142; Aeschyl. Choeph. 197). II. ICONOGRAPHY In Greek and Roman funerary art (> Sarcophagus, ~ Relief), mourners are depicted with certain gestures of lamentation. Early Greek art shows women holding both hands on their heads or clasping their fingers above their head. Men assume a similar pose or bring their left hand to the head while the right hand goes to the hip. In the Archaic period, mourning women lay one hand flat on the head or on the cheek while lowering or bowing the head with the other arm outstretched and open, often with their hair loosened. Men reach both open hands towards the dead; in Greek literature, this gesture goes along with an evocation of the dead (Eur. Suppl. 772 f.; Aeschyl. Choeph. 8 f.). In other depictions (vases, tomb reliefs), both hands are lowered or one hand is placed on the head and the other is raised. Men appearing in groups on archaic monuments are sometimes shown open-mouthed, perhaps to indicate their singing of the lament (8Qfvoc/— thrénos) since letters are placed in front of the mouths [1. 19, supplement C]. There is no pictorial transmission of mourners beating their chests or tearing their robes, and only few images exist from the 7th cent. BC of women scratching their cheeks. The lack of these representation in the visual arts may be explained by Solon’s ban (Plut. Solon 2, Arts). In the Classical and Hellenistic periods, the exaggerated gestures of the Archaic period were given up. Tomb reliefs show mourners who bid farewell to the dead with a handshake or who stand next to them ina contemplative pose (— Gestures). Women are often shown sitting on the stones of the tomb with their heads lowered and resting on one hand, or standing with bowed heads, bringing one hand to the chin, to the cheek or over the eyes, the latter gesture also occurring in representations of men. On the white-ground Athenian lékythoi (> lekythos [r]), women continue to appear with loosened hair. Roman art (sarcophagi) also presents mourners either sitting or standing in melancholy poses. In addition, the head is veiled and the mourners are draped and depicted in a bowed posture. Furthermore, men and women are shown beating their chests, women pulling their hair [2. fig. r and 2] (c.f. > Burial D.).

MOURNING

DRESS

— widows. Paulus, Sent. 1,21,13, however, gives a dif-

ferent account: He reports that adults and children over the age of six were mourned for one year, younger children for one month, spouses for ten months and close relatives for eight months. In Ovid’s time, the mourning period for widows was ten months (Ov. Fast. 1,35 f.; 3,134; Cass. Dio 56,43,1), while men were not prescribed a specific period. The mourning period of ten months resulted from the Ancient Roman annual cycle of ten months; after AD 381, it was extended in correspondence with the twelve months of the > calendar (Cod. Theod. 3,8,r). — Burial; > Consolation literatur; > Dead, cult of the; ~ Death; > Epitaphios; > Funerals; > Funerary architecture; — Funerary art; — Funerary inscriptions; + Laudatio funebris; > Mors; > Morta;> Mourning dress Necropolis; > Thanatos 1H. Momsen, Exekias, vol. 1: Die Grabtafeln, 1997 2 W. Kierporr, Totenehrung im republikanischen Rom, in: G. BINDER, B. EFFE (ed.), Tod und Jenseits im Altertum, 1991, 71-87.

C. SittL, Die Gebarden der Griechen und Romer, 1890, 65-78; H. KENNER, Weinen und Lachen in der griechischen Kunst, 1960; M. ALEx1ou, The Ritual Lament in Greek Tradition, 1974; R. FLEISCHER, Der Klagefrauens-

arkophag aus Sidon (IstForsch 34), 1983; H. A. SHAPIRO, The Iconography of Mourning in Athenian Art, in: AJA 95,1991, 629-656; E. DAMBRA, Mourning and the Making of Ancestors in the Testamentum Relief, in: AJA 99,

1995, 667-681; W. CAVANAGH, C. MEE, Mourning before and after the Dark Age, in: CH. Morris (ed.), Klados.

FS J. N. Coldstream, 1995, 45-61; I. Huper, Die Ikonographie der Trauer in der griechischen Kunst, (Peleus ro), 2001.

RCE.

Mourning dress In the first place mourning dress belonged in the personal area of family and friends, but it could also accompany public mourning. In Homer only mourning goddesses wore dark veils (Hom. Il. 24,93 f.; Hom. H. 2,42). The society described by Homer contented itself with dirtying their clothes with dust and ashes or tearing them (Hom. Il. 18,22 f.; 23,40 f.; 24,640; 28,25). Such behaviour was retained in the historical period by the Greeks and the Romans (e.g. Plut. Solon 21; Eur. El. 501; Iuv. 10,245; Tib. 1,1,68; Catull. 64,350 f.). Usually, however, at times of mourning the

MOURNING DRESS

247

Greeks and Romans dressed in dark, grey or mostly black clothing, differing from everyday clothing only in colour (uékav iwdétiov/mélan himation; Latin nigra vestis, toga pulla, e.g. Eur. Hel. 1088; Eur. Iph. A. 1438; Eur. Alc. 217 f.; luv. 10,245; Tib. 3,2,18; cf. Plut. Theseus 22; Philogelos 39). An exception was evidently the inhabitants of Argos, who wore white (Plut. Qu. R. 270 f.); grey for mourning dress seems to have been the custom in other places (Athen. 3,78a). Roman society also dispensed with all additional ostentation when in mourning dress (Liv. 9,7,83 34,7,10; Prop. 4,7,28; Suet.

Aug. 100,2). On the length of time mourning dress was worn cf. > Mourning. A. PEKRIDOU-GoRECKI, Mode im antiken Griechenland, 1989, 123-125; H. MoMMSEN, Exekias, vol. 1: Die Grabtafeln, 1997, 34; H. GABELMANN, Romische Kinder in der toga praetexta, in: JDAI 100, 1985, esp. 498 n. 13; I.

Huser, Die Ikonographie der Trauer in der griechischen Kunst (Peleus 10), 2001 (Index).

RH.

Mouse (6 ptc/ho mys, in dialects outc/smys, opic/smis, OnivOocd/sminthos, outvOa/smintha; Latin mus, dimin.

musculus; in this regard [4. 2,132]), representative of the family Muridae of rodents (Rodentia), rich in spe-

cies, with constantly regrowing incisor teeth. The terms mentioned mostly refer to the long-tailed mice, the house mouse (Mus musculus L.), wood mouse (Apodemus sylvaticus L.), the harvest mouse that builds a

nest of grass above the ground (Micromys minutus Pallas) as well as the field mouse (Microtus arvalis Pallas)

that belongs to the vole family (Arvicolidae). Under the name éywéec/echinées or éyivec/echines (cf. echinos,

‘hedgehog’), Hdt. 4,192 (cf. Aristot. Hist. an. 6,37,581a rf.) and Ael. NA 15,26 also mention the Egyptian spiny mouse (Acomys cahirinus Geoffr.). Also noted was the representative of the family of the Dipodidae, the jerboa (Jaculus jaculus) with elongated back legs (Hdt. 4,192; Aristot. Hist. an. 6,37,581a 3-5; Theophr. fr. 174,8; Timotheus Gazaeus 38,1 [1. 40] and Plin. HN 8,132). The following ancient observations are correct: Mice have a full set of teeth, a placenta (xotvAndovas év th botéea, ‘suckers on the uterus’, Aristot. Hist. an.

3,1,511a 29-31) and, like other timid animals, a large 19-22; Plin. HN 11,183). They eat, among other things, beech nuts (Plin. HN 16,18), are hunted by owls (Aristot. Hist. an. 8(9),34,619b 21f.) and predatory birds (Ael. NA 17,17) and reproduce in large numbers (Aristot. Hist. an. 6,37,580b 10-14; Plin. HN 10,185 among others). The following assertions are legendary and hence erroneous: Several species have no bile (Aristot. Part. an. 4,2,676b 29-31; Plin. HN 11,191), their liver grows and diminishes with the phases of the moon (Lucil. 1201 M.; Cic. Div. 2,14 reporting the opinion of the Stoics; Plin. HN 2,109; 11,196 and 29,59; Ael. NA 2,56), some have given up drinking in summer in Africa to such an extent that they would die if they drank heart (Aristot. Part. an. 3,4,667a

water (Aristot. Hist. an. 7(8),28,606b 27-6072 1; Plin.

248

HN. 10,201); they became pregnant by eating salt (Aristot. Hist. an. 6,37,580b 31-581a 1; Plin. HN 10,185; Ael. NA 9,3) and fertilize each other through mutual licking (Aristot. and Plin. loc. cit.). In Persia even the embryos in the womb are already pregnant again (Aristot. loc. cit. 580b 29-31; Plin. HN 10,185; Ael. NA 17,17). However in the Orient their origin is also said to be asexual — arising from the earth (Str. 13,1,48), especially from the mud of the Nile (Plin. HN 9,179; cf. Diod. Sic. 1,10,2; Varro, Rust. 1,8,5; Mela 1,52 and Ov. Met. 1,422-429 without naming names). It is also incorrect that elephants shy away from mice (Plin. HN 8,29; Ambr. Hexaemeron 6,6,37). The house and field mouse were feared because although they were small animals (Verg. G. 1,181f.), they were major pests. The house mouse is mentioned by Plaut. Capt. 77 and Pers. 58 among others. The field mouse was particularly conspicuous in dry periods because of its periodic mass reproduction that created a huge plague, which however also easily came to a halt again — allegedly through worm infestation in the head (Theophr. fr. 74,7 and Plin. HN 10,186). People encountered them in vineyards (Varro, Rust. 1,8,5; Gp. 4,15,5) and vegetable gardens (Aristoph. Ach. 762; Gp. 12,39,8). Mice supposedly also spread epidemics so that > Apollo Smintheus became known as the god of plagues and mice [5. 534f.]. In the house, mice were hunted in various ways: with traps that snapped shut (pagé, myagra, Latin muscipulum: Varro, Rust. 1,8,5 recommends these, which were also used in the vineyards of Pandateria) or sticks (aneiktés, ipos), poisons like black hellebore (Helleborus nigra: Pall. Agric. 1,35,9), by weasels and cats (cf. MANUEL PHILES, De proprietatibus animalium 1909ff.) or magic potions. In nature they were combated by smoking them out, digging them out and hunting them with tame foxes, weasels and even pigs (Aristot. Hist. an. 6,37,580b 25-27) as well as snakes. Gp. 13,5,4ff. passes down to us a magic formula for annihilating them. A common motif of ancient proverbs is mice falling into liquids, e.g. pitch (Herondas 2,62; schol. ad Theoc. Epigr. 14,51; Macarius 2,36), broth or soup (Eust. in Hom. Od. 1828,17 and Babr. 60) or even a chamber pot (matella: Petron. Sat. 58, cf. Sen. Apocol. 7,1). Also proverbial was the smallness of the animal (Hor. Epist. 2,3,139;cf. Ath. 14,616 d) and the lecherousness of the white mouse in particular (Cratinus 53; Epicrates 9 above all; cf. Ael. NA 12,10). The expression ‘mouse death ’(wvo¢ 6Ae0Q0¢/myods 6lethros) stands for a miserable death (Philemon 211; Men. Thais fr. 219 KORTE Ael. NA 12,10). In the epic parody > Batrachomyomachia (‘Frog-Mice War’), mice with characteristic epithets appear, among others, two knights by the name of ‘Ham Hollower’ (Pternoglyphos) and ‘Ham Gnawer’ (Pternotrokteés; cf. [2. 1,199]). In the fable too, mice are hunted by weasels (Aesop. 50 and 182; Phaedr. 4,2,6; Babr. 31), but they also defy large animals (Aesop. 151 and 155; Babr. 112). The fable of the rich but endan-

249

250

gered town mouse and her poor country relation, who however lived in relative safety, was famous (Hor. Sat. 2,6,80-117; Babr. 141, Aphthonius 26 H.). Essentially, mice were considered uncanny and in possession of demonic, mantic powers (Plin. HN 8,221; Ael. VH 1,11; lambl. Myst. ro), which was doubted by Cic. Div. 1,99 and 2,59. The common assertion that mice ate gold and iron (Theophr.; Plin. HN 8,222; Herondas 3,75f.; cf. Sen. Apocol. 7,1) is unclarified. Their gnawing on cult and other valuable objects (Plin. HN 8,222; Liv. 17,23,2 and 30,2,9 among others) was considered a bad omen, although in a few cases it was regarded as positive (Schol. Hom. Il. 1,39; Hdt. 2,141; Str. 13,1,48 as a sign of settlement in Chrysa). Mice flee houses about to collapse just in time (Plin. HN 8,103; Ael. NA 6,41 and r1,19 as well as Ael. VH 1,11; cf. Cic. Att. 14,9,1). Their squeaking (toitew) and dancing presages a storm (Theophr. De signis tempestatum 41; Gp. 1,3,13), as does their bringing of chaff into their burrow after fighting for it (Theophr. ibid. 49). Numerous uses in folk medicine are to be found in Plin. HN (B. 28-30). Humans only ate mice in cases of extreme hunger (Liv. 23,19,13; Val. Max. 7,6,3; Plin. HN

B. INDIVIDUAL CULT LOCATIONS Mouseia are attested all over the Greek world [9. 693-707]. In their earliest form they were simple

8,222; Frontin. Str. 4,5,20).

Mice were also frequently depicted in art, especially on cameos [3. table 16,16—23] and on coins [3. table 2,6-9], as well as in sculpture as an attribute of Apollo (Smintheus, e.g. according to Str. 13,1,48 at the foot of the statue carved by - Scopas in Chrysa) and of + Aphrodite. The relationship between a mouse on a Gallio-Roman altar in Reims [2. 1,195 and fig. 63] and the god below it has not been clarified. 1 F. S. BODENHEIMER,

Gaza on Animals, 1950

A. RABINOWITZ,

2KELLER

Timotheus

1,193-203

of

3F.

IMHOOF-BLUMER, QO. KELLER, Tier- und Pflanzenbilder auf Miinzen und Gemmen, 1889, repr. 1972. 4 WALDE/ HOFMANN 5 NILSsson, GGR 1°.

A. STEIER, s.v. M., RE 14, 2396-2408.

Mouseion

(Movoetov/Mouseion

C.HU.

sc. iegdv/hieron, pl.

Movoeta/Mouseia, Lat. museum). A. DEFINITION B. INDIVIDUAL CULT LOCATIONS C. THE MOUSEION IN ALEXANDRIA D. INFLUENCE

A. DEFINITION Sanctuary of the - Muses; a place to experience the powers of the Muses, celebrate them in cult or give them cultural expression. The Muses gave humankind memory and expression — the prerequisite for intellectual and artistic traditions — thus inspiring dance and music, song and poetry and the preservation of this tradition in cult and schools (+ mousiké as well as gymnastikeé sc. techné |9. 680-687]; + Education). Just as wide as the Muses’ sphere of influence was the range of meaning of the word mouseion in cult (‘cult association’, plural: ‘cult activities’) and education (‘school’, ‘textbook’, and as a title for books, > Alcidamas, Callimachus [3], pl. ‘school festival’) etc. [10. 797-799].

MOUSEION

open-air sanctuaries (+ Temenos with altar) on summits (Pieria, > Helicon, Athens) or near springs (Aga-

nippe on the Helicon, -» Hippocrene; — Cassotis in Delphi). The cult and the sanctuary could take various forms: At the Helicon in Thespiai, > Hesiod’s pre-eminence led to the establishment of a Hesiodic cult association in the 3rd cent. BC (IG VII 1785). Among various statues of legendary singers Pausanias saw the likenesses of Hesiod (Paus. 9,30,1-4) and the deified > Arsinoe [II 3] (ibid. 9,31,1); he also saw the tripod Hesiod had won and a lead tablet with his ‘Erga’, the only version that passed as authentic. Pausanias mentions a musical agon (ibid. 9,31,3f.) [9. 696-700]. Influenced by Alexandria, the cult at the Helicon in Thespiae mostly focuses on the Greek literary heritage. Foundations like the Mouseia on Thera and in Istria attest that in the 3rd cent. BC, the cult of the Muses was associated with hero cults and cults of the dead [4. vol. 1, 312f.; vol. 2a, 467]. In addition to building activities such foundations concerned themselves with financing and establishing a cult association (sy#odos) and with cult regulations (annual sacrificial meal); musical performances are not attested: the focus is on the memory of the dead of the deme or tribe. Little is known of the Mouseia in Athens. At the foot of the hill called Mouseion [II. 3.], Pausanias (1,25,8) saw an altar whose obsolete cult was associated with the death and funeral of Musaeus [1] (ibid. 1,19,5). The cult of the Muses and school life are closely related as well (Arr. Cyn. 35): Aeschines (1,10) names Mouseia

and Hermeia as the traditional school festivals of Athens; from Miletus, for example, we know that the election and installation of teachers was accompanied by sacrifices and oaths sworn to Apollo, the Muses and Hermes [16. 4-7]. Athenaeus (8,348d) mentions statues of Muses in the school building. In > Academia and Lycaeum here were Mouseia as well; according to [8. 108-129], however, it is unlikely that these schools were organised as cult associations. C. THE MOUSEION IN ALEXANDRIA The famous Mouseion in > Alexandria [1] was founded by > Ptolemaeus I as a universal research institution. The scope of the undertaking suggests construction continued under > Ptolemaeus II [11. 125-127]. Since there are no obvious models for this unique project, it must have grown out of the spirit of the Hellenistic monarchy or the personality of Ptolemy I. Through his closeness to + Alexander [4] the Great he had become familiar with the tradition of appreciating and patronising learnedness that the Macedonian court cultivated since the time of > Archelaus [1]. The famous relationship between Alexander and Aristotle exemplified the didactic aspect of this practise. Ptolemy I estimated learnedness so highly that he attempted to recruit from the Peripatos a tutor for the successor to the

MOUSEION

throne (+ Straton). This appreciation is also reflected in the role of > Demetrius [4] of Phaleron, a Peripatetic who had fled from Athens, as administrative counsel-

lor. In the Hellenistic context, the generous patronage of a monarch became a manifestation of his royal authority [15. 74-82] (— Literary activity).

In its organisation the Mouseion of Alexandria was a cult association with a priest, appointed by the king, as its highest official. The researchers at the Mouseion were members of the > association (Strab. 17,1,8); they

too were appointed and funded by the king [15. 75f]. Vitruvius (7, praef. 5) reports musical agones under Ptolemy II. The Mouseion was a research institution of universal scope. In addition to the > library of Alexandria, zoological and botanical collections, an observatory, a medical institute and workshops are either documented or have been conjectured; with the Serapeum Ptolemy III founded a branch library [11. 130f; 15. 82-86].

The library provided essential support to all disciplines. Its objective was to make available the collected knowledge

of the Oikoumene,

sometimes

in transla-

tion. (Manetho, Zarathustra: Plin. HN 30,4; LXX: letter of Aristeas). Anecdotes attest to the Ptolemaic

bibliomania (confiscation of books from incoming ships, appropriation of manuscripts of the tragic poets that had beeen loaned from Athens: Gal. in Hippoc. Epid. CMG

252

251

5,10,2,1,78f). The largest library in Anti-

quity allegedly held hundreds of thousands books (compilation of sources [12. 8-14, 37f.]; skeptical [z. 158]), yet instead of occupying its own building it was housed in various rooms of the Mouseion (exedra,

peripatos, as well as a wing for discussion and socialising: Strab. 17,1,8). The 120 volumes (= scrolls) of the

‘Pinakes’ by > Callimachus [3] indicate the enormous extent of the collection; these lists of Greek literature,

themselves a result of literary research at the Mouseion, are predicated on the existence of a thorough inventory. The location of the Mouseion is unclear; literary sources are too unspecific and archeological findings too incomplete to allow for more than erudite guesses [4. vol. 1, 7-15; vol. 2a, 12-31]. According to Strabo the Mouseion was part of the palace of Alexandria. The palace, however, extended over an enormous area (Strab. 17,1,8); it was destroyed and lay waste after AD 270 (Amm. Marc. 22,16; Epiphanius, De mensuris et

ponderibus 9, PG 43,252); with the coast line changed both by nature and by construction, the palace area was found intensive urban use since the roth cent. As it is assumed that in 47 BC the fire in the library started in the harbor, the library must have been situated in its proximity [4. vol. 1, 334f.; vol. 2a, 493f; 6. 26f (map), 49, 133], however, the evidence for such a catastrophe is not convincing [2. 130-140]. According to other hypotheses, the Mouseion should be placed further south [14. 159, 161; 7. 276 (map)]. From its foundation to the flight of many scholars during the throne disputes of 145 BC, the Mouseion enjoyed an immensely productive period. > Zenodotus

of Ephesus,

> Lycophron [5], - Alexander [21] of Aetolia, > Aristophanes [4] of Byzantium, > Aristarchus [4] of Samothrace, > Didymus [1] and - Dionysius [17] Thrax laid the ground for the study of + philology. The ties between court and Mouseion were close. The princes’ tutors usually were the directors of the library as well [4. vol. 1, 330-333; vol. 2a, 488-491]; anecdotes reflect the kings’ lively interest in scholarly activities (Ath. 11,493e-494b; 12,552C), there is evidence for literary activity of Ptolemy I, [land VIII. Some scholars produced outstanding poetry (Callimachus, Apollonius [2] of Rhodes, Eratosthenes [2]; cf. [15]). Euclides [3], Apollonius [13] of Perge and Archimedes represent mathematics, Eratosthenes [2] and Hipparchus [6] geography and astronomy, Herophilus and Erasistratus medicine. These disciplines gave rise to the tradition of Alexandrian scholarship. After the middle of the 2nd cent. BC, evidence for scholarly activity decreases. The alleged fire of 47 BC is implausible, as is the donation of 200,000 scrolls from the library of Pergamum (Plut. Antonius 5 8,3); the antiAntonian note apparently exploits the cliché of the two rivalling libraries. Athens, Rhodes, Antiochia [1] and budding Rome were other cultural centres competing with the Mouseion. Starting with Augustus the patronage of the Mouseion fell to the Roman emperor. Under > Claudius [III 1], rooms for the recitation the emperor’s historical writings were added, and under > Hadrian membership in the Mouseion became a sinecure. Grammarians like + Theon, > Tryphon and the outstanding > Apollonius [11] Dyscolus, the metrician > Hephaestion [4], the physician — Soranus, the mathematicians > Diophantus [4] and > Menelaus [6], and the astronomer and geographer Claudius — Ptolemaeus indicate that work in the traditional disciplines continued into the middle of the 3rd cent. AD. Reprisals under Emperor Caracalla (AD 216) led to a new wave of emigration; in the course of the military conflict between > Aurelianus [3] and > Zenobia the palace quarter was destroyed (c. 270). At the end of the 4th cent., the mathematician and astronomer > Theon is the last known member of the Mouseion, suggesting that at least after 270 the Serapeum had assumed the function of the Mouseion that ended with the devastation inflicted by a Christian mob under - Theodosius (391). Yet, + Origenes’ [2] writings reveal that the scholarly culture of the Mouseion enriched Christianity as well.

D. INFLUENCE The influence of the Mouseion is as complex as the term. Several general points: The scholarship of the Mouseion contributed significantly to the tradition of the OT and of Greek literature [13. 159-164; 3. 221227]. The mathematical-scientific research was. adopted enthusiastically in the Arab world; several writings are preserved only in Arabic or Syriac. In Renaissance and Absolutism, some aristocrats fashioned themselves

254

255

as patrons of the sciences and arts in the Hellenistic tradition and founded academies, universities and libraries. Although the modern museum has kept the Latinized name, it has its own tradition of church and

court life [5. 80-83, 159-171] that goes back beyond Hellenistic Alexandria and hardly to the Mouseion. However, the titles of scholarly periodicals like ‘Rheinisches Museum’,

‘Museum

Helveticum’

or ‘Eranos’

point to the ancient idea of communal research. Curiously, the names of two cartoon characters allude to two critical marks of Alexandrian philology: asteriskos and obelos. + Alexandria [1]; — Associations; — Astronomy; + Competitions, Literary; > Geography; > Grammarians; > Hellenism; —> Hellenistic Poetry; + Literary Activity (B. 3.); ~ Mathematics; > Mechanics; > Medicine; > Philology; > ALEXANDRIA; > MusEUM 1R. BiuM, Kallimachos und die Literaturverzeichnung bei den Griechen. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der Biobibliographie, 1977. 2 L. CANFora, Die verschwundene Bibliothek. Das Wissen der Welt und der Brand von Alexandria, 1998 3H. Ersse, Uberlieferungsgeschichte der

griechischen klassischen und hellenistischen Literatur, in: H. Huncer et al. (ed.), Die Textiiberlieferung der antiken Literatur und der Bibel, 1988 4 P.M. FRASER, Ptolemaic Alexandria, 3 vols., 1972 5M. FUHRMANN, Der euro-

paische Bildungskanon des biirgerlichen Zeitalters, 1999 6 G. Grimm, Alexandria. Die erste Konigsstadt der hellenistischen Welt, 1998 7 W.HOEPFNER, Von Alexandria uber Pergamon nach Nikopolis. Stadtebau und Stadtbilder hellenistischen Zeit, in: Akten des 13. Internationalen Kongresses

fiir Klassische

Archadologie

(Berlin

1988),

1990, 275-285 8 J. P. Lyncn, Aristotle’s School. A Study of a Greek Educational Institution, 1972 9M. Mayer, s.v. Musai, RE 16, 680-757. GrauPa, s.v. M., RE 16, 797-821 12 F. ScHmipT,

Die

Pinakes

des

+10E. MULLER11 PFEIFFER, KPI

Kallimachos,

1922

13 O. STEGMULLER, Uberlieferungsgeschichte der Bibel, in: H. HunGer et al. (ed.), Die Textiiberlieferung der antiken Literatur und der Bibel, 1988 14R. TOMLINSON, Alexandria: The Hellenistic Arrangement,

ticinesi di numismatica

in: Quaderni

e antichita classiche 25, 1996,

155-167 15 G. WeBer, Dichtung und hofische Gesellschaft. Die Rezeption von Zeitgeschichte am Hof der ersten drei Ptolemaer (Hermes ES 62), 1993

16 E. ZIEB-

ARTH, Aus dem griechischen Schulwesen. Eudemos von Milet und Verwandtes, 1914.

A. ADRIANI,

Repertorio

d’Arte

dell’Egitto

Greco-Ro-

mano, vol. C 1, 1966, vol. C 2, 1963; M. Er-ApBapt, Life

and Fate of the Ancient Library of Alexandria, 1992; H.-J. GEHRKE, Geschichte des Hellenismus, 1995; CH. Haas, Alexandria in Late Antiquity. Topography and Social Conflict, 1997; G. HOLBL, Geschichte des Ptolemderreiches. Politik, Ideologie und religidse Kultur von Alexander dem Grofen bis zur romischen Eroberung, 1994; W. F. Orro, Die Musen und der gottliche Ursprung des Singens und Sagens, 1955. AN.GL.

Mousike (uovowr/mousike sc. téxvy/téchné) encompassed the skills and arts imparted by the > Muses that were cultivated ‘for their own sake’. The origin of the word is unclear (perhaps since Lasus [1] of Hermione),

MUCIA TERTIA

first found in Pindar (Ol. 1,15) and Epicharmus (CGF

gt). In classical texts, it primarily refers to poetry, music and dance, then to training in the fine arts (PI. Resp. 401d), musical harmonics (Archyt. 47B 1 DK), as well as philosophising (Plat. Phd. 61a). There were contests in the fine arts in Sparta, Delphi, Argos beginning in ancient times; contests in mousike are found in Hero-

dotus (6,129), Thucydides (3,104) and, in parody, Aristophanes (Aristoph. Ran. 797). For the Pythagoreans (Archyt. l.c.; Plat. Prt. 318e), mousike belonged to the mathémata (‘mathematical sciences’) arithmetic, geom-

etry and astronomy. In the 4th cent. BC the concept of mousike narrowed, referring only to practical music (Aristot. pol. 8) and to the theory and study of music, thus also the Latin musica. In the late period there were various definitions and categories of mousike (Arist. Quint. 1,6-8 MB.; S. Emp. Adv. math. 6,1; Anon. Bellermann § 29). The noun téchné, always placed first, is not found until the concept became more narrow (P1.) a +» Music (IV.) 1 M. West, Ancient Greek Music, 1992,225 Téyvn — Techne, vol. 1, 1997, 145, 179-181

2R.LOBL, 3 F. ZAMI-

NER, M. Zur frihen Wort- und Begriffsgeschichte., in: A.

RIETHMULLER (ed.), Sprache und Musik, 1999, 157-163. PZ.

Muawiya (Mu ‘awiya, Greek Maviac/Mauias). Founder of the dynasty of - Umayyads, > Caliph AD 661680. From 634 onwards, the caliphs > Abu Bakr and later - Omar had already entrusted M. with various capacities as commander and governor in Syria. During his rule he consolidated this firm position internally, maintaining and incorporating the tribal structure. In foreign policy he built on earlier advances, particularly against North Africa and Byzantium, and achieved further military successes. Testimonials: Theophanes, p. 346-348, 355f. DE Boor. Alli M. Hinps, s.v. Mu‘awiya I, EI 7, 263b-268a.

H.SCHO.

Mucelli Ligurian peoples of the > Appenninus north of the Arno,

named after the settlement of Moukélleé (Movxédhn, Procop. Goth. 3,5) in the modern Mugello, upper Sieve valley, through which the road to > Faventia led. C. A. MasTRELLI, Sul nome del Mugello, in: SE 37, 1969, 109-126.

G.U.

Mucia Tertia Daughter of Q. Mucius [I 9] Scaevola, a close relative of Q. Caecilius [I 22] Metellus Celer and Q. Caecilius [I 29] Metellus Nepos. From 80/79 BC the third wife of Cn. Pompeius, with whom she had three children: Gnaeus, Sextus and Pompeia (Ascon. p. rof. CLARK). Pompey divorced M. late in 62, purportedly for her extra-marital affairs, specifically with Caesar (Plut. Pompeius 42,13; Suet. Iul. 50,1; Zon. 10,5), but

MUCIA TERTIA

255

256

probably for political reasons, on his return from the east (Cass. Dio 37,49,3) [1. 49-59]. According to Cicero, who had tried to woo M. to his side in early 62

Flor. Epit. 1,4,4—6; Plut. Poplicola 17; Vir. ill. 12; Zon. 7,12; Tzetz. Chil. 6,201-23), the best-known literary treatment of the subject is that of Livius (2,12,1-13,5). When — Porsenna besieged Rome in 507 BC, M. stole into his camp to kill him, but in error stabbed to death one of the king’s subordinates and was captured. Threatened by Porsenna in interrogation with burning to death unless he revealed the background to the act, M. extended his right hand into a basin of coals and let it burn in order to prove the insignificance of physical pain compared to the prospect of fame. Deeply affected by this, Porsenna set M. free and — informed by M. in thanks for his magnanimity that three hundred young Roman nobles intended to kill him — concluded a peace with Rome. Livy’s central idea, that ‘it is the Roman nature to act bravely and to suffer bravely’ (2,12,9f.), is echoed Valerius Maximus, who however gives as moti-

(Cic. Fam. 5,2,6), the divorce was generally approved

of at Rome (Cic. Att. 1,12,3). Soon afterwards, M. married M. Aemilius [I 38] Scaurus, with whom she had a

son of the same name (Cass. Dio 51,2,5; Ascon. p. rof. Ga):

In 40/39, M. mediated between Octavian (see > Augustus) and Sex. Pompeius (App. Civ. 5,69, 291; Cass. Dio 48,16,3), and after the battle of Actium in 31/30, she won from Octavian the pardon of her son, Aemilius Scaurus. 1S. HALEY, The Five Wives of Pompey the Great, in: G&R

32, 1985, 49-59.

H.S.

Mucianus Roman cognomen, first denoting adoption from the family of the Mucii. Especially widespread among the family of the Licinii, later also in other gentes. The most prominent bearers were L. Licinius [I 19] Crassus Dives M. (cos. 131 BC) and C. Licinius [II 14] M. 1 Decrassi, FCIR, 259

2 Ders., FCap,146

3 KajANTOo,

Cognomina, 18; 32; 158.

K.-L.E.

Mucius Name of a Roman gens (in inscriptions also Muucius, CIL I*, 584, Greek Movxtoc/Morkios). Tra-

dition tells us of the legendary C.M. [I 2] Cordus Scae-

vola; the great age of the family is perhaps demonstrated by the name Mucia Prata of a place to the east of the Tiber [1]. In the historical period (from the 3rd century BC) the family was plebeian and provided a series of significant lawyers (M. [I 5; 1 8-9]). One of M. [I 4]’s sons was adopted by a P. Licinius Crassus and as P. Licinius [I 19] Crassus Dives Mucianus founded the reputation of this branch of the family of > Licinii Crassi. 1 P. LIVERANI, s.v. Prata Mucia, LTUR 4, 161; CL. EILERs,

N. P. MILNER, Q.M. Scaevola and Oinoanda, in: AS 45,

1996, 73-88. I. REPUBLICAN

PERIOD

I. REPUBLICAN

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD

PERIOD

[I 1] M. According

to Plutarch (Ti. 18,1) the name of a people’s tribune took the place of C. Octavius who had Ti. > Sempronius Gracchus (Minucius, O. Mummius, App. B. civ. 1,54; 60 are

Gracchus 13,2; who in 133 BC been deposed by Oros. 5,8,3 and hardly credible). K-LE. [I 2] M. Cordus Scaevola, C. Early Roman hero, whose cognomen Scaevola (‘lefthanded’) refers to one of the best-known Roman legends. Presented as early as in Cassius Hemina (fr. 16 HRR; detailed treatment in Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 5,24,4-5,31; cf. also e.g. Val. Max1353,1; en. Dial. 133,41.5 Sen: Beni4.27.2- 7.05.25

vation for M.’s self-mutilation (not mentioned in Dion.

Hal., Joc. cit.) that his hand failed him when carrying out the deed. In reward for his actions M. is said to have been presented a piece of land on the far side of the Tiber, later described as Mucia Prata (cf. Fest. 131 L). Besides the literary sources, the staging of the legend in the Imperial period — munera with a criminal in the part of M. (Mart. 8,30) also attests to the general familiarity of the subject matter. 1 M. Detcourrt, Horatius Coclés et Mucius Scaevola, in: Hommages a W. Deonna (Coll. Latomus 28), 1957, 166—

180 2R. HEIKKINEN, A Moral Example in Seneca: C. Mucius Scaevola, the Conqueror of Pain, in: J. VAAHTERA (ed.), Utriusque Linguae Peritus. Festschrift T. Viljamaa, 1997, 63-72 3R. M. Ocitviez, Books 1-5, 1965, 262-266.

A Commentary on Livy, C.MU.

[I 3] M. Orestinus, Q. As people’s tribune in 64 BC, he supported the election campaign of > Catilina (probably because he belonged to the same family as Catilina’s wife Aurelia Orestilla) with attacks on Cicero, who shortly before he had asked for legal advice (Ascon. 85f.; 88 C.). MRR 2, 162. T.ER. [I 4] M. Scaevola, P. Elder son of M. [I 6]. As praetor urbanus in 179 BC, he is said to have investigated deaths by poison in and ten miles around Rome (Liv. 40,44,6). Consul in 175 with M. Aemilius [I 10] Lepidus. They shared a triumph over the Ligurians. In the Senate decree on the city of + Thisbe in 170 he was in first position as the highest-ranking witness (Syll.3 646), but failed in his application for censorship in the following year. M., like his father, was a significant legal scholar (Cic. Brut. 98). BauMAN, LRRP, 227-230.

P.N,

[I 5] M. Scaevola, P. Son of M. [I 4] and natural brother of P. Licinius [I 19] Crassus Dives Mucianus. As peo-

ple’s tribune in 141 BC he initiated an investigation into L. Hostilius [11] Tubero for corruption (Cic. Fin. 2,54; 4,77); praetor in 136. Already famous as a lawyer, as consul in 133 M. became one of the influential advocates of Ti. > Sempronius Gracchus’s reforms (Cic.

aS7

258

Acad. 2 2,13; Plut. Ti. Gracchus 9,1). In the decisive

306). His pupils included his son-in-law L. Licinius Cicero, who preserved numerous biographical details partly from personal recollection and made him a dialogue partner in De Oratore, De Re Publica and Laelius.

session of the Senate, he refused to proceed with violence against Gracchus (ibid. 19). Although he later legally justified Gracchus’s murder under the leadership of the pontifex maximus P. Cornelius [I 84] Scipio Nasica Serapio (Cic. Dom. 91; Cic. Planc. 88), he re-

mained an opponent of those senators who resisted reform, particularly P. Cornelius [I 70] Scipio Africanus (Cic. Rep. 1,31). Pontifex maximus after the death of his brother in 130, he ended the public posting of the annual records of the > pontifices (Cic. De or. 2,52; see — annales maximi). He died no later than 115. M. held that a good pontifex should also know civil law (Cic. Leg. 2,47). He was, together with M. Iunius [III x] Brutus and M.’ Manilius [I 3], the most significant ‘founder’ of Roman jurisprudence (Dig. 1,2,2,39) [2. 547]. He was a respondent and a cautelary lawyer (Cic. De or. 1,212), and also wrote ro legal ‘booklets’ (libelli) of uncertain content (4 fr.) [1]. 1 O. LENEL, Palingenesia iuris civilis, vol. 1, 1889, 755f. 2 WIEACKER, RRG, 547f., 585, 646. ine:

[I 6] M. Scaevola, Q. Became praetor in 215 BC, after

members of his gens had been absent from the ranks of the higher magistrates for a century. He was taken ill in the province of Sardinia and left the suppression of a rebellion to T. Manlius [I 19] Torquatus. Nevertheless, it seems, his office was prolonged again and again until 211. This may be invention; his consulship in 220 certainly is (MRR 1,235; 255). From before 218 until his death in 209 M. was decemvir sacris faciundis. Father of M. [I 4] and [I 7]. TAS. [I 7] M. Scaevola, P. Younger son of M. [I 6]. As praetor

in 179 BC he governed Sicily. In 174 he and Sp. Postumius Albinus became the successors of his brother M. [14] as consuls (MRR 1, 403). In the war with —» Perseus in 171 M. was assigned to the consul P. Licinius [I 14] Crassus in Thessaly; he led the centre of the battle line in the cavalry battle on the river Callinicus, together with allied elite troops (Liv. 42,58,13). ~ Macedonian Wars PN, [I 8] M. Scaevola, Q. (‘Augur’) Son of M. [I 7], c. 17087 BC; follower of > stoicism, son-in-law of C. Laelius [I 2] and moderate supporter of the reform efforts of Ti. and C. > Sempronius Gracchus. From 129 until his death, he was augur (hence the epithet in the sources to distinguish him from M. [I 9]). Only late (in 120) did M. become praetor and administrator of Asia. After his return in 119 he was denounced by T. Albucius [2] for extortion (> repetundarum crimen), but was acquitted

(the trial was caricatured by Lucilius [I 6]: Lucil. 2,5 594 M.; Cic. De or. 2,281; Cic. Orat. 149, Cic. Fin. 1,9).

Consul in 117, in roo BC opponent of L. Appuleius [I xr] Saturninus. M., like his relative M. [I 9], was considered an outstanding lawyer (Cic. Brut. 102), so that the surname Scaevola became proverbial (Cic. De or. 1,39; 2,144; Hor. Epist. 2,2,89; Amm. Marc. 30,4,6).

He only gave ~ responsa (legal opinions), however, and published no writings (Cic. De or. 1,200; Cic. Brut.

MUCIUS

[I ro] Crassus and (in later life)

1B. W. Frier, The Rise of the Roman Jurists, 1985, 143f.

2 WIEACKER, RRG, 546f.

[I 9] M. Scaevola, Q. (‘Pontifex’) Son of M. [I 5], whom he surpassed as an orator and a lawyer, c. 140-82 BC. In c. 110 he bevame quaestor, four years later people’s tribune (Cic. Brut. r61). As aedile (in about 104) he organised magnificent games (— munus) with lion fighting (Cic. Verr. 2,4,133; Cic. Off. 2,57; Plin. HN 8,53). Praetor no later then 98, in 95 he became consul with his contemporary L. Licinius [I ro] Crassus. A shared law (Lex Licinia Mucia) made provision for the investigation of the illegal acquisition of Roman citizenship by Latini and Italici and their return from Rome to their home communities (Cic. fr. 7,21 SCHOELL with Ascon. 67 C.; Cic. Sest. 30; Cic. Balb. 48; Cic. Off. 3,473 Sall. Hist. 1,20 M.) and this contributed substantially to the outbreak of the > Social Wars [3]. In 94 he took on the governorship of Asia for nine months. His administration (together with his legate P. > Rutilius Rufus) was considered so evenhanded that it became exemplary (Cic. Div. Caec. 57; Verr. 2,2,27; Diod. 37,5) and

games were organised by the Greeks in his honour (Movxieva/Mucia, Cic. Verr. 2,2,51; IvOl 327; IGR IV

188; [3. 141-149]); as a reaction in a show-trial in 92 a court controlled by equites condemned M.’s legate Rutilius for alleged extortion (Cic. De or. 1,229; Cic.

Brut. 115). In 93 M. lost to Crassus in the causa Curiana (see below). From 89 pontifex maximus, M. also remained under the control of L. Cornelius [I 18] Cinna in Rome and pleaded for conciliation with L. Cornelius [I 90] Sulla; in 86 he barely escaped an attack by C. Flavius [I 6] Fimbria. In 82 he was assassinated — probably because of alleged sympathies for Sulla — by L. Iunius [I 15] Brutus Damasippus as the most prominent sacrifice of the Civil War (Cic. De or. 3,10; Cic. Brut. 311 et passim). 1 E. BADIAN, Q.M. Scaevola and the Province of Asia, in: Athenaeum N.S. 34, 1956, 104-123 2 Idem, Studies in Greek and Roman History, 1964, Index s.v. Mucius 3 K. J. RicsBy, Provincia Asia, in: TAPhA 118, 1988,

123-153.

K-LE. and T.G. [I 10] M. Scaevola, Q. Augur and people’s tribune in 5 4 BC, who in the fight against electoral manipulation repeatedly blocked the political business of the day by reporting negative > omina on the strength of his sacred responsibilities (obnuntiatio; Cic. Att. 4,17,43 Cic. Ad Q. Fr. 3,3,2). Later he was legate of Appius Claudius [I 24] Pulcher in Cilicia. Fragments of poetic aspirations survive (Plin. Ep. 5,3,5). M. H. DETTENHOFER, Perdita Iuventus, 1992, 23; MRR 2, 223; SCHANZ/Hostus, vol. 1, 311. T.FR.

MUCIUS

259

Il. IMPERIAL PERIOD {11 1] T.M.Clemens Roman eques whose career is recorded in an inscription found near the ancient city of Dor, to the north of Caesarea [2]. It is controversial, however, whether his career is arranged in a rising or

falling order. He served the king Herodes [8] Agrippa I or Iulius [II 5] Agrippa II in a military function. He was + adiutor of Ti. Tulius > Alexander [18], praef. cohortis primae Lepidianae and adiutor under one Ti. Claudius [--—] procurator Augusti. The sequence, however, could also be reversed. A part of his career falls either in the Claudian or the Neronian period (on the text of the inscription see AE 1967, 525; SEG 33, 1266); discussion of the problems in [1. 257ff.].

260

divine revelations (+ Qur’an) brought by the angel ~» Gabriel [1] and the ‘seal of the prophets’. A belief in M. as God’s messenger is an integral part of the Islamic faith. M. was influenced by a tribal society that was undergoing social restructuring, with certain monotheistic

CIL IX 4444; AE 1992, 380). He owned land in the

ideas and currents beginning to appear in its polytheistic religion (~ Monotheism). In 610, when he was already a respected merchant, M. had his first experience of revelation. He was met with massive disbelief and antagonism (e.g., he was called a magician, soothsayer, possessed). Moreover, similarities were pointed out to Jewish and Christian themes, which, however, he explained by reference to a shared ‘original document’ (Jews and Christians as possessors of the document; + Qur’an). Following initial self-doubts, he became utterly convinced of his calling and mission, although he first saw himself primarily as an admonisher communicating the contents of the ‘original document’ in the Arabic language. His first followers were members of his family. Because of opposition from the inhabitants of

region of Amiternum [1. 344]. PIR* M 694.

Mecca, most of whom refused to abandon polytheism,

1 L. Borro, Iscrizioni Greche e Latine per lo studio della Bibbia, 1994.

{11 2] C.M.Scaevola Son of a Gaius, grandson of a Quintus (CIL IX 4414), from an ancient republican family. He participated in the secular games (see + saeculum) of 17 BC (CIL VI 32323, |. 107; 150; 167;

he emigrated to Medina in 622, the first (lunar) year of the Islamic calendar, along with a group of followers

1 A. M. ANDERMAHRR, Totus in praediis, 1998.

{11 3] P.M.Verus Equestrian tribunus militum Legionis III Gallicae in Syria, censitor (tax official) in the province of Thracia around the year 211/2 AD PIR* M 696.

Muezzin (mw’addin). Islamic prayer caller who summons

Muslims from the minaret (~» Mosque) for the

five daily compulsory prayer sessions. The office was established by the prophet - Muhammad in early Islam. In later times, the duties of the muezzin extended to the recitation of religious texts. The call (or rather song) to prayer comprises among other things the phrase Allahu akbar (‘God is great’), the profession of faith, and the actual summons to prayer (‘come to prayer!’). Today the call to prayer is mostly announced from a loudspeaker via a cassette recording. + Islam; + Monotheism Tu. W. JUYNBOLL, s.v. adhan, El 1, 187a-188b.

H.SCHO.

Mugilla (Liv. 2,39; Ethnikon Moywdavol, Dion. Hal. ant. 8,36,2). Oppidum in Latium at Corioli. The gens of the Papirii Mugillani (> Papirius) presumably originated there. Its precise location is unknown. GU.

Mugillanus Roman cognomen in the family of the Papiril, probably denoting origins in > Mugilla. KaJANTO, Cognomina, 182.

Muhammad Mouadmed, (born

about

KLE:

(Muhammad,

Greek

Movdéued/

Mwduet/Modmet).

Founder

of — Islam

AD

570

in Mecca,

died

AD

632

in

Medina). Muslims believe that M. was the recipient of

(> Hejira, ~ Yatrib). The residents of Medina wanted

him to settle tribal disputes, and it was at this time that M. began his work as a statesman, leading the community. The rift with Jews and Christians also occurred during this period. Numerous disputes, including military conflict, with the residents of ~ Mecca strengthened his position, finally culminating in victory in 630. The first major pilgrimage (> Kaaba) took place in 632 with a large number of followers. At the time of M.’s death (632) all of the tribes of the Arabian peninsula had converted to Islam. He had left no provisions for succession (— Caliph), and from his first marriage only four daughters survived (> Fatima). His words and deeds were soon documented in numerous ‘traditional works’ which, following the Koran, offer behavioural guidelines for Muslims. The sometimes exaggerated accounts of M.’s life contained in the biographies of the prophet by Muslim authors were distorted in polemics during the European Middle Ages: M. was said to be not a prophet, but a fraud, a heretic; the revelations were not divine, Islam was Christian heresy

(as in [Ps.?-]> Iohannes

[33] of Damascus,

~» Theophanes). Not until the end of the roth cent. did Western biographers present a more objective portrait based on serious study of the sources. > Islam T. ANDRAE, Muhammad, sein Leben und sein Glaube, 1932; F. Bunt, A. T. Wevcu et al., s.v. Muhammad, EI 7, 360b-387a; M. Coox, Muhammad, 1983; R. Paret, M. und der Koran, 71991; W. M. Wart, A. T. We_cu, Der Islam 1, 1980, 47-149. H.SCHO.

261

262

Mulberry Tree ( or 6 ovxdutvoc/sykdminos with the fruit ovxdapwov/sykaminon; o. Aiyuntials. Aigyptia

tando), classical derivations of the name originate mostly from the destructive power of fire, which is meant by the verb mulcere (as in Serv. Aen. 8,724;

= sycamore (fig): Theophr. Hist. pl. 4,2,1-2 = Plin. HN 13,56, from Hebrew sigmah, cf. Dioscorides 1,27 WELLMANN = 1,181 BERENDES; or nogéa/moréa, LOoOv/ moron; acc. to Ath. 2,51b, the Alexandrians called it

LOQ0v/moron; Lat. morus, morum, the same name they used for the > blackberry bush). The tree of the Moraceae family has white catkins and came to Greece from the Near East; according to the quotes at Ath. 2,5 1c-d,

it was first mentioned by Aeschylus (frr. 116 and 264) and Sophocles (fr. 363 NaAuck*), and later by other Greek poets as well. Theophr. Hist. plant. gives many details: the flower is woolly (1,13,1) and connected to the pericarp in the middle (1,13,4); the wood is ‘hot’ (53,43 = Plin. HN 16,207), durable (5,4,2) and tough; because of its pliability it is good for making garlands and other decorations (5,6,2; cf. Plin. HN 16,227); in shipbuilding, the wood is used for parts that need to be bent (5,7,3); the smooth, fast-ripening fruit (Theophr. Caus. plant. 1,17,1) tastes at first astringent, then bitter

and sweet (6,6,4). A witty Athenian compared Sulla, who tended to blush easily, to the fruit of the mulberry tree that turns red as it ripens (Plut. Sulla 2,2: Sulla is the fruit of the mulberry tree sprinkled with flour). In Rome, Virgil (Ecl. 6,22), Horace (see below) and Ovid (Met. 4,90 and 127: the white berry turns purple red when stained with the blood of the dying Pyramus) appear to be the first to be familiar with the mulberry tree. Pliny has many details, e.g. grafting the scion of an apple tree on mulberry stock supposedly produces bloodless apples (Plin. HN 15,52); the mulberry tree is late to bud, but does so rapidly and its fruit ripens fast (ibid. 16,102 after Theophr. Caus. plant. 1,17,2; cf. Plin. HN 15,96f); propagation by means ofcuttings, taleae (Plin. HN17,124). In antiquity, only the black mulberry, Morus nigra L., was known; its sweet and sour berries ripened and decayed quickly, but, when picked fresh in the morning, they were popular as an easily digestible and healthy refreshment (Hor. Sat. 2,4,22; Ath. 2,5rf, cf. Gal. De alimentorum facultatibus 2,11). Eaten raw they were considered medicinal, e.g. for tonsillitis. The bark of the roots of the mulberry tree was used for expelling tapeworms (Dioscorides 1,126 WELLMANN = 1,180 BERENDES), the juice was taken internally against scorpion stings (Plin. HN 23,139), the leaves were used for dyes and medicinal purposes (e.g. for applying to snake bites: Plin. HN 23,139). A. STEIER, s.v. M., RE 14, 2331-2338; V. HEHN, Kulturpflanzen und Haustiere (ed. O. SCHRADER), *1911, repr. 1963, 387-393.

C.HU.

Mulciber M. was an epithet for > Vulcanus documented on an inscription (CIL XI 5741 from Sentinum) and in literature (amongst others Plaut. Epid. 34, Ov. Met. 2,5 and Sil. 4,668). Besides erroneous constructs (Serv. Aen. 8,724: quod mulcatus pedes; Donat. in Ter. Hec. 1,1,8: quod mutilatus; Don. in Ter. Ad. 1,2,10: a mulc-

MULE

Macrob. Sat. 6,5,2; Donat. in Ter. Hec. 1,1,8). The deri-

vation a molliendo scilicet ferro in Fest. 129 L. points to Vulcan as the god of fire and metal-working. The inscription CIL V 4295 (Brixia) which interprets the name M. and the ‘mildness’ of Vulcan as being synonymous (Volk[ano] miti sive Mulcibero) shows that Vulcan’s power over fire and his validity as the protector from the danger of fire may be mirrored in the epithet. F. MIELENTZ, s.v. M., RE 16, 494-495.

JOS.

Mule A. INTRODUCTION

B. MULES

IN THE ECONOMY

C. USE IN THE MILITARY AND FOR TRAVEL D. MULE DRIVERS E. MULES IN CULTURE AND RELIGION

A. INTRODUCTION Hybrids of a male ass and a mare (mule: fytovoc/ hémionos; Latin mulus/mula; also doebc/orevs from 600¢/6ros, ‘mountain’) or of a stallion and a female ass (hinny: ytvvoc/ginnos; Latin hinnus/hinna) are frequently mentioned in ancient literature. In antiquity, just as in the Middle Ages and in the early modern period, mules had great significance in > agriculture and transportation. Besides horses, which were put to intensive economic use in western Europe from the 11th

cent. until the beginning of the zoth cent., in pre-industrial societies mules were excellent draught animals if a heavy load had to be carried, a long distance covered or a certain speed attained. For transporting people and goods there was no comparable means of transportation. Faster than an ox (> Cattle), ‘nobler’ and more efficient than an ass (+ Donkey), more resistant and less susceptible to diseases than a > horse, a mule combined numerous qualities already recognised in antiquity. Mules in particular inherit from the horse and the ass valuable properties, such as a considerable size, a supple musculature, a beautifully straight back, firm hooves, a sure foot, a gentle character and excellent persistence. It can carry a load on its back of half its own weight, and harnessed to a light cart its trot is regular and comfortable for passengers; for riding, a mule is surer than a horse on difficult terrain. In an investigation into the productivity of mules and other important draught animals, a working day of 6 to 8 hours with a plough yielded for a mule an average force of 260 N. at a speed of 1-1 m/s. This is half the performance of a horse (520 N.) at the same speed and twice that of anass (130 N.) at a speed of less than 1 m/s. Palaeozoologically it remains difficult, even taking into account odontological and osteological criteria, to clearly distinguish mules from smaller horses or larger asses. In addition it is not easy to clarify for particular regions (such as the northwestern provinces of the Imperium Romanum) whether mules were bred there or

MULE

264

263

imported. The claim that mules were used in the Roman army is not true at least for the Belgica province, where no legion was stationed, but reliefs with illustrations of mules have been found. These may be animals rejected by the Roman army, or animals bred in the region. B. MULES IN THE ECONOMY Mules are mentioned incidentally as early as in

Homer: mules, a gift from the Mysians to Priam, pull a four-wheeled vehicle, and one of Penelope’s suitors breeds mules in Elis (Hom. Il. 24,277f.; 24,324; Hom. Od. 4,63 5ff.). Longer expositions on mules and hinnies can be found in writings on natural history (Aristot. Hist. an. 577b; Aristot. Gen. an. 748a; Plin. HN 8,167; 8,170-175) and in veterinary treatises (Vegetius, Mulomedicina). High prices were often paid for teams of mules (Isaeus 6,33: 800 and 550 drachmai; cf. Mart. 3,62,6). Mules were put to use in various areas of the ancient economy; according to Pliny, mules were excellent working animals (animal viribus in labores eximium, Plin. HN 8,171). In agriculture mules were used

for working the land and for transporting agricultural (Hom. Il. 10,351ff.; 24,782f.; Hom. Od. 8,125). Mules were also used for transporting tree-

produce

trunks in mountainous areas as well as firewood (Hom.

Il. 17,742-744; 23,120f.). In Roman poetry there are similar descriptions for urban contexts: in Rome mules transported marble blocks and carried the kill home from hunting (Mart. 5,22,7; Hor. Epist. 2,2,72; 1,6,58ff.). Asses, mules and old horses turned mills (Apul. Met. 9,10-13). On the canal by the via Appia near Terracina boats were towed with the help of mules (Strab. 5,3,6; Hor. Sat. 1,5,13ff.). Mules are well attested as working animals both on Attic black-figure vases and in Roman mosaics (Ostia) and funerary reliefs (primarily in Gaul and Germany, e.g. in Igel). In Roman > agrarian writers their use in agriculture and for transportation is a very important aspect. Columella stresses that in rearing mules attention should be paid to the firmness of the hooves, so that they could later go long distances; the males would be better suited as draught animals but both sexes equally usable for transportation and ploughing; oxen would be preferable for this only on difficult ground (annicula mula recte a matre repellitur, et amota montibus aut feris locis pascitur, ut ungulas duret, sitque postmodum longis itineribus habilis. Nam clitellis aptior mulus. Illa quidem agilior: sed uterque sexus et viam recte graditur, et terram commode proscindit; nisi si pretium quadrupedis rationem rustici onerat, aut campus gravi gleba robora boum deposcit; Colum. 6,37,11). In Varro there is a clear distinction between the mulus (mule) and the smaller binnus (hinny) (Varro Rust. 2,8,6); mules and hinnies according to Columella were likely to resemble their respective mothers (Colum. 6,37,5). Mule breeding was an important branch of animal

and asses was not known, there was wide practical experience. The male asses from Reate and Arcadia were considered particularly well suited to mule breeding; for such studs (admissarii) high prices were often paid (Varro rust. 2,1,14; 2,6,1; 2,8,3). The covering of mares

for the purpose of breeding mules was a subject of interest for agronomists and was described by them in detail (Varro Rust. 2,8,2ff.; Colum. 6,37,8ff.). C. USE IN THE MILITARY AND FOR TRAVEL The ancient army had a great need for mules for the transportation of supplies; it should be recalled that 600 mules and 300 camels were loaded with Darius [3] IIP’s treasure, and 7,000 mules were taken as

booty by Alexander [4] the Great (Curt. 3,3,24; 3,13,16; cf. 8,7,11). Inthe Roman army mules were put to use as draught animals and harnessed to waggons of weapons, supplies and catapults (Liv. 7,14,7; 10,40,8; 10,41,63 25§,36,73 42,1,9; Caes. BG 7,45,2; illustrations survive on Trajan’s Column and the Column of Marcus Aurelius; > Monumental column). Mules also had great significance for ancient travel (Sen. Epist. 87,4; 87,7f.). Ina Roman inscription from Aesernia a mule is mentioned as a mount and depicted with a saddle (CIL IX 2689 = ILS 7478). The > cursus publicus used vehicles pulled by mules for official purposes (Cod. Theod. 8,5,8); up to 8 mules in summer and up to ro in winter were harnessed to a four-wheeled vehicle (raeda) with the weight of the load limited to 1,000 librae (Roman pounds). A two-wheeled vehicle pulled by 3 mules carried a load of up to 200 librae. The limit on the load was due not to a technical weakness of land transport, but rather to logistical considerations. Mules were normally harnessed with a yoke across their backs or their necks; based on the evidence from reliefs the two forms of harness cannot always be accurately distinguished (+ Land transport). D. MULE DRIVERS Mule drivers (muliones) were active in the areas of mule transportation, hiring and even buying and sell-

ing; they are attested for Pompeii by a wall inscription (ILS 6412a) and in Potentia in common with asinarii (ass drivers) were members of a collegium (CIL 101.43 = ILS 7293; cf. also the collegium mulionum in Sarsina); Claudius Maximus’s mulio dedicated a votive inscription to Epona in Carnuntum. A poem by Virgil (Verg. Catal. 10) gives a detailed description of the life of a mulio; this poem may refer to P. Ventidius Bassus, who in his youth is said to have dealt in mules (Gell. 15,4).

E. MULES IN CULTURE AND RELIGION

Mules also played an important role in funeral processions. In the late archaic period + Exekias depicted a team of mules on a clay tablet in a tomb (Berlin, SM; BEAZLEY, ABV 146,22), and on coins from the year AD

erature

husbandry, and was described in detail in specialist lit(Varro Rust. 2,8; Colum. 6,36-38; 7,1). Al-

37 there is a picture of the mule-drawn carriage on which Agrippina’s [2] ashes were taken to Rome. Like

though the zoological conditions for crossing horses

asses, mules were connected with

Dionysus/Bacchus,

266

265

and also with > Selene, who rode a female mule (Paus. 5511,8).

In antiquity mules, like asses, were generally valued little and despised; the sterility of mules was proverbial (cum mula pepererit; Suet. Galba 4,2). It was considered an ill omen if a mule foaled (Hdt. 3,15 1-155; Liv. 26,23,5). There is, however, also an indication of a positive perception of mules; according to Varro the sight of a team of mules could be thoroughly enjoyable (ut oculos aspectu delectare queant; Varro Rust. 2,8,5; cf. Sen. Epist. 87,8). In Greek games there were mule

races (axiyvn/ apené); they were introduced during the 7oth Olympic Games (500 BC), but withdrawn again in the 84th Games (444 BC) because they lacked evstgemera (euprépeia, ‘dignity’; Pind. O. 5; 6; Paus. 5,9,1-2). In Rome, chariot races with mules took place on 15 December in the Circus Maximus. 1 PH.

ArmitAGE,

H.

CHAPMAN,

Roman

Mules,

in:

London Archaeologist 3, 1979, 339-346

2R. BARON-

cinI, L’asino, il mulo et il bardotto, 1987

3 N. BENECKE,

Archaozoologische Studien zur Entwicklung der Haustierhaltung, 1994 4 W. Eck, Superiumentarii et muliones, in: ZPE 90, 1992, 207-210 5 A. E. Hanson, P. J. SIJPESTEIJN, P.Oxy XVI 1919 and Mule-Breeding, in: ZPE 87, 1991, 268-274 6 J. LABARBE, Les mulets des Mysiens, in: AC 57, 1988, 40-45 7 R.H. Meapow, H. P. UERPMANN (ed.), Equids in the Ancient World, vol. 2, r991

8M.

MOoLIN, Une production a l’origine des progrés dans les transports a |’€poque romaine: la mulasserie, in: D. Garcia, D. Meeks (ed.), Techniques et économie antiques et

médiévales, 1997 9 G. RAEPSAET, Attelages antiques dans le nord de la Gaule, in: TZ 45, 1982, 215-273 10S. TRAMONTI, Trasporti terrestri nell’Appennino in epoca romana, in: Rivista storica dell’antichita 20, 1990, 69-96

11 P. VIGNERON,

Le cheval dans I’Antiquité gréco-ro-

maine, 1968.

GR.

MULOMEDICINA

CHIRONIS

M. SCHUSTER, s.v. Verbascum, RE 8 A, 970-973.

—C.HU.

Mullus The striped mullet (Mullus surmuletus) and red mullet (M. barbatus), popular for eating, were called totyAn/triglé or Latin m. (for an ocean fish wbAdoc/ myllos: [1]). Mention is made ofthe red colouring (Sen. Q Nat. 3,18; Opp. Hal. 1,130; Athen. 4,135b and 7,325), the beard strands on the lower lip (Plin. HN 9,64; Cic. Parad. 5,38: barbatulus; Cic. Att. 2,1,7; Varro Rust. 3,17,7: barbatus) as well as a gluttony that does not shrink even from floating corpses (Ael. Nat. 2,41; Opp. Hal. 3,432-442; Aristot. Hist. an. 7(8), 2,591a 12f.). Aristotle also noted their numerous caeca (anogvadsec/apophyddes, ibid. 2,17,508b 17), their large shoals (&yedotovagelaioi; ibid. 6,17,570b 21f.) and the fact that they stayed in shallow inlets near the coast, along with other fish (ibid. 7(8),13,598a 9-12). The assertion in Aristot. Hist. an. 5,9,543a 5 (= Plin. HN 9,65; Athen. 7,324d; Ael. Nat. 10,2) that they spawned three times each year was corrected in Aristot. Hist. an. 6,17,570b 22. In addition to the coasts near Miletus and Thasos (Athen. 7,320a and 325e), the coasts of Corsica and Sicily near Tauromenium (modern-day Taormina) were regarded as good fishing grounds (uy. 5,92ff.). Mullus was particularly popular as an excellent fish for eating (Plin. HN 9,64) during the rst cent. BC and the first cent. AD, and large ones commanded exorbitant prices (cf. Hor. Sat. 2,2,33f.; Sen. Epist. 95,425 Plin. HN 9,67; Mart. 10,37,7f. and 11,49,9; luv. 4,15; Suet. Tib. 34,1). Thus a— rather unsuccessful — attempt was made to farm them in fish ponds (Cic. Att. 2,1,7; Colum. 8,17,7; Mart. 10,30,24). Since the mullus turns red as it dies (cf. Petron. 35,4 and 93,2), it was killed before the eyes of dinner guests (Plin. HN 9,66 and 32,138; Sen. Q Nat. 3,17,2 and 18,1-4).

Mulius (MovaAtoc; Modlios). [1] of Elis, son-in-law of > Augeias, to whose daughter ~» Agamede he is married; he is killed by Nestor (Hom.

Leer 72 Site) [2] Herald of Penelope’s suitor Amphinomus of Dulichium; he serves the suitors in the house of Odysseus (Hom. Od. 18,423).

LK.

Mullein (Aduoc/phlémos, Latin verbascum), a member, according to a good description in Dioscorides 4,103 WELLMANN = 4,102 BERENDES (cf. Plin. HN 25,120f.; Isid. orig. 17,9,94), of the Scrophulariaceae family, occurring in two kinds, one with white and one with black leaves (Verbascum sinuatum L.). Of the white one Dioscurides distinguishes a male form (V. thapsus L., Common Mullein) from a female one (V. plicatum Sibthorp). Their roots are said to be effective e.g. as an astringent for diarrhoea. According to Plin. HN 26,23, drunk with water it helps with swollen tonsils. Black mullein is mentioned by Theophr. H. plant. 9,12,3 only in comparison with a kind of poppy. Three further kinds in Dioscorides belong, according to BERENDES, to a genus of the Labiatae.

Pliny regarded mullus as a folk remedy for a variety of poisons (Plin. HN 28,82; 32,25 and 32,44 against stingrays, pastinaca). The ash of its head was said to heal sores on the buttocks (ibid. 32,104), the ash from its salted flesh cured carbuncles (ibid. 32,127). A mullus killed in wine supposedly led to an aversion to wine (ibid. 32,138). A mirror that had become blind because menstruating women had looked into it was said to become usable again if the women carried a mullus with them (ibid. 28,82). A mullus was sacrificed at the Artemisia as well as to > Hecate (Athen. 7,325a). Those who were initiated into the Eleusinian > Mysteries and the high priestess of Hera in Argos were forbidden to eat mullus (Ael. Nat. 9,65, cf. 9,51). Illustrations are found in [2. figs. 120, 124 and 1é6r]. 1 WALDE/HOFMANN

2 KELLER, vol. 2, 336; 3543 364f.

A. STEIER, s.v. M., RE 16, 496ff.; DDARCY W. THOMPSON, A Glossary of Greek Fishes, 1947. C.HU.

Mulomedicina Chironis The MC which was allegedly written by the centaur Chiron (Chiron Centaurus) and

was published for the first time in 1901, represents An-

MULOMEDICINA CHIRONIS

267

268

tiquity’s most important work on veterinary medicine. Its subjects are the illnesses of horses and mules which are treated by largely dispensing with medical theories (there are traces here and there of methodological con-

+ coercitio from time immemorial, of people’s tribunes and plebeian aediles presumably from the 5th cent. BC. According to ancient accounts the lex Aternia Tarpeia (454 BC) or the lex Menenia Sestia (452 BC) [3. 98ff.]

cepts). There are parallels here with human medicine as well as in surgical treatment which is sometimes described in detail. The origin of this collection, comprising ro bks. in its present state, lies hidden in the past. In spite of many misunderstandings, Vegetius, in his Dige-

limited the size of such multae (multa suprema) to 2

sta artis mulomedicinalis, makes use of the first 6 bks.

(thus providing a terminus ante quem at the end of the 4th cent. AD). Greek sources are mentioned partly by name or else are completely unknown, and partly preserved in the Hippiatrika, most notably Apsyrtus [2]. The lack of a systematic structure and bad linguistic form which even Vegetius criticises have possibly suffered further by being handed down through the ages. We have only two closely related MSS from the late r5th cent. for reconstructing this text, which is of fundamental importance for the study of Vulgar Latin; a new version is urgently needed. ~ Veterinary medicine

sheep and 30 oxen. It is unclear whether the limit was considered to be for an individual multa on one person or for all the multae an official might impose in the course of one day [6. 159f.], or whether it might not be exceeded in the case of repeated renewal on the same person for continued disobedience [3. roof.]. In 430 BC the lex Iulia Papiria (3. 248ff.] is supposed to have fixed the conversion into > aes rude (1 sheep = 10 asses, I Ox = 100 asses); accordingly the multa suprema amounted to 3,020 asses. By the 2nd cent. BC, owing to the depreciation of money, even the multa suprema was no longer a heavy penalty. The multae fixed in numerous laws (e.g. lex Silia de Ponderibus, lex Acilia Repetundarum) could even exceed the multa suprema, but as a

(ed.), Bibliographie des textes médicaux latins (BTML).

rule could not be more than half the wealth of those being penalised. In individual cases, because of very high fines, condemned people voluntarily accepted > exilium [1.15]. Some municipal codes threatened multae for disobedience against municipal officers. Coercive multae secured e.g. successful supervision

Antiquité et haut moyen Age (with a preface by M. D.

of markets by the aediles, observance of summonses,

GrMeEk; Mémoires du Centre Jean Palerne 8), 1987, 409-

free activities of people’s tribunes and compliance with regulations for the use of water. Multae also served asa means of disciplining e.g. officials or priests [4. 546]. An official might exceed the multa suprema, if he was bringing a formal charge in a public trial (multam irrogare). It is disputed whether in a case of exceeding the multa suprema in the context of coercion a > provocatio ad populum was available [10. 1455; 8. 29f.]. Multa cases were conducted either before the > comitia tributa or in the case of prosecutions by people’s tribunes and plebeian aediles before the > concilium plebis. For the curule aediles grounds for prosecution were e.g. profiteering in food and usury, exceeding the limits set by the lex Licinia Sextia (357 BC) for land ownership [6. 493ff.], trespassing on pastures and offences against morality. In the late Republic these cases were instead heard before > recuperatores or a > quaestio. In people’s tribune multa cases infringements against them were punished and former magistrates were called to account. Collecting multae was the duty of quaestors; the money raised was used e.g. for building roads and for the construction and maintenance of sacred buildings.

EpiTIon: E. Oper (ed.), Claudii Hermeri m. Ch., r9o0r. LITERATURE: G. SABBAH, P.-P. CorSeTTI, K.-D. FISCHER

422; K. Hoppe, Die Chiron-Frage,

1933; Id., s.v. Mulo-

medicina, RE 16, 503-513; K.-D. FISCHER, in: HLL, vol. 5, § 513; W. SACKMANN, Eine bisher unbekannte Handschrift der M. Ch. aus der Basler Universitatsbibliothek,

in: Zeitschrifte fiir Wissenschaftsgeschichte 77, 1993, 117-119; A. ONNERFORS, Das medizinische Latein von Celsus bis Cassius Felix, in: ANRW II 37.1, 1993, 227392, esp. 370-380; J. N. Apams, Pelagonius and Latin Veterinary Terminology in the Roman Empire, 1995. KL.FL.

Mulsum see

> Mead

Multa A. Concept

B.ReEpuBLIC

C. IMPERIAL PERIOD

D. SPECIAL CASES

A. CONCEPT In Roman Law a multa was a fine which was mostly imposed for non-compliance with a magistrate’s orders and unlike the private > poena or a reparation payment ( damnum) was received not by an injured party but by a public fund (Populus Romanus, municipium, temple etc.; the verb multare, by contrast, covered every form of penalty). As multae were originally paid in cattle, until the end of the Republic every multa had to be formally payable in cattle (multa iusta, Gell. 1,11, 4), although in fact money was paid. B. REPUBLIC Autonomously imposing multae (multae dictio) was the responsibility of patrician magistrates, with the exception of quaestors, within the framework of

C. IMPERIAL PERIOD Numerous offences [2. 985] were punished by multa in ~ cognitio proceedings (on the competence [4. 552f.]); the upper limits depended on the rank ofthe deciding official. The plaintiffs or delatores often received a share of the multa. Appeal to a higher official (Paul. Dig. 50,16,244) or to the emperor was possible. Unlike criminal punishment (> crimen), multae did not lead to - infamia (Cod. Tust. 1,54,1).

270

269

D. SPECIAL CASES Fines determined by private persons for the sale of their tomb, unauthorised burials or desecration of the tomb come under the heading of sepulcral multae, which is not attested in sources [5. 82ff.]; a multa could also be specified for infringing a testamentary disposition (Pomp. Dig. 35,1,6 pr.). ~» Aediles; > Tribunus 1 R. A. BauMAN, Crime and Punishment in Ancient Rome, 1996

2U. BRASIELLO, M. (Diritto romano), in: Novis-

simo Digesto Italiano 10, 1964, 984f. 3D. FLacu, Die Gesetze der friihen r6mischen Republik, 1994 4 W. HELLEBRAND, s.v. M., RE Suppl. 6, 542-555 5M. KasEr, Zum romischen Grabrecht, in: ZRG 95, 1978, 15-92 6W.

KuNnkKEL,

R.

WITTMANN,

Staatspraxis

der

rémischen

7 MomMssn,

Strafrecht

Staatsordnung

Republik,

vol.

2,

und

1995

8B. SaNTALUCIA, Verbrechen

und ihre Verfolgung im antiken Rom, 1997 9 B. SCHMIDLin, Das Rekuperatorenverfahren, 1963, 71ff. 10D. V. StmoNn, s.v. M., KIP 3, 1975, 1454-1456.

R.GA.

Multilingualism I. Concept NEAR EAST

IJ. GREECE AND ROME

III. ANCIENT

I. CONCEPT

‘Multilingualism’ refers to two different things: on the one hand the ability of an individual to use several languages, on the other hand a situation where, within a social group, several languages are used (— linguistic contact). As a result, research into multilingualism can look at multilingual individuals or a multilingual society; accordingly, points of contact arise to psychoand neurolinguistics on the one hand or to sociolinguistics and historical linguistics (descriptive) as well as language policies (normative) on the other hand. The delicate and often also politically charged question how language and dialect can be differentiated will not be looked into here. In terms of the multilingual individual, the basic question is what type of linguistic competency should be present before one could speak of multilingualism. In general parlance, a person is considered bilingual when, in the ideal case, they master two mother tongues equally well; in contrast to that approach and following U. WEINREICH, research into language contact looks at actual linguistic behaviour and refers to persons as multilingual when they regularly use several languages. To that end, a typology of linguistic competency must be developed; the differentiation is primarily in relation to whether the linguistic skills were acquired in a formal manner (i.e. in dedicated language classes) or an informal one, and furthermore in relation to how extensive linguistic competency is: active and/or passive, verbal and/or written. Psychoand neurolinguistics put the question whether the two language systems within an individual exist separately alongside each other (which could possibly be determined at the neural level) or whether they have access to a common, maybe semantic, repertoire (co-ordinated versus compact, ‘compound’ multilingualism).

MULTILINGUALISM

By analogy, social multilingualism is present when several languages are used within a group. Various scen-

arios are possible, e.g. the drawing of political borders without any consideration for the linguistic landscape, autochthonic or immigrant minorities, conquests or colonisation. Mostly, the status and prestige of the two (or more) relevant languages tend to differ. If there exists within a group, independently of the linguistic origin of individual members, a consensus on which of the two languages is afforded the higher prestige and which is adequate for refined communication requirements (official discourse, but most of all domains of the > written language), and if furthermore there is a complementary relationship between the two (perhaps language A as an official language, language B as the family language), then one could speak of diglossia according to J. FisHMAN (but cf. > diglossia for other definitions of this term); this would be the most frequent form of social multilingualism. But this does not actually say anything about individual linguistic competency; it is conceivable that a large number of people within such a society are multilingual (according to FISHMAN: ‘Diglossia co-existing with bilingualism’), but also that the linguistic groups within a society remain strictly separated and only communicate with the help of interpreters/— translators (‘diglossia without bilingualism’) — or also that an asymmetrical relationship exists, namely that one group is bilingual, but not the other. This is particularly frequent in situations of colonisation: The foreign upper class establishes its language as the official one while the indigenous population retains their own language and additionally acquires that of the conquerors

(— Hellenization,

— Latinization,

> Ro-

manization). II. GREECE AND ROME A. GENERAL

B. CONTACT

C. SPRACHBUND

PHENOMENA

D. PIDGIN

LANGUAGES

A. GENERAL In the Roman Empire, there was an unusual situation in that both Greek and Latin were recognized, developed written and literary languages of high prestige. It is wellknown that, for an educated Roman, written and spoken knowledge of Greek was part of the indispensable cultural know-how: — Ennius grew up trilingual (Latin, Greek, Oscan); Latin senatorial historiography used Greek; Latin literature is based on the foundations of Greek genres. Plautus and Terence are unthinkable without Menander, Virgil without Homer, Horace without Archilochus. The Romans made no serious attempt to establish Latin as the only official language of the empire — in the East, Greek served as the language of administration, and inscriptions were often accompanied by a Greek translation (cf. the > Monu-

mentum Ancyranum: the only preserved purely Latin version is earmarked for the Roman colony of Antioch). For specifically Roman official terms, standard renderings were introduced (e.g. LeBaotdc/Sebastos for Lat. Augustus).

MULTILINGUALISM

The same did not apply to speakers of Greek; while we know of many that they were fluent in Latin (Plutarch, Dionysius [18] of Halicarnassus), knowledge of Roman literature can only be demonstrated rarely, and late (e.g. Nonnus). More than a few Romans wrote Greek,

but

the

reverse

272

271

is infrequent

(Claudianus,

Ammianus Marcellinus). The evidence of bilingual glossaries on papyrus also indicates that there were more Romans in command of at least written Greek than Greeks who had a knowledge of written Latin. However, a society does not consist of men of letters only; it can be assumed that for a speaker of Greek who wanted to make a career within the Roman administration or the Roman military, knowledge of Latin would have been clearly useful and, in practice, would have been present to a certain degree. Otherwise, the occurrence of numerous Latin loan words in the everyday Greek vocabulary could not be explained (oméxhov, wavixoy, 44e50c). Thus, one is able to say that there

were two languages of prestige that claimed different domains. These two have their counterparts in a whole range of local languages for which, however, there is only scant evidence. Most of which died out in the long run; yet a certain upswing can be observed from the 3rd/4th cents. AD (original or revised written form of languages such as Coptic, Aramaic and Gothic as languages of Christianity). B. CONTACT PHENOMENA In multilingual societies, a whole range of phenomena can be observed and described linguistically (and in part their effects may be predicted: interferences, such as ‘speaking with an accent’; reduced linguistic competency, ‘code-switching’, i.e. a change of languages within one statement). Yet it is contact phenomena that are of interest for historical linguistics, in particular when they do not remain on the level of the parole (the occasional expression of the moment), but become ha-

bitual, i.e. when one language influences another. Depending on the sociological situation, one differentiates traditionally between substrate, superstrate and adstrate influences. Substrate influences would be those where the displaced language of the conquered leaves traces in the language of the conquerors: The Greek words ending in -ww00¢/-inthos, which are not based on Indo-European roots, are regarded as substrate words (for example Goduw0oc/asdminthos, ‘bath tub’); for several phonetic peculiarities of Romance languages which are distinctly separated from Latin (/u/ > /ii/ e.g. in French, /f/ > /h/ > /@/ e.g. in Spanish, etc.), substrate influences (Celtic or Basque) are likewise assumed. Superstrate traces would be corresponding cases where the conquerors assimilated linguistically to their subjects, but where some elements of their earlier language were transferred into the new one; one example are the French- (more precisely: Anglo-Norman-) speaking Normans in England; in a certain way, and with reservations, also the Romans in the Greek-speaking East. Occasionally, one distinguishes a cultural superstrate;

thus, the Lat. words in German that go back to the time of the Roman conquest (such as Pfund (‘pound’) < pondus) would be superstrate words, but those that were

adopted at the time of Humanism from literary Latin — e.g. university terms such as ‘to immatriculate’ — would be words of the cultural superstrate. Corresponding examples can also be found in Latin, cf. terms such as philosophia, for which no Latin loan translation could establish itself, in contrast to grammatical terms such as casus for mt@owc. What remains for adstrate influences are those influences based on geographical proximity. This somewhat schematic division into three parts is, of course, too coarse to do justice to the manifold historico-social situations of linguistic contact, but in practice has proven its worth as a heuristic aid. Foremost among the linguistic levels on which the influence of other languages can have an effect is that of vocabulary; thus this area has also been researched most intensively both in principle as well as in terms of individual languages. But influences also occur at other levels up to the adoption of elements of word formation (Modern Greek -aonc or German -er for the formation of nomina agentis from Lat. -arius).

C. SPRACHBUND An extreme case is the emergence of a Sprachbund, i.e. a linguistic convergence area —a prominent example is that on the Balkans, whose ‘members’ (to which belong, according to the communis opinio, Romanian, Albanian, Macedonian and, with certain reservations,

Modern Greek), while deriving from different origins (Romance, Slavic etc.), have common features which differentiate them from other closely related languages, if they exist, and from their own predecessors, if they are known: e.g. the postposition of the article (not in Modern Greek), the syncretism of the genitive and the dative, the loss of the infinitive, the formation of the future tense with the verb for ‘to want’, etc. Such a construct can hardly develop other than under the conditions of widespread individual multilingualism; historically, the emergence of the linguistic convergence area in the Balkans is probably due to a similar phenomenon applying to Latin and Greek.

D. PIDGIN LANGUAGES

An even more far-reaching consequence of a multilingual situation lies in the emergence of new languages, namely Creoles from Pidgin languages. A Pidgin is a language that is nobody’s mother tongue, but that functions as a medium of communication for speakers of different, mutually unintelligible languages. Actual examples include the English, French, Portuguese or Dutch which, drastically reduced in terms of grammar and capacity of expression, developed as lingue franche between the relevant seafaring nations and the autochthonic population, as e.g. in Africa or in the Pacific. If specific historical conditions apply (deportation of this population into slavery), such Pidgin languages can develop into independent languages called Creoles; in fol-

274

273

lowing generations, these become mother tongues and tend to rapidly develop a grammar, different levels of style, and communicative potential. Both for Modern Greek (J. FRGSEN) and the Romance languages (H. SCHUCHARDT),

the question has been raised whether

their origin is based on a process of pidginization, namely that they may have to be understood as Creoles based on Classical Greek or Latin. In that case, Modern

Greek would bea

strongly reduced Greek ‘as spoken by

Slavs’. However, since no such fundamental break of

continuity in the spoken language can be demonstrated, and also since the beginnings of linguistic innovations, pointing from Ancient to Modern Greek or from Latin to the Romance languages, can be traced back very early in both languages and by no means just in colonial regions and, furthermore, can be traced back to natural typological tendencies within the original languages, these views must be rejected as untenable in light of today’s level of knowledge. ~ Bilingual inscriptions; Loan-word; > Language contact; > Language change; > Translations; > Translators E. BANFI, Linguistica balcanica, 1985; J. BECHERT, W.

WILDGEN,

Einfuhrung in die Sprachkontaktforschung,

1991; V. BINDER, Sprachkontakt und Diglossie, 2000; A.

Bupinszky,

Die Ausbreitung der lateinischen Sprache

uber Italien und die Provinzen

des romischen

Reiches,

1881, repr. 1973; E. CosERiIu, Das Problem des griechischen Einflusses auf das Vulgarlatein, in: G. Narr (ed.), Griechisch und Romanisch, 1971, 1-15; W. DIETRICH,

Griechische und Romanische Parallelen und Divergenzen in Entwicklung, Variation und Strukturen, 1995 (= Mun-

stersche Beitrage zur Romanischen Philologie 11); C. FERGusoN, Diglossia, in: Word 15, 1959, 325-340; J. FisHMAN, Bilingualism with and without Diglossia, Diglossia with and without Bilingualism, in: Journal of Social Issues 23, 1967, 29-38; J. FROSEN, Prolegomena to a Study of the Greek Language in the First Centuries A.D., 1974; H. Guiuck, Schriften im Kontakt, in: H. GUNTHER, O. Lupwie (eds.), Schrift und Schriftlichkeit/Writing and its Use, vol. 1 (Handbuch zur Sprach- und Kommunikations-

wissenschaft

10.1), 1994, 745-766; H. Kioss, Uber

‘Diglossie’, in: Deutsche Sprache 4, 1976, 313-323; J.

KRAMER (ed.), Glossaria bilinguia in papyris et membranis reperta, 1983; Idem, Der kaiserzeitliche griechischlateinische Sprachbund, in: N. REITER (ed.), Ziele und Wege der Balkanlinguistik (= Balkanologische Ver6ffentlichungen 8), 1983, 115-131; G. KREMNITZ, Diglossie/ Polyglossie, in: U. AMMon, N. Ditrmar, K. J. MatrHEIER (eds.), Sociolinguistics I (= Handbicher zur Sprachund Kommunikationswissenschaft 3.1), 1987, 208-218; G. KrEMnIv7zZ, Diglossie, in: H. GoEBL et al. (eds.), Kon-

taktlinguistik I (= Handbiicher zur Sprach- und Kommunikationswissenschaft 12.1), 1996, 245-257; P. MUHLHAUSLER, Pidgin and Creole Linguistics, 1986; G. NEvMANN, J. UNTERMANN (eds.), Die Sprachen im romischen

Reich der Kaiserzeit, 1981; P.v. POLENZ, Fremdwort und Lehnwort sprachwissenschaftlich betrachtet, in: P. BRAUN (ed.), Fremdwortdiskussion, 1979, 9-31; B. ROCHETTE, Le latin dans le monde grec, 1997; U. WEINREICH, Sprachen in Kontakt, 1977. V.B.

MULTILINGUALISM Ill. ANCIENT NEAR East

A. MESOPOTAMIA/SYRIA/PALESTINE

B. EGYPT

C. Asta MINOR

A. MESOPOTAMIA/SYRIA/PALESTINE Bilingualism is one of the essential characteristics of Babylonian culture. Texts from as early as the 26th/25th cents. BC show a co-existence of Sumerianand Akkadian-speaking parts of the population, with Akkadian apparently dominating in northern Babylon. Interference phenomena between ~ Sumerian and + Akkadian point to close, continuous contact. The Sumerian cuneiform script, which soon started to use signs for syllables alongside those for words, was used as early as the 26th/2 5th cents. BC for rendering Akkadian in writing. In this context, the extensive use of Sumerian word signs and forms (Sumerogrammes) can largely cover up the linguistic relationship. The link between Sumerian and the written culture becomes obvious with the bilingual training of the Babylonian > scribes (> school) and fosters the spread of Sumerian far beyond its original linguistic borders (> Ebla); in scholarship (lexicography; -> lists) and literature, the use of Sumerian continues up to the end of cuneiform records in the late rst millennium BC, even though it had not been spoken as a living language since the early 2nd millennium. The establishment of Akkadian as a lingua franca as well as a language of public administration and of documents in the whole of Asia Minor often led to situations of linguistic contact and of multilingualism — not just in the circles of scribes. The distribution and degree of individual bilingualism vary and require separate investigations (> Amorite/Akkadian, > Hurrian/Akkadian, + Canaanite/Akkadian). Similar to Sumerian in earlier times, the Babylonian dialect of Akkadian gains great prestige as a language of literature; the Assyrian royal inscriptions are composed in Babylonian; by the same token, the early Urartian inscriptions (> Urartian) use Assyrian. The Akkadian dialects of the rst millennium only show a limited influence of > Aramaic, which spread across the whole of Asia Minor and also began to be used as a language of administration alongside Neo-Assyrian/Late Babylonian. The Achaemenid language of administration was > Elamite, which had existed in written form since time immemorial; the new type of cuneiform script (+ Ancient Persian cuneiform) developed for Old Persian (+ Iranian languages) remains restricted to official inscriptions (+ Trilinguals). Aramaic, being understood in large parts of the empire, ultimately prevails as a lingua franca and language of the bureaucracy; the lasting connection between the written form and the Aramaic language is documented by the use of Aramaic ‘logogrammes’ in the Middle Iranian dialects. + Amarna letters; > Bilingual texts; ; > Cuneiform writing; Rosetta stone L. Caeni (ed.), Il Bilinguismo a Ebla, 1984; H. Kocn, Es kiindet Dareios der Konig ... , 1992, 13-28; M. KREBER-

MULTILINGUALISM

276

275

NIK, Die Texte aus Fara und Tell Abu Salabth, in: P. ArrinGER, M. WAFLER (eds.), Mesopotamien. Spaturuk-Zeit

und Frithdynastische Zeit, 1998, 235-427; W.VON SODEN, Zweisprachigkeit in der geistigen Kultur Babyloniens, 1960.

DA.SCH.

dere Form sprachliche Kommunikation, in: G. BINDER et al. (ed.), Kommunikation durch Zeichen und Wort (Bochumer Altertumswissenschaftliches Colloquium 23),

1995, 11-39; J. TISCHLER, Calque-Erscheinungen im Anatolischen, in: J. JASANOFF et al. (ed.), Mir Curad. Studies in Honor of C. Watkins, 1998, 677-84. E.RL

B. EGYPT

In view of the Egyptian practice of establishing settlements of foreign population groups, multilingualism can be assumed already for early times, at least in some persons. Yet concrete textual evidence for their Nubian, Libyan or Sea People’s language, for example, is lacking. Only the occasional linguistic peculiarities of Egyptian documents from these settings can provide vague hints pointing to scribes whose mother tongue is not Egyptian. Multilingualism becomes discernible in a more concrete fashion during the Persian period, from which are known, for example, people with Egyptian names and some Egyptian lexemes in Aramaic documents. The most extensive documentation comes from the time of the Ptolemies with their frequently mixed archives of Greek/Demotic documents. Especially magical MSS of the Roman period are multilingual, with Demotic, Old Coptic and Greek elements occurring in the same find context. ~» Hellenization; > Nubian H. D. Betz, The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation, 1992; M. Depauw® A Companion 1997.

to Demotic

Studies, JO.QU.

C. As1A MINOR In regard to multilingualism, the sources from Asia Minor of the Hittite period mainly provide an insight into the conditions at the royal court of Hattusa and in the archives of the city. Acquaintance with Akkadian and Hurrite texts was an integral component of the scholarship of Hittite scribes and is reflected in the - bilingual inscriptions and the translation literature (translations of Mesopotamian texts into Hittite). For the correct execution and transmission of rituals, knowledge of - Hattic, > Hurrian and > Luwian was necessary; numerous technical terms are derived especially from these languages. Hattic expressions even found their way into the protocol at the Hittite royal court. Yet only Luwian influenced the Hittite language in a lasting way. It can be assumed that the proportion of the Luwian-speaking population increased over time, and was finally predominant in the 2nd half of the 13th cent. Thus, official Hittite documents of this time have a large number of Luwian word forms, sometimes even with Luwian inflections. This phenomenon occurs to an even greater degree in some less official texts, as e.g. in the pregnancy incantations KUB 44.4+ and Bo(ghazkéy) 13.91 (unpublished). E. Neu, Zum Wortschatz des Hethitischen aus synchroner und diachroner Sicht, in: W. Metp (ed.), Studien zum indogermanischen Wortschatz, 1987, 167-88; Id., Mehr-

sprachigkeit im Alten Orient — Bilinguale Texte als beson-

Multiplum Technical term used in ancient numismatics to describe multiples of a particular denomination or of a larger format minting from precious or non-precious

metals. Frequently multiplum is used erroneously as a synonym for the term ‘medallion’; the latter, however, excludes any function as a means of payment, whereas multipla are a fundamental part by weight of the current coin system. In the Greek sphere, the > oktadrachmon and the + dekadrachmon can be spoken of as multipla, as their minting can as a rule be seen in connection with particular events. In Rome we encounter the + binio (double; [5. no. 409]), the > quaternio (quadruple) and the octonio (octuple) as multiples of the > aureus; at the turn of the 3rd cent. to the 4th there are also multiples of two and a half [5. no. 582], five [5. no. 592] and ten [5. no. 586] aurei; as multipla of the solidus, pieces of one-and-a-quarter [5. no. 666], one-anda-half [5. no. 635], two [5. no. 631], three [5. no. 650], four-and-a-half [5. no. 638] and nine [5. no. 629] were minted. In silver, from the period of Domitian multipla of five [5. no. 251] and eight [5. no. 244] denarii (> denarius) exist, from the Severian period seven [5.

no. 393] denarii and from the Constantinian period four > siliquae [5. no. 660]. The minting of multipla in Rome took place only on special occasions, which are often revealed in the pictures or legends of the coins. In the 4th cent. they gained particular significance as representative gifts, with the person of the emperor and the glorification of his deeds being pushed more and more to the centre of the pictorial theme. As largitiones (- liberalitas) or disguised tributes to barbarian princes they — often mounted or with handle —also made their way into hoard finds from outside the Roman Empire. Among the most significant items are a c. 84—solidus piece of Valens from the Szilagysomlyo treasure with a weight of 412.72 g and ac. 48-solidus piece of ValentinianusI with a weight of

242.49 8. 1M. R.-Atréip1, Antike Numismatik, 1978 Dee Bastien, Monnaie et donativa au Bas-Empire, 1988 3 F. GNECCHI, I medaglioni Romani, r912 (repr. 1970) 4 G6BL

5 J.P.C. Kent, B. OvERBECK, A. U. StyLow, Die

romische Miinze, 1973 Medallions, 1986.

6J. M. C. ToynBEez, Roman H.-J.S.

Mulucha River in - Mauretania, rising in the High Atlas and flowing into the Mediterranean to the east of the western

Cape

— Metagonion

[1], modern

louya. Initially it divided Mauretania

Mou-

and Numidia

(+ Numidae), from 46 BC the Western Mauretanian

kingdom of Bogudes [2] Il and the Eastern Mauretanian kingdom of Bocchus [2] II, from AD 42 Mauretania

277

278

Tingitana and Mauretania Caesariensis and from the time of Diocletian (— Diocletianus, with map) the dioceses of Hispaniae and Africa. Plin. HN 5,19 erroneously places the mouth of the M. between Portus Magnus (modern Bettioua) and Quiza (modern El-

special burial in > canopic jars from the 4th dynasty (Queen Hetepheres, mother of Cheops); removal of the brain from the Middle Kingdom. In the New Kingdom mummification practice was fully developed; the technology reached its high point at around 1000 BC. Ideally mummification took 70 days, of which the dessication of the body with bicarbonate of soda and salt took 40 days; this was followed by embalming with resins, consecrated oils, wax, and other spices, in the Graeco-Roman period occasionally also with bitumen. Mummies were lavishly wrapped with linen bandages, often with the addition of numerous - amulets and occasionally also with > papyri and a net of pearls. Externally mummies were given head masks (rarely made of gold, > Tutenchamun), painted body overlays and foot parts. In the Graeco-Roman period there is evidence for less careful mass production (e.g. many thousand animal mummies), often with outstanding bandaging and furnished with stucco masks and > mummy portraits, as well as with small inscribed name plates (mummy labels). In the Coptic period (up to the 7th cent. AD) only superficial preservation was common, among other things with bicarbonate of soda. There were also major differences based on the social position of the deceased; according to Herodotus 2,85—90, in the 5th cent. BC there were three types of embalming, graded according to quality and price. + Burial; > Dead, cult of the

Benian). F, WINDBERG, s.v. M., RE 16, 514-516.

W.HU.

Mulvius Uncommon Latin gens name. Bearers were the (otherwise unknown) builder of the pons Mulvius (> pons Milvius; late 2nd cent. BC) and a M.M. who as triumvir nocturnus was condemned in 241 BC for appearing too late with his colleagues to fight a fire on the via sacra (Val. Max. 8, 1 damn. 5).

K-LE.

Mummia [1] M. Achaica Granddaughter of Q. Lutatius [4] Catulus, cos. in 78 BC, and proneptis (‘great-niece’) of L. Mummius [I 3] Achaicus, the conqueror of Corinth (Suet. Galba 3,5). M. was married to — Sulpicius Galba, cos. in 5 BC; her son was later the emperor + Galba [2]. PIR? M 712. [2] M. Laevilla Senator’s wife with an estate in Apulia (CIL IX 220; AE 1980, 279). She presumably belonged to the Mummii Sisennae family [1. 347]. PIR* M 713. 1 A. M. ANDERMARR, Totus in praediis, 1998.

[3] M. Nigrina Wife of L. (?) Antistius Rusticus, who

died in Cappadocia in c. AD 93; she took his ashes from there back to Rome. For her relatives cf. [1. 459f. no. 558]. PIR* M714. 1 RAEPSAET-CHARLIER.

W.E.

Mummies Human or animal corpses that have been preserved through natural conditions or artificial measures and are thus protected from decay. The Arabic word mumiya means asphalt pitch/ bitumen; in the Middle Ages it was used to refer to Egyptian mummies covered with a tar-like embalming mixture. In Egypt, natural mummies primarily occurred in the pre-dynastic period (4th millennium.) through dessication in pit burials (crouched burials) in the hot desert sand. More lavish interment, e.g. in coffins, led to the decay and decomposition of corpses. Since the existence of a completely preserved and hence fully functional body was regarded as an essential precondition for the afterlife, artificial preservation measures became necessary. The aim was to make the corpse look as lifelike as possible — among other things by positioning it supine, by wrapping the body with bandages to give it shape, and by covering face and body with painted stucco or cardboard. The practice of mummification and the fitting out of mummies were subject to many changes: experimentative phases in the early dynastic period and in the Old Kingdom (e.g. defleshing the skeleton before wrapping it); removal of the internal organs and viscera, and their

MUMMIUS

A. T. CHAMBERLAIN, M. PARKER PEARSON, Earthly Remains; C. ANDREWS, Egyptian Mummies, 1984; R. GERMER, Mumien, Zeugen des Pharaonenreiches, 1991; H. pe MEULENAERE, s.v. Balsamierer, LA 1, 610; A. T. SANDISON, s.v. Balsamierung, LA 1, 6ro-614; D.

ARNOLD, s.v. Balsamierungshalle, LA 1, 614f.; H. ALTENMULLER, s.v. Balsamierungsritual, LA 1, 615-617; W. HELck, s.v. Bitumen, LA 1, 825; F. PoEHKE, s.v. Diodor, LA 1, rogsf.; W. WesTeNDoRE, s.v. Eingeweide, LA 1, 1205f.; W. HELcK, s.v. Harze, LA 2, 1022f.; K. MARTIN, s.v. Kanopen II, Kanopenkasten, LA 3, 316-320; K.-T. ZAUZICH, s.v. Kartonage, LA 3, 352; K. WEEKS, s.v. K6énigs-Mumie, LA 3, 535-538; W. HELckK, s.v. Leichentuch, LA 3, 995f.; H. STERNBERG, s.v. Mumie, LA 4, 213216;J.QUAEGEBEUR, s.v. Mumien-Etiketten, LA 4, 216f.; H. Wrepe,

s.v. Mumien-Portrats,

LA 4, 218-222;

R.

GuNDLACH, s.v. Natron, LA 4, 358f.; R. GERMER, s.v. Ole, LA 4, 552-555; H.-J. TuissEn, s.v. Paraschist, LA 4,

910; G. VITTMANN, s.v Taricheut, LA 6, 233-236; R. Fucus, s.v. Teer, LA 6, 289-293; D. KESSLER, s.v. Tierkult, LA 6, 571-587. B.G.L.

Mummius Name of a Roman plebeian family of little political significance except for L. M. [I 3], the destroyer of Corinth. KLE. I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD II. IMPERIAL PERIOD I. REPUBLICAN

PERIOD

{[1] According to + Pomponius Bononiensis and ~ Novius [I 1], who presumably lived about 90 BC, M. revived the —> atellan farces, which had laid dormant for some time (Macrob. Sat. 1,10,3). His Old Latin me-

MUMMIUS

279

280

tre (use of iambic shortening) and language (abl. testu)

He appears to have died soon after and the Senate apparently gave his unmoneyed daughter a dowry (Frontin. Str. 43,15). Cicero mentions M. as a mediocre and old fashioned speaker (Cic. Brut. 94). The epithet Ach-

suggest that he probably did not write later than the Augustan period, during which other dramatic genres were also revived. In any case, atellan farces were common again in the early Imperial period and considered offensive because of their mocking verses (Tac. Ann. 4,14; Suet. Tib. 45; Suet. Cal. 27; Suet. Nero 39; Suet. Galba 13; Iuv. 6,71). No titles have been pre-

aicus (Posidonius FGrH

87 F 60 = Plut. Marius

1,1;

Suet. Galba 3,4) probably arose in a later family tradition.

cestors for having established the exuberant feast of

1 L. PretirA-CastrEN, Some Aspects of the Life of Lucius M. Achaicus, in: Arctos 12, 1978, 115-123 2 J. WISEMAN, Corinth and Rome I, in: ANRW II 7.1, 1979, 438-

Saturnalia in winter (Macr. Sat. 1,10,3; CRF 331).

548.

served; in two verses, M. praises the wisdom of the an-

W. KROLL, s.v. Mummius Hostus, vol. 1, 253.

(5), RE

16, 524; SCHANZ/ JU.BL.

[1 2] M., L. As a people’s tribune he interceded together with his colleague Q.M. (probably his brother or a relative) against the anti-Scipionic activities of + Cato [1], but retracted his veto after having been intimidated by the latter (Liv. 38,54,5.11-12). In 177 BC he was praetor in Sardinia. In 146/5, as a member of acommittee of decemviri, he visited the Balkans. P.N. {1 3] M., L. the conqueror of Corinth. Roman senator and general, son of M. [I 2]. As praetor of Hispania ulterior, he successfully fought in 153 BC against the Lusitanians, after an initial defeat (App. Ib. 236-242), and celebrated a triumph the next year (App. Ib. 243). In 146 he was consul together with Cn. Cornelius [I 33] Lentulus (MRR 1, 465f.) and took over the almost completed war against the Achaeans from Q. Caecilius [1 27] Metellus. He defeated them on the Isthmus and conquered the city of — Corinth (Paus. 7,16; lust. 34,2,1-6), which was first plundered (Zon. 9,31) and, after the arrival of the decemviri, destroyed on the Senate’s instructions (Liv. Pr.52; Vell. 1,13,1; reservations regarding the extent [2.491-496]) with the surviving inhabitants being sold into slavery (Paus. 7,16,8; lust. 34,2,6). M. remained in 145 in Greece as proconsul (Syll.> 683, l. 55) and supervised the reordering of the province with a senate commission, with the historian + Polybius acting as an advisor. Finally, M. went on a tour (Pol. 39,6,1) during which he set up votive offer-

ings in many sanctuaries (e.g., IG V 2, 77; VIL 1808; 2478) and was honoured by the towns (e.g., Syll.3 676: Olympia).

After returning to Rome, he held a triumph (probably late in 145) over Achaea and Corinth (Cic. Mur. 31; Liv. Per. 52). For the first time, theatrical performances in the Greek style were presented at the /udi triumphales (Tac. Ann. 14,21,1). He also built a temple for Hercules Victor on Mons Caelius, which he had vowed during the war (ILS 20 = ILLRP 122; against an association with his censorship 142 [1.

119]). He dona-

ted the works of art taken from Corinth to towns in Italy and even Spain (Liv. Per. Oxyrhynchia 53; Strab. 8,6,23; inscription: ILS 21a-d).

In 142/1 M. was censor together with P. Cornelius [I 70] Scipio Aemilianus (MRR 1, 474f.) and incurred the anger of his colleague because he softened the latter’s strict measures (Cass. Dio fr. 76; Val. Max. 6,4,2).

[I 4] M., Sp. As a senator he was overshadowed by his brother M. [I 3]. He reached the praetorship, but not higher. In 146 BC he accompanied his brother as legatus on his Greek campaign (Cic. Att. 13,5,1 et passim). Together with P. Cornelius [I 70] Scipio Aemilianus and L. Caecilius [I 20] Metellus Calvus he belonged in 140/139 BC to the Senate delegation that travelled in the Orient and Greece (Iust. 38,8,8; Cic. Rep. 3,48).

His intellectual interests were more significant. Although Cicero (Brut. 94) considered him a ‘mediocre’ speaker, some of his speeches had been preserved. Their strict brevity was the result of Stoic doctrine (mentioned in the ‘Stoic inscription’ IG II/IIP 1938, |. 40 is uncertain despite [r]). In 146 he wrote humorous verse epistles to his friends in Rome (Cic. Att. 13,6,4), which are

often considered precursors of the satires of > Lucilius [I 6] (e.g., [2]). Because he was one of the closest friends of Scipio Aemilianus (Cic. Rep. 1,18; Cic. Lael. ror) probably since the delegation — he participates in the dialogue of Cicero’s De re publica. 1 BARDON

1, 68

2 U. Knocue,

Die r6mische

Satire,

W.K.

41982, 20.

Il. IMPERIAL PERIOD

[If 1] M. Bassus Cos. ord. in AD 258; his genealogical connections are unknown but there may be a link to M.

[II 3]. PIR? M 702.

[Il 1a] L. M. Faustianus Patrician; quaestor kandidatus, legatus dioeceseos Hipponensium, cos. ord. AD 262, X Wir sacris faciundis, curator viae Appiae et alimentorum;

married to Tarruntenia Paterna; his sons:

L. M. Faustianus Tarruntenius Paternus and L. M. Faustianus Iunior, one daughter: Mummia Tarruntenia Corneliana (AE 1998, 1569).

[Il 2] L.M.Felix Cornelianus His career up to the praetorship is known from CIL VI 1464 (cf. CIL VI Suppl. VIII ad 1464). He was a quaestor of > Severus Alexander and in AD 237 became a proper consul. He may have been of Iberian descent [1. 190f.]. PIR* M 703. 1 Dietz.

{II 2a] L. M. Maximus Faustianus Patrician. He reached the praetorship (CIL VI 31740). L. > Mummius [II 2] Faustianus was perhaps one of his descendants. [II 3] M. Niger Valerius Vegetus Mentioned as consul in an inscription on a private aqueduct to Ferentum in

281

282

Etruria (CIL XI 3003 =ILS 5771) [1. 345f.]. According to [2. 292] cos. suff. probably in the Hadrianic period. On his kin [3. 220ff.].

chaeological context. The religious, cultural and historical significance of the images is therefore at times a matter of controversial scholarly debate. As a result of the Egyptian climate MP are generally extremely well preserved and have retained their true colours. They therefore provide rare evidence of the ‘great ’ painting tradition of antiquity, which has mostly been lost, especially of Roman > portraiture painting praised by Plin. HN 35,11f. and others. The base of the paintings, which appear alive and extremely expressive, consisted of high-quality imported hardwoods, cut and sanded into very thin rectangular boards. More rarely the artists painted directly on the top linen layer of the bandaged mummies. The tablets were sometimes primed with a plaster mixture, on which preliminary drawings are occasionally visible. Some pieces bear traces of multiple use through overpainting or two-sided decoration. They were often cut to fit into the mummy casings, and on their edges dark remnants of glue are sometimes: evident. — Encaustic,

1 A. M. ANDERMAHR, Totus in praediis, 1998 RP, vol. 6 3 CABALLOS, Senadores, vol. 1.

2 SYME,

[ll 4] L. M. Niger Valerius Vegetus Severinus Caucidius Tertullus Valerius Vegetus [II 5] P. M. Sisenna Senator, whose family probably came from Baetica (AE 1983, 518); [1. 236f.]. Because

M. became cos. ord. in AD 133, one of his ancestors must already have been consul. It is also possible that Sisenna, while destined for a suffect consulate in that year, exceptionally took the place of another designated

cos. ord. who died shortly before taking office. He is attested as governor of Britannia on 15 April 135 but the command there was probably given to him as an emergency measure in 133 [2. 273]. It is likely that his son M. [II 6] was proconsul of Asia and not M. himself [3. 295ff.]. PIR* M 710. 1 CABALLOS, Senadores, vol. 1 2A. R. BrrLey, Hadrian, 1997 3K. Dietz, Die beiden P. Mummii Sisennae und der Wiederaufbau der Basilike Stoa von Thera, in: Chiron 23, 1993, 295-311.

[116] P. M. Sisenna Rutilianus Related to M. [II 7], probably his son. Therefore, the father probably only became consul in advanced age. After the praetorship, M. became legate of the /egio VI Victrix in Britannia and praef. aerarti Saturni; cos. suff. in AD 146. Then, praef. alimentorum per Aemiliam, legate of Moesia Inferior. Finally, he became proconsul of Asia in 160/1; IG XII 3, 325 refers to him [1. 295ff.]. According to Lucian (Alexander 30) he was credulous and superstitious, but this judgement should be only accepted with caution. After the death of his first wife he married the daughter of Alexander [27] of Abonutichus. He died after June 172. PIR* M711. 1K. Dietz, Die beiden Mummii Sisennae und der Wiederaufbau der Basilike Stoa von Thera, in: Chiron 23, 1993, 295-311.

CaBALLOs, Senadores, vol.1, 23 6ff.

W.E.

Mummy portraits Wooden tablets with painted heads or busts of women, men and children. As the topmost, visible layer they were integrated into the casing of a mummy (~ Mummies ) at the level of the face, where a gap was left for them. Many of the c. 900 known pieces, dating from the birth of Christ to the 3rd cent. AD, come from necropoleis of + Fayum, an oasis southwest of Cairo, but they were also found elsewhere along the Nile. MP were discovered by chance at the end of the roth cent. and soon became desirable objects in the international art trade, due to their special aesthetic value. Today they are found in large numbers and variety in all important collections of the world; however, because of the unsystematic way in which they had been obtained they often lack information about their ar-

MUMMY

PORTRAITS

egg tempera or a mixture of the two painting techniques

can be distinguished. The former appears almost impressionistic through the juxtaposition of glowing, rich colours, while the soft gradations of chalkier hues of the latter have a more muted effect. Occasionally gold leaf was used for jewellery and wreaths. Light and shade are indicated through accentuation, depending on the location of the light source, and they also differentiate the colouring of the background, particularly in the case of early high-quality examples. The portraits appear to be individualized paintings. They have been interpreted as ‘salon images’ that were painted during the lifetime of the deceased and were inserted into the mummy’s casing when the person died. However, recent research prefers to regard them as having been produced posthumously. It has also been shown that the individualization of the faces was achieved by making use of a few artistic devices that were inserted into standardized shapes. Those who commissioned MP must have belonged to a wealthy upper class of military officers, officials and religious office-bearers in Romanized Egypt, since not all mummies in the necropoleis bore portraits. The splendid garments and expensive jewellery of the women and girls, the types of clothing of the men, as well as inscriptions and descriptions of occupations (in Greek) also indicate this; however, occasionally the MP could also have emulated an ideal that did not correspond with the actual social circumstances of the person. On the basis of the representations it is impossible to determine whether Egyptians, Greeks or Romans are depicted, though certainly the hairstyles and clothes were modelled on Roman fashions. Nor can the religious concepts and funerary rites behind the MP be established with any accuracy; nevertheless the MP originally do appear to have been a genuinely Egyptian custom that was adapted and transformed by individual social groups in a multicultural society.

283

284

L. H. Corcoran, Portrait Mummies from Roman Egypt,

by Caesar, at great sacrifice to the population of the city; Caesar accepted their capitulation, but not M.’ plea for mercy (Cass. Dio 43,33,4-34,5; Bell. Hisp.

MUMMY

PORTRAITS

1995; B. BorG, M., 1996; Ead., Der zierlichste Anblick

der Welt ..., 1998; S. WALKER, M. BIERBRIER, Ancient Faces,

1997;

K. PARLAscA,

blicke. Mumienportrats romischer

H. SEEMANN

(ed.), Augen-

und agyptische Grabkunst aus

Zeit. Exhibition catalogue, Frankfurt a. M.,

1999.

N.H.

Munatia Plancina She was probably the daughter of Munatius [II 1], thus granddaughter of Munatius [I 4] and sister to Munatius [II 6]. This lineage gave her great self-confidence (Tac. Ann. 2,43,3). Probably the second wife of Cn. Calpurnius [II 16] Piso, whom she bore two sons, Cn. Calpurnius [II 20] Piso and M. Calpurnius [II 23] Piso. She was a member of the inner circle of friends of > Livia [2], the mother of Tiberius. In AD 18, she accompanied her husband to Syria, where she played an important part with him in the conflict with > Germanicus [2] and his wife Agrippina [2]. According to Tacitus (Ann. 2,43,4; 2,82,1), she was said to

have received secret assignments from Livia to act against Agrippina and Germanicus, a scarcely credible claim. When, following the death of Germanicus, her husband attempted to return to Syria by force of arms, MP supported him. On their return to Rome in the autumn of AD 20, MP and her husband were both accused in the Senate; however, she, despite being convicted of ‘the gravest crimes’ (gravissuma crimina), went unpunished by the Senate, because Tiberius, under pressure from Livia, interceded on her behalf. This is stated explicitly by the Senate itself in the sc de Cn. Pisone patre, |. 109-120 [1. 46; 87f.; 222ff.]. Deprived of her protection after Livia’s death, MP was charged again in AD 33, whereupon she took her own life. The low prestige of her family under Tiberius may be understood from the judgment of Velleius Paterculus (2,83) on her grandfather Munatius [I 4]. PIR* M 737. 1 W. Eck, A. CABALLOS, F. FERNANDEZ, Das senatus con-

sultum de Cn. Pisone patre, 1996.

W.E.

Munatius A. (ROMAN)

B. (GREEK)

A. (ROMAN)

Name of a Roman plebeian family, of which the branch of the Planci acquired political significance in the rst century BC. Its most prominent member is M. [I 4], cos. in 42 BC.

K-LE.

19,4). [12] M. Plancus, C. Brother of L. Munatius [I 4] Plancus [2. 79f.], known as L. Plautius (or Plotius) Plancus

after being adopted by a L. Plautius. On the side of Caesar in the Civil War: in 48 probably wounded at + Dyrrhachium (Caes. B Civ. 3,19,7); in 47 he had coins minted (RRC 453); in 44 triumvir for land assignments to veterans in Epeirus (Cic. Att. 15,29,33 16,16,1); appointed, still by Caesar, as praetor for 43. In this function M. tried in vain to win his brother, the governor of northern Gaul, over to the policy of the Senate

(Cic. Fam.

10,6,1f.;

10,11,3;

10,22,1).

His

brother’s alliance with M. Antonius [I 9] was not able to save M., who was close to Cicero, from the > Proscriptiones (App. B. Civ. 4,46; Cass. Dio 54,2,1): M.’

strong perfume betrayed his hiding-place to his pursuers (Val. Max. 6,8,5; Plin. HN 13,25). 1 MRR 2, 339, 448; 3, 158f. 2D. R.SHACKLETON BalLEY, Two Studies in Roman Nomenclature, *1991. T.EFR.

[13] M. Plancus, L. Legate of Sulla in 87 BC, defeated Neoptolemus, general to king — Mithradates VI, at Chalcis (App. Mithr. 133) and was given honours in K.-L.E. Delos (ILS 8961a/b). [1 4] M. Plancus, L. Son, grandson and great-grandson of men called Lucius; from Tibur. Equestrian origin. At an early stage he came in contact with > Cicero, whose stylistic ideal he endorsed. Probably even before 54 BC the first of his family in the Senate, since in 54 he was already acting as Caesar’s legate in Gaul (Caes. Gall. 5,24f.). M. followed Caesar in the Civil War, accompanied him to Spain in 49, and to Africa in 47. Back in Rome in 46, he was appointed one of the city prefects, who acted under the triumvir Aemilius [I 12] Lepidus; in this capacity he was involved in the minting of gold coins (RRC 1, 475). in 45 M. became praetor and was designated consul for the year 42. He was therefore part of + Caesar’s closest circle. This is shown even more clearly by the fact that Caesar had appointed him proconsul of Gallia Comata in 44. At the time of Caesar’s death he was still in Rome, because on 17 March he voted for the compromise between the pro-Caesarians and Caesar’s assassins. Shortly afterwards he set out for the provinces where he had five legions at his disposal. He founded the colonies, already planned by Caesar, of > Augusta [4] Raurica (Augst) and > Lugdunum (Lyons; ILS 41).

I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD

I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD {I 1] M. Flaccus, L. From Hispania Baetica; he escaped after a failed attempt on the life of the Q. Cassius [I 16] Longinus, a follower of Caesar’s, in > Corduba in 48

BC (Bell. Alex. 52,3f.). In 46/5 as a follower of the younger Cn. Pompeius [I 4]. M. defended Ategua (to the southeast of Corduba), which was being besieged

In the dispute between Antonius [I 9] and the generals of the Senate he appears initially to have positioned himself against Antonius and Lepidus and united his army with that of D. Iunius [I 12] Brutus. But when Brutus was declared an outlaw by the Lex Pedia he turned to Antonius, on whose side he also took part in the negotiations at Bononia; he did not save his brother M. [I 2] from > proscription. In Rome on 29 December 43 he celebrated a triumph over the Raeti or the Gauls

285

286

(ILS 41 and Insert 13,1, 86f.). In 42 he was a consul; in

was defeated

41 he marched from Beneventum to help L. Antonius {1 4], who was being besieged by Octavian (> Augustus) in > Perusia, without achieving anything (Vell. 2,74). After Octavian’s victory M. fled to Antonius [I 9], on whose side he played an outstanding role until 32, initially as proconsul of Asia, then from 35 as legate of Syria; in this period he was also acclaimed imperator

11,14; 13,27; Cass. Dio 46,38,3).

for a second time (RRC 522; ILS 41). He was also present at the meeting of Octavian and Antonius in Brundisium in 40. According to Velleius (2,83) he is supposed to have been closely connected with > Cleopatra [II x2]; but the colour of this statement is rather partisan. In any case he left Antonius’ side in the spring of 32 BC, because according to Plutarch (Antonius 58) he could no longer bear Cleopatra’s involvement in political and military decisions. He informed Octavian of the content of Antonius’s will, a political service of the first rank which may have made the continuation of his political life possible. On 16 January 27 BC M. proposed the new cognomen Augustus in the Senate, which could not have happened without close coordination with Octavian. In 22 M. appears as a censor; but he was unsuccessful in the task. In Rome, probably not until the 20s, he built the Temple of > Saturnus paid for with booty [1. 208ff.]. M. was considered a brilliant orator; it is possible that the Bellum Africanum (see > Corpus Caesarianum) is by him. It was to him that Horace dedicated Ode 1,7, which speaks of his feeling of guilt for his murdered brother. The year of M.’s death is unknown; his great tumulus tomb near Gaeta has survived. The historical tradition gives various descriptions of his personality, which is due to his change of party but probably also to tensions within the important senatorial families during the period of Augustus. It must remain open whether AE 1995, 278 relate to him. His son was M. [II 1], his grandson M. [II 6]; his granddaughter + Munatia Plancina. PIR* M 728. 1K. FitrscHen, Zur Panzerstatue in Cherchel, in: JDAI

MUNATIUS

MRR

by D. Iunius [I 12] Brutus

(Cic. Phil.

2, 235; W. WiLL, Der rémische Mob, 1991, 96;

TOOL MIs is

[16] M. Rufus Friend, comrade-in-arms and biographer of M. > Porcius Cato Uticensis, whom M. often accompanied on missions after Cato’s military tribuneship in Macedonia in 67 BC (Cyprus 58-56: Val. Max. 4,3,2). M.’s biography of Cato, written soon after April 46 and passed on by P. Clodius [II 15] Thrasea Paetus, was the main source for Plutarch’s life of Cato (Plut. Cato min. 25,1; 37,1). HRR 2, LVIIII; 42-44 (Fr.); SCHANZ/Hostus 1, 334, Anm.

4; H. J. TscHreDEL, Caesars ‘Anticato’, 1981, 11; 91f. T.FR.

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD {II 1] M. > Comes of Augustus’s step-son Tiberius during the latter’s diplomatic mission in the east; connected with Tulius [II 57] Florus, a friend of Horace (Hor. Epist. 1,3,31f.). Probably the son of M. [I 4] and father of M. [II 6] and > Munatia Plancina. PIR* M 718. [II 2] Q. M. Celsus Equestrian, who governed the province of Mauretania Caesariensis as procurator Augusti in AD 212. His home town was > Cirta, where his son

erected a statue of the emperor in 214 in accordance with his father’s will (ILAlg 2, 570). PIR* M 721. [II 3] L. M. Felix Prefect of Egypt between AD 150 and 154, in which position he was presented with a petition in favour of the Christians (Justin. Apol. 1,29,2). PIR* M 723. {fl 4] L. M. Gallus Senator, probably from the time of Domitian. Possibly legate of the Legio XI Claudia in Vindonissa. In AD 100-103 legate of the Legio III Augusta in northern Africa. It is unknown whether he achieved a consulship. PIR* M 725. TH. FRANKE, Die Legionslegaten der romischen Armee in der Zeit von Augustus bis Traian, 1991, 62f.

91, 1976, 175-210.

R. FELLMANN, Das Grab des M. Plancus, 1957; G. WatSER, Der Briefwechsel des M. Plancus, 1957; TH. H. WatTkINS, L.M. Plancus. Serving and Surviving in the Roman Revolution, 1997. W.E.

[I 5] M. Plancus Bursa, T. As a people’s tribune in 52 BC in the confusion after the murder of P. Clodius [I 4] Pulcher he exhibited vigorous activity when he e.g. arranged for Clodius to lie in state in front of the Curia and repeatedly launched influential attacks against Clodius’ killer T. Annius [I 14] Milo and his defender Cicero (Ascon. 31f.; 34-39 C.; Cass. Dio 40,49,1f.; Cic. Fam. 7,2,2f.). In 51, at the latter’s instigation, M. was banished (to Gallia Cisalpina); in 49 he crossed the ~ Rubicon in Caesar’s retinue, in 46 he was one of the organisers of the latter’s triumph (Cic. Fam. 12,18,2). Entrusted by Antonius with a campaign in Liguria during the War of Mutina (> Mutina, War of) in 43, M.

[Il 5] M. Gratus Roman eques involved in the Pisonian conspiracy against Nero in 65 AD. PIR*M 726.

[Ii 6] L. M. Plancus Probably a son of M. [II x]. Cos. ord. in AD 13. After the death of > Augustus he was sent as an ambassador of the Senate to mutinying troops in Germany to take them the new resolutions. Furious soldiers broke into his quarters in the oppidum Ubiorum (Cologne) at night threatening his life, but he was able to escape by fleeing to the camp of the Legio I (Tac. ann. 1,39). The mission shows that he appeared trustworthy to > Tiberius. According to CIL VI 1743, M. was governor of Pannonia under Tiberius for 17 years (cf. CIL VI Suppl. VII ad no. 1743). This must mean that he was not affected by the lawsuit against his presumed sister > Munatia Plancina. PIR* M 729. [Il 7] P. M. Priscus Decianus Senator probably in the rst century AD. Proconsul of Creta-Cyrenae, honoured by the city of Gortyn in Mediolanum, which may have

287

288

been his home town (AE 1995, 655 and [1. 283]). Contrary to the commentary at AE 1995,278 he was not related to M. [I 4] or [II 6] (cf. [2. 319]). PIR* M 732.

249ff.; SCHULTEN, Landeskunde 1, 346; TOVAR 2, 116f.;

MUNATIUS

1 F. HatBHERR,

M. Guarpbuccl,

Inscriptiones Creticae,

Bd. 1, 1935 2G. ALFOLDY, Stadte, Eliten und Gesellschaften in der Gallia Cisalpina, 1999.

{11 8] M. M. Sulla Cerialis Senator who became the praetorian governor of Noricum; in 215 AD cos. ord. In

216/7 he ruled the province of Cappadocia as legate. He is probably identical with the senator whom, according to Cass. Dio 79,4,5, > Elagabalus [2] had killed. PIR*

Sy zAte

PB.

Mundilas (Movvdikac; Moundilas). Eastern Roman officer in the body-guard of + Belisarius during the Gothic War, attested between AD 537-539. M. was at Belisarius’ side when he was besieged at Rome by the Gothic King > Vitigis in 537-538, and he held Milan for nine months in 538 until finally forced to surrender to the Gothic besiegers and taken captive to Ravenna. Thereafter, he vanishes from history (PLRE 3, 9o1903).

ET.

M 735. It may be that he is also identical with the equestrian Cerialis who held office in Egypt in 199/200 and was later a censibus (in Vat. 204 apart from Caracalla there could also have been mention of Septimius Severus) [cf. 1 T. Honoré, Emperors and Lawyers, *1994.

W.E.

B. (GREEK) [fl 9] (Movvattoc; Moundtios). Grammarian from Tral-

leis, whose work as the teacher of > Herodes [16] Atticus falls, according to Philostratus (soph. 2,1,14; 1,25,7), in the first third of the 2nd cent. AD. This M. is

probably identical with a commentator on Theocritus of the same name, who is cited by name eight times in the Theocritus scholia. M.’ commentary predominantly contained paraphrases and information on the content, as well as questions of prosody and explanations of things and words. His sources cannot be traced with any certainty; evidently M. developed his remarks independently. His commentary was used by > Theaetetus, who mostly rejects M.’ views, however. 1C. WenveL, Uberlieferung und Entstehung der Theokrit-Scholien, in: AAWG N.F. 17.2, 1920, 74-78, 88-90

ST.MA.

Munda Iberian [1] name of two cities. [1] City in southern Spain, modern-day Montilla near Cordoba (Bell. Hisp. 30ff. [2]; Plin. HN 3,12). Scene of two ancient battles: It was there that Cn. Cornelius [[77] Scipio defeated the Carthaginians (Liv.

24,42,1-4) in 214 BC; in 45 BC Caesar defeated the Pompeians there. The latter occasion probably marked the final destruction of M. (Bell. Hisp. 41).

[2] City in Celtiberia, conquered by the propraetor Ti. + Sempronius Gracchus in 179 BC (Liv. 40,47,1), according to [3] located near what is now Munébrega (= Mundobriga?) in the region where the Jiloca flows into the Jalon, a right tributary of the Iberus. 1 A. SCHULTEN,

Die Stadt Numantia, vol. 1, 1931, 80

2Id. (ed.), Fontes Hispaniae Antiquae 5, 1940, 136ff. 3 Id. (ed.), Fontes Hispaniae Antiquae 3, 1935, 219f. A. SCHULTEN

born the son of a king (Giesmus?) of the Gepidae before AD 488, died in 536, probably not identical with the Hun M. (PLRE 2, 767f.). Initially he served the Ostro-

1. 191]. PIR* M 673; 674.

2 E. Wust, s.v. M., RE Suppl. 8, 359-361.

Mundo (so named in Marcellinus Comes) or Movvéo0¢ (Motindos; Greek sources). Eastern Roman general,

(ed.), Fontes Hispaniae Antiquae 5, 1940,

102-163; J. KRomAyeER, Antike Schlachtfelder 4, 1924, 552ff.; J. L. LOpez Castro, Hispania Poena, 1995,

goth king > Theoderic the Great until his death (in 526). In 529 he was appointed magister militum per Illyricum by the Emperor Justinian [1] I. Magister militum per Orientem in 531, he returned to his earlier position in 532. Inthe > Nika Revolt (January 532) he and > Belisarius successfully defended Justinian’s rule. In 535/6 he fought in the Gothic War in Dalmatia. When his son Mauricius fell at Salona, he defeated the Gothic army devastatingly, but himself died in battle (PLRE 3, 903-905). FT.

Mundus A subterranean pit, presumably expanded into a chamber, associated in Rome

and other Italic

cities with religious cult. A possible architectonic parallel is the subterranean - sanctuary of Dionysus in Volsinii (Bolsena) from the 3rd cent. BC |x Fig. r]. There is agreement neither on the etymology of the Latin word mundus [2], nor on the origins or the function of the religious mundus. It has been associated with a pre-deistic form of worship of the spirits of the dead, but also with primitive agrarian and fertility rituals (critical doxography: [1. 409-421]). Epigraphically (e.g. AE 1983, 318 = Suppl. Italica 3, p. 145-147 no. 9 from Corfinium, after 49 BC) the mundus appears as a building lavishly fashioned by local elites [3. 498-507] and an integrated part of a complex local religion. Usually the mundus was part of the cult of > Ceres (Mundus Cereris: Fest. 126,4 L.; Schol. Bernense Verg. Ecl. 3,105; see below), was not accessible to everyone and was already considered by many people in the 2nd cent. BC (Cato Licinianus in Fest. 144,17—21 L., influenced by Greek kdsmos [2. 164-166]), given its form and symbolic value, to be the subterranean counterpart of the vault of the heavens (mundus caeli since Enn. Varia 9 VAHLEN’). In Rome, and perhaps elsewhere in

central Italy, the mundus was only ‘opened’ on three days each year (mundus patet: Ateius Capito fr. 11 STRZELECKI; Fest. 126,4-6 L.). The ritual acts took place on 24 August, 5 October and 8 November; the significance of these days cannot be explained in detail. Varro (in Macrob. Sat. 1,16,18) and Verrius Flaccus

290

289

(Fest. 144,21-146,2 L.; cf. Serv. Aen. 3,134) linked the mundus, as the entry to the underworld, with the di > manes or di -> inferi. If the mundus was open, the di manes came through to the upper world. The three days were considered religiosi and were suitable neither for military campaigns nor for holding — comitia nor for weddings. Similar limitations also applied to other Roman festival days of a ‘chthonic’ nature, e.g. the festivals of the dead [4. 297f., 563-566]. In the Roman ~ Fasti, the three days during which the mundus was opened are cited as dies comitiales. This fact indicates that the introduction of the ritual of mundus patet and the restrictions developed from this were more recent than the introduction of the category of dies comitiales [5. 106-108], i.e. probably after the terminus ante quem in 287 BC (with regard to this date [4. 274-283]). Because of its ‘chthonic’ nature, the mundus

has

been identified with the umbilicus urbis in Rome’s archaic comitium, connected with the cult there of > Dis

pater and equated with the pit described by Plut. Romulus 11,2 as mundus and localized in the comitium, into which Romulus supposedly had gifts laid at the foundation of Rome [6; 7]. This is dubious [8] — not only

MUNICIPAL in: REL

54,

1976,

71-109

6F.

Coare Ltt,

Romano, vol. 1, 1983, 199-226 (*1986)

LAW

Il Foro

7M. VERZAR,

L’Umbilicus Urbis. Il Mundus in eta tardo-repubblicana, in: Dialoghi di Archeologia 9/10, 1976-77, 378-398 8 F. CASTAGNOLI, Il mundo e il rituale della fondazione di Roma,

in: R. ALTHEIM-STIEHL,

M. ROSENBACH

(eds.),

Beitrage zur altitalischen Geistesgeschichte, 1986, 32-36 9S. WeINsTOCK, Mundus patet, in: MDAI(R) 45, 1930, III-I23. AN.BE.

Mundus Munatius Greek epigrammatist whose inclusion in the ‘Garland’ of > Philippus of Thessalonica has not been proved conclusively (for one thing, the combination of the nomen Munatius, [widespread in the Late Republican period], with the cognomen Mundus, [rare in Philip’s time, i.e. first half of rst cent. AD]), is

not verified). Only one formal poem about the ruins of Mycenae is preserved (Anth. Pal. 9,103; cf. e.g. > Alpheus[3] of Mytilene, ibid. 9,101 and ro4). GA IL1, 436-439; 2, 463f.

M.G.A.

Munera see > Munus, munera

because others (Ov. Fast. 4,821-824; Fest. 310 L.; [53

9]) place the pit of Romulus on the Palatine; the exact location of the Roman mundus will have to remain an unsolved question. The ‘late’ dating and the possible architectonic parallel of Bolsena allow for comparison with contemporary Italic worship of Dionysus or Bacchus (- Bacchanalia). The details — subterranean sanctuary; limited admission; cosmic speculation; priestesses as cult officials (CIL X 3926: sacerdos Cerialis Mundalis in

Capua, late 2nd cent. BC; Cic. Balb. 55: priestesses of Demeter Thesmophoros of Neapolis and Velia in Rome) — are perhaps an indication of the influence that came from Greek and southern Italic thesmophoric cults (+ Thesmophoria) and > mystery cults modelled on the cult of — Demeter/Ceres and — Persephone/Proserpina [1. 421-435]. In Verrius Flaccus’ description of the rites during the opening of the mundus (Fest. 144,25-27 L.), terminology ofthe mysteries slips in. Apuleius (Apol. 13) uses Mundus Cereris to describe the > mysteria. A sanctus mundus Attinis populi Romani of Cosilinum (AE 1979, 195 = Suppl. Italica 3, p. 46f. No. 1; early 3rd cent. AD) — perhaps to be linked with the ritual dramatization of the loss and return of the paredros — Attis in the mysteries of Cybele/Mater Magna — is probably modelled on the analogy with the Mundus Cereris. Such rites and concepts would also explain the link with Hades/Dis Pater (Macrob. Sat. 1,16,17 defines the ritual of mundus patet as sacrum Diti patri et Proserpinae dicatum) and the association with the gods of the underworld. 1 J.-M. PAILLeR, Bacchanalia, 1988

2J. PuHve, The

Origins of Greek kosmos and Latin mundus, in: AJPh 97, 1976, 154-167 3H. Devijver, F. vaN WONTERGHEM, Un Mundus (Cereris?) a Corfinium, in: Historia 32, 1983, 484-507 4 J. RUpKe, Kalender und Offentlichkeit, 1995 5 A. MaGpDELAIn, Le Pomerium archaique et le Mundus,

Munichia see > Peiraeus

Munichus, Munitus (Motvvyoc/Motinychos, Movviyoc/Mounichos, also Movyoc/Monichos, Movvitoc/ Mounitos),

[1] Hero of Attica, son of Pantades, eponym of the harbour of Munichia in > Piraeus (Eur. Hipp. 761-763). [2] M. (Munitus): son of > Acamas and Priam’s daughter > Laodice [I 1], brought up by his grandmother ~ Aethra; died of a snake bite after the fall of Troy

(Euphorion fr. 58 POWELL), perhaps identical with M. [x]. [3] Later sources name M. as the mythological king of the > Molossi, son of Dryas; he transformed into a bird while attempting to save himself and his family from a burning house (Antoninus Liberalis 14; Ov. Met.

13,717). L. PaLteocrassa, s.v. Mounichos, LIMC

6.1, 655-657.

LK.

Municipal law I. ANCIENT ORIENT

II. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

I. ANCIENT ORIENT In the field of legal texts in > cuneiform, the political structure of the Mesopotamian confederation, that at times comprised small territorial states and at times large states stretching over the whole of southern Mesopotamia, created regional peculiarities that are demonstrated above all in the form of documents as well as in substantive law. The essential parameters of the legal system were defined by the structure of the society (— Social structure), economy and — family. To this extent it is not possible to speak of municipal law (ML) in the narrower sense.

MUNICIPAL LAW

292

291

Forms of legal texts in cuneiform from the frontier regions of Mesopotamia (> Alalah; — Assyria; >» Elam; Emar; Hittite Anatolia; — Nuzi; > Ugarit) should be differentiated from the legal systems of southern Mesopotamia, since they were, i.a., the result of special ethnic, political, ecological and economic preconditions.

time of Domitianus [1] a series of MLs for municipia Flavia have been preserved that had arisen because of the decreeing of the ius Latii (> ius D. 2.; > Latin law) for the whole of Spain by Flavius - Vespasianus (Plin. HN 3,30). The slight differences in the texts allow us to

> Hittite law; > Social structure

entire text. Finally, at least one of the bronze fragment of varying thickness and script found in > Lauriacum and already prepared for melting down again, offers a municipal context similar to § 25 of the lex Irnitana. It is a highly uncertain prospect to draw conclusions about a municipium in Lauriacum on the basis of this fragment dated to the time of Caracalla. Further possible fragments of MLs in [2. no. 17, 34 et passim]. The laws were initially written by senators to whom this authority had been given by law (lege plebeivescito permissus est fuit utei leges ... daret: Tabula Heracleensis 160). Early indications of this practice exist: in 317 BC the patrons of the relatively young citizens’

J.RE.

II. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

Franchises or city laws in Classical antiquity are collections of local laws publicised in inscriptions that served as the basis for the public administration of more or less autonomous cities. As the inscription of ~ Gortyn (III.) shows, there were collections of this kind in Greece, too [1]. All further known MLs were valid in cities subject to Rome, with the content of the MLs becoming more and more oriented towards the ‘public’ and ‘private’ law of Rome. This development, as far as is apparent, finds its conclusion in the — lex Irnitana (end of the rst cent. AD), § 93 of which stipulates that in the absence of regulations of other import in this law (and such regulations are extremely rare!), the law that should apply to the citizens of Irni is the one ‘that the Romans use among themselves now and in the future’ (quo cives Romani inter se iure civili agunt agent). MLs are therefore important parameters for > Romanization. MLs from the Latin West of the Roman empire have been passed down to us primarily from the two cents. before and after Christ. Since these leges coloniae or municipales (also civitatis) were already obsolete by late Antiquity, there is an almost complete lack of references in the + Digesta. Only the evidence passed down to us in inscriptions therefore remains. These are extremely sparse and always fragmentary, as MLs were probably always published on bronze and were therefore frequently melted down again. The series of extant pieces starts around 90 BC with the > Tabula Bantina, a city law from > Bantia (near Venusia) written in the Oscan language, but with a strongly Romanized content. Next follows a tablet (described as the ninth) of the ML of Tarentum from the 2nd quarter of the rst cent. BC [2. no. 15]. Highly contentious are the dating and interpretation of a text that only partly touches on ML, the > Tabula Heracleensis. Written down on the back of a Greek inscription from the 4th cent. BC, it contains — aside from regulations for the city of Rome — provisions regarding the tenure for municipal offices and the holding of the municipal — census. The earlier view, that this was an instance of a general city public administration law of Caesar (for example in [3. 113-120]) — a lex Iulia municipalis, is today rejected by the majority of experts. It is more likely that the text is a pre-draft, a collection of ideas for a planned local ML [4]. Around 44 BC, the law of the colonia Iulia Genetiva in Urso/southern Spain (— lex Ursonensis), that was founded at the time of Caesar, was drafted. Of the over

140 §§ of this law, barely a third is extant. From the

obtain from the individual fragments (— lex Irnitana, > lex Malacitana, > lex Salpensana) about 70% of the

colony of Antium wrote the iura (Liv. 8,14,8), and around the middle of the 2nd cent. T. Annius [I 12],

patron of the Latin colony of Aquileia, wrote laws for the city (leges ... composivit deditque: [{5]). In both cases, individual cities obviously obtained their MLs, just as in the case of the provisions regarding the origin of the decurions, decreed by the praetor Claudius [I 28] Pulcher in 95 BC for -» Halaesa in Sicily (Cic. Verr. 2,2,122;3 cf. 2,2,123-125). The organisation of the MLs took a different course in Bithynia. There, Pompey [1 3] had given appropriate directives in the foundation law of the province (lex provinciae) and these were probably adopted into the laws of the individual cities (Plin. Ep. 10,79,1; s. [6] in this regard). Similarly, the directives for the apparatus of officialdom for Gallia Cisalpina in the lex Rubria (49 BC; FIRA 19) and in the Fragmentum Atestinum (49 BC; FIRA 20; [7]) became

parts of northern Italic MLs. It therefore seems reasonable to assume that the model for the Flavian MLs of southern Spain (s. above), that demonstrates a great

deal of similarity, can be found in a law for the Spanish provinces.

MLs were consequently either based on individual conferment, with the possibility of tailoring the content especially to the respective city, or on group conferment (e.g. in the case of the establishment of several veteran colonies in a province), which inevitably led to greater abstraction. This probably also explains the difference between the law for Urso and that for Irni, apart from the time interval of over 100 years. One should in any case not expect to find many structural differences between individual MLs, as these laws always followed a deep intrusion into the organisation of the municipal existence of the respective cities (establishment as > colonia or decreeing of the -> civitas or the > Latin law). We can, however, assume that the political and social traditions of the communities were not completely disregarded in the process. Unfortunately we do not have the ML of an important city rich in tradition to examine this.

293

294

As far as we can conclude from the lex Irnitana, the content of the Roman ML was almost wholly confined to the structure of the institutions of the magistrature, council and people as well as the allocation of the competencies among them. Substantive law, i.e. criminal law, the law of ownership etc., was implicitly or —as in Irni — explicitly assumed as given, which means that it basically could only have been Roman law. Literal correspondences between the MLs, at least in part, arose from the widespread practice of adopting passages from one law into another.

within

1 R. F. Witxets (ed.), The Law Code of Gortyn, 1967

(with English transl. and comm.) (ed.), Roman Statutes, 1996

2 M. H. CRawForD

3 H. RUDOLPH, Stadt und

Staat im romischen Italien, 1935 4 M. W. FREDERIKSEN, The Republican Municipal Laws: Errors and Drafts, in: JRS 55, 1965, 183-198 5 AE 1996, 685 6 A.N. SHERwin-Wuirte, The Letters of Pliny. A Historical and Social Commentary, 1985 (ad loc.) 7 H. GaLsTERER, II frammento Atestino e la romanizzazione di Este, in: G. Tosi (ed.), Este antica, 1992, 241-256. A. CABALLOsS RUFINO, Nuevos testimonios andaluces de

la legislacion municipal Flavia, in: J. MANGas (ed.), La ley municipal flavia, 2001; H. GALSTERER, La loi municipale des Romains: chimére ou réalité?, in: Revue historique de droit francais et étranger 65, 1987, 181-203; F. LAMBERTI, Tabulae Irnitanae: municipalita e ius romanorum, 1993, 201-261.

H.GA.

Municipium A. ETYMOLOGY AND DEFINITION B. DEVELOPMENT TO THE SOCIAL WAR (91-89 BC) C. DEVELOPMENT TO THE TIME OF CAESAR D. THE IMPERIAL AGE _ E. INTERNAL ORGANIZATION

A. ETYMOLOGY AND DEFINITION It is possible that the Latin term municipes predates that of municipium. In the view of historians such as

Varro (Ling. 5,179), the former is derived from munia (or respectively munera) capere, ‘the undertaking of duties’; the explanation ‘the receiving of gifts’ in [7. 26] has to be rejected in the same way as the ancient interpretation by Gellius (16,13,7) that municipium was to

be seen as munus honorarium (‘honorary privilege’). Varro referred to obligations by Roman citizens such as military service and payment of taxes which the municipes took on without being Roman citizens in the strictest sense (see below). In a subsidiary sense, the term municipium is derived from this concept as the sum total of these duties (parallel to commercium and conubium, cf. [x1. 56]) which was then transferred to the group of people equipped with these rights, i.e. the community or municipality. These communities retained the title of municipium even after the disappearance of the civitas sine suffragio, citizenship without the vote at Rome (see below B.), and the title was subsequently also applied to communities with citizenship. From the time of + Augustus, the term municipium referred to all (mostly urban) communities of Roman or Latin citizens

MUNICIPIUM the Roman

Empire that were

not colonies

(> coloniae). B. DEVELOPMENT

TO THE SOCIAL WAR (91-89

BC) The starting-point for any study of municipia has to be the communities of those that were ‘liable for service,

but without political rights’ (»unicipes sine suffragio), defined by MoMMSEN [8. 570-589] as ‘Halbbiirgergemeinden (communities with semi-citizenship)’. The earliest of these municipia were Caere (more likely 386 than 293 BC) and Capua (338), Fundi, Formiae and Arpinum (334), together with Etruscan, Oscan, and Volscan communities that were integrated into the Roman state as far as military and foreign policies were concerned, but which were permitted to retain their language and internal administrative structure for a variety of reasons [2. 70-84]. Owing to this internal autonomy, their citizens were registered with the — census in Rome and served in the legions, but they did not have any political rights (> suffragium). Alongside these, possibly even dating back as far as the Roman

monarchy,

were

Latin cities (~ Latium)

that were either not politically dissolved following their conquest by the Romans, but ‘incorporated’ while retaining certain corporate rights, or those that had affiliated themselves to Rome ‘voluntarily’ in response to enemy pressure: Gabii (the foedus Gabinum is referred to as an > isopoliteia), Capena (in the Imperial period appearing as a municipium foederatum, cf. [r2]), Tusculum (381?, 338?, 326?), Aricia (338). It is likely that at that time they were still referred to as oppida civium Romanorum (- oppidum 1.). For a great length of time, even communities that had been granted full Roman citizenship felt the loss of their independence more keenly than they appreciated the ‘honour’ of their Roman citizenship, just as those that were cives sine suffragio. Because of this, any change in the overall political climate could result in their secession, as frequently happened in the case of Tusculum, or that of Capua during the Second > Punic War. Following its reconquest in 211 BC, the latter was punished with the dissolution of its community and thus the loss of its autonomy. As a result, the Campani were indeed only citizens with reduced rights, sine suffragio, and were thus in legal terms closely comparable to the full Roman citizens in the > tribus without a community of their own. As a result of the political changes in Italy, i.e. in view of Rome’s

increasing dominance,

retaining the

autonomy of one’s community became less and less attractive compared with full membership of the populus Romanus. At their own request, Arpinum, Fundi, and Formiae were granted full citizenship in 188 BC, but retained their title of municipium. With the general conferment of citizenship in the > Social War [3] (with map), the last of the communities ‘sine suffragio’ seem to have disappeared.

MUNICIPIUM

295

C. DEVELOPMENT TO THE TIME OF CAESAR The lex Iulia of 90 and 89 BC granted Roman citizenship to all Italic communities south of the river Po (> Padus), and to those north of the river the ius Latii (> Latin law). All Latin colonies and confederate com-

munities were turned into municipia of Roman citizens. Even in the interim, the little-urbanized ager Romanus,

i.e. the territory of the Roman tribus, municipia — generally under the leadership of members of the local elite — developed from former vici (— vicus), conciliabula (> conciliabulum), and fora (> forum IV.), e.g. Cingulum in Picenum, established by Labienus [3] (constituerat: Caes. B. Civ. 1,15,2; [9]). Under > Caesar, the dissemination of citizenship to

the provinces went hand in hand with the organisational structure of municipia. The first urban community with this legal structure outside of Italy seems to have been Gades/Cadiz in the province of Hispania ulterior. This was followed there and in other provinces by a great number of such communities of ‘new citizens’, who had been granted such an elevation in status in reward for their ‘correct’ allegiance in the Civil War. D. THE IMPERIAL AGE From the time of > Augustus, municipium was the standard legal form of a non-colonial civic community, at least in the western part of the empire. It did not exist in the Greek-influenced East. The emperor, whose name the municipium bore as a cognomen, had either elevated an existing community to the status of a municipium and honoured its inhabitants with the granting of citizenship (e.g. Volubilis in Mauretania under emperor Claudius [III r], Inscriptions latines du Maroc, 56 and 116), or he had created a new urban centre in a region previously only occupied by villages and tribes (e.g. in Gallia and Germania). From the time of Augustus, the bestowal to its inhabitants of the ius Latii (— Latin law), which by that time differed from Roman

citizenship only in minor details, went hand in hand with the communities themselves becoming Latin municipia — and rightly so, because latest in the wake of the establishment of Latin colonies north of the Po (Transpadana) in 89 BC by > Pompeius Strabo, such colonies were no longer created but only transformed with the former inhabitants still in place (veteribus incolis manentibus, Ascon. In Pisonem 3 CLARK). Both kinds of municipia are so similar that without explicit records it is impossible to decide which right applied to a particular municipium. While the majority of towns with citizenship or Latin rights had been turned into municipia, there were certain exceptions: particularly in the Gallic provinces (Tres Galliae) evidence exists pointing to communities

that retained the status of — civitas, even though they had been granted citizenship or Latin rights [4]. Even after the general bestowal of citizenship in the > constitutio Antoniniana by > Caracalla of AD 212, the legal form of the communities remained largely unchanged.;

296

E. INTERNAL ORGANIZATION The municipium was the legal form with which Rome overcame its traditional city-state structures, by combining a strong, even extra-legal bond with Rome (patronage, see patronus) with an internal freedom which differed from town to town. Reflecting on a controversial question, Gellius quoted the emperor Hadrian who said of the old municipia (municipia anttqua) such as Utica they they were free to live according to their own customs and laws (suis moribus legibusque uti possent), and summarized the arguments as follows: ‘municipes are thus Roman citizens from the municipia who live according to their own statutes and laws and who are not bound by any other obligations nor any law passed by the Roman people, unless they had decided to do so of their own free will’ (Gell. 16,13,4-6).

Undoubtedly, this freedom will have taken a different form in a town such as Tusculum during the Middle Republic compared with Irni, a small municipality without traditions in the Imperial Age (see > lex Irnitana) [5]. In Republican Rome, the oppida of citizens and those of the Latini — later referred to as prisci — (> Latin Right IL. A.) probably had a similar constitution to that of early Rome, i.e. they were governed by praetors, aediles, and — probably only froma later date — quaestors, who shared amongst themselves the responsibilities for areas such as ‘general political leadership and jurisdiction, internal order ’and ‘finance’. It is also likely that basic constitutional principles such as collegiality and annuity of offices as well as the powers of the — rather oligarchic — council and people’s assembly were similar in all cases. Municipia sine suffragio such as Caere and Capua still had their traditional leaders (> zilaq or + meddix), but generally the paucity of documentary evidence makes it impossible to determine whether their offices had changed in accordance with Roman understanding. This process of > ‘Romanization’ was more often the result of assimilatory pressure rather than coercion (as e.g. in Bantia, [1. no. 13]). A blanket abolition of

municipal self-administration and its re-introduction by Caesar with a lex Iulia municipalis, as mainly argued by [ro], is generally rejected by modern scholars; this applies in particular to an identification of the ~ Tabula Heracleensis with this lex by Caesar. The lex Iulia iudiciorum privatorum, quoted in the lex Irnitana (§ 91), had probably created a certain uniformity in the jurisdiction; other laws had a similar effect in their area. The three larger and many small fragments of municipal laws, passed at the time of the Flavian emperors for the new Latin municipia in Hispania Baetica, are based onacommon model, but it is uncertain whether it was a general municipal law which constituted this model [2] (+ Municipal rights). By that time, the organization of municipia was almost identical: they had collegia of two (duoviri) or four (quattuorviri) men responsible for jurisdiction (iure dicundo), aediles and quaestors as their officials, an ordo decurionum (-> ordo; the term

297

298

senatus was increasingly repressed), and frequently a largely powerless people’s assembly. The jurisdiction (and administration?) by praefecti (> praefectus) as representatives of the Roman praetor during the Middle Republic is not part of the municipal administration.

liberalitas, largitio and their variants appear in only 29 inscriptions. The word munificentia, which normally appears in the singular, is used to describe good deeds of various kinds, from financing public buildings to distributing money to the citizens. The usage munificentia sua may be a simple variant of pecunia sua (‘from their

+ Civitas;

own wealth’; CIL XI 379 = ILS 6664). The use of muntificentia and related adjectives can also be shown to occur, although less commonly, in the western proyinces, e.g. in Africa (Thagaste: CIL VII 5146; Mustis: AE 1968, 586; 588) and in Hispania Baetica (Hispalis: CIL Il 1185; Axati: CIL II 1054). Towards the end of the 3rd cent. AD, the lawyer > Hermogenianus considers it lawful for a city to give allowances (alimenta) to decuriones who, ob munificentiam in patriam (‘because of their munificientia to their home city’), have financially

-» Coloniae

(with

maps);

—>Ius,D.

2;

+ Latin League (with map); > Latin Right; > Municipal Rights; > Socii (Roman confederation) (with map) 1M. H. Crawrorp

(ed.), Roman Statutes, 1966

2H.

GALSTERER, Verwaltung und Herrschaft im republikanischen Italien, 1976 3 Id., La loi municipale des Romains: chimére ou réalite?, in: Revue d’histoire du droit 65, 1987, 181-203 4B. GALSTERER-KROLL, Latinisches Recht und Municipalisierung in Gallien und Germanien, in: E. OrtTIz DE Ursina (ed.), Teoria y practica del ordenamiento municipal en Hispania, 1996, 117-129 5M. HumBerT, M. et civitas sine suffragio. L’organisation de

la conquéte jusqu’a la guerre sociale, 1978

6 E. KORNE-

MANN, s.v. M., RE 16, 570-638 7 J.MARQUARDT, R6mische Staatsverwaltung, vol. 1, *1881 8 MOMMSEN,

Staatsrecht, vol. 3 9 G. Pact, Per la storia di Cingoli e del Piceno settentrionale in eta romana repubblicana, in: Cingoli dalle origini al secolo XVI. Atti del XIX convegno di Studi maceratesi (Studi maceratesi 19), 1986, 75ff. 10H. Rupo tpn, Stadt und Staat im rémischen

Italien, 1935

11 A. N. SHERWIN-WHITE, The Roman Citizenship, 1973 12 P. VeYNE, Foederati: Tarquinies, Camérinum, Capéne, in: Latomus

19, 1960, 429-436

13 F. VITTINGHOFF,

Ro6mische Stadtrechtsformen der Kaiserzeit, in: ZRG 68, 1951, 435-485.

H.GA.

Munificentia A. DEFINITION

DIVIDUALS

_B. MUNIFICENTIA

OF PRIVATE IN-

C. MUNIFICENTIA OF THE PRINCEPS

A. DEFINITION The Latin term munificentia is derived from muntficus (‘one who carries out the duties of office’, ‘munifi-

cent’), an adjective in turn derived from munia (> munus) and facere. The term munificientia, used by Sallustius to characterise Caesar’s generosity (Sall. Catil. 54,2), is found neither in Caesar nor in Cicero (but cf. munificentissimus: Cic. Q. Rosc. 22). In Sallustius and Livy (Liv. 5,3,8) munificentia describes the gifts or favours bestowed on or granted to the people in order to acquire gratia (‘influence’, ‘esteem’). Like — liberalitas, munificentia is used in an abstract manner as an expression of character, especially for an individual act of generosity, with the special meaning being more common. During the principate munificentia gradually came to have a positive connotation and referred to generosity both of the > princeps and of individual members of the upper class.

B. MUNIFICENTIA OF PRIVATE INDIVIDUALS In inscriptions from Italy, munificentia and adjectives of the same meaning are, apart from merita and optimus, the most favoured terms for recalling the generosity of a benefactor. There are 51 examples, whereas

MUNIFICENTIA

ruined themselves (Dig. 50,2,8).

C. MUNIFICENTIA OF THE PRINCEPS In literary texts and inscriptions munificentia appears particularly, but not exclusively in connection with the organisation of games ( Munus, munera Ill).

In his description of Titus’s munificentia, Suetonius mentions games in an amphitheatre in the year 80 as well as the dedication of the Colosseum and the building of thermal baths (Suet. Tit. 7,3). From the time of Trajan’s reign munificentia (CIL IX 5825) as well as indulgentia (CIL IX 1455 = ILS 6509; CIL XI 1147 = ILS 6675) and liberalitas (CIL XI 5956; 5395 = ILS 6620) were used in connection with the institution of + alimenta. In Pliny’s Panegyricus, munificentia and liberalitas appear as synonyms, when Trajan’s distribution of a > congiarium is praised (Plin. Pan. 25,5). On coins, the legend munificentia is used to commemorate the games and the restoration of the Colosseum after the fire of 217, celebrated by Gordianus II]; munificentia first appears under Antoninus Pius in 149 on the reverse of an > as (with SC added) and on medallions (without SC). The legend MUNIFICENTIA

AUG on coins is augmented by an upright clothed figure of a woman with a crown in her outstretched right hand, a sceptre in her left and a lion lying at her feet (RIC IU, 134, note and no. 861; BMCRE IV, 300, no.

1838-1839 and table 45,1), an elephant walking to the right through the picture (BMCRE IV, 300, no. 18401842, table 45,2) ora lion running to the left [6. 12, no. 31 and table 46,5] also appears. The occasion commemorated by the minting of these coins may have been the games that were organised for the wedding of Marcus [2] Aurelius and Faustina [3] or the ninth centenary celebrations of the city of Rome in the year 148, at which lions, elephants and other wild animals were probably put on display (cf. SHA Antoninus 10,9). The legend MUNIFICENTIA AUG on the reverse and the elephant passing to the right again appear on a Commodus as in 183/184 (RIC III, 412, no. 397; 415, no. 432 with table 16,324; BMCREIV, 788 |; 794, no. 543 with table 105,13), then on denarii and sesterces minted in the time of Septimius Severus, c. 196/197 (IMP VIII)

299

300

and 197 (IMP VIII) (RIC IV 1, ror, no. 82 with table

ihn, TKO, Were

Around AD 300, M. was abandoned, probably owing to exhaustion of the ore mines.

BMCRE V, 47, no. 168-169 with table 9,15; 56, no. 224-225 with table 10,18; 148, no. 602 with table

1 J. UNTERMANN, Zum Namen von M., in: Madrider Mitteilungen 2, 1961, 107-118 2H. NESSELHAUF, Zwei

25,6; 153*; Addenda 620, no. 602 A).

Bronzeurkunden aus M., in: Madrider Mitteilungen

Coins issued in the year 196/7 to commemorate the naming of Caracalla as Caesar, celebrate munificentia

1960, 142ff. 3 W. GRUNHAGEN, Nuevos hallazgos de esculturas romanas en M., in: Arbor 49, 1961, 125-142 4 Id., Die Ausgrabungen von M., in: AA, 1960, 213-218.

MUNIFICENTIA

Gra2lis WO,

Tele), IKoYoR Imstep, KO, HG

together with liberalitas, indulgentia, providentia and securitas. The image of an elephant again accompanies the legend MUNIFICENTIA AUG on a coin of Elagabal [2] (non-datable as: RIC IV 2,57, no. 365), whereas

on a large medallion of Gordianus [3] III, a fight between an elephant and a bull in the arena of the restored Colosseum can be seen [6. 89, no. 22-23 with table 104, no. 5—6] in addition to the legend MUNIFICENTIA GORDIANI AUG.

In the political language of the 4th and 5th cents. munificentia was often used. While indulgentia and liberalitas always described an individual decision by the emperor, munificentia came to stress the ability of the emperor to reach such decisions. The older view [7]

was that the use of nostra munificentia occasionally represented a form of appellation. However, in order to call to mind their generosity and to provide themselves with a title, emperors of the 4th and sth cents. preferred styles such as nostra clementia, nostra lenitudo and nostra mansuetudo.

S. T. HauscuiLp, M. Die doppelgeschossige Halle und die Adikula im Forumgebiet, in: Madrider Mitteilungen 9, 1968, 263ff.; TOVAR 2, 160f. P.B.

Munimentum [1] M. Traiani

1 A. FRANKE, s.v. M. Traiani, RE 16, 639f.

4, 1992, 445

(ed.), Religio deorum. Actas del coloquio internacional de

Inscriptions, 1996

4 TH. GANSCHOwW, s.v. Munificantia,

LIMC, vol. 6,1, 688; vol. 6,2, 408

personificazioni

5 F. GNEcCHI,

allegoriche sulle monete

Le

imperiali, in:

Rivista italiana di numismatica 18, 1905, 349-388 6 Idem., I medaglioni romani, vol. 2, 1912 (repr. 1970) 7R. M. Honic, Humanitas und Rhetorik in spatrémischen Kaisergesetzen, 1960 8 W. KOHLER, s.v. Munificentia, EAA vol. 5,252 9P.L. Srrack, Untersuchungen

zur romischen Reichspragung des zweiten Jahrhunderts, vol. 3: Die Reichspragung zur Zeit des Antoninus Pius, 1937, 140

10 ThIL 8,s.v. munificentia, 1650-1651; S.v.

munificus, 1652-1654

11A. WALLACE-HapRILL, The

Emperor and His Virtues, in: Historia 30, 1981, 298-323 12 G. Wescu-Ket, Liberalitas in rem publicam, 1990.

MI.CO.

in: J. HERRMANN

place name. Under Vespasian (AD 69-79) municipium;

M. had a special official to apply municipal rights, known as the promotor (?) iuris Latini (CIL II 1052). In

the 2nd cent., M. became a prosperous mining town with a large terraced sanctuary (emperor cult?) [3; 4].

the

2 L. Jacos, I.

(ed.), Griechische und latei-

nische Quellen zur Friihgeschichte Mitteleuropas..., vol. (comm.)

3H.

Casrritius,

E. SCHALL-

MAYER, Kaiser Julian am obergermanischen Limes..., in: Beitrage zur Erforschung des Odenwaldes und seiner Randlandschaften 6, 1997, I-16.

[2] In AD 369, as part of fortification work against the +» Alamanni at the Rhine frontier, Emperor Valentinianus had a ‘towering and sturdy munimentum’ (‘fortification’) built at the mouth of the > Nicer (Amm. Marc. 28,2,1-4; cf. Symmachus, Or. 2,4; 16-26; Auson. Mos. 423). The munimentum secured a Rhine crossing as a bridgehead. It is presumed to be near the modern Mannheim-Neckarau, where several defensive installations from late antiquity have been found. 1A. FRANKE, s.v. M. Valentiniani, RE 16, 640f. 2H. GROPENGIESSER, Spatromischer Burgus bei MannheimNeckarau, in: Badische Fundberichte 13, 1937, 117f. 3 W. SCHLEIERMACHER, Befestigte Schiffslanden Valentinians, in: Germania 26, 1942, 191-195

4B. HEUKEMES,

Der spatromische Burgus von Lopodunum-Ladenburg am Neckar, in: Fundberichte

Munigua Town in southern Spain (Sierra Morena) near modern Villanueva de las Minas in the province of Seville-(the form of the name has been deduced from municipium |Flavium] Muniguense, CIL Il 1049-1051 [2]), modern Castillo de Mulva. Probably an Iberian [1]

[11] renewed

> Alamanni were compelled to provide food to the occupying troops when necessary. The identity of this Munimentum Traiani is disputed. Locations between the Main and the Neckar have been suggested, while recent scholarship has sought to present the Munimentum not as a fort but as a complete military installation, i.e. as the > limes, with implications for the question of Roman continuity in the peripheries on the right bank of the Rhine [3].

sTOL (ed.), Institutions, société et vie politique dans l’empire romain au IV siécle ap. J.C., 1992 2M. CorBIER,

epigrafia, 1992, 95-123 3 E. Forsis, Municipal Virtues in the Roman Empire. The Evidence of Italian Honorary

lulianus

Trajan, during a campaign out of > Mogontiacum in the autumn of AD 357 (Amm. Marc. 17,1,11). The

ULMANN,

M. MAYER

Emperor

Munimentum Traiani, originally built at the behest of

1 J.-M. Carré, La ‘munificence’ du prince, in: M. CHRI-

Indulgentia Principis. L’image et le mot, in:

r,

Baden-Wiirttemberg

6, 1981,

433-473 5 A. Wieczorek, Zu den spatrémischen Befestigungsanlagen des Neckarmiindungsgebietes, in: Mannheimer Geschichtsblatter N.F. 2, 1995, 9-90.

RA.WI.

Munius Lupercus Senator, who as legate of the legio XV Apollinaris in the army of Lower Germany in AD 69 was in command of the winter camp of his legion and the remains of the legio V Alaudae. He attacked lulius [II 43] Civilis on the island of Batavia, but withdrew defeated to Vetera. There he had to surrender ow-

302

301

ing to lack of food. He escaped the massacre of the retreating troops. When he was sent by Civilis as a gift to the seer > Veleda, he was murdered on the way (Tac. Hist. 4,18; 4,22; 4,61,2-3). PIR*

M 741.

TH. FRANKE, Die Legionslegaten der romischen Armee in der Zeit von Augustus bis Traian, 1991, 26of. W.E.

Munus, Munera I. ETYMOLOGY

AND DEFINITION

Il. CONTRIBUTIONS

AND MUNICIPAL OFFICES

II]. GLADIATORIAL

GAMES

I. ETYMOLOGY A. DEFINITION

AND DEFINITION B. MUNUS

AND

HONOR

A. DEFINITION As demonstrated by BENVENISTE [1] Lat. mzunus, derived from the root mei, to ‘(ex)change’, is closer related to exchange rather than gift. Varro, in his proposed etymology of munus (Varro, Ling. 5,179: munus, quod mutuo animo qui sunt, dant officii causa; alterum munus, quod muniendi causa imperatum; cf. [5. 141]), emphasised in his first example the reciprocity of giving; in his second example munus referred to a contribution towards fortification purposes. The grammarian — Verrius Flaccus, a contemporary of Augustus (Fest. 125), equated munus with officium, a duty associated with an office held; in addition, munus referred to the gift that was expected from someone who entered into an obligation (munus significat ‘officium’ cum dicitur quis munere fungi; item donum quod officii causa datur). For Cicero > ius, officium and munus were the three elements that had to be in balance to ensure the continuance of> civitas (Cic. Rep. 2,57). In Cicero and Tacitus as well as in other Latin authors munus referred to ‘gift’ or ‘present’. Legal scholars of the Severan Period (193-205) cited various meanings of the term: They knew that munus could be synonymous with donum; the difference between munus and donum (a voluntary action) was that munus was based on a moral or legal obligation (Paulus, Dig. 50,16,18; Marcianus, Dig. 50,16,214). Inthe Roman world, a citizen was expected to donate a portion of his time and wealth to the common good; the obligations varied with wealth and social position. Therefore definitions of municeps and > municipium always refer to munus (Fest. p. 117; 127; 155; Gell. NA 16,13,6; Ulpianus, Dig. 50,1,1; Paulus, Dig. 50,16,18). B. MUNUS AND HONOR

Contrary to an earlier assumption, the term munus became detached from the concept of honor (‘honour, office’) only late. For Cicero, who mentions munus consulatus (Cic. Pis. 23), munus publicum was the public activity of a citizen (Cic. Off. 2,75). The jurists gradually detached the idea of honor from munus; the difference is basically that honor — unlike munus — was related to dignitas (‘dignity’, ‘rank’). Both terms referred

MUNUS,

MUNERA

to the administration of the polity (Callistratus, Dig. 50,4,14: Honor municipalis est administratio rei publicae cum dignitatis gradu, sive cum sumptu sive sine erogatione contingens. Munus aut publicum aut privatum

est. Publicum munus dicitur, quod in administranda re publica cum sumptu sine titulo dignitatis subimus). In inscriptions from the Principate, there are several variants of the formula omnibus honoribus et muneribus (per) functus (‘who held all honorary offices’), often with oneribus added or with oneribus instead of muneribus (CILV1 33887 =ILS 7481; CILIX 3838; X 1785 = JIES§63335) CILEXGns8e533:7591= Ib163 403 Clea; 59; 47553 53493 §657 = ILS 6287; Gesoriacum in Belgica: AE 1978,502). Fewer inscriptions have the formula omnibus muneribus functus (CIL X 3678 = ILS 5689; CIL X 5654). II. CONTRIBUTIONS A. TYPES

OF SERVICES

AND MUNICIPAL B. EXCEPTIONS

OFFICES AND

EXEMPTIONS

A. TYPES OF SERVICES The term munus is related to the concept of gift and to the tradition of municipal — liturgies. The > lex Irnitana from the time of the Flavians called legatio (taking charge of a legation) a munus (AE 1986, 333, chapter F). From the Severan period to the late 3rd cent., this local framework dominated the work of the jurists who drew up the doctrine of munera (pl.) (Hermogenianus,

Dig.

50,4,1;

Arcadius,

Dig.

50,4,18).

Munera referred both to the oversight over certain areas (— cura) that wealthy citizens were required to assume and to — taxes in the usual sense. There was no clear distinction between taxes for the central administration and municipal obligations. Apparently, some legal scholars attributed munera civilia to the cities (Paulus, Dig. 50,16,18: municipes dici quod munera civilia capiant). For legal scholars, the city was the only administrative unit of importance: The responsibilities of an individual were determined by his particular legal situation: if someone owned land on the territory of the city, he had obligations as possessor (Ulpianus, Dig 50,4,6,5: intributiones quae agris fiunt vel aedificiis possessoribus indicuntur; 50,15,4,2: is vero qui agrum in alia cwitate habet, ne ea civitate profiteri debet, in qua ager est; agri enim tributum in eam civitatem debet levare in cuius territorio possiditur), a native of the city (origo) had obligations as municeps (citizen of a city) and someone who lived in the city (domicilium) had obligations as incola (local resident). Munera patrimonalia, financial contributions, were usually distinguished from munera personalia, which did not imply any financial obligations; munera mixta were imposed on > curiales, who were responsible for collecting taxes (Arcadius Charisius, Dig. 50,4,18; 50,4,26). The obligations called munera personalia referred both to the responsibilty for a particular area (cura aquae or > cura annonae) and to physical labor (munera corporalia, after the late 3rd cent. AD munera

MUNUS,

MUNERA

sordida).

The ‘division of labour’ between the » decuriones who gave money and the > populus who had to do the labour possibly reflects the various types of munera that everyone had to assume according to his social rank (cf. the inscriptions at the baths in Timgad CIL VII 2345 =ILS 6843). There were two categories of financial obligations called munera personalia: the owners of real estate (agri et aedificia) had to pay > tributum (tax) (Ulpianus, Dig. 50,4,6); they had to maintain the streets and provide horses and beasts of burden as well as the quarters for soldiers; in some cities they were also required to contribute in kind to the municipal food supply. Everyone, regardless of age or gender, who owned property on the territory of the city was subject to taxes and had to provide services, even if he did not belong to the city by origo or domicilium. The second category of financial services applied to persons who belonged to a city as municipes by origo (regardless of whether they lived there or not) or as incolae by domicilium. Thus munera patrimonalia were municipial obligations imposed on residents on account of their personal property (+ patrimonium).

B. EXCEPTIONS AND EXEMPTIONS The obligations summarized under the heading munera formed a group of contributions, earmarked in part for the Imperium and in part for the cities. However, there were numerous exceptions (vacationes, excusationes) from the various munera, e.g. the exemption from municipal contributions, the exemption (immunitas) from contributions to the > cursus publi-

cus and from providing quarters for the soldiers. The terms vacatio and excusatio referred to temporary exemptions; they were pronounced by courts and applied to munera personalia. Immunitas, on the other hand, referred to an exemption without any temporary limit. Immunitates were granted by the princeps and applied mostly to munera patrimonialia (i.e. to taxes or munera civilia that called for cash contributions).

Individuals, groups or communities that were granted an exception or exemption fell into three overall categories: There were individuals who because of physical weakness (esp. women, the infirm, elderly and minors) or poverty were unable to make make contributions either for a limited or unlimited time period; then there were others who had made a contribution to the community, e.g. fathers with large families or certain professional groups like — negotiatores and > navicularii who were in the service of the Roman annona or physicians, teachers, orators and philosophers, furthermore soldiers and veterans, officials, coloni on imperial farms and finally decorated athletes (coronati) as well as the residents of cities that were exempted from taxes (e.g. the cities called liberae et immunes and cities under ius Italicum). 1E. BENVENISTE, Problémes de linguistique générale, 1966, 315-326 2 Ders., Le vocabulaire des institutions indo-européennes, vol. 1, 1969, 96-97, 187.

304

303

3 N. CHAR-

BONNEL,

Les

‘munera

4 ERNOUT/MEILLET,

publica’

421-422

au

III* siécle,

5 F. GRELLE,

1974

I munera

civilia e le finanze cittadine, in: Il capitolo delle entrate nelle finanze municipali in Occidente ed in Oriente. Actes de la X¢ rencontre franco-italienne sur l’épigraphie du monde romain, 1999, 137-153

61d., Munus publicum.

Terminologia e sistematiche, in: Labeo, 7, 1961, 308-329

7 Id., Stipendium vel tributum, 1963 8 M. HuMBERT, Municipium et civitas sine suffragio, 1978, 3-43 9 F. Jacques, Le privilége de liberté, 1984

10 L. NEESEN, Die

Entwicklung der Leistungen und Amter (munera et honores) im romischen Kaiserreich des zweiten bis vierten Jahrhunderts, in: Historia 30, 1981, 203-235 m., 1662-1667

11 ThLL8,s.v.

12P. VeYNE, Le pain et le cirque, 1976

(Engl. trans.: Bread and Circuses, 1990).

ML.CO.

III. GLADIATORIAL GAMES A. DEFINITION B. ORIGIN AND ARRIVAL IN ROME C. DEVELOPMENT OF ROMAN MUNERA D. CrITIcisM_

E. GLADIATORS

A. DEFINITION Munus gladiatorium was a particular type of munus (‘gift’, ‘service for the gods or for the public’ [4], cf. Greek leitourgia, — liturgy I.C.). The population of Rome appreciated it most; it became the munus par excellence, even without the specification gladiatorum or gladiatorium. The Roman munera in the amphitheatre and the circenses in the Circus Maximus (> Circus II) fascinated people of Imperial Rome like no other institution. Judging from the successful adaptation in the modern media, they are powerful even today [1]. Although both events served to entertain large numbers of people and both were often called spectacula (Suet. Aug. 43,1; Suet. Cal. 18; Suet. Claud. 21,1), munera and circenses have a different origin. The circenses (circus games) were a sacral institution of the Roman state and at least formally kept their sacral character into Christian times; the munera, however, came from private initiative and never became part of the official cult [2. 1-8]. The arena of the amphitheatre was not the setting for a game but for a serious contest that could have a fatal outcome. Contemporary Greeks translated munus with omdonayia (hoplomachia, ‘contest in weapons’) or wovonayta (#o0nomachia, ‘single combat’). Therefore modern scholars should refrain from using the term gladiatorial ‘games’ (giochi, jeux, Spiele). In the world of the gladiators, ludus (gladiatorius) always referred to the barracks [3] where they practiced for the event (> Gladiator). In Rome munera were held for almost 700 years. The plural form appropriately describes the overall phenomenon; the ancient sources always used the singular munus for an individual event, even when thousands of gladiators fought against each other and when a munus lasted several days or weeks (cf. C. 1.; C. 2.).

305

306

B. ORIGIN AND ARRIVAL IN ROME According to a passage from Nicolaus of Damascus quoted by Athenaeus (Ath. 4,153f), gladiatorial contests came to Rome by way of the Etruscans. However, no gladiators can be found in the well-preserved pictorial programs of the Etruscan tombs of the 5th cent. BC. The earliest known depiction of gladiators comes from tombs of the 4th cent. near Paestum. Therefore, it has been recently suggested that the gladiatorial contests came from the Samnite-Oscan population of southern Italy [5]; > lanista, the word for the professional manager and trainer of gladiators could still be an Etruscan word (Isid. Orig. 10,159). It is certain that the Romans, i.e. generals and soldiers, became familiar with gladiatorial contests during the Samnite Wars (2nd half of the 4th cent. BC) in Campania (Liv. 9,40,17), and that until the end of the Republic gladiatorial contests were held in Rome as part of funeral ceremonies in honour of important persons. This suggests that their origin was in the cult of the dead (+ Dead, cult of the [6]); but as far as we know, the Roman organisers had no interest in cultic explanations. ‘D. Junius [I 25] Brutus (Pera) was the first to hold (edidit) a munus honouring his deceased father’ (Liv. Per. 16). According to later sources [7. 42] this munus took place in Rome in 264 BC on the Forum Boarium; three pairs of gladiators competed in it. In the 3rd cent. the family of the Iunii was among the leading gentes of Rome; with a munus honouring his father, Iunius Pera (cos. 266) set a precedent which the Roman aristocracy imitated and embellished.

though its expense could consume a considerable por-

C. DEVELOPMENT

OF ROMAN

1. TO THE END OF THE REPUBLIC

AuGuSsTUS

MUNERA 2. UNDER

3.IMPERIAL PERIOD

1. TO THE END OF THE REPUBLIC Because Livy’s historical work has come down to us in an incomplete state, between 216 and 174 only four munera are known in some detail. From his formulaic reports emerges an identical situation: Munera were an embellishment of funeral ceremonies (funeralia) for important persons of the Roman aristocracy; usually funeralia consisted of funeral games (ludi funebres; -» Death) and sometimes included free food and drink for the people and a distribution of meat. A munus is always mentioned as a separate item of the program: It was the end of the funeral games; it probably could also be held simultaneously [7. 43-46], but it was not a part of them. The number of gladiators was not set and increased considerably after 264: in 216 BC at the funeral celebration of M. Aemilius [I 8] Lepidus, 22 pairs of gladiators competed on the Forum (Liv. 23,30,15); in 200, in honour of Valerius Laevinus, there were 25 pairs (Liv. 31,50,4), and in 183, honouring P. Licinius {I 18], 120 gladiators are mentioned. In 174, in honour of T. Quinctius Flamininus, 74 gladiators were fighting in a munus that lasted three days (Liv. 41,28,11). With-

in 100 years the munus had become an obligatory element of the funeral ceremony of the aristocracy, even

MUNUS,

MUNERA

tion of the inheritance (Pol. 31,28,6: 30 talents).

Livy’s account of the munus that P. > Cornelius [I 71] Scipio Africanus held in 206 near Carthago Nova to honour his father and uncle (Liv. 28,21) illuminates the original purpose of munera and their importance in the military thinking of the Romans. This spectacular munus in which only volunteers competed — some were Roman soldiers, others members of neighbouring Iberian tribes who wanted to demonstrate their bravery — was followed by ludi funebres in keeping with the resources of the province and the camp. Apparently the munus was the most important part of the funeral ceremony: it was intentionally held for the army to see. The preparation mentioned by Livy probably refers to select pairs training for their performance which was to be a display of their ‘discipline’. — Disciplina militaris meant getting inured to hardship; even Cicero, who was opposed to munera, admired the discipline of the gladiators in the face of certain death (Cic. Tusc. 2,37f.5 41). In Rome, from the outset the function of gladiatorial contests was to provide a military example; they were not originally envisioned as mass entertainment. The evidence for munera in the 2nd cent. BC is fragmentary. The munus for M. Aemilius [I 8] Lepidus in 216 took place on the Forum Romanum as was appropriate to his rank. According to Vitruvius, when the Forum was redesigned in the early 2nd cent., it was with munera in mind (Vitr. 5,1,1-3). In 122 it had apparently been customary for quite a while to set up platforms and lease them to noble spectators for their comfort. C. Sempronius Gracchus had these platforms razed (Plut. C. Gracchus 12,5f.,840b) in a demonstrative show of support for the poorer population segments that could not lease seats. As a matter of principle organisers of funerals could never charge admission fees for a munus

(pace [7. 44]). The year 105 BC was long considered pivotal in the evolution of munera; supposedly the Roman state started organising munera at that date. The evidence does not support this assumption [8; 2. 7]. The year is never-

theless important in the history of munera, since for the first time trainers of gladiators were recruited as instructors to the legions to increase their fighting strength (Val. Max. 2,3,2). It is not known whether this measure became permanent. From the turn of the century to Caesar’s death 25 munera are documented for Rome; the number of those actually held is probably much higher. Without exception, the organisers were members of the aristocracy. The function the munera fulfilled had completely changed: Popular entertainment had become a political instrument in the annual election campaign. A munus was still held to honour a deceased, but the organiser (editor) chose the date to benefit his own political career; he could be a quaestor, an aedile or an aspiring praetor. The death might have occurred several years ago; because of the intense political connections between Roman gentes it was never hard to find an occasion for a munus (sources: [7. 93f.]).

MUNUS,

MUNERA

In the rst cent. BC the authorities intervened with restrictive laws although the events were de facto still private: The number of gladiators that could fight in one munus was restricted (Suet. Iul. 10,2); the lex Tullia de ambitu pushed through by Cicero (Cic. Sest. 133) prevented a munus two years prior to running for office, except when the date had been explicitly requested in the will. There were probably additional laws restricting munera (cf. Cic. Har. resp. 56). In the Republic munera might have been reserved to the aristocracy; since as far as we know no > novus homo tried to further his advancement as editor muneris. When the balance of political power shifted, the legal restrictions were shoved aside: Caesar integrated the munus for his daughter into his triumph of 46: In number and quality of contestants as well as in splendour of the armour it surpassed everything previously seen in Rome. But at least formally, this #2unus was to honour a dead family member. The munera the emperor-to-be Tiberius held as a young man (the exact year is not known) in memo-

ry of his father and grandfather were of the traditional kind as well (Suet. Tib. 7,1). 2. UNDER AUGUSTUS Probably in 22 within a comprehensive reshuffle of all + spectacles (spectacula: Suet. Aug. 44), Augustus created a new regulation for munera: He determined that the praetors should hold munera every year with no more than 120 gladiators; thereby he had provided for an important need of the Roman people. Private munera — and probably also those exceeding the number permitted — had to be authorised by the Senate. Augustus himself had the Senate authorise his private munera (Cass. Dio 54,19). Another new development was that he detached munera from funeral ceremonies. This was largely done for political reasons: A munus evidently increased the popularity of the editor. Several of the munera mentioned in R. Gest. div. Aug. 22 were part of funeral ceremonies; e.g. Agrippa [1], the friend and son-in-law of the princeps, was honoured in the year 12 with a traditional munus (Cass. Dio 54,29,6). The last munus of the aristocracy that was part of a funeral ceremony was held in honour of Nero > Claudius [II 24] Drusus in AD 6 [7. 99-106, 121-123]. On two other occasions the original reason for munera, to honour the dead, manifested itself again: Hadrian organised a munus for his dead mother-in-law (SHA Hadr. 9,9) and so did Marcus Aurelius to honour his

father (SHA Aur. 8,2). According to the Augustan regulation, munera were to be held on a modest scale once a year and commissioned by the state; beyond that, as a favour to the people, they were the privilege of the emperor. 3. IMPERIAL PERIOD Under Tiberius the Romans were not spoilt with munera. His aversion was mainly aimed at the mass event

(Tac. Ann.

308

307

1,76). The

emperor

never

held a

munus at his own expense, he reduced the expenses for the customary munera; members of the equestrian and senatorial class were exiled if they volunteered as

gladiators (Suet. Tib. 34,1; 35,2). It appears that Tiberius even reduced the annual munera of the praetors that Augustus had instituted, since in 39, under Caligula, the praetors for the munera were ‘re’-allotted (Cass. Dio 59,14). Claudius put the collegium of the quaestors in charge of organising an ‘annual munus’ (Tac. Ann, 11,22); and although Nero (Tac. Ann. 13,5)

reneged on this regulation, from the time of Domitian it became

a permanent

measure

(Suet. Dom.

4,1). Ac-

cording to the sources only Alexander Severus (SHA Alex. 43,3f.) alleviated the burdensome expenses of the quaestors by providing state help: Only the candidati principis (> candidatus) were required to cover munera by their own means; in return they immediately rose to the praetorship and were assigned a province. The other quaestors were supposed to organise more modest munera at the expense ofthe public treasury (arca); thus they were called > arcarius. This regulation endured; the calendar of Filocalus from 354 (~ Chronographer of 354) still distinguished munera by the attribute ‘arca’ and ‘candida’ [9.766]. The calendar indicates that munera were held in Rome even long after emperor Constantinus I had forbidden them. They continued well into the sth cent. It is not known precisely in what year the last munus took place in Rome [2. 156-160]. The treatment of munera in modern literature is characterised by a loathing of mass killings coram publico, the cruel excesses of emperors in the course of munera, undignified appearances of senators and equestrians as gladiators, and the lascivious frenzy of the masses of spectators who wanted to see blood flow and did see it. But the ancient sources for munera are largely anecdotal. They derive their subject matter from the excesses of the emperors Caligula, Nero, Domitian and Commodus (Suet. Cal. 27; Suet. Claud. 21,4-5; 24,0; lac. Ann. 15532; ouet. Domw4,1olvAs Comm, IS).

Although the imperial excesses should not be trivialised, they were contingent upon various social tendencies and only marginally related to munera. E.g. Augustus did not think it was defamatory when equestrians appeared in a munus and prohibited it only after intervention by the Senate (Suet. Aug. 43,3). Tiberius was more determined (Suet. Tib. 35,2), but in the end unsuccessful; there were plenty of young men from the best families who sold years of their freedom to a > lanista for pay (> auctoramentum). In the peaceful decades of the 2nd cent. AD there were probably more hired gladiators (+ auctorati) than > prisoners of war in the arena. Possible reasons were a thirst for adventure, a liking for show business, a dislike for military service or financial hardship in the family (Quint. Decl. 302) [10]; apparently the youthful auctorati did not see themselves as doomed. The salute to the emperor Ave Caesar, morituri te salutant (‘Hail, Caesar, those who are about to die salute you!’) was only once addressed to Claudius, and not at the beginning of a munus in Rome, but before a staged naval battle (+ Naumachia; cf. Suet. Claud. 21,6). Undoubtedly some gladiators

309

310

perished in the arena (Suet. Claud. 34); imperial edicts that repeatedly prohibited killing the defeated (Suet. Aug. 45,33; Suet. Nero 12,1) were not very popular with the spectators (cf. Petron. Sat. 45,4-6). The emperors’ personal involvement with gladiators and munera varied widely: Claudius frequently treated the Romans to munera, Nero held a sumptuous munus (Suet. Nero 11,1); but since his real interest was in all things Greek he was far more interested in agones held in the Greek

pairs of gladiators fought; the munus was sometimes followed by an athletic contest or a venatio (without African beasts) [15]. The government in Rome interfered with the municipal munera merely by providing a legal frame-work, e.g. by determining the number of gladiators (Tac. Ann. 13,49). As the example of Marcus Aurelius shows, criminals could only be sent into the arena with the permission of the emperor.

manner

D. CRITICISM ‘What pleases the crowd’ has always provoked the criticism and objection of intellectuals. For the satirist

(> Sports festivals; + Competitions, artistic).

In his level-headed way Vespasian considered it a political necessity to provide the appropriate setting for munera by building the > Colosseum; Titus and Domitian inaugurated the building with a great munus only in AD 8o (Suet. Tit. 7,3). In 107 after the conquest of Dacia, Trajan held the most sumptuous munus of 123 days and with 10,000 gladiators (Plin. Paneg. 33,1). Interestingly, it is said of Hadrian that he could handle his weapons like a gladiator (SHA Hadr. 14,10); he held a munus that lasted six days in AD 126 (SHA Hadr. 7,12). Marcus Aurelius would have abolished the munera, had it been possible for an emperor to do so (M. Aur. 1,5). He had the gladiators in Rome fight with blunt, i.e. harmless, weapons and employed their legendary combat discipline on campaigns instead; as a result trained gladiators became more expensive [11]. Because of r9th-cent. novels and their modern interpretation in the media, the martyrdom of Christians has become associated with munera. The connection between munera and persecution of Christians (> Tolerance) had a basis in Roman criminal law [12]. In the early Imperial period it had become customary to sentence slaves and criminals who were not Roman citizens ad bestias (to fight with wild animals) or ad ludos (to serve in the gladiator barracks). The sentence ad bestias meant certain death: the condemned was bound and thrown to the animals. Such executions for public entertainment [12. 925] took place during mock ‘hunts’ in the arena (> venatio); often, but not always, they were the first event in the program of a munus. If someone condemned ad Iudos fought ‘honourably’, the emperor might pardon him. Considering the Christians’ uncertain legal situation they could be declared criminals any time and sent into the arena (for measures by Marcus Aurelius that led to the persecution of Christians, see Eus. Hist. eccl. 5,1,443 473 51). The most impressive evidence that munera had become indispensable is their wide spread. Around 300 amphitheatres (> Amphitheatrum) are documented, a few of them in the eastern provinces where munera were often held in theatres or stadiums [13. 8-9]. According to [14] munera were just as popular in the Greek east as in the western provinces. Holding munera was the responsibility of the cities. The organisation of munera in a small town is well documented by Pompeian wall inscriptions: The munera in Pompeii were held in the spring; the organisers were leading municipal officials or the > Augustales [1] who were responsible for the emperor cult in rural towns. Usually 20

Lucilius munera

MUNUS,

were a reason to leave Rome

MUNERA

(Lucil.

676f.). Cicero was no friend of mass events and thus did not like munera either (Cic. Att. 2,1,1; 2,10). However,

he accords moral value to the discipline of gladiatorial combats (Cic. Tusc. 2,41) just as Pliny did (Paneg. 33,1) rso years later. Seneca the Younger is often incorrectly cited as an intellectual opponent of munera. He warns (Sen. Epist. 7) of the power of the.crowd whose excited cruelty he witnessed during an execution that was part ofa munus, not during regular gladiatorial combat. The tenor of the criticism of munera stayed the same even in a Christian context. Supposedly it was not worthy of a human being trained in philosophy to expose himself to the influence of the crowd. Although the phenomenon of mass psychology had not yet been conceptualised, from Seneca and Tertullian (De spectaculis, esp. 19-22) to Augustine (Conf. 6,8), it is described concisely. Yet, the essence of munus, one-on-one combat after set rules that had to end, if not in death, at least with injury, is

not the object of the criticism. The fear of death was to be overcome by witnessing a ritualised killing. Over the centuries the original purpose of munera had been largely forgotten [2. 128-161]. The occasional executions during a munus, such as the artfully dramatised show executions at the inauguration of the Colosseum which Martial (Liber spectaculorum) or the Christian + Perpetua (Passio Perpetuae) describe, make munera seem like an institution that catered to the lowest instincts of the uninhibited masses. Although this assessment is not necessarily inaccurate, it is not re-

stricted to a typically Roman phenomenon since from the Middle Ages to the Modern Period gruesome executions were held in public and attracted large crowds [16]. E. GLADIATORS During the 700 years > gladiators were in existence their armour and fighting style changed: Certain types emerged and since they fought with different weapons the fighting style and training had to be adjusted accordingly. The training usually took place in the ludus gladiatorius (except under Caesar, cf. Suet. Jul. 26,3) under the supervision of a specialist, called doctor (CIL VI 10174; 10181; 10192). Sometimes these doctores were also used to instruct the Roman army (see above C.r.). It was the responsibility of the > lanista to ascertain that they were qualified. Roman spectators knew

MUNUS,

MUNERA

pas

311

the rules (dictata) very well (Petron. Sat. 45) and were discriminating and critical [17]. Samnis and Gallus (‘Samnite’ and ‘Gaul’; after the type of armour) are the oldest terms for gladiators [18]. In the rst cent. BC these terms disappeared; they were replaced by murmillo (or myrmillo), secutor, provocator, (h)oplomachus; all of which refer to heavily armed gladiators. A heavily armed gladiator had a helmet, a long shield covering all of the body that could be oval or square, greaves and bandages on the left leg, and on the right leg only bandages. His weapon was a sword of varying length; the dimachaerus, first mentioned in the 2nd cent. AD, fought with a sword each in his left and right hand. Because of the insufficient archaeological and epigraphic evidence it is impossible to accurately distinguish the various types of heavily armed gladia-

1977, 363-368 12Mommsen, Strafrecht, 925-954 13 J.-C. GoLvin, Cu. Lanpes, Amphithéatres et gladiateurs, 1990 14L. Rosert, Les gladiateurs dans l’orient grec, 1971 15 P. SABBATINI TUMOLESI, Gladiatorum Paria, 1980 16M. Foucautt, Surveiller et punir: Naissance de la prison, 1975 (Eng. trans.: Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, 1977) 17H. PrLuc, Helm und Beinschienen eines Gladiators, in: Antike Helme (R6misch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Mainz, Monographien 14), 1988, 365-374 18K. SCHNEIDER, s.v. Thraex, RE 6 Ar, 389-392 19 A. HONLE, A. HENZE,

R6émische Amphitheater und Stadien, 1981. L. Ropert, Les gladiateurs dans l’orient grec, 1971; A. Hon tg, A. HENzE, ROmische Amphitheater und Stadien, 1981.

A.HO.

Murals see > Wall paintings

tors [14]. The Thraex (or Thrax, ‘Thracian’) and the

retiarius (fighter with a net) were lightly armed gladiators. Both types probably emerged only in the early Imperial period [19]: The retiarius was barefooted, without helmet and without shield; his only protection was the galerus, a kind of flat shield attached to his left shoulder and barely large enough to cover his face, his weapons were his net, a trident in his right hand and a dagger in his left hand. The Thracian was protected by a helmet and knee-high metal greaves on both legs; his shield was small and round or square leaving the upper body exposed; his weapon was a curved dagger. The appeal for the spectators consisted in watching gladiators who employed various weapons and techniques fight each other. Lightly armed gladiators always competed against heavily armed ones, they never competed with each other; heavily armed gladiators competed with each other as well, but never two of the same type [14. 68-70]. The Thracian and the retiarus were the types most frequently mentioned in inscriptions and literature, probably because they were especially popular and therefore dominated the great munera. Other terms that sometimes appear (e.g. laquearius, Isid. Orig. 18,56) can not be assigned to a specific appearance [19. 217-219; 17. 365]. The > Venatio, which from the 2nd cent. AD was often combined with a munus, lead to a new type of gladiator: the bestiarius who specialised in killing animals. It was unusual for one gladiator to have mastered the techniques of several types (Mart. 5,25). Retired gladiators were called rudiarii. ~» Circus; > Gladiator; > Leisure (D.); » Naumachia; + Venatio 1M. Exoy, A. Simon, Les gladiateurs dans le spectacle moderne, in: C. DOMERGUE, Gladiateurs et amphithéatres

(Spectacula 1), 1990, 277-303 2 TH. WIEDEMANN, Emperors and Gladiators, 1995 3 A.M. Co.tnt, L. Cozza, Il Ludus Magnus, 1962

4 ThIL Bd. 8, s.v. munus, 1662-

1667 5 P. SABBATINI TUMOLESI, s.v. gladiatore, EAA? (Suppl. 2), 1995 6 Latre, 155 7G. VILLE, La gladiature en occident des origines a la mort de Domitien, 1981 8 E. BALTRUSCH, Die Verstaatlichung der Gladiatorenspiele, in: Hermes

116, 1988, 324-337

Gladiatores, RE Suppl. 3, 760-784 Youth in Ancient Rome, 1993

9K. SCHNEIDER, S.v.

10 E. EyBEN, Restless

11 A. BiRLEY, Marc Aurel,

Murasii Founder of a Babylonian family enterprise, often characterised as a firm. M.’s activities began under Darius [1] I. Evidence is provided by more than 830 cuneiform tablets from an archive in > Nippur, which are dated between 454 and 404 BC. Most of them concern the enterprises of Ellil-Sum-iddin und Rimat-Inurta, son and grandson of M. The family was involved in agriculture in the region of Nippur, e.g., in +> tenancy and subletting of land plots, leasing, tax collection, short-term money lending against pledged fields and gardens, and takeover of debt obligations. The family received its revenue mainly in kind, but it paid taxes and rents mostly in silver. The M. archive is the most important source for the social and economic history of Babylon during the Achaemenid period: besides private property, in many cases property of land is mentioned, which was controlled by the Achaemenid royal administration, including special fiefdoms (hatru) with tax and military obligations, as well as property of the Babylonian and Iranian aristocracy and their agents. Among them, there are persons involved in the accession to the throne of Darius [2] II, like Menostanes, > Gobryas [5] or > Parysatis, the wife of Darius II. The last owner of the archive served as agent to the prince > Arsames [3], probably the satrap of Egypt. M. W. STovrer, s.v. M., RLA 8, 427-429.

K.KE.

Muratorian Fragment The MF, named after its discoverer, L.A. MuraATORI (1672-1750), is the oldest existing catalogue of the Christian canon (+ Canon V.). The text, probably originally in Greek, has only been preserved in fragments of the Latin translation and was probably written around the year 200 in Rome. BIBLIOGRAPHY:

W. SCHNEEMELCHER,

Neutestamentli-

che Apokryphen, vol. 1: Evangelien, °r990, 27-29 (bibliography); J.-D. KaEsTut, La place du Fragment de Muratori dans l’histoire du canon, in: Cristianesimo nella Storia 15, 1994, 609-634.

M.HE.

323

314

Murcia Roman goddess whose sacellum was situated at the northern foot of the Aventine (Varro Ling. 5,154; Fest. 13.4f. L.); hence the Roman place names ad Mur-

closest to him; it is possible that the Sulpicii had privileged business relations with the imperial family. The sums mentioned are on the average considerably higher than those on the tablets of the argentarius L. Caecilius [III 4] lucundus of Pompeii. Thus in AD 51 Cinnamus collected the sum of 130,000 sesterces — as it appears, for his patronus Faustus (TPSulp 74).

ciae, vallis Murciae (the valley of the > Circus Maximus) and metae Murciae (Liv. 1,33,5; InscrIt 13.3,78;

Symmachus, Relat. 9,6; Claud. De consulatu Stilichonis 2,404; Apul. Met. 6,6; Tert. De spectaculis 8,6). M. was probably a deity of locatity, as the Aventine, or rather its southeastern elevation, is said to have been originally called mons Murcus (‘truncated’, i.e. ‘steep’), (Fest. l.c.; Serv. Auct. 8,636). Later, various derivations for the name M. were thought up: from urcei, ‘potter’s jugs’ (Procilius in Varro, completely erroneous); from murcidus, ‘sluggish’ (Aug. Civ. 4,16); and especially from a myrtle grove, which led to M.’s identification with Venus Myrtea and even Venus > Verticordia (Varro l.c.; Plin. HN 15,121; Plut. Quest. Rom. 20; Serv. Auct. l.c.). However, this identification presupposes a palatalised pronunciation of c and t (front of tongue touching hard palate) and therefore cannot have been original. F. COARELLI, s.v. Murcia, LTUR 3, 1996, 289f.; ERNOUT/ MEILLET, 422; RADKE, 224f.; O. SkUTSCH, Studia Enniana, 1968, 62-71; T. P. WisEMAN, Remus, 1995, TI2Z—UD5,, LAS.

J.-L.

MURIA

+ Argentarius [2]; > Banks Ep1Tion: G. CaMopeca, Tabulae Pompeianae Sulpiciorum, 2 vols., 1999 (TPSulp). LITERATURE: 1 J. ANDREAU, Affaires financiéres 4 Pouzzoles au I* siécle ap. J.-C.: les tablettes de Murecine, in: REL 72, 1995, 39-55

2G. Camopeca, L’archivio puteo-

lano dei Sulpicii, 1992 3 L. Casson, The Role of the State in Rome’s Grain Trade, in: D’ARMS/KoprrF, 21-33 4P. GROSCHLER, Die Tabellae-Urkunden aus den pompejanischen und herkulanensischen Urkundenfunden, 1997. JA.

Murena Roman third name or nickname (‘Moray’) in the Licinii family (+ Licinius [I 32-35]) which passed by adoption from there to A. Terentius Varro M. and his son of the same name (cos. 23 BC). It was adopted by more families in the Imperial era. 1 Decrassi, FCIR, 259

2 KaJANTO,

Cognomina,

BBQs

86; K-LE.

Murder see - Homicide

Murecine Tablets About 70 wax tablets were found in 1959 ina house, which may have been the seat of a guild (> collegium [x]), on the Agro Murecine bordering on

the river harbour of > Pompeii on the Sarno. After the first incomplete edition by C. GIORDANO and F. SBorRDONE an exemplary edition was published by G. CAMoDECA in 2 volumes. The tablets belonged to a group of four > freedmen or sons of freedmen, among whom C. Sulpicius Faustus and C. Sulpicius Cinnamus above all played an important role. As one of the tablets confirms, Cinnamus was a freedman of Sulpicius Faustus (TPSulp 72). The Sulpicii were financiers in the years between AD 20 and 60 in > Puteoli; according to CaMoDECca they could be called argentarii. The tablets were brought to Pompeii between AD 60 and 70 for unknown reasons. The tablets document various legal transactions (e.g. several > vadimonia and six testationes sistendi), contracts (debt contracts, receipts of payment, sales contracts) and auctions. The Sulpicii borrowed and lent money and archived documents about their clients’ business transactions. Beyond that they had business dealings with traders in the harbour of Puteoli. Thus five texts (TPSulp 45, 51, 52, 67 and 68) are about the grain dealer C. Novius Eunus’ loans from the imperial freedman Ti. Iulius Evenus, with Hesychus, a slave of Evenus, acting as middleman (AD 37-39). C. Novius Eunus had deposited wheat, sacks of grain and dried vegetables (chick peas and lentils) as security. In the MT we encounter several freedmen or slaves of the princeps, as well as some of the people who were

{1] The tribunus plebis, who in AD 97 made the right of speech possible for Fabricius [II 2] Veiento in a dispute in the Senate (Plin. Ep. 9,13,19); probably he and Q. Roscius Coelius Murena ... Pompeius Falco are one and the same person. PIR* M 746. It is, however, surprising why Pliny uses the cognomen M.although his main name was Q. Pompeius Falco. WE.

Murex see > Snail Murgis City in southern Spain, since the Augustan provincial reform on the border between > Hispania Baetica and > Hispania Tarraconensis. The city’s name, according to [2], is Iberian. Its location on the Campo de Dalias, 31 km to the west of Almeria, is documented in inscriptions (CIL II Suppl. 5489f.; cf. Plin. HN 3,8; 17, Baeticae

finis; tin.

Anton.

405,2;

Ptol.

2,4,9;

[2. 84f.]). 1 TovAR 2,1974

2 HOLDER, s.v. M.

P.B.

Muria (Greek &Aun/bdlmeé). Brine used from the earliest Roman period (Fest. 141) to conserve perishable foodstuffs. Although natural brine was also used (Plin. HN 31,83), muria was predominantly mixed from salt and water. To the spicier muria dura (Colum. 12,6) fish, meat, vegetables and fruit were added and eaten when marinated (salsamenta: Plin. HN 31,83). A milder muria, occasionally mixed with honey (Colum. 12,25,3) was added to wine and milk products to extend their durability (Plin. HN 14,78). Muria was also considered a condiment in the narrower sense (Api-

315

316

cius 7,1,6; 7,7,2). This is the case particularly for the brine in which fish had previously been conserved. Here the most favoured kind was sprat muria (muria ex mae-

stultitia, ‘stupidity’ (1,4,12); ‘fatuity’ (7,5,10); ‘buffo-

MURIA

nis; Plin. HN 26,23); it was used as a cheap but low-

quality substitute for garum produced from fermented fish (> Fish dishes). Muria also had medicinal (Cels. Med.

4,16; Dioscorides

5,127)

and cultic

onery’ (7,2,14); ‘empty magniloquence’ (9,2,27); imsania, ‘madness’ (Sen. Suas. 2,16). J. FAIRWEATHER, Seneca the Elder, 1981, passim (Index 399). PLS.

(> mola

salsa; Plin. HN 31,89) applications. J. ANpRE, Essen und Trinken im alten Rom, 1998; R. I. Curtis, Garum and Salsamenta. Production and Com-

Murrenius T. M. Severus. Consul suffectus in December 202 AD.

B. PFERDEHIRT, Vier neue Militardiplome im Besitz des

merce in Materia Medica, 1991; A. Hua, s.v. M., RE 16,

Romisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums, in: Arch. Kor-

661-662.

respondenzblatt 31, 2001, 61-280, bes. 266 ff.

AG,

WE.

Murileguli see > Purple Murlo/Poggio

Civitate From

1966 on, American

excavations have been uncovering a large Etruscan building complex on the Poggio Civitate hill near Vescovado di Murlo, 18 km south-east of Siena. Two different construction phases have been identified. The first building, dating from around 650 BC, was destroyed by fire in the last quarter of the 7th cent. The later, almost square-shaped structure, about 60 m in length, consists of four wings, each with several rooms, arranged around a large central courtyard, with colonnades on the northern, southern and eastern sides. On

the western side there is a small rectangular enclosure, possibly a > templum, in front of a space like a tablinum, opening onto the courtyard. The vertical walls above the stone foundations were made from clay bricks and strengthened internally with wooden posts. The wooden trusses were richly decorated with terracottas made by the Chiusi artistic circle (+ Clusium). The seated figures with large hats attached to the ridge are unique. Erected around 600, the building was destroyed between 550 and 530, apparently deliberately, and ritually interred under an earth mound. The function of the site (sanctuary, palace of the nobility) is disputed. The excavators themselves have recently been favouring the theory that it housed the offices of a northern Etruscan federation. Near the main complex there was a workshop, with a roof supported by pillars, where terracottas, bricks and artifacts of carved bone had been produced. ~ House (II.C.) K. M. Puicirrs JR., E. NIELSEN, s.v. Poggio Civitate, EAA 2nd suppl., 1971-1994, vol. 4, 1996, 392-395; K. M. PHILLIPS JR., In the Hills of Tuscany. Recent Excavations at the Etruscan Site of Poggio Civitate (Murlo, Siena), 1993; R. D. DE Puma, J. P. SMALL (ed.), Murlo and the Etruscans. Art and Society in Ancient Etruria, 1994.

Mursa Roman colony from the time of Hadrian (CIL III 3279; 3560) and a military base in > Pannonia Inferior (It. Anton. 131; Tab. Peut. 6,2), modern Osijek (in Croatia). M. probably lay on both sides of the lower Dravus (Drava), where there was a river crossing. Of

the officials of the colony decuriones (CIL II 3288; 10305; 15141), VI viri (CIL II 15145), an augur (CIL III 3291 = 10267) and a flamen (CIL III 3288) are re-

corded. M. was known for its ceramics and as a trading centre. Its location on the Sirmium-Cibalae-M. road, with the connection to + Poetovio, contributed to its

development. At M., Ingenuus was beaten by Gallienus in 259 AD and Magnentius by Constantius [2] [in 3 51. On 1 March 350 — Vetranio had himself proclaimed emperor in M. In Late Antiquity a Christian bishop had a residence here. In 380 the Goths destroyed the city. Huns took possession of it in the 6th cent., and after Attila’s death it came under Eastern Roman rule. M. Fuss, s.v. Mursa, RE 16, 670-676; TIR L 34 Budapest, 1968, 82; A. MOcsy, Pannonia and Upper Moesia, 1974, Index s.v. Mursa.; A. LENGYEL, G. T. B. RADAN (ed.), The Archaeology of Roman Pannonia, 1980, Index s.v. Mursa. J.BU.

Mursella [1] Small town in > Pannonia superior, probably modern Kisarpas (district of Sopron-Csorna, Hungary), on the Savaria-Arrabona road, a municipium from the reign of Hadrian (?) (CIL III 4490). [2] Munictpium in > Pannonia inferior, modern Petrijevei (district of Osijek, Croatia), on the PoetovioMursa road, north west of — Mursa. Military base,

checkpoint (Itin. Burdigalense 562: mutatio Mersella). TIR L 33 Trieste, 1961, 53; TIR L 34 Budapest, 1968, 82; A. Mocsy, Pannonia and Upper Moesia, 1974, Index s.v. Mursella. J.BU.

M.M.

Murus Gallicus Building technique for defensive walls Murmillo see — Munus, munera

of Gaulish oppida (+ Oppidum), described in Caes. B

Murredius Roman rhetor of the Augustan-Tiberian period. His contemporary, Seneca the Elder, characterizes him whenever the opportunity arises with negative epithets: obscenitas, ‘vulgarity’ (Sen. Contr.

1,2,21);

Gall. 7,23 and regarded as particularly resistant to siege engines. There is archaeological evidence for muri Gallici in several places in Gaul (- Basilia/Basel), but they

occur only sporadically east of the Rhine in late Celtic oppida (e.g. > Manching). They consist of horizontal

318

MUSAEUS

archegete of poetry and a close associate of > Orpheus connected with Eleusis [1]. As a scion of the Muses (and > Selene: Pl. Resp. 2,364e), M. was brought up by them (Ps.-Eur. Rhes. 945-947) and buried on their hill in Athens (Paus. 1,25,8; in Phaleron: Anth. Pal. 7,615). The origin of M. who lived in Eleusis and Athens (Suda s.v. M.) (pelike, BEAZLEY, ARV* 1313,7, end of the 5th cent. BC; Aristoxenos fr. 91 WEHRLI* = 2 A 1a DK) was attributed to Thrace, probably following Orpheus, as was also the shamanistic gift of flight (Paus. 1,22,7). Attributed to M. as a healer and oracular prophet (Aristoph. Ran. 1033 = OF 90) were-edited by > Onomacritus (Hdt. 7,6,3) — ‘oracles’ (chrésmoi: 2 B 20a-22 DK; Hat. 8,96,2; 9,43,2) as well as ‘liberations’, ‘dedi-

Ssres : Ree ae SS See Naik x fh

Cross-section

of a murus Gallicus (reconstruction).

cations’ and ‘purifications’ (Avoets xal tedetas xa xa0-

beams laid lengthwise and across, which were built up to form a timber-framed structure (cf. fig.). The lower beams were firmly joined with large iron nails. The outer beam ends were incorporated into a vertical stone

wall face. The timber frame was filled with stones and earth; on the inside the construction was banked up with a broad earthen ramp. There is no archaeological evidence of top defences (parapets). Constructions with muri Gallici installations date back as far as the 2nd cent. BC (Manching). + Fortifications; > Masonry; — Siegecraft W. DEHN, Einige Bemerkungen zum murus Gallicus, in: Germania 38, 1960, 43-55; A. FuRGER-GunTI, Der

murus Gallicus von Basel, in: Jahrbuch der Schweizerischen Gesellschaft fiir Ur- und Frithgeschichte 63, 1980, 131-184, esp. 171-179; F. Mater et al., Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen 1984-1987 in Manching (Die Ausgrabun-

gen in Manching vol. 15), 1992, 340-356.

V.P.

Mus Roman Cognomen (‘Mouse’) in the family of the Decii (> Decius [I 1-3]). KaJANTO, Cognomina, 328.

K.-L.E.

Musa {1] Roman cognomen (‘Muse’) of the family of the Pomponii (+ Pomponius). KaJANTO, Cognomina, 53; 216.

K.-L.E.

[2] Roman rhetor of the Augustan-Tiberian period. His contemporary — Seneca the Elder (Contr. 10, pr. 9f.) characterised him as talented but tasteless, since he had a tendency towards unnatural bombast (cf. also Sen. Contr. 7,5,13; Sen. Suas. 1,13). However, M. appears to have found the approval of Seneca’s sons (Sen. Contr. 10, pr. 9). J. FAtrRWEATHER, Seneca the Elder, 1981, passim (Index

399).

PLS.

Musaeus (Movoatoc; Mousaios). [1] Mythical companion of the Muses (whose name is an adjectival derivative of Motoa (Mozsa; ‘Muse’)), an

aguove: schol. Aristoph. Ran. 1033 RUTHERFORD, cf.

Pl. Resp. 2,364e-365a: ‘a pile of books’); these should probably be regarded as encompassing poems about the afterlife by M. and his son (PI. Resp. 2,363¢), which make M. an exponent of an. Attic-Eleusinian > Orphism [1. 14-16, 96-98]. As an archegete of poetry (Glaucus [7] of Rhegium; in this sense, M. was also the student of > Linos: cup BEAZLEY, ARV* 1254,80, around 420 BC), M. became an ancestor of Homer (Gorg. 82 B 25 DK) and was designated as the inventor of the hexameter (Democr. 68 B 16 DK) and classified as belonging to the canonical succession of ‘Orpheus, M., Hesiod, Homer ’ (e.g. Pl. Ap. 41a; criticism of this — probably Hdt. 2,53) that goes back to Hippias [5] of Elis (86 B 6 DK = OFT 252). M. was genealogically integrated into the Eleusinian context (— Mysteria) as the husband of Deiope and fa-

ther of > Eumolpus, the ancestor of the Eumolpidae (pelike, BEazLEY, ARV* 1313,7, around 410 BC; Marmor Parium FGrH 239 A 15), as well as mythically as a hierophant during the initiation of Heracles (Diod. Sici4.2'5 0k

The relationship between M. and Orpheus, apparently treated by Herodorus of Heracleia (FGrH 31 B 12 = OF T 230, around 400 BC), became, at the latest in the rst cent. BC, a student-teacher relationship (Pap. Berolinensis 13044 =2 B19a DK = OFT 166a, rst cent. BC; possibly already the BEAZLEY bowl, ARV* 1401,1, 5th cent. BC: [1. 11°], disapproving [3. 41'*]; regularly in Orphic poetry). Ultimately M. was also his son (Diod. Sic. 4,25,1). Artapanus equates M. with + Moses [1] (M@voocg; Moysos) who advanced in this way to become Orpheus’ teacher (FGrH 726 F 3,3-4 = OF T 44). Associated with Eleusis [1] is the ‘advice’ (Hypothékai; Suda s.v. M.) of M. to his son Eumolpus and a cosmo-theogonic Eumolpia (2 B 11-12 DK, probably the Theogonia in Diog. Laert. prooem. 1,3 = 2 A 4 DK), whose first divine principles were — Tartarus and + Nyx (Philod. De pietate 137 p. 61, 13,16-26 p. 80, 14,18-21 p. 81 GOMPERZ = 2 B 14 DK), to which Aér (‘air’) should be added [2. 32]. Like Orpheus, the title of a work, Sphaira , is also attributed to M. (Diog. Laert.

MUSAEUS prooem.

1,3 = 2 A 4 DK). However, Pausanias only

likes to recognize as genuine the Demeter hymn intended for the > Lycomidae in Phlya (1,14,3 = 2 B 10; Teo

=

320

319

EAS Clanel5,

=o

ZOD KG):

+ Orphikoi> Orphism 1 F. GraF, Eleusis und die orphische Dichtung Athens in vorhellenistischer. Zeit, 1974, esp. 9-21, 93-98

CIARDELLI

APICELLA,

2 G. Ric-

Le teogonie orfiche nell’ambito

delle teogonie greche, in: A.MASARACCHIA (ed.), Orfeo e Porfismo, 1993, 27-51 3 M.L. West, The Orphic Poems,

1983, 39-44. A. KAUFMANN-SAMARAS, 6.2, 407-408.

s.v. M., LIMC

6.1, 685-687; T.H.

[2] Comedy writer whose name is recorded on a memo-

rial inscription — found in Ptolemais- of the technitai of Dionysus for Lysimachus Sostrateus, son of Ptolemaeus (c. 273-246 BC) [1]. Of his works, nothing is extant. 1 PCG VII, 1989, 27.

T.HI.

[3] M. of Ephesus Epic writer of the 2nd cent. BC, author of a Perséis (to bks., about > Perseus or about

the city of the same name that had been founded in 183 BC by Philip V of Macedon) and of poems in honour of + Eumenes [3] II (see [1]) and > Attalus [5] II of Pergamum (see [1]). The elegaic fragment SH 958 (on the war against the Galatians and the Medes?) was wrongly attributed to him. 1SH 560-561 (cf. p. 460)

2A. CAMERON, Callimachus

is in the tradition of the Alexandrian love elegy (fragments of an elegy on this theme are extant in a papyrus from the 3rd cent. BC) but the model of Nonnus is dominant: this dependency could lead us to form the opinion that M. (whose name could certainly also be a pseudonym) is of Egyptian origin. The epyllion has also been interpreted as a Christian-neo-Platonist allegory [3. 316-322; 7]. The oldest MS is the Cod. Barroccianus 50, mid roth cent.; the epyllion was the first Greek work printed by Aldus Manutius (Venice 1494; this was preceded by a Florentine edition undertaken by J. Lasxaris, cf. [4. 4]). The theme has lived on in a lavish manner, from the epigrammatists (Paulus Silentiarius Anth. Pal. 5,293; Agathias Anth. Pal. 5,263; Leo Philosophos Anth. Pal. 9,381) to the Byzantines (Niketas Eugenianos 6,471-489) and right through to modern times (MARLOWE, GONGORA, LOPE DE VEGA, GRILLPARZER, HOLDERLIN, Francesco BRACCIOLINI, to whom M. Pavic, 1991, should now be added). EpiTions: 1E. Livrea, P. ELEUTERI, Musaeus, Hero et Leander, 1982 2K. Kost, Mousaios, Hero und Leander,

1971 (with comm., trans.) 3C. A. TRyPANIS, TH. GELZeER, Aetia, lambi ... Musaeus, Hero and Leander, 1975

(with commentary and Engl. trans.). BIBLIOGRAPHY: 4P. ELEUTERI, Storia della tradizione manoscritta di Museo, 1981 5 TH. GELZER, Bemerkun-

gen zu Sprache und Text des Epikers Mousaios., in: MH 24, 1967, 129-1483 25, 1968,

11-47

6H. JELLINEK, Die

3 L. LEHNus, In margine

Sage von Hero und Leander in der Dichtung, 1980 7R. LAMBERTON, Homer the Theologian, 1986, 157-161

aun recente libro su Callimaco, in: F. Conca (ed.), Ricor-

8 O. SCHONBERGER, Zum Aufbau von Mousaios’ ‘Hero

dando R. Cantarella, 1999, 220-221.

und Leander’, in: RhM 121, 1978, 255-259 Mythologie und Wirklichkeit bei Mousaios., in: 130, 1987, 385-395 10 G. PADUANO, Luce e buio di Tristano, in: G. PADUANO (Ed.), Ero e Leandro, 9-28 (with Italian trans.).

and His Critics, 1995, 283-284

[4] M. Grammaticus Author of an > epyllion*Teh Story of Hero and Leander’ (Ta xa0’ “How xai Aéavdegoy) in 343 hexameters. Described in the MSS as grammatik0os, certainly later than > Nonnus (who influenced him in line construction, vocabulary and even thematically); M. for his part influenced — Colluthus and should therefore be placed in the mid 5th cent. AD. It is possible to identify him with the addressee of two letters (48 and 507) of Procopius of Gaza (about 465-528). With regard to the plot cf. > Hero. The leitmotif of the poem is the torch whose light provides the starting signal for the joys of love and the extinguishing of which coincides symbolically with the death of the lovers. The legend was presumably of an aetiological nature: Abydus and Sestus lie opposite each other at the narrowest point of the Hellespont where a ‘tower of Hero’ stood (Str. 13,1,22; cf. Hor. Epist. 1,3,4 with the comm. of Porphyrius). The oldest literary testimonial to the legend is Verg. G. 3,258-263 (cf. Serv. Georg. 3,258); it is also the theme of Ov. Epist. 18 and r9. The history of the lovers is a typical novelistic situation: the first meeting between the two protagonists imitates a scene from the novel by — Chariton of Aphrodisias, and the central description of the development of the love shows clear influences from > Achilles Tatius [1]. From the point of view of form, the epyllion

9Ids., RhM prima 1994, S.FO,

Musagetes see >» Apollo; > Muses Musarna [1] (Movodeva; Mousarna). Port in > Gedrosia, visited

by > Nearchus [2] (Arr. Ind. 26,10-27,2). He found a pilot here who was able to guide the fleet as far as + Carmania. According to Ptol. Geog. 6,8,9, M. was the easternmost settlement of Carmania, west of the Gedrosian frontier. [2] The civitas of M. is generally identified with a small, late Etruscan settlement discovered in 1849 on the Poggio della Civita, to km west of Viterbo. French excavations undertaken since 1983 have exposed town walls made of of tufa blocks, dating from the late 4th cent. BC, some rectangular insulae with atrium houses from the 3rd to 1st cents. BC, and baths. The graves in the > necropoleis, including two of the Alethnas family, were already excavated in the roth cent. H. Brose, V. JOLivet, Musarna (Viterbe). Le site étrusco-romain, in: MEFRA 109, 1997, 443-448; O. DE CAzaNOVE, V. JOLIVET, Musarna (Viterbe). La cité étrusque, in: MEFRA 96, 1984, 530-534. M.M,

321

322

Musca Roman cognomen (‘Fly’) in the family of the Sempronil.

poem. In Met. 5,341-661 he replaces the traditional form of acclamation of the Muse by having > Calliope [1] herself tell the story of the abduction of Proserpina. On the other hand, Ov. Fast. 5,1-1 10 uses parody to call into question the claim to truth that is associated with the acclamation of the Muses, as > Polyhymnia, » Urania and Calliope are unable to agree on an explanation for the name of the month of May, so the poet

KaJANTO, Cognomina 24; 85; 333.

Musculus see

Muse,

K-L.E.

> Chelone

acclamation

of the

Both

Homeric

epics

(+ Homer) begin with an acclamation of the Muse: The request, expressed in the imperative, calls for support in

dealing with the theme at hand [1]. In formal terms, this is a special type of > prayer, an invocation/invocatio, but without reference to earlier accomplishments or a promise of a gift in return (common in the prayer or hymn style), which shows a high degree of intimacy between mortal and deity [2]. One might conclude from formulations like Hom. Il. 1,1 or Hom. Od. 1,10 that

the poet was acting only as a mouthpiece for the + Muse. But he also sings of his own accord (Od. 8,73f.), and asks his own questions of her (Hom. II. 1,8): thus the relationship is one of partnership between poet and Muse, who informs a mortal whom she has privileged of the truth of matters of which he would not otherwise be aware [3]. The direct form of address (apostrophe) alternates between singular forms (indefinite thed, ‘goddess’ or concrete Motisa, ‘Muse’) and a collective term (Mozsai), without making a fundamental distinction. The names of individual Muses do not appear until later on (e.g. Apoll. Rhod. 3,1: Erato). This genuinely Greek epic element from the preliterate era, without parallel in Oriental texts [4], and the related view of poetic inspiration [5] established a tradition in all of ancient and post-antique literature. [6]. Hesiod adopts the acclamation of the Muse as a starting-point, but modifies its content by summoning the Muses from -» Helicon [1] rather than from Olympus (> Olympus [1]), thus undertaking a new mythological localisation, as well as giving them the ability to lie (Hes. Theog. 27) and so calling into question the absolute claim to truth found in Homer [7]. From the Hellenistic period (e.g. Callimachus, Aitia [8]) into late antiquity [9] there are poems that begin with an acclamation of the Muse. Before long there are also invocations of other gods [10] who are either responsible for poetry, like the Muses (Apollo: e.g. Apoll. Rhod. r), or associated with the content of the specific poem. Latin poetry adopted the Greek concept of the acclamation of the Muse: In the beginning, the Greek Muses were translated into the Latin Camenae (Livius Andronicus, Naevius); after Ennius (Ann. 1) the term Musa(e) also gained acceptance, owing to its more comprehensive meaning [11]. Virgil varied the traditional formula by beginning the Aeneid with a first-person declaration of the theme (arma virumque cano, ‘| sing ...3 cf. [4]) and only in 1,8 adding the exhortation Musa mihi causas memora, ‘Muse, remind me ...’. In contrast,

Ovid calls upon all of the gods for inspiration in Met. 1,3 and thus demonstrates the universal goals of his

MUSES

too is at a loss, since he has no authoritative voice to

provide him with the answer. A special feature are the invocations in internal prooemia, which may have originally marked a new beginning in an oral presentation and in so doing also recalled the situation at the beginning of the poem, later serving primarily to heighten the audience’s attention to especially important passages (-> Literacy/Oralityspeech). Livy also played with the motif of a plea for inspiration at the end of the praefatio to his historical work. » Authors;

> Epic;

>» Muses

1A. Lenz, Das Prooem des friihen griechischen Epos, 1980 2J. Srrauss Ciay, The Wrath of Athena, 1983, 9-25 3 W. PdrscHER, Das Selbstverstandnis des Dichters in der homerischen Poesie, in: Literaturwissenschaftliches. Jb. N.F. 27, 1986, 9-22 4M. L. West, The East

Face of Helicon. West Asiatic Elements in Greek Poetry and Myth,

1997, 170 5K. THRAEDE, s.v. Inspiration, RAC 18, 332-334 6E. BARMEYER, Die Musen, 1968 7H. Popstetskt, Der Dichter und die Musen im Pro-

oimion der hesiodeischen Theogonie, in: Eos 82, 1994,

173-188 8G. Weer, Dichtung und héfische Gesellschaft., 1993, 351-353 9S. Kosrer, Antike Epostheorien, 1970, 156 10 W. H. Race, How Greek Poems Begin, in: YCIS 29, 1992, 13-38 11 W. SUERBAUM,

Untersuchungen zur Selbstdarstellung alterer r6mischer Dichter, 1968, 46-49.

Muses

(Greek

U.SCH.

Motoal/Mozdsai,

Latin Musae;

Came-

nae: see below; etymology contentious [3. 7f.]; ancient attempts at a solution, e.g. Pl. Crat. 406a; Diod. Sic. 457,3-4; Etym. M. 589,40; further details [3. 5f.]). A. GENERAL B. DESCENTAND NAMES C,. CHARACTER AND DEEDS D. HISTORICAL ASPECTS AND INFLUENCE

E. MUSES

AND

POETS

A. GENERAL The M. area specific of the religion and of the cultural self-conception of the Greeks. Far from being mere > personifications of the arts, they are rather the expression of the capacity, granted to man alone, for self-reflection and taking a place in history. As goddesses of -» memoria (memory and the means of remembering, the spoken and the written word) they are the condition for the knowledge and memory of men and gods, because they protect and sing of what was, is and will be.

MUSES

B. DESCENT AND NAMES The M. are traditionally considered to be daughters of > Zeus and > Mnemosyne/Latin Moneta, Memoria (Hes. Theog. 53ff.; Apollod. 1,3,1). For the love affairs and children of the beautiful virgins and their rare appearance as individuals in myth, see below for the name of the individual M. From > Hesiod on, who played a decisive role in the conception of the M., their number, nine (Hes. Theog. 60; other constellations: Arnob. 3,37), and their names, - Calliope [z], —Cleio, — Euterpe, — Erato [1], + Urania, — Terpsichore, Melpomene, —> Thaleia, + Polyhymnia (Hes. Theog. 75ff.), are more or less canonical. Alternative genealogies mention Uranus and Ge (Mimn. fr. 13 JEG; Diod. Sic. 4,7,2) or Apollo (Eumelus fr. 17 Kink) as their parents. Cicero (Nat. D. 3,54) knows, aside from the canonical M., of two additional groups: four daughters of Arcadian Zeus (Thelxinoe, Aoede, Arche, Melete) and nine daughters of Pierus and Antiope, the > Pierides, with the same names as the canonical M. C. CHARACTER AND DEEDS The M. are of one mind as they possess only one soul. They are engaged — often under the direction of their leader (musagétés) > Apollo — in continual song and orderly choral dance. They sing of the laws (76moi) of all things and safeguard the paths of the immortals. They tell of what has happened in time and thus narrate history. In this role, their function as creators of order becomes clear and this puts them in conceptual proximity to Apollo. As eyewitnesses and chroniclers of all events, they represent truth (Pind. Ol. 10,3f.). Hence derives the

authority of the poet who, inspired by one or all of the M., does not narrate mere rumour. Their songs, performed with a ‘lily-like voice’ (Hom. Il. 1,604; Hes.

Theog. 36ff.), ring out particularly at weddings (Diod. Sic. 5,49,1; Pind. Pyth. 3,84ff.) and funeral ceremonies (e.g. the death of > Achilles [1]). These are always more than just entertainment or solace, because they conjure the deeds of gods and men and the harmony of the cosmos and give the individual a place in this whole. Thus they put individual human fate into perspective. The Sphinx too is said to have received her enigma from the M. (Apollod. 3,5,8). In their role of creators of order (Hes. Theog. 8off.), the M. grant the rulers the gift of sweet and persuasive speech. They also appear as arbitrators (Aristoph. Ran. 875ff.), for instance at the contest between Apollo and -» Marsyas [1], or they themselves issue challenges to compete, e.g. they challenge > Thamyris, whom they rob of eyesight and the art of song; they also challenge the > Sirens and the > Pierides.

324 ration through drinking from a spring of the M. (e.g. + Hippocrene) [3]. The oldest cult worship is attested on > Olympus [1], regarded as the place of birth and the dwelling place of the Pierian M. (Hom. Il. 11,218).

Hesiod identified the M. of > Helicon with the M. of Olympus and Pieria. His influence ultimately led to the establishment of a sanctuary (Mouseion) and a cult in the ‘Valley of the M.’ at the foot of Mt. Helicon (other important cult sites: Libethrion, Lebadia, Delphi [1; 3]). In the private cult too, particularly in the cult of the dead, the M., as goddesses of memory, play a certain role (cf. the depiction on Roman sarcophagi [11]}). In Roman and Etruscan religion, worship of the M. is derivative; their early identification with the Italian Camenae, local goddesses of springs (in the interpretatio Romana of the M. by Livius Andronicus in his Odusia, fr. r MARIOTTI) remained partial. In Roman litera-

ture, Camena and Musa can later be used synonymously [7; 13]. The religious importance is lost in Greece and Rome in favour of allegorization and abstraction in literature and art. The sphere of influence of the M., who are conceived of as educators, is widened from dance, music and poetry to all intellectual activities — but never to the visual arts and crafts! (Plut. Symp. 9,14) -, above all to philosophy [2] and the art of healing (Apoll. Rhod. 2,514; Censorinus, DN 14,13; 690,26). Hence, accord-

ing to a late tradition, they are the inventors of language or the letters of the alphabet (Diod. Sic. 7,74,1). The usual attribution of the arts and sciences to the Hesiodic nine names of the M. (e.g. Anth. Lat. 1,1, 88; 1,2, 664) is vague. Even in the canonizing Hellenistic-Roman period, the following only relative delineation can be observed: Calliope as the leader of the M.: heroic poetry (epic); Clio: history; Melpomene: tragedy, dirge, Lesbian song; Euterpe: flute music; Erato: major lyric; Terpsichore: dancing the round; Urania: astronomy; Thalia: comedy (‘light M.’); Polyhymnia: choral singing, geometry. The choral dance of the M. equipped with their attributes (musical instruments, theatre masks, globes) has remained a popular subject of the fine arts right through to modern times [1; 8; 11; 12]. E. MUSES AND POETS The M.—who alternated between group and individual deity — and the poets are naturally very close. They meet each other at predestined places: on the mountains of + Pieros, + Helicon and -> Parnassus. The M. give writers their subject matter, inspiration (concretely their breath) and the words for its depiction. In Callimachus’s Aitia and Ovid’s Fasti, this is staged as a game of questions and answers. The invocation of the M. has been a topos since Homer (Hom. II., Hom. Od.; Alcm. fr. 14 PMGF; Enn. Ann. 1,1; Verg. Aen. 1,1ff.; Verg. G.

D. HisTORICAL ASPECTS AND INFLUENCE Originally, one or all of the ‘original M.’ were perhaps goddesses of springs and waters. This is supported by the analogy of water and word and by poetic inspi-

2,475 etc.; conscious rejection of the M. in the work of the Roman satirist > Persius and in Christian literature [4; 6]); see also > invocation of the Muses.

326

325

Because the function of the M. was only ever relatively fixed, ancient poets were able to develop individual concepts of their M. within the framework of their poetic programme [3; 6; 7]. In the course of these selfdefinitions, the noun mousa is supplemented with geographical adjectives indicating the origin of the writer or the region in which the work is set (Verg. Ecl. 6: Sicelides Musae, cf. Mosch. 3,8). Other adjectives designate the genre or tone (Callim. Aetia fr. 1,23 Pr.: Mousa leptaléé; Theocr. Epigr. 9,28-36: bukolikai Moisai; Lucil.: Musa pedestris) or refer to the character of the poetry (e.g. Musa tristis, ‘sad M.’ of the ‘exilic poems ’of Ovid). Ina further abstraction, mousa is used to describe the poetic product itself (e.g. Eur. Phoen. 1028; Eur. Tro. 609; Verg. Ecl. 3,84 and elsewhere).

The gradual detachment of the M. from the pagan religious context and their slow development into a primarily literary motif has secured their continued existence in the visual arts and in literature until the present day [4; 5; 9]. Particularly in the context of the poetic self-conception, complex vitalisations continue to be possible (e.g. Urania in J.Bropsky, ‘To Urania’, 1988). In modern lyric poetry, the idea of the M. enters the domain between the poles ofthe impossibility of memory and conscious forgetfulness. B. EICHIN in her bronze sculpture ‘Neun

Musen’

(1985-1992,

Freiburg) has

given congenial visual expression to this idea. + invocation of the Muses; — Pierides; > Muses 1 O. Bre, Die Musen in der antiken Kunst, 1887; idem s.v.

Musen, ROSCHER 2.2., 3238-3295 2P. BoyaNncé£, Le culte des Muses chez les philosophes grecs, 1936 3 M.T. CAMILLONI, Le Muse, 1996 4 CuRTIUS, 235-252 5 E.R. Curtius, Die Musen im Mittelalter, in: Zeitschrift fir romanische Philologie 59, 1939, 129-188 6 Idem, Mittelalterstudien 18, in: Zeitschrift fiir romanische Philologie 63, 1943,246-268 7 J. Laracz, Zum Musenfragment

des Naevius, in: idem, Kleine Schriften. ErschlieSung der Antike, 1994, 501-521 (= in: WJA 2, 1976, 119-134) 8M. Mayer, s.v. Musai, RE 16, 680-757 9G. NEvMANN, ‘L’inspiration qui se retire’ - Musenanruf, Erin-

nern und Vergessen in der Poetologie der Moderne, in: A. HAVERKAMP,

R. LACHMANN

(ed.), Vergessen

und Erin-

nern, 1993, 433-455 10 W.F. Orro, Die Musen und der gottliche Ursprung des Singens und Sagens, 41971 11 L. PaDUANO FaEpo, | sarcofagi Romani con muse, in: ANRW

II 12.2,

1981,

65-155

Muses, LIMC 6.1, 657-681 in: CeM 17, 1956, 139-148.

12 A. QUEYREL,

s.v.

13 J. H. Waszinx, Camena, CW.

Mushroom-lipped jug Modern technical term for a one-handled, globular oil jug with a slim neck and a wide mushroom-shaped mouth. The shape developed in the 9th cent. BC on the Phoenician Levantine coast and spread to all the Phoenician areas in the Mediterranean between the 8th cent. and the 5th. + Bichrome ware; — Black-on-red ware; -» Red-slip

ware Cu. Brigse, Friiheisenzeitliche bemalte phénizische Kannen von Fundplatzen der Levantekiiste, in: Hamburger Beitrage zur Archadologie 12, 1985, 7-118; F. CHELBI,

MUSIC

Oenochoes ‘a bobéche’ de Carthage. Typologie et chronologie, in: Revue des Etudes Phéniciennes-Puniques et des Antiquités Libyques 2, 1986, 173-255; A. PESERICO, Le brocche ‘a fungo’ fenicie nel Mediterraneo. Tipologia e cronologia, 1996. RD.

Mushrooms (uvxy¢, -yto¢ or -ov/mykés, Latin mucus, mucor, -oris or oboyyos/sphongos, omdyyoc/spongos, Latin fungus) are rarer in Greece than in Italy, where they were used as food despite the possibility of poisoning (Plin. HN 22,97: cibus anceps, ‘doubtful food’, and

22,92:

temere

manduntur,

‘they

were

eaten

rashly’). They were considered to be produced by fermentation of the earth after heavy rainfall (cf. Plin. HN 22,94 and 100) or generated by tree roots (from their sticky sap, ex pituita: Plin. HN 22,96). Some trees, such as oaks, allegedly produce edible mushrooms, but pines and cypresses harmful ones (Plin. HN 16,31). Plin. HN 22,97 gives as a sign of poisonous mushrooms their livid exterior

(color lividus) and 22,92

their bluish

internal coloration and their wrinkly gills (rimosae striae). Antidotes are absinth (Plin. HN 27,50) and numerous plants such as leeks (porrum: Plin. HN 20,47) and mustard (sinapis: Plin. HN 20,236). Dioscorides (4,82 WELLMANN = 4,83 BERENDES) by contrast recom-

mends e.g. a potion of oil and soda. Mushroom poisonings did occur — like that of the emperor Claudius {II 1], who had admittedly been given poison mixed with the mushrooms by his wife > Agrippina [3] in AD 54 (Plin. HN 22,92, cf. Suet. Claud. 44,2f. and Tac. Ann. 12,67,1ff.). For example, the so-called ‘sow-fungus’ (suilli sc. fungi), perhaps the cep, Boletus edulis, was used in a dried form as a treatment for rheumatism and freckles in women (Plin. HN 22,98). Apart from the cep, the button mushroom (boletus) was particular-

ly prized (Plin. HN was and is the true to tdvov/hydnon: 2,174 BERENDES). minable.

16,31). The most famous, however, truffle (tuber: Plin. HN 19,33-35 = Dioscorides, 2,145 WELLMANN = Further ancient species are indeter-

A. STEIER, S.v. P., RE 20, 1372-1386.

C.HU.

Music I. ANCIENT NEAR East II. EGypt III. ANCIENT IsRAEL IV. GREECE V.ETRURIA, ROME, EARLY CHRISTIANITY

I. ANCIENT NEAR EAST Music played a significant role in all areas of life of the Ancient Near East, but textual and iconographical evidence is mainly limited to its role in court life and the cultic-religious sphere. The making of music (Sumerian ‘nam-nar’, Akkadian ‘narttu’), already a highly specialized area as early as the beginning ofthe 3rd millennium BC, belonged to the fundamental values of civilization. The particular occasion determined the musical form (more than too Sumerian and more than 50 Babylonian-Assyrian kinds of songs) as well as the choice and

MUSIC

number of > musical instruments. Whereas soloists and small ensembles dominated in the 3rd and 2nd millennia, large ensembles became increasingly prominent during the rst millennium. Like instrumental music, vocal artistry was also accorded great significance. Except for the texts to be recited, usually nothing was written down in the early part of the 2nd millennium. In the late period, however, individual signs for vowels are not unfrequently encountered (probably a kind of melismatic notation).

Several of the cuneiform texts on music dating from the early part of the 2nd millennium to the middle of the rst millennium are the object of scholarly controversy. It seems certain that the music was based on a heptatonic-diatonic system. Using an instrument for teaching (2) as basis, 9 strings (ST [=‘string’] were distinguished in the following order: 1 2 3 4 5 4 [‘from behind’] 3 [‘from behind’] 2 [‘from behind’] 1 [‘hindmost’]), going from high to low ([3. 141] disagrees). Alternatively, 7 strings were distinguished (1 2 3 4 5 6 7) ina list of dyads from the rst millennium. 7 fifth and fourth intervals (a) as well as 7 minor third and major sixth intervals (b) were designated by name and pairs of numbers (evidence for designations of abstract concepts like octaves, fifths, and consonance has not been found to

r 23 pitu

1

embubu

ey IN G

Fy

(E)

(D)

C}

kitmu iSartu

4 5 4[=6] 3[=7] 2[=8] x[=9]

IDG

Gi D}

Table2

The subsequent retuning cycle proceeds in the opposite manner, through an easing of the tension (D-sharp > D, G-sharp > G, etc.). Asa result of the subscript of the first cycle nussub[um] (‘tighten’, i.e. raise the pitch of the string, [1. 102]), there are descending ‘scales’ for the 7 different tunings (as there are later in the Greek theory of music, see below > IV. F.). Accordingly, nid qabli corresponds to the sequence E D CB A G F (Dorian); pitu ED CBA G F-sharp (Hypodorian); embubu E D C-sharp B A G F-sharp (Phrygian); kitmu E D C-sharp B A G-sharp F-sharp (Hypophrygian); isartu E D-sharp C-sharp B A G-sharp F-sharp (Lydian); gablitu E D-sharp C-sharp B A-sharp G-sharp F-sharp (Hypolydian); nis gabari E-sharp D-sharp C-sharp B A-sharp G-sharp F-sharp (Mixolydian). In addition, sippu or plagal modes were common. Directions for playing, with notation of dyad names (‘intervals’), can be found

since the Old Babylonian period, and in exceptional detail as an appendix toa Hurritic cult hymn (where it is

date).

(a) nis gabari

328

B27

(rise of the opposite)

int

combined with numerals). No definitive statements can

isartu

(normal)

26

embubu

(reed)

37

be made with regard to rhythm, tempo and phrasing. ; ~ Musical instruments

nid qabli

(fall of the middle)

41

(middle) (covered, closed) (open) (song theme) (third)

52 63 74 Ws) 16

10. R. Gurney, Babylonian Music Again, in: Iraq 56,

(fourth) (lot) (bridge of the middle) (bridge of the normal) (2)

27, 1 3 24 Bes 46

qablitu kitmu pitu (b) Séru Salsatu

rebutu isqu titur gablitu titur isartu serdu Table x

Instructions for the retuning of a nine string lyre in-

volved (by means of rising and falling fifths and fourths together with the shifting of octaves, 8 = 1, 9 = 2) all 7 strings (approximately C G D A EB F-sharp, but without fixed pitches); at the end of the ‘circle of fifths’,

there remained a imperfect (/a zaki, ‘impure’) tritone (C to F-sharp); by changing it to a perfect (zaki, ‘pure’) consonance (C-sharp to F-sharp), the instrument was retuned. If, for example, it was tuned to pitu (with 7 and 4 perfect), and embubu (3 and 7) perfect, ‘[you tighten] the 3rd [(string: C > C-sharp), and] embubu [becomes perfect]’; if then kitmu (6 3) is imperfect, “[you tighten] the 4th from behind” (G > G-sharp); if isartu is imperfect, then you tighten the 2nd and the hindmost string (D > D-sharp):

1994, 101-106 2 A.D. KILMER, s.v. Musik (A.I.), RLA 8, 1993-1997, 463-482 3A. D. KiLMerR, s.v. Mesopota-

mien, MGG?, part 6, 133-143

4K. VoLK, Musikalische

Praxis und Theorie im Alten Orient, in: TH. F. ERTELT and F. ZAMINER (eds.), Geschichte der Musiktheorie, vol. 2 (2006), 200.

KO.VO.

Il. Ecypr The music of the ancient Egyptians has faded away for all eternity. There is no definitely-known notation that attests the melodies and rhythms of their threethousand-year-old culture. Yet, from well-preserved depictions of music scenes it can be ascertained that the Egyptians did make music, and even how they did it. Furthermore, — musical instruments or their remnants

have been discovered by archaeologists. On the basis of these finds, we can conclude that music played an important role in the life of the Egyptians, in their traditions, their social structure, their daily and annual routines, as well as in their economy and education.

Homophony was probably the hallmark of the style in which music was made, and, in accordance with the manner of playing and singing in the Near East and

Africa, which the Egyptians surely shared, they probably also sang and played in octaval unison, with drones or heterophonically. ; Observation of relevant iconographical scenes show that singing — solo, in groups and with instrumental

MUSIC

329

339

accompaniment — constituted an especially important part of musical life. Illustrations from the Old Kingdom show with near stereotypic regularity the combination of voice and harp, flute or clarinet playing by mostly male musicians. Cheironomers conducted the music through hand gestures. For the Middle Kingdom, musical activity is not so abundantly documented. Among the instruments that were new for this time was the lyre. The New Kingdon, in contrast, is particularly rich in depictions of music-making: new forms of the harp and the lyre were developed. Long-necked lutes and oboes, imported from the East, were also integrated into the musical ensembles, which consisted mostly of women, frequently shown dancing or in lively movement. With the grand expansion of the kingdom foreign musicians came into the valley of the Nile, bringing their musical instruments with them. The gods were praised through > sistrum beats. The secular music of townsmen and workers is discernible in some of the wall decorations of Deir el-Medina. During the Late Period, as well as during Graeco-Roman rule, new musical concepts increasingly penetrated into Egyptian musical praxis.;

ment, as does the Book ofJudges (e.g. Ex. 19; Judges 3:27; 6:33ff.; 7:8ff.). Under David’s rule (1004-965

H. HickMann, Altagyptische Musik, in: HbdOr, part 1, suppl. vol. 4, 1970; E. HickKMANN, L. MANNICHE, Agypten, in: Neues Handbuch der Musikwissenschaft, vol. 1, 1989, 31-75.

ELH.

III. ANCIENT ISRAEL A. Sources D. MUSICAL

B. History

C. MUSICIANS

PRACTICE

A. SOURCES The most important sources for the history of music in Ancient Israel are: 1. Finds from excavations in the Levant (1300 BC-200 AD; [2; 8]); 2. Archaeological material from Egypt and Mesopotamia allowing comparison; 3. Texts, especially from the Old Testament, deuterocanonical and extracanonical writings. Problems arise frequently in the attribution of artefacts from the Levant to ancient Israel and in the historical ordering of the texts.

BC), musical culture is centered in the city (royal court,

Temple). Professional musicians played the lyre and harp(?)

(‘nbl-nebzl’);

tambourines

were

played

by

women and cymbals by the people. Singers of both sexes were active at the royal court (2 Sam. 6:rff.; 19:36). Insome of the > Psalms (e.g. Ps. 273 473 57; 68) the religious music from the Monarchic Period (1004587 BC) can be discerned. Besides the horn, the metal trumpet (‘hasdserah’) was used as a military signaling instrument [13]. In the 5th-3rd cents. BC, professional musicians were part of the religious personnel (— Levites). Outside the religious sphere, panpipes, double oboes (Greek: aulds) and hunting trumpets attest to the influence of the Greeks [4]. During the Roman rule (63 BC-135 AD), temple music ceased with the destruction of the Temple (7o AD). In the > Qumran texts, instruments are mentioned only to serve as metaphors: David is compared to a music-hero (11 Qumran, Ps. 151; [11. 202ff.]|). C. MusIcIANs There were guilds of professional musicians in the royal cities of the Levant [11.37], and this was also the case in Ancient Israel (2 Sam. 19:36). > Solomon had instruments made for the musicians of the Temple in Jerusalem (1 Kg to:12). Psalm headings name the groups of musicians Asaph and Korahites (e.g. Psalms 50; 73f.; 42; 44f.). Although they were initially independent, from the time of the Chronicles on (4th cent. BC) they were connected with the Levites (e.g. 1 Chron. 6:16ff.). In addition to Asaph, the groups Heman, Jeduthun, and Ethan (1 Chron. 16:41f., 1 Chron. 25:3ff., 1 Chron. 6:29) are mentioned. In the military, signals were given by means of a horn, later a trumpet. In the religious life from the time of the Kingdom on, priests and Levites were responsible for this; only once is a »trumpeter« named (2 Kg r1:13f.). In the villages, bards furnish the music; they sing about and narrate the stories of tribal heroes and famous women (Gen. 4:21). Women dance with tambourines (Ex. 15:21).

B. History

According to the Old Testament tradition, those tribes named after patriarchs (Abraham, Isaac, Jacob)

lived in the Levant as nomads in a cultivated land. As for the acquisition of land by the ‘tribes’ of Ancient Israel, various models are discussed [3. vol. 1, 118145]. About the music of these groups, we know only the retro-projecting general information contained in the traditions. Artefacts from the Canaanite cities and the neighbouring cultures of Egypt and Mesopotamia in the 2nd millennium BC cannot be used as comparison material for ancient Israel (cf. [2; 7; 9]). Gn. 31:27 (Jacob narrative) speaks of songs (‘Sirim’), lyres (*knwrkinn6ér’) and a tambourine (‘tp-top’, pl. ‘tuppim’). The song of Miriam in the Exodus narrative (Ex. 15:21) isa victory dance song with tambourines. The Sinai narrative cites the horn (‘Swpr-S6par’) as a signaling instru-

D. MUSICAL PRACTICE

Stringed instruments were used unisonously to accompany singing, horns and trumpets served to transmit signals (signals according to Jewish tradition: [14.329f.]), the aulos was played at banquets and for dances, and membranophones and idiophones were used for parades and dances. There were groups of musicians but no ‘orchestra’ in the sense of the word as we understand it today (not Ps 150, either!). From the psalms the existence of antiphony, songs performed by cantor and choir (Ex. 15:20), and solo performances

can be ascertained; polyphony seems unlikely. By song cantillation is meant: recitation of text in elevated language. There was no ritualistic congregational singing. The congregation chimed in during the performance of the professional musicians with shouts (e.g. ‘Halleluja’)

MUSIC

331

53%

and reacted with proskynesis, hand-clapping and ritualistic noise (‘trw‘h-tera‘ah’). Modern attempts to reconstruct the vocal music have gone astray because they have been based on false assumptions [11.229]

finally in Christian > liturgy. Music theory in particular continued to be influential beyond antiquity (Byzantium, Rome, with the Syrians, Arabs, Jews, and in the

1H. AVENARY, s.v. Jiidische Musik, MGG! 7, 225-261 2 B. Bayer, The Material Relics of Music in Ancient Palestine and Its Environs, 1963 3H. DONNER, Geschichte des Volkes Israel und seiner Nachbarn in Grundziigen,

vol. 1, 1984; vol. 2, 1986 4 E. Gerson-Kiw1, The Bards ofthe Bible, in: Studia Musicologica 7, 1965, 61-70 5H.

GesE, Zur Geschichte der Kultsinger am Zweiten Tempel, in: O. Berz (ed.), Abraham unser Vater. Festschrift Otto Michel, 1963, 222-234 6P. GRADENWITZ, Die

Musikgeschichte Israels, 1961

7H. HicKMann, Agypten

(MiB 2,1), 1961 8 A. Mazar, Archaeology of the Land of the Bible, 1990

1984

9S. RasHIp, Mesopotamien (MiB 2,2),

10H. SEIDEL, Genesis 4,19-44 und der Ursprung

der Kultur: Uberlieferung und Geschichte, in: H. Opst (ed.), Erfiillung und Erwartung, Festschrift G. Wallis, 1990, 23-34 11Id., Musik in Altisrael, 1989 12 1d.,

Psalm 150 und die Gottesdienstmusik Altisraels, in: Nederlands Theologisch Tijdschrift 35, 1981, 89-100 13 Id., Horn und Trompete im alten Israel unter Beriicksichtigung der ‘Kriegsrolle’ von Qumran, in: Wissenschaftliches Zeitschrift der Karl-Marx-Universitat Leipzig, set 5, 1956, 589-599 14 A. SENDREY, Musik in AltIsrael, 1962 15 D. WOHLENBERG, Kultmusik in Israel, thesis Hamburg, 1967. H.SE.

IV. GREECE A. CONCEPT, CHARACTERISTICS B. SOURCES, PROBLEMS C.MytTH D. TRADITION AND HISTORY E. EDUCATION, ETHOS F. HARMONICS

G. Systems

H.Noration

J. WRITTEN Music

A. CONCEPT, CHARACTERISTICS Greek music, with its highly differentiated melodies and rhythms, is placed in the category of the primarily linear-melodic music cultures of the eastern Mediterranean region. Music was an essential part of social life, in religion, festivals, dance, contests, conviviality, the military, and education (concerning women making music, see [4. 37—60]). Up to the classical era, the Greek term music (~ Mousike) comprised poetry, singing, the playing of instruments, and dance. Poets were musicians, and the poetic-musical craft was their profession. In the Hellenistic period, the term underwent a shift towards musical practice and teaching. Two idiosyncrasies of the Greek language made themselves felt in the music: the so-called musical > accent and the length of syllables ( Prosody; > Metre). Musical myths told of the magic and power of music. The discovery that consonances rested on the principle of simple numerical relationships led to particular teachings and speculations (mathematical harmonics, harmony of the spheres). Theories about acoustics, tonality, and rhythm arose, as well as musical notation. Everything that was Doric, in particular, was regarded as Greek, but there were eastern influences early on (aulos, enharmonics, Phrygian and Lydian harmoniai). During the HellenistRoman era, eastern elements again found reception,

West; see also > Music). B. SOURCES, PROBLEMS

The music itself, with its unmistakable idiom, is lost

to us. All that has remained are mute vestiges: writings on the subjects, relevant passages in texts, artistic representations, fragments of musical notations and instruments. Contemporary ideas about Greek music have been shaped not only by sources and research but also by the musical experience of those interested in the subject. On all three points, there have been clear shifts in the course of the 20th cent. Up to the roth cent., scholars were familiar only with contemporary music; for this reason, nothing could be made of the handwritten musical notations that have come down to us (the Mesomedes-hymns, ode alleged to be by Pindar [17.47-52]). During the past century, vestiges of musical notations, instruments, inscriptions and literary papyri, as well as ample possibilities of drawing comparisons (modern Greek, Byzantine, and Oriental music), have come available to us. Besides philologists, musicologists, archaeologists and mathematicians have been actively involved in the research. (a) The ancient writings on the subject that have remained fundamental (a catalogue of manuscripts: [14]) have for the most part been newly edited, commentated and translated, based on the Karl von JAN edition (MSG 1895). The artistic material has been made acces-

sible especially by archaeological

publications ([25;

26|). In addition, there have been scientific articles (cf. Bursians Jahres-Berichte 1900, 1903, 1909, 1922,

1935; Lustrum

1958, 1990; [13]) and summary de-

scriptions ([23; 4; 10; 11; 15; 16; 20; 22; 293; 33], extensive [27]). (b) Knowledge of musical notation and (c)

~» musical instruments has been especially furthered by new finds. (d) Rhythm (recitation of verse, > metrics, ancient theory, musical notations), once talked to death in controversy, is now being discussed again. (e) The

numerical harmonics of the Pythagoreans (> Pythagoras; + Pythagorean School) was, as far as can be known, without precedent in the Ancient Near East, but the remarkable similarity between Babylonian musical theory (see above, > I.) and the Greek understanding of scales cannot be mere coincidence. (f) Oral poetry studies have put Greek parallels in a different light (> Literacy/Orality). C. MyTH The magic and power of music have found expression in many myths and legends. Zeus himself did not sing or play (Aristot. Pol. 8,1339b 8); but his daughters, the + Muses, led by > Apollo, the god with the bow and lyre, bestowed the gift of singing and narrating. Dance, music and theatre belonged to Dionysus. The + Sirens enchanted through their lethal singing. Hermes ‘invented’ the tortoise lyre (Hom. H. Merc.),

2)

334

Athena the playing of the aulos (Pind. P. 12) and the salpinx (Paus. 2,21,3); but Athena threw the aulos away because it distorted her face (Aristot. Pol. 8, 1341b), and the Silenus - Marsyas [1] picked it up again (Paus. 1,241; Athena-Marsyas-Group of > Myron). Marsyas, however, challenged Apollo to a contest, was defeated and flayed alive as punishment. Alternatively, it was the legendary Phrygian > Hyagnis who was thought to have ‘invented’ the aulos and to have brought it to Hellas. Much later it was said that Apollo ‘invented’ aulos-playing (Ps.-Plut. De musica 113 5f). The citharode > Thamyris, who challenged the Muses to a contest and was also defeated, lost his eye-sight and his ability to play the instrument. Of > Amphion [1] it was said that he had erected the walls of Thebes by playing his lyre. Future heroes were educated musically by the centaur > Chiron. Among the myths about singers, that of > Orpheus became well-known (and later reinterpreted as an allegory of Christ). The saga of — Linus is very old. In Corinth, the story of the rescue of the lyricist and singer > Arion by a dolphin (Hdt.

famous for its solo singing and its strophic songs accompanied by lyre (Sappho, Alcaeus), Sparta for its agones, associated with education in the arts and the festival of the Gymmnopaidiai, for its choric strophe songs accompanied by the aulos (Aleman), aulodic singing (Thaletas, Xenocritus), and elegies (Tyrtaeus). On Sicily, Stesichorus sang triadic strophic songs for a chorus of dancers [27. 339] (and approximately the

1,23f.) was told. Well remembered in later times were

the legendary swan song (> Swan) and the legend of the singing — phoenix [30] which stems from the time of the Empire and was later given a Christian interpretation.;

D. TRADITION AND HISTORY Early depictions of music in the Aegean region already show lyres with 7 strings (Minoan sarcophagus from Hagia Triada) and 5 strings (frieze in the megaron of the Mycenaean Palace at Pylos). Homer, the wandering minstrel (aoidds), mentions songs of praise (Il. 9,189; Od. 8,73), the Linos song of the vintners (II. 18,570), choric songs like the > paean (Il. 1,473), + hymenaios [2] (Il. 18,493) and —threnos (Il. 24,721). The instrument of singers, as vase paintings

from the Geometric period show, was usually a 4-string a phorminx (Il. 9,186) or kitharis (Il. 13,731), that of shepherds the syrinx (Il. 18,526), that of warriors the salpinx (Il. 18,219); the sound of the aulos could be heard from Troy (II. 10,13). The singable verses of Homer, to which people could dance (Od. 8,262ff.), were later only recited by rhapsodes. Strophic song poetry arose in the 7th cent. BC, first called meélos (> melos [2]), but from the Hellenistic period on called + lyric poetry [9]. Solo songs were accompanied by the lyre (lyra, barbiton, kithara, usually with 7 strings), the choral lyrical poetry linked with dancing was accompanied mostly by the aulos. The aulos also belonged to the > elegy; the iambus (Ps.-Plut. De musica 11414) could be sung or recited with instrumental accompaniment (parakatalogé). The aulos accompanied the — dithyramb and the > komos (procession), the lyre accompanied the > skolion, the > encomium and the > epinikion. It is difficult to make definite statements about the legendary figure of the Phrygian + Olympus [14], who was said to have introduced aulos music. Lesbos was lyre, called

MUSIC

same is assumed of Pindar [27. 346]). The musical + nomos [3] (‘tune, melody type, mel-

ody model’) played a significant role in musical life, including artistic competitions. Such competitions were carried out early in Messene (Eumelus, PMG 696), in Sparta, Delphi, and Argos. > Terpander, who came from Lesbos and was active in Sparta, is said to have supplied Homeric hexameters and those by himself with melodies (77é/é) and to have been victorious four times, at the Carnea (> Carnea, Carneus, Carnus), later

at the > Pythian Games, around 675. He also was the first to give ‘citharodic’ (accompanied by kithara) nomoti their names, as did the aulode > Clonas of Tegea and his successor Polymnastos for ‘aulodic’ (accompanied by aulos) ones. In 586, the aulode > Echembrotus was the first to be victorious at the Pythian Games in Delphi, but then the category of aulody was soon eliminated from the competition (Paus. 10,7,5). Among the purely instrumental nomoi, the ‘auletic’ Pythikos nomos of > Sacadas of 586, depicting Apollo’s battle with the dragon in five sections, was famous, as was the Polyképhalos némos (Pind. P. 12,23). Solo cithara playing at the Pythian Games has been documented from 558. Until about the middle of the 5th cent., the nomos remained simple, without changes in key and rhythm. In the 6th and 5th cents., divided-semitone enharmonics developed along with aulos playing. The increasing importance of music is reflected in myths about music, pictorial representations and improved instrument manufacture. The rhythmically varied verseand strophe-art of the chorus in plays [21] as well as the alternation of singing between chorus and actors (> amoibaion) also seem to indicate that music was part of the performance (> chorus; > comedy; > tragedy). The accompanying instrument was the aulos. In the 2nd half of the sth cent. highly controversial innovations occurred with the newer > dithyramb (dithyrambos) and nomos. > Melanippides, and after him Phrynis, Cinesias, Timotheus, Philoxenus, Polyeidus and Telestes made use of polytonal music, including lyres with up to 12 strings (concert cithara), melismas, astrophic and rhythmically free singing, alternation in key and rhythm (metabole), and solo parts within cyclic choruses. Opposed to such innovations were esp. Pherecrates (fr. 145 CAF) and Pratinas (fr. 708 PMG). Socrates, on the other hand, is said to have admired Melanippides (Xen. Mem. 1,4,3). Euripides incorporated innovations of this kind in his tragedies. He was supported musically by Cephisophon (Vita Euripidis, cf. PCG 3.2,596), but ridiculed by

MUSIC

335

336

Aristophanes (Ran. 758ff.) because of the mondidiai

field were expected to become familiar with mathema(PI Rep. 7,530d). Aristotle distinguished between ethical, practical, and

(+ Monody),

astrophic

songs,

melismatic

excessive

lengthening of syllables (Ran. 1314, 1348), and changing rhythms (Aristoph. Av. 227-259). Evidently, one could in certain cases lengthen or shorten metrical longs and shorts. The musical aspect was dominant over the word. — Sophists and sceptics denied the old idea (Damon) of the ethical power of music (Hibeh speech, Philod. De musica 4, S. Emp. Adv. Math. 6). Still, music

receded in Middle and New Comedy (chorus as mere interlude [18. 41-55], occasionally monody). Both in and out of the theatre (+ Odeum), one could experience the choral parts of old tragedies, dithyrambs, virtuoso songs and instrumental pieces, presented by trained choruses, professional singers, instrumental virtuosos and dancers. In addition to famous auletes (> Antigenidas, + Ismenias [4], — Pronomus, Telephanes, Telesias) and citharodes (Amoebeus, Argas, Execestides, Cephisodotus, > Stratonicus), there were

many singers, instrumentalists and choreuts. From the 3rd cent. BC on, they formed, together with poets, actors, and dancers, local groups of the Dionysian Artists (— technitai), which continued

to exist into the

Roman Imperial Period. In keeping with the change, —» Aristoxenus [1] (2nd half 4th cent. BC) established the first comprehensive theory of music. Treatises on music subsequently formed a literary genre of their own, preserved in the compilation MSS of Late Antiquity [19]. Remnants of musical notation and musical instruments (aulos, hydraulis), as well as literary and epigraphic documents and iconography, allow us to draw conclusions about activities in the HellenisticRoman era [27. 372-385]. E. EDUCATION,

tical subjects, including harmonics

enthusiastic music (Aristot. Pol. 8,1341b); he demand-

ed that young people learn to judge music critically (Aristot. Pol. 1340a). He rejected specialized training for the purpose of producing virtuosos because it took away personal freedom (Aristot. Pol. 1341b). During the Hellenistic and Imperial eras, schools retained the elementary

instruction in music, the more so since school choruses were often required to sing at religious ceremonies and festivals [12. 201]. Contests between schools (+ Gymnasium II.) were popular. Since Late Antiquity, the Christian Church seems to have adhered to proved and tested forms of instruction in music. The ethos of music manifested itself in mode, key and rhythm, but was not always subject to consistent evaluation [1; 27. 246-253]. The diatonic system, probably in use at all times, was regarded as masculine and rigorous. Classical enharmonics, regarded as especially beautiful and dignified, disappeared as early as the 4th cent. BC (Aristox. Harm. 23 MB.). Chromaticism, initially cultivated by cithara players but also used by Euripides, and which was then propagated in the Hellenistic era, was considered to be soft. Later, the views regarding chromaticism and enharmonics diverged (Philod. De musica 4,1). Dorian was considered manly and noble, Phrygian enthusiastic and passionate, Lydian often soft and weak, ‘sympotic’ (Pl.), but also beneficial to young people (Aristot.), Mixolydian plaintive, lachrymose. Hypodorian was the heroic mode of tragic actors. Asa rule, the ethos changed with the metabole (change) of mode, key (modulation) and rhythm [iS BOGIES D7 TGlbs

ETHOS

Until the middle of the 6th cent., Sparta’s youth was educated (+ agoge) with sports and music (gymnastics, dance, singing, poetry). On Lesbos, too, music played a central role. Pythagoreans accorded it first place in education (lambl. V. Pyth. 64); harmonics (Archytas: uwod, DrELS/ KRANz I, 432) belonged to and wase taught in the disciplines (mathemata) of arithmetic, geometry and astronomy (enkyklios paideia). The ethos (‘character’) of different keys and rhythms was carefully observed; this knowledge was also used in music therapy [27. 32]. Elementary education in classical Athens included reading, writing, music (singing, lyreplaying) and gymnastics (PI. Prt. 325f., cf. Aristoph. Nub. 964). The Athenian Damon, famous as a teacher of + mousiké (Pl. La. 180d), developed an ethos doctrine of keys and rhythms (PI. Rep. 3,400b; 4,424C). Plato regarded mousiké as the most important means of education (and of > mimesis) and believed that its demise had led to the decline of civic order (PI. Rep. 4,424c). For this reason, young people had to be protected from pernicious influences, i.e. from aulos music, polytonality, soft modes like the Syntonolydian, Mixolydian, Ionian, Lydian, and from variegated rhythms (PI. Rep. 3,398c—400c). Those advanced in the

F. HARMONICS The object of contemplation (theoria) in Antiquity was not the ‘making’ of music (as in the Middle Ages and in modern times), but rather the wondrous ‘nature’ of the tone material, its order, its harmony. Mathema-

tical and specialized musical doctrines emerged. The discovery that consonances (already long known in the Ancient Near East, but not yet developed as an abstract concept or given a name) have a mathematical basis can be dated from an early time. Names for consonances and Pythagorean number theorems can be documented from the time of Philolaus (44B 76 DK). Consonances (syndidiai, symphoniai) were octaves (di’ okt0, did pas6n), fifths (di’ oxeian, did pénte) and fourths (syllabd, did tessdron). The unity of two tones was expressed by a word for each: octave = diploon, ‘double’ (2:1); fifth = hémidlion, ‘half and whole’, 1/2 to 1 (3:2); fourth = epitriton, ‘a third more’,

‘the surplus’ (byperoché) 1/3 over 1 (4:3); further, the whole tone = epdgdoon, 9:8 (= 3/2:4/3). When applied to a string: [o]

|

1

sli ce

+4

+h

fg i

rhs

2

c

337

338

The additive lengthening of the string corresponded to the arrangement of the classical tone system from high to low tones (recently become known for the An-

Using their hearing and musical instruments, the socalled harmonists, on whom little documentation ex-

cient Near East, see above I.). It is not certain that the terms hypdté (‘highest’) for the lowest, neté (‘lower-

most’) for the highest tone (without a model in the Ancient Near East) once designated the position of the strings on the lyre or from the viewpoint of the player; in poetic-religious usage, the word hypatos possessed a metaphoric connotation [32. 8f.] (‘highest’ for the longest, largest, low-sounding string, ‘lowest’ for the shortest, high-sounding string; cf. Nicom. Enchiridion 3, MSG 241). Division and measurement ofthe strings by numbering them 1 to 4 (cf. tetraktys) yielded a significant hierarchy [31]: octave 2:1, fifth 3:2, duodecimal 3:1, fourth 4:3, double octave 4:1 (going back to -» Hippasus [5], 18, 14 DK). In this manner, the double octave was legitimized, but the unodecimal 8:3 as a consonance was from now on excluded. Experiments with drinking cups and discuses served as backups (Hippasus and Lasus, 18,12 and 13 DK).; The interval was understood as ldgos (‘relationship’), not only as didstéma (‘distance’). Acoustic and auditory theories followed (Archytas, Plato, Aristotle, Heraclides Ponticus, Euclides; > acoustics). The early Pythagoreans were familiar with the arithmetic, geometric and harmonic mean (Philolaus, 44A 24, Archytas 47B 2 DK). In the ‘perfect proportion’ 12:9 = 8:6, 9

is the arithmetic and 8 the harmonic mean of 12 and 6. Archytas offered proof that ‘superparticular’ ratios, (n+1):n, have no proportional

mean

(47A 19). Since

the whole tone 9:8 cannot be arithmetically halved, calculations were based on the ‘small half tone’ (lei#1ma) 256:243 (between ditone and fourth) and the ‘large’ (apotome) 2187:2048 (between leimma and whole tone). Musicology adhered to this throughout the entire Middle Ages. Archytas conceptualized a harmonic system consisting of ‘superparticular’ ratios that was contrary, however, to what the ear hears (Ptol. Harmonica 1,13). Theoreticians like Didymus [1], Thrasyllus, and Ptolemy, who did not trust the ear, retained the principle of ‘superparticularity’ in different ways. On the other hand, > Euclides [3] (Sectio canonis) composed and divided the intervals in accordance with the theory of proportions (Elem. B. 7; B. 8; [24. 379, 406-411]). That the pitch of a note is dependent on vibration frequency was long known (Hippasus, 18, 13 DK), but the numbers were only given in the late legend of Pythagoras at the forge (Nicom., MSG 246-248): a string tightened with 12 units of weight should sound an octave higher than one tightened with 6 units of weight (physically incorrect, as we know since the end of the 16th cent.). But with the help of this widelyknown legend, the necessary ‘reversal’ of the tone system (Aristot. Probl. 37; Ptol. Harmonika 3, 10) was accomplished once and for all: notes were listed from low to high and numbers from small to large, localizing low notes at the bottom, high ones at the top.

MUSIC

ists, occupied themselves with scales and tuning (harmoniai, ‘categories of octaves’). The claims made by

+ Lasus [1], who was the first to write about music (according to Suidas), as well as those of Epigonus, Eratocles, Pythagoras of Zacynthus and Agenor were contradicted by Aristoxenus [27. 225-227]. He himself, musician, follower of Aristotle, brought up on Pythagorean thought, became the founder, thanks to his astute analyses, of musical theory asa field of study, as distinct from Pythagoreanism. He regarded tones as dots along a line, the half tone as half the distance of a whole tone

[5. 349]. He left no systematic textbook behind (a gap that Cleonides partially filled [7. 34-40]), but his teachings resonated with the so-called canonists like Archestratus, Ptolemy, Didymus [1] (‘On the Difference Between the Pythagorean and the Aristoxenean Theory of Music’) and especially Claudius > Ptolemaeus, whose comprehensive description of harmony based on a theory of numbers (with the comm. by > Porphyrius) remained the main scholarly work beyond Antiquity (aftereffects can be seen in Boethius, Bryennios, ZARLINO, KEPLER). Hardly anything new was added after

the 2nd cent. AD. Writings on the subject transmitted received knowledge and historical accounts (Nicomachus [9], Ps.-Plutarch, Theon of Smyrna, Gaudentius,

Alypius, Bacchius, Anonymi Bellermann; Aristides Quintilianus wrote the only comprehensive description).

~ Sound theory G. SYSTEMS Tone (phthdngos) and interval (didstéma) were the elements, fourths, fifths, and octaves the supporting

structure of the different systems (systémata); thirds and sixths were not considered to be consonant. The terminology for the ‘emmelic’ (melodic) scale degrees was fundamental, thereafter the distinction between the fixed structural tones (hypdté, mésé, paramésé, nété)

and the moveable tones (parhypdaté, lichanos, trité, paranété). The tetrachord (consisting of four neighboring tones), the division of which into 3 tone modes (gené) supposedly goes back to Archytas [1] (Porph. in Ptol. 136,13), comprises two fixed tones (hest6tes) ina fourth interval and two moveable tones (kinouimenoi). Aristoxenus (Harm. 24; sof. MB.) distinguished between the modes didtonon, chromatikon and enharmonion as well as between shades of tone (chréai): I syntonon, II malakon, III toniaion, 1V hémiolion, V malakon. (Absolute tone pitches did not exist; low

tones are placed at the top, high tones at the bottom; the signs —, --, - —— indicate gradually deeper tones):

MUSIC

340

31o¥)

hypaté

didtonon I II e e

chromatikon Ill IV e e

Vy

Y%

ve)

%

%

parphypaté

f

f

f

f-

f--

I

Yq

Yo

Ys

%

"%,

g

g-

gb

gb-

gh--

f

I

Ys

%

%

1Y,

a

a

a

a

a

a

a

lichanos mésé

Vv e

enharmonion VI e Vg

f---

Table 3 Later reduced in the tradition: diatonic 1, 1, 1/2, chromatic 1 2, 1/2, 1/2, enharmonic 2, “4, Vs. Pyknon

(‘compact’) was the name given to two neighbouring intervals that together are smaller than the third of the tetrachord. In the 4th cent. BC, small intervals (déesis) were considered to be hardly discernible (Aristot. Sens. 446a). Enharmonics supposedly arose through the omission of lichanos (a f e; Aristox. fr. 83 WEHRLI,

Schule 2). The lichanos could be continuously shifted by a whole tone (from g to f), whereby mésé-lichanos became ditonos (major third). Tetrachords were either separated (didzeuxis) by a whole tone, as in the octachord e' — b, a —e, or connected through linking (synaphe), as in the heptachord d'- aa-e. Separated and connected tetrachords with their fixed and movable tones made up (I) the ‘greater complete system’ (systema téleion meizon) with 4 tetrachords and proslambanomenos, with the central octave e' — e exhibiting the Doric order; in addition

there was

(II) the ‘lesser complete system’ (systéma

téleion élatton) with three connected tetrachords, in-

cluding the synémménon-tetrachord d'c' b a, necessary for key change (metabole); (III) later, from a combination of the two, the ‘immutable system’ (systéma téleion ametabolon) with the 5 tetrachords hypaton, méson, diezeugménon, synemménon, hyperbolaion (with the moveable tones in squared brackets, here of the diatonic genus):

I

A B [c] [d] e [f] [g] a [bb] [c'] d'

proslambanémenos hypate hypaton parhypaté hypaton lichanos hypaton hypaté méson synapheé parhypaté méson lichanos méson mésé synapheé trité synemménon paranété synemménon neté synemménon

Table 4

The central octachord was expanded (probably by Aristoxenus), complemented through the ‘added-on’ proslambanomenos (A). The names refer to chordé (string, tone), proslambanomenos to phthongos (a later term for ‘tone’). The ésé helped in orientation, also in practice (Ps.-Aristot. Probl. 19,20). Philolaus (44 B 6 DK) knew the old diatonic octachord with nété, trité (=paramésé), mésé, hypateé (e'b ae). Six old harmoniai (modes), which Plato mentions

(Rep. 3,398e-399c), have been passed down as scales with abnormal pitch range and interval relationships (Arist. Quint. 18f. W.-I., [27. 174f.]): Lydian, Dorian, Phrygian, Jonian, Mixolydian, Syntonolydian/High Lydian. The 7 octachords of the harmonists (Aristox. Harm. 36 MB.), the old names (ibid., 37) and harmoniai were standardized in the system of the octave genera (eidé did pasén), most probably in order to be able to differentiate modally, with their help, the abstract tonoi: [B] Y

[c] 1

it

i!

1

1

Y”

%

%

%

il

il

1

1

it

it

1

1

1

1

il

1

1

1

1

1

[d] le]

I

A B [c] [d] e [f] [g] a

[f]

proslamban6menos hypaté hypaton parhypate hypaton lichanos hypaton hypdaté parhypdté méson lichanos méson mése

[g] synaphe

[a]

1

[b] VY

paramésé trité diezeugménon paranete diezeugménon neté diezeugménon trité hyperbolaion paraneté hyperbolaion neté hyperbolaion

Ya

%

Y

YY

Y,

[c']| 1

i

1

1

1

1

1

1

VY

%

7)

1

1

(d']

[e']

[f']

[f']

[g']

[g'|

“Hypolydian

[a'] | [a')

“Hypophrygian

LHypodorian Table 5

“Lydian

“Phrygian

“Dorian

1

“Mixolydian

1

[d']

[e'] synaphe

1

[b]

[c']

diazeuxis b [c'] [d'] e' [f'] g'] a’

[a]

341

MUSIC

342

(high) Lydian tonos:

Cte

pb

f4!

e'

(low) Lydian ténos:

re

bparapame!

f!

e}'

by Bal bpUaa) alt Wey.

fy! ets C

é eb d'

(high) Phrygian tonos: (low) Phrygian tonos: Dorian tonos: Table 6

esata

wos!

ac: ee @E

Evidently, the prefix hypo- once designated in the diagram the position ‘underneath’ the Dorian-Phrygian-Lydian (differently Athen. 14,625a: Hypodorian as ‘not entirely Dorian’). The much-debated theoretical system of the tdnoi (‘transposition scales’, ‘keys’) goes back to Aristoxenus (Cleonides, MSG 203), but it is evidenced only later (loc.cit.). The two-octave system, fixed to a definite pitch, the tonos, was shifted each time in unchanged form by a semitone, ‘transposed’. The 12 tonoi that thereby came into being (a 13th was an octave repetition) retained the usual tonal names, but in a different, a ‘dynamic’ sense, and were given a modal value (mésé emphasized; cf. Table 6) in accordance with the interval ratios of the fundamental octave e'-e/e-flat'—e-flat. Ptolemy, who recognized only 7 octave genera as tonoi (Harm. 2, 15), shifted the tones between e' and e (thésis) and gave them a new ‘dynamic’ name. The system of 12 tonoi, also called trépoi, was later revised, in

part renamed, and expanded to 15 (with 3 repetitions from the lower octave). The ‘dynamic’ mése thereby shifted an octave (e' to e) or a ninth (f-sharp' to e) downwards:

Mésé fy! ti e dy!

Aristoxenus

di d

Ct c

e

d

c¢

Bb

eb d

db c

c B

Bb A

di’ d'

et (g,

baa bb ab

ee} g

fy f

e eb

d'

cy!

oye

ST

fe

ft

Cale c'

RNG b

b A

ab Pe

gb

f e

H. NOTATION The main source for notation (parasémantike) is the

late table work of — Alypius [3] (MSG 368-406; see also > Gaudentius [1], MSG 347-355, Arist. Quint., 24-27 W-I). Arising in the 5th/4th cent. BC, and banished by — Aristoxenus [1] from harmonic theory (Harm. 39f.), the oft-expanded systems of so-called instrumental and vocal notation (tés krouiseds/léxeds) are assigned to the diatonic, chromatic and enharmonic tropoi (‘transposition scales’) of which there were 15 each (the chromatic and enharmonic signs being in principle the same). The ‘instrumental notation’ (at one time for the aulos, [27. 264; 11. 208-217]) consisted essentially of signs (of an Argive alphabet? [27. 26rf.]) in 3 positions each: normal, lying, and upside-down (0, 1/4-, 2/4-raised tone). The later ‘vocal notation’, a transcription into the Ionian alphabet, made the alien signs and their orientation accessible to Athenians. The following summary (table 8) shows 70 pairs of signs in triads through 3 octaves, the ‘instrumental signs’ on the left, the ‘vocal signs’ on the right. By convention, the tone signs of the diatonic scale correspond to the pairs on the bottom line.

Revised Hyperlydian Hyperaeolian Hyperphrygian Hyperiastian Hyperdorian Lydian

b bb

Hypermixolydian, (high) Mixolydian, (low) Mixolydian, (high) Lydian, (low) Lydian, (high) Phrygian, (low) Phrygian,

a

Dorian,

Dorian

Table 8: The two systemes of notation

gt g fs f e

(high) Hypolydian, (low) Hypolydian, (high) Hypophrygian, (low) Hypophrygian, Hypodorian,

Hypolydian Hypoaeolian Hypophrygian Hypoiastian Hypodorian

Deciphered in 1847, this notation still presents problems (origin, history [27. 259-263]). The rhythmic notation contained signs mainly for 2-, 3-, 4- and 5-beat

d’ cy! ey

Aeolian

Phrygian Jastian/Ionian

Table 7

Because of the opposite interval relationships between e' and e, the tdnoi were arranged in inverse order

to that of the octave genera (Hypodorian was the highest octave genus, but the lowest t6nos).

lengths: 5

SI)

J. WritTEN Music In Antiquity, music was passed on orally. Written

music, nowhere mentioned explicitly in the literature of Antiquity, was the exception and is most likely something to be associated with private circles (trained singers, actors). Notation was something that only > technitai (specialized scribes? [4. 159]) understood; in > Teos, melographia (song notation) was taught (CIG 3088), elsewhere kroumatographia (instrumental

545

344

notation; Anon. Bellermann 2, § 93). The notation did not represent the music visually and was obviously too complicated for practical use [17. 1661f., Table 12; 27. 257, Fig. 9,2]. Today, some 50 vestiges from the Hellenistic-[mperial period are known (critical ed. of frr. to

5 W. Burkert, Weisheit und Wissenschaft. Studien zu Pythagoras, Philolaos und Platon, 1962 6 G. CoMorTTI, Music in Greek and Roman Culture, 1989 7M. FUHRMANN, Das systematische Lehrbuch, 1960 8 TH. GEORGIADES, Musik und Rhythmus bei den Griechen, 1958

MUSIC

1970 with transcription and commentary: [17]; transcription of frr. to 1992 with detailed analyses: [27. 191-207,277-326]; selections with commentary: [2. 210-227] and [11. 218—263]). Special mention deserve:

from the 3rd cent. BC: (1) Pap. Leiden inv. 5 ro with vss. 784-792 from Eur. Iph. A., (2) Pap. Wien G 2315 with vss. 338-344 of Stasimon from Eur. Or.; 128 BC: (3) and (4) Athenian treasury in Delphi, epigraphic paeans of an Athenian and a Limenian (in the museum); rst cent. AD: (5) Copenhagen inv. 14897, grave stele from Tralleis near Aydin (in Caria) with Sicilus song; 2nd cent. AD: (6) — (9) in medieval manuscripts: invocation

of the Muses and three hymns (to Calliope and Apollo, Helios, Nemesis)

by - Mesomedes,

(10) — (13) Pap.

Berlin inv. 6870 with paean, two instrumental pieces and Aias-fr.; 3rd cent.: (14) in a manuscript: an instrumental melody in Anon. Bellermann 3, § ro4, (15) POxy. 1786 with a christian hymn. Usually ‘vocal notation’ was used, ‘instrumental notation’ only infrequently (4, 11, 12, 14). Word accents become apparent in the melos, especially in astrophic poetry, but not uniformly [27. 198-200]. The transcription into modern notation, although indispensable as a help in orientation, is not without controversy [10. 367; 22.283f.]. Concert performances (and recordings as well) are still non-authoritative.; ~+ Anonymi Bellermann; > Aristides [7] Quintilianus; -» Aristoteles

[6];

— Aristoxenus

[1];

—> Chorus;

-» Cleonides; > Euclides,[3] D.; > Meter; > Mousike; -» Musical instruments; Nicomachus [9]; — Philodemus; — Plato; — Plutarchus; - Ptolemaeus; > Porphyrius; -> Sextus [3] Empiricus; + Theon [5]; > Sound theory; » Music EDITIONS

AND

TRANSLATIONS:

MSG,

repr. (without

Aristoteles and Ps.-Aristoteles) with Italian transl. and

comm. by L. ZANONCELLI, 1990; > Anonymi Bellermanni, > Aristides [7] Quintilianus (also a French transl. and comm. by F. Duysinx, 1999), — Aristoteles [6]: Problemata, > Aristoxenus

[1], > Euclides: Sectio canonis

9 H. GORGEMANNS, Zum Ursprung des Begriffs “Lyrik’, in: M. v. ALBRECHT, W. SCHUBERT (ed.), Musik und Dichtung, Festschrift V.Péschl, 1990, 51-61 101. HENDERson, Ancient Greek Music, in: E. WELLEsz (ed.), The New Oxford History of Music, vol. 1, 1957, 336-403 11J.G. LANDELS, Music in Ancient Greece and Rome, 1999 12 H. I. Marrou, Geschichte der Erziehung im klassischen Altertum, (German) 1957 (French *1955) 13 TH. J. Matuiesen, A Bibliography of Sources for the Study of Ancient Greek Music, 1974 14 Id., Ancient Greek Music Theory: A Catalogue Raisonné of Manuscripts (Répertoire international des sources musicales, B XI), 1988 15 S. MICHAELIDES, The Music of Ancient Greece. An En-

cyclopaedia, 1978 16 A. J. NEUBECKER, Altgriechische Musik, *1992 17 E. POHLMANN, Denkmaler altgriechischer Musik, 1970 18 Id., Beitrage zur antiken und neueren Musikgeschichte, 1988 19 Id., Musiktheorie in spatantiken Sammelhsandschriften., in: A. BERL, P. voN MOLLENDORFF (ed.), Orchestra, Festschrift H.Flashar, 1994, 182-194 20 Id.,s.v. Griechenland. A. Ant. M., MGG?, 3, 1995, 1626-1676 21L. RicHTER, Musikalische Aspekte

der attischen Tragédienchére, in: Beitrage zur Musikwissenschaft 14, 1972, 247-298 22A. RIETHMULLER, Musik zwischen Hellenismus und Spatantike, in: Id., F. ZAMINER, Die Musik des Altertums (Neues Handbuch der Musikwissenschaft, vol. 1), 1989, 207-322 23 C. SACHS, Die Musik der Alten Welt, 1968 24B. L. VAN DER WAERDEN, Die Pythagoreer,

Musikleben

der Griechen,

1979

1949

25 M. WEGNER, Das

26 Id., Griechenland

(MiB 2,4), 1963 27M. L. West, Ancient Greek Music, 1992 28R. P. WINNINGTON-INGRAM, Mode in Ancient

Greek Music, 1936 (repr. 1968) 29Id., s.v. Greece. § I. Ancient, NGrove 1980, 659-672 30 A. WLosoK, Wie der Phoenix singt, in: M. v. ALBRECHT, W. SCHUBERT

(ed.),

Musik und Dichtung, Festschrift V. Poschl, 1990, 209222 31F. ZAMINER, Konsonanzordnung und Saitenteilung bei Hippasos von Metapont, in: Jahrbuch des Staatlichen Instuts fiir Musikforschung, 1981/82, 231-240 32 Id., Hypate, Mese und Nete im friihgriechischen Denken, in: Archiv fiir Musikwissenschaft 41, 1984, 1-26 33 Id., Musik im archaischen und klassischen Griechenland, in: A. RIETHMULLER, F. ZAMINER (ed.), Die Musik des Altertums (Neues Handbuch der Musikwissenschaft, vol. r), 1989, 113-206.

(also a German transl. and comm. in: O. BuscH, Logos syntheseos, 1999), > Cleonides (also ed., english transl.

with comm. by J. D.SOLOMON, thesis Chapel Hill, 1980), + Nicomachus [9]: Encheiridion, > Philodemus: De musica, > Plutarchus:De musica, > Ptolemaeus:Harmo-

nika with — Porphyrius: comm., > Sextus Empiricus, + Theon of Smyrna. These and other texts in English translation, with comm. by BARKER [3. vol. 2]. Lit. quotes in transl.: German by GEoRGIADES [8], English by BARKER with comm. [3. vol. 1], French (Hellenistic-Roman period) by BELIs [4]. LITERATURE: 1 W.D. ANDERSON, Ethos and Education in Greek Music, 1966 2Id., Music and Musicians in Ancient Greece, 1994 3 A. BARKER, Greek Musical Writings, vol. 1: The Musician and His Art, 1984; vol. 2: Har-

V. ETRURIA, ROME, EARLY CHRISTIANITY A. ErruriA B. ROME C. EARLY CHRISTIANITY

A. ETRURIA Although the music of the Etruscans is unknown, its existence is attested to by iconographic sources and by occasional references to it by Greek and Latin writers. Archaeological finds from sites devoted to the cult of the dead (7th-znd/1st cents. BC) show music-making scenes in social and private life. According to legend, music once rescued the people from their misery during a famine (Serv. Aen. 1,67). Its sweet sounds are alleged

monic and Acoustic Theory, 1989 (english transl. and

to have also enchanted wild animals and enticed them

comm.)

into nets (Ael. Nat. 12,46). As for > musical instru-

4A. Bétis, Les musiciens dans l’antiquité, 1999

345

346

ments, a bronze lituus, bells and clappers (crotala) have survived the times. Typical wind instruments were the lituus, tuba, cornu and tibia (Etruscan tibia players long enjoyed a good reputation among the Romans). Iconographic evidence exists for the transverse flute [4. Nr. 20]. Greek-influenced depictions show lyres (kithara, lyra, barbitos, also in modified forms) and panpipes (syrinx). Invention of the tuba was ascribed to the Etruscans (Diod. 5,40,1; cf. Hyg. Fab. 274); Greek tragic poets called it ‘Tyrrhenian salpinx’ (Aeschyl. Eum. 568); apparently it was seen as typical for the Etruscans. Depicted scenes (wakes, funeral games, group and war dances, sports, gymnastics, wedding processions, public parades, feasts, work) give us an idea of the versatility of Etruscan music. Singing surely was not absent from Etruscan life, but there are hardly any references

from distant places, new cults with their musical rites appeared (-— sistrum in the cult of Isis), and virtuosity became paramount. The hydraulis (used in circus games, in the street, in private life), giant citharas and ensembles with military instruments (lituus, buccina, cornu) generated new effects. In AD 284, the emperor Carinus put on a monstrous concert with 400 instrumentalists, singers, mimes and pantomimes. Time and again, excesses were condemned [9. 388-397]. Scholarly texts on music from Late Antiquity are based on Greek teachings (+ Augustinus, Macrobius, Favonius Eulogius, Martianus Capella, > Boethius, Cassiodorus und Isidore of Seville).

to it.

B. ROME In Rome, the very ancient and long-lived collegium tibicinum (association of tibia players) seems to have assumed the duties and tasks of the Etruscan sacrificial ritual, where the magical effect of music still played a role. The cultic songs of the Salii (Carmen Saliare) and of the Fratres Arvales (Carmen Arvale) were very old. No longer musically retrievable are the > nenia (dirge),

victory songs, festive songs, convivial songs and simple folksongs. It was through the Etruscans that the theatre came to Rome: as atonement for an epidemic, Etruscan actors were brought to the city in 364 BC to present non-representational dances with tibia accompaniment; young Romans subsequently imitated the dancers; later, native actors developed the dramatic — satura out of the improvised antiphons that recalled Atellan farces and Fescennine poetry (the term histrio stems from the Etruscan language). After direct contact with Greek culture in southern Italy, the first tragedies and comedies in the Latin language were produced in the middle of the 3rd cent. BC. In contrast with the development in Greece, music (— canticum) played a greater role in dialogue

(diverbia),

and the chorus

(which in comedies was replaced by interludes) became less important. The music of the early tragedies (Livius Andronicus, Ennius) is said to have impressed the audience by its cheerful earnestness (Cic. Leg. 2,15,39). Roman elegies and lyrical texts were perhaps given musical performances as early as the 2nd cent. BC, and certainly on frequent occasions during the Classical era and beyond [9. 218-305]. > Mime (accompanied by tibia) and pantomime, singing by either a soloist or a chorus (supported by an orchestra as well as tympana, scabella (foot clappers) and syrinx) developed in the rst cent. BC, initially as a postlude to the tragedies. With Greek culture, music education and music theory came to Rome (discernible in Varro, Lucretius,

MUSICAL

INSTRUMENTS

C. EARLY CHRISTIANITY

The vocal music of the early Christians was derived primarily from Jewish cult and was adapted by Christian believers and congregations in the Near East, Greece, and Rome. In the Roman > liturgy, more rigid forms gradually developed, initially for the psalms (+ Psalmody) and canticles of the OT and NT. The Edicts of Milan (AD 313) allowed Christians to devise freely their form of religious worship. Latin became ob-

ligatory as the liturgical language in the 4th cent.; thus a liturgy of the mass and the officium developed independently of that of the Eastern traditions, initially with centres in Rome and Milan, then in Gaul and Spain. In the mass (> missa), these were the in part very old chants of the Proprium (Introitus, Graduale, Alleluia/ Tractus, Offertorium, Communio) and the songs of the Ordinarium Missae (Kyrie, Gloria, Credo, Sanctus,

Agnus Dei), which gradually gained in importance, and, in the prayers of the canonical hours, the repertoire of antiphons and responsories that was later enlarged. The early hymns based on prose (Gloria, Sanctus, Te Deum) were congregational songs, unlike the strophic + hymns (Hilarius, Ambrosius, Prudentius) that had their origin in Syrian chant (> Ephrem). 1A. Bé is, Les musiciens dans l’antiquité, 1999

2G.

Comotrtl, Music in Greek and Roman Culture, 1989 3 F. J. DOLGER, Sol salutis. Gebet und Gesang im christlichen Altertum (Liturgiegeschichtliche Forschung 4/5), 1920 4 G. FLEISCHHAUER, Etrurien und Rom (MiB 2,5), 1964 5 Idem, s.v. Rome I, NGrove

16, 1980, 146-153

6R.

HAMMERSTEIN, Die Musik der Engel, 1962 7 J. G. LanDELS, Music in Ancient Greece and Rome, 1999 8 J. QuaSTEN, Musik und Gesang in den Kulturen der heidnischen

Antike und christlichen Frihzeit, 1930

9G. WILLE,

Musica Romana, 1967 10 Idem, Einfiihrung in das rémische Musikleben, 1977. F.Z.

Musical instruments I. PRELIMINARY REMARKS

I]. ANCIENT NEAR EAST Il]. Egypt IV. ANCIENT ISRAEL V. GREECE VI. ErRURIA, ROME

Cicero, Vitruvius, Quintilianus; — artes liberales). Dur-

ing the Imperial era, growing luxury and the demand for the unusual were reflected in the musical sphere. Musicians, instrumentalists, and dancers came to Rome

I. PRELIMINARY REMARKS Musical instruments that have been preserved or graphically represented in a clear manner can easily be

MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS

347

348

Musical instruments: Ancient Orient

sao 08

Elamite ensemble from Madaktu (Ninive, 650 BC)

Harps: ¢. 2500 BC

Horizontal angular harp: c. 1750 BC

c. 650 BC

c. 1750 BC

Se. Symmetrical lyres (evolution of shape)

Lyre, c. 2600 BC

Bou Asymmetrical lyres (evolution of shape)

Long-necked lute, c. 1750 BC

349

350

identified as such. Assigning them to their ancient names, however, and, conversely, assigning ancient

ill.) and asymmetrical types (see ill.) can be differentiated. Especially famous are the lyres that were found in the tombs of the kings of Ur, decorated with ornate

names to particular instruments, is often either uncertain or impossible. Furthermore, one and the same musical instrument may have been called by different names. For these reasons, a systematic survey is in order. Since the Hellenistic period, three categories

MUSICAL

INSTRUMENTS

animal protomae (see ill.). The usually fretted, twostringed long-necked (bowl) lute (gu#-di/inu, see ill.) can

have been recognized: strings (évtatd/entata, tyyooda/

be documented from the end of the 3rd millennium (as musical instruments imported to Mesopotamia used in the non-religious sphere; see ill.) and were played solo,

énchorda,

in duos, and also, in the rst millennium, in ensembles.

tensibilia), winds (éuxvevoté/empneusta, inflatilia) and percussion instruments (xoovotd/kroustd, percussionalia). Modern systematizing prefers four categories: (a) chordophones: string instruments like harps, lyres and lutes; (b) aerophones: wind instruments, differentiated according to the manner in which the vibration is produced: 1. by means of a sharp edge across which wind is blown, as is the case with flutes,

syrinx and organ pipes; 2. by means of a reed, as for example with the aulos; 3. by means of pressing the lips to the instrument, as for example with the trumpet, salpinx and tuba; (c) idiophones, either with fixed tones like bells and xylophones, or without tone pitch like cymbals, clappers and rhythm instruments; (d) membranophones, the membranes (skins) of which can be tuned, as with tympani, or simply produce a noise, as with drums. FZ. II]. ANCIENT NEAR East Musical instruments of the Ancient Near East are

attested to by archaeological finds as well as by iconographic and written sources. Evidence from religious life and life at the court predominate. Development of the individual kinds of instruments was conditioned in part by constantly changing cultural influences. As early as the 3rd millennium, the construction of musical instruments shows a high standard. Musical instruments were played by highly specialized musicians (> Music I). In the first millennium, there were ensembles consisting of more than 25 persons (see ill.). The way in which musical instruments were used was closely related to the occasion for which music was to be made (e.g. prize for hymns; ritual lament). Occasionally, the name of a musical instrument was influenced by its use (e.g. za-mi; balag).

Wind instruments like flutes, pipes, trumpets, horns, the names of which are frequently linked to the Sumerian term gi (‘pipe’/‘reed’), were made of horn, reed, wood, bone or metal. Which types are to be classified as reed instruments has not yet been clarified (but cf. [2.

149]). Stringed instruments in manifold forms, esp. harps, lutes and lyres, are attested to. Many-stringed ornate instruments (see ill.) developed from the 3-stringed and 4-stringed arched harp of the late 4th and/or early 3rd millennium. An innovation in ancient Babylonia was the angular harp (see ill.). Harps may have been called by two names: al-gar and (for instance in Ebla) balag, i.e. a resonator covered with skin (balag: percussion instrument/harp). In the case of lyres, which originally (2) came from Syria (za-mi/sammi), symmetrical (see

Idiophones like cymbals, bells (of clay and metal), claves, (zoomorphic) rattles, and jingles were used for

incantation and rituals, among other things. Membranophones, i.e. drums and tympani, covered with animal skin and played with the hands and/or mallets, ranged from small hand drums to standing drums (lilis/lilissu). Drums like the adab, tigi and balag (also a stringed instrument!) were eponymous for entire ‘song’

genres. > Music I, 1A. D. KiLmer, s.v. Musik (1.A.), RLA 8, 1993-1997, 463-482 2B. LAWERGREN, s.v. Mesopotamien, MGG?, Sachteil 6, 143-174 3S. A. Rasnip, Die Musik der Keil-

schriftkulturen, in: A. RIETHMULLER, F. ZAMINER (ed.), Musik des Altertums (Neues Handbuch der Musikwissenschaft, vol. 1), 1989, 1-28. KO.VO.

Ill. Ecypr The Egyptians of the time of the pharaohs apparently gave no thought to a classification of their musical instruments, and it would not be possible to devise such a classification in retrospect, from either a sociological or a functional vantage point — for instance, whether played by women or men, in religious ceremonies, at the court, or as part of everyday musical life. Insofar, then, for the sake of a survey and out of necessity, one can apply the modern instrumental systematics. A. IpIOPHONES B. MEMBRANOPHONES C. CHORDOPHONES D. AEROPHONES A. IDIOPHONES The Egyptians had clappers made of hippopotamus ivory (see ill.), curved and decorated with carved animal or human heads. Sistra, i.e. frame rattles of ceramic or

metal with a handle, were used in the worship of the gods (see ill.). Small bells, musical instruments of the Late Period and the Graeco-Roman era, were manufactured in a great number of varieties; small cymbals, cymbals with handles and fork cymbals also appeared in the Late Period and were used into Coptic time. B. MEMBRANOPHONES The first membranophone in Egypt that can be documented with certainty is the double-skin covered barrel-shaped drum (gmqm), used from the time of the Middle Kingdom on. Square-edged and round frame drums (tub, sr, dbdb) were in use from the time of the

New Kingdom (sporadically during the Middle Kingdom) into the Graeco-Roman period.

MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS

351

39)

Musical instruments: Egypt

Banqueting scene with harpist, lutenist, girl snapping her fingers, oboist and lyre player. Tomb of Loserkara-seneb (18th Dynasty)

Ivory castanets (Late Period, c. 1085-332 BC)

f

Te AAT

Two trumpets from the tomb of Tutankhamun

(on the right,

wooden mouthpieces), 18th Dynasty

Double clarinet (drawing based on original find)

C. CHORDOPHONES Harps were common at all times. The Old Kingdom knew both large and small arched harps (but). During the Middle Kingdom, the so-called shoulder harp appeared, a light-weight instrument for women. Typical for the New Kingdom were the arched harps with pronounced curvature and a ladle-shaped body (see ill.). Some of these harps had carved human head decorations at the upper end (dzadza, ‘head’). Typical for the time were the large standing harps with boat-shaped resonator. Of a special form were the giant arched harps of the Ramesside priests. In addition, there were sickle-shaped harps as well as angular (probably imported from the East) with a vertical or horizontal body. The lyre, introduced during the Middle Kingdom by an eastern Semite, was soon redesigned in Egypt in multiple ways, mostly as a box lyre. In the Nile Valley, this instrument was also called a kinor (in Egyptian transcription). Long-necked lutes (gingiru, ginginu) also came to Egypt from the East during the New Kingdom. They were used on many different occasions in the musical life of the country (see ill.).

Harp (20th Dynasty)

Sistrum;

schematic

representation

D. AEROPHONES Along with the long flute (mt), which can be documented from the beginning in the Old Kingdom, panpipes later also became common in Egypt, transverse flutes seldom, ceramic vessel flutes even in the prehistoric era. Another member of the orchestral ensemble during the time of the Old Kingdom was the double clarinet (mmt) with one vibrating reed attached to each of the the two parts of the double mouthpiece (see ill.). It was replaced in ensembles of the New Kingdom by the double oboe (wdnj), imported from the East. Trumpets appeared during the New Kingdom; well known are the two instruments from the tomb of Tutankhamen, one of silver, the other of gold and both richly ornamented (see ill.). In later times, especially in Hellenistic-Roman Egypt, the musical instruments of the Greeks and Romans predominated. H. Hicxmann, Agypten (MiB 2,r), 1961; E. HiCKMANN, s.v. Agypten (Antike), MGG?, vol. 1, 275-296. EL.H.

550

35

Musical instruments: Ancient Israel

Cymbal

MUSICAL

INSTRUMENTS

=

Shopar (Shofar)

Lyres (from coins of Bar Kochba, 2nd cent. AD)

IV. ANCIENT ISRAEL

A. IDIOPHONES AND MEMBRANOPHONE B. AEROPHONES

C. CHORDOPHONES

A. IDIOPHONES AND MEMBRANOPHONE The idiophones that have been most frequently documented archaeologically are the metal cymbals used in pairs (2 Sam 6,5; Hebrew: selselim; LXX: kymbalon; see ill.), used mostly by the populace (in this connection see also Ps 150) [1]; in I Chronicles 13:8 the word is mesiltayim (cf. Ugarit). The change in the name points to a change in the instruments (cymbals?). The books of Chronicles elevate mesiltayim to the status of an important musical instrument in the rituals of the temple, which is no longer played by laymen but rather by professional temple musicians. II Samuel 6:5 cites mena‘anim (‘rattles’). It is not known for certain whether the sistrum existed. The Old Testament often mentions the frame drum (top) as an instrument played by women to accompany dancing (Ex 15:21; I Sam 18:6; Ps 149:3; 150:4)

cians (the musical instruments depicted on the Bar Kochba coins, AD 132, belong to the lyre family and cannot be seen as evidence that ‘lyre and harp’ were the instruments of the temple). There is no archaeological evidence that the lute existed in Palestine perhaps, though, it is meant when the Hebrew word salis (1 Sam 18:6) is used. 1B. Bayer, The Material Relics of Music in Ancient Palestina and Its Environs, 1963 2 Idem, The Biblical Nebel, in: Y. ADLER (ed.), Yuval 1, 1968, 89-161.

H. Avenary, The Discrepancy between Iconography and Literary Presentation of Ancient Eastern Musical Instruments, in: Orbis Musicae 2, 1973, 121-129;J.BRAUN, S.v.

Biblische Musikinstrumente, MGG?’, vol. 1, 1994, 15031537; H. FarMeR,

Studien in Oriental Musical

Instru-

ments, 2 vols., 1931; 1939; E. GERSON-Krw1, Horn und Trompete im Alten Israel - Mythos und Wirklichkeit, in:

Idem, Migrations and Mutations of the Music in East and West, 1980, 42-49; E. Kotart, Musik und ihre Verwendung im Alten Testament, diss., 1947; H. SEIDEL, Musik in Altisrael, 1989, 312ff.; O. SELLERS, Musical Instruments of Israel, in: Biblical Archeologist 4, 1941, 33-47.

HSE.

B. AEROPHONES Animal horns (Hebrew: Swpr-sOpar) served exclusively as signal instruments in both religious and military life. The translation ‘trombone’ is wrong insofar as

this word is associated with a European musical instrument. Metal trumpets (LXX: sdlpinges) replace natural horn between the 5th and 3rd cents. BC (Ezr, Neh, Chron). In religious ceremonies these instruments are always played by priests. In Qumran (1 QM) these two instruments appear alongside one another in the final eschatological struggle. The Hebrew word hailil, most frequently translated as ‘flute’, is rendered as aulds, the Greek word for the double oboe in the LXX (e.g. Is 5:12; 30:29). This instrument was not used in religious ceremonies. Translation of ‘wgb (‘tigab) as ‘flute’ (Gen 4:21; Ps 1§0:4; 151 (11 Q); Job 21:12; 30:31) is uncertain. The LXX renders this term as Organon or kithara, both of which refer to a stringed instrument. According to Genesis 4:21, the instrument was played by secular professional musicians. C. CHORDOPHONES The most important instruments used in religious practices are the lyre (kmwr-kinnor, see ill.) and the harp (nbl-nebeel, {2]|). They are played by professional musi-

V. GREECE

A. STRINGED

INSTRUMENTS

C. IDIOPHONES A. STRINGED

1. Lyres

B. WINDS

D. MEMBRANOPHONES INSTRUMENTS

2. Harps

3. LuTES

4. MONOCHORDS

1. LYRES Lyres (BdePtitoc/barbitos, yéhuc/chélys, x0d0a/ kithadra, xiOaguc/kitharis, hoeallyra, dooury/phorminx, oxwdapoc/skindapsds) were widespread and

were in manifold use in Greece ever since archaic times. An all-encompassing term for all lyres did not exist. One and the same instrument could be called by different names (phorminx/kitharis: Hom. H. 183/188). Lyres had a resonance box and two ascending arms (ajyeus/pecheis) connected at the top by a yoke (Cuyov/ zygon). The strings (xogdat/chordai) ran from the string-holder (xoQdo0tdvov/chordoténon) located at the foot of the resonance box over a bridge to the yoke, where they were fastened by means of a tuning device. Initially, pegs inserted into the yoke served this purpose, after the 7th cent. BC tuning toggles (xodAomec/ kollopes) of leather or fabric were wrapped around the

MUSICAL

INSTRUMENTS

356

B55

Musical instruments: Greece

fra

PA

or ND

Phorminx

Concert kithara

(Cradle) kithara

:fe)

°

oO

fe)

°

HA Lyra

; le)

ek

Aulos

Barbitos

Harp

(TTT

ULL Syrinx

7

WI

Krotala

Tympanon

— Hydraulis

yoke, and from the 4th cent. BC on tuning pegs were affixed in the yoke. The strings were usually struck with the plectrum (xAf\xteov/pléktron), a little plate of wood, horn or metal, in the right hand, while the fingers of the left hand plucked individual strings, dampened or modified the sound [18.99f.; 27.64-70].

Salpinx

Kymbala

Several different types can be identified, especially wooden box lyres and bowl lyres. Lyres made of wood that had resonance boxes with round bases (‘roundbased lyres’) were widely dispersed in the Aegean area; on vases of the 8th and 7th cents., they are depicted mostly with four strings and are associated with the names phorminx and/or kitharis, documented since

Sy

358

Homer (see ills.; in Pindar P. 2,70, the phorminx has

which then fell into disuse (Ath. 14, 63 5b-636); only the octave remained as a characteristic of the mdgadis

seven strings). The more recent kithdra, with a round base and sev-

en strings, can be seen in vase paintings until the 4th cent., often in the hands of women (‘cradle cithara’, [25. 31], see ill., or ‘cylinder cithara’, [14. 1029], the ‘cylinder’ between resonance box and straight arms). The ‘concert kithara’ (see ill.), played by men, had a new form: a resonance box with a flat base (supposedly it originated with Kepion, the pupil of Terpander; Ps.Plut. De musica 1133c¢) and, from the 7th cent. on, it had seven strings. In the 2nd half of the 5th cent., citharodes and virtuosos increased the number of strings to 9, 10, rr or 12. Beneath the yoke, on the ‘elbow’, there was a horseshoe-shaped element [13. 50; 18. 241f.], the function of which is not known for certain (to change the tuning or for fine-tuning by means of pressure on the strings?). Musical instruments in southern Italy had a rectangular shape. According to myth, > Hermes invented the tortoiseshell lyre chélys (also called phoérminx and lyra in Hom. H. 4) by affixing curved arms to the shell, over which he had stretched an animal skin, and then attaching seven strings. This type of lyre has long been regarded as the lyra par excellence (see ill.). It served as the accompanying instrument for singers and was the musical instrument used in teaching. In art it was depicted in the hands of Apollo, the Muses, the Sirens, Eros, Orpheus, Musaeus, Linus, Paris, and was often associated with

dance, conviviality and instruction in music. The 7-string bdrbitos (also Bdepitov/barbiton, Bdaouos/ barmos in Sappho and Alcaeus), looks like a large lyra, which, however, had decidedly longer arms that curved inwards at the top and which produced a deeper sound (see ill.) + Terpander is said to have invented it after he

became familiar with a deep-sounding péktis (see below 2.) in Lydia (Pind. Fr. 15). The barbitos was associated with Dionysian revelry, the Sileni, romantic youths, and drinking revels (Aleman, Anacreon), but also with the women’s quarters. It is documented from the 7th to the 5th cents. BC. Of the non-Greek oxwdaoc/skindapsos (with four strings), only the name is known. 2. Hares Documented as early as Cycladic culture, and then again (though less frequently) beginning in the 5th cent. BC, instruments that were built in various ways and called by different names (émvyovevov/epigoneion, ucryadic/mdgadis, anxtic/pektis, padrthovov/psalterion, oaupvxn/sambyké, ourintov/simikion, —_tetywvov/ trigonon) can be classified as types of frame or angular harps (see ill.), but perhaps as types of a psaltery as well. A comprehensive designation did not exist (the Latin harpa not until the time of Venantius Fortunatus). Names originating in Asia Minor like péktis (Alcman, Sappho, Anacreon, Pindar, Aristophanes, Pl. Rep. 399c) and mdgadis (since the time of Aleman, Anacreon) were commonly accepted, but eventually there was only confusion with regard to the instruments that had once been plucked or played with a plektron, but

MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS

(Aristot. Pr. 19,18). Other names were trigonon (PI. Rep. 399¢, in Aristot. Pr. 19, 23: psalterion), less fre-

quently the Semitic sambyké and vapha/nabla. On iconographic material, bow harps can be seen, the resonator of which is strongly curved at the top, as well as base harps, which exhibit a separate arm at the base beneath the horizontal neck, and specimens with rods and with spindle-like thickened resonance boxes. The number of strings varied (about 9 to 20). Nothing is known about how the instruments were tuned. Harps were not much larger than lyres and were played by women (wodtova/psaltria, ‘woman harpist’) sitting and holding the instrument in their laps; the trigonon on a Kertsch vase is being played by a Silenus (London, BM E 228). More like the psaltery of the Middle Ages were the simik(i)on with 35 strings and the epigoneion (after Epigonus) with 40; they were, however, used only for theoretical demonstration [27. 78f.]. 3. LUTES Lutes, of Oriental origin, have been documented in Greece since about 330 BC (the Muses on the marble relief of Mantinea, terracotta figurines, burial object [r0. 70]). Apparently, they were called mavdotea/ pandoira (with 3 strings) and teixoedov/trichordon. 4. MONOCHORDS

The povoyoedsov/mondéchordon was a one-string musical instrument, said to be of Arabian origin (Poll. 4, 60). It was used by the Pythagoreans to demonstrate consonances and relationships of numbers (also with two strings, as on the xavwv/kanon). B. WINDS 1. REED INSTRUMENTS

2. FLUTES

3. BRASS

1. REED INSTRUMENTS Av)6c/aulds means ‘pipe’ or ‘blow-tube’. In the narrower sense of the word, the aulos — actually a double aulos (pl. avdot/aulot or diavhoc/diaulos, see ill.) and

frequently erroneously interpreted as a ‘flute’ — was the most important wind instrument of the Greeks from the 7th cent. on. It consisted of two separate cylindrical pipes (BouBuxec/ bémbykes) of reed, Libyan lotus wood, bone or ivory, the finger holes (tovnhuata/ trypemata) of which were most often set equidistant from one another, each with a two-piece connecting section (duocd/hdlmos) and a mouthpiece (Cetyoc/ zeugos). This was made of calamus cane (xdéAa0c/ kalamos) (Theophr. Hist. pl. 4,11) into a double reed (two reed blades vibrating against each other, as is the case with an oboe); it is questionable whether a single reed (yh@ooa/gléssa, as is the case with a clarinet) was

ever used. The pipes were probably of equal length, but there were also pipes of unequal length, the Phrygian aulos élymos for instance (Ath. 4, 176f.) had one longer pipe with a turned-up lower end (cf. tibia, see below VI.).

MUSICAL

INSTRUMENTS

The Greek aulos usually had four or five finger holes, one of which was on the underside for the thumb. A small hole (otevyé/syrinx) near the mouthpiece may have served overblowing (producing overtones) (Aristox. Harm. 1,21). Further holes (up to 16) were added as the invention of rings and slide valves made it possible to open and close the holes selectively. In this way, it was possible to retune the aulos and to play it in different modes (> Pronomus). A special playing technique was required to produce small intervals (enharmonics, chromatics) [17].

Depending on its intended use, the instrument was manufactured in up to five different sizes and registers, the total tonal range being more than three octaves (Aristox. Harm.

360

359

1,20 MB.). Despite precise measure-

ments, the fragmentary pieces of auloi that have been discovered (from the Archaic and Classical periods [27. 97f.|) allow no definite conclusions to be drawn as to the ‘intended’ tones and intervals, scales and playing techniques (cf. Aristox. Harm. 41f.). The professional accoutrements of the aulos players included a leather mouthband, the oeped/phorbeid, required for regulating breathing-out air pressure (cf. schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 582), as well as a sack cover (ovBiyvn/sybene) and a case for the delicate reeds (yAwoooxouetov/glossokomeion). Double reed instruments (and flutes) had long

been widely dispersed in the eastern Mediterranean region — in the ancient Near East, Egypt, among the

Hittites, in Cycladic culture and on Crete. In Greek sources, the aulos is documented only sparsely until the 7th cent., for Troy (Hom. Il. 10,13), in the description of the shield of Achilles (18, 495), as well as on geometric vases and through archaeological finds in Sparta. After that, the documentation quickly becomes more plentiful. The aulos accompanied the cult of > Dionysus (Sileni, satyr dances) and many festivals (war dances, round dances, athletic events, funeral processions). Myths as well as literary and graphic depictions attest to this. The Muses love the sound (Hom. H. 4,452), and red-figured vases show Muses with an aulos, Pindar (P. 12,19) extols the playing of the aulos as the invention of Athena, and Athena teaches Apollo how to play the instrument (Corinna 668 PMG). Elaborate aulos playing (solo), in the context of nomos [3], was introduced in Delphi, the sanctuary of Apollo, as a contest (agon) in 586 (first winner was the aulete ~ Sacadas). Learning to play the aulos was a part of general education in Sparta and Thebes (Ath. 4, 184d), as it was with the Pythagoreans (Philolaus, Archytas) and in Athens (Callias, Critias). In the sth cent. the aulos became the preferred musical instrument, and in Attic drama almost the only instrument. According to legend, > Hyagnis and > Olympus [14] introduced the aulos and its alien kind of music from Phrygia. Its strident sounds suited the wild, orgiastic nature of the cult of Dionysus. Beginning in the middle of the sth cent., however, energetic resistance to the dominant aulos music took shape. The story arose that Athena had thrown away

the aulos because it distorted her face when she played it (Athena and > Marsyas [1]). Alcibiades [3] rejected the aulos, considering its music base and unworthy (Plut. Alcibiades

r92e). Similarly, Plato and Aristotle were

convinced that aulos playing was detrimental to young people and for this reason it had to be kept away from them. Nonetheless, the aulos enjoyed great popularity well into the Roman period. Not until late Antiquity does all trace of it become lost to us. Little is known about the bagpipes that can be seen depicted here and there. The same is true of the rare uovavioc/monaulos. It is possible that the word mhayiavroc/plagiaulos, like p@ty§/phdtinx, designated an Egyptian transverse flute (invented by > Osiris, Ath. 4,175e; from Libya: Poll. 4,74; from Phrygia: Plin. HN 7,204). For the Dorians of Lower Italy, the term ttbewvos/tityrinos meant an aulos played by shepherds (Ath. 4,182d). PRUE

Flutes in the strict sense of the word were hardly in use. The obetyE/syrinx (see ill.), already documented in Cycladic culture, was regarded by the Greeks from earliest times as the musical instrument of shepherds (Hom. Il. ro,13). As an attribute of the shepherd god + Pan (and for this reason called a ‘pan flute’ or ‘panpipe’), it also belonged, in the wider sense, to > Dionysus. It consisted of 5 to 9 (later up to 18) reed pipes of unequal length without a mouthpiece; those of the same length were shortened inside by pouring wax into them (Aristot. Pr. 19,23). The téeavatc/bydraulis (see ill.), the ‘water organ’, was a pipe organ played by means of water and air pressure; it was the invention of the Alexandrian engineer > Ctesibius [1] (Ath. 4, 174b). It surely proved its worth as a signalling instrument (Roman circus,

theatre,

ceremonies

at the

Byzantine

royal

court), but it could also be heard at private gatherings for entertainment (Cic. Tusc. 3,43). Remnants of a hydraulis from the rst cent. BC were excavated in 1992 at Dion at the foot of Mount Olympus (now in the museum there). Of more recent vintage is the fragmentary Roman organ of Aquincum, dated AD 228. There are, furthermore, ancient depictions of it. Technical details can be found in the writings of > Hero of Alexandria (Pneumatica, 1,42) and Vitruvius (10,8). Constant wind pressure was generated through water pressure pressing down on an air bubble caught in an underwater bell; a piston pump supplied the air and conduits, valves, windchests per register and slide valves per pipe regulated the required amount of air. With several registers, each register could play in a different key (Anonymus Bellermanni 28). Later, bellows made possible the construction of lighter-weight pneumatic organs (3rd cent.?). 3. BRass The xéoac/kéras and odAmyé/sdlpinx were not so much musical instruments as signal instruments (for war or a festival). The kéras, oxhorn, also made of metal, served mainly military purposes (Xen. An. 2,2,4; cf.

753532)

361

362

Salpinx (see ill.), a trumpet of ‘Tyrrhenian’ origin with a slender metal tube and a bell-shaped mouth, exceeded all other musical instruments in loudness. It has been documented often, both in literature and in illustrations (Hom. Il. 18,219, Aesch. Eum. 568, and esp. On vases).

C. IDIOPHONES Percussion and rhythm instruments, often supported by clapping and stamping, were used either alone or together with melody instruments, especially in religious ceremonies, dance performances and drinking revels. They are documented from early times through to Late Antiquity. Keotada/krotala (see ill.) were hand clappers played as a pair, similar to castanets but made of staves (cult of Cybele: Hom. H. 14,3; Pind. fr. 7ob SN, red-figured Attica amphora). KipPoda/kymbala (see ill.) or xQéuBadra/krémbala, of eastern origin, was the name of two metal basins that were held in both hands and beaten one against the other (Aesch. fr. 184). In southern Italy there existed a kind of xylophone, similar to a rung ladder. D. MEMBRANOPHONES

“‘Ponteow/rhoptron and thounavov/tympanon came from the Near East. The rhdptron was a kettledrum or drum used in the Mysteries, usually in the hands of Corybants (Lucian. Iuppiter Tragoedus 36). The ty(m)panon, also covered with stretched hide (Eur. Hel.

1347; Hdt. 4,76; see ill.), appears to have been a flat frame drum (similar to the modern tambourine).; 1B.

Aicn,

Die

Geschichte

der Musik

des agadischen

Raumes bis um 700 v.Chr., diss. 1963 2 W. D. ANDERson, Music and Musicians in Ancient Greece, 1994 (Appendix A), 171-186 3 H. Becker, Zur Entwicklungs-

MUSICAL

INSTRUMENTS

21 E. POHLMANN, E. Ticuy, Zur Herkunft und Bedeutung

von x0AAow, in: J. TISCHLER (ed.), Serta Indogermanica, Festschrift G. Neumann, 1982, 287-311

22 Idem, Zwei

Elgin-Leiern im British Museum?, in: Id., Beitrage zur antiken und neueren Musikgeschichte, 1988, 95-108 23 H. Roserts, The Technique of Playing Ancient Greek Instruments of the Lyre Type, in: The British Museum Yearbook 4, 1980, 43-76 24 K. SCHLESINGER, The Greek Aulos, 1939 (repr. 1970) 25 M. Wecner, Das Musikleben der Griechen, 1949, esp. 185-229 26 Id., Griechen-

land (MiB 2,4), 1963

27M. L. West, Ancient Greek

Music, 1992.

EZ.

VI. ErRuURIA, ROME

The main sources for Etrurian and Roman musical instruments (the names of which often vary) are depictions and references in literature. Wind instruments were the most important. The bucina, about which little is known, and which was at one time an Etruscan shepherd’s instrument made of oxen horn, then later of metal, is said to have produced a ‘dreadful’ dull sound. It was used in the military to-signal the time of day (reveille, meal times, changing of the guard, decampment). The name has also been documented for the curved conch horn of > Triton (Ov. Met. 1,335). Of Etruscan origin is the cornu (see ill.), a circularly curved metal horn with a transverse handlebar that had a very loud and harsh sound and was capable of producing many tones (up to 17). It was used in religious ceremonies (+ orgia, mysteries, funeral processions, weddings), by the military as a signaling instrument to convey orders and for the classicum signum (signal for attack), as well as in art music.

The /ituus (see ill.) was originally an Etruscan metal

strumente, 1966

4A. BéLis, Auloi grecs du Louvre, in:

wind instrument with a long, slightly conical tube that ended in a bell bent upwards; it had a bright, penetrating sound. It was used by the military in similar ways as the tuba, as well as on festive occasions and for funeral

BCH 108, 1984,

111-122

ceremonies. The tuba (see ill.), of Etruscan origin, con-

RA, 1986, 21-40

6 Idem, Les musiciens dans |’antiquité,

geschichte der antiken und mittelalterlichen Rohrblattin-

1999

5 Idem, L’Aulos phrygien, in:

7D. DuMmoutin, Die Chelys, ein altgriechisches

Saiteninstrument, in: Archiv fiir Musikwissenschaft 49, 1992, 85-109, 225-257 8 G. Haas, Die Syrinx in der

griechischen Bildkunst, 1985

9 R. HERBIG, Griechische

Harfen, in: MDAI(A) 54, 1929, 164-193

10R. A. Hic-

GIns, R. P. WINNINGTON-INGRAM, Lute-Players in Greek Art, in: JHS 85,1965, 62-71 11 E.M. VON HoRNBOSTEL, C. Sacus, Systematik der Musik, in: Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologie, 1914, 553-590 12H. HucHZERMEYER, Aulos und Kithara in der griechischen Musik bis zum Ausgang der klassischen Zeit, 1931 13 J. G. LANDELS, Music in Ancient Greece and Rome, 1999 14 B. LAWERGREN, Ss.v. Leiern, MGG?*, vol. 4, 1997, 1011-1050 15 M. Maas, Polychordia and the Fourth-Century Greek Lyre, in: Journal of Musicology 10, 1992, 74-88 16 Idem, J. M. SnyDER, Stringed Instruments of Ancient Greece, 1989 17 D. Najock, Aristoxenos und die Auloi, in: R. FABER, B. SEIDENSTICKER (ed.), Worte — Bilder — Tone, Festschrift B. Kytzler, 1996, 59-76 18 D. Paquette, L’instrument de musique dans la céramique de la Gréce antique, 1984 19 J. PerRoT, L’orgue de ses origines hellénistiques a la fin du XIII° siécle, 1965 20M. A. Perretro, Musica e guerra: Note sulla salpinx, in: Sandalion 18, 1995, 35-53

sisted parts bone) sound

of a long, slightly conical metal pipe of several with an attached mouthpiece (often of horn or and a closable bell (enlarged sound opening). Its was sharp, harsh, ‘dreadful,’ its range quite small

(only 6 notes), and for these reasons the instrument was

not very suitable for making music. The tuba was used in the army for tactical purposes (alarm, decampment, attack, retreat) as well as for daily routine (reveille, changing of the guard, taps); its sound was also heard at triumphal processions (> Triumph, Triumphal procession), funerals, and for the convocation of assemblies. In the Circus, it signaled the opening of the games and was again sounded for the victors. The tibia belongs to the family of reed instruments (not to the flutes). It consisted of two pipes of either equal or unequal length that produced different sounds, the longer of the two pipes occasionally with an upward-bent sound funnel (‘Phrygian aulds’). It was blown into using a double reed (as was the aulés), usually with the help of a leather strap around the head to hold the mouthpiece in place (Gr. phorbeid). Sup-

MUSICAL

364

INSTRUMENTS

received cordially, but after a failed revolt he was condemned to death. Onesicritus depicts his kingdom as a utopia steeped in Cynical philosophy. ~ India

Musical instruments: Rome

T. S. BRown, Onesicritus. A Study in Hellenistic Historiography, 1949, 54ff. K.K.

Musicians (female)

ZX Cornu

Lituus

Tuba

plementary information [3. 170-174] refers to the different kinds of music (Lydiis laeta, phrygiis tristia), the

choice of pipes (dexterae/sinistrae; right/left), and the manner in which the instrument was performed upon (assae, sine chori voce). As was the case with the aulos,

the 4-5 finger holes of the tibia were later increased (up to 15), and rings were attached for the opening and closing of the holes, enabling the player to play in different tonalities and to modulate easily. The tibia was heard most prominently in the theater. It was a favorite virtuoso instrument and was also the leading instrument in larger ensembles. The wind instruments of the shepherds were called syrinx, arundo, avena, fistula. Transverse flutes and bagpipes (cf. utricularius) have also been documented. Other musical instruments came from the East, first from Greece the lyra and especially the cithara, used in concerts, and from the Orient came the lute (pandura), the harp (sambuca), the psalterium, the hand drum (tympanum), small cymbals (cymbala), castanets (crotala), foot rattle (scabellum), and, from Egypt, the sistrum. The Greek hydraulis, the construction of which Vitruvius describes in detail (10,8), rose to

prominence among the Romans;

later

came the organ with bellows (archaeological find in Aquincum, dated 228). The organ was played in the Circus, in the street, and for private entertainment (Cic.

Tusc. 3, 43); in Byzantium, it attained the status of an

imperial instrument. + Music

I. INTRODUCTION Historical studies of > music in the ancient world, as

in other eras, tacitly assumed that the contributions of men are the unspoken universal, with women’s contributions being regarded only as a special case. A genderconscious examination (cf. > GENDER STUDIES) of an-

cient musical culture reveals paradigms such as ‘public/private’, ‘productive/reproductive’ or ‘canonical/non-canonical,’ which were identified by feminist musicologists for later eras [17; 12; 3; 10; 19; 14], but they are inflected differently in the case of the female musicians of ancient times. For example, the archetypes for all Greek musicians, male and female, are the + Muses, from whom the term > mousiké (‘the totality of the arts of speech, music and dance’) is derived (cf. Hes. Theog. 2-11; Plat. Alc. 1,108cd). Furthermore, the Alexandrian philologists considered + Sappho, a proponent of this unified concept of mousiké, one of the nine lyric poets [4. 21] (- lyric poetry). The example of Sappho shows that it was possible for a female musician to be canonized, but this remained the exception. No comprehensive specialized treatment (for example in the style of Hesiod’s Ehoiai, Plutarch’s Mulierum virtutes or Boccacctio’s De claribus mulieribus) has been passed down on the topic of female musicians (even if such a work existed it would

1G. FLEISCHHAUER, Etrurien und Rom (MiB 2,5), 1964 2 Idem, s.v. Etrurien, MGG* 3, 1997, 188-199 3G. WILLE, Musica Romana, 1967.

I. INTRODUCTION II. HOMER; ARCHAIC CHORAL AND SOLO LYRIC POETRY III. DOMESTIC MUSIC-MAKING, WEDDING AND WORK SONGS IV. PROFESSIONAL MUSIC-MAKING: TECHNITIDES, HETAIRAI, AULETRIDES V.ANCIENT MUSIC THEORYAS GENDER-SPECIFIC DISCOURSE; ICONOGRAPHY VI. WOMEN AND MUSIC IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE

UZ:

Musical Notation see > Music Musicanus (Movowxavoc/Mousikanos). Indian king of

the people of the same name (Musicani) on the lower reaches of the Indus (Onesicritus in Str. 15,1,21f.; Arr. Anab. 6,15,5-17,2, also briefly Curt. 9,8,8—10). People have often tried to link the name wit the ancient Indian

tribal name Musika; however, they originated not in the north west, but in the south of India. M. had initially submitted to > Alexander [4] the Great and had been

be of little use, since no works created by female musicians have survived: even in the case of Sappho we have only a single complete song text — and the melody has been lost). To gain some idea of the works of ancient female musicians, one must turn to information in texts and pictorial depictions. The ancient view of music also exhibits gender-specific characteristics (and is, accordingly, gendered discourse). It should be noted that the categories and dualities put forth below are constructs that historiographers have projected back onto the past, but have also put into perspective more recently (e.g. by recognizing, in the context of music, too, that the private can be public, see III. below); accordingly, these constructs, when used to examine surviving works or the intention of an ancient author or painter,

366

365

are not necessarily rooted in the life of the ancient world (e.g. the distinction hetaira/auleétris, see IV. below).

II]. DOMESTIC WORK SONGS

MUSICIANS

(FEMALE)

MUSIC-MAKING, WEDDING AND

Depictions on vases show women making music toIl. HOMER; ARCHAIC

CHORAL AND SOLO

LYRIC

POETRY Homer’s shield description includes round dances danced by both sexes (Hom. Il. 18,590-606), and the Homeric hymn to Apollo tells of a chorus of young girls who welcomed the embassies arriving for the Delian Games by singing to them in their respective Greek dialects (Hom. H. 3,157-164). Archaic vase painting, which frequently depicted girls dancing a round dance, illustrates these accounts [22. 54 f.]. The first extant texts of Greek lyric poetry were found in fragments of partheneia (songs sung by girls’ choruses; ~ parthéneion) of >» Aleman, who was responsible for rehearsing them in Sparta in the 7th cent. BC; fr. 1 PMG concludes with a description of the girls who were performing (Agido, Hagesichora). According to Plut. Mor. 1136f, > Pindar, > Simonides and —> Bacchylides also wrote partheneia, but only a few fragments from Pindar can be classified in this way, e.g. fr. 94b SNELL, which contains didactic aphorisms. Parallel to choral lyric poetry, solo lyric poetry by Sappho and other archaic female musicians flourished (cf. » Women literary writers). » Sappho, who is said to have invented the plektron, the pektis (a stringed instrument)

and

the

Mixolydian

mode

(Suda

s. v.

Sappho; Athen. 14,63 5b; Plut. Mor. 1136c), sang her songs to her own accompaniment and surrounded by the young women who were her followers (cf. fr. 160 LoBEL/PAGE) [11. 109, Fig. 22]. Like the texts, the melodies were probably monostrophic; whether there was a standard melody for each type of strophe is unknown. Myrtis of Anthedon (Boiotia), the teacher of Corinna and Pindar (Suda s. v. Corinna and Pindar), sang of the unhappy love story of Ochna and Eunostus (fr. 716 PMG). > Corinna of Tanagra is said to have defeated Pindar in the lyric > agones (see Addenda) in Thebes (according to Paus. 9,22,3; cf. Plut. Mor. 347f-348a) and was celebrated as the tenth lyric poetess [4. 21]; her works comprised 5 bks. and dealt with Boetian mythology. > Telesilla of Argos and > Praxilla of Sicyon were active around 450 BC. Telesilla’s fr. 717 PMG is addressed to girls; she appears to have sung primarily of local themes (fr. 719-720 PMG), but became famous for her defence of the city of Argos against the Spartans (Paus. 2,20,8—10). Praxilla is believed to have composed > skolia (Athen. 15, 694a). She was ridiculed by ~ Zenobius [2] (4,21, [7- 89]) for attaching equal value to the sun and moon and to cucumbers and apples; from a female ‘nurturing’ perspective, however, her view is quite understandable. The metre of this solo lyric poetry is simple relative to the metre of choral lyric poetry. However, except for experiments with Pindaric triads in the 16th cent. (RONSARD; cf. > Ode), simple staves like those written by Sappho had the most profound influence on later lyric poetry (cf. [2. 487-4874, 291]).

gether [23 fig. 20; 24. fie. 77 11. 034, fis. 10; Tr-.037, fig. 18]: They are playing the barbiton, phorminx, harp and lyre, as well as the auloi (> Musical instruments V.,

with F.ig.). Various phases of the wedding ritual were accompanied by music performed by women (and men). The > hymenaios escorted the procession to the new home of the bride (Hom. Il. 18,491-496); the +» epithalamion, a lyrical genre also cultivated by Sappho (frr. 27, 30, 103-117 LOBEL/PAGE) rang out outside the nuptial chamber. Vases show women making music, also within the nuptial chamber itself [23. fig. 23]. Here the private was public, as this music served to give notice of the marriage to the polis [6. 84— 89]. The quasi-musical lamentation of women at > burials, documented in Homer (Hom. Od. 24,60) and depicted in vase painting [11. 51, Abb. rsa], also fulfilled a public function [21]. Women lightened the burden of their household duties by singing. This is reflected in the weaving songs of Calypso and Circe (Hom. Od. 5,61; 10,221); Athenaeus (14,618de) tells of songs sung while women ground grain and processed wool, as well as lullabies. The figures of women in a Theban terracotta group from the late 6th cent. BC are kneading bread dough to the sound of the aulos (MOLLARD-BESQUES 1, B 16) [24. fig. 8; 20. 403]; cf. > Folk songs; > Songs Work songs).

IV. PROFESSIONAL MUSIC-MAKING:

TECHNITIDES, HETAIRAI, AULETRIDES Inscriptions provide proof that female kitharodes participated in agonistic festivals as choral accompanists during the Hellenistic period ([13. 910]; Syll.3 689; — technitai); the name of Polygnota of Thebes is mentioned, who received 500 drachmas for her performance at the Pythian Games in 86 BC (Syll.3 738). This occupation required a high degree of artistic training; indeed, during the Hellenistic era educational opportunities for girls were equivalent to those for boys [16. 52-53]. Music-making was one of the skills used by hetaeras (— hetairai) in entertaining. They accompanied their partners to symposia (> Banquet); drinking vessels and other ceramic pieces from the classical era show them among the guests at a symposium, often playing the lyre [15; 18. plates 38 and sr]. They can perhaps be distinguished from the aulétrides (aulos players) [6. 183], whose participation in the symposia was more selective; they intoned the — paean at the opening libation, after which they were either sent home (Plat. Symp. 176e, cf. Plat. Prt. 347cd) or stayed to entertain the guests and then to be auctioned off at the conclusion of the symposium (Athen. 13,607d-f). Aristophanes (Vesp. 1326-1387) paints a graphic picture of sympotic goings-on involving an aulétris. The wages of an aulétris in the 4th cent., were set by the state at two drachmas (Aristot. Ath. pol. 50). There were

367

368

schools for aulétrides (Isocr. or. 15,287; cf. the ancient Greek ‘schools for dance’: [18. plates 40-44]). The aulétrides were often foreigners (> métoikoi) or slaves;

However, the gender-specific characteristics of the ancient view of music go deeper than the constructs of music theory. The archetypes of musical activity in the form of demigods or heroes transport or confirm gender-specific norms of behaviour and reveal fundamental aspects of ancient society. In iconography the Muses are subsumed as personified ‘Musica ’figures; passively, and usually without an instrument, they embody the essence of music. In contrast, male archetypes of musical activity such as + Orpheus, > Amphion [1] or + Arion have instruments and do something with them: They rescue people from the underworld, build

MUSICIANS

(FEMALE)

Athenian inscriptions between 340 and 330 BC that deal with the freeing of slaves [8. 219, ll. 505, 224, l. 212; 9. 368, |. 5] may relate to them. During the Hellenistic period, some hetairai, whose musical skills made up a large part of their attraction, succeeded in gaining fame and wealth through their connections

to

rulers,

3,r0re). As a kitharode,

for example

Lamia

(Athen.

Glauce [4], the mistress of

~» Ptolemaeus [4], could play and sing; Theocritus (4,30) and Athenaeus (4,176d) both mention her songs. Pantheia of Smyrna (Lucian. Imagines 13-14), mistress

of the Emperor Verus, was also a kitharode. Other female kitharodes were mentioned in the Anthologia Graeca: Athenion (Anth. Gr. 5,138), Zenophila (5,139140), Ariadne (5,222), Joanna (6,112), Phila (6,118), Aristo (9,429) and Maria (16,278), owing to the fact that their singing captivated male poets: they sang of mythological and tragic themes (5,138; 5,222; 9,429; cf. GA ad loc.) that are referred to by the only surviving tragic fragment in a woman’s voice range that includes musical notation, the lament of > Tecmessa [24. 320321]. These tragic mythological subjects establish a link between the aforementioned female musicians and popular stage performances like simodia, > mime and ~ pantomime, which focused on such subjects (cf. Lucian. Salt. 37 ff. and 61); the mousiké unit of word, sound and movement lived on (as, for example, in fla-

cities, harness animals; they are hunters, active prot-

agonists. The increasing audacity of their successors leads to a collision between the two sides of human nature: In + Pherecrates’ comedy Cheiron, a violated

‘Musica ’personification laments her rape by > Melanippides, — Cinesias, > Phrynis and ~> Timotheus (PCG 7 fr. 155), all of them representatives of the New Music of the s5th—4th cent. in Athens (cf. Timotheus’s Pérsai 211-212; > Music IV. D.). The fate of this personification reflects the experience of the aulétrides who entered the symposium as Muses, but left as prostitutes. > Martianus Capella (B. 9) introduced personified music into the literature of the Quadrivium (+ Artes

liberales).

This

figure,

now

called

‘Lady

Musica,’ was worshipped in the early modern period like a secular Mary [5]; in the course ofthe cult of genius of the r9th cent. she became an alma mater who gave inspiration to creative men [17. 98, 107, 110].

menco or popular music today) and women as well as

men appeared as performers (in the case of lysodia: Athen. 5,211b; hilarodia: ibid. 14,621b; > simodia).

VI. WOMEN AND MUSIC IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE According to information contained in Latin poetry, Roman women made music in a manner comparable to

V. ANCIENT MUSIC THEORY AS GENDER-SPECIF-

IC DISCOURSE; ICONOGRAPHY Feminist musicology seeks to show how music in the Western tradition (e.g. operas or symphonies) assimilates and passes on gender-specific constructs [12. 5379]. It is clear from ancient works of philosophy and music theory that the music of antiquity did so as well. Since Damon [3], the musical keys that were given ‘ETHNic’ names, for example, had been linked to éthé (‘characters’; > Music IV. E.): the Doric was associated with

masculinity, while oriental keys were linked to effeminacy, i.e. effemination (Plat. Rep. 3,398d—399¢, cf. Plat. Leg. 7, 802de; Boeth. De musica 1,1 = 181,8—10 FRIEDLEIN; further documentation: [1. 168]), which was seen as a threat. Of the three musical modes (> Music IV. G.), the chromatic was perceived as suitable for women (Plat. Leg. 2,669c), but also as a danger to society (Boeth. De musica 1,1 = 183,11-184,5 FRIEDLEIN). Damon categorized individual notes as masculine or feminine (Arist. Quint. 2,14 = 79,15-25 and 80,29-81,6 WINNINGTON-INGRAM; cf. ibid. 2,8). Melody might be regarded as feminine, rhythm as masculine (ibid. 1,19 = 40,20-25 W.-L; 2,12 = 77,5-16 W.-I.).

the ways described above, although it should be kept in mind that the function of such poetry is to historicize or to play with literary conventions rather than to document. The public, ritual girls’ chorus re-emerges in altered form in the Carmen Saeculare, by > Horatius [7]; Ovid evokes conventions of the hetaeras in recommending that girls learn Alexandrian ‘popular songs’ with kithara accompaniment (Ov. Ars 3,3 15-320). Specifically related to the Imperial period, in contrast, is the dispute regarding women’s singing in Christian religious services of the time. In this context reference was made to Paul’s commandment that women should keep silence in church (1 Cor 14:34). Jerome was opposed to, while Ambrose favoured the liturgical singing by women (documentation: [25. 378-380]) that later flourished in the convents of Middle Ages [26].

+ Folk songs; — Lyric poetry; -» Music; ~» Woman (II.); > Women literary authors;

painters;

— Songs; > Women

> Women philosophers; -» GENDER STUDIES

1A. Barker, Greek Musical Writings, vol. 1, 1984 2 Breviarium Romanum, Pars Hiemalis, r9g01 3 M. Cit-

RON, Gender and the Musical Canon, 1993

4GG3°5R.

HarMoOn, “Musica laetitiae comes’ and Vermeer’s Music Lesson, in: Oud Holland 113, 1999, 161-166 6 E. HartMANN, Heirat, Hetarentum und Konkubinen im klassi-

369

MUSSELS

37° 7 E. Leurscu, F. SCHNEIDEWIN, Par-

His works focuses on practical ethics. Of the virtues,

oemiographi Graeci 1, 1839 8D. Lewis, Attic Manumissions, in: Hesperia 28, 1959, 208-238 9Id., Dedications of Phialai at Athens, in: Hesperia 37, 1968, 368-380 10 K. MarsHAL.t (Ed.), Rediscovering the Muses, 1993 11 M. Maas, J. SNYDER, Stringed Instruments of Ancient Greece, 1989 12S. McCtary, Feminine Endings, 1991 13 C. MicueL, Recueil d’inscriptions grecques, 1900 14K. PENDLE (Ed), Women and Music, 2000 151. PESCHEL, Die Hetare bei Symposion und Komos, 1987

emphasis is given to self-control, especially in sex, food and personal adornment. Training (dskésis) and endurance are emphasized. According to M., women have the same nature as men and deserve the same education. Kings should philosophize, though the manual work of farming is the ideal activity for a philosopher. The only proper function of sexual activity is to produce offspring. Marriage is for the rearing of children (abortion and exposure of infants being contrary to nature) and for companionship between spouses.

schen Athen, 2002

16 S. Pomeroy, Technikai kai Musikai, in: AJAH 2, 1977, 51-68 17E. RieGeR, Frau, Musik und Mannerherr-

schaft, 1988 18 A. SCHAFER, Unterhaltung beim griechischen Symposion, 1997. 19 R. Soxte (Ed.), Musicology and Difference, 1993 20 C. Starr, An Evening with the Flute-Girls, in: PdP 183, 1978, 401-410 21 N. SULTAN, Private Speech, Public Pain: The Power of Women’s Laments in Ancient Greek Poetry and Tragedy, in: [ro], 92-110 22 R. TOLLE, Frihgriechische Reigentanze, 1964 23 M. WeGNER, Das Musikleben der Griechen, 1949 24M. West, Ancient Greek Music, 1992 Musica Romana,

1967

25 G. WILLE,

26K. GUDEWELL, s. v. Frauen-

chor II], MGG?1 3, 843 f.

RO.HA.

Musicius (Movoixtoc; Mousikios). Epigrammist whose existence is uncertain (the name is not found elsewhere: [2] suspects a corruption of Movxtog (Morkios), i.e. Q.

— Mucius [I ro] Scaevola, author of Anth. Pal. 9,217); the poem Anth. Pal. 9,39 (a lively dispute between Cypris and the Muses containing an abundance of colloquialisms) has been attributed to him (Diog. Laert.

3,33, however, attributes it to the philosopher ‘Plato’). 1 FGE 165f.; 2 R. REITZENSTEIN, Epigramm und Skolion, 1893, 182.

M.G.A.

Ep.:; I. ANDORLINI, R. LauRENTI, M. Rufus, in: CPF I/1,

1992, 480-492; O. HENSE (ed.), C. M. Rufus, Reliquiae, 1905. BL.

[2] Senior office-holder under > Constantius [2] II. He

was proconsul Achaiae around AD 355 (Lib. Ep. 558; Himerius, or. 20 COLONNA), and magister officiorum in 356-7 (Cod. Theod. 8,5,8). He is attested as present at Thessalonica listening to Himerius’ oration no. 39 in 362. He received letters from -> Libanius (Lib. Ep. 558 and 604). PLRE 1, 612f. no. 1. WP. [3] Musonius. Rhetor ofthe 4th cent. BC. When unsuccessful in competitive rhetoric against his former teacher Prohaeresius (Eunap. v. Prohaeresii 161), he went into the civil service (Amm. Marc. 27,9,6). He held the offices of vicarius Macedoniae (Himerius or. 39 COLONNA p. 159, titulus) and, later, vicarius Asiae,

where he distinguished himself by his efficiency and rectitude in tax collection. In 368, he was ambushed by Isaurian robbers and was killed with his entire retinue. MLW. Mussels

Musonianus Fl. Strategius M., of humble origin, served as an interpreter at the court of - Constantinus [1] | and received from him the cognomen M. because of his learnedness (Amm. 15,13,1-2). He continued his career under > Constantius [2] II: as a comes he supported the emperor in ecclesiastical policy. In AD 349 he was praeses (governor) of Thebes, in 350 proconsul of Constantinople, in 353 proconsul of Achaia, finally in 354-358 praefectus praetorio Orientis, with seat of office in Antioch. From there he conducted secret negotiations with the satrap > Tamsapor of Adiabene in order to stall with his help the ruler + Sapor of the Sassanids by means of the prospect of peace (Amm. Marc. 16,9). PLRE 1, 611f.

BBL.

Musonius [1] C. M. Rufus Stoic philosopher, who influenced -» Epictetus [2]. Born into the equestrian class in Etruria before AD 30. He taught in Greek. Exiled by Nero for his links to Stoic senators, he was recalled after Nero’s death, but exiled and recalled again under the Flavians. By his death (c. AD too), he had become a symbol of the philosophical life. He wrote nothing, but accounts of his lectures were published after his death, probably by > Lucius [2]; Twenty-one extracts of these are preserved by Stobaeus and one on papyrus.

A. ANATOMY

B. Way OF LIFE

C. USE

D. VarRI-

OUS SPECIES

A. ANATOMY The popular collective term ta doteea/ta dstrea was replaced by Aristot. Hist. an. 4,4,527b 35-528a 1 with doteaxddeoua/ostrakéderma. The corresponding Latin terms are ostreum and ostrea (Isid. Orig. 12,6,52), but this often means — oyster, or concha (Plin. HN 9,40) in particular. In contrast to Pliny, Aristot. Hist. an. 4,4,528a 12f. distinguishes bivalves (Si0vea/dithyra, modern: Bivalvia) from univalve gastropods (uovo8vea/moncthyra). Aristot., unlike Plin. HN 11,129, erroneously mentions a head in gastropods and bivalves (Part. an. 4,7,683b 23). He also distinguishes between inlets (Hist. an. 4,4,529a 27) and outlets (529b 8—ro) and between the liver organ (utyxwv/mekon; 529a 29f.) lying at the closure and the hair-like gills (ta teybdn/ta trichddé; 529a32-b 1). Despite the frequently mentioned (e.g. 529b 1-3) ovary (tO wdv/to oi6n) Aristotle denies the existence of two sexes (Plin. HN 10,189 too) and assumes spontaneous generation from mud (Hist. an. 5,15,547b 18f., Plin. HN 9,160 too). Ability to see and hear was disputed (Plin. HN 10,192 and 195; 11,139; cf. 18,361). It was known that

MUSSELS

371

372%

their flesh was firmly attached to the shell by the ‘mantle’ (Aristot. Hist. an. 4,4,528b 3-5).

Lucil. 132 M.). 6. Razor Shell, owAryv/solen, Latin solen, members of the four species of the genus Solenes (vagina, siliqua, legumen and ensis) can be found on sandy ground (Aristot. Hist. an. 5,15,547b 13f.), into which they burrow in the event of danger (Aristot. 4,8,535a 14-173 Plin. HN 10,192 and 11,139). They,

B. Way OF LIFE The mobile mussels (xwytxd doteaxddeoua/ kinetika ostrakéderma) are assumed to eat plants and animals (Aristot. Hist. an. 7(8),2,590a 33—b 3), the immobile ones (GxuvytiCovta/akineétizonta) to feed on fresh water filtered from the sea (§90a 18-22; Plin. HN 9,128). They grow up in a year (Aristot. Hist. an. 5,15,547b 23), and the moon influences their size (Lucil. r201 M.; cf. Plin. HN 2,109).

C. UsE Although hard to digest, like oysters they were to some extent prized as a purgative and diuretic food (Athen. 3,92b; Cels. Artes 2,29,2; Plin. HN 32,64f.). D. VARIOUS SPECIES

1. > Oyster. 2. Scallop, Pecten maximus and jaconaeus L., 6 xteic/ho kteis, Latin pecten. The two species (Aristot. Hist. an. 4,4,528a 15; Plin. HN 9,103) were

distinguished in antiquity not by their flat or curved shells, but by the colour of their flesh (Plin. HN 32,60 and 32,150). These bivalves, allegedly spontaneously arising (Aristot. Hist. an. 5,15,547b 14) on sandy ground (otherwise: Colum. 8,16,7), were caught esp. at Mytilene

(Plin. HN

32,150)

and Tarent

(Hor.

Sat.

2,4,343 Gell. 6,16,5) and were consumed boiled or panfried (Petron. 70,6; Athen. 3,90f). 3. Blue Mussel, still favoured today, Mytilus edulis L., woc/mys, wvioxn/ myiské, Latin mitulus (Plin. HN 9,160 and 32,98), mys

too, were a popular food (Athen. 3,86e; 87e and god).

7.

Thorny

Oyster,

Spondylus

gaederopus

L.,

omdvdéuiod/spondylos (Gal. De alim. fac. 3, 32), Latin sphondilus (Colum. 8,16,7), living on muddy ground and used as a food (Sen. Epist. 95,26; Macr. Sat.

3,13,12; Mart. 7,20,14: spondylus). 8. Sunset Shell, Tellinidae, possibly identical with the teAdivaw tellinai (Athen. 3,85e), but this can not be proved owing to a

lack of ancient description. 9. Shipworm, Teredo navalis L., teondwv/terédon, Latin teredo, known for damaging wooden ships (Aristoph. Equ. 1308; Vitr. 5,12,7) by boring with their file-like shells (Theophr. H. plant. 5,454 incorrectly speaks of teeth; cf. Plin. HN 16,220). 10. Piddock, Pholas dactylus L., described by Plin. HN 9,101 and 184 as unguis or dactylus with their phosphorescence allegedly continuing in the mouth when eaten. Petrified mussels are mentioned by Hdt. 2,12; Str. 1,3,4 (49); Plut. De Iside 367a; Tert. De pallio 2; Xen. An. 3, 4,10: shell limestone; Paus. 1,44,6 and Plin. HN 36,134: lapides ossei. KELLER, vol. 2, 547-568; A. STEIER, s.v. M., RE 16, 773796; J. OBERTHUR, Poissons et fruits de mer, 1944 (with ills.); TH. H. Corcorau, The Roman Fishing Industry of the Late Republic and Early Empire, Thesis Northwestern Univ., 1957. C.HU.

(ibid. 9,115) or myax (ibid. 32,95) with its smooth shell and thin edge (Aristot. Hist. an. 4,4,528a 22 and 29) sits on shell beds (Athen. 3,88b) and was a cheap source

Mussidius

of nutrition (Hor. Sat. 2,4,28; Mart.

curandum, quaestor, tribunus plebis, praetor, possibly proconsul. Father of M. [2] (CIL VI 1467 = 41053). [2] T.M.Pollianus Son of M. [1], from the tribus Arnensis. Decemvir stlitibus iudicandis, quaestor, tribunus plebis, praetor, curator viarum, praefectus frumenti dandi, proconsul provinciae Galliae Narbonensis, consul either in AD 40 or AD 43/4 [1.263]. In AD 48, he may have been accepted as a member of the patrician class by Claudius [III 1] (CIL VI 1466; cf. Suppl. VII ad 1466 =ILS 913; CIL VI 1558 = 41072). PIR* M 756.

3,60,4; Apicius

9,9,430). Plin. HN 32,95—-98 also mentions it as e.g. a remedy for removing ulcers. They were kept in ponds (Colum. 8,16,7), for their > pearls (Plin. HN 9,115). 4. Shell, of three species, Pinna nobilis, rudis and squamosa L., miv(v)n/pin(n)e, Latin pina (Aristot. Hist. an.

5,15,547b 15f.; Plin. HN 9,142) or, from their clubshape, perna (‘ham’; Plin. HN 32,154; Cic. Nat. deor. 2,123). They stick in the sand and allow the ends jutting out to gape wide apart, in order to then close them with lightning speed over their prey. They sometimes form pearls, e.g. in Acarnania

(Plin. HN

9,115,

Athen.

[1] T.M. Senator in the Augustan period I Wir viarum

1G. Camopbeca, L’archivio Puteolano dei Sulpicii, 1992.

3,93e-f). Their flesh was prized. The byssus threads, with which they attach themselves to the bottom, were spun as tough gold-coloured pen-shell silk (Alci. 1,2,3) for clothing (Tert. De pallio 3). 5. Jewel Box, yqwavchémai (derived from yatvew/

[3] T.(?) M. Pollianus Son of M. [2]. Patrician. Military tribune, [IIvir [monetalis], quaestor under > Nero; he

chainein = ‘yawn’), Latin chemae

Mussius L. Mussius Aemilianus, rival emperor AD 261/2. He was of equestrian rank and his career is known partly from CIL XIV 170 = ILS 1433. After the quattuor militiae he became praefectus vehiculorum in the three Gallic provinces, procurator in Alexandria [1] and procurator of the two ports in Ostia (documented in AD 247). From 257-259 he held office in Egypt in

(Aristot. Hist. an.

5,15,547b 13-15; Plin. HN 32,147) and medwoutdes/ peloriades (Athen. 3,92d), Latin glycomarides (Macr. Sat. 3,13,12) or pelorides (Hor. Sat. 2,4,32) designate various species of the genus Chama L. (Plin. HN 32,147; Ail. Nat. 15,12), which are enjoyed as food (Hor. l.c.; Athen. 3,92d; Mart. 6,11,5 and 10,37,9;

appears to have died whilst holding the office of praetor (CIL VI 41073). W.E.

MUSULAMII

3H)

374,

place of the prefect of the province; at the same time

Nutrix, Frugifer and Ianus [2. 221f.]. To some extent Punic deities lie hidden behind these gods and goddesses. Further inscriptions: CIL VIII 1, 1574-1613; suppl.

correctores were operating there. From 259, M. was

himself then praefectus Aegypti until 261. Since 257 he had been taking brutal action against Dionysius [52], the bishop of Alexandria, and other Christians (Euseb. Hist. eccl. 7,11). M. supported the rival emperors ~ Macrianus [2] and > Quietus in AD 260. After their

deaths M. had himself proclaimed emperor but was defeated by Aurelius > Theodotus; > Gallienus had him executed in 262. PIR* M 757. PFLAUM, vol. 2, 926f.; KIENAST*, 227f.

W.E.

1, 1§571-156375 4, 27436-274593 [3. 165-223]; AE 1988, L114; 1992, 1815.

1L. Pornssot, Fouilles opérés cette année a Musti en Tunisie, in: Bulletin archéologique du Comité des travaux historiques 1930/1, 362-374 2M. Lecray, Saturne Africain. Monuments, vol. 1, 1961

3 A. BESCHAOUCH, Mus-

titana, in: Karthago 13-14, 1967/8, 117-224. AATun roo, pl. 25, nr. 3; F. WINDBERG, s.v. Musti, RE 16,

909-911.

Must (y\etxoc/gletkos; [vinum] mustum). As yet unfermented — or just fermenting — juice of pressed fruit such as apples, pears, dates, figs, pomegranates, cornel cherries, quinces and service tree fruit (Plin. HN 13,44453 14,102-103. 125;

15,109). The most

important

type of must was made from grapes (Columella 12,41; Plin. HN

23,29); its Latin name was vinum mustum,

from which the English word ‘must’ derives. Fresh must, whose aperient and invigorating effects were prized by doctors (Celsus, Med. 4,26,5—6; Dioscorides 5,9; Gal. De alimentorum facultatibus 2,9,5), was only available as a drink in the countryside and during harvest time, since it spoiled quickly or fermented into grape or fruit wine or vinegar, if its sugar content was

high. These ageing processes could only be inhibited through complex airtight and cool storage (Cato Agr. 120). Must was more important in its thickened state; grape must in particular was processed in this way. It

was traded at various degrees of concentration (caroenum: Apicius 4,121, defrutum, sapa: Plin. HN 14,80), achieving approximately the same price as wine (Edictum Diocletiani 2,13—16). Thickened must was used for cooking: to sweeten sauces, dishes and wine (Ath. 4,170a-b; Apicius 7,6), and for the short-term preservation of fruit (Plin. HN 23,11) and meat (Apicius 1,19). As must contains yeast, the Romans used grape must mixed with flour to make sourdough from the time of the late Republic (Plin. HN 18,102-103). W. ABEL, s.v. Mustum, RE 16, 912-926; J. ANDRE, Essen und Trinken im alten Rom, 1998. NG.

Musti City in Africa Proconsularis to the southwest of — Thugga on the great road connecting Carthage with — Sicca Veneria, modern Le Krib. Native city, which came under Punic rule and then fell to > Massinissa. From the rst century BC (?) [r. 366] until the late Roman period M. was a municipium (CIL VII suppl. 1, 15582). Ptol. 4,3,42 (Movot xdun/Mousté kome); Itin. Anton. 26,2; 41,3; 45,2; 49,3; 51,3 (M.); Tab. Peut. 5,2 (Mubsi); e.g. CIL VII 1, 1577 (Mustitani). In

inscriptions several temples are mentioned: Juno (CIL VIII suppl. 4, 27438); Liber Pater and Venus (CIL VIII suppl. 1, 15578); Ceres (CIL VIII suppl. 1, 15585; 15589; 15590); Fortuna (CIL VIII 1, 1574; suppl. 1, 15576; [1.362]); Virtus (CIL VIII suppl. 4, 27437);

W.HU.

Mustio (also Muscio) Translator and adapter into Lat-

in of two gynaecological treatises by > Soranus of Ephesus.One of these, now lost in Greek, was a shorter manual of questions and answers; the second the celebrated Gynaikeia (> ‘Gynaecology’). Some MSS of M.’s compendium end with an appendix listing vaginal pessaries. Although not a faithful translation of Soranus, M.’s adaptation does offer help in the constitution of the Greek text, and it was the most popular treatise on gynaecology to survive from Antiquity into the later Western Middle Ages. When and where M. lived are unknown, although North Africa around AD 500 is possible. M.’s handbook was translated at an unknown date into Greek, where it is ascribed to > Moschion [4].

The relationship between the two names, Muscio und Moschion, and their dependence on Soranus was first established by VALENTIN ROsE in his edition of M.’s Gynaecia, publishedat Leipzig in 1882. A. E. HANsSon, M. GREEN, Soranus of Ephesus: Methodicorum Princeps, in: ANRW II 37.2, 1994, 1046-1060.

V.N.

Mustius Q. M. Priscus. Praetorian governor of Dacia superior probably from AD 141/2, attested there in 144 (CIL XVI 90). Probably cos. suff. in absentia in August of the same year [1. 56f.]. PIR*, M 760. HURISO MEDID

W.E.

Musulamii Distinguished union of Berber tribes, which is widely attested in literature and inscriptions. The M. lived — partly transmigrating? — in the south of Numidia and in parts of Africa Proconsularis. Evidence: Plin. HN 5,30 (Musulami or Misulani); Flor. Epit. 4,12,40 (Musulami); Tac. Ann. 2,52,1; 4,24,2

(Musulamii); Ptol. Geog. 4,3,24 (MicovdAduo

Misou-

lamoi or Mwovddvou Misoulanoi); Tab. Peut. 2,5; 3,1 (Musulamii); Liber generationis (Chron. min. 1) p. 109 §213 (Musulani); Oros. 6,21,18 (Musolani); Chronicum Alexandrinum (Chron. min. 1) p. tog §184

(Mosulami). Their name appears to be connected with the river > Muthul. The M. repeatedly fought with Rome: in AD 5/6 against Cossus — Cornelius [II 26] Lentulus, in 17 during the > Tacfarinas rebellion, and

MUSULAMII

375

376

in 45 against Ser. Sulpicius > Galba [2]. In the Flavian period, M. were accepted into the Roman army: a cohors Musulamiorum is recorded (CIL VIII 1, 4879;

Mutilia Prisca Belonged to the inner circle of friends of > Livia [2]. According to Tacitus (4,12,4), > Aelius [II 19] Seianus was able to learn of Livia’s intentions and also to influence them through MP’s lover, Iulius Postumus. The uncertainty of the transmission of the name makes it doubtful whether Cass. Dio 58,4,6 and 7 can be regarded as referring to MP. PIR* M 763. W.E.

XVI 35; 36; AE 1923, 26; 1939,

126). In the time of

Trajan (AD 98-117), they were forced to live within specific borders [1. 437f.]. 1M. BENABOU, La résistance africaine a la romanisation, 1976.

AAA, Sheet 18, no. 519; Z. BENZINA BEN ABDALLAH, Du coté d’Ammaedara (Haidra): M. et Musunii Regiani, in:

AntAfr 28, 1992, 139-145; J. DESANGEs, Catalogue des tribus africaines ..., 1962,

117-121; Id. (ed.), Pline |’An-

cien. Histoire naturelle. Livre V, 1-46, 1980, 331f.; R. HansLik, s.v. M., RE 16, 926-928.

W.HU.

Mut (Mov6/Mouth; Egyptian mw.t). Egyptian goddess. Her name is written like the Egyptian word for ‘mother’, but is vocalized differently. Beginning in the 18th dynasty in Thebes (~ Thebes), M., > Amun and Chons formed the Theban triad. Other cultic sites ofM. can be found in Megeb (near Antaeopolis) as well as at various locations at the tip of the Nile Delta. The Heliopolitan ‘M. who is carrying her brother’ is associated with a fire altar used for punishing criminals. M. is one of the goddesses that became manifest in the royal crowns, was associated with the lioness, cat and uraeus, and was described as the ‘Eye of Re’ (‘distant goddess’). In iconography, M. is usually portrayed wearing the Double Crown. The temple of M. in Thebes is surrounded by a horseshoe-shaped lake which, according to myth, was dug out for the purpose of cooling the raging fury of the goddess. 1S. SAUNERON,

La porte ptolémaique de I’enceinte de

Mout a Karnak,1983; 2H. TE VELDE, The Cat as Sacred Animal of the Goddess M., in: H. van Voss (ed), FS J. Zandee, 1982, 127-137; 31d., M., the Eye of Re, in: S.

ScHOSKE (ed.), Beihefte zu den Studien zur Altagyptischen Kultur 3, 1989, 395-403;

4J. Yoyotre, Héra d’Hélio-

polis et le sacrifice humain, in: Annuaire Ecole Pratique des

Hautes

Etudes

V'™

sect.

89,

1980-81,

31-102.

JO.QU.

Mutina (Mo[v]tivy/Mo/u]tiné), modern Modena. City

on the northern slope of the

Appenninus between the

two rivers Secia (modern Secchia) and Scultenna (modern Panaro) that both flow into the lower course of the

Padus (modern Po) from the right, at a strategically important position, where three passes from the south up over the mountain range meet the road from > Ariminum along the southern edge of the Po valley (from 187 BC, the via Aemilia) (Str. 5,1,11). In the 12th cent. BC, there were settlements of the > Terramare culture,

that were displaced in the 11th cent. BC by some from the > Villanova culture. In the sth cent. BC, the latter were integrated by the — Etrusci under the name Muthina [2]. Roman colonists fleeing out of > Placentia away from the > Boii found refuge in this city in 218 BC (Pol. 3,40,4ff. — M.is already described here as an apoikia Romaion in 218) that had been fortified by the Romans as early as 219 BC (Liv. 21,25). In 183 BC, a colonia civium Romanorum was led to M. (tribus Pollia; Liv. 39,5 5,6-8; Liv. Per. 39). Besieged in 177 by the Ligures (Liv. 41,14,2), the city was recaptured in the following year and the colonia re-established (Liv. 41,16,7f.). M. was embroiled in the chaos of war several times over: cf. the battles between -» Aemilius [I rx] Lepidus and + Pompeius in 77 BC (Plut. Pompeius 16,3); the revolt by > Spartacus in 72 BC (Plut. Crassus 9,10; Plut. Pompeius 21,2; Flor. Epit. 2,8,3 5);

the War of Mutina > (Mutina, War of) in 43 BC (Liv. Per. 117-119; Plin. HN 10,110; App. B Civ. 3,49-86; Cass. Dio 45,36,3; 42,23 45,2; 46,35-38; Oros. 6,18,2f.); the > year of the four emperors in AD 69 (Tac. Hist. 2,52); the battle between > Constantine |r] and > Maxentius in AD 312 (Pan. Lat. 10,27,1). As a

centre of wool- (Str. 5,1,12) and pottery production

Muta cum liquida see > Prosody

(Plin. HN

35,161), as the ‘most beautiful and most

splendid colony ’(formosissima et splendidissima colo-

Muthul A river in Numidia, right-hand tributary of the river > Bagradas, probably the Oued Mellégue. Sall. Jug. 48,3-50,2.

nia, Cic. Phil. 5,24), M. was represented at the market

Mutila Town of the Histri, probably modern Medulin

of + Macri Campi. Of the city [5], which covered a surface of 42 ha and held sway over a territory of 2000 km* [6], excavated remains are extant, including numerous inscriptions and large sarcophagi [3]. The city was captured by the > Langobardi in the 6th cent AD [7], and subsequent heavy floods severely damaged

(Croatia) in southern

M. [4].

R. OEHLER, s.v. Muthul, RE 16, 937f.

W.HU.

> Histria. Like Faveria, it was

conquered by the Romans in 177 BC (Liv. 41,11,8). V. VeDALDI

1994, 354f.

IAsBEz,

La Venetia

Orientale

e |’Histria,

H.SO.

— Mutina, War of 1H. Puivipp,s.v. M., RE 16, 939-946

2 L. MALNATI, in:

A. CARDARELLI et al. (ed.), Modena dalle origini all’anno mille, 1989, 137-152 3 Id., in: A. CARDARELLTet al. (ed.), see [2], 307-337 4S. GELICHI, in: A. CARDARELLI et al.

(ed.), see [2], 551-576

5 F. REBECCHI, s.v. Modena, EAA

3, 2. Suppl., 1995, 716-719 6M. PAsQuiNuccl, in: S. Settis, M. Pasquinucci (ed.), Misurare la terra. Il caso

378

owe A

modenese, vol. 2, 1983, 31-43 7 F. REBECCHI, Appunti per una storia di Modena nel tardo impero, in: MEFRA 98, 1986, 881-930.

ASA,

Mutina, War of The bellum Mutinense (Oros. 6,18,2)of December 44 to April 43 BC, named after the City of > Mutina (modern Modena), was the first military dispute, after Caesar’s death, between Antonius [I 9] and a curious coalition formed out of the troops of Caesar’s murderer Decimus Junius [I 12] Brutus, of Caesar’s heir Octavianus (the later > Augustus) and of the Senate, and it was at the same time the last and

unsuccessful attempt by the Senate to deprive Antonius of power and to once again acquire political leadership. When D. Brutus was faced with the threat of losing his province Gallia Cisalpina to Antonius and offered his services to the Senate, the latter legalised, at Cicero’s behest, the de facto command of the 20-year-old Octavianus over several legions by awarding him a propraetorian > imperium (cf. [r]) and by recruiting troops themselves which, under the leadership of the consuls C. > Vibius Pansa and A. > Hirtius, were to

relieve D. Brutus in Mutina which was besieged by Antonius (Liv. per. 117-118; App. civ. 3,49-86; Cass.

Dio 45,36,3; 45,42,2 and 5; Oros. 6,18,3). After an initial victory by Antonius over Pansa, who soon after died of his wounds, Hirtius managed to defeat him and

drive him out into the province Gallia Narbonensis to M. Aemilius [I 12] Lepidus. A little later, Hirtius succumbed to his injuries (Liv. per. 119; Cass. Dio 46,3 638; Oros. 6,18,4f.). As a result, Octavianus immediately gave up his co-operation with D. Brutus. The importance of the bellum mutinense lies in its consequences for the rise of Octavianus: Already recognised by the Senate as a troop commander and now heading eight legions, he succeeded, after the death of the two consuls, to force obtaining the consulate for himself (Liv. per. 119) and thus become a negotiation partner for Antonius, which ultimately lead to the — triumvirate formed by Antonius, Lepidus and Octavianus. 1 H. BELLEN, Cicero und der Aufstieg Octavians, in: Gymnasium 92, 1986, 161-189.

W.ED.

Mutiny (seditio militum). I. MILITARY SERVICE AND DISCIPLINE Il. MUTINY IN THE REPUBLIC III. PRINCIPATE AND LATE ANTIQUITY

I. MILITARY SERVICE AND DISCIPLINE

The discipline of the Roman army impressed even non-Roman authors such as Polybius and Flavius Iosephus [4]. They praised the superiority of Roman soldiers, which was achieved by focused training, so that they ‘ruled almost the entire world because of their physical strength and courage ’ (Ios. BI 2,580). However, in the early Republic, the army consisted of a levy of citizens who had a certain amount of wealth. There-

MUTINY

fore, it was difficult to impose strict discipline in the army. Lack of discipline often had a political background. It resulted from conflicts between patricians or nobilitas and plebs and continued the resistance against the levy. Already in the early Republic, there were occasions on which commands were disobeyed on the battlefield. Thus, Roman soldiers in 481 BC apparently refused the consul’s order and, instead of advancing against the enemy, retreated to their camp (Liv. 2,43,5Io).

Il. MUTINY IN THE REPUBLIC From 216 BC, tribuni militum took the soldiers’ oath (sacramentum; Liv. 22,38,2). They had to swear not to leave military service without the consul’s leave and not to desert during battle. However, the sacramentum was not altogether able to prevent mutiny. This became evident in 206 BC during the 2nd > Punic War, when 8,000 soldiers of Cornelius [I 71] Scipio, whose camp was located near Sucro (south of Saguntum) in Spain and who were angry because of arrears in their pay, began a mutiny on the rumour that their general had fallen ill (— seditio). They left their units on their own authority (sine commeatu ab signis abibant; Liv. 28,24,8), eventually drove away the military tribunes and conferred the command on two simple soldiers, who then claimed the rank signs of the consuls (imsignia summi imperii) for themselves. When Scipio regained control, he had the instigators of the mutiny, 35 soldiers, flogged and executed before the entire army (Pol. r1,25-30; Liv. 28,24-29). All other soldiers had to retake the oath before the military tribunes. During the early and middle Republican period, the commanders of legions often faced mutinying soldiers, and desertion was widespread. The penalties, including flogging and beheading, were harsh but not consistently applied. Most mutinies had an immediate cause such as the long service periods, the harshness of service and political conflicts in Rome. Apparently, mutinies barely affected Roman warfare and had only a minor effect on politics. They did end the victorious advance of L. Licinius [I 26] Lucullus through Armenia in 67 BC. Lucullus had no personal relationship to his soldiers, who were embittered over the strict discipline, the long campaigns and the unsatisfactory distribution of the booty (Plut. Lucullus 32-35; Cass. Dio 36,14-16). But in the end he was recalled because of the political interests of his opponents. When the Roman army increasingly transformed itself into a professional army with long service periods under the late Republic, individual generals used their ~ imperium for their political interests, and the soldiers virtually became their commanders’ entourage with their oath. Particularly in the period of the Civil Wars discipline declined (App. B Civ. 5,17). Mutinies were common. Mostly, the issues were arrears in wage payments, the discharge of soldiers and the settlement of veterans. The personal relationship between soldiers and their commanders was of decisive importance for

379

380

military success. Even Caesar, who had an excellent relationship with his soldiers, was not able to prevent mutinies among his troops; during the Civil Wars, he ended a mutiny in 47 BC by his particularly highly esteemed roth legion, which demanded discharges and

they blamed the legates for Roman defeats. Several legates were killed until, finally, the soldiers took an

MUTINY

rewards

(missionem

et praemia), by contemptuously

addressing them as citizens (quirites) and not as soldiers (milites) (Suet. Iul. 70; Cass. Dio 42,52-55; cf. Tac. Ann. 1,42,3). III. PRINCIPATE AND LATE ANTIQUITY

Under Augustus, a standing professional army was created with precise regulations governing military service. -> Military law was also increasingly systema-

tized. In war disobedience was punished with death. Also, the traditional punishment of the > decimatio, in which every tenth man, as selected by lot, was executed,

was still performed when a unit fled from battle (Suet. Aug. 24). However, in those cases a dishonourable discharge was generally preferred. In the Principate, mutiny gained an additional dimension because it could expand into an uprising against the — princeps, espe-

cially if the mutineers managed to win members of the elite as leaders of the revolt. A critical situation arose politically after the death of Augustus in AD 14 when the legions stationed in Pannonia and Germania mutinied. Tiberius sent his son Drusus [II 1] with two cohorts of praetorians to the Danube provinces, while Germanicus [2] went to the

legionary camps on the Rhine. The mutinous soldiers expressed the usual complaints over the long service periods, low pay and harsh discipline. The legions in Pannonia abused the camp prefect, freed soldiers from the camp prison and murdered a - centurio. In the legionary camps on the Rhine several centurions were killed. The mutiny was eventually suppressed through concessions that were later withdrawn, the sending of delegations that were to present the soldiers’ demands in Rome, and the execution of its leaders (Tac. Ann.

1,16—44; 1,48f.). During the civil wars of 68/69, breakdowns of discipline and mutinies were common. Already on 1 January 69, the troops stationed in Germania refused to swear the oath to Galba, destroyed images of the princeps and proclaimed Vitellius as imperator (Tac. Hist. 1,5 5ff.). Since the usurpers and their generals were dependent on the support of the soldiers and were frequently courting the legions, the soldiers often escaped punishment (Tac. TLISGsn

5

6525625 2GGree Oral

2-94eu

3 540-2))5 Also,

attempts were made to corrupt the opponent’s troops (Tac. Hist. 3,9,5; 3,57) or to persuade one’s own troop to change sides (Tac. Hist. 3,13). The situation in the opposing camp was known and significantly affected strategy (Tac. Hist. 3,2; 3,15,1). The mutiny of the Batavians, who were serving as auxiliary troops, was the cause of a general uprising in Gaul in 69-70 (Tac. Hist. 4,12-37). During the fighting against the Batavians (> Batavian Revolt), Roman legions repeated disobeyed orders and openly mutinied, especially because

oath to the imperium

Galliarum (Tac. Hist. 4,25,1; 45363 4,593 4,60,2). In the subsequent period, little is heard about mutiny even though legions under Commodus in Britain were in turmoil for an extended period and sent 1,500 men to Rome to present their protest to the princeps (Cass. Dio 73,9). In 193, Pertinax was

overthrown by a mutiny of the praetorians in Rome because they were dissatisfied with Pertinax’ payment and the harsh discipline. He was the first princeps to be killed by his troops acting mainly on their own initiative (Hdn. 2,5; Cass. Dio 74,8—10; SHA Pert. 10,8-11r).

Despite frequent usurpations, mutinies and the murder of principes, the army maintained enough of its customary discipline in the 3rd cent. to emerge again under Diocletian as an effective military force. In late Antiquity, mutinies had a significant political effect in a few cases. Thus, troops in Gaul refused the order of Constantius [2], to participate in the campaign against the Persians and proclaimed Iulianus [11] as Augustus (Amm. Marc. 20,4). In the summer of 476, barbarian + foederati deposed Romulus Augustulus because their demand for a third of the land in Italy was refused (Procop. BG 1,1).

On mutinies in the Greek sphere, s. Mercenaries. ~ Deserter; > Disciplina militaris; - Legio; > Military penal law; -» Praetoriae cohortes 1 W.S. Messer, Mutiny in the Roman Army. The Republic, in: CPh 15, 1920, 158-75 2J. B. CAMPBELL, The Emperor and the Roman Army, 1984, 19-32, 303-11, 365-74.

J.CA.

Mutulus

Ancient Latin technical term (Varro, Rust. 3555133 Vitr. De arch. 4,1,2; 4,2,5 et passim) for part of the corbel block on the > geison of Doric Greek temple rafters. A Greek analogue of this special technical term is unknown. The individual components of the block were probably collectively called the geison. The mutulus is the overhanging plate with usually 3 x 6 drops (guttae), which appears in a regular sequence above the metope triglyph frieze and supports its rhythm. The length of the mutulus is equivalent to the measure of the triglyph (> triglyphos) anda > regula on the architrave (+ epistylion). It appears, separated by spaces (viae) centred over the > metope. In a wooden buildings the mutulus was a component of the roof corbel and served as a water-deflecting protection for the overall structure. Like many other components of Doric temple rafters, it was perpetuated as a technical anachronism in later stone construction. EBERT, 32f.; W. MULLER-WIENER, Griechisches Bauwesen in der Antike, 1988, 113, r19f., 129f. CHO,

Mutunus Tutunus Roman phallic deity, whose name is also preserved as Mutinus Titinus [1. 425f.], and who was associated with the Greek > Priapus (Varro Antiquitates rerum divinarum fr. 15ra CARDAUNS). Picto-

381

MUTUUM

) iS)loo}

rial representations of this deity do not exist. He is most probably not depicted on a denarius of Q. Titius Mutto (cf. RRC, p. 344-347). MT had a sanctuary in Rome in Veliis (-» Velia) where women offered sacrifices to him, clothed in the > toga praetexta (Fest. 142,20-30; Paul. Fest. 143,rof. L.). A second sanctuary may be mentioned in the highly fragmentary passage in Festus, and possibly there were others [2. 194-198, 205; 3]. Adding imagined sexual details, Christian authors associated MT with a rite of passage in which the bride supposedly had to sit on the penis of the statue of the god (Arnob. 4,7; Tert. Apol. 25,3; Lactant. Div. inst. 1,20,36; Aug. Civ. 6,9; 7,24; [4]). What can really be attributed to Varro’s Antiquitates rerum divinarum fr. 151b CaRDAUNS in these polemical reports is difficult to verify. MT appears mostly in epigrammatic poetry (cf. Mart. 3,73,1; 11,63,2; Priap. 52,10). The adjective

mutuniatus is found in graffiti (CIL IV 1939f.) and is probably associated with Latin mutto (Lucil. 307; then Hor. Sat. 1,2,68), which is equated by Porph. Hor. Sat. 1,2,68 with penis and muttonium, a technical term fora phallic amulet (Lucil. 959; CGL 2,131,6rf.; 2,132,5 and 12) [4. 424f.; 5. 62f.]. The earliest reference, if it can be linked to the name M., is Lucil. 78: adj. moetinus, ‘phallic’. In analogy with the Roman cognomen Mutto (CIL V 1412; 8473 as an epithet of Q. Titius, whom Cic. Scaur. 23, calls sordidissimus, ‘very dirty’, probably in an allusion to this sexual connotation), M. has also been interpreted as a cognomen, which could explain the variations of the name (cf. [6. 226]). The meaning of the double name is also uncertain: T. has been interpreted as a sexual reference to the ‘swelling’ of the penis [6. 305] or as derived from titus = penis [7]. Thus, two synonyms would be present in the god MT, analogous to the Roman name formation > Aius Locutius [8. 243f.]. This explanation already caused problems in Antiquity: Varro speaks of a M. vel (‘or’) T., the Christian authors of M. et (‘and’) T. 1H. Herter, De Mutino Titino, in: RhM 76, 1927, 418432 2R. PALMER, Roman Religion and Roman Empire,

1974, 187-206

3 F. COARELLI, s.v. M.T., LTUR 3, 33 5f.

population partly murdered and partly enslaved (Pol. 1,24,11; Diod. Sic. 23,9,4). It is evident from Plin. HN 3,91 that M. was later rebuilt and resettled, since he included Mutustratini among the stipendiarit. The identification of this town with > Amestratus (Apollod. FGrH 244 F 20, cf. Cic. Verr. 2,3,88f.; ror; Sil. Pun.

14,267) has also been debated. K. ZIEGLER, s.v. M., RE 16, 1427; BI'CGI 10, 300-307. E.O. and GLF.

Mutuum A. HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT B. TERM IN CLASSICAL LAW C. SPECIAL FORMS D. SENATUS CONSULTUM MACEDONIANUM E. OTHER CREDIT

TRANSACTIONS

A. HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT The mutuum was a credit transaction (— Loan). In addition to formal loans > nexum) there was also the

informal mutuum, presumably from quite early on. In this, money was lent on short-term loan without charge, recallable at any time (cf. > precarium). If the recipient was not able to meet the demand for repayment, they were liable as in the case of embezzling another’s money (aes alienum, as imprecise monetary debts, particularly loan debts, were described until the Imperial period). B. TERM IN CLASSICAL LAW

By mutuum Classical Roman law (1st-3rd cents. AD) understood the contract by which money or other tradable things (grain, oil etc.) were transferred and the recipient had to transfer a sum or quantity of things of the same quality to the lender in return (Gai. Inst. 3,90). As a real contract the mutuum was brought about not by agreement (conventio), but only by payment and transfer of money (datio) (cf. still today § 607 BGB; § 983 ABGB; art. 1892 Code Civil). This basic concept is illustrate by the (philologically incorrect) (pseudo-)etymology of mutuum ‘quia ... ex meo tuum fit’ (‘because ... my [money] becomes yours’; Gai. Inst. 3,90). Owing to the lack of remuneration no interest could be claimed with a loan complaint (actio/condictio certae creditae

4S. TREGGIARI, Roman Marriage, 1991, 168 SJ. N. ApaMs, The Latin Sexual Vocabulary, 1982 6 RADKE 7 F. ALTHEIM, Griechische G6tter im alten Rom, 1930,

pecuniae;

53-58

8G. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Romer,

agreements required a — stipulatio.

BOT?)

C.R.P.

Mutustratum (Mutioteatov; Mytistraton/ Lat. Mutustratum). Town of the > Siculi in Sicily. According to the distribution of coin finds (from the period of > Timoleon, HN 158), probably located near Marianopoli (30 km west of > Henna [1] (modern Enna)). At the beginning of the rst > Punic War, M. was besieged for seven months by the Romans without success. The Romans suffered great losses (Diod. Sic. 23,9,3) and only conquered the town in 258 BC. After the withdrawal of the Carthaginian garrison and the capitulation of the inhabitants, the town was destroyed and its

condictio

triticaria).

Actionable

interest

C. SPECIAL FORMS Classical Roman lawyers relaxed the requirement

for a datio: unanimously they recognised a datio when a third person was instructed to make the payment to the borrower

(assignment

loan).

It was

controversial

whether the net proceeds of something transferred in purchase could serve as mutuum (known as contractus mohatrae) or a pre-existing debt could be convertible by simple agreement into a loan debt (agreement loan; Julianus/Africanus Dig. 17,1,34 pr.; Ulp. Dig. 12,1,11

pr.; 15). An ‘extended datio’ occurred when the recipient obtained property only by combining it with his own money (Ulp. Dig. 12,1,13 pr.).

383

384

D. SENATUS CONSULTUM MACEDONIANUM A Senatus Consultum Macedonianum written probably under Vespasian (Suet. Vesp. 11; but for Claudius Tac. Ann. 11,13) giving loans to house-sons (i.e. sons who had no financial capacity owing to > patria potestas). The occasion for issuing it was allegedly a case in which a son afflicted by usurers killed his father (Ulp. Dig. 14,6,1 pr.). In a case of forbidden mutuum the praetor denied the claim or granted (for the lifetime of his father as well as after his death) the house-son’s objection (exceptio senatus consulti Macedoniani). Asa mutuum contrary to prohibition established not an absence of debt (indebitum solutum), but an obligatio naturalis, a voluntary repayment could not be demanded back. A rich casuistry discussed the delineation of a permitted mutuum from a forbidden avoidance tran-

Muziris (MovCtoic; Mouziris). Sea port on the southwestern coast of India in modern Kerala; the Indian

MUTUUM

Muciri of the Tamil Sangam poems [1]. Both Greek and Tamil sources describe M. as one of the most important southern Indian port and trading cities. An important trading route to the eastern coast of India originated from M. A papyrus deed (PVindob. 40822) from Egypt reports of a loan that was granted in M. [2]. Because of the unsteadiness of the coast, its exact location remains unknown. — India, trade with (with map) 1 P. Merze, Les yavanas dans |’Inde tamoule, in: Journal

asiatique 232, 1940, 89ff. = Mélanges Asiatiques 194041, 85-123

2H. HarRAuer,

P. SIJPESTEIJN, Ein neues

Dokument zu Roms Indienhandel, P. Vindob. G 40822, in: AAWW 122, 1985, 124-155. K.K.

saction (Dig. 14,6).

E. OTHER CREDIT TRANSACTIONS

Problems arose in distinguishing between mutuum and security (> depositum), when the depositary was permitted use of the deposited money (known as depositum irregulare). Some lawyers saw this as a mutuum, others as a depositum, so that with the actio depositi (directa), a bonae fidei iudicium

(> fides) and also

informally agreed interest became actionable (Paul. Dig. 16,3,29,1). Credit transactions with or without interest were possible in stipulatio form. For credit with interest (faenus or fenus), since the late Republic there had been a customary ceiling of 1% a month (12% a year; centesimae usurae).

From Hellenistic law the Romans adopted sea-loans (> fenus nauticum): these were sums lent for transport by sea repayable (together with any associated interest) only on the successful arrival of the ship at its destination port. From an economic point of view, this transaction had the effect of an insurance. + Depositum; -» Interest — Loan; -» Anatocismus; ~+ Obligatio

Mycale (Muxddn; Mykdlé). Mountain range on the west coast of Asia Minor (up to 1237 m high), ending opposite Samos in Cape Trogilium, present-day Dilek Dag; there is a debate about whether M. is actually the Hittite Arinnanda. Hom. Il. 2,869 states that M.was inhabited by the > Cares tribe (cf. [1]). It is famous for

the victory of the Greeks over the Persians in 479 BC (Hdt. 9,90ff.). ~ Melia and the Archaic > Panionion were situated on the M. (Hdt. 1,148); the later town of Panionion (4th cent. BC) was on the northern slope of the mountain at Guzelcamli; the later town of > Priene and > Thebae, find spot of a series ofolder inscriptions, were on the southern slope, (IPriene 361-379). No archaeological investigations; therefore the report in Steph. Byz. s.v. M. (‘M., town and mountain ’) is not verifiable. References: Scyl. 98; Str. 14,1,12; Arr. Anab.

555523 Clima LEN 54035 1 ZGUSTA, 406. G. KLEINER, P. HOMMEL, W. MULLER-WIENER, Panionion und Melie, 1967; TH. WIEGAND, H. SCHRADER, Priene, 1904, 14ff. with maps: pls. 1 and 2; J. KEIL, s.v. Mykale (2), RE 16, 1003. H.LO. and W.BL.

KasER, RPR 1, 530-533; C. KRAMPE, Der Seedarlehensstreit des Callimachus, in: R. Feenstra (ed.), Collatio iuris Romani, FS H. Ankum, 1995, 207-222; A. WacKE, Das

Verbot der Darlehnsgewahrung an Hauskinder und die Gebote der wirtschaftlichen Vernunft, in: ZRG 112, 1995, 239-329. R.GA.

Muza (Movta éumdquov/Mouza emporion, Ptol. 6,7,7; 8,22,6; peripl. maris Erythraei 6,10,12f; 16; Plin. HN 6,104). Port city of > Mapharitis (Ma‘afir) on the southern Arabian coast of the Red Sea north of al-

Muha, at the site of modern Mausig. The modern inland settlement of Mauza‘a bears the old name. M. is mentioned by Pliny alongside > Ocelis and > Cane as one of the harbours at which incense traders called. L. Casson, The Periplus Maris Erythraei, 1989, 147-148; H. von WiIssMANN, Zur Geschichte und Landeskunde von Altsiidarabien (SAWW, Philol.-histor. Kl. 246), 1964,

291, 399F. fig. 1.

LT-N.

Mycalessus (Muxarnoodc; Mykaléssés). Town named

in Hom. Il. 2,498 and Hom. H. Apollo 222-224 in northeast Boeotia on the road from — Thebae to > Chalcis [1] and to the south of the Aniforitis pass near present-day Rhitsona. References: Str. 9,2,11; 26; Stat. Theb. 7,272; 9,281; Nonnus. Dion. 13,77f.; Steph. Byz. s.v. M. A few wall remains [1] and a large necropolis used from the Geometric to the Hellenistic periods [2] testify to its heyday in the Archaic and Early Classical periods. As an early member of the Boeotian League (> Boiotia, with map), M. minted its own coins until 480 BC, but then it probably became dependent on Thebes. In 413, Thracian mercenaries under the Athenian Dieitrephes destroyed M. (Thuc. 7,29,2-4; Paus. 1,23,3); coins were minted again between c. 387 and 374 BC; after that M. was probably once again dependent on Thebes. In the Hellenistic period, together with Heleon, Harma and Pharae, M. formed a village

386

385 federation

dependent

on

~ Tanagra

(Str.

9,2,24:

tetoaxwia/tetrakomia; Paus. 9,19,8).

1P. N. Ure, s.v. M., RE Suppl. 7, 495-s10

2 Fossey,

80-85.

S. C. BAKHUIZEN, Salganeus and the Fortifications on Its Mountains, 1970, 2of., 148f.; K. FIEHN, s.v. M., RE 16, 1005-1015; E. Visser, Homers Katalog der Schiffe, 1997, 259; P. W. WALLACE, Strabo’s Description of Boiotia, 1979, 48.

Mycena

P.F.

(Muxivn;

Mykené).

Achaean,

daughter of

> Inachus [1] and Melia (Argivian nymph, > Meliae),

by > Arestor the mother of > Argus [I 2] (schol. Hom. Od. 2,120; Paus. 2,16,3f.). The suitor Antinous mentions M. together with Tyro and Alcmene in a eulogy to Penelope as an example of skilful and cunning women of the dim and distant past (Hom. Od. 2,120). Another tradition viewed her as the one who gave her name to Mycenae (~ Mycenae; Eust. in Hom. Il. 2,569: Laconian nymph; Nonnus, Dion. 41,267f.: ‘bright-eyed’ maiden; schol. in Nic. Alex. 103: heroine). RA.ML. Mycenae (Mvxijva/Mukénai, Mycena; Mycenae). I. MYCENAEAN

AND ROMAN

PERIOD

Muxiyvn/Mykene;

Lat.

II. ARCHAIC, CLASSICAL

PERIODS

I. MYCENAEAN PERIOD Settlement ona steep spur in the northern foothills of

the Argolid. The oldest traces of settlement date from the early Bronze Age (2900-2500 BC). M. is the most important centre of > Mycenaean culture. Excavations were carried out by H. SCHLIEMANN, the Greek Antiquities Service and the British School in Athens. In the centre of the fortress, ringed by a Cyclopean wall, stands the late Mycenaean — palace, which, together with warehouses and production buildings, extends to the area around the so-called column house in the north-east. In the extension later added to the ring-wall, there is an underground well-house supplied from a well outside the fortress. A large strip to the south of the palace in the middle of the slope is covered with the remains of the Greek village (see below). Only further to the south, Mycenaean buildings have been preserved in the debris heaped up against the wall: the so-called grain store immediately next to the lion’s gate, important for the dating of the last years of Bronze Age M., circle of shaft graves A, residential houses and the temple area with the House with the Idols. Outside the ring wall, only partly excavated, are the houses of a far larger settlement, the older circle of shaft graves B, the tholos tombs and the chamber grave necropolises. M. was destroyed around 1200 BC, but the settlement continued to exist until the end of the Bronze Age. -» Aegean Koine; > Megaron

MYCENAE

II. ARCHAIC, CLASSICAL AND ROMAN

PERIODS

Initial signs of a revival (7th/6th cents. BC) are indicated by archaeological finds (metope fragment of the temple of Athena, the construction of which destroyed the ruins of the Mycenaean palace once and for all; the heroon of Perseus at the road from M. to Argus, mentioned by Paus. 2,18,1). In 480/479, a small contingent of troops from M. took part in the battles at > Thermopylae and > Plataeae (Hdt. 7,202; 9,28; 31; Syll.3 31,19). In around 468/460 BC [1], M. was conquered and destroyed by > Argos [1] during the struggle for control of the sanctuary of Hera and the organizing of the Nemean Games (Diod. Sic. 11,65; Str. 8,6,10; 6,19; Paus. 7,25,54-5 cl. Dhuc, 1,10;1)sInsthe 3nd'cent. BC;

Mycenae gained wealth again (cf. fortification walls, remains of Hellenistic houses, baths, cisterns, a theatre, a well-house (Perseia), also inscriptions [2]). In the literature, M. is mentioned in 235 BC in connection with the fights of > Aratus [2] against > Aristippus [2] of Argus (Plut. Aratus 29,5), and also in connection with

the negotiations of > Nabis with T. > Quinctius Flamininus in 197 BC [3] (Liv. 32,39,6: urbs Mycenica; 1G IV 497). In Strabo’s time, M. had disappeared without a trace (Str. 8,6,10). Pausanias only knows of ruins of M. (Paus. 2,15,4; 16,6), among them the ‘underground buildings’ of the Atrides, i.e. the tholos graves, which he considers to be treasure houses [4]. A few finds (graves,

lamps) nevertheless bear witness to the existence of a small settlement continuing into the 3rd cent. AD. -» Mycenaean; > Mycenaean culture and archaeology; > Religion, Mycenaean; — Sea Peoples, migrations of; —+ Mycenae 1M. PrérART, Deux notes sur l’histoire de Mycénes (V°-II/U* siécle), in: Université Liége, Serta Leodiensia secunda, 1992, 377-382 2A. BoeTHius, Hellenistic Mycenae, in: ABSA 25, 1921/2, 408-428 3A. M. EckSTEIN, Nabis and Flamininus on the Argive Revolution, in: GRBS 28, 1987, 213-233 4A.J.B. Wace, Pausanias and Mycenae, in: R. Lututies (ed.), Neue Beitrage zur klassischen Altertumswissenschaft Festschrift B. Schweitzer, 1954, 19-26.

V.R. DEsBOROUGH, Late Burial from Mycenae, in: ABSA

68, 1973, 87-101; S. Dietz, The Argolid at the Transition to the Mycenaean Age, 1991; G. GRAZIADO, The Process

of Social Stratification at Mycenae in the Shaft Grave Period, in: AJA 95, 1991, 403-440; D. HENNIG, s.v. Mykenai, in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 443-448; M.ANDR. Hiccins, A Geological Companion to Greece and the Aegean, 1996; S. E. Iakovipis, Mycenae in the Light of Recent Discoveries, in: E. DE Mrro et al. (ed.), Attie memorie del secondo congresso internazionale di micenologia (1991),

1996, 1039-1049; G. Karo, Die Schachtgraber von Mykenai, 2 vols., 1930-1933; G. E. MyLonas, Mycenae and the Mycenaean Age, 1966; idem, ‘O tadixdc xvxhoc B tav Muxnvov, 2 vols, 1972-1973; I. MYLONAS-SHEAR, The Panagia Houses at Mycenae, 1987; W. TaYLOUR et

al., Well Built Mycenae. The Helleno-British Excavations within the Citadel at Mycenae (1959-1969), vol. 1: The Excavations, 1981; E. VERMEULE, The Art of the Shaft Graves at Mycenae,

1975; A. J. B. Wace, Mycenae: An

Archaeological History and Guide, 1949; A. J. B. Wace, Excavations at Mycenae, 1939-1955

12) eho.O

(ABSA Supplement

Y.L. and G.H.

MYCENAE

387

388

Mycenae (14th - 11th cents. BC) 1.

Lion gate (13th cent.)

~ Kokoretsa~

2 . Granaries (13th cent.) 3 . Grave Circle A (18th -— 16th cents.; surrounding structure 13th cent.)

4 . Ramp House (13th cent.) 5 . House of the Warrior Vase (13th cent.) 6 . South House (13th cent.) 7, House with the Idols (13th cent.)

8 . Room with the Fresco (13th cent.) 9 . Tsountas House (14th cent.) — 0 . Building G (13th cent.)

==

. . . . . . .

Palace (14th cent.): North entrance South entrance with grand staircase Forecourt or courtyard Megaron (13th cent.) Temple of Athena (6th cent.) Workshops and store -rooms (13th cent.) House of Columns (14th cent.)

. Building A (store, 13th cent.) SN SY ek Sy aes . Building T’ OANNHDY PWN

100

(store, 13th cent.)

House A (13th cent.) . East Gate (13th cent.) . House B (13th cent.) . Round open cistern (4th/3rd cents.) . Sally port (13th cent.) . Subterranean fountain (13th cent.) NNNNNN Oo OAPWN-= -rooms (13th cent.) N fon). Store N N . North Gate (14th cent.) . House M (13th cent.) . Building N (warehouse; 13th cent.) . Lion Tomb (15th cent.) . Grave Circle B (19th- 15th cents.) . ‘Tomb of Clytaemnestra’ (14th cent.) . ‘Tomb of Aegisthus’ (15th cent.) . House of Shields (13th cent.) . House of the Oil Merchant (13th cent.) rd WWWwon WWW @ 00O A= OARWN . House of the Sphinxes (13th cent.) . ‘Tomb of Atreus/Agamemnon’ (14th cent.)

Greece

150

200

250m

389

390

Mycenaean Mycenaean is the term for the form of > Greek occurring in Late Bronze Age (c. 1420-1180 BC) texts written in > Linear B. This syllabic script

/-p'i/ in the -a- and consonantal declensions (a-ni-ja-pi

(> Greece, systems of writing) is suited only toa

limited

extent to recording the forms of spoken words: thus the male name e-u-po-ro can be read as /Ehupdlos/ Eiixwhoc, /Ehuporos/E’xogos,

/Ehup’oros/ Etspogos

or /Ehup ’ron/E’powv. Hence the phonematic translation of Mycenaean syllabic sign sequences is based on often combinatorial consideration of later linguistic material from the rst millennium BC and earlier stages of Proto-Greek and Proto-Indo-European reconstructed by including evidence from other > Indo-European languages. Still, our knowledge of Mycenaean remains incomplete, as the textual evidence consists of administrative records made up for the most part of personal and place names; cf. a-ki-re-u /Ak"il(l)eus[Axi(d) evs, e-ko-to /Hektor['Extwe and a-re-ka-sa-da-ra /AleksandrafAheEavdea, also pu-ro /Pulos/Itbhos, ko-no-so /Knos(s)os/Kvmo(o)os,

pa-i-to /P’aistos/Pouords.

But

these sources can at least be used for an interpretation of everyday and social affairs [5]. As concerns morphology, many questions remain open: for e.g. the finite verb, Mycenaean provides evidence only in the third person; for nouns, there are often yawning gaps in the declensions of individual stems. Almost 500 years older than the Homeric epics (+ Homerus, > Epic II. B.), Mycenaean represents the oldest known of the — Greek dialects. All in all its grammatical structure already proves to be of clearly Greek nature. Thus Mycenaean shares e.g. the following proto-Greek innovations due to sound change or analogy: 1) phonematic: a) development of PIE voiced aspirates into voiceless aspirates (tu-ka-te-qe /t'ugater-k“e/Ovyatne te), b) locative plural in /-si/(tiri-si /trisi/t@vol); 2) morphophonematic:

a) verbs: end-

ing /°ei/ in the third person singular present indicative and future active in the thematic conjugation (a-ke lageil&ye, do-se /dései/Smoe), b) nouns: a-stem nominative plurals in /°ai/ (in analogy with /°oi/ in pronominal inflexion), as in di-pte-ra, /dip 'therai /SipOéocn. Furthermore, M. also possesses a number of archaisms which were later continued only sporadically or not at all: 1) phonematic: preservation of > digamma (e-te-wo-ke-re-we-i-jo /Eteuokleuehiios/[patronymic], cf. Eteoxdfjs) and > labiovelars (-ge /-k“e/te, qo-u-ko-ro /goukolos/Bovxohos, po-ru-qo-ta /Poluk’ontas/ Mlodkvpovims). 2) morphemic: a) verbs: (-to) as a primary ending in the middle voice /°(n)toi/ (as in Arcado-Cypriot; later analogically °(v)tat) (present e-u-ke-to leuk"etoi /evyetou, future e-so-to /es(s)ontoi/ éo(o)ovta, perfect e-pi-de-da-to /epidedastoil, cf. én ... d€daotat), furthermore evidence of stem classes that were less frequent later (ki-ti-je-si /ktiiensi/meaning something like ‘they colonize’, from an athematic root present with ablaut /ktei-mi/*, also preserved in San-

MYCENAEAN

lanniiap’il, 6xeo0¢1), for tive. On the recent traits

cf. vevor\pr, te-u-ke-pi Itreuktesp"il, cf. place names probably also used as an ablaother hand M. is also characterized by more which are not shared by all the alphabetical

Greek dialects: cf. completion of assibilation ()t(")i > (n)si (e-ko-si /hek"onsil #xovot, a-pu-do-si lapudosis/ as

in > Arcadian, > Cypriot, > Ionic, > Attic and Lesbian (> Aeolic), cf. &mddootc). This characteristic shows that there must have been at least one other dialect in the 2nd millennium BC besides Mycenaean that did not exhibit this phenomenon; there is support for this in forms such as Doric 8Sovtt (Corinth) with preserved -nti in comparison with Mycenaean di-do-si /didonsi/ with already completed change nti > nsi. None of the later Greek dialects represent a direct continuation of Mycenaean. The closest relationship to Mycenaean is exhibited by the Arcado-Cypriot dialect group. Its independence is obvious e.g. from the syncretism, in the plural also formally recognizable, of dative and locative on one hand’and of instrumental and ablative on the other (C = arbitrary consonant):

o-stem d-stem

dative/locative /°Coshil /°Cahil

instrumental/ablative /°Cois/ /°Cap "il

other stem

—_//°si/

[°p il

In the various find spots Mycenaean exhibits hardly any signs of dialect; this is probably connected to the fact that Mycenaean is a supra-regional chancery language. Divergences [6] can be found e.g. in the vocalisation of vocalic nasals: proto-Greek N > Mycenaean /o/ (as in Arcado-Cypriot and Aeolic) or /a/ (e.g. in Ionic-Attic), cf. pe-mo/spermol : pe-ma/spermalonéoua. (< proto-Greek *sper-mn, from omeiow). Hence Geudottm (-cow, -Cw) with -o- represents a Mycenaean loan in the later dialects (derived from Mycenaean a-mo /arhmol ‘wheel’ = Geua ‘waggon’; t&eucttw would be expected). Loanwords in Mycenaean show that there were already contacts with the advanced civilisations of Anatolia and the Ancient Orient at that time: ku-wa-no /kuuanos/xbavog (cf. Hittite kuuanna-), ki-to /k *iténl yutav (cf. Phoenician ktm). Mycenaean has particular significance e.g. for + Homeric language [7], for improving on incorrect judgments (vexa because of e-me-ka not as generally accepted earlier from tenueka), confirming reconstructions (te < *k“e, proved by -ge) and clarifying matters of dispute (/pant-/, not tk “ant- as the earlier form of névt“every’). ~ Aegaean

guage;

Koine;

— Asia

Minor;

— Homeric

1 THUMB/SCHERER, 314-361 2 E. ViLBora, A Tentative Grammar of Mycenaean Greek, 1960 3 VENTRIS/CHAD-

skrit ksiydnti and in Homeric év-xtipevoc ‘well colo-

wicK

nized’); b) nouns:

vorstellung und Ideologie in den Personennamen

m-stems

still extant

(e-me po-de

/hemé podé/évi xodi), also instrumental plural in -pi

lan-

> Homerus [1];

4DMiIc

1, 1985; 2, 1993

5G. NEUMANN, Wert-

der

mykenischen Griechen, 1995 61. HayjNAL, Sprachschichten des mykenischen Griechisch, 1997 (bibliography)

MYCENAEAN

7Id.,

392

391

Mykenisches

und

homerisches

Lexikon,

1998.

3. RESOURCES

Mycenaean culture and archaeology

Two areas can be distinguished: the subsistence economy on the one hand was based on the exploitation of agricultural areas and mineral resources in moun-

A. DEFINITION

tainous areas, while on the other hand further advan-

RP.

B. History

C.ART AND MA-

TERIAL CULTURE A. DEFINITION 1. HISTORY

OF RESEARCH

2. CHRONOLOGY

3. RESOURCES

1. HisTORY OF RESEARCH The culture of the Late Bronze Age (16th—11th cents. BC) on the Greek mainland is called Mycenaean culture (MC); it is also the continuation of Minoan palace culture > (Minoan culture and archaeology) in the whole area of the Aegean. It was first called thus by H. SCHLIEMANN, who rediscovered the lost material culture of early Greece in his excavations at > Mycenae in 1876 and at > Tiryns. The tripartite chronological system, which was developed by A. Evans for > Knossos, was transposed onto the mainland by C. W. BLEGEN and A. J. B. Wace: the entire Bronze Age culture was and still is called ‘Helladic ’and MC as late-Helladic culture. The main basis of MC are the results of the excavations of the places mentioned in the Homeric epics > (Homerus [1]); thus until the middle of the 2oth cent. engagement with MC was dominated by its perceived proximity or distance to the Homeric text. After the decipherment of the > Linear B script, debate turned more towards specific topics as well as towards economic and sociological questions. At a higher level the importance of MC lies in its role as a chronological and spatial mediator. The incorporation of the Aegean into the Bronze Age Koine of the eastern Mediterranean facilitated the laying of the central foundations of Greek culture.; 2. CHRONOLOGY The chronological framework of MC is closely connected with the chronology of > Egypt. Its beginning, the so-called ‘shaft grave period’, is linked to the foundation of the New Kingdom in Egypt in the early 16th cent. BC. Mycenaean pottery from the palace of Akhenaten in +» Amarna provides a chronological point of reference for the high point of MC in the mid—14th cent., and Egypt’s struggle against the so-called ‘sea peoples ’at the end of the 13th cent. is one aspect of the transformations at the end of the east-Mediterranean Bronze Age, among whose victims were also the centres of MC. The end of MC cannot be dated; since stratigraphically relevant settlement evidence is absent, it is equated with the stylistically defined change of subMycenaean to proto-Geometric pottery at around the middle of the rrth cent. See Minoan culture and archaeology regarding the absolute chronology. The system of synchronological dating by P. WARREN and V. Hankey is the basis of the dates mentioned here.

tages were gained from the geographical location as an intermediary trading station. Mycenaean Greece had no ores, with the exception of some silver, lead and copper; > bronze, the most important metal, therefore had to be imported. In the central areas of MC — Peloponnesus and south-central Greece — soils that yielded an excess harvest were rare. The rise of MC was therefore founded upon its geographical location on the path of prospectors and traders to the North and West. Material evidence suggests that local produce which could be traded was limited to olive oil, pottery and imported raw materials that were further processed into luxury items.;

B. History There is little evidence for Palaeolithic settlement on the Greek mainland, though somewhat more during the Mesolithic. With the retreat of the Ice Age, the population increased and a dense network of settlements emerged, especially in central and northern Greece. Culturally they were connected to the Neolithic cultures of the North (north of the > Rhodope mountains). With the beginning of the Bronze Age, the mainland and the Cyclades oriented themselves towards the East. 1. THE EARLY BRONZE AGE 2. THE MIDDLE BRONZE AGE (c. 2100-1600 BC) 3. THE EARLY MYCENAEAN PERIOD (1600-1450BC) 4. THE PALACE PERIOD (1450-1200 BC) 5. THE Post-PAtACE PERIOD (1200-1050 BC) CENT. BC)

6. THE END (11TH

1. THE EARLY BRONZE AGE

(c . 3600-2100 BC) During the main phase (Early Helladic Il, 29002500 BC) the land was densely settled and agriculturally intensively exploited. In villages houses were built next to each other in the manner of insulae, coastal

settlements were often protected with walls and the dead were buried extramurally. Freestanding large houses with two storeys in settlements on the Peloponnesus and > Aegina are evidence for the emergence of local elites. A circular structure with a diameter of 28 m in Tiryns remains unexplained. Melian > obsidian and Cycladic pottery are evidence for trading contacts with the islands of the Aegean. Early Bronze Age culture was without imagery; teracottas and stone figurines were unknown, and pottery was painted with stripes, if it was decorated at all. Burnt layers in numerous settlements may be an indication that these societies met a violent end. In the following phase (Early Helladic Ill, 25002100 BC), settlements changed: now freestanding farmsteads, often with apsidal houses, determined the

B93

394

MYCENAEAN

i j af Sg

Lemnos

Petra ad

CULTURE AND ARCHAEOLOGY

/*@Troia

?

Diminia@e

in| pein

Leukasbe) Meganisi C7\ ¢

m

}pA

e

Delphoiae, Gla eh Es

Rina Gy

Teichos ao aaeakeielt Dymaion Akroterion

Zakyntho:

e

eR Sehes @raxTanagra @- eft athebal

Etitrésis,

~ epee

lympiag@ve Kakovatosy@m — Peristeriamecs,

em

Dofion/Malthi

Traganae@/e

Nichoria

Ba

Pylosafitexe3"@Koukounara

ros da Anilioss 2®Menelaion

Deaxos

“*@m@Vaphio

G2 _GBamorgos

2@> Hagios Stephanos

q

(\Kameirog

lalysos

ae a

>

.

Lindos

__3¢

Q Kydonia (Chania)

? ite

:

Mameloukoh®

Armenoi Korakoue Tsoungitsa @~e e- Zygouries

Karpathos

cass

@27 Mallia

e@ Phaistos

24°

Mykenai. | r@ 24@ « Berbati Prosymnam@e Mideia/Dendra mle

Tirynsm Bt ae. Asine

2

PEOOISS

Epidauros

26°

The spread of Mycenaean culture in the Aegaean area (17th - 11th cents. BC) Mycenaean settlement Walled Mycenaean settlement

Mycenaean palace

f

Mycenaean tomb(s)/ necropolis

appearance of the villages. The change in ceramics was more fundamental: instead of one-sided shapes (jugs and cups with spouts), there was now a repertoire of vessels with two handles and painted with geometric ornaments. Subsequently such an abrupt change in the shape and decoration of pottery was never again apparent, which is why this break has often been associated with the immigration of the population which would later speak > Greek. 2. THE MIDDLE BRONZE AGE (c. 2100-1600

BC) In its material remains this transition period appears

to be statically self-sufficient; is it different from the previous period only in its pottery. Decoration with geometric patterns was retained, while > impasto-like Minyan > pottery also became characteristic. House and settlement types remained the same, the dead continued to be buried outside the villages and figurative art was still absent. Nevertheless this period was char-

Phaistos

Ancient name

Phylakopi

Modern name

100

150

200 km

acterised by a fundamental change: Cycladic and Minoan wares were imported and imitated and Middle Helladic wheel-thrown pottery reached Italy.; The restructuring of the social order is not evident in architecture (since in the main settlements Mycenaean palaces were later built on top of the houses of the Middle Helladic elite), but it is noticeable in the furnish-

ing of tombs. Graves, which included modest to rich pottery, jewellery and weapons, appeared alongside simple Middle Helladic crouched burials without grave goods. In Mycenae the deceased belonging to the local elite were buried in a stone circle (grave circle B, later A), which was spatially separated from the necropolis, and individual burials were turned into family tombs. The contacts of the local rulers with the Minoan palace culture were particularly evident in the fertile lands near the sea route of the Minoan traders to the West and North — in Messenia and the Argolid.;

MYCENAEAN CULTURE AND ARCHAEOLOGY

395

396

3. THE EARLY MYCENAEAN PERIOD (1600-1450

important goods. They were dominated by a high-ceilinged main hall with a round hearth and throne place. Aside from this, smaller living quarters were distinguished by their furnishings (wall paintings and painted floors) and connected by courtyards and corridors. Most space was taken up by store rooms. Not all Mycenaean palaces were fortified: there were no walls in Messenia and Laconia. A rivalry between the traditional centres of Mycenae and Tiryns, which was also attested in myth, may explain the overly large dimensions of the walls of the Argolid. The fortifications were particularly expanded during the 13th cent., a time when the still expanding MC was not threatened from the outside. The period was characterised by building measures that were directed towards the future: at Tiryns a dam was built, and the river which endangered the settlement was redirected into a newly-built canal; in Boeotia the + Copais basin was drained, and new arable land was made available. Settlements grew, and a new type of large house with integrated production and stor-

BC)

As in the Minoan culture, the chronological division of MC was defined according to pottery styles, not building phases. Thus the Early Mycenaean period (Late Helladic I) begins with the first appearance of a type of pottery which initially was only a good imitation of Late Minoan types and decorations, but then became prevalent, pushed Middle Helladic wares out and determined the further development of Late Bronze Age pottery in the Aegean. Nevertheless, this pottery type first appeared in the late graves ofgrave circle A in Mycenae and was therefore associated with a late Middle Helladic feature. What makes this beginning of anew era historically unique is the fact that the material evidence suggests that within a very short time all cultural norms were adopted from Crete and that the indigenous Middle Helladic tradition was pushed out. What exactly caused this change is unclear. Other than an intensification of olive tree cultures not much in the subsistence economy could have changed. It is possible that additional income was obtained through trade or piracy; however, this would only have yielded results in an already prospering environment. That this transformation was perceived as such is evident in the change from family burials in shaft graves to the bombastic furnishings of the > tholos tombs (-» Funerary architecture B). The labour investment alone for sucha

grave

presupposes available labour and a strict hierarchy. The conquest of Crete and, as a consequence, the elimination of the power that had hitherto dominated the Aegean in the trade with Asia Minor and Egypt also fall into this period. Even though no central buildings are documented from this period, with the exception of the palace in the Menelaion

(Laconia), it can

be as-

sumed that early MC was determined by the concentration of power in the hands of a group which came to dominance through the control of the raw materials for bronze and of other imports, and which pursued an agenda of aggressive expansionism. ; 4. THE PALACE PERIOD (1450-1200 BC) Linear B texts throw light on the social and political order. At the top of society was the wa-na-ka (anaxl dvaé, ‘ruler’), accompanied by a ra-wa-qe-ta (lagétas/ hayétac, ‘duke’); the latter was followed by the aristocracy with an e-qge-ta (hepétas/ énétac, ‘follower’), who

was identified by name and who had military functions. The kingdom was divided into administrative districts, each headed by their own official. Goods were centrally administered; even cult (— religion, Mycenaean), per-

sons performing it and craftsmen were incorporated into this. The people (da-mo) owned the land, while the rulers only had témenoi, plots of land separated from damos \and. The economic areas of the Argolid, Messenia, Attica

and Boeotia had been bounded since the Neolithic. In their central settlements mighty — palace complexes emerged, which were fitted out for representation, central administration, production and the storage of

age rooms indicates increasing prosperity also outside

the fortifications and palaces. The leading families continued to bury their dead in tholos tombs; in large + necropoleis, often far from settlements, chamber tombs were the prevalent type. ; Mycenaean trade in the eastern Mediterranean flourished, due to Egyptian politics and the stability provided by the Hittite super-power in Asia Minor. The Aegean and the west coast of Asia Minor were economically but, most probably, not politically under Mycenaean control. In the north, Mycenaean material culture acted as a model for the local elites in Thessaly and Macedonia (— Macedonia VI, with map), while trade with the West, with lower Italy and beyond, became increasingly important. Internally MC appears to have been unified, in spite of many possible conflicts. Pottery and terracottas, tools and weapons, seals and jewellery were standardised and developed uniformly.; 5. THE Post-PALACE PERIOD (1200-1050 BC)

In the decades around 1200 this order broke down, not only in Greece — the whole Near East and Egypt

were affected by this transformation. The Hittite empire collapsed (+ Asia Minor III.C.), the city states of

the Levant were destroyed, Egypt was able to repel the attacks by the groups which have been called the sea peoples (+ Sea Peoples, migration of). Whether they also destroyed the centres of MC and with them the whole Bronze Age order cannot be determined. Internal unrest in the centralised economic system due to interrupted bronze imports has also been suggested as a cause of the destructions. Based on the names of the sea peoples mentioned in Egyptian texts we can assume that after the collapse of the palace system Mycenaean groups also took part in the conflicts. ; What is certain, is that MC emerged from this collapse radically altered. The centralised palace economy system broke down. Records were no longer necessary, and the literacy of MC came to an end. The consequences of this are most visible in cultic practice and

B97

398

architecture: there were no more large buildings, instead small houses with one or two rooms were built on the ruins. Apsidal houses were constructed again and not only in marginal areas. The aniconic cult of the Middle Helladic tradition was followed in the Early Mycenaean period by images on Minoan seals and early Mycenaean terracotta figurines of a goddess. With the decline, people turned towards religion — terracottas were ubiquitous and were venerated in new small sanctuaries. In the material culture a further consequence of the absence of a centre is evident: local styles in pottery decoration became distinguishable and developed into indigenous traditions. Without the powerful direction provided by the palace the settlements had to become self-reliant. In the Greek area, the decline of the political units of the MC also brought about the end of the Near Eastern idea of empire, and the path for the development of the > polis was now laid. The latest MC was limited to its core area in the southern Aegean, even though its impulses lived on, e.g. in Cyprus. ;

Furthermore, the uniformity promoted by the palace workshops runs counter the supposition that the place where an artifact was found was also the place where it was manufactured. The basis was always Minoan and the continued development always took place within the Mycenaean political context. In spite of principal similarities regional traditions, such as the bronze statuettes of Crete, continued, or new traditions, such as the Mycenaean terracottas, emerged. ; 1. ARCHITECTURE 2. STONE RELIEFS AND TERRACOTTAS 3. POTTERY

6. THE END (11TH CENT. BC)

With the decline of the centralised order of the Bronze Age, population numbers in the whole country continued to go down. Myths tell of the foundation of new cities. To date, archaeological evidence is limited to sub-Mycenaean tombs and few definite remains of settlements. The population probably withdrew from the settlements into simple farmsteads in the agricultural hinterland and increasingly sought subsistence as seminomadic animal herders. Tombs and cults continued to be maintained at all sites. The end of the MC is determined by the emergence of proto-Geometric pottery, without recourse to stratigraphic evidence. The whole period until the roth cent. is called the ‘Dark Ages’.

C. ART AND MATERIAL CULTURE Independence is not necessarily a characteristic of Mycenaean art. The aniconic tradition of the Greek mainland, which had lasted for centuries, was defenseless against the onslaught of Minoan imagery from the shaft grave period onwards. Since the whole context of the farming culture of the Middle Bronze Age had more or less been transformed in an instant, the new elites needed models — for the use and design ofthe seals as well as for the architecture of the economic centres. The skill of the Mycenaeans lay in their ability to adapt these images and in some areas gradually to create their own. Particularly in the early phase it is evident that the demand of the new rulers and the supply of the Cretan models were still badly matched. Instead of the gold masks and the stone stelae of the shaft graves, new models had to be created. With the acculturation of the elites, the demand consistently also became more Minoan: gold masks and stone stelae were no longer considered necessary. With this shift in power Cretan artisans and artists also came to the new centres, and this may have contributed to this process. However, their arrival also supported the development of a uniform art, which is rightly called Cretan-Mycenaean.

MYCENAEAN CULTURE AND ARCHAEOLOGY

1. ARCHITECTURE The building tradition of the mainland was different from that of Crete and the Cyclades. There was no insula-like building style with agglutinated houses. Instead houses were freestanding with one or two rooms, sometimes with a short entrance hall, and loosely spread out within the settlement. When more space was needed,

the possibilities were only to extend the house by a room built along the longitudinal axis or to construct a new house. This was adequate for seasonal storage of the harvest of one family, but not for keeping the stores of a larger unit in a controllable way. A new building concept was therefore developed: at the centre was a house, enlarged for representational purposes, with two rooms and a protruding entrance. On either side there were store rooms which were connected by parallel corridors; these may well have been fashioned on Minoan models. A front court facilitated communication. This basic layout, which has been preserved in the Menelaion, phase 1, could then be extended as necessary by further living quarters, store rooms or workshops. It can be found in the palaces of > Pylos, + Tiryns, > Mycenae, and also > Orchomenus and Gla. Newer elements, such as a propylum and porticus and more generally the luxurious use of pillars and columns (also following Minoan models) could also be added. The attempt to transplant the Minoan building concept as a whole, with its central courtyard, was only an episode. This is evident in the layout of the Menelaion, phase 2, and possibly of the earlier building at Pylos. For the exterior of the Mycenaean palace local and adopted building components were combined as needed, while the artistic abilities of Minoan fresco painters were employed for the interior decoration.; The concept of connecting traditional living quarters and activity areas because of new economic demands occurred again in the corridor houses of the Mycenaean palace period. In the building complex M in - Mycenae (plan no. 28) we can see that individual building components were combined under topographically unfavourable conditions. The newly-built corridor houses copied the palaces, and their composition was developed based on economic demands. These houses, within and outside of the walls, indicate general prosperity and the absence of an external threat at a time when walls were extended and a water-supply that

399

400

would be safe from possible attackers was created in the fortifications of Mycenae, Tiryns and Athens. It is evident neither from the plans nor from linear B texts whether the aristocracy or traders that were dependent on the palace lived in these houses. Just as the palace as a building concept and an economic system disappeared after the catastrophe, so too did the corridor house. The older simple Middle Helladic house types were more adequate for the new, old subsistence economy.; The religious needs of the Mycenaeans did not facilitate a distinct religious architecture. Scholars long assumed that the great palace hall with the throne was the only place where cult activities took place. In the palace of Pylos a small room in the north-east building, which was used for economic activities, was identified as a small shrine, and new finds, e.g. from Mycenae, Tiryns and > Phylakopi (Melos), show that in the late Mycenaean period sanctuaries developed outside the specific palace areas. The most elaborate buildings were found near the southern wall in Mycenae (plan nos. 8-9): several houses with altars, votive benches and wall paintings were connected with the palace via a steep winding path. In Tiryns there was only a small shrine at the western wall of the lower fortifications. Both kinds of buildings — the sanctuary with altar and votive bench, where small groups could meet, and the small shrine for cult objects and votive offerings, in front of which the faithful assembled — are types of temples which survived on Crete in Prinias or Dreros but which were also the precursors of the small Geometric shrines on the mainland.

vidual men. In their late phase large terracottas emerged with wheel-thrown bodies to which modelled arms and head were attached. While the small figurines never really became indigenous on Crete, the large figurines

MYCENAEAN CULTURE AND ARCHAEOLOGY

5

2. STONE RELIEFS AND TERRACOTTAS The art of sculpting in stone, which was absent on Crete, was only temporarily established in the Mycenaean area. The stelae with relief-work of the shaft graves of Mycenae with running spirals and hunting and fighting scenes, the slabs and half columns on the facade of the tomb of Atreus, the ceiling of the side chamber in the beehive tomb at Orchomenus and above all the high relief in the relieving triangle of the lion gate of Mycenae are nevertheless evidence for liese

With the exception of figurative and plastic rhytons, only two-dimensional human imagery is known from seals, vessels made of precious metals and possibly frescoes. In the phases Late Helladic III A-C, the sculptures that are especially typical of MC emerged: female — terracottas, which are called ‘phi’, ‘psi’ or ‘tau figurines’, depending on the position of their arms. They were painted with the same technique as the vessels and with > ornaments common in their respective chronological phases.. These figurines appeared increasingly frequently in a variety of locations: in living quarters and workshops, as construction offerings underneath thresholds, in graves, in sanctuaries, but also in rubbish deposits. The repertoire was extended to include women seated on a throne or holding infants, animals ranging from dogs to bulls, charioteers and — very rarely — indi-

also occurred in many varieties in late Minoan sanctuaries a5 3. POTTERY

The decorative system and some shapes of the earliest Mycenaean pottery (Late Helladic I, 1600-1500 BC) have been taken from the late Minoan repertoire with red-brown decoration on a yellow base. Plant and cult motifs predominated, alongside circular patterns and spiral frieses of an indigenous tradition. Typical Middle Helladic ware, such as Minyan and matt-painted pottery, continued to be produced. The vessels of the so-called palace style (Late Helladic I, 1500-1390 BC) were produced on Crete and the mainland; later the mainland gradually took the lead in the development of new decorations. Late Helladic II A (c. 1390-1340 BC) exhibited stronger ties of the decorative zones to the tectonics of the vessels, decorations making up a network of painted areas were preferred, and connections between patterns were invented. From the beginning, Mycenaean vase painting had tended towards increasingly geometrically designed representation of initially almost naturalistic motifs; during Late Helladic III B (c. 1340-1180 BC) this tendency predominated. As a consequence, symmetrical combinations of designs increased, frequently on open vessels (e.g. skyphoi, kylikes). On the other hand, the production of vases (craters) which were painted with bulls, lions, chariots, etc.

intensified, mainly for exporting to Cyprus. The catastrophe at the beginning of Late Helladic III C (11801065 BC) had little impact on pottery; even a new delicately painted decoration was introduced with the socalled ‘close style’. Nevertheless, by the end painted patterns had almost completely disappeared. Stripes, chevrons and wavy lines replaced the painted areas. Undecorated pottery had always made up three quarters of the total production (less in the palaces, more in the villages); this proportion now increased. The legacy of this was maintained in the sub-Mycenaean phase (1065-1015 BC) and formed the foundation of protoGeometric pottery.; Regarding the language of the Mycenaeans see -» Mycenaean. ~ Aegean Koine (with maps); — Aegina (with map);

> Crete (with map); » Dark Ages;

House; > Kypros

[1]; » Megaron; > Melos [1]; > Mycenaean; > Natural resources; > MYCENAE; > THERA; > TIRYNS G. ALBERS, Spatmykenische Stadtheiligtiimer, 1994; M. J. ALDEN, Bronze Age Population Fluctuations in the Argolid from the Evidence of Mycenaean

Tombs,

1981; P.

Ain, Das Ende der mykenischen Fundstatten auf dem griechischen Festland, 1962; J. L. Bintiirr, Natural Environment and Human Settlement in Prehistoric Greece,

1977; C. W. BLEGEN et al., The Palace of Nestor at Pylos in Western Messenia, vols. 1-3, 1966-1973; K. BRANIGAN

(ed.), Cemetery and Society in the Aegean Bronze Age, 1998; H.-G. BucHHo1z (ed.), Agdische Bronzezeit, 1987;

401

402 Id., V. KARAGEORGHIS, Altagais und Altkypros, 1971; J. CHapwick, Documents in Mycenaean Greek, *1973; Id., The Mycenaean World, 1976 ; E. H. Cine, D. Harris-

CuinE, The Aegean and the Orient in the Second Millennium,

1998;

CMS;

R. A. CrossLanp,

A. BIRCHALL,

Bronze Age Migrations in the Aegean, 1973; K. DEMAKOPOULOU

(ed.), Das mykenische Hellas, 1988; V. R. D’A.

DeEsBOROUGH, The Last Mycenaeans and their Successors, 1964; Id., The Greek Dark Ages, 1972; O. T. P. K. Dickinson, The Aegean Bronze Age, 1994; Id., The Origins of Mycenaean Civilization, 1977; B. C. DieTrIcH,

The Origins of Greek Religion, 1974; S. Dietz, The Argolid at the Transition to the Mycenaean Age, 1991; A. Evans, The Palace of Minos at Knossos, vols. 1-4, 19211935; B. Feuer, The Northern Mycenaean Border in Thessaly, 1983; Id., Mycenaean Civilization. A Research Guide, 1996; K. P. Foster, Aegean Faience of the Bronze

Age, 1979; A. FuRUMARK, Mycenaean Pottery: Analysis

and Classification, 1941; N. H. Gate, Bronze Age Trade in the Mediterranean, 1991; S. GiTin, A. Mazar, E. STERN, Mediterranean Peoples in Transition, 1998; R. HAcc, N. MarinatTos (ed.), Sanctuaries and Cults in the Aegean Bronze Age, 1981; E. HALLAGER, The Mycenaean Palace at Knossos, 1977; B. HANSEL, Kastanas 7: Die Grabung und der Baubefund, 1989; A. F. HArpING, The Mycenaeans and Europe, 1984; W. HELcK, Die Beziehun-

gen Agyptens und Vorderasiens zur Agais bis ins 7. Jahrhundert v.Chr., 1979; G. HrgsEL, Spathelladische Hausarchitektur, 1989; J. T. Hooker, Mycenaean Greece,

MYESIS Years: The r2th Century B.C., 1989; P. WARREN, V. HAN-

KEY, Aegean Bronze Age Chronology, 1989.

G.H.

Mycerinus (Egyptian Ma-k3w-R Hdt. 2,129: Muxeoivod/Mykerinos; Diod. Sic. 1,64 as a variant: Meyyeotvoc/Mencherinos; Manetho: Mevyéons/ Menchérés). Sixth king of the Egyptian 4th dynasty. Son and second successor of > Chefren; ruled for 18 years (between 2500 and 2450 BC). M. built the third and smallest > pyramid in Giza. Evidence from the Saitic and Persian periods (7th—5th cents. BC) indicates the restoration of his tomb and the resumption of his cult. Herodotus’ extensive account (Hdt. 2,129-134), which shows M. to be a just ruler after decades of oppression by his predecessor, is based on the smaller size of his pyramid. J. v. BECKERATH, s.v. M., LA 4, 274f.

SS.

Mychus (Mvy6c; Mychos). Easternmost harbour of Phocis (Str. 9,2,253; 3,13; the place name refers to the remoteness of the location) below the > Helicon on the

Gulf of Corinth, probably nearby modern Boulis in the Bay of Zalitzan (neolithic finds). J. M. Fossey, The Ancient Topography of Eastern Phokis, 1986, 11, 91f.

G.D.R.

1981; R. Hope Simpson, O. T. P. K. Dickinson, A Gaz-

etteer of Aegean Civilisation in the Bronze Age, 1979; S. IaKovIpIs, Perati: The Cemetery, 1970; Id., Late Helladic Citadels on Mainland Greece, 1983; S. A. IMMERWAHR,

Myci (Mvxou; Mykozi). Ethnic group in the Persian em-

Aegean Painting in the Bronze Age, 1990; G. Karo, Die

gether with the > Sagartii, > Sarangae, Thamanaei,

Schachtgraber von Mykenai, 1930; 1. KILIAN-DIRLMEIER, Das mittel-bronzezeitliche Schachtgrab von Agina, 1997; M. Ktprer, Mykenische Architektur, 1996; R. LAFFINEuR (ed.), Transition: Le monde égéen du Bronze Moyen au Bronze Recent, 1989; Id. (ed.), Politeia: Society and

State in the Aegean Bronze Age, 1995; S. MARINATOS, Kreta, Thera und das mykenische Hellas, 31986,; H. MatTHAus, Die BronzegefafSe der kretisch-mykenischen Kultur, 1980; P. Mountyoy, Mycenaean Decorated Pottery: A Guide to Identification, 1986; Id., Mycenaean Pottery. An Introduction, 1993; G. E.Mytonas, Mycenae and the Mycenaean Age, 1966; Id., “O tadimog xbxhog B tov Muxnvoy,

vol. 2, 1972; M. P. Nitsson, The Minoan-

Mycenaean Religion and its Survival in Greek Religion, 21950; O. PELON, Tholoi, tumuli et cercles funéraires, 1976; G. Rapp, W. A. MACDONALD (ed.), Excavations at

pire (Hdt. 3,93; 7,68; Hecat. FGrH

1 F 289) who, to-

~» Utii and the island inhabitants of the Persian Gulf, were classed as belonging to the 14th nomos by Herodotus. It is probably correct to assume that they were the inhabitants of the regions on both sides of the strait of Hormuz, corresponding to the Maciya, i.e. the inhabitants of Maka, known from. Achaemenid inscriptions and reliefs as well as the fortification and treasury tablets from Persepolis [1. 679f. additional references], (cf. Steph. Byz. s.v. Mdxat). 1R. T. HALLOocK, Persepolis Fortification Tablets, 1969 2D. T. Porrs, The Arabian

Gulf in Antiquity, vol. 1,

1990, 394-400.

Nichoria in Southwest Greece, vols. 1-3, 1978-1992; C.

Myecphorites

RENFREW, The Emergence of Civilisation, 1972; B. RuTKOWSKI, Frithgriechische Kultdarstellungen, 1981; Id., The Cult Places of the Aegean, 1986; J. B. and S. H. Rut-

tian district, mentioned only in Hdt. 2,166, located on

TER, The Transition to Mycenaean, 1976; N. K. SANDARS,

The Sea Peoples,

1985; A.M. SNopGrRass, The Dark Ages

of Greece, 1971; W. D. TayLour (ed.), Well Built Mycenae, vol. 1, 1981; Id., The Mycenaeans, *1983; Tiryns. Die

Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen, from vol. 2, 1912; J. VERcouTTER, L’Egypte et le monde égéen préhellénique,

(Mvexdogityc;

J.W. Myekphorités).

Egyp-

an ‘island’ (surrounded by arms of the Nile or canals) across from > Bubastis and inhabited by > Calasirieis. The etymology of the name is unclear, it may mean the 2oth district of lower Egypt. A. B. LLoyp, Herodotus, Book II, Comm. 99-182, 1988,

195.

KJ-W.

1956; E. VERMEULE, Greece in the Bronze Age, 51972; Id., Pictorial Vase Painting,

Myesis (winots/myesis, Lat. initiatio). Myesis is the ini-

1982; A. J. B. Wace, Chamber Tombs at Mycenae, 1932;

tiation into a mystery (uvotoua/mysteria, Lat. initia)

Id., Excavations at Mycenae 1939-1955 (ABSA Suppl. 12), 1979; W. A. Warp, M. S. Jouxowsxy, The Crisis

whereby the candidate for initiation became a wvortne¢ (mystés, Lat. initiatus, initiated). As an additional rank the initiated could later attain the > epopteia.

V. KARAGEORGHIS,

Mycenaean

MYESIS

404

403

As nomen actionis for the verb wvtw/myeéo (‘I initiate’; lat. imitiare), which is considered a causativum to

wow/myo (‘I close [lips/eyes]’), myesis semantically presupposes the term mystés, which, like mystéria, is not derived from myéo but rather from myo [1; 7. 414f.]. This derivation, which may only be based on popular etymology, suggests the closing of the lips as a sign of secrecy or the closing of the eyes during the ceremony — in contrast to the epopteia, the ‘viewing’ of the mysteries [3.102 note 36]. A Mycenaean verbal root Vmy(s)— has been proposed (PY Un 2,1 mu-jo-me-no;

[2]). It is difficult to reconstruct the initiation system of the Eleusinian Mysteries, adopted by other mystery cults as well (e.g. the Samothracian [6]), because the scant ancient sources misidentified and mistakenly combined the terms Lesser/Greater Mysteries and myesis, epopteia and ~ telete [7; 3. 117 note 13]. In particular, it is controversial whether myesis should be seen as an individual initiation that could take place any time [8. 38-41; 7; 5. 69f.] or whether it was synonymous with participation in the mysteries [4. 292-302;

Mygdones (Muydd6vec; Mugdones). Thracian inhabitants of the Mygdonia [1] region (Muydovia/Mygdonia; -» Macedonia)

between the lower Axios, the Gulf of Thermae, the Bolbe and the KruSa and Bogdanska mountains in the east (Hdt. 7,123f.; 1273 Strab. 7a,1,11; 36). At the time of Herodotus (5th cent. BC) it was home to groups of > Paeones, —» Sitones and + Crestones; according to Thucydides 2,99,4 the + Edones were expelled from Mygdonia by the Macedonian kings (after 479 BC? [4. 15]), at the time of Strabo it was inhabited by Macedonians, Paeones and groups of Edones (7a,1,11; 41). A migration of the M. to Asia Minor was constructed based on the principle of identical names (Strapon e2-4s4)) 0[tea rome thes Beesisiitele 1 T. SprrrpoNoV, Istoriéeska geografija, 1983;

2L. A.

GINnDIN,

Balkan,

1981;

DrevnejSaja

onomastika

Vostoc¢nyh

3 N. G. HAMMonpD, F. W. WALBANK, A History of

Macedonia, vol. 3, 1988; Makedoniens, 1986.

4M. ErRINGcTON, Geschichte Lv.B.

Mygdonia (Mvydovia; Mygdonia).

9].

[1] Region in northwestern Asia Minor whose name is

Early Christian writers appropriated the terminology of the mysteries and called > baptism myesis (Greg. Nyss. Or. catechetica 40, p. 103,7 MUHLENBERG = 45,101 PG; [ro. 1268]).

derived from the Thracian - Mygdones who, like the

-» Mysteria; > Mysteries;

northwest

» Samothrace; > Telete

1 Frisk, vol. 2, 279-281

2DMic,

vol. 2, 1993, 459f.

3 W. Burkert, Antike Mysterien, 31994 4 Id., Homo necans, 1972, 274-326 5K. Cuiinron, Sacrifice at the Eleusinian Mysteries, in: R. HAGG et al. (eds.), Early Greek Cult Practice, 1988, 69-80 65S. G. CoLe, Theoi

Megaloi: The Cult of the Great Gods at Samothrace, 1984, 26-30 7K. Downben, Grades in the Eleusinian Mysteries, in: RHR 197, 1980, 409-427 8 H. G. PRINGSHEIM, Archdologische Beitrage zur Geschichte des eleusinischen Kultes, 1905 9R. M. Simms, M., Telete, and Mysteria, in: GRBS 31, 1990, 183-195

10D.H. Wiens,

Mystery Concepts in Primitive Christianity and in Its Environment, in: ANRW

II 23.2, 1980, 1248-1284.

+ Doliones and the Mysi (> Mysia), migrated to the

northwestern part of Asia Minor in the r2th cent. BC. The area in which they settled was bordered at the

T.H.

by the Dascylitis

(AaoxvAttic,

now

Kus

Goli), at the northeast by Apameia [1]; in the southwest their settlements reached to the Mysian Olympus [13] (modern-day Uludag), in the southwest the territory bordered on the Lydian settlement region (Strab. 13,8,10; > Lydia). Its centre was the plain of the Niliifer Cayi, which flows to the north of Apolloniatis (present-day Uluabat Golii) and into the lower portion of the Rhyndacus. It sources are located in the massif of the Mysian Olympus. Pliny HN 5,126) probably meant the inhabitants of this area when he referred to the Mygdones who belonged to the conventus of > Pergamon in the province of Asia. E. OBERHUMMER,

s.v. M. (3) und (4), RE

16, 990f.

E.SCH.

Mygdon (Mbydmv; Mygdon). [1] King of the Bebrycians, brother of > Amycus [1];

killed by > Heracles when he attacked Heracles’ host, > Lycus [5]. After M.’s death, Heracles gives Lycus a large part of the land of the Bebrycians, which is re-

[2] Localized by Plin. HN 5,145 in the Isaurian highlands between Phrygia in the north, Pisidia in the west and Lycaonia in the east (cf. Solin. 40,9); the poetic equation of Phrygian with Mygdonian (cf. Mosch.

named Herakleia (Apollod. 2,100).

2,97; Val. Fl. 3,47; Hor. Carm. 2,142,223 3,16,41; Ov.

[2] Along with Otreus, M. rules over the Phrygians at the Sangarius river. These Phrygians are also called -» Mygdonians, after M. (Paus. 10,27,1; schol. Apoll.

Met. 6,45) is probably more properly derived from M.

Rhod. 2,786f.). > Priamus aids them in their battle against the > Amazons (schol. Hom. Il. 3,189 ERBSE; Eust. ad Hom. Il. 3,184); out of gratitude, M.’s son Coroebus [2] comes to Priam’s aid in the Trojan War,

bis (at the time of the Seleucids “Avtioxeva Muydovini/ Antidcheia Mygdonike, Plut. Lucullus 32,4; Avtoyeva h év th Mvydovia/ Antidcheia hé en téi Mygdoniai, Strab. 16,1,23), bordered to the east by the Tigris, to the north by Mons Masius (Strab. l.c. Maovov d00¢/ Mdsion Oros, present-day Karaka§ Dag), where Alexander [4] the Great established settlements of Macedonian veterans from M. [4] at Lake Bolbe (near Thessalonica)

but he arrives too late (Serv. Aen. 2,341).

ALLER.

[rz]. [3] Northwestern Mesopotamian plain around > Nisi-

406

4095 (Strab.

11,14,2;

16,1,1;

Plin. HN

6,42). The

river

whose two branches flowed through Nisibis from the north was called Mygdonius, modern-day Cakcak Deresi [1. 53]. 1 L. DILLEMANN, adjacents, 1962.

Haute Mésopotamie orientale et pays

[4] Region in -» Macedonia.

E.O,

MYLAE

Age) and on the site of the modern capital city of the island (probably from the 11th cent. BC it was settled by — Iones from Attica). In 490 BC the Persians under Datis landed there (Hdt. 6,118). At Salamis (in 480 BC) contingents from

M. fought on the side of the Persians. After the Persian Wars, M. was a member of the > Delian League, with a limited contribution, corresponding to its less developed economic performance, of 1'‘/, or 1 talent (ATL 1,

Myia (Mvia; Myia). Daughter of > Pythagoras and Theano, according to Porph. Vita Pythagorica 4 (cf. Anon. Photii p. 237,16 THESLEFF = Phot. Bibl. 249, VII p. 126,31 HENRY; Sudas.v. M.), according to Iambl. VP 267 wife of > Milon [2] of Croton. Perhaps she is the one referred to in Timaeus’ report (FGrH 566 F 131 = Porph. ibid.) that Pythagoras’ daughter, as a maiden, was the leader of the maidens in Croton, and as a woman she led the women. A pseudepigraphic letter to Phyllis regarding the proper choice of a nurse is found in [1]. 1A. STADELE, Die Briefe des Pythagoras und der Pythagoreer, 1980, 163-165, 251-253, 267-287.

C.RI.

Myiager, Myiodes (Mvicyooc/Muiagros, Muuhdye/ Muiodés). Sacrifices attract flies. In order to drive them

away, those offering a sacrifice would provide a preliminary sacrifice

(with an additive?), the blood

of

346f.). Like the other Cyclades, M. was also a member of the > Attic League (Syll.3 147,115) and from the end of the 4th cent. BC of the league of + Nesiotai under the rotating aegises of Macedonia, the Ptolemies and Rhodes. Under Augustus, M. had its own mint. Owing to their geographical closeness, M. enjoyed close relations with the neighbouring island of > Delos (real estate on M. owned by the Delian sanctuary, and on the other hand inhabitants of M. as benefactor on Delos). Opinions about the inhabitants of M. circulating in antiquity, in contrast to those about the wine they produced, which was esteemed everywhere, were not very flattering (cf. e.g. Strab. 10,5,9). Archaeology: only few ancient remains (tholos tomb on the southwest coast; Hellenistic watchtowers near Lino). J. BAELEN, M., 1964; C. BuRsSIAN, Geographie von Grie-

which would satisfy the gnats (according to Ael. NA

chenland, vol. 2, 1868, 448-451; H. KALETSCH, s.v. M., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 448f.; H. Mosius, Antike

5,17 for Leucas; 11,8). In the half-empty town of Ali-

Bauten auf M., in: MDAI(A) 50, 1925, 37ff.

H.SO.

pheira the help of the ‘gnat-chaser’ Myiager was called upon (Paus. 8,26,7). In Olympia, on the malaria plain, similar protection was provided by sacrifices to Zeus Apomyios, the ‘fly repeller’ (Paus. 5,14,1; Plin. HN 10,75; 29,106), or Myiak6rés/Myiddes (‘fly catcher’). [1] saw in M. (in USENER’s terminology) the model of a

‘special god’ that had originally evolved from a sacrifice made to the gnats themselves, into a hero, and finally to a god. [2] calls M. a ‘functional hero’. The authors who recorded their observations, all of them from the Im-

perial period, rationalized on the one hand (the transmission of > malaria) and sacralized at the other. The

supposed dedication of the ritual to its own god/hero attaches too much importance to the event which was simply necessary in a flood plain when preparing a festival. 1 Nitsson, Feste, 441

2 Jost, 537f.

CA.

Mykonos (Mtxovoc; Mykonos). Island in the > Cyclades (Plin. HN 4,66) with an area of 88 km’, barren, rocky, poor in water, hilly, but without very high mountains (the highest elevation amounts to just 390 m). The earliest settlement was in the late Neolithic (beginning of the 3rd millennium BC; Bay of Panormos in the north). An early Cycladic settlement (after 2600 BC) was on the peninsula of Anavolousa in the southwest. There were two urban centres on M. (Skyl. 58; cf. Syll.3 1024): near Palaiokastro to the southeast of the Bay of Panormos (from the middle of the Bronze

Mylae [1] (MbdAcu; Mylaz). Town in southern Perrhaebia (> Perrhaebi) between Chyretiae und Phalanna, mentioned in literature only about the year 171 BC, when it was captured and plundered by > Perseus after a long resistance (Liv. 42,54,1ff.). Starting from the evidence in Livy, M. has been located in a citadel’s ruins — the walls had been restored during the Byzantine period — ona steep hill above the Xerias (= Titaresius) near present Damasion, where also inscriptions attributed to M. have been discovered (IG IX 2, 332-337; [1]). 1 F. STAHELIN, in: MDAI(A) 52, 1927, 88f. Nr. 4. G. Lucas, La Tripolis de Perrhébie et ses confins, in: I.

BLuM (ed.), Topographie antique et géographie historique en pays grec, 1992, 93; F. STAHLIN, s.v. M, RE 16, 103 8f.; TIB 1, 1976, 141. HE.KR.

[2] (MvAa/Mylai, Mviat/Mylaz, Lat. Mylae). Town and promontory, jutting out 6,5 km from the coastline in the north of > Sicily, half a day’s journey from the island of — Lipara (Ps.-Skyl. 13), at present Milazzo and Capo di Milazzo. The town was founded in 716 BC by Greeks coming from Zankle ( Messana, Messene) on the isthmus between the promontory and mainland (Eus. Chronicon p. 90b HELM), and it was politically dependent on the mother city. With the intention of bringing Messana under their control, the Athenians conquered M. in 426 BC during the > Peloponnesian War; whereupon Messana joined the Athe-

MYLAE

nians without a fight. When Messana abandoned the Athenians in 425 BC, the latter probably lost M. again too (Thuc. 3,90,2; 4,1,1; Diod. 12,54,4f.). In its fight against Messana, > Regium settled in 394 BC the inhabitants of the towns > Naxos and > Catane, which had been destroyed by Dionysius [1], in M. It was forced, however, by Messana, to call off this measure in the very same year (Diod. 14,87,1-3). M. was captured in 315 BC by > Agathocles [2], to be given back to Messana in the following year, however, through the intervention of the Carthaginians (Diod. 19,65,3; 5). Both on land and on sea, M. was the theatre of decisive battles — in the plain to the south of M., Hiero [2] achieved a victory over the > Mamertini in 269 BC (Pol. 1,9,7); in the First > Punic War, Duilius [1] defeated the Carthaginian fleet offshore M. (Pol. 1,23,2), as did Agrippa [1] in 36 BC with the fleet of Sex. Pompeius (Suet. Aug. 16,1; App. Civ. 5,1o8ff.; Cass. Dio 49,2,1-6,3; Vell. 2,79; Suet. Aug. 16,1).The myth located Helios’ cattle on M. (cf. App. Civ. 5,116). The area about M. was famous for its fertility (Theophr. H. plant. 8,2,8). Archaeology: several > necropoleis starting from the 15th cent. BC, no ancient remains on the Acropolis. L. BERNABO Brea, M. CavALier, Mylae, 1959; K. Z1EGLER, s.v. Mylai (3), RE 16, 1042-1044; G. V. GENTILI, s.v.

Mylae, EAA

408

407

5, 1963, 6-8; G. TIGANO, Archeologia a

Milazzo ..., in: Kokalos 39-40, 2,1, 1993/4, 1059-1085;

BTCGI ro, 115-140.

Mylas (Midas; Mylas). One of the

E.O. and GLP.

> Telchines. Inven-

tor of the mill (according to Paus. 3,20,2 the Laconian King Myles), founder of the cult of the Mylanteioi theoi in Cameirus on Rhodes, and eponym of the promontory of Mylantia near Cameirus (Hesych. s.v. M.; Steph. Byz. s.v. MvAavtia). SLA.

Mylasa (t& MvdAaoa; ta Mylasa). Main locality of the > Cares in the land of Caria, modern Milas. Place name

pre-Greek, ancient cults of Carian Zeus in M. and environs (Hdt. 1,171; Str. 14,2,23). M. participated in the » Ionian Revolt under the Carian Heraclides (the son of Ibanollis, tyrant of M.; Hdt. 5,37,121). In the middle of the 5th cent. BC, M. was a member of the > Delian League. In the 4th cent. under + Maussollus, the Archaic settlement with the castle of the Carian rulers on Pecinkalesi (5 km south of M.) was abandoned and the residence of the Hecatomnids (— Hecatomnus) was moved to Halicarnassus. However, M., now increas-

ingly becoming Hellenized in its modern location, continued to stand loyal to Maussollus (IK 34,1-3). In 334 it was taken by Alexander [4] the Great and was one of the four towns whose revenues the king offered to Phocion (Plut. Phocion 18). About 315 the Macedonian Eupolemus ruled as a semi-sovereign dynast over M., Iasus and Theangela (Stv 429, of 3102). Then M. passed under Ptolemaic suzerainty, but from the middle of the 3rd cent. it was Seleucid, in 246 Antiochus [3] II declared it a free city. In 227, under the

Carian dynast Olympichus, M. joined the Macedonian side. In the dispute between M. and the Chrysaoric League of the Carians over the ownership of ~» Labraunda, the Ptolemies decided in favour of the League, which was friendly towards them, but the Seleucid government in favour of M. This was confirmed by Philip V in 220 after a long legal dispute. Like other Carian towns, M. engaged in 209/8 in a mutual granting of > isopoliteia with Miletus (StV 539, at that time probably a vassal of the Seleucids again). In the winter of 201/0, M. supplied the troops of Philip V, but deflected the king’s attempt to take the town in a coup (Pol. 16,24,6-8).

In the war against > Antiochus [5] III, M. took the Roman side and was declared tribute-free from Rhodes by Rome in 188 (Pol. 21,46,4; Liv. 38,39,8). In 167,

during the uprising of the Carians against Rhodes, M. attempted in vain to take over the communities around Enromuss(Pol. 30;5sm0; 53) lilve 45,2552 tg Che ott. 14,2,22), after which the rule of Rhodes was in any case dissolved by Rome. In 143, M. was the arbitrator in the dispute between Magnesia [2] and Priene (Syll.* 679). In the middle of the rst cent. BC, M. was a local court circuit in the province of Asia (conventus Asiae) and oppidum liberum (Plin. HN 5,108). In 5x it was indebted like other Carian communities (Cic. Fam. 13,56). In 40 BC M. was devastated by Labienus [2], but rebuilt owing to the activities of Hybreas of M. (Str. 14,2,24). The number of temples is noticeable (Ath. 8,348d). Coins are dated to the 3rd cent. AD. M. was an episcopal see from the early Christian period. Building remains from the Hellenistic and Roman periods: a temple of Carian Zeus (Hisarbasi, rst cent. BC), a temple of Augustus and Roma (in the south), a representational gate at the start of the sacred road to Labraunda (znd cent. AD, in the NE), a monopterallike Roman tomb in the architectural tradition of the -» Mausoleum (Giimiiskesen, 2nd half of the 2nd cent. AD, in the West); a small terrace sanctuary on Genciktepe (in the East) with late Mycenaean and Carian finds; the temple of Carian Zeus (Oooy@/Osogé, 4th cent. BC, in the south), also ‘Zenoposeidon’ gen., with saline well (Ath. 2,42a; 8,337c; Paus. 8,10,4); a Carian rock tomb with Dorian temple facade (Berber Ini), c. 3.5 km southwest near Siileyman kavagi; 12 km south east of M., west of Kalinagil, the sanctuary of the Carian god Sinuri with finds from the geometric period and rich inscriptions, especially from the time of the Hecatomnids. In the 2nd cent. AD, the territory of M. extended from Euromus and Labraunda in the north to the port of Passala in the SW (Stadiasmus maris magni 291; Steph. Byz. s.v. M.; erroneous Str. 14,2,23) ona (adjoining) branch of the Iasic Gulf, 14.8 km (80 stadia, Paus. 8,10,4) from the town of M., modern Sakiuzlik. A.und T. Akxarca, Milas, 1954 (Turkish); A. AKARCA, Les monnaies grecques de M., 1959; G. E. BEAN, Kleinasien, vol. 3, 1971, 29ff., 5 1ff.; W. BLUMEL, Die Inschriften von M., 2 vols. (IK 34-35), 1987-88 (2, 226f.: maps of the city

409

410

and its environs); J. M. CooK, Some Sites of the Milesian

MYNDUS

Territory, in: ABSA 56, 1961, 98ff.; W. JuDEIcH, Klein-

1 W. BurKeERT, Craft Versus Sect, in: B. F. MEYER, E. P. SANDERS (eds.), Jewish and Christian Self-Definition, vol.

asiatische Studien, 1892, 232, 236, 239f.; A. LAUMONIER,

3, 1982, 17.

C.RI.

Les cultes indigénes en Carie, 1958; G. Le Riper, Antiochos II a M., in: BCH 114, 1990, 543-551; MAGIE 2, 749, 907f., 952, 1018; A. MASTROCINQUE, La Caria e la Ionia meridionale in epoca ellenistica, 1979; W. Rant,

Kuyruklu Kalesi. Fluchtburg und Tyrannenfestung von

Myllus Said to be an early Attic writer of comedies (neither names of plays nor fragments have been preserved), considered variously a contemporary of

M. in Karien, in: MDAI(Ist) 19/20, 1969/70, 165-176; L. ROBERT u.a., Le sanctuaire de Sinuri prés de M., 2 vols., 1945; 1959; W. RuGE, s.v. M., RE 16, 1046-1064; H. H.

+ Euetes [2] and > Euxenides in the time of > Epicharmus [r. test. 1], or of > Susarion and > Magnes [3] [z. test. 2]; elsewhere an actor M. is mentioned who

SCHMITT, Untersuchung zur Geschichte Antiochos’ des Groen, 1964, 243-247; H. ScHwaBL, s.v. Zeus, RE Suppl. 15, 1157. H.KA,

supposedly used masks dyed with minium [t. test. 5]. Perhaps M. owes his existence only to a verse by > Cratinus [1] (fr. 96 K.-A.) that seems to concern a comic figure (comparable to > Maison?) who pretends to be deaf but understands everything (cf. [1. test. 3]). The name is also explained as ‘cross-eyed one’ [1. test. 5].

Myle see > Mills Mylissa, Mylitta (Mvdtooo/Mylissa, Muvairra/ Mylitta). Hdt. 1,131 reports on > prostitution in Babylon in conjunction with the cult of M., the Babylonian ~ Aphrodite, in which every unmarried Babylonian woman supposedly had to participate. This was the cult of the Babylonian goddess Mulliltu/Mullittu (Assyrian Mulissu; Aramaic mist; older reading Ninlil), the wife of > Enlil (see [2] for earlier evidence from Babylonia).

Hsch. also cites M. In Nicolaus of Damascus (FGrH 2, 332 F 4) she is encountered as Molis (Moiis). In late

antique Mandaic incantations she appears as Mulit. 1 CH. MULLER-KESSLER, K. KESSLER, Spatbabylonische Gottheiten in spatantiken mandaischen Texten, in: ZA 89, 1999, 70-72 2S. PaRPoLa, The Murderer of Sennacherib, in: Mesopotamia 8, 1980, 177f. K.KE.

Mylleas (MvuiAéac; Mylléas). Son of Zoilus from Beroea [1]. In 326 BC he was one of the trierarchs of + Alexander [4] the Great’s Indus fleet (Arr. Ind. 18,6). M.’s son Alexander was granted citizenship in Athens

(IG IAI? 710).

EB.

Myllenas (MvuAhévas; Myllénas). Scribe of — Alexander [4] the Great, was to lead lightly armed infantry along by-ways to the summit of the > Aornus [2] (Curt. 8,11,5: Mullinus). The enterprise failed. He is probably the Macedonian M.., son of Asander, who was accorded the > proxenia with privileges in Eretria (IG XII 9, 197).

EB.

Myllias (MvdAiac/Myllias). Pythagorean from Croton. It is said that he was reminded by > Pythagoras of an earlier incarnation as > Midas, son of the Phrygian king Gordius [1], and then went to Asia Minor to carry out rituals at Gordius’s grave as ordered by Pythagoras (Aristot. fr. 191 ROSE = 174 GIGON = Ael. VH 4,17 and Iambl. v.P. 143). The name M. is also found in a horror story by Neanthes FGrH 84 F 31 (= Iambl. VP 192194), in which > Dionysius [2] II (or Iaccording to [1]) uses torture in a vain attempt to induce M. and his very pregnant wife > Timycha to reveal the secret of the Pythagorean ban on beans. ~» Pythagorean school

1 PCG 7, 1989, 28.

H.-G.NE.

Mylos see > Mills Myndus (Mivdoc; Myndos). City in southwestern Asia Minor on the western coast of the peninsula stretching from — Halicarnassus to M., modern Giimiisliik. Its predecessor was a fortified highland settlement of the > Leleges (Old ‘M.’, Plin. HN 5,107) on Mount Boz (3.5 km to the south). In the 5th cent. BC, M. was a member of the — Delian League. In about 360, the town was abandoned or relocated to a harbour protected by foothills. The refoundation, probably under ~ Maussollus, was simultaneously connected with a -» synoikismos of six settlements around Halicarnassus and the new capital or with the transplantation of parts of their population there. At an early stage the Leleges were in contact with Mycenaean traders or refugees and Greek colonists (late Mycenaean necropolis of Miskebi, protogeometric one near Dirmil). Their mountain settlements (Str. 7,7,2) were Pedasa, Telmissus, Termera, Madnasa, Side, Uranium; only Syangela (Alazeytin to the east of Halicarnassus) and M. (Strab. 13,1,58f.; cf. Plin. l.c.) lasted. In 334, M. was held by Orontopates against Alexander [4] the Great, and not conquered until 333 by Ptolemy and Asander (Arr. An. 1,20,5-73 2,5,7); in the 4th cent., M. was heavily fortified, but only lightly populated (cf. Diog. Laert. 6,57). In 308, M. was used as a naval station for Ptolemy’s advance on Corinth (Diod. 20,37,1), in the 3rd cent. the city was mostly Ptolemaic. Militarily secured by Rhodes in 197/6 (Liv. 33,20,12), M. was on the Roman side in the war with Antiochus [5] III (Liv. 37,16,2), at the beginning of the 2nd cent. minting began; later M. was probably Pergamian and in 133 was occupied by > Aristonicus [4] (Flor. Epit. 1,35,4). In 43 BC, C. Cassius [I ro] made use of M. as a base for his action against Rhodes (App. Civ. 4,65). A source of modest prosperity in the Imperial period was probably provided by the silver mines (evidenced only by soil analysis) in the vicinity (hence the Turkish name!). Wine from M. was used, diluted

MYNDUS

412

AI

with sea water, as a digestive (Athen. 1,32e; 33b). In late antiquity M. was part of the eparchia of Caria; bishopric. All that survives today is ruins of a basilica within the ancient city area, remains of the city wall with towers (esp. in the southeast) and a ‘Lelegian’ wall, and a church on the peninsula in the west. W.R. Paton, J. L. Myres, Karian Sites and Inscriptions,

in: JHS 16, 1896, 201-210

(maps: pls. X and XI); W.

RuGg, s.v. M. (1), RE 16, 1075-1079; G. E. BEAN,J. M.

Cook, The Halicarnassus Peninsula, in: ABSA 50, 1955, 108-112, 116-128; lid., The Carian Coast III, in: ABSA 52, 1957, 138-146; G. E. Bean, Kleinasien, vol. 3, 1971,

122-126; W. Rant, Siedlungen und Bauten auf der Halbinsel von Halikarnassos (MDAI[(Ist) Beih. 3), 1970; Id., Die Leleger auf der Halbinsel von Halikarnassos, in: Antike Welt 6, 1975, H. 3, 2-26 (with map); E. VARINLIO-

Gu, Lelegian Cities in the Halicarnassian Peninsula in the Athenian Tribute Lists (Studien zum antiken Kleinasien 2), 1992, 17-22. H.KA.

Mynes (Mivyc; Mynés).

[1] Mythological ruler of a city in the Troad, during the destruction of which the husband of — Briseis was killed by Achilles (Hom. Il. 19,296). He is probably identical with the son of Euenus, the brother of Epi-

W. A. OLDFATHER, s.v. M., RE 16, 990-993; N. D. PAPACHATZIS, Ilavoaviou “EkAGdog Teouyynou, vol. 5, 1981, 456-457; G. DaveRIo Roccut, Frontiera e confini

nella Grecia antica, 1988, no. 12, 132-142.

G.D.R.

Myonnesus (Mvdvvyoos; Mydnnésos). Small island shaped like a mouse (i¢/ms Greek = ‘mouse’, hence the name) in the Diaulos Oreon (straits between Euboea and the coast of Achaea Phthiotis), south west of Antron, modern Agios Nikolaos (Str. 9,5,14). F. STAHLIN, Das hellenistische Thessalien, 1924, 182; Id., s.v. M. (1), RE 16, 1080.

A.KU.

Myos Hormos (Mvoc¢ “Oguoc/Muos Hormos, Egyptian Dw3w). Port on the Red Sea, modern Qusar. Only Ptol. 4,5,8 refers to this port as > Leukos limen, probably the result of a misidentification [1]. From the rst cent. AD onwards, its links with the port city of > Berenice [9] gained in importance. Remains of mostly sacral buildings in situ date back to the Ptolemaic and Roman periods. 1 A. BULOw-JAcoBsEN, H. Cuvieny, J.-L. FouRNET, The

Identification of Myos Hormos (BIAO 94), 1994, 27-42 2 C. TRAUNECKER, Coptos, 1992.

HE.FE.

strophus (Hom. Il. 2,692).

[2] Mythological progenitor of the Attic dynasty, father of Pedias, the wife of king > Cranaus (Apollod. 3,186). LK.

Myra (Mtea; Myra). Since classical times, at the latest

(5th cent. BC), M. was an inhabited polis (city-state) in Lycia

Myonia (Mvovia/Myonia, Mvdévy/Mydne, Muwv/ Myon). One of the four towns in Locris (+ Locri, Locris [1]) (Paus. 10,38,8; Plin. HN 4,8: Myania), about 30 stadia (c. 5,7 km) north of Amphissa, from where it is

possible only with difficulty to reach Locris (Thuc. 3,101,2; Steph. Byz. see M., here also Muwy; Herodian. 351,223 3,1,297), exact location uncertain; there is discussion about Hagia Efthymia [1. 79], Seghditsa (present-day Pavliani) on the eastern slope of Ghiona [2. 380], Topolia (present-day Elaion) with remains ofa citadel at the foot of Hagios Ilias [3], Hagia Triadha in the valley of Vinianni with remains of two fortresses equipped with towers [4. 93-96]). Here, there were a Poseidon temple and a sacred grove of the > Meilichioi Theoi. Citizens of M. in Delphic inscriptions: enfranchisement deeds of the 2nd cent. BC (SGDI 1878,17; 1937; 19813; 1988; 2065; 2076; 2129; FdD 3,2, 246,5 =

6,110,4; 3,9,25f.), proxeny decree (139/8-122/1 BC, SEG 27, 124); Greek/Latin border arrangement from Trajanic time (1st quarter of 2nd cent. AD) on an orthostat of the Apollo temple (FdD 3,4, 276-283; 290-296). About the turn of the 3rd/2nd cents., M. united with Hypnia in a sympoliteia (IG IX 1*, 3,748; FdD 3,4, 352; SEG 23, 3053 25, 5903 38, 1944). M. was still inhabited in the Imperial period (FdD 3,4, 292f.). 1L. Lérat, Les Locriens de l’Ouest, vol. 1, 1952 2 PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN I, 380-385, 729 n. 100 3 W.A. OLDFATHER, s.v. Lokris (1), RE 13, 1135-1288, esp.

1144-1158

4G. J. SZEMLER, in: E. W. Kast et al. (ed.),

The Great Isthmus Corridor Route..., vol. 1, 1991.

(castle;

Lycian

inscription

TAM

1,85-97;

+ Lycii, with map), 20 km to the west of present-day Finike. In the 3rd cent. BC, M. became one of the six most important Lycian poleis thanks to a fertile plain and a port (Str. 14,3,3). In the 2nd cent. BC, M. minted both polis coins and the district coins of the Massicytus range in central Lycia. With the exception of the theatre and baths, it is known that the number of buildings not physically accessible to archaeologists was considerable, as inscriptions detailing the metropolis of Imperial times, authenticate M.’s expansion and in particular the Eleuthera temple, which was architecturally the largest and most beautiful building in Lycia (TAM 2,905 No. 59). M. was the customs post of the koinon (federation of poleis) (SEG 35, 1439) and also organised festivals for the federation. The port of Andriace (Avdouaxh; Adriake), which is

situated 5km from M., was important from the Hellenistic period down into Late Antiquity (amongst others granarium, i.e. grain store from Hadrianic times). M.’s territory encompassed the Classical castles at Dereagzi, Tirmisin (ancient Tyberissus), Giirses and Muskar as well as the towns ofSura (with the oracle of Apollo) and Istlada. The latter two were partly integrated into the polis at an indeterminate moment by sympoliteia treaties (documented for Trebendae; > sympoliteia) and are encountered as peripolia in a Hellenistic isopoliteia treaty (+ isopoliteia> ) with Xanthos (SEG 44,1995, 1218). M. had a settlement on the island of Kekova.

Funeral

inscriptions have been found in Teimiussa

413

414

which mention payment of penances to M., so that it is assumed that there were conflicts of interest with neighbouring > Cyaneae [2] M. was linked to > Limyra in the east by a mountain road as well as by a leased ferry service (OGIS 572). In Late Antiquity, M. was a governor’s residence and the seat of a bishopric. St. > Nicolaus [4] of M. was an eminent figure in the Constantinian period and his bones were brought to Bari in the rrth cent. AD. The Vita Nicolai Sionitae concerning another saint of the same name gives insights into conditions in Lycia in the 6th cent. AD. Large monastic establishments at Alakilise and Karabel indicate that Christianity flourished into the High Middle Ages.

riod, negatively affected by the increasing strength of its neighbouring town of Alexandria. M. may have continued to exist into the Byzantine period (Steph. Byz. s.v. Myriandros).

G. Anricu, Hagios Nikolaos, 2 vols., 1913; 1917; W. RuGE, s.v. M., RE 16, 1068-1089;J.BORCHHARDT et al. (eds.), M. Eine lykische Metropole in antiker und byzantinischer Zeit, 1975; M. ZIMMERMANN, Untersuchungen zur historischen Landeskunde Zentrallykiens, 1992; H. BiuM, Die Vita Nicolai Sionitae, 1997. MA.ZI.

Myrae (Migal/Myrai, Scyl. 65; or to be corrected to Eveéalt|/Euréali]2? Cf. [1]). Town in the north of the

peninsula of Magnesia [1], south of Homole, location unknown. ; 1J.A. W. Warren, Two Notes on Thessalian Coins, in: NC 7,1, 1961, 1-8. F. STAHLIN, s.v. M., RE 16, 1089.

HE.KR.

Myrcinus (Mvexwoc; Myrkinos). Edonian settlement (> Edones), later Greek polis, east of the lower > Strymon; both its ancient and its modern name is M. (Str. 7a,1,33). In 513 BC, Darius [1] gave M. to Histiaeus [1]

who expanded and fortified the town. After the collapse of the > Ionian Revolt, Aristagoras [3] led more colonists to M.; after his death (497 BC), the Edonians regained M.

(Hat. 5,11; 124ff.; Thuc. 4,102,2). In 423

BC, after the death of the Edonian king Pittacus, M. fell to > Brasidas (Thuc. 4,107,3). In 356 BC, Philip Il captured M. The settlement is mentioned in connection with the events leading to the battle at > Philippi (App. B Civ. 4,105), and still listed in Steph. Byz. s.v. Myrkinos. B. Isaak, The Greek Settlements in Thrace until the Macedonian Conquest, 1986, 15ff.; F. PAPAZOGLOU, Les villes de Macédoine a l’époque Romaine, 1988, 390f. Ly.B.

MYRINA

1 H1tD/HELLENKEMPER, 362f. E. HONIGMANN,

s.v. M., RE 16, 1ogof.; R. LEBRUN, s.v.

Me DGPPS 305.

M.H.S. and K.KE.

Myrina (Miewo; Myrina). [1] Amazon (Dionysius Chalcidensis

FHG

4 F 2),

daughter of Cretheus, wife of Thoas (schol. Apoll. Rhod. 1,601); eponym of the city of the same name (M. [3]) on Lemnos (Hecataeus FGrH 1 F 13 8c). [2] Daughter of > Teucer, wife of > Dardanus [1], first mentioned in Hom. Il. 2,814; her burial mound was

displayed outside Troy as > Batieia (Strab. 12,8,6). She was regarded as an - Amazon in ancient times. Extensive raids are mentioned in Diod. 3,54f. LK. [3] City in southwestern

> Lemnos on a mountainous

promontory (135 m), present-day Palaiokastro. Portions ofthe polygonal ring wall and numerous settlement traces remain. Its excellent location for defensive purposes encouraged M. to put up resistance to the efforts of > Miltiades the Elder [1] to conquer it (albeit in vain, Hdt.

6,140,2),

while Aristoteles, commander

under

+ Cassander, was defeated there in 314 BC (Diod. 19,68,3f.). From the time of Miltiades until the period of Septimius Severus (AD 193-211), M. remained closely associated with Athens, with minor interruptions (IG XII 8, 1-14). Assessed in the > Delian League after the settlement of Attic > klerotichoi in 450 BC at 1.5 talents, M. paid only half the amount of the neighbouring city of Hephaestias. Beginning with the King’s Peace of 386 BC (> Antalcidas), M. was an Attic out-

post with its own popular assembly; it was controlled by an epimelétes (> epimelétai). Documentation: Apoll. Rhod. 1,6orff.; Plin. HN 4,73; Solin. 11,33; Ptol. 3,12,44; Steph. Byz. s.v. M.; Etym. m. 279,6; 5955225) Nonn. Dions'3,13 35. Anthes Pale ens s2:59275))Coins: Coin with head of Athena. Soph. fr. 708 TGF = fr. 766 JEBB/PEARSON, with commentary; HN 263 (around 300 BC). R. Hersst, s.v. M., RE 16, 1093-1095; PHILIPPSON/ KIRSTEN 4, 227f.; J. KODER, Aigaion Pelagos, 1998, 246— 248.

A.KU.

[4] (Mueiva/Myrina, also Mvewa/Myrina). Seaport on

Myriandrus (Mvgiavdeos; Myriandros). Settlement on

the shores of the Gulf of > Issus (Str. 14,5,19). Its exact localization is not yet established, possibly 80 stades (c. 15 km) south of Alexandria [3] (Stadiasmus maris magni 157), the location of the ruins of Adatepe [x. 363]. The place name is of Anatolian origin (Myriandos; cf. Hdt. 4,38), later Graecisized (M. = “Town of 1,000 men’). Xen. An. 1,4,6 described M. as a Phoenician emporion (‘trading station’, cf also Scyl. 102). M. probably lost its importance in the Early Hellenistic pe-

the west coast of Asia Minor/Aeolis at the mouth of the Pythicus (present-day Giizelhisar Cayi), near what is now Kalabaksaray, not far from Aliaga. According to Eus. chronicon 7,1,69, M. was founded by Greek settlers in 1046 BC, i.e. in the late Mycenaean period. The place name probably refers to an Amazon M. [tr] (according to Strab. 11,5,5; 12,3,213; 8,6), who is also frequently depicted on coins (HN 556) [4]. The earliest Aeolian epigraphic evidence was collected at [1. 113f.]. According to Xen. Hell. 3,1,6 Darius [1] gave the city to Gongylus of Eretria, whose dynasty is believed to have

MYRINA ruled into the 4th cent. BC in M. and

A415

416

> Gryn(e)ium.

joined the Bosporan League, led by Panticapaeum. M. experienced its greatest prosperity in the Hellenistic period as the viticultural centre of the > Regnum Bosporanum (confirmed evidence of 12 wine presses). Other sectors of the economy: arable farming and cattle breeding (confirmed evidence of several ancient manors), trade and commerce with the tribes of the hinterland, Asia Minor, and Athens. M. was only fortified in the 4th cent. BC. There is evidence of special cults of Demeter, Dionysus, and Aphrodite. A significant decline in economic and cultural importance as well as in population numbers began at the time of Mithradates’ [6] VI. The town recovered only slightly during the 2nd half of the rst cent. AD (Str. 11,2,6). It was destroyed by the > Heruli and > Goti in the 360s.

Beginning in the mid—s5th cent. BC, M. was part of the + Delian League. Following the battle of > Curupedion in 281 BC, the Seleucids under Antiochus [2] I assumed power in M., before it was taken over in 252

BC by the Pergamenes. With the testament of Attalus [2] Il, M. became a Roman city and part of the proyince of > Asia [1], to which Cicero (Fam. 5,20,8) considered M. to belong. Renamed Sebastopolis under Augustus (Plin. HN 5,121), M. survived several earthquakes (Tac. Ann. 2,47 and Eus. chronicon 7,rf.). In late antiquity, M. was the bishop’s see of the > eparchia of Asia (Hierocles, Synekdemos 661,4). M. is famous

for the many terracottas found in the necropolis, which were published by [1]. Survey plan in [2. 107]; information on the isolated instances of modern research in

[3]. 1 E. Pottier, S. REINACH, La nécropole de M., 2 vols., 1888; 2G. E. BEAN, Kleinasien, vol. 1, 1969, 105-108;

V. F. GaypuxkeEvic, Antiénye goroda Bospora, 1987; Id., Das Bosporanische Reich, 1971, 121ff., 179, 4723 Y. A. ViINoGRADOV,

Mirmekiy, in: G. A. KOSHELENKO

(ed.),

Oéerki Arheologii i Istorii Bospora, 1992, 99-120.

Lv.B.

3 D. Kassas, M., petite cité grecque de la céte occidentale de l’Asie Mineure, in: E. FREZOuLs (ed.), Sociétés urbai-

Myrmex (Mvbeuné; Myrmex).

nes, sociétés rurales dans |’Asie Mineure et la Syrie hellénistiques et romaines (Actes du Colloque Strasbourg 1985), 1987, 173-198; 4 BMC Troas, Aeolis and Lesbos, 139, no. 41 with pl. XXVIII 5. E.SCH.

{1] According to Philochorus FGrH 328 F 27 and Hes. fr. 225 M.-W. (= Harpocr. 202,7 Dinpore) he was the

father of the eponymous heroine of the Attican deme of Melite. The legend of the Athenians’ futile war against the mdchimoi myrmékes

Myrinus

(Mugivoc;

Myrinos).

Elegant epigrammatic

poet in the ‘Garland’ of Philippus. Four poems are extant, showing him asa skillful imitator of > Leonidas [3] of Tarentum; however, he also displayed an independent creativity, in a satirical setting (Anth. Pal. 6,254: a dedication to Priapus by a hermaphrodite frail with age; 11,67: against an old woman behaving like a child) as well as in an idyllic-pastoral one (ibd. 6,108 and 7,703; the latter poem is erroneously placed amongst the epitaphs). GA II.1, 286-289; 2, 319-322.

M.G.A.

(‘embattled ants’; Eubulus,

Glaucus PCG V fr. 20) who guarded the gold dust on Mt. Hymettus, is likewise set in Attica and probably related to this myth. It became proverbial (Pl. Plt. 4 50b; Harpocr. 308,6 DINDORE). [2] In Serv. Aen. 4,402 her name is spelt as Myrmix and

she is an Attic girl who steals the plough handle from Athena, the inventor of the plough, and pretends it is her own invention. Therupon Athena changes her into an ant but Zeus kindly settles her and the entire colony of ants, now transformed into humans, in the deserted land of Thessaly, which was ruled by his son Aeacus. ~» Myrmidones

Myrmecides (Mvoeunxidys; Myrmékidés). Sculptor in marble and toreutics. His creative period is not known, it probably lay in the 6th cent. BC. Mostly named in conjunction with > Callicrates [2], he had a legendary reputation for producing microscopically small works in marble, iron and ivory. There are descriptions of a quadriga small enough to fit under the wings of a fly, a ship the size of a bee and a sesame seed enscripted with Homeric verses. OVERBECK, No. 293, 2168, 2192-2201; P. MINGAZZINI,

s.v. M., EAA 5, 1963, 313-314.

RN.

Myrmidon (Mvgudav/Myrmidon, ‘ant’). [1] Eponymous progenitor of the Homeric people of the + Myrmidones (Hellanikos FHG 1 F 17); son of Eurymedusa, fathered by Zeus in the guise of an ant (Eratosth. In Serv. Aen. 2,7; Clem. Al. Protreptikos 34). With his wife Pisidice, daughter of Aeolus, M. fathered

Antiphus and Actor (Apollod. 1,52) as well as the gluttonous > Erysichthon (Hellanikos l.c.). AL.FR. [2] Athenian, sent in 315 BC by > Ptolemy I along with 10,000 soldiers to Cyprus to > Menelaus [4], then to Caria to help Asander [2] battle Ptolemy, the nephew of Antigonus

[1] (Diod.

unsuccessful there. Myrmecium (Mvgujxiov; Myrmékion). Harbour town on the European shore of the + Bosporus [2] on Cape M. (M. Gxeov; M. akron), founded in the second quarter of the 6th cent. BC. It is uncertain whether M. had been an autonomous Ionian colony or a foundation by +» Panticapaeum (Ps.-Scyl. 68; Str. 7,4,5). It is located close to the modern Karantinnaya. Quite early on, M.

JOS.

19,62,4f.); he was

apparently

W.A,

Myrmidones (Mvuguiddovec/Myrmidones). People who

lived in the old Thessalian region of — Phthia (the future Achaea Phthiotis). According to Homer they were the subjects of king > Peleus (Hom. Il. 21,188f.), and then of king Neoptolemos (Hom. Od. 3,188); as followers of Achilles [1] they took part in the Trojan War

417

418

with 50 ships (Hom. Il. 2, 683ff.). Their neighbours were the Hellenes of Hellas (Hom. Il. 9,382; Hom. Od. 11,496). A doubt has recently been raised whether their capital city (on the site of the future > Pharsalus) was likewise called Phthia. According to Homeric tradition the M. were considered to be indigenous Thessalians, yet in more recent legends they are said to have emigrated from Aegina to Phthia with Peleus, where Zeus

Athena’s flutes matches a group seen by Pausanias

changed them from ants (myrmékes) into humans (Ov.

Met. 7,614ff.). J. ScumiptT,

s.v. M., RE

16,

1108-1111;

E. VISSER,

Homers Katalog der Schiffe, 1997, 654ff., 658ff.

HE.KR.

Myron (Mtewv; Myron). [1] Several persons from > Sicyon named M. are mentioned in literature: a) Hdt. 6,126,1: Sicyonian nobleman (7th century BC), son of Andreas, father of Aristonymus, grandfather of the ‘tyrant’ Cleisthenes [1]. b) Paus. 6,19,1f.: the ‘tyrant’ M., victor in the chariot race at Olympia (648 BC), founder of the Sicyonian treasure house (> thesauros) at Olympia. c) Nicolas of Damascus, FGrH 90 F 61: one of the three tyrant brothers descended from Orthagoras (evil M., good Isodemus, cunning Cleisthenes) from the ‘Orthagorides’, a novella about tyrants, filled with horror stories, which was produced as propaganda in the 4th cent. BC. Herodotus’s M. is historical, possibly also the dating of Pausanias; the rest is a playground for modern attempts to draw up a stemma for the Orthagorides. —+ Megacles [1] K. Kinz1, Betrachtungen zur alteren Geschichte der griechischen Tyrannis, in: AJAH 4, 1979, 29f.

[2] Athenian from > Phlya. Prosecutor in the trial over the sacral crime that stained the honour of Athens when the followers of + Cylon [1] were massacred (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 1,1; Plut. Solon 12,4). Dating varies between

the last third of the 7th cent. and — if Phlya is a Cleisthenic demotikon — the end of the 6th/beginning of the 5th cent. BC. PA 10508; TRAILL, PAA, 663205; K.-W. WELWEI, Athen, T9O2, O45 135: K.KI.

[3] Creator of bronze sculptures, from Eleuthera, con-

sidered to be a pupil of > Ageladas, father of > Lycius. M. was active in the mid 5th century BC and in ancient literature is regarded as one of the greatest sculptors, with works at many sites in Greece, Asia Minor and Sicily, and later also in Rome. M. was considered as a master in depicting animals, but his much-praised cow at the Athenian Acropolis is not known to us today. Descriptions (Lucian. Philops. 18) made it possible to identify the Discobolus (Discus Thrower) by M. in copies of the Lancelotti type (Rome, MT). Other statues of athletes by M. at Olympia, such as Timanthes (victor in 456 BC), the chariot driver Lycinus (victor in 448 BC) and others, are lost to us. It has been convincingly shown that a depiction of ~ Marsyas [1] admiring

MYRON

(1,24,1)

at

the

Acropolis

in

Athens,

which

was

reconstructed using individual copies of statues of Marsyas and Athena. Proposals that other works may be identified as having been created by M. are not universally accepted, as, for example, in the case of a group with Athena, Zeus and Heracles that probably depicts their entrance into Olympus, in Samos, as well as the Ephesus Apollo and the Perseus on the Athenian Acropolis. In the case of another Heracles, the cult image of Hecate in Aegina, Dionysus in Orchomenos and Erechtheus in Athens there may be some confusion with the later > Myron [5]. This is certainly true with regard to the statue of Ladas the runner and the marble statue of the ‘Drunken Old Woman’ in Smyrna. According to Cicero, famed works such as the Apollo from Agrigentum and Heracles in the collection of C. > Heius bore signatures of M. that were probably not genuine. In the Imperial Period, even toreutic works were attributed to M. Despite the small number of works that can definitively be identified, M. can be regarded as a master in depicting bodies in motion and details that are true to nature, just as he was characterized in the ancient tradition. OVERBECK, No. 499, 533-610, 803, 861-864; LoOEWwy, Nos. 126, 417, 488a, 498, 499; A. RAUBITSCHEK, Dedications from the Athenian Akropolis, 1949, No. 135, 138; LipPoLp, 136-141; P. E. Arras, s.v. Mirone, EAA 5, 1963, 111-115; J. DOr1G, M.s Erechtheus, in: AntPI 6, 1967, 21-26; B. RipGway, The Severe Style in Greek Sculpture, 1970, 84-86; G. Da.trop, Il gruppo mironiano di Atena e Marsia nei Musei Vaticani, 1980; A. STEWART, Greek Sculpture, 1990, 255-257; A. Corso, La vacca di Mirone, in: Numismatica e antichita classiche 23, 1994,

49-91.

R.N.

[4] M. of Priene Greek historian, perhaps 3rd cent. BC. Author of Messéniakd, which was used by Diodorus (8,7-9) and Pausanias (B. 4). With transparent bias, M.

blamed the first > Messenian War exclusively on the Spartans (FGrH 106 F 2) and, contrary to historical fact, depicted the ‘national hero ’> Aristomenes [1] as the most significant figure in that war (F 3 in Paus. 4,6,3, who criticizes M. for this). The — Lindian Chronicle of 99 BC (C 65-68 and D 1 = F 4 and 5) mentions a M. as the author of a ‘panegyric to Rhodes’, which is generally identified with the historian. FGrH 106 and 265 (Messéniakd of Rhianus of Bene) F 3 8—

46 with commentary; L. PEARSON, The Pseudo-History of Messenia and its Authors, in: Historia 11, 1962, 397ff., esp. 410ff.; A.PANAGOPOULOs, Les Messeniaka de M. de Priéne, in: Peloponnesiaka 16, 1985/6, 121-128 (= Mél. T.A.Gritsopoulos); A. L. SANTARELLI, Isocrate, Archi-

damo 27 e Mirone di Priene sulla cronologia della prima guerra messenica, in: Riv. di cultura classica e medioevale 32, 1990, 29-37. K.MEI.

[5] Sculptor from Thebes. Still extant are two signatures in Pergamon (2nd cent. BC) and Rome, others from the

same family of sculptors in Delos (2nd cent. BC). For stylistic reasons the marble statue of the ‘Drunken Old

MYRON

420

419

Woman’ (Plin. HN 36,32) in Smyrna (copy in Munich,

1,12 et passim; Mt 2,11). Theophr. H. plant. 9,4,2-9

GL) and a statue of Ladas the runner are attributed to this M.

provides a description, from a good source, of the thorny myrrh tree, which differs substantially from the terebinth and frankincense trees, and of how the resin is extracted. In Dioscourides (1,64 WELLMANN: opvoeva = 1,77 BERENDES) as well as Plin. HN 12,66-70, in contrast, there is some confusion, frequently with oil of myrrh (otaxti/stakte, cf. Dioscourides 1,60 WELLMANN = 1,73 BERENDES). Owing to its anaesthetic, warming and astringent effects, myrrh was prescribed by Dioscourides for such ailments as coughs, chest pain, diarrhoea and renal disease. Plin. HN 12,71 mentions adulterations with > mastic grains, > gum, cucumber juice and lead oxide (spuma argenti). Pliny as well mentions a variety of medical uses (e.g. Plin. HN 20,212). Its price in Rome varied by type (Plin. HN 12,70) between 3 and 50 denarii. In addition to being used as a incense, it was an ingredient in ointments (cf. Plin. HN 13,8) and spiced wine (Plin. HN 14,92f.; Dioscourides

OVERBECK, No. 532, 533, 542, 543; LOEWwy, No. 154; LIPPOLD, 317, 322, 367; J. MARCADE, Recueil des signatures de sculpteurs grecs, vol. 2, 1957, 78; L. GUERRINI, s.v. M. (3), EAA 5, 1963, 315; P. MINGAZZINI, La statua

di Ladas e la datazione di Mirone di Tebe, in: JOAI 50, 1972-73,

13-22; A. STEWART,

Greek Sculpture,

1990,

255-257; P. MORENO, Scultura ellenistica, 1994, 227-

23 1,

RN.

Myronides (Muewvidyns; Myronides). [1] Athenian, member of the legation that went to Sparta in 480/479 BC to demand the immediate departure of the Peloponnesian army. In 479/478 M., as one

of the strategoi led the contingent at > Plataeae (Plut. Aristeides 10,10; 20,1). Nothing is known about the lineage of M. However, the fact that he was part of the legation of 480/479 and that eleven ostraka with his name were found at the Kerameikos would indicate that he had already enjoyed great personal prestige and political influence earlier on. + Persian Wars V. EHRENBERG, S.v. M. (1), RE Suppl. 7, 512; PA 10509; TRAILL, PAA, 663260.

[2] Son of Callias of Athens. The theory put forward in older research that M. [1] and M. [2] were the same person is now regarded as refuted by a new papyrus fragment of Eupolis’ Démoi (staged in 412 BC) [1]. M. was probably a nephew or grandson of M. [1]. In 458 he commanded, as strategos, the last-ditch stand con-

sisting of the oldest and youngest age groups, achieving victory over the Corinthians in Megaris. In 456 he defeated the Thebans at > Oenophyta, thus creating the necessary conditions for an expansion of the Athenian sphere of control (Thuc. 1,105; 108; Diod. 11,78; 8183). Old Comedy glorifies M. as a typical representative of the good old days (Aristoph. Lys. 801; Aristoph. Eccl. 303). In Demoi, he leads a legation of great statesmen from the past out of Hades and back to Athens, where they are contrasted with the incompetent and corrupt politicians of his own day. 1D. L. Pace (ed.), Select Papyri, vol. 3, 1962, 202-217. V. EHRENBERG, s.v. M. TRAILL, PAA, 663265.

(2), RE

Suppl.

7, 512-514; E.S.-H.

Myrrh (weoa/myrrha, owveva/smyrna or owbevy/ smyrné as a loan word from the Semitic; Latin murra, murrha, myrrha). The aromatic resin of the true myrrh tree Commiphora abyssinica Engl., which grows to an altitude of 300 to 2000 metres, is imported from Southern Arabia, Eritrea and Northern Abyssinia and obtained by tapping young branches. When heated, it gives off a pleasant aroma that has been prized since time immemorial by the peoples of the Southeastern Mediterranean region (cf. for example Prov. 7,17; HL

5,55 WELLMANN = 5,65 BERENDES; Colum. 12,20,5). A. STEIER, s.v. M., RE 16, 232-236.

C.HU.

Myrrha (Migea; Myrrha). Daughter of the Cyprian king > Cinyras and Cenchreis or of the Assyrian king -» Theias. The gods’ anger causes her to fall in love with her father. She is able to have sexual intercourse with him without being recognized, and becomes pregnant. When he recognizes her he tries to kill her; Zeus or Aphrodite takes pity on her and transforms her into a tree; her tears are the resin of the myrrh tree. Later ~ Adonis is born from that tree (Apollod. 3,183f. = Panyassis fr. 27 BERNABE; Antoninus Liberalis 3 4; Hyg. Fab. 58). In Hyg. Fab. 242 Cinyras kills himself. According to los. Ant. Iud. 19,94f., there was a Greek tragedy based on this myth. Of the still extant sources, it is Ovid who deals with it most thoroughly (Ov. Met. 10,298—514); he has M. refer to ethnographic characteristics in connection with the problem of incest (ibid. 10,324-333, cf. also Plut. Artaxerxes 23,1022f1023a). Ovid was probably competing with the epyllion Zmyrna by C. > Helvius [I 3] Cinna. In the 12th cent., Nikephoros Basiliakes used this myth twice in his Progymndsmata (23,51). G. BERGER-DOER, s.v. M., LIMC 6.1, 691; G. TURK, s.v. Smyrna (2), RE 3A, 728-730. ICONOGRAPHY: G. BERGER-DOER, s.v. M., LIMC 6.2,

410.

RHA.

Myrrhine (Mvgeivy/Murrhine). Athenian noblewoman, daughter of Callias [2], mother of five children by Hippias [1] (Thuc. 6,55,1). Born probably no later than 570 BC; year of death and other information unknown; object of ridicule in Aristophanes (Equ. 449). Added by Jacosy to the text of Cleidemus (FGrH 323 F 15) as the daughter of Charmus, the polemarch of c. 557/6 (regarding this and other entanglements

[1. 450]). ~» Myrtle; 1 Davies;

> Peisistratus; > Peisistratids 2 PA 10485;

3 TRAILL, PAA, 662355.

KK

421

422

Myrrhinus (Mveewotd/Murrhinois). Attic paralia deme of the phyle of Pandionis, six (eight) bouleutai, near modern Merenda. Significant archaeological finds [13 2; 4]; an incomplete ancient fortification on the Merenda [3]. Two decrees on demes from Myrrhinus (IG I? 11482, 1183) are significant for research on the internal organization of démoi. Apart from a theatre (IG I? 1182, Z. 2-4), they attest to cults of Zeus (IG II? 1183, Z. 32-36), Artemis Colaenis (IG II* 1182,Z. 19-21; Paus. 1,31,4; schol. Aristoph. Av. 873) and rural Dionysia (IG I? 1183, |. 36-37). + Aristion [2]

[2] M. came from Methymna on Lesbos in the middle of the 3rd cent. BC. He wrote Lesbiakd (FGrH 477 F 1-3), a much consulted local history of Lesbos (‘perhaps the last historic treatment of the island’, according to Jacosy). > Antigonus [7] of Carystus for example made reference to it; he also wrote Historika parddoxa

1 J. FREL, The Sculptor of the Kouros from Myrrhinus, in: AAA 6, 1973, 367-369; 2E. MasTroxkosTAs, “H xd0n Poeaoixrera ‘Aguotimvos tot Mdeiov xai xobe0s Laeucelvos dvexadbpOnoav év M., in: AAA 5, 1972, 298-324; 3 J.

R. McCrepiE, Fortified Military Camps in Attica (Hesperia Suppl. 11), 1966, 77ff., ill. 15; 4 M. PETROPOULAKOU, E. PENTAzOs, Ancient Greek Cities, vol. 21, 1973, 113f., nr. 11-17 (X8-Y3).

TRAILL, Attica, 17f., 42, 59, 63, 67, 111 nr. 89, table 3; WHITEHEAD, Index s.v. Myrrhinus

H.LO.

Myrrhinutta (Mveowottta/ Murrhinontta). Small Attic (paralia?) deme of the phyle of Aigeis, one bouleutes; tentatively located at Nea Makri [1] or Vourva

MYRTILUS

(F 4). His fondness for paradoxes and matters miraculous also characterised the Lesbiakd, which is why it is

difficult to ascribe the recorded fragments (F 5-17) correctly to either work without information about their

provenance. 1 FGrH 477 with comm.; 2 St. JAcKsoN, Myrsilus of Methymna and the Dreadful Smell of the Lemnian Women, in: Illinois Classical Stud. 15, 1990, 77-83; 3 1d., Myrsilus of Methymna and the Seven Muses, in: Hermathena 150, 1991, 27-30. K.MEI.

Myrsinus (Mveowoc; Myrsinos). Town of the ~» Epeii tribe in Elis (Hom. Il. 2,616). According to Str. 8,3,10, Myrtountion it was 70 stades to the north of the

town of Elis on the coast (cf. Steph. Byz. s.v. M.). There is a debate surrounding its identification with a fortress on Cape Araxus in the northwest of the Peloponnese [1. 17-19]. 1 B. SERGENT, Sur les frontiéres de l’Elide aux hautes époques, in: REA 80, 1978, 16-35.

Yau

[2. 24ff.]. Strab. 9.1.22 should be read as M., and not Myrrhinus [1]. 1 J. S. TRAILL, Demos and Trittys, 1986, 128, 146f.; 2 E. VANDERPOOL, The Location of the Attic Deme Erchia, in:

BCH 89, 1965, 21-26. TRAILL, Attica, 16f., 41, 69,

111 nr. 90, table 2; WHITE-

HEAD, 23, 73, 84, 370.

H.LO.

Myrsus (Migooc; Myrsos).

[1] King from the dynasty of Heraclidae of — Sardis ; who is only of genealogical significance. However his name is of linguistic interest. Like that of his son and heir > Myrsilus (Maeonian, i.e. Lydian: > Candaules), it can probably be traced back to a Hattian * Mursil, cf. Mursili, the name of the Hittite king (Hdt. 1,7, but also

Myrsilus (Migotioc; Myrsilos). [1] Pilloried as the ‘tyrant’ of Mytilene in the fragments of the lyric poet > Alcaeus [4] (oldest documentary evidence for the word — monarchia),M. is therefore ranked by Strabo alongside > Melanchrus and — Pittacus (Str. 13,2,3). His name points to Lydia (Hdt. 1,7 and he was possibly part of the Cleanactid family (schol. to Alcaeus 112,23 LoBEL-PaGE = VoicrT). After Melanchrus’ overthrow he became a tyrant and survived a conspiracy of which Pittacus and Alcaeus were members (schol. of 37 DreHL = 114 L.-P. = V.). The allegory of the lurching ship of state (schol. of 6 L.-P. = V.; SLG 267), as well as the talk of laying waste to the town (4ee70s = Ole Ps = Vas 24a n= 21952 4 Pt V.) seems to be part of the latter’s diatribe in exile (35 Diehl = 112 1hP. = Views

oulz-kar=" Va)aeAssistance

against M. by means of Lydian gold was futile (42 D. = 69 L.-P. = V.). The tyrant’s death is acclaimed in fr. 39 IDE (EG Bayley Wa) + Alcaeus [4] H. Berve, Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen,

1967, 92f.,

573f.; L. DE LrBerRo, Die archaische Tyrannis, 1996, 3 16319.

J.co.

Nicolaus FGrH 90 F 46f.). [2] Lydian at the court of the Persian satrap > Oroetes in Magnesia (c. 525 BC). M. was sent on a diplomatic mission to > Polycrates the ruler of Samos. He died in 497 in the battle against the Carians. It is of importance in cultural history that even after the fall of > Sardis (547/6 BC) members of the Lydian royal clan continued to exist; although they were now working for the Persians, they retained their old Anatolian names Zon2oses iat)

(Hdt. P.HO.

Myrtilus (Mvetihoc; Myrtilos). [1] Son of > Hermes and Phaethusa, Clymene, Myrto (schol. Apoll. Rhod. 1,752) or Theobule (Hyg. Fab. 224,5) or of Zeus and Clymene (schol. Eur. Or. 998); charioteer to > Oenomaus [1] (possibly already mentioned in the > Alkmaionis, cf. fr. 6 PEG I, and depicted as a figure on the east pediment of the temple of Zeus at Olympia). Before the chariot race to win the hand of -» Hippodameia [1] M. removes a lynch pin from Oenomaus’ chariot (Pherecydes FGrH 3 F 37; Ps.Apollod. Epit. 2,4-9; Hyg. Fab. 84) or replaced it with one of wax (schol. Apoll. Rhod. 1,752; schol. Verg. Georg. 3,7 etc.), so that > Pelops wins (cf. Soph. Oino-

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maos TrGF 4 F 471-477, [1]; Eur. Oinomaos fr. 571-

were rubbed. Theophr. H. plant. 2,1,4 (cf. 2,5,6 und

577 N’; Apoll. Rhod. 1,752-758). After his victory Pelops casts M. into the sea at > Geraistos [1] (Eur. Or. 988-1000) and since then this has been called the ‘Myrtoan ’sea (schol. Eur. Or. 989 et passim; after a sea goddess Myrto: Paus. 8,14,12); however, before his death M. is able to curse the house of Pelops (Soph. El. 504-515). According to a different tradition Oenomaus is the king of Lesbos and M. has his origins in Lesbos, i.e. Asia Minor, so that his fall at Geraistos occurs during the journey across the sea to the Peloponnese (Pherecydes FGrH 3 F 376; schol. Eur. Or. 990; [2; 5. 158], against it: [3. 69 A 25]). In Pheneus an annual nocturnal festival was celebrated near M.’ grave behind the temple of Hermes (Paus. 8,14,10-12). A secondary tradition equates M. (cenotaph in Olympia: Paus. 6,20,17) with ~— Taraxippus. As the Charioteer (Aurigal/Héniochos), M. is placed amongst the stars (Ps.-Eratosth. Katasterismoi 13).

2,7,2-3) describes the cultivation of several varieties (1,14,4; Plin. HN 15,122), carried out primarily by

MYRTILUS

1 W. M. CALDER III, Sophocles, Oinomaos and the East

Pediment at Olympia, in: Philologus 118, 1974, 203-214; 2 PRELLER/ROBERT 2,1, 208,214; 3 T.C. W. STINTON, ‘Si Credere Dignum Est’, in: PCPhS 22, 1976, 60-89 (= Id.,

Collected Papers on Greek Tragedy, 1990, 236-264); TRIANTIS,

s.v. M., LIMC

6.1, 693-696;

41.

6.2, 411-414;

5 M. L. West, The Hesiodic Catalogue of Women, 1985. TH.

[2] Writer of Attic Old Comedy, brother of the comedy writer > Hermippus [t1. test. 1]. He won first prize at

the agon at the Lenaea of 427 BC [r. test. 3]. The titles of two of his plays are documented [t. test. 1], of which the second ("Eowrtec, Erétes) is probably only an explanation ofthe first (Titavomavec, Titanopanes; the title is difficult to interpret and has been related to pederasts). The three fragments documenting this play give no precise information about its content. 1 PCG 7, 1989, 29-32.

H.-G.NE.

[3] see > Pyrrhus Myrtle (6 pvetocd/myrtos, h wuooivn/myrsinég, wweoivn/

myrrhiné and 6 wheewwoc/ho myrrhinos, the berry to uwvetov/to myrton or h wvuetic/hé myrtis, probably of Semitic origin, but unlikely to be related to pwieea/ myrrha (- Myrrh); Latin murtus, myrtus, myrta, murta (all feminine), the berry murtum) is the thermo-

phile evergreen tree with white blossoms that is common throughout the Mediterranean region, particularly in the maquis as well as in the Middle East. It was cultivated in gardens from the Hellenistic period. The plant itself is not found in Homer, but Homer’s works do contain the place name Myrsinos (Hom. Il. 2,616) and the adjective ‘myrtle-like’ (myrsinoeides, Hom. H. 4,81). In lyric poetry like Pind. I. 3,88 and 8,67 as well as Archil. 25(29), the myrtle is mentioned as the plant grown for the purpose of making wreaths. Its pea-sized, roundish berries, black, reddish or white

in colour, were prized for their taste (Theophr. H. plant. 1,12,1), the leaves for the aroma released when they

using cuttings. A recipe for making spiced wine with myrtle berries is already found in Cato Agr. 125 (cf. Plin. HN 15,123; Colum. 12,38; Pall. Agric. 2,18 and 3,27; Dioscourides 5,28 WELLMANN = 5,36 BERENDES).

Furthermore, prior to the introduction of pepper the berries were used to season food, e.g. roast wild boar (Plin. HN 15,118, [r]). In the area of medicine, the pul-

verized leaves were prescribed as a powder to treat all sorts of ulcers and to combat perspiration (Plin. HN 15,124; 23,161-163; Dioscourides 1,112 WELLMANN =

1,155 BERENDES). The astringent oil of the myrtle was pressed from the berries and leaves (Plin. HN 15,27, cf. Dioscourides 1,39 WELLMANN = 1,48 BERENDES) and used for cosmetic and medicinal purposes (Plin. HN 23,87), for example in ointments (ibid. 13,9) and in the treatment

of diseased mucous membranes (ibid. 23,162). It was also commonly used to adulterate more precious products such as balsam (ibid. 12,121). Myrtle has cultic links to Aphrodite or Venus (ibid. 12,3 and 15,120), but also to Dionysus, Iacchus (schol. Aristoph. Ran. 330f.) and even Hermes (Paus. 1,27,1). In contrast, it was avoided in the cult of > Bona Dea. At the > Panathenaea and other festivals, myrtle wreaths were used as a festive decoration; in Athens they were an emblem worn by councillors and officials as well as public speakers; in Rome victorious commanders were decorated with them for the > ovatio; sometimes they were also used for the triumphal procession in place ofa laurel wreath (cf. Gell. 5,6,20-23). In contrast to modern usage, myrtle was not used for bridal wreaths, but only for funeral wreaths. The transformation into a myrtle tree of the Attic virgin Myrsine, a friend of Athena who was murdered by jealous youths, is first mentioned in the Geoponica (11,6). A similar transformation of a priestess of Venus, as punishment for her desire to marry, is mentioned in Serv. Aen. 3,23. Other myths are found in [2. 223f.]. 1G. E. THtry, J. WALTER, Condimenta, 1997, 61; 2 V. HeEwN, Kulturpflanzen und Haustiere (ed. O. SCHRADER),

ST 911, repr. 1963, 223-230; 236. A. STEIER, s.v. M., RE 16,

1171-1183; H. BAUMANN, Die

griechische Pflanzenwelt, 1982, 51; 54f.

C.HU.

Myrto (Mvott/Myrto). [1] Daughter of > Menoetius [1] from Opus in Locria;

sister of — Patroclus, mother by > Heracles [1] of ~ Euclea (Plut. Aristides 33 1e). SLA. [2] Real or putative daughter, granddaughter or greatgranddaughter (the sources disagree) of Aristides [1] the Just. A tradition deriving from Aristotle’s ‘On Noble Birth’ (Mei evyeveiag fragment 3 Ross, fragments 71,1-2 GIGON; SSR 1B 7) implies that > Socrates had M. as a wife before, after or alongside > Xanthippe, and that she was the mother of his two younger sons Sophroniscus and Menexenus. The general assumption

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426

used to be that the tale of ‘Socrates’ bigamy’ belonged to the legends woven about him, but recently the possibility of a grain of historical truth is no longer excluded, however little it appears to fit customary views of Socrates.

Myscon (Mtoxwv/Myskon). Syracusan, son of Menecrates; after the banishment of Hermocrates [1] in 410 BC, he took over command of the Syracusan fleet off Miletus along with two other strategoi (Thuc. 8,85,3;

MYSIA

Xen.

Hell.

1,1,29;

— Peloponnesian

War).

HA.BE.

1R. D. Cromey, Sokrates’ M., in: Grazer Beitrage 9, 1980, 57-67. 2 MACDOWELL, 90. K.D.

Mysia (Mvoia/Mysia).

Myrtoon pelagos (Mveti@ov xéhayoc; Myrtéion pélagos, Latin mare Myrtoum). Part of the Aegean between the Peloponnese and the Cyclades; accounts of its size vary from one author to another, generally it includes the Saronic Gulf (> Saronikos Kolpos); the term came into use at the end of the Roman Republic (cf. Hor. Carm. 1,1,14; Ov. Epist. 16,208). Its etymology is uncertain; most likely it was derived from the island of Myrto south of Euboea (Plin. HN 4,51) and referred initially only to the sea in that vicinity. Oldest definitive reference: Str. 2,5,213 7,7,4 (not including the Saronikos Kolpos); later references e.g. Mela 2,37; 110; Plin. HN 4,193 51; 65; 71; Agathemerus 1,3,9; Dion. Per. ASIANS ali ee Urol We eC E seein

ae olalhalo

Anton. 526,5; Steph. Byz. s.v. Kaquotos. V. Burr, s.v. Myrtoisches Meer, RE 16, 1169f.

A.KU.

Mys (Mic; Mys). [1] Carian from > Euromus, who visited several oracle

shrines in Boeotia and Phocis in 480/479 BC on behalf of + Mardonius [1]. In the > Ptoion mountains the oracle replied to him in the Carian language (Hdt. HA.BE. 8,133-13 5; Paus. 9,23,6; cf. Plut. Mor. 412b). [2] Toreutic sculptor in metal and fellow artist of > Phidias. M. executed the shield reliefs on Phidias’s ‘Athena Promachos’ with a representation of the fight between the Lapiths and the Centaurs; > Parrhasius supplied the sketches for them and likewise for a goblet portraying the Iliupersis. There was a further vessel by M., engraved with Sileni and Erotes, in a temple of Dionysus in Rhodes. His toreutic works became legendary and he was praised for his acanthus leaves and his invention of handles in the shape of a Heracles knot. ~— Toreutics OVERBECK, Nr. 595, 1720, 1721, 2167, 2168, 2181-2183;

G. BEcATTI, s.v. Mys (1), EAA 5, 1963, 316-317.

RN.

Myscelus (Mvoxer[A]oco/Myskel(l)os). Mythical founder of > Croton. Son of Alemon of Rhypes in Achaea. According to Ov. Met. 15, 12-59, his foundation of Croton was connected with Heracles [1] (according to others, with the Delphic Apollo): after his home town indicted Myscelus because of his illegal plan to found a city, Heracles turned the black voting stones white at the ballot, thus enabling the foundation (variants in [x. 254f.]). 1 F. BOMer, P. Ovidius Naso, Metamorphosen, vols. 14—15, 1986.

LK.

A. GEOGRAPHY AND ETHNOGRAPHY B. BOUNDARIES OF THE REGION C. INTERNAL ORGANISATION D.INFRASTRUCTURE E. HISTORY

A. GEOGRAPHY AND ETHNOGRAPHY Region in the northwest of Asia Minor, named after the Thracian tribe of the Mysi, which had probably migrated there by the r2th cent. BC. Their precise origin is unknown, but like the > Phryges they may have migrated from the area of the lower Danube. If we may equate the Thracian Mysi with the later > Moesi, then the site of their original settlement can be located south of the Danube in the area of northern Thrace (only in Hdt. 1,171,6 do we read that the Cares, the Lydi and the Mysi were related). The regions of Asia Minor which after the Aegean migration (> Doric migration) were ruled by both the Phryges and the Mysi were for the Assyrians the regions of the Muski, who may probably be connected with the Mysi, but by which name the Phryges are also meant [1. 202]. A reminder of the difficulty to distinguish them can be found in Str. 12,4,4, who claims that the Phryges and the Mysi were indeed different, but that the boundary between them was hard to determine. The region in which the Mysi settled in Asia Minor is therefore essentially the one the Thraces inhabited. Yet both can only be distinguished roughly by their names and not according to any unique administrative or ethnic trait (cf. also Str. 12,4,4, who says that these peoples — meaning Phryges and Mysi, —> Doliones, +» Mygdones and Troes — are all Thraces, living on the European coast opposite and not differing much from each other there either). Neither does their language allow a more precisely delineating of Mysian territory. Only Mvoia fh év th Eveway or Mvuoia 7 év xatw are distinguished (IPerg VIII 3, 125). These descriptions imply the lower Danube region, which the Romans later called Moesia to distinguish it from the M. in Asia Minor. B. BOUNDARIES OF THE REGION

The area of settlement of M. in Asia Minor: in the north, M. borders on the — Hellespontus and the + Propontis. In the east, M. is separated from — Bithynia by the > Rhyndacus and the massif of > Olympus [13], though according to Scyl. FGrH 709 F 11 Bithynia was once inhabited by the Mysi. In the west, according to Str. 12,4,5f., the + Aesepus is generally taken as the border with the Troad, although this region was sometimes also considered part of M. (e.g. in Ptol. Geog. 5,2-4). The western and southwestern borders

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428

would then be the Aegean and the Bay of Adramyttium. The borders of M. to the southeast and the south are particularly difficult to determine. In general, it can be said that M. bordered on Phrygia, Lydia and the Aeolid.

with its road connections was a significant port of entry (cf. [3; 4] in particular).

MYSIA

For Phrygia, see the quote from Strabo above (12,4,4):

drawing this border is difficult; Phrygia Epictetus in particular is frequently reckoned part of M. [5. 65ff.]. The Aeolid, or parts of it as far as Lesbos, is also coun-

ted as part of M. by Strabo. C. INTERNAL ORGANISATION Within this area of settlement there were several further subdivisions. Thus Ptol. Geog. 8,11,1 distinguishes at 800 Muoiavhai dyo Mysiai (‘the two Mysias’), sc. M. h weyaan/M. he megale (‘Great M.’) and M. 1 wxed/M. HE MIKRA (‘Little M.’). The latter encompasses the coastal area with the important cities and ‘Great M.’ refers primarily to the interior. Further distinctions are regional descriptions such as M. ’Oduusnvi/M. Olympene, M. ABgettnvi/ M. Abrettéené and M. ‘ABfattc/M. Abbaitis. M. Olympéne (cf. Ptol. Geogr. 5,2,15; Str. 12,4,4; 10; 8,8; 12) was at the foot of the massif of + Olympus [13]; Plinius (HN 5,142) also describes it as Civitas Olympena. Hadrianus (117-138 AD) founded the capital city of Hadrianoi there. M. Abretténe lay south-west (Str. 12,8,11); here the Mysi Abretteni lived, who belonged to the conventus of Adramyttium, according to Plin. HN 5,123. The capital was the city of Hadrianea, also founded by Hadrianus [6. 133ff.]. Adjoining this region to the southwest lay M. Abbaitis. West of that was Pergamene. In a wider context, Steph. Byz. s.v. Adgautttetov calls it h xat& Kaixov M./hé

E. History Myth tells of > Teuthras, king of the Mysi, eponym of the region of Teuthrania, who takes into his home the Athena priestess > Auge [2] and her son > Telephus (Str. 13,1,69). This Telephus is severely wounded by + Achilles [1] in the battle of Troy. However, he is saved and, as national hero, rises to the rank of ancestor of the royal house of Pergamum. M. later became the core region of this kingdom. In Greek historiography M. is mentioned frequently, in connection with the > Persian wars as land the Persian army passed through (Hdt. 7,42), likewise the Ten Thousand (Xen. An. 7,8,8) and > Agesilaus [2] (Hell. Oxyrh. 16,1; 17,3f.). The Mysi were particularly esteemed in all the armies of Antiquity on account of their prowess in battle (cf. Hom. Il. 2,858; Hdt. 9,32). Never-

theless they had, like other peoples from Asia Minor, a bad reputation in Roman times. Cicero (Flac. 65) used the famous words as the acme of contempt: he is the ultimus Mysorum (‘the last of the Mysi’). 1 A. Goetze, Kulturgeschichte Kleinasiens (HdbA 3,2), 1957 2 TH. WIEGAND, Reisen in Mysien, in: MDAI(A) 29, 1904, 254-339 3 E. Gren, Kleinasien und der Ost-

balkan in der wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung der rémischen 1941 4 Macaig, 43f. 5 E. SCHWERTHEIM, Studien zur historischen Geographie Mysiens, in: EA 11, 1988, 65-78 6ld., Die Inschriften von Hadrianoi und Kaiserzeit,

Hadrianeia

(IK 33), 1987

7 MULLER

2, 1997, 882f.

E.SCH.

kata Kdtkon M. (‘M. on the lower Caicus’) or even M. f}

bmte Katxov/M. hé hupér Kaikou (‘M. beyond the Caicus’, Paus. 9,18,4). Stretching to the west coast lay f M. ths Aiodidoc/he M. tes Aiolidos (Steph. Byz. s.v. “Avtavdeoc), a region which was probably identical with the Aeolian area of settlement on the west coast. E.SCH.

Mysius (Mvouoc/Mysios). Mythical Argive who received the goddess > Demeter as a guest and was said to have erected a temple in her honour on the road from Argos to Mycene (Paus. 2,35,4). A festival held in Demeter’s grove near Pellene, the Mysaeum, was also founded by him: the so-called Mysia (Paus. 7,27,9, cf. Zee Alexandria [2],

Assus and Adramyttium -, the rivers and roads of M. constituted a highly important thoroughfare and bridge between Europe and Asia Minor. The main rivers, navigable for large stretches, were the Rhyndacus, Macestus, Tarsius, Aesepus, Granicus, Scamander and Cai-

cus. The coast road, probably starting at > Cyzicus, connected all the important ports. From there, this significant connection went along the Macestus to Pergamum, or along the Rhyndacus to Prusa ad Olympum and on to Bithynia and Phrygia. Particularly in the Imperial period, Alexandria [2] was a starting point for travellers from or to Europe. Equally Adramyttium

1 NiLsson, Feste, 327.

LK.

Mystagogos (uvotaywydc/mustagogos). An Athenian cult functionary in the Eleusinian mysteries (+ Mystéria) who accompanied the mystae in the annual procession to > Eleusis [1], kept order and probably helped the mystae during the rites (inscriptions from the rst cent. BC: LSCG, Suppl 15; Plut. Alcibiades 34,6). There is also evidence for this function outside Athens (Andania: IG V 1, 13901. 149; 92 BC); the verb derived from it, wwotaywyeiv/mystagogein), denotes an initiation (e.g. of a priest in Panamara, Caria, Syll.3 900; 4th cent. AD). Figuratively, a mystagogos is a person who initiates one into an esoteric doctrine; it is used in this sense in

the magical papyri (PGM 4,172 and 2254; [1]). However, the mystagogos can also be an effective leader and teacher in another way: Menander describes a personal

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protective spirit as ‘mystagogus through life’ (Men. Fr. 714,3); Philo of Alexandria uses the term almost exclusively to refer to » Moses [1] as the author of the Pentateuch [2. 97], and occasionally mystagogos is used as a name for a Christian priest (Nov. 137,1 p. 696,18).

1H.-D. Betz, Magic and Mystery in the Greek Magical Papyri, in: Id., Hellenismus

und Urchristentum,

1990,

209-229 2C. RiEDWEG, Mysterienterminologie bei Platon, Philon und Klemens von Alexandrien, 1987. E.G.

Mysteria (Mvotioua/Mysteria). A. TERMINOLOGY D. ORGANIZATION

B. History C. MyTHOLOGY E. ORDER OF EVENTS

A. TERMINOLOGY Mysteria is the Attic name of the main cult festival of ~ Demeter and Kore (— Persephone) in > Eleusis [1]. The name is formed in the same way as most Attic festival names, but the etymology is unclear (> Mysteries

[x. 15]). Eleusis was also the place for the polis festival of the > Eleusinia, a festival which included games and contests, probably held in late spring, in modern times often confused with the Mysteria. Beginning with Hdt. 2,51,2, the festival name Mysteria was extended to include related rites such as the Mysteria of > Samothrake. In Antiquity, Mysteria became a technical term for all secret festivals of this kind, competing with the older and more general term ~ teleté (‘ritual’). B. History The history of the Mysteria is reflected in the building history of the sanctuary (— Eleusis [1.C.]) [25 3]. Although the site was built over in the Mycenaean era, no Bronze Age cult structures can be identified with certainty [4]. It is equally unclear whether and how the Mysteria were celebrated prior to the first written evidence in H. Hom. to Demeter. In Ionia and Sparta, a ~ Demeter Eleusinia existed. Her cult was not connected to the Mysteria, but to agonistics (Sparta) and to rites concerning the sexes and adolescents. This suggests that in their early stages, the Mysteria were an initiation cult for the sexes. These cults probably expanded in the Proto-Geometric period [5. 274-277, 490]. A remnant of this function might have survived in Eleusis in the initiation of a ‘child from the state hearth’ (pais aph’hestias, that is, at the state’s expense). At the time of our earliest evidence, we can assume that the Mysteria were under Athenian control. An Athenian conquest of > Eleusis [x] can only be traced in mythology (+ Erechtheus, ~ Eumolpus). H. Hom. to Demeter (between 650 and 550 BC) attests to the first blossoming of the Mysteria [6]. It is corroborated by (perhaps) new buildings from the time of Solon or Peisistratus (6th cent. BC). Probably in the 6th cent., the Mysteria were opened first to all Greeks, then to all Greek speaking inhabitants of the > Oikoumene. Yet the Mysteria were also used by Athens for propagandistic purposes: Athens saw itself as home of grain cultivation and demanded a grain tribute from

MYSTERIA

Attic farmers, the members of the Delian League and all

Greeks (Aparche Decrees, IG 2 78, c. 435 BC [7], and IG IP 140, 353/352 BC). Athenian panegyrics formulated this claim along with the Mysteries’ promise of a better life in the hereafter (H. Hom. to Demeter 480489) into the Late Hellenistic period (Isoc. Or. 4,59;

Cic. Leg. 2,36). In the Imperial period, the fame of the Mysteria lived on continuously into the 4th cent. AD (destruction of Eleusis by > Alaricus [2] in AD 395/6). From Augustus on, numerous emperors were initiated [8; 9]. Developments typical of the religion of the Imperial period were reflected in the Mysteria’s moralising demand for purity (exclusion of > Apollonios [14] of Tyana as magician, Philostr. VA 4,18) and in their greater secrecy (Paus. 1,38,7). They are also expressed

in the fact that the hierophant (see below D.) abandoned his proper name upon entering office (hieronymy in inscriptions since IG II* 1942, 2nd cent. BC; Lucian. Lexiphanes 10; Eunap. VS 7,3,2) and had to remain chaste (unmarried: Paus. 2,14,1; impotent through

hemlock: Jer. C. Iovinianum 1,49; Hippolytus, Refutatio omnium haeresium 5,8,40; Serv. Aen. 6,66r). In

line with this, even philosophers (> Nestorius) served as hierophants [10]. The Mysteria came to an end around the turn to the sth cent. AD. C. MyTHOLOGY The core myth of the Mysteria is the abduction of Kore/— Persephone by > Hades, told in H. Hom. to Demeter [6]. Demeter’s withdrawal to Eleusis provides the aetiology of the cult: Demeter creates the Mysteria with her double promise of wealth on earth and ‘a better fate’ in the afterlife, and > Iambe provides the ritual drink of kykeon, a kind of barley soup. The claim of Athens to be the origin of grain cultivation lends significance to the myth that > Triptolemus was sent out to spread the practice [11]. In an ‘Orphic’ version influenced by sophist cultural theory, Iambe is replaced by the ancestral couple Dysaules and > Baubo [12. 158-181].

D. ORGANIZATION The archon basileus, one of the highest Athenian officials, was responsible for the Mysteria, along with four elected > epimelétai (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 57,1). The Mysteria themselves were carried out by lifelong professional priests — exceptional in Greek religion (— Priests). At the top was the hierophant (hierophantés, ‘he who shows the holy’) from the aristocratic family of the Eumolpides (+ Eumolpus). He was aided by two

female

hierophantides

(hierophantides),

also

Eumolpides. Below the hierophant were the daidouchos, ‘torch carrier,’ and the hierokéryx, ‘holy herold’,

both from the family of the Ceryces (+ Ceryx). Together they were responsible for the rites of the Mysteria. Central in the Eleusinian cult of Demeter and Kore was the priestess of Demeter; Eleusinian documents are dated after her term of office. She came from the family of the Eumolpides or Phylleides. Other officials took care of the sanctuary or fulfilled special ritual tasks [13].

431

432

E. ORDER OF EVENTS The outer sequence of Mysteria rituals can be reconstructed, to an extent, through inscriptions and

The procession followed the Sacred Road from Athens to Eleusis. Along the way, sacrificial rites were carried

MYSTERIA

descriptions. No so the central rites, because of the usu-

ally strictly observed pledge to secrecy (from H. Hom. to Demeter 478f. on). Christian polemic, especially Hippolytus, Refutatio omnium haeresium 5,8, which may go back to an initiated gnostic (> Gnosis), does provide some details. Their reliability and interpretation are disputed, however.

Our evidence speaks of two phases of initiation, + myésis and - epopteia (IG P 6 B 9), usually separated by one year (Plut. Demetrius 26). The second phase was optional, the first was completed on the day of the Mysteria (Pl. Men. 76e) and could be started at any time prior to the Mysteria [13. 37]. In addition to the annual main festival of the Mysteria (or Great Mysteria, IG P 6 C 10), smaller Mysteria were held in the spring in Agrai on the > Ilissos, at the gates of Athens. They probably prepared initiates for the Great Mysteria. Their rites might be represented in two pictorial friezes from the Roman period (Urna Lovatelli, sarcophagus of Torre Nova [14]). Recognizable are cathartic rites with a sacrificial piglet. The purification is carried out with a winnowing fan and with fire. An encounter with the goddess follows. It is not certain whether a password transmitted in Clem. Al. Protrepticus 2,21,2 is connected to this initiation. He talks about fasting, drinking the kykeon and handling the baskets and the cista mystica, the large container covered by a lid. The sequence of fasting and drinking the kykeon he mentions is similar to the beginning of the rites of the Great Mysteria. The Great Mysteria were held each year in early autumn, from 15 to 21 Boedromion. In a preparatory ceremony on 14 Boedromion, the hierd were taken to the Athenian Eleusinion above the agora by priests escorted by Athenian ephebes. On the 15th, the hierophant and dadouchos had the hierokeryx announce the Mysteria on the agora in front of the gathered mystae. Murderers and those who could not speak Greek were excluded (prorrhésis). On the 16th, the persons to be initiated bathed in the ocean near Phaleron, together with a piglet to be sacrificed in a cathartic ritual (Plut. Phocion 28,6); probably immediately afterwards, the piglet was sacrificed (Aristoph. Ran. 339; Pl. Resp. 378a). The next two days were fasting days. After the introduction of > Asclepius in Athens, the Epidauria and its procession (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 56,4) were held on 18 Boedromion, because the god, according to the legend, had been initiated into the Mysteria despite his late arrival (Paus. 2,26,8). Thus, other late arrivers could be initiated as well [15]. 19 Boedromion was the day of the great > procession of the mystae from Athens to Eleusis. It began on the agora. At the Sacred Gate the statue of > Iacchus, the ‘leader of the mysteries’ was taken from the Iakcheion and placed at the head of the procession consisting of the Eleusinian cult officials along with the hierd.

out at numerous sanctuaries (Paus. 1,36,3—38,7). While crossing either the Athenian or the Eleusinian river +» Cephis(s)us [2] or > [3] which formed the boundary of the city in question, prominent Athenians in the procession were mocked by onlookers (gephyrismot: Hesch. s.v.; Str. 9,1,24).Near the Bay of Eleusis, another bridge crossed the so-called rheitoi, salt bogs. Here, wagons could not go any further (building document IG B 79; Aristoph. Plut. ror3f. with schol.; Dem. Or. 21,158). After a long march (c. 24 km), the mystae arrived at the sanctuary in the evening by torch light. Ablutions (water basin in front of the propylaea of the sanctuary) and dances at the well of Callichoron (next to the propylaea) preceded the entry into the sanctuary, where the fasting ended with the drinking of the kykeon. The nocturnal ritual was marked by changes from dark to light, with fire throwing light from a central room, the anaktoron, accessible to the hierophant only (Plut. Mor. 8 re; Plut. Fr. 178). At the sound of the gong, Persephone was evoked (Apollodorus FGrH 244 F 110); ‘in the great light,’ the hierophant showed a cut ear of grain and announced that Brimo (probably the cult name of Demeter) has given birth to a son (Hippolytus, Refutatio omnium haeresium 5,8,40). For lack of space, the myth could not have been acted out dramatically (despite Lactant. Div. Inst. 18,7; [16]). Plato already borrowed metaphors for his philosophy from the realm of the Mysteria, with their secrecy and their immense appeal. [17]. In the Imperial period, the Mysteria provoked Christian polemics (as well as sexual suspicions) and roused the admiration of their pagan surroundings. Both phenomena were adopted in the modern period. Scholarly analysis of the Mysteria began, after an early antiquarian phase [18], in the early r9th cent. with Chr. A. Lopeck and C.O. MULLER [19; 20]. + Eleusis

[1]; — Epopteia;

— Myesis;

— Mysteries;

> Occultism 1 W. Burkert, Ancient Mystery Cults, 1987 Mytonas,

Eleusis and the Eleusinian

2G. E.

Mysteries,

1961

3 K. Ciintron, The Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore at Eleusis, in: N. Marinatos, R. HAGa (eds.), Greek Sanctuaries, 1993, 110-124 4 P. DARCQUE, Les vestiges mycéniens découverts sous le Télestérion d’Eleusis, in: BCH

6N.

J. RICHARDSON, The

Homeric Hymn to Demeter, 1974

105, 1981, 593-605

5 GRAF

7 M. B. CAVANAUGH,

Eleusis and Athens. Documents in Finance, Religion and Politics in the Fifth Century B.C., 1996 8 L. ALDERINK, The Eleusinian Mysteries in Roman Imperial Times, in: ANRW II 18.2, 1989, 1457-1498 9K. CLINTON, The Eleusinian Mysteries. Roman Initiates and Benefactors, Second Century B.C. to A.D. 267, in: ANRW II 18.2, 1989, 1499-1539

10 Nitsson, GGR, vol. 2, 347f.

11 G.

SCHWARZ, Triptolemos. Ikonographie einer Agrar- und Mysteriengottheit, 1987 12F. Grar, Eleusis und die orphische Dichtung Athens in vorhellenistischer. Zeit, 1974 13K. CLINTON, The Sacred Officials of the Eleusinian Mysteries, 1974 14 G. SCHWARZ, s.v. Eubouleus, LIMC 4.1, 45 nr. 11, 18 15 K. Cuinton, The Epidauria

434

aoe and the Arrival of Asclepius in Athens, in: R. HAGG (ed.),

Ancient Greek Cult Practice from the Epigraphical Evidence, 1994, 17-34 16 W. BuRKERT, Homo necans, 1972, 274-326 17 C. RiEDWEG, Mysterienterminologie

bei Platon, Philon und Klemens von Alexandrien, 1987 18 I. Meurstus, Eleusinia sive de Cereris Eleusiniae sacro, 1619 19CuH. A. Lopeck, Aglaophamus, 1829 20F. Graf, Karl Otfried Miller. Eleusinien (1840), in: W. M. CALDER III, R. SCHLESIER (eds.), Zwischen Rationalismus und Romantik, 1998, 217-238.

K. Kereényi, Eleusis. Archetypal Image of Mother and Daughter, 1967; M. P. Nrtsson, Die eleusinische Gott-

heiten, in: Opuscula Selecta, vol. 2, 1952, 542-623.

FG.

of + Dionysus as well as the Hellenistic and Imperial Roman mysteries of > Isis, > Cybele/> Mater Magna and > Mithras. The identity of the cult is maintained by fixed texts, often legitimised by mythological singers (Bacchic mysteries: > Orpheus) or by their individual features (Isis: Egyptian scripts), containing myths and prescribed rituals, and by a uniform iconography of the deities and a close relationship in the architecture of the shrines. B. DEVELOPMENT TERY-CULTS t. GENERAL POINTS

OF THE INDIVIDUAL Mys2. THE ELEUSINIAN

Mys-

TERIES 3. THE MYSTERIES OF SAMOTHRACE 4. THE MYSTERIES OF Dionysus 5. THE Mys-

Mysteries A. GENERAL POINTS, DEFINITION

MYSTERIES

B. DEVELOP-

MENT OF THE INDIVIDUAL MyYSTERY-CULTS C. CHARACTERISTICS D. MYSTERIES AND CHRIS-

TERIES OF CYBELE 6. Ists MYSTERIES 7. MITHRAS MYSTERIES 8. OTHER MYSTERY Guts

TIANITY A. GENERAL POINTS, DEFINITION

Mysteries or rather mystery cults (in order to avoid the misleading term ‘mystery religions’) are cults of the Greek and Roman world which, for classical and mod-

ern observers alike, constitute a circumscribed category of cults within Greek and Roman > religion. Their name derives from the Attic celebration of the > Mysteria, the festival of Demeter and Kore/Persephone, celebrated annually over a period of days at the shrine of Eleusis, and known since the Homeric hymn to Demeter (650-550 BC). Specific features of it were transferred to other cults, those of > Samothrace (Hdt. 2,5 1,2) and, as the term wwoty¢/mystes (‘initiate’) indicates, also the ‘Orphic’ cult of Dionysus (Lamella Orphica from Hipponium, late 5th cent. BC: text in [1. 395f.], ~ Orphism). Thus the name of the festival became a technical term. Its etymology is unclear; it appears to be related to the verb attested already in Mycenean Greek as my(s)— (myjomeno in Pylos, presumably ‘initiated’, by the local chieftain, PY Un 2,1, cf. Greek wvéw/ myéo), while the derivation from the Greek pvw/myo (‘to close the eyes or the mouth’) was a secondary development from the injunction to secrecy known since the Homeric hymn to Demeter 478f. [2. 146; 3. 15]. Two further terms, teAetai/teletai and égyva/orgia, are imprecise, and indicate that the mysteries are simply ‘rites’ [4]. Latin uses either the loan-word in plural form, mysteria and (more rarely) teleta, or the word initia (‘beginnings’: bilingue SEG 29, 799, Hellenistic); the last-named term points to a Roman tradition of comparable rites which is now pretty well beyond our grasp, and gives rise to the modern technical term ‘initiation’. The known mystery cults fall into two groups: (a) cults that are linked with a stable and permanent cult centre (Eleusis, Samothrace, also numerous local mysteries in Greece and in Asia Minor); (b) local cults not tied to a specific place, presided over by itinerant priests, who set up permanent or temporary settlements at different places; this is characteristic for the mysteries

1. GENERAL POINTS Mystery cults belong to the historical period of Greek and Roman religion; whenever classical writers apply the term mzystéria to non-Greek cults, they are transferring it to something which is only partly comparable. Cultic predecessors in the Mycenean period cannot be discerned. However, both phenomenologically and indeed also historically, connections may be made to the ethnologically attested initiation rites by which significant changes of status for all (passage from youth to adulthood) or for the individual (admission to office, or to a secret group) is ritually accomplished [5; 6]. 2. THE ELEUSINIAN MYSTERIES The earliest recorded mysteries, and archetypal for the definition of the phenomenon, are those of — Eleusis [1] (> Mysteria). They are attested archaeologically from the 8th and in literature from the middle of the 7th cents. BC (H. Hom. to Demeter). In the course of the 6th cent. BC they achieved regional and Panhellenic importance. Nevertheless, Herodotus 9,65,2 still felt the need to explain the festival to his readers. In the Hellenistic period the rites were just as attractive to the Hellenistic kings (Plut. Demetrius 26,1) as they were to

the Romans (Cicero, Atticus, Appius [I 24] Claudius, perhaps Sulla: Plut. Sulla 26,1) and even to an Indian sage (Cass. Dio 54,9,7).

3. THE MYSTERIES OF SAMOTHRACE Next to those of Eleusis stand the mysteries of the Great Gods (> Theoi Megaloi) of > Samothrace, about which far less is known [7; 8]. Samothracian mythology is already included in the ‘Catalogue’ of Hesiod (Hes. fr. 169 M.-W.). After the mid—5th cent. these mysteries are known in Athens (Hdt. 2,51; Aristoph. Pax 277). The archaic documentation begins in the 6th cent. BC and demonstrates specific characteristics by c. 500 BC. In the early Hellenistic period the building efforts of the Ptolemies are dominant. The mysteries gods are called + Cabiri (Stesimbrotus FGrH 107 F 20; Mnaseas FGrH 154 F 27). Herodotus 2,51 links their iconogra-

435

436

phy with that of the ithyphallic herms and later they are identified with the > Dioscuri. Other reports indicate a tetrarchy with non-Greek names: lists mention Axieros

according to grave-finds [15]. However, communal ecstatic rites at Olbia (Hdt. 4,79) and a special burialplace at Cumae indicate fixed groups. Not long after their introduction into Rome, the number of members was already considerable (Liv. 39,13,14). Initiation rites are known by way of the iconography of the Roman period, especially the stucco paintings of the Villa Farnesina and the frescoes of the Villa dei Misteri in Pompeii ({16], untenable in [17]). The impression is conveyed, at least in the Imperial period, that for many mystery groups the social element of the shared ritual was central. Eschatological hopes, well testified into Late Antiquity, should not be underestimated [18]. 5. THE MYSTERIES OF CYBELE + Cybele from Asia Minor (the Roman > Mater Magna) is bound up within a complex of cults known from the 7th cent. BC in Greece and Lower Italy [19]. Any distinction between mysteries and other public or private cults is very difficult to draw here. Fundamental, already in the ancient Orient, is her connection with one or two male companions [20]; the trinity (or tetrarchy) of Samothrace is a specific manifestation hereof. After the 5th cent. BC Cybele is connected with the mysteries of the Corybantes (or (earlier) Cyrbantes, ~ Curetes). Evidence for the cult comes from Thessa-

MYSTERIES

(= Demeter), Axiokersa (= Persephone), Axiokersos (= Hades), Kadmilos (—~ Cadmilus = Hermes) (schol.

Apoll. Rhod. 1,917, in part from Mnaseas FGrH 154 F 27) or luppiter, luno, Minerva, Mercurius (Varro Anti-

quitates rerum divinarum fr. 205 CARDAUNS). One myth tells of Hermes, son of Uranus and Hemera (Day), who had become sexually aroused at the sight of Persephone (Cic. Nat. D. 3,56); other writers describe Hecate (schol. Aristoph. Pax 277) or Cybele as the Great Goddess. These divergences point to attempts to place non-Greek (indigenous, and not, as early research suggested, Semitic deities [9]) into familiar categories [10]. The aim and purpose of the mysteries in Samothrace was rescue from peril at sea (Diog. Laert. 6,59). This brought the cult numerous initiates in Hellenistiic and Imperial times, already early from the Roman world (SEG 29, 799, 2nd cent. BC [7. 170-186]). Details of the rites (‘confession of sins’, cf. Plut. Mor.

217d, 229d, 236d) may indicate a background of masculine societies. The related mysteries of the > Cabiri have only local force. They were located on the neighbouring island of ~» Lemnos and are linked with > Hephaestus, and they, too, bring pre-Greek elements into play (Acusilaus

lonica (Lact. Div. inst. 1,15,8; Firm. Mat. De errore

profanarum religionum 11; Cabiri: Clem. Al. Protrep-

FGrH 2 F 20; Pherecydes FGrH 3 F 46; Aesch. fr. 9 5-

ticus 2,19,1-4 [21]), Erythrae [22] and Miletus (Nico-

97a) [10. 160-170]. The same is true for the archaeo-

logically far better attested mysteries of the Cabiri at

laus of Damascus FGrH go F 52). Plato, Euthd. 277d tells of an ecstatic initiation ritual, Clem. Al. Protrep-

Thebes, which are documented from the 6th cent. BC

ticus 2,19 (see Callim. Fr.

into Imperial times [11; 12]. They were a foundation of Demeter Cabiria for the Cabiri Prometheus and his son Aetnaeus (Paus. 9,25,5-9). As on Lemnos, this points

to a background of guilds of smiths [6. 420]. A vase painting from the shrine (early 4th cent. BC) shows Cabirus and his son (there are numerous dedications to Cabirus and Pais) together with the primaeval couple Mitus and Crateia and their son Pratolaus (‘first man’)

[13]. 4. THE MYSTERIES OF DIONYSUS The mysteries of > Dionysus are known to us from

the early 5th cent. BC (Hdt. 4,79). They are many-facetted and are linked with Orpheus, with > Orphism and with the Lamellae Orphicae. They occur especially at the borders of the Greek world: Olbia (Hdt. 4,79; bone tablets from the mid—sth cent. attest to views of the afterlife [14. 17f.]), Thessalia (Lamellae of the 4th cent. BC), Lower Italy (inscriptions from Cumae, ca. 460 BC; Lamella from Hipponium, late sth cent. BC), Crete (Lamellae of the 2nd cent. BC). Their views of the afterlife are linked by Herodotus 2,81 with > Pythagoras and Egypt; this reflects the fact that the texts of -» Orpheus, which are important for these mysteries, take up Pythagorean ideas. The cults are not fixed to a locality; wandering priests must assumed to be the bearers of the cult (symptomatic is the introduction of the mysteries of Dionysus in Etruria and Rome, Liv. 39,8ff.). The initiated were individuals, mainly women,

115) of a mystery myth. For the subsequent periods the connection between Cybele and - Attis is central; the standard representation of the myth is given at the end of the 4th cent. BC by the Eumolpid — Timotheus (Paus. 7,17,10-12; Arnob. 555-7 [233 24]). After the introduction of the cult into Rome in 204 BC [25], only the Roman city cult, in the main festival of the Ludi Megalenses (4-9 April), is known down to the early Imperial period. Under the Emperor Claudius, and then probably under Antoninus Pius, a public cycle of celebrations is set up (15-27 March) against the background of the myth of Attis, still going on in the middle ofthe 4th cent. AD [26. 13 1— 135; 27]. Not least on account of the spectacular selfcastration of the Galli (- Metragyrtai), the cult captured the imagination of Christian polemicists as much as that of the neo-Platonic allegorists, especially emperor > lulianus [11] (see [28]). 6. Isis MYSTERIES The cult of > Isis and her divine companions (> Sarapis, Harpocrates) spread in the Mediterranean area from the early Hellenistic period onwards. In the course of the Imperial period, Isis gained in importance as the patroness of sea travel and thus mistress of the provision to Rome of vital supplies of Egyptian corn. At the same time theology makes her into an all-embracing female deity [29. 39-95]. Her mysteries retain an Egyptian tone throughout the entire Imperial period, which seeks to attract through the association with ancient

438

437

and exotic religiosity, even if they are not a direct imitation of Egyptian rites. Her mysteries are especially known from the literary work of Apuleius (Met. 11

[30]). 7. MirHRAS MysTERIES

The mysteries of > Mithras occupy a special position. Leaving aside Iran and its spheres of influence (+ Commagene; Cilicia: Plut. Pompeius 24,7), no public cults of Mithras other than mysteries are known in the Greek and Roman world. The rites are very complex, and are open only to men; the iconography and form of the shrines is unusually uniform. The mysteries begin abruptly in the late rst cent. AD and spread rapidly, both in Italy and in the border regions of the Roman empire. For these reasons recent research has assumed, against the earlier assumption of evolution from an Iranian cult [31; 32], an artificial creation of these mysteries in the late rst cent. AD [33; 3.43 35]. 8. OTHER MysTERY CULTS Besides these mystery cults, which were disseminated throughout the ancient world, and others closely linked with them, a large number of local and often obscure mysteries are mentioned by writers and inscriptions, mainly from the Imperial period. The Eleusinian mysteries influenced numerous local cults of > Demeter in the Peloponnese, known as mysteries primarily through Pausanias. The mysteries of Demeter at Phlius and of the Great Goddesses of Megalopolis are described by Pausanias himself as an imitation of the Eleusinian mysteries (Paus. 2,14,1; 8,31,7). The mysteries of the Demeter Eleusinia in Pheneus are similarly interpreted by the local inhabitants, in spite of different rites (ibid. 8,15,1, with a holy book). The cults of Despoena of Lycosura (ibid. 8,37,8) and the Great Gods of Andania (ibid. 4,26,6-27,6) are known through a sacral law; that of Lycosura contains detailed purity prescriptions and a law relating to sacrifice (LSCG 68, late 3rd cent. BC [3 5]), that of Andania gives detailed rules for the celebration of the mysteries in the context of areform in 92 BC (LSCG 65). Related are the mysteries of the Great Goddess in Attic > Phlya, which assume the nature of a family cult for the Lycomides and use hymn texts by Orpheus, > Musaeus [1] and —» Pamphus (Plut. fr. 24; Paus. 1,31,4). Few of these reached regional significance, as did the mysteries of -» Hecate on ~ Aegina (Aristoph. Vesp. 1222; last reference CIL VI 1779, late 4th cent. AD [37; 38. 144f.]), or spread in the immediate area, as did the mysteries of + Artemis of Ephesus, which are attested in Pisidia in a form close to those of Cybele [39]. Most references, from the Imperial period, point to private cult groups. For them, the designation as mysteries guaranteed special religious claims and the exclusion of non-initiates, as in the case of a group known through a cult law from Lydian Philadelphia (LSAM 20, rst cent.

BC [4ol).

MYSTERIES

C. CHARACTERISTICS Common to all mysteries are (1) secrecy and (2)

admission by an emotionally charged ritual (initiation, Greek > myésis or > teleté, Latin initiatio), through which the initiates (Greek mystai, memysménoi, Latin initiati) come to feel part of a special group. To these can usually be added (3) the contrast with the religion of the polis. The initiation is a matter of individual decision and admission is open to non-citizens and often to slaves. Mystery gods are often in opposition to the civic + pantheon; the personal choice of the cult challenges state monopoly or state control, and from this a proscription of the mysteries follows. The individual decision is (4) motivated by personal gain: membership of a group which goes beyond the bounds of the city, and may indeed be ‘world-wide’, improvement in material conditions in this world, hope for a special fate in the next; not all of these three expectations are always present at the same time. A consequence of this individual character is (5) the need for propaganda, which may be reflected in holy books. 1. SECRECY 2. INITIATION RITES 3. THE DIsTANCE FROMTHE POLis 4. PERSONAL GAIN AND HOPE FOR THE AFTERLIFE 5. PROPAGANDA

1. SECRECY From the Homeric hymn to Demeter 478f. onwards, secrecy concerning the mysteries is demanded [41]. Ancient pronouncements on the subject waver between characterising this as aporrhéta (‘forbidden’) or completely drrhéta (‘unutterable’). Those rites were kept secret which were concealed from the sight of the uninitiated, especially initiation (Apul. Met. 11,23). At the same time there were visible rites, such as the > procession of the Eleusinian initiates from Athens to Eleusis,

the participation of the initiates in the annual Isis procession (ibid. 11,10) or the ecstatic dances and firemiracles of the Roman Bacchantes (Liv. 39,13,12). In Imperial times the level of secrecy increases; Paus. 1,38,7 after a dream will not describe the shrine at Eleusis. Secrecy provoked criticism from state authorities: Ptolemy (III or IV) has the holy writings of the Dionysian mystery groups in Egypt checked (BGU 1211 = SB 7266), as did Roman officials to those of the ‘itinerant priests and seers’, prompted by a crisis in the Second Punic War (215 BC, Liv. 25,2); they took vigorous measures in 186 BC against the same groups (Bacchanalia scandal, ILLRP 5 10; Liv. 39,8-19 [42]). Secrecy also leads to the portrayal of the unknown. Here, suspicion of sexual transgressions and of > human sacrifice is a stereotype, albeit taken seriously both by the state authorities (Bacchanalia: Liv. 39,8,6-8; 13,10f.) and by Christian polemicists (as one example of many: Clem. Al. Protrepticus 14-22). To be sure, details such as the role of the > phallus in the mysteries of Dionysus [16] and in the myth of > Osiris, or actual abuse in the Roman mysteries of Isis (Jos. Ant. Iud. 18,4), provided grounds for fantasy and attack.

439

440

2. INITIATION RITES The initiation rites are of central importance. Their number and the necessity of having different stages vary. In Eleusis and Samothrace two stages are distinguished: myésis (obligatory) und — epopteia (facultative). In the mysteries of Isis, Apuleius has two further (facultative?) stages in Rome follow the first initiation in Corinth (Apul. Met. 11,23f., 27f., 29). In the mysteries of Mithras seven stages are distinguished, of which the first three lead to subordinate functions [31. 81-91; 33. 77-133]. With Dionysus only a single stage seems to have existed (Pl. Resp. 2,364a-d). Where details are known they fit into the familiar scheme of the rite de passage [43]. The separation from the participant’s former status is enacted by cathartic rites, most notably by fasting (Eleusis: Clem. Al. Protrepticus 21,2); abstinence from meat and wine in the case of the Isis mysteries (Apul. Met. 11,23); various food taboos for Cybele (Julian. Or. 5,15f., including bread, Arnob. 5,16 [44. 74-89]);

mythological and ideological background is important, especially where hopes for the after-life are bound up with the initiation rituals. In individual details the rites are very different; the passive act of observation which

MYSTERIES

lavations (bathing in the sea in Eleusis, > Mysteria; a bath in the mysteries of Isis, Apul. Met. 11,22) and other purifications (with fire and air in the preparatory

consecration in the Mysteria; cleansing with honey in the mysteries of Mithras: Porph. De antro nympharum 15); procession to the shrine of the mysteries (Mysteria); abandoning of the old clothes (Eleusis: Aristoph.

Ran. 412). The place for the initiation ritual is already indicated as marginal given its physical distance (Eleusis, Samothrace), and its characterisation as an encoun-

ter with death and a journey to the other world fits in with this (Eleusis: Plut. fr. 178; Isis: Apul. Met. 11,23). Rather less common are tests of courage (Empousa in Eleusis: Aristoph. Ran. 293 [38. 131-138]; Mithras: Tert. De corona 15), which are important in the initiation rites described in ethnological literature [45. 2544]. The Samothracian rite of admitting to the priest the greatest crime that the initiate has ever committed (Plut. Mor. 217d, 229d, 236d), is originally enforcement of the solidarity of a secret society, but is also understood

as a purifying confession. Of central importance is the emotional impact of an extraordinary experience, leading through fear and terror to joy and blessedness (Eleusis: Plut. Mor. 81d-e; Plut. fr. 178; Sabazius: Dem. Or. 18,260; Isis: Apul. Met. 11,23; Firm. Mat. De errore profanarum religionum 22,1). Aristot. fr. 15 ROSE stresses experience (pathein) over discovery (mathein). Provocation by visions of horror (Empousa in Eleusis) or open sexuality (phallus in the mysteries Dionysus) stand side-by-side with ecstatic experiences (Dionysus; Mater Magna: Catull. 63, Aretaeus 3,6,11 CMG; Corybantes: Phil. De vita contemplativa 12; Eleusis: [46. 57f.]). According to the evidence of the passwords for Eleusis (Kykeon) and Magna Mater/Attis, special food and drink is attested (Firm. Mat. De errore profanarum

religionum

18,1;

Clem. Al. Protrepticus 2,15,3). Apart from wine, however, there is no evidence of drug-induced intoxication [47]. Furthermore, instruction in the rites and their

is emphasised at Eleusis (H. Hom. to Demeter 80; Pind.

fr. 137,1; Soph. fr. 753,2) contrasts with the complex activities required of the initiates of Mithras. The initiation rites cause a fundamental change in the individual’s perception of the self. This is manifested in a special connection to the mystery deity to the end oflife (and often beyond) and is occasionally understood as a re-birth (Mithras: [48. 80-82]; Isis: Apul. Met. 11,18,3; 11,23,83 11,24,4). This is often expressed

by the wearing of a special garment during the ritual activities of the mystery group. The attributes of the Maenads (ivy-wreath, thyrsos, nebris) and the white linen clothes of the initiates of Isis are well-known (Plut. Is. 4,352c; Apul. Met. 11,10). A ceremonial robe is given to the Isis initiate at the end of the initiation, and he wears it at all the rites (Apul. Met. 11,29; but see Plut. Is. 77,382). He also shaves his head before taking part in the rites (Apul. Met. 11,30). In Samothrace, initiates bind a red scarf around their bodies during the ritual. This is linked to the rescue from peril at sea (schol. Apoll. Rhod. 1,917f.). They also wear an iron ring as a token (Lucr. 6,104.4; Plin. HN 33,23). More far-reaching are permanent physical changes such as the self-castration of the Galli, or branding (archigallus: Prudent. Liber peristephanon 10,1076-1080; Dionysus: CLE 1233,17, cf. Plut. Mor. 56e; Mithras [49]). 3. THE DISTANCE FROM THE POLIS

The great mystery cults transcend political and social barriers; this is less clear for the local mystery cults; the mysteries of Mithras are limited to free men. Both Demeter (as goddess of women) and especially Dionysus (as god of ecstasy) represent a distance from the centre of the polis. Mystery sanctuaries are often outside the city; those at Eleusis and Thebes (Kabeirion) a good distance outside the settlements, the mystery shrine at Samothrace off the sea-ways on a remote island. The gods of Samothrace have non-Greek names (Mnaseas FGrH 154 F 27). Cybele and Attis are Phrygian, Isis and her divine companions are Egyptian, Mithras is Persian. This distance is expressed in the position and regalia of the priests. The leading priests were appointed for life and often set apart because of a particular background, way of life or clothing. The Eleusinian hierophant (like the dadouchos) wears a hairband

(stréphion) and ceremonial garments

(Plut.

Aristeides 5,7; on the iconography [50. 268, Taf. 73,17; 51]), and at least from the late Hellenistic period there is a taboo on his name (inscription after IG II* 1942, 2nd cent. BC; Lucian. Lexiphanes 10; Eunap. VS 7,3,2); in Imperial times celibacy is demanded of him (see > Mysteria B.).The priests of the mysteries of Dionysus are itinerant specialists (‘orpheotelests’: Plut. Mor. 224, cf. Theophr. Char. 16,11; Pl. Resp. 364b; Liv. 39,8,3; 39,13,9), those of Isis Egyptians or Greeks who know Egyptian [52], those of the Mater Magna are eunuchs.

441

442 4. PERSONAL GAIN AND HOPE FOR THE AFTER-

LIFE Initiation into the mysteries creates special social, often regional connections between initiates (symmy-

stai: IG XII 8,173, Z. 13; IGUR 3,225). Plato speaks of special ‘friendship (hetaireia) through — myésis and + epopteia (Pl. Ep. 7,333e). The initiates at Samothrace formed themselves in the home cities into cult societies (samothraikiastai) [7. 83-86]. Apuleius’s hero finds after his initiation in Corinth a new home in the Roman community of Isis (Apul. Met. 11,26). For the mysteries of Mithras, this social function is seen by some scholars as of central importance [33. 153-187], and an inscription in the Mithraeum of S. Prisca (Rome)

calls for communal life [48. 82f.]. The mysteries certainly promise gains in this world: riches through the grace of Demeter in Eleusis (H. Hom. to Demeter 485-489), rescue from peril at sea in Samothrace, happiness and success (Isis: Apul. Met. 11,6: beatus, gloriosus; Apul. Met. 28 and 30). However, not all mystery cults express expectation of an afterlife. In the case of Eleusis, this expectation is evident (H. Hom. to Demeter 480-484). In the mysteries of Dionysus, passes for the dead (Lamellae Orphicae), which are provided for the dead, attest to detailed expectations for an afterlife, as do inscriptions from the middle of the 5th cent. onwards (Olbia, [14. 17f.]; CLE 1233); from this same time special grave-rites are attested (Hdt. 2,81; LSCG, Suppl. 120). Similarly, there is evidence of such expectations for Isis, who, through > Osiris, is bound up with the cult of the dead (SEG 28, 1585, late Hellenic [53]). Itis debated whether they existed in the mysteries of Cybele in the Imperial period (Damascius, Vita Isidori 131 [3. 31; 25. 135]) and in those of Mithras (Julian. Symp. 366c [32. 109-114]). An initiation ritual often corresponds to expectation of an afterlife; it can be read as a symbolic death and resurrection (without being limited to this structure). The transition of dark, horror and light in Eleusis is interpreted by Plutarch, fr. 178 as an experience of the other world, and in one of the ritual exclamations there is a reference to the birth of a boy (Hippolytus, Refutatio omnium haeresium 5,8,40); an address to the dead in a Lamella Orphica can be interpreted as a ritual anticipation of death in the initiation rite [54]; Apuleius, Met. 11,23 describes the initiation into the mysteries of Isis as a journey into the underworld (voluntaria mors, ‘voluntary death’: Apul. Met. 11,21; > katabasis). 5. PROPAGANDA Because initiation is voluntary, propaganda for mystery cults is decisive. Cults without fixed local centres were spread by itinerant priests; there is evidence for those of Dionysus (Pl. Resp. 364b; Liv. 39,8,3; 39,13,9), of the Egyptian cults (Delos: [52]) and of Cybele/Mater Magna (the so-called > Metragyrtai; myth of the Athenian cult-foundation in [55]). Above all, however, propaganda is found in writings which were also available outside the circle of initiates [56]. The Homeric hymn to Demeter narrates the founding

MYSTERIES

of the mysteries and promises the initiate a better fate in this life and in the next; the ‘orphic-Athenian’ texts of the 5th cent. based upon it adapt the myth to the new intellectual circumstances and to the political ambitions of Athens [46]. The Dionysian mysteries are reflected in

the hexameters of Orpheus, in which the Dionysus myth is retold and which are only nominally directed at the initiates (Pl. Symp. 218b = Orph. fr. 13; PDerveni col. VIL [57. 7]). The fame of Isis is spread by the Greek Isis aretalogies found outside Egypt, in which the deeds of Isis are proclaimed (2nd cent. BC — 2nd cent. AD [56. 196-218]) and which are echoed in the self-proclamation of the goddess in Apuleius (Apul. Met. 11,5). Separate from these (although the separation is fluid within the reality of the cults) are holy scriptures which are used in cult, both in initiations and in the liturgy as such. Representations of the mysteries of Dionysus (Villa dei Misteri) and Isis (the Iseum at Pompeii) show

a priest or boy reading from a scroll. The Orpheotelests used works of Orpheus and Musaeus in their initiation rites (Pl. Resp. 364e). Bacchic mystery groups in Ptolemaic Egypt possessed holy texts (hieroi logoi; BGU 1211 = SB 7266). Priests of Isis used (hieroglyphic?) Egyptian texts during the initiation (Apul. Met. 11,22). The preserved hymns of Orpheus, in which the myth of Dionysus is central, were probably used ina community of initiates in Asia Minor [14. 28f.] (> Orphism II.C.). D. MYSTERIES AND CHRISTIANITY Christian polemic against mysteries is fired on the

one hand by an abhorrence of alleged sexual excesses and on the other by rites which were closely related to baptism and the Eucharist. The proximity of the religious contents of the mystery cults to those of Christianity (albeit without the exclusivity of the latter) contributed to the vehemence of however, seriously endangering bated to what extent individual tianity were influenced by the

the polemic, without, the mysteries. It is defeatures of early Chrismysteries. In the roth

cent., scholars estimated this influence as high, but they were influenced by contemporary anticlericalism. Today, the discussion has become more rational; pos-

sible influences are seen as limited, probably rightly [58;

59; 60]. > initiation;

— katharsis; — Mysteria; — purity; > religion; > occultism

— Orphism;

1 C. Rrepwec, Anhang: Ubersicht und Texte, in: F. GRAF (ed.), Ansichten griechischer Rituale, 1998, 389-398 2 M. GERARD-RoussEAu, Les mentions religieuses dans les tablettes mycéniennes, 1968 3 W. BURKERT, Ancient Mystery Cults, 1987 4C. ZIJDERVELD, TELETE. Bij-

drage tot de kennis der religieuze terminologie in het Grieksch, Diss. Utrecht 1934

5 F. SpEISsER, Die eleusini-

sche Mysterien als primitive Initiation, in: Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologie 60, 1928, 362ff. 6 BURKERT, 416-421 7S.G. CoLe, Theoi Megaloi. The Cult of the Great Gods

Samothrace,

1984

at

8 W. BuRKERT, Concordia discors.

The Literary and the Archaeological Evidence of the Sanctuary of Samothrace, in: N.MartnaTos, R. HAGc (eds.), Greek Sanctuaries. New Approaches, 1993, 178-191

MYSTERIES

9 P. CoLLInt, Gli dei Cabiri di Samotracia. Origine indigena 0 semitica, in: Studi Classici e Orientali 40, 1990, 237-287

10B. HemBerc, Die Kabiren, 1950

Kabirenheiligtum 12 SCHACHTER,

GLOKLER,

bei

Theben,

vol.

vol. 2, 66-110

13D.

s.v. Megaloi Theoi, LIMC

in: T. CARPENTER,

VOLLKOMMER-

8.1, 824 nr. 25

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(eds.),

17P. VEYNE, Mystéres du gynécée, 1998

18 W. A.

DaszEwskli, Dionysos der Erléser. Griechische Mythen im spatantiken Cypern, 1985 19 L. E. ROLLER, In Search of God the Mother, 1999 20 F. CHAPOUTHIER, Les Dioscures au service d’une déesse, 1935 21 E. VouTriRas, Un culte domestique

des Corybantes,

in: Kernos

9, 1996,

243-256 22 GRAF, 319-334 23H. HEPDING, Attis, 1903, 103-111 24 W. BurKerT, Von Ullikummi zum Kaukasus, in: WJA 5, 1979, 253-261 25 P. J. BuRTON, The Summoning of the Magna Mater to Rome (205 B.C.),

in: Historia 45, 1996, 36-63 26 P. BoRGEAUD, La Mere des Dieux, 1996 27M. R. SALZMAN, On Roman Time. The Codex-Calendar of 354, 1990, 164-169 28V. UcENTI (ed.), Giuliano Imperatore. Alla Madre degli Dei, 1992 29H. S. VersNEL, Ter Unus. Isis, Dionysos, Hermes: Three Studies in Henotheism, 1990 30 J. G. GrRIFFITHS, Apuleius of Madauros. The Isis-Book, 1975 31 F. Cumont, Les mystéres de Mithra, 31913 32 R. TURCAN, Mithra et le mithriacisme, 1993 33 R. MERKELBACH,

Mithras, 1984

34R. Beck, The Mysteries of Mithras. A

New Account of their Genesis, in: JRS 88, 1998,

115-128

35 B. Jacoss, Die Herkunft und Entstehung der romischen Mithrasmysterien, 1999 36 E. VouTiRrAs, Opfer fiir Despoina, in: Chiron 29, 1999, 233-249 37 NILSSON, Feste, 198f. 38S. I. JOHNSTON, Restless Dead, 1999

39 G. Hors ey, The Mysteries of Artemis Ephesia in Pisidia, in: AS 42, 1992,

119-150

40S. C. Barton, G. H.R.

Hors tey, A Hellenistic Cult Group and the New Testament Churches, in: JoAC 24, 1981, 7-41 41 O. PERLER, s.v. Arkandisziplin, RAC 1, 667-671 42 J.-M. PAILLER, Bacchanalia. La représsion de 186 av. J.-C. a Rome et en Italie, 1988 43 A. VAN GENNEP, Les rites de passage, 1909 44 P. R. ARBESMANN, Romern, 1929

Das Fasten bei den Griechen und

45 A. BRELICH, Paides e Parthenoi, 1968

46 F. Grar, Eleusis und die orphische Dichtung,

1974

47 R. G. Wasson et al., The Road to Eleusis. Unveiling the Secret of the Mysteries,

Inscriptions

of Santa

1978 48 H. D. Betz, The Mithras

Prisca and

the New

Testament

(1968), in: Id., Hellenismus und Urchristentum, 1990, 72-91 49F.J. DOLGER, Antike und Christentum, vol. 1, 1929, 66-72, 88-91 50 E.VAN DER POOL, News Letter from Greece, in: AJA 64, 1960, 265-271 51G. MyLo-

NAS, Eleusis and the Eleusinian Mysteries, 1961, ills. 78 52 H. ENGELMANN, The Delian Aretalogy of Sarapis, 1975 53 TH. CorsTEN (ed.), Die Inschriften von Prusa ad Olympum, vol. 2, 1993, nr. 1028 54 C. RIEDWEG, Initiation Tod —Unterwelt, in: [1], 359-398 55 NiLsson, GGR, vol.

1, 725f. 56R. BAUMGARTEN, Heiliges Wort und heilige Schrift bei den Griechen, 1998 57 A. Laxs, G. W. Most (ed.), Studies on the Derveni Papyrus, 1996 58A. D. Nock, Hellenistic Mysteries and the Christian Sacraments (1952), in: Id., Essays on Religion and the Ancient World, 1972, 791-820

RG.

1940ff.

Masks of Dionysos, 1993, 239-258 16F. Matz, AIONYSIAKH TEAETH. Archaologische Untersuchungen zum Dionysoskult in hellenistischen und rémischen Zeit, 1964

ANRW II 23.2, 1980, 1248-1284 60J. ALvar et al., Cristianesimo primitivo y religiones mistéricas, 1994.

11 Das

1-6,

14 M.-L. West, The Orphic Poems, 1983 15 F. Grar, Dionysian and Orphic Eschatology. New Texts and Old Questions,

444

443

59D. H. Wrens, Mystery Con-

cepts in Primitive Christianity and its Environment, in:

Mysterion, Mysterium see > Sacramentum Myth I. THEORY OF MYTH II. MESOPOTAMIA II. EGypr II]. Asta Minor IV. SyrIA/PALESTINE V.-— Greece VI. ROME VII. THE EARLY CHURCH I. THEORY

A. DEFINITION

OF MYTH

B. TERMINOLOGY

A. DEFINITION Despite many attempts, it has proven impossible to arrive at a definition of myth (Gr. wtOoc/mythos; Lat. mythos) that would satisfy all disciplines. The most satisfactory one refers to G.S. KirK and W. BURKERT who described myth as a ‘traditional narrative of collective significance’ [1; 2]. Still, this definition fails to fully represent the function of myth in the time after Classical Antiquity, when we find myths in entertaining narratives such as > Ovidius’s ‘Metamorphoses’ or -> Nonnus’s Dionysiakd. The term ‘traditional’ implies a transmission that is not tied to a first original narrator known by name, and describes, in the context of oral narrative, not a transmission of fixed stories but of nar-

rative structures (plots) that are tied to certain protagonists. These plots can receive new protagonists and can move from culture to culture; their remarkable con-

sistency guaranties their transmission and, at the same time, allows each individual narrative to respond to the particular demands of narrator and audience in a flexible way. ‘Collective significance’ implies a function of each narrative within the self-definition of a group of recipients (clan, polis etc.) and the control of the group over the narrative, thus limiting the scope of its poetic variations. However, the collective significance often plays a secondary role. The above definition is primarily based on cosmological/theogonic (> cosmology; > creation) and aetiological (> aetiology) myths. Cosmological and theogonic myths explain the present world order (including the pantheon) through a narrative about the emergence of the world and the gods. In these, the present time is clearly separated from a prehistoric time that is marked — through inversions —as radically different and often as chaotic. Aetiological myths which, strictly speaking, can be regarded as a subgroup of cosmological/theogonic myths, explain institutions, rites, natural phenomena etc. through actions that had been performed by gods or heroes (at least in the Ancient Middle Eastern and Graeco-Roman worlds) in the time period directly preceding the present. Aside from their intellectual function of explaining the present, which —through images of inversion — is often presented as problematic, these myths also legitimise the present world as founded by superhuman entities, at least in the realm of the aeti-

445

446

ology of religious, social and political institutions. An important subgroup of natural-aetiological myths (esp. because of Ovid’s ‘Metamorphoses’, an epic with great significance for the reception of Greek and Roman myths) are transformation myths [3]. Scholars have taken a particular interest in cult aetiology. Recent scholarship has become much more reserved towards the earlier notion, articulated above all by the so-called Cambridge School (W. ROBERTSON SMITH, Jane Ellen HarRISON, James G. FRAZER [4; 5]), that each myth can be derived from ritual. Largely undisputed, however, is the observation that the basic structures of rites and myths show remarkable analogies.

This concept of myth underlies virtually all modern scholarship of myth. Only in most recent times, fundamental reservations have surfaced about the universal validity of the terminology, in the context of insight into the Euro-centrism of the categories used in Religious Studies [9]. See -» Mythos for a detailed history of the scholarly study of myths.

B. TERMINOLOGY Modern terminology ultimately stems from the Greek term 000¢ (mythos, ‘word’). From the enlightenment of the 5th cent. BC on, this term and its derivation wwOddn¢ (mythodes, ‘myth-like’) were used to describe types of narratives in line with the modern understanding of myth [6]. Herodotus (2,23,1; 2,45,1) and Thucydides (1,22,4) used the term in a negative sense as a narrative unacceptable for historians because it is unverifiable, while > Plato adopted and systematized the contrast between myth as an unproven narrative and logos as a logical-rational argument [7]. In the classification of texts in Hellenistic and Imperial rhetorical theory, myth denotes a purely fictional narrative as opposed to a historical account. Here, two categories can be identified: On the one hand, myth is understood as a

KERT, s.v. Mythos, Mythologie, HWdPh, vol. 6, 1984, 282ff. 7P. Murray, What Is a muthos for Plato?, in: R. BuxTON (ed.), From Myth to Reason? Studies in the Development of Greek Thought, 1999, 251-262 8 F. GRaF,

‘fictitious text that represents the truth’ (e.g. Theon, Progymnasmata 3 SPENGEL; Aphtonius, Progymnas-

mata 1 SPENGEL), implying that an allegorical interpretation is needed to uncover a hidden truth. On the other hand, myth is regarded as a ‘fictitious and implausible narrative’ (Lat. fabula, characteristic for tragedy) as opposed to a historical account (Lat. historia) and to a more probable fiction that can be measured by common categories of experience (Lat. argumentum, characteristic for New Comedy). This division into three is characteristic for the Latin transmission (Cic. Inv. 1,27; Rhet. Her. 1,12; Quint. Inst. 2,4,2) which, however, is based on the Greek sources from the Hel-

lenistic period. The Latin term fabula (Italian favola, French and

English fable) for ancient myths as fictitious and improbable stories entered into the Early Modern discussion of ancient and ethnological myths by way of the terminology used in Late Antiquity (important is the complex treatise in Macrob. In Somn. 1,2,7ff. as well as Isid. Orig. 1,40,1ff.). The modern academic term was

created by the founder of academic mythology, Chr. Gottlob HryNneg, with the new Latin word mythus which was adopted by all modern languages to denote both Greek and comparable ethnological narratives [8]. Unlike the older, negative view myths, the new term was meant to express a new concept of myth—shared by HERDER — as an narrative that conveys the knowledge and the history of early mankind in an encoded way.

MYTH

1G. S. Kirk, Myth. Its Meaning and Function in Ancient and Other Cultures, 1970 2 W. BuRKERT, Structure and History in Greek Mythology and Ritual, 1979 3 P. F. IRvING,

Metamorphosis

in Greek

Myth,

1990

4R.

ACKERMAN, The Myth and Ritual School. J.G.Frazer and the Cambridge Ritualists, r991 5 W.M. Carper Ill (ed.), The Cambridge Ritualists Reconsidered, 1991 6 W. Bur-

Die Entstehung des Mythosbegriffs bei Christian Gottlob Heyne, in: Id. (ed.), Mythos in mythenloser Gesellschaft, 1993, 284-294 9 M. DETIENNE, L’invention de la mytho-

logie, 1981.

;

FG.

Il. MESOPOTAMIA A. DEFINITION B. TRANSMISSION C. FUNCTIONS D. THE PLACE OF MYTHIN REAL LIFE E. FURTHER HISTORY

A. DEFINITION It is doubtful whether the term myth corresponds to an original Ancient Eastern concept (no special lexeme exists; cf. the term ‘sacred song’ [r]). A critical definition of myth in the Ancient East is lacking (> Epos). Mythological contents can be found in a variety of literary forms; studies of the Ancient East even refer to entire works myths. B. TRANSMISSION Numerous references to myths in Sumeric and Akkadian (at least 33 [3. 55 4f.]) exist in texts from the 3rd to the rst millenium BC. An oral tradition can be inferred from early images (glyptics) [1]. Evidence of written myths exists for even earlier than the middle of the 3rd millennium, sometimes as a part of other genres (e.g. incantations, hymns, epics, disputes [3. 543f.; 4]). Groups of myths can be summarized according to themes, e.g. creation myths, such as the Akkadian + Enuma elis (Sumeric creation myths only appear within other texts), or battles of the gods, such as myths surrounding the Sumeric god > Ninurta.

C. FUNCTIONS Ancient Eastern myths exemplify the foundations of the culture and are usually polysemic and poly-functional. They explain and influence the world, e.g. the Ancient Babylonian incantation against ‘tooth worm’ (= toothache; TUAT 3.603f.). The actual incantation is

introduced by the creation myth of the worm; an understanding of its nature is thought to bring power over its workings. Aetiologies of nature and culture explain the

AAT

448

wilting of nature in the summer heat (Dumuzi myth, >» Tammuz), the period of Venus’s invisibility (Inannas/> [stars journey to the underworld), cultural achievements such as the invention of a water scooping device (Inanna and Sukaletuda [6]) or cultic customs such as a special dance (AguSaja [2]). The narrative might also convey a fundamental ‘axiom’ of the culture, such as in the promise that no more cosmic catastrophes

scriptions from tombs and temples, which by their nature are interested in the use of myths, not in their representation. In general, Egypt had a written mythology and an oral theology commenting on those myths. Even though myths were transmitted in writing, they remained adaptable to the situation at hand. In Egypt, the recording and transmission of myths was carried out in temple archives. In the late period (from c. 300 BC), we find a secondary depiction of myths on temple walls in a monumental style. The spatial organisation of myths was usually based on geometric principles. Mythological handbooks are extant that list all the important gods and myths for each Egyptian district [4; 7]. There were extensive ‘monographs’ for each district [6]. These texts contain aetiologies for names, places, taboos and cultic forms. They show differences in their linguistic history; essential editorial phases of the texts of late transmission date to the time of the New Kingdom. The myth of > Osiris was supra-regional, with individual elements often adopted by local traditions. One of its sub-plots, the fight between > Horus and > Seth over the Egyptian throne, was often represented as a literary narrative (records from the 12th, zoth and 26th Dynasty as well as from the Ptolemaic and Roman periods). This sub-plot is of particular importance for the legitimacy of the Egyptian kingship. Many texts give only brief descriptions of the cos-

MYTH

like the flood will visit mankind (+ Atrahasis; [8]), or

the subjugation of the demonic powers of chaos under the order of higher gods (Enuma elis). Myths focus on the core passages of human life [3. 545-5 50], and they spread theological and/or political statements, for instance, when the goddess Inanna represents the expanding Akkadian Empire (various Inanna myths [9]) or when separate circles of gods are joined genealogically or in marriage (e.g. myths about the underworld gods Nergal and Ereskigal [7]; > underworld) D. THE PLACE OF MYTH IN REAL LIFE Myths played a role in incantations, rites and > festivals. The creation myth of Enuma elis, for instance,

was recited during the Babylonian and Assyrian > New Year’s celebration to evoke the victory over chaos and the life-giving order of the world. A myth about Erra, the god of war and pestilence, was spread on — amulets. Mythologemes connected with the courtship of Inanna and her marriage to Dumuzi provided the background for the > hieros gamos between ruler (as Dumuzi) and goddess (for which only literary evidence exists so far). E. FURTHER HISTORY Since myths are open to ever-changing interpretations (e.g. Enuma elis: the protagonist changes from Ninurta to Marduk to Assur), they remain fascinating

to different epochs, even beyond the realm of Mesopotamia into Asia Minor, Palestine and Greece (e.g. the flood, [5]). 1 A. GREEN, s.v. Mythologie B.I., RLA 8, 572-586

2B.

GRONEBERG, Lob der IStar, 1997. 3 W. HEIMPEL, s.v. Mythologie A.I., RLA 8, 537-564 (with bibliogr.) 4M.

KREBERNIK, Die Texte aus Fara und Tell Abu Salabih, in: P. ATTINGER,

M. WAFLER

(ed.), Mesopotamien

(OBO

160/1), 1998, 321f. 5 C. PENGLASE, Greek Myths and Mesopotamia, 1994 6K. VOLK, Inanna und Sukaletuda, 1995 7 F. A.M. WIGGERMANN, s.v. Nergal, RLA 9, 218f.

8C. Witcke, Politik im Spiegel der Literatur, in: K. RaAaFLausB

(ed.), Anfange

Antike, 1993, 29-75

politisches

Denkens

in der

9C. Witcxke, Weltuntergang als

Anfang, in: A. Jones (ed.), Weltende, 1999, 10 M. L. West, The East Face of Helicon, 1997.

63-112 AZ.

Il. Egypt The time of origin of Egyptian myths is still disputed, so is their significance [1; 3; 11]. Long narrative texts are not documented until comparatively late (‘Horus and Seth’, c. 1800 BC). The reason for this might lie in the tradition of particular genres; principally wall in-

mogonies (> world, creation of the) since their knowl-

edge was assumed; more detailed versions can be found in + Edfu (cf. [5]) and > Esna. Mythical elements were sometimes adopted and integrated into funerary, magical and hymnal texts. The scope of this varies from brief sequences (e.g. Pyramid Texts, Utterance 477) to long, structured narratives of > Isis and Horus (Metternichstele) and hymnal formulations of the Osiris myth (Stele Louvre C 286) and

of creation (pBerlin 3048). +> Rituals often referred to myths, eg. in speeches by human beings or gods. Furthermore, it is presumed that there were ancient ‘myth-free’ rituals (esp. parts of the ritual of the ‘opening of the mouth’ and lists of sacrificial foods). These records, however, hardly support the idea that texts representing earthly events were rendered mythological at a later point [8]. Myths also influenced the ‘literary arts’: The Egyptian “Tale of two brothers’ uses > Anubis and Bata, the most important gods of the 17th and 18th Upper Egyptian district, as protagonists, and adopts important motifs of their myths. The tale of “Truth and lie’ and the ‘Fight for the prebend of Amun’ take up elements of the Osiris myth. 1J. AssMANN, Die Verborgenheit des Mythos im Alten Agypten, in: Gottinger Miszellen 25, 1977, 7-43 2 J. ASSMANN et al., Funktionen und Leistungen des Mythos, 1982 3 J. Baines, Egyptian Myth and Discourse, in: JNES

50,1991, 81-105 4D. Meeks, Un manuel de géographie religieuse du delta (Studien zur altagyptischen Kultur, suppl. 3), 1988, 297-304 5 J.-C. Goyon, Les dieuxgardiens et la genése des temples, 1985 6A. GUTBUB,

449

450 Textes fondamentaux de la théologie de Kom Ombo, 1973 7 J. OsiNG, G. Rosati, Papiri geroglificie ieratici da Tebtunis, 1998

8 E. Orro, Das Verhaltnis von Rite und

Mythos im Agyptischen, 1958 9S. ScHorr, Mythe und Mythenbildung im Alten Agypten., 1945 10H. STERNBERG, Mythische Motive und Mythenbildung in den agyptischen Tempeln und Papyri der griechisch-rémischen Zeit, 1985 11 J. ZEIDLER, Zur Frage der Spatenststehung

des Mythos in Agypten, in: Gottinger Miszellen 1993, 85-109.

132, JO.QU.

Ill. Asta MINOR Myth transmitted in Hittite were based, on the one hand, on Mesopotamian (Babylonian) and Syrian (Canaanian, Hurritic) models, and on the other hand on Anatolian (primarily Hattic) models. No evidence of independent Hittite myths has yet been found; the role of Indo-European influences remains unclear. There are fundamental differences between the various substrata and adstrata. While the Hurritic and Mesopotamian myths were recorded by the Hittites as independent literary works (with Hurritic myths described as ‘songs’), the Anatolian myths are transmitted only as part of magical rituals and cultic festival rites (the connection between the Canaanian Elkunirsa myth and a possibly related magical Hittite ritual is unclear). Another difference can be found in the style: the Hurritic myths are written in poetic Hittite (presumable metric) while the Anatolian myths appear in a dry and austere prose. The most important representatives of the different groups of myths are: (a) Mesopotamia: an Akkadian and a Hittite fragment of the Babylonian myth of the creation of humanity and the flood — Atrahasis; (b) Canaanian: the Elkunirsa myth extant in fragments, a narrative about the erotic entanglements of the gods and their consequences; (c) Hurritic: the circle of songs surrounding the god > Kumarbi (extant in Hurritic fragments along with large parts of the Hittite translation) which explains the hierarchy in the world of gods. In each song, TeSSup, ruler of the gods and weather god, successfully defends his dominance (his prime enemy is Kumarbi, former ruler of the gods). In the mythical section of the Hurritic-Hittite ‘Song of Release’ [5], Tessup visits a festival of the underworld goddess Allani (again a threat to his position?). (d) Anatolian: for this group, we must assume the existence of an oral tradition prior to and along with the written Hittite records. Best known is a myth — transmitted in many versions and with various protagonists — about a god who disappeared in anger and who must be found and appeased in order for nature to recover and thrive again after it had been paralysed by the god’s absence. The magical rituals connected to the myth were meant to conjure up the myth’s protagonist. Another myth transmitted in fragments gives an aetiological account about the destruction of the city of Lihzina by the weather god [1]. The well documented (in two versions) myth of Illuyanka which was embedded in a New Year’s festival reports how the weather god fought with the sea monster IIluy-

MYTH

anka (‘snake’) and how he was victorious in the end

with the help of gods and mortals after an initial defeat— a representation of the rebuilding of the cosmic order at the beginning of the new year known in similar form from Babylonia. 1D. Groppek, CTH 331: Mythos vom Wettergott oder Aitiologie der Zerstorung Lihzinas, in: ZA 89, 1999, 36-

49 2H. G. GUTERBOCK, Hittite Mythology, in: AS 26, 1997,49-62 3 V. Haas, Geschichte der hethitischen Religion, 1994, 79-180 4H. A. HoFFner, Hittite Myths, 1990 5 E. Neu, Das hurritische Epos der Freilassung, vol. 1, 1996 6M. Popko, Religions of Asia Minor, 1995,

80-82, rr9-128

7A. UNAL, TUAT 3, 1994, 802-865. JO.HA.

IV. SyrtA/PALESTINE A. UcGarir

B. PHOENICIA

KINGDOMS

D. OLD TESTAMENT

C. ARAMAIC

A. UGARIT The large majority of mythological texts from + Ugarit [5. 1.1-1.22] were found in the house of a high priest on the acropolis, two texts [5. 1.83, 1.92] are from the palace, one from the house of an official by the name of Urtenu [5. 9.432]. The ‘Sitz im Leben’ of these mythological texts is essentially connected to the education of > scribes and priests in Ugarit. These clay plates are school books, some also containing indications of a recitation (a lecture?). The didactic narratives

written by the high priest Ilimalku in the late 13th cent. BC contain narrative material and motifs from Northern and Southern Syria and discuss the rule of > Baal [5. 1-1-6]. They deal with questions surrounding the world of gods and kingship [5. 1.14-16, 1.17-19] and with the care and worship of the dead and of ancestors (> cult of the dead) in the royal family [5. 1.17-19, 1.20-22]. In addition to the great mythological cycles (Ba‘al-, Keret-, Aqht), smaller mythological fragments exist as well [5. 1.7—1.13].

In the history of the tradition of texts, the myths from Ugarit are literary forms of the Northern SyrianAnatolian narrative cycle whose individual traditions consist of the following elements: the battle of the ~ weather god with Yammu (sea) and Motu (death) over the throne; his battle against the ocean god; the highest god assisting the ocean god; succession of generations of gods; Baal as the son of > Dagan; > Anat as Baal’s sister and lover; the seat of > El on the mountains of Anatolia and Northern Syria; the importance of the mountain of Zaphon and the seduction of the weather god’s enemies by the goddess — Astarte/> Istar. Furthermore,

one can find connections to

Lebanon, Palestine and Transjordan in the myth of ~ Keret [5. 1.14-16] and Aghat [5. 1.17—-19] as well as in the Rephaim texts (spirits of the dead) [5. 1.20-22]

(rss95 ax},

451

452

B. PHOENICIA In contrast to the Late Bronze Age findings described

1M. Bauxs, Die Welt am Anfang, 1997 2 .N. C. BaUMGART, Die Umkehr des Schopfergottes, 1999 3 L. DIRVEN, The Exaltation of Nabi, in: WO 28,1997, 96-116 4 W. HERRMANN, Das Aufleben des Mythos wahrend des babylonischen Zeitalters, in: Biblische Notizen 40, 1987, 97129 5M. Dierricn, O. Loretz, The Cuneiform Alphabetic Texts from Ugarit, Ras Ibn Hani and other Places, 1995 6E. LiprNski, C. BONNET, s.v. Mythologie, DCPP, 306 7 E. LiptNskl, Dieux et déesses de l’univers phénicien et punique, 1995, 52-54 8H. Nienr, Religionen in Israels Umwelt, 1998, 166f. 9 Idem, Zu den Beziehungen zwischen Ritualen und Mythen in Ugarit, in: Journal of Northwest Semitic Languages 25, 1999, 109-136 10C. PETERSEN, Mythos im Alten Testament, 1982 11M. H. Pope, W. ROLLIG, Syrien. Die Mythologie der Ugariter und Phonizier, *1983, 219-312.

MYTH

above, the Iron Age cities of > Phoenicia show a striking dearth of mythological traditions. This might be explained by the change in writing media from Ugaritic clay tablets to ~ papyrus in the rst millennium BC. Fragments of Phoenician myths appear in the ‘Phoenician History’ by Philo Byblius (— Herennius Philo). Only (Greek) fragments of this work are extant, sc. in Eusebius [7] of Caesaria (Eus. Praep. evang.). [t claims to be based on a Phoenician original of the > Sanchuniathon from the period before the Trojan War, translated into Greek by Philo. It deals with the cosmogony and the emergence of culture, the genealogy of the gods (theogony) and with sacrificial practices and snakes. The entire text was written by a Phoenician priest from the 2nd or 3rd cent. BC. On the whole, the ‘Phoenician History’ shows obvious Hellenistic influences (Euhemerism; —~ Euhemerus) although it also reveals Semitic traditions, esp. in regard to certain gods and to theogony. Attempts to create a direct connection between the ‘Phoenician History’ and the myths of Ugarit or to reconstruct a Phoenician myth from the first half of the rst millennium BC have failed. Other aspects of Phoenician myths are present in > Damascius, 5th/6th cent, who summarized elements of Phoenician cosmogony (Damascius, De principiis 125), while

Byblos, 1981; M. DretTricH, O. Loretz, Mythen und Epen IV (TUAT, vol. 3), 1997, 1091-1316; FGrH 790; K. Mras (ed.), Eusebius, Werke 8. Die Praeparatio evangelica (GCS 43), 1954-1956; S. B. PARKER (ed.), Ugaritic Narrative Poetry, 1997. H.NI.

V. GREECE A. GENERAL REMARKS, SOURCES B. BRONZE AGE C. NARRATIVE FORMS OF MYTHS D. CRITIQUE OF MYTHS E. SALVAGE OF MYTHS (ALLEGORESIS)

> Nonnus (Non-

nus, Dion. 40,3 11-580) took up a fragment of a myth of + Melqart in the 5th cent. AD. The myth of -» Adonis is found in Lucianus [1] of Samosata [2; 6; 7; 8]. C. ARAMAIC KINGDOMS Inscriptions, texts and iconography offer no hints whatsoever of myths from the Aramaic kingdoms of Syria (1st half of the rst millennium BC). But again, the

reason might be found in the medium of papyrus which failed to conserve mythological texts. The only known exception so far is the architrave of the Tempel of Bel from > Palmyra (+ Palmyrene religion). It depicts the battle of the gods Bel (Ba‘al) and > Nabt against +» Tiamat (> Enuma elis), reflecting the reception of Babylonian myths. An example of a genuine Aramaic myth, however, is not extant [3]. D. OLD TESTAMENT The mythological realm of > Palestine is documented in the OT. Older Ugaritic or Phoenician mythological characters such as Baal and Astarte appear, although sometimes in a polemic rejection. The development of the religions of > Judah and Israel incorporated myths as well, for instance the creation myth (Gn 1-3) and the myth of the Flood (Gn 5-9). Although these myths were adopted from Mesopotamia (with some Egyptian traces), the many mythological elements, esp. of the Book of Psalms, originated in Syria and Palestine. This origin is also recognisable in the mythology of the god > Jahwe (fight with the dragon of chaos; Jahwe as weather god, as creator, as god of war)

[15 25 45 ro].

A. L. BAUMGARTEN, The Phoenician History of Philo of

A. GENERAL REMARKS,

SOURCES

The Greeks and Romans already regarded myths as typical of poetic fiction. Poetic texts are the main sources of myths, with Homer

and Hesiodus

as the

prime authors of the myths of the gods (Hdt. 2,53). Beginning in the Hellenistic period, poetic collections such as the Aiftia by > Callimachus [3] or the ‘Metamorphoses’ by Ovid (-» Ovidius Naso) appear along with epic, choral lyrical or tragic mythological narratives. Since in Greek history the boundary between mythical and historical periods largely coincides with that between myths of gods and myths of heroes and since heroes are viewed as historical mortals from an earlier epoch, Greek historians and esp. local historians (such as the Atthidographers on Attica; > Atthis) are

another important source (on the problems of the myths of heroes as historical sources see Plut. Theseus rt) [r]. Beginning in the 5th cent. BC, poetic narratives are complemented by prose — mythographies. The latter begin with genealogies (— Acusilaus of Argos, FGrH 2), retelling of myths and the comparison of tragic material with other accounts (-» Asclepiades [4] of Tragilus, FGrH 12) [2]. The main works on Greek and

Roman myths are from the Hellenistic and Imperial periods. On the one hand, we have independent collections such as the ‘Library’ by + Apollodorus [7] of Athens (see [3]) or the Fabulae by > Hyginus [4], on the other hand, there are the great commentaries on Greek authors, most important among them the scholia on + Homer [1] (+ Mythographus Homericus) - [5], ~ Pindar, + Euripides [1], > Theocritus, > Apollonius

[2] of Rhodes and

+ Lycophron [4]. A special status

MYTH

AyD

454

must be assigned to thematic collections such as > Legends about stars (> Eratosthenes [2] of Cyrene, cf. [6];

tween Greece and Syro-Palestine before and after the Dark Ages. Homer’s world of gods largely corresponds to that described by Hesiodus [19]. In allusions and inserted stories we find additional myths of gods (such as the capture of > Ares by the > Aloads, Hom. Il. 5,385ff.) and heroes (such as the story of Nestor’s youth, ibid. 7,132ff., or Meleager’s story [1], ibid. 9,524ff.) [20] which might occasionally — as with the primeval couple Oceanus and Tethys (ibid. 14,201 and 302) — reflect other Near Eastern traditions than those represented by Hesiodus [21]. Decisive for later periods is that the myths of gods represented in Homer and Hesiodus were not bound to any particular location. Thus they allowed a pan-Hellenic mythology of gods, which was always at odds with the local myths that were tied to individual cults. A similar observation can be made about hero mythology. As ancestors of special lineages or founders of certain cities, heroes are usually bound to specific places

Hyginus, De astronomia |7]) or legends of transformation (> Antoninus [2] Liberalis [8]).

Myths were also transmitted in images or repesentations. These are largely independent of the texts available to us -with the exception of tragedy scenes on Attic and Southern Italian vases [9] — and follow their own iconographic conventions. The interpretation of mythological images is therefore difficult, and the iconography has developed into a separate sub-discipline of mythography and archaeology [ro]. The frequently used epithets offer some clues but also add to the problem. An indispensable source for research, although not always unproblematic, is LIMC [rr]. B. BRONZE AGE For Minoan and Mycenaean Greece, there is neither pictorial nor textual evidence to firmly document mythological narratives. Only certain Mycenaean names of gods in the Linear B tables — such as ‘Drimius son of Zeus’ or the ‘Divine Mother’ in Pylos [12] — point to a background of narrative contexts, and Late Bronze Age vase pictures from Cyprus can be interpreted mythologically [13]. At least in the realm of Mycenaean culture, general considerations lead to the assumption of Greek Bronze Age myths, esp. the obvious IndoEuropean heritage in many epic formulas [14] (— Epic B.x.). It is difficult to ascertain whether the adoption of Ancient Oriental myths manifest since Homer and Hesiodus occurred during the Bronze Age or later, perhaps in the Early Geometric period. It is also hard to determine to what extent the Homeric epics reflect Bronze Age history or mythology. At any rate, NILsSON’S positive assumption that Bronze Age events were reflected in them has met with increasing scepsis [1 5; 16].

C. NARRATIVE FORMS OF MYTHS When Greek mythology emerged in > Homer [1] and - Hesiodus, it already had a complex structure. Hesiodus’s ‘Theogony’ describes the creation of the present world order under — Zeus as a chain of generations of gods, centred on the succession Uranus — Kronos — Zeus. In this chain, each son violently deposes the father, with Zeus carrying the additional burden of having to defend his rule against the monster > Typhoeus. This framework is based on Near Eastern narratives even though the actual model cannot be clearly identified among Near Eastern texts [17] (on the following: see above I and II). The Hittite myth of > Kumarbi and the myth about the battle against the snake fluyanka as well as the Babylonian narrative about the fight of > Marduk against ~ Tiamat appear to be related to Hesiodus’s myth of succession, and the fight of Zeus against > Typhoeus has numerous Near Eastern parallels [18]. The most probable yet contested explanation for these parallels lies in the assumption of an oral transmission in the close commercial contacts be-

and local cults (> hero cult [22]). Again, poetic narra-

tion serves as the means to raise such local myths to a supra-local level of fame. Not all heroes, however, were

originally tied to a specific place; at times, they were added to local genealogies and aetiologies secondarily and as a result of their literary fame (such as > Heracles [1] as the ancestor of numerous aristocratic families or -» Medea in the myths of the kings of Corinth and Athens) or received cults secondarily at various locations (such as + Agamemnon or — Achilleus [r]). Furthermore, the adoption of a hero from a different place as the founder of a local mythology allowed the expression of political and ideological claims. This occurred in the Italic West as early as the Archaic period (Hes. Theog. rorrff.) and continued up to the political declamations of the Imperial period. The Homeric narrative had already compiled hero myths from various origins into a complex narrative whole. The same holds true for the other, later great narrative cycles (esp. for the journey of the > Argonauts, and to a lesser degree for the story of the Calydonian Hunt, see > Meleager [1], and for the march of the > Seven against Thebes), which, in the catalogue of their participants, included certain local hero stories. An actual system of hero mythology can be found in the pseudo-Hesiodic ‘Catalogue of Women’ which present a pan-Hellenic network of relationships between the different local myths, thus removing them from their purely local roots. The introduction, with its mythical genealogy of > Deucalion’s and > Pyrrha’s descendants, depicts a first map of the Greek tribes which is strongly focused on Northern Greece [23]. This is continued by later mythography, where, for the purposes of historiography, the standardization of the mythological chronology plays a central role [24]. A further tension exists between mythical material and those narratives which adapt myths to the specific circumstances surrounding narrator and audience. Yet myths are remarkably flexible [25]. Adaptations might

455

456

have been necessary due to local demands (as in the case of the famous correction of — Stesichorus during his retelling of the myth of Helena in Sparta, Pl. Phdr. 243a

Although the exact relationship between cult and aition is contested in the scholarship, it is possible to correlate

MYTH

narrative structures and ritual patterns [33]. Late aetio-

and Stesich. fr. 15 PMG, > palinodia) or in the cult-

logical myths are no exception here. Since Jane Ellen

aetiological conclusions of > Euripides’ [1] tragedies (such as ‘Medea’ or ‘Iphigenea in Tauris’). Also susceptible to change is the — in the course of its history increasingly important — function of myth to provide a model for certain kinds of behaviour, a model legitimised by tradition. The Homeric narrative of Meleager, for instance, clearly deviates from other narratives due to the narrator Phoenix’s intention to give an exemplum to Achilleus [26]. The increase in influence and

Harrison,

scholars have often concentrated

on the

structure of initiation rites [34; 35]. Even though it is possible to compare the narrative structure and details of certain cult aetiologies with narratives of initiation, one must not forget that initiation cults — in a narrow ethnological sense — formed an exception in the Greek world. The function of these cults had changed considerably (they range from the Spartan ~ agoge to the Athenian > ephébeia or the ritual honouring of individ-

canonisation (+ canon [1]) of the great poetic narra-

ual members of the local aristocracy). Therefore, those

tives, esp. those by Homer and the three Attic tragedians Aeschylus, Sophocles and Euripides, leads (in the Early Hellenistic period) to a decreased flexibility of mythological narrative, without disappearing completely. Aside from local aetiological demands, we increasingly find inter-textual references through which a new narrative was aligned with exemplary narratives. Thus, Greek mythological narratives have found various shapes up into present times even after their removal from any local ties. Especially productive throughout Antiquity were the Greek founding myths and cult aetiologies. Founding myths tied new colonies to their home cities (such as

cults which resemble initiation rituals described in modern ethnology must be prehistoric at best [36]

Cyrene, Pind. P. 9 [27]; - colonisation; > metropolis),

but could also express changed political dependencies. These myths correspond to the cults of founding heroes important in all colonies [28]. At the same time, founding myths were a means throughout Antiquity to legitimise the claim of non-Greek cities to belong to the Greek world. Thus, the Macedonian royal family — just as the Lydian dynasty of the Mermnades (Hdt. 1,7,2) — based its claim to be part of the Hellenic world on its descent from Heracles. Macedonia could even legitimise its political expansion in this way. Numerous Italian cities claimed to be founded by scattered survivors of the Trojan war (Greeks: Diomedes, Odysseus or Aias; Trojans: Aeneas, Antenor) [29; 30]. The cities of Asia Minor which had been Hellenized in the course of the rst millennium claimed, since the colonisation of the lonic Dodecapolis [31], to have Greek founding heroes. Such claims based on myth remained important up to the Imperial period, as is witnessed in local politics and declamations (Tac. Ann. 3,6rf.). Beginning with Hesiodus’s narrative about > Prometheus’s deceitful sacrifice and its consequences for human culture (Hes. Theog. 535ff.), the function of myths to explain and form the basis of certain cults and rites has been important. Esp. local authors record some of these narratives: — Pausanias, who supplements the account ofhis travels with many such texts, is an important source [32]. This mythological category clearly remains productive here, as is manifest in Paus. 3,16,9f., where he reports about the aition for the Spartan cult of Artemis Orthia which cannot be older than the 2nd cent. BC in the form explained by the myth.

(> initiation).

Greek mythological tradition is distinguished by an often rational narrative stance and, in comparison with

the Ancient East, by a more marginal role of human creation myths (> anthropogony) and > legends of the deluge. The creation of mankind by the gods is only represented in the myth of - Prometheus which is not documented until the late 4th cent. BC (presupposed in Heraclid. Pont. fr. 66 WEHRLI; Callim. Fr. 493; in detail, Lucian. Prometheus 3), while various philosophical speculations have dealt with the emergence of mankind, beginning with — Anaximander (DreELs/ KRANZ 12 A 30). In Hesiodus, on the other hand, man is not presented as a divine creation but simply appears to face the gods without any introduction (Hes. Theog. 535). In this myth, mankind is presented in a remarkably autonomous position in relation to the gods. Legends of the deluge are preserved in some local traditions, such as in Thebes (+ Ogygus) or in Arcadia (Apollod. 3,98f.) [37]. Only secondarily are they expanded and systematized to include the entire world (four floods: Ister FGrH 334 F 68; two: Cens. 21) The myth of the flood, originally situated at the Parnassus, became the central narrative about the flood, centred around the first couple > Deucalion and Pyrrha who survived the deluge. In all cultures, myths of the flood mark the break between an often chaotic and guiltridden past and the emergence of the present order. In Greek popular culture, this break is not represented by a flood but by Zeus’s fights against the > Titans and the ~» Giants and against > Typhoeus.

D. CRITIQUE OF MYTHS In a living tradition, individual traits of myths are always subject to criticism and revision, as is apparent in the variation of the myth of > Helena [1] by > Stesichorus (fr. 15 PMG) or in that of > Pelops by Pindar (Pind. Ol. 1,52). The basic criticism of the mythical tradition began at the moment when the poetic narratives by Homer and Hesiodus attained permanent influence and collided with higher ethical demands on the gods, or with the demand of plausibility in hero myths understood as historical events. The Presocratic > Xeno-

B57

458

phanes of Colophon was the first, in the late 6th cent. BC, to apply new ethic designs to the anthropomorphous image of the gods found in the Homeric mythological narratives, only to reject this image as an unaccep-

torical statements by applying a historical interpretation that neutralises the irrationality of the material. Plutarch offers a summary of this method in the introduction to his ‘Life of of Theseus’ (Plut. Theseus 1). Usually, only hero myths were historicised. More radical were > Prodicus of Ceos (DIELS/KRANZ 84 B 5) [44] and his pupil > Euhemerus of Messene who went so far as to interpret the gods as historical figures and their deeds as historical events. In later periods, Euhemerus’s model (or ‘Euhemerism’) was applied by > Dionysius [13] Scytobrachion [45], among others. Philosophical mythology: the demand for ethically appealing myths and the idea that myths contain knowledge led to the creation of philosophically satisfying and edifying myths. It also led to to an increased appreciation of traditional narratives with a clear moral message. In the Imperial period, the > fables of Aesopus which always could have been regarded as myth, were considered the best kind of myth because they were clearly ethical and didactic (Philostr. VA. 5,14; Philostr. Imag. 1,3 [46]). The sophists created mythical narratives to illustrate their ethical theories, such as the

table human projection (DiELs/KRANZ 21 B 10-18). Later, it was the first historian, - Hecataeus [3] of

Miletus, who doubted the credibility of certain traits of the hero myths (FGrH 1 F 1). Philosophical critique became fundamental with — Plato’s concept of the gods, entailing the rejection of the traditional poetic mythological narratives (esp. Pl. Rep. 10). Allegorical interpretation was no solution either, because even if a deeper meaning (hyp6noia) existed, the narrative surface still exerted a corrupting effect (Pl. Rep. 2,378ab). This critique influenced the philosophical schools that followed, although not all of them shared in the radical rejection of poetic tradition. — Aristotle [6] already regarded myth as a container for the knowledge of ‘the ancestors and oldest forefathers’ (Aristot. Metaph. 11,8,1074b rff.), and esp. in the Stoa (— Stoicism) and in -» Neoplatonism, > allegoresis became the central hermeneutic instrument of mythological interpretation. Later, Christian apologetics was to adopt and expand the arguments of the philosophical critique in its fight against pagan traditions. E. SALVAGE OF MYTHS

(ALLEGORESIS)

The interpretation of myths (questions and demands by the recipients, especially in the case of epic myths, and above all the criticism of myths by philosophers and historians) results in strategies for dealing with fixed narratives. When ideas about the image of the gods and narrative plausibility changed, mythological interpretation led to — allegoresis and historicism. While the demands from recipients had already prompted competing Homer exegetes to produce moralising interpretations of the narrative surface [38], allegoresis became especially important in the defence against the radical criticism of myths started by Xenophanes [39]. The Homer exegetes Theagenes of Regium (DIELS/KRANZ 8,2; late 6th cent. BC) and Stesimbrotus of Thasos (FGrH 107; early sth cent. BC) are regarded as the founders of allegoresis. This trend only gained momentum with Metrodorus [3] of Lampsacus, a student of Anaxagoras, who regarded the actions of gods and heroes as images of natural processes (DIELs/ KRANZ 61,3). Then came the interpretation of an Orphic theogony on a papyrus from Derveni [40], which is influenced by Anaxagoras. This type of physicalist allegoresis was subsequently adapted by the Stoa [41; 42] and then expanded in Neoplatonism [43]; an independent variation thereof was documented as early as Pythagoras (Aristot. fr. 196 RosE). A moralizing allegoresis might well go back to the Pythagoreans as well, that is, if Pl. Grg. 493ab really reflects Pythagorean thought; the same approach was adopted by the later Stoa. Ever since Hecataeus of Miletus, Greek historians have attempted to reduce the mythical narrative to his-

MYTH

one by > Prodicus about Heracles at the crossroads, a

myth that would live on into the early modern period (DrELs/KRANZ 84 B 2 [47]). The idea was adopted by > Plato [48]. In the dialogue of the same name, he put a myth about the creation of human society into the mouth of the sophist > Protagoras (Pl. Prt. 322aff.). Plato also used myths for the formulation of things that are impossible to know with certainty: cosmogony (PI. Ti.), history (myth of Atlantis, Pl. Criti. [49]) and ideas about the here-after (famous is the myth of Er, Pl. Resp. 10,61 4aff.; imitated by Cic. Rep. 6 [50]). VI. ROME A. THE PROBLEM

B. FUNCTIONS

OF MYTHS

IN

ROME

A. THE PROBLEM

Rome absorbed Greek myths in two ways: (1) along with the introduction of Greek gods or the identification of Roman and Greek gods; (2) along with the introduction of Greek literature beginning with Livius Andronicus (2nd half of the 3rd cent. BC). Archaeological finds show that Greek myths were being connected to Roman gods from the late 6th cent. BC on (Hephaestus’s return on a black-figured krater sherd from the Volcanal [51] or the apotheosis of Heracles on the pediment of a late Archaic temple on the Forum Boarium [52]), not necessarily through Etruscan mediation. It is more likely that the Greek myths became established among Romans and Etruscans simultaneously (although the few Roman iconographical records are very poor compared to the abundance of Etruscan mythological imagery [53; 54]). This raises the question of indigenous myths in Rome and Etruria. While Etruscan representations — despite notorious problems of interpretation — reveal traces of an indigenous mythology, both in the early period and in a few pictures from the

MYTH

459

4th and 3th cent. BC (> Etrusci, Etruria III. B. [5 5; 56]), and rare texts transmit, for instance, the myth of

» Tages (Cic. Div. 2,50), experts have largely rejected the existence of an independent Roman mythology. This view is based on Dionysus [18] of Halicarnassus, although he documents only the lack of an unworthy mythology of gods [57]. The thesis articulated by C. Kocu that Roman religion had deliberately been demythologized [58] has not found much resonance — it was discussed primarily by Italian scholars who, for the most part, rejected it [59]. B. FUNCTIONS OF MYTHS IN ROME In Rome, mythology played a role in three different forms. (1) In the literary and artistic adoption of Greek myths; in this respect, Rome seamlessly adopted Greek culture from the 2nd cent. BC on. (2) The independent existence of numerous aetiological myths for Roman festivals, rites and cults as reflected esp. in Ovid’s Fasti and Plutarch’s Ouaestiones Romanae (often recorded in Varro). Such aitia often adopted typically Greek narrative structures but used indigenous protagonists. Despite their often late origin (either proven or assumed), these myths fit the definition mentioned above of ‘traditional narratives with collective significance’. They were traditional in as far as they were adopted by later authors [60]. Finally, (3) beginning with NieBuHR, scholars were able to demonstrate that parts of the annalistic transmission consist of mythical narratives placed into historical contexts, similar to a large part of Greek hero mythology [61; 62]. This holds true primarily but not exclusively for the myths of the early monarchy, which must have been transmitted orally in great detail [63]. These narratives were used above all in the Augustan period for the purpose of articulating a new ideology of rulership [64].

460

explained biographical terms — or the scope of > Boethius’s work. Christian authors adopted the various interpretational strategies of the Imperial period. These were developed by the pagan and Hellenistic-Judaic world when dealing with myths [66] and were important for the educational use of those texts. For instance,

issues presented by — Plutarch in De audiendis poetis [67] can be found again in — Basilius’s [1] text “To the young people’ [68]. Moral allegoresis became fundamental to interpretation, as did a Christological and salvation historical allegoresis of pagan myths, which adopted the methods of the Neoplatonic allegoresis of Homer [69]. Thus made acceptable, myths were adopted in the visual arts of Christian Late Antiquity [70], in the west as well as in Byzantium [71]. In this manner, the Christendom of Late Antiquity pointed the way in which the themes of Greek and Roman literature could ‘harmlessly *be transmitted to the Christian Middle Ages and to Christianity in general. [72 and 73]. + Mythography; > Myth 1 M.I. Fintey, Myth, Memory and History, in: Idem, The

Use and Abuse of History, 1975, 11-33. 2 A. HENRICHS, Three Approaches to Greek Mythography, in: J. N. BREMMER (ed.), Interpretation of Greek Mythology, 1987, 242277. 3 MythGr 1, 1026 4 P. K. MarsHatt (ed.), Hyginus, Fabulae, 1993 5 B. KRAMER, D. HAGEDORN, Grie-

chische Papyri der Staats- und Universitatsbibliothek Hamburg (Papyrologische Texte und Abhandlungen 31), 1984, 25-34 6A. OxtvieRt (ed.), Ps.-Eratosthenis Catasterismi (MythGr 3,1), 1897

Drama, 1971 10 CH. SouRVINOU-INWOOD, Myths in Images. Theseus and Medea as a Case Study, in: L.EDMUNDS (ed.), Approaches to Greek Myth, 1990, 393-445 11 Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae, 8 vols.,

VII. THE EARLY CHURCH A. REJECTION OF MYTHS B. RECONCILIATION

Along with > Paulus’s rejection of the pagan gods as (1 Cor

tr0,20), the early Church

1982-2000

12 M. Gérarpb-RoussEau,

Les men-

tions religieuses dans les tablettes mycéniennes, 1968, 65, 138 13 E. T. VERMEULE, Mythology in Mycenaean Art, in: CJ 54,1958,97-108 14 M. Duran TE, Sulla preistoria della tradizione poetica greca, 2 vols., 1971; 1976

A. REJECTION OF MYTHS

-» demons

7 Gu. Viré (ed.), Hyginus,

De astronomia, 1992 8 M. PAPATHOMOPOULOS (ed.), Antoninus Liberalis, Les Métamorphoses, 1968 9 A.D. TRENDALL, T. B. L. Wesster, Illustrations of Greek

in the

Greek-Roman world condemned the myths. For this purpose, it adopted the arguments of the philosophical critique of myths and deconstructed the entire pagan religion with the aid of Euhemerist models. [65]. B. RECONCILIATION After the Constantinian revolution, this negative attitude was difficult to maintain, something which is true for the whole realm of education. For the great poetic mythological narratives that began with Homer formed the core of higher Christian education and could not be replaced even by Christian literature (which emerged in part as a reaction to emperor > Julianus [11]). Examples of this are found in > Nonnus’s work, which contains a metric version of the Gospel of St. John along with the Dionysiakd—an incongruity that should not be

15 M.

P. Nitsson, The Mycenaean Origin of Greek Mythology, 1932 16F. HAMPL, Die Ilias ist kein Geschichtsbuch, in: Idem (ed.), Geschichte als kritische Wissenschaft, vol. 2,

1975, 51-99 17M.L. West, The East Face of Helicon. West Asiatic Elements in Greek Poetry and Myth, 1997 18 J. FONTENROSE, Python. A Study of Delphic Mythology, 1959 19 G.M. CaLHoun, Homer’s Gods. Myth and Marchen, in: AJPh 60, 1939, 1-28 20E. Perzo.p, Die Meleagros-Geschichte der Ilias, in: Historia 25, 1976, 146-169 21 W. BuRKERT, Die orientalisierende Epoche in der griechischen Religion und Literatur (SHAW 1984,1), 1984, 88-90 22 A. BRELICH, Gli eroi greci. Un problema storico-religioso, 1958 (1978) 23 M. L. West, The Hesiodic Catalogue of Women. Its Nature, Structure, and Origins, 1985 24 F. Prinz, Griindungsmythen und Sagenchronologie, 1971 25 J. R. Marcu, The Creative

Poet. Studies in the Treatment of Myths in Greek Poetry, 1987 26J. N. BREMMER, La plasticité du mythe: Méléagre dans la poésie homérique, in: C. CALAME (ed.), Métamorphoses du mythe en Gréce antique, 1988, 37-56 27 C. CaLaMe,

La fondation

narrative de Cyréne,

in:

462

461

MYTHOGRAPHI

VATICANI

Idem, Mythe et histoire dans l’antiquité grecque. La créa-

Revision in Ancient Alexandria, 1992

tion symbolique d’une colonie, 1996, 57-192 28 I. MALKIN, Religion and Colonization in Ancient Greece, 1987

Plutarch and the Interpretation of Myth, in: ANRW

67 PH. R. HARDIE,

II

30L.

33.6, 1992, 4743-4787 68N. G. WILSON (ed.), Saint Basil on Greek Literature, 1975 69H. RAHNER, Grie-

Bracces!, La leggenda di Antenore da Troia a Padova, 1984 31 T.S. ScHEER, Mythische Vorvater. Zur Bedeu-

chische Mythen in christlicher Deutung, 1957 70 C. NAuERTH, Mythische Darstellungen der koptischen (Textil-

29 Idem, The Returns of Odysseus, 1998, 156-257

tung griechischer Heroenmythen im Selbstverstandnis kleinasiatischer Stadte, 1993 32 J. G. Frazer, Pausanias’ Description of Greece, 6 vols., 1898 (repr. 1965) 33 W. BuRKERT, Homo necans. Interpretationen altgriechischer Opferriten, 1971 34 J. E. HARRISON, Themis. A Study of the Social Origins of Greek Religion, 1927 35 A. BRELICH, Paides e partenoi, 1969

36 K. DowDEN, Death and

the Maiden. Girls’ Initiation Rites in Greek Mythology, 1989 37 G.A. Cavburr, Antike Sintflutsagen, 1986 38 A. Forpb, Performing Interpretation. Early Allegorical Exegesis of Homer, in: M. BEIssinGcEr, J. TyLus, $. WorFORD (eds.), Epic Traditions in the Contemporary World. The Poetics of Community, 1999 39 F. WeHRLI, Zur

Geschichte der allegorischen Deutung Homers im Altertum,1928

1900 73D. Busn, Pagan Myth and the Christian Tradition, 1968.

PRELLER/ROBERT; K. KERENY1, Die Mythologie der Griechen, 2 vols., 1951; 1958; HUNGER, Mythologie; M. GRANT, Roman Myths, 1971; F. GRAF, Greek Mythology.

An Introduction, 1993; TH. GANTZ, Early Greek Myth. A Guide to Literary and Artistic Sources, 1993; K. SCHEFOLD, Geschichte der griechischen Sagenbilder 1-4, 19921997.

E.G.

40 A. Laxs, G. W. Most (eds.), Studies on the

Derveni Papyrus, 1996 41 P. STEINMETZ, Allegorische Deutung und allegorische Dichtung in der alten Stoa, in: RhM 129, 1986, 18-30 42 G. W. Most, Cornutus and Stoic Allegoresis. A Preliminary Report, in: ANRW II 36.3, 1989, 2014-2065 43 R. LAMBERTON, Homer the Theologian, 1986 44 A. HenrIcHs, Two Doxographical Notes. Democritus and Prodicus on Religion, in: HSPh 79, 1975, 93-123 45J. S. RusTEeN, Dionysius Scytobrachion, 1982 46G.-J. vAN Dijk, Ainoi, Logoi, Mythoi. Fables in Archaic, Classical, and Hellenistic Greek Literature, 1997 47 E. PANorsxy, Hercules am

Scheideweg und andere antike Bildstoffe in neuerer Kunst, 1930 48 P. FruTiIGER, Les mythes de Platon. Etude philosophique et littéraire, 1930 49 G. Nappar, The Atlan-

tis Myth. An Introduction to Plato’s Later Philosophy of History, in: Phoenix 48, 1994, 189-209 50L. BRISsON, Platon, les mots et les mythes, 1982 51 F. COARELLI, Il

Foro Romano. Periodo arcaico, 1983, 176f. 52 T. J. CorNELL, The Beginnings of Rome. Italy and Rome from the Bronze Age to the Punic Wars (c. 1000-264 B.C.), 1995,

148f. 53 1. KrausKopF, Der thebanische Sagenkreis und andere griechische Sagen in der etruskischen Kunst, 1974 54L. B. VAN DER MEER, Interpretatio Etrusca. Greek Myths on Etruscan Mirrors, 1995 55 PFIFFIG, 347-352 56 E. Stmon, s.v. Ares/Mars, LIMC 2.1, 510 Nr. *11 57 E. GaBBA, Dionigi, Varrone e la religione senza miti, in: Rivista Storica Italiana 96, 1984, 855-870 58 C. Kocn,

Der rémische Juppiter, 1937 59 E. MONTANARI, blemi della demitizzazione romana, in: SMSR 52, 73-99 60F. GrarF, Romische Kultaitia und die struktion religidser Vergangenheit, in: M. FLASHAR, GEHRKE,

)Kunst, in: D, Writers (ed.), Begegnungen von Heiden-

tum und Christentum im spatantiken Agypten, 1993 71K. WeitzMann, Greek Mythology in Byzantine Art, 1952 72 J.M. RoBerTson, Christianity and Mythology,

E. HEINRICH

(eds.), Retrospektive.

Pro1986, KonH.-J. Konzepte

von Vergangenheit in der griechisch-romischen Antike 1996, 125-136 61 A. MOMIGLIANO, Perizonius, Niebuhr and the Character of Early Roman Tradition, in: JRS 47, 1957, 104-114 62 J. Poucet, Les origines de Rome. Tradition et histoire, 1985 63 J. VON UNGERN-STERNBERG,

Uberlegungen zur friihen rémischen

Uberlieferung im

Lichte der Oral-Tradition-Forschung, in: Id., H. REmNAU (ed.), Vergangenheit in miindlicher Uberlieferung (Colloquia Raurica 1), 1988, 237-265 64 P. ZANKER, Augustus

und die Macht der Bilder,

1987 65 J.-M. VERMANDER, La

polémique des apologistes chrétiens contre les dieux du paganisme, in: Recherches Augustiniennes 17, 1982, 3-128 66D. Dawson, Allegorical Readers and Cultural

Mythical creatures see > Monsters Mythographi Vaticani is the name under which three collections of myths, which have their origins in the teaching of literature in the Middle Ages, are subsumed ever since their publication from Vatican manuscripts by A. Marin 1831. MV I (anon., no title, now dated between around 875 and 1075, [3]): 233 short fabulae are compiled simply in three volumes without any discernible overall theme (Main sources: Serv. in Verg.; [Lactantius Placi-

dus] scholia in Stat. Theb.; Ps.-Lactantius

Placidus, Narrationes fabularum Ovidianarum; additionally i.a. Remigius of Auxerre). MV II (anon., no title, 9th—11th cents.): it begins by establishing its Christian persepective and presents the material in 230 detailed chapters, augmenting it by frequent etymologies and allegorical interpretations, in an attempt to be systematic (main source: Fulgentius, Mit-

ologiae; in the preface: Isid. Orig. 8,11 De diis gentium; as well as Remigius and MV I). MV III = Albericus (probably a canon from St Paul’s cathedral London, around 1181-1202), De diis gentium et illorum allegoriis, more frequently: Liber imaginum deorum. The often repeatedly allegorised material, written ina carefully elaborated style, is set out in 15 chapters dealing with the important gods of antiquity (Main sources: Hyg. Poet. Astr.; Serv. Aen.; Macrob. Sat.; Macrob. commentary; Mart. Cap.; Fulgentius, Mitologiae; Isid. Orig.; Remigius, commentary on Mart. Cap.). An early version of the text may have existed in southern Germany in the first half of the 12th century [6]. The work’s widespread influence and effects (ed. princeps: [4]; cf. [8. 15 5-163]) is 7.4. shown in the writings of PETRARCH and Boccaccio and in the anonymous De deorum imaginibus libellus (around 1400) with non-classical illustrations (Ed.: [7. 117-128 with Plates xvi-xxx]). EpiTIONs:

1G.H.Bope, Scriptores rerum mythicarum

latini tres, 1834, reprint 1968;

2 P. KuLcsAr, MV Let II,

MYTHOGRAPHI 1987;

VATICANI

3N. Zorzetti, J. BERLIOZ, Le premier mytho-

graphe du Vatican, 1995 (with translation and bibliography); 4 Allegoriae poeticae seu de veritate ac expositione poeticarum fabularum libri quattuor Alberico Londonensi authore nusquam antea impressi, Paris 1520.

LITERATURE: 5R. M. KriLi, The Vatican Mythographers: Their Place in Ancient Mythography, in: Manuscripta 23, 1979, 173-177;

6 Cu. S. F. Burnett, A Note

on the Origins of the Third Vatican Mythographer, in: JWI 44, 1981, 160-166;

7H. LieBescHwTz, Fulgentius

metaforalis. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der antiken Mythologie im MA, 1926; 8 J. SEZNEC, La survivance des dieux antiques, *1980 ('r940).

TH.

Mythographus Homericus Since [7], Mythographus Homericus has been the name given to the unknown author of a Greek mythological commentary on Homer from the early Imperial period. It has been possible to deduce its existence from the mythological tales (historiat) of the Byzantine scholia and it has now been attested by finds of papyri and an ostrakon from the period of the rst/2nd to the 5th cent. AD (historiai not appearing in the scholia are in POxy. 61,4096 = [1. No. 53]). The enarratio historiarum on mythical figures (genealogies, deeds), the founding of localities (ktiseis) and the origin of institutions

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463

and customs

(a/tia) is linked

to the

Homer text by lemma entries. It draws its material for the most part from Alexandrian scholarship, even if subscriptiones mostly assign the content to ‘authorities’ from Hesiod to Demetrius [3 4] of Scepsis. The intended readership was probably a post-school-age public. While the latest texts suggest a single original commentary, the over 200 tales from the so-called D(idymus)scholia on the ‘Iliad’ (MSS A [3] and D [2]; new editions by F. MonTANARI in preparation, individual tales in the bT-scholia) and the not quite so numerous tales on the ‘Odyssey’ [4] have generally been topped up with supplementary material of varying provenance (i. a. from Ps.-Apollod.). PAPYRUS AND OSTRAKA EDITIONS:

Mythography (wv00yeadia; mythographia). I. INTRODUCTION II. GREEK ANTIQUITY III. LarIN ANTIQUITY IV. LATE ANTIQUITY TO THE

PRESENT I. INTRODUCTION Mythography is a commonly used term for ancient and post-antique literature that presents, collects and also interprets myths (and is therefore applied also to indigenous recording of comparable narrative traditions in other cultures or to ethnographic transcriptions of them). The term mythography, however, has to remain imprecise, if only because of the implicit problem in finding a definition for > myth, especially in relation to its differentiation from other oral narrative traditions and their recording in literary genres (tale, legend, > fairy-tale, > fable, > novella, paradoxography, historiography). Also, mythography does not readily lend itself to be defined as a literary or ‘sub-literary’ genre, as the textual forms of transmitting myths are disparate from both a diachronous and synchronous perspective. It is likewise difficult to draw a distinction from mythical poetry, which can sometimes be termed mythography or which displays mythographical features. Instead, it seems meaningful to understand mythographical literature in its individual cultural-historical context (along with oral tradition, poetry and iconography) as part of the mythographical process, in which narration of myths, removed by mythography from its traditional context and particular form, becomes accessible beyond boundaries of time and geographic region and finally becomes entirely independent of religion and rituals, with which myths and mythography were once connected. > Myth M. DeTIENNE (ed.), Transcrire les mythologies. Tradition, éecriture, historicité, 1994; R. BUXTON, Imaginary Greece:

The Contexts of Mythology, 1994.

T.H.

1M. VAN RossuM-

STEENBEEK, Greek Readers’ Digests? Studies on a Selection of Subliterary Papyri, 1998, 85-118, 278-309: Nr.

48-57. SCHOLIA

EDITIONS:

2J. Lascaris

(ed.), Scholia in

Homeri Iliadem quae vocantur Didymi, 1517

3 W. Din-

porrF (ed.), Scholia Graeca in Homeri Iliadem, vol. 1-2, 1875 41d. (ed.), Scholia Graeca in Homeri Odysseam,

vol. 1-2, 1855. (pdf), 2o00ff.

Lir.:

4bH. VAN THIEL, Scholia D in Iliadem

5 W. Luppe, Nachlese und Uberlegungen zum M.-

H.-Codex PSI 1173, in: ZPE 116, 1997, 13-18 6 F. MonTANARI, The M.H., in: J. G. J. ABBENES, S. R. SLINGs, I. SLuITER (Hrsg.), Greek Literary Theory after Aristotle,

1995, 135-172

7 J. PANZER, De Mythographo Homerico

restituendo, 1892.

T.H.

II]. GREEK ANTIQUITY

Mythography is the written recording and transmission of mythological material, i.e. traditional tales of very old or original elements of reality, of men, heroes, gods or wondrous things (Oavucoua/thaumdsia, naw kaind, nagadoga/parddoxa, lat. mirabilia) [4. 283285]. Even in their oral transmission, these tales are arranged chronologically and geographically (in cosmogonies, theogonies, genealogies), for ease of recollection: their oldest models are the catalogues in the Homeric epics and the heroic genealogies, on the basis of which clan traditions are defined within the mythical tradition. The first attempt at a systematic approach to the natural and divine world is the ‘Theogony’ of + Hesiod; followed by his ‘Catalogue of Women’, which brings together in a homogeneous way the whole mythical history, form the age of heroes to the Trojan War, by means of genealogies (which go back to the

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union of a god with a mortal). From the 6th cent. BC begin the prose accounts of heroic and local myths arranged on a generational basis (> Acusilaus, > Hecataeus [3] of Miletus, > Pherecydes and the other authors in FGrH 1-14). Genealogies and catalogues are also the basis of later scholarly mythography, as also of the collection of myths in chronological ‘cycles’. Thus, the > epic cycle in the excerpts in Proclus begins ‘with the mythical (mythologouméné) union of Uranus and Gaia’ and ends with the death of Odysseus. Prose works that began with cosmogonies and then went on to recount hero-stories were also called Kykloi, e.g. the Kixioc tatoguxdc (Kyklos historikos, 7 bks., FGrH 15) of Dionysius Cyclographus (2nd, possibly 3rd cent. BC). In its tendency to collect all aspects of reality in one single work and weave them together, mythography reflects the encyclopaedic mentality of the Greeks (> Encyclopaedia). The word wv0o0yeadia (mythographia) has been attested since the rst cent. AD for the use of mythical

were probably composed by > Glaucus [7] on Aeschy-

materials by poets or historians (Str. 1,2,353; 8,3,9) to

please the public and because of the charm of the wondrous. That is the reason why > Theopompus takes myths up in a programmatic way in his historical work. Polybius (4,40,2) sets mythographers up in contrast to historians and groups them with poets, for whose accuracy of content he cannot vouch, although he does not rule out the possibility that Homer’s myths may have a basis of historical truth (Pol. 34,2,7-11 = Str. 1,2,9). Mythography is a literary, and a particularly poetic activity that is clearly quite distinct from the writing of history, as its subject matter has neither ‘credibility nor certainty’ (Plut. Theseus 1,3) but blends in historical discourse over the earliest period of time. It even gets caught up in a historiography seeking universality of time and space; hence the polemic of Diodorus [18] Siculus (1,3 and 4,1) against historian predecessors who had excluded mythical tales from their works, and his claim to have been the first to write an archaiologia. In Julian Or. 7, moreover, mythographia means the use of myth in philosophical discourse as a veil for theological or moral truths. In modern scholarly usage, by contrast, mythography denotes erudite literature that collects and arranges myths for reference works to help in reading and compiling poetic works [5]. A comparison of different versions of myths seems to be the theme of a work by — Hippias (86 F 6 DK) but the earliest precursor of a mythographical manual is perhaps the lost collection Toaywdovueve (Tragoidoumena) by a pupil of Isocrates Asclepiades of Tragilus (4th cent. BC; FGrH 12). It recounted the plots of tragic myths in chronological order and compared them with the adaptations of other authors. Tragedy offered the most extensive material for both compendia and philological research into myths: in his hypothéseis on Sophocles and Euripides, > Dicaearchus discussed the way in which both tragedians departed from other versions of the myths. Similar works

MYTHOGRAPHY

lus and by > Philochorus on the tragedians and on Alcman (FGrH 328).

The challenge of collecting mythological material systematically and setting it out in manuals, for didactic purposes also, began even before the Hellenistic period under the influence of the > Peripatos. Works by local historians and scholars on the hunt for strange tales began to multiply, made possible by the existence of libraries. Manuals were composed by > Callimachus [3] and his school (e.g. > Istrus [4], > Philostephanus, + Lysimachus [6]); compendia and excerpts offered

shorter and more accessible accounts of the mythological tradition and its endless variations, even for didactic

use (for the grammatikos as ‘interpreter of myths’ cf. Dion. Thrax 6,1 Unuic). From the rst cent. BC

onwards, mythological manuals were often ‘readers’ for the public at large, never free from pleasure in the wondrous or from attempts at myth interpretations (FGrH 15-30; > Conon). One mythological manual with notes on interpretation’ seeking to rationalize myths was compiled by ~— Palaephatus; the most important representative of the genre is the Bibliotheké of Ps.-Apollodorus [7]. In poetry, the ‘heroic marriages of the gods’ (Hewat Oeoyauto, Héroikai theogamiat) in 60 bks, an epic by > Peisander of Laranda (1st half of the 3rd cent. AD), must have been an impressive theological-mythological corpus. The Alexandrian grammarians made a contribution to mythography in the explanatory material that they collected in commentaries on Greek poetry—a tradition continuing into the Imperial period, traces of which have survived in the mythographical information of the ancient scholia (for the most comprehensive corpus on Homer see -» Mythographus Homericus). This includes the immense compilatory activity of > Didymus [1] (ast cent. BC) and > Theon (1st cent. AD). The age of prose compendia on epics (not just on Homer) is attested by the fact that they are the origin of the socalled Homeric cups from the 2nd cent. BC and the + tabulae Iliacae (1st cent. AD). If one moves beyond the technical and rather narrow meaning of mythography, the boundaries between various literary forms of mythography are not clearly delineated. Mythography as a genre of entertainment appears as early as > Herodorus of Heracleia (5th cent BC), the author of a ‘mythological novel’ on Hercules, with a rationalistic-allegorical orientation. This form of Greek mythography includes the new version of the Troy myth (FGrH 43-50; cf. > Hegesianax, — Dionysius [13] Scytobrachion, + Ptolemaeus Chennos). The most important work is the rationalistic theogony of > Euhemerus (3rd cent. BC). In mythographical works the criteria of orientation are differentiated in each case by the fields of enquiry: etymological analysis is concerned with the names of rivers, mountains, sources, towns

(and possible vari-

ations of these), or with gods and their epithets (e.g. ‘On the gods’ by > Apollodorus [7] of Athens , c. 150 BC, or

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the compendium of Greek theology by L. Annaeus > Cornutus [4], rst cent. AD). Mythography of metamorphoses goes back to the origins of the world (e.g.

In Augustan literature, myths that had been transmitted, especially the Italo-Roman, were revamped to have relevance to Augustan policies of culture and religion, in both poetry and historiography (especially + Livius, > Dionysius [18] of Halicarnassus). Mythographical literature in both Greek and Latin was by then readily available. Notwithstanding the authors’ stated purpose in his dedication to Gallus, the Erotika Pathémata of > Parthenius did not represent material for poetic reworking so much as reading material for entertainment. With the wealth of mythographical texts and Greek models since — Callimachus, it is not surprising that poetry itself displays mythographical elements (for example: catalogues; series of mythological examples, aitia, especially in Prop. 4, Ov. Fast. and Met.) or operates intertextually with a ‘mythographical code’ (drawing, for example, on oral written sources). -» Ovid’s“‘Metamorphoses”’ are a special case, and there is still uncertainty whether a mythological manual (or several) had been used. In respect of any particular item, we must assume knowledge or use of mythographical texts but, as with other authors, we must also allow for various literary sources, as well as for conflation, incoherence, errors and invention. With regard to the fundamental mythographical principle ab origine mundi ... ad mea tempora (‘from the beginning of the world ... to the present day’), common since Hesiod, mythological manual-culture is probably to be regarded as given, but no concrete models are in evidence for the overall structure of the poem — if the ‘Metamorphoses’ themselves were to become one of the most influential mythological manuals of European cultural history, that is probably also due to Ovid’s ‘mythographical’ creativity. In the Imperial period, poetry influenced by

MYTHOGRAPHY

» Nicander [4], > Didymarchus, > Theodorus, > Antoninus [2] Liberalis). Often cataloguing of myths is done according to geographical criteria (e.g. according to towns in the work of > Neanthes [1] of Cyzicus or in the framework

of a > Periploas, as in the work

of

> Mnaseas [2] of Patara. Ever present are the mythical transmissions in the Perihegesis of > Pausanias). The repertory of ~— Parthenius revolves around erotic themes, while the mythical history of the constellations is the theme of the Katasterismoiof > Eratosthenes [2]. + Encyclopaedia; > Myth; > Mythography EpitTrons:

A. WESTERMANN,

Mv@oyeddot.

Scriptores

poeticae historiae Graeci, 1843; MythGr, vol. 1: R. WAGNER (ed.), Apollodori Bibliotheca. Pediasimi libellus de duodecim Herculis laboribus, *1926; vol. 2.1: P. SaKo-

Lowski (ed.), Parthenii libellus Meoi éowtxa@v ma6yudbov, E. Martini (ed.), Antonini Liberalis Metanoepooewv ovvaywoyn, 1896; vol. 3.1: A. OLIVIERI (ed.), Ps.Eratosthenis Catasterismi, 1897; vol. 3.2: N. Festa (ed.),

Palaephati Megi aaiotwv. Heracliti qui fertur libellus Megi axiotwv. Excerpta Vaticana vulgo Anonymus de incredibilibus, 1902; FGrH I. BIBLIOGRAPHY:

15S. Fasce, s.v. Mitografi, Dizionario

degli scrittori grecie latini, vol. 2, 1987, 1367-1373; 2R. HAussLer, Grundziige antiker Mythographie, in: W. Kitty (ed.), Mythographie der frihen Neuzeit. Ihre Anwendung in den Kiinsten, 1984, 1-23;

3 A. HENRICHS,

Three Approaches to Greek Mythography, in: J. BREMMER (ed.), Interpretations of Greek Mythology, 1987, 242-277;

4 E. PELLIZER, La mitografia, in:

G.CAMBIANO

et al. (ed.), Lo spazio letterario della Grecia antica, vol. 1.2, 1993, 283-303; 5 C. WENDEL, s.v. M., RE 16, 13521374; 6U. VON WILAMOWITZ-MOELLENDORFF, Die griechische Heldensage I-Il, in: Id., KS, vol. 5.2, 1937, 54-126.

S.FO.

III. LATIN ANTIQUITY

From its beginnings, Latin literature (especially tragedy and epic) adopted Greek mythological poetry and the available Greek mythographical literature. With his translation of > Euhemerus’ Hiera anagraphe, Ennius contributed decisively to the influence of euhemerism

on Latin culture. The writing down of Italo-Roman myths occured especially with the older — Annalists (the Italic perspective is emphasized especially by M. Porcius > Cato [1] in the Origines), which also served as a mythographical source up until the Imperial period. In the rst cent. BC, a background ofproduction and reception in contemporary Greek mythography can be assumed in the + Neoterics, even though no single item can be identified, and this is the case, too, in the follow-

ing period. The antiquarian work of M. Terentius + Varro, which entered the traditional stream of the

scholia, was largely mythographical, and Varro probably adopted from the Stoa the rationalistic doctrine of the theologia tripertita, which classified mythology the theology of poets.

+ Aratus [4] and — Eratosthenes [2] (—~ Manilius {II x], > Germanicus [2]) including scholia, became an

important bearer of mythographical transmission, with considerable impact on the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. The collection Astronomica or De astronomia (probably 2nd cent. AD), attributed to C. Iulius + Hyginus, is extant. The Fabulae, which was probably originally entitled Genealogiae (Hyg. Poet. Astr. 2,12), derives from the same period and was likewise in circulation with Hyginus’ name on it. Large sections of the mythological tradition, both Greek and Latin, were absorbed into the scholia and commentaries on Latin poets and went on to influence the mythographical literature of the Middle Ages (especially commentaries on Virgil: in particular, those of Aelius - Donatus [3], ~ Servius, whose ideological casting of the Romulus story hardly seems to have any firm backing, and the later supplement of the Scholia Danielis; on Statius: -» Lactantius [2] Placidus; as well as on Horace, Persius, and Lucan). Rome’s early history is also treated, though in an introductory way, by > Solinus (middle of the 3rd cent. AD), but the only extant writing exclusively dedicated to Roman myths is the compendium Origo gentis Romanae (end of the 4th cent.), which is attrib-

469

470

uted to Aurelius > Victor and which, drawing on annalistic sources in particular, depicts Rome’s ‘history’

In the Greek East, too, the mythographical tradition continued to find its place in scholia and commentaries on mythological poetry (especially noteworthy are: Ps.Nonnus, mythological scholia on Gregorius [3] of Nazianzus; — Eustathius [4]; Johannes > Tzetzes [2]), in antiquarian and chronographical works (Johannes > Lydus [3], > Johannes [18] Malalas) and in > lexicography and > etymological works. Neoplatonism took special interest in mythography in its dispute with Christianity (> Julianus [11] Apostata, > Sallustius [2], > Proclus [2]). The Dionysiaka of > Nonnus represent a poetic encyclopaedia of Dionysus myths [19], in the background to which may stand ‘biographies’ of the god, just as they are probably already reflected in theatrical iconography [1]. The Bibliotheké of Photius [2] contains, apart from a reference to the Bibliotheké of Ps.- > Apollodorus [7], excerpts from Proclus on the themes of the ~ epic cycle and a fairly long excerpt from — Conon [4]. While the Genealogie deorum gentilium (composed c. 1350-1375) of G. Boccaccio is regarded as the first post-medieval manual of mythography, modification of the material does not begin until the 16th cent., with the rediscovery and first publication of ancient authors and mythographers (first editions: Fulgentius 1498; Cornutus 1505; Hyginus, Fabulae 1535; Ps.-Apollodorus 1555), of whom the influential handbooks of the Renaissance were already making good use (L. G. GIRALDI 1548; N. Conti 1551; V. CARTARI 1556). In the early modern period, collections of Latin mythographers ([3; 4]; cf. [2]; Mythographi Graeci not until the roth cent., - Mythography B.) prepared the ground for scholarly mythography in the r9th and 2oth cents., which then also systematically recorded ancient iconography and the reception of art history. At the same there began also —so far barely acknowledged and researched — a divulgative mythography, especially in the form of mythological dictionaries (influential in the Goethe-period for example [5]) and of heterogeneous story-retellings (e.g. [6; 7; 8; 9; 10]), which also take the form of the handbook (bearing the stamp in each case of the author’s own understanding of the myth [11; 12]). Likewise, scholarly and popular mythography both take advantage of similar narrative traditions in other cultures. — Myth; > Mythology I. B.; > Myth

from Janus and Saturn to Romulus and Remus.

» Myth; > Mythography J. N. BREMMER, N. HorsFAti, Roman Myth and Mythography, 1987; PH. BruGcisser, Romulus Servianus, 1987 (review by N. HorsFALt, in: CR 41, 1991, 242f.); D. FEENEY, Literature and Religion at Rome, 1998, 47-75; F.

Grak, Der Mythos bei den ROmern, in: Id. (ed.), Mythos in mythenloser Gesellschaft., 1993, 25-43; N. HoRSFALL, Mythological invention and poetica licentia, in: F. Graf (ed.), Mythos, 1993, 131-141; Id., Camilla, o i limiti dell’invenzione, in: Athenaeum 66, 1988, 31-51; A. JoH-

NER, La violence chez Tite-Live. Mythographie et historiographie, 1996; E. MONTANARI, Mito e storia nell’annali-

stica romana delle origini, 1990. IV. LATE ANTIQUITY TO THE PRESENT

As Christianity began to replace ancient religions in late antiquity, mythography moved into its medieval phase, which is characterized by separation of the Latin and Greek traditions, by ignorance and loss of ancient transmission, and by intensification of > allegoresis. In the West, literary education led to the production of other, also mythographically oriented + commentaries, > scholia (especially on Virgil [5], Statius [II 2], Horatius [7], Persius [2], Lucan [1]) and periochae (short lists of contents, cf. > epitome B.; e.g. Ps.-Lactantius Placidus, Narrationes Ovidianarum fabularum,

cf. > Mythographi Vaticani), but the Mitologiae of -» Fulgentius [1] was the defining work of early medieval mythography, from which the Fulgentius metaforalis of John RIDEWALL (rst half of the 14th cent.; edn.: [18. 65-114]) was later to draw. Also indebted to mythographical transmission were - Macrobius [1] and > Martianus Capella, as well as the > encyclopaedias of > Isidorus [9] (with its influential chapter De diis gentium: Isid. Orig. 8,11) and Hrabanus Maurus (784-856). The widespread effect that Remigius of Auxerre (about 841-908) had through education and commentary is as yet insufficiently studied. The + Mythographi Vaticani I-III derive from this tradition of late antiquity and the early Middle Ages. A large number of commentaries and paraphrases of a mythographical nature on works by Ovid, especially on the ‘Metamorphoses’, the ‘Bible of the heathens’ (translations into vernacular languages also circulated at an early stage) were composed in the so-called aetas Ovidiana (c. 12th-14th cents.). Of great importance is the anonymous French work Ovide moralisé (early 14th cent.), which, together with the Ovidius moralizatus (composed about 1340-1350) of Pierre BErCUIRE, appeared in print in 1491 in one single volume as

‘Bible of the Poets’. As a female mythographer, Christine DE PIZAN (1364-1430) was something of an exception at that time [13. too-156]. Also playing a significant role in mythographical transmission in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance were astronomical poetry, astrology and alchemy.

MYTHOGRAPHY

1R. StupPericH, ‘Dionysos in Comics’. Mythologische Theaterbiihnenfriese der Kaiserzeit im griechischen Osten, Blume, logica, 1675 1681 Leiden

in: S$. GOppE, TH. HEINZE (ed.), Skenika. FS H.-D. 2000, 207-231. 27TH. GALE, Opuscula mythophysica et ethica. Graece et latine, Amsterdam

3 TH. Muncker, Mythographi Latini, Amsterdam 4A. VAN STAVEREN, Auctores mythographi Latini, 1741.

POPULARIZING

MYTHOGRAPHY:

5 B. HEDERICH,

Grindliches mythologisches Lexicon, 1724 (21770) 6K. Pu. Moritz, Gotterlehre oder mythologische Dichtungen der Alten, 1791 7 G. ScHwas, Die schénsten Sagen des klassischen Altertums, 1838-1840 8 F. FUHMANN, Das Holzerne Pferd. Die Sage vom Untergang Trojas und von

MYTHOGRAPHY

472

471

den Irrfahrten des Odysseus, 1968 9 Id., Prometheus. Die Titanenschlacht, 1974; Prometheus. Die Zeugung,

1996

10 J.-P. VERNANT, L’univers, les dieux, les hommes:

Récits

grecs

des origines,

1999

Mythologie der Griechen, 1951-1958

11K.

KeréENyY1I,

Die

12 R. Graves, The

Greek Myths, 1955

LITERATURE: 13 J. CHANCE (ed.), The Mythographic Art: Classical Fable and the Rise of the Vernacular in Early France and England, 1990 der frihen Neuzeit, 1984

14 W. KiLty (ed.), Mythologie 15 P. Demats, Fabula. Trois

études de mythographie antique et médiévale, 1973 16 GrupPpE 177TH. P. HamMet, Medieval Mythography, 1981 (cf. Dissertation Abstracts 42.9, 1982, 3991A) 18 H. LreBescHUTZ, Fulgentius metaforalis. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der antiken Mythologie im Mittelalter, 1926 19W. LiEBESCHUTz, Pagan Mythology in the Christian Empire, in: IJCT 2, 1995, 193-208 20 J. SEzNEC, La survivance des dieux antiques, 1940 (*1980; Engl. transl. by B. F. Sessions, The Survival of the Pagan Gods, 1953). TE.

Mytilene (MutiAjvn; Mytilené). A. GEOGRAPHY B. FROM THE 7TH CENTURY UNTIL THE 5TH C. HELLENISTIC PERIOD D. ROMAN IMPERIAL PERIOD E. CULTURE F. ARCHAEOLOGY

A. GEOGRAPHY City in the southeast of the island of > Lesbos, of great political, economic and cultural signficance throughout antiquity. M. owed its prominent position not least to its favourable topographical situation. The earliest settlement, founded by > Aeolians in about 1200 BC, was on the modern Kastro Hill and was separated by an arm of the sea (Euripus), which was later bridged, from the main island, where a more recent part of the city developed. The Euripus connected M.’s two ports: the trade port in the north and the naval port in the south. The imposing 5—km-long city walls enclosed a considerable area. The cityscape was generally praised in antiquity (Cic. Leg. agr. 2,16,40), but Vitru-

vius criticised (1,6,1) the neglect of wind conditions in

the more recent city constructed according to the Hippodamic system (~ Hippodamus). In the later imperial period, too, the urban organisation met with admiration (Longus 1,1). As a second factor contributing to its prosperity in addition to the two ports, M. also had possession of or influence over large parts of the island of Lesbos (Thuc. 3,2), from the 8th-7th cents. BC extensive territories on the facing mainland of Asia Minor (Troad) and places on the Hellespont, e.g. > Sigeum (Hdt. 5,94f.; Thuc. 4,52,2f.; 75,15 Str. 13,1,37; 49). On the Thracian Chersonesus [1] in the 7th cent. BC settlers from M. founded the colonies of Sestus, Madytus, Alopeconnesus and, jointly with Cyme in Aeolia, Aenus (Hipponax fr. 77). B. FROM THE 7TH CENTURY UNTIL THE 5TH In the 7th and 6th cent. BC, M. was, after the col-

lapse of the Penthilid dynasty, affected by permanent disputes between rival groups of nobles under the lead-

ership of the Archeanactids and the Cleanactids, which repeatedly resulted in admittedly only ephemeral tyrannies (+ Melanchrus, > Myrsilus). Detailed information on this is provided by the poet > Alcaeus [4] from M., who had been involved in the battles himself (Alc.

fr. 203 213 323 37a; 37b; 49; 8off.; 92). This unrest was probably also partly responsible for the loss of Sigeum to Athens (Hdt. 5,94f.). It was only in 590 BC that +» Pittacus as — aisymnétés managed, by means of extensive measures, to stabilise conditions. A sign of the now beginning calm and reawakened economic energy is M.’s participation in the founding of the Panhellenion in the Egyptian trading port of — Naucratis (Hdt. 2,178). In the second half of the 6th cent. BC, M. fell under the control of the Persians (Hdt. 1,160; 3,14; 4,973 5,11), from which it was able to only temporarily

free itself by taking part in the > Ionian Revolt in 499 BC (Hat. 5,37f.; 6,31). After the great victories in the Persian Wars, M. became a pillar of the > Delian League, which it was in a position to supply with considerable contingents of ships (440 BC: together with Chios 30 ships, Thuc. 1,117,2). Growing dissatisfaction with the harsh regime of the Athenians on the part of M. and Athenian distrust of the expansionist policy of M. on Lesbos escalated in 428 BC into M.’s defection with an attempt to join to the -» Peloponnesian League and the Athenians’ besieging M. (Thuc. 3,1ff.). It was only because the Athenian assembly revised the resolution that M. was spared the execution of all male inhabitants and the sending of women and children into slavery. Nevertheless 1,000 Mytileneans were killed, the walls were demolished and the contingents of ships were confiscated. In addition 1,000 Attic > klérouchoi were settled in M.’s territory. After a renewed temporary defection from Athens in 412 BC, M. remained loyal to the Athenians until the end of the Peloponnesian War, until after the sea battle of > Aigos Potamos (405 BC) the Spartans under -» Lysander [1] conquered the city (Xen. Hell. 2,2,5). Their unpopular regime soon brought M. back on the side of Athens, and in 377 BC M. was one of the founding members of the Second -» Athenian League (IG II* 403 42). C. HELLENISTIC PERIOD During Alexander’s campaign M. was again occupied for a short time by the Persians (Arr. An. 2,1,1ff.; 3,2,6; Diod. 17,29,2). In the Hellenistic period under the regime of alternating - Diadochi, M. regained its

autonomy by consistently supporting Roman expansion in the East at the beginning of the 2nd cent. BC (Liv. 37,12,5;

21,4). Its freedom was lost when M.

joined with the Pontic king in the conflict between Rome and > Mithridates [6] VI (Liv. per. 89), the Romans besieged M. and in 79 BC took it by storm, with the young Caesar winning his first military merits there (Suet. Jul. 2). It was due to intercession by Pompey, who had become friends with Theophanes from M., that the city recovered its freedom (Plut. Pompeius

474

473

42,4; Vell. 2,18,3; Str. 13,2,3), and in 45 BC Potamon managed to obtain from Caesar the confirmation of this deed (IG XII 2,35), just as it was Augustus once more.

later renewed

MYUS G. LaBarRRE, Les cités de Lesbos aux époques hellénistique et impériale, 1996.

H.SO.

by Myttones

D. ROMAN IMPERIAL PERIOD M. was a desirable travelling destination for prominent Romans, who were drawn by the pleasant climate, the spiritually stimulating atmosphere and the cultural ambience. Individual citizens from M.., e.g. the descendants of Theophanes, came to be accepted into the Roman Senate. From the 4th cent. AD, M. was a bishopric, in the Byzantine period M. had the rank of a + metropolis. The Byzantine fortress on the Acropolis was expanded in the r4th and rsth cents. by the Genoese Gattilusi family. E. CULTURE Outstanding representatives of the spiritual life of M.., besides + Alcaeus [1] and > Theophanes, were the lyrical poet > Sappho, the historian > Hellanicus [1] and the rhetor > Diophanes [2], a close friend and adviser of Tib. Gracchus.

(Mvuttovyc/Myttonés,

Pol.;

Mottovys/

Mottonés, Syll.2 585,87; Muttines, Liv.). Senior Carthaginian officer of Libyo-Phoenician origin from + Hippo [5], whom > Hannibal [4] sent to Sicily in 212 BC to support > Epicydes [2] and > Hanno [9]. He fought with success there against the Romans, but in 210, after being slighted by Hanno, he betrayed + Acragas to M. > Valerius Laevinus (Pol. 9,22,4; Liv. 25,40,5-13; 26,21,14f.; 40,3-8; [1.369f., 378;

2. 317f., 335]). In reward, M. won Roman citizenship as M. Valerius Mottones (Syll.3 585,86f.; Liv. 27,5,6f.) and he commanded Rome’s Numidian cavalry in 190188 in the war against 38,41,12-14) [1. 428]. 1 Huss;

> Antiochus

2 J. SEIBERT, Hannibal, 1993.

[5] III (Liv. L.-M.G.

Myus (Mvotc; Myois). Smail port in Ionia on the former Gulf of Latmia, now 18km from the sea at Avgar Kale. As a member of the Pan-lonic > amphiktyonia (Hdt. 1,142), it provided three ships for the naval battle

F. ARCHAEOLOGY

The surviving ancient remains are in total limited because of modern overbuilding, but more recent archaeological research has led to some new insights Still visible of the larger monuments are parts of the city walls, the mole of the northern port (with breakwaters), an Hellenistic theatre and the ‘House of Menander’ (3rd cent. BC) with a floor mosaic of scenes from comedies by - Menander [4]. To the north and west of M. there are also surviving remains of the 25-km-long aqueduct, which supplied M. with water from Olympus

[8]. P. Brun, Mytiléne et Athénes au IV* siécle av. J.-C., in: REA 90, 1988, 373-384; G. DANIEL, The Revolt at M., in:

AJPh 92, 1971, 38-47; A. J. HEISSERER, Observations on IG XII,2,10 and 11, in: ZPE 74, 1988,

111-132; W. GUN-

THER, s.v. M., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 451-454; H. PisToRtus, Beitrage zur Geschichte von Lesbos im 4. Jahrhundert v.Chr., 1913; R. K. SHERK, Caesar and M., in: GRBS 3, 1963, 145-153;H. D. WesTLAkE, The Commons at M., in: Historia 25, 1976, 429-440; C. AND H. WILLIAMs, Excavations at M. 1989, in: Echos du Monde classique 9, 1990, 181-193; lid., Excavations at M. 1990, in: Echos du Monde classique 10, 1991, 175-191; H. WILLIAMS, Hellenistic M., in: Akten des 13. Internationalen

Kongresses fiir Klassische Archadologie 1988, 1990, 504f.;

of Lade in 494 BC (Hat. 6,8). During the 5th cent. BC it was ruled by > Themistocles (Thuc. 1,138), before joining the > Delian League (ATL 4, Index s.v. M.); in the 3rd cent., M. lost its political independence to Miletus [2]. In 201 BC, Philip V gave M. to Magnesia [2] on the Maeander, and by 196 BC, M. was again Milesian. Owing to the silting up of the gulf by the Maeander [2] in the 2nd cent. BC, the site was abandoned (Str. 14,1,10; Vitr. De arch. 4,1,4). Paus. 7,2,11 testifies to its complete desolation, and to a temple of Dionysus. Modest early Byzantine resettlement and Byzantine fortifications. ~ Tones; > Panionium W. GUNTHER, Ein Proxeniedekret aus M., in: CH. SCHUBERT (ed.), Rom und der griechische Osten. FS H.H. Schmitt zum 65. Geburtstag, 1995, 87-92; P. HERRMANN, Neue Urkunden zur Geschichte Milets im 2. Jahrhundert v.Chr., in: MDAI(Ist) 15, 1965, 71-117; W. KOENIGs, Milet 1980. Vorbereitungen tiber die Arbeiten des Jahres 1980. 4. Bauteile aus M. im Theater von Milet, in: MDAI(Ist) 31, 1981, 143-147; H. PuiLipp, Die kalydo-

nische Jagd von M., in: MDAI(Ist) 39, 1989, 441-449; H. Weer, M. Grabung 1964, in: MDAI(Ist) 15, 1965, 4364; Id., M. Grabung 1966, in: MDAI(Ist) 17, 1967, 128—

143.

H.LO.

N N (linguistics). In Greek and Latin, this letter denotes a

voiced, dental nasal. In front of sf, 1 disappeared in Old Latin with lengthening and nasalization of the preceding vowel (abbreviation cos. for consul); yet in standard pronunciation, it was retained by following the written language [2. 145]. In angelus (from Greek &yyedos), 1 stands for the allophone [p]. In words which Greek and Latin inherited from Proto-Indo-European, maintains the original 1, cf. Greek véoc, Lat. novus < *néuo-, Greek dvti, Lat. ante < *a,anti. In initial sounds, Greek v, Lat. 1 also stand for sn- (Greek véw, Lat. neo ‘I spin [i.e. wooll]’ < *snea,-, cf.

Old Irish sniid ‘he spins’) [1. 309f.; 2. 190]. Gemination develops in Lesbian Greek from -ni- and -sn- [3. 61]. In the rest of Greek, ¢and s disappear with compensatory lengthening (xteivw, Lesb. xtévvm < *ktenid; oedyvn, Lesb. oekavva < *selasna). Here, -vy- develops from restituted -sn- (Gudt-evvupt < *-ués-numi) [1. 322; 3. 78f.]. In Latin, the geminate is based on -t(s)n- (annus < *a,dtno-; penna < *pet-s-naa,-), in joints of compound words on -dn- (annuo) [2. 200, 209]. Phonetically remarkable is the development of 2 >iin Lesbian before a final s or and s that newly developed within Greek (Lesb. toic, Attic tovcg < *tons; Lesb. natoa, Attic moa < *pantia) [3.67]. Proto-Indo-European m appears in Greek as a (Mycenaean o) before consonants and as av before vowels, in Lat. as en (Greek Gonata, Mycenaean a-mo-ta < *9,ar-mn-t-; Greek tatoc, Lat. in-tentus
A.A. Ga Naarda (Ndaoda/Ndarda, also Néeoda/Néerda). Mesopotamian town on the Euphrates close to > Sippar, exact location as yet unknown (Arr. FGrH 2,861

fr. 42; Ptol. Geog. 5,17,10); mainly inhabited by Jews,

the Nehardea of the Talmud. The brothers Anilaeus and Asinaeus established their own Jewish rule in Mesopotamia from N. c. AD 20-35 (Jos. Ant. Iud. 18,9, 1ff.). In the 2nd/3rd cents., N. was the seat of an important Jewish academy, whose most important representative was Samuel. N. was destroyed (by > Odaenathus?) in AD 260, and gradually dwindled in importance. Y. D. Giiat, E. BASHAN, s.v. Nehardea, Encyclopaedia Tudaica 12, 934-936; A. OPPENHEIMER, Babylonia Judaica in the Talmudic Period, 1983, 276-293.

K.KE.

Naarmalcha. Name of an Aramaic river or canal in central Babylonia, corresponding to Akkadian nar Sarri, Greek Naarsdrés (Naagoters, Ptol. 5,19,2; 6) and Latin Marses (Amm. Marc. 23,6,25) and glossed in Greek (basileios potamos etc., see Str. 16,1,27; Ptol. 551755; ZOs. 3,19,3) and Latin translation (regium flumen etc., see Plin HN 5,21,90; Amm. Marc. 24,2,7)

as ‘Royal River’. Several canals of this name are known from Assyriological sources. The various names are often confused by ancient authors. It is doubtful whether the N. mentioned in Plin. HN 5,21,90 is the same as the N. which Amm. Marc. 24,2,7; 6,1 records at Cte-

siphon. The latter is probably the ‘Royal Canal’ mentioned in cuneiform texts from the Hellenistic period, which is still attested in the Sasanid and Arabic periods at Seleucia/Ctesiphon, Syrian n ‘har malka and Arabic nabhr al-malik. R. vAN Lagre, Encore le N., in: Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 13, 1982, 269-277; F. PascHoup, Le N., in: Syria 75, 1998, 345-359; F. WEIssBACH, s.v. N., RE 16, 1440-1449. K.KE.

Naassenes. The Gnostic collection of Hippolytus [2] contains a piece of writing by the Naassenes (Hippolytus, Refutatio 5,6-11), who are elsewhere known only to us from Theodoretus; he identifies them with the + Ophites (PG 80, 784) and Barbelo-Gnostics (PG 83, 361). It is not certain that the name was used by the group itself; according to Hippolytus, its members referred to themselves as ‘Gnostics’. The name derives from the Hebrew nahas, ‘serpent’: to the Naassenes, the source of gnosis was the serpent of Eden. The serpent, however, does not play a revelatory role in the Naassene fragment, which is much more akin to a treatise on the first man (Adamas). At Creation, he is said to have descended to men, and is now present as a spiritual element in every individual; to recognize him means reascension and thus salvation. The author wishes to show that all ‘heathen’ myths, cults and mysteries refer to this primal man. For this purpose, he interprets a syncretistic hymn to > Attis. Along with the Bible, his argument draws in not only Homer, some Pre-Socratics and considerable antiquarian knowledge (including of local cults), but also Gnostic texts such as the apocry-

478

477

phal Acts of James and Mariamne, the Apophasis Megale and a psalm about the soul. It is difficult to distinguish sources within the surviving material. Following REITZENSTEIN (1904), FRICKEL discerns three layers: an old Attis commentary, a didactic piece by the ‘Anthropos Gnostic’ (before AD 150) and a ‘Valentinian’ revision (between AD 150 and 190, -» Valentinianism). > Gnosticism J. BERGMANN, Kleinere Beitrage zum Naassenertraktat, in: Proc. of the International Colloquium on Gnosticism,

NABATAEI,

NABATAEANS

He later surrendered to Alexander [4] the Great in Hyrcania (Arr. Anab. 3,23,3f.). BERVE, vol. 2, no. 543.

JW.

Nabataean. Aramaic written language of an Arabicspeaking tribe, the Nabataeans (Arabic onomastikon). Nabataean belongs to the west-central branch of Aramaic, and is preserved in memorial, tomb, votive and

building inscriptions, graffiti, coin legends and one charm, all dating from the 2nd cent. BC to the 4th cent.

1977, 74-100; K. DRYNJEFF, Studier i Naassenertraktaten, 1973; M. J. Epwarps, The Naming of the Naassenes, in: ZPE 112, 1996, 74-80;J.FRICKEL, Hellenistische Erl6sung in christlicher Deutung (NHS 19), 1984; M. Mar-

AD. Finds have been made at Gaza, Elusa, Mampsis, Nessana, Oboda, > Petra, Transjordan with Amman

covicH, The Naassene Psalm in Hippolytus, in: Id., Studies in Graeco-Roman Religions, 1988, 80-88; R. REITZENSTEIN, Poimandres, 1904, 83-98. J-HO.

mountain range (Kabylei). They probably belonged to the confederacy of the > Quinquegentiani.

Taima’, and occasionally at more distant locations such as Damascus, Palmyra and Egypt. Nabataean-Greek bilingual inscriptions have been discovered on Cos and at Miletus. There is evidence of Nabataean on papyri and in annotations to Greek and Jewish-Aramaic papyri from Nahal Hever, Wadi Murabba‘at, Wadi Sayyal (rst cent. BC-2nd cent. AD). The Arabic script developed from Nabataean; the latest inscriptions (Nahal Sin, Nemara, > Harran) are written partly in Arabic. + Arabic; > Aramaic; > Nabataei

J. DESANGEs, Catalogue des tribus africaines ... » 1962, W.HU. 65f.; F. WINDBERG, s.v. Nabades, RE 16, 14409f.

J. CANTINEAU, Le Nabatéen, vol. 1, 1930; vol. 2, 1932; H. Cotron, A. YARDENI, Aramaic, Hebrew and Greek

Nababes. Berber tribe in > Mauretania Caesariensis. According to Plin HN 5,21, the river (flumen) Usar (modern Oued Isser?) separated the gens of the N. from the gens of the Macurebi. In Tab. Peut. 2,2—4, the N. are placed to the south of the Mons Ferratus, the Djurdjura

Nabalia. River in the territory of the > Batavi; in AD 70, a bridge over the N. was broken, so that Julius {I 43] Civilis and Petilius Cerialis could each stand on his respective side and negotiate at an appropriate distance (Tac. Hist. 5,26,1r). The N. may be identifiable

with the modern Lee between Lienden and Maurik in the Netherlands [3]. However, Tacitus may not have meant the river flowing between the warring pair at all, but may be referring only to a navalis (i.e. pons, ‘pontoon bridge’; [2]). It is also conceivable that Tacitus’ N. is to be understood as the locative form of a place name — suggested by Ptol. 2,11,28 (Naudlia) [x].

N. is also the name of a station on the Ligurian coast: Geogr. Rav. 270,3; 337,6; Tab. Peut. 3,4: ad navalia (naval base/shipyard) [2]. 1G. Cur. Hansen, in: J. HERRMANN

(ed.), Griechische

und lateinische Quellen zur Friihgeschichte Mitteleuropas..., vol. 3, 1991, 578 (comm.);

RE 16, 1450f.;

2 A. FRANKE, s.v. N.,

3 H. HEuBNER, P. Cornelius Tacitus. Die

Historien, Kommentar, vol. 5, 1982, 117.

RA.WI.

Nabarzanes (Nofagtavys; Nabarzanés). The > chili-

archos (commander) of the royal cavalry of king > Darius [3] III.; described in admiring terms by Curt. (esp. 5,9-10). Nabarzanes was the only Persian com-

mander who was successful at the battle of Issus and was with > Bessos at the time of king Darius’ murder.

and Gerasa, the Hauran and Bosra, the Arabian peninsula (Higaz) with al-Higr/Mada’in Salih, Madina,

Documentary Texts from Nahal Hever and Other Sites, 1997; J. F. HEALey, The Nabataean Tomb Inscriptions of Mada’in Salih, 1993; Y. MEsHoRER, Nabataean Coins, 1975; F. ROSENTHAL, Die Aramaistische Forschung seit Th. Noldeke’s Ver6ffentlichungen, 1939. CK.

Nabataei, Nabataeans (NoBatoioNabataioi, inscription NBTW), Arabian people in north-west Arabia, with > Petra as their capital, probably originating in the Higaz. Their relationship with the Aramaic tribe of the Nabaiati (7th cent. BC [1]), attested in cuneiform texts, and the N‘bayét of the Bible (Gn 25:13; 28:9; 39:3; Is. 20:7) is disputed. According to Diod. Sic. (2.48f.; 19.94-100), > Antigonus [1] I undertook two unsuccessful expeditions to the ‘land of the Arabs who are called Nabataeans’ in 312 BC. They appear at this time as trading nomads organised in a state. A gradual process of settlement and the formation of a kingdom took place until the rst cent. BC (cf. Str. 16.4.21-26);

the list of rulers extends from Arethas I (169 BC) to Rabilos Il (AD 71-106) [2]. The kingdom of the N. was at its height of power under Arethas III Philhellenos (rst cent. BC) at the time of Pompey; in that period it comprised the region from — Damascus to Dedan, including Taima’ (> Teima) and > Leuke Kome [2]. Initially, the N. manoeuvred cleverly between Seleucids, Ptolemies, Maccabeans and Romans; from 62 BC they entered into an alliance with Rome. In AD roé their realm was annexed under Trajan to form the province of Arabia, the capital then being at > Bostra. This event initiated the ‘Era of Bostra’. The last direct epigraphic refer-

479

480

ence dates from AD 148; during the Islamic era there was only little knowledge of the N., who were then

though he did not abolish the institution of helot serf-

NABATAEI, NABATAEANS

identified with the Aramaeans (cf. [1]).

The N. owed their rise to their monopoly of long-distance trade between southern Arabia and the countries of the Mediterranean; they also acted as mediators between Arabia and the Hellenistic world. Onomastics and religion (chief god Dusares/Dai I-Sard [3}) indicate their Arabian origin. Culturally they were highly Hellenised, as shown by their art, coinage, and titulature. On the language of the N. cf. > Nabataean. 1 D. F. Grag, s.v. Nabat al-Sham, EI’ 7, 834a; 2 R. WENNING, Eine neuerstellte Liste der nabataischen Dynastie, in: Boreas 16, 1993, 25-38;

3G. RYCKMANS, s.v. Dhu

|-Shara, EI? 2, 246a.

G. W. Bowersock,

Roman

Arabia,

1983; PH. Ham-

MOND, The Nabataeans — Their History, Culture and Ar-

chaeology (Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 37), 1973; M. LinpNeR, Petra und das Reich der Nabataer, 71997; A. NEGEV, The Nabateans and the Provincia Arabia, in: ANRW II 8, 1977, 520-686; J. Srarcky, The

Nabateans. A Historical Sketch, in: Biblische Archaologie 18, 1955, 84-106.

LT.-N.

Nabdalsa. Wealthy Numidian noble and military commander under > Iugurtha, against whom he plotted in 108 BC together with Jugurtha’s confidant > Bolmicar [4]. When the plot was discovered in documents, N.

betrayed the conspirators to save himself; Jugurtha’s acceptance of N.’s pleas was feigned, and he had most of the conspirators executed (Sall. lug. 70,1-73,1). + Numidae, Numidia M. R.-ALFOLDI, Die Geschichte des numidischen K6nigreiches und seiner Nachfolger, in: H. G. Horn, C. B. RUGER (ed.), Die Numider, 1979, 43-74; C. SAUMAGNE, La Numidie et Rome. Masinissa et Jugurtha, 1966. —B.M.

Nabedes (Nafédnc; Nabédés). Military commander under + Chosroes [5] I in the Persian War of > Iustinianus [1]. Initially commandant of > Nisibis (Procop. Pers. 2,18,9; 19; Procop. Anecdota 2,28), he defeated the Romans in AD 543 at Anglon in the region of Dvin/ Persarmenia (Procop. Pers. 2,25,5-35) and in 550 undertook an invasion of > Lazica (Procop. Goth. 4,9,6f.). PLRE 3, 909. M.SCH. Nabis (Ndfic; Nabis). Son of Damaratus; controversial

representative of the last phase of the Spartan reform movement. After the death of > Machanidas (207 BC), N. - apparently a member of a branch of the > Eurypontidae — first became regent of > Sparta. He consolidated his power by removing the young king > Pelops (Diod. Sic. 27,1) and then took the title of king himself (Syll.3 584). > Polybius (13,6,1-7,11) and later authors depict N. as a cruel tyrant (Diod. Sic. 27,1; Liv. 33,44,8; 34,32,33 Plut. Titus 13; Paus. 4,29,10). At first, his rule was supported by mercenaries, but he won a broader following by the redistribution of large farms and the emancipation and naturalization of many > helots, al-

dom

(Pol. 16,13,1-2; Liv. 34,31,11-18; 34,32,93 38,34,6; Str. 8,5,4). After the Peace of Phoenice (205 BC; > Macedonian Wars), in which N. had been confirmed as a confederate - socius of Rome, N. attacked Megalopolis (+ Megale Polis) in 204 BC (Pol. 13,8,3—-7), then in 201 BC attempted in vain to storm Messene (Pol. 16,13,3; Liv. 34,32,16), and maintained a fleet (apparently with the help of Cretan ‘pirates’; Pol.

13,8,2; Liv. 34,3 5,9). In the winter of 198/7 BC, after the Achaean League (> Achaeans, with map) had joined the anti-Macedo-

nian coalition by then in place, N. gained Argos by a treaty with Philip V (197 BC). There, he encountered stiff resistance among the upper classes to his programme of reform (waiving of debts and redistribution of land), but he found approval in wider society (Pol. 18,17,1~-5; Liv. 32,38,1-40,11). Although N. realigned once more with Rome soon after, his situation became

difficult after the Roman announcement of the liberation of Greece (196 BC), because L. > Quinctius Fla-

mininus could not retract the effect of the declaration of autonomy. When N. refused to relinquish Argos, a Roman-Greek campaign against N. was declared at a meeting of the Greeks called by Flaminius at Corinth with the approval of the Roman Senate (Liv. 34,22,524,7). He was forced to withdraw from Spartan territory, though he managed to retain Sparta itself (Liv. 34,27,1-30,7). However, he was compelled to relin-

quish Argos, to recognize the autonomy of the > Perioikoi towns, to dismantle his fleet, to abjure warfare, to present hostages (including his own son) and pay war reparations (Liv. 34,35,3—-11; [1. 45off.]). N. remained ruler of Sparta, and in 193 BC he occupied coastal sites in Laconia and in 192 BC Gytheium; however, he was defeated immediately afterwards by the Achaeans under — Philopoimen (Liv. 3 5,13,1-33 3 5,25,1-30,13). In the Roman-Syrian War (-» Syrian Wars), although Flaminius had protected him from losing power, he joined the Aetolian League (— Aetolians, with map) and -» Antiochus [5] III, but the Aetolians regarded him as unreliable and he was killed by an Aetolian unit commander in 192 (Liv. 35,35,1-19). Judgment of N. is mixed. To Polybius (4,81,13-14; 13,6,1-7,11), who assessed him from the perspective of the ruling classes of the Achaean League, his regime was a reign of terror, characterized by the banishment of citizens and the confiscation of their property. Scholars regard him either as the ‘gravedigger’ of Sparta [2. 97], or as the last significant king of his polis and an authentic pupil of the ‘founder of the state’, Lycurgus [4] (cf. [3. 161]). N. was certainly no highly-principled reformer. Rather, he projected the image of protector of the Lycurgan system in the tradition of a Spartan egalitarian ideal (Liv. 34,41,8), but in the last analysis, his actions were intended to serve the consolidation of his own power. In an era of decline among the Greek states, he strove to achieve parity with the monarchs of the great kingdoms of his day. His consequently expansion-

481

482

istic policies in fact brought about the end of Spartan independence.

Differences with the (priestly) establishment were caused by N.’s predilection for the cult of the moon god

+ Macedonian Wars; > Sparta; > Syrian Wars

Sin (+ Moon deities), whose sanctuaries in > Ur and in

1 E. $. GRuUEN, The Hellenistic World and the Coming of Rome, vol. 2, 1984; 2B. SHIMRON, Late Sparta. The Spartan Revolution 243-146 B.C., 1972; 3A.H.™M. Jones, Sparta, 1968. P. Oxiva, Sparta and Her Social Problems, 1971, 274298; J.-G. TexierR, N., 1975;

P. CARTLEDGE,

WFORTH, Hellenistic and Roman

A. SPA-

Sparta, 1989, 59-79. K.-W.W.

Nabonadius see ~ Nabonidus

Nabonassar (NaBovécoagoc; Nabondssaros). Graecised form of the Babylonian royal name Nabi-nasir. N.’s reign (747-734 BC) is not marked by any spectacular events. His fame is due to the fact that Claudius ~» Ptolemaeus (Cens. 21,9) chose the beginning of the first year of N.’s reign (calculated to 26 February 747 BC) as the epoch for his astronomical calculations (‘Nabonassar Era’; in the ‘Ptolemaic Canon’, a continuous list of the kings ruling over Babylonia until Alexander [4] the Great, then continued by the rulers of Egypt [3]). It was founded on the record of astronomical phenomena (eclipses) from this time, which is confirmed by cuneiform evidence. In addition, a series of Babylonian chronicles begins with N. (— Chronography). In > Berosus’s Babyloniakd, Book 2 ends with N. ~» Astronomy; — Belsazar; > Mesopotamia 1J. A. BRINKMAN,

s.v. N., RLA

9, 5f.;

21. Depuyprt,

‘More valuable than all Gold’ : Ptolemy’s Royal Canon and Babylonian Chronology, in: JCS 47, 1995, 97-117; 3 F. H. WeissBacu,

s.v. NaBovaooagocs,

RE 16, 1489-

1491.

Nabonidus

J-OE.

Last king of the Neo-Babylonian

Chal-

daean Dynasty (555-539 BC; > Chaldaei), Akkadian Nabia-n@vid; Greek NaBdvvedog (Nabénnedos) or Nofovadios (Nabonddios; also in the Ptolemaic canon; — Kings’ lists; [5. 98]). In Hdt. 1,74,17; 77,123; 188,4

-» Labynetus probably refers to N. After the murder of his predecessor Labasi-Marduk (son of > Neriglissar), N. was elevated to the throne at an advanced age. He was neither a member of the previous royal house nor of one of the economically influential families of Babylon. According to the autobiographical inscription (+ Autobiography) of his mother Adad-happe (formerly read Adad-guppi), she introduced him to court. A military career cannot be excluded. After a campaign to Syria (553) he marched on as far as Arabia (> Yatrib = Medina, beginning of 552). He spent the following ten years at the oasis of Teima. During this time his son > Belsazar performed the official functions in Babylon. The subjugation of northern Arabia may have been affected by power-political motivations (control of the trade routes, expansion of the Babylonian Empire was possible only to the south). However, his long stay was probably also brought about by internal Babylonian problems.

NABOPOLASSAR

+ Harran (reconstruction of the temple of Sin) received special attention. Differences with the urban elite of Babylon, which were superficially based on his neglect of his duties with respect to the god > Marduk, had been brought to a head by this to the extent that the upper class brought N. down. At the advance of the Persian army under — Cyrus [2], the Empire was so weakened that no serious resistance was possible. The political independence of southern Mesopotamia came to an end with the uncontested conquest of the city of Babylon (12 October 539). N. was probably deported to Carmania in eastern Iran. N.’s unconventional behaviour led to a legendary image in literary form, in which his person was conflated with that of + Nebuchadnezzar [2] (Dan 4f.; Jos. Ant. Iud. 10,216-218; Abydenos FGrH 685 F 6; ‘Nabonid’s Prayer’ from Qumran [3]). 1 P.-A. BEAULIEU, The Reign of Nabonidus, 1989; 2M. A. DANDAMAYEV, M. Roar, s.v. N., RLA 9, 6-12; 3 J.

Mayer, Die Qumran-Essener: Die Texte vom Toten Meer, vol.2, 1995, 185-189; 4 W. Mayer, N.s Herkunft, in: M. DretTrRIcH (ed.), Dubsar anta-men. FS W. Romer, 1998, 245-61; 5 F. ScHMIDTKE, Der Aufbau der babylonischen Chronologie, 1952. J.OE.

Nabopolassar First king (625-605 BC) of the neoBabylonian (Chaldaean) dynasty (~ Chaldaei), Akkadian Nabu-apla-usur, graecised as NaPovmokdooagoc (Naboupoldssaros). N., according to Berossus, formerly an Assyrian general (according to a cuneiform tablet there was also a king of the Sealand of the same name [2. 46 no. 107]), managed to exploit a power vacuum arising after the death of the king Kandalanu, and after prolonged fighting, ultimately conquered the whole of Babylonia. A chronicle [2. no. 2] indicates 23, November 626 as the date of his ascent to the throne in Babylon. N. allied himself with the Medes under the king > Cyaxares [1] and with them conquered Nineveh in 612 (> Ninus [2]). The greater part of the Assyrian Empire, primarily its Syrian possessions, fell to him. After several battles in 605, Egyptian efforts at expansion in this region were repelled by the victory of the Babylonian army under the crown prince > Nebuchadnezzar [2], at — Karchemish. Internally, N. had construction work carried out in Babylon (temple, city walls) and other towns (Sippar). + Mesopotamia 1 J. A. BRINKMAN, s.v. Nabopolassar, RLA 9, 12-16; 2 A. K. Grayson, Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles, 1975, 16-19, 87-100; 3H. Huncer, Babylonische und assyrische Kolophone,

1968;

4H. TapMor, Nabopolassar

and Sinshumlishir in a Literary Perspective, in: $. M. Maut (ed.), FS R. Borger, 1998, 353-357. JOE.

483

484

Nabt (Akkadian Nabr?um, Aramaic nbw/nbwy, Greek

Alsenos [1. 1933-1939], Dionysus [1. 1944-1949], Men Tuitenus [4. 614 § 1323.2], Meter Tieiobeudene [2. 43]. For further cults cf. [8]. There are only few ancient remains: rock tombs, necropolises and mortared walls, orally attested ancient bridge ([5. 227], to the east of the Cevizli-Bardak¢i road, according to T. DREwBear in [5. 345] pressured water piping). Coins: [9];

NABU

NaBov/Nabou, NéBov/Nébou), derived from the common Semitic root nb’ in the sense of ‘announcer/authorised person’. God ofwriting and wisdom, documented from the Old Babylonian period, initially in Babylonia. From the Middle Babylonian period he was considered to be the son of + Marduk. From the rst millennium BC, in Babylonia > Nanaja, in Assyria Tasmétu, was considered his wife. His significance and popularity ultimately surpassed even that of Marduk. In the Hellenistic period N., who was also identified with Apollo, was worshipped throughout the Near East from Elephantine to Dascyleum, but primarily in > Palmyra, — Edessa [2], > Hierapolis [1] and > DuraEuropus [2. 23]. His cult is recorded until the first centuries AD. In the Mandaean Ginza, N. is even equated with Christ [1. 74]. The advance of Christianity, however, ultimately led to his reinterpretation as a demonic figure. 1C. MU Lver-KEss_er, K. KessLer, Spatbabylonische Gottheiten in spatantiken mandaischen Texten, in: ZA 89, 1999, 73-75; 2F. PoMponito, s.v. N., RLA 9, 16-24. TH.RI.

Naburianus (NaBoveiavoc; Nabouriands). According to Poseidonius (transmitted in Str. 16,1,6), N. was said to have been, with — Cidenas and Sudines, one of the

Babylonian scholars whose accurate observations of the lunar cycle and positions of the sun were expanded by the Greeks into ‘System A’ and made the basis of mathematical > astronomy. He is probably identical with a Nabi-rimannu who presumably lived around 500 BC and whose name is found e.g. in the colophon of a Babylonian moon table. P. SCHNABEL, Berossos und die babylonisch-hellenistische Literatur, 1923, 237-241. W.R.

Nacolea (Naxodeia; Nakoleia). City in northeastern Phrygia ( Phryges; Str. 12,8,12: in Phrygia Epictetus; Ptol. 5,2,22: in Phrygia Megale) on the river Parthenius (modern river Seydi), modern Seyitgazi. The earliest evidence (Str. loc. cit.) is no later than the time of Augustus, historical notes are provided by Amm. Marc. 26,9,7-9 (defeat of — Procopius in a battle with Valens at N. in AD 366) and Philostorgius in 138 (rebellion of the — Ostrogoths lead by Tribigild, which be-

gan in N. in AD 399). The territory reached its greatest extent at the end of the 3rd century AD with the inclusion of + Orcistus (50 km southeast of N. [6; 7]), but this was cancelled by Constantinus [1] the Great before 331 (MAMA 5, 1937, XXV-XXXII, 92-141, 153-163, 170f.; 7, 1956, 69-75). N. was a bishop’s see; the first

RPC 2, 1999, 227. 1T. Drew-Bear,

C. Naour, Divinités de Phrygie, in:

ANRW II 18.3, 1990, 1907-2044; 27. Drew-BgEar, Nouvelles inscriptions de Phrygie, 1978, 32-52; 3P.

Frei, Epigraphisch-topographische Forschungen in Eskisehir und Umgebung (1987 und 1988), in: VII. Arastuurma Sonuglar: Toplantisi 1989, 1990, 191-201; 4 ZGUSTA; 5 BELKE/MERSICH, 344-346; 6A. CHASTAGNOL, L’inscription constantinienne d’Orcistus, in; MEFRA 93, 1981, 381-416; 7F. Kos, Bemerkungen zur urbanen Ausstattung von Stadten im Westen und Osten des romi-

schen Reiches anhand von Tacitus, Agricola 21 und der konstantinischen Inschriften von Orkistos, in: Klio 75, 1993, 321-341; 8 W. Rucg,s.v. N., RE 16, 1600-1606;

9 H. von Autock, Miinzen und Stadte Phrygiens, vol. 1, 1980, 74ff., 133ff.; 10 E. ScHwarTz (ed.), Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum 2,1, 1933,n0. 287. E.O. and M.WO.

Nacone (Naxdvyn; Nakoné). Town in Sicily (Philistus

FGrH 556 F 26; Suda s.v. Naxwvn; Nakone), probably in the hinterland between > Segesta and > Entella, not identified with a specific locale (cf. coin finds). Before 400 BC it was autonomous, then conquered by Campanian mercenaries who settled there (coins: ob. KAMIIANQN/KAMPANON,

NAKONAION;

HN

rv.

1s58f.). After

NAKQNAIQN/

+ Timoleon’s vic-

tory in 339 BC, N. and Entella became autonomous again. Cf. also the third of nine bronze tablets from Entella that included a resolution of the Naconaeans, in which they name a cult of Homonoia/Concordia and a month Adonius. G. Nenci, D. ASHER! (ed.), Materiali e contributi per lo studio degli otto decreti da Entella, in: ASNP 12, 1982, 771-1103; BI'CGI 12, 157-165; R. CatciaTi, Corpus Nummorum Siculorum, vol. 1, 1983, 323-326. D.SA.

Naevius. Italic personal name, perhaps derived from the praenomenGnaivos (Gnaeus, > Cn.); popular etymology derives it from naevus, ‘birthmark’ (Arnob. 3,14). The antiquity of this name in Rome, which is also widely attested in inscriptions, is suggested by the name of porta Naevia in the Servian city wall (Varro, Ling. 5,163; cf. Liv. 2,11,8). However, the family emerged politically only in the 2nd cent. BC. The most important bearer of the name is the poet N. [I 1]. 1 J. RetcHMutn, Die lateinischen Gentilicia, 1956, 93f. 2 SCHULZE, 263

3 WALDE/HOFMANN

1, 613.

K.-LE.

recorded bishop, Basilius, took part in the Council of

~ Calchedon in 451 [10]. Cults: for the various mani-

I. REPUBLICAN

festations of Zeus in N. (e.g. Alsenos, Orochoreites, Orkamaneites, Karpodotes, Bennios, Bronton, Soter, Pap(ijas, Abozenos, Pandemos, and Hypsistos) cf. [1. 1915-2043], for Zeus Tattenos [3. 197], Apollon

I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD [11] N., Cn. Roman dramatist and epic poet of the 3rd cent. BC

PERIOD

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD

485 A. Lire

486

B. Works

A. LIFE The known biographical data (cf. the testimonia in [16. 3-5]) are primarily derived via Suetonius’ De poetis (see [22]) from Varro De poetis. According to this, N. came from Campania (Gell. NA 1,24,1f.) anda birth date of about 265 BC can be derived. According to his own statement, he took part in the rst > Punic War (Gell. NA 17,21,45). His first appearance as a stage poet is attested for 235 (Gell. NA 17,21,44f.). According to Jer. Chron. p. 135 H, N. died in Utica (sceptical: [3. 57-61]) but his date of death was already disputed in Antiquity. The veteres commentarii (cf. [11. 45]) state 204, against which Varro polemicized (cf. Cic. Brut. 60)with reference to the contemporary Plautus (died 184). No more credible is the year 201 in Jer. loc. cit. Therefore, we can go to the 9os of the 2nd cent. ([2], which finishes off the legend of N.’ polemics against the Metelli, see > Caecilius [I 18], and their revenge; but cf. [4; 6; 21. 32-37]). The funerary epigram recorded in Gell. NA 1,24,2 is neither authentic nor contemporary (cf. [3. 65-100]). B. Works N. was mostly active as a comic poet. Despite fragments of more than 30 titles, only the outlines of a Tarentilla can be constructed. The subjects were taken from Greek New > Comedy (I. H.), but N. (cf. Ter. Andr. 18ff.) appears to have taken the liberty of combining elements of several plays: their Roman colour and Italic humor preconfigure — Plautus. Whether Hariolus is a > togata is disputed. By comparison, the number of adapted Greek tragedies — 6 titles are preserved with certainty — is far lower and only the Dionysian tragedy Lycurgus (after Aeschylus) can be reconstructed. N. was also the first to adapt Roman history and even contemporary history to the stage with the praetextae (— Praetexta) Clastidium (or Marcellus, according to [2. 432-438] performed in 195 BC) and Romulus (or Lupus). The epic form, which was introduced into Roman literature with > Livius [III r] Andronicus’ translation of the Odyssey (— Epic), was also applied to national history by N. in his Bellum Punicum. He used the Saturnian metre as did Livius. The work, originally undivided, comprised 7 books after the division by Octavius Lampadio (znd cent. BC) (Suet. Gram. 2), of which about 60 fragments are preserved. For almost no other work of Latin literature, the number of attempted reconstructions is so out of proportion to what is actually preserved, and has hypothesis so overgrown what is known for certain. Since [13] (not so [15; 16]) it has been correctly concluded from fr. 3 STRZELECKI, which refers to an event of 263, that N. relates the first years of the rst > Punic War. Then, after the model of the Odyssey, he shifts at a suitable point to narrating the Roman myth of the Aeneads from their departure from Troy (fr. 5f.) to the founding of Rome in book 3 (on the

NAEVIUS

various interpretations of fr. 4 cf. |16. 271-293]). Since Italy is already reached in volume 1 (fr. 13), there is no room fora Carthaginian episode, leave alone a romance with Dido. On the interpretation relating fr. 23 to an Alban king, cf. [17] (convincing). N. returns to the war in book 4. His source was surely not Fabius [I 3 5] Pictor, but the Greek —> Philinus and a Latin annalistic model. N. surpassed his predecessor Livius Andronicus both in the epic and the dramatic field. While the double character of his epic is reflected in its influence on annalistic historiography and Virgil, he has essentially been considered a poeta comicus (cf. [16. 12ff.]) by posterity and found his successor in Plautus. FRAGMENTS: E. H. WARMINGTON, Remains of Old Latin, vol. 2, 1936 (repr. 1957), 45-156 (with tr.); E. V. MarMORALE, N. poeta, 71950; A. TRAGLIA, Poeti latini arcaici, vol. 1, 1986, 22-46; 99-102 (lit.); 117-126; 193-271 (with tr. and comm.) COMEDIES: CRF 71873, 5-31 (31898, 6-35); TRAGEDIES: TRF *1871, 6-14 (31897, 7-17; 41953 (ed. A. Kotz),

30-43);

BELLUM

PuNicuM:

W.

STRZELECKI,

1959 (*1964); [16], 487-558 (with comm.); [8], 87-1235

A. MAZZARINO, 1969, 38-73 (with bibl.). LEXICON:

A. CAvaAzza, A. R. BARRILE, Lexicon

Livia-

num et Naevianum, 198r.

LITERATURE:

1 E. FRAENKEL, s.v. N., RE Suppl. 6, 622-

640 2H.B. MattTIncty, N. and the Metelli, in: Historia 9, 1960, 414-439 3H. DAHLMANN, Studien zu Varro De

poetis, 1962, esp. 43-64

4H. D. Jocetyn, The Poet Cn.

N., in: Antichthon 3, 1969, 32-47 5 J.H. Waszink, Zum Anfangsstadium der rémischen Literatur, in: ANRW I.2,

1972, 902-927 6L. ScHAAF, Die Todesjahre des N. und des Plautus, in: RhM 122, 1979, 24-33 7A. TRAGLIA, Gn. N., in: Cultura e scuola 19 (75), 1980, 40-58 8M. De Nonno et al., Bibliografia, in: G. CAVALLO (ed.), Lo spazio letterario, vol. 5, 1991, 216-219 (lit.). CoMEDIEs: 9J. WricHt, Dancing in Chains, 1974, 33-59 10M. Barcuiesl, La Tarentilla rivisitata. Studi su Nevio comico, 1978. TRAGEDIES: 11H.J. Metre, N., in: Lustrum 1964, 13f., 50-54 12 A. DE Rosatta, N., in: Bollettino di Studi Latini 19, 1989, 87-95 (research report). BELLUM

PUNICUM:

13 W. STRZELECKI, De Naeviano

Belli Punici carmine, 1935

14S. Mariotti, Il Bellum

Punicum e l’arte di Nevio, 1955 (*1964) 15 W. RICHTER, Das Epos des N., 1960 16M. Barcuiesi (ed.), Nevio

epico, 1962 (with comm.) 17 V. BUCHHEIT, Vergil iiber die Sendung Roms, 1963, 23-53 18 R. HAussLer, Das historische Epos, vol. 2, 1976, 92-120 19M. von ALBRECHT, N.’ Bellum Punicum, in: E. BuRcK (ed.), Das romi-

sche Epos, 1979, 15-32 20P. PARRONI, s.v. N., in: EV, vol. 3, 1987, 714-716 21S. GOLDBERG, Epic in Republican Rome, 1995 22 P. L. SCHMIDT, Sueton, in: HLL, vol. 4, §436. P.L.S.

[I 2] N., M. The accuser of Cornelius [I 71] Scipio Africanus. Polybius relates an anecdote about how Scipio once successfully defended himself with a reference to his dignity (dignitas) against public attacks (Pol. 23,14,1-4). In Val. Max. 3,7,1e this defence becomes a new triumphal procession of Scipio for the victory at Zama, which fits into the years immediately after the

487

488

battle of zor BC. A more recent annalistic tradition identified Scipio’s accuser with N., a people’s tribune named in the libri magistratuum for 184 BC (Liv. 39,52,4), and specifies that Scipio had to defend himself against the accusation of bribery by Antiochus [5] Ill

celerated Tiberius’ death on Capri. In the Senate he read the latter’s testament. Caligula initially left him in his office, but soon removed him as prefect to Egypt. Before

NAEVIUS

(Gell. NA 4,18,1-6; Liv. 38,56,5-6). The fictive (Cic.

Off. 3,4) defence speech was circulated in the late Republic as an independent text and speaks to the interest in the ‘Scipionic trials’ as a sequence of events in which initially independent conflicts were compounded and then updated and reshaped, casting a tragic shadow on the end of Scipio’s life. TA.S. + Cato [1]; > Tribunus [I 3] N., Sex. Son of a freedman who became wealthy;

administered properties in Gallia Transalpina together with his relative C. Quinctius. After his partner’s death in 81 BC, N. involved his brother and heir P. Quinctius in a civil suit. N. was represented by the famous Q. Hortensius [7] Hortalus. On the opposing side, the attorney > Cicero attracted attention to himself for the first time with the defence speech Pro P. Quinctio (Tac. WSLS Dial. 37). [I 4] N. Crista, Q.

In 214 BC praef. socium, took Apollonia [1] and drove Philip V from Illyria (Liv. 24,40,8-17).

-» Macedonian Wars K-LE. [15] N. Matho, Q. In 184 BC, he was praetor of Sardinia, but only travelled to the province after a fourmonth delay because he first had to conduct several trials related to poisoning in Italy on behalf of the Senate. Perhaps he is identical with the triumvir, known only as Q.N., for the transfer of the colony of Vibo to Bruttium (194-192). MRR 1,345; 375. TAS. Il. IMPERIAL PERIOD [Il 1] T. Aelius N. Antonius Severus

Senator, who made it to the suffect consulate, possibly in the mid—3rd cent. AD. (LTUR 2, 142). PIR* N 5. {ff 2] L.N. Aquilinus Cos. ord. in ADF 49; later procon-

sul of Africa, probably about 265 [1. 92]. PIR* N 6. 1 THOMASSON, Fasti Africani.

{11 3] Q.N. Cordus Sutorius Macro Equestrian, originally from > Alba Fucens in the Abruzzi. Praef. vigilum until shortly before the time when > Tiberius wanted to proceed against Aelius [II 19] Seianus in AD 31. Presumably N. had already commanded the > vigiles for some time because Tiberius probably assumed that the prefect would be able to rely on these troops. But just before the Senate was to move against Seianus, N. was appointed prefect of the Pretorians, whose loyalty he was able to secure. His successor at the vigiles was ~ Graecinius Laco. N. fulfilled Tiberius’ expectations regarding the elimination of Seianus. Later, he supposedly supported the emperor during his struggle with members of the Senate in the same way as Seianus had. He also supposedly protected the later ruler > Caligula from the intrigues of Tiberius. According to Tacitus (Ann. 6,50,3 and 5) and Cassius Dio (58,28,3), he ac-

he arrived there, he was forced to commit suicide to-

gether with his wife Ennia Thrasylla. In his testament he bequeathed an amphitheatre to his hometown of Alba Fucens. PIR* N 12. R. SABLAYROLLES, Libertinus miles, 1996, 475f.

{0 4] L.N. Surdinus

Senator. Triumvir monetalis in the Augustan period (RIC I 2, 70 No. 383-386); as the praetor peregrinus he was responsible for paving the Forum Romanum (AE 1968, 24). N.’ son of the same name became suffect consul in AD 30. PIR* N 16; 17. W.E.

Nag Hammadi A. GENERAL CANCE

B. CLASSIFICATION

C. SIGNIFI-

A. GENERAL An important accidental find in December 1945 of Coptic papyrus manuscripts with primarily Gnostic (> Gnosis, Gnostics, Gnosticism) content is designated

after the Upper Egyptian city of Nag Hammadi. The find-spot is situated on the right bank of the Nile, at the foot of the Gabal at-Tarif, ro km northeast of the Nile bridge of Nag Hammadi. The find consisted of 13 codices (and/or their remains), said to have been buried in a

large jar, and now in the possession of the Coptic Museum at Cairo. The Coptic dialect (~ Coptic) in which most of the texts contained in the papyrus books are written, is an Upper-Egyptian Sahidic, while a smaller number of texts is present in a characteristic variety of Lycopolitan. However, all of them are translations, from the Greek, as is assumed for almost all the writings. According to paleographical criteria and the indications supplied by the documents used as stuffing in the paper board of the leather bindings, the Nag Hammadi codices stem from approximately the rst half of the 4th cent. AD. However, this does not yet provide certain information on the age of the works they contain. There are no external indications for their date of origin, so that in almost all cases we are forced to fall back on (vague) internal criteria. Their place of origin is not necessarily Egypt. In some texts, traces point rather unambiguously toward Syria (for instance, the Gospel according to Thomas, Gospel according to Philip). It is not known how this collection of 13 texts came into being. However, the differences in dialect, format, and binding manufacture make it rather unlikely that the individual codices were put together at the same place and time. It cannot even be supposed that this collection was the library of an institution, a person, or a group of persons. The question of why and when the books were buried also remains obscure.

489

490

B. CLASSIFICATION For a number of texts, the title is not given or preserved in the manuscript. Some texts are represented several times, while parallels for some exist elsewhere. There are clear literary relations between individual writings of the collection. The original Greek text of some of the texts is known (this is especially true of an excerpt from Plato’s ‘Republic’ [588a—-589b] in NHCod VI), or at least their Latin translation; of others only Greek fragments were previously known. Of others not much more than the name was known, transmitted either by anti-heretical Christian literature (> Heresiology) or by Neoplatonic polemics (+ Neoplatonism). In the case of the great majority, however, even their existence was unknown prior to the find. The texts can be grouped in various ways according to their perspective. However, the titles are often of little use for formal division by textual genres. The kinds of texts that appear repeatedly and are clearly recognisable and definable include: prayer, letter, dialogue, collection of sayings, wisdom teachings, homilies, treatise, heavenly voyage, revelatory discourse. A variable principle of division is virtually indispensable for the attempt at a classification by content. There are by no means only Gnostic texts in this collection of texts that has become famous because of its Gnostic contents. Some of the non-Gnostic texts are also non-Christian, while others represent a non-Christian Gnosis of various influences. Another striking marginal phenomenon is a block of three Hermetic texts (~ Hermetic writings; they are found at the end of NHCod VI, and include Asclepius 21-29). Valentinian texts (> Valentinians) stand out clearly among the large group of generally Christian-Gnostic texts. A further group of highly unified, unambiguously Gnostic texts exhibits points of contact with the Christian-Gnostic texts, insofar as some of them display clear Christian features, while others represent a non-Christian Gnosis. Through critical acceptance of an ancient heresiological designation, they are known as ‘Sethian’ (— Sethianism) after the role played in them by Adam’s son Seth. The leading text of this group is the Apocryphon ofJohn, attested in four varieties. Another important text of this group is the ‘Zostrianus’, one passage of which has a parallel in

have wished for. For instance, there is no original work by the great heads of Gnostic schools. It does not come from Rome or Alexandria, but from rural Egypt. Nevertheless, the find is rich enough, and its analysis will occupy scholars for a long time still. The find of Nag Hammadi has not brought a definitive and indubitable resolution to the vexed question of the origin of Gnosis, since its does not contain an original Gnostic text from an unambiguously pre-Christian period. However, the find has proven that Gnosis is essentially a ‘pre-Christian’ phenomenon, as can be observed above all from the analysis of the group of ‘Sethian’ texts. They also led to the discovery of a quite specific variety of Gnosis, as big and as relevant as Valentianism. It shows us a Baptist movement in preChristian form, caught up in the current of Gnosis, and also its secondary encounter with Christianity and its interaction with Neoplatonic philosophy.

Marius [II 21] Victorinus 50,21) (+ Zostrianus).

(Adversus

Arium

1,49,9-

C. SIGNIFICANCE In the history of religion, the main significance of the Nag Hammadi find consists in the undreamt-of abundance of Gnostic texts that has come to light. These texts are a resurrected testimony to a religious movement of Late Antiquity that was epoch-making, but persecuted and exterminated by the rising Church. However, its scientific value goes far beyond this, and touches upon other areas, such as Coptic linguistics, papyrus codicology, and the history of early Christian literature. Not every text found is, however, of equal value. Moreover, the find does not offer much of what one would

NAGARA

The Facsimile Edition of the Nag Hammadi

Codices, 12

vols., 1972-1984; Bibliothéque Copte de Nag Hammadi, Section “Textes’ 123, 1977-1996ff.; The Coptic Gnostic Library, 1975-1996 (NHS vols. 4, 9, 11, 13, 15, 16, 22, 23, 26, 27, 28, 30, 31, 33); D. M. ScHOLER, Nag Ham-

madi Bibliography 1948-1969, 1971; 1970-1994, 1997 (NHS

1,32); H.-M. SCHENKE, s.v. Nag Hammadi, TRE

23), 731-730.

H,-M.SCHE.

Nagadiba (Nayadifpa; Nagadiba). [1] Coastal city on > Taprobane (modern Sri Lanka); Ptol. 7,4,7. It seems obvious to identify it with the

Middle Indian Nagadipa ‘Island of serpents’, but no city with this name is known. D. P. M. WEERAKKODY, Taprobané, 1997, 85ff.

[2] One of the numerous Ptolk7s4503-

islands near

+ Taprobane, KK.

Nagara [1] (NayaQa untedmodtc/Ndagara metropolis,

Ptol.6,7,37; Nagara, Amm. Marc. 23,47; mOdcC Neyoavav/polis Negranon, Str. 16,4,24). Urban centre in ancient southern Arabia, modern Nagran, located in

the wadi of the same name. N.’s importance was due to its geographical location at the crossing of two caravan routes from the > Hadramaut to the Mediterranean over the Higaz and into Iraq over the Yamama. It was conquered by Aelius Gallus in 24 BC (Plin. HN 6,160), but retained its importance (inscriptions at al-Namara in AD 328) and ultimately gained fame as a centre of the predominantly Monophysite Arab Christianity (+ Monophysitism) in the sth and 6th cents. AD. When N. was conquered by the pro-Jewish southern Arabian king Du Nuwas in 520, many Christians suffered a martyr’s death, and this led Byzantium together with the Ethiopians to occupy the city. N. remained in the Byzantine sphere of influence until 570 (Sassanid conquest) (+ Leges Homeritarum). The last Christians emigrated into Iraq in the Islamic period. The ruins are known

under the name Uhdud.

NAGARA

A. Mosera, The Book of the Himyarites, 1924; I. SHAHID, The Martyrs of Nagran, 1971; Id., s.v. Nadjran, EI? 7, 871b. LT.N.

[2] (Nayaea/Nagdra or Atovvodmodtc/Dionysopolis). City in Goraya to the west of the Indus (Ptol. 7,1,43). Whereas in Sanskrit magara means simply ‘city’ and in this context may describe the ancient Nagarahara near modern Jalalabad in Afghanistan, Dionysopolis may be an Indo-Greek name. A Greek military colony has been postulated there. 1 O. STEIN, s.v. Naya (1) 7 Avovuodsmodtc, RE 16, 15736.; 2 W. W. Tarn, The Greeks in Bactria and India, 1951, 11, r5of.

492

491

K.K.

Naiads (Noudidec; Naiddes, Nyvidec; Néiddes, singular Naudic; Naids, Nnuic; Néids, Nnic; Néis; Latin Naiades).

Collective term for water nymphs in general (+ Nymphs; Hom. Il. 6,22; 14,444; 20,384; Hom. Od. 13,104; 13,356), who also have specific names corresponding to the bodies of water with which they are associated (cf. schol. Hom. Il. 20,8 BEKKER). Etymologically, the term Naiddes is related to vaw/ndo (‘to flow’) and vaua/ndma (‘something that flows, river’)

(Hesych. s. v. NatSec; etymology m. s. v. Nfs). Subject to the naiads are above all rivers, both in their entirety (Eur. Herc. 785; Call. H. 3,15; Ov. Fast. 2,597) and in particular their sources (Hom. Il. 20,8 f.; Hom. Od. 63523 tes T7s2403Ciy e.g) —> Aretnusa |\7|,—» Peirene)|2} and — Salmacis, as well as the Roman

Nagidus (Né&yidoc; Ndgidos). Samian colony (Mela 1,77) [1. 117f.], 18 km east-north-east of > Anemurium on the coast of Cilicia Tracheia, modern Bozyazi;

with s5th- or 4th-cent. BC city wall and a harbour protected by the island of Nagidusa lying opposite to the south. In the Roman period, N. seems to have lost its status as polis to its eastern neighbour Arsinoe [III 3], and by the Middle Ages it was known only as a ruin. 1 E. BLUMENTHAL, Die altgriechische Siedlungskolonisation im Mittelmeerraum unter besonderer Beriicksichtigung der Siidkiiste Kleinasiens (Tiibinger Geographische Studien ro), 1963.

HiLp/HELLENKEMPER, 441-443.

FH.

Nahanarvali (variant Naharvali). Powerful subtribe of the > Vandals/— Lugii, which is mentioned in Tac. Germ. 43, 3f. along with the > Harti, > Helvecones, Manimi and Halisones (Helisii?). The Romans reached these tribes via the ‘Amber Road’ (> Amber), which

had been open since the time of Nero (AD 54-68). Ina holy grove belonging to the N., the Alcis, who were comparable with the > Dioscuri, were worshipped in an all-Lugian cult. TIR M 33,63; G. PERL, Tacitus, Germania, 1990, 247f. D. Timpe, Romano-Germanica, 1995, 107f., 127-131.

K.DIL.

deities + Car-

mena, — Egeria [1] and > Juturna, who were associated with springs). They are the divine powers that give rise to and fill the springs (Diod. 5,3,4 f.; schol. Pind. O. 12,27a and c). The nymphs grow angry when there are no rivers or the rivers run dry (Ael. in Suda s. v. Nbudn). In addition to rivers, other — stagnant — bodies of water (Theocr. 5,17; Ov. Met. 5,540; cf. Ov. Fast. 2,610) and even entire swaths of land (Soph. Phil. 725; Call. H. 4,50; 109; 256; Ov. Fast. 3,443 f.) are sacred to nymphs since, as river deities, they bring forth and nurture all of life. The naiads usually live in the damp caves and grottoes of the mountains where brooks and streams begin (Hom. Od. 13,347-350; Apoll. Rhod. 4,1149-1155; Paus. 10,32,2-7). Only later was it believed that the caves were located underneath rivers (Orph. H. 51,1 f.; Ov. Met. 1,576; Claud. Carm. 1,209). Because of the healing power of water, the naiads were often worshipped as healing deities (Pind. O. 12,27; Paus. 5,5,11; 6,22,7; > Healing deities). Similarly, mantic powers were ascribed to water and thus also to the naiads and their children. Like nymphs in general, most naiads had no oracle sites of their own, but served higher deities (Paus. 8,37,11 f.; 9,3,9). People inspired by them (with visions) are referred to as vunmodynato/nympholéptoi (‘rendered ecstatic by nymphs’) (Plat. Phaedr. 238d; Hesych. s. v. vunmoAnrtou cf. Aristoph. Pax 1070 f.). ~» Source 1G. Becatti, Ninfe e divinita marine. Ricerche mitolo-

Nahapana. Indian king of the Ksatrapa dynasty, who ruled in and around Gujarat in the rst or 2nd cent. AD and was then deposed by the Satavahana king Gautamiputra Satakarni. He has often been identified with the king Manbanes(-nus?) of > Barygaza in Peripl. m.r. 41 (most recently in [1], but the question remains uncertain, latest critique in [2]). 1 J. CriBB, Numismatic Evidence for the Date of the Periplus, in: D. W. McDowatt (ed.), Indian Numismatics, History, Art and Culture, 1992, 131-145; 2 G. FussMan, Le Périple et histoire politique de I’Inde, in: Journal asiatique 279, 1991, 31-38.

Nahr al-Kalb, Nahr el-Kelb see > Lycus [15]

K.K.

giche, iconografiche e stilistiche (Studi miscellanei

17),

1971; 2L. BLocn, s.v. Nymphen. IV. Die Najaden, ROSCHER 3.1, 507-515; 3 E. Diez, Quellnymphen, in: F. KRINZINGER et al. (Ed.), Forschungen und Funde. FS B. Neutsch, 1980, 103-108; 4 M. HaLM-TIssERAnr, G. SIEBERT, s. v. Nymphai, LIMC 8.1, 891-902 (with bibliogra-

phy);

5H. Herter, F. HEICHELHEIM, s. v. Nymphai (1),

RE 17, 1527-1599,

esp. 1533-1539;

6B. Kapossy,

Brunnenfiguren der hellenistischen und rémischen Zeit, thesis Bern 1969; 7D. Kent Hitt, Nymphs and Fountains, in: AK 17, 1974, 107 f.; 8 F. MUTHMANN, Weihrelief an Acheloos und Naturgottheiten, in: AK rr, 1968, 24-44; 9lId., Mutter und Quelle. Studien zur Quellenverehrung im Altertum und im Mittelalter, 1975; 10 J. A. OsTROWSKI, Personifications Roman Art, 1991.

of Rivers

in Greek

and SLA.

493

494

Nails (ijhoc/hélos, Lat. clavus, more rarely mattahoc/ pattalos, youdoc/gomphos, Lat. palus). Nails have survived in abundance from the Early Bronze Age onwards; they have shanks that are rounded or angular

for specially designed cella constructions within a temple (e.g. in the temple of Apollo at + Didyma), occasionally also synonymous with nads (> Cella). Also used of tomb reliefs with seemingly architectural wall ends, which protruded because of their spatially deepened surroundings.

in section and heads of various forms (round, pointed,

flat, globular, spherical, etc.). Surviving nails are made of bronze or iron, though decorative nails may be made of gold or silver, or only have a head made of precious metal, but in antiquity wooden nails were also used. Nails were used e.g. in the building of ships, houses, and bridges, in the manufacture of furniture (chests, couches, etc.), and agricultural equipment (Hes. Op. 431), and for fastening wooden tiles to roofs and objects to walls. The soles of the shoes of Roman soldiers and also of workers were nailed. Noble fops had gold shoe-nails (Ael. VH 9.3), but nailed shoes could also be a sign of being uncouth (Theophr. Char. 4.14) or mean (Ath. 13.565); prostitutes advertised for clients with enticing phrases formed by nails on the soles of their shoes (cf. vessel in the form of a shoe with the legend AKOAOYOI, ‘Follow me!’, from the 2nd—3rd cent. AD in [1. 1828, fig. 4968]). Nails also served as decoration on doors, sceptres, thrones, vessels, etc., and to fix sheets of gold or bronze to walls; nails were also popular as a decoration on belts (Verg. Aen. 9.359; 12.942). Nails were used to nail criminals to the cross, or for torture (Pol. 13.7.9), and to fasten the fetters of slaves or prisoners. A collar with the nails pointing outwards protected hunting-dogs from the bite of beasts of prey (Varro Rust. 2.9.15). The Romans pulled out nails by means of pincers or nail pullers. ~ Tools 1 DS II 2, 1918.

O. HéckMann, Eisennagel. von spatromischen Rheinschiffen aus Mainz, in: JRGZ 15, 1988, 565-573; W. GAITZzscHu, Eiserne romische Werkzeuge (British Archaeo-

logical Reports, International Series 78), 1980; Id., Werkzeuge und Gerate der romischen Kaiserzeit. Eine Ubersicht, in: ANRW II 12.3, 1985, 170-204. R.H.

Naimanes (App. Mithr.

19: Nemdnés; but cf. Memnon FGrH 434 F 22: Menophaneés). An Armenian in the service of > Mithridates [6] VI of Pontus, who dealt M. + Aquillius [I 4] a heavy defeat in Bithynia in 88 BC. He seems then to have entered the service of the Paphlagonian king Mithridates Philopator Philadelphus, a son of Mithridates VI, as a ‘N., son of Naimanes’ appears among the envoys who brought gifts in the former’s name to the Roman Capitol in about 80 BC (CIL I’ 730 = CIL VI 30922 = ILS 30 =ILLRP 180). Mscu.

Naios see > Zeus; > Dodona Naiskos (vaioxoc/naiskos, ‘little temple’). A small temple-shaped building without a surrounding peristyle. In the technical terminology of classical archaeology the term is used for small free-standing architectural structures (e.g. well houses; > wells) as well as (occasionally)

NAISSUS

W. MULLEeR-WigENER, Griechisches Bauwesen in der Antike, 1988, 217 s.v. Naos (Naiskos); B. SCHMALTZ, Griechische Grabreliefs, *1993. C.HO.

Naiskos vases. With representations of a > naiskos (diminutive of naés, ‘temple’) on Lower Italian vases, a new form of depicting funerary monuments emerged in the 2nd quarter of the 4th cent. BC. It can probably be traced back to the > Iliupersis Painter. In Apulian vase painting (> Apulian vases) NV are unusually common after the middle of the 4th cent. BC, while they are exceptions in other Lower Italian artistic regions. NV

are vases that are specially produced for the cult of the -» dead; they not only portray related scenes but also scenes of the triumph of life over death. The Ionic columns of the naiskos support a pediment with akroteria. A base with ornamental motifs or a > metope/> triglyph structure, side walls and roof beams complete its architecture. Several youthful figures holding objects that were used in the cult of the dead are grouped around a naiskos. However, activities relating to the deceased are rarely portrayed. In the naiskos youths are often depicted with weapons hanging from the roof beams, with horses or with dogs, and there are also birds, louteria (> labrum), servant figures or elderly people. Women often hold household objects (boxes, vessels, fans). Frequently wool baskets, weapons, louteria, vases or a climbing tendril or blossom were placed in the maiskos, as well as the figure of Eros or — rarely — of mythical creatures (Pegasus, Sphinx). B. Branpes-Drusa,

Architekturdarstellungen

in der

unteritalischen Keramik, 1994; L. GruLiani, Tragik, Trauer und Trost, 1995; H. LOHMANN, Grabmiler auf unteritalischen Vasen, 1979; K. SCHAUENBURG, Zu Grabvasen des Baltimore-Malers, in: JDAI 105, 1990, 67-94; M. ScHmipT, A. D. TRENDALL, A. CAMBITOGLOU,

Gruppe apulischer Grabvasen in Basel, 1976.

Eine

RH.

Naissus I. Sire; ROMAN BYZANTINE

PERIOD

_II. LaTE ANTIQUITY AND

PERIOD

I. SITE; ROMAN

PERIOD

Municipium in Moesia Superior (or Dardania; Naioodd/Naissos: Ptol. 3,4,9; Ndio(o)oc/Ndis(s)os: ZOS. 1,45,13 3,1L,14.; Procop. Goth. 3,40,2; Naiooovsoitc/Naissoupolis: Procop. Aed. 4,1,31; Naissus/Naisus is the usual form in Latin sources; Naessus: Amm. Marc. 21,10,5), modern Ni§ in Serbia. Originally a Thracian settlement, which by the rst cent. AD was evidently used by the Romans as an occasional base. Its indigenous inhabitants predominantly made

NAISSUS

495

496

their living from farming. The prosperity of N. was favoured by its situation on a tributary (modern NiSava) of the river > Margus [1] and on a crossroads

sche Silberschatz von Kaiseraugst, 1984, 188-193, 194205; 13 B. und M. OversBeck, Zur Datierung und Inter-

of the Serdica-N.-Viminacium and Bononia(or Ratia-

ria)-N.-Scupi roads. In the wars against the > Marcomanni (from 166 AD) N. was strategically important, especially in the defence of the northern Dardanian region. At the time, or later, N. became a municipium. Near N., in AD 269, Claudius II defeated the Goths. For a long time the city population worshipped indigenous gods. The cult of Roman deities is mostly attested only from the 3rd cent. AD (Jupiter, Mercury, Hercules, Fortuna). M. Fiuss, s.v. Naissus, RE 16, 1189-1199; TIR K 34 Sofia, 1976, 89f. J.BU.

pretation der spatantiken Goldbarren aus Siebenbiirgen anhand eines unpublizierten Fundes von Feldioara, in: Chiron 15, 1985, 199-210;

14 M. Marcovicu, A Latin

Seal-Ring from Naissus, in: ZPE 54, 1984, 219f.; 15 A. KAZHDAN, s.v. Naissus, ODB 2, 1433f.; 16 J. KALI, s.v. Nis, LMA 6, r1gof.

E.W.

Nakida (Hittite Nabita). Important pre- and early historical settlement and Byzantine fortified city [1], modern Nigde. After the destruction of > Tyana in AD 833 it took on the function of capital of southern Cappadocia. F. Prayon,

Kleinasien vom

12.-6. Jahrhundert yv.Chr.

(TAVO Beiheft B 82), s.v. N.

II. LATE ANTIQUITY AND BYZANTINE

PERIOD

Under Diocletianus N. was part of the provincia Dacia Mediterranea [1. 19, 37f.]. Constantinus [1] I often visited his home town, as did his successors Iulianus [11] and Valentinianus I, as attested primarily in imperial rescripts ({1. 39f.; 23 3. 60f.; 4]); cf. also Zos. 310,43; 3,11,1; Amm. Marc. 26,5,1. N. can be shown to be a bishopric from the 4th cent., and bishops were present at the councils in in the years 343 [5. 554f. no. 32] and 553 [6. 319, Z. 5; 7. 13317]. For the dismissal of the bishop Bonosus and its consequences see [8; 9]. N., known as a place of arms production (Not. Dign. Or. 11, 37) and the working of precious metals [10; 11; 12; 13], suffered in the middle of the sth cent. under attacks by Huns, and in the middle of the 6th cent. by Avaro-Slavs, who brought the town under lasting control from the early 7th cent. (for evidence from this period see [14]). In the 9th and roth cents. it was part of Bulgaria, and from the rith cent. until the 14th it often changed hands between Byzantium, Serbia, Hungary, Bulgaria and the Turks, until in 1428 its was permanently incorporated into the Ottoman Empire [15; 16]. From N. and the surrounding area copious archaeological finds are known, especially from the 4th cent. AD

[3]. 1 P. Perrovic (ed.), Inscriptions de la Mésie Superieure, vol. 4,1979; 2 J. WISEMAN, s.v. Naissus, PE, 605f.; 3 P. PETROVIC, Naissus. Foundation of Emperor Constantine, in: D. SrEyovic (ed.), Roman Imperial Towns and Palaces in Serbia, 1993, 55-81; 4 W. E. Karci, The Emperor

Julian at Naissus, in: AC 44, 1975, 161-171; 2;

6 O. GUNTHER (ed.), CSEL 35, 1895;

5 EOMIA

7 E. CHRysos,

Die Bischofslisten des V. Okumenischen Konzils (553), 1966;

8C. VoGEL, Vulneratum caput. Position d’Inno-

cent I* (402-417) sur la validité de la chirotonie presbyterale conférée par un évéque hérétique, in: RACr 49, 1973, 375-384; 9K. SCHAFERDIEK, Bonosus von Naissus, Bonosus von Serdika und die Bonosianer, in: ZKG 96, 1985, 162-178;

243f.; B. Rapt, Anatolien, vol. 1, 1993, K.ST.

Nallura (Naddotea; Nallotira). City in the interior of > Limyrice in Southern India (Ptol. 7.1.85). There are several cities in Southern India with the Dravidian name Nallur; exact identification does not appear possible. O. STEIN, s.v. NadAotea, RE 16, 1608.

1973, 50-57; 11F. Bararte, Les ateliers d’argenterie au bas empire, in: Journal des Savants 1975, 193-212; 12 Id., Euticius-Platte 60 und Ariadnetablett 61, in: H. A. A. KAUFMANN-HEINIMANN

(ed.), Der spatrémi-

K.K.

Namades (Nawédys; Namddés). River in Gujarat, rising in the Vindhya mountains (Ovivétov; Ouindion) and reaching the sea to the east of > Barygaza (Ptol. 7,1,31, briefly also 7,1,65), modern Narmada. The socalled river Namnadios (Peripl. m.r. 42) [1] is only an emendation by C. MULLER (GGM 291) for manuscript Lamnaios and can hardly be connected with N., although it may be that here, too, the river Narmada is meant. 1 O. STEIN, s.v. Napddyc, RE 16, 1609.

K.K.

Namazga- Tepe. The largest tell (50 ha) in the foothills of the mountains of southern Turkmenia, to the southeast of Ashabad. Excavations since 1949. Basis for the structure of southern Turkmenian Chalcolithic and Bronze Age cultures (NMG strata I-V: 5th-2znd millennia BC) and the early Iron Age (NMG stratum VI: rst millennium BC). The excavations so far encompass only part of the site, and the interpretations are somewhat disputed. Abandoned since the Achaemenid period. P. L. Kon, Central Asia. Palaeolithic Beginnings to the Iron Age, 1984.

Names see

Onomastics;

BB.

> Personal Names

10J. JuURUKOva, Lingots en argent et

phiale en argent de Constance II, in: ArcheologijaSof 15/4,

CAHN,

HiLD/RESTLE, 140-143.

Names of Animals see

Onomastics

4O7T

498

NANNIENUS

Nammeius (Celtic compound name: ‘with physical deficiencies’ [1. 369]). In 58 BC, N. and Verucloetius were the leaders of a Helvetian delegation to -» Caesar, which asked permission to march through the Provincia Narbonensis. (Caes. Gall. 1,7,3). ~» Helvetii; > Narbonensis

was considered ‘the great goddess of the whole world’. According to 1 Macc 6:1-4, Antiochus [6] IV Epiphanes was murdered in 164 BC in an attempt to plunder the treasury in her temple in Susa (> Elymais).

([3. 79f.], contra [2]). Under Shapur II (> Sapor) she

1G. Azarpay,

N.: The Sumero-Akkadian

96, 1976, 536-42;

Namnetae (Nammnetes, Plin. HN 4,107). A Celtic peo-

ple on the right bank of the lower > Liger (modern Loire), which separated them from the > Pictones (Str. 4,2,1). Their territory was between the Liger, Vilaine and Semnon (Ille-et-Vilaine). Their capital was Condevincum, in whose modern name of Nantes the name of the N. survives (Ptol. 2,8,9: Kovéioviyxov/K ondioninkon; 2,8,6 erroneously LauvitaSamnitai), and their chief port was Portus Nemetum (Tab. Peut 2,2; cf. CIL

XII 3105). At the time of ~ Caesar they were allied with the > Veneti (Caes. Gall. 3,9,10). In the Imperial

period they were reckoned part of Gallia > Lugdunensis (Notitia Galliarum 3,5: civitas Namnetum). Numerous Roman roads have been identified in the N.’s territory. Inscriptions: CIL XIII p. 483. M. BLANCHARD-LEMEE et al., Recueil général des mosaiques de Gaule 2,4: Lyonnaise occidentale (Gallia Suppl. 10,2,4), 1991; M. Provost, Carte archéologique de la Gaule 44 (Loire-Atlantique), 1988; Id., Le Val de Loire dans l’antiquité, 1993, 87, 149f. Y.L. and E.0.

Nanagunas

Goddess

of

Transoxania, in: Journal of the American Oriental Society

1 EVANS.

(Navayovvac;

Nanagounas).

River

in

western India, rising in the Vindhya mountains (Ovivdtov; Ouindion). Ptol. 7,1,32 (also 7,1,7 and 66). Perhaps modern Tapti. O. STEIN, s.v. Navayovvac, RE 16,

s.v. N., KIP 3, 1565.

1672f.; F. F. SCHWARZ,

KK

Nanaja (Aramaic mny/ni-/n’ny, Greek Navata/Nava; Nanaia/Nand). Goddess of sexual love from the + Uruk circle of gods, forming with An/Anum and Inanna/> Ishtar the dominant divine ‘Triad’. The meaning of the name is as unclear as its precise form (also Nana, Nanay etc.). In Babylonia, where from the rst millennium BC > Naba was considered her partner, her cult is documented from the time of the 3rd dynasty of Ur (21st cent. BC) until into the Parthian period (centred on Uruk). From the late middle Assyrian period (13th/12th cents. BC) she also held a high rank in

Assyria. In the Achaemenid, Parthian and Sassanid periods N. was still one of the most significant goddesses, as is shown by her identification with > Artemis (Str. 16,1,7), ~ Aphrodite (App. Syr. 66), > Isis and the Persian goddesses + Anahita and Armaiti. Worship of her is recorded in the Aramaic region (sanctuaries iter alia in > Assur, > Palmyra, > Dura-Europus), in Susa,

but also in Athens and Alexandria [1]. Whether she was also worshiped in Armenia, Sogdiana, Transoxania, Bactria and among the Indo-Scythians is controversial

2 D. O. Epzarp, s.v. Nanai(a), KIP 3,

1565f.; 3 J. GOODNICK WESTENHOLZ, Nanaja: Lady of Mystery, in: I. L. FINKEL, M. J. GELLER, Sumerian Gods and their Representations, 1997, 57-84; 4M. STOL,s.v. N., RLA 9, 146-151.

TH.RI.

Nanas, Nanus (Ndvac/Ndnas, Navoc/Nadnos).

[1] Mythical leader of the — Pelasgians at the time of their emigration to Italia (Hellanicus FGrH 323< F 4; Eidtesms5 77): [2] There was a prophecy that Odysseus as N. would conclude a brotherhood in arms with > Aeneas [1] in Italia (Lykophr. 1242ff.; cf. Dion. Hal. Ant. 1,72,2; 12,16). On Odysseus’s Italian journey cf. Hom. Od. r1,119ff.; Hes. Theog. 1105 with comm. WEST. [3] Mythical king of the > Segobrigii (Pomp. Trog. in lust. 43,3,8ff.; Aristot. fr. 549 ROSE = 560 GIGON). LK. Nandas. Indian dynasty in Magadha (approx. modern Bihar) on the Ganges, toppled by Chandragupta Maurya (— Mauryas) late in the 4th cent. BC. In the Alexander histories, Indian allies told of the great military power of the Nandas who may thus have contributed to the mutiny on the > Hyphasis. A legendary tale of the end of the Nandas is found in Indian sources and in Justin (15,4,16 according to Pomp. Trog.; [1]). Though different in many details, all sources agree on the low origins and unpopularity of the Nandas (including Curt. 9,2,6f.). + India 1F. F. Schwarz,

Candragupta

— Sandrakottos.

Eine

historische Legende in Ost und West, in: Das Altertum 18, 1972, 85-102;

2 Id., Herrschaftslowe und Kriegselefant.

Literaturvergleichende Beobachtungen zu Pompeius Trogus, in: M. B. DE Boer (ed.), Hommages a M.J. Vermaseren, vol. 3, 1978, I116-1142. K.K.

Nannacus (Ndvvaxoc/Nannakos, according to Steph. Byz. Avvaxoc/Annakos). Mythological king of Phrygia who supposedly lived to be over 300 years old. He predicted the flood of > Deucalion and prayed with his people to be spared. Numerous proverbs relating to his great age and his tearful pleading are associated with him (Zenob. 6,10; Macarius Chrysocephalus 2,23; 8,4; Apostolius 15,100; cf. already Herondas 3,10).

LK.

Nannienus. Comes rei militaris of > Valentinianus I,

fought the Saxons in 370 AD. In 378, together with the comes domesticorum > Mallobaudes in the service of — Gratianus [2], he defeated the Alamanni (Lentienses) at Argentaria (near Colmar; Amm. Marc. 31,10,6f.).

499

500

Because he was of the same rank (pari potestate) as Mallobaudes, he may have been comes utriusque Germaniae. He is probably identical with the magister militum Nanninus who in 388, together with Quintinus, as Magnus -» Maximus’s [7] general took over the guardianship of the latter’s son Victor, defeated the Franks in the silva carbonaria (probably near Aachen) and then went to Mogontiacum (Mainz) (Sulpicius Alexander in Greg. Tur. Franc. 2,9). After Victor’s death he was dismissed.

the Meroitic period, especially around the turn of the century, there was again an increase in building activity (restoration work and additions to existing temples, new temples and palaces). Two royal pyramid areas (315-275 and 90-50 BC) belong to N.; new excavations are in progress at an additional cemetery. To date no residential city has been found. N. was the coronation city for the rulers of Kush and is frequently mentioned in Napatan inscriptions. Its destruction by Psammetichus II (around 591 BC, Hdt. 2,161) and its further destruction by C. Petronius (23/22 BC) are disputed. — Meroe; > Nubia

NANNIENUS

P. RICHARDOT, Un désastre romain peu connu sur le Rhin, in: Rivista di storia di antichita 25, 1995, 111-130; PLRE 1, 615f. K.G.-A.

D. DunuaAM, The Royal Cemeteries of Kush, vol. 4, 19573 Id., The

Barkal

Temples,

Excavated

by G.A.

Reisner,

Nantuatae. A Celtic people northeast of the > Allobroges in the valley of the upper Rhodanus (Rh6éne)

ons: reports in Orientalia (Fouilles et travaux en Egypte et

from the > Lacus Lemanus

au Soudan) and Kush (preliminary reports).

(Lake of Geneva) to the

Rhone glacier, where the - Veragri, the > Seduni and the > Uberi were also settled. Together with these at the beginning of Roman rule they formed a confederation as part of the province of > Alpes Graiae et Poeninae (quattuor civitates Poeninae: CIL XII 147). Their capital was Tarnaiae (modern Massongex). They gave their name to the modern town of Nantua (Département of Ain). Further

sources:

Caes.

BG

3,1,6; 4,10,3;

Str.

4,6,6: Navtovatav/ Nantoudatai; Plin. HN 3,137, cf. CIL V 7817,135 (inscriptions on the tropaeum Augusti at La Turbie). G. BarRuOL, Les peuples préromains du sud-est de la

1970; §. Wenic, s.v. N., LA 4, 342-344; New excavatiALLO.

Nape (Naan/Nape, ‘wooded gorge, valley’). [1] Settlement on > Lesbos, in the territory of > Methymna, with a temple of Apollo Napaios (Str. 9,4,5; Steph. Byz. s.v. N.). N. cannot be precisely located. The temple, however, may have been the cultic site to the west of the modern village of Napi in the district of Klopedi. H.-G. BUCHHOLZ, Methymna: Archdologische Beitrage zur Geschichte und Topographie von Nordlesbos, 1966, 206f.; W. GUNTHER, s.v. N., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland,

454f.

Gaule, 1969, 309f.; A. Buisson, Carte Archéologique de

la Gaule ot (Ain), 1990.

Ya

[2] In Attica, mining territory of the Sunion démos in the > Laurium, the modern Agrileza Valley. H. LoHMaANN, Atene, 1993, 103-105, 107, 224.

Naoclus

(Ndoxioc;

H.LO.

Ndoklos). Son of + Codrus, led

Athenian emigrants to Teos (Paus. 7,3,6). Str. 14,1,3 calls him Nauclus. ek

Napoca. Municipium and colony in Dacia Porolissensis (Nasovxa/Ndpouka: Ptol. 3.8.4; cf. Napu[ce]nses

Naopoioi see -» Neopoioi

CIL Il 7996; N. in Lat. sources), the modern Cluj (Klausenburg/Kolozsvar, Romania), on the site of a

Naparis (Namaig; Ndparis). Left-bank tributary ofthe Danube in Scythia (Hdt. 4,48); not identifiable. Lv.8.

prehistoric (Dacian) settlement (the place-name is evidently of Daco-Getic origin). The sources do not supply us with any information about the history of N. prior to Trajan’s conquest of Dacia (AD ror/2 and 105/6). N.’s significance was based on its central position on the road between Potaissa and Optiana, in an area that, while frequented, was not under direct external threat. N. was counted among the most flourishing cities of Dacia as early as the 2nd cent. A Roman garrison at N. must be assumed subsequent to the establishment of the province. A camp of the ala I Siliana (mid 2nd cent.) is attested in the vicinity of N. (at Gilau). N. became a municipium (ILS 7150) possibly in the Hadrianic period, and a colonia under

Napata (Nanxata; Ndpata). Greek rendition (Str. 17,1,54; Cass. Dio 54,5,4f.; Latin Napata, Plin. HN

6,181) of Egyptian Npt. Religious centre of the Kingdom of Kush, on Gabal Barkal (near the 4th Cataract, modern Karima); an early settlement is already attested

through ceramics from the Kerma culture (2500-15 50 BC). The presumed Egyptian foundation of a fortress is mentioned by Thutmosis III (around 1479-1425 BC); from his time are also the earliest archaeological remains. First written evidence for N. dates from the time of Amenophis II. For the New Kingdom, temples built by > Thutmosis III and > Ramesses II are attest-

Marcus [2] Aurelius (CIL III 963 = 7726; VI 269 and

ed. The Kingdom of Kush (8th cent. — c. 275 BC) flour-

suppl. 3004). Municipal dignitaries mentioned include

ished in the Napatan Period when numerous temples (particularly for the state god > Amun of N. and Amun in Gabal Barkal) and at least one palace were built. In

decuriones (CIL III 858; 865; 867; 963 = 7726; 1141;

7804), I viri (CIL Ul 7149), and aediles (CIL III 827 = 7633; 858; 867). The population was augmented by an

sol

502

influx of settlers from the east (cf. ILS 4061), who contributed to the economic improvement of the city. Remains of villae rusticae have been discovered in the hinterland. Cults of Roman state divinities in N. attest to an advanced degree of Romanisation (Jupiter, Juno,

Nar Tributary of the Tiber running through Sabina and Umbria, present-day Nera, parts of which formed the boundary between regio IV and VI (Enn. Ann. fr. 260 V*: sulphureas ... Naris ad undas; Verg. Aen. 7,517; ar is Sabine for ‘sulphur’). It had its source at Mons

Minerva, Mercurius, Venus, Fortuna Augusta).

Tetrica in the territory of > Nursia. M’. Curius [4] Dentatus diverted the Velinus (outflow of the > Lacus Velinus and the Avens, Himella und Tolerus rivers) into the

In the 3rd cent., N. was the seat of the procurator of Dacia Porolissensis, possibly because > Porolissum lay in a more vulnerable location than N. Continuity of settlement is still evident in N. during the period of the -» Migration of Peoples. Remains of fortifications and buildings, necropoleis, inscriptions (also Early Christian finds). M. Fuss, s.v. N., RE 16, 1692-1696; TIR L 34 Budapest, 1968, 83; I. MicLeA, R. FLorescu, Die Vorfahren der Rumanen: Die Dakoromanen, 1980, 86-89 (outline map); D. PRoTaseE, Orizonturi Daco-Romane, 1995 (out-

line map p. 425); N. Acta Musaei Napocensis (since 1964; new finds, investigations). J.BU.

Nags-e Ragab. Rock crevice with four Sassanid reliefs (and inscriptions) 3 km north-east of > Persepolis in Persis. The reliefs show Sabuhr I (+ Sapor) with his entourage (with Middle Persian-Parthian-Greek inscription [1. SNRb]), the bust of the Zoroastrian ‘priest >» Karter (Kirdir, with Middle Persian inscription [2.

KNRb]),

as well as the respective

investitures

of

Ardax$ir (> Ardashir [1]) und Sabuhr I. 1M. Beck, Die sassanidischen Staatsinschriften, 1978 2 PH. GiGNoux, Les quatre inscriptions du mage Kirdir, 1991. j.W.

Naqs-e Rostam. Rock wall situated north of > Persepolis with reliefs from the Elamite and Sassanid periods ([3. 167 No.1-8], partly with inscriptions) as well as

NARAGGARA

N. It flowed past Interamna [1] Nahars (modern Terni), where it was crossed by the via Flaminia, which led to Spoletium. It ran below Narnia and was crossed there by a bridge, now called the Ponte di Augusto, which was part of another branch of the via Flaminia leading to Carsulae. The last section of the N. was navigable before it flowed into the Tiber between Horta and Ocriculum. M. P. Muzzio _l, s.v. Nera, EV 3, 706.

GU.

Naracustoma (Nagdxov otoua/Nardkou stoma, Latin Naracustoma). One of the ‘delta branches of the Danube (> Istrus [2]; Plin. HN 4,79; Apoll. Rhod. 4,3 10ff.; Arr. Peripl. p. eux. 24,1; Anon. Peripl. m. Eux. 67; Amm. Marc. 22,8,45; Solin. 13,1). Apollonius places it north of the delta branch called the Calostoma (xahov otoua/kalon stoma), while Arrian and the anonymous source put it to the south; Pliny, Ammianus and Solinus, like Apollonius, locate the N. between the Calostoma and the > Peuce. The N. today corresponds to the river branch knownas Imputitia which has arisen from the Calostoma, modern Sulina (Romania). The number of Danube delta arms has altered many times since antiquity (cf. Hdt. 4,47; Ephor. FGrH 70 F 157; Str. 7,3,15; Tac. Germ. r), affected by silt deposits accumulating in the delta swamps. ‘Naracu’ seems to have been a Thracian or Geto-Thracian place name.

cliff tombs with reliefs from the Achaemenid period [3. 167 No. I-IV], of which only that of > Darius [1] I can be confidently attributed (through the inscription

A. DiLLer, The Trad. of the Minor Greek Geographers, 1952, 135, 145; N. Pantin, Black Sea Coast Line Changes in the Last 10000 Years, in: Dacia 27, 1983, 175-184.

[1. DNa/b]). Others buried there are assumed to be

PICA.

~ Xerxes I, > Artaxerxes [1] land > Darius [2] I. On

the summit of the mountain and on the mountain generally there are numerous Zoroastrian tombs (?) that

are difficult to date. To the south of the rock wall the tower called Ka‘ba-i Zardu&t is situated, whose func-

tions have not been clarified. Prominent among the Sassanid cliff reliefs is the triumphal relief of Sabuhr I (— Sapor; over the Roman emperors >> Philippus Arabs and — Valerianus), and among the inscriptions of the same period the Middle Persian-Parthian-Greek report of the deeds of the same ruler (Res Gestae Divi Saporis,

[2. SKZ]) on the Kaba. 1R. Kent, Old Persian, 1953 2 Pu. Huyse, Die dreisprachige Inschrift Shabuhrs I. an der Ka‘ba-i Zardusht

(SKZ), 1999

3U. Serp1, s.v. N.R., RLA 9, 165-168. iW.

Naraggara. City in Africa Proconsularis, 33 km to the northwest of — Sicca Veneria, modern Sidi Youssef. The name, a Libyan inscription [1.570] and a bilingual one in Latin and Neo-Punic (CIL VIII 1, 4636 = Suppl. 1, 16811 =ILAlg 1,1186) suggest a pre-Roman origin for the city. Evidence: Ptol. 4,3,30 (Nagdyyaea/Nardngara); Itin. Anton. 41,5; 44,7 (N.); Tab. Peut. 4,4 (N.); Geogr. Rav. 39,18 (Narragara). N. was a city by Roman Law (CIL VII Suppl. 2, 18085; ILAlg 1,1189). Cultic worship of the Berber god Iocolon (ILAlg 1,1184) and the Punic-Roman goddess Juno Caelestis (ILAlg 1,1x85). Further inscriptions: ILAlg 1,11831219. Some ruins survive.

The decisive battle of the second of the > Punic Wars was probably fought at another, otherwise unattested, town of N. (Pol. 15,5,14 with SCcHWEIGHAUSER’s conjecture; Liv. 30,29,9), modern Hemmam [2. 4177°].

Henchir

el-

NARAGGARA

504

HO3

W.HU.

Narbo. City in Gallia > Narbonensis on the right bank of the lower > Atax in the territory of the > Volcae Arecomici (Strab. 4,1,42), modern Narbonne. In the pre-Roman period there was a settlement here on the mythical road of > Heracles from Spain to the Rhone.

Naramsin (Naram-Sin). Fourth king (2260-2223 BC)

From the 6th cent. BC, 4 km from N., there was an oppidum on the Montlaurés Hill, which was known by

of the dynasty of Akkad in Mesopotamia, grandson of the founder of the dynasty, > Sargon. Under N. the state of Akkad flourished once again. He is recorded on numerous campaigns that served to increase his power, both through the pillaging of foreign regions and the territorial expansion of the state, the latter primarily

the name of Naro (Avien. 587; [1]). The lagoon between N. and the sea is called limmné Narbonitis (hiwy Naofovitic; cf. Str. 4,1,9) in Hecat. FGrH 1 F 54. With the creation of a Roman province there by Domitius [I 3] (cf. [2]) in 1148/7 BC, the Colonia Narbo Martius, now the seat of the provincial government, was estab-

1 J.-B. CuHapor 1940

(ed.), Recueil des inscriptions libyques,

2 Huss.

AAAlg, map 19, no. 73; C. LEPELLEY, Les cités de l’Afrique romaine au Bas-Empire, vol. 2, 1981, 150; F. WINDBERG, s.v. N., RE 16, 1698-1700.

pertaining to the upper Mesopotamian

region from

northern Syria to the eastern Tigris region. In addition N. deployed intensive building work on temples (including the sanctuary of Enlilin > Nippur) and military installations (Tall Brak in the Habur region). Copies of Akkadian inscriptions from the Old Babylonian period record a rebellious movement of coalitions of northern and southern Babylonian cities against N. [7], which, according to tradition, N. was able to suppress only in nine battles over the period of a year. The later literary tradition referring to this embellished these events legendarily and its value as a historical source is correctly disputed [5]. The power of the dynasty regained and extended by the success of the military conflicts handed N. the means of further substantiating the ideology and religion of the kingship. N. was the first Mesopotamian ruler to have himself deified and called the ‘God of Akkad’ [3. 182 with notes 269-271]. The person of N.

is the subject of several verse compositions in the Akkadian and Hittite tradition. In Mesopotamia it reached in part until into the rst millennium BC [7. 173-368]. More than once it presents N. as a lord of calamity, whose hubris led e.g. to the fall of Akkad [6. 3 30-331;

8. 33-35]. N. of Akkad should be distinguished from the kings of ASSur and ESnunna (first half of the 2nd millennium BC) of the same name [r].

~ Autobiography 1D. R. Frayne, M. P. StREcK, E. STROMMENGER, S.Vv. N.,

RLA 9, 169-178; 2 M. LivERANI (ed.), Akkad — The First World Empire, 1993; 3G. J. SELz,‘The Holy Drum, the

Spear, and the Harp’. Towards an Understanding of the Problems of Deification in Third Millennium Mesopotamia (Cuneiform Monographs

7), 1997, 167-213;

4A.

WESTENHOLZ, The Old Akkadian Period — History and Culture, in: W. SALLABERGER, A. WESTENHOLZ, Mesopotamien: Akkade-Zeit und Ur Ill-Zeit (OBO 160/3),

1999, 46-55; 5S. TinNEy, A New Look at N. and the “Great Rebellion’, in: JCS 47, 1995, 1-14; 6 J. G. WESTENHOLZ, Heroes of Akkad, in: Journal of the American Ori-

ental Society 103, 1983, 327-336;

7Id., Legends of the

Kings of Akkade, 1997; 8 C. Witcxe, Politik im Spiegel der Literatur, Literatur als Mittel der Politik im dlteren

Babylonien, in: K. RAAFLAuB (ed.), Anfange politischen Denkens in der Antike (Schriften des Historischen Kollegs Minchen. Kolloquien 24), 1993, 29-75; girids Revolte gegen N., in: ZA 87, 1997,

9 Id., Amar11-32. H.N.

lished

(Cic. Font.

5,13;

Vell.

1,15,5).

In order

to

strengthen N. in in competition with > Massalia, > Caesar set up a new colony of veterans of the roth Legion there in 46 BC (Colonia Iulia Paterna Decumanorum, Plin. HN. 3,32; Suet. Tib. 4,1). In 27 BC,

Augustus organised a conventus of the whole of Gallia in N. (Liv. epit. 134). N. was an important reloading place at the startingpoint of the roads from Gaul to Spain and Italy (Diod. 38,5; Str. 4,1,12; Mela 2,75; Auson. Urb. 19,118). It was on trade in ores, pottery, wine, wheat and salt that the prosperity of the city rested. The port area was divided into sectors, various quay installations were distributed on the nearby lagoons — N. itself had only a river port (modern Les Barques). Large ships anchored in the harbour while the warehouses for unloading and storage in the city at the end of the highway were approached by means of lighters [3. 105]. Numerous crafts were established in N.; fabri were organised into corpora or collegia (‘guilds’; - Collegium) (CIL XII 4393: fabri subaediani), similarly the > navicularii also attested in Ostia. The two Roman coloniae gradually also occupied the left back of the Atax, not far from the outflow into the lagoons (vestiges of the cadastral survey). The boundaries of the city are marked by the necropolises. In the rst cent. AD, N. had a forum (60 x 85 m), later a Capitolium built in 145/149 [4], horrea (‘storage facilities’) close to the forum, a theatre (Sidon. Carm. 23,40), an amphitheatre (121,60X93,20m), temple and baths. N. was the residence of the proconsul of Gallia Narbonensis, a vir praetorius, the procuratores with their tabellariti and administrational officials. Many municipial officials began their cursus as praefecti fabrum [3. 26]. Among the gods worshipped in N. were Jupiter, Mars, Mercury, Vulcan, Hercules, Silvanus, Belenus, the Matres, Larraso, Bona Dea, Vortumnus (?) and Cybele. N. was also the centre of the > emperor cult in Gaul (AD rx altar: CIL XIII 4333). In the 3rd cent., Christianity established itself in N. Only few Christian monuments survive (necropolises). At the end of the 3rd century AD a wall was built round the reduced city (700 x soom [3. 85]). In 462, N. fell to the >Visigoths. Inscriptions: CIL XIII p. 521, 844, 863. 1 Y. Souter, N. Archéologie et histoire, 1973 2P. M. Duvat, Le milliaire de Domitius et organisation de la

506

595 Narbonnaise, in: Revue archéologique de Narbonne 1, 1968, 3-6 3 A. GRENIER, Carte archéologique de la Gaule romaine (F.O.R.) 12, Aude, 1959

4 V. PERRET, Le capi-

tole de N., in: Gallia 14, 1956, 1-22. E. Z1EBARTH, N., RE Suppl. 7, 515-549; M. GayRAuD, N. antique des origines a la fin du III* siécle (Revue archéologique de Narbonne, Suppl. 8), 1981; Y. SoLreR, N. (Guides archéologiques de la France 8), 1986; M. GayRAUD, Y. SOLIER, s.v. N., PE, 607f. Y.L. and E.0.

NARCISSUS

include the typical Faliscan -» impasto vessels with inscribed decoration from the 7th to sth cents., imports from Attica and Corinth and Faliscan red-figured pottery from the 4th and early 3rd cents. BC. > Etrusci, Etruria II; -» Falisci A. CAMILLI et al., Progetto N. Ricognizioni intensive in Etruria meridionale tiberina, in: Archeologia, uomo, ter-

ritorio. Rivista dei gruppi archeologici Nord Italia 12, 1993, 7-30; M. A. De Lucia, P. BAGLIONE, I Falisci, il

caso di N., in: Eutopia. Commentarii novi de antiquitati-

Narbonensis. The name N. was given in 27 BC to the Roman provincia Transalpina, which was formed from

bus totius Europae 4, 1995, H. 2, 53-94; T. W. Porrer, A Faliscan Town in South Etruria. Excavations at N. 1966-

Gaulish

Filey SROYG AS

areas

either side of the Rhodanus

(moder

Rhone). It had been occupied by the Romans between 125 and 118 BC after a call for help from — Massalia in the dispute with the > Salluvii tribe. The boundaries of the province were the Mediterranean coast from the Varus (Var) as far as the Pyrenees, the Alps, Lacus Lemanus (Lake Geneva), the upper reaches of the Rhodanus (excluding - Lugdunum), the foothills of the Massif Central and of Mons Cevenna, and in the west

Tolosa. N. was ultimately disengaged from Gallia Comata, when the regions of Convenae and Consoranni were allotted to Gallia Aquitania. The new province was awarded to the Senate in 22 BC (Cass. Dio

535123 54,4; Str. 17,3,25) and adminstered by a proconsul in + Narbo, supported by a quaestor. Thanks to early contacts of the province with Rome, N. underwent a swift urbanisation, documented by a multitude of monumental buildings, almost as if in competition with Italian colonies and municipalities. After the reorganisation by > Diocletianus and > Constantinus [1], N. was divided at first into three provinces (N. I with capital Narbo; N. Il with capital - Aquae [III 5] Sextiae; Viennensis with capital > Vienna), then into two

(merging of Viennensis and N. II). Inscriptions: [1]. ~ Gallia 1 A. CHASTAGNOL et al., Inscriptions latines de Narbonnaise, 4 vols., 1985-1997. P. A. Février, Histoire de la Provence, 1990; B. FREYBER-

GER, Die Entwicklung Sudgalliens zwischen Eroberung und augusteischer Reorganisation (125/22 bis 27/22 v.Chr.), in: Gymnasium 104, 1997, 319-343; Id., Siidgallien im r. Jahrhundert v.Chr. (Geographica Historica 11), 1999 (maps: 4of.); P. GROS, s.v. Provincie romane, EAA 2.

Suppl. 4, 505-514; M. Py, Les Gaulois du midi, 1993; A. L. F. Rivet, Gallia N., 1988.

63

Narce. The Faliscan settlement of N. lay on three steepsided tufa plateaux, 9 km south of Civita Castellana. The three plateaux (Narce, Monte li Santi and Pizzo

Piede) successively formed the centres of the settlement. Evidence has been found of late archaic temples on the Pizzo Piede and west of the Monte li Santi; a large flight of steps and a rock throne south of the Monte li Santi also belonged to a sanctuary. The rich > necropoleis attest to the importance of the site from the 14th cent. BC (Apennine culture) into the Roman Imperial period, esp. between the 8th and 4th cents. BC. Grave goods

M.M.

Narcissus I. MYTHICAL

CHARACTER

II. HISTORICAL

PERSONS I. MYTHICAL

CHARACTER (Ndextoooc/Narkissos, Lat. Narcissus). A. MyTHOLOGY B. ICONOGRAPHY

A. MYTHOLOGY

Narcissus is the personification of a plant by the same name; as with many plants, the etymology may be pre-Greek (CHANTRAINE, Vol. 2, s.v.). The aetiological

myth of Narcissus is documented only in relatively late sources and is unlikely to be earlier than Hellenistic. Conon [4] (FGrH 26 F 1,26), a mythographer, who knew many local myths, tells of the fate of a handsome youth from Thespiae in Boeotia who rejects overtures from all men, including Eros himself. When his admirer Aminias commits suicide in front of his door to avenge his unrequited love, Narcissus falls in love with his own reflection in a spring. Finally he commits suicide, too. Thereafter Thespiae, which already had a well-known cult for Eros [1. 216-219], honoured the god even more. The Thespians believed that the narcissus first grew at the spot where Narcissus had shed his own blood. Ovid (Met. 3,339-510) adorned the story with many details, among them Narcissus’s encounter with the nymph > Echo [2], which became very popular in Late Antiquity [2]. Plotinus apparently used the myth as a means to convey his philosophy [3]. The myth of Narcissus is probably related to the cult of Eros, the god of love, including homosexual love. Ina Greek context Narcissus’ rejection of a lover stands for his refusal to enter adulthood, since for Greeks of the upper classes homosexual relationships were an essential part of the transition into adulthood. The tragic consequence of Narcissus’ refusal is that he falls in love with himself, i.e. he rejects any meaningful relationship. Narcissus was one of the most popular names for Greeks in Rome [4. r100—1103] and there were many slaves and freedmen by that name (see II.). 1 A. SCHACHTER,

Cults of Boiotia, vol. 1, r98r

2B.

Manuwa .p, Narcissus bei Konon und Ovid, in: Hermes

103, 1975, 349-372 3 P. Hapot, Le mythe de Narcisse et son interprétation par Plotin, in: Nouvelle revue de psy-

NARCISSUS

choanalyse 7, 1972, 27-48 4H. So.in, Die griechische Personennamen in Rom, vol. 2, 1982. S. Errrem, s.v. Narkissos, RE 16, 1721-1733; H. and R.

KAHANE, The Hidden Narcissus in the Byzantine Romance of Belthandros and Chrysantza, in: Jahrbuch der Osterreichischen Byzantinistik 33, 1982, 199-219; E. PELLITZER,

Reflections,

Echoes

and Amorous

Reciprocity:

On Reading the Narcissus Story, in: J. BREMMER (ed.), Interpretations of Greek Mythology, 1987, 107-120. JB.

B. ICONOGRAPHY Visual representations of Narcissus begin only with the Roman Empire (possible exception: an early Hellenistic Statuette from Tanagra, now lost [1. 1403 6. 64; 7. 711]|) and continue in various media into Late Antiquity. Wall paintings (very popular in Pompeii; Narcissus appears in 45 paintings in the 4th Pompeiian Style [1. 230-233; 7.705ff]; later (Antoninian?) in the sepulchral hypogaeum to the south-east of Latakia [3]): Narcissus in a rural landscape gazing at his reflection, usually reclining, sitting at an angle and leaning one arm on his spear, cloak draped around his legs, his face reflected in the spring; sometimes there are additional figures, e.g. Eros, occasionally with his torch lowered, extinguishing it, or nymphs (e.g. > Echo [2]). Mosaics (esp. AD 2nd and 3rd cents.) portray Narcissus in a similar pose, sometimes with nimbus (e.g. Antioch: [6. 60-66]). On western mosaics he is portrayed kneeling on the left leg, the right leg extended back, resting on the left arm—ina traditional pose of > Hylas [4. 185ff]. On Roman sarcophagi (AD 2nd/3rd cents. to the time of the Tetrarchy) Narcissus is portrayed from the front with his arms crossed over his head and his cloak is usually draped over a tree trunk at his side [1. 142, 239; 8. 160ff]. He appears in a similar pose in statues and statuettes of the Hadrianic and Antoninian Period [7.705]. This suggests a post-Praxitelian or post-Lysippian original. On gems Narcissus often takes off his cloak [7. 708f nos. 57, 66]. Because idyllic and erotic imagery was very popular, depictions of Narcissus are numerous. On sarcophagi Narcissus becomes an allegory for love and death. There is often a direct connection with water [1. 146ff; 4.311]. According to [8] Narcissus developed from innocent and naive to one who self-consciously bared himself; for a different view, see [1. 142]. Narcissus was a very popular motif in the Renaissance and the Baroque Era (CELLINI, TINTORETTO, CARAVAGGIO, POUSSIN, LORRAIN).

1 L. BALENSIEFEN, Die Bedeutung des Spiegelbildes als ikonographisches Motiv in der antiken Kunst, r990 2 F. BROMMER, Denkmilerlisten, vol. 3, 1976, 252-255 3F. CHAPOUTHIER, Les peintures murales d’un hypogée funéraire prés de Massyaf, in: Syria 31, 1954, 173-211 4V. VON GONZENBACH, Die rdémische Mosaiken der Schweiz, 1961 5 L. GUERRINI, s.v. Narciso, EAA 5, 1963,

350-352 60-66

508

507

6D. Levi, Antioch Mosaic Pavements, 1947, 7B. RAEN, s.v. Narcissus, LIMC

6.1, 703-711

8 P. ZANKER, ‘Iste ego sum’. Der naive und der bewufste Narkissos, in: BJ 166, 1966, 152-170.

B.BA.

Il. HisTORICAL PERSONS {II 1] One of the three great > freedmen surrounding Emperor > Claudius [III 1], and at times the most influential among them. His manumission probably goes back to Caligula. Under Claudius he held the position of ab — epistulis. This position contributed to his power only insofar as it put him in constant close contact with the princeps. He influenced Claudius in all areas and thus gained external power and immense wealth. The senate bestowed on him the ornamenta quaestoria; L. Vitellius, cos. II] in AD 48, added his portrait to the lares in his home. He procured offical functions for many senators, including the future emperor Vespasian (Suet. Vesp. 4,1).

Claudius entrusted Narcissus with important responsibilities of power politics; e.g. he was sent to Britain to end a mutiny (Cass. Dio 60,19,2). In Rome he

was involved in the removal of powerful senators — although Seneca’s assessment (Sen. Q Nat. 4 pr. 15) seems rather exaggerated. When Messalina [2], Claudius’ wife, married C. Silius, he persuaded Claudius to kill her. To this end he had assumed command over the Praetorians for a day. When Claudius wanted to remarry, Narcissus suggested the former wife, Aelia [3] Paetina, but did not prevail. Agrippina [3], Claudius’ new wife, hated Narcissus and saw him as a rival to her

own power. Because of this rivalry, his influence declined and he tried to strengthen Britannicus to counterbalance Agrippina’s power. In 54 Claudius was murdered while Narcissus was at Sinuessa for a health cure. Not long afterwards Narcissus died from harsh custody and lack of food. Many of the negative traits in Narcissus’ portrait could be due to social prejudice of the mostly senatorial historians; after all, in the senatorial view, the factual power ofthe freedman was inappropriate for his status. RIRG IN E235 W. Eck, Die Verwaltung des rémischen Reiches, vol. 2,

1998, 14off.

{11 2] Freedman who was very influential under Nero; executed under Galba. PIR* N 25. [1 3] Athlet, who had great influence under - Commodus; supposedly Pescennius Niger owed him the governorship in Syria. » Eclectus and Marcia [7] chose him to strangle Commodus; through the order of Septimius Severus he was killed by the lions in the amphitheatre. PIR* N 26. WE. Nardos (1 vaedoc/hé nardos or 16 vaedov/to ndrdon, Latin nardus, -i f. and nardum, from Hebrew nérd from Sanskrit nalada(m) [1. 657]). Nardos in antiquity desi-

gnates not only the true Indian spikenard (Nardostachys jatamansi), but also (according to Plin. HN 13,16 and 12,45-47) as many as nine other plants (cf. inventory [2. 209f.]), including the two aromatic kinds of grass from the Near East, namely Syrian or Assyrian nard, the Valeriana Gallic and Cretan or wild nard, hazelwort, cyprus, etc. From the true nard of the cen-

509

510

tral Himalayas the valuable scented oil was extracted from the upper part of the root, but this was often adulterated. From it a wine was produced and prescribed for

Narke see > Electric ray

many ailments (Plin. HN 14,106). Dioscorides (1,7 WELLMANN = 1,6 BERENDES) recommended nard for its

warming, drying and diuretic properties against all kinds of discharges and against illnesses of the digestive organs. Food was also seasoned with it. The pleasantsmelling valuable chrism made from it (cf. Plin. HN 15,30), with which Christ was anointed in the house of

the leper Simon (Mk 14,3) or of Lazarus (Jo 12,3), was famous. There are frequent mentions e.g. in Hor. Carm. 1E. Borsace, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque, *1923 2R.KOnic (ed. and tr.), C. Plinius Secundus der Altere. Naturkunde, B. 12/13, 1977. A. STEIER, s.v. Nardus, RE 16, 1705-1714.

C.HU.

Naresii (Nagro.; Narésioi). Illyrian tribe (Ptol. 2,16,8) on the upper and lower Neretva/Hercegovina.

The N. were among those conquered by the future Augustus in connection with his Dalmatian campaign (+ Dalmatae) of 35/33 BC (App. Ill. 47). Incorporated into the Roman province of > Illyricum, they participated in the conventus of > Narona (Plin. HN 3,143) with 102 decuriae. Bosna

i Hercegovina

Narnia City in Umbria, regio VI, located on a high limestone spur of the > Apenninus, 56 miles from Rome, present-day Narni. In the year 299 BC (Liv.

10,10,5) a colony under Latin law was founded there at the site of the Umbrian city of Nequinum, its ominous name (in popular etymology derived from nequire, ‘to be unable’) replaced as it was renamed for the Nahartes in the > Nar valley. Municipium of the tribus Papiria, birthplace of the Emperor > Nerva [2]; it was of strategic significance in AD 69 (Tac. Hist. 3,58-79) and in

the wars against the Goths in 537 and 458 (Proc. BG

2,11,16 and Hor. Epod. 5,59.

I. BoJANovski,

NARO

u anti¢ko

1988, 379.

doba, E.O.

1,16,2; 17,4-8; 2,11,93 4,33,9). Architectural remains:

walls (opus quadratum, 3rd cent. BC); regular city layout whose > cardo maximus formed the continuation within the city of the via Flaminia between the Porta Arco del Vescovado and the Piazza Priora (forum under the Via Garibaldi). An arch remains, reaching

from the Ponte di Augusto across the Nar (30 m high and 160 mlong). N. became a summer resort during the Imperial period (Plin. Epist. 1,4); there were villas within the city (mosaics). M. H. BALLaNnce, The Roman Bridges of the Via Flaminia, in: PBSR 19, 1951, 91-100; M. Bicotri u.a., N., 1973; P. FONTAINE, Cités et enceintes, 1990, 95-110. G.U.

Naro (Ndowv; Ndron). River in Dalmatia (+ Dalmates; Strab. 7,5,5; 9; Mela 2,57: Nar; Tab. Peut. 6,4 without name), modern Neretva (in Hercegovina). It rises

Nareste. Roman castellum in Dalmatia on the Salona — Narona road (Plin. HN 3,142: N.; Nerate: other MS traditions; Geogr. Rav. 4,16: Netrate; 5,14: Nerente),

modern Jesenice east of Split/Croatia. A. Mayer, Die Sprache der alten Illyrier, 1957, 240f.

H.SO.

Naristi (Varisti). Germanic tribe next to (iuxta) the + Hermunduri (Tac. Germ. 42,1) and between the + Marcomanni and the > Quadi (AE 1956, 124), in the vicinity of Pannonia (western Slovakia; cf. [1. 248251]). Once friends of Rome ({2]; CIL III 4500), during the Marcomannic Wars they became enemies (SHA Aur. 22,1), against whom > Marcus [2] Aurelius cam-

paigned [3. ro4f.]; their leader Valao was killed in single combat by M. Valerius Maximianus (AE l.c.). 3,000 N. deserters were settled in the Empire (Cass. Dio 71,21; CIL X 7290 does not mention any N.). 1 H.-J. KELLNER, Raetien und die Markomannenkriege, in: R. KLEIN (ed.), Marc Aurel, 1979, 226-260 2 J. HERRMANN (ed.), Griechische und lateinische Quellen zur Friihgeschichte Mitteleuropas, vol. 4, 1992, 588f. 3 V. ROSENBERGER, Bella et expeditiones, 1992.

TIR M 33, 63f.

K.DI.

on the Dumos Planina (1879 m high), passes through the karst mountains in a deeply incised gorge, forms — after a course of 230 km — a swampy delta and flows into the Adriatic. In antiquity the N. flowed into the sea farther to the northwest than today. In its original bed the Norino, which used to join the N. after a much shorter course further up, flows today. On its right bank, in modern Vid, are the ruins of > Narona (cf. Scyl. 23f.; Plin. HN 3,144). Above Narona the N. broadened out into a lake (Scyl. l.c.), whose precise location is disputed today. The lower reaches of N. were navigable beyond Narona (ships on — Daorsi coins, HN 315). In antiquity there was discussion of Theopompus’ view (FGrH 115 F 129; 4th cent. BC) that since there was clay from > Chios and > Thasos in the N., the Aegean and the Adriatic must have a subterranean connexion. Cato [1] describes the river as large, beautiful and full of fish (HRR fr. 97; 2nd cent. BC). Irises [2] throve on the N. (Eutecnius, paraphrase of Nicander, Theriaca p. 53,1). In the battles between the Romans and the Dalmatae the N. played a strategically significant role (App. Ill. 31 on the year 156). M. Fuuss, s.v. N., RE

16, 1736-1743; I. BOJANOVSKI,

Bosna 1 Hercegovina u anticko doba, 1988, 379.

E.O.

NARONA

512

511

Narona Town (Mela 2,57; Plin. HN 21,40; Itin. Anton.

338,4; Tab. Peut. 6,4) on the Naro (Norino) atop a flat hill in the midst of swampy land in the lower Naro valley near modern Vid, northwest of Metkovic/Croatia. A prehistoric settlement is assumed; the population and place name were Illyrian. In the s5th/4th cent. BC, Greek settlers joined and founded a trading station near N. (emporion, Scyl. 24; cf. Theopompus FGrH 115 F 129). In the 2nd/rst cent., settlers from Italy followed.

After the defeat of the Illyrian king > Genthius in the 3rd » Macedonian War (171-168), the town came under Roman influence. It was repeatedly the startingpoint of Roman military operations especially against the — Dalmatae in the hinterland (156 BC under C. -» Marcius {I 11] Figulus: App. Ill. 31; in 46 BC under P. » Sulpicius Rufus: Cic. Fam. 13,77,3; in 45 BC under P. >Vatinius: Cic. Fam. 5,9,2; rob,1; 11,3). The inscriptions of N. indicate a municipal administration with magistri and quaestores in the final years of the Republic (CIL III 1820; ILS 7166). The Roman provin-

cial government of -> Illyricum was located there with a conventus of 89 civitates (Plin. HN 3,142). A century later only 13 remained in the conventus of N. In the final years of Caesar’s reign, N. was elevated to colonia Iulia with new civilian settlers (Plin. HN l.c.; Ptol. 2,16,12). The colony’s territory included the Naro valley beyond modern Mostar. However, it was not N. that was made the seat of the proconsul of the senatorial province in 27 BC but the neighbouring port town of » Salona, which increasingly surpassed N. in economic and political importance during the first two centuries AD. Even the episcopal see that N. still had in the early 6th cent. was lost with its ranking below Salona. N. became an important reloading port for goods in both directions between the Adriatic and the Illyrian hinterland during the four last cents. BC. The chief exports were agricultural products (grain, cattle), while

Narratio see

> Partes orationis

Narsai. Syrian poet (c. AD 399 - c. 502) and initially head of the ‘Persian School’ in > Edessa [2] (possibly until 471), then of the school of > Nisibis. Of his writ-

ings only about 80 verse homilies (~~ Mémra) with exegetic, didactic and liturgical content are extant (to date only a few of them are available in translation). One of his mémra has as its theme ‘the three teachers’, i.e. +» Diodorus [20] of Tarsus, > Theodorus of Mopsuestia and > Nestorius. In his exegesis and Christology, N. was strongly influenced by Theodorus. A series of dialogic poems (Sogyata) on Biblical figures has been incorrectly attributed to him. EDITIONS, TRANSLATIONS: R. H. CoNnoLLy, The Liturgical Homilies of N., 1909; P. GiGNoux, Homélies de N. sur la Création (Patrologia Orientalis 34), 1968; F. G.

McLeop, N.’s Metrical Homilies on the Nativity, Epiphany, Passion, Resurrection and Ascension (Patrologia Orientalis 40), 1979. LITERATURE: E. P. SIMAN (ed.), N., Cing homélies sur les

paraboles evangéliques, 1984; A. VOdBus, History of the School of Nisibis, 1965, 57-121.

Narseh see

S.BR.

—-> Narses

Narses (Middle Persian Narseh, Armenian Nerséh, Greek Nagojj¢/Narsés, also Nagoatioc/Narsaios).

[1] Brother of + Sapor I, when he was prince-governor of (Persian) Armenia in AD 293 he overthrew his great-

nephew > Wahram III from the Persian throne and documented his success in the > Paikuli inscription (cf.

islands were the prime imports. The demise of N. was caused by the competition from Salona, the essentially unfavourable swampy surroundings and the unpredict-

[1]). In about 296, N. renewed the conflict with Rome by invading (Roman) Armenia. The emperor > Galerius [5] suffered a defeat at Carrhae (> Harran) in 297, but was able to besiege N. in 298, taking his harem into captivity. In the same year a peace was concluded which ceded to the Romans five Armenian provinces and dominion over Iberia, and this lasted almost 40 years. N., who, despite taking a sceptical view of it, appeared to be relatively tolerant of Kirdir’s (+ Karter) ‘Zoroastrian

ability of the

state church’ (see

oil and wine

from

Calabria,

Gallia

and the Greek

> Naro. N. never minted coins; numerous

inscriptions (cf. literature in [1]). Archaeological findings: drainage canals; town wall with towers (especially well preserved on the south and north side of the settlement mound); on the west side defences of the 4th/3rd cent. BC, forum (paved floor), tombstones, sarcophagi, sculptures, temple of Augustus and Livia. Various sanc-

tuaries, baths and a theatre are attested in inscriptions. Excavations have been carried out since 1968 (Split Archaeological Museum) swampy terrain.

but are difficult in this largely

1 J. J. Witkes, Dalmatia, 1969, 245-261. M. Fuss, s.v. N., RE 16, 1743-1755; N. ZANINOVIC, S.v. N., PE, 609; I. BoJANovski, Bosna i Hercegovina u anticko doba, 1988, 379; B. Kiricin, E. Marin, An Archaeological Guide to Central Dalmatia, 1989, 259-262; M. SANDER, ROmische Kaiser oder 6rtliche Notabeln, in: Antike Welt 29, 1998, 115-118. E.O.

> Zoroaster;

> Zoroastriansm), died

in AD 302 PIR* N 28. 1 H. Humpacn, P. O. SKJAERV®@ (ed.), The Sassanian Inscription of Paikuli, 2 vols., 1978-1983.

[2] Son (or brother? Cf. Moses Chorenaci 3,10) of ~» Sapor II, invaded Roman Mesopotamia in about AD

336 and was killed on the return march in a battle with the emperor -» Constantius [2] II (Festus Rufius, Breviarium 27,2; Theophanes a. 5815). PLRE 1, 616, Nr. 2.

[3] In AD 357, N. was an envoy from > Sapor II to > Constantius [2] Il (Amm. Mase. 17,5,2; Petros Patri-

kios fr. 17) and was one of the army leaders besieged by + Iulianus [rr] in 363 (Amm. Masc. 24,6,12; cf. Zos. 3,25,5: Anareos). He participated in Sapor’s persecution of the Christians under the name of ‘Narseh Tamschapur’ [1. 105-109]. PLRE 1, 617.

514

513 10. Braun, 1915.

Ausgewahlte

M. H. DopGEon,

Akten

persischer Martyrer,

S. N. C. Lieu, The Roman

Eastern

NARTHEX

F. WINKELMANN, s.v. N. (1), LMA 6, 1029; W. KAEGI, s.v. N., ODB 2, 1438; PLRE 3B, 912-928, No.1; A.

DEMANDT, s.v. N. (13a), RE Suppl. 12, 870-889.

F.T.

Frontier and the Persian Wars, 1991; W. FeLix, Antike

literaische Quellen zur AufSenpolitik des Sasanidenstaa-

Narthacium (Nao0dxov; Narthakion). Mountain and

tes, vol. 1, 1985; R. N. Frve, The Political History of Iran under the Sasanians, in: I. GERSHEVITCH (ed.), The Cam-

city in the > Othrys mountain range located in the Thessalian region of Achaea Phthiotis. It was at Mount

bridge History of Iran 3,1, 1983, 126ff.; E. KETTENHOFEN, Tirdad und die Inschrift von Paikuli, 1995. | -M.SCH.

[4] Eastern Roman palace official and army leader, a eunuch, probably born c.AD 490 in Persarmenia, died c. 574 in Rome. He began his career at the imperial court in Constantinople in c. 530 as a chamberlain and financial official (sacellarius), stood by > Iustinianus [1] lin the > Nika Revolt in 532, and after two years as imperial commissioner in Alexandria was elevated to praepositus sacri cubiculi (“High Chamberlain’) in c. 537. In the war with the Goths in 538 the emperor dispatched him to Italy with a strong army, a gesture the leading general > Belisarius must have understood as repudiation. This soon led to a quarrel between the two, and by 539 N. had been recalled to Constantinople. In the subsequent period he was entrusted with various duties. His period of great success began only in 551, when Justinian I appointed him commander-in-chief of the war with the Goths (avtoxedtwe tot mokguov accord-

ing Prok. BG 4,21,6). In April 5 52 he arrived via Salona in Venetia by the land road and followed the coast further to Ravenna and Ariminum, towards > Totila, the king of the Goths, coming from Rome, and defeated him at about the end of June 5 52 in the battle of Busta Gallorum in the Appenines. Totila was killed while escaping. In about July 552, N. also brought Rome under his control. Totila’s successor Teia was killed in the same year (c. October) in a battle against N. at Mons Lactarius in Campania. This broke the power of the Ostrogoths in Italy. When he had also victoriously brought to an end a raid by the Franks and the Alemanni under Butilinus and Leutharis at Cumae in the spring of 554, he celebrated a triumph in Rome, and on 13 August 554, in the ‘Pragmatic Sanction’ (tiso¢ meayuatixdc, Nov. lust., App., Edictum 7), which was addressed to N., Justinian determined the re-arrangement of administration in the reconquered Italy. In 561/62, N. managed to reconquer Verona and Brixen from the Goths, and finally drove the Franks out of Italy. From c. 559 he had the title of patricius and from 565 that of an honorary consul. > Iustinus [4] II, the successor of Justinian, ordered N. back to Constantinople in 568, but he preferred to spend his last years as a private citizen on his estates in Rome. After his death his bones were taken to Constantinople and buried in a Bithynian monastery he had founded. — Paulus Diaconus does describe N. as catholicus (follower of the Chalcedonense, see > Chalcedon) but he showed a clear tendency towards + Monophysitism.

N., the Xerovouni Avaritsis (1022 m), that, in 394 BC,

+ Agesilaus [2] defeated the Thessalians, who were pursuing him as he retreated from Persia (Xen. Hell. 4,359; Plut. Agesilaus 16,5). The city of N. has been localized by inscriptions (middle of the 2nd cent. BC: IG IX 2, 89-91; ArchE 1927/8, 122f.) in the remains of a city (approx. 880 m), 1.5 km to the southwest of what is now Limogardion. Judging by the remains of the walls, N. was already in existence during the Classical era (5th cent. BC) and was probably destroyed during the Roman Empire. Y. BEQUIGNON, Notes archéologiques sur N., in: BCH 70, 1946, 9-14; F. STAHLIN, s.v. N., RE 16, 1760-1764; TIB I, 1976, 203. } HE.KR.

Narthex (vao0n§; narthex). [1] (Latin ferula with uncertain etymology). The umbelliferous plant Ferula communis, the yellow-flowering giant fennel, which Theophrastus (H. plant. 6,2,8f., cf. Plin. HN 13,123) describes [1. 61f. and fig. 95-97]. On

the coasts of Greece, on the islands and in Lower Italy this plant grows up to 5 m high. The dried stems were used like a cane for punishment, as the ‘sceptre of paedagogues’ (sceptrum paedagogorum, Mart. 10,62,10 et passim), but also as a cattle goad and the staff of the Bacchants (> Thyrsus). [t was also used as a splint for broken bones and its marrow was used as tinder. > Prometheus supposedly brought fire from the Heavens to Earth in a hollow narthex (Hes. Theog. 567; Plin. HN 7,198). Cooked fresh stems were recommended as easily digestible (Plin. HN 20,260). The roots in wine were a remedy against snake bite, and with vinegar and oil for excessive sweating and fever (l.c.; cf. Dioscorides 3,77 WELLMANN = 3,81 BERENDES). Narthex juice was used as a laxative (Plin. HN 20,261). The dill-like seed was used to stop bleeding and was supposedly effective for > epilepsy (loc. cit.). A superstition held that > moray eels die after contact with narthex (loc. cit.). However, the claim that it was a favourite fodder for donkeys and like them sacred to Dionysus appears credible (Plin. HN 24,2). 1H. BauMANN, Die griechische Pflanzenwelt, 1982. A. STEIER, s.v. N. (1), RE 16, 1765-1770.

C.HU.

[2] (Latin also narthecium, documented since Cic. Leg. 2,7,22). A container for drugs named after the stem of the narthex plant [1] and originally made of a hollowed out stem section. The larger container formats, which

were primarily made of metals, were the capsa (for books but also fruit, etc.) and the > scrinium. A nar-

NARTHEX

thex could have several compartments (for evidence — incl. other uses of the word: [1]), similar to the 16-sided capsa in the Esquiline treasure [2. 207 pl. 68; 3. 214217 pls. 26-29; 4. 75-77 pls. 12-17]. 1 W. Harrkg, s.v. N. (2), RE 16, 1935, 1770-1772

2D.

E. StRoNG, Greek and Roman

3H.

Silver Plate, 1966

BUSCHHAUSEN, Die spatrémischen Metallscrinia und friihchristlichen Reliquiare, vol. 1, 1971 4K. L. SHELTON, The Esquiline Treasure, 1981.

[3] In the late Byzantine empire, a patriarch might carry a staff called a narthex [1.368,9], and so might the

emperor for the coronation ceremony as a symbol of a combination of temporal and ecclesiastical power [2]. 1]. BEKKER (ed.), Georgius Pachymeres, De Michaele et

Andronico Palaeologis V 1 (Corpus Scriptorum historiae Byzantinae 27, 2), 1835 2J. VERPEAUX (ed.), Georgius Codinus (Pseudo-Kodinos), De officiis, 1966, 264, 12 and passim (Index s.v. N.). DLWI.

[4] Derived from the umbelliferous plant Farula/Ferula communis (narthex [1]), which is common in the Medi-

terranean, according to Procopius narthex describes (Aed. 1,4,7) the anteroom or vestibule of a Christian +> basilica, probably because of the elongated form of the building. The term narthex is first encountered in Gregorius Thaumaturgus (Epistula Canonica, Canon 11, PG 10,1048), c. AD 265; according to this bishop, the congregation met in the narthex. The narthex, which was accessed over stairs and generally somewhat elevated compared to the surrounding ground, usually had columns at the front and led through one or three doors to the actual church. ~ Atrium [2]; > Basilica R. KrRAuTHEIMER, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, 31979, Index s.v. N.

516

Say

LN.

Naryca (Nagixa/Naryka, lit. also Nagvé/Naryx). City (- Locrians [1]) on the road from the Spercheus Valley via Thermopylae to Phocis, localized by inscriptions found in the church of Hagios Ioannes near Paleokastro at Rengini, approx. 8 km southeast of Mendenitsa ([1], cf. [2]; formerly believed to be at Atalante [3. 1138] or Kalapodi [4. 187]). Given its favourable setting in a fertile valley that was linked to the ocean via > Thronion and located on the axis connecting northern and central Greece, N. was important in prehistoric and early historic times. N. was the home of > Ajax [2] (Str. 9,4,2; Diod. 14,82,8), which is why Virgil (Aen. 3,399) and Ovid (Met. 8,312; 14,468; 15,705) use Narycius as a synonym for ‘Locrian’. In the 3rd — Sacred War in 352 BC, N. was conquered and destroyed by the Phocian > Phayllus (Diod. 16,38,3; 5), but was apparently soon rebuilt. The treaty between N., or rather the Aiantii, a clan that lived in N. that claimed to be descended from Ajax, and the Locrians, which stipulated that Locrian maidens be sent to Troy, probably every year, was preserved in an inscription

found near > Physcus (‘Locrian maiden inscription’ IG IX 17 3, 706; StV 3, No. 4725; SEG 28, 503; 30, 5113 32,

558342, 481; 44, 437). Literary tradition attributed this ritual to a sacrifice made in atonement for a sacrilege committed by Ajax (Demetrius Scepsius in Str. 13,1,40f.; Apollod. Epit. 6,22; Aen. Tact. 31,24; schol. Hom. Il. 13,66; Plut. De sera 12; Iambl. v.P. 8,42; Hier. Adversus lovinianum 1,41). It was required that the maidens from the ‘too houses’ (probably the local upper class, Pol. 12,5,7) be provided only by the Aiantids. The ritual was binding for 1,000 years, but ceased after the destruction of N. in 3 52 (schol. Lycophr. Alexandra 1141, cf. 1169; Call. fr. 35 PFEIFFER; Timaeus FGrH 336 F 146b); however, at the behest of the Oracle of Delphi it was resumed, initiated by Antigonus [1] or [2] (schol. Lycophr. Alexandra 1169; Ael. fr. 47). There is still documentation of N. during the Imperial period, under Hadrian (SEG III 425). 1 N.S. Papapakis, in: AD 6, 1920/1, 141,3 2 CH. KAROUzos, in: AD ro, 1926, 11f. 3 W. A. OLDFATHER, s.v. N., RE 16, 1772-1775 4 W.M. Leake, Travels in Northern Greece, vol. 2, 1835. PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN

1, 344f.; PRITCHETT 4, 129, 132-

134, 156-159; C. SourviNou-INWoop, Die ‘lokrische Madcheninschrift’, in: CQ 68, 1974, 187f.; F. GraF, Die ‘lokrische Madcheninschrift’, in: Studi Storico-Religiosi 2, 1978, 61-79; B. Bravo, Die ‘lokrische Madcheninschrift’, in: ASNP Ser. 3,10, 1980, 675-987; P. VIDALNaaquet, Les esclaves immortelles d’Athéna Ilias, in: Id., Le chasseur noir ..., 1983, 249-266; D. D. HuGHEs, Human Sacrifice in Ancient Greece, 1991, 166-184; P. BONNECHERE, Le sacrifice humain en Gréce, in: Kernos

Suppl. 3, 1994, 150-163.

G.D.R.

Nasamon (Naoéuwv; Nasdmon). Son of Amphithemis

(Garamas according to Apoll. Rhod. 4,1492) and the nymph Tritonis, great-grandson of ~ Minos. N. was the progenitor and eponym of the ~ Nasamones in Libya (schol. Apoll. Rhod. 4,1322). LK,

in Locris Epicnemidia

Nasamones

(Naoaudvecs; Nasamdénes). Libyan tribe, which for a long time was resident in the Great Syrtis. Evidence: Hdt. 2,32,1f.; 4,172-174; Ps.-Scyl. 1o9 (GGM 1,84); Diod. 3,49,1, who, however, in 17,50 erroneously transplants it to the area north of the oasis Of Siwas (Stra 255,33) 0753520.) blinwidIN 5.33 s8btol 455521; 30; Tab. Peut. 8,2f. (Nesamones). In summer the N. grazed their herds near the coast and migrated to the > Augila (modern Aufgila) oasis to harvest dates. They buried their dead in a sitting position. They prophesied from dreams they had at the graves of their ancestors (Hdt. 4,172; 182; 190). In the Augustan period the N. were presumably brought under Roman control by P. -> Sulpicius Quirinius [1. 301-304]. In AD 85 or 86 they were defeated by the praetor Cn. Suellius Flaccus and driven further back into the interior (Cass. Dio 67,4,6; Eust. in Dion. Per. 209, GGM 2,253). Cf. also Coripp. 6,197f.

518

517 1 P. ROMANELLI, Storia delle province romane dell’Africa, 1959.

J. DEsanceEs, Catalogue des tribus africaines ..., 1962, 152-154; F. WINDBERG, s.v. N., RE 16, 1776-1778.

W.HU.

Nascus. Inland (Nascus, Plin. HN 6,154) city in Arabia Felix (Amm. Marc. 23,6,47). Identical with the Nasqum of Ancient Southern Arabian inscriptions, which can be identified with the remains of Al-Bayda’ (16° 12’ N, 44° 29’ E) in Yemenite Gawf. N.’s city walls were an oval 1500 mincircumference. At the beginning of the 7th cent. BC, N. was taken by Karib’il Watar on behalf of > Saba. According to Str. 16,782, Aelius Gallus occupied the city of Askd (AoxG) in 24 BC, which is traced back by the designation of the inhabitants as Assuqan; Plin. HN 6,160 counts Nesca among

the cities destroyed by the Romans. 1J.-Fr. BRETON, Les fortifications d’Arabie méridionale du 7° au 1 siécle avant notre ére, in: Archaologische Berichte aus dem Yemen 8, 1994, 95-98 2H. VON WissMANN, Die Geschichte des Sabderreiches und der Feldzug des Aelius Gallus, in: ANRW II 9.1, 1976, 402-405.

W.W.M.

II. ISRAEL

I. GREECE

[11] Lowlands in the area of Caphyae in Arcadia (> Arcadians), to the south of and below the modern village of Daras (known as Dara until 1940), with luxuriant vegetation, as the water of the upper Orchomenian Plain reemerges here in several springs forming the stream Tragus, which flows into the Ladon [2] (Paus. SSB ue) 1 E. Meyer, s.v. N. (1), RE 16,1793

Id., Peleponnesische

Wanderungen, 1939, 31f., 34, Taf. XI. PRITCHETT 6, 19.

E.O. and C.L,

[2] Town on the upper > Ladon [2] in Arcadia, in the

territory of > Cleitor, probably in the basin of the modern Kokova (Paus. 8,25,2). Peloponnesische

Wanderungen,

1939,

73f.

sau,

II. ISRAEL [111] (Hebrew

M. Jacoss,

Die Institution des jiidischen Patriarchen

(Texte und Studien zum antiken Judentum 52), 1995; P.

SCHAFER, Geschichte der Juden in der Antike, 1983, 182— 184, 203.

BE.

Nasica [1] Roman cognomen (‘pointed nose’); from the 2nd cent. BC it was hereditary in the family of the Cornelii Scipiones (— Cornelius [I 81-85]). The unsuccessful legacy hunter N. (around 30 BC) who was ridiculed by Horace (Hor. Sat. 2,5,573; 65) was not part of the Cornelii family. KAJANTO, Cognomina 105; 237.

[2] (Naoixa; Nasika).Town in western India to the east of the river > Namades (Narmada) (Ptol. 7,1,6). Probably present-day Nasik (old Indian Nasikya) on the

tst cent. AD.

(NaoowNadsoi).

E. Meyer,

Usha and > Beth Shearim in Galilaea served as the nasi’s residences; Juda ha-Nasi then moved the seat of the office, probably for political and diplomatic reasons, to > Sepphoris, which had been strongly influenced by Roman culture. The patriarchs are occasionally mentioned in Roman legislation and accorded particular privileges. When Gamaliel VI had no direct successor in 429 AD, Theodosius II abolished the office.

upper reaches of the Godavari in Maharashtra; also an important Hindu place of pilgrimage, in the vicinity of which are famous Buddhist cave monasteries from the

Nasi I. GREECE

NASIDIUS

‘prince’). Designation

of the Jewish

patriarchs who, after the destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem (in 70 AD), acted as official representatives of the Jewish people to the Romans and represented the highest internal authority in questions of > Halakha. It is not certain whether > Gamaliel [2] II (c. 80-120 AD) held the office; it is likely Simon ben Gamaliel II (140175 AD) was the first asi. The office was at its most powerful under — Jehuda ha-Nasi, mostly known simply as ‘(Our Holy) Rabbi’ (c. 175-217). Initially,

H. D. SANKALIA, S. B. DEO, Report on the Excavations at

Nasik and Jorwe, 1955.

K.K.

Nasidienus Rufus. Ridiculed by Horace (Hor. Sat. 2,8) as the nouveau riche host of a dinner for + Maecenas [2] and his poet friends that, for all its opulence and refinement, ends in banal mishap. (The nomen gentile is attested in only one other place, on an inscription from Cologne: CIL XIII 8270). T.ER.

Nasidius [1] N., L. Cnaeus > Pompeius’s fleet commander. In 49 BC he was sent out with a squadron from Dyrrhachium to Massalia to support L. Domitius [I 8] Ahenobarbus (Caes. B Civ. 2,3,1f. Once there he shirked from a sea

battle against D. Iunius [J 12] Brutus Albinus and made his way to Spain without a fight (Caes. B Civ. 2,4,4f.;

7,1f.). After active service in the Tyrrhenian Sea (Bell. Afr. 98,1; Cic. Att. 11,17a,3), N. died in North Africa in 46 BC together with the supporters of Pompeius. MRR 2, 271. [2] N., Q. Master of the mint to Sextus > Pompeius in 44/3 BC (RRC 483), but from 38 BC he succeeded his father (?) N. [x] as naval officer for Pompeius. In 35 AD, in Asia Minor, he went over to Mark Antony [I 9] (App. B Civ. 5,579). As the commander of Antony’s fleet, N. was defeated in 31 AD by M. Vipsanius Agrippa [1] ina sea battle near the port of Patrae (Cass. Dio 50,13,5).

MRR 2, 394, 423; 3, 147-

TER.

NASIUM

Nasium. City of the > Leuci in Gallia — Belgica (It. Ant. 365,3; Tab. Peut. 2,5; Ndowov/Ndsion, Ptoll. 2,9,13) between the rivers > Mosella and > Matrona

[2] in the region of the present-day communities of Naix-aux-Forge and Saint-Amand-sur-Ornain. The Gallo-Roman city, located in the Ornain valley, succeeded a Celtic oppidum (52 ha) situated on the neighbouring hill of Boviolles. N. is located on the military road leading from — Durocortorum to > Tullum and + Divodurum (Tab. Peut. I.c.; It. Ant. l.c.), but its importance in transportation is primarily regional, with five additional roads branching out from the city. Excavations, mainly during the r9th cent., produced a wide variety of archeological evidence: thermal baths, two temples, amphitheatres, aqueducts, private homes, representational art [1] and inscriptions (CIL XIII 46304644), as well as small-scale finds (mostly jewellery and coins). The settled portion extended over an oval area measuring some 65 ha, with a densely built-up centre of 12 ha. It is unlikely that settlement began before the middle of the 2nd cent. BC. During the 7th cent. AD » Fredegar’s Chronicle (4,38) mentioned the castrum N., probably located on the Mazeroie plain, which was conquered in AD 612 by the Frankish king Theoderic II]. During the Merovingian period (~ Merovingians) N. was the site of a mint. 1 ESPERANDIEU, Rec. 6, 4650-4663; 9, 2758. L. Leain, Saint-Amand-sur-Ornain/Nasium, in: J.-P. PETiT, M. MANGIN (ed.), Atlas des agglomérations secondaires de la Belgique et des Germanies 1994, 186f.; Id., Naix-

aux-Forges, in: I.-L. Massy (ed.), Agglomérations secondaires de la Lorraine romaine, 1997, 231-259.

F.SCH.

Naso. Widespread Roman cognomen (‘large-nosed’), which does not, however, occur in distinguished fami-

lies of the Republican period; the family of some of its bearers cannot be determined. The most prominent figure to bear the name was the poet P. > Ovidius Naso. 1 KaJANTO,

520

519

Cognomina,

146.

237

2 WALDE/HOFMANN 2, Kee)

ably means the seeds and not the leaves, which are eaten as salad in present-day Greece and Italy. Both Theophr. Hist. pl. 1,12,1 and Plin. HN. 19,186 mention the mustard-like, sharp taste of kardamon, and the quick germination is also stressed in Plin. HN 19,117 and 154. For Italy, Columella 11,3,14 recommends sowing times in spring (similar to Pall. Agric. 2,14,5; 324,25 4,8,5) and autumn (as in Pall. Agric. 10,13,3). According to

Columella 8,14,10, chopped-up cress provides nourishment for young geese. Nasturtium is also regarded as a remedy against worms (Columella 10,23 1; Dioscorides 2,155 WELLMANN = 2,184 BERENDES; cf. also Plin. HN 20,127-129). A. STEIER, s.v. N., RE 16, 1795-1798.

Nasua. Leader of the Suebi in 58 BC, name Germanic (2), brother to > Cimberius (Caes. B Gall. 1,37,3). + Ariovistus; > Suebi W.SP.

Natalis Dies see > Birthday

Natalis templi Natalis templi was the day on which a newly erected or restored > sanctuary was consecrated to ‘its’ deity and thereby dedicated to its purpose. A public sacrifice offered each year commemorated this + dedicatio and > consecratio. The popular ‘temple birthday’ (Serv. Aen. 8,60) was an official holiday only if it was celebrated on the festival day of the deity involved. Otherwise, it could add a social or political dimension to the traditional celebration days of the gods: craftsmen, for example, congregated at the Roman sanctuary of Minerva on the Aventine on its natalis templi (19 March) for the artificum dies |1. 165]; victorious military commanders and emperors created monuments and commemoration days for themselves (Liv. 40,525 [1. 302; 2. 235-261]) through the votum (+ votive offerings) and the erection of sanctuaries. 1Latre

2A. Z1ioLKowski, The Temples of Mid-Repub-

lican Rome, 1992.

G. Ronpe,

Die Bedeutung der Tempelgriindungen

Staatsleben der R6mer,

Nastes (Naotys/Nasteés). Son of Nomion, commander

of the Trojans’ Carian allies, together with his brother ~ Amphimachus [3] (cf. Hom. Il. 2,867ff.). He or his brother (the grammatical reference is ambiguous) went to war ‘wearing gold like a girl’ and was killed by Achilles in the river battle. According to Dictys 4,12, both brothers fell to Ajax. P. WATHELET, Dictionnaire des Troyens de I’Iliade, 1988, tals EG MAST.

Nasturtium

(Latin)

corresponds

to

xdodapov/

kardamon according to Cic. Tusc. 5,99 and describes a type of cress, probably garden cress (Lepidium sativum), which is mentioned in Xen. Cyr. 1,1,8 as some-

thing the ordinary Persian ate with bread. Here it prob-

C.HU.

im

1932; J. RUpKE, Kalender und

Offentlichkeit, 1995, 345-360.

G.B.

Natio see > Personification

National scripts. This term for the Latin scripts which developed in western Europe between the fall of Rome in the 5th cent. AD and the appearance of Carolingian — minuscule in the late 8th cent., was used for the first

time by R. P. Tassin and Cu. F. Toustain in their ‘Nouveau traité de diplomatique’ (6 vols., Paris 17 501765; here vol. 2, p. 481-482), but it goes back already to Jean MaBILLon. The latter noted in his ‘De re diplomatica’ (1681; *1709, 45, 49, 343) that in addition to

the old Roman script there are four types of early medieval Latin scripts: Gothic, Lombardic, Franko-Gaulish or Merovingian and Anglo-Saxon. He saw each of

521

522

these scripts as being peculiar to the respective nation; they developed independently of each other and also of the old Latin script of the Romans. However, on the basis of his study of the earliest MSS in the library of the cathedral of Verona, Scipione MAFFEI proved conclusively in his ‘Istoria diplomatica’ (Padua, 1727, 113114) and the ‘Verona illustrata’ (vol. 1, Verona, 1732, col. 321-334) that the Latin scripts of the four aforementioned peoples were not independent creations; since then the NS have been necessarily viewed as further developments of Roman scripts in the kingdoms succeeding the Roman Empire. In reality, the Gothic, Lombardic and Merovingian scripts, for the most part, originate from late Roman cursive. But the Anglo-Saxon scripts, which are more precisely called Insular scripts, because they appeared first in Ireland and were then used in Great Britain for a long time, go back to various forms of half uncial. Since the special characteristics of these NS do not necessarily reflect unique characteristics of the people whose name they bear, the national script names have a purely geographical meaning that refers to the region in which each script predominated. It is not necessary to mention that the division into four new scripts cannot do justice to the variety and complexity of the testimonia for the various scripts. ‘Gothic script’ is called ~> Visigothic script today; it was used mainly in Spain. One of the ‘Lombardic’ scripts is referred to as > Beneventana today; it was used in large parts of southern Italy; other Lombardic scripts are called Italian preCarolingian > minuscule today. In older literature the term ‘Lombardic’ was used erroneously for the scripts connected to the monastery of Corbie (northern France, cf. —» Merovingian scripts). MABILLON’s ‘FrankoGaulish’ or ‘Merovingian scripts’ are still called Merovingian (especially if the differences to late Roman cursive are minor); but if they show a more legible form in book copies, they are usually called pre-Carolingian. MaBILton’s ‘Anglo-Saxon scripts’ have retained their names or are called Irish or Insular scripts; they were used from the 6th cent. (Irish) or 7th cent. (Anglo-Saxon) into early modern times or until the 12th cent. in the entire territory of the British Isles and on the continent, especially in Germany. -» Palaeography; — Writing, styles of

Natiso (Natiowv; Natison). River in Venetia (Ptol. 3,1,26) which rises in the Alpes Carnicae, flows below

B. BiscHoFF, Latin Palaeography: Antiquity and the Middle Ages (transl. Daibhi O Créinin and David Ganz), 1990, 83-145; G. CENcETTI, Il particolarismo della scrit-

tura latina nell’alto medioevo, in: Id., Lineamenti di storia della scrittura latina, *1997, 82-165; E. A. Lowe, Codices Latini Antiquiores. A Palaeographical Guide to Latin Manuscripts Prior to the Ninth Century, 11 vols. and suppl., 1934-1971; J. MALLON, Paléographie romaine, 1952, 142-144; L. TRAuBE, Geschichte der Palaographie, in: Id., Vorlesungen und Abhandlungen (ed. P. LEHMANN), 1909 (repr. 1965), I-80.

JJJ-

Forum

NATURAL CATASTROPHES

Tulium

(present-day

Cividale),

reaches

the

Turrus from the right (Plin. HN 3,126) and flows into the Laguna Veneta near > Aquileia [1]. It protected the east walls of Aquileia and formed a canal port there (Str. 5,1,8). At the estuary the river is nowadays called Natissa (as in Iord. Get. 42), but Natisone and Torre in

the interior regions. NISSEN 2, 229.

G.U.

Natural catastrophes. For the whole of antiquity there are numerous reports of natural catastrophes (NC). Especially in the eastern Mediterranean, but also in Italy, tectonic conditions resulted in an extraordinary susceptibility for frequently disastrous seismic activity (earthquakes and resulting tsunami, volcanic eruptions). The ancient perception was that phenomena such as storms, epidemics, rains of stones, comets (Cic. Nat. deor. 2,14)

and solar and lunar eclipses (e.g. Plut. Nicias 23; ~ Eclipses) were also in the category of NC. ~ Earthquakes (cf. map) again and again led to devastating damage (most recent catalogue [1]). In 464 BC, an earthquake in Sparta caused a death toll high enough to substantially affect demographics (Thuc. 1,101f.; Diod. 11,53,1-4; Plut. Cimon 16,4f.). In 426 BC the region around the bay of Corinth was hit by a combination of earth and sea quakes (with tsunami) (Thuc. 3,89,1-5). In 373 BC —> Helice [1] was submerged in the sea after a seaquake (Diod. 15,48,1-4; Paus. 7,24f.). In AD 17 an earthquake destroyed twelve cities in Asia Minor (Tac. Ann. 2,47, 1-4). In AD 62 an earthquake hit Campania and mainly > Pompeii hard (Sen. Q Nat. 6,1; 25; 30f.; Tac. Ann. 15,22,9). > Antiochia [1], extremely at risk, was devastated particularly severely in AD 115 (Cass. Dio 68,24f.) and in 526 (Ioh. Mal. 419f.) a similar fate overtook Nicomedia in AD 358 (Amm. Marc.

17,7,1-8). The geographical dimensions ascri-

bed by ancient sources (primarily Amm. Marc. 26,10,15-19) to a tsunami (AD 365) in the eastern Mediterranean (with a presumed epicentre on Crete) are exaggerated. Volcanic activity caused great devastation in various regions of the ancient world. The eruption of the volcano of > Thera is much discussed, primarily in terms of its effect of destroying the > Minoan culture on Crete [2] (in fact probably not the case). In antiquity Etna (> Aetne [1]) in Sicily was particularly active. Eruptions are attested e.g. for 476/5 BC (Aeschyl. Prom. 367f., according to the Marmor Parium FGrH 239 F 52 as early as 479/8 BC), 425 BC (Thuc. 3,116), 396 BC (Diod. 14,59,5) and AD 4o (Suet. Cal. 51). Eruptions of this volcano reported by ancient authors for the period of the late Roman Republic remain uncertain as the tendency to have political crises and military conflicts accompanied by NC probably plays a part. In AD 79, after a long period of dormancy, — Vesuvius, which was considered extinct, erupted and

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> Herculaneum (Plin. Epist.

powerful notables (e.g. the Lycian Opramoas, TAM

NATURAL CATASTROPHES destroyed > Pompeii and

6,16; 20; Suet. Tit. 8,4; Cass. Dio 66,21-23). Further

23.90):

eruptions of Vesuvius happened it AD 202 (Cass. Dio 77,2,1), AD 472 (Marcellinus Comes, Chron. min.

Disaster prevention was poorly developed in antiquity. Initiatives such as those of the emperor Tiberius to control the flooding of the Tiber failed in the face of the opposition of nearby cities (Tac. Ann. 1,76 and 79). There are recommendations for earthquake-proof buildings in Strab. 12,8,18.

2,90)

and

AD

512

(Cassiod.

Var.

4,50;

Proc.

BG

4,3 5ff.). Considerable damage continued to be caused in antiquity by floods, as can be proved particularly for the >» Tiberis in Rome [3]. Here, however, human influence also had an effect (cf. Suet. Aug. 30), as generally in antiquity, even if to a limited extent, human intervention in the landscape led to NC which, however, became noticeable only gradually: such as the deforestation of Attica with the results described in Plat. Critias r11a-e for the water balance or the clearing activities of Roman settlers in the Germanic provinces [4] (+ Environment).

In antiquity, NC were predominantly interpreted religiously, as revenge, punishment or signs from the gods. The Greeks saw > Poseidon as the causer of earthquakes (epithet ennosigaios, ‘earthshaker’). The earthquakes in Sparta in 464 BC, for example, (Thuc. 1,128,1) and in Helice in 373 BC (Diod. 15,48f.) were interpreted as the god’s punishment for the sacrilegious behaviour of humans. In Rome, NC were not ascribed

to a particular deity. However, the religious interpretation of NC was also firmly established and was articulated in an intensively cultivated system of prodigies (> prodigium; cf. Lucan. 1,525-565 for 49 BC). NC also played an essential role in ancient myth, as in the context of the battles of the gods (- Titanomachy, ~» Gigantomachy) or in the diverse legends of the deluge (> Deluge, legend of the; the best-known in Graeco-Roman

myth was that of > Deucalion, Ov. Met.

1,163ff.).

Ancient scientific interpretation of NC, especially of earthquakes and volcanic activities, received its impetus from Ionian natural philosophy (the earliest theory of

1 E. Gumposonl, Catalogue of Ancient Earthquakes in the Mediterranean Area up to the ro Century, 1994 25S. Marinatos, The Volcanic Destruction of Minoan Crete, in: Antiquity 13, 1939, 425-439

3 J. Le GaLt, Le Tibre,

fleave de Rome dans l’antiquité, 1952, 29-33

4H.-P.

KUHNEN (ed.), Gestiirmt —- gerdumt — vergessen? Der Limesfall und das Ende der Rémerherrschaft in Sudwestdeutschland, 1992, 71-73. B. Hetty, A. PoLiino (ed.), Tremblements de terre, histoire et archéologie, 1984; C. A. Livapie (ed.), Trem-

blements

de terre,

éruptions

volcaniques

et vie des

hommes dans la Campanie antique, 1986; E. OLSHAUSEN,

H. SONNABEND (ed.), Naturkatastrophen in der antiken Welt, Stuttgarter Kolloquium zur Historischen Geographie des Altertums 6. 1996 (Geographica Historica ro), 1998; E. RENNA, Vesuvius mons, 1992; H. SONNABEND,

Naturkatastrophen in der antiken Wahrnehmung, Deutung, Management, 1999; G. WALDHERR, Erdbeben. Das aufSergewohnliche Normale, 1997. H.SO.

Natural Law see — Aequitas; —> Ius (C.2); > Justice/

Right

Naturales liberi (also known as liberi naturales). In Late Antiquity, ‘natural children’ were the issue of an illegitimate union (> concubinatus). Compared to other children of illegitimate descent (> spurius), they were privileged in many respects. Thus, the possibility of a legitimation, that is the eventual acquisition of the legal status of legitimate offspring (legitimi), existed only for NL. In what was probably initially intended as

earthquakes was by > Thales; -» Pre-Socratics). The

an incentive to contract marriage with one’s partner in

peak of ancient seismology was reached with the pneumatic theory of Aristotle [6] (Aristot. Mete. 365a-

concubinage, the parents’ marriage brought about the full status of legitimate offspring for NL from the time of Constantine the Great [1]. (Legitimation through subsequent marriage, legitimatio per subsequens matrimonium, Cod. lust. 5,27,5-9). However, the father must not already have legitimate children, and the mother had to be free-born. Roman law in Late Antiquity also provided for two additional kinds of legitimation: Justinian ordered it by imperial rescript (per rescriptum principis; Nov. 74,1 from 538) for cases in which legitimation by subsequent marriage had been under consideration, but where the marriage was impossible, for example, because the mother had died, or the father had been obliged to celibacy by a religious vow. A legitimation per oblationem curiae (by assuming the office of municipal counsellor) was provided for in the case where a father without legitimate children left his inheritance to his illegitimate son through his will on the condition that the latter assume the office of decurion (> decurio [1]) (Cod. lust. 5,27,3f.).

369a). The Stoics (— Stoicism) made the rational inter-

pretation of NC a therapeutic tool against fear (Sen. Q Nat. 6: de terrae motu).

Disaster aid practised under state management can be observed primarily in the period of Hellenism and in the Roman Imperial period. For the Hellenistic rulers this was an element of euergesia (> Euergetism) and also of the struggle for prestige (for example, the Hellenistic monarchs’ concerted help for earthquake-damaged — Rhodes in 227 BC, cf. Pol. 5,88-90). For the Roman emperors aid in the event of NC was part of the patronal obligations of rulers (e.g. Tac. Ann. 2,47,1-4 on Tiberius’s measures after the twelve-city earthquake in Asia Minor; Suet. Tit. 8,4 on Titus’s actions after the eruption of Vesuvius in AD 79). Furthermore, disaster management shared between states is attested (Xanthus and Cytenium, after 227 BC; SEG 38, 1476) as do as-

sistance measures within cities on the part of financially

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530

Even without legitimation, the position of NL with regard to eligibility for bequests and gifts gradually improved. Justinian (Nov. 89,12,3) finally made it permissible for a father to bequeath his entire estate to them. In the absence of both spouse and legitimate children, Justinian also granted the NL, together with their mother, a ‘statutory’ right to inherit when the father died

as Aristotle testifies (Aristot. Metaph. 4,4), remained aware of the term’s polysemy.

intestate (Nov. 18, 5). Furthermore, the father was, according to the same sources, obliged to provide maintenance for his NL. In any case, a (free-born) mother had a corresponding position with regard to maintenance and inheritance rights from the 2nd-3rd cents. AD at the latest in respect of all illegitimate children, including the underprivileged. KaseEr, RPR 2, 184, 220f.

GS.

NATURE, NATURAL PHILOSOPHY

C. PHILOSOPHERS OF NATURE The philosophers must have used the term physis very early, but the scarcity of our documentation reduces the interesting testimonies to two. — Heraclitus 1 declares that ‘he defines each thing according to its nature and says how it is’ (Heracl. 22 B 1 DK = Sext. Emp. Adv. math. 7,132). Elsewhere, in the treatise “On Ancient Medicine’ (Hippoc. De vetere medicina 20,10; late

5th or early 4th cent. BC), we find the phrase ... ‘as in Empedocles and the others who have written a treatise’ ‘On nature’ (‘Ilegi mvoewc’; Peri physeds). This title probably does not go back to the original works, but dates from a later period [1] (— Pre-Socratics).

Nature, Natural philosophy I. GREECE

II. ROME

I. GREECE A. TERMINOLOGY B. First ATTESTATIONS C. PHILOSOPHERS OF NATuRE D. PHySICIANS E. SopHists F.PLaATo G. ARISTOTLE H. STOICS

J. Epicureans 1ry

K. Way oF LiFe

L. CHRISTIAN-

M. NEOPLATONISTS

A. TERMINOLOGY In ancient Greek, the term physis (pbotc, ‘nature’) is a nomen actionis derived from the root *bhu- (which probably implies the idea of coming into being, growth and development). It first of all denotes the state that results from the spontaneous development of a living being: hence the meanings of ‘size’, ‘stature’, or ‘appearance’, all of which point towards the more general meaning of ‘innate bodily characteristics’. Physis is thus opposed to téchné (téyvy, > art), which refers to any competence acquired in various domains of human activity. Physis thus came to designate a primary and original way of being. B. First ATTESTATIONS Whereas only one instance of physis is recorded in Homeric poetry (Hom. Od. 10,303), an increasing use of the term can observed in Pindar, Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides. Its use is especially frequent among philosophers and such technical authors as geographers, students of nature, doctors, teachers of rhetoric, and grammarians. In these works, it has concrete mean-

ings like ‘physical appearance’, ‘complexion’, ‘personality’, ‘temperament’, and such abstract values as ‘inborn character’, ‘original character’, ‘spontaneity’, ‘authenticity’, or ‘normality’. Used in a general sense, the term physis applies to individuals or species, and designates a ‘mode of being’. It also designates the totality of living beings and phenomena, the universe, and, from a particular point of view, being as such (t0 dv/to on, * ovota/hé ousia). It was above all this meaning that attracted the attention of the first ‘philosophers’, who,

D. PHYSICIANS In the Hippocratic treatise ‘On Ancient Medicine’ we also find the important association of physis with dynamis (Sivas, ‘capacity’ or ‘power’). In man (and in general), dynamis is the perceptible expression of physis. In the treatises of the Corpus Hippocraticum (+ Hippocrates [6]) in which the influence of the ‘philosophers of nature’ or ‘physicians’ (pvowmol, physikoi), as Aristotle would call them, is particularly manifest, dynamis designates the characteristic property of bodies, their perceptible external appearance — that which makes them identifiable and determinable. Dynamis allows the inner physis, the fundamental ‘form’ (etdoc/eidos) or element to be known, known by the action (oyov/érgon) and affection (1400c, pathos) it can exercise or undergo. E. SOPHISTS For the > sophists, the concept of physis played an important role in moral reflection. In > ethics and in politics, man must regulate his conduct after nature (physis) as an authentic and spontaneous reality that has not been altered or veiled by the conventions and illusions of the law (n6mos). Thus it is expounded by Callicles in Plato’s dialogue ‘Gorgias’ (Pl. Grg. 483c-d; 484a; 491e); the same idea is found in the ‘Republic’ (PI. Resp. 6,501b), although here it is transposed onto a ‘metaphysical’ level. eae TATO,

In his first dialogues, > Plato takes up the concept of physis ina general context. Through its dynamis (‘power’), the physis or essence (ovoia, ousia) of a thing reveals itself. Beginning with the ‘Phaedo’ and the ‘Republic’, however, reality (true being) for Plato no longer corresponds to bodies and sensible things; it resides in the Ideas and in the soul, which can perceive it by its — intellect

(+ Ideas,

theory

of). This

reversal

explains why in his cosmology Plato refuses to connect nature with the four elements, ruled by chance; this position leads to atheism, he thinks. Against the ‘physicians’ (see D above) he writes in the ‘Laws’ (PI. Leg.

NATURE, NATURAL PHILOSOPHY

531

53%

10,892c): ‘What they understand by nature is what engendered the first existences; if, therefore, we can show that the soul (psyché) is among these first existences, rather than fire or air, we will have reason to say

generation and disappearance of natural entities, but these take place within an uninterrupted chain of trans-

that the soul, because of its ancient birth, exists by nature (physei) more than anything else. This conclusion will be established if it can be demonstrated that the soul is older than the body; otherwise, it cannot be es-

tablished.’ For Plato, nature is the soul, or more precisely the

formations, based on the continuous transmutation of one element into another (cf. > Elements, theories of the).

However, this closed system is not self-sufficient. All that is moved is moved by a mover, which in turn is moved by another mover. The last of these moved movers, on whose motion all other motion depends, directly or indirectly, is the ‘first heaven’, or the totality of fixed

best soul, the soul endowed with reason. The cosmo-

stars, which Aristotle conceived

gonic tale of the “‘Timaeus’ develops this hypothesis. Taking as his model the Ideas, which he continuously contemplates, the démiourgés (— demiourgos [3]) fash-

sphere in a finite and geocentric universe. Yet the first heaven itself receives its motion from an unmoved movyer (ti 6 Ov xtvovuevov xtvel/ti ho kinoumenon kinei, Aristot. Metaph. 12,7,1072a 25), who is a god (theos; cf. ibid. 12,7,1072b 25). This limited concept of an unmoved mover clearly shows the status Aristotle accords to physics. Because it is immaterial and has no other possible activity compatible with its dignity as a pure act, an act which consists in thinking itself, the First Mover cannot move itself, but moves all else that is natural. Initially, the first heaven is moved by desire (ows; érds), because the First Mover’s perfection also makes him supremely desirable. The physical world therefore derives its impulse, and even its possibility, from something beyond itself, a ‘metaphysical’ reality, in the etymological sense of ‘that which transcends physical reality’. Thus, this significant region of being eludes physics. This is also shown by formulations as the following: ‘god and nature make no superfluous things’ (Aristot. Cael. 1,4,271a 33; cf. also Aristot. Ph.

ions the universe (R6smos), which is endowed with a soul and body. He sets the universe in order by introducing mathematical relations. This universe is originally a disorderly whole of mechanical motions, to which Plato gives the general name of — necessity (ananké) and which agitates the chora (yea, literally ‘place’). This whole is both substantial and spatial, i.e. it is simultaneously the ‘from which’ and ‘in which’ the traces of the four elements have appeared at random, i.e. the cause whence and the place wherein all things are formed.

G. ARISTOTLE > Aristotle [6] tried to make > physics independent of > metaphysics. For him, physics is the science of but one region of being. Those beings are said to be ‘natural’ which possess within themselves the cause of their motion. ‘Motion’ is understood as the change of everything that is affected by movement. A plant has the principle of its growth within itself; the element of fire has within itself a tendency to move towards the periphery of the universe. A bed (a non-natural thing), at the other hand, does not have its cause within itself, but in some-

thing else, sc. the artisan. The study of physics is therefore limited to certain realities that Aristotle enumerates in the first lines of his treatise entitled Meteorologika. These include moving things and their elements, sc. the celestial bodies, living beings, and ‘meteorological’ phenomena. The latter not only entail the things we call by this name — rain, hail, rainbow — but also tides, the sea, and courses of water, earthquakes, as well as such phenomena as comets, shooting stars, the Milky Way, and so forth. The totality of these realities emerges from nature: ‘nature (physis) is origin and cause of motion and of rest for the thing in which it resides, by essence and not by accident’ (Aristot. Ph. 2,1,192b 20-22; cf. ibid. 3,1,200b 12; Aristot. Cael. 30rb 17f.). The system of physical entities (i.e. the cosmos) is a finite, closed, and eternal totality. Aristotle does not think the transformations in the cosmos are simple changes of one or more stable substances. This, he says, is what the philosophers thought who postulated that the universe is made of a single original matter (> Thales: water; > Anaximenes [1]: air; > Heraclitus [1]: fire; + Milesian School). In Aristotelian physics, there is

as fixed to the last

2,8,199a 16; Aristot. Part. an. 1,5,645a 25).

After Aristotle and the disappearance of this metaphysical domain from the philosophy of nature (only taken up again by - Neoplatonism), nature was identified with ‘corporeal’ being. The idea of an eternal cosmos, globally immutable, was abandoned, and there

was a return to a more cosmogonic concept of the natural sciences. Although their images of nature were radically opposed in several crucial respects, Stoics and Epicureans shared the belief that the world — or worlds,

since they are born and in a certain way perishable — come into being and then pass, at least in the form they display at a given moment. Stoic teleology could therefore assume a form molded by providence, which had no place in the Aristotelian cosmos, whereas Epicureanism returned, in a modified form, to Democritean — atomism, which was based on chance. H. Sroics The Stoics (> Stoa) proposed a grandiose vision of the universe (Rdsmos) as a divine, living, self-creative unity, organized according to rational laws and governed in its slightest details by providence (xoedvota/ pronoia, Latin providentia). They postulated two principles as the basis of their cosmology. The first, > matter, has no other ability than to suffer, and is bereft of

all determination, motion and initiative; while the other has the ability to act, and gives matter its form, quality

NATURE, NATURAL PHILOSOPHY

Se)

534

and motion. The second principle is ‘reason’ (Adyos;

Stoics therefore tried to specify the relations between physis as universal causality and the concepts of chance

+ logos). Nothing in this universe is a ‘this’ or a ‘that’, nor can anything even be designated as ‘this’ or ‘that’, without the presence of this principle, which is independent of matter. In this context, the /6gos can also be called ‘god’ (theos, lat. deus), for its action makes him the artisan of the universe, albeit an artisan whose art

resides in all natural production. Because the Stoa takes the indeterminacy of nature to its conceptual limit, it is forced to recognize in the logos alone the cause of the most elementary physical characteristics, both of the four elements (fire, air, water and earth) and of those that result from the combination of these four elements in sensible things. We may therefore speak of Stoic ‘corporealism’ or even ~ ‘materialism’, since the affect of the Jogos on matter and on bodies remains a material and corporeal activity. The active principle that the Stoics call logos also has a physical name: > ‘fire’ (D) (pyr, Latin ignis). This is not the concrete fire, but it unites within itself all the powers of concrete fire. It is a force, and the other three elements (air, water, earth) correspond to the three states in which it may also be found: gaseous, liquid, solid. Placing themselves in a tradition they traced back to Hesiod, the Stoics considered the universe to be the result of a series of transformations of the god who — in his quality of a creative fire — goes on to generate the world. This generation is inseparably connected, in an infinite series of cycles, with the destruction of the world in a total conflagration (éxmbewot; ekpyrosis). The universe then resolves itself into the state from which it had emerged, with every cosmic cycle being a mere repetition of every other one. On each occasion, the same ‘seminal reasons’ (hoOyou omeQuatixol; ldgoi spermatikoi, Latin rationes seminales) are actualized. This fire, known as logos and identified with the god, can also be conceived of as a fiery breath, the omnipresent > pneuma (nvetua/pneuma, Latin spiritus). In all the parts of the world that are penetrated and guided by this pneuvma, hot fire combines with expansion, while cold air combines with contraction. This oscillation, which animates all bodies and ensures their cohesion, is called ‘tension’ (tovoc; tonos) and is diversified according to the regions of the universe. It assumes the name of ‘constitution’, ‘state’ or ‘quality’ (é&tc; héxis) in inanimate solids, of ‘growth’ (voc; physis) in plants, and of ‘soul’ (wey; psyche) in living beings (SVF 1013 = Sext. Emp. Adv. math. 9,78). Its function is to guarantee the unity of all bodies, especially that of the universe. The same physis is active in each individual living being and in the universe: ‘Sometimes they say that nature (physis) is what maintains the world in cohesion, sometimes it is that which makes beings on earth grow’ (Diog. Laert. 7,148), as an inter-

nal principle of reality and as a universal cause: ‘Nature is an artistic fire (n¥Q texvixdv; pyr technikon), which methodically dedicates itself to generation: it is a firelike and art-like breath (mugoeWéc xual texvoeidéc; pyroeidés kai technoeidés)’ (Diog. Laert. 7,156). The

(tuyn;

> tyche),

> necessity

(Gvayxn;

andnkeé),

and

> fate (eiuaonévn; heimarméne). In its diachronic aspect, the unity and dynamic cohesion of the world corresponds to providence, which leads to the famous theory of destiny as rational determinism. J. EPICUREANS

In order to lay open the realm investigated by the natural sciences (sc. the science of what exists),

- Epi-

curus harks back to principles that derive from Parmenides and were transmitted by Leucippus and Democritus in particular (Epicurus, Epist. ad Herodotum, init.; Lucr., B. 1). Nothing arises from nothing, and

nothing is annihilated; it follows that the sum total of what exists can neither increase nor be diminished. Since there is nothing outside it, it has nowhere to go, nor can anything threaten it. This sum has always been and will always be as it is now. The immutability of being is preserved on the level of the sum total of all things, but not within this sum, where there is multiplicity, motion and change.; In order to preserve these essential and visible aspects of the physical universe, Epicurus, like Democritus, harked back to > atomism. He treats physical reality (physis) as a genus, the species of which are the tangible reality of bodies and the intangible reality of the void. Thus, physis is ‘atoms, the void, and what

results from them’ (fr. 75 and 76 USENER = 149 ARRIGHETTI = Sext. Emp. Adv. math. 9,333; Plut. Adv. Colotem 2; Plut. Mor. r112e). This negative definition enables the resolution of a number of difficulties linked to the notion of the void (xevov; kendn). Like Democritus, Epicurus attributes only a small number of basic properties to atoms: size, form, and weight, which are essentially linked to physical existence. The sensible qualities of compound bodies, with their immense variety, do not belong to the atoms that make them up. The original motion of the atoms is a very rapid vertical falling motion, the effect of their weight and of the complete lack of resistance in the void. Atoms all fall at the same speed, and the heavier ones cannot overtake the lighter ones and so begin the formation of compounds by collision. To remedy this problem, > Lucretius [III 1] invokes the hypothesis of the clinamen, a minimal ‘deviation’, indeterminate with regard to its time and place, which allows atoms to collide (Lucr. 2,216-250; > Epicurus). Thus, a certain dose of freedom is introduced into a system that would otherwise be subject to a deterministic mechanics, ruled by chance. K. Way OF LIFE

Most philosophers of the Hellenistic and Imperial period elevated the maxim of ‘living according to nature’ (to xata vow Chv; to kata physin zén, Latin secundum naturam vivere) to a moral rule. Human virtue (areté, Latin virtus) was in the end reduced to

NATURE, NATURAL PHILOSOPHY

535

man’s realization of his true nature, and to the acceptance of the world order, i.e of ‘all that happens in conformity with nature’ (tO xata thy SAny mvow ovpPatvovta; to kata tén holen physin symbainonta; SVF Ill 12 = Gal. De placitis Hippocratis et Platonis 5,6,12, p. 328,1 DE Lacy; SVF II 126 = Diog. Laert. 7,105; SVF III 491 = Plut. De communibus notitiis adversus Stoicos 23 = Plut. Mor. 1o69e).

L. CHRISTIANITY Because Christianity derived some principles from Stoicism it could avoid breaking totally with GrecoRoman philosophical thought. The biblical supposition that God created the universe out of nothing and that man was created in God’s image led to placing nature on the side of the ‘idols’ and considering man to be separated from nature. For the Church Fathers, nature is a created thing, which lies in God’s hands; it is perishable and is itself the source of destruction. Yet they did not develop an anti-naturalism. On the contrary, they eventually combined the Stoic concept of a law of nature, which is inscribed in the world and which constitutes the norm for men, with the view attested in Paul (Rom. 2:15) that men can know this law since it is writ-

ten in their hearts. M. NEOPLATONISTS » Neoplatonism wanted to remain faithful to Plato, rejecting both Epicureanism and, especially, Stoicism. Its representatives considered nature — identified with fate (‘necessity’/andnké

and ‘fate’/heimarméne),

and

having its origin in the demiurge par excellence, Zeus (cf. Theologia Platonica 5,32, p. 119,9-19 SAFFREYWESTERINK) — to be the World Soul. The latter was considered not only in itself, but as the motive cause of all the motions that constituted fate. All allusions to nature, and hence to fate, go back to the Myth of > Er in book to of Plato’s ‘Republic’, to the ‘Statesman’, the ‘Timaeus’, and to book ro of the ‘Laws’. The World Soul — in the Neoplatonic interpretation of the myth of Er in book ro of the ‘Republic’ and the construction of the soul in the ‘Timaeus’ — consists of two circles: that of the Same, which moves towards the right, i.e. from west to east, and that of the Other, which moves toward the left, i.e. from east to west. Both are moved by the two hands of Lachesis, the most venerable of the three + Moirai (Theologia Platonica 6,12, p. 64,3-16 S.-W.). Il. ROME The Latin term natura denotes a concept so frequent in Roman philosophical texts it was eventually concluded that all Roman philosophy is more or less ‘naturalistic’. Natura was even considered to be the central concept of Roman culture, the basis of Virgil’s Bucolics and Georgics, the frescoes of Pompei and major philosophical works. Yet natura was not from the outset a concept fundamental to Roman mentality. It only appears in texts from the beginning of the 2nd cent. BC

536

onward, as a very rare synonym of ingenium (‘inborn character’, ‘capability’). No text, then or later, clearly attests the meaning of ‘genesis’, although it is etymologically possible. The most frequent of the earliest uses of natura is in the sense of ‘innate characteristics’, or

‘dispositions resulting from birth’ (the same applies to physis). Moreover, the diffusion of Greek culture in Rome brought about a conceptual expansion of natura, which — perhaps precisely because of its rarity as compared to ingenium — eventually absorbed the meanings of physis. In this sense, natura is to a large extent a ‘semantic artefact’ that reproduces the characteristics of the Greek term. The frequency of the term natura in the vocabulary of Cicero and some of his contemporaries can be explained by the relative poverty of the Latin vocabulary on the one hand and the extension of natura as a ‘factotum word’ on the other. Cicero only had the term natura available for the translation of ovoia/ousia, ‘sub-

stance’, mo.oty¢/poidtés, ‘quality’, and tO ti éotvto ti esti, ‘what a thing is’. In his translation of Plato’s dialogue ‘Phaedrus’ (Cic. Rep. 6,29; Cic. Tusc. 1,53-54) only natura renders the Greek expressions yéveotc/ génesis), ovoia/ousia) and pvoic/physis), while to mav/ to pan (Pl. Tim. 40a) becomes universa natura (Cic.

Tim. 35; cf. also Plat. Tim 41 in the translation of Cic. Tim. 42 and Plat. Tim. 38 in Cic. Tim. 30). The only conclusion that can be derived from etymology (or possible etymologies) is the following: both physis and natura denote coming into being and its result; the only difference consists in the fact that physis refers to the world of vegetation, while zatura may be applied to the animal kingdom. + Aristotle [6]; - Atomism; > Elements, theories of the; > Cosmology; > Metaphysics; ~ Milesian School; -» Necessity; > Plato; + Physics; > Fate; -> Pre-Socratics; > World, creation of the; > Nature, Natural philosophy 1 E. SCHMALZRIEDT, der Buchtitel, 1970.

Tegi pboews. Zur Friihgeschichte

F. ADORNO, ‘Vivere secondo natura’: Natura e ragione nello Stoicismo, in: R. UGLIONE (ed.), L’uomo antico e la natura. Atti del convegno nazionale di studi, 1998, 129-

146; W. BERNARD, Teleologie und Naturphilosophie bei Platon, in: H.-J. WENDEL, W. BERNARD (ed.), Antike Philosophie und moderne Wisenschaft, 1998, 1-29; D. J. FurLEY, Cosmic Problems, 1989; M. GiGanrTeE, Physis: la natura nell’ epicureismo, in: R. UGLIONE (ed.), (see above), 39-91; C. Lévy (ed.), Le concept de nature a Rome. La physique, 1996; G. Nappar, The Greek con-

cept of nature, 2005; A. PELLICER, Natura. Etude sémantique et historique du mot latin, 1966; C. SCHOLTEN, Antike Naturphilosophie und christliche Kosmologie in der Schrift ‘De opificio mundi’ des Johannes Philoponos

(Patristische Texte und Studien), 1996; J. SourtHé, Etude sur le terme dbvayug dans les ‘Dialogues’ de Platon, 1919. L.BR.

538

on,

Nature, sensitivity for see > Environment Nauarchos (vavagyoc; naviarchos). Title of a Spartan

naval commander, first evidence of use during the > Persian Wars in 480 BC, when Sparta commanded the Greek forces, including the fleet, and the establishment of military offices became necessary. The first nautarchos was > Eurybiades (Hdt. 8,2; 8,42). The office of nauarchia then only became significant again in the > Peloponnesian War, where it appeared as a oneyear office, which any — Spartiate could hold only once; this stipulation could be evaded, however, by appointing a competent military commander, e.g. + Lysander [1], as epistoleis (deputy) alongside a nauarchos who would then merely take nominal supreme command (Xen. Hell. 2,1,7). The office was vest-

ed with considerable power — Aristotle [6] describing it as almost a second monarchy (Aristot. Pol. 1271a 37—

39) — and afforded members of the Spartan damos (Dorian for > demos) one of their few opportunities for attaining political influence. + Navies M. Crauss, Sparta, 1983, 140-142; P. PoRALLA, Proso-

pographie der Lakedaimonier, 1913, 166 f. (list of known Spartan nauarchs); R. SEALEY, Die spartanische Nauar-

chie, in: Klio 58, 1976, 335-358; L. THOMMEN, Lakedai-

monion Politeia, 1996, 66, 103 f.

M.MEI.

Naubolus (NatBoioc; Nazibolos). [1] Mythical king of Tanagra, son of Ornytus and Perinice, father of the Argonaut —> Iphitus (Apoll. Rhod. 1,207f.; cf. Hom. Il. 2,518; partly divergent Hyg. Fab. 14). [2] N. of Argos, grandson of > Proetus, great-grandson of > Nauplius [2], father of the Argonaut Clytoneus (Apoll. Rhod. 1,135). [3] Father of the Phaeacian Euryalus (Hom. Od. 8,116). L.K.

NAUCRATIS

Kreis: Studien

zu den Epigrammata

Cologne 1959;

4 W. SCHMIDT, review of [3], in: Gnomon

32, 1960, 340-360.

Bobiensia,

thesis WO.SP.

[2] N. Reginus Proconsul of Lycia-Pamphylia. He was designated consul during his period of office, probably in the middle of the 3rd cent. AD (for inscriptions from Perge cf. [r]). 1 S. SAHIN (ed.), Die Inschriften von Perge, vol. 2 (2004).

W.E.

Naucleidas (Navxieidac/Naukleidas). Spartiate, son of Polybiades; as an ephor, he accompanied king + Pausanias to Athens in 403 BC, and supported his policy of reconciling the hostile sides in the civil war, in defiance ofthe intent of > Lysander [1], who in revenge later accused him of debauchery (Xen. Hell. 2,4,3 5-36; Agatharchidas FGrH 86 F rx = Athen. 12,550 d-e). K.-W.W.

Naucrates (Navxedtys; Naukrates). [1] Rhetor of the 4th cent. BC, of Erythrae [2] in Ionia, known almost solely by virtue of the fact that he was a student of > Isocrates. He seems not only to have relied closely on his teacher linguistically and stylistically (Cic. De orat. 2,94), but also, like him, to have confined his activities particularly to the area of political journalism (an > epitdaphios [2] is mentioned — probably a model funeral oration without a concrete occasion: Dion. Hal. Rhet. 6,1 — and a funeral oration presented in connection with an agon for the funeral rites of Maussolus: Gell. 10,18,6), for which reason Dionysius [18] of Halicarnassus, for instance, explicitly considers him not worthy of closer study (De Isaeo 19). He may have introduced the term stdsis (— status) (Quint. Inst. 3,6,3) and was possibly the author of a rhetorical téchné, a rhetorical handbook, in which he praised his teacher for introducing prose rhythms (Cic. De orat.

Naucellius

35173).

[1] A poet with a knowledge of Greek and Latin litera-

[2] N. is named in a grammatical dialogue (uncertain title: Mauoviny (histo)riam (2) [1]) of > Zenodotus of Mallus as a representative of the position of > Aristarchus [4] of Samothrace, contesting the thesis (like schol. Hom. Il. 5,899 (A)), that the physician-god Paieon (Ilaujwv; Paiéon) mentioned by Homer was identical to Apollo (schol. Veronensia in Verg. Aen. 10,738).

ture, author and Roman senator from Syracuse, who (from about 310 AD until after 400), with > Ausonius, was a member of the rhetor Q. Aurelius > Symmachus’ circle of friends. Like them, N. believed that for the

continuation of traditional culture it was sufficient to continue the tradition of the classical heritage. He avoided any confrontation with Christianity. In his translation works (Symm. Epist. 3,11,3) he tried to work in the national Roman sense by choosing as his theme the state-historical and antiquarian past of Rome. In his epigrams he speaks of himself and his private world (Epigrammata Bobiensia 2-9; 57 is probably also by him). His prayer, with a personal touch, to the planet god Saturn, which he wrote in Spoleto at the age of more than go, is noteworthy (Epigr. Bob. 9). + Epigrammata Bobiensia 1 W. KROLL, s.v. N., RE 16, 1898;

N., RE Suppl. 9, 411-415;

2 Sc. MaRIOTTI, s.v.

3 W. Speyer, N. und sein

1 C. WENDEL, s.v. N. (3), RE 16, 1954.

GR.DA.

Naucratis (Nabxeatic/Navkratis, Egyptian Niwt-krt:

representation of the Greek name; Pr-mryt, ‘Harbour house’), modern Kom Ge’if in the western Nile delta, in antiquity was situated on the eastern shore of the Canopic arm of the Nile [5. 222; 6. r15f.]. According to Hdt. 2,178, > Amasis [2] (570-526 BC) granted N. to the Greeks, whereas archaeological finds record a Greek presence from c. 625 BC. A founding by > Miletus [2], as a tradition incorporated in Str. 17,1,18 asserts, and

NAUCRATIS

540

539

Naucratis: archaeological site - map (late 7th - 3rd cents. BC)

N A

Tall Abu Meshfa

Modern lake (formed by rising ground water, early 20th cent.) Tall Gebril Ne

ja 'Di k F Lif TOSKUFOL

=;

Pre - Hellenistic Canopic arm of the Nile (suggested reconstruction)

ae Kom Hadid

Modern place name

Cult sites: Sanctuary of the Dioscuri (templum in antis with 5th-cent. pillars; votive inscriptions on pottery from 6th cent. BC) Sanctuary of Milesian Apollo (votive inscriptions on pottery from late 7th cent.; 1st building phase at the time of Amasis, 2nd after 500 BC; few marble architectural remains)

Sanctuary of Samian Hera (votive inscriptions

; “Tall Abas "

on Hera cups, late 7th to 2nd half 6th cent. BC)

Kassem

So-called Hellenion (building with rooms and corridors; earliest building phase at the time of Amasis, 2nd phase ‘1st half 5th cent., 3rd phase in Ptolemaic period; pottery dedicated to various divinities and ‘the gods of the Greeks’)

Aphrodite \

\

ke?’ Scarab Factory

,

Q.. (7th cent. BC)

\

sah e

\

ee OE

Kom Hadid

Temple of Aphrodite (oldest shrine, with finds of, mainly Chian, pottery from the last quarter of the 7th cent. BC and statues of Aphrodite in the Cypriot style; three construction phases for the temple; Egyptian - type step altar) Great Temenos (Ptolemaic shrine of Amun Batet; entrance building datable by foundation

*,:Burnt stratum

deposits: Ptolemy II) High Temple ( Hellenistic; high platform next to the main temple, accessible via external ramps) Burnt stratum discovered by W.F. Petrie (datable to 7th cent. BC by Greek pottery)

/\ South ‘Mound \

:

Php sues arehy

Kom Ge vif

thus a resultant either Herodotus shrines, listed by Samian Hera and

pre-eminence, is not confirmed by or the archaeological material. The Hdt. 2,178, of the Milesian Apollo, the Hellenion, being founded jointly

by nine poleis (Chios, Teos, Phocaea, Clazomenae, Rhodes, Cnidus, Halicarnassus, Phaselis, Mytilene), were found in excavations. However, the > témenos of

Aeginetan Zeus, mentioned in Herodotus, could not be detected, but a sanctuary of the > Dioscuri and one of Aphrodite were, in the vicinity of which was also found a faience workshop. The temple area known as Great Temenos has to be regarded as a temple of > Amun from the period of Ptolemy II. (282-246 BC) [6. ro8113]. Thus, the assumption of an independent Egyptian quarter lacks a basis in fact [6. 117-119, 185]. The assumed separation, based on an interpretation by Herodotus, between a polis of N. and an e> emporion of N. is neither compelling nor substantiated topographically [6. 116-119, 196f.]. The regulations de-

scribed by Hdt. 2,179 for controlling trade and commerce, make it possible to regard N., analogous to the ideal type of K. POLANYI, as a port of trade [1. 17f. with n.1] which formed the interface between the redistributively organised economic system of Egypt and the economy of the Greek polis which is characterized by market elements. In Hellenistic times, N. retained its

position of importance despite the founding of > Alexandria [1]. In inscriptions, it was now called a polis and there are records of civil servants (> timouchoi) and locally minted coins. N. still existed in Byzantine times [3. 1965f.; 7. 16]. 1 M. Austin, P. VipaL-Naquet, Economies et sociétés en

Gréce ancienne, 1972 (Engl. tr.: Economic and Social History of Ancient Greece, 1977) 2 J. BOARDMAN, Kolonien und Handel der Griechen, 1981, 138-155 3H. KeEs,s.v. N., RE 16, 1954-1966

4A. LEONARD, A. BERLIN, An-

cient N.: Excavations at a Greek Emporium in Egypt: The Excavations at Kom Ge?if (AASO 54), 1999 «5A. B. Lioyp, Herodotus, Book II, Commentary 99-182, 1988

541

542

NAUKLEROS

6 A. MOLLER, N.: Trade in Archaic Greece, 2000 7R.D. SULLIVAN, Historical Introduction, in: W. D. E. Cou son, A. LEONARD, JR. (ed.), Cities of the Delta I: N.,

Ages, it is worthwhile to mention, besides the maritime laws, also the penal provisions of Frederick II (leges regiae const. 7, 1220; Liber Augustalis lib. 1 titulus 29,

1981, 6-17.

Le2¥38) -» Depositum; > Fenus nauticum; > Receptum

A.MO.

Naucydes (Navxvdyc; Naukydes). Bronze sculptor from Argos, son of — Patrocles, teacher of > Polyclitus and > Alypus. The position of N. in Polyclitus’s family tree is a matter of dispute; two sculptors of the same name are also postulated. > Daedalus [2] and > Periclytus are recorded as the brothers of N., the latter also as ‘Polyclitus’. Pliny gives N.’s prime as 400-397 BC. N. created several victor statues (after 448 BC). The most famous was a discobolus (discus thrower), which is commonly identified with the ‘discobolus at rest’ (Rom, VM), dating from c. 400 BC, which survives in

copies. None of the other works described in written records survive, e.g. a > gold-ivory statue of Hebe in the Heraeum in Argos, a statue of a sacrificer with a ram, which can be identified with a statue of Phrixus on the Athenian Acropolis, a bronze statue of the poet > Erinna, and a Hermes. Regarding a statue of Hecate in Argos, N. is mentioned with the epithet ‘Mothonus’ (Paus. 2,22,7), a corruption which does not

necessarily imply a homonymous sculptor. OVERBECK, Nr. 547, 932, 983, 995-1004; Loewy, No. 86, 87; LIPPOLD, 199-200; B. CONTICELLO, s.v. N., EAA 5, 1963, 362-365; A. SrEwarT, Greek Sculpture, 1990,

272-273; A. LINFERT, Die Schule des Polyklet, in: Polyklet. Ausstellung im Liebighaus, Frankfurt a.M., 1990, 240-297; L. Topisco, Scultura greca del IV secolo, 1993,

46, 53-54; P. C. Bo, Der Antretende Diskobol, 1996; B. S. Ripeway, Fourth-Century Styles in Greek Sculpture,

1997, 243-244.

RN.

Naufragium. Latin term for shipwreck, but also for shipwrecked goods (Ulp. Dig. 47,9,12). According to Roman lawyers, maritime danger (‘danger of shipwreck’, periculum maris) could exonerate for instance the borrower of a maritime loan (> fenus nauticum)

from repayment and the seafarer from liability of compensation (~ receptum nautarum) (Dig. 4,9,3,1).

Ius naufragii used to indicate the widespread habit of appropriating

flotsam.

Different

measures

were

taken against it: ban on appropriation of movables (Dig. 41,2,21,1); double compensation in case of loss of goods, which had been kept due to naufragium (praetorian > edictum [1] according to Dig. 16,3,1,1); fourfold compensation in case of robbery or deliberate misappropriation of naufragium (here meaning flotsam) after a special edict (cf. title of Dig. 47,9); and even death penalty (Dig. 48,8,3,4; 47,9,3,8) for misappropriation of naufragium after the lex Cornelia de sicariis et veneficis (81 BC). Starting from the 3rd cent. AD, naufragium became subject to a special criminal procedure ( quaestio; cf. Cod. Theod. 13,9; Cod. Iust. T1,6).

Among the many regulations dealing with shipwreck and against the ius naufragii since the Middle

J. Roueg, Le droit de naufrage et ses limitations en Medi-

terranée avant l’établissement de la domination de Rome, in: R. CHEVALLIER (ed.), Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire A. Piganiol, 1996, 1467-1479; A. D. MANFREDINI,

Una questione in materia di naufragio, in: V. GIUFFRE (ed.), Sodalitas, Scritti A. Guarino, vol. 5, 1984, 22092225; Id., Les naviculaires et le naufrage, in: RIDA 33, 1986, 135-148; Il naufragio nell’antichita, Rassegna di

Archeologia subacquea 9 (report in: L’Archeologo Subacqueo 1, 1995, 4f.); G. PurPuRA, I] naufragio nel diritto romano, in: Annali del Seminario Giuridico dell’ Universita di Palermo 43, 1995, 463-476; G. LANDWEHR, Prin-

zipien der Risikotragung beim Seefrachtvertrag ... vom 13. bis zum 17. Jahrhundert, in: G. KOBLER et al. (ed.),

Wirkungen europaischer Rechtskultur. FS K. Kroeschell, 1997, 595-615. C.KR.

Naukleros (vatxAnoos; navikléros).

A naukléros was a

ship-owner or also a captain conducting internal or overseas trade with his own or a leased ship (cf. Hdt. 1,5523 4,1§2,1; Xen. Oec. 8,12). He also offered other traders cargo space for sea transport; the navkléros was thus not always distinct from the > émporos. From the end of the 4th cent. BC, the nazkléroi, who were predominantly foreigners, often formed their own associations, often cultic (> Associations); trading societies with their own capital separate from the private wealth of participants did not, however, form. Special legal proceedings (> emporikai dikai; > emporikoi némoi) afforded the nazkleroslegal protection at Athens independent of their status. In a transferred meaning, nauklérosdenoted the ‘landlord’ and ‘manager’ of an apartment building (Isaeus 6,19).

In Ptolemaic Egypt, the naukléroswas a ship-owner, his agent or the leaser of a ship, but esp. the cargo carrier, who bore the financial risk. There was a conceptual distinction between naukléros, xvBeovynms (kybernétés, steersman) and xve.oc (kyrios, ship-owner), but many navkléroi were simultaneously also kybernetai on their own ship or a ship leased from the ruler. Many naukléroi were active in the intra-Egyptian grain trade, while there is only sporadic evidence of overseas trade. From the rst cent. BC, the nazkléroiformed themselves into corporations to ship larger quantities of grain and to share the risks. — Commerce 1 J. HASEBROEK, Staat und Handel im alten Griechenland, 1928 (repr. 1966) 2H. Hausen, An Annotated List of Ptolemaic Naukleroi, in: ZPE 8, 1971, 259-275 31d., Nouvelles remarques sur les naucléres d’Egypte a l’époque des Lagides, in: ZPE 28, 1978, 99-107 A Dic). THompson, Nile Grain Transport under the Ptolemies, in: GaRNSEY/ HoPKINS/WHITTAKER, 64-76 5 J. VELISSAROPOULOS, Les naucléres grecs, 1980. W.S.

NAUKRARIA, NAUKRAROS Naukraria,

naukraros

543

544

(vavxeaoia/naukraria,

E. Manni, Geografia fisica e politica della Sicilia antica, 1981, 209; BICGI 12, 312-314. D.SA.

vatsxoaoocd/naukraros). In ancient times, naukraria (pl.

naukrariat) denoted a subdivision of the Athenian citizenry; naukraros (pl. naukraroi) were the leaders of

such subdivisions. The meaning of the terms is controversial. Generally, the naukraros was traditionally interpreted as ‘ship’s captain’ (deriving from nais, ‘ship’), but other derivations are proposed, e.g. from naos (‘temple’;[4. 56-72]; cf. [3. 153-175], [1. 11-16]) or from naiein (‘live’); [5. 10]). However, none of these more recent interpretations is clearly to be preferred to the older. If the usual derivation is correct, the job of the naukrariai and naukraroi was connected with supplying and maintaining ships (cf. Poll. 8,108). One of the naukrariai was called Kolids, like a promontory south east of Phaleron (v. — Kolias; Anecdota Graeca 1,283,20 B.; Phot., s.v. KoAvds). There were apparently 12 naukraria in each of the four old phyles; the laws of > Solon mention treasuries of the naukraria ({Aristot.] Ath. Pol. 8,3). According to -» Cleidemus (FGrH 323 F 8),

Cleisthenes [2] raised

the number of naukraria from 48 to 50, to adapt them to his new system of ten phyles, while according to [Aristot.] Ath. Pol. 21,5, he replaced them with the demes (-> démos [2.A.]). There is no evidence for the survival of the naukraria after 500 BC. If they survived the reforms of Cleisthenes and were indeed connected with ships, they were probably abolished after > Themistocles’ expansion of the Athenian fleet. Herodotus [1], in his account of Cylon [1], who attempted to appoint himself tyrant of Athens towards the end of the 7th cent. BC, states that at this time the prytaneis ton naukrdron (‘officals of the naukraria’) had been the most important officials in Athens (5,71,2). However, this appears to constitute an attempt to shift blame for the killing of Cylon’s supporters away from the archons, and especially from the Alcmaeonid — Megacles [1] (cf. Thuc. 1,126f.; Plut. Solon 12). 1 J. C. Brtticmetrer, A. S. Dusinc, The Origin and Function of the Naukraroi at Athens, in: TAPhA 111, 1981, 11-16 2 V. GABRIELSEN, The naukraroi and the Athenian Navy, in: CeM 36, 1985, 21-51 3 B. JORDAN, Herodotus V,71,2 and the Naukraroi of Athens, in: California Stud.

in Classical Antiquity 3, 1970, 153-175 4B. JORDAN, Servants of the Gods, 1979 57. E. RIHLL, The Attic vavxeagiat, in: Liverpool Classical Monthly 12, 1987, ro. PR.

Naulocha, Naulochus (Navioyo/Nazilochoi, Latin Naulocha, Naulochus). Anchorage on the north coast ofSicily between > Mylae [2] and > Messana, possibly

near modern Spadafora (Imperial coins). In the Neolithic and Bronze Ages, there were probably links between N. and the > Aeoli Insulae. N. was allied to Carthage in the 2nd > Punic War (Sil. 14, 264). It was here, in 36 BC, that Agrippa defeated the fleet of S. Pompeius (Suet. Aug. 16,1; App. civ. 5,116-122). No epigraphical evidence.

Naulochum (Naiioxov/Natilochon). Port of the early Hellenistic new foundation of — Priene (Plin. HN

5,413:

oppidum

Naulochum),

for which

Scyl. 98

records two harbours, one of which was a uth xAet-

otdc/limén kleistés (‘closed harbour’). Because the edge of the delta of the river Maeander [2] had almost reached Priene in about 3 50 BC [1], N. must have been to the west of Priene. A dedicatory inscription to the heros Naolochos at the Gate of the Spring in Priene (IPriene 196) indicates that the road to N. probably left from there. [2] thought N. to be near Ak Bogaz (modern Atburgaz), but farther west near Tuzburgazi the lake Gaisonis Limne (+ Gaison) already existed by the 4th cent. BC. Alexander [4] the Great granted > autonomia and eleutheria (> freedom) to the inhabitants of N., ‘as long as they were citizens of Priene’, in 334 BC (IPriene I).

1H. BRUCKNER e. a., Holocene Landscape Evolution of the Bitytk Menderes Alluvial Plain in the Environs of Myous and Priene, in: Zeitschrift fiir Geomorphologie, suppl. (2002) 2TH. WIEGAND, H. SCHRADER, Priene, 1904, 16 f., table r.

H.LO.

Naulochus (NavAoyoc/Nadlochos). Small port on the western shore of the Black Sea (+ Pontos Euxeinos) beneath the southern slopes of the Haemus mountains, north of + Mesambria [1], from where N. was probably founded at the turn of the 4th/3rd cents BC (Str. 7,6,1; 9,5,19; cf. also Plin. HN 4,45), modern Obzor. Mentioned as a port (6Qu0¢ vavoU/hormos nausi), but

without giving its name, in Arrian Peripl. p. eux. 36 and Anon. Peripl. m. eux. 81. The mansio on the Mesambria — Philippopolis road was called Templum Iovis in the Roman period (Tab. Peut. 8,4), and Kozeakos in the Byzantine period (KoCéaxoc/Kozéakos [1]). 1K. Jirecek, De itineribus, quae in Bulgaria confecit, 1899, 813.

IGBulg 1, 197, p. 249f.; R. F. Hoppinorr, Bulgaria in Antiquity, 1975, 334-336.

Lv.B.

Naumachia (vavyayia; naumachia, Latin naumachia, ‘sea battle’). Since munera (> munus) were a product of Roman wars, it can be reconstructed that sea battles

were also added to the programme. The expense required, however, made them rare occurrences: Caesar was the first to institute a naumachia during his triumph in 46 BC; he had a basin dug just for the purpose on the Campus Martius in Rome and filled in again a little later. It is uncertain where the artificial lake was; the battle is called proelium navale (‘ship battle’, Suet.

lul. 39,4) or naumachia (ibid. 44,1; cf. Cass. Dio 43,23,4 naumachia) by Suetonius. Augustus had a sea battle performed in 2 BC; the enormous (540 X 360 m) lake constructed for the purpose was incorporated into a park landscape during his rule (R. Gest. div. Aug. 23)

545

546

NAUPACTUS

and later described as Vetus (‘Old’) Naumachia; Titus

been left (in [1]), are nine definitely attributed hexameters, as well as nine testimonies, most of them in the

presented a sea battle there (both pieces of information Suet. Tit. 7,3). Domitian, by contrast, again had a vast lake dug near the Tiber for a battle between normal fleets (Suet. Dom. 4,2), and it was even surrounded with stone terraces for onlookers. But even this naumachia was soon abandoned and the building material was used to renovate the Circus Maximus (ibid. 5). The most costly and magnificent sea battle was organised in AD 52 by Claudius, not in Rome but on > Lacus Fucinus (Suet. Claud. 21,6; Tac. Ann. 12,56). At the dedication of the > Colosseum in AD 80 only the external construction was in place; the whole surface of the later substructure could be placed under water for naumachiai [1. 166]. The shows presented in the rapidly falling floods — underwater ballet, animal baiting, chariot races — are described by Martial as nau-

scholia to Apollonius Rhodius. Contents: mythical genealogies (in the style of Hesiod), especially of the Locrian tribe [1x] (before their division in East and West Locrians); that is why it is likely that the author really came from > Naupactus, capital of West Locris, presenting with the poem a kind of ‘Locrian tribal prehistory’. From > Oileus, the East Locrian prince, husband of Admetus’ sister, father of Lesser (‘Oilian’) Ajax and participant in the Argonauts’ journey (fr. 1), the author gets into the subject of the Argonauts, dealing in detail especially with the + Iason-Medea myth. This account was used by Apollonius [2] Rhodius, making, however, numerous deviations (listed in [3]); hence the special concentration of our testimonies (in scholia to Apollonius Rhodius) on the Jason-Medea line.

machia (Mart. 1,5,1).

+ Epic

~ Munus, Munera

1 F. CoARELLI, Rom. Ein archdologischer Fuhrer, 1975. E. BERNERT, s.v. N., RE 16, 1970-1974; A. HONLE, A.

HeENzE, Amphitheater und Stadion, 1981.

AHO.

EDITION: 1PEGI 2 EpGF. SECONDARY LITERATURE:

1975-1979

3E. DIEHL,

s.v. RE

Eumelus to Panyassis, 1969, 68-73 5 V. J. MATTHEWS, Naupaktia and Argonautika, in: Phoenix 31, 1977, 189-

207. Naumachius (Noavudyioc; Naumdchios). Author, otherwise unknown, of a hexametrical — didactic poem (title unknown) addressing young women (naQ0evixat; parthenikai) on the correct conduct of life

and marriage, composed mid—4th cent. AD. 73 hexameters are preserved in Stobaeus (4,22,323 23,7; 31,76) in three complete sections, two from the chapter Papua maoayyéAuata (‘Marriage advice’), one from the chapter Tegi rhovtov (‘On wealth’). The three sections originally formed a complete unit (printed as such in [2]). The author values the role of the married woman and housewife very highly: she should provide intelligent support to an intelligent man; if she finds herself with a fool, she must diplomatically and discreetly take control herself. The conduct of marriage, latent guidance of the husband, administration of the household, the education of children and careful self-management are, to the author, the completely fulfilling life’s work of a wife. The work was probably used by Gregory [3] of Nazianzus (Carmina moralia) [3]. EDITIONS:

1C. WacHsMuTH,

O. HENsE, Ioannis Sto-

baei Anthologium, vol. 4.1, 1909; 4.2, 1912 2E. HerTscu, Griechische Dichterfragmente der romischen Kaiserzeit, vol. 1, 71963, no. 29. SECONDARY

LITERATURE:

3R. KEYDELL, s.v. N. (1),

RE 16, 1974f.

Wit

Naupactia epe (Navadxtia éxn/Naupaktia épé, also Navaaxtixd/Naupaktika and Novaaxtiaxd/Naupaktiakd). Early Greek genealogical epic of unknown authorship (about 20 citations by ‘the poet of the NE’ and ‘in the NE’; only once — Paus. 10,3 8,11, supposedly after Charon [3] of Lampsacus — by ‘the Naupactian Carcinus’), evidently composed

in the 6th cent. BC,

since already used by Pherecydes (about 500). What has

16,

4G. L. Huxtey, Greek Epic Poetry from

Naupactus

(pte (Nabsaxtoc/Naupaktos,

Latin

Naupac-

tus). I. Location II. Name III. TopOGRAPHY AND BuILDINGS IV. GREEK AND ROMAN PERIODS V. LATE ANTIQUITY AND BYZANTINE PERIOD

I. LOCATION Coastal town in West Locris (> Locrians [1]), about

9 km from the strait of Rhion and Antirrhion, protected by a promontory of the Rhigani mountains (cf. Scyl. 3 5; Str. 9,4,7; 10,2,3; Plin. HN 4,6; Ptol. 3,14). The plains to the east and west of N. were very fertile but exhausted by olive and grain cultivation. The chora of Naupactus (Naupaktia) included most of the coastal plain (Pol. 5,103,4) and ascended the forested slopes of the mountain range. Naupactia very probably included Hyle and Liscaria (IG IX 17,3, 609; [1; 2; 3]; cf. [43 53 63

73 8; 9; 10]; SEG 37, 424; 39, 4793 41, 527). Dense forests (shipbuilding in N.) and wine (Dionysus cult) thrived in Naupactia. Il. NAME The place name (‘Dry Dock’) indicates the town’s maritime character (Ephor. FGrH 70 F 121). The dry docks of the > Heraclidae and Dorians who sailed around the Peloponnese were supposedly located there (Str. 9,4,7; Paus. 10,38,10; Apollod. 2,173f.; cf. Steph. Byz. and EM s.vy. N.). The mythical early period was treated in the epic Naupdktia, later used by Pausanias (Paus. 10,38,11; [11]; > Naupdaktia épé).

III. TOPOGRAPHY AND BUILDINGS The small, naturally protected harbour on a much travelled trade route made N. an important port town.

547

548

It was strongly fortified because of its strategic location

1964, 52-60 5 D. AsHERI, in: Journal ofJuristic Papyrology 15, 1965, 313-328 6B. VirGILIo, A proposito della legge locrese-ozolia sulla distribuzione di terre, in: Philias charin. Miscellanea di studici classici in onore di Eugenio

NAUPACTUS

(Thuc. 2,91,1; 92,3; 3,102). Even in the Roman period

N.

was

considered

impregnable

(Liv.

36,30,6).

Remains of the fortifications, which extended to the sea

and enclosed the harbour are preserved under the walls of the Venetian fortress on the ancient acropolis. In the town the foundations of Roman baths, building complexes of the Hellenistic, late ancient and Byzantine periods as well as fortifications were found. Temples of Apollo (Thuc. 2,91), Poseidon (possibly identical with the sanctuary in Molykria outside town; Thuc. 2,84,4; Paus. 9,31,6), and Artemis,

an Asclepieum

and the

grotto of Aphrodite (Paus. 10,38,12f.) were located

near the coast. Inscriptions confirm that there also was an urban Asclepieum, another Asclepieum (év Kgouv@uc/en Kroundis) outside of N. and a sanctuary of Dionysus (IG IX 17,3, 612-640).

Manni, vol. 6, 1980, 2175-2186

7 A. Marri, Sulla legge

coloniaria di Naupatto, in: G. WESENER (ed.), Festschrift

fiir Anold

Kranzlein:

schichte, 1986, 69-82

Beitrage

zur

antiken

Rechtsge-

8Id., in: Studi in onore di A. Bis-

cardi, vol. 6, 1987, 365-425

9S. Link, Das Siedlungs-

gesetz aus Westlokris, in: ZPE 87, 1991, 65-77 10F. GSCHNITZER, Zum Vorstof von Acker- und Gartenbau in die Wildnis, in: Ktema 16, 1991, 81-91 11. DIEHL, s.v. Navndxtia éxn, RE 16, 1975-1979 12 Buck, 57 13 Top 1,20 14 LSAG, 106 (Lokris 3) 15 D. AsHERi, Distribuzioni di terra nell’ antica Grecia, in: Memorie dell’ Accademia delle Scienze di Torino, Ser. 4,10, 1966, 5-121

16 F. SruRM, in: Studi in onore di A. Biscardi, vol. 5, 1984, 463-469 17E. Baptan, Athens, the Locrians and Naupactus, in: CQ 40, 1990, 364-369 18 L. PRAND1I, Un caso di immigrazione militare, in: M. Sorp! (ed.), Emigrazione

IV. GREEK AND ROMAN PERIODS At the turn from the 6th to the 5th cents., the town’s population increased significantly through immigrants.

e immigrazione nel mondo antico (Contributi dell’Istituto di storia antica dell’Universita del Sacro Cuore 20), 1994, II5—132.

The newcomers, who settled in Hyle and Liscaria, were

M. L. Trowsripce, W. A. OLDFATHER, s.v. N., RE 16, 1979-2002; PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN 2, 320-323, 610; L. Lérat, Les Locriens de l'Ouest, vol. 1, 1952, 38-41; vol. 2, 61f., 86-97; U. KaHrstTEDT, Das wirtschaftliche

joined by colonists from West Locris and Chaleum (c. FOO=47. 5 DGichG DXarsa= 7 esn| nae ss rAl| rete [ass

16; 17; 18]; SEG 34, 4645 36, 5303 40, 4553 44, 436). In 457 BC, the Athenians also settled the Messenians expelled from > Ithome [1] in N. (Thuc. 1,101,1; 103,3; Paus. 4,24,7; 10,38,10); they remained there to the end of the + Peloponnesian War (Diod. Sic. 14,34; Paus. 4,26,2; 10,38,10). Apparently, the Messenians had a

Gesicht Griechenlands in der Kaiserzeit, 1954, 34-36; N.

different legal status there than the Locrians (cf. Thuc.

V. Late ANTIQUITY AND BYZANTINE

7557583 lvOl 256; Syll.3 80; 81 A; SEG 3, 383; 19, 392).

During the Peloponnesian War, N. was used by the Athenian fleet as a base for raids on the Peloponnesian coast (Thuc. ZOO3TIS pL Anan nS a2 alia

Ck passim;

Diod. Sic. 12,60; 13,48). In 404, N. was returned to the

Locrians by the Spartans. Phases of Aetolian and Achaean rule followed, interrupted by a short ‘liberation’ by -> Epaminondas (Xen. Hell. 4,6,14; Diod. Sic. 15,7552; Dem. Or. 9,34). In 338 BC, Philip II assigned N. to the Aetolians (Str. 9,4,7). As a member of the Aetolian League (— Aetolians, with map), N. was its

main maritime base and second most important member; the town remained Aetolian even after the proclamation of freedom (198 BC) of T. > Quinctius Flamininus (Plut. Flamininus ro; Str. 9,4,7). After the Aetolians’ declaration of war against Rome, N. was besieged by Appius Claudius and M. Acilius [I 10] Glabrio (Liv. 36,43; Plut. Flamininus 15). Flamininus occupied it in 183, but it was still considered Aetolian in 167 —a fact that did not change after its inclusion in the Roman province of > Achaia and the annexation of the colony of > Patrae (Paus. 10,38,9; Plin. HN 4,6). Even in the 4th cent. AD the port was still of great strategic significance. inscription: IG IX 17,3, 609-656; CIL Ill 579; SEG 12, 291-300; 14, 469; 15,

3543 16, 363; 23, 3585 30, 468. 1 BUCK 59. 2: Topix, 13,

GraHAM,

3 LSAG, 105 \(Lokris:2)/

D. PAPACHATZIS, Ilavoaviov “EAAGdo0c Teeuynots 5, *1981, 457-465; TIB 3, 210ff.; K. BRAUN, s.v. N., in:

LauFFER, Griechenland, 455-457.

G.D.R.

PERIOD

According to late antique administrative regulations (cf. Hierocles, Synekdemos 643,12), the bishopric of N. belonged in the late antique and Byzantine periods to the ecclesiastical province of Achaea (with — Corinth as its metropolis). Bishops were present at the councils of 431 and 879 [1. 2113%, 57]. A large, perhaps fiveaisled basilica of the early 5th cent. and other ecclesiastical buildings are known. In AD 551 the town was devastated by an earthquake (Procop. BG 4,25,17). The continued strategic importance of N. is evident in the extensive fortification from late Antiquity with later Byzantine and Venetian construction phases (in the 8th cent. in the > thema of Hellas, no later than the end of

the 9th cent. in the theme of + Nicopolis [3] and also its capital). At that time N. also took over from Nicopolis as the ecclesiastical metropolis. In the 11th cent. N. remained under Byzantine rule, but in 1204 it became part of the Epirote kingdom. From the late 13th cent., N. experienced a colourful history (Angevins, Albanians, Catalans, Hospitaliers etc.) and it was promoted in

the 14th cent. by the Venetians as a centre of trade instead of > Patrae. Conquered in 1499 by the Turks, N. became famous in 1571 under its Venetian name of Lepanto because of the naval battle in the Gulf of Patras. 1 P. SousTAL, s.v. N., TIB 3, 210f.

547A. J.

Colony and Mother-City in Ancient Greece,

T. E. Grecory, s.v. N., ODB 2, 1442f.; J. KopgR, s.v. N.,

LMA 6, 1057f.

EW.

NAUPORTUS

549

55°

Nauplia (Naumiia/Nauplia, Byzantine 16 Navxov/td Nauplion or tw “Avant Andpli, present-day Nafplio).

Nauplius (Natshwoc; Navplios). [1] Son of Poseidon and > Amymone. Born in Argos, he founded > Nauplia (Paus. 2,38,23 4,3 5,2) on the other side of the Gulf of Argolis. He was a famous sailor and represented the prototype of the slave-trading merchant captain. When Heracles seduces > Auge [2], her father Aleus [1] of Tegea, asks N. to either drown Auge or sell her. He sells her to > Teuthras. Later the Cretan king Catreus asks him to sell his daughters > Aérope and -» Clymene [5]. He sells Aérope to > Atreus or > Pleisthenes but decides to marry Clymene. She gives birth to +» Palamedes, Oiax and Nausimedon. When Palamedes is stoned by the Greeks before Troy, N. takes revenge by inciting their wives who had remained at home (amongst them > Clytemnestra) to commit adultery, and by displaying false signals to the Greeks at their homecoming so that the fleet suffers heavy damage (Apollod. 2,23; 2,146f.; 3,102; Apollod. Epit. 6,711; Eur. Hel. 1126-1131; Hyg. Fab. 116). Apollodorus tries to explain the fact that N. is older than the Trojan warriors by many generations by crediting him with an extremely long life (Apollod. 2,23). [2] Argonaut (+ Argonautae), Argive, son of Clytoneus. He applies in vain for the post of helmsman on the Argo. The genealogical relationship between N. [1] and [2] in classical mythography is unclear (Apoll. Rhod. 1,133-135; 2,896f.). ike

I. Position II. DEVELOPMENT INTO LATE ANTIQuUITY III. BYZANTINE PERIOD

I. PosiT1oN Port ona rocky peninsula near the Kolpos Argolikos (Str. 8,2,2; Scyl. 49; 6,11; Ptol. 3,16,11) on the northern slope of the town’s mountain, Akronafplia (formerly I¢ Kale, 85m high). Greater parts of the Hellenistic acropolis wall lie under the later Byzantine- VenetianTurkish fort. It lies to the north-west of the Palamidi (215 m high) which is surmounted by a fortress built by the Venetians in 1711-1714. Il. DEVELOPMENT

INTO LATE ANTIQUITY

Traces of settlements still exist from the Neolithic period onwards. In the Mycenaean period, N. was the sea port for > Argos [II r] (chamber graves in the rocks on the north-east slope of Palamidi); it may well be mentioned in the Egyptian list of places from the time of Amenophis III. (1390-13 52 BC). In the Archaic period, N. was a member of the > amphiktyonia of > Calauria (Str. 8,6,14); it was conquered again by Argos around

600 BC and after that was referred to only as port of Argos (cf. Strab. 8,6,2); the exiled inhabitants settled in ~» Methone [1] in Messenia (Theopomp. FGrH 115 F 383; Paus. 4,24,4; 27,8; 35,2). In the 2nd cent. AD, N.

Nauportus

was deserted (Paus. 2,38,2). Apart from the wall of the

[1] Vicus

acropolis there are few classical remains. The classical Palamédcion lives on in the name of Palamidi (-» Palamedes was considered to be the son of the eponym Nauplius [1]: Str. 8,6,2).

in + Pannonia

Superior

(Tab. Peut.

5,1;

N.,

Natixoetoc/Nauiportos, Str. 4,6,10), modern Vrhnika (Ljubljana district, Slovenia). The Roman vicus was established at the site of a Celtic settlement (Str. 7,5,2). Because of its location on the eponymous river and the Aquileia—Emona road, the settlement quickly pros-

31971; D. HENNIG, s.v. N., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland,

pered (Tac. Ann. 1,20,1: municipii instar, ‘as a muni-

ASAD:

Y.L. and E.0.

cipium’). The area between N. and > Emona was very important to commercial traffic from northern Italy to the middle Danube, where beyond > Carnuntum it was

Ill. ByZANTINE PERIOD In the early Byzantine period, N. (Byzantine also "Avast, Italian Napoli di Romania) remained in the

possible to reach the Baltic coast (the amber road). Al-

M.

LAMPRINIDOU,

“H Navaiia,

1950;

H. Wace,

Roman province of > Achaia. After the Slavic occupation and settlement on the Peloponnese, it became part of the newly founded > thema of Hellas from the end of the 7th cent. AD. Before 800 it became part of the thema of Peloponnesos. Continuity was probably maintained during the Slavic period due to the proximity to the sea and given the present-day stronghold of Akronafplia. In matters ecclesiastical it was always part of > Argos [II 1]. The Middle Byzantine period finally brought a new upswing: c. 1033 the historian > Skylitzes (cf. [1]) testifies that Nikephoros, the strategos of N., defeated the Arabian pirates on the Dalmatian coast in conjunction with the Ragusians.

ready in the late Republican period, merchants from Italy were present in N. (ILS 4876; CIL II] 3777; 3780). In the Pannonian uprising (— Pannonia), N. was in

great danger (Vell. Pat. 2,r10,4). At Augustus’ death, manipuli of the legio VIII Augusta, IX Hispana and XV Apollinaris were stationed in N. Although N. was overshadowed by Emona, it remained an important commercial city with a river port and a postal depot. [2] Right tributary of the river > Savus in Pannonia Superior (Plin. HN 3,128), modern Ljubljanica (Slovenia). Its course was partly subterranean and was navigable from the vicus N. [1] downstream. The importance of boat traffic is reflected in the cult of Neptune in

N. [1] (CIL Ill 3778).

B. SarIA, s.v. Nauportus (12), RE 16, 2008-2014; J. Fitz,

1 I. THuRN (ed.), Johannes Scylitza, Synopsis historiarum,

s.v. Nauportus (1-2), KIP 4, 15; J. SASEL, S.Vv. Emona, RE

1973, 59-63 (386).

Suppl. 11, 561-564; TIR L 33 Trieste, 1961, 53; A. Mocsy, Pannonia and Upper Moesia, 1974, Index s.v.

J. Koper, s.v. Nauplion, LMA 6, 1058; T. E. GREGory, s.v. N., ODB, 1443. JN.

Nauportus

J.BU.

NAURA

551

Naura

(Ndovea/Ndoura). Port in the district of ~» Limyrice, southern India (Peripl. m. r. 53). Because both here and in Ptol. 7,1,8f. the name is followed by

5

Nausicles (Navoixdijc; Nausiklés). Son of Clearchus from the deme of > Oe, c. 390-before 325/4 BC (IG II* 1629C,707), in 352 sent as an Athenian strategos (Diod.

Muziris and - Nelkynda, in that order, N.,

16,3753; Demosth. or. 18,115) to help the Phocaeans.

as the northernmost of the cities, must correspond to the Nitraiai empérion of Ptol. 7,1,7 (cf. Nitriae in Plin.

Possibly commander of the Athenian troops that stopped Philip II at > Thermopylae. Follower of > Eubulus [1]. In 346 one of the negotiators of the peace of Philocrates (hypothesis 2,4 on Demosth. Or. 19). N. was given the distinction of two wreaths of honour

Tyndis,

HN

6,26,104).

The precise location

of N. remains

unknown. O. STEIN, s.v. Néovea, RE 16, 2014f.

KK.

Naus (Nadc/Naos). Descendant of Eumolpus in the third generation. Obeying the oracle of Delphi, he

brought the Eleusinian cult of > Demeter to Arcadian -» Pheneus, where in the temple of Demeter the > Eleusinia were celebrated in Attic rite (Paus. 8, 15, 1). This import supplemented the older epichoric cults of Demeter Kidaria and Demeter Thesmia, as the Pheneatic tradition is said to have noticed (Paus. 8, 15, 2-4). The name, which means ‘temple’, may indicate the erection of such an edifice in a new sanctuary.; -» Eleusis [1] Jost, 30, 318f.; NILsson, Feste, 3 43f.

TH.

Nausicaa (Navowxda; Nausikda). Young daughter of the Phaeacian royal couple > Alcinous [1] und > Arete

[1]. > Athena causes her to go with her serving maids to wash and picnic at the mouth of the river, where she comes across -» Odysseus, who had been washed ashore at this spot after being shipwrecked. Naked and exhausted, he appeals to her for help. In contrast to her companions, who run off in fright, she listens to him and gives him food, clothes, oil for anointing himself, and precise instructions for getting to the royal palace and on how to conduct himself once at the palace

(Demosth. Or. 18,114;IG II? 1496 col. 2,40; 3,49), was

renewed as strategos in 33 4/3 (IG IP’ 1623b,329f), proposed important decrees in the interests of Demosthenes’s policies [2] (Aischin. Ctes. 159; Plut. Mor. 844f) and in 334/3 on the Athenian fleet (IG ll* 1623b,313), was trierarch (IG II* 1628a,100f) and hieropoids (‘superintendent of sacrifices’) of the Pythais, a + theoria to Delphi (FdD Ill.1,511). — Demosthenes [2]; > Philocrates 1 DAVIES, 396-398

2 DEVELIN, 2077

3PA 10552.

JE.

Nausicrates (Navoixeodtys; Nausikrates). Poet of Middle + Comedy, in the list of the victors at the Lenaea he is mentioned two places after Antiphanes and two places ahead of Alexis with three victories [1. test. 2]. Athenaeus quotes short passages from N.’s pieces

NavxAneot

(Nazkleroi)

and

Tegois

(Persis),

among them culinary riddles possibly by a cook (fr. 1) [2. 259]. In the excerpts in Herodian, N. is quoted as proof of a certain imperative form (evenxe; fr. 3). The mention of a certain comic poet or actor with this name

by the orator Aeschines probably also refers to N. [1. |"

testa)

1 PCG VH, 1989, 33-35

2H.-G. NESSELRATH, Die atti-

sche Mittlere Komédie, 1990.

THI.

(Hom. Od. 6,12—41, 149-315). N. admires his stately

appearance after the bath and wishes to have a husband like him (her father later supports her in this). After he has arranged with the royal couple to make his return journey to Ithaca, she asks him to remember her forever as his rescuer (Hom. Od. 6,229-237, 244f.; 7,309-316;

8,457-462). Later authors almost exclusively follow the Homeric account (Alcm. fr. 81 PMG; Soph. fr. 439441 TrGF; Philyllius fr. 8 PCG; Eubulus fr. 68 PCG; Mart.

12,31; Lucian. Imagines 19; Gell. 9,9,126f.; Claud. Carmina minora 30,141-145), which is elaborated by some to have > Telemachus marry N. (cf. Hell-

anicus FGrH 4 F 156, Aristot. Ithakesion politeia fr. 512 GIGon). BIBLIOGRAPHY:

S. FORNARO, Quasi in campo di Marte

(Odissea € 119-315), in: Hermes 123, 1995, 129-138; J. SCHMIDT, s.v. N., RE 16, 2016-2019; H. A. SHAPIRO,

Coming of Age in Phaiakia: The Meeting of Odysseus and N., in: B. COHEN (ed.), The Distaff Side: Representing the

Female in Homer’s Odyssey, 1995; O. TOUCHEFEU-MEYNIER, S.v. N., LIMC 6.1, 712-714.

IcoNOGRAPHY: Ead., s.v. N., LIMC 6.2, 420f.

R.HA.

Nausiphanes (Navowavnc/Nausiphanés) of Teos. 4th cent. BC Democritean philosopher (-» Democritus [1]), teacher of > Epicurus, later a target of Epicurean scorn

and abuse. N. is claimed to have been a pupil of > Pyrrho’s. Our sources do not reveal whether he professed his atomistic docrtines during his Pyrrhonist apprenticeship, or whether he needed to reject the initial Pyrrhonist inclinations in order to arrive at an atomistic philosophy of nature (+ Atomism). Either way N. serves as a link between the two schools. When one takes the Democritean criticism of the senses and sceptical leanings into consideration, this transition is not surprising (cf. 75 B 4 DK = Sen. Ep. 88.43). N. com-

posed a Tripous (Teinous, ‘tripod’), a tripartite work on philosophy, most probably with the usual tri-partite philosophical division into logic/dialectics/epistemology, physics, political and moral philosophy. Apart from the information that N. was a professed atomist, we learn that he substituted Democritean ‘impassiveness’ (&0auBin, athambié) with ‘imperturbability’ (axatamhe&ia, akataplexia) as the supreme goal (75 B 3 = Clem. Al. Strom. 2.130). A conviction of N. criticised

NAUTIKON

so

D4

in detail by Philodemus in the 5th book of his ‘On Rhetoric’, is that the thoroughly learned philosopher of nature (the vamos xal oopdc, physikds kai sophos) will be able to persuade on all matters, including political leadership and counsel, and hence be a perfect rhetorician as well. As Philodemus’s ‘To the friends of the school’, fr. 116 ANGELI attests, Epicurus (perhaps in his ‘Letter to the Philosophers in Mytilene’) critically recounted the school activities of N., including his discussion of various pre-Socratic philosophers (Empedocles, Anaxagoras, Democritus, and > Leucippus [5] are mentioned). Hence, Epicurus will probably have become acquainted with the fundamentals of an atomistic philosophy in N.’ school.

Epit. peripli Menippei Rav. 100,143; 365,13).

DANEION

10; Tab. Peut. ro,rf.; Geogr.

1A. Bryer, D. WINFIELD, The Byzantine Monuments E.O. and Topography of the Pontos, vol. 1, 1985.

Nautaka (ta Navtaxa; ta Navitaka). According to Arr. Anab. 3,28,9; 4,18,1; Curt. 8,2,1 (Nauta), a settlement

or region in > Sogdiana. Possibly a venue for chariotracing. Not located. J. StuRM, s.v. N., RE 16, 2033; R. HAUSCHILD, Tirade der Wagenrennfahrt des Konigs Haosravah und Junkers Neresmanah, in: MIO 7,1, 1959, 1-78. B.B.

+ Atomism FRAGMENS: DIELS/KRANZ, vol. 2, 246-250; F. LONGO AuRICCHIO/A. TEPEDINO GUERRA, Per una riesame della polemica epicurea contro Nausifane, in: F.ROMANO (ed.), Democrito e ’atomismo antico, 1980, 467-477. LB.

Nausithous (Navoi8o0o0c; Nausithoos).

[1] Son of Poseidon and — Periboea, grandson of Eury-

medon [1], king of the > Phaeaces. He and his people flee from the — Cyclopes to the island of Drepane or ~» Scheria. There he becomes the father of Alcinous [1] and Rhexenor. When > Heracles [1] comes to him after having killed his own children, he purifies him (Hom.

Od. 6,1-11; 7,56-63; Apoll. Rhod. 4,539-5 50). [2] Son of Odysseus and — Calypso (Hes. theog. ro017f.) or + Circe (Hyg. Fab. 125). [3] Mythical ship’s officer of > Theseus; he and his colleague Phaeax had hero sanctuaries in the bay of Phalerum, the Kybernesia festival was considered to be in their honour (Plut. Theseus 17) [1. 225]. 1 DEUBNER, 225.

LK.

Naustathmus (NavotaOuoc; Navstathmos). [1] Harbour town in the south east of Sicily, on the

coast between > Syracusae and the mouth of the > Helorus [2] (Plin. HN 3,89), probably at Fontane Bianche. E. Manni, Geografia fisica e politica della Sicilia antica, 1981, 58.

E.O.

[2] Harbour in north eastern > Cyrenaica, on the eastern side of the promontory of the same name (modern Ras el-Hilal). Sources: Ps.-Scyl. ro8 (GGM 1,83); Str. 17,322; Mela 1,40; Ptol. 4,4,5; Stadiasmus maris magni 51f. (GGM 1,446). F. WINDBERG,

s.v.

Naustathmus

(2), RE

16,

2028.

W.HU. [3]

(Navotabuoc/Naustathmos),

Latin

Nautagino,

Nautamno, Nuccamon). Harbour town on the south

coast of the > + Halys, east (Navota0uov modern Balik Peripl. p. eux.

Pontus Euxinus east of the mouth of the of the Lagoon of Naustathmou Limne Aiwvyn/Naustathmou limné, ‘Lake of N.’, Golii) on the Incir Burnu [1. 90] (Arr. 22; Anon. Peripl. p. eux. 26; Marcianus,

Nautes (Natty; Naztés). Elderly Trojan, companion of > Aeneas [1], priest of Athena and distinguished by

her with outstanding wisdom. When Aeneas doubts whether he should stay in Sicily or continue to Italy, N. advises him to go on and found the colony of Acesta (Egesta/Segesta; Verg. Aen. 5,704ff., 728f.). N. accepts from + Diomedes [1] the > palladion that has been stolen, as a proxy for Aeneas, who is offering a sacrifice, and so becomes the originator of the service of Minerva in Rome by the gens Nautia, whose ancestor he is (Varro, De Familiis Troianis in Serv. Aen. 2,166; 3,407; 5,704; Dion. Hal. Ant. 6,69: Nautios; Fest. 164 L.). SLA.

Nautikon daneion (vavtxov ddveiov/nautikon ddneion; sea loan). The ND was a > loan (ddneion) granted to a long-distance merchant (émporos) or ship’s owner (navkléros) at interest (vavtimos tOxOG, nautikos tokos) for the duration of a commercial voyage — either for a one-way voyage (éteQdmAovv dSavevov,

heteroploun daneion) or for a round trip (Gudotegdmiovv Savetov, amphoterdploun daneion) for which the ship or its freight was the bond (+ hypotheké [1]). Egyptian documents show that guarantors assumed liability for the fulfilment of the agreement. The loan agreement (> syngraphe), generally in writing, named the parties, the size of the loan, the interest, the securities, the destination of the voyage,

the payment period and penalties for violating the agreement (Demosth. Or. 35,10-13). Following expiration of the payment period, the creditor was permitted to take possession ofthe bond. Unlike all other types of loans, the creditor assumed the risk for the ND. In case of shipwreck or capture he lost his capital as well as interest. Accordingly, the interest rate was higher than usual and based on distance and time of year. For oneway voyages interest rates of to-12.5 % are documented, for round trips 22.5-30 % (Demosth. Or. 34,23; 35,103 50,173 §6,5; 56,12; Diphilus fr. 42 PCG; cf. Xen. Vect. 3,9). Thus the ND was a productive loan with a function similar to that of insurance. The émporoi and naukleéroi were forbidden on pain of death to remortgage by taking out additional sea loans (cf. Demosth. Or. 35,11).

NAUTIKON DANEION

555

The goods under the hypothéké were to be kept available for the creditor. Lenders were usually professional creditors who were familiar with seafaring, while banks were seldom involved, owing to the high risk. The risk was distributed among several individuals by means of partnerships among lenders and borrowers. In Athens special laws on trade (emporikoi némoi) also regulated the granting of sea loans. It was forbidden for Athenians and métoikoi to provide loans for the grain trade if the grain was not first brought to Athens (Demosth. Or. 345373 35550f.; Lycurg. 27). Legal action was only permitted if the loan agreements had been concluded in Athens or for commercial transactions in the Athenian emporium (Demosth. Or. 32,1; 34,42). Trust money

could not be invested in sea loans (cf. Lys. 32,23; fr. 91 THALHEIM). Sea loans were often the subject of lawsuits, as seen in a number of speeches by Demosthenes (Demosth. Or. 32; 34; 355 56). ~ Daneion; > Fenus nauticum 1 E. E. Couen, Athenian Economy and Society, 1992 25S. IsaGer, M. H. Hansen, Aspects of Athenian Society in the Fourth Century B.C., 1975, 74-84 3 MILLETT, 91-108; 188-196 4PuH. V. STANLEY, The Purpose of Loans in Ancient Athens, in: MBAH 9,2, 1990, 57-71

5 G. THUR,

Hypotheken-Urkunde eines Seedarlehens, in: Tyche 2, 1987, 229-245 6]. VELISSAROPOULOS, Les naucléres grecs, 1980, 301-311.

WS.

Nautikos tokos see ~ Nautikon daneion

Nautius. Name of a patrician gens, whose last known representative N. (tr. mil. 258 BC) is placed by tradition in the middle of the 3rd cent. BC. According to Varro (HRR II p. 9 = Serv. Aen. 2,166; cf. 3,407; 5,704) the ancestor of the gens was a companion of -» Aeneas by the name of > Nautes, to whom Diomedes [1] surren-

dered the + Palladion of Troy, which had been plundered by the Greeks, and this was the origin of a gentile cult for Minerva observed among the Nautii (cf. Fest. 164 L.; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 6,69,1). [1] N., Sp. As legate of the cos. L. > Papirius Cursor, N. is supposed to have substantially expedited Papirius’s victory over the > Samnites at Aquilonia in 293 BC by clever implementation of a stratagem of his and to have been rewarded by him with military distinctions (Liv. 10,40,7f.; 41,4-8; 44,3f.; Frontin. Str. 2,4,1). [2] N. Rutilus, C. Cos. [in 475 BC, cos. [lin 458 (MRR 1, 27f.; 39). In 475, in retribution for an attack by the Volsci and Aequi on the Latini, N. undertook a sally on the territory of the > Volsci (Liv. 2,53,4-6; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 9,35,6-8). In 458 N. battled successfully with the Sabines, but returned to Rome at the news that his colleague L. Minucius [I 5] was surrounded on the Algidus, and appointed L. > Quinctius Cincinnatus dictator (Liv. 3,26,1f.; 26,6; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 10,23,5; 10,22,2f.). It is probable that the embellishment of N.’s two consular years with the achievements mentioned above is the work of Livius and Dionysius of Halicarnassus.

556 [3] N. Rutilus, Sp. First cos. of his gens in 488 BC (MRR 1,19), when

-> Coriolanus, it seems, was threatening

Rome. Yet N. appears only peripherally, primarily in Livius (2,39,9), in the tradition focused on > Veturia. A passive role of little glory is also played by N. in Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 8,16,1;

37533 43533 43973 44015 5525 63,1-4), who, however, makes him previously occupy a cleverly mediating position in the first > secessio plebis in 493 (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 6,69,1f.). [4] N. Rutilus, Sp. Consular tribune in 419, 416 and 404 and cos. in 411 BC (MRR 1, 71-73; 76f.; 8x). During his consulate he alleviated the effects of a famine by bulk-buying corn (Liv. 4,51,4-7). C.MU. Nautodikai

(vavtodixaV/nautodikai, ‘Overseers of trials involving seafarers’). Officials in Athens responsible for court cases between seafarers, whether traders or > klerotichoi. Nautodikai were documented for the first time around 445 BC (IG I} 41, 90-91) when they brought cases to court within a specific month. For the year AD 397, a complaint can be found in Lysias [1] (47,5) that the nautodikai had failed to complete a court case about businessmen (-» émporoi) in a specific month, but it was not a matter concerning trade. The nautodikai were also responsible for complaints in matters concerning the status of aliens (— Aliens, position of (III.); > xenias graphé), which were brought against people who pretended to be citizens, but who were not eligible for citizenship because of their origins (Craterus, FGrH F 4; cf. Aristoph. fr. 225 Kock = PCG 237). It is possible that their responsibility for cases dealing with trade matters may have ceased in the fourth decade of the 4th cent. BC with the creation of the new — emporikai dikai. E. E. COHEN, Ancient Athenian Maritime Courts, 1973,

162-184; A. R. W. HARRISON, The Law of Athens, vol. 2, 1971, 23f.; D. M. MAcDoweE LL, The Law in Classical Athens, 1978, 229-231. P.J.R.

Nava. A left hand tributary of the Rhine. It flows into the Rhine near > Bingium (Auson. Mos. 1: ‘the rushing N.’), present-day Nahe. In early Roman times the Celtic ~» Treveri tribe lived in the area of the N., where there is evidence of some oppida. Under Augustus the Germanic > Vangiones were settled along the middle and lower N. The area was then added to the upper Germanic army district. The region by the upper reaches of the N. was part of > Belgica. In the middle of the sth cent. AD the - Franci settled mainly in the lower valley of the N. In contrast to the adjoining high hills the valley of the N. was densely populated with villae, stationes and vici, of which Bingium and Bad Kreuznach (in the Middle Ages Cruciniacum) were prominent towns. A Roman arterial road ran alongside the river in the lower area of the N. and then branched out onto the heights of the Hunsriick hills. In 7o AD Julius [II 139] Tutor was defeated on the north bank ofthe N. after he had demolished the bridge over the N. (Tac. Hist. 4,70,4).

558

7 1 A. FRANKE, s.v. Nava, RE 16, 1885-1888

2K. ScHu-

MACHER, Siedelungs- und Kulturgeschichte der Rheinlande. 2: Die romische Periode 1923 3 H. CUppers (ed.), Die Romer in Rheinland-Pfalz, 1990. RA.WIL.

Naval warfare I. GREECE

II. CARTHAGE

III. ROME

I. GREECE Naval warfare (NW) should be distinguished from > piracy; naval warfare was conducted by cities, peoples and rulers with one another, whereas piracy was carried on by individual gangs or groups and was principally directed at merchant shipping. In wars of the early period ships primarily had the function of bringing an army to the theatre of war, serving as a means of transport (Hom. Il. 2,494-760); enemy territory could be attacked by surprise with the help of a fleet, but fleets did not fight one another on the high seas or in coastal waters. The first true sea battle is supposed to have taken place towards the middle of the 7th cent. BC between the fleets of Corinth and Cercyra (Thuc. 1,13,4). In the archaic period a type of elongated warship, propelled with oars and hence independent of the wind, was developed; ultimately such ships had several rows of rowers on each side (Thuc. 1,13,2) and on the bowa metal ram. In a sea battle the primary aim was to damage or sink enemy ships by ramming them. In the 6th and 5th cents. BC NW had towering significance for political development; superiority at sea was in many cases decisive to the outcome of a war. In the western Mediterranean the sea battle of Alalia in 535 BC (Hdt. 1,166) led to the withdrawal of the Greeks from Corsica; the sea battle at Cyme [2] in 474 BC resulted in the weakening of the Etruscans’ position in Central Italy. In the East, during the wars with the Greeks, the Persians were able to rely primarily on Phoenician naval contingents (Hdt. 7,89-99); the victory at Salamis [1] (480 BC) and the destruction of the Persian navy at Mycale on the coast of Asia Minor (479 BC) substantially contributed to Greece’s ability to ward off the Persian attack (+ Persian Wars, with map). The political position of Athens after 480 BC rested primarily on the navy, whose construction + Themistocles had pressed for (Hdt. 7,143 f.), and on Athens’ presence throughout the Aegean. The navy secured sea routes and thus Athens’s - grain supply. The military and strategic significance of naval power had been emphasised and clearly formulated by > Pericles [1]; his idea was that owing to the strength of its navy Athens was superior to Sparta (Thuc. 1,142 f.; 2,62). The ~» Peloponnesian War (with map) entered its decisive phase precisely when the Spartans were able to build their own navy with Persian money, and defeat in the sea battle of Aegospotami on the Hellespont (405 BC) led to Athens’ capitulation. Sparta’s rule of the sea was only of short duration, however, ending by 394 BC with the defeat of the Spartan navy at Cnidus by the Persians. Cnidus signifies a caesura in the history of warfare inas-

NAVAL WARFARE

much as the following struggle for hegemony in Greece was decided in battles on land. It was not until the > Diadochi Wars that naval operations

regained greater significance. In particular Demetrius [2] Poliorcetes relied on the navy; he also had his ships fitted out with a large number of > catapults, and this changed the tactics of NW again (Diod. 20,49,4). But other rulers also had large naval contingents at their disposal: e.g. Ptolemaeus [1] I, who was able to dispatch 140 warships and 120 supply ships to Cyprus in 306 BC (Diod. 20,49,2). Demetrius’s [2] sea victory at Salamis [2] in Cyprus in 306 BC (Diod. 20,51 f.) was an important step in the formation of the Hellenistic monarchy, in as much as after Salamis Antigonus [1] and Demetrius [2] Poliorcetes adopted the title of king (Plut. Demetrius 16-18).

Il. CARTHAGE In the western Mediterranean, Carthage held sea power which secured its position in Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica and later also Spain. In the war with Dionysius [1] I of Syracuse the Carthaginians gained a victory at Catane in 396 BC; it is notable that the navies did not apply the usual tactics of sea battles but rather the crews of the ships fought one another as ina land battle (Diod. 14,60).

Ill. ROME In the first of the > Punic Wars (with map) Rome was forced to conduct the war with Carthage also at

sea; a fleet equal to the Carthaginian sea forces was built, which then quickly gained its first success (Mylae, 260 BC). Since the Romans had no experience of ~> shipbuilding or NW, they developed new tactics: with the aid of the > corvus [1], a grappling iron, they boarded enemy ships, which could then be captured by the Romans in close combat. The significance of naval warfare to this war as a whole is clear from the fact that it was a naval victory (241 BC; in the Aegatian Islands) that led to the ultimate defeat of the Carthaginians: according to Polybius they committed the error of neglecting the navy (Pol. 1,61). In subsequent wars with Carthage and the Hellenistic monarchies in the East, superiority at sea gave the Romans a decisive strategic advantage, in that they could use their navy for the unimpeded transportation and supply of troops. In the 2nd cent. BC too, the Romans had the upper hand above all when fighting on ships was like in a land battle (Liv. 36,44,9: pugnam pedestri similem fecissent). The power of the Roman navy in the rst cent. BC was clearly demonstrated by the war against the pirates in 67 BC, which Pompey [I 3] was able to conclude successfully in a short time. In the Civil Wars too, important decisions were made by naval battles: M. Agrippa [x] managed after extensive rearmament of the navy to dislodge Sex. Pompeius [I 5] from power in battle in 36 BC (battle of — Naulochi); the same fate befell M. Antonius [I 9] in the battle of + Actium (2 September

31 BC). The great Egyptian warships of Antony’s navy

NAVAL WARFARE

559

560

had towers with catapults; their hulls were also armoured, so that the tactic of ramming could no longer be used. These ships, manoeuvrable only with difficulty, however, were proved inferior by the small nimble liburnae under the command of Agrippa. This battle, too, was essentially decided by the boarding of ships (Plut. Antonius 66). The Roman navy of the Principate, which no longer had any rivals, accordingly had the primary task of guaranteeing the security of sea routes in the Mediterranean and connections with Britain; in addition the

7029). The position, tasks and specific relationship of the navicularii in relation to the public administration were in a constant state of flux and, as a consequence, the navicularii of the Early Principate are not identical with those of Late Antiquity. The relationships between the Roman administration and the navicularii, the development of contracts, the role of ship-owners’ associations (corpora) and the special problem of liability in case of cargo loss (> fenus nauticum) have all been topics of intense scholarly discussion ([{6; 8]). The zavicularii carried out the public service of transporting food — esp. wheat that was either collected as a tax or confiscated or purchased by the administration — mostly to Rome. In exchange for this service, they received special privileges: The princeps Claudius [III 1] introduced several measures to ensure the transport of food to Rome even in winter. According to Gaius, he granted Roman citizenship to the > Latini Iuniani if they built a ship with a load capacity of at least 10,000 modii (c. 65 t) of grain and used it for at least 6 years for transporting grain to Rome. Ship-owners with a different legal status who took on the same task were relieved of the munera (— munus). Senators were excluded from these, since they were not allowed to own large ships on account of

navy’s

important

function

of transporting

Roman

legions (> legio) and > auxilia to a theatre of war as quickly as possible remained. > Inland navigation; > Navies; > Navigation; > Trireme 1 Casson, Ships 2 O. HOcKMmann, Antike Seefahrt, 1985

3 D. Kienast, Untersuchungen zu den Kriegsflotten der romischen Kaiserzeit, 1966

4 H.C. Konen, Classis Ger-

manica. Die rémische Rheinflotte im 1.-3. Jahrhundert v. Chr., 2000 5M. Repp£, Mare Nostrum. Les infrastructures, le dispositif et ’histoire de la marine militaire sous l’empire romain, 1986 6 C. G. Starr, The Influence of Sea-Power on Ancient History, 1989 7H. D. L. ViErECK, Die romische Flotte, 1975. J.M.A-N.

the /ex Iulia. Furthermore, Claudius reimbursed traders

Navia (Nabia). [1] Goddess of indeterminate character and of Celtic (?) provenance. Her votive offerings (inscriptions) have been found widely distributed in the west of the Iberian Peninsula, in > Lusitania and Gallaecia in modern Por-

tugal and Spain. N., who was given no interpretatio Romana, is at one occasion given the epithets Elaesurraeca and Sesmaca (possibly place names, clan names or similar). An interpretation of N. as a water goddess on the basis of the derivation of the name from the Celtic root Vnav- is uncertain, because the votives have not

been found near waters. There are no grounds for connecting N. with the river of the same name (N. [2]). F. HEICHELHEIM,

s.v. Navia, RE 16, 1470; J. LEITE DE

VASCONCELLOS, Religides da Lusitania, vol. 3, 1913, 203ff.; SCHULTEN, Landeskunde, vol. 1, 360. M.E.

[2] River forming the border between Callaici and Astu-

res on the north western coast of Spain (Plin. HN 4,111; Na&Btoc/Nabios, Ptol. 2,6,4), still bearing the name today. At its mouth was Flavionavia, in its upper reaches Pons Naviae (It. Anton. 425,2; 430,10; Prtol. 2,6,5). F. J. Lomas SALMONTE, Asturia prerromana y altoimperial, 1989, 31; TIR K 29 Porto, 1991, 78.

P.B.

Navicularius. As documented in literary and legal texts as well as in inscriptions from the end of the Roman Republic to Late Antiquity, the mavicularii undertook the transporting goods by sea on ships which were either rented or owned. At times the navicularius was referred to as navicularius marinus

(ILS 1432; 6971;

(> negotiatores) who lost their cargo partially or entirely in shipwrecks or storms. This rule was still in effect in the early 2nd cent. (Suet. Claud. 18,2; 19; Gai. Inst. 1,32c; Dig. 50,5,3; 50,6,6,3-9). Hadrian and Antoninus Pius granted further privileges to the navicularti under the condition that they remain in the seryice of the annona for a longer period of time. Many of these privileges were tied to ship-ownership, and that is why many texts refer not to navicularii but to domini navium (‘ship masters’). The navicularii who had contracts with the administration had the right to engage in their own commercial trades, but the two activities are clearly distinguished in the texts. Some traders were also navicularii, such as P. Granius, who owned a ship and goods (Cic. Verr. 2,55154), or L. Scribonius Ianuarius, who in an inscription is called wine trader and navicularius (CIL V1 9682 = ILS 7277). Furthermore, there were navicularti who only dealt in private trade; this might apply to Q. Capitonius Probatus Senior, whose funeral inscription in Lugdunum (present-day Lyons) mentions his trading activities in Puteoli and Rome (CIL XIII 1942 = ILS 7029). On the whole, the private activities of the navicularii are not well documented. Amphorae from ~ Mons Testaceus in Rome show the names of traders (mercatores, negotiatores, diffusores) who bought oil in the province of Hispania Baetica and organized its transport to Rome, but do not reveal the names of the navicularii. The development of the contractual relationships between administration and navicularii exhibits three phases: In the Late Republic, state services were publicly let out (-> locatio conductio); from the Early Princi-

561

562

pate to the 3rd cent. AD, the system of contract allocation was governed by civil law since in this period, the » fiscus was not yet a public institution as it would become in the 3rd cent. The price for the transport (vectura) was paid to the navicularii by an adiutor of the praefect as indicated by an inscription from Hispales (present-day Seville) (CIL II r180 = ILS 1403). In some cases, the navicularii from one city or region joined together in associations which were referred to as corpora. The title was seemingly only given to such associations if they transported goods for the annona. Such a corpus is attested for Arelate (present-day Arles; 2nd cent.; CIL XII 982 = ILS 6986); in the 3rd cent., the mysterious quinque corpora naviculariorum existed

there, which might have been an organisation of corpora from several cities. In the third phase — the 3rd and 4th cents. —, the navicularii were still ship-owners, but the administration’s pressure

on them and control over them in-

creased. Members of the corpora who had to raise funds to build, purchase and maintain ships of a certain size were forced to make transports for the Imperium Romanum (munus navicularium). In addition, they had

to transport goods by order of the fiscus (onus fiscale). This obligatory munus arose in the 3rd cent. AD; the exact date is unknown.

In the 4th cent., the status,

duties and privileges of navicularii were regulated in detail through numerous decrees (Cod. Theod. 13,5). From the reign of Constantine, the navicularii were obliged to render certain transport services for the annona, at the same time, they were tied to their status which became hereditary (Gods Theod> 133552: 13,5,35): navicularti were not allowed to leave the corpus that they belonged to (Cod. Theod. 13,5,11). Under the emperor Constantine, the navicularii were relieved of the usual munera publica (> munus); the same rules applied in Constantinople and in Rome (Cod. Theod. 13,5,5; 13,5,7). Newly accepted members of the corpus naviculariorum (association of navicularii) were to be partially exempt from taxes on their landholdings (Cod. Theod. 13,5,14). In Late Antiquity, the landholdings of the navicularti were automatically charged with the functio navicularia, even after a change in ownership. The sale and the transfer of such landholdings therefore became subject to detailed regulations. Under these regulations, it was possible that the corpus naviculariorum could acquire ownership of the possessions of navicularii (Cod. Theod. 13,6,1; 13,6,2; 13,6,6—-8). Other regulations focused on fraudulent acts by the navicularii or on the loss of the cargo (Cod. Theod. 13,5,33; 13,9). In the last phase of this development (6th cent.), the zavicularii had merely become large landowners who had to pay a fixed tax towards Rome’s grain supply. ~» Commerce;

-» Navigation;

~ Cura annonae; - Inland navigation;

+ Rome, food supply

1 J.-M. Carrif, Les distributions alimentaires dans les cités de l’empire romain tardif, in: MEFRA 87, 1975, 995tror

2M.

Curisro1,

Les naviculaires d’Arles et les

NAVIES

structures du grand commerce maritime sous |’Empire romain, in: Provence historique 32, 1982, 5-14 3L. DE SALVO, Economia privata e pubblici servizi nell’ Impero romano, I corpora naviculariorum, 1992

dien

zur

rémischen

4 P. HERZ, Stu-

Wirtschaftsgesetzgebung,

5 Jones, LRE, 827-830

1988

6B. Liou, A. TCHERNIA, L’in-

terprétation des inscriptions sur les amphores Dressel 20, in: Epigrafia della produzione e della distribuzione, Actes de la Vile rencontre franco-italienne sur l’épigraphie du monde romain, 1994, 133-156 7J. REMESAL RoDRiGUEZ, Heeresversorgung und die wirtschaftlichen Beziehungen zwischen der Baetica und Germanien, 1997 8E. RopriGuEz ALMEIDA, II Monte Testaccio. Ambiente, storia, materiali, 1984 9 J. RouGE, Recherches sur l’organi-

sation du commerce maritime en Méditerranée sous |’Empire romain, 1966 26-27.

10B. SirKs, Food for Rome, 1991, J.A.

Navies I. GENERAL II. ARCHAIC AND CLASSICAL GREECE II]. HELLENISM IV. ROMAN REPUBLIC AND THE PRINCIPATE V. LATE ANTIQUITY

I. GENERAL Early navies such as those of the Egyptians and the maritime towns in Syria/Palestine and on Cyprus mostly transported troops and materials. In battle, the ships carried archers, e.g., in the battle of Ramesses III against the Sea Peoples (Medinet Habu). This is similar to early Phoenician and Greek ships, which were used for transportation and fighting. These were ships with one bank of oars (uovoxeotos; monokrotos) with up to 15 rowers on each side (triaconters) and a lateen sail. By introducing a second offset bank of oars (dixeotos; dikrotos) up to 25 rowers could be accommodated on one side (penteconters). In Antiquity, merchant and war ships differed because of fundamental construction features. While merchant ships had a compact, relatively short body with high sides and were essentially sail ships since the archaic period, war ships were narrow long boats that had to operate independently of the winds and, therefore, were normally propelled by oars. A ram was attached to the bow for ramming and sinking enemy ships during battle. In the pre-Roman period, the wood for fleet building came from Macedonia, Mysia/the Troad, the Taurus mountains, from Cyprus (Str. 14,6,5), Lebanon (Diod. Sic. 19,58) and, for the Sicilian fleets, also from Lower Italy (Sila forest). A long discussion of wood for shipbuilding is found in Theophrastus (Theophr. Hist. pl. 5,7). The terms for ancient boats, which are often difficult to interpret, are based on the number of rowers that can be accommodated in a rowing section (space between two Oar openings = 0.88 m). In naming, the number of oar banks (for technical reasons no more than three) must be differentiated from the number of rowers used per division (up to 40; cf. Ath. 5,203e on the ship of Ptolemy IV). All designations with numbers of more than three (trireme) refer to the number of rowers per section (tetreres, etc.).

NAVIES

563

564

Modern knowledge of ancient war ships is based on

be transported, disassembled, over longer distances on

finds of ships (Mainz), the interpretation of ancient im-

land (Alexander the Great: Arr. Anab. 7,19,3; Str. 16,1,11). From the time of Philip V, fast and inexpen-

ages and texts as well as reconstructions. Among the many depictions of war ships, archaic vase images (e.g., black-figured cup, 6th cent. BC, London, BM), a relief with a lateral view of a trireme (5th cent. BC, Athens,

AM) and a relief with a Roman war ship (rst cent. BC, Rome, MV) are noteworthy. Il. ARCHAIC AND CLASSICAL GREECE From 530 BC, > triremes with three offset banks of oars (toixoeotos; trikrotos) were increasingly used; the penteconters were slowly displaced at the same time. The trireme, whose length to width ratio was about 7 to rt (35 to 5 m), had strong propulsion (170 rowers), and with its ram effected a complete change of tactics in naval battles. The manoeuvres of breaking through the enemy line (dvexaovg; diékplous) and outflanking the opponent (megindous; periplous) became decisive. This tactic was first employed in the battle of Alalia in 535 BC. (Hdt. 1,166). According to Thucydides, the archaic period was critical in the development of shipbuilding and characterized by the formation of large fleets (Thuc. 1,13f.). Themistocles was able to effect in 483/2 BC that Athens built 200 triremes with the revenues from the silver mines of Laurium, which in 480 BC constituted the main body of the Greek fleet during the battle of Salamis (Hdt. 7,144; Thuc. 1,14,2; Aristot. Ath. Pol. 22,7; Plut. Themistocles 4,1). The military position of

the Attic symmachia largely depended on the superiority of the Athenian fleet, which ruled uncontested over the Aegean after the battle of Eurymedon in 466 BC. This fleet’s port was Piraeus, which had covered docks and halls for equipment. The fleet was financed by regular contributions of allied towns and the trierarchy of wealthy Athenians. A serious rival arose during the Peloponnesian War when a Spartan fleet was created with Persian subsidies. Athens’ fleet was finally destroyed at Aegospotami in 405 BC and Sparta was largely able to rule the Aegean until its defeat at Cnidus in 394 BC (Xen. Hell. 2,1,20-30; 4,3,10-12). The Persian navy, whose ships and crews largely came from towns and regions with a maritime tradition such as Phoenicia, Egypt, Cilicia, Cyprus and Pamphylia (on the Persian fleet in 481/480 BC, cf. Hdt. 7,89-99), continued to exist until the conquest of the Persian empire by Alexander. Ill. HELLENISM From about 400 BC, Carthage and Syracuse had larger ships (Carthage: tetréreis; Syracuse: pentereis), with the number of rowers per rowing unit being increased (Diod. Sic. 14,41,3). During Hellenism extremely large ships were used though quadriremes and quinqueremes were the standard ships (Demetrius Poliorcetes: Plut. Demetrius 20,4; 32,2; cf. also 43,4-5 on the ships of the Ptolemies and generally Plin. HN 7,208). Ships were also constructed so that they could

sive two-oared ships (/émboi) appeared as copies of Illyrian pirate ships. The fleet of Athens, recreated in the 4th cent. BC,

achieved in the age of Alexander a strength of 360 triremes and 50 quadriremes (IG II* 1629, 805ff.), but

was defeated in 322 BC during the Lamian War by the Macedonian fleet at Amorgus. About 315 BC, Antigonus had ships built in Phoenicia (Diod. Sic. 19,58) and, following the victory at Salamis on Cyprus in 306 BC, the Antigonids ruled the sea until 285 BC. After that the Ptolemies exercised their naval rule over the eastern Mediterranean and the Aegean, which Antigonus Gonatas was only briefly able to interrupt with victories at Cos in 261 BC and Andros in 246 BC. After the dissolution of the Macedonian and Seleucid fleets by Rome in the 2nd cent. BC, there remained only the smaller fleets of the Attalids and of Rhodes, which through the technical quality of the ships and the training of the crews, maintained predominance among ancient naval powers.

IV. ROMAN REPUBLIC AND THE PRINCIPATE The first attempts at a naval policy were the appointment of I]-viri navales in 311 BC and of the quaestores classici from 267 BC. Before the rst Punic War, the Roman fleet primarily consisted of the contingents of the socii navales (Etruria, Lower Italian Greeks). In the struggle with Carthage, the Romans established their own fleet of quinqueremes and triremes (Pol. 1,20ff.). The lacking manoeuvrability of the ships was made up for by using boarding bridges (> corvus) and an increased number of — epibdtai (marines). C. Duilius achieved the first Roman naval victory over the Carthaginians at Mylae in 260 BC. After changing fortunes during the course of the naval war (Pol. 1,50-55), the final victory was achieved in 241 BC at the Aegatian Islands. After the 2nd Punic War and the destruction of Carthaginian naval power, Rome largely ruled the western Mediterranean, but continued to depend on the support of the Greek socii navales such as Pergamum and Rhodes during the confrontations of the 2nd cent. BC in the East. Since the elimination of endemic piracy (Crete, Cilicia) by Pompey in 67 BC and the victory in the Mithridatic Wars, the Romans had maritime superiority throughout the entire Mediterranean. During the Civil War, fleets were mainly used to transport troops and for blockades. Naval battles occurred during the war against Sex. Pompey, who had entrenched himself in Sicily. He was decisively defeated at Naulochus in 36 BC by Agrippa, who had created a new fleet on Lake Lucrino (Cass. Dio 48,49f.). After this victory, the Romans stopped using the large ships with towers and catapults (which were difficult to manoeuvre) in favour of the two-oared liburnae, which were modeled on agile Dalmatian pirate vessels. The liburnae proved to be superior to the antiquated fleet of Cleopatra (8- and ro-

566

565

NAVIGATION

oared ships) in the battle of Actium in 31 BC. The fleet

D. L. Viereck, Classis Romana,

of the Ptolemies was taken to Forum Iulium (Fréjus; cf.

LINGA, Ships and sea-power before the Great Persian War,

Str, 139)

1993.

Rome controlled the Mediterranean during the Principate with two classes praetoriae that were stationed in Ravenna and Misenum (Tac. Ann. 4,5,1). These two Roman fleets were first commanded by liberti Augusti

and then by praefecti classis of the ordo equester (vgl. CILIX 1582 =ILS 1343: praef. classium praetoriarum). There were also regional classes: For the 3rd cent. AD, the classis Britannica, classis Germanica (Rhine, North Sea), classis Moesiaca (the lower Danube and Black Sea), classis Pontica (Black Sea), classis Syriaca and classis Alexandriana are documented. The standard ships were the liburnae and triremes. The fleets were mostly used for patrolling and transportation. Also, regional piracy was combated. Larger naval missions were required for landing and campaigning in Britain under Caesar, Claudius and Septimius Severus while Drusus and Germanicus used fleets against the Germans. V. LATE ANTIQUITY

Under the tetrarchs, Roman fleets fought against Carausius and Allectus in Britain. With the rise of the Vandal and Gothic fleets in the sth cent. AD, the Romans lost their nayal superiority in the western Mediterranean, and Isaurian piracy revived. On the whole, the Notitia dignitatum is incomplete: It does not mention any fleets on the Rhine, in the North Sea and the eastern Mediterranean (but cf. Cod. Theod. 10,23,1 on the classis Seleucena), but fleets on the Danube (cf. as well Cod. Theod. 7,17) and the rivers of Gaul. Also, the classes praetoriae of Ravenna and Misenum are mentioned (Not. Dign. Occ. 42,7), as well as the classis Venetum (Not. Dign. Occ. 42,4). Byzantium depended on large fleets during the campaigns against the Vandals and the Ostrogoths in the 5th and 6th cents. AD. The naval battle of Cap Bon (near Carthage in AD 468), in which the Vandals inflicted a devastating defeat on the Byzantine fleet, was decisive. On rivers, the moneres with up to 20 rowers and auxiliary sails was used, primarily to quickly transport supplies and troops (Amm. 17 5054)). 1 O. BouneGcru, M. ZAHARIADE, Les forces navales du Bas Danube et de la Mer Noire aux ler — Ve siécles, 1996

2 Casson, Ships, 77-156

3 V. GABRIELSEN, Financing

the Athenian fleet, 1994 4 R. GARLAND, The Piraeus from the fifth to the first century B.C., 1987 5 O. HOCKMANN, Antike Seefahrt, 1985 6Id., Rémische Schiffsverbande auf dem Ober- und Mittelrhein und die Verteidigung der Rheingrenze in der Spatantike, in: JRGZ 33, 1986, 369416 7D. Krenast, Untersuchungen zu den Kriegsflotten der rémischen Kaiserzeit, 1966 8 J. Morrison, R. T. Wix.iaMs, Greek oared ships 900-322 B.C., 1968 9 J.S. Morrison, Greek and Roman oared warships 399-30 B.C., 1996 10 J. S. Morrison, J. F. Coates, The Athenian trireme, 1986 11M. Repp£, Mare nostrum, 1986 12 M.M. SaGe, Warfare in ancient Greece, 1996 13 C.G. STarR, The Roman imperial navy, 1959 14 W. W. Tarn, Hellenistic military and naval developments, 1930 15 H.

1975

16H. T. WALP.H.

Navigation I. ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGyrt

IJ. PHOENICIA

III. CLAssIcaAL ANTIQUITY

I. ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGyPT In Egypt and southern Mesopotamia

navigation played a major role, especially in inland traffic but also in communication across the sea. In both countries, riv-

ers and canals were the major traffic arteries that were even used by the gods on their mutual visits and by rulers on their tours. Beyond their ordinary significance as a means of transportation for people and goods, ships also had a religious connotation. In Egypt the vocabulary of navigation entered daily life. In both countries, boats sailed or were towed, but in southern Mesopotamia they were also often poled. River ships were varied in size: freight ships in southern Mesopotamia were able to load up to 45 m? of grain (the ship designation includes the loading capacity: ma-120-gur (18,000 kg), ma—60-gur (9,000 kg) etc.). In Egypt the ship built for queen Hatchepsut (14721458 BC), which transported two obelisks of 350t weight and 30 m length each, is noteworthy. No ships or boats and only a relatively small number of images are preserved from south Mesopotamia, where we must rely on written sources, while a series of ships and a large number of images are preserved from Egypt. The ships that took the deceased pharaoh to his tomb were particularly lavishly decorated. Seagoing ships are already known from an early period (4th millennium BC) from rock art in the Wadi Hammamat (Egypt), but their existence can also readily be inferred from trade links across the sea, e.g., to the eastern coast of the Mediterranean, from which cedar wood for buildings and for — shipbuilding was obtained (from the 1st Dynasty), or from Mesopotamia into the region of the — Persian Gulf and the > Indus river [1] (starting in the middle of the 3rd millennium). Apart from written evidence, remains of trade goods (e.g., semi-precious stone) are also preserved. Starting in the Old Kingdom, Syrians are documented as crews on Egyptian ships — evidence for the advanced navigation of the Levant (see below II.). In the rsth cent. BC, Syrian-Canaanitic ships are depicted unloading. E. MarTINn-Parpbey, s. v. Schiffahrt, LA 5, 601-610; M.CH. DE GRAEVE, The Ships of the Ancient Near East (2000

— 500 B. C.), 1981; G. F. Bass, Sea and River Craft in the Ancient Near East, in: J. Sasson (ed.), Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, vol. 3, 1995, 1421-1431; A. SALONEN,

Die Wasserfahrzeuge in Babylonien (Stud. Orientalia Fennica VIII,4), 1939; C. QUALLS, Boats of Mesopotamia be-

fore 2000 B. C., thesis. Columbia, 1981.

567

568

Il. PHOENICIA Navigation was highly developed in the Phoenician towns of the Levantine coast during the late Bronze Age and specialized according to routes. It was preferentially conducted in fleets: The report of the Egyptian emissary Wenamun (cf. [1]), reflecting the period around 1075 BC, mentions fleets of Egypt traders in > Byblus (20 ships) and > Sidon (50 ships) that apparently only practiced coastal navigation; the OT also records the fleets of the Tarsi§ travellers (1 Kgs 10,22 et passim; [2]). A Tyria classis (‘Tyrian fleet’) founded > Gades (Vell. Pat. 1,2,1-3) and the Phoenician grain fleet allegedly helped > Dido/Elissa flee to Carthage (Serv. Aen. 1,362) — it apparently was suited for trans-Mediterranean navigation on the high seas. Phoenician navigation was famous because deeper astronomic understanding permitted travel at night and an extension of travel into late autumn which was elsewhere restricted to the summer. The star 6 (stella Phoenicia, Arab. kochab) in the asterism of Ursa minor, which was close to the celestial north pole in the rst millennium BC, was used for orientation. > Thales (allegedly of Phoenician descent) supposedly related this knowledge to the Greeks [3]. The most important route was the 2,000-nautic mile long sea route from the Le-

time. Usually, sailing were used for transporting goods. They used wind energy and, therefore, did not depend on human muscle power. In many respects, the Mediterranean region favoured navigation because the many high mountain ranges close to the coast made orientation on water relatively simple. On many shipping routes the coast remained within sight, and during the summer, which was mostly dry and cloudless, visibility was good while at night the mariners of antiquity used the stars and the moon for orientation. Since severe storms were frequent during the winter half-year and visibility was impaired by rain, mists and clouds, navigation stopped for most part from October to April (cf. Hes. Op. 663-686; Cod. Theod. 13,9,3,3; Veg. Mil. 4,39). Commerce and economic activities in the port towns were adapted to the annual rhythm. As the many wreck finds show, navigation continued to be risky. Some routes were considered particularly risky, such as the voyage around Cape

NAVIGATION

vantine coast to the ‘Pillars of Hercules’ (Strait of Gib-

raltar) — and beyond to the Atlantic coasts of Morocco and Portugal. It followed the south coast of Crete, the Peloponnese and Sicily and under favorable circumstances was completed in 30 days. Later, from the 8th/7th cents., Phoenician ships also followed the route along the North African coast. >» Astronomy; > Colonization; + Phoenicians _ ; ~ Shipbuilding 1H. Gorpicke, The Report of Wenamun,

Kocn, Tarschisch und Hispanien, 1984

1975

2M.

3G. Kirk et al.,

Malea

in the south of the Peloponnese (Str. 8,6,20).

Often journeys were significantly delayed by unfavourable winds that made leaving the harbour impossible (Cic. Att. 5,12,1; Bell. Afr. 98; Plin. Ep. 10,15). The Mediterranean provided ancient towns with a natural infrastructure. Nevertheless, it was necessary to build — port facilities in the major coastal centres — often with great financial and technical investment. Large harbour basins in which ships could dock and anchor safely were created by building moles. Alexandria [1], which was located on a flat coast, also received a tall — lighthouse on the island of Pharos that became the model for numerous Roman lighthouses (Str. 17,1,6; Plin. HN

36,83). In Antiquity nautical

charts maps probably did not exist but the navigation and coastal descriptions of the periploi (> periplous) constituted a literary genre.

The Presocratic Philosophers, *1983 P. BARTOLONI, Navires et navigation, in: V. KrinGs (ed.),

La civilisation phénicienne

et punique

(HbdOr

I 20),

1995, 282-289, esp. 282-285; S. MEDAS, ‘Siderum observationem in navigando Phoenices (invenerunt)’ (Plinio,

NH VII, 209). Appunti sulla ‘navigazione astronomica’ fenicio-punica, in: Riv. di Studi Fenici 26, 1998, 147-173.

H.G.N.

III. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY A. THE MEDITERRANEAN

TION

B. GREECE

REGION AND

NAVIGA-

C. ROME

A. THE MEDITERRANEAN REGION AND NAVIGATION In the Mediterranean region, navigation was of paramount importance in superregional trade, especial-

ly in long distance trade, for transporting food and heavy goods as well as > travel to remote destinations. Transport with ships was far more economic than -» land transport, for which a large number of pack and draught animals were required and which depended on good roads and only handled short routes in the day-

B. GREECE Navigation is well attested in the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean region during the Bronze Age from wreck finds (Cape Ulu Burun wreck, 14th cent. BC; Cape Gelidonya wreck, about 1200 BC) and the wall paintings of > Thera. Because navigation was required to maintain contact between the settlements on the mainland and the many islands, active navigation must also be assumed for the (> Dark Ages. At the same time, fishing may have also driven progress in navigation ( Fishery). Vase images of the 8th cent. BC depict long, narrow boats propelled ahead by oarsmen and guided by two rudders attached laterally to the stern. The epics of Homer and Hesiod provide much information on > shipbuilding and navigation. The ships were rowed but sailing was also possible with a favourable wind. A ship setting out to sea is repeatedly described (Hom. Od. 2,418-429; 4,576—5 80; 15,284294). Voyages to distant destinations are also reported. Thus, -» Odysseus says that he reached Egypt from Crete on the fifth day (Hom. Od. 14,243-257; Temesa: Hom. Od. 1,182-184). The > Phoenicians also appear

569

570

in Homer in the context of navigation (Hom. Il. 23,743 f£.; Od. 14,287-309; 15,415-483). In Hesiod navigation mainly serves to conduct commerce and to make profit along with agriculture (Hes. Op. 618-691). In the archaic period, the Phocaeans undertook voyages into the Adriatic, to Etruria, Iberia and Tartessus. Also, Herodotus mentioned individual long distance journeys by merchants such as Colaeus of Samos and Sostratus of Aegina (Hdt. 1,163; 4,152). Greek wine was routinely exported to Egypt, where Naucratis was

cans and Carthaginians even joined forces to tackle + piracy (Hdt. 1,166). In the 3rd cent. BC, Italian traders became active in the long distance trade. After the rst Punic War (264-241 BC), ships from Italy supplied Carthage’s opponents with food. A presence of Italian ships in the Adriatic sea is also attested from this period (Pol. 1,83; 2,8). Evidence of Roman participation in Mediterranean navigation is provided by the lex Claudia de nave senatorum, which prohibited senators from owning sea ships with a capacity of more than 300 amphoras (218 BC; Liv. 21,63,3). Under the Principate, shipowners were responsible for providing the transport capacities required to supply the city of Rome with grain, oil and wine. From the rst cent. AD, the principes privileged shipowners so they would involve themselves in the transportation of public goods, especially > grain from Egypt (Claudius:

an important Greek trade center (Hdt. 3,6; 2,178 f.).

During the > Persian Wars, Greek ships brought grain from Pontus to Aegina and the Peloponnese (Hdt. 7,147,2). As vase images of the 2nd half of the 6th cent. show, Greek merchant ships of the late archaic period, as opposed to war ships, had a short, compressed body with high sides and a mast with a big square sail. Ships of this kind, which were exclusively built for transporting goods, were not rowed but used wind energy. Commerce required efficient navigation while Greek expansion and the founding of numerous colonies (— apoitkia) on the coasts of the Mediterranean presupposed the rule of the sea (Hdt. 1,165 f.; 4,153; Thuc. 6,3 f.; > Colonization). The construction of navies that protected maritime trade against pirates secured political power and wealth for some towns like Corinth and Samos (Thuc. 1,13 f.; Hdt. 3,39,3 f.). Because of Athens’ increasing dependence on grain imports,

navigation

and securing the seaways

con-

tinued to gain in importance during the 5th and 4th cents. BC. Wheat imports from the > Pontus assumed a considerable volume during the 4th cent. Thus, Leucon [3], ruler of the Bosporan kingdom, supposedly sent about 400,000 médimnoi of wheat, i.e., about 16 ooo t, to Athens around 355 BC (Dem. Or. 20,3033). To ensure a sufficient grain supply for the Athenian population, navigation and commerce were regulated through laws and supervised by officials (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 51,3). Long-distance trade was organized along a division of labour. Merchants made contracts with ship owners regarding trade voyages. The purchase of goods was financed by lenders (— nautikon daneion). Disputes over such > maritime loans could result in lawsuits, which have left valuable information regarding navigation and long-distance commerce (Dem. Or. 32; 345

35). Navigation was undoubtedly an important factor in the public finances of the great trading towns; in Athens the harbour toll was farmed out for 30 and later for 36 talents in the years following the > Peloponnesian War (And. 1,133 f.). Before the 3rd Macedonian War (171168 BC), the revenue ofthe city of Rhodes from the port toll was about r million drachmai (about 16o talents) (Polagie7) C. ROME During the 6th and 5th cents. BC, the Etruscans, Carthaginians and Greeks ruled navigation and longdistance trade in the western Mediterranean. The Etrus-

NAVIGATION

Suet. Claud. 18,2; Nero: Tac. Ann. 13,51,2). At the same time, corpora or > collegia (‘professional associa-

tions’) of shipowners were created to facilitate the bureaucratic organization of the transportation system. In

late Antiquity, the > navicularti were forced to belong to corpora, but in turn were freed of many burdens and obligations (Cod. Theod. 13,5). Navigation in the Principate was also promoted by a forceful expansion of ports (Puteoli; Ostia/Portus [1]; Ancona; Centumcellae). There was specialization on particular routes: For example, a tombstone from Hierapolis [1] in Asia proudly proclaims that the deceased took part in 72 voyages around Cape Malea to Italy (IGR 4,841). In the large port towns, shipowners from the same town had shared premises (stationes) to facilitate communications and organization of voyages. In Ostia, these stationes were located on the square behind the theatre (Piazzale delle Corporazioni). Mosaic inscriptions identify the rooms of the mavicularii from Narbo (Gallia Narbonensis), Carales (Sardinia) and Syllectum (Africa). In step with the development of ancient navigation, a large variety of ship types with differing transportation functions developed. A mosaic in a Roman villa in Althiburus in Africa shows and names the different vessels, including a row boat for transporting horses (hippago). Large rowboats, which often had sails, were used when persons and goods needed to be rapidly transported. The actuaria had a large number of oars (Liv. 38,38,8). There also was a small fast boat (xédnc/ kélés, Lat. celes). In coastal navigation short boats with compressed bodies were used (codicaria). These boats were probably towed on the Tiber to Rome. In the harbour, smaller boats were used to pull the merchant ships to their berth or to receive their cargo (lembus/linter). Judging from legal texts and wreck finds, average merchant ships had a capacity of 50-250 t. Large cargo ships such as the grain ship Isis described by Lucian were probably an exception (Lucian Navigium, esp. 73,5-6). There are indications of the time required to travel some routes in Plinius [1], but these were probably not average travelling times but the duration of

NAVIGATION

571

individual, particularly fast voyages (Plin. HN 19,3 f.): Sicily — Alexandria 7/6 days; Puetoli — Alexandria 9 days; Ostia — Gades 7 days; Ostia — Hispania citerior 4 days; Ostia — Gallia Narbonensis 3 days; Ostia — Africa 2 days. Unlike Greece, Italy also had navigable rivers, as did especially the northwestern provinces, on which there was an active and economically significant inland navigation. From Ostia, goods destined for the city of Rome were transported up river on the Tiber (> Tiberis). —+ Commerce; > Grain Trade, Grain Import; > Harbours, docks; > Inland navigation; > Land transport; — Navies; + Periplous; — Piracy; + Shipbuilding; + Travels 1 L. Casson, Mediterranean Communications, in: CAH

6, 71994, 512-526

Ancient World, *1986

2Id., Ships and Seamanship in the

3 F. Corpano, La geografia degli

antichi, 1992 4J. H. D’Arms, D. C. KoprrF (ed.), The Seaborne Commerce of Ancient Rome, Studies in Archae-

ology and History, 1980

5 A. GOTTLICHER, Die Schiffe

der Antike, 1985 6O. H6cKMANN, Antike Seefahrt, 1985 7F. MEIJER, History of Seafaring in the Classical World, 1986 8 F. MEIJER, O. VAN NiJjF, Trade, Transport and Society in the Ancient World, 1992 9A. J. PARKER, Ancient Shipwrecks of the Mediterranean and the Roman Provinces, 1992 10 P. Pomey et al, La navigation dans Pantiquité, 1997 11J. RouGé, La marine dans l’antiquité, 1974 12 Id., Recherches sur l’organisation du commerce maritime en méditerranée sous |’empire romain, 1966 13 WuiTE, Technology, 141-156. J.M.A-N.

Navigium Isidis see > Ploiaphesia Navius Attus (also Atius Navius). Legendary Roman augur (— augures) from the period of the monarchy (Cic. Att. 10,8,6), at the time of Tarquinius Priscus

(Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 30,70,1). He opposed an attempt to amend the centuriate system (Cic. Rep. 2,36). So as to discredit NA, Tarquinius is said to have tasked him with predicting from the flight of birds whether his plan was feasible. When NA confirmed that it was, Tarquinius ordered him to cut through a stone with a knife, and NA succeeded in doing so (Liv. 1,36,4; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom 3,71,2ff.; cf. also Cic. Div. 1,32). A. BARDT, Die Legende von dem Augur N.A., 1883.

LK.

Naxos [1] (Na&o0c, Naxos, Latin Naxus). A. GEOGRAPHY

B. EARLY PERIOD

5TH CENTURIES BC THE MIDDLE AGES OGY

C. 6TH AND

_D. FROM HELLENISM UNTIL E. CULTURE F. ARCHAEOL-

A. GEOGRAPHY City and island of the same name, the latter, with an area of just 420 km’, the largest of the > Cyclades. A significant topographical characteristic is a chain of mountains dividing the island from north to south (highest peak the Zia at 1004 m, also the highest point

572

in the Cyclades). The climate is pleasant with mild rainy winters and dry warm summers. The vegetation is luxu-

riant in the west, owing to plentiful precipitation, in the east on the slopes of the steep mountains, by contrast, it is scarce. A favoured object of agricultural cultivation was the local > wine, which was famous as early as

antiquity. Another important export article was (in competition with — Paros) Naxian > marble, coarser in consistency than that from Paros and permeated by crystals. B. EARLY PERIOD Numerous finds document a considerable density of settlement from as early as the Neolithic period (5th3rd millennia BC) and show N. to be an exponent of the early culture of the Cyclades (Akrotiri in the northwest, Kampos tis Makris in the east, Lakkoudes in the southwest, and later the necropolises of Hagioi Anargyroi, Aphentika, and Korphi t’Aroniou). The admittedly multilayered myth of > Ariadne points to early contacts with > Crete. As the wife of > Dionysus, the main god of N., she received cultic worship (Plut. Theseus 20). In about the rrth century BC, Ionian settlers, allegedly from Athens (Hdt. 8,46), established themselves

on N. In the archaic period N. was among the pioneers of the great Greek > Colonisation (with map). In 73 5 BC, Naxians and Chalcidians from Euboea founded the first Greek colony in Sicily, which was also given the name N. (Hellanikos FGrH 4 F 82; Thuk. 6,3,1; Diod. 14,88,1). In the 7th century BC there were lasting disputes with the neighbouring islands of Paros (death of + Archilochus) and with — Miletus, from which N. emerged as the leading power of the Cyclades. N.’s prosperity and striving for prestige are demonstrated by rich donations to > Delos, e.g. the Stoa of the Naxians with a monumental statue of Apollon and the “Terrace of the Lions’ with lion figures made of local marble. At the time the Naxian school of sculpture was famous. Several kouros figures are from its workshop (finds in the marble quarry at Apollona in the northeast with an unfinished statue of Dionysus, and in Phlerio and Pharangi to the east of the city of N.). H.SO. C. 6TH AND 5TH CENTURIES BC

From the middle of the 6th century BC, social unrest led to > tyranny, whose exponent appears to have been the aristocrat > Lygdamis [1], who was supported by the Athenian Peisistratus (Hdt. 1,61; 64; Aristot. Ath. pol. 15,3), and who for his part took the side of -> Polycrates of Samos. Under Lygdamis, N. further extended its leading maritime role in the Cyclades. With the overthrow of the tyrant by Sparta in 524 BC, there was political instability again, which in 500 BC resulted in the failed attempt by the tyrant of Miletus, > Aristagoras [3], to take exiles from N. back to their homeland, and the city of N. was besieged for four months (Hdt. 5,30-34). N. was hit hard by the > Persian Wars. In 490 BC the Persian naval commander Datis razed the city of N. to the ground, and the population was depor-

bre

574

ted (Hdt. 6,96). This resulted in a lasting political weak-

at Sangri (about 540-530 BC). In the district of Iria south of the modern city of N. the main temple of Dionysus has been discovered near the late Byzantine church of Hagios Georgios (with statues of Mark Antony). Within the city of N. there are further Hellenistic court sites surviving and on the island there are Hellenistic defensive installations (Cheimarros in the

ening, but thanks to the fertility of the island and the lucrative export of marble the economic effect was less. Before the battle of Salamis (in 480 BC), N. changed sides from the Persians to the Greeks (Hdt. 8,46). Contingents from N. also took part in the battle of Plataeae (479), so that the name of the city surfaces both on the

NAXOS

Snake Column and on the votive gift in Olympia (Syll.3 31,23; Paus. 5,23,2). In 470 BC, N. was the first state to drop out of the > Delian League, punished by the hegemonic power of Athens under the leadership of > Cimon [2] with the withdrawal of autonomy and the dispatch of Attic > klérotichoi (Thuc. 1,98). The trib-

southeast) and watch towers (Tripodes, Avlona). The

ute payments into the League’s treasury amounted at

tion archéologique a N., in: R. DALONGEVILLE, G. RouGEMONT (ed.), Recherches dans les Cyclades, 1993, 5996; G. GruBEN, Anfange des Monumentalbaus auf N., 1991, 63-71; J. B. H. JANSEN, The Geology of N., 1977;

first to 6*/,, then 15 and ultimately 21 talents (ATL 1, 350f.; 2, 81; 3, 65f.). Spared by the > Peloponnesian War, N., like the other Cyclades, became a member of the > Attic League, after the Athenian > Chabrias had defeated a Spartan fleet near N. in 376 BC (Xen. Hell. 5,4,61).

D. FROM HELLENISM UNTIL THE MIDDLE AGES In the Hellenistic period N. was part of the League of the Islanders (> Nesiotai Syll.? 390,60; OGIS 43,18). The political fates of N. depended on whoever was the supreme power of the time (Egypt, Macedonia, Rhodes). For a short time in 40 BC N., together with Andros, Tenos and Myndos, on the initiative of Antonius [I 9], was once more under the rule of > Rhodes (App. BCiv. 5,7,29; IG XII 5,38), before finally being absorbed into the Roman empire (own minting until the Severan period, end of the 2nd/beginning of the 3rd century AD). In the Roman Imperial period, N. was occasionally a place of exile (Tac. Ann. 16,9). From the Byzantine period there are numerous church buildings. N. developed a new prosperity under the Venetians (Marco Sanudo and his successors) after the conquest of > Constantinople by the Crusaders in the year 1204. E. CULTURE No noteworthy impetus to Greek intellectual life came out of N., in contrast to a rich artistic production (of ceramics). Nevertheless a number of local historians are well known (FGrH 3 B nos. 497-501). F, ARCHAEOLOGY

Apart from the mentioned early Cycladic settlements and necropoli mentioned, N. exhibits only few ancient remains. At Traghaia (Tsikalario) a necropolis from the Geometric period has been discovered (30 tumulus graves, a menhir as a boundary stone between the graves and the place of the cult of the dead). A landmark of the modern city of N. is the remains of an unfinished temple probably dedicated to Apollo on the island of Palati, which is connected with the mainland by a causeway, north of the harbour (6th century BC). In addition to the foundations (pronaos, cella with three aisles), a six-metre-high opisthodome door can still be seen. There is a further temple site (to Demeter)

location of the unknown.

epigraphically

attested

R. L. N. BarBer, D. Hapyianastasiou,

theatre

is

Mikre Vigla. A

Bronze Age Settlement on N., in: ABSA 84, 1989, 63-162; E. Curtius, N.,

1846; I. ERARD-CERCEAU et al., Prospec-

H. Kavetscu, s.v. N., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 461-

465; CH. Ucke, Wanderungen auf N., 1984.

H.SO.

[2] City on the eastern coast of — Sicily, about 5 km south of > Tauromenium at the mouth of the Santa Vénera, where a peninsula, Capo Schis6, juts eastwards into the sea. In about 735 BC (according to [1] as early as 757/6), founded as the oldest Greek colony (— Colonisation) in Sicily by settlers from Chalcis [1] and Naxos [1] under Thucles (Hellanicos FGrH 4 F 82; Ephor. FGrH 70 F 137; Diod. 14,88,1; building of an

altar to Apollo Archegetes: Thuc. 6,3,1; App. B Civ. 5,109), who five years later also founded > Leontini and > Catane (Thuc. 6,3,3). > Callipolis [5] was also a Naxian foundation (Strab. 6,2,6; Ps.-Scymn. 286). N. was conquered in about 495 BC by Hippocrates [4], the tyrant of Gela (Hdt. 7,154). In 476 BC the Deinomenid Hieron [1], who had succeeded him and his brother Gelon [1] to the tyranny, transplanted the inhabitants of N. to Leontini (Diod. 11,49,1f.). After the fall of the Deinomenids (466 BC) they returned to N. (Diod. 11,76,3f.; until 404 BC own minting: HN 159-161). During the Athenian expeditions in 427-424 BC and 415-413 BC (> Peloponnesian War) N. was on the side of the Athenians (Thuc. 4,25,7-9; 6,50,2f.; Diod. 13,4,2). Dionysius [1], who conquered N. in 403 BC, enslaved the inhabitants as a punishment (some of them, who were able to escape, settled in in > Mylae: Diod. 14,87,1; HN 161), demolished the walls and gave N. to the > Siculi (Diod. 14,14,1-3; 15,1-3; Polyaen. 5,2,5). In 358 BC Andromachus, the father of the historian > Timaeus, gave survivors from N. a new home in Tauromenium (Diod. 16,7,1). The tradition of N. continued, primarily in the coins of Tauromenium (cf. Apollo Archegetes on this city’s coins: HN 188). Archaeological finds: city walls (7th/6th cents. BC) partially excavated, plan of the archaic and classical city, potters’ quarter on the Colle Salluzzo in the north, a quite large temenos in the southwest of the city on the Santa Vénera (end of the 6th cent. BC), perhaps the sanctuary to Aphrodite mentioned in App. B Civ. 5,109. More recent excavations: [23 3; 43 5; 6]. Coins: [7; 8]. The coins of N. (from c. 5 50 BC) are of

NAXOS

great artistic value, mostly with a bearded > Dionysus and a bunch of grapes or a vine (HN 159-161). 1G.

576

So)

VALLET,

F. ViLtLarD,

Les dates de fondation

de

Megara Hyblaea et de Syracuse, in: BCH 1952, 289-346 2G. V. GentiLt, N. alla luce dei primi scavi, in: BA 41,

1956, 326ff. 3Id.,s.v. N., EAA 5, 1963, 383f. 4P. Pevacatri, N. Relazione preliminare della campagne di scavo 1961-64, in: BA 1964, 149-165; 1966, 105 5M. GuIpo, Sicily, 1967, 206f. 6M. C. LEeNnTINI, Nuove esplorazioni a N. (scavi 1989-1994), in: Kokalos 39-40, 2,1, 1993/4, too1-1025 7H. A. Cann, Die Minzen der sizilischen Stadt N., 1944 8 P. A. FRANKE, M. HrrMER,

Die griechischen Miinzen, 1964, 35-37 and figs. 1-4.

EDITIONS:

1 E. GALLETIER, Panégyriques latins, vol. 2,

1952, 147-198 (with trans. and comm.) 2D. LAssanDRO, XII Panegyrici Latini, 1992, 189-222 3C.E. V. Nixon, B. SAYLOR Ropcers,

In Praise of Later Roman

Emperors. The Panegyrici Latini, 1994, 334-385, 608-

628 (with trans., comm. and bibliography). LITERATURE: 4A. D. Bootn, Notes on Ausonius’ Professores, in: Phoenix 32, 1978, 235-249 SR. P. H. GREEN, Still Waters Run Deep: A New Study of the Professores of Bordeaux, in: CQ 79 (N.S. 35), 1985, 491-506 6W. KRo.t, s.v. N. (2), RE 16,2, 2097-2099 7M.

Mausg, Die Darstellung des Kaisers in der lateinischen Panegyrik, 1994 (with bibliography) 8 P. L. SCHMIDT, in:

HLL vol. 5, § 528.

W.-LL.

K. ZIEGLER, s.v. N. (4), RE 16, 2064-2079;J.BERARD, La

colonisation grecque, *1957, 90-107; A. SCHENK GRAF VON STAUFFENBERG, Trinakria, 1963, 351-354; M. C. LENTINI, s.v. N., EAA 2. Suppl. 3, 1995, 882-884; E. MANnNNnNl, Geografia fisica e politica della Sicilia antica, 1981, 209; R. J. A. Witson, Sicily under the Roman Empire, 1990, 229f.; BICGI 12, 265-312. E.O. GLF.

Nazares Illyrian. In AD 544, with the rank of texov (archon; dux?) per Illyricum under — Vitalis he was the

defender of Bononia (Bologna) against the Goths, and in 551 took part in action against plundering by the Slavs in the Balkan peninsula. PLRE 3, 93 6f. FT. Nazareth

(Nataoé0; Nazaréth). Town in southern Galilaea. Settled from the late 3rd millennium BC, the village of N. is first mentioned in the NT as the place of Jesus’ youth before he emerged into public life (e.g. Mt 2,23; Mk 1,9; Lk 2,4 el passim). The town, Jewish into the 4th/5th cents., became a destination of Christian pilgrimage from the end of the 4th cent. In the sth cent., a church was built on the site of the Annunciation to Mary > Maria [II 1]; (cf. Lk 1,26-38). The Christian community survived the Arabic conquest of AD 636. ~» Jesus B. Bacatti, Gli scavi di Nazaret, vol. 1: Dalle origini al secolo XII, 1967; Id., E. ALLIATA, Gli scavi di Nazaret, vol. 2: Dal secolo XIl ad oggi, 1984; W. BOSEN, Galilaa als

Lebensraum und Wirkungsfeld Jesu, 1985.

J.

Nazarius Mentioned in Jer. Chron. for AD 324 as an exceptional orator; + Ausonius also mentions him in the Commemoratio professorum Burdigalensium (14,9); he may even have taught at Burdigala/Bordeaux (otherwise [4. 243f.], against [5. 498f.]). His daughter matched him in eloquence (Jer. Chron. AD 336). The surviving panegyric to Emperor Constantinus [1] and the Caesars Crispus and Constantinus [2] II was held at Rome in AD 321 on the occasion of the Quinquennalia of the imperial sons in the absence of the addressees (cf. [3. 338]) and was adopted into the corpus of the — Panegyrici Latini. At the heart of the strongly rhetorical panegyric, whose lack of historical and political topicality is striking, stands the Emperor himself, with his virtues (fortitudo, pietas, clementia) and deeds; the main theme is the syncrisis type of confrontation with the tyrannus Maxentius. + Ausonius; > Panegyrici Latini

Nazianzus

(NattavGdc/Nazianz6s, orig. Nadiandos). Settlement in Cappadocia, later in the province of + Cappadocia II (Hierocles, Synekdemos 700,5), modern Bekarlar, 30 km east of Aksaray; from AD 325 it is recorded as a bishopric, in the r1th century a metropolitan seat and in the 14th cent. it is described as deserted. > Gregorius [3] was bishop here in 382-3. HILD/RESTLE,

244f.; W. RuGE, s.v. Nazianzos, RE 16,

2099-2101.

K.ST,

Nazirite, Nazir According to biblical records (Nm 6:121), a male or female (cf. Jos. BI 2,313: Berenice) nazirite vowed — normally for a limited period of time — to take up certain ascetic rules of behaviour: abstention from vine products and haircutting, ban on getting impure by touching a dead person (Nm 6:3-12; cf. also the rules in the Mishnah, or Talmud and Tosefta tract Nazir). If the nazirite vow was not, as in the case of Samson (Judges 13,5), taken for life, then it ended, after the deadline set in the vow, with offers of various sac-

rifices (cf. Acts 21:23f.). Though the biblical nazirite law does not indicate any reasons to become a nazirite, later texts demonstrate that it served to gain God’s help in an emergency (Jos. BI 2,313) or to express personal

devotion to God (Phil. De specialibus legibus 1,248254). Since the concluding sacrificial offering could not be guaranteed any more after the destruction of the Temple (AD 70), the nazirite vow passed out of use in the Rabbinical period. L. SCHWIENHORST, s.v. Nasirder, in: Neues Bibellexikon 2, 1995, 9o1f.; Encyclopaedia Judaica 12, s.v. Nazir, 1972, 905-907; J. KUHLEWEIN, s.v. V1V/nazir, Geweihter, in: Theologisches Handworterbuch zum Alten Testament 2, 41993, 50-53; G. Mayer, s.v. W1/nazir, ThWAT 5, 329-334.; S. CHEpEy, Nazirites in Late Second Temple

Judaism, 2005

B.E.

Nazoraeans see > Ebionaei

Nea (Néa/Néa, Néaw/Néai). Small island between ~ Lemnos and the > Hellespontus (Plin. HN 2,202),

considered part of the Thermaios Kolpos in Plin. HN 4,72 and of Thracia in Anth. Pal. 15,25,25; probably not the same as the Byzantine N., modern Hagios Eustratios

(30 km southeast of Lemnos),

but rather

NEANDREA

Ward

578

submerged, apart from the meagre remains of the rocky reef of Charos east of Lemnos. Sacred to Athena. According to Steph. Byz. s.v. Néat, > Philoctetes was bitten by the serpent here (but acc. Paus. 8,33,4 on the submerged Chryse).

citizens. The defence declared instead Phano to be Stephanus’ daughter from his first marriage and N. only his mistress. The accusation speech of Apollodorus (Ps.-Demosth. Or. 59) is a key source for Athenian family law and for the social and cultural history of the 4th cent. BC. + Hetaerae

J. Koper, Aigaion Pelagos (TIB 10), 1998, 240f.

AKU.

Nea Kome Neither the name nor the location of this settlement, only mentioned under this name by Strabo

1 C. Carey, Apollodoros, Against Neaira: [Demosthenes] 59,1992 2U.E. Paout, Die Geschichte der Neaira, 1953, 65-104.

Jz.

(13,1,45), can be precisely confirmed. The towns of "Even xdpn/Enéa Rome (Str. 12,3,23) and Aivéa/Ainéa

(Str. £3,1,45) may have been identical with NK. Néa komé phrotirion Mysias, mentioned by Steph. Byz. s.v. Néa/Néai, and the Nea or Nee mentioned in Plin. HN

2,210 and 5,124 may also be the same place. It must have been somewhere on the > Aesepus, on the frontier between the Troad and Cyzicene (> Cyzicus). W. Lear, Strabon on the Troad, 1923, 211; s.v. N.K. (1), RE 16, 2102f.

2 W. RUGE, E.SCH.

Neae (Néat; Néai). City of the > Siculi in SE-Sicilia,

birthplace of > Ducetius, leader of the Siculi, who had N. moved in 453 BC and changed the name to Palice (Diod. Sic. 11,88,6 — all MSS except P write N.). Iden-

tifying N. with the Sicilian toponyms Noae (Apollodorus FGrH 244 F 6; cf. [1. 421-434]) and > Nomae (Diod. Sic. 11,91,3) is under consideration. The reference of the ethnicon Noini in Plin. HN 3,91 to N. or Noae is also debatable. FREEMAN [2] localized N. on Monte Cafalfaro near Mineo (taken up again by [3]), MANGANARO [4. 135] in Altobrando/Spatalucente. 1G. Mancanaro, Citta di Sicilia e santuari panellenici nel IIIeII secoloa.C., in: Historia 13, 1964, 414-439 2E. A. FREEMAN, History of Sicily, vol. 2, 1891, 564 3A. Messina, in: Cronache di Archeologia 9, 1970, 24ff. 4G. ManGanaro, Alla ricerca di poleis mikrai della Sicilia centroorientale, in: Orbis Terrarum 2, 1996, 129-144. AL.MES.

Neaera (Néatoa; Néaira). [1] Helios’ mistress, mother of the cowherds tending

their father’s herd on Thrinacie (Hom. Od. 12,133). [2] Strymon’s mistress and mother of Euadne, who was spouse of > Argos [I 1] (Apollod. 2,3). [3] Daughter of > Pereus, spouse of > Aleus [1], mother of > Auge [2] (Apollod. 3,102). [4] Spouse of > Aetas (also-> Idyia; schol. Apoll. Rhod. 3,240). [5] Daughter of > Amphion [1] and > Niobe (Apollod. 3,45). LK. [6] The Corinthian hetaera N. lived with the Athenian

+ Stephanus (Athen. 13,593f-594a). His political opponent Apollodorus [1] brought a civil rights action (> xenias graphe) against N. c. 343-340 BC, accusing Stephanus of having illegally passed off his children from his marriage with N. as stemming from his previous marriage with an Athenian woman, as well as having given his daughter Phano twice in marriage to Attic

Neaethus (NéaOoc/Néaithos), Strab. 6,1,12; NavaWoc/Nauaithos, Apollodorus FHG 1,180 fr. 3, from veF- or vav- + atOm — but cf. [6]). River in Bruttium to the north of > Croton (Plin. HN 3,97), rising in the Sila mountains, modern Neto. Allegedly so called because it was there that the captured Trojan women burnt the Achaeans’ ships (Lycophr. 921 with schol.; Str. 6,1,12: hence many Achaean settlements on the N.; schol. Theocr. 4,24; Euphorion in Steph. Byz. s.v. Aoxavia; Suda s.v. Nate9oc; Etym. m. s.v. Navau8os) [1. 935; 3. 364f.]. There were pastures on the N. and marshes near the mouth (Theocr. 4,23f.) [2. 76-81]. On the middle reaches there are archaeological remains of an archaic fortress and a cultic site [4; 5. 274]. 1 NIssEN 2 2A.

J. F. Gow, Theocritus, vol. 2, 1952

BERARD, La colonisation grecque ..., 71957

442-444

3J.

4 BTCGI 5,

5 CL. SABBIONE, Le aree di colonizzazione di

Crotone e Locri Epizefirii, in: ASAA 60, 1982, 251-299

6 D. Sitvestri, A proposito di alcuni indronimi del Bruzio, in: P. Poccetti (ed.), Per un’identita culturale dei Brettii, 1988, 211-224. MLL.

Nealce (Neahxn/Nedlké, Latin Nealce). Wife of > Hippomedon [1], went out with the other widows of the

+ Seven against Thebes to bury her fallen husband (Stat. Theb. 12,122).

CLK.

Nealces (Necxnc; Nedlkés). Hellenistic representative

of the Sicyonian school of painting, which has been famous since the Classical period. In the late 3rd cent. BC he was a respected and influential court painter for his friend > Aratus [2]. Plin. HN 35, r4rf. refers to pictures of an Aphrodite, of a snorting and foaming horse along with its tamer, as well as one of a naval battle between Persians and Egyptians on the Nile. We have no details of N.’s style, but his craftsmanship is emphasized in an anecdote which is also often told about other artists (Plin. HN 35, 103f.). EAA 5, 1963, 384f., s.v. N.; A. GRIFFIN, Sikyon, 1982, 152;H. v. HEsBErG, Riti e produzione artistica delle corti ellenistiche, in: S. SEeTTIs (ed.), I Greci. Storia, Arte, Societa, vol. 2,3, 1998, 211; I. SCHEIBLER, Griechische

Malerei der Antike, 1994.

Neandrea

N.H.

(Neavdgia/Neandria, Nedvdoeia/Nedndareia). Aeolian foundation ofthe 8th/7th cent. BC, above Alexandria [2], on the 521 m high Cigri Dagi, which was probably already settled in the 2nd millenium BC.

579

580

In mythology, Cycnus [2], lord of N., Colonae and

Parthenos are from this period. In 481 BC, Xerxes levied soldiers for his fleet in N. (Hdt. 7,123). After the battle of > Plataeae in 479, N. became a member of the +» Delian League (Thuc. 1,101,3). In the + Peloponnesian War, N. allied with Thasos and Paros against Athens (411 BC: IG XI 5, 109). In 4122/1, N. was besieged by the Spartans and Thasians (Syll.* 107; IG I* 108), but was then liberated by > Thrasybulus (Xen.

NEANDREA

Tenedus (?), came to the aid of his relative > Priamus,

king ofTroy, in battle against the Greeks, and was killed by Achilles (Dictys 2,12f.; cf [3. 21f.]. N. is historically attested by its inclusion in the tribute quota lists of the > Delian League with 2,000 drachmae (ATL 3,25 Nr. 123). Around 400 BC, N. belonged to the territory of the satrapess > Mania [3] — when > Dercylidas advanced against her son, Meidias, in 399 BC, N. was drawn into the subsequent conflicts with Dercylidas (Xen. Hell. 3,1,16). Shortly after 310 BC, the city was relinquished and united with Alexandria [2] in a synoikismos (Str. 13,1,26; 47; Plin. HN 5,122). 1 W. Lear, Strabo on the Troad, 1923, 29-231

2J.M.

Cook, The Troad, 1973, 204-208 3 E. SCHWERTHEIM, H. Wiecartz, Neue Forschungen zu Neandria und Alexandria Troas (Asia Minor Studien rr), 1994. E.SCH.

Neanthes (Neav0nyc; Nednthés). [1] N. of Cyzicus. References to and some fragments of the following works under this name are preserved (FGrH 84): a Greek history (EdAnvxd, Hellenika), a history of Attalus [4] I of Pergamum (Ilegi “Attahov iotogiat, Peri Attalon historiai), writings on the myths and history of the city of Cyzicus (T& xat& mOAw wv0xd, “Qoor Kutunvey, Ta kata polin mythika, H6roi Kyziken6n), a biographical collection ‘On famous men’ (legi évd0Ewv &vde@v, Peri enddxon andrén), a piece on mysteries and cults (Ilegi teketw@v, Peri telet6n) and perhaps a work about Pythagoras and his pupils (Meo tov TIv0ayoeu@y, Peri ton Pythagorik6n). The assertion in the Suda that M. was a pupil of Philiscus of Miletus (who is reasonably certain to have died before 300 BC), and an honour from around 287 BC bestowed

on N. of Cyzicus, son of Nicoteles, by the people of Delphi (FGrH

84 T 2), are not reconcilable with the

authorship of a history of Attalus, who reigned from 241-197. It is therefore usually assumed that there were two bearers of the name N., and that the younger (2nd cent.) at least wrote the Attalus biography, while the elder (4th/3rd cents.) was the author of some or all the other works above. MLW. [2] Poet of the New Comedy; he appears with two entries on the list of victors in the Lenaea (3rd cent. BC) [1]. Nothing else is known about the man or his work; identification with the rhetor and historian N. [1]of the same name (FGrH 84) is pure speculation [1]. 1 PCG VII, 1989, 36.

T.HI.

Neapolis (Néa m0Au/Néa polis, Neaxohc/Nedpolis, ‘New City’). [1] Town on the northern coast of the Aegean to the west of the mouth of the > Nestus river, across from the island of > Thasos, modern Kavalla (Str. 7a,1,36; Ps.-

Scyl. 67), probably a Thasian colony but the exact period of foundation is unknown. Early in the 6th cent. BC, autonomous silver coinage modelled on that of ~ Eretria [1] (HN 196). Ruins of the temple of Athena

Hell. 1,1,12; Diod. Sic. 13,49,3). In 377 it became a

member of the 2nd > Athenian League. In 355 BC, N. concluded an alliance with Athens against Philip Il. Under Macedonian rule N. was not autonomous but only the port of the newly founded -> Philippi. After the battle of Philippi (42 BC), the colonia Iulia Philippensis was founded in N. In the early Christian period it was renamed Christopolis; episcopal see. B. Isaak, The Greek Settlements in Thrace until the Macedonian Conquest, 1986, tof., 66-69; F. PAPAZOGLOU, Les

villes de Macédoine a l’€poque romaine (BCH Suppl. 16), 1988, 403f.; H KaBdda xat h meoroyt ts N. (Tomo ovpmou, Praktika 1977), 1980; D. LAZARIDES, s.v. N., PE, 614.

Ly.B.

[2] Colony of Cyme [2], Chalcis [1], Athens and Pithecussae (Str. 5,4,7; Liv. 8,22,6; Vell. Pat. 1,4,2) with a

small territory on the gulf named after N., founded after the naval victory of Hieron [1] of Syracusae over the Etrusci in 474 BC; modern Naples (Italian: Napoli). The town of N. was located on a hill by the gulf only a short stretch away from the old Cymean settlement of Parthenope on the Pizzofalcone promontory (which for differentiation was then called Palaeopolis: Liv. 8,22,5). With its central location on the gulf, N. pushed aside Cyme as the maritime and trade centre. N. maintained good relations with Athens (cf. the torch run established for the siren + Parthenope: Timaeus FGrH 566 F 98). Around 400 BC, the > Samnites predominated in N. (cf. the Italic names of officials, cf. Nypsius, i.e. Numisius in Diod. Sic. 16,18,1). Ina war with Rome (328-326), N. was defeated but concluded a foedus aequum

(maintaining

autonomy;

Liv.

8,22,7;

25,9;

26,6), which gained N. solid economic advantages because Rome’s military expansion in the Mediterranean opened new territories to N.’? commerce.

In the battles against > Pyrrhus (Zon. 8,4) and in the first two > Punic Wars (Pol. 1,20,14 and Liv. 22,32,4; 23,14f.; 24,13,7), N. loyally stood by Rome and yet preserved its character as a Greek polis (Greek language, constitution, asylum law, minting, Greek calendar; Cic. Tusc. 1,86; Tac. Ann. 15,33,5f.: Graeca urbs). A setback for the commercial and political significance of the town was the foundation of > Puteoli in 194 BC. In 89 BC, N. became a municipium in the tribus Maecia (Cic. Balb. 21). Because it sided with Marius during the

Civil Wars, [I 1], N. was hit particularly hard by the retaliatory measures of Cornelius [I 90] Sulla in 82 BC (massacre of merchants, confiscation of its fleet and removal of its control over + Pithecussae, App. B Civ. 1,89; Cic. Fam. 13,30,1; Cic. Att. 10,13,1). Sponsored

581

582

by Augustus (Plin. HN 18,114), N. soon became a Roman colonia (CIL X 1, p. 171). N. was first conquered by - Belisarius in 536 (Procop. BG 1,8,43ff.; 9,8ff.) and then by > Totila in 543 (Procop. BG 3,8,1). Famed for its agricultural products (Dion. Per. 357), viticulture (Plin. HN 14,69) and the beauty of its landscape, the surroundings of N. became one of the most exclusive residential areas of the Roman ruling class during the late Republic (cf. Hor. Epod. 5,43; Verg. G. 4,564; Ov. Met. 15,712; Cic. Sull. 17; Plin. HN 9,167). Archaeology: Knowledge of the town’s public buildings is hampered by modern construction. The main evidence of the Greek and Roman town is the town plan per strigas (— Surveyors) and the city walls. The walls were built in the sth cent. BC, reinforced in the 4th cent. BC, restored under Augustus and again after the earthquake of AD 62, and finally expanded in AD 440 (cf. CIL X 1485). From the Roman period: baths by the road to Puteoli, remains of public buildings in the area of the ancient agora (theatre, odeion, macellum, modern S. Lorenzo Maggiore, and temple of the Dioscuri). In Late Antiquity the urban structure increasingly decayed. From the 5th cent. BC, the muncipal > necropoleis spread on the hills around the ancient centre on the north, east and west side. Since the Hellenistic period subterranean — burial complexes (— Hypogaeum) formed around the original core areas and developed

Sic. 16,69,3) and the siege of Syracusae by > Claudius {I rr] Marcellus in 213 BC. (Liv. 25,5f.).

from the 2nd cent. AD into > catacombs, which were in

use well into the roth cent. There were cults of Apollo (and the hero Eumelus) and Demeter (Cic. Balb. 55; Actaea: Stat. Silv. 4,8,49; Thesmophoros: IG XIV add.

756a Z. 1). The Thesmophorus cult (~ Thesmophorus) was identified from a dedicatory gift found near S. Aniello di Caponapoli on the acropolis. A temple was dedicated to the > Dioscuri near S. Paolo (remains of the rst cent. AD; Stat. Silv. 4,8,45: dii patrii). The maritime significance of N. was documented by various lesser cults (sirens, Parthenope, Aphrodite Euploia, Leucothea, Athena Sikele). W. D. Coutson, s.v. N., PE, 614f.; M. FREDERIKSEN, Campania, 1984, Index s.v. N.; Storia di Napoli, vol. 1, 1967; I. BALDASSARRE (ed.), Archeologia urbana e centro

antico di Napoli, 1983; Napoli antica. Catalogo della mostra, 1985; Neapolis, Atti del XX V Convegno di Studi sulla Magna Grecia (Taranto 1985), 1988; G. Mappout, I

NEAPOLIS

K. ZIEGLER, s.v. N. (5), RE 16, 2122f.; H. P. DROGEMUL-

LER, Syrakus, 1969, tosff.

[4] (Neaoduc; Nedpolis). A quarter of + Leontini that

+ Timoleon

vainly attacked in the struggle against

+ Hicetas [1] in 343 BC (Diod. 16,72,3). K. ZIEGLER, s.v. N. (6), RE 16, 2122.

[5] (Nedodtc;

Nedpolis). Town in the territory of + Acragas, where > Dion [I 1] was defeated in 3 56 BC by > Pharax (Plut. Dion 49,1). K. ZIEGLER, s.v. N. (7), RE 16, 2122.

E.MEY.

[6] Small town in northeast Caria (Ptol. 5,2,15; Hierocles, Synecdemus 688,7). Its ruins are located on the

right bank of the Harpasus river [1] near Inebolu, rr km south of Harpasa near the valley’s exit to the plain of the Maeander [2]. Inscriptions and coins of the rst cent. BC to the 3rd cent. AD. W. RuGE, s.v. N. (12), RE 16, 2126; ROBERT, OMS 697-703.

6,

H.KA.

[7] Town attested from the Hellenistic period [1. 415] in the border region between Phrygia and Pisidia, member of the tetrapolis in the Killanion pedion (Str. 13,4,13; [25 3. 39]), possibly modern Sarki Karaaga¢ [4. 347]. Represented at the council of Nicaea by bishop Hesychius [5. 47]. 1 Rosert, Villes

2Id., in: Hellenica 13, 1965, 89-94

3 B. Levick, Roman

Colonies in Southern

Asia Minor,

1967 4BELKE/MeERSICH 5 E. HONIGMANN, La liste originale des péres de Nicée, in: Byzantion 16, 1942/1944, 17-76.

E.O.

[8] From the later rst cent. AD the name of a quarter of

Alexandria [1] with grain stores and docks, by the large harbour, roughly the area of the former palace district. A. ADRIANI, Repertorio d’arte dell’ Egitto greco-romano, Serie C 1-2, 1966; A. CALDERINI, Dizionario dei nomi

geografici e topografici dell’Egitto greco-romano, vol. 1, 1935, 131-2; vols. 3,4, 1983, 323; P. M. FRAZER, Ptolemaic

Alexandria,

vols.

1-3,

1972;

G. Grimm,

Alex-

andreia. Die erste K6nigsstadt der hellenistischen Welt, 1998.

K.J.-W.

culti della Campania antica, in: G. PUGLIESE CARRATELLI (ed.), Storia e civilta della Campania, vol. 1, 1992, 247270; BTCGI

12, 165-239;

G. La Posta, N. Storia di

Napoli e del meridione d’Italia, 1994; A. Mucaia, L’area di rispetto nelle colonie magno-greche e siceliote, 1997, 102-105. A.MU.

[3] (Néa xdtc/Néa polis, Neaxodtc/Nedpolis). A quarter of + Syracusae, from the west opposite Achradina to the Great Harbour (cf. Cic. Verr. 2,4,118f.). In 404

BC, > Dionysius [1] I defeated the Syracusan citizens’ army there (Diod. Sic. 14,9,5). N. is also mentioned in the context of the conflict between — Hicetas [1], ~ Dionysius [2] II and > Timoleon in 344 BC (Diod.

[9] (Nedstodtcg; Nedpolis). Town in Africa Proconsularis

(Zeugitana) on the east coast of > Cape Bon, modern Nabeul. Old Phoenician or Punic foundation that was possibly originally called Ort hdst (‘new town’) or Mam hds (‘new place’). Written evidence: Thuc. 7,50,2, Kaexndovaxov éumdetov; Ps.-Scyl. tro (GGM

1,89); Str. 17,3,16. In 310 BC, — Agathocles [2] took N. (Diod. Sic. 20,17,1). In 148 BC, L. > Calpurnius [I 16] Piso Caesoninus conquered N. (Zon. 9,29,1). The inhabitants accused the consul of having permitted the plundering of the town despite an agreement with him (App. Lib. 110,519; also Diod. Sic. 32,18). N. became a

NEAPOLIS

583

584

civitas tributaria (Str. 17,3,16). In the period of Caesar or of Augustus, N. was initially a civitas libera (Plin. HN 5,24). Somewhat later the town received the rank of a > colonia (Ptol. 4,3,8; CIL VIII 1, 968); cf. also Bell. Afr. 2,6; Itin. Anton. 56,8; Tab. Peut. 6,2. A bishop is first documented in AD 256 (Cypr. Sententia episcoporum 86). Epigraphy: CIL VIII 1, 968-976; CIL VIII Suppl. 4, 24098; AE 1993, 1742.

Nearchus (Néaoyoc; Néarchos). [1] Attic black-figure vase painter and potter of the high Archaic Period, c. 560 BC. His name appears on eight vessels; of these one painter’s and four potter’s signatures are certainly his. N.’s importance is based primarily on the fragment of the great kantharos from the Acropolis with the painter’s signature (Athens, NM Acr. 611 and AP 67), depicting > Achilles harnessing his team of horses and the handover of weapons. By choosing the motif of harnessing — here for the first time in Greek pictorial art — N. portrays the special relationship Achilles has with his immortal horses (cf. Hom. Il. 19,400-424) and points to the fateful significance of the imminent battle with Hector. A second kantharos from the Acropolis was painted with a > Gigantomachy (Athens, NM Acr. 612). A lipped bowl in Berne (private collection) with N.’s potter’s signature and the oldest depiction of Heracles and Atlas can be linked stylistically to the two kantharoi; it thus also appears likely that the other bowls and the aryballos with potter’s signatures also belonged to the work of the painter N. The > Little Masters Ergoteles and Tleson, who signed as sons of N., continued his workshop; a dedication by N. of a marble statue of the sculptor > Antenor [2] on the Acropolis at a time when it is very unlikely that N. himself could still have been working (c. 530520 BC) also attests to the lasting success of this workshop. -~» Black-figured vase painting

AATun 050, map 30, no. 183; C. LEPELLEY, Les cités de l’Afrique romaine au Bas-Empire, vol. 2, r981, 151-1533 F. WINDBERG, s.v. N. (26), RE 16, 2130f. W.HU.

[10] s. > Leptis Magna [11] Town in > Samaria on the north slope of Mount Garizim, modern Arab Nablus. After the destruction of ~» Sichem 2 km to the east in 107 BC and of the Samaritan temple on Mount Garizim by Iohannes > Hyrcanus [2] I, N. was founded in AD 72/3 after the First Jewish

War by — Vespasianus as Flavia Neapolis, probably also out of concern over new religious uprisings by the Samaritans, who had repeatedly attempted to rebuild their temple. Therefore, a Zeus temple was built on the site of the Samaritan sanctuary. Because of its locationa in a fertile region the intersection of important trade routes, and the importance

of Mount

Garizim,

N.,

which had a theatre and a hippodrome, became the main settlement of Samaria along with — Sebaste. In the 3rd cent. AD, N. was elevated to the status of ~ colonia under > Philippus Arabs, in the Byzantine period it became an episcopal see. A long, persistent revolt of the Samaritans against Christian rule was sparked by the building of a church of the Mother of God in 484 on Mount Garizim, spreading to all of Samaria and almost resulting in the destruction of the Samaritan community. I. MAGEN, £359:

s.v. Shechem/Neapolis,

NEAEHL

4, 1354J.P.

[12] A North Babylonian town only mentioned in -> Isidorus [2] of Charax (Stathmoi Parthikoi 1; [1. 208]), a station on the Parthian royal road. The ‘royal canal’ (— Naarmalcha) branched off from the Euphrates

towards — Seleucea on the Tigris near N. The approximate location [2] is evident from Isidorus but it has not yet been identified with a ruin mound. 1 A. OPPENHEIMER,

Period, 1983, 208

V 3,1983 8.

Babylonia Judaica in the Talmudic

2H. WaLDMANN et al., TAVO-map B

31. PiILt-RADERMACHER et al., TAVO-map B V J.OE.

Neapolitanus. Tribunus militum in one of the Syrian legions. In AD 66, the governor C. Cestius [II 3] Gallus sent him to > Jerusalem, in order to report on the unsettled situation there which was attributed to the behaviour of > Gessius Florus (Jos. BI. 2,16,1-2). In the

following year as praefectus alae he protected the town of Scythopolis (see > Beisan) against the insurgent Jews

PIR? N 36.

W.E.

BEAZLEY, ABV 82-83, 682; BEAZLEY, Paralipomena 30-

31; BEAZLEY, Addenda* 23; E. SIMON, Die griechischen Vasen, *1981, fig. 64; H. Jucker, Herakles und Atlas auf einer Schale des Nearchos in Bern, in: U. HOCKMANN (ed.), FS F. Brommer, 1977, 191-199. HM.

[2] Participant in the Asian campaign of > Alexander [4] the Great, writer of a > periplous from the mouth of the Indus to Mesopotamia. Son of Androtimus of Crete, resident in Amphipolis (not before 357 BC), was exiled in 337 with other boyhood friends of Alexander’s. After the death of > Philippus II he returned as > hetairos of Alexander, was honoured in Delphi (Syll.3 266) and in 334 was appointed satrap of Lycia/Pamphylia by the king. In 329 he was recalled and with > Asander [1] he delivered mercenaries to the king in Bactra (s. > Bactria). In India a N. (perhaps this one) appears once as ~ chiliarchos of the hypaspistai (Arr. Anab. 4,30,5). In 326 N. was trierarchos of the river fleet on the Hydaspes and became its commander (Arr. Anab. 6,2,3; Arr. Ind. 18,4,10). When the fleet was in danger, Alexander personally took charge of it (Arr. Anab. 6,5,1—-4, cf. ibid. 7 and 6,13,13,14,4). N.’s description seems to have started with this voyage (FGrH 133; title unknown; see below).

Having arrived at the Indus delta, Alexander sent a fleet under N.’s command on a reconnaissance expedition along the coast as far as the mouth of the Euphrates; Alexander’s trusty helmsman (Arr. Anab. 7,5,6) was assigned to N. as navigation officer. > Arrianus’

585

586

[2] portrayal of India (Indiké) is based on N.’s description of this voyage. Attacked by the Indians, the fleet had to set off in 325 before the equinoctial storms had abated. The greatest problem on this wild coast was the acquisition of provisions. Even insidious raids on the coastal tribes produced very little (s. Arr. Ind. 27-8). In spite of arguments between N. and > Onesicritus (Arr. Ind. 32,9-12), the fleet was able to get to the coast of + Carmania with the aid of hired pilots. N. was able to reach Alexander with a small retinue, just as he was celebrating the crossing of the Gedrosian desert with agons(Arr. Anab. 6,28,3; Diod. Sic. 17,106,4-5, falsely located; Ind. 3 3-3 5, partly fictitious). The king sent him to the mouth of the river to continue his journey and back to the ships at Susa. At the honorific ceremonies in ~ Susa, N. and Onesicritus were given gold wreaths (Arr. Anab. 7,5,6; diff. in Arr. Ind. 42) and N. married Alexander’s former mistress > Barsine. A fleet command planned for the Arabian campaign (Arr. Anab. 7,25,4) came to nothing owing to Alexander’s death. During Alexander’s last weeks, N. was often in his presence and perhaps also delivered to him the priests’ warning not to enter Babylon (Plut. Vit. Alex. 73,1; Diod. Sic. 17,112,3-4; diff. in Arr. Anab. 7,16-17). The ~» Alexander Romance made him one of the conspirators who poisoned Alexander.

VII

After Alexander’s death, N. had no real future in the

world of the Macedonian marshals. His suggestion to elect his step-son — Heracles [2] as successor was greeted with ridicule (Curt. 10,6,r0-13). Under > Antigonus [1] he found employment as an officer and adviser to the young Demetrius [2] Poliorcetes (Diod. 19,19,4—5,69,13 Plut. Vit. Eum. 18,6). N.’? s account ended with Alexander’s death. It belongs to the kind of memoir literature which systematically falsifies the facts to suit the author ({2]; s. ~» Autobiography II.). Nevertheless, he had a sharp eye for the wonders of nature and remarkable events; for Arrian [2] his work was a secondary source for India. We know little about N.’s style, since we read him almost only transcribed by the practised stylist Arrian. 1 FGrH 133

2 E. Baptan, Nearchus the Cretan, in: YCIS

24, 1975, 147-170. Berve 2, No. 544; A. B. Boswortn, A Historical Commentary on Arrian’s History of Alexander, vol. 2, 1995, 361-365; HECKEL, 228-33; P. PEDECH, Historiens, Compagnons d’Alexandre, 1984, 162-214; G. WirTH, Studien

zur Alexandergeschichte, 1985, 51-75.

EB.

NEBUCHADNEZZAR

317,

both

> chthonian

gods, or with

“Eep10/

Erbeth and Maxeopy0/Pakerbeth; PGM IV 2213. In magic N. denotes — Hecate/-> Selene/— Persephone (PGM IV 2524; 2743), but also represents — Isis/Hecate (PGM III 46f.) and > Aphrodite (PGM IV 2913).

She is able to exert pressure on > Seth/Typhon (-> Typhoeus) (PGM XIV c 23). The most likely explanation of the name is as Babylonian [1. 333]. + Magical papyri 1TH.

Hoprner,

Orientalisch-Religionsgeschichtliches

aus den griechischen Zauberpapyri Agyptens II, in: Archiv Orientalni 3, 1931, 327-358. CZ

Nebridius [1] Praefectus praetorio Orientis in AD 365. N. was

born in Etruria. His career led through lesser offices, held prior to 354, via the comitiva Orientis 354-358 and the quaestura (sacri palatii) at the court of the Caesar > Iulianus [11] 359(?)-360 and finally to the Praetorian Prefecture of Gaul (Lib. Epist. 1315). N. attained this office in 360, but withdrew into private life as a loyal follower of Constantius [2] II in 361, when Julian was readying himself for a campaign against the latter (Amm. Marc. 21,5,10-12). After Julian’s death, N. went to the east, and was raised in the late summer of 365 to praef. praet. Orientis by > Valens. When — Procopius usurped the throne on 28.9.365, he had N. arrested and removed from office. N died shortly thereafter (Them. Or. 7,91b; 92C¢). PLRE 1, 619 No. tr.

AG.

[2] Under Theodosius I, comes rerum privatarum AD 382-385, praefectus urbi of Constantinople AD 386388. Married > Olympias [4] in 389; for the occasion, + Gregorius [3] of Nazianzus composed a wedding poem (PG 37, 1542ff.); he died in 390. PLRE 1, 620, no. 2. K.G.-A. [3] N. who came from the surroundings of > Carthage, followed his friend > Augustinus to Milan. He worked occasionally as > grammaticus, and opposed Augustine’s Manichaeanism and belief in astrology. Baptized shortly after Augustine (AD 387/88), N. returned to Africa, where he died around 390 (Aug. Conf. 4,3,63 6575 leksnO NOnEyshOs Or Os 7, 253307150, Rann On l4

9,4,7). Correspondence

with Augustine:

5.043.608

Aug. Epist.

3-14. A. MANDOouZE, Prosopographie chrétienne du Bas-Empire, vol. 1: Afrique, 1982, 774-776; S. LANCEL, Saint Augustin, 1999, esp. 189-194.

AL.SCHI.

[3] Tarentinian loyal to Rome, host and (fictitious?)

philosophical interlocutor of M. Porcius —~ Cato [x] (Cich Gato n2-41):

L-M.G.

Nebutosualeth (NeBoutocovaAnd/Neboutosoualéth). Name of a deity considered to be the bringer of light (phaesphoros thea PGM XIV a 3, probably the moon goddess). N. is frequently mentioned in the Greek magical papyri in conjunction with “Ay@uWdup/Achthiophiph and EgeoyyaN/Ereschigal, PGM IV 2484; 2749;

Nebris see > Dionysus Nebuchadnezzar (Akkadian Nabd-kudurri-usur). [1] Most eminent king (1124-1103 BC) of the so-called Second Dynasty of Isin, who is still present in the later tradition. In addition to military successes (campaigns to > Elam and against Assyria) there are religious and literary activities. It is probably in the context of the

587

588

retrieval of the statue of Marduk from Elam that » Marduk was placed at the head of the Babylonian » pantheon. It is also about this time that the Babylonian creation poem > Enuma Elis originated.

where it refers both to normative bonds and to physical regularities. In the philosophy of the classical and Hellenistic periods, as well as of Late Antiquity, it was limited to physical, logical and to some degree metaphysi-

NEBUCHADNEZZAR

J. A. BRINKMAN, s.v. N., RLA 9, 192-194; W. G. LAMBERT, The Reign of N. I, in: W. MCCuLLouGH (ed.), The

Seed of Wisdom. FS T.J. Meek, 1964, 3-13.

[2] (Greek e.g. Napovxodovoc0g (Nabouchodonosor; LXX: 2 Kg 24:1); in the Ptolemaic canon NaBoxo-

Aaooagoc/Nabokoldssaros [3.98]; Hebrew N‘bukadnesar). Most eminent king (604-562 BC) of the neoBabylonian (Chaldaean) Dynasty (-» Chaldaei), the actual organiser of the neo-Babylonian Empire

cal necessity. B. PRE-SOCRATICS In pre-Socratic texts, the concept of necessity is used without distinction for cosmic regularities and for normative bonds in human society (Anaximand. 12 Br DK; Heracl. 22 A 5; A 8 DK). Sometimes necessity is

associated with coincidence (in the sense of the absence

of intention) (Emp. 31 A 38 DK; Democr. 68 A 66-69; B 103 DK).

(+ Mesopotamia).

N. succeeded his father — Nabupolassar to the throne on 7 September 605 BC. Although he had already repulsed the Egyptians in Syria as crown prince in 605, the disputes continued. After Judea (> Judah and Israel) had taken the Egyptian side, it and its capital + Jerusalem were conquered, first in 597 and then finally in 587 or 586. The Judaean king and the upper classes were deported to Babylonia (Babylonian exile). The rest of his reign remained — apart from minor attempts at rebellion — peaceful. Only > Tyrus managed at first to resist Babylonian conquest; it did not fall until 575 after years of siege. Babylonia is also supposed to have mediated in a border conflict between the Medes and the Lydians (Hdt. 1,74). The surpassing characteristic of the period is the country’s flourishing economy and culture: N. had the capital > Babylon extended magnificently (palaces, temples, a processional road with the > Ishtar Gate and others). The remains

uncovered by excavations are for the most part from N.’s time. There is testimony to the economic capacity in numerous cuneiform documents from temple and private archives. After N.’s death he was succeeded to the throne by his son Amél-Marduk

(561-560 BC), who was soon

assassinated and replaced by > Neriglissar. In later legends N. seems to have been confused with > Nabonidus. The name N. had such prestige that two other Babylonian usurpers at the beginning of the reign of ~ Darius [1] I adopted it (522 Nidintu-bél = N. II, 521 Araka = N. IV) [2. 206]. ~ Mesopotamia 1 P.-R. BERGER, Die neubabylonischen Konigsinschriften, 1973

2R. M. CzicHon, M. P. StTRECcK, s.v. N., RLA 9,

194-206

3F. ScHMIDTKE, Der Aufbau der babyloni-

schen Chronologie, 1952.

J.OE.

Necessity A. ConceEpPT B. PRE-SocRATICS C. PLATO D. ARISTOTLE E.SToIcIsM F. SCEPTICISM AND NEOPLATONISM

A. CONCEPT The concept of necessity (&vayxn/andnké, Latin necessitas) is documented as early as pre-Socratic texts,

C. PLATO Plato, too, associates

necessity

with

— fate (Plt.

10,617¢) and was initially a supporter of a normative concept of necessity (PI. Phd. 97c-99d). Later on, he saw necessity in opposition to the sphere of > logos and insight (Pl. Ti. 47e-48a; Pl. Leg. 818d-e; 741a). A special case of such natural necessity includes the necessities of life (Plt. 373a), particularly necessary desires (Plt. 5 59a-d). In another sense, Plato speaks for the first time of demonstrations (apodeixeis) that are necessary (Pl. Tht. 162; Pl. Ti. 40c). This marks the beginning of a distinction between physical and logical necessity. D. ARISTOTLE Aristotle definitively separated the concept of necessity from the realm of the normative and social. In general terms, what is necessary (anankaion) is defined as that which cannot be otherwise (Aristot. Metaph. 5,5,1015a 33f.). Specifically, there are things that are plainly necessary, and there are things that are necessary by deduction (ibid. rorsb 9). The latter group includes above all those things that are hypothetically necessary, in a physical sense: accompanying causes (synaitia) without which a goal cannot be achieved (ibid. rorsa 20-26; Aristot. Ph. 2,9,199b 3.4ff.; Aristot. Part. an. 1,1,642a 6ff.). Within the framework of such physical necessity, Aristotle distinguishes compulsion (bia), which distracts from a purpose (télos; + teleology), and the sufficient necessity of efficient and material causes (Aristot. An. post. 2,11, 94b 27-95a 4; Gen. an. 2,1,734a 12-29). A further case of hypothetical necessity is logical necessity: the conclusions of a valid syllogism are necessary relative to its premises (An. post. 1,10,30b 3 1-40; > logic). Necessity per se or in an absolute sense (haplos) is partly physical, partly definitional. In the physical sense, the eternal itself is necessary (Metaph. 5,5,r015b ro—16) — that which is always the case (principle of abundance, cf. Aristot. Gen. corr. 2,10,337b 34-338a 2; Aristot. Cael. 1,12,281b 3-282a 5). In another sense, that which is inherently part of a thing (kath’ hauto) is of necessity part of that thing per se (An. post. 1,4,16). This is definitional or metaphysical necessity: X is of necessity part of the epitome of Y, if X is (part of) the definiens of Y, or

NECHO

589

59°

vice versa (ibid. 1,4,73b 16-21; 16,74b 5-10). To sum

Nechepso (Nexewd; Nechepsd). N. and Petosiris (Iletoovoic; Petdsiris),are often referred to together as ‘the ancient Egyptians’ with N. on his own as ‘the king; *they are the pseudonyms of the authors of a reference book on astrology written around 150-120 BC. Entitled “Aotookoyoupeva (Astrologovimena) and couched in a veil of mystical terminology supposedly in iambic senarii, it contained all the important teachings on Hellenistic astrology at that early date. It is possible that there was only one single author, that is to say, the priest Petosiris addressed his work to the king N. Vettius Valens (9,1,1) mentions a book 13, Galen (fr. 29) a book 14 about > iatromathematics. Subjects discussed are: the courses ofthe planets, planet areas, decans and periods of constellation visibility of the zodiac signs for the latitude of Alexandria (> Ecliptic), eclipses and comets, the rising of Sirius (Sothis), the kAijeog tic toync/Kléros tés Tychés (‘Lot of Fortune’), the position of the moon at procreation and birth, katagyat/katarchai (calculation of the most favourable moment to begin an activity), aspects (centre angles), climateric years, domicile lords and dodekatropos (the circle of twelve which turn each day). ~ Astrology

up, Aristotle not only strictly separates necessity from the normative,

but he also draws a clear distinction

among logical, physical and metaphysical necessity. E. STOICISM In Stoic philosophy, > causality was for the first time regarded as a matter of natural law. Physical necessity is thus the necessity under natural law with which something occurs because of its internal, sufficient disposition of strength (autotelés) (SVF 2, 962; 967). Necessity under natural law is irreconcilable with coincidence or choice (SVF 2, 966; 967). The theory that everything occurs out of necessity (SVF 2, 940; 941) therefore amounts to a strict determinism which provides the opportunity to link necessity with fate and (cosmic) Mind (SVF 1, 160; 2, 913; 962; 966; 967; 1076). In addition, the Stoics acknowledged the logical necessity of valid conclusions relative to premises (SVF 2, 238), but also of certain propositions that are viewed today as logically or analytically true (SVF 2, 219; 201; > logic; cf., however, Sext. Emp. Adv. math. 8,301; 385-388; Diog. Laert. 7,45). > Epicurus as well, for example, presupposes the concept of necessity under natural law (Cic. Fat. 21); the same holds true of the Neoplatonists in their defence of physical long-distance effects (lamblichus in Simpl. in Aristot. Cat. 302,29). See also > natural philosophy. F. SCEPTICISM AND NEOPLATONISM Like some Pre-Socratics and Plato, the Sceptics

regard necessity as that which is removed from human planning and control (Sext. Emp. Adv. math. 11,143; Sext. Emp. P.H. 1,193). Neoplatonists like — Plotinus and > Proclus also take up this concept. From a metaphysical perspective, necessity is the principle of separation and multiplicity (Plot. Enneades 2,9,9,72-75; 2,2,2,18-26, 33-39; Procl. Platonis theologia 6,404405 Portus). The third form of necessity, according to Neoplatonism, is the necessity with which the soul enters the perceivable world and becomes active in it—a necessity that results from the essence of the good (Plot. Enneades

4,3,13,23-27;

8,5,1-4;

6,8,4,12-15).

The

Neoplatonic differentiation of the concept of necessity had a profound effect on Kantian and Hegelian thought in this context. H. FRANKEL, Dichtung und Philosophie des frihen Griechentums, 1962; K. GarserR, Platons ungeschriebene Lehre, 1963, 190-195; R. SoRABJI, Necessity, Cause, and

Blame:

Perspectives

on Aristotle’s Theory,

1980; M.

FREDE, Die stoische Logik, 1974, 87-88, 107-117; S. SAMBURSKY, Physics of the Stoics, 1959, 73-78; J. HINTIKKA,

Time and Necessity: Studies in Aristotle’s Theory of Modality, 1973; L. StoRVANES,

Proclus: Neo-Platonic Phi-

losophy and Science, 1996; R. Botton, Aristotle on Essence and Necessity in Science, in: Proceedings of the Boston Area Colloquium in Ancient Philosophy 13, 1997,

Li3—130.

W.DE.

FRAGMENTS:

E. Riess, Nechepsonis et Petosiridis frag-

menta magica, 1891, 325-394. LITERATURE: W. UND H. G. GuNDEL, Astrologumena, 1966, 27-35. W.H.

Necho. Greek form of the name of two Egyptian kings. [1] N. I. (NR3w). Local ruler in the western Nile Delta c. 672-664 BC, father of Psammetichus I, the founder of the 26th Dynasty. N. was the only one of the Delta princes to be pardoned by > Assurbanipal despite his participation in an anti-Assyrian conspiracy and was

reinstalled as ruler in Sais. According to Hdt. 2,152,3, N. was killed during the Nubians’ advance north (probably in 664 under Tanutamun). [2] N. IL Egyptian Whm-jb-R° Nk3w, Assyrian Nika, Greek Nex@co (Nek6s; Hdt. 2,158,1; 4,42,2), Nexaw (Nechao; LXX: 2 Kg 23:29). Second king of the 26th Dynasty (610-595). Like his father Psammetichus I, he tried to support the declining Assyrian Empire. During his advance into Asia, Josia of Juda was defeated and killed at Megiddo in the year 609 and his succession was arranged by N. (2 Kg 23:29ff.). The operations on the Euphrates were initially successful, but in 605 N. was defeated by the Babylonian crown prince > Nebuchadnezzar [2], at > Karchemish. As a result, the Egyptians were driven out of the Syrian and Palestinian region. In 601/600, however, N. was able to ward off an attack on Egypt by the Chaldaeans ( Chaldaei) and regain > Gaza. He built Mediterranean and Red Sea fleets and began to have a canal dug between the Nile and the Red Sea. According to Hdt. 4,42,2, Phoenician sailors sailed round Africa on his orders. N. strove for good relations with Greece; there is evidence of several dedications to Greek temples [3]. He was the only king of the 26th Dynasty whose remembrance (for unknown reasons) was persecuted.

NECHO

591

592

1 TH. SCHNEIDER, s.v. N., Lexikon der Pharaonen, 1994,

in Cerveteri). As in Greece, neck ornaments are worn by

169-170

Etruscan men in early times, and amulet necklaces by children. In the Roman period neck ornaments are usual for women only (Quint. 11,3.; Apul. Met. 5,8.; Suet. Galba 18). Popular were neck ornaments worn tight around the neck, often fitted with crescent-shaped lunulae serving as amulets (see also e.g. Plin. HN. 37,44) and wheel-shaped ornaments on the clasp. Much beloved were also the necklaces called catellae

B. Ltoyp,

2D.B. REDFORD, s.v. N., LA 4, 368-371

Herodotus.

Book II, Commentary

1988, 149-164.

3A.

99-182, KJ.-W.

Neck ornaments A. GREECE

B. ETRURIA AND ROME

A. GREECE Neck ornaments famously play a role in the myth of ~ Eriphyle, as they do in that of > Scylla (Aesch. Choe. 613-622). The comedy Plokion by Menander also deserves mention (cf. Plut. Mor. 2,141d; Gell. 2,23,6). In Aristaen. 1,1 the stones of the necklace are organised in such a way that they give the name of Lais. Neck ornaments (Gdvovov/halusion, xaOynualkathema, wavvoc/ mannos, waviixnd/manidkes, dQuoc/hormos, mOxtov/ plokoin) as a chain or a rope, with and without pendants, have survived in great numbers throughout the Mediterranean since early times, with materials such as coloured stones and gems, metals, clay etc., and in the most varied forms and combinations. The neck ornaments of the pre-Mycaenean, Mycaenean and Minoan periods (Aegina treasure, London, BM; ‘Priam Treasure’, formerly Berlin) had already attained a high technical and artistic quality (some with granulation and filigree). Here, the foxtail chain with its figures of eight and entwined double loops was developed, a motif still

and catenae (Hor. Epist. 1,17,55; Isid. Orig. 19,31,11),

which hung down as far as the hips, and also the lineae with stringed pearls or bored gemstones. Neck ornaments are portrayed on numerous monuments, including wall paintings and > mummy portraits. There are also many finds from the towns around the Vesuvius and the necropolises of Italy and the provinces. ~» Jewellery I. BLANCK, Studien zum

griechischen Halsschmuck

der

archaischen und klassischen Zeit, 1974; H. BUsinc, Ein goldenes Halsband mit Amphoren-Anhangern, in: Antike Welt 23, 1992,

123-128; I. G. DAMM

e.a. (ed.), Gold-

schmuck der rémischen Frau, exhibition Cologne 1993; A. D’Amicis, Collane, in: E.M. de Juliis (ed.), Gli ori di Taranto in Eta Ellenistica, exhibition Hamburg 1989, 193-224; B. Deppert-Liprirz, Griechischer Goldschmuck, 1985; A.-M. MANrERE-LEvEQUE, L’évolution des bijoux ‘aristocratiques’ féminins a travers les trésors protobyzantins d’orfévrerie, in: RA 1997, 79-106; B. PFEILER, R6mischer Goldschmuck des ersten und zweiten Jh.

dominant today. From the archaic period, neck-chains

n.Chr.

are known, and fabric bands worn tight around the neck with one or more pendants (e.g. acorns and animal heads), which are fixed to a chain with T-shaped eyes. Before the middle of the sth cent. BC a novelty appeared: a moving pendant, no longer fixed rigidly to the chain but swinging with the movements of the wearer. Characteristic of the 4th cent. BC are flat necklaces, which look like they are braided, constructed from many loops in the foxtail-chain technique (probably the mAOxtov/plokion) and the later much-loved spearhead pendant (Sgu0¢ Aoyywtdc/hormos lonchotés). Cordlike foxtail chains should be mentioned as well. After the middle of the 4th cent. BC neck ornaments are no longer tied to the neck with strings, but have hook-andeye clasps, covered with lion heads and lying on the throat (- torques). To decorate the clasp the knot of Heracles was chosen. To these different forms of neck ornaments amulet pendants (perideridia) must be added, chains with crescent-shaped pendants, animal-head chains with dolphin, lion, antelope or lynx clasps, and also bandoleer necklaces. In the Hellenistic period, chains were worn not only around the neck but also hanging from the shoulders of garments.

Untersuchungen zur Chronologie frith- und hochhelleni-

nach

datierten

Funden,

1970;

M.

stischen Goldschmucks, IstForsch 37, 1990.

PFROMMER,

RH.

Necromancy ~ Divination technique, a form of symbolic commu-

nication with the dead outside the > cult of the dead proper.

Greek

véxvia/nékyia,

vexvowavteia/nekyom-

anteia (borrowed into Latin) described the necromancy ritual and is the title of literary and visual representations (Plin. HN 35,132; Gell. NA 16,7,12; 20,6,6; Plut.

Mor. 740e-f; Lucian. Menippus). There are hints of necromancy rituals in the so-called + Magical Papyri (PGM VII 285; Il 278; IV 222; 3rd or 4th cents. AD).

The most detailed sources from ancient Greece and Italy, however, are mythological discourses in epics (Hom.

Od.

11: Odysseus consults > Teiresias; Verg.

ads, coil chains) and material. These are already evident

+ Anchises) and in pictures (esp. ‘Odyssey’ scenes; evidence: [4. esp. 876 f.]). In those epics necromancy occupies a whole book and is the centre of composition and the turning point in the narrative. In the ‘Odyssey’ the consultation itself is prepared by ritual activities ( libation/choé of honey mixture, wine, water; sacrifice of blood; holocaust sacrifice). This account contains components of the Hittite so-called ‘mining rituals’ ([5. 269-279]; for necromancy in the Ancient Near East see [3; 7]); how and when these rituals reached Greece is unknown (cf. [6. 88]; > Aegean Koine). Archaeological evidence of oracles of the dead

in early examples (e.g. from the Tomba Regolini Galassi

(Greek nekyomanteion: cf. Hdt. 5,92; Plut. Cimon 6,6;

B. ETRURIA AND ROME Etruscan

and

Roman

neck

ornaments

(monile,

monilia, less often collaria) also show a high quality of technique (foxtail chains, chains of braided gold thre-

Aen. 6: Aeneas consults

NECROPOLEIS

593

524

Paus. 9,39; adopted into Cic. Tusc. 1,16,37) is problematical: the identification by archaeologists of the structures at > Ephyra [3] in Thesprotia as remains of an oracle of the dead [2] is not certain [1]; nor can the oracle of the dead described in the Aeneid be localised

Exceptions, e.g. in the case of Carthage where houses and business quarters were later partly built on archaic burial sites, can be explained with an increase in population and a corresponding demand for urban settlement space. Inhumation and cremation were often practised side by side. In the eastern Mediterranean inhumation appears to have been the older rite. In the West an-incomplete — change from cremation to inhumation can be observed at the end of the 7th and the beginning of the 6th cent. The situation was different from necropolis to necropolis and hardly ever homogeneous. Inhumations were not uniformly orientated according to the cardinal points; in individual cases (e.g. Carthage) burial areas — for families or larger kinship groups — can be distinguished. On slopes the graves were arranged according to the natural contours. There were many types of graves and social stratification was only partially reflected in them. The usual fossa and pozzo graves were simply dug into the ground (pits with an elongated or circular plan, the latter, when deeper, also with side niches for the burial of cremated remains). Alongside these there were ‘shaft graves’, sometimes with very deep shafts (12-20 m and more!), rectangular or square in section and with more or less perpendicular side chambers, which were cut into the bedrock. These were particularly characteristic of the Phoenician-Punic world (examples: Sidon, Carthage, Cagliari/Sicily) even though they are not found everywhere. Chamber tombs of this kind, which were accessible by means of a ramp or a corridor, are found in large numbers on the slopes of Byrsa Hill at Carthage. The particularly lavishly furnished chamber tombs (tombeaux batis), built with ashlar masonry and probably intended for the leading aristocracy, are mostly situated on their own within the necropolis (e.g. + Trayamar). ~» Carthage (with maps); > Funerary architecture

with certainty ([5. 256-259]; > Cyme [2]). ~» Acheron [2]; > Divination; > Katabasis I 1D. Baatz, Wehrhaftes Wohnen, in: Antike Welt 30, 1999, 151-156 2S. Daxkaris, The Nekyomanteion of the Acheron, *1996 3 M. Dietricu, O. Loretz, Mantik in Ugarit, 1990 4 W. FELTEN, I. KrAusxkopr, s. v. Nekyia, LIMC 8.1, 871-878 5M. Haase, Etruskische Kultdarstellungen, diss. Tiibingen 2000 (Bibl.) 6S. I. JoHNSTON, Restless Dead, 1999 7 J. TRopPER, Nekromantie, 1989.

M.HAA.

Necropoleis I. INTRODUCTION II. ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND Ecyrpt II]. PHOENICIAN-PUNIC CULTURE IV. AstA MINoR V. BRONZE AGE GREECE VI. -— GREECE VII. ErTruriA VIII. ITALY AND ROME

I. INTRODUCTION The Greek word vexedmodic/nekropolis, ‘city of the dead’, is attested in Antiquity only in Strabo (17,1,10,14) as the name of a suburb of Alexandria [1] (> Necropolis). Modern scholarship transfers the term necropolis to cemeteries of various cultures and time periods. General definitions as to shape and size do not exist. In this article, necropolis refers only to sites of a certain size and usually lying outside the settlements themselves. The size of a necropolis, the types of graves, types of burial, burial practice and grave goods are primarily dependent on the size and significance of the accompanying settlement, but they also exhibit variation according to period and region. Sa

II. ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND EGYPT Large burial areas outside settlements are almost unknown in the ancient Near East (with the exception of the cemeteries in > Luristan from the 3rd to the rst millennium). The site of Naqs-e Rostam can be described as a royal necropolis, in whose rock tombs most of the Achaemenid rulers found their final resting place. By contrast, extended necropoleis are characteristic of ancient Egypt. There burial sites were mostly located in arid marginal regions of the desert, which could not be used for agriculture. Detailed lists with descriptions of the locations of 338 necropoleis from the early to the late periods (end of the 4th millennium until the 6th cent.) can be found in [1]. + Funerary architecture; > Pyramids 1 D. Kesser, F. Gomaa, J. MALEK, s.v. Nekropolen, LA

4, 395-449.

HIN.

II]. PHOENICIAN-PUNIC CULTURE Just as in other ancient cultures, the necropoleis of the Phoenician-Punic world were usually located at some distance from the settlements, for example on the opposing bank of a river or on the far side of a bay.

H. BENICHOU-SAFAR, Les tombes puniques de Carthage, 1982; A. BEN YOUNES-KRANDEL, Typologie des tombeaux des nécropoles puniques en pays Numide, in: Revue des Etudes de la Civilisation Phénicienne-Punique et des Antiquités Libyques (Tunis) 4, 1988, 1-48; C. Doumert, H. BENICHOU-SAFAR, s.v. Nécropoles, DCPP, 311-313; G.

LINDEMANN, Phénikische Grabformen des 7./6. Jahrhunderts im westlichen Mittelmeerraum, in: MDAI (Madrid) 15, 1974, 122-135; G. A. SarD-ZAmmitT, The Punic Tombs of the Maltese Islands, in: Rivista di studi fenici 25, 1997, 153-178; A. TEJERA Gaspar, Las tumbas fenicias y punicas del Mediterraneo Occidental, 1979. H.GN.

IV. Asta MINOR A. BRONZE AGE (UP TOC. 1200 BC) B. IRON AGE (C.1200 TO 4TH CENT. BC) C.HELLENISTIC AND ROMAN

PERIODS

A. BRONZE AGE (UP TO C. 1200 BC) While there is evidence for intramural burials in chamber tombs in southern and south-eastern Anatolia

NECROPOLEIS

595

596

(Early Bronze Age: Titris Hoyiik, Middle Bronze Age: Kiltepe, Alisar Hoyuk, Late Bronze Age: Tall Atsana/

C. HELLENISTIC AND ROMAN PERIODS In the Hellenistic period, rock graves and burials in stone sarcophagi continued, as did cremations, with the ashes being placed in marble urns in the form of a house. The erection of monumental tombs, whether rock-cut or built, continued (Belevi Mausoleum near Ephesus, Ta Marmara at Didyma, the graves of the Pontic kings in Amasya/Amaseia). One of the most extravagant graves is the tumulus of > Antiochus [16] I of Commagene on > Nemrud dag1. In the Imperial period, inhumation in stone and ter-

Alalah), extramural necropoleis dominated in the other

parts of Anatolia. Burial in large pithoi (> Pithus; Early Bronze Age: Yortan, Demircih6yiik, Middle Bronze Age: Yanarlar, Gordium, Late Bronze Age: Besiktepe, Panaztepe) was particularly typical, but there is also evidence for other burial practices, such as pot and cist graves. Cremation was practiced repeatedly (Early Bronze Age: Gedikli, Middle Bronze Age: Ilica, Late Bronze Age: Osmankayasi near Bogazkéy, — Troy,

Besiktepe), but was never dominant. In the Late Bronze Age Mycenaean chamber tombs and tholoi (Misgebi, + Miletus, Panaztepe) sporadically occurred on the western coast.; B. IRON AGE (C.1200 TO 4TH CENT. BC)

In western and central Anatolia (Lydia, Phrygia and Cappadocia)

burial

mounds

(tumuli)

have

been

found, often in larger necropoleis (Sardis, necropoleis of Bintepe, Gordium, Ankara). The oldest tumuli known to date were found in

Gordium (with map)

and date to the 8th cent. BC. Some burial mounds were monumental in size and can be connected with royal burials (tumulus MM in Gordium, graves of > Gyges

racotta sarcophagi prevailed in Asia Minor, in contrast

to the western parts of the Empire where cremation predominated. Contrary to Roman tradition, intramural burials of particularly important persons were common (Ephesus). Built tombs still occured (necropolis of Hierapolis), often modelled on Roman podium temples. Tombs of the Italian type are only rarely evident (Hidirlik Kulesi in Antalya/Attalia). In contrast, sarcophagi from Asia Minor (e.g. from Proconnessus) were exported to the whole of the eastern Mediterranean and occasionally even as far as Italy. + Aegean Koine; > Amasea; Dag; > Sardis; > Sarcophagus

— Lycia;

-» Nemrud

M. Axman, Die Ausgrabungen der megalithischen Dol-

and - Alyattes in Sardeis), also on the basis of the lit-

menanlage

erary tradition (mainly in Herodotus). In the region between Eskisehir and Afyon monumental rock tombs with lavishly decorated facades are found, as are simpler burials such as earth and pot graves. Cremations also still occurred (Gordium, Bogazk6oy). In Urartu in eastern Anatolia the members of the ruling families

LyncH (ed.), Thracians and Phrygians: Problems of Parallelism, 1998, 65-70; I. MeTIN AkyurT, M.O. 2 Binde Anadolu ’da Olii Gomme Adetleri, 1998; A. ANAN, Die prahistorischen Bestattungen in Anatolien (thesis Munich), 1987; S. CoRMACK, Funerary Monuments and Mortuary Practice in Roman Asia Minor, in: S. E. ALCOCK (ed.), The Early Roman Empire in the East, 1997, 137156; J. FEDAK, Monumental Tombs of the Hellenistic Age,

were buried in lavish stone-built chamber tombs (Van-

Kalesi, Altintepe), other graves were primarily rock-cut chamber graves and cremation burials (Dilkaya). In Thrace and Pontus there were megalithic tombs (dolmens), which can be dated to the Iron Age, according to the small number that have been found unrobbed. Along the western coast of Asia Minor the Greek practice of burying cremated remains in pits and urns, as well as of burials in pithoi and sarcophagi (archaicperiod necropoleis at Assus), dominated; however, hardly any cremation burials are documented for Ionia. For the 7th and 6th cents. BC there is evidence for

in Lalapaga,

1990; H. von

in: N. Tuna, Z. AkTURE,

GALL, Die paphlagonischen

M.

Felsgraber

(MDAI(Ist), 1. Beiheftt), 1966; E. Haspets, The Highlands of Phrygia, 1971; F. Kot, B. KupKe, Lykien, 1989;

B. OGUN,

Die urartdischen

Bestattungsbrauche,

in: S.

SAHIN, E. SCHWERTHEIM, J. WAGNER (ed.), Studien zur Religion und Kultur Kleinasiens, 1978, 639-678; F.

Prayon, A.-M. Wirrke, Kleinasien vom 12. bis 6. Jahrhundert y.Chr. (TAVO Beiheft B 82), 1994 (with map 1); W. Rant, Siedlungen und Bauten auf der Halbinsel von Halikarnassos (MDAI(Ist), 3. Beiheft), 1970; J. G. PEpLey, Ancient Literary Sources on Sardis, 1972; R. U. Russin, G. M. A. HANFMANN, Lydian Graves and Cemeteries, in: G. M. A. HANFMANN (ed.), Sardis from Prehistoric to

monumental tumulus graves (Ancient-Smyrna, Belevi).

Roman

In Caria and sporadically in Lycia necropoleis with tumulus graves are attested from the sub-Mycenaean period. In the classical period (5th—4th cents. BC), pillar and sarcophagus graves occur alongside the typical rock grave necropoleis (Myra) — which sometimes had lavishly decorated tomb facades and strong Greek influences. Some necropoleis were now laid out within the settlements. Local dynasts were occasionally buried in funerary buildings (heroa of > Limyra, > Trysa, Nereid monument in > Xanthus). There were also rock graves in Caria (Caunus) and Paphlagonia (5th cent. BC until the Imperial period).

Dagi, 1996; F. Urixt, Die archaische Nekropole von Assos

Times,

1983,

53-66; D. H. SANDERS,

Nemrud

(Asia Minor Studies, vol. 31), 1999; R. S. YoUNG, Three Great Early Tumuli (The Gordion Excavations Final Reports, vol. 1), 1981. H.GE.

V. BRONZE AGE GREECE Bronze Age (3rd millennium to c. 1200 BC) graves and burials not only document various practices, but are above all fundamental sources for the social condition of a society, its shared consciousness, the appreciation of what happens after death to all or just a favoured few, and what power these may have. Alongside its architecture and artefacts, the location and type of

7

598

NECROPOLEIS

grave and the burial practice and grave goods contain essential information for the reconstruction of early cultures. For Palaeolithic and Mesolithic societies there is not enough evidence. From the Neolithic onwards the dead were buried extramurally in Greece, but children were occasionally buried within settlements. Inhumations and cremations existed without any recognisable chronological or spatial distribution pattern. In the Early Bronze Age, simple chamber graves occurred alongside pit and cist graves, which were sometimes grouped together in several neighbouring burial mounds. These are characteristic of the necropoleis of the Cyclades, and they are occasionally found on the eastern coast of the mainland and on the northern coast of Crete. The burial customs on Crete were small-scale and diverse: mostly there were freestanding tholoi, e.g. in the south, groups of house tombs in the north-east of the island, and the dead were also buried in caves. Collective graves for village communities predominated. On the mainland, grave types and burial practices remained regionally diverse during the Early and Middle Bronze Age, though inhumations in a crouched position predominated. When the central and southern Greek cultural areas coalesced, grave types and customs gradually also became unified. Middle-Helladic necropoleis were situated close to settlements, graves frequently had a gritted surface and few or no grave goods. Graves were more richly furnished only at the end of the Middle Bronze Age; in > tumuli and shaft graves in the necropoleis a new leading class emerged, family graves with child burials emphasising the political claims of these elites. The burial practice of the Mycenaean period (from

Age, alongside various grave types in extramural necropoleis; from then on rock-cut chamber graves prevailed. The Palace Period (c. 2000-1400 BC) was accompanied by representational graves, which were individually designed in settlements with the means of palace architecture. A special Cretan peculiarity was burial in larnakes, ceramic chests or jars with lids, which were placed next to and on top of one another in communal graves. With the collapse of the political and economic system of the Bronze Age in the 12th cent. BC, grave types and burial customs did not change immediately, but the Bronze Age tradition gradually disappeared. Family graves were still used, but new ones were only rarely built. Individual graves now became typical and necropoleis were often located in the ruins of decayed settlements. In many settlements there was a transition of cremation, but the majority retained inhumation. In some villages the two forms existed side by side. The > ‘Dark Ages’ were characterised by a multiplicity of grave types, from small urn graves to the grandiose heroon of Lefkandi. One Bronze Age tradition continued: the extramural necropoleis. ~ Funerary architecture; -- Mycenaean culture and archaeology

the 16th cent. BC) was fairly uniform, even if there were

A. GENERAL

regional peculiarities: the majority of the upper class

PERIOD

R. L. N. BarBER, The Cyclades in the Bronze Age, 1987; K. BRANIGAN (ed.), Cemetery and Society in the Aegean Bronze Age, 1998; W. CAVANAGH, CH. MEE, A Private Place: Death in Prehistoric Greece, 1998; W. LOweE, Spatbronzezeitliche Bestattungen auf Kreta, 1996; O. PELON, Tholoi, tumuli et cercles funeraires, 1976; I. PINI, Beitrage zur minoischen Graberkunde, 1968. G.H.

VI. GREECE B. GEOMETRIC

D.CLASSICAL

PERIOD

PERIOD

C. ARCHAIC

E. HELLENISM

was buried in > tholoi, which were often architectural-

ly lavishly designed, while rock-cut chamber tombs were the norm. Both consisted of the actual chamber — the tholos had a built-up dome, the rock-cut chamber grave often an irregular ground-plan — and a passage (dromos)

leading downwards,

which was closed off

after the burial. Both types characteristically included multiple burials. Additional burials were possible in the dromos of the chamber grave or in its side-walls. Necropoleis were often located a great distance away from settlements, where there were outcrops of rock that was relatively easy to work for the building of tombs. Apart from custom and the desire for distance from the dead, geological conditions enforced a concentration of graves. However, evidence from individual regions differs considerably in terms of the types of graves and grave goods, and individual burials in stone cists were also common. Throughout the Aegean area inhumation was usual, but occasionally individual cremations are also found in necropoleis. The finds from the graves form the most significant basis for the reconstruction of the daily and religious life of Mycenaean culture. On Crete the tradition of collective burials in tholoi was maintained until the beginning of the Late Bronze

A. GENERAL A simultaneous occurrence of different — burial practices (cremation, inhumation) and grave types can be considered characteristic of Greek necropoleis. Athens continues to be the settlement whose necropoleis are best researched in Greece. In the rest of the country our knowledge of ancient funerary sites and customs in some cases has considerable gaps. The origins of Iron Age necropoleis seem to lie in occasionally re-used Bronze Age tholoi or chamber graves (> Funerary architecture). Another fundamental reason for the creation of organised necropoleis, which were strictly separated from the actual settlement area, lay in ideas of sacral purity which excluded burials in urban areas. This is evident, e.g., on the Athenian Agora in a cessation of burial activities from the late Geometric period. Only child burials were occasionally exempt from the prohibition against burials within towns. The erection of city walls is also closely connected with the establishment of necropoleis, since they provided a clear demarcation of the area of the city and of the necropolis from about the Archaic period. Necropoleis are regularly located along the outward roads, often to the west of

NECROPOLEIS

599

settlements (e.g.

- Kerameikos, > Eretria, ~ Thebes); this may be due to the Greek notion of the realm of the dead being located in the West. The limited number of completely excavated and published necropoleis and the great variability of the graves and their contents make generalised statements about the social stratification of Greek burial places difficult. Nevertheless, the Kerameikos in Athens shows that there were specific burial areas for those who were foreign to the city and for graves that were constructed at public expense for men who died in wars or during public service (~ Kenotaphion). Slaves were regularly buried in the burial areas of the families that owned them.

B. GEOMETRIC PERIOD Until the early Geometric period graves are still constructed among dwellings (Athens: Kerameikos, Corinth). However, by this period most graves are grouped along the roads leading out of settlements. The general lack of fortification walls often obscured the archaeologically recognizable boundaries between necropoleis and settlements. The most common grave type from the Geometric period (c. 950-c. 700 BC) is the shaft grave, which was dug into earth or rock and above whicha small > tumulus was probably raised. At the bottom of the shaft a smaller pit was dug, for either inhumation

or cremation (see C. below). Cremation was the most common burial practice at the beginning of the Geometric period, but with time it was superseded by inhumation, without ever being completely replaced by it. The great abundance of grave goods (mainly pottery vessels, jewellery and weapons) is particularly characteristic of the Geometric period. In inhumations the dead were usually placed supine but not orientated in any particular direction. The best-researched of the necropoleis of the Geometric period is the > Kerameikos in Athens (— Athens I.7.), the evidence from which is fundamental to our knowledge of the funeral practice of this period. Significant finds from the Kerameikos are large amphorae and kraters (the ‘Dipylon vases’), which could be used as urns or for receiving libations for the dead if they were standing on the grave (> Dead, cult of the). In Attica a further number of necropoleis of the Geometric period (> Eleusis, > Thoriscus, Anavyssos) have been researched. Outside Attica, ~ Eretria has a well-excavated necropolis; it is the earliest known example of a city whose necropolis was separated from the city area from the beginning (8th cent. BC) and before the walls were built. Necropoleis from the Geometric period (> Thebes/Boeotia, + Aegae [1]/Vergina; Vitsa in Epirus; the island of — Rhodes: Camirus, Ialysus and Vroulia; Argolis; Corinth; Crete) exhibit burial prac-

tices that are more or less similar to the whole of the Greek area (shaft, pit and cist graves; inhumation and cremation). In Camirus there are also stone or ceramic

sarcophagi and chamber tombs with courtyard-like dromoi (passages). Unlike on the mainland, in Crete Bronze Age burial places continued to be used. Older

600

types of graves, such as tholoi and chamber graves (e.g. Karphi, Kavoussi, Knossos), also lived on, because of

Crete’s generally great continuity of settlement from the late Bronze Age to the Geometric period. Burial in vessels, cremation and inhumation occurred chronologically in parallel, often also within a single necropolis (e.g. Aphrati). C. ARCHAIC PERIOD In contrast to the Geometric period, the Archaic period is well represented by finds from the rest of the Greek mainland. Most graves from this period are situated under burial mounds, which are now larger than those of the Geometric period. The mounds were marked by a monument. In addition to round mounds there were also rectangular ones, which in general were equipped with somewhat more modestly furnished monuments. From 600 BC, the construction method of the tumuli changed. The slopes of the earth mound are replaced with vertical walls made of stacked tiles. This allowed the erection of imposing monuments on the mounds. As in the Geometric period, inhumation and cremation existed side by side, but the deceased was now no longer cremated on a funeral pyre outside the grave shaft but directly in it. Pottery is very common: it was found both as grave goods and in offering channels as the remains of sacrificial activities during the funeral. Weapons and jewellery are now almost entirely absent. From the Archaic period, the political influence and the economic power of the leading Athenian families is expressed in lavish, sometimes monumental, burial sites,

while during funerary celebrations sacrificial rituals and agones took place in honour ofthe dead (> Burial). Outside Athens many of the necropoleis that emerged during the Geometric period continued to be used in the Archaic period (Palaia Kokkinia, Palaion Phaleron, Eleusis, Anavyssos, Thoricus, Marathon).

The necropoleis of Thebes and Eretria, Corinth and Argos exhibit more or less the same funerary practices as the Kerameikos. A particularly large necropolis in northern Greece is that of the ancient city of > Acanthus [1], near modern Ierissos (Chalcidice), which comprises about 6,000 graves and was in use from the Archaic to the Roman periods. A further significant necropolis in Macedonia is that of Sindos, not far from -» Thessalonica. Here the dead were buried in pit and shaft graves as well as in sarcophagi made of porous limestone and clay. The finds at Sindos comprise ceramic or bronze vessels, mostly of southern Greek provenance, Macedonian gold and silver jewellery, iron weapons and sheet gold for covering the mouth. Of particular interest are four gold death masks as well as miniature objects (furniture and teams of horses) made of iron. D. CLASSICAL PERIOD There are no significant changes in funerary practices during the transition from the Archaic period to the Classical period. Both the round and the rectangular

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burial mounds of the Archaic period survived into the Classical period. The pit remained the simplest grave type; in rare cases its sides were covered with stucco or plaster. In addition there were marble or limestone > sarcophagi, whose walls were given a light covering of plaster and were sometimes even painted. Stone sarcophagi and ceramic jars first appeared for the burial of children, though child burials in ceramic vessels, e.g. in used wine amphorae, remained more common. Most graves were covered with tiles. Inhumations were more frequent than cremations. From the end of the 5th cent. BC, graves were often grouped into burial areas by means of ashlar or polygonal walls. For this too the Kerameikos in Athens provides the best evidence: the monumental character of the tombs increased primarily from the second half of the 5th cent. BC. They were furnished with particular expense and care, e.g. the well-known tomb of Dexileus. The law of Demetrius [4] of Phaleron of 317 BC may have put an end to the rivalry between families for more and more splendid burial areas. Grave goods, however, show hardly any changes. Lekythoi (esp. ones with a white base), bowls and jugs are the most common finds from graves or offering channels. In the Classical period, children were either buried next to their families or in separate necropoleis (e.g. in Corinth). Necropoleis from the Classical period have been excavated in many places on the Greek mainland; the above-mentioned necropoleis of Attica and other regions of the mainland remained in continuous use and exhibited a surprising homogeneity of funerary practices. E, HELLENISM Most of the classical-period necropoleis were also in use during the Hellenistic period. Both inhumation and cremation continued to be practiced, with a preference for inhumation. Tile-covered cist graves were the most common grave type in the Hellenistic period. Children were often buried in ceramic jars. Generally, Hellenistic graves are not particularly rich in grave goods. A new type of vase were small fusiform flasks (‘tear bottles’, unguentaria), while other types of vase occur very rarely. An innovation is that the deceased were given coins, which were often placed in the mouth as ‘Charon’s fare’ (oboléi). From the Hellenistic period simple small marble pillars (kioniskoi), altar-shaped or block-like trdpezai and so-called labella (basin stands?) are used as grave monuments in Athens. In the Hellenistic period the political and military predominance of Macedonia and the structure of nobility which existed there was expressed in a series of monumental, very richly furnished graves of various types (Pl. Leg. 947 d-e), such as the so-called Macedonian chamber graves and > mausolea. Further phenomena of the Hellenistic period are the planned necropoleis in the cities founded by Alexander [4] the Great and the Diadochi (— Seleucus I, ~ Demetrius [2] Poliorcetes:

Demetrias [1]), chiefly in Asia Minor and in

the Near East.

NECROPOLEIS

The necropoleis of Alexandria [1], which are outside the sourrounding walls to the east and west of the city,

are among the well-researched large necropoleis of the Hellenistic period. In the eastern necropolis mainly Greeks and members of other ethnic groups were buried, while in the western necropolis Egyptians predominated; however, even within the necropoleis lines of separation were drawn. In the necropoleis of Alexandria two main categories of grave can be distinguished: 1) small tumuli and 2) subterranean ‘oikos’ and ‘peristyle’ graves (+ Hypogaeum, > Catacombs), whose ground-plans recall Hellenistic houses. They consist of passages and rooms with walls with niches for inhumations or cremation urns (> /oculi), which are often designed not only for one family but for a whole community. Inhumation and cremation were practiced in parallel. Similar peristyle-grave necropoleis can be found to the west of Nea Paphos (in > Cyprus). In the royal necropoleis of > Aegae [1] (Vergina) and Lefkadia in Macedonia a multiplicity of larger and smaller Macedonian graves with particularly rich grave goods have been discovered alongside more simple burials. In the Hellenistic eastern necropolis of — Pella the predominant grave type is the rock-cut chamber grave, with klinai and niches for several burials. These were built until the end of the 2nd cent. BC. Other Macedonian necropoleis with significant finds are those of + Beroea and Derveni to the north-west of Thessalonica. M. ANDRONIKOS, Ot paxedovixoi taot, in: R. GINOUVES (ed.), Makedonia, 1993, 145-190); N. COLDSTREAM, Geometric Greece (repr. in Greek 1997), 76-78, 105-109,

III-124, 163f., 194f., 214-217, 231-233, 240f., 248f., 261-264, 290f., 333-337, 368-371; T. HOLSCHER, Offentliche Raume in frithen griechischen Stadten, 1998, 63-66; U. KnicGE, Der Kerameikos von Athen, 1988; F.

Kos,

Die Stadt im Altertum,

1984, 69, 71, 77; G.

KRAUSE, Untersuchungen zu den altesten Nekropolen am Eridanos in Athen, 1975; D. C. Kurtz, J. BoARDMAN, Greek Burial Customs, 1971, 49-51, 68-70, 91-96, 162— 169; R. Martin, Architecture et urbanisme, 1987, 549597; 1. Morris, Burial and Ancient Society, 1987; F. DE Po.iGnac, La naissance de la cité grecque, 1984, 66-85; I.

SCHEIBLER, Die archaische Nekropole, 1973; K. SyR1oPOULOS, Eioaywyn sic tiv Goyatav éhAnvinny totoeiav. Ot

petaPatixol xoovot, vols. A-B, 1983-1984.

ed

VII. ErRURIA The necropoleis of Etruria are among the largest in antiquity. Characteristic of their graves is a transposition of the idea of the house: in the early Villanovan period (9th/beginning of the 8th cent. BC) into house urns, from the 7th cent. into the internal design/external shape of the tombs, which were modelled on houses. In the > Villanovan period, larger settlements like Bologna (> Bononia), Tarquinia, Cerveteri (> Caere) and

~ Veii had other in the up of small ered with a

several necropoleis separated from one anarea of the outward roads. They were made individual graves which were usually covmound and were initially dominated by urn

NECROPOLEIS

(pozzo) burials. During the 8th cent. BC inhumation in

fossa graves prevailed. The Quattro Fontanili necropolis of Veii is an exemple of the development and chronology of such necropoleis. In around 700 BC a type of chamber grave (> Funerary architecture), with the possibility of collective burial, was developed in southern Etruria out of the fossa

graves by making them larger or deeper or by tunnelling into the tuff rock, and by adding an entrance passage (dromos). In Tarquinia and Cerveteri monumental -» tumuli (more than 50 m in diameter) with correspondingly large chamber graves developed alongside smaller structures. These were erected by leading families in exposed locations and were visible from the settlement. During the 7th cent. BC the practice of building chamber graves under large tumuli spread across Etruria; outside the tuff zones grave chambers were not tunnelled out but built with ashlar blocks. The tumuli were accessible by means of ramps (Cerveteri) and were evidently sites of a cult of the dead (> Dead, cult of the. The same can also be inferred from altar-like constructions (> Florentia [1], - Cortona [1]).

In the 6th cent. BC, population growth and the predominant custom of burying only close family members in the graves brought about a reduction in the size of tomb structures, an increase in the density of graves and the merging of previously isolated necropoleis. These now took up large areas surrounding settlements and exceeded them in extent (Cerveteri, Tarquinia, Vulci).

Like the settlements, the necropoleis were also located preferably on exposed hills or on the slopes of gorges. From the middle of the 6th cent. BC round tumuli were replaced with cube-shaped types such as the ‘dado graves’ (southern Etruria); in groups they were bound into an orthogonal (Cerveteri, Banditaccia necropolis) or grid (Orvieto, Crocifisso necropolis) net of streets and thus reflected the layout of the contemporary settlement (~ Marzabotto). The rock-grave necropoleis of the tuff zones of central and southern Etruria (> So-

vana, > Blera, San Giuliano, — Norchia, — Castel d’ Asso) are examples of a geologically determined separate development. In the steep gorges which surround

the settlement plateaus the dado graves of the 4th— 2nd cents. BC were developed into richly decorated facade graves, which were built next to and above each other and occasionally represented temple facades (Norchia, Sovana: Tomba Ildebranda). Typologically they were related to the necropoleis in Lycia (— Lycii). The latest burials in Etruscan necropoleis extend into the early Imperial period. + Etrusci, Etruria (with maps); > Funerary architecture;

— House;

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— Tarquinii;

> Tumulus;

Tarquinia, 1999; H. Pout, G. Ricci, M. Moretti et al., Caere, in: Monumenti antichi 42, 1955; S. STEINGRABER, Etrurien. Stadte, Heiligtiimer, Nekropolen, 1981. — F.PR.

VIII. IrALY AND ROME A. GENERAL B. EARLY PERIOD (6TH-2ND CENTS. BC) C. REPUBLICAN PERIOD (2ND CENT. BC) D. Late REPUBLICAN TO EARLY AUGUSTAN PERIop E. IMPERIAL PERIOD TO LATE ANTIQUITY (1ST-3RD CENTS. AD)

A. GENERAL A multitude of Italian, Greek and Levantine grave types (tumulus, chamber, rock and rock-fagade graves, mortuaries raised on podia, Greek temples to heroes and to the dead, mausolea, pyramids, catacombs and hypogaea) formed the range of late Hellenistic > funerary architecture (III.C.2.) available to the Roman Empire. The simple graves of this period, which were cists mostly made of roof tiles, canalisation pipes or stone slabs with simple ash urns and few grave goods, formed a contrast to this. Busy roads or other busy places were preferred as burial places, because the attention of passers-by was believed to confer honour upon the deceased (Cic. Att. 12,19). Furthermore, funerary monuments were a means of self-promotion and were occasionally built already during a person’s lifetime. Particularly deserving citizens received honorary burials in prominent places (e.g. on the Campus Martius in Rome, in Pompeii immediately outside the city gates). In Italy, as in the Greek areas, burial places were located outside the city gates, but gardens, villas and farms remained possible in close spatial proximity with cemeteries. B. EARLY PERIOD (6TH-2ND CENTS. BC)

Rome’s earliest necropoleis can be dated to the 6th cent. BC. There is no definite rule for the arrangement of the graves; usually they follow the local topography. Common are earth graves and underground chamber graves (-> Hypogaeum) with unembellished facades (e.g. on the Esquiline, cf. + Esquiliae). Internally the chambers of these graves were generally painted. Similar sites from this period are known in Lucania and Paestum. Usually members of the upper classes were buried in chamber graves, while burial in earth graves was far simpler. From the 4th cent. BC funerary stelae with portraits of the dead were found in Lower Italy (Tarentum, necropolis of Contrada Vaccarella). In the rest of Italy and in Rome there were only simple grave monuments with little decoration during this period.

— Urna;

~ Volsinii A. AxerstrOM, Studien iiber die etruskischen Graber, 1934; J. CLOSE-BRooKs, D. Ripcway, Veji in the Iron Age, in: D. und F. RipGcway (ed.), Italy before the Romans, 1979, 95-127; E. COLONNA Di PaoLo, Le

Necropoli rupestri del Viterbese dell’ Etruria meridionale, 1978; H. HENCKEN, Tarquinia. Villanovans and Early Etruscans, vols. 1 and 2, 1968; A. MANDOLESI, La ‘prima’

C. REPUBLICAN

PERIOD (2ND CENT. BC)

From the 2nd cent. BC Roman necropoleis changed fundamentally. After the successful Second -» Punic War and Rome’s conquests in the west and east, a prosperous class of tradesmen and members of the military emerged alongside the nobility. Their wealth was expressed in large and architecturally lavish > funerary

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architecture with decorated fagades which frequently make reference to the deceased and his merits (e.g. the tomb of the Scipiones on the via Appia (cf. > Cornelii Scipiones, > Cornelius [I 65ff.]). The graves of Lower Italian necropoleis are furnished in a similar manner to those of Rome (Apulia, Tarentum). Despite their monumentality funerary buildings are generally not oriented along the roads which run through the necropoleis, but are positioned without recognisable organisation. Between them there are simpler graves. During this period, too, the higher social classes preferred burial in rock chambers, hypogaea or earth mounds. From the rst cent. BC, portrait statues of the deceased appear in the funerary monuments.

poleis along the streets of tombs were enclosed by walls, and others came out of use and were converted into gardens. The necropoleis that continued to be used increased in size: additional paths were added to allow access, with simpler graves frequently being located in the rows at the back. The necropolis outside the Porta Salaria in Rome is an example of such an arrangement. Characteristic of the funerary monuments ofthis period are references to the deceased having belonged to a guild (> collegium) or family. Another phenomenon is the separation of areas for the poor, freedmen and slaves away from the noble burials.

D. Late REPUBLICAN TO EARLY AUGUSTAN PERIOD From the 1st cent. BC the splendour of the tombs in the necropoleis increased further. New types of tombs came into use, such as the particularly favoured multistorey aediculae with lifesize statues (e.g. the tomb of the Curii in Aquileia), pyramids (pyramid of Cestius in Rome on the via Ostiense), tumuli (Rome: tomb of Caecilia [9] Metella, the rotunda of Munatius [I 4] Plancus, the grave of Lucullus), triumphal arches and rotundas. An increase in the furnishings of the buildings can also be observed (expensive materials, elements of Greek architecture such as columns, friezes and architraves) and copious > inscriptions (> Funerary inscriptions). The facades of the graves began to face the roads and so achieved a direct effect on passers-by and visitors. The graves were now built side by side, creating a continuous row of tomb facades. From this period onwards we can speak of ‘streets of tombs’ (e.g. in Rome the via Triumphalis, via Praenestina, via Appia, via Flaminia, via Celimontana, via Salaria and many others). In other

Italian cities, too, funerary buildings were aligned along roads, usually immediately outside the city gates (> Pompeii, necropolis on the via Nucerina; Sarsina; ~» Ostia, via Ostiense). From the Augustan period and after the establishment of the Principate the form of necropoleis changed. Most of them were extended (e.g. with benches, gardens), but the funerary monuments became more modest; gradually they were built with less sumptuous fa¢ades, becoming more uniform. Funerary architecture as a means of self-promotion and exaltation of the owner lessened, possibly because it could have been interpreted as an expression ofclaims to political leadership and therefore as a threat to the Empire and and the emperor. Altars are now a wide-spread type of funerary monument; their frequency is consistent with the strong emphasis on piety (> pietas) during the Augustan period. The less magnificent funerary architecture of this period was usually erected by > freedmen who had come into money. The tendency towards simpler funerary monuments is also evident outside Rome (Ostia, Pompeii, Sarsina, Aquileia, Terano and others). Over time many necro-

NECROPOLEIS

E. IMPERIAL PERIOD TO LATE ANTIQUITY

(1ST-3RD CENTS. AD) In contrast to late Republican and early Augustan sites, inthe 2nd and 3rd cents. graves were again loosely distributed and no longer orientated on the network of roads running through the necropoleis. Furthermore, a considerable uniformity of monument types was characteristic of this period: types based on houses and temples are the only architectural forms that were still in use (via Laurentina outside the gates of Ostia, Porta Romana). In addition to these buildings other simpler graves continued to be used. On the outside the tombs appear very plain; however, on the inside there is a richly decorated room. This idea determined the form of the whole necropolis: burial areas were closed off from the outside by high walls; the construction of lavish monuments therefore lost significance. This is noticeable e.g. in the necropolis in the port of Ostia which was rebuilt under Claudius [III 1], in Pompeii (on the road outside the Porta Nocera), in Puteoli, in Rome, but

also in the western provinces. A particular phenomenon ofthe city of Rome during this period are the great columbaria (> Funerary architecture, III.C.2.3.), which were built because of rising

prices for burial places and to mitigate the increasing need for space. From the 2nd cent. AD brick masonry began to dominate funerary architecture. The Isola Sacra in Ostia and the necropolis under Saint Peter’s Cathedral are well preserved examples of this. Externally these buildings were very simple; however, on the inside they continued to be very lavishly furnished (dining rooms, lounges etc). From the Trajanic period ~ sarcophagi also appeared. > Hypogaea and rock-cut chambers remained in use. The first larger > catacombs represent a further development of necropoleis. Outside Rome, necropoleis followed older patterns, with few exceptions; sarcophagi, however, were widespread. In the provinces various grave types that were based on an indigenous tradition can be observed. These for the most part reflect the way of life of the ruling classes (e.g. Assus, Hierapolis, Palmyra, Lugdunum/Lyons, Augusta [2] Emerita/Merida, Tarasco/Tar-

ragona, northern Africa). Many necropoleis of provincial cities, which were founded or settled by the Romans, followed a layout based on streets of tombs. + Burial; Catacombs; > Dead, cult of the ; > Death;

NECROPOLEIS

» Funerary architecture; > Hypogaeum;

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608

-> Keramei-

in closely related groups of mounds. This is somewhat more obvious in the necropoleis of the earlier La Tene culture (sth—3th cents. BC), where inhumations in flat graves predominate. The graves in these necropoleis are rarely cut into each other so that we can assume that they were originally marked above ground by ~ stelae or suchlike (which have not survived). The Celtic princely graves ( princes, tombs of) of the 6th/s5th cents. BC were usually located away from the necropoleis (» Heuneburg). In the case of the more recent Celtic population groups of the 2nd-r1st cents. BC the picture has changed fundamentally. There are large areas of the Celtic world where necropoleis are to date unknown. This is particularly striking in the case of the + oppida, for which small necropoleis are documented only in exceptional cases. This is an indication for burial practices that are archaeologically invisible, at least in the case of the Celts of the oppida period. However, large necropoleis of the final two pre-Christian centuries are known from the southern lower mountain ranges of Germany (e.g. > Bad Nauheim). Without exception they consist of flat cremation graves.

kos; > Pyramids; - Sarcophagus 1S. ANGELUCCI, I. BALDASSARRE et al., Sepolture e riti nella necropoli dell’ Isola Sacra, in: Bollettino di Archeo-

logia 5-6, 1990, 49-113 2 I. BALDASSARRE, La necropoli dell’Isola Sacra, in: [5], 125-138 3D. BoscHuNG, Die republikanischen und friihkaiserzeitlichen Nekropolen vor den Toren Ostias, in: [5], 111-124 4 J. Fink, Die romischen Katakomben, in: Antike Welt, Sonder-Nr. 9, 1978, 3-80 5 H.v. HESBERG, P. ZANKER (ed.), ROmische Graberstrafen, 1987 6H. von HEsBERG, Planung und Ausgestaltung der Nekropolen Roms im 2. Jahrhundert

v.Chr., in: [5], 25-41, 43-60 ten, 1992

7 Id., Romische Grabbau-

8 V. KocKEL, Die Grabbauten vor dem Her-

kulaner Tor in Pompeji, 1983 9 J. ORTALLI, La via dei sepolcri di Sarsina, in: [5], 155-182 10C. PAVOLINI, Ostia, 1988, 36-48; 258-274 11 N. PURCELL, Tomb and Suburb, in: [5], 25-41 12 C. REusseER, GraberstrafSen in Aquileia, in: [5], 239-249. eit IX. CELTIC AND GERMANIC CULTURES A. GENERAL B. CELTS C. GERMANI

A. GENERAL The location of necropoleis outside settlements was the usual manner of burial in the cultures of the Celts and the Germani. This custom probably reflects religious ideas, which were based on a perceived unity of population groups in the present and in the after-life. Occasionally necropoleis or graves were aligned in such a way that they originally probably followed to the roads leading to the settlements. Necropoleis are an important field of research for Celtic (> Hallstatt culture, > La Téne culture) and > Germanic archaeology.

Questions as to the correlation between the number of inhabitants of a settlement and the number of burials are just as important as questions regarding the duration of use of a necropolis (= duration of the use of the settlement?), the social structure or other organising principles of the necropoleis. However, attempts to answer these are faced with significant problems, since e.g. only few necropoleis have been totally excavated and since many graves have remained undiscovered or are not preserved, particularly in the case of simple flat graves or of barrows that have been leveled or built upon. For these reasons there are no generally applicable rules for the location of necropoleis and their number in relation to individual settlements and for the numbers and arrangement of graves. B. CELTS In the Celtic area

of the Hallstatt culture (6th— 5th cents. BC) necropoleis primarily consisted of barrow fields with inhumations. Cremations were sporadically found in the mounds and — according to recent evidence — between them. The rather limited amount of grave goods in the cremations suggests that socially weaker population groups were buried in this way. There are indications that specific communities (families, retinue, etc.) were buried in individual mounds or

C. GERMANI In the Germanic areas the use of necropoleis with cremation burials predominated for the whole period from the 6th—5th cents. BC to the 3rd—4th cents. AD. Mounds above the graves are documented only in exceptional cases. The necropoleis differed widely in size; often cremation

sites (— Ustrinum) have also been found at the edge of the necropoleis or between the graves. It has been recorded repeatedly that men and women were apparently buried in separate necropoleis or in different areas of one necropolis. Inhumations occurred only sporadically (e.g. in Germanic princely burials (> Princes, tombs of). They replaced cremations in necropoleis only from the 5th cent. AD. + Arras culture; > Funerary architecture; — Grossromstedt; > Marne culture T. Care._e, Studien tber elbgermanische Graberfelder der ausgehenden Laténezeit und der alteren rémischen Kaiserzeit,

1971;

F. Horst,

H. KerLine

(ed.), Bestat-

tungswesen und Totenkult in ur- und friihgeschichtlicher Zeit, 1991; S. KURZ, Bestattungsbrauch in der westlichen Hallstattkultur, 1997; H. Lorenz, Totenbrauchtum und Tracht, in: Ber. der Rom.-German. Kommission 59, 1978, 3-380; E. SCHULTZE, Zu den Grab- und Bestattungssitten

in Mitteleuropa wahrend der ersten Jahrhunderte n.Chr., in: PrZ 67, 1992, 201-219; T. VoictT, Kult und Bestattungswesen, in: B. KrUGER (ed.), Die Germanen. Ein Handbuch, vol. 1, 1988, 182-191; G. A. Warr, Burial and the Otherworld, in: M. J. GREEN (ed.), The Celtic World, 1995, 489-511.

V.P.

Necropolis (Nexedmohc/Nekrépolis). In Str. 17,1,10;

14 the name of the extended cemetery district with gardens, tombs and embalming places to the west of the city wall of + Alexandria [1], attested from the 3rd cent. BC until the Arab conquest.

610

609

NEDA

A. ApRIANI, Repertorio d’arte dell’ Egitto greco-romano,

Nectar (véxtao/néctar, Latin nectar). Nectar (derived

Serie C 1-2, 1966; P. M. Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria,

from the Egyptian ntry, ‘divine’ [1]) together with + ambrosia [2] served as the food of the gods of Olympia, who, according to Hom. Il. 5,3 39-341, neither ate bread nor drank wine. In the main, nectar is imagined to be a beverage whilst ambrosia is a food (e.g. Hom. Od. 5,93), though there is also the reverse view; in Alcm. fr. 42 PMG and Anaxandrides fr. 58 PCG nectar is food. Originally nectar and ambrosia had the same consistency (cf. Hom. Od. 9,3 59). In most passages they are mentioned together (e.g. Hom. Il. 19,347; Hom. H. 4,248; Pl. Phdr. 247e), though nectar is encountered now and again without ambrosia (Hom. Il. 4,3; Hom. H. 3,10f.). When it is described in more detail, nectar is characterised by its reddish colour (Hom. Il. 19,38f.) and mellifluousness (Hom. II. 1,598; Hom. H. 2,49f.). Eating ambrosia and drinking nectar distinguished the gods from human beings: Odysseus is given normal food, whilst > Calypso lives on ambrosia and nectar

vols. 1-3, 1972; G. GrimM, Alexandria. Die erste K6nigsstadt der hellenistischen Welt, 1998; H. Kees, s.v. Nekropolis, RE 16, 2233f.

K.J.-W.

Nectanebus Name of two Egyptian kings of the 30th Dynasty.

[1] N. I (380-363/2). Nextavéptc/-vipuc (Nektanébis/— nibis), Egyptian Nht-nb.f; founder of the 30th Dynasty, son of a general Tachos (Dd-hr) from -» Sebennytus. N. himself was a general under his predecessor Nepherites II, whom he overthrew shortly after his accession. Egypt had hardly any allies at the time, nevertheless it was able to ward offa Persian invasion attempt in 373 BC, in which the Athenian general > Iphicrates participated on the Persian side (Diod. Sic. 15,29; 38; 41-44). Later, following the > Satrap revolt, relations were again established with Asia Minor, Athens and Sparta. N.’s government was characterised by nationalistic and restorative tendencies; he attempted a continuation of the 26th Dynasty (664-525 BC). N. sought support from the priesthood; throughout the land temples were built or restored and generously endowed. In the latter years (from 365 BC) his son Tachos was presumably co-regent. Parts of the furnishings of N.’s tomb survive, although the place of burial is unknown. [2] N. Il NextaveBdc/-Bas (Nektanebos/—bés), Egyptian Nbht-Hr-hbjt; last king of the 30th Dynasty (360-343 BC), great-nephew of N. [1]. N. went as commander of the indigenous contingents with his uncle, king Tachos, on his campaign to Syria, when his father, who had stayed behind as governor in Egypt, had him proclaimed king. The army followed N., and he was also able to gain acceptance in Egypt after he had defeated a rival king from Mendes, not known by name, and his troops with the help of the Spartan king Agesilaus [2]. An attack by Artaxerxes [3] IJ on Egypt in 351/350 BC was repelled. Subsequently, Phoenician and Cypriot princes seceded from the Persian Empire and allied with Egypt. In 3 43/342 BC, the Persians attacked again, and this time Egypt was conquered. N. fled to the south of the country, where he was able to hold out for a time; nothing is known of his subsequent fate. Like N. I, N. II also furnished and extended Egyptian temples very generously, and his monuments can be found throughout Egypt. His sarcophagus survives, but his grave is unknown. The memory of this last ‘native’ Pharaoh had a long-lasting influence: in Egypt his cult was observed until the Ptolemaic period; in Greek and Graeco-Egyptian literature he is the principal character of the story of the ‘Dream of N.’ and above all in the beginning of the > Alexander Romance, known as the ‘deception of N.’, in which he is made the father of Alexander the Great. 1 W. Huss, Der makedonische K6nig und die agyptischen Priester, 1994, 129-137 2H. DE MEULENAERE, s.v. N., LA 4, 450-453 3 TH. SCHNEIDER, s.v. N., Lexikon der Pharaonen, 1994, 176-78 4 O. WEINREICH, Der Trug des N.: Wandlungen eines Novellenstoffs, 1911. K.-W.

(Hom.

Od.

5,199);

though,

in exceptional

cases,

humans are also allowed to taste nectar. When > Achilles [x] is mourning for Patroclus and will not eat, Athene pours nectar and ambrosia into his chest (Hom. Il. 19,347-354). > Tantalus is made immortal by the gods through nectar and ambrosia (Pind. Ol. 1,60-64), just like > Aristaeus [1] the son of Apollo and Cyrene (Pind. Pyth. 9,63). > Patroclus’ body is prevented from decomposing with the help of nectar and ambrosia (Hom. Il. 19,38f.), and > Aeneas [1] becomes a god after his death (Ov. Met. 14,606f.). It is possible that nectar was originally only the term for an embalming substance [1]. The word nectar was also used metonymically for wine (Callim. Fr. 399) and honey (Eur. Bacch. 143). Pindar (Ol. 7,7) described his song as nectar. 1 R. Drew GriFFitH, Nektar and Nitron, in: Glotta 72, 1994, 20-23 1883.

2 W. H. Roscuer, Nektar und Ambrosia, J.STE.

Neda (Né5a; Néda). A river in the western Peloponnese

which in historical times formed the border between ~ Triphylia (later Elis) and > Messana [2]. Although its main source is close to Hagios Sostis, it actually rises on Mt. > Lycaeum, then, after a distance of 37 km, it flows into the Gulf of Cyparissia. The N. is a raging torrent with many waterfalls which rushes through a narrow, rugged, for the most part, inaccessible valley. The fortress of > Hira was situated in the mountainous region of the upper headstreams, and above the right bank of the middle reaches of the river lay > Phigalia (Str. 83,22; Paus. 4,20,1ff.; 36,7; 5,6,33 8,41,2f.). Ac-

cording to legend the river was created by > Rhea at the time of Zeus’ birth and was named after the nymph N. (Str. loc.cit.; Callim. H. 1,1off.). The N. is supposed to have been navigable in the estuary area (Paus. 4,20,1; 8,41,3). E. Meyer, s.v. N., RE 16, 2170f.; PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN 3,

3 50f., 358.

E.O. and CLL.

611

612

Nedinum. Town in Liburnia (Tab. Peut. 5,4; ILS 1989),

after Akhenaton’s death; conjecture about N.’s status as co-ruler with Akhenaton [3] is dubious. N. is known to the public at large through various portraits. Foremost amongst these is the painted bust in Berlin which since the 1920’s has been famous as the epitome of female beauty. + Amarna; > Egypt

NEDA

modern-day Nadin/Croatia, on the road from — lader

to Burnum. The Roman town was built in the time of Augustus on an earlier indigenous settlement. As a Roman colonia and as municipium to the tribus Claudia, N. was part of the regio X of Italy (Plin. HN. 3,130). There is documentary evidence for the following officials: I] viri, aediles and an officialis Naeditarum

1D.

ARNOLD,

The

Royal

Women

of Amarna,

1996

(CIL III 2860-2876). The town’s aristocracy came from

2 J.-L. Bovor, Un chaoubiti pour deux reines amarnien-

the indigenous families. The preservation of social structures and cultic observances is very noticeable. The Roman jurist C. Octavius > Iavolenus [2] came from

nes?, in: Egypte, Afrique & Orient r3, May-June 1999, 31-34 3 M. GaBo_peE, D’Akhenaten a Toutankhamoun, 1999 4R. Krauss, 1913-1988: 75 Jahre Biiste der

N. (1./2.cent. AD). The decline in the number of inscrip-

Nofretete-Nefret-iti in Berlin, in: Jb. PreufSischer Kultur-

tions after the 2nd.cent. AD can be regarded as a sign of a general loss of importance affecting the entire region.

besitz 24, 1987, 87-124; 28, 1991, 123-157.

J. J. Witkes, Dalmatia, 1969, 203-205, 212, 301, 487.

H.SO.

Nedon (NéSwv; Néd6on).The largest river in Messenia

after the + Pamisus; it rises on Mt. — Taygetus and, following a south-westerly direction, it traverses Denthaliatis (> Denthalii) with its numerous wellsprings (cf. Tac. Ann. 4,43; Steph. Byz. s.v. AevOdAtot), then flows

into the Messenian bay at > Pherae (Str. 8,3,29; 4,43

Steph. Byz. s.v. N.). PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN 3, 406.

E.O.

Needle see > Pins Nefasti dies see

> Fasti

Neferhor see — Ptah

Nefertiti (Egyptian Nfr.t-jj.tj). The chief wife of Akhenaton (-» Amenophis [4] IV, 1553-1536 BC), mother ofsix of his daughters. N. is known mainly from numerous relief depictions, which show her accompanying Akhenaton in the worship of the sun god > Aten; she only appears alone in an early building in Thebes. In the pharaohs’ artistic agendas there are no parallels for such prominence being given to a chief wife. After Akhenaton’s death, N. disappeared from history; she was included in the damnatio memoriae, which was

directed at Akhenaton a few years after his death. Only one find has survived from her grave goods; the grave itself remains unknown. Since the rgth cent., Egyptologists have doggedly pursued a hypothesis about a south-west Asian ancestry for Nefertiti. However, the fact that her wet-nurse and her sister, who lived at the king’s court, had Egyptian names, is an indication of her Egyptian origins. Since the 1970s there has been a debate about a possible connection between N. and Queen Anchet-chepru-re who reigned shortly after Akhenaton. The current trend of thought is to identify this queen as Nefertiti’s oldest daughter, Meritaton, and to accredit a short period of office to N. herself as the interim regent immediately

RK.

Negotiator. The Latin term negotiator, apparent in literary texts from the end of the Republic and during the Principate in legal texts as well as in inscriptions, changed its meaning under Augustus. In the latter years of the Republican era, negotiator referred to a Roman citizen of Italian descent or to a non-Roman whose permanent place of residence, from where he pursued his private business interests, was outside of Italy or of the empire: agriculture, banking transactions, moneylending, trade — the decisive factor was that these business activities were strictly private. At that time, negotiator was therefore not a job title; the assumption that the negotiatores of the Republican era were all merchants is as untenable as the claim that the term was synonymous with that of fenerator (‘moneylender’). In the few instances that Cicero uses this term, he does so in association with the terms of agricola (farmer) or arator (cultivator) as well as pecuarius (stockbreeder) from the areas of agriculture and animal husbandry. In his use, the meaning of negotiator is very limited and the term only applies to those people of Italian descent who were neither farmers nor stockbreeders (Cic. Verr. 2,2,6; 2,2,168; Cic. Font. 46). Inthe Republican era, negotiatores were men doing business (qui negotiantur): by referring to Romans doing business (negotiantur) in the province of Asia in 66 BC, Cicero emphasises their absence from Italy (Cic. Leg.Man. 18). Conversely, if it was said of a person that he had business (qui negotia habet) it meant that he had business interests in a province or region that was not his permanent place of residence. For that reason it is important not to mix up or equate negotiatores with those qui negotia habent. In the provinces, the negotiatores were distinct from the promagistrates as well as from the > publicani who collected taxes and customs duties, and also from the citizens of the coloniae (e.g. Narbo in Gallia, cf. Cic. Font. 12-15), but not necessarily from the mercatores (merchants). It was quite possible for a mercator also to be a negotiator, provided he was of Italian descent and worked outside of Italy; an inscription from the Augustan period thus mentions mercatores qui negotiantur, i.e. wholesalers active in the provinces (CIL X 1797= ILS 7273: mercatores qui Alexandr. Asiai Syriai nego-

613

614

tiantur). However, in several instances, Cicero made a

In late antiquity, central government tended to intervene more and more in trade and to submit it to strict regulations. This concerned most of all those merchants who acted on behalf of the central administration, e.g. in the supply of food to Rome or Constantinople. However, even in the 3rd and 4th cents. AD, Roman merchants were not as completely subjected to state dirigism as was assumed typical of the final centuries of the Western Roman Empire by earlier scholars. + Negotium

very clear distinction between negotiatores and mercatores (Cic. Verr. 2,2,188; Cic. Planc. 64).

The names of many ofthe wealthy businessmen who lived in the provinces are well known; some of them even belonged to the ordo equester, as e.g. in Sicily Cn. Calidius, Q. Minucius and L. Raecius. But there were undoubtedly also negotiatores who lived in very modest circumstances. Many of the negotiatores hailed from Campania or southern Italy, but the Latini and the Roman citizens from central Italy should not be forgotten, either. The province of Africa seems to have been home to a considerable number of negotiatores in the latter years of the Republic. Plutarch reports that the members of a Council of the Three Hundred — a body formed by Italian merchants in Africa — were active in sea trade and moneylending (Plut. Cato minor 59; 61; cf. also Sall. lug. 47,1f. on negotiatores in Vaga). For the early years of the Principate, there is also still documentary evidence supporting the older use of megotiator: at the time of Tiberius, for example, not all of the Roman citizens of Italian descent in Braga (Spain) qui negotiantur were merchants (CIL II 2423; vgl. CIL II] 1210 = ILS 7208; CIL III 12266; AE 1912,51; 1924,69).

From the decade between 30 and 20 BC, the term was increasingly also applied to merchants who lived in Italy or the provinces. From that time onwards, negotiator and its synonym negotians were used in the sense of trader and businessman, the same as mercator. This raises the question as to the difference between negotiatores and mercatores. Generally, the business conducted by negotiatores was more significant than that of the mercatores, and at the time of the Principate, they often specialised in particular goods. Inscriptions refer, for example, to negotiatores frumentarii (CIL VI 814;

9668 = ILS 7533; CIL VI 9683 = ILS 7488; CIL XII

8725 =ILS 4811), negotiatores vinarii, negotiatores ferrarii (CIL I 1199; Il] 2131; VI712; V1 9664 =1LS 7536; CIL VI 9666; 33917; IX 4680 = ILS 7484; CIL XII 8105; XIV 409 = ILS 6146), cretarii, lanarii and vestia-

NEGOTIUM

1 J. ANDREAU, Patrimoines, échanges et préts d’argent: P@conomie romaine, 1997 2 Id., P. BRIANT, R. DEScaT (ed.), Les échanges dans l’antiquité: le rdle de "état, 1994 3 J. H. D’ARMs, Commerce and Social Standing in Ancient Rome, 1981 4L. De Satvo, Economia privata e

pubblici servizi nell’Impero romano. I corpora naviculariorum, 1992 5 C. FEUVRIER-PREvoTAT, Negotiator et mercator dans le discours cicéronien: Essai de définition, in: DHA 7, 1981, 377-405 6 JONES, LRE, 824-872 7 P. KNEIssL, Mercator — negotiator Rémischer Geschaftsleute und die Terminologie ihrer Berufe, in: MBAH 2.1, 1983, 73-90 8M. RepbE£, Mare Nostrum, 1986, 370-

412

9J. REMESAL RODRIGUEZ, Heeresversorgung und

die wirtschaftlichen Beziehungen zwischen der Baetica und Germanien, 1997. 10 E. RopRIGUEZ ALMEIDA, Il monte Testaccio, ambiente, storia, materiali, 1984, 175—

233 11J. Roucgé, Recherches sur l’organisation du commerce maritime en Méditerranée sous |’Empire romain, 1966 12B. StrKs, Food for Rome, 1991 13A. J. N. WILSON, Emigration from Italy in the Republican Age of Rome, 1966 14 T.P. WisEMAN, New Men in the Roman Senate, 1971. J.A.

Negotium. The Latin word negotium is the negation of otium and originally meant the nonexistence of > leisure. However by the time of the earliest recorded Latin texts, negotium had acquired a positive meaning : it corresponds to the English word business, the German word ‘Geschdft’, and the French affaire. Even if the etymology of the word otium and the influence of the Greek doyohta (ascholia) on the concept is unclear, it is

rii (e.g. CIL VI 33889; XI 862 = ILS 7559; CIL XI

obvious that negotium and otium were regarded as

4336; 6366 =ILS 7587; CIL XIII 8224 =ILS 4790; CIL XIII 83 50). From inscriptions on oil amphoras from Baetica (DRESSEL 20), the names of several oil merchants are

opposites.

known. Apparently, zegotiatores were indispensable in ensuring the supply for the city of Rome and for the legions. A considerable proportion of the grain consumed in Rome was supplied by private merchants. It is unlikely that the supply of the > legions, which in the north-western provinces had a considerable impact on the agricultural structure of large areas, was centrally organised; it was more likely regionally organised within the individual provinces, with private merchants playing an important role. Trade in the border regions of the provinces was not subsidised, but probably still lucrative for the merchants because of the presence of the legions. The requirements of the legions stimulated trade, but it would go too far to speak of state-directed trade (> Logistics; > cura annonae).

In the sphere of politics, negotium sometimes stands for one particular undertaking, but mostly for political duties in their entirety: thus Cicero writes, that during his free time, Cornelius [I 70] Scipio Africanus had been thinking incessantly about his negotia (Cic. Off. 3,1; cf. Sall. Iug. 95,3 to Sulla). Negotium also describes the effort which is called for in the political negotiations or activities involved in the administration of the provinces (Cic. Att. 5,17,6). Military service can also be a form of negotium (Cic. Fam. 2,10,2); here otium is the time in which the soldier has no militia to perform and can devote himself to his private affairs. In a legal context, negotium describes a lawsuit (cf. esp. Suet. Aug. 32,2; Suet. Calig. 40; Suet Vesp. 21). Negotium has, in addition, economic connotations as in the expression

maritima

negotium

(maritime

trade; Plaut. Trin. 331), though the meaning in the eco-

615

616

nomic context is not always clear. The word is not applied to the ownership of land, property (res, possessiones, fund.) or slaves (servi, familia), rather, mostly to demands for financial payment. Thus Cicero uses negotium in connection with Atticus’ claims against the town of Sicyon (Cic. Fam. 5,5,3) and with Q. Paconius Lepta *s warranty (Cic. Fam. 6,1853; cfl. Cic, Att. 14,16,4). In the plural, zegotia can also stand for matters regarding wealth (Cic. Fam. 7,20,2 in regard to his own fortune) as well as for the business interests of a Roman in a province or a region in which he himself does not live (Cic. Fam. 1,3,1-2 to A. Trebonius in Bithynia). > Negotiator

Nehardea. City on the Euphrates in Babylonia which, even before the destruction of the temple in Jerusalem in AD 70, showed a Jewish settlement (Jos. Ant. Jud.

NEGOTIUM

18,311). According to rabbinical tradition, an impor-

tant Talmud school (> Judaic law) was situated there as

well as the headquarters of the Babylonian exilarchs (> Exilarch). The city’s heyday was in the middle of the 3rd cent. After it had been destroyed by the Palmyrenes in AD 259 — probably in order to break its economic strength — the centre of Babylonian Judaism moved to ~ Pumbedita. Y. D. GinaT, s.v. N., Encyclopaedia Judaica 12, 1972, 934f.; J. NeusNerR, A History of the Jews in Babylonia,

vol. 2 (Studia Post-Biblica 11), 1966, 48—5o.

B.E.

1 J.-M. Anpré, L’otium dans la vie morale et intellectuelle romaine, 1966 2 E. BENVENISTE, Le vocabulaire des institutions indo-européennes, vol. 1, 1969, 139-147 31d., Sur histoire du mot negotiation, in: ASNP 20, 1951,

21-25

4E. DENIAUX, Clientéles et pouvoir a l’epoque de

Cicéron, 1994, 211-248, 526-528

Nehemiah (Neeuwac/Neemias, hebraisch N ‘hemijah). I. OLD TESTAMENT II. JEw1sH- HELLENISTIC TRADITION

5 WALDE/HOFMANN,

2, 228-229.

J.A.

Nehalennia. Germanic mother goddess, documented by more than 160 inscriptions and pictorial dedications from the 2nd/3rd cents. AD. With two exceptions from Cologne- Deutz these were all found along the Dutch

I. OLD TESTAMENT According to the book of the same name, of which the so-called ‘Nehemiah-Memoir’ in Neh 1-7 and r113 forms the historical basis, Nehemiah is the cupbearer of the great king of Persia (Neh 1:11). In 445 BC (Neh 1:1; 2:1ff.), he came to Jerusalem on the instruc-

estuary of the Schelde, e.g. in Domburg (Walcheren)

tions of Artaxerxes’ [1] I. Amidst opposition (e.g. Ezr

and in a submerged temple area discovered as late as 1971/2 on Colijnsplaat (Noord-Beveland) in the Oosterschelde. Today the latter is associated with classical Ganuenta, the assumed principal settlement of the

4:8ff.), he supervised the rebuilding of the walls, which had been destroyed by + Nebuchadnezzar II, in only 52 days (Neh 6:15). He administered the settlement in > Jerusalem in accordance with a type of — synoikismos (Neh 7:4f.; 1r1:1f.) and carried out reforms to ensure social stability: freeing the population from debt (Neh 5:1-13) and re-introducing the tithe on natural produce (Neh 13:12f.). He also put in place trading regulations to safeguard the Sabbath as a day of rest (Neh 13:15-22). He opposed marriages with nonJewish women (Neh 13:23-27), but did not enforce any extensive regulations for the community’s worship (> Ezra [1]). It is likely that N. became governor of the Persian province of Y‘htd (cf. Neh 5:14f.; 12:26f.). It is not clear how his duties and official posts are to be allocated between his first stay in Jerusalem lasting 12 years (Neh 5:14; 13:6) and his second whose dates are

Frisiavones, whose chief deity was, it seems, Nehalen-

nia. She was escpecially worshipped by merchants trading with Britain, who crossed the Channel from here (Zeeland). Nehalennia is mostly portrayed seated and wearing a small cape around her shoulders. Like the Matronae (> Matres/Matronae), her symbols are fruit

baskets and horns of plenty, also a dog and a ship’s bow. She may therefore have been a protective deity with multiple functions, responsible for fertility, the dead (dog; > Hecate) and navigation. This connects

Nehalennia with — Nerthus or the = Isis type of deity described in Tac. Germ. 9. The etymology of the name is unclear; it is associated both with Lat. necare/‘to kill’, and Indo-Germanic *neu/ ‘ship’, or Germanic *nehwa-lennio/‘helpful’. ~ Mother goddesses

unknown (Neh 13:6f.). E. M. YAMAUCHI, Persia and the Bible, 1990, 258-278.

RL.

A. Honptus-Crone, The Temple of Nehallenia at Domburg, 1955; L. P. Louwe Koo1jMANNS e.a., Deae Neha-

lenniae, Gids bij de tentoonstelling Nehallenia, 1971; D.

Il. JEwisH- HELLENISTIC TRADITION

Martens,

The Biblical tradition of N. was primarily absorbed

s.v. Nehalennia,

LIMC

6, 716-719;

E. C.

Potomgé, Two Etymological Notes: 2. The Germanic Divine Name

Nehalennia,

in: H. OELBERG,

(ed.), Sprachwissenschaftliche

Forschung,

323; R. Simek, s.v. Nehalennia,

Lexikon

G. SCHMIDT

1985,

311-

der germani-

schen Mythologie, 28o0f.; P. STUART, 130 Romische Steindenkmaler aus dem Meer, in: Archdologisches Korrespondenzblatt 2, 1972, 299-302. W.SP.

and expanded upon in Jewish-Hellenistic literature. Sir 49:12b-13 praises N. for his building works; according to 2 Macc 1:18 and 1:20-35, N. was of special importance for the Second Temple because, during his first sacrifice, he managed to re-light the fire from the previous shrine, which had been destroyed by - Nebuchadnezzar [2]. According to 2 Makk 2:13-14, N. founded a library that contained the books of the Kings, the

617

618

Prophets and the Songs of David as well as royal documents. The N.-report is examined in detail in Jos. Ant. lud. 9,159-183.

comedy (Men. Dysk. 458ff., sosff., 913ff.5 cf. Alci. 1,24; 13,15 and Aristoph. Ran. 1158-59). It was not always, however, that neighbours were in a position to

U.

KELLERMANN,

N.

Quellen,

Uberlieferung

Geschichte (ZATW Beiheft 102), 1967.

und B.E.

Neighbours, neighbourhood. The closer the relationships within a society are and the more limited > mobility is, the greater is the role played by neighbours (yettovec/geitones; Latin vicini) in the life of an individual or of individual families. In proverbs and figures of speech, which were current throughout antiquity, the significance of a good neighbour and the difficulties that could be caused by bad neighbours were continually emphasised. Here it is presumably no accident that it is in early Greek literature and in texts dealing with farming life that neighbours most often make an appearance (cf. Alem. 123; Demosth. Or. 55,1; Plaut. Merc. 770-71; Cato Agr. 4; Colum. 1,3,5ff.; Pall. Agric. 1,6,6). On the one hand a neighbour was a natu-

ral friend (Plaut. Cas. 477; Ter. Haut. 56-57) and somebody who could be of help in times of need: Hesiod recommends that a neighbour should be invited to a meal, on the basis that he would come to help straightaway in the event of sudden need without even girding himself whereas relatives would get dressed first (Hes. Op. 342-345). On the other hand the behaviour of a neighbour could also have negative effects and hence was subject to special legal and social regulations. The role of a neighbour also entailed the maintenance of various control functions. Things would have to be done very quietly if they were to escape the neighbours’ attention (PI. Alc. 1,r21d; Lucian. Charon 16). They raised the alarm as soon as they noticed strangers (Demosth. Or. 47,60). Hesiod’s statement that not even an ox would die, but for a bad neighbour (Hes. Op. 348), is explained by Herakleides Lembos (Politeiai 38) with reference to a custom in Cyme: A man who had had something stolen from him was compensated by his neighbour, and this encouraged everybody to keep an eye on everything. Neighbours were also ideal witnesses in court: The rhetor Lycurgus, for example, laid before a court the witness statements of his neighbours and ‘those who are living in this place’, in order to prove that Leocrates [2] had fled from Athens (Lycurg. 1920), and Isaeus appeals to the statements of neighbours, who testified that a particular woman had been a prostitute (Isaios 3,13). In official documents (cf. the Attic polétai lists:Agora XIX) the position of estates was accurately determined by reference to neighbouring plots of land and properties. Proverbially, the eye of a neighbour was always malevolent (Alciphron 1,18), and reference to a good neighbour could drive up the price of a piece of land (Plut. Themistocles 18,8; Plut. Mor. 185e). In a material aspect neighbours were important, because money and goods could be borrowed from them. Borrowing from neighbours was a standard theme of

NEIGHBOURS,

NEIGHBOURHOOD

comply with such requests (Hes. Op. 453; 477-78). Cato requires the > vilicus to borrow from or lend to

only two or three households (Cato Agr. 5,3). Hesiod advises that neighbours should replace more than just the goods borrowed (Hes. Op. 349-50). However, the fear that lending even quite small numbers of objects, or less valuable ones, might in the course of a year add up to a larger amount even induces Theophrastus’ Mikrologos (the ‘Petty’) to forbid his wife to lend herbs or spices (Theophr. Char. 10,13). Neighbourly assistance in water provision is also attested: > Solon specified that an Athenian might collect up to 12 choes (c. 38 1) of water a day from a neighbour if a public well was more than 4 stadia (c. 800 m) away and on his own property

no water had been found within about 18 m of ground level (Plut. Solon 23). Plot boundaries and the use of surfaces abutting boundaries were probably the most important points of conflict between neighbours (cf. Hom. Il. 12, 421-423). The boundaries themselves were marked with boundary stones, which were considered immutable and were safeguarded by oath (Plat. Leg. 842e-843b). Since Solon the use of land on the plot boundaries had been regulated by law: thus when planting a distance of 5 feet from the neighbouring plot had to be maintained, olive and fig trees could be planted only 9 feet away. Beehives were to be set up at a distance of 300 feet from neighbours (Plut. Solon 23). Roman > agrarian writers recommended fencing a plot for protection and marking the boundaries clearly by planting trees, in order to avoid conflicts with neighbours (Varro Rust. 1,14f.; Hor. Epist. 2,2,170f.). Varro, too, specified that olives might not be planted in direct contact with the oak wood of a neighbour (Varro Rust. 1,16,6). The regulation of water courses was also a point of conflict between neighbours. In a court speech Demosthenes rejects a complaint by a landowner who maintained that water had been diverted to his land by the building of a wall on an adjacent plot of land (Demosth. Or. 55). Plato formulated precise regulations for measures governing the channelling of rainwater (Plat. Leg. 844C).

In all it is difficult to estimate correctly the intensity of the social relationships between neighbours. Neighbours are mentioned beside friends as participants in a wedding celebration (Hom. Od. 4,16). In Roman Asia Minor

we

also

encounter

the yettviaotc/yeitoviaouc

(geitniasis/geitoniasis), a neighbourhood union which took over responsibility for shrines and funeral monuments (TAM 3,1,348; 765). 1 V. Hanson, The Other Greeks, 1995, 136-141

2V.

Hunter,

149-150

eure

4A.

Die

OsBoRNE,

Policing Demos,

Athens, 1985,

1994, 127-153

Orro,

Sprichworter und sprichwortlichen Redensarten der Romer, 1890, 370-371 5 W. ScHMitz, Nachbarschaft und Dorfgemeinschaft im archaischen und klassischen Griechenland, in: HZ 268, 1999, 561-597. R.O.

NEIKOS

620

619

Neikos (Netxoc; Ne?kos). Personification of hate and strife in Hesiod’s creation mythology (Hes. Theog.

229). The goddess > Eris, the daughter of > Nyx, gives birth to the forces of evil: N., Pseudeis (pseudeis, lies) and Logoi (/6goi, wicked talk). In Timon [1. fr. 21], he

is named as the brother and servant of Eris. In > Empedocles’ [1] theory of the origins of the world, N. is the principle of repulsion and separation, the antithesis of Philotes (phildtés, love). N. causes the cosmos and the current world to be created from the sphairos where all the forces were mixed together. 1H. Diets (ed.), Poetarum 1901.

philosophorum

fragmenta, ALER.

ereign deity of Lower Egypt with a close connection to the kingship and the crown of Lower Egypt, which she always wears (her name could be derived from njt, meaning ‘Lower Egyptian crown’). From an early time on, she was also a water deity; she was considered to be the mother of the crocodile god » Sobek and was identified with the ‘Great Flood,’ as embodied by a cow. This characteristic trait of a primeval deity came increasingly to the fore in later times (1st millennium BC). The Greeks equated her with > Athena (e.g. Hdt. 2,28; 59; Plut. Timoleon 3,21f.). R. EL-SAYED, La déesse N. de Sais, 1982.

KJ.-W.

Neium

Ne(i)leus [1] (NetAetvc/Neilevs; Nnievc/Neéletis; NetAewc/Neileds). Mythical founder of the city of > Miletus [2]; from Pylos; son of the Attic king — Codrus, brother of -» Medon [5]; since he is second to his brother in the succession, he leaves Attica with a group of Athenians und Ionians from Pylos, settles the Ionian cities in Asia Minor, founds Miletus and the Milesian dynasty of rulers. His son Aepytus founds Priene (Hellanicus FGrH 125 F xo; Hdt. 9,97; Callim. Tambi fr. 191,763 Str. DAMIES Ralisu

soe tit)

LK.

(Nijiov/Néion). A woody mountain on + Ithaca, mentioned only in Hom. Od.1,186 and 3,81 and after that by lexicographers. Even the ancient exegetes of Homer could not identify it (Str. r0,2,11). A. Heuseck,

A Commentary on Homer’s Odyssey, vol. 1,

1988, 100, 165.

DS:

Nekydaimon (Nexvdaiuwv; Nekydaimon). Nekydaimon is used in > magic papyri and > defixiones as a technical term to describe the spirit (daimon; > Demons) of a dead person (Greek nékys) providing services to the living. It was primarily the spirits of people

[2] (Nettevc; Neilevs). Greek surgeon and pharmacologist, active before 217 BC (since he is quoted by > Andreas [1]). Into Late Antiquity authors like Aetius [3]

who had not received a ritual burial (a4taphoi), or who

(Tetrabiblos 7,110) recommended

forced into service as a nekydaimon. (PGM V 304-369; [1. 46-63, 71-81, 100-123; 3. 273]). The word nekydaimon is not found other than in papyri and defixiones, but they are alluded to by ritual prescriptions and literary sources (SEG 9,72 = LSCG, Suppl 115; Apul.

his rose collyrium

for eye problems; his remedy for removing callusses appears in Latin (e.g. Celsus, Med. 5,18,9) and Greek (e.g. Aetius, Tetrabiblos 9,15) medical texts. He is credited

with inventing a box-like device for realigning dislocated joints, esp. hip joints; the device was later improved by -> Heliodorus [5]. His conviction that a dislocated hip could be safely realigned was explicitly praised by Cornelius > Celsus [7] (Med. 8,20,4) and ~ Heraclides [27] of Tarentum (fr. 43 GUARDASOLE). V.N.

Neith (Nnid; ag. Njt.t (?)). Egyptian goddess with her main cult site at > Sais in the western Nile delta. With regard to monuments as well as to personal names, N. was the most prominent goddess of the Early Period (ast half of 3rd millennium BC). Later, especially during the Middle Kingdom and New Kingdom, she receded in comparison to other divinities; from the 26th Dynasty on, however, when Sais became the royal residence, she regained pre-eminent importance. Originally, N. may have been a goddess of warfare and hunting: her emblems are a bow and crossed arrows. Her warrior aspect accounts for the fact that she then became a patron goddess of medicine and magic, as well as of funerary affairs, often appearing as protector of > Osiris and the dead on coffins and canopies (~~ Canope). As mistress of Sais she was associated with Libya and was the patron of weavers; above all, however, she was the sov-

had

died

violently

(biaiothdnatoi)

or

prematurely

(> ahoros) that were threatened with the fate of being

Met. 9,29).

The living could order nekydaimones to carry out various tasks, such as to stimulate love in somebody (PGMIV 296-466; XVI 1-75; Cl 1-53; [2. 78-115]) or to hinder an opponent in athletic competitions (PGM IV 2211-2218; [2. 42-77]) or lawsuits (PGM LI 1-27; [2. 116-150]). Sometimes nekydaimones were made to co-operate by bribery, e.g. by promising them that afterwards they would be protected from others’ commands (SEG 37,673; [4]; Lucan. 6,762-770). Deities like Hecate were often asked to force these souls to carry out their task or to help them to do so (PGM IV 296-466; [1. 71-80]). In order to gain power over the soul of a dead person, the setter of the task would sometimes manipulate a part of the body or a piece of clothing (ousia, ‘substance’; PGM

IV 2006-2125;

Lucan.

6,533ff.) or placed a defixio in the grave of somebody who had died too early or by violence (PGM IV 296466; [1. 71-80; 3; 4]). These beliefs and rites have analogies in the high cultures of the ancient Orient ([1. 86953; 5. 65-72]), and may have been influenced by them. ~ Dead, cult of the ; > Magic 1S. I. JoHNsTON, Restless Dead, 1999; 2 J. GAGER, Curse Tablets and Binding Spells from the Ancient World, 1992;

622

621

3 D. JoRDAN, New Archaeological Evidence for the Practice of Magic in Classical Athens, in: Praktika tou XII diethnous synedriou klassikes archaiologias, 1988, 273277; 4Id., An Address to a Ghost at Olbia, in: Mnemosyne 50, 1997, 212-219; 5 W. BuRKERT, Die orientali-

sierende Epoche in der griechischen Religion und Literatur, 1984.

Sil:

Nelcynda (Nédxvvda; Nélkynda). Trading town in + Limyrice, in the south of India (Peripl. m. r. 53f.). It was situated on a river 500 stadia to the south of + Muziris in the kingdom of Pandion, i.e. Pandya, in the southernmost part of India. The port of Barace lay at the mouth of a river. The town is also known as Melcyda (Medxvda/Melkyda, Ptol. 7,1,9); cf. also gens Nelcyndon in Plin. HN. 6,24,105. The exact location of N. is unknown. O. STEIN, s.v. Nelkynda, RE 16, 2281-2285.

KK.

Neleus (Nyevc; Nélezis). [1] King of Messenian Pylos, son of Poseidon and > Tyro, the daughter of Salmoneus. Tyro, wife of Cretheus, falls in love with the river god Enipeus. In his guise, Poeseidon sires with her N. and his twin brother — Pelias (Hom. Od. 11,235-253; cf. also Hes. Cat. 30f.). After Cretheus’ death, strife develops between N. and Pelias over who is to rule in Iolcus. N. is forced to repair to the Peloponnese, where he founds — Pylos (Hom. Od. 11,25 4-259; Hes. Cat. 33a,5; Diod. 4,68,3 and 6). He marries Chloris, daughter of Amphion, and sires with her twelve sons (i.a. — Periclymenus and —» Nestor [1]) as well as a daughter, Pero (Hom. II. 11,692; Catalogue of the Sons: Hes. Cat. 33a,8-13; Apollod. 1,9,9). N., closely linked with the Olympian competitions (Paus. 5,8,2), runs horses in the chariot

races that are stolen from him by Augias (Hom. Il. 11,699-702). For this reason war is declared, which Nestor wages but from which N. himself refrains (Pherecydes FGrH 3 F 118). Nor does N. play any role in other wars that Nestor reports on (Hom. Il. 7,13 2-156 and 11,737-761). > Heracles [1] comes to N. in order

to be purified of the murder of > Iphitus, but which N. refuses to do because of his friendship with Iphitus’ father (Apollod. 2,6,2). Heracles then kills all of N.’s sons except Nestor, who is not present at the time (Hom. Il. 11,690-693; Hes. Cat. 34f.; Apollod. 1,9,9). Whereas in Apollod. 2,7,3 and Hyg. Fab. 10 N. is killed by Hercules, in Paus. 2,2,2 he dies in Corinth of an illness and is buried on the Isthmus. In Athens there was a sanctuary dedicated to N., Basile, and Codrus (IG I3 84, 418/17 B.C.), but here it is probably > Ne(i)leus [I], the son of Codrus and founder of Miletus, who is meant (cf. Hdt. 9,47). He was regarded as a descendant of the Pylian N. [1. 107 and 188; 2. 728 with bibliography}. 1 KEARNS

2E. Simon,

s.v. N., LIMC

6.1, 727-731. JSTE.

[2] see > Neileus [J]

NEMANUS

[3] N. of Scepsis, son of — Coriscus, alleged to be a

student of Socrates but in reality a student of Aristotle (cf. [1; 2]) and life-long member of the - Peripatos. Theophrastus bequeathed him ‘all of my books ’(in Diog. Laert. 5,52), among them the Aristotelian treatises, probably with the intention that he should publish the latter; but Str. 13,1,54 and Plut. Sulla 26 maintain that he took the papers to his native city where they were hidden in a cellar after his death and were not unearthed again until too B.C., when > Apellicon brought them to light. Attempts have been made to explain the philosophical demise of the Hellenistic Peripatos by citing the loss of these books, but such an explanation is insufficient and the report is a later invention. ~ Aristotelianism 1H. Bonitz, Index Aristotelicus 405a 35, 1870 (repr. 1960) 2 F. LasserrE, De Léodamas de Thasos a Philippe d’Oponte, 1987, ch. ro

H. B. GottscHatk, Notes on the Wills of the Peripatetic Scholarchs,

in: Hermes

100,

1972,

314-342;

ANRW II 36.2, 1083-1088; Moraux, vol. 1, 1973, 5ff.

Id., in:

Aristotelismus, H.G.

[4] A poet of the New Comedy (3rd cent. BC), known only from the list of Lenaean victors where, according to > Neanthes [2], he is recorded as having achieved a victory [1]. The first part of his name is no longer legible; Nn]kevc (Neé]levs) as well as Net}Aevc (Nei|leus) have been proposed [2] to fill this gap. 1PCG VII, 1989, 36

2H. J. Metre, Urkunden dramati-

scher Auffiihrungen in Griechenland, 6m

1977,

V C1 col. THI.

Nelia (Nie; Neleia). A town in > Magnesia [tr], incorporated into + Demetrias [1], mentioned only in Str. 9,5,15. Owing to the rare ancient cult of Aphrodite

Neleia, evidenced in > Jolcus, the place name, in the sense of‘City of the Dead (of Iolcus)’ ([2] et al.) has been equated with Pefkakia Magoula, which is situated in the territory of Demetrias (continuously inhabited from the late neolithic period; the classical and more recent layers of settlements were removed as part of the levelling of Demetrias). The place name N. is, though, in all probability a ‘metonymic toponym’ [1], with which Strabo described the city of Iolcus as the ‘Nelian city’. The ancient name of Pefkakia Magoula remains unclear. 1S. C. BaxHuIzeEN, N., a Contribution to a Debate, in: Orbis Terrarum 2, 1996, 85-120; 2 F. STAHLIN, s.v. N. (2), RE 16, 2268f.

H. HaurrMann (ed.), Die deutschen Ausgrabungen auf der Pevkakia Magula in Thessalien, 1989ff. HE.KR.

Nemanus

(Nevavotc/Nemanous).

According to Plut-

arch (Plut. De Is. et Os. 15,357 B) one of the names of the Queen of > Byblos [1], wife of Malcathrus. She re-

NEMANUS

624

623

3311f.;

3485). Augustus had N. enclosed by a new city

ceived Isis during her search for > Osiris and made her the wet-nurse of her children. She is also called » Astarte and Saosis and is said to have been called ‘AOyvatc/Athénais by the Greeks. Her name is derived from nhm(.t)—n, a frequent variation on the goddess’s name nhm(.t)—‘w3y in the late period. She is the companion of > Thot. In the late period (1st millennium BC), she was considered to be an aspect of Hathor.

3156); Gaius was patronus coloniae (CIL XII 3155). N. experienced its most illustrious era under Hadrian and Antoninus Pius.

1H. J. Tutssen, Die K6nigin von Byblos, in: Gottinger Miszellen 90, 1986, 79-84. JO.QU.

conduit from Ucetia (Uzés, 49 km with an incline of

Nemausus [1] God of the sacred spring of the capital of the civitas of the Volcae Arecomici

in Gallia [B.] Narbonensis, who also gave his name to the city (N. [2], present-day Nimes). Among the Imperial-period dedications to N., predominantly from the spring and baths district of the Roman city, a few votive offerings have come to light from the spring basin, where the god was presumably worshipped in a cult building with a square groundplan, connected to the spring basin, originating from as early as the pre-Roman period and renovated in the Augustan period. Among the, probably predominantly native, dedicants were several city dignitaries. The inscriptions mention Deus N. together with Jupiter or Jupiter Optimus Maximus > Heliopolitanus, Minerva, the Lares, Silvanus, Liber Pater and also local deities

(possibly + river gods). These associations shed light, among other things, on the apparently wide-ranging jurisdiction and the significance of the local god of the spring. > Spring, Spring Deities A. GRENIER,

Manuel

d’archéologie gallo-romaine

4.2,

1960, 493ff.; P. Gros, Nouveau paysage urbain et cultes dynastiques, in: C. GOUDINEAU, A. REBOURG (ed.), Les villes Augustéennes de Gaule, 1991, 127-140; E. GUILLET

et al., Une découverte récente: le portique de Nimes, in: Documents d’archéologie méridionale 15, 1992, 57-116; F. HEICHELHEIM,

s.v. N., RE 16, 2286-2288;

MANN, Der Quellbezirk von Nimes, 1937.

R. NAv-

ME.

[2] (Néuavooc; Némausos), modern Nimes. Capital of the > Volcae Arecomici (Str. 4,1,3; 12; Plin. HN. 3,37)

on the southern slope of the mons Cebenna on a fertile plane with an abundance of springs in the lower Rhodanus Valley, c. roo stadia west of the river (Str. 4,1,12) on the old connecting road between Italy and Spain (subsequently the via Domitia) at a sanctuary of N. [1], the god of the spring. With the participation of ‘Egyptians’ — probably Greek veterans of Antonius’ [I 9] Augustus elevated N. to the rank of colonia Augusta N. tribu Voltinia (cf. the coins with crocodile and palm branch). The numerous inscriptions document the administration of N. with I/II viri (CIL XII 3175; 3179f.; 32083 3233; 32473; 3252), XI viri (CIL XII 3179), quaestores (CIL XII 3094; 3206; 3272) and the district council (splendidissimus ordo decurionum, CIL XII

wall (6 km) in 16 BC (CIL XII 3151) [1; 2]. From this

period come the Tour Magne (unclear, whether this is a victory monument, watch-tower, Celtic sanctuary or mausoleum) and the temple for the two sons of Augustus, C. and L. Caesar

(Maison

Carrée

[3]; CIL XII

Buildings from the rst and 2nd cents. AD: the water 17.01 m) to N. (Pont du Gard aqueduct, 275 m long, 49m_ high); castellum divisorium [4.88], forum [5. 147], the basilica Plotina (erected by Hadrian in AD 122, SHA Hadr. 12,2), baths, nymphaeum, temple of N., the god of the spring [4. 493], amphitheatre (built at the time of the Flavians [5. 613]), theatre, circus

[5. 732, 988]. Particular cults: N., Ialon(us) or Ialona (CIL XII 3057); Proxumae

(CIL XII 3112 to 3128); Nymphae

(CIL XII 3103-3109); Matres (CIL XII 3085); Isis and Sarapis (CIL XII 3058-3061; 3224), Jupiter Heliopolitanus (CIL XII 3072). Emperor cult (VI viri Augustales, CIL XII p. 936; flamines, CIL XII 3180; 3207; 3305; flaminicae, CIL XII 3175; 3260; 3302); a spring

sanctuary has been identified as an Augusteum [6]. Numerous trades: coll(egia) utriclariorum Nemausensium (CIL XII 3351), centonariorum (CIL XII 2754,

3232), fabri tignuarii (CIL XII 3165), nautae Rhodanici et Ararici (CIL XII 3316f.). Little is known about the beginnings of Christianity; a Bishop of N. is first mentioned in AD 506. 1 P. VARENE, L’enceinte gallo-romaine de Nimes, 1992 2M. CE.ié et al., Enceintes et développement urbain ..., in: Journ. of Roman Archaeology 7, 1994, 383-396 3R. Amy, P. Gros, La maison carrée de Nimes (Gallia Suppl. 38),1979 4 GRENIER 4 5 GRENIER3 6 P. Gros, L’augusteum de Nimes, in: Revue Archéologique de Narbonne 17, 1984, 123-134.

Y. BURNAND, Sénateurs et chevaliers romains originaires de la cité de Nimes ... in: MEFRA 87, 1975, 681-791; M. CHRISTOL, CHR. GOUDINEAU, Nimes et les Volques aré-

comiques ..., in: Gallia 45, 1987/8, 87-103; D. DarDE, V. LassaLLe, Nimes antique (Guides archéologiques de la France 27), 1993; M. Py, Recherches sur Nimes préromaine (Gallia Suppl. 41), 1981. Y.L. and E.O.

Nemea (Nevéa; Neméa). [1] Nymph, after whom N. [2,3] was named, daughter of the river god Asopus and Metope (Paus. 2,15,3; schol. Pind. Ol. 6,144 Dr.) or of > Zeus and > Selene

(hypothesis c on Pind. Nem.); mother of > Opheltes (Aesch. TrGF 3 F *149a).

LK. [2] (Nepwéa; etymological meaning ‘pasture’; other etymology possibly after a nymph N. in Paus. 2,15,3). Name of: 1) a river which now carries water only in winter (mod. Zapantis [4.77-81]), which passes through narrow gorges in its middle and lower reaches (Ephorus FGrH 70 F 82: Newéac yaoddoa) and then

NEMEA

Castillon

sur Gard

aS Aqueduct (Pont du Gard) Tunnel

Tour Magne: octagonal victory monument, built before 16 BC;

\\ originally Celtic fortification

chateau d'eau

y

Spring

OOS

Nemausus

Ege | 1

Y c= Nymphaeum: well-house, 2nd quarter 1st. cent. AD, ——y5 and ‘Temple of Diana’ (part of the Nymphaeum; vault extant), originally native shrine of Nemausus;

Castellum Divisorium: round distribution { O\ .tank; terminal point of the (c. 50 km-long) \ aqueduct, supplying Nemausus with water from the Eure spring

Theatre ;

ge

;

Basin enclosure of the ancient

Celtic podium temple, central altar, baths

spring of Némausus

ale ——_

ae

Podium temple of Dea Roma and Augustus (confirmed by inscr.) later ‘Capitol’? on the Roman

-

forum (20-17 BC?/early 1st cent. AD Maison Carée;

residence of Visigoth kings; now museum of antiquities)

/ Basilica (dedicated to Plotina by Hadrian)

|| Augustan city wall\(16 BC;

2=3m wide,

1. 9—10m high,'c. 6km long)

Amphitheatre (1st cent. AD; from 9th cent. AD: fortress, castrum arenae)

et \—=Circus-(1st \\.

cent-AD;

epigraphic evidence only)

Baeterrae

¢\\¥ Porta Arelatensis (Porte d’ Auguste, extant); a

1 arch = Porte de France (=d’ Espagne, 16 BC)

Uf

Colonia Augusta Nemausus: archaeological site -map “3 aaa”

el

Fraince/

Aqueduct (main map) Aqueduct (inset map) Roman road (main and inset maps)

\

4

“\ Nemausus / f ‘

flows out into the Gulf of Corinth near modern Vrahati,

The region belonged to > Cleonae [1] (Vibius Se-

where it used to form the boundary between the regions of > Corinth and — Sicyon (Str. 8,6,25; Liv. 33,15,1

quester, GLM 156,13; cf. Steph. Byz. sv “Anéoas), but then to > Argos [II 1] (Scyl. 49) after it incorporated

[3. 79]; on the battle between the > Boeotians and — Sparta in 394 BC cf. Xen. Hell. 4,2,13-23; Diod. Sic. 14,83,1f.). 2) A basin (at c. 360 m of altitude), which is drained by the upper reaches of said river to the north (Str. 8,6,19); the existence of the village of Bembina, which was situated here according to Steph. Byz. sv and Plin. HN. 4,20, has not been archaeologically attested. 3) A sacred grove in said basin, where the festivals of N. (> Nemea [3]) used to be held (Str. Ic); it is situated west of the modern village of Iraklion (officially Arhea Nemea), on one of the most important roads from the Peloponnese to central Greece. The lion slain by > Heracles is said to have lived in the forests around N. (cf. Hes. Theog. 327; Theoc. Eidyllion 25,153 ff.).

Cleonae in the 5th cent. BC; in so doing, Argos took over the running of the games and organized the extension of the sanctuary. Judging by the finds, the Zeus sanctuary [1; 2] goes back to at least the 7th cent. BC. A simple temple of this period was replaced between 330 and 320 BC by a Doric peripteros, measuring 44.5 X 22m with 6 x 13 columns, of which the two columns of the pronaos and a peristasis column are still standing. The temple had a pronaos, but no opisthodome, and in the front part of the cella in each case a two-storey row of six columns, which were Corinthian at the bottom and Ionian at the top, while the rear part of the cella was separate and 2 m lower. Local limestone lined with stucco was used as material, with indi-

vidual parts made of different stone. Only the sima is made of marble. The sanctuary had few other architec-

NEMEA

627

628

tural structures (40.5 m long main altar in front of temple, additional altars and votive offerings, to south of the temple a number of larger buildings uncertain purpose). There is a stadium 500 m to

the the of the

Néméens, in: M. Prérart (ed.), Polydipsion Argos, Actes de la table ronde, Fribourg, 1987, 1992, 185-193 2ST.

southeast, near a theatre. This is also the site of the

spring of Adrasteia. There are very few traces of building activity from the Roman period. Pausanias (2,15,2f.) saw the sanctuary almost in ruins, the temple

without a roof and cult image. Scholiasts of Late Antiquity no longer knew where N. was situated and even relocated it to Thessaly (EM 119,43f.). In Late Antiquity the sanctuary was completely destroyed and the remains were largely used for building a Christian basilica in the 6th to 8th cents. Inscription.: IG IV 479488. 1B. Hitt, The Temple of Zeus at N., 1966 2 .L. BaccuiELLI, L’%adyton’ del tempio di Zeus a N., in: RAL 37, 1982, 219-237 3R. BaLapié, Le Péloponnése de Strabon, 1980 4 PRITCHETT 2, 1969. C. K. WiLiiaMs, s.v. N., PE, 617f.; D. L. BirGE et al.,

Excavations

at N.I. Topographical

and Architectural

Studies: The Sacred Square, the Xenon, and the Bath, 1992; J. C. WriGuT et al., The N. Valley, in: Hesperia 59, 1990, 579-649.

Y.L. and E.O.

1M.

in the > periodos of the Panhellenic games, from 573 BC celebrated in N. [2,3] every other year in the summer of the uneven (pre-Christian) years in honour of Zeus. First organised by > Cleonae [1], but mostly by > Argos [II 1]. From the Hellenistic period the N. also had a musical programme, besides the athletic and equestrian disciplines. Their origin is traced to funeral games for > Opheltes/Archemorus [1]. The victor’s prize was a wreath of wild celery. Sports equipment and utensils from the celebrations of a Nemean victor, dedicated to the deity on site, have been found [2. 3 8f.]. The oldest victor’s inscription is that of Aristis [3. No. 2], four times victor in the > pankration. The Nemean Games celebrations of 235 BC were ruined by Aratus [2] of Sicyon who violated the peace ofthe festival (Plut. Aratus 28,34).

Excavations of recent years have revealed the Late Classical stadium (with well complex, encircled by water channels with basins for drawing water, a sphen-

done (a bandage), starting grooves, 100 foot markers, a turning post for the > dolichos, entrance tunnel and apodyterion) [2. 171-191]. Numerous graffiti at the entrance; [2] interprets the graffito of Telestas as that of the Olympic victor from Messene [4. no. 453; 5. no. 453] (which would make it the oldest autograph in sports history). A fairly large building understood as a xenon not far from the Zeus temple could have housed the athletes’ accomodation. Hadrian introduced the winter Nemeae [6. 2326f.]. Since 1992 there have been attempts to re-establish the Nemea locally. -» Competitions, artistic; > Sports festivals

Les mythes de fondation

des Concours

G. MILLER (ed.), N. A Guide to the Site and Museum,

1990 3 J. Esert, Griechische Epigramme auf Sieger an gymnischen und hippischen Agonen, 1972 4L. Moretti, Olympionikai, 1957 5Id., Nuovo supplemento

al catalogo degli Olympionikai

greca e romana 12, 1987, 67-91 (Spiele), RE 16, 2322-2327.

in: Miscellanea

6K. HANELL, s.v. N.

Sr. G. MILLER, Since 1975: regular site reports in Hesperia; Id., Excavations at the Panhellenic Site of N., in: W.

RascHKE (Ed.), The Archaeology of the Olympics, 1988, 141-151; St. G. MILter, N. and the Nemean Games, in: O. TzACHOU-ALEXANDRI (ed.), Mind and Body. Athletic Contests in Ancient Greece, 1989, 89-96; W. DECKER, Sport in der griechischen Antike., 1995, 55-59. W.D.

Nemertes (Nnueotic/Neéemertés). Daughter of + Nereus and ~ Doris [I 1], one of the > Nereids (Hom. Il. 18,46; Hes. Theog. 262 (schol. 253 interprets N. as an adjective to > Pronoe); Hyg. Fab. Praef. 8; in Apollod. 1,12 it reads Neomeris instead of N.). SLA.

Nemesianus [1] M.

[3] (Néuea; Némea, the Nemean Games). Fourth agon

Dorrey,

Aurelius

N. As the name

Carthagin(i)ensis

appended in some MSS indicates, N. came from Africa. He wrote four bucolic poems (Bucolica, Buc.) and a didactic poem about hunting (Cynegetica, Cyn.), of which verses 1-325 are extant. The dedication of the Cyn. to the emperors > Carinus and > Numerianus [2] enables dating to shortly before AD 284. Whether N. also wrote Halieutica and Nautica, as maintained by SHA Car. 11,2, is doubtful, as is the authenticity of two fragments of a didactic poem on catching birds (De aucipio) [11. 313f.; 1. 127-141]. Both Buc. and Cyn. are distinguished by a new classicistic mentality which was to become typical of all pagan Latin poetry from Late Antiquity [6; 8; 9]. The Buc. survived together with the Buc. of > Calpurnius [III 3] Siculus; they were not separated until 1854, based on arguments of metrics and prosody [4]. The Buc. have as their main model the bucolic writings of > Vergilius and Calpurnius [III 3] Siculus, but they are non-political [ro. 145-159]. While the antiphonies of the lovelorn shepherds in eclogues 2 and 4 are skillful imitations and re-workings of their models [6. 28-3 5], the monodic eclogues 1 and 3, with their hymnal funeral song ona private individual (ecl. 1; [5]) and the broad unfolding of Dionysian themes (ecl. 3), attain greater independence in subject matter. The detailed proem of Cyn. (V. 1-102) emphatically adapts the proemial topics and techniques of -> Vergilius (esp. Georgica), -» Lucretius and Imperial epic poetry, esp. that of > Statius ([8]). The way the themes are treated (hunting dogs, horses, hunting equipment) shows great independence, compared with other didactic poems about hunting (e.g. Grattius) [1. 79-88; 7. 165-173]. Language, style and metrics of the poems are taken largely from classical models, esp. from Virgil.

629

630

N.’s Buc. were most influential [11. 314f.] from the Carolingian period onwards (e.g. MODOIN OF AUTUN, [12]), right into the modern period with its strong interest in bucolic and pastoral poetry (e.g. Carmen buc. by PETRARCA, Arcadia by SANNAZARO, a didactic poem by FRACASTORIUS, which is influenced by N.’s Buc. and Cyn. [1. 28-31, 88f.]). In 1688 FONTENELLE still placed Nemes. ecl. 3 above Verg. Ecl. 6 [11. 315] in poetic quality; J. BURCKHARDT praises the ‘vivid beauty’ of the depiction of the bacchanal in ecl. 3 and stresses its proximity to works of fine art [6. 28; 10. 155f.]. ~ Bucolics; > Didactic Poetry

Momus (Cypria F 1 EpGF), in order to free the earth from overpopulation and to punish mortals for their lack of piety. The comedy ‘N.’ by Cratinus (PCG IV F 114-127), which was probably performed in 431 BC, parodied the myth of Zeus, N. and Leda. N. is not yet found as a divine personification in Homer, but only as an emotional response by gods and mortals to the actions of others which are not in keeping with universal moral expectations. In this context N. appears in the social sphere as a counterpart to aidos, which refers to one’s own actions. In addition, the gods respond with némesis when mortals seek to cross the boundary separating them [3. 25-31]. Two different concepts of personified N. are found in Hesiod: in Hes.

1 P. VoLriLHac, Némésien. (Euvres, 1975

2H. J. Wr1-

LIAMS, The Eclogues and Cynegetica of Nemesianus, 1986 3D. KorzeENIEWSKI, Hirtengedichte aus spatr6mischer und karolingischer Zeit, 1976 4M. Haupt, De carminibus bucolicis Calpurnii et Nemesiani, 1854 (=

Opuscula I), 1875, 358-406 5 N. HIMMELMANN-WILDSCHUTZ, N. 1. Ekloge, in: RhM 115, 1972, 342-356 6 W. SCHETTER, Nemesians Bukolika und die Anfange der spatlateinischen Dichtung, in: CH. GNitKa, W. SCHETTER (ed.), Studien zur Literatur der Spatantike,

7 B. EFFE, Dichtung und Lehre, 1977

1975,

Proémium der “Cynegetica’ Nemesians, in: Hermes

1987, 473-498

115,

9H. WacTer, Studien zur Hirtendich-

tung Nemesians, 1988 antike Bukolik, 1989

§ 555,1989

1-43

8 J. KUppers, Das

10B. Erre, G. BINDER (ed.), Die 11K. SMoLaK, in: HLL vol. 5,

12 B. BiscHorr, Die Abhangigkeit der buko-

lischen Dichtung des Modoinus

..., in: R. MuTH

Serta philologica Aenipontana, 1962, 387-423.

(ed.),

J.KU.

[2] Higher official of > Constantius [2] I], mentioned in two laws: Cod. Theod. 12,1,30 (of AD 340) as comes (rerum privatarum?) and Cod. Theod. 11,7,5 (of 345) as comes (sacrarum?) largitionum. Before 340 he was rationalis Aegypti (IGR 1,1220). PLRE 1,621 nr.1.

WP. Nemesis (Néueouc/Némesis). Greek goddess and personification of retribution, avenger of > hybris, daughter of Nyx/Night (Hes. Theog. 223f.). As a mythical figure, N. played a role in the ‘Cypria’ (> Kypria) as the mother of — Helen [1]. Beset by aidos (shame) and némesis (a feeling of internal reluctance), N. tried to flee

from Zeus, who pursued her over sea and land to mate with her. On her flight she transformed herself into all kinds of land and sea creatures (Cypria F 7 EpGF). When she had taken on the form of a goose, Zeus overcame her in the form of a swan (or a gander? cf. [2]); from this union resulted the egg out of which which ~ Helen [1] was born (Apollod. 3,10,7; cf. Cypria F 8 EpGF). The egg was given by a shepherd (Apollod. I.c.) or Hermes (Hyg. Poet. Astr. 2,8) to > Leda, who reared Helen like her own daughter. According to Eust. ad Hom. Il. 23,639 the union of Zeus and N. also brought forth the Dioscuri (> Dioscuri; probably not yet in the ‘Cypria’). As the mother of Helen, N. fulfills an important function in the Trojan War: in the ‘Cypria’ Zeus planned the war, after consulting with Themis (according to Proclus, Cypria EpGF, S. 31, Z. sf.) or with

NEMESIUS

Op 197-200, N., together with Aidos, is an inhibiting

factor with a positive effect; in the Iron Age they both withdraw from the world, and mortals are left with

only distress and suffering. In contrast, in Hes. Theog. 223f. Nyx brings N. to mortals as a suffering (pema). Generally, in literature N. has the role of punishing mortal hubris (Eur. Phoen. 182-184) as well as misbehaviour toward the gods (Catull. 68,77-80) and mortals (Plat. Leg. 717d; also toward the dead: Soph. El. 792). She is frequently identified with > Adrasteia (Amm. Marc. 14,11,25).

The cult of N. was particularly significant in Attic Rhamnous, which was the site of the union of Zeus and

N., according to Eratosth. Catasterismi 25. There are remains there of a temple to N. from the sth cent. BC [r. rof.]. Paus. 1,33,2f. reports that > Phidias created the cult image of N., considered there to be the daughter of Oceanus; the cult statue held a sacrificial bowl and an

apple branch in its hands. In Smyrna, where N. was worshipped as a dual being (Paus. 7,5,3), games were held in her honour, at least during the Imperial period (CIG II 31448). With regard to the cult of N. during the Roman Imperial period, cf. [1]. 1M. B. Hornum, Nemesis, the Roman State, and the Games, 1993; 2W. Lupre, Zeus und Nemesis in den Kyprien — die Verwandlungssage nach Pseudo-Apollodor und Philodem, in: Philologus 118, 1974, 193-202; 3M. Scott, Aidos and Nemesis in the Works of Homer, and Their Relevance to Social or Co-operative Values, in: Acta Classica 23, 1980, 13-35. J.STE.

Nemesius (Newéovoc/Nemésios). Bishop of > Emesa (present-day Homs) in Syria, possibly identical with the governor of Cappadocia, to whom in AD 385 Gregorius [3] of Nazianzus sent three letters and a poem inviting him to convert to Christianity. Around 400 Nemesius wrote his work ‘On the Nature of Mankind’ (Hegi mvoews &vOQmnov/Peri phuseds anthropou), in which for the first time he describes anthropology from an explicitly Christian viewpoint. The title is borrowed from a Hippocratic text; the work itself appears to have remained uncompleted. Nemesius adopts the Greek literary and philosophical tradition rather than Christian doctrine. His main sources are Aristotle [6] (from a Neoplatonic perspective), Galen, Numenius, Plotinus,

631

632

lamblichus and Porphyrius (esp. the ‘Miscellaneous

in 584/590 the bischopric was moved to Cambrai. In the Merovingian period (> Merovingians), Arras was a mint.

NEMESIUS

Questions’, Sbwuixta Cytywata/Simmikta zétemata). Nemesius’s work is significant not only because of the

diversity of topics of his medical and philosophical sources, but also because of the teachings developed by Nemesius himself: spiritual life is limited by many restrictions with which human beings are confronted because of their corporeality. Nemesius had great influence in the Middle Ages, especially through translations of his work into Latin and Armenian. EpITIoN: M. Moranl (ed.), Nemesii Emesieni De natura hominis, 1987. TRANSLATION: G. VERBEKE,J.R. MONCHO (ed.), Neémésius d’? Emése, De natura hominis, traduction latine du grec par Burgundio de Pise, 1975. BIBLIOGRAPHY: W. JAGER, Nemesios von Emesa, 1914; A. SicLart, L’antropologia di Nemesio di Emesa, 1974; A.

Katuts, Der Mensch im Kosmos: das Weltbild Nemesios’ von Emesa, 1978.

L.BR.

Nemetacum. Main site of the > Atrebates, modern Arras (Dép. Pas de Calais), on a summit at the conflu-

ence of the Scarpe and the Crinchon; swamps in the south and east and a steep drop to the north gave it natural protection. N. is probably identical with Nemetocenna, Antonius’ [I 9] camp, which acted as Caesar’s winter quarters in 51/o BC (Caes. B Gall. 8,46,6; 52,1 {Hirtius]). There is evidence of a pre-urban La Téne

period settlement and there was an Atrebatic oppidum (42 ha.) 5 km away near Etrun at the confluence of the Scarpe and the Gy. N. was an Augustan foundation for strategic reasons at the junction of the roads from + Samarobriva (It. Ant. 379) to > Turnacum (Tab. Peut. 2,3; It. Ant. 378) and from Camaracum (modern Cambrai; Tab. Peut. 2,3; It. Ant. 377; 379) to Taruenna and Bononia (Boulogne; Tab. Peut. 2,1; It. Ant. 378f.) on the coast. The long-distance connections laid the basic pattern for the orthogonal town plan. Originally a primitive settlement in earth and timber construction, with the transition to stone construction in the Claudian period, under the Flavians (second half of rst cent. AD), by now covering an area of 30 ha., N. acquired the urban image which did not change appreciably until the great fire between AD 160 and 180. This brought its prosperity to an end and led to extensive depopulation. Only gradually did repopulation begin in the first half of the 3rd cent. A fortification wall was put up round the settlement (castrum as it was known), shrunk to 9 ha., at the earliest in 272/3. Unusual is a recently discovered Germanic sanctuary, which indicates the presence of a foreign Germanic population around 380/390 [1]. Immediately after their departure the buildings known as the Theodosian barracks (rectangular buildings) were erected, where firstly regular Roman

troops, then laeti Batavi Nemetacenses

1A. Jacques, Occupation germanique sur le site galloromain d’Arras, in: Archaologisches Korrespondenzblatt

21, 1991, 409-419. R. BEDON

et al., Architecture et urbanisme en Gaule

romaine, vol. 2: L’urbanisme (Collection des Hesperides), 1988, s.v. Arras, 66f.; A. JACQUES, G. JELSKI, Arras an-

tique, in: Les villes de la Gaule Belgique au Haut-Empire. Actes du Colloque Saint-Riquier (Somme) 1982, in: Rev. archéologique de Picardie 1984, 113-138.; A. JACQUES, in: R. DeLMarre (ed.), Le Pas-de-Calais. Carte archéologique de la Gaule 62,1, 1994, Nr. 48 Arras, 117-159.

F.SCH.

Nemetes (Néuntec; Némeétes). Germanic tribe, which — judging by the Celtic name — probably settled in the area of contact between Celts and Germani before the Roman period, but is hardly likely to belong to the -» Suebi. The N. were first mentioned alongside > Triboci and > Vangiones and later were also repeatedly referred to in conjunction with them (Plin. HN. 4,106; Tac. Germ. 28,4; Ptol. 2,9,17), among the seven tribes which > Ariovistus had led across the Rhine (Caes. B

Gall. 1,51,2). However, they did not remain there, but were probably first transferred permanently to the left bank of the Rhine by Augustus; where they lived in the intervening periods is unknown. In the Imperial period they occupied a region immediately west of the Rhine in the former settlement area of the > Mediomatrici. The main site of their regional corporation organized as a civitas was Noviomagus [8] Nemetum, modern Speyer.

The territory belonged to Germania superior, from the time of Diocletian to Germania I (> Diocletianus, with map). The Germanic element soon merged into the mixed culture of a Roman province and was later no longer discernible. At least one cohort of N. took part in the war against the Chattiin AD 50 (Tac. Ann. 12,27,2; > Chatti). Participation of the N. in the > Batavian Revolt is questionable. From the late 3rd cent., the area, safeguarded by military posts, increasingly suffered under

Germanic

attacks

(Amm.

Marc.

15,11,8;

MiG52462))s

R. Nreruaus, Das swebische Graberfeld von Diersheim, 1966, 182-234; H. BERNHARD, Speyer in der Vor- und Friihzeit, in: W. EGER (ed.), Geschichte der Stadt Speyer, *1983, 1-161; H. BERNHARD, Die rémische Geschichte in Rheinland-Pfalz, in: H. CUppers (ed.), Die Romer in

Rheinland-Pfalz, 1990, 39-168; Id., G. LENZ-BERNHARD,

Das Oberrheingebiet zwischen Caesars Gallischen Krieg und der flavischen Okkupation (85 v.-73 n. Chr.), in: Mitteilungen des Historischen Vereins der Pfalz 89, r991,

rff.

RA.WI.

(Not.

Dign. Occ. 40,42; — Laeti) were stationed. In the winter of 406 barbarian attacks caused devastation. Further destruction took place during the Frankish conquests (-» Franci). First certain bishop: Vaast in 5 32/3;

Neminia. Fons Neminiae, spring in the region of Reate in the territory of the Sabines, regio IV (Plin. HN. 2,230; 31,12?), which cannot be identified. NISSEN 2, 474.

surfaced

at various

places; G.U.

633

634

Nemrud Dagi (ND), 2150 m high in the Taurus mountains, is the location of the tomb of - Antiochus [2] I of

Nenia

Commagene. The tomb is associated with the apotheosis of Antiochus I in the wake of a dramatic increase in power following Pompey’s victory over > Tigranes II of Armenia and the acquisition of the city of Seleucia on the Euphrates/Zeugma at the princes’ congress of Amisus (65/64 BC). The burial tumulus, a mound made of fist-sized stones that reaches a good 50 m in height, is the site of cult terraces, colossal statues of the gods and a monumental cult inscription on the back of the gods’ thrones. The national goddess Commagene as well as ZeusOromasdes, Apollo-Mithras and Hercules-Artagnes stand next to the god-king Antiochus. On the eastern terrace there were five cult reliefs at the feet of the statues of the gods, on the western terrace the reliefs were located to the left of the statues. Four cult reliefs also depict the king’s acceptance into the ranks of the gods as shown by his handshake (dexidsis) with the aforementioned deities. The fifth relief depicts a lion with the stars of the astrological sign Leo. On the lion’s neck is Regulus, the royal star of Antiochus; under it, along with the lunar crescent, is the planet of the national goddess Commagene. Three other stars can be seen above the lion’s back, with inscriptions identifying them as the planets Jupiter, Mars and Mercury. This indicates that on 7 July 62 BC these planets passed by the royal star of Antiochus; court astrologists interpreted this constellation (also the tomb’s foundation horoscope) as a sign that the king had become one of the gods. Other reliefs depict his deified ancestors, with those from Persia facing the Graeco-Macedonians. According to the large inscription, believers were expected to make a pilgrimage to the tomb twice each month, on the king’s birthday and on the date of his coronation. It is doubtful, however, whether cult celebrations were held at all at ND, since neither the head

of Antiochus on the eastern terrace nor the reliefs on the northern terrace were completed. Furthermore, minor finds of the sort that might be expected if large-scale celebrations had been held on a regular basis have not been discovered. + Deification; > Ruler cult K. HuUMANN,

O. PUCHSTEIN,

Reisen in Nordsyrien und

Kleinasien, 1890, 97-406; F. K. DORNER, Der Thron der G6tter auf dem Nemrud Dag, +1987; D. H. SANDERS (ed.), Nemrud Dagi - The Hierothesion of Antiochus I of Commagene, 1996; S. SAHIN, Forschungen in Kommagene, in: EA 18, 1991, 99-132; J. WAGNER, Dynastie und Herr-

scherkult in Kommagene, in: MDAI(Ist) 33, 1983, 177224; Nemrud Dag. Neue Methoden der Archdaologie, 1991. J.WA.

A.

NENNIUS

DirGe

B. GODDESS

A. DIRGE In addition to other kinds of > song (magic songs: Hor. Epod. 17,29; Ov. Ars am. 2,102; childrens’ verses: Hor. Epist. 1,1,63; general songs: Hor. Carm. 3,28,16),

in Rome nenia is a technical term for a dirge sung to the flute in praise of a dead person in their funeral procession (Fest. 154/5 L.; Quint. Inst. 8,2,8; cf. Cic. Leg. 2,62). The origin and derivation of the presumably onomatopoeic (cf. [r. 386]) word has not been explained: a Greek origin (owing to Cic. Leg. 2,62) is accepted by [2], rejected by [3. 221]. According to Varro (De vita populi Romani fr. 110 RiposaTI) it was with a nenia, an artless form of singing (Non. 145,24-27 M. ineptum et inconditum carmen), that the women mourners traditionally answered

the eulogy of the lead singer (praefica; cf. [3.2193 4.97f.]). In contrast, from the late Republican period at prominent funerals a more sophisticated kind of nenia was performed (probably in imitation of the Greek

> thrénos) by more respectable choruses (chil-

dren, married women and men of the upper class): proposed for the funeral of Augustus (Suet. Aug. 100,2), certainly documented for the state funeral of Pertinax (Cass. Dio 74(75),4,5) and of Septimius Severus (Hero-

dian. 4,2,5). The satirically ironical nenia for Claudius (Sen. Apocol. 12) is obviously in the tradition of these songs. In Late Antiquity there is mention of evidence of neniae as both poetical laments (e.g. Auson. Parentalia 28,6f.) and funerary inscriptions (Sidon. Epist. 2,8,25 Ane.

6)

B. GODDESS A goddess Nenia, connected with the end of life, is mentioned in Varro’s Antiquitates Rerum Divinarum (Aug. Civ. 6,9; Arnob. 4,7). She had a small sanctuary (sacellum) outside the Porta Viminalis (Paul. Fest. 157 L.) in Rome.

+ Burial; > Dead, cult of the; > Death 1H. pe La VILLE DE MirMmont, Etudes sur I’ancienne poésie latine, 1903, 359-406; 2 WALDE/HOFMANN 2, 159; 3J.L. HELLER, N. ‘matywov’, in: TAPhA 74, 1943, 215-268; 4 W. KrerporF, Laudatio funebris, 1980, 96-99.

W.K.

Nennius. The Welshman N. is said to be the author of the Historia Brittonum, which appeared around AD 829, although his authorship has recently been disputed [r. ro89f.]. The work is a compilation in Latin, and does not form a coherent historical account, but collates source texts for such an account in a semi-chronological sequence. This literary form, consciously chosen by the author, represents a modern and, for its time, unique approach to dealing with historical material [2]. The information preserved by N. is certainly of extremely disparate value, especially as much of it belongs properly in the realm of legend. Above all the reports of

NENNIUS

Britain in the 5th cent. AD, which to some extent supplement the material offered by — Gildas, appear important. In chapter 56 (cf. also chapter 73), N. is the first to mention

636

635

Arthur as dux bellorum

(‘commander’),

to

whom he ascribes the British victory over the AngloSaxons at Badon. 1 J. PRELOG, s.v.N., LMA 6 2 J. Morris (ed.), Arthurian

(2), RE 16, 2409-2413

4J. A. R. Munro,

Roads in

Pontus ..., in: JHS 21, 1901, 52-66 5 E. OLSHAUSEN, Das romische Strafennetz in Pontos, in: Orbis Terrarum 5, 1999, 93-113 6 A. BrYER, D. WINFIELD, The Byzantine

Monuments and Topography of the Pontos, 2 vols., 1985 7 MitcHELL 8 D. R. Witson, The Historical Geography of Bithynia, Paphlagonia, and Pontus, D.B. thesis Oxford 1960 (typescript)

9 MAGIE.

E.O.

Period Sources, vol. 3, 1995, 107-109 and vol. 8, 1980 (introduction, Latin text and English tr.).

D. N. DuMvILLE, Histories and Pseudo-Histories of the Insular Middle Ages, 1990; A. W. WADE-EvaNs (ed.), N.’ History of the Britons, 1938 (introduction, comm. and

English trans.).

M.SCH.

Neo-Aramaic see > Syriac Neocaesarea caesarea).

(Neoxotodoeia/Neokaisdreia,

Lat. Neo-

[1] A town in Pontus at the southern foot of the — Paryadres near present-day Niksar, at the junction of the east-west route from the Amnias valley and up the Lycus valley via the Comana Pontica [2]-Polemonium road [4; 5; 6.Vol. x, 17-57]; it is mentioned for the first time in Plin. HN. 6,8. N.’s history is traceable via a progression of names, N./Sebaste/Diospolis/Cabira, into the period of the Pontic kings: as Cabira, the fortress of > Mithridates [6] VI., as Diospolis, elevated to the status of a town of the provinces of > Bithynia and Pontus [1. 33ff.] by Pompey in his reorganisation of the East in 65/62 BC, then renamed Sebaste by > Pythodoris in honour of Augustus (Str. 12,3,31). The siting of Cabira at Niksar ist established beyond doubt by a survey-supported analysis of literary sources (Plut. Lucullus 15,3f.; 17,2f.) (still disputed by [3], against [2. 4454; 7-Vol. 1, 92'*?; 9. r071]); there is no doubt about the etymological derivation of Niksar from N.; it is not known who changed the name Sebaste to N. (Tiberius himself, Pythodoris in his honour or Nero). From AD 64, N. was the metropolis of the Pontic federation of towns (xowov Tldovtov/Koinon Pontou; cf. OGIS

529;

coins from Verus to Gallienus), after Hadrian’s era, N.

was given the epithet Hadrianopolis (Steph. Byz. s.v. ‘Adouavorodug/Hadrianopolis; coins under Verus and Commodus). The town was part of the province of ~ Cappadocia up until Diocletian (Ptol. 5,6,9), then it was part of the province of Pontus Polemoniacus (Hierocles, Synekdemos 702). > Gregorius [1] Thaumaturgus was the first bishop (from around AD 240). The persecution of Christians under — Decius [II 1] raged extremely violently in N. (Greg. Nyss. 944B). Archaeology: there are remains from Roman times to the period of the Seljuk Turks rising high on the acropolis of Niksar. Apart from two bridges there is scarcely anything to be seen of the Roman town in the south of present-day Niksar [8. 239-244; 6.Vol. 1, 107-110]. 1C. Marek, Stadt, Ara und Territorium in Pontus-Bithynia und Nord-Galatia (IstForsch 39), 1993 2 OLsHAUSEN/BILLER/WAGNER

3 W. RuGE, s.v. Neokaisareia

[2] (also ’Agtotn/Aristé, Eoiot/Eristé). Seat of a bishopric in the west of - Bithynia, probably to the west of Olympus [13], location unknown. R. JANIN, Les églises et les monastéres des grands centres byzantins, 1975, 78ff., 129; V. SCHULTZE, Altchristliche Stadte und Landschaften, vol. 2,1, 1922, 343. KST.

[3] A settlement in North Syria, whose location is not known precisely. Syriac wwqs’ry’, probably identical with Caesarea (Katodigeva/Kaisdreia, Georgios Kyprios 882G) i.e. Arabian Qasrin. The Notitia dignitatum lists N. between Barbalissus and > Rusafa under the dux Syriae in the province of Augusta Euphratensis (Not. Dign. Or. 33,4,26). The cavalry unit that was stationed there was answerable to the legion in > Sura. N.was fortified once again under Justinian (Procop. Aed. 2,9,10.19). Bishops of N. are documented between AD 325 and 896/7. 1 R. Dussaup, Topographie Historique, 1927, 452 2 J. STuRM, E. HONIGMANN, s.v. N., RE 16, 2413f. K.KE.

Neoclaudiopolis (Neoxdavdinodu/Neoklaudidpolis, Latin Neoclaudiopolis). City in the Paphlagonian district of Phazemonitis to the east of the lower > Halys, near the village of Phazemon (®atnudv/Phazemon, OGIS 532, 40f.) in the territory of the neighbouring township of Andrapa (‘Avédgana/A’ndrapa, Ptol. 5,456,4; Hierocles, Synekdemos 701,7; Nov. 28 praef.); founded by Pompey in 65 or 62 BC with the name Neapolis (Strab. 12,3,38) as part of the new province of > Bithynia et Pontus [7. 33f., 38f., 71ff.], renamed N. under Claudius (IGR 3, 139; [1]), can be placed by modern Vezirk6pri. On the disputed identity of the townships mentioned cf. [23 3; 4; 5; 6]. N. was a bishopric at least from the beginning of the sth cent. (cf. [8. 1214D, 1364C]). 1G. Kau, Pontica I, in: Orbis Terrarum 1, 1995, 109-

119 2 MITCHELL I, 92 n. 129 3D. R. Witson, The Historical Geography of Bithynia, Paphlagonia, and Pontus

in the Greek

and Roman

Periods, D.B. thesis

Oxford 1960 (typescript), 187-192 4 MAGIE 2, 1067f. 5 G. DE JERPHANION, in: Mélanges de la Faculté Orientale de l'Université de Beyrouth 5, 1911, contribution 36 6 W. RuGE, s.v. Neoclaudiopolis, RE 16, 2394-2396 7C. Marek, Stadt, Ara und Territorium in Pontus-Bithynia und Nord-Galatia (IstForsch 39), 1993 8 J. D. Mansi, Sanctorum Conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, vol. 4, 1750.

E.O.

637

638

Neocles (NeoxAtjc; Neoklés). [1] The politically inactive father of the Athenian poli-

Neodamodeis (veodapmdeic/neodamédeis), ‘those who have only recently become part of the people’). Etymologically the word neodamédeis is explained as a compound of véoc (néos) and daymdyg (damédés). Neodamodeis were one of the many social groups into which the > Spartans were organised. Originally they were > Helots, who had been set free by the Spartan polis. They did not, however, then become citizens with full rights (as Diod. 14,36,1 incorrectly assumes), but among the erstwhile Helots they may have been an elite. Neodamodeis are attested primarily for the period from 421 to 370/69 BC. The group of neodamodeis was consciously created by the Spartans. Because of the limited number of Spartans and the constant state of war, there was a necessity to strengthen the military forces of Sparta. Immediately after the Peace of Nicias in 421 BC, neodamOdeis were inhabitants of Lepreum, a place on the Laconian-Elian border (Thuc. 5,34,1). In the year 418 BC they fought as a seperate unit in the battle at Mantineia (Thuc. 5,67,1). Later the neodamédeis also went into action in areas outside Greece (Sicily in 413 BC: Thuc. 7,58,3; Asia Minor: Xen. Hell. 3,1,4; 3,4,25 northern Greece: Xen. Hell. 5,2,24). They are last mentioned in the year 370/69 BC as a unit on the border of Laconia (Xen. Hell. 6,5,24). Neodamddeis were also said to be followers of > Cinadon, who planned a revolt against the Spartans in about 400 BC (Xen. Hell. 3,3,6). After 370 BC the neodamédeis disappeared, having never become properly integrated into the Spartan community as a social group — a process which can be perceived as a result of the loss of the hegemonial status of Sparta. ~» Mothaces; > Sparta

ticlan and commander > Themistocles (Plut. Themistocles 1; [1. 60-66; 60f.]; therefore Themistocles is called a ‘newcomer ’in Hdt. 7,143); aristocrat (Nep.

Themistocles 1), a member of the > Lycomidae family. N.’s wife was possibly non-Athenian. 1 F. J. Frost, Plutarch’s Themistocles, 1980.

Davies, 212ff.; TRAILL, PAA 706445.

[2] Probably eldest son of Themistocles, who died in childhood from a horse bite (Plut. Themistocles 32,1). TraILi, PAA 706450.

K.KI.

[3] Athenian from the demos of Gargettus, probably from the lineage of the Philaids, father of > Epicurus, in 352/1 BC was among 2,000 colonists who settled in Samos. After the cleruchs had been driven out by Perdiccas in 322, N. found refuge in Colophon. He was probably a school teacher (Diog. Laert. 10,1—2; Str. Tar

18 GicNats Ds ,725,Sudais.vaN.).

PA 10640.

[4] Athenian, one of the three brothers of > Epicurus, was a member of his school (Diog. Laert. 10,2; Plut. Mor. 1097e; 11004). PA 10641.

HA.BE.

[5] Author of a Greek manual on rhetoric no later than the early 2nd cent. AD, probably even earlier, in the first half of the rst cent., as Quintilian appears to have used it. His work was one of the most important models for the + Anonymus Seguerianus, by whom he is quoted twelve times by name; there are also ten mentions in works by other rhetors. Content and structure of the manual can be reconstructed from these sources — despite the fact that details of the delimitation and allocation of the fragments are often disputed — as follows: a definition of rhetoric was probably followed by the differentiation of four types of speech (legal, political, laudatory, historical). However, only the first two types are taken into consideration in the further expositions on disposition and argumentation. N.’s definitions of the individual parts of speech are preserved verbatim in each case. N.’s work, used at least indirectly by several rhetors of Late Antiquity, additionally contained important information on the diverging opinions of the followers of > Apollodorus [8] and those of > Theodorus. In general, N. seems essentially to belong to the Aristotelian tradition (one of his chief sources was > Caecilius [III 5]), but he also adopted the stoical body of thought (especially in definitions). » Rhetoric D. VoTTERO, in: A. PENNACINI (ed.), Retorica della communicazione nelle letterature classiche, 1990, 131-164; M. R. Ditts, G. A. KENNEDY, Two Greek Rhetorical Treatises from the Roman Empire, 1997, esp. XII-XIV.

M.W.

NEOI

1G. B. Brunt, Mothakes, neodamodeis, Brasideioi, in: Pubblicazioni dell ’istituto di storia antica, Univ. di Padova, 13, 1979, 21-31; 2P. CARTLEDGE, Agesilaos and the Crisis of Sparta, 1987; 3S. Linx, Der Kosmos Sparta. Recht und Sitte in klassischer Zeit, 1994; 4P. O iva, Sparta and her Social Problems, 1971. P.C.

Neogenes (Neoyévns/Neogénés) from Euboea. In about 378/7 BC with the help of > Iason [2] of Pherae he established a tyranny in > Histiaea, but was expelled soon after by the population with Spartan help (Diod. Sicha 553.0531) HA.BE. Neoi (véou; néoi). In ancient Greece, the term neoi,

which was also used unspecifically (‘the young’ vs. ‘the old’, gérontes/yégovtes), as a technical term described an age group or a group of young men organized as an association: neoi were the young men over 18 who had grown out of puberty, with the boundary between neoi and tvéeec (andres/men) often remaining undefined; in

poleis with the ephebeia (— ephébeia; Athens) they followed the paides (~ Child) and éphéboi by age and, therefore, belonged to the citizens with military service obligations; Xenophon considers 30 years as the upper age limit (cf. Xen. Mem. 1,2,35; Chios: Syll.3 959,5; cf. the hebontes, the néoi and the neoteroi in Sparta: Xen.

639

640

Hell. 3,3,8f.; 5,4,32; Xen. Lac. pol. 4,1). According to

Ephesus, neokoros of Artemis: Acts 19,35). The title was also closely connected with the > emperor cult: from the early 2nd cent. AD a system developed in which Greek cities, esp. in > Asia [2], applied to the Roman Senate for the right to bear the title of neokoros. This privilege, which depended on the agreement of the emperor, required the existence of a local temple to serve a provincial (not merely urban) ruler cult ({2. 64— 733; 3-46-57]; petition procedure in IGR IV 1431: Smyrna). The title was a sign of imperial favour and enhanced the prestige of individual cities; in competition with each other, therefore, they would attempt to obtain successive neokoros distinctions from succeeding emperors. The award of the title neokdros was advertised in inscriptions (e.g. Ephesus, twice neok6ros:

NEOI

the gymnasiarch law of Beroea, they were young men between the ages of 20 and 30 years. The associations of néoi linked to the - gymnasia are rarely mentioned in literature (Diod. Sic. 29,18; Plut. Timoleon 39; Str. 14,1,44; Aristid. 51,29), but often in epigraphy in the eastern Mediterranean region, especially in Asia Minor (late 4th cent. BC - 3rd cent. AD; cf., e.g., IG IV 749; Gortyn: Syll.> 525; Beroea: SEG 43,381; Cyzicus: OGIS 748; ILS 7190, corpus quod appellatur neon, which was confirmed by Antoninus Pius; Apollonia [6] on the Rhyndacus: SEG 2,663; Sestus: OGIS 339,31; 63). While many poleis maintained a common gymnasium for their youth (Samos:

SEG

1,366), some

cities — such as Miletus,

Halicarnassus and Pergamum — had separate gymnasia for paides, éphéboi and néoi, which were each headed by a gymnasiarch and whose test subjects are known from lists of victors. Néoi were tied into the public life of the polis through participation in festivals and cults (Chios: SEG 30,1073). Individual activities of such néoi associations are known from epigraphy (congratulations to the princeps: Syll.3 831, Pergamum; honouring of the gymnasiarch: IGR 4,445, vidc tov véwv). These

OGIS No. 493 |. 2, AD

138; [1]) and on coins (e.g.

BMC,Gr 14,156 No. 327 (Pergamum): image of three neokoros temples under Caracalla, AD 211-217; BMC, Gr 16,92 No. 306 (Ephesus): four neokoros temples under Elagabalus, AD 2148-222). + Aedituus; > Emperor cult; > Sanctuaries; > Temple 1S. J. FRIESEN, Twice N. Ephesus, Asia and the Cult of the Flavian Imperial Family, 1993 2S. R. F. Price, Rituals and Power. The Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor,

associations were also described as ovvodoc (— synodos; Smyrna, Nicaea and Pergamum); the titles

1984 3L. Rosert, Sur les inscriptions d’Ephése: fétes, athlétes, empereurs, épigrammes, in: RPh 41, 1967, 7-84.

of individual officials are also known (IGR 4,657): yoappatets (grammateus) and tapiac/deyveotapias (tamiaslargyrotamias). Néoi received donations, e.g., in

JWI.

Cyme baths and lands from L. Vaccius Labeo (IGR 4,1302). The translation of the title > princeps iuventutis as véwy fyyenov (néon héegemon, IGR 3,871) indicates the institutional proximity of the éo/ to the > imvenes. The terms veavioxo. (neaniskoi, cf. neaniskarchés/ veavioxcoxnc: SEG 2,620) and vewtegor (nedteroi) were used on Delos (IDélos rs5or) and in Beroea (SEG

43,381) as synonyms for néoi; the term peiedxtov (meirakion) was also sometimes used with this meaning (Antiph. 2,4,6; 2,4,8).

Neolaus (New Aaoc; Nedlaos). N. took part in the uprising of his brothers Molon [1] and Alexander against + Antiochus [5] III. In Molon’s battle of 220 BC

against Antiochus, M. commanded the left wing of the army, which defected to the king, determining both the result of the battle and the fate of the insurrection. N. fled to Alexander in the Persis, killing their mother, Molon’s children and himself (Pol. 5,53,11-54,5). 1H. H. Scumirt, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte Antiochos’ des Grofen, 1964, 143ff. 2 WILL, vol. 2, 17ff.

A.ME.

+ Youth 1C. A. ForsBes, Neoi, 1933; 2 PH. GAUTHIER, M. B. Hatzopou tos, La loi gymnasiarchique de Beroia, 1993; 3 M. P. Nivsson,Die hellenistische Schule, 1955. JW.

Neokoros

(vewxdg0¢;

nedkoros).

Probably

‘temple

sweep’ from nads/neds, ‘temple’ and koré6, ‘sweep (with a broom)’. The title zeOk6ros was used generally in the sanctuaries of the Greek world to denote various cultic offices. Originally perhaps a name for the lesser office of temple warden, who was charged with the ritual cleansing of a sanctuary, meokoros was also used to refer to more senior cultic officers (e.g. Megabyzus, neokoros of Artemis at Ephesus: Xen. An. 5,3,6f.) and on Delos for local magistrates (IDélos 93,13: 410 BC). In the Roman period, Greek cities were given the by-name neokoros in their capacity as the special ‘patron’ of a cult of their particular tutelary deities (e.g.

Neon (Néwv; Néon). [1] Lacedaemonian from the perioeci town of Asine [3],

subordinate commander (bmootedtnyoc/hypostrategos) of > Chirisophus [1] in the campaign of the younger Cyrus [3] against Artaxerxes [2]. After Chirisiphorus’ death, N. commanded the Lacedaemonian contingent. After > Xenophon had relinquished command at Byzantium, N. hoped for supreme command, and opposed the decision to place the mercenary army in the service of the Odrysian King -» Seuthes (Xen. An.

5452345 75258 25'793975 [ae 9501) 1 O. LENDLE, Kommentar zu Xenophons Anabasis, 1995.

WS. [2] The Messenian N., son of Philiades, was driven out of Messenia as the leader of the supporters of the Macedonian King Philip II after the latter’s death in 336 BC, but around 333 was installed together with his brother

641

642

Thrasylochus as a tyrant or leader of an oligarchy (Theop. FGrH 115 F 41; Dem. Or. 17,4; 18,295, but cf. Pol. 18,14).

Aoyaiacg @®dxtidoc, in: Phokika

Kronika

5, 1993,

23f.

GDR.

Neon Teichos (Néov tetyoc; Néon teichos).

-» Messana, Messenia 1 BerveE, Nr. 550.

JE.

[3] N. of Thebes, son of Ascondas, father of > Brachy]lles; as hipparch of the Boeotians in 229 BC, he did not exploit the plight of > Antigonus [3] Doson, and used his close friendship with the Macedonian kings to secure the leading role in Boeotia for his family (Pol. 20,5,5-14) [1. 50]. [4] Son of > Brachylles, grandson of N. [3], together with > Ismenias [3] leader of the opponents of Rome in Boeotia and advocate of the alliance with > Perseus (1774/3 BC), over which the Boeotian League disintegrated in internecine strife at the beginning of the 3rd -~ Macedonian War [1. 154-159]. Banished from Thebes and sued in Chalcis, N. fled to Perseus (Pol. 27,1,11-13; 27,2,8), whom he accompanied to Amphipolis after the defeat at Pynda (168) (Liv. 44,43,6; Plut. Aemilius 23,6); he was executed there by the Romans (Divet4iseg nies): -» Boeotia, Boeotians (with map) 1 J. DEININGER, Der politische Widerstand gegen Rom in Griechenland, 1971. L.-M.G.

[5S] N. was along with [2] in 188/7 tified in the porting the

NEOPHRON

honoured with the > proxenia by Delphi his brothers Aratomenes and — Comanus BC as an emissary of Ptolemy V; he is idensummer of 187 as the owner of a ship supoperations of his brother Comanus against

[1] Fortified town on the northern coast of the — Propontis, south of — Bisanthe (Ps.-Scyl. 67). It was

founded by Bisanthe or by Samos, and from the end of the 5th cent. BC it was in the hands of the > Odrysae. NT was said to have belonged to Alcibiades [3] temporarily (Nep. Alcibiades 7,4). Seuthes offered Xenophon the gift of N. together with Bisanthe and Ganos (Xen. An. 7,5,8). U. KaursTeDT, Beitrage zur Geschichte der thrakischen Chersones, 1954, 21f. Lv.B.

[2] Place in Aeolis in Asia Minor, founded by Cyme [3] eight years after its own foundation as a defence against the neighbouring town of Larisa. Differing versions (in Hdt. 1,149; Strab. 13,3,3; Ps.-Hdt. Vita Homeri 9-11; Plin. HN 5,121) prevent any more precise localisation in Aeolis. If Larisa [5] can be placed at modern Buruncuk, it may be that NT was near modern Yanik Koy, where there is a quite large area of ruins [1]. In any case there is no certain evidence. The significance of the town can be inferred from the coin minting dated to the 2nd cent. BC and possibly also from the continuing settlement into the Byzantine period. W. Ramsay, The Historical Geography of Asia Minor, 1890, 457; 2 J. Kett,s.v. N.T. (2), RE 16, 2431; BEAN, Kleinasien, 1969, 99-102.

3G.E. E.SCH.

insurgents. H. Hausen,

The Barges of the Komanos

Family, in:

AncSoc 19, 1988, 207-211; E. OLSHAUSEN, Prosopographie der hellenistischen K6nigsgesandten, vol. 1, 1974,

56f. no. 34.

W.A.

[6] (Newv; Neon). Town in eastern Phocis on the southern edge of the plain of Cephissus (Str. 9,5,18). The elevations above the summit of the rocky outcrop of the Parnassus massif which descends towards N. were called Tithorea; this name was later extended to refer to the whole region, including N. (Hdt. 8,32; Paus. 10,32,9). N. is to be found either in the ruins near modern Ano Tithorea (Velitsa), near Kato Tithorea or near

Palaiothiva, 5 km north of Ano Tithorea on the right bank of the Cephissus (remains of town walls; but this may also be the town of Pedieis). N. was one of the towns burnt down by the Persians in 480 BC (Paus. 10,3; 32f.). Philomelus, the Phocian leader in the 3rd + Sacred War, took his own life after his defeat in battle

by the Boeotians not far from N. in 354 BC (Diod. 16,28ff.; Paus. 10,2,4). Epigraphical evidence: IG IX 1, 187-217. Archaic coins: HN 343. F. SCHOBER, Phokis, 1924, 37f.; PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN I, 424, 689, 716, 725f.; N. D. PapacHATZzis, Ilavoaviou “Edi G50¢ Teoujynot, vol. 5, 1981, 419-424; MULLER,

527f.

PH.

NTasios,

ZupPodn

otynv

tomoyeapia

tHs

Neophron (Nedoewv; Nedphron) of Sicyon. Tragedian, 2nd half of sth cent. BC; according to the Suda (IrGF I 15 T 1) the author of 120 plays, and the first to depict tutors and the torture of slaves on the stage. According to the > hypothesis of Euripides’ [1] ‘Medea’ arising from the Peripatetic tradition, the Euripidean drama is said to have derived from N. The 24 surviving verses show clear concordances with Euripides (esp. Medea’s monologue in N. fragment 2, cf. Eur. Med. ro2rff., 1236ff.); however, scholars dispute the prec-

edence. In some quarters, the arguments of the hypothesis are regarded as solely of historical interest [1], while others find it improbable that Euripides would have involved himself so deeply with an insignificant predecessor [2]. 1B. MANUWALD, Der Mord an den Kindern, in: WS N.F.

17, 1983, 27-61. 22-24.

2A. Din .e, Euripides’ Medea, 1977,

B. Gauty et al. (ed.), Musa tragica, 1991, 60-63, 274.

B.Z.

NEOPLATONISM

643

Neoplatonism A. DEFINITION B. GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS C. THE FIRST PERIOD D.IAMBLICHUS AND THE NEOPLATONIC SCHOOLS IN ASIA MINOR AND Syria E. THESCHOOL OF ATHENS F. THE ALEXANDRIAN NEOPLATONISTS G. NEOPLATONISM OF THE GREEK CHURCH FATHERS H. NEOPLATONISM

IN THE LATIN PART OF THE EMPIRE RECEPTION

J. HISTORY OF

A. DEFINITION The term ‘Neoplatonism’ was coined in the 19th cent. and originally referred to a specific form of Platonism (-> Plato) in the 3rd to 5th cents. AD; in a wider

sense, the term refers to the intellectual trends of the same period or later that share some of Platonism’s characteristics. B. GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS

Like most ancient philosophical schools, the Neoplatonic schools in Rome, Athens, Alexandria, Apamea

etc. were communities of teaching and learning that imposed on their members a certain way of life that included specific intellectual exercises and diets (— Philosophical Life). From the time of Iamblichus, ritual

and theurgist practices also became features of Neoplatonism. We now know that the famous Neoplatonic school in Athens of the 5th cent. AD was nota continuation of Plato’s school-like institution (~~ Academy) which closed in the rst cent. BC — neither institutionally nor topographically [1]. From the beginning (late 4th cent. AD) to its end (ca. 529), the school in Athens was a self-contained institution with a continuous succession of heads of school. In contrast, the Neoplatonists who taught in Alexandria probably each had their own private school [2. 20f., note 36]. As with all philosophical schools after the rst cent. BC, the Platonists’ instruction mostly consisted of explaining the texts of its founder and other pre-eminent representatives, i.c. the dialogues of > Plato as well as certain writings on logic, ethics and physics by his student > Aristotle [6], which, although considered secondary, had been incorporated into the Platonic system. Characteristic for the Neoplatonic exegesis was the effort to construct real correspondences to Plato’s dialectic ideas — personified hypostases, as it were — emanating in hierarchic order from the highest transcendental reality. An example of this endeavour is the Neoplatonist interpretation of the various hypotheses Plato employed in his investigation of the consequences of Parmenides’ postulation of the One. According to > Plotinus and > Porphyrius the first hypothesis corresponds to the One, the second to the intellect and the third to the soul. > Iamblichus [2] thought that the first hypothesis corresponded to god and the gods, the second to the beings that are both intelligible and intelligent, and the third to higher beings, such as angels, demons and heroes. > Syrianus and > Proclus further complicated the exegesis by at-

644 tributing to the subdivisions of Plato’s hypotheses hierarchical classes of gods or souls. Thus they arbitrarily interpreted Plato’s dialectic in the ‘Parmenides’ as theology. Rational theology of that kind was based on a wide-ranging tradition of ‘inspired’ texts which spanned the entire Greek theological tradition: the Orphic texts (> Orphism), Homeric poetry (-» Home-

rus [1]), the writings attributed to > Pythagoras and the ‘Chaldaean Oracle’ (> Oracula Chaldaica). By integrating contradictory elements, Neoplatonism after Iamblichus became a pagan theology that was systematic in the extreme. Proclus, in his Institutio Theologica, provided its theoretical foundation. The system was based on four main principles: the first principle is that of a unifying system, for plurality always presupposes a unity that gives it structure and cohesion; the second principle is transcendence, for on every level of the sensible material world there is a unity that transcends the plurality it unifies, and so on until the absolute transcendental unity has been reached; the third principle is immanence, for plurality is always present in the unity that transcends it and thus all things contained in the principle permeate each other before they evolve and differentiate themselves (thus there is a dynamic coherence in which essences or Ideas can coincide: in the final instance movement is rest and rest is movement). The fourth principle is that of return: every reality, as it becomes real, leaves the unity in which it was contained and moves towards plurality, but in order to become completely real it has to return to the unity from which it originated. Neoplatonism, however, is not merely a theology; for theology can only speak of god. The Neoplatonists aimed higher: they wanted to be in direct contact with the deity. In his ‘Life of Plotinus’ Porphyrius mentions Plotinus’ experiences of becoming one with the transcendent god; Plotinus had had several of these experiences, but Porphyrius only one. From the time of lamblichus and his students, theurgist ( Theurgy) and hieratic practices became very important; supposedly they allowed the philosophers to achieve unity with the gods and see them. ‘Some assign the first place to philosophy (Porphyrius, Plotinus and many other philosophers), others to hieratic (Iamblichus, Syrianus, Proclus and all the hieratics)’, reports Damascius (in Pl. Phd. 1, 172, p. 105 WESTERINK). Hieratic and theurgy are methods that provide direct access to the divine through magic-mystical and ascetic practices. First and foremost the term ‘hieratic’ suggests Egyptian and hermetic traditions, but, because of Neoplatonic syncretism, for lamblichus, Proclus and the later Neoplatonists hieratic was closely related to theurgy [3. 464]. The Neoplatonists found descriptions of theurgic practices in the text of the ‘Chaldaean Oracle’, probably composed in the 2nd cent. AD, which they treated like a bible and from which they quoted extensively. In the face of expanding Christianity later Neoplatonism had both a theology and a lithurgy that comprised all of the pagan traditions. After Iamblichus the

645

646

Neoplatonists preferred theurgy because they regarded the Plotinian > ecstasy as virtually unattainable for human beings (Iambl. Myst. 5,22).

Athens, became familiar with this doctrine through his grandfather > Nestorius. The Neoplatonists of the Athens School praised Nestorius as a master oftheurgy; this indicates that Nestorius was influenced by Iamblichus. Many details of the life of the School of Athens

C. THE FIRST PERIOD It is generally agreed that Neoplatonism started with the school founded by Plotinus in AD 244 in Rome. In Alexandria Plotinus had studied with > Ammonius [9] Saccas, but we cannot reconstruct the latter’s teachings or determine whether they already contained elements typical for Neoplatonism. Plotinus had two important students: > Amelius Gentilianus, born in Apamea, and Porphyrius from Tyrus. Porphyrius’ ‘Life of Plotinus’ contains important details about the teaching activities of the master. It is controversial whether Porphyrius himself opened a school in Rome after Plotinus had died. In any case, Eunapius called > Iamblichus [2] and ~ Theodorus of Asine students of Porphyrius, and Porphyrius dedicated to Iamblichus his book on the motto ‘Know Thyself’. D. IAMBLICHUS AND THE NEOPLATONIC SCHOOLS IN ASIA MINOR AND SYRIA Iamblichus, who was born in Chalcis in Coele Syria,

founded a school in Apamea [3] in Syria and probably later another one in Daphne [4], a suburb of Antiochea. Theodorus of Asine, who had studied in Porphyrius’ school, was probably briefly a student of Iamblichus. -» Sopater of Apamea, Iamblichus’ successor in that city and later executed by emperor Constantinus, and ~» Dexippus, whose commentary on the ‘Categories’ of Aristotle has survived, can also be regarded as Iamblichus’s immediate students. From the middle of the 4th cent., the teachings of Iamblichus spread throughout the entire coastal area of Asia Minor, especially through his student + Aedesius, who opened his own school in Pergamum. Some of Aedesius’ students are known: +» Chrysanthius of Sardis, Priscus of Epirus, Eusebius of Myndus in Caria, Maximus [5] of Ephesus and the later emperor Julian (> Iulianus [11]), whose instruc-

tion Aedesius entrusted to this students Chrysanthius and Eusebius. Julian studied with Maximus of Ephesus as well. As the writings of Julian reveal, these students of Iamblichus attached great importance to theurgy. In his ‘Lifes of the Philosophers and Sophists’ Eunapius of Sardis, a student of Chrysanthius, included valuable information about the school of Pergamum. According to recent scholarship [4; 5], > Themistius, a philosopher and orator who lived in Constantinople in the 4th cent. and who was previously regarded as an Aristotelian, belonged to the branch of Neoplatonism founded by Iamblichus. E. THE SCHOOL OF ATHENS Apparently [6. XXXV-XLVIII] in the late 4th cent. Priscus, the student of Aedesius, and Iamblichus II., the grandson of Sopater, brought Iamblichus’s Neoplatonism to Athens. > Plutarchus of Athens (died 432), who is usually regarded as the founder of the School of

NEOPLATONISM

have been recorded in the ‘Life of Proclus’ by > Marinus of Neapolis and in the ‘Life of Isidorus’ by > Damascius. Students of Plutarchus were > Hierocles [7], who later taught in Alexandria, and > Syrianus, the successor of Plutarchus. Syrianus was a teacher of Domninus of Syria (who preferred mathematics as a field of philosophy [7] to philosophy itself) and of + Hermeias of Alexandria, who later taught in Alexandria, and of Proclus who, although born in Constantinople, came from Lycia and who had already enjoyed the teachings of Plutarchus. After Syrianus’ death he became his successor (ca. 437). Proclus had numerous students and auditors [6. XLIX-LIV]: Plutarchus’ descendants Hierius, Archaidas, -» Hegias, family members of Syrianus such as -» Ammonius [12] and Heliodorus of Alexandria, who were sons of Hermeias and Aedesia (a relative of Syrianus), > Hierax, Marinus of Neapolis, > Asclepiodotus of Alexandria (who according to Simplicius often challenged his teacher) and his son-in-law Asclepiodotus, as well as Pericles of Lydia, — Isidorus of Alexandria, Zenodotus, who helped Marinus with his responsibilities as diadochus, and — Agapius of Athens. This ‘familiar’ character of the later Neoplatonic schools is remarkable. Proclus was first succeeded by Marinus, who was assisted by Zenodotus, then came Isidorus and finally Damascius (he was the last diadochus when emperor Justinian closed the Athens School in 529) who may have taught Simplicius earlier in Alexandria. Damascius remained faithful to lamblichus and questioned (according to Simpl. in Aristot. Ph. 1, p. 795, 11-17 Diets) many of Proclus’s doctrines. After the closing of the school the philosophers had to leave Athens and went to the Persian king Chosroes [5]. The historian > Agathias mentions the exile of seven philosophers (Historiae 2,30,3-31,4 KEYDELL): the Syrian Damascius, Simplicius of Cilicia, the Phrygian Eulamius, the Lydian Priscianus, the Phoenicians Hermeias and Diogenes and Isidorus of Gaza. After the peace treaty between Chosroes and emperor Justinian (532) the philosophers left the Persian Empire and settled—all of them (M. TarDIEu [8; 9]) or at least some of them, Simplicius among them - in Harran (Karrhai), a Greco-Arabian-Syrian city in the Byzantine Empire, yet

close to the Persian border and within the reach of the Persian king. F. THE ALEXANDRIAN NEOPLATONISTS Was K. PRAECHTER [10] correct, when he proposed that the school in Alexandria was a Neoplatonic school in the twofold sense? Was it an organised institution and did it have its own doctrine? I. HADor [r1; 12] has shown that, unlike in Athens, there is no evidence for a continuous institutionalised succession of headmasters

647

648

at the Neoplatonic school in Alexandria; and further that there is no basis for the assumption of a specifically Alexandrian doctrine that is significantly different from

merged with the Arabic tradition based on Neoplatonic Greek texts, as attested by the so-called ‘Theology of Aristotle’ (actually a paraphrase ofPlotinian texts). The influence of Neoplatonism on the Renaissance and Modern Period was equally great. + Middle Platonism; > Neo-Platonism

NEOPLATONISM

the one in Athens. While it is true that > Synesius, who

studied in Alexandria (murdered in 415), was tonism of Plotinus and other philosophers who

under the famous > Hypatia familiar only with the NeoplaPorphyrius, yet almost all the later taught in Alexandria had

studied in Athens: Hierocles studied under Plutarchus,

Hermeias under Syrianus, and the commentator on Aristotle Ammonius [12] and his brother Heliodorus had studied with Proclus. In ‘Life of Isidorus’ Damascius attests to the close relationship between the two schools. Upon close examination neither the writings of Hierocles and Simplicius’ commentary on Epictetus, cited by PRAECHTER as the main evidence for his thesis, nor the writings of any other Alexandrians reveal a return to pre-Plotinian doctrines or a Christian influence; but as it would stand to reason, they exhibit typical Neoplatonic characteristics [10; 11]. G. NEOPLATONISM

OF THE GREEK CHURCH Fa-

THERS Although with Porphyrius and emperor Julian Neoplatonism soon became anti-Christian, Church Fathers like + Eusebius [7] and — Basileius [1] of Caesarea, ~ Gregorius [2] of Nyssa in the 4th cent. or > Nemesius in the 5th cent. nevertheless adopted Neoplatonic, especially Plotinian and Porphyrian, expressions in their writings. Towards the end ofthe 5th or in the early 6th cent. an anonymous author (probably a student of Proclus) under the pseudonym > Dionysius [54] Areopagites used Proclus’ hierarchies of entities as a model for a Christian hierarchy of heavenly beings. Thanks to his effective pseudonym he was much commented on in the Middle Ages. H. NEOPLATONISM

IN THE LATIN PART OF THE

EMPIRE Neoplatonism, especially Plotinius’s and Porphyrius’s ideas, exerted a strong influence in the Latin part of the empire. It is evident with pagan writers from the 4th to the 6th cents., such as > Firmicus Maternus (Matheseos

libri),

—- Macrobius

and

~~ Martianus

Capella (whom Iamblichus may have influenced as well) as well as with the Christian authors of the same time period, such as > Marius Victorinus (among other

things a translator of Plotinus’s works), > Augustinus, ~ Calcidius, > Claudianus [4] Mamertus and > Boethius (his commentaries on Aristotle made use of Neo-

platonic sources of the schools of Athens and Alexandria), J. HisTORY OF RECEPTION

The afore-mentioned Latin authors and the Latin translation of Ps.-Dionysius carried the Neoplatonist heritage into the Latin Middle Ages, especially to Johannes Scotus Eriugena (9th cent.) and the School of Chartres (12th cent.). In the 13th cent. this tradition

1 J. GLucker, Antiochus and the Late Academy, 1978, 248-255, 327-329 21. Hapor, Simplicius - Commentaire sur le Manuel d’Epictéte, 1996 3H. Lewy (ed. M. TARDIEU), Chaldaean Oracles and Theurgy, 1978 40. BALLERIAUX, Thémistius et l’exégése de la noétique aris-

totélicienne, in: Revue de philos. ancienne 7, 1989, 199-

233

5lId., Thémistius et le néoplatonisme, in: Revue de

philos. ancienne 12, 1994, 171-200 6H. D. Sarrrey, L. G. WesTERINK (ed.), Proclus, Théologie platonicienne, Bd. 1,1968

71. Hapot, Les aspects sociaux et institutionnels

des sciences et de la médecine dans l’antiquité tardive, in: Antiquité Tardive 6, 1998, 233-250 8M. Tarpieu, Les calendriers en usage a Harran d’aprés les sources arabes et le commentaire de Simplicius 4 la Physique d’Aristote, in: I. Haport (ed.), Simplicius — Sa vie, son ceuvre, sa survie (Actes du colloque international de Paris 1985), 1987,

40-57. 9lId., Les paysages reliques (Bibliotheque des Hautes Etudes, Sciences Religieuses, vol. 94), 1990 (cf. [2.32-46]) 10K. PRAECHTER, Richtungen und Schulen im Neuplatonismus, in: Genethliakon fir C. Robert, 1910, 105-156 (repr.: K. PRAECHTER, Kleine Schriften, H.

Dorrie ed., 1973, 165-216) 111. Haport, Le probléme du néoplatonisme alexandrin: Hiéroclés et Simplicius, 1978 121Id., A propos de la place ontologique du démiurge dans le systéme philosophique d’Hiéroclés, in: REG 106, 1993, 430-459.

Neopoioi (vewmowoi/nedpoioi, neopoids, also vawnovol/nadpoioi,

P.HA.

sing. —vewsoudc/ ‘temple builders’). Greek cult officials who originally were responsible for the temple building and later for the administration of the finances and property owned by the — temple (nads, neds). The office of the nedpoioi was not a priestly position; however, in Hellenistic and Roman times it was often a > liturgy [I] held by members of the local elite who were also — priests. Usually a temple had several nedpoioi, who sometimes (e.g. in Aphrodisias [1]) were led by an archinedpoids or (as in Magnesia [2] on the Maeander [2]: IMagn No. 362) were assembled in a > synhédrion [I]. In Delphi a committee of 30 or 40 nedpoioi looked after the finances of the oracle’s shrine, together with, or by means of, an under-committee of so-called émwovepimenioi (Syll.3 241). Because of the central role of > religion in the Greek polis, the neopoioi early on occupied an important position in the city’s governing and administrative structure. In Lebadeia (Boeotia) their activities were governed by the same law that dealt with the duties of the town’s — katoptai (Syll.) 972). Nedpoioi appear as eponymous magistrates in many of the Greek pdleis’ resolutions; in Roman Aphrodisias [1] they had a highly visible role as agonothetes (> agonothétés) at the town’s great games. Not every town or temple had neOpoiot; similar or identical functions could be fulfil-

649

650

led by so-called hieropoot, epistatai or praktores. > Shrine; > Priest; > Temple; ~ Temple economy

mache assumes the arrival of N. while Peleus is still alive (likewise Nostoi argumentum in Procl. Chrestomatheia

C. ROUECHE (ed.), Performers and Partisans at Aphrodisias in the Roman and Late Roman Periods, 1993, nrs. 77, 78, 81-86; O. SCHULTHESS, s. v. vemmouol, RE 16, 2433-

2439.

C.E.CH.

Neoptolemus (NeomtdAeuoc; Neoptdlemos). [1] The son of > Achilles [1] and > Deidamia, the daughter of king Lycomedes [1] of Scyros. Rare but explainable variants of the mother’s name are Pyrrha (Heliodorus 3,2 = Anth. Pal. 9,485,8) and Iphigenia (Duris of Samos FGrH 76 F 88; on this FGrH 2 C 130). Homer only knows the name N., and Pyrrhus probably only becomes more common in the 4th cent. (first Theopompus FGrH 115 F 355) because of dynastic considerations of the Epirote kings whose ancestor N. supposedly was and from whom Olympias [1] descended [4. 2440]. Thus, there are explanations that consider the telling name N. to be secondary (Cypria fr. 21 BERNABE).

~» Odysseus forces the captured Helenus [1] to reveal

the preconditions of Troy’s fall, one of which was the presence of N. in the fighting (Apollod. Epit. 5,10). Therefore, Odysseus fetches him by himself (Ilias parva argumentum in Procl. Chrestomatheia 206; Hom. Od. 11,508—509) or in the company of > Phoenix (Soph. Phil. 344) of Scyros and gives N. the weapons of his father Achilles. N. proves himself before Troy, for example, in successful duels with Eurypylus (Hom. Od. 11,519-520) and others (Ilias parva frr. 13-15 and 18 BERNABE) as well as by bravely waiting in the wooden horse (Hom. Od. 11,523-532). Only in the Philoctetes by Sophocles does N. bring Philoctetes to Troy together with Odysseus [2. 238; 4. 2444-2445]. N. kills > Priamus (Il. exc. arg. in Procl. Chrestomatheia 239) at the altar of Zeus Hercius. This bloody deed occurs at the door of Priam’s house only according to Paus. 10,27,2. Euripides names none of those who participate in the death of Astyanax by name in the Trojan Women (neutral ibid. 725 and 1134, also Ov. Met. 13,415). That N. feels compelled to commit the deed is found in Paus. 10,25,9. According to Eur. Tro. 733-739, — Andromache succeeds in obtaining from N., as whose booty she was allotted (Il. exc. arg. in Procl. Chrestomatheia 239), for the shield of > Achilles [1] as the coffin of her son, and N. is equally compassionate during the sacrifice of — Polyxena (Eur. Hec. 518-580; Ov. Met. 13,449-480). > Thetis persuades N. to choose the land route for his return home (Nostoi argumentum in Procl. Chrestomatheia 277) on which he travels via Thrace to Epirus, where N. becomes the founder of the Pyrrhiads after defeating the king of the Molossians. Molossus is his son with Andromache (Apollod. Epit. 6,12); this was probably conceived as a parallel act to the difficulties in Phthia, where > Acastus drove out — Peleus (Eur. Hec. 1126-1128; Apollod. Epit. 6,13). The Odyssey allows the Myrmidons to return safely under N.’s leadership (Hom. Od. 3,188—189). Euripides’ Andro-

NEOPTOLEMUS

277). The conflict between > Orestes and N. as rivals was already a theme in Sophocles’ Hermione (résumé by Eust. for Hom. Od. 4,3 p. 1479): > Tyndareus had promised Orestes the hand of Hermione, the daughter of Menelaus [1], during the latter’s absence, but Menelaus gives her in marriage to N., as had been agreed before Troy. However, when he accuses Apollo of his father’s murder, N. is slain in Delphi, where his grave was later pointed out (Paus. 10,24,6). Orestes receives Hermione and they have Teisamenus as a son (Apollod. 2,171 and 176). Euripides intensifies the plot in Andromache by having Orestes’ hired assassins kill N. in the temple as he is attempting to plead forgiveness for the hubris of his accusation (Eur. Andr. 1106-1108; ibid. 1109-1160). This motif is echoed in Pindar, who claims that the true reason for the death of N. was the god’s wrath over the killing of Priam at the altar of Zeus (Pind. Paean 6,112-20 fr. 52f), but this was relativized in a palinode for the sake of the Aeginetes (Pind N. 7,40-46) [1; 3. 85-88, 159-170]. Later, a hero cult of N. existed in Delphi because N. together with Hyperochus and Amadocus was said to have come to the sanctuary’s aid during the Galatian invasion of 278 BC (Paus. 1,4,4). The positive image of the brave aristocratic youth without falsehood, which is unmarred especially in Homer (Hom. Od. 11,506-537) and Sophocles’ Philoctetes, was countered in the (genuinely antiGreek) representation of Aeneas, which peaks with the description of the brutal slaying of Priam’s son Polites, the cynical reply to the father and, finally, the butchery of Priam himself (Verg. Aen. 2,529-5 58). 1M. BERNARD, Der Dichter und sein Gegenstand — Zu Pindars siebentem nemeischen Lied, in: WJA 21, 1996/7,

to1-127 2A. Lesxy, Die tragische Dichtung der Hellenen, 31972 35S. L. Rapt, Pindars zweiter und sechster Paian, 1958

4K. ZIEGLER, s.v. N., RE 16, 2440-2462.

JOS.

[2] Son, then co-regent (StV 257 Bk. 13-14; 377 BC) and successor of > Alcetas [2] as king of the > Molossi. He had to accept > Arybbas as co-regent. The father of Alexander [6] and — Olympias [1]. When Olympias married Philip I in 357, N. was already dead. [3] Son of Alexander [6] and Cleopatra [II 3]. When his father died in Italy (331 BC), he was still a minor and ~ Aeacides [2] became king. In 317 the latter was driven out and N. ruled first under the protection of + Cassander’s stratégos Lyciscus [1], and then independently until he in turn was driven out by Alcetas [3] in 313/2. After the murder of Alcetas, Glaucias [2] installed the young > Pyrrhus as king (306). Pyrrhus was expelled in 302 and N. returned. However, he made himself unpopular and in 297 Pyrrhus returned with the aid of ~ Ptolemaeus II, first as co-regent, but he then mur-

dered N. in 290 (Plut. Pyrrhus 2-5).

NEOPTOLEMUS

[4] Son of an Arrhabaeus (possibly Arrhabaeus [2]), killed fighting at Halicarnassus in 334 BC, either on the Macedonian (thus Arr. Anab. 1,20,10) or Persian side (thus Diod. Sic. 17,25,5). A. B. Boswortn, A Historical Comm. on Arrian’s ‘History of Alexander’, Bd. 1, 1980, 145 (vgl. 109).

[5] Amember of the Molossian royal family who served under > Alexander [4] the Great first as one of the hypaspistai and l\ater as their commander (Plut. Eumenes 1,6). He was the first to scale the wall of Gaza (Arr. Anab. 2,27,6). After Alexander’s death, > Perdiccas put him under the command of Eumenes [1] (first in Armenia, then in Asia Minor), but when he made contact with Antipater [1], he was attacked by Eumenes, defeated and finally fled to Antipater. He fought under Craterus [1] against Eumenes, who killed him with his own hands (Diod. Sic. 18, 29-31; Plut. Eumenes 4-7). EB. [6] Greek tragic actor of the 4th cent. BC, born on the island Scyros, which belonged to Athens. Information on his art is sparse. The Athenian > didaskaliai attest for the Dionysia of 341 and 340 that he restaged the (Taurian) Iphigenia and the Orestes of Euripides and subsequently appeared as the protagonist in one tragedy each of all the poets participating in the agon, for which he received the prize of best actor in 341 (METTE gif.). Only one victory at the Lenaea is recorded (METTE 185). N. achieved wealth (dedications on the

Acropolis are mentioned by > Polemon: Ath. 11,472Cc) and international fame. He impressed Philip II of Macedonia, who won him as a supporter of a dilatory peace with Athens, but this in turn made N. an opponent of Demosthenes [2] (Or. 5,6f.; 19, hypothesis 2,2). When Philip held the wedding of his daughter Cleopatra [II 3] in 336, N. presented one of his successful arias at the symposium (IrGF II, Adespota F 127). His appearance in the theatre on the next day was prevented by the king’s murder (Diod. Sic. 16,92,3, cf. Stob. 4,3 4,70). P. E. EASTERLING, From Repertoire to Canon, in: Id. (ed.),

The Cambridge Companion to Greek Tragedy, 1997, 214-220; P. GHIRON-BISTAGNE, Recherches sur les acteurs dans la Gréce antique, 1976; I. E. STEFANIS, Dionysiakoi Technitai, 1988, no. 1797. H.BL.

[7] The son of Anticles from the deme of Melite, a rich Athenian of the 4th cent. BC, who was highly honoured on the proposal of Lycurgus [9] for his liturgies and expenses for the polis (Plut. Mor. 843f; Dem. Or. 18,114; 21,215; etc. IG II* 1496 col. 2,43; 1569 col. 1,55 and 59; 1628c,384f and 418; 1629,904 and 938f; 4901,1). Davies, 399-400; DEVELIN, no. 2094; PA 10652.

652

651

JE.

[8] The son of Craesis, who in the 2nd quarter of the

3rd cent. BC was honoured as the Ptolemaic strategos (2?) of Lycia by the town of — Tlos with a statue in the sanctuary of the founders, for stopping an incursion of Pisidians, Galatians and Thracians [1. 132 No. 169]. In

252/1 he became an eponymous priest of Alexander. PP II 2168 IN/IX 5204; VI 15224. 1 TH. PREGER, Inscriptiones Graecae metricae ex scriptoribus praeter anthologiam collectae, 1891.

A. WitHeLtm, Akademieschriften zur griechischen Inschriftenkunde, vol. 2, repr. 1974, 319-334; L. Rosert, Une épigramme hellénistique de Lycie, in: RoBERT, OMS 7, 531-548.

W.A,

[9] N. of Parium. Hellenistic theoretician of literature, poet and glossographer of the 3rd cent. BC. There are only traces of his life and work. His connection to Alexandria is unclear. His dates are circumscribed by a quote in > Aristophanes [4] of Byzantium (c. 257-180 BC) and the possibility of understanding N.’s view of poets as a counter-position to that of > Eratosthenes [2] of Cyrene (c. 284-202 BC) [5. 15].

Particular interest attaches to the poetics of N. because of Porph. Comm. on Hor. Ars P. 1 p. 162: Horace

supposedly compiled the most important rules of N. in the Ars poetica (... praecepta Neoptolemi tov TMaguavot De arte poetica, non quidem omnia, sed eminentis-

sima). Elements of his poetics are related in a polemic of the Epicurean - Philodemus of Gadara (Peri poiematOn 5,13,32-16,28 [4]): N. differentiated three equal parallel fields of action (ei6n, eidé) in poetry (téxvy noun, téchné poiétike): poiéma (noinua), poiésis (scoinots) and the poet who is characterized by technical skill and poetic ability (thy téyvny xat tv Sbvaut éXov tiv moujtixtyy). N. classifies only the linguistic formal design (ovvOEots tig A€EEMS, synthesis tés léxeos) with

poiema, and the content and material (bx60e01, bypothesis) with poiésis. The task of the perfect poet (Homer as the ideal) is the combined enjoyment (puyaywyia, psychagogia) and benefit (@pédnous, Ophélesis) of the audience. The brevity of the presentation and Philodemus’ concentration on the criticized points (especially the separation of form and content, the poet’s subjection to the art of poetry, and the requirement that poetry benefit the audience) allow analyses of the terminology and the structure of N.’s poetics to stress its debt to both the Peripatetic tradition [2; 5] and the Academy [3; 1]. Horace’s concept of the poet is clearly dependent on N. (Hor. Ars P. 333-346: prodesse et delectare as duty; 408-415: ars and ingenium as attributes of the poet). Other influences, such as the tripartite structure of poetics, are disputed. The testimonies and fragments collected by [5] name the titles of two additional writings on literary theory by N.: on the Epigram (Iegi émyoappétov, fr. 7 [5]) and on jokes ([legi Gotetopav, fr. 8 [5]). Of his poetic works a Dionysids (Avovuouds, fr. 1 [5]: Dionysus as the inventor of fruit trees) and a Trichthonia (Toy0ovia, fr. 2 [5]: a hexameter on the river encompassing the entire Earth, the Oceanus) are known. In what context N. treated the Phineus myth (fr. 3 [5]) is uncertain. N. owed the epithet ‘glossographer’ to his (according to frr. 9a and roa [5]) at least three-volume work in

653

654

alphabetical order ‘On the Homer Glosses’ (Meol yAwoowv “Ouneov), which is probably identical to the treatise ‘On Glosses’ (lei yAwoodv) because all eleven > glosses preserved under his name serve to explain the meaning and etymology of Homeric words (frr. 9-19 [5]). N., who himself was from Phrygia, treated Phrygian linguistic material in the Phrygiai phonai (Bevy.on dwvat) (fr. 20 [5]). Since his works were used and transmitted by the Alexandrian philologists, N.’s glossographical material also entered the Byzantine corpora of scholia, > encyclopedias and > etymologica. ~+ Glossography; > Literary theory

ochus [20] of Ascalon (1st half of the rst cent. BC) did not appear to be interested in Pythagoras either. How-

1 E. Asis, N. and the Classification of Poetry, in: CPh 87, 1992, 206-231 2 C. O. BRINK, Horace on Poetry, vol.

I, 1963, 43-150

3C. JENSEN, Philodemos: Uber die

Gedichte, fiinftes Buch, 1923. 4 C. MANGont (ed.), Filodemo, II quinto libro della poetica, 1993 (with comm. and tr.) 5 H. Merre, N. von Parion, in: RhM 123, 1980, 1-24 6J. Porter, Content and Form in Philodemus, in: D. OsBINK (ed.), Philodemus and Poetry, 1995, 97-147.

RSI.

[10] A Macedonian [1.167], who like his brother + Archelaus [4], was an officer of Mithridates [6] VI and fought in r15/4 BC on the Crimea (Str. 7,4,3; 18; 3,16: a tower named after N. on the Tyras?). In 88 he defeated Nicomedes [6] IV on the Amnias (App. Mithr. 62; 64-69) and near Proton Pachion (App. Mithr. 72).

At that time his fame was Flor. Epit. 40) but he was (Plancus? cf. ILS 8961) in Mithr. 133) and then in 85

great (cf. Plut. Marius 34,6; first defeated by Munatius 87 near > Chalcis [1] (App. by Licinius [I 26] Lucullus at

sea near Tenedus (Plut. Lucullus 3,8). 1 E. OLsHAuSEN, Zum Hellenisierungsprozef$ am Pontischen Konigshof, in: AncSoc 5, 1974, 153-170. L. BALLESTEROS

Pastor, Mitridates Eupator,

1996, 52;

93f.; 149; 176; B. C. McGrne, The Foreign Policy of Mithridates VI Eupator, King of Pontus, 1986, 5 5f.; 108; 130.

E.O.

Neopythagoreanism. Modern collective term for a several very different philosophical schools of the late Hellenistic and early Imperial period (after the late rst cent. BC). All these schools based their teachings on ~» Pythagoras — either of tradition or legend — although some of them focused more on purely philosophical aspects of his doctrine, whereas others emphasised practical and ethical aspects, sometimes in conjunction with a religious motivation and an interest in the arcane arts. When Plato and Aristotle became authoritative in the late Hellenistic period, the Neopythagorean version of the history of philosophy presented one or both as influenced by Pythagoras. — Posidonius may have paved the way when he (against Chrysippus [2]), in his discussion ofthe tripartite soul in Plato and Aristotle, attributed this doctrine to Pythagoras (Gal. De placitis Hippocratis et Platonis 4,7,39; yet Posidonius also maintained that Plato perfected the doctrine; he is otherwise not interested in the Pythagoreans). Anti-

NEOROI

ever, a generation later and possibly in an effort to correct Antiochus’s still very Hellenistic perception of Plato, > Eudorus [2] of Alexandria tried to convey an image of Plato that was very Pythagorean in the doctrine of principles (- Principle). It is unclear on what texts his assumption was based; these may have been texts which e.g. Alexander [23] Polyhistor (in Diog. Laert. 8,24ff.) and the Anon. of Sext. Emp. Adv. math. 9,248 ff. used and which are based on Plato’s late dialogues. After Eudorus came a series of Platonists, often called ‘Pythagoreans’ (IIv0ayogevo/ Puthagoreiol), whose doctrine of principles was influenced by Pythagoreanism: > Moderatus of Gades, -» Nicomachus [9] of Gerasa, > Theon of Smyrna, > Cronius [1] and -» Numenius [6] of Apamea. In Italy the memory of Pythagoras persevered, it seems. But this interest always had a strong religious and ethical component, often tending towards the arcane. Cicero’s Cato related (Cic. Cato 39-41) that (in

the late 3rd cent. BC) in Tarentum a speech on pleasure was recited to him which Archytas [1] had given in Pla-

to’s presence. This makes clear that when Latin authors emphasise their own Pythagorean tradition, they are reacting against the predominance of Greek culture. According to Cic. Tim. 1, Pythagoreanism in Italy was revived in the middle of the rst cent. BC by > Nigidius Figulus. Around the turn of the century, an ascetic form of — Stoicism became fashionable in Rome, which claimed to go back on Pythagoras. Its best-known proponents were the Sextians, father and son, joined by Sotion who in turn influenced — Seneca (Sen. Ep. 108). The Sentences of Sextus, which Hieronymus seems to attribute to Q. Sextius (Jer. Comm. in Hieremiam 4,41) were highly regarded by Christians from the 2nd cent. on. Apart from certain exceptions (> Claudianus [4] Mamertus) Christians had little interest in Pythagoreanism. > Pseudepigraphy; > Pythagoras J. Ditton, The Middle Platonists, *1996, 114-135, 342380.

M.FR.

Neoroi (vewoot/nedroi). Public officials in Greek states

who bore responsibility for shipyards (ne6ria). Athenian inscriptions from the 5th cent. BC mention neoroi (IG PB 154; 1G B 127 = ML 94) and hoi epimeloménoi toi neoridi (‘those who care for the shipyard’; IG 153); epimelétai are found at the end of the sth cent. (IG F 236); in the 4th cent. the title epimelétai ton neorion was frequently used. These epimelétai of the 4th cent. were responsible for the ships and the entire contents of the shipyards. They distributed materials to the trierarchs (— trierarchy) and sought to retrieve those materials from them; they published lists of the objects they received from their predecessors or passed on to their successors (IG II? 1604-1632). Outside of Athens, nedroi have been

NEOROI

documented in Rhodes (IG XII 1, 49; cf. [2]), but probably not in Messina (IG XIV, 401 with SEG 36,851). 1 V. GABRIELSEN,

Financing the Athenian

Fleet, 1994

2H. vAN GELDER, Geschichte der alten Rhodier, 1900, 259 3G. Grotz, Epimelétai ton nedrion, in: DS II 1, 669-673 4P. J. RHopEs, The Athenian Boule, 1972, T16-119.

Neoteles probably

(NeotéAyc; Neotélés). Greek grammarian, a pupil of > Aristarchus [4] [1.78]. The

fl. 8,325) in which

he observes

that Teucer

strung his bow in the manner of the Scythians [2. 3 1f.]. Based on this passage, > Porphyrius (1,123,11ff. SCH.) attributed to N. an entire work (6Anv BipdAov/holen biblon) on archery (Megi tig xata tos Hoewmas toEeiac/ Peri tés kata tous héroas toxeias), which was probably a lengthy digression within the commentary. 1 A. BLau, De Aristarchi discipulis, diss. Jena 1883

2H.

Ersse, Beitrage zur Uberlieferung der Iliasscholien (Zetemata 24), 1960.

M.B.

Neoteric Poets. Modern term (from vewtegow/neodteroi /‘the youngsters’ or poetae novi/ ‘new poets’ found in Cicero) for the poets’ community around the grammarian P. + Valerius Cato (too sceptical: [6]), with > Catullus [1], > Licinius [I 31] Calvus, > Helvius [I 3] Cinna, > Furius [I 9] Bibaculus and > Ticidas as its most prominent members (c. mid—1st cent. BC). Their poetry focuses on mythological epyllia (~ Epyllion) and collections of short poems dealing prevalently with personal and social relationships (friendship, love, political polemics). Traditional lyric metres (hendecasyllables) mix with distichs (+ Elegy, > Epigram). In spite of its later revision, Catullus’s work may give an idea of a neoteric book of poetry; all other surviving material consists only of single poems and fragments. Rejecting the (historical) epic and unlike previous generations that had always been oriented towards contemporary Greek poetry, neoteric poetics consciously reverts (under the influence of > Parthenius?, [9]) to the Hellenistic ‘classical’ poets > Callimachus [3] and > Euphorion [3] [9. 57-67]. If the genre of the too artificial epyllion proved a dead end (cf. however > Ciris and > Culex in the > Appendix Vergiliana), the tradition of neoteric poetry collections influenced epigram writing (Domitius Marsus; Vergil?, Catalepton; Martial) and the elegy on its way to becoming an autonomous genre. The standard of the poetological programme persisted even in the reception outside its genre (Horatius). > Circles, literary FRAGMENTS: 1 J. GRANAROLO, L’€poque néotérique, in: ANRW 13, 335-351 2A. TRAGLIA, Poetae Novi, 71974 3 COURTNEY,

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

5 L. ALFONSI, Poetae novi, 1945

6N.

B. CROWTHER, OI NEQTEPOI, poetae novi, and cantores Euphorionis, in: CQ 20, 1970, 322-327. 7K. DEICH-

GRABER, Uberlegungen zu den ... Gedichtbiichern der Neoteriker, in: Hermes 99, 1971, 46-70 8R.O. A.M. Lyne, The Neoteric Poets, in: CQ 28, 1978, 167-187 9 J. L. LiGHTFOOT, Parthenius of Nicaea, 1999, 54-72. PLS.

P.J.R.

author of a commentary on the Iliad (fragments in the Homeric scholia): > Didymus [1] mentions him in connection with Hom. Il. 24,110, and > Nicanor [10] of Cyrene tells us of N.’s comment on the Teucer scene (Hom.

656

655

186-234

4 FPL, 1995, 187-226.

Neoterius Flavius N., praefectus praetorio Galliarum AD 390. N., a > novus homo, began his career in the west of the Empire. In 366 he probably went as tribunus et notarius of Valentinian I. to North Africa (Amm. Marc. 26,5,14). He became a close friend of + Theo-

dosius, who took N. with him to his part of the Empire after his nomination as emperor and entrusted him with the post of praefectus praetorio of the East from AD 380 to 381. Although criticism of his conduct in office was voiced loudly (Lib. Or. 2,72-73), Theodosius I. held onto N. He sent him back to the West where Valen-

tinian II. granted him the same honour of two further posts as praetorian prefect (385 Italy, 390 Gallia). N. crowned his career in 390 with a full consulship. He died after 402 (Symmachus, Ep. 5,45). PLRE 1, 623.

A.G.

Nepete (Némyta; Népéta). Etruscan town east of > Sutrium on the via Amerina (Tab. Peut. 5,3), modern Nepi (Province Viterbo). In 383 (Liv. 6,21,4) or 373 BC (Vell. Pat. 1,14,2), it became a colonia Latina, later

municipium, possibly tribus Stellatina; ethnikon Nepesinus. Cults: Diana, Ceres, Augustales. N. was located

on a wedge-shaped terrace between two gorges. Settlement and necropolis date to the 8th cent. BC. Chamber tombs with dromos, tuff walls from the beginning of the 4th cent. BC, amphitheatre, mausoleum with Roman towers, Christian catacombs (Salvinilla). A fortress from the 6th cent. AD (eoveiov/frovirion, Procop. Goth. 4,34,16). ; CIL XI p. 481; BTCGI 12, 1993, 323-332.

GU.

Nephalia (vyddda/néphalia). In Greek religion, nephalia is the cultic term for libations in which no wine was offered (Hesych. s.v. vydAta) or in which the use of wine is explicitly ruled out. Water, milk, honey and oil in any combination, but especially a mixture of honey with water or milk (Greek melikraton), were used as nephalia. Nephalia occur both in combination with other sacrifices (bloody and unbloody) and as a separate offer [4. 96; 6. 70-73]. While the Homeric epics contain no evidence of nephalia, they are documented from Aeschylus to Porphyrius as well as epigraphically (e.g., calendar of sacrifices of Erchia, 4th cent. BC: SEG 21, 1965, 541; Athens, rst cent. AD: IG I/II? 1367) until Late Antiquity. In the scholarly communis opinio, nephalia served to soothe (meiliktéria) the deities. The

rejection of wine was explained with the great age of nephalia, as a ‘survival’ from the age before viticulture

658

657

(Theophr. in Porph. De abstinentia 2,22; [3; 7; 8. 1143 9. 2486f.; critical: 1. 212f.]). A structuralist interpretation attempts to explain nephalia as deviations from the norm in ritual exceptions (e.g., atonement for murder, cf. Apoll. Rhod. 4,712.) ([1. 214-219; 2. 26-29]; critical: [4. 97]). The prominence of nephalia in the cult of the Semnae/Eumenides (— Erinys; Athens: Aesch. Eum. 107109; Soph. OC too and 469-481, [4]; Callim. Fr. 681; Sicyon: Paus. 2,11,4; PDerveni col. VI, [5]) in older

[2] When

NEPHTHYS

— Ixion pursued > Hera,

> Zeus created a

phantom figure (e/dolon) of his wife, with whom Ixion then slept. The phantom figure was called Nephele and through Ixion she became the mother of > Centaurus [x] (Diod. Sic. 4,69f., cf. 4,12; Ov. Met. 12,210; Hyg. Fab. 62; e.a.). Compare also > Endymion who, accord-

ing to Hes. Cat. 260, loved an eidolon nephélés instead of Hera. W. GOBER, s.v. Nephele, RE 16, 2490-2491; R. WAGNER, s.v. Nephele, ROSCHER 3, 177-186. K.WA.

scholarship led to the assumption that they belonged to a specific ‘chthonic’ ritual (tying in with Porph. De antro 18: [3; 7; 9]). However, not only ‘chthonic deities’ (Eumenids, but also, e.g., Demeter: H.Hom. to Deme-

Nephelium (Nedétov/Nephélion). Town in > Cilicia Tracheia near present-day Muzkent (formerly Kicik),

ter 206-208,

38 km west-north-west of > Anemurium on the steep coast of Mt Cragus. Mentioned only in Ptol. 5,7,2 (Nededic/Nephelis) and in the Stadiasmus maris magni 201, then once more as the seat of a bishopric at the Council of Calchedon in AD 451 [1; 2. 61f.].

Apoll. above) or not Helios

Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom.

1,33,1; Hecate:

Rhod. 3,1036; Zeus Meilichios: Erchia, see received nephalia, but also deities who cannot, primarily, be interpreted as ‘chthonic’: e.g., and Mnemosyne (jointly: IG II/IIP 4962), Zeus

Hypatos (Paus. 1,26,5), Dionysus (Plut. Mor.

132F),

the nymphs (Paus. 5,15,10; cf. Theoc. 5,53f.) and Aphrodite Urania (cf. for almost all mentioned deities schol. Soph. OC roo = Polemon of Ilium, Fr. 42 PRELLER and Philochorus FGrH 328 F 12; for a list of all deities honoured with nephalia see [8. 109-115]). These facts refute the thesis that the occurrence of nephalia indicate a division into chthonic and Olympic cults, and instead speaks for a plurality of historically, geographically and heortologically varying cult forms (> Chthonic deities). + Sacrifice; > Libation 1 F. Grar, Milch, Honig und Wein. Zum Verstandnis der Libation im griechischen Ritual, in: Perennitas. Studi A.

Brelich, 1980, 209-221; 2GRarF; 3 J. E. HARRISON, Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion, *1908, 90-

93; 4A. Henricus, The ‘Sobriety’ of Oedipus: Sophocles OC 100 Misunderstood, in: HSPh 87, 1983, 87-100; 5 Id., The Eumenides and Wineless Libations in the Der-

veni-Papyrus, in: Atti del XVII Congresso Internazionale di Papirologia, Bd. 2, 1984, 255-268; 6 M. H. JAMESON e.a.,

A Lex Sacra from Selinous, 1993;

Opferbrauche

der Griechen,

1910,

7 P. STENGEL,

180-186;

8TH.

WACHTER, Reinheitsvorschriften im griechischen Kult, 1910; 9L. ZIEHEN, s.v. Nephalia, RE 16, 2481-2489.

SiG:

Nephele (NepéAn/Nephéle). [1] No evidence exists concerning her ancestry, prob-

ably because originally she is the > personification of a ‘cloud’. Nephele is the wife of > Athamas, mother of + Helle and of > Phrixus. Because Ino (~ Leukothea), the second wife of Athamas, caused a drought and wanted to kill Nephele’s children, Nephele put the two children onto a golden ram, which flew away with them (Apollod. 1,9,1-6; Hyg. Fab. 1-3; 21; Ov. Met. 11,195). According to schol. Aristoph. Nub. 257, Nephele herself sent the drought in revenge for Athamas’s rejection of her (possibly also in a tragedy ‘Athamas’ by Sophocles, cf. TrGF 4, p. 99).

1 HiLD/HELLENKEMPER,

366

-2 K. TOMAsCHITZ, Unpu-

blizierte Inschriften Westkilikiens Terence B. Mitfords, 1998.

aus

dem

Nachlafs K.T.

Nepheris (Nédequs/Népheris). City in Africa Proconsularis, c. 30 km southeast of Tynes on the steep plateau of Henchir Bou Baker (Str. 17,3,16; Liv. Per. 51). N.

played an important role during the third > Punic war

([1. 444-447, 451-454]; App. Lib. 102,479; 108,507; TL tah 2352655 9.6ls.) 2 6.602s hives Remy

1) aelnethe

Roman period, a temple of Saturnus Sobare(n)sis, per-

haps of B‘l sbr (‘[grain] hoarding Saturn’), of Frugifer [2. 313], was located outside the city. Epigraphy: CIL VIII Suppl. 1, 1 Huss

12388-12411; 4, 24031-24041.

2E. LipiNskt, s.v. Néphéris, DCPP.

AATun 050, Bl. 29, nr. 39; M. LeGiay, Saturne africain. Monuments, vol. 1, 1961, 84-92; F. WINDBERG, S.v. Nepheris, RE 16, 2492. W.HU.

Nephthys (NépOvu¢/Néphthys, Plut. De Is. et Os. passim; Epiphanius, Expositio fidei 3,2,12; Egyptian Nb.tHw.t, ‘mistress of the house’). In Egyptian mythology, N. is the daughter of Geb and > Nut and sister-wife of ~ Seth; other siblings are > Isis and — Osiris. She is known primarily for helping Isis in her search for Osiris and in rearing > Horus; little is known of her own characteristics. N. protects the dead and, along with Isis, - Neith

und Selket, takes care of their entrails. She appears in the Pyramid Texts as a ‘pseudo-woman who had no vulva’, and had no children. Later on this characteristic was apparently lost — late texts tell of a relationship with Osiris, to the chagrin of Isis. Some sources assert that their union resulted in the god — Anubis, who would thus be a half-brother of Horus. In iconography N. is usually depicted in purely human form with her name in hieroglyphics on her head, sometimes also as a female sparrow hawk (especially at the bier of Osiris/the dead).

NEPHTHYS

1 E. Graere, s.v. Nephthys, LA 4, 457-460 NUNG,

Versuch

660

659

iiber Nephthys,

2. Hor-

in: A. B. Ltoyp

(ed.),

Studies in Pharaonic Religion and Society. Festschrift J.G. Griffiths, 1992, 186-188. Av.L.

tion, important fragments such as the so-called Cornelia fragment (an excerpt from a letter by Cornelia [I 1] to C. + Sempronius Gracchus) are still in existence. + De viris illustribus EpITIONS:

1G. WIRTH, 1994 (all frr. with trans.)

2.N.

Nepos

HorsFALL, 1989 (English trans.).

[1] Roman cognomen (‘grandson’) to distinguish a boy

LITERATURE: 3]. GEIGER, C.N. and Ancient Political Biography, 1985 4 W. STEIDLE, Sueton und die antike Biographie, 1951.

from his father and grandfather of the same name. Epithet of Q. Caecilius [I 28] Metellus N. and his homonymous son [I 29]. KaJANTO, Cognomina, 793 304.

K.-L.E.

[2] Cornelius N. (c. roo-24 BC) represents the dynamic

of intellectual culture in Rome during the rst cent. BC. He hailed from the > Transpadana region and was an equestrian. N. was a friend of > Cicero (Gell. 15,28,1;

they exchanged letters which have since been lost: Suet. lul. 55,1) as well as of T. » Pomponius Atticus. Catullus dedicated a libellus to him (Catull. 1,1,3-7). N. apparently had no opportunity to be active in political life, and became prominent only through his literary works. These included erotic poems that are now lost (Plin. Epist. 5,3,1). In addition N. was the author of the 3—-volume Chronica, of which only fragments remain, in which he expanded the Chronika of Apollodorus [7] of Athens (2nd cent. BC) and brought them into his own time. Like Apollodurus, N. dealt with political events as well as events in literary history, and he was apparently a model for Latin chroniclers up to ~ Hieronymus. Both works were written before 54 BC. After 44 BC he wrote the 5—volume Exempla (Gell. 6,18,11), a collec-

tion of Greco-Roman

anecdotes. N.’s primary work,

De viris illustribus (‘famous men’), which consisted of

at least 16 volumes, presaged the concept of GrecoRoman cultural unity that characterized the Augustan period; portions of these volumes still exist; they represent the first ancient collection of biographies known today [1]. N. linked the Hellenistic tradition of writings Ieot évOdEwV cvdoa@v (Peri enddxon andrén, ‘on famous men’) — Varro’s Imagines, among others, was a model that was available to N. — with political biography. In so doing, he continued a practice that had already been used in the > Chronicle, which was to link the depiction of cultural and political achievements: this documents the changing intellectual climate in Rome. He appears always to have sought a comparison between Greece and Rome, and for each volume on Roman personages there was one on their Greek counterparts. The volume De excellentibus ducibus exterarum gentium on ‘outstanding commanders from foreign nations’ has been preserved, containing biographies of 20 Greek army commanders as well as of the Carian Datames (14) and the Carthaginians Hamilcar [3] (22) and Hannibal [4] (23). The chapter De regibus on ‘kings’ (21) may be the product of later editorial efforts. Descriptions of the lives of Cato [1] Censorius and T. > Pomponius Atticus (cf. [2]), which have also been preserved, are probably from his volume on historians. In addi-

[3] fulius N. Roman emperor AD 474-480 or 475. Son of + Nepotianus [2]; after the death of his uncle + Marcellinus [13] documented with the singular title

of magister militum Dalmatiae. The Eastern Roman Emperor -> Leo(n) [1] I arranged for his marriage to a niece of Leo’s wife > Verina, elevated him to the status of patricius and sent him to Italy to fight > Glycerius, who was regarded as a usurper. N. succeeded in capturing Glycerius, who was staying in Rome, and on the r9th or 24th of June 474 he was proclaimed Augustus, perhaps by the Senate. N. resided in Ravenna, where the army may have elected him by acclamation. Aided by the peace between > Geisericus and Leo, he was able to expand his sphere of influence as far as Gaul, where his quaestor sacri palati Licinianus and magister militum-> Ecdicius were active. In the spring of 475 he made peace with > Eurichus, king of the Visigoths, which required him to give up Arvenia. When the magister militum— Orestes [4], who had been his supporter, rose up against him, N. gave up without a fight and fled Italy on 28 August 475, taking up residence in Dalmatia. However, in the East he was still regarded as the legitimate emperor of the West, and up to the time of his murder on 9 May 480 he continued to seek to regain control of Italy. In this respect he, rather than > Romulus Augustulus, was the last emperor of Western Rome. PURER 7ke D. HENNING, Periclitans res publica, 1999,

51-55.

HL.

Nepotianus [1] Son of the half-sister of —> Constantinus [1], + Eutropia [2], and Flavius N. (cos. AD 336). As a member of the Constaninian dynasty, he rose up in Rome against > Magnentius. He defeated the army of the latter’s praef. praet., Anicius (or Anicetus), in Italy and claimed to be the ruler for a while (June 3 50), until Magnentius’s magister officiorum, > Marcellinus [5], defeated him. Magnentius’s retribution against N.’s supporters was bloody. PLRE 1,624, No. 5. [2] Father of the Emperor > Nepos [3], possibly from Gaul/Spain. Attested as comes et magister utriusque militiae from c. AD 458 to 461/2; he accompanied emperor > Maiorianus [1] to Gaul, from where he was sent to Spain, where he fought the Suebi in Galicia, probably under the command of the king of the West Goths, + Theodoric II. Dismissed by Theodoric in 462, he died in 464 (PLRE 2, 778). 1D. HENNING,

Periclitans res publica,

1999,

51f., 8r.

HLL.

662

661

Neptunus A. ORIGINS AND FUNCTIONS AND ROMAN

B. IMPERIAL PERIOD

EMPIRE

A. ORIGINS AND FUNCTIONS The name Neptunus may etymologically be derived from Sanskrit apam ndpat, ‘descendant of the waters’ [13 2. 100-103]; N. was primarily a ‘land water god’ [3. 2515]. The Etruscan name Nethuns is linguistically related to N., but this god is probably the Etruscan version of an Italian N. whose function was expanded through Etruscan sea trade with the Greeks, linking up with the role of Greek — Poseidon as the > god of the sea, so that he became a maritime deity himself [4. 285f.]. Identified with Poseidon, Nethuns is an example of the early > Hellenization of N. According to myth, Morrius, King of > Veii, descended

from Halaesus (> Halesus), the son of N. (Serv. Aen. 8,285). His link with > Messapus (Neptunia proles: Verg. Aen. 10,352-354) is possibly more than Virgilian invention and refers to the strategically important position of Veiis on the Tiber (cf. [5]), reflected in the cult of N. A votive inscription for N. on the river Velino (near Reate) of C. Allius Neptunalis

(CIL IX 4675) implies more extensive worship of N. in the area around => Falerii [1] (near Veii); Messapus is also linked with this region [6. 81]. The Roman god N. was also identified at an early time with Poseidon in his role as a deity of the sea; as with Poseidon, the sacrifice of bulls was customary in his cult (Plin. HN 11,195; Macrob. Sat. 3,10,4; Serv.

Aen. 3,118). Before and alongside this, N. was not associated with the sea but with fresh water. The main indication ofthis is the festival of Neptunalia on 23 July (InscrIt 13,2, p. 487; [3. 2521-2523]), in the course of which people erected huts of foliage and twigs (Fest. 519,1f.). At this time of summer drought, the waters were at their lowest level, so that the sacrifice rituals probably aimed at increasing the amount of water — a concern too of the Roman agrarian writers [7. 25-31]. As a river deity, N. was frequently associated with bridges and their protection [8. 229; 9]. The founding of temples in the city of Rome was often linked with the Hellenized N.: e.g. the Basilica Neptuni of Agrippa on the Campus Martius from 25 BC (SHA Hadr. 19,10), identical with the Poseidonium (Cass. Dio 53,27,1; 66,24,2). An ara Neptuni (Liv. 28,11,4; Cass. Dio 17,

fr. 60, with regard to 206 BC) was part of the temple of N. in the Circus Flaminius, possibly dedicated to N. as land water god [ro. 21f.], but probably the result of a naval victory in the 3rd cent. BC [rr]. Although the sources primarily present a N. Hellenized after the model of Poseidon [12], occasional literary testimonials refer to the fresh water god N (e.g. Catull. 31,2f.). Like Poseidon, N. was never exclusively a sea god. However as early as in the > lectisternium of 399 BC, he followed the Greek model Poseidon (Liv. 5,13,6; cf. ibid. 22,10,9: N./Poseidon in the lectisternium of 217 BC together with Minerva/Athena). It can be assumed that

NEPTUNUS

his role as a god of the sea increased in importance as a result of the growing relevance of sea travel for Roman trading and other interests over seas from the early 4th cent. Associated with the sea god N. are > Salacia and Venilia (Gell. NA 13,23,1f.; Varro antiquitates rerum divinarum fr. 257 CARDAUNS; Lydus, Mens. 4,154; perhaps also [13. Fig. 240]). The conception of a Hellenized N. increased in significance from the time of Livius Andronicus’ translation of the ‘Odyssey’ (cf. Enn. Ann. 515f.; Plaut. Mil. 413f., Plaut. Pseud. 834; Ter. Ad. 790) and appears clearly in Augustan and later poetry (Prop. 2,26,46; Ov. Tr. 1,5,78; Verg. G. 1,502; Verg. Aen. 3,248) [14]. In

these literary testimonials as in the iconography, N. shows all the attributes of Poseidon familiar from Greek culture [13. 182-192; 15. 485-497]. B. IMPERIAL PERIOD AND ROMAN EMPIRE At the time of the Triumvirate after 44 BC and in the early Augustan period, N. occupied a prominent position. Cn. Domitius [I 6] Ahenobarbus referred to N. on the occasion of his naval victory in 42 BC (RRC 519/r). In the same year, Sextus Pompeius asserted that he was descended from N. (schol. Hor. Epod. 9,7f.; Cass. Dio 48,31,5), and M. Antonius and Octavian/Augustus [10. 29-35] also maintained this at a later time. In cameos, Octavian, iconographically assimilated with N., was portrayed with sea-horses triumphing over his opponents [15. No. 61f., 69]. N. was only associated with later emperors from time to time, which is indicative of his subordinate role in the ‘official’ Roman religion [10. 36-58]. Inscriptions in the western provinces commonly refer to N. as the land water god; many inscriptions come from regions with references to rivers and stagnant bodies of water (Roman North Africa: e.g. CIL VIII 2652£f.; ILS 4390; [16]; Roman Gaul and Germania: [3. 2535]; cf. [15. 497-500]). Whilst the literature favours the link with the sea god Poseidon, local and regional requirements and traditions here show an emphasis on the aspect of the land water god. However a dedication near Vienna (CIL Ill 14359,27; 3rd cent. AD; [17]) to a local river, N. and Salacia possibly implies a juxtaposition ofthe two aspects. Probably asa result of — interpretatio [8. 85f.; 18], the sea god N. was associated in the provinces with local > river gods and in this way again assimilated with the original Italian land water god. 1J. PUHvEL, Comparative Mythology, 1987, 277-282 2G. Nacy, Greek Mythology and Poetics, 1990 3S. WEINSTOCK, s.v. Neptunus, RE 16, 2514-2535 4 PFIFFIG 5 J. WARD-PERKINS, Veii, in: PBSR 29, 1961, 16-19

6E.

Evans, The Cults of the Sabine Territory, 1939

7G.

DuMEziL, Fetes romaines d’été et d’automne, 1975

8G.

WissowA, Religion und Kultus der Romer, *1912, 229 notes tand2 9 L. HOLLAND, Janus and the Bridge, 1961 10 A. ARNALDI, Ricerche storico-epigrafiche sul culto di Nettuno nell’Italia romana, 1997. +11 A. ZIOLKOWSKI, The Temples of Mid-Republican Rome, 1992, 12 C.R. PHILLIPS, s.v. Consus, OCD}, 384

117-119

13 Simon, GR

663

664

14 D. FEENEY, The Gods in Epic, 1991, 135-137 15 E. SIMON, G. BAUCHHENSS, s.v. Neptunus, LIMC 7.1, 483500 16]. Rives, Religion and Authority in Roman Car-

adopted by M. Hirrius Fronto Neratius [2] Pansa, together with whom he was admitted into the ranks of the patricians by Vespasian in AD 73/4. Until the consulate, he had a career without many offices; in 95, he became cos. suff. as a follower of Domitian. Contrary to all the usual rules, he became the patrician consular legate of Britannia (c. 101-103), possibly because many consulars were appointed in the Dacian War. In 129, he became cos. ord. II. N.’s career is attested in two inscriptions from Saepinum (CIL IX 2456 =ILS 1032 and AE 1990, 217). According to the latter text, N. was also X Wir sacris faciundis and possibly, as there is a missing section in the fragmentary inscription, consular proconsul, probably in Africa c. 111/2; then [1. 591] and [2. 304] might refer to him. N. was married to Domitia [12] Vetilla, a daughter of Domitius [II 6] Apollinaris. For his and the family’s property cf. [3. 3 50f.]. PIR* N

NEPTUNUS

thage, 1995, 130f., 263f.

17H. KENNER, Die Gotterwelt

der Austria Romana, in: ANRW II 18.2, 1989, 886 notes 81 and 954 18 A. BirLEY, The Deities of Roman Britain, in: ANRW II 18.1, 1986, 33. CRP.

Nepualius (NexovdAtoc/Nepoudlios). The work of this

otherwise unknown author, Peri ton kata antipatheian kai sympdatheian, perhaps from the 2nd cent. AD, belongs, with its medical-magical conception of nature, to the field of ‘Physika “literature around Ps.Democritus (= Bolus of Mendes). Only an edition could clarify whether sympathy and antipathy are here to be understood magically or rationally. The MSS are listed in [1. 68]. 1H. Diets, Die Handschriften der antiken Arzte, vol. 2 (ADAW), 1906 (repr. 1970). C.HU.

Nerabus (Nijjeafoc/Nérabos). Town in Syria (Nicolaus of Damascus

FGrH

2,341

Fr. 17), modern

1 René Cacnat (ed.), Inscriptions latines d’Afrique, 1923 2 J. M. REYNoLps et al. (ed.), The Inscriptions of Roman Tripolitania, 1952 diis, 1998.

3 A. M. ANDERMAHR, Totus in prae-

Nairab

south of Aleppo, Aramaic urb, Neo-Assyrian Nirabu/ Neérebu, part of the province of Arpad. During archaeological investigations two steles with Aramaic funereal inscriptions of priests of the moon god Sahr (+ moon deity) were uncovered, as well as Babylonian cuneiform texts (c. 560-500 BC) which attest to the business of a local family that lived temporarily (in exile) ina town in Babylonia that was also called N. Not to be confused with this N. are places with identical Middle Assyrian names in Syria and a Nirab mentioned in connection with Thutmosis III. W. ROLLIG, s.v. Nérebu, RLA 9, 214f.

55:

K.KE.

[2] M. Hirrius Fronto N. Pansa From Saepinum, where

he erected a large edifice; accepted into the Senate under +» Nero. Legionary legate under Vespasian, praetorian

legate of Lycia-Pamphylia c. AD 70-72. Accepted into the ranks of the patricians, cos. suff. 73 or 74. During Vespasian’s period as censor, he was active in the regio X of Italy. N. had a military mission in the east, for which he was awarded the > dona militaria. Governor of Cappadocia-Galatia c. 77-80; for his career [1. 165ff.; 2. 4rff.]; N. adopted N. [1] Marcellus. PIR* N 56. 1 M. Heit, M. Hirrius Fronto N. Pansa, legatus exercitus

Africae, in: Chiron 19, 1989 ScHUTTE

2H. HALFMANN, in: A.

(ed.), Studien zum antiken Kleinasien. FS F.K.

Neranius Sextus Neranius Capito. Cos. suff. together

Dorner, vol. 1, 1991.

with L. Acilius [II 11] Strabo (IGR1, 452), the consul-

SALOMIES, Nomenclature, 117; 151.

ship belonging to the year AD 80 according to the Fasti of Septempeda. S. M. MARENGO, Fasti Septempedani, in: Picus 18, 1998,

63-88.

Neratiolus was honoured in stone with an inscription from Xanthus, along with other members of the family of Domitius [II 6] Apollinaris (AE 1981, 826). PIR* N 50. According to [1. 152f.], however, the honour was bestowed on Neratius [1] Marcellus. This would need to be clarified by a study of the inscribed stone. 1 SALomies, Nomenclature

Neratius The senatorial family came from Saepinum, where a large number oftheir inscriptions and buildings have been recovered. It entered the Senate no later than under Emperor > Nero; its last members are attested in the 4th cent. [1] L.N. Marcellus Senator. His natural father was probably N. [4], and his brother was N. [6]. N. was

[3] N. Priscus Senatorial boy, who took part in the secular games (> saeculum) of AD 204. Probably identical with an eponymous consul. PIR* N 57; 58. [4] L.N. Priscus Probably the natural father of N. [1] und N. [6]. His offices before the praefectura aerarii Saturni, which preceded the suffect consulship of AD 87, are not mentioned in the inscriptions. While > Domitianus was still in power, he was consular legate in Pannonia. In Saepinum, he and his son built a large public building. PIR* N 59. W.E. [5] L.N. Priscus The Roman jurist came from Samnite Saepinum, was praetor around AD 88-90, suffect consul in AD 97, governor in Lower Germany in AD

98-100 and in Pannonia in AD 103-106 [1; 4. 194ff.; 5. 15ff.], adviser to Trajan (Dig. 37,12,5) and Hadrian (SHA Hadr. 18,1). He died after AD 133 [5. 23]. That Trajan intended him to be his successor (SHA Hadr. 4,8) is doubtful [4. 200f.; 5. 22]. Together with > Iuventius [II 2] Celsus, N. was the last head of the Pro-

665

666

culian school of law (Dig. 1,2,2,53). His jurisprudence

motif is that of Nereids perched on sea creatures, riding over the waves in the retinue of sea gods like Poseidon or Aphrodite in a ‘trionfo del mare’ (Mosch. 2,118ff.; Apul. Met. 4,31; Claud. Carm. ro,159ff.; cf. the group created by Scopas in Plin. HN 36,26 and the Munich

has a strong casuistical flavour. Apart from the first work in Roman legal literature with the title Regulae (‘Legal guidelines’, 15 bks., only a few fragments extant), he wrote Membranae (‘Notes’, 7 bks.) and Responsa (‘Opinions’, 3 bks.; on these works [2. 9ff.; 3. 223ff.|). His Epistulae (‘Letters’, at least 4 bks.), Ex

Plautio (only in Ulp. Dig. 8,3,5,1) and De nuptiis (‘On matrimonial law’ — only in Gell. NA 4,4) have been transmitted indirectly. The guiding motif in the tradition-conscious N. is the certainty of the law [4. 204ff.]): he maintained that, in contrast to factual reality, the law ought to be precisely defined (ius finitum, Dig. 22,6,2); study into the basis of law was undesirable for it might undermine (legal) certainty (alioquin certa subvertuntur, Dig.1,3,21). N. happily takes unconsidered attempts at interpretation ad absurdum {3. 230]. ~ Julius [[V 16] Paulus commented on his ‘Opinions’ (Ad Neratium; as well [2. 13 9ff.]). 1 PIR V, 350f.

2 R. GREINER, Opera Neratii, 1973

3A.

M. Honoré, A Study of Neratius, in: TRG 43, 1975, 223240 4R. A. Bauman, Lawyers and Politics in the Early Roman Empire, 1989 L.N. Priscus, 1991.

5 J. MAIFELD, Die ‘aequitas’ bei T.G.

[6] L.N. Proculus Related to N. [1-4], but the connection is unclear. N.’s career ran its course under Hadrian and Antoninus Pius; before the consulate in AD 144 or 145, he was praef. aerarii militaris. PIR* N 63 (AE 1990, 218 and CIL IX 2457 are to be added). W.E. Nereids (Nnonides/Néréides, Nnoeidec/Néreides; Latin Nereides, singular Nereis, Nereine, Nerine). Sea

nymphs, daughters of > Nereus and > Doris [I 1] (Hes. Theog. 240-242), traditionally numbering fifty (ibid. 264). The graceful, playful and helpful Nereids usually appear in literature and the visual arts as a group, but some of them have their own specific myths (+ Thetis, — Amphitrite, > Galatea [1]). There are many names of Nereids in the catalogues of Nereids that have been handed down (Hes. Theog. 240-264; Hom. Il. 18,37-49; Apollod. 1,11f.; Hyg. Fab. praef. 8), which probably have their roots in the oral epic tradition [1]. In addition to preserving old material, assigning names serves to develop the poetic imagination that seeks to capture the essence of the Nereids in all of their varied aspects; in this context the

NEREIS

relief from the altar of Domitius Ahenobarbus).

As companions of deities or heroes who come in contact with their element, the Nereids play a role in a variety of mythological contexts. They marvel at the + Argo (Catull. 64,12ff.) and escort it safely through the Planctae (Apoll. Rhod. 4,930ff.), receive — Hephaestus (Hom. Il. 18,398ff.; Hom. H. 3,3 19f.), > Theseus (Bacchyl. 17,100ff.) and Ino Leucothea (Ov. Fast.

6,499f.) after her leap into the sea and punish > Cassiopeia [3] for her hubris (Lucian. Dialogi marini 14). They are especially closely linked with their sister Thetis: They are present at her wedding to > Peleus (Eur. Iph. A. 1054ff.), and they escort her son > Achilles [1] on his journey to Troy (Eur. El. 43 2ff.), share in his grief for Patroclus (Hom. Il. 18,65ff.), deliver his new weapons to him (Aeschyl. TrGF 3 F 150-154) and lead the lament for him upon his death (Hom. Od. 24,47ff.). Seafarers appealed to the Nereids as well as to other gods for safe passage and rescue from disaster at sea (Sappho fr. 5 V.; Eur. Hel. 1584ff.; Arr. An. 1,11,6); in some places the Nereids had their own cult sites (Paus. 2,1,8); regarding the cult of the Nereids see also > Nereus. However, there is no definitive proof that they served as escorts of the dead to the afterlife, although Nereids were frequently depicted on burial monuments (cf. the Nereid Monument at Xanthos and Roman sarcophagi). Traces of the Nereids remain in the modern Greek neraides |2]. 1 R. WacnutTer, Nereiden und Neoanalyse: Ein Blick hinter die Ilias, in: WJA 16, 1990, 19-31; 2 B. SCHMIDT, Das Volksleben der Neugriechen und das hellenische Alterthum vol. 1, 1871, 98ff. G. Herzoc-Hauser, ICARD-GIANOLIO,

s.v. Nereiden, RE

A.-V. SZABADOS,

17, 1-23; N.

s.v. N., LIMC

6.1,

785-824; F. FiscHEeR, Nereiden und Okeaniden in Hesiods Theogonie, 1934; A. Lesxy, Thalatta, 1947, 114ff.;J. M. BARRINGER, Divine Escorts: Nereids in Archaic and Classical Greek Art, 1995. A.A.

Nereis

(Nyonic/Néréis). Daughter of the Molossian king Pyrrhus II. In 233/2 BC, for dynastic reasons, ~» Hiero [2] II married her to his son > Gelo [2]; she

seascape, as the main setting for their activities, as well

bore three sons, including — Hieronymus [3], and one

as their beauty and prophetic gifts suggest a multitude of possibilities. The Nereids live in their father’s grotto on the ocean floor (Hom. Il. 18,50; cf. scenes of women’s chambers with vases bearing the names of Nereids) and amuse themselves in singing, dancing and playing in the waves or on the beach (Eur. Ion 1078ff.; Eur. Iph. T. 427ff.; Orph. H. 24; Ov. Met. 2,11ff.). They appear in iconography in the form of women, beginning in the 4th cent. in scanty clothing or nude; in contrast to modern mermaids they only rarely have the tail of a fish (Plin. HN 9,9; Claud. Carm. 10,160). A very popular

daughter. The name of the queen is inscribed in the theatre of Syracuse (Syll.? 429). N. also had statues of her family erected at Delphi and Olympia (Syll.3 453; Poli7.4,53 Wive24,6,93 Paus..6,12,3))> 1 J. SEIBERT, Historische Beitrage zu den dynastischen Verbindungen in hellenistischer Zeit, 1967, rrof. 2 G. DE SENSI SESTITO, Gerone II. Un monarca ellenistico in Siciliamog7e taste Eos nLOS: K.MEL

667

668

Nereus (Nneevcs; Nérevis), whose name may be related to the Lithuanian nérti (‘to dive’), has only a shadowy

Nericus (Njomoc; Neérikos). Hom. Od. 24,377 mentions a place named N. on the mainland (Gxthv HreIgoto), described in Str. 10,2,8 as a predecessor settle-

NEREUS

role in Greek mythology. He is a typical ‘Old Man of the Sea’. This category of deities is usually anonymous in Homer (Il. 1.358, 18.141 etc.), although the title also refers to other sea-deities like > Proteus (Od. 4.365) and > Phorcys (Od. 13.96). These, and comparable deities like > Glaucus [1], > Thetis and > Triton, possess the gift of prophecy and the ability to change shapes. The background is a belief in a ‘Master of the Animals’, a protector of all animals or those of one species [1. 129], but the feature of prophecy is a typical Greek development, which the Greeks themselves seem to have connected with the god’s knowledge of the ‘depths of the whole sea’ (Od. 4.385). In Peloponnesian and Athenian iconography Nereus is indeed represented as an old man, but the earliest certain appearance in Greek art depicts him with a fishtail [2.83 5-7]. Nereus’s main traits are his fight against > Heracles [1] and his fatherhood of the > Nereids. His fight with Heracles was a favourite theme in archaic Greek art [2]. It is a ‘double’ of Heracles’ fight with another shapechanging deity, > Periclymenus. The theme of a fight against a ‘Master of Animals’ goes back to the earliest Indo-European mythology and, having its origin in shamanistic myths and rituals concerning the quest for food [3. 95-6]. The Nereids, too, possessed the gift of prophecy and they shared an oracle with Glaucus on Delos (Arist fr. 490 ROSE = 496 GIGNON). The way they are mentioned by Homer (who does not mention Nereus himself) and Hesiod strongly suggests that they already existed before Homer [4. 47-9; 5]. The Nereids received sacrifices from the Persians (Hdt. 7.191) and Alexander the Great (Arr. Anab. 1.11.6), and, according to Pausanias (2.1.8), had altars at various places in Greece. There is little evidence, however, for a cult of Nereus. Only Ovid (Met. 11.3 59-61) mentions a temple for Nereus and the Nereids. Pausanias (3.21.9) identifies a cult for an ‘Old

Man’ in Gytheion with Nereus, but this is clearly his personal interpretation. Yet in the 2nd cent. AD, people apparently still had dreams of Nereus (Artem. 2.38). Given Nereus’s shadowy existence, one may well wonder whether Hesiod did not invent him as a father of the pre-existing Nereids. In Rome, Nereus was a quite popular name among the Greek population [6. 394-5], in particular among slaves and freedmen. 1 J. BREMMER, The Early Greek Concept of the Soul, 1983 2 M. Pirri, s.v. Nereus, LIMC 6.1, 824-837

3 W. Bur-

KERT, Structure and History in Greek Mythology and Ritual, 1979 4M. W. Epwarps, The Iliad: A Commentary, vol. 5, 1991

5 R. WacuHTER, Nereiden und Neo-

analyse: Ein Blick hinter die Ilias, in: WJA N.F. 16, 1990, 19-31 6H. Soin, Die griechische Personennamen in Rom, vol. 1, 1982.

Nergilus see > Sennacherib

JB.

ment of the town of Leucas. Besieged in vain by Athens in 426 BC (Thue. 3,7,5). Location probably near the modern Hagios Georgios on the mainland opposite the ancient town of Leucas. Further evidence: Str. 1,3,18; Plin. HN 4,5. ~» Neriton M. Fiep_er, Zur Topographie der Polis Leukas, in: P. BERKTOLD (ed.), Akarnanien, 1996, 159f.

D.S.

Neriglissar (NyeuyAtoagod/Neriglisaros; Akkad. Nergal-Sarra-usur). King of Babylon (559-5 56 BC), son-inlaw of > Nebuchadnezzar II, at whose court he held an important position. He descended from an influential aristocratic family (extensive land ownership). If he is identical with Nergal-Sharezer in Jer 39:3; 13, he also held a senior military function. According to Berossus, he had his brother-in-law Amél-Marduk (561-560; 2 Kg 25:27; Jer 52:31: Ewil-Merodach) murdered, and succeeded him on the throne. A Babylonian chronicle reports that he undertook a campaign to Cilicia in the third year of his reign, reaching the frontiers of Lydia [2]. He was succeeded by his son Labasi-Marduk, who reigned for a few months only. 1 G. VAN DRIEL, s.v. N., RLA 9, 228f. 2 A. K. GRAYSON, Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles, 1975, 103f. —_J.OE.

Nerio Deity of Sabine origin whose name in Antiquity was translated as virtus or &vdoia/andria, ‘manliness’,

and fortitudo, ‘strength’, ‘bravery’ (Gell. NA 13,23,73 Lydus, Mens. 4,60). Nerio is derived from Indoeuropean *ner-, ‘man-’, which is preserved in many Italian dialects, but was replaced in Latin by wir-, except in the personal names Nerio and > Nero [r. 438f.]. It is an attractive hypothesis that M. Claudius [I 11] Marcellus was thinking of the Sabine Nerio when dedicating anew the santuary of > Honos outside the Porta Capena in Rome as the temple of Honos and > Virtus (Liv. 27,25,7-9) — the gens Claudia was of Sabine origin (Suet. Tib. 1,2; Gell. NA 13,23,8). Modern scholars have interpreted the Nerio Martis of the libri sacerdotum (in Gell. NA 13,23,2) and the Republican literature as an impersonal property of >» Mars (thus already Gell. NA 13,23,10: Martis vis et potentia et maiestas) that was transformed under Greek influence into a personalized deity. Although this thesis is not falsifiable because of the fragmentary tradition, its underlying concept of religious evolution gives cause for doubt. The identification of Nerio as the spouse of Mars becomes tangible in the early 2nd cent. BC (Plaut. Truc. 515; Licinius Imbrex CRF p. 39; Mart. Cap. 1,4); as such she is invoked by the Sabine woman > Hersilia in the mythological conflicts between Sabines and Romans (Enn. Ann. 99f.; Cn. Gellius HRR fr. 15). The association with Ares/Mars also resulted in the identi-

669

670

fication of the deity with > Aphrodite/ Venus (Lydus,

with reference to /dgoi thaldttioi, ‘seamen’s tales’; compare EM s.v. avneitys and vneitys). SLA.

Mens. 4,60) and > Athena/> Minerva (Porph. Hor. Epist. 2,2,209). An actual cult of Nerio as distinct from

Mars during the > Tubilustrium on 23 March is unlikely (despite Lydus, Mens. 4,60); Ovid’s notice regarding this day, fortis dea (Ov. Fast. 3,849f.), is perhaps playing with the etymology of *ner-, but against the learned background ofthe identification of Nerio with Minerva presumably means the latter (> Quinquatrus; cf. Ov. Fast. 3,681f.). Neither is the corrupted text of Varro,

Sat. Men. 506, which links Nerio and Minerva, evidence that the identification of Nerio with Minerva is a reflection of a Sabine goddess that as Minerva became an all-Italic deity but was originally called Nerio Minerva (thus [2; 3. 168-170]; critical [4. 226f.]); presumably it only presents us with an association of deities considered to be synonymous, as was customary in divine epicleses. There is no iconographic evidence for Nerio; the interpretation of a female figure held in the arms of

NERO

Neritum (Njoutov; Nériton). Originally probably a poetic designation for ‘mountain forest’ [1.185], the name of a forested mountain on — Ithaca (Hom. Od.

9,22; 13,351). In the Homeric Catalogue of Ships (Hom. Il. 2,632) the significance is unclear: N. can be understood either as a mountain [2. 591-596] or as an island or city next to Ithaca (cf. Verg. Aen. 3,271; Ov. Met. 13,712; Mela 2,110). Other ancient authors identify N. with the town of > Nericus, which they localised on Leucas (cf. Plin. HN 4,5). Hence in ancient authors and in the MSS the forms Nericus and Neritus are mixed up (Plin. HN 4,55). In poets (e.g. Ov. Fast. 4,69) N. and its ethnicon Nyeitiocs are used for Ithaca. For attempts at identification see — Ithaca. 1 A. Heuspecx, A Commentary on Homer’s Odyssey, vol. 2, 1992, 14, 185f. 2E. VissER, Homers Katalog der Schiffe, 1997. DS.

Mars on a coin of 138 BC (RRC 232/r) as Nerio is doubtful [5]. 1 ERNout/MEILLET;

2G. RADKE, Zur Entwicklung der

Gottesvorstellung und der Gottesverehrung in Rom, 1987, 109-111, 251f.; 3 SIMON, GR; 4 J. CHAMPEAUX, Fortuna. Le culte de la Fortune a Rome et dans le monde romain,

1982;

5 F. CANCIANI,

s.v. Nerio, LIMC

837f. (bibliography).

6.1,

AN.BE.

Neriomagienses. The vicani (‘villagers’) N. (CIL XII

1373.) settled on a hill in the territory of the > Bituriges Cubi (modern Néris, Dépt. Allier); the rise of the

vicus from the time of Augustus was due to thermal springs (Aquae Neri, Tab. Peut. 2,3) and its position at the intersection of the Augustonemetum — Limonum and Avaricum— Augustonemetum roads (CIL XIII 8922) to the south of the civitas Biturigum Cubum. It became a municipality: two baths (restoration of the southern bath by L. Julius Equester, CIL XIII 13761381), two aqueducts, a building for theatrical performances. Decline in the 4th cent. M. Provost (ed.), Carte archéologique de la Gaule, vol.

3: L’Allier, 1989, 165-184.

J.-M.DE.

Neris (Nyoic/Neéris). Settlement in the territory of ~» Cynuria [1] in the eastern Peloponnese, possibly at modern Kato Doliana [1. 122-124; 2,3 8,6; Stat. Theb. 4,46). 1 PRITCHETT 3; 2 PRITCHETT 4.

2. 75-79] (Paus. Wales

Nerius. Rare Roman proper name (epigraphic evidence for praenomen, family name and epithet). Also the name of a Gaulish-Roman goddess (Néris-Les Bains). SCHULZE, 363; 484.

[1] Money lender well versed in law (Hor. Sat. 2,3,69 with Porphyrio ad loc.; cf. Pers. 2,14). [2] N., Cn. (?) Accused P. > Sestius of gaining office by

improper means (ambitus; Cic. Ad Q. Fr. 2,3,5) in 56 BC; not identical with the quaestor urbanus 49 BC (RRC 441).

Ke,

Nero Hereditary cognomen in the younger line of the Claudii family (— Claudius; from the 2nd half of the 3rd cent. BC); according to ancient etymology of Sabine origin, meaning ‘brave’ (Suet. Tib. 1.2; Gell. NA 13.23.7f., etc.). With Livia’s children [2] from her first marriage with Ti. Claudius [I 19] Nero — the later princeps Tiberius and N. Claudius [II 24] Drusus (the Elder)

— the name passed into the Julio-Claudian imperial house (stemma: > Augustus). Whereas Tiberius retained N. as an epithet, his brother bore it as praenomen, as did their sons Drusus [II 1] (the Younger) and Germanicus [2]. As a consequence of Tiberius’ adoption by Augustus, in AD 4 Germanicus’ younger brother Claudius [III 1] took on the epithet (Suet. Claud. 2.1); in AD 50 it passed from him to his adoptive son and its final bearer, the later emperor N. [1] (again as praenomen).

Nerites (Nyoitys; Nérités). Only son of > Nereus and ~ Doris [I 1], brother of the > Nereids. He is either

transformed into the snail of the same name by Aphrodite, who loves him because of his extraordinary beauty, out of anger because he does not follow her to Olympus, or in another version by Helios, possibly out of jealousy against Poseidon, N.’s lover (Ael. NA 14,28

KajJANTO, Cognomina, 176; SALOMIES, 80; SCHULZE, 67; 315; WALDE/HOFMANN 2, 164.

3246.5 K.-L.E.

[1] Roman emperor AD 54-68 A. BEFORE ASSUMPTION OF POWER B. AFTER ASSUMPTION OF THE PRINCIPATE C. HERITAGE

671

672

A. BEFORE ASSUMPTION OF POWER Born 15th Dec. 37 in Antium, the son of Cn. > Domitius [If 1] Ahenobarbus and — Agrippina [3] the

N.’s first speech before the Senate after Claudius’ funeral and deification. The main tenor of the relationship was a return to the form of the Augustan > principate. with a sharing of responsibility between himself, the + princeps, and the Senate (Tac. Ann. 13.4-5; Suet. Nero 10.1). This was greeted with great acclaim, especially as it immediately became known that Agrippina was attempting to take over political leadership, this being clearly attested by a coin minted in 54

NERO

Younger as L. Domitius Ahenobarbus. N.’s father died in AD 4o, and his mother was banished by > Caligula. Accordingly, N. was initially brought up by his aunt Domitia [5] Lepida. When his mother, a niece of Claudius [Il] 1], returned in 41, N. immediately became linked with the imperial house, but the enmity between Agrippina and Messalina [2], Claudius’ wife, prevented him from coming more directly into the public eye, where as a descendant of > Augustus he inevitably aroused curiosity and interest (Suet. Nero 7.1). As soon

as Agrippina had married Claudius, she induced him in 49 to betroth N. to his daughter Octavia [3] (Tac. Ann. 12.9.1; Suet. Claud. 27.2). At the same time N. received as tutor Seneca the Younger (Tac. Ann. 12.8; Suet. Nero 7.1). On 25th Feb. 50, N. was adopted by Claudius (ILS 229). His name now became N. Claudius Caesar Drusus Germanicus

(RIC I? 125, no. 75; 126,

no. 82).

In 51 he put on the toga virilis and achieved majority; he was designated consul for AD 55, and outside the city received an > imperium proconsulare; he was also appointed > princeps iuventutis. In addition, a +» donativum was distributed to the soldiers and a ~> congiarium to the plebs in Rome in his name. Like Claudius himself, N. became a member of all the priestly colleges (RIC 125, no. 76; 129, no. 107). Finally came his marriage in 53 to Claudius’ daughter, who accordingly had to be adopted into a different family, and from now on was called + Octavia [3]. All of this clearly showed that N. was to be successor to Claudius, although the latter had a son of his own, +> Britannicus, who was only four years younger than N. Agrippina directed Claudius in all these decisions. When in the course of 54 the emperor let it be known that he intended to give Britannicus a position comparable to that of N., on 13th Oct. 54 Agrippina had Claudius killed; N. knew of this (Tac. Ann. 12.65-68; Suet. Claud. 44; Suet. Nero 33).

B. AFTER ASSUMPTION OF THE PRINCIPATE On 13th Oct. 54, N. was acclaimed by the Praetorians without opposition; Agrippina had made her devotee > Afranius [3] Burrus their prefect. The Praetorians’ first password was Optima mater (Suet. Nero

9; Tac. Ann. 13.2.3), a clear indication of to whom N. owed the principate. The Senate bestowed on him the legal powers of tribunicia potestas and full imperium proconsulare. From now on his name was N. Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus. On tst Jan. 55, N. took up his first consulate, which was followed by four more in 57, 58, 60, and 68. He at first declined the title of > pater patriae on account of his age (Suet. Nero 8), but accepted it in the same year 55, after achieving a diplomatic success against the Parthians. N.’s relationship to the Senate was at first mainly determined through Seneca, who had written

(BMCRE 1, 200 no. r). But Seneca and Burrus were

quickly able to repudiate her claims, especially when N. entered into a passionate relationship with the freedwoman Claudia [II 4] Acte, which Agrippina saw as threatening her position. When she threatened to use Britannicus against him, N. had him killed at the beginning of 55 (Tac. Ann.

13.12-16; Suet. Nero 33.2-3); Agrippina herself had to leave the imperial palace (Suet. Nero 34.1). According to Suet. Nero 37.3 (cf. Tac. Ann. 13.25), N. increasingly realised the degree of omnipotence his position gave him. While at first this manifested itself in relatively innocuous forays in the city, it soon came to more major conflicts, in which N. met with no serious resistance, even in the Senate. When in 59 he had his mother killed in the Gulf of Baiae, the Senate voted celebrations of thanks for his safety; only Thrasea Paetus expressed his protest by leaving the Senate (Tac. Ann. 14.12.1). There could be no clearer sign to N. that evidently nothing was forbidden him. Already since 58 he had been having an affair with > Poppaea Sabina. She separated from > Ofonius Tigellinus, who from 65 with Nymphidius [2] Sabinus as second praetorian prefect had been accommodating N.’s personal interests.

N. wanted to be active in arts that, according to the aristocratic ideals of the leading elite of Rome, were appropriate only for the lower social classes: not only music and poetry, but also the dance and appearances as a charioteer. Whereas at first N. carried out these activities only in private, he later took them into the public realm, although initially outside Rome. These endeavours found expression in the founding of the penteteric

Neronia

(Suet. Nero

12.3;

see

—» Games;

~» Competitions, artistic), which were celebrated first

in AD 60, then again in 65; high-ranking Roman senators had to preside over them. From 18th/r9th-27th July 64 extensive parts of Rome were destroyed by a fire. As public opinion saw N. as the instigator, Christians were accused on account of their alleged odium generis humani (‘hatred of the human race’, Tac. Ann. 15.44), and executed in Nero’s gardens for the entertainment of the people. N. was directly implicated in this decision; his actions set the precedent for future treatment of the Christians, but no new statutory offence was instituted. N. used the situation of the destruction of large parts of Rome to build his domus aurea from the > mons Palatinus to the Esquiline (+ Esquiliae) (cf. [1. 359ff.]); Italy and the provinces had to provide the means for this, if necessary under compulsion.

674

673 Such

large-scale

and extensive

infringements

of

social norms, and the murders of his mother, his wife,

and members of the Senate, led in 65 to the Pisonian conspiracy (see > Calpurnius [II 13] Piso), which was, however, betrayed. Many senators, but also tribunes of the Praetorians who had joined the conspiracy, were executed. Seneca, too, was among the victims (on N.’s relationship to Seneca cf. [2]). N.’s aides, such as Ofonius Tigellinus, > Nerva, and > Petronius Turpilianus were honoured excessively (Tac. Ann. 15.59-72; cf. [3. 381ff.]). N.’s general isolation from most circles upon which Roman imperial power rested was evident; only among the > plebs of the city of Rome did he still enjoy strong backing: not with the army in the provinces, however, to whom he had not given any attention, even though the troops had acclaimed him as imperator 13 times. The victories in Britain over > Boudicca by C. Suetonius Paulinus in 60, and over the Parthians by > Domitius [II rr] Corbulo, did not strengthen his bonds with the army. Even the progress to Rome ofTiridates III, the King of Armenia enthroned by Corbulo, in 66, and N.’s bestowal of the diadem on him, could do nothing to change this. On 25th Sept. 66, N. set off for Greece, where he appeared as a singer and charioteer. His declaration of freedom for Achaia (probably Nov. 67) was a romantic

but meaningless gesture. He entrusted the suppression of the Jewish revolt from AD 66/7 to T. Flavius > Vespasianus, who appeared harmless to him as far as internal politics were concerned. On the other hand he had Corbulo and the two Scribonii brothers executed in Achaia; a conspiracy in Italy under the leadership of Annius [II 19] Vinicianus, Corbulo’s son-in-law, was suppressed. But unrest was so strong that N.’s freedman

Helius urged him to hurry back to Rome. Shortly after his return in spring 68 he received news of the revolt of > Tulius [II 150] Vindex, joined by — Galba [2], in the

province of Lugdunensis. N. entrusted Petronius Turpilianus with a military campaign, but the countermeasures taken were ineffectual. When Nymphidius Sabinus saw that N.’s position was fatally damaged, he joined Galba with the Praetorians. On 8th June 68, shortly after N. had again assumed sole consulship, the Senate declared him an enemy of the state. N. fled with some of his freedmen; on 9th June 68 he committed suicide on the estate of > Phaon outside the city. His body was rapidly burned, his ashes later interred by Claudia Acte in the tomb of the Domitii on the Pincio (mons Pincius). The Senate ordered every memoria to him to be erased (— damnatio memoriae). WE. C. HERITAGE Legends arose immediately after N.’s death: three false N.s appeared in the Greek East, and to some extent (among the Parthians too) received a large following (Suet. Nero 57; Tac. Hist. 2.8; [4]). Christian commen-

tators on the Apocalypse, probably influenced by Jewish thinkers, saw N. as the Antichrist [5. 133-152;

NERONIAS

6. 2-6], the Church Fathers as the first persecutor of the [5; 6]. Although at first positive literary depictions (cf. Jos. AJ 20.8.3), appeared alongside the negative, the Senate’s hostile view became established in the works of Tacitus and Suetonius [7], and henceforth coined the image of the cruel, megalomaniac ruler. This predominates in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages [5. 179-186; 6; 8], but positive aspects have not entirely disappeared from view ([9]; cf. [6. 12-14]; recent attempt at rehabilitation: [1o]). Since the 17th cent. N. has been the subject of dozens of stageworks and operas (list in [r1. 3 18ff.]). Christians

-» Colossus Neronis; > Domus Aurea 1 Y. PERRIN, La domus aurea et l’idéologie néronienne, in:

E. Livy (ed.), Le systéme palatial en Orient, en Gréce et a Rome, 1987, 359-391 2M. GRIFFIN, Seneca. A Philosopher in Politics,*1992 3 W. Eck, N.s Freigelassener Epaphroditus und die Aufdeckung der pisonischen Verschworung, in: Historia 25, 1976, 381-384 4C. J. TupLin, The False Neros of the First Century A.D., in: C. Derovux (ed.), Studies in Latin Literature and Roman His-

tory, vol. 5, 1989, 364-404 5 W. JAKOB-SONNABEND, Untersuchungen zum N.-Bild der Spatantike, 1990 6R. KonraD, Kaiser N. in der Vorstellung des Mittelalters, in: C.R. SCHNITH (ed.), Festiva Lanx, FS J. Sp6rl, 1966, 1-15 7 CH. SCHUBERT, Studien zum N.-Bild in der lateinischen

Dichtung der Antike, 1998 8C. PascaL, Nerone nella storia aneddotica e nella leggenda, 1923 9 N. EBERL, Cardanos Encomium Neronis, 1994 Zweitausend Jahre Verleumdung, 1994 Néron, 1955.

10M. Fini, N. 11G. WALTER,

Coins: BMCRE 1, 200-284; RIC I? 133-187. Portraits: Fittschen/Zanker, vol. 1, nos. 17-18; M. BERGMANN,

P. ZANKER,

Damnatio

memoriae.

Umgear-

beitete N.- und Domitianportraits. Zur Ikonographie der flavischen Kaiser und des Nerva, in: JDAI 96, 1981, 317AL2. FURTHER

LITERATURE:

K. R. BRADLEY, Suetonius’ Life

of N. An Historical Comm., 1978;J.ELSNER,J.MASTERS (ed.), Reflections of N. Culture, History and Representation, 1994; M. GRIFFIN, N. The End of a Dynasty, 1984; M. HEIL, Die orientalische Aufenpolitik des Kaisers N., 1997; J. Matitz, N., 1999; E. P. Nicotas, De Néron a Vespasien, 1979; Y. PERRIN, J.-M. CROISILLE (ed.), Rome a l€poque néronienne. Actes du colloque international Neronia VI (2002); B. H.WARMINGTON, N.: Reality and Legend, 1969; Tu. E. J. WIEDEMANN, From N. to Vespasian, in: CAH to, 1996, 256-282. W.ED. and W.E.

Neronia see > Sportfestivals;

> Competitions, artistic

Neronias (Negwvidc/Neronids). City in the east of ~ Cilicia Pedias, modern-day Dizigi (formerly Haruniye). Possibly founded by Antiochus [18] IV of Commagene in honour of Nero (beginning of the city era in AD 51/2) at the site of Pindenissus (?). Probably already renamed Eirenoupolis during the time of Vespasian (AD 69-79). Diocese of Cilicia II (metropolis: Anazarbus); important border fortress of the Byzantines. HiLD/HELLENKEMPER,

245-248; F. HILp, Eirenupolis in

der Kilikia Pedias, in: G. Dopescn, G. REHRENBOCK (ed.),

NERONIAS

675

676

Hundert Jahre Kleinasiatische Kommission der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1993, 221-225.

consul M. Claudius [I 13] Marcellus conquered N. in 152 BC. The city was finally subjugated in 143 BC

BH.

(App. Ib. 48; 50; Flor. Epit. 1,33,10).

Itin. Anton.

437,45 439,25 Coins. Nersae. Vicus of the Aequiculi (regio IV) in the upper Himella (the modern Salto) valley, referred to in Verg. Aen. 7,744 as montosae Nersae (‘mountainous Nersae’), the modern Civitella di Nesce. For the place name,

see > Nursia. After 49 BC, N. probably became part of the res publica Aequiculanorum (tribus Fabia). Inscriptions refer to a forum, theatre and a Mithraeum. Remains: aqueduct, rock tombs. Z. Mari, s.v. Nersae, EV 3, 709f.

Gus

DITOLDER E5335 2725-

TOVAR 2, 414; TIR K 30 Madrid, 1993, 158f.

[2] City in central Spain, as a Roman colony N. Con-

cordia Iulia (Plin. HN 3,14; Ptol. 2,4,10), conquered by M. Claudius [I 13] Marcellus in 152 BC (Negxofoixa/ Nerkobrika, Pol. 35,2,2). Site in the province of Badajoz near Frejenal de la Sierra confirmed by inscriptions (GUE I pean2i5ts): H. Simon, Roms Kriege in Spanien, 1962, 202; TOVAR 2, 174. P.B.

Nerthus. Tacitus describes the cult of the mother deity N., adding as his own interpretation: id est terra mater (Tac. Germ. 40,2). He states that N. is venerated by

seven tribes (the so-called Nerthus peoples), whom he

includes among the > Suebi living to the east of the Elbe. They probably lived in western Mecklenburg and were part of the > Ingaevones [3. 460]. On an island (probably in the Danish Baltic Sea) he locates a sacred grove containing a cultic wagon concealed by covers.

Only one priest (sacerdos) is allowed to touch it. The goddess’s solemn procession, linked to a festival lasting several days, was probably celebrated in spring, when the wagon was drawn by cows through the lands inhabited by the cult followers. It is disputed whether the cult of N., during which a truce reigned, was connected to a -» hieros gamos. Afterwards the wagon, covers and idol were purified in the context of a > lustratio in a desolate lake in which the slaves involved were drowned (> human sacrifice). Any Roman reader must have struck the analogy, constructed by Tacitus, to the liturgy in the month of March in the cult of the > Mater Magna. But it, like the interpretation as > Terra mater, rests on > interpretatio Romana. The name N. consists of the Celtic-Germanic isogloss *nert- (‘strength’?) and a Germanic u-form [1. 281]. This combination is also found in the earth mother *Nerduz and the sea god Njoror, who may have been a sister or brother deity or simply the male form of the polyvalent fertility goddess N. However the exact relationship of the two deities remains unclear [2]. — Germani, Germania 1 E. C. PoLomé, Germanentum und religidse Vorstellun-

gen, in: H. Beck (ed.), Germanenprobleme in heutiger Sicht, 1986, 267-297 2Id.,s.v. Njordr (Njord), The Encyclopedia of Religion ro, 1987, 459f. 3 D. Trmpe, Tacitus, Germania als religionsgeschichtliche Quelle, in: H. BECK e.a. (ed.), Germanische Religionsgeschichte,

43.4ff.

1992,

W.SP.

Nertobriga [1] City in northern Spain (Celtic place name: arto, ‘strength’, briga, ‘fortress’ [1]), modern Calatorao in

the Jalon valley, 30 km to the northeast of Bilbilis. The

Nerva [1] Roman cognomen (probably from nervus) meaning ‘strength’. Attested in the families of the Aebutii, Cocceii, Licinii and Silii. Its most famous bearer is emperor M. Cocceius N. [2]. 1 KaAJANTO, Cognominia 105; 247; WALDE/HOFMANN 165.

2,

K.-L.E.

[2] Roman emperor AD 96-98. Born on AD 8 Novem-

ber 30 in > Narnia with the name M. Cocceius Nerva; his father was the jurist of same name (Cocceius [5]), his mother Sergia Plautilla. Presumably his father was already of patrician rank. He probably entered the Senate in 61 under ~ Nero [1]. His early offices were VIvir turmae equitum Romanorum, praefectus urbi feriarum Latinarum, and probably quaestor Augusti. In 65 he was appointed praetor. During the discovery of the Pisonian conspiracy, he must have been so valuable to Nero that he not only received the ornamenta triumphalia but also a statue on the Palatium, i.e., probably in the area of the imperial > palace. Apparently, during the Year of the Four Emperors he joined > Vespasianus in good time and became cos. ord. with him in 71. He does not appear to have taken an office in the provinces but presumably he was one of the senators who had influence with the majority of his peers and the Flavian emperors without compromising himself too much. In 90 he became cos. ord. II together with emperor > Domitianus [1]]. He was therefore among those who were able to stabilize the political situation for Domitian after the uprising of Antonius [II 15] Saturninus. Allegedly, N. was banished to Tarento by the emperor in 93 but perhaps this was later invented to clear him. After Domitian was murdered on 18 September 96,

N. was acclaimed emperor. Whether he had been initiated into the palace conspiracy remains unclear. He was accepted by the Senate. His name then became Imp. N. Caesar Augustus. N. allowed Domitian’s memory to be blotted out everywhere (~ Damnatio memoriae). However, apart from a few socially low-ranking persons, he mostly suppressed action against those who were seen as Domitian’s helpers. N. himself and many

677

678

other senators were far too implicated in the system. There was largely continuity in the official functions. Allegedly, N. found a financial crisis when he took power, which is why he installed a commission for the reduction of state expenditures, though largely for appearance’s sake. Road construction in Italy begun under Domitian was completed; Italian towns were granted relief with the vehiculatio, the state communications and transportation system. The system of — alimenta was started in Italy. In Rome, N. completed the Forum [II] ro] Transitorium, which Domitian had begun. The inheritance tax was eased for close relatives and the grain distribution was expanded. All this does

suggest that the territory of the N. originally extended as far as the Mosa (Maas) [1] (between Givet and Namur). We can only speculate as to the time when the areas between the Mosa and Sambre had to be given up [2]. In the Gallic War (+ Caesar), the N. were part of the great coalition of Belgic tribes in the winter of 58/7 BC (Caes. B Gall. 2,4,5; Oros. 6,7,12) and did battle with Caesar (Caes. B Gall. 17-27) [3]. After their sub-

not point towards a very tense financial situation. For the most part, then, N.’s measures affected Rome and

Italy. He appears to have left many governors appointed by Domitian in place in the provinces. N.’s rule was burdened by the question of the succession because he had no son. Presumably, several senators entertained hopes, e.g., Cornelius [II 36] Nigrinus, the governor of Syria, who probably cooperated with Casperius [2] Aelianus, a praetorian prefect in Rome. Another group included Iulius [II 140] Ursus, Iulius > Frontinus and Licinius [II 25] Sura; their can-

didate was M. Ulpius > Traianus. As the governor of Germania Superior, he was closest to Italy with an army. Whether N. selected Trajan as his adoptive son and successor or was forced to do so by the latter’s allies in Rome can no longer be determined. In Oct. 97 N., supposedly inspired by Jupiter, adopted Trajan on the ~ Capitolium and had the Senate bestow the tribunicia potestas and the imperium proconsulare on him. As a result his rule was stabilized, but he died only a few months later, probably on 27 January 98 after he had started another consulate together with Trajan on 1 January 98. He was deified by the Senate (— Ruler cult; deification) and buried as the last emperor in the ~ Mausoleum Augusti. G. Dattror et al., Das romische Herrscherbild, vol. 2,1: Die Flavier, 1966; A. GARzeETTI, Nerva, 1950; Id., From

Tiberius to the Antonines, 1974, 196ff.; 658ff.; 755ff.; PIR* C 1227; K.-H. ScHwarTE, Traians Regierungsbeginn und der ‘Agricola’ des Tacitus, in: BJ 179, 1979, 139ff. W.E.

NERVUS

jugation (Caes. B Gall. 2,28; Cass. Dio 39,3,2), they

took part in the uprising in the winter of 5 4/3 (Caes. B Gall. 5,38f.; 6,2,3), and finally, in 52, they supported + Vercingetorix at > Alesia with 6000 men (Caes. B Galle 757553); In spite of the bellicose attitude attributed to them because of their Germanic origin (Tac. Germ. 28; Str. 4,354), the N. readily adopted Roman culture. In particular, the southern core of their > civitas in the catchment area of the Sambre with its principal settlement +» Bagacum quickly developed into a significant centre for traffic and trade. However, it is also precisely in this region that old practices going back to the Hallstatt and La Téne periods (— Hallstatt Culture, > La Tene Culture) have been identified. In particular, these are manifest in evidence from grave goods (cauldrons, small andirons and ceramic tripods) [4] and can be interpreted as a cult of the dead connected with hearth and family. There is some archaeological evidence that the inhospitable, less Romanized area north of the Sambre may also be ethnically different from the south and that the Ceutrones [1], Grudii, > Levaci, > Pleumoxii and + Geidumni, who are regarded as clientes of the N. (Caes. B Gall. 5,39), settled there. The N. played an important part in the Roman army. — Vitellius armed them as auxiliary troops (Tac. Hist. 4,15). In the > Batavian revolt of AD 69/70, the cohortes Nerviorum (Tac. Hist. 4,33) had to follow Iulius [II 43] Civilis and were defeated by Fabius [II 18] Priscus (Tac. Hist. 4,79). An ala II Nerviana Augusta Fidelis milliaria and a n(umerus) sagit(t)ariorum were stationed in Britannia (Not. Dig. Occ. 40,23; 42,39). Christianization of the N. began quite early; they sent their own bishop to the Council in + Colonia Agrippinensis in 346 (Paul Nol., epist. 18,4). 1 G. FAIDER-FEYTMANS, Les limites de la cité des Nerviens, in: AC 21, 1952, 338-358

Nervii. A people in Gallia —> Belgica; their territory encompassed parts of the modern Belgian provinces of Hainault, Brabant and East Flanders and the French Département Nord. The northwestern and western border with the > Menapii and > Atrebates [1] followed the Scaldis (Scheldt) from its estuary to its source;

the southern border with the > Remi ran from there in a direct line, probably identical with the contour of the Thiérache forest, to the source of the Isara [2]. The eastern border with the Pemani, > Segni, > Condrusi and ~ Aduatuci followed the course of rivers: the Hantes (right tributary of the Sambre), Pieton (left tributary of the Sambre), the Lasne and the Rupel, which flows into the Scaldis [x]. Economic and demographic reasons

2J.-L. BoucLy, A propos

de la frontiére orientale de la Nervie avant la conquéte romaine, in: Et. Classiques 46, 1978, 237-249

3H. P.

Kouns, Der Verlauf der Nervierschlacht, in: Gymnasium 76, 1969, I-17

41. TASSIGNON, Survivance celtique de

l’époque romaine dans la cité des Nerviens, in: Etudes Classiques 62, 1994, 341-348.

F.SCH.

Nervus. An iron chain used to tether a debtor’s feet (ferreum vinculum, quo pedes impediuntur, Fest. 162,1-2). According to the Twelve Tables (Lex XII tab. 3,3), a creditor was apparently permitted to use the nervus to take the debtor into a kind of coercive detention, if the latter did not pay his debts despite having been sentenced.; GS.

679

680

Vizace,

Notitia Episcopatuum 8,115; 9,43 with reference to a law of Constantine from 3144/5 [r. 183, 2007"*]), present-day Nisida (also Nisita). Descriptive features: pleasant climate, forests (Stat. Silv. 3,1,148), asparagus cultivation (Plin. HN 19,146), sulphur vapours (Sen. Ep. 53,1; Lucan. 6,90; Stat. Silv. 2,2,78). In the northeast there are two breakwaters from Antiquity.

NESACTIUM

Nesactium

Settlement in > Istria at modern

approx. 8 km north-east of modern Pula/Croatia (Plin. HN 3,129). Suburb ofthe Histri on a bank with a sanctuary dated to 1,000 BC; conquered by the Romans in 177 BC (Liv. 41,11,1: oppidum Nesattium). K. MIHOvILIC, Rezultati sondanog istraivanja u sjevernoj bazilici u Nezakciju (1977 godine), in: Histria Archaeologica 15/6, 1984/5, 5-29; M. ZANINOVIC, Apsorus,

1 L. DucueEsNne, Le Liber pontificalis, 1981

Crexa e Nesactium. Bado sulla rotta marittima adriatica,

in: Quaderni dell’ Antiquita di Venetia 10, 1994, 179-188; V. VEDALDI

IaAsBez, La Venetia

Orientale

2 V. JOLIVET,

Xerxes togatus: Lucullus en Campanie, in: MEFRA, 99, 1987, 875-904, 885-891. M.LG.

e |’Histria,

1994, 360-364.

E.0.

Neso (Nyow/Neéso). Nesaea (Nyoain, -a/Nésaié, -a; Lat. Nesaee, -a, also

[1]

Nisaee: Verg. Aen. 5,826 ‘(N. from the island ’). One of

~ Nereid (Hes. Theog. 261). For the name cf. > Ne-

the most frequently mentioned > Nereids (Hes. Theog. 249; Hom. Il. 18,40; Hyg. Fab. praef. 8; Apollod. 1,12;

saea. [2] Daughter of the Trojan king — Teucer, sister of

Verg. Aen. 5,826; Prop. 2,26,16). Name found on the

-» Batieia, and (like her sister) wife of > Dardanus [1]

lid of an Attic red-figured lekanis [1].

and mother of the Marpessian > Sibyl (Lycoph. 1465 with schol.; Arr. FGrH 156 F 95; Eust. ad Hom. Il.

1 N. IcARD-GIANOLIO, s.v. Nesaea, LIMC 6.1, 838.

A.A.

2,814).

AA.

Nesiotai (vyo.ta/nésidtai).

Nessonis limne (Necowvic Ain; Nessonis limne). Sil-

[1] See + Hecatonnesi [2] League (— koinon) of islanders in the Aegean with

ted-up lake, to the north-east of > Larisa [3] in Thessalian Pelasgiotis, formerly fed primarily by the > Peneius, today dried out. Ancient authors were interested in the fluctuations in its water level and its connection with the Boibe to the south (Str. 9,5,20).

+ Delos as its centre, probably founded by Antigonus [1] Monophthalmus in 3 15/4 BC rather than by - Ptolemaeus in 308 BC. After the defeat of Demetrius [2] Poliorcetes 286 BC, the league was taken over by Ptolemaeus. It served as a political alliance and celebrated festivities in honour of its patron. Under the Ptolemies, there were a nésiarchos (‘island ruler’) — probably appointed by the Egyptian king — and an assembly (syzhédrion). In theory, the individual cities were free and kept their traditional constitutions (IG XII 7, 506 = Syll.3 390), but they paid tribute (syntdxeis) to the king (IG XII 7, 13); the synhédrion granted citizenship and > proxenia in all the cities of the league (IG XI 4, 1038; 1040).

There is no evidence of this league after the 2nd > Syrian War (260-253 BC). Between 188 and 167 BC,

a new league was founded with centre in Tenos under the patronage of Rhodes. It had a synhbédrion and a committee of chairmen (prostdtai), who could put forward proposals to the synhédrion [2. 56-63]. 1 F. DurrBacu, Antigoneia-Demetrieia: les origines de la Conféderation des Insulaires, in: BCH 31, 1907, 208-227 2 V. GABRIELSEN, The Naval Aristocracy of Hellenistic Rhodes, 1997. 3 W. A. Larpiaw, A History of Delos, 1933, 95-109, 134-136 41. L. MeRKER, The Ptolemaic Officials and the League of the Islanders, in: Historia 19, 1970, 141-160 5 W. W. Tarn, Antigonos Gonatas,

1913, 432-439.

Nesiotic League see

PLR.

Nesiotai

F. STAHLIN, s.v. N., RE 17, 79f.

Nessus Painter see > Nettos Painter

Nessus (Néoooc/Néssos, Néooc/Nésos). Centaur, son of +> Ixion and > Nephele [2] (= Nubes), who, after the

war of the Lapiths (> Lapithae) and the centaurs, flees to the river Euenus (= Lycormas), where he works as a ferryman (Apollod. 2,86). When > Heracles [1] and his

wife > Deianira want to cross the river, N. helps Deianira, carrying her across the water, while Heracles walks or swims (Ov. Met. 9,1o1ff.) to the other side. In the middle of the river, N. wants to rape Deianira. Heracles shoots N. with an arrow that has been dipped in the poison of the > Hydra [1]. Before dying, N. gives Deianira some of his poisoned blood (Hyg. Fab. 34; mixed with his semen, cf. Apollod. 2,15 1ff.); he tells her it is a love spell which will newly kindle Heracles’ love, should he ever turn away from her. Deianira uses this ‘love spell’ later, when Heracles gives his attention to ~ Tole. She spreads it on a gown and has it brought to Heracles, who burns to death after putting it on. There are lots of variations on this myth, cf. Bacchyl. 16,33 ff. SNELL; Soph. Trach. 55 5ff.; 680ff.; 83 1ff.; rr41f.; Ov. Met. 9,101ff.; Ov. Epist. 9,141ff.; Herc. O. 4orff.; Apollod. 2,86; 151ff.; Hyg. Fab. 34,36. — Centaurs

Nesis (Nijots/Nésis). Volcanic island with Roman villas (e.g. the villa of Licinius [I 26] Lucullus; [2. 886]) in the Gulf of Kyme (Cic. Att. 16,1,1; cf. Nilus Doxopatrius,

HE.KR.

AL.ER.

681

682

Nestane (Neotévn/Nestané). Fortified village (xwun/ kome) in the + Mantinea region in Arcadia (Theop. FGrH 115 F175; Ephor. FGrH 70 F 234) on the eastern edge of the plateau on the road to > Argos [II 1] by way

Also resulting from this traditional context of chariot formation, he is presented as an advisor in a chariot race (Hom. Il. 23,301-350). This competence is also revealed in the epitheta hippota, hippodamos, hippélata

of the Prinos pass. At the time of Pausanias (8,7,4; 8,1) N. was in ruins; near what is now Nestane (formerly

Tsipiana). Remains of the castle wall have been preserved. S. and H. Hopkinson, Mantineia and the Mantinike, in: ABSA 76, 1981, 267-269; M. Jost, Villages de l’Arcadie antique, in: Ktema 11, 1986 (1990), 156f.; JOST, 140. Yale

Nesti (NéotoUNéstoi). Tribe, probably Thracian or II-

lyrian, of the north-eastern Adriatic, with territory between the — Nestus and the > Naro (Ps.-Scyl. 23f.; Apoll. Rhod. 4,1215: Neotatov Nestaioi). J. J. Witkes, Dalmatia, 1969, 7.

H.SO.

Nestor (Néotwe; Néstor).

[1] Important figure in Greek mythology, particularly in the legend of the Trojan War. N. represents the aging warrior who has lost some of his former physical strength but due to his wealth of experience fulfills an important function in the group of leaders and in the Greek army. N. is the son of > Neleus (thus his fixed epithet Neleid [Nyetdy¢; Neéleidés]) and of + Chloris [4]. He has two brothers by the names of Chromius and Periclymenus, who are of no mythological significance, and a sister > Pero who appears to have as many suitors as ~ Helena [1] and is supposed to only marry a man who had distinguished himself in the theft of cattle (Hom. Od. 11,281-297). N. rules over a territory on the western Peloponnesus with the capital of > Pylus. Since Antiquity knew of three different cities by that name (Str. 8,3,26-29) and a fourth possible location was discovered in the excavation of the important Mycenaean palace at Ano Englianos, it has so far been impossible to clearly identify the Homeric Pylus [1]. It is, however, stated in the myth that Pylus is located c. one day’s march south of the > Alpheius, the border to Elea, near the coast (Hom. Il. 11,682f.; 726). In the ‘Iliad’, N. is characterised by two prominent traits: his ability to settle disputes through his detailed and highly articulate advice and his old age (according to Hom. Il. 1,252 and Hom. Od. 3,245, he already rules over the third generation; an explanation is offered by Hyg. Fab. 103,3; in Ov. Met. 12,187f., N. refers to himself as 200 years old, but this might be an ironic take on the Homeric characterisation [2]). Nevertheless, his sons > Antilochus and > Thrasymedes are very youthful and, ina sense, represent him in the battle (the youngest son > Peisistratus apparently does not participate in the Trojan War). N.’s task in the battle is to organise the formation of the chariots from the rear (Hom. II. 2,554f.3 45317-3253; 10,74-79; Ael. NA 10,8,13 refers to him as taktikOtatos, ‘master of battle formation’).

NESTOR

(‘horse tamer/driver’). Furthermore, there is repeated

mention in the ‘Iliad’ of the Greek leaders seeking N.’s advice. Compared to + Odysseus — the other great advisor and orator in the Greek army (Hom. Il. 2,21) -

N. seems to enjoy the privilege of old age. Not surprisingly, the dream that is to deceive > Agamemnon appears in the guise of N. (ibid. 2,57f.). In his often lengthy speeches, N. tends to refer to events in his youth when he proved his strength in battle. Even in old age, he is still capable of lifting an enormous mixing bowl, the proverbial N.’s cup (first in Hom. Il. 11,63 2-637; the object is mentioned esp. often by Athenaeus). Among the battles he fought are the fights against > Heracles [1] and the invincible twin beings of the — Actorione (Hom. Il. 11,670-762), against the > Centaurs (ibid. 1,260-273) and the Arcadians (ibid. 7,13 2-157). He also excelled in the funeral games for the Epeian king — Amarynceus [tr] (ibid. 23,629-642). The most prominent illustration of his former abilities is the story in the r1th bk. of the ‘Iliad’ which, due to its length and its structure, can be regard-

ed as the relic of an independent epic. The theme of this ‘Nestoris’ was either the history of the Kingdom of Pylos [3] or specifically that of N. [4]. According to it, Heracles arrives in Pylus on his journey through the Peloponnese and kills all of N.’s eleven brothers in battle with only young N. surviving (according to Hes. frr. 34 and 35, because he had fled to the city of > Gerenia; for Homer interpreters, this became the basis for the derivation of his epithet Gerénios [5]). The Eleans, who

live to the north of Pylus, take advantage of its weakened position in order to raid the territory. When N. comes of age, he invades Elea in an act of reprisal and steals much cattle there which is distributed in Pylus. In their counterattack against the Pylian border fortress Thryoessa, the Eleans are assisted by the + Actorione, who are killed by N. in the renewed attack by the Pylians. Finally, the Eleans are pushed back all the way to Buprasion.

In the Greek epics that take place after the ‘Iliad’ (— Epic Cycle), N. appears again at the death of his son Antilochus and in the fight for Achilleus’s weapons. After the capture of Troy, N. is virtually the only Greek leader who manages to return home without difficulties. Thus, the third bk. of the ‘Odyssey’ presents N. as the aged hero who lives quietly and treasures his memories. He is therefore able to inform — Telemachus, who is searching for his father, in great detail about the events in Troy and about the leaders’ journey home. N. has little significance in non-epic literature. Apparently, this figure of mediation lacked the necessary polarisation to become a poetically fruitful type. All references to N. are based on his ability as speaker or on his longevity (above all in poetic texts, e.g. Prop. 2,13,46f.; esp. often in Martial). In light of his rhetori-

NESTOR

cal qualities within the myth, N. is later often compared to Odysseus. Cicero finds a distinguishing criterion (Brut. 40,3) in that Odysseus’ speech was characterised by power (vis) while N. spoke with sweetness (suavitas; a reflection of Hom. Il. 1,247-249), probably based on the consideration that Odysseus’s speeches are more concrete and successful. Gellius places N.’s rhetorical ability in the middle between the soberness of > Menelaus and the grandiloquence of Odysseus (Gell. 6,14,7). > Epic; > Nostoi; > Pylus 1 E. Visser, Homers Katalog der Schiffe, 1997, 508-531

2 F. BOmer, P. Ovidius Naso, Metamorphosen B. 12-13, 1982, 68f. (on 12,188) 3F. BOLTE, in: RhM 83, 1934, 319-347 4R. CANTIENI, Die N.erzahlung im 11. Gesang der Ilias, 1942 5 C. BRILLANTE, Nestore Gerenio: le origini di un epiteto, in: E. DEMrro (ed.), Atti e memorie del secondo congresso internazionale di micenologia 1991, vol. 1, 1996, 209-219.

K. Dickson, N. Poetic Memory in Greek Epic, 1995; H. ErBsE, N. und Antilochos bei Homer und Arktinos, in: Hermes 121, 1993, 385-403; E. Lycour!-TO.ia, s.v. N., LIMC 7.1, 1060-1065;J.SCHMIDT, s.v. N., RE 17, 108-

123; H. Vester, N.: Funktion und Gestalt in der Ilias, thesis Tubingen 1957. EV.

[2] N. from Phanote (Epirus), who, in 170 BC, foiled an

attack by enemies of Rome against the Roman commander A. > Hostilius [7] Mancinus near Cephalus (Pol. 27,16,4-6) [1. 175]. 1 J. DEININGER, Der politische Widerstand gegen Rom in Griechenland, 1971.

684

683

L.-M.G.

[3] [L.] Septimius N. Poet (esp. epic) of the Imperial period under Septimius Severus, from Laranda/Cilicia,

who probably also lived in Paphus, Ephesus, Cyzicus, Ostia and Rome (evidence in [2]). Works: 1. “Thudc Me)utoyeaupatos (Ilias I(e)ipogrdammatos): in each of

the 24 books, he omitted the letter designating that book; 2. Metapnogdmoerg (‘Metamorphoses’; 3. “AdeEavdgeuts (Alexandreids, perhaps for the honour of the emperor Alexander Severus); 4. “Ade&ixnsoc (Ale-

carved in after firing: Néotogos: é[ €v tv: evatort[ov]: notéguov: [hoc & &v 16d¢ miEoL : NoTEQI[O] : abtixa. xEvoOV| htwegoc hanger: xaddMote[pé]vo : “A poodttés. ‘Nestor had a cup from which it was good to drink; but the man who drinks from this cup will at once be gripped by fair-garlanded Aphrodite’s desire.’ Lines 2 and 3 are dactylic hexameters, and the surviving fragments of line x fit a iambic trimeter. The usual completion of the first lacuna, Néotogog e[(i)p Jt... (‘Lam Nestor’s ...’), makes a trimeter impossible; it also

results in a pragmatic/syntactical break between the first phrase (cup = ‘I’) and the second (cup = ‘it’) and its content is nonsensical. The completion given above, from A. HEuBECK [3] (after D. L. Pace), which is epigraphically plausible and makes excellent and witty sense (3rd pers. sing. imperfect, read iambically, written #€v, #€ or haplographically &(€)v), thus remains preferable. The inscription does not presuppose ‘Homer’ (Iliad and Odyssey) but it does presuppose the oral epic tradition (> Epic; > Homer [1]), for instance in the phrase ‘fair-garlanded Aphrodite’ (cf. Hom. Od. 8,267) and in

terms of content in the episode of Nestor’s Cup (Hom. Il. 11,632 ff.). Both vessel and inscription have been plausibly linked to the context of a symposion in the Homeric era [4]. A graffito on a shard of the same type of vessel from Euboea (Eretria) (late 8th cent. BC) has ia. hé 8’ Gv t6[de ...] (beginning of line?) [2. 190-192];

Inscriptions of this nature may — presuming sufficient originality — have been ‘mass-produced’ [5]. The N. is important to our knowledge of the written form of epic texts in the Homeric era: stichic arrangement of verses, punctuation and doubling of long consonants (all valuable reading aids, esp. in metrical and stylistically demanding texts; cf. > punctuation) must have been commonplace at this time. Punctuation marks accent units or groups of two ([6], another argu-

ment against e[(i)u]t) and it is only natural that it occurs frequently at syntactical and metrical caesurae. Of interest from the perspective of historical linguistics are

xtképos, ‘Garden of defence’): poem about medical plants, following the Alexipharmaka by Nicander [4]; 5. Tlavaxew (Pandkeia, ‘Panacea’; probably in distichs); 6. perhaps a hymn to the Dioscuri [2]. Only few hexameters are extant (Anth. Pal. 9,129; 364; 5363 537, possibly 128). N. followed the tradition of Nicander [4] of Colophon. He was probably still a source for

the aorist subjunctive minou (not -nvow), the Western Ion-

+ Nonnus.

tion).

1R. KEYDELL, s.v., RE 17, 125f. (3), KIP 4, 1975, 82.

2R. KEYDELL, s.v. N. pits

Nestor Cup. The so-called NC (late geometric kotyle/ skyphos, East Greek, c. 735-720 BC) was discovered in 1954 in the grave (c. 720-710 BC) of a 12-14-

year-old boy on Ischia (> Pithecussae) [1; 2]. It is important by virtue of the three-line inscription (CEG 454) in the Euboean ~— alphabet, (old picture in > Greece, languages; cf. drawing and photos in [1; 2]),

ic aspiration (local adaptation of epic language!) and contracted

-otepdavo before a vowel

(Ionic-modern),

not the often-postulated *-ov for -oto (Aeolic-traditional) [7] (similarly, ‘Homer’ probably wrote, e.g., -ew, not *-@ for -Go, at Hom. Il. 1,1). The figures of style are

also noteworthy (esp. figura etymologica and allitera> Graffiti (addenda); > Greece, languages (with fig.); +> Inscriptions II A 1G. Bucuner, D. RipGway, Pithekoussai, vol. 1, 1993 2 A. BARTONEK, G. BUCHNER, Die altesten griechischen

Inschriften von Pithekoussai, in: Die Sprache 37.2, 1995, 1-237, esp. 146-154 3 HEUBECK, 109-116, esp. 113 4 J. Latacz, KS, 1994, 363-365 5 R. WacuTeErR, Non-Attic Greek Vase Inscriptions, 2001, 168 with note 513 6Id., in: J. Laracz (ed.), Homers Ilias: Gesamtkommentar. Prolegomena, 2000, 66f. with note 10 7 P. CHANTRAINE, Grammaire homérique, vol. 1, 1942, (reprint 1958 and later), 87, § 36 (end). R.WA.

685

686

Nestoris. A type of ‘Italian’ vase, also called trozella, which was adopted by > Lucanian vase painting in the 5th cent. and by > Apulian vase painting only around the middle of the 4th cent. BC. The nestoris appears to have been taken on from > Messapian vase art. It is known in various forms; typical is its ovoid body with side handles and strap handles (which rise up from the shoulder of the vessel and connect to its lip) which are often decorated with discs (rotellae) [1. 11 fig. 3]. In vase painting the nestoris is mainly depicted in scenes with indigenous Italic persons (e.g. the warrior’s fare-

with N. at the centre from the spring of 429 through the massive intervention of bishop > Cyrillus [2] of Alexandria. Aside from theological reasons (differences between the Alexandrian and Antiochene theology), personal animosities, political ambitions in Church and state (esp. of Cyrillus) and the mutual lack of willingness to communicate contributed to the severity of the dispute. After a Roman synod under Pope Coelestine I had sided with Cyrillus in August of 430 and Cyrillus immediately thereafter tried to give N. the ultimatum to adopt extreme formulations of his Christology (3rd epistle to Nestorius with 12 anathematisms =Cyrillus

well). 1A. D. TRENDALL, Red Figure Vases of South Italy and Sicily, 1989, 11-12 G. SCHNEIDER-HERRMANN, Red-Figured Lucanian and Apulian Nestorides and their Ancestors, 1980 (reviewed

by K. SCHAUENBURG, in: Gnomon 55, 1983, 56-60); M. Mazzel, Le trozzelle messapiche, in: J. SWADDLING (ed.),

Italian Iron Age Artefacts in the British Museum, in: Papers of the 6th British Museum Classical Colloquium, 1986, 357-362; K. SCHAUENBURG, Der Varresemaler in Kiel, in: JDAI 106, 1991, 183-197. R.H.

Nestorius, Nestorianism (named after N., bishop of Constantinople, AD 428-431; d. inc. 451). A. Lire B. Worxs C.DoctTRINE NESTORIAN CHURCHES

D. SO-CALLED

A. LIFE According to Socr. 7,29,2, N. was probably born after AD 381 in East Syrian > Germanicea. The centre of his early work was > Antiochia [1], where N. joined the monastery of Euprepius located outside of the city. Formative for his thinking was the so-called Antiochene theology represented by > Diodorus [20] of Tarsus and ~» Theodorus of Mopsu(h)estia (whose student he may have been). At Emperor ~ Theodosius II’s instigation, N., an excellent preacher, became bishop of > Constantinople in 428. Driven by the will to extensive reform, he actively proceeded against heretics (> Heresy) and in his sermons admonished the clerics and the people to raise their moral standards. As a result of his intolerance as well as his inexperience in dealing with the complex social and political situation in Constantinople, he soon made enemies of important personalities, esp. > Pulcheria, the influential sister of Theodosius IL. The point of origin of the Nestorian controversy was the common designation of > Maria as the ‘bearer of God’ (O8eotdx0¢/theotokos). According to his own account (Liber Heraclidis 150-152: [4. 90-92]), the disputing parties in Constantinople — according to Socr. 7,32, they were represented by the presbyter Anastasius —challenged N. to justify this title of Maria, whereupon he pleaded for the title ‘bearer of Christ’ (yeuototoxos/ christot6kos) as more appropriate. The originally local dispute grew into an ‘oecumenical scandal’ (oxavdahov oixovpewxoy, Cyrillus of Alexandria, Epist. 2,3: Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum [= ACO] 1,1/1, 24,23f.)

NESTORIUS,

NESTORIANISM

Alex. Epist. 17: ACO I,1/1, 33-42), Emperor Theodo-

sius II summoned a council to Ephesus on Pentecost of 431 (3rd Oecumenical Council). In the absence of the Eastern bishops under > Iohannes [13] of Antioch who were arriving late, N. was condemned by the synod dominated by Cyrillus. After much further confusion (counter-synod of the bishops surrounding John, the emperor’s intervention), N. finally withdrew to his monastery but refused to accept the formula of union of AD 433. Exiled later to > Petra, then to the great oasis of Upper Egypt, N. died inc. 451. B. Works Asa result of N.’s condemnation and the prohibition of his writings, N.’s works are only extant in remnants (CPG 5665-5766) — mostly in council files or adversarial refutations. In addition to a series of letters and sermons, parts of his > apologias written in exile have been transmitted (Adversus Theopaschitas: CPG 5752; Apologia sive Tragoedia sive Historia: CPG 5750). Of historical and theological significance is the Liber Heraclidis (CPG 5751) which exists in Syrian translation and is divided into a dialogue dealing with Christology (probably not by N.: [5]) and an apologia that considers events up to c. 450.

C. DOCTRINE N. belongs to the tradition of Antiochene theology with a Christology of distinction that emphasises Christ’s complete humanity. In view of Arians (> Arianism) and Apollinarists (+ Apollinarius [3]), he supported the completeness and autonomy of both natures in Christ and avoided an exchange of statements about the peculiarity of the respective other nature (idiom communication). He originally referred to the unity of the two natures as a ‘connection’ (ovvadeva/syndpheia), while attempting at the same time to preserve the invariability and impossibility of suffering of the divine nature. Later, N. refined his doctrine in the Liber Heraclidis in the context of his enemies’ reproaches against his ideas [7. 707-726]. After AD 431 and 433, N.’s Christology [9. 169-174] which was inadequate in certain points was deliberately listed as a heresy.

NESTORIUS,

NESTORIANISM

688

687

D. SO-CALLED NESTORIAN CHURCHES

In opposition to the resolutions of + Ephesus (confirmed in 451 in Chalcedon) and to the union of 433, supporters of N. and of Antiochene theology gathered in the border region between Eastern Syria and Persia around the centre of + Edessa (bishop > Hiba; head of

[2] River in Dalmatia (Scyl. 22f.), probably the lower reaches of present-day Cetina in Croatia; the name is Thracian. The river was probably called Tilurius (It. Ant. 337,4) and Hipp(i)us (ILS 393) in the region of its middle reaches. The Onastini (cf. CIL III 8472 from the year AD 37) and the > Nesti (Steph. Byz. s.v. Néotoc

the theological school, > Narsai). Their influence ex-

lived in the area; thereafter both the town and the river

tended to the national Church of the Persian Empire which had been autocephalous since the first third of the 5th cent. (‘Church of the East’). This Church formally adopted — probably as a result of (Church) political considerations — the Antiochene Christology at the synod of Bét Lapat 484 (confirmed in 486 in Seleucia/ Ctesiphon), developed it further (Babai the Great, d. in c. 628, with a consistent doctrine of the two hypostases) and thereby separated itself from the Church of the East Roman Empire. — Nisibis became the theological centre (theological school; bishop of Barsauma Nisibis). In the early Middle Ages, the ‘Church of the East’ successfully proselytised in southern Arabia, India (the

in Illyria were called N.).

so-called St. Thomas or Malabar Christians) as well as

in Central Asia and along the Silk Road into China (stele of Si-an-fu). The name ‘Nestorian Churches’ used primarily in the West for East Syrian Christianity and its member Churches is misleading in view of N.’s purpose as well as of the genesis and theology of these Churches [6]. At present, various dioceses exist in the Near and Middle East as well as in Western Europe and North America. EpITIONS:

1L. ABRAMOWSKI, A. GOODMAN, A Nesto-

rian Collection of Christological Texts, 2 vols., 1972

BEpDJAN, Le livre d’ Héraclide de Damas,

2 P.

1910 (Syriac

text) 3 F. Loors, Nestoriana, 1905 4 F. Nau, Le livre d’ Héraclide de Damas, 1910 (French trans.). LITERATURE: 5 L. ABRAMOWSKI, Untersuchungen zum Liber Heraclidis des N. (CSCO 242), 1963 6S.P. BROCK,

The ‘Nestorian’ Church: A Lamentable Misnomer, in: Bull. of the John Rylands Library 78, 1996, 23-35 7A. GRILLMEIER, Jesus der Christus im Glauben der Kirche, vol. 1, #1990, 642-672, 687-726

8 W. HaGE, s.v. Nesto-

rianische Kirche, TRE 24, 264-276 Nestorius.

66, 1993,

10 Istina 40, 1995, 1-247 (fascicles on

N. andthe Eastern Church) 11 L.I. Scrp1ont, Nestorio e il concilio di Efeso, 1974 12 L. R. WicKHAM, s.v. Nestorius/Nestorianischer Streit, TRE 24, 277-286. JRL

Nestus

(Néotoc/Néstos,

Hercegovina u anticko doba, 1988, 378; M. Suic, Istojna Jadranska obala u Pseudo Skilakovu Periplu, in: Radovi Jugoslavenske Akademije Znanosti 1955, 121-186, esp. 126f.

i Umjetuosti

306, H.SO.

Nesysti [1] N. I Also called Anemher I. Father of N. [2] Il, high priest of Ptah (> Phthas) in Memphis at the turn of the

4th to the 3rd cent. BC. PP III/IX 5365. [2] N. II Also called Petobastis I, high priest of Ptah in Memphis in the rst half of the 3rd cent. BC, in addition prophet of > Arsinoé [II 3] Il and prophet of > Philotera; son of N. [1] I, father of > Anemher [2] II, ancestor of Petobastis III. PP IIV/IX 5361; 5362; 5364 (cf.

[r]). 1D. J. CRawForD, Ptolemy, Ptah and Apis in Hellenistic Memphis, in: Ead. et al., Studies on Ptolemaic Memphis, 1980, 26-42.

[3] N. II Also called Psenptah [, high priest of Ptah in Memphis at the turn of the 3rd to the 2nd cent. BC, priest of — Arsinoé [II 3] II., eldest son of Harmachis [2], great-grandfather of Petobastis III. PP II/IX 5363; 5885. J. QuAEGEBEUR, The Genealogy of the Memphite High Priest Family in the Hellenistic Period, in: D. J. CraWFORD et al., Studies on Ptolemaic Memphis, 1980, 64 Nr. 1; 65 Nr. 3; 68 Nr. 19; 22.

W.A.

Nethuns see > Neptunus

9A. DE HALLEUxX,

Histoire et Doctrine, in: Irénikon

38-53, 163-178

J. J. Wirxes, Dalmatia, 1969, 5; 1. BoJANOVSKI, Bosna i

Méotoc/Méstos,

Néoooc/

Neéssos).

[1] River in Thrace which rises in the Rila mountain

range, (according to mistaken classical belief from the Scomius mountains, the present-day Vitosa Mountains,

: Aristot. Mete. 1,13,350b 16f.) and after 234 km flows through the swampy delta area near > Abdera [1] and into the Aegean (Hdt. 7,109; Theophr. Hist. pl. 3,1,5; Ps.-Skyl. 67). N. is already known as a river god in Hes. Theog. 341. In Roman times, N. was the border between the provinces of Macedonia and Thracia. B. Isaac, The Greek Settlements in Thrace until the Macedonian Conquest, 1986, 73; MULLER, 78ff. Lv.B.

Nettos Painter First significant vase painter of the black-figured style in Athens, c. 620-600 BC. Named after the representation of the battle between — Heracles and + Nessus on the neck of a monumental grave amphora with the inscription NETOS/NETOS for Attic Néttoc/Néttos (Athens, NM 1002). The Nettos Painter and his contemporaries gave up the early Attic experimental manner of painting with contour drawing and introduced silhouette painting which was developed in Corinth (— Corinthian vases). Following the Corinthian model, he also reduced ornamentation to restrained orderly forms. In his figural images, however, the Attic temperament and the tradition of the 7th cent. with its tendency towards the monstrous prevailed. The fight scene of Heracles and Nessus, which was carefully planned and yet extremely dramatic, and the stylised but nevertheless fearsome Gorgons (+ Gorgo [1]) on the same amphora are characteristic of the artistic new beginning. About 30 vases have been

689

690

assigned to the Nettos Painter, among them also the four vases by the ‘Chimaera Painter’, which BEAZLEY has recognised as early works of the Nettos Painter. He predominantly painted monumental grave vessels such as > Scyphus craters or large amphorae, with his belly amphorae being counted among the earliest represen-

Neurobates see > Entertainers

tatives of this new form; craters, lekanides (+ pottery),

cal sense: ‘verging’) is a geometric operation that cannot be performed with a compass and ruler alone. It allows problems that lead to cubic and other higher equations (for example, cube duplication, angle trisection, squaring the circle) to be solved geometrically. A neisis construction is necessary when a straight line through a

a louterion (> labrum) and a clay tablet are also among his works. He primarily depicted large scale demonic beasts, singly or antithetically, and on smaller vessels also animal friezes. Illustrations of legends are still rare in this period, the freeing of + Prometheus and the flight of the > Harpies are found for the first time in the Nettos Painter’s works. Almost all his vases have been found in Attica, but also one fragment in Cerveteri (— Caere).

~» Black-Figured vase painting BEAZLEY, ABV, 4-6; BEAZLEY, Paralipomena, 1-5; Beaziey, Addenda’, 1-2; J. D. BEAzLEY, The Develop-

ment of Attic Black-figure, *1986, 12-15; S. PAPASPIRIDI-

Neurospasta see tre

NEVITTA

> Children’s Games; > Puppet thea-

Neusis (vetotc/nedisis, ‘inclination’, in the mathemati-

given point is supposed to intersect two given lines so

that the distance between the points of intersection is equal to a certain distance. > Nicomedes [3] developed a mechanical device to carry out meusis constructions. + Duplication of the Cube; > Division of angles and circles R. BOKER, s.v. N., RE Suppl. 9, 415-461; W. KNorr, The Ancient Tradition of Geometric Problems, 1986. MEF.

KaROUZOU, Angeia tou Anagyrountos, 1963; E. SIMON,

Die griechischen Vasen, *198r, ills. 44-46. Netum

(Néntov,

Neaittov/Nééton,

H.M.

Neaition;

Latin

Netum). City of the > Siculi in the southeastern part of Sicilia (Plin. HN 3,91: Netini; Ptol. 3,4,13), modernday Noto Antica, located on the upper course of the Asinaro on a steep, heart-shaped bluff (420 m high), 16 km to the northwest of Noto. At the beginning of the rst ~ Punic War in 263 BC N. was awarded by Rome to the kingdom of > Syracuse (Diod. 23,4,1: Neattivou; StV 3, No. 479). As part of the Roman province, N. was one of the favoured municipalities (civitates foederatae) and expressly exempted from providing grain shipments (> cura annonae) to Rome; -> Verres violated this pro-

vision, which led the city’s inhabitants to support charges against him (Cic. Verr. 2,5,56). Excavations revealed Siculian > necropolises, Hellenistic tombs and catacombs. Inscr. IG XIV, 240-42. K. ZIEGLER, s.v. Neton (1), RE 17, 143-146; BEAZLEY,

ABV, 4-7; V. La Rosa, Archeologia sicula e barocca per la represa del problema di Noto Antica, 1971; BT'GCI ro, 409-417.

Neviodunum. Small Roman town in > Pannonia Superior (Noot6$o0vvov/Nooiddounon, Ptol. 2,14,4; Itin. Anton. 259; ILS 4189: Neviod(unensium servus), also CIL III 3919; 46,16), modern Drnovo in Slovenia (district of Brezice), originally a Celtic settlement in the neighbourhood of the > Latobici. In the Roman period N. gained significance as a node on the road from Emona to Siscia. A branch leading northwest connected N. with > Celeia. Near N. there was a crossing over the Sava. In the Flavian period N. became a municipium Latobicorum (tribus Quirina). Water supply was achieved by means of an aqueduct (from the Krka?). Cults: Jupiter, Neptune, Sedatus, Coryphaea sive Caelestis Augusta. Finds of inscriptions and coins. In the surrounding area a mithraeum and a castle with fortifications from Late Antiquity have been found. TIR L 33 Trieste, 1961, 54; A. Mocsy, Pannonia and Upper Moesia, 1974, Index s.v. Neviodunum.; A. LENGYEL, G. T. B. RapAN (ed.), The Archaeology of Roman Pannonia, 1980, Index s.v. Neviodunum.

J.BU.

E.O. and GLF.

Nevitta Flavius N., of Germanic origin. In AD 358 leader of a cavalry unit in Raetia (Amm. Marc. 17,6,3), in 361 promoted by > lulianus [11] to magister equi-

Neums see > Music

Neuri (NeteouvNezroz). Tribe (not of the > Scythae) on

tum (Amm. Marc. 21,8,1). In 361/62 N. was part of the

the > Hypanis [1], to the west of the Borysthenes and

court in > Calchedon against the supporters of > Constantius [2] I] (Amm. Marc. 22,3,1), and he was consul in 362 and the commander of the Persian campaign of 363 (Amm. Marc. 24,1,2). After the death of Iulianus he sided with a party of ‘Gauls’ in the conflict surrounding the succession (Amm. Marc. 25,5,2). After this, he is no longer mentioned [2. 585; 3. 100]. Ammianus Marcellinus (21,10,8) reproached him for his lack of education and cruelty (in Calchedon).

south of the source lake of the Tyras (Hdt. 4,17); east-

erly neighbours of the > Androphagi and > Melanchlaeni (Hdt. 4,17; 513 100; 125). Various attempts have been made to associate them with cultures of southern Belrus, including the ancestor tribes of the Slavs, Balts or Finns. A. I. TERENOZKIN, Predskifskij period na Dneprovskom Pravoberez’e, 1961, 234; E. A. MEL’NIKOVSKaJA, Plemena Tht

juznoj Belorusij v rannem

Zeleznom veke, 1967, Lv.B.

1 PLRE 1, 626f. 2A. DEMANDT, s.v. magister militum, RE Suppl. 12, 580-587 3M. Waas, Germanen im rémischen Dienst, *1971, 99-101.

WE.LU.

NEVITTA

New Comedy see

692

691

> Comedy

New Testament see > Bible

New Testament Apocrypha (NTA, from the Greek apokryphos/ &xdxevdos, ‘hidden, concealed’, in Early Christian usage ‘esoteric’) refers to a complex collection of various writings outside the NT canon with Biblical figures as their subject or their fictitious authors, thus invoking the authority of these as the message’s recipient, conveyer or guarantor. It would be more accurate to refer to them as ‘Early Christian Apocrypha’, since the writings frequently differ theologically from the canonic Biblical texts, sometimes have no literary basis in NT documents, and in some cases may have been written prior to the emergence of the NT canon (— Canon

[r]). Modern scholarship has been devoting more attention to these neglected texts as they represent valuable documents from the time when Early Christian literature was first being written. While they frequently contain novelistic and fanciful elements, they retain a historical core that is indispensable for reconstructing Early Christian theologies and communities. They were written for a variety of purposes ranging from entertainment to propaganda, from polemics or apologetics to instruction and encouragement for those facing persecution and martyrdom. It is often nearly impossible to determine when, where and by whom these texts were written. Some of them may be from the rst cent., most from the 2nd and 3rd cents. AD; others (e.g. the Pistis Sophia) can be dated only very approximately (3rd to 5th cents.). It is difficult to determine an end point for their composition since such texts were repeatedly rewritten, revised and edited over a period of centuries. Very old texts such as the + Didaché, the > Epistle of Barnabas and the ‘Shepherd of - Hermas’ might be classified as part of Early Christian Apocryphal literature, but they are usually included among the so-called ‘apostolic Fathers’, some of which are found in the oldest MSS of the NT, which shows the esteem in which they were held. It is clear from the titles of the NTA that some of them were pseudo-epigraphical works, while others were written anonymously and still others were renamed by later commentators after the original titles had been lost. The unstructured corpus contains very different genres, including gospels, collections of sayings, apocalypses, epistles, tracts, and acts of the apostles. It is problematic to attempt a categorization of the texts according to literary genre, since such genres are rarely completely appropriate: some texts combine characteristics of several genres or present one genre in the form of another, e.g. a speech of revelation in the form of an epistle. The apocryphal gospels often contain stories about Jesus — his birth and childhood, teachings or passion. Many of them belong to the earliest layer of Church tradition. They include such well-known motifs as his

birth in a grotto, the animals at the manger, childhood miracles and Christ’s descent into hell (e.g. in the Gospel of Nicodemus). Rather early oral traditions appear to be contained in the Early Christian tradition of the Word of the Lord, such as the Gospel of Thomas, the Apocryphon ofJames and the ‘Dialogue of the Saviour’, which give an account of conversations between Jesus and his disciples (both male and female) that are not part of the canonical texts. Similarly, the deeds and words ofJesus’ disciples or family members are recounted, as for example in the gospels of Thomas, Peter and Mary.

Nearly 50 of the texts discovered in 1945 at > Nag Hammadi (Egypt) were unknown up to that time; some

of them belong to the category of NTA. Among the finds were papyrus fragments with words spoken by Jesus, parts of lost gospels and individual so-called agrapha (‘unwritten words’) which, although they may be historically unreliable, tell a great deal about the communities that handed them down. Some of these dgrapha are also familiar from quotations from early Christian authors such as > Origenes or > Clemens [3] of Alexandria. Like the Evangelists — Lucas and + Matthaeus or like > Tatianus, some authors of the NTA drew from various sources, such as the Ebionite Gospel (- Ebionites): this brings different traditions

into harmony, still a relatively easy endeavour before the gospels were canonized. The Gospel of Philip (a Valentinian text from the end of the 2nd cent.) contains brief reflections on theology. Among the best-known NTA are the so-called Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles (> Paul, Acts of, > Peter, Acts of, Acts of Thomas, John, Andrew and Philip), short biographies of the apostles that often begin with their calling and include speeches, journeys, adventures and/or > miracles. The final passages of the Acts usually describe the martyrdom of the apostles, which must have served as an extraordinary role model in times when Christians were being persecuted (> Tolerance). The Acts contain traditional stories of the beheading of Paul, Peter’s crucifixion upside down and the missionary activities of female disciples like + Maria [II 2] Magdalena (Acts of Philip), > Thecla (Acts of Paul) and +» Maximilla [2] (Acts of Andrew). A related genre includes stories about + Maria [II 1], the mother ofJesus, about Stephen or John the Baptist. Originally, the Acts each told of only one apostle; those that described two apostles working together on a shared mission were from a later period. A further change occurred in the 4th and 5th cents. when apocryphal literature developed into hagiography; these two genres are sometimes difficult to distinguish from each other. Apocryphal > apocalypses offer revelations, visions, epiphanies or appearances of the risen Christ; these texts often exist only in fragments (others, known only by their titles, are yet waiting to be found). They are an exhortation to do penance and use picturesque language to describe the Last Judgement, heaven and hell (Acts of Paul) and the signs of the end of days (Apocalypse of Peter).

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The pseudo-epigraphical epistles often supplement or correct the teachings held by the majority, and to this extent they are not unlike the Deuteropauline epistles. These include the third letter to the Corinthians (> Paul, Acts of) and the letter to the Laodiceans, which

was probably meant to replace a lost homonymous letter of Paul (Kol 4,16). Other important letters include the correspondence between Christ and Abgar (+ Abgar legend) as well as Paul and Seneca.

Certain NTA were criticized by the early writers of the Church or revealed not to be genuine, making them susceptible to charges of > heresy. The fact that these texts exist not only in Greek, but also in Syriac, Coptic, Latin, Arabic, Georgian, Armenian, Old Church Sla-

vonic, Gaelic and Ethiopian versions is evidence that they were widely known and popular. It is often difficult to determine the language of the original text and to identify differences between sources and edited versions. Fruitful subjects for future research are found in this area, as well as in issues of oral tradition and oral presentation, gender research and the reconstruction of complex manuscript materials. Since the Acts of Paul and Peter contain so many shared elements (including the well-known Quo vadis? scene), a further topic for research is intertextuality, which may exist in oral-written, literary-cultural, historical-theological or rhetorical form. Since the NTA contain well-known as well as unusual stories and are practically the only sources to provide a physical description of the apostles, they are irreplaceable for the interpretation of motifs in Christian iconography from late antiquity into the Middle Ages. Moreover, they offer an abundance of ethnographic information. Finally, among their very diverse recipients, Communities such as those of the Manichees (> Mani) or Priscillianists (> Priscillianus), who held these texts in particularly high esteem, were marginalized by the form of Christianity that had come to be dominant. Despite the fact that they are strongly influenced by legends (extraordinary miracles, talking animals), the NTA offer insight into the religious, social and cultural worlds of Early Christianity, and in particular into popular piety. Continuing discoveries of old manuscripts in monasteries and libraries enhance the great potential of NTA for future research projects. Furthermore, increasing numbers of critical editions have become available, offering translations and commentaries (international research group under the leadership of F. Bovon and P. GEOLTRAIN: Association pour l’étude de la littérature apocryphe chrétienne). — Apocryphal literature [B.]; > Bible; > Canon [1]; ~» Christianity; > Gospel; + Martyrs; > Martyrdom, literature on; > Pseudoepigraphs; > Testamentary literature; > Visionary literature F. Bovon, A. G. Brock, C. MaTTHEws (ed.), Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles, 1999; F. Bovon, P. GEOLTRAIN (ed.),

Ecrits apocryphes chrétiens, vol. 1 (La Pléiade), 1997; J. N. BREMMER (ed.), The Apocryphal Acts of John. Studies

NEW

YEAR’S

CELEBRATION

on the Apocryphal Acts of the Apostels, vol. 1, 1995; vol. 2, 1996; M. GEERARD, Clavis Apocryphorum Novi Testamenti, 1992; Corpus Christianorum, Series Apocrypho-

rum, 1983ff. (x5 vols to date); M. Erpetra, Gli Apocrifi del Nuovo Testamento, 3 vols in 4 books, 1975; C. MARK-

scutes, ‘Neutestamentliche Apokryphen’. Bemerkungen zu Geschichte und Zukunft einer von Edgar Hennecke im Jahre 1904 begriindeten Quellensammlung, in: Apocrypha 9, 1998, 97-132; J. M. Ropinson (ed.), The Nag Hammadi Library, 31988; A. DE SANTOS OTERO, Los

Evangelios Apocrifos. Coleccion de textos griegos y latinos, versiOn critica, estudios introductorios, commenta-

rios e ilustraciones (Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos 148), 1963; W. SCHNEEMELCHER (ed.), Neutestamentliche Apo-

kryphen in deutscher Ubersetzung, 2 vols, 51987-1989 (bibliography); D. SCHOLER, Nag Hammadi Bibliography (NHS 1), 1971; W. Wricut (ed.), Apocryphal Acts of the

Apostles. Edited from Syriac Manuscripts in the British Museum and Other Libraries, 2 vols, 1871 (repr. 1990);

ANRW II vol. 25.5-6, 1988.

S.BR.

New Year’s celebration (NYC). The beginning of the year was variously fixed in different local or supra-regional calendars. It was oriented, as far as we know,

towards agricultural patterns connected to the time of the year (especially sowing in the spring and harvest in the autumn). The beginning of the year was connected with administrative measures (e.g. raising taxes). Spring and autumn received particular consideration in the festival calendar because of their significance within the agrarian cycle. Because in religious feeling the vernal and autumnal equinoxes were particularly susceptible to crisis, it was necessary to guide them in cult by > festivals. To what extent a separate and central NYC developed out of the festival calendar of the whole year must be examined in individual cases. One must start from the fact that a NYC in many ancient oriental cultures is an academic construct that requires verification. The NYC — where it is attested — united, like all

festivals, a community (represented by its ruler) with its dominant

deity. Also, the disturbed cosmic

balance

could be restored in ritual —as described in myths embedded in the ritual (bieroi logoi). I. ANCIENT ORIENT II. IRAN II]. GREECE AND ROME I. ANCIENT ORIENT A. MESOPOTAMIA Minor

B.EGypt

C. HITTITE ASIA

D. SyRIA AND PALESTINE

A. MESOPOTAMIA

In southern Mesopotamia, from the end of the 3rd millennium on, the beginning of the year (Sumerian zag.mu, ‘edge of the year’; Akkadian zagmukku or ré& Sattim, ‘beginning of the year’) was celebrated with a festival [7. 291-294]. Whether this festival played a central role in the cultic calendar is not known. At the end of the 2nd millennium, the NYC replaced the important > Akitu festival, celebrated twice a year (1st and 7th months, i.e. on the vernal and autumnal equin-

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696

oxes), at least in Babylon. It ran from the 2nd to the

1 D. J. A. CLings, s.v. New Year, The Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible, supplementary vol., 1976, 625-629

NEW YEAR’S CELEBRATION

rith day of Nisan, the first month ofthe year, as can be reconstructed from the inscriptions of Neo-Babylonian rulers and from a long ritual text (originally more than 23 tablets, partially preserved, copies primarily from the 4th cent. BC, see [8]; TUAT 2, 212-223). The most

important elements were: 1) the assembly of all Babylonian gods, who gathered in Babylon for the NYC and transferred their divine powers to > Marduk, so that he could establish cosmic order anew after defeating the powers of chaos; 2) the festive procession of Marduk -

accompanied by the Babylonian gods and king — to a house for the NYC (Akitu) outside the city, and from there back to his temple > Esagila; 3) the subsequent determination of the fate of the country for the new year [6. 37f.]. Through recital of the > Enuma Elis the battle and victory of Marduk was represented. Contrary to what is often said, the celebration of the — Hieros Gamos was not part of the NYC. We do not know what events and decisions outside of the ritual can be causally connected with the NYC.

J.RE.

B. Ecypr From the 3rd millennium onward, the ‘opening of

the year’ (wp rnp.t) coincided with the beginning of the agricultural year, astronomically marked by the early rise of Sirius, i.e. at the same time as the beginning of the flooding of the + Nile. The coincidence of the cyclic repetition of a heavenly phenomenon and an agriculturally significant event was experienced consciously. It was the purpose of the NYC celebrated at this time to ritually bring about the ordered course of the cosmos, because it was feared that the powers of chaos could be destructive at the transition from the old year to the new one [2].

C. Hittite Asia MINOR Various festival rituals from Hittite Asia Minor are interpreted as NYC rituals, e.g. a central Anatolian festival in the city of Nerik, in which the Illuyanka myth played a role as hierds logos. For these festivals, for instance, the highest priest was determined by lot and the palace and temple were renovated [3. 698]. Also, the previous year or the previous seasons were buried [3. 619]. The purpose ofthe festival was the renewal of nature’s powers of growth and the strengthening of the royal charisma [3. 698].

D. SYRIA AND PALESTINE The situation in northern Syria (~ Ugarit and Emar) is entirely unclear. The existence of a NYC in parallel with the Babylonian NYC of the rst millennium is assumed, but cannot be proven. The existence of an independent NYC in pre-exile > Judah and Israel is controversial [1; 5; 9]. Some interpretations attempt to uncover in various psalms (e.g. Pss 47; 93; 96-98) cosmological aspects parallel to the Babylonian NYC (enthronement of > Yahweh; strugle between Yahweh and the forces of chaos). > Calendar; — Festivals; Feasts

2 F. Daumas, s.v. Neujahrsfest, LA 4, 466-472

3 V.

Haas, Geschichte der hethitischen Religion, 1994 4 M. Hutter, Religion in der Umwelt des Alten Testaments, 1996 5 J. Kietn, s.v. Akitu, The Anchor Bible Dictionary, vol. 1, 1992, 138-140 6 S.M. Maut, Im Fadenkreuz von Raum und Zeit, in: Heidelberger Jahrbuch 42, 1998, 27-41 7 W. SALLABERGER, B. PONGRATZ-LEISTEN, V. Haas, s.v. Neujahrsfest, RLA 9, 291-298 8 F. THUREAU-

DanGIN, Rituels accadiens, 1921, 127-146

9 R. DE

Vaux, Das Alte Testament und seine Lebensordnungen, vols. 1-2, 1964-1966, 362-364. J.RE.

Il. IRAN In the first half of the 2oth cent., the ‘myth-and-ritual school’propagated the thesis of a ‘sacred kingship’ (> Divine kingship), encountered throughout the Ancient Orient, including Israel, and comparable in all its structural elements. This thesis has also inspired — drawing a parallel with the Babylonian > Akitu festival — Iranistic speculations on a Zoroastrian NYC demonstrable since the Achaemenid period. In fact, however, there is neither written nor archaeological evidence for such an assumption. The Zoroastrian calendar developed in the late Achaemenid period (4th cent. BC) contains no mention of a New Year’s Day. The new metropolis of > Persepolis built by Darius [1] I (522/21-486 BC) is in no way, as was once assumed, a ritual city architectonically oriented on the symbolism of the NYC. NYCs acquired their later popularity (Nawroz = ‘new day’) presumably only in the Sasanid period. Besides the six festivals described as gahanbar, Nawroz was adopted as a seventh great festival in the Zoroastrian calendar and interpreted as a symbol of the sevenfold creation of + Ahura Mazda, the highest god in the Zoroastrian pantheon. The first detailed description of the festival can be found in the Arabic historiographer Al-Biruni (Chronology 199-204). + Zoroastrianism 1M. Hutrer, Religionen in der Umwelt des Alten Testaments, 1996 2A. DE JONG, Traditions of the Magi. Zoroastrianism in Greek and Latin Literature, 1997 3 E. SacHau (ed.), The Chronology of Ancient Nations. An

English Translation of the Arabic Text of the Athar-ulBakiya of Albirani or ‘Vestiges of the Past’, 1879 4H. SANCISI- WEERDENBURG, Hist 7, 1991, 173-201.

Nowruz in Persepolis, in: AchGR.AH.

Il]. GREECE AND ROME The many local calendars of the Greek cities all differed in when they fixed the beginning of the year, i.e. the beginning of the official cycle of the months, which coincided with the assumption of office of the eponymous officials. This date is often unknown, however, because of the condition of the evidence. No NYCs are known before the Hellenistic period. They were usually sacrificial festivals with the whole population being entertained at the cost of the new official (IPriene no. 113). Moreover, the best-known festival calendar, the Athe-

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nian, shows a sequence of festivals during the last two months of the year (Skirophorion, Plynterion) and the

ricising solution (already ventilated in antiquity). It reflects the co-existence of several NYCs (also found in

NEWSPAPER

first (Hekatombaion) which is interpreted as a new year

other calendars), which coincide here with changes in

cycle |x]. The sequence extends from typical end-of-theyear festivals which play out a dissolution of the old order, to those in which the new order is central: from the Kallynteria (‘Beautifying Festival’) and the > Plynteria (“Washing Festival’) with its purification of the ancient cult image of —-» Athena and its vestments, the Skira with the procession by the priestess of Athena and the priest of > Poseidon and of Helios from the Acropolis to the border of Attica, the + Bouphonia (‘Ox Killing Festival’) — thought to be extremely old —

season (winter solstice and spring). The replacement of the old Macedonian calendar by the Julian calendar in the province of Asia in the early Augustan period shows how easily NYCs in antiquity could adapt to new social and political circumstances and how different dates could co-exist. The beginning of the new year was fixed on 23 September, > Augustus’ birthday, and the new calendar competed with the

with the sacrifice of an ox, to Zeus Polieus and the Kronia (‘Kronos Festival’; > Kronos C) with the rever-

sal of social order through slaves being waited on by their owners, to the Synoikia as a commemoration of the creation of Attica out of its villages, and the > Panathenaea as a self-representation of the Athenian polis. Typologically related festivals are found throughout the Greek world, but can not be combined into a comparable sequence because of the scantiness of the information.

For Rome, two ancient beginnings of the year are known. From 155 or 153 BC, the consuls officially assumed office on the first of January (Kalendae Ianuariae) (Liv. per. 47; Fasti Praenestini, InscrIt 13,2, p.

111). No fixed date is known for the preceding years [2]. According to Macrob. Sat. 1,13,3,

> Numa Pom-

pilius instigated this beginning ofthe year. From 95 BC, it is fixed in civil law (Gell. 3,2,13). In the late rst cent. BC, this NYC was celebrated by the higher officials with a sacrifice on the altar of > Jupiter Capitolinus (vota pro salute rei publicae, Inscrlt 13,2, p. 389) upon assumption of office and by a first meeting of the Senate. In private rituals sweets (dates, honey) and coins were exchanged (Ov. Fast. 1,71-226). The dissolution rituals of > Bona Dea (beginning of December) [3; 4. 228-288] and of the — Saturnalia (17 December) [4. 136-227] prepared for the new beginning. During the Imperial period, this NYC became a three-day festival for the whole empire, with the consuls assuming office, distribution of money to the masses (sparsiones), public wishes, considered to be declarations of loyalty to the ruling dynasty (vota publica, Cass. Dio 51,19,7), and chariot races. The private rites included reversal rituals (waiting on slaves, masquerades and travesties) and sumptuous feasts and gifts [5; 6]. t March is also marked ritually as a beginning. The festivals that give February the general character of a ritual purification, and the annual transition between the end of February and the beginning of March, indicate the end of a cycle. The rites of r March — annual renewal of the fire of > Vesta and the laurels on the doors of the regia and the houses of the > flamines (Macrob. Sat. 1,12,6), private celebrations of marriage with sacrifices and gifts (Plut. Romulus 21,1; Acro on Hor. Carm.

3,8,1; Dig. 24,1,31,8) — point to a new

beginning. Not all of this can be explained by a histo-

local calendars (more in [7; 8]).

The Christian calendar of festivals took up the Kalendae lanuariae, which had been vehemently rejected by the bishops, for the rites between 24 December and 6 January (important here is Augustine’s sermon: [9]). The celebration of Easter roughly coincided with the new beginning in spring. — Calendar; > Festivals; Feasts 1 BURKERT, 346-354 2TH. MOMMSEN, Die rémische Chronologie bis auf Caesar, *1859, 86-104 3H. H. J. Brouwer, Bona Dea. The Sources and a Description of the Cult, 1989 4H.S. VERSNEL, Transition and Reversal in Myth and Ritual, 1993 5M. MEsLIn, La féte des Calendes de janvier sous l’Empire romain, 1970 6F. Graf, Kalendae Ianuariae, in: Id. (ed.), Ansichten griechischer Rituale, 1998, 199-216 7 U. LarFi, Le iscrizioni relative all’introduzione nel 9 A.C. del nuovo calendario della provincia d’Asia, in: Studi classici e orientali

16,

1967, 5-98 8SAMUEL, 171-188 9F. DOLBEAU, Nouveaux sermons de saint Augustin pour la conversion des paiens et des donatistes (IV), in: Recherches Augustiniennes 26, 1992, 69-141.

E.G.

Newspaper. Newspapers in the modern sense were unknown in antiquity. The spread of reports with political and official content was achieved orally by means of criers and in writing by ‘placards’ on whitened wooden tablets (> Album [2]; —+ Communications; ~ tabula) or on specially prepared walls [1],as the inscriptions painted on the wall in > Pompeii prove. The latter included programmes and proclamations for elections, announcements of games and market days, family news and notices of every kind ([2]; examples easily accessible in [3]). According to Roman law public placards of official announcements of regulations and laws and the like were to be posted in an easily accessible place with clearly recognisable letters (Dig. 14,3,11,3). Rome’s state or, rather, city newspaper, which had existed since 59 BC, the Populi Diurna > Acta (approximately ‘Daily Gazette’: Suet. Jul. 20,1; cf. Tac. Ann. 353523 16,22,3), also seems to have been made known in the capital city through placards. It was originally published together with Senate minutes, but their publication was forbidden by > Augustus (Suet. Aug. 36). The imperial Acta Urbis (approximately: ‘City Gazette’) contained family news from the Imperial house and the city’s upper class, gossip, and reports of the official activities of the emperor and excerpts from Senate resolutions (— acta). This publication, supervised by im-

NEWSPAPER

perial procurators (~ Procurator), appeared regularly and was probably ordered per day. According to Tac. Ann. 16,22,3 the Acta Urbis were also read in the provinces, but that does not necessarily mean it was officially distributed throughout the Empire. More probably, it was a private initiative, as during the Republic. In the year 51 BC, Cicero’s correspondent Caelius [I 4], for example, employed special agents to collect and record information about public life in Rome and then sent the reports on to Cicero (Cic. Fam. 8,1,1). + Acta; > Album; - Communications; > Tabula

1L. Wencer, Die Quellen des rémischen Rechts, 1953, 55-59 21. CataBi LIMENTANI, Epigrafia Latina, 19914, 399-404 3K.-W. WeEBER, Decius war hier, 1996, 95LOO;

700

699

TL5-1283 153.

W. Rept, Das Nachrichtenwesen des Altertums, 1913, 380-429; B. BALDWwin, The Acta Diurna, in: Chiron 9, 1979, 189-203; P. WHITE, Julius Caesar and the Publication of Acta in Late Republican Rome, in: Chiron 27, 1997, 73-84; A. Kors, Ubermittlung politischer Inhalte im Alltag Roms, in: G. WeBER, M. ZIMMERMANN (ed.),

Propaganda — Selbstdarstellung — Reprdsentation im romischen Kaiserreich des 1. Jh. n. Chr., 2002. AK.

Nexum. Much about mexum is in uncertain owing to ambivalent sources. The current opinion is that in early Roman law, nexum was a formal loan transaction concluded with copper and scales (-» Mancipatio) |4; 6; 7;

8]. Nexum was the precursor Although it did not generate enabled the lender to get hold After repayment, the personal

to the credit transaction. claims for repayment, it of the borrower’s person. liability was released by a

transaction of the same form (nexi liberatio, solutio per

aes et libram) |6. 128-131]. If repayment made, enslavement

> (Manus

iniectio)

was

not

without

trial

was possible [5]. Already by the time of the Twelve Tables (c. 450 BC), a symbolic form of nexum existed alongside it: an insolvent debtor could place himself in debt-bondage for a certain period of time through sealing it with a coin (~ummo uno). The lex Poetelia (326 BC; > Lex) either banned nexum, or set such restricti-

ons that it soon became obsolete. According to another opinion, based on source-criticism, the term nexum did not refer to a credit transaction of its own, but to all formal acts with copper and scales (negotia per aes et libram) {2; 3]. According to this view, loans of credits were exclusively dealt with by the > sponsio-stipulatio [1]. 1 O. BEHRENDS, Der Zwolftafelprozef, 1974

2Id., Das

Nias (Niac/Nias). River in western Africa, probably in

Senegal (Ptol. 4,6,7). The N. is probably correctly identified with the Chretes of > Hanno (Xoétms/Chrétes, Hanno, Periplus 9, GGM 1,8), the Chremetes of Aristotle (Xoeuétme/Chremétés, Aristot. Mete. 1,13 p. 350b) and the Bambotus (Plin. HN 5,10) [1.77°, 8147]. 1 Huss.

F. WINDBERG, s.v. Nias, RE 17, 165-167.

W.HU.

Nicaea (Nixata; Nikaia). [1] Naiad, daughter of the Phrygian river god > Sangarius and the goddess > Cybele. As a huntress, N. spurns love and remains a virgin. In Memnon of Heracleia, she does not yield to Dionysus and so he resorts to a ruse and turns into wine the spring from whichN. is accustomed to drinking. She becomes drunk and falls asleep. Dionysus overpowers her in her sleep and fathers with her ‘satyrs and others’ (Memnon FGrH 434 F 41, 8f.). In Nonnus, Dion. 15,169-16,405, the myth is expanded: as N. does not yield to the shepherd Hymnus and kills him at his request, an enraged Eros shoots an arrow of love at Dionysus so that he falls in love with N. As a result of this love, N. gives birth to > Telete and kills herself. In honour of N., the god founds the Bithynian town of the same name, N. [5]. N. is depicted from the 2nd cent. AD as the municiAL.FR. pal goddess on coins from the town of N. [5]. [2] Daughter of Antipater [1], married > Perdiccas in 322 BC and after his death > Lysimachus [2], who fathered her children Agathocles [5], Eurydice [5] and Arsinoe [II 2]. The marriage was still in existence (but not as Lysimachus’ only marriage) after 301, when he named Bithynian N. [5] after her (Str. 12,4,7). EB. [3] Wife of Alexander [9] of Corinth, the governor of Antigonus [2] Gonata, married to him from about 272 BC, if Livy (35,26) means her by the bride he mentions [2. 519; 3. 10, 47ff.]. After her husband broke from Antigonus around 250 (cf. [6. 155]), N. — as co-ruler over Corinth and Euboea — favoured Euphorion [3] of Chalcis (Suda s.v. Euphorion). After the death of her husband by poisoning (mid 240s), Antigonus asked her to marry his son Demetrius [3] and took possession of Acrocorinth at the wedding (Plut. Aratus 17; Polyaenus, Strat. 4,6,1). With regard to the marriage to Demetrius see [1. 222]; a different version in [3. 305]. 1 F. Geyer, s.v. N. (3), RE 17, 221f. 2 BELOCH, GG 4,2 3 R. URBAN, Wachstum und Krise des Achdischen Bundes,

nexum im Manzipationsrecht oder die Ungeschichtlich-

1979

keit des Libraldarlehens, in: RIDA

Les relations des cités eubéennes avec Antigone Gonatas et la chronologie delphique au début de l’époque étolienne, in: BCH 119, 1995, 137-159. BO.D.

3 F.. Horak,

Kreditvertrag

und

21, 1974,

Kreditprozef$

Zwolftafeln, in: ZRG 93, 1976, 261-286

137-184

in den

4 KaseR, RPR

I, 165-167, 172 5M. Kaser, K. HAck1, Das romische Zivilprozefrecht, 71996, 133 6D. Lieps, Contrarius actus, in: Id. (ed.), Sympotica F. Wieacker, 1970, 111-153 7 A. Watson, Rome of the XII Tables, 1975, 111-124 8 WIEACKER, RRG, 336. R.GA.

4HM3,305

5 CAH7,1*,250

6D. KNOEPFLER,

[4] Fortress on the coast in eastern Locris, 3.5 km by sea and c. 9 km by land in an easterly direction from + Thermopylae, close to modern Molos (Str. 9,4,4). First mentioned in connection with the 3rd — Sacred War when N. was occupied by the Phocaeans (Aeschin.

701

NICAEA

702

Leg. 132-134) and then surrendered to Philip II (Aeschin. Leg. 132; 138; Dem. Or. 6,22; 11,4; Diod. Sic. 16,59,2-4). In 339, N. was temporarily under Theban occupation. The negotiations between Philip V and the Romans took place in N. in 198 BC (Pol. 18,1,5-7; 7,7£.; Liv. 32,32,9-123 32,35,2-8; > Macedonian Wars). W. A. OLDFATHER,

s.v. Nikaia

(5), RE

17, 222-226. GDR.

[5] (Nixata/Nikaia, Latin Nicaea, town in Bithynia). I. DEVELOPMENT UP TO THE IMPERIAL PERIOD II. LATE ANTIQUITY AND BYZANTINE PERIOD

Dion. Chrys. Or. 38f., in his depiction of the advantages of harmony amongst citizens and between cities, pro-

vides information about aspects of the political and social life of the city in the late Imperial period. Archaeological finds: city layout according to the Hippodamic principle, city wall (originally 2839 m long, with later extensions 4970 m), remains of a theatre (2nd cent. AD) and an aqueduct (6th cent., restored in the r4thcent.), a basilica with a nave, two aisles anda central apse (Hagia Sophia, 5th cent.), early Christian tomb (wall paintings). 1K. STROBEL, Die Galater, vol. 1, 1996 2R. HAENSCH, Capita provinciarum, 1997 3 Katalog der antiken Inschriften des Museums von Iznik (N.) (IK 10, 3 vols.),

I. DEVELOPMENT UP TO THE IMPERIAL PERIOD City on the eastern bank of modern Lake Iznik (Askania Limne), modern Iznik; frequently plagued by

earthquakes. Founded by Antigonus [1] as a new central town for the border region of Phrygia on the Hellespont in > Bithynia under the name Antigoneia and then re-established by + Lysimachus [2] as N., probably in 301 BC (Str. 12,4,7; Steph. Byz. s.v. N.; Eust. ad Hom. Il. 2,863; [1. 190-196, 201-214, 262]). In 282/1, Zipoetes annexed N. to Bithynia. In 74 BC, N. fell to Rome by a bequest in the will of ~ Nicomedes IV and became part of the province of Bithynia or Bithynia et Pontus. A constant factor in regional politics was the rivalry between N., in all probability the seat of the governor (Str. 12,4,7; [2. 283-290]), and — Nicomedia. In 29 BC, Augustus permitted the building of a sanctuary to Divus lulius (Caesar) and the goddess Roma (Cass. Dio

51,20,6; Suet. Aug. 52), that became the centre of the ~ emperor cult (penteteric games of > the koinon of the Bithynians). Under Hadrian

(117-138),

N. was

rebuilt after an earthquake, with the city wall also being restored and the city being given the titles of > metropolis and of (+ neokoros); it already bore the honorary title of ‘first city of Bithynia’. In AD 193, N. sided with ~ Pescennius Niger who was decisively defeated, probably in January 194, at N.; N. took in the remainder of his army and was initially severely punished for this by -» Septimius Severus; however he also rehabilitated N. himself. In 258, N. suffered damage when it was invaded by the Goths, after which the fortifications were rebuilt. N. was a central traffic junction through which the most important road in Roman Asia Minor passed from the west coast to Ancyra and to the eastern border of the empire and via the Cilician Gates to Syria and Palestine. Under the Augustan reorganisation of central Anatolia in 25/4 BC, the extensive territory of the city was expanded by the region of the middle course of the Sangarius to luliopolis and to the border of the new province of Galatia [3. vol. 2,1]. Of the work of > Menecrates [5] about N. (FGrH 7or), only one fragment is extant. Pliny (Ep. 10,31; 3 9f.) gives us insight particularly into the problematical financial position of the city and its building projects.

1979-1982.

P. Guinea

Diaz,

Nicea,

1997;

C. Foss, J. TULCHIN,

Nicaea, 1990; R. JANIN, Les églises et les monastéres des grands centres byzantins, 1975, 105-126; Id., Nicée, in: Echo d’Orient 24, 1925, 482-490; R. MERKELBACH, Nikaia in der romischen Kaiserzeit (Rheinisch-Westfalische Akad. G 289), 1987; L. Rosert, La titulature de Nicée et de Nicomédie, in: HSPh 81, 1977, 1-39; W. RuGgE, s.v. N. (7), RE 17, 226-243; S. SAHIN, Bithynische Studien. (IK 7), 1978, 9-28; A. M. SCHNEIDER, Die r6mischen und byzantinischen Denkmialer von Iznik-Nicaea, 1943; Id., W. Karnapp, Die Stadtmauer von Iznik (Nicaea), 1938; W. Weiser, Katalog der bithynischen

Miinzen der Sammlung. des Instuts fiir Altertumskunde Koln, vol. 1: N., 1983; Id., Romische Stadtmiinzen aus Bithynia et Pontus, in: SNR 68, 1989, 47-74 Taf. 2-6.

K.ST.

I]. LATE ANTIQUITY AND BYZANTINE PERIOD In AD 325, it was at N. — in the presence of > Constantine [1] the Great — that the first Ecumenical Council(- Nicaenum), was held, at which > Arianism was condemned although this did not initially lead to the end of the controversy. Through the rise of nearby > Constantinopolis and as a consequence of two earthquakes in 363 and 369, N. lost importance but was elevated to the status of an archbishopric under Emperor > Valens (364-378). N. was unsuccessfully besieged by the Arabs in 716 and 727, and was the main city of the > thema~ Opsikion from the mid 8th cent. In 787, the seventh Ecumenical Council was held in the Hagia Sophia of N., the ruins of which are still preserved. From 1081 to 1096, N. was in the hands of the Seldjuks, and from 1204 to 1261 at the time of the occupation of Constantinople by the Crusaders, it was the capital city of a Byzantine kingdom in exile, until in 1331 it came into the possession of the Ottomans. W. Karnapp, Die Stadtmauer von Iznik (Nicaea), 1938;

A. M. SCHNEIDER, Die rémischen und byzantinischen Denkmaler von Iznik-Nicaea, 1943; C. F. W. Foss, s.v. Nicaea, ODB 2, 1463f. ALB.

[6] Town in the Kabul valley in the region of the Paropamisadae (in modern Afghanistan; - Paropamisus), founded by Alexander [4] the Great (Arr. Anab. 4,22,6), modern position unknown. O. STEIN, s.v. N. (8), RE 17, 243.

NICAEA

704

793

[7] Town on the left bank of the

> Hydaspes (modern

Jhelum) in the Punjab founded by Alexander [4] the Great (Arr. Anab. 5,19,4; Curt. 9,1,6; 9,3,23), modern site unknown. KK.

drawn up definition sion with have been

in affirmation of the Nicaenum [9], as a new of the Council [8] or as a formula for discusthe > Pneumatomachoi [7]. The NC may composed or prepared in the Synod of Anti-

och in 379 [9 23 53 3]. Nicaenetus

(Nixativetoc;

Nikainetos)

of Samos

or

Abdera in Thrace (Ath. 13,590b; Steph. Byz. 6,7 s.v. *ABdnee calls him an ‘Abderite’), 2nd half of 3rd cent. BC; he may indeed have come from Abdera, but lived on Samos, Menodotus of Samos describing him as an ‘epichoric poet, who often demonstrated his love for the history of this region’ (Ath. 15,673b = FGrH 54x F 1 preserves a sympotic epigram of N. on the Carian custom of wearing garlands of plaited lygos, a kind of

In beauty of language and composition the NC is superior to the Nicaenum; soon after 45 1 it assumed the name ‘Nicaenum’ and its significance for dogma, baptism and liturgy. Today the NC is the only creed, recognised by almost all Christian denominations. — Synod Epitions: 1G. L. Dossett1, Il simbolo di Nicea e di Constantinopoli, 1967. LITERATURE:

2 L. ABRAMOWSKI, Was hat das N.-C. (C)

mit dem Konzil von Konstantinopel zu tun?, in: Theologie und Philosophie 67, 1992, 481-513 3 S. GERBER, Theodor von Mopsuestia und das Nicanum (im Druck) 4 A. HarNACK, s.v. Konstantinopolitanisches Symbol, Realencyklopadie fiir protestantische Theologie und Kirche, 3rd

wicker, at banquets, cf. [2; 3]).

We know of the following works of N.: 1) Lyrkos (in hexameters); the preserved fragment (10 vv. in Parthenius, Erotika pathemata 11 = CollAlex fr. 1) refers to

Caunus, the eponymous hero of the Ionian town, who flees from his home to avoid being overcome by incestuous love for his sister > Byblis; together with the foundation of Caunus by > Apollonius [2] of Rhodes, this epyllion served Parthenius as the source for his story of Lyrcus (cf. the introductory schol. to Parthe-

edn. r1, 12-28

5 W.-D. HAuscHILD, s.v. Nicaéno-Kon-

stantinopolitanisches Glaubensbekenntnis, TRE 24, 444456 6J.N. D. Ketty, Altchristliche Glaubensbekenntnisse, 31972

7A. M. Ritter, Das Konzil von Konstan-

tinopel und sein Symbol, 1965 8 E. ScHwaRTz, Das Nicaenum und das Constantinopolitanum auf der Synode

nius 1); 2) ‘Catalogue of Women’ (CollAlex fr. 2), prob-

von Chalcedon, in: ZNTW 25, 1926, 38-88

ably influenced by Hesiod; 3) epigrams (CollAlex frr.

Das

3-8; [2]), three are definitely attributed as well as those named above: Anth. Pal. 6,225, one a consecration of

1996.

garlands and dragmata (Sedyuata) to Libyan goddesses by Philetis (the name

is uncertain), with allusions to

Apoll. Rhod. 4,1323; Anth. Pal. on the model of — Asclepiades Plan. 191 to a Hermes depicted 13,29 (on Cratinus and his praise 1 CollAlex (comm.)

1-4

1.1,

145-147;

1.2, 417-423

3A. CAMERON, Callimachus and His Critics,

1995, 93-94

245-246

2GA

7,502, an epitaphios [1] of Samos; Anth. on a vase. Anth. Pal. of wine) is uncertain.

3E. Dien,

s.v. Nikainetos

(2), RE, 17,

4M. Fantuzzi, Epici ellenistici, in: K. Z1EG-

LER, L’epos ellenistico, 1988, LXXV-LXXVII.

S.FO.

Nicaeno-Constantinopolitanum. Christian creed in Greek; at the Council of > Calchedon in AD 451 recited for the first time in its entirety together with the + Nicaenum and attributed to the Council of Constantinople in 381. The Nicaeno-Constantinopolitanum (NC) contains the most important formulas of the Nicaenum, e.g. the homoorusios (6uoovo.os), but not the condemnations (anathemata). It is about a quarter

longer than the Nicaenum; especially the section on the Holy Spirit has been much expanded: with Father and Son the Spirit is part of the union of rule, work and worship, and by extension also of their nature. The traditional derivation of the NC from the Council in 381 had long been disputed [4], but seems likely again. It is controversial whether the NC is the Nicaenum, supplemented mostly by sentences from the Creeds of Jerusalem and Rome [9], or a different creed altogether (expanded with Nicene formulas) [4; 6]; furthermore it is controversial whether the NC was

Glaubensbekenntnis

von

9 R. Sraats,

Nizada-Konstantinopel, J.G.

Nicaenum. Christian creed in Greek, composed in AD 325 at the council of > Nicaea [5] to counter the doctrine of > Arius [3] (> Arianism). Apparently the Nicaenum is based on older Greek formulas of faith; however, the statements directed at Arius in the article on Jesus Christ and in the sanctions (anathemata) at the end of the Nicaenum are additions by the council. In contrast to Arius the Nicaenum defines Christ as the true God, not created in time and from nothing, but begotten in eternity from the essence of God, the Father. The most important as well as controversial statement is the term duoobo.og (homoorusios — ‘of the same essence or substance’, lat. consubstantialis): Christ is ‘of one substance’ with God the Father. To what extent different persons (hypostases) can be distinguished within this one divine being is intentionally left open by homoousios. A western Latin origin of homootisios (formula una substantia, > Tertullianus) is unlikely [x; ai

Not long after 325 the Nicaenum had basically fallen into oblivion and after 341 a number of other synodal creeds were drawn up, but after 350 > Athanasius demanded a return to the Nicaenum. When he, and

after him > Gregorius [3] of Nazianzus, > Basileus [1] of Caesarea and others, declared that acknowledgement of the concept of homoousios could be reconciled with distinct divine hypostases, increasingly more bishops supported the Nicaenum. In 381, the council of Constantinople confirmed the Nicaenum as dogma for the Roman Empire. ~ Arianism; + Nicaeno-Constantinopolitanum; > Synod

706

Oh) 1C. STEAD, s.v. Homousios,

RAC

16, 364-433

2).

Urricn, Die Anfange der abendlandischen Rezeption des Nizdnums, 1994. Further literature: s. > Nicaeno-Constantinopolitanum. S.GE.

Nicagora (Nixayoga/Nikagéra). Sicyonian, wife of Echetimus, mother of Agasicles. According to legend she brought > Asclepius, in the shape of a serpent, in a mule cart from Epidaurus to Sicyon (Paus. 2,10,3). SLA.

NICANDER

Nicander (Nixavdooc; Nikandros). [1] Spartan king, > Eurypontid, the father of > Theopompus (Hdt. 8,131). N. led the raid of Spartans and Asinaeans into Argolis, in retaliation for which the Argives destroyed Asine [1] (c. 715 BC). The settlement was refounded a few years later on the Messenian Gulf (> Asine [2]; Paus. 2,36,4f.; 3,7,43 4,14,3f.). M. Meier, Aristokraten und Damoden, 96.

1998, 74f., 93, M.MEI.

[2] Son of Bittus of Trichonium (Syll.3 598 D2f.; E2f.; IG IX 1,17 187,2f.), leading representative of the radi-

Nicagoras (Nixayooac/Nikagoras).

[1] According to the Greek historian Bato of Sinope (Athenaeus 7,289b-c = FHG 4, 348 fragment 1), N. was tyrant of > Zelia. He is identical with the N. mentioned

cally anti-Roman faction in the Aetolian League (— Ae-

by Clement of Alexandria (Protrepticus 4,48), a con-

N. attempted to draw the Macedonian king -> Philip V into the anti-Roman alliance (Liv. 35,12,6; 35,12,1015). At the beginning of the war against Rome (191), he and — Thoas were able as delegates to obtain military aid from > Antiochus [5] III (Pol. 20,10,16-20,11,95

temporary of Alexander [4] the Great’s and possibly tyrant by the grace of Darius [3] III [1. 229]. N. fell

from power after the battle on the > Granicus (in this context possibly Syll. 279,7) and the town of Zelia apologized to Alexander (Arr. Anab. 1,17,2). 1H.

G. Loxiinc,

Mittheilungen

Inschriften aus Zeleia, in: MDAI(A) 2 BERVE, 551.

aus

Kleinasien,

III.

6, 1881, 229-232 BO.D.

[2] Messenian, guest-friend of the Spartan king Archidamus [4] V; in Egypt. In 219 BC, he betrayed the Spartan king Cleomenes [6] III, who had fled to the Ptolemaic court after his defeat at Sellasia (Pol. 5,37-38; Plut. Cleomenes 35).

tolia, Aetolians), whose strategos he was in 190/189, 184/3 and 177/6 BC [1. ro4f.; 151]. As hipparch (193),

Liv. 36,29,3-11). Despite energetically waging war as strategos (Pol. 21,25,3-8; Liv. 38,1,4; 38,4,7-10), N.

capitulated in 189 and travelled with > Phaeneas to the peace negotiations in Rome (Pol. 21,30,15; Liv. 38 8,1f.; 38,10,2), where he and > Pantaleon pleaded in 188 to have Thoas freed (Pol. 28,4,11). In 178, N. was the -hieromnemon in Delphi (Syll3 636,16f.) [1. 148"4].

Because

of his contacts

with

— Perseus,

-» Lyciscus effected his deportation to Rome as early as 171 where N. died (Pol. 20,11, 10) [1. 168f.].

P. Oxtva, Sparta and Her Social Problems, 1971, 236-

1 J. DEININGER, Der politische Widerstand gegen Rom in

240.

Griechenland, 1971.

K.-W.W.

[3] Paradoxograph (?) from Cyprus, cited by Aristotle (fragment 248 R.) because of his explanation of the summer flooding of the > Nile north of the equator by the winter rains under the opposite meridian, and by Callimachus (fragment 1,335) because of his reference to rock salt beneath Lake Citium in Cyprus. Lifetime: between 375 BC (antipodes invented around 400) and Aristotle. FL. [4] Rhetor from Athens, AD c. 175—c. 250, grandson of + Minucianus [1] and father of > Minucianus [2], friend of Philostratus (VS 2,33 = 628). He was close to Platonic circles (Lollianus, cf. Philostr. 2,27 = 620; Euseb. Praep. evang. 10,3,1), was hierokeryx of the Eleusinian Mysteries (> mysteria; Philostr. VS 2,33 = 628; Syll.3 2,845) and probably occupied the Athenian chair of rhetoric around 230 (Syll.3 2,845). Among N.’s writings, the Suda mentions an embassy speech to + Philippus Arabs, a collection of biographies and a mythographical ‘artificial presentation of themes’ (nerAaopévyn bxd0eois, peplasméné hypothesis) probably written for teaching purposes (about Cleopatra {I 4], the first virgin sent by the Locrians to Troy to expiate the sin of Ajax [2], cf. Apollod. Epitome 6,2022)

PIRN 74.

L.-M.G.

[3] N. of Colophon. Son of Anaxagoras, honoured by the Delphians by being appointed as proxenos because he composed a song in their honour: Syll.3 452, dated between

225 and 210 BC; ie., he lived late in the

3rd/early in the 2nd cent. BC and must be from N. [4], to whom he may have been may be possible to attribute the historical ian works related under the name of (Eveomtia,

OnPatxa,

Xtxedta,

differentiated related [1]. It and antiquarN. to N. [3]

Attwdixa,

Ktiuéerot,

Kohodwovaxd), but the chronology does not rule out that there was only a single poet of that name. Regarding the epigrams cf. [3]. 1G. PasQuatl, Nicandri, 1913 (in: Id., Scritti filologici,

vol. 1, 1986, 340-387)

2 A. CAMERON, Callimachus and

His Critics, 1995, 194-207

3 GA 1.1, 147; 2, 423-425.

SFO. [4] N. of Colophon. His dating was long uncertain because a poet of this name is mentioned in an honorary inscription from Delphi (3rd cent. BC; Syll.3 452; cf. N. [3], while the evidence relating to the author of the Thériaka and Alexipharmaka partially place him into the period of Attalus I (241-197 BC), partially of PtolemyV (205-180), and partially of Attalus III (138133)). Five verses of a hymn to Attalus preserved with the name of N. speak in favour of the first dating [6]. It is probable that two authors of that name existed: one

NICANDER

707

in the 3rd cent. and another around the turn of the 3rd to the 2nd cent. We have little more than the title or at most a few verses of the (historical?) geographical epics Evewmta (Europia, Europe?, at least 5 books) and Simedia (Sikelia, about Sicily, in several books: 7, 8 or 10?), the historical epic OnfPaixa (Théebaikd, on Thebes, at least 3 books) and the following works (it is not known if they are poetry or prose): AitwAtxd (Aitolikd, on Aetolia), Kuywuéouor (Kimmérioi, on the Cimmerians), Kohodwviaxé (Kolophoniakd, on Colophon), PA@ooat (Gléssai, Rare Words). It is difficult to determine if the two titles On Poets/On the Poets of Colophon refer to the same work or two separate works. Most of the historical works are often attributed to the older N., a ‘travelling poet’, while the two preserved short poems Thériakd and Alexiphdrmaka are attributed to the younger N., an author of didactic poems. However, A. CAMERON [6] assigned both (together with the majority of the works listed above) to the older N. and, therefore, followed (if one believes the Aratus vitas) the ancient assumption that > Aratus [4] and the author of Alexipharmaka and Theriakd were contemporaries. Thériakd (Onevaxd, 958 verses) discusses venomous

animals, the effects of various poisons and antidotes; the Alexipharmaka (AheEupaguaxa, 630 verses) discus-

ses poisons, poisonous draughts and their antidotes. Both document a type of > didactic poem, which resembles the Phaindmena of Aratus to the extent that there was no special significance to the content; the main goal was to rewrite two prose treatises by a certain Apollodorus (early 3rd cent. BC) in hexameter (according to the scholia, Thériaka also used the thematically identical didactic poem of + Numenius [1]). Another, lost work of the same N., Prognostika (Prognostics), is according to the Suda a hexametric paraphrase of the ps.-Hippocratic treatise of the same name. The other didactic poems to which N.’s name is attached, some of which are only known from fragments or their title, clearly show the author’s ambition to create a verse encyclopaedia: Gedrgikd (at least 2 books) on arable cultivation and gardening (a novelty?), surely a source of the Georgica of > Vergilius; Melissourgika, on

apiculture;

Heteroioumena,

Transformations

(at

least 4 or 5 books, the content can approximately be made out by means of excerpts in Antoninus Liberalis); Oitaika (at least 2 books), a geographical work on the region around Mount Oéete or (at least partially) the death of Hercules on Mount Oete; Ophiaka (on snakes, possibly using mythological figures that were bitten by snakes). Two additional titles are Ilegi yenotmotwv mavtwv (On Useful Medicines) and “Idoemv ovvaywyh (A Collection of Therapies). There is also evidence of two additional works that must respectively have discussed hunting and minerals. The effect of the Thériaka and Alexipharmaka in the ancient world was remarkable: It was due to their usefulness to a large public, the perfection of their verse (N.

708

was one of the most faithful recreators of the much sought-after harmonic principles of the Callimachean hexameter), and his able and innovative handling of language. N. skilfully put the most obscure zoological and toxicological terms into Homeric language and metre (as a result, the hapax legomena of the two short poems became a favourite hunting ground of the grammarians; N. himself created a collection of Gldssai). Among others, Theon and Plutarch commented on N.’ works. Reading the two poems is aesthetically frustrating for modern readers: N. received the catalogue-like uniformity of the model with indifference and even intensifies it in his versified treatises (characteristics of the poison, symptomology of its effect, antidote in the Alexiphdrmaka; in the Theriakd a description of the identification marks of various snakes and the symptoms of the effect of their bite). Digressions lose their effect as an enlivening aesthetic element and almost always only have a technical function (e.g., transition from one ‘chapter’ to the next). EDITIONS: 1 QO. SCHNEIDER, 1856 (with scholl.) 2 A.S. F. Gow, A. F. SCHOFIELD, 1953 (Thériakd, Alexipharmaka, selected frr.) 3 A. CRUGNOLA, 1971 (scholl. on

Thériaka) 4M. GeryMoNnAaT, 1974 (scholl. on Alexiphdarmaka). LITERATURE: 5A. CRUGNOLA, La lingua poetica di Nicandro, in: Acme 14, 1961,

119-152

6 A. CAMERON,

Callimachus and His Critics, 1995, 194-207 7 1. CazzaNIGA, L’Inno di Nicandro ad Attalo I, in: PdP 27, 1972, 369-396 8 B. Erre, Der Aufbau von Nikanders Theriaka und Alexipharmaka, in: RhM 117, 1974, 53-66 91d., Dichtung und Lehre, 1977, 56-65 10J. M. JACQUES, Nicandre de Colophon poéte et médecin, in: Ktéma 4, 1979, 133-149 11P. JAHN, Aus Vergils Dichterwerkstatte, in: RhM 60, 1905, 361-387 12 G. PAsQuatt, I due Nicandri, in: SIFC 20, 1913, 55-111

13 H. SCHNEIDER,

Vergleichende Untersuchungen zur sprachlichen Struktur der beiden erhaltenen Lehrgedichte des N. von Kolophon, 1962 14W. VotiGrarF, Nikander und Ovid, r909. MFA.

[5] N. of Thyatera in Lydia. Greek grammarian and glossographer (Steph. Byz. s.v. Ovdétetga), probably of the Hellenistic period. N. composed a work mentioned by Harpocration (s.v. Titaxidar and @veywvidar) On the Attic Demes (Megitay dyuwv; > Demos [2]) and (in at least 18 books: Harpocr. s.v. Zjgadoupetv) the glossographic work "EEnyyntime “Attixfic duahkéxtov that documents Attic terms for things, especially from comedies [15 2]. 1 FGrH 343

2 FHG 4, 462-463.

GR.DA.

[6] Priest (bierevs) or prophetés (> Prophet) of Apollo in > Delphi (Plut. De def. or. 51, 438b; de E 16, 391d-e). In Plutarch’s dialogue De E apud Delphos (Plut. De E 5, 386b-d), which is set in AD 66/7, N. presents the Delphic interpretation that the letter E(I), which is physically depicted in Delphi, is the initial word (Greek ei, ‘if’) of the questions presented to the god. This interpretation was propagated towards the

709

710

public but not given preference by Plutarch. This N. is presumably identical with the priest Tib. Claudius N., who is attested in an inscription (PIR* C 943) and probably took on Roman citizenship under the emperor Claudius [III 1] or Nero. His identification with the N., son of Euthydamus, mentioned in Plut. Mor. 965¢c, is improbable. Likewise, the N. mentioned in Plut. Mor. 37¢ surely is another. AN.BE.

orders (cf. Hyp. 1 (5),18). He may be identical with the

Nicanor (Nixavwo; Nikdnor). [1] Second son of > Parmenion. Under > Alexander [4]

the Great he led the hypaspistai of the > hetairoi in the major battles. During the pursuit of Darius [3], Alexander commanded him to pursue the Persian king with a group of riders who had given up their horses and the ~ Agrianes under Attalus [2] as fast as possible (Arr. Anab. 3,21,7-8). He died soon after (330 BC). His brother Philotas stayed behind with an escort for his funeral. BERVE 2, no. 554.

NICANOR

N. who was commander of Munychia under

> Cassan-

der, served as fleet commander and then was executed

by the latter. It is possible that he wrote a biography of Alexander (FGrH 146). EB. [6] Presumably an officer of Alexander [4] the Great

[1. 277 No. 5 59], then philos and stratégos of Ptolemy | who in 3119/8 BC conquered > Coele Syria and Phoenicia by the land route for Ptolemy (Diod. Sic. 18,43,2), presumably in co-operation with the fleet that Ptolemy himself commanded (App. Syr. 52). 1 BERVE, 2.

L. Mooren, The Aulic Titulature in Ptolemaic Egypt, 1974, 52 no. o1; J. SEIBERT, Untersuchungen Geschichte Ptolemaios’ I., 1969, 129ff.

zur

[7] Banker in > Oxyrhynchus about 250/40 BC, whose archive is preserved [1. 169ff.]. 1 P. M. Meyer (ed.), Griechische Papyrusurkunden der Hamburger Staats- und Universitatsbibliothek, 1911-

1924.

[2] One of the > hetairoi of > Alexander [4] the Great. In 327 BC he was entrusted with the administration of Alexandria in Parapamisus. In 326 he became satrap of the territory conquered west of the Indus, but was soon after killed in an uprising of the > Assaceni (Arr. Anab. 422,53 28,6; 5,20,7; cf. on this — improbably [2]). 1 BERVE 2,no. 556 2 A.B. Bosworty, A Historical Com-

mentary on Arrian’s ‘History of Alexander’, vol. 2, 1995, Bit.

[3] Fleet commander of > Alexander [4] the Great at the beginning of the Asian campaign, in 334 BC he blocked the port of Miletus, but had to give up his command when the fleet was dissolved immediately after. He may be identical with one of the officers of same name mentioned later. [4] Macedonian officer who was appointed satrap of — Cappadocia in 320 BC near Triparadeisos (Diod. 18,39,6). Under Antigonus [1] he fought against Eumenes [1] and was appointed by Antigonus the — strategos of the eastern satrapies (Diod. Sic. 19,100,3). After > Seleucus defeated him in 312 on the Tigris, he escaped (Diod. Sic. 19,92), but was then killed by him in Media (App. Syr. 55,278). [5] N. of Stageira (cf. Harpocration and Suda). Fellow citizen and perhaps a relative of + Aristotle [6], he was instructed by the latter together with > Alexander [4] in > Mieza and was appointed in Aristotle’s will (Diog. Laert. 5,12) as his son-in-law and guardian of his son. In mid—324 BC, N. was with Alexander and was sent by him to Greece to read out the decree regarding recalling the exiles at the Olympic Games (Diod. Sic. 18,8). The order became known beforehand and > Demosthenes [2] went to Olympia as the leader of the Athenian theoroi (> theoria, theoroi) to negotiate the effects on Athens with him. Athens (like other towns, e.g., Tegea, Syll.3 306, Z. 1) was permitted to send delegates to Alexander. N. also appears to have brought along other

N. Lewis, Greeks in Ptolemaic Egypt, 1986, 46ff.

wa.

[8] 1 and 2 Macc, and Iosephus [4] Flavius mention

high Seleucid functionaries from the period of the revolt of the Maccabees in the 2nd cent. BC, but their identity is disputed. Presumably, four persons are involved: (1) a representative in charge of royal revenues in Samaria (Ios. Ant. Iud. 12,261), (2) a commander of Cypriot mercenaries (2 Macc 12,2), (3) the son of Patroclus, ‘one of the foremost friends’ of the Seleucid

king Antiochus [6] IV, who was assigned to put down the Jewish uprising in 166-165 BC but failed in the battle of Emmaus (2 Macc 8; 1 Macc 3,38-41): cf. — Gorgias [3], and (4) a friend of > Demetrius [7] I, commander of the elephant corps and strategos in ludaea, who in March 16x BC lost the battle of Adasa and his life (1 Macc 7,26-43; 2 Macc 14,11-15,28). He may be identical with the confidant of Demetrius mentioned in Polybius (31,14,4). The day of his defeat, the 13th Adar, was celebrated in the Temple as the punishment of the blasphemer (1 Mace 7,48-50; 2 Macc 1563137) eass2icn 217i en On 1 B. BAR Kocuva, Judas Maccabaeus, 1989 2 A. SCHALIT, Namenworterbuch zu Flavius Josephus, 1968. KBR.

[9] N. of Cos. Greek grammarian and commentator on the poems of > Philetas (cf. schol. Theoc. 7,5-9 k), probably from the Hellenistic period. Although wrongfully (due to schol. Theoc. 7,5-9 0) considered a commentator of Theocritus [1. 74], it is probable that many more explanations regarding the island of Cos in the Theocritus scholia are attributable to N. than just his interpretation of the name of the spring of Burina taken from the Philetas commentary schol. Theoc. l.c.) [1. 128].

(Botewa/Bozrina;

1C. WenveL, Uberlieferung und Entstehung der Theokrit-Scholien, 1920.

711

Le,

[10] Greek grammarian from Cyrene (Ath. 7,296d Kal-

primarily served to facilitate the understanding of literary texts, but were also supposed to provide instructions for delivery because each sign was associated with a pause of a specific length [3. 119-123]. Because of its strong textual-philological orientation, N.’s punctuation system made little impression on later grammarlans. Other works by N. that extend beyond punctuation are the treatises Kmumdovpeva (‘Contents of Comic

NICANOR

BEL), probably from the Hellenistic period; author of Metonomasiai (“Name Changes’; 1 B.), which, along with changes in geographical names, discusses name changes of mythical persons (Melicertes is identical with Glaucus: Ath. loc.cit.) and places. This work was mentioned by Athenaeus, Harpocration and Stephanus of Byzantium [1] in the scholia on Apollonius [2] Rhodius. It cannot be ruled out with certainty that N. is identical with the Alexandrian grammarian of same name [12] who lived in the Hadrianic period [2. 274]. 1 FHG

3, 633-634

273-274.

2C. WENDEL, s.v. N. (26), RE 17, GR.DA.

[11] Equestrian tribunus militum in the army of Vespasian in Iudaea, who knew Flavius — losephus [4]. Therefore, he was sent by Vespasian in AD 67 to Josephus in Iotapata. N. succeeded in persuading Josephus to surrender to the Romans (Ios. Bell. Iud. 3,346ff.; 392). In 70, N. fought before Jerusalem (Ios. Bell. Iud. 5,261). PIR* N 276. W.E. [12] N. of Alexandria. Important Greek grammarian of the Hadrianic

period (1st half of the 2nd cent. AD;

Suda v 375 s.v. Nuxavoe; Steph. Byz. 35,11 s.v. *AOMBus). The focus of his grammatical studies was punctuation, which earned him the epithet 6 Stiypatiacg (ho Stigmatias, ‘the Punctuator’; Eust. 20, 12). N. dedicated two specialized treatises to this topic: Tegi

Poetry’), Megi to vag (‘On the Form 6nax’), which deals with questions related to krasis, and Tei vav-

otaOuov (‘On the Ship Camp’), which deals with questions related to the ship camp of the Greeks before Troy. All these works are known by their title from the Suda. Finally, Mei AdeEavdgeiag (“On Alexandria’, at least 2 books) is attested in Steph. Byz. 72,10 s.v "AdeEdvboeue [2. fr. 1]. EDITIONS:

1 O.CARNUTH, Nicanoris Hegi Odvoceaxtis

otvyufjs reliquiae emendatiores, 1875

Heroenzeit in den bT-Scholien zur Ilias (Zetemata

1976, 35-39

senschaft bei den Griechen und Romern, parts 1-2, 18901891; here 2, 351-354

274-277.

(comma expressive delivery), associated with broottyui) Gevutoxettos (Comma associated without ex-

pressive delivery) and txodiaotoAy — also Beayeta diaotoAy or simply dvaotoAh, a comma-like symbol, were intended for periods with hypotaxes. N.’s punctuation

62),

8 H. STEINTHAL, Geschichte der Sprachwis-

ti Suavoia (‘On Punctuation in Homer and the Resulting Differing Interpretations’) and Tegi otvypijs tis maou KadAuwdayo (‘On Punctuation in Callimachus’),

served; the best-known work of N. is his treatise on Homer. Because it originally was part of the > FourMan Commentary, numerous passages from the > Homer scholia (collected by [1] and [3]; the collection of the Iliad fragments supplemented by [4]) are attributable to his work. N. systematically presented his teachings on punctuation in the treatise Tegi otyptis ths xa0dA0u (‘On General Punctuation’, 6 books) for which there is also an epitome. The essentials of N.’ teachings are found in the scholia in Dion. Thrax, Ars grammatica, GG I 3, 26,4-28,8. Based on a system consisting of only two symbols, the tekeia ottyuy (period) and the bxoottyuy (comma), N. developed a highly differentiated punctuation model that comprised eight different otvypat (symbols). Five of these, the teheia otvypy (period), bxotedeia otvypy (‘subperiod’), nomtm, dSevtéga and teity &vw ottypy (first, second and third super-period), were intended for various forms of paratactic sentence combinations, while three, the bootiypi) Evudxeitos or LEO’ bmoxoiceMc

3L.

emendatiores, 1850 4 Scholiall. LITERATURE: 5 J. BAAR, Untersuchungen zur Terminologie der Iliasscholien, thesis Hamburg 1952 6 D. BLANK, Remarks on Nicanor, the Stoics and the Ancient Theory of Punctuation, in: Glotta 61, 1983, 48-67 7M. SCHMIDT, Die Erklarungen zum Weltbild Homers und zur Kultur der

OTLYUNS THS MAE’ “Ounew xai tis EF avTO@V StadoeEds Ev

both of which discuss problems related to punctuation. No fragments of the treatise on Callimachus are pre-

2FGrH 628

FRIEDLAENDER, Nicanoris Iegi TAvaxj¢ otvypijs reliquiae

9 C. WENDEL, s.v. N. (27), RE 17,

ST.MA.

Nicanor, Archive of. The Archive of Nicanor consists of a group of ostraca found in + Coptus (O.Petr. 220304; O.Bodl. Il 1968-1971; O.Brux.Berl. 7; > Ostrakon), which are dated between AD 6 and AD 62. These are receipts for transport services provided by the xaunritnc/kamelites (O.Petr. 225) Nicanor and his family or partner by camel between Coptus and Myos Hormos and Berenice [9] on the instruction of various

people. This was also the route by which trade was carried on between the Roman Empire and Arabia, Africa and India (Plin. HN 6,102—103). The goods mentioned

in the archive are, however, primarily for everyday consumption, e.g. grain, wine and oil, mostly serving for the provision of the two harbour cities. The texts also provide an important insight into the organizational structure of eastward and southward trade. The receipts often mention a recipient who received goods on the account of third parties. These recipients are intermediaries for wholesalers active in the eastward and southward trade, who busied themselves at the har-

bours with the transport of exported and imported goods. The Archive of Nicanor provides evidence of wholesalers with Roman, Greek and Egyptian names. Among their ranks was also one of distinguished rank, M. lulius Alexander (e.g. O.Petr. 266), probably the brother of the praefectus Aegypti Tib. lulius Alexander (+ Alexander [18]). Nicanor and his family also made deliveries to the hydreimata (Plin. HN 102; watering

713

714

stations) for the soldiers stationed in the eastern Egyptian desert (O.Petr. 245). >» India, trade with; Camel; > Caravan trade EDITIONS: 1 Ostraca in Prof. W.M. Flinders Petrie’s Collection at University College, London, 220-304, in: J. G. Tarr (ed.), Greek Ostraca in the Bodleian Library at Oxford 1, 1930 2 Id., CL. PREAux (ed.), Greek Ostraca in the Bodleian Library of Oxford 2, 1955, Nr. 1968-1971 3 P. VreRECK (ed.), Ostraka aus Briissel und Berlin, 1922.

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

1C. E. P. ADAms,

Supplying the

Roman Army: O. Petr. 245, in: ZPE 109, 1995, 119-124 2 A. Fuxs, Notes on the Archive of Nicanor, in: Journal of Juristic Papyrology 5, 1951, 207-216 3 K. RUFFING, Das Nikanor-Archiv und der rémische Siid- und Osthandel, in: MBAH

12,2, 1993, 1-26

4S. E. SIDEBOTHAM, Roman

Economic Policy in the Erythra Thalassa 30 B.C.-A.D. 217, 1986 (Mnemosyne Suppl. 91). K.RU.

Nicarchus (Nixaoyoc; Nikarchos). [1] Active at the beginning of the Fourth — Syrian War as one of + Antiochus [5] III’s generals. In 218 BC he took part in Antiochus advance into southern Syria at the occupation of the narrows on the River Lycus and later at the conquest of Rabbatamana (Rabbat ‘Ammon) and became commander of the garrison there. In the battle of Raphia in 217 he led the part of Antiochus’ phalanx whose weakness contributed to the downfall of the Seleucids (Pol. 5,68,9-11; 71,6-11; 79553 83,3; 85,10). 1B. Bar-Kocuva,

The Seleucid Army,

1976, 91, 1363

2 WILL, vol. 2, 37ff.; 3 F. ZAYADINE, La campagne d’Antiochos III le Grand en 2148-217 et le siége de Rabbatamana, in: RBi 97, 1990, 68-84. A.ME.

[2] New Comedy poet (c. 200 BC), included on the list

of victors at the Dionysia with one victory [1]. No trace of his works survives. VPCG 7.198955 7:

T.HI.

[3] Epigrammatist of the ‘Garland’ of Meleager [8]: it is certain that he was the origin of the epideictic epigram Anth. Pal. 9,330 to an ithyphallic Pan, probably also of the dedicatory epigram 6,285, even if it bears the unusual attribution Nixdexovu doxet (‘seems to be by N.’). In contrast, 6,31 is uncertain. These verses all fit well

with the post-Leonidean epigrammatics More difficult is the attribution of the grams 7,159, probably epigraphic (= GVI flute-player Telephanes (4th century BC?,

in Meleager. funerary epi1727), to the cf. Demosth.

omni Ale GA 1.1, 148f.; 2, 425-428.

[4] Epigrammatist, probably of Egyptian origin (cf. Anth. Pal. 11,18,5; 124,4), living in the Neronian period or soon after (second half of the rst century AD) in Rome. In the some 40 verses (almost all mocking epigrams from the anthology of - Diogenianus [2]) N. often imitates > Lucillius, when he gets human failings or inappropriate actions in his sights, but adding obscenity and crudity of language to the wit and technical agility of Lucillius.

NICEPHORIUS

F. BRECHT, Motiv- und Typengeschichte des griechischen Spottepigramms, 1930; J. GEFFCKEN, s.v. Nikarchos (5), RE 17, 278-280; V. Lonco, L’epigramma scoptico greco, 1967, 78-91.

M.G.A.

Nicarete (Nixagét/Nikarété). Daughter of a prominent family from Megara. Student of the philosopher + Stilpo (Ath. 13,596e). The sources present her as a courtesan of Stilpo (Diog. Laert. 2,114 acc. to Onetor) and of the orator Stephanus (Ath. 13,593f). Her love for Stilpo earned her ridicule from the comedian Crates [x] (Diog. Laert. 2,118). The association with Stephanus is believed to be based on mistaken identity (with -» Neaera [6]).

BO.D.

Nicator see > Seleucus

Nicentius [1] In AD 358, after occupying other, unknown offices, he became consularis Syriae. He was fined and dismissed by the praef. praet. Hermogenes [10] for failings in the supply of the army in Callinicum. He may have received a new office in 360 from the comes Orientis + Modestus [2]. N. was highly regarded by Libanius (Lib. Ep. 122; 193). PLRE 1, 628 no. 1. [2] Tribunus et notarius, lived in Mediolanum/Milan,

where he was said to be miraculously healed of gout by + Ambrosius (Ambr. Epist. 5; Paulinus of Milan, Vita Ambros. 44); possibly identical with the N. who was sent to Africa on ecclesiastical business in AD 377 (Cod. Theod. 16,6,2,1). PLRE 1, 628 no. 3. K.G.-A.

Nicephorium (Nixnddevow/Niképhorion). Town at the point where the Balih flows into the Euphrates. As a settlement, it succeeded Tuttul (Tall Bi‘a) and preceded the Arabic ar-Raqqa. Its founder is variously said to have been Seleucus I (App. Syr. 298), Alexander the Great (Plin. HN 6,119; Isidorus of Charax, Mansiones parthicae 1 GGM 1, 248) and, in Syrian sources, Seleucus II. In the middle of the 3rd cent. AD it was renamed Callinicum (or, in Greek, KaddMvinoc/Kallinikos). It was also briefly called Constantina and Leontopolis. Around this time, this important trading town (Amm. Marc. 23,3,7) became one of the official centres for the trade with Persia (Cod. lust. 4,63,4). After its capture by Chosroes [5] lin AD 5 42, it was refortified by Justinian (Procop. Aed. 2,7,17). Not. Dign. Or. 35,16 mentions that it was defended by a cavalry unit under the dux Oshroenae (> Osroene). M. AL KHALAF, K. KOHLMEYER, Untersuchungen zu arRaqqa-N./Callinicum, in: MDAI(Dam) 2, 1985, 133-162; E. F. WEIDNER, s.v. Nikephorion, RE 17, 309f. K.KE.

Nicephorius. According to Plin. HN 6,129 (Nikephorio) it was, along with the Parthenius, a major Arme-

nian tributary of the Tigris. According to Tac. Ann. 15,4,2 (Nikephorius), it flowed through > Tigranocerta. Its identification depends on the location of

NICEPHORIUS

715

716

Tigranocerta, which has hitherto been sought at Silvan (Martyropolis/Mayafarikin/Nprkert) [1]. But taking into account an Armenian historical work of the 2nd half of the 5th cent., called Buzandaran Patmut’iwnk’ 4,24 [2], it was rather at Arzan [3]. In the former case, the N. would be the Farkin Suyu, the right-bank tributary of the Batman Suyu flowing into the Dicle (Tigris), but this is hardly a ‘major Tigris tributary’. In the latter case, it would be the Garzan Su, which flows by the ruins of the great fortified town at Arzan.

18, 6-8). Because of this humiliation Antimachus destroyed his own poem. It remains uncertain whether N. can be identified with the rhapsodist in Aristot. Rhet. DAL alye

1 N. G. GarsoiAn, The Epic Histories Attributed to P’awstos Buzand (Buzandaran Patmut’iwnk’), 1989; 2C. F. LEHMANN-HaupPT, s.v. Tigranokerta, RE 6 A, 981-1007; 3 T. Stncrarr, The Site of Tigranocerta III, in: Revue des Etudes arméniennes 25, 1994/95, 183-254, esp. 202f.; 26, 1996/97, 51-118.

AP.-L.

Nicer. Right-hand tributary of the Rhine, modern Nekkar, whose course has changed many times, primarily around its mouth. From the La Téne period (> La Téne culture) the region was inhabited by Celts. In the early Imperial period the lower courses were settled by ElbeGermani, who gave their name to the civitas Ulpia Sueborum Nicrensium established around > Lopodunum (modern Ladenburg) from the time of Trajan. The region around its headwaters and the area between the Odenwald and the Rhine were secured by fortresses from the time of Vespasian, the middle N. possibly only from the time of Trajan (> Limes III. Germania). With the advance of the limes, all fortresses on the N. were

abandoned, and significant civil centres developed along the river, which was also used as a transport route, with a flourishing provincial culture. After the Roman withdrawal from regions on the right bank of the Rhine in about 260 AD the N.’s catchment basin was occupied by the > Alamanni. A. FRANKE, s.v. Nicer, RE 17, 173-178; PH. FILTZINGER e.a., Die Romer in Baden-Wirttemberg, +1986. RA.WI.

Niceratus (Nujoatoc; Nikératos). [1] Son of > Nicias [1]; learned reciter of Homer (Xen. Symp. 3,5; 4,6; Aristot. Rhet. 1413a). Athenian trierarch (> Trierarchy) in 410/409 BC (IG P 375,36). Of

the wealth his grandfather had acquired from silver mines and mine slaves, at the time of his murder by the Thirty (— Tridkonta) in 404/3 BC only 14 talents were left (Lys. 19,47; Xen. Hell. 2,3,39; Diod. 14,5,5). After

his murder his uncle Diognetus [1] interceded against the Thirty with the Spartan king > Pausanias by placing N.’s son on his knee (Lys. 18,6—-10). Davies, 405; TRAILL, PAA 710670.

K.KI.

[2] Epic poet, 5th century BC (cf. Marcellinus, Vita Thucydidis 29), lived at the court of Archelaus [1] of

Macedonia [2]. N. wrote a poem in honour of > Lysander [1] with which he defeated — Antimachus [3] of Colophon in the poetic agon at Samos in 401 during the Hera festival known as the Lysdndreia (Plut. Lysander

1SH 564-565 2A. CAMERON, Callimachus and His Critics, 1995, 196, 270 (with bibliography) 3 E. DIEHL, s.v. N. (2), RE 17, 313-314.

S.FO.

[3] Son of Euctemon, bronze sculptor from Athens. Since his son Micion was active as a sculptor around 216 BC, his period of creativity must fall in the second half of the 3rd century BC. On the basis of reconstructed or transmitted inscriptions, N. participated in monuments for the Attalids (> Attalus) in Pergamon. On Delos, after the death of > Philetaerus (263/2 BC), he created a multi-figure group of which the base survives, and a further monument together with — Phyromachus. The story of a group of Alcibiades with his sacrificing mother Demarate (Plin. HN 34,88) is presumably based on a statue of Alcibiades by Phyromachus anda scene with Demaratus and his mother by N., probably in Pergamum. Rome was later the destination of N.’s statues of Glaucippe and the poet > Telesilla and of Asclepius and Hygieia. OVERBECK, Nr. 917-920, 1341;J.Marcabf, Recueil des signatures de sculpteurs grecs, vol. 2, 1957, 79, 82; B. CONTICELLO, s.v. N., EAA 5, 1963, 475; F. COARELLI, I

complesso pompeiano del Campo Marzio e la sua decorazione scultorea, in: RPAA 44, 1972, 99-122; A. STEwarT, Attika, 1979, 7-25; STEWART, 302-303; P. Moreno, Scultura ellenistica, 1994, 262-265. RN.

Nicetas. Bishop, from Remesiana in Dacia mediterranea (modern Bela Palanka), died AD 414. Rediscovered in the late r9th cent., previously confused with Nicetas of Aquileia (died 485) and Nicetius of Trier (died after 561). He may be identical with bishop Nichas mentioned in a letter of 366/7 by Germinius of Sirmium (CPL 456). He was a friend of > Paulinus of Nola, whom he visited in January 400 and in 403 at the festival of the martyr Felix and who praised him in a > propemptikon as missionary and author of hymns (CPL 202; 203). According to Gennadius of Marseille (CPL

957), N. compiled a handbook to prepare catechumens for their admission to the catechumenate. It consisted of six libelli — not catecheses — of which only fragments have survived (CPL 647). N. also wrote Ad lapsam virginem, possibly identical with the letter De lapsu Suzannae (CPL 651, not 652). Furthermore, there are an anti-

Arianist text about the names of Christ (CPL 646), the fragment of a catechesis in the Annals of Lorsch and two sermons (CPL 647, 649). Although the manuscript suggests otherwise, the Te Deum (CPL 650) is not by N. Pace K. GAMBER N. is neither the author of > Ambrosius’ De sacramentis (CPL 154) nor identical with ~ Ambrosiaster. Ep1TIONs: A. E. Burn, Nicetas of Remesiana, 1906 (CPL 646-652); K. GAMBER, Nicetas von Remesiana, Instructio

ad competentes (Textus patristici et liturgici/TPL r), 1964;

718

717 Id., Weitere Sermonen ad competentes, 2 vols. (TPL 2/5), 1965 (CPL 647); Id., Nicetas von Remesiana, De lapsu Susannae (TPL 7), 1969 (CPL 651); F. UNTERKIRCHER, Das Wiener Fragment der Lorscher Annalen, 1967 (absent in CPL). BIBLIOGRAPHY: K. GAMBER, Die Autorschaft von De Sacramentis, 1967; Z. SENJAK, Nicetas von Remesiana,

Diss. Freiburg/Br. 1975; C. Rica, La figura di Niceta di Remesiana secondo la biografia Gennadiana, in: Augustinianum 24, 1984, 189-200; J.-P. BounHot, L’Instructio

ad competentes de Nicétas de Rémésiana, in: L. Hourz, J.-C. FREDOUILLE (eds.), De Tertullien aux Mozarabes, Festschrift J. Fontaine, vol. 1, 1992, 281-290. KU,

Nicetes (Nixétnc; Nikétés). [1] Greek rhetor active at Rome in the Augustan period,

known solely through several references by Seneca the Elder. Most of these report brief judgements and pithy remarks

on fictional disputes (Sen. Controv

Ts AOS AVALOS

1,4,12;

On W357 Ise Os) 5 Oak Ss) LOS 5323) wot aers

exemplify the peculiarity of his teaching method (ibid. 9,2,23: N. only declaimed himself, and did not listen to

students’ practice speeches) and indicate his evidently passionate and trenchant style, which much impressed the contemporary public and Seneca himself, whereas Tiberius, being a follower of > Theodorus, disapproved of it (Sen. Suas. 3,6f.). PIR N 82.

M.W.

[2] (Ti. Claudius?) N. Sacerdos, a rich sophist from Smyrna, according to Philostr. Soph. 1,19,511 the restorer of epideictic rhetoric, i.e. the first representative of the > Second Sophistic (on the name: Kiavdia Newtov/Klaudia Neikétou [Smyrna 595 = IGR 4, 1431, 23 was probably his daughter; Niceten Sacerdotem Plin. Epist. 6,6,3). N. was probably born too late to be the N. in Anth. Pal. 10,23 (Automedon), but he was already prominent at Smyrna when Nero (MSS of Philostr. Soph. 1,19, 512: Negovav, Néewva) referred the dispute of N. with a logistés (financial administrator) by the name of (Verginius?) Rufus to the law-court of this same Rufus, who at the time (AD 67-68) was legate in Gaul [1]. Pliny the Younger (Plin. Epist. 6,6,3) heard N. around AD 79 at Rome, where his reputation in the province of Asia (Philostr. loc. cit.) was already known at the time of the fictional date of Tacitus’ Dialogus (x5,3: around AD 75). N. was the teacher of — Scopelianus; his writings were published by Heraclides [21] (Philostr. Soph. 1,149,512; 21,516; 518). 1 J. C. FANT, The Choleric Roman Official of Philostratus, Vitae Sophistarum p. 512, in: Historia 30, 1981, 240-243 2 PIR N 83. E.BO.

Nicias (Nuxiac; Nikias). [1] Son of Niceratus of Athens, born c.470 BC, died 413; one of the most important commanders in the >

Peloponnesian War. After the death of — Pericles, N. competed with > Cleon [1] for influence in the popular assembly and the assignment of military commands.

NICIAS

His policy was directed towards ending the aggressive Athenian politics of expansion and towards reconciliation with Sparta. From 427, N. was regularly elected — stratégos. He led expeditions against Minoa [4] (427) when it was besieging the coast of Megara [2], against Tanagra (426), Corinth (425), and the island of Cythera (424). In 425 after spirited debate in the > ekklesia he transferred command of the siege of the 420 Spartans trapped on the island of Sphacteria to Cleon (Thuc. 4.28). In these undertakings N. acted with circumspection and care; he neither suffered serious defeats nor did

he achieve any spectacular victories. The armistice with Sparta concluded in 423 was as much due to his initiative as was the peace treaty of 421 named after him (‘Peace of Nicias’), which was intended to restore the status quo prevailing before the war (Thuc. 5.18). In subsequent years N. always stood for respect for this agreement; he opposed an alliance with Argos and the ambitious plans of - Alcibiades [3] to intervene first in the Peloponnese and later in Sicily. In the debate on the Sicilian Expedition, however, he was unable to prevail: the people voted for the plan, and chose N. with > Lamachus and Alcibiades to command the undertaking (Thuc. 6.8—14). Alcibiades having been recalled on suspicion of participation in the mutilation of the Herms (> Herms, mutilation of) and profanation of the mysteries (415), N. and Lamachus operated very successfully after initial difficulties. They succeeding in laying siege to > Syracuse and almost forcing it to capitulate. Then, however, the fortunes of war changed. Lamachus fell in battle, the Spartan > Gylippus led a force to support the Syracusans, and N. was no longer sufficiently decisive in advancing the war. He eventually asked the Athenians in a letter to relieve him owing to severe illness, and to send a further army to reinforce the decimated troops (Thuc. 7.10-15). Demosthenes [x], who arrived in 413 with the reinforcements, was no longer able to save the situation. Now N. could not bring himself to agree to a retreat, as he feared being accused in the popular assembly. It was only after a severe defeat that he allowed himself to be persuaded, and attempted to escape with his army overland. But his troops were overwhelmed at the river Assinarus; N. surrendered and was later executed in Syracuse (Thuc.

7.84-86). As leaseholder of silver-mines and owner of some

1,000 slaves, N. was extraordinarily wealthy (Xen. Vect. 4.14). He made lavish use of his riches in order to further his political career, repeatedly undertaking > choregia and financing magnificent processions and costly offerings (Plut. Nicias 3). He nevertheless did not succeed in winning lasting influence with the people, as he seemingly lacked charisma. Unlike other politicians such as Cleon and Alcibiades, his ambition and the urge for constant interaction with the ekklesia did not move him to ever bolder actions. N., always wary of accusations, rather feared the popular assembly, and so in the course of his career became ever more careful and hesitant.

719

720

Davies, 10808; K.-W. Wetwet, Das klassische Athen, 1999, 174ff.; 207ff.; H. D. WesTLakg, Individuals in Thucydides, 1968, 86ff.; 169ff.

[4] N. of Miletus; 3rd cent. BC physician and poet, a fellow pupil of > Erasistratus and friend of > Theocritus. Besides an epigram (8 Gow) to a statue erected by N. in honour of Asclepius, Theocritus dedicated eidyllia rr and 13 to N., and 28 to N.’s wife. N. responded to Theocr. 11 with a poem (SH 566). We also have eight four-line epigrams by N. (not by him:

NICIAS

[2] A prosperous Athenian who was prosecuted and banished under the 30 Tyrants (> Triakonta). In 403 BC, N. sued his cousin Euthynus for the return of a sum

of money he had deposited with him (Isoc. Or. 21). E.S-H. [3] N. of Athens; a contemporary of the sculptor > Praxiteles and of > Alexander [4] the Great (2nd half of the 4th cent. BC); along with > Apelles [4] the most important Greek painter of the Late Classical period. In respect of his works we have only written sources and echoes in a few supposed copies in Pompeiian > murals The artist, described as having a mania for work (Ael. VH 3.33), was widely versatile in his choice of themes, design and motif, genres, media, and artistic techniques (Plin. HN 35.27; 38; 130ff.). His expensive works (Plin. HN 35.132) reached far-flung corners of the Greek world; some of them were later plundered as booty of war from their original locations and e.g. placed on public display during the Roman Imperial Period. The high regard in which the prosperous painter was held is attested to by the fact that he was buried alongside important Athenians in the city’s Dipylon cemetery (Paus. 1.29.15). N. painted the likenesses of gods and heroes, mythological scenes, battles, portraits of famous contemporaries, personifications, animal pictures, funerary paintings, and a celebrated > Odysseus’ journey to Hades. Particularly marked was the care he devoted to the portrayal of women, probably in part a characteristic treatment of flesh tones. Behind N.’s particular style it is possible to discern a classically conservative contemporary taste: only sublime subjects could be represented. Many small-scale works were painted in encaustic (— Encaustic (painting)), but the

large-scale paintings also attested for him may have been executed in tempera; he also used pigments that were unknown up to that time. It would appear that to his painterly accomplishments must also be added an excellent mastery of the practice, widespread in antiquity, of painting marble statues in vibrant colours (> Polychromy); Praxiteles especially valued his collaboration. Stylistically, N.’s work was characterised by the particular plasticity of his subjects, no doubt achieved by superbly refined modelling of light and shadow (> Skiagraphia). I. BALDASSARE, A. ROUVERET, Une histoire plurielle de la

peinture Grecque, in: M.-CH. VILLANUEVA-PuIG, Céramique et peinture grecques, 1999, 219-231; G. BEcaTTI,

s.v.N. (2), EAA 5, 1963, 476-482; F. FELTEN, s.v. Nekyia, LIMC 8.1, 876 Nr. 24; V. VON GRAEVE, F. PREUSSER, Zur

Technik griechischer Malerei auf Marmor, in: JDAI 96, 1981, 120-156; N. Hoescn, Bilder apulischer Vasen und

ihr Zeugniswert fiir die Entwicklung der griechischen Malerei, 1992, 161f.; I. SCHEIBLER, Griechische Malerei der Antike, 1994; B. WESENBERG, Zur Io des N. in den pompejanischen Wandbildern, in: M. ScHMrpT (ed.), Kanon: Festschrift E. Berger, 1988, 344-350. N.H.

Anth. Pal. 11.398) from the ‘Garland’ of Meleager [8]

(Anth. Pal. 4.1.19f.); almost all are dedicatory inscriptions that show a certain skill, if not the excellence féted

by Theocr. 11.6 and 28.7. GA 1.1, 149-151; 2, 428-434; K. J. GUTZWILLER, Poetic Garlands, 1998, 54, 57-58, 71, 228.

M.G.A.

[5] A writer of comedies from the 3rd cent. BC; victor at the Lenaea. Perhaps to be identified with N. [4], the physician and poet from Miletus to whom Theocr. 11 and 13 are dedicated. 1 PCG 7, 1989, 37.

B.BA.

[6] N. ‘the conspirator’. According to Aulus > Gellius [6] (Gell. 3.8), citing > Claudius [I 30] Quadrigarius, during the war against + Pyrrhus, N. is supposed to have offered to kill his friend the king for payment. The consuls for 278, C. > Fabricius [I 3] and Q. > Aemilius [I 30], who informed Pyrrhus of the plot ina letter, indignantly refused the offer. In > Valerius Antias’ version, shared by Gellius, the conspirator is called Timochares. Other variants of this name appear in later accounts of the same episode. Liv. 42.47.6 is the first extant source to maintain that N. was a physician, which is supposed to have made the betrayal all the worse; other authors who take up this morally coloured story (e.g. Frontin. Str. 4.4.2; Plut. Pyrrhus 21.1), follow him or his sources. VN. [7] N. Soter (Middle Indian Nikia). Indo-Greek king,

probably in Gandhara at the beginning rst cent. BC; known only from his coinage. BOPEARACHCHI, 107f., 311f.

of the KK.

[8] Tyrant ruling on > Cos by the favour of the triumvir M. Antonius [I 9] between c. 40 and 31 BC. Prior to his

political career, N. was probably in Rome from 62; he received citizenship and associated with Pompey, Memmius [I 3], and Cicero, who also esteemed the epicurean bon-vivant [1.25] as a scholar (text on Lucilius [I 6]; Suet. Gram. 14; Cic. Att. 7.3.10; 12.26.2 et passim; on identification of the grammaticus Curtius [I 4] Nicias with N. cf. [2. 206-8]). N. returned to his homeland with P. Cornelius [I 29] Dolabella. It is scarcely possible to discern the outlines of his rule (according to [2. 215]: ‘a left-leaning democratic regime’), which brought Cos through the vicissitudes of those years relatively unscathed; N. asserted himself against his (aristocratic?) opponent Theormnestus (Str. 14.2.19), co-operated with the regular community magistrates, and bore the honorific title ‘Son of the people ’[3. 141-145; 332f.]. His monument was devastated: cf. the epigram of ~ Crinagoras (Anth. Pal. 9.81). He nevertheless survives in miraculous folk tales (Ael. VH 1.29).

ror

Vind

1R. Syme, Who was Vedius Pollio?, in: JRS 51, 1961, 23-30 2R. HeErRzoG, Nikias und Xenophon von Kos, in: HZ

125, 1922, 189-247

3S. M. SHERWIN-WHITE, An-

cient Cos, 1978; R. BERNDT, Cicero und der Grammatiker Nicias, in: PhW 35, 1915, 955-960; G. W. BOWERSOCK,

Augustus and the Greek World, 1965, 45f.; H. BERVE, Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen, 1967, vol. 1, 43 8f.; vol. 2, 727. T.ER.

[9] Greek grammarian, probably to be identified with Cicero’s contemporary — Curtius [I 4] Nicias from Cos, the tyrant of Elis installed in 41/40 BC by Antonius [I 9] (cf. Cic. Fam. 9.10.2) [23 3. 190-216; 4. 55-56]. His comments on Homer cited in Herodianus’ Home-

riké prosoidia [5. 22-165] concerned themselves exclusively with questions of prosody, probably owing to the nature of the mediation (exception: in schol. Hom. Od. 23.218 N. deals with questions of authenticity). FRAGMENTS: 1R. BERNDT, Die Fragmente des Grammatikers Nicias, in: PhW 30, 1910, 508-512, 540-542. Literature:

NICOCLES

1J. Lancet, Suburbures et Nicibes: une inscription de Tigisis, in: Libyca 3, 1955, 289-298. AAA, BI. 26, nr. 161; J. DESANGEs, Catalogue des tribus africaines ..., 1962, 124f.; Idem, Pline |’Ancien. Histoire

naturelle. Livre V, 1-46, 1980, 338f.; E. LipINskI, s.v. N’Gaous, DCPP, 314. W.HU.

Nicochares (Nimoydens; Nikochdrés). Comic poet of the 5th/4th cents. BC, from the Attic Cydathenaeum demos. Son of the comedian > Philonides [r. test. 1 and 2]. 28 fragments and 9 titles are preserved, of which 7 are mythological (Ayauéuvwv, ‘Auuumvyn ) Tléedow, Tokateta, “Heaxdis yauav, Hoaxats yoonyos, Adxnwvec, Ajjuvuat). With the Adxwvec, he competed against + Aristophanes’ [3] second Thottog in 388; his Tahateva dates from the same period [2. 203]. 1 PCG7, 1989, 39-49

2 H.-G. NESSELRATH, Die attische

Mittlere Komédie, 1990.

B.BA.

2R. BERNDT, Cicero und der Grammatiker

Nicias, in: PhW 35, 1915,955-960 3 R. HERzoG, Nikias und Xenophon von Kos, in: HZ 125, 1922, 189-247 4 J. CuristTes, Sklaven und Freigelassene als Grammatiker und Philologen im antiken Rom, 1979 5 GG 3.2, 1868. GR.DA.

Nicides (Nuxidyc/Nikidés). Son of Phoenicides, of the demos of Melite (IG I 422 col. Ill, 212; 216; 424,176. 426 col. II, 75; And. 1,12f.: Nikiades). In 415 BC, he

was condemned to death in absentia in a sacrilege case (see > Mutilation of the Herms) upon denunciation by Andromachus; his property was sold (IG, ibid.). ~» Alcibiades [3]; > Meletus [1] Davies, 408; TRAILL, PAA 713050.

K.KI.

Nicippus (Nixwtmoc/Nikippos). Messenian oligarch, who enforced neutrality as éphoros (> éphoroi) against a popular majority, when > Philippus V sought to win Messene to his Hellenic League against Aetolia in 220 BC. Because > Messene was also the reason for the involvement of the league, Polybius denounced this position (4,31,2f.; 32,1; 36,8) [1. 424f.]. 1B. Nrese, Geschichte der griechischen und makedonischen Staaten, vol. 2, 1899. BO.D.

Nicocles (Nixoxdt\¢; Nikoklés). [1] King of > Salamis on > Cyprus, son and, from 374/373 BC, successor of > Euagoras [1] I. (Diod. Sic. 15,47,8). N. died, probably together with Strato of Sidon, in the so-called Uprising of the Satraps, the main phase of which took place c. 362-360 B.C. Although N. continued the philhellenic policies of his father (— Philhellenism), Hellenistic forms of sovereignty and way of life already announced themselves in N., since > Isocrates and the polis-Greeks seem to have found his Greekness to be ‘orientally decadent’, which is probably why Isocrates dedicated to him three speeches with an educational goal (or. 2; 33 9; Theopomp. FGrH 115 F 114 and Anaximen. FGrH 72 F 18). [2] Last king of > Paphus on Cyprus (before 321-306 B.C.), ally from 321 of > Ptolemaeus I against > Perdiccas. N’s inscriptions are still syllabic (cf. > Cyrpiot Script ), but one is already written in the Greek alphabet. He may have been the founder of the harbor site ‘New Paphus’ (Arr. Succ. 15-24,6). [3] Scion of a dynastic race from > Soloi on Cyprus, he belonged to the group of Cyprians who were named by ~ Alexander [4] the Great in 326 on the Hydaspes as trierarchs of the Indus fleet (Arr. An. 6,2,2; Arr. Ind.

18,8).

— Cyprus

Nicives (NioiBec/Nisibes). According to Plin. HN 5,29f., the N. were a people in Africa Proconsularis. A boundary stone from the time of Vespasian [1. 289f.] locates them in the ager publicus of > Cirta. According to Ptol. 4,3,24 the N. lived in the south of Numidia (+ Numidae) near the Nattabutae and Miaedioe. Later they were to be found in the region of N’Gaous (Nicivibus), 80 km south of Sétif. For the year AD 411 an episcopus Niciuensis is attested (acta concilii Carthaginiensis anno 411 habiti 1,201). Inscriptions: AE 1969-1970, 696.

F. G. Mater, Cyprus and Phoenicia, in: CAH 6, 19947, 297-336.

P.HO.

[4] Last of the Hellenic tyrants of Sicyon. He came to power by murdering > Paseas in 251 B.C. and is traditionally depicted as a cruel tyrant. After four months, — Aratus [2], with the help of other exiles and with the support of Argos, freed the city of the tyranny in a surprise attack, from which N. escaped (Plut. Aratus 3-9; Rolacs43. Cc, Ol, oesir). H. BERVE, Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen, 1967, 394-396.

J.co.

NICOCLES

724

e)

[5] N. of Sparta. Greek grammarian, c. 310-c. 388 AD, teacher of the emperor Julian (+ Julianus [11]) at Con-

mis, in: Chiron 4, 1974, 103-125; A. MEHL, Zypern und die grofen Machte im Hellenismus, in: AncSoc 26, 1995,

stantinople, where he achieved political influence and standing through his activity. Our main source for his life and work is > Libanius, who addressed many letters to N. and mentions him several times in his other works. Libanius presents N. as an outstanding teacher and a fine person, emphasizing his erudition in grammar, rhetoric, and philosophy. No works or traces of such have been preserved.

93-132.

W.A.

Nicodamas (Nixodcmac/Nikodamas). A — pygmy, husband of > Oenoe [1] who refused to worship Artemis and Hera and as a punishment was turned into a crane (Antoninus Liberalis 16). She was also called — Gerana (Ath. 9,393e). TK:

Wotr, Vom Schulwesen der Spatantike. Studien zu Liba-

Nicodamus (Nixodapuoc/Nikodamos). Aetolian, whose brave attack on the Romans besieging Ambracia in 189 BC failed because > Nicander [2], contrary to expectations, failed to arrive with reinforcements (Liv.

nius, 1952, 37-39.

38,5,6-103 38,6,5-7).

1R. A. KasTeR, Guardians of Language, 1988, 202-204 and 317-321 (Nr. 106)

352

2 R. Laqueur,s.v. N. (9), RE 17,

3 W.STEGEMANN, s.v. N. (10), RE 17, 352-356

4 P. ST.MA.

Nicocreon (Nixoxoéwv/Nikokré6n). [1] N. plotted unsuccessfully against > Evagoras [1],

L.-M.G.

Nicodemus (Nixodywoc; Nikodémos).

BO.D.

[1] Athenian from Aphidna, prosecutor of Demosthenes [2] (Aeschin. 2,148), friend of Meidias [2] and of Eubulus [1], was killed by Aristarchus, the son of Moschus (Idomeneus FGrH 338 F 12) in 352 BC: [2]; (according to [1. 112] and [3. 9-12] the preferred date is more likely after 349 BC), for which deed Meidias held Demosthenes responsible (also [1. 102-105]; Aristot. Rh. 1397b 7 see [2]).

he succeeded as the

1 SCHAFER, vol. 2; 2 H. E. Stier, s.v. Nikodemos (2), RE 17, 347; 3D. M. MacDoweELt (ed.), Demosthenes,

king of the town of > Salamis on Cyprus in 332/1 BC. He was the brother of the trierarch Nitaphon (Arr. Ind.

Against Meidias (Orat. 21), 1990 (with tr. and comm.); 4PA 10868. BO.D.

the king of Salamis on Cyprus (Theopompos FGrH 115 F 103,12), and had to flee (around 375 BC). N.’s daughter became the mistress of Evagoras and of the heir to the throne, > Pnytagoras. According to [1. 99-101] the result of this union was the future king Pnytagoras II, whose son was — Nicocreon [2]. 1 BELOcH, GG 4,2

2 LGPN 1, 335, nr. 1.

[2] Son of + Pnytagoras, whom

18,8; or one and the same person?). N. claimed to be

descended from Aeacus. He was in Tyre with Alexander [4] the Great (Plut. Alexander 29,2f.; cf. Arr. Anab. 2,22,2?). After 321 he was allied to > Ptolemy I (Arr. FGrH 156 F 10,6) and renewed the alliance in 315 (Diod. Sic. 19,59,1; 19,62,5). When struggling with + Antigonus [1], Ptolemy made N. > stratégds of Cyprus in 313, with extended powers (Diod. 19,79,5). This made him a subject of Ptolemy’s. N. died in 3 11/310 (FGrH 239 B 17; Diod. 20,21 does not refer to him but to Nicocles [2] of Paphus). N. was responsible for the death of the philosopher + Anaxarchus. There were dedications from N. in Argos (several bronze shields as prizes in the Heraea [r. 38]) and Delphi (Ael. NA. 11,40), probably also on Delos (IG XI 2, 161 B 54 and 90), where he was > proxenos (IG XI 2, 199 B 87). Together with other Cypriot kings N. is mentioned on a list of theorodokoi from Nemea (see > theoria, theorot) (SEG 36,331). According to Macrobius (Macrob. Sat. 1,20,16f.) N. asked — Sarapis, what kind of god he was: even if the answer is genuine, the preserved pantheistic answer is not [2. 27ff.]. Coins: HN 744; BMC, Gr, Cyprus p. CXIII 64;

[2] An Achaean from Elis, who as a vassal of — Philopoemen supported, in Rome, the measures of the Achaean League against Sparta from 187/6 to 186/5 BC (Polizia4s 227. 5)ilciae aol. 1 J. DEININGER, Der politische Widerstand gegen Rom in Griechenland, 1971. L.-M.G.

[3] Writer of comedies of the 2nd cent. BC, is known only from epigraphic evidence. He was twice victorious at the Lenaea. 1 PCG 7, 1989, 50.

B.BA.

[4] Nicodemus from Heraclea (Bithynia): writer of epigrams, his dates are unknown though possibly from the 1st or 2nd cent. AD ([2], cf. however FGE 542); author of nine so-called anacyclic or palindromic poems which can also be read backwards (— Palindrome; Anth. Pal. 6,3 14-320, 3233 9,53): descriptions of art works in a simple and unsophisticated style. 1 FGE 541-545; Studien zum

2M. LausBere, Das Einzeldistichon.

antiken Epigramm,

1982, 174,

196-198,

466; 3 A. CAMERON, The Greek Anthology from Meleager to Planudes, 1993, 123, 273. M.G.A.

[3. 58]. 1 Moretti, vol. 1 2.1L. VipMan, Isis und Sarapis, 1970 3 O. MORKHOLM, Early Hellenistic Coinage, 1991. R. BAGNALL, The Administration of the Ptolemaic Posses-

sions outside Egypt, 1976, 39ff.; BERVE, vol. 2, nr. 568; H. GescHE, Nikokles von Paphos und Nikokreon von Sala-

Nicodemus, Gospel of see > New Testament Apocrypha

725

726

Nicodorus (Ni6dweocd/Nikddoros) from Mantinea; he was of noble birth and a successful athlete who was on the one hand compared as a great ‘legislator’ to -» Solon, and on the other hand connected with the notorious atheist > Diagoras [2] of Melos (Ael. VH. 2,23; Eust. ad Hom. Od. p. 1860,52ff.). We do not know whether he was the originator of a moderately democratic constitution initiated in 425 or 423 BC in Mantinea (Aristot. Pol. 6,2,1318b 21ff.) [1. rorff.].

was in the king’s entourage. He successfully mediated between Agrippa and the inhabitants of Ilium (F 134) and spoke up for the interests of the Jews of Asia Minor

1 H.-J. GEHRKE, Stasis, 1985. K.-J.

H6LkesKamp,

Schiedsrichter,

Gesetzgeber

und

Gesetzgebung im archaischen Griechenland, 1999, 203.

K.-].H.

Nicolaus (Nixoi\aoc/Nikolaos). [1] Aetolian, > stratégds of > Ptolemy IV in > Coele Syria. In 219 BC, he unsuccessfully besieged the dissident > Theodotus in Ptolemais, but succeeded in preventing the encirclement of > Dora by > Antiochus [5] Ill. Made supreme commander in 218, he occupied the coastal pass north of Sidon, but was repelled by Antiochus at the Damuras river. N. then probably defected to Antiochus, whom he accompanied in 209 to Hyrcania (Pol. 10,29,6 — if the identification is correct, cf. 5,70,10; Pol. 5,61,8f.; 66,1; 68,5-11; 69,2-11). B. Bar-Kocuva, The Seleucid Army, 1976, 144f.; M. Lau-

NEY, Recherches

sur les armées hellénistiques, *1987,

186f.; PP VI 15231.

W.A.

[2] Comedian, probably of the 2nd cent. BC; possibly identical with the actor of same name who was victorious at the Dionysia in 157 [1. 51]. Three untitled fragments are preserved, including a 45-verse section (fragment r) in which a parasite lectures on the origins of his art and on true and false parasites [2. 317]. 1 PCG7, 1989, 51-54 2 H.-G. NEssELRATH, Die attische Mittlere Komédie, 1990. B.BA.

[3] N. of Damascus. Versatile Greek author, confidant and court historian of > Herod [1] the Great (= H.), to

whom his rhetorical, poetic and philosophical studies linked him. N. was later in the service of the emperor -» Augustus, whose favour he enjoyed (FGrH 90 T 1). A. Lire

B. Works

A. LIFE

N. was born c. 64 BC as the son of of Stratonice and Antipater, a highly respected politician of Damascus (cf. PIR* A 748). He received a broad education, embraced the Peripatetic philosophy (— Peripatos; > Aristotle [6]) and made contact with the leading figures of his day. He became the teacher of the children of Antonius [I 9] and Cleopatra [II 12] (FGrH 90 T 2), either before (so JAcoBy in [r. 229]) or after [5. 780; 6. 204] the death of Cleopatra in 30 BC. At an uncertain date, he assumed an advisory role with H., who engaged him on several diplomatic assignments (F 136). By 14 BC at the latest, when H. met Agrippa [1] in Asia Minor, he

NICOLAUS

(T 4, F 8x and 142). He accompanied H. on his last

journey to Italy, probably in 12 BC (F 135). After H. had fallen into disfavour with Augustus for his unauthorized Arabian campaign in 8/7 BC, N. brought about a reconciliation (F 136). When Herodes [3] Archelaus travelled to Rome in 4 BC seeking recognition for his succession to the throne, N. interceded with Augustus on his behalf (F 136). Thereafter, N. lived at Rome for a long period (F 138), possibly for the rest of his life. The date of his death is unknown. B. WorKS 1. Historiai in 144 books. This synchronistic world history inspired by Herod ranged from the origins to H.’s death in 4 BC [7] and was the most voluminous compilation of universal history since — Ephorus. It was used by - Strabo (F 100), Flavius + Iosephus [4] and -» Athenaeus [3] (F 74; 78; 80). Only books 1 - 7 are represented in the Constantinian excerpts. They discuss the Ancient Orient (Assyrians, Medes, Lydians, Persians) and early Greek history (F 1-102). The main sources for the Orient were > Ctesias and > Xanthus, for Greece Ephorus and Hellanicus [1]. There are considerable differences of opinion among scholars about N.’s method and use of sources (cf. [8;9; 10. 244-246]).

Only a few quotes are preserved from books 8-144. Books 123 and 124, on which Jos. Ant. lud. 14,1-17,12 are based, contained the history of H. The account was biased and panegyric, as Josephus (Ant. Iud. 16,184) emphasized (cf. also F 96, rorf.). Nevertheless, N. was a primary source of first rank on this subject because he included his personal experiences and used the royal Hypomnemata (+ hypomnéma; Herodes FGrH 236). N.’ highly dramatic description of the monarch’s family history is also a prime example of peripatetic historiography. 2. Ethon synagogé (‘Collection of mores’) was dedicated to H. and described strange customs of peoples in the manner of the > Peripatos (cf. F 103-124, all fr. in Stobaeus).

3. Peri tou biou tou Kaisaros Augustou (‘The Life of Emperor Augustus’; [2]), an apologetic-panegyric vita

of > Augustus, mainly based on his autobiography, which extends to 25 BC. Fr. F 125-130, which are only preserved in the Constantinian excerpts. It discusses the youth, education and career of Octavian until his return from + Apollonia, and also the conspiracy and murder of Caesar and the rivalry of Octavian and Anthony [I 9]. It concludes in 44 BC with Octavian’s journey to Campania, where he raised an army among Caesar’s veterans. The actual end point of the work is unknown and even its dating remains disputed. It fluctuates between 25 and 20 BC (thus JacoBy in [1. 261-264]) and AD 14 [r1. 133ff.; 12. 199-206]; on this text in general cf. [13;

14. 389-401; 15].

NICOLAUS

728

oh

4. Peri tou idiou biou kai tes heautou agoges (‘His Own Life and Personal Development’), an autobiography with encomiastic character. N. describes his life as

in: Jahrbuch des Bismarckgymnasiums Karlsruhe 1991/2,

putting Aristotelian ethics into practice (F 131-139) and compares it with a ‘journey to his own hearth’ (F 132). This work also provides information on the contemporary education system. 5. Tragedies and comedies (cf. F 132), all of which are lost. 6. The philosophical writings of N. are known from fragments in Greek (in Porphyrius, Simplicius), and from texts of the Syrian and Arabic region, where N., who was often described as a philosopher in Antiquity, (cf. T 1 and 2) was highly valued. A heavily damaged Cambridge ms. (from about 1400) contains a Syriac translation with scholia and glosses of N.’s work ‘On the Philosophy of Aristotle’ (Peri tés Aristotélous philosophias; Books 1-5; [3]). The manual-like presentation contains paraphrases and explanations of the works of Aristotle, e.g. physics, metaphysics and the doctrine of the soul. The treatise on metaphysics is the first work on this topic since > Eudemus [3] and was studied by Averroes. Also, N. wrote a study on Aristotle’s treatise ‘On Plants’. This text is preserved in the Aristotelian corpus under the same name, and is presumably a back-translation from Latin, which by detour of an Arab version of the 9th cent., that was also

[4] N., Saint. According to legend ([{1]; many texts in

translated into Hebrew, and an earlier Syriac transla-

tion was based on the (lost) treatise of N. (see [4]). N. also wrote the treatises ‘On the Universe’, ‘On the Gods’, ‘On Beauty in Practical Life’, which are only preserved in a few fragments. It appears that N. played a leading role in the history of the reception of Aristotle. ~ Agrippa [1]; > Aristotle [6]; Augustus; > Biography I.C.; + Herodes [1] EDITIONS: 1FGrH 90 with commentary 2 B. SCARDIGLI, P. DELBIANCO, Nicolao di Damasco, Vita di Augusto, 1983 (Italian translation and commentary) 3H. J. Drossaart LuLors (ed.), On the Philosophy ofAristotle:

Fragments of the First Five Books/Nicolaus Damascenus, 1965 (Syric text, English translation and commentary; reprint 1969; with bibliography) 4 Id., E. L. J. POORTMANN (ed.), Nicolaus Damascenus, De plantis (Aristoteles Semitico-Latinus 4), 1989 (with bibliography). BIBLIOGRAPHY: 5 F. STAHELIN, s.v. Kleopatra (20), RE II, 750-781 6H. VOLKMANN, Kleopatra, 1953 7M. TOHER, The Terminal Date of Nicolaus’ Universal History, in: The Ancient History Bulletin 1, 1987, 135-138 8 R. LAQUEUR, s.v. Nikolaus (20), RE 17, 362-424 9M. TOHER, On the Use of Nicolaus’ Historical Fragments, in: Classical Antiquity 8, 1989,

159-172

10 O. LENDLE, Ein-

fihrung in die griechische Geschichtsschreibung, 1992, 244-246 11 W. STEIDLE, Sueton und die antike Biographie (Zetemata 1), 1951 12 M. ToHER, The Date of Nicolaus’ Bios Katsaros, in: GRBS 26, 1985, 199-206 13 Idem, The Bios Kaisaros of Nicolaus of Damascus. A Historiographical Analysis, diss. Brown Univ. 1985 14M. ArrortunaTi, B. SCARDIGLI, Considerazioni sull’autobiografia di Nicolao di Damasco, in: Annali della Facolta di Lettere e Filosofia dell’Universita di Siena 7, 1987

15M.

ScHULER, U. STAFFHORST,

Die Augustus-

Vita — Bios Katsaros des Nikolaus von Damaskos I und II,

55-67 and 1992/3, 101-113.

K.MEL.

[2]), St. N. was the bishop of -» Myra at the time of the first imperial council of Nicaea (AD 325) and opposed the ‘heresiarch’> Arius. He was allegedly executed on 6 December. His cult is identifiable in the East since the 6th cent. AD in Myra and Constantinople (epithet 6 Oavuatoveydcd/ho thaumatourgos, ‘the miracle worker’) and in the West since the 9th cent. His relics were transferred to Bari in 1087. According to [2], the texts combine the few historical features of the life of N. with details of the life of a presbyter and archimandrite of the same name, who first lived at the monastery of Zion

(unidentified

location

close to Akalissos

near

Myra) and was consecrated bishop of Oenara after 545. On the Latin legend of N. cf. [3]. EpiTi1ons: 1 Bibliotheca Hagiographica Graeca 13471364n 2G. AnrIcu, Hagios Nikolaos, 2 vols, 1913/1917 (reprint 1965).

BILIOGRAPHY: 3K. MEISEN, Nikolauskult und Nikolausbrauch im Abendlande, 1931 (repr. 1981) 4L. PerZOLDT, s.v. Nikolaus von Myra, Lexikon der christlichen

Ikonographie 8, 45-58.

C.M.

[4a] N. Sophistes (N. Loduotjc/N. Sophistés, N. of Myra). Rhetor and Sophist of the 5th cent. According to two entries in the Suda (s. v. N. 394 and 395), which seem to refer to the same person [1. xxi-xxvii], N. (main

period of activity during the reign of Emperor Leo [4] L.) came from - Myra in Lycia, was a student of the sophist Lachares [2] and a friend of > Proclus; he held a professorship at Constantinople under Leo [4] 1, Zeno [18] and Anastasius [1] I (i.e. from before AD 474 until after AD 491). One of the Suda articles ascribes xQoyuuvaonata/—> progymndsmata) and wehtta/melétai (cf. > exercitatio) to him, the other melétai and a rhetoric textbook. A series of model progymnasmatic essays are preserved along with most of the progymndsmata themselves, though it is not clear to what extent these texts relate to the evidence in the Suda. The progymnasmata (ed. [1]) show the characteristic arrangement of the genre. In the introduction to his work, N. explicitly describes it as a ‘compilation’ (syntagma) of teachings from various sources, laying no claim to original-

ity. The structure of the individual chapters differs from that of precursors in the genre (+ Theon [6], > Hermogenes [7] and the Rhetoric of > Anonymus Seguerianus seem to have been known to N., but not > Aphthonius), in that N. — perhaps for didactic reasons — refrains from subtle distinctions, preferring greater clarity. There are only occasional examples from classical literature, and his style is plain and simple. The model essays (ed. [2]) are separately preserved; some are also found in the corpus of > Libanius (cf. [3]). It is probable that some of the pieces usually ascribed to Libanius (Narrationes 19, 22, 24, 31, 325 34, 36-393 Encomium 9; Ethopoeia 26; Descriptiones 8-28,

NICOMACHUS

729

730

Theses 2, 3 and the Defensio legum) should be added to these. They show a different method of clausular technique from that usually found in progymndsmata by Libanius. However, since the conception of those model essays not written by Libanius in some respects contradicts the theoretical expositions set out by N. in the progymnasmata, N’s authorship is not established beyond doubt.

contributing to the sentencing of the demagogue -> Cleophon [1] in 404, evading his duty of accountability and exceeding his term in office (Lys. 30) [1. 168-171;

EDITIONS: 1 J. FELTEN, Nicolai progymnasmata (WALZ 11), 1913 2 WALZ 1, 263-420 3R. FOrstTER, Libanii opera, vol. 5, 1909 (+1963); vol. 8, 1915 (71963). BIBLIOGRAPHY: S. ALTEKAMP, Zu den Statuenbeschrei-

bungen des Kallistratos, in: Boreas 11, 1988, 77-154 (esp. 98-100); B. D. HeBert, Spatantike Beschreibung von Kunstwerken, diss. Graz 1983; G. A. KENNEDY, Progymnasmata, *2000, 99-131; K. OrINSKY, De Nicolai Myren-

sis et Libanii quae feruntur Progymnasmatis, diss. Breslau 1920; SCHMID-STAHLIN 2, 994 f. with notes 8 and 1102; W. STEGEMANN, s. v. Nikolaos (21), RE 17, 424-457. CH. KA.

[5] (NuxddAaog I. Mvotixdc/Nik6dlaos I. Mystikos). Patriarch of > Constantinople in 901-907 and 912-925; born about AD 852, died on 15 May 925. He probably originated from South Italy and became the intimate of patriarch —> Photius in Constantinople. After his second deposition he had to flee and became a monk. Emperor Leo [9] VI granted him the honour of a uvowwxoc/mystikos (Byzantine title of confidential or private secretary) and installed him in 901 as patriarch. After his deposition during the tetragamy controversy and subsequent reinstallment in 912, he took the place of the minor > Constantine [1] VI in 913 as regent. His work Tomus unionis (920) is one of the most important sources of the Orthodox canon. EpiT1ons:

R. J. H. JENxKtns,

L. G. WeEsTERINK

(ed.),

Nicolaus, Letters, 1973 (with English translation); L. G. WESTERINK (ed.), Nicolaus, Miscellaneous Writings, 1981 (with English translation). BIBLIOGRAPHY: B. N. BLYSSIDU, Dyetxd Ee TA aitLA THS exOQovioys tov materaeyxn N. A/Mvotixdc (907) (Sbupwevta II), 1997, 23-36. K.SA.

Nicolochus (Niddoyoc; Nikdlochos). Spartan; while epistoleus (‘deputy’) of the nauarchos (‘naval commander’) - Antalcidas (3 88/7 BC), he was surrounded by > Iphicrates at Abydus [1], where Antalcidas relieved him (Xen. Hell. 5,1,6-7; 5,1,25-27; Polyaen. 2,24). As natiarchos in 375 BC, he was defeated by the Athenian Timotheus at Alyzea (Xen. Hell. 5,4,65-66; Diod. 15,36,5; Polyaen. 3,10,4; 3,10,12).

K.-W.W.

Nicomachus (Niouwaxoc/Nikémachos).

2. 217-219, 591-593]. 1 M. H. Hansen, Die athenische Demokratie im Zeitalter des Demosthenes, 1995 2 J. BLEICKEN, Die athenische Demokratie, 41995. WS.

[3] N. of Athens Tragedian, author of an ‘Oedipus’. In an agon he defeated > Euripides and Theognis (IrGF I 28). Probably identical with the tragic actor who wona victory at the Dionysia between 447 and 422 BC (IrGF I 36 T 3). In that case, the author of the ‘Amymone’ staged in 364 must be a different N. TrGF I, 349.

B.Z.

[4] Talented painter of the late Classical and early Hellenistic period, active c. 360-320 BC. His origin from Thebes is uncertain, but he was a member of the AtticTheban school of painters. His patrons were the Macedonian kings and a tyrant of Sicyon. Many of paintings, which are only known from written sources, later moved elsewhere through art theft e.g., in Rome (Plin.

HN 35,108ff.). N. was a four colour painter (> Pigments) and must have employed a fast painting technique (> compendiariae). His themes were taken from the world of gods and myths. He also painted portraits. Recently, scholars have attributed a contemporary wall painting from a grave in Vergina (> Aegae [1]), representing the rape of Persephone by Hades, to N. because a panel painting of this type by him existed in Rome at the time of Pliny (AD 23-79). Copies of it existed in Roman mosaics, which in their turn resembled the Greek original. However, its sketchy brush strokes, which were stylistically linked with N.’s ‘rapid painting technique’ are probably due to its unfinished state. Nevertheless, it provides a good impression of the state of painting technique, image structure and composition at that time in the field around N., even though the attribution must remain disputed. M. ANDRONIKOS, Vergina, vol. 2: The Tomb of Persephone, 1994; G. GUNTNER, s.v. Persephone, LIMC 8,1,

966ff., 978; U. KocH-BRINKMANN, Polychrome Bilder auf weiSgrundigen Lekythen, 1999, 93ff.; P. MORENO, Elementi di pittura ellenistica, in: A.ROUVERET (ed.), L’Italie

Meéridionale et les premiéres expériences de la peinture hellénistique, 1998, 7-67, passim; A. ROUVERET, Histoire et imaginaire de la peinture ancienne, 1989, 228ff.; I. SCHEIBLER, Griechische Malerei der Antike, 1994, passim; E. THoMAsS, Nikomachos in Vergina?, in: AA 1989, 219-226.

N.H.

[1] See > Gorgasus and Nicomachus

[5] N. of Alexandria in the Troad. Tragedian of the 3rd cent. BC. The Suda lists eleven titles (IrGF 127 T); one

[2] Allegedly the son of a slave and only later accepted as an Athenian citizen. In 410-404 BC, N. led the commission for recording the laws (anagrapheis tén nomon). Exiled under the Thirty (— tridkonta), he returned in 403 and again became anagrapheus. In 399/8 BC, N. was accused of manipulating the laws, thus e.g.

verse each of the ‘Alexander’ and the ‘Oedipus’ are preserved. B.Z. [6] Athenian comedian, whose participation in competitions of 263 and 259 BC is recorded in inscriptions [x. test. rf.]. The titles of three pieces and four fragments are preserved. Athenaeus quotes a 42 verse sec-

NICOMACHUS

Wau

tion from the EideiOuia/Eileithyia (fr. 1), in which a talkative cook lectures his master (who eventually grows impatient) on how many skills a cook must master. Only a gnome is preserved from the Navuayia/ Naumachia (‘The Naval Battle’) and of the MetexBatvovoal Metekbainousai (‘Those Leaving Elsewhere’) only the title. 1 PCG 7, 1989, 56-61.

H.-G.NE.

Tek

A A

Square numbers 1,14+3=4,

Pentagonal numbers

1, 142=3, 14+24+3=6, ...

1434+5=9,

14447 =12,

Triangular numbers

4, 14425,

...

[7] Greek poet of epigrams. A single four-line poem from the ‘Garland’ of Meleager is preserved (Anth. Pal. 7,299), which laments the destruction of Plataea (probably the one in Boeotia), but this earthquake cannot be dated. The identification with the author of an elegy on painters is problematic (Heph. 15,5-8 CONSBRUCH; cf.

Gare

...

rae

BERGK, Poetae Lyrici Graeci II* 316). GA 1.1, 151; 2, 434; R. REITZENSTEIN, Epigramm und Skolion, 1893, 176. M.G.A.

[8] Only one inscription [1. test] in the list of victors at

Hexagonal numbers

Heptagonal numbers

the Dionysia refers to this comedian of the 3rd or 2nd cent. BC, perhaps the son or grandson of an earlier comedian of the same name.

1, 145 =6, 145+9= 15, ...

1,14+6=7,

Diagrams of polygonal numbers

1 PCG 7, 1989, 62.

[9] N. of Gerasa A. LirE B. Works

H.-G.NE.

C. RECEPTION

A. LIFE Neoplatonic mathematician. Almost nothing is known of his life [2. 71-78]. He came from -> Gerasa (north of Amman) and lived about AD roo—in any case later than > Thrasyllus, whom he cites in Harm. Ench. [4. 260,16], and before Apuleius of Madaura (> Ap(p)uleius [III]). B. Works Only one treatise on arithmetic and one on music

theory are preserved in entirety. His other works are preserved as fragments and his authorship is disputed in a number of cases. r. ‘AguWyuntixi) eloaywyt/Arithmetike eisagogé (‘Introduction to Arithmetic’) in 2 books (edition: [1], translations: [2] and [3]; list of MSS: [12. 319-398]). This text intends to provide the arithmetic knowledge (i.e., theory of numbers) required for reading late Platonic and Neopythagorean works. After six introductory chapters on the philosophical significance of mathematics, N. discusses the different types of natural numbers for which he provides multiple definitions (Book 1, chap. 7). The numbers are divided into even and odd

numbers. N. divides the even numbers into ‘even-even’, i.e., 2”,n ‘even-odd’, i.e., 2(2m+1), and ‘odd-even’, i.e., 2”"**(2n+1). Among the uneven numbers, N. mentions

the ‘sieve

of Eratosthenes’

(— Eratosthenes

[2] of

Cyrene), a method for finding prime numbers (ch. 13).

N. explains the special property of individual numbers (‘prime’, ‘composite’, ‘perfect’: ch. 11-16) and the relationships of natural numbers with each other (ch. 17—

14+6+11=18,

...

23). Among these, equality and inequality are fundamental. In the case of unequal pairs of numbers, N. differentiates three major relationships of the larger to the smaller number: xo\damddovoc/pollaplasios (multiple, Lat. multiplex, mn:n); émoguoc/epimorios (superparticular, Lat. superparticularis,

|n+1]|:n); émmeors/

epimeres (superpartient, Lat. superpartiens, [n+m|:n with mmr); in addition there are two composite relationships. The multiple and superparticular relationships are of great significance to the theory of harmony.

Book 1 ends with a general principle for producing all forms of relationships of odd numbers from three equal expressions. In Book 2, the ‘figurative numbers’ are discussed: the polygonal numbers (triangular, quadrangular, pentagonal numbers etc.; see illustration) in the plane, the respective pyramidal numbers in space. He also explains the different ways of calculation of average that are possible for natural numbers (arithmetic, geometric and harmonic average and their reciprocal relationships). This work stands in the tradition of Pythagorean mathematics (— Pythagorean School). Despite some insufficiencies, it had a strong influence (see C below).

2. Aguovxov éyxeioldiov/Harmonikon encheiridion; Latin Manuale harmonicum (‘Manual of Harmony’; editions: [4. 235-265], translation: [5]). N. discusses the scales (diatonic, chromatic, enharmonic) and consonances and the different musical moods. He does not start from mathematical sets, but from the lengths of the instrument’s strings. The theory is Pythagorean as far as pure fifths, fourths and seconds are concerned. The half sound in the sense of -> Aristoxenus [1] is assumed as a given.

734

Fo

3. Oeohoyovpeva tho AevwWuntxic/Theologoumena tés arithmetikés, ‘Divine Properties of Numbers’). The

content can only be elucidated from a summary in Photius (Bibl. 187) and quotes in > Iamblichus’s [2] treatise of same name [ro]. This work discusses the mystical properties of numbers. (For the relationship of N. to Iamblichus see [2. 82-87].) 4. Lost are: an ‘Introduction to Geometry’ (Tewmpetouxi eioaywyt/Geometriké eisagoge), which N. himself cites [1. 83,4], and a larger treatise on harmony (excerpts in [4. 266-282]). N. supposedly also wrote the following works (see [2. 79-81]): biographies of Pythagoras and Apollonius [14] of Tyana; a work on astronomy; ‘On Egyptian Feasts’ (Ilegi éogt@v Aiyustiwv/Peri heorton Aigyption) and on the interpretation of Plato (Mhatwvxi ovvavieyvwouc/Platoniké synandgnosis). C. RECEPTION The ‘Introduction to Arithmetic’ had a strong influence, lasting into modern times. There were Greek scholia and commentaries by Iamblichus [2] (edition [8]; for the content, see [2. 127-131]), Asclepius of Tralleis (edition [6]) and Iohannes — Philoponus (edition [7], partial edition [12. 400-447]). The Latin translation by Apuleius of Madaura (— Ap(p)uleius {III]) is lost, but the Imstitutio arithmetica of > Boethius, which is virtually a translation (for differences see [2z. 132-137]), strongly influenced mathematics in the Western Middle Ages. N.’s treatise was also translated from Syriac into Arabic before 822 and not much later by Tabit ibn Qurra (ft 901) from Greek into Arabic ([14]; edition [9]). Mathematicians (e.g., Tabit, [bn Fallus) and encyclopaedists (e.g., [nwan as-Safa’; see [11]) in the Arabic-Islamic region strongly drew upon this work. -» Mathematics (IV. A. 1.); » Music; > Neoplatonism EDITIONS

AND

TRANSLATIONS:

1R.

Hocue

(ed.),

Nicomachi Geraseni Pythagorei Introductionis arithmeticae libri I], 1866

2M.

L. D’OoGE,

Nicomachus

of

Gerasa, Introduction to Arithmetic, 1926 3 J. BERTIER, Nicomaque de Gérase, Introduction arithmétique, 1978 (French translation) 4 MSG 1 (repr. 1962, 1995) SF.R. Levin, The Harmonics of Nicomachus and the Pythagorean Tradition, 1975 6 L. TaRAN (ed.), Asclepius of Tralles, Commentary to Nicomachus’ Introduction to Arith-

metic (Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 59,4), 1969 7R. Hocue (ed.), Iwdvvov Teappatimotd “AheEavdeemes (tot PiUomovov) sig 10 TEMTOV [SeUTEQovV] this Nixopayov Aovountixijs eioayayiis, 3 vols, 1864-1867 8 H. PisTEut (ed.), Iamblichi in Nicomachi Arithmeticam

introductionem liber, 1894 9 W. Kurscu, Tabit ibn Qurra’s arabische Ubersetzung der “AguWuntixh Eicaxywyn des Nikomachos von Gerasa, 1958 10 V. DE Fatco (ed.), {Iamblichi] Theologumena arithmeticae, 1922. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 11S. BRENTJES, Untersuchungen zum Nicomachus Arabus, in: Centaurus 30, 1987, 212-239 12 W. Haase, Untersuchungen zu Nikomachos von Gerasa, Diss. Tibingen 1982 13 TH. L. HEatu, A History of Greek Mathematics, vol. 1, 1921, 97-112 14 F. SEzGIN, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, vol. 5,

NICOMEDES 1974, 164-166 15 L. TarRAN, Nicomachus of Gerasa, in: Dictionary of Scientific Biography 10, 1974, 112-114. MF.

Nicomedes (Nixoundyc; Nikomedes). [1] Member of the Spartan royal family of the > Agiadae, son of Cleombrotus [2], brother of > Pausanias, the victor of Plataeae. In 458 or 457 BC, N. led a Spartan army as the guardian of his underage nephew Pleistoanax to support the inhabitants of the Doris region against the Phocians and on the return march defeated the Athenians near Tanagra (Thuc. 1,107,2-108,1; Diod. Sic. 11,79,4—-80,6; Plut. Cimon 17,4-9; Plut. Pericles 10,1-4). K-W.W. [2] N. I of Bithynia Son of the first Bithynian king ~ Zipoetes, whom he followed on the throne in 280 BC. N. allied against > Antiochus [2] I with Heraclea [7] on the Pontus, leaving Cierus, Tios and the country of the > Thyni to Heraclea against a high payment. His brother Zipoetes, the governor of Thynis, rose in vain against this cession. After N. also allied with > Antigonus [2] Gonatas, he held out against a Seleucid fleet supported by 13 ships from Heraclea. After the peace concluded in 279 between Antiochus and Antigonus, N. brought Celtic mercenaries under > Leonnorius and + Lutarius,

who

settled

as Galdtai

in Asia

Minor,

across the Hellespont in 277 (> Galatia; > Celts III B.).

He defeated Zipoetes with them, had him executed together with another brother, subjugated all of > Bithynia and conquered > Phrygia Epictetus (Memnon FGrHl 434 Figs3 to, mies oi Str. 12,3,7 and 9).

osibives SanGalustyz55 250 1s

To Hellenize his country, N. founded > Nicomedia in 264, donated an ivory statue at Olympia and sponsored Cos (Memnon FGrH 434 F 12,1; Str. 12,4,2; Paus. 5,12,7). N. was married twice, with the marriage to the Phrygian Ditizele (or Cosingis) producing a son, + Ziaélas, and a daughter, Lysandra. However, the king was persuaded by his second wife Etazeta (Heptazeta) to appoint her children as heirs. As their guardians and, therefore, guarantors of the succession, N. appointed — Ptolemy II, Antigonus Gonatas and the people of Byzantium, Heraclea and Cios (Memnon FGrH 434 F 14,1; Arr. FGrH 156 F 29). This resulted in long succession struggles after the death of the king, which occurred between 255 and 253. ~ Bithynia; ~ Nicomedia J. D. Gaucer, s.v. Bithynien, KWdH, *1993, 97; F. GEYER, s.v. N. (3), RE 17, 493f.; K. STROBEL, Galatien und seine Grenzregionen, in: E. SCHWERTHEIM (ed.), Forschungen in Galatien (Asia Minor Stud. 12), 1994, 29-65; Id., Die Galater, vol. 1, 1996; H. WALDMANN, Die helle-

nistische Staatenwelt im 3. Jahrhundert v.Chr. (TAVO B V 3), 1983.

M.SCH.

[3] Greek mathematician, who wrote a book on conchoids (legit xoyyoetS@v yoauudv/Peri konchoeidén grammon) that was polemically directed against > Eratosthenes [2] (thus Eutocius, Comm. in Archimedis De

NICOMEDES

Whole)

736 1 J. F. VAILLANT, Regum Ponti, Bosphori (sic) et Bithyniae historia, 1725 2E. and W. Szatvert, D. R. Sear, Grie-

Simplest form of conchoid

chischer Miinzkatalog, vol. 2, 1983 3TH. REINACH, Trois royaumes de I’Asie Mineure, 1888.

| Mechanical device for producing the conchoid KMN. (E moves

along the line AB, so that the ‘distance’ EK remains constant).

sphaera et cylindro; [1. 98]). Presumably, he did not live long after Eratosthenes. The conchoid is produced in this manner: Given a straight line PO, the ‘reference line’ (xav@v/ kanon), and outside it a point O as the

pivot point (OAo0¢/polos). Another straight line rotates around O. The conchoid is then the geometric location for all points located on the rotating straight line and for which the ‘distance’ (Suotmwa/diastema) between the locus and the intersection with the straight line PO is equal to a given distance d (s. fig. 1). N. described a mechanical device to create the curve (preserved in Eutocius [1. 98-100]; s. fig. 2). He differentiated four types of conchoids, depending on the location of the point O in relation to the straight line PO and the size of d (Pappus, Collectio 4,39, [4. 244]).

The conchoid is suitable for solving the classical problems of the trisection of an angle and doubling of the cube (generally: for finding two mean proportionals); it achieves the same for the solution of the trisection of an angle as an insertion (> Neusis).

» Division of angles and circles 1 J. L. HerperG (ed.), Archimedis opera, vol. 3, *1915, 98-106 20. Becker, Das mathematische Denken der Antike, 1957, 87 3 TH. L. Heatn, A History of Greek Mathematics, vol. 1, 1921, 238-240, 260-262 4F.

Huttscu

(ed.), Pappi

Alexandrini

supersunt, vol. 1, 1876, 242-250

Collectionis

quae

5 G.J. Toomer, Nico-

medes, in: Dictionary of Scientific Biography 10, 1974, II4-116.

MF.

[4-6] Between 149 BC and the end of the Bithynian kingdom, several rulers by the name of N. governed the kingdom in succession (Str. 12,4,2). How many there were and what their dates were was uncertain in scholarship fora long time (cf., e.g., [1. 340-3 56]), especially since Bithynian coins of this period show identical royal portraits [2. No. 7037-7042]. However, App. Mithr. 7 (end) cannot be interpreted in any other way than that three kings by the name of N. governed after > Prusias Il, with a son following the father in each case. After a convincing analysis by [3], Prusias II was succeeded by his son N. [4] II, who in turn was followed by his son N. [5] ll and finally by N. [6] IV. > Bithynia; ~ Nicomedia

[4] N. Il Epiphanes (IG IV* s9r). N.’ father, > Prusias II, sent him to Rome as a delegate in 156 BC and later planned to eliminate him to the benefit of a son from his second marriage. N., who was supported by +> Attalus [5] Il and > Massinissa, marched into Bithynia and, despite Roman mediation, occupied Nicomedia, where he had his father, who had fled into the temple of Zeus and was hated by the people, killed in 149 BC (App. Mithr. 4-7; Diod. Sic. 32,21; Liv. per. 50; lust. 34,4; Zon. 9,28,1; OGIS 327). Because he helped the Romans put down the uprising of > Aristonicus [4] (133-129 BC), he hoped for Greater Phrygia but did not receive it (Iust. 37,1,2; 38,5,3). He ruled to 128/7.

[5] N. Il was called > Euergetes because of generous donations (IG IV 558,25; OGIS 345). N. rejected the plan of supporting the Romans with troops against the Cimbri between 104 and ror BC with the comment

that most Bithynians had been enslaved by the +» publicani (Diod. Sic. 36,3,1f.). Already in 107, N. and - Mithridates [6] VI of Pontus had occupied Paphlagonia and divided it among themselves. After a Roman objection, N. installed his own son with the traditional ruler name of Pylaemenes there. Both kings also planned a division of Cappadocia but fell out when N. married its royal widow Laodice [II 16]. In 96 the Senate declared Paphlagonia and Cappadocia free. [6] N. IV Philopator (App. Mithr. 7), Bithynian king since c. 94 BC. Because + Mithridates [6] VI supported his half-brother Socrates Chrestus against him, N. fled to Rome and was reinstalled in 92 under the leadership of M. Aquillius [I 4] in Bithynia. On the latter’s advice, N. invaded Pontus but was defeated in 88 by Mithridates’ commander > Archelaus [4] on the Amnias river. N. fled to Aquillius, then to C. Cassius [I 1], the governor of Asia, and finally to Italy (App. Mithr. rrf.; 18; Memnon FGrH 434 F 22,5f.; lust. 38,3,4-8; 5,10;

Str. 12,3,40). N. was only reinstalled in 84 BC by ~ Cornelius [I 90] Sulla (App. Mithr. 60; Plut. Sulla 22 and 24). That > Caesar became a guest and friend of N. during a diplomatic mission in 80/79 (Plut. Caesar r) was given an obscene spin in Rome (Suet. Iul. 2 and 49; Cass. Dio 43,20,2-4). These rumours were later picked up by Cicero when Caesar spoke around 60 for Nysa, the daughter of N., in the Senate (Suet. Iul. 49,3). N. married Nysa, the daughter of Ariarathes VI of Cappadocia, but had her executed. Since he did not recognize the son from this marriage, he bequeathed his kingdom by testament to the Romans. He died in 74 (App. B Civ. 1,211; Arr. FGrH 156 F 14). J. D. Gaucer, s.v. Bithynien, KWdH, *1993, 99-100; F. GEYER, s.v. N. (4-6), RE 17, 494-499; B. F. Harris, Bithynia, in: ANRW II 7.2, 1980, 857-901, 863-866; E.

OLsHAUSEN, J. WAGNER, Kleinasien und Schwarzmeergebiet. Das Zeitalter Mithradates’ der GroSe (TAVO B V 6), 1981; G. PERL, Zur Chronologie der Kénigreiche Bi-

738

737 thynia, Pontos und Bosporos, in: J. HARMaTTA (ed.), Studien zur Geschichte und Philosophie des Altertums, 1968, 299-330; K. SrroBEL, Mithradates VI., in: Orbis Terrarum 2, 1996, 145-190; R. D. SULLIVAN, Near Eastern Royalty and Rome, 1990; H. WALDMANN, Die hellenisti-

sche Staatenwelt im 2. Jahrhundert. v.Chr. (TAVO B V 4), 1985.

M.SCH.

[7] Probably a freedman of L. Aelius Caesar, whose a cubiculo he was. After his death, N. was the educator of

his son, the later Lucius > Verus. N. probably received a restitutio natalium (status change) along with the equestrian rank from Antoninus [1] Pius. He became a

procurator in Rome, then praef. vehiculorum, probably associated with a cura copiarum during the > Parthian War, in which he was also distinguished with the > dona militaria. Finally, N. officiated as the procurator summarum

rationum (CIL VI 1598 = ILS 1740 = CIL VI Suppl. VIII ad 1740). PIR* N 89. PFLAUM, vol. 1, 395f.

Nicomedia

W.E.

NICOMEDIA

under > Valerianus. According to Pliny the Younger, Christianity had a definite foothold by about AD 100 (Plin. Ep. 10,96f. In AD 303 the Christian church was clearly visible opposite the imperial palace, cf. Lactant. De mort. pers. 12). In AD 194 N., in contrast to Nicaea, stood on the side of Septimius Severus. The city was repeatedly destroyed by earthquakes (e.g., AD 120, when Hadrian supported reconstruction; also see below) and in 258 it was hit by a Gothic raid. The town’s importance was based on its favorable traffic location as the starting-point of important roads in Asia Minor as well as an outstanding harbour. N. was an important corridor and station for troop movements. The town’s territory extended in the east to the lower Sangarius, in the west it bordered on Calchedon near Panteichium, in the south in the Yalova peninsula on Nicaea. 1 F. Geyer, s.v. Nikomedes (3), RE 17, 493f. 2 W. LEscHHORN, Griinder der Stadt, 1984, 269 3K. STROBEL, Mithradates VI., in: Ktema 21, 1996, 55-94 4R. HAENscH, Capita Provinciarum, 1997. K.ST.

(Nmoundeva/Nikomedeia, Latin Nicome-

dia). I. FROM THE FOUNDATION TO THE DEATH OF NICOMEDESIV II. ROMAN PERIOD III. LaTE AN-

TIQUITY AND THE BYZANTINE PERIOD

I. FROM THE FOUNDATION TO THE DEATH OF NICOMEDEs IV Town at the northeast end of the gulf of Astacus or N., modern Izmit or Kocaeli. Founded and named by ~» Nicomedes [2] I in 264/3 BC as the capital of the Bithynian kingdom (Memnon FGrH 434 F 12; Arr. FGrH 156 F 29; [1; 2. 269ff.]). The population for the new foundation was recruited through a planned ~ synoikismos, and its location was determined by miraculous signs. The residence was turned into a splendid metropolis by its founder. An archaeological study of the town has not occurred so far. N. was occupied in 89 BC by > Mithridates [6] VI and also at the start of the 3rd Mithridatic War in 73 BC, after N. had fallen to Rome in the 2nd half of 74 because of the death and testament of Nicomedes IV whose kingdom was converted into a Roman province [3] as a result. In 85 BC, L. Valerius Flaccus was murdered and N. was plundered by the soldiers of Flavius [I 6].

Il. ROMAN PERIOD N. held the title of metropolis of > Bithynia alone for a long time and was the meeting-place of the koinon of the Bithyni. In 29 BC the later Augustus permitted building a temple and establishing a cult of the koinon for the goddess > Roma and himself. However, N. was probably not the seat of the governor, which should rather be expected in > Nicaea [5] [4. 283ff.]. A tradi-

tional rivalry for the primacy among the towns of the province existed with Nicaea. Under > Commodus, N. received a second neokoria (> neokoros), a third one is documented under — Elagabalus [2] and a fourth one

II]. Late ANTIQUITY AND THE BYZANTINE PERI-

OD + Diocletianus was proclaimed emperor in AD 284 near N. and splendidly adorned N. as his residence (Lib. Or. 61, 7), which is now still evident in the city walls. On 30 April 311 the edict of toleration of the emperor + Galerius [5] was published in N., making Christianity a religio licita (‘permitted religion’). Constantine [1] I died in 337 in Achyron(a), a suburb of N., after receiving baptism from the Arian bishop > Eusebius [8] of N. (Eus. Vita Const. 4,62). In 344-348 the rhetor ~ Libanius taught in N.; among his students was the future emperor > lulianus [11]. Several catastrophic earthquakes between 358 and 554 caused significant damage, and reconstruction occurred in part with imperial support [1. 3-5]. Already of increasing military significance from the 4th to the 6th cent., N. became the capital of the Byzantine theme of Optimaton. In the 11th cent., it was temporarily in the hands of the Seljuqs, but the Byzantines regained it in 1086. During this period the town of N. appears to have been mainly used as a garrison. In 1337, N. was conquered by the Ottomans and incorporated in their empire. The Christian community was presided over by Arian bishops beginning with Eusebius [8] of N., a participant in the council of > Nicaea [5] in 325 [2. vol. 1, 8of. no. 192], to at least AD 366 (> Arianism). Bishops from N. are also regularly found at later councils (in 381 Euphrasis [2. vol. 2. 460f. no. 135], in 431 Himerius [3. 221f.], in 451 Eunomius [3. 164; 4. 300,20; 4. 306,5], in 520 Stephanus [4. 716,24], in 536 Thalassius [3. 449], in 553 Johannes [3. 249 no. 103; 5. passim, cf. 88*°, 211, 216], in 680 Petrus [6. passim, cf. 930], in 692 Petrus [7. 146], and in 787 Petrus [8. 381/2 B]). The

metropolis of N. became a special rival of Nicaea in ecclesiastical politics from the 4th cent. The travel report of Theodore of Sicyon is an important source for

NICOMEDIA

its Christian topography [9. 12f.]. Christian epigraphy: [r. no. 352-373; 10. 435f.]. 1 TAM 4,1 2EOMIA 3R. SCHIEFFER (ed.), Acta conciliorum oecumenicorum 4,3,2, 1982 40. GUNTHER

(ed.), CSEL 35 5 E. Curysos, Die Bischofslisten des V. Okumenischen Konzils (553), 1966 6R. RIEDINGER (ed.), Acta conciliorum

oecumenicorum,

ser. 2,2, 1992

7H. Oume, Das Concilium Quinisextum und seine Bischofsliste. Studien zum Konstantinopeler Konzil von 692, 1990

740

739

8 J. D. Mansi

(ed.), Sacrorum conciliorum

nova et amplissima coll., vol. 13, 1767 (reprint 1902) 9 C. Foss, Nicomedia (Survey of Medieval Castles of Anatolia 2), 1996 10D. FetssEL, De Chalcédoine a Nicomedie in: Travaux et Mémoires 10, 1987, 405-436. C. Boscu, Die kleinasiatischen Miinzen der romischen Kaiserzeit, vol. 2,1, 1935, 20ff.; TH. CoRSTEN, Katalog

der bithynischen Miinzen. der Sammlung. des Instituts fiir Altertumskunde der Universitat zu K6ln, vol. 2, 1996, 19-78; F. K. Dorner, M.-B. von StTrRiTzky (ed.), TAM 4,1, 1978 (lit.); N. Firatui, Izmit. Son histoire et ses monuments, 1964; C. Foss, s.v. N., ODB 3, 1991, 1483f.; Id., Nicomedia (Survey of Medieval Castles of Anatolia 2), 1996 (Lit.); F. HiLp, s.v. N., LMA 7, 1189; R. JANIN,

Les églises et les monastéres des grands centres byzantins, 1975, 77-104; M. RESTLE, s.v. Bithynien, RBK 1, 719724; J. Rist, s.v. N., LThK?3 7, 870f. (Lit.); L. ROBERT, La titulature de Nicée et de N., in: HSPh 81, 1977, 1-39; W. Rucg, s.v. N. (2), RE 17, 468-492; S. SAHIN, Neufunde

von antiken Inschriften in N. (Izmit) und in der Umgebung

Liv. 25,8,3-11,8) [1. 38-43; 2. 2743"]. He fell in 209 when the Romans recaptured the city (Liv. 27,16,3) [x. rr0]; identical (?) to N. Percon (Liv. 26,39,15)

[1. 955°], who defeated D. Quinctius in the sea battle of Satyrium near Tarentum [cf. 2. 33447]. 1D. A. Kuxorxa, Siiditalien im Zweiten Punischen Krieg, 1990 2J. SerBERT, Hannibal, 1993. L.-M.G.

[4] N. from Pergamon. Architect and geometrician; according to the Suda (s.v. Galen) and Tzetzes (Chil. 12,8)

he was the father ofthe well-known physician > Galen. His name is not mentioned by Galen himself, although his identity is documented in Gal. Scripta minora 2,116,22-26 and 119,2-9 MULLER amongst others, where Galen thanks his father for his thorough training in mathematics and logic. H. Ditier, s.v. N. (18), RE 17, 507.

M.-F.

Niconia (Nixwvia, Nixdvov/Nikonia, Nikonion). A town in the north of the Black Sea area, northeast of the + Tyras (Dniester) estuary, opposite Ophiusa (Str. Tagelos Nixwviow/Nikonion: Peripl. m. eux. 61 GGM

1

p. 418; Ps.-Scyl. 68; Ptol. 3,r0,16) and near the presentday village of Roxolany. Steph. Byz. s.v. Nuxwvia mistakenly located the town on the Danube.

der Stadt, 1973; A. M. SCHNEIDER, s.v. Bithynien, RAC 2, 416-422; V. SCHULTZE, Altchristliche Stadte und Landschaften, vol. 2,1, 1922, 257-305. E.W. and K.ST.

M. V. AcBunov, Davn’ogreceskii Nikonij, in: Arheologija 32, 1979, 17-25; G. A. KOSELENKO, Anti¢nye gosudarstva Severnogo Pricernomor’ja, 1984, 29f.; M. L. BERNHARD, Z. SZTETYLLO, s.v. Nikonion, PE, 625. Lv.B.

Nicomenes (Nixouévyc; Nikoménés). [1] Athenian, one of the democrats who were denounced by - Agoratus in 404 BC and were executed

Niconidas (Nixovidac; Nikonidas) from Thessaly. Whilst in the service of Mithridates [6?] VI. Eupator he was the engineer who built the ‘admirable’ war ma-

because of their opposition to the peace treaty with Sparta negotiated by > Theramenes (Lys. 13,23; 38). [2] Athenian, at whose request the citizenship law introduced by > Aristophon [2] was modified to the effect that it was only applicable to those children who were born after the archonship of Eucleides (403/2 BC) (schol. Aeschin. 1,39; Demosth. 57,30; Ath. 577b;

chines for the siege of Cyzicus in 73 BC (Plut. Lucullus 10,3; cf. App. Mithr. 73-75). ~» Poliorcetics W.H.GR.

Isaeus 6,47; 8,43). HANSEN, Democracy, 52-54.

HA.BE.

Nicon (Nixwv; Nikon). [1] Theban leader of 300 Boeotian hoplites who, to-

gether with some Spartan units, crossed over to Sicily in 413 BC in order to defend Syracuse (Thuc. 7,19,3). HA.BE. [2] Comedy writer of the 4th or 3rd cent. BC; there is a preserved fragment of a play Kitharddos, in which apparently the direct speech of a non-Greek slave is quoted (fr. 1). 1 PCG 7, 1989, 38.

B.BA.

[3] In 2143/2 BC, N. from Tarentum, together with Philemenus and Democrates, arranged the anti-Roman alliance of Tarentum with > Hannibal [4] (Pol. 8,24-33;

Nicophanes (Nixodavyc; Nikophdnés). Painter of the second half of the 4th cent. BC, student of > Pausias and therefore belonging to the Sicyonian school of painters (Plin. HN 35,111; 137). He was counted among the decorative genre painters, whose importance increased during this period; assessments of the effect of his art varied and apparently it was especially appreciated by connoisseurs. His manner was pleasing and fine despite a harsh effect of his colours due to the use of much ochre. We know the picture of a hetaera in Sicyon’s picture gallery is his (Ath. 13,567b). He also painted erotic or pornographic scenes. I. SCHEIBLER, Griechische Malerei der Antike, 1994; A. GRIFFIN, Sikyon, 1982, 151; G. LipPpoLp, s.v. Nikophanes, RE 17, 509-510.

Nicophemus confidant of

N.H.

(Nixddnuoc/Nikdphémos). Athenian, Conon [1], who in 395/4 BC made him commander of the Persian fleet (Diod. Sic. 14,81,4; Hell. Oxy. 15). In 393 he commanded a force occupy-

741

742

ing Cythera (Xen. Hell. 4,8,8) [1. 82, 126]. When he returned to Cyprus, he led a (failed) mission in aid of + Evagoras [1] (389 BC) together with his son - Aristophanes [1]. N. was then summarily condemned and executed at Athens, and his fortune was confiscated

building remains: a forum with porticus and theatre, temple, street pavement, aqueduct, city wall with round towers and four gates). The town had a Greek character

(Lys. 19,7; r1f.; 3 5f.; 42-44).

NICOPOLIS N. was

architecturally

at a high level (numerous

(numerous inscriptions. IGBulg 2, 601-694). Its admin-

addition to “Adwvic, the titles are “Adooditys yovai (Aphrodités gonai), Tavdmwea (Pandora), Levotves (Seirénes); the latter [1. Fr. 20-22] treat the

istration was modelled on Greek towns in Asia Minor (local phylai, boule, bouleutai and archontes). Apart from traditional deities (Zeus, Artemis, Aphrodite, Asclepius), Concordia, Sarapis, Mithras and Sabazius were also worshipped. N. was an important traffic node (streets in the direction of Oescus [2], Novae [1], Marcianopolis and Philippopolis). N. had a mint under Antoninus Pius (138— 161). The rise of the town was interrupted by the invasion of the > Costoboci. It flowered under the Severans. In the mid—3rd cent., it was threatened by the Goths, and in the 4th cent. a decline set in. In the 5th cent., the city was devastated by the Huns. There was a limited reconstruction under Justinian.

popular topic of the Land of Plenty. The titles indicate that N. (although Athenaeus [3] and Harpocration [2] place him with the Old > Comedy) belongs to the transition to Middle Comedy.

G. Kazarov, s.v. Nicopolis, RE‘17, 518-533; T. lvANov, Nicopolis ad Istrum, in: V. BESEVLIEV, J. IRMSCHER (ed.), Antike und Mitteialter in Bulgarien, 1960, 279-287; V. VELKOV, Roman Cities in Bulgaria, 1980; Id., Geschichte

1 P. Funke, Homonoia und Arche, 1980. PA 11066.

HA.BE.

Nicophon (Nixopav; Nikophén). Comic poet of the 5th/4th cents. BC; he was victorious at the Lenaea and prior to 402 at the Dionysia [1. Test. 3 and 4; 2. 203]. In 388 his “Adwvc (Adonis) rivaled Aristophanes’ TAottog (Plovitos). 30 fragments have survived; of the

six known titles four have a mythological subject: In

1 PCG 7, 1989, 63-73 2 H.-G. NEssELRATH, Die attische Mittlere Komédie, 1990. B.BA.

und Kultur Thrakiens und Moesiens, 1988.

J.BU.

[3] (Nixoxodtc/Nikopolis, Latin Actia Nicopolis).

Nicopolis (Nixdmohtc; Nikdpolis). [1] Town on the upper > Nestus river on the road from Philippopolis to the Aegean coast (Ptol. 3,11,13: N. megi Néooov; 8,11,7; Hierocles, Synekdemos 636,5), near modern Goce Deléev (Bulgaria), founded in AD 106 by > Traianus. From the 2nd to 4th cents. AD, N. reached a high economic and cultural level (minting from Commodus to Caracalla: HN 287; thermal baths, peristyle buildings, sculptors’ school, early Christian monuments). Dedicatory reliefs for Zeus, Artemis, Pluto, Hermes and the Thracian hero and river god Nestus have been found (IGBulg 4, 2335-2348). The fortification wall built in the 4th cent. only encircled the inner city core. The necropolis of the 2nd—3rd cents. is located in the southeast of the town. During the Gothic invasion of 378, N. capitulated and was spared (Eunapius FHG 4,36). It was destroyed in 577 by the Slavs. The medieval town was built on the ruins of N. V. VELKOV, Cities in Thrace and Dacia in Late Antiquity, 1977, 10, 125f.; TIR K 34, Naissus, 1976, 91; F. Papa-

ZOGLOU, Les villes de Macédoine, 1988, 403f.

Lv.B.

[2] N. ad Istrum. Roman foundation in Moesia inferior south of Novae [1] on the northern branch of the — Haemus river (therefore also N. ad Haemum), modern Nikiup north of Tarnovo (Bulgaria). N. was founded in AD 1o2 and was supposed to strengthen Roman defences against Thracian tribes in the > Haemus. Originally, N. was part of the province of Thracia and was only later (in the Severan period?) incorporated into Moesia inferior. The inhabitants of the town were ethnically mixed (Greeks, Roman veterans, immigrants from Asia Minor, Thracians).

I. THE AUGUSTAN FOUNDATION II. LATE AnTIQUITY AND THE BYZANTINE PERIOD

I. THE AUGUSTAN FOUNDATION Town in the extreme south of > Epirus, 6 km north

of modern Preveza, founded by the later Augustus in 30 BC after his victory at > Actium. N. lies at the narrowest point of the 3.5 km wide peninsula that separates the gulf of Ambracia from the Ionian Sea (Ionikos Kolpos). There, during the battle the tent of the later Augustus was located on the hill of Michalitsi across from the peninsula of Actium. N. was a Greek town with the legal status of a civitas foederata and not a Roman colony (but thus Tac. Ann. 5,10; Plin. HN 4,5; cf. [1]). The inhabitants of the towns of South Epirus, Acarnania and Aetolia were resettled to N. and their sanctuaries and cults were transferred there (Str. 7,7,6;

Anth. Pal. 9,553; Paus. 5,23,3). South Epirus and Acarnania to the Achelous belonged to its territory [1]. With c. 80,000-100,000 inhabitants, N. was one of the lar-

gest towns of the province of > Achaia. Augustus privileged the town commemorating his victory as much as possible [2. 158-161]: N. was declared the sacred city of Apollo and the centre of the > emperor cult, in the synhédrion of the Delphic > amphiktyonia, N. received ten votes and, therefore, de facto its leadership [3], and

the Actian games were held in a suburb of N. Augustus created a remarkable infrastructure to supply this artificial city: In the south of the town and the east near Arachthus, the land was centurated ([4]; + Surveyors), harbours were established by the gulf and on the Ionian Sea, a 50-km long aqueduct was built from the Lourus river. Augustus had a sanctuary built

NICOPOLIS

on Michalitsi, the supporting wall of which contained remains of the captured ships and a 56-m long victory inscription dedicated to Mars and Neptune [5; 6]. Its privileges were partially revoked after the death of Augustus [1. 159f., 183-185]. In its later history the imperial visits of Nero and Hadrian (celebrated in coins and inscriptions) and the elevation of N. to the new capital of the province of Epirus (probably under Trajan) are worth mentioning. Archaeological research in the city is still sparse. The remains of a gymnasium, stadium, theatre, odeum and nymphaeum are preserved (on Byzantine remains see below). The systematic planning of the town (e.g., an orthogonal street system) can only be surmised so far. The Augustan wall enclosed an area of about 130 ha. Recent research under the leadership of P. WIsEMAN and W. M. Murray has been mainly concerned with examining the surroundings of N. and locating ship wrecks from the battle: [7]). Epigraphy: [2. 156-185]; coins: [8; 9]. 1T.

C.

Sarikakis,

Nicopolis,

était-elle

une

colonie

romaine ou une ville grecque?, in: BalkSt 11, 1970, 91-96 2 D. StraucH, Romische Politik und griechische Tradition, 1996 3 J. PourILLoux, Les épimélétes des Amphictions, in: Mélanges de littérature et d’épigraphie latines, d’histoire ancienne et d’archeologie. Hommage 4a la mémoire de P. Wuilleumier, 1980, 281-299 4 P.N.DouKELLIS, E. FOUACHE, La centuriation romaine de la plaine

d’Arta ..., in: BCH 116, 1992, 375-382 5 W. M. MurRAY, P. PeTsas, Octavian’s Campsite Memorial for the Actian War, 1989

6TH. SCHAFER, Zur Datierung des

Siegesdenkmals von Aktium, in: MDAI(A) 108, 1993, 239-248 7 Archaeological Reports 41, 1994/5, 335 44,

1997/8, 66-68

8M. KARAMESINE-OIKONOMIDOU, “H

Nopiopatoxoria tig NuxomdAews,

1975

9 RPC, 272-274.

DS. I]. LATE ANTIQUITY AND THE BYZANTINE

PERI-

polis I. Proc. of the 1° International Symposion on Nicopolis, 1987, 399-409 3 EOMIA1 4R. SCHIEFFER (ed.), Acta conciliorum oecumenicorum 4,3,2, 1982

The first mention in Christian literature already occurs in Paul (Tit 3,12). Remains of six late Ancient/early Byzantine basilicas attest to the wealth of the Christian community [1. 214; 2. 400-403]. As a bishopric, N. was the metropolis of the diocese Epirus vetus. Bishops are attested at the councils of 343

[3. s54f. No. 39], 431 [4.143f., 160], 449 und 451 and

perhaps

787

([1. 214°],

identification

uncertain), also in the papal letters of the 6th cent. [5. passim, cf. 840]. It was damaged by an earthquake in 375 and N. repeatedly suffered attacks beginning in the late 4th cent. (Visigoths, Vandals, since the early 7th cent. Saracens); extensive remains of the city walls of the 5th and 6th cents. are preserved [6; 7]. In the 9th cent. a > thema was named after N. but its main town soon became > Naupactus. From the roth cent. under Bulgarian control, but in the high Middle Ages the settlement appears to have largely been abandoned in favour of Preveza [1. 214]. 1 P. SousTAt, s.v. N., TIB 3, 213f.

2D. TRIANTAPHYL-

LOPOULOS, Xototiavixy N.: TlooBAnwata, mooomtixés xa MOOTAELs Ya TH Siaowoy THs, in: E. CHRysos (ed.), Nico-

5 O. GUN-

THER (ed.), CSEL 35 6H. HELLENKAMPER, Die byzantinische. Stadtmauer von N. in Epeiros. Ein kaiserlicher Bauauftrag des 5. oder 6. Jahrhunderts., in: E. CHRyYsoOs, s. [2], 243-251 7 T. Grecory, The Early Byzantine Fortifications of N. in Comparative Perspective, in: E. CHRYSOS, s. [2], 253-261.

S. ALCOCK, Graecia Capta, 1993; E. CHrysos (ed.), Nicopolis I. Proc. of the 1“ International Symposion on Nicopolis, 1987; T. E. Grecory, s.v. N., ODB 3, 1485. D.S. and E.W.

[4] Town on the east coast of the > Bosporus [r], in Plin. HN 5,150 corrupted as N. or Mycopolis, but actually Amycopolis, modern Beykoz. K.ST. [5] Town on the southeastern foot of the > Amanus (in Cilicia: Str. 14,5,19; Ptol. 5,7,3; Itin. Anton.

190,6)

near modern Islahiye/Turkey. Military exclusion zone, so scientific research is not possible here. According to Steph. Byz. s.v. Ioodc (between Cilicia and Syria; erroneous identification of Issus with N.) a foundation of Alexander [4] the Great. [6] Foundation of Seleucus I in the upper Lycus valley [19] (App. Syr. 298), refounded by Pompey in 66 BC on the occasion of his decisive victory over Mithridates [6] VI (Bell. Alex. 36,3: in Armenia Minore; Str. 12,3,28; However, App. Mithr. 495; 561; Cass. Dio 36,50,3.

42,46,13; 49,3953; Oros. 6,4,7) near modern YeSilyayla (formerly Piirk). It was an episcopal see (cf. Hierocles, Synekdemos 703,2); few ancient remains, e.g., an aqueduct [1. 302-3173 2; 3. 1232-1234, 1262; 4. 38; 5. vol. 1, 94]; coins: HN 498. 1 CUMONT, Pont, 1906

2J. StuRM, s.v. N. (8), RE 17,

536-538 3Macie 4C. Mark, Stadt, Ara und Territorium in Pontus-Bithynia und Nord-Galatia (IstForsch

39), 1993

OD

[4.62]

744

743

5 MITCHELL

E.O.

[7] Later name for > Emmaus [r], which is 30 km northwest of modern Arab. ‘Amwas. The settlement

was only named N. early in the 3rd cent. AD on the occasion of its refoundation by - Sextus Iulius Africanus. M. Avi-YonaHu, M. GICHON, s.v. Emmaus, The New En-

cyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land 2, 1993, 385-389; L.-H. VINCENT, F.-M. ABEL, Emmaus: sa basilique et son histoire, 1932. JP.

[8] Prostitute, who was kept by the young L. Cornelius [I 90] Sulla in Rome and made him her heir about 114 BC (Plut. Sulla 1,6f.). L. E. Reams, Sulla’s Alledged Early Poverty and Roman Rent, in: AJAH 9, 1984 [1990], 158-174.

K.-L.E.

Nicosthenes (Nixoo0évycs; Nikosthénés). Attic potter, black-figured vase painter (?) and workshop owner, c. 545-510 BC. ‘N. epoiésen’, ‘made by N.’, is the most common signature in Attic pottery (surviving on 139

NICOSTRATUS

745

746

black-figured and ro red-figured vessels). Characteristic of the workshop are the Nicosthenian amphorae (c. 130; > pottery), which imitate an Etruscan > Bucchero form. They are routinely signed and almost all are produced by the same potter; the decoration is also to a large extent done by one hand, known as Painter N, who is presumably identical with N. (but not with the

Helen had only a daughter (+ Hermione, cf. Eur. Andr.

N.-Painter). The rest of the signed vessels (58 items) were predominantly potted by N., but painted by many different hands; in the few cases in which N. is neither potter nor painter, the signature, which is also not always personal, can only be traced to N. as the head of the workshop. N. predominantly produced smaller vessels with unusual proportions and details, having adopted other non-Attic forms (Etruscan kyathos, Chalcidizing bowl, Corinthian skyphos). In his search for the extraordinary, N. also introduced or adopted new painting techniques — such as Six’s technique (figures in red-brown or white applied to the lustre), the white-ground and the red-figured methods. The painting of his vessels is less uniform than the potting, since N. worked with many painters only for a short time, including > Lydus [2], the BMN-Painter and the red-figured painters > Oltus, ~ Epictetus [1] and the N.-Painter. The same red-figured painters also worked for Pamphaeus, a younger colleague of N., who borrowed from him several special forms but signed them with his own name. Many unsigned vessels, primarily kyathoi, which have been attributed to N.’s workshop are difficult to distinguish from imitations. It is certainly no accident that almost all Nicosthenic amphorae were exported to Cerveteri, the home of the bucchero model; other vessel forms have

been found predominantly in Vulci, only very few outside Etruria. > Pottery; > Vase painting, black-figured; > Signature, artist’s

V. Tosto, The Black-figure Pottery Signed NIKOSTHENESEPOIESEN (Allard Pierson Series rr), 1999. HM.

Nicostrate (Nixooteatn/Nikostrate). Arcadian ~» nymph, prophetess, mother by > Hermes of > Evander [1], with whom she moved, 60 years before the Trojan War, from Pallantium in Arcadia to Italy, where Evander founded on the Palatine the first city (Str. 5,33; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,31,1; Plut. Quaest. Graec. 56; Ov. Fast. 1,462; 618; 627; 634; Serv. Aen. 8,513; 130; 336). According to Plut. Romulus 21, she was the wife of Evander. Outside this Hellenizing tradition, the mother of Evander is called > Carmentis (cf. Str. 5,3,33 Plut. Romulus 21). H. v. GeIsAu, s.v. Nikostrate, RE 17, 540; R. WAGNER,

s.v. Nikostrate, ROSCHER 3, 362f.

K.WA.

Nicostratus (Nixootoatoc; Nikéstratos). [1] Son of > Menelaus [1] and > Helen [1]. According to Hom. Il. 3,175 and Hom. Od. 4,12, Menelaus and

898; Lycoph. 851), but in another tradition they also had a son (Hes. Fr. 175,2 M.-W.; Soph. El. 539). Later authors tried to resolve this discrepancy by making N. the son of a slave (Paus. 2,18,6). In Amyclae, N. and -» Megapenthes [2] were portrayed on horseback, as a counterpart to the two sons of the — Dioscuri (ibid. 3,18,13); according to a Rhodian myth N. and Megapenthes [2] drove Helen from Sparta (ibid. 3,19,9f.). ak [2] Athenian, as stratégos he tried to mediate the internal strife on Corcyra in 428/7 BC. In 425/4 and 423/2 he, as stratégos, took part in the campaign against Cythera, Mende and Scione and was involved in the truce with Sparta. In 418 he was killed as stratégos at Mantinea [tr]. 1D. M. MacDoweELL, N., in: CQ 59, 1965, 41-51.

[3] Argive from a noble family; politically active in a leading capacity (prostates). As stratégos in the service of the Persian king > Artaxerxes [3] III, he besieged Pelusium with 3,000 Argives in 344 BC (Theopomp. FGrH 115 F 124; Diod. Sic. 16,44,2-3; 47,33 48,3). He rejected a bribery attempt by king Archidamus [2] (Plut. WS. Mor. 1924; 53 5a-b). [4] Comic poet of the 4th cent. BC, probably one of the three sons of Aristophanes. Athenaeus explicitly groups him with Middle Comedy, probably to prevent confusion with the younger > N. [5], as had happened in other sources, esp. the Suda [1. Test. 1; 2. 61]. He does not appear in any victory list but probably in a choregic inscription from the Icaria deme [1. Test. *2]. 40 fragments and 23 titles (two dubious) are extant. Most of the fragments deal with food and household items; there is not much mockery of persons. Typical subjects of Middle Comedy appear in fr. 1 (“ABoa/ Habra, ‘The Chambermaid’) and in fr. 7 (Amehauvouevoc/Apelaunomenos, “The Expelled’) where certain

menus are listed [2.300]; likewise in Mdyetgoc/ Mageiros (‘The cook’, fr. 16) where the cook is the protagonist who complains of an incompetent colleague [2. 301]. “Avtvddog (fr. 4-6) is probably named after a contemporary, maybe after Anticles, the Olympic winner of the stadion race in 340; in fr. 5 of that piece a slave rejoices over the successful acquisition of salt fish [2. 286f.]. 1 PCG 7, 1989, 74-92 2 H.-G. NESSELRATH, Die attische Mittlere Komédie, 1990.

[5] N. (the Younger). Comic poet of the 4th/3rd cents. BC, only known from inscriptions; was victorious at the Lenaea [1. Test. 3] and in 3 11 he won second prize at the Dionysia. The fragment ]ooxomoc is all that survived of the title of the winning piece [1. test. 1; 2. 90]. A choregic inscription from 280 in Delos mentions N. together with Philemon and Ameinias [r. test. 4]. Possibly the piece Baouwsic (‘The Kings’) [1. 79 fr. 8], attributed by Athenaeus to a N., was indeed his, since the title suggests that it may have been written in the time of the Diadochi [2. 326**°].

747

748

1 PCG 7, 1989, 93. 2H.-G. NESSELRATH, Die attische Mittlere Komédie, 1990.

tude of Myths’), @adattoveyoi (‘Seaworkers’) and an encomium on Emperor Marcus [2] Aurelius.

NICOSTRATUS

-» Second Sophistic [6] Comic poet of the 3rd/2nd cents., only attested in inscriptions; may have been victorious at the Lenaea [1. test. *2] and won 6th place at the Dionysia in 185 [1.

E.BO,

Nicotera. Station on the via Popilia in Bruttium (It.

test. 1]. 1 PCG 7, 1989, 94.

B.BA.

[7] Achaean, strategos of the Confederacy in 198/7 BC; with T. > Quinctius Flamininus he negotiated an Achaean-Spartan truce with — Nabis (Liv. 32,39,73 32,40,4) and in the spring of 197 he defeated a Macedonian army under Androsthenes near Cleonae (Liv. 33,14,6-15,16). L.-M.G. [8] see

PIR A 1427; J. RADICKE, FGrH 1089.

> Olymponikai

Ant. 106,2; r11,3: 18 miles south of Vibo Valentia),

modern Nicotera. Probably not identical with Emporiom, the harbour of > Medma (Str. 6,1,5). Iron Age, Greek and Roman finds, Latin inscriptions. NISSEN 2, 959f.; BICGI 12, 336-338.

ML,

Nicothoe (Nixo06y; Nikothdé). Daughter of > Thaumas and — Electra [1], one of the > Harpies, also called Aéllopus (Apollod. 1,122) or Aéllo (Hes. Theog. 267;

Apollod. 1,10). Sister of > Ocypete and > Celaeno [2]. [9] Claudius N. of Athens. Platonic philosopher, around the middle of the AD 2nd cent., honoured in an inscription in Delphi (Syll.? 868). K. PRAECHTER convincingly identified him as the author by the same name of an extensive collection of objections against Aristotle’s [6] ‘Categories’ from which -> Simplicius hands down numerous passages (CAG 8) [1; 2. 258]. Unlike his predecessor Lucius [3], N. also discusses the so-

called postpredicaments (Aristot. Cat. 10-15). To some extent his ruthless criticism, especially of language, composition and philosophical doctrine, is due to sheer contrariness and thus of little value. But some of his objections have uncovered actual weaknesses and preoccupied commentators for a very long time. N. exerted great influence on > Plotinus and > Porphyrius; his argumentation still reverberates in Iamblichus [2], Dexippus [4], Ammonius [12], lohannes Philoponus, Olympiodorus [4] and Elias [2]. 1K. PRAECHTER, Nikostratos der Platoniker, in: Hermes 57, 1922, 481-517 (=Id., KS, 1973, ro1-137) 2 DORRIE/

BALTES, vol. 3, 1993. Dorrie/BALTES,

vol. 4, 1996,

288f.; J. DILLON,

The

Middle Platonists, *1996, 233-236; H. B. GoTTsCHALK, Aristotelian Philosophy in the Roman World, in: ANRW II 36.2, 1987, 1150f.; MORAUX, vol. 2, 1984, 528-563. M.BA. and M.-L.L.

[10] T. Aurelianus N. A Macedonian sophist, honoured

by the city of Rhodes with a statue and by an emperor (Severus?) with a teaching chair and an office in the

fiscal administration (IG XII 1, 83 = IGR 4, 1134). Prior to AD 190, N. consulted the lawyer > Papinianus because of a legal claim on a house that a student had given. him (Dig. 39,5,27). His stylistic simplicity (apeédeva; aphéleia) was discussed by Metrophanes, the son of Cornelianus (Suda u roro), and praised by Hermog. Peri ideon 2,3,329 and 2,12,407 RABE (pointing out

N.’ predilection

for myths);

Menander

Rhetor

3,390,1 SPENGEL; Philostr. VS 2,31,624 compares it with > Aelianus [2]. The Suda lists a Aexapuia (‘Ten Myths’), Eixovec (‘Pictures’),

a Todvuvdia (‘A Multi-

Chased from the table of > Phineus [1] and pursued by

the sons of Boreas, N. plunged into the Peloponnesian river Tigres, which was named Harpys after her (Apollodar,122)).

SLA.

Nida. Roman vicus, modern Frankfurt am Main-Hed-

dernheim in Germany. Beginning with the Flavian period (2nd half of rst cent. AD) there is evidence for at least 10 camps between Heddernheim and the adjoining Praunheim. Evidence of longer-term activity is only found in a cavalry fort (5 ha in size) which was constructed in the early Flavian period in timber and earth and then extended in stone towards the end of the rst cent. It was presumably occupied by the ala I Flavia Gemina. There is also epigraphical evidence of the cohors IV Vindelicorum and the cohors XX XII Voluntariorum civium Romanorum, but it is unclear whether the units were present together or successively. To the west of the fort there was a camp settlement of considerable size. After the withdrawal of the garrison around AD 110, N. became a suburb of the newly developed civitas Taunensium. Several inscriptions attest to the place name, which was derived from an old river name. The rapidly flourishing vicus developed urban characteristics, e.g. public buildings, baths and a theatre (wooden stage). Of the many sanctuaries that are to be expected, four subterranean Mithraea (> Mithras) and the congregation hall of the > dendrophéroi have been identified. Among the administrators decuriones, duoviri and an dedilis are known. Being a central settlement, N. demonstrated an economic system based on the division of labour, in which trade and industry (esp. pottery production) became very important. Early in the 3rd cent., N. was walled in, probably to protect it against the threat of attack by Germanic tribes. A beneficiary station appeared in the town no later than this time (> beneficiarii). N. was abandoned by the Romans in AD 259/260 when the > Limes fell. U. FiscHer, Aus Frankfurts Vorgeschichte, 1971, 144—

196; H. SCHONBERGER, Die romische Truppenlager der

749

NIGHTINGALE

759 frihen und mittleren Kaiserzeit zwischen Nordsee und Inn, in: BRGK 66, 1985, 321-497, 452 C 37; I. HuLpDZETSCHE, Mithras in Nida-Heddernheim, 1986; Id., Frankfurt am Main, in: D. BaatTz, F. R. HERRMANN (ed.),

Die Romer in Hessen, *1989, 275-293; Id., Nida, eine romische Stadt in Frankfurt a.M. (Schriften des Limesmuseums Aalen 48), 1994. RA.WI.

Nienburg Group. Prehistoric finds assemblage of the 5th to 3rd cents. BC in central Lower Saxony, named after burial mounds near Nienburg on the river Weser (+ Germanic archaeology, map). It is the westernmost group of the > Jastorf culture. Typical elements of the NG are cremation burials in mounds, certain types of pottery and adornments (earrings). Occasionally Celtic imports occur; there is also evidence for iron working. ~» Celtic archaeology; > Funerary architecture III.G; > Iron; > Jewellery

hidden, is not more closely described. Only Aristot. Hist. an. 8(9),15,616b 8f. (= Plin. HN 10,85) describes

the tongue tip of the nightingale as not as pointed as that of other birds, however without tracing its excellent song back to this fact. Its complete clutch consists of 5-6 eggs (Aristot. Hist. an. 5,9,542b 25-27 = Plin. loc. cit.). It does not hibernate (thus Aristot. Hist. an. 8(9),49b,632b 20-27), but migrates to Africa. The allegation that the nightingale sings only 15

H.-J. HAssier, Ur- und Friihgeschichte in Niedersachsen,

days in the year (Aristot. loc. cit.; Plin. HN 10,85) and changes its song in the summer (Ael. NA 12,28) is not correct, however the frequency and intensity of the song does decrease after the eggs are laid. If the bird is caught as an adult, the song is said to stop completely (Ael. NA 3,40). Because the young nightingale must first learn to sing, Aristotle claims that the singing lessons of the young had been observed (Aristot. Hist. an. 4,9,536b 17-19; cf. Plut. De sollertia animalium 19 = Mor. 973a-b and the practical paedagogical application from

1991, esp.

it in Dionysius,

197-199; B. KRUGER (ed.), Die Germanen — Ein

Handbuch, 51988, 193-194; H.-G. Turtyer, Hallstattische Einflusse in der N.G., 1987. VP.

Niger. Following a statement by > Juba [2] Il (FGrH 275 F 38), Plin. HN 5,30 calls the Nigris the boundary between ‘Africa’ and ‘Aethiopia’. But the Nigris is probably not identical with the N., but with the Oued Djedi [1. 248]. Yet we must assume that the great African river N. was known to the Libyans, the Phoenicians and the Greeks. Indeed, noble Nasamones seem to have travelled as far as Timbuktu and hence as far as the Niger (Hdt. 2,32f.; [2. 7]). And a Carthaginian called Mago, who had crossed the desert three times, may have reached the Niger (Ath. 2,44e; [2. 7]). Determining on which rivers ancient authors or their informants bestowed the names Niger, Nigir, Nigris and Nilus proves to be extraordinarily difficult because the Libyan root gher or ghir describes any flowing waters. Occasionally, however, the context allows certain or probable conclusions. The great African river does not appear to be mentioned by name in any ancient testimony. 1 J. DEsANGEs, L’iconographie du Noir dans |’Afrique du Nord antique, in: J. VERWUTTER (ed.), L’image du Noir dans l’art occidental, vol. 1, 1976 2 W. Huss, Die antike Mittelmeerwelt und Innerafrika ..., in: H. DUCHHARDT et al. (ed.), Afrika, 1989. F. WINDBERG, s.v. Niger (1), RE 17, 190-199.

W.HU.

Nightingale. The name #] Gndwv/aedon (‘singer’, other derivations émdovic/aédonis, Gndovidet Procne, who laments her son > Itys — named for the call of the nightingale — (extensively: Ov. Met. 6,424—674; cf. Hyg. Fab. 45), the idea of a woman transformed into a nightingale was widespread (in some versions, it is her sister Philomela who is transformed into a nightingale). Because for Roman poets the song of the

NIGHTINGALE

nightingale always resonated with myth (e.g. Catull. 65,13f.; Hor. Epod. 2,26; Ov. Epist. 15,147ff.), it was called philomela by later poets (e.g. Pentadius PLM 4, No. 203 and 409; Eucheria PLM 5, No. 61; Maximia-

nus, Elegiae 2,49). In the Hesiodic fable of the hawk and the nightingale (Hes. Op. 202ff.; Aesop. 4 HausRATH) it is merely the victim. Only wealthy Roman gluttons devoured the nightingale as the acme of dining luxury (Hor. Sat. 2,3,245; Plin. HN 10,141; Val. Max. 9,1,2). In Greek folk medicine, it served as an antisoporific (Nicochares fr. 16

Kock; Ael. NA 1,43 with criticism of it; Ael. VH 12,20)

because of its predominantly nocturnal song (cf. Soph. Trach. tos-111). 1 WALDE/HOFMANN

2 A. GarzyA (ed.), Dionysii Ixeuti-

con libri, 1963 3 A. PISCHINGER, Der Vogelgesang bei den griechischen Dichtern (Programm Gymnasium Eichstadt), 1901, 37ff. A. STEIER, s.v. Luscinia, RE 13, 1854-1865; M. C. VAN DER KOLF, s.v. Philomela, RE 19, 2515-2519; KELLER, vol. 2, 73-75; D’Arcy W. THompson, A Glossary of

Greek Birds, 1936, repr. 1966, 16-22.

C.HU.

Nightjar (Caprimulgus europaeus L.). The curious earth-coloured bird has its name aiyoO}as/aigothélas (Lat. caprimulgus, i.e. ‘goat-milker’) from the statement in Aristot. Hist. an. 8(9),30,618b 2-9 (= Plin. HN

10,115; Ael. NA 3,39) that it sucks the udder of goats at night [1. 72], causes their milk to dry up and makes the animals blind. In reality the bird flies about at night catching insects with its rather wide beak. 1 LEITNER.

KELLER 2, 68 f.; D’ARcy W. THompson, A Glossary of Greek Birds, 1936 (repr. 1966), 24 f. C.HU.

Nigidius Figulus, P. A. Lire

75+

72

B. WRITINGS

A. LIFE Roman naturalist and grammarian of the Late Republic. Remarks by his friend and contemporary Cicero and references in a biography of Suetonius ([9]; testimonials in [1. 158-161; 5. 9-36]) illuminate the

last 20 years of his life in particular. Born around 100 BC from a plebeian family, he is first encountered in 63 as a senator and supporter of Cicero’s against the Catilinarians (> Catilina; Cic. Sull. 41f.; Fam. 4,13,2); praetor in 58 (Cic. Ad Q. Fr. 1,2,16). In July 51 he met Cicero in Ephesus on his return from a diplomatic assignment (Cic. Tim. rf.). In the Civil War, he fought on Pompey’s side, first in Italy (Cic. Att. 7,24), later at Pharsalus (Luc. 1,639ff.), and then lived in exile (cf. Cicero’s letter of consolation Fam. 4,13 in 46, in which he promised to intercede with Caesar; hypothetically[5. 37-53]), where he died in 45 BC (Jer. Chron. p. 156 HELM). As a posthumous honour, Cicero had him appear as an interlocutor in the Timaeus, which was composed shortly afterwards.

B. WRITINGS Cicero (Tim. 1) acknowledges him as a naturalist. That status is confirmed by the extant fragments of his literary output, the main focus of which is in the domain of natural history. Frr. have survived from : 1. De dis (‘On the gods,’ probably 20. bks, the 19th in Macrob. Sat. 3,4,6); 2. De hominum

natura

(‘On human

na-

ture’); 3. De animalibus (‘On animals’). Along with

antiquarian details, he appears in the latter to have been interested in their use for > divination. Of a meteorological or astronomical, as also astrological orientation were 4. De ventis (‘On the winds’) and 5. Sphaera (‘Spheres’, two parts: Sphaera Graecanica and Barbarica) with constellations, tales of stars and the significance of constellations for horoscopy. Unequivocally devoted to divination are 6. De extis (‘On entrails ’); 7. De augurio privato (‘On private augury’); 8. De somnits (‘On dreams’, Lydus De ostentis 45). The last is actually where Lydus (ibid. 27ff.) quotes 9., the text of a brontoscopic calendar (lightning calendar) which N. had translated into Latin (and adapted to the political situation in the outgoing Republic). It is in particular the combination of antiquarian and grammatical interests that marks ro, of the probably 30 books (book 29 is quoted in Gell. NA 10,5), of the Commentarii grammatici (‘Grammatical Notes’) that ranks N. alongside Varro, with whom he is compared (Gell. NA 19,14; Serv. Aen. 10,175). His lack of concern for the reader (Gell. NA 17,7,5; 19,14,3) has diminished N.’s influence. Traces of his naturalist works are to be found in > Plinius (‘Natural history’) and (via > Cornelius [II 19] Labeo) in > Arnobius [1], the Virgil scholiasts and — Macrobius; traces of his astrological works, in > Ampelius and in the Aratus scholia, of his grammatical works, in > Gellius [6] and + Nonius. His interest in mantic practices acquired N. a reputation for being an occultist (Jer. Chron. p. 156 HELM; Apul. Apol. 42; for similar suspicions about his circle cf. Scholia Bobiensia Cic. Vatin. 14; Ps.-Cic. in Sall. 14) and a practising seer (Suet. Aug. 94; Cass. Dio 45,1; Luc. 1,63 9ff.). His contemporaries (Cic. Tim. 1) and his later readership (Jer. ibid.) considered him and his circle (Scholia Bobiensia ibid.) to be Pythagoreans, although his teachings seem to show no specifically Pythagorean features (cf. [6. 47]; > Pythagoras). FRAGMENTS: 1GRF, 158-179 (Comment. gramm.; De animalibus 6-7) 2 A.Swoxsopa, 1889 3 D. Liuzzi, 1983 (with Italian tr.). BIBLIOGRAPHY:

4L. LEGRAND,

P.N.F.,

1931

5A.

DELLA Casa, Nigidio Figulo, 1962 6H. THESLEFF, in: Gnomon 37, 1965, 44-48 7 A. Traci, N.F., in: Cultura e Scuola 16 (63/4), 1977, 84-89 (research report) 8 Id., Etimologia e sinonimia in N.F., in: Varron,

1978,

273-289 9K. SALLMANN, P. L. SCHMIDT, Suetonius, in: HLL, vol. 4, p. 39. P.LS.

NIKE

VSS

754

Nigrinus (Nwygivod/Nigrinos). Middle Platonist philosopher of the 2nd cent. AD, known only froma text of

the Senate, now erupted: the residence of the prefect was set alight and the fire spread to the imperial palace and the > Hagia Sophia. On the following day (14. 1.), Justinian complied with the demand to depose the pre-

the same name by > Lucianus [1], who depicted him as

a teacher working in Rome. He attributed to him a lecture full of anecdotes about the exemplary, peaceful life of the Athenians in contrast to the dissipated, noisy hustle and bustle of life in Rome; certainly this lecture tends to be more akin to the thought of the Cynics than the Platonists. It is disputed whether N.’s existence is literary fiction or whether the name conceals an allusion to an historical figure (perhaps the Platonist > Albinus, because of the word play albus — niger/white — black). D. Cray, Lucian of Samosata: Four Philosophical Lives, in: ANRW II 36.5, 1992, 3406-3450; DORRIE/BALTES, vol. 3, 3, 367-372; J. HALL, Lucian’s Satire 1981, 157165; H. Tarrant, Alcinous, Albinus, Nigrinus, in: Anti-

chthon 19, 1985, 87-95.

M.BA. and M.-L.L.

Nigritae (Nuyoitat; Nigritai). Following the Periplus of Ophelas (?), Str. 17,3,3 maintains that, together with

the — Pharusii, the N. lived a 30 days’ journey from Lynx (> Lix [1], present-day Larache). Str. 2,5,33 places them — like the Pharusii and + Garamantes — in the regions which lie between the > Gaetuli and the Aethiopes. In warfare the N., the Pharusii and the Aethiopes made use of bows as well as chariots with sickle-shaped blades attached to the axles. References: Str. 17,3,7 (Niyontes); cf. also Mela 1,22; 3,104; Plin.

HN 5,43; Ptol. 4,6,16 (Ntyettat Aidiomes); Anon. Geographia 16 (GGM 2,498); Steph. Byz. s.v. Niyontes. It is clear from the named references that, at least over a certain period of time, the N. lived to the southeast of the High Atlas. J. DEsANGEs, 226f.

Catalogue des tribus africaines ..., 1962, W.HU.

Nihawand (Persian Nehavand). City in Iran, south of the Alvand mountains in the Zagros range (Media). In this region (Tepe Giyan), which was already of importance in prehistoric times, the Seleucids founded the polis Laodiceia(-N.), where a copy of the dynastic cult inscription of > Antiochus [5] III was found. A Sassanid army was defeated by the Arabs near N. in AD 642, when N. was the main city of the district and diocese. L. RoBeErtT, Inscriptions séleucides de Phrygie et d’Iran, in: Hellenica 7, 1949, 5-22. JW.

Nika revolt. Revolt against > Iustinianus [1] I in Con-

fect and two other high officials (> Iohannes [16] the Cappadocian and > Tribonianus) and to transfer their

posts to members of the senatorial opposition. > Hypatius [4], a nephew of the former emperor > Anastasius [x] I, was ultimately elevated to the position of anti-emperor; however, soon after this, the revolt came to a

bloody end through the intervention of the general -» Belisarius (allegedly 35,000 dead). The consequence of the uprising, at least temporarily, was that overall Justinian became more moderate in his internal policies. 1 LMA 6, 1151 2 ODB2,1473 3A. CAMERON, Circus Factions, 1976 4A. A. CEKALOVA, Konstantinopol’ v VI veke. Vosstanie Nika, 1986 5 G. GREATREX, The Nika

Riot: A Reappraisal, in: JHS 117, 1997, 60-86 6 F. TINNEFELD, Die friuhbyzantinische Geselleschaft, 1977, 82f., 195-199 7I1d., review of [4], in: Jahrbuch der 6sterreichischen Byzantinistik 38, 1988, 442-444. ET.

Nike (Nixn; Niké). I. MyTHOLOGY

II. ICONOGRAPHY

I. MyTHOLOGY N. is the Greek + personification of victory. As early as in Hesiod she is an abstract concept: Nike is the daughter of + Styx and > Pallas and the sister of similar personifications: Zelos (zeal), Kratos (power) and Bia (force) (Hes. Theog. 384-385). Zeus commands these powers forever (ibid. 388), since, on the advise of Styx, they supported him in the > Gigantomachy (ibid. 389-403; Serv. Aen. 6,134). Nonnus outlined N.’s participation in the battle (Nonnus, Dion. 2,3 58-3 59; 418— 419; 709). In mythology, N. is rather inconspicuous; however there are numerous literary references in agonistic contexts as she herself is victory and its guarantor: in connection with athletic agones she is invoked in the epinikia of Pindar (Pind. Nem. 5,42-43; Pind. Isthm. 2,26-27) and Bacchylides (3,5-6; 6,10-11; 10,15; 13,58-63), and in dramatic agones: several plays by Euripides (Phoen. 1764-1766; IT. 1497-1499; Or. 1691-1693) and Menander (Dys. 968-969; Sam. 73 6737; Misoumenos 465-466) closed with appeals to her. The agency of N. and Zeus (Hdt. 8,77) or Ares (Simon. Epigrammata 15 PAGE) was responsible for the victory over the Persians, and the cry ‘Zeus and N.’ continued to be used as a password until much later

stantinople, AD 13-18. 1. 532, named after the cry of

(Xen. An. 1,8,16; Plut. Demetrios 902c). N. was asso-

nitka (vixa, ‘be victorious!’) of the rebels in the Hippodrome. The outward reason was the decisive action of

ciated with —> Dike (directly in Aristoph. Lys. 321 ‘Nikodike’) because she made the just decision of which performance deserved victory (Bacchyl. 11,1-9). The appeals to her, although they resemble prayer (e.g. Bacchyl. Epigrammata 1; Aristoph. Lys. 317-318; Aristoph. Equ. 586-594), should be understood in that sense — not as parodies of prayers or as evidence for worship in cult.

the city prefect Eudaemon against rampaging members of the so-called circus parties (‘green’ and ‘blue’, + factiones), the real cause, however, was the strict rule of the emperor, particularly his fiscalism occasioned by expensive war campaigns. The growing unrest among the citizens, further stirred up by opposition groups in

NIKE

755

Yet, a cult of N. is attested in several places: e.g. in Elis based on numismatic evidence as early as the 6th cent. BC and not much later in several cities in Magna Graecia [1. 294-295; 2. 58-59]. The so-called Themistocles inscription from Troezen (middle of the 4th cent. BC) mentions sacrifices for Poseidon Asphalios, Athena, Zeus Katharsios and Nike [5]. Pausanias reports of an altar of N. and Zeus in Olympia (Paus. 5,14,8). Curtius Rufus, in his ‘History of Alexander’, mentions prayers to N. (as Minerva Victoria; Curt. 4,13,15) as well as sacrifices and altars (ibid. 8,2,32; 8,11,24). Inscriptions from later time periods, e.g. froms Tralleis, Ilium, Aphrodisias, Olbia and the island of Carpathos, may already be influenced by the prevalent Roman idea of Victoria [1. 297]. The complex association of Athena N. as goddess of the > Panathenaea is of great significance. The numerous depictions on the reliefs and the parapet of the temple of Athena N. on the Acropolis in Athens [4. 148f.; 6] reflect the many victories she gave the Athenians. Athena and N. were so closely associated that Athena could be called N. (Eur. Ion 457; 1528)

giving way to misunderstandings: N. — just as Athena — was seen as a daughter of Zeus (Himerius Or. (19) 65,3 CoLonna) or as a the foster-sister of Athena (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,33,1). The N. of Samothrace, set up in

a theatre by the Rhodians for their victory over the Seleucids at Side in 190 BC, influenced later Roman architecture, esp. the temple of Venus Victrix in the Theatre of Pompey in Rome [3. 82-101]. -» Victoria 1 E. BERNERT, s.v. N., RE 17, 285-307

2 F. W. HAm-

por, Griechische Kultpersonifikationen der vorhellenistischen Zeit, 1964 3 H.KNELL, Die N. von Samothrake, 1995

4 TRAvLos, Athen

5 M. Treu, Zur neuen Themi-

stokles-Inschrift, in: Historia 12, 1963, 47-69 6L.S. Mark, The Sanctuary of Athena N. in Athens. Architectural Stages and Chronology (Hesperia Suppl. 26), 1993.

Jos. Il. ICONOGRAPHY In visual art, N. is a winged female personification of

victory, often portrayed in swift movement and usually clad in a long garment; in the Archaic Period her iconography is not yet fixed [7; 8; 11]. In the 5th cent. BC, N. is portrayed with other deities (city deities, > Poseidon, > Apollo, esp. > Athena) or with a tropaion [9] and for the first time there are several Nikai next to each other (like > Eros [13. 123]). The image of N. killing a bull was very popular [ro]. In the late 5th cent. BC she appears in various representations on the N. parapet [2] and after 440 BC on > loutrophoroi and lebetes gamikoi (> lebes gamikos) as well [13. 121]. There are so many impressive sculptures in the round, > akroteria and votive offerings, that N. became an embodiment of Classical art [4; 11; 13]. In trying to capture her in flight artists often managed to resolve the static of the body and its contrapost: with her flowing and fluttering cloak and the eagle of

756 -» Zeus underneath her feet [6] the N. of > Paeonius of Mende in Olympia (ca. 425) draws attention to her soaring; the N. from the agora in Athens displays a new interpretation of the archaic ‘knielauf’, whereas the N. from the temple of Asclepius in Epidaurus is portrayed in a state of weightless floating [11. 899]. In contrast, the N. on the hand of Athena Parthenos and of the statue at Zeus Olympia stands firmly on her feet, clad in peplos and cloak. In the Hellenistic period, Alexander [4] the Great issued gold staters with a standing N. and under the -» Diadochi various new types appeared on coins and gems. N. was an important motif on pendants as well [2; 12. 902]. The N. of Samothrace (today in the Louvre) with her artfully twisted body, her dress both masterly and lasciviously draped, and her extensive movement is a masterwork of the 2nd cent. BC. In the Imperial period, Hellenistic types continued to be used [12] or types of — Victoria were revived. 1A. R. BELLINGER, M. A. BERLINCOURT, Victory as a Coin Type, 1962 2 R. CARPENTER, The Sculpture of the N. Temple Parapet, 1929 3 W. Fucus, s.v. N., EAA 5, 1963, 461-469 4A. GuLakt, Klassische und klassizistische N.-Darstellungen, 1981 5 F. W. Hamporgr, Grie-

chische Kultpersonifikationen der vorhellenistischen Zeit, 1964 6T. HOLSCHER, Die N. der Messenier und NaupaktierinOlympia, in: JDAI 89, 1974, 70-111 7 C.ISLERKerfényi, N. Der Typus der laufenden Fligelfrau in archaischer Zeit, 1969

8 Ead., N. mit dem Tropaion

(AntPI 10), 1970, 57-63 9H. KNELL, Die N. von Samothrake, 1995 10N. Kuniscu, Die stiert6tende N., 1964 11 A. MousTAKA u.a., s.v. N., LIMC 6.1, 850-904 12 A.

SPETSIERI-CHOREMI, Eine tiberlebensgrofe N.-Statue in Athen, in: MDAI(A)

111, 1996, 363-390

13 C. THONE,

Ikonographische Studien zu N. im 5. Jahrhundert v.Chr., 1999 14D. B. THompson, The Golden Nikai Reconsidered, in: Hesperia 13, 1944, 173-209. B.BA.

Nike stater Modern name for the gold staters of Alexander the Great, issued in large quantities by mints throughout the empire. These > staters had on the obverse, facing to the right, a head of Athena wearing a Corinthian helmet and on the reverse, facing to the left, a standing > Nike with the inscription AAEZANAPOY. Weighing between c. 8.5-8.6 g, the NS were struck on the Attic > coin standard and there was a small number of double staters as well. The coin type continued to be issued by Philippus III Arrhidaeus [4] with the inscription ®IAITIMOY. The NS was used to pay soldiers; it had the same weight as the -> Philippelos. 1M. J. Price, The Coinage in the Name of Alexander the Great and Philip Arridaeus, 2 vols. 1991, 106 with pls. I-XVII_

2 GOBL, 65.

GE.S.

Nikephorus (Nixnpdeo0c; Niképhoros). [1] Patriarch. N. was born around AD 750 or 758 in ~ Constantinople; he embarked on a magistrate’s career at the imperial court which he represented in 787

AST.

758

at the Council of - Nicaea. Around 797 he became a monk and ran a poorhouse in Constantinople. In 806 he was appointed patriarch of Constantinople and failed to end the so-called ‘Moechian controversy’ between > Theodoros Studites and the government. In 815 he had to resign at the outset of the second iconoclasm (— Syrian Dynasty) and retired to a monastery, where he died in 828. N. wrote a number oftheological treatises in defense of the veneration of religious images and the Historia syntomos (Breviarium), a brief history of the years AD 602-769. The Historia syntomos is the only Greek source that parallels the chronicle of + Theophanes; both texts are largely based on material Georgios ~ Synkellos had collected for the continuation of his own work. But because of the selective use of the material, for a particular time material from Synkellos period may only appear in one of them. Ignatios Diakonos wrote a biography of N.

Nikiu. Métropolis (wytoedmods) in the Nile Delta in Lower Egypt; in AD 640, it was defended by the dux

EDITIONS: C. DE Boor (ed.), Opuscula historica, 1880; C. Manco (ed.), Short History, 1990; J. FEATHERSTONE (ed.), Nicephori Patriarchae Constantinopolitani Refuta-

tio et eversio definitionis synodalis anni 815, 1997. LITERATURE: P. ALEXANDER, The Patriarch Nicephorus of Constantinople, 1958; J. Travis, In Defense of the Faith: The Theology of Patriarch Nicephorus of Constantinople, 1984; P. SpEcK, Das geteilte Dossier, 1988.

ALB.

[2] N. I. Byzantine emperor (AD 802-811) after the deposition of the empress > Irene. He reformed the treasury and army and established new themata (military provinces, > théma); he was not prepared to recognize Charlemagne as emperor. N. died fighting the Bulgarians. 1 LMA 6, 1155f. 2 ODB3, 1476 3 P. Niavis, The Reign of the Byzantine Emperor Nicephorus I (802-811), 1984 41. RocHow, Byzanz im 8. Jahrhundert in der Sicht des Theophanes, 1991 5 J. WorTLEY, Legends of the Byzantine Disaster of 811, in: Byzantion 50, 1980, 533-562.

[3] N. I Phokas. Byzantine emperor (AD 963-969), as

a general he recovered > Crete from the Arabs in 961; in 963 in Cappadocia his army proclaimed him emperor and he married > Theophano, the widow of his predecessor > Romanos II. Soon thereafter he resumed fighting the Arabs, in particular the Hamdanids in Cilicia and Syria, and recovered large areas for the empire. He pursued an aggressive policy towards the Bulgarians and the Western emperor Otto the Great. The long-held assumption that he reformed the army has been disproved [4]. Through unpopular austerity measures such as introducing a lighter gold coin (tetarteron) he tried to rehabilitate the treasury that was burdened by wartime expenses. With Theophano’s knowledge his nephew Iohannes [35] I Tzimiskes assassinated him and became his successor. 1 Biographisches Lexicon zur Geschichte Siidosteuropas 3, 315-317 2LMA6,1156 3 ODB3, 1478f. 41.G. KO Ltas, Nixnddgos B’ Bwxac (963-969), 1993.

ET.

Domentianus

NILE

who

was

attacked

by ‘Amr, the com-

mander of the Arabian-Islamic troops, in the spring of 641. He fled and his army was wiped out at N. PLRE 3, 408f. (Domentianus).

ET.

Nile. River of Egypt, Egyptian pj (actually the N. flood) or jtrw (°) ‘the (large)river’; therefore Coptic joor and Hebrew /°6r; Greek Neilos (Net\os), since

Hesiod (Hes. Theog. 338); Homer (Hom. Od. 4,447) calls the river and the country Aigyptos (Atyvatos). With 6,695 km it is the longest river in the world. The source rivers, the Blue and White Nile, originate in Lake Tana (Ethiopia) and Lake Victoria (Uganda) respectively to unite near Khartum (Sudan). After the inflow of the Atbara river, the N. flows without additional tributaries through > Nubia and > Egypt into the Mediterranean. It forms a river oasis and, consequently, a living space and traffic artery through the continental desert belt. Because of the summer rains in the Ethiopian highlands, the N. swells starting in the middle of July and (before the modern regulating structures) reaches its high level while flooding the plain early in September and then receding into its bed late in October. The flood was the economic basis of Egypt. It defined the extent of the agricultural land and the harvest yield depended on the high water mark and the proper timing of the flood. The distribution of the water and the time it stood in the fields was regulated to some degree by using dammedin basins. A comprehensive influence on flood events and storage of the water until the summer to achieve a second harvest every year only became possible in the 2oth cent. Before that time, the continuity of deep cultural adaptation to the hydrology of the N. habitat extended from the beginning of the Dynastic period (c. 3000 BC) to the early modern period. The sources of the N. were located during the Pharaonic period (3rd millennium — mid-1st millennium) in mythological categories in the territory of the rst cataract, according to Hdt. 2,28 between the two mountains Krophi and Mophi (Keadt and M@u) from which the river ran south (Upper Egypt) and north (Lower Egypt). The actual origin of the river in the far south was naturally known but not discussed. Speculation and the search for the sources of the Nile began in Classical Antiquity. An expedition during the reign of ~ Nero (AD 61; > Nubia) reached the Sudd swamps of the White N. (Sen. Q Nat. 6,8). Information regarding the Nile’s origin in the ‘Mountains of the Moon’ in Central Africa and two source lakes circulated (e.g., Hdt. 2,33; Ptol. 1,17,5), but certain knowledge was only obtained in the 18th and roth cents. The cause of the N. flood was discussed in religious categories in Pharaonic culture. Characteristically, the N. did not appear as an autonomous deity but as an expression of the actions of other gods. At the latest in the Graeco-Roman period, it was assumed that the god-

NILE

759

dess Satet of > Elephantine, who was already equated with — Sothis (i.e., Sirius), released the N. flood by shooting an arrow and that her daughter Anuket caused it to recede again. Chnum (> Chnubis [1]) of Elephantine as the lord of the cataract territory presided over the course of the flood. Other interpretations explained the floods in the context of the myths surrounding > Osiris, e.g., as the tears of > Isis. A connection was

perceived between the beginning of the flood, the early heliacal rising of Sirius, and the phases of the moon. The coincidence of heavy rainfalls with an unusually high flood is mentioned in inscriptions of the 6th year of the rule of Taharka (685 BC) but not interpreted in causal terms. In Classical Antiquity numerous hypotheses with physical explanations were formulated [5; 6]. Apart from equatorial rainfalls, melting snow in African mountains, a damming of the N. by the — etesiai, varying rates of evaporation of the (normally high) N. depending on the position of the sun, an origin of the flood in the Ocean or from subterranean water reservoirs were also discussed. A measurement of the N. flood for religious and fiscal purposes at fixed measuring stations (Nilometres) is attested since the rst Dynasty. The recorded levels varied depending on the location and the historical period. The flood data of the Annal Stone (1st-sth Dynasty, Cc. 3000-2400) was probably measured at Memphis. A table of normal flood measurements of the late Old Kingdom, which provides levels for Elephantine, the Memphis region (pr-h ‘pj, Old Cairo) and the Delta (Tall al-Balamiin), was transmitted in a religious context to the Roman period and incorporated by classical authors (Plut. De Is. et Os. 43). Coherent series of flood marks are preserved from the roth-7th cents. BC at the quay of the temple of Karnak and from the rst2nd cents. AD from the Nilometre of Elephantine. The temple and the embankments of Elephantine formed a stage for a ritual performance of the flood events. The worship of the N. flood became tangible in the N. shrines of the New Kingdom at Gabal as-Silsila. The course of the floods since the Arab conquest of Egypt was documented in the records of the Nilometre at Cairo (ar-Rauda). Feasts relating to the critical phases of the N. flood are well attested in the Graeco-Roman period and the Middle Ages [7; 19]. The N. flood is a phenomenon of high regularity. Extremely high and low floods differ only by about 1.5 m. Nevertheless, the effects of such extremes were catastrophic. Plin. HN 5,11; 58 contains a list of flood levels with estimates of their respective effects. Floods that were too low caused famines, but floods that were too high broke the dams, flooded the settlements and caused harvest failures. Floods that were slightly above average were optimal (then 16 cubits, c. 0.52 m, near Memphis). Excessively low floods were at times considered in taxation by at least granting collection delays. Clauses, e.g., in leases, also refered to flood levels. The level of the lowest fully valid flood was marked on the Nilometre with a séma (ota). When this level was

760

reached, the feast of sémasia (onpoota; in the Arab period wafa) was celebrated. Apart from the annual fluctuations of the flood level, there are periods characterized by cyclically high and low drainage volumes on the scale of a few to several decades. The resulting agricultural problems could be regulated to some degree by adjusting the canal and dam systems (cf. Str. 17,1,3). Economic problems associated with periods of insufficient N. floods (cf. Gn aiff.) were repeatedly claimed as the causes of historical upheavals [2; 9], though this has not been conclusively shown. Likewise, the attempt to explain the origin of the Pharaonic state with the control of the N. floods (the Hydraulic Hypothesis [9]) is neither supported by the sources nor is it plausible in a premodern situation that only permitted minor intervention [12; 21]. With a sediment accumulation of 4-5 m height in the N. valley plain (extent and speed varied with the level of the Mediterranean and the location) and frequent shifts of the river bed, the N. has significantly altered the Egyptian landscape since Antiquity. The original topographical situation needs to be recovered by archaeological and geographical reconstruction in each case. ~> Irrigation 1 P. BarGueET, Les stéles du Nil au Gebel Silsileh, in: BIAO

50, 1952, 49-63

2B. Bett, The Dark Ages in Ancient

History, in: AJA 75, 1971, 1-26 3Id., Climate and the History of Egypt, in: AJA 79, 1975, 223-269 4M. BIETAK, Tell el-Dab’a Il. Der Fundort im Rahmen einer

archadologisch-geographischen Untersuchung iiber das agyptische. Ostdelta, 1975 5D. BONNEaU, La crue du Nil, 1964 6 Ead., Le fisc et le Nil, 1971 7 Ead., Les fétes de la crue du Nil, in: Revue d’Egyptologie 23, 1971, 49-65 8 L. BorcHarptT, Nilmesser und Nilstandsmarken, 1906 and supplement 1934 9K. W. Burzer, Early Hydraulic Civilization in Egypt, 1976 10 Id., s.v. Nilquellen, LA 4, 480-483 11Id.,s.v. Nil, LA 4, 506f. 12 E. ENDESFELDER, Zur Frage der Bewasserung im pharaonischen Agyp-

ten, in: ZAS 106, 1979, 37-51 Ackerpachtvertrage, 1997

LA 4, 496-498

13 H. FeLBER, Demotische 14H. Jarirz, s.v. Nilmesser,

15 Id., Nilkultstatten auf Elephantine, in:

Beiheft zu den Studien zur Altagyptischen Kultur 2, 1988, 199-209 16Id., M. BieTaxK, Zweierlei Pegelgleichungen zum Messen der NilfluthGhen, in: MDAI(K) 33, 1977, 47-62 17 A. MoorEHEAD, The White Nile, 1962 18 Id., The Blue Nile, 1962 19 W. Popper, The Cairo Nilometer,

1951 20R. Saip, The River Nile, 1993 21 W. SCHENKEL, Die Bewdasserungsrevolution im Alten Agypten, 1978

22 Id., s.v. Uberschwemmung, LA 6, 1986, 831-833 23S. J. SEIDLMAYER,

Historische

2000.

und

moderne

Nilstande,

SS.

Nile Mosaic A. GENERAL

B. DATING

A. GENERAL The NM comes from the sanctuary of Fortuna in > Praeneste. With a second large pavimentum from the same building complex, the so-called Fish Mosaic [1. Cat. no. 15], it is housed in the Museo Archeologico

761

762

Nazionale, Palestrina. It was assembled and reconstruc-

[2] Village in the Fayum, near Soknopaiou Nesos, modern Tall ar-Rusas, with an Isis cult. Known from numerous papyrus finds from the later Ptolemaic to the Byzantine period.

ted from several parts; its reconstructed total size is 6.55x5.25 m. The present reconstruction has been challenged by [8. 6off.]. The mosaic shows an Egyptian coastal landscape with groups of hunters, soldiers and priests as well as various animals. Some claims notwithstanding [2. 137-144; 5. 266ff.], the NM is not one of the Nilotic landscapes with pygmies that were so popu-

NILUS

1 A. CALDERINI, s.v. Nilopolis, Dizionario dei nomi geo-

grafici e topografici dell’ Egitto greco-romano,

in arabischer Zeit, vol. 2, 1984, 498-502, s.v. Dalas.

KJ-W.

lar in the Imperial Period (cf. [5]). Instead, it is a land-

scape with representations of animals which is reminiscent of zoological studies with its great variety of species and Greek inscriptions. B. DATING In the first detailed publication of the pavimenta of Palestrina, both mosaics were dated by [3] to the late Hellenistic Period. The previously proposed Imperial Period date [4; 6; 9; 10] was thus rejected. [11] dated them to the 3rd cent. BC. The Fish Mosaic and the NM are probably not companion pieces, neither by date nor by content [7. 47]: the first is probably Hellenistic, while the NM dates to the 2nd cent. AD, judging from its technique, iconography and style. The motif also supports this date: Roman enthusiasm for Egypt was at its height in the 2nd cent. AD. The iconography was enriched by elements from the written tradition, possibly from Aelian De natura animalium. The NM is not identical with the lithostroton mentioned in Plin. HN 36,189, as was proposed by [3. off., 51ff.]. ~+ Mosaic; > Praeneste 1R. D. DE Puma, The Roman Fish Mosaic, 1979 2L. FoucHER, Les mosaiques nilotiques africaines, in: G.

PicarD (ed.), La mosaique gréco-romaine 1 (Colloque Internationale ..., Paris 1963), 1965, 137-145 3G. GULLINI, I mosaici di Palestrina, 1956

4H. v. HEINTzE, Das

Heiligtum der Fortuna Primigeneia in Praeneste, in: Gymnasium 63, 1956, 526-544, esp. 537 5 J. LANCHA, Deux fragments d’une frise nilotique inédite au Musée National de Naples, in: MEFRA 92, 1980, 249-276 6 O. MaRuccut, Il grande mosaico Prenestino ed il »lithostroton« di

Silla, in: Dissertazioni della Pontificia Accademia romana di archeologia, Seria 2, 10, 1910, 147-190 7 A. M. PANnAYIDES, Uberlegungen zum Nilmosaik von Praeneste, in: Hefte des Archaologischen Seminars der Universitat Bern 15,1994, 31-47 8K. M. Puitiirs, The Barberini Mosaic: Sunt Hominum Animaliumque Complures Imagines, thesis Princeton 1962 9A. RuMprF, Malerei und Zeichnung der klassischen Antike (HdbA 6,4), 1953, 193 fn. 4 10 E. ScuHmipT, Studien zum Barberinischen Mosaik in Palestrina, 1927 11 A. STEINMEYER-SCHAREIKA, Das Nilmosaik von Palestrina und eine ptolemaische Expedition

nach Athiopien, 1978.

ALA,

Nilometer see > Nile

Nilopolis (Neihov x6Atc/Neilou polis). [1] Settlement in Middle Egypt, 13 km north of Bani Suwaif, Coptic Tilodj, modern Dalas. The settlement is not known from ancient Egyptian times; N. was a diocesan town in the Christian period.

vol. 3,

1978, 327f.; 2 S. TiMM, Das christlich-koptische Agypten

Nilus (Nethoc/Neilos, Latin Nilus). [1] N. of Ancyra A number of monastic letters, stories, apophthegmata, treatises and fragments are attributed toa N. of Ancyra or an ascetic N. in MSS. The question of authorship is hardly fully resolved in any of the texts. If the autobiographical data in the Dihégemata [1. 6044] are not held to be authentic (but so in [4]), little more is known of N. than that he lived in Galatia at the turn of the 4th and 5th cents. AD (but cf. the critique of this in [7. 59-65]). If however the information in this source are held to be historical, a later Sinaite reality for N. will not be held to be unlkely. The harmonising data of the Synaxarium of Constantinople [8.217], however, are problematic [6. 2186]. In either case the critically edited texts (including the Dihégémata and a commentary on the Song of Songs [1. 6044; 3]) and the not yet critically edited corpus of letters represent a central source for late antique > Monasticism. EDITIONS: 1CPG 3, 6043-6068; 2F. Conca (ed.), Nilus Ancyranus Narratio, 1983; 3 M.-G. GuéRARD (ed.), Nil d’Ancyre. Commentaire sur le Cantique des Cantiques (SChr 403), 1994. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 4K. Heussi, Untersuchungen zu Nilus dem Asketen (TU 42/2), 1917; 5 Id., Das Nilusproblem, 1921; 6ld.,s.v. N. (2), RE 16, 2186f.; 7H. RINGSHAU-

SEN, Zur Verfasserschaft und Chronologie der dem Nilus Ancyranus zugeschriebenen Werke, thesis Frankfurt/M. 1969; 8H. DELEHAYE (ed.), Synaxarium ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae, 1902; 9R. SOLZBACHER, Moénche,

Pilger

und

Sarazenen

(Miinsteraner

Abhandlungen 3), 1989, 200-208.

Theologische C.M.

[2] N. Scholasticus Late antique Christian author of two epigrams. In the first the poet asks himself whether it would be permitted to pictorially represent incorporeal angelical beings (Anth. Pal. 1,33, cf. > Agathias, ibid. 1,34), and in the second (16,247) he has a conversation with a laughing Satyr in a mosaic in Antioch (thus the lemma). N.’s presumed membership of the > ‘kyklos’ of Agathias stands in chronological (> Anthology E.) opposition to identification [1] with the monk N. who corresponded with the theologian N. [1] of Ancyra (cf. PG 79, 458 MIGNeE), who died in AD 430. 1R. AuBRETON et al. (ed.), Anthologie Grecque, vol. 13, 1980, 174; 2 Av. and A. CAMERON, Further Thoughts on the ‘Cycle’ of Agathias, in: JHS 87, 1967, 131; 3 A. CAME-

RON, The Greek Anthology from Meleager to Planudes, 1993, 152-55.

[3] See > Nile.

M.G.A.

NIMBUS

764

763

Nimbus.

and ‘became as dead men’; the entire event is accom-

[1] Nimbus vitreus (‘glass clouds’), a pun by Martial (14,112), which has been misunderstood mostly since FRIEDLANDER’s annotations [1. 322] and into the most

two men in shining garments (en esthéti astraptousét),

recent commentary [2. 174] has been misunderstood and is translated as a ‘glass vessel for sprinkling liquids with numerous openings’. What is meant is the effect of such an instrument when wine is sprayed. 1 L. FRIEDLANDER

(ed.), M. Valerii Martialis epigram-

panied by an earthquake (seismos). Lk 24:4f. tells of before whom the Apostles at the empty tomb turn their faces away in fear. According to Acts 9:3-4, Paul is surrounded by a light from heaven (phés ek tou uranon) outside of Damascus,

before which

he falls to the

ground and from which he hears the voice ofJesus. 1D. CoLton, First Impressions, 1987

2 A. MOORTGAT,

maton libri (with explanatory notes), vol. 2, 1886 2T. J. Leary (ed.), Martial Book XIV. The Apophoreta, 1996 (with introduction and comm.). DILWL

Vorderasiatische Rollsiegel, 1940 3 E. Porapa, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals in North American Collections. The Collection of the Pierpont Morgan Library, vol.

[2] In Isid. Orig. 19,31,1-2, a decorated headband for women is called nimbus (cf. Arnob. 2,41 and Serv. Aen. R.H. 2,616). The nimbus is not verified in art. [3] The halo (aureole) which surrounds the head or en-

Chicago Assyrian Dictionary, vol. B., s.v. birbirru, 245f.;

I,1, 1948.

vol. M/2, s.v. melammu, 9-12; vol. N/1, s.v. namrirri, 237£.; vol. S/1, s.v. Salummatu A, 283-285; vol. S/2, s.v. Sarru, 76-114; E. Cassin, La splendeur divine, 1968.

J.RE.

tire figure of particularly emphasized beings. I. ANCIENT ORIENT AND BIBLE

II. EGypr

III. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

I. ANCIENT ORIENT AND BIBLE Sumerian and Akkadian texts provide numerous expressions for the phenomenon of the nimbus, the special significance of which can be determined only

vaguely based on etymology as ‘(strongly) luminescent’, ‘intimidating’, ‘overwhelming’. Primarily deities, divine beings (-* Demons, and the like), but also buildings (temples) and (cult) objects could have a nimbus. It has objective qualities, in that it can be worn like an item of

clothing, taken off, given away and stolen. The divine nimbus manifests itself to humas, among other ways, in the form of a halo and above all in supernatural power and strength. It can be conferred on humans (especially the king), causes fear and terror and is thus capable of defeating people (especially enemies). Although the concept of the nimbus (#elammu)

is older, it is only

represented on cylinder seals of the New Assyrian New Babylonian period beginning in the 9th cent. whole figures of gods or just their upper parts are rounded by a corona (examples in [1. no. 391}; 2.

and BC: surnos.

598-599, 603; 3. nos. 680-683, 705, 1123]).

The OT and — following its tradition — the NT tell of the appearance of God and His angels in the form of fearsome luminous phenomena which veil their entire figure: > Yahweh descends in fire on Sinai (Ex 19:18), His splendour (LXX: d6oxa) appears like a devouring fire (Ex 24:17), it cannot be borne (Ex 33:18—23); the appearance of Yahweh remains hidden from the people in a pillar of cloud (stylos tés nephélés, Ex 33:10).The angel of the Annunciation (Lk 1:11—12) fills Zacharias with fear (phobos). When the angel of the Lord announces the birth of Jesus to the shepherds, they are surrounded by a shining light (Lk 2:9): déxa kyriou periélampsen auton. At the Resurrection of Jesus (Mt 28:2-4), the appearance of the angel of the Lord is compared to lightning (astrapé), his clothing is white as snow (leuk6n hos chion), the guards shake with fear

IJ. Ecypr In Egypt, a nimbus (in the style of aChristian halo) is found around the heads of the Tetrarchs in the emperor cult room of Luxor [1] and around the head of the ~ Phoenix (‘halo’ and five bundles of rays) on a liturgical tunic from Saqqara (late Ptolemaic — early Roman; [2. pl. 79]). The decan (star) > Chnubis [1] in the form of a snake is mostly depicted with seven solar rays around its head on numerous magical gems from the Imperial period. Fire surrounds the god Bes, who embodied the highest god at this time, ina magical papyrus (eusthicents b@-|i))s 1 J. G. Deckers, Die Wandmalerei im Kaiserkultraum von Luxor, in: JDAI 94, 1979, 600-652

2G. GRIMM, Kunst

der Ptolemaer- und Rémerzeit im Agyptischen Museum Kairo, 1975 3S.SAUNERON, Le papyrus magique illustré du Brooklyn Museum,

1970.

JO.QU.

III]. CLASsIcAL ANTIQUITY

In non-Christian Latin literature, nimbus originally meant the darkening appearance of the sky, storm clouds (e.g. Hor. Carm. 2,16,23; 4,4,7). Parallel to images such as that of Virgil’s of the cloud-shrouded Minerva (Verg. Aen. 2,616) or Juno (ibid. 10,634) is the idea of the gleaming ‘cloud of the gods’ (Hor. Carm. 1,2,31) and ultimately of the radiance which surrounds the heads of gods and rulers. In Christian Latin literature, the mimbus is declaredly the ‘halo’ (Isid. 19,3 1,2). This was already preceded by the Greek ideas of the appearance of outstanding kings and people in a gleam of light (Plut. Alex. 63,4 and the few other sources summarized in [4. 40]). In Greek art, the corona around the heads of figures is at first a concrete cosmological attribute of deities of light (recorded early for Helios, e.g. on red-figured vases from Lower Italy [5. Tab. 632f.]; only exceptionally for + Eos [6]). The radiant aureoles of -deities which are not astral/solar in Graeco-Roman belief go back to Asia Minor, the Near East or Egypt [4. 70]. The corona of Hellenistic rulers makes use of these solar

766

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concepts. The Greek nimbus of the gods is an expression of the glory surrounding the gods and heroes when they appear. It appears in Greek art as a bright circular arc, at first only in — mostly lower Italian — vase painting. More frequently, the nimbus and the corona were combined, for example for Helios on the Hellenistic metope from Troy in Berlin, PM [4. pl. 6,3; 5. pl. 647]. The nimbus in Greek art can also distinguish non-astral persons, such as Medea as the granddaughter of Helios, Erinys, Artemis, Poseidon and Amphithea, Hades and Persephone [4. 42-45]. As a sign of divine power and authority, the nimbus can largely distinguish all goddesses, gods and heroes in the Imperial Era, however it is henceforth specified. The white or blue nimbus can belong to all divine or primary figures ([r. fig. 1,3,5]: Venus; [1. fig. 4]: Neptunus; [4.45 n. 235 pl. 7,1]: Ceres; [7. 1, pl. 63]: Apollo; [7. fig. 71]: Nephele(?); [7. vol. 2 fig. 176]: Hesperus, Apollo, Venus), while yellow, golden or radiant nimbi are reserved for solar and astral deities. In the Tetrarchic period (AD 284-312), the nimbus was an occasionally used, and since Constantine (— Constantinus [1]) frequently used, but not necessary component of the image of the ruler (cf. the periphrasis in Pan. Lat. ro Maximiniano et Diocletiano 3,2: et illa lux divinum verticem claro orbe complectens, ‘and that light which surrounded the divine zenith with a bright circle’). The nimbus appears, for example, on Constantinian gold coinage, also for > Fausta [8. fig. 632, 647; 1. fig. 15], and was specially added to the reworked hunting scenes on the Arch of Constantine [9. pl. 42-45]. From the nimbus of the Constantinian dynasty, the sign was quickly transferred to Christ, angels and saints and thus focussed on the concept of holiness (sanctitas). From the end of the 4thcent., the cross-nimbus or nimbus with the chi-rho was preferred for Christ himself for a long time. That Valentinian II allowed his image in a silver largition bowl to be provided with the Christogram-nimbus remains a bold, isolated case of boundary-crossing and must be explained through religious political disturbances in Milan in AD 385/6 [3]. The special rectangular form of the Christian nimbus can mostly be explained as a sign of honourable — not holy — mortals, living as well as dead. This may generally not be wrong, however it does not rigorously apply [2]. In late antique/early Coptic Egypt, both saints and living people, and in Dura Europus, Moses and the prophets, were provided with the rectangular nimbus. Its bearers are on their way from the earthly to eternal life and are founders and benefactors of the Church. 1 A. AHLQVIST, Tradition och rorelse. Nimbusikonografin i den romerskantika och fornkristna konsten, 1990

(with a catalogue of 670 representations of nimbi of the rstto 5thcents. anda systematic bibliography) 2 E. JasTrZEBOWSKA, Encore sur la quadrature du nimbe, in: Historiam pictura refert. FS A. Recio Veganzones O.F.M..,

1994, 347-359 3 A. ARBEITER, Der Kaiser mit dem Christogramm-Nimbus, in: Antiquité Tardive 5, 1997, 153167 4M. BERGMANN, Die Strahlen der Herrscher. Theo-

morphes Herrscherbild und politische Symbolik im Hel-

NINNIUS

lenismus und in der rémischen Kaiserzeit, 1998 5N. YALouRIS, s.v. Helios, LIMC 5, 1990, 1005-1034 pls. 632-647 6C. WeIss, s.v. Eos, LIMC 3, 1986, 775 no.

284 pl. 380 7G. CERULLI IRELLI et al. (ed.), La peinture de Pompéi, 2 vols., 1993 8 J. P. C. Kenr et al., Die romische Miinze, 1973 (revised English version: Roman Coins, 1978) 9H. P. L’OraANGE, A. VON GERKAN, Der spatantike Bildschmuck des Konstantinsbogens, 1939. DI.WI.

Nimrod (LXX: Nefewd; Nebrod). According to Gn 10:8—12 (cf. r Chr 1:10; Mi 5:5) a mighty hunter, ruler of > Babylon, > Uruk and > Akkad in the land of Shinar (Babylonia) and probably also (the translation is not entirely definite) the builder of Nineveh (> Ninus [2]), > Kalhu and other cities in Assyria; son of Kush, who is actually the eponym of the Nubians, but in Gn

perhaps rather the ancestor of the Kassites (+ Cossaei). The derivation of N. is disputed; despite linguistic difficulties, today the majority assume that the name is based on that of the Mesopotamian god > (N)inurta, whose mythological role as a heroic fighter against monsters and founder of civilization on earth is not dissimilar to the role of the biblical N. If the name of the god Nisroch mentioned in 2 Kg 19:37 and Is 37:38 —in whose temple the Assyrian king ~ Sennacherib is said to have been murdered — should be emended to N. (NMRD > NSRK through letter transformation?), there would originally also have been mention of a god N. in the Bible. In the Jewish and Christian literature of antiquity, N. is identified with the builder of the Tower of Babel and considered to be a sacrilegious person (Philo, De gigantibus 15,65; Aug. Civ. 16,4; other references: RE 17, 624-627). N. plays an important role in Jewish and Islamic folk tradition. Arabic-Islamic toponymy is also evocative of N., after whom two significant Mesopotamian ruins, Birs Nimrud (+ Borsippa) and Nimrtd (Kalhu), are named. C. UEHLINGER, s.v. N., in: K. VAN DER TooRN et al. (ed.),

Dictionary of Deities and Demons

in the Bible, 1995,

1181-1186.

E.FRA.

Nimrud see > Kalhu Nineveh see > Ninus [2]

Ninnius [1] Pacuvius and Sthenius N. Celer belonged to a distinguished Campanian family. They seem to have offered Hannibal sumptuous accommodation in Capua in 216 BC (Liv. 23,8).

+ Punic Wars J. VON

UNGERN-STERNBERG,

Krieg, 1975, 30-31.

Capua

im

2.

Punischen TA.S.

[2] N. Crassus Republican writer, who translated the ‘Tliad’ into Latin. A whole hexameter and half of another are cited by Priscianus (GL 2,478) and Nonius

767

768

(762L.) respectively; both verses keep close to the original. Nothing else is known.

King Sardanapallus (> Assurbanipal), the city of N. was conquered by Babylonians and Medes, and the Assyrian empire was destroyed (for additional mentions of N. in ancient literature, see [1] and [4. 634f.]). The figure of King N., as described in the ancient legend, can probably be explained aetiologically (from N. [2]), as

NINNIUS

COURTNEY,

107; FPL? 118.

ED.C.

[3] Q.N. Hasta Consul suffectus in AD 88; probably identical with the homonymous senator appearing together with two other senators and the reference sub cura on fistulae from the city of Rome (CIL XV 7281 = ILS 8682). There is no connection with the > cura

[2]aquarum; the three senators had probably been commissioned to carry out a building contract in Rome, as well as to lay out the water pipes. PIR* N roo. [4] Q.N. Hasta Son of N. [3]; consul ordinarius in AD 114. PIR* N ror. [5] N. Hastianus Relative of N. [3] and [4]. Consul suffectus in AD 160. PIR* N ro2. W.E.

no ruler of this name is mentioned in cuneiform sources;

however, individual traits of particular Assyrian kings could have influenced it [3]. -» Ninus Romance [2] The city of N. should be identified as the Assyrian city of Ninu(w)a, Biblical Nineveh (see especially Jonah and Nahum), situated at a longitude of 44° 08’ east and a latitude of 36° 24’ north opposite modern Mossul on the Tigris. Nineveh, settled from c. 7000 BC and in the historical period the cult centre of the goddess > IshtarSauska, was elevated under > Sennacherib (705-681)

Ninurta (Aramaic ?st/nrt). As son of > Enlil, N. is

one of the most significant figures in the pantheon of ~ Nippur in the 3rd and the beginning of the 2nd millennia BC. N. has been attested as city god of Nippur since the early Akkadian period [3]. His name, ‘Lord Earth’, points to his original function as a fertility god; other traits — especially the function as god of war — fell to him by identification with other gods. After his mythical victory over the creatures Anzt and a-sag that were threatening the world order, he was promoted to king of the gods (‘N. theology’ [2. 326f.]). His significance in Babylon waned in favour of + Marduk from the early Babylonian period. Nevertheless, gods were still interpreted as functions or as body parts of N. in late syncretic texts [1. ror]. As god of war and (royal) > hunting, he gained a high standing in Assyria from the 9th cent. BC. N. may have been, although the name derivation has not yet been ascertained beyond doubt, the archetype for the biblical character > Nimrod (nmrwd) and for Nisroch (srh) of

2 Kg 19,37, in whose temple the Assyrian king > Sennacherib is supposed to have been murdered. 1 A. LivincsToneg, Mystical and Mythological Explanatory Works, 1986 2S. Maut,‘Wenn der Held (zum Kampfe) auszieht ...’ —- Ein N.-Ersemma, in: Orientalia 60,

1991, 312-334 3 W.SALLABERGER, Nippur als religidses Zentrum Mesopotamiens im historischen Wandel, in: G. WILHELM (ed.), Die orientalische Stadt, 1997, 147-168. TH.RI.

Ninus (Nivoc; Nios). [1] According to the Graeco-Roman tradition, N. is the

name of the founder of the Assyrian empire and of the capital city built by him. Diod. Sic. 2,1-28 reports, with reference to Ctesias, that N. conquered Babylonia, Armenia, Media and other parts of Asia, founded the large city of N. named after him, and fathered with his wife, > Semiramis, ason > Ninyas. After N.’s death (or

after he was deposed) and following the subsequent government of Semiramis, Ninyas ascended to the Assyrian throne. After his reign, 30 other kings are supposed to have reigned over Assyria. Ultimately, under

to the status of the political capital of > Assyria and developed on a vast scale (12 km long city wall, socalled South-west Palace on Tall Quyunguq with important orthostatic reliefs, Arsenal on Tall Nabi Yunus). Sennacherib’s grandson > Assurbanipal (Sardanapallus), the last great Assyrian king, continued the building programme (so-called North Palace on Quyunguq) [2]. In 612 the city fell victim to an attack by the Babylonians and Medes and lost its significant position although there is evidence of settlement right through to the time when it was stormed by the Mongols in the 13th cent. AD [1]. 1S. DaLLey, Nineveh after 612 Forschungen 20, 1993, 134-147 Glanzvolle Hauptstadt Assyriens, Semiramis, 1988, 58-82 4E. F. RE 17, 634-643.

BC, in: Altorientalische 2 P. Matruiag, Ninive: 1999 3 G. PETTINATO, WEIDNER, s.v. N. (2-3), E.FRA.

Ninus Romance. The discovery of the first fragments of the so-called ‘Ninus Romance’ (NR) and their publication in 1893 by U. WILCKEN mark a turning-point in the study of ancient narrative literature. The NR was the first of a large number of other Greek > novels recovered from Egyptian papyri. Its early dating (not later than the rst cent. AD) led to the rejection of E. ROHDE’s thesis, widely accepted at that time, that the flowering of the Greek novel was connected with the ~ Second Sophistic (znd cent. AD) [1]. As well as fragments A and B of the PBerolinensis 6926 (ed. WILCKEN), which were written no later than the 2nd half of the rst cent. AD), a third fragment ofthe NR (PSI 1305, ed. M. Norsa), from the 2nd half of the rst cent. AD, has also survived. The sequence of fragments A and B is uncertain and in any case fragment C seems to belong to a later phase of the novel. The name ‘Ninus’ appears in fragments B and C but not in A. His fiancée’s name (Semiramis? see below) is not mentioned in our fragments. Fr. A contains (after a series of very incomplete lines, possibly describing the meeting of Ninus and his fiancee) a polished speech by a young man (probably Ninus) to his aunt Derceia (who is urged to hasten his

769

770

NIOBE

marriage to her daughter). Then follows the meeting between Ninus’ cousin and fiancée and his mother, Thambe. In contrast to him, the young woman, totally embarrassed, does not utter a word but is given encouragement by her aunt. Fr. A ends with a meeting between the two mothers. Fr. B describes (after a fragmentary section that is very difficult to interpret) a campaign by Ninus against Armenia. Fr. C recounts a shipwreck of Ninus (and his fiancée ?) that has a happy outcome. Two mosaics from Antioch and Alexandretta (Iskenderun) supplement the papyrus fragments: they portray Ninus contemplating a woman’s portrait.

[2] Egyptian physician, active before 3 50 BC; classified diseases as congenital or acquired (Anon. Londiniensis 9). He saw the cause of acquired diseases in the retention and subsequent heating of excess nourishment in the bodily organs. N.’s theory, which certainly has parallels in ancient Egyptian medical texts (> Medicine I.),

constitutes the most explicit acceptance of non-Greek medical ideas by Greek physicians. Regrettably, nothing more is known of N.’s life or writings. V.N.

Niobe (Nwpr/Nidbé, Lat. Nioba). I. MyTHOLOGY

II. ICONOGRAPHY

Since WILCKEN, Ninus has been identified with the

homonymous legendary Assyrian hero and founder of Niniveh (— Ninus [1]), whose deeds are known to us from, in particular, Diod. 2,r-7 (drawing on Ctesias) and Plut. in 753d-e (a different version with similarities to a version attributed by Diod. 2,20,3 to a certain Athenaeus). The identification relies upon (apart from the name of the novel’s protagonist) Ninus’ characterization as a warrior (cf. A V 17-19), the peoples whom he has subjugated (A II 9-13) and the Armenian campaign (B II 31). Furthermore, the name of his aunt Derceia resembles that of Derceto, the mother of Ninus’ wife, Semiramis (it is for this reason that Ninus’ fiancée,

who appears in the novel fragments but is never explicitly named, is commonly thought to be named Semiramis). The Ninus story recounted in the NR differs in a number of important respects from the versions transmitted by Diodorus and Plutarch: the focus, typical of Greek romances, on the feelings of the characters, as

well as the free-spirited characterization given to Semiramis (in Diodorus and Plutarch, she is a determined and unscrupulous woman, while in the novel she is a timid and bashful maiden). — Novel 1 E. RoHDE, Der griechische Roman und seine Vorlaufer, 31914.

U. Witcken, Ein neuer griechische Roman, in: Hermes 28, 1893, 161-193; PSI 1305, p. 82-86; R. KussL, Papy-

rusfragmente griechischer Romane, 1991, 13-101; S. A. STEPHENS, J. J. WINKLER (ed.), Ancient Greek Novels: The Fragments, 1995, 23-71. M.FU. and L.G.

Ninyas (Nwtac; Ninyas). [1] In Graeco-Roman sources, son of the Assyrian King — Ninus [1] and + Semiramis, whom he succeeded on the throne. According to the report of Diod. (2,20f.), based on Ctesias, he was of an effeminate nature like

Sardanapallus (— Assurbanipal), and took no part in military campaigns. N., whose name derives from the toponym Nini(w)e (Niniveh; > Ninus [2]), is largely a

legendary figure; he is not mentioned in the cuneiform sources. 1 E. F. Werpner, s.v. N., RE 17, 643f.;

Semiramis, 1988, 269-277.

2G. PETTINATO,

E.FRA.

I. MYTHOLOGY Daughter of > Tantalus and > Dione or Euryanassa (Hyg. Fab. 9, schol. Eur. Or. 4) and wife of > Amphion [x] (Hes. fr. 183 M./W.). The oldest version of the myth is found in Hom. Il. 24,602-617 in the form of a comparison by which Achilles seeks to induce > Priam to overcome his grief over his son’s death just as N. did. N.’s children, the Niobids (NuoBida/Niobidai, Lat. Niobidae), were killed by Apollo and Artemis after N. boasted of her superiority to their mother, — Leto, because Leto had borne only two children, while she had twelve, or because she had ridiculed Apollo and Artemis for their clothing (Hyg. Fab. 9). The number of children varies in the sources between 3 and 20, with 12 and 14 mentioned most frequently; there are also numerous variations in the names of the children (Pherecydes FGrH 3 F 126; Hyg. Fab. 11; Stat. Theb. 3,191; Apollod. 3,46f.). In the Homeric version of the myth, the children were not buried for days because the population had been turned to stone, after which the gods intervened. N. remained alive. The verses in Hom. Il. 24,614-617 that tell of N. turning to stone at Mount Sipyus were already regarded as an interpolation in ancient times and deleted. The motifs of misconduct and punishment are supplemented by several earlier episodes from N.’s life that were depicted in Greek lyric poetry, such as the original friendship between N. and Leto (Sappho fr. 142 V.) and the marriage to Amphion, about which, acording to Ps.-Plut. De musica 15,1136c, Pindar composed a paean and which is mentioned in Aesch. N. fr. 154a,1-3 TrGF (Mimnermus, cf. Ael. VA 12,36, and Bacchylides, cf. Gell. 20,7, are also said to have dealt with this subject). Because only fragments have survived, it is not clear how these themes were dealt with by Greek dramatists: Aeschylus (see also II below) begins his ‘N.’ after the death of the children (cf. Aristoph. Ran. 911920). Sophocles’ ‘N.’ describes prior events as well as the children’s death (Soph. fr. 441a—451 TrGF; N. also in Soph. Ant. 823ff., 83.4ff., where Antigone compares her fate to N. being turned to stone). Little can be said of Aristophanes’ Drdmata é@ Niobos fr. 289-298 PCG. Euripides mentions the death of the Niobids in ‘Cresphontes’ (fr. 73 AUSTIN), the grave of the daughters in Phoen. 159f.; Pherecydes FGrH 3 F 38 and Hellanicus FGrH 4 F 21 have N. go to Mount Sipylus in Lycia after

NIOBE

as

772%

the death of her children (it was regarded as her home)

white paint on the lower portions of her body), surrounded by family members such as her father, Tantalus, and an old woman (her husband’s mother, Antiope, or a wet-nurse, [12. 310f.]); sometimes Artemis and Apollo are included as well. These depictions can be interpreted in various ways. Because N. is shown on vases in the manner customary for the dead, she shares the fate of the dead, or she belongs to both worlds, being partly petrified [10. 40, 48f.; 11. 13]. Or perhaps instead these portrayals are an illustration (‘figure head’) of the tragedy of > Aeschylus (see above I; [2; 9. 16]) or even the transformation of a motif from that tragedy into a ‘sepulchral motif of comfort’ (reunion with the children in the afterlife [5; 6]; however, it is problematic to reconstruct the tragedy on the basis of vase paintings [3. 2orf.; 11. 913f.]). Ina funerary context, N. is probably most of all a symbol of grief. Italian art shows a thematic shift in the myth to emphasize N.’s response and her family ties, as does Ovid’s ‘Metamorphoses’ [3; 8. 107-113]. The Hellenistic statue group Florence-Rome (entire group: Florence, UF 289-294; 298; 300-306) includes N. (294) in the demise of the children [4. 918-920 nr. 23; 9. 82-84]. In the art of the Imperial period N. is usually absent from the Niobid cycles [4. 920f.].

and there she turned to stone. Various authors sought to localize N. there after her transformation (Paus. 1,21,3; Q. Smyrn. 1,294ff.).

This was a popular myth in the Hellenistic and Imperial periods (Euphorion in schol. Hom. Il. 24,602; Simmias of Rhodes in Parthenius 33; Callim. H. 4,96). N. was often viewed ambivalently and her pitiable fate was contrasted with her unbridled self-praise (Sen. Epist. 63,2; Sen. Oed. 613f.; Stat. Theb. 4,575ff., 12,79ff., 14,270ff.; Lucian. De luctu 24; Nonnus, Dion. 2,159Ff., 48,406ff.). Her transformation into stone was rationally interpreted as an inability to speak, N. being choked with grief, e.g. in Philemon fr. roz PCG; Cic. Tusc. 3,63; Ach. Tat. 3,15,6. The most comprehensive treatment is in Ovid (Met. 6,146-312), with the focus on N. as a grieving mother. The emperor Nero is also said to have written and staged a ‘N.’ (Suet. Nero 21). Mart. 5,53 criticized the weak poetic treatment of the material by one Bassus; Anth. Pal. 11,253-255 ridicules incompetent actors and playwrights of ‘N’. Epigrams dealing with depictions of N. in the visual arts have also been preserved (Anth. Pal. 16,129-134; Auson. Epit. 27; Auson. Epigrammata 63). Artemidor (4,47) says the myth of N. is a frequent subject; it was also commonly employed in rhetorical handbooks (Aphthonius, Progymnasmata 11; Nicolaus Sophistes, Progymnasmata 6,6). The version by Parthenius (33) refers to a local Lydian legend in which N. is beset by her father after the death of her husband; her father finally kills her children and N., in her despair, leaps off a cliff. In an Argive version N. is the mistress of Zeus, by whom she gives birth to > Argos [I 1] and > Pelasgus (Hyg. fab. 145; Apollod. 2,2; 3,96). J. M. Frecaut, La métamorphose de Niobé chez Ovide (Met. 6.301-312), in: Latomus 39, 1980, 129-143; W. PoETSCHER, Homer, Ilias 24.60r1ff. und die Niobegestalt, in: Grazer Beitrage 12-13, 198 5-86, 21-35; M. SCHMIDT,

s.v. Niobe, LIMC 6.1, 908-909; E. WiEMANN, Der Mythos von Niobe und ihren Kindern. Studien zur Darstellung und Rezeption, 1986.

Il. ICONOGRAPHY N. herself rarely appears in Greek art. Usually it is the death of her children, the Niobids, that is depicted (with emphasis on hubris and punishment), sometimes in significant works of art (e.g. > Niobid Painter, classical pediment group [4. 918 Nr. 21a-c, 22; 7. 40-47], reliefs on the throne of Zeus in > Olympia [4. 917 Nr. 15]). An unusual example is a > painting on marble from Herculaneum, probably after a classical model, showing five young women playing at knucklebones, among them the young N., who is handing a belt to Leto [z. 18; 11. 909f. No. r]. In contrast, southern Italian funerary art emphasizes N.’s pathos [3. 200f.]. On red-figured - Campanian and > Apulian vases from the 4th cent. BC, N. is depicted ona naiskos or on the grave of her children just as she is beginning to turn to stone [1o. 42f.] (indicated by

1 R.M. Cook, Niobe and Her Children, 1964 2 H. FraccHIA, Two New Mythological Scenes from Western Lucania, in: T. HACKENS

(ed.), Crossroads of the Mediterra-

nean (Archaeologia Transatlantica 2), 1984, 291-300 3 Id., The Mourning Niobe Motif in South Italian Art, in: Echos du Monde Classique 31, N.S. 6, 1987, 199-208 4 W. Geominy, s.v. Niobidai, LIMC 6.1, 914-929

5E.

KeuLs, Aeschylus’ Niobe and Apulian Funerary Symbolism, in: ZPE 30, 1978, 41-68 (=Id., Painter and Poet in Ancient Greece, 1997, 169-199) 6Id., The Happy End-

ing: Classical Tragedy and Apulian Funerary Art, in: MededRom 40, 1978, 83-91 (=Id., Painter and Poet ..., see [5], 153-167) 7M. MOLTESEN, Greece in the Clas-

sical Period. Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, 1995 81. Paar, Ovid und die mythischen Landschaftsbilder der rémischen Kaiserzeit, Diss. Wien 1963 9 B.S. RipGway, Hellenistic Sculpture, 1990 10 M. ScHMrpT, Gestalten des

Mythos anstelle der menschlichen Verstorbenen: Ein Exkurs zum Problem der unteritalischen Niobedarstellungen, in: Id. et al., Eine Gruppe Apulischer Grabvasen in Basel, 1976, 40-50 111d., s.v. Niobe, LIMC 6.1, 908914 12A.D. TRENDALL, The Mourning Niobe, in: RA 1972, 309-316.

B.BA.

Niobid Painter. Attic red-figure vase painter, active between 470 and 450 BC. The name comes from the reverse of the calyx crater Paris, LV 341, which depicts Apollo and Artemis slaying the children of — Niobe. The significance of the other side of the vessel was long disputed; however it has recently been discovered that the figure of Hercules is standing ona pedestal. It is now likely that this figure represents a statue and that the scene shows the Athenian heroes in the Herakleion of Marathon. Various details on both sides of this vase and on some others by the artist and his group — such as the

NIPPUR

TTS

774

composition in several levels — indicate that they are derived from large-scale wall paintings or are inspired by them. Approximately 140 known vases show the hand of the NP. His preferred themes are scenes of pursuits, libations, sacrifices, > Triptolemus and battles. The latter are also characterised by the influence of largescale painting on his work. He and his slightly older workshop associate, the > Altamura Painter, primarily decorated large vessels such as craters, amphorae and hydriai (> Pottery, with fig.), however they also pursued a sideline with smaller oenochoéai and pelikai. Although the drawing style of the NP reveals a fine, sure hand, his figures often appear in a peculiarly stiff posture. His simple, balanced compositions and the emotionally charged gazes of his figures, which are filled with sublime meaning, make his work the best example of the early Classical style of drawing that we can now recognize. His late work is characterized by more complex compositions and a richer drawing style, which also includes softer and more detailed depictions of clothing. Some scholars have postulated that the NP learned to draw from the > Berlin Painter, however this is not likely. In the following generation his tradition was continued by > Polygnotus and his circle.

territorial states of southern Mesopotamia. N. was the place where the rulers of the southern Mesopotamian territorial states assembled, probably in the Ekur, the temple of Enlil. Asa result, the god moved into a leading position in the Sumerian > pantheon. Hence, from no later than the middle of the 3rd millennium BC, N. played an important role with regard to the legitimation of power in the Sumerian south [1]. This was also taken into account by the kings of the Dynasty of Akkad (24th-22nd cents.BC) originating from an Akkadian background. In their policy regarding the southern Mesopotamian parts of the empire, they benefited for their legitimation from the ideological and religious bases of Sumerian society, as is shown e.g. in the extensive building and reconstruction work at the temple of Enlil starting with > Naramsin [2. 21-29], and also in the installation of the king’s daughter Tutanapsum as high priestess of Enlil [3]. In the Ur III period (21st cent. BC), execution of the cult and economic provision for the Ekur were important areas of royal policy, because of Enlil’s role as the supreme god of the imperial pantheon and the force of legitimation connected with it. The provincial governors of the south and the Diyala region were united ina kind of Amphictyonic League in whose framework they provided the sanctuaries of N. (especially the Ekur) with sacrificial supplies [4. 195-196]. N. as the religious centre of the empire was also one of the three places of coronation, and this particularly legitimated each king’s claim to power [4. 172f.]. Initially still linked to the tradition of the Ur III period in the early

J. P. Baron, New Light on Old Walls: The Murals of the Theseion, in: JHS 92, 1972, 20-45; S. Bonomi, Una nuova pelike del pittore dei Niobidi, in: AA 1985, 29-47; M. PraANnGE, Der Niobiden-Maler und seine Werkstatt, 1989; M. DENOYELLE, Le cratére des Niobides, 1997.

J.0.

Old Babylonian period (zoth/roth cents.), N. increas-

Niphates (Nupatys/Niphatés). Mountain range on the — Thospitis Limne (Van Gol) in Armenia, belonging to the eastern Taurus massif (Dogu Toros Daglar1) (Str. MMeN2-45 N140353524525103 blin. LUN 5,27; Mela 1,105585; Plut. Alexandros 31,10; Ptol. 5,13,4; 6,1,1; Amm. Marc.

23,6,13;

Steph. Byz. s.v. N.; cf. Hor.

Carm.

2,9,20; Verg. G. 3,30; Jos. Ant. Iud. 18,2,4) — in a nar-

rower sense probably Ihtiyarsahap Daglari with Mevzi Dagi (3446 m) in the south of Van Goli or Ala Daglari with Tendiirek Dagi (3533 m) in the north-east of Van Goli. R. Syme, Anatolica, 1995, 27-38.

E.O.

Nippur (Sumerian Nibru; Akkadian Nippur[u]; Arabic Nuffar). City in Babylonia c. 140 km to the southeast of modern Baghdad, for which habitation in varying intensity can be demonstrated from the 6th millennium BC until about AD 800, to some extent even into the 14th cent. AD. During the first half of the 3rd millennium BC, without ever having played a power-political dynastic role, N. — and its city god > Enlil —- experienced elevated significance in the course of a development which required institutionalised ways of resolving conflicts (e.g. for water rights in an agriculture based on artificial irrigation) which kept breaking out between the individual

ingly lost its significance as a central cult location [5. 15-40] in the first half of the 2nd millennium BC, primarily as a result of new political conditions and changes in the religious concepts of the inhabitants of ancient Mesopotamia. From the area of the ‘Tablet Hill’, excavations have produced comprehensive documentation of Sumerian literary creation in the context of Old Babylonian scribal education. Under the Kassites (— Cossaei) in the 14th/13th cents. BC, N. experienced a renewed cultural and political impetus and was the seat of a governor whose position within the Kassite administrative organisation, however, could not yet be precisely determined [6. 143"]. After a period of considerable decline caused by environmental changes, N. once more achieved political and economic significance in the 8th/7th cents. BC. Its elites engaged on both sides in the power-political disputes between the Chaldaeans (+ Chaldaei) and the Assyrians [7]. In the Chaldaean and Achaemenid periods (7th—4th cents. BC), N. was an economically prosperous city, as is testified e.g. by the archive of the family > Mura§&ti (first half of the sth cent. BC) [8]. In the Hellenistic period, N. appears to have been the location of a school of astronomy, if the identification N. = Hipparenum in Plin. HN 6,123 is correct [9].

NIPPUR

776

TAS

1 W. SALLABERGER, Nippur als religidses Zentrum Mesopotamiens im historischen Wandel, in: G. WILHELM (ed.), Die orientalische Stadt, 1997, 147-168 2A. WESTENHOLZ, Old Sumerian and Old Akkadian Texts in Philadelphia, vol. 2, 1987 3 J. and A. WesTENHOLZ, Die

1 U. von WiLaMowITZ-MOELLENDORFF, Isyllos von Epidauros, 1886 (Ndr. 1967) 2 W. KULLMANN, Die Quellen der Ilias, 1960 3 P. MULLER, s.v. N., LIMC 6.1, 929. K. Keyssner, s.v. N., RE 17, 708f.

P.D.

Prinzessin Tudanapsum, in: Altorientalische Forschungen

LO, 1983, 387-388 ATTINGER

4 W. SALLABERGER, Ur III-Zeit, in: P.

(ed.), Mesopotamien/

160/3), 1999, 121-390

Annaherungen

(OBO

5 TH. RICHTER, Untersuchungen

Nisa [1] (Nioa/Nisa). City in Boeotia, mentioned only in the

zu den lokalen Panthea Siid- und Mittelbabyloniens in altbabylonischer Zeit (AOAT 257), 1999 6H. P. H. PerscHOW, Die Sklavenkaufvertrage des sandabakku Enlilkidinni von Nippur, in: Orientalia 52, 1983, 143-155

Homeric catalogue of ships (Hom. Il. 2,508). In Antiquity, it was identified (Paus. 1,39,4-6) with > Megara [2], the main port of which was called Nisaea, but this is unlikely. Evidence: Str. 9,2,14; Dionysius Calliphontus

7S. W. Co.e, N. in Late Assyrian Times, 1996 8M. W. STOLPER, Entrepreneurs and Empire, 1985 9 J. OELSNER,

102; schol. Theocr. 12,27; schol. Hom. Il. 2,508.

Nochmals ‘Hipparenum (Plinius nat. hist. VI 123) = Nippur?’, in: Altorientalische Forschungen 9, 1982, 259-262. M. DEJONG ELLIs (ed.), Nippur at the Centennial, 1992;

R. L. ZETTLER, s.v. Nippur, The Oxford Encyclopedia of Archaeology in the Near East 4, 1997, 148-152. H.N.

Nipsaei (NupatoUNipsaioi). Thracian tribe west of Mesambria, probably on the eastern slopes of the Strandza mountain range to about Salmydessos. When the Persian army under -> Darius [1] marched through in a northerly direction against the Scythians in 513 BC, the N. subjugated themselves to Darius without bloodshed (Hdt. 4,93). Possibly identical with the Tranipsi (Xen. An. 7,2,323 Hsch. s.v. Toavupoi/Tranipsoz). At the

end of the 5th cent. they came under the rule of the » Odrysae which is why they are not longer mentioned in later sources. The place name Nia/Nipsa in Steph. Byz. is a later construct. Cu.

Danovy,

Altthrakien,

1976,

128; T. SPIRIDONOV,

Istori¢eskata geografija na trakijskite plemena, 1983, 45, 109.

Ly.B.

Nireus (Nigevs; Nirezis). [1] Son of Poseidon and the Aeolian > Canace (Apollod. 1,53). [2] Son of > Aglaia [2] and Charops [3], the ruler of > Syme; weakling and (after Achilles) the second most beautiful Greek in the Trojan War, in which he took part with three ships (Hom. Il. 2,671ff.). N. is killed by his Trojan opposite number > Eurypylus [2], the second most beautiful Trojan (Hom. Od. 11,522), (Quint. Smyrn. 6,373ff.; 7,5ff.), probably as a punishment for his vanity [1. 48 Anm. 7]; according to Lycoph. rorrff. he survives and settles in > Pola. His beauty ist legendary; Hyg. Fab. 81 names N. as Helen’s suitor[1]. In the Antehomerica, N. campaigns with Achilles against + Telephus and kills Telephus’ wife Hiera (Philostr. heroicus 2,18 [2. 107; r41f.]). According to Ptol. Chennos 2,7, N. is > Hercules’ [1] lover or son who aids him against the Nemean lion. [3] N. from — Catane is freed from his love for Athena by jumping off the rock of Leucas. He falls into a fisherman’s net and is rescued (Ptol. Chennos 7,18). For N. in art see [3].

E. Visser, Homers Katalog der Schiffe, 1997, 279f.

KF.

[2] City and fortress complex 18 km north of Ashabad, Turkmenistan. Main city of the Achaemenid satrapy of Parthia. After occupation by the > Parnians (~ Dahae [r]) in the 3rd cent. BC, it was an important centre

(18 ha) of the people referred to in ancient literature as Parthians under the dynasty of the Arsacids. Alongside ‘New Nisa’, the city itself from pre-Arsacid times, the Arsacid fortress is called ‘Old Nisa’. The

pentagonal castle ona

brick platform (14 ha) contains a

palace, temple, ‘treasure house’, wine cellar and barracks. Its actual name Mihrdatkirt (‘fortress of Mithridates’), along with archeological finds, indicates that

it was used from the time of > Mithridates I. Fragments of locally produced, larger-than-life clay figures have been found in the temple-palace complex, including Hellenistic busts, Hellenistic statuettes of women, statuettes of Athena, Eros and others: indications that the

Parthians were receptive to Greek art and culture. The ‘treasure house’ contained 40 ivory rhyta in the IranoGreek style, possibly of Greco-Bactrian origin, parts of thrones, seals, glass, weapons, etc. The wine-press house contained an archive with Parthian — ostraca. Five km from N., in Mansur-depe, was a large courtyard temple with a > liwan hall (cf. > Ctesiphon [2]). According to Isidorus of Charax, twelve the Parthian kings were buried in N. in royal graves (Baowxal tadpai/basilikai taphai). V. N. Pitipko, Golova v sleme iz staroj Nisy, in: VDI 3, 1990, 167-177; A. INVERNIZZ1, Parthian Nisa, in: J. WrESEHOFER

(ed.), Das Partherreich

1998, 45-59.

und seine Zeugnisse, B.B. and J.W.

Nisaea [1] (Nioata/Nisaia). Port of > Megara [2] on the Saronikos Kolpos near modern Pachi [1. 259]. To the east of N. in Antiquity there was the island (now part of the mainland) of Minoa [2. 56-62], connected to the mainland by a bridge (Thuc. 3,51,3). Megara and its citizens are often described in ancient sources as ‘Nisaean’ [3. 156]. In the 6th cent. BC, N. temporarily belonged to Athens (Hdt. 1,59; Plut. Solon 12,3). In 461 BC the Athenians occupied N. a second time (Thuc. 1,103,4) and connected it with the city centre of Megara by ‘long

alae

778

walls’ [4. 29-32]. In 446 BC they had to return N. to Megara (Thuc. 1,115; 4,21,3). In 424 BC they occupied N. again and destroyed the ‘long walls’ (Thuc. 4,68— 73). It was not until 440 BC that Megara could retake N. (Diod. Sic. 13,65,1-2). In the 4th cent. BC, in the conflict with Philip II, the coastal town was occupied by Athenians under > Phocion and the ‘long walls’ were rebuilt (Plut. Phocion 15). After that N. as a port shared the historical fate of Megara. Evidence: Scyl. 56; Str.

tronomy [3. 341] mentions the now Arsacidian N. as being situated in Mesopotamia in 112 BC. Between 80

8,1,35 9,1,45 65 8; Paus. 1,19,45 1,39,43 1544535 2534575 TORUS se 1 Travios, Attika; 2M. SAKELLARIOU, N. FARAKLAS, Meyagic, Aiyoo8eva, Eoévera, 1972; 3 E. MEYER, s.v.

Megara (2), RE Megara, 1981.

Suppl.

12, 842-851;

4P.

LEGON, K.F.

[2] Name of several regions and places in Iran. a) Nwoatov

mediov/Nisaion

pedion

in

— Media,

where the famous royal horses (Nyoatou immo Nésaioi hippoi) were bred (Hadt. 3,106; Str. r1,13,7). A district of Nisaya was also mentioned by > Darius [1] I in the report of his deeds [1. DBI 58}. b) Nuoaia, Niyata/Nisaia, Nigaia : place in > Mar-

giana mentioned by Ptol. 6,10,4 (cf. the Nisaioi in northern Areia; ibid. 6,17,3). In the Avesta a region of Nisaya between Margiana and Bactria is mentioned. c) A region east of Hyrcania (Str. 11, 7,3; 8,3).

1 R. Kent, Old Persian, 1953.

JW.

and 65 BC, N.was occupied by > Tigranes of Armenia. Following a siege and temporary capture by the Romans under Licinius [I 26] Lucullus (68 BC.) N. again came under the rule of the Armenians followed by the Parthians and was then given to > Izates[2] by + Artabanos[5] the ruler of - Adiabene (Ios. Ant. Iud.

20,3,3). Talmudic sources and Josephus (Jos. Ant. Iud. 18,9,1; 19,9) testify to the strong Jewish presence in the town. After being conquered by Trajan for a short time (Cass. Dio 68,26,1) and thereafter perhaps becoming part of the kingdom of > Osroene, N.came under Roman control once more after 164 BC. For the year AD 194 Cass. Dio 75,1 reports of a siege by the inhabitants of Osroene and Adiabene. Septimius Severus made N. into his headquarters (Cass. Dio 75,1,2) and later into Septimia Colonia Metropolis (coin legends), i.e. probably the new province of Mesopotamia. The legio I Parthica would come into question as a garrison, as is indicated in Not. Dign. Or. 36,29. After AD 260 under Persian and, for a short time, under Palmyrene control, N. was won back for Rome in AD 298 by Galerius [5]. In the peace negotiations the town was established, against Persians objections, as the centre for trade exchange with the Persians (cf. again Cod. Just. 4,63; 4). After being besieged several times between 3 37 and 350 AD by Schapur II. (> Sapor) N. was handed over to the Sassanids by > Iovianus in the ensuing peace treaty of AD 363; the Roman border ran only a few

Nishapur (Név Sabubr). City founded by Sabuhr I

kilometres

(> Sapor) (Hamza Isfah, Sahristaniha-i Eran; Tabari: Sabuhr II), capital of the Sassanid province of Abarsahr

255759).

in Westhorasan (Iran). Under Yazdgird II (5th cent. AD) it was for a time the most important royal residence of the Sassanids (battles against the > Hephthalites), and the city, in whose vicinity was also an important fire sanctuary, remained a flourishing metropolis until the Mongol Conquest of the 13th cent.

J.W.

Nisibis (NiowBic/ Nisibis, Byz. NuoiBuw/Nisibin). Town in Mesopotamia, also Nesibis, Assyrian Nasibina, Ara-

bian Nasibin, present-day Nusaibin, probably ‘the pillars’ in Aramaic folk etymology. N. was situated in a strategically important position on the Gaggaga river (Mygdonius), at the foot of the mountains of Mardin (Mons > Izala, Tar ‘Abdin). In Assyrian sources N. is mentioned for the first time 901/o BC as the centre of the Aramaic tribe of the Teman under sheikh NarAdad. In 896 BC, N. was taken by Adad-narari IL.; it was an important Assyrian governorship on the + royal road that lead to the West; a branch road ran

from the north into the Habur valley. In 612 BC the town was looted by the Babylonian > Nabupolassar in pursuit of the last Assyrians. In the Seleucid period N. minted its own coins for a short time and was also known by the name Antiocheia Mygdonia. Ios. Ant. Iud. 20,3,3 speaks about the founding of N. by Macedonia. A cuneiform text on as-

NISIBIS

to the west

of the town

(Amm.

Marc.

As a consequence many inhabitants left the town, amongst them the Syrian Christian author > Ephraem who was born in N. Nevertheless N. remained an important commercial and intellectual centre of Mesopotamia. N. remained the centre of goods exchange between Persians and Byzantines under Justinian [1]. Po-

litically a part of the province of Arbayestan, it was ruled by a marzaban (commander of a border province) under the Sassanids and also for a short time by an Ostandar (the head of a smaller territory which lay below the level of a province; there is proof of the presence of a ‘chief magus’ (high priest). However, the Christian community remained an important group in the town. Babu is documented as the first bishop in AD 303 and his successor was St. James, around whom many legends were woven in Syria. He took part in the Council of Nicaea [5] and was involved in resisting an attack by Schapur. After the expulsion from Edessa of the so-called ‘Persian School’, an east Aramaic-Syrian school of theology [1. 101, 104], > Narsai founded the school of N. in AD 497, which was the literary and spiritual centre of the Nestorian Church and for a long time (even after the Arabian conquest in AD 640) influenced (> Nestorianism). Only a few classical remains (of the forum?) and a baptistry built in AD 359 by Bishop Vologaises are preserved in N.

NISIBIS 1 A. BaumstarK, 1922

780

779 Geschichte

der syrischen

Literatur,

2E. HoniGMaANn, C. E. Boswortu, s.v. Nasibin,

EL 7, 983-985 3H. HunGer, A. J. Sacus, Astronomical Diaries and Related Texts from Babylonia, vol. 3, 1996 4 C.S. LiGutFoor, Facts and Fiction — The Third Siege of N., in: Historia 37, 1988, 105-125

5 A. OPPENHEIMER,

Babylonia Judaica in the Talmudic Period, 1983, 319-333 6 M. P. STRECK, s.v. Nasibina, RLA 9, 185f.

7 J. SruRM,

8 A. VO6Bus, History of the

s.v. N., RE 17, 714-753 School of N., 1965.

K.KE.

Nisus I. MytHoLocy

II. HisTORICAL

PERSONS

I. MYTHOLOGY (Ntooc/Nisos, Lat. Nisus).

{1 1] Son of + Pandion, king of > Megara [2]. Accord-

ing to an oracle, his purple lock of hair guaranteed the continuation of his rule. When — Minos besieged Megara, — Scylla, daughter of Nisus, stole the lock out of calculation or for love (since the Hellenistic period: Parthenius fr. 20; Ov. Met. 8,6-151; Pseudo-Verg. -» Ciris). After his transformation into a sea eagle, N.

pursued his daughter, who had been transformed into a bird (ciris, Greek keiris). F. BOMER,

P. Ovidius

Naso, Metamorphosen,

B. 8-9,

1977, 11-17. {I 2] Trojan hero, invention of Vergil. With > Euryalus [4], N. formed the most famous pair of friends in the ‘Aeneid’ (rich history of reception). The cheerful scene in the 5th book (Verg. Aen. 5,286-361: N. helps his youthful beloved to victory in the footrace) stands in contrast to the bloody heroic deed in the 9th book (modelled on the Homeric ~ Doloneia): N. broke through the enemy lines and falls in battle for his friend (ibid. 9,176-502). J. DiINcEL, Kommentar zum 9. B. der Aeneis Vergils, 1997,

20-34.

B.GY.

II. HisTORICAL PERSONS {11 1] Latin grammarian who is placed in the 2nd half of the rst cent. AD. He is one ofthe references for Varius’s editorial work on Vergil’s ‘Aeneid’ (cf. Donat. Vita Vergilii 42). His work is lost: a commentary on the Fasti is mentioned by Macrobius (Sat. 1,12,30), while some grammarians mention him in the context of morphology and orthography: Charisius [3] (p. 28,8 B. = GL 1,28,9), Priscianus (GL 2,503,16) and, above all, Velius

Longus, whose De orthographia depends on him in part (GL 7,74,10-80,16). ScHANZ/Hostus,

vol. 2, 731; MAZZARINO,

in: GRF

332-341; R. G. Austin, in: CQ 67, 1968, 107-115.

1,

PG.

Nisyrus (Nioveoc/Nisyros). Island west of Cnidus, belonging to the Dodecanese. Around 35 km* and pentagonal in shape, between Cos, Telos and the western

tip of the Resadiye peninsula. Volcanic rocks, hot springs (Str. 10,5,16); the collapsed main crater is 692 m high. N. was dedicated to Poseidon. The settlements of Argus (Steph. Byz. s.v. “Aoyoc/Argos), Gigantea and Hypaton (Iwavtea/Gigantea and Yratov/ Hypaton, IG XII 3,92,2f.), attested in literary sources, cannot be located archaeologically, but the eponymous main settlement of N. has been found, in the north west of the island near the coast at Mandraki (impressive circular walls, sanctuary of Zeus Meilichios). In the Catalogue of Ships in Hom. Il. 2,676f., N. is the realm of Pheidippus and Antiphus, the sons of Thessalus. An alleged settlement by Dorian colonists (from Epidaurus) before the 7th cent. BC (Hdt. 7,99) is questionable. Under Persian rule after 546, N. fought at Salamis in 480 under Artemisia [1] against Athens (Hd. l.c.). A founder member of the > Delian League, it is attested several times between 452 and 427 in the tribute lists; the level of the contributions (1.5 talents, from 442 BC 1 talent) suggests a cultural peak in the sth and 4th cents. (with its own mint). In the Hellenistic period, N.

was under Ptolemaic influence, and later it was closely associated with Rhodes, interrupted only by a brief Macedonian interlude under Philippus V (from 227) and lasting into the Roman period. Archeology: Rhodian ceramics (— East Greek pottery) at Mandraki, Roman baths at Pali. -» Sporades P. M. Fraser, G. E. Bean, The Rhodian Peraea and Islands, 1954, 138-154; H. KaLetscn, s.v. Nisyros, in:

LauFFER, Griechenland, 472f.

AKU.

Nitetis (Nityntc/Nitétis). According to Hdt. 3,1-3 daughter of the Egyptian king > Apries; > Amasis [2] pretended she was his daughter and gave her in marriage to Cambyses [2]; in response to this deception Cambyses attacked Egypt. In the Egyptian version she was the wife of Cyrus [1] | and Cambyses’ mother. Although the name is Egyptian (Njtt-jj.tj), the princess is not documented in Egyptian sources. K.J-W.

Nitiobroges. middle

Tribe in south-western

— Garumna

Gaul

on

the

(Caes. B Gall. 7,7,2; 46,5; Str.

4,2,2; Ptol. 2,7,14: NitioPeuyec/Nitidbriges; Tab. Peut. 2,4f.; Sid. Apoll. Epist. 2,11,1: Nisiobroges) where they settled during the 4th cent. BC. Their neighbours to the north were the Bituriges Vivisci and the Cadurci, to the east were the Cadurci and Ruteni, to the south the Volcae Tectosages and the Ausci (to the river > Tarnis, CIL XIII p. 117; Plin. HN 4,109) and to the west there were the Vasates. The capital of the N. was Aginnum (modern Agen). Originally amici populi Romani (‘friends of the Roman people’, Caes. B Gall. 7,3 1,5), in the winter of 53/2 the N. under their king > Teutomatus joined — Vercingetorix with 6,000 armed men (Caes. B Gall. l.c.; 75,3). In the course of Augustus’s reorganisation their territory was incorporated into the province + Aquitania (Str. 4,2,2). Under > Claudius

781

782

NOARUS

[I 1] (AD 41-54) at the latest they received the ius Latii

ence to Verg. Georg. 1,194); Plin HN 36,191f recogni-

(+ Latin Law). Under

zes it as an indispensable ingredient in glassmaking (=

> Diocletianus Aginnum

was

called civitas Nitiobrogum (CIL XIII 8886; civitas Agennensium, Notitia Galliarum 13,3). A network of roads connected Aginnum with ~ Burdigala and > Tolosa as well as with Augustoritum Lugdunum Convenarum (modern St. Bertrand-de-Comminges) and facilitated trade in the products of the fertile region (numerous large farms). B. Faces (ed.), Le Lot-et-Garonne (Carte Archéologique de la Gaule 47), 1995, 43-47. Y.L. and E.O.

Nitocris (Nitxet/Nitokris). According to Hdt. 1,185-187, Babylonian queen, wife of one > Labynetus and mother of a king of the same name. She is said to have dammed up the Euphrates, built a bridge over the river in Babylon and to have her tomb above one of the city gates. These legends probably combine information about buildings of + Nebuchadnezzar II and legends about -> Semiramis (cf. Jos. Ap. 1,20) with stories about Aadad-happe, the mother of king + Nabonidus. W. ROxiIG, Nitokris von Babylon, in: R. StreHL, H. E. STIER (ed.), Festschrift F. Altheim, vol. 1, 1969, 127-35; M. P. StRECK, s.v. Nitokris, RLA 9, 165. WR.

Nitriae

(Nitoia/Nitriai). Settlement on the western edge of the Nile delta around 15km to the south of Damanhir, modern Gabal Barng. The area around N. produced natron. Since Ptolemaic times it is documented in Greek sources (e.g. Str. 17,803; Steph. Byz. s.v.N.; Pall. Laus. 7,1 and others). In the 2nd cent. BC it hada Jewish synagogue. Around AD 315, the Coptic abbot Apa Amoun founded a Christian hermitic community in this region, which flourished in the 4th—5th cents. 1 A. BERNAND, Le delta égyptien d’aprés les textes grecs, vol. 1, 1970, 933-961

2S. T1mM, Das christlich-kopti-

sche Agypten in arabischer Zeit, vol. 3, 1985, 978-985, s.v. Gabal Barng. KJ-W.

Nitrum

(vitoov/nitron,

hiteov/litron,

Latin

nitrum).

Collective name for the sodium and potassium salts obtained from brine. Pliny (HN 31,106-122) deals with them in detail on the basis of a lost work of Theophrastus. Some nitrum-releasing waters (e.g. at Clitae in Macedonia) and mines, e.g. in Egypt at Naucratis and Memphis

(e.g. > Nitria), were

known.

Nitrum

could also, however, refer to potash (Plin HN 31,107) obtained from burnt oak wood. Its property of destroying leather shoes was known (ibid. 31,115). Owing to its heating, thinning, corrosive, styptic and drying properties, nitrum was (ibid. 31,116-122; cf. Dioscurides 5,113 WELLMANN = 5,130 BERENDES) recommended e.g. against ulcers on the eyes and body and against general pains and poisonings, as well as in veterinary medicine (Pall. Agric. 14,24,60-62). It was also used as fertilizer, e.g. for cabbage (Plin. HN 19,143; cf. Pall. Agric. 3,24,6) and beans (Plin. HN 18,157 with refer-

Isid. Orig. 16,16,2). H. SCHRAMM, s.v. N., RE 17, 775-780.

C.HU.

Noah (N@e/Née, Lat. Noa, Noe; Hebr. No‘). In the Bible, Noah is the main character in the story of the Flood in Gn 6,5-9,29. This story originated in Mesopotamia (cf. the > Gilgamesh Epic and the > Atrahasis Epic; > legend of the Flood). As a righteous man Noah is spared God’s punishment and thus he became the father of mankind, as father of Shem, Ham und Japheth (Gn 6,10; 9,18), who represent the three continents. According to the traditional interpretation of the Pentateuch, the Biblical story interweaves two sources: according to the earlier Jahwist, Noah offers a sacrifice after the Flood, and God guarantees him the cosmic stability of the earth (Gn 8,20-22). According to the later Priestly source, after the Flood God concludes a pact with all living creatures in which he promises not to afflict the earth again with such a catastrophe; the rainbow is the sign of this pact (Gn 9,1-17). Noah is also regarded as the founder of agriculture and winegrowing (Gn 9,20). In non-biblical and _ post-biblical texts about Judaism, the tradition on Noah is embellished (cf. the reference to the extraordinary characteristics of Noah as a child in Genesis-Apocrypha col. 2; 1 Hen 106): prior to the Flood, Noah calls on the people to repent (Jos. Ant. Iud. 1,73) and even delays building the ark in order to allow a longer period for them to change their ways (Tanh Noah 5). Noah is represented as a man of exemplary righteousness (Sir 44,17; Book of Jubilees 10,17; Jos. Ant. Iud. 1,75; cf., however, the restrictions of this value judgment when comparing with his generation, Phil. De Abrahamo 36; BerR 30,9). In the New Testament, too, Noah is regarded as a preacher of righteousness (2 Petr 2,5) as well as a role model of faith (Hebr 11,7). H. Seepass,

Genesis,

1995;

E. EPSTEIN

HALEvy,

s.v.

Noah: In the Aggadah, Encyclopaedia Judaica 12, 1972, 1194f.; J. L. KUGEL, The Bible As It Was, 1997, 114-120; L. GInzBERG, The Legends ofthe Jews, 1909-1938, Index s.v. Noah. B.E.

Noarus (Noagoc/Noaros). River flowing north into the

Ister [2] (Danube) in the territory of the > Scordisci (and navigable there) (Str. 7,5,2). Between the N. and the > Margus [1] (Str. 7,5,12) was the land of the ‘Great Scordisci’. On the discussion of the identification of the N. (Drina, Korana, Mur, Raab, lower reaches of the Sava) cf. [15 2]. 1 E. POLASCHEK, s.v. Noaros, RE 17, 783-785 s.v. Noaros, KIP 4, 142.

2 J. Firz, E.O.

NOBILES

783

784

IN

(+ patronus) who regularly used their clientes (> cliens) as electors in the interests of friends and relatives, appears to have been completely refuted by P. A.

Nobiles A. PATRICIANS

AND NoBILiTy

TERMS

AND NOVUS

NOBILIS

B. USE OF THE

HOMO

C, CHANGE

THE NOBILITY

Brunt [3].

A. PATRICIANS AND NOBILITY It was generally assumed during the late Roman Republic that under the Monarchy and the early Republic political and religious power rested in the hands of a series of patrician gentes (> gens). The origins of the patrician class were traced back to > Romu-

B. USE OF THE TERMS NOBILIS AND NOVUS HOMO Many questions regarding nobilitas are still open to scholarly debate. For example, it is disputed which of-

lus (Liv. 1,8,7). The patrician gentes sometimes belong-

what the exact meaning of novus homo is. The thesis that a consulate (or a dictatorship, a magister equitum or a military tribunate with consular — imperium)

ed to one family, but more frequently to several, not necessarily closely related families. Some of the gentes derived their descent from the Trojans who according to legend settled in Latium under the leadership of ~» Aeneas (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,85,3), while others

claimed descent from families who came from > Alba Longa to the newly founded Rome. By contrast, the patrician > Claudii supposedly only owned land in Rome and entered the patrician class during the early Republic (Liv. 2,16,4f.; Suet. Tib. 1,1). In some cases,

patricians and non-patricians had the same nomen (e.g. ~ Papirius), but in the late Republic there was general agreement over which families belonged to the patrician gentes and could therefore claim the mainly symbolic privileges of the patricii. Knowledge of their status under the monarchy and the early Republic was continuously passed along within patrician families, especially in association with > burials and the > cult ofthe dead. When the plebeians (> plebs) had won access to the consulate in the 4th cent. BC and, consequently, plebeian families were accepted into the Senate, a senatorial elite (the nobilitas) arose to which both patricii and plebeii belonged. Since that time, membership in the nobilitas largely depended on descent from senators who had held offices. However, an official list of names

of those who belonged to the nobilitas never existed. In politics, nobiles had significant advantages, particularly with regard to election to higher offices. Candidates whose ancestors had not held such offices were generally called novi homines (‘new men’). Presumably between 350 and 200 BC, descent from a > consul became a critical requirement for a successful political career and membership of the political elite. This office was in theory and occasionally in practice open to those who could not show descent from consules, but for the most part the consular families were able to maintain their hold on it (Sall. lug. 63,6f.). This was also possible because Roman citizens were divided into wealth classes in the > comitia centuriata which elected higher officeholders, so that, if it was unified, a small group of the rich controlled the majority (cf. Cic. Rep. 2,39f.; Liv. 1,43). Simultaneously, the respect for socially higher ranked persons characteristic of Roman society (cf. Liv. 8,28,7) come to the fore in elections. However, the

opinion in older scholarship, that elections were decided by agreements within the group of the patroni

fices a Roman citizen must have held (> cursus honorum) so that his descendants would count as nobiles, or

made non-patricians count as nobiles (GELZER [5], SHACKLETON BalILey [9]) has been contradicted. It has

been assumed that holding any curulian office, especially a praetorship, but also that of a curulian aedile, resulted in elevation to the nobility (MOMMSEN; BRUNT

[3]). A fundamental difficulty is posed by the fact that no Roman text provides a clear definition of the terms nobilis or novus homo. Only precise prosopographic study, considering both origin and status of individual senators, can answer this question. So far, one fact does not appear to play a role in the scholarly discussion: these terms are attested mostly for the age of Cicero and for texts by Cicero and Sallust. It is possible that their use in political language was introduced by Cicero and that later authors such as Sallust and Livy followed his example. Cicero was by no means objective in this matter because, as a novus homo, he desired the office of consul from the beginning of his political career and eventually did indeed achieve it. There are only few examples of the use of the terms nobilis/nobilitas from the period before Cicero. Plautus satirically shows how descent from an old family could be claimed (Plaut. Persa 53-61). The adjective nobilis appears in Plautus and Lucilius [I 6] in the meaning of ‘well known’ or ‘of noble descent’ (Plaut. Rud. 619; Lucil. 258 M.;cf. also Gell. NA 7,9,5; Macr. Sat. 3,14,6 on P. Cornelius [I 70] Scipio Aemilianus; Cic. De Or. 2,225; 2,242 on L. Licinius [I ro] Crassus). C. Grac-

chus called a citizen of the town of Teanum Sidicinum nobilissimus, probably in 123 BC (Gell. 10,3,3). Sallust, who uses the terms nobilis/nobilitas for the age of the Gracchi and the Jugurthine War is — unlike Cicero — very critical of the nobility. He speaks of superbia (‘pride’) and avaritia nobilitatis (‘avarice of the nobility’; Sall. Jug. 5,1; 13,5) and characterizes the political position ofthe nobility with phrases such as potentia nobilitatis and potentia paucorum (‘power of the nobility, power of the few’; Sall. Iug. 27,2; Sall. Catil. 39,1). The nobilitas is described as a factio (‘clique’) (Sall. lug. 41,6) that claimed wealth, honours and offices for themselves (Sall. Iug. 41,7; cf. 15,4). The expression novi homines was used for citizens who as the first of their ‘lineage’ achieved a high office and thus belonged to the senate. The term probably

785

786

could also denote a senator who was the first of his ‘lineage’ to be elected consul, which proves that novitas (‘novelty’) should by no means be considered the opposite of nobilitas.

within the nobility. At the same time, a few senators who had immensely enriched themselves during the Sullan + proscriptions and the eastern wars (M. Licinius {I rr] Crassus. L. Licinius [I 26] Lucullus; Cn. Pompeius) owned almost immeasurable wealth, allowing them to dominate political life after 70 BC. C. Iulius ~ Caesar secured his influence in Rome with the spoils of the Gallic campaign. During the Civil Wars (49-31 BC) and under the early Principate many noble families lost their political position or ceased to exist. The Caecilii Metelli disappeared but other families such as the Calpurnii Pisones maintained themselves for a long time and the Claudii provided a number of principes. Under Claudius and Nero, numerous members of major families in the Republic were executed. After Nero’s suicide (68 BC) and the murder of Galba in 69, new families obtained leading positions in Roman politics. The nobilitas of the Roman Republic is clearly different from the European nobility of the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Period. The power ofthe nobility rested on its rule over a territory and was normally hereditary. Elevation into the nobility depended on the ruler and membership entailed a multitude of legally defined privileges. By contrast, the nobiles of the Republic had no privileges defined by law and there were no titles or name forms that distinguished a nobilis froma simple Roman citizen. This does not apply to the patricii, who had largely lost their political privileges but retained a few politically insignificant rights. -» Patricii; » Optimates; Ordo [1]; > Plebs; > Popu-

C. CHANGE IN THE NOBILITY It is difficult to determine to what extent the composition ofthe political elite in the Roman Republic was subject to change. The following facts are significant. Due to Rome’s expansion outside Italy, the number of political offices grew, and thus, eventually, the number of senators. The members of the Senate usually had already held office and since Cornelius [I 90] Sulla the quaestors were accepted into the Senate. Thus, an increasing number of Romans joined the Senate whose ancestors had held no offices. The new office holders usually came from Italian towns that had acquired Roman citizenship a few generations earlier. It is unsurprising that the descendants of senators who had been elected to low offices often reached praetorship or consulate. The descendants of consuls had beyond a doubt better odds in consular elections than their rivals. There were families in the senatorial elite who held leading positions in Roman politics over many generations and were repeatedly successful in consular elections. These included a patrician family such as the Cornelii Scipiones (> Cornelius [I 65-86]), but also a plebeian family like the Caecilii Metelli (+ Caecilius [I ro— 32]). Also, many influential senators may have belonged to old families, but their immediate ancestors did not hold any offices for a long time, e.g., M. Aemilius [I 37] Scaurus (cos. 115 BC: Ascon. 20C) and Ser. Sulpicius Rufus (cos. 51 BC: Cic. Mur. 16). Even though Cicero writes of L. Domitius [I 8] Ahenobarbus (cos. 54 BC) that he was destined from birth to become a consul (Cic.

Att. 4,8a,2: qui tot annos, quot habet, designatus consul fuerit), it must be emphasized that offices were not hereditary in ancient Rome. A novus homo such as Cn. Plancius could be successful in elections while a nobilis such as M. Iuventius [I 4] Laterensis failed (cf. Cic. Planc. 18ff.). The cohesion between families of the nobiles was strengthened through marriages and adoptions. Marriages created relationships and also fortified existing political alliances. This is true in the late Republic for both > optimates and > populares. Under these conditions, women played an important role and for many senators it is known whom they married. Apart from their family affiliations, the social position and political influence of the nobiles rested on their possessions, which above all consisted of landed property. Senators were not permitted to conduct trade (Liv. 21,63,2: lex Claudia) and lending money against interest was considered dishonourable (Cato Agr. praef. 1). The revenues of agricultural estates enabled the nobiles to maintain a life appropriate to their status and also to finance the high expenses associated with a political career. In the late Republic, the costs for games (> munera), elections and donations increased because of competition

NOBILISSIMUS

lares; > Senatus 1 A. AFZELIUS, Zur Definition der roémischen Nobilitat in der Zeit Ciceros, in: CeM 1, 1938, 40-94 2E. BaDIAN, The Consuls, 179-49 B.C., in: Chiron 20, 1990, 371-413 3 P. A. BRUNT, Nobilitas and Novitas, in: JRS 72, 1982, 1-17. 4L. A. BurcKHARDT, The Political Elite of the Roman Republic, in: Historia 39, 1990, 77-99 5 M. GELZER, Die Nobilitat der r6m. Republik, 1912 (repr. in: Id., Kleine Schriften, vol. 1, 1962, 17-135) 6K. HANELL,

Bemerkungen zu der politischen Terminologie des Sallustius, in: Eranos

43,

1945,

263-276

7 J. HELLE-

GOUARC’H, Le vocabulaire latin des relations et des partis politiques sous la république, 1972, 224ff., 430ff. 8K. HOLKESKAMP,Die Entstehung der Nobilitat, 1987 9D. R. SHACKLETON BAILEY, Nobiles and Novi Reconsidered, in: AJPh 107, 1986, 255-260 101. SHATZMAN, Senatorial Wealth and Roman Politics, 1975 117. P. WIsEMAN, New Men in the Roman Senate, 139 BC — AD 14, 1971.

M.C.

Nobilior. Roman cognomen (‘especially noble’; ~ nobiles); prominent in the family of the Fulvii (> Fulvius [I 15-17]), but also widespread elsewhere. KaJANTO, Cognomina, 72; 279.

Nobilissimus. The word nobilis (pl. > nobiles), in the Republican period and the Imperial period of the first two cents. AD, presumably denotes in particular the

NOBILISSIMUS

788

787

members of a senatorial family which included several consuls. From the 3rd cent. AD, with the increasing prevalence of court titles (+ Court titles C.,) it served to designate especially distinguished members of both the senatorial class and the imperial household (Dig. 1,2,2,43: members of the Senate; Cod. Iust. 6,23,19: members of the sacrum consistorium). From it was derived — probably from the reign of > Constantinus [1] I on — the superlative nobilissimus (or nobilissima), used in occasional reference to the emperor himself (Dig. 40,11,3; Cod. lust. 1,18,5), to the designated heir to the throne and other male or female members of the imperial family (Cod. Theod. 10,25,1; Zos. 2,39,2; Chron. min. 2,102), and later also for especially revered personalities of the upper echelons of civil and military service (Cassiod. Var. 2,3,33; 8,10,2). A. H. M. Jones, Studies in Roman Government and Law,

1968, 49f.

CG.

C. FERNANDEZ OcHOA, Noega-Gigia: reflexiones sobre dos enclaves astur-romanos, in: Leyenda y arqueologia de las ciudades prerromanas de la peninsula ibérica 3, 1994, 53-60; F. J. Lomas SALMONTE, Asturia prerromana y altoimperial, 1989, 29-31; TOVAR 2, 344; TIR K 30 Madrid,

1993, 159.

[2] City of the Callaici (oppidum N., Plin. HN 4,111); Noovttov/Noorion, Ptol. 2,6,22), possibly modern Noia

on the Ria des Tambre. F. L. Lomas SALMONTE, Asturia prerromana y altoimperial, 1989, 30; TIR K 29 Porto, 1991, 79f. PB.

Noemon (Notwwv/Noemon).

[1] Lycian, follower of > Sarpedon at Troy, killed by +» Odysseus (Hom. Il. 5,678; Ov. Met. 13,258). [2] Pylian, companion of > Antilochus at Troy (Hom. Il. 23,612). [3] Ithacian, son of Phronius, who upon Athena’s request lent a ship to > Telemachus for his journey to

Nobility see -» Nobiles

Pylus (Hom. Od. 2,386f.). When he later needed the

Nodens (Nodon). Celtic god known from two archaeo-

ship himself, he asked > Antinous [1] about Telemachus’ return, thus unwittingly revealing to the suitors his departure (Hom. Od. 4,630ff.). SLA.

logical sites in > Britain. Two statuettes of Mars, with inscriptions dedicating them to the god Mars N. (Deo Marti Nodonti) from Cockersand

Moss (Lancashire)

support the connection of the indigenous god with the Roman god (> interpretatio Il Romana). Other dedications to Deus N. or Deus M(ars) N., on bronze and lead tablets, including a — defixio, came to light in the basilica-like temple in Lydney Park (Gloucestershire). Together with a building supposedly for temple sleep, a

Noetus of Smyrna (Nontoc/Noétos). Early Christian theologian (end of the 2nd cent. AD). According to the biased report of his adversary > Hippolytus [2] (Refutatio omnium haeresium 9,7—10; 10,26f.) N. came from

Smyrna. His heterodox teachings, which according to Hippolytus could be traced back to Heraclitus, were brought to Rome by Epigonus and further disseminated

guest house and a bathhouse, the temple was built in

among the Roman

AD 364/367 over a prehistoric settlement on a hill. The finds in the building, inscriptions and nine statues of dogs, and also hundreds of bronze and bone needles and bracelets as well as oculists’ stamps all indicate the healing nature of the god. Analysis of the meaning of the name and the deity’s origins point to Ireland and Wales and to a generally beneficial deity.

and Callistus (217-222) by Epigonus’s pupil Cleomenes. N. is regarded as the founder of modalistic > monarchianism. This school saw in the Father and Son dif-

R. G. CoLLINGWwoop, R. P. Wricut, The Roman Inscriptions of Britain, vol. 1, 1965, 305f., 616f.; J. DEVRIES, Keltische Religion, 1961, rooff.; E. HUBNER, Das Heiligtum des Nodens, in: BJ 67, 1879, 29ff.; Id., Zu den Inschriften des Nodensheiligtums, in: BJ 68, 1880, 53ff.;

R. E. M. and T. V. WHEELER, Reports of the Research Committee of the Society of Antiquaries of London 9, Togespitte espazazite M.E.

ferent manifestations (modi) of the one God and con-

cluded that the Father Himself suffered on the cross with the Son (so-called Patripassianism; cf. Hippolytus, Refutatio 9,10,8-12; 10,26f.). There is disagreement regarding the author and date of the writings entitled Contra Noétum (CPG 1902), which were passed down under the name of Hippolytus [2; 3]. 1 A. BRENT, Hippolytus and the Roman Church in the Third Century (Supplement to Vigiliae Christianae 31), 1995 2R.M. Hepner, Der antivalentinianische Charakter der Theologie des Noét von Smyrna, in: H. CH. BRENNECKE (ed.), Logos. Festschrift L. Abramowski, 1993,

57-86 414.

Noega (Notyo/Noiga). [1] Coastal city in northern Spain in the territory of the Astures (> Asturia), east of the Melsus (= Nelo in Plin. HN 4,111; modern Nalon), possibly near Gijon (Str. Ptol. 2,6,6: Notya Ovxeoia/Noiga

3 M. StmonettI, Tra Noeto, Ippolito e Melitone,

in: Rivista di Storia e Letteratura religiosa 31, 1995, 393-

Nodus see > Hairstyle

354,20;

bishops Zephyrinus (c. 198-217)

Oukesia).

Mela 3,113-15 has the most detailed information on its location; but despite intense discussion the location remains unclear.

J.RI.

Noise (80QvPo0c/thérybos, wodoc/psdphos, Sydoc/ ochlos; Latin strepitus, clamor). Nowadays humans and animals are exposed to the nuisance of noise everywhere. In Antiquity this was limited to centres of population concentration like Alexandria (Call. Hecale fr. 260,63-69) or Rome (Stat. Silv. 4,4,18: clamosa urbs, ‘the noisy capital city’). Information about this can

NOLA

789

722

really only be found in the Roman sources of the Imperial period. Especially in Rome in the rst cents. BC and AD, i.e. in periods of relative prosperity, the most varied of everyday activities led to a multifarious ‘noise level that could be heard day and night’ (inter strepitus nocturnos atque diurnos, Hor. Epist. 2,2,79; as the sources primarily come from fiction, we should not rule out exaggeration, even in the remarks below). There was incessant evidence of the overpopulation of the metropolis through the babble of voices on the constantly overcrowded streets (Juv. 3,243-2453 Quint. Inst. 10,3,30), the slamming doors, barking dogs, screams of slaves being flogged (Sen. De ira 3,3 5,3), turmoil, coincidental gatherings of people or political meetings, shopkeepers and artisans who extolled their wares and services (Mart. 1,41,6-13), or moaning beggars. Early in the morning, the peace was already being disturbed by bakers offering for sale their fresh wares (Mart. 14,223), and by teachers who taught their students loudly in the open (Mart. 12,57). Noisy processions were held through the city (Stat. Silv. 1,2,233-235); families celebrated weddings with their friends (impressive: Stat. Silv. 1,2,233) or funerals (Petron. Sat. 78; Sen. Apocol. 12,1; cf. 12,3, V. 2 resonet tristi clamore forum, ‘the Forum resounded with cries of mourning’) or spectators clapped and cried their applause for travelling entertainers and actors (Mart. 1,41,7). The heavily frequented — Subura, as well as the > Circus (Mart. 10,53,1 clamosi gloria Circi; luv. 9,144; Stat. Silv. 355,14-16 clamosi turba theatri; Auson. Mos. p. 92 V. 1of. iurgia furiosi circi, for instance: ‘the fanatical disputes in the rows’) were notorious for their constantly high levels of noise. Seneca (Ep. 56) vividly recounts the tale of his short stay in the spa town of Baiae where he lodged in a hotel room directly above baths — a stay hardly restful for him. Not only the people, but also their tools (like blacksmiths’ hammers) and machines produced noise that was at times deafening; the workshops were mostly situated right in the middle of residential areas. The many building sites caused noise from rattling wagons, loud loading and unloading and noises from tools being used (Stat. Silv. 1,1,63). Even at night, the noise in the big city noise did not come to a standstill (strepitus urbis: Hor. Carm. 329,12): because of the ban on travel by day decreed by Caesar in the lex Iulia Municipalis of 45 BC (CILI 206), all the travelling carriages (Juv. 3,10) and carts rumbled through the streets from the tenth hour (i.e. c. 4 pm) until sunrise (Hor. Epist. 1,17,6—-8: strepitus rotarum, ‘rattling of the wheels’); the only vehicles permitted to travel by day in Rome were vehicles for cleaning the streets, transport wagons for building materials or carriages designated especially for priestesses and priests. The nightly traffic was accompanied by noise from people attending banquets (Hor. Carm. 1,27,7: impius clamor, ‘blasphemous screaming’; Hor. Carm. 3,19,22: demens strepitus, ‘boisterous noise’; Plin. Ep. 3,12,2 on Cato Uticensis) or by numerous disturbers of the peace

who ran around rowdily after consuming alcohol (Prop. 4,8,59-62). The noise in Rome was increasingly explosive in social respect: only wealthy citizens who owned a house outside the city centre or an estate in the country could find a place of peace. Poorer people were exposed to the big city without any protection and suffered from insomnia and resulting health problems (Juv. 3,232248; Mart. 12,57).

Horace discusses the contrast between the noise of city life and the peace of the countryside in many passages in his works (e.g. Hor. Carm. 3,29,912; Epist. 2,1,200-204; Sat. 2,6,59). For him, external noise and

its purely physical experience becomes of deeper significance: he equates rural tranquility with inner peace and city noise with a tiresome turmoil of the soul (iseri tumultus mentis, Hor. Carm.

2,16,10). Absence and avoidance of noise can therefore be viewed as an element of ideal Roman life (an ideal influenced by philosophy). External possessions. like wealth or rank cannot protect against the noise in the inner soul. The social problem becomes a philosophical one when the true place to which man must withdraw for peace and unconcern is his own soul (cf. Sen. Ep. 56: The manifold outside noises stand for the many sources of tumultus mentis). The teacher of rhetoric Quintilian also cites inner peace as the sole guarantor of productive reflection, since external peace can never exist long (Quint. Inst. 10,3,22-30). H. DAHLMANN, Uber den Larm, in: Gymnasium 85, 1978, 206-227; U. E. Paott, Das Leben im alten Rom, 71961, 65-72; K.-W. WEEBER, s.v. Larm, in: id., Alltag im Alten Rom, 1995, 227f.; Id., Smog iiber Attika, 1990, 96-101.

M.SAIL

Nola. Town in > Campania, north east of the Vesuvius (Str. 5,4,8; It. Ant. 109,2; Tab. Peut. 6,4); it still bears the same name today. N. lies at the foot of the Appennines, on a broad plain approximately halfway from Capua to Nuceria, on a major traffic artery leading from Etruria to Poseidonia/Paestum, subsequently known as via Popilia. We do not know what part the inhabitants of > Chalcis [1] played in its foundation (Sil. Pun. 12,161; Just. Epit. 20,1,13). It is certain, how-

ever, that N. was originally founded by the > Ausones (Hecat. FGrH 1 F 61; Pol. 2,17,1). The town may at

times have been under Etruscan rule (Soph. in Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,72; Cato Agr. Orig. fr. 69: from 471 BC), but was firmly in Samnite hands by the end of the 5th cent. (under the name of novia). In 327 BC, it was drawn into the disputes that led to the second > Samnite War (Liv. 8,23,1; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 15,1), and in 313 was conquered by the Romans (Liv. 9,28,3-6; Diod. Sic. 19,101). The failure of his siege of N. in 215 BC was > Hannibal’s [6] first major reverse in Italy (Liv. 23,44-46; Plut. Marcellus 9-12). In the > Social War [3], the > Samnites seized power in N. The town was severely weakened by the subsequent clashes (App. B 148 Civ. 1,42; 50; 65; Vell. Pat. 2,17; Plin. HN 22,12;

NOLA

791

Liv. Per. 73; Cic. Div. 1,72; Plut. Sulla 8). In 73 BC, N

was plundered by the troops of > Spartacus (Flor. Epit. 2, Oe)

After the Augustan regional reforms, N. (tribus Falerna: Plin. HN 3,63) belonged to regio I (Plin. HN l.c.); its harbour was > Pompeii (Str. 5,4,8). Augustus died in N. on August 19, AD 14 (Suet. Aug. 98,5; 100,25 Tac. Ann. 1,5; 1,9; 4,57; Cass. Dio 56,29,2). Both + Vespasianus and > Nerva [2] settled veterans in N.

(Liber Coloniarum 236). The town was plundered by the Goths under > Alaricus in AD 410, and destroyed by the Vandals under — Geisericus in 455. Under Byzantine rule, N. was united with the Duchy of Naples. The — Langobardi of Beneventum took N. in 647. Archaeological discoveries: only a few traces of the town plan survive (e.g. the remains ofanamphitheatre). The Greek vases (from the Geometric to the Hellenistic

period) from N.’s necropolises

are famous; almost

every 5th cent. Attic vase painter known to us is repre-

sented here (looting in the Jate 18th/early roth cents.). No systematic excavations.

Cimitile, 2 km north of N., was an important early Christian centre in Campania, with some of the most important church building of this period. The heart of the district was the monument to St. Felix, which continued to be developed under > Paulinus (c. 354-431, bishop of N. from 409; he celebrated the saint in his Carmina natalicia) and afterwards. M. B. Jovino, R. DoNcEEL, La necropoli di Nola preromana,

1969; D. Korot,

Die friihchristlichen

malereien aus den Grabbauten

Wand-

in Cimitile/Nola (JbAC

Erganzungsband 13), 1987; E. La Rocca, Introduzione allo studio di Nola antica, 1971; T. LEHMANN, Eine spat-

antike Inschriftensammlung und der Besuch des Papstes Damasus an der Pilgerstatte des HI. Felix in Cimitile/ Nola, in: ZPE 91, 1992, 243-282; Id., Lo sviluppo del complesso archeologico a Cimitile/Nola, in: Boreas 13, 1990, 75-93; E. KirsTEN, Siiditalienkunde, vol. 1, 1975, 608-624.

E.O. and V.S.

Nomads (Nopddec/Nomddes). Nomads are wandering shepherds leading a special

form of non-sedentary life, which is adapted, thanks to herd raising, to arid steppe regions of Eurasia and Africa. We may distinguish between: 1. nomads keeping sheep, horses, camels, and cattle (partly yaks) in north Eurasia; 2. those breeding sheep, goats, and camels, sometimes also keeping donkeys, in Arabia, Iran, India, and North Africa; 3. nomads breeding mainly cattle in East Africa. Greeks, Romans, and Byzantines were confronted with peoples of a nomadic life form in their southern and northern borders, as well as in Arabia; in the east these were mainly Iranian-speaking tribes, whose traditional names are mostly collective names (> Cimmerii,

— Scythians,

- Sacae,

— Sauromates,

~» Sarmatae, Massagetae, Parthians (— Parthia), > Yu-

ezhi,

+ Kushan,

Kushanians,

> Alani,

Rhoxolani,

-» lazyges). These nomadic groups pushed their way through settled peoples and drifted, under pressure

792

from the east, westwards or southwards. They were followed by Turkish and Ural-Altaic peoples (-> Avares, + Hunni, > Bulgari, Onogur-Ogurs, Sabirs, > Chazars and the peoples of the Turkish khanates). After the conquest of Syria and Palestine, the Romans and then the Byzantines mainly came across Arab tribal groups such as the Qedar, Nabataei, Lihyanites, and Thamuds. They kept dromedaries, goats, sheep, and donkeys, and pursued oasis agriculture. In the border areas, Parthians, Sassanids, and Romans recruited Arabian tribes as border guards. The Islamic movement under the leadership of the Qurais tribe brought about the end of the Byzantine rule in Syria, Palestine, and North Africa, and it caused the downfall of the Sassanid dynasty. In North Africa, Greeks and Romans met, besides mountain and oasis farmers, nomads with cattle, sheep, and goats; apparently, dromedaries were introduced only in Roman times. Hdt. 4,172f.; 181 calls them wandering — Libyes (esp. ~ Nasamones, > Garamantes, + Macae, Gindans, Maxyans, and other Berber tribes),

but he also has information on speakers of Sudanian languages beyond the Sahara. Diod. Sic. 3,12-14; Str. 2,98; 3,23; Plin. HN 5,7; 6,36; 8,3 and other authors mention North-African peoples living partly outside the > limes (Moors, > Gaetuli, > Numidae, Numidia, ~» Massyli and — Masaesyli). Wandering mountain shepherds, some steppe nomads, but also farmers put up often a fierce resistance to the Romans, as they later did to the Vandals and the Arabs. For further aspects of this subject cf. > husbandry. F. ScHoLz,

Nomadismus:

Theorie

sozio-6kologischen Kulturweise, 1995.

und Wandel

einer

B.B.

Nomae (Nouai/Nomai). At this not yet located place in Sicily, + Ducetius was defeated by an army from Syracuse in 45 1/o BC (Diod. Sic. 11,91,3). Possibly identical with the Sicilian place-name Noai (Apollodoros FGrH 244 F 6) and Neai (Diod. Sic. 11,88,6: Néa/Néai); cf. [1]. 1K. ZIEGLER, s.v. Noai, RE 17, 783.

AL.MES.

Nomarches (voudeyxn¢/nomarchés). Office in the Egyptian administration. It already existed before the Ptolemies. Even if the word nomarches is derived from the Greek némein (‘administer’) rather than from > nomos [2], his office was connected with a specific administra-

tive district, in which he was responsible for the distribution and all other issues concerning the royal finance and tax administration. When — Alexander [4] the Great (Arr. Anab. 3,5,23 3,5,4), appointed two Persians (?, [1. 82]), Petiesis and Doloaspis, as nomdarchai for all Egypt, and left the nomdarchai of the districts (nomoi) in office, the same title was used for offices of different degrees, as could also happen within one district ({Aristot.] Oec. 1353 a 5ff.). While the civil administration of the nomos came under the authority of the > stratégos,

794

793

the responsibilities of the momarches continued to be connected with the royal finances (xylokopia/wood cutting, empyrismos/wood burning for land clearing, dam and canal building, seed distribution and surveillance of the cultivated land, bringing in of crops). In the Imperial Period, the nomarches dealt with the collection of certain taxes and fees, summarized under ho tes nomarchias logos; he had already exercised some of these functions during the Ptolemaic period. Many nomarches were Egyptians. ~+ Nomos [2] 1 J. Yororre, Le nom égyptien du ministre de l’economie. De Sais a Méroé, in: CRAI 1989, 73-88.

W. Ciarysse, Nomarchs and Toparchs in the 3" Century Fayyum, in: Archeologia e papiri nel Fayyum (Atti del covegno 1996), 1997, 69-76; M. R. FALIVENE, Govern-

ment, Management, Literacy. Aspects of Ptolemaic Administration in the Early Hellenistic Period, in: AncSoc 22, 1991, 203-227; R. SEIDER, Beitrége zur ptolemaischen Verwaltungsgeschichte, 1938. W.A.

NOMINA SACRA G. BOULVERT, Domestique et fonctionnaire sous le HautEmpire romain, 1974, 143ff.; 153ff.; ros5f.; J. Voor, Nomenclator. Vom Lautsprecher zum Namenverarbeiter, in: Gymnasium 85, 1978, 327-338. W.E.

Nomentum

(or Numentum). Latin town founded by + Alba Longa (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,53; Verg. Aen. 6,773; 75706) in Sabine territory on the left bank of the Tiber on the Via Nomentana (Tab. Peut. 5,5), 14 miles north east of Rome, modern Mentana. Member of the Latin League (— Latini, with map). N. received the civitas Romana,

under a dictator, in 338 BC

vineyards (Mart. 2,38; 10,48; 13,119; Columella 3,2f.; Plin. HN 14,23; 48) and villas. Diocese from the early

5th cent. Ruins, 2 km south of Mentana on the Monte d’Oro: traces of a ring of tufa walls, forum in the saddle of the hill towards Ara Cacamele [1. 61]. 1 R. PariBENI, Mentana, in: NSA 18, 1921, 55-62.

C. Pata, Nomentum

Nomen (pl. zomina). In Roman law, the term for Gai. Inst. 128-133 distinguishes between ‘cash arose e.g. from (nomina_ arcaria), which (+ mutuum, see also > condictio), and ‘ledger (nomina transscripticia), which arose by an entry

‘ledger’ of the creditor ~ litterarum obligatio.

as an

obligation

(Liv.

8,14,3). Martial praised N., especially the merits of its

(Forma Italiae, Regio I 12), 1976.

GU.

debts. debts’ loans

Nomia (Nowia/Nomia).

debts’ in the

[1] Nymph; eponym of the mountain range in Arcadia, N. [3] (Paus. 8,38,11). Depicted by Polygnotus in Delphi, together with > Callisto and — Pero (Paus.

from

a eS.

Nomen Latinum see — Latin law

10,31,10).

[2] Sicilian nymph, who transforms > Daphnis [1] into a stone, when he spurns her (Ov. Met. 4,277; Serv. Verg. Ecl. 8,68).

Nomenclator. Mostly a slave, who called out to his master, especially an office-holder or a candidate to an office, the names of people coming to meet him. This was particularly important during elections to an office, since the candidate had to convey the impression that he remembered each one of his constituents personally. Cicero’s brother especially emphasizes this aspect in his Commentariolum petitionis, which is also our source for the function and importance of the nomenclator. Plinius (HN 29,19) describes the zomenclator as follows: alienis oculis agnoscimus, aliena memoria salutamus (‘we recognize with someone else’s eyes, we greet by means of someone else’s recollection’). If nomenclatores were at first mainly private slaves (cf. CIL VI 6071= AE 1995, 97), this function was exercised during the Imperial Period also by freedmen, who were then also organized in decuriae (> Decurio, + Decuria) (CIL VI 40702). Under Augustus’ rule however, private nomenclatores were still employed as well: in CIL VI 1968 = ILS 1953, there is mention of a slave of Volusius Saturnius, who helped his master when he had to keep an eye on the equites Romani on the basis of his censoria potestas. Nomenclatores a censibus can also be found among the Emperors’ freedmen (ILS 1690; 191233418). According to the Historia Augusta (HA Hadr. 20,9), Hadrian hardly ever needed the assistance of a nomenclator. Nomenclatores are also mentioned occasionally alongside other office-holders, e.g. a nomenclator tribunicius (CIL VI 37158).

LK.

[3] A 1389 m high mountain range in the south-western Peloponnese, to the north of Messenia on the border with Arcadia (Paus. 8,38,11), with a sanctuary of Pan Nomios, known today also as Tetrazion. E. MEYER, s.v. N. (1), RE 17, 821; Id., s.v. N. (1), RE

Suppl. 9, 462.

Cig

Nomina Sacra. The term NS (‘holy words’) refers to various shortened forms such as @S, Latin DS; I=, Latin IHS; XPX, Latin XPS; KZ, Latin DNS; ITHP, Latin PR;

TINA, Latin SPS; as well as Latin SCS, NR for the names O¢odc, Latin Deus; “Inootc, Latin Ilesus; Xevotdsc, Latin Christus; Kies, Latin Dominus; nate, Latin pater;

avedua, Latin spiritus; and for the Latin adjectives sanctus and noster. These shortened forms, which look like contractions, generally consist only of consonants (without vowels), usually the first and last letters of the word, and are marked with a line above the letters. The first NS were OX/DS, [X/IHS, XP=/XPS and TINA/SPS; subsequently DMS/DNS (for Dominus) appeared as well. The model was provided by a group of Biblical and theological names that were already abbreviated in the LXX, which were imitated in Latin with the Greek translation of the Bible. This practice also gave rise to forms that mixed Greek and Latin: IHS (also JHC) and XPS (also JHC). L. TRavBe theorized that the origina of the NS was to be found in the use in Jewish writing of

NOMINA

SACRA

the vowelless tetragram for the unspeakable name of God, jhwh, which was often transliterated by ignorant

copyists as TIMI. Following this sacred form, during the rst and 2ndcents. AD a variety of abbreviations were used in Greek versions of the OT. According to TRAUBE, these ‘abbreviations’ lost their sacred character in Latin and might also be used in their secular meanings (e.g. in the case of words like pater, spiritus, noster etc., but also dominus for a worldly master): based on their example, during the 4th cent. numerous new contracted forms emerged, referred to as contractions. More recent scholarship has shown, however, that the NS were not abbreviations in the strict sense, since in the Greek East as well as in the Latin West they were perceived only as sacred forms which were used throughout the Middle Ages without any documented influence on the mediaeval system of abbreviation. S. Brown, Concerning the Origin of the N.S., in: Studia Papyrologica 9, 1970, 7-19; N. GIOVE MARCHIOLI, Alle origini delle abbreviature latine. Una prima ricognizione (I secolo a.C. -IV secolo d.C.), 1993; A. H. R. E. Paap, N.S. in the Greek Papyri of the First Five Centuries A.D. The Sources

and Some

796

79S

Deductions,

1959; L. TRAuBE,

N.S.

Nomioi Theoi (Nopw0t Oeoi; Nomioi Theo). As an adjunct to voueve/nomeus, ‘shepherd’, vouw0c/nomios is a poetic apostrophe or actual cult invocation for the identification of groups of gods (anon. NT in Rome: IG XIV ror3) and individual gods in their function as pastoral deities. The following are addressed as Noutoc/ Nomios: Hermes (Aristoph. Thesm. 977f.); Pan (Hom. H. 19,5; Paus. 8,38,11: cult of Lycosura in Arcadia); the Nymphs (Orph. H. 51,11f.); Aristaeus [1] in Cyrene (Pind. Pyth. 9,65); Dionysus (Anth. Pal. 9,524); Zeus (Stob. 53,134); und above all. Apollo, e.g. on Mt. Hymettus (Olympiodorus, Vita Platonis 19), in Oricus in Epirus (Apoll. Rhod. 4,1218), Arcadia (Clem. Al. Protreptikos 2,28), Epidaurus (IG IV* 1, 447), Patras (Paus. 7,20,3) or Cyrene (Callim. H. 2,47). A dedica-

tion from sibly ches

of the local > nomophylakes to Apollo Nomios the rst cent.BC [1. 419] interprets nOmuios posfrom m6mos as an invocation to the god who watover the laws; this interpretation is also handed

down in literature (Cornutus 16; Cic. Nat. Deor. 3,57). 1 E. GHISLANZONI,

I NOMO®YAAKE?

di Cirene, in:

RAL 6,1, 1925, 408-432.

AN.BE.

Versuch einer Geschichte der christlichen Kiirzung, 1907.

N.G.

Nominatio. According to research based on the work of Th. MOMMSEN [1. 917ff.], mominatio is the right of the > princeps, deriving from the consular > potestas, to scrutinize for electoral suitability and to ‘nominate’ applicants for offices, i.e. place them on the list of candidates [2; 3]. This portrayal of a right of nomination, which draws support esp. from Cassius Dio (53,21,7), Tacitus (Ann. 1,14; 2,36; 1,81) and Pliny (Paneg. 71,1),

has not remained uncontested, with esp. the usage of nominatioas a technical term in electoral procedures of the Imperial period being questioned [5; 6] and candidatos nominare being understood rather as the announcement of the list of candidates (e.g. [4; 7]). In Roman civil law, potioris nominatio means the right of the guardian, appointed or confirmed by the magistrate, to name a more suitable replacement [9]. +» Commendatio; > Elections; > Tutela 1 MoMMsEN, Staatsrecht, vol. 2,2

2 J. BLEICKEN, ROmi-

sches Kaiserreich, vol. 1,31989 3 E.S. STaveLey, Greek and Roman Voting and Elections, 1972 4R. FREISTOLBA, Untersuchungen zu den Wahlen in der Kaiserzeit, 1967. 5B. Levick, Imperial Control of the Elections

under the Early Principate. Commendatio,

suffragatio

and nominatio, in: Historia 16, 1967, 207-230

6A. E.

Astin, Nominare in Accounts of Elections in the Early Principate, in: Latomus 28, 1969, 863-874

7D. FLacnH,

Destinatio und nominatio im friihen Prinzipat, in: Chiron 6, 1976, 193-203

8A. J. Hotiapay, The Election of

Magistrates in the Early Principate, in: Latomus 37, 1978, 874-893

9 KaAseER, RPR 1, 359.

L.d.L.

Nomographos writer’) I. GREECE

(vonwoyeadoc/nomographos,

‘law-

II. EGyptT

I. GREECE

In some Greek cities individual, specially qualified men were entrusted during the archaic period with the task of writing laws for the > polis. This could include writing down the existing legal practice as well as creating new laws. Known nomogrdphoi are, for example, > Zaleucus in Locri Epizephyrii, - Charondas in Catane, -» Draco [2] and later > Solon in Athens. At times, but not always, this commission was associated with a regular office of state. Thus, Solon was at the same time an archon (> Archontes [1]) in Athens but Dracon does not seem to have held a regular office. In the Hellenistic and Roman periods, the word nomogradphoi was sometimes used for commissions that draughted laws to make them available to the people’s assembly or other bodies, and sometimes for a commission that had to archive laws that were already passed. Nomogrdphoi with both tasks are found in Megalopolis (> Megale polis; Magn 38 = Syll. 3 559). ARCHAIC

PERIOD:;

K.-J.

HOLKESKAMP,

Arbitrators,

Lawgivers and the ‘Codification of Law’ in Archaic Greece, in: Metis 7, 1992, 49-81; Id., Schiedsrichter, Gesetzgeber und Gesetzgebung im archaischen Griechenland, 1999; R. OsBorne, Law and Laws: How Do We Join Up the Dots?, in: L.G. MITCHELL, P. J. RHODEs (ed.), The Development of the Polis in Archaic Greece, 1997, Ano HELLENISTIC AND ROMAN

PERIODS: P. J.RHODES, D.

M. Lewis, The Decrees of the Greek States, 1997, 498f., ysis

P.J.R.

NOMOS

Toe

798

Il. Ecypr In the Roman Imperial period, this term described public scribes of documents in the grapheion (‘notary’s office’) who also offered private scribal services. They are frequently named as the authors in documents of parties that did not know how to write. At the village (-» Kome) or topos (local governmental district) level, nomographos is often the term used for the pro t6i grapheioi (‘head of the grapheion’), and sometimes for any kind of notary [1. 11; 2. 205].

Sometimes the nomophylakes were responsible for punishing offences (generally on the part of officials). Consistent with their title, they documented and archived laws and popular decisions. So many different seals have been found in the nomophylakeion of > Cyrene [x] that the nomophylakes must also have looked after private (business) documents in their archive, for a fee (sometimes the fee for registering the documents was paid by the nomophylakes themselves as a > liturgy (e@3)))s

1 W. E. H. Cocke,

State Archives in Graeco-Roman

Egypt from 30 B.C. to the Reign of Septimius Severus, in: JEA 70, 1984 2F. BuRKHALTER, Archives locales et archives centrales en Egypte romaine, in: Chiron 20, 1990, 191-216.

Mirrets/WILCKEN, 56f. n. 7; H. J. WoLFF, Das Recht der griechischen Papyri Agyptens, vol. 2, 1978, 30f. W.A.

Nomophylakes (vouodtaaxes ‘guardians of the law’)

/

nomophylakes,

I. CLassICAL PERIOD II. HELLENISTIC EAST II]. ROMAN EcGypt IV. BYZANTINE PERIOD

I. CLASSICAL PERIOD In the Classical Period, nomophylakes were officials responsible for ensuring compliance with the laws (n6moi). In Athens, the Areopagus

(> Areios Pagos)

was said to have performed the function of the nomophylakia until the reforms of > Ephialtes [2] (462 BC) ({Aristot.] Ath. Pol. 3,6; [4,4]; 8,4; 25,2). According to

one version in a fragment of Philochorus (FGrH 328 F 64), Ephialtes appointed a college of seven nomophylakes, who also held some religious offices, but it is more likely that the office of these nomophylakes was first created shortly before 323 BC ([2. 315-317]; a different view [r1]). In Plato’s Nomoi the highest ordinary officials form a college of 37 nomophylakes; in Aristotle’s Politika (6,13 22 b-1323 a), the nomophylakes are office-holders in an aristocratic constitution and characteristic of well-ordered states. 1G. L. CAWKWELL, Nopwodvdaxia and the Areopagus, in: JHS 108, 1988, 1-12 2 P. J. RHoDEs, Commentary on the Aristotelian Athenaion Politeia, 1981. PLR.

I]. HELLENISTIC East Nomophylakes (see also > thesmophylakes) was the title of a civic authority with specific competency. There were nomophylakes as a college and as individual officials. In Demetrias [1], they were, together with the > stratégoi, the highest officials in the city, while in Alexandria [1], for example, they performed administrative tasks in preparing for intended legal proceedings and in settling those that had been decided (cf. +> eisagogeus); according to OGIS 290, the nomophylakes in royal > Pergamon would have occupied a very high office.

1G. MappoLt, Le cretule del nomophylakion di Cirene, in: ASAA 41/42, 1963/4, 39-145. A. CHRISTOPHILOPOULOS, in: Platon 20, 1968, 134ff. (with a list of refs.); A.LARONDE, La Cyrénaique romaine des origines a la fin de Sévéres, in: ANRW II ro.1, 1988,

1006-1064; L. ROBERT, Laodicée du Lycos, 1969, 269ff.; H. J. Wo.rF, Das Justizwesen der Ptolemaer, 1970, 36f.

Ill. ROMAN EGypT Low-ranking police officials in Egypt in the Imperial Period (guardians of village fields). F. OERTEL, Die Liturgie, 1917, 265; Mirre1s/WILCKEN, 415.

W.A.

IV. BYZANTINE PERIOD In the Byzantine Period, nomophylax was the formal

title given to the head of an Imperial Law School in Constantinople founded by > Constantinus [11] IX in AD 1045. It was later the title of an official (jurist or canonist) who arbitrated between religious and secular authorities. ODB 3, r4ortf.

ET.

Nomos.

[1] Nomos, nomoi (6 vouoc/ho némos, pl. ot vowohoi nomol). A. GENERAL

B.SocIAL

C. PoLiticaLt

D. THEO-

RETICAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL

A. GENERAL In Greek, n6mos (pl. némoi) refers conduct or a behavioural norm observed a community; depending on the context lated with ‘custom’, ‘habit’, ‘practice’,

to customary by members of it can be trans‘rule’, ‘order’,

‘institution’,

(cf. [1. 20-54;

‘constitution’,

‘law’ etc.

2. 14-19]). The size of the communities where a n6mos applied could vary considerably: from married couples and families to cult and settlement communities, from cities and peoples to humankind as a whole, or to all gods and animals (documented in [1. 22-—43]). Lingui-

stically and semantically related are ta némima (customs, practices, laws), > autonomia, > eunomia and + isonomia. Nomoi (laws) have been discussed by ~ Plato and > Theophrastus (N6mon kata stichaion) as well as by the anonymous sophist whose work formed the basis for the pseudo-Demosthenic speech against Aristogeiton [2] ([Dem.] Or. 25) [3. 105]. The

NOMOS

799

concept of nomos (rules of conduct) that originally applied to social norms gradually became more complex. B. SOCIAL Zeus gave humans (as opposed to animals) the nomos not to eat each other and to use law (diké) instead of force (bié) (Hes. Op. 275-279). Coming from the father of the gods, this ~6mos was morally binding for the mortals and corresponds to the ‘nomoi for all of the Hellenes’, frequently mentioned in the sth cent. BC, or to the ‘unwritten’ z6moi that regulated moral conduct, e.g. to honor the gods, parents and strangers, to bury the dead and to protect those who suffer injustice [4]. As early as in Homer (who does not use the word nomos) the gods controlled whether there was eunomia (good order) or hybris (disrespect, arrogance) among mortals (Hom. Od. 17, 487). Nomos refers to the proper conduct not only towards fellow human beings but towards the gods as well, e.g. the obligation to sacrifice (Hes. Theog. 417; Hes. Fr. 322 M.-W.); thus nomos refers to the norms for moral and religious conduct in Greek society. C. POLITICAL As Greek statehood evolved the original social concept of némos and its composita acquired new meanings for the political community. Hesiod (Fr. 322 M.-W.) was the first to connect nomos with the concept of > polis: ‘In whichever way the polis sacrifices, the old nomos (‘rite of sacrifice’) is best’, but 26mos is still used here the traditional sense. > Solon (fr. 4 IEG) presented eunomia as an ideal for the Athenian community of citizens disrupted by dysnomia, i.e. by injustice, greed, hybris, strife, violence and civil war; thus the opposition between the ‘good’ and ‘bad order’ of the polis community appears. Heraclitus (22 B 44; 114 DK) and Pindar

(Pae. 2,86) seem

to use nomos

(sg.) no

longer for a particular conduct, but rather for the comprehensive order or constitution of a polis. According

800

to the social meaning the word acquired a legal meaning as well: nomos as political rule of conduct, as ‘law’, is documented for the first time around the middle of the 5th cent. BC in inscriptions from Ionia and Thessaly [xr. vol. 1, r9 |. 32; 106 |. 21; vol 2, 19 |. 1]; in Athens, there is evidence for its new usage only in 418/7 (IG P 84 line 25). Starting with > Aeschylus [1] (Supp. 387— 391; PV 149-151; 402-405) the new meaning of the term is reflected in Classical Greek literature, while the older connotations of n6mos continue to exist [I. 43-

51]. However, the aforementioned archaic terms for law were no longer used. The Athenian decree of 409/8 that ordered to record the law of > Draco [2] calls this law nomos, while in the text of the law itself it is called

thesmos (IG 3 ro4 |. 5 and |. 20). By then the Panhellenic codes of conduct between the states or general interpersonal conduct were distinguished as unwritten nomoi (see B. above).

In 403/2, it was prohibited in Athens to apply unwritten 260i, i.e. customary law in court (And. 1,85).

Nomoi, > nomothétai, > nomophylakes, + nomographoi became central terms in the legal culture of Greek states. In the Hellenistic period the monarch took the place of abstract laws. As nomos émpsychos (living law) he was legitimised as the supreme legislator (Diotogenes in Stob. 4,7,61;). As Lat. lex animata this development continued in the person of the pagan and Christian Roman emperor [8. 13 1-133]. D. THEORETICAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL Nomos as a factor of social or political order in human communities inspired mythical, theological and

philosophical speculations [8] which not always helped to understand the historical concept: according to Hesiod (Op. 275-279) Zeus gave to man the n6mos of law and to the animals the zomos of force. The poet made -» Eunomia the daughter of Zeus and > Thémis

to Herodotus (7,104,4) the nomos of the Lacedaemo-

(law) and the sister of > Diké (legal judgement) and -» Eirené (peace), who regulate the conduct of mortals (Hes. Theog. 901-903). According to Heraclitus (22 B

nians (approximately: their value system) compelled them to win or fall but never to recede. A new development came with the emergence of state legislature and written laws in the 7th and 6th cents BC. After their formal origin these laws were usually called Ogopdc/> thesmos (rule) or > rhétra (verbal agreement) etc. [5] and primarily laid down rules for contemporary conflicts; they did not constitute systematic codifications [6. 262-285]. At first these new-fangled political agreements lacked the lustre of the revered nomoi of divine origin. However, as state legislation and jurisdiction, penal codes and court orders evolved, the unwritten codes of conduct (called 26moi) from the time before the polis or its early days,which also encompassed the so-called customary law, started to resemble written laws ([7]; cf. [6. 273-280]; > Literacy). During the 5th cent. written laws reached the status of nomoi, the traditional codes of conduct. In addition

114 DK) the n6moi of mortals are ‘nourished’ by divine (mous). In somber language Pindar (fr. 169) called n6mos the ‘king’ of gods and mortals who could justify violent actions like those of Heracles (n6mos: ‘will of Zeus’ or ‘belief of mortals’?; cf. [9]). Sophocles (Ant. 449-457) makes the immemorial, unwritten commandments of the gods (agrapta némima) invoked by ~ Antigone [3] - commandments that demanded the burial of relatives — precede over to the political némoi (decrees) of Creon. Thus the poet pointed out the limitations of political authority and drew attention to laws that were above the state (cf. > Human Rights). Because there were different m6moi, i.e. customs, traditions, social and political orders for Greeks and ‘barbarians’, the > sophists argued that they were relative and arbitrary. In the second half of the sth cent. BC the quest for a firm foundation led philosophers to propose unchanging characteristics of human nature of reason

801

802

general validity: the notion of physis (see > nature). This notion became the antithesis to 76mos which was then qualified as ‘(any) custom’ and ‘arbitrary (and changeable) agreement’, i.e. (nonbinding) convention’ [3. 11-19; 8. 117-124]. Philosophical inquiry focused on the nomos of nature (n6mos physeods), i.e on the

nomoOs played an important role in the fiscal and financial economy of the country as well as in civil and military administration. At the top were > nomdarchés and + stratégos, the latter gradually assumed civil responsibilities as well. The capital of each nomos was the > metropolis [2]. ~ Nomarches

‘unchanging natural law (Lat. lex naturalis); as divine world order it became the central tenet of the GrecoRoman Stoa (> Stoicism) and thus an early stage of modern science [10] (see also > Logos; > Intellect). > Tus; > Law; > Nature 1M. Ostwa.p, Nomos and the Beginnings of the Athe1969 2 F. Quass, Nomos und Psephisma, 1971 3G. B. KERFERD, H. FLAsHAR, Die Sophistik, in: GGPh?, vol. 2,1, 1-137 4 E. M. Craik, Unwritten Laws, in: Liverpool Classical Monthly 18.8, 1993, 123125 5 F. GscHNITzER, Zur Terminologie von Gesetz und Recht im friihen Griechisch, in: G. THUR (ed.), Symposion 1995, 1997, 3-10 6K.-J. HOLKEsKamp, Schiedsrichter,

nian Democracy,

Gesetzgeber und Gesetzgebung im archaischen Griechenland, 1999 7R. THOMAS, Written in Stone? Liberty, Equality, Orality and the Codification of Law, in: L. Fox-

NOMOS

1 J. BINGEN, Papyrus Revenue Laws (SB Beiheft 1), 1952.

H. Gauruier, Les nomes d’Egypte depuis Hérodote jusqua’a la conquéte arabe, 1935; F. GoMAA e.a., Mittelagypten zwischen Samalit und dem Gabal Aba Sir, 1991, 5-23; W. HELCK, Die altagyptische Gaue, 1974; H. A. RupprECHT, Kleine Einfiihrung in die Papyruskunde, 1994, 51 (Bibl.); TAVO B V 21.

W.A. and K.J.-W.

[3] (vopoc/nd6mos). Musical term used indiscriminately

by Greek poets for any self-contained melody (e.g. Alcm. 40 PMGF; Pind. Nem. 5,25). In a more specific sense 26mos refers to the music for various formal occasions, played on the aulos or the kithadra (> musical instruments). It also refers to instrumental music as well

HALL, A. D. Lewts (eds.), Greek Law in Its Political Setting, 1996, 9-31 (= id., in: BICS 40, 1995, 59-74) 8A.

as to accompaniment for any genre of poetry. Nomoi were named after many different things: gods, compos-

DIHLE, Der Begriff des Nomos der griechischen Philoso-

ers, occasions, metres or intrinsic characteristics. The

phie, in: O. BEHRENDS, W. SELLERT (ed.), Nomos und Gesetz, 1995, 117-134. 9 M. GIGANTE, NOMOZX BAXIAEY®, *1993 10 W. KULLMANN, Antike Vorstufen des

Greeks believed that they owed the introduction of the aulds music to > Olympus [14], who composed némoi to honour the gods (Plut. De musica 1133e; 1141b). The first citharodic nomoi were attributed to > Terpander, who introduced a formal structure of seven sec-

modernen Begriff des Naturgesetzes, in: O. BEHRENDs, W. SELLERT (ed.), Nomos und Gesetz, 1995, 36-116 11H. VAN EFFENTERRE, F. Ruzé (ed.), Nomima: recueil d’in-

scriptions politiques et iuridiques de l’archaisme grec, 2 vols., 1994 and 1995. PSI.

[2] (voudc/nomos). Greek term for the districts of Egypt (nomes). The division dates back to the time of the pha-

raohs. During the Old Kingdom, Egypt was divided into regions (sp3t) ruled by a ‘Great Chief’. The old division into 22 nomes in Upper Egypt and 20 in Lower

Egypt was preserved as canonical for religious purposes into the Roman period. After the Old Kingdom, cities and their surrounding region formed new administrative districts ruled by governors (/3tj-‘) (there were also governors for fortified cities without surrounding territory). These districts only partially corresponded to the old nomes, although their names continued to be used for geographic regions. The nomoiof the Ptolemaic period are derived from these new districts (not from the old nomes). In the Ptolemaic period the number of the nomoi was not fixed (Ptolemy II e.g. increased them from 36 to 39; some lists mention up to 47); not every nome can be identified: the administrative structure or the name may have changed. The 22 nomes of Upper Egypt and the 20 of Lower Egypt were considered the norm; but this is too schematic and may reflect cult practice rather than administrative reality (lists of nomoi e.g. in [1]; Plin. HN s5,49f.; Strab. 17,787-812; cf. Hdt. 2,165f.). Expansions into the south under Ptolemaic or Roman rule were organised in nomoi as well. Nomes could be grouped together (e.g. - Heptanomia, Thebais). The

tions (Poll. 4,66); other names

associated

with the

nomos were the composers > Clonas, > Thaletas and > Polymnestus. The most famous 26mos for solo instruments was the Pythikos nomos for aulds by Sacadas of Argos, who won first place at the three first Pythian Games in

Delphi (586, 582, 578 BC). His piece in five sections (Poll. 4,84) portrayed Apollo’s victory over the dragon in Delphi. In 558 BC a version for kithdra was entered in the competition of the games (Paus. 10,7,7; Strab. 9,3,10). Written in the same vein was the ‘manyheaded nomos’ (polyképhalos némos) which described the beheading of Gorgo [1] and was attributed to Olympus; with it Midas of Acragas was victorious in 490 BC (Pind. Pyth. 12,23). The new music of the 5th cent. BC

(> Phrynis, > Timotheus) was a continuation of programmatic virtuoso performances. —+ Music A. BARKER, Greek Musical Writings, vol. 1, 1984; D. A. CAMPBELL, Greek Lyric, vol. 2, 1988; vol. 3, 1991; H. GRIESER, Nomos, 1937; E. LAROCHE, Histoire de la racine NEM- en grec ancien, 1949; M. L. West, Ancient Greek Music, 1992. E.R.

[4] (vOwoc/némos), Greek coin (Poll. 9,79; Phot. s.v. vouoc; more passages [1. vol. 2,200]); usually called

vovpuod/nummos (derived from von Lat. > nummus). Nomos is a monetary unit in > Heraclea [10] (Luca-

nia), listed in the tabulae Heracleenses around 325 BC (IG XIV 645 I, 123), and in all of lower Italy with a

NOMOS

value of 1.2466 Aeginetan drachmai = 7.78 g silver (Syll.3 240114). The nomos of lower Italy is also called > stater. After 5 50 BC it was minted by Heraclea, Caulonia, Croton, Locri, Metapontum, Posidonia, Terina, Thurion and Velia. With a weight of initially 8.32 g it was slightly lighter than the Corinthian Pegasus Stater of 8.5-8.6 g over which it was often struck. From 433 to 280 BC the némos of Heraclea weighed ca. 7.85 g, from 280 to 250 BC ca. 6.38 g. The Dolphin Rider Stater or nOmos/nomisma (Poll. 9,80 after Aristoteles) of Tarentum, issued around 520-210 BC [2. 46rf.], weighed 7.5—-8 g, after ca. 280 BC it weighed 6.82 g. The nomos of lower Italy was equivalent to 12 obols or 10 litrae (Poll. 9,81).

The term xomos or noummos was also used for the > sestertius (Syll.* 588 |. 215 from Delos around 180 BC; Priene 41,13, 2nd cent. BC.; Poll. 9,87, with [2. 462, 464], but the common term is noummos/—> —

nummus), for the — denarius [3.358], then for the -» follis that was issued after the late 3rd cent. AD and finally for the follis of Anastasius’ [1] > coinage reform (Kedrenos, vol. 1, p. 801). 1 F. Huttscu, Metrologicorum scriptorum reliquae, vols. I-2, 1864-1866 2SCHROTTER, 461f., 464 3H. Wi1LERS, in: RhM 60, 1905, 321-360.

DLK.

Nomos nautikos (vouwo¢ vautixdc; n6mos nautikos). Byzantine collection of legal rules concerning shipping, compiled in the 7th or 8th cent. AD and incorporated in the 9th cent. AD into the legal compilation of the ‘Basilica’. Its traditional meaning of ‘Rhodian Sea Law’ derives from the subsequently added prologue asserting that the Roman emperors affirmed the ancient sea law of Rhodes. This statement, although mentioned in legal writings (e.g. Dig. 14,2), cannot be verified historically in any detail, rendering contiguity with the subsequent text unclear. The actual NN regulates the distribution of profits from shipping, the status of crews and liability issues, and contains sanctions for contraventions of the

law. W. ASHBURNER, The Rhodian Sea-Law, 1909; L. BuRGMANN, S.v. Rhodian Sea Law, ODB 3, 1792; D. LETs1os (ed.), Nowog “Podiwv Nautixdc. Das Seegesetz der Rhodier, 1996.

AL.B.

Nomos stratiotikos (vouwo¢g otoatumtixdc; 26mos stra-

tidtikos). Byzantine collection of regulations on ‘military law’ compiled in the 6th and 8th cents. AD from

the Corpus iuris civilis and other sources. The NS has survived

in various versions, sometimes in military manuals, sometimes as an appendix to several Middle Byzantine statute books, frequently together with the > nomos nautikos (‘maritime law’). According to the NS, crimes such as refusing to obey orders, desertion and looting were to be punished by death in wartime; offences in times of peace were frequently punished by discharge from military service and loss of privileges pertaining thereto. > Corpus iuris;

804

803

> Nomos nautikos

P. Verri, Le leggi penali militari dell’impero bizantino nell’alto medioevo, 1978; L. BURGMANN, E. MCGEER, s.v. NS, ODB 3, 1492. ALB.

Nomothesia see — Legislation Nomothetai

(vowo0éta; nomothétai, ‘lawmakers’). Officials responsible for compiling or enacting legislation. A text from Corcyra seemingly indicates that the nomothétai there compiled and recorded the final version of a decision taken in principle by the popular assembly (IMagn 44). In Cyme [3], a decision by the popular assembly had to be submitted by the law’s proponent (> eisagdgevis) to a ‘tribunal of nomothetai ’(nomothetikon — dikastérion (IK 5,12). If it is assumed that Thucydides (8,97,2) used the

term correctly, then nomothétai were appointed in Athens in the period of the mixed oligarchic-democratic constitution of 411/410 BC. In the period between 403 and 321 BC, the Athenians attempted to distinguish between 26moi (‘laws’) and > pséphismata (‘decrees’). The former were issued by special colleges of nomothétai, had enduring validity and were of general applicability, while the latter, which were passed by the council (+ boule) of the Five Hundred and the popular assembly (> ekklésia), were of only temporary validity or applied only to special cases [2; 3]. With the restoration of Athenian democracy in 403 BC, new laws had to be proposed by a commission of nomothétai appointed by the council and then had to be accepted or rejected by a second college of nomothétai (And. 1, 83-84) [8;

9]. Once the new law codex had been completed, amendments to the law had to be approved by a commission of nomothétai, who, in the early 4th cent. at any rate, were chosen from among the citizens who were on the list of judges. Once a year, the popular assembly had the opportunity to instigate the revision of any part of the statute book (Demosth. 20,89-94; 24,20-23). Later on, a supplementary law covered this ongoing process (Demosth. 24,33). At an even later point in time, it seems that people who found the procedure too restrictive felt bound only by the supplementary law and not by the provisions of the original law that were not incorporated into it. In particular, the opportunity to amend the law was no longer limited to just once a year; people did not bother rescinding old laws that conflicted with new ones; the nomothétai no longer had to be taken from the ranks of those who had been sworn in. At times, special commissions had to be appointed to deal with inconsistencies in the legal provisions (Demosth. 20,91). After the mid sos of the 4th cent., the + thesmothétai were assigned annually to track down contradictions

in the laws (m6moi) and,

where appropriate, to request the popular assembly to appoint nomothétai (Aeschin. 3,38—40). However, the attempt to eradicate inconsistencies was probably not entirely successful (for changes in the 4th cent. cf. [7], different assessments [4; 5; 6]).

805

806

According to literary evidence, the procedure in front of the nomothétai resembled a trial in which the existing law was defended against the claims of the proposed new law, but the epigraphically preserved texts of laws are similar to the epigraphical records of decrees. The nomothétai were led by a few chairmen (> prohedrot) (e.g. 1G IP 140). Thereafter (317-315), Demetrius [4] of Phaleron probably held the title of nomothétés (supplemented with [1] in IG II* 1201). After Demetrius’ expulsion (307), the laws were again revised (IG II* 487); a few traces of laws that were issued after that time exist. ~» Nomographos; +» Nomos [1] 1S. Dow, A. H. Travis, Demetrios of Phaleron and His Lawgiving, in: Hesperia 12, 1943, 148-159 2 M.H. Han-

sEN, Nomos and GRBS 19, 1978, 1983, 161-177) after 403/2?, in:

Psephisma in Fourth-Century Athens, in: 315-330 (= Id., The Athenian Ecclesia, 3 Id., Did the Athenian Ecclesia Legislate GRBS 20, 1979, 27-53 (= Id., The Athe-

nian Ecclesia, 1983, 179-206)

NONALIA

SACRA

‘area’ or as a ‘mountain’ (Vitr. 8,3,16; Plin. HN 4,21);

poets often used ‘Nonacrian’ synonymously with ‘Arcadian’ (cf. the epithet Nonacrina of > Callisto in Ov. Met. 2,409). N. must have been situated near the modern village of Solos (formerly Mesorrougi), opposite of Peristera [2]. 1Josr 21. Pixutas, in: Topiko Synedrio Archaikon Spudon (ed.), Praktika tu 2. Topiku Synedriu Archaikon Spudon (Peloponnesiaka, Suppl. 11), 1986, 313-318 3 MULLER, 806f.

Y.L. and E.0.

[2] Place in northern Arcadia, whose inhabitants abandoned their home town in 368/7 BC and moved to the newly-founded city of — Megale polis (Paus. 8,27,4; cf. 7). The identity with N. [1] is unlikely, its location has not yet been determined. Jost, 216f.; E. MEYER, Peloponnesische Wanderungen,

1939, 48-59.

YL.

41d., Athenian Nomo-

thesia in the Fourth Century B.C. and Demosthenes’ Speech Against Leptines, in: CeM 32, 1971/80, 87-104

5 Id., Athenian Nomothesia, in: GRBS 26, 1985, 345-371 6D. M. MacDowe1, Law-Making at Athens in the Fourth Century B.C., in: JHS 95, 1975, 62-74

Nonae see > Calendar Nonae Capratinae see ~ Capratinae (Nonae)

7P. J.

8Id., The Athenian Code of Law, 410-

Nonalia sacra. On the Kalendae of each Roman month the pontifices (> pontifex) announced in the Curia

399 B.C., in: JHS 111, 1991, 87-100 9 N. ROBERTSON, The Laws of Athens, 410-399 B.C., in: JHS 110, 1990,

Calabra the date of the Nonae (> Calendar B. 4.); on that date, in the course of the monalia sacra (NS), the

RuHopbEs, Nomothesia in Fourth Century Athens, in: CQ

35,1985, 55-60

43-75.

PR.

Nomus. > Comes et > magister officiorum in the eastern Empire AD 443-446 (Nov. Theod. 24f.; Cod. lust. TA? AvAc ea WO ste)

L16s 26.0250 GUnn2

2b)

CO

sulin 445 together with Emperor > Valentinianus IIL., and patricius 448-451 (Theod. Epist. 81; 96). N. was an influential advisor to Emperor > Theodosius II. and a friend of the praepositus sacri cubiculi> Chrysaphius; in 450 he was sent with the magister militum Anatolius [2] to the Hun King — Attila to conclude a peace (Prisc. fragment 8; 13f. = FHGIV 91; 97f.; Iohannes Antiochenus fragment 198 = FHGIV 613). In 451, N. took part in the Council of > Calchedon as a secular advisor (Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum 2,1,2,69; 84; 138 SCHWARTZ). C1auss, 173f.; vgl.

115; PLRE 2, 785f.

2,1,1,553

~ rex sacrorum proclaimed on the Capitoline Arx the first festival of the month (Varro Ling. 6,27f.; [1. 210-

214]). Varro regards the NS asa surviving feature of the time of the kings, when the rural population would come to Rome and gather before the — rex to be given information about that month’s festivals. Varro’s use of the present tense (edicit) indicates that he is referring to a contemporary custom [1. 213]. Etruscan influence (Varro Ling. 6,28; Macr. Sat. 1,15,9-13) is a contro-

versial question [2. 92f.].

There is disagreement as to the age of the NS and its relationship to other ancient festivals. The > Poplifugia on the 5th of July is the only ancient festival that was celebrated before the Nonae. The Nonae Capratinae on the 7th ofJuly, a more recent, but nonetheless ‘early’ festival [3], occurred at the same time as the Nonae.

K.PJ.

Nonacris (Nw@vaxots; Nonakris). [1] Place in Arcadia (Paus. 8,18,7; Steph. Byz. s.v. N.; Suda s.v. N.; Hesych. s.v. N.; IG V 2, p. 83) in the valley of the upper Crathis [1] on the north-eastern slope of Aroania Ore (modern Helmos), famous because of the Styx waterfall, which was located in the N. area; N. is mentioned in classical literature only in this connection. If in the 5th cent. BC it was still an independent town (Hdt. 6,74), in the 4th cent. BC N. Belonged to > Pheneus. In Pausanias’ time (8,17,6) it was destroyed, and could be recognised only from slight traces [1. 36]. Writers of the early Imperial period knew N. only as an

Moveable festivals (feriae conceptivae) might be celebrated prior to the Nonae (e.g. the > Compitalia). The relationship of the NS to sacrifices as part of the domestic cult is problematic: according to Cato (Agr. 143,2), sacrifices that were not exclusively part of the sphere of ‘PRIVATE’ religion might be made to the Lar familiaris (> Lares) on the Kalendae, Nonae and Idus. It is possible that institutionalized worship ofthe Lares — to whom, in the form of the Compitalia, a moveable festival was dedicated — was not linked to a particular festival time. + Calendar; > Feriae 1 J. RUpKE, Kalender und Offentlichkeit, 1995 2 PFIFFIG 3 R. PALMER, Roman Religion and Roman Empire, 1974,

7-17, 23-25.

CRP.

807

808

Nonius N. (also Nonnius, Nunnius), Italic nomen gen-

Il. IMPERIAL PERIOD {I 1] M.N. Arrius Mucanius Senator, orignating from

NONIUS

tile derived from the numeral praenomen Nonus (evidence: [3. 229; 424]). Several families are attested since the rst cent. BC, among which the — probably Picene [1. 92°] — Nonii Asprenates stand out. 1 SYME, RR, vol. 1 2 SALOMIES,

I. REPUBLICAN

PERIOD

111

3 SCHULZE.

1A. Garzetti, I Nonii di Breschia, in: Athenaeum 1977, 175-185 2G. ALFOLDY, in: EOS, vol. 2.

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD

Ill. AUTHORS I. REPUBLICAN

Brixia (on this family and a branch from Verona cf. [1. x75ff.] and [2. 343ff.; 347ff.]). Praetor; cos. ord. in AD 201. In 204 he participated as X Wir sacris faciundis in the secular games (> Saeculum). PIR* N 114.

PERIOD

[I 1] N. Asprenas, L. Follower of Caesar during the Civil War, propraetor in Gaul before late 49 BC. (ILS 884; [r. 138-142]), proconsul in Africa in 46 (Bell. Afr. 80,4) and cavalry commander in Spain in 45 (Bell. Hisp. 10,2). In 44 N. was people’s tribune (App. B Civ. 3,25; [1]). He became praetor before 39 when he appeared in a list of witnesses [2. 158 Nr. 27) and in 36 he was cos. suff. (InscrIt 13,1,58f.), presumably because he was a

partisan of Octavian (~ Augustus). The inscription of a Vilvir epulo (CIL VI 2156) is ascribed to N. Perhaps he is identical with L.N. [II 4] Asprenas, a friend of Augustus. N.’ presumed father and uncle appeared in the command staff of Cn. Pompeius Strabo in 89 before > Asculum (ILS 8888). 1 E. BapIAN, Two More Roman Non-Entities, in: Phoenix 25, 1971,134-144 2 SHERK.

[I 2] N. Sufenas, M. Son of N. [I 3], quaestor in c. 62 BC. (RRC 421). Presumably he is the N. mocked in Catull. 52 (and in Cic. Vatin. 39?) as struma (‘swollen lymph node’) and hence was aedile or praetor in 56 [1]. The identification of this N. with N. [I 1] is implausible, as is the assumption that ‘Struma’ is another person, contra [2.246]. In 54 he appeared in court for unknown reasons — perhaps obstruction of the election in 56 — but was acquitted (Cic. Att. 4,15,4). In 51-50 N. was governor of a province near Cilicia (ibid. 6,1,13; differently in [2. 246]). Still cled with imperium, he supported Pompey in 49 (ibid. 8,15,3). Cicero mocked his attempt to spread optimism after Pompey’s defeat at Pharsalus (48) (Plut. Cicero 38,5)..N. is perhaps the adopted N. Sufenas, who about 54 went to court against the testament of his biological father M. Annius Carseolanus (Val. Max. 7,7,2). 1F. X. Ryan, The Date of Catullus 52, in: Eranos 93, 1995, 113-121 2D. R. SHACKLETON BaILey (ed.), M. Tullius Cicero, Letters to Atticus, vol. 3, 1968.

55,

{Il 2] M.N. Arrius Mucianus Manlius Carbo Senator; probably the father of N. [II 1] and son ofN. [II 14]. He dedicated two statues to emperor ~ Commodus in AD 189; possibly he was [consul design]atus in that year (AE 1956, 65 = InscrIt 10,5, 133). PIR* N 115. {Il 3] M.N. Arrius Paulinus Aper Senator. Possibly the younger brother or son ofN. [II 1]. Married to a Roscia Pacula, probably the sister of the consul of 223. N. also belonged to the college of the X V viri sacris faciundis. It is unknown whether he ever became consul (CIL V 4341 = InscrIt 10,5,13 5f.). PIR* N 116. {11 4] L.N. Asprenas Senator under > Augustus, married to Quinctilia, the sister of P. > Quinctilius Varus. His sons are N. [II 5] and N. [II 17]. He was acquitted in a murder-by-poisoning trial in which Augustus participated (Quint. Inst. ro,1,22). PIR* N 117. {II 5] L.N. Asprenas Son of N. [II 4]. Cos. suff. in AD 6, legate under his uncle > Quinctilius Varus in Germania. N. commanded two legions in Mainz (+ Mogontiacum). These he took to Lower Germaniy, thus stabilizing the military situation after the destruction of Varus. Procos. of Africa for three years from 12-15 (or 13-16). Head of the collegium of the curatores locorum publicorum iudicandorum. At the conclusion of the trial against > Calpurnius [II 16] Piso, he attacked Valerius Messalinus because the latter had ommitted the young Claudius [III 1] in his acknowledgements (Tac. Ann. 3,18,3). Regarding his descendants [x. 85ff.]. PIR* N 118. 1 W. Eck, A. CaBALLos, F. FERNANDEZ, Das SC de Cn.

Pisone patre, 1996, 85fE.

[II 6] L.N. Asprenas. Son of N. [II 5]; registered in the tribus Pomptina. Quaestor from 5 December 20 to 4 December 21. Cos. suff. as early as 29; probably accepted among the patricians by Claudius [III 1]. For his descendants, see N. [II 5]. PIR* N rig. [117] P.N. Asprenas. Son of N. [Il 5] and younger brother of N. [II 6]. Cos. suff. in AD 38. Probably identical with the Asprenas who after the murder of > Caligula was killed by his body guards (Jos. Ant. Iud. 19,87;

[I 3] N. Sufenas, Sex. He failed in 88 BC as the candi-

T95E2 3) WEURGIN cone

date for an unknown office because of the mood against his uncle P. Cornelius [I 90] Sulla (Plut. Sulla 10,3). He became praetor in 81 under the latter’s dictatorship and organized the first ludi Victoriae Sullanae (cf. RRC

[II 8] P.N. Asprenas Caesius Cassianus. Legate of Cilicia c. AD 73/4; cos. suff. c. 75. Procos. of Asia under Domitian c. 86/7. PIR* N 124. [119] N. Asprenas Calpurnius Torquatus. In CIL VI 1371 =ILS 927 mentioned as the son of aCalpurnia and an N. Asprenas. Regarding his identification, see [x. 85ff.].

421).

JOR.

810

809 1 W. Ecx, A. CaBALLOos, F. FERNANDEZ,

Das SC de Cn.

Pisone patre, 1996, 85ff.

[II 10] M.N. Balbus. A senator originally from Nuceria who later settled in Herculaneum. Tribunus plebis in 32 BC (Cass. Dio 50,2,3f.). After the praetorship he became proconsul of Creta-Cyrenae in the first years of + Augustus. Several Cretan towns honoured him in ~ Herculaneum. He had a basilica with an enclosing wall and gates built for this town. After his death he was extraordinarily honoured by the council and people of Herculaneum, e.g. with an altar at which funerary sacrifices were annually offered in town. Several mounted statues dedicated to him are preserved. PIR* N 129. L. SCHUMACHER, Das Ehrendekret fiir M.N. Balbus aus

Herculaneum, in: Chiron 6, 1976, 165-184.

NONIUS 1 A. GARzETTI, Altro sui Nonii di Brescia, in: Athenaeum 85,1997 2 A. GarzeTTI, A. VALVO MANTISSA, Epigrafica Bresciana, 1999.

[II 16] P. Delphius Peregrinus ... M.N. Mucianus. Probably the father of N. [II 15]. Probably from Brixia. The beginning of his career is preserved in CIL V 3343. On 19 May 135 attested as the praetorian legate of Pannonia Inferior [1. 251-253]. Cos. suff. 138. If he is identical with the M.N. Mucianus in CIL V 4345f. = InscrIt 10,5,127f., which is possible, a change of tribus must be assumed. PIR* N 146; 145. 1M. M. Roxan, Two Complete Diplomas of Pannonnia Inferior, in: ZPE 127, 1999, 249-267.

[If 17] Sex. N. Quinctilianus. Probably the brother of

{ff 11] N. Bassus. In CIL TX 5829 a [-—-—|nius Bassus is

N. [Il 5]. Triumvir monetalis; cos. ord. in AD 8. Proconsul Asiae under > Tiberius c. 16/7. Married to Sosia, a

mentioned as cos. suff. So far his nomen gentile has always been completed to Nonius but it is most likely [An]nius; probably related to Ann[——-—]tta, the wife of Flavius Silva. PIR* N 131.

daughter of the consul of 32 BC. N.’s son of the same name, cos. suff. in 38 (PIR* N 153), or his grandson L.N. Quintilianus (PIR* N 151) was accepted by Claudius [III 1] among the patricians. PIR* N 152.

W. Eck, Urbs Salvia und seine fiihrenden Familien in rém. Zeit, in: Picus 12/13, 1992/3, 7off.

VOGEL-WEIDEMANN,

224ff.

WE.

[II 12] L.N. Calpurnius Asprenas. Son of N. [II 6]. His career is related in [1. 346]: e.g., he was the quaestor Augusti of > Nero. Then he functioned as centurio

Ill. AUTHORS [Il 1] N. Marcellus. Like his contemporaries, Ti. Claudius > Donatus [4] and > Macrobius [1], he was a pri-

equitum Romanorum, apparently in connection with the Pisonian conspiracy (65), for which he was distin-

vate scholar, a grammarian, from Tubursicum Numi-

guished by Nero with the unusually high > dona militaria [2. 133f.]. After the praetorship of > Galba [2], N. was immediately appointed the governor of GalatiaPamphylia. In this period he moved against a false Nero (Tac. Hist. 2,9,1-2). Cos. suff. c. 72. Procos. of Africa 82/3. PIR* N 132.

conpendiosa doctrina ad filium (the Epistulae de peregrinando a doctrinis, p. 723 L. are lost) should be dated to the late 4th or early 5th cent. AD according to the last quoted author (Septimius Serenus, 3rd cent. AD) and the last sources used (Carminius [6]). Codices were used for it; it was even specially prepared for this new medium (-» codex). N. functionally and chronologically belongs with the archaist Macrobius although the latter had broader antiquarian interests (dated too early in [12]: early 3rd cent.; the terminus ante quem is Priscianus, GL 2,35,20f.). The incompletely preserved text, which was probably edited posthumously, contains 20 chapters of unequal length (from ch. 4, 336 pp., to ch. 18, 3 pp.). Ch. 20 only contains lemmata without references and ch. 16 (De genere calciamentorum) is lost. Ch. 1-11 are dedicated to linguistic phenomena by the categories noun — verb — adverb: etymology (1), style (2; 6) and semantics (4; 5), forms (3; 8; 7; 10; 11) and syntax (9). Ch. 13-20 treats the terminology of war (ships and weapons: 13; 19), household goods (clothes, clothing colours and shoes: 14; 16; 17; dishes and food: 15; 18), circumstances of birth and terms of kinship (20). Ch. 12 (De doctorum indagine), which stands between two divisions, combines a mix of antiquarian and linguistic notes. Only ch. 2-4 are ordered alphabetically. Overall the lemmata and an abundance of reference quotations dominate. Comments by the author are almost entirely missing, the definitions introducing the lemmata are also kept short.

1 J. M. REYNOLDS,J. B. WARD PERKINS (ed.), Inscriptions of Roman Tripolitania, 1952 2 W. Eck, Tra epigrafia,

prosopografia e archeologia, 1996. THOMASSON, Fasti Africani, 45.

{If 13] L.N. Calpurnius Torquatus Asprenas. Son of N. [II 12]. Augur; cos. ord. 94; procos. Asiae c. 107/8; cos.

ord. I] in 128. PIR* N 133. [Il 14] M.N. Gallus. From Aesernia. He was a partisan of Octavian (see > Augustus) under the triumvirate and

was governor of Gallia. He defeated the Treveri and was acclaimed as imperator as a result. PIR* N 137. {11 15] M.N. Macrinus. From Brixia. N.’ career is re-

lated in ILS 8830 = IEph VII 1,3029 (cf. now also [r. 193ff. = 2. 32ff.]). Military tribune with the legio XVI Flavia and the legio VII Gemina. After the praetorship, the legate of legio XIV Gemina, then governor of Pannonia Inferior c. 151-15 3/4; cos. suff. 154; curator alvei Tiberis; legate of Pannonia Superior c. 159-161/2. N. was > comes under Marcus

[2] Aurelius; procos. Asiae in 170/1. probably the son of N. [II 16]. PIR* N 140.

darum (modern Khamissa, Algeria). N.’s main work De

NONIUS

In the dispute over the categories of the correctness of languages, N. expounds an archaistic tendency (p. 271 L.: Vetustas et antiquitas vel felix vel sapiens vel mansueta est habita, ‘What is old is considered fortunate, wise or familiar’, see also p. 894), i.e. he recommends the authority of the ancients, who are exemplary [9]. He even derived the number of chapters from the archaist > Gellius [6], one of the main sources of grammar. Select words, flexion forms, modes of use and junctures to upgrade ‘obscure authority’ (obscura (non recepta) auctoritas) were intended to enrich contemporary language. This is the intention of ch. 2 (De honestis et nove veterum dictis). Scholarship from the roth cent. to Linpsay [2; 3], cf. STRZELECKI [4; 5] (by contrast, [7] and [10]) showed that in the lemmata (base quotes) and the supplementary quotes a series of texts were used throughout in a repeating sequence. Apart from the school canon (Virgil, Terence, Sallust, Cicero), archaic Latin poets — especially comedians — dominate; historical and antiquarian prose is used more rarely and (with the exception of Cicero) only towards the end of the citation sequence. Because N. for the most part takes his references directly from the quoted authors, his text is unusually informative for the history of transmission and reception in the transitional phase of the period. However, the hopes of scholars, who have intensively studied his excerpting process because of the wealth of fragments not preserved elsewhere, have not entirely been fulfilled: the ‘Lex Lindsay’ (the base and supplementary quotations repeat in a fixed sequence) is in principle only valid for the non-alphabetized ch. 1 and 5—20 (only a ‘/, of the work) and the supplementary quotations. The text is, via an archetype in three volumes (ch. 1-33 4; 5-20, [8]), an (Anglo-Saxon) minuscule codex of the 7th/8th cents. It exerted influence since the early Carolingian period from Tours, especially on northern France (Ferriéres, Reims etc.). Compared

to the rich

and representatively preserved Carolingian tradition, the actual reception did not extend beyond occasional quotes

812

811

(LUPUS

OF

FERRIERES,

HINCMAR

OF

REIMS,

JOHN OF SALISBURY). Only the historicism of early humanism showed renewed interest as demonstrated by numerous humanist copies and early prints. -» Grammarians Epition: W. M. Linpsay, vols. 1-3, 1903. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 1 Studi 2 W. M. Linpsay, Nonius publican Latin, r901 3 Id., Marcellum, in: Philologus

Noniani, vols. rff., 1967ff. Marcellus’ Dictionary of ReDe citationibus apud Nonium 64, 1905, 438-464 4W.

STRZELECKI, Zur Entstehung der Compendiosa Doctrina des Nonius, in: Eos 34, 1932/3,

113-129

5 Id., De Flavio

ians of Language, 1988, 417f., nr. 237 Late Authors in Nonius 369-389.

12 P. T. Keyser,

Marcellus, in: HSPh

96, 1994, I Us

Nonnosus. Author of a lost Greek report on the travels of a legation to the ruler of Kinda in central Arabia and then to Ethiopia and southern Arabia in the year AD 530/1, the existence of which is known only from the ‘Library’ of > Photius (cod. 3). Similar journeys had been undertaken by 502 by N.’s grandfather Euphrasius, and several in 524 and later by his father Abram. According to Photius, the report emphasised the courage of N. in hazardous situations and contained information on the religion and language of the Arabs, on elephants and pygmies. It may have been used as a source for the chronicles of > Johannes [18] Malalas and > Theophanes. FHG 4, 178-180; R. Henry (ed.), Photius, Bibliothéque, vol. 1, 1959, 4-7; I. Kawar, Byzantium and Kinda, in:

ByzZ 53, 1960, 57-73; B. BALDwin,

s.v. N., ODB

1493.

3,

AL.B.

Nonnus (Novvoc; Nénnos) from Panopolis (the modern Ahmim) in Egypt. There are no biographical records, with the exception of Anth. Pal. 9,198 (possibly a dedication written by the poet himself for his own work [33. 166-168; 23]). It is assumed that the origin of the name, found in Egypt from the 4th cent. AD, was Syrian or Egyptian (‘pure’), but a connection to the Greek

familiar diminutive

mémnos

(‘uncle’ or

‘grandfather’) cannot be excluded. The dating is uncertain: the terminus post quem is taken to be a work by > Claudianus [3] (394-397), which was known to N., and the terminus ante quem a work by> Agathias Scholasticus (c. AD 530-580), who mentions him as one of the ‘recent writers’ (Agathias, Historiae 4,23,5); there is a lot of plausibility in the assumption that he

lived during the first seven decades of the 5th cent. AD. N. is equated with the homonymous bishop of Edessa, a participant in the Council of > Calchedon in 451 [23]. In Alexandria, N. wrote the major epic Dionysiakd (48 bks., as many as the ‘Iliad’ and the ‘Odyssey’ combined): with its 21,382 verses (including the dedicatory distichs to each book), it is the longest poem passed down from antiquity. It contains few explicit references to the place of origin of its author [16]; it seems certain, however, that he had first-hand knowledge of places on the Phoenician coast (Tyre: 40,311ff.; Berytus/Beirut: 41,1433 41,174; 41,395-398). The wide-ranging subject of the poem is held together by the character of ~ Dionysus whose actions and metamorphoses are told in accordance with the rhetoric structure of an > enco-

Capro Nonio auctore, 1936 6 T. MANTERO, La inscriptio

mium to a king (ancestors and parents; home; birth;

dei codici del De compendiosa doctrina, in: Studi Noniani 3, 1975, 123-188 7D.C. Wuire, The Method of Com-

military expeditions; education). The work is clearly structured [ro. 58-62]: bks. 1-6: the story of + Cadmus [1], Dionysus’ maternal grandfather, and his birthplace Thebes; bks. 7-12: childhood and youth of the new god;; bks. 13-40: the most important campaign, the expedition to India (including the canonical

position and Sources of Nonius Noniani 8, 1980, 111-211 MazzZACANE,

Marcellus, in: Studi

8 REYNOLDS, 248-252

Nonio ed i veteres, in: Studi Noniani

9R. 10,

1985, 189-211 10 E. Capon, Studi sul De compendiosa doctrina di Nonio Marcello, 1987 11 R. KAsTer, Guard-

813

814

elements of a heroic epic: catalogue; council of the gods; river battle; manufacture of weapons; deception of Zeus; theomachy; funeral games for Opheltes; the killing of Deriades, the king of India). Of poetic importance in the sense of a competition with Homer is the scene of the rhapsode’s performance at the feast (cf. Hom. Od. 8,261-369) [11]. N.’s work combined the two main features of the Hellenistic + epic: the large-scale epic poem (as represented in the tale of the Indian expedition) and the sequence of > epyllia, which make up the remainder of the work [11]. Two programmatic proems divide the epic into two sections, bks. 1-24 and bks. 25-48. The first proem (45 verses) sets out the artistic aim of poi-

N. made use of a various sources, ranging from the of Dionysian epics (— Euphorion [3], + Peisander of Laranda, Dionysius [32] — already including the expedition to India of Alexander, the ‘new Dionysus’ — and > Soterichus) to Euripides’ Bacchae;

kilia (‘colourfulness’), also represented in the everchanging figure of — Proteus; metamorphosis is the main motif in the Dionysiakd. Following on from the second, ‘internal’ proem, the story of the last year of war — following the example of the ‘Iliad’ — starts with the declaration of wanting to enter into competition with the Homeric epic as well as with more recent works (25,27: véouo xal Goxeyovotow éoifwv); it also

explains the choice of synkrisis (comparison) as the main element for praising Dionysus’ deeds (25,28-29). 40,275 to the end deal with Dionysus’ triumphal return and his procession through Tyre, Berytus, Thebes (where

he

meets

with

resistance

by — Pentheus),

Athens, Naxos and Argos, Thrace and Phrygia, and this route also results in a compendium of the foundation myths of all of these cities. The epic concludes with the apotheosis of the god.; The Dionysiakd thus contain two important phases: the initial one deals with Dionysus’ gradual acquisition of his divinity, as desired by Zeus; the second phase focuses on ending the suffering of the people who had given him shelter, by giving to them the gift of wine [r0. 759]. The structure of the poem is not linear, but based on association: each main topic is surrounded by a number of subsidiary ones, with the intention of creating a comprehensive mythological encyclopaedia. N.’s creative wealth finds expression in the constant movement within the individual scenes, ina world of images — albeit an artificial world, created solely from a range of artistic forms. N. reformed metrics and codified the already evident tendency towards an ossification of the hexameter [5. 353. with bibliography], in order to make the verse more suitable for declamation: he reduced the forms of the hexameter to nine (compared with the 32 Homeric variations), gave preference to the weak central caesura, and as far as possible avoided any elision. Typical for his style is the accumulation of adjectives, a large part of them composites, and frequently newly created in order to meet metric requirements. In view of the redundancy of his language, his use of the oxymoron, the wealth of his literary references (to Homer, to Alexandrian poetry and the entire range of late-antique poetry up to and including > Triphiodorus) and generally his search for ‘effects’, his style has been described as Nonnian ‘Baroque’ (e.g. [19. 911, 917]).

NONNUS

lost authors

his models were Homer, > Callimachus [3], - Hesiod,

but also Greek didactic poetry, astronomical and bucolic poetry (Theocritus, Moschus and most ofall Bion), as well as Pindar. N. also consulted Latin sources, very definitely Ovid’s ‘Metamorphoses’, occasionally Virgil [12]; he had great admiration for Rome (cf. 41,3 89-398 and bks. 41-43: Berytus and the famous school of Roman law). In addition, N. also wrote a Metafodi (Metabole) tod xata Todvyyy evayyediov &yiou (‘Paraphrase of the Gospel according to St. John’), an adaptation of the NT in form of 3,650 hexameters and 20 cantos; for reasons of style and metrics, the authorship is not in question (even though the technique of paraphrasing itself causes inherent deviations from his own metric rules: for details cf. [5]). The term metabolé (as opposed to metdphrasis) means that the original was embellished or possibly even abridged [5. 368-369]. It is possible that he wrote both works in parallel in the period between AD 444 and 450 [23. 448-449]. The religious importance of the Dionysiakd and the character of Dionysus — divine or simply literary — have been much debated (cf. [23. 440-442] with bibliography; recently [35] against [36]). It seems likely that N. did not see pagan culture and Christianity as two opposing systems, but as ones that compliment each other; for that reason, the totality of his work can be seen as the synthesis of both under the assumption of a single ultimate definition of the divine. + Epic EDITIONS:

1R.KEYDELL, 2 vols.,1959

vols.

(bks.

1-18

1-48),

1976-2004

2 F. ViaNetal., (complete

edn.)

3 Paraphrase of the Gospel according to St. John, canto XVIII: E. Livrea (ed.), 1989; conto XX: A. ACCORINTI

(ed.), 1996. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 4B, ABEL-WILMANNS, Der Erzahlaufbau der Dionysiaka des Nonnos von Panopolis, 1977

5 G. Acostl, F. GONNELLI, Materiali per la storia dell’esametro nei poeti cristiani greci, in: M. FANTUZZ1I, R. PRETA-

GOSTINI (ed.), Struttura e storia dell’esametro greco, vol. I, 1995, 289-434

6 L. CASTIGLIONI, Epica nonniana, in:

Rendiconti dell’Istituto Lombardo 65, 1932, 309-337 7 1. CazzaniGa, Temi poetici alessandrini in Nonno Panopolitano, in: Miscellanea di studi alessandrini in memoria di A. Rostagni, 1963, 626-646 8 P. CHuviNn, Mythologie et geographie dionysiaques. Recherches sur |’ceuvre de Nonnos de Panopolis, 1991 9 P. COLLART, Nonnos de Panopolis: Etudes sur la composition et le texte des ‘Dionysiaques’, 1930 10G. D’Ippo.iro, Studi nonniani: Pepillio nelle ‘Dionisiache’, 1964

111Id., Per un’analisi

attanziale dei ‘Dionysiaca’ di Nonno, in: Jahrbuch der 6sterreichischen Byzantinistik, 32/3, 1982, 145-156 12 Id.,s.v. Nonno, EV 3, 758-761 13 T. Duc, La question de la cohérence dans les ‘Dionysiaques’ de Nonnos de Panopolis, in: RPh 64, 1990, 181-191

14 W. FauTn, Eidos

poikilon. Zur Thematik der Metamorphose und zum Prinzip der Wandlung aus dem Gegensatz in den ‘Dio-

NONNUS

816

815

nysiaka’ des Nonnos von Panopolis, 1981 15 G. GIANGRANDE, Scripta minora alexandrina, vol.3, 1984, 257288 16D. GiGi Prccarpi, Nonno e lEgitto, in: Pro-

C. Troncuetti, N., 1984; N., Recenti studi e scoperte, 1985; P. MELont, La Sardegna Romana, in: ANRW II I1.I, 1988, 491-551, esp. 512-514; Id., Sardegna

metheus 24, 1998, 61-82, 161-18

romana, *1990, 267-271.

17 Ead., Metafora e

poetica in Nonno di Panopoli, 1985

(ed.), Studies in the ‘Dionysiaca’ of Nonnus, 1994 19R. KEYDELL, s.v. N., RE 17, 904-920 20 Id., Kleine Schriften zur hellenistischen und spatgriechischen Dichtung,

1982, 392-581 21A. Kuan, Literarhistorische Studien zur Paraphrase des Johannes-Evangeliums von Nonnos aus Panopolis, diss. 1906

22 E. D. Lasky, Encomiastic

Elements in the ‘Dionysiaca’ of Nonnus, in: Hermes 106,

1978, 357-376

23E. Livrea, Il poeta e il vescovo: la

questione nonniana e la storia, in: Prometheus 13, 1987, 97-123 (repr. in: Id., Studia Hellenistica, r991) 24 W.

PEEK, Kritische und erklarende

H.G.N. and P.M.

18 N. Hopkinson

Beitrage zu den ‘Dio-

[2] (ta N@oa/ta

Néra,

also Nyneoacodd/Nérodssos).

Mountain fortress in the Taurus of Western Cappadocia, into which Eumenes [1] withdrew, and from which he escaped after a year-long siege by Antigonus [1] in 319/8 BC. In 37/6 BC, Archelaus [7] had the treasury in safe-keeping there during the conflict with Ariarathes X (Str. 12,2,5f.). Probably to be identified with the Greek/Byzantine castle of Gelin Tepe, 34 km ESE of Aksaray.

Stil des Nonnos, in: J. IRMSCHER (ed.), Aus der byzanti-

Hip/REsTLe, 245f.; W. OrtrH, Die Diadochenzeit im Spiegel der historischen Geographie (TAVO-Beih. B 80),

nistischen

1993, 56; W. RuGg, s.v. N. (2), RE 17, 9236.

nysiaka’ des Nonnos, 1969 Arbeit

25 M. RIEMSCHNEIDER, Der

der DDR,

1957,

46-70

DGwe

ScHULZE, Die Erzahlung von Hymnos und Nikaia in Nonnos’ Dionysiaka (bk. 15, 169-442), 1960 27L. F. SHERRY, The Hexameter Paraphrase of John Attributed to Nonnus of Panopolis. Thesis. New York r991 28 Id., The Paraphrase of St. John Attributed to Nonnus, in: Byzantion 96/2, 1996, 409-430 29 V. STEGEMANN, Astrologie und Universalgeschichte. Studien und Interpretation zu den ‘Dionysiaka’ des Nonnos von Panopolis, 1930 30M. STRING, Untersuchungen zum Stil der Dionysiaka des Nonnos von Panopolis, 1966

31 F. ViAN, Théogamie et

sotériologie dans les ‘Dionysiaques’ de Nonnos, in: Journal des Savants 1994, 197-233

32H. WuireE, Studies in

Late Greek Epic Poetry, 1987 33 A. WirsTRAND, Von Kallimachos zu Nonnos, 1933 34 G. WILD, Die Vergleiche bei Nonnus, 1888 35 W. LIEBESCHUETZ, Pagan My-

thology in the Christian Empire, in: IJCT 2, 1995, 193208 36 G. W. Bowersock, Hellenism in Late Antiquity, 1990. S.FO,

Nora [1] (Nwea; Nora). Town on the Capo di Pula on the south coast of > Sardinia, approx. 20 km south of Cagliari. N. is regarded as the oldest town on the island (Paus. 10,17,5; Solin. 4,1; on its location cf. Itin. Anton. 85,2f.; Tab. Peut. 4,1). After a pre-colonial phase (cf. Phoenician inscriptions CIS 1 144 c. 800 BC; [1. 1]), N.

was founded by the Phoenicians in the mid 7th cent. BC. The Phoenician settlement (ancient evidence from the

7th cent. BC) had three harbours, and its monumental remains (e.g. rows of houses using — opus Africanum technique, temple entablatures with quasi-Egyptian decoration) show that it remained significant into the 3rd cent. BC and covered the whole area of the Capo di Pula. There were necropoleis (some graves with figured steles) on the isthmus.

A Roman town was built over the

settlement in the 3rd cent. BC. The town began to decline in the 2nd half of the 4th cent. AD (cf. ILS 5790; Geogr. Ray. 5,26: N. praesidium). Important epigraphical evidence: ILS 5918 (Augustalis); AE 1971, 125b cur|(ator) municipium).

r(ei) p(ublicae)|;

[2]: Illlvir (N. as

1 M. G. Guzzo, Le iscrizioni fenicie e puniche delle colonie in occidente, 1967

2 G. SoTatu (ed.), Iscrizioni Latine

della Sardegna, 1961, 45.

K.ST.

Norax (Ndoa’/Noérax). Son of Hermes and Erytheia, daughter of -» Geryoneus. According to legend, N. led the Iberians out of Spanish Tartessus to Sardinia, and founded the first town there, which was named Nora [1] after him (Paus. 10,17,5). AL.ER.

Norba [1] Latin colony in the territory of the Volsci, modern Norma. Possibly founded in 492 BC (Liv. 2,3 4,6; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 7,13,5), but more likely in the 4th cent.; laid waste by the Privernates in 327 (Liv. 7,42,8). Loyal to Rome through the > Punic Wars, destroyed by Sullan forces in 82/1 BC (App. B Civ. 1,94). Archaeology: Ring walls, adapted to the topography (opus polygonale) from the 4th cent. BC, 2,662 m long, three gates; two acropoleis, rectangular town plan, temples of Diana and Juno Lucina. [2] Town in south-western Spain, as a Roman colony known as N. Caesarina (Plin. HN 4,117; N@ofa/ No6rba, Ptol. 2,5,6), modern Caceres in the northern Extremadura, possibly founded by C. Norbanus [I 2] Flaccus (cos. 38 BC), or perhaps named after N. [1]. Location is confirmed by CIL II 694 and 711-713. L. Cornelius [I 6] Balbus was patronus of N. TOVAR 2, 236f.

PB.

Norbanus. Roman family name, probably derived from the Latin city of Norba [1] (‘man from Norba’). The family first attained Roman citizenship with N. [I x], owing its advancement to Caesar and Augustus, and then disappeared. In the Imperial period N. was also a cognomen. 1 KAJANTO, Cognomina, 182

I. REPUBLICAN

PERIOD

I. REPUBLICAN

2 SCHULZE, 532.

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD

PERIOD

[[1] N., C. Novus homo of non-Roman descent (the nomen gentile indicates origins from Norba [1]). As

817

818

people’s tribune in 103 BC and follower of L. Appuleius [I rx] Saturninus, he brought a case against C. > Servilius Caepio (cos. 106) over the defeat at Arausio in ro5 against the Cimbri (-» Cimbri) and forcefully pursued his conviction (Rhet. Her. 1,24; Cic. Balb. 28; Cic. Brut. 13 5f.; Liv. Per. 67). In ror (?) he served as quaestor of the propraetor M. Antonius [I 7] in Cilicia. In 95 or 94 his populist tendencies led to an accusation of high treason (+ maiestas) by P. Sulpicius (tr. pl. 88) over his prosecution of Caepio, but he was acquitted as a result of Antonius’ defence (Cic. De or. 2,89; 107; 1243 164; 167; 197-204; Cic. Off. 2,49 et passim). In 89, as praetor in Sicily, where he probably remained as propraetor until 87, he ensured that the island was not troubled by the Social War and the Civil War (Cic. Verr. 253,117; 5,8; Diod. 37,2,13f.; coin of his son: RRC 357). Considered to be a moderate populist, in 83 he became consul with L. Cornelius [I 73] Scipio Asiagenes. Defeated by P. Cornelius [I 90] Sulla at Capua in 83 and by Q. Caecilius [I 31] Metellus Pius at Faventia in 82 and proscribed, he fled to Rhodes and there committed suicide (Liv. Per. 85-88; App. B+B148 Civ.

the Jewish communities (Jos. Ant. lud. 16,166; 171; Phil. 314f.). His sons are N. [II 2] and [II 4]. PIR* N 167. [Il 4] C. N. Flaccus. Son of N. [II 3]. Praetor urbanus in AD 11, and then in 15 cos. ord. with — Drusus [II 1]

1,373-422). 1 ALEXANDER, 44f. 2E. BaADIAN, Studies in Greek and Roman History, 1964, 34-70; 84-86 3 Id., The Silence of Norbanus, in: AJPh 104, 1983, 156-171 4E.S. GRUEN, Roman

Politics and the Criminal

5 MRR

3, 149

Courts,

1968,

195f.

6 F. MUNzER, N., in: Hermes 67, 1932,

220-232.

K.-LE.

[I 2] N. Flaccus, C. Probably grandson of N. [I 1]. As praetor, in 43 BC he joined the triumvirs; in 42 N., in company with L. Decidius [1] Saxa, led a vanguard of

eight legions to Thrace against Caesar’s murderers, held his ground between Amphipolis and Philippi until Mark Antony appeared and for a time took over command for the ailing Octavian (App. B Civ. 4,368; 429ff.; 548 and elsewhere; Cass. Dio 47,35,2ff.; 36,1ff.; Plut. Brutus 38,1f.; Zon. 10,19). Honoured for his services in 38 with the consulate (Cass. Dio 48,43,1);in 36 in Hispania as proconsul (triumph in 3 4; CIL I? p.50; 77), from 31 in Asia (Jos. Ant. lud. 16,166; 171; IGRIV 33; 428). PIR* N 166. TER. Il. IMPERIAL PERIOD

{If 1] Praesidial procurator of Raetia in the year AD 88/9, who fought against the rebelling Antonius [II 15] Saturninus in Germania superior. Around 95, Domitianus [rt] made him > praefectus praetorio; N. was privy to the conspiracy against Domitian in Sept. 96. PIR* N 162.

{fl 2] L. N. Balbus. Cos. ord. in AD 19, who loved play-

ing the tuba; he is even said to have done it on the first day of his consulate (Cass. Dio 57,18,3). Son of N. [II 3], brother of N. [II 4]. PIR* N 165. {II 3] C. N. Flaccus. Son of N. [I 2]; N.’s importance is the result of the orderly consulate he occupied in 24 BC with > Augustus. As proconsul of Asia, he wrote to the cities of Ephesus and Sardis to protect the privileges of

NOREIA

Caesar. The short interval between praetorship and consulate was customary in those years among patricians and members of respected non-patrician consular families; therefore it is not clear whether the family was patrician. According to the > tabula Siarensis (fr. a, Z.

rof. = [1. 515]), N. erected statues of the divus Augustus and the domus Augusta in circo Flaminio, probably during his consulate. PIR* N 168. 1M.

Crawrorp

(ed.), Roman

Statutes, vol. 1, 1996.

W.E.

Norchia. The Etruscan settlement lay ona high plateau at the confluence of two watercourses south-west of Viterbo. A late Bronze Age settlement (2nd half of 2nd millenium BC) was followed initially by a hiatus lasting into the 6th cent. BC. N. experienced a cultural peak in the late Etruscan period, when the > Tarquinii expanded into the interior of Etruria in the mid—4th cent. The plateau was ro.5 ha in size; it was fortified to the south by a ditch and encircled by a wall. On the tuff stone slopes opposite the town were the rock tomb > necropoleis of the 4th-3rd cents., with cube-shaped and semi-cube-shaped dado tombs in up to four levels and platforms that could be walked upon for the cult of the dead. As at > Castel d’Asso, the grave chambers were underneath the facades. In some tombs, the two-storey facade was divided by a canopy supported by Tuscan columns. There were also occasional examples of tombs with temple pediment facades and relief decoration. > Etrusci, Etruria (with map); > Funerary architecture

Cx G. BarBIERI et al., Viterbo, Localita Norchia. Tombe doriche: campagne di scavo 1992-1993, in: NSA 19961997, 331-363; E. COLONNA

DI PAOLO, G. COLONNA,

Norchia I, 1978; G. COLONNA, s.v. N., EAA 2nd suppl., 1971-1994, vol. 4, 1996, 40-42.

M.M.

Noreia. Epithet of a mother goddess (possibly derived from a pre-Celtic tribe of the Nori), which was transferred to her shrines [1; 2. 156f.; 3. 240f.; 4]. A place called N. was situated 27 to 40 miles from > Virunum in the direction of > Ovilavia (Tab. Peut. 5,1). Several inscriptions are addressed to the goddess N. [4. 97f. ill. 4]. The urbs N. (Sempronius Asellio fr. 9 = schol. Bernensia to Verg. G. 3,474), where Papirius Carbo was defeated in 113 BC by the > Cimbri, 1200 stadia from Aquileia (Str. 5,1,8 [3. 393ff.]), and which was besieged around 60 BC by the > Boii (Caes. B Gall. 1,5,4 [3. 397ff.]), is often identified, but not conclusively, with the Magdalensberg. N. was no longer inhabited in the 1st cent. AD (Plin. HN 3,131). 1H. Kenner, Dea Noreia, in: J. GRABMAYER

Kultur der Kelten, 1989, 24-28

(ed.), Die

2 W. SPICKERMANN,

819

820

Aspekte einer ‘neuen’ regionalen Religon, in: H. CANCIK, J. RUpxke (ed.), R6mische Reichsreligion und Provinzialreligion, 1997, 145-167 3G. Dosescu, Die Kelten in

B. SOCIETY AND CULTURE With the continuation of numerous indigenous traditions (e.g. dress [16], naming [17], gods, e.g. + Noreia [18; 19]) a specific mixed culture developed [ro. roff.], based on a limited urbanisation of the tribes

NOREIA

Osterreich, 1980 Magdalensberg,

4 P. GLEIRSCHER, Der Jiingling vom in: Bayerische Vorgeschichtsblatter

1993, 79-98.

58, K.DI.

Noricum. Roman province, essentially the eastern Alpine region, to the south of the Danube, east of > Raetia and west of — Pannonia. A. FROM THE BEGINNING INTO THE IMPERIUM CULTURE

UNTIL INCORPORATION

ROMANUM

C. PRINCIPATE

NATE UNTIL THE MIDDLE

BB. SOCIETY AND

D. FROM THE DOMIAGES

A. FROM THE BEGINNING UNTIL INCORPORATION INTO THE IMPERIUM ROMANUM There are various hypotheses [2] on the formation of the Celtic Norici people, who probably gained strength through the amalgamation of individual peoples (dedications from Mt Magdalen in Corinthia mention eight Norican tribes [1. 280-284, 294]), especially regarding their relationship to the postulated pre-Celtic Nori (+ Noreia) and Taurisci. Coming into the Roman field of vision in 186 BC, the Regnum Noricum (on the term cf. Suet. Tib. 16,2; Vell. 2,109,5) under Cincibilus concluded an hospitium publicum with Rome in the year 170. Thus an attractive market was opened up to Roman traders, with gold from the Taurini [3; 4] and high quality iron (ferrum N. [5; 6|). On Mt Magdalen, perhaps next to the principal sanctuary of > Noreia, a Roman trading place developed, which was abandoned in the middle of the rst cent. AD (— Virunum). As early as c. 170 BC there were two fratres reguli (Liv. 43,5,8). There is evidence of a third in 169 (Balanos, Liv. 44,14,1). Joint mintings of these reguli [7] prove the absence of a unified kingship immediately before the Roman takeover [8]. This fact throws doubt on the view that Mt Magdalen was the main political centre of the Norici [9. 354ff.] and that Augustus received N. by bequest on the death of the last Norican king [1o. 12f.]. It is more probable that Augustus took N. in the course of the conquest of Raetia in 15 BC (Vell. 2,39,3 [11]) and had it administered temporarily by a praefectus civitatium (according to [12] N. was an autonomous client state until Claudius [III r]). Claudius (41-54 AD) at the latest established in N. (no formal provincial statute according to [13]) a ducenarius procurator Augusti [14], whose residence might have been Virunum (contra [9. 3 53ff.]). The comparatively high development of the Regnum N. (beginnings of writing [15]) facilitated its integration into the Roman Empire even without strong military occupation and veteran colonies.

at hand

(attested: civitas Saevatium

et Laiancorum)

[20], with nine municipia or ‘colonies’ (Aguntum, Celeia, Juvavum, Teurnia, Virunum under Claudius, Solva under Vespasianus/Domitianus, Cetium, Ovilavis

under Hadrianus, and Lauriacum under Septimius Severus). The fertile lands (for pagi magistri see [21. 652-655]), despite mostly poor soils, permitted agriculture [22] and large estates. There was trade with Upper Italy, mostly through > Aquileia [1], especially in gold, iron, salt, cattle, wool, woollens and leather [23; 24]. This increased the wealth of the elite, whose numbers were increased by civilian migrants from Upper Italy [25]. The patrimonium regni Norici was probably a large, coherent imperial domain in central N. [26. soff.; 55]. The exercitus Noricus remained, even after the completion of the Danube > limes, the smallest army on the northern border [14; 27]. Protection of the land was provided from the 2nd cent. AD on by a network of > beneficiarii [28]. C. PRINCIPATE In the Civil War in 69/70 the Inn-limes became a front [29], because N. sided with > Otho and > Vespa-

sian, as did the other Danube provinces. When the + Marcomanni Wars [30] reached N., the Legio II Italica was stationed there (at first at > Celeia, then in Albing and > Lauriacum [31]). A legatus Augusti pro praetore [32], whose residence is disputed (Virunum or

> Ovilavis and/or Lauriacum [9. 356f.]), was the governor of the strategically significant province. The legion contributed towards the development of the north [33], especially the road system [34]. Whereas the legion sided with > Septimius Severus, the majority of Norican civilians supported — Albinus [r] (cf. [35]). After flourishing in the Severian period (on works of art [363 37]), N. was affected by the disturbances of the 3rd cent., the north more strongly than the south. D. FROM THE DOMINATE UNTIL THE MIDDLE AGES

After Diocletian N. was divided as part of the Pannonian (western Illyrian) diocese along the Tauernkamm into the civil provinces of N. Ripense and N. Mediterraneum [38] (> Diocletianus, with map). The

praesides of those provinces resided in Ovilavis (according to others in Lauriacum [39]) and Virunum. The border troops, commanded by the dux Pannoniae I et Norici Ripensis from the late 4th cent. (Not. Dign. Occ. 34; [40]), were augmented by the Legio I Noricorum [41], which was stationed partly in Favianis (modern Mauer near Oeling) and partly in Adiuvense/Ybbs, as well as strengthened by its own naval divisions and the milites liburnariorum attached to the legions [42]. The fortifications under — Valentinianus I (364-375) were

821

822

NORICUM

an attempt to increase the modest prosperity of N. in the 4th cent. Evidence of Christianisation is rare and mostly late [43]; in 304/5 Florianus, the governor’s chancellor, was martyred. The fist bishopric was + Poetovio (N. Mediterraneum), in the middle of the 4th cent. a second was added. In or after 400 ecclesiastical communities developed in > Celeia and > Teurnia

Studien zu den Militargrenzen Roms, vol. 3, 1986, 736739 16 J. Garsscu, Die norisch-pannonische Tracht, in: ANRW II 12.3, 1985, 546-577 17 G. ALFOLDY, Die Personennamen auf den Bleietiketten von Kalsdorf, in: F. HEIDERMANNS e€.a. (ed.), Sprache und Schrift des antiken Mittelmeerraumes. Festschrift J. Untermann, 1993, I-32 18 H. KENNER, Die Gotterwelt der Austria Romana, in:

[44].

piter Depulsor — A Norican Deity?, in: Ziva Antica 45, 1995, 371-382 20E. Weser, Le citta transalpine, in: Ecole Fran¢aise de Rome (ed.), Epigrafia, 1991, 539-545 21 E. Weger, Drei Inschriften aus dem Bereich der Austria Romana, in: Id. (ed.), R6mische Geschichte, Altertumskunde und Epigraphik. Festschrift A. Betz, 1985, 649-658 22 K. Genser, Die landliche Besiedlung und Landwirtschaft in Noricum, in: H. BENDER, H. WourF (ed.), Landliche Besiedlung und Landwirtschaft in den Rhein-DonauProvinzen des Rom. Reiches, 1994, 331-376 23 G. PicCOTTINI, Scambi commerciali fra |’Italia e il Norico, in: Antichita altoadriatiche 29, 1987, 291-304 24 Pu. M. PROTTEL, Mediterrane Feinkeramikimporte ..., 1996 25 M. Harpina, G. JACOBSEN, Die Bedeutung der zivilen Zuwanderung aus Norditalien, in: CeM 19, 1988, 117206 26G. ALFOLDY, Die regionale Gliederung in der

Southern N. remained largely untouched by the growing threat from western Illyricum [45], but N. Ripensis became a region of passage (e.g. Vandali in 401,

Hunniin

451,

Alamanniin

456 and

506/r0).

Aetius is supposed to have defeated the Nori(ci) as well as the > Iuthungi in AD 430/1 [46]. The conditions in N. Ripense after Attila’s death are described in the Vita Severini by > Eugippius. For two decades, > Severinus

as ‘substitute of state’ prevented the collapse of Roman rule in eastern Raetia and N. Ripense [47], but he had to

surrender Boiodurum and withdraw to Lauriacum and Favianis. Six years after Severinus’s death > Odoacer had the Romans evacuate to Italy (488), with largish groups remaining behind (as Romani tributales) [48]. N. Mediterraneum, which had ethnically changed more strongly than N. Ripense [1. 746ff.; 49], was not affected by Attila [50], but became Ostrogoth after 489 [51]. In AD 548 > lustinianus [1] I presented the ~ Langobardi with the polis Norikén (Poetovio, Celeia? [1. 590, 735,758]). Church buildings in Teurnia and on Mt Hemma (near > Iuenna) attest to a degree of organisation [52]. The name of the province lived on in

the Vallis Norica on the middle reaches of the river Eisack [53], which on the division of N. was ceded to Raetia. The inhabitants were still called Norici in the 8th/oth centuries, a term otherwise used in the early Middle Ages and later to describe the Bavarians [54]. 1 J. SASEL, Opera selecta, 1992 2 G. Dosescn, Die Kelten in Osterreich, 1980

3G. Piccorrini, Gold und Kristall

am Magdalensberg, in: Germania 72, 1994, 467-477 4M. SaSeEL-Kos, From the Tauriscan Gold Mine to the Goldenhorn, in: Studia mythologica Slavica 1, 1998, 169182 5H. Grasst, Norisches Eisen aus dem Burgenland?,

ANRW II 18.2, 1989, 875-974

19 M. Sa’eL-Kos, lup-

romischen Provinz Noricum, in: G. GOTTLIEB (ed.), Raumordnung im Rom. Reich, 1989, 37-55 27 J. Orr,

Die Kommandeure der norischen Hilfstruppen, in: Tyche 10, 1995, 107-138 28R.L. Dist, The beneficiarii procuratoris of Celeia and the Development of the Statio Network, in: ZPE 113, 1996, 286-292

29M. PieTscn, Ein

neues rOmisches Lager am Innubergang, in: Das archaeologisches Jahr in Bayern 1995, 99-101 30H. FRIESINGER e.a. (ed.), Markomannenkriege,

1995

31 L. ECKHART,

Lagerbau und Kommandobereich der legio II Italica, in:

Romisches Osterreich

11/2, 1983, 17-40

32 G. L. Gre-

Gort, Un nuovo senatore dell’eta di Commodo?, in: ZPE 106,

1995,

269-279

33 H. WoLrr,

Die verspatete

ErschliefSung Ostraetiens und der Nordgrenze von Noricum, in: Ostbairische Grenzmarken 30, 1988, 9-16 34G. WINKLER, Die rémische StrafSen und Meilensteine in Noricum, 1985 35 H. Grassi, Noricum im Burgerkrieg des Jahres 196-197 n.Chr., in: R6émisches Osterreich 2, 1974, 7-10 36 Akten des Internationalen Kolloquiums

tiber Probleme des Provinzialrém. Kunstschaffens, vols. 1-4, 1989-1997 37H. KENNER, Stilrichtungen in der

6H.

Plastik der Austria Romana, in: JOAI 58, 1988, 73-113

STRAUBE, Ferrum Noricum und die Stadt auf dem Mag-

38 I. P1so, Ein neuer Statthalter von Noricum Mediterra-

dalensberg, 1996 7 R. GOBL, Die Miinzpragung der norischen Fiirsten, in: J.GRABMAYER (ed.), Die Kultur der Kelten, 1989, 54-66 8 Id., Die Pragegemeinschaft der Reguli im Noricum, in: Rémisches Osterreich 15/6, 1987/8, 63-

neum, in: ZPE 107, 1995, 299-304 39 M. HAINZMANN, Fragen der Militar- und Zivilverwaltung (Ufer-)Norikums, in: Specimina nova Universitatis Quinqueecclesiensis I1, 1995, 59-70 40H. Castritius, Die Grenzvertei-

81

digung in Ratien und Noricum im 5.Jh.n.Chr., in: H.

in: Rémisches Osterreich 15/6, 1987/8, 83-88

9R. HAENSCH, Capita provinciarum, 1997

10G.

ALFOLDY, Die Ostalpenlander im Altertum, in: Tyche 13,

1998, 1-18

11M. Saset-Kos, The End of the Norican

Kingdom and the Formation of the Provinces of Noricum and Pannonia, in: B. Dyuric, I. Lazar (ed.), Akten des 4. Internationalen Kolloquiums iiber Probleme des provinzialrOmischen Kunstschaffens, 1997, 21-42 127 KneIss_, Die Entstehung der Provincia Noricum, in: Chiron 9, 1979, 261-273 13 E. WeBER, Noricum und die

Verleihung des ‘Provinzialstatuts’, in: H. VALENTINITSCH (ed.), Recht und Geschichte. Festschrift H. Baltl, 1988, 611-617 14 J. Ort, Die norische Militardiplome und ein neuer Statthalter der Provinz, in: Rivista di Storia Antica 25,1995, 91-110 15H. Grassi, Zur kulturellen Situation in den Randprovinzen des Imperium Romanum, in:

WoLFRAM (ed.), Die Bayern und ihre Nachbarn, vol. 1, 1985, 17-28 41 L. Borny, Figulina Ivvensiana legionis I Noricorum, in: R6émisches Osterreich 19/20, 1991/2, 21—

27 42 J. Garsscu, in: Id., P. Kos, Das spatrémisches Kastell Vemania bei Isny, vol. 1, 1988, togff. 43 E. BosHOF, H. Wo .rr (ed.), Das Christentum im bairischen Raum, 1994, esp. 129-151 44R. BRaToz (ed.), Westillyricum und Nordostitalien in der spatrém. Zeit, 1996, esp. 318f., 328f., 353-355 45 A. Lrppotp, Westillyricum und Nordostitalien in der Zeit zwischen 364 und 455, in: R. BRATOZ, see [44], 17-28 46 E. Weper, Aetius und die norische Limeszone, in: Festschrift Chr.M. Danov, 1984,

473-477.

47R. Bratoz, Severinus von Norikum und

seine Zeit, 1983

48H. Wo.rr, Die Kontinuitat der Kir-

823

824

chenorganisation in Raetien und Noricum, in: E. Bos-

1D. Trmpe, s. v. Entdeckungsgeschichte, RGA 7, 307391.

NORICUM

HOFF, H. Wo rr (ed.), see [43], 1-28 49 H. CasTRITIUS, Barbari — antiqui barbari, in: FMS 29, 1995, 137-147

50 M. SaSex-Kos, The Embassy of Romulus to Attila, in: Zgodovinski Casopis 48, 1994, 285-295 51 V. BIERBRAUER, Archdologie und Geschische der Goten vom 1.— 7. Jh., in: FMS 28, 1994, 51-171 52 F. Graser, Christentum im Alpenraum, 1997 53 P. GLEIRSCHER, Vallis Norica, in: Mitteilungen des Osterreichischen Instituts fiir Geschichtsforschung 97, 1989, 1-11

54H. Grasst (ed.),

Kulturhistorische und archdologische Probleme des Siidostalpenraumes in der Spatantike, 1985, esp. 60-70 55 F. Kayser, La carriére d’un procurateur du royaume du Norique, in: ZPE 122, 1998, 229-233. G. ALFOLDY, Noricum, 1974; G. WINKLER, Noricum und Rom, in: ANRW II 16, 1977, 183-262; J. SaseL, Noricum, in: F, VittINGHOFF (ed.), Europdische Wirtschaftsund Sozialgeschichte in der romischen Kaiserzeit, 1990,

563-569; A. Betz, E. WeBer, Aus Osterreichs rémischer Vergangenheit, *1990; M. HAINZMANN, Geschichte der Austria Romana, in: I. WEILER (ed.), Grundziige der politischen Geschichte des Altertums, 1990, 169-187; T. BECHERT, Die Provinzen des R6mischen Reiches, 1999, 181-186; H. Dopscu, s.v. Noricum, LMA 6, 1239-1241.

K.DL

North Bogéac/

and South boréas,

(vétoc/n6tos,

Latin

aquilo).

Latin auster, Whereas

and

the Nile’s

north-south-axis provided Egypt with a main compass direction, north and south were considered by the Greeks and Romans ‘as edges and border regions in an > oikoumene thought of as an east-west ellipse and organised into climate zones’ ({1. 311]). The north and

south winds, in contrast, were even regarded by some authors as chief winds (Strab. 1,2,21). Although there were old trade relationships far into the North (+ Amber, > Tin), general information essentially remained determined by mythical ideas or theoretical speculation (cf. > Rhipaia ore, > Eridanus; even Alexander could consider the Indus as an upper part of the Nile [4] in

326 BC, cf. Arr. An. 6,1,2 f.; Nearchus FGrH

133 F 32). The north and the south were regarded as the dwelling places of wild or idealised creatures of fable (cf. > Abii, > Arimaspi, > Hyperboreii, > Pygmies). The circumnavigation of Africa under > Necho (Hdt. 4,42), expeditions by the Persians and Carthaginians, discoveries by + Euthymenes and > Pytheas [4], and the lively sea connections with India (— India, trade with) in the Roman Imperial period or the reconnaissance of the eastern coast of Africa were not reflected in a growth of systematic knowledge. For a long time they remained accessible only to certain fields (e.g. merchants, generals, geographers) and led to occasional corrections, often abandoned again, of the world view. Only the Roman expansion led to the spread of information on the geographical and ethnographic relationships between Britannia and Central Europe. » Africa; + Britannia; > Cartography; > Celts; > Climate; > Geography; > Germani; + Hanno [1]; > Himilkon; > Libyes; > Orient and Occident; > Sataspes; > Scylax [1] of Caryanda; > Scythians; — Winds; » Zone

A. CappEL, Untersuchungen zu Pygmaendarstellungen in der rémischen Dekorationskunst, 1992; J. DESANGES, Recherches sur l’activité des méditerranéens aux confins de l'Afrique, 1978; D. DETLEFSEN, Die Entdeckung des germanischen Nordens im Altertum, 1904; A. DIHLE, Die Griechen und die Fremden, 1994; A. ENGEL-BRAUNSCHMIDT et al. (ed.), Ultima Thule. Bilder des Nordens, 2001; R. HENNIG, Terrae incognitae, vol. 1 f., 1944/1950; K. KarTTUNEN, India and the Hellenistic World, 1997; K.

E. Mier, Geschichte der antiken Ethnographie und ethnologischen Theoriebildung, 2 vols., 1972/1980; A. PopossInoy, s. v. Himmelsrichtung, RAC 15, 233-286; J. N. RoBert, De Rome 4 la Chine, 1993. TA.S.

North Sea see > Mare Germanicum

Northern Picene. The language of an inscription (12 lines) on a stele which was discovered around the turn of the r9th/2oth cents. near > Novilara, 6 km south of Pesaro. It consists of about 40 word elements written in an alphabet very similar to the Etruscan script. Yet as in the Southern Picene script the alphabet has preserved the Greek signs for b, d, g und 0 and adds a third back vowel that is represented by means of u with a diacritic dash. It is thought that we can recognize some Greek loanwords: isperion — toxéouov/hespérion, polem — nohw/polin,

soter,

sotris

—

owtvhe/sdter,

vilatos

—

evikatoc/euilatos. Further very fragmentary inscriptions from the same area may contain the same language but are not utilisable. The non-Latin text which was found on a bilingual inscription (ET Um 1.7) in Pesaro and was previously considered to be Northern Picene has proved to be purely Etruscan. > Italy, alphabetic scripts; > Italy, languages; > Picentes, Picenum V. Pisani,

Le lingue dell’Italia antica

oltre il Latino,

*1964, 224; M. Durante, Nord Piceno: la lingua delle iscrizioni di Novilara, in: Prosdocimi, 394-400 (incl. a good photo). j.U.

Northwest Greek see > Doric/Northwest Greek

Nortia. Etruscan and Roman goddess. According to Liv. 7,3,7, year nails were driven in her temple in > Volsinii, in analogy to the custom at the temple of Jupiter on the Capitoline in Rome. The sanctuary has not been localised with certainty. Inscriptions in Bolsena attested to the continuation of the cult until the 3rd cent. AD (CIL VI 537,4: Nortia, te veneror, Lari cretus Vulsiniensi), and there is also an honorary inscription dedicated to a c[uratori tlempli deae N[ort}iale] [1]. The Etruscan name of the goddess may have been * Nurti, from which gens names such as Nurtine are derived. N. was a goddess of fate and assimilated with the Greek -» Moira Atropos (Etruscan Athrpa) and the Roman > Fortuna and her companion Necessitas (Hor. Carm. 1,35,17ff.); for pictorial representations cf. [1. fig. 14 and 113].

826

825 1 PFIFFIG, 61-63, 258-259 21. KRAUSKOPF, s.v. Nortia, in: M. CrisTorANI (ed.), Dizionario della civilta etrusca,

1985, 192.

FPR.

Nosala (Nooaika; Nosala). Uninhabited island on the Gedrosian coast of the > Ichthyophagi (Arr. Ind. 31), location unknown. The island, which was visited by Nearchus [2], was roo stadia from the coast, and was regarded by the Ichthyophagi as sacred to the Sun. Nearchus’ visit to the island is also mentioned in Str. TaGy Pee O. STEIN, s.v. Nooada, RE 17, 1o5rf.

K.K.

NOTA CENSORIA

Author: cited seven times anonymously, twice [tr. test. 2, 4] attributed to an Agias of Troizen (see > Epic Cycle). Title: twice [1. fr. 4 and 11] cited as ‘Homecoming of the sons of Atreus’ (Atoetda@v x&00d0¢; Atreidén kathodos) (see [1] on test. 4; [2] on fr. 7; against 3. 2423]) — the sons of Atreus were present at the beginning and the end of the work. Date of composition: probably not long before 500 BC ([4. 100]; cf. + Epic Cycle). Material: parts of the prehomeric story of Troy; the ‘Odyssee’ (+ Homerus) uses in its epic expansion of ‘the homecoming of Odysseus’ (not included in the Nostoi) and for its brief treatment of the homecoming of other heroes in books 3-4 the same source

Nossis (Noooics; Nossis). Female epigrammatist from

material as the Nostoi; the Nostoi, with the ‘Odyssee’ in

Locri Epizephyrii; most of her writing took place at the beginning of the 3rd century BC (cf. Anth. Pal. 7,414: epitaphios on > Rhinthon; 6,132: praise for the victory

mind, took all of the homecomings as its subject matter (thus already the Suda: [T1. test. 2]).

of the Locrians over the Bruttians), of noble descent (cf.

6,265). Her poems were found in the ‘garland’ of + Meleager [8], who emphasises her inspiration by Eros (4,1,9f.), which N. herself revealed in the programmatic poem 5,170. The 12 poems, each with four lines (6,273 is uncertain) show N.’s penchant for Aphrodite and feminine beauty as well as her admiration for Sappho; N. does not hesitate to compare herself to Sappho (7,718). There is no trace of any lyrical poetry that she may have written (cf. the lemma WEAOTLOLOG, 7,414). -» Women literary writers GA I.1, 151-154; 2, 434-443; E. CAVALLINI, Ancora su Noss. AP V 170, in: Eikasmos 2, 1991, 191-196; K. J. GUTZWILLER, Poetic Garlands. Hellenistic Epigrams in Context, 1998, 75-88. M.G.A.

Nostoi (NootovNostoi, ‘homecomings’). A part of the + Epic Cycle, this epic told in 5 books of the return home of the major surviving Achaean heroes of Troy (+ Agamemnon, ~ Menelaus [1], — Diomedes [1], -» Nestor [1], > Calchas, > Leonteus [1], — Polypoetes, Oilean — Ajax [2], > Phoenix, > Neoptolemus [1]). Preserved (in [1]): summary by Proclus, 4 testimonies, 11 cases of reliable evidence on content, including 5 '/, hexameter. Content: Dispute between Agamemnon and Menelaus regarding the timing of the fleet’s departure, which occurred after a delay: 1. Diomedes and Nestor: joyful homecoming; 2. Menelaus: arrival in Egypt with 5 (of 60) ships; 3. Leonteus and Polypoetes (with Calchas): march to the south, Calchas dies in Colophon; 4. Agamemnon: departure in spite of a warning from Achilles’ ghost; 5. Oilean Ajax: dies in a shipwreck at Cape Caphereus on Euboea; 6. Neoptolemus (with Phoenix): march to the north, meeting with Odysseus in Thracian Maroneia, Phoenix dies, arrival in the land of the Molossians and at the home of grandfather Peleus; 7. Agamemnon: murder by Aegisthus and Clytaemnestra, avenged by Orestes; 8. Menelaus: joyful homecoming. The work also includes a journey to the underworld [1. fr. 3] (probably the arrival of the murdered Agamemnon in Hades: [3. 2424]; [1. fr. 4-9]).

EpiT1oNns: 1PEGI 2 EpGF. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 3 A.RZACH,s.v. Kyklos, RE 11, 24222426 4M. Davies, The Date of the Epic Cycle, in: Glotta 67, 1989, 89-100

Cf. the bibliography on > Epic cycle.

pee

Nota censoria. The NC was a ‘note’ from the Roman —» censores that stated publicly a citizen’s discreditable conduct. The official functions of the censores, attested from the 4th cent. BC at the latest (lex Aemilia of 366 BC: Liv. 9,34,24; but see also Val. Max. 2,9,1; Plut. Camillus 2,2; Cic. Off. 3,31,111), included judging citizens with regard to their ‘honourable behaviour’ (honor). If in the judgement of the censor the person under scrutiny did not meet the requirements of honour resulting, for example, from the holding of an office, from military discipline or from belonging to the particularly honourable classes, i.e those of senators (> nobiles) and equestrians (see > equites Romani), or even from

the rules applying to the conduct of one’s personal life, this person was, after due hearing and after being informed of the reasons, publicly censured and, where appropriate, had other sanctions imposed as well (NC: Plut. Cato maior 16). In Cicero’s view, the NC did not amount to a verdict,

but only to an official, legally binding reprimand by the censores (animadversio atque auctoritas censoria: Cluent. 42,117). Other authors, such as Livy (Liv. 23,23,4), call it a case of ‘judgement and decision on reputation and morals ’(iudicium arbitriumque de fama ac moribus). Sanctions were probably not of a penal nature but had an important impact on the citizen’s social standing: removal from the ranks of the senators or from the equestrian class (senatu movere or equum adimere) or demotion to a less respected class of — centuria or tribus (tribu movere, aerarium facere)

had negative consequences for a political career, military service and voting in the > comitia. The validity of the ruling extended only until the next censorial review and could be averted through a professional colleague’s intercession (> intercessio). In principle, the NC was probably not appealable (cf. [2. 387]) but was occasionally debated in the popular assembly (Plut. Cato

NOTA CENSORIA

maior 17). It was, rather, the exercise of a special magisterial power, though not of public jurisdiction, with far-reaching consequences for individual rights. > Censores; — Infamia 1 E. BALTRUSCH, Regimen morum, SEN, Staatsrecht, vol. 2,1, 375-388

1989 2 TH. MOMM3 J. SUOLAHTI, The

Roman Censors, 1963.

EG.

Notae Tironianae see > Tachygraphy Notary (notarius). In legal cultures favouring the written record of acts of law, a notary is needed as an officially appointed scribe. This function was held, in Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt for example, by the ~ agoranomot, and in the Roman Imperial period and especially in Late Antiquity, the > tabellio (documentary scribe). The Latin technical term notarius designates in Late Antiquity a senior official or officer with a special imperial mission, and also the secretary of the consistorium (as tribunus et notarius).

Nothippus

828

827

(N6@uxos;

Nothippos).

Gs:

Athenian

tra-

gedian (IrGF I 26), mentioned by the comic poet Her-

mippus in his Moirai (prob. performed 430 BC) (Fr. 46

zen, one had to be born of two Athenians, whereas previously one’s mother could have been a foreigner. After the relaxation in the Decelean War, the restoration of 403 BC returned to the Periclean law (Dem. Or. 43,51). The status of the ndthos was thus fixed in the 4th cent. BC (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 42,1; on the different requirements regarding the status of parents in order to enjoy the rights of a citizen in various poleis, cf. Aristot. Pol. 1275b; 1278a). Nothoi are epigraphically attested in Rhodes, Cos, Miletus, Erythrae and Tenos, on papyrus only from the Byzantine period. K. Latte, s.v. Nothoi, RE 17, 1066-1074; A. R. W. Har-

RISON, The Law of Athens, vol.1, 1968, 29, 61-68; IPArk

2-5; E. E. CoHEN, The Astoi of Attika, in: G. THUR, J. VELISSAROPOULOs

E. CANTARELLA,

(ed.), Symposion 1995, 1997, 57-95;

Filiazione legittima e cittadinanza, in:

ibid., 97-111.

Gre

Notitia Africae (Notitia provinciarum et civitatum Africae). The NA is a list of 466 Catholic bishops from Africa up to the time of the Vandal King > Hunericus/ Hunerich in AD 484. Compiled at approximately the same time as the work of Victor of Vita. > Notitia dignitatum

B.Z.

Ep1T1on: MGH AA 3, 1, 1878, 63-71; M. PETSCHENIG, Victor Vitensis, in: CSEL 7, 1881, 115-134. K.P.J.

Nothos (v600¢/n6thos) designates, in all Greek legal systems, a free person who was born out of wedlock or into a marriage that was not legally recognised. In Homer (Hom. Il. 13,693; 2,726), sons of afree man and a slave could rise to become military leaders. According to Hom. Od. 14,208ff., the ndthos was entitled to a portion of property assets, like legitimate sons, in the distribution of the paternal legacy (cf. the vo0eta/ notheta, bequests to a nothos, often even made while

Notitia dignitatum. State manual or reference book for the internal use of Roman authorities in Late Antiquity. As shown by its full title Notitia dignitatum tam civilium quam militarium in partibus orientis/occidentis (‘Manual of civil and military appointments in the Eastern and Western parts’), this two-part work provides an index of positions to be filled by the Emperor in the army and the administration of the imperium ori-

PCG).

the testator was still alive; Harpocr. s.v.). According to IPArk 1,17, after the death of the testator, the ndthos

entale (= or.) and occidentale (= occ.).

only stood a chance of obtaining a monetary provision after the legitimate sons and daughters. That archaic laws did not expressly insist on legitimacy of the heirs (Naupactus, Syll. 47; Gortyn, Inscriptiones Creticae IV 72, col. 4,22-43), does not prove that the dthos was entitled to continue the family line (— ofkos). In the inscription of the > Gortyn law code (ibid., col. 7,1-4), relations between a free woman and a bondsman were in some circumstances regarded as marriage. In Athens at the time of Dracon (end of the 7th cent. BC), it was possible to have free children, with rights of inheritance, by a > pallaké (concubine). At the beginning of

the Praetorian and city prefects (> praefectus praeto-

the 6th cent. BC, Solon set out the conditions for marriage (Dem. Or. 46,18). For some time previously, the

>» phratry had been guarding the legitimacy of descendants

(Syll.3

921;

admission

with

restricted:

Isaeus

6,22ff.); in > Cynosarges, the m6thos was admitted into the gymnasium. A law by Pericles (‘epigamia law’, 451/50 BC) tightened the requirements for children’s legitimacy (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 26,3): thenceforth to be an Athenian citi-

The high civilian and military offices, beginning with rio; — praefectus urbi) and the masters of the army (> magister militum), are arranged by rank and hierarchical sequence, together with details of the services under their control and their areas of responsibility, the magistrates under their command and the military units assigned to them. The ND thus provides an insight into the organisation of the imperial court (> Court D.), the subdivision of the empire into prefectures, dioceses and provinces (see > Diocletian with map and schema of the administration), the distribution of military units and the officia of the authorities (see » Chancery). The individual sections are accompanied by illustrations showing insignia of officials, shield emblems of military units and symbolic representations of provinces and branches of service, and provide partly unique information, e.g. about the shield emblems of the > comitatenses [11. 1102-1109; 8]. In all probability, the extant version derives from a list kept by the > primicerius notariorum and kept up-to-date as an aid in the preparation of decrees of appointment (or. 18; occ. 16) [11. 1077-1081].

830

829

The date of compilation, the geographic origins and purpose of the ND, which is significant for late Roman

administrative and military history, are still disputed. The last version probably came from the years between 425 and 430 but had not been systematically updated to that period. A number of details, by then already out of date, point to an earlier model from the end of the 4th cent. AD. The core of the ND or. is dated to the years 394-396 ([9. 1, 25-53]; cf. [3]). Thus, the the formation of the prefecture of Illyricum from the dioceses (> dioikésis) Macedonia und Dacia in 395/6 is taken into account (or. 1 and 3). Addenda from later periods include e.g. mention of the comes Gildoniaci patrimonii, possible only after 398 (see > Gildo; occ. 12,5), the division of the schola domesticorum, which cannot be dated before 408 (or. 1,14~-16; Occ. 1,13-14), the naming of two Augustae in the Eastern Empire (or. 17,8),

which suggests a time after 423, and in particular the unit designation of Placidi Valentiniani felices (occ. 7,36), which was dependent on Valentinian III’s eleva-

tion to Augustus in 425. Details of military circumstances partly reflect the situation in in the DiocletianicConstantinian period, partly that of the late 4th or sth cent. (e.g. or. 9 still before 410). It is, moreover, unclear whether the compilation of the work was undertaken in the East or the West [1r. 1098-1101]. The extant, richly illustrated copy might have been intended as guidance for Valentinian III, an edition for Empress > Galla [3] Placidia or a copy for a senior official (on the purpose [4. 1]). Uncertainty as to the period of time actually covered by the picture given in the ND and the extent to which the information may be regarded as trustworthy has led scholars to rely less and less on the ND for interpreting conditions in the 4th cent. (cf. [6. 556-560] and research summary [5]). The MSS from between 1440 and 1542 derive from a 9th-cent. Codex Spirensis from the Dombibliothek Speyer (Speyer Cathedral Library) that was lost between 1542 and 1672. Transmitted together with the ND were the > Notitia urbis Constantinopolitanae, the > Laterculus Veronensis, the Laterculus Polemii

Silvii and the > Notitia Galliarum. Compilations on the administration in Rome and Africa belong to the same genre of sources as these Notitiae, but they have been transmitted separately as > Notitia Romae and ~ Notitia Africae. The edition by SEEcK [1] is still authoritative, but so is that of BOCKING [2] and even if its commentary is out of date it has a better reproduction of the pictures, cf. the overview in [ro].

+> Galla [3] Placidia; + Polemius Silvius; — Primicerius; > Valentinianus III. EDITIONS:

KING, 2 vols., LITERATURE:

10. SEECK, 1876 (repr. 1962)

2E. BOK-

1839-1853. 3 P. BRENNAN, The N.D., in: C. NICOLET

(ed.), Littératures techniques dans |’antiquité romaine (Entretiens 42), 1996, 147-178 4G. CLEMENTE, La ‘N.D.’, 1968 5Id., in: Atti dei Convegni Lincei 45, 1980,

39-49

6A. DEMANDT, s.v. Magister militum, RE Suppl.

12, 553-790

NOTIUM 7R. GoopBuRN, P. BARTHOLOMEW

(ed.),

Aspects of the N.d., 1976 8 R. Grica, Inconsistency and Lassitude: the Shield Emblems of the N.D., in: JRS 73, 1983, 132-142 Bewegungsheer

9D. HOFFMANN, Das spatromische und die N.d., 2 vols., 1969-1970

10 Jones, LRE 2, 1429-1450 RE 17, 1077-1116.

11 E. POLASCHEK, s.v. N.d., KPJ.

Notitia Galliarum (Notitia provinciarum et civitatum Galliae). The NG isa list, compiled at the end of the 4th and the beginning of the sth cent., of the 17 Gallic provinces with 115 civitates (local communities), seven ~ castra (B.) and a portus (port). The administrative

classification is associated with the eclesiastic division into dioceses (> diotkésis II.). More than too MSS, often interpolated, attest to the importance of the NG in the Middle Ages. + Notitia dignitatum EDITION: O. SEECK, Notitia dignitatum, 1876, 261-274; MGH AA 9, 1892, 552-612. LITERATURE: J. Harries, Church and State in the N.G., in: JRS 68, 1978, 26-43. K.P].

Notitia Romae. The Notitia regionum urbis (Romae)

XIV, also known as the Libellus de regionibus urbis Romae, is the most comprehensive source for the administrative structure of the city’s 14 districts and for the stock of buildings in ancient Rome. Its core description of the city dates back to the reign of -» Constantinus [1] I, with interpolations from the 4th cent. > Notitia dignitatum; > Roma Epi1T1on: A. Norbu, 1949.

KP.J.

Notitia urbis Constantinopolitanae. The NUC is a description of the 14 regions of — Constantinopolis with their churches, palaces, baths, etc., as well as a listing of municipal officials. This compilation, written in Latin, was drawn up under the Emperor Theodosius I] around AD 425. ~ Notitia dignitatum; > Theodosius II EDITION: O. SEECK, Notitia dignitatum, 1876, 227-243. LITERATURE: P. Speck, Zur Datierung der N.u.C., in: H.-G. Becx (ed.), Studien zur Frihgeschichte Konstantinopels, 1973, 144ff. KPJ.

Notium (Notwov; Notion). Port founded by Aeolian settlers at the mouth of the River Avci into a bay, now

silted up, of the Gulf of Kusadasi, c. 13 km to the south of > Colophon (near modern Degirmendere). In natural commonality of interests with Colophon, N. soon developed out the shadow of this inland city, which was still affluent at the beginning of the 3rd cent. BC, from that point also bore the description ‘Colophon-on-Sea’ (Kokooa@v f emt Oadaooy / Kolophon he epi thaldsséi [x]) and was connected by > sympoliteia with the older city. The sanctuary of Apollo to the northwest at > Clarus advanced the prosperity of the city, particularly in the Roman Imperial period. For the Spartan sea victory at N. in 407 BC see > Lysander [1].

NOTIUM

832

831 Nous see

1 Ropert, Villes, 62 no. 5,21f. G. E. Bean, Aegean Turkey, 1966, 185-190; S. ERDEM-

GIL, M. BUyUKKOLANCI, Notion/Claros, 1994.

Intellect

Novacula see > Razor

E.O. and HE.EN.

Novae [1] Locality (posting station) in Moesia superior (Tab. Notou keras (Notov xéoac; Notou kéras). Modern Ras Guardafui or Ras el-Kheil in East Africa [2]. > Artemidorus [3] (1st half of the rst cent. BC) followed geo-

graphical knowledge of the time when he called the eastern point of Africa ‘the horn of the south’, that is the southern end of the known world. > Ptolemaeus (Ptol. 4,7,11) acted accordingly in the 2nd cent. AD, obvious-

ly referring to modern Ras el-Kheil by NK after terms like Agwudtov &xewthvov (Aromdton akréterion) or the like had come into use for the former NK [2]. 1 J. DesaNGes, Recherches sur l’activite des Méditerranéens aux confins de l’Afrique, 1978, 83f. 2 F. WINDBERG, S.v. Notov xéoac (1), RE 17, 1120-1122. E.O.

Peut. 7,1; It. Ant. 221,4; Nootaw/Nooidai: Ptol. 3,15,5),

4 km east of modern Svistov (Bulgaria). N. was founded around AD 30; the legio I Italica was stationed here under Vespasian (garrison on the right bank of the Danube near a river-crossing). A civilian settlement grew up nearby. Extensive archaeological and epigraphical finds (fortress wall with gate and towers, garrison street, baths). About AD 250, the Goths crossed the Danube in the vicinity of N. In the sth cent., N. was the capital of the > Ostrogoths. The city’s fortifications were rebuilt in the period of Justinian. V. VELKov, Roman Cities in Bulgaria, 1980; C. SCORPAN, Limes Scythiae, 1980;J.KOLENDO (ed.), Inscriptions latines de N., 1992; Id., N. dans l’histoire, in: Id., V. Boz1LovA (ed.), Inscriptions grecques et latines de N., 1997.

J.BU.

Notos (votoc; 20tos) I. METEOROLOGY II. MytTH

[2] Town in Dalmatia (also Adnovas, Tab. Peut. 6,4; Novas, Geogr. Rav. 210,10), a Roman municipium

I. METEOROLOGY Three winds blowing from the south were distin-

(municipium

Novensium,

CIL Ill 1893;

1908-1910;

proper blew from various directions in winter (from November) and is described as rain-bringing, stormy and bringing obscured visibility (evidence in [1]); (2.) the mild, changeable and sky-clearing Aevxdvotoc/ leukOnotos was encountered after the December solstice and on the dog-days (votog Aaumedc: Theophr.

13887) probably from the time of Marcus Aurelius (AD 161-180). Mosaics and inscriptions allow its identification as modern Runovic. Unlike other towns in Dalmatia, N. reached a high level of — Romanization, as reflected in particular by its religious adaptation. For the Romans, N. primarily had the military function of controlling the military road Tiburium— Narona. N. was also significant as a posting for > beneficiarii (CIL

Hist. plant. 6,3,4). Ps.-Aristot. Probl. 26,20 derives the

III 1909; 1911) [1]. Legionary veterans are attested in

difference between the visibility conditions from the

the town area in the early Imperial period (CIL Ill 8506f.). N. was last mentioned at the Council of

guished in antiquity: (1.) the 6tos (votoc, Latin auster)

nearer (2.) or farther (1.) origin of the winds, viz. Libya,

Ethiopia, the Tropic of Capricorn and even the South Pole. This explanation (cf. Ps.-Aristot. Probl. 26,49f.) is no longer satisfactory today. (3.) The hot and dustbearing scirocco (cf. Africus furibundus, Sen. Q Nat. 5,16,5) may be identical with the > l7ps/Au. As a compass-point wind the notos had the libénotos and the euronotos as neighbours [2]. + Winds 1 Wei CAPELLE, S-vaIN- URE 17. cEr7 Winde, RE 8A, 2211-2387.

2 R. BOKER, s.v. C.HU.

Il. MyTH Mythical personification of the south wind, son of - Eos and Astraeus and brother of > Boreas and + Zephyrus (Hes. Theog. 380, 870; Hyg. Fab. praef.); N. is represented pictorially on the Tower of Winds in Athens. LK. Nouius (Notwoc; Nowios). Comic poet of the 2nd cent.

BC, known only from inscriptions; achieved three victories at the Lenaea. 1 PCG VII, 1989, 94.

B.BA.

+ Salona (AD 532). 1J. J. Witkes, Dalmatia, 1969, 123, 139, 245; I. Boyja-

NOVSKI, Bosna i Hercegovina u anticko doba, 1988, 373.

H.SO.

Novaesium. Modern Neuss, on the left bank of the

Rhine at the Erft estuary, where a significant Roman military base had been established from about 16 BC. Several encampments, some of which survived only briefly, followed one another during the AugustanTiberian period (rst half of the rst cent. AD), including large encampments with space for two legions and auxiliary troops. From the 30s of the rst cent. AD, N. was the home-base initially of the legio XX Valeria Victrix, which was deployed to Britannia in AD 43, and then of the legio XVI. The latter erected a camp of wood and earth that was rebuilt in stone after the middle of the rst cent. N. was destroyed in the > Batavian Revolt of AD 69/70; the 16th legion had to withdraw to -» Augusta [6] Treverorum (Trier) under humiliating conditions (Tac. Hist. 4,61f.). After his victory > Vespasianus had the legio XVI disbanded.

833

834 —

NOVAR

Get

A

Tt

12

U

— 10

‘al ——= 12

(a)

=

10

—_——

116

73

a

71

pues

=

—

Ean 15

j=

Z

ttl

Torr

=

i)

=

I4

=

aw

a

17 ete

4

med

12

3

The legionary camp of Novaesium (Neuss) 1 Principia

8 Schola of 1st cohort

2 Fabrica

9 Barracks of 1st cohort

3 Horrea

10 Courtyard building (store)

4 Accomodation of immunes

II Praetorium

5 Utility building

12 Centuriae barracks 13 Colonnades storehouse

6 Warehouse 7 Baths

15 Baths 16 House for equestrian officers and for the tribunus laticlavius 17 Accomodation for an auxiliary unit 18 auxiliary unit commander's house

14 Hospital

The encampment in N. was rebuilt by the /egio VI. It survived until after AD 103 (or only until the mid—gos ? {]). An ala fort (> Ala [2]) was erected around the middle of the 2nd cent. AD and probably lasted until the 4th cent. A few kilometres to the east of the legionary encampment there was a numerus fortress (— Numerus) that may have been occupied until the 3rd cent. The civilian settlement was probably surrounded by a wall towards the end of the 3rd cent. N. was destroyed by > Alamanni in the middle of the 4th cent., rebuilt by ~ Julianus [11] (Amm. Marc. 18,2,4). N. was also seriously affected by the depredations of the — Franci that followed. 1H. SCHONBERGER, Die rémischen Truppenlager der frihen und mittleren Kaiserzeit zwischen Nordsee und Inn, in: BRGK 66, 1985, 440 B 16

1985, 321-497, esp. 429 A 14, 440 B 16; G. MULLER, Neuss, in: H. G. Horn (ed.), Die ROmer in NordrheinWestfalen, 1987, 581-586; Stadt Neuss (ed.), N., Neuss zur R6merzeit, 1989; M. KAIsER, Neuere Forschungser-

gebnisse zur Geschichte der romischen Militaranlagen in Neuss, in: Kreisheimatbund Neuss (ed.), Fund und Deutung, 1994, 64-72.

RA.WL.

Novar Town in > Mauretania Caesariensis between ~ Sitifis and > Cuicul, modern Beni Fouda or Sillégue. — Saturnus (27 steles of the 2nd and 3rd cents. AD) was the focus of its cultic life. The genius of N. (CIL VIII Suppl. 3, 20429; 20430), Ceres [1. 403] and Mercury (CIL VII Suppl. 3, 20431) were also worshipped. Other inscriptions: CIL VIII Suppl. 3, 20431-20483. 1 A. PouLLe, in: Recueil des notices et mémoires de la

H. von Petrikovits, N. — Das romische Neuss, 1957; H.

Société archéologique de Constantine 19, 1878, 402ff.

CHANTRAINE et al., Das romische Neuss, 1984; H. SCHONBERGER, Die rémischen Truppenlager der friihen und mitt-

AAA, sheet 16, no. 216; E. LiptNsxt, s.v. N., DCPP, 315-

leren Kaiserzeit zwischen Nordsee und Inn, in: BRGK 66,

317-

W.HU.

835

836

Novaria. Town of the Celtic-Ligurian > Laevi to the

29, 1993, 357-366; Id., Recherches sur la Bible a Rome vers le milieu du III* siécle: Novatien et la Vetus Latina, in: Revue Bénédictine 105, 1995, 255-279. H.VT.

NOVARIA

west of the

> Ticinus (Plin. HN

3,124; Ptol. 3,1,33:

Celtic; Cato, HRR fr. 40: Ligurian), present-day Novara. In the period of the Roman Empire it was a flourishing town on the road from Mediolan(i)um [1] to the West (It. Ant. 344,5). Its territory extended into the valleys of the Alps. R. ScupERI, Per la storia socioeconomica di N., in: Bol-

lettino storico-bibliografico subalpino 85,1, 1987, 247297. ASA.

Novas

(Noyc/N6és, Lat. Novas, Noas). Right hand tributary of the Ister [1], which rises in eastern Thrace (Hdt. 4,49; Val. Fl. 4,719; 6,100) and flows through the territory of the > Crobyzi. Possibly identical with the modern Osam. E. OBERHUMMER, s.v. Noes, RE 17, 810; D. DETSCHEW,

Die thrakischen Sprachreste, 1957, 332.

PICA.

Novatianus. First Christian theologian of the city of Rome to write in the Latin language (around 250); in De trinitate he appealed to the ‘rule of truth’ (regula veritatis) for the belief in ‘God the Father’ (1,1) and ‘the Son of God’ (9,46), to the ‘order of reason and author-

ity of faith’ (ordo rationis et fidei auctoritas) for the belief in the Holy Spirit (29,163), though no qualitative distinction seems to be implied here. N. stresses the undiminished divinity of the Son even as he took human form. The letters 30 and 36 of the correspondence of Bishop > Cyprianus [2] of Carthage are, by the latter’s own admission (Cypr. Epist. 55,5), written by N. in the name of the Roman clergy, as is probably the letter of the Roman confessors (Cypr. Epist. 31). Three short treatises give allegorical interpretations of the Jewish food laws (De cibis Iudaicis), denounce the games and

theatre (De spectaculis) and praise chastity. The latter work, De bono pudicitiae, calls penitence a ‘dishonourable testimony of sins committed’ (chapter 13), and was thus written after N. had had himself installed as Antipope to Cornelius [II 1] in AD 251 in protest at the restoration into the Church of those who had renounced faith. Cornelius’ remarks about N. are preserved in Euseb. Hist. eccl. 6,43-45 and 7,8. The survival of N.’s anti-church, which also rejected second marriages (cf. Council of + Nicaea [5], Canon 8), is still attested in the East by Eulogius of Alexandria in the 7th cent. (Phot. 182) and may have fed influence back to the

West through the > Bogomils. EpiTIon: CCL 4; H. Weyer (ed.), De Trinitate, Uber den dreifaltigen Gott, 1962

Novatio. According to Ulpian’s definition (prioris debiti in aliam obligationem ... transfusio atque translatio) (Dig. 46,2,1 pr.), i.e., the substitution for one

obligatio by another with the subject of the obligation remaining the same (idem debitum). Since Roman law is unfamiliar with the cession of a claim (cessio), a formless debt transfer or a retroactive modification of the debt, a party or the content can only be changed by cancelling the old obligation and creating a new one in its place. In the process, the novatio links the cancellation of the previous obligation with the creation of the new obligation so that the new one can only become effective if the obligation to be novated (usually a natural obligation that is not open to law suits, obligatio) exists. Accessory ancillary rights, e.g., sureties and mortgage rights are also cancelled along with the former obligation. The novatio takes the form of a stipulatio or dictio dotis (promise of a dowry). The stipulation by novation must state the claim to be revised, i.e., it must be titled. A stipulatio between the persons of the old obligation only effects the movatio according to Gai. Inst. 3,177 if it contains aliquid novi (something new), i.e, a dies

(deadline) or a condicio (condition) is added or cancelled or — in the opinion of the Sabinians — when a > surety is added or waived. A change of the law also justifies a novatio, e.g., if a stipulation debt is supposed to take the place of a claim for the price in a contract of sale (Dig. 46,2,27). A novatio for the purpose of chang-

ing the creditor requires the previous creditor’s consent to the stipulation by novation between the debtor and the new creditor so that the old obligation is cancelled (delegatio). By contrast, a new debtor can take over the previous debtor’s obligation without the latter’s consent. In as much as a stipulation can have another effect than that of a novatio according to its wording, classical Roman law (1st-3rd cents. AD) already considered the animus novandi (novation will), e.g., inthe delimitation of the change of debtor and the surety or the differentiation of the novatio from various cautiones (promises of sureties). In Justinianic law the revising effect generally depended on the explicitly declared intent of repayment. Essentially, the old obligation is supposed to continue to exist with the new one. F. BonrFAcio, La novazione nel diritto romano, *1959; F.

STURM, Stipulatio Aquiliana, 1972; P. ApaTuy, Animus novandi, 1975.

PA.

BrpL_ioGRaPnHy: H. J. Voct, Coetus Sanctorum, 1968; Id., s.v. Novatian, Novatianismus, LThK? 7, 938f.; R. J.

DESIMONE, The Treatise ofN.the Roman Presbyter on the Trinity, 1970; H. GULzow, Cyprian und N., 1975; P. GRATTAROLA, Gli scismi di Felicissimo e di Novaziano, in: Rivista di storia della chiesa in Italia 38, 1984, 367-390; P. Matret, Deux notes sur mariage (divorce) et virginité

dans Novatien, in: Rivista di storia e letteratura religiosa

Novatus. (modern Vandals), CIL VII Carthage

Catholic bishop of Sitifis in Mauretania Sétif in Algeria) 403-437 (driven out by the ¢ 23 August 440 in exile (funerary inscription 8634). N. participated in the Conference of in 411 (Gesta Conlationis Carthaginiensis

837

838

1,2; 1,553 2,2) and the councils of Mileve in 416 (Aug.

cent. AD (on linguistic grounds, others date it to the rst

Epist. 176), Carthage in 418 and Carthage in 419 (CCL 149. 151). He was invited to the council of Spoleto planned for June 419 by > Galla [3] Placidia. In 429/30 he introduced the comes Darius to Augustine (Aug. Epist. 229-230).

cent. BC).

SChr 194, 194f. fn. 3; A. MANDOUZE, Prosopographie de Afrique chrétienne (303-533), 1982, s.v. N., 783f.

O.WER. Novel I. DEFINITION TIAN

II. GREEK

III. Latin

IV. CuHris-

V. BYZANTINE

I. DEFINITION The term ‘novels’ and ‘romance’ are not ancient, but

the latter dates from the Middle Ages, when it denoted a work written in the Romance vernacular. There was no specific term for the genre in Antiquity (drama was common in Greek [1], fabula, in Latin, Apul. Met. 1.1, or argumentum, Macrob. Sat. In Somn. 1,2,8). II]. GREEK A. OVERVIEW AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE GENRE B. ROMANTIC NOVEL C. NARRATIVE STRUCTURES D. OTHER NOVEL-TYPES

E. AFTERLIFE

A. OVERVIEW AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE

GENRE In Greek literature, ‘novel’ denotes a series of texts of

fiction, in prose, linked through two basic thematic features (love and adventure) and a series of topoi. Not only was there no term for the genre, the ‘novel’ was also without any theoretical codification, hence its character of ‘open form’, embodying all ancient literary genres and, through metaphor, transferring them into the dimension of the everyday, the private and sentimental. For a long time scholars searched for the origins of the novel (historiography, New Comedy, tragedy of intrigue or some other genre) — a positivist form of questioning that today seems insoluble and has receded into the background. It is much more interesting to see how the new Hellenistic encyclopaedic form responded to the expectations of a growing public of readers of both sexes. The novel seems to fit in neatly with the escapist tendency of the late Hellenistic and early Imperial periods. In his masterly pioneering work, E. ROHDE [2] saw the Greek novel as the result of amerger of Alexandrian love elegy (> Elegy) and utopian travel and adventure literature that had occurred in the > Second Sophistic (2nd-3rd cents. AD). This bold theory collapsed at the start of the 2zoth cent. under the pressure of papyrus finds pointing to a much earlier chronology. The case of the novel of > Chariton is telling: ROHDE dated it to the 5th cent. AD, as he saw the simplicity of its structure as the product of an experienced rhetor’s affectation; papyri, however, have put the work in the rst — 2nd

NOVEL

On the basis of our present knowledge, we can identify two phases in the development of the Greek novel: the first — to which Chariton and > Xenophon of Ephesus belong, as well as some fragments, including the so-called > Ninus romance — was established between the 2nd cent. BC and the 2nd cent. AD and displays signs of escapism-oriented > popular literature (a ‘para-literature’). As a hybrid genre that developed in the Hellenistic period, the novel uses historical background (Ninus, Chariton) and Homeric quotations (Chariton) in a quest for a touch of class. The second phase — to which > Achilles Tatius [1], Longus and + Heliodorus [8] belong and which is dated from the end of the 2nd cent. AD to the 3rd (or 4th) cent. AD — falls by contrast into the cultural climate of the Second Sophistic and consequently has a completely different structure and rhetorical complexity. The authors of novels in this period draw on an already quite widespread and popular literary genre and subtly transform it. The novel ‘Leucippe and Cleitophon’ of Achilles Tatius, a playful and self-mocking pastiche, lays bare all the conventions of the genre and takes it closer to being a comic-realistic form. The novel ‘Daphnis and Chloe’ of Longus combines the erotic novel with bucolic poetry (> Bucolic) and sharply alters it in the process (particularly in terms of thetopos of the adventurous journey), to become a sub-genre, the pastoral novel. Finally, the last and most complex Greek novel, the Aithiopikd (‘Ethiopian Story’) of Heliodorus, transforms the genre by using philosophical motifs and, with its demanding epic form, raises it to a higher level.

B. ROMANTIC NOVEL The works of both phases have a narrative pattern in common that gives them a homogeneity notwithstanding the very many variations: a young couple from the best of families and of divine beauty gets engaged (or marries) at the start of the story, is parted by fate, then experiences a series of parallel adventures deriving from the novel genre’s topoi (travel, kidnapping by pirates, enslavement, imprisonment, storm, shipwreck, court trial, attempted seduction by powerful rivals) [3], and is finally reunited in the happy ending topos. Various literary models can be recognised in this schema, particularly the archetypical ‘Odyssey’ (especially journey and reunion) and the > Euripidean tragedy of intrigue (especially the ‘Helena’: triumph of marital Eros). Also evident is the influence of New > Comedy (- Menander [4]), with its accent on the private and sentimental. Some topoi are borrowed from various literary genres, such as historiography, rhetoric, > fable and > mime. In its mature phase the Greek novel’s intertextual spectrum opens itself up also to other literary forms, such as > ékphrasis, — epistolography and > paradoxography, and in the process takes on an increasingly encyclopedic character. Because it is cast in an everyday and bourgeois narrative context, this wealth of material,

839

840

however, is ‘lowered’ and demythified, however much

ons) and the beginning of a subjective shift of focus. The narrative framework is significantly altered with the authors in the second phase, and their more complex and more subjective narrative technique, which is closer to that of modern novels [13]. Achilles Tatius deliberately assigns to a first-person narrator, the protagonist Cleitophon, the whole recounting of events, which are stamped by an everyday realism (the comic novel of antiquity always prefers the first-person perspective, cf. Petronius and Apuleius, see III. below.). This often, and for long stretches, puts the perspective on the protagonist as a participant in the action, to create effects of suspense and surprise and to breathe new life into the genre’s topoi. The narrative structure of the Aithiopika of Heliodorus is even more elaborate: right from the famous entry scene, the externally observing narrator employs the technique of limited focus by means of a carefully measured sharing of information (reminiscent of Henry James). At the same time, he often hands the narrative over to other figures (in particular the prophet

NOVEL

the clever injection of theatrical metaphors lends it the appearance of a stage-play. Thematically, the Greek novel revolves around eros: it collects the topoi of earlier erotic poetry (cf. especially + Sappho), transforms them and passes them on for literary transmission. The protagonists in the Greek novel are always young people who initially resist Eros but then fall in love at first, magnetic, sight and succumb to a compulsive monomania. This love — always requited — is put to the test in numerous adventures from which it always emerges victorious: at the conclusion the couple is fundamentally unchanged, chaste and faithful as at the beginning [4]. Casting Eros as the hero accommodated perhaps the expectations and dreams of a wide and also feminine audience that had access to the works, through public readings in particular [5; 6]. Not absent, however, were other elements that allowed cracks to appear in the basic idea of linear desire and blissful, reciprocated Eros and thus compromised the reassuring nature of the novel. The differentiated characterization of rival figures, in particular, displays elements of ambiguity. It moves from downright negative figures (which permit subliminal identification: Arsaces

in Heliodorus)

to nuanced

and at

times clearly positive figures with whom the reader is expected to readily identify (Dionysius in Chariton, Melite in Achilles Tatius). The authors of Greek novels provide incisive testimony to the changes in the social history of sexuality investigated in FOUCAULT’s last work [7]: a transition, beginning in the Imperial period, from an eroticism dependent on > pederasty (that, however, left traces even here [8]) and pedagogical relationships to an eroticism of heterosexual relationships and marriage based on love. Even if it also preserves much of the traditional, patriarchal image of woman, the Greek novel nevertheless contains a large number of innovative, ‘proto-feminist’ elements that contribute to a new construction of sexual identity [9; ro] (especially if we recall its last heroine, Heliodorus’ Chariclea, who is far superior to her male partner in Odyssean courage and initiative). Some Greek novels have been interpreted by R. MERKELBACH as ‘texts related to the mysteries’ |11; 12]: ona religious level of reception they could be read as romans a clef by initiates to help them complete here their study of divinity and the religious rituals of mysteries (suffering, testing and redemption) in late antiquity. This thesis has been much debated and widely rejected. C. NARRATIVE STRUCTURES Novels in the first phase are based on a canonical narrative situation with an omniscient narrator, who

tells the story from his all-surveying vantage point. While Xenophon of Ephesus, focusing on the pragmatic aspect, uses this technique in its essential simplicity (although this effect may also stem from its epitomised text), Chariton varies it with the introduction of explicit authorial intrusions (as commentary or stage-directi-

Calasiris, who could be seen as the author’s mirror-im-

age in the text), who create an almost polyphonic system. With Heliodorus, therefore, the Greek novel reaches its high point of expressive and thematic complexity. D. OTHER NOVEL-TYPES The romantic novel forms a relatively homogeneous corpus that is therefore frequently taken as representing the Greek novel in general. Of the other sub-genres of the Greek novel we actually have only vague evidence; they generally show overlapping with other genres. In the so-called utopian novel — of which we have only summaries of the works by > Euhemerus, > Theopompus and > Jambulus~—the narrative element seems to be completely subordinated to philosophical reflection; it can only with difficulty be regarded as an autonomous form of > utopian novel). Judging from the summary by Photius (Phot. bibl. cod. 166), the ‘Incredible Adventures beyond Thule’ of - Antonius [3] Diogenes have mixed utopia with the traditional Greek romantic novel to create a remarkable novel-form of fantasy and philosophy (to which the ‘Babylonian Tales’ of — Iamblichus [3] belong). From a positivist perspective, E. ROHDE saw the work of Antonius Diogenes as evidence that the two streams — from which in his opinion the novel had developed — were still not completely unified here [2. 254-258]. Nowadays — especially since this work is no longer assumed to have any direct relationship with — Lucian’s “True Stories’ (a pastiche of all imaginary journey) — it seems to us to be instead a fascinating experiment. This suggests that narrative art in antiquity was more multi-faceted than would appear from works that are completely extant. Probably even the so-called biographical novel was scarcely a distinct form of novel: the ‘Cyropaedia’ of -» Xenophon and the ‘Life of Apollonius of Tyana’ of -» Philostratus [5—8] might be better categorized as historical-biographical works with decidedly novelesque features.

841

842

The case of the -» Aesop Romance, which reads almost like an ancient archetype of the picaresque novel [14], is somewhat different, as is also that of the + Alexander Romance; the multi-layered, fictional Alexander-story builds strongly on the epistolary form (a regular > epistolary novel from the Greek world has recently been identified [15]); it has bequeathed to Western imagination a mythified, strongly novelesque Alexander figure of powerful effect. For a long time in academic research, Greek and Roman novels were seen in contrast to each other — the former as a serious-idealistic form and the latter as a comic-realistic form. This was caused primarily by the Latin ‘Golden Ass’ novel (Apuleius, see III. below.). Of this, however, we have a Greek epitome, attributed to ~ Lucian, and the only Greek example of a parody in novel form. Some papyrus finds (especially those of the > Tolaus-novel and the ‘Phoenician Tales’ (Phoinikikd) of > Lollianus [1]) have, however, shown that there existed even in Greek narrative art a genre with ‘coarse’, grotesque, obscene and scatological themes: that trend which the Russian theoretician M. BAKHTIN [16] assumed to be at the origin of the modern novel and which he had come across in the Greek world only in marginal genres such as mimes and Socratic dialogue. E. AFTERLIFE

Disappearing as a genre at the end ofthe 3rd or in the 4th cent. AD, the Greek novel became a model for the Byzantine novel (see below, > V.), only then to disappear for many centuries. In the Middle Ages, many of its topoi/conventions (for example in Boccaccio’s Decamerone) became fashionable, probably by means of Latin intermediaries, particularly the > Historia Apollonti Regis Tyrti. Then, in the 16th cent. there began the spectacular rediscovery of the Greek novel, especially that of Heliodorus, in whose shadow Achilles Tatius was read, and that of Longus (Chariton and Xenophon of Ephesus were not rediscovered until the 18th cent. and have not had a modern reception as such). Initially, through translation into Latin and modern languages and then through a great number of printed editions, the Greek novel was one of the main models that Baroque poetry inherited from antiquity, and found particular resonance in it, by virtue of some fundamental elements (fictionality, passion, intrigue, metaphor of the world as theatre). This extraordinary reception included essay-writing, narrative art, theatre, graphic arts

and some of the leading figures of the 16th and 17th cents.

(SIDNEY,

SHAKESPEARE,

RACINE,

CERVANTES,

Basie). With the birth of the modern realistic form of the novel at the end of the 18th cent., the Greek novel

suffered a decline in academic research that has been halted only in recent times by considerable academic interest in it (of a narratological, sociological and psychoanalytical nature), not, however, by renewed crea-

tive reception. + Achilles Tatius [1]; ~ Aesop Romance; - Antonius [3] Diogenes; ~ Chariton; > Heliodorus [8]; > Iamb-

NOVEL

lichus [3]; > Iambulus; > Literary genre ; > Longus; + Ninus

1N.

-» Novel;

Romance;

thenope Romance; phon of Ephesus Marini,

— Novella;

— Pseudo-Callisthenes;

— Par-

—> Xeno-

Aga&ua: possibile denominazione

per il

romanzo greco d’amore, in: SIFC 9, 1991, 232-243;

Roupe,

Der griechische Roman

2 E.

und seine Vorlaufer,

1876 (repr. 1974); 3 F. LErouBLon, Les lieux communs du roman, 1993; 41. MATTE BLANCO, The Unconscious as Infinite Sets, 1975; 5 B. WessELinG, The Audience of the Ancient Novels, in: H. HOFMANN (ed.), Groningen Colloquia on the Novel, vol. 1, 1988, 67-79; 6E. L. Bowe, Les lecteurs du roman grec, in: M. F. BASLEz (ed.),

Le monde du roman grec, 1992, 55-61; 7M. FoucauLt, Le souci de soi, 1984 (English tr.: The Care of the Self, 1986); 8B. Erre, Der griechische Roman und die Homoerotik, in: Philologus 131, 1987, 95-108; 9B. EGcer, Zu den Frauenrollen im griechischen Roman, in: H. HoFrMann (ed.), s. [5], 33-66; 10S. WieRsMA, The Ancient Greek Novel and Its Heroines, in: Mnemosyne 43, 1990, 109-123;

11 R. MERKELBACH,

Roman

und

Mysterium in der Antike, 1962; 12 Id., Die Hirten des Dionysos, 1988; 13 B. EFFe, Entstehung und Funktion ‘personaler’ Erzahlweisen in der Erzahlliteratur der Antike, in: Poetica 7, 1975, 135-157; 14 N. HOLzBERG (ed.), Der Asop-Roman, 1992; 15 Id. (ed.), Der griechische Brief-Roman, 1994; 16 M. BAcuTIN, Literatur und Karneval, 1990. F. ALTHEIM, Roman und Dekadenz, 1951; G. ANDERSON,

Eros Sophistes, 1982; S. BARTSCH, Decoding the Ancient Novel, 1989; R. BEATON (ed.), The Greek Novel, 1988; M. FusiLto, Il romanzo greco, 1989; H. GARTNER (ed.), Beitrage zum griechischen Liebesroman, 1984; C. GEsNER, Shakespeare and the Greek Romance, 1970; T. HAGe, Narrative Technique in Ancient Greek Romances,

1971; Id., The Novel in Antiquity, 1983; N. HoLzBErc, Der antike Roman, 1986 (72001); P. JANNI (ed.), Il romanzo greco, 1987; D. Konstan, Sexual Symmetry:

Love in the Ancient Novel and Related Genres, 1994; H. Kucu (ed.), Der antike Roman, 1989; P. LIVIABELLA FuRIANI, M. FuTrRE PINHEIRO (ed.), Piccolo mondo antico, 1989; A. HEISERMAN, The Novel before the Novel, 1977; R. HELM, Der antike Roman, 1948 (repr. 1956); G. MarcovaLpl,

| romanzi greci, 1969; R. MERKELBACH,

Roman und Mysterium in der Antike, 1962; G. MOLINIE, Du roman grec au roman baroque, 1977 (repr. 1995); J. R. MorGan, R. STONEMAN (ed.), Greek Fiction, 1994; C.

W. MULLER, Der griechische Roman, in: NHL 2, 377412;

B. E. Perry,

REARDON, Roupe,

The

The

Form

Ancient

Romances,

1967;

B.

of Greek

Romance,

1991;

E.

Der griechische

Roman

und

seine

Vorlaufer,

1876 (repr. 1974); C. Ruiz MonrTERO, La estructura de la novela griega, 1988; A. SCARCELLA, Romanzo e romanzieri, 1993; E. SCHWARTZ, Fiinf Vortradge iiber den griechischen Roman, 1896 (repr. 1943); G. SCHMELING (ed.), The Novel in the Ancient World, 1996; S. SwaIn (ed.), Oxford Readings in the Greek Novel, 1999; J. Tatum (ed.), The Search for the Ancient Novel, 1994; O. WEINREICH, Der griechische Liebesroman, 1962. M.FU.

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843

Ill. LATIN

A. TEXTUAL

INVENTORY

C. NARRATIVITY E. SUB-GENRES

B. THEMATICS

D. RELIGIOSITY F. LATER RECEPTION

A. TEXTUAL INVENTORY

Contrary to the richly attested output of Greek novels, there are only three extant texts in Latin literature that can be classed as erotic novels: Petronius’ Satyricon (= Sat.; > Petronius [5]), Apuleius’ Metamorphoses (= Met.; > Ap(p)uleius [III]) and the > Historia Apollonii regis Tyrii (HA). Apuleius’ novel is a reworking of the Greek Metapogdmoeis/Metamorphoseis from an unknown version of which an extract has been preserved

in the Ps.-Lucianic

"Ovoc/Onos

(‘Ass’)

[16].

Greek models were postulated even for Petronius and the HA; yet, while authoritative papyri are so far missing fora Greek HA, the fragments of the > Iolaus novel and the Tinuphis novel provide evidence of prosimetrical (+ Prosimetrum) Greek novels of a comic-realist character, even if their relationship to the Sat. remains unclarified (see II.D above.). B. THEMATICS

Latin novels display the same thematic staples (love and adventure) and conventional motives as the Greek

romance novels (see II.A. above) but only in the HA are they used in a similarly earnest and idealizing manner. in Apuleius and Petronius, on the other hand, they are caricatured in parody-satire: the sexual symmetry [11] of the typical loving couple is distorted in the HA by the incest motif and the focus on father-daughter relations and in the Sat. by the homoerotic triangle of EncolpiusGiton-Ascyltus, while Lucius in the Met. has no suitable

844 C. NARRATIVITY Only the HA preserves the canonical narrative situation with an all-knowing narrator, while the Sat. und Met. are set in the first person, with the narrator, Encolpius and Lucius respectively, being at the same time the plot’s key protagonist. Recent studies [4; 26; 31] have highlighted the virtuosity with which Petronius and Apuleius handle the narrative opportunities of a first person switching between the poles of recounting and experiencing, and how they play with the knowledge of their narrator, whom they leave dangling like a puppet on the strings of the auteur abstrait (i.e. the literary projection ofthe historical author in the text) and in the process parody the genre’s conventions, not only of content and motivation but also of narratology [8]. With Apuleius, in particular, [31] has exposed the notorious unreliability of the first-person narrator and shown the text to be a narrative game that constantly leaves many questions unanswered: the hermeneutic structure ofthe text is thus not unambiguous but simply offers possible readings for the reader to choose from, each of which may claim to be valid. With the end of traditional epic structures which had certainty in the congruence of words and things, of discours (story) and histoire (plot), and the founding of new order of signifiant and signifié, the novels of Petronius and Apuleius establish a new narrative contingency on the level of the histoire and prefigure a new narratological artificiality that is lacking in other ancient novels and was rediscoyered only in the modern period [ro]. D. RELIGIOSITY The interpretation, championed by [17; 18], of most ancient novels as aretalogies of mysteries (see IDB.

partner but through his curiositas (‘curiosity ’) stumbles

above) also sought to prove that the Met., the HA and

into serviles voluptates (‘coarse desires’) with Fotis and

the Christian Clement novel (- Pseudo-Clementines)

the matron from Corinth from which he is liberated only by the goddess > Isis. The parodistic overturning in Petronius and Apuleius of the Greek novel’s conventions and motifs thus presupposes a readership familiar with Greek novels. Typical of the Latin novel are the novelesque * embedded stories’ [22; 24; 25; 29], of an idealizing, frequently crude, almost pornographic character (from the - Milesian Tales, [7]), which prepare the reader with hints for interpreting the main plot (e.g.

were textual keys to ancient > mysteriy cults of Isis and > Osiris. Wide-ranging scepticism, however, has prevailed against such biased categorization. Those theories have been losing credibility, since [31] has shown that the Isis-discourse in the Met. is not a serious story of conversion but rather a parody of one. They would lose even more credibility if [15] is right in her theory of the incomplete state of preservation of the Met. (a 12th book missing ?). According to that theory, the religious motifs are only one factor among the many shaping the novel, such as other political, social and cultural conditions of the Hellenistic-Imperial world. MERKELBACH’S interpretations suggest the conclusion, that novels, like

ephebe of Pergamon: Sat. 85-87, the widow of Ephesus: Sat. 1r1-112, > Psyche and Cupid: Met. 4,286,24, lovers in the cask: Met. 9,5—7). Taking away Eros’

heroic status in the Sat. and Met. is thus not only a consequence of replacing heterosexual with pederastichomosexual relations but also of the satirical-caustic perspective, in which traditional values of love and marriage are replaced by adultery and other departures from accepted norms of sexual behaviour. The construction of sexual identity in Petronius and Apuleius is therefore a contribution just as important — though FoucauLt (see > II.B above) admittedly does not see it as such — to the social history of > sexuality as the erotic discourse of the idealizing Greek romance novel [6].

other texts in ancient literature, could also be used in

the service of readings with a philosophical, Christian or mystery-related bias, rather than being themselves written primarily as coded mystery texts [2]. E. SUB-GENRES The Greek sub-genre of what one could call utopian novels is completely lacking in Latin. The fictitious tales of Troy of, for example, > Dares [3] or > Dictys Cretensis should be regarded as historical fiction rather

845

846

than novels. This applies also to biographical novels, of which the > Aesop romance and the ‘Life of Apollonius of Tyana’ (> Philostratus [5] the Younger, > Flavianus [2]) have left no legacy in Latin literature, and the same goes for the epistolary novel. Very well represented, on the other hand, are texts of the > Alexander novel , in which novelesque epistolary literature (Alexander’s correspondence with the Amazons, letters to and from Alexander) has been integrated.

NOVEL

loquia on the Novel 9, 1998, 61-73; 8H. HOFMANN, Parodie des Erzahlens-Erzahlen als Parodie, in: W. Ax, R. GLE! (ed.), Die Parodie in Antike und Mittelalter, 1993, 119-151; 9H. HOFMANN (ed.), Latin Fiction, 1999;

10 Id., »Selbstbegriindung des Erzahlens« im Goldenen Esel des Apuleius?, in: B. GREINER,

M. Mooc-GRUNE-

WALD (ed.), Kontingenz und Ordo. Selbstbegriindung des Erzahlens in der Neuzeit, 2000,

15-27;

11 D. KONSTAN,

Sexual Symmetry: Love in the Ancient Novel and Related Genres, 1994;

12 K. KrAutTTeER, Philologische Methode

und humanistische Existenz. Filippo Beroaldo und sein

F. LATER RECEPTION Among the ancient readers of Latin novels we know of the rival emperor Clodius > Albinus [1] (AD 195197), whose reading of Milesias Punicas Apulei (‘Punic Milesian Tales of Apuleius’) and similar /udicra litteraria (‘popular literature of little merit’) disqualified him in the eyes of > Septimius Severus from being a cultured man (SHA Alb. 12,12), and —as cultured men among the novel’s detractors — the Church Father + Augustinus (Civ. 18,18) and the Neoplatonic philosopher > Macrobius [1], who wanted to banish the argumenta fictis casibus amatorum referta (‘invented love stories ’) of Petronius or Apuleius in nutricum cunas (‘to the nursery ’) as a deceitful tickle in the ear (Macrob.Sat. In Somn. 1,2,8). With his allegorical interpretation of Psyche and Cupid (Mythologiae 3,6), the late-antique author > Fulgentius [1] made this the only part of Met. to survive into the Middle Ages, marking BOcCACCIO’s interpretation in the Genealogiae Deorum Gentilium (‘genealogies of the heathen gods’) (5,22), along with those of the later Humanists [20; 12]. After MSS of the Met. became known from the 14th cent. [3], they inspired many story-tellers, from BocCACCIO (Decameron) to the authors of picaresque novels — the anonymous composer of Lazarillo de Tormes and CERVANTES [5]. The lengthier remnants of the Sat. were only discovered by the Humanists and between the rsth and 17th cents. took on the form that we read today [3]. The Alexander Romance and the HA, by contrast, enjoyed lively interest until well into the 17th cent., in Latin as well as vernacular languages, as evidenced by hundreds of MSS, early printings and numerous re-workings and adaptations [1; 28] (see also + Novel). + Aesop Romance; — Ap(p)uleius [III]; — Dares; > Dictys; > Epistolary Novel Fulgentius; > Historia Apollonii regis Tyrii; > Literary genre ; > Literature (especially the introduction);

Tales; > Novel; > Novella;

+ Lucian [1]; > Milesian

> Petronius [5]; > Pseudo-

Clementines 1 E. ARcHIBALD, Apollonius of Tyre. Medieval and Renaissance Themes and Variations, 1991; 2 R. BECK, Mystery Religions, Aretalogy and the Ancient Novel, in: [23],

131-150; 3R.H. Carver, The Rediscovery of the Latin Novels, in: [9], 253-268; 4G. B. Conte, The Hidden Author. An Interpretation of Petronius’ Satyricon, 1996; 5 M. Furre PINHEIRO, The Nachleben of the Ancient Novel in Iberian Literature, in: [23],775-799; 6S. GOLDHILL, Foucault’s Virginity, 1995; 7S. J. Harrison, The

Milesian Tales and the Roman Novel, in: Groningen Col-

Kommentar zum Goldenen Esel des Apuleius, 1971; 13 B. KyTzLer, Fiktionale Prosa, in: NHL 4, 1997, 469-494;

14 E. LEFEvReE, Studien zur Struktur der »Milesischen« Noyelle bei Petron und Apuleius, 1997; 15 D. vaN MALMaepkeR, Lector, intende: laetaberis, in: Groningen Colloquia on the Novel 8, 1997, 87-118; 16H. J. Mason,

Greek and Latin Versions of the Ass Story, in: ANRW Il 34.2, 1994, 1665-1707; 17 R. MERKELBACH, Roman und Mysterium in der Antike, 1962; 18 Id., Isis Regina —

Zeus Sarapis, 1995;

19Id., Die Quellen des griechischen

Alexander-Romans,

*1977;

20 C.

MOorRESCHINI,

Towards a History of the Exegesis of Apuleius (on Cupid and Psyche), in: [9], 215-228; 21 M. Picone, B. ZIMMERMANN (ed.), Der antike Roman und seine mittelalterliche Rezeption, 1997; 22 G. N. SANpby, Petronius and the Tradition of the Interpolated Narrative, in: TAPhA ror,

1970, 463-476;

23 G. SCHMELING (ed.), The Novel in the

Ancient World, 1996; 24 Semiotica della novella latina (Atti del Seminario, Perugia 1985), 1986; 25 N. SHu-

MATE, Apuleius’ Metamorphoses: the Inserted Tales, in: [9], 113-125;

26N.

W.

SLaTER,

Reading

Petronius,

1990; 27R. STONEMAN, The Latin Alexander, in: [9], 167-186; 28 Id., The Medieval Alexander, in: [9], 238252; 29J. TaruM, The Tales in Apuleius’ Metamorphoses, in: TAPhA 100, 1969, 487-527; 30 P. G. WaLsH, The Roman Novel, 1970; 31 J. J. WINKLER, Auctor & Actor, 1985.

N. Houzperc,

Der

antike

Roman.

Eine

Einfihrung,

22001 IV. CHRISTIAN A. THEMES AND MOTIFS FROM THE ROMANTIC NOVEL B. NOVELISTIC APOCRYPHAL ACTS OF THE APOSTLES C. NOVELISTIC LIVES OF SAINTS AND RELATED TEXTS

A. THEMES AND MOTIFS FROM THE ROMANTIC NOVEL Novelistic motifs (travels, storms at sea, shipwreck, trials, executions, threat to and preservation of chastity and fidelity, dreams, visions, oracles, separation slavery and > anagnorisis) are all present in the OT (Genesis 37 ff.: the story of Joseph; later on the books of ‘Esther’‘ and Tobit’ and the ‘Epistle of Jude’) and in the Gospels, or were woven from them and expanded (Genesis 41, 46 > ‘Joseph and Aseneth’, a Jewish-Hellenistic novel composed in the rst cent. BC or AD in Egypt in the Greek of the LXX [21]; Mt 2,23, Lk 2,40 > Infancy Gospels, cf. New Testament Apocrypha; [1; 18. Vol. I. 330-372]), but only from the 2nd cent., in the genre of the Acts of the Apostles, beginning with the only canonical text of this kind in the NT, do the composers

847

848

of the numerous Acta Apostolorum (+ Apocrypha Literature; [3; 16; 18.Vol. 2. 71-488]) develop action

and all kinds of dangers, against which the new heroes of chastity have to struggle, despite the challenge of a myriad erotic temptations. Especially popular were the -» Pseudo-Clementines, originating in Syria about 260 and now consisting of two parts : 20 Greek homilies

NOVEL

sequences, first in Greek then in Latin and other trans-

lations. The motifs of the sequences are predominantly borrowed from the ancient novel [7; 14; 15; 16]. As the ethical standards of the Greek novel — fidelity to one’s partner,

retaining one’s virginity, sexual abstinence,

submission to God’s will — were in any case to agree with Christian beliefs, then, with the help of the novel’s regular themes, the steadfastness and unswerving beliefs of the apostles in similar adventurous situations could be highlighted and at the same time the genre could be used as propaganda or for distancing itself from > heresies. Conversely, some of these texts display unorthodox (inter alia, Gnostic — Gnosticism) tendencies. Certainly many motifs of the novel shift in meaning when used in Christian literature, e.g. that of the vagaries and sufferings of the couple in love becoming the missionary travels and sufferings of the apostles and their young female companion, that of fidelity to one’s partner becoming Christian asceticism or that of marriage becoming the withdrawal of engagement, or the renunciation of marriage in favour of a spiritual union with Christ, the anagnorisis becoming the martyr’s death and reunion in the kingdom of heaven, with the result that temples and marriages left in ruins [14. 242] are the leitmotiv of these texts. B. NOVELISTIC APOCRYPHAL ACTS OF THE APOSTLES Along with the Acts of Thomas, which derive from a Syriac original and are completely extant, the older Acts of the Apostles from the 2nd cent. (Acts of Andrew, of John, of Paul and Peter), as well as the later Acts from

the 3rd/4th cents., were transmitted only in fragments. They were textes vivants that were constantly paraphrased and expanded, so that various versions of them now exist. Tert. De baptismo 17 names as author of the Acts of Paul a presbyter from Asia Minor, who lost his position because of it. The work particularly outraged Tertullian, as the tale told therein of the journeys of > Paul [2] and > Thecla is strongly reminiscent of the Greek romantic novel, with its subliminal eroticism and

fantastic adventures. When Thecla finally excels in asceticism and baptizes and preaches at the apostle’s request, this contradicts Paul’s conception, well-known from his letters, of a > woman’s place in the community and inevitably fell foul of Tertullian’s rigorism in particular. Elsewhere, too, there was no shortage of eroticism, e.g. in the Drusiana episode (necrophilia) in the Acts of John or the rescue of Thecla (Acts of Paul) and other Christian virgins from the brothel (Dihégeseis of Ps.-Hippolytus). As well as the stock of traditional motifs, these texts also contained a large ration of the absurd: talking dogs and competitive displays of magic, sky travels and a miracle competition (Acts of Peter), obedient bed-bugs

(Acts of John), baptized lions (Acts of Paul), cannibals

(Andrew and Matthew

among the anthropophagot)

(+ Sermon) of the Apostle > Petrus and ro bks of Latin recognitiones (‘recognition scenes’). It employs a host

of conventional novel-motifs to recount the fortunes and adventures of Clement, who had accompanied Peter on his missionary journeys and then became his

third successor as Bishop of Rome, from his separation from his family to the anagnorisis [20]. These texts were a popular reading material with Christians because they combined edification with suspense and education and, despite their theological orientation, developed into a form of Christian > popular literature that from the 3rd cent. began to replace the romantic novel [4; 9; 14-16; 19].

C. NOVELISTIC LIVES OF SAINTS AND RELATED TEXTS From the 4th cent., following the model of the Acts of the Apostles, lives of > saints were also increasingly provided with fictitious features. The prototype for these novelistic lives of saints was > Athanasius’ composition in about 3 57 of the Vita of the Egyptian hermit -» Antonius [5]. It was translated into Latin soon afterwards and not only became a model for the writings about St. Martin by — Sulpicius Severus, but also inspired -» Hieronymus to write his three monastic biographies. Of these, by his own admission, that of the hermit Paul is largely pure invention, as he was unable to locate any reliable information about him. He therefore plundered Greek romantic novels all the more keenly, bending them into shape for his purposes of edification and propagation of his ascetic ideals. In this way, the lives of saints had finally become transformed into the fictional saints’ novel, and the Christian novel, into popular Christian literature [5; ro]. It is no wonder then that in late antiquity Greek romantic novels were paraphrased into fictitious legends of saints, like for example that of Saint Parthenope, which has been transmitted in a Coptic version of the 9th cent. and an Arabic version of the roth cent. (Bartanuba) and represents a Christian re-working of the > Parthenope romance(rst cent. BC) [6]. The novelistic form was also adopted in literature about the Passion and in the literature of martyrdom (> Martyrdom, literature of), e. g.

in the Dihégemata of Ps.-Nilus of Ancyra (> Nilus [1]), in the conversion-novel of the Narratio de rebus Persicis (sth/6th cent.) or that of the Indian Prince Ioasaph and his conversion by the monk Barlaam (— Barlaam and loasaph), a Christian version of the Buddha legend, which along with the > Historia Apollonii, likewise transmitted in a Christian edition, became one of the most popular novels of the Middle Ages. +> Acta Sanctorum; ~— Martyrdom, literature of; + New Testament Apocrypha; > Passion; -> Paul, Acts of; > Peter, Acts of ;-> Pseudo-Clementines; > Popular literature; > Saints, Veneration of saints

850

849 1K. Bercer, Hellenistiche Gattungen im NT, in: ANRW

I] 25.2, 1984, 1031-1432, 1831-1885;

Les Actes apocryphes des ap6tres, 1981;

2 F. Bovon (ed.),

3 J. N. BREM-

MER et al. (ed.), Studies in the Apocryphal

Acts of the

Apostles, 1995 ff.; 4 Id., The Novel and the Apocryphal Acts: Place, Time and Readership, in: Groningen Colloquia on the Novel 9, 1998, 157-180; 5 M. FUHRMANN, Die Monchsgeschichten des Hieronymus, in: Christianisme et formes littéraires de l’antiquité tardive (Entretiens 23), 1977, 41-89; 6 T. HAcc, The Parthenope Romance Decapitated?, in: Symbolae Osloenses 59, 1984, 61-92; 7R. F. Hock et al. (ed.), Ancient Fiction and Early Christian Narrative, 1998; 8H. HOFMANN (ed.), Latin Fiction, 1999; 9G. HuBER-REBENICH, Hagiographic Fiction as Entertainment, in: [8], 187-212; 10H.

Kecu, Hagiographie als christliche Unterhaltungsliteratur, 1977;

1997, Greek Greek Early

11B.Kyrz.er, Fiktionale Prosa, in: NHL 4,

469-494; 12 J. R. MorGAN, R. STONEMAN (ed.), Fiction, 1994; 13 J. PERKINS, Representation in Saints’ Lives, in: [2], 255-271; 14R. I. PERVo, Christian Fiction, in: [12], 239-254; 15 Id., The

Ancient

Novel

Becomes

Christian,

in: [17], 685-711;

16 E. PLUMACHER, s. v. Apokryphe Apostelakten, RE Suppl. 15, 11-70; 17 G. SCHMELING (ed.), The Novel in the Ancient World, 1996; 18 W. SCHNEEMELCHER (ed.), New Testament Apocrypha, °1990; 19R. SODER, Die

apokryphen Apostelgeschichten und die romanhafte Literatur der Antike, 1932,71969;

20 M. VIELBERG, Klemens

in den pseudoklementinischen Rekognitionen, 2000; 21 S. West, Joseph and Asenath, in: CQ 24, 1974, 70-81. H.HO.

V. BYZANTINE In the Byzantine period, the Greek romantic novel

was not initially developed any further but the narrative tradition survived in related genres and in Christian garb: the > Alexander Romance was worked over several times and in the 7th cent. AD took on Christianapocalyptic motifs. From the Indian Buddha legend there developed, through Christian revamping in the 8th/oth cents., the spiritual novel of > Barlaam and Ioasaph. Hagiographic lives (> Vitae Sanctorum, + Literature VI. Christian) for whose heroes there was

too little biographic material available, were embellished with features of the travel and adventure novel. Finally, the so-called ‘epic’ of Digenis Akritas combines the historical background of Byzantine-Arabic battles in Asia Minor in the 9th/roth cents. with motifs from the erotic novel. In the r2th cent., the genre of romantic novel in its narrower sense (i.e. with the sequence of love at first glance, separation, adventures and happy reunion) was revived in a conscious return to the Hellenistic-Imperial tradition. The works of the authors Eustathios Makrembolites, Theodoros Prodromos, Konstantinos Manasses and Niketas Eugenianos are in an elevated language imitating the antique form but (with the exception of the first mentioned) composed in verse, in a departure from their literary models, and are set in a fictitious ancient milieu. A second group of Byzantine novels, from the 13th/r4th cents., is composed in vernacular verse and

NOVELLA

has been transmitted without the names of the authors. Their content sets some of them firmly in the Imperial and Byzantine tradition, with the erotic element, in the form of ‘King Eros’, appearing sharply in the foreground, while others are re-workings of Western European courtly novels that have for their part taken up ancient material such as the Trojan War. H. Huneer, Antiker und byzantinischer Roman, 1980; F.

Conca, I] romanzo bizantino del XII secolo, 1994; C. Cupane,

Il romanzo

cavalleresco

bizantino,

1995;

R.

BEATON, The Medieval Greek Romance, *1996;P. A. AGApiros, D. R. REINSCH Komnenenzeit, 2000.

(ed.), Der Roman

im Byzanz der ALB.

Novella I. GREEK

II. LaTIN

I. GREEK There is no Greek term that accurately translates the modern concept of ‘novella’ and there is nothing in extant Greek literature comparable to the work of medieval novella-writers or to modern collections of shortstories (coming closest to it are perhaps the Toxaris of + Lucian [1] and the Historia lausiaca of > Palladius, while works like the > Narrationes amatoriae attributed to > Plutarch might better be classified as > mythography). Even if no ancient source explicitly attests it, the opinio communis, subscribing to the hypothesis of E. RoupE [1], takes the view that the now lost -» ‘Milesian Tales’ of > Aristides [2] may have been a collection of novellas. As well, we know that there were collections of anecdotes about the inhabitants of Sybaris (Légoi Sybaritikoi); they must have been short, amusing (cf. e.g. Aristoph. Vesp. 1427-1431; Ael. Var. 14,20) and structurally similar to Aesop’s Fables (> Aesopus; —> Fable) (schol. Aristoph. Av. 471); in some cases, at least, the collected stories probably had an obscene character (cf. Ov. Tr. 2,417; Mart. 12,95,2).

While the traces available to us today of autonomous Greek collections of novellas are few and uncertain, there is a widespread view that some extracts from works in different literary genres might be derived from the novella : among the texts more frequently reckoned as belonging to this group are a few Homeric tales (Hom. Il. 9,527ff.; 14,153ff.; Hom. Od. 8,266ff.; 14,468ff.); a number of stories in Herodotus (e.g. Hdt. 1,8—125 1,23-243 2,121 a—-121 C; 9,108-112); the story of Pantheia in Xenophon (Xen. Cyr. 4,6,11-5,1,18 and passim); the myth of Acontius and Cydippe in the Aftia of > Callimachus [3] (POxy. ro11,9); some Aesopean fables (e.g. > Babrius 116 = 54); the stories embedded in Lucian’s Toxaris and Philopseudeis; some letters of ~ Aristaenetus (e.g. 1,53 9;

13; 2,153 22) and [Aeschin.]

Epist. ro. Traces of the novella have also been discerned in Aristophanes [3] (Aristoph. Thesm. 482ff.; 498ff.)

and Euripides. With regard to the academic approach to the Greek novella, it seems however legitimate to raise some reservations, which can be summarised in two fundamen-

NOVELLA

852

851

tal objections: 1) Modern research on the Greek novella

ManGanaro,

does not proceed from the texts themselves but from a definition of the literary genre of ‘novella’, which is understood as an abstract and immutable entity and not as a group of historically defined texts. Moreover, the

376-392; 9B. E. Perry (review of [7]), in: AJPh 81, 1960, 442-447; 10G. J. DE Vries, Novellistic Traits in Socratic Literature, in: Mnemosyne 16, 1963, 35-425

(not always consistent) definitions of the novella do not

in general seem to be based on the so-called ‘Latin novella’, i.e. on the secondary stories which are incorporated into the Latin novels of > Petronius and Apuleius (> Ap(p)uleius [III]) — a position that could conceivably still be valid for Greek literature —, but on our knowledge of French and Italian novella techniques of the Middle Ages (especially Boccaccio). This explains the emphasis, current since ROHDE, on the realistic nature of the ancient novel and its interest in the everyday — features that, it is argued, must have been unique to it but yet do not sit easily with the very many magical stories in Apuleius. The significance attached to realism and ROHDE’s fundamental role also explain why the embedded stories of the Greek novels were not categorized as novellas (Xenophon of Ephesus 3,1; 5,1; Achilles Tatius 2,34; Heliodorus

1,9-18; 2,8-9): ac-

cording to RoHpg, the Greek novel actually has nothing in common with the novella and also nothing realistic about it. 2) The texts grouped together under the definition of novella do not follow any homogenous criterion. At times, indeed, the texts mentioned above seem them-

selves to be regarded as novellas (it could be asked here whether antiquity really recognized a clearly defined literary form, let alone a proper — literary genre). In other cases, they are instead seen as evidence for the existence of novellas (even here the criteria which have been dictating the choice of texts since ROHDE are not clear). Much of the evidence could in fact serve to dem-

onstrate the existence of autonomous ancient collections of novellas, a limited number of texts: the so-called Latin novellas of Petronius and Apuleius, which at least in part represent a reworking of the ‘Milesian Tales’ of Aristides. Many of the ‘novella’-texts could, however, derive from oral tales that were then artistically elaborated (there do seem to be have been professional storytellers in Greece [3]); others demonstrate only the circulation in Greece of narrative material that was not necessarily reworked in written form or in oral delivery (cf. e.g. the above-mentioned places in Aristophanes);

lastly, other texts again (especially those collected by S. TRENKNER [7]) are examples of a re-use of narrative motifs recognition unexpected rescue etc.) that could have their origins in written or oral narrative technique. 1E. Roupe, Uber griechische Novellendichtung und ihren Zusammenhang mit dem Orient, Anhang I: Der griechische Roman und seine Vorlaufer, 31914, 578-601; 2Id., Zum griechischen Roman II, in: RhM 48, 1893, 125-139;

3 A. Scosie, Storytellers, Storytelling, and the

Novel in Graeco-Roman Antiquity, in: RhM

229-259;

122, 1979,

4C. Cressi, Leggende sibaritiche, in: SIFC 9,

1901, 1-29; CATAUDELLA,

5 W. ALy,s.v. N., RE 17, 1171-1179; La novella greca, 1954;

6Q.

7S. TRENKNER,

The Greek Novella in the Classical Period, 1958;

8G.

Novella e romanzo,

in: RFIC

36, 1958,

11 L. Pere, La narrativa, in: F. DELLA Corte (Ed.), Intro-

duzione allo studio della cultura classica, vol. 1, 1972, 396-472.

M.FU, and L.G.

Il. LaTIN A genre of novella in the sense of modern definition is unknown in Latin literature. However, there is a series of short stories that we could term ‘novella-like’, —

in the style of the Milésiaka (> Aristeides [2]), they could just as unspecifically be classed, like other short narrative forms, as fabulae (as e.g. Petron. 113,1; Apul. Met. 9,4,4; 9,13,6 and passim) — considering their short scope, their close link to the direction of the plot and their frequent embedding in a conversational framework, in the course of which they help entertain the audience — especially as a number of them have been taken up again in novella cycles of the early modern period. Other features common to the ancient and modern novella are the frequently erotic colouring of the subject material and the claim to credibility in the recounting of the stories (place details, proper names of the people involved). In contrast, though, to the modern novella,

the narrative perspective of the detached reporter sometimes switches to that of the first-person narrator or of a witness caught up in the event (cf. e.g. Petron. rr1 and Apul. Met. 9,5-7 with Petron. 85-87 and Apul. Met. 9,14-29). Drawing a distinction between it and > anecdote, aretalogy, moral tale or comic tale is sometimes difficult. The best-known examples from Latin literature are provided by Petron. rirf. (matron of Ephesus; also in Phaedr. App. 15; numerous reworkings in late antiquity and the Middle Ages); Petron. 85-87 (ephebe of Pergamon); Apul. Met. 9,5-7 (wife of the carpenter; also in Boccaccio, Decamerone 7,2); Apul. Met. 9,24f. (wife of the tanner; likewise Decamerone 5,10).

The history of the genre of the novella starts with Boccaccio’s Decamerone (written between 1348 and 1353; in its wake follow i.a.CHAUCER, Marguerite DE NAVARRE,

CERVANTES,

LA

FONTAINE,

GOETHE,

KxeIsT). Study of the novella since the beginning of the r9th cent. reflects the various attempts, on the one hand, to define the novella, according to its specific content form and function, and on the other, to demonstrate a direct relationship with either > dramaor the > novel. + Novella H. Aust, Novelle., *1995; Groningen Colloquia on the Novel, 1988ff.; G. Huper, Das Motiv der »Witwe von

Ephesus« in lateinischen. Texten der Antike und des Mittelalters, 1990;J.KuNz (Ed.), Novelle, +1973; E. LEFEVRE,

Der Ephebe von Pergamon Picong, B. ZIMMERMANN

(Petron c. 85-87), in: M.

(ed.), Der antike Roman und

seine mittelalterliche Rezeption, 1997, 129-135; Semiotica della novella latina (Atti del seminario interdisciplinare »La novella latina«, Perugia 1985), 1986; O. WEINREICH, Fabel, Aretalogie, Novelle, 1931. H-P.S,

854

853 Novellae A. OvERVIEW

B. Post-THEODOSIAN

NOVELLAE

C. JUSTINIAN’S NOVELLAE A. OVERVIEW Novellae is the abbreviation for the Latin novellae leges (‘new laws’, also Greek nearai diatdxeis). In gen-

eral, it refers to the legislation of the emperors in Late Antiquity, enacted chronologically after the official collections of the Codices Theodosianus and Iustinianus (> codex II.C.). In a narrower sense, it refers to the

novellae of > lustinianus [1], which in modern editions

of the > Corpus iuris constitute the fourth and last part of this 6th-cent. collection. In contrast to the other parts (> Institutiones Iustiniani, > Digesta, Codex L[ustinia-

nus), however, the novellae as a whole did not have imperial approval and for this reason represent the part of the Corpus iuris with the worst textual transmission. B. Post-THEODOSIAN NOVELLAE According to the Codex Theodosianus, (AD 438) later imperial laws (— constitutiones) were evidently compiled on several occasions in both the Eastern and Western Empires. The Eastern collections have disappeared, probably because they were replaced by the Codex Iustinianus. The Western compilations have been partly transmitted, including the most important of them, the so-called Post-Theodosian novellae, 83 laws from the years 438-468 (modern edition [r]). C. JUSTINIAN’S NOVELLAE When Justinian [1] published his Codex of the collection of imperial legislation since the time of Hadrian in a revised version (Codex repetitae praelectionis) on 16.11.534, he had a good 30 years of government ahead of him in which time he issued a large number of additional imperial laws. Even during the preparation of the Codex Iustinianus, it had been the intention to have these novellae collected on an official basis, but that did not happen. The best-preserved private collection (the so-called Greek novellae collection) reached Western Europe from Byzantium during the period of Humanism. It consists of 168 novellae, including some

from

the period immediately following Justinian’s MSS of this collection (in the Biblioteca Marciana in Venice and the Bibliotheca Laurentiana in Florence) the novellae, written originally in death. In the known

Latin, only exist in a Greek summary or are not included at all. Even the original Greek novellae, which

constitute the majority, have been reproduced carelessly. The oldest extant collection, the Epitome Iuliani from the 6th cent., by contrast contains only 124 novellae (up to the year 535) in an abridged Latin revision. This version allows us to speculate that it may have been a compilation intended for judicial and administrative purposes in the parts of the West conquered by Justinian’s troops, specifically Italy. Of even greater influence in the West from the 11th/12th cents. was another collection, likewise in Latin and of uncertain ori-

NOVELLIUS

gin, the so-called Authenticum (for an explanation of the name see [2]). It contains 14 novellae still in the original Latin and 120 translated into Latin from the Greek. It is textually complete, but contains many shortcomings in language and content. The fact that the great majority of the novellae were composed in Greek or bilingually shows Justinian’s interest in a smooth implementation of this law, since the centre and most important provinces in the Empire belonged to the Greek cultural sphere. But in contrast to the preceding Latin codification of the Institutiones, the Codex and the Digesta, the novellae, do not stand as a comprehensive, new regime. Instead, in Justinian’s

own estimation, the law in this part of the Corpus iuris forms an authoritative foundation that would need only partial amending in those areas where the law as promulgated was no longer suited to changed social circumstances and new attitudes. The intention to amend particular regulations in other parts of the Corpus iuris led to especially lively legislative activity in the first ro years (or almost) after preparation of the Digesta and the reworked Codex and continued until the death of the ‘legislative minister’-> Tribonianus (AD

543). In its descriptive sense the term novellae became the catchword for legislation up until the present: the ‘novella’ partly amends an existing law, taking the place of the old law but not replacing it with a radically new one. A characteristic feature of Justinian’s novellae is the fundamentally new marital law (Nov. 22) in the spirit of the Christian concept of marriage. Other zovellae also reform family law and the closely-related law of inheritance, e.g. in setting limits to testator discretion in respect of the family (so-called emergency law of inheritance, Nov. 115) and in providing for a legal process in the absence of any will (especially Nov. 118). Many regulations deal with the organisation of the Church in the spirit of Caesaropapism and the administration of the empire. Justinian’s novellae were never collected in any systematic order. Thus, in contrast to the other parts of the Corpus iuris, they do not have any title indicating their subject matter. The authoritative modern edition [3] simply arranges the novellae according to their year of promulgation, as had been the practice with e.g. Authenticum and Greek collections of novellae. — Codex [II.]; > Corpus Turis 1 TH. MomMsen, P. M. Meyer, Theodosiani libri XVI... et leges novellae ad Theodosianum pertinentes, vol. 2, 1905 (1970 edition); 2H. LANGE, Romisches Recht im Mittelalter, vol. 1, 1997, 83f.; 3 R. SCHOELL, G. KROLL (ed.), N., Corpus iuris civilis, vol. 3, 51928 (1968 edition). DULCKEIT/SCHWARZ/WALDSTEIN,

652-679.

308,

312f.; WENGER,

GS.

Novellius Torquatus N. Atticus. From Milan (> Mediolan(i)um [1]). In the course of his career, N. served,

probably under Tiberius iter alia, as tribune in Ger-

855

856

mania with the legio I, was tribunus vexillariorum

Di Novensides lie in the Sabine town of > Trebula Mutuesca. Together with the Di > Indigetes (see below) and other divinities the Di Novensides (as divi Novensiles; the ending in -ilis is probably secondary) are invoked in the devotional formula of P. Decius [I 1] Mus in 340 BC (Liv. 8,9,4-8); the wording of this invocation is an annalistic construct [2. 156f.; 3. 484-486], with Calpurnius Piso as a possible source [4. 33 1f.]. Since the 2nd cent. BC the exact identity of the Di Novensides has been uncertain (doxography: Arnob. 3,3 8f.). From Lat. novus, ‘new’, the Di Novensides supposedly were divinities newly admitted to the Roman

NOVELLIUS

legionum quattuor primae, quintae, vicesimae, vicesi-

mae primae; and was finally posted to the province of Gallia Narbonensis as legatus ad census accipiendos et dilectum et proconsul, still under Tiberius. N. died there at the age of 44. According to Pliny (HN 14,144), he was one of Tiberius’ drinking companions (CIL XIV 3602 = ILS 950). PIR* N175. H.-G. PFLAuM, Les fastes de la province de Narbonnaise, 1978, 5f. W.E.

Novendiale sacrum (novemdiale sacrum). NS describes a Roman rite of purification, which was probably performed on the ninth and last day (Fest. 186,13) of a period of nine days of festivities (feriae novendiales, Paul. Fest. 187; feriae per novem dies, Liv. 1,31,4). Such ~ feriae had no fixed position in the calendar, but were announced according to need (Varro Ling. 6,26: feriae conceptivae). They always took place when the + prodigium of a rain of stones had happened and demanded state expiation (e.g. Liv. 35,9,5f.5 39,22,3f.5 Obseq. 52; [1. 176ff.]). The foundation of the NS is said to trace back to the time of Tullus > Hostilius [4], when a rain of stones fell on the Alban mountains (~ Mons Albanus). In atonement the Albani had to perform a rite in accordance with their own customs and this was adopted by the Romans (Liv. 1,31,1—4; [1. 14 8ff.]). NS also describes the purificatory sacrifice made at the end of a period of mourning, i.e. on the ninth day after a burial (Porph. Ad Hor. epod. 17,48) [2. 1181]. The nine-day period of mourning (Paul. Fest. 282: feriae denicales; Cass. Dio 69,10,3) ended with a meal, the cena novemdialis [3. 132f.; 4], at which it is likely the participants put on their customary clothes again, instead of the darker toga typical of mourning (toga pulla) (Cic. Vatin. 12,30; Petron. 65). Serv. Aen. 5,64 also tells of ludi novendiales, which in his opinion took

place nine days not after the funeral but after the death. The duration of nine days has a symbolic value: the same period in Roman culture was also the length of the rites required after a birth [5. 206]. In Greece the dead were also brought gifts after three and nine days [2.1181]. 1 V. ROSENBERGER, Gezahmte Gétter, 1998 2 E. MarBACH, S.v. N.s., RE 17, 1180f. 3 J. SCHEID, Contraria

facere:

Renversement

et déplacement

funéraires, in: AION 1984,

117-139

dans

les rites

4 N. BELAYCHE, La

Pantheon (L. Cincius fr. 22 GRF = Cincius Alimentus fr. 12 CHASSIGNET) or divinities of renewal (Cornificius, De etymis deorum fr. 8 GRF). From Lat. movem, ‘nine’,

others interpreted the Di Novensides as a group of nine gods (Calpurnius Piso; L. Manilius fr. 2 GRF; Varro, Antiquitates rerum divinarum fr. 213 CARDAUNS; Mar. Vict. 6,26,5f. GL), or as the nine Etruscan gods of lightning (L. Manilius fr. 2 GRF) described in the libri fulgurales (> Etrusci), and even as the Nine Muses (Aelius Stilo fr. 22 GRF; Granius Flaccus fr. 3 GRF). G. Wis-

sowa’s classification of the Di Novensides as gods recently arrived in Rome as opposed to the autochthonous Di Indigetes [5; 6. 18f.] has been influential; yet it can disproved both linguistically and in content — the alleged difference between Di Novensides and Di Indigetes is fictitious [7. 87f.; 8. 1186f.; 9]. The pre-deistic interpretation of the Di Novensides as moved or moying forces [10. 83f.] has no basis either. Taking into account Calpurnius Piso’s historiographic construction of a Sabinian origin (see also Varro, Ling. 5,73), scholars mostly consider the Di Novensides an ancient Italic group of nine divinities, worshipped in Middle Italy as inscriptional evidence suggests (cf. VETTER no. 364b). However, given the uncertain etymology and fragmentary sources it is impossible to determine whether this interpretation should be adopted or whether the Di Novensides should be identified as an original Etruscan group of divinities of unknown number and function in the retinue of > Tinia (Mart. Cap. 1,46; [11], rejecting the

interpretation as a group of nine). 1C. Lerra, S. D’AmarTo,

Epigrafia della regione dei

Marsi, 1975 2J. RUpKE, Domi militiae, 1990 35S. P. Oak ey, A Commentary on Livy 6-10, vol. 2, 1998 4G. FORSYTHE, The Historian Calpurnius Piso, 1994 5G.

Wissowa,

Gesammelte

Abhandlungen

zur rémischen

neuvaine funéraire 4 Rome ou la ‘mort impossible’, in: F. Hinard (ed.), La mort au quotidien, 1995, 155-169 5 J.

Religions- und Stadtgeschichte, 1904, 175-191 6l1d., Religion und Kultus der Romer, *1912 =.7 C. Kocn,

Maur,

Gestirnverehrung im alten Italien, 1933 8 S. WEINSTOCK, s.v. Novensides di, RE 17, 1185-1189 9E. Verrer, Di Novensides, di Indigetes, in: IF 62, 1956, 1-32 10H.

191-208.

Funus et rites de separation, in: AION

1984, FR.P.

Novensides, Di. A group of deities whose worship is reflected in the inscriptions of > Marruvium (VETTER no. 225 = [1. 43-47 no. 36]: esos nouesede, 3rd cent. BC) and > Pisaurum (CIL XI 6297 = ILLRP 20: deiu

no|ulesede, 3rd/2nd cents. BC). Calpurnius Piso (fr. 45 HRR = 35 ForsyTHE) claims the origin and cult of the

WAGENVOORT, Roman Dynamism, 1947 11 G. CappeEVILLE, Les dieux fulgurants dans la doctrine étrusque, in: Secondo Congresso Internazionale Etrusco, vol. 3, 1989,

II7I-1190.

AN.BE.

857

858

Novilara The modern town of N. is about 7 km south of Pesaro on the Adriatic. It is likely that the site corresponds to that of the ancient (Picene) settlement, although unambiguous traces of settlement have yet to be found. Better known are the finds from the necropoleis. Of barely 300 investigated graves there are the older ones, beginning in the 8th cent. BC, mostly from the Molaroni necropolis, whereas the more recent burials from the Servici necropolis extend into the 5th cent. BC. Ancient N. is reckoned one of the most important sites of finds in Picenum, with the, in part, very rich finds revealing links with the centres of the > Villanova culture, with orientalising Etruria and also across the Adriatic. Among the finds from N. there are also some funerary stelae with reliefs, including a naval combat and a battle scene.

rison and traders in the city (Caes. B Gall. 7,55; Cass. Dio 40,38,2). N. was probably called Nevirnum by the

~ Etrusci, Etruria (with map); > Picentes, Picenum 1 K. W. BeInHAUvER, Untersuchungen zu den eisenzeitlichen Bestattungsplatzen von N., 1985 2 G. BERGONZI, Etruria-Piceno-Caput Adriae: Guerra e aristocrazia nell’ eta del ferro, in: G.Pugliese Carratelli (ed.), Italia omnium terrarum alumna, 1988, 60-88 3 G. V. GENTILI, Verucchio e N.: Scambi culturali, in: s. [2], 49-59. C.KO.

Noviodunum [1] Capital of the > Suessiones, occupied by Caesar in 57 BC (Caes. B Gall. 2,12). N. can be identified with the oppidum of Pommiers (west of Soisson, Departement of Aisne). This was abandoned at the latest under Augustus, by about 50 BC a new one had come into being in the plain near Villeneuve-Saint-Germain [1; 2]. With the founding of the Gallo-Roman capital civitas of Augusta Suessionum in about 20 BC other settlement came to an end. 1 P. Brun, B. RoBerT, Sondages sur le rempart de l’oppidum Pommiers ‘L’Assaut’, in: Les fouilles protohistoriques 15, 1996, 247-255 2J. DEBORD, Apropos de la chronologie des sites de Pommiers et de Villeneuve-SaintGermain (Aisne), in: Rev. archéologique de Picardie 1995, 205-208.

F.SCH.

NOVIODUNUM

early Imperial period (Itin. Anton. 367,2), modern Nevers (Departement of Niévre). Inscriptions: CIL XIII 2821-2826. H. Bicearb, A. BouruterR, Niévre (Carte archéologique de la Gaule 58), 1996, 194; H. JourFRoy, A. MESSNER, Nevers antique, in: E. Frézouls (ed.), Les villes antiques de la France, vol. 3,1: Lyonnaise, 1997. Gils

[4] Capital of the > Aulerci Diablintes in Gallia > Lugdunensis (Tab. Peut. 2,2f.: Nu Dionnum; Ptol. 2,8,7: Nowddouvov; Noiddounon), later Diablintum (Notitia Galliarum 3,2), modern Jublains (Departement of Mayenne). A fortress-like ‘road fort’ (30 X 20 m) from

the beginning of the 3rd cent. AD (abandoned about 275-295) survives, the use it was put to is unknown (warehouse?). In any case the building functioned as an imperial ‘relay station’ for the roads from the Paris basin and the middle Loire to the coastal regions on the English Channel and in the Cotentin. No administrative relationship with the bordering vicus of N. is recognisable [1]. The kernel of the settlement was a La Téne period sanctuary in the north of the vicus, which was rebuilt in the second half of the rst cent. AD into a Gallo-Roman podium temple. A theatre can be dated by inscriptions to between AD 81 and 83. The Diablintes who were absorbed into the civitas of the Cenomanni did not form their own bishopric. The early rise of a church on the lands of the Thermi and traces of Merovingian settlement, however, support the idea of a modest amount of continuity. 1 R. ReBuFFAT, Jublains, in: Rev. archéologique 2, 1985, 237-256.

J. Naveau, L’epigraphie du site Jublains, in: Rev. archéologique de Ouest 8, 1991, 103-116; Id., N., Jublains, in: Caesarodunum 30, 1996, 113-131; Id. (Ed.), Recherches sur Jublains et sur la cité des Diablintes, 1997. F.SCH.

[5] (Modern Nyon). Celtic oppidum on the northwestern shore of Lake Geneva > Lacus Lemanus). Caesar

[2] Oppidum of the > Bituriges Cubi at the confluence of the Loire and the Allier on the Agedincum-CenabumGorgobina road (Caes. B Gall. 7,12-14). Identification is uncertain, as there are insufficient archaeological finds in any of the candidate towns (including Nouanle-Fuselier/Loir-et-Cher, Neung-sur-Beuvron/Loir-etCher, Neuvy-sur-Barangeon/Cher) to fix N. asa late La Téne period oppidum. M. Provost, Carte archéologique de la Gaule 41 (Loiret-Cher), 1988, 62-66; J.-F. CHEVROT, J. TROADEC, Carte archéologique de la Gaule 18 (Cher), 1992, 329-331.

MLPO. [3] Town of the Haedui on the banks of the > Liger/Loire (Caes. Gall. 7,5 5,1). Caesar had deposited all his Gaulish hostages, grain, army cash and his own and his army’s luggage there, when the Haedui joined ~ Vercingetorix’s rebellion and killed the Romans gar-

elevated it to the Colonia Iulia Equestris in 45 BC by settling veterans from Gaulish and Germanic equestrian units there, and obtaining for them Roman citizenship (tribus Cornelia), |t. 439-462]. The colony blocked the road from the Great Saint Bernard (Mons Poeninus) through the Valais to Geneva and into the province of -» Narbonensis [4. 46-70; 5]. Part of the colonial region was a district between the Aubonne and the Jura border of the > Sequani, which as Roman soil was also exempted from the tribal territory of the Helvetii. In the Imperial period > milestones here counted in Roman miles, whereas in neighbouring Helvetia the Gaulish > leuga had been current since the time of Septimius Severus. The mediaeval and modern town of Nyon stands on top of Roman remains, from which the forum, an enormous basilica with porticus architecture, a > macellum and baths can be reconstructed [6. 614; 7. 4533 8. 190]. Inscriptions (CIL XII 5001-5024 [2.

859

860

235-240; 3. 101-127]) give information on the colonial officials (e.g. CIL XIII sorr) and the municipal representatives (e.g. CIL XIII soro). In addition to dedications to Roman gods there are also those to old Celtic ones (cf. > Epona Aug(usta): CIL Ill 5512). After the fall of the limes in the 3rd cent., N. was destroyed by the + Alamanni. Spolia from Equestris were spread around the whole shore of Lake Geneva. The name lived on, however; a Pagus Equestris appears in the roth cent. as part of the diocese of Geneva. Reversion to the Celtic name of N. had begun by the 7th cent.:

F. DELACAMPAGNE, Le Calvados (Carte Archéologique de la France 14), 1990, 368; TIR M 30 Condate, 1983, 65; C. Lemaitre, N. Lexoviorum. Réflexions sur les origines de Lisieux, in: R. BEDON (ed.), Les villes de la Gaule lyonnaise (Caesarodunum 30), 1996. vee

NOVIODUNUM

through Nividuni (1119) and Niuns (1204) it became

the modern Nyon. 1 R. Frei-SToxsa, Colonia Iulia Equestris, in: Historia 23,

1974, 439-462

2E. Howa_p, E. Meyer, Die romische

Schweiz, 1940

3 G. WALSER, Romische Inschriften in der

Schweiz, vol. 1,1979

4Id., Die romischen Strafen in der

Schweiz, 1967. SId., Zu den Ro6merstrafSen in der Schweiz, die Capita viae, in: MH 54, 1997, 53-61 6F. STAEHELIN, Die Schweiz in rom. Zeit, 31948 7 W.DRACK, R. FELLMANN, Die Romer in der Schweiz, 1988 8 lid., Die Schweiz zur ROmerzeit, 1991. G.W.

Noviomagus [1] The city of the > Bituriges Vivisci (Bitoveyes OUfioxoUBitourges Oubiskoi) in Aquitania mentioned in Ptol. 2,7,7 (Noviowayoc/Nouidmagos) is generally identified with a Roman > vicus near Brion (Saint-Germain-d’Esteuil) in the Médoc between Lesparre and Pauillac (département of Gironde). This town with an ancient sanctuary of the » Medulli had been inhabited from the 3rd cent. BC; urban development is recognisable from the time of Claudius (41-54 AD). It was in this period that the famum (sanctuary) and the theatre were erected. After a period of prosperity N. became depopulated (by emigration) from the middle of the 2nd cent. AD. Only the fanum was used, as a residential area, from the first half of the 4th cent. R. Boupet, L’habitat gaulois de Brion a Saint-Germaind’Esteuil et le Nouiomagos de Ptolémée, in: Bulletin de la Societé archéologique et historique du Médoc 1, 1984, 19-39; C. Gaty-AcuE, Noviomagus perdu et retrouyé, in:

Archéologia 32, 1970, 78-83; H. S1on, La Gironde, in: Carte archéologique de la Gaule 33/1, 1994, 49-53, 182186 (nr. 275).

F.SCH.

[2] City of the > Tricastini in Gallia > Narbonensis. It may have been on the site of modern Saint-Paul-TroisChateaux or — more likely — Nyons in the civitas of ~ Vasio (Vaison-la-Romaine). Inscriptions: CIL XII 5855 and esp. 1783 (inscriptions from Vienna for Q. Valerius Macedo, patronus of the Noiomagenses); cf.

[ind 2nd: 1H. Desaye,

Inscriptions nouvelles de la Dréme, in:

Gallia 18, 1960, 205-212.

[3] Capital of the > Lexovii (Ptol. 2,8,2; Itin. Anton.

385,3), modern Lisieux (département of Calvados).

[4] Roman > vicus in Gallia > Belgica in the territory of the > Viromandui, modern Nyon (département of Oise). Its position in a basin surrounded by hilly land gave the town strategic and military importance on the between Samarobrilong-distance connection vaand Augusta Suessionum (Itin. Anton. 362,3).

Traces of habitation stretch back to the Palaeolithic period, but a proto-urban Celtic settlement can be ruled out. The Roman — vicus developed along the main road to a distance of about 1roo metres. There is evidence of baths, a macellum, shops, and ceramic production. At the beginning of the 3rd cent. AD N. was walled (c. 600 m circumference). With an area of about

2 hectares, in Late Antiquity the castellum on slightly raised terrain in the centre of the modern town was one of the smallest in Gaul. N. was the seat of the praefectus laetorum Batavorum Contraginnensium (Not. Dig. Occ. 42,41; > Laeti). In 531 the bishopric was moved from Vermand to Nyon and had its own mint. J. L. Cottart, Le déplacement du chef-lieu des Viromandui au Bas-Empire ..., in: Les villes de la Gaule Belgique au Haut-Empire. Actes du Colloque Saint-Riquier (Somme) 1982, 1984, 245-258; T. BEN RepjEB, Une agglomération secondaire des Viromanduens ..., in: Revue archéo-

logique de Picardie, 1992, 37-74; Id., Nyon (Oise), in: J.-P. Petit, M. Maain

(ed.), Atlas des agglomérations

secondaires de la Gaule Belgique et des Germanies, 1994, 235-237 (mr. 22:7).

[5] Modern Novion-Porcien (département of Ardennes). Roman station in the territory of the > Remi, 12 leugae (c. 26 km) from > Durocortorum on the road to + Colonia Agrippinensis (Tab. Peut. 2,5; ILS 5839); there is archaeological evidence of a Roman town near this stretch of road. R. Nerss, Deux fouilles urbaines du 1 siécle aprés JésusChrist. Reims et Chateau-Porcien, in: Actes 95° Congrés national des Sociétés savantes (Reims 1970). Section d’ar-

chéologie et d’histoire de l’art, 1974, 55-58.

F.SCH.

[6] Called Ulpia N. from the time of Trajan (98-117 AD), this town was the capital of the civitas Batavorum,

modern Nijmegen (Netherlands). In the early Roman period three military camps existed there: (1) The ‘large camp’ on the Hunerberg, the last high and dry spot on an end moraine on the southern side of the Rhine delta. Founded inc. 11 BC (or as early asc. 15 BC) and documented until 8/7 BC. With an area of about 42 hectares, it provided space for two legions. According to Cass. Dio 54,32 in 12 BC Claudius [II 24] Drusus led his army probably from here across the insula Batavorum against the -> Usipites and the > Sugambri.

861

862

(2) The triangular camp, rebuilt several times, on the Kops plateau to the east of (1) and somewhat later. Its

insight into the social structure, economic life and religion of the period. The sculptors’ workshops were probably based in Augusta Treverorum. These monumental remains obviously stem from the town’s cemeteries; they were transported to N. and used by the shipload for building the foundations of the fortifications.

precise dating (but certainly before the common

era)

and function are disputed [1; 2]. (3) Small fortification on the Trajanus Square, probably Tiberian. The civilian settlement that arose next to it was presumably Batavodurum, the first oppidum Batavorum, which was destroyed in AD 7o in the + Batavian Revolt. At the time the Legio II Adiutrix may have been transferred to this place for a short time, and from c. 71 until c. 104 AD the legio X Gemina was garrisoned in a newly built camp on the Hunerberg. The camp, in which vexillarii or other military formations were stationed in the meantime, 170/175 AD.

was

demolished

in

A second civilian settlement, possibly also called Batavodurum, arose after 70 AD on the western side of modern Nijmegen. From Trajan on the place probably received

the ius nundinarum

(— nundinae)

and

its

name. N. is attested as a municipium in inscriptions (AE 1958, 38 = 1959, 10), but this rank was assumed no

earlier than the second half of the 2nd cent. Fluvial erosion in the post-Roman period destroyed large parts. A Gallo-Roman double temple and cemeteries have been found; there is no evidence of a city wall. In 260/270 AD the settlement was destroyed, but a small population appears to have remained in place. 1J. K. Haatepos,

H. vaAN

ENCKEvoRT,

Friihrémische

Lager in Nimwegen (NL), in: J.-S. KUHLBORN (ed.), Germaniam pacavi, 1995, 29-58 2J. K. HaaLesos, Das grofse Lager auf dem Hunerberg in Nijmegen (NL), in: W. SCHLUTER, R. WIEGELS

(ed.), Rom, Germanien

und die

Ausgrabungen von Kalkriese, 1999, 381-399. M. DaANtéLs, Romeinsch Nijmegen II: Ulpia Noviomagus, in: Oudheidkundige Mededelingen 8, 1927, 65-115; F. J. DE WAELE, s.v. Noviomagus

Batavorum,

RE 17, 1204-

1213; J. E. BoGaERs, Civitas en stad van de Bataven en Canninefaten, 1960, 263-317; Id., Civitas und Civitas-

Hauptorte in der nérdlichen Germania inferior, in: BJ 172, 1972, 310-333, esp. 312-318; W. J. H. WILLEMS, Romeins Nimegen, 1990.

[7] N. Treverorum. Modern Neumagen on the Mosel,

station on the Roman long-distance road Augusta [6] Treverorum/ Trier — Bingen — Mogontiacum/Mainz (Itin. Anton. 371,4; Geogr. Rav. 234; cf. CIL XVII 2 p. 201-210). This market place was destroyed in c. AD 275. In the Constantinian period it was fortified with a polygonal wall reinforced with towers, and extended as a castle with two gates (Auson. Mos. 11: castra inclita Constantini). N. became famous for its archaeological remains (inscriptions, blocks decorated with reliefs, architectural fragments) recovered since 1877 from the foundations of the wall. They belong to more than 40 large and numerous smaller tomb monuments. These permit, beside a typological classification of monumental forms, the reconstruction of the development of tomb monuments from the rst until the middle of the 3rd cent. AD. Their high-quality and lifelike representations of the everyday life of the inhabitants provide

NOVIOMAGUS

W. v. Massow,

Die Grabdenkmaler

von

Neumagen,

1932; H. Cuprers, Noviomagus, in: Id. (ed.), Die Romer in Rheinland-Pfalz, 1990, 492-494; Y. FREIGANG, Die

Grabmaler der gallo-rémischen Kultur im Moselland, in:

JRGZ 44, 1997, 277-440. [8] City on a low-lying terrace on the western bank of the Rhine, modern Speyer. Despite the Celtic name there is no indication of an urban Celtic settlement here; only small farmsteads are known. In about 9 BC or shortly afterwards a Roman military post was founded there. It is possible that at the same time Germanic population groups were settled on the left bank of the Rhine. These > Nemetes gave their name to the Civitas Nemetum with its capital Noviomagus (Ptol. 2,7,8; TtimeeAntone 253542 3.5 5e23 374075 Wada beuta sesamin: 15,11,8; Not. Dign. Occ. 42,41). The early camp succeeded by a castle, probably of the late Augustean period. Remains of a military camp belong to it. A third military site stretches back to the early Tiberian period and existed until the second half of the rst cent. AD. In the Flavian period (end of the rst cent. AD) expansion began. Civilian Noviomagus rapidly developed into a Roman city. Not all buildings typical of sucha city have been found yet, but there was a forum and (as we know from inscriptions) an amphitheatre. N. was a caput viae (‘counting station’) for the Roman road leading along the Rhine. Numerous cultic monuments, in addition to names handed down in inscriptions and other remains, bear witness to a Gallo-Roman population in a settlement with a differentiated social structure, a noteworthy economy and a high level of civilisation, particularly in the 2nd cent. AD and in the first half of the 3rd. The Germanic invasion of AD 275 caused great damage from which the city did not recover again until the Constantinian period (first half of the 4th cent. AD). New destruction in 352 AD was partly repaired by systematic fortification of the Rhine border under > Valentinianus, also around Nemetae, as the city was now called (— limes). With the Germanic invasions in 406/7 AD border defences broke down, but Roman ways of life were not completely wiped out in the town. H. BERNHARD, Speyer in der Vor- und Frithgeschichte, in: W.EceEr (ed.), Geschichte der Stadt Speyer, *1983, 1-161; Id., Speyer, in: H. CUppers (ed.), Die ROmer in Rheinland-Pfalz, 1990, 557-567. RA.WI.

[9] Capital of the > Regni, modern Chichester in West Sussex in England. An Iron Age + oppidum may have preceded a military base from the time of Claudius {fl x]. From this an urban settlement developed, its

863

864

growth especially stimulated by > Cogidubnus in the middle of the rst cent. AD [1. 91]. 2 km to the west of the city at Fishbourne a luxurious villa has been found, possibly the residence of the royal family or perhaps a

Il. IMPERIAL PERIOD {I 1] L.N. Crispinus Martialis Saturninus. After the

NOVIOMAGUS

Roman governor [2]. 1R. G. CoLtincwoop, R. P. Wricut, The Roman Inscriptions of Britain, *1995 2B. CUNLIFFE, Excavations

at Fishbourne, 1971. A. Down, Chichester Excavations, vol. 1, 1971; vol. 2,

1974; vol. 3, 1978; J. S. WACHER, The Towns of Roman Britain, *1995, 255-271. M.TO.

preatorship, his senatorial career took him as > iuridicus to Asturia et Callaecia. After that, he was legate of the legio I Italica, procos. Narbonensis, in AD 147-149, and finally legatus pro praetore of the legio II] Augusta in Numidia. Probably cos. suff. in 150. PIR* N 181. [Il 2] N. Priscus Senator. A friend of Seneca’s. After the latter’s violent death, N. was exiled. N.’s wife Antonia Flaccilla accompanied him. N. is possibly the father of N. [II 6]. PIR* N 183. A. BALLAND, Quelques relations aristocratiques de Martial, in: REA roo, 1998, 43-63.

Novius Oscan praenomen, shortened to No., attested for N. Calavius [2], the maker of the Ficoronian cista Novios Plautios (ILS 8562), and in other inscriptions.

Probably a particularly frequent gentilicium from the 3rd cent. BC onwards in Campania and spreading from there into the eastern Mediterranean. SALOMIES, 80f.; SCHULZE, 202.

I. REPUBLICAN

PERIOD

K-L.E.

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD

I, REPUBLICAN PERIOD [11] As a representative of the literary — atellana, N. appears to have been at work ahead of Pomponius (leading representative of the genre in the early rst cent BC) (cf. [4]). As generally only fragments from over 40 plays are quoted (especially in Nonnius) because of their grammatical oddities, it is scarcely possible to give

an individual appreciation. We may deduce from the titles that, along with the depiction of typical Atellana figures (e.g. Duo Dossenni; Maccus Exul), the Italic element was strongly pronounced (Gallinaria; Lignaria, cf. [2. 11-13]), even in Greek subject material (e.g. Hetaera; tragedy-parody, e.g. Andromacha) drawn from the > palliata. Coarse language and occasionally obscene jokes, of which Cic. De or. 2 quotes three examples, are characteristic of the genre. FRAGMENTS:

1 CRF, *1873, 254-272; 31898, 307-331

[II 3] N. Priscus. Probably Governor of Germania inferior or possibly legionary legate, late 2nd/early 3rd cent. [x. rorf.]. Probably not identical with N. [II 4]. PIR* N 184. 1 Eck.

[Il 4] C.N. Priscus. Cos. suff. in AD 152; not likely to have been identical with N. [II 3] but perhaps an ancestor. PIR* N 185. [II 5] C.N. Priscus. Cos. suff. under Marcus [2] Aurelius [x. 196]; whether or not N. is identical with the proconsul N. P[riscus?] of IGR IV 1201 remains unresolved. PIR* N 186. 1 ALFOLDY, Konsulat.

{fl 6] D. funius N. Priscus. Probably perhaps his son. Probably originally ord. in AD 78 and finally attested legate of the Upper German army;

related to N. [II 2],

from Antium. Cos. in 80 as consular [1. 146f.]. PIR* N

187. 1 Eck.

[Il 7] L.N. Rufus. Cos. suff. in AD 186. Consular governor of Hispania Tarraconensis, from at least as early as

192, since he delivered a court judgement in the province in February 193 (CIL Il 4125 = [1. 143]). As a

2 P. FrassinettTi, Atellanae Fabulae, 1967, 69-95, 109-

supporter of Clodius [II 1] Albinus, he was executed by

ES. BIBLIOGRAPHY:

~» Septimius Severus. N. [II 8] is a descendant. PIR* N

1953.

3P. FRASSINETTI,

Fabula

Atellana,

4A. Marzutto, Dalla satira al teatro popolare

latino, 1973, 11-37 (first ed. 1956).

PLS.

[I 2] N. Niger. Investigative judge (quaesitor), before whom the praetor > Caesar was accused in 62 BC of conspiring with the Catilinarians (+ Catilina). Caesar was able to exonerate himself and had N. arrested for making the faux pas of accepting a denunciation against a more high-ranking official (Suet. Tul. 17,1f.). N. is possibly identical with L.N., people’s tribune in 58 BC, who was attacked by an associate of his colleague P. Clodius [I 4] Pulcher (Ascon. 47 C.). MRR 2, 175; 196.

T.FR.

189. 1G. ALF6Lpy, Die rémischen Inschriften von Tarraco, vol. 1, 1975.

[II 8] T. Flavius N. Rufus. Cos. suff., probably under ~ Caracalla; consular legate of Moesia inferior; probably a descendant of N. [II 7] [1. 252]. PIR* N 190. 1 LEUNISSEN.

[119] C.N. Rusticus Venuleius Apronianus. Son of N. {II 5]. When N. was appointed people’s tribune, he was honoured by the individual districts of Antiochia in Pisidia. N. and his father evidently had close contact with the city and possibly came from there. PIR* N ror. W.E.

865

866

Novus homo see > Nobiles

Noxalis actio A. DEFINITION,

Nox see > Nyx

FORMULA

ACTIO

B. PROCEEDINGS

C. SPECIFIC ISSUES

Noxa (in the Twelve Tables noxia; from nocere, ‘to do

harm’). Originally a damaging act or injury, in the usage of the classical Roman jurists of the 1st—3rd cents. AD it designated more specifically the liability for damage by persons under the power of a father or a master (cf. Dig. 9,4) or by animals (see > pauperies). In the most ancient Roman law, the basic premise for noxal liability was the personal criminal liability of persons under the power of a father or a master. Since they were under the legal authority of others, they were immune to the wrath of the victim; tort action was direct-

ed against the father or master, who had either to give compensation (noxam sarcire) or hand over the delinquent (oxae deditio). In classical Roman law, the dominus could still choose freely between indemnification and handing over the delinquent in the case of a ~ noxalis actio (Gai. Dig. 9,4,1). In the case of noxae deditio, slaves were transferred to the property of the aggrieved party; while sons of the family were returned to the authority of the father once they had worked off their debt (Papin. Coll. 2,3,1). In the case of a delict committed by a slave, noxae deditio prohibited the owner’s liability beyond the value of the slave (Gai. Inst. 4,75). In the case of delicts committed with the knowledge or will of the dominus, the latter had unlimited liability (the so-called actio directa, Ulp. Dig. 9,4,2).

Noxal liability presupposed the relation of power that existed in legal actions (— litis contestatio). If the delinquent was a person sui iuris and no longer under his father’s power, he was himself personally responsible without limitation (actio directa), whereas if he had come under a father’s power only after the act, then the latter was liable (Gai. Inst. 4,77). Following the principle noxa caput sequitur (‘noxal actions follow the person of the delinquent’), z0xa was transmitted to the new master or father in case a slave was sold or the son of a family adopted. When slaves were sold, an edict of the curule aediles prescribed that the moxa of a slave must be made known (Ulp. Dig. 21,1,1,1). Noxal liability for children of the family was abolished by Justinian (Inst. Iust. 4,8,7). In ancient times, noxae deditio also came into play when the dominus refused indemnification on the grounds of a > crimen (capitalis noxia) [2], or, in interstate affairs, in order to avoid a bellum iustum by a damaged state through handing over a criminal [1]. ~ Aediles; > Delictum;— Noxalis actio; > Patria potestas; > Slavery 1 Kaser, AJ, 185f.

NOXALIS

2 W. KUNKEL, Untersuchungen zur

Entwicklung des r6mischen Kriminalverfahrens in vorsullanischer Zeit, 1962, 105. H.-P. BENOHR, Zur Haftung fiir Sklavendelikte, in: ZRG 97, 1980, 273-287; HONSELL/MAYER-MALY/SELB, 381— 383; KasER, RPR 1, 162-165, 630-633. R.GA.

A. DEFINITION, FORMULA

Noxalis actio was an action because of a wrong done (+ noxa) by a person who was in someone else’s power or because of a damage done by an animal (> pauperies).

NA was part both of the ius civile and the ius honorarium (Gai. Inst. 4,79; > ius). Because the offender was not the person who was liable, there was a special + formula: The statement ofclaim (— intentio) of a civil NA, which contained the conditions for condemna-

tion, stated the injury done by the person in someone else’s power, but the - condemnatio, which specified the penalty, named the person who was liable. The civil NA had in both parts of the formula the options of either paying damages or surrendering the offender; in honorary law the options were only in the condemnatio. The formula of the civil actio furti nec manifesti noxalis (NA in the case of nonmanifest theft) probably was [1. 343]: Si paret Sticho servo Ni. Ni. (> N.N.) Ao. Ao. (> A.A.) furtum factum esse paterae aureae, quam ob rem Nm. Nm. aut pro fure damnum decidere aut Stichum noxae dedere oporteret, quanti ea res fuit, cum furtum factum est, tantam pecuniam duplam dare aut Stichum noxae dedere iudex Nm. Nm. Ao. Ao. condemnato ... (‘If it appears that Stichus, the slave of the defendant, stole a golden bowl from the plaintiff, for which either the defendant would have to be condemned for theft or Stichus would have to be surrendered because of the zoxa, then the judge is to condemn the defendant for the benefit of the plaintiff to give him twice the value of the thing at the time of the theft or to surrender Stichus for the noxa.’) In honorary law, actio iniuriarum noxalis allowed for avoiding the condemnation by surrendering the offender for corporeal punishment (Ulp. Dig. 47,10,17,4: verberandum exhibere). B. PROCEEDINGS In the system of — legis actio the person who was liable could either defend himself before the magistrate (in iure) or, if unwilling to do that (indefensus), he could perform a noxae deditio. He was also considered indefensus if he claimed that the offender was not under his power. Later, in the formulary system, after the summons (in ius > vocatio) the magistrate questioned the defendant (— interrogatio in iure) to establish whether the offender was under his power and whether he had factual authority (potestas) over the offender. If the defendant affirmed this, he had to submit to litigation or surrender the offender in the proceedings before the praetor (in iure). If the defendant denied he had potestas, he lost, among other things, the option of noxae deditio. If the person under whose power the offender was, did not appear and if no one else defended the offender present in iure, then the plaintiff had the right to immediately take him away (ductio).

NOXALIS

ACTIO

867

C. SPECIFIC ISSUES

Action could be brought against the (bonitarian) owner and the owner under good title of someone else’s slave (bonae fidei possessor). The passive legitimation ended if the slave fled (Ulp. Dig. 9,4,21,3), since that scenario precluded the noxae deditio (> noxa). If the offender died once litigation had commenced (> litis contestatio) his body could be released (Gai. Inst. 4,81; Gaius of Autun 82-87). Furthermore the usufructuary (> ususfructus), pledgee (> pignus) or precarist (> precarium) was entitled to the noxae deditio if the owner failed to defend the slave. + Delictum; —> Furtum; — Iniuria; = ACtIOMN |23 ~ Noxa; > Patria potestas; > Slavery 1M. Kaser, K. Hackt, Das rémische Zivilprozefrecht, *1996, 88f., 254-256, 3.42f.

H.-P. BENOHR, Zur Haftung fiir Sklavendelikte, in: ZRG 97, 1980, 273-287.

R.GA.

Nubae see > Nubia

Nubia B. GEOGRAPHIC

SITUATION

PREHISTORY TO THE NEW KINGDOM

PERIOD

C. FROM D. NAPATAN

E. MEROITIC PERIOD

F. Post-MEROITIC

PERIOD

G. BYZANTINE

ERA

A. NAME A country on the middle reaches of the Nile; more

precisely, the area today settled by a -» Nubian-speaking population: Lower Nubia from the rst to the 2nd Nile cataract (Aswan to Wadi Halfa, Republic of Egypt) and Upper Nubia from the 2nd to the 4th cataract (Wadi Halfa to Meroe, northern Sudan). In a culturally and historically understood sense, Nubia also includes the land as far as the 6th cataract and around Khartoum (central Sudan). Besides the general term #-stj for the country, recorded from the Early Dynastic Period (c. 3000 BC), the Egyptian language has numerous names for specific countries and peoples, including the toponym K3s (Kush) which was used to describe Upper N. in the Middle Kingdom, and all of N. from the New Kingdom on; hence the Hebrew > Chous [2]. Classical authors subsume the country under the term Ai@tomia/Aithiopia, Latin Aethiopia; likewise, the Arabic as-sudan also encompasses N. The word N. first appears in Str. 17,786 and 819, Plin. HN 6,35 and Ptol. Geog. 4,6,5 and 4,7,10 as the name of the NotPaU/Nubai, Latin Nubae (with numerous variations), who later immigrated to the Nile valley in the 3rd and 4th cents. AD, as did the NoBatav/Nobatai, Latin Nubatae (with numerous variants).

B. GEOGRAPHIC SITUATION The flooding of the Nubian Nile valley caused by the construction of dams at Aswan since 1898, especially the Aswan High dam (1960-1971), brought N. into the focus of international archaeology. While earlier research, which was concentrated on Lower N., emphasized N.’s political dependence on Egypt, the progression of fieldwork to the south increasingly brought the cultural autonomy of the region into view. Between the rst and 3rd cataracts, the > Nile flows through a purely desert region. Agriculture was only possible in alluvial areas; small animal husbandry dominated, the population density remained low. South of the 3rd cataract, where as a result of the summer rains the land assumed a steppe-like character, extensive livestock farming was possible; this reliable subsistence caused Upper N. to become the demographic and cultural heartland of N. Copper, gold and coloured stones were of interest for trading partners and conquerors. N.’s role as a traffic

and trade route between sub-Saharan Africa and the Mediterranean was of prominent significance.

Nw’man see — Lakhmids

A. NAME

868

C. FROM PREHISTORY TO THE NEW KINGDOM A Mesolithic ceramic culture, which extensively influenced the culture of north-east Africa, can already be demonstrated in central Sudan in the 6th millennium. Under influence of traditions of the eastern Sahara, a unique Nubian culture developed in the 4th millennium. In Lower N., the A group (2nd half of the 4th beginning of the 3rd millennia) appeared, being in close contact with predynastic Egypt and participating in supra-regional trading networks. Parallel to the establishment of the Upper Egyptian proto-states, Nubian chiefdoms developed at the end of the 4th millennium. With the emergence of a centralized state, Egypt established its dominance over the Nubian area as far as the 2nd cataract, and joined the central African trade networks with the peoples of the Kerma basin south of the 3rd cataract. In Lower N., Egypt pursued its interests in the Old Kingdom through militarily secured trading and mining expeditions; Nubian mercenaries were frequently found in the Egyptian army from the Old Kingdom on. During the Middle Kingdom, Lower N. was occupied and secured by a network of fortresses. The Nubian C group (end of the 3rd — middle of the 2nd millennia) developed primarily under Egyptian protection. In Upper N. (with its centre in the Kerma basin), local groups are attested since the late Neolithic period. During the first half of the 2nd millennium BC, a prospering state with its capital in Kerma developed. After the Egyptian withdrawal from the occupied areas of N. in the 2nd Intermediate Period, this state also ruled over Lower N., and, through contact with the » Hyksos, it was involved in international politics and diplomatic affairs of the Near Eastern and north east African regions. The reorganisation of Egyptian politics at the beginning of the New Kingdom led to the destruction of the kingdom of Kerma at the beginning of the 18th

869

870

Dynasty (> Thutmosis I), the conquest of N. up to the

F. Post-MEROITIC PERIOD Around the turn of the 3rd to the 4th cents., at any rate before AD 350, the Meroitic kingdom succumbed to pressure from the Kingdom of > Axum and the immigration of the Nubae in the south and the Nobatae and Blemmyes in the north. This was followed by the dominance of the Ballana and Tanqasi cultures (or X group) in the north and south respectively, which is characterized by the extinguishing of the traditions of the Meroitic high culture. Princes’ tombs (tumuli of indigenous style) at Ballana and Qustul, north of the 2nd cataract record a post-Meroitic kingdom in Lower N. which should probably be connected to the Nobatae in the tradition; a King Silko (late 6th cent.) is known from a Greek inscription in the temple of Kalabsha. Until the closure of the temple of Philae in 535, the Nubian peoples supported the local cult of — Isis, which was at first tolerated because of its significance for foreign policy.

4th cataract, and the establishing of the Egyptian colonial empire. As a consequence, local Nubian cultures largely dissolved and were replaced by the dominant models of pharaonic culture; nevertheless, the existence

of an indigenous social and cultural tradition can still be documented for later times. D. NAPATAN PERIOD In the political vacuum following the dissolution of Egyptian rule over the Nubian colonial empire in the 3rd Intermediate Period, an indigenous state emerged again in the 9th cent. BC at the ancient religious centre of > Napata. It integrated the Egyptian ideological and administrative tradition, especially the cult of the god + Amun, the external forms of the kingdom, and the use of Egyptian writing and language. The tombs of the rulers (first tumuli, then pyramids), are located in the necropoleis of al-Kurra and Nari in the area around Gabal Barkal. Between 730 and 725 BC, the Nubian king Piye (Piankhy) conquered Egypt for the first time and founded the Kushite 25th dynasty there. His successor Shabaka (— Sabacon) conquered Egypt again between 715 and 712 BC; he and his successors, among whom Taharga is most prominent in respect to monuments, held on to Egypt in conflicts with Assyria. In 664 BC, the Assyrian invasion of Egypt ended Kushite rule, which then remained limited to the Upper Nubian heartland. In 593 BC, > Psammetichus II and an army of Greek and Carian mercenaries advanced deep into N. (Hdt. 2,161). In the 4th cent., the centre of the Kushite kingdom moved south to > Meroe at the confluence of the Nile and the Atbara, where the kings were also buried from the beginning of the 3rd century.

NUBIAN

1 W. Y. Apams, Nubia, Corridor to Africa, 1977. 2 C. BONNET, Kerma, royaume de Nubie, 1990 3 D. O’ConNor, Ancient Nubia, Egypt’s Rival in Africa, 1993 4 O. SAVE-SODERBERG, Agypten und Nubien, 1941 5 G. VANTINI, Oriental Sources Concerning Nubia, 1975 6 ST.

WeNIG, s.v. Nubien, LA 4, 526-532.

S.S.

G. BYZANTINE ERA In the 6th cent. AD, N. split into three kingdoms: Nobatia in the north, Makuria in the centre and Alodia in the south. Between 529 and about 580, it was evangelised — in part Orthodox, in part Monophysite (+ Monophysitism) — and afterwards was under the influence of the Egyptian Coptic church. After the conquest of Egypt by > Islam, N. was largely cut off from contact with the Mediterranean area; however, for some time Greek continued to be used alongside Nubian in inscriptions. The northern kingdoms, united from about AD 710, remained Christian into the 14th cent., the southern kingdom until the 15th cent., and were afterwards Islamised.

E. MEROITIC PERIOD The Meroitic period was the cultural zenith of the Kushite state, as is witnessed by urban constructions, temples and many other archaeological remains. Imported articles prove close contact with Ptolemaic/ Roman Egypt as a result of the > caravan trade, which flourished thanks to the introduction of the camel. Hellenistic/Roman cultural influence is evident. From the 2nd cent. on, the Meroitic language was written in Egyptian hieroglyphs in its own alphabet. Lower N. was once again densely populated. Under Ptolemy II, Egyptian sovereignty over northern Lower N. (> Dodekaschoinos) was restored, briefly spreading as far as the 2nd cataract (Triakontaschoinos) under Ptolemy VI. Conflicts during the establishment of the Roman province of Egypt beginning in 30 BC led to a Meroitic attack on > Philae, and to a Roman campaign under Petronius in 23 BC which reached Napata (Str. 17,1,53¢.; Plin. HN 6,53). In AD 61, Nero sent an expedition which advanced beyond Meroe as far as the Sudd on the White Nile (Sen. Q Nat. 6,8; Plin. HN 6,35; Cass. Dio 63,8,1). In AD 292, Roman rule over the Dodekaschoinos was abandoned due to raids by the

Nubian is the language of the population of > Nubia and parts of eastern Sudan. It belongs to the eastern Sudanese branch of the Nilo-Saharan family of languages. In Upper Egypt and in northern Sudan, the Nubians speak Nile Nubian (Kenzi, Nobiin and Dongolawi dialects), in eastern Sudan Kordofan-N. with a large number of dialects and Darfur-N. (Meidob, Birgidt). Old N. (precursor of Nobiin) was the language of Nubia at the time of the Christian kingdoms of Nobatia and Makuria (c. 550-1200). It uses the > Coptic script with three special characters. We mainly have theological texts surviving in the form of graffiti and fragments

~» Blem(m)yes (Procop. Pers. 1,19,59).

of books.

L. Kirwan, Notes on the Topography of the Christian Nubic Kingdoms, in: Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 21, 1935, 57-62; U. MONNERET DE VILLARD, Storia della Nubia Cristiana, 1938; 1. ENGELHARDT, Mission und Politik in Byzanz, 1974, 44-79; D. G. Lersios, BuCavmo xar Eov80d Odiacoa, 1988, 274-289, 310-315. ALB.

871

872

G. M. Browne, Introduction to Old Nubian, 1989; R.

Superiore, in: Atti dell’Accademia Pontaniana, N.S. 19, 1970, 63-86 5G. Cotonna, N. Alfaterna, in: SE 42,

NUBIAN

WERNER, Der Stand der Erforschung der nubischen Sprachen, in: OLZ 87, 1992, 507-515; E. ZYHLARZ, Grundzuge der nubischen Grammatik im christlichen Friihmittelalter (Altnubisch), 1928.

ALLO.

1974, 379-385 6M. GiGanrE, Iscrizioni bilingue da Nocera, in: PdP 37, 1982, 157f. 7 W. JOHANNOWSKI, Nuovi rinvenimenti a N. Alfaterna, in: A.DE FRANCISCIS

(ed.), La regione sotterrata dal Vesuvio. Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Napoli (1979), 1982, 835-862

Nuceria [1] N. Alfaterna (Novxoia/Noukria, Novxeoia h Akdatéova/Noukeria hé Alphatérna, Latin Nuceria Alfaterna). Town in Campania on the upper reaches of the + Sarnus (Pol. 3,91,4; Plin. HN 3,62; Itin. Anton. 109,33 311,53; Lab. Peut. 6,5), where the pass road leads south-eastwards over a ridge of the Appennines north of + Mons Lactarius to > Salernum; modern Nocera.

Foundation of the Pelasgi-Sarrastrae ([2; 8]; Conon FGrH 26 F 3; Serv. Aen. 7,738), inhabited by the Oscan Alfaterni (Diod. 19,65,7; Liv. 9,41,3; Plin. HN 3,63); Coins of the 3rd cent. BC with Oscan inscriptions and depictions of the river god Epidius/Sarnus, the > Dioscuri and > Apollo (HN 41) [13. 351]. Originally an ally of Rome, N. joined Rome’s opponents in the 2nd + Samnite War of 316/5 BC (Diod. 19,65,7); in 308, the consul Q. - Fabius [I 28] Maximus Rullianus forced N. to capitulate (Liv. 9,41,3; Cic. Balb. 28). N. stayed loyal to Rome in the 2nd > Punic War, and was conquered and destroyed in 216 BC by — Hannibal [4] (Liv. 23,15,2-6, cf. 43,13; Sil. Pun. 12,423-425; Val. Max. 9,6 ext. 2; Cass. Dio 15,57,30)5 its inhabitants were evacuated to — Atella (Liv. 27,3,6f.; App. Hann. 211). The territory of N., rebuilt and repopulated, was severely weakened in 90 BC by the Italian commander C. Papius Mutilus in the ~ Social War [3] (App. B. Civ. 1,42; Flor. Epit. 2,6,3 4); during the revolt of + Spartacus in 73 BC, N. was conquered and looted by insurgent troops (Flor. Epit. 2,8,20f.). It was probably Cornelius [I 90] Sulla who had a colony of veterans sent to N. (tribus Menenia; Diod. 36,2,1f.; Cic. Leg. agr. 2,86; 96; App. B Civ. 4,3). As the colony of N. Constantia, its territory was subdivided among veterans on several occasions until at least AD 54 (Tac. Ann. 13,31; Itin. Anton. 123,3). Epigraphical [13. 350] and literary sources attest to Greek- [6], Etruscan- [ro] and Latin- [6] speaking groups among N’s inhabitants. On a brawl at the gladiatorial games in Pompeii in AD 59, in which inhabitants of N. were involved, cf. Tac. Ann. 14,17,1. N. was shaken by the earthquake of AD 63 and severely affected by the eruption of Vesuvius in AD 79 [7] (Sen. Q Nat. 6,1,2). Archaeological finds: Fortifications, town plan [3; 9; 11; 14], Greek theatre [4; 13. 351354]. It has not yet been possible to pinpoint the centre of the Alfaterni settlement (x0\tc Tugonvias/polis Tyrsénias: Philistus FGrH 556 F 43 [1]) [12]. 1 K. J. BELocH, Sulla confederazione noceriana, in: ASNP

2, 1877, 285-296 2L. GiLBerti, N. Alfaterna nelle origini e nelle dominazioni storiche, 1931 3A. and M. Fresa, Primo contributo alla topografia di N. Alfaterna, in: Rendiconti dell’Accademia di Archeologia, Lettere e Belle Arti di Napoli, N.S. 33, 1958, 177-202

8D.

BRIQUEL, Les Pélasges en Italie, 1984, 569-590 9 E. Espo-

4 Ead., Il

battistero paleocristiano di S. Maria Maggiore in Nocera

sivo, L’ager nucerinus, in: Rendiconti dell’Accademia di Archeologia, Lettere e Belle Arti di Napoli, N.S. 59, 1984, 10 C. ALBorE LIvapiIE, N., in: SE 53, 1985, 221-241

207-211

11 E. Esposrro,

Indagini

archeologiche

nell’agro nocerino, in: Rassegna Storica Salernitana, N.S. 2, 1985, 127-154 12 A. PONTRANDOLFO, Le necropoli, dalla citta greca alla colonia latina, in: Atti del 27 Convegno di Studi Sulla Magna Grecia (1987), 1992, 223-265 13 BICGI 12, 349-359 14 W. JOHANNOWSKY, S.Vv. Nocera Superiore, EAA 2 Suppl. 4, 1996, 31-33. M.LG.

[2] N. Favoniensis. Town of regio VI (- Italy) in Umbria on the > via Flaminia (Plin. HN 3,114: Nucerini Favonienses), located at Valtopina in the region of

Pieve Fanonica

(plebs Fanonica

in medieval

docu-

ments). L. Bonom! Ponzi, Ipotesi di ricostruzione storica del territorio di Valtopina in eta antica, in: Valtopina e il suo territorio, 1988, 9-14.

[3] N. Camellaria. Roman municipium of regio VI (> Italy) in Umbria (Str. 5,2,10: scattered settlement;

Plin. HN 3,114; Tab. Peut. 5,2; colonia according to Ptol. 3,1,53), where the > via Flaminia turns southwards into the Appennines, modern Nocera Umbra. Settled since the Neolithic period (5th/3rd millennia BC). H. Puiuirp, s.v. N. (4), RE 17, 1237f.; L. RICHARDSON Jr., s.v. N.C., PE, 634f.; Id., Il territorio nocerino tra protostoria e altomedioevo, 1985; G. SIGISMONDI, N. in Umbria, 1979; BICGI 12, 362-365. LSE.

Nucula. Roman cognomen, probable origin as a nickname, ‘nut’ (Fest. 176 L.; cf. Cic. De or. 2,253), misius [I 2].

> Nu-

KAJANTO, Cognomina, 89; 337.

Nudipedalia. identical, to the

A custom

comparable,

although not

aquaelicium, in which, during peri-

ods of extended drought, a procession of supplication was held to the Temple ofJupiter at the Capitol (Petron. 44; Tert. Apol. 40,14; Tert. De ieiunio 16,5). The name is derived from the bare feet of the married women (> matrona ||) who were an essential part of this ritual. The women wore their hair loose, in contrast to their normal custom. The magistrates as well dispensed with their usual signs of status: they did not wear the > toga praetexta; their — lictors kept the fasces lowered. Demonstrative gestures of humility and mourning were apparently intended to appeal to > Jupiter in his capacity as giver of the rain. The role of the matrons in this

873

874

ritual presumably reflects the association between women and the fields common in the Mediterranean region. + Procession

admission into the warrior class [16], with the Attic cult of Artemis [13] and with athletics [19; 20]. Neverthe-

Latre, 79; E. Marsacu,

s.v. N., RE

less these interpretations also meet with scepticism [12; 21]. LWE.

17, 1239-1241.

C. EVERYDAY LIFE AND SPORT In the historical period, bathing without clothing

GB.

was

Nudity A. MytH D. ART

NUDITY

usual

in public baths.

A — bathing costume

(+ Subligaculum) could be worn, but this was not obB. Cutt

C. EVERYDAY

LIFE AND SPORT

A. MytTH Nudity and disrobement are hardly ever themes in Greek myth. The most striking portrayal is the undressing of > Aphrodite by Anchises in the Homeric hymn to Aphrodite (H. Hom. Aphr. 15 5-167), even if the nudity ofthe goddess is not explicitly mentioned (cf. Hom. Od. 8,265-305). More frequent is the accidental observation of a goddess bathing, followed by punishment (transformation, blinding etc). Instances are Erymanthus, > Actaeon and > Teiresias. The case of > Arethusa [7] is different, as > Alpheus [2] — himself agod —

escapes unpunished. Historical and intentional voyeurism is reported in Hdt. 1,8—11

(+ Candaules and

Gyges). In the Homeric epics nudity is unusual and even sporting activities are clothed. It is different with the portrayal of bathing scenes. - Odysseus and -> Telemachus do not hesitate to bath naked in front of servant women and allow themselves to be anointed and dressed (Hom. Od. 3,464-468; 8,449-455; 10,361365 et passim). A feeling of shame is, however, hinted at when the naked Odysseus encounters — Nausicaa (Hom. Od. 6,126-131).

RH.

Bacwnr In ancient Greece and Rome there was no uniform attitude to male and female nudity. This applies to warriors and craftsmen, but also to the religious sphere [14] and everyday life (including sport: see C), as well as to representations in visual art ({29]; see D). In cult too, partial nudity (bare head, bare feet, disrobement of the chest, of sexual characteristics etc.) or complete nudity were frequently encountered [14]: ‘sacred nudity in the ancient world was usual in prayer, sacrifice, cult of the dead, dance, in incubation ... and in prophecy’. Examples are: naked dancers in Sparta (Ath. 15,678bc) and Britain (Plin. HN 22,2), bare-footedness on entering holy places or in cult behaviour (-> priests), and the nudity of the Juperci in the Roman ~> Lupercalia festival. Partial nudity was also part of magical practices (> gestures III. I.). Prister [1] distinguishes prophylacticcathartic, apotropaeic and euergetic (i.e. pleasure-giving) nudity. The functions of cultic nudity can only be interpreted with difficulty and in no case monocausally. Fertility, purification, and initiation rites and magical practices are adduced as reasons just as much as rational arguments. In more recent research cultic nudity is associated with initiation rites [15], with practices of

ligatory, even when both sexes were bathing together. Nudity and disrobement were the exception in everyday Greek and Roman life — people did not appear naked even in front of family members (cf. Plut. Mor. 279f; Plut. M. Cato 347f-348c) — and was limited to only a few situations. The exposure of individual parts of the body at the other hand was more frequent, e.g. the disrobement of the chest by men and women in > mourning, already shown in Geometrical art in scenes of lamentation of the dead. Likewise, women exposed their breasts to excite sympathy or to lend greater emphasis to a request (scratching of the naked breast in Hom. Il. 19,284~-5). For details of bare-footedness [11]. There were various reasons for exposure of the genitals (> Gestures III.C.). In both Greek and Roman Antiquity, men and women appeared in public fully clothed in carefully draped garments. Only craftsmen, servants, and slaves were exempted from this — and exotic

‘wild people’, such as the Gamphasantes of Africa (Plin. HN 5,45, cf. also Mela 3,63). Because of their light clothing (— coae vestes, > tarantinon) — hetatrai hada

special role in Greece and Rome (+ pornography). The dumb nude female roles in Aristophanes also belong to the area of pornography [24]. Thus, nudity in public was rare and striking even for contemporaries. An example of this is the denudation of > Phryne (Ath. 13,590e) mentioned by her lawyer, cf. also the nudity of the five girls who posed for > Zeuxis (Plin. HN 35, 64). The popularity of some mythical themes with the topic of female nudity in representations from the Roman Imperial period (Actaeon in Pompeian wall paintings) is not only a development internal to art, but it is probably also due to the possibility of showing nude female bodies. Nudity had another role in sport. According to one branch of ancient tradition the Olympic champion Orsippus from Megara (8th cent. BC) was the first to run naked (Paus. 1,44,1; otherwise Thuc. 1,6,5; cf. in addition Lucian. Anach. 36; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 757253; Philostr. De gymnastica 17). The original outfit for athletes — it had at least a belt— was abandoned only in the early 6th cent. BC, also according to archaeological evidence [18; 21; 22], in favour of complete nakedness, which later extended to athletes’ trainers as well. Charioteers, however, remained clothed. In Rome, Greek gymnastic nakedness remained shocking for a long time (e.g. Cic. Tusc. 4,70). RH.

875

876

D. ART (Male) nudity had been very frequently portrayed in art since the Archaic period — with well-known consequences for the reception (of classical and post-classical art) after Antiquity. In modern reception, developed out of classicism, this is called ‘ideal nudity’. The term indicates that the manner of representation is a convention that contradicts living reality. ‘Ideal nudity’ is a problem of both modern European and ancient Greek art. Therefore, it is extraordinarily difficult for the modern viewer to free himself from modern prejudices when interpreting this ancient phenomenon [26; 29; 30]. The ‘body’ is currently in (Anglo-American) historical anthropology and study of literature a central theme far beyond the sphere of art. Significantly, this discussion does not take into account the insights of

Opposing this heroizing tendency is the nudity in representations of Dionysian tryphe (‘good living’) and in the erotic sphere of Aphrodite from the early Hellenistic period onwards as ‘an art for the senses’ [35]. The Dionysian images show, in all genres of art, an unbroken tradition well into Late Antiquity. These images survive — in an environment in which Stoic philosophy and other literature of the Imperial period have made the body problematic — as a powerful convention until early Christian representations.

NUDITY

German

archaeology and cultural studies ([6; 9; 33;

34], but also [7]). Geometric representations, especially of nude warriors, equally characterise aristocratic ‘ethical’ values

and warrior ideals. In the early Greek handicraft of the late 8th and 7th cents. there is a group of compactly posed nude women, inspired by originals from the Middle East, especially the northern Syrian cities, which soon disappeared again [28]. The archaic nude women holding a mirror, who also appeared only for a short time, primarily from Laconian workshops, have Egyptian examples. In the Archaic period, nudity of the male figure reached a new stage [36]. As a mark of athletes it is realistic, but aristocratic

warriors

remain

nude, contrary to reality. Nudity also characterises the class of bdnausoi (craftsmen, servants etc.). There are complex reasons for representation or absence of nudity at in the high Classical period. Gods and heroes were glorified and rejuvenated. Contemporaries and their descendants were stirred up by the 4th cent. Cnidian statue of Aphrodite by ~ Praxiteles, showing that full nudity had finally became possible even for images of female deities. In the past, scholarship tried to understand this in the context of the specific nature of the classical image of the gods [25]. In current scholarship it is the object of feminist archaeology ([31]; for Praxiteles’ Cnidia and its consequences: [34]). In the preceding Classical sculpture the exposure of the female breast was limited to the representation of mythical figures [33]. The portrayal of nude male mortals occasionally attains heroizing ideals as early as on monuments of the sth cent. In the > Parthenon frieze e.g. the depiction of the Athenian citizen is idealizingly sublimated. It is disputed whether the representation of > stratégoi involved nudity [30]. In the post-Classical and Hellenistic periods the heroizing connotations of the use of nudity became more prominent. This aspect was taken up again in the Roman Imperial period, whereas Republican art avoided nudity. Clear examples are the many nude male portrait statues from the Imperial period, which take up ‘ideal’ statue types, and the occasional use of nude Aphrodite/Venus types for female portraits.

COMPREHENSIVE AND REFERRING TO A: 1 F. PFISTER, s.v. Nacktheit, RE 16, 1547f.

2 W.H. Gross, s.v Nackt-

heit, KIP 3, 15 56f. 3 W. Kroii, R6mische Erotik, reprinted in: A. K. Srems (ed.), Sexualitat und Erotik in der Antike, 1988, 70-117 4J.I. PoRTER (ed.), Constructions of the Classical Body, 1999 5 R. NEUDECKER, Die Pracht der Latrine, 1994, 24-28 6K. Bassi, Male Nudity and

Disguise in the Discourse of Greek Histrionics, in: Helios 22, 1995, 3-22

7 L. THOMMEN, Nacktheit und Zivilisa-

tionsprozef$ in Griechenland, in: Historische Anthropologie 4, 1996, 438-450 8A. STEWART, Art, Desire, and the Body in Ancient Greece, 1997

9 D. MONSERRAT (ed.),

Changing Bodies, Changing Meanings. Human Body in Antiquity, 1998. CONCERNING

B AND

C:

Studies on the

10H. v. GAERTRINGEN,

Gymnopaidien, RE 7, 2087-2089

S.V.

11 PH. OPPENHEIM,

s.v. BarfiiSigkeit, RAC 1, 1186-1189 12 Nitsson, GGR 1,115 13 W. BuRKERT, Griechische Religion der archaischen und klassischen Epoche, 1977. ‘14 F. HEILER, Erscheinungsformen und Wesen der Religion, *1979, 181184 15 CH. ULF, Das rémische Lupercalienfest, 1982 16 P. Vipat-Naquet, Le chasseur noir, 1981 (English:

The Black Hunter: Forms of thought and forms of Society in the Greek world, 1989) 17N. B. CRowTHER, Nudity and Morality: Athletics in Italy, in: CJ 76, 1980/81,

r19—

123 18 N. B. CrowTHer, Athletic Dress and Nudity in Greek Athletics, in: Eranos 80, 1982, 163-168 19H. BENGTSON, Die olympischen Spiele in der Antike, 31983 20 D. SANsong, Greek Athletics and the Genesis of Sport, 1988, 107-115 21 J.-P. THurLuier, La nudité athlétique (Gréce, Etrurie, Rome), in: Nikephoros 1, 1988, 29-48 22 M. McDonnEL, The Introduction of Athletic Nudity: Thucydides, Plato, and the Vases, in: JHS 111, 1991, 182193, table 6 23 P. A. HANNAH, The Reality of Greek Male Nudity: Looking to African Parallels, in: Scholia 7, 1998,

16-40 24B. Zweic, The Mute Nude Female Characters in Aristophanes’ Plays, in: A. RICHLIN (ed.), Pornography and Representation in Greece and Rome, 1992, 73-89. Concerning D: ; 25 N. HIMMELMANN, Zur Eigenart des klassischen Gétterbildes, 1959 26 Id., Ideale Nacktheit,

1985 (on the phenomenon after Antiquity)

27 L. Bon-

FANTE, Nudity as a Costume in Classical Art, in: AJA 93, 1989, 543-570

28ST. BOuM, Die nackte Gottin. Zur

Ikonographie und Deutung unbekleideter weiblicher Figuren in der friihgriechischen Kunst, 1990 29 N. HimMELMANN, Ideale Nacktheit in der griechischen Kunst (JDAI, 26th suppl.), 1990 ©6930 T. HOLSCHER, review of [29] in: Gnomon 65, 1993, 519-528 31 CH. M. HaveLock, The Aphrodite of Knidos and her Successors. A Historical Review of the Female Nude in Greek Art, 1995

32 N. Spivey, Understanding Greek Sculpture. Ancient Meanings, Modern

Readings, 1997 (esp. 173-186: Re-

vealing Aphrodite)

33 B. CoHEN, Divesting the Female

Breast of Clothes in Class. Sculpture, in: A.O. Koloski-

877

878

NUMANA

2 D. TimpE, Tacitus’ Germania als religionsgeschichtliche Quelle, in: Germanische Religionsgeschichte (suppl. vol. RGA 5), 1992, 434-485 3A. GENRICH, Der Siedlungs-

of the sanctuary of Janus, the temple of Vesta and the Regia in Rome. The river god —> Egeria [1] is supposed to have counselled him (Liv. 1,19,5; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom 2,60f.; Ov. Fast. 3,275f.). In literature on the history of Rome N. was first written about by Fabius Pictor (second half of the 3rd cent. BC) and Ennius (Ann. 2 fr. 124-130 WARMINGTON; first half of the 2nd cent. BC). According to Plinius (HN 3354,9), a statue of N. stood among the statues of the kings on the Capitol, but no three-dimensional images have survived. Coins minted by the Pomponii, Marci and Calpurnii (1st cent. BC; [2. 48-51]) show N. at a sacrifice or place his profile opposite that of other rulers (Ancus Marcius [I 3], Augustus). The families mentioned, as well as the Pinarii and Mamercii, claimed to derive from N. (Plut. Numa 21; [6]). In the ancient controversy over an assumed pupil relationship to > Pythagoras of Samos (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,59; Plut. Numa 1,2f.; 8,4-10 [5]) N. is, according to the viewpoint of the author, either a symbol of independent Roman tradition (genuini domesticique

raum der Nerthusstamme, in: Die Kunde 26/7, 1975/6,

virtutes: Cic. Rep. 29; cf. Liv. 1,18,4) or a mediating

103-146.

figure between Greek and Roman culture (cf. Plut. Numa 22,4). The attribution to N. of the lightning ritu-

Ostrow, C.L. Lyons (ed.), Naked Truths. Women, Sexu-

ality, and Gender in Classical Art and Archaeology, 1997, 66-92 34N. SaLtomon, Making a World of Difference. Gender, Asymmetry, and the Greek Nude, in: [34], 197219 35 P. ZANKER, Eine Kunst fiir die Sinne. Zur hellenistischen Bilderwelt des Dionysos und der Aphrodite, 1998 36A. STAHLI, Begehrenswerte Korper. Die ersten Mannerstatuen der griechischen Antike, in: J.Funk, C. Brick (ed.), Korper-Konzepte, 1999, 83-110.

R.H., DI-WL. and I.WE.

Nuit(h)ones The Nuit(h)ones were among the tribes worshipping the goddess > Nerthus (Tac. Germ. 40,2); they are believed to have lived in Holstein and western Mecklenburg [1. 218; 2. 460-465]. The suggestion by [3] that Nuit(h)ones be read as Teutones is not convincing. 1A. Lunp

(ed.), P. Cornelius Tacitus: Germania,

1988

RA.WI.

Numa Pompilius (Nowas/Nomds, Nouac/Nomas, Novudac/Noumas). In the ancient tradition the second king of Rome after Romulus, founder of Roman sacred law and Roman state cult (sacra publica: Liv. 1,32,2). The patronymic ‘Numas’ in an Etruscan inscription on an urn from Perugia from the Hellenistic period (ET Nr. Pe 1.11; [3. 3 50]) constitutes no proof of an Etruscan origin for the name (different e.g. [1. 88]). According to tradition N. hailed from the city of Cures in the land of the Sabines. His birthday coincides with the date of the foundation of Rome on 21 April (Cic. Rep. 25; Liv. 1,18,1; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,58; Plut. Numa 3,4). N. is supposed to have married Tatia, daughter of Titus Tatius, king of the Sabines (Plut. Numa 3,é6f.), to have reigned for c. 40 years (Cic. Rep. 27; Liv. 1,21,5) and to have been buried on the Ianiculum. It is said that N.’s grave was discovered later and that the writings which then came to light were destroyed by decision of the Senate (Varro in Aug. Civ. 7,34; Plut. Numa 22). Numerous Roman legal and religious institutions were attributed to N. (Varro, Antiquitates rerum divinarum fr. 37f. CARDAUNS; Cic. Rep. 26f.; Liv. 1,18-21; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,62-76; Plut. Numa 7-20; [1. 71ff.]). In the parallel biographies by Plutarch N. is the counterpart of the Spartan legislator > Lycurgus [4] (cf. Cic. Rep. 24; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,61). A > calendar reform (addition of the months Ianuarius and Februarius; division of days into fasti and nefasti; [4]), the institution or reorganisation of bodies of priests (> augures, — flamines, > Vestals, — Salii, pontifices/-> pontifex, > fetiales) and cults (establishing sacrifical rites, burial rituals and death cults; rituals of the + Argei; cults of > Fides/Pistis and of > Terminus; prohibition of divine images in human or animal form) all supposedly go back to N. He is considered the founder

al (Liv. 1,20,7; Ov. Fast. 3,28 5ff.; Plin. NH 2,140) and the division of land (Cic. Rep. 2,26; Dion. Hal. Ant.

Rom. 2,74; Plut. Numa 16) can be seen as a differentiation from Etruscan culture (> Divination VIIL.; > Limi-

tation I.; > Vegoia). In a polemic reevaluation of pagan tradition N. for the Christian authors is still a symbol of pagan cult (e.g. Lact. Div. inst. 1,22,1). 1 P. Voct, Diritto sacro romano in eta arcaica, in: SDHI

19, 1953, 38-103 2 J.-P. Moret, Thémes sabins et thémes numaiques dans le monnayage de la république romaine, in: MEFRA

74, 1962, 7-59

3 H. Rix, Das

etruskische Cognomen, 1963 4 M. Yorx, The Roman Festival Calendar of N. Pompilius, 1986 5 P. PanitSCHEK, N. Pompilius als Schiiler des Pythagoras, in: Grazer Beitrage 17, 1990, 49-65 6 P. SERAFIN PETRILLO, Le origini troiane e albane nella moneta di eta repubblicana, in: A. Pasqualini (ed.), Alba Longa, Atti Rom 1994, 1996, 201-215. M.HAA.

Numana. City in regio V (> Italia) in Picenum on the southern slopes of Monte Conero on the via Flaminia, south of Ancona, with a harbour protected from the north winds, still called N. today; founded by the — Siculi, probably at the end of the 2nd cent. BC (Plin. HN. Zettel toll

aot wl teeta kon5. samo -milalbabeut. 5,5). Necropolis from the orientalizing phase (e.g. the Tomba della Principessa). A Greek emporion (trading centre with a lavish necropolis) developed here in the 4th cent. BC. N.’s importance declined after it was conquered by Rome (CIL IX 5831f.: municipium). L. BraccEsI, Grecitda adriatica, *1977; N. ALFIERI, s.v. N.,

EAA 5, 1963, 582f.; M. Lixui, Note sull’apprestamento portuale di N. durante l’antichita, in: Studia Picena 60, 1995, 21-41; G. BALDELLI et al. (ed.), La ceramica attica figurata nelle Marche, 1991; D. LOLLIni, E. PERCossI (ed.), La civilta picena nelle Marche. Studi in onore di G.

Annibaldi, 1992; BTCGI 12, 434-445.

GPA,

NUMANTIA

880

879

Numantia. City in northern central Spain at the conflu-

Number

ence of the rivers Duero, Merdancho and Tera on a hill (Muela de Garray, 67 m above river level), 6 km from

TIQUITY

I. MesopoTaAmMiaA

II. Egypt

III. CLASSICAL AN-

Soria (Castilla la Vieja plateau). It had been settled since the late Neolithic (about 2000 BC) and in the Bronze Age. The adjoining Iron Age settlement from about 850 BC bears all the hallmarks of the more recent -> Hallstatt Culture, particularly from the sth cent. [3. vol. 2, 110-113, 225ff.]. In the 4th/3rd cents. BC the place was fortified. N. (probably a Celtic place name [2. 794]), the settlement of the Celtiberian > Arevaci, is first mentioned in connexion with events in 195 BC (controlling the rebellions which had begun in 197), when the consul -» Cato |r] marched past on the return from > Segontia

A. NUMERICAL SYSTEMS Before systems for representing numbers in writing were (further) developed, counting stones, known as calculi or tokens, were used in arithmetic. As first-order representations they enabled operations such as increasing, decreasing, combining, separating, and distributing. Their relationship to the numerical notations

(Gell. 16,1,3f.; Fest. 220,9; [3. vol. 1, 323f.; 4. vol. 2,

recorded in the oldest ‘texts’ (c. 3300 BC;

109, 133]). Since 180 there had been a peace treaty with Rome, which was broken in 154 by an uprising of the + Celtiberi and Lusitani ( Lusitania). As a consequence, N. was besieged by the Romans under the consul Fulvius [I 17] in 153. The last phase of the battle, which Rome fought for control of the Iberian peninsula, was the Numantine War (143-133 BC; cf. App. Ib. 323-424, also Liv. epit. 53-69), in which the Romans were twice cornered — under the consul Q. Pompeius in the year 141 and the consul Mancinus [8] in the year 137 (cf. Liv. per. 56; App. Ib. 349; Vir. ill. 59). In 134 the consul (or proconsul) > Cornelius [1 70] Scipio took over command against the Celtiberi in N. He besieged the city with great expenditure (nine camps: at Castil-

still discussed [2]. The numerical signs in these texts do not represent absolute numbers but context-dependent units of counting or measurement. They are tied in fixed relationships (sexagesimal, bisexagesimal) within linear systems of number signs. Hitherto, six basic systems and numerous variants have been identified (Uruk, Gamdat Nasr, beginning of the 3rd millennium). Some of the signs are semantically ambiguous, with numerical values varying according to (metrological) context. A numerical notation in Mesopotamia consisted of a series of individual signs ordered in accordance with fixed rules. Multiples of a basic quantity were represented by iteration of the basic sign (Y = 1; YY = 2 etc.). Higher-value signs replaced groups of individual signs (e.g. € = 10), following fixed rules of combination. From the 2nd millennium BC the apocopated form Y = (mé, from me?at, ‘hundred’) accompanying the ordinary numbers from 1 to 9 was often used to express hundreds. The sign for 1,000 () is a ligature of the signs for the numbers 10 and 100, thus 10 xX 100 = 1,000. Hundreds of thousands are expressed by sequences like ‘2 hundred (and the sign for) thousand’. In addition to quantity, number signs contain information about the subject (that is counted) or about the metrological system (e.g. various measuring units for areas and vol-

lejo, Pea Redonda, La Dehesilla, La Rasa, Alto del Real, Travesada, Valdevorron, Molino de Garrejo and

La Vega) and after nine months in the summer of 133 eventually forced them to capitulate. N. was completely destroyed ([4. vol. 4, 63-93]. On the events of the war [1. 30-72]). There was, however, a further settlement on the site

of N. [3. vol. 2, 88, 197]. It is mentioned in Pliny (HN 3,26; 4,112) and in Itin. Anton. 442 (mansio on the road from Caesaraugusta in the Durius valley). The last evidence ofN. is coins of Valentinian I [3. vol. 4, 255]. It

seems to have been abandoned after that. 1 H. Simon, Roms Kriege in Spanien, 1962 2 HOLDER 3 A. SCHULTEN, N., vol. 1-4, 1914-1931 41d. (ed.), Fontes Hispaniae Antiquae 2, 1925; 4, 1937. A. JiMENO Garcia, Numanica, in: Leyenda y arqueologia de las ciudades prerromanas de la peninsula ibérica 2, 1993, 119-134; A. SCHULTEN, Geschichte von N., 1933; F. WATTENBERG,

La region Vaccea, 1959; H. J. HILDE-

BRANDT, Die ROmerlager von N., in: Madrider Mitt. 20,

1979, 238-271; TOVAR 2,3, 360-362; TIR K 30 Madrid, 1993, 160-162.

P.B.

Numantinus. Roman agnomen (‘victor over Numantia’) of L. Cornelius [I 70] Scipio Aemilianus Africanus;

also used as a cognomen indicating origin. KaJANTO, Cognomina, 199.

K.-LE.

I. MESOPOTAMIA

A. NUMERICAL

SYSTEMS

B. NUMERICAL

MYSTI-

CISM

> Uruk) is

umes).

Towards the end of the 3rd millennium, a sexagesimal positional system was developed in Mesopotamia, based on the basic signs for 1 and 10 (Y = 1; Y = 60; %= 60 X 10 = 600). The now abstract construction of numbers was accompanied by numerous innovations in the area of calculating techniques; a ‘theoretical’ mathematics was also developed. This indicates the epistemological link between numerical representation and numerical concept. The lack of an indicator for unoccupied positions (until the Seleucids) remained a problem. In administrative practice, the correlation of numerical representations and metrological systems was mostly retained. 1P. DAMEROW, R. K. ENGLUND, in: M. W. GREEN, H. Nissen (ed.), Zeichenliste der archaischen Texte aus Uruk (Archaische Texte aus Uruk, vol. 2), 1987, 117-166 2J.

882

881 FRIBERG,

Preliterate

Counting

and

Accounting

in the

Middle East, in: OLZ 89, 1994, 477-502. 3M. A. PowWELL, The Antecedents of Old Babylonian Place Notation and the Early History of Babylonian Mathematics in: Historia Mathematica 3, 1976, 414-439.

B. NUMERICAL MYSTICISM The ontological status of numbers was not discussed in ancient Oriental cultures, however, numbers, just like writing symbols (> Cuneiform script) and words,

were the subject of educated speculation. The underlying systematics, foundations and claims to validity of such deliberations are largely unknown. Mesopotamian syllabaries from the rst millennium BC occasionally included cryptographic writings using numbers. Numerical values were assigned to important gods of the Mesopotamian — pantheon (e.g. Anu = 60, > Enlil = 50, Ea = 40, Sin = 30 (> Moon deities), > Ishtar = 15

etc.). The traditions of northern and southern Meso-

potamia diverged to some extent (cf. e.g. Skur/Adad (> Weather gods) with ro or 6 respectively [1]). The system of denoting deities by numbers appeared, more or less fully developed, at about the middle of the 2nd millennium. ‘Deity numbers’ can be found predominantly in scholarly literature ([{2. 30 ff.], primarily in - lists and colophons (~ Colophon [2]). In Assyria, they were also common in writing PN in administrative texts from the second half of the 2nd millennium on. Whether this was solely on pragmatic grounds (‘shorthand’, as later e.g. in the astronomical ‘diaries’) is debatable. There is controversial discussion of the hypothesis developed in [3] of the organisation of the Assyrian state according to criteria of numerical mysticism, and the interpretation in terms of numerical mysticism of the > Tree of Life as an allegory of cosmic harmony. ~» Mathematics I 1W. ROLLIG, s. v. Gotterzahlen, RLA 3, 499f. 2A. LivINGsTONE, Mystical and Mythological Explanatory Works of Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars, 1986 3S. Parpota, The Assyrian Tree of Life, in: JNES 52, 1993, 161-208; Id., Monotheism in Ancient Assyria, in: B. NEvLING PorTER (ed.), One God or Many? Concepts ofDivinity in the Ancient World, 2000, 165-209, esp. 182-188; D. SCHMANDT-BESSERAT, Before Writing, 1992; R. ENGLUND, The origins of script, in: Science 260, 1993, 16701671; J. OaTEs, Early Writing in Sumer: A review, in:

Cambridge

Archaeological Journal 3, 1993,

149-153. E.C-K.

Il. Ecypr

The first representations of numbers appeared in Egypt at the same time as the first evidence of > writing at about 3200 BC. Owing to their origin as a result of administrative requirements, they were part of several metrological systems (e.g. area or volume measures). The concept of an abstract number system can, however, be demonstrated in mathematical texts as early as about 1800 BC. Hieroglyphic writing (cf. > Hieroglyphs) of Egyptian numbers was based on seven signs,

NUMBER

representing I, 10, I00, 1,000, 10,000, 100,000 and 1,000,000. To indicate a specific number, these signs

were placed in sequence (beginning with the largest) additively, with each sign written as many times as the coefficient of the corresponding power of ten (e.g. 4 xX the sign ro for 40). From the Middle Kingdom on, there existed a multiplicative way of writing large numbers (e.g. 600,000 written as 100,000 X 6, with the 6

written above the number sign for 100,000) in addition to the additive method. The hieroglyphic writing of numbers can be found only on stone monuments. In — hieratic, a simplified form of writing was used which reveals more or less its origin in hieroglyphic numbers. The Egyptian number system did not have a zero. Some functions of zero were ‘assumed’ by other signs, e.g., a zero balance was indicated as a ‘non-existent’ remainder.

+> Mathematics II. 1 J. Rirrer, Metrology and the Prehistory of Fractions, in: P. Benoit, K. CHEMLA, J. RITTER (ed.), Histoire de frac-

tions, fractions d’histoire, 1992, 3-34 2K. SETHE, Von Zahlen und Zahlworten bei den alten Agyptern, 1916.

LA. III. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY OF NUMBER AND SOURCES B. NUMBER SIGNS AND NUMBER SYSTEMS C. NUMBERSIN PHILOSOPHY D. NUMERICAL MYS-

A. CONCEPT

TICISM

A. CONCEPT OF NUMBER AND SOURCES The terms GQ.Oudc/arithmos and Latin numerus

always denote a natural entity, in particular, a concrete amount, a particular number of objects of a particular sort. The words for the cardinal numbers (dvo0/dyo, toia/tria; Latin duo, tria etc.) are adjectives (complete expression: ‘two people’, ‘three days’). In the study of mathematics the Greek concept of number included only the natural numbers, with the exception of ‘one’. Numbers are described as formed from elements of a particular kind, from the ‘units’ (wovédec/monddes), simple entities without physical properties and wholly similar but distinct from one another: the fundamental definition originated from the Pythagoreans (— Pythagoras [2]) (Euclid Elements 7, Def. 2): ‘a number is a multitude composed of units’ (xAfOoc/pléthos; cf. Pl. Resp. 7,526a; Aristot. Ph. 3,7,207a 7; Aristot. Metaph. 10,1,1053a 303 13,9,1085b 22). The other definitions given by Nicomachus [9] of Gerasa (Introductio Arithmetica 1,7) are merely variants. In addition to so defined numbers, antiquity was also familiar with modern rational numbers and fractions; these, however, are thought of in the more general form of rational proportions (Adyoc/I6gos) of two magnitudes, which can be, but do not have to be, numbers. In the practice of calculating, the unit (wovac/monds) was divided into smaller parts, which led to fraction reckoning. In theoretical -» mathematics, however, the concept of unit was connected with the concept of indivisibility, and, rather than fractions, ratios (proportions) of (natural)

884

883

NUMBER

Roman

number signs

Egyptian number signs

Greek number signs

=r

Mesopotamian number signs

Wy

n

Ww

® _

|

Wr

or “IF (10-2)

Fav)

Wy

oor €1% (10-1)




3600 4000

}©6—- PH

sooo~—l

OD

6000

Pb

zooo

}§=—PH

8000

POO

gooo

=P ood

tocoo

=«®

til Lid Mini

co

Ah PS. Ne a? oe = ora

36000 troccco

~@)

Mori

re El

216000

1000000 XI

(“big 3600” = 360060)

Mord

EF (“big

2160000

36000” =36000%X 60)

Examples of the Roman and Greek systems TIL

CXI

PIA

gtaor AIP

157

CLVII

PNZ

ovCor

293

CCLXXXXIII

ZQT ooy

754

DCCLIII

WNA

IIIl

>CXI

APIA

,coia

7864

b ¢$DCCCLXIII

ZQEA

,Cwéd

wvd

ZNP

ato Cvo

887

888

numbers were used. The earliest — ultimately Pythagorean — theory of proportions is set out in book 7 of -» Euclides’ [3] ‘Elements’, a later one, originating from » Eudoxus [1], in book 5. The latter is also applicable to magnitudes without a common measure and can be used for the foundation of irrational numbers [4. 20-

b) In Greek papyriand MSS of mathematical content an alphabetical number system was used that may trace back to the » Phoenicians and was possibly developed in Miletus [2] (> Alphabet). In this system, each of the

44].

letter. As the Greek alphabet had only 24 letters, it was augmented by three Semitic letters, denoting 6 (vau or stigma, ¢), 90 (Roppa, 9) and 900 (sampi, ~). Thereby every number up to 999 could be represented by at most three signs (» Mathematics IV. 2.). To denote the thousands from 1,000 to 9,000, the signs for the ones were

NUMBER

Greek

arithmetic

(i.e. ‘the theory

of numbers’;

-» Mathematics IV. A.1.) was not restricted to practical calculation, but also considered the specific nature (in

the sense of characteristic properties) of particular numbers, primarily their multiplicative properties (a characteristic example is that of perfect numbers, 1.e. numbers equal to the sum of their divisors; e.g. 6 = 1 +2+3). The two Classical works of ancient arithmetic are books 7-9 of » Euclides’ [3] ‘Elements’, which are limited to demonstrable and constructible properties (primes, squares, proportions and geometric sequences), and -» Nicomachus’s [9] ‘Introduction to Arithmetic’, which is also considered a primer of philosophy. This treatise similarly presents demonstrable and constructible results, especially those that are applicable to harmonics (-» Music IV.F.), but it also con-

tains symbolic ‘mystical’ considerations (v.1. II.D.). It is (2,6-13) the most complete presentation of ‘figured’ numbers, i.e. numbers defined by groups of points arranged into various geometrical (two- and three-dimensional) figures according to particular rules. This practice, attested as early as Aristoteles [6], permits the investigation of sequences of numbers, which are defined by additive or multiplicative properties (the simplest is the sequence of triangular numbers of the form I+2+3+...+). Nicomachus’s treatise was commented by > Iamblichus [2] and widely imitated (by Domninus of Larisa, » Martianus Capella and > Boethius). In addition to these two Classical treatises the Arithmetika by Diophantus [4] of Alexandria should be mentioned, a collection of mathematical problems with no

explicit theoretical claims. B. NUMBER 1. GREECE

SIGNS AND

NUMBER

SYSTEMS

2. ROME

1. GREECE The Greeks used two different number systems. In both, the respective numbers were the sums of the values corresponding to the written number signs. a) In the Attic system (named also “Herodianic System’ after the grammarian -» Herodianus [1], who described it) different number signs for powers of ten were placed in sequence. A vertical stroke was used for 1 and the initial letters of the number-words for 10 (A = €xa/ déka), 100 (H = éxatov/hekaton), 1,000 (X = yidov chiliot), 10,000 (M = whe.o/myrioi); in addition, 5 (f =

mévte/pénte) and five times the powers of ten ( = 5 X 10 to = 5 x 104; e.g. 61,256 = PMXHHITI) were used as intermediary values. This system is attested in Attic inscriptions beginning in the 5th cent. BC and also on the Salamis > abacus (with fig.) [2.374 f.5 3.73-763 Cae ele

nine one (1, 2, 3 ... 9), nine tens (10, 20, 30,... 90) and

nine hundreds (100, 200, ... 900) was represented by a

used with an anteposed stroke (e.g. ,€ = 5,000; ,awvg = 1,856). For numbers over 10,000, myriads (‘tens of

thousands’) were counted as new units like ones and

indicated by the letter M; the number of myriads could be written as an index over the M, or to indicate myriads two dots could be placed above a number letter (e.g. 30,000 = M or ¥) [2. 375 f.5 3. 67-71, 76-80; 5. 32 f.]. To handle even larger numbers > Archimedes [1] (B. 9.) created in the ‘Sand-Reckoner’ a system of octads:

numbers of the first order were those from 1 to ro, of the second order those up to (r0°)* etc., up to the ro*th order. These numbers then formed the first period, which was followed by further periods up to the ro*th period. The largest number of this kind was a 1 followed by 80,000 billion zeros [2. 376]. This system was not used, except by Archimedes himself in the ‘SandReckoner’. Numbers can also be represented with the aid of fingers. Finger numbers were known in antiquity; but no detailed representations have survived. Later descriptions are from > Hieronymus II, > Beda and from » Byzantium. The numbers from 1 to 10,000 were indicated by various positions and inflexions of the fingers with the ones and tens generally being formed on the left hand and the next two levels on the right [1. 5-7; 3. 3-15]. This system was obviously restricted to situations of direct communication. The Greeks’ linguistic and symbolic rendition of fractions was similar to the Egyptian methods [5. r01—103]. Reciprocals were indicated by a simple accent as a diacritic sign, e.g. '/, = y’. There were special signs e.g. for ‘/, and */, [2. 412-416]. General fractions were initially expressed in words (e.g. toia néunta/tria pémpta = 3/,). Later there were abbreviated ways of writing them (e.g. ¥ xy” = °°/,, ). It was a widespread practice to place the denominator over the numerator (e.g. ¥ = *°/,, ); this arrangement can be found e.g. in a rst cent. BC papyrus and in > Diophantus [4] ([2. 416-425; 5. 102 f.]). The Greeks used sexagesimal fractions, presumably adopted from the Babylonians, mainly for astronomical calculations (> Astronomy C.). They divided degrees (otoa/moirat) into 60 minutes (&nxoortd/ hexékosta or henté/lepta), these into 60 seconds (Sevtega &Enxootd/deutera hexékostd) and so on. Like in the designation ofgeneral fractions, minutes and seconds were often given one or two accents. An omikron with an overbar was chosen for an empty position in the

889

890

sexagesimal system; it can probably be interpreted as an abbreviation of otdév/oudén (‘nothing’) [2. 425 f.;

entity (idéa/idéa, eidoc/eidos, eidytixds GeLOUdc/eideéti-

5-33]. 2. ROME Similar to the ‘Attic/Herodianic System’ (see II. B. 1.a) the Romans used individual signs for the powers of ten (I, X, C) and for the intermediary stages 5, 50, 500 (V, L, D). For 1,000 initially ¢, (|) or °¢ were used; the written form M only became common in the Middle Ages. Further symbols existed for higher units: @ = 10,000, tt) = 100,000, IX] = 1,000,000. The number signs for the powers of ten could be used in sequences of up to four; the subtractive notation (IV = 4, XIX = 19 etc.) occurred only sporadically and gradually became prevalent only in the Middle Ages. Denoting the thousandfold of a number by a bar over the relevant number sign also became common only in the Middle Ages [3. 47-523 5.34]. The Romans expressed fractional measurement and value in unciae, i.e. in twelfths of the as, which was understood as the unit. There were number words and number signs for the various twelfth parts of the > as and for parts of the > uncia down to the > scripulum (= '/,,24 uncia or "/,., as) [1. 34-463 MOA tal] Roman number and fraction signs were also used during the Middle Ages in the West, even as late as the 12th cent., after calculating with Indo-Arabian numbers had become customary [3. 86-92]. ~» Mathematics IV; + Numerals; -» Mathematics 1G. FRIEDLEIN, Die Zahlzeichen und das elementare Rechnen der Griechen und Romer und des christlichen Abendlandes vom 7. bis 13. Jahrhundert, 1869 2K.

VoGEL, Beitrage zur griechischen Logistik. Erster Teil, 1936 3K. MENNINGER, Zahlwort und Ziffer. Eine Kulturgeschichte der Zahl, vol. 2, *1958

4H.

Geschichte

des

Zahlbegriffs,

5 J. TROPFKE,

Geschichte

der

Elementarmathematik,

1970

vol.

GERICKE, 1, +1980.

MEF.

C. NUMBERS IN PHILOSOPHY The question of the ontological status of numbers is connected to their value as a tool for understanding reality. For + Plato [1] numbers were the model of the object of perception (PI. Resp. 7,525a-b) and the preferred scholarly means of understanding (PI. Phlb. 5 5e; Pl. Ti. 53c). At an early stage, Greek philosophers had discovered exact numerical ratios in the empirical world (e.g. musical ones; cf. > Proportion III). > Empedocles [1] (31 B 96 DK) was of the opinion that materials consisting of equal parts were determined by a blending of their elements in specific proportions (> Elements, theories of the). According to > Aristoteles [6] (Metaph. 1,5; 1,8,989b 29; 14,3,1090a 30) the

~» Pythagorean School considered numbers to be reality and the first cause of particular physical, ethical and political facts. Aristotle, however, remarked that the numbers, if it is intended that bodies should be derived from them, had to be located ‘in the heavens’ (i.e. in the

physical world), and the units they were composed of had to be of material nature (Metaph. 13,6,ro8o0b 16).

NUMBER

Plato in contrast defines numbers clearly as an ideal

kos arithmos), which he expressly distinguishes from amounts of sensorily perceivable objects (PI. Tht. 196a; Pl. Phlb. 56d); in the Timaeus, however, he also deve-

lops the composition of the world proceeding from numerical proportions (the structure of the anima mundi, P|. Ti. 35b; the structure of the elementary triangles out of which the five simple bodies are formed, ibid. 53c; > Plato [1] G.4.). On the other hand he distinguished (according to Aristot. Metaph. 1,6, 987b 14; 12,6 etc.) between ‘ideal’ numbers as the model and ultimate explanation of things and the ‘intermediate’ numbers of mathematicians, which belong to an intermediate (metaxy) part of reality. These are also composed of pure units, but subjected in many cases to a kind of change by means of arithmetical operations. In Plato’s theory of principles, in the Aristotelian tradition, numbers also play a decisive role. Geometrical figures and bodies are formed of simple and universal structures (cf. e.g. Aristot. Metaph. 2,5).

Conversely, Plato’s theory postulates an origin in original principles, proceeding from two principles, called the ‘One’ and the ‘Dyad’ or ‘Duality’ (Svudc/dyds). This pair of principles may trace back to the older Pythagoreanism (> Pythagoras [2]). The two basic forms of number, odd and even, are also linked with this contrasting pair in the famous Table of Oppoeven more

sites (ovotouyta/systoichia, Aristot. Metaph. 1,5, 986a

23). This theory can then be found throughout the -» Neopythagoreanism of the Roman period and in some Neoplatonic traditions. In Aristotle there are echoes of the debates of the Older Academy (-» Academy II) on the nature of the units of which the various number types are constituted (Metaph. 13,6-7). According to Plato, the units of which a particular ideal number is formed are incomparable (GovuBAntoVasymbletoi) with the units of any other number — in contrast to what holds for mathematical numbers. There is no reason to assume that an ideal number is not an accumulation of units. Whereas Plato (like the Pythagoreans) wanted to find the causes of empirical facts in numbers, > Speusippus is said to have separated mathematical objects completely from the sensory world (the truth of the ideal number consists exclusively in how it impresses itself on the soul, Aristot. Metaph. 14,3,1090a 35). Aristotle (ibid. 13,7) himself reproached the Academy because their various theories were incompatible with the operative requirements of arithmetic, as ideal numbers were not proper numbers. To him, number (like the objects of mathematics in general) is an aspect of things or more accurately of amounts of things: it is a precondition for the countability of certain quantities. This concept implies that the unit of what is counted is compatible with the unit used for counting it (if |count a horse, a person and a god together, I count living beings: Aristot. Metaph. 14,1,1087b 33). Hence, numbers are mediated with objects through a certain concept, as later in F. L. G.

NUMBER

892

891

FREGE (1848-1925). One of the most noteworthy applications of this number theory is the definition of time as the ‘number of > motion in respect to before and after’ (Aristot. Ph. 4,11; > Time, concepts ofII. B.).

The Aristotelean concept of number found little resonance in antiquity. An exception is > Euclides [3], whose definition of unit (Euclides Elements 7, def. 1)

takes it up, in that he defines the unit as a predicate and not as a substance. In the 3rd cent. AD, > Plotinus (Plot. Enneads 6,6) defends the thesis of the absolute

existence of numbers against objections partly of Aristotelian origin (cf. also the defence by > Syrianus in his commentary on Aristot. Metaph. B. 13-14). The philosophy of numbers in late antiquity remained within the framework of the Platonic and Neopythagorean traditions and showed no great innovations. > Augustinus, however, very effectively took up some of the

originally Platonic insights in a Christian context. An ideal number is an entity that transcends sensory experience (Aug. Conf. 10,12). The laws of numbers are

eternal and necessary truths. Augustinus simply equated them with divine wisdom (Aug. De libero arbitrio 2,20-24; 2,3 1f.), echoing the Wisdom Literature of the Bible (Wisd. 8,1; 11,21; Prd 7,26). The human soul discovers these truths in itself, in an act of thought which is simultaneously an experience of unity with di-

all things were not only similar to but substantially identical with numbers (> Pythagorean School B.). With the help of figuratively arranged calculi (cf. > Eurytus [2], — Philolaus [2]) they attached particular numbers to physical things. Abstract concepts and — possibly following a Babylonian model (cf. [5. 323-325; 4. 470]) — even deities were equated with numbers on the basis of structural analogies (cf. Aristot. Peri ton Pythagoreion fr. 13 Ross = 162 Gicon; Aristot. Metaph. 1,5,985b 29-31 and 990a 22-24; [4. 466 f.]). The number one, which was composed of the elements Odd and Even, and from which the other numbers can be derived, was identical with ‘reason’ (vot¢/nots) and ‘being’ (ovoia/ousia) for

the Pythagoreans. Two was ‘mind’, three the number of ‘totality’, as it comprises within itself beginning, middle and end (Aristot. Cael. 268a 10-13). Four, consisting of ‘equal-times-equal’, stood for ‘justice’. The tetraktys (= sequence of the first four numbers) was worshipped in a mystical way as a secret key to the world, and in an ancient saying identified both with the ‘Delphic Oracle’ and with the (possibly spherical) ‘harmony of the Sirens’ (Iambl. v. P. 82; the numbers one to four distinguish themselves e.g. by containing within themselves the most important consonances; cf. > Pythagoras [2] D.2.; » Music IV. F.; > Spheres, harmony of; [6]).

is also creative,

As the first combination of an odd (for the Pythago-

numbers are the origin of the beauty that can be found in the world and in works of art (Aug. De libero arbitrio 2,42; Aug. De musica 6,3 5-36). ~» Ideas, theory of; > Mathematics IV.; > Proportion; -» Pythagorean School F.

reans = masculine) and an even (= feminine) number, five was interpreted as ‘marriage’. Seven was the ‘right time’ (kairds), since natural processes run in hebdo-

vine wisdom.

Because

this wisdom

M. CAVEING, La constitution du type mathématique de Videalité dans la penseée grecque, vol. 2: La figure et le nombre, 1997; J. Cook Witson, On the Platonist Doctrine of the asumbletoi arithmoi, in: CR 8, 1904, 247-260;

J. KLEIN, Die griechische Logistik und die Entstehung der Algebra (Quellen und Studien zur Geschichte der Mathematik, Astronomie und Physik 3), 1934; J. MUELLER, On Some Academic Theories of Mathematical Objects, in: JHS 106, 1986, 111-120; L. Rosin, La théorie platonicienne des idées et des nombres d’aprés Aristote, 1908 (repr. 1963); J. STENZEL, Zahl und Gestalt bei Platon und Aristoteles, 1924, 31959.

M.CR.

D. NUMERICAL MYSTICISM Numerical mysticism (numerical symbolism or numerology) played an important role in the myth, ritu-

al and magic of antiquity (as generally in most cultures) (cf. on three [1], seven and nine [2], fifty [3] etc.; general [4. 466-476]). Traditional numerical mysticism took on a new quality in the circle of > Pythagoras [2]: probably proceeding from the observation that the consonant musical intervals (octave, fifth and fourth) can be

expressed as simple numeric proportions, that the movements of stars can also be understood numerically and that in general everything perceivable can be derived from numerical configurations. The Pythagoreans (according to Aristot. Metaph. 1,5) held the view that

mads according to the Pythagoreans (the > sun as the cause of these processes correspondingly receives — counting from the edge of the sky — the seventh place: cf. ~» Philolaus [2]). As a prime number, seven, which itself

does not produce any of the first ten numbers and also is not produced by any of the others by self-addition or self-multiplication, is also the number of the ‘virginal’ and ‘motherless’ goddess Athena. The number ten, which concludes the first decimal series is considered, as it ‘encompasses the entire nature of numbers’, to be ‘complete’ (téAevov/téleion, Aristot. Metaph. 1,5,986a 8—1o; cf. Aristot. Pr. 9tob 31-9114 1; Philolaos [2] 44 B 11 DK ~a fragment whose core may pace [7. 349 f.|

be authentic). The assignment of particular geometrical figures to individual gods in Philolaus 44 A 14 DK can be seen within the context of astrological practices (cf. [4. 349 £.]; however [7. 385-391] is against the authenticity of 44 A 14 DK). ~ Plato [1], whose speculations on numbers in the dialogues may have been inspired by the Pythagoreans (cf. on Pl. Resp. 546b-c [8; 9], on Pl. Ti. 35a-36d [1o]), mostly follows the Pythagoreans (according to Aristotle [6]) in his (unwritten) theory of principles and numbers, which contains e.g. the sequence one = ‘reason’, two = ‘understanding’, three = ‘opinion’, four = ‘sensory perception’ (Aristot. An. 404b 16-27). But unlike the Pythagoreans, Plato assigns to numbers their own existence apart from physical things: Aristot. Metaph. 1,5,987b 14-18 and 27-29; [11]). Following Plato and

893

894

the ancient Academy (in addition to > Speusippus — cf. fr. 28 TARAN — esp. important > Xenocrates, who called the monad ‘Zeus’ and described the dyad as ‘mother of the gods’: fr. 15 HEINZE = 213 ISNARDI; also generally [12]) numerical mysticism, probably partly mediated by > Posidonius [3] [13], in > Neopythagoreanism and in the Platonism of the Imperial period (> Middle Platonism; + Neoplatonism) experienced a new popularity (e.g. in > Varro [1], > Censorinus [4] and - Macrobius [1], in Greek esp. > Moderatus of Gades, > Nicomachus [9] of Gerasa, Anatolius (cf. [14]), > Iamblichus [2]; also Ps.-Pythagoras Hier. log. Dor. p. 164-166 THESLEFF etc.). Pythagorean-Platonic numerical mysticism also left clear traces (cf. [16]) in Judaeo-Hellenism (Aristobulus and Philo [12] of Alexandria: [15]) and early Christian literature. A special form of numerical mysticism (inspired by oriental examples), which occurred with esoteric prac-

of the roth cent. Interest with regard to the Roman religion was sparked by the proponents of pre-deism or dynamism (W.W. FOWLER [1], J.G. FRAZER [2], H.J.

tices (> Astrology; > Divination; > Dreams; Interpretation of dreams; Magic, mantics), and was also

important in Judaeo-Hellenism and early Christian name speculations, but was also practiced as an educated literary game (isopsephic epigrams: cf. [17. 96 f.]), works with the numerical values of words and whole phrases, which are determined by the respective numerical values of Greek letters (cf. > Leonides

[4] of Alexandria; [17; 18; 5. 335-351]). ~ Astrology; > Pythagoras [2]; > Pythagorean School

NUMEN

Rose [3], F. PFISTER [4], H. WAGENVoORT [5]) (doxog-

raphy: [6. 36; 7. 355-357]). They claimed numen

is

similar to the concepts of mana, orenda, vakanda etc. of

the so-called ‘primitive’ peoples (Polynesians, Melanesians) and signifies the impersonal divine power that is present and active everywhere ‘where the divine and holy are spoken of [4. 1290]. According to this theory, numen constitutes the first stage in the Roman concept

of the divine, from developed the concept held in historical times of many different, personal deities. This interpretation was contradicted by [6] and [7] after closer analysis of the Roman sources. Significant in this context is the observation that zumen appears in pre-Augustan as well as later texts in connection with the genitive of a god’s name (oldest evidence: Accius in Non. 173,27: nomen et numen Iovis), with the genitive of the words deus and divus (e.g. Cic. Div. 1,120) or in adjectival connection with divinus (e.g. Cic. Nat. D. 1,22) —i.e., mumen in its original sense referred not to an

impersonal power, but to the will of a specific deity [7- 371-373]. Only since the Augustan period, and particularly in poetic language, did mumen take on a broader meaning, being used as a synonym for ‘deity’ [6. 4648].

besonders der Semiten, 1917 4 W. BURKERT, Lore and Science in Ancient Pythagoreanism, 1972 5G. IFRAH,

Numen, the ‘will of a deity’, is expressed by nutus, ‘nodding’. Both words are etymologically linked with the verb *nuere — found in the compounds adnuere and abnuere — which means roughly ‘to gesture expressively with one’s head’ or in a broader sense ‘to indicate agreement or disagreement’ [8.452]. The link between numen and nutus was already established by ancient

Universalgeschichte

antiquarian literature (Varro, Ling. 7,85; Fest. 178 L.).

1R. MEHRLEIN, s. v. Drei, RAC 4, 269-310 2W. H. RoscHER, Die Sieben- und Neunzahl im Kultus und Mythus der Griechen, 1904 3 Id., Die Zahl 50 in Mythus, Kultus, Epos und Taktik der Hellenen und anderer Volker,

der Zahlen,

1986

6L. BREGLIA

Putci Dorta, Le Sirene di Pitagora, in: A. C. Cassio, P. PoccettI (ed.), Forme di religiosita e tradizioni sapienziali in Magna Grecia, 1994, 55-77. 7 C. A. HUFFMAN (ed.), Philolaus of Croton, 1993 (with commentary) 8 J.

AvaM (ed.), The Republic of Plato, vol. 2,*1963, 267-312 (with commentary) 9 N. BLOssSNER, Musenrede und ‘geometrische Zahl’, 1999 10 GUTHRIE 5,294 f. 11K. GatSER, Platons ungeschriebene Lehre, 1963, 41-66 and 296-

298

12M. BatTes, Zur Theologie des Xenokrates, in: R.

VAN DEN BROEK et al. (ed.), Knowledge of God in the Graeco-Roman World, 1988, 43-68 13 V. DE FALco, Sui trattati aritmologici di Nicomaco ed Anatolio, in: Rivista Indo-Greca-Italica di filologia, lingua, antichita 6, 1922,

51-60 14D. J. O’MEaRA, Pythagoras Revived, 1989, 23-25 15 A. YARBRO COLLINS, Numerical Symbolism in Jewish and Early Christian Apocalyptic Literature, in: ANRW II 21.2, 1984, 1253-1257

16 V. F. Hopper, Me-

dieval Number Symbolism, 1938, 69-88 17 F. DornSEIFF, Das Alphabet in Mystik und Magie, *1925 18 W. KROLL, s. v. Onomatomanteia, RE 18, 517-520

Numbers, theories of see

CRI

> Mathematics II.A.1.

Numen (in the Roman religion ‘the expressed will of a deity’). The concept of mumen has been particularly popular in academic religious scholarship since the end

Numen corresponds to the Greek vetuo/neima (‘expression of one’s will’), although the Latin numen has a stronger religious character [7. 361f.]. Even in cases where mumen appears in connection with human beings it does not lose its religious character; numen is used, for example, with regard to the Roman senate (Cic. Phil. 3,32), to which a sacral function was attributed, or in connection with the populus Romanus (Cic. P. Red. Quir. 18), whose fate was thought to be sent by the gods. Finally, zumen also referred to the living emperor (e.g. CIL XI 3303; XII 4333). A cult of numen Augusti was established in Rome in the year AD 6 (InscrIt 13,2, p. 401; [9. 375-387]). Neither his person nor his > genius was meant, but the divine power inherent in the emperor, and the force of the gods that manifested itself in and through the emperor ([9; 11]; ~> Ruler cult). Use of the plural numina instead of the singular numen with respect to an emperor or a deity is common in poetic language [10. 232-234]. 1 W. W. Fow er, The Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic, 1899 2 J. G. Frazer, The Golden Bough,

r911-1927*

3H. J. Rose, Numen and Mana, in: Har-

vard Theological Review 44, 1951, 109-120

4 F. Prr-

STER, s.v. Numen, RE 17, 1273-1291 5H. WAGENVOORT, Roman Dynamism, 1947 6 DUMEZIL, 36-48 7 W.

NUMEN

895

POTSCHER, ‘Numen’ und ‘numen Augusti’, in: ANRW

16.1, 1978, 355-392

8ERNOUT/MEILLET

II

9D. FIsH-

WICK, The Imperial Cult in the Latin West, vol. 2.1, 1991 10 Id., Numen Augusti, in: Britannia 20, 1989, 231-234

11 Id., Sanctissimum Numen: Emperor or God?, in: ZPE 89, 1991, 196-200.

FRP.

896

[4] Grandson of N. [3], syngenes and epistolographos at the Ptolemaic court between 124 and February or March 117 BC; may be identical with PP [V 10092. PP Y/VIII 2.

—» Court titles (B. 2) L. Mooren, The Aulic Titulature in Ptolemaic Egypt, 1975, 170f. nr. 0269.

Numenius (Novptvioc/Nouménios). [1] N. from Heraclea, physician and poet, end of the 4th

cent. BC. He was a pupil of the physician > Dieuches [x] (Ath. 1,5), wrote on cookery and composed didactic poems

on fishing (Adteutuxov/Halieutikon, SH 568588), on the theriac (Onevaxdow/Thériakon: SH 589594), on medicinal prescriptions (SH 595) and ‘On Banquets’ (Aginvov &vayeadai/Deipnon anagraphai: Ath. 1,5a). He may be the source on - Nicander [4] (cf. schol. Theriakon 237; 257; 519; 637) and —> Archigenes. FRAGMENTS: 1SH 568-596 2 TH. Birt, De Halieuticis Ovidio poetae falso adscriptis, 1878, 127ff. 3 A. CAMERON, Callimachus and His Critics, 1995, 203.

4 H. Dit-

LER, s.v. Numenius (7a), RE Suppl. 7, 663-664.

S.FO.

[2] Governor of the satrapy on the Red Sea (Mesene) under a ‘King Antiochus’, more likely > Antiochus [6] IV (175-164 BC) than > Antiochus [5] III (222-187 BC); both on sea and on land, ona

single day he defeat-

[5] Syngeneés, dioikéetes and pros toi ididi légoi (cf. ~ idios logos) at the Ptolemaic court inc. 53/2 BC. May be related to > Lycarion. PP I/VIII 38. W.A. [6] N. of Apameia. More likely of the middle than ofthe last half of the 2nd cent. AD, because Clement of Alexandria and Atticus (and probably the > Oracula Chaldaica) know of him. Platonist, often referred to in Antiquity as a Pythagorean because he viewed — Plato as a successor to > Pythagoras (Eus. Praep. evang. 9,7,1)

and upheld a doctrine of principles that was strongly reminiscent of neo-Pythagoreans like > Eudorus [2] and > Moderatus in its tripling of the first principle, even if N. did not speak primarily of the One (t0 &v, to hen), but of the Good (10 &yaOov, to agathon) and Being (t6 dv, to 67). Seven works are known: ‘The Hoopoe’, ‘On place’, ‘On numbers’ (Orig. Contra Celsum 4,51),

‘On the immortality of the soul’ (ibid. 5,57), ‘On what remains unsaid in Plato’ (Megi tov maga Whatove amooentwv,

Eus.

Praep.

evang.

13,4,4),

but

most

ed the ‘Persians’, who must earlier have rebelled suc-

importantly ‘On the renunciation of Plato by acade-

cessfully against Seleucid rule (Plin. HN 6,152).

micians’ (Ilegi tig tHv “Axadynuaix@v modcg TAatwva duaotdoewes, ibid. 14,4,16) and his main work ‘On the Good’ (at least 6 volumes; ibid. 11,22,6); substantial

1 J. WreseHOrFeER, Die ‘dunklen Jahrhundert’ der Persis, 1994,

117, 122, 128f.

2 WILL, vol. 2, 64, 353f.

A.ME.

[3] Son of Heracleodorus (PP IIV/IX 5135, priest of Alexander in 174/3 BC) from Alexandria [1], perhaps also a citizen of > Ptolemais, father of > Lycarion, Cleainete (PP III 5172, 166/5 BC, priestess of Arsinoe Philopator) and Agathocleia [3], grandfather of N. [4]. N. became > proxenos of > Gortyn (Inscriptiones Creticae IV 208 a, before 171 BC?), and was archisomatophylax (‘head bodyguard’) and epistrategdos of Thebes from 171 to 169 (see > court titles B. 2.); in his capacity as the latter he was probably also the eponymous priest of Ptolemaeus I and Ptolemaeus Epiphanes in Ptolemais, a position he retained even beyond his epistrategia (documented 165/4). As archisomatophylax and philos of Ptolemaeus VI and VIII, he led the legation sent to thank the Roman Senate after the Day of Eleusis (Pol. 30,16,1f.; cf. Liv. 45,13,4-9), hence he was in Rome during the 2nd half of the year 168 BC (regarding his departure, see also [1. text 3, |. 2off.]). PP I/VUI 196; Il 1966; WWVIX 5213; VI 14617. 1 J. D. Ray, The Archive of Hor, 1976.

L. Mooren,

The Aulic Titulature in Ptolemaic Egypt,

1975, 70 nr. 024; 88f. nr. 049; E. OLSHAUSEN, Prosopo-

graphie der hellenistischen Konigsgesandten, vol. 1, 1974, 76f. nr. 53; H. THompson, A Family Archive from Siut from Papyri in the British Museum, 1934.

fragments still exist of the latter two writings. N.’s language is lively and picturesque, without parallel in the philosophical literature of his time. N. believed in a primal wisdom which the ancient civilized peoples, the Brahmans, Jews, Magi and Egyptians, still retained in fragmentary form, and which Pythagoras and even Plato still had, but later philosophers lost (Eus. Praep. evang. 9,7,1). He considered it the task of the philosopher to reconstruct this primal wisdom, for example with the help of Plato’s writings and information about his teachings, which should be viewed in connection with those of Pythagoras (ibid.). However N. arrived at his views, it is striking that he makes great efforts to support them by referring to passages in Plato. His mention of the doctrine of the Good as the One (ibid. 11,22,8) makes clear that he also takes into account information about Plato. Specifically Pythagorean elements are not apparent; the rare references to Pythagoras (ibid. 9,7,1; 11,10,9; 14,5,2 and 9) do not refer to specific doctrines. N. appears to believe that Plato owes his Pythagoreanism to > Socrates (ibid. 14,5,2), perhaps because of the dialogue ‘Phaidon’. He also attributes to Socrates the doctrine of the three gods (ibid. 14,5,6) based on Pl. Ep. 2,314c. Moreover, there is little mention of barbarian wisdom. All the more striking is N.’s positive attitude towards the Jewish tradition (in contrast to Celsus, for example); he refers to it in the three writings first mentioned (Orig. Contra

897

898

Celsum 4,51) as well as in ‘On the Good ’and ‘What is

This causes him to turn his attention to matter and to ponder how it might be organized to form a sensory cosmos. This results in a division of the god. The sec-

Plato but a Moses who speaks the Attic language?’ (Eus. Praep. evang. r1,10,14; Clem. Al. Strom. 1,22,150,4).

N. regards the Pentateuch as an ancient document of primal wisdom that reveals allegorically interpreted wisdom. It remains unclear precisely what N. meant; it

seems plausible that the reference to the first god as ‘he who is being’ is related to Exodus 3:14 in the LXX version. The work entitled ‘On the renunciation by academicians’ was not historiography in the modern sense, but it answers a question that has arisen for every Platonist since Antiochus [20] of Ascalon, namely the issue of the relationship among Platonism, Aristotelianism, Scepticism and Stoicism. For N., unlike Antiochus, the

Academy’s renunciation clearly began as early as ~ Speusippus and > Xenocrates, continuing with Aristotle and the Stoa. Like — Plotinus, N. is definitively

anti-Aristotelian and anti-Stoic. This work is an important source for Academic Scepticism. The most important writing is that dealing with the Good, which is the first principle for N. and which he identifies with the One and Being (Eus. Praep. evang. 11,18,22). It is difficult to arrive at a coherent interpretation of the preserved documents. Even Amelius Gentilianus, who was exceedingly familiar with N.’s writings, stated (in Porph. Vita Plotini 17,3 5-38) that N. made differing comments about the same subject at different places. But it is also doubtful whether Proclus quotes N. accurately. There is no question that N. sometimes presumed the existence of three gods (Procl. in Plat. Tim. I, 303, 27ff. and 3, 103, 28ff. DrBHL; Eus. Praep. evang. 14,5,6). He certainly spoke of a third god in ‘On the Good’ (ibid. 11,18,3). While N. says that the first god is a single god (ibid.) and one (ibid. 11,22,8), he identifies that god not only with the Good and Being, but also with the intellect (ibid. 11,18,22; 11,22,3), which stays in peace, but that peace constitutes a movement to which the world owes its eternity; it is alive (ibid. rr,18,20-21) — in short, it already appears to be ina state of multiplicity, albeit one that has not yet been differentiated. Consequently, Amelius (Procl. in Pl. Ti. 3,103,21ff.) and Proclus (ibid. 3,103,28ff.) equate this with the perfect living being of Plato’s “Timaeus’. This first god is argds, who does not act and hence does not himself create the world by organizing matter (Eus. Praep. evang. 11,18,8; 6). Instead, he uses a second god or intellect, the > Demiourgos [3], of which he is the father, and thus avoids any direct contact with matter (ibid. 11,18,6). The second god, for his part, is not a single, but a dual deity, as he produces both the idea of the cosmos and the cosmos itself (ibid. 11,22,4, read avtod as in MS O.). He produces the idea of the cosmos by observing the first god. In this sense the first god is the origin of the intelligent world, of Being and the Ideas (ibid. 11,22,3). However, the intelligible cosmos develops as a result of the second god’s observation

of the first one.

Not

only does he observe,

though, but he is also filled with desire (ibid. 11,18,24).

NUMERALS

ond, contemplative intellect gives rise to a third, diano-

etic one (ibid. 11,18,3; Procl. in Pl. Ti. 3,103,3 1-32). This one organizes and directs the world in a manner similar to that of the Plotinic World Soul, by looking to the second intellect (Eus. Praep. evang. 11,18,24). N. emphasizes, however, that the second and third gods are one, despite their split (ibid. r1,18,3). The third intellect is simply the dianoetic reflection of the second, contemplative intellect. One might similarly argue that the second intellect is just a reflection of the first, except that it is a noetic intellect. This would mean that there would be one intellect, but it would also appear in the form of a noetic or dianoetic intellect. N. was read in the school of - Plotinus (Porph. Vita Plotini 14,10-12). Indeed, Plotinus was even accused of plagiarizing N. (ibid. 18,2-3). There is no basis for that charge, but it is nonetheless clear that the early Plotinus in particular was strongly influenced by N. The same is true of the Christians Origenes and > Eusebius [7] of Caesarea, especially with respect to the doctrine of the Trinity (> Trinity). +> Neoplatonism FRAGMENTS:

E. Des

PLaces,

Numenius,

1973. BIBLIOGRAPHY: M. FrReDE, Numenius, 3.6.2, 1987, 1034-1075.

Fragments,

in: ANRW II M.FR,

[7] N. of Tarsus. Author of a single distich from the

collection of Straton (cf. > Anthology D), which extols the beauty of a youth (Anth. Pal. 12,28). It is not at all

certain that he is the author of two other poems attributed to him by the App. Barberino-Vaticana (collection of 54 erotic epigrams that may have been edited during the r4th cent. to remedy the shameful omissions of Planudes): Anth. Pal. 12,60 (Meleager [8]) and 237 (Straton).

FGE 115; A. CAMERON, The Greek Anthology from Meleager to Planudes, 1993, 168, 171f., 240. M.G.A.

Numerals. The basis of the system of numerals (nume-

ralia) in Indo-European languages is formed by the cardinalia

(‘cardinal

numbers’,

e.g.

Latin

septem),

to

which correspond the derived forms of the ordinalia (‘ordinal numbers’, e.g. septimus) and multiplicatives (‘numeral adverbs’, e.g. septiés). As elementary components of basic vocabulary, the lower cardinals are particularly resistant to replacement by borrowing or neologism and are therefore suited for proof of — linguistic affinity. The first four Indo-European cardinal numbers

were

originally

inflected,

with

numerous

peculiarities in their declension. Thus Latin duo, duae (sole Latin example besides ambo, ‘both’) reflects an

Indo-European > dual paradigm (< *d,u6 < *duo-h, or *duai < *dueh,-ih,, cf. Sanskrit d,va, d,vé; from *duo-h, also Greek dw [via *d,u6], but also dbo [via

899

900

*d,uo| and dw- [via *dud, in polysyllabic dw-dexa, ‘twelve’ = ‘two-teen’]. The inflexion surviving in Greek téooages etc. (< *k*etudr-es, ~ Sanskrit masculine

considered suspect. Hence there were — demonstrably from the time of Constantinus [1] I - preventive regulations armed with harsh sanctions and inquisitional

catvarah) appears to have been abandoned in the Latin

powers (e.g. torture) against inaccuracy, favouritism or profiteering in accounting (Cod. Theod. 8,1,4; Cod. lust. 12,49, 1-4, 6, 8,10-11). This also included res-

NUMERALS

quattuor (probably originally neuter *k “tudr-h, ~ Sanskrit catvari). For expressions of ‘one’ there are various etyma, such as in Latin anus (~ German ein-, < *Hoi-

no-s; Greek only in oivy ‘one on a die’) and Greek etic, ula, &v < *sem-s, *sm-ih,, *sem (Latin e.g. in the multiplicative sem-el, cf. Greek G-ma& < *sm-).

The Indo-European languages agree only partially in the formation of ordinals; cf. e.g. Greek tétagtos/tétoatog ~ Sanskrit caturthd- < *k“etur-to- (Latin quartus uncertain), but Greek tgitog < *tri-td- (with regular retraction of the accent) versus Latin tertius < *tri-tio-,

Sanskrit trtiyd- < *tr-ttid-. (Whether the Sanskrit divine name tritd-aptyd- constitutes a formation corresponding to the Greek tgitog remains uncertain.) The ordinal numbers for ‘first’ and ‘second’ are often represented by secondary forms (e.g. Greek mo@toc, Sanskrit purva-, Latin primus, all from the stem occurring in QO, prae, pro etc.; Latin secundus from sequi, ‘to follow’; Latin alter as the ‘other of two’ from al-ius; Greek devtegoc unclear). Many reciprocal influences arise both among the cardinals (Latin novem for *noven < *h,néun in accordance with septem < *séptm), cf. nonus with preserved -n- in contrast to septimus, and between cardinals and ordinals (Latin quinmque for *quinque < *pénk“e in accordance with quintus < *quinxtus < *pénk “tos?). Inherited among the multiplicatives are certainly Greek dic ‘twice’ = Latin bis, Sanskrit dvih < *dui-s;

tricting the period of activity of lower-rank mumerarii (adiutores, chartularii) to two years or one (pro tempore numerarii, Cod. Theod. 8,1,4; 8,1,6; 8,1,7; Cod. lust. 12,49,10) and their limited number (Cod. Lust. 12,49,4 and ro). On principle — probably on disciplinary grounds — numerarii were furthermore considered members of a militia with cingulum (Cod. lust. 12,49,3). A numerarius who was not simply in tempo-

rary service and who showed himself worthy in office, however, could expect on retiring to be elevated to > perfectissimus, and in the case of service in the higher authorities even to > spectabilis (Cod. Theod. 8,1,6; 8,1,13; cf. Cod. Iust. 12,49,12 and 12,54,4). HirscCHFELD, 59f.; A. H. M. Jones, Studies in Roman Government

and

Law,

1968,

166-169;

174f.5 3133 4343 450.

JONES,

LRE,

C.G.

Greek teic, Latin ter, Sanskrit trih ‘three times’ < *tri-s;

Numeria. Roman goddess invoked by the pontifices (— pontifex; > indigitamenta), primarily at a birth, to expedite delivery (thus Varro in Non. 352). According to Aug. Civ. 4,11 the goddess of calculation in general. She certainly was not a gens divinity (~ Numerius). Probably related etymologically to the root of the Greek véwo/némo, ‘allot’. This would then have N. as a goddess of fate and birth, calculating the lifetime allotted to each mortal.

Latin quater ‘four times’ ~ Sanskrit catuh < *k “tur-s.

> Birth (II); > Fate

+ Inflection; ScHWYZER,

> Number Gramm.,

ERNOUT/MEILLET, 450f.; RADKE, 233f.; SALOMIES, 39586-599;

Rix,

HGG,

171-173;

SOMMER, 464-477; G. MEISER, Historische Laut- und Formenlehre der lateinischen Sprache, 1998, 170-1773 M. MereEr-BRUGGER, Indogermanische Sprachwissenschaft, 2000, 214-220; H. EICHNER, Studien zu den indogermanischen Numeralia (2-5), (unpublished) Habilitation, Regensburg 1982; J. GvozDANOvi¢ (ed.), IndoEuropean Numerals, 1992. he:

Numerarius (Plural zumerarii) had the general meaning of ‘arithmetician’ (Aug. De libero arbitrio 2,121; from numerare, ‘count, reckon, pay out’) but in the lat-

er Imperial period the special meaning ‘keeper of accounts’ in all civilian and military authorities (cf. -» Notitia dignitatum) and the urban authorities of the civitates. The older word is tabularius (Dig. 11,6,7; Cod. lust. 12,49,2 and 4). The rank and the —always subordinate — authority of a numerarius varies according to the area of employment (imperial headquarters, prefectural administration for taxes, estates, public expenses and salaries, civilian provincial administration, military authorities). Given the constant danger of corruption or inaccurate administration, a mumerarius was always generally

41.

J.

Numerianus [1] N. was a schoolteacher in Rome who, as a senator on commission from —> Septimius Severus pretended to raise for him an army in Gaul. In fact he achieved considerable success in battle against the troops of > Clodius [II 1] Albinus. N. allegedly seized 70 million sesterces for Severus, after whose victory in AD 97 N. renounced all his privileges and was content with only a small maintenance pension (Cass. Dio 75,5). PIR* N 198.

[2] Imp. Caes. M. Aurelius Numerius

TE.

N. Augustus

Roman emperor from AD 282-284. Son of > Carus [3], younger brother of > Carinus. In AD 282 he was elevated to Caesar and > princeps iuventutis (Aur. Vict. Caes. 38,1). N. campaigned with his father against the Persians (Eutr. 9,18). After the latter’s death in the summer of 283 he was elevated to Augustus, and in 284 cos. ord. When he returned with the army, he died, allegedly killed by his father-in-law Aper, the Praetorian prefect (Eutr. 9,18;20; Zos. 1,73). KIENAST*, 260; RIC 5,2, 180, 186ff.; PIR* A 1564; PLRE I, 634.

AB.

902

“gor

Numerius. During the Republican era, the — praenomenNumerius (abbr. N.) was used in Roman aristocracy only by the Fabii (+ Fabius). They are said to have borrowed it from Samnium around 470 BC (Fest. 174 et passim). In fact, this praenomen is found most frequently during the Republican period in Oscan inscriptions: Niumsis, Nuwwio, No(u)wio < *Numesis

(the Latin N. as well is most frequent in the former Oscan region); in addition there is the Umbrian Numesier (= Latin Nomesi; bilingual inscription [3. 9]). In Latin the original Oscan-Umbrian name was affected by > rhotacism and was assimilated into Etruscan in two versions, as * Numesiie in the south (Numesie, ET Ta 3.1 Tarquinia, approx. 700 BC; Numisie, ET Cm 2.8 Capua, 6th cent. BC), later as * Num/(e)sie in the north (Numudie, ET Ar 1.13 Arezzo, 6th/5th cent. BC; secondarily as nomen gentile: Numdi(e) twelve times Chiusi, Perugia). *numes-tio-s may (like ancient Latin numero ‘timely’) be derived from *nomes-‘regularly assigned (time)’ and have meant ‘(born) at the right time’ (/ome/ > /ume/wie im Lat.); the name would then refer to the

circumstances of birth (— praenomen). The archaic praenomen of the king + Numa Pompilius, with certainty not the basis of * Numesiio-, might be a shortened form (formation as in the Faliscian Iuna); it is documented in Numa-s of a later Etruscan inscription (ET Pe 1.1., praenomen or cognomen), which does not prove Etruscan origin. Numasioi on the fibula Praenestina, if genuine, might be the praenomen of an OscanUbrian immigrant (N. is not uncommon in > Praeneste) and its /a/ may be a result of the influence of Numa (and uncertainty regarding the quality of the short internal vowels). Regarding the origin of the name, cf. [1] (N. originally Latin) or [5] (N. originally Etruscan). 1 W. Bevarpi, N. nella latinita delle origini, in: RAL ser.

8, vol. 35, 1981, 339-343 2, 1957, 213

3POcCETTI

2A. ERNOuT, Philologica, vol. 4 SALOMIES, 39-41

5C.DE

SIMONE, * Numasie/* Numasio-: Le formazioni etrusche e latino-italiche in -sie/-sio-, in: SE 56, 1991, 191-215. H.R. I. REPUBLICAN

ERA

I]. IMPERIAL PERIOD

I. REPUBLICAN ERA {[1] N. Rufus, Q. Around 60 BC quaestor in Africa (statue in Utica: ILS 9482); in 57 N., along with Sex. Atilius [I 30] Serranus Gavianus, was the only tribune of the plebs to agitate — unsuccessfully — against recalling the exiled Cicero (Cic. Sest. 72; 82; 94 gives N. the

ominous sobriquet of Gracchus). Later a legate of Caesar in southern IIlyrium (renovation of a columned hall in Lissus/modern-day Lezhe: CIL I 759). MRR DRLGAS 202 21.0)

T.FR.

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD

[Il 1] AD 359 rector Narbonensis. Accused of theft before the emperor > Iulianus [11] but acquitted for lack

NUMICIUS

of proof (Amm.

Marc.

18,1,4). PLRE

1, 634 No. i.

K.G-A. [II 2] L.N. Albanus. Tribune of the cohors V vigilum in the year AD 113; documented in 127 as praef. classis Ravennatis. PIR* N 200. O. SALOMIES, Observations on some names of sailors, in: Arctos 30, 1996, 173.

[II 3] N. Atticus. Senator of praetorian rank; he swore

that when the body of > Augustus was cremated, he witnessed his rise to heaven. PIR* N 201. WE. [111] Formulaic name used in jurisprudence, > N.N. Numerus. In the Roman army, generally, a number of

soldiers or specifically, a military unit; as the word lacked a precise definition, it could be used of either the + auxilia or of the legions (Tac. Agr. 18,2; CIL III

12257: cohors Lusitanorum). Units lacking their own name were those referred to as numeri, e.g. the > equites singulares Augusti (ILS 2182-2184; 2129) or the + exploratores (ILS 2631; 2632; 9186; 9187). The same applied to units which had been recruited at the frontiers of the Empire: these numeri were often named after their place of origin (cf. e.g. the numeri Palmyrenorum, stationed in Africa; CIL VIII 2505; 2515). The formation of units whose soldiers were of the same ethnic origin probably began in the rst cent. AD and continued thereafter. The use of the imprecise term numeri for different units does not imply that these units were of the same status or organisation or that they fought in the same way. The phrase in numeros referre meant the entry of new recruits in the register of names for their units. 1H. Catuies, des Prinzipats in: BRGK 45, Auxilia of the

Die fremden Truppen und die sogenannten 1964, 130-227. 2G. Roman Imperial Army,

im rémischen Heer nationalen Numeri, L. CHEESMAN, The 1914, 85-90 3M.

P. SPEIDEL, The Rise of Ethnic Units in the Roman

perial Army, in: ANRW II 3, 1975, 202-231.

Im-

J.CA.

Numerus Syrorum. Military base on the Limes (> Limes VIII, with map) of Mauretania Caesariensis between Oujda and Tlemcen, modern Marnia, named after the numerus Severianus Alexandrinus Syrorum stationed there in the 3rd cent. AD. CIL VIII 2, 99619987; 10467-10470; Suppl. 3, 21798-21808. AAA, BI. 41, Nr. 1; H. T. ROWELL, s.v. Numerus, RE 17,

2537-25 54, hier 25 53f.; P. SALAMA, La voie romaine de la vallée de la Tafna, in: Bull. d’archéologie Algérienne 2, 1966/7, 183-217.

W.HU.

Numicius. Name of a Roman family, which died out at the beginning of the 3rd cent. BC. Of the two Republican namesakes who held offices, N. [1] was of plebeian origin, while N. [2] must have been a patrician. Considering the questionable historicity of the latter, there were perhaps only plebeian Numicii, although this question cannot be definitively settled (on this topic [1. 20]). 1 BELOCH, RG.

NUMICIUS

[1] N., T. As one of the guarantors of the Caudine treaty, he was handed over to the Samnites in 320 BC (Cic. Off. 3,109; differently Liv. 9,8,13, who mentions a certain Livius instead).

[2] N. Priscus, T. As cons., N. is said to have waged a campaign against Antium in 469 BC (Inscrlt

13,1,358f.), in retribution for a Volscan raid, during which he is also said to have captured and destroyed a nearby harbour ofthe Volsci (Liv. 2,63,5-7; Dion. Hal. C.MU. Ant. 9,56,1-3; 5f.). [3] P.N. Pica Caesianus.

Senator, who

had become

quaestor pro praetore provinciae Asiae and tribune; probably Augustan period. The province of Asia, from where eight persons expressly travelled to Rome, awarded him in his house on the Esquiline with an honorary table, whose two trapezophora (‘table props’) with the inscriptions still exist (LTUR 2, 146). PIR* N 203. Numicus

904

903

(also Numicius).

Minor

river

W.E.

in Latium

Vetus, where > Aeneas [1] was said to have landed; the place was named Troy and consecrated to Sol — Indiges. According to CIL XIV 2065, the N. was in territorio Lavinas (‘in the territory of Lavinium’). There was a heroon of Aeneas there (Serv. Aen. 7,150). The > Iuturna, whose waters were taken to Rome and used in sacrifices to Vesta (Serv. Aen. 12,139), rose nearby.

~ Anna Perenna was described as nympha Numici (Ov. Fast. 3,653). Identification of the N. is not certain: it may be the Fosso di Pratica di Mare (Pomezia, province of Rome), at whose mouth were Lavinium, altars and a

sanctuary. B. Titty, Vergil’s Latium, 1947, 62-83; F. CASTAGNOLI, I luoghi connessi con l’arrivo di Enea nel Lazio, in: ArchCl

19, 1967, 1-193 Id., s.v. N., EV 3, 794f.

Gu

Numidae, Numidia. In the narrower sense, the region that stretches west of the Carthaginian territory between the Tusca and Ampsaga rivers, today part of eastern Algeria. The Greeks interpreted the name of the

Libyan people of N. living in this area in the sense of nomddes (vouddes, ‘people who roam’) and so called this region Nomadia (Nouadia; [1; 2. 95f.]; Pol. 36,16,7). However, most of the N. had already been

settled for a long time. The plateau of N. is bordered in the north by the foothills of the Tell Atlas and in the south by the Sahara Atlas. In the east, the country is bordered by a massif in which the Tell Atlas and the Sahara Atlas join. Pol. 1,19,1-5 and 3,72,10, Str. 17,3,7 and Procop. Vand. 2,13, for example, emphasise the military importance of the Numidian cavalry. The nomadic N. lived in huts made of reeds and straw that were on wheels (mapalia, Sall. lug. 18,8). In this way, they were able to move from place to place with their herds more easily. The N. buried their dead in hillside tombs that were associated with stone monuments. Their religion was partly characterised by magical ideas (Cass. Dio 60,9,4; Aug. Serm. 196,4). Aside from their own gods Aulisua

(CIL VIII 2, 9906; 9907), Motmanius

(CIL VIII 1,

2650) and Iocolon (CIL VIII Suppl. 1, 16809), they worshipped — under Punic influence [3] - Baal Hamon (Saturnus) and Tinnit (> Caelestis). In the 3rd cent. BC at the latest, the great Numidian kingdoms of the + Massyli (east) and the >» Masaesyli (west) came into being, in which at the time of the 2nd + Punic War Gaia reigned, followed by ~ Massinissa and - Syphax. The organisation of the political relationships between the Numidian kings and the Carthaginian government partly depended on Carthaginian interests and partly on internal Numidian rivalries. Massinissa was one of the winners in the 2nd Punic War because of his pro-Roman stance. Vermina, on the other hand, the son of Syphax, saw himself forced to retreat to a limited area in the west of the formerly Masaesylian kingdom. In the period that followed, Massinissa, under Roman protection, expanded the territory of his rule as far as Tripolitania. After his death (148 BC), his

sons — Micipsa, — Gulussa and > Mastanabal assumed joint rule. Internal Numidian tensions and Roman intervention led to the kingdom being divided five times (in 118 BC [?], after 118 BC, in ro5 BC, before 88 BC and in 46 BC) [4]. In 46 BC the last Numidian kingdom finally disappeared from the political map — the (eastern) Massylian king > Juba [1] I had fought on the ‘wrong’ Pompeian side. That year (?) the Caesarean commander P. > Sittius gained rule over an area in whose centre lay the city of — Cirta. In 44 BC (2) the regions of Sittius certainly fell to Africa Nova (> Africa [3]) but they retained a unique legal position. In the subsequent cents., there was no end to major and minor revolts against Roman rule that were partly stirred up by the > Gaetuli and » Garamantes [5; 6]. In AD 37 Caligula shared the power between the proconsul Africae and the legatus legionis III Augustae: although N. continued to belong legally to the territory of Africa Proconsularis but, as an autonomous military district (dioecesis N.), was under

the control of the /egatus and so was in effect autonomous. Hadrian (AD 117-138) attempted to secure the endangered Numidian region with a limes that ran south of the Aurés mountain range (-> Limes VIII. D.). In AD 203 (?) Septimius Severus created the province of N. In the period between AD 295 and 303, it was amalgamated with the provinces of Africa Tripolitana, Africa Byzacena, Africa Zeugitana, Mauretania Sitifensis and Mauretania Caesariensis into the great diocese of Africa (> Diocletianus, with map). The former province of N. was temporarily (303-314) divided into two provinces: N. Cirtensis in the north (with the capital city of Cirta) and N. Militiana in the south (with the capital city of > Lambaesis). Cirta, called Constantina from 312 in honour of Constantine [1] I, became the capital of the reunified province and the city of the residence of the consularis sexfascalis provinciae Numidiae. This is how it remained until the establishment of Vandal rule (+ Africa [4], with map). Inscriptions.: CIL VIII x; Suppl. 2; ILAlg I; I 1; 2; AE 1974, 226; 1976,

9O5

906

143; 706; 1977, 856; 1980, 960; 1983, 935; 1987,

Numisianus

1062; 1083; 1084; 1989, 869. 1A. Luisi, Nowades e N., in: Contributi dell’Istituto di Storia antica dell’Universita del Sacro Cuore 6, 1979, 57-64 2J. DESANGES, Une mention des Abaritani dans Arnobe?, in: Y. LE BoHEc (ed.), L’Afrique, la Gaule, la

religion a l’époque romaine. Mélanges ala mémoire de M. Le Glay (Coll. Latomus 226), 1994, 95-99 3G. Camps, Les Numides et la civilisation punique, in: AntAfr 14, 1979, 43-53 4 W. Huss, Die westmassylischen KGnige, in: AncSoc 20, 1989, 209-220

5 M. RacHET, Rome et les

Berbéres (Coll. Latomus r10), 1970

6 M. BENaBOouU, La

résistance africaine a la romanisation, 1976. A. BERTHIER, La Numidie, 1981; tribution a la connaissance de la quéte romaine, in: P. BARTOLONI Congresso Internazionale di Studi

M. BOUCHENAKI, ConNumidie avant la conet al. (ed.), Atti del I Fenici e Punici, vol. 2,

1983, 527-541; F. DecreT, M. Fantar, L’Afrique du Nord dans |’Antiquité, 1981; J. DESANGES, Permanence d’une structure indigéne ..., in: AntAfr 15, 1980, 77-893 H.-J. DiesNer, Der Untergang der romischen Herrschaft in Nordafrika, 1964; E. W. B. FENTRESS, Numidia and the Roman Army, 1979; H. G. Horn, Cu. B. RUGER (ed.), Die Numider, 1979; H.-G. KOBE, Die Statthalter Numidiens von Gallien bis Konstantin (268-320) (Vestigia 4),

1962; Y. LE BoHEc, Les unités auxiliaires de l’armée romaine ..., 1989; M. LeGtay, L’administration centrale

NUMISIUS

(Novwoivdc; Noumisianos), anatomist and teacher of medicine in the 2nd cent. AD. A pupil of + Quintus, he wrote many works on anatomy in Greek, but these were hoarded by his son > Heracleianus and were eventully destroyed by fire (Galen, Administrationes anatomicae 14,1). Although > Galen praises his promotion of anatomy, he attributes no discovery to him. Like other Alexandrians, N. commented upon Hippocrates (Galen, In Hippocratis Epidemiarum librum II, commentum 4: CMG V 10,1, 345-348), but Galen knew of his interpretations only through the reports of his master and N’s pupil > Pelops. Around AD 151, Galen attempted to study with N. at Corinth. The reading of the Greek MSS of the Administrationes Anatomicae\I x (= p. 5 GAROFALO) has Galen following N. from Corinth to Alexandria and studying with him there, but the better reading of the (older) Arabic translation suggests that N. had died by the time Galen reached Corinth or Alexandria and that it was a famous pupil of N. or Quintus who was his teacher. M. D. GrMek, D. GoureEvitTcH, Aux sources de la doc-

trine médicale de Galien: l’enseignement de Marinus, Quintus et Numisianus, in: ANRW II 37.2, 1994, 15131§25. V.N.

de la province de Numidie de Septime Sévére a Gallien, in:

Numisius Rare Roman nomen gentile (epigraphically

AntAfr 27, 1991, 83-92; M. Manjyousl, Les élites municipales de la Numidie ..., in: ANRW II 10.2, 1982, 673681; H. W. RITTER, Rom und Numidien, 1987; CH. SAuMAGNE, La Numidie et Rome, 1966; B. D. SHAw, Soldiers

Numesius, ILS 9231).

and Society: the Army in Numidia, in: Opus 2, 1983, 13 3152; B. THOMAE, Praesides provinciarum ..., in: Opuscula Romana 7, 1969, 163-211, esp. 179-190; B. E. THOMasson, Die Statthalter der romischen Proy. Nordafrikas von

Augustus bis Diocletianus, 2 vols., 1960; Id., s.v. Numidia, RE Suppl. 13, 315-322; F. WINDBERG, s.v. Numidia, RE 17, 1343-1397. W.HU.

Numidicus Roman cognomen (‘Victor over the Numidians’), victory epithet of Q. Caecilius [I 30] Metellus N. (cos. 109 BC); also used to denote origin. KaJANTO, Cognomina, 206.

Kees

Numisia [1] N. Maximilla Virgo Vestalis maxima (— Vestal Virgin), at least after 201; she took part in the Saecular Games (> saeculum) of AD 204 PIR* N 219.

[2] Cocceia Bassula N. Procula She was married to M. Munatius Popilicanus. The question as to whether she and the senator’s wife N. Procula in CIL XV 7459 are one and the same person cannot be resolved [1. 334]. PIR* N 220. M.-TH. RAEPSAET-CHARLIER, in: Journal of Roman archeology 4, 1991. W.E.

SCHULZE, 164; 198; 364. I]. REPUBLICAN

PERIOD

K.-L.E. II. IMPERIAL

PERIOD

I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD [I 1] One of the two chief magistrates (praetores) of the Latin League, who, with his colleague L. Annius [I 3], attempted to enforce perfect equality between the Latins and the Romans in 340 BC, firstly through negotiations and then by means of war; he also continued the war after the defeat of the Latins on Mt. Vesuvius (Liv. 8,393 L1,5-12).

C.MU.

[I 2] N. (2?) Nucula (on the zomen gentile |2. 598]). In 44 BC, under the chairmanship of L. Antonius [I 4] he was a member of the agrarian committee for the distribution of land amongst the veterans (Cic. Phil. 6,14; 8,26 and passim). 1 MRR 2, 332f.

2 SyME, RP 2, 1979.

[I 3] N. Tarquiniensis, T. In 170 BC, he was an attesting witness to the Senate resolution about Thisbe (SHERK 2, Z. 5) and in 169, he was the leader of a legation mediating between Antiochus [6] IV. and the Ptolemies; in

167, he was one of the ro legates involved in the reorganisation of > Macedonia (MRR 1,425; 435).

K-LE.

Il. IMPERIAL PERIOD {II 1] Q. Camurius N. Iunior Senator from Attidium. Triumvir monetalis, tribunus militum legionis 1X Hispanae, in the time of > Antoninus [1] Pius. Quaestor urbanus, aedilis curalis, praetor, legate of the legio VI Victrix. After at least one further post he became cos.

907

908

suff. in AD 161; N. [II 2] is one of his descendants PIR*

supposition is rejected [3], as is the idea that N. is a ‘version of an older epithet, Numisius, which has gained an independent identity’ [1] (cf. CIL VI 476,

NUMISIUS

N 207.

{il 2] Q. Gavius Crispus N. Iunior. He was probably a descendant of N. [II 1], but it is unclear exactly how they were related. Decemvir stlitibus iudicandis, tribunus laticlavius legionis IV Flaviae; quaestor, tr. pl. and praetor, and in each case as the candidatus of an emperor; legate of the legio X Gemina. After a further official post he became proconsul of Lycia-Pamphylia either under Marcus [2] Aurelius or more likely under > Caracalla; cos. suff.; later he became proconsul of Asia

30986, [2; 4]); even if Numiternus, Numentinus, Numisius and + Numeria share the same derivation, their suffixes are clearly different [3]. 1K. Latre, KS, 1968, 87

nus, RE 17, rg401f.

2 E. MARBACH, s.v. Numiter-

3RADKE,

235f.

4G. Wissowa,

Religion und Kultus der Romer, *1912, 148 with note 6.

W.-A.M.

Numitor

({a. Nr. 156] = [2]). PIR* N 208. 1S. SAHIN (ed.), Die Inschriften von Perge, vol. 1, 1999 2 W. Eck, Latein als Sprache politischer Kommunikation in einer Provinzstadt, in: EA 31, 1998.

W. Eck, Epigraphische Untersuchungen zu Konsuln und Senatoren des 1.-3. Jahrhunderts n.Chr., in: ZPE 37, 1980, 31-40.

(Greek 7.4. Newétwe/Nemétor, Nopnytoo/ Nométor). Figure from the legend of the founding of Rome by Romulus: older son of Procas; father of + Rhea Silvia; king of > Alba Longa. Deposed by his brother > Amulius, N. is reinstated again with the help of his grandsons + Romulus und Remus (e.g. Liv. 1,3-6; Dion. Hal. Ant. 1,71; 76-84; Plut. Romulus 3-8); this event marks the moment in the story which

[II 3] N. Lupus. Legate of the legio VIII Augusta in Moesia in AD 68/9; due to his success against the > Sarmatians N. received the consular insignia from + Otho. He later sided with Vespasian. PIR* N 210. [114] N. Marcellianus. Proconsul of Creta-Cyrenae under Marcus [2] Aurelius in AD 172; he dedicated various buildings in > Cyrene ([1. 259ff.] = AE 1995, 1632). PIR* N 241. 1J. M. REYNOLDs, F. ALi, in: Studi Miscellanei 29, 1996.

{11 5] N. Rufus. Legate probably of the legio XVI in Novaesium

(Neuss);

defending

Castra

— Vetera

in

69/70 against Germanic tribes, he was handed over to Julius [II 43] Civilis by his own soldiers; he was killed

shortly afterwards. PIR* N 213.

W.E.

Numistro. Town in Lucania on the border with Sam27,2,4; Novuiotewv/Noumistron: Ptol. 351,74; Nouiotewv/Nomistron: Plut. Marcellus 24,6), present-day Muro Lucano (province of Potenza), site of nium

directly precedes the founding of the city. In the literature about the history of Rome, N. is first mentioned by Fabius Pictor (2nd half 3rd cent. BC.), whose source is named as > Diocles [7] of Peparethus (Dion. Hal. Ant. 1,79,4; Plut. Romulus 3,1). The interpretation of a figure on the fresco of the east wall of the tomb of the Statilii grave (Esquiline; 2nd half rst cent. BC; [1]) as N. in conversation with Amulius is not con-

clusive; further depictions are not known. 1 J. P. SMALL, s.v. N. (1), LIMC 6, 935f. pl. 619. A. PASQUALINI (ed.), Alba Longa. Mito, storia, archeologia, Atti Rom 1994, 1996. M.HAA.

Numitorius. Name of a Roman gens, documented only since the 2nd cent. BC. SCHULZE, 163; 200; 3343 3.40.

K.-LE.

(Liv.

a battle between Claudius [I rr] and Hannibal (210

[1] N., L. Member of the first college of people’s tribunes (that of 471 BC) whose members are all known (Calpurnius Piso fr. 23 HRR = Liv. 2,58,1; Diod. Sic.

BC.; Liv. 27,2,10; Plut. loc. cit.; Frontin: Str. 2,2,6).

11,68,8).

Inscriptions: CIL X 1, 433-443. Archaeology: pottery, remains of a polygonal ring wall and a memorial (3rd

[2] N., P. According to tradition, N. was the grandfather or (great) uncle of > Verginia; together with her betrothed, L. Icilius [1], he sought to protect her from the lust of the decemvir Ap. Claudius [I 5], and after Verginia was killed by her father, Verginius, he unleashed a revolt against the > decemviri; he was elected people’s tribune along with Verginius and Icilius in 449 BC. During his term of office he is believed to have brought charges against the decemvir L. Oppius (Liv.

cent. BC). BTCGI 12,

150-154; M. Lacava, Numistrone e sue vici-

nanze, 1890; E. MAGALDI, Lucania Romana, vol. 1, 1947,

150; A. CAPANO, L’esplorazione archeologica nell’area di Muro Lucano e del Marmo-Platano, Catalogo della mostra, 1986; L. DEL Tutro Pama, A. CAPANO, L’iscrizione

di Muro Lucano, in: M. TAGLIENTE et al. (ed.), Italici in Magna Grecia, 1990, 105-110. A.BO.

Numiternus. A god equated with > Mars who was worshipped in Volscian > Atina[1] (CIL X 5046 = ILS 3149: Marti sive Numiterno, to Mars or Numiternus’). There is a tradition of another god, Numentinus, for Atina (Tert. Ad nat. 2,8, in a possibly corrupt tradition) [3]. Older scholars considered both of them to be gods worshipped by a particular gens [2], but nowadays this

3545.45 48,75 5157; 54,11; §8,7-9; Dion. Hal. Ant. 11,28,7; 30,1-31,1; 38,2; 46,4). N.’s name probably found its way into traditional accounts from the list of the council of the tribunes of the plebs of the year 471 (cf. N. [1]). CMU. [3] N. Pullus, Q. Citizen of Fregellae, betrayed the city to L. Opimius [1] in 125 BC (Cic. Inv. 2,105; Cic. Fin. 5,62 et al.). K.-LE.

910

909

Numluli. City > Thubursicum fields’, modern (AD 161-180)

in Africa Proconsularis, north-west of Bure on the fertile plateau of the ‘great Henchir el-Matria. Under M. Aurelius or slightly later N. was a municipium

(CIL VUI Suppl. 4, 26129). A bishop Aurelius plebis Numnulitanae (sic!) was attested for 411 (Acta concilii Carthaginiensis anno 411 habiti 1,126). Some impres-

sive ruins have been preserved, including a capitolium from the period of M. Aurelius, baths, wells, churches and parts of a late Roman wall. Further inscriptions: CIL VII Suppl. 1, 15378-15419; 4, 26121-26156. AATun 050, Bl. 33, Nr. 19; N. FERcHtou, Un decor architectonique ..., in: PBSR 52, 1984, 115-123 and pls VII-— XII; F. WINDBERG, s.v. N., RE 17, 1406f. W.HU.

Nummius [1] M.N. Attidius Senecio Albinus. Praefectus urbi in AD 256 and 261-263, and so cos. suff. before 256, and cos. II ord. in 263. Son of N. [4], married to [--—-—lia Aurelia Flavia Archelais. N.’s son was presumably a [M. N. Flavius] Archelaus Sene[cio Albinus], his daughter [N]ummia (s. CIL VI 41225a). PIR* N 227. [2] M.N. Ceienius Annius Albinus. Praetor urbanus. Like other praetors, at the end ofthe 3rd or beginning of the 4th century AD, he established an altar to > Hercules. PLRE 1, 34, Albinus 7. [3] N. Faustianus (or Fausianus). Cos. ord. in AD 262

together with > Gallienus (on the form of his cognomen cf, [r. 103f.]). PIR* N 232.

NUMMUS

also known as spectator or probator, a moneychanger, on occasion also a banker (Scaevola Dig. 2,14,47,1).

The job of the nummularius was to check the incoming and outgoing coins of a banker or trader for validity and genuineness by sight, touch, smell and sound (Epict. 1,20,8; Petron. Sat. 56,1: nummularius, qui per

argentum aes videt; [1]). From the second half of the 2nd cent. BC, coin testers

are known by what is referred to by the modern term tesserae nummulariae (— tessera), with which money

bags were sealed [3]. From the rst cent. BC, the rectangular tessera bore on its first side the name of the nummularius (these were initially slaves, later freedmen and also freeborn), on the second side the name of the

master or the cognomen of a free nummularius, on the third side the testing stamp (spectavit) giving the day and the month, and, on the fourth side, from 96 BC to AD 88, the names of the consuls to indicate the year [eos In the Imperial period, there were Imperial nummularii in the mint, where they probably exercised a controlling function [2. 203]. The activities of the nummularii were regulated by Praetorian edict (Ulp. Dig. 16,3,7,2). In Imperial Rome, responsibility for the supervision of the nummutlarii lay with the praefectus urbi (Ulp. Dig. 1,12,1,9), and in the provinces with the governor (Suet. Galba 9,1: while governor, Galba had both hands of a fraudulent nummularius cut off).

1M. CurisTOL, Essai sur l’évolution des carriéres séna-

1 R. BoGaErt, L’essai des monnaies dans |’Antiquité, in:

toriales, 1986.

RBN 122, 1976, 5-34 2H. CHANTRAINE, s.v. N., KIP 4, 1972, 202f. 3 R. HErzoc, Aus der Geschichte des Bankwesens im Altertum: Tesserae nummulariae, 1919; Id., s.v.

[4] M.N. Senecio Albinus. Cos. ord. in AD 227. Related to the Roscii from Brixia. N.’s son was N. [1]. PIR* N

N., RE 17, 1415-1455

4L. PEDRONI, Tessere da una

collezione privata, in: ArchCl 47, 1995, 161-178.

ARS.

GE.S.

[5] M.N. Tuscus. Two senators of the same name. The

father was cos. ord. in AD 258, and the son cos. ord. in 2954 PIRSIN23'63237.

[6] M.N. Umbrius Primus Senecio Albinus. Probably a son of M. Umbrius Primus, the proconsul of Africa under > Septimius Severus, perhaps adopted by a N. [x. rroff.]. Possibly from Compsa [2. 143]. Patrician. Quaestor and praetor as a candidatus of Septimius Severus; while still a quaestorian electus ad cognosc(endas) sacras [cognitiones]. Cos. ord. in AD 206 (RMD 3,

no. 188). In 208/9 extraordinary consular legate of the proconsul of Asia, if SEG 32, 1149, Z. 24f., 39 refers to him. Governor of Hispania Tarraconensis from 211213, then in Dalmatia. On CIL VI 1475 see now VI 41193. N. is the father of N. [4]. PIR* N 238. 1 SaLomiges, Nomenclature;

2G. CAMODECA, in: EOS

vol. 2.

M. Preacuin, Iudex vice Caesaris,

1996, 96ff., no.

I.

W.E.

Nummularius (from nummulus, ‘small change, a con-

temptible, measly coin’) denoted one who worked with coins, carrying out coin testing (+ Coins, control of),

Nummus. Latin form of the Greek > n6mos ([2. vol. 2, 247], cf. Varro, Ling. 5, 173), later translated back

again as the Greek nouimmos; originally it was the general word for ‘coin’ (n. argenteus, n. aureus, cf. Varro, Ling. 4,36; habere in nummis: ‘to have it in cash’); the

abbreviation N. = nummus, a heavy bronze coin from Teate and Venusia in Apulia (3rd cent. BC). Then N. mostly = > sestertius, often abbreviated to N., at first with the addition (7. sestertius, see ILS 7313; 8302) and later without, Greek noummos (- nomos). The Greek noummos and nummus were also the other names for the > follis which was minted from around AD 294. In the sth cent. these names were used for the tiny bronze coin which was the only one still being minted and which weighed only 0.5gm from around AD 475. Starting from the > coinage reform of > Anastasius [1] in AD 498, the nummus was the monetary unit of bronze coinage (coins of 5, 10, 20, 40 mummi with the denomi-

nations E, I, K, M, until approximately AD 775 to 842).

Nummi were also the denominations on bronze coins of Zeno (474-491) and the Ostrogoths [1.484-490] as well as on the Vandals’ bronze coins and their forerunners, older Roman coins with denominations which

NUMMUS

git

912

were struck by hand [1. 479-484]. The same nummus is also in Cod. Theod. 13,3,1; 14,19,1; Nov. 16,1 (445 AD): 7200 nummi = 1 golden > solidus. At the same

days (i.e. every ninth day), and thus also forming a kind of public and private measure of time.

time the large bronze > follis valued at 40 nummi from AD 498 was also called a nummus. Nummus was still being used for follis under Leo VI. (886-912) [1. 504f.].

— Market (II.B.);

> Week

JR.

Nuns see > Monasticism

[1] N. Vala. Horace wrote to him around 20 BC (Hor. Epist. 1,15). Possibly identifiable with the C.N. Vala,

Nuntiatio is encountered in religious law (e.g. as in the announcing of the auspices by the > augures), in criminal law (as a ‘declaration’ similar to the public announcement by the ~ denuntiator or delator), in fiscal law (as nuntiatio ad fiscum, Callistratus Dig. 49,14,1 pr.) and in civil law. Here nuntiatio denotes in particular the objection to another person’s building alterations (operis novi nuntiatio, Ulp. Dig. 39,1,pr.): a) on the basis of a right of obstruction, b) for the purpose of damage prevention or c) for the enforcement of the observance of public building regulations (Dig. 39, 1,1,16f.; 5,9). An interdict directed towards the remov-

who in 41 AD is documented as mint master (RRC 1,

al of the building (> interdictum demolitorium, Ulp.

522f. No. 514). PIR* N 243; 244. [2] C.N. Vala. Legate of > Quinctilius Varus on the latter’s last campaign through Germania; N. fled with the cavalry in the direction of the Rhine, but was killed nevertheless (Vell. Pat.2,119,4). For coins with his name on the counterstamps see [1. 5ff.; 2. 145ff.]. PIR* N 243.

Dig. 39,1,20 pr.) is enacted against the person continuing to build, regardless of the objection, even if the building has been erected legally (ibid. 1 and 3). The builder may continue to build if he provides security (Ulp. Dig. 39,1,21 pr.; 1) and he is then, on his part, protected by a restraining interdict (Ulp. Dig. 39,1,20,9). The security lapses if he is defeated in the following court case (Ulp. Dig. 39,1,21,2). In so far as the complainant has no right of obstruction, the praetor can lift the building ban (Ulp. Dig. 39,1,1 pr.; 43,2551 pr.). In Late Antiquity the complainant’s announcement (denuntiatio) leads to an official prohibition, which is countered by the provision of a security to the authorities (Cod. lust. 8,10,14).

1 M. HENpy, Studies in the Byzantine Monetary Economy, c. 300-1450, 1985 2F. Huttscn, Metrologicorum

scriptorum reliquae, vol. 1-2, 1864-1866 466.

3 SCHROTTER, DLK.

Numonius. Rare Roman family name. We know of a C.N. Vala, who as IlIvir monetalis in 41 BC minted aurei and denarii (RRC 514; see under N. [1]). SCHULZE, 164; 198; 431.

Kae,

1M. A. SpeIDEL, H. W. Dopp.er, Kaiser, Kommandeur und Kleingeld. Vier neue Gegenstempel, in: Jahrbuch der Gesellschaft pro Vindonissa, 1993

2 R. WoLTeERS, C.N.

Vala und Drusus. Zur Auflésung zweier Kontermarken augusteischer Zeit, in: Germania 73, 1995. W.E.

Nuncupatio.

Nuncupare (nomen capere) was pertinently interpreted by the jurist Cincius as ‘express accurately, using the appropriate words’ (Fest. 176), and later by the jurist Gaius as ‘name overtly’. The Twelve Table Laws (tab. 6,1) and the augural formula spoken on the Citadel (Varro Ling. 7,8) indicate by lingua nuncupare the tongue as a tool for conveying thoughts in words. Verbis nuncupare in the devotional formula of P. Decius Mus (Liv. 8,9,8) is tautological, while nomen

nuncupare (Varro Ling. 6,60) is a figura etymologica

(— Figures). The ceremonial promise of spolia at the foundation of a temple is described as nuncupare (Liv. 1,10,7). Vota nuncupare means the ceremonial making of a vow by consuls and praetors on leaving for the provinces (Fest. 176; Liv. 31,14,1). In law, nuncupatio

is a verbal formula, e.g. the comprehensive and confirming one of the testator with the tablets of the testament in his hand (Gai. Inst. 2,104), and in late antiquity the oral expression of a last will and testament in general (Inst. Iust. 2,10,14). HONSELL/MAYER-MALY/SELB,

103, 106, 448-450, 452;

KASER, RPR 1. 47, 107f., 133, 679; 2. 481; E. NORDEN, Aus altromischen Priesterbiichern, 1939 (repr. 1995), 47f.

D.SCH.

Nundinae (etymology ‘nine days’), Roman name for the market days or markets taking place every eight

HONSELL/MAYER-MALY/SELB, 154; KASER, RPR 1, 126, 408f.; 2, 271f.; M. Kaser, K. Hack, Das romische ZivilprozefSrecht, *1996, 31. D.SCH.

Nuptiae (from nubere, ‘to cloak oneself, to put on a veil’) refers to marriage in Roman society (-» Marriage III.B.). A title of the > Digesta (23,2: De ritu nuptia-

rum) with 68 fragments is devoted to wedding customs (III.). This indicates that Roman jurists gave close attention to the requirements for a legal marriage (iustum

—» matrimonium). Since fulfilling the matrimo-

nial requirements at the time of the nuptiae was of critical importance for legal recognition of the marriage, the term nuptiae eventually came to be used as a synonym for matrimonium in referring to marriage in general (as in Modestinus Dig. 23,2,1 in the 3rd cent. AD). At the

same time, according to the Roman view marriage itself was not so much a legal relationship as a social circumstance, a life partnership. Accordingly, adherence to the customs of the muptiae was not the legal basis for the marriage, but simply an indication that the ‘objective’ prerequisites for marriage, in particular the intention to form a permanent life partnership (affectio maritalis), were present. TREGGIARI, 37ff.

GS.

913

914

Nursia Northernmost city of the > Sabini on a high plain in the upper Nar valley near Mons Tetrica; praefectura of the tribus Quirina (Fest. 262,15 L.), later in regio IV (Plin. HN 3,107; Ptol. 3,1,55), present-day Norcia, province of Perugia. During the 2nd > Punic War N. provided soldiers for P. + Cornelius [I 71] Scipio, in 205 BC (Liv. 28,45,19). As punishment for the inscription in memory of the war dead of > Mutina, coloni were settled in N. by the later Augustus. N. was home

to >

Sertorius

(Plut. Sertorius

2,1), Vespasia

Polla (mother of Vespasian; Suet. Vesp. 1,3) and St. > Benedictus. Cults: Apollo, Hercules, Mars, Augustales. Fertile territory, but a raw climate (Virg. Aen. 7,715). Architecture: Roman cryptoporticus in Norcia, extensive necropoleis in the surrounding areas (Santa Scolastica); the shrine of Mars at Ancarano is located at

a distance of 7 km from the city. R. CorpDELLA, N. Criniti (ed.), Iscrizioni latine di N. e dintorni, 1982; L. Sensi, N. e il suo territorio, in: G. MaetzkeE (ed.), Identita e civilta dei Sabini, 1996, 461—

476; BTCGI 12, 400-408.

Nut

G.U.

(Eg. Nwt). The Egyptian goddess of the sky,

daughter of Shu (air) und Tefnut (fire; > Tefnut, legend of), wife of the earth-god Geb und mother of > Osiris,

+ Seth, —- Isis and > Nephthys as well as the sun god ~» Re and the 36 decan stars. N. appears either in a purely human form with a nw-jar on her head or as a cow. She is depicted frequently in cosmological representations, which show Geb on the earth, separated from N. who is held over him by Shu. According to the so-called ‘Book of Nut’, a cosmological treatise about the course of the heavenly bodies, this separation arose through a quarrel between Geb and N., because N. devoured their mutual children (stars), which was necessary for their regeneration. Likewise, N. is an important element in the course of the sun. The netherworld was assumed to be located not only on the earth but also in N.’s body. Therefore, N. became a protective deity for the dead and could be directly identified as the embodiment of the coffin [4]. In the interpretatio Graeca, N. is regarded as > Rhea (cf. [2]). 1H. Bonnet, s.v. N., RARG, 536-539; 2J. G. GrirFITHS, Plutarch’s De Iside et Osiride, 1970; 3 D. Kurt,

s.v.N., LA 4, 535-541; 4 A. Ruscu, Die Entwicklung der Himmelsgottin N. zu einer Totengottheit, 1922.

Av.L.

Nuthatch. This colourful songbird (oittn/sitté, devic mo.oc/6rnis poids, ot d& SQvoxohkaty¢/dryokolaptes: Hesych. s.v.) which is related to the tit-mouse and behaves ina similar manner to the woodpecker is found in Greece as the lighter coloured rock nuthatch, Sitta syriaca, which likes to break open almond kernels. In Aristot. Hist. an. 8(9),17,616b 21-25 the sitté is quarrelsome but caring towards her many chicks. On the basis of her adroitness she is considered skilled in the art of healing. On account of the alleged destruction of the eagle’s eggs she is credited with being that bird’s enemy

NUTRITION

(Aristot. Hist. an. 8(9),1,609b

11-14). According to a

scholion ad Aristoph. Av. 705 she is a good omen for lovers [1. 26o0f.]. 1 D’Arcy W. THompson, A Glossary of Greek Birds, 1936, repr. 1966.

C.HU.

Nutrition I. GENERAL GREECE

AND

II. ANCIENT ORIENTAND EGypT

III. —

ROME

I. GENERAL With respect to human history, nutrition, generally defined as the intake of substances for the sustenance, procreation and growth of living organisms, should not in any way be understood or investigated only as a physiological process, but must be seen in the context of a multiplicity of economic, social, cultural and religious factors. The choice of foodstuffs in a society is made not only with regard to their nutritional value, but also based on social and religious values (which either assign a special rank as a status symbol to or forbid the consumption of particular individual foodstuffs), on economic exigencies (when perhaps a poor population can not pay the price of a particular foodstuff) or on climatic conditions preventing the cultivation of particular economic plants. Family structure and living circumstances — such as whether there is the possibility of preparing food —also influence nutritional behaviour. Despite such latitude, however, people depend on their nutrition to meet a particular need for nutrients if they want to preserve their health and thus their physical and mental capacities. This need for nutrients, which increases in many societies on the whole owing to population growth, has to be related to the production of foodstuffs; their range is decided by the agrarian structure, the technical organisation of the agriculture and natural conditions such as the quality of the land and the climate. Owing to the lack of numerical data it is not possible to make precise statistical statements for antiquity on nutrition, nutritional behaviour or the production of foodstuffs; nevertheless, on the basis of modern data on nutrition in pre-industrial societies and sporadic information in ancient texts, the problems of the nutritional situation in antiquity can be outlined. In the first place, for humans eating serves to satisfy a need for energy, which can vary widely according to age, sex and physical requirements; energy is essentially provided to the body in carbohydrates (starch), fats and supplementary proteins (albumin), which are indispensable, primarily for the construction of body cells and metabolism. Further components of adequate nutrition are minerals, of which calcium is particularly important, trace elements, which like iron are needed in very limited quantities, and vitamins. In societies in which corn is a staple normal nutrition with an adequate supply of carbohydrates also largely satisfies the need for proteins and vitamins; under these conditions corn products have to be supplemented by only a few addi-

NUTRITION

915

tional foods, mainly pulses, in order to prevent deficiency diseases. H.SCHN. Il. ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGYPT In the Ancient Orient, administrative texts form the

main source about nutrition; school texts provide detailed lists of extremely varied foodstuffs; literary and royal inscriptions and reliefs document the nutrition of gods and rulers. The basis of popular nutrition was +> grain, mostly barley and emmer, and to a diminishing extent wheat. Fish from inland waters and the Persian Gulf occupied a secondary position. Less often we find meat, esp. mutton, but also goat meat, beef, pork and game, milk products, poultry, fruit and other garden produce, in general reserved for the elite. The normal ration of barley amounted to two litres a day for a working man, one for a working woman, and about a half for a child of working age. For festivals and particular occupations beer or beer bread made from ground barley and malt were also distributed. Grain was processed by the workers themselves or converted by barter into other foodstuffs and the like. The main kind of fish was carp, rich in protein and fat, from the waters of Babylonia, which was salted, dried or processed into flour. Fish oil was the ‘cheapest’ type of oil. Meat was distributed to workers only on special occasions, but was a more regular constituent of the nutrition of officials and priests. In addition to mutton, which was often used for nutrition, the meat of oxen, goats, game, pigs, and also small animals such as rats,

tortoises and birds also found a use. The milk of cows and goats was processed into milk fat and dry cheese. More rarely there are indications of cream, fat cheese and milk itself. It is unclear whether the consumption of grasshoppers and other insects was widespread. Dates and figs were used alone or baked with bread, as a syrup on gruel and as a sweetener (besides honey) in drinks, less often apples, grapes and other kinds of fruit. Gardens produced chickpeas, beans and lentils as well as onions, cucumbers and leeks. Sesame oil was the

main source of fat beside lard and in the northern areas olive oil. Various herbs and spices are mentioned, esp. for the preparation of various types of bread and soups; in addition to salt and kasi (?) also cress, coriander and

caraway. From the 2nd millennium onwards a number of recipes are known describing the preparation of meat, poultry, and vegetable dishes, etc. In ancient Egypt too, grain and fish were the chief foodstuffs. As in Mesopotamia vegetables of all kinds were added, whereas meat was considered food for festival days. Beef fat and olive oil were known as fats; milk products played a limited role. F. Hrozny, Das Getreide im alten Babylonien, 1913; R. ENGLUND, Organisation und Verwaltung der Ur III-Fi-

scherei, 1990; R. ELLISON et al., Some Food Offerings from Ur, in: Journal of Archaeological Science 5, 1978, 167-177; Ead., Diet in Mesopotamia ... (ca. 3000-1400 B.C.), in: Iraq 43, 1981, 35-45; J. BoTrERO, Textes culi-

916 naires Mésopotamiens,

1995; A. FineT, Le banquet de

Kalah offert par le roi d’Assyrie Asurnasirpal II (883-859), in: Res orientales 4, 1992, 31-44; H. Horener, Alimenta Hethaeorum: Food Production in Hittite Asia Minor, 1974; W. HELCK, s.v. Bier, LA I, 789-792; Id., s.v. Brot, LA I, 871; Id., s.v. E., LAI, 1267-1271. R.K.E.

III. GREECE AND ROME A. GRAIN REQUIREMENTS B. PRODUCTIVITY C. CLIMATE-RELATED PROBLEMS D. VARIOUS FOODSTUFFS E. NUTRITION OF VARIOUS GROUPS OF THE POPULATION F. FOOD IN LITERATURE A. GRAIN REQUIREMENTS

For their fundamental investigation into ancient nutrition FOXHALL/FoRBES [5] adopted the standards of the FAO, according to which the energy requirement of a physically labouring adult man lies between 2,800 and 3,300 Kcal a day; 1 kg of wheat provides about 3,340 Keal. As grain was supplemented by oil, wine and other foodstuffs in antiquity and so represented only about 75% of food, an adult needed about 250 kg of wheat a year. For the population as a whole — including women and children — FOXHALL/FORBES assume an average yearly consumption of 212 kg of wheat a head. A number of pieces of information in ancient texts show that this estimate based on modern data is not unrealistic: in his calculation of the amount of grain needed to supply the Persian army in 480 BC, Herodotus starts from the fact that each soldier, but not the women or the eunuchs, received a choinix (about a litre = 0.75 kg) of wheat a day (Hdt. 7,187), corresponding to an annual consumption of about 275 kg of wheat. In the 2nd century, BC Roman soldiers received */, of a médimnos (about 4 modii or 26.4 kg; Pol. 6,39,13) of wheat as rations in a month, corresponding to about 316 kga year. According to Cato (Cato Agr. 56), slaves working on the land should be given about 50 modii of wheat a year, whereas a vilicus (estate bailiff) or a shepherd was allotted 36 modii, or 330 and 237 kg a year respectively (1 modius of wheat weighs about 6.6 kg). The frumentary laws of the late Roman Republic, which regulated the distribution of corn in the city of Rome, provided for a citizen entitled to receive it a ration of 5 modii a month, i.e. 396 kg a year. It can be assumed that this allocation also took into account family members who were not themselves entitled, such as women and children. These data show that for the nutrition of a soldier or a slave working in agriculture about 230-330 kg of wheat was considered adequate. B. PRODUCTIVITY The question arises as to what extent Greek and Roman agriculture was able meet the need for > grain and how many foodstuffs were in fact available to ancient society. First we need to explain the productivity of ancient agriculture. There is only one account permitting an approximate

estimate of ancient harvest

yields: Columella states that in the greater part of Italy

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corn seldom produced a yield four times the seed (3,354). Sowing 5 modii of wheat a > iugerum (Colum. 2,9,1) would at best result in a harvest of 20 modit, of which 5 modii would again be used for the next sowing; consequently for nutrition there were 15 modii, about 100 kg, of wheat a iugerum available. Given that in antiquity a field would lie fallow every second year or would be cultivated with legumes such as lupins, four iugera of land were necessary to produce enough corn for one adult. This picture is confirmed by an inscription on the aparche (offering of first fruits) in 329/8 BC Eleusis in Attica (IG II* 1672). According to P. GARNSEyY’s calculations, in total 11,353,560kg of barley and 1,082,500 kg of wheat were harvested. Based on Columella’s numbers for sowing and reaping, in Attica 103,214 iugera would have been cultivated with barley (for a weight of 33.4 kg a médimnos, and therefore 5.5 kg a modius) and 8,200 iugera with wheat — altogether 111,414 iugera with cereal. With annual fallow, this would mean that c. 222,828 iugera (55,707 ha) of land were used to grow corn, somewhat less than 25% of the total area of Attica (c. 2400 km* = 240,000 ha). Considering the mountainous landscape of Attica with peaks of over 1,000 metres, it is wholly likely that not more cultivatable land was available; there is no basis for assuming that the year 3 29/8 BC was a poor harvest. If the seed corn is subtracted from the yield, 8,515,170 kg of barley and 811,875 kg of wheat remained for the population to consume; the wheat, with a low consumption of 200 kga head a year, would have been enough for 4,059 people, the barley, which supplies fewer calories, at a consumption of 240 kg a year, for 35,480 people. By the standards of the FAO the inevitable conclusion is that Attica’s agriculture was by no means in a position to provide corn for a population of over 100,000 people. However, it has to be doubted that every Greek and Roman had access for their nutrition to the same amount of corn as soldiers or such a privileged social group as the recipients of the frumentum publicum in Rome. In fact modern statistics on the supply of foodstuffs also show considerable deviation from the ascertained requirement: the provision of calories in industrialised nations is about 25% higher than the average requirement, in some developing countries 20% lower. For pre-industrial societies widespread chronic malnutrition, which can lead to deficiency diseases and decreased resistance to infections, is always to be expect-

swarms of locusts also caused great damage (Plin. HN I1,103—106; Paus. 1,24,8; for Africa cf. Oros. 5,11). In such circumstances the population could never be sure that there would be enough corn after the next harvest, and after a poor harvest there was always the threat of scarcity and famine. In ancient agriculture people tried to limit the risk of poor harvests by growing at the same time different types of grain which would react differently to particular weather conditions and by growing kinds of corn that were well suited to special climatic conditions. In Attica, where precipitation was low, far more barley was grown than wheat (IG II* 1672, cf. also Demosth.

ed.

erature (Xen. Kyn.; Plat. Leg. 822d-824a) primarily from the point of view of the education of young men in bravery; the meat of hunted animals was probably of rather limited significance as food for humans. This is also the case for wild plants, which were indeed collected but represented only a limited part of the diet. In the Greek world, the consumption of meat (> Meat, consumption of) was inseparably connected with sacrificial ritual; in > sacrifices domestic animals — bulls, pigs, sheep and goats — were slaughtered, the meat was sub-

C. CLIMATE-RELATED PROBLEMS The difficulties of nutrition in the ancient population, however, can not be attributed exclusively to limited yields; it was also quite critical that harvests were subject to extreme variation owing to changing weather conditions, and in a period of seven years there were on average two poor harvests; the commonest causes of this were insufficient precipitation or storms; but

NUTRITION

Or. 42,20), because wheat needs considerably more

rain for growth than barley and therefore poor wheat harvests were to be expected in dry years. In regions with very cold winters —e.g. in the Alps —after the end of winter a kind of wheat was planted that could be harvested after just three months (Plin. HN 18,6o0f.). Growing lupins and beets, essentially used as fodder, was considered useful precisely because these plants could be eaten by the rural population in famine years (Colum. 2,10,1; 2,10,22).

D. VARIOUS FOODSTUFFS In normal times, however, corn and bread were also

always supplemented by other foodstuffs; among the rations intended by Cato for slaves working the land were figs and preserved olives (Cato Agr. 56; 58). In addition to agriculture the exploitation of the natural resources of the Mediterranean also played an important role in feeding the population. For Greece => fishing occupies a prime position here. Many settlements on the islands and on the mainland were in the immediate vicinity of the sea, which was everywhere plentiful in fish. Fishing and local fish markets are both attested in literature (Hom. Od. 22,384-389; Soph. Ant. 345347; Aristoph. Vesp. 491-494; Aristoph. Ran. 1068; Plat. Soph. 218e-221c; Aristot. Hist. an. 537a; Plin. HN 9,47-53; Athen. 225c-d) and represented pictorially on vases (black-figure amphora, Berlin SM [4. 150,4]; lack-figure dlpé, Berlin SM [2. 377; 247]; red-figure crater, Boston MFA [3. 173,9]; red-figure peliké, Vienna KM, [3. 555,88]). A spiced sauce made from fish (garum), was probably consumed in large quantities in the Roman period (Plin. HN 31,93-95). Birds were caught with nets and lime twigs (Hom. Od. 22, 468-470; Soph. Ant. 342f.; Longus 3,5-8; Anth. Gr. 6,179-187; 6,296). Hunting is seen in ancient lit-

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sequently consumed shared among those making the

Chrys. 7,105f). In periods of scarcity of corn it was often the aspiration of officials and wealthy citizens to secure supplies to the cities at least at a low level; as much corn as possible would then be brought into the cities from the surrounding country with the result that on such occasions the rural population was very quickly confronted with famine. The grain trade was not in a position to adequately supply the large cities like Athens, Rome or later Constantinople, which depended on imports; in addition merchants often tended to hoard corn in times of need, in order to be able to obtain even higher prices (Cic. Dom. 11; Philostr. Ap. 4,32). Political measures such as controlling prices, distributing corn, combatting piracy or prohibiting hoarding had the function of guaranteeing the supply of foodstuffs. If Rome, with its approximately 800,000 inhab-

NUTRITION

sacrifice or, alternatively, distributed. Here strict atten-

tion was paid to avoiding endangering the stock of herds in such sacrifices by slaughtering too many young females. The portion of sacrificial meat in food intake as a whole must not, however, be overestimated; ac-

cording to modern estimates an Athenian would perhaps receive 2 kg of meat a year through sacrifice. Despite fishing, hunting and animal sacrifice, the ancient diet remained essentially determined by the three basic foodstuffs — grain, - wine and olive — oil, though supplemented by vegetables and onions and the like. In a rural environment corn was often eaten as gruel, the grain having previously been pounded in a mortar (Plin. HN 18,84; 18,97f.). In the larger, truly urban cities > bread quickly prevailed as the most important foodstuff; as there was no possibility for many families to store corn or bake in their small homes, bread was made and sold by bakers. There are supposed to have been > bakeries, in which corn was also milled, however, in Rome only from about 170 BC (Plin. HN 18,107). Bread was normally eaten with a relish (Gov, 6pson), which according to Plato original-

ly consisted of olives, cheese, onions or cabbage, and, additionally, of meat (Plat. Resp. 372c-373¢).

E. NUTRITION OF VARIOUS GROUPS OF THE POPULATION With the social differentiation of antiquity there were considerable differences in the nutritional behaviour of the various social strata: whereas members of the rich upper class placed more and more value on choice foods, increasingly regarded costly wines and expensively prepared dishes as status symbols and paid extremely high prices for individual delicacies, the poorer sections of the population remained dependent on the traditional simple foodstuffs. There is, however,

anumber of indications that in the cities the low income of poor craftsmen and handymen was barely sufficient to buy an adequate amount of bread, wine and olive oil for feeding their families. It follows from one of the writings in the Corpus Hippocraticum that many people had only one, and at best two, meals a day (Peri archaiés iétrikés ro). The scanty food of poor people is a special topos in comedy, such as in Aristophanes (Aristoph. Plut. 53 5ff.; 751ff.) and in Alexis, who draws a downright alarming picture of the diet of a poor family (Athen. 55a; cf. also on a mother’s taking care of the feeding of her children, Eur. Med. 1098-1102); lupins are described as an accompaniment to the meals of poor people (Athen. 55d). For Rome the situation is realistically described by Martial (Mart. 12,32). The situations of the rural regions and the urban centres are described differently: farming families were able in normal times to fall back on their own produce and so had sufficient food at their disposal (cf. Ps.-Verg. Moretum). In the cities by contrast people’s diet was dependent on the level of prices and the purchasing power of the population (Dion.

itants, received sufficient corn in the Principate, it is due

to the collection of corn as tax in the provinces of Africa and Egypt. It was the annexation of Egypt in 30 BC that fundamentally stabilised the supply of corn in the Imperium Romanum (Plin. Paneg. 29-31).

In order to be able to eat adequately all year round it was necessary to store for a fairly long time foodstuffs harvested in a short period. For this not only were containers and rooms for storage and special measures for the conservation of foodstuffs necessary, but also discipline in farming families in the allocation of food (Hes. Op. 361-369). F. FOOD IN LITERATURE

In early Greek literature food is a significant theme. As early as in Homer — banquets are described in detail; an important event in the Odyssey is the stay on the island of the sun god, whose oxen are slaughtered and eaten by Odysseus’ companions to avoid starvation despite warnings, a deed that leads to the deaths of the Greeks (Hom. Od. 12,260-398). Human nutrition is also a central motif of the myth of Prometheus in Hesiod. As Prometheus tricks the gods in dividing the sacrificial animals, Zeus takes fire from men and hence the ability to cook meat. Prometheus’ stealing fire improves the condition of men only transiently as the gods now create the first woman, Pandora, from whom all women descend. These behave like drones, which consume what bees labour to create in their hive; in Hesiod women are greedy for food and so drive their husbands to premature old age (Hes. Theog. 535-612; Op. 42105, 703f.). It is the necessity of producing food that results in the obligation to work (Hes. Op. 42ff, cf. Verg. Georg. 1,118—-159). In the myth of ages the Golden Age is characterised by food growing of its own accord (Hes. Op. ro9-126). This idea is taken up again in comedy, where the dream of people is formulated as being able to feed themselves without effort (Athen. 267e ff.). At an early stage philosophy took a position with respect to problems regarding food intake. According to Empedocles in early times people lived only on

plants, and the consumption of meat was fatal in as

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much as with the killing of bulls for sacrifice violence also began between people (Porph. De abstinentia 2,21ff.). In Pythagoras there is a number of food pro-

Nux More than 60 MSS of the r1th—16th cents. contain a short poem made up of 91 elegiac distichs, many of them naming > Ovid as the author and Nux or a similar word as the title. In this work, a walnut tree

hibitions (lambl. v.P. roéff.; 186). In the tradition of

Socratic philosophy any extravagance in food was sharply criticised and eating was essentially seen as a means of quelling hunger (Xen. Mem. 1,3,5ff.; 1,3,14). In this tradition are Musonius (18A/B) and in late anti-

quity Porphyry, who in his treatise De Abstinentia calls for a purely vegetarian diet. In Christianity simple nutrition was part of the required lifestyle, and abstemiousness in eating was part of the asceticism of hermits and monks. ~ Table culture; > Food; 1 M.-C. AMourettI, Le pain et ’huile dans la Gréce antique, 1986 2 BEAZLEY, ABV 3 BEAZLEY, ARV*

4 BEAZLEY,

Paralipomena

Welternahrung,

*1997

1986

5 P. VON 6 W.

BurKeRT,

Homo

necans,

Consequencesin the Roman World, in: CQ 31, 1981, 428-

442 8L. FoxHALt, H. A. ForBES, ottopetoeia: The Role of Grain as a Staple Food in Classical Antiquity, in:

Chiron 12, 1982, 41-90 9J. M. FRaAyn, Subsistence Farming in Roman Italy, 1979 10 TH. W. GALLANT, Risk 11 P. GARNSEY,

Famine and Food Supply in the Graeco-Roman World, 1988 12 M.H. JAMEsoN, Sacrifice and Animal Husbandry in Classical Greece, in: C. R. WHITTAKER, 87-119 13 E. RUSCHENBUSCH, Getreideertrage in Griechenland in der Zeit von 1921-1938 n.Chr. als MafSstab fiir die Antike, in: ZPE 72, 1988, 141-153 14H. J. TEUTEBERG, Essen und Trinken als Gegenstand der Geschichtswissenschaft, in: TH. Kutscu (ed.), Ernahrungsforschung, 1993, 178-206 15 J. WiLKIns, D. Harvey, M. Dosson (ed.),

Food in Antiquity, 1995.

H.SCHN.

Nutrix (plural Nutrices). Latin name of female deities

who, as > wetnurses, were nurturers and protectors of divine or human children. Three areas can be distinguished: (1) in myth, e.g. as a nurse of Jupiter (> Amaltheia [1], Ov. Fast. 5,127), also metonymically as ‘nurturing mother earth’ (Hor. Carm. 1,22); (2) in the cult in and around > Poetovio, where two shrines and numerous reliefs and inscriptions consecrated to the Nutrices Augustae were found [1]; the iconography shows seated female deities (individually or as a group) who are nursing children or to whom children are being presented; (3) in a North African cult, a Dea Nutrix is, as a breast-feeding wetnurse, associated iconographically and cultically with > Saturnus/Frugifer [2. 200222], or she is represented in the iconographical scheme of Tanit (— Tinnit) Caelestis, to whom children are presented. The latter has caused speculation about ~» human sacrifices [3. 2207f.]. -» Kourotrophos; — Mother goddesses 1 E. Diez, s.v. Nutrix, LIMC 6.1, 936-938 2M. LeGtay, Saturne africain. Histoire, 1966 3K. PREISENDANZ, S.v.

Tanit, RE 4 A.2, 2178-2215.

Nuts see > Hazel; > Juglans

laments the poor treatment it is receiving. Some see this

as an allegory of Ovid’s exile [1]. However, his authorship is questionable [2], even if itcan hardly be ruled out conclusively [3]. The little poem is an intelligent creation and contains a number of interesting allusions. EpiTion:

F. W. Lenz, *1958; S. WARTENA,

1928 (with

comm.).

LITERATURE:

1C. GANZENMULLER, Die Elegie N. und

ihr Verfasser, 1910, 78-82 2A. G. Leg, The Authorship of the N., in: N. I. Herescu (ed.), Ovidiana, 1958, 457471 3R.M. PuLBROOK (ed.), P. Ovidi Nasonis N. Elegia, 1985, 29-34. JAR.

BLANCKENBURG,

7/J. K. Evans, Wheat Production and its Social

and Survival in Ancient Greece, 1991

NYCTEUS

CF.

Nuzi. City in ancient Mesopotamia, approximately 13 km southwest of modern Kirkuk/Iraq. American excavations between 1925 and 1931 revealed a citadel (asth and 14th centuries BC) measuring some 200 X 200 m with a > palace, temple area and dense residential section, as well as, about 300 m to the north,

some mansion style houses in the lower part of the city. Approximately 5,000 cuneiform tablets and numerous fragments document the internal organization of the palace and the household of a prince as well as the legal circumstances and commercial activities of a number of families. The tablets are composed in the Akkadian language with some > Hurrian influence. N. belonged to the kingdom of Arrapha (modern Kirkuk), which was under the control of the upper Mesopotamian kingdom of > Mittani. N. was completely destroyed in the mid— 14th century BC. The double temple, consecrated to the weather god TesSub and to [8tar/Sawuka, was a continuation of a series of older cultic buildings that can be traced back into the 3rd millenium BC. Deep excavations in the palace area have yielded commercial documents from the Akkadian and Old Assyrian periods when the town was named Gasur. R. F.S. Starr, Nuzi, Vol. 1-2, 1937, 1939; Studies on the Civilization and Culture of N. and the Hurrians, r98rff.

GE.W.

Nycteus (Nuxtev¢/Nukteus). Son of > Hyrieus and the nymph Clonia, and hence, through his father, the grandson of Poseidon (Apollod. 3,111). Alternatively, Hyginus says he is the son of Poseidon and > Celaeno [x] (Hyg. Poet. Astr. 2,21). N. and his brother > Lycus [6] fled from Hyria to Thebes after killing > Phlegyas. In Thebes, N. was king and guardian of his grandson ~ Labdacus, whom Polydorus fathered with N.’s daughter Nycteis (Paus. 2,6,2). When N.’s second daughter, > Antiope

impregnated by Zeus and fled king, Epopeus, N. committed According to another version Epopeus in order to get his

[1], was to Sicyon and married its suicide (Apollod. 3,42). N. went to war against daughter back, but was

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returned home and died in Thebes after transferring sovereignty to Lycus, asking that he punish Antiope and Epopeus (Paus. 2,6,1f.). N. and Lycus are complementary names; N. is associated with night and Lycus with light. AL.FR.

B. GREEK NYMPHAEA Greek nymph sanctuaries mostly had the form of watery grottos. They were either artificial or natural. By the middle of the sth cent. BC such grottos had a carved out facade, e.g. the Clepsydra well on the northern slope of the Acropolis in Athens, which was part of a nymphaeum (SEG X, 357). From this period on, grotto nymphaea in rural surroundings are frequently represented on votive reliefs to Pan and the nymphs. According to Pausanias (e.g. 9,3,9) nymphaea had been traditional in Greece until his time.

NYCTEUS wounded,

Nyctimene (Nuxtwévn/Nyktiméné). Daughter of Epopeus, the mythological king of Lesbos; after seducing her father (or being raped by her father) she is transformed into an owl by Athena (Ov. Met. 2,590ff.; Hyg. Fab. 204; 253). LK. Nyctimus (Nbxtuoc; Nyktimos). One of the 50 sons of > Lycaon, either the oldest, who legitimately assumed sovereignty over Arcadia following the death of his father (Paus. 8,3,1; 5), or the youngest, who because of Gaia’s intervention was the only one to be spared pun-

ishment by Zeus after the sacrilege of Lycaon and his sons (-> Fairy tale) and became king himself at the time of Deucalion’s flood (Apollod. 3,96-99). According to another version N. himself was slaughtered (Lycophr. 481; Clem. Al. Protreptikos 2,36,5; Nonn. Dion. 18,20-24).

SLA.

Nyktophylax (NuxtopbraE/Nyktophylax, ‘night guard’). A nyktophylax was a Greek daemon that appeared in the night. Altars and statues were erected to him because of his ability to cure diseases. According to Lucian’s De morte Peregrini 27ff., > Peregrinus (Proteus) sought to become a nyktophylax through selfimmolation. Cw.

Nymphaeum I. SaNcTUARY

II. PLACE NAMES

I. SANCTUARY A. ETYMOLOGY AND DEFINITION B. GREEK NYMPHAEA C. ROMAN NYMPHAEA A. ETYMOLOGY AND DEFINITION The word vuudatov/7ymphaion is first attested in the 4th cent. BC, on Delos (IG XI,2,144, A l. 91). It originally designated a sanctuary of the > nymphs. A nymphaeum is first attested in Itanus on Crete in the 3rd cent. BC together with a water reservoir (ILS 9458).

The Latinised form nymphaeum is first found in Pomponius Mela (first half of the rst cent. AD, Mela 2,3), for a nymph sanctuary in Chersonessus. Conversely, Plinius (HN 35,151) used the word nymphaeum to describe a well with a statue in it (Corinth). The modern

term nymphaeum, used for a monumental well (often fed by an aqueduct) with statues in niches, often of nonreligious significance, originates in Late Antiquity (e.g. Philostr. VA 8,11f. for Puteoli). As regional lists for

Rome and Constantinople record, there were in this period innumerable nymphaea in the cities of the Roman Empire. The fundamentally neutral character of nymphaea (in the Roman imperial period) enabled their transformation into baptismal fonts in Christian churches and monasteries (— baptisterium).

C. ROMAN NYMPHAEA An artificial nymphaeum with a semicircular water basin on the front could be found in the sanctuary of Poseidon and Amphitrite on Tenos in the Hellenistic period, but it was not until the Roman period that this kind of nymphaeum had its widest distribution. A Roman nymphaeum, whose form approaches that of the site in Tenos, has been found in Al-Suwaida in Syria (IGR III, 1273; 102 AD). This type of semicircular nymphaeum was presumably used by Herodes [16] Atticus as a model for the famous nymphaeum in Olympia and for the nymphaeum, also founded by him, in Alexandria [2] Troas in Asia Minor in the time of Hadrian. Patterns of related form are the horseshoe-shaped nymphaea adorning the Carthaginian aqueduct of Zaghouan, which dates from the beginning of the 2nd cent. AD, and also the monumental nymphaeum of the emperor Alexander - Severus in Rome on Vittorio Square. It is the facades, richly structured with niches and apses and hence similar to a theatre front, that characterise a further type of nymphaeum, attested in Asia Minor (Ephesus and Miletus) as early as the rst cent. AD and soon spread throughout the Empire. Of this type is the Roman septizodium on the slopes of the Palatine — a monument that celebrated the deities of the seven days of the week in the form of statues (Severian, 3rd cent. AD, Forma Urbis Romae, Amm. Marc. XV 7.3; demolished by pope Sixtus V in the 16th cent.). The synonymous use of the terms nymphaeum and septizodium is first attested in Lambaesis (CIL VIII 2657-58, middle of the 3rd cent. AD). The two types of nymphaeum found an application in the architecture of Roman — thermal baths, and were also a component of other public and private buildings (although nymphaea were mostly free-standing structures). There is no doubt, however, that the term nymphaeum was used of the baths in Augusta Traiana (in Bulgaria) — probably a semicircular type of nymphaeum, which matches the similarly semicircular nymphaea inside the surrounding walls of the thermal baths of Trajan and Caracalla in Rome. In large thermal bath sites nymphaea found a use as facade decoration, to close off the long side of large swimming pools (natationes). There were also nymphaea in imperial palaces, where they frequently marked the end point of a viewing axis, e.g. that leading from the dining room (e.g. in the palace of Domitian on the Palatine and in the Villa

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Hadriana in Tivoli). Nymphaea can similarly be found in a more modest form in the private buildings of the Roman upper class.

San Giovanni di Medua, Albanian Shéngjin, to the north of the mouth ofthe Drin. Like the Buna, this river has further north a coastline which has greatly changed since Antiquity because of alluvial deposits, and as a consequence there is no longer any evidence of remains. In the spring of 48 BC Caesar’s fleet anchored there (Caes. l.c.), and in the same year Antonius [I 9] found refuge from Pompeius (App. l.c.). Plin. HN. 3,144 mentions a promontory (promonturium) N.

R. GINOUVES, in: J. GAGNIERS et al. (ed.), Laodicées du

Lykos: Le Nymphée, 1969; N. NEUERBURG, L’architettura delle fontane e dei ninfei nell’Italia antica, 1965; F. Rakos, Das Quellenheiligtum in Zaghouan und die rémische Wasserleitung nach Karthago, in: MDAI(R) 81, 1974, 41-89; S. SeTT1s, Esedra e nympheo, in: ANRW I 4, 1973, 661-745; R. TOLLE-KASTENBEIN, Antike Was-

NYMPHIDIUS

LN.

J. M. F. May, Macedonia and Illyria (217-167 BC), in: JRS 36, 1946, 48-56, here 5 sf.

Il. PLACE NAMES [1] (Nvudatov/Nymphaion). Bay and harbour west of Cape Malea [1] with a small settlement near a chapel of St. Marina (Paus. 3,23,2).

[6] (Nuudatov/Nymphaion). Place in Illyria near Apollonia [1], known for its ‘eternal fire “linked to an oracle, a fire which burned there almost continuously owing to asphalt deposits. Attested in the literature from the 4th cent. BC (Aristot. Mir. 842b rg: ‘in Apollonia near the territory of the Atintanes’; Theop. FGrH 115 F 316; 320; later Poseid. FGrH 87 F 93; Str. 7,5,8; Plin. HN

serkultur, 1990, 187-199.

E. MEYER, s.v. Nymphaion (1), RE 17, 1600.

E.O.

[2] (Nuudatov/Nymphaion). Ancient and modern name

of the southernmost part of the Acte peninsula (modern

252373 240; 3,145; 16,59; Ael. VH

— Athos). Evidence: Str. 7a,1,32; Ptol. 3,13,11. M2. [3] (Nuudatov/Numphaion). Town on the coast of the

41,45; Ampelius 8,6), N. is presumed to have been in the proximity of Selenica to the south ofthe valley of the Vjosa (in Albania), where there is mineral oil and where methane still comes to the surface. There is no evidence of remains of a sanctuary to the > nymphs. Two priests of the nymphs are known from inscriptions in Apollonia [2. no. 189, 369]. The festival of Nymphaia has been celebrated since 130 BC as Stephanités Agon [2. no. 320f.]. In the 2nd cent. BC Apollonia had bronze coins minted, with the fire of N. on the obverse and a

Black Sea between Heraclea [7] and Tios, possibly west of the river Iliksu Deresi. K. BELKE, Paphlagonien und Honorias (TIB 9), 1996, 255;

W. RUGE, s.v. Nymphaion (5), RE 17, 1600.

K.ST.

[4] (Nuugdatov, Nviudatov, Nuudaia/Nymphaion, Nymphaion, Nymphaia). Jonian colony on the European side of the Bosporus [2], 17 km south of > Panticapaeum, modern Geroyevka, with a very good harbour (Str. 7,4,4). Founded, probably with Samian participation, at the beginning of the 6th cent. BC. There are remains from this period of a temple to Demeter and a larger building with an internal apse (possibly a sanctuary to the > Cabiri) and a temple to Aphrodite. From 444 BC close relations with Athens. The grandfather of Demosthenes [2] is supposed to have been professionally active in N. (Aischin. Ctes. 171). Necropolis with Greek and Scythian burial sites. After 405 BC under the rule of Satyrus I the Spartocidae (— Spartocus) advanced N. economically and militarily (App. Mith. 514). The general economic crisis in the Hellenistic east (2nd/rst centuries BC) also involved N. (Plin. HN 4,86). In the rst cent. AD there was some recovery. In the second half of the 3rd cent. AD N. succumbed to an invasion by the Goths. M. M. Cuupyjak, Iz istorii Nimfeja VI-III vv do n.e.,

1962; L. F. SILANT’EVA, Nekropol Nimfeja, in: Materialy Instituta Arheologii 69, 1959, 5-107; V. F. GAIDUKJEVIC, Das Bosporanische Reich, 1971, 63f., 186-192; T. S. Noonan, s.v. Nymphaeum, PE, 636. Lv.B.

[5] Port on the Illyrian coast (Nuudatov/Nymphaion, Latin Nymphaeum). Harbour protected from the southwest wind (Africus), but not from the south wind

(Auster) (Caes. B Civ. 3,26,4; cf. also App. B Civ. 2,59; Luc. 5,720f.) on the Illyrian coast, about 5 km northwest of > Lissus (III milia passuum, Caes. |.c.), modern

13,16; Cass. Dio

cithara on the reverse (HN 314). 1 R. Mack, Grenzmarken und Nachbarn Makedonien...., diss. G6ttingen 1951, 29f. 2P. CABANES, Corpus des inscriptions grecques d’Illyrie méridionale et d’Epire, vols. 1,1 and 1,2, 1995 and 1997.

PICA.

Nymphaeus (Nvupdotoc/Nymphaios). Nowadays called Kahta Cayi, it is a tributary of the Euphrates in + Commagene. The ancient name is known only through the citing of the name of the town, Arsameia on the N., on an inscription of Antiochus [2] Iof Commagene found at Arsameia (now Eski Kahta) [2]. F. K. DORNER, Arsameia am Nymphaios (IstForsch 23), 1963, 40. K.KE.

Nymphidia. Daughter of the imperial freedman C. Tulius [II 36] Callistus and a seamstress; mother of C. Nymphidius [2] Sabinus. PIR* N 251. WE.

Nymphidius [1] N. Lupus. He served in the army as a praefectus in Syria around AD 80/1, when > Plinius the Younger was a tribunus militum in the legio II Gallica. Later N. reached rank of a primipilaris. Pliny called him to Pontus-Bithynia as an adviser. For his son of the same name Pliny requested a military tribunate from the emperor Trajan (Plin. Epist. 10,87). PIR* N 248; 249.

NYMPHIDIUS

927

928

[2] C.N. Sabinus Son of C. Tulius [II 36] Callistus’s freedwoman — Nymphidia. Later N. claimed that his father was > Caligula. According to Plutarch (Galba

greca, Part 2, in: Acme 17, 1964, 119f.; R. LAQUEUR, S.v. N. (6), RE 17, 1625-1627.

9,1f.), however, it was the gladiator Martianus, but this

[2]

may also be based on a polemic tradition. N. achieved the status of eques, perhaps through the influence of Tulius [II 3.6] Callistus. He was the prefect of an auxiliary unit in Pannonia. In AD 65 he had a share in the discovery of the Pisonian conspiracy. For this he was decorated by the Senate with the > ornamenta consularia at — Nero’s suggestion (Tac. Ann. 15,72,1f.). Probably at the same time he was appointed ~ praefectus praetorio beside > Ofonius Tigellinus. N. had Nero’s full confidence, but as it became clear in the summer of 68 that the latter no longer had any support, N. promised the Praetorians an enormous ~» donativum and so induced them to desert Nero and proclaim — Galba [2]. He forced his colleague Tigellinus to resign and played the part of the new lord of Rome. When he recognised that Galba wanted to restrict his influence, he tried to get the Praetorians to proclaim him emperor himself. He died in the attempt

Nomima barbarikd (‘Customs ofthe barbarians’) in the

Nymphs (viuoavnymphai, lat. nymphae). Female nature daimones in human form. Nvuoy (zymphe) means ‘young woman’ or ‘bride’ (cf. lat. nubere: ‘to marry’), hence a ‘young woman of marriageable age’. In Homer the term is frequently used for human women (Hom. Il. 3,130; 9,536; Hom. Od. 5 passim), but the concept of nymphs as nature deities already exists as well (Hom. Il.

(Plut. Galba 8,rf.; 13f.). PIR* N 250.

6,420; 20,8; 24,616 etc.).

W.E.

Nymphis (Nbpdic; Nymphis). N. from — Heraclia [7] on the Pontus, son of Xenagoras, historian, b. c. 310 BC, d. after 246. He played an eminent role among the exiles who returned to their home in 281 BC after the end of the tyranny under > Clearchus [3] and the death of > Lysimachus [2] (FGrH 432 T 3 = Memnon FGrH 434 F1,c. 7,3). In 250, N. was the leader of the delegation that induced the Galatians to withdraw from Heracleotis (T 4 = Memnon FGrH 434 F 1, c. 16,3).

Works: 1) ‘On Heraclia’ in 13 bks.: Extensive local history of his home town, connected with the ‘great’ history and probably extending to the year 246. N. was used as a source by > Apollonius [2] Rhodius (and scholia),

Pompeius

Trogus

(Iust.

16,3-5),

Plutarch,

Athenaeus, Stephanus of Byzantium, and by the Jexicographers, but, above all, was excerpted by Memnon [5] (FGrH 434) in the first part (364/3-246) of his history of Heraclia. 2) ‘On Alexander, the Diadochi and Epigoni’ in 24 bks. (T 1): A universal history that probably extended to 246 as well but is lost in its entirety. FGrH 432 with comm.; P. DEsIDERI, Studi di storiografia eracleota, in: Studi classici e orientali 16, 1967, 366-416; K. MEIsTER, Die griechische Geschichtsschreibung, 1990, T27he K.MEI.

Nymphodorus (Nuuddmeoc; Nymphddoros). [1] Greek author of travel literature from > Syracusae. Towards the end of the 3rd cent. BC, he wrote — presumably as entertainment — Periploi Asias (and Europés?) which includes the story of the slave leader Drimacus (FGrH 572 F 4), and, probably separately, Peri ton en Sikiliai thaumazoménon (‘Wonders of Sicily’).

+ Paradoxographoi; > Periplus A. GIANNINI (ed.), Paradoxographorum Graecorum reliquiae, 1966, 112-115; Id., Studi sulla paradossografia

Ethnograper

from

- Amphipolis

who

wrote

rst third of the 3rd cent. (used by Apollonius [2] Rhodius, i. a.), distinct from N. [1] through his style; ac-

cording to Hdt. 2,35, fr. 21 (FHG 2, 379-381) and deals with Egypt, most of the other frr. deal with the Pontus region. F. LaQueur, s.v. N. (5), RE 17, 1623-1625; P. JANNI, Ethnographie, in: H. SONNABEND (ed.), Mensch und Landschaft in der Antike, 1999, 126-133. H.A.G.

Nymphs are active wherever there is life in nature. Despite their divinity they are not immortal. They usually appear as groups, often a chain of dancers or the entourage of other deities active in nature (~ Artemis,

+ Hermes, - Pan). As part of > Dionysus’ retinue, they appear alongside the maenads as a counterpart of the > satyrs and > silenis. After Homer, a distinction was made between various types of nymphs according to where they lived: naiads (nymphs of springs and bodies of water), oreads (mountain nymphs), dryads and > hamadryads (tree nymphs) — the latter had a particularly close personal connection with the place in which they lived, the tree: each tree nymph was born together with a tree, lived in that tree and also died with it (as already in Hom. H. 5,264ff.; cf. Pind. fr. 165) —, as well as the Nereids and -» Oceanids (daughters of ~ Nereus and > Oceanus as sea nymphs, almost in the present-day sense of ‘mermaids’). It is possible that the > Muses were also originally nymphs of the springs or mountains. Anonymous grotto nymphs are found in Hom. Od. 13,107f. Generally nymphs were ritually worshiped in a natural setting, usually at a spring or in their caves or grottoes, later in fountain houses, by the Romans also in temples (~ Nymphaeum). H. Herrer,

F. HEICHELHEIM,

s.v.

Nymphai,

RE

17,

1527-1599; Nitsson, GGR, 244-255; M. HALM-TISSERANT, G. SIEBERT, s.v. Nymphen, LIMC 8.1, 891-902; 8.2, 584-597.

LK.

Nysa (Ntoa/Niasa).

[1] Wet nurse of + Dionysus (Terpander in Lydus, Mens. 4,51) with cult in Athens (IG III 320, 351). Hom. Il. 6,132f. already knew of companions of N. Three Nysai meet on a vase by Sophilus (about 580). They appear in the sky as a group of stars called > Hyades.

929 T. GANSCHOW, s.v. Nysa, LIMC 8.1, 902-907; 8.2, 598f.

eK: [2] In Homer, the toponym N. refers to the mythical place (mountain) where > Dionysus was born or spent his childhood (Nvoviov/Nyséion, Hom. Il. 6,132f.), named after his nurse of the same name [r]. In the Homeric hymns it refers to the plain (Nvoctov xediov/ Nysion pedion, H. Hom. 2,17) where Kore (— Persephone) was abducted by Hades. Already in ancient times there was disagreement regarding the location of Dionysus’ place of birth, and various cities were suggested, often as the aition for their wine culture (cf. Eust. Hom. ad Il. 6,33: in the Caucasus; he mentions as alternatives Boeotia, Arabia, India and Libya). Steph. Byz. s.v. Ndoat cites ten cities with this name (on Helicon, in Thracia, Caria, Arabia, Aieyptus, Naxos, India, in the Caucasus, Libya, Euboia). Hdt. 2,146 mentions a N. ‘beyond Aigyptus in Aithiopia’, elsewhere (Hdt. 3,97) he includes the inhabitants of Aethiopia among the Indoi. The ‘Indian’ town of N., initially a variation of the Aethiopian town in Herodotus, became increasingly real in connection with the Indian campaign of > Alexander [4] the Great, the journey undertaken by + Megasthenes and the related expansion of the > Oikoumene: Arr. Anab. 5,1,1-6 described N. as a city located between the rivers + Cophen and > Indus [1] (Ntoa/N¥sa), which Dionysus built for and named after his nurse after he had conquered the Indians; the mountains found near the city were called Mérés after Zeus’ thigh, from which Dionysus was born (similarly Curt. 8,10,7ff.; lust. 12,7; Strab. 15,1,7—-9; Philostr. VA 2,9). Unlike Herodotus,

Arr. Ind. 1,4-5 describes the Nysaioi as non-Indians descended from the people who came to India with Dionysus and remained there as war invalids (for localisa-

tion efforts based on this, cf. the (doubtful) proposals put forward in [1. 1648-1654]: in Swat, at Kabul, Meéros as Pamir etc.; in [2] association of Méros with the

Indian world mountain Meru, possibly with Nanga Parbat). Diodorus thought a location in Arabia (Diod. 3,65) or Phoenicia (Diod. 3,66; with reference to the claim of the Libyans to N.) probable. Plin. HN 5,74 referred to N. as one ofthe cities of the ~» Decapolis and considered it to be synonymous with Scythopolis (— Beisan). Coins of this city do indeed show numerous depictions of the Dionysus myth (e.g. the birth from a thigh, personification of the city of N. with Dionysus as a child, cf. [3]). The mention of the Scythae in Pliny caused modern researchers to assume mistakenly that there was a city called N. in Scythia (thus e.g. [4], also containing older literature for the location).

~ Nonnus does not mention the town of N. in his Dionysiakd (Latin: Dionysiaca) in the context of Dionysus’ birth, childhood or Indian campaign. The adventures recounted in connection with N. take place in Arabia (Nonn. Dion. 20f.: battle against the ‘Arabian’ king Lycurgus who ruled N., his name possibly reminiscent of Hom. Il. 6,132f.; Dion. 20,143-146: Dionysus came

930

NYSA

from Carmel to N., therefore associated by [5. 260] with Scythopolis). The fact that in history it was common to hark back to the connection between the place name N. and Dionysus is clear from the fact that in + Nysa [3] in Caria the Dionysian theme is integrated into the Kore-Demeter myth (main cult) (cf. the theatre frieze there with scenes from the childhood of Dionysus [6]). By referring to this myth the newly founded Hellenistic N. placed itself in time-honoured tradition

[6]. 1 O. STEIN, s.v. Nysa (12), RE

WirtTH, O.von Hiniser

17, 1640-1654;

2G.

(ed.), Arrian, Der Alexander-

zug. Indische Geschichte (griechisch/deutsch), 1985, 1083 (comm.); 3R. BarKay, Dionysiac Mythology on CityCoins of Nysa-Scythopolis, in: Proceedings of the XIth International Numismatic Congress (Brussels 1991), vol. I, 1993, 371-375;

4F. F. SCHWARZ, s.v. Nysa (2), KIP,

217f.; 5 P. CHuviN, Mythologie et géographie dionysiaques ..., 1991, esp. 254-272; 6 R. LINDNER, Mythos und Identitat. Zur Selbstdarstellung kleinasiatischen Stadte in der rémischen Kaiserzeit, 1994, 103-198 (with tables).

D.SI.

[3] City in Caria (Plin. HN. 5,108) on the border with Lydia, at the northern edge of the plain of the > Maeander [2], on the foothills of the Mesogis ina fertile area (wine growing), 2 km north west of what is now Sultanhisar; divided in a north-south direction by a ravine created by a stream (Strab. 14,1,43). It is not known whether the city was created through > synoikismos of the small town of Athymbra with two neighbouring towns. In the 3rd cent. BC, it was Seleucid. Afterwards, it was renamed N. (obscure note in Steph. Byz. s.v. “Avtoxeia). Minting of coins commenced

in the early years of the Roman province of Asia. At the beginning of the first > Mithradatic War in the year 88 BC, Chairemon of N. rendered services to the Romans (Syll.3 741), as did younger members of his family later on. The Stoic Apollonius (pupil of > Panaetius) came from N., as did the Homeric philologist > Menecrates [13] (pupil of Aristarchus), whose son Aristodemus taught the young Strabo rhetoric and grammar in c. 50 BC (Strab. 14,1,48). Archaeological remains: theatres, a structure, one hundred m. long, covering a stream, also under a stadium (‘amphitheatre’), remains of a gymnasium, an agora and the gerontikon (council building of the gerousia; Strab. 14,1,44); a multi-storey library; necropolises in the west. N. owed its prosperity in the Imperial period to the sanctuary of> Pluto and > Kore in the komé Acharake (now at Salavath, 5 km to the west), with medicinal sulphur springs and a cave sometimes used as an incubation room (Charonion, Strab. 14,1,44), an annual festival with cultic drama (theogamia, Syll.3 1066) and presentation of the sick. N. was granted the right of asylum and freedom from duties for what had originally been a pre-Greek chthonic culture site by Seleucus I and Antiochus [2] I (WELLES 9) in 281 BC, at the beginning of the second cent. by Antiochus [5] II]. (WELLES

NYSA

43) and later in the second cent. by another king (WELLES 64: name unknown), finally confirmed in 1 BC by the Roman proconsul (Syll.3 781). In late antiquity, N. was part of the eparchia of Asia. The city was a bishop’s see (participation in the councils of Ephesus in 431 and Calchedon in 451). A Byzantine church in the city was built into the Roman baths. W.v. Drest, Nysa ad Maeandrum, 1913; W. RUGE, s.v. Nysa (10), RE 17, 1631-1640; MAGIE 2, 989-991; G. E. BEAN, Kleinasien, vol. 3, 1974, 221-230; E. AKURGAL, Griechische und rémische Kunst in der Turkei, 1987, 440 ills. 187 (map); V. SEZER e.a., Die Freilegung der AufSen-

fassade und der Ost-West-Eingange Skene

und Podium

des Theaters

TurkAD 28, 1989, 307-311 Westtiirkei, 1991, 160-162.

(Turkish);

von

Nysa, in:

W.

KoeENIGs, H.KA.

Nyssa (Nbooa/Nyssa). Old Anatolian settlement and

city in the Cappadocian strategy of Morimene (Ptol. 5,6,23), today Buytk-/Kucgikkaletepe north of Harmandali. In AD 372, > Gregorius [2] became bishop of N. The city declined as early as the 9th cent. HILD/RESTLE, 246-248.

Nysus (Nvooc/Nysos). Male counterpart of Nysa [1]. He is the tutor of > Dionysus. He exercises power in Thebes during the latter’s campaign to India, but it is seized back again on his return (Hyg. Fab. 131, 167, 179).

L.K.

Nyx (NUE/Nyx; Lat. Nox, night). In antiquity, the night as a sphere of the eerie and the hidden was regarded not simply as a natural, daily phenomenon that shaped people’s lives but as a goddess and personification. It is difficult to draw clear boundaries between these realms. A. GENEALOGIES

B.CuLtT

In Acusilaus (9 B 1 DK), Aither, Metis, and Eros are

children of Erebus and N.; in Epimenides (3 B 5 DK) a world egg emerges from the union of Aér, N., and Tartarus. According to the completely different Orphic cosmogony (> Orphic) where N. is largely abstracted from the natural phenomenon of night, + Phanes creates N. from himself and conceives with her Uranus and Gaia (parody: Aristoph. Av. 693ff.). World dominion is transferred from Phanes to N., then to Cronos, Zeus, and finally to Dionysus. According to Aristotle (Metaph. 1071b 26) who apparently refers to still older concepts, N. is the origin instead of Phanes.

des Theaters von

Nysa, in: TirkAD 27, 1988, 85-88; Id., Die Ausgrabung

von

Bg

D3

C. LITERARY AND

PICTORIAL ICONOGRAPHY

A. GENEALOGIES In variously accentuated genealogies of gods [1], N. is a cosmogonic power. In Hesiod, N. belongs to the first generation of gods along with other appearances of light (Hes. Theog. 123ff.; 211; 744ff.; cf. her authority in Hom. Il. 14,259). She was born from > Chaos and conceives, with Erebus (underworld), > Aither and Hemera (day). She is not only the mother (partially in parthenogenesis) of phenomena associated with the night such as Hypnos (sleep, > Somnus), the Oneiroi (dreams), > Thanatos (death) or even Philotes (love), but also — since all bad things happen at night or come from the night— of many personified evils that shape the conditio humana (Cic. Nat. deor. 3,44): Moros (fate), + Ker (ruin), Momos (disgrace), Oizys (misery), -~ Moirai, Keres, Erinys (— Erinys), > Nemesis (retaliation), Apate (deception), Geras (age), Eris (strife).

ByCurn N. had no cultic significance but had oracle sites (> Dream interpretation) in Delphi (Plut. De sera 5 66c) and in Megara at the temple of Dionysus Nyktelios (Paus. 1,40,6). Accounts of perhaps purely poetic sacrifices exist from Virgil (Aen. 6,249f.: black sheep) and Ovid (Fast. 1,455: black rooster).

C. LITERARY AND PICTORIAL ICONOGRAPHY The various literary conceptions of N. [1; 5] are surely the product of the authors’ individual imagination and do not yield a coherent image. Only a few aspects are worth mentioning: N. lives alternately with her daughter Hemera (day) in a cave either in the west (Hes. Theog. 744ff.; cf. Herc. O. 1440), or in Erebus (Eur. Or. 174f.), or in the far north (Alcm. fr. 90 PMG). As a counterpart to the sun (-> Sol), she rides up to heaven on a carriage drawn by black horses (Eur. Andromeda fr. r14 Nauck’; Tib. 3,4,17) with Sopor (sleep) as coachman

(Stat. Theb. 2,59) and dreams and stars in

her baggage train (Eur. lon 1150; Theocr. 2,166; Tib. 2,1,87). Her black robe is studded with colourful stars (Aeschyl. Prom. 24) and she has black wings (cf. Aen. 8,369). As the one who offers sleep and release from worry, she often wears a wreath of poppy on her head (Ov. Fast. 4,661f.) and is called Euphrone (Soph. El. 19) or > Euphrosyne (cheer). Other epithets vary between darkness (Hom. Il. 5,310; Aeschyl. Eum. 745) and eeriness/disaster (Hes. Theog. 224 and passim). The Romans in particular emphasised N.’s terrifying character and connect her to magic, death, and the underworld (Verg. Aen. 6,265; 390; Hor. Epod. 5,5r1ff.). In pictorial representations [3; 4], N. is difficult to identify as she can easily be confused with Eos, Selene, and Artemis. Pausanias states that she was depicted on the + Cypselus Chest along with Hypnos and Thanatos (Paus. 5,18,1; cf. Aischyl. Sept. 387ff.). 1 E. BeRNeRT,

s.v. N., RE 17, 1663-1672

2H. VON

EINEM, A. J. CARSTENS, Die Nacht, 1958 3S. KaRusu, s.v. Astra (Sektion A), LIMC 2.1, 905-909 4H. PapasTRAVROU, S.v. N., LIMC 6.1, 939-941 5 G. RAMNOUX, La Nuit et les Enfants de la Nuit dans la tradition grecque, 1959

CW.

O O (linguistics). In Latin and Greek the letter denotes

both the short and long rounded velar vowel. From the 7th cent. the Ionic use of Q [1. 38] to render the latter in Greek became widespread. Latin grammarians indicate a more open articulation for the short vowel and a more strongly rounded articulation for the long vowel [2], as is also presupposed by the merger of 6 und uw in many Romance languages, cf. Italian corona, sopra < Latin corona, supra [3. 56]. In Attic-lonic, by contrast, the compensatory lengthening of 6 > a OY (Attic-Ionic tovc¢ < *tons) indicates a closed articulation of the short vow-

el, while inherited 6 is often given the open pronunciation of Q [4. 184f.; 5. 45f.]. Greek 0, w generally appears in Latin borrowings as 0, 6 [3. 74, 76].

Greek o goes back to Proto-Indo-European o (or ae) or a, ; in Aeolic it is the result of vocalization of syllabic liquids (Sot6¢ < *da,-t6-; Lesbic otgotos, Attic oteatos < *str-to-) [4. 338, 343; 5. 46]. In some phonetic contexts in Latin, o in an initial syllable may be derived from e (novus < *“neuo-; SOror < *suesor; volo
Berosus (FGrH 3C1, 680, F 1) is augmented

by references to him in cuneiform, mainly on a tablet from Hellenic > Uruk, where he is named as the first of

the wise men [1. 44-52]. On account of the spelling u,-ma-a-“nam, which points to a pronunciation *ywaran(um)

> OFannes,

the name

cannot

be ex-

plained as an artificial rendering of the Akkadian ummantu (‘scholar’).

O. is said to have emerged from the sea in Babylonia, taught human beings how to write, build temples, farm the land and create works of art etc., and then returned

to the sea [2. 13f.]. Up to now these activities have been known only from the fragments of Berosus which originate from a (not directly recorded) Sumerian-Babylonian tradition (cf. e.g. the didactic poem ‘Enki and the World Order’).

— Origin myths 1 J. vAN Dik, Die Inschriftlichen Funde, in: 18. Vorlau-

figer Bericht iiber die von dem schen Institut und der Deutschen den Mitteln der Deutschen unternommenen Ausgrabungen

Deutschen ArchaologiOrient-Gesellschaft aus Forschungsgemeinschaft in Uruk-Warka,

1962,

39-62 2S. M. BursTEIN, The Babyloniaca of Berossus, 1978 3 TUAT 3, 402-420. J.OE.

Oasis. Extensive depressions in the Libyan desert, interspersed with fertile areas, which were called in Egyptian wh3t, i.e. ‘hollow’ (Coptic ouah(e), Arabic waha, rendered into Greek as dasis (Gao). A Ptolemaic list records seven oases for Egypt, starting from the south to the north: Charga, ad-Dahila, al-Farafira, alBahriya, Ain el-Dalla (?), Wadi n-Natran, Siwa (> Ammonium). For Siwa, the Egyptian rule has been evidenced only from the 26th Dynasty (664-525 BC), but for the other ones already from the 5th/6th Dynasties, namely from c. 2450 BC. Although lying deep in the desert, the oases were connected with each other and with the Egyptian Nile Valley by means of a network of tracks; from Charga and ad-Dahila, tracks led also to ~» Nubia (Tuska) and even as far as inner Africa. The oases’ cordon was important for transport and trade, but also as a safeguard against Libyan > nomads. Charga/ad-Dahila (Middle Kingdom and 21st Dynasty) and also Siwa in the Roman/Byzantine period, were places of banishment for fugitives escaping from the Nile Valley, but also places of refuge. In Siwa and in the Libyan oasis of Augila, pagan cults lasted till the time of Justinian I. Economically, the oases stood far back behind the Nile Valley. Cherished products from the oases were wine, grapes, dates and wicker wares. Charga benefited esp. under Dareios [1] I. (temple of Hibis and Qasr al-Guwaita); just as ad-Dahila and alBahrija, it had its heyday during the Roman period. In West Asia, the position of the oasis-cities of > Palmyra (Tadmur), »

Damascus and > Teima (— Nabo-

nidus) at the junction of important overland routes contributed not only to their role as significant trade cent-

937

938

res, and consequently to their obvious wealth, but led furthermore also to Damascus’ and Palmyra’s emerging for a time as centres of powerful and expanding state structures, whose influence reached far beyond the narrow borders of the respective oasis territories. ~ Caravan trade

befalls either the swearer (sometimes reinforced by including his descendants) or a valuable object on which the affect or the prestige of the swearer depended (e.g. racehorses, Hom. Il. 23,581-85), in the event that an assertion did not correspond to the truth (assertory oath) or a promise was not fulfilled (promissory oath). In the early period, great value was placed on the correct formulation of the theme of the oath and on the

A. Fakury, s.v. Oasis, LA 4, 541; L. Grppy, Egyptian Oases, 1987.

J.OS.

OATS

choice of the gods to be invoked (Goi dextot, theot hor-

kioi, or iotogec, istores). Later there were fixed formuOath I. ANCIENT ORIENT

II. GREECE

III. RomE

I. ANCIENT ORIENT Since the second half of the 3rd millennium BC [1. 63-98; 2. 345-365], a distinction was made in Mesopotamia between promissory (assuring) oaths in contract law and assertory (confirming) oaths taking effect in lawsuits. A promissory oath served as an absolute assurance of a renunciation or intended action and was performed by invoking the king or a god, or both. An assertory oath had probative force as an oath for witnesses or parties, e.g. an oath of purification of the accused. It was usually sworn in a temple in the face of a divinity or the symbol of a god. The fear of divine punishment connected with the sacred character of oaths puts oaths in their probative and purificatory functions in the same class as ordeals. In Egypt, private, royal and divine oaths can be distinguished (according to the invocation in the oath), but an assertory oath did not have the absolute probative force it had in Mesopotamia [3. 1188-1200]. Oaths were also taken in the context of state treaties and declarations

[4. 233, 27534] of loyalty.

233°; 5] or promises

[6. 268f.,

1D. O. Epzarp, Zum sumerischen Eid, in: Assyriological Studies 20, 1975 2 J.-P. GREGOIRE, Le serment en Mésopotamie au III* millénaire avant notre ére, in: R. VERDIER (ed.), Le serment I: Signes et fonctions, 1991 3P. Kaptony, s.v. Eid, LA 1, 1975, 1188-1200 4 B. KIENaST, Der Vertrag Ebla-Assur in rechtshistorischer Sicht, in: Heidelberger Studien zum Alten Orient 2, 1988, 231-243 5S. Parpoia, K. WATANABE, Neo-Assyrian Treaties and Loyalty Oaths, 1988 6K. WATANABE, Mit Gottessiegeln versehene hethitische ‘Staatsvertrage’, in: Acta Sumerologica 11, 1989, 261-276.

U. Kaptony-HEckEL, s.v. Eid, demotisch, LA 1, 1975, 1200-1204; S. LaFont (ed.), Jurer et maudire: pratiques politiques et usages juridiques du serment dans le ProcheOrient ancien, 1997; N. OETTINGER, Die militarischen Eide der Hethiter, 1976; M. SAN NICOL, s.v. Eid, RLA 2, 1938, 305-315.

H.N.

las. The gods invoked, according to the general conviction of the time, took revenge on the perjurer, at least within their sphere of influence, keeping in line with the theme of the oath in a strictly formalistic manner. A ‘crookedly’ formulated oath was therefore harmless (cf. H. Hom. 4, 379ff.). They blessed the one faithful to his oath. Taking an oath was connected with sacrifice, being more or less festive depending on the importance of the oath. Oaths constituted the most significant guarantee for state treaties (in addition to hostage-taking). They had particular significance in procedural law in all the Greek states. The court (whether a college of ‘elders’, yéoovtec/gérontes, ‘kings’, Baovdeic/basileis, or an individual official, > dikastés) could impose by ‘conditional judgement’, also called ‘probative judgement’, on one of the parties in the dispute an oath, on the success of which the result of the lawsuit then depended. This situation is found in the Homeric epos and also in Gortyn. In Athens, certainly from the time of Draco (7th cent. BC), and in Mantinea, an oath was imposed on both parties in a dispute (> didmosia), subsequently a scollege of jurors (— dikastés, in the later meaning of the word) would determine by secret voting the ‘better oath’ and hence the winner in the lawsuit. An oath could also be given privately to the opponent in a lawsuit; in this way the legal dispute could be settled without a court decision. Witnesses often swore an oath with a party in a lawsuit (compurgators), but usually they submitted their statements without an oath. In the Hellenistic period, as a consequence of the cult of the king, an oath was also sworn by the king, but this faded gradually into a mere documentary clause, just like the emperor oath in Roman times. Ill. ROME See > lus iurandum; > Sacramentum K. LatTeE, Heiliges Recht, 1990; E. SEIDL, Der Eid im pto-

lemaischen Recht, 1929; Id., Der Eid im rémischen-agyptischen Provinzialrecht I/II, 1933/35; WOLFF, 77, 202, 249; G. THUR, Oaths and Dispute Settlement, in: L.Foxhall, A.D.E. Lewis (ed.), Greek Law, 1996, 57ff.; M. GaGarin, Oaths and Oath-Challenges in Greek Law, in:

II. GREECE Oaths (69x06, hdrkos) played a central role in the political and legal life of archaic Greek society with its strong religious alliances. In the classical period this role faded, but it still existed — in a modified form — in Hellenistic-Roman times. An oath is a curse which

G.Thir, J. Vélissaropoulos (ed.), Symposion 1995, 1997, 125ff.; A. CHANIOTIS, Tempeljustiz, ibid. 3 53 ff. Gale

Oats Unlike barley (— Grain), wild and cultivated oats (Avena sativa L., / Gk. brémos, Lat. avena) were used

only occasionally in human diet in antiquity, for example as flour for pearl barley and dietary porridge (Hip-

To)

940

22,137); oats were used most frequently as animal fodder (green or as hay: Columella 2,10,32). Dioscorides (with a good de-

tic reasons [3]. Yet it can be defended [4]. Verbal compounds and nouns ending in -tor are common in the Latin vernacular and nouns ending in -tor and -nd- (e.g. the Sondergétter Adolenda, Conmolanda, Deferunda:

OATS

poc. De victu 2,7(= 43) and Plin. HN

scription in 2,94 p. 1, 172f. WELLMANN = 2,116 p. 203

BERENDES) recommends the porridge against diarrhoea and the gruel obtained from it against coughing. In contrast to views held by the Germanic peoples who prepared their porridge from oats (cf. Plin. HN 18,149f.),

it was generally regarded as a weed (Theophr. Hist. pl. 8,9,2; Verg. G. 1,154).

> Grain

CHU.

Oaxes. River ‘at the eastern edge of the world’ (Verg. Ecl. 1,65); probably not in Crete (as stated correctly by Serv. Aen. ad loc., rather it was a variation on Oxus, old Iranian Vaxshu, which, according to Plin. HN 6,48 and lust. 1,8,2 flows out of the Oaxus lacus. A further variation is > Araxes [2]. E. KirsTEN, s.v. O. (1), RE 17, 1686f.; E. MEYER, s.v. O. (1), RE Suppl. 12, 897f. K.K.

Oaxus

("Oaktoc/Oaxos, *AEoc/Axos). Mountain town

in northern central Crete bordering on the region of > Tylissus, c. 30 km to the south of Heraklion and called Axos in later sources (Steph. Byz. s.v."A.). O. was situated on the northern foothills of the Ida mountain range, on a steep acropolis with few archaeological remains (walls). Already inhabited in late Minoan times, O. had developed since the 8/7 cents. BC into a significant town whose building fabric is preserved today only ina rudimentary form. Phronime, the mother of > Battus [1] of Cyrene came from O. (Hdt. 4,154f.). A large amount of epigraphic evidence from Hellenistic times documents the conclusion of international treaties with neighbouring Cretan towns such as ~ Gortyn and —> Phaestus in the 2nd half of the 3rd cent. BC and with Tylissus at the end of the 3rd cent. BC [1]. In Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages it was the seat of a bishopric. 1 A. CHANIOTIS, Die Vertrage zwischen kretischen Poleis in der hellenistischen Zeit, 1996, no. 13, 214-217 und no.

GA Ava we C. BursiAn, Geographie von Griechenland, vol. 2,3, 1872, 555-557; R. SCHEER, s.v. O., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 473; I. F. SANDERS, Roman Crete, 1982, 163. H.SO.

Obarator. The Roman god of ‘reploughing’ the seed appears only in Servius’ (Georg. 1,21) list of twelve > ‘Sondergétter’ connected with agriculture. This list goes back to the libri iuris pontificii by Fabius [I 34] Pictor (fr. 3 HRR, mid 2nd cent. BC?). The verb obarare appears once in Latin literature in a military context

(Liv. 23,19,14), the concept of reploughing appears in Varro (Rust. 1,29,1-3; [1]).

Opponents of the theory of Sondergétter [2] have denied the existence of O. It is also doubtful for linguis-

Act. Arv. no. 94, col. Il, 5 SCHEID) are connected to

each other, in analogy with Sanskrit [5]. These pieces of evidence perhaps demonstrate the age and the authenticity of these Latin words. From a comparative perspective, festivals such as the Greek + Proerosia illustrate the cultic attention paid to the various aspects of agriculture. In the light of these phenomena, it seems reasonable not to dismiss O. as an ‘antiquarian invention’ but to regard him as the antiquarian preservation of otherwise lost religious details. 1J. Bayer, Les ‘Feriae Sementiuae’ et les Indigitations dans le culte de Cérés et de Tellus, in: RHR 137, 1950,

172-206 2 G. Wissowa, Gesammelte Abhandlungen zur romischen Religions- und Stadtgeschichte, 1904, 304-326 3 RADKE, 236f. 45S. WemnsTock, Tellus, in: Glotta 22, 1934, 140-162

5A. SIHLER, New Comparative Gram-

mar of Greek and Latin, 1995, 614.

CRP.

Obelisk (6fedioxoc/obeliskos, Latin obeliscus). Slender column of square cross-section tapering upwards witha pyramid shaped top, Egyptian thn, in the GraecoRoman period also bnbn. In Egypt, obelisks have been connected with the sun cult since the earliest times (+ Sun god). Their concrete function and significance, however, is unknown. Royal obelisks outside temples and sanctuaries to the sun are attested from the 5th Dynasty (2450-2300 BC). In the New Kingdom they were often erected in pairs in front of the entrance gate of a temple (pylon). They were partially (the tip) or wholly clad in metal. Obelisks also stood (primarily in the Old Kingdom) in front of the entrance of (private) tombs, and they are also known from portrayals of funerals. From the New Kingdom (c. 16th cent. BC) containers, amulets and votive gifts also often had the form of an obelisk. -» Assurbanipal had two obelisks brought from Thebes to Assyria. In the reign of Augustus two obelisks were transferred to > Alexandria [1] and set up in front of the Sebasteum, like the two obelisks in front of the imperial mausoleum in Rome. In all, 14 obelisks imported from Egypt have been found in Rome. All except those mentioned were erected as individual pieces. One was used by Augustus as a gnomon for the > Horologium Augusti, the last was imported by Constantius [2] II. The obelisk created only in the Imperial period for > Antinoupolis in memory of > Antinous [2], today on the Pincio in Rome, is remarkable. In the Imperial period, paired obelisks were also set up in front of sanctuaries of Egyptian deities in > Praeneste and > Beneventum. In the r9th century obelisks were also moved to other European metropolises. > Ruler cult E. DONDELINGER, Der Obelisk, 1977; L. HABAcHI, The

Obelisks of Egypt, 1977; D. BoscHuNG, Tumulus Iuliorum — Mausoleum Augusti, in: Hefte des Archaeologi-

941

42 schen Seminars Bern 6, 1980, 38-41; LTUR 3, 1996, 353735 99-IOTS 355-3 59-

KJ.-W,

Obelus (dfeddc/obelds). Text-critical sign of Alexandrian -> philology in the shape ofa line (——) in the left margin [2. 204]. Its use goes back to > Zenodotus of Ephesus [3. 9f.]. The obelus — originating in the textual criticism of Homer — was used primarily for marking poetic passages that were regarded as inauthentic or corrupted [4.115; 5.9]. In connection with the ~» asteriskos the obelus marks a versus iteratus (‘repeated verse’) regarded as interpolated. ~» Correction marks; — Critical marks;

> Emendation

of texts; > Text, corruption of the 1A. GuDEMAN, s.v. Kritische Zeichen, RE 11, 1920f. 2 M. Maniac, Terminologia del libro manoscritto, 1996 3K. Nickau, Untersuchungen zur textkritischen Methode des Zenodotus von Ephesus, 1977 4 R. PFEIFFER, History of Classical Scholarship, 1968 5K. McNaMEE, Sigla and Select Marginalia in Greek Literary Papyri,

1992.

MLB.

OBERDORLA

Oberdorla O. is a bog in the district of Miihlhausen (Germany)

where sacrifices were made.

It was com-

pletely excavated 1957-1964, but published only in parts until now. It is a Germanic cult site that was used from the 6th cent. BC to the 4th cent. AD and which shows strong Celtic influences in the pre-Christian period. In the bog, various cultic areas were demarcated by stones or poles. Numerous animal bones (especially from cows and horses) and remains of sacrificial meals

show that the site was used primarily for fertility sacrifices. Furthermore, wooden cult figures (some female)

were found, as well as the remains of c. 40 skeletons interpreted as > human sacrifices. +» Germanic archaeology; Swamps, bodies found in G. BEHM-BLanke,

Hohlen,

Heiligtiimer,

Kannibalen,

1958; Id., Heiligtiimer, Kultplatze und Religion, in: J. HERRMANN (ed.), Archdologie in der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik 1, 1989, 166-176, esp. 173-176; B. KRUGER (ed.), Die Germanen — Ein Handbuch, vol. 1, 1983; vol. 2, 1988. ; VP.

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