Brill's New Pauly Encyclopaedia of the Ancient World (Obl-Phe) [10] 9789004142152, 9789004122598

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Brill’s Encyclopedia of the Ancient World

New Pauly

ANTIQUITY

OBL-PHE

UNIVERSITY of NEW

HAMPSHIRE

LIBRARY

EDMUND G. MILLER

LIBRARY

FUND

Brill’s

New Pauly

ANTIQUITY VOLUME

IO

OBL-PHE

Brill’s New Pauly SUBJECT

EDITORS

Dr. Andreas Bendlin, Toronto

History of Religion

Prof. Dr. Johannes Niehoff, Budapest Judaism, Eastern Christianity, Byzantine Civilization

History of Civilization

Prof. Dr. Hans Jorg Nissen, Berlin Oriental Studies

Prof. Dr. Rudolf Brandle, Basle

Prof. Dr. Vivian Nutton, London

Christianity

Medicine; Tradition: Medicine

Prof. Dr. Hubert Cancik, Tubingen Executive Editor

Prof. Dr. Eckart Olshausen, Stuttgart Historical Geography

Prof. Dr. Walter Eder, Bochum Ancient History

Prof. Dr. Filippo Ranieri, Saarbricken European Legal History

Prof. Dr. Paolo Eleuteri, Venice

Prof. Dr. Johannes Renger, Berlin

Textual Criticism, Palaeography and Codicology

Oriental Studies; Tradition: Ancient Orient

Prof. Dr. Gerhard Binder, Bochum

Dr. Karl-Ludwig Elvers, Bochum

Prof. Dr. Volker Riedel, Jena

Ancient History

Tradition: Education, Countries (II)

Prof. Dr. Bernhard Forssman, Erlangen Linguistics; Tradition: Linguistics

Prof. Dr. Jorg Riipke, Erfurt Latin Philology, Rhetoric

Prof. Dr. Fritz Graf, Columbus (Ohio) Religion and Mythology; Tradition: Religion

Prof. Dr. Gottfried Schiemann, Tubingen

PD Dr. Hans Christian Ginther, Freiburg

Prof. Dr. Helmuth Schneider, Kassel

Textual Criticism

Executive Editor; Social and Economic History,

Prof. Dr. Max Haas, Basle Music; Tradition: Music

Prof. Dr. Berthold Hinz, Kassel Tradition: Art and Architecture

Dr. Christoph Hocker, Zurich Archaeology Prof. Dr. Christian Hinemorder, Hamburg Natural Sciences

Prof. Dr. Lutz Kappel, Kiel Mythology Dr. Margarita Kranz, Berlin

Tradition: Philosophy Prof. Dr. André Laks, Lille

Philosophy

Prof. Dr. Manfred Landfester, Giessen Executive Editor: Classical Tradition; Tradition: History of Classical Scholarship and History of Civilization Prof. Dr. Maria Moog-Griinewald, Tiibingen

Law

Military Affairs, History of Classical Scholarship Prof. Dr. Dietrich Willers, Bern

Classical Archaeology (Material Culture and History of Art) Dr. Frieder Zaminer, Berlin Music

Prof Dr. Bernhard Zimmermann,

ASSISTANT EDITORS

Brigitte Egger

Jochen Derlien Susanne Fischer Dietrich Frauer

Ingrid Hitzl Heike Kunz

Comparative Literature

Vera Sauer

Prof. Dr. Dr. Glenn W. Most, Pisa

Christiane Schmidt

Greek Philology Prof. Dr. Beat Naf, Zurich Tradition: Political Theory and Politics

Freiburg

Tradition: Countries (I)

Dorothea Sigel Anne-Maria Wittke

(GERMAN

EDITION)

Brill’s Encyclopaedia of the Ancient World

New Pauly Edited by Hubert Cancik and Helmuth Schneider

English Edition Editor-in-chief Christine F. Salazar

Assistant Editors Jon S. Bruss, Michael Chase, Tina Chronopoulos, Fem Eggers, Susanne E. Hakenbeck, Annette Imhausen, Sebastiaan R. van der Mie, Michiel Op de Coul, Charlotte Pattenden, Paul du Plessis,

Antonia Ruppel, Ernest Suyver and Barbara Vetter

ANTIQUITY VOLUME I0

OBL-PHE

LEIDEN - BOSTON 2007

© Copyright 2007 by Koninklijke Brill Nv,

ISBN (volume) 978 90 04 14215 2

Leiden, The Netherlands

ISBN (set) 978 90 04 12259 8

Koninklijke Brill Nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing, rpc Publishers, Martinus

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be

Nijhoff Publishers and vsp.

reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or

Originally published in German as DER NEUE PAULY. Enzyklopadie der Antike. Herausgegeben von Hubert Cancik und Helmuth Schneider. Copyright © J.B. Metzlersche Verlagsbuchhandlung und Carl Ernst Poeschel Verlag GmbH ro996ff./r999ff. Stuttgart/Weimar

Cover design: TopicA (Antoinette Hanekuyk) Front: Delphi, temple area Spine: Tabula Peutingeriana

transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Brill provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA.

Fees are subject to change.

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Data structuring and typesetting: pagina GmbH, Tubingen, Germany

PRINTED

IN THE

NETHERLANDS

Table of Contents Notes to the User . List of Transliterations List of Abbreviations .

List of Illustrations and Maps List of Authors List of Translators Entries

Digitized by the Internet Archive In 2022 with funding from Kahle/Austin Foundation

https://archive.org/details/brillsnewpaulyen0010unse

Notes to the User Arrangement of Entries

Abbreviations

The entries are arranged alphabetically and, if applicable, placed in chronological order. In the case of alter-

All abbreviations can be found in the ‘List of Abbreviations’. Collections of inscriptions, coins and papyriare listed under their sigla.

native forms or sub-entries, cross-references will lead to

the respective main entry. Composite entries can be found in more than one place (e.g. a commentariis refers to commentariis, a).

Bibliographies

Identical entries are differentiated by numbering. Identical Greek and Oriental names are arranged chronologically without consideration of people’s nicknames. Roman names are ordered alphabetically, first according to the gentilici'um or nomen (family name), then the cognomen (literally ‘additional name’ or nickname) and finally the praenomen or ‘fore-name’ (e.g. M. Aemilius Scaurus is found under Aemilius, not Scau-

Most entries have bibliographies, consisting of numbered and/or alphabetically organized references. References within the text to the numbered bibliographic items are in square brackets (e.g. [ 1.5 n.23] refers to the first title of the bibliography, page 5, note 23). The abbreviations within the bibliographies follow the rules of the ‘List of Abbreviations’.

rus).

However, well-known classical authors are lemmatized

according to their conventional names in English; this group of persons is not found under the family name, but under their cognomen (e.g. Cicero, not Tullius). In large entries the Republic and the Imperial period are treated separately.

Texts and maps are closely linked and complementary, but some maps also treat problems outside the text. The authors of the maps are listed in the ‘List of Maps’.

Spelling of Entries

Cross-references

Greek words and names are as a rule latinized, following the predominant practice of reference works in the English language, with the notable exception of technical terms. Institutions and places (cities, rivers, islands, countries etc.) often have their conventional English names (e.g. Rome not Roma). The latinized versi-

ons of Greek names and words are generally followed by the Greek and the literal transliteration in brackets, e.g. Aeschylus (Aioybdoc; Aischylos). Oriental proper names are usually spelled according to the ‘Tubinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients’ (TAVO), but again conventional names in English are also used. In the maps, the names of cities, rivers, islands, countries etc. follow ancient spelling and are transliterated fully to allow for differences in time, e.g. both Kaxmadoxta and Cappadocia can be found. The transliteration of non-Latin scripts can be found in the ‘List of Transliterations’. Latin and transliterated Greek words are italicized in the article text. However, where Greek transliterations do not follow immediately upon a word written in Greek, they will generally appear in italics, but without accents or makra.

Maps

Articles are linked through a system ofcross-references with an arrow > before the entry that is being referred to.

Cross-references to related entries are given at the end of an article, generally before the bibliographic notes. If reference is made to a homonymous entry, the respective number is also added. Cross-references to entries in the Classical Tradition volumes are added in small capitals. It can occur that in a cross-reference a name is spelled differently trom the surrounding text: e.g., a cross-reference to Mark Antony has to be to Marcus + Antonius, as his name will be found in a list of other names containing the component ‘Antonius’.

en /shai cre bee

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rr

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Mew

ogylet

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Al egy ™~.

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teen ee

ives

Hae eminent

ut Crier) edpe

Cetahxdud

omen

sehesren es

Se indy eaekeer meS00 af siteerijemmt Sept!

:

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cases

Se

ace)

ae

owe

=

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eas

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Ofer Gree) TIDee dia

nh

nade eens nt bee,

, a, sinew nee

iatl

=i) pi yel Was 04 ingnee 0 seed eee? ghia S Geechee Ae Mo \i ‘tilts

geet peest) ) t-e.Fwh cae eo onl, shes Sai SG

|

;

-

attr -oe

:

omen

> een Got a

>

ud phn

bets

niall:

Mena wen

Ry, trayee aie

tinge

Sage bb Ate

aR, *

es OS!

@ bape:

:

i

PO

i

Cat

AONE

Wh Me

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List of Transliterations Transliteration of ancient Greek

Transliteration of Hebrew

a. cut au i) y rc) € EL EU e n nu 0

X 2 i 7 a ’ T n ) , 5) 2 a)

a ai au b g d e el

eu Z é éu th

alpha

beta gamma; y before y, x, €, y: n delta epsilon

Z b g d

alef bet gimel dalet

h Ww z h

he vav zayin khet

t y k | m

3

n

0 y 5 x

S é p/t s

tet yod kaf lamed mem nun samek ayin pe tsade

x1

?

q

got

omicron

5 v "7 n

r s S t

z(d)eta eta theta 1ota kappa la(m)bda

U

i

x d ul Vv

k l m n

E

Xe

) ol ou I Q 0,S

oO Ol ou p r s

rho sigma

U

t

tau

v a) ie yw w : a

y ph ch ps o) h al

upsilon phi chi psi omega spiritus asper iota subscriptum (similarly y, )

mu nu

pl

resh sin

shin tav

Pronunciation of Turkish Turkish uses Latin script since 1928. Pronunciation and spelling generally follow the same rules as European languages. Phonology according to G. Lewis, Turkish Grammar, 2000.

A

a

French a in avoir

In transliterated Greek the accents are retained (acute’, grave’, and circumflex ~). Long vowels with the circum-

B C

b c

flex accent have no separate indication of vowel length (makron).

C D

¢ d e f g g h

b j in jam ch in church d French é in étre

E F G G H

f g in gate or in angular lengthens preceding vowel h in have

I

1

1 in cousin

I

i

French i in si

J K iL. M

j k l m

French j ¢ in cat or in cure lin list or in wool m

LIST

OF

TRANSLITERATIONS

Transliteration of other languages

N O O

n oO fo)

n

French o in note German 6

P

p

p

R S

r s

r s in sit

S

5

sh in shape

if

t

t

U

u

u in put

U V ae

u Vv y

German t V y in yet

Ls

id

Z

Transliteration Turkish

of Arabic,

Persian,

and

nian the rules of R. ScHmitT, Grammatik des Klassisch-

asi 5

peal b

, b

; b

hamza, alif ba

a

=

Pp

p

pe

oS

t

t

t

ta’

a c

t g

s g

s g

ta’ gim

a

-

é

é

cim

é

h

h

h

ha’

re 5 ee

d

5 5

r Zz

r Zz

r Zz

ra’ zay

: o

s

Z s

oe d d er ee

ze sin

oO

S

S

Z s 5

“

s

s

s

dy

cd

ood,

dal

|

sin

sad

Minded

+

C

c

t

ta’

L

z

z

z

za’

Co

:

:

‘

‘ain

oe

Ottoman

Akkadian (Assyrian-Babylonian), Hittite and Sumerian are transliterated according to the rules of RLA and TAVO. For Egyptian the rules of the Lexikon der Agyptologie are used. The transliteration of Indo-European follows Rix, HGG. The transliteration of Old Indian is after M. MAYRHOFER, Etymologisches Worterbuch des Altindoarischen, 1992ff. Avestian is done according to K. HoreMann, B. ForssMAN, Avestische Laut- und Flexionslehre, 1996. Old Persian follows R.G. KENT, Old Persian, *1953 (additions from K. HOFFMANN, Aufsatze zur Indoiranistik vol. 2, 1976, 622ff.); other Iranian languages are after R. SCHMITT, Compendium linguarum Iranicarum, 1989, and after D.N. MACKENzig, A Concise Pahlavi Dictionary, +1990. For Arme-

ee eee cee

Ss

f

f

f

fae

G

q

q

qk

qa

3

k

k

kyon

kat

JF

-

g

g,n

gaf

J

|

|

|

lam

:

m

m

m

mim

e)

n

n

n

nun

°

h

h

h

ha

5

w,u

Vv

Vv

waw

S

y,1

y

y

ya’

Armenischen, 1981, and of the Revue des études arméniennes, apply. The languages of Asia Minor are transliterated according to HbdOr. For Mycenean, Cyprian see HEUBECK and Masson; for Italic scripts and Etruscan see VETTER and ET.

List of Abbreviations 1. Special Characters =:

see (cross-reference) originated from (ling.) evolved into (ling.)

isu

consonantal 1, u

< >

m,n hee

vocalized I, r

a

root

|

syllable end

®

born/reconstructed form (ling.) married

# EX

word end transliteration

a a if

short vowel long vowel deceased

fu [ |

phonemic representation apocryphal

col. cone. Cologne, RGM comm. Congr. contd. Copenhagen, NCG Copenhagen,

column acta concilii Cologne, Romisch Germanisches Museum commentary Congrss, Congrés, Congresso continued Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptothek

vocalized m, n

2. List of General Abbreviations Common abbreviations (e.g., etc.) are not included in the list of general abbreviations.

A. Ale(Wl(C abl. acc. aed. cur. aed. pl. Ap(p). Athens,AM

Aulus ab urbe condita ablative accusative aedilis curulis aedilis plebi Appius Athens, Acropolis Museum

Athens,BM_

Athens, Benaki Museum

Athens,NM_ Athens, NUM b. Baltimore, WAG

Athens, National Museum Athens, Numismatic Museum

born Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery

Copenhagen, National Museum

NM

Copenhagen, ™ cos. cos. des. cos. ord. cos. suff.

Copenhagen, Thorvaldsen Museum consul

consul designatus consul ordinarius consul suffectus

Basle, AM

Basle, Antikenmuseum

cur.

curator

Berlin, PM Berlin, SM bk(s).

Berlin, Pergamonmuseum Berlin, Staatliche Museen book(s)

De Dec d. dat.

Decimus died dative

Bonn, RL

Bonn, Rheinisches Landesmuseum

decret.

decretum, decreta

Boston, MFA Bull.

Boston, Museum of Fine Arts

diss. ed. edd.

dissertation edidit, editio, editor, edited (by) ediderunt

( G Cambridge, FM carm. ate cent. ch. Cn. Cod.

Gaius circa Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum

epist. fal fem. fig(s). fla. Florence, MA Florence, UF

epistulae falsa lectio feminine figure(s) flamen Florence, Museo Archeologico

Bulletin, Bullettino

carmen, Carmina Catalogue, Catalogo century chapter Gnaeus Codex, Codices, Codizes

Florence, Uffizi

GENERAL

XII

ABBREVIATIONS

fr. Frankfurt, LH gen.

fragment Frankfurt, Liebighaus

Geneva,

Geneva, Musée d’Art et d’Histoire

MAH Ger. Gk.

German Greek

Hamburg, MKG Hanover,

genitive

Hamburg, Museum fiir Kunst und Gewerbe Hanover, Kestner-Museum

KM HS ill(s). Imp. inventory no. Istanbul, AM

sesterces

itin.

itineraria

Kassel, SK

Kassel, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen

illustration(s) Imperator

inventory number

NT Op. opt. OT Oxford,

AM p. IY Pp. Palermo, MAN Paris, BN Paris, CM

New Testament Opus, Opera optative Old Testament Oxford, Ashmolean Museum

page Papyrus Publius Palermo, Museo Archeologico Nazionale Paris, Bibliothéque Nationale Paris, Cabinet des Médailles

Paris, LV

Paris, Louvre

pl. plur

plate plural

pon. max.

— pontifex maximus

loco citato

pr(aef). praef. procos. procur. propr. Ps.©; qu.

praefatio praefectus proconsul procurator propraetor Pseudo Quintus quaestor

Latin

;

recto

leges

rev.

revised

liber, libri linguistic(ally)

Rome, MC

Rome, Museo Capitolino

Rome, MN

Rome, Museo Nazionale

locative London, British Museum

Rome, MV

Rome, Museo Vaticano

Rome, VA

Rome, Villa Albani

Rome, VG

Rome, Villa Giulia

Sextus Serie, Series, Série, Seria sub voce senatus consultum scilicet scholion, scholia Servius

Istanbul, Archaeological Museum

lex line Lucius

Moscow,

masculinum, masculine Moscow, Pushkin Museum

S: Ser: S.V. SE SC. schol. Ser

PM MS(S)

manuscript(s)

serm. s(in)g.

sermo singular

Munich,

Munich, Glyptothek

Soc.

Society, Societe, Societa

Sp. St.

Spurius Saint

St. Petersburg, HR

St. Petersburg, Hermitage

Manius M.

Marcus

Madrid, PR

Madrid, Prado Malibu, Getty Museum

Malibu, GM masc.

GL Munich, SA Munich, SM

Munich, Staatliche Antikensammlung Munich, Staatliche Miinzsammlung

Mus.

Museum, Musée, Museo

N. n.d. Naples, MAN neutr. New York, MMA no. nom. N.S.

Numerius

Stud. As

Studia, Studien, Studies, Studi Titus

no date Naples, Museo Archeologico Nazionale

The Hague, MK

The Hague, Muntenkabinet

neutrum, neuter, neutral New York, Metropolitan Museum of

Thessaloniki, National Museum Thessaloniki,

NM

nominative

Liew libs tit. transl.

Tiberius titulus translation, translated (by)

Neue Serie, New Series, Nouvelle Série, Nuova Seria

tr. mil. tr. pl.

tribunus militum tribunus plebis

Arts

number

XU

BIBLIOGRAPHIC

tote Univ.

terminus technicus Universitat, University, Universite, Uni-

v.

verse

:

verso

Vienna,KM_ vir clar. vir ill.

vir spect.

Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum vir clarissimus vir illustris vir spectabilis

vol(s).

volume(s)

versita

ABBREVIATIONS

ABr P. ARNDT, F. BRUCKMANN (ed.), Griechische und r6mische Portrats, r891 - 1912; E. Lippoip (ed.),

Text vol., 1958 ABSA Annual of the British School at Athens AC L’Antiquité Classique Acta Acta conventus neo-latini Lovaniensis, 1973

AD Archaiologikon Deltion ADAIK Abhandlungen des Deutschen Archdologischen In-

3. Bibliographic Abbreviations

A&A Antike und Abendland A&R Atene e Roma AA

Archaologischer Anzeiger AAA Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology

AAAlg

S. GsELL, Atlas archéologique de l’Algérie. Edition speciale des cartes au 200.000 du Service Géographique de I’ Armée, 1911, repr. 1973 AAHG Anzeiger fiir die Altertumswissenschaften, publication of the Osterreichische Humanistische Gesellschaft AArch Acta archeologica AASO The Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research AATun 050 E. BaBELON,

R. CaGnat,

S. REINACH

(ed.), Atlas

archéologique de la Tunisie (1 : 50.000), 1893 AATun too R. Cacnat, A. MERLIN (ed.), Atlas archéologique de la Tunisie (1: 100.000), 1914 AAWG

Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Gottingen. Philologisch-historische Klasse AAWM Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften und Literatur in Mainz. Geistes- und sozialwissenschaftliche Klasse AAWW Anzeiger der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien. Philosophisch-historische Klasse ABAW Abhandlungen der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-historische Klasse Abel F.-M.ABEL,GéographiedelaPalestine2vols.,193 3-38

ABG,

Archiv fir Begriffsgeschichte: Bausteine zu einem historischen W6rterbuch der Philosophie

stituts Kairo Adam J.P. Apam, La construction romaine. Materiaux et techniques, 1984 ADAW Abhandlungen der Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Klasse ftir Sprachen, Literatur und Kunst ADB Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie AdI Annali dell’Istituto di Corrispondenza Archeologica AE L’Année épigraphique AEA Archivo Espanol de Arqueologia AEM Archaologisch-epigraphische Mitteilungen aus Osterreich AfO Archiv fiir Orientforschung AGD Antike Gemmen in deutschen Sammlungen 4 vols., 1968-75

AGM Archiv fiir Geschichte der Medizin Agora The Athenian Agora. Results of the Excavations by the American School of Classical Studies of Athens, 1953 ff.

AGPh Archiv fiir Geschichte der Philosophie AGR Akten der Gesellschaft fiir griechische und hellenistische Rechtsgeschichte AHAW Abhandlungen der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-historische Klasse AHES Archive for History of Exact Sciences ATHS Archives internationales d’histoire des sciences AION Annali del Seminario di Studi del Mondo Classico, Sezione di Archeologia e Storia antica

BIBLIOGRAPHIC

XIV

ABBREVIATIONS

AJ The Archaeological Journal of the Royal Archaeological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland

AJA American Journal of Archaeology AJAH American Journal of Ancient History AJBA Australian Journal of Biblical Archaeology AJN

AMI Archaologische Mitteilungen aus Iran Amyx, Addenda C.W. Neert, Addenda et Corrigenda to D.A. Amyx, Corinthian Vase-Painting, 1991 Amyx, CVP D.A. Amyx, Corinthian Vase-Painting of the Archaic Period 3 vols., 1988 Anadolu Anadolu (Anatolia) Anatolica Anatolica AncSoc Ancient Society Anderson J.G. ANDERSON, A Journey of Exploration in Pontus

American Journal of Numismatics

AJPh American Journal of Philology AK Antike Kunst AKG Archiv fiir Kulturgeschichte AKL

(Studia pontica 1), 1903

Anderson Cumont/Gregoire

G. MEISSNER (ed.), Allgemeines Kiinsterlexikon: Die

J.G. ANDERSON, F. Cumont, H. Grécorre, Recueil

bildenden Kiinstler aller Zeiten und Volker, *1991 ff. AKM Abhandlungen fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes Albrecht

des inscriptions grecques et latines du Pont et de l’Arménie (Studia pontica 3), 1910

M. v. ALBRECHT, Geschichte der romischen Literatur, “1994

Alessio G. ALEssIo, Lexicon etymologicum. Supplemento ai Dizionari etimologici latini e romanzi, 1976

Alexander M.C. ALEXANDER, Trials in the Late Roman Repub-

lic: 149 BC to 50 BC (Phoenix Suppl. Vol. 26), 1990 Alfoldi A. ALFOLDI, Die monarchische Reprasentation im romischen Kaiserreiche, 1970, repr. >1980

Alfoéldy, FH G.

A.tFOLtpy,

Fasti

Hispanienses.

Senatorische

Reichsbeamte und Offiziere in den spanischen Provinzen des romischen Reiches von Augustus bis Diokletian,

1969

Alfoldy, Konsulat G. ALFOLDY,

Konsulat und Senatorenstand

unter

den Antoninen. Prosopographische Untersuchungen zur senatorischen Fihrungsschicht (Antiquitas 1,

27), 1977 Alféldy, RG G. AtFOoLpy,

Die rémische wahlte Beitrage, 1986

Gesellschaft.

Ausge-

Alfoldy, RH G. ALFOLDY, R6mische Heeresgeschichte, 1987

Alfoldy, RS G. ALFOLDY, Romische Sozialgeschichte, +1984 ALLG Archiv fiir lateinische Lexikographie und Grammatik Altaner B. ALTANER, Patrologie. Leben, Schriften und Lehre der Kirchenvater, ?1980

André, botan.

J. ANDRE, Lexique des termes de botanique en latin, 1956 André, oiseaux

J. ANpr#, Les noms d’oiseaux en latin, 1967 André, plantes J. ANDRE, Les noms de plantes dans la Rome antique, 1985 Andrews kK. ANDREWS, The Castles of Morea, 1953 ANET J.B. PRircHarb, Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament, >1969, repr. 1992 AnnSAAt Annuario della Scuola Archeologica di Atene ANRW H. Temporini, W. Haase (ed.), Aufstieg und Niedergang der romischen Welt, 1972 ff. ANSMusN Museum Notes. American Numismatic Society AntAfr Antiquités africaines AntChr Antike und Christentum AntPI Antike Plastik AO Der Alte Orient AOAT Alter Orient und Altes Testament APF Archiv fiir Papyrusforschung und verwandte Gebiete

APh L’Année philologique Arangio-Ruiz V. ARANGIO-Ruiz, Storia del diritto romano, °1953

XV

BIBLIOGRAPHIC

Arcadia Arcadia. Zeitschrift fiir vergleichende Literaturwissenschaft ArchC] Archeologia Classica ArchE Archaiologike ephemeris ArcheologijaSof Archeologija. Organ na Archeologiceskija institut i muze] pri B’lgarskata akademija na naukite ArchHom Archaeologia Homerica, 1967ff. ArtAntMod Arte antica e moderna ARW Archiv fiir Religionswissenschaft AS Anatolian Studies ASAA Annuario della Scuola Archeologica di Atene e delle Missioni italiane in Oriente ASL Archiv fur das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Literaturen ASNP Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa, Classe di Lettere e Filosofia ASpr Die Alten Sprachen ASR B. ANDREAE (ed.), Die antiken Sarkophagreliefs, 1952 ff. Athenaeum Athenaeum ATL

BaF

Baghdader Forschungen Bagnall R.S. BAGNALL et al., Consuls of the Later Roman

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Samuel A.E. SAMUEL, Greek and Roman Chronology. Calendars and Years in Classical Antiquity (HdbA I 7), 1972 Sandys J.E. Sanpys, A History of Classical Scholarship 3 vols., *1906—-21, repr. 1964 SAW W Sitzungsberichte der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien SB Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden aus Agypten (Inschriften und Papyri), Vols. 1-2: F. PREISIGKE (ed.), 1913-22; Vols. 3-5: F. BILaBEL (ed.), 1926-3 4 SBAW Sitzungsberichte der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften SCCGF J. DEMIANCZzUK (ed.), Supplementum comicum comoediae Graecae fragmenta, 1912 Schachter A. SCHACHTER, The Cults of Boiotia 4 vols., 1981-

94 Schafer A. SCHAFER, Demosthenes und seine Zeit 3 vols., *188 5-87, repr. 1967

Schanz/Hosius M. ScHANz, C. Hosius, G. KRUGER, Geschichte der romischen Literatur bis zum Gesetzgebungswerk des Kaisers Justinian (HdbA 8), Vol. 1, 41927, repr. 1979; Vol. 2, 41935, repr. 1980; Vol. 3, 31922, repr. 1969; Vol. 4,1, *1914, repr. 1970; Vol. 4,2, 1920, repr. 1971 Scheid, Collége J. ScHEID, Le collége des fréres arvales. Etude prosopographique du recrutement (69 —304) (Saggi di storia antica 1), 1990

Scheid, Recrutement

J. ScHEID, Les fréres arvales. Recrutement et origine sociale sous les empereurs julio-claudiens (Bibliothéque de l’Ecole des Hautes Etudes, Section des Sciences Religieuses 77), 1975

Schlesier R. SCHLESIER, Kulte, Mythen und Gelehrte — Anthropologie der Antike seit 1800, 1994 Schmid/Stahlin I W. Scumip, O. STAHLIN, Geschichte der griechischen Literatur. Erster Theil: Die klassische Periode der griechische Literatur VII 1) 5 vols., 1929-48, repr. 1961-80

Schmid/Stahlin II W. Curist, W. SCHMID, O. STAHLIN, Geschichte

der griechischen Litteratur bis auf die Zeit Justinians. Zweiter Theil: Die nachklassische Periode der griechischen

Litteratur

(HdbA

VII

2)

2

vols.,

°1920-24, repr. 1961-81 Schmidt K.H. ScHMiptT, Die Komposition in gallischen Personennamen in: Zeitschrift ftir celtische Philologie

26, 1957, 33-301 = (Diss.), 1954

BIBLIOGRAPHIC

XXXVI

ABBREVIATIONS

Schonfeld M. SCHONFELD, Worterbuch der altgermanischen

Sezgin F. Sezcin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums,

Personen- und Voélkernamen (Germanische Bibliothek Abt. 1, Reihe 4, 2), 1911, repr. *1965)

Vol.3: Medizin, Pharmazie, Zoologie, Tierheilkunde

Scholiall H. Ersse (ed.), Scholia Graeca in Homeri Iliadem (Scholia vetera) 7 vols., 1969-88 SChr Sources Chrétiennes, 1942 ff. Schrotter F, v. SCHROTTER (ed.), Worterbuch der Miinzkunde,

SGAW Sitzungsberichte der Gottinger Akademie der Wissenschaften SGDI H. Co ui7z et al. (ed.), Sammlung der griechischen Dialekt-Inschriften 4 vols., 1884-1915 SGLG

bis ca. 430 H., 1970

K. Avvers, H. Erpse, A. KLEINLOGEL (ed.), Samm-

*1970

Schirer E. SCHURER, G. VERMES, The history of the Jewish people in the age of Jesus Christ (175 B.C. — A.D.

SH H. Ltoyp-Jones, P. Parsons (ed.), Supplementum Hellenisticum, 1983

135) 3 vols., 1973-87 Schulten, Landeskunde

A. SCHULTEN, Iberische Landeskunde. Geographie des antiken Spanien 2 vols., 1955-57 (translation of the Spanish edition of 1952) Schulz F. ScHuLz, Geschichte der romischen Rechtswissenschaft, 1961, repr. 1975

Schulze W. ScHuLze, Zur Geschichte lateinischer Eigennamen, 1904 Schwyzer, Dial. E. ScHwyZeEr (ed.), Dialectorum Graecarum exempla epigraphica potiora, *1923 Schwyzer, Gramm. E. ScHwyzeEr, Griechische Grammatik, Vol. 1: Allgemeiner Teil. Lautlehre Wortbildung, Flexion (HdbA II x, 1), 1939 Schwyzer/Debrunner E. ScHwyzeErR, A. DEBRUNNER,

lung griechischer und lateinischer Grammatiker 7 vols., 1974-88

Griechische Gram-

matik, Vol. 2: Syntax und syntaktische

Stilistik

(HdbA II 1,2), 1950; D. J. GEorGacas, Register zu beiden Banden, 1953; F. Rapt, S. Rapt, Stellenregister, 1971

Scullard H. H. ScuLiarp, Festivals and Ceremonies of the Roman Republic, 1981

SDAW Sitzungsberichte der Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin SDHI Studia et documenta historiae et iuris SE Studi Etruschi Seeck O. SEECK, Regesten der Kaiser und Papste fiir die Jahre 311 bis 470 n. Chr. Vorarbeiten zu einer Prosopographie der christlichen Kaiserzeit, 1919, repr. 1964

SEG Supplementum epigraphicum Graecum, 1923 ff. Seltman C. SELTMAN, Greek Coins. A History of Metallic Currency and Coinage down to the Fall of the Hellenistic Kingdoms, *1905

SHAW

Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften Sherk R.K. SHERK, Roman Documents from the Greek East: Senatus Consulta and Epistulae to the Age of Augustus, 1969 SicA Sicilia archeologica SIFC Studi italiani di filologia classica SiH Studies in the Humanities Simon, GG

E. SIMON, Die Gotter der Griechen, 41992 Simon, GR E. Simon, 1 Die Gotter der Romer, 1990

SLG D. Pace (ed.), Supplementum lyricis graecis, 1974 SM Schweizer Minzblatter SMEA Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici Smith W.D. Smitu, The Hippocratic tradition (Cornell publications in the history of science), 1979 SMSR Studi e materiali di storia delle religioni SMV Studi mediolatini e volgari SNG Sylloge Nummorum Graecorum SNR Schweizerische Numismatische Rundschau Solin/Salomies H. Soxin,

O. SALomiES,

Repertorium

nominum

gentilium et cognominum Latinorum (Alpha Omega: Reihe A 80), *1994 Sommer F. SomMeER, Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre. Eine Einfithrung in das sprachwissenschaftliche Studium des Latein (Indogermanische Bibliothek 1, 1, 3, 1), 31914

XXXVI

Soustal, Nikopolis P. Soustat, Nikopolis schriften der Akademie

BIBLIOGRAPHIC

und Kephallenia

(Denk-

der Wissenschaften, Philo-

sophisch-Historische Klasse I 50; TIB 3), 198% Soustal, Thrakien P. Soustat, Thrakien. Thrake, Rodope und Haimimontos (Denkschriften der Osterreichischen Aka-

demie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 221; TIB 6), 1991 Sovoronos J.N. Sovoronos, Das Athener Nationalmuseum 3 vols., 1908-37

ABBREVIATIONS

Syme, AA R. SyMeE, The Augustan Aristocracy, 1986 Syme, RP E. BADIAN (Vols. 1,2), A.R. BIRLEY (Vols. 3-7) (ed.) R. SyME, Roman Papers 7 vols., 1979-91

Syme, RR K. SyMg, The Roman Revolution, 1939 Syme, Tacitus R. SyMg, Tacitus 2 vols., 1958 Symposion Symposion, Akten der Gesellschaft fiir Griechische

und Hellenistische Rechtsgeschichte

Spec.

Syria

Speculum Spengel L. SPENGEL, (ed.), Rhetores Graeci 3 vols., 1853-56,

Syria. Revue d’art oriental et d’archéologie TAM Tituli Asiae minoris, r9or ff. TAPhA Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association Taubenschlag R. TAUBENSCHLAG, The law of Greco-Roman Egypt in the light of the Papyri: 332 B. C. — 640 A. D.,

repr. 1966

SPrAW Sitzungsberichte der Preufischen Wissenschaften SSAC Studi storici per l’antichita classica SSR

Akademie

der

G. GIANNANTONI (ed.), Socratis et Socraticorum Re-

liquiae 4 vols., 1990 Staden H. v. SrapEN, Herophilus, The Art of Medicine in Early Alexandria, 1989 Stein, Prafekten A. STEIN, Die Prafekten von Agypten in der romischen Kaiserzeit (Dissertationes Bernenses Series 1,

1), 1950 Stein, Spatrom.R. E. Sretn, Geschichte des spatrémischen Reiches, Vol. 1, 1928; French version, 1959; Vol. 2, French only, 1949 Stewart A. STEWART, Greek sculpture. An exploration 2 vols., 1990 StM

Studi Medievali Strong/Brown D. Strone, D. BRown (ed.), Roman Crafts, 1976 Stv

Die Staatsvertrage des Altertums, Vol. 2: H. BENGTSON, R. WERNER (ed.), Die Vertrage der griechischromischen Welt von 700 bis 338, *1975; Vol. 3: H.H. Scumitt (ed.), Die Vertrage der griechisch-romischen Welt 338 bis 200 v. Chr., 1969 SVF J. v. ARNIM (ed.), Stoicorum veterum fragmenta 3 vols., 1903-05; Index: 1924, repr. 1964 Syll.* W. DITTENBERGER, Sylloge inscriptionum Graecarum 3 vols., *1898-1909 Syll F. HILLER VON GAERTRINGEN et al. (ed.), Sylloge inscriptionum Graecarum 4 vols., 1915-24, repr. 1960

*1955 TAVO H. BRuUNNER, W. ROLLIG (ed.), Tubinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients, Beihefte, Teil B: Geschichte, 1969

ff. TeherF Teheraner Forschungen TGF A. Naucx (ed.), Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, *1889, 2nd repr. 1983 ThGL H. STEPHANUS, C. B. Hast, W. UND L. DINDORF et

al. (ed.), Thesaurus graecae linguae, 1831 ff., repr.

1954 ThIL Thesaurus linguae Latinae, 1900 ff. ThIL, Onom.

Thesaurus linguae Latinae, Supplementum onomasticon. Nomina propria Latina, Vol. 2 (C— Cyzistra), 1907-1913; Vol. 3 (D - Donusa), 1918-1923 Wisk Theologische Literaturzeitung Monatsschrift fiir das gesamte Gebiet der Theologie und Religionswissenschaft Thomasson B.E. THomasson, Laterculi Praesidum 3 vols. in 5 parts, 1972-1990 Thumb/Kieckers A. THums, E. Krecxers, Handbuch der griechischen Dialekte (Indogermanische Bibliothek 1, 1, r), asoe

Thumb/Scherer A. THuMB, A. SCHERER, Handbuch der griechischen Dialekte (Indogermanische Bibliothek, 1, 1, 2),

*1959 ThWAT G.J. BoTTERWECK, H.-J. Fasry (ed.), Theologisches Worterbuch zum Alten Testament, 1973 ff.

BIBLIOGRAPHIC

XXXVI

ABBREVIATIONS

ThWB G. KiTTeL, G. FrreDRICH (ed.), Theologisches Wo6rterbuch zum Neuen Testament 11 vols., 1933-79, repr. 1990 TIB

H. Huncer (ed.). Tabula Imperii Byzantini 7 vols., 1976-1990 Timm

S. TimM, Das christlich-koptische Agypten in arabischer Zeit. Eine Sammlung christlicher Statten in Agypten in arabischer Zeit, unter Ausschluf von Alexandria, Kairo, des Apa-Mena-Klosters (Der Abu Mina), des Sketis (Wadi n-Natrun) und der Sinai-Region (TAVO 41) 6 parts, 1984-92

TIR Tabula Imperii Romani, 1934 ff. TIR/IP

Trendall, Paestum

A.D. TRENDALL, The Red-figured Vases of Paestum, 1987

Trendall/Cambitoglou A.D. TRENDALL, The Red-figured Vases of Apulia 2 vols., 1978-82 TRF O. RipBeck (ed.), Tragicorum Romanorum

TRG Tijdschrift voor rechtsgeschiedenis TrGF B. SNELL, R. KANNICHT, S. RapT (ed.), Tragicorum graecorum fragmenta, Vol. 1, *1986; Vols. 2-4,

1977-85 Trombley

F.R. TRomBLEY, Hellenic Religion and Christianization c. 370-529 (Religions in the Graeco-Roman World 115) 2 vols., 1993 f.

Y. Tsarrir, L. Di SEGNI, J. GREEN, Tabula Imperii

Romani. Iudaea — Palaestina. Eretz Israel in the Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine Periods, 1994

Frag-

menta, *1871, repr. 1962

IU)

Tod M.N. Top (ed.), A Selection of Greek Historical Inscriptions to the End of the Fifth Century BC, Vol. r:

Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur TUAT

*1951, repr. 1985; Vol. 2: *1950 Tovar A. Tovar, Iberische Landeskunde 2: Die V6lker und

O. Kaiser (ed.), Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testaments, 1985 ff. (1st installment 1982) TurkAD Tirk arkeoloji dergisi Ullmann M. ULLMANN, Die Medizin im Islam, 1970

Stadte des antiken Hispanien, Vol. 1 Baetica, 1974; Vol. 2: Lusitanien, 1976; Vol. 3: Tarraconensis, 1989 Toynbee, Hannibal

A.J. ToYNBEE, Hannibal’s legacy. The Hannibalic war’s effects on Roman life 2 vols., 1965 Toynbee, Tierwelt

J.M.C. ToynBeEE, Tierwelt der Antike, 1983

TPhS Transactions of the Philological Society Oxford Traill, Attica J. S. Trarii, The Political Organization of Attica,

1975 Traill, PAA J. S. TRAILL, Persons of Ancient Athens, 1994 ff. Travlos, Athen

J. Travios, Bildlexikon zur Topographie des antiken Athen, 1971 Travlos, Attika

J. Travios, Bildlexikon zur Topographie des antiken Attika, 1988 TRE G. Krause, G. MULLER (ed.), Theologische Realen-

zyklopadie, 1977 ff. (1st installment 1976) Treggiari S. TREGGIARI, Roman Marriage. Iusti Coniuges from the Time of Cicero to the Time of Ulpian, 1991 Treitinger O. TREITINGER, Die Ostromische Kaiser- und Reich-

sidee nach ihrer Gestaltung im hofischen Zeremoniell, 1938, repr. 1969 Trendall, Lucania A.D. TRENDALL, The Red-figured Vases of Lucania,

Campania and Sicily, 1967

UPZ U. Witcken (ed.), Urkunden der Ptolemderzeit (Altere Funde) 2 vols., 1927-57 v. Haehling R. v. HAEHLING, Die Religionszugehorigkeit der hohen Amtstrager des ROmischen Reiches seit Constantins I. Alleinherrschaft bis zum Ende der Theodosianischen Dynastie (324-450 bzw. 455 n. Chr.) (Antiquitas 3, 23), 1978 VDI

Vestnik Drevnej Istorii Ventris/Chadwick M. VEeNnTRIS, J. CHADWICK, Documents in Mycenean Greek, *1973 Vetter E. Vetrer, Handbuch der italischen Dialekte, 1953 VIR Vocabularium iurisprudentiae Romanae 5 vols.,

1903-39 VisRel Visible Religion Vittinghoff F. ViTTINGHOFF (ed.), Europaische Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte in der romischen Kaiserzeit, 1990 VL W. STAMMLER, K. Lancoscu, K. RUH et al. (ed.), Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters. Verfasserslexikon, *1978 ff. Vogel-Weidemann U. VoGEL-WEIDEMANN, Die Statthalter von Africa

XXXIX

BIBLIOGRAPHIC

und Asia in den Jahren 14-68 n.Chr. Eine Untersuchung zum Verhaltnis von Princeps und Senat (Anti-

ABBREVIATIONS

Wieacker, PGN

F. Wreacker,

quitas I, 31), 1982

Privatrechtsgeschichte der Neuzeit,

ShOG,

VT

Wieacker, RRG

Vetus

Testamentum.

Quarterly

Published

International Organization of Old Testament Scholars Wacher R. WACHER (ed.), The Roman World 2 vols., 1987 Walde/Hofmann A. WALDE, J.B. HOFMANN, Lateinisches etymologisches Worterbuch 3 vols., 1938-56 Walde/Pokorny A. WaLpE, J. Pokorny (ed.), Vergleichendes Worterbuch der indogermanischen Sprachen 3 vols., 1927-32, repr. 1973 Walz C. Wauz (ed.), Rhetores Graeci 9 vols., 1832-36, repr. 1968

WbMyth H.W. Haussic

F. WreAcKER, Romische Rechtsgeschichte, Vol. 1,

by the

1988

Wilamowitz U. v. WitaMow1rz-MoOELLENDORFF, Der Glaube der Hellenen 2 vols., *1955, repr. 1994 Will E. WILL, Histoire politique du monde hellenistique (323-30 av. J. C.) 2 vols., *1979-82 Winter R. Kexu_é (ed.), Die antiken Terrakotten, III 1, 2: F. WINTER, Die Typen der figiirlichen Terrakotten, 1903 WJA Wirzburger Jahrbucher ftir die Altertumswissenschaft WMT

L.I. ConraD et al., The Western medical tradition.

(ed.), Worterbuch der Mythologie,

Teil x: Die alten Kulturvolker, 1965 ff. Weber W. WeBER, Biographisches Lexikon zur Geschichtswissenschaft in Deutschland, Osterreich und der Schweiz, *1987 Wehrli, Erbe F. WeHRLI (ed.), Das Erbe der Antike, 1963 Wehrli, Schule F. WEHRLI (ed.), Die Schule des Aristoteles ro vols., 1967-69; 2 Suppl. Vols.: 1974-78 Welles C.B. WeLtes, Royal Correspondence in the Hellenistic Period: A Study in Greek Epigraphy, 1934 Wenger L. WENGER, Die Quellen des rémischen Rechts (Denkschriften der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-Historische Klasse

2), 1953 Wernicke I. WeRNICKE, Die Kelten in Italien. Die Einwanderung und die frihen Handelsbeziehungen zu den Etruskern (Diss.), 1989 = (Palingenesia), 1991

Whatmough J. WHaTMouGH, The dialects of Ancient Gaul. Prolegomena and records of the dialects 5 vols., 194951, repr. in 1 vol., 1970 White, Farming K.D. WuiteE, Roman Farming, 1970

White, Technology K.D. Wuirte, Greek and Roman Technology, 1983, repr. 1986

Whitehead D. WHITEHEAD, The demes of Attica, 1986 Whittaker C.R. WuITrakeEr (ed.), Pastoral Economies in Classical Antiquity, 1988 Wide S. Wipe, Lakonische Kulte, 1893

800 BC to A.D. 1800, 1995

WO Die Welt des Orients. Wissenschaftliche Beitrage zur Kunde des Morgenlandes Wolff H.J. Woirr, Das Recht der griechischen Papyri Agyptens in der Zeit der Ptolemaeer und des Prinzipats (Rechtsgeschichte des Altertums Part 5; HbdA

10, 5), 1978 Ws Wiener Studien, Zeitschrift fiir klassische Philologie und Patristik WUNT Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament WVDOG Wissenschaftliche Ver6offentlichungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft WZKM Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes YCIS Yale Classical Studies ZA Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archaologie ZAS Zeitschrift fir agyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde ZATW Zeitschrift fur die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft Zazoff, AG P. ZazorF, Die antiken Gemmen, 1983 Zazoft, GuG P. Zazorr, H. Zazorr, Gemmensammler und Gemmenforscher. Von einer noblen Passion zur

Wissenschaft, 1983 ZDMG Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft

BIBLIOGRAPHIC

XL

ABBREVIATIONS

ZDP Zeitschrift fiir deutsche Philologie Zeller E. ZELLER, Die Philosophie der Griechen in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung 4 vols., 1844-52, repr. 1963

Zeller/Mondolfo E. ZELLER, R. MONDOLEFO, La filosofia dei Greci nel suo sviluppo storico, Vol. 3, 1961 Z{N Zeitschrift fiir Numismatik Zgusta L. Zcusta, Kleinasiatische Ortsnamen, 1984 Zimmer G. ZIMMER, Romische Berufsdarstellungen, 1982 ZKG, Zeitschrift fiir Kirchengeschichte ZNTW Zeitschrift fiir die Neutestamentfiche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der alteren Kirche ZpalV Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palastina-Vereins ZPE Zeitschrift fiir Papyrologie und Epigraphik ZKG Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung fiir Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung ZRGG Zeitschrift fiir Religions- und Geistesgeschichte ZVRW Zeitschrift fiir vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft ZVS Zeitschrift fiir Vergleichende Sprachforschung

4. Ancient Authors and Titles of Works

Alex. Polyh.

Aeschines, In Ctesiphontem De falsa legatione In Timarchum Aesopus Alcaeus Alcimus Ecdicius Avitus Alexander of Aphrodisias Alciphron Alcman Alexander Polyhistor

Am

Amos

Aeschin. In Ctes. Leg. In Tim.

Aesop. Alc. Alc. Avit.

Alex. Aphr. Alci. Alcm.

Ambr. Epist.

De excessu Fratris (Satyri)

Obit. Theod. Obit. Valent. Off.

De obitu Theodosii

Paenit.

Amm. Marc. Anac. Anaxag. Anaximand. Anaximen. And. Anecd. Bekk. Anecd. Par. Anon. De rebus bell. Anth. Gr. Anth. Lat.

Anth. Pal. Anth. Plan.

Antiph. Antisth. Ape Apoll. Rhod. Apollod. App. B Civ. Celt.

Abd

Abdias

Hann.

JAN

Accius

Ach.Tat. Act. Arv. Act. lud. saec.

Achilles Tatius Acta fratrum Arvalium Acta ludorum saecularium

Hisp. Ill.

Acts

Acts of the Apostles

Mac.

Aet.

Aetius

Mith.

Aeth. Ael. Ep. NA VH

Aetheriae peregrinatio Aelianus, Epistulae De natura animalium Varia historia

Num.

Aen. Tact.

Aeneas Tacticus

Aesch. Ag. Cho. Eum.

Aeschylus, Agamemnon Choephori Eumenides

Pers.

Persae

PV Sept.

Prometheus Septem adversus Thebas

Supp.

Supplices

Ambrosius, Epistulae

Exc. Sat.

It.

Lib.

Reg. Sam. Sic. Syr.

App. Verg. Apul. Apol. Flor. Met. Arat.

Archil. Archim.

De obitu Valentiniani (iunioris)

De officiis ministrorum De paenitentia Ammianus Marcellinus Anacreon Anaxagoras Anaximander Anaximenes Andocides Anecdota Graeca ed. I. Bekker Anecdota Graeca ed. J.A. Cramer Anonymus de rebus bellicis (Ireland

1984) Anthologia Graeca Anthologia Latina (Riese *1894/1906) Anthologia Palatina Anthologia Planudea Antiphon Antisthenes Apocalypse Apollonius Rhodius Apollodorus, Library Appianus, Bella civilia Celtica Hannibalica Iberica Illyrica Italica Libyca Macedonica Mithridatius Numidica Regia Samnitica Sicula Syriaca Appendix Vergiliana Apuleius, Apologia Florida Metamorphoses Aratus Archilochus Archimedes

XLI

ANCIENT

AUTHORS

AND

TITLES

OF

WORKS

Archyt. Arist. Quint.

Archytas Aristides Quintilianus

Artem.

Ascon.

Artemidorus Asconius (Stang! Vol. 2, 1912)

Aristaen. Aristid.

Aristaenetus

Athan. ad Const.

Athanasius, Apologia ad Constan-

Aristob. Aristoph. Ach. Ay.

Eccl. Equ. Lys. Nub. Rar

Plut. Ran. Thesm. Vesp. Aristot. An.

Aelius Aristides Aristoboulus Aristophanes, Acharnenses Aves Ecclesiazusae Equites Lysistrata Nubes Pax Plutus Ranae

Thesmophoriazusae Vespae Aristotle, De anima (Becker 183 1-

70) An. post. An. pr.

Ath. pol. Aud. Cael.

Div.

Eth. Eth. Gen. Gen.

Eud. Nic. an. corr.

Hist. an.

Mag. mor.

Metaph. Mete. Mir. Mot. an.

Mund. Oec. Rarixan:

Phgn. Ph. Poet.

Pol. Be

Rh. Rh. Al. Sens. Somn.

Soph. el. Spir. Top.

Analytica posteriora Analytica priora Athenaion Politeia De audibilibus De caelo Categoriae De coloribus De divinatione Ethica Eudemia Ethica Nicomachea De generatione animalium De generatione et corruptione Historia animalium Magna moralia Metaphysica Meteorologica Mirabilia De motu animalium De mundo Oeconomica De partibus animalium Physiognomica Physica Poetica Politica Problemata Rhetorica Rhetorica ad Alexandrum De sensu De somno et vigilia Sophistici elenchi De spiritu Topica

Aristox. Harm.

Aristoxenus, Harmonica

Arnob. Arr. Anab. Cyn. Ind.

Arnobius, Adversus nationes Arrianus, Anabasis Cynegeticus Indica Periplus ponti Euxini Historia successorum Alexandri Tactica

Peripl. p. eux. Succ. Tack

tium

Ath.

Apologia contra Arianos Apologia de fuga sua Historia Arianorum ad monachos Athenaeus (Casaubon 1597) (List

Aug. Civ. Conf. Doctr. christ. Epist.

of books, pages, letters) Augustinus, De civitate dei Confessiones De doctrina christiana Epistulae

c. Ar.

Fuga Hist. Ar.

Retract. Serm.

Retractationes Sermones

Solilog.

Soliloquia

Trin.

De trinitate

Aur. Vict. Auson. Mos. Urb. Avell. Avien. Babr.

Aurelius Victor Ausonius, Mosella (Peiper 1976) Ordo nobilium urbium Collectio Avellana Avienus Babrius

Bacchyl.

Bacchylides Baruch Basilicorum libri LX (Heimbach) Basilius Batrachomyomachia Bellum Africum Bellum Alexandrinum Bellum Hispaniense Boethius Caesar, De bello civili De bello Gallico Callimachus, Epigrammata Fragmentum (Pfeiffer) Hymni Calpurnius Siculus, Eclogae Cassius Dio Johannes Cassianus

Bar

Bas. Basil. Batr.

Bell. Afr. Bell. Alex.

Bell. Hisp. Boeth. Caes. B Civ. B Gall.

Callim. Epigr. Fr.

IL,

Calps Kel Cass. Dio Cassian. Cassiod. Inst. Var.

Cato Agr. Orig. Catull. Celsus, Med. Celsus, Dig. Censorinus, DN Chalcid. Charisius, Gramm. me Chiao Glan

Chron. pasch. Chron. min. Cie) Acad: x Acad. 2

Cassiodorus, Institutiones Variae

Cato, De agri cultura Origines (HRR) Catullus, Carmina Cornelius Celsus, De medicina Iuventius Celsus, Digesta Censorinus, De die natali Chalcidius Charisius, Ars grammatica (Barwick 1964) Chronicle

Chronicon paschale Chronica minora Cicero, Academicorum posteriorum liber x Lucullus sive Academicorum priorum liber 2

ANCIENT

AUTHORS

AND

TITLES

OF

XLII

WORKS

Ad Q. Fr.

Epistulae ad Quintum fratrem

Tusc.

Arat.

Aratea (Soubiran 1972) Pro Archia poeta

Vatin.

Arch. Atte

Epistulae ad Atticum

Werrane2) Claud. Carm.

Balb.

Pro L. Balbo

Brut. Caecin.

Brutus Pro A. Caecina

Cael. Gat Cato Clu.

Pro M. Caelio In Catilinam Cato maior de senectute Pro A. Cluentio

De or.

De oratore

Deiot. Div. Div. Caec. Dom. Fam. Fat. Fin. Flac. Font. Har. resp. Inv.

Pro rege Deiotaro De divinatione

Cod. Theod. Col

Divinatio in Q. Caecilium De domo sua Epistulae ad familiares De fato De finibus bonorum et malorum Pro L. Valerio Flacco

Coll.

Lael. Leg. Leg. agr. Lig. Leg. Man.

Pro M. Fonteio

Rapt. Pros. Clem. Al.

Cod. Greg. Cod. Herm. Cod. lust.

Colum. Comm.

Cons.

Const.

De haruspicum responso

1 Cor, 2 Cor

De inventione Laelius de amicitia De legibus

Coripp.

De lege agraria Pro Q. Ligario Pro lege Manilia (de imperio Cn.

Cypr.

Curt

Dan Din.

Pompe!)

Demad.

Pro M. Marcello Pro T. Annio Milone

Democr. Dem. Or.

Mur.

Pro L. Murena

Dig.

Nat. D.

De natura deorum De officiis De optimo genere oratorum Orator

Orat.

P. Red. Quir. P. Red. Sen. Parad. Parton Phil.

Philo. Pis.

Planc. Prov. cons.

Q. Rose. Quinct. Rab. perd. Rab. Post. Rep.

Oratio post reditum ad Quirites Oratio post reditum in senatu Paradoxa

Diod. Sic. Diog. Laert. Diom. Dion. Chrys. Dion. Hal. Ant.

Partitiones oratoriae

In M. Antonium orationes Phi-

lippicae Libri philosophici In L. Pisonem Pro Cn. Plancio

De provinciis consularibus Pro Q. Roscio comoedo Pro P. Quinctio Pro C. Rabirio perduellionis reo

Comp. Rhet. Dionys. Per. Dion. Thrax DK Donat.

Drac. Dt

De re publica

Edict. praet. dig. Emp.

Pro Sex. Roscio Amerino

Enn. Ann.

Pro C. Rabirio Postumo

In P. Vatinium testem interrogatlo In Verrem actio prima, secunda Claudius Claudianus, Carmina (Hall 1985) De raptu Proserpinae

Clemens Alexandrinus Codex Gregorianus Codex Hermogenianus Corpus luris Civilis, Codex Iustinianus (Krueger 1900)

Marcell. Mil.

Off. Opt. gen.

Tusculanae disputationes

Rosc. Am. Scaur. Sest. Sull. Tim.

Pro M. Aemilio Scauro

Sat.

Pro P. Sestio Pro P. Sulla Timaeus

Scaen.

Top. Tull.

Topica Pro M. Tullio

Codex Theodosianus Letter to the Colossians Mosaicarum et Romanarum legum collatio Columella Commodianus Consultatio veteris cuiusdam iurisconsulti Constitutio Sirmondiana Letters to the Corinthians Corippus Curtius Rufus, Historiae Alexandri Magni Cyprianus Daniel Dinarchus Demades Democritus Demosthenes, Orationes Corpus luris Civilis, Digesta (Mommsen 1905, author presented where applicable) Diodorus Siculus Diogenes Laertius Diomedes, Ars grammatica Dion Chrysostomus Dionysius Halicarnasseus, Antiquitates Romanae De compositione verborum Ars rhetorica Dionysius Periegeta Dionysius Thrax Diels /Kranz (preceded by fragment number) Donatus grammaticus Dracontius Deuteronomy = 5. Moses Edictum perpetuum in Dig. Empedocles Ennius, Annales (Skutsch 1985) Saturae (Vahlen *1928) Fragmenta scaenica (Vahlen *1928)

Ennod. Eph

Ephor.

Ennodius Letter to the Ephesians Ephorus of Cyme (FGrH 70)

XLIU

Epict. Eratosth.

Euc.

Eunap. VS Eur. Alc. Andr. Bacch. Beller. Cyc. El.

ANCIENT

Epictetus Eratosthenes Esra Esther Etymologicum genuinum Etymologicum Gudianum Etymologicum magnum Euclides, Elementa Eunapius, Vitae sophistarum Euripides, Alcestis Andromache Bacchae Bellerophon Cyclops Electra

Gp. Gn Gorg. Greg. M. Dial. Epist. Past. Greg. Naz. Epist. Or Greg. Nyss. Greg. Tur. Franc. Mart. Vit. patr.

Hab

Hagg

Hipp. Hyps.

Hecuba Helena Heraclidae Hercules Furens Hippolytus Hypsipyle

Ion

lon

Hell. Oxy.

Flec:

Hel. Heracl. HF

Med. Ore Phoen. Rhes. Supp. Tro.

Euseb. Dem. evang. Hist. eccl. On.

Praep. evang. Eust. Eutr. By. Ver. Ex Ez Fast: Fest. Firm. Mat.

Flor. Epit. Florent. Frontin. Aq.

Iphigenia Aulidensis Iphigenia Taurica Medea Orestes Phoenissae Rhesus Supplices Troades Eusebios, Demonstratio Evangelica

Fulg. Rusp. Gai. Inst. Gal Gal. Gell. NA Geogr. Rav

Hdt. Hebr Hegesipp. Hecat. Hen

Heph.

AND

TITLES

OF

WORKS

Geoponica Genesis = 1. Moses Gorgias Gregorius Magnus, Dialogi (de miraculis patrum Italicorum)

Epistulae Regula pastoralis Gregorius Nazianzenus, Epistulae Orationes Gregorius Nyssenus Gregorius of Tours, Historia Fran-

corum De virtutibus Martini De vita patrum Habakkuk Haggai Harpocrates

Herodotus Letter to the Hebrews Hegesippus (= Flavius Josephus) Hecataeus Hellennica Oxyrhynchia Henoch Hephaestio grammaticus (Alexandrinus)

Historia Ecclesiastica Onomasticon (Klostermann

Hermog. Hdn.

Heraclitus Heraclides Ponticus Hercules Oetaeus Hermes Trismegistus Hermas, Mandata Similitudines Visiones Hermogenes Herodianus

1904)

Hes. Cat.

Hesiodus, Catalogus feminarum

Heracl. Heraclid. Pont. Herc. O. Herm.

Herm. Mand. Sim. Vis.

Praeparatio Evangelica Eustathius Eutropius Evangelium Veritatis Exodus = 2. Moses Ezechiel Fasti

Festus (Lindsay 1913) Firmicus Maternus

Florus, Epitoma de Tito Livio Florentinus Frontinus, De aquae ductu urbis Romae

Str Fulg.

Harpocr.

AUTHORS

Strategemata Fulgentius Afer Fulgentius Ruspensis Gaius, Institutiones

Letter to the Galatians Galenus Gellius, Noctes Atticae

Geographus Ravennas (Schnetz 1940)

Op. Scr

(Merkelbach /West 1967) Opera et dies Scutum (Merkelbach /West1967)

Theog. Hsch. Hil. Hippoc. H. Hom. Hom. Il. Od. Hor. Ars P. Carm. Carm. saec. Epist.

Epod. Sat. Hos Hyg. Astr. Fab.

Hyp. Iambl. Myst.

Theogonia Hesychius Hilarius Hippocrates Hymni Homerici Homerus, Ilias Odyssea Horatius, Ars poetica Carmina Carmen saeculare Epistulae Epodi Satirae (sermones)

Hosea Hyginus, Astronomica (Le Boeuffle

1983) Fabulae Hypereides Jamblichus, De mysteriis

ANCIENT

AUTHORS

AND

TITLES

OF

WAL lav.

Protrepticus in philosophiam De vita Pythagorica lavolenus Priscus

Inst. lust.

Corpus Juris Civilis, Institutiones

Protr.

loh. Chrys. Epist. Hom.... Ioh. Mal. lord. Get. Iren.

XLIV

WORKS

(Krueger 1905) Iohannes Chrysostomus, Epistulae Homiliae in ... Iohannes Malalas, Chronographia lordanes, De origine actibusque Getarum Irenaeus (Rousseau/Doutreleau

Lactant. Div. inst. Ira

De mort. pers.

Opif.

Orig. Isoc. Or.

It. Ant. Aug. Burd.

Isaiah Isidorus, De natura rerum Origines Isocrates, Orationes Itinerarium, Antonini Augusti

Plac. Iul. Vict. Rhet.

Burdigalense vel Hierosolymitanum Placentini C. Iulius Victor, Ars rhetorica

luvenc.

Iuvencus, Evangelia (Huemer

Jac

Letter of James Judges

1891)

Jdg Jdt Jer Jer. Chron.

Judith Jeremiah Jerome, Chronicon

Comm. in Ez.

Commentaria in Ezechielem (PL

Ep: On.

Epistulae

25)

Vir. ill. 1-3 Jo Jo Jon

Jos. Ant. lud. BI Ap. Vit. Jos Jud Julian. Ep. In Gal. Mis. Or. Symp. Just. Epit. Justin. Apol. Dial.

Onomasticon (Klostermann 1904)

De viris illustribus rst — 3rd letters of John John Jona

Josephus, Antiquitates Iudaicae Bellum ludaicum Contra Apionem De sua vita Joshua Letter of Judas Julianus, Epistulae In Galilaeos Misopogon Orationes Symposium Justinus, Epitoma historiarum Philippicarum Justinus Martyr, Apologia Dialogus cum Tryphone

Juv. 1 Kg, 2 Kg

Juvenalis, Saturae

KH

Khania (place where Linear B tables were discovered)

KN

Knossos (place where Linear B tables were discovered)

1, 2 Kings

De ira dei De mortibus persecutorum

De opificio dei

Lam Lex Irnit.

Lamentations Lex Irnitana

Lex Malac. Lex Rubr. Lex Salpens.

Lex municipii Malacitani Lex Rubria de Gallia cisalpina Lex municipii Salpensani Lex coloniae Iuliae Genetivae Ursonensis Leges Visigothorum Lex duodecim tabularum Libanius, Epistulae Orationes Livius, Ab urbe condita Luke Lucanus, Bellum civile Lucilius, Saturae (Marx 1904)

Lex Urson.

1965-82) Is Isid. Nat.

Lactantius, Divinae institutiones

Lex Visig. Lex XII tab.

Lib. Ep. Or. Liv. Le Luc. Lucil. Lucr. Lucian. Alex. Anach.

Cal.

Lucretius, De rerum natura

Lucianus, Alexander Anacharsis Calumniae non temere credendum

Catapl.

Cataplus

Demon.

Demonax

Dial. D. Dial. meret. Dial. mort.

Dialogi deorum

Fler, Hermot. Hist. conscr.

Ind. lupp. trag. Luct. Macr. Nigr.

Philops. Pseudol. Salt. Somn. Symp. Sy is Trag. Ver. hist. Vit. auct.

Dialogi meretricium Dialogi mortuorum Herodotus Hermotimus

Quomodo historia conscribenda sit Adversus indoctum

luppiter tragoedus De luctu Macrobii Nigrinus Philopseudes Pseudologista De saltatione Somnium

Lv LXX Lydus, Mag. Mens. Lycoph. Lycurg. Lys. M. Aur.

Symposium De Syria dea Tragodopodagra Verae historiae, 1, 2 Vitarum auctio Leviticus = 3. Moses Septuaginta Lydus, De magistratibus De mensibus Lycophron Lycurgus Lysias Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Augus-

Macrob. Sat.

Macrobius, Saturnalia

tus

XLV In Somn. 1 Macc, 2 Macc

Mal Manil.

ANCIENT

Commentarii in Ciceronis somnium Scipionis Maccabees Malachi Manilius, Astronomica (Goold

1985) Mar. Vict. Mart. Mart. Cap. Max. Tyr. Mela Melanipp. Men. Dys. Epit.

Ov. Am. Ars am.

Epist. Fast.

Ib.

Medic.

Marius Victorinus

Met.

Martialis Martianus Capella Maximus Tyrius (Trapp 1994) Pomponius Mela Melanippides

Pont. Rem. am. Tr.

P Abinn.

Fragmentum (Korte)

Perikeiromene Samia Micha Mimnermus Minucius Felix, Octavius (Kytzler

FPL)

Nah Neh Nemes.

Nep. Att. Hann.

Nic. Alex. Ther. Nicom. Nm Non.

Nahum Nehemia Nemesianus Cornelius Nepos, Atticus Hannibal Nicander, Alexipharmaca Theriaca Nicomachus Numbers = 4. Moses Nonius Marcellus (L. Mueller

PGE

P Hercul. P Lond.

P Mich

Not. Episc. Nov.

Obseq. Opp. Hal. Cyn. Or. Sib. Orib.

Orig. OrMan Oros.

Orph. A. Fr

H.

WORKS

Ovidius, Amores Ars amatoria Epistulae (Heroides) Fasti

Ibis Medicamina faciei femineae Metamorphoses Epistulae ex Ponto Remedia amoris Tristia TurRNER, Greek Papyri. An Introduction, 159-178 Papyrus editions according to HI. BELL et al. (ed.), The Abinnaeus Archive papers of a Roman officer in the reign of Constantius II, Papyrus editions according to V. Martin, R. KasseEt et al. (ed.),

Papyrus Bodmer 195 4ff. Papyrus editions according to C.C. EpGar (ed.), Zenon Papyri (Catalogue général des Antiquités égyptiennes du Musée du Caire) 4 vols., 192 5ff. Papyrus editions according to Papyri aus Herculaneum Papyrus editions according to F.G. Kenyon et al. (ed.), Greek Papyri in the British Museum 7 vols., 1893-1974 Papyrus editions according to C.C. Epear, A.E.R. BoaK, J.G. WINn-

PiOxay:

University of Michigan Collection 13 vols., 1931-1977 Papyrus editions according to B.P. GRENFELL, A.S. HunrT et al.

Nonnus, Dionysiaca

Notitia dignitatum occidentis Notitia dignitatum orientis Notitia dignitatum et episcoporum Corpus luris Civilis, Leges Novellae (Schoell/Kroll 1904) Julius Obsequens, Prodigia (Rossbach 1910) Oppianus, Halieutica Cynegetica Oracula Sibyllina Oribasius Origenes Prayer to Manasseh Orosius Orpheus, Argonautica Fragmentum (Kern) Hymni

OF

TER et al. (ed.), Papyri in the

1888)

Nonnus Dion. Not. Dign. Occ. Not. Dign. Or.

TITLES

1962

P Bodmer

1982,°1992)

Mark Herennius Modestinus Moschus Matthew Mycenae (place where Linear B tables were discovered) Naevius (carmina according to

AND

Papyrus editions according to E.G.

Menander, Dyskolos

Epitrepontes

AUTHORS

Pall. Agric. Laus. Pan. Lat.

Papin. Paroemiogr. Pass. mart.

Paul Fest. Paul Nol. Paulus, Sent. Paus.

Pelag. Peripl. m. eux. Peripl. m.m. Peripl. m.r. Pers. mete een Petron. Sat.

(ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, 1898 ff. Palladius, Opus agriculturae Historia Lausiaca Panegyrici Latini Aemilius Papinianus Paroemiographi Graeci Passiones martyrum Paulus Diaconus, Epitoma Festi Paulinus Nolanus Julius Paulus, Sententiae Pausanias Pelagius Periplus maris Euxini Periplus maris magni Periplus maris rubri Persius, Saturae

Letters of Peter Petronius, Satyrica (Muller 1961)

ANCIENT

AUTHORS

Phaedr.

Phil Phil. Philarg. Verg. ecl. Philod. Phip. Philostr. VA Imag. VS Phm Phot. Phryn. Pind. Fr. Isthm. Nem.

Ol. Pae.

Pyth. Pl. Alc. 1 Alc. 2 Ap. Ax.

Chrm. Clit. Grat. Crt:

Criti. Def. Demod. Epin. Ep. Erast. Eryx.

AND

TITLES

OF

Phaedrus, Fabulae (Guaglianone

1969) Letter to the Philippians Philo Philargyrius grammaticus, Explanatio in eclogas Vergilii Philodemus Philoponus Philostratus, Vita Apollonii Imagines

Vitae sophistarum Letter to Philemon Photius (Bekker 1824) Phrynichus Pindar, Fragments (Snell/Maehler)

Isthmian Odes Nemean Odes Olympian Odes Paeanes Pythian Odes Plato, Alcibiades 1 (Stephanus)

Alcibiades 2 Apologia Axiochus Charmides Clitopho Cratylus Crito Critias Definitiones Demodocus Epinomis Epistulae Erastae

XLVI

WORKS

The. Tht. Ti. Plaut. Amph.

to Leo 1895 f.) Asin.

Aul. Bacch.

Capt. Gas: Cist. Cure.

Epid. Men. Merc.

Mil. Mostell. Poen.

Pseud. Rud. Stich. Trin. Truc

Vid. Plin. HN Plin. Ep. Pane

Plot. Plut. Amat.

De E

De Pyth. or.

Euthphr. Grg. Hp. mai. Hp. mi. Hipparch.

Euthydemus Euthyphro Gorgias Hippias maior Hippias minor Hipparchus

De sera Delsxet Os:

Ion

Ion

Quaest.

Was

Laches Leges Lysis Menon Minos Menexenus Parmenides Phaedo Phaedrus Philebus Politicus Protagoras Res publica Sisyphus Sophista Symposium

Graec.

Leg. Ly. Men. Min. Menex. Prm.

Asinaria Aulularia

Bacchides Captivi Casina

Cistellaria Curculio Epidicus Menaechmi Mercator Miles gloriosus Mostellaria Poenulus Pseudolus Rudens Stichus Trinummus Truculentus Vidularia Plinius maior, Naturalis historia Plinius minor, Epistulae Panegyricus Plotinus Plutarchus, Vitae parallelae (with the respective name) Amatorius (chapter and page numbers)

De def. or.

Eryxias

Euthd.

Theages Theaetetus Timaeus Plautus, Amphitruo (fr-according

Mor.

Quaest. Rom.

Symp. Pol.

Pol. Silv. Poll.

Polyaenus, Strat. Polye. Pompon. Pomp. Trog. Porph. Porph. Hor. comm. Posidon.

De defectu oraculorum De E apud Delphos De Pythiae oraculis De sera numinis vindicta De Iside et Osiride (with chapter and page numbers) Moralia (apart from the separately mentioned works; with p. numbers) Quaestiones Graecae (with chapter numbers) Quaestiones Romanae (with ch. numbers) Quaestiones convivales (book, chapter, page number) Polybius Polemius Silvius Pollux Polyaenus, Strategemata Polycarpus, Letter Sextus Pomponius Pompeius Trogus Porphyrius Porphyrio, Commentum in Horatii carmina Posidonius

XLVI

Priap. Prisc.

Prob. Procop. Aed. Goth. Pets:

Vand. Arc.

Procl. Prop. Prosp. Prov

Prudent. Ps (Pss)

Ps.-Acro Ps.-Aristot. Lin. insec. Mech.

Ps.-Sall. In Tull. Rep. Ptol. Alm. Geog. Harm. ett

PAY.

ANCIENT

Priapea Priscianus

Pseudo-Probian writings Procopius, De aedificiis Bellum Gothicum Bellum Persicum Bellum Vandalicum Historia arcana Proclus Propertius, Elegiae Prosper Tiro Proverbs Prudentius Psalm(s) Ps.-Acro in Horatium Pseudo-Aristotle, De lineis insecabilibus Mechanica Pseudo-Sallustius, In M.Tullium Ciceronem invectiva Epistulae ad Caesarem senem de re publica Ptolemy, Almagest Geographia Harmonica Tetrabiblos Pylos (place where Linear B tablets were discovered)

Schol. (before an author’s

Sedulius

Suas.

Sen. Ag.

Apocol. Ben.

Clem. Dial. Ep. Herc. f. Med. Q Nat. Oed. Phaedr. Phoen. Thy. Tranq.

Rhet. Her. Rt Rufin. Rut. Namat.

S. Sol. Sext. Emp. Sach Sal. Gatil:

Sallustius, De coniuratione Catili-

nae Hist.

lug. Salv. Gub. t Sam, 2 Sam

Historiae

De bello Iugurthino Salvianus, De gubernatione dei Samuel

Phoenissae

Aeneida

Ecl. Georg. Sext. Emp. SHA Ael.

Avid. Cass.

Rom

Dialogi Epistulae morales ad Lucilium Hercules furens Medea Naturales quaestiones Oedipus Phaedra

Servius, Commentarius in Vergilti

War list, Cave 1 Comunal rule, Cave r Community rule, Cave 1

Institutio oratoria Res gestae divi Augusti Rhetorica ad C. Herennium Letter to the Romans Ruth Tyrannius Rufinus Rutilius Claudius Namatianus, De reditu suo Song of Solomon Sextus Empiricus Sacharia

De clementia (Hosius *1914)

Serv. Aen.

Tro.

Alex. Sev. Aur.

R. Gest. div. Aug.

Seneca minor, Agamemno Divi Claudii apocolocyntosis De beneficiis

Serv. auct.

Alb.

res (Shackleton Bailey 1989)

Suasoriae

Thyestes De tranquillitate animi Troades Servius auctus Danielis

Nahum-Midrash, Cave 4 Testimonia, Cave 4 Songs of Praise, Cave 1

Inst.

WORKS

Scholia to the author in question

Seneca maior, Controversiae

Habakuk-Midrash, Cave r

Quintus Smyrnaeus Quintilianus, Declamationes mino-

OF

Sen. Controv.

4 Q pNah

Blessings, Cave 1

TITLES

name)

Florilegium, Cave 4 Patriarch’s blessing, Cave 4

1 Qs t QSa t QSb Quint. Smyrn. Quint. Decl.

AND

Sedul.

4 Q Flor 4 Q Patr t Q pHab 4 Q test 1 QH 1 QM

AUTHORS

Aurel. Gar Carac: Clod. Comm. Diad. Did. Tul. Gall. Gord.

Hadr. Heliogab. Max. Balb.

Opil. Pert: Pesc. Nig. Pius Quadr. tyr. Sev. Tae, Tyr. Trig. Valer.

Sid. Apoll. Carm. Epist. Sil. Pun.

Commentarius in Vergilii eclogas Commentarius in Vergilii georgica Sextus Empiricus Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Aelius Clodius Albinus Alexander Severus M. Aurelius Aurelianus Avidius Cassius Carus et Carinus et Numerianus

Antoninus Caracalla Claudius Commodus Diadumenus Antoninus Didius Iulianus Gallieni duo Gordiani tres Hadrianus Heliogabalus Maximus et Balbus Opilius Macrinus Helvius Pertinax Pescennius Niger Antoninus Pius

Quadraginta tyranni Severus Tacitus

Triginta Tyranni Valeriani duo Apollinaris Sidonius, Carmina

Epistulae Silius Italicus, Punica

ANCIENT

AUTHORS

AND

TITLES

OF

Scyl. Scymn.

Simonides Simplicius Jesus Sirach Scylax, Periplus Scymnus, Periegesis

Socr.

Socrates, Historia ecclesiastica

Sol. Solin.

Solon Solinus Sophocles, Ajax Antigone Electra Ichneutae Oedipus Coloneus Oedipus Tyrannus Philoctetes Trachiniae Soranus, Gynaecia

Simon.

Simpl. Sir

Soph. Aj. Ant.

El. Ichn. OG OT Phil. Trach. Sor. Gyn. Sozom. Hist. eccl. Stat. Achil. Silv. Theb.

XLVI

WORKS

TE

Thebes (place where Linear B tables

Them. Or. Theoc.

were discovered) Themistius, Orationes Theocritus

Theod. Epist. Gr. aff. Cur. Hist. eccl. Theopomp. Theophr. Caus. pl. Char.

Hist. pl. 1 Thess, 2 Thess

Thgn. Thuc. TI Tib.

Statius, Achilleis

G Limezebim Tit

Steph. Byz. Stesich. Stob.

Silvae Thebais Stephanus Byzantius Stesichorus Stobaeus

Tob Tzetz. Anteh. Chil.

Str.

Strabo (books, chapters)

Suda Suet. Aug.

Suda = Suidas Suetonius, Divus Augustus (Ihm

Val. Fl. Val. Max.

Calig. Claud. Dom. Gram. lul.

Tib. its

Vesp. Vit.

Sulp. Sev. Symmachus, Ep. Or.

Relat. Synes. epist. Syne. Tab. Peut. Tac. Agr. Ann. Dial. Germ. Hist. Ter. Maur. Ter. Ad. An. Eun. Haut. Hec. Phorm.

Tert. Apol. Ad nat.

Posth.

Ulp.

Varro Ling. Rust. Sat. Men.

Domitianus De grammaticis (Kaster 1995)

Divus Tulius Divus Tiberius Divus Titus Divus Vespasianus Vitellius Sulpicius Severus Symmachus, Epistulae Orationes Relationes Synesius, Epistulae Syncellus Tabula Peutingeriana Tacitus, Agricola Annales Dialogus de oratoribus Germania Historiae Terentianus Maurus

Terentius, Adelphoe Andria Eunuchus H(e)autontimorumenos

Hecyra Phormio

Tertullianus, Apologeticum Ad nationes (Borleffs 19 54)

Graecarum affectionum curatio

Historia ecclesiastica Theopompus

Theophrastus, De causis plantarum Characteres Historia plantarum Letters to the Thessalonians Theognis Thucydides Tiryns (place where Linear B tablets were discovered)

Sozomenus, Historia ecclesiastica

1907) Caligula Divus Claudius

Theodoretus, Epistulae

Tibullus, Elegiae Letters to Timothy Letter to Titus Tobit Tzetzes, Antehomerica

Chiliades Posthomerica Ulpianus (Ulpiani regulae) Valerius Flaccus, Argonautica Valerius Maximus, Facta et dicta

memorabilia Varro, De lingua Latina Res rusticae Saturae Menippeae (Astbury

1985) Vat.

Veg. Mil. Vell. Pat. Ven. Fort. Verg. Aen.

Catal. Ecl. G. Vir. ill. Vitr. De arch. Vulg. Wisd Xen. Ages. An. Ap. Ath. pol. Cyn.

Fragmenta Vaticana Vegetius, Epitoma rei militaris Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae Venantius Fortunatus Vergilius, Aeneis

Catalepton Eclogae Georgica De viris illustribus Vitruvius, De architectura Vulgate Wisdom Xenophon, Agesilaus Anabasis Apologia Athenaion politeia Cynegeticus Cyropaedia De equitandi ratione De equitum magistro Hellenica Hiero Respublica Lacedaemoniorum Memorabilia Oeconomicus

XLIX

Symp. Vect.

Xenoph. Zen.

Zenob.

ANCIENT

Symposium

De vectigalibus Xenophanes Zeno Zenobius

AUTHORS

Zenod.

Zenodotus

Zeph

Zephania

Zon.

Zonaras Zosimus

LOS:

AND

TITLES

OF

WORKS

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List of Illustrations and Maps Illustrations are found in the corresponding entries. ND means redrawing following the instructions of the author or after the listed materials. RP means reproduction with minor changes. Some of the maps serve to visualize the subject matter and to complement the articles. In such cases, there will be a reference to the corresponding entry. Only literature that was used exclusively for the maps is listed.

Ogam

Table of the Ogam script ND after: S. ZIEGLER, Die Sprache der altirischen Ogam-Inschriften, 1994, 16. Olympia Olympia: plan of the sanctuary Olympia: overall plan with stadium and hippodrome ND after: U. Stnn, Heiligtiimer, in: A. BORBEIN et al., Das alte Griechenland. der Hellenen, 1995, 174.

Kunst und Geschichte

Oppidum Late Celtic oppida, based on literary and archaeological sources (2nd/rst cents. BC) ND: V. PINGEL

Dur Sarrukin: palace of Sargon II (722-705 BC; ground-plan) ND after: E. HEINRICH, Die Palaste im alten Mesopotamien, 1984, fig. 88. Achaemenid palace complex at Persepolis, begun under Darius [1] I (ground-plan) ND after: L. TRUMPELMANN, Persepolis, 1988, fig. 327 Palace of Amenophis III at Malqata (ground-plan) ND after: W. S. SmitH, The Art and Architecture of Ancient Egypt, 1958, fig. 55. Aegae (Vergina): Palace (late 4th cent. BC; groundplan) ND after: C. Kunze, Die Skulpturenausstattung hellenistischer Palaste, in: W. HOEPFNER, G. BRaANDs (eds.), Basileia. Die Palaste der hellenistischen KGnige, 1996, 120, fig. 8. Iraq al-Amir (Jordan): Palace of Hyrcanus [1] (187 BC; ground-plan) ND after: I. NrELSEN, Hellenistic Palaces. Tradition and Renewal, 1994, 141, fig.74. Rome: Palatine (overall ground-plan) ND after: H. P. IsLer, Die Residenz der romischen Kaiser auf dem Palatin. Zur Entstehung eines Bautypus, in: Antike Welt 9, 1978, 4, fig. 3. Spalatum: Palace of Diocletian (early 4th cent. AD; ground-plan) ND after: H. KAHLER, Die Villa des Maxentius bei Piazza Armerina, 1973, fig. 4.

Oracles The most important oracles of the Graeco-Roman world (6th cent. BC — AD 392) ND: V. ROSENBERGER

Palmyra Palmyra (Tadmor): Oasis and trading post in the central Syrian desert (2nd/3rd cents. AD) ND: H. Niewr/ Epiroriat TEAM TUBINGEN

Ornament

Greek vase painting Sculpture and architecture

Pannonia

ND after: R. M. Cook, P. Dupont, East Greek Pottery, 1998 N. KuniscH,

Ornamente

geometrischer

Provincial development in Noricum and Pannonia (1st cent. BC-3rd cent. AD) ND: F. SCHON/EDITORIAL TEAM TUBINGEN

Vasen,

1998.

Ostia

Ostia: site plan of the excavated areas (4th cent. BC— 4th cent. AD) ND: EpiroriAL TEAM TUBINGEN Palace Biyiikkale: palace complex of Hattusa (13th cent. BC; ground-plan) ND after: P. Neve, HattuCa, *1996, fig. 18.

Pantheon [2] Rome: Pantheon; ground-plan (3rd building phase; AD 118-125) ND after: W. L. MacDona.p, The Architecture of the Roman Empire, vol. 1, 1965, plate 98. Pantheon; cross-section ND after: F. COARELLI, Rom. Ein archaologischer

Fuhrer, 1975, 259.

LIST

OF

ILLUSTRATIONS

AND

Ll

MAPS

Papyrus

Persian Wars

Manufacture of writing papyrus ND after: W. BRASHEAR, J. S. KARIG, in: Staatliche Museen

zu Berlin, PreufSischer Kulturbesitz.

The Persian Wars (c. 500-478/449 BC) ND: W. Eper/EDITORIAL TEAM TUBINGEN

Fuh-

rungsblatt Nr. 23 AMP (Agyptisches Museum Papyrus-Sammlung), 1994. Parthenon Athens: Parthenon; ground-plan and distribution of the architectural sculptures (447-432 BC) ND after: H. R. Goetre, Athen - Attika — Megaris. Reisefiihrer zu den Kunstschatzen und Kulturdenkmalern im Zentrum Griechenlands, 1993, 31, fig. 12h Parthenon; positions of the sculptures ND after: L. SCHNEIDER, CH. HOcKER, Griechisches Festland, 1996, 102.

Perspective

Fragment of a chalice krater: foreshortened representation of proskenion; mid 4th cent. BC. Wirzburg, Martin-von-Wagner-Museum, inv. no. H 4694. H 4701 (redrawing). ND after: G. GUNTNER, CVA/Deutschland, vol. 71: Wiirzburg (4), 1999, plate. 52. ‘Fish-bone perspective’ according to E. Panofsky ND after: E. PaNoFsky, Die Perspektive als symbolische Form, 1927, in: H. OBERER, E. VERHEYEN (eds.), Aufsatze zu Grundfragen der Kunstwissen-

schaft, 1992, 107, fig. 5 below. Pertinax

Peloponnesian War The Peloponnesian War (431-404 BC) ND: W. Eper/EpITroRIAL TEAM TUBINGEN

Pentathlon Example of a pentathlon competition ND after an original by W. DECKER Pergamum

Pergamum: Citadel and Acropolis (7th cent. BC to late Roman period) ND: W. Raptr Pergamum: Urban development (7th cent. BC to late Roman period) ND: W. Raptr The Pergamene kingdom of the Attalids (240-c. 185 BC)

ND: W. Eper/EpiroriaL TEAM TUBINGEN Peripteros

Olympia: Temple of Zeus (472-457 BC); groundplan ND after: H. Berve, G. GRUBEN, Griechische Tempel und Heiligtiimer, 1961, 124, fig. 14.

Stages in the career of Publius Helvius Pertinax (AD 126-193) ND: Tu. FRANKE/EDITORIAL TEAM TUBINGEN Pes (unit of length) ND after an original by H. SCHNEIDER Petra [1] Petra: the most important monuments (c. Ist cent. BC-c. AD 150) ND: Tu. LErsTEN/EDITORIAL TEAM TUBINGEN

Peucetian pottery Vessel shapes in Peucetian pottery ND after: A. Crancio, CVA/Italia, vol. 68: Gioia del Collel(u) Sig 95s platesansm Sarno ese

List of Authors Albiani, Maria Grazia, Bologna Alpers, Klaus, Liineburg Ambihl, Annemarie, Basle

Ameling, Walter, Jena Andreau, Jean, Paris Antoni, Silke, Kiel

Apathy, Peter, Linz Aubenque, Pierre, Paris Auffarth, Christoph, Tubingen Ax, Wolfram, Cologne Babler, Balbina, Gottingen Badian, Ernst, Cambridge, MA Barcelo, Pedro, Potsdam

Baudy, Gerhard, Konstanz Baumbach, Manuel, Heidelberg

Beck, Hans, Cologne Becker, Andrea, Berlin Behrwald, Ralf, Chemnitz Berger, Albrecht, Berlin Berschin, Walter, Heidelberg Binder, Carsten, Kiel Binder, Gerhard, Bochum Blansdorf, Jiirgen, Mainz Bleckmann, Bruno, Bern Bock, Barbara, Berlin Bodnar, Istvan, Budapest Bohr, Elke, Wiesbaden Bonfante, Larissa, New York Borm, Henning, Kiel Bove, Annalisa, Pisa

Bowie, Ewen, Oxford von Bredow, Iris, Stuttgart Bremmer, Jan N., Groningen Brentjes, Burchard, Berlin Briese, Christoph, Randers Bringmann, Klaus, Frankfurt/Main Brisson, Luc, Paris

Brock, Sebastian P., Oxford Brodersen, Kai, Newcastle und Mannheim Burian, Jan, Prague

Cabanes, Pierre, Clermont-Ferrand Calame, Claude, Lausanne

Calboli, Gualtiero, Bologna Calboli Montefusco, Lucia, Bologna Campbell, J. Brian, Belfast Cartledge, Paul A., Cambridge Chantraine, Heinrich, Mannheim Cheesman, C.E.A., London Christes, Johannes, Berlin

Cobet, Justus, Essen Colbow, Gudrun, Munich

Damschen, Gregor, Halle/Saale

M.G.A. K. ALP. A.A. W.A. J.A. STAG P.A. P. AU. GyA. W.AX. B.BA. BAB: P.B. G.B. M.B. HA. BE. AN. BE. RA.B. AL.B. W.B. CA.BI. G.BI. JU.BL. B. BL. BA. BO. LB. E.BO. Lg 8h HE.B. A.BO. E.BO. Iva:

J.B. B.B. CH.B. K.BR. BRE S.BR. K.BRO. J.BU. PIEGAS Gi. Gi: US CaIMe JACK. REG aba@: CaleiGlak Jac. jzCO: GEO, GR.DA.

Daston, Lorraine, Berlin Daverio Rocchi, Giovanna, Milan De Faveri, Lorena, Venice

de Libero, Loretana, Hamburg de Vido, Stefania, Venice

Decker, Wolfgang, Cologne Deines, Roland, Herrenberg Di Marco, Massimo, Fondi (Latina)

Dietz, Karlheinz, Wirzburg Dingel, Joachim, Hamburg DNP-Gruppe Kiel,, Kiel Donohue, Alice A., Bryn Mawr Dorandi, Tiziano, Paris Doring, Klaus, Bamberg Drager, Paul, Trier Dreyer, Boris, Gottingen Ebert, Theodor, Erlangen/Nirnberg Eck, Werner, Cologne Eder, Walter, Bochum Ego, Beate, Osnabriick Eiben, Susanne, Kiel

Eigler, Ulrich, Trier Eleuteri, Paolo, Venice

Elton, Hugh, Miami Elvers, Karl-Ludwig, Bochum Engels, Johannes, Cologne Errington, Robert Malcolm, Marburg/Lahn Euskirchen, Marion, Bonn Falco, Giulia, Athens Fell, Martin, Minster

Fischer, Klaus, Bonn Fischer, Klaus-Dietrich, Mainz Fischer, Robert, Baden-Baden Flury +, Peter, Munich Folkerts, Menso, Munich Fornaro, Sotera, Sassari

Frank, Karl Suso, Freiburg Franke, Thomas, Bochum

Frede, Michael, Oxford

Freitag, Klaus, Miinster Frey, Alexandra, Basle Frigo, Thomas, Bonn Frisch, Peter, Cologne

Fundling, Jorg, Bonn Funke, Peter, Minster Galsterer, Hartmut, Bonn Gamauf, Richard, Vienna Garcia-Ramon, José Luis, Cologne

Gargini, Michela, Pisa Gartner, Hans Armin, Heidelberg Gatti, Paolo, Triento

Gehrke, Hans-Joachim, Freiburg

L.DA. GDR ide: Pie S.d.V. W.D. RO.D. M.D.MA. K.DI. jw. DNP-G.K. A.A.D. sign by K.D. P.D. BO.D. ee W.E. W.ED. B.E. SU. EL. U.E. P.E. HEL. K.-L.E. J.E. MA.ER.

M.E. GLF. M.FE. KL. FI. K.D.F. RO. FI. P.EL. M.F. S.FO. K.-S.F. T.F. M.ER. K.F. AL.FR. T.ER. PE. FR.

JO.F.

PP, H.GA. R.GA. JeGur M.G. H.A.G. es H.-J.G.

LIST

LIV

OF AUTHORS

Geppert, Karin, Tubingen Giaro, Tomasz, Frankfurt/Main

KA. GE. Tra Ge

Gill, Christopher, Exeter Gizewski, Christian, Berlin

GiGi: GG.

Glei, Reinhold F., Bochum Glock, Anne, Potsdam Gottschalk, Hans, Leeds

RG ASGIc, EaG:

Goulet-Cazé, Marie-Odile, Antony Graf, Fritz, Princeton, NJ Grafs], Herbert, Salzburg Grofs-Albenhausen, Kirsten, Frankfurt/Main Gruber, Joachim, Erlangen

M.G.-C. E.G. H.GR. K.G.-A. JAGR:

Gschnitzer, Fritz, Heidelberg

F. GSCH.

Gunther, Linda-Marie, Bochum Giinther, Matthias, Bielefeld Gutsfeld, Andreas, Minster Haas, Volkert, Berlin Haase, Mareile, Erfurt Habermehl, Peter, Berlin Halbwachs, Verena Tiziana, Vienna Harder, Ruth Elisabeth, Zurich Harmon, Daniel P., Seattle Harmon, Roger, Basle Hartmann, Elke, Berlin

L.-M.G. M.GU. A.G., Ver: M.HAA. PE. HA. Wealint: R.HA. DSPar: RO.HA. E.HA.

Heckel, Hartwig, Bochum Heider, Ulrich, Cologne Heimgartner, Martin, Basle

Heinrichs, Johannes, Bonn Heinze, Theodor, Geneva Henrichs, Albert, Cambridge, MA

Hiesel, Gerhard, Freiburg Hild, Friedrich, Vienna

Hocker, Christoph, Kissing Hoesch, Nicola, Munich

lstlab U. HE. M. HE.

JOEL: ole Alle.

Gari lal,

C.HO. N.H.

Holkeskamp, Karl-Joachim, Cologne Holzhausen, Jens, Berlin

K.-J.H. ©:

Hossenfelder, Malte, Graz

M.HO.

Hiibner, Wolfgang, Minster

W.H.

Huinemorder, Christian, Hamburg Hurschmann, Rolf, Hamburg Hu, Werner, Munich Inwood, Brad, Toronto, ON

C.HU. Rela: WIBIGL B.I.

Isler, Hans-Peter, Ziirich Jansen-Winkeln, Karl, Berlin

Fak K.J.-W.

Johne, Klaus-Peter, Berlin Johnston, Sarah Iles, Columbus Kahl, Jochem, Minster Kaizer, Ted, Oxford Kalcyk, Hansjorg, Petershausen Kaletsch, Hans, Regensburg Kappel, Lutz, Kiel Karttunen, Klaus, Helsinki

Keb si Sele IRICAC T.KAL. H.KAL. H.KA. aK Keke

Kaster, Robert A., Princeton Kehne, Peter, Hannover

Kenney, Edward John, Cambridge Kessler, Karlheinz, Emskirchen

R.A.K. P.KE.

BAKE:

Kierdorf, Wilhelm, Cologne

K.KE. W.K.

Kinzl, Konrad, Peterborough Klodt, Claudia, Hamburg

K.KI. GUK

Klose, Dietrich, Munich

Knorr, Thorsten, Hamburg Koch, Heidemarie, Marburg/Lahn Koch, Nadia Justine, Tubingen

Kohler, Christoph, Bad Krozingen Konen, Heinrich, Regensburg Kowalzig, Barbara, Oxford Kramolisch, Herwig, Eppelheim Krause, Jens-Uwe, Munich

Kulzer, Andreas, Vienna Kunz, Heike, Tubingen Lafond, Yves, Bochum

Lamboley, Jean-Luc, Grenoble Lamprecht, Heinz-Otto, Cologne Latacz, Joachim, Basle Lausberg, Marion, Augsburg Le Bohec, Yann, Lyon Lehmann, Gustav Adolf, Gottingen

Leisten, Thomas, Princeton, NJ Leppin, Hartmut, Frankfurt/Main Letsch-Brunner, Silvia, Ziirich Lezzi-Hafter, Adrienne, Kilchberg Lienau, Cay, Minster von Lieven, Alexandra, Berlin Linderski, Jerzy, Chapel Hill, NC Lintott, A. W., Oxford

Loehr, Johanna, Kiel Lohmann, Hans, Bochum Lombardo, Mario, Lecce Lutkenhaus, Werner, Marl Maharam, Wolfram-Aslan, Munich Maniaci, Marilena, Rome

Marasco, Gabriele, Pisa

Marchesini Velasco, Simona, Tubingen Marek, Christian, Zurich Markschies, Christoph, Heidelberg Martini, Wolfram, Giefen Matthaios, Stephanos, Nikosia Mehl, Andreas, Halle/Saale Meier, Mischa, Bielefeld Meiser, Gerhard, Halle/Saale Meister, Klaus, Berlin Meloni, Piero, Cagliari Menci, Giovanna, Florence Mennella, Giovanni, Genova Messina, Aldo, Triest Michel, Raphael, Basle Michel, Simone, Hamburg Mlasowsky, Alexander, Hannover

Mommsen, Heide, Stuttgart Miller, Christian, Bochum Miiller-Kessler, Christa, Emskirchen

Nadig, Peter C., Duisburg Nesselrath, Heinz-Ginther, Gottingen Neudecker, Richard, Rome Neumann, Gunter, Munster

Niehoff, Johannes, Freiburg Niehr, Herbert, Tiibingen Nielsen, Inge, Hamburg

DIK. TH.KN. FekK@: N.K. C.KO. H.KON. B.K. HE. KR. J.K.

A.KU. HE.K. NSE. eles, H.-O.L. Jil: MA.L. YL, G.A.L. oa: IBEILZ S.L.-B. A.L.-H. GE eave

Mele A.W.L. JOme HeLo: Meda WE. LU. W.-A.M. MA. MA. GA. MA. SI. MA. C.MA. GM. W.MA. ST.MA. A. ME. M. MEI. GE. ME. Kk. MEI. P.M. G.M. G. ME. AL. MES. RA. MI. S. MI. A.M. H.M.

C.MU. Gske P.N. H.-G. NE. R.N. G.N. J.N. H.NI. IN.

LV

Niemeyer, Hans Georg, Hamburg Nissen, Hans Jorg, Berlin Ninlist, René, Providence, RI Nutton, Vivian, London

Oelsner, Joachim, Leipzig Olshausen, Eckart, Stuttgart Paci, Gianfranco, Macerata

LIST

Schwarcz, Andreas, Vienna Schwertheim, Elmar, Minster Schwind, Johannes, Trier

Senff, Reinhard, Bochum Shapiro, H.Alan, Baltimore Siebert, Anne Viola, Hannover

Sinn, Ulrich, Wurzburg

Pahlitzsch, Johannes, Berlin Panayides, Aliki Maria, Bern

Smolak, Kurt, Vienna

Pappalardo, Umberto, Naples Parker, Robert, Oxford

Sourvinou Inwood, Christine, Oxford

Patzek, Barbara, Essen

Paulus, Christoph Georg, Berlin Peter, Ulrike, Berlin Petzl, Georg, Cologne

Sonnabend, Holger, Stuttgart

Spawforth, Anthony J.S., Newcastle Spickermann, Wolfgang, Bochum Stanzel, Karl-Heinz, Tubingen Starke, Frank, Tibingen Stegemann, Ekkehard, Basle

Phillips, C. Robert III., Bethlehem, PA Pingel, Volker, Bochum Plath, Robert, Erlangen Plontke-Liining, Annegret, Jena Podella, Thomas, Liibeck Pollmann, Karla, St. Andrews

Stein-Holkeskamp, Elke, Cologne

Portmann, Werner, Berlin

Strobel, Karl, Klagenfurt

Potts, Daniel T., Waverley Prayon, Friedhelm, Tiibingen

Stumpf, Gerd, Munich Thomsen, Andreas, Tubingen Thiir, Gerhard, Graz

Prescendi, Francesca, Geneva

Quack, Joachim, Berlin Radt, Wolfgang, Istanbul Renger, Johannes, Berlin Rhodes, Peter J., Durham Richter, Thomas, Frankfurt/Main Riedweg, Christoph, Zurich Rist, Josef, Wurzburg Rix, Helmut, Freiburg Robbins, Emmet, Toronto, ON

Steinhart, Matthias, Freiburg

Stenger, Jan, Kiel Stoevesandt, Magdalene, Basle Strauch, Daniel, Berlin Streck, Michael P., Munich

Thurmann, Stephanie, Kiel Thiry, Gunther E., Salzburg Tinnefeld, Franz, Munich

Todd, Malcolm, Exeter Toral-Niehoff, Isabel, Freiburg Tosi, Renzo, Bologna

Touwaide, Alain, Madrid

Uggeri, Giovanni, Florence von Ungern-Sternberg, Jiirgen, Basle

Roberts, Michael, Middletown Romer, Malte, Berlin

Visser, Edzard, Basle Voigt, Rainer, Berlin

Rosenberger, Veit, Augsburg

Volkl, Artur, Innsbruck

Ruffing, Kai, Marburg/Lahn

Volkmann, Hans, Cologne

Ripke, Jorg, Erfurt Rutherford, lan C., Reading

Walde, Christine, Basle Waldner, Katharina, Erfurt

Salsano, Deborah, Catania Sartori, Antonio, Milan Savvidis, Kyriakos, Bochum

Walser +, Gerold, Basle Walter, Uwe, Cologne Wandrey, Irina, Berlin Wardle, David, Kapstadt

Schade, Gerson, Berlin Schanbacher, Dietmar, Dresden Schaus, Gerald P., Waterloo, Ontario Scherf, Johannes, Tubingen

Schiemann, Gottfried, Tubingen Schlapbach, Karin, Ziirich Schmidt, Peter Lebrecht, Konstanz Schmitt, Tassilo, Bielefeld Schmitz, Winfried, Bielefeld Schmitzer, Ulrich, Erlangen Schneider, Helmuth, Kassel

Schon, Franz, Regensburg Schonig, Hanne, Halle/Saale Schottky, Martin, Pretzfeld Schulzki, Heinz-Joachim, Freudenstadt

Wehgartner, Irma, Wurzburg Weifs, Peter, Kiel WeifSenberger, Michael, Greifswald Wenskus, Otta, Innsbruck Wermelinger, Otto, Fribourg

Wiegels, Rainer, Osnabriick Wiesehofer, Josef, Kiel

Will, Wolfgang, Bonn Willers, Dietrich, Bern Wolfram, Gerda, Vienna

Zahrnt, Michael, Kiel Ziegler, Sabine, Wirzburg Zimmermann, Bernhard, Freiburg Zimmermann, Martin, Munich

MA. ZI.

OF AUTHORS

A.SCH. EasSGH: lesGeEr R. SE. A.SH. A.V.S. Was: K.SM. Hes: GrSal: A.SPA. W.SP. KeetAaS: 1S EsSIE: E-S.-H. M.ST. STE: MA. ST. DES: M.S. Kasil GE.S. INGY. Gale Silk G.TH. elie NETO: [eplieeINe Reale A.TO. GAUE vases:

E.V. Rave A.VO. H.VO. C.W. K. WA. G.W. U.WAL. I. WA. D. WAR. LW. P.W. M.W. O. WE. O. WER. RA. WI. J.W. W.W. DI. WI. GE. WO. Mi Sear Bees.

List of Translators Annette Bridges Simon Buck Rolf Bueskens Tina Chronopoulos Annette Corkhill Dorothy Duncan Rebecca Garber Susanne Hakenbeck Karoline Krauss David Levinson Brian Murdoch Michael P. Osmann Michael Ovington Charlotte Pattenden Paul du Plessis Maria Schoenhammer Barbara Schmidt-Runkel Duncan A. Smart

Barbara Souter Diana Theohari Suzanne Walters

O Obligatio A. CONCEPT AND FOUNDATIONS

B. CONTENT AND

FORMS

A. CONCEPT AND FOUNDATIONS According to Inst. Iust. 3,13 pr., an obligatio is a iuris vinculum, quo necessitate adstringimur alicuius solvendae rei secundum nostrae civitatis iura (‘a legal

tie whereby we are bound according to the laws of our State to give some performance’). In this sense, obligatio refers to a relationship of indebtedness whereby a

(continuation)

facere or a praestare (Gai. Inst. 4,2). Dare meant the providing ofcivil-law > dominium (ownership) ex iure Ouiritium as well as limited real rights. Facere referred to acts (e.g. liability for labour or work) as well as omissions. Praestare had many meanings and signified above all taking responsibility for something, e.g. liability for a specific consequence.

The term obligatio naturalis specitically meant an obligatio that could not be enforced by a personal action (actio in personam), where the liability arising from the performance of it could not be recovered as an

debitor (debtor) is obligated to his creditor (creditor) in

indebitum (something which is not owed; > condictio).

respect of one or more performances. This relationship of indebtedness may arise from legal business, especially through a contract (> contractus), or through an unlawful act (+ delictum) (Gai. Inst. 3,88). A more restricted meaning of the word obligatio, prevalent in Roman law, may be distinguished from the broader meaning thusfar discussed. According to Roman law, obligatio signified the creditor’s singular right to claim performance (nomen) as well as the concomitant duty

This included amongst other things the business debts of slaves or children in power (Dig. 44,7,14), partially also the debts incurred by a minor without the auctoritas tutoris (> auctoritas IIl.). Natural obligations could be secured by way ofsurety or security (— pignus;

of the debtor to perform (debitum), both of which arose

from the relationship of indebtedness. The noun obligatio is comparatively recent; it first appears in Cic. Ad Brut. 1,18,3. By contrast, personal liability was pre-eminent in early Roman law. The person who was entitled to do so obtained a right to self-help, that is, following the commission of a delict to extract revenge on the body of the culprit if the latter was not a member of the family), or, following liability arising from certain business transactions (— stipulatio, — nexum, — legatum per damnationem, promising a piece of land of certain dimensions in a > mancipatio) against the business opponent. Specifically as a result of the personal liability of the debtor arising from such commercial transactions, the words obligare (‘to bind someone’) and obligari (‘to bind oneself, to be bound’)

came to be used before the concept of obligatio arose. Admittedly, it became increasingly possible to absolve personal liability through the payment of a > poena e.g. the debitum (the debt), but debtors were still threat-

ened with death, slavery or debt-bondage (s. + debitor).

B. CONTENT AND FORMS The obligatio was enforced with an actio in personam (personal action, > actio [2] B.), a relative right of

the creditor that could be enforced in a court of law. He could only enforce his right against the debitor and — except for actiones poenales (penal actions) — against his heirs. However, the creditor had (before performance, the obligationis solutio) no (absolute) right to the counter-performance owed by the debitor (Dig. 44,7,3 pr.). The content of the obligatio was a dare or a

Gai. Inst. 3,r19a), they could also be novated (> novatio) and set-off could occur (— compensatio).

The prime division (summa divisio) of obligatio according to Inst. lust. 3,13,1 is the distinction between obligationes civiles and obligationes praetoriae, according to whether the legal foundation was the ius civile or the jurisdiction of the praetor. Inst. Iust. 3,13,2 also mentions a wider division (based on the summa divisio of Gaius which was further developed): aut enim ex contractu sunt aut quasi ex contractu aut ex maleficio aut quasi ex maleficio (‘either from contract, quasicontract, delict or quasi-delict’). The developmental precursor to the categories of quasi-contract and quasidelict was the category of obligationes ex variis causarum figuris (‘various other causes’) which occurs in the work attributed to > Gaius [2] B. 2., Res cottidianae sive aurea (‘Daily matters or golden words’; Dig. 44,7,1 pr.). Another division of obligationes came from the late-classical Modestinus, in which especially the obligatio ex lege (legal ‘o.’) gained prominence in the new doctrinal development (Dig. 44,7,52 pr. und § 5). -» Debt, Debt redemption F. C. v. Savicny, Das Obligationenrecht, 1851-1853; A. HAGERSTROM, Der romische Obligationsbegriff, vols. 1-2, 1927-1941; A. Watson, The Law of Obligations in the Later Roman Republic, 1965; P. Voct, Le obbligazioni romane, 1969; Kaser, RPR vol. 1*, 146-173, 474-667; vol. 2*, 322-462; P. BONFANTE, Corso di diritto romano,

vol. 4: Le obbligazioni, 1979; HONSELL, MAyER-MALy, SELB, 212-384; R. ZIMMERMANN, tions, *1996.

The Law of ObligaP.A.

Obol for the dead see > Charon’s fare

Obolos (dBoAdc; obolds) in Greek coinage (> Money; + Coin minting) refers to a nominal value; derived from ofekdc (obelds), ‘roasting spit or skewer’ [xr],

OBOLOS

which was used in the pre-monetary period as a method of payment. Six roasting spits or skewers could be held in one hand, hence the term — drachme (deayun/ drachmé, ‘as much as one hand can hold’; [2]). The

obolos was therefore '/s of the drachma. In the inscription concerning the Eleusinian Mysteries before 460 BC, the nominal value term obolos appears (IG I* 6,88; 95; 963; 973 [3. 3]). Initially the obolos in the Greek currencies was minted in silver but then also in gold and later in aes [3. 5]. The weight of the obolos depended on the respective ~ coin standard; in the Attic standard this amounted to 0.73 g. Coins valued at fractions of the obolos in silver were the tetartemorion ('/,), ~ hemiobolion (*/2) and — tritetartemorion (3/4). In bronze the obolos corre-

sponded to eight > chalkoi in Athens and elsewhere to 12 or 16. 1 LSJ, s.v. 6BerAdg 2 LSJ, s.v. d0ayun 3M. N. Top, Epigraphical Notes on Greek Coinage III. OBOAOX, in: NC 7; 1947, 1-27.

SCHROTTER, 468, s.v. O.; M. R.-ALFOLDI, Antike Numismatik, 2 vols., 1978, 224. GE.S.

Obriareus see

4

3

> Hekatoncheires

Obscuritas (‘Lack of clarity’ sc. of expression); corresponds with the Greek noun ox6tog (sk6tos, ‘darkness’) with the adjective oxotewdc (asapheia, ‘unclearness’).

(skoteinds);

coddera

Obscuritas is a central term in ancient rhetorical and literary-aesthetic discussions. For the Greeks, obscuritas has a positive connotation in the context of solemn inspirational mantic art and oracles in particular, but as a quality of the language of poetry, it is a matter of controversy. In the Frogs of Aristophanes, the archaicobscure Aeschylus and the modern-perspicuous Euripides conduct an argument about the writer’s licence to use obscuritas. Aristotle’s literary-aesthetic position (Aristot. Poet. 22,1458a 18; Aristot. Rh. 3,2,46,1-2) is

to be seen in the context of the religious-dramatic-serious obscuritas and corresponding phenomena in the literature of the period: it concedes to poetry a higher degree of linguistic and stylistic obscuritas than to prose (Rh. 3,1,4a,24ff.), because in the language of poetry the unusual and the artistically necessary are decisive considerations. He therefore views the acceptability and desirability of obscuritas as a function of the textual genre. Obscuritas must have a methodologically different position in utilitarian rhetoric (and in legal usage), in which a lack of clarity and ambiguity of expression constitute a vitium, an error, and obscuritas frequently features as the negative counterpart of perspicuitas/‘clarity’ (— virtutes dicendi). However, the differen-

tiated exposition of > Quintilianus, who combines literary-aesthetic and rhetorical positions, includes a great range of licence to use obscurity, e.g. in all phenomena of figurative speech (— allegory, > figures etc.) and in the never-completed process of the shaping of new

words (Quint. Inst. 8,3,24; 3,733 6,14ff.). In these cases obscuritas contributes more to facilitating understanding than a perspicuitas that is unsuitable for the context. It even proves to be a valuable complement to cognitive skills, the limitations of which it helps to recognize and expand. 1 M. FUHRMANN,

O. Das Problem der Dunkelheit in der

rhetorischen und literaturasthetischen Theorie der Ant., in: W. Iser (Eds.), Immanente asthetische Reflexion, 1966, 47-72 2C. WALDE, s.v. 0., HWdR, vol. 6, 2003. CW.

Obsequens, Iulius. Author of a liber prodigiorum, which for the years 190-11 BC, i.e. at the end of Livy’s {III 2] Roman

history, arranges accounts of portents (> Prodigium) of salient historical events by and alongside their dates. The title of the edition princeps of the work [4] shows that it was begun in 249 BC (for the significance of the starting date cf. [5. 76f.; ro. 15 8ff.], and that therefore the portents for 249-191 have been lost. O. evidently relates Rome’s success to its observance of divine signs, whose expiation averts threatening disaster (Obseq. 2; 3; 6 etc.), whereas non-obser-

vance leads to ruin (Obseq. 27a; 55; 64 etc.). Portents and events are informed by Livy, on whom the catalogues of portents draw directly [5. 11-22] and the historical notes indirectly (on a Livy chronicle, [5. 29-64; 6]). The use of the chronicle points to Late Antiquity, the pagan-apologetic tendency (portents and historical notes causally related to one another [5. 72-75]) to the later part of the 4th century AD as time of composition [5. 9f.; 77-82; 8]. Whereas in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages there are no traces of reception, confessional arguments and theological interest in the 16th/r7th centuries led to a religiously motivated ratification of the work’s historico-theological intention [3. 18-36; 11. 649-674; 12]. Thus K. WoOLFFHART (Lycosthenes, Basel 1552) restored the portents lost or missing in the text into a synopsis of Roman omens, an addition which was conserved as an editorial convention until the early roth century. EDITIONS:

10O.ROssBACH, 1910

2 A. C. SCHLESINGER,

Livius 14, 1959 (with English transl.) 3A. MoureE Casas, 1990 (transl.) 4 A. MaNutius, 1508 (ed. princ.). BIBLIOGRAPHY: 5 P.L.ScHmuipT, I.O. und das Problem der Livius-Epitome, 1968 6 Id., Eine Livius-Chronik, in:

HLL, Bd. 4, § 464 7P. MASTANDREA, La fortuna di Giulio Ossequente, in: Atti e memorie dell‘Accademia Patavina 86, 1973/74, 195-206 8 G. PicongE, Il problema della datazione del Liber prodigiorum di Giulio Ossequente, in: Pan 2, 1974, 71-77

9 C. SANTINI, Letteratura

prodigiale e »sermo prodigialis: in Giulio Ossequente, in: Philologus 132, 1988, 210-226 10 J. RUPKE, Livius, Priesternamen und die annales maximi, in: Klio 75, 1993, 155-179 11J. C&arp, La nature et les prodiges, 1977, 161-191 12 R.SCHENDA, Die deutsche Prodigiensammlungen, in: Bérsenblatt fiir den deutschen Buchhandel, 4, 1963, 1637-1710 13 P. G. SCHMIDT, Supplemente lateinischer Prosa, 1964, 11-13. P.L.S.

5

6

Obsequium In the social and political fabric of Roman society obsequium generally referred to a duty of support for prominent persons [3. 128ff.], in a military sense it referred to a soldier’s obedience and in Roman private law to the legal duty of the libertus (+ Freedmen) towards his > patronus [1. 140]. In relation to the imperium Romanum, obsequium also referred to the loyalty of a province (Tac. Hist. 4,71,2; 74,4; Tac. Ann.

East and Egypt predominantly came from various places in modern-day Turkey (south of Tuzlu Gol, near Lake Van); Egypt may also have obtained some of its material from Abyssinia. In the Graeco-Roman area, obsidian mirrors and jewellery were manufactured, however Plin. HN 36,196 also knows of statues of Augustus and of elephants that were made of this material. Referring to his contemporary, Xenocrates of Aphrodisias, he mentions (Plin. HN 36,197) not just Ethiopia but also India, Samnium in Italy and the Atlantic coast of Spain as the places where obsidian was found. As obsidian was not hard enough (degree of hardness: Mohs 6) for the carving of precious stones (Plin. HN 37,200), obsidian was used to determine whether these were genuine.

4,72,13 15,21,1) as well as the subordination — the goal

of foreign policy — of tribes living on the edges of the Empire (Suet. Aug. 21; Tac. Ann. 4,46,2; 14,31,1; Tac. Germ.

29,2),

whom

Rome

forced

to

accept

its

> imperia (R. Gest. div. Aug. 30; Bell. Alex. 34,1; Tac. Ann. 13,56,1; 15,25,3), or who expressed their acknowledgement of Rome’s superiority (Tac. Ann. 12,11,1) implicit in its ideology of world domination (> Law [2]). The proven loyalty to treaties indicated the degree of obsequium (— fides II.; ILS 212; Tac. Hist. Su piswilacenGermie2'8.4)s|2eesoOsnsH Ue OAs amas oye. 1 KaserR, RPR, vol.

1

2 P. KEHNE, Formen rémischer

Aufenpolitik in der Kaiserzeit, 1989

Obses. An obses (Pl. obsides, ‘hostage’) was taken in

consequence of an agreement or for the purpose of reprisal. In the first case, the sacrosanct ‘treaty hostage’ provided security for > legationes, negotiations and all forms of interstatal agreements, e.g. war treaties (— indutiae; > pactio). In case of treaties (— deditio;

~ foedus) for the purpose of > pax, the obses also guaranteed the performance of specific provisions. In peace he guaranteed good political behaviour. The number and exchange of hostages, as well as the period for which they were held, were a matter of discretion. Until late antiquity, Roman citizens acted as obsides only as an exception. Geiseln in Rom, in: Athenaeum

70, 1990,

97-140; P. KEHNE, Formen rémischer Aufsenpolitik in der Kaiserzeit, 1989, 229-241; B. SCARDIGLI, Germanische Gefangene und Geiseln in Italien, in: Ead. (ed.), Germani in Italia, 1994,

117-150.

P.R.S. Moorey, Industries,

Ancient Mesopotamian

POETRY

Materials and

1994, esp. 63-71; U. ROSSLER-KOHLER,

S.Vv.

O., LA 4, 549-550; A. SCHRAMM, s.v. O., RE 17, 1744f. C.HU. H.J.N.

Obstetrix s.

> Hebamme

3M. VIELBERG,

Pflichten, Werte, Ideale. Untersuchungen zu den Wertvorstellungen des Tacitus, 1987. P.KE.

Sr. ELBERN,

OCCASIONAL

P.KE.

Ocalea

(Quaren/Okaléé,

’Quahea/Okaléa, ’Qxuahera/

Okdleia). City in western Boeotia, mentioned in Hom.

Il. 2,501 and Hom. H. ad Apollinem 242, located at the southern edge of the former Lake Copais; later ancient authors gave varying accounts of O.’s location; cf. Str. 9,2,26f.; Plin. HN 4,26; Dionysius Kalliphontos 99; Steph. Byz. s.v. ’Q. FOossEY, 314-318; S. LAUFFER, Kopais, vol. 1, 1986, 63-

65; E. Visser, Homers Katalog der Schiffe, 1997, 266f.; P. W. WALLACE, Strabo’s Description of Boiotia, 1979, 108.

PF. Occasio. Female > personification of ‘opportunity’ or the ‘favourable moment’. O. is the Roman equivalent of Greek > Kairos, although there is far less literary evidence for it. O. is represented with winged shoes and a small wheel, as symbols of its unstable and fleeting nature, whereas its face is hidden by a forelock and the back of the head is bold, a symbol of the difficulty of recognizing and grasping the right moment (Dicta Catonis, Disticha 2,26; Auson. epigrammata 33 PRETE).

Obsidian (obsianus lapis, ‘stone of Obsius’; obsidianus is the incorrect reading) is a dark, vitreous (Plin. HN 36,196: in genere vitri = Isid. Orig. 16,16,5) volcanic

rock that a certain Obsius of Ethiopia is said to have imported to Rome. In the Near East, obsidian was highly regarded from the 8th millennium and in Egypt from the 4th millennium, principally because of the sharp cutting edges of tools that were made of obsidian blades but also because its semi-transparent property made it attractive as a gemstone (Akkadian surru; Egyptian mnw). From the 2nd millennium, obsidian was mainly used for +» seals (in Mesopotamia: cylinder seals), beads and vessels. In the rst millennium obsidian was imitated by glass, which was cheaper. The obsidian used in the Near

H. Rupicer, 121-166.

Gottin Gelegenheit, in: Arcadia

1, 1966, RA.MI.

Occasional poetry. A form of poetry created for a specific occasion, not as a result of the poet’s autonomous desire. From a perspective that privileges original thinking, occasional poetry (OP) is often regarded as inferior [1. 9-11] but this is unjustified since large parts of ancient poetry from the earliest periods on are OP ina broader sense, as can be seen — in what appears to be self-reflection — in the song of - Demodocus in Hom. Od. 8,250ff. [cf. 2. 3 5ff.]. Homer himself is attributed with OP in the biographical tradition [3]. Attic tragedies and comedies in particular are inseparable from the

OCCASIONAL

POETRY

Hi

cultic occasions of their production [4]. In the narrow

sense, OP is a form of poetry that uses the occasion as the theme of the poem. Such OP either results from an explicit commission (+ Commissioned poetry) or from the author’s desire to honour a specific event. In line with this, the audience’s expectations play a constitutive role in OP as well. If the addressee is an individual,

he is usually a ruler (+ Court poetry) or other high personality, at least a social equal (> Vergilius in Hor. Carm. 1,3), only rarely someone of lesser position (Maecenas FPL? p. 246 to Horace; Hadrian FPL’ p. 3.43 to Florus).

OP primarily appears in lyrical and other short poetic forms. The underlying occasion might be public: for example, Pindar’s epinicia, where a victory in the agon is placed in the context of the respective festival [5]. The earliest extant Latin literature is OP (e.g. ~ Carmen Saliare). Exemplary for the OP of later periods is the Carmen Saeculare by Horace or the first Silva by Statius. An example for a mixed form is Ov. Ars am. 1,177ff. (about C. Caesar’s Oriental campaign), where OP is integrated into a didactic poem. In Late Antiquity, OP can be found in Claudianus [2] and Sidonius Apollinaris. More frequent, however, are private occasions such as birthdays [7], weddings, or deaths [8]

pose was probably an anachronism based on the later Republic. The severe penalty suggests that the rule was aimed not at a form of verbal injury, but at magical incantations which caused damage to the person at whom they were ‘sung’ (thus now also [2], however, in opposition [3]). It has to be asked, however, how occen-

tare was distinguished from the punishable act described in the Twelve Tables by the phrase qui malum carmen

incantassit

song) with malum carmen (originally magical spell) (Hor. Sat. 2,1,82; Arnob. 4,34). Though the problem has been revisited in modern literature, a solution has

not yet been reached. 1M. Kaser, Infamia und ignominia in den romischen Rechtsquellen, in: ZRG 73, 1956, 220-278

407-422.

A. PRIVATE LAW

1 W. ROsLeER, Dichter und Gruppe, 1978 2U. H6tSCHER, Die Odyssee, *1989 3 A. LupwicH, Homerische

Gelegenheitsdichtungen, in: RhM 71, 1916, 41-78; 2004C. Meter, Die politische Kunst der griechischen 231 Tragddie, 1988 5 E. KRUMMEN, Pyrsos hymnon, 1990 6S. Dopp, Zeitgeschichte in Dichtungen Claudians, 1980 7K. BurkHARD, Das antike Geburtstagsgedicht, 1991 8 R. MULLER, Motivkatalog der rémischen Elegie, 1952 9 M. CiTRONI, Poesia e lettoriin Roma antica, 1995

Drux,

s.v.

Gelegenheitsdichtung,

HWdR

10R.

3,653-667. U.SCH.

Occentare. According to the Twelve Tables (> Tabulae Duodecim),

occentare

(to sing to) referred to an act

punishable by death (Lex XII tab. 8,1 b). Later sources describe it as the public singing of a defamatory song, designed to humiliate a specific person (Cic. Rep. 4,123 Fest. r9of., cf. Cic. Tusc. 4,4); The prohibition was said

to be especially designed to prevent attacks by poets (Cic. Rep. 4,11f., cf. Aug. civ. 2,12). This alledged pur-

A.VO.

Occident see > Orient

Occupatio

genos epideiktikon (- Epideixis) and blossomed esp. in the > Second Sophistic. In Post-Antiquity, OP lives on in numerous forms [ro]. ~» OCCASIONAL POETRY

2A. Man-

FREDINI, La diffamazione verbale nel diritto romano I, 1979 3R. WITTMANN, review of [2], in: ZRG ror, 1984,

or can characterize entire corpora (e.g. Statius’ Silvae).

been an essential factor in OP (however: > Recitation). Occasional prose is rooted, above all, in the rhetorical

famosum),

ted, if one assumes that occentare referred to serious injury, that the sources equated carmen (slanderous

which are honoured in individual poems (e.g. Tib. 2,2)

Furthermore, esp. in Catullus, Horace [9] and Martial (Xenia and Apophoreta), the occasion is fictionalised with the result that this OP is more a form of literary art than a product of the moment. The stronger the emphasis on the literary character, the less important is the oral presentation for the occasion, which originally had

(tab. 8,1 a, > carmen

since this punishable act was undoubtedly connected to harmful magical spells. Alternatively it has to be accep-

B.PuBLICLAW

C. Tax

A. PRIVATE LAW

In Roman private law the term occupatio, as a technical term (most often in the form of a verb — occupare),

meant the act of appropriation (Gai. Inst. 2,65-66). As a noun it was almost exclusively used in the sense of occupation, holding (e.g. Ulp. Dig. 4,8,15). Occupatio was seen as a ‘natural’ mode of acquisition of ownership (alongside > traditio) in contrast to acquistion of ownership according to the ius civile (> ius A.; through +> mancipatio, — in ture cessio, > usucapio). Foreigners (non-citizens; > peregrinus) could also acquire ownership by way of occupatio. Acquisition by occupatio applied to objects which did not belong to anyone. Thus, everything caught on land, sea or in the air, immediately became the property of its captor (Gai. Inst. 2,66-67;

Inst. Iust. 2,1,12);

Jewels and pearls found on the seashore became the property of the finder (Florentinus Dig. 1,8,3). Objects thrown overboard to lighten a ship in case of distress at sea, on the other hand, continued to remain the property of their former owners, as did a heavy load that someone set down in the road, so that it could be carried further with the assistance of others (Iulianus Dig. 14,2,8). An island arising in the sea became the property of the one who occupied it (Gai. Dig. 41,1,7,3)3 an island arising in a river occasionally as

well (Ulp. Dig. 43,12,1,6-7). The capture of enemy property also lead to the acquisition of ownership (Gai. Inst. 2,69). A res nec mancipi (thus property that need not be acquired by > mancipatio) relinquished by their previous owner immediately became the property of

2

IO

those who captured it, a > res mancipi only after the period of prescription (> usucapio) had passed. This

Oceanids (Queavidec/Okeanides, older form ’Queavival Okeaninai, Lat. Oceanitides). Daughters of

curiosity was removed by Justinian (Inst. Iust. 2,1,47).

+ Oceanus and of > Tethys, of whom Hesiod lists the 41 eldest by name while their total number like that of

According to the Sabinians, the previous owner of a res nec mancipi lost ownership as soon as he relinquished it (Dig. 47,2,43,5), but according to Proculians ownership was only relinquished at the moment of the next occupatio (Dig. 41,7,2,1). HONSELL/MaYER-MALY/SELB, 425f.; 2, 288f.

163-165; KASER, RPR 1, D.SCH.

B. PuBLIC Law Apart from its meaning in Roman civil law as a method of acquisition of ownership, occupatio also signified in the Roman ‘law of nations’ (ius gentium; > ius A. 2.) the legitimate wartime appropriation of the complete power to persecute people and to possess goods of an occupied foreign enemy, in as much as it was not agreed otherwise prior to the > deditio (capitulation). This right was generally only exercised fully

OCEANUS

their brothers,

the rivers, amounts

to 3,000

(Hes.

Theog. 346-370). Additional O. catalogues are to be found in Hom. H. 2,418ff.; Orph. fr. 49,21ff.; Apollod. rSsa Hyg. Fabs prac Tole. iPabvems2; Vers. G: 4,334ff.Occasional O. are probably old deities of the Underworld [1] like > Styx, the oldest O. (Hes. Theog. 361), however most of them remain purely poetic names without an individual personality. The O. do not play any significant role in mythology and cult. They share their field of activity, the sea and the bodies of

had been violated and — according to the understanding of the law in the Imperial period — it was even consid-

fresh water, with the > Nereids and the ~ Nymphs, from whom they are not always strictly differentiated. Hesiod attributes to them a protective function for adolescent boys (Hes. Theog. 346ff.). As playmates of ~+ Persephone, they become witnesses to her rape (Hom. h. 2,417ff.). > Artemis selects 60 O. as her companions (Callim. H. 3,13f., 42ff.). In Aeschylus’ Prometheus, the O. form the chorus. In iconography the O. appear, like the Nereids, in the form of women; only > Eurynome of Phigalia bears the tail of a fish (Paus.

ered as contrary to ius naturale (Dig. 1,1,4; Inst. lust.

8,41,6).

(enslavement, expulsion) in cases where a treaty or rule

1,2,2). However, following an unconditional deditio, the vanquished (subiecti), despite the granting of rights of liberty and possession and the factually unchanged

everyday life remained subject to the Roman occupying force’s discretionary control. The Territories of occupied enemies were, as ager occupatorius, used for the

1 F. FiscHer, Nereiden und Okeanichen in Hesiods Theo-

gonie, 1934. H. Herter,

s.v.

Okeanichen,

RE

17, 2303-2308;

L.

Kaut., N. ICARD-GIANOLIO, s.v. Okeanichen, LIMC 7.1, 29-31.

AA.

creation of colonies (— coloniae) and the settlement of

veterans. Where the locals continued to possess and cultivate, it was in principle done on the basis of possession mimicking agricultural tenancy, for which, in recognition of the comprehensive Roman ownership, a tributory rent had to paid to the Roman fise (Gai. Inst. 2,21: stipendiaria vel tributaria praedia). This legal perspective on provincial property ownership continued until the enactment of the > Constitutio Antoniniana in the year AD 212. According to the ius gentium, occupatio also meant the friendly occupation of ownerless (in any possible sense) objects in the sea, rivers and also on land (Dig. 41,2530,33 Dig. 1,8,10; 41,1,30,3; Dig. 1,1,5: dominia distincta, termini positi).

Martial law; > War, consequences of Ga LUN As an economic term, occupatio signified in Roman

public law (ius publicum; — ius G. 2.) the taking by the State of an inheritance which had no heir (bona caduca; > caducum). It also referred to goods confiscated by the State as a penalty (confiscatio) or goods confiscated for another reason (0. bonorum: Dig. 4,4,3,4; Paul. Setit- 15402565 5402595, Diced

8.21, 4.0)

MomMSEN, Staatsrecht 33, 138-142; 828; 1112; A.H.M. Jones, Studies in Roman Government and Law, 1968, 129-149; KaseER, RPR I, 425ff., 725, 683 (n. 23); Il’,

288f., 510.

GG:

Oceanus (Qxeavdc/Okeanods, Latin Oceanus). I. MytuH

II. GEoGrapuy

III]. IDEOLOGY

I. MyTH Divine representative of the world river, later world sea, that flows in a ring around the earth. In Homer’s Iliad O. lives with his wife > Tethys on the boundaries of the earth (Hom. II. 14,200ff.) and is the only god who does not take part in the meeting on Olympus (ibid. 20,7). He is the origin of the gods and of absolutely everything (ibid. 14,201 = 302; 246); from him flow the seas, the rivers, the springs and the wells (ibid. 21,195ff.). Nevertheless he is subordinate to the power of Zeus (ibid. 14,244-248; 21,198f.). Hera’s tale of the dispute between O. and Tethys (Hom. Il. 14,200-210) appears to presuppose a myth that is not otherwise demonstrable in Greek literature and that is probably a Near Eastern cosmogonic myth of the separation of the ancient couple out of whose union the world had come into being [1]. A close parallel with this is the ancient couple > Apst and > Tiamat, the male fresh water and the female salt water principle, in the Babylonian creation epic > Enuma eli§ [2; 3]. Tethys may be directly equated with Tiamat (in the form Tawtu/Tamtu) [2. 93; 3. 147], and it has been suggested that the epitheton of O., &woQeooc/apsorrhoos (Hom. Il. 18,399 e.a.), which is usually explained

OCEANUS

IZ

II

as ‘flowing back into itself’, is derived from Apst [3. 148]. For the non-Indo-European name O. and its variants Ogen(os) (Pherecydes of Syros 7 B 2 DK; Hsch.

the Pergamon Altar); together with > Tellus he makes a popular motifonRoman coins, mosaics and sarcophagi

s.v. O.), scholars have assumed various Semitic origins;

1 R. JANKO, in: G. S. Kirk (ed.), The Iliad: ACommentary, vol. 4, 1992, 180-182 2 W. BurKeRT, The Orientalizing Revolution, 1992, 91-93 3 M. L. West, The East Face of

however, as before, the etymology remains unclear [3. 146f.]. The cosmogonic importance of O. lived on in + Thales’ philosophy of nature, which regarded water as the original matter [4; 5], and in the Orphic theogonies, in which O. and Tethys are the first divine couple or in any case a generation before the other > Titans (Pl. Crat. 402b = Orph. fr. 15; Pl. Ti. 4oe = Orph. fr. 16; +» Orphism) [6]. In Hesiod’s Theogony, however, O. is the son of > Uranus and > Gaea (Hes. Theog. 133) and a Titan like his sister Tethys, with whom he fathers 3000 sons, the rivers, and 3000 daughters, the > Oceanids

(ibid.

337-370),

the eldest of whom

was

of Achilles

(Hom.

Il. 18,607f.;

cf. Hes.

Sc.

314ff.). Helios rises from O. and goes down in him (Hom. Il. 7,421f.; 8,485); at night, a golden basin carries him over O. back to the east (Mimn. fr. 12 IEG).

The stars bathe in O. (Hom. Il. 5,5f.), but not the constellation of the Big Dipper (ibid. 18,487ff.), for O. refuses this at the request of Hera (Hes. fr. 354 M.-W.; Ov. Met. 2,508ff.: > Callisto). Living near O. are mythological marginal peoples like the Aethiopes (Hom. Il. 1,423f.), ~ Pygmies (ibid.

3,5f.) or > Cimmerii (Hom. Od. 11,13ff.), and monsters like the > Harpyies (Hom. Il. 16,150), the Gorgons (> Gorgo [1]; Hes. Theog. 274f.) or > Geryoneus (ibid. 287ff.) to whom —> Hercules [1] travelled in the sun’s basin (Stesich.

S 17 SLG). > Odysseus sailed all

over O. on his journey to Hades in the west, and ultimately returned to the island of > Aea in the east (Hom. Od. 10, 508ff.; 11,13 ff.; 11,639-12,4). At the end of O., or even beyond, lie the entrance to the underworld (ibid. 24,11ff.) and other places associated with the dead, the heroes or the gods: > Elysium (ibid. 4,563ff.), the islands of the Blessed (+ makdron nésoi; Hes. Op. 167ff.) and the garden of the — Hesperides (Hes. Theog. 215f.). This mythological world view was superseded by more precise geographical knowledge. Henceforth O. was identified with the world sea (see II below); however his character as fear-inspiring and monstrous

Helicon, 1997, 144-148, 383 4U. HOxscuer, Anfangliches Fragen, 1968, 40-43 5 G.S. Kirk,J.E. RAVEN, M. SCHOFIELD, The Presocratic Philosophers, 2002 (1937) 6M. L. West, The Orphic Poems, 1983, 116-121, 183moyen YEG INS (GNsiN, Gri (Oh, WIIG gain, Sees tehae (suppl.), 907-915. A. Lesxy, Thalatta, 1947, 58-87;J.RUDHARDT, Le theme de I‘eau primordiale dans la mythologie grecque, 1971; J. S. Rom, The Edges of the Earth in Ancient Thought,

1992.

AA.

the

-» Styx (ibid. 361; 775ff.). O. was not involved in the overthrow of > Uranus by the Titans (Orph. Fr. 135; Apollod. 1,3), and in the Titanomachy he sided with Zeus (Hes. Theog. 398). In the world view ofearly Greek poetry, O. forms the edge of the circular disc of the earth, as illustrated by the shield

[7].

lived on (Sen. Suas. 1). As a mythological

figure O. is found in Aeschylus’s Prometheus and occasionally in Roman literature (Verg. G. 4,382; Ov. Met. 13,951; Stat. Achil. 1,52). In cult O. plays no part; an exception is the worship of O. by Alexander [4] the Great (Arr. Ind. 18,11; Diod. Sic. D17,104,1).

In iconography O. appears in the form of a river or sea god, i.e. as a hybrid of man and aquatic animal (Francois vase; but purely in the shape of a human on

Il. GEOGRAPHY

Mythology represented O. as the link that both maintains and overcomes the separation between the earth and the heavens. Here O. occurs, as he would in

later

reflection,

as the

medium

between

separate

domains, i.e. as the dimension of transition. Even space

dissolved

in O.: as the last and decisive threshold

(xetoata/petrata), O. divided the world from Geov/

apeiron, ‘the unlimited’, that was definitely not thought of as a solid bank on the other side. In the course of the advancing discoveries of distant regions and the classification of those new insights, the concept of O. was questioned (Hdt. 4,45, although he retains the concept of goyatid/eschatid, the ‘part at the furthest extremity, a concept related to O., and thus retains the basic con-

ceptual pattern — cf. Hdt. 3,r06-116 [4]). On the other hand, the concept of O. was modified. The original design of a water boundary embracing the world was filled in ‘later with geographical content’ [1] through the identification with the sea beyond the Strait of Gibraltar in lonian geography. This triggered the debate (> geography) as to whether this sea — situated on an earth understood either as a sphere or, as in the traditional view, as a disc — encircled all the known lands or was itself surrounded by mainland. The popular view of O. as an encircling world sea allowed individual seas to be conceived of as its side branches and to be named accordingly [5; 6]. It remained a matter of debate whether the > Caspian Sea was a bay of O. or an independent inland sea (correct e.g. in Aristot. Mete. 2,2,3 54a).

This concept of O. is related to an idea current in late Classical and Hellenistic times, the idea of one life space for all people, on an > oikoumene conceived of as an island. Ill. IDEOLOGY From the time of > Alexander [4] the Great, the con-

cept of O., together with the concept of world rule (+ Empires, Concept of empire), mobilized both an empirical curiosity to record the shape of the world as far as O., and the goal to create within O. a single political order. > Polybius (Pol. 1,1) regarded the Roman

14

13 expansion

as

a realization

of this goal. Thus,

the

Romans had to fulfil a task set by fate. On this basis, the policy of conquest as far as O. could be represented and justified as the creation of order and as a cultural mission [7]. Higher fame was then only achievable through the seizure of further oikoumenai beyond O. — > Britannia for instance was presented as such (Anth. Lat. 419; Flor. Epit. 1,45). Such a conqueror, at the other hand, laid himself open to the accusation that he was breaking the limits set by nature (cf. Sen. Med. 375379, with [6]). The designation of O. as sea allowed it to be connected with the culture and wealth increasing impact of sea travel (Hom. Od. 9,120). Thus, it could be

used as a symbol of plenty [8]. On the other hand, criticism of a prosperity fed by global traffic could also be associated with O. An example is > Plato’s concept of

OCELLUS monde: Géographie et politique aux origines de I‘Empire romain, 1988.

TA.S.

Ocelis ("Oxndtc/Okélis, Ptol. Geog. 6,7,7; Peripl. m. r. 25; Acila, Ocilia, Plin. HN 6,104; Str. 16,4,5). Small monsoon harbour on the Arabian coast (Bab al-

Mandab). In the 3rd and 2nd century BC, O. belonged to > Qataban, then to the Himyar kingdom. It probably corresponds to the modern harbour of Al-Saih Sa‘id. L. Casson, The Periplus Maris Erythraei, 1989,

157-158; A. SPRENGER, Die alte Geographie Arabiens, 1966, 67, 773 H. von WISSMANN, Zur Geschichte und Landeskunde von Altsiidarabien (SAWW, Philol.-histor. Kl. 246), 1964,

296, pl. 1; A. GROHMANN, 402b.

s.v. al-shaykh Said, EP 9, LT.-N.

Atlantis (> utopia) as an island in an O. named after it

(‘Atlantic’) grown rich and arrogant through sea travel. The counter-concept of a world characterized by limitation, moderation and harmony also has a place within in O. (cf. [9]). The traditional view of O. as a bridge between heaven and earth also had to be modified in light of its interpretation as a world sea. O. shared the properties of the other seas but was furthermore characterized by the striking phenomenon of the tides. The tides made O. a significant manifestation of cosmic principles. When presupposing a conjunction with the lunar phases, O. appeared as proof of a sympatheia encompassing the whole of nature (e.g. Posidonius in Str. 3,5,8). When presupposing the interpretation of empirical observations — even if these can no longer be unambiguously determined today — of O. as ‘the lung of the sea’ (Pytheas fr. 7a MeTTE; cf. [r0]), O. appeared as a membrane around the known world, a world understood as

an organism, the entrails of which were situated on the outside. This membrane on the border between the internal and the external acted as a protection from influences, and at the same time as their transmitter. Throughout antiquity, the concept of O. retained its mythical legacy, in as far as its conception was always influenced by fundamental elements of the interpretation of the world, and was thus not empirical but theoretical. + Colonization; Sea; — Nature, + Geography; Natural philosophy; > Oikoumene; > World 1 R. BICHLER, W. SIEBERER, Die Welt in Raum und Zeit im

lit. Reflex der episch-fritharchaischen Ara, in: CH. ULF (ed.), Wege zur Genese frihgriech. Identitat, 1997,

121-

128 2J. V. Kopp, Das physikalische Weltbild der friihen griechischen Dichtung, 1939, 55f. 3 A. LesKy, Thalatta, 1947 4J.S. Romm, The Edges of the Earth in Ancient Thought, 1992

5 V. Burr, Nostrum mare, 1932

6A.

RoncoNI, Per I‘onomastica antica dei mari, in: SIFC ro,

1932, 193-242, 257-331 7 J. VocT, Orbis Romanus, in: Idem, Orbis, 1960, 151-171 8 E. PETERSON, Zur Bedeutung von @xeavé- Akklamationen, in: RhM 78, 1929, 221-223

9 P. VipaL-NAQuET, Der schwarze Jager, 1989,

216-232 7, 1989,

10D. Timpe, Entdeckungsgeschichte, in: RGA 323-332 11 C. Nico.et, L‘inventaire du

Ocella. Roman cognomen (‘small-eyed’). It appeared first in the family of the Livii, from the time of the Late Republic, and then also in the families of the Servii and the Sulpicii (the emperor Galba [2] for instance). 1 Decrassi,

FCIR, 260

2 KajaNTo,

Cognomina,

239. K.-L.E.

Ocellus (’Oxeddoc; Okellos) from

> Lucania (Ocellus Lucanus); Pythagorean, unless the accounts about his brother and sister (lambl. VP 267) are fictitious. Also the pseudonymous author of Doric texts from c. 100 BC. A letter to Plato (Diog. Laert. 8,80) with the faked

authorship of Archytas (Ps.- > Archytas [2]) lists the following works by O.: (1) On Law, (2) On Kingship, (3) On Piety, (4) On the origin of the universe. The letter was obviously meant to guarantee the authenticity of these writings. A fragment of (1) is transmitted in Stob. 1,13,2 p. 139 W.; Doric fragments of (4) are only extant in Stobaeus, but the text as a whole is transmit-

ted in a vernacular Greek translation, perhaps as late as the Byzantine period. Furthermore, additional pseudoepigraphs of O. must have existed to which we find references in testimonies by Johannes Lydus [3], Stobaeus and Lucianus |r]. The text on the universe is first documented in Philo (Phil. De aetate mundi 12). If DiEL’s [3] assumption is correct that Censorinus 4,3 (where the eternal nature of the world is postulated by Pythagoras, O. and Archytas) refers to > Varro, the text must have been available no later than the middle of the rst cent. BC. It must be inauthentic due to the fact that paragraphs 24-29 are verbatim excerpts from Aristotle (Aristot. Gen. corr. 329a 32-b 2; b 16-20; 330b 25-34; b 3-5). The text apparently takes up the debate between - Peripatos and > stoicism, and, within the latter, the debate beginning in the mid 2nd cent. BC about the eternal nature of the world. In this debate, > Critolaus [1] also postulates the eternal nature of humanity (cf. Phil. De aetate mundi 54ff.). O.’s text is apparently meant to lend ~ Pythagoras’ authority to the Aristotelian doctrine of the eternal nature of the world and of humanity, perhaps also to demonstrate that Aristotle relied on Pytha-

OCELLUS

goras ( Neopythagoreism). It is noteworthy that O., in paragraph 46, regards it as a human task to populate the earth (linguistically, it is reminiscent of Gn 1:28). The latter, along with several parallels to Philo and the fact that Philo had knowledge of this text, might point to Alexandria [1] as the text’s place of origin (cf. [1. 128-132]). The text on the universe is not Pythagorean in substance; the author simply lends it a Pythagorean appearance by writing in Doric and by concluding it with a paragraph (52-57) about fathering children and sexuality which (cf. Iambl. VP 209-213; Stob. 4,37,4) is based on a text by > Aristoxenus [1] (fr. 39 WEHRLI) about Pythagoreism, and relies on pseudoepigraphs, as is demonstrated by comparing 18, 19 and 36 with Ps.-Philolaus’ On the Soul (Stob. 1,20,2).

~ Pythagorean pseudo-epigrapha EDITIONS: 1R. Harper, Ocellus Lucanus, 1926, reprint 1966 (with commentary) 2H. THESLEFF, The

Pythagorean Texts of the Hellenistic Period, 1965, 124138

16

Ts

3 D1eExs, DG, 186-188.

C. H. Kaun, Pythagoras and the Pythagoreans, 2001, 79

Ochre (éyoa/6chra, Latin ochra, sil: Plin. HN 33,158),

weathered clayey iron oxide compound, which was the most widely used brownish yellow paint in antiquity, sometimes resembling oxblood in appearance. There were four common types of ochre (Plin. HN 33,158160), the best of which was no longer available after the + Laurium silver mines in Attica were depleted (cf. Vitr. De arch. 7,7,1). The second-best type, a grainy ochre containing marble that could withstand etching with burnt lime, was used for painting walls (Vitr. De arch.

7,7,1)

and

for frescoes

(> Fresco).

Brownish

ochre was imported from the island of Skyros (cf. Celsus, Med. 5,14), from Lydia and from Achaia. According to Pliny (HN 33,159), it was first used by > Polygnotus and > Micon for creating shadows, while the lighter ochre (sil lucidum) from Italy and Gallia was used for areas of light in paintings. Theophrastus (De lapidibus 51-54, [1. 76, 78]) confirmed that it came from mines e.g. in Cappadocia (also called Sinope earth, sinopis) and described how the red paint (tiAto¢/ miltos = Latin rubrica, red ochre = ‘red chalk’; iron

MER.

oxide) was made by baking ochre in new pots lined with clay (Plin. HN 35,35). According to Dioscurides (5,93 WELLMANN = 5,108 BERENDES), Attic ochre had an as-

Ocelum [1] Celtic place name from Spain to Britain, such as the

tringent effect that relieved infections and abscesses and eliminated lumps caused by gout (cf. Plin. HN 35,32). > Pigments

station on the Turin— Mont Genévre pass (— Alpes Cottiae), located by [1] near Chiusa di San Michele on

the Dora Riparia (cf. [2]). In the spring of 58 BC, Caesar passed through O., as a border point of Gallia Cisalpina, with five legions (Caes. B. Gall. 1,10). On the

alleged battles with the > Ceutrones [2] cf. [3. 57]. 1 TIR Mediolanum, 1966 1766

3G. Waser, Bellum Helveticum, 1998.

P.B.

Oche ("Oyn/Oché). Highest mountain to the south of ~ Euboea (1347 m), with three main peaks; famous in the Imperial period for the marble of + Carystus [1] 1,6; Steph.

De lapidibus,

H. SCHRAMM, s.v. Ocker, RE 17, 1772ff.; R. J. FORBES,

Studies in Ancient Technology 3, 1955, *1965 (s. Index C.HU.

G.W.

1 J. M. ROLDAN Hervas (ed.), Itineraria Hispana, 1975.

TovaR 2, 246f.; TIR K 30 Madrid, 1993, 163.

10,1,3;

(ed.), Theophrastus

s.v. ochre).

lodorum, 319,4; Oceloduri, Itinerario de Astorga 3,5 [1]), modern Zamora. Installation from the Bronze Age, settled from the late Roman period until the Gothic period.

2,54,434f.; Hsch. s.v. Oxn).

E. ErcHHouz

1965.

2 L. BantTI, s.v. O., in: RE 17,

[2] (Ocelodurum). City of the — Vettones on the - Durius in Lusitania (Plin. HN. 4,118; Ptol. 2,5,7; Ocelo Duri, It. Ant. 434,6; 439,10; Geogr. Rav. Oce-

(Str.

1D.

Byz.

s.v.

Kaovotoc;

Eust.

AKU.

Ochimus ("“Oytuwo¢c/Ochimos). Mythological king of Rhodes, the oldest of the > Heliadae. His brother » Cercaphus married > Cydippe [3], the daughter of O., although she was betrothed to another man, and the couple had to flee; following their return Cercaphus became O.’s successor (Hellanicus FGrH 140 F 37; Diod. Sic. 5,56f.). LK.

Ochus (°Qyo¢/Ochos). Unidentified river in Hyrcania or Bactria (Str. 11,7,3; 11,11,5; Apollod. FGrH 779 F 4. J. SrurM, s.v. Ochos (2), RE 17, 1668-1770; H. Myé.1WIEC, s.v. Oaxus lacus, RE Suppl. 11, 1027. B.B.

Ocimum (éxwov/okimon, Lat. ocimum) was identified as the labiate sweet basil, Ocimum basilicum L., that

bloomed for a long time and was probably introduced to Greece and Italy from the Orient (first mentioned in Theophr. Hist. pl. 7,2,1 and passim; Theophr. Hist. pl. 7531 = Plin. HN 19,100). Theophr. Hist. pl. 7,1,2-3 and passim and Caus. pl. 1,4,3 as well as Plin. HN 19,119-123 describe how it is sown. Pliny — as also Dioscorides (2,141 WELLMANN = 2,170 BERENDES) — review both negative assessments (Plin. HN 20,1r19120; [1. 76-78]) by ancient doctors and positive ones (ibid. 20,121-123). 1G. E. Tutry, J. WALTER, Condimenta, 1997.

A. STEIER, s.v. Okimon, RE 17, 2380-2382.

C.HU.

17

18

Oclatinius M. O. Adventus. Born before AD 160, he came from very humble circumstances and according to Cassius Dio could not read (79,14,1). Under Septimius Severus, O. rose through lowly military positions to the position of > princeps peregrinorum and then transferred to the administrative service. In 205-207 procurator of Britain under L. > Alfen(i)us [2] Senecio [z. no. 1234]. Under > Caracalla he was > praefectus praetorio together with M. Opellius — Macrinus

BC, O. became the municipium of the tribus Arnensis

(Herodian. 4,14,2; Cod. Just. Epit. 9,51,1). He went to

Mesopotamia with Caracalla, after whose assassination he was proclaimed emperor by the soldiers. He declined with reference to his age and his eye problems, whereupon Macrinus was elevated to the throne on 11 April 2147. O. was appointed by him praef. urbi (Cass. Dio 79,14,4) and in 218 cos. ord. (CIL XIV 4562,4; Degrassi, FCIR 61). PIR* O 9. 1R. G. CoLLINGWooD, P. R. Wricut (ed.), The Roman Inscriptions of Britain, vol. 1, 1965. N. B. Rankov, M. O. Adventus in Britain, in: Britannia

18, 1987, 243-249.

K.G.-A.

Oclatius Ti. O. Severus. Senator whose name used to be read as T. Iul(ius) Clatius Severus (PIR? I 268). The correct name has now become known through a military award certificate that attests him as cos. suff. around AD 169-172 [1. 9ff.]. He is named, probably as the governor of Pontus-Bithynia, in 174 on a lead weight that is thought to come from Nicomedia (IGR I 524). PIR* 1268. 1H. Wo rr, Neue Militardiplome aus Kiinzing, in: Ostbairische Grenzmarken 41, 1999. W.E.

OCTAVENUS

(CIL XI 408rff.), later in regio VI; modern Otricoli on the slopes of the Umbrian town, while the Roman set-

tlement was lower in a westerly direction towards the Tiber at San Vittore. Remains ofa wall ring are found in the upper and lower settlements; the latter also has a theatre, baths with polychrome mosaics and a basilica; an amphitheatre outside. Among the statuary found there is a famous copy of the Zeus attributed to > Brya-

xis. C. PIETRANGELI, O., 1943; L. RICHARDSON,

s.v. O., PE,

638.

Ocrisia

G.U.

(Oxonoia/Okrésia;

young woman

Ocresia).

Aristocratic

from the town of Corniculum, which

had been conquered

by the Romans;

mother

of the

Roman king > Servius Tullius, whom she conceived froma phallus that had miraculously appeared from the fireside of — Tarquinius (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,2; Plut. De fortuna Romanorum 10,323a-d; Ov. Fast. 6,627-636; Plin. HN 36,204; Arnob. 5,18). In Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,1 and Liv. 1,39,5 this myth is rationalized: O. conceived her son before the town of Corniculum had been captured, from her husband Servius Tullus who fell there [1. 1781-1786; 2. 237]. The name with the common Latin suffix gentile -isia was presumably derived from *okra (‘castle, heights’) [2. 237; Bo Buell 1 E. MarBachu,

s.v. O., RE 17, 1781-1786

2 RADKE

3 W. ScHutzeE, Zur Geschichte der lateinischen Eigennamen, 1904. Ke

Octaeteris see > Calendar,A.3. Ocnus ("Oxvoc/Oknos, Latin Ocnus). ‘One who hesitates’, ‘one who wavers’: character punished in the Underworld; he is forced to twist a rope forever, which

is then devoured by a donkey standing behind him (cf. + Danaids, > Sisyphus, > Tantalus; Prop. 4,3,21f.). According to Paus. 10,29,1f., O. was a symbol of a hard-working man whose wasteful wife kept using up what he had earned. Other versions: O. sits helpless before a donkey that has stumbled, as its load of wood falls to the ground (Apul. Met. 6,18); or: An elderly man (O.), weary of life, throws off his burden and summons death; when death arrives, O. asks him to put the burden back on his shoulders (Aesop. 90, 90a HALM). O. was frequently depicted together with the Danaids [1]. He is also shown on > Polygnotus’ famous Nekyia at Delphi (Paus. 10,29,1f.; cf. Plin. HN 35,137). 1 O. HOFER, s.v. Oknos, ROSCHER 3, 821-827.

[eke

Ocriculum. Umbrian town (Umbrian ocre = Latin arx, ‘citadel’) in a dominant position on the left bank of the Tiber, allied to Rome from 308 BC. The Roman town developed during the Augustan period on the via Flaminia, 44 km from Rome and 12 from Narnia. In 90

Octamasades (‘Oxtapaoddec; Oktamasddes). King of the > Scythae, known through Herodotus (4,80), son

of > Ariapeithes and ofadaughter of the Odrysian king ~ Teres. In about the mid—sth cent. BC, O. succeeded as ruler his half-brother > Scyles, who after being deposed had fled to the Thracian king — Sitalces, whose brother had in turn sought refuge with O. The Thracian-Scythian conflict was resolved peacefully through an exchange of prisoners; after being handed over, Scyles was immediately killed by O. Z. H. ARCHIBALD, The Odrysian Kingdom of Thrace, 1998, 103; 105.

UP.

Octavenus. This jurist, who flourished during the reigns of the Emperors Domitian, Nerva and Trajan, is only known from 23 indirect citations in Justinian’s ~ Digesta and one citation in the Fragmentum Dositheanum § 12. O. LENEL, Palingenesia Iuris Civilis, vol. 1, 1889, 793796; A. BERGER, s.v. O., RE

r5of.

17, 1786-1788;

KUNKEL

TG:

OCTAVIA

20

19

Octavia

next to her son Marcellus. They share an epitaph (AE

[1] O. maior. She was the child from C. Octavius’[I 2]

1928, 88). PIR* O 66.

first marriage to > Ancharia and was therefore the half sister of Octavian who later became > Augustus. She was married to Sex. Appuleius [II 2]; their son was Sex. Appuleius [II 3]. O. is honoured as the sister of Augustus and the mother of Sex. Appuleius on an inscription from Pergamon (ILS 8783 =IGR 4, 323). PIR* O 65; M. W. StnGeER, The Problem of Octavia Minor and

Octavia

Maior,

in: TAPhA,

79,

1948,

270-271.

KL.FI.

[2] O. minor. Born in 69 BC, she was the daughter of Atia [1], Julius > Caesar’s niece, and of C. Octavius {I 2], and Octavian’s elder sister (+ Augustus). O.’s

marriage (55/4 BC) to C. Claudius [I 8] Marcellus (cos. 50 BC) was immediately threatened by divorce because Caesar wanted to marry her to Cn. ~ Pompeius, who had been widowed by the death of Caesar’s daughter Julia [5]; Pompey, however, declined Caesar’s offer. During the > proscriptions in 43/2 BC O. pleaded with her brother for the victims of the persecution. Her children were Claudia [II 8] Marcella, who married Agrippa [1] in 28 BC, and M. Claudius [II 42] Marcellus who, from 25 BC, was the husband of Augustus’ daughter Julia [6]. Shortly after her husband’s death (at the beginning of 40 BC) Octavian betrothed his sister to > Antonius [I 9], on the occasion of the Treaty of Brundisium (in October 40 BC). After the wedding in Rome (Antony’s

gold coin with images of himself and O.; Berlin, SM; RRC, No. 527) O. lived with Antony in Athens. At that time three series of coins were produced with the images of Antony and O. (two cistophori: RPC 1, Nos. 2201 and 2202; one aureus: RRC, Nos. 533a and b). O.’s role as a mediator between her husband and her brother in the Treaty of Tarentum (37 BC) was highlighted by Antony on certain coins (RPC

1, Nos.

1453-1470)

(ase araam ates In 37 BC Antony moved to the East where he had met — Cleopatra [II 12] in 41 BC; at his wish O. returned to Rome. In 35 BC she wanted to supply Antony with men and troops for the > Parthian War, but in Athens she received his written order to go back. Until she received Antony’s letter divorcing her in 32 BC, O. continued to keep house for him in Rome. After the battle

of Actium in 31 BC, O. also took Antony’s children by +> Fulvia [2] and Cleopatra into her home. As a member of the domus principis she founded the libraries in the Porticus Octaviae in Rome. O.’s elder daughter, Antonia [3] maior, married L. Domitius [II 2] Ahenobarbus in 27 BC. The younger

daughter, Antonia [4] minor, married Nero Claudius [II 24] Drusus, the brother of the future emperor Tiberius, in 16 BC. Through her younger daughter O. became the ancestress of three emperors: grandmother of Claudius {III 1], great- grandmother of Caligula and great- greatgrandmother of Nero [1. 136]. O. died in 11/10 BC; she received a state burial in the > Mausoleum Augusti

1R. A. FiscHEr, Fulvia und Octavia: die beiden Ehefrauen des Marcus Antonius in der Umbruchszeit zwischen Republik und Principat, 1999. RO.FI.

[3] Daughter of the emperor Claudius [IIJ 1] and +> Messalina [2] and sister of > Britannicus, born around 40 AD. She was betrothed at the age of two to L. Iunius

[II 36] Silanus Torquatus

(Tac. Ann.

12,3,2;5

Suet. Claud. 27,2; Cass. Dio 60,5,7). On Agrippina’s [3] initiative O. was betrothed to > Nero in 49 AD (Tac. Ann. 12,9,r). In order for the betrothal to be

legally binding she had to be adopted beforehand by another gens, as Nero, whom she married in 53 AD, was her adoptive brother (Tac. Ann. 12,58,1; Suet. Nero 7,2). However, he soon preferred Claudia [II 4] Acte and Poppaea Sabina to her. Under the pretext of infertility and adultery with the slave Eucaerus (Tac. Ann. 14,60) Nero disowned her and banished her to

Campania in spite of public protests (Tac. Ann. 14,60f.; Suet. Nero 35). Later Nero accused her of adultery with Anicetus [rt] and of having an abortion (Tac. Ann. 14,63; cf. [1. 62; 94]); he banished her to Pandateria, where he had her murdered on 9 June 62 (Tac. Ann. 14,64; Suet. Nero 35; Jos. Ant. Iud. 20,153). Compare also the tragic drama O. [4] attributed to Seneca [2. Dylans 1S. Dixon, The Roman Mother, 1988

2U. Haun, Die

Frauen des rémische Kaiserhauses, 1994.

J. P. Havverr, Fathers and Daughters in Roman Society, 1984, 170f.; 258; KIENAST?, 61f.; B. LEvicK, Claudius, 1990, Index s.v. O.; PIR? C 1110; RAEPSAET-CHARLIER, 246; VOGEL-WEIDEMANN, 625.

107; 198; 399; 5523; 564; 610; ME.SCH.

[4] Tragedy from the Imperial era centering on O. [3], transmitted under the name of > Seneca the Younger. It is the only surviving Roman tragedy with a historical subject-matter. Seneca (d. 65 AD) must be ruled out as

the author on account of his appearance in the play, allusions to events in 66 AD (V. 728ff.) and 68 AD (V.

618ff.), as well as differences in style compared to a genuine Senecan tragedy. The rejection of Claudius’ daughter O. [3] by her adoptive brother and husband ~+ Nero [1], who refuses to change his mind despite > Seneca’s admonitions, Nero’s marriage to — Poppaea, the resulting rebellion and O.’s banishment (62

AD) are presented within the framework of the traditional five-act formula [3. 1445-1447]. Even if the correspondences with Tacitus’ writings (Ann. 14,57ff.) suggest a common source [7. 183-196; 8], this does not imply an early date for the play (end of 68 AD or soon afterwards [5; 6; 9. 196-200]); on the contrary, the idealized image of Seneca would seem to point to a development of the early 2nd century. In any case, the play is not a + praetexta but a mythification of historical events according to the rules of Greek tragedy. The text has been transmitted in only one of the two strands of

29)

21

the transmission of Seneca’s tragedies (A).

EDITIONS:

>» praetexta; ~ Seneca the Elder EDITIONS:

Gesamtausgabe

der Tragédien Senecas, O.

ZWIERLEIN, 1986, 415-452.

LITERATURE 1M. Correy, Seneca, Tragedies, in: Lustrum 2, 1957, 174-184 (Forsch.-Ber. 1922-1955) 2F.

BRUCKNER, Interpretationen zur Ps.Seneca-Tragédie Octavia 1976 3P. L. ScHMipDT, Die Poetisierung und Mythisierung der Geschichte in der Tragédie Octavia, in: ANRW II 32.2, 1421-1453 (with older literature) 4 P. KRAGELUND, Prophecy, Populism, and Propaganda in the Octavia 1982

OCTAVIUS

5 T. BaRNEs, The Date of the Octavia in:

MH 39, 1982, 215-217 6 P. KRAGELUND, The Prefect’s Dilemma, in: CQ 38, 1988, 492-508 7 J.P. Por, Octavia and its Senecan Model, in: AJPh 110, 1989, 434-459 8R. FERRI, Octavia’s Heroines, in: HSPh 98, 1998, 339-356 [2] 9R. JuNGE, Nicholas Trevet und die Octavia, 1999. P.LS.

E. BAEHRENS, PLM, vol.

4, 244; M. Haupt,

Opuscula 1, 1875, 217-230. BIBLIOGRAPHY: PLM, vol. 4, 28-54; W. KROLL, s.v. O. (3), RE 17, 1799f.

K.SM.

Octavius. Widely occurring Roman nomen gentile derived from the numeral praenomen Octavus (‘one born in the eighth month’, which disappeared later, still surviving in Octavus Mamilius [2]). Of political importance in Rome from the 2nd cent. BC is only the older line which consecutively produced five consuls (O. [I 4-8]; preferred praenomen: Cn.; regarding the family relationships [1. 405-407]); the members of the related younger line (resident in Velitrae), on the other hand,

from which the later princeps > Augustus originated, did not rise above equestrian rank (family history witha strong exaggeration of the age of the gems in Suet. Aug. phe)

Octavianus. Roman cognomen, indicating adoption by the gens Octavia (- Octavius), in the Imperial period also a family name.

1 E. BApIAN, The Consuls, in: Chiron 20, 1990, 371-408

2 J. RetcHMuTH,

Die lateinischen Gentilicia, 1956, 96

3 SALOMIES, 111f.; 119

4 SCHULZE, 201.

K.-L.E.

[1] In academic literature, the name O. is often used to denote the first Roman

emperor,

> Augustus, in the

I. REPUBLICAN

PERIOD

II. IMPERIAL

PERIOD

period between his testamentary adoption by > Caesar in 44 BC and his assuming the epithet Augustus in 27 BC. Born C. Octavius, in 44 he first took the name of his adoptive father C. Iulius Caesar, but never used his other epithet O., as it would only have drawn attention

time as he (Plut. Crassus 27,7; 29,4-31,6; also Suet. ul.

to his insignificant lineage. From

49?).

27, his name

was

Imperator Caesar Augustus (on the development of the name cf. [3]). His contemporary Cicero referred to him as O. or Caesar O. after his adoption (Cic. Fam. 10,33,3 etc. from the years 44/3), and occasionally these names were used in sources of the later Imperial period (Tac. Ann. 13,6,3; evidence in [1. 275f.]). By scholarly convention, the name change from O. to Augustus, which is not traceable in the sources, marks the transition from

the time of the civil war general and triumvir O. to the constitutionally ordered rule of Augustus. 1K. Fitz.er, O. SEECK, s.v. Iulius (132), RE 10, 275-381 2 KayANTO, Cognomina, 151 3 SYME, RP 1, 361-377.

[2] Latin poet, under whose name the anthology of the + Codex Salmasianus preserves an epigram (no. 7 Shackleton Bailey = no. 20 Biicheler-Riese). This indicates a terminus ante quem of the early 6th cent.; according to the title of the MS, O. was a sixteen-year-old vir illustris and son of a vir magnificus. This honorific title, attested only from the end of the 4th cent., provides a terminus post quem. The attempt of Baehrens to view O. as the compiler of the entire collection and the author of the droll prose preface which precedes the epigram, was rightly rebutted by Riese. Nor is there any reason to suppose O. to have been the author of the metrical controversia following the epigram, as attempted by Haupt. The epigram, of six elegiac distichs, presents a genuinely Hellenistic blend of > ekphrasis, paradoxon, frivolity and play with myth, in the form of a moralizing reflection on a marble statue of Venus, from whose lap a nettle grew.

I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD {1 1] O. Capable legate of M. Licinius [I 11] Crassus against the Parthians in 53 BC, murdered at the same

[12] O., C. Father of the emperor > Augustus. Lived c. 1ro1—59 BC. According to an elogium (ILS 47), he was i.a. quaestor in c. 70 and aedile no later than in 64 BC ({1], otherwise cf. MRR 2, 595). After being praetor in 61, O. moved as propraetor to Macedonia, gained a victory along the way over rebels near Thurii and achieved the title of imperator against the > Bessi. On his way home, O. unexpectedly died in Nola in 59. He was outlived by the elder Octavia [1] from his first wife Ancharia, and by the younger Octavia [2] as well as the later Augustus from his second marriage to Caesar’s niece Atia [1] (Suet. Aug. 4,1; 8,1; 100,1).

1F. X. Ryan, The Quaestorship and Aedileship of C. Octavius, in: RhM 139, 1996, 251-253.

JOF.

{I 3] O., Cn. After a dubious report about his role in the battle of Cannae (216 BC), O. only appears in the records again in 206 as a plebeian aedile. In 205 as praetor in Sardinia, he intercepted a fleet with provisions for > Hannibal [4]. In both offices, Sp. Lucretius [I 4] was his colleague. Between 204 and 201, O. either had a propraetorian naval command for the protection of the coast or he was attached to P. Cornelius [I 71] Scipio for the supply service to Africa and other tasks; both these traditions also appear to be confused with each other (MRR 1, 3083 3133 3173 321). In 200—again

with Sp. Lucretius — O. was a member of an embassy of three dealing with African matters, in 194 of the threeman-committee for the deduction of the Roman colony of > Croton. On the eve of the war against Antiochus

He

24

[5] Ill, he had to keep an eye on the loyalty of Greek allies (MRR 1, 3513 354), first, in 192, on behalf of the Senate and then, in 191, following T. Quinctius Flamininus’ command.

praetor no later than 78 BC. Consul in 75 alongside C. Aurelius [I 5] Cotta. He was meant to take over Cilicia

> Punic Wars; > Syrian Wars

against the pirates, he became a rival of Q. Caecilius [I 23] Metellus Creticus and fought with Cretan allies against him. In the end, O. had to retreat, defeated

OCTAVIUS

D.-A. KuKorKa, Siditalien im Zweiten Punischen Krieg,

1990, 129-133.

as a province, but he died at the beginning of 74.

(Plut.

{I 4] O., Cn. Builder of the > Porticus Octavia where he

preserved for posterity his > cursus honorum — i.e. curule aedile in 172 BC (?), praetor in 168 (fleet commander in the war against > Perseus), consul in 165 and, from 169, > decemvir sacris faciundis — as well as the triumphus navalis in 167 (for his part in the naval victory over Perseus in 168 and for the latter’s capture)

K.-L.E,

[I 9] O., L. Legate of Cn. > Pompeius in 67 BC on Crete

Pompeius

29,4-7;

Cass.

Dio

36,18,1—-19,2).

JO.F. [I 10] O., M. Interceded as people’s tribune in 133 BC against the agricultural laws of Ti. > Sempronius Gracchus. When O. was not prepared to come to an agreement with his colleague, he was — without precedence,

but not illegally — removed from office by the people’s assembly (> comitia) following an application by

on the Palatine, O. promoted his own reputation and

Gracchus (Plut. Ti. Gracchus ro-12). The personal motives for O.’s persistent resistance are not known

obtained the consulate as > novus homo (Cic. Off. 1,138). In 170/169 and then, after the battle of > Pydna

cultural laws), not are there reports on the rest of his

(MRR 1, 428). With the erection of an impressive house

in 168, O., who spoke Greek fluently, employed a physician from Cos, had the > proxenia awarded to himself by the Achaeans, had himself honoured with a statue by Elis in Olympia as well as by Echinus [1] and even donated a votive offering for Delos, took part in the negotiations with the Greek cities and alliances (MRR 1, 426; 428). During an Embassy to the east, where he, i.a., wanted to enforce the peace terms of Apamea, he was murdered in 162 BC (MRR 1, 443). Thereupon, a honorary statue was erected for him on the Forum in Rome (Cic. Phil. 9,4), but his murderer

was not punished (Pol. 32,2f.). + Macedonian Wars; > Syrian Wars GRUEN, Rome, 170, n. 78.

TAS.

[I 5] O., Cn. Son of O. [14]. O. was consul in 128 BC; then he appeared as a court advocate (Cic. De orat. 1,166). As a lawyer, he later became notorious for his inadequate knowledge of the law (ibid., 166f.) P.N. [I 6] O., Cn. Praetor no later than 90 BC, in 89 as legate,

he belonged to the staff of Cn. Pompeius Strabo near Asculum (ILS 8888, line 4). Consul in 87 BC together with L. Cornelius [I 18] Cinna. As a follower of L. Cornelius [I 90] Sulla, he forcibly suppressed an attempt by his colleague to call back to Rome Sulla’s opponent C. Marius {I 1]. Cinna was expelled from Rome and removed from office by the Senate, and O., against the law, had L. Cornelius [I 61] Merula voted in to replace him.

(Plut. refers to fear of losing land as a result of the agrilife. The law planned by C. > Sempronius Gracchus in 123 and aimed against O., i.e. to exclude magistrates removed by the people’s assembly from holding office in the future, was not passed — reportedly as a result of his mother Cornelia’s [I 1] wishes (Plut. C. Gracchus

41-3). [I 11] O., M. People’s tribune probably between 99 and 87 BC, originator of a grain law which replaced the lex frumentaria of C. + Sempronius Gracchus (Cic. Brut. R22 Gier Oft2-72) SMI RR eames sedis K-LE. {1 12] O., M. Son of O. [I 7], mediated in 5 1 BC between Cicero and Ap. Claudius [I 24] Pulcher (O.’ brother-inlaw? Cic. Fam. 3,4,1). During the Civil War in 49-48,

together with L. Scribonius Libo, he successfully led ships of the Pompeians against P. Cornelius [I 29] Dolabella and later captured C. Antonius [I 3] (Cass. Dio 41,40,1f.). Even after the battle of > Pharsalus, O. at times appeared to be set to take the whole of Dalmatia away from the Caesarians, but he was driven away to Africa at last by P. Vatinius (Bell. Alex. 42,1-47,7)

where, in 47-46, he again commanded a fleet (Bell. Afr. 44,2). In April 46, O. may have had the command over two legions (Plut. Cato minor 65,4f.); he was possibly killed in battle during 46-45. JOR. {1 13] O. Graecinus, C. (?) Commander of Q. > Sertorius in Spain; in 77 BC, he fought successfully against Cn. Pompeius (Frontin. Str. 2,5,31) and participated in the conspiracy against Sertorius in 73 (Plut. Sertorius

Together with Marius, who had returned to Italy, Cinna engaged ina military campaign against Rome; O. could not come to an arrangement with the other Sullan lea-

26,2).

der, Q» Caecilius [131] Metellus Pius. Rome was handed over to the Marians and O. himself was killed (App. Civ. 1,286-328; MRR 2,45f.). [I 7] O., Cn. Possibly cousin ofO. [I 8]. Consul in 76 BC alongside C. Scribonius Curio, friend of Cicero (Cic.

[1 14] O. Lampadio, C. Roman scholar and (as suggested by his cognomen) freedman, subdivided the Bellum Punicum of + Naevius into seven books. He reportedly came under the influence of the text critic > Crates [5]

Fin. 2,93; Cic. Brut. 222), of no political importance

due to illness. [I 8] O., L. Son or grandson of O. [I 5]; as quaestor, he built the road from Nursia to Spoletium (CIL I*, 832);

C. F. Konrab, Plutarch’s Sertorius, 1994.

K-L.E.

of Mallus in the second half of the 2nd cent. BC (Suet. Gram. 2), but this source must be treated with caution

[1. 6rff.]. MSS that O. claimed to have corrected (Gell. 18,5,11) or copied (Fronto Epist. 1,7,4) were highly respected in the 2nd cent. AD.

25

26

OCTOVIRI

1R. A. Kaster, C. Suetonius Tranquillus, De Grammaticis et Rhetoribus, 1995, 64-66 2 Handbuch der lateinischen Literatur der Antike, 1989, § 193. RAK,

two years. There is no agreement about his exact function in Raetia (etc.) [1. 242ff. no. 281]. PIR* O 58.

[115] O. Marsus (nickname?), M. In Asia and Syria

{1 10] Cn. O. Titinius Capito. Equestrian, praefectus cohortis and tribunus militum; in one of these positions,

during 44-43 BC, legate of P. Cornelius [I 29] Dolabella with whom he became trapped in Laodicea [1], where they killed themselves before C. Cassius [I ro] conquered the city (Cic. Phil. 11,4; App. Civ. 4,266f.; Cass. Dio 47,30, 5f.). JOF. [116] O. Ruso. Money-lender, caricatured by Horace (Hor. Sat. 1,3,86—89, with Porph. Hor. comm. ad loc.).

K-LE. Il. IMPERIAL PERIOD {11 1] P.O. Praefectus Aegypti in 2/1 BC. The eponymous proconsul of Creta-Cyrenae under — Tiberius (between AD 14 and 29) could be his son; Seneca, too

(Epist. 95, 42), may be referring to the son of the prefect PIR= Ohrg-2072 0, {II 2] O. Antoninus. Proconsul of the province of Macedonia in AD 120. As the first known governor of a provincia populi Romani, he is named on a military diploma (CIL XVI 67). PIR* O 21. [1 3] O. Fronto. Senator of praetorian rank who, in AD 16, argued against the increasing indulgence in luxury. Possibly identical with the Fronto who was governor of Galatia under > Tiberius. PIR* O 34. {fl 4] O. Laenas. Senator; husband of Rubellia Bassa, probably son of O. [II 5], grandfather of O. [II 6]. PIR* O 41, cf. PIR R 86. [II 5] C.O.Laenas. Cos. suff. in AD 33, curator aquarum in 34-38. Father of Sergia Plautilla, the mother of the later emperor > Nerva. PIR* O 44. [II 6] Sergius O. Laenas Pontianus. Grandson of O. [II 4]. Senator, cos. ord. in AD 131. For AE 1975, 300 see [r. r95f.]. PIR* O 46.

1 DEMOUGIN.

he received military decorations from — Domitianus. Subsequently, he was procurator ab —> epistulis and a patrimonio under Domitian. Ab epistulis for the second time under > Nerva who also had him decorated by the Senate with the > ornamenta praetoria, possibly because O. had played a role during the transition of power from Domitian to Nerva. Ab epistulis for the third time under > Traianus; then praefectus vigilum. O. took part in literary activities in Rome and was in contact with > Plinius the Younger. His inscriptions (ILS 1448 and AE 1934, 154) from Rome allow conclusions to be drawn as to his character [1. 3 49f.; 3515 355]. PIR* O 62. 1 W. Ecx, Tra epigrafia, prosopografia e archeologia, 1996.

W.E.

Octodurus. Capital of the > Veragri on the route through the Great Saint Bernard pass from Italy to Gaul, modern Martigny. In 57 BC the battle between the Twelfth Legion under Sulpicius Galba and the Gauls took place there (Caes. B Gall. 3,1,4); Roman occupation in c. 15 BC. Under Claudius in c. AD 47, O. was

refounded as Forum Claudii Augusti or Vallensium with Latin rights (Plin. HN 3,135). In the subsequent period it grew into a reloading point for Alpine traffic, laid out like an insula, with forum (with basilica), baths, nymphaeum, amphitheatre, Gallo-Roman peripteral temples, villas and necropoleis. From the late 4th century AD, O. was a see. After that a gradual decline. F. Wrsi£, Forum Claudii Vallensium. La ville romaine de

1 W. Eck, Miscellanea Epigraphica, in: ZPE 127, 1999,

Martigny,

193-204.

schen Vorstadtbau zur Bischofs- und Pfarrkirche, in: Vallesia 51, 1996, 243-270. H.GR.

[II 7] O. Licinianus. Patrimonial procurator in the province of Asia (cf. [1. r4rff.]) during the time of Iulia [12] Domna; his name was erased (AE 1996, 1471). For possibilities of identification cf. [1. 142ff.]. 1 Cu. CrowTuer, A New Procurator of Asia: O. Licinianus (I. Priene 230), in: EA 26, 1996.

[II 8] O. Sagitta. People’s tribune in AD 58, who killed his wife Pontia. After his year in office had expired, O. was sentenced and banished to an island. When, after Nero’s death (68), he returned to Rome, he was again

taken to his place of exile where he killed himself. Probably a descendant of O. [II 9]. PIR* O 57. {II 9] Q.O. Sagitta. Knight hailing from Superaequum, where he took on several municipal offices. After three military office positions, he became procurator Caesaris Augusti in Vindelicis et Raetiis et in valle Poennia for four years, in Hispania (citerior) for ten and in Syria for

1981; G. Faccant, H.-R. Merer, Vom

romi-

Octoviri. A collegium of eight municipal officials (> Municipium) in cities of eastern Central Italy: Amiternum, Nursia, Trebula Mutuesca, Interamnia

Prae-

tuttianorum and Plestia. From the end of the Republic, when octoviri are first documented epigraphically, for the most part the office broke down into individual groups. In Trebula Mutuesca, for instance, there were two VIIIviri duovirali potestate, VII Iviri aedilicia potestate, VIllviri aerarii and VIIlviri fanorum each (CIL IX 4883, 4891, 4896). It is clear that the six-official scheme then usual in Rome (see > Duoviri, > Aediles, > Quaestor) was quite artificially transferred on to a purported octovirate, with even representatives of sanctuaries (curatores fanorum) being accepted in order to

make up the number of eight. In other cities the designation was probably purely titular without an absolute requirement for eight officials. All the cities mentioned had already received Roman citizenship before the

OCTOVIRI

28

27

middle of the 3rd cent. BC; nevertheless, it cannot be

ruled out that the octoviri were introduced by the Romans (contra: [1. 1879]). The VIIviri Augustales

in

Falerii and Firmum Picenum probably have hardly anything to do with this and belong rather in the context of the > Augustales. 1H. RuDorpy, s.v. O., RE 17, 1877-1880.

H.GA.

ance with > Sapor I (Petrus Patricius, FHG 4, 187 fr. 10), which the latter rejected (Jer. Chron. 221d HELM; [x. r89—-192]). With the agreement of + Gallienus, he

defeated the younger son of the usurper > Macrianus [2], Fulvius Quietus, as well as > Ballista and was then named dux Romanorum by the emperor, and hence was the commander-in-chief of all Roman troops in the east (Zon. 12,23f. D.; Zos. 1,39). In addition, he held -

possibly only posthumously — the titles of imperator, Ocypete (Quuxét/Okypété). Daughter of > Thaumas and > Electra [1], one of the > Harpies, also called Ocythoe or Ocypode (according to Hesiod; Apollod. 1,123). Sister of Aéllo (also > Nicothoe) and — Celaeno [2] (Hes. Theog. 267; Apollod. 1,10; Hyg. Fab. 14,18; Praef. 35). O. fled from the sons of Boreas to the islands of the Echinades, which are called Strophades after her because she turned back there (otgo1/strophe) and, exhausted, fell her death (Apollod. 1,123). SLA.

Ocyr(r)hoe (2xv0E(e)6n; Okyr(r) hoe). [1] Daughter of > Oceanus (Hes. Theog. 360). [3] Samian nymph, daughter of the river god > Imbrasus and of Chesias; loved by > Apollo, who pursues her and turns the ship onto which she escapes into a rock and its helmsman Pompilus into the fish of that name (Hellenistic erotic story, Apoll. Rhod. in Athen. 7,283d-e; (Ps.-)Ov. Halieutica ror). [4] Daughter of > Chiron and Chariclo; prophet; she is turned into a mare for making forbidden prophecies, and is given the name > Hippe [2] or Hippo (Ov. Met. 2,63 5-675 with [r. 391]). 1 F. Bomer, P. Ovidius Naso. Metamorphosen, Buch 1-3, L.K,

Odaenathus (Greek Odaivaboc, Odainathos). {1] O. murdered the ruler of Palmyra, Septimius O. [2], probably in the spring of AD 267, when the latter was travelling through Cappadocia to Heraclea [7] Pontica to expel the Goths from Asia Minor. O. himself was then killed by the guards of his victim (Sync. 717). However, this is contradicted by other sources that name a consobrinus,> Maeonius (SHA Tyr. Trig. 15,5;

17,1), or the nephew of the Palmyrenian prince as the murderer (Zon. 12,24 D.). According to Zosimus (1,39,2), the deed was committed in > Emesa, whilst according to Iohannes Antiochenus (FHG 4, 599 fr. 152,2), > Gallienus had him eliminated. PIR* O 72; H. VOLKMANN,

in AD 260/61, he reached Nisibis, Carrhae and Ctesi-

phon and in 265/66 waged war against SaporI for a second time, which culminated in the conquest of + Ctesiphon [2] (Zos. 1,39,2; Sync. 716f.; Zon. 12,24 Diy SHA’ Gall ros 1 27S EIA lyrica 15,245) Bute. 9,10; Oros. 7,22,12). It is probably not true that Gal-

lienus then appointed him co-regent and Augustus (SHA Gall. 12). In 267, while waging war in Asia Minor against the Goths, he was murdered by O. [1]; his wife -» Zenobia assumed power in Palmyra. 1 A. ALFOLDI, Studien zur Geschichte der Weltkrise des 3. Jahrhunderts, 1967.

[2] Playmate of > Persephone (Hom. H. 5,420).

1969.

corrector totius orientis and rex regum. On a campaign

s.v. Septimius (2), RE Suppl.

11, 12465f.

[2] Septimius O. Born c. AD 220 (?), from an aristocrat-

ic family (cf. Zos. 1,39,1). He was prince, but referred to himself as king, of the Syrian oasis city of > Palmyra; after AD 258 he had the title of vir consularis (IGR 3,1031). When Emperor > Valerianus had been taken prisoner by the Persians in AD 260, he sought an alli-

B. BLECKMANN,

der spatantiken

Die Reichskrise des I]. Jahrhunderts in

und

bung, 1992, 122-129;

byzantinischen

Geschichtsschrei-

D. Krenast, Romische Kaiserta-

belle, 239f.; MiLLar, Near East, 159-173; PIR S 339; PLRE 1, 638f.; H. VOLKMANN, Suppl. 11, 1243-1246.

s.v. Septimius (2), RE TAF.

Ode. Late Latin loan word from the Greek d1/oide (from Geidew/aeidein, later (devw/didein, ‘to sing’), a general term for ‘song’ documented since the time of Homer in the uncontracted form éovdr/aoide and common until late antiquity in the forms didé and the late Latin ode. Aoide was by nature neutral with respect to content and genre, hence it could be used for all types of song, e.g. the heroic song of the > Aoidoi (Hom. Od. 1; 8) performed at meals to the accompaniment of the phorminx (> musical instruments V.), the didactic song (Hesiod), the song in praise of the gods (Homeric hymns), etc. (all in hexameter). The custom of referring to poetry by ancient lyricists as ‘odes’ has its roots in the reception of lyric poetry during the cents. around the time of the birth of Christ; however, this is only partially in keeping with the practice of ancient lyricists themselves, since for them aoidé was only one of several, sometimes synonymous, words for their own songs (along with, for example, > hymnos and > mélos). Recipients of lyric poetry (e.g. Dionysius [18] of Halicarnassus, Plutarch, Athenaeus, Pausanias) used these three terms (as well as disma) in their reports and

reflections on strophic poetry without any clear differentiation in meaning. The Pindar scholia, however, always refer to Pindar’s works as didai, and the Horace scholiasts largely adopted this usage. Although the word

carmen

(-> Song), which

was

used by Horace

himself, is found in the Horace scholia, only the term ode appears in introductory formulas such as ‘Haec ode ..., which seems almost to be a title —an early indication that ‘lyrical poetry’ was associated with the word ode.

29

30

The ode was initially common in the Judaeo-Christian tradition. In the LXX, the term ode was used, for

In the Hellenistic period, O. underwent a period of flourishing overseas and internal trade (silver issues and one gold). O. enjoyed good relations with > Pharnaces

example, for the Hebrew sir (‘song’) in the titles of psalms (the sira as well — the song par excellence in rabbinical literature — in Exodus 15:1 is rendered in Greek as dide; > psalmody). It is found in the NT in an eschatological context (di xawwn/dide kainé, Revelation 5:9) and, together with psalmds (> Psalms) and hymnos, as the congregation’s inspired cultic song (G51) nvevpatixn/oide pneumatike, Ephesians 5:19). There is evidence from the patristic period (> Church Fathers) of Oidai in addition to the ‘Biblical odes’ (Latin cantica)

ODESSUS

I (IGBulg 1, 40) and > Mithridates VI. In 71 BC, during the second of the > Mithridatic Wars, O. surrendered

to > Licinius Lucullus (App. Ill. was conquered by > Byrebista; awarded to the Thracian Sadala In 28 BC, O. was subjugated

30). In about 50 BC, O. after his death, O. was II (IGBulg 1, 43). by Rome and in AD 15

incorporated into the province of Moesia inferior (> Moesi). From the rst to the 3rd cents. AD, O. was a

rich city and a member of the western Pontic koinon.

[x], but no documents have been preserved [2. 26, 84 n.

3, 85-86, 91 n. 5]. During the Middle Ages, Latin poetry was written in lyrical stanzas (for example in the Roman Breviary and the Analecta Hymnica); the Odae to Saint Quirinus by Metellus of Tegernsee (12th cent.) are explicitly linked to the ancient tradition. Humanistic odists were first inspired by the personal, individualistic lyric poetry of Horace, whose works had never been forgotten (FILELFO 1497, CELTIS 1513); of substantial consequence was the editio princeps of the works of Pindar (1513), who had previously been less well known and whose solemn, ritualistic choral lyric poetry served as a model for the composition of odes from the time of RONSARD (1550) on. ~ Odes, metrical compostion of 1 H. SCHNEIDER, Die biblischen Ode, in: Biblica 30, 1949, 28-65, 239-272, 433-452, 479-500 2J. KROLL, Die

christliche Hymnodik bis zu Klemens von Alexandreia, 1921 3K. ViéToR, Die Ode in Deutschland, 1923 4C. Mapoprson, Apollo and the Nine: A History of the Ode, 1960.

D.P.H.

Odeion see > Odeum

II]. LatE ANTIQUITY AND THE BYZANTINE

PERIOD Inscriptions and archaeological finds are evidence that, despite O.’s proximity to > Marcianopolis, until the period of Justinian it was a significant place of settlement. O. is mentioned in Amm. Marc. 22,8,43 and 27,4,12, and in Procop. Aed. 4,11. O. as an autocepha-

lous bishopric is attested no later than the 5th cent. (a bishop Dizas at the Council of > Calchedon in 451 [1. 136]; another, Martin, is attested for 538 by Nov. lustiniani 65). After the destruction of O. by Avaroslavs, in the second half of the 6th cent. immigrant ~ Bulgari settled, not directly in O., but in the neighbourhood and named the settlement Varna. After its reconquest by Iohannes Tzimiskes (971), the Byzantines constructed a fortress there in the rrth/r2th cents., under the protection of which a new urban settlement arose. Bulgarian again in 1201, Varna was besieged and destroyed by the Turks several times from 1389 onward. In the defence of the Balkans, the Christian

army under Polish-Hungarian leadership suffered a decisive defeat by the Turks at Varna in 1444. Inscriptions: [2. ch. 4; 3. nos. 87-144, 248a-251; 4. no. 78].

Odessus ('Odnoodc; Odeéssos). I. DEVELOPMENT UP TO THE 3RD CENTURY AD II]. Late ANTIQUITY AND THE BYZANTINE PERIOD

I. DEVELOPMENT UP TO THE 3RD CENTURY AD Greek city on the western coast of the > Pontos Euxeinos (Ptol. 3,10,8; 8,11,6), modern Varna (in Bulgaria); Milesian foundation (beginning of the 6th cent. BC; Ps.-Scymn. 748-750; Plin. HN 4,45; > Colonization, with map and overview). Member of the > Delian League (ATL 1, 116, 157, fr. 38 for 425 BC). After an

unsuccessful siege, — Philippus II concluded a peace treaty with O. (lord. Get. 65). > Lysimachus [2] ruled O. as well as several other western Pontic cities. In 313 a coalition of cities, in which > Seuthes III participated, did succeed in liberating O. for a short period; but Lysimachus was able soon after to win O. back by a treaty (Diod. Sic. 19,73). It was from O. that, by order of + Cassander, — Pleistarchus tried to cross to Asia Minor with Macedonian troops in support of Lysimachus in 302 (Diod. Sic. 20,112). After the death of Lysimachus in 281 BC, O. became autonomous again.

Regular reports of new archaeological and epigraphic finds are provided by the journal of the National Museum at Varna [5]. 1 R. SCHIEFFER (ed.), Acta conciliorum oecumenicorum

4,3,2, 1982 2I1GBulg* 3 V. BESEVLIEV, Spatgriechische und spatlateinische Inschriften aus Bulgarien, 1964 4 Id., Die protobulgarischen Inschriften, 1963 5 Izvestija na Narodnija Muzej, Varna 16=1, 1965ff.

R. BROWNING, s.v. Varna, ODB 3, 2153f.; C. M. DANov, Philippopolis, Serdica, Odessos. Zur Geschichte und Kultur der bedeutendsten Stadte Thrakiens von Alexander dem Grofen bis Justinian, in: ANRW II 7.1, 1979, 241-300; V. GJUZELEV, s.v. Varna, LMA 8, 1413; Id., G. PRINZING, s.v. Varna, Schlacht bei, LMA 8, 1413f.; R. F. Hoppnott, Bulgaria in Antiquity, 1975, 223f.; A. MINT-

SCHEV, Das friihe Christentum in O. und seinem Territorium, in: W. SCHULLER

(ed.), Die bulgarische Schwarz-

meerkiiste im Altertum, 1985, 51-65; A.-M. TALBOT, s.v. Varna, Crusade of, ODB 3, 2154; V. VELKOV, Cities in Thrace and Dacia in Late Antiquity, 1977, 99ff., 28off.

Ly.B. EW.

ODEUM

Odeum

(@Setov/dideion, Latin odeum).

31

32

A space for

with pillars. In less well-preserved buildings the ground plan can thus indicate whether they too were once roofed. Together with his stadium (the modern Piazza

reciting songs and poetry. Pericles had a rectangular colonnaded hall built on the southern slope of the Acropolis in Athens (Plut. Pericles 13,5f.; Paus. 1,20,4; connected by Vitr. 5,9,1 with Themistocles), which was called dideion. Its form was said to have been modelled on Xerxes’ tent and was used for the musical agones in the > Panathenaea. After its destruction in 87 BC, it was rebuilt by Ariobarzanes Philopator of Cappadocia (65-52 BC). Only partly excavated; details of the reconstruction are thus not certain [1. 387-391]. Today odeum describes a theatre with a roofed auditorium. Despite the Greek term it is a Roman building type. The expression odeum for such buildings is recorded only from the 2nd cent. AD; also, the ancient usage does not agree exactly with modern usage: in inscriptions in Gerasa (northern theatre) and Canatha two buildings from the 2nd cent. AD, which were certainly never roofed, are called odea. The oldest known example of a roofed theatre is the small theatre in Pompeii, which is described in inscriptions as a theatrum tectum and is dated to the period shortly after 80 BC. Theatrum tectum and the Greek version 0éateov brwMeddvov/ théatron hyporophion later also remain in use alongside odeum for roofed theatres. Hellenistic bouleuteria (> Assembly buildings), which were roofed and had a

semicircular seating space but no stage area, provided models for this type of construction. The earliest odeum in the Greek area was built by M. Vipsanius Agrippa in about 15 BC in the Athenian Agora [1. 365-377]. In all some 70 odea are known. Most of the examples are found in Greece and Asia Minor, whereas in Italy they are less widespread. There were also monumental odea in Carthage (with a span of 96 m!) and in Gaul, esp. in Lugdunum (modern Lyons) and in Vienna (modern Vienne).

Odea were particularly used by social elites. They were lavishly furnished and were probably also often endowed by prominent individuals. + Herodes [16] Atticus had odea built in Corinth and Athens. The roofing of the odeum in Athens with its span of 80 m is well attested by literary sources and by excavation finds [1. 378-386], even if the existence of the roof, for which cedar of Lebanon allegedly was used, is disputed by some scholars [2].

Earlier odea have a rectangular ground plan in the Hellenistic tradition with an inscribed semicircular auditorium. Stairways could be built in in the wedgeshaped areas behind the highest row of seats. From the latter part of the 1st cent. AD a second type of plan is added, connecting a rectangular stage complex with a semicircular > cavea. The roofing problem was solved technically by means of truss constructions, which were set vertically to the stage wall. The ridge of the roof lay parallel to the stage and above the apex of the longest rafter. It was not uncommon, as e.g. in Aphrodisias [3], to stabilize the outer wall of the auditorium with pillars at the points where the rafters were supported. In addition the stage wall was particularly thick or reinforced

Navona), the emperor Domitian also had an odeum

built in Rome (Suet. Dom. 4 and 5). It was used in the musical competitions of the Certamen Capitolinum (> Capitolea), which was established in AD 86, based on the Greek model. Individual remains of this building, which was still standing in the 5th cent. AD, have been attested [4]. + Assembly buildings; > Skene, scaena; > Theatre 1 Travios, Athen 2M. GA.Ltt, D. DINELLI, Neue Zeugnisse zum Theater des Herodes Atticus in Athen, in: Antike Welt 29, 1998, 519-532 3 TurrkAD 21,1, 1974,

54, fig. 34.

4 LTUR 3, 359f., fig. 220.

P. E. Artas, s.v. Odeon, EAA 7, 648-650; G. FORNI, s.v.

Teatro, EAA Suppl. 1970, 772-789; with the addendum by H. P. Ister, s.v. Teatro e Odeon EAA, Suppl. 5, 1997, 549-563 (survey of all known odeia); R. MEINEL, Das Odeion Untersuchungen an tberdachten antiken Theatergebauden, 1980; G. C. IZENouR, Roofed Theaters of Classical Antiquity, 1992; H. P. Isver, in: P. ClaNcio RossETTO, G. PISANI SARTORIO (ed.), Teatri greci e romani

alle origini del linguaggio rappresentato, vol. 1-3, 1994 (listed under the individual place names). HL.

Odius (Odio¢c/Odios, auch ‘Odioc/Hodios). [1] Herald of the Greeks at Troy (Hom. Il. 9,170; of the Telamonian > Ajax [1]: schol. Hom. Il. 2,96). [2] Together with Epistrophus (in Dictys 2,35 both are sons of Minuus) leader before Troy of the Halizons from the Bithynian Alybe (Hom. Il. 2,856f.; Str. 12,3,20ff.; Apollod. Epit. 3,35), fought on the Trojans’ side and was killed by > Agamemnon (Hom. Il. 5,3842). On the name: Arr. FGrH 156 F 98. SLA. Odoacer. Rex in Italy AD 476-493. Son of Edeco, brother of > Onulf, probably born in 433 (cf. lohannes Antiochenus, FHG 4, p. 617, fr. 209,1). O.’s family came from the circles around the court of > Attila, and

so it is hard to determine to which tribe they belonged [5.124]. The number and identity of O.’s siblings is also a matter of debate ([{4]; contra [2]). After the disintegration of Attila’s empire (454) O.’s father and Onulf led the ~ Sciri until 469. O.’s whereabouts during this period are uncertain; his identification with O., the leader of the Saxons, ([4. 347f.], c. 463-469 in Gaul, Greg. Tur. Franc. 2,18) is rather improbable [6. 265]. On the way to Italy, O. met > Severinus in Noricum who foretold his rule (Eugippius, Vita Severini 7,1). In 471/2, O. started to serve - Ricimer (John of Antioch FHG 4, p. 617, fr. 209,1 = Priscus fr. [64] Blockley). In the chaotic conditions that existed in Italy, he was proclaimed rex in 476 by the army, which was composed of many tribes. The occasion for this was that the + patricius Orestes, who had driven out Nepos [3] and made his son > Romulus Augustulus emperor, refused to perform the demanded allocation of land (Procop.

22 Bf)

34

Goth. 1,1,4-6). O. killed Orestes and deposed Romulus (Anon. Valesianus 8,37f.; lord. Get. 242). Then he sent

Odrysae

a delegation to Zeno with a request for the title of patricius and for rule in Italy under Zeno. The latter more or less acknowledged O. but bestowed the desired title on Nepos, who was staying in Dalmatia (Malchus, FHG 4, p. 119, fr. ro = fr. 14 Blockley). In Italy O. reigned, also after the death of Nepos (480), under the title rex [1.793], and from 480 onwards consuls appointed by him were mostly recognized in the east. His rule, which was hard to define legally [3. 65-68], was characterized by good co-operation with the senators [3. 178-184]. He secured Italy through treaties with the > Vandals with regard to Sicily (AD 476, Victor Vitensis 1,14) and through an intervention in Dalmatia in 481/2 after Nepos’ death (Chron. min. 1, 313). In 476/7, he ceded Provence to the Visigoths (Procop. Goth. 1,12,20; [3. 323]). After 484, for reasons that are unclear, tensions with Zeno arose [3. 209-212], in consequence of which (?) war was waged in 488 against the > Rugi— which was successful for O. — and the Roman population of Noricum was evacuated (Eugippius, Vita Severini 44). In 489, the king of the Ostrogoths, > Theoderic, marched to Italy at the behest of Zeno in order to eliminate O. (Procop. Goth. 1,1,10; lord. Romana 348). O. was de-

feated in 490 and was then under siege in Ravenna for three years (Anon. Valesianus 11,53). In 493, an agreement with Theoderic was reached, who however killed

O. shortly afterwards (Anon. Valesianus 11,55; Procop. Goth. 1,1,25). 1 PLRE 2, 791-793 and XXXIX_ 2 W. BRANDEs, Familienbande?, in: Klio 75, 1993, 407-437 3 D. HENNING, Periclitans res publica, 1999 4S. KRAUTSCHICK, Zwei

Aspekte des Jahres 476, in: Historia 35, 1986, 344-371 5 G. WirTH, Attila, 1999

6 H. WoLrramM, Das Reich und

die Germanen, *1994, 264-70.

Odomanti

(Odduavtor;

Oddmantoi).

WE.LU.

Thracian tribe

on the east bank of the lower Strymon at the western foot of > Pangaeum

(Str. 7a,1,36)

in the area

of

modern Serres (northern Greece). The O. were involved in exploiting the gold mines there (Hdt. 7,112; Thuc. 2,101,3). Megabazus [1], commander of the forces of Darius, failed to subject the O. in 512 BC (Hdt. 5,16).

A king of the O., Polles, provided a mercenary force to the Spartans in 425 BC (Thuc. 5,6,2). They were conquered by the Macedonians after 424 BC. Cur. Danov, Altthrakien, 1976, 97, 350; T. SPIRIDONOV, Istoriéeska geografija na trakijskite plemena, 1983, 45f., 118. Lv.B.

Odotheus. Chief of the > Greuthungi, who crossed the Danube in AD 386, but were defeated (Zos. 4,35,13 3 8f.; Claud. Carm. 8,623-633). O. was killed and the surviving Greuthungi were settled in Phrygia by ~» Theodosius I (cf. Chron. min. 1,244). PLRE 1, 639; P. HEATHER, Goths and Huns, in: CAH 1998, 502; 512 Nn. 42.

13,

WE.LU.

ODRYSAE

(Odetoa;

Odrysai). Thracian

tribe in the

eastern part of the > Rhodope Mountains and on the lower reaches of the Tonzus (modern Tundza) as far as + Cabyle (Hdt. 4,92). At the beginning of the sth cent. BC, a kingdom was founded by ~ Teres with the O.’s help. (Thuc. 2,29,2f.). He expanded their settlement area in the north to the — Ister [2], in the south to the river Agrianes (also called Erginus). His successors were his sons Spartacus (until about 440: Thuc. 2,101,5) and ~ Sitalces, who extended the kingdom in the west to the Nestus and to the upper reaches of the Strymon (from after 440 until 424: Thuc. 2,97,1). In 429, Sitalces marched against the Chalcidians, the Macedonians (Thuc. 2,95,1) and the Getae (Thuc. 2,96,1). Despite his dis-

trust towards Athens an alliance was forged in 431 (StV 2, 165); his son Sadocus obtained Athenian citizenship (Thuc. 2,101,2). From 444 the Greek cities on the northern Aegean and western Pontic coasts were liable to taxation by the O. (Thuc. 2,97,33).

The O.’s relations with the Macedonians were changeable (Thuc. 2,29,3-6; 95,2), and those with the Scythians not without tension (Hdt. 4,80). Sitalces’s son — Seuthes I (424-408/7) directed his interest primarily at the Chersonesus [1] (Polyaen. 8,38,1 refers to events probably in about 411 BC). It was under these rulers that the > Hellenization of the upper classes of the O. began. After Medocus I (407-396) and Hebryzelmis (386-383), Cotys I (383-359) led the kingdom of the O. to its zenith. After him his son Cer-

sobleptes and various other Thracian dynasts divided the kingdom: Cersobleptes (3 59-351) ruled the region to the east of the Hebrus, Amadocus (359-351) and Teres (3 51-341) the region between the Hebrus and the Nestus, Berisades (3 59-357) and Cetriporis (3 56-341) the coastal strip to the west of the Nestus. In 3 42/1 BC they were all defeated, one after another, by > Philippus II. But the royal house of the O. continued outside the Macedonian Empire, cf. Seuthes III (340 until the end of the 4th cent. BC) in Seuthopolis (IGBulg 3, 1731). In contrast to the anti-Macedonian attitude of the rulers of the O. in the 3rd cent., king Cotys supported Philip V and Perseus in the Macedonian-Roman conflict (Liv. 42,29). After the Macedonian defeat in 168 BC, he contracted an alliance with Rome (Pol. 30,17,1; Liv. 45,42,5). Constricted by the Roman advance into the Balkans and by other Thracian dynasts, the O. became less and less influential. In later tradition their name is considered a synonym for Thracians in general or other Thracian princely houses (Cass. Dio 51,25,5; Amm. Marc. 18,6,5). Cur. DANovy, Altthrakien, 1976, 222-367; Id., Die Thra-

ker auf dem Ostbalkan ..., in: ANRW II 7.1, 1979, 26-35, 4rf.; A. FOL, Politiéeska istorija na trakite, 1972; Id., Trakija i Balkanite prez rano-elinisticeskata epoha, 1975; Y. YOUROUKOVA, Coins of the Ancient Thracians, 1976.

Lv.B.

ODYSSEUS

Odysseus (Odvooevc, Latin Ulixes, Etruscan utuze). I. MyTHOLoGy

36

335}

II. ICONOGRAPHY

I. MyTHOLOGY Son of > Laertes and > Anticlea, husband of > Pe-

nelope, father of > Telemachus. One of the central figures of Greek mythology; in Homer’s Odyssey, the focus of a major Archaic epic. This fact alone indicates the significance of the figure of O., which contrasts with the other figures of Greek heroic myth through the emphasis on special intellectual abilities. Thus, he represents an archetype in the history of European thought; his presence in later literature and art, not just in Antiquity, is correspondingly extensive. A. THE NAME B. PRE-HOMERIC MYTHOLOGY C. Homeric epic D. Post-HOMERIC GREEK POETRY E. GREEK AND ROMAN PROSE F. ROMAN POETRY A. THE NAME For the name see [1]. In Greek, the name forms for O. show several versions — Homeric: “Odvooet Autolycus [1], because he was ‘angry at many’ — was probably given by the poet of the Odyssey, and the second explanation through the wrath of Zeus or Poseidon towards O. (Hom. Od. 1,62; 5,339f.; 5,423) also appears to be traditional. While the Etruscan form utuze is influenced by Homeric epic [2], the Latin form Ulixes is borrowed from the Doric; the area of transmission may have been lower Italy. B. PRE-HOMERIC MYTHOLOGY Cf. overall [3]. Already connected with O. in the oldest, orally transmitted epics, the epithets polymetis (‘of many counsels’), polyméchanos (‘resourceful’) and

polytlas (‘much-enduring’) indicate on the one hand a special capacity for suffering (the length and adversities of the journey home,

> Nostoi), and, on the other,

extraordinary intellectual skills, which O. demonstratestime.and again during the Trojan War. These include above all the invention of the wooden horse, recruiting ~ Achilles [1] and his son > Neoptolemus [1] from the island of Skyros, bringing back — Philoctetes, the theft of the + Palladium. Potentials for a negative interpretation of O.’ intellect are provided by the story of his intrigue against > Palamedes (cf. [4]) and his victory over > Ajax [1] in the conflict over Achilles’ god-made arms. These elements of the O. myth were only exploit-

ed in the literature after Homer, in the so-called > Epic Cycle [5]. The island of -> Ithaca in the Ionian Sea (description in Hom. Il. 2,63 1-637) is considered to be the home of O., but his area of rule cannot be precisely

determined geographically [6]; no significant Mycenaean ruler’s residence has yet been found in this region. C. HOMERIC EPIC O. is already an important figure in the first work of European

literature, the Iliad (+ Homerus

[r]). Alt-

hough the structure of events in this epic are determined by > Achilles [r] and > Agamemnon, O. plays a central role in the background; this is characterized by his efforts to serve not so much himself and his own reputation but rather the common cause of the Greeks, that is

the victory over Troy. Accordingly, he is prominent when this project is endangered, such as in Agamemnon’s miscarried test of the army (Hom. Il. 2,166-335) or the attempt to move the resentful Achilles to yield (ibid. 9,165-430). Even if O. displays thoroughly heroic abilities as a warrior

(above all in Hom. Il. 11,396-463), he comes particularly to the fore among the Greek leaders with intellectual solutions to problems and their implementation via words; in this area, O. exceeds all other leaders of the Achaeans and is thus associated with > Athena, the goddess of cleverness, in a special way. With its title Odyssey (Odbooeia), the second major Homeric epic indicates that here O. alone takes centre stage — be it in the first part, books 1-4, only through his absence. The subsequent books represent his journey home: first O.’ route from the end of the world with -» Calypso to the > Phaeaces at the edge of the Greek world (books 5-8), then through the first-person representation of his wanderings in the form of a flashback (books 9-12; even if in Antiquity precise locations were claimed for the places mentioned there (such as the land of the Cyclopes in Sicily or Scheria as Corfu) and even in modern Homeric philology there have been repeated attempts to fully describe the route [7], the journey from Troy to Ithaca does not appear to be reconstructable), finally the gradual recovery of his earlier place as father, husband and ruler (climax in the reunion with Penelope in book 23). The element of cleverness is also characteristic in this epic; it is already emphasized at the beginning through the contrast with the unsuspecting return of Agamemnon (Hom. Od. 1,3 5-41). Nevertheless, the figure of O. experiences a certain reinterpretation: in the course of his wanderings, he is forced to move farther and farther from his original self-image as an adventuring hero, especially recognizable in the encounter with the Cyclops > Polyphemus (ibid. 9,105-546) [8]; the decisive turning point is his visit to the underworld (book 12). Only after his position as a mighty and bold leader is completely dissolved (loss of his fleet and crew; arrival at the Phaeaces as an utterly destitute beggar without clothes) is a homecoming possible. While the Iliad portrays O.

37

38

as a thoroughly positive figure, who selflessly uses his outstanding intellectual abilities for the community without neglecting his personal commitment, there is already a minor shift in the Odyssey: O. intellect is described, above all by Athena (Hom. Od. 13,291295), as something also potentially negative, which contributes to deceitfulness and deception.

E. GREEK AND ROMAN PROSE Although O. is also considered the archetype of the perfect orator, the Greek orators of the 4th cent. BC — unlike those of the Roman Republic and the > Second Sophistic — mention him almost not at all In contrast, he was of some significance for the philosophers. In accordance with his philosophical intentions, > Plato interpreted O. as a rather negative figure, who used his intelligence in crooked and deceitful ways, comparable to the sophists (in particular Pl. Phdr. 261b-c; Pl. Hp. mi. passim; in Pl. Resp. 620c-d, on the other hand, his

After O.’ successful return to his home Ithaca, the

reunion with Penelope and the reinstatement of his rule, he must set out once again at the end of his life to appease the wrath of > Poseidon (prophecy by Teiresias in Hom. Od. 11,119-137); this topic is expanded in the Epic Cycle (> Telegony). D. Post-HOMERIC GREEK POETRY

After the Homeric epic, the body of texts which offers more substantial coherent texts on the figure of O. is Attic > tragedy. Here, the negative aspects of O.” great intellect and rhetorical skills is much more strongly emphasized than in the Odyssey (cf. Cic. Off. 3,97,3). This development may have already begun in lyric texts of the Archaic period, possibly in contexts whose central theme was the fate of the Trojans (however, the first actual record of this negative view in lyric poetry is only in Pind. Nem. 7,21; 8,24-28 [9]; for Archilochus [1o] and Hipponax [rr], O. is a positive figure). O. does not appear as an on-stage character in the extant plays by — Aeschylus [1], but the index of Aeschylean plays shows that he played a significant role in several tragedies (Palamedes, Philoctetes, Judgment of Arms, Telephus; Odysseus trilogy); how he was char-

acterized here cannot be clearly determined due to the brevity of the existing fragments. In > Sophocles, two dramas have been preserved, along with fragments from The Gathering of the Achaeans, in which O. plays a leading role (Ajax, Philoctetes); in them, largely the same characterization can be seen as in Homeric epic —

that of a protagonist among the warriors before Troy who uses every intellectual means, including dishonest ones, in the interest of the community. In the Ajax, he is

given essentially positive features, since he — in contrast to the other Greek commanders — is able to derive a warning against > hybris from the end of Ajax; accordingly, he advises a worthy burial of the suicide. In contrast, in the Philoctetes, O.’ strategy of solving the problem through deceit and guile miscarries completely because of the inner truthfulness of > Neoptolemus [1]. In > Euripides [1], on the other hand, the figure of O. is less present: apart from in the probably non-Euripidean Rhesus and the satyr play Cyclops, he appears on-stage in the extant pieces only in Hecuba: here, he executes the plans of the Greeks, above all the sacrifice of > Polyxena, with cold logic. In Iphigenia in Aulis and The Trojan Women, ©. is mentioned as a clever adviser; his role in the plays Philoctetes, Palamedes and Skyrioi, which are preserved in only a few fragments, appears to be similar in nature.

ODYSSEUS

cleverness is more strongly emphasized); > Aristotle [6]

did not develop an independent image of O., mentioning him almost exclusively in the context of specific myths or literary passages. Among the Stoics, his most prominent aspect is his steadfastness (Sen. Dial. 2,2,1); for > Epictetus [2], O. is a symbol of the Stoic cosmopolitan and the homo viator (Epict. 3,24,13). The Church Fathers see in him a representative of bravery and steadfastness (e.g. Orig. Contra Celsum 2,76). F. ROMAN

POETRY

> Livius [III 1] Andronicus’ translation of the Odyssey in Saturnian verse set the figure of O.s at the beginning of Roman literature; the author appears to have

adhered to the characterization given by Homer. As the myth of a Trojan origin for Rome developed, Latin literature came to portray O., as the destroyer of Troy, much more negatively, especially Vergil (Aen. 2; 3,272f., 588-683); however, because of his impulse to research and his eloquence, O. also continued to be seen as a model for virtue and cleverness (Hor. Epist. 1,2,18). Ovid in his elegiac poetry emphasizes O.’ relationship with Penelope (above all, Ov. Epist. 1) and shows therein a certain sympathy toward O. [12]; in the representation of the judgment of arms, O. once again features as the perfect orator (Ov. Met. 13,128-381). Seneca the Younger sees O. differently in his dramas than in his philosophical works: while in the latter he follows the Stoic tradition, in the former he adheres to the negative estimate of Euripides, particularly in the ‘Troades’. ~ Epic;

> Homerus [1]; > Nostoi

1 R. Wacuter, Non-Attic Greek Vase Inscriptions, 1999, § 254 2K. Zrecter, O. — Utuse — Utis, in: Gymnasium 69, 1962, 396-398 3 P. PHILIPPSON, Die vorhomerische und die homerische Gestalt des O., in: MH 4, 1947, 8-22

4 Pu. Tu. Kaxripis, O. und Palamedes, in: O. ANDERSEN (eds.), Homer’s World. Fiction, Tradition, Reality, 1995,

g1-10o

5G.A. PriviTErRA, Mito e folklore nella figura di

Odisseo, in: M. Rossi CitrapinI (eds.), Presenze classi-

che. Atti dell convegno internazionale di didattica Perugia 1990, 1995, 93-108

6E. Visser, Homers Katalog der

Schiffe, 1997, 588-597 7A. und H. H. Wo r, Die wirkliche Reise des O. Zur Rekonstruktion des Homer. Weltbildes, r990 8 R. Frrepricu, The Hybris of O., in: JHS ITT, 1991, 16-28

9S. GRANDOLINI,

dello in Pindaro, in: [5], 125-137 Archilochus and O., in: GRBS

Odisseo antimo-

10 B. SEIDENSTICKER,

19, 1978, 5-22

11H. M.

RoseEN, Hipponax and the Homeric O., in: Eikasmos 1, 1990, I1-25 120. STEEN Dug, Ulysses and Aeneas in Ovid, in: CeM 48, 1997, 347-358.

ODYSSEUS

P. Borranl, The Shadow of Ulysses. Figures of a Myth, 1994; F. BROMMER, O. Die Taten und Leiden des Helden in antiker Kunst und Literatur, 1983; J. DAVAUx, Etudes

sur le personnage d‘Ulysse dans la littérature grecque d‘Homere a Sofocle, 1946; M. FINKELBERG, O. and the Genus ‘Hero’, in: G&R

42, 1995, 1-14; F. Fockr, O.

Wandlungen eines Heldenideals, in: Antike, Alte Sprachen und deutsche Bildung 2, 1944, 41-52; U. HOLScHER, Die Odyssee: Epos zwischen Marchen und Roman, 1988; M. HORKHEIMER,

40

a2)

TH. W. ADORNO,

O. oder Mythos

und

Aufklarung, in: id., Dialektik der Aufklarung. Philosophische Fragmente, 1971, 42-73; H. HUNGER, Die O.gestalt in Odyssee und Ilias, Diss. Kiel 1962; J. LaTacz, Homer. Der erste Dichter des Abendlands, 1989, 170194; G. A. PriviterA, Mito e folklore nella figura di Odisseo, in: [5], 93-108; W. STANFORD, The Ulysses Theme, 1992; E. Wust, s.v. O., RE 17, 1905-1996. EV.

Numerous

modern

paintings, especially from the

16th and 17th cents. (RUBENS); M. BECKMANN, ‘O. and

Calypso’ (1943), P. Picasso, ‘O. and the Sirens’ (1946). 1B. ANDREAE, B. CONTICELLO, Die Skulpturen von Sperlonga (AntPl 14), 1974 2B. ANDREAE, O. Archdologie des europdischen Menschenbildes, 1982 3 id.,O. Mythos und Erinnerung (exhibition catalogue Munich 1999), 1999 (Original: O. Il mito e la memoria, 1996; the German edition is fuller but without sources and footnotes.) 4R. BrerING, Die Odysseefresken vom Esquilin, 1995 5 F. BROMMER, O. Die Taten und Leiden des Helden in der antiken Kunst und Literatur, 1983 6 F. COARELLI,

The Odyssey Frescoes of the Villa Grazia: A Proposed Context,

in: PBSR

66, 1998, 21-38

7K. FITTSCHEN,

Untersuchungen zum Beginn der Sagendarstellungen bei den Griechen, 1969 8 T. J. McNiven, O. on the Niobid Krater, in: JHS 109, 1989, 191-198

tables iliaques, 1964

9 A. SapuURSKA, Les

10 K. SCHEFOLD, F. JUNG, Die Sagen

von den Argonauten, von Theben und Troia in der klas-

Il. ICONOGRAPHY Ancient depictions of O. range from the 8th cent. BC (vases) to the 5th cent. AD (so-called Ilias Ambrosiana; miniature cycle of a formerly illustrated MS). After + Hercules and somewhat at the same time as > Perseus, O. is one ofthe first heroes whose story was told in pictorial language [5. 120f.; 12. 968]. Up to the late Archaic era, he was of no specific type; afterwards the > pilos as an attribute becomes increasingly common and becomes the rule from around 400 BC on [5. 110]; in general, O. is bearded. In later periods, he frequently has a suffering expression in his face. Numerous depictions with subjects from Hom. Od.

Oe (OW/Oe, Oin/Oie; demotikon *OOEev/Oéthen; OijGev/Oiéthen [1]). Attic paralia deme, phyle of Oineis, with six (or seven) bouleutat; probably location in Thriasia to the northeast of Aspropirgos, cf. Soph. OC tosofft.

9 (Polyphemus adventure) since the 2nd quarter of the

1S. Dow, The Attic Demes Oa and Og, in: AJPh 84, 1963,

7th cent. BC [7. 192ff.]; potsherds with O. before Circe already from the 8th cent. [3. 257ff.], whereas from the 7th cent., the + Polyphemus adventure (blinding,

escape from the cave) is depicted, remaining popular into the Imperial era [2. 41ff.; 3. 108-177, 188-205]; from the end of the 6th/beginning of the sth cents., depictions of O. in the Trojan War (conflict with Ajax;

embassy to Achilles, [3. 47—100]). Series of paintings by + Polygnotus (Athens, around 460 BC): O. with Philoctetes, in the underworld, killing the suitors, with Achilles on Skyros; preserved in Roman copies and mosaics [5. r12ff.]. O. was very popular starting in the Hellenistic era, when cycles appeared (preserved primarily from the early Imperial era): Tabulae Iliacae and Odysseacae, 19 small marble tablets with flat relief [9]; frescoes from the Esquiline (Laestrygones, Circe, Underworld, Sirens [45 6]); 3 paintings with the embassy to Achilles in the house of Octavius Quartio in Pompeii. Sculpture group from Sperlonga (Polyphemus, Scylla, Palladium) [1; 2. 103ff.; 3. 177ff.]; the offering of wine to Polyphemus also in the pediment of Ephesus [2. 69ff.; 3. 162ff.] and in Baiae [1. 6rff.; 2. 91ff.]. O. often represents the deceased on Roman sarcophagi, depicted with sirens. On Christian sarcophagi of the 4th cent., the O. myth represented an allegory of the triumph of the cross (O. tied at the mast as praecursor Christi on the cross).

sischen und hellenistischen Kunst, 1989, 168ff.

11M. A.

Tiverios, Peri Palladiu, in: M. SCHMIDT (eds.), Kanon, FS E. Berger, 1988, 324-330 12 O. TOUCHEFEU-MEYNIER, s.v. O., LIMC 6.1, 943-970. B.BA.

Odyssey see

» Homerus [1]

166-181.

TRAILL, Attica, 19, 49, 67, 111 nr. 92, table 6; J.S. TRAILL, Demos and Trittys, 1986, 57, 134; WHITEHEAD, Index s.v. ©: H.LO.

Oea (neo-Punic W/‘t). City on the coast of Africa Tri-

politania between

> Sabratha and

> Leptis Magna,

modern Tripoli. Evidence: Mela 1,37; Plin. HN 5,27; 38; Sil. Pun. 3,257; Ptol. Geog. 4,3,12 (E@a; Eda); It. Ant. 62,2 (Ocea colonia); Tab. Peut. 7,3 (Osa colonia);

Stadiasmus maris magni 98f. (GGM 1,463f.). Probably a Phoenician foundation [1. 36, 74]. Colonists from Africa and Sicily participated in the later expansion of the city (Sil. Pun. 3,257; [2. 311f., 374f.]). A Tophet attests to the existence of the mlk-sacrifice (> Phoentcian VI. Religion). Until the fall of > Carthage, O. and the two other Tripolitan cities flourished and paid tribute to it (Liv. 34,62,2f.; App. Lib. 72,329). Probably in 162/1 BC [1. 431], O. fell to» Massinissa, but presumably kept its autonomy toa large extent. After the battle of + Thapsus (46 BC) O. obtained its independence. In AD 69, the city came into conflict with -> Leptis Magna, which it tried to resolve with the help of > Garamantes (Tac. Hist. 4,50,4). Not before the

160s, when

Punic was still spoken in O., it became a colonia (Apul. Apol. 98,6). There is evidence of abishop in 256 (Cypr. sententiae episcoporum 83-85). In the 4th century, O.

41

42

suffered from invasions by the

> Libyes, particularly

the Austuriani (Amm. Marc. 28,6,10; 13). Significant

ruins: buildings with wall paintings and mosaics, the triumphal arch of M. Aurelius and L. Verus and a 4th

OECHALIA

simedon (Apollod. 2,23; 3,15; schol. Eur. Or. 432; Dictys 1,1). Marched with Palamedes to Troy (Philostr. Heroicus

10,10, p. 183 KaysER), where, after the sto-

Inscriptions of Roman Tripolitana, 1952.

ning of Palamedes, he etched an account of his brother’s fate onto the blades of a rudder and threw them into the sea (schol. Aristoph. Thesm. 771, following Eur. Palamedes); Suda s.v. Takauw)jdys (a 45 ADLER). On his return, to avenge Palamedes he incited the wives of + Agamemnon and > Diomedes [1] to rebel against their husbands (Hyg. Fab. 117; Dictys 6,2; cf. > Nauplius [1]) and even passed his hatred on to > Orestes

R. REBUFFAT, s.v. Tripoli, DCPP, 471; K. VOsstnG, Unter-

(Eur. Or. 431-434; Paus. 1,22,6).

century mithraeum. Inscriptions: [3. 5-8; 4. 229-262]; AE 1969-1970, 6333; 1988, 1103; 1989, 503. 1 Huss 2G. BuNNENS, L‘expansion phénicienne en Méditerranée, 1979 3 G. Levi DELLA Vipa, M. G. AMaDAS1 Guzzo (ed.), Iscrizioni puniche della Tripolitana, 1987 4 J.-M. REYNOLDS, J. B. WARD-PERKINS (ed.), The

suchungen zur rémischen Schule — Bildung — Schulbildung im Nordafrika der Kaiserzeit, 1991, 68-74. W.HU.

Oeagrus (Oiayooc/Oiagros). Father of the singer + Orpheus (Pind. fr. 128c,11f.; Pl. Symp. 179d; Diod. Sic. 3,65,63 4,25,2 etc.). The Muse > Calliope [1] is usually said to be the mother of Orpheus (Apollod. 1,14; Apoll. Rhod. 1,23ff. with schol.); variants are ~ Polyhymnia (schol. Apoll. Rhod. I.c.) and > Cleio. O’s homeland was Thracia, where Orpheus has also been localized. The parents of O. were Methone and ~> Pierus (Charax FHG 3 fr. 20) or > Charops [2], to whom Dionysus gave Thracia (Diod. 3,65). AL.FR. Oeanthea

(Oiav0éa/Oianthéa,

OidavOe.a/Oidantheia,

Evav0eva/Eudntheia, Latin Oianthe). Town in western

P. MULLER, s.v. O., LIMC 6.1, 983f.; E. WUsT, s.v. O., RE 17, 2091f. SLA.

Oebalus (OiPadoc/Oibalos, Latin Oebalus).

[1] Mythical king of Sparta, son of Cynortas or his son Perieres, husband of Perseus’s daughter Gorgophone; she, or the Naiad Batea, is the mother of their children + Tyndareus, - Hippocoon and > Icarius [1] (various

versions in Apollod. 3,116f.; Paus. 3,1,3ff.; schol. Eur. Onmes7zctale)i ml: [2] Italic hero, son of king > Telon of the + Teleboae and the nymph Sebethis; mythical ruler of + Capreae; ally of > Turnus against — Aeneas [1] (Verg. Aen. 757334£. with Serv. ad loc.; Tac. Ann. 4,67). 1 E. WORNER, s.v. O., ROSCHER 3, 695-699.

LK,

Locris (> Locri, Locris [1]) near the modern Vitrinitsa

on the Gulf of Krisa like its neighbour Chaleum (modern Galaxidi). Earliest evidence: a metrical funerary inscription (? 625-600

BC: IG IX,1, 867; SGDI

3188; Top 1, 4) fora proxenos from Corcyra, and an agreement on judicial assistance with Chaleum (450 or later: IG IX 1*, 717; Top 1, 34; StV 2, 146 [2]). In the ~ Peloponnesian War in 426 BC, Spartan troops under + Eurylochus [2] marched through O. with the intention of seizing - Naupactus from the Athenians (Thuc. 3,101,2). Before 373 BC, O. became subject to the tyrannis of Phricodemus (Polyaenus, Strat. 8,46, cf. Diod. Sic. 15,49,2; [3.299]). In 219 BC, during the ~» Social War [2], the Aetolians carried out an ultimately fruitless raid from O. against Aegira on the other side of the Gulf of Corinth (Pol. 4,57,2); in the following year, Philip V invaded and plundered the city (Pol. 5,17,8). Further evidence: Paus. 10,38,9; Plin. HN 4,7; Ptol. 3,14,3; Tab. Peut. 7,5; Epigraphical evidence: IG Vers 95 X37 O6is GomssiN| $38: 1 W. A. OLDFATHER,

s.v. O., RE 17, 2085-2091

2S.

CaTALpt, Symbolai e relazioni tra le citta greche nel V. secolo a.C., 1983, 53-86 3H. Berve, Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen, vol. 2, 1967. PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN 1, 371f.; L. LERaT, Les Locriens de l‘Ouest, 2 vols., 1952. G.D.R.

Oechalia (Oiyahia; Oichalia). [1] Mythical place in Homer, in the Catalogue of the Pylians (Hom. Il. 2,594ff.). According to the narrative context, O. must be located in north western Messenia.

It was from O. that the Thracian singer > Thamyris came to Dorium, where the Muses robbed him of his

gift of song. Homer’s interpreters equate O. with > Andania (Str. 8,3,6; 8,4,53 Plin. HN 4,15; Paus. 4,2,2f.). Pherecydes (FGrH 3 F 82a) assumed that O. was ‘some-

where in Arcadia’, and Stephanus Byzantius also confirms that there were several O.’s (Steph. Byz. s.v. O.), as do Eust. ad Hom. Il. 298,27ff. and Str. 8,3,25. [2] In the Iliad, O. is a settlement at > Tricca in Thessaly of which Eurytus [1] was king (Hom. Il. 2,730); it is, however, not identifiable in the historical period (Str. 8535037953525 59k

s.v. O.). As the legends of > Hercules are closely linked to this O. and the Spercheus Valley (> Oete), it should be regarded as the town destroyed by Hercules (pace Str. lc. not the Eretrian O.). Paus. 4,2,3 mentions an abandoned Thessalian town of Eurytium, which had formerly been known as O. (the boundary inscription ILS 5947a mentions a monumentum

Oeax (Oiat/Oiax, Latin Oeax, ‘helm’). Son of > Nau-

plius [1] and > Clymene [5] (also Philyra or > Hesione [2]: Apollod. 2,23), brother of > Palamedes and Nau-

AL.FR.

[3] Place in Thessaly. Str. 10,1,10, in his list of places of this name, also mentions O. in Trachinia (cf. Steph. Byz.

Euryti between

Lamia and Hypata). Precise identification is not possible. Y. BEQuIGNON,

La vallée du Spercheios,

1937,

142f.,

228f.; O. Gruppe, s.v. Herakles, RE Suppl. 3, 910-1121,

esp. 942-947: B. LENK, s.v. O. (3), RE 17, 2099f.

—HE.KR.

OECHALIA

44

43

[4] Village (démos) of > Eretria [1] on Euboea; location uncertain, possibly Palaiokastron by Neochori. SourCES OLONISES3255.0. os

Os

LO

wilecata tGrilarmtuaes

Plin. HN 4,64; Mela 2,108; Soph. Trach. 74f.; IG XII 9.

die Oedipodee ..., SBAW

1901, 661-692

4 C. ROBERT,

Oidipus, Bd. 1, 1915, 149-168 5 A. Rzacu, s.v. Kyklos (O.), RE rr, 2357-2361 6M. Daviess, The Date of the Epic Cycle, in: Glotta 67, 1989, 89-100. Cf. the bibliog-

raphy to > Epic Cycle.

Wie

F. Geyer, Topographie und Geschichte der Insel Euboia, 1903, 2f., 77£.; Id., s.v. O., RE 17, 2096f.

AKU.

Oechalias halosis (Oiyadiac Gkwotc/Oichalias halosis, ‘The capture of Oechalia’). Lost early Greek epos of the Heracles epics, relating the conquest of the city of + Oechalia (probably [3]) by Heracles (= point of departure for Soph. Trach.). 1 fragment (Heracles speaks to > Tole) and 3 attestations (= fr. 2-3 in [1] and [2]) survive, which admittedly are only about the correct localisation of the city and the number of children of its royal couple, > Eurytus [1] and Antioche (or Antiope). Ascribed either to Homer or (more commonly) to > Creophylus [1] of Samos. Time of writing: probably 6th century BC. Presumable content: Heracles’s victory in the competition for Eurytus’s daughter lole, his rejection

by lole’s father and brothers,

his

revenge by killing Eurytus’s son > Iphitus and later destroying Oechalia (further conjectures on the content: fr. 5-9 in [1]). EDITIONS: 1PEGI(s.v. ‘Creophylus’) 2 EpGF. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 3A. SEVERYNS, Le Cycle épique dans Pecole d‘Aristarque, 1928 4 W. BurKeERT, Die Leistung eines Kreophylos ..., in: MH 29, 1972, 74-85. (ple

Oedipodea (f Oidixddeva/hé Oidipddeia, also fh Oidinodia/he Oidipodia and t& Oidinddia/ta Oidipodia). Lost early Greek epic belonging to the ~ Epic Cycle, together with the -» Thebais and the > Epigoni [2] part of its Theban section; it probably told the beginning of the legend of Thebes. According to IG XIV 1292 (=T 1 in [1], rst cent. AD) it contained 6600 hexameters. Other than T 1, only one fragment (2 hexameters)

remains, two late summaries of content and an extensive summary of the story of > Oedipus, compiled from several sources, in a Euripides schol. (‘argumentum’? in

[1]) which might also contain very small amounts of material from the Oedipodea ([4], cf. [1. 17]). Author unknown even in antiquity (cited as ‘the author(s) of the

Oedipodea’, once as — Cinaethon; see [5. 2358]). Period in which it was written: probably not 8th cent. (as in [r]), but 6th cent. BC [6]. As for its content, certain is only that in this work the > Sphinx devoured, among others, Haemon, the son of King — Creon of Thebes (probably its last victim (= fr. 1) and that Oedi-

pus fathered his four children probably not by his mother and (first?) wife Jocasta (or Epicasta, according to Hom. Od. 11,271), but by a woman named

Euryganeia (fr. 2 in [1], recognized by [3. 671], disputed by [5. 23 60f.]). According to the logic of the myth, it must also have included the killing of Laius and Oedipus’ solving of the riddle of the sphinx [5. 23 58f.]. EDITIONS:

1PEG1,17-20

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

2 EpGF 20-21.

3 N. WECKLEIN, Die kyklische Thebais,

Oedipodia

also

Oedipodeia

(Oidut08(e)ia/Oidi-

pod(e)ia). Spring (modern-day Hagioi Theodori) located northwest of > Thebes on the road to > Chalcis [1] (Paus. 9,18,5f.; Plin. HN 4,25; Solin. 7,22); here Sulla celebrated his victory over > Archelaus [4] with a festival held in 86 BC (Plut. Sulla 19,11,464f.). N. D. PAPACHATZIS, Ilavoaviov “EAAGdo0¢ Meoujynots, vol. 5,

1981,

118-121.

PE.

Oedipus (Oidinovd/Oidipous, Lat. Oedipus). A. OEDIPUS IN MYTH AND DRAMA B. ICONOGRAPHY AND CULT C. RECEPTION AND INTERPRETATION

A. OEDIPUS IN MYTH AND DRAMA O., son of King > Laius [1] and > locasta/Epicasta, is the central figure in the > Theban myths [7;

16. 492ff.; 28]. The name O. has a meaning (‘swollen foot’) that can be interpreted in different ways [5; 10. 233ff.]. The myth explains the name with the motif of O.’s ankle, which was pierced at the time of his abandonment (Soph. OT 1032ff.; Eur. Phoen. 26f.; Apollod. 3,5,7: > Exposure, myths and legends of). O.’s patricide and incest with his mother (already connected in Hom. Od. 11,271ff.), his blinding by his own hand and finally his curse that drives his two sons into fraternal strife and a duel to the death (Thebais fr. 2-3 BERNABE; Aesch. Sept.; Soph. OC 1383ff.; [16. 488ff.]) make O. one of the most notorious figures in Greek mythology. O. owes his tragic image and his exceptional status primarily to the dramatic art of » Sophocles, who was able to take up where > Stesichorus and the O. trilogy of > Aeschylus (Laius, O., the still extant Seven against Thebes and the satyr play Sphinx, 467 BC) left off [19]. Stesichorus is probably also the author of a dialogue, preserved on papyrus in Lille, between the seer — Teiresias, who foretells the fratricide, and Iocasta, who wants to prevent it (fr. 222b PMGF). Sophocles treated the tragic fate of O. and his family — in addition to Jocasta, the children — Antigone [3] (see [38]), +Ismene [1], — Eteocles [1] and ~ Polyneices [23. 17ff.] -in exemplary fashion in O. the King [1; 2; 30], O. at Colonus [13] and Antigone [17]. Although they were conceived as individual plays and performed separately between 442 and 4o1 BC, the contents of these plays, with closely related themes, form a mythic continuum and an conceptual unity [31]. They were staged in 1867 in Meiningen, in 1872 in Mannheim and in 1991 in Stratford as a consecutive ‘trilogy’ [15. 95, 385 225 Stals

46

45

After his birth O. is exposed by his parents on Mount Cithaeron

(Soph.

OT

r1o86ff.;

Eur.

Phoen.

24f.)

because the Oracle of Delphi had warned Laius not to father children (Aesch. Sept. 745ff.; Eur. Phoen. 17ff.) and prophesied that if he had a son, he would die at his son’s hand (Pind. Ol. 2,38ff.; Soph. OT 711ff., 793). Found by a shepherd and taken to Corinth, O. is brought up at the royal court as the supposed son of Polybus and Merope or Periboea. Having reached adulthood, O. kills Laius, unknown to him, at the three-

way crossroads in Phocis, then solves the riddle of the -» Sphinx (what has one voice and goes on four, two and three legs? Solution: man, cf. Apollod. 3,5,8, one of

many versions ofthe riddle [11; 12. 12; 21. 332ff.]) and

receives as a reward both the Theban royal throne and the widowed queen. Without knowing what he is doing, O. marries his mother and fathers children with her. After discovering his true origin, O. puts out his eyes (Aesch. Sept. 778ff.; Soph. Ant. s1f.; Soph. OT 1268ff.); Jocasta hangs herself (Hom.

Od.

11,277f.;

Soph. Ant. 53f.; Soph. OT 1263f.). The blind O. goes into exile and begins life as a wanderer, from which he is

released only by his death in Attic > Colonus, where he receives cultic veneration as a local hero (Soph. OC). In other versions of the myth, O. remained in Thebes, with

or without Jocasta (Hom. Od. 11,275ff.; Eur. Phoen. 59ff.), where he died and was buried (Hom. Il. 23,679f.; Aesch. Sept. 914, 1004; Soph. Ant. 897ff.). The + Oedipodea eliminated the incest theme, making O.’s second wife > Euryganeia the mother of his children. Thus the fate of O. is presented with some significant variations [12. 6ff.] in the early epic and in the versions of the Attic tragedians, on which later versions were based, including the Oedipus of Seneca the Younger [33] and the O. tragedy of the young Julius > Caesar, whose publication was prevented by Augustus (Suet. Iul. 56,7).

OEDIPUS

C. RECEPTION AND INTERPRETATION In Sophocles’ O. the King the causal relationship between the tragic events in the life of O. is established by three oracles uttered at substantial intervals and by O.’s attempts, doomed to failure, to prevent the two catastrophes foretold by Apollo (patricide and marriage to his mother) and escape his fate despite Teiresias’ warnings. The conflict that arises between divine omniscience and stubborn human understanding, indeed bordering on > hybris, as exemplified in the person of O., has triggered the modern discussion of the relationship among divine providence, personal culpability and human freedom of action in Sophocles’ two O. tragedies [2; 14. 17ff., 117ff.; 30. 75ff.]. Another motif in this context is that of a curse on a family — > Pelops cursed Laius for violating Pelops’ son Chrysippus [1] [16. 488ff.] — suppressed in Aeschylus and Sophocles but probably dealt with by Euripides [2opguiimioost< 37-5 9ita|: It was not until O. at Colonus, in which the elderly O., in exile in Attica, insists upon his innocence (Soph.

Oed. the King 265ff., 962ff.), that optimal convergence between divine will and human endeavour is achieved in the course of O.’s rehabilitation by Theseus and his cultic and functional assimilation to the Erinyes/ Eumenides (+ Erinys) [10. 227ff.; 13. 13 8ff.; 18]. Here Apollo’s oracle once again plays an instrumental role. Significantly, this process of integration takes place on the threshold of death and against the background of O. cultic heroization. The figure of O. is illustrative of how the tragedians reinterpreted the traditional characteristics of an epic and cultic hero for their own purposes and integrated them with their own view of the tragic hero in a manner appropriate to the genre. The consequence of this, however, is that we cannot but view O. primarily as a construction of tragedy. Recurring attempts to extricate O. from his tragic entanglements and to view him essentially as a chthonic deity (C. ROBERT [28]), as a

B. ICONOGRAPHY AND CULT O. was most frequently depicted standing or sitting in front of the Sphinx, not only in vase painting ([20. No. 10-62], beginning approx. 470 BC), but also in sculpture and mosaics as well as on sarcophaguses and gems [20; 24]. Much less common are scenes showing

O. and Antigone or the murder of Laius. Two amphorae from southern Italy even show the tomb of O. [28. 2ff.; 34. Nos. 572 and 592]: in the middle of the picture is a stele with a grave epigram in which the burial mound is introduced as speaking, revealing itself to be the tomb of O. An altar as well as offerings for the dead point to the > hero cult of O., which was aetiologically motivated in Soph. OC. There is evidence of a hero’s tomb for O. in Thebes, > Eteonus in Boeotia, Colonus in Attica and the Athenian — Areopagus [10. 232; 28. rff.]. In Eteonus, the heroic cult of O. was part of the temple cult of Demeter (Lysimachus FGrH 382 F 2).

fairy-tale figure (O. Gruppe, M.P. Nitsson, L. DEusNER [8]), as a local Theban hero of bronze-age type (W. POTSCHER [26]), as a ritual scapegoat (J.-P. VERNANT [36]) or even as a mythical role model for certain rites de passage (J. BREMMER [3]) are presumably doomed to have limited impact. From Boccaccio and Hans SacHs to CORNEILLE and

VOLTAIRE

and

on

to NIETZSCHE,

STRAVINSKY,

Borces, Picasso and BAUCHAU (novel (Edipe sur la route, 1990), the O. myth has, ever since the Renais-

sance, captured the imagination of writers, thinkers and artists of every stripe to an astonishing degree and inspired them to undertake ever more reinterpretations [253 27. 754-762; 32]. However, in terms of its power to fascinate and its widespread influence, Sigmund FREUD’s O. complex [6. 36off.; 29; 30. 57ff.] outdoes all modern adaptations of the O. figure. With this concept, FREUD created for himself and the world the most radical version of the myth, whose special status, in terms of the reception it received, was underscored by,

OEDIPUS

among others, WITTGENSTEIN FREUD’S

48

47

and Lévi-Srrauss.

In

reinterpretation, the ancient figure of O. is

reduced to patricidal and incestuous tendencies toward one’s father or mother, rooted deep in the human psyche. Thus every one of us becomes O., at least in the subconscious, in childhood and in incestuous dreams:

‘Everyone ... was once a budding Oedipus in fantasy’ (FREUD, Briefe an Wilhelm FliefS, p. 293 [29. 287f.]). Following VERNANT’Ss distinction of the Greek O. from the Freudian psychological concept, the difference can, somewhat pointedly, be summarized as follows: »O. does not have an O. complex — he is the O. complex« > PSYCHOANALYSIS

1J. BoLtack,

Sophokles,

Kénig Odipus:

Ubers., Text,

Komm., 1994 (originally: L’CEdipe-roi de Sophocle. Le texte et ses interprétations, 1990, 4 vols.) 2 Id., Sophokles, Kénig Odipus: Essays, 1994 3 J. BREMMER, O. and the Greek

O. Complex,

in: Id. (ed.), Interpretations of

Greek Mythology, 1987, 41-59

4 W. Burkert, O., Ora-

cles, and Meaning: From Sophocles to Umberto Eco, 1991 5 C. CALAME, Le nom d’(Fdipe, in: B. GENTILI, R. PRETA-

GOSTINI (Hrsg.), Edipo. Il teatro greco e la cultura europea, 1986, 395-407 6 R. CALDWELL, The Psychoanalytic Interpretation of Greek Myth, in: L. Eomunps (ed.), Ap-

proaches to Greek Myth, 1990, 342-389 7L.W. Daty, s.v. O., RE 17, 2103-2117 and RE Suppl. 7, 1940, 769786 8L.DeuBner, O.probleme, in: Id., Kleine Schriften zur klassischen Altertumskunde, 1982, 635-677 9G.

DeveEREUX, Why O. Killed Laius:

A Note on the Comple-

mentary O. Complex in Greek Drama, in: L. E>DMuUNDs, A. DunpEs (eds.), Oedipus: A Folklore Casebook, 1984,

215-233

10L.EpMmuNps, The Cults and the Legend of

O., in: HSPh 85, 1981, 221-238

32 T. A. SZLEZAK,

Odipus nach Sophokles, in: [29], 199-220 33 K. T6cuTERLE (ed.), L. Annaeus Seneca, O. (with comm. and German

transl.), 1994

34 TRENDALL, Lucania

35 J. P.

VERNANT, (Edipe sans complexe, in: J. P. VERNANT, P. Vipat Naquet, Mythe et tragédie en Grece ancienne, Bd.r, 1972,77-98

36 Id., Ambiguité et renversement. Sur

la structure énigmatique d’(Edipe-Roi, in: s. [35], 101-131 37M.

L. West, Ancestral

Curses, in: J. GRIFFIN

(ed.),

Sophocles Revisited: Essays Presented to Sir Hugh LloydJones, 1999, 31-45 38 C. ZIMMERMANN, Der AntigoneMythos in der antiken Literatur und Kunst, 1993. — AL.H.

king of Oeleus (Qtreb Medon

(illegitimate, by

Rhene). He was one of the Argonauts (Hom. Il. 2,726-

728; 13,694-696, Apoll. Rhod. 1,74-76; Hes. Cat. 82). For the original form of the name (Fivevs) and its meaning see [1]. 1 W. A. OLDFATHER, s.v. O., RE 17, 2175-2187.

L.K.

Oenanthe (QwdvOn/Oindnthé). Of Samos, wife of Agathocles, > hetaira of Ptolemy III, mother of > Agathocles [6] and of > Agathoclea [2]. For a short time, she was the mentor of the young Ptolemy V. The Alexandrians murdered O. in Oct./Nov. 203 BC when her son was overthrown. She is said to have gained influence only through personal relationships, but the tradition may well be biased. PP VI 14731. F. W. WaLBAnk, A Historical Commentary on Polybius, vol. 2, 437f. W.A.

Early Greek Myth: A Guide to Literary and Artistic Sour-

Oene (Oivn/Oine, ethnikon Oivatog/Oinaios; in literature also Oivon/Oinode, Ath 1,30d; Steph. Byz. s.v.

ces, 1993

Oivon, Str. 14,1,9). Main town on the island of Icarus

klassischen Athen, 1998 17M.

GrirriTH

15 FLASHAR

16 TH. GANTZ,

(ed.), Sophocles’ Antigone,

1999 (with comm.) 18 A. HENRICHS, The ‘Sobriety’ of O.: Soph. OC 100 Misunderstood, in: HSPh 87, 1983, 87-100 19 L. Kock, The Sophoklean O. and Its Antecedents, in: Acta classica 4, 1961, 7-28; 5, 1962, 15-37 201. KrauskopF, s.v. O., LIMC 7.1, 1-15; 7.2, 6-15 21H.

Lioyp-Jones, Greek Epic, Lyric, and Tragedy, 1990 22 F. MACINTOSH, Tragedy in Performance, in: P. EASTERLING (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Greek Tragedy, 1997, 284-323 23 D. J. MASTRONARDE (ed.), Euripides Phoenissae, 1994 (with comm.)

24 J.-M. Moret, (Edipe,

la Sphinx et les Thebains: essai de mythologie iconographique, 2 vols., 1984 25 G. PADUANO, Lunga storia di Edipo Re: Freud, Sofocle e il teatro occidentale, 1994 26 W. PorscHeER, Die O.-Gestalt, in: Eranos 71, 1973,

12-44 27J. D. Reip, The Oxford Guide to Classical Mythology in the Arts, 1300-19908, 2 vols., 1993 28C. Rosert, O.: Geschichte eines poetischen Stoffs im grie-

chischen Altertum, 2 vols., 1915 29 R. SCHLESIER, Auf den Spuren von Freuds Odipus, in: H. Hormann (ed.), Antike Mythen in der europaischen Tradition, 1999, 281300 30 C. SEGAL, Oedipus Tyrannus: Tragic Heroism and the Limits of Knowledge, 1993 31 B. SEIDENSTICKER, Beziehungen zwischen den beiden O.dramen des Sopho-

[2], on its north coast, 2 km west of modern Evdilos. Cult site of Dionysus and Artemis Tauropolis (chief cult). Numerous inscriptions [1]. O. was a member of the > Delian League, paying a tribute of between 4000 and 8000 drachmai (ATL 1, 360f.; 528; 2, 86f.; 3, 190; 204). From the 2nd cent. BC, O. was dependent on Samos, probably after previous desiccation (Str. 10,5,133; £4,1,19). Coins: HN 6o2. 1L. Ropert, Les Asklepies de I‘Archipel, in: REG 46,

1933, 426-442 A. REHM, s.v. O., RE 17, 2190f.;J.SCHMIDT, s.v. O., RE Suppl. 7, 787f., 1664; I. MELAs, ‘Iotogia ti\¢ vijoou “Ixagiac, 2 vols., 1955/1958 (see index); PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN

Ay 272s

AKU.

Oeneis (Oivnic/Oinéis). After » Cleisthenes’ [2] phyle reform (508/7 BC) the sixth of the ten Attic phylai, with eponymous

hero Oivet¢/Oineus

(Paus. 1,5,2). In the

4th cent. it had thirteen démoi, eight in the asty trittys,

49

50

two (?) in the paralia trittys, and four in the mesogeia trittys. Three démoi switched in 307/6-201/0 BC to the Macedonian phyle of Demetrias, Butadae in 224/3 to Ptolemais, Tyrmeidae in 201/200 to Attalis, and Thria in 127/8 AD to Hadrianis.

harbour fortification with shipsheds, a theatre, as well as foundations of temples and houses [1]. O. contains a harbour on the navigable Achelous (Ps.-Scyl. 34; Str. 10,2,2). In antiquity, there must have been a bay to the northwest which linked the sea with the city’s harbour [2]. In the north the territory abutted the region of >» Metropolis [3] (Matropolis: IG IX 1* 1, 3B). An older

RATE G ATTICAsrO, MOL, 62552 Sard Olena Sis ls, LO. rost., 133, table 6; J. S. TRamtt, Demos and Trittys, 1986, IPoyy aLsa H.LO.

Oeneon (Oivedv/Oinedn; also Oivon/Oinoe, regularly after the 5th cent. BC, or Oivoa/Oinoa). Town in western Locris, east of Naupactus, near the modern Klima on the Paleochori hill (remains of city wall ring), with a harbour (modern Monastirakio). As the death of Hesiod (+ Hesiodus) was documented at the nearby sanctuary of Zeus Nemeios (Thuc. 3,96,1), O. can be identified with Oinoe (Certamen Homeri et Hesiodi

215-254; Izetz. Vita Hesiodi 97; ror; 104; cf. Plut. Mor. 162 e-f). It is uncertain whether the ethnikon Oinaios (Oivatos) or Oinoaios (Oivoaios) in inscrip-

tions from Delphi and the Aetolian League refers to O. In 426 BC, O. was the base for the operations of the Athenian Demosthenes [1] against the Aetolians (Thuc. 3595513 96,1; 98,3; > Peloponnesian War). O. refused

to provide hostages to the Spartan > Eurylochus [2] and to join the Spartan side (Thuc. 3,1o1,1f.); conse-

quently, the Spartans finally conquered the city (Thuc. 3,102,1). O. probably subsequently came under the influence of Naupactus. C.f. Steph. Byz. s.v. Oiveay. W. A. OLDFATHER, s.v. O., RE 17, 2191-2193; L. LERAT, Les Locriens de l‘Ouest, vol. 1, 1952, 44, 47, 195-197; vol. 2, 42, 66, 144f.; W. J. WoopHousE, Aetolia, 1897,

343-351; R. SCHEER, s.v. O., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 474.

G.D.R.

Oeneus (Oivet Calydon [3], son of Porthaon (Hom. Il. 14,115ff.) and

OENIADES

settlement, identified with Erysiche, is said to have been

located upstream (Str. 10,2,2; 10,2,22; Steph. Byz. s.v. *Eovoiyn, Oiveradar). O. was not a Corinthian colony like Ambracia or Corcyra. It was not part of the Acarnanian League in the middle of the 5th cent. BC, when

Messenians from > Naupactus captured the city. Its inhabitants were able to expel the Messenians with the help of the other Acarnanians (Paus. 4,25). In 454 BC > Pericles unsuccessfully laid siege to O. (Thuc. ene pans IDeye Cie, mintsop ieee

deluie, INed(elas

19,4). Up to the time of the > Peloponnesian War, the Sparta-friendly city opposed both the Acarnanians and Athenians

(Thuc. 2,82; 2,102,2f.; 3,7,43 3,114,2). It

was not until 424 BC that O. was forced to join the Acarnanian League (Thue. 4,77,1f.). An Athenian fleet was stationed in O. in 389 BC (Xen. Hell. 4,6,14). The > Aetolians conquered O. in about 330 BC (Diod. Sic. 18,8,6; Plut. Alexander 49,8). When the city’s inhabitants returned home is uncertain. They moved to Sauria in 314 (Diod. 19,67,4), but probably soon returned to O. After 260 BC the Aetolians again succeeded in gaining control of O. In 219 Philippos V, who built up extensive fortifications, expelled the Aetolian occupation and brought O. back into the Acarnanian League (Pol. 4,65,5-11). Along with Nasos [3], which was located on its territory, O. was conquered by the Romans in 212 BC and given to the Aetolians (Pol. 9,39,23 Liv. 26,24,15; 25,10). In 189 BC, on the order of Rome, O. again became part of Acarnania (Pol. 21,32,14; Liv. 38,11,9; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,51,2). 1 W. M. Murray, The Coastal Sites of Western Akarna-

Euryte (Apollod. 1,63; the whole family tree in Apol-

nia, diss. Pennsylvania 1982, 21-27

lod. 1,64); children: Toxeus, > Meleager [1], > Deianira, Gorge (through the latter, O. was father of

Hafenstadt, in: Klio 76, 1994, 212-238 3 W.M. MurRAY, The Location of Nasus and its Place in History, in:

~» Tydeus). He was ousted by his brother > Agrius [1]. Originally, O. may have been a wine god common to all Greeks, later replaced by > Dionysus. He was often depicted in vase pictures as a wine god [1]. Numerous tragedians wrote (lost) tragedies entitled O. [2].

Hesperia 54, 1985, 97-108.

1 E. STASINOPOULOU-KAKAROUGA, S.v. O. (1), LIMC 8.1, 915-919; 8.2, 608f. 2 TrGF 1, 24 vor F 1, 71 F 14; 2, ad. F 327¢, 6253 4, p- 3803 5 (2004). L.K.

Oeniadae [1] (Oiviada/Oiniddai,

occasionally Oivewada/Oinei-

ddai). » Acarnanian city near the mouth of the Achelous [x] (Thuc. 2,102,2f.; Str. 10,2,21). The city area, located near what is now Katochi, is located on a hill

measuring 3 km in length and 2 km in width. Remains of the six-kilometer long city wall have been preserved, along with gate and tower installations, surrounding a

2K. FREITAG, O. als

K.F.

[2] (Oiviadau/Oiniddai). City of the > Oetaei south of the Spercheus (Str. 9,5,10). It has not been located yet. E. KIRSTEN, s.v. O. (2), RE 17, 2228.

HE.KR.

Oeniades (Oivusdys; Oiniddés). Aulos player and dithyrambic poet from Thebes. IG II* 3064 records his victory in the aulos competition at Athens in 38 4/3. His father, Pronomus, was probably the famous aulétes in Paus. 4,27,73 9,12,5; Anth. Plan. 16,28,2. Didymus [1] mentions O. as one of three poets to compose a dithyramb entitled Cyclops (840 PMG). D. A. CAMPBELL, Greek Lyric 5, 1993, 208; H. REIMANN, s.v. O., RE Suppl. 8, 369; D. F. Surron, Dithyrambographi Graeci, 1989, 38Fr. E.R.

Lei

52.

Oenoanda (Oivoavda; Oindanda). Town in northern Lycia (> Lycii, Lycia, with map), on a hill overlooking the > Xanthus (at modern Incealiler; Str. 13,4,17; Plin.

sth cent. was largely destroyed [1]. In the early and middle Byzantine period the site was inhabited again. Sources: Harpocr. s.v. O.; Hesych. s.v. Otvou; Str. 8,6,16 (Oivmvn); Eur. Antiope fr. 179; Hdt. 5,74,2; Thuc. 2,18f.; 8,98; Diod. Sic. 4,60,5 (Plin. HN 4,24 refers to O. [5]).

OENIADES

HN 5,101; Ptol. 5,3,8; Steph. Byz. s.v. O.), probably founded as a colony of the Pisidian ~ Termessus in the late 3rd cent. BC, and fortified soon thereafter; in the

3rd cent AD, a new city wall was constructed around a reduced inner city area. After 188 BC, O. belonged to the Tetrapolis of > Cibyra [1] along with Bubon and Balbura, until this was dissolved by Licinius [I 34] c. 84 BC and O. was incorporated into the Roman province of Lycia. O. then became a member of the > Lycian League. From AD 381, O. was a diocesan town. It remained inhabited into the Middle Byzantine period. Three important inscriptions of the early Roman Imperial period have come to light at O.: 1. the description of city festivities organized by C. Tulius Demosthenes in AD 125 (with 32 place names and titles of urban officials; [1]); 2. the inscription on the tomb of Licinia Flavilla, recording 12 generations (IGR 3,500); 3. a long inscription with extracts from the writings of the Epicurean > Diogenes [18] of O. (orig. approx. 25,000 words) with fragments of the works of Epicurus himself [2]. 1M. WoOrrRLE, Stadt und Fest im kaiserzeitlichen Kleinasien, 1988 2M. F. Smiru, Diogenes of O.: The Epicurean Inscription, 1993.

MITCHELL; ZGUSTA 432.

HLEL,

Oenobius (Qwo6ftoc/Oindbios). Athenian from the demos of Decelea. In the year 410/409 B.C. he was in Thrace as a strategos (IG P ror, |. 47). O. is probably identical to the person who requested in the year 404/3

1H. Laurer, Some Remarks on Fortified Settlements in

the Attic Countryside, in: S. VAN DE MAELE, J. M. Fossey (ed.), Fortificationes Antiquae, 1992, 77-91.

A. GALLINA, s.v. O., EAA 5, 628;J.OBER, Fortress Attica, 1985, 154f., 224; TRAILL, Attica, 12, 27, 30, 52, 62, 68,

riz Nr. 93, 124 nr. 4, table 7, 12, 13; J.S. TRAILL, Demos and Trittys, 1986, 16f., 19, 23, 137; E. VANDERPOOL, Roads and Forts in Northwestern Attica, in: Classical Antiquity 11, 1978, 227-245; WHITEHEAD, Index s.v. O.

[5] Attic paralia deme of the phyle of Aiantis. From 200 BC, it belonged to the phyle of Attalis, and after AD 127/8 to that of Hadrianis. It had four (six) bouleutat. According to Ptol. 3,11,25, it was located northwest of Marathon (modern-day Ninoi). A legation from the tetrapolis of Marathon went from Pythion in O. [5. 184f.] to Delphi (IG B 255,13 ff.; 426,12ff.). After a failed attempt to regulate a stream (Str. 8,6,16), O. became a proverbial term for self-inflicted damage. By the time of Plin. HN. 4,24 it was only a name. Archaeology: significant Neolithic finds in the Cave of Pan (Paus. 1,32,7) at Tambouri Goura (‘Mount Pan’) [1]. Also found there were a circular embankment (mandra) from the modern period [3], a Roman villa [4] and a

mediaeval tower castle [2. 482 no. 16 fig. 52a, 57b]. + Probalinthus; > Tricorynthus

HA.BE.

1H. DELIGEORGHI-ALEXOPOULOU, La grotte Inoé de Marathon, in: Archeologia (Paris) 171, 1982, 36-40 2M. K. Lancpon, The Mortared Towers of Central Greece, in: ABSA 90, 1995, 475-503 table 49-57 3J.R.

Oenoe (Oivoy/Oinoe).

McCrepik, Fortified Military Camps in Attica, 1966, 37 table roa 4Travios, Attika, 217f. ill. 294-303 5 WHITEHEAD, Index s.y. Marathonian Tetrapolis, s.v. O.

[1] Arcadian > nymph, mother of > Pan (schol. Eur.

TRAILL, Attica, 12, 22, 53, 62, 68, 111 nr. 94, 124, table 9,

Rhes. 36), nurse of Zeus (Paus. 8,47,3).

14,15.

that

> Thucydides be recalled (Paus. 1,23,9).

DEVELIN, 2191; PA 11357.

[2] Wife of > Nicodamas, mother of Mopsus, transformed into a crane as punishment for arrogance (Antoninus Liberalis 16, see also

Gerana).

[3] Eponymous lady of the Attic deme of O. [5], sister of Epochus (Paus. 1,33,8). L.K. [4] Attic paralia deme of the phyle of Hippothontis. From 307/6 it belonged to the phyle of Demetrias, after 224/3 BC to that ofPtolemais. It had four (?) bouleutai. Formerly Myupolis, present-day Inoi at the northeastern edge of the plain of Mazi. O. was temporarily occupied in 507 BC by the Boeotians (Hdt. 5,74,2), in the sth cent. it was fortified, in 431 it was unsuccessfully besieged by > Archidamus [1] (Thuc. 2,18). Although it was partially rebuilt in the 4th cent., O. does not appear in the Attic honourary decrees for the strategoi Aristophanes and Demaenetus (IG II* 1299; 13.04; late 3th cent.). The preserved parts of the fortress date from the 4th cent. BC, the fortified settlement from the

H.LO.

[6] Corinthian fortress on the peninsula of Peraea on the border to Megaris, c. 15 km east of Perachora, modern-day Viokastro near Schino (Xen. Hell. 4,5,5; TOs otr 8565229 s2e25\ H. N. Fow er, R. STILLWELL, Corinth, Bd. 1, 1932, 38-

40; J. WiseMAN, The Land of the Ancient Corinthians, 1978, 22-32.

[7] (Oivon/Oindé, Oivwa/Oinéa). Village in the region of > Argos [II 1], on the ‘Prinus road’ leading to Arcadia, situated in the Xerias valley. There are some minor traces near the village of Mazi (present-day Aria), probably identical to Merkouri [1. 2-12]. A hall structure was excavated that dated from the sth cent. BC and was mentioned in Paus. 2,25,2. A shrine to Artemis Oinoatis, in which > Hercules had consecrated the antlers of the hind of Ceryneia, is mentioned in Steph. Byz. s.v.

OENONE

53

54

Oivoy (cf. Eur. Heracl. 375ff.; Apollod. 2,81). It was here that Argos and Athens defeated Sparta in 460 BC

Unmasking of the Swindlers’ (Poytmv pwed), fragments of which were included by Eusebius [7] in his Praeparatio evangelica. In ‘The Unmasking of the Swindlers’, O. attacks the

([2. 21-37], Paus. 1,15,1; 10,10,4: painting in the Stoa

Poikile in Athens and the Argive votive offering of the ‘Seven against Thebes’ in Delphi). Epigraphy: SEG 38, 314. 1 PRITCHETT 3, 1980 2J.-H. SCHREINER, Thukydides and the Era of Kimon, 1997.

Hellanikos,

Y. A. PIKOULAS, To 68140 SixtVO Tis Goxalag Oivors (MeoxovoL), in: Toaxtixa tod B tomixot Vuvedotov Aogyokx@yv Xrovdav, 1989, 296-298.

[8] Village identified by Homeric scholars with the Homeric city of Ephyra [2] (Hom. Il. 6,152 with schol.;

13,301; 15,531 with schol.) located on the left bank of the > Ladon [3] in Elis (Str. 8,3,5 [1. 183]; Steph. Byz. s.v. Epvea; Hesych. s.v. Epven ... xai Otvon), possibly near the modern-day village of Inoi (formerly Koulougli). 1 R. BALApIE, Le Péloponnése de Strabon, 1980.

Gt

determinism of the Stoics (— Stoicism), casts doubt on

the authority of the oracle of Delphi and criticizes the swindles of the temple servants — all of this, according to Eusebius, employing bold arguments, wit and the typical outspokenness of the Cynic. Here the philosopher sets his sights directly on the gods, but without fundamentally questioning their existence. He criticizes the gullibility of human beings, calls Apollo a ‘sophist’ (Eus. Praep. Evang. 5,26,3) and complains of the ambiguity of the oracles by showing how the temple servants take scandalous advantage of that ambiguity. Julianus sharply criticizes O.’s writings and compares O.’s Cynicism with his own idealized concept of Cynicism. The only sentence of O.’s that has been preserved, aside from his criticism of the oracles, reflects the difficulty that has existed since antiquity of naming one founder of Cynicism:

‘Cynicism

is neither Antisthenism

nor

Diogenism’ (Julian. Or. 9,8 = 187bc).

O. may perhaps be identical to the Jew Abnimos of

Oenomaus (Oivouaoc/Oinomaos).

[1] Mythological king of > Pisa in the region of Elis, son of > Ares and Asterope, father of -» Hippodamia [1] and — Leucippus [2]. He forced his daughter’s suitors to undergo a test by taking part in a chariot race. He used to kill the defeated suitors, until Pelops defeated O. with the help of his crafty charioteer > Myrtilus [1], who replaced the linchpins holding the wheels on O.’s chariot with ones made of wax. Pelops won the race and the hand of Hippodamia, O. was dragged to death. This race is considered the aition of chariot racing at the Olympic Games (> Olympia IV; Apollod. 3,111; Apollod. Epit. 2,3-9; Hyg. Fab. 84; Diod. Sic. 4,73; Pind. Ol. 1,69ff. with schol.; Apoll. Rhod. 1,752; Paus. 5,1 4,6).

LK.

[2] Slave of Celtic origin and gladiator, in 73 BC he joined > Spartacus in breaking out of the gladiators’ barracks in Capua, became one of the leaders of the slave’s rebellion and died shortly thereafter (App. B Civ. 1,540; Oros. 5,24,1). K-LE. [3] O. of Gadara. Cynic philosopher, contemporary of emperor Hadrian; he was mentioned for the year AD 119 in Eus. Chronica p. 198, 1-3 HELM, together with Plutarch of Chaironeia, Sextus of Chaironeia and Agathobulus, as one of the famous and outstanding philosophers. Various works by O. are mentioned in the Suda (Ot 123 = 4,622 ADLER): Ilegi Kuviouotd (‘On Cynicism’), TloAtteta (‘The State’), Iegt tig xad’

“Oungov

trooodiag

(‘On Philosophy

according

to

Homer’), [egi Keatntog xai Atoyévoug xa tov Aoutav (‘On Crates, Diogenes and the Others’). Iulianus [11]

noted that O. wrote tragedies in which he heaped blasphemy on the gods and cursed the world (Julian. Or. 7,6 = 210d—2 114); Julianus also mentions works entitled‘H Tov xuvoc adtopawvia (“The True Voice of the Dog’) and Kata t&v yonotneiwy (‘Against the Oracles’, ibid. 5,209b). The latter is probably identical to the text ‘The

Gadara (2nd cent. AD), friend of Rabbi Meir, who is

referred to in the Midrash Rabbah (comm. on Gn 65:20; Ex 13:1; RT 2:13; Lamentations intr. 2). — Cynicism S. J. Bastomsky, Abnimos and Oenomaus. A Question of Identity, in: Apeiron 8, 1974, 57-61; J. HAMMERSTAEDT, Die Orakelkritik des Kynikers Oenomaus, 1988 (ed. and comm.); Idem, Der Kyniker Oenomaus von Gadara, in:

ANRW II 36.4, 1990, 2834-2865; Idem, Le cynisme littéraire a l’€poque impériale, in: M.-O. GoULET-Cazgé, R. Gou et

(ed.), Le cynisme ancien et ses prolongements,

1993, 399-418; M. Luz, Oenomaus and Talmudic Anecdote, in: Journal for the Study of Judaism 23, 1992, 42-80; H. FREEDMAN, M. SIMON (ed., with transl. and comm.),

Midrash Rabbah, 1939.

M.G.-C.

Oenone (Oivwvn; Oindne). [1] Poetic term for the island of > Aegina (Pind. N.

4,463 5,163 8,7; Pind. I. 5,34; cf. Ov. Met. 7,474). [2] Nymph from the Troad, daughter of the river god Cebren, sister of Asterope (Apollod. 3,15 4f.; according to Tzetz. on Lycophr. 57 daughter of Oeneus), mother of —>Corythus (Parthenius 34; Ov. Met. 7,361). -» Paris, exposed in the Idaean mountains, becomes her lover and spends his first love with her, but then against her will sets out for > Helena. Having promised to heal him if wounded in the Trojan War, at first she does not keep this promise in revenge for his unfaithfulness. She repents when Paris returns to Troy but eventually comes too late to be able to help and kills herself. Their shared grave was shown near -> Cebren (Strab. 13,1,33). In ancient literature and visual art the erotic narrative was apparently developed only from the Hellenistic period onward (Apollod. 3,154f.; Lycophr. 57ff.; Parthenius 4; Conon FGrH 26 F 23; Ov. Epist. 5) [1]. 1 L. Kant, s.v. Oinone, LIMC 7.1, 23-26; 7.2, 19.

LK.

OENOPHYTA

55

56

Oenophyta (Oivoputa/Oindphyta). Hamlet, c. to km to the southeast of > Tanagra and to the north of the

Oenopion (Oivoriwy; Oinopion). Son of Dionysus and > Ariadne (also son of Rhadamanthys: Diod. Sic. 5,79; Paus. 7,4,8f.), husband of the nymph Helice, and with her the father of > Merope [2] (also husband of Merope: Pind. fr. 72 M.). When ~ Orion [1] rapes O.’s daughter Merope, O. blinds him; when Orion is healed and returns for revenge, he cannot find O., who is hiding underground (Eratosth. Katasterismoi 32; Hyg. Poet. Astr. 2,34; Hes. fr. 148a M.-W.). For other variants cf. Apollod. 1,25f.; Parthenius 20; Serv. Aen.

Asopus [2] near modern Inofita (once Staniates). Here, the Athenians defeated the Boeotians (> Boeotia) in the

battle of 457 BC, thus gaining supremacy over central Greece (Thuc. 1,108,3 with schol. 4,95,3; Diod. Sic. 11,83,1; Pl. Menex. 242b; Aristot. Pol. 1302b 29; Plut.

Mor. 345d; Aristeid. 1,221; 3,328; 13,28; schol. Aristoph. Lys. 801; SEG 19, 363). Fossey, 58-60; E. KrrsTEN, s.v.O., RE 17, 2257f.

PF.

TipSey LONI See

Oenopides (Oivomidys; Oinopidés) of Chios. Astrono-

Oenotri

mer and mathematician in the 2nd half of the sth cent. BC. According to Procl. (In primum Euclidis Elementorum librum commentarii, p. 65,21), O. was only a little younger than Anaxagoras [2]. Diog. Laert. 9,41 records that O. was mentioned by Democritus [1]. According to Diod. Sic. 1,98,3, O. was trained by Egyptian priests. His cosmological theory of two elements (fire and earth), was in accordance with the Pythagoreans (Aristot. Mete. 1,8,345a 13f.). He interpreted the > Milky Way mythologically as the earlier path of -» Sol who had turned away with repugnance from the atrocity of — Thyestes (Ach. Tat. Eisagoge, p. 55,18 Maass), before taking the path through the > zodiac. O. explained the annual movement of the sun from west to east through the ‘inclined circle’ (xbxAog AoEdc/ kyklos loxds) with the epithet of Apollo, Ao&tac/

hern Italy, according to legend of Greek origin. The O. were believed to be the descendants of colonists who arrived with the Arcadian Oenotrus, son of > Lycaon

Loxias (Apollodorus in Macrob. Sat. 1,17,31). He de-

termined the inclination of the > ecliptic to be the central angle of the regular pentadecagon: 360°: 15 = 24° (the almost precise value of Eratosthenes [2] was 23° 51’ 19”), which complied with the symbolic significance of the pentagram for the Pythagoreans. In calendar reckoning, O. improved the old eightyear cycle (Octaeteris; see > calendar A.), and according to Varro in Censorinus, DN 19,2, he calculated

with the length of a year equalling 365 and **/s) days, and according to Ael. VH 10,7, his calculations were based on a great year (the smallest common multiple of full solar years and months) of 59 years or 730 months before > Meton [2] discovered the 19-year cycle. The number 730-1=729 is at the same time a square number (277) and a cube number (93). Eudemus [3] of Rhodes (fr. 138 WeEHRLI) attributes to O. the solution of the problem of dropping a plumb froma given point onto a straight line; this problem was used in astronomy (Procl. In primum Euclidis Elementorum librum commentarii, p. 283,4). The school of O. also defined for the first time the difference between a ‘theorem’ and a ‘problem’. According to Diodorus [18] (1,41,1), O. also attempted to explain the flooding of the > Nile. > Ecliptic; > Milky Way; > Zodiac Fr.: DIELS/KRANZ, 1,393-395. Lit.: K. von Fritz, s.v. Oinopides, RE 18, 2258-2272; Tu. L. Heatnu, A History of Greek Mathematics, vol. 1, 1921.

W.H.

(Oivwtoot/Oindtroi).

L.K.

Ancient tribe of sout-

(son of Pelasgus) and brother of Peucetius (Pherecydes FGrH 3 F 156; Serv. Aen. 1,532; Paus. 8,3,5); he was

said to have been the first — 17 generations before the Trojan War (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,11) — to have left Greece to found a colony in Italy. After setting off from the Peloponnese and dropped his brother Peucetius on the way so that the latter could colonize the region of the > Iapyges, Oenotrus was said to have pressed on to the shores of the Tyrrhenian Sea (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,11,4). The O. were regarded as the ancestors of the » Aborigines (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,13,2; 2,1,2)5

allied with the Opici, they were said to have driven the » Siculi, > Elymi and ~ Morgetes away to Sicily (Antiochus FGrH 555 F 2; 4; 9). The O. inhabited the southern Italian coastline from the Straits of Messana/ Messina to the Gulf of Taras/Tarentum and Posidonia (Str. 5,1,1; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,1,2); a few towns of

the O. are recorded for the sth cent. BC in Hecat. (FGrH 1 F 64-71); Sophocles, too (fragment 598 RaptT), took Oenotria to refer to the western coast of Italy as far as Campania, while according to Plin. HN 3,71, the O. ruled over Lucania (> Lucani) and Bruttia (> Bruttii). Later, so it was said, they were renamed

Itali after their king > Italus, who introduced communal meals and encouraged the O. to shift from stock breeding to arable farming (Antiochus FGrH 555 F 5; Aristot. Pol. 7,9,2f., 1329b 8-19; Scymn. 300). NISSEN 1, 522-527; G. DevorTo, Gli antichi Italici, 1969; M. PALLOTTINO, Saggi di antichita 1, 1979, 3-46; L. Mos-

CaTI CasTELNUOVO, Eforo e la tradizione di Antioco di Siracusa sugli Enotri, in: AC 52, 1983, Must, s.v. Enotri, EV 2, 1985, 316-318.

141-149; D. GA.MA.

Oenotropae

(Oivotedxot; Oinotrépoi). The three daughters of Dorippe and > Anius, the mythical first king of > Delos: Oino (‘Wine-Maid’), Spermo (‘Corn-

Maid’) and Elais (‘Oil-Maid’). On their way to Troy, Anius tries to persuade the Greeks to stay with him for nine years and be fed by the O., in order then to conquer Troy in the roth year (Kypria PEGI fr. 19). The O. have from > Dionysus the ability to conjure up corn (schol. Lycoph. 570), wine and oil (Lycoph. 577-580). According to Ovid, everything they touch turns into corn, oil

OETAEI

7

58

or wine; they themselves are turned into white doves by Dionysus and thus rescued from Agamemnon, who wanted to force them to provide for the Greeks (Ov. Met. 13,650-674; cf. Serv. Aen. 3,80). The myth of the O. may reflect the social custom that women administered the provisions of a house and made them into food: in Lycoph. 578 the O. are called ‘skilful preparers of milled food’ (myléphdtou chiloio daidaletitriai). Even more important is the mythical connection with the cult of Dionysus, through the performance of which women took part in the ritual and symbolic dimension of wine production, e.g. at the Attic > Anthesteria. It is in this context that the traditional variants of their collective name belong: oinotréphoi (‘wine producers’)

sons of + Hippocoon because he had killed their dog; a grave of O. was shown there (Apollod. 2,143f.; Paus. 3,15,3ff.). O.’ death is considered the reason for Heracles’ fight against the Hippocoontids. Ke

and oinotropoi (‘wine converters’).

Oescus

G. HERZOG-HAUSER, S.v. Oinotropoi, RE 17, 2276-2279; F. Grar, Griechische Mythologie, +1991, ro4f. K.WA.

Oenus (Oivotc/Oinots). [1] Left-hand tributary of the > Eurotas in Laconia,

again called Inous today (previously Kelefina; cf. Pol. 2,65,7£f.; 66,7; Liv. 34,28,1). F. BOLTE, s.v. O. (1), RE 17, 2280f.

ite

[2] Spartan community of > perioikoi of unknown location; mentioned by Alcm. fr. 92d because of its wine (also Ath. 1,3 1cd; Steph. Byz. s.v. Oivots); decree of proxenia by Argos for a Fowovtos [1]. 1 P. CHARNEUX, Inscriptions d‘Argos. Décret de proxenie..., in: BCH 77, 1953, 395-397. EF. BOLte, s.v. O. (2), RE 17, 2281; E. MEYER, s.v. O. (2),

RE Suppl. 9, 466.

ale

Oeroe (Qe06n/Oere). River (present-day Livadostras)

which rises on the northern slope of Mt. > Cithaeron at » Plataeae and flows into the bay of Creusis in the Corinthian Gulf. References: Hdt. 9,51,2; Paus. 9,4,4. E. KirsTEN, s.v. O., RE 17, 2031-2033; H. G. LOLLInG, Reisenotizen

aus Griechenland:

556-562; MULLER, 528f.

1876 und

1877,

1989,

PP.

{1] Right bank tributary of the Danube in Moesia inferior (Plin. HN 3,149; Tab. Peut. 8,1: Escus; Hdt. 4,49: Lxioc/Skios; Thuc. 2,96,4: "Ooxtoc/Oskios), modern Iskar (Bulgaria). [2] Roman town (Ptol. 3,10,10: Oioxog ToiBarrov/ Oiskos Triballén, cf. 8,11,6; Tab. Peut. 8,1: Escus), modern Gigen (Bulgaria), near the confluence of the O.

[] with the Danube. O. is today approx. 5 km from the river. O. was an important base in the Roman defensive system on the lower Danube. From AD 45-61 and again after 71, O. was the garrison town of the legio V Macedonica before it was reassigned to Troesmis (Scythia Minor) under Trajan. O. was an important crossroads, with connections to Ratiaria, Novae [1] and the more distant towns of Naissus, > Serdica and > Philippopolis. The golden age of O. was in the 2nd cent. AD and the Severan period; under Trajan, O. was a

colonia. The wealth of the town is shown in the archaeology (forum, temple of Fortuna, aqueducts, baths, mosaics with scenes from Menander’s Achaeans). The

Oenussae (Oivotooal Oinoiissai). [1] Group of three islands on the southwest tip of the Messenic peninsula off the coast of -~ Methone [1]: present-day Sapientza, Schiza and Hagia Mariani. The first two have been inhabited since the Hellenistic

period. Traces of a Roman settlement were found in Sapientza. References: Paus. 4,34,12; Plin. HN. 4,55; Mela 2,110. E. KirsTEN, F. BOLTE, s.v. O., RE 17, 2281f.

— Y.L. E.MEY.

[2] Group of seven islands (altogether around 14 sq. km) between the northern tip of Chios and the coast of Asia Minor; the largest was called Oenusa and is still known by that name today (Oinousa). They were strategically significant in naval warfare on various occasions (Hecat. FGrH 1 F 142; Hdt. 1,165; Thuc. 8,24,2;

population was ethnically mixed (Greeks, Romans, Thracians, Anatolians). Alongside the popular Greek and Roman deities, > Mithras in particular was venerated. In the 3rd cent. AD, O. was threatened by the Gothic incursions; the walls had to be expanded and renovated under Aurelianus. After Dacia was relinquished, O. was assigned to the province of Dacia Ripensis. At the same time, the legio V Macedonica returned to O. Under Constantius [1] 1 a bridge was built here over the Danube. From the 2nd half of the 4th cent., devastating Hun incursions severely affected O. Under Justinian, new fortifications were undertaken. Ruins, inscriptions and coin finds. Cur. DaNnov, s.v. O., RE 17, 2033-2038; V. VELKOV, Roman Cities in Bulgaria, r980, Limes Scythiae, 1980, 86.

111-116; C. SCORPAN, J.BU.

Abin, THING Goiessah, PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN 4, 246.

Oeconus

(Oiwvdc; Oidnds). Son of > Licymnius

AKU.

[1],

from Midea in the Argolid, companion of > Heracles [x], first winner of a race in the Olympic games (Pind. Ol. 10,64ff. with schol.); he was slain in Sparta by the

Oetaei (OitatovOitaioi). A tribe which originally lived in the low sandstone, flisch and neogene zone to the south and east of the main ridge of the > Oete in the direction of the central Greek regions of Doris and Locris. From there the O. gradually annexed the northern neighbouring regions; Heraclea [1], which was

OETAEI

59

60

primarily founded to repulse them, was annexed in the 4th cent. BC, followed by the entire former Malian region as far as the Spercheus and > Thermopylae. The O. were linked politically to Sparta and later to > Thebes. In the Hellenistic period the O. established an Oetaean state which joined the Aetolian League in 280

Oeum Cerameicum (Oiov Keoapetxov/Oion kerametkon). Attic mesogeia deme ofthe phyle of Leontis. From 307/6 to 224/3 BC it belonged to the phyle of Demetrias; with one bouleutes. The suffix kerameikon (Harpocr. s.v. QO.) indicates the proximity to the deme of Cerameis and to the - Kerameikos [1. 44 with note

BC (Oitatetc/Oitaieis, Paus. 10,21,1). It encompassed

17].

14 demes (Str. 9,5,10; IG IX 1, 226f.). After 160/147

BC it was part of the Achaean League; it was part of Thessalia in the Imperial period. > Oete

1 TRAILL, Attica, 8, 44, 62, 69, 105, T11 nr. 96, 14, table Ay tee

J. S. TRaiLi, Demos and Trittys, 1986, 131, 148f.; WHITEHEAD, Index s.v. O.

H.LO.

Y. BEQUIGNON, La vallée du Spercheios, 1937, cf. index; E. KIRSTEN, s.v. O., RE 17, 2289-2294 (sources); PHI-

LIPPSON/KIRSTEN I, 237, 329-339; F. STAHLIN, Das hellenische

Thessalien,

1924,

192f.;

TIB

1,

1976,

226.

HE.KR.

Oeum Deceleicum (Otov Aexehetxov/Oion Dekeleikon). Attic mesogeia deme of the phyle of Hippothontis. From 224/3 BC it belonged to the phyle of Ptolemais, from 200 BC to that of Attalis. It provided three

Oete (Oitn/Oite, Lat. Oeta, Oete). In a more narrow sense, O. is the central section of the mountain wall to

the south of the > Spercheus valley which is dominated by this mighty limestone wall (15 km in length) and its gigantic escarpment. The ‘funeral pyre’ (pyra) of ~ Hercules, on which he is supposed to have been burnt, a great altar of ashes, and a small, 3rd cent. BC

Doric temple and adjacent buildings are found in the present-day village of Pavliani (r800m high). Cult lasted from the Archaic period to the Imperial period. In a broader sense, the western continuation of Mt. > Callidromus is also counted as part of O. (Str. 9,4,13;3

Liv. 41,22,5), especially the eastern continuation of the low flisch-highland (up to 1470 m high) which was inhabited by the > Aenianes. A path led through this area into the valleys of the Aetolian rivers Mornus and Fidaris (> Evenus [4]). > Oetael P. W. WALLACE, Description of Sites, in: E. W. Kase, G. J. SZEMLER (ed.), The Great Isthmus Corridor Route, Bd. 1,

1991, 46-55, here 48f.; N. G. PAPPADAKIS, Avaoxadr THs Tlvgae tig Oityg, in: AD (Parartema) 5, 1919, 25-33; P. PANTOS, Ive “Hoaxhtoucg, in: AD (Chronika) 45, 1990, 174 (archaeological reports). HE.KR.

Oetylus (OitvAo¢/Oitylos). Town, present-day Otylon (Itylon), on the eastern bank of the Messenian Gulf by the deep harbour bay hormos limeniu (Geog Aweviov) and 7.5 km to the north of Areopoli on the west coast of Mani (Hom. Il. 2,585; Str. 8,4,4: Boitudoc/Boitylos; Paus.

25,10;

26,1;

Ptol.

3,16,22:

BoitvAa/Boityla;

Steph. Byz. s.v. O., here also BoitvAoc/Boitylos). In the Classical period it was a Laconic town of > perioikoi. From the time of Augustus it was one of the 18 members of the League of > Eleutherolakones

(Paus. 3,21,7).

Some ancient walls remain. Inscription: IG V 1, 1290-

1311.

bouleutat. Location: near Bugiati southeast of > Decelea, to which OD possibly belonged once (see the phratria inscriptions of the Demotionidae IG II* 1237) [1]. An independent démos possibly only after > Cleisthenes [2]. Grave inscriptions IG II* 6885-7012; 6990 and

7009 from Bugiati, cf. IG 2558. 1 J. Wiesner, s.v. O. (1a), RE Suppl. 7, 788. TRAILE, Atticas 12, 20, 29, 52,62, 66, Lil Nt. 95024,

table 8, 13, 14; WHITEHEAD, Index s.v. O.

H.LO.

Ofellius. Roman family name (also Offellius, Offillius etc.), probably from the Oscan praenomen Of(f)ellus, which also appears as a cognomen (a landowner in Venusian Flom Sateo.2-ote-agade-enma tis): 1 SALOMIES, 81

2 SCHULZE, I15; 443; 451.

K-L.E.

[1] O. Tribunus militum in 36 BC, mocked rewards handed out by Octavian (-» Augustus) as paltry, whereupon according to Appian he vanished without trace (App. B Civ. 5,5324.). JO.F. [2] O., A. Jurist, see > Ofilius W.E. [2a] O. Ferus, C. In the last quarter of the 2nd cent. BC, the Italics living on > Delos honoured the Campanian trader O. for his services with a marble portrait statue (sculptors: > Dionysius [48] and > Timarchides [r]). Fragments of this statue were found in 1880 during the French excavations in the agora of the Italics; O. was depicted with the > paludamentum on his left shoulder and a sword in his lowered left hand, with his right arm outstretched, which once held a lance (Delos, mus. inv. no. A 4340; height: 236 cm, with surviving base and lance c. 280 cm). O.’s is the first statue of a Roman depicted in heroic > nudity. The stylistically eclectic statue shows elements of the styles of > Polyclitus [1] and > Praxiteles, influential styles in the late Hellenistic period.

H. WATERHOUSE, R. Hope Simpson, Prehistoric Laconia,

F. QuEyREL, C. Ofellius Ferus, in: BCH 115, 1991, 389-

Teil 2, in: ABSA 56, 1961, 121; S. GRUNAUER VON HOERSCHELMANN, S.v. O., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 477; G.

464.

Daux, Chron. des fouilles, in: BCH 81, 1958,714.

— Y.L.

R.H.

[3] M. Ulpius O. Theodorus. Consular governor of Cappadocia under > Elagabalus [2] (v. [1]). He was

61

62

very probably the same person as O. Theodorus, who witnessed a letter from — Caracalla to the town of

demonstrated again in the Aramaic -

Targum of Job

(Qumran), in the official Jewish-Aramaic

Biblical trans-

Tacina (SEG 37, 1186, |. rr). If so, he must have been a > libellis to Caracalla, and would later have been adop-

lation (Targum Ongelos and Jonathan), and in a large part of the incantation texts from Mesopotamia (3rd— 7th cent. AD). ~» Aramaic; > Palimpsest; > Papyrus; > Qumran

ted into the Senate, probably with consular rank, as were other equestrian office-holders at this period ([2. 67; 98]; cf. also [3. 95], according to whom an a libellis was in office from 213 to 217, also [4. 283ff.]). 1 W. Eck, s.v. Ulpius (44), RE Suppl. 14,942 2 Idem., in: Konsuln 3 T. Honoré, Emperors and Lawyers,*1994 4 J.-L. MourGugEs, Les formules ‘rescripLEUNISSEN,

si‘recognovi’ et les étapes de la rédaction des souscriptions impériales sous le Haut-Empire romain ..., in: MEERA

107, 1995.

W.E.

OFFICIAL

M.L. Former, The Aramaic Language in the Achaemenid Period. A Study in Linguistic Variations, 1995; T. Mouraoka, A Grammar of Egyptian Aramaic, 1998; B. PorTEN, A. YARDENI, Textbook of Aramaic Documents from Ancient Egypt, Bd. 1-4, 1986-1999; Altaramaische Grammatik,

Office see > Archai;

> Magistratus

Official Aramaic. OA (Egyptian Aramaic, standard literary Aramaic) was the language of administration and correspondence (lingua franca) of the Achaemenid Empire from the time of Cyrus [2] II (6th—3rd cent. BC). OA does not represent a homogeneous Aramaic dialect but shows dialect characteristics that are in parts highly divergent. OA was widespread throughout the whole of the Near East and Egypt and was used fora variety of textual genres. In a cursive writing (> square

script), OA is encountered on papyri and ostraka that were mostly found in Egypt (Syene, Elephantine/léb, Hermopolis Magna, Saqqara) and that often originate from archives, e.g. from the Jewish military colony + Elephantine. These are letters, contracts, administrative lists, literary works like the > Ahiqar-Palimpsest (the oldest known Palimpsest) and the Hor bar Pune§ tale, an Aramaic version of the > Bisutiin inscription and a papyrus in Demotic script. Apart from Egypt, OA texts were found in Wadi *d-Daliya in Iudaea (papyri) and Susa or Babylon (the places from where the leather letters of the Arsames correspondence were sent; -> Arsames [3]). In addition, OA appears on ostraka from Idumaea (archives) and Mesopotamia (Assur, Babylon, Nippur); ostraka with ritual content were found along with clay tablets in -» Persepolis. OA has been passed down to us in a stylized older ductus on stone inscriptions (among others from Asia Minor), among these being a Lycian-GreekAramaic trilingual inscription (in Xanthos), a Lydian-Aramic > bilingual inscription (Sardis), inscriptions from northern Syria, Palestine, Egypt (HéhFadl), Arabia (Teima), Pakistan (Taxila), Afghanistan, India (+ Asoka), as well as on metal (weights, coin legends). Short inscriptions and administrative notices have been found on New and Late Babylonian clay tablets from Mesopotamia (among these Assur, Babylon, Sippar, Larsa, Nippur, Uruk) and Syria (Neirab). The letters of the Biblical book of Ezra are written in OA. The Middle Persian ideograms originated from OA. A highly advanced and idealized style of OA is

1975.

ST. SEGERT, OR

Official dress I. ANCIENT NEAR

Offerings to the dead see > Libation

DRESS

EAST AND

EGyptT

II. CLASSICAL

ANTIQUITY

I. ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND EGypT Ancient Near Eastern official dress (OD) included robes with accessories, headgear, sandals (from the mid—3rd cent. BC) or shoes (from the mid—2nd cent.

BC), hairstyles and beards of various shapes. Robes, as a whole or in parts, had legal significance (the imprint of the hem could replace the seal (— Seals I. D), and were thus the most important element of OD. Basic forms

for men

and women

were

skirts and cloaks,

which were wrapped around the body. Different wraps and narrower or broader cuts characterized regional variants. Sewn shirts appeared towards the end of the 3rd cent., but only became popular early in the rst cent. The first evidence of trousers is found among the + Achaemenids, but tights were already evident in Neo-Assyrian military garb. Smooth or patterned materials, different colours and rich appliqué work gave Ancient Near Eastern OD its diversity. Headgear mostly consisted of caps. Male and female OD initially differed in the way robes were wrapped, but with the emergence of shirts became identical. Undergarments are often mentioned in texts. Divine OD remained immune to fashion, being mostly traditional and, according to texts, very valuable. However, gods could also wear the OD of mortals, and vice versa. Depictions of nudity generally signified low or humiliated status, e.g. in prisoners or the dead; in law, it was a penalty for certain misdemeanours. Nakedness in heroes, weather-gods and women, however, probably symbolised superhuman abilities or cultic requirements. Some cultic and profane occasions required specific clothing. Foreigners were depicted in their local OD, which was perceived as exotic. Otherwise little is known of OD as an indicator of social groupings. Numerous garments appear in Hittite texts, but these are only seldom precisely identifiable. In general, men wore long or half-length shirts with a belt, women a long cloak over a light dress. Shoes were turned up at the tip. In Egypt, male and female OD differed considerably. Men wore loincloths, which over time became combi-

OFFICIAL

DRESS

ned with shawls and shirts. Women wore pinafore dresses, sometimes also with shawls and shirts. Different forms of particular elements of OD signified the social status of the wearer. Divine and mortal OD were not interchangeable. Extant OD, e.g. from graves, does not correspond to the OD found in pictorial representations. P. CALMEYER, Ss. v. Hose, RLA 4, 472-476; E. STROMMEN-

GER, Mesopotamische Gewandtypen von der frihsumerischen bis zur Larsa-Zeit, in: Acta praehistorica et archaeologica 2, 1971, 37-5 5; H. WAETZOLDT, E. STROMMENGER, Ss. Vv. Kleidung, RLA s. v. Tracht, LA 6, 726-737.

64

63

6, 18-38; E. STAEHELIN, GEO:

II. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY see » Ceremonial dress; > Clothing B.; > Hairstyle; » FASHION

defined as »speaking in a manner suitable to convince« (Cic. inv. 1,6; de orat. 2,138). This officium, which has

its validity in all Aristotelian forms of oratory, refers, however, only to what, in principle, is under the control of the orator. It can, even when executed perfectly, still

miss its target, namely convincing [the listener]. (2) The three functional effects of a speech, too, which make a contribution in convincing [the listener], docere, delectare and movere (‘to teach’, ‘to delight’, ‘to move’) are also occasionally referred to as officium (Cic. De or. 2,155). (3) Used in the plural, the officia oratoris correspond to the > partes orationis, i.e. the (five) production stages in the preparation and delivery of a speech. (4) In a more general sense, the officium oratoris is everything that is part of the range of tasks facing an orator: a general education (Quint. Inst. 2,21,19; 3,4,6), but also the moral (12, pr. 4) and civic duties (Gige.331070)),

Officium (etymologically reconstructed from Lat. opificium, ‘doing work’; pl. officia). [1] Generally a range of duties with a corresponding sense of duty or subordination (Sen. Ben. 3,18,1; Dig. 37;6,0; Cic. Tuse: 4,61); see > Duty.

[2] Since > Cicero, especially the duties as identified in the philosophy of ethics (as the ‘Roman interpretation’ of the Stoic concept of to kathékon, Cic. Off. 1,2,5I,3,7); see > Duty; > Ethics. [3] Contractually or legally defined entirety of duties of Roman

slaves, workers, craftsmen, mandataries

and

public servants (Dig. 32,65,1; 38,1,1; 17,1,1,4); see > Operae; -» Mandatum. [4] Legal commitments of the allies and subjugated peoples (Caes. B Gall. 1,40,2); see > Socii; > Deditio.

[5] Generally an office under private or public law (Dig. 4,5,6); see

Ofilius, Aulus

CW.

(epigraphically

also Ofellius). This

Roman jurist was a friend as well as a political agent of Caesar. He was a member of the equites, but never held an office. Next to > Alfenus [3] Varus he was the most notable student of > Sulpicius Rufus (Dig. 1,2,2,44), in whose footsteps he wrote an extensive commentary Ad edictum, which was, however, soon ousted from the market by the Edict commentary of Antistius [II 3] Labeo. Little is known about his Actiones (Pleas, 16 bks.), Ius partitum (‘The law and its parts’, 5 bks.) and De legibus ad Atticum (‘On the laws, to Atticus’, 20 bks.). O. was the teacher of Q. > Aelius [I 17] Tubero and of > Ateius [6] Capito (Dig. 1,2,2,46f.). O. LENEL, Palingenesia Iuris Civilis I, 1889, 795-864; KUNKEL, 29f.; WIEACKER, RRG, 6oof. TG,

» Munus; > Potestas.

[6] Especially, and already in existence before imperial times, the area of authority or the official business ofthe

Ofonius Tigellinus. Praetorian prefect at the time of

upper level of Roman officials, including the Roman court officials, who had vested in them their own sover-

Nero. O.’s father was from Agrigentum, but had been banished to Scyllaeum. According to later tradition, O. was of lowly origin, and his names, which are hardly attested elsewhere, confirm this. Under the emperor ~ Caligula O. maintained contact with members of the extended Imperial family. This led to his banishment from Rome; he was accused of, among other things, sexual misdemeanours with > Agrippina [3] the Younger. Claudius [III 1] allowed him to return, but he had to keep away from the court. In Apulia he bought land and bred horses for the circus, and in this way came into contact with > Nero. In c. 60 Nero made O. a praefectus vigilum; it remains unknown whether other military and civilian duties were placed upon him by the emperor. O. was married to the daughter of the senator > Cossutianus Capito, whose return to the senate in AD 62 he made possible. In the same year, after the death of Afranius [3] Burrus, O. was appointed > praefectus praetorio, together with > Faenius Rufus. The entire ancient tradition portrays him as the ‘evil genius’ behind all of Nero’s crime, e.g. the murder of Nero’s wife Octavia [3]

eign powers (Cic. Fam. 3,10,11; Dig. 2,1,1). The office

or the servants of such decision makers were also called officium (Dig. 12,1,34 pr.; Cod. lust. 12,57,4). For the range of these offices in late antiquity cf. Cod. lust. 1, tit. 26-57; Not. Dign. Or. 1 and Occ. 1; see > Chancellery, > Notitia dignitatum; — Potestas. + Ethics; > Imperium; > Chancellery;

> Mandatum;

>» Munus; — Potestas

K. BUCHNER, Utile et honestum, 1974, 5-21; JONES, LRE, 563-606; KASER, RPR I’, 577; G. Kits, Ethische Grund-

begriffe der alten Stoa und ihre Ubertragung durch Cicero, in: K. BUCHNER (ed.), Das neue Cicerobild, 1971, 38-64.

Ce [7] Officium, officia oratoris. In ancient > rhetoric, various but linked phenomena are called officia oratoris: (1) In the general theory of the artes, officium is one of the five determining parts of an ars (‘theory’) alongside facultas, finis, materia and partes (‘ability’, ‘purpose’, ‘subject matter’ and ‘parts’) (Cic. iny. 1,5,6ff.). In this context, the officium of the orator is

65

66

and the Fire of Rome. O. played a significant role in the discovery of the Pisonian conspiracy in 65 and was therefore distinguished with > ornamenta triumphalia and a triumphal statue on the Palatine, usually the prerogative of senators only. He accompanied Nero to Greece, which allowed > Nymphidius [2] Sabinus, his colleague in office, to gain influence in Rome. In the summer of 68, when Nero no longer enjoyed any support, O. betrayed him. However, Nymphidius immediately forced him to resign as prefect. Under Galba [2], he was protected by T. Vinius. Yet > Otho forced him to commit suicide. There is an impressive (negative) portrait of O. in Tacitus (Hist. 1,72,1f.). PIR* O 91.

Christi inhabited by monks in the 6th cent. AD (Greg. M. Epist. 1,49).

R. SABLAYROLLES, Libertinus miles, 1996, 48of.

WE.

Ogam. The oldest Irish writings were recorded in Ogam script and are therefore called Ogam inscriptions. According to Irish tradition, the indigenous term ogam (also ogom, ogum) is derived from the god Ogme (Latin > Ogmius). The Ogam script is an Irish invention following the model of the Latin > alphabet. The symbols resemble a written Morse Code alphabet; the

edges of the gravestones were used as naturally occurring lines. The use of Ogam script remained limited primarily to short funerary inscriptions. Altogether, approximately 360 inscriptions have been found; the majority have been dated to the sth through 9th cents. AD, while some also originate from later periods. Aside from a few inscriptions in Scotland, Ogam inscriptions appear in Ireland and Wales. As early as the 5th/6th cents., Latin words and proper names appear in the Ogam inscriptions, as for example: Sagitari (gen.) ‘of

OGULNIUS

BICGI 10, 320-324.

GU.

Ogmius. Celtic god mentioned only in Lucian. Heracles rff. (about AD 175). Lucian describes O. from a

south-Gallic fresco as a smiling old man bearing the attributes of > Heracles [1], who pulls along willing people with thin chains of gold and amber, which have been attached to his tongue and to their ears. The iconographic elements of the fresco leave no room for doubt on its authenticity. Largely undisputed is the allegorical nature of the painting, representing O. as the personification of > logos (tongue/mouth — ear). For Lucian, the picture reveals the idea of eloquence, especially the one displayed by old people. There is possibly an etymological relationship between the name O. and the Greek word 6gmos (‘line, furrow’/Latin agmen, ‘army in march

formation’), and between

O. and Ogma, the

mythical inventor of the Celtic alphabet > Ogam, as recorded by the Irish tradition. There is no further evidence on O.; attempts of identification (as on coins or inscriptions) are still purely hypothetical. Noteworthy is the reception of the painting’s theme in the modern age, e.g. by A. DURER and H. FRANK [T]. 1 J. Martin, O., in: WJA 1, 1946, 359-399.

F. Benoit, L’O. de Lucien, la ‘Tete Coupée’ et le cycle mythologique irlandais et gallois, in: Ogam 5, 1953, 3342; G. Harner, Herakles-Geras-O., in: JRGZ 5, 1958, 139-153; F. LERoux, Le dieu celtique aux liens, in: Ogam

the archer’; Mariani (gen.) ‘of Marianus’; Amadu (dat.:

12, 1960, 209-234; CH. PiIcaRD, Sur |‘Heraklés-O., in: CRAI, 1947, 245-248. MLE.

with Britannic-Latin lenition of [t] to [d]) ‘for Amatus’. An example of an Ogam inscription from Ballymorereigh, County Kerry, reads: Oeniloci Magi Maqi-Ainia Muc[...] ‘{the grave] of Cennlach, Son of Mac Aine, from the Clan [...]’.

Ogulnius. Name of a Roman gens, first appearing with O. [1]. Later members of the family are politically insignificant.

R.A.S. MACALISTER, Corpus Inscriptionum Insularum Celticarum, 2 vols., 1945, 1949; D. McManus, A Guide

to Ogam, 1991; S. ZIEGLER, Die Sprache der altirischen Ogam-Inschriften, 1994.

S.ZI.

Ogdoas see > Week Oglasa. Island in the > Mare Tyrrhenum between Corsica and the Italian mainland (Plin. HN 3,80), probably Montecristo (province of Livorno), a granite outcrop

(10.4 km?, alt. 645 m) to the south of > Ilva; the Mons

SCHULZE, 150; 364.

[1] O. Gallus, Q. During an epidemic in Rome in 292 BC, leader of aRoman embassy that transferred the cult of > Asclepius from Epidaurus to Rome (MRR 1, 182); in 273, member of the first embassy to the Ptolemaic court in Alexandria [1] (MRR 1, 182; for the background to this embassy see [1. 141-145]). As cos. in 269 (MRR 1, 199), according to Pliny (HN 33,44; cf. RRC, p. 35f.; 714) he introduced the first Roman issue of silver coins. In 300, O., as ¢r. pl., and his brother Cn.

EN

=a

SSR

|

Es

=

125)

ZE

EV

= T

SS

NG

=

=

=

SS

G

C39)

K

EA/K

yh

LB

4H

D>

She MA

K-L.E.

HH

AE/KS

BK

1O/P

po

«(UI

Table of the Ogam script

67

68

O. were the authors of the lex Ogulnia, which opened up to the Plebeians access, formerly reserved for Patricians, to the great priestly colleges of the > augures and the > pontifices (Liv. 10,6,3—-9,2; for the number of members and the composition of these colleges see [2]); this represented an important step in the rise of the nobility, the new Roman leading class consisting of

Ogyris (“Qyveic; Ogyris). Island in the Arabian Sea. Ancient authors reported a monument to Erythras, the

OGULNIUS

eponym of the Red sea, on O. (Deinias FGrH 306 F 7;

Steph. Byz. s.v. "Q.). Perhaps the island of Masira. F. Jacospy, FGrH, Kommentar zu Nearchos FGrH 1,37,1-4;

R. M.

BuRRELL,

s.v.

Masira,

El*

133 F

6, 7292.

LT.-N.

both Patricians and Plebeians, which emerged from the

> struggle of the orders. 1 W.

DAHLHeEIM,

Struktur

und Entwicklung

des romi-

schen Volkerrechts, 1968 2 K.-J. HOLKESKAMP, Das Plebiscitum Ogulnium de sacerdotibus, in: RhM 131, 1988, S567.

C.MU.

Ogygia (Qyvyia/Ogygia, epic -y/e). Mythical island on which the goddess > Calypso lives (Hom. Od. 1,49ff.;

5,13ff.) and on which > Odysseus stayed for almost ten years. In the ‘Odyssey’, O. is situated in the west (cf. Hom. Od. 5,271ff.) — as omphalos thaldssés (‘navel of the sea’, cf. on this aspect [1. 2070ff.]). Since antiquity the geographical position has been a contentious issue: (1) near Crete (Antimachus fr. 142 Wyss); (2) in or near

Italy: (a) Gozo (Callim. fr. 470), (b) Lacinium (Scylax 13 GGM), (c) Nymphaea (Apoll. Rhod. 4,574), (d) near Puteoli (Cass. Dio 4850); (3) various places, e.g. (a) on

the coast of Bruttium (Plin. HN 3,96), (b) equated with

the island of — Aeaea, the island of > Circe (Prop. 3,12,31; Hyg. Fab. 125), (c) conjectured as an island

west of Britain (Plut. De facie in orbe lunae 26,9414 5). However, — Eratosthenes [2] refers to the purely mythical quality of Homeric geography [2]. 1 J. SCHMIDT, s.v. O., RE 17, 2066-2076

2 J. B. HaINs-

WORTH, in: A. HEUBECK, S. West, J. B. HAINSwoRTH, A

Commentary

on Homer’s Odyssey, vol. 1, 1988, 260.

LK.

Ogygus/Ogyges ("Qyvyoc; Ogygos/Qyvyns; Ogyigés). The name O. is probably pre-Greek, and may derive from the Lydian-Carian migrations; at that time, O. was worshipped as a god. The Boeotian goddesses of oaths, the Praxidikai, were said to be his daughters (Paus. 9,33,5; Suda s.v. Tleaéixn; Steph. Byz. s.v. Toewidn). Ancient king of Boeotia (the adjective wyvytoc/ogygios is used for ‘Boeotian’ and ‘ancient’: Suda s.v. Qybyta xaxa; ‘Qybyvov); autochthon and king of the Ectenians (Paus. 9,5,1); son of Boeotus (schol. Eur.

Phoen.

1t113)

and

husband

of Thebe

(Tzetz.

Lycoph. 1206). O. is associated with + Cadmus [1], the

founder of Thebes (Lycoph. Joc. cit.); Euripides calls him the ‘old king of Thebes’ (loc. cit.). The Ogygian Gate at- Thebes may have been named after O. or Ogygia, daughter of Niobe (Apollod. 3,45; Lycoph. loc. cit.; Hellanicus FGrH 4 F 21). According to Attic legend, father of Eleusis and first king of the Athenians (Paus. 1,38,7).

AL.FR.

Ogylus ("Qyvioc; Ogylos). Island between the Peloponnese and Crete (Steph. Byz. s.v. “QyviAoc); identification

uncertain, most plausibly Cythera or Anticythera. J. SCHMIDT, s.v. Ogylos, RE 17, 2078-2080.

AKU.

Oicles (OixAije/Oiklés, Oixdic/Oiklés). Mythical seer from Argus, grandson of > Melampus [1], son of Antiphates or > Mantius, husband of > Hypermestra [2], father of > Amphiaraus and > Iphianira (cf. Hom. Od. 15,241ff.; Pind. Pyth. 8,39; Diod. Sic. 4,68,4f.). O. took part in > Heracles’ [1] campaign against Troy (Apollod. 2,134; Hom. Od. 15,243); his grave is supposed to have been in Arcadia (Paus. 8,36,6; Apollod. 3,87). LK. Oikeiosis (oixeimotc/orkeiosis, Latin conciliatio, ‘dedication’). The Stoics (> Stoicism) used the term o/keiosis

to refer to the drive for self-preservation; immediately after birth a living being perceives not only its environment but also itself, and immediately addresses its needs

by recognizing that it ‘belongs’ to itself (oixetov/ otkeion, Latin carum), i.e. that it is dedicated to itself. In caring for itself, a living being strives for what is in the interest of its own preservation and seeks to avoid what is harmful. The Stoics called the first things required for self-preservation the ‘first natural things’ (ta meata xata pbou/ta prota kata phusin, Latin prima naturae). For a child, they are the only values, and they direct his behaviour while his reason is not yet fully formed. When reason develops, however, roughly between the ages of 7 and 14, human beings recognize that self-preservation and the natural things derived from it are not true values, and that the only true value is virtue. The original values then lose their significance entirely and become Gdiapooa/adidphora, Latin indifferentia, ‘indifferent things’; SVF 3, 178ff.. With this doctrine, the Stoics sought to prevent a hedonistic interpretation of their distinction between the ‘preferred’ (moonypéva/proégména, Latin proposita) and the ‘rejected’ (aomeonyuéva/apoproégména, Latin reiecta) adiaphora. This distinction was aimed at making it possible to take rational action in an indifferent world. The ‘preferred’ or ‘rejected’ adidphora are indifferent in the sense that ‘they contribute neither to happiness nor to unhappiness’, but not in the sense that they ‘trigger neither a positive nor a negative drive’ (SVF 3, 126; 119). Rather, a natural drive reacts to them, and a Stoic follows that drive in accordance with the dictum that one should live in harmony with nature. In order to counter the logical assumption that a drive reacts to desire or aversion, the Stoics tried to show that its aim was self-preservation (SVF 1, 58ff.). Outside the Stoa, the doctrine of oikeiosis influenced the ethics of

the syncreticizing neo-Academician Antiochus [20] of Ascalon as well as of the Peripatus of the early imperial

69

70

period (Boetus of Sidon). The Neoplatonist Porphyrius as well refers to this doctrine. As a result of the reception of Stoic philosophy, it was influential well into the

med ofkos could, however, be equated to those of the

modern era, above all in the realm of Practical Philoso-

phy [2]. > Practical Philosophy 1M. HosseNnreLDER, Stoa, Epikureismus und Skepsis, *1995 2M. ForscHNner, Uber das Handeln im Einklang

mit der Natur, 1998, 51ff.

T. ENGBERG-PEDERSEN, The Stoic Theory of O., 1990 (Studies in Hellenistic Civilization 2).

Oikistes

(oixotms).

‘founder

M.HO.

of a community’,see

> apoikia, > Colonization IV, > métrdpolis.

Oikos

(oixoc/oikos; ‘house, household’). The Greek terms o7fkos and oikia (oixia) were often used synonymously; however, in Attic Greek, oikos was generally no longer used to denote the > house as a building, but for the household,

while oskia as a rule meant

the

building. The work otkos encompassed the entire possessions of the household as well as the > family (alt-

hough in Athenian law the term seems never to have been applied to the family). In Aristotle, the o7kos to which the married couple, their children and slaves belonged became the most important element of the + polis (Aristot. Pol. 1252a-1254a), and in modern scholarly discussion, finally, ofkos developed into the term for the family unit in Classical Greece. The term o7kos in no way corresponded to the legal categories of relationship and ownership. The importance attached to the o7kos (that is, to the family and its possessions), at least in the minds of the Athenians, could give rise to moral problems and social tension where relations between individual members of the same oikos were in opposition to their moral, legal or familial obligations. A good example of such a conflict between law and ideology of the o7kos is to be found in a speech of Demosthenes [2]: it was impossible for the head of an oikos to avenge legally the death of a freed slave who, once having been nanny to the children of the family, then returned to the protection of the o7kos in old age before falling victim to an act of violence. (Dem. Or. 47,66-72). The slaves, who were regarded as part of the family’s possessions, were accepted into the household by a ritual (Aesch. Ag. 1035ff.; Dem. Or. 45,74) and participated in the family’s cultic activities (Isaeus 8,15—16). As the ofkos was part of the estate, it

was used under > Solon as the basis for the division of the population into the Athenian census classes (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 7,4).

The oikos arose anew in each generation, yet was at the same time a continuously extant unit. Ifafamily had male descendants, each son founded his own, new oikos at marriage (Dem. Or. 43,19). If brothers had yet officially to divide amongst themselves their inheritance on reaching maturity, they still each formed their own, separate oikos (Dem. Or. 44,10f.; 44,27); a newly-for-

OIKOS

male progenitors (Dem. Or. 43,48). A man belonged to the otkos of his father, if he had not been adopted into another. At the moment of > adoption, he lost all claims to the o7kos of his natural father; it was regarded as an act of hubris to make a claim upon two oikoi (Dem. Or. 43,77; 44,28). If sons were unexpectedly born after an adoption, the adopted son received the same share of the inheritance as the natural sons (Isaeus

6,63). The continuing existence of an o/kos over several generations found expression in the giving of names: thus, the assertion that the oikos of Hagnias was not identical to that of Stratius was supported by the fact that the same or similar names did not occur in the two oikoi (Dem. Or. 43,50). One of the most important motives for an adoption was to assure the continuance of the family name and cult. In Isaeus, an adoptive son stresses that he has given his own sons names to guarantee that the ofkos of his adoptive father will not become nameless (Isaeus 2,36: iva Wi) Gvavupog 6 oixog

QUTOU YEVITAL).

From the standpoint of the bride in particular, the oikos formed at marriage was perceived as a new one. Thus, Odysseus wishes Nausicaa ‘a husband, an oikos and like-mindedness’ (Hom. Od. 6,181). It appears that

the bride often moved into the house of the bridegroom, and the new ofkos was to all appearances identical with that in which the groom had grown up. Newborn children were ceremonially introduced into the household in the ritual known as the amphidromia (- Birth, II A),

and children entering an o7kos by adoption were made familiar with its cults. Illegitimate children, on the other hand, did not count as members of the ozkos. Until their wedding, and sometimes even beyond it, girls belonged to the ozkos of their father. If a man died leaving a daughter but no son, the daughter was married as an ~ epikléros to her nearest male relative, who administered the property of her father for their son; if they had two or more sons, one could be installed as the heir of the father by posthumous adoption. Although the daughter herself belonged to the otkos of her husband, the o7kos of her father did, in this case, survive through her. Women could not found ofkoi themselves. When, towards the end of the Peloponnesian War, the female relatives of Aristarchus entered his household, his o#kos thereby grew to fourteen free members (Xen. Mem. 2,7,2). The status of women within the ozkos has recently been the subject of intense discussion among scholars. Although women only had limited scope to attend to their interests in law, and were always under the guardianship (kyrieia, > kyrios II) of a man or even several men (father, husband, son), they could nonetheless be active within the household and could exercise considerable influence. This is dramatically illustrated by > Lysias [1], who reproduces a speech by the mother of a complainant at a discussion within a family circle (Lys. 32,12ff.); > Cleobule, the mother of Demosthe-

nes, was in a position to give her son detailed informa-

OIKOS

71

72

tion about the family’s financial situation. The ultimately non-binding conception of the ofkos, however, is shown by the case of Euctemon, who in old age left his

of the 4th and 3rd millennia, which had developed under the conditions of a comprehensive and mostly centrally-organized regime of artificial irrigation of the cultivable area of an arid region (> Canals; + Water supply), practically the entire population was integrated into the oikos of the ruler. They supplied the workforce necessary for the reproduction of the oikos, and were provided for by the redistribution of produce in the form of daily rations in kind, which secured the subsistence level. In the early and middle 3rd millennium, the rulers’ oikoi were only insignificantly distinguished in terms of organization and function from the small territorial rulerships of the time. Under the Third Dynasty of Ur (21st cent. BC), which was characterized by a state encompassing the whole of southern Mesopotamia, there were four types of households: a) agricultural estates (c. 50-200 ha., administered by the + temples); b) workshops (e.g. weaving, processing of

wife, children and house (o7kia) (Isaeus 6,22); although

in such a situation a woman was technically not entitled to remain in the o7kos of her husband, the wife of Euc-

temon was able to assert herself and stay living in the house of her husband together with her sons. ~ Child, Childhood; > Family; > Slavery In a narrower, legal sense, the o7kos was the imper-

ishable personal association stretching through the generations. The master (— kyrios II) was the representative of the o7kos before the state and the gods. According to the agnatic principle, the o7kos was continued through the natural, legitimate, male descendants, while legitimate daughters were married into another oikos by > engyésis and > ékdosis, in order to assure its continuity. Illegitimate offspring (+ ndthos) were not entitled to continue an o7kos. In principle, the number of oikoi in a polis ought to remain constant (cf. Pl. Leg. 740b-e). If an o7kos threatened to die out (fonnotobat,

eremousthai, ‘to fall desolate’; Dem. Or. 44,47f.), a patriarch could obtain a legitimate son by a legal act through adoption (iomoinots, eispoieésis), usually a surplus male member of a related ofkos. He could also carry out the adoption (in the absence of a legitimate natural son) by testament, and if he had neglected to do this, the next male relative of the same generation, established as the legal heir, could be declared the son of

the deceased

by ‘posthumous

could not continue an o7?kos (

adoption’.

Daughters

Athenian law E.), but

could only assure its survival, either as wives or + eptkléroi. As a product of the polis, the otkos system fell into disuse in Ptolemaic Egypt. 1 L. FoxHALL, Household, Gender and Property in Classical Athens, in: CQ 39, 1989, 22-44

2V. HUNTER,

grain, production of prestige goods; > ergasterion); c) distributional households; d) operational households (factotum households, in which administrative tasks

for the state as a whole were gathered; the households of the ruler himself, of his family, of high — priests, etc.), whose activities were co-ordinated under the roof of the patrimonial extended household of the ruler [2; IO. 192-1973 II. 279]. In the course of the early 2nd millennium, the patrimonial oikoi of Mesopotamia were replaced by forms of tributary organisation: the — palace separated numerous economic operations into franchise form [10. 197-200], for which preliminary forms have been demonstrated from as early as the 3rd millennium. Among these are: a) agricultural production (distribution of arable land in the form of fields to supply those of the population liable to service, connected with obligations of labour, military service, etc., see [12. 295-

Women’s Authority in Classical Athens. The Example of

318]); b) exploitation of natural resources (e.g. fishing,

Kleoboule and her Son (Dem. 27-29), in: Echos du Monde

reed harvest, brick-making) and c) particular services (e.g. collecting taxes, recruiting a workforce, long-di-

Classique 8, 1989, 39-48 Classical Greece, 1968

3 W.K. Lacey, The Family in

4D.M.MacDoweELt, The Oikos

in Athenian Law, in: CQ 39, 1989, 10-21

5 D. OGDEN,

Greek Bastardy, 1996, 88-106 6S. C. Topp, The Shape of Athenian Law, 1993, 204-211.

H. J. Worr, Eherecht und Familienverfassung in Athen, in: Id., Beitrage zur Rechtsgeschichte Altgriechenlands und des hellenistisch-rémischen Agypten, 1961, 155-2423 G. THUtr, Armut. Gedanken zu Ehegiiterrecht und Familienvermégen in der griechischen Polis, in: D. StMon (ed.), Eherecht und Familiengut, 1992, 121-132; L. RUBIN-

STEIN, Adoption in IV. Century Athens, 1993;H. A. RuprRECHT, Kleine Einfuhrung in die Papyruskunde, 1994, 106-113.

G.T. R.O.

Oikos economy. Oikos economy (OE) was first described as an idealised concept of a form of economy in antiquity by RopBertTus, later by M. WeBer. Oikos describes

an

independent

household

(of a — ruler),

which produces everything used and consumed in it, apart from a few exceptions (metals, luxury products, in Mesopotamia also wood). In the Mesopotamian OE

stance trade).

Variations of OE were found — corresponding to the region-specific conditions — in Egypt [4; 5; 7] and — characterized by rain-fed — agriculture — in Assyria [12. 304-308], Syria [3] and the Hittite Empire (> Hattusa II.). In the Hittite Empire, rulers had an extensive fund of land at their disposal until about the end of the rsth cent. BC. They used this to transfer estates to the elites of the state, as is evidenced by documents of donation, or, to grant freedom from taxes on such gifted estates. In addition, rulers controlled the large temple

estates (until the end of the Hittite Empire c. 1150 BC [8]). To that extent one can also speak of a patrimonial oikos system in the Hittite Empire. ~» Economical theory; > Leasehold; > Market; > Palace; > Social structure; > Work 1 J.-P. Grecorre, L‘origine et le développement de la civilisation mésopotamienne, in: C.-H. BRETEAU, C. LACOSTEDuJARDIN (ed.), Production, pouvoir et parenté dans le monde méditerranéen, 1981, 27-ro1 2 Id., Les grandes

73

74

OIKOUMENE

unites de transformation des céréales: l‘exemple des minoteries de la Mésopotamie du Sud, in: P. ANDERSON (ed.),

oikoumenai could be limited to only a few, while opi-

Prehistoire de l‘Agriculture, 1992, 321-339

-» Antipodes). The alien worlds lent themselves to being shaped into counter-worlds in both paraenesis and criticism. Thus they served the same purpose as

3 J.-P. GrE-

GOIRE, J. RENGER, Die Interdependenz der wirtschaftlichen und gesellschaftlichen Strukturen von Ebla ..., in: H. WaeTZOLpT, H. HaupTrMan (ed.), Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft von Ebla, 1989, 211-224 4M. GUTGESELL, s.v. Wirtschaft, LA 6, 1275-1278 5Id., Wirtschaft, Landwirtschaft, Handwerk, in: A. EGGEBRECHT (ed.), Das Alte

Agypten, *1988, 197-225

6 W. HELcK, Wirtschaftsge-

schichte Agyptens, 1975 7B. J. Kemp, Ancient Egypt, 1989 8H. KLENGEL, Zur 6konomischen Funktion hethitischer Tempel, in: SMEA ro, 1975, 181-200 9Id., The Economy of the Hittite Household, in: Oikumene 5, 1986, 23-31 10 J. RENGER, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft, in: B. Hroupa

(ed.), Der Alte Orient,

11 Id., Subsistenzproduktion wirtschaft,

in: W.

SCHELKLE,

1991,

187-215

und redistributive PalastM. Nitscu

(ed.), Ratsel

Geld, 1995, 271-324 12 1d., Institutional, Communal, and Individual Ownership or Possession of Arable Land in Ancient Mesopotamia, in: Chicago-Kent Law Rev. 71, 1995, 269-319.

J.RE.

Oikoumene (oixoupéevy/oikoumeéné, Lat. oecumene) is a participle originally referring to gé (yf, ‘earth’) and designating ‘the inhabited part of the earth’ in contrast to the uninhabited portion. The oldest preserved evidence (Xenophan. fr. 41 DK) already links the word to the collective subject ‘we’ (sc. human beings) and thus relates oikoumene to a ‘humankind’ that is not further specified. Accordingly, the oikoumene is not only a geographic entity, but first of all a social realm established by its inhabitants’ ability, at least in principle, to form relationships with one another (contra the earlier account in [1]). The concept was such that, on the one hand, it could be theoretically developed and extended; questions were raised as to the shape of the oikoumene, its limits and internal differentiation as well as its various astronomical and climatic conditions, whether empirically determined or merely speculative (racial doctrine). On the other hand, a maximum framework was staked out as a goal which expansion (associated with earlier ideas of world domination) might boast to have achieved or even exceeded. An all-encompassing whole, the oikoumene was depicted in the earliest descriptions as having the ideal form of a circle, with the mythical -» Oceanus located at its edge. Objections to the resulting insular character of the oikoumene were raised by Herodotus (4,36), without great success; he did, however, have successors who shared his view or carried it to a radical extreme, as witnessed by the theses of — Marinus [1] of Tyre and Ptolemy (cf. [2. 21512155]), who held that all oceans were inland seas within a single oikoumene. At least since the earth had been determined to be spherical (~ Geography), and particularly after its size had been calculated to be enormous relative to known quantities, the view took hold that there was a plurality of oikoumenat. Within the speculative systematization— based not least on the interpretation of Homer — of an expanding geographical knowledge, the number of

nions

and

concepts

varied

(dantoikoi,

— Perioikoi,

other mythological regions and, in later times, ‘(o)u-

topian’ (i.e. ‘place-less’) regions. Conversely, the identification as other oikoumenai of far-flung regions that had actually been reached served to highlight the extraordinary nature of an achievement that allegedly exceeded the accomplishments of Alexander (> Alexander [4], with map). -» Polybius described the Romans as rulers over the otkoumene (Pol. 1,1) and thus provided the conceptual framework for an essential aspect of their self-image, allowing them to lay claim to an expansion of their role as the power in charge of bringing order to the entire orbis terrarum (= oitkoumene), a claim deriving from ideas of patronage, consolidated through victories and viewed as providential. From then on, the Roman empire (> Roma I) was categorically assumed to be unlimited supreme power, even if it was limited at present (Verg. Aen. 1,278f.). It always extended beyond the area of administrative rule (provinces; — Provincia). Accordingly, the actual diminishment of Roman rule that began in the 3rd cent. AD did not lead to a conceptual redimensioning of the empire, but simply to a greater emphasis on the idea that it reflected a universal divine order, independent of its realization at any particular time. This view was ready to merge with the Christian idea of a universal proclamation of salvation. The necessary groundwork had been laid, on the one hand, by the Stoic idea of one humanity that had emerged during the Hellenistic period (— Stoicism), and on the other by the

apologetic conception of a providential interrelation between imperial rule and the work of divine salvation beginning with the birth ofJesus, an interrelation which manifested itself in the temporal coincidence of the two (> Meliton [3] of Sardes, in Euseb. Hist. eccl. 4,26,7-11 giving an accenting reinterpretation of ideas from Luke; cf. Lk 2:1f.). It was only after these factors were combined that the Christian > mission systematically broke through the limits of the Roman world (e.g. > Theophilus the Indian, cf. Philostorgius, 3,4ff., with [3]; + Walfila, cf. [4]) and created the opportunity for a new kind of bond between the empire and the outer regions that had been militarily lost, in the form of patronal care for the concerns of the > Church. The Christianization of the Roman imperial tradition meant that the entire body of Churches could now be referred to as the oikoumene. Their unity, now viewed as essential, was both a mission and a programme, and was in an emphatic sense also referred to as oikoumene. Thus unorthodox opinions could be denounced as an ‘ecumenical scandal’ (oxdvdadov oixovpevixov/skandalon oikoumenikon) (Cyrillus, Epist. 2,3 on > Nestorius); at

the same time councils, whose dogmatic pronouncements were of widespread consequence, thereby

OIKOUMENE

75

76

became ‘ecumenical’ (first Nicaea in 325, > Nicaenum; then Constantinople in 381, ~ Nicaeno-Constantinopolitanum; > Ephesus in 431; and Chalcedon/-> Calchedon in 451). The differing pronouncements of later councils as ‘ecumenical’ marked the disintegrating unity of the Church. The term ‘ecumenical’ could also be applied to the authority of the Church, as this authority embodied the unity that had been achieved and the power to issue instructions on the pathway to perfecting that unity (Theodorus of Alexandria, Libellus, Acta conciliorum oecumenicorum 2,1,2 p. 15). + Cosmopolitanism; —> Empires, ~ Cartography; Concept of empire; ~ Geography; > Orient and Occident

‘solid’ (as opposed to ‘liquid’). There was no word for milk fat (butter) in Mesopotamia; for Egypt there is as yet no proof of a term. > Cookery books I; + Cosmetics; > Hygiene, personal; > Nutrition

1 J. Karrst, Die antike Idee der Okumene in ihrer politischen und kulturellen Bedeutung, 1903 2 F. GISINGER, s.v. Oikumene, RE 17, 2123-2174

3 A. DIHLE, Die Grie-

chen und die Fremden, 1994, 122-131 4H. WoLFRAM, Die Goten, *1990, 84-98 5 J.S. RomM, The Edges of the Earth in Ancient Thought, 1992. TAS.

Oils for cooking I. ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGyptT

1 Chicago Assyrian Dictionary S/t, 1989, S. V. Samassammiu, 301-307 2 Ibid., s. v. Samnu, 321-330

3 W. J. Darsy (ed.), Food: The Gift of Osiris, 1977, 776-

89 4R. Germer,s. v. Ol, LA 4, 552-555

5 H. A. Horr-

NER, Alimenta Hethaeorum, 1974, 116-118 6B. Koura, Die ‘Sieben Heiligen Ole’ und andere Ol- und Fettnamen, J-RE.

1999.

II. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY A. OLIVE OIL B. OTHER OILS

A. OLIVE OIL 1. GENERAL 2.GREECE

3. ROME

rt. GENERAL In addition to > grain and — wine, olive oil (éaov/ élaion; Latin oleum) was one of the staple foods of Anti-

II. CLASSICAL

ANTIQUITY

I. ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGYPT In the Ancient Orient and Egypt, oil was not only part of human nutrition (e.g. the daily > rations for the population dependent on central institutions), but was

also used as body oil, for making scent, for embalming (in Egypt), for medicinal purposes, in craft production, as lamp oil and in the cultic and ritual sphere (e.g. unction for rulers in Israel: 1 Sam 10,1; 16,3; not in Meso-

potamia).

Depending on the regionally varying agronomic and climatic conditions, oil was obtained from a number of

plants: whereas numerous oleiferous plants are known from Egypt [3. 780-787], in Mesopotamia the main one was Samassammu (presumably a generic term). The identification, long deemed probable, of the latter with > sesame is controversial (— Linen, flax IJ.; [1]). A widespread method of extracting oil consisted in heating or boiling oleaginous seeds and skimming off the oil that came out. From the 3rd millennium, olives were the main source of oil in the Levant (in Ebla). By the rst millen-

nium BC at least, it was extracted by grinding and pressing. There is evidence of importing olive and other oils from the Levant and the Mediterranean to Egypt, as the indigenous production did not meet the demand. Under Ptolemy. [3] II (285-246 BC), this led to a strict state monopoly, which affected all aspects of the oil economy [3.778], and which was presumably influenced by models from the Pharaonic period. In addition to plant oils, animal fats were also used, which were not distinguished terminologically (qualification by reference to the origin: fish, sheep, bird etc. [2. 329 f.]) in Mesopotamia. Egypt had its own word for animal fats, but it stressed rather the consistency

quity, one of the triad which was characteristic for nutrition in the Mediterranean; furthermore, it was also

used for personal hygiene (> Hygiene, personal) and as a fuel for + lamps. Olives were eaten as a side dish (PI. Resp. 372c); oil was extracted from the fruits of cultivated olive trees (&\ta/elda; olea europaea), which Columella referred to as prima omnium arborum (‘the first ofall trees’) (Columella 5,8,1). Olive trees are suited to the dry warm climate of the Mediterranean; they require only 200 mm of precipitation a year, less than grain. Their far-spreading roots permit them, e.g. in northern Africa, to exploit extremely limited amounts of precipitation. In the summer months, their narrow leathery leaves prevent significant evaporation. However, olive trees are very sensitive to persisting frosts, which cause them to wither. For this reason, they do not thrive on elevated ground, and it was not possible to extend the cultivation area to the north, as was achieved with viticulture. Therefore, the

area for growing olive trees is largely co-extensive with the Mediterranean climate. 2. GREECE The production and delivery of olive oil is recorded on clay tablets from > Knossos and Pylus [2] for Mycenaean Greece. After the destruction of the palace culture, there was a clear decline in olive tree plantations; correspondingly, Homer mentions olive trees but not the use of olive oil, and in the representation of country life on the shield of Achilles [1], there is no hint of olive tree plantations (Hom. Il. 17,53-58; 18,541-606; Hom. Od. 5,476 f.; 13,102; 13,3723 23,190-201). Individual passages indicate that the wood of olive trees was used for various purposes (Hom. II. 13,612; Hom. Od. 9,319 f.). Solon’s law (+ Solon [1]), which permitted the export of olive oil, is an indicator that by about 600 BC the demand of the Attic population for oil was covered

379

78

by indigenous production; Peisistratus [4] is said to have continued to promote the planting of olive trees in Attica (Plut. Solon 24,1; Dion Chrys. 25,3). Thereby areas that were little suited to the cultivation of grain were opened up to > agriculture. Until the early 4th cent. BC there were olive plantations with more than 1,000 trees (Dem. Or. 43,69). In the 5th cent. BC, Attica became famous for its olive trees (Soph. OC 69 5706), which were protected by law (Dem. Or. 43,71; cf. Lys. 7). In the last phase of the > Peloponnesian War, however, numerous olive plantations were destroyed by the Spartans (Lys. 7,6 f.). Apart from Attica, there is also evidence of olive trees and the production of olive oil in other regions of Greece and the Aegean: it is the basis of an anecdote about Thales told by Aristotle [6] that olive plantations existed around Miletus [2] and on Chios (Aristot. Pol. 1259a). Samos [3] is described in Aeschylus [1] as éAadputoc/elaidphytos (‘covered in

estate of 240 acres of olive trees (Cato Agr. ro), precise

/

olive

trees’)

(Aesch.

Pers.

884).

During

the Greek

expansion the Greeks took olive trees to the West and so to Sicily (Syracuse: Thuc. 6,99,3; cf. Diod. Sic. 4,82,5; Acragas: Diod. Sic. 13,81,4) and to southern France (Massalia: Str. 4,1,5). In Greek literature several methods of setting up an olive plantation are described: cuttings from twigs were raised in a nursery (putevtioua eadv/phyteuteria elaon, Dem. Or. 53,15) and then planted in their final

position in the plantation (cf. Xen. Oec. 19,13). It was also possible to graft a branch of a cultivated olive tree on to the stem of a wild olive tree (accurate description: Theophr. Caus. pl. 1,6). An olive plantation could easily be rejuvenated, as the stump of an old felled olive tree produces new growth (Theophr. Hist. pl. 2,7,2). In order to secure a good harvest, a careful pruning of the trees was necessary (Theophr. Hist. pl. 2,7,2; Theophr. Caus. pl. 3,7,5 ff.). Olive trees only bear a good crop of olives every second year, as Theophrastus briefly indicates (Theophr. Caus. pl. 20,3). An olive harvest is depicted on a black-figure amphora (6th cent. BC; London, BM; Beazley, ABV, 273; 116): people beat the branches with long sticks and the olives are collected as they fall to the ground. Theophrastus, however, recommends waiting until the olives fall from the tree, or at best to shake the tree, to avoid damage (ibid. 20,3 f.).

Olive trees had great significance in myth. In Athens they were considered a gift from > Athena; there was a holy olive tree growing on the Acropolis. An olive branch was a frequently used symbol and was considered a sign of peace. 3. ROME Pliny’s [1] view that there had been no olive trees in Italy until 581 BC (Plin. HN 15,1) has not been confirmed by archaeology; use of olive oil and olive trees had been known in central Italy probably since the 7th cent. BC. Olive plantations and the production of olive oil were an important theme in the writings of Roman agronomists (> Agrarian writers). Already Cato’s [1] De Agricultura assumed a long tradition of oil production in central Italy. This work gives an inventory for an

OILS FOR COOKING

instructions for setting up olive-presses (— Presses, with illustration) and for the construction of an oil cellar (12

f.), a description of an oil-mill (trapetum) with pre-

cise information for installation and purchase of the equipment (20-22) and recommendations for pruning the trees (44), for siting an olive tree nursery (semina-

rium: 45, cf. 28 for transplanting the trees) and for fertilising olive trees that bore no fruit (93). Cato comments at some length on harvesting olives (31; 64) and producing oil (65-67). As a contract shows, additional workers were needed for the harvest: the redemptor had to provide 50 workers for the harvest; likewise for the pressing of the olives, which was also granted by contract. In addition, there was a possibility ofselling olives still hanging on the trees; buyers then had to harvest the olives on their own responsibility and press them on the estate (lex oleae legendae; lex oleae faciundae; lex oleae

pendentis: 144-146). ' Varro [2], who commends Italy for the quality of its olive oil, also describes the olive harvest; he recommends picking the olives, because damaged fruits (when they are beaten down) produce less oil; one part of the harvest was for consumption, another for producing oil, with oil also being produced for personal hygiene (> Hygiene, personal) in baths and gymnasiums (Varro Rust. 1,2,6; 1,55). A systematic overview of all aspects

of olive plantations is given by Columella, who begins with an overview of the various sorts of olives and their respective advantages, and then describes the soils suitable for olive plantations, siting an olive nursery, transplanting trees after 5 years, caring for an olive plantation, and pruning and fertilising the trees (Columella 5,8-9). The methods of preserving olives for consumption and conserving them, and producing oil are also precisely described (Columella 12,49-54). Olives were to be pressed immediately after harvesting; if this was not possible, Columella recommends storing them in such a way that the amurca (lees) could run off. Among the equipment for pressing olives, Columella lists oilmills (7z0la) as superior to the trapetum and two other devices, as the mola is easy to use and can be prevented from crushing the kernels (Columella 12,52,6 f.). The first pressing yields oil of better quality, and the resulting pulp was pressed several times more. It was necessary to separate the oil from the amurca carefully. In Italy > Venafrum was considered the centre of oil production; in addition Pliny mentions Istria and Baetica. » Amphora stamps are evidence that the province of Baetica supplied large quantities of oil to the legions on the Rhine border and in Britain and to the city of Rome during the Principate. As is shown by a law of Hadrian regulating the sale of oil in Athens, Attica was still exporting oil in the 2nd cent. AD (IG II/III* 1100). Negotiatores (~ negotiator), who specialized in trading olive oil, are attested epigraphically, e.g. the negotiatores o|learii| ex Baetica; their patronus in Rome was M. Petronius (ILS 1340; cf. 7031).

ie)

80

It is difficult to estimate the yields of olive plantations; with a distance of about 8 m between trees (cf.

Sidon (late sth—4th cents. BC) and of Ptolemy I and Ptolemy V. The Ptolemaic gold oktadrachmon was called a mnaieion. DLK.

OILS

FOR

COOKING

Columella 5,9,7) approximately 30 trees could be planted on a > iugerum. Presumably some ro kg of olives were harvested per tree, producing about 1.5 litres of oil; hence the yield per ivgerum was 300 kg of olives or 45 litres of oil. Accordingly, 10,800 litres of olive oil could be produced on an estate of 240 iugera (Cato Agr. 10). It should be borne in mind, however, that olive

trees normally bear fruit only every other year and consequently a good harvest could not be achieved every year.

In Antiquity, oils were also extracted from other plants, e.g. > sesame, almonds, > laurel leaves and nuts, from cedars and from the berries of > plane trees; this oil was used for lighting (Plin. HN 15,25-32). 1 M.-C. AMouretTTI, Le pain et I‘huile dans la Gréce antique, 1986 2 BLUMmner, Technologie 1, 332-356 3 J.-P. Brun, L‘oléiculture antique en Provence, 1986 4S. HILLER, O. PANAGL, Die frithgriechischen Texte aus mykeni-

scher Zeit, *1986, 155-169 6D. J. MATTINGLY,

5 ISAGER/SKYDSGAARD, 33First Fruit? The Olive in the

Roman World, in: G. SHipLey, J. SALMON (ed.), Human Landscapes in Classical Antiquity, 1996, 213-253 7 Id., Olea mediterranea?, in: Journal of Roman Archaeology 1, 1988, 153-161 8ld., Tripolitania, 1995, 138-155 9C. CARRERAS

MOnFortT,

mediterraneo, 1998

versorgung

P.P.A.

FUNARI,

Britannia

y el

10 J. REMESAL RODRIGUEZ, Heeres-

und die wirtschaftlichen

schen der Baetica und Germanien,

Beziehungen

1997

(Po) divided

(Pol.

branches, ran into a Although name has

thus forming the delta. The mouth of the O. large harbour on the Adriatic (Pol. 2,16,12). its course today is somewhat different, the been preserved in that of the River Volano. Gun

in > Cilicia Tracheia, 24 km north-northeast of > Se-

leucia on the Calycadnus, modern Ura. In the 6th cent. BC, it was the capital of Pirindu (> Meydancikkale)

until the the province of Cilicia was established in AD 72. O. was the centre of a temple state that stretched as far as the coast. The settlement around the temple of Zeus Olbios, situated 4 km to the west in Uzuncabure, became an independent town under Tiberius and was called Diocaesarea. Both O. and Diocaesarea became bishoprics of the province of Isauria (suffragans of Seleucia). Both towns were adorned with public buildings (theatres, aqueducts) and churches. T. S. Mac Kay, s.v. O., PE, 641f.; E. Kirsten, Diokaisareia und Sebaste ..., in: AAWW 110, 1973, 347-3633 HrLp/HELLENKEMPER, 239f., 369f. F.H.

zwi-

11 J. J. Rossi-

TER, Wine and Oil Processing at Roman Farms in Italy, in: Phoenix 35, 1981, 345-361 12R. SALLARES, The Ecology of the Ancient Greek World, 1991 13 WuirTe, Farming, 225-229; 390-392. H.SCHN.

Oinochoe see -> Pottery, shapes and types of Oistros (Oioteod/Oistros). Personification of frenzy (cf. + Furor, > Lyssa, > Mania [1]). The only preserved literary source (Poll. 4,142) lists O amongst the

ékskeua prosopa (‘especially elaborate masks’) of tragic drama (for illustrations: [1]). Above all, the Greek oistros accurately describes the gadfly which pursues and plagues its victim and also the thorn or sting (Aesch. PV 567ff.; Eur. HF 862 and passim; Orph. A.

47). 1 B. MULLER-HupBer, s.v. O., LIMC 7.1, 28f. (with biblo-

graphy) 2R. Paper, In and Out of the Mind. Greek Images of the Tragic Self, 1992, 120-125 3R. PaDeEL, Whom Gods Destroy. Elements of Greek and Tragic Madness, 1995, 14-17

At Trigaboli, the Padus

2,16,11; somewhere near Ferrara) to north and south into the O. (Volana, Plin. HN 3,120) and Padoa river

Olba ("OABa/Olba = ‘Yeia/Yria in Steph. Byz.?). Town

B. OTHER OILS

40

Olana.

Olbasa ("OAPaoa; Olbasa). One of the Pisidian colonies (— Pisidia) founded by Augustus, Colonia Iulia Augusta Olbasena/Olbasenorum, at the site of an ear-

lier fortified Hellenistic city high above the Lysis valley in western Pisidia. Coin minting is attested from Antoninus [1] Pius up to the mid 3rd cent. AD ([1] with [2. 39f.]). Coins and inscriptions indicate increasing > Hellenization. O. was last mentioned as a city of the province Pamphylia in the 6th cent.; it does not appear in the lists of Byzantine bishoprics. Ruins to be found near modern Beleni. 1H. v. Autock, Kleinasiatische Miinzstatten JNG 21, 1971, 15-23 2 AULOCK 2.

VIII, in:

R. A. Kearsiey, The Milyas and the Attalides ..., in: AS 44, 1994, 47-57; B. Levick, Roman Colonies in Southern Asia Minor, 1967, 156-159; W. Rucg, s.v. O., RE 17, 2397-2399. P.W.

Olbia (O2Pia/Olbia).

4 J. SCHMIDT, s.v. O., RE 17, 2286f.

[1] Milesian colony (-» Colonisation) south of modern

SLA.

Parutino (Ukraine) at the confluence of the Hypanis

Oktadrachmon (éxtdd5eayov; oktddrachmon), eight drachma coin of about 28 grams, particularly in the region of the ‘Phoenician foot’, in the silver issues e.g. of Abdera and Ichnae, of the Bisalti, Edoni and Orrhescii, of Alexander [2] I of Macedonia (all c. 500-460 BC), of

and Borysthenes (Ps.-Scymn. 8o08f.), and for that reason also known as Borysthenes (Bogvodévnc; Hdt. 4,24; 78); founded at the beginning of the 6th cent. BC (Hdt. 4,18,5: “OhPtomohita Ps.-Skymn. 813f.). Sometime around the year 500 BC, relations with its Scythian

neighbours worsened (traces of warfare and territorial

81

82

losses). In the 80s of the 5th cent., the tyranny of the Molpi under the Scythian protectorate arose (cf. Hdt. 4,78-80). After the Black Sea expedition of Pericles (437 BC), O. became a member of the > Delian League. An economic and cultural flourishing followed. O.’s main divinities were Apollo Delphinios and Dionysus. Orphic circles ( Orphic) are attested in graffiti. At the start of the 4th cent. BC, O. freed itself from tyranny and the Scythian protectorate (establishment of the cult of Zeus Eleutherios) and introduced a moderately democratic constitution. In 331 BC, O. was unsuccessfully besieged by Zopyrion, one of Alexander [4] the Great’s commanders (Macr. Sat. 1,1,33; IOSPE 17 25;

Archaeology: remains of the city wall (4th/3rd cent.; renovated in the 2nd cent.BC); well-ordered city plan [1]. Right on the shore there are remains of thermal baths, a water pipe, altars; between the ‘colline d‘Hermitage’ and the railway station there are residential buildings with mosaics. The base of a statue with the dedicatory inscription Genius Viciniae Castellanae Olbiensium (ILS 9413) was found. In the environs, traces of villas, mecropoleis. The Gallo-Roman spa O. Pomponiana is thought to be offshore from Hyéres, on the modern island of Porquerolles, one of the Stoichades (Itinerarium maritimum 505,5f.; cf. Plin. HN 3,79; [2. 286]).

350)

The early Hellenistic Period was a phase of the greatest prosperity for O.: a completely democratic constitution (cult of the demos: IOSPE 1* 179), economic prosperity (silver and gold coins), lively building activity, population growth. In the middle of the 3rd cent. BC, conflicts with neighbouring tribes (— Scythae, ~ Sarmatae, — Thraces, > Bastarnae) led to a crisis (e.g. IOSPE 1* 32). Around the middle of the 2nd cent., O. was forced to seek the protection of the Scythian king Scilurus. After his death (118 BC) O. was absorbed into the empire of > Mithradates’ [6] VI. Following his death, O. was completely destroyed by > Burebistas in 55 BC (Dion Chrys. 36,4; 6).Not until Augustus did a modest revival begin under Roman protection and, towards the end of the rst cent. AD, under the Sarmatian protectorate, leading to O.’s ‘barbarization’. Under Emperor Hadrian, O. was placed under the protection of the > Regnum Bosporanum (Phlegon of Tralles, FGrH 257 F 17) and received the status of a civitas foederata (IOSPE 1* 39,28f.). Under Antoninus Pius, O. was re-fortified, and under the Severians was incorporated into the province Moesia Inferior (+ Moesi) (IOSPE 1* 174,8f.). From the 30s of the 3rd cent. onwards, O. had to endure recurrent attacks by the Goths before finally succumbing at the beginning of the 4th cent. J. G. Vinocrapoy,

Politi¢eskaja

istorija

Ol‘vijskogo

polisa, 1989;J.G. VINOGRADOY, S. D. Kryzisktj, O. Eine

altgriechische raum,

Stadt

im

nordwestlichen

1995.

SchwarzmeerL.v.B.

[2] Unlocated polis, attested only in literature, in the Lycian-Pamphilian border region, west of > Attaleia

OLBIA

1 J. Coupry, Le plan de la ville massaliote d’O. en Ligurie, in: Annales de Toulon 23, 1971, 26-42 2 J.-P. BRuN, Le village massaliote de La Galére a Porquerolles (Var), in: M. Bats u.a. (eds.), Marseille grecque e la Gaule (Et. massaliétes 3), 1992, 179-294.

M. Bats, Marseille, les colonies etles relais indigénes, in: M. Bats u.a. (eds.), Marseille grecque e la Gaule (Et. mas-

saliétes 3), 1992, 263-278; J. Coupry, Les fouilles d’O. a Hyéres, in: CRAI 1964, 313-321; Id., O. de Ligurie, in: Revue des Et. Ligures 34, 1968, 237-246; R. D‘ORIANO, s.v. O., EAA 2. Suppl. 4, 1996, 65f.; C. GOUDINEAJ, s.v. O; PE 643. YeEAEO;

[4] Harbour town on the north-east coast of > Sardinia, still known today as O. (Itin. Ant. 79,4; 80,8; 82,8;

Ptol. 3,3,4). Probably founded by the Greeks (middle of the 6th cent. BC, cf. the place name; finds from the necropolis, however, date back to only the middle of the

4th cent. BC), near a Carthaginian trading post (Paus. 10,17,53 Diod. Sic. 4,29,4ff.; Solin. 1,61 on the Greek origins). In 57/6 BC, as Pompey’s legate, Q. > Tullius Cicero was in O. in connection with Pompey’s > cura annonae (Cics Adi@r irs 253.73 7513 Cie. ocauren7: 39). O. was always an important transshipment centre for commercial goods from Sardinia going to the Italian mainland, until the Vandal invasion in the 5th cent. AD brought about a decline in the city’s prosperity. Archaelogical finds: Punic temple (3rd/2znd cent BC), various necropoleis, town wall, town plan with + cardo and > decumanus, aqueduct, foundations of private and public buildings. D. PANEDDA, O. nel periodo punico e romano, 1953; P. ME LonI, La Sardegna Romana, in: ANRW

II 11.1, 1988,

491-551; Id., Sardegna romana, 71990, 296ff.; M. G.

[x] and north of > Phaselis (Ps.-Scyl. 100; Str. 14,3,8;

Guzzo (ed.), Le iscrizioni fenicie e puniche delle colonie in

Amin iin N EseOOstoluessse2))s

occidente, 1967; D. MaNcont, s.v. O., PE, 643f.

W. RUGE, s.v. O. (2), RE 17, 2404f.

MA.ZL.

[3] City on the simus Gallicus, one of the four major

settlements

that > Massalia

established

(Ps.-Scymn.

215f.; Str. 4,1,5; 9; Mela 2,77; Ptol. 210,8; Steph. Byz.

s.v. O.) east of the mouth of the Rhodanus (Rhéne) on the Mediterranean coast in 330/300 BC (judging by ar-

chaeological evidence), modern L‘Almanarre bei Hyéres (Var), c. 65 km east-southeast of Marseille.

P.M.

[5] Name of an unidentified location in the eastern part of the Gulf of Nicomedia (Ptol. 5,1,3). The suggestion that O. is another name for > Astacus [1] cannot be proven. W. RuGE, s.v. O., RE 17, 2403f.

K.ST.

83

84

Olcades. Iberian people in the region of modern Alcoy,

C. LITERATURE The view of old age in ancient authors is closely connected with the social and political structures of their time. In Homer, the weakness of old age is represented in the person of Priam; however, Nestor enjoys great respect because of his clever advice, which in old age complements the vigour of youth. The Homeric high esteem of old age, which was based on its experience and wisdom, can later be found not only in the philosophy of Plato, who recommended an age of 50 for high officials. His esteem for old age (PI. Resp. 328b) became a point of departure for Hellenistic literature seo yjoaoc/peri geraos; it also left traces in Athenian democracy, which prescribed an age of 60 for a few officials, and particularly in Sparta, where entry into the yeoovoia/gerousia could not happen before the age of 60. The opinion of Hesiod arose from another social context. He thought that old age, which had not existed in the Golden Age, was a burden, as the young despised and disregarded old people. His works expressed the anxiety, particularly dominant in the Greek world, of being unprovided for and vegetating away in poverty in old age. In Greek comedy and lyrics, too, old age appeared as a wretched phase of human life that even women and children exploited for ridicule (Mimnermus F 1,5. 7. 9). Old men were ugly, ridiculous and deserved only contempt; in comedy, old women too were ridiculed similarly. This emphatical, negative marginalization of old people (cf. also Aristot. Rh. 2,12 1389b; 2,13 1390a) may also explain the interest of ethnography in dealings with the old in other peoples (‘killing of the elderly’).

OLCADES

north of Alicante in southeastern Spain, with a centre in Althaea on Cartana (Pols 3s13f.4) 33359; Liv. 2153) site

unknown); subjugated by > Hannibal [4] straight after he was appointed strategos in 221 BC. In 219 the O. sent troops to Africa to secure the Libyan coast. P. BARCELO, Hannibal, 1998, 35; G. V. SUMNER, Roman Policy in Spain before the Hannibalic War, in: HSPh 72, 1967, 205-246, esp. 215f.; TOVAR 2, 94f.

P.B.

Old age A. INTRODUCTION

D. Art

B. MEDICINE

C. LITERATURE

E. POLITICS AND SOCIETY

A. INTRODUCTION Old age as a phase of human life received great interest in antiquity, but opinions on it vary. Sources differ in

the classification of the stages of life the determination of the year of onset like Hippocrates and Aristotle after hebdomads in his elegy to ages. In the language and wisdom become weaker

and, particularly of old age: Solon, him, counted in ninth hebdomad, until one is over-

taken by death at the end of the tenth (19 DreHL).

Pythagoras divided human life into four sections according to the seasons of the year. Each section comprised twenty years. Varro divided human life into five steps of 15 years, so that old age is between the 6oth and 75th years. In general it is striking that Latin, in which senex is used non-specifically — in individual cases even men under 50 are described as senex, is much poorer in terms for old people than Greek, and that both languages lack a specific term for men advanced in age.

D. ART B. MEDICINE In ancient medicine, in connection with the theory of humours, an increasingly dry and cold organism was assumed to bea sign of old age (similar to Aristot. Parva Naturalia 464b 19 — 467b 29) from the time of Hippocrates. Although the symptoms and illnesses of old age were well-known, it was not until Hellenism that explicit study of it began. This attributed e.g. greying and loss of hair, stiffness of joints, shaking, indistinct

speech, sleeplessness and other aspects to the increasing dryness of an old organism (Athenaeus 15,692b;

In Greek art, in addition to the dignity of old age, the ugliness of old people was emphasized; thus Geras, who is killed by Heracles, appears on Attic vases as small, emaciated, limping, with a large pendulous phallus (A. H. Shapiro, s. v. Geras, LIMC

IV (1988), 181-183). Sculpture shows old nurses wrinkled and with a potbelly. The specifically Greek criterion of beauty was also applied to old age in Aristotle (Aristot. Rh. 1,5 1361 b rr). Roman portrait art, like Hellenistic art, represented old age realistically, but always stressed the dignity of old people, including that of old women.

Macrobius 7,6,19-20; 10,8). In Galen, explicit care of

the elderly (gerocomy) is attested, which aims to stop the process of drying (uagaopdc/marasmos) and cooling of the organism with massages, diet and movement

(CMG 5,4,2,154). Celsus in contrast doubted that medicine could halt the ageing process. The different significance of old age to men and to women was stressed by Pliny: in old age men retain their ability to procreate, women however can no longer bear children after their soth year (Plin. HN 7,61-62). Just as ancient ethnography took an interest in the longevity of some peoples, in Rome, prominent personalities were asked for the reasons they had secured a particularly long life.

E. POLITICS AND SOCIETY

Whereas the social views of old age in Classical and Hellenistic Greece were characterized by sharp contrasts, old age was valued highly in Roman society. This was based on the dominant social and political position of the father; he was the head of the family, and, if he was a member of the upper class, he also represented political power as a member of the Senate in the Republican period. The name of the Senate and the original designation of its members as patres indicated the advanced age of senators. The characteristics that distinguished a mature man of the upper class, dignitas, gravitas, auctoritas, he retained also in old age, so that

85

86

he was treated with verecundia, obsequium and pietas. Thus Cicero (Cato 38) writes of the aged Ap. Claudius Caecus: Ita enim senectus honesta est, si se ipsa defen-

Oleander see

dit, si ius suum

retinet, si nemini emancupata

est, si

usque ad ultimum spiritum dominatur in suos. According to Cicero, characteristics generally associated with senility can be traced back to lack of discipline, and are therefore not characteristics of old age. Control of oneself qualified one to control others in all phases of life. In eulogistic writings of the Imperial period, senex, as the embodiment of the characteristics of a mature man, could therefore represent those qualities of a ‘puer senex’ that had already developed despite youthful age. The wisdom and experience of old age are regarded as upholding the stability and traditions of the res publica. According to Roman historians, rebellions (seditiones, resnovae) and conspiracies could mostly be traced to young people (generational conflict). This explains the thesis, presented in Cicero’s Cato Maior, and also by Plutarch (Mor. 783b—797f), that in old age, according to the qualifications this phase of life exhibits, one could and should dedicate oneself to politics. With Cicero’s Cato Maior began a literary genre comparable to consolatio, which — influenced by the Stoics — explored the issue of extreme old age (Seneca, Musonius Rufus). Apart from political activity, which

OLERUS

~ Rhododendron

Olen (Qhdyv/Olén). Founder of a cult, from the time before Orpheus (Paus. 9,27,2), from Lycia (Callim. H. 4,304-305) or descending from the Hyperboreans

(Paus. 10,5,7-8). O. brought the worship of > Apollo (cf. his epithet > Lykeios, Aesch. Ag. 1257) to Delphi (Paus. 10,5,7-8). He also brought hymns to > Eileithyia (ibid. 1,18,5), Hera (ibid. 2,13,3) and the Hyper-

boreans > Opis and Arge (Hdt. 4,35) to Delos, where these hymns were still sung in the 2nd cent. AD; PauSAllaSmquUOtesmuneInin

(25035430

Ss7sOsmos2 asainS272)

RO.HA. Olenus

("Qievoc; Olenos). City in Achaea

between

-» Dyme [1] and > Patrae (Plin. HN 4,13; Steph. Byz. s.v. Q.), in whose territory the > Peirus debouched into the Bay, ot Gormth (ch Pans) 756,21; 7,06, 0ts gs2250)s

this can be presumed to be in the coastal plains near the modern villages of Kaminia and Tsoukalaika (cf. the distance data in Str. 8,7,4; Paus. loc. cit.). O. was one of the twelve Achaean cities existing in the Mycenaean period and was a member of the old Achaean League (Hdt. 1,145; Pol. 2,41,7; damiourgoi from O. mentio-

ned in [3. 4 1. 10; 4. 402]; > Achaei, with map). In the Hellenistic period O. no longer existed, the territory had been incorporated into Dyme (Strab. loc. cit.; Steph. Byz. s.v. Adu). According to Paus. 7,18,1 the inhabitants of O. settled in the villages of Peirae and Eurytiae. O. was not, therefore, involved in the foundation of the new Achaean League in about 280 BC

was of less significance in the Imperial period, this was a matter of spending old age in dignity, while following one’s principles and being glad of diminishing desires (Sen. Ep. 12,5), and, in view of approaching death, striving for serenity. In these writings divergent views on old age are confuted. We can grasp a further social discourse on old age that emphasizes the weakness,

were settlers from O. in Cyprus (Lycophr. 586ff.) and

anxiety, meanness, moodiness, etc. of an old man, as

Lesbos

e.g. in the characterization of old people in the rules for the representation of individual phases of life in Horace (Hor. Ars P. 169-178). In Greek-influenced Roman comedies, and particularly in satires of the Imperial period, in which old men and women are caricatured, the unbridled sexual appetites of old people also play a significant part. Cicero (Cato 65) and Musonius Rufus (17) reject this as a vice, which was not specifically related to old age. As proof of the achievements that are still possible even in old age, lists were drawn up of famous men, who had grown very old, and, in this case also of women the last phase of whose lives otherwise remained largely unnoticed (Cic. Cato, passim, Val. Max. 8,13). The strikingly intensive preoccupation with old age in Antiquity contrasts with limited interest in child-

(Athen. 13,606c; Ael. Nat. 5,29).

hood and adolescence, which is doubtless due to the life

expectancy (weighted differently from that of today) in the individual phases of life. ~ Family 1 Tu. M. FALKNER,J.DE Luce (ed.), Old Age in Greek and Latin Literature, 1989 2 CHR. GNILKA, s. v. Greisenalter, in: RAC 12, 1983,995-1094 3 CHR. GNILKA,s. v. Alters-

(Pol. loc. cit., accordingly Strab. 8,7,1). Allegedly there (Diod.

5,81,4);

exiles

from

O.

in Aegium

1 E. Meyer, Peloponnesische Wanderungen, 1939, 119122 2A. D. Rizaxis, Achaie I. Sources textuelles et histoire régionale (Meletemata 20), 1995, 160 3P. ASTROM, ‘A Bovad tov Aya@v. Une inscription d‘Aigion,

in: OpAth 2, 1955, 4-9

4J. BINGEN, Inscriptions d‘Ach-

aie, in: BCH 78, 1954, 402-407.

M. Osanna, Santuari e culti dell‘Acaia antica, 1996, 5363; MULLER, 808f.; J. Hopp, s.v. O., in: LAUFFER, Grie-

chenland, 477f. Olerus

("Qheooc; Oleros). Location

Y.L.E.O. in eastern

Crete

from which most of the population probably migrated to the newly founded > Hierapytna in the 4th cent. BC. Afterwards O. was a cultic center for Athena Oleria [r]. It can be located at modern Meseleri. There are no ancient remains there. 1 A. CHANIOTIS, Die Vertrage zwischen kretischen Poleis in der hellenistischen Zeit, 1996, no. 74,8. C. BursIAN, Geographie von Griechenland, vol. 2, 1868,

versorgung, in: RAC Suppl. 1/2, 267-278 4G. MINoIS, Histoire de la vieillesse en occident de l‘antiquité a la re-

579; H. vAN EFFENTERRE, Die von den Grenzen der ostkretischen Poleis eingeschlossenen Flachen als Ernahrungsspielraum, in: E. OLSHAUSEN, H. SONNABEND (ed.), Stuttgarter Kolloquium zur Historischen Geographie des

naissance, 1987.

Altertums 2 (1984) and 3 (1987), 1991, 393-407, esp.

M.DLM.

87

88

397f.; E. KIRSTEN, Das dorische Kreta, 1942, 8331. F. SANDERS, Roman Crete, 1982, 138f. H.SO.

» Peloponnesian War, the constitution-political opposition between oligarchia and démokratia was heightened. In the pro-oligarchic > hetairiai |2| of Athens, supporters of a moderate hoplite politeia (> hoplitai) on the Boeotian model and those striving for a strict numerus clausus regime (‘rule of the 5000’ or *3000’) united. The oligarchic overthrow of 411 BC by the ‘Council of 400’ (> Tetrak6sioz1) in Athens was brought about not only by the military setbacks of 413/2 BC, but it was also an expression of a general crisis of > polis democracy — just like the seizure of power by > Dionysius [1] I in Syracuse in 405 BC. In 404 BC, under the oligarchy of the Thirty (> Tridkonta) established in Athens under pressure from > Lysander [1], open fighting broke out between the supporters of a census constitution (led by -» Theramenes) and the exponents (esp. > Critias) of a regime organised strictly on the ‘Spartan model’ (Xen. Hell. 2,3,18f.). The shocking terror of the Thirty (to which more than 1500 Athenians fell victim) and the success of the ‘amnesty’ strictly observed by the victorious democrats after 403 BC completely reduced political support for oligarchia in 4th cent. Athens (cf. e.g. Plat. Epist. 7, 32.4 d—326 b; Isoc. Or. 7, 57f. and 62f.). In his political writings, > Isocrates carefully avoids any reminiscence of the programmes and rallying cries of the oligarchs of 411/410 and 404/3 BC. (By contrast, in historiography, e.g. the author of the > Hellenika Oxyrhynchia and the portrayals of > Atthis, a conservatively patriotic Theramenes legend developed). The hoplite census became less and less significant in the military constitution; hence the connection between the status of full citizen and the prerequisite of a minimum wealth (in Athens in 322 BC: 2000 drachmai, in 317 BC: tooo) became completely arbitrary. In the Hellenistic states, oligarchia was principally an instrument of dominance in the hands of great powers, who used it to bind dependent states to their own hegemony by means of puppet regimes. This course was also followed by the Hellas policy of > Philippus Il of Macedonia (e.g. in the > Corinthian League), and also by the diadochs Antipater [1] (322 BC), » Cassander (317 BC) and Demetrius [2] Poliorcetes (esp. after 294 BC). Despite considerable legislatorial and institutional efforts the census regime of > Demetrius [4] of Phalerum (supported by Cassander), known as ‘improved democracy’, had no independent foundations either (downfall in 307 BC). In Cicero the term factio is used as a counterpart to oligarchia (e.g. Cic. Rep. 1,44, with explicit reference to the ‘Thirty’).

OLERUS

Olgassys ("Okyaoouc; Olgassys). Chain of mountains between Ankara and the Black Sea. O. is Paphlagonian and occurs in similarly formed personal names; modern Ilgaz Daglari (Ilgaz Mountains). The highest peaks (over 2000 m) are to the north of the city of Gangra;

among them was the ‘Olympus’ of the gods of Paphlagonia with numerous rural sanctuaries (Strab. 12,3,40), e.g. the temple of Hera at Candara to the north of Ilgaz (Steph. Byz. s.v. Kavdcaoa; [1. 59f.]). 11. KayGusuz, Zwei neue Inschriften aus Ilgaz (O.) und Kimiatene, in: EA 1, 1983, 59-62.

L. Ropert, Noms indigénes, 1963, 449-457; Id., A travers I‘Asie Mineure, 1980, 210-219.

C.MA.

Oliaros (Qiiagoc; Oliaros). Largest (38 km7*) of the islands grouped around ~ Paros, modern Antiparos (Str. 10,5,3; Mela 2,111). The Saliangos reef was the

site of the earliest known late Neolithic settlement in the Cyclades. Early Cycladic graves have come to light on the neighbouring island of Diplo. The stalactite caves on O. were much frequented in ancient times already. In other respects the history of O. is closely connected with Paros. H. KALerscu, s.v. Antiparos, in: LAUFFER, Griechenland,

Lan

H.KAL.

Oligarchia (dAtyaoyia/oligarchia, ‘rule by the few’, ‘minoriy rule’). General Greek term for a form of constitution in which political power or important governing powers are the entitlement of a socially or sociopolitically qualified minority. The origin and use of the term oligarchia around 460 BC is closely connected with the distinction from the term > demokratia (in contrast to the older description > isonomia for a civilconstitutional order). Pindar’s threefold classification (Pind. P. 2,86—-88)

of the forms of rule in the Greek world — > tyrannis,

rule ‘by the unruly masses’ (ho labros statos) and rule ‘by the wise’ (hoi sophoi) — does not mention the term

oligarchia, although this term is already taken for granted in the constitutional debate in > Herodotus (Hdt.

3,80-84). Neither does Pindar mention the incipient polarisation between a hoplite-census order and ‘radical’ democracy (in Athens, Argos, Syracuse etc.). Olig-

archia is mostly encountered as a (negative) polemic term and, when used to designate one’s own constitution (in the Theban oration in Thuc. 3,62,3 combined with isonomia), often replaced by ~ aristokratia (Thuc.

» Aristokratia;

Demokratia; > Mixed constitution;

+ Sparta

3,82,8) or by the slogan of return to the ‘constitution of our fathers’ (pdatrios politeia). When the civil-democratic legal system was challenged by theorems of the early > Sophists (e.g., the antith-

sischen Athen 323 —ca. 230 v.Chr., 1999; H.-J. GEHRKE,

esis between physis and nomos), and when the great

‘Ohyaoxia, in: Quaderni dei Storia, 14, 1981, 135-140; K. RaarLaus, Democracy, Oligarchy and the Concept of

powers of Sparta and Athens fought each other in the

B. Dreyer, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des spatklasStasis, 1985; G. A. LEHMANN, Oligarchische Herrschaft im klassischen Athen, 1997; D. P. Ors1, Lessico politico.

the ‘Free Citizen’ in Late 5'* Century Athens, in: Political

Theory 11, 1983, 517-544.

GAL.

89

90

OLOPHYXUS

Oligyrtus (Odtyvetoc; Oligyrtos). Mountain range in

Ba REN

north-eastern Arcadia menes 26,3), whose

ViscHER,

(Pol. 4,11,5; 70,1; Plut. Cleohighest mountain is Skipiza

(1934 m); itis the meeting-point of the borders of Argolid, Corinthus and Arcadia. Important crossings from the plateau of Orchomenus [3] and Caphyae to Stymphalus and Phlius. E. Meyer, s.v. Oligyrtos, RE 17, 2477-2479;

Id., Pelo-

ponnesische Wanderungen, 1939, 276f.

Out,

Olisbos (dAtoBoc; dlisbos). Artificial phallus made of leather (Suda s.v. ddtofoc). Late archaic vase images depict > hetaerae who presumably are handling one or more olisboi for sexual stimulation. Aristophanes (Aristoph. Lys. roof.) indicates that an olisbos could also be used by women to satisfy themselves. > Eroticism; > Sexuality 1M. F. Kremer, Greek Erotica, 1993, 98-102

2A. M.

OIKONOMIDES, Kollix, olisbos, olisbokollix, in: Horos 4, 1986, 168-178. E.HA,

is.vaO=

Homers

RE

c7s

24823

Katalog

der

01B

2,976;

Schiffe,

1997,

2295

5:

687f. HE.KR.

Olla. Italian name (‘pot’) for Etruscan vessels: 1. in the form of clay cauldrons; 2. of round-bellied vessels with

handles and base. ‘Thina’ inscriptions of the 7th/6th cents. BC from Cerveteri (~ Caere) bear witness not

only to the Etruscan name of the vessel type, but also to its linguistic affinity to the dinos of the Hellenic world, whose shape was related. The inscription thina on an amphora of the 5th/4th cent. in Populonia suggests that the name was later also transferred to other restricted vessel shapes. G. Cotonna, Nomi etruschi di vasi, in: SE 25-26, 197374,

145-190.

F.PR.

Ollius Left-bank tributary of the > Padus (Plin. HN 3,118; Geogr. Rav. 4,36), today the Oglio. It rises on the southern slopes of the Ortler Group, flowing through the valley of the > Camunni (today the Val Camonica), forming the Lacus Sebin(n)us (Lago d‘Iseo)

Olisippo. City on the right bank at the mouth of the > Tagus (Tejo) in > Lusitania, modern Lisboa (Lisbon)

in Portugal. Attested variant names: Olisipo, It. Ant. 416,4; 418,73; 419,73 420,8; Olisipona, Tab. Peut. 1,1; Odvounv/Olysipon, Str. 3,3,1; Olisippo: Plin. HN 4,116f.; Ulisippo, Mela 3,1,8; Odoosinwv/Olioseipon, Ptol. 2,5,3. There was a palaeolithic settlement on the hill of Castelo Sao Jorge on the Tejo. Important trade centre. In 138 BC, O. was the basis for consul Iunius

and flows out into the Padus after a course ofc.280 km south west of Mantua. It formed the frontier between the regiones X and XI. O. was also occasionally a personal name (masc.; fem. form Ollia; cf. CIL Ill 3893; CIL V 6445). NISSEN 2, 196.

Ollovico (Celtic compound name: ‘the one who fights

ibid.). Caesar or Augustus raised O. as O. Felicitas Iulia

all (enemies)’). King (?) of the > Nitiobroges and father of + Teutomatus, who had received the title ‘friend’

to a municipium

from the Roman Senate (Caes. B Gall. 7,3 1,5).

{I 14] Brutus’

operations

against

the Lusitani

civium Romanorum

(Str.

(Plin. ibid.). O.

was a significant bishop’s see by about AD 3 50. In 409 the city was occupied by Alani, in 469 by Suebi, in 585 by Visigoths, in 716 by Arabs. Inscriptions (CIL II p. 23ff.); remains of baths and a temple survive. The foothills farther to the north (modern Cabo da Roca) was named Promunturium Olisipponense after O. (Plin. HN 4,113). TOVAR

2, 266-268; J. ALARCAO,

s.v. Olisipo, PE, 645. P.B.

Olive see > Oils for cooking Olive oil see > Oils for Cooking

EVANS, 106.

W.SP.

Olmones ("Oduovec; Olmones). Town in > Boeotia to

the north of Copais and east of > Orchomenus |r], bor-

dering in the south on Hyettus; identified with the kastro of Pavlon ({2. 297f.; 3. 2491], contra: [1. 2427]), limited remains. Described by Paus. 9,24,3 as a ‘village’ (xdur/kome), but the ethnicon Olmonios (Oduwvios, IG VII 2808,13ff., 3rd cent. AD) may suggest later autonomy. 1 R. ETIENNE, D. KNOEPFLER, Hyettos de Béotie ..., 1976 2 Fossey, 296-299 3 E. KirsTEN, s.v. O., RE 17, 2490ff. M.FE.

Olizon (Odwv; Olizon) is mentioned in the Catalogue

of Ships in the Iliad as belonging to > Philoctetes (Hom. Il. 2,717). Demetrius [2] incorporated O. into the newly founded — Demetrias [1] in about 290 BC (Strab. 9,5,15). O. was in the southern part of Magnesia [1], opposite Artemisium in Euboea (Plut. Themistocles

Olophyxus (‘OOgvE0¢; Oldphyxos). City of unknown location on the eastern coast of the Acte peninsula

8,2). O. is identified with Paliokastro to the east of the

amount of 2000 drachmai; it remained in the Delian

village of Lavko on the Trikkeri peninsula and was probably populated until the late Imperial period (IG IX 2,

the winter of 424/3, but could soon

1217-1221, unnamed).

(modern Athos), according to Thuc. 4,109,3f. inhabited by a mixed language population. In the Athenian

tribute lists it is listed from 454/3 BC on with an League after 432 and went over to the Spartans only in be won back.

OLOPHYXUS

92

Or

Copper coins are known from the first half of the 4th century, but we know nothing of the history of the city, which is mentioned only in Scyl. 66 and Str. 7, fr. 33 and

gif., 141; H. VAN EFFENTERRE, La Créte et le monde grec de Platon a Polybe, 1948, 221-234. H.SO.

Olpae (‘Odxa/Olpai, “Ohsm/Olpe). Fortified location

ay M. ZAuRNT, Olynth und die Chalkidier, 1971, 208.

=M.Z.

Olorus (“Odogoc; Oloros). King of Thrace in the 2nd half of the 6th century BC, mentioned by Herodotus (6,39,23 6,41,2) and Plutarch (Cimon 4,1); his daughter

+» Hegesipyle married Miltiades [2]. O. probably ruled the Thracian Chersonesus [1]; the extension of his territory is controversial. Z. H. ArcuiBaLp, The Odrysian Kingdom of Thrace, 1998, 80,

I13-I14.

U.P.

on the eastern shore of the Gulf of

> Ambracia (Thuc.

3,105,1: tetyog emt AOHov ioyvedv/teichos epi lophou ischyron, ‘strong wall on the crest of a hill’; Steph. Byz. s.v. Odsat: Pooveiov/phrourion, ‘fort’) in the territory of the > Amphilochi (fortification, Dorian temple on the Agrilovouni near Arapi). O. also served as an arbitration venue (xowdv dixaotiQiow/koinon dikastérion)

in disputes between the > Acarnanians and the Amphilochi (Thuc. 3,105,1). In 426/5 BC, the Acarnanians and the Athenians under + Demosthenes [1] here defeated the Ambraciotae and the Spartans under > Eurylochus [2] (Thuc. 3,101,253 3,105—-114). E. KirsTEN, s.v. Olpai (1), RE 17, 2498-2501; N.G.L.

Olosson (’O000mv/Oloss6n). City of the

> Perrhaebi

HaMMonpD,

Epirus,

1967,

240f.;

PRITCHETT

tal city, on the northern edge of a plain on the southwestern slope of Lower Olympus (cf. Olympus [1]). Continuously settled from the Mycenaean period; according to the Homeric catalogue of ships (Hom. II. 2,739: Ohodoowy), it belonged to the territory of > Polypoetes [1]. An inscription establishing the boundary with Dion [II 2] (CIL HI 591; ror n.Chr.) has been pre-

served. The fort (Procop. Aed. 4,4: AOooovos) was restored under Justinian; cf. Hierocles, Appendix to1 CEdtwoowv). H. KRAMOLISCH, F. HILp, s.v. Elasson, in: LAUFFER, Grie-

chenland, 207f.; Sr. Lavva, Zur Miinzpragung von O.,, in: La Thessalie, Actes du colloque international Lyon 1990,

1994, 315-326; B. LENK, s.v. O., RE 17, 2495-2498 (Quellen); E. Visser, Homers Katalog der Schiffe, 1997, 7391.; KoDER/HILD,

153.

HE.KR.

Olous (Odotc; Olozs). Dorian port on the northern coast of Crete, on the western part of the bay of Mira-

bello on the isthmus of the Spinalonga peninsula, modern Elounda. But for a basilica with splendid

8, 1-78.

M.FE.

(Str. 9,5,19: Odkodoowv/Olodsson), their original capi-

Olpe see Oltus

> Pottery, shapes and types of

(‘OAtoc; Oltos). Attic vase painter of the late

Archaic period, active around 525-500 BC; approximately 150 vessels (mainly cups) have been identified as his work. O. trained in the workshop of > Nicosthenes (kyathos signed by the potter Nicosthenes). Initially he specialized in bilingual eye cups (-» Bilingual vases) with a black-figured image on the interior and red-figured images on the exterior witha single figure located between large eyes and handle palmettes. His black-

figured, figurative style ina small format with abundant scoring and additional colour was influenced by >» Psiax and the > Antimenes Painter. No purely blackfigured work by O. has yet been identified. The images ofa single figure on the interior of his cups are depicted with great tension (varying movements and perspecti-

ves). In his red-figured painting, O. was influenced by the Andocides Painter (-» Andocides [2]), later by the Pioneer Group (primarily by > Euphronius [2]). Howe-

mosaics from the 5th cent. AD, the remains of O. are

ver, his figures remained relatively flat, with little indi-

under water. In the Hellenistic period, a prosperity developed in O., due not least harbour, with correspondingly growing nificance. The history of O. in this period ed by inscriptional evidence. By means of

cation of detail (characteristic: long feet, angular knees, pursed lips, pointed nose, narrow eyes) and marked by reserved elegance. He preferred symmetrical compositions and opulent > ornaments. Mythological scenes appeared only from his middle period: Dionysian themes, the deeds of Heracles, the Trojan War (with the Malibu cup GM 80.AE 154, O. was the first red-figured vase painter to depict three scenes from the I/iupersis on a single vessel). O. worked with the potter Hischylus and even more productively with Pamphaeus (3 Nicos-

considerable to its double political sigis documenta treaty with

Rhodes (probably in 201/200 BC), O. became its de-

pendency (StV 3,552). Alliances were also concluded with various Cretan cities, primarily with Lato and Lyttus (end of the 2nd cent. BC) [1]. Pottery finds indicate continuing prosperity also in the Roman period. One attraction was the statue of Britomartis by Daedalus (Paus. 9,40,3). 1 A. CuantorTis, Die Vertrage zwischen kretischen Poleis in der hellenistischen Zeit, 1996, no. 53-56, 6of.

C. BursiAn, Geographie von Griechenland, vol. 2,3, 1872, 572f.; H. BEIsTER, s.v. Elunda, in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 216; J. W. Myers et al., Aerial Atlas of Ancient Crete, 1992, 216-221; 1. F. SANDERS, Roman Crete, 1982,

thenic amphorae, earliest stamnos). During the middle

period of his work he increasingly created red-figured cups and -> kalos inscriptions to Memnon (only associated with O.). He worked for the potters Tleson and Chelis, then for Cachrylion (amphora type A), together with + Euphronius [2] (reciprocal influences; Euphronius’ London cup, BM E 41, ARV* 58,51 was originally attributed to O.), With Euphronius, who adopted the

93

94

rich palmette ornamentation found on O.’s cups for his calyx kraters, O. also worked with the potter Euxitheus, whose two large cups of the new type B (> Pottery D. 3) were signed by O. as their painter (Berlin, PM 2264 and Tarquinia RC 6848; their Assembly of the Gods shows affinity with the ‘Pioneers’). O’s design on the London amphora BM E 258 of type C is novel: only one figure appears on the black background, without a frame or positioning line (Briseis/Achilleus). O.’s work with innovative potters is also evident from his Bochum stand, Uniy. S 1210 and his two psykters (— Pottery, Fig. C. 8.) in New York, MMA (the original frieze of warriors riding on dolphins and singing in chorus is

Olympia (Odvuria/Olympia, Latin Olympia).

found on N.Y. 1989.281.69).

-» Bilingual vases; > Red-figured vase painting O ;BEazLey, ARV*, 53-69, 1622f., 1700; BEAZLEY, Para-

lipomena, 139f., 259, 317, 324ff.; BEAZLEY, Addenda’, 162ff.; A. BRUHN, Oltus and Early Red-Figure Vase Painting, 1943; B. CouHeEn, Attic Bilingual Vases and Their Painters,

1978,

322ff.; J. HARNECKER,

Oltos. Untersu-

chungen zu Themenwahl und Stil eines frith-rotfigurigen Schalenmalers,

1991; S$. KLINGER, The Sources of Oltus’

Design on the One-Piece Amphora London E 258, in: AA 1993, 183-200.

E.BO.

Olybrius. Late antique personal name in the Anicii family: Anicius [II 13] Hermogenianus O. (cos. in AD 395), Q. Clodius Hermogenianus O. [1] (cos. in 379), the emperor of the year 472, Anicius [II 15] O. and Flavius Anicius O. (cos. in 526). K-L.E, [1] Q. Clodius Hermogenianus O. Praefectus praetorio Orientis from AD 378 to 379. A Christian from a respected family, presumably from the city of Rome, O. had a brilliant career (CIL VI 1714). After he had been governor of Campania he probably became proconsul of Africa in 354 (Cod. Theod. 8,5,7). Between 368 and 370 he was praefectus urbi of Rome; his administration was generally praised (Amm. Marc. 28,4,1). Gratianus appointed him praetorian prefect of Illyria in 378 and shortly after the death of the emperor Valens on 9 August 378 promoted him to praetorian prefect of the East. O. retired from this office in 379; in this year he also held an ordinary consulship. O. was married to Tyrrania Anicia luliana; their children known by name are

Anicius

Claudius,

Anicia

Proba

and_

perhaps

Olybrius, the consularis Tusciae in 370. O. died between 384 and 395 (Claud. carm. 1,29-30). PLRE 1, 640-642 Nr. 3.

A.G.

OLYMPIA

I. Htsrory

Il. TOPOGRAPHY

III]. CULT AND

FINDS

AND ARCHITECTURE

IV. AGONS

I. History A. PREHISTORY AND Eis

LENISTIC

C.

B. THE DISPUTE THEAGONOTHESIA

PERIOD

E. ROMAN

BETWEEN OFELIS

RULE

PISA D. HEL-

F. LATE

ANTIQUITY

A. PREHISTORY O. was located in the Pisatis (eastern Peloponnese), i.e. in the region of > Pisa. The existence and location of Pisa was already disputed in antiquity. However, the town is an important element in the myth of the origin of the shrine of O. and the games held there (~~ Oenomaus [1], > Hippodamia [1], > Pelops). During the Mycenaean and Geometric periods, Pisatis was an independent region whose rulers held control over the shrine in Olympia both before and after the > Doric migration. In the course of this migration, Eleians (> Elis) moved

from northwestern Greece to Aetolia

and on to the Peloponnese, where they settled in the northern part of the Pisatis and sought to gain control of the shrine. The myth of the Eleian King Oxylus as the founder of the Olympic Games ('Odbusta/Olympia; see below) sought to justify Elis’s claim to O.; the Eleians, who displaced the Pisatis from control over the Olympic Games in the 8th cent. BC, brought their god Zeus with them, whose cult took hold in O. B. THE DISPUTE BETWEEN PISA AND ELIS The diputes among the Pisatis (King Cleosthenes), Elis (King Iphitus) and Sparta (Lycurgus) over supremacy over O. are reflected in the agreement that reorganized the festival in O. and established the peace of the gods (> ekecheiria) that was to be observed while it was in progress. The beginning of the reorganized festival in O. — athletic competitions had taken place there since the rith/roth cent., but had ceased during the Geometric period — can be dated to 776 BC, and that year also marked the beginning of the list of champions (> Olympiontkai). Hippias [5] (Plut. Numa_ 1,4) published the first list of Olympiontkai; Timaeus or Eratosthenes (FGrH 241 F 1) introduced the numbering of the Olympic Games, while the latter also introduced numbering within the individual Olympiads. From that time on, the Olympiad served as the basis of all chronological calculations (+ Calendar). In 748 BC Pheidon, the tyrant of > Argos [II 1], intervened in the affairs of O. and reassigned control of the games to the Pisatai, and there is evidence that they maintained control for some time (cf. Str. 8,3,30; 4,10). The games were origi-

nally local contests that only gradually gained wider significance, particularly in connection with the Great ~ Colonization. This development is reflected in the list of Olympic victors as well as in the increasing number of votive offerings in O. that have been documented in literature and archaeology (cf. Paus. 5,19). Around 570

96

OLYMPIA

Olympia: plan of the sanctuary Altis wall Cult memorial of Pelops Gaion Ash altar of Zeus Temple of Hera Treasury terrace

Fountain of Regilla and Herodes Atticus Metroon Temple of Zeus Cult area Echo stoa Honorary monument for Ptolemy Il and Arsinoe Philippeion Roman-period Prytaneion Banqueting hall with baths

17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29

Palaestra Greek baths Baths of Cladeus Hostel with baths Workshop of Phidias Workshop rooms Hostel (Leonidaion) Clubhouse of an athlete's guild South stoa Shops and baths Bouleuterion Classical-period Prytaneion Multiple-use structure with assembly hall, banqueting rooms and baths Courtyard Stadium

Gymnasium

Sa.

Hippodrome

BC the Eleians, with Spartan support, destroyed Pisa and took over control of the games; Pisatis became a

Spartan region of + perioikoi and was given to Elisin the late 5th cent. BC. E.0.

C. THE AGONOTHESIA OF ELIS The prosperity seen in O. as early as the middle of the 7th cent. increased steadily during the 6th/sth cents. BC, as Elis generally succeeded in avoiding the numerous wars of the Greek poleis. O. was thus able to develop into a flourishing centre of Greek culture. However, the > Peloponnesian War again restricted O.’s sphere

98

7

OLYMPIA

FEM oOooob10

a

rei Le ———— |\

Olympia: overall plan with stadium and hippodrome 31 32

of influence. In 402-400 BC tensions between Elis and ~ Sparta resulted in a war in which Agis [2] forced the Eleians to give up the Pisatis, although Elis retained control of the games. As the economic and political decline of the Greek states continued during the 4th cent., the provincialization of O. continued as well. It had already begun during the Peloponnesian War and the subsequent tensions with Sparta. In 365 troops of the Arcadian League (— Arcadia, with map), together with the Pisans, took over O. and established an occupying force on the Hill of Kronos. The Pisatis regained its autonomy and control of the games (agonothesia). When the Eleians attempted to win back control, bloody battles were fought in 364 in the Altis of O. (see Il.A. below), with the Arcadians emerging victorious (Xen. Hell. 7,4,28-32; Diod. Sic. 15,78,2f.). The Eleians did not count the Olympiad of this period and called it GvoAuumiac/anolympids

(Paus.

6,22,3). The

troops of the Arcadian League were rewarded with temple treasures — an example later followed by others. This time, however, religious qualms on the part of the Arcadians won out; they replaced the stolen treasures in 362. A treaty gave Elis renewed control over the shrine and the games, which it held from then on. D. HELLENISTIC PERIOD Alexander [4] the Great underscored anew the Panhellenic significance of the Olympic Games at the games held in September 3 24 BC, when he issued his notorious decree on the exiles (Diod. Sic. 18,8,4). The

> Wars of

the Diadochi at the end of the 4th cent. also affected O.,; in 312 BC Telesphorus, the nephew of Antigonus [1], took more than 50 talents from the temple treasure for the purpose of recruiting mercenaries; Ptolemy, his cousin, paid the money back shortly thereafter, despite the fact that he was an enemy of Telesphorus (Diod. Sic. 19,87,1-3). At any rate, the efforts by the major ruling dynasties to gain control of the cities in the Greek mother country during the 3rd and 2nd cents. gave new impetus to the Greek economy; general prosperity increased, from which O. benefited as well. During the course of the 2nd cent. the influence of the Romans

Stadium Hippodrome

10) 100 m =e

grew in the eastern Mediterranean region; it was also felt in O. Proconsul L. ~ Mummius [I 3] presented various votive offerings in 145 BC following the destruction of Corinth (cf. Pol. 39,17,1; Paus. 5,10,53 24,45

8; IvOl 278-281). E. ROMAN RULE Like other regions of the ancient world, O., too, was

affected by the tumult of the Roman civil war as > Cornelius [I 90] Sulla raided the temple treasures in 85 BC to finance the war against > Mithradates [6] VI; he subsequently forced the Thebans to repay these contributions with the crops that they were required to give Zeus of O. (App. Mith. 217; Plut. Sulla 12,3; 19,6; Paus. 9,755.5 Diod. Sic. 38/39,7). At the Olympic Games of 80 BC, no contests were held except for the boys’ race, as Sulla had taken away the athletes and other exhibits, to make them perform in the celebrations ofhis triumph in Rome (App. B Civ. 1,99). It was not until Augustus and his successors from the rst to the 3rd cents. AD that a new era of prosperity arrived for Greece and thus also for O. Nero, for example, took the Olympic Games seriously: since he wanted to be present at all of the periodic festivals, he arranged for them to take place in a single year (AD 67), which is why the 211th Olympiad had to be postponed for two years (Suet. Nero 23,1; Euseb. Chronikon 1,216,14 SCHOENE). F. LATE ANTIQUITY

The invasions of Germanic and other tribes began in the middle of the 3rd cent AD, as they moved south via the > Pontos Euxeinos and the Danube; in 267 the ~ Heruli reached Athens and the northern part of the Peloponnese (SHA Gall. 13,8; Zos. 1,39,1). However, the Olympic festivities were threatened even more by the Christian emperors —in 394 > Theodosius I banned the Olympic Games as an institution of the former religion (Cedrenus 1, p. 573 BEKKER). Evidence of settlement of the site of O. dates only from the early Helladic and early Byzantine periods. Those remains of buildings from the late Mycenaean period up to the first half of the 5th cent. AD are solely cultic in nature. The only

OLYMPIA

99

permanent residents of O. were those who took care of the shrine. For shorter periods, competitors and visitors of the festival also lived on the site. Despite the similarities of its organization to the administration of a polis, no polis existed in O. during this period. Hence the edict by Emperor > Theodosius II ordering that all temples should be destroyed, although also affecting the great

temple of Zeus (schol. Lucian. Rhetoron didaskalos 9; Lucian. Peri thysion rr), was felt primarily by the city of Elis, as it was deprived of an important responsibility and source of income. E.O. I]. TOPOGRAPHY A. LocATION

AND ARCHITECTURE

B, PREHISTORIC

HABITATION

C. CuLTic sITE D. EARLY BYZANTINE HABITATION E. SLAVIC HABITATION

100

period close to the Hill of Kronos: passage tombs in the northwest, traces of habitation in the east.

CACULTIE SITE 1. UP TO THE PERSIAN WARS 2. THE 5TH AND 4TH CENTS. BC 3. HELLENISTIC PERIOD 4. ROMAN

ERA t. Up TO THE PERSIAN WARS The oldest traces of cultic activity (cultic ceramics) go back to the late Mycenaean period [10]. However, there are no topographic indications for remains from

the period between the rith to the 7th cent. BC. New excavations at the Pelopion have shown that the prehistoric > tumulus with its decorative surface was still visible in the early Iron Age, therefore it probably was one of the earliest sites of the cult [11]. Moreover,

A. LOCATION O. is located in the eastern formed by the river Cladeus, Erymanthus to the north, as reaches of the Alpheius [1],

angle of the two angles which originates in the it flows into the lower which flows to the west

into the sea, 18 km from the west coast of the Peloponnese. Here a knoll (the Hill of Kronos; 125 m high)

forms the western peak of a low-lying chain of hills; to the south ofthe knoll a plain extends to a length of 1500 m from north to south, measuring some 500 m from east to west (with an altitude of about 43 m). The centre of the terrain, which slopes down to the south, called

Altis in antiquity (Pind. Ol. 10,45; Xen. Hell. 7,4,29; Paus. 5,10,1), was leveled off with earth and surrounded by a terrace wall (‘Altis wall’, cf. map nr. 1). The

western border was formed by the Cladeus as it flowed from the north and into the Alpheius. A stone block wall that was erected around 7oo BC and built up several times in later years kept the Cladeus from the foot of the Hill of Kronos so that the narrow section of the valley along the river could also be used as part of the grounds of the shrine. The entrance, which was originally west of the Hill of Kronos, was later relocated to the south. By the 4th cent. BC, access was gained by way of a path that led along the Leonidaion (no. 23) to the south. B. PREHISTORIC HABITATION The earliest evidence of human occupation found on

the plain at the foot of the Hill of Kronos comes froma settlement that existed between about 2500 and 1900

according to ancient tradition very early cultic monuments were found at the southern foot of the Hill of Kronos. The Earth Mother Ge (+ Gaia) was worshiped at a separate knoll, the Gaion (no. 3) (Paus. 5,14,10). East of the depression between the Gaion and the Pelopion was the site of the ‘ash altar of Zeus’ (no. 4; >» altar, with fig.) (Paus. 5,13,8). The earliest architectural relics (mid—7th cent. BC) from the sacred grounds

are the remains of clay roofs [4] anda bronze relief that probably stem from the cladding of clay-brick and wooden buildings [17]. The oldest buildings may have been located in the eastern part of the south foot of the Hill of Kronos, where there is evidence of terracing and leveling work undertaken in the 8th cent. BC. Around 700 BC measures were taken to expand the sacred site substantially. The bed of the Cladeus was moved to the west, massive deposits of earth made it possible to house visitors to the shrine in the area west of the Hill of Kronos [10; 20. 36-37]. Leveling work in the eastern section made it possible to erect a first, very simple > stadium. The - hippodromos was probably built at the same time, south of the stadium [19].

Not long after 600 BC, the first large building was erected between the Pelopion and the Gaion as a donation from the masters of the shrine, who were still tri-

phylian (— Triphylia): a peripteral temple (no. 5). The sources — all from a later period (Paus. 5,1 6,1) —identify it as a temple of Hera, although originally it may have been dedicated to > Zeus ([16]; see III.D. below). During the period between 580 and 480 BC, at least twelve votive offerings in the form of > naiskoi (Paus.

BC [ro]. There is evidence of apsidial houses and tombs

5,19,1-15: thésaurot) were erected on the widened ter-

in the vicinity of the flat knoll on which the cultic monument of > Pelops (Pelopion, no. 2) was later built. A circle of stones at the foot of the knoll and flat limestone slabs on its surface suggest that this monument had considerable significance, probably of a sacred nature. After the settlement was abandoned early in the 2nd millennium BC, humans stayed away from this area for a good 800 years. So far no evidence has been found of an early Mycenaean history of O. However, there have been abundant finds from the Mycenaean

race (no. 6) at the south foot of the Hill of Kronos [6].

They were financed primarily by Doric colonies [20. 48]. At the end of the 6th cent. BC two apsidial hall buildings (bouleuterion, no. 27) were built, in rapid

succession, as a meeting place for the ‘Olympic boule’ in the south part of the sacred centre. A square courtyard located between the two halls was the site of a statue of the god of oaths (Zeus Horkios), where the athletes and

referees took their oaths to conduct the games in an orderly fashion (Paus. 5,24,9-10).

1O.r

102

2. THE 5TH AND 4TH CENTS. BC The decade following the end of the > Persian Wars (479 BC) marked a new phase in the development of O. The centre of the shrine was completely remodelled. To

a victory monument (no. 13, ‘Philippeion’) built that was also intended to preserve the memory of his father, +> Philippus Il, who had been murdered in 336 BC. However, the placement of five chryselephantine pic-

the south of the old cultic monuments (ash altar and Pelopion) a temple of Zeus (no. 9) was built on a 1.5 m

tures within the cella (Paus. 5,20,10) is not consistent

high, three-level base. According to Paus. 5,10,4 it was completed around 457 BC. The temple, with its dimensions of 27.68 x 64.12 m the largest on the Peloponnese, is considered to be the purest example of canonical Doric temple architecture (~ Column; > Temple). The donation of the temple reflects the Eleians’ pride in their annexation of O., which began in about 570 BC and was consolidated around 470 BC [11; 20. so]. The redesign ofthe stadium (no. 31), which was undertaken with the same motivation, was linked to an expansion of the festival grounds east of the altar of Zeus. The artificially erected western wall of the stadium’s tribune was sloped downward toward the altar in such a way that it could be used as part of the théatron (Xen. Hell.

OLYMPIA

with the traces characteristic of marble statues that can be seen on the preserved bases. Because of stylistic similarities in the design of the tiered structure, the ‘echo hall’ (no. rr), begun at the same time in the eastern part of the festival grounds, is also considered to be Mace-

donian. Of the 98 m long and 12.5 m deep hall, only the three-level base and the outer walls were completed during the 4th cent. BC [9]. Later on, the function of a covered tribune from which viewers could watch the events held at the festival grounds was taken over by (originally flimsy) wooden structures. In contrast, the courtyard (no. 30) built into the embankment of the stadium’s west wall behind the rear wall of the hall was functional. It was available to the athletes for preparations immediately before the competitions and for clea-

7,431) that bordered the festival grounds (no. to) on

ning themselves afterward. In 270 BC, the Ptolemies,

the north and east [22. 54-57]. Associated with the construction of the temple of Zeus was the erection of a hall building (no. 21; knownas the ‘workshop of > Phi-

competing with the Macedonians for dominance over Greece in the early 3th cent. BC, erected a monument in honour of > Ptolemy Iand his consort > Arsinoe [II 3] II (no. 12; [7]), hardly coincidentally in front of the unfinished tribune hall built by the Macedonians at the eastern edge of the Altis. It was probably thanks to Ptolemy II that the > palaistra (no. 17 [26. 67-77]) was built in O. The inner courtyard, surrounded by Doric columns, took up the largest portion of the area, which measured 66.35 X 66.75 m; here athletes could exercise. The four wings of the complex contained rooms of a variety of designs. Many of them were lined with benches. This was probably where the itinerant teachers and artists worked. Their presence at the cultic festivals is often documented [26. 131-137]. In the 2nd cent. BC, a door, later built in the north wing, provided access to an area measuring some 220m in length and 120m in width (gymnasium, no. 16). A covered peristyle (xystos) at the east provided a protected practice course for the runners. The athletes’ quarters were located in the western part of the area (Paus. 6,21,2). A public bath (no. 18) was built in the sth cent. BC south of the palaistra and modernized several times over the years. During the 2nd half of the rst cent. BC a hypocaust heating system (> heating) — newly developed in Campania — was installed [12]. 4. ROMAN ERA The architectural development of O. during the Imperial period was focused on improving infrastructure for visitors to the shrine. Between the rst and 3rd cents. AD several guest houses, restaurants and

dias’ to the west of the Altis. The building is located directly north of the actual workshop premises (no. 22) which contained, among other things, moulds and equipment relating to a chryselephantine statue from the period around 400 BC [22. 71-72]. The administrative buildings were housed in the north part of the hall building (Paus. 5,15,8: theokoleion). Around the turn of the 5th to the 4th cent. BC a third Doric peripteral temple (no. 8) that was consecrated to Meter (Paus. 5,21,2) was built directly at the foot of the

tiered support wall of the treasure house terrace. Because the building was later used in connection with the > ruler cult (Paus. 5,20,9), its original form is no longer clearly recognizable. Other structural features from the Classical period include the ‘south hall’ (no. 25, middle of the 4th cent. BC), which served as a tri-

bune along the procession path south of the Altis. Located diagonally across from the temple of Zeus was an impressive official building of the Eleians, the prytaneion (no. 28), with its obligatory shrine to > Hestia (Xen. Hell. 7,4,31) [14]. It is not known when and why the > prytaneion (no. 14) was later moved northwest of the Altis (Paus. 5,16,12; 5,20,10). 3. HELLENISTIC PERIOD During the Hellenistic period (330-30 BC) O. experienced an expansion made possible primarily by donations. Around the middle of the 4th cent. BC a guest house (no. 23) donated by a certain Leonides was built in the southwest part of the shrine, on a space approximately 81 x 75 minsize; its banquet halls, all of them of different designs, were grouped around an open courtyard measuring some 700 m’. In the competition among the Hellenistic royal houses, the Macedonians made the first move. After their victory at the battle of -» Chaeronea (338 BC), >» Alexander [4] the Great had

shops were built (nos. 15, 20, 26, 29); they were called

kapéleia. They usually included small bath facilities. It may be due to the initiative of > Herodes [1] the Great (Jos. Ant. Iud. 16,5,3; Jos. Bl 1,21,12) that the echo hall was completed in the late rst cent. BC. The Leonidaion

was modernized toward the end of the rst cent. AD

103

104

[23]. At the same time the public baths near the palais-

made the inhabitants leave for good. The last evidence of the presence of inhabitants consists of coins of the emperor Phocas (AD 602-610). As early as the beginning of the 9th cent. AD a 4 mhigh layer ofalluvial sand had been deposited over the ruins [25].

OLYMPIA

tra again underwent fundamental renovation (no. 19,

known as ‘Cladeus baths’). The > water pipes built by >» Herodes [16] Atticus in the mid—znd cent. AD, which brought spring water from the Alphaeus valley to the shrine through an aqueduct, represented a major improvement in the facilities provided for visitors to the shrine (Lucian. De morte peregrini 19). The construction sequence and use of the building complex on the site of the former prytaneion south of the echo hall — which contained several baths, among other things — remain unclear [22. 96-99].

During the middle of the 2nd cent. AD construction was again carried out at the centre of the Altis. On the occasion of her election as a priestess of Demeter, Regilla, wife of Herodes Atticus, had a fountain (no. 7) built in the immediate vicinity of the sites at which female deities had been worshipped, on the south slope of the Hill of Kronos. It was put into use in 153 AD [3. 98-roo}. Herodes Atticus himself also established a monument, building a gallery of honour for the Roman imperial dynasty and honouring the polis of the Eleians with a second gallery of honour for the family of Herodes and Regilla [3; 22. 92-95]. New construction was undertaken in O. in the form of an extensive complex (no. 24; approx. 30 X 40 m) built southwest of the Leonidaion. It was probably used as the club house for a guild of athletes. Both stratigraphy and construction techniques prove that Nero was involved in the beginning of the construction work, and a building inscription shows that Domitianus played a role in its completion in 84 AD [22. 96-103]. D. EARLY BYZANTINE HABITATION After cultic activities ceased in the first half of the

5th cent. AD, tradesmen

(potters, smiths, comb-ma-

kers) established themselves in many of the buildings;

there is evidence of at least 14 wine-pressing facilities [25] (cf. Cod. Theod. 16,10,19 and 20). The hall building erected on the foundations of the workshop of Phidias was turned into a Christian church in the middle of

the 5th cent. AD [2]. The temple of Zeus and the south hall were spared, but they were integrated within a wall consisting exclusively of spolia, with an area of 7500 m* [15]. The function of this complex, formerly referred to as the ‘Herulian wall’, is unclear. It is unlike-

ly that it was used primarily as a garrison or refuge, since it lacked sleeping quarters and cisterns. If the relevant imperial decrees (Cod. Theod. 16,10,15; 16,10,17; 16,10,18) are applied to O., it is conceivable

that it was used as a museum for old works of art. There were various reasons why the place was abandoned. Not only was O. vulnerable to the latent dangers to the region posed by enemy incursions (AD 395/397: Visigoths; around AD 470: Vandals; around AD 580/590: Avars and Slavs), but it was also subject to

the vicissitudes of nature: severe earthquakes (AD 522 and 551), but most of all a series of floods of the Cladeus, starting in the middle of the 4th cent. AD, finally

E. SLAVIC HABITATION In AD 630 Slavs moved into the region at the mouth of the Cladeus that had been temporarily uninhabited. Precisely where they settled has not been determined. Their necropolis was unearthed northwest of the Hill of Kronos. The last burials have been dated to the late 8th cent. AD [24]. II]. CULT AND FINDS A. GENERAL REMARKS B. ZEuS C.PELOPS D. HERA E. GODDESSES OF VEGETATION F. OTHER DEITIES G. THE PANEGYRIS

A. GENERAL REMARKS

O. observed a feast day each month during which sacrifices were brought before 69 altars at the sacred grounds (Paus. 5,14,4-15,9). More than 50 deities and heroes, either alone or in groups, were the objects of cultic worship in O. More detailed information is available for only a few of these cults, through votive offerings or literary references and inscriptions. B. ZEUS Most of the votive offerings with inscriptions dedicating them to + Zeus were armor and weapons. In many cases their inscriptions indicate that they were spoils of war. They were displayed in the shrine as + tropaea [1]. Within the genre of representational

bronze sculpture, depictions of armed men from the Geometric and Archaic periods refer to Zeus as the god of war. Gratitude for success in war was also immortalized in the form of statues of Zeus or > Nike [20. 4246]. This category of monuments includes the Nike of ~» Paeonius as well as many of the treasure houses and, above all, the temple of Zeus with the chryselephantine statue by > Phidias. In cult, the role of Zeus as a helper in war was reflected in the oracles at his ash altar. The seers

(— mantis)

of the houses

of the Iamidae

and

> Clyti(a)dae provided strategic advice, sometimes in O. itself (Hdt. 8,135; Xen. Hell. 3,2,21f.; 4,7,2), but more frequently on the fields of battle [20. 41]. The establishment of the > oracle was traced back to Apollo, the father of + Iamus, who was conceived in the Alpheius valley (Pind. Ol. 6,64ff.). The inclusion of

Apollo in the iconography of the temple of Zeus seems to refer to this [21]. C. PELOpPS The prominent position of > Pelops in the cult of O. is reflected in preserved monuments as well as in the central location of his cultic monument [ro] and his prominent position in the pediment group on the front wall of the temple of Zeus [11]. As Pelops’s former seat

IOs

106

of power and the site of his tomb, O. claimed a leadership role over the Peloponnese and the Doric-Hellenic identity. It is not possible to identify specific votive offerings to Pelops.

Archaic period, but the deity has not yet been identified

D. HERA Ancient sources (Paus. 5,16,1) indicate a very ancient cult of > Hera in O. However, it is doubtful

that her importance during the early days of O. was so great that a temple was dedicated to her as early as 600 BC, even before one was dedicated to Zeus. There is

nothing in the finds from the first half of the rst millenium BC that can be linked with certainty to Hera; no iconography or dedicatory inscriptions. The earliest evidence of Hera’s prominence in O. is offered by Eleian coins from the late sth cent. BC. Accordingly, there is some reason to believe that the Archaic temple erected by the Triphylians (> Triphylia) was originally dedicated to Zeus. Following their hostile takeover of O., the Eleians demonstrated their claim to O. by erecting the great temple of Zeus; at the same time they wiped out the memory of O.’s former masters by taking their votive offering to Zeus and dedicating it to his consort. Perhaps in the course of this action the Heraia or Hera shrines (Paus. 5,16,2-6) were established (discussion

[16]).

OLYMPIA

(Artemis, Athena, Aphrodite?).

G. THE PANEGYRIS The cultic festival (panégyris) of O. is known primarily for the athletic contests (see [V below) held in connection with it, beginning in c. 700 BC. Pindar (Ol. 6) and Strabo (8,3,30) underscored the fact that the

panégyris of O. held a certain attraction prior to, and independent of, the contests. The numerous bronze tripods from the roth to the 8th cent. BC may be related to the panégyris, but not to the contests. The unusually large number of votive offerings (treasure houses, captured weapons) from the southern Italian and Sicilian colonies (~ Magna Graecia) reflect the specific significance of O. for the Greeks who lived beyond the Adriatic sea [18; 22. 46-48]. The close connection between the colonies in the West and O. is also evident in the adaptation ofthe sacred laws of Selinuntum to conform to those of O., in particular the Olympian > ekecheiria was adopted [8]. — OLYMPIA 1H. BarrINGER, Waffen und Bewaffnung aus der Perserbeute in O., in: AA 1999, 125-139 2F. A. Bauer, A. OEPEN, Die Kirche in der sogenannten Phidiaswerkstatt in O., in: OIF 31 (2006) 3R. Bot, Das Statuenprogramm

des Herodes-Atticus-Nymphaums,

E. GODDESSES OF VEGETATION In ancient times, the area surrounding the lower Alpheius valley and the adjacent coastal areas to the north and south were among the most fertile regions of Greece [22. 14-21]. Thus the entire spectrum of tutelary deities of agriculture and animal husbandry is found in O. and its surroundings (Str. 8,3,12: Artemis, Aphrodite, Hermes and the Nymphs). Thousands of clay and bronze votive objects from the roth to the 8th cent. BC have been found which reflect the agrarian lifestyle in the region around O. [5]. In O., the fertility deities associated with humans were — Eileithyia (Paus. 6,20,2-6) and -» Demeter (Paus. 6,20,9; her epithet in O. was Chamyne). In accordance with a convention also promoted by the Roman imperial family from the time of Augustus, Demeter experienced a renaissance that manifested itself in O. in the form of votive statuaries dedicated to Demeter and Kore (Paus. 6,20,9) as well as in the fact that female members of the Eleian nobility assumed the office of priestess. The offerings of gratitude that were subsequently given to Demeter also included the fountain donated by Regilla in AD 153 (see above II.C.4.).

F, OTHER DEITIES ~ Hercules [1] occupied an important place in the cult of O. as the mythical co-founder of the cultic site (Pind. Ol. 10,45-52), as the patron of athletes and as the national hero of the Dorians. He is most prominently represented on the metopes on the temple of Zeus. There are several examples of the motif of an armed female figure among the votive offerings from the

Die Tondacher von O., 1995

Olympische Tonfiguren,

1984

4J. HEIDEN,

5 W.D. HEILMEYER, Frithe

1972

6K. HERRMANN,

Die

Schatzhauser in O., in: W. CouLson, H. KyRIELEIS (ed.),

Proceedings of an International Symposium on the Olympic Games, Athens 1988, 1992, 25-32 7 W. HOEPENER, Zwei Ptolemaierbauten. Das Ptolemaierweihgeschenk in O. und ein Bauvorhaben in Alexandria, 1971 8M. H. Jameson etal. (ed.), A lex sacra from Selinous, 1993 9 W. Koenics, Die Echohalle, 1984 10H. KyrreLeis, Neue Ausgrabungen in O., in: Antike Welt 21, 1999, 177-188

11 Id., Zeus and Pelops in the East Pediment of the Temple of Zeus at O., in: D. Burrron-OLIver

(ed.), The Inter-

pretation of Architectural Sculpture in Greece and Rome, 1997, 13-27.

12G. LapsTATTER, Das sogenannte ‘grie-

chische Hypokaustenbad’ im Zeusheiligtum von O., in: 13th Olympiabericht (2003, see below) 13 M. Maass, Die geometrische DreifiifSe von O., in: AK 24, 1981, 6-18 14 A. Mattwitz,

Neue Forschungen in O. Theater und

Hestiaheiligtum in der Altis, in: Gymnasium

88, 1981,

97-122 15M. MILER, Die sogenannte ‘Herulermauer’ in O., in: OIF 31 (2006) 16 A. Moustaka, On the Cult of Hera at O., in: R. HAGG (ed.), Peloponnesian Sanctuaries

and Cults. 9" International Symposium

at the Swedish

Institute at Athens

Puitipp, XAL-

1994

(2002)

17H.

KEOI OIKOI - Eherne Wande, in: AA 1994, 489-498 18 Ead., O., die Peloponnes und die Westgriechen, in: JDAI 109, 1994, 77-92 19J. ScHiLBacn, O. Die Entwicklungsphasen des Stadions, in: W. CouLson, H. KyRIELEIs (ed.), see [6], 33-37 20 U. SINN, Die Stellung

des Wettkampfes im Kult des Zeus Olympios, in: Nikephoros 4, 1991, 31-54 21Id., Apollon und die Kentauromachie im Westgiebel des Zeustempels von O., in: AA 1994, 585-602 221d., O. Kult, Sport und Fest in der Antike, 1996 23 St. SpECHT, Ein Stick Rom in Griechenland, in: CH. REUSSER (ed.), Griechenland in der mittleren

und spaten Kaiserzeit. Kolloquium zum 60. Geburtstag

OLYMPIA

108

107

von D. Willers, Bern 1998 (2001) 24 T. Vipa, TH. VOLLING, Das slawische Brandgraberfeld von O., 2000 25 TH. VOLLING, O. in Late Antiquity, in: J. BINLIFF, E.

of training immediately prior to the Olympic Games in Elis, the judges took an oath (Paus. 5,24,9f.). Until the victory of Troelus (372 BC) they were still permitted to

and D. TsouGorakis (ed.), New Approaches to Medieval and Post-Medieval Greece. Actes of an International Con-

compete as agonists [13. no. 38]. The original require-

gress, Corfu 1998 (2003)

26 CHR. WACKER, Das Gym-

nasion in O. Geschichte und Funktion, 1996.

Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, Berichte tber die Ausgrabungen in O. Grabungschronik und Einzelabhandlungen, seit 1937 (Olympiaberichte; 12 vols. so far); Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, Olympische Forschungen (= OIF): Monographien zu Monumenten und Fundgattungen, seit 1944 (31 vols. so far); H.-V. HERRMANN,

O.

Heiligtum und Wettkampfstatte, 1972; Id, Die O.-Skulpturen,

1987; Id., A. MaLtwirz

(ed.), Die Funde aus O.

Ergebnisse hundertjahriger Ausgrabungstatigkeit,

1980;

A. Mattwitz, O. und seine Bauten, 1972; J. EBERT (ed.), O. Von den Anfangen bis zu Coubertin, 1980; U. SINN, O.

ment that participation be limited to free Greek men who bore no unexpiated blood guilt was later lifted for Romans and then, in effect, abolished altogether. The site became a centre of communication of the first order [14]. A victory at O. was described in poetic language as the highest achievement a mortal might attain, and a victor’s fame lived on in statues and odes [15; 16;

8. 181-202]. Nearly one-fourth [17; continued to be held regularly 4th cent. AD [19]. + Olympic champions; > Sports pions are known by name

of all Olympic cham18]. Olympic Games until the end of the festivals;

> OLYMPIA

UL.S.

1 Cu. Uxr, I. Wetter, Der Ursprung der Olympischen Spiele in der Forschung, in: Stadion 6, 1980, 1-38 2 CH.

IV. AGONS Every four years the Olympia (Olympic Games) were held in O. Substantial doubts have been raised with regard to the historicity of the mythological tra-

3H. M. Ler, The ‘First’ Olympic Games of 776 B.C., in: W. J. Rascuke (ed.), The Archaeology of the Olympics,

Cult, Sports and Ancient Festivals, 2000.

Ur, Die Mythen um O., in: Nikephoros

dition that explained their origin (Paus. 5,7,6-8,5) [15

2]. Equally doubted is the traditional date of 776 BC, the year when the victors’ names were first recorded [3; 4]. No archeological traces of large crowds prior to the 7th cent. BC have been found [5]. The initial significance of O. as the site of the oracle (western Greek colonization) [6. 22-29] clearly gave way over time to its

importance as the site of contests that attracted athletes, spectators and festival legations from the entire Peloponnese as early as the 6th cent. BC, and before long the

entire Greek world. A truce for the duration of the festival (ekecheiria) [8.

116-118] guaranteed that the festi-

val, which had expanded during the sth cent. to five days [7. 41-46], would be held. The contests [9. 57-95] in O. consisted of gymnastic events held in the stadium (> stadion race, > diaulos,

> dolichos, armed race; > wrestling, — fist-fighting, » pankration, > pentathlon) and equestrian events in the - hippodromos [1] (four-horse chariot, two-horse chariot, > riding, for a brief period chariots pulled by mules, and trotting races; > sports festivals) [10]. Finearts competitions, which were the third main component of the Greek agones, were not held here. Beginning in 388 BC, however, the best heralds and trumpeters were chosen (Paus. 5,22,1) [11. 17], who subsequently played an important role in the organization of the Olympic Games. The judges of the events (> Hellanodikai) were responsible for dividing the competitors and horses into age groups (men and youths; full-grown horses, foals) and ensured that the rules of competition were followed. The punishment for violating the rules, depending on the seriousness of the violation, was flogging [12] or a substantial fine, with the money from fines for bribery, for example,

1988,

1ro-118

10, 1997, 9-51

4 CH. Wacker, The Record of the Olym-

pic Victory List, in: Nikephoros 11, 1998, 39-50

SA.

MALiwitz, Cult and Competition Locations at O., in: W.

J. RasCHKE (ed.), see [3], 79-109 EBERT, O., 1980

6 U.SINN, O., 1996 7 J.

8 W. DECKER, Sport in der griechischen

Antike, 1995 9M.J. FINLEY, H. W. PLEKEeT, The Olympic Games,

1976 10 J. EBERT, Neues zum Hippodrom und zu

den hippischen Konkurrenzen 1989, 89-107

in O., in: Nikephoros 2,

11 L. ZIEHEN,s.v.O., RE 18,1-71

12N.

B. CROWTHER, M. Frass, Flogging as a Punishment in the Ancient Games, in: Nikephoros 11, 1998, 51-82

13 J.

EBERT, Griechische Epigramme auf Sieger an gymnischen und hippischen Agonen, 1972 14 I. WEILER, O. —jenseits von Agonistik: Kultur und Spektakel, in: Nikephoros to, 1997, 191-213

15 H.-V. HERRMANN, Die Siegerstatuen

von O., in: Nikephoros 1, 1988, 119-183 16H. BuHMANN, Der Sieg in O. und in den anderen panhellenischen Spielen, 1972 17L. Moretti, Olympionikai, 1957 18 Id., Nuovo supplemento al catalogo degli Olympionikai, in: Miscellanea greca e romana 12, 1987, 67-91 19 J. Epert, Zur neuen

(inv. nr.

Bronzeplatte mit Siegerinschr. aus O.

1148), in: Nikephoros ro, 1997, 217-233.

L. ZIEHEN,

s.v. O., RE

17, 2520-2536;

18,

1-71;

L.

Drees, O. Gotter, Kiinstler und Athleten, 1967; H.-V. HERRMANN, O. Heiligtum und Wettkampfstatte, 1972; H.

BENGTSON, Die Olympische Spiele in der Antike, +1984; F. Garcia ROMERO, Los juegos olimpicos y el deporte en Grecia, 1992.

W.D.

Olympiad see > Chronography

Olympias (Odupumac; Olympids). [1] Daughter of Neoptolemus [2], born in about 375

BC. She was not given the name O. until after the Olympic victory of -> Philippus II in 356 BC (cf. Plut. Mor. 40rb). She married Philip in 357 as his fifth wife (Ath. 13,557b) and bore him — Alexander [4] the Great (356) and > Cleopatra [II 3]. The birth of a successor

used to erect statues of Zeus (Zanes, Paus. 5,21). Like

elevated O.’s status, but there is no evidence of any poli-

the athletes, who were required to undergo thirty days

tical influence. After Philip’s marriage to > Cleopatra

Lo9

I1oO

[II 2] she fled to Epirus. After his death she returned and killed Cleopatra and her child. She maintained that Alexander

was

the

natural

child

of Zeus,

which

Ammon (+ Amun) apparently confirmed (Plut. Alexander 27,8). Despite friendly relations Alexander however prevented her from exercising power (Plut. Alexander 39,12). In 331 she returned to Epirus as regent for Aeacides [2]. After the death of Antipater [1] she allied herself with > Polyperchon, who took her back with Aeacides to Macedonia in 3 17; there she took Arrhidaeus [4] and Eurydice [3] captive and had them as well as Cassander’s brother and supporters killed (Diod. Sic. 19,11). She was encircled by > Cassander in Pydna but surrendered after she was promised that her life would be spared; however, he had her condemned

by the army and then murdered.

OLYMPIC

CHAMPIONS

Chrysostom and Friends, 1979 4G. Barrisra, Olimpiade e Giovanni Crisostomo, in: Claretianum 30, 1990,

335-383

5 W. Mayer, Constantinopolitan Women

Chrysostom’s 265-288.

Circle, in: Vigiliae Christianae

in

53, 1999, H.L. R.BR.

[5] Fort in northern Thessaly (-» Thessali) that controlled the access from -» Gonnus to Perrhaebia, originally Gonnocondylon, renamed O. by Philip V. (Liv. 39,25,16 for 185 BC), identified as Condylon (Livy. 44,6,10 for 169 BC) and its location pinpointed as being a ruin at modern Goritsa near Volos (cf. [1]). 1S. C. BAKHUIZEN (ed.), A Greek City of the Fourth Century B.C., 1992.

E. KirsTEN, s.v. O. (3), RE 18, 175-177; F. STAHLIN, Das hellenische Thessalien, 1924, 9. HE.KR.

E. D. Carney, O., in: AncSoc 18, 1987, 35-62; H. STRAsBURGER, S.v. O. (5), RE 18, 177-182. E.B.

[2] O. of Thebes. Medical writer, presumably in the rst

cent. BC. > Plinius the Elder cites her expressly as the source of an abortifaciant, a medication to promote menstruation and a medicine to combat infertility (Plin. HN 28,226; 246; 253), and mentions her among the authors whom he used for bks. 20 to 28 of his ‘Natural History’. The parallels between these remedies and some in > Pedanius Dioscurides give grounds for the conclusion that he too relied on her work which was primarily devoted to women’s medical complaints. + Gynaecology V.N, [3] Daughter of + Ablabius [1]. As a child she was probably betrothed to - Constantine [1] at whose court she lived; however, she did not marry him. After the death of her husband-to-be, she returned to the east.

~ Constantine [2] II married her to the Armenian king Arsaces [4] II. Soon after AD 360 she was poisoned by the latter’s former wife (PLRE 1, 642).

[4] Born in AD 361/368, the daughter of the nonChristian > Seleucus of Emesa, granddaughter of + Ablabius [1]. Orphaned at an early age, she was introduced by her governess to Nicene Christianity (— Nicaenum) and she married Nebridius [2] in 385/6 (the wedding poem 2,2,6 PG 37,1542-15 50 of > Gregorius [3] of Nazianzus [1. 227-246] probably refers to this). When Nebridius died soon after this, she decided

against the will of Emperor Theodosius I on an ascetic lifestyle and donated considerable portions of her enormous fortune to the Church. O. was ordained a deaconess and was in contact with various bishops, among them > Theophilus of Alexandria and > Gregorius [2] of Nyssa who dedicated his Song of Songs comm. to her (PLRE 1,642f.). As the head of the nunnery founded by her, she got to know > Iohannes [4] Chrysostomus to whom she also remained loyal after he was removed from office. She died in exile in 408/410 in Nicomedia. Letters to O. from John are extant as well as a vita [2]. 1 N. McLynn, The Other O. Gregory of Nazianzus and the Family of Vitalianus, in: Zeitschrift fiir Antike und Christentum 2,1998

2 SChr13>*

3 E. A. CLARK, Jerome,

Olympic champions (6).yimtovixa/olympionikai). The victory won at > Olympia [IV] was considered the greatest of all victories in the Greek games. Pindar (Ol. 1,3-7) is not the only witness to this, the idea is also

confirmed by the frequent accentuation of this place of competition in victory inscriptions [1; 2 passim]. The glory of Olympic champions, in which the home cities also bathed, was proverbial (Plat. Rep. 5,465d). Victory odes (— epinikia) were written to them (e.g. Pind. Ol. 4; 5 to Psaumis of Camarina, victor in the chariot race). Statues ([4]; Paus. 6,10,5f.: Iccus of Tarentum,

victor in the pentathlon) and inscriptions [1; 2], occasionally also coins, perpetuated the victors’ fame from the middle of the 6th cent. BC onward. Spartan Olympic champions had the privilege of fighting at the king’s side (Plut. Mor. 639e); elsewhere Olympic champions could command armies [5. 119-124] or head diplomatic missions [5. 125-127]. They could be heroised

[5. 134-137] and form the subject of legends and anecdotes [5. 129 and note 3]. In their home towns they were honoured with ceremonial receptions and banquets, lifelong dining rights (oitnots, sitésis) in the ~ prytaneion, a seat of honour (xgoedoia, proedria) and exemption from taxes (ditéheva, > atéleia) [5. 104114]. In Athens, at the time of Solon, Olympic champions received a victory prize of 500 drachmai (Plut. Solon 23; Diog. Laert. 1,55) [6]. We know c. 23:5% of the adult and c. 13:5% of the juvenile Olympic champions by name [7. 111]. Very successful were e.g. the wrestlers Milon [2] from Croton and Hipposthenes from Sparta with six victories each. The greatest champion in running sports was Leonidas from Rhodes, who was triple victor (stadion,

diaulos, hoplitodromos) four times in a row [8]. Theogenes from Thasos [9] was also a famous Olympic champion. Important in their respective contexts were

the Olympic champions Androsthenes

[8. no. 336,

343], Ladas [8. no. 260] and Nicostratus [8. no. 762763], the seventh and last double victor after Heracles,

in wrestling and the > pankration. Among the Olympic champions in equestrian disciplines were Alcibiades,

OLYMPIC CHAMPIONS

iit

II2

Philip If of Macedonia, Tiberius (before he became

high acclaim for this (Paus. 1,25,25 26,3) and was given the title prostates (‘leader’ sc. of the people) (Diog. Laert. 6,23). For O.’ family and origin cf. [5]; for his contact with the Peripatos, see Diogenes Laertius 5,57.

emperor) and Nero [8]. An important inscription with

names of Olympic champions from four centuries has recently been found in Olympia [9. 317-335]. > Olympia (IV.); > Sports festivals 1L. Moretti, Iscrizioni agonistiche greche, 1953 2 J. Epert, Griechische Epigramme auf Sieger an gymnischen und hippischen Agonen, 1972 3 P. ANGELI BERNARDINI, Mito e attualita nelle odi di Pindaro, 1983

4 H.-V. HERrR-

MANN, Die Siegerstatuen von Olympia, in: Nikephoros 1, 1988, 119-183 5 H. BUHMANN, Der Sieg in Olympia und in den anderen panhellenischen Spielen, 1972 61. WetLER, Einige Bemerkungen zu Solons Olympionikengesetz, in: P. HANDEL, W. Merb (ed.), Festschrift R. Muth, 1983, 573-582 7M. GOLDEN, Sport and Society in Ancient Greece, 1998 8L. Moretti, O.,1957 9 J. EBerT, Agonismata, 1997, 317-335. W.D.

Olympic gods see Olympus theism; Twelve (Olympian) gods Olympichus

(Odvumyoc;

[1]

Il;

Olympichos).

— Poly-

Seleucid

> strategos in Caria (-» Cares, Caria) with residence in

Alinda. Appointed in about 246 BC, he intervened in conflicts between ~ Mylasa and the sanctuary of » Labraunda. The great independence of O., who after 227 switched to the Antigonid side, is reflected in his being described as dynasteés in Polybius (5,90; > Dynasteia) and in modern scholarship, and possibly in his possessing his own registry (epistolographeion, cf. [1]). O. quarrel with Mylasa and lIasus [5] was settled by + Philippus V of Macedonia. O. took part in the reconstruction of Rhodes in 227. + Antigonus [3] Doson 1 A. LAUMONIER, Inscriptions de Carie: Olympichos de Alinda, in: BCH

58, 1934, 291-298.

J. Crampa, Labraunda, vol. 3,1, 1969; C. V. CROWTHER, Iasos in the Second Century B.C., in: BICS 42, 1995, 91-

136; J. KoBEs, »Kleine Konige«, 1996.

RAB.

Olympieum see > Athens Olympiodorus (Odvum65meQ0¢; Olympiddoros). [1] Athenian, managed between 307 and 301 BC to induce Aetolia to enter into an alliance against > Cassander and to relieve Elatea (Paus. 1,26,3; 10,18,7; 34,3). Although Demetrius [2] Poliorketes twice illegally appointed him (in 294/3 and 293/2) as eponymous archon (Dion. Hal. De Dinarcho 9; IG IP 378 = [x. D 70]; IG I 389 and SEG 21,354; IG II’ 649 = [2. 7f.]; Agora 16, 167; [3. 124 No. 9]; cf. in general Plut. Demetrius

34), O., when Athens seceded from

Demetrius in 287/6, opposed the latter. From the city, he liberated the Museion (Paus. 1,26,1; 1,29,13;[4]);in

1M. J. OsBorne, Naturalisation in Athens, vol. 1, 1981 2 W. B. Dinsmoor, The Archons of Athens, 1931 3 T. Doranp}, Gli arconti nei papiri ercolanesi, in: ZPE 84,

1990, 121-138 4B. Dreyer, Der Beginn der Freiheitsphase Athens 287 v.Chr. und das Datum der Panathenaen

und Ptolemaia im Kalliasdekret, in: ZPE 111, 1996, 45-67 5 DAVIES.

Cur.

HABICHT,

Untersuchungen

= zur

politischen

Geschichte Athens im 3. Jahrhundert, 1979, 95-107; Id., Pausanias und seine »Beschreibung Griechenlands«, 1985, 99f.; HaBicuT, 82f.; 97f.; 102; 131; B. DREYER,

Untersuchungen

zur

Geschichte

des

spatklassischen BO.D.

Athen, 1999, 257-273.

[2] Athenian, took part in the campaign against Acarnania in 343 BC. One speech by Demosthenes ({Dem.] Or. 48; around 342 BC) is directed against him: in that speech, O. is accused of having withheld from his brother-in-law Callistratus the promised half of an inheritance. PA 11386.

HA.BE.

[3] Writer of a historical work that depicted in 22 bks. the period from AD 407 (or 408) to 425. Only in

» Photius are fragments preserved (Phot. Bibl. 80, 5 6b— 63b). The work was used by > Zosimus (5,26-6,13) and -» Sozomenus (4,6-9,11-16). It was dedicated to the emperor

> Theodosius

II. (FHG

fr. 1). O. was

‘orthodox’ (FHG frr. 15 and 27) and came from Egyptian Thebes (Phot. Bibl. 80,56b; Zos. 5,27,1). In 412 he was sent as envoy to the Huns (FHG fr. 18). He is pro-

bably identical with a person bearing the same name — mentioned in the work of the Neo-Platonist philosopher Hierocles [7] — who was held in very high esteem by the barbarians because of his delegations (Phot. Bibl. 214,171b). The fragments passed down to us, referring only to the western empire, demonstrate that O. had links not only with the imperial court but also with other political and intellectual circles (FHG fr. 27, 28, 32). The historical report is accompanied by numerous notes on O.’ personal experiences (trips to Athens and Egypt) and (philological and geographical) interests. PLRE 2,798f. no. 1. EpITIONS: FHGIV 58-68. BIBLIOGRAPHY: R. C. BLocKLey,

The Fragmentary Classicising Historians of the Later Roman Empire, vol. 2, 1983, 152-220 (with new numbering of fragments, cf. the concordance 48of.).

W.P.

[4] Neo-Platonist philosopher; born after AD 495 and before 505 (in Alexandria he was a student of Ammo-

and in around 280 he won back the Piraeus, presumably as a hoplite strategos (PHercul. 1418 col. 33a

nius [12], who died between AD 517 and 526); he was still teaching in AD 565. Of his three surviving commentaries on Plato’s Alcibiades, Gorgias and Phaedo, his two commentaries on Aristotle (on the Categories

(23a), cf. IG II* 2429). In Athens and Eleusis, O. won

and Meteorologica) and a general introductory piece on

287/6, he defended Eleusis against the Macedonians,

T14

113

philosophy, we can date with certainty only the commentary on Meteorologica, namely, after AD 565 (cf. In Aristot. Mete. 51,30-53,2). He may also have been the author of a commentary on Zosimus’ work Kat’ enérgeian [1]. The ‘Prolegomena to Platonic Philosophy’, however, cannot be attributed to him [2]. In about AD 541, O. became the successor of Ammonius [12] in the Platonist school of Alexandria. Unlike many of his students, he himself was not a Christian. The fact that he was able on important questions of dogma to profess opinions that were at variance with the convictions of his students, for instance with regard to the question of suicide, is proof of a certain amount of philosophical freedom (In Pl. Phd. 6rc—62c = 1, § 3-6 Westerink). 1M. BerTHELOT, CH. E. RUELLE (ed.), Collection des anciens Alchimistes grecs, 1887 (repr. 1963), vol. 2, 75— 113 (French translation), vol. 3, 69-104 (Greek text) 2 L. G. WESTERINK, J. TROUILLARD, A. PH. SEGONDs (ed.),

Prolégoménes

a la philosophie de Platon,

1990

ON Prato: L. G. WESTERINK (ed.), The

Greek Commentaries on Plato’s Phaedo, vol.

1: Olympio-

dorus, 1976 (Greek text, English translation, introduction and commentary); Id. (ed.), Olympiodorus, In Platonis Gorgiam commentaria, 1970; Id. (ed.), Olympiodorus,

Commentary on the First Alcibiades of Plato, 1956. COMMENTARIES legomena

ON

ARISTOTLE:

et in Categorias

A. Busse

commentaria

(ed.), Pro-

(CAG

XII

1),

1902; G. Srive (ed.), In Aristotelis Meteorologica (CAG XII 2), 1900.

L.BR,

Olympius (Odvumtoc; Olympios). [1] Doctor, friend (and pupil) of > Libanius, whom he

treated in AD 354 for pains in the head and kidneys. In the two years that followed he visited Rome from where he returned to Constantinople and became court physician to — Constantine [2] II (Lib. Ep. 51; 65; 353;

5343 539).

V.N.

[2] O. of Antioch, around AD 355 consularis Macedomiae, senator first in Rome, then (from 358) in Con-

stantinople where in 361 he achieved exemption from munera (> munus) for newly settled senators after he himself had been taken into service for a namesake; in

387 he stood up for the Antiochenes [1. 170-183] after the uprising in which statues of the reigning emperor Theodosius I and his family had been knocked down because of a special tax; he died in 388/89. > Libanius, with whom he was in active contact, was one of his heirs. PLRE 1, 643f. No. 3. 1K. Gross-ALBENHAUSEN,

vice of the > agentes in rebus (Lib. Ep. 382; 603f.). PLRE 1, 645 no. 6. [5] O. from the Black Sea area. — Stilicho got him an important court office with - Honorius [3], he may perhaps have headed the chancellery (magisterium scrinui); a Christian. In AD 408, he instigated the uprising of Ticinum that led to the fall of Stilicho and then arranged for his arrest and murder as well as for trials of his supporters;

as magister officiorum

(in 408-409),

he

attempted in 409 to prevent negotiations with Alaric (> Alaricus [2]) and for this reason was deposed for a short time but was soon back in office. After a victory over Athaulf (> Ataulfus) he was finally deposed and fled to Dalmatia, where in 412 > Constantinus [6] had his ears cut off and had him killed. Crauss, 174f.; §. I. Oost, The Revolt of Heraclian, in: CPh 61, 1966, 236-242; PLRE 2, 8orf. Nr. 2.

EIN

(with

translation), preface. COMMENTARIES

OLYMPUS

Imperator christianissimus,

1999.

[3] O. of Antioch, tax assessor in AD 362/63, favoured Christians although he was not one himself (Lib. Ep. 1397; 1412; 1414; 1433). Later he participated in a delegation, probably the one congratulating > lovianus on his accession to the throne in 363. [4] O. of Antioch, fellow student of > Libanius, in around AD 357, driven by poverty, he entered the ser-

Olympus (“Odvpoc/Olympos). People: [14-15]. [1] (Latin Olympus). I. GEoGRAPHY II. Mytus

Geography:

[1-13].

I. GEOGRAPHY The highest mountain in Greece, regarded as the home of the ‘Olympian’ gods (+ twelve (Olympian) gods). Its altitude, overlooking all of its surroundings,

creates a powerful impression, as do its massive size and density and its dramatic ascent, especially at the east and west, which is hardly obscured by foothills. It rises steeply from a base measuring some 20 km in diameter to a ridge some 2300-2400 m in elevation, with a summit region in the north capped by limestone. It forms a steep ridge from the northwest to the southeast, with numerous peaks, the highest point located approximately in the middle, at Mitikas peak (2918 m). The northernmost peak (2787 m, with a chapel of Profitis Elias; no ancient remains) was formerly believed to be the highest. Although snow remains until well into summer, O. does not have a permanent snow cover. An ancient sacrificial site was excavated at an altitude of some 2900 m on the easily accessible peak of Hagios Antonios (2817 m) 1500 m south of the Mitikas. Aside from the thick layer of ash containing remains of sacrifices, finds include large amounts of ceramics as well as inscriptions (including two dedicated to > Zeus Olympios) and coins from the 4th cent. AD (with one exception: Antigonus [2] Gonatas). The summit is mentioned as early as Homer (Hom. Il. 1,44; 2,167; 4,74), who

uses a variety of epithets to describe its size, height and length of snow cover; similar mentions are made by later poets as well, but no actual description of O. is preserved from antiquity. According to the verse inscription recorded in Plut. Aemilius 15,10, Xenagoras, the son of Eumelus, used measuring instruments to determine the relative altitude of O. from Pythion (elevation approximately 900 m, on the western slope of O.), concluding that its altitude was ro stadia and 96

OLYMPUS

T1055

feet. Some ancient authors considered O. to be part of Thessalia (Hdt. 7,128), others part of Macedonia (Str. 7

fr. 143 15; 10,3,17; further sources [4]). 1H. J. HOper, Zwei Statuenbasen als Reste einer Opferstatte auf dem HI. Antonius, einem Olympgipfel, in: O. BREHM e.a. (ed.), Movado vio. Festschrift Max Wegner, 1992, 213-222 2M. Kurz, Le mont Olympe, 1923 3B. KyrtazopuLos, G. LIvADAS, (with maps) "AoyGohoyinc evonUaTa ETL THs xoQUHAS TOU OhvuToV “Aytoc ‘Avtmvtioc, in: AD 22 (Meletai), 1967, 6-14 4E. OBERHUMMER, S.v. Olympos (1), RE 18, 258-272 (maps, sources) 5 PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN 1, 91-106 6 H. SCHEF-

FEL, Eine antike Opferstatte auf dem Olympos, in: MDAI(A) 47, 1922, 129f. 7 F. SfAHLIN, Das hellenische HE.KR. E.MEY, Thessalien, 1924, 5-7 (sources).

Il. MyTuHs

Beginning with the Homeric epics, the mountain massif in Thessalia has been considered the home and meeting place of the gods. Not only Zeus had his residence there (according to Hom. Il 1,221rf.; [4. 276]), but the other Olympian gods (Olympioi Theoi) as well (e.g. Hom. Il 1,595-604). The domiciles of the gods were modelled after Greek homes (Hom. II 11,75-77; 18,369-379). Even Hades, god of the underworld, spent time on O. while being healed by Paean (Hom. II 5395-402). O. in its entirety, equipped with gates and veiled in clouds, was entrusted to the care of the +» Horae (Hom. Il 5,749-751). An idealized compari-

son to the palace of Menelaus [1] (Hom. Od. 4,74-79; [4.276]) contains the idea of transcendence of the

mortal world. In addition, the original concept of ‘mountain’ is clearly an element in epithets that can be quite concrete and realistic (‘abruptly falling’, ‘ravinefilled’, ‘snow-covered’ etc. [4. 275f.]), but a more central image is the ideal ofa bright, sunny place that is free of rain and snow (Hom. Od. 6,41f.). In the Homeric epics, O. and the sky (ouranos) are practically synonymous, as the home of the gods, and since both are out of reach for human beings, no clear distinction is possible [3; 4. 277-279], although O. as the fortress of the gods was probably the starting point (which is also clear from the formulae of the two places [3]) [1. 201]. This is also reflected in the division of the world into three parts: the sky (Zeus), the sea (Poseidon) and the underworld (Hades); O. is not included

here, as it is accessible to all of the gods (Hom. II 15,187-193). Originally, however, it was probably Zeus alone who was the lord of O., as the god of weather [2.354] (on Zeus in the Linear B tables [5. 293-295]). The etymology of O. is uncertain: it may be a pre-Greek word for ‘mountain’ [2. 353; 7]. In the perspective of abstract qualities as being divine, O. is seen in Hesiod’s Erga as the home of — Aidés (shame) and + Némesis (retribution, Hes. Op. 197-200) as well as + Diké (justice) [6.221]. In lyrical poetry and drama, O. is shown as the magnificent and glorious home of the gods, as in Pindar (fr. 30,3f.; Pae. 6,92-95 fr. 52f.), Sophocles (Ant. 604-610) and Euripides

116

(Hipp. 64-72). Sophocles glorifies laws originating in O. (Soph. OT 863-872). There is ample evidence in Latin literature that O. was seen as synonymous with the sky (caelum) (as in Herc. O. 1907; Val. Fl. 1,4), without losing its characterization as a ‘mountain’ Verg. G. 1,282 [4. 289f.]). O., the centre of divine action, is the focus point of various myths in which the protagonist is carried off to heaven, such as the myths of the > Dioscuri (Pind. N. 10,73-90) and > Hercules [1] (Hom. h. 15,7—9). Later it was also the place where rulers achieved apotheosis Caesar for example, under the name of Daphnis Verg. Ecl. 5,56f.; as a sarcastic satire > Claudius [III 1] in Seneca’s Apocolocyntosis). Hades is sometimes depicted as the antipole of O., as in Anth. Pal. 7,362 (Philip of Thessaloniki, rst cent. AD); the body is taken to the underworld after death, while the soul makes its way to O. (on the place of O. in the cosmos ofthe Presocratics, see [4. 283-286]). Ancient sources mention an altar of Zeus on O. (Solin. 8,6) along with its imposing ashes; letters written in the ashes remain visible for a long time; this image underscores the calm at the summit (Aug. De genesi contra Manichaeos 1 BuRKERT

2Nrtsson,

GGR,

1,15,24).

vol. 1

3 W. M. SALE,

Homeric O. and its Formulae, in: AJPh ros, 1984, 1-28 4 J. SCHMIDT, s.v. O., RE 18, 272-310 5S. PANAGL, O. HIxer, Die frihgriechische Texte aus mykenischer Zeit,

*1986 6M. L. West, Hesiod’s Works and Days, 1978 7 FRISK, s.v. O. JOS.

[2] Mountain (486 m) in southern Attica near Anavysso, formerly Skordi. The name is not documented in antiquity, but can be derived from the name of the hamlet of Elymbo north of O. Traces of a cult at the summit (?) [1. 68].

~» Aegilia;

» Anaphlystus; > Phrearrhii

1 H. LOHMANN, Atene, 1993, Index s.v. O.

C. W. Error, Coastal Demes of Attica, 1962, 6off.; A. MILCHHOEFER,

Erlauternder

Text, in: E. Curtius,

A.

KaupeErt, Karten von Attika III/VI, 1889, 10, r8 plate 17 (O.); PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN

1, 831; TRAVLOS, Attika, rs.

H.LO,

[3] see > Ossa [2]

[4] Specific term for Mount > Lycaeum in Arcadia (Paus. 8,38,2; schol. Apoll. Rhod. 1,579), probably referring especially to Hagios Elias (with altar to Zeus). Jost, 179.

YL.

[5] Hill in Laconia near Sellasia (Pol. 2,65,8; 66,8; 5,24,9), located on the left bank of the Oenus [1] across from the Euas; modern-day Melissi or Kotselovuni (152 m) on the Provatares (Provata). J. KromMayer, Antike Schlachtfelder, vol. 1, 1903, 215223, 525; F. BOLTE, s.v. O. (5), RE 18, 311f.; PRITCHETT L, 59-65. HO: CL,

[6] Region in the middle of the — Parnon mountain ridge in Laconia (> Lakonike) between the modern vil-

ELT

118

lages of Geraki, Kosmas and Paleochori; today it is called Olymbochoria, which is probably the ancient name for this part of the Parnon.

thermal baths, numerous

E, OBERHUMMER,

s.y. O. (6), RE

18, 312; PHILIPPSON/

KIRSTEN 3, 478.

OLYMPUS

tombs (many with inscrip-

tions), Byzantine basilicas. 1 G. E. BEAN, Kleinasien, 41985, 153-16

2 C. BAYBURT-

KA.GE.

LUOGLU, Lykia, 1981, 19-21.

(out

[7] Western branch of the Dirphys mountains on + Euboea [1], extending to the sea near Eretria [1], deduced from the modern mountain name Elymbos (1173 m) and a dedicatory inscription to Artemis Olympia (IG XII 9, 260). A.KU. [8] Mountain on > Lesbos (Plin. HN 5,140), probably identical to Hagios Elias (940 m), on the southern peninsula (deduced from Aristot. De ventorum situ et nominibus 973b 21f.). E. OBERHUMMER, S.v. O. (2), RE 18, 175.

H.SO.

[9] The ancient name O. is traditional for two mountains on > Cyprus: Str. 14,6,3 localizes the one, toge-

[12] Tab. Peut. 10,3 p. 667 MULLER erroneously refers to Dusae ad Olympum, probably confusing it with Prusias ad Hypium. F. K. Dorner, Dusae ad O. — ein topografischer Irrtum, in: G. E. Mytonas (ed.), Studies presented to D.M.

Robinson, vol. 1, 1951, 374-379.

[13] Densely wooded mountain massif on the border between > Mysia and > Bithynia, present-day Uludag (main peak Ulu Tepe 2543 m), also called ‘Mysian O.’. The city of > Prusa ad Olympum is located at its northern foot. W. RuGE, s.v. O. (16), RE 18,314.

K.ST.

ther with a shrine to Aphrodite Akraia, at the northeast

end of the Karpasia peninsula, where a rise 740 m in elevation, near Akanthou, is still called O.; he describes

the other as dros mastoeidés (6e0¢ waotoedéc “O.; cf. Ptol. 5,14,5) and is probably referring to Stavrovouni (689 m), a branch of the central massif northeast of Amathus. E. OBERHUMMER,

s.v. O. (14), RE 18, 313; J. SCHMIDT,

s.v. O. (12) und (13), RE 18, 313.

R.SE.

[10] Mountain in Galatia, today the summit ridge of the Cile Dag: massif north-northwest of > Gordion; in 189

BC large numbers of the > Tolistobogii retreated into its fortified heights while under attack by Manlius {I 24], who then soundly defeated them (Liv. 38,18—23). Archaeology: Roman encampment in the Sabanézii region; on the southwest side a large brine ditch with a narrow

access embankment,

preserved author).

pincer

gate

in the northeast a well-

system

(discovered

by the K.ST.

[11] Central Lycian seaport at the mouth of the Arycandus (> Arycanda; modern-day Karasu Cay1); present-day Deliktas near the village of Cirali. The adjacent mountain was the site of the eternal ‘flame of Chimaera’ (modern Yanartas), a natural phenomenon fed by gas vents that is easily visible at night. Structural remains and coins indicate that it was established during the Hellenistic period, and its identification has been confirmed by inscriptions. Around too BC O. was one of the six largest cities of the > Lycian League (Str. 14,3,3; 8; Cic. Verr. 1,56), later used as a base for pirates; in

77/6 BC it was conquered by P. Servilius Vatia, the Roman proconsul of the province of > Cilicia. It was subsequently a rather insignificant town that regained a certain degree of importance under Hadrian and after the end of the 3rd cent. as a bishop’s see. The ruins on both sides of the Arycandus are primarily from the Roman and Byzantine eras: buildings on the Acropolis, bridges, remains of temples (znd cent. BC), theatres,

[14] Culture hero from Asia Minor. The name O. refers toa Mysian of prehistoric times, before the Trojan War, as well as to a Phrygian from the 8th cent. BC (Suda s.v. O.; cf. Clem. Al. Strom. 1,76,4-6 and Ps.-Plut. De

musica 1133d-f). The Mysian O. was believed to be related to Marsyas [1] (Apollod. 1,24; Hyg. Fab. 273) and to be his pupil in playing the aulos (PI. Symp. 215c), a connection familiar from the Nékyia of Polygnotus (described by Paus. 10,30,9; Philostr. Imag. 1,20-21) and vase painting [4. 85f., 89]. Ta peri mousikén (‘what one should know ofmusic’) (Plat. Leg. 677d) was revealed to O. and he passed it on to the Greeks as krymata (‘inventions’, here: ‘aulos playing’) (Ps.-Plut. De musica 1132f). He created + nomoi (‘tunes’) for the aulos that long remained popular (ibid. 1133de), as well as the enharmonic genos (ibid. 1134f) and rhythms (ibid. r141b). His style was characterized by a restriction of the selected tones and of the ambitus (ibid. 1137ab), and he imparted éthos (‘character’) by means of a synthesis of genos, key and rhythm (ibid. 1143b). His aulos pieces, the ‘most divine of all’ (Plat. Min. 318b), made souls enthusiastic (Aristot. Pol. 8,5,1340a). While he was considered in anti-

quity to be a historical figure, O. is regarded today as a + protos heuretés (‘primordial originator’) [1. 53ff.] and as a composite figure representing a fusion of the Greek and the oriental [5. 710]. 1 W. ANDERSON, Music and Musicians in Ancient Greece, 1994 2 A. BARKER, Greek Musical Writings, vol. 1, 1984, 205-257

3D. CampsEtt (ed.), Greek Lyric, vol. 2, 1988,

272-285 (with English transl.) 4 A. HERMANN, Two Hellenistic Groups and Their Forerunners, in: AK 17, 1975, 85-92

5S J. MouNntTFoRD, R. WINNINGTON-INGRAM,

Music, OCD

2, 1970, 705-713

Greek Music, 1992, 330f.

6M.

S.v.

West, Ancient

RO.HA.

[15] Historian and physician to > Cleopatra [II 12] VII who stood by her when she first attempted suicide, in 30 BC (Plut. Antonius 82). He wrote a brief report on

OLYMPUS

119

Cleopatra’s final days with which

> Plutarchus (FGrH

Il b 198) was familiar and which may be the basis for

the extensive medical accounts

found in — Galen of Pergamum and other authors [1]. He may also be the one whose ointment made from a mixture of seeds is recommended by Galen (Galenus, De compositione medicamentorum

secundum

locos 9,3); his source of

information in this regard was — Statilius Crito. 1 F. SBorDONE,

Scritti di varia filologia, 1971,

1-32.

VN.

120

inhabitants

of other cities which

had risen against

Athens or were being besieged (Thuc. 2,70,43 4,123,4):

Although the Athenians were able to reconquer almost the entire littoral of the Chalcidian state, and although

that state was confined to the immediate surroundings of the city of O. by the peace of Nicias in 421 (Thuc. 5,18), the resettlement of the inhabitants of the coastal cities to O. and the considerable enlargement of the city thereby conditioned could not be reversed. Early in the 4th cent., at the instigation of O., a federal state was founded in the Chalcidian region; to some extent it even transcended ethnic barriers, and O. was without que-

Olymus (“Odvpoc/Olymos or *Ovpov/Olymon?). City in Caria north-west of > Mylasa; known only from inscriptions. In the 5th cent. BC, member of the > Delian League (Hylimos); in the 3rd/2znd cents., O. merged with Mylasa in > sympoliteia. A temple of Apollo and Artemis survives at modern Kafaca, 8 km north-west of

Milas. The inscriptions (end of 2nd cent. — 70s of rst cent. BC) very often relate to the selling or leasing of temple land and provide information about a privileged class constituted by the descendants of the colonists (including Macedonians?) and the corporate structure of the citizenry [1. 29-98]. 1 W. BLUMEL, Die Inschriften von Mylasa 2 (IK 35), 1988.

W.RuGE, s.v. Olymos, RE 17, 25 10-25 19; MAGIE 2, 909; G. E. BEAN, Kleinasien, vol. 3, 1974, 48f. H.KA.

Olynthus ("Odvv00¢; Olynthos). In mythology, O. was either a son of the river god Strymon, who died hunting at the site of the future town of O. in the west of -» Chalcidice, or a son of Hercules. The location of the town named after him, on two elongated hills on the east bank of the Vatunia River, was established by American excavations (1928-1934). The southerly hill was settled from as early as the Neolithic, then again from the 8th cent. BC. The Bottiaeans, who had been driven

from their territory at the north-western end of the Thermaic Gulf by the Macedonians, arrived here around 600 BC. The first reference to O. comes for the winter of 480/479, when the Persians conquered the town, wiped out the Bottiaeans and handed the site to the Chalcidians, who were settling Sithonia and its hinterland, and whose north-westernmost town O. thus became (Hdt. 8,127). It is registered in the Athenian tribute lists from 454/3, always at two talents. In 432, most of the Chalcidian cities seceded from Athens and formed their own state around O. (Thuc. 1,58,2); the coastal cities were relinquished and their inhabitants resettled in O., where

a planned development of the northern hill commenced; excavations show a considerable expansion of the city during the second half of the 5th cent. Henceforth, the history of the town is closely associated with that of the Chalcidian state. The latter was active both diplomatically and militarily in the Peloponnesian War, siding with the foes of Athens

(Thuc.

1,62ff.; 2,583

2,793 4573 4578ff.; 5,3,4); O. became a refuge for the

stion in the ascendancy of power within it (Diod. Sic. 14,82,33 92,3; Syll.3 135). However, when this federation attacked Macedonia in 382, and demanded the assistance of unwilling neighbours, the Spartans intervened, forcing the final capitulation of O. and the dissolution of the federation in 379 (Xen. Hell. 5,2,11ff.; §52537=359; 18h; 26; Diod. Sic: 15,17952—2353). Lhe league re-emerged a few years later (Syll.> 143; 147 Z. rorf.) and was allied with > Philippus II from 3 57/6 (StV 308); O. itself gained > Potidaea and the territory of Anthemous in the process. The relationship soured, however, when the Chalcidians concluded a peace with Athens in contravention of their agreement with Philip (Dem. Or. 3,7; 23,108f.) and two half-brothers

of the Macedonian king were received at O. (Justin. 8,3,10f.). Open war broke out in 349, ending in 348 with the total destruction of O. and the annexation of the entire peninsula (Diod. Sic. 16,53f). The region of O. was later added to the polis territory of the new foundation of Cassandria. Olynthians who had survived the fall of their city are mentioned in many parts of the Greek world, most of them finding a welcome in the newly-founded Cassandria. The historians -» Callisthenes [1] and > Ephippus [1], the sculptor — Herodotus [4] and the metal-founder > Sthennis were from ©} Since O. remained uninhabited after its occupation and destruction, it was possible in the American excavations of 1928-1939 to unearth, in the new town built on the northern hill, a settlement which had only been built from 432 BC and had been abandoned after three generations, bringing us important evidence about the appearance of a Greek city of the 4th cent. It had a regular pattern of streets, with rectangular residential blocks measuring 300:120 feet, each containing ten houses. These were arranged around an internal courtyard with wooden pillars, and often had two storeys. Some already also show signs of a fully-formed peristyle; the type of the pastas house is preserved at O. in its quintessential form (-> House, with figs.). Also note-

worthy are some floors with pebble mosaics. > Chalcidice W. Hoepener, E.-L. SCHWANDNER (ed.), Haus und Stadt im klassischen Griechenland, *1994, 68-113; H. Brck, Polis und Koinon, 1997, 146-162; D. M. RoBINson,

Excavations at Olynthus, 14 vols., 1929-1959; ZAHRNT, Olynth und die Chalkidier, 1971.

M. M.Z.

27

[22

OMEN

Omana (‘Opava/Omana, “Onnava/Ommana, Prol. Geog. 6,8,7; Periplus maris Erythraei 27,36). Bay on the south coast of Arabia. Its identification is uncertain,

Omen I. ANCIENT ORIENT

II. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

but it could be Chah Bahar or Tiz, both of which are

I. ANCIENT ORIENT

located in a small bay. Other suggestions have been

see > Divination

Suhar between Masgat and Musandam.

On this bay

the eastern Arabian tribe of the Omani (Ouavitat, Plin.

HN 6,149; Ptol. Geog. 6,7,24) is said to have founded

the incense port of Omanon ("Opavov éumdotovy, Ptol. Geog. 6,7,36; 8,22,12), situated at the end of the trade

route coming from Sabbatha. L. Casson, The Periplus Maris Erythraei, KERVRAN, s.v. Suhar, EI* 9, 774b.

1989, 180f.; M. LT.-N.

II]. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

According to Roman Augural law (> Ecclesiastical/ Religious law), omina mostly belong to the signa oblativa, the portents that offer themselves by coincidence and not those attained through a divination technique. An omen could bring good or bad tidings and people could accept or reject it (with a quick prayer, or by spitting). It is not possible to give a specific definition of omina. Varro’s restriction of omina to signs given by the

Omar (‘Umar b. al-Hattab). Second of the four ‘rightly-

spoken word (Varro, Ling. 6,76) is too narrow; in Latin

guided’ > caliphs (AD 634-644). O. established the foundation of the Islamic empire and its political institutions through expansion as well as domestic organization. His negative and reserved attitude toward Jews and Christians was reflected in a number of religiouslaw and political decisions. The — Sunnites revere O. even today as an ideal Muslim and just ruler, while the > Shiites despise him as an advocate of > Abu Bakr and hence an enemy of > Ali in the prophet’s line of succession. O. established the Islamic calendar according to the > Hejira. > Islam

other phenomena that are of the nature of a portent, e.g. sneezing, stumbling, heavenly manifestations, auspicious names, peculiarities in a sacrificial animal, strange occurrences in images of gods, etc., are called omina. Unspecific terminology is also evident in the Latin

EI] ro, s.v. ‘Umar.

H.SCHO.

Ombi (‘Oupor; Omboi). Two towns in Egypt. Their names are derived from Egyptian nbw, ‘gold’, possibly indicating that they were points of departure for the search for gold in the neighbouring desert regions. [1] Egyptian Nbwt, town in the sth nome of Upper Egypt, close to modern Tuh. Cult town of the god ~» Seth, of whose temple little remains. Asa result of the vilification of Seth, the town lost its importance after the New Kingdom. Juv. 15,33f. mentions a dispute between the residents of O. and their neighbours from -» Dendara on the occasion of a festival. [2] City in the rst nome of Upper Egypt, Egyptian Nbyt, modern Kom Ombo. Of little importance in Pharaonic times, O. became the administrative centre for the rst nome in the 2nd cent. BC, and in Roman times the main

town for all the regions lying to the south of it. Ptolemy VI began to build a large double temple for Haroeris and — Sobek in O., the ruins of which are still well preserved.

KJ-W.

terms

for ‘omens’:

ostentum,

portentum,

miraculum,

monstrum, > prodigium and omina. At best, we can discern the tendency that in contrast to the prodigia that were important in the Republic for the state, that could take place at any time within a year, that were frequently considered to apply to the community, and always viewed as an expression of divine displeasure, omina occurred directly before an important event and foretold a future development. Omina could refer to a group or the community (e.g. Liv. 5,5 5,2) as well as to individuals: In 133 BC, when Ti. Gracchus stepped out of his house on the day of his murder, he bloodied his

foot by hitting it against the threshold and ravens threw roof tiles in front of his feet (Plut. Ti. and C. Gracchus 17). Both signs indicated to him that it would be better

if he stayed at home. The change from Republic to monarchy is reflected in the type of omen: in the Imperial period, omina were reported particularly for the ruler at his birth, the start of his reign, his death and other turning-points. The requirement for an omen is the idea of the numinous correlation of all phenomena that can be found at any time. The term omen is therefore also used in scholarship for signs in other cultures: omina (Greek kléd6n, sémeion) are already encountered in Homer (Od. 18,117; 20,120). Among the Greeks, bird signs (oitwvdc/ 010nOs or oimvoi/oidno?l) of eagles, crows and owls, etc.,

are common; the reference to omina could influence a person’s private life, politics and the waging of war [1]. Numerous ancient motifs that were interpreted as omens, for instance deformities in humans and animals, can be traced back via the Etruscans to the ancient Orient with its pronounced casuistry [2]. ~ Divination; > Haruspices; > Mantis; > Prodigium 1M. Ditton, The Importance of Oinomanteia in Greek Divination, in: Id. (ed.), Religion in the Ancient World,

1996, 99-121

1994.

2StT. M. Maut,

Zukunftsbewaltigung,

OMEN

J. CLARK REEDER, The Statue of Augustus from Prima Porta, the Underground Complex, and the Omen of the Gallina

124

123

Alba, in: AJPh

118,

1997,

89-118;

M.

GwyN

political and social context of the versions of the myth. According to these, the tradition of the myth of O. is primarily associated with the criticism of tyrants, which

MorGan, Vespasian and the Omens in Tacitus, Hist. 2,78,

produced a link between tyrant and effeminization (cf.

in: Phoenix 50, 1996, 41-55; F. B. Krauss, An Interpre-

Clearchus) [4]: — Aspasia, for instance, is compared

tation of the Omens, Portents, and Prodigies Recorded by Livy, Tacitus, and Suetonius, 1930; J.H.W. G. LieBeESCHUETZ, Continuity and Change in Roman Religion, 1979, 7-29, 155-166; M. MerER-BRUGGER, Zu lateinisch Omen, in: Glotta 70, 1992, 248f.; W. K. PRITCHETT, The Greek State at War, vol. 3, 1979; V. ROSENBERGER, Gezahmte G6tter, 1998. V.RO.

Omophagy see > Dionysus; > Mysteries

with O. in the context of criticism of — Pericles (Crati-

nus fr, 258 and 259 PCG IV; Eupolis fr. 294 PCG V; cf. Plut. Pericles 3,5); Augustan propaganda later equated Marcus > Antonius [I 9] and > Cleopatra [II 12] with Heracles and O. (e.g. Plut. Antonius 90,4,956f9 574; cf. Prop. 3,11,30). The sporadically attested dressing up of men as women in the Greek and Roman cults of Heracles (Plut. Quaes. Graec. 304c-e; Lydus, Mens. 4,46) is not related to O. by the ancient sources and is

Omphace (Ouddxn/Omphake). Town in the hinterland of > Gela, probably in modern Butera, but possibly to be identified with Monte Bubbonia (according to [1]); etymological derivation of the evidently Greek place name from archaic 6mphax, -akos, ‘bitter grape from wild vines’. According to Paus. 8,46,2, Antiphamus of Gela occupied the ‘Sicanian (!) city of O. and transported a ‘statue made by Daedalus’ to Gela (cf. also Paus. 9,40,4). According to Philistus (POxy. 665), mercenaries from -» Syracusae occupied the town in 466/5 BC. No epigraphical evidence; no coins. 1D. ADAMESTEANU, 1958.

BICGI 12, 462-464.

Butera

(Monumenti

Antichi

44),

D.SA.

Omphale (Ongddyn; Omphalé). Mythical queen of the Lydians (> Lydia). She is the daughter of lardanus and becomes queen as successor to her husband Tmolus (Apollod. 2,6,3; Diod. 4,31). >» Heracles [1] is the father of her sons > Lamus [2] and > Agelaus [3] (e.g.

Apollod. 2,7,8; Ov. Epist. 9,54). According to Clearchus of Soli (fr. 43a WEHRLI), she and other Lydian women are raped and as queen she takes her revenge by forcing free women to sleep with slaves. Heracles is sold abroad as a punishment for killing his host > Iphitus and performs the duties of a slave for O. (Soph. Trach. 248-257; Aeschyl. Ag. ro4of.; Herodorus FGrH 31 F 33; 41a). Whereas according to Apollod. 2,6,3 and Diod. Sic. 4,31 he performs men’s work for O., by fighting for her, in all the Latin sources he carries out the typical women’s work of spinning wool and wears women’s clothes; O. on her part appropriates the lion’s skin and club (e.g. Ov. Fast. 2,3 19-326; Ov. Epist. 9,53—128; Prop. 4,9,45 and 3,11,17; Herc. O. 371-377; cf. Lucian. Dialogi deorum 15,2). The

exchange of roles is not unequivocally attested in classical Greek sources [1]. Not until the Roman Imperial period does its erotic dimension, in particular the motif of enslavement by love, take on significance (e.g. in Ovid and Seneca). Older scholarship interpreted the myth of O. with BACHOFEN as the reflex of matriarchy [2]. Today, besides psychoanalytically orientated analyses of the role exchange [3], there are attempts to interpret O. in the

rather to be seen in the general context of the mythical figure of Heracles (cf. [3]). 1 K. SCHAUENBURG, Herakles und O., in: RhM 103, 1960, 57-76 2G. Herzoc-Hauser, s.v. O., RE 18, 385-396

3 N. Loraux, ‘Herakles: The Super-Male and the Feminine’, in: Ead. (ed.), The Experiences of Tiresias,

1995, ch.

7 4B. Wacner-HaseL, Herakles und O. im Rollentausch: Myth. und Politik in der Ant., in: H. WUNDER, G. ENGEL (ed.), Geschlechterperspektiven, 1998, 205-228.

K.WA.

Omphalium (Onpédtov/Omphalion). [1] Plain (Diod. Sic. 5,70) on Crete in the area of -» Knossos on the river Triton (modern Platyperama;

Callim. H. 1,42ff.; Steph. Byz. s.v. ’O.). C. Bursian, Geographie von Griechenland, vol. 2, 1868, grap 570; M. Guarbuccl, Inscriptiones Creticae, vol. 1, 1935,

45f.

H.SO.

[2] Place in Thessalia (Steph. Byz. s.v. O.) near modern Lutra Smokovu, possibly the sanctuary of > Omphale. The Dolopian cities of Angeae and > Ctimenae fought over its possession [1]. 1 A. S. ARVANITOPOULLOS, in: RPh 35, 1911, 289 nr. 41,

Ata. E. KirsTEN, s.v. O. (2), RE 18, 397; B. HELLY, Incursions

chez les Dolopes, in: I. BLuM (ed.), Topographie antique et geographie historique en pays grec, 1992, 74. HE.KR.

[3] City in + Epirus, according to Ptol. 3,14,7 in the interior of Chaonia (> Chaones), whilst according to

the inscriptions of Dodona [1] the Omphales ("Oudarec/

Omphales) are from time to time called Molossi and according to Steph. Byz s.v. Magavato. were neighbours of the Parauaii. That is why the location of O. is sought south of Chaonia and equated with the ancient fort of Labove east of Gjirokastér (Albania). 1 P. CaBangs, L’Epire, 1976, 535 nr. 1, 536f. nr. 2, 541f.

nr. 6, 578f. nr. 51. N.G.L. HAMMOND,

Epirus, 1967.

DS.

Omphalos [1] COudpakoc/Omphalos, ‘navel’). The omphalos represents two signs which are combined in the omphalos

Bas

126

ONASANDER

of + Delphi (Pind. Pyth. 4,74f.; Bacchyl. 4,4; Aesch.

1B. K. BRAswELL,

Eum. 40): (x) If it is true that the omphalos thaldssés, ‘navel of

Ode, 1988

the sea’, — as > Ogygia, the island of > Calypso, is called in Hom. Od. 1,50 — means the greatest distance from the human world, then, conversely, the navel of the > oikumeéné lies in the center of men. Thus the concept of omphalos does not express the geometrical

CoarELtt, Il Foro Romano, vol. 1, 1983, 210-213

center (but see below), but rather a central significance.

The fact that Ogygia lies at the edge of the world does therefore not contradict the epic formula of omphalos thaldssés [1. 168]; this image might come from ancient near eastern epics ({2. 149f.]; critical: [3]). Delphi claimed to be center of the world and proved it by means of a mythological experiment: Zeus had two eagles fly from the ends of the earth, which then met each other over Delphi (Pind. fr. 54 = Str. 9,3,6). Epimenides objected (DIELS/KRANZ 3 B 11 = Plut. De def. or. 409e-f); it is impossible, he claimed, to set a certain

city above others as the center. Rome in its turn claims claimed that its forum was the center of the world. However, the umbilicus urbis is only documented since the early 3rd cent. AD and an earlier dating is controversial [4]. The tradition that the world has a navel (cf. Varro Ling. 7,17) is continued in images of the world,

1997

A Commentary on the Fourth Pythian

2M. L. West, The Eastern Face of Helicon,

3S. TALMON, s.v. har, ThWAT

2, 471-473

4 F. 5C.

AUFFARTH, Finis terrae, finis mundi, in: D. ZELLER (ed.), Religion im Wandel der Kosmologien, 1999, 203-217 (ills.) 6 J. F. BomMMELAER, Guide de Delphes. Le site, 1991 7 M. Biecu, Studien zum Kranz bei den Griechen, 1982,

271, 442 nr. 30 8K. Crinron, Myth and Cult. Iconography of the Eleusinian Mysteries, 1992. P. AMANDRY, Out était I‘omphalos? in: J. F. BOMMELAER (ed.), Centenaire de la grande fouille de Delphes (Colloque P. Perdrizet), 1992, 187-203; E.A.S. BurrERworTH, The Tree at the Navel of the Earth, 1970; H. V. HERRMANN,

Omphalos, 1959; W. H. RoscHER, Omphalos (Abhandlungen der Koniglich-Sachsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften/Philologisch-historische Klasse 29,9), 19133 Idem, Neue Omphalosstudien (Abhandlungen der Koniglich-Sachischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften/Philologisch-historische Klasse 31,1), 1915; Idem, Der Omphalosgedanke (Sitzungsbericht der K6niglich-Sachischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften/Philologisch-historische Klasse 70,2), 1918.

CA.

[2] see > Scroll

Omphalos bowl see > Phiale

e.g. the Ebstorf worldmap (middle of the 13th cent.),

where Jerusalem is the navel of the body of Christ, who in turn represents the world [5]. (2) In the sanctuary of Apollo at Delphi still stand two egg-shaped stones, the omphalot. The one made of chalk has an inscription which was read E TAS/EGAS — a reading which has since been disproven [6. 179]. The other one is made of marble and covered with the characteristic net of unspun wool (agrénon), which is also often shown on vases or coins [6. 37; 7]. The omphalos was the place for a ritual, mostly a libation or an ano-

inting with oil. Examples are the mythical atonement of > Orestes (Aesch. Cho. 39-45) or the libation of the gylloé in Miletus (Syll.> 57,25-27 = LSAM 50,25-27; ~ Molpoi), which was carried along in a procession. Does Paus. 10,16,3 confuse the omphalos in Delphi with another stone displayed there, the stone which

Onager [1] see > Donkey [2] see Catapult

Onasander (Ovcioavdo0c; Ondsandros). [1] Public physician of > Cos inc. 250 BC. Asa resident of Cos without citizens’ rights, he apprenticed with a public physician (+ archiatrés) in Halasarna, became his assistant and followed him to Cos when he was chosen public doctor there. There he opened his own practice but continued to treat his old patients from Halasarna, at times for nothing. The inscription documenting his career is one of the most informative ones about physicians to survive from antiquity. R. Herzoc,

Decreto del Damos

Coo di Halasarna

in

onore del medico Onasandros, in: PdP 46, 1991, 13 5-140.

~ Kronos is supposed to have spit out (Paus. 10,24,6)?

The ancient interpretations of the omphalos at Delphi vary greatly (and often the interpreters were not familiar with the place): as an altar, as the grave of — Python (Varro Ling. 7,17) or of > Dionysus (Tatianus 8 p. 9,17 SCHwaRTz). Modern interpretations should include the omphalo/in other sanctuaries, especially the omphalos in > Eleusis [1] (sources, especially the Ninnion tablet, in [8. 121-123]). To conclude a fertily cult from the egg shape, an ancient stone cult from the material, a shamanistic axis mundi from the ancient near eastern tradition [2. r4o9f.] — all that would be speculation about reconstructed earlier stages. Instead of presupposing non-human-shaped gods, one should think of the omphaloi as parallels to the form and function of the - baitylia, which mark the presence of a deity and do not stand in its place.

[2] Author of a Greek work about military matters (Stoatnyixdc/““Stratégikos”’) dedicated to the Roman senator Q. Veranius (cos. AD 49) which dates to the

period before 58/59, the year of Veranius’ death (Tac. Agr. 14,2). In the prooemium, O. briefly mentions the agenda of his work: He intended to give a summarizing account of military experience for Roman commanders without including his own ideas and opinions. He bases the importance of military competence on the fact that success in war is not owed to luck (tyché) but to the competence of the commander. The main part of the work begins with lengthy descriptions of the selection and the qualities of a good commander whose required traits are self-discipline, a simple life and eloquence, while a tendency towards greed is reprimanded. Regarding leadership, O. claims

ONASANDER

that both excessive sternness and leniency are to be avoided, because a commander would either draw the soldiers’ hatred or would not be able to maintain discipline; he is to make important decisions only after consultations in the consilium (chapters 1-3). O. argues that a war should only be started for a just cause, otherwise the soldiers would not fight courageously (4). The paragraphs that follow present detailed descriptions of the army’s marching order, the camp, the training of soldiers in times of peace, measures against spies, the setting up of night watches in the camp, the treatment of deserters from the enemy, and the provisioning of soldiers prior to battle (6-14). A core part of the work is devoted to battle deployment, battle manoeuvres, to the commander’s conduct in the battle and to the measures taken

after the battle:

rewarding

the soldiers,

and

burying the dead (15-37). The work is concluded by chapters about the siege and capture of cities (3842).

The work does not reveal any first-hand knowledge of the Roman military; overall, the descriptions remain rather general and are even superficial in places (cf. 42,3 on the use of siege engines). There is a lack of historical reflection as well as of precise information about the Roman legions, armament, and command structures. Nonetheless, O. offers commanders a number of useful, systematically organized instructions, with the result that this work which was transmitted in numerous MSS (important: Florentinus LV. 4 from the roth cent.) was very popular in the Early Modern Period (Lat. trans.: Rome 1524,

1494, Nuremberg 1595; German trans.: Mainz Mannheim 1777; French trans.: Paris 1546,

1605; Ital. trans.: Venice 1546; Engl. transl: London 1563).

> Military writers EpITION: W. A. OLDFATHER,

LITERATURE:

128

127

thus, a multi-figured victory votive for the Tarentines after a victory over the Peucetians, which has otherwise

not been recorded. In Phigalia, O. sculpted a cult image of Demeter Melaina with the head of a horse in imitation of an ancient ~ xdanon. An Apollo by O., which was much praised, was later located in Pergamum. Despite many attempts to attribute works to him and to identify them using copies, the work of O. nevertheless remains unknown to us. OVERBECK, nos. 421-428, 524; A. RAUBITSCHEK, Dedications from the Athenian Akropolis, 1949, no. 236; LipPOLD, 98; S$. DE MarInIs, s.v. O., EAA 5, 1963, 691-692; F. Ecxstern,

Anathemata,

1969,

27-32;

B. RipGway,

The Severe Style in Greek Sculpture, 1970, 64; J. DORIG, Onatas of Aegina, 1977; L. Bescut, | donari tarantini a

Delfi, in: Aparchai. FS P.E. Arias, 1982, 227-238; E. WALTER-KARYDI, Die dginetische Bildhauerschule, 1987, 1932; STEWART, 252-253. RN.

[2] Gem-cutter from the Classical period, whose signature ONATA ona Chalcedonian scarabaeoid with a tropaion-decorating Nike (London, BM) is read as ‘Ona-

tas’ [1. 137ff. n. 53, 147, pl. 32,8]. To date no one has succeeded in attributing any further works to O. [1. 139 Note 55]. + Gem-cutting 1 Zazorr, AG.

S.MI.

Onchesmus (Oyyeoudc/Onchesmos). Port in > Epirus, today’s Sarandé (Hagioi Saranda) in Albania. O.

served as harbour for + Phoenice, the main city of the district of Chaonia. In Roman times, O. was the ferry port between Epirus and Italy (Cic. Att. 7,2,1; Str. 757,53 Ptol. 3,14,2; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,51,2). P. CABANES,

L’Epire, 1976; N.G.L.

HAMMOND,

1967.

1928 (repr. 1986).

Epirus, D.S.

Y. Le BOHEC, Que voulait Onesandros?,

in: Y. BURNAND (ed.), Claude de Lyon, empereur romain, 1998, 169-179.

H.SCHN.

Onatas (Ovétac; Ondtas).

Onchestus (Oyynotoc/Onchestos). [1] Site, already mentioned in Homer (Hom. Il. 2,506; H. Hom. ad Apollinem 229-238; H. Hom. ad Mercu-

[1] Bronze sculptor from Aegina, son of Micon. O. was a contemporary of > Hegias [1] and > Ageladas and one of the most important masters of the Severe Style. None of his numerous works is extant or secured in the form ofcopies. His signature is found ona pedestal of a bronze horse on the Athenian Acropolis and a pedestal in Olympia, both from the early 5th cent. BC. In Olym-

rium

pia, O. sculpted a votive offering (» andthéma) for the

(modern Steni) between the Teneric plain (— Boeotia)

Achaeans in around 470-460 BC with Nestor and nine Trojan heroes drawing lots for Hector’s weapons — of these sculptures the pedestals remain. Then there is the dedication for the victory of Hieron of Syracuse in the

and the basin of the Copais, c. 5 kmto the east of modern Haliartos immediately to the south of the

chariot race, which was commissioned by Hieron’s son

+ Deinomenes [2] in 466/ 464 BC and for which

> Ca-

lamis made the lead horses. There is also a Heracles for the Thasians and a Hermes Criophorus for the Arcadians, which he sculpted together with Calliteles. In Delphi after 479 BC he created, together with Callyn-

185-188), of a common

Boeotian sanctuary to

Poseidon, whose origins may stretch back as far as the Mycenaean period [3]. Initially O. probably belonged to Thebes and from the sth cent. BC to > Haliartus; in the Hellenistic period O. was the political and administrative centre

of the Boeotian

League

[2. 266-277].

Remains of the sanctuary can be found ona

small pass

modern road to Thebes (map: [2. 269]); c. 1 km to the

west are the remains of an accompanying (?) town [x. 139f.; 3. 207f.]. Evidence: Str. 9,2,26f.; 33; Paus. 1,39553 42,13 9,26,53 Steph. Byz. s.v. °O.; cf. also the compilation of literary, epigraphic and numismatic sources in [3. 208-211]. 1J. L. Bintiirr,

A. M.

SNopGrass,

The

Cambridge/

Bradford Boeotian Expedition, in: Journal of Field Ar-

130

129

chaeology 12, 1985, 123-161 2 P. Roescn, Beotiennes, 1982 3 SCHACHTER 2, 207-221.

Etudes

FOSSEY, 308-312; S. LAUFFER, Kopais, vol. 1, 1986, 18— 21; N. D. PApACHATZIS, Tlavoaviou “EdAG50¢ Teouyynotc, vol. 5, *1981, 178-180; E. Visser, Homers Katalog der Schiffe, 1997, 276f.; P. W. WALLACE, Strabo’s Description of Boiotia, 1979, 134-136. PP.

[2] On this river, in 197 BC, Philip V camped for two days before the battle of Cynoscephalae (Pol. 18,20,5;cf. Liv. 33,6,10). Two streams ofthe now silted up Boebe in the mountains of southern Chalcodonium are candidates for identification, one of which is called

O. today.

ONESICRITUS

coarsely worked glass paste (Berlin, SM; [1. 206, n. 78,

pl. 47,1; 2. 95, pl. 46, 219]). His signature can also be found ona yellow glass paste depicting a Muse playing the lyre (Florence, MA), which is regarded as a prime example of Hellenistic glyptics [1. 206, ns. 79-80, pl. 53,6], as well as on a carnelian ring stone with the head of Heracles visible in profile (Florence, MA). This is an early example of a type that only became widespread in Roman glyptics and which is interpreted as a portrait of Ptolemy XI. [a.206, n. 82, pl. 53,73 3. 128, n- 371+ Gem cutting 1 Zazorr, AG

2 AGD 2: Berlin, 1969

WEIDER, Die Portratgemmen 1972-74.

3 M.-L. VOLLEN-

der rémischen

Republik, S.ML.

E. KirsTEN, s.v. O. (2), RE 18, 417; J. CL. DEcourrt, La vallée de l’Enipeus en Thessalie, 1990, roof. HE.KR.

Onesicles

One en pistei (dvi év mioteVOne en pistei, literally ‘purchase on trust’) in Graeco-Egyptian law describes a real security corresponding to ‘assignment by way of security’ (beside enéchyron, pawning, > hypotheké and + hypallagma). In papyri, OEP dogmatically corresponds to ancient Greek > prasis epi lysei. The seller (= loantaker) sells to the buyer (= loangiver) a thing at a

price which corresponds to the size of the debt. The object purchased serves as security for the debt, on the payment of which, ownership (Ryrieia, see > Kyrios II.) reverts to the seller. This is the consequence of a dogmatic elaboration of Greek > purchase purely as a cash transaction, with ownership of the goods, on the strength of the ‘principle of surrogation’, devolving automatically on the one with whose money a purchase (or redemption) is made. The (at least partial) execution of the purchase transaction is documented, never just the agreement. A ‘consensual purchase’ of this kind entails no obligations (other than — consensus in Roman law. In the framework of > bebaiosis the purchaser is liable for defects in title, for specific material defects, however, only in the case of purchasing slaves. Terms used are: @vetoOat, &yoQdoVat, meiao0at (6neisthai, agorasthai, priasthat) for ‘to buy’ and xmohety, maodoxew, amodtdoo0at (polein, pipraskein, apodidosthai) for ‘to sell’. F. PRINGSHEIM, The Greek Law of Sale, 1950; J. HERR-

MANN, Zur @vh év miotet des hellenistischen Rechts, in: G. THUR (ed.), Symposion 1985, 1989, 317-324 (= Id., KS, 1990, 305-312); H. A. RuppRECHT, Kleine Einfiihrung in die Papyruskunde, 1994, 115-117, 134f.; Id., Die dinglichen Sicherungsrechte nach der Praxis der Papyri, in: R. FEENSTRA (ed.), Collatio iuris Romani. FS H. Ankum, vol.

I, 1995, 425-436; E. JAKAB, Praedicere und cavere beim

Marktkauf. Sachmangel im griechischen und romischen Recht, 1997.

Gale

Onesas (’Ovéoac; Onésas). Hellenistic gem-cutter who

signed a sard intaglio with an altered image of Athena Lemnia (London, BM; [z. 203, n. 56, pl. 53,5]). The latter also appears repeatedly like a replica on a more

(‘Ovnoimdtjc; Onesiklés). Author of unknown date, documented only in inscriptions in Cilicia, who was a poet of various genres (epic, New Comedy, iambic poetry) as well as a writer of prose encomia. 1 PCG VIL, 1989, 96.

H.-G.NE.

Onesicritus (Ovnoixeito¢d/Onesikritos) of Astypalaea. 380/375-305/300 BC. Cynic philosopher and Alexander historian, pupil of > Diogenes [14] of Sinope (Plut. de Alexandri magni fortuna aut virtute 10,33 1e; Plut. Alexander 65,701c). Ever since antiquity, attempts have been made — certainly incorrectly — to

identify him with O. of Aegina, another pupil of Diogenes mentioned in Diog. Laert. 6,75 (cf. 84; see [1] and

-» Philiscus). O. took part in the eastern conquests of Alexander the Great, and was helmsman of the royal ship on its voyage on the Hydaspes and the Indus. In 326, O. acted as interpreter for Alexander with the Indian > gymnosophists ofTaxila. In 324, he received a golden crown from Alexander. O.’s biography of his king, How Alexander was educated (Me ’AdéEavd5eoc¢ ijyOy), is reminiscent of the Kyropaidia of Xenophon (Diog. Laert. 6,84). O.’s work, whose veracity was doubted even in antiquity, was probably one of the sources of the ‘Anabasis’ of Arrianus [2] of Nicomedea

[1]. 1 H. STRASBURGER, s.v. O., RE 18, 460-467.

T. S. Brown, Onesicritus. A Study in Hellenistic Historiography, 1949; TH. J. Figueira, An Aiginetan Family of the Fourth Century B.C., in: The Ancient World 14, 1986, 5-11; V. FRENCH, P. Dixon, The Source Tradition for the Pixodaros Affair, in: Ibid., 25-40; C. MUCKENSTURM, Les gymnosophistes etaient-ils des cyniques modeéles?, in: M.-O. Goutet-Cazf, R. Gouer (ed.), Le cynisme

ancien

et ses prolongements.

Callisthéne,

Onésicrite,

Néarque, Ptolemée, Aristoboule, 1993, 225-239; P. PEDECH, Historiens compagnons d‘Alexandre ..., 1984,

418; R. STONEMAN, Naked Philosophers: The Brahmans in the Alexander Historians and the Alexander Romance, in: JHS 115, 1995, 99-114. M.G.-C.

mee:

ONESIMUS

Onesimus (Ovjomosg; Onesimos)

214-217; D. Wittiams, CVA London 9, 1993, 15; V. M.

[1] see > Syries;> Gem-cutting [2] Attic red-figured vase painter, worked

STROCKA, in: JOAI 67, 1998, 63-96; M. B. Moore, CVA

in around 505-485 BC, probably one of the most talented vase painters. His signature, the ‘useful one’, is found on one of about 150 extant cups (Paris, LV G 105). This does

J. Paul Getty Museum 8, 1998, No. 43-47; S. SCHELLENBERG,

Eine

Sammlung

Schale

der

des

Onesimos,

Universitat

in: Archaologische

Zurich

24,

1998,

9-17. A.L-H.

not give us an indication of his art; however, it reveals

twice-over his close association with his drawing teacher and potter of his cups: in the potter’s signature of -» Euphronius [2] and in the rider of the interior image, who is modelled on the cup by Euphronius in Munich (SA 8704). Together, O. and Euphronius developed the red-figured painting method for the interior images of cups. Certain inconsistencies in O.’s work caused his early creations at first to be considered the work of the ‘Panaetius

Painter’; however,

today research increas-

ingly focuses on the connecting elements. Leager and Panaetius are the ephebes (> Ephebeia), whom he first praises as kalds (‘handsome’) (> Kalos inscriptions);

they are followed by Athenodotus, Lycus, Erothemis and others. Aside from cups, O. also painted kyathoi (— Pottery, shapes and types of, fig. D 6), lidded skyphoid cups with spouts, plates and phials — these are all shapes that are related to the symposium. The context of the ephebia thus also dominates his range of themes

related to the lifestyle of aristocratic Athens: ephebes in school lessons and in the palaestra, where one places himself under the mouth of the water-spitting lion (Malibu, GM 85.AE.465), furthermore the handling of horses, e.g. an Aethiopian boy currycombing a horse (New York, MMA 1989.281.71) and, of course, also training with heavy weapons. In the evenings, Dionysian activities; wine drunk above and beyond what is

physically pleasurable often leads to violent consequences such as disputes and vomiting. Sometimes -» hetaerae

are involved

in the game,

and these are

depicted with a crudity only represented during these years. O. set one of the most attractive hetaerae images — preparing for the bath — in a circular frame (Brussels, Musée Royal A 889). When O. translates the > komos into the mythological sphere, many of his pictures ofthe thiasos fully burst at the seams — for instance in the image of the wild bearded satyr squatting on an amphora (Boston, MFA 10.179) or in the unequalled picture of an attack in which a maenad ts spied upon by a satyr from a lofty height (Malibu, GM 86.AE.607). With his pictures of heroes, O. also sets high standards: aside from rare and

canonical scenes from the heroic lives of Heracles and Theseus, his brilliance is particularly evident in images from the > Iliupersis. On the largest existing kylix, type C (> Pottery, shapes and types of, fig. D 4), he presents all his knowledge, which includes not only the wellknown battles but also scenes of hope: Theano receives asylum from the Greeks, Aethra is able to embrace her grandchildren (formerly Malibu, GM, now Rome, VG). BEAZLEY,

ARV*,

318-330,

1645-1646,

I70I,

1706;

BEAZLEY, Paralipomena, 358-361; BEAzLEY, Addenda’,

Onetor (Ovijtwo/Onetor). Respected Athenian, eldest son of Philonides, from the deme of Melite, born c. 415

BC. > Isocrates (Isoc. Or. expenditures of his pupil liturgies; Heliodorus FGrH votive offering). According

15,93) praises the financial O. for the polis (especially 373 Fé mentions a choragic to Demosthenes (Dem. Or.

30,10), his wealth amounted to more than 30 talents.

His sister’s second husband was > Aphobus, which is why ©. became involved in the court case concerning -» Demosthenes’ [2] guardians proceedings and was sued by him in 362/1 for the withholding of property awarded to him by the court (Dem. Or. 30; 31). Davies, 11473 (III); SCHAFER, vol. 1*, 297-302.

-HA.BE.

Oneum ("Ovetov/Oneion, *Oveva don/Oneia Gre).

[1] A strategically significant limestone ridge in the southern part of the Isthmus of Corinth, measuring c. 8 km in length and up to 584 min height (Thuc. 4,44,45 Men lel 6x5 as itunes ee kon sr Doleeom see embltite Cleomenes 20,1; Polyaenus Strat. 2,3; 3,9), today again called O. PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN

3, 82; E. MEYER, s.v. O. (1), RE 18,

438-440. [2] and ras the

Megarian mountain region between > Geraneia > Cithaeron (Str. 8,6,21; 9,1,8), modern-day Pate-

Oros. MEYER [1. 1164] referred to it in explaining origin of the expression ‘to accomplish something more easily than the Boeotians crossed the O.’ (Apostolius 15,18; Suda s.v. OGov; [2]). 1 E. Meyer, s.v. Megara (2), RE 15,

Leutscu,

F. G. SCHNEIDEWIN

1152-1205

2E.L.

(ed.), Paroemiographi

Graeci, vol. 1, 1889, 448 nr. 64. PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN 440.

Onias

1, 94; E. MEYER, s.v. O. (2), RE 18,

(Greek ’Ov(e)iac/On(e)ias;

Cin wns

Hebrew

n‘honyah,

hunyah, honi); personal name, which was widespread in ancient Judaism ({9. vol. 2, 1394, 1455]; Jos. Ant. lud. 14,22; 25; 2225 Jos. Ap. 2,49; Mishnah Ta’an 3,8). In the pre-Maccabaean period, bearers of this name included four Zadokid High Priests at the Temple of -» Jerusalem. The most important historical sources for the lineage of the Oniads are the Antiquitates Iudaicae of > Iosephus [4] Flavius and 2 Macc. [1] O.T. (Late 4th cent. BC). Son of the High Priest Jaddua (Jos. Ant. lud. 11,347) and father of Simon the Just (Jos. Ant. lud. 12,243), who probably maintained diplomatic relations with > Areus [1] I., the king of Sparta (309-265 BC) [7. vol. 1, 184f.]. The historicity

134

053

of the correspondence (1 Macc 12,5-23; 14,16-23; Jos. Ant. lud. 12,22 5ff.; 13,15 5ff.) is disputed [3]. [2] O. IL. Son of Simon the Just, who officiated under Ptolemy III Euergetes (246-21 BC; acc. to Jos. Ant. lud. 12,158; on the dating, cf. [6. 489f.]). He was engaged in

ONOMACRITUS

Onocentaur

(masc.) or onocentaura

tavoocd/Onokéntauros,

(fem.) (Ovoxév-

“Ovoxévtavea/Onokéntaura).

Mythological monster. The word is first found in the LXX, in which the name O. is used for the Hebrew

(— prostatés), which resulted in transferring the political and tax representation of the Jewish éthnos to the > Tobiad Joseph by the Ptolemaic court [6. 44-48].

word for ‘jackal’ (Is 13:22; 34:14). The Biblical explanation appears to consider the O. to be a > demon (Theodoretus of Cyrus, Commentary on Is 13:22). In Greek and Latin non-Christian literature it is first found in Ael. NH 17,9: there its face is human, as are its body

a

dispute

over

tax

payments

and

the

prostasia

[3] O. If. Son of Simon II and grandson of O. II, who

from the chest to the loins and its arms and hands, while

officiated under Seleucus IV and Antiochus [6] IV Epiphanes (Jos. Ant. Iud. 12,237; 2 Macc 3f.). He was the last legitimate Zadokid High Priest. O. was deposed in 175/4 BC, replaced by his brother > Iason [3] and murdered in 171/o BC at Daphne [4], near Antioch (2 Macc 4:27ff.; against Jos. BI 1,33; 7,423f.: O. II built the

the rest of its body is that of a donkey (cf. the —~ centaurs). A mosaic in the Villa Barberini in Palestrina suggests that it may resemble a monkey.

temple of > Leontopolis [2]; Jos. Ant. Iud. 12,237f.: O.

Onomacles (Ovowaxdf\c¢/Onomaklés). Athenian politician. As strategos, he led a squadron to Samos in

died a natural death). Dan 9:26 probably refers to this event [4. 246f.; 7. Vol. 1, r49f.]. [4] O. IV. Son of O. III who fled to Egypt after he had been robbed ofthe office to which he was entitled by the imposition of > Alcimus [4] as High Priest. He erected the Jewish temple of > Leontopolis [2] (Mishnah Men 13,10) in the District of O. in the nome of > Heliopolis

[1] during the incumbency of > Antiochus [7] V Eupator (164-162 BC) (Jos. Ant. Jud. 12,387f.; 13,62ff.; [8]). On account of the contradictory statements of

Josephus, the issue whether the temple was built by O. Ill or O IV is disputed. Most researchers argue for O. IV; but differently [8. esp. 300; 7. vol. 3.1, 145ff.]. 1A. BUCHLER, Die Tobiaden und die Oniaden im II. Makkabaerbuche und in der verwandten jiidisch-hellenistischen Literatur, 1899 (repr. 1975)

2 J.-G. BUNGE, Zur

Geschichte und Chronologie des Untergangs der Oniaden und des Aufstiegs der Hasmonaer, in: Journal of the Study of Judaism 6, 1975, 1-46 3B. Carpauns, Juden und Spartaner: Zur hellenistisch-jtidischen Literatur, in: Hermes 95, 1967, 317-324 4R.H. Cuartes, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Book of Daniel, 1929

5 V. Ker, O. III. — Martyrer oder Tempelbegriinder?, in: ZATW 97, 1985, 221-233 6 M. HENGEL, Judentum und Hellenismus. Studien zu ihrer Begegnung unter besonderer Beriicksichtigung Palastinas bis zur Mitte des 2. Jahrhunderts v.Chr., 1969

7SCHURER

8 J. E. TayLor, A

Second Temple in Egypt: The Evidence for the Zadokite Temple of O., in: Journal of the Study of Judaism 29, 1998, 297-321

9 J.-B. Frey (ed.), Corpus Inscriptionum

Iudaicarum, 1952.

LWA.

Onion see > Leek

Onitha (‘Onita). One of several Syrian terms meaning ‘refrain’, ‘responsorium’ or ‘antiphon’ (others include ‘onaya or > Enyana). In liturgical texts of the ‘Church of the East’, onitha has the specific meaning of a metrical composition following a verse of a psalm. S.BR.

K. PREISENDANZ, S.v. O., RE 18, 487-491.

412/1 BC and against Miletus. (Thuc.

Tks

8,25,1; 30,2).

After the oligarchic coup, he belonged to the council of 400 (> tetrakdsiot), but in 4141 was indicted in an > eisangelia trial and escaped to avoid conviction (Plut. Mor. 833f) [1. 385]. O. later returned to Athens and belonged to the thirty (— tridkonta; Xen. Hell. 2,3,2). Lysias (Peri tes Onomakléous thygatros, fr. 104 THALHEIM) mentioned his daughter. 1 B. BLECKMANN, Athens Weg in die Niederlage, 1998. PA 11476; DEVELIN, 2211.

HA.BE.

Onomacritus (Ovoudxottoc/Onomakritos) from Athens, second half of the 6th/beginning of the 5th cent. BC, oracle interpreter and supervisor of the oracle of > Musaeus [1] (chrésmologos te kai diathétes chrésmon) closely connected with the - Peisistratids,

whose interests he did not always serve. When > Lasus [1] of Hermione convicted him for adding an oracle to those of Musaeus, he was banished by Hipparchus [1]. Yet he accompanied the Peisistratids after their downfall to Xerxes in order to induce him, by means of a deliberate choice of oracles, to march against Greece (Hdt. 7,6).

Sources are not so reliable on O.’s role in Attic - Orphism and his participation in the ‘Peisistratid recension of Homer’. The spectrum of positions stretches from a speculative identification with an Orphic Lycomid as editor of Homer to a sceptical rejection of any connection with Orphic literature. The attribution of Orphika to O. (OF T 191) is uncertain, as Aristotle mentions no alternative after excluding » Orpheus as author of Orphikd (Aristot. fr. 7 ROSE), whereas Pau-

sanias, who recognises only the Hymnoi of Orpheus as genuine and perhaps simply assigns writings under this name to O. (OF T 192-194), at least admits uncertainty

in this respect (OF T 195). A fortiori this is the case for the Teletai (OF T 186), to which Pausanias’s account of

Onnes see > Semiramis

O. as the founder of rites (6rgia) for Dionysus and the poetical reviser or inventor of the story of the Titans as the authors of Dionysus’s suffering has been related

ONOMACRITUS

TSP

136

(Paus. 8,37,5 = OF T 194). If O. was no Oprhic, his connection with Musaeus and religious writing might have lead to ascription of Orphic works to him, but his specifically Orphic biography is even more unclear about his ritual activities than about his literarily work. ~ Orphism

do all kinds of living beings (including gods, demons, satyrs, nereids etc.) have proper names, but so do countries, islands, places, streets, rivers, fountains, moun-

TESTIMONIES AND FRAGMENTS:

OFT 182-195.

BiBLIOGRAPHY: R. BOEHME, Peisistratos und sein homerischer Dichter, 1983; Idem, Der Lykomide: Tradition und

Wandel

zwischen

Orpheus

und

Homer,

1991;

M.

DI

Marco, Dioniso ed Orfeo nelle Bassaridi di Eschilo, in: A.

Masaraccula (ed.), Orfeo e l‘orfismo, 1993, 101-153; F. Graf, Eleusis und die orphische Dichtung Athens in vorhellenistischer Zeit, 1974, 147-149; A. MASARACCHIA, Introduzione, in: Idem (ed.), Orfeo e l‘orfismo, 1993, 22f.;

M. L. West, The Orphic Poems, 1983, 9 n. 13, 249-251. TH.

Onomarchus (Ovoucaoyoc/Ondmarchos, Phocian -Ovimaoyxoc/Onymarchos; FdD Il,5, no. 23, col. 1,42).

Politician

and military commander

of the Phocian

League (see > Phocis), son of Euthycrates (Aristot. Pol.

52451304 a 12). In 371 BC, O. defended Elatea [x] against the Thebans (Polyaenus, Strat. 2,38,1). Following the death of > Philomelus in 355 (according to Diod. Sic. 16,56,5; 61,2, the latter and O. were brothers, but cf. [1. rof.]), he became stratégés autokrator of the Phocians, brutally putting down his rivals (Diod. Sic. 16,33,1-3) [2. 131]. O. energetically espoused the continuation of the Third > Sacred War; for this reason, he plundered the Delphic sanctuary, melting down its temple treasury to mint coins with which mercenaries were recruited (Diod. Sic. 16,3 3,2; 36,1) [3]. In

354, he subdued Thronium and Amphissa, forcing his way forward to Orchomenus (Diod. Sic. 16,33,3f.). Next, he responded to a call for help from > Lycophron [3] by invading Thessaly, where he defeated Philip Il (> Philippus) (Polyaenus, Strat. 2,38,2) [1. 67— 69]. After further successes in Boeotia (conquest of Coronea), O. again went to Thessaly, where he died in

the spring of 352 at the Battle of the Crocus Field (on the plain of Pagasae) (Diod. Sic. 16,35). Philip had his corpse crucified and 3,000 Phocians executed as temple robbers (Paus. 10,2,3) [4. 328]. 1 J. Buckter, Philip I and the Sacred War, 1989

2H. J.

3 R.T. WiLLiaAMs, The Silver Coi1972 4 P. ELLINGER, La légende

nationale phocidienne, 1993.

HA.BE.

Onomasiology see » Lexicon / Vocabulary Onomastics.

A proper

name

+ Geographical names, > personal names as well as + ethnic names are especially numerous. As of yet, no comprehensive studies of Greek ethnic names or of those of the Apennine peninsula are available. Names are often very old and difficult to interpret [9]. Various other groups of names (a brief selection):

r. Figures from mythology and legend: > Satyrs often have descriptive names. Their names can refer to musical practice, such as Térpaulos (loosely ‘delighting by the music of his aulos’), Briakchos (‘roaring mightily’) or to sensuality such as Sybds (‘horny’) or to external characteristics such as Simos (‘pug-nosed’). The same applies to the Bacchae (> Dionysus): Ligeia (‘bright-voiced’), Terpsikomé (‘delighting in the komos), Methysé (‘who likes to drink’), Xantho (‘blonde’) etc.; on Satyrs and Bacchae [3; 6]; on the + Titans [17] (list of names).

The names of the — Nereids listed in Hes. Theog. 240ff. are mostly recent, probably descriptive names invented by the poet: Eupompe (‘good escort’), Aktaia (‘she who lives on the coast), Kymatolegé (‘she who stops the waves’) etc. The winds (semi-divine creatures) are called Zéphyros (‘west wind’), who comes from the west, i.e. from the area of darkeness after sunset (z6phos), Notos

(‘south-west wind’, probably from a root meaning ‘wet’), Euros (‘south-east wind’, maybe ‘the parching one’), Homeric Boréés, Attic Borras (‘north wind’; with

uncertain etymology), etc. The Romans have their own coinages: Favonius (‘west wind’, literally ‘the warming one’, cf. foved), Auster (‘south wind’, cf. German Osten, ‘East’), Aquilo (‘north wind’, literally ‘darkener

(of the sky)’. 2. Ships: In epic poetry there is Argo (‘the swift one’). Later, Greek ships were often named after

Nereids:

e.g. Aiglé, Amphitrite,

Galateia; but they

could also have names like Dikaiosyné (‘justice’), Mnémé (‘memory’) or Euliméne (‘she, who finds a good

+ Phocis GEHRKE, Stasis, 1985 nage of the Phocians,

tains, etc., as well as months, festivals, ships, weapons,

constellations, etc., or in short, anything perceived as unique, as having a single referent (cf. generally [25 7], older literature [4; 15. 633-63 8]).

(dvoua xVevov/onoma

kyrion, Lat. nomen proprium) refers to an individual, while an appellative refers to a member of a group. Thus, for instance, Greek Bouképhalos refers to a particular horse, i.e. the favorite horse of Alexander [4] the Great. Hippos, however, refers to an animal that belongs to a particular category of ungulates. Not only

harbour’). Roman ships often were named after gods, e.g. Apollo and Jupiter, but they could also be called Concordia

(‘harmony’)

or

Danuvius

(‘Danube’)

[12. 946-956; 14]. 3. Weapons: Greeks and Romans rarely gave names to their weapons. This, however, was common practice

among the Germanic peoples in the Middle Ages (cf. Siegfried’s sword Balmung, etc.). But cf. Plut. Pelopidas 29, where > Alexander [15] of Pherae dedicated to a deity a javelin he had used for killing, giving it the name of Tychon (roughly ‘which hit its goal’). 4. Domestic and hunting dogs: Argos, Odysseus > dog, probably meant ‘swift’, » Cerberus, the guardian of the entrance to the Underworld, maybe ‘speckled’.

L937

138

Later, there were e.g. Gorgos (masculine form of the terrifying Gorgd, fem.), Korax (‘raven’, after the black color), Syagros (‘boar hunter’) [1; 11]. 5. Cattle: In Mycenaean texts, several draft oxen are mentioned by name: wo-no-qo-so /Woinog'-orsos/ (‘the one with the ruby-coloured rump), ke-ra-no /Kelainos/ (‘the dark one’), ko-so-u-to /Ksout'os/ (uncertain meaning, cf. later Xouthds) etc. For the alphabetic period cf. [5]. 6. Horses: There is, of course, the mythical > Pegasus. Ov. Met. 2,153f. lists the horses of the sun-chariot: Pyrois, Eous, Aethoon and Phlegon; their names refer

Anthestérion was named after the ‘flower festival’ Anthesteéria, the Hekatombaion after the hecatomb sacrifice, etc. -» Cognomen; > Ethnic names; > Gentile; > Geographical names; > Gods, names of; > Months, names of;

to the heat of the sun or to its rise. In Hom. Il. 8,185

~ Hector calls the horses of his war chariot: Xanth6s (‘blonde, with a yellowish coat’), Pédargos (‘swift on his feet’), Aithon, Lampos (‘with a light, shiny coat’);

the first two names are attested for oxen in Mycenaean ~ Knossos. Race horses of the Roman Imperial period are proudly called Clarus (‘shining, famous’), Indomitus (‘untamed’), Victor (‘winner’), or after their origin

Arcas, after their mane Crinitus, or they have likening animal names such as Aquila (‘eagle’) [8. 106-114]. 7. Streets: Roman streets could be named after their

builder: via Appia (after the censor Appius Claudius [I 2] Caecus) or after their destination: via Laurentina (to Laurentum), etc. [18]. 8. Stars and constellations: The names for sun and moon can be traced to Indo-European. In Hom. Il. 22,29, Sirius, a first-magnitude star, is called Kyon ‘dog’ of Orion, i.e. his ‘companion’; the morning star is called Heosphoros (‘bringer of dawn’; similarly Lat. Lucifer ‘bringer of light’). > Planets only received (divine) names in the Hellenistic Period (the Romans kept that practice just as astronomers do even today: Mars, Mercury, Saturn, Venus, etc.). The constellation Ursa Major was known to Homer as Arktos (fem. ‘bear’) (first mention in Hom. Il. 18,487 with the comment ‘which is also called hamaxa, ‘chariot’’); using a

different image, the Romans called it Septentriones (‘the seven plough-oxen’). In that same passage(description of Achilles’ shield, Hom. Il. 18,486) Homer mentioned the > Pleiddes and the > Hyddes. The etymology of Pléiddes is unclear, Hyddes, however, certainly comes from hys (fem. ‘sow’); thus this star cluster

was interpreted as a sow and her huddling piglets. Vergiliae fem., the Latin term for the Pleiades, probably means ‘animals in the pen’ [10; 13]. 9. Months: > names of the months are attested as early as the Mycenaean Period (several of them at Knossos): di-wi-jo-jo me-no /Diwijojo ménnos/‘at the time of the month of Zeus’ or ‘of the month of the Diwija, the festival of Zeus’; wo-de-wi-jo-jo /Wordéwijojo/ roughly ‘month of the festival of the roses (?)’; and possibly also (at Pylus) po-ro-wi-to-jo /Plowistojo/ (gen.) ‘at the time

of shipping, when shipping was possible again’. In the Alphabetic Period there was great regional variation in the names of the months. C. TRUmpy [16] generally associates the names of the months in the Alphabetic Period with the names of festivals, e.g. the Attic month

ONOMASTIKON

~ Personal names; > Praenomen; > Supernomen + ONOMASTICS; 1 E. BECKER, De canum nominibus Graecis, thesis Konigsberg, 1884

2E. ErcHLer et al. (ed.), Namenforschung —

Name Studies — Les noms propres (Handbuch zur Sprachund Kommunikationsforschung), 2 fascicles, 1995 und 1996 3 (CH. FRANKEL, Satyr- und Bakchennamen auf Vasenbildern, 1912 4 E. FRAENKEL, s.v. Namenwesen, RE 16, 1611-1670 5F. JESCHONNECK, De nominibus quae Graeci pecudibus eee indiderunt, thesis Konigsberg, 1885 6A. Kossatz-DEISsMANN, Addenda zu Ch. Frankel, Satyr- und Bakchennamen

auf Vasenbil-

dern, in: Greek Vases in the J. Paul Getty Museum, vol. 5 (Occasional Papers on Antiquities 7), 1991, 146-199 7 D. Kremer (ed.), Onomastik,.Akten des 18. Internationalen Kongresses fiir Namenforschung Trier 12.-17. April

1993, vol. 3: Namensoziologie, 1999; vol. 4: Personenund Ortsnamen, 1999. 8M. LamBertz, Zur Ausbreitung des Supernomen oder Signum im rémischen Reiche, in: Glotta 4, 1913, 78-143 9G. LANGENFELT, On the Origin of Tribal Names, in: Anthropos 14, 1919, 295ff. 10 A. LE BoEuFFLE,

stellations, 1977.

Les noms

latins d‘astres et de con-

11 F. MENTz, Die klassischen Hunden-

amen, in: Philologus 88, 1933, 104-129, 181-202, 415-

442 12 F. MILTNER, s.v. Seewesen, RE Suppl. 5, 906-962 13 A. SCHERER, Gestirnnamen bei den indogermanischen Volkern, 1953 14K. ScHMrpT, Die Namen der attischen Kriegsschiffe, thesis Leipzig, 1931 15 SCHWYZER, Gramm. 16 C. TRUMPy, Untersuchungen zu den altgriechischen Monatsnamen und Monatsfolgen, 1997 17 E. WUsT, s.v. Titanes, RE 6 A, 1506-1508

18 ST. ZIMMER,

Zur Bildung der altr6mischen Strafennamen, in: ZVS 90, 1976, 183-199.

GN.

Onomastikon (6vopaotxdv/onomastikon, sc. Biptov/ biblion). I. Term II. Greex III. Latin I. TERM The term onomastikon (collection of names, from dbvoua/6noma, ‘name’) describes learned works that are

not arranged alphabetically but juxtapose synonyms and terms relating to the same semantic field. This principle of ordering is very old (it was already known in Near Eastern culture in the 2nd millennium BC; ~> Lists) and undoubtedly was the most common one up to the Augustan period. II. GREEK Already a (lost) work by > Democritus [1] (sth cent. BC), which treated linguistic problems (perhaps the exact meaning of some glosses), bore the title Onomastikon. Later (in the 5th/4th cents. BC), an onomastikon that was used also by Iulius [[V 17] Pollux circulated under Gorgias’ name; yet it could not have been a work of > Gorgias [2] of Leontini—at least not in the form in

ONOMASTIKON

which it is known today —even though the sophists (and especially this one) explicitly dealt with linguistic and lexical problems. Plato’s speculation is interesting (cf. Plat. Crat. 423d, 425a): According to him, dvopaotixi téyvn (onomastike téchne, the study of names) consisted of giving objects the correct name,

i.e., the one

matching their nature. Onomastika continued to be created in the Stoic context where they were used for etymological purposes on the one hand and for recording general knowledge on the other (cf. the Onomastikon of > Aelius [II 20] Stilo Praeconinus in the 2nd cent.

BC and the Onomastik6n

of John (Iohannes)

-» Mauropous, which he used for his Etymologikon in the

11th cent.).

In the great age of Alexandrian > philology, the onomastic ordering principle was most widespread in scholarly texts; yet alphabetic ordering also first occurred here. The oldest preserved lexicographic text (perhaps closely related to the Ataktoi glossai of > Philitas) is found at PHibeh 172 (270-230 BC): a poetic onomastikon that simply contains a series of compound adjectives without any further explanations. These are divided into groups according to one of their two members (e.g., Wehaumétahoc, WEAGU@vAAOL, WEAayxoNmMdES, wehoyupaorns). The majority of Alexandrian dictionaries

have an onomastic order based not on synonyms, but on semantic fields. The Naming of Peoples (EOvimai ovonaotal/Ethnikai onomasiai) by - Callimachus [3] must have exercised great influence (yet he was not the first to apply the onomastic order [2]). This work contained lists of

animals, objects and natural phenomena, often with ethnic and dialect specifications. PFEIFFER [5. 135] compiles words that (according to the conjectures of various scholars in the light of Suda x 227 ADLER) must have been the titles of some sections, yet the only certain section is the one on fish (fr. 406 PF., attested in Athen.

7,329a and Eust. 1936,14). Even though the introductory paragraphs to Aristophanes [4] of Byzantium’s Aé&eig (Léxeis) exhibit the first traits of a lexicon, the following sections were ordered according to semantic fields and thus onomastic in nature (titles are [leoi évowaotag hAuiav/On Age Designations, Megi ovyyevin@v kinship designations ovonatwv/On and Teg teoopwvynoewv/On Personal Addresses; > Lexicography). WENDEL [4. 508] put this work into a close relationship with the Ethnikai onomasiai of Callimachus because that often specifies the geographical area in which a word is used (but here Aristophanes only picked up on an interest that was widely disseminated throughout Alexandrian culture and philology). Other Greek authors studied technical jargon: Eratosthenes [2] in particular compiled onomastikd with the titles Lxevoyeadimov (Skeuographikon) and "Aoyitextovixov (Architektonikon), which treated names of household items and terms of workmanship, in close relation to his interest in comedy. They were one of the main sources of Iulius [[V 17] Pollux (esp. in his roth book).

140

139

Numerous Greek dictionaries ordered according to the onomastic principle were composed up to the early Imperial period, yet for the most part only the names and sparse fragments are preserved. Apollonius wrote the Navtd/Nautika (Nautics) while > Nicander [4] of Colophon and > Philemon of Aixone (3rd cent. BC) collected names of objects in everyday life, > Suetonius and > Telephus of Pergamum (2nd cent. AD) collected names of pieces of clothing. Suetonius furthermore wrote two treatises On Swear

Words

(legit BAaodn-

wav; Peri blasphéemion) and On the Games of the Greeks (Ieoi madiwv; Peri paidion). The thriving tradition of medical lexicography also used the onomastic order: Amerias compiled a ‘PiCotowxdv (Rbizotomikon), i.e. a collection of names of medical plants. Xenophon of Cos, Apollonius of Memphis and (under Trajan) > Rufus [5] of Ephesus and > Soranus compiled dictionaries of names of body parts. The latter also composed a Medical Terminology (lateima ovonatc; latrika onémata).

The

Cooks’

Terms

(Owaotutixat

yaA@oou; Opsartytikai gléssai) of Artemidorus (1st cent. BC) must have contained both culinary terms and expressions from comedy. The activities of Tryphon (ast cent. BC), who wrote a ®utxd (Phytikd, on the names of edible plants) and the treatise Teg Cawv (Peri zoion, On Animals) and collected names of musical instruments, were rather varied. Other works concen-

trated on words peculiar to a local dialect: Philemon of Aexone, “Attix Ovonata/Attika ondmata, Galen, Todttixa Ovouata/Politika onomata (on terms in the everyday language of comedy, ~ Glossography). The order of Pamphilus’ monumental collection On Glosses and Names (Negi yAwoo@y zai dvoudtov; Peri glosson kai onomaton, 1st cent. AD) has been the subject of debate for some time: The Suda (a 142 A.) attests

to an alphabetic order, yet many signs indicate that this is not the case. As a compromise, a combination of onomastic and lexicographic order has been proposed for this work several times: Supposedly, it is a conglomerate of glosses, mixed with a list of names that is divided into semantic fields and ordered alphabetically within them. Still, the question remains unanswered. The contrast between > lexicography and onomastics relates to the controversy between > Phrynichus and Pollux, between narrow Atticistic rigor and a more permissive approach, between a deterministic vertical and a comprehensive horizontal ordering principle. Lexicography — according to lulius [IV 17] Pollux (2nd cent. AD) — became the dominant genre: Nevertheless,

his Onomastikon remained the only onomastikon preserved from Greek antiquity (even though the preserved edition was interpolated and epitomized by Arethas of Caesaria (roth cent. AD)). Julius Pollux was an Atticist, but his choice of the onomastic (instead of the lexicographic-alphabetic) order demonstrates a descriptive and less rigid attitude than that of his rival Phrynichus. In books 8-10, Julius Pollux enters into a direct polemical controversy with the latter and answers his reproaches regarding the 49 glosses in the first 7 books of his Onomastikon.

[41

142

In later lexicography, too, residues of onomastics abound: Various glosses use this type of order, and materials can be found that are closely related to those of Pollux (e.g., in -» Hesychius [1]). -» Glossography; > LEXICOGRAPHY

Eucherius, who had already summarized the Collationes of John > Cassianus in 24 books, compiled 15 indices of names in the 2nd book of his Inmstructiones Libri Duo ad Salonium Filium: De Hebraeorum nominum interpretatione (I), de variis vocabulis (II), de

EpiTion:

1E. Berue (ed.), Pollucis Onomasticon, vols.

I-3, 1900-1937. SECONDARY

LITERATURE:

21. SCHOENEMANN, De lexi-

cographis antiquis qui rerum ordinem secuti sunt, 1886 3M.

Nacuster,

De Pollucis et Phrynichi controversiis,

thesis Leipzig, 1908 4C. WENDEL, s.v. O., RE 18, 507516 SR. PFEIFFER, History of Classical Scholarship, 1968 6R. Tost, La lessicografia e la paremiografia, in: F. Montanari (ed.), La philologie grecque a l’époque hellenistique et romaine (Entretiens 40), 1994, 143-209 71d., Studi sulla tradizione indiretta dei classici greci, 1988 8E. DeGaNt, La lessicografia, in: G. CAMBIANO et al. (ed.), Lo spazio letterario della Grecia antica, vol. 2, 1995, 505-527 9 J. TAILLARDAT, Suétone. Des termes injurieux. Des jeux grecs, 1967. RT.

III. LATIN

Of the various onomastika biblia common in Classical and Hellenistic Greece, namely in particular the

philosophical and grammatical ones (cf. Il above), it is mostly the grammatical ones that were continued in Latin, limited to ready-to-use indices of on6mata arranged by genres. After the first onomastica by > Suetonius (the Liber de genere vestium in Greek, which is no longer preserved but was probably dependent on + Varro, and the De vitiis corporalibus), most Latin onomastica come from late Antiquity. Examples are the grammarian — Nonius [II 1] Marcellus (4th cent.) with his Compendiosa Doctrina, also Isidorus [9], whose Etymologiae (books 11-20) included subject indices relating to (human) body parts, animals, the skies, the Earth, states, towns, buildings, metals, weights, etc.

The didactic purpose of such indices is mainly evident in the work of > Polemius Silvius (5th cent. AD, on this [r]), who in his Laterculus (‘Index’) attached various appendices to a Roman calendar. 8 ofthe originally planned rz indices between the months are preserved: nomina omnium principum Romanorum, nomina provinciarum, nomina cunctorum aspirantium

ONOMATOPOEIA

expositione diversarum rerum (III), de gentibus (IV), de locis (V), de fluminibus vel aquis (VI), de mensibus (VII), de solemnitatibus (VIII), de idolis (IX), de vesti-

bus (X), de avibus vel volantibus (XI), de bestiis vel reptilibus (XII), de ponderibus (XIII), de mensuris (XIV), de Graecis nominibus (XV). The fact that, in the 6th cent., Cassiodorus recommended Eucherius’ work to his students as a basic textbook (Inst. 1,10,1) con-

firms the use of such books church communities. Other examples of indices purpose but that are based on so-called hermeneumata (5th

as didactic materials in

that also have a didactic pagan traditions are the cent., s. [2|). These are bilingual (Greek/Latin) collections of texts of various types, which contain, among other things, two types of word indices (sorted both alphabetically and by genre). A reflection of the pedagogical use of word catalogues is found in Ausonius’ Mosella (AD 370), especially in the fish catalogue (V. 85-145), which may be based on a source that also underlies the Laterculus. > Glossography; > Lexicography; — LExICOGRAPHY 1 E. S. DuLaBaAHn, Studies on the Laterculus of Polemius

Silvius, 1987 rum,

2G. G6rz, Corpus Glossariorum Latino-

1888-1923,

theana (repr. 1965)

vol. 3: Hermeneumata Pseudodosi3 J. Goopy, The Domestication of

the Savage Mind, 1977, 74-111.

Onomastus

SLMA.

(Ovoucaotoc/Ondmastos).

Confidant and

official of > Philippus V [1. 1o9f.], as governor in Thrace in 185/4 BC he and Cassander actuated a bloody raid by the Thracians on pro-Roman > Maronea [1] (Pol. 22,13,3-7; Liv. 39,34,2), which, however, Philippus protected from being handed over to Rome (Pol. 22,14,1-5; Liv. 39,34,6-10). In the > Demetrius [5] high treason affair O. probably advised rigour (Liv. 40,8,4-6; cf. 16,1-3). 1S. LE BOHEc, Les ‘philoi’ des rois Antigonides, in: REG 98, 1985, 93-124.

L-M.G.

(quadrupedum, volucrum, eorum quae non moventur, colubrarum),

nomina

cunctorum

spirantium

(insecto-

rum sive reptantium, natantium), ratio quaerendae lunae festi paschalis (Easter date calculation, missing), quae sint Romae (names of montes, fora, pontes, etc.),

poeticae fabulae (missing), breviarium

temporum (a summary history from the Great Flood to AD 449), voces variae animantium (24 onomatopoetic animal sounds), nomina ponderum sive mensurarum (weights

and measures), pedes metrorum

ommnium (metres, mis-

sing), sectae philosophicae (schools of philosophers, missing). That the Laterculus addresses the members of the upper ecclesiastical hierarchy of Gaul is demonstrated by the work’s dedication to the bishop of Lyons, Eucherius [3], whose works possibly also served as a source of the Laterculus.

Onomatopoeia. The direct rendering of sensory impressions through the sound of individual words or word groups. Onomatopoetic words were formed particularly in colloquial and poetic language (often with repeated elements) for the representation of acoustic or optical phenomena (in Greek and Latin, for example, Baopaood/barbaros

(‘stutterer’,

‘Non-Greek’),

dd0Av-

Ceww/ololyzein (‘to scream’), turtur (‘turtledove’), mugire (‘to moo’, ‘bellow’), yaoyaigetw/gargairein (‘to swarm’), waeuaigeiw/marmairein

tilla (‘spark’)). New

(‘to fluoresce’), scinonomatopoetic words could be

created at any time either with loose allusion to existing forms or without a model. Within word groups, onomatopoeia in the more literal sense (imitation of sound,

ONOMATOPOEIA

accumulation of certain sounds, > alliteration, paronomasia, homoioteleuton, rhyme, euphonic or cacophonic effects) can be supported and emphasized by other means: word repetitions, word forms (overly long words, monosyllabic words), in verse also by the rhythm (for example, lively, swift dactyls, grave, slow spondees), missing caesuras, frequent or unusual elisi-

ons or enjambment. In individual cases it can be disputed whether an ancient author employed onomatopoeia deliberately. Nevertheless, the fact that it did play an important role in Greek (such as in the Homeric works and in plays) and Roman poetry and was perceived as such is attested to in numerous references in scholia and commentaries, as well as statements by grammarians (for example Dion. Hal. comp. 15). Compare also the treatment of individual sounds and their expressiveness in Plato’s Cratylus (426c—4274d). > Figures; > METRICS C. FaccuIn! Tost, s.v.: Fonostilistica, Enciclopedia Oraziana 2, 1997, 841-850; Id., s.v.: Onomatopoea, Enciclopedia Oraziana 2, 1997, 930-932; E. TicHy, Onomatopoetische Verbalbildungen des Griechischen, (SOeAW:

Sitzungsberichte der 6sterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philologisch-historische Klasse 409), 1983; H. WIELAND, Lautmalerei, in: HOFMANN/SZANTYR, Latei-

nische Syntax und Stilistik, 1965,

712-714.

P.FL.

Onos see Epinetron

Ongelos see

> Aquila [3]

Ontology A. INTRODUCTION CAL THESES

B. PARMENIDES’

C. ONTOLOGY

(HERACLITUS)

D.PLATO’S

OF ONTOLOGY

SYNTHESIS

OF BEING IN STOICISM ONTOLOGY

ONTOLOGI-

OF BECOMING

QUALIFICATION TOTELIAN

144

143

AFFIRMATION

AND

E. THE ARIS-

F. A NARROWER

CONCEPT

G. THE OVERCOMING

IN NEOPLATONISM

OF

H. LATER

INFLUENCE

A. INTRODUCTION Ontology is the study of Being. Although the term ‘ontology’ (hoyog tot dvto¢c/ logos tou Ontos) was coined only in the Late Scholasticism of the early 17th

cent., it explicitly refers to a discipline that originated in Greek philosophy. An important part of ancient philosophy, it became later known as > ‘metaphysics’, the fundamental discipline, and as ‘first science’ (Aristot. Metaph. 6,1,1026a; Ps.-Aristot. Metaph.

11,4,1061b

30). Plato and Aristotle regarded ontology as the epitome of > ‘wisdom’ (sophia).

The term ‘ontology’ can refer to a branch of philosophy that is preoccupied with the meaning of ‘to be’ (eivaveinai, Lat. esse). Its embodiment is the philosophical tradition of Parmenides, Plato and Aristotle,

still relevant in the Middle Ages and in the Modern Period. (Ontology in this sense is a body of thought closely connected with Greek language and culture).

The term can also refer in a methodological sense to the neutral question of the meaning of existence and reality in general, a question for which every ancient philosophical school has — at least implicitly — provided an answer (even when not explicitly referring to Being). Those answers range from idealism to > materialism. As such an extended use of the term ‘ontology’ is modern, this article focuses on ontology in the strictly etymological sense. B. PARMENIDES’ ONTOLOGICAL THESES Starting with

+ Parmenides

(c. 500 BC), the verb

einai (‘to be’) and its participle 67 (dv, ‘being’) became of fundamental importance to Greek philosophers.

‘Being’ (t0 dv, t0 6x) is the most general possible description of reality or the whole of reality. Everything we perceive through our senses is and our every thought is, i.e. is something, is a being and thus not nothing (ovdév/oudeén, ovtWorti). From this Parmenides draws a

twofold conclusion: one, ‘that it is, and that it is impossible for what is not to be’ and two, ‘that it is not, and that what is not must needs not be’ (28 B 2, line 3 and 5 DK). These arguments are the first in history to express two fundamental principles: the logical law of noncontradiction and the tenet that Being is identical to itself. Only by heeding these principles can one take ‘the path of truth (alétheia)’. Outside this path there are only impossibilities of thought (‘for you cannot know what is not nor utter it’, 28 B, 2, line 7 DK) or the confused state of people who live in the realm of > opinion (d6xa) and think that ‘Being and Not-Being’ are the same (28 B 6, line 8 DK). Opinion is as volatile as its subject and cannot be true since truth is stable and presupposes something everlasting. Thought about Being, on the other hand, is always true because ‘to think and to be are the same thing’ (28 B 3 DK). The fundamental assumption that any /6gos is a logos of Being and that Being can be grasped by logical thought faces a difficulty which Parmenides addresses in the second part of his poem. While true Being is one and unchangeable, the world of experience is subject to variety and change. It is and at the same time it is not. The knowledge that fits this ambiguous situation is no other than the doxd rejected in the first part of Parmenides’ poem as intrinsically contradictory. Although doxa cannot provide pure knowledge, as a ‘likely’ way of dealing with things it nevertheless has some legitimacy in the physical world. C. ONTOLOGY

OF BECOMING

(HERACLITUS)

~ Heraclitus holds the opposite position: according to him, ‘everything is in flux’ and therefore opposites do not exclude but rather complement each other and can exist together at the same time. In an extended sense of the word, one could speak of a ‘Heraclitean ontology’ that defines Being as Becoming. But since for the Greeks Being and Becoming usually were mutually exclusive terms, it is more appropriate to call Heraclitus’ position anti-ontological; this position was later adopted in

145

146

parts by the Stoics (> Stoicism). Heraclitus and his students are accused by Plato (PI. Tht. r57ab) and Aristotle (Aristot. Metaph. 3,4,1006a 26) of having abolished Being and along with it logos.

decried by Aristotle (Aristot. Metaph. 1,9,991a 22) —

D. PLATO’S AFFIRMATION

AND QUALIFICATION

OF ONTOLOGY Asa young man > Plato supposedly became familiar with Heraclitus’ views. According to Heraclitus, systematic knowledge of the sensory world is not possible because it is in constant flux. In the spirit of Parmenides, Plato concluded that there had to be some kind of stable, intelligible entities of which — in contrast to the sensory world — knowledge was possible. Plato called such determinate, i.e. definable entities, ‘ideas’ (idéat/ idéai or eldn/eide; — Ideas, theory of). In the classic dia-

logues (Phaedo, Res publica) ideas are simply called Onta (dvta, ‘beings’). Objects of sensory experience are

me Onta (wij Ovta, ‘non-beings’); Plato denies they have ‘being’. In contrast to Parmenides, Plato’s radical onto-

logical approach did not result in a total separation (chorismos) of the intelligible and the sensory world. Plato gradually abandoned this idea because it precludes any knowledge of nature for the sake of a pure knowledge. Natural objects are images or imitations (mimémata;

> mimesis);

Plato calls the relationship

holding between an image and its perfect example (paradeigma) ‘participation’ (méthexis). Thus an ontological status may be accorded to the sensory world, and although it is a derivative one, it is not reduced to mere ‘appearance’, as it is for Parmenides. In the Sophista, Plato further qualifies ontology. The historical existence of the > sophists attests that, Parmenides’ thesis notwithstanding, appearance may be conceived as Being. Although this is false, the very possibility of error refutes the thesis of the identity of thinking and Being. Logos is not only the Jogos of something, but of something about something (tinds peri tinos; Pl. Soph. 263a): I say of A, that it is B, and thus that it is not A. The predicative structure of the statement which is not a mere ‘saying’ but rather a ‘synthesis of words’ (synthesis rhémdton; ibid. 263d) reflects an ‘intertwining of ideas’ (eidon symploké; 259e) that partake of each other. Being is thus no longer conceived of as being one: it is varied and contains relationships, mutual differences, i.e. a relative Non-Being. Being itself participates in the genera of the Same, of the Other, of Rest and of Movement, thereby losing its uniqueness and exclusiveness. Plato himself considers this thought a ‘patricide’ of his teacher Parmenides (PI. Soph. 241d). Despite this changed understanding of Being, for Plato and in Platonism Parmenides’ conception of the identity of thinking and Being remained influential as an ideal and regulatory principle. This is evident in the hierarchical ordering of modes of being: the sensory world is seen as a degradation of the intelligible world and subordinate to it. It remains unclear whether the participation of the sensory in the intelligible is — as

ONTOLOGY

merely a ‘metaphor’ unable to overcome their separation, or whether it can initiate a rational process of deriving plurality from the One, the temporal from the eternal. This became the central issue of Plato’s unwritten doctrine and of > Neoplatonism. E. THE ARISTOTELIAN SYNTHESIS + Aristotle [6] was the first to systematically discuss the question of Being. He called for a ‘knowledge of Being qua Being’ and made a first, significant contribution to It. This science differed from the theoretical sciences that already existed: rather than examining particular areas of being — as did theology, mathematics and physics — it examined the notion of Being in its full extent. Thus, Aristotle excluded from the start that ontology could be reduced to physics (as in the case of the ancient physiologists) or to theology (as Platonism tended to do).

Aristotle recognised the plurality of modes of being. ‘Being is said in many ways’ (Metaph. 3,2; 4,7; 6,1): Being in an accidental sense or Being qua Being (which is divided into the categories), Being as truth, Being in action or as potential. The most questionable point about this is that even Being qua Being has a multitude of meanings, which are the — categories: substance (ovoia/ousia), quantity, quality, relation, place, time,

situation, having, action and passion. This list is not a rhapsody (Kant) but has a hierarchical structure; ousia, in the double sense of ‘essence’ and ‘subject’, is the first category. The other categories cannot exist without it; their secondary Being is founded in their relation to ousia. Ousia as the first category is the fundamental principle (arché) of the other ones, not in the sense that they could be logically deduced from ousia but insofar as they can only exist as predicates of substance and as modalities of essence (t7 esti). In Late Antiquity, these complex relationships were systematised under the heading of an ‘analogy of Being’ (first mentioned in > Philoponus). Aristotle himself does not speak of analogy in the case of Being; rather, he emphasises ousia as a ‘point of reference’ and ‘focus’ in relation to which the other non-primary meanings of Being derive their meaning and permanence without sacrificing their own characteristics. In this way, Aristotle accounts for the central phenomenon of > motion and allows the categories of Being to be used in the investigation of nature. The concept of substantiality remains fundamental, however; it enables the organisation of perception by securing a uniform subject for the plurality of predicates and a permanent substrate for change. The Aristotelian doctrine of the multiple meanings of Being and of its focal relationship to the fundamental meaning of substantiality overcomes the antagonism between Parmenidism and Heraclitism, intellectualism and empiricism, monism and dualism. Already in antiquity it was considered the pinnacle of ontological inquiry.

ONTOLOGY F. A NARROWER STOICISM

148

147 CONCEPT OF BEING IN

In Hellenistic philosophy, the question of Being lost its central place. In Stoic philosophy (-> Stoicism), Being became a physically defined concept denoting the ‘capacity for action and passion’ (SVF II, 128). Only bodies have such capacities and therefore they alone are beings (6vta/onta). But there are also incorporeal realities that can be referred to and that are not without content, such as place, the void, time and what is ‘sayable’ (Aextov/lekton). In order to classify these incorporeal entities (Gompuata/asomata) which ‘are’ not in

the strict sense, yet ‘exist’? somewhere, the Stoics needed a more general concept than that of Being: the concept of a ‘something’ (tWti). What is incorporeal is ‘something that is not’ (tiva obx Ovta/tina ouk Onta; SVF Il, 329-331).

G. THE OVERCOMING OF ONTOLOGY IN NEOPLATONISM The Stoic word play reflected the need for a more general concept than that of Being, in order to do justice to all possible forms of appearance and their differentiations, and to subsume them under a single concept. Ever since Parmenides, and even in everyday language, ‘to be’ meant ‘permanent presence’ and ‘eternal truth’ — as opposed to ‘becoming’ and ‘seeming’. From the Hellenistic Period on, the verb was considered to be too

narrow to serve as a universal collective term and hig-

hest principle. Therefore the Neoplatonists, starting with > Plotinus, denied Being the absolute supremacy that the Platonists had accorded it. Plato himself had already said that because the highest principle (the idea of the Good) gives Being to all things, it resides ‘beyond being’ (éméxewa tig ovoiac/epékeina tés ousias) (PI. Resp. so9b). In > Neoplatonism Plato’s isolated statement is interpreted in the sense that the cause of the whole of being is itself not a being but rather the One (év, bén). The One causes all beings ‘to be’ because only

_ unity gives the individual beings their existence (Plot. Enneades 6,9,1). The One is a ‘Super-being that is not’

(wh Ov breQov/me On hyperon; Procl. Platonis theologia, bk. 2). Plotinus retained the notion of Being but down-

graded it to the second > hypostasis: it is an articulated whole and, just as in Platonic tradition, it is recognised by the > intellect (ozs). But intellect and Being are not

supreme: above them is the One as the first principle that escapes any intellectual knowledge and that can only be approached through mystical experience. H. LATER INFLUENCE In Late Antiquity, Greek ontology was largely systematised, especially by the commentators on Aristotle

their essence

(‘by analogy’).

This

onto-theological

schema, in which the supreme being (summum ens) 1s

the principle of the whole of being (ens commune), provided Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274) and later theologians with the metaphysical framework for a creationist theology. Deviating from this main trend, but influential nonetheless, was the effort to replace ontology with a henology and a de-ontologized theology. In this tradition, represented in Antiquity by > Augustine (De trinitate 5,13 5,2) and > Pseudo-Dionysius [54] (De nominibus divinis), God is different from the creatures in every

respect and without restriction: God and the creatures

do not even have Being in common, nor the pertaining predicates. The most radical form of such a rejection of ontological theology is the ‘negative theology’ according to which transcendence and the infinite nature of God can only be indicated by negating any ‘ontic’ predicate. > METAPHYSICS R.E. ALLEN (ed.), Studies in Plato’s Metaphysics, 1965; P. AUBENQUE, Le probleme de l’étre chez Arist6te, 1962,

*1994; F. BRENTANO, Von der mannigfachen Bedeutung des Seienden nach Aristoteles, 1862, *1970; J. BRUNSCHWIG, La theorie stoicienne du genre supréme et l‘ontologie platonicienne, in: J. BARNES, M. MrGnuccri (ed.),

Matter and Metaphysics, 1991; M. FrepE, Pradikation und Existenzaussage, 1968; P. Haport, L’étre et l’étant dans le néoplatonisme, in: J. TROUILLARD et al., Etudes néoplatoniciennes,

1973; E. HetrscH,

Parmenides.

Die

Anfange der Ontologie, Logik und Naturwissenschaft, 1974; G. Huser, Das Sein und das Absolute, 1955; J. J.

KrAmer, Arete bei Platon und Aristoteles. Zum Wesen und zur Geschichte der platonischen Ontologie, 1959; W. Marx, Einfiihrung in Aristoteles’ Theorie vom Seienden, 1972; W. Mescn, Ontologie und Dialektik bei Aristoteles, 1994; J. OWENS, The Doctrine of Being in the Aristotelian Metaphysics, 1951, *1963. P.AU.

Onulf. Brother of > Odoacer. After the fall of Attila’s kingdom, O. led the > Sciri (Iord. Get. 277f.), together

with his father. After their defeat, he served the Romans from AD 469 on. Challenged by the magister militum praesentalis Armatus, he killed him in 477, on the orders of > Zeno (Malchus, FHG 4, p. 117, fr. 8 = fr. 9,4 BLOCKLEY)

[2. 411-413].

O. served as magister

militum in Illyria from 477 to 479, then changed to his brother’s side and in 488 defeated the Rugians (Eugippius, Vita Severini 44,4). He was murdered in 493 after Odoacer’s defeat (lohannes Antiochenus, FHG 5, p. 29, fr 24a) s 1 PLRE 2, 806

2 W. BRaNnpbes, Familienbande?, in: Klio

7531993, 407-437.

WE.LU.

(> Aristotle, commentators on). Since most of them belonged to the Platonic school (-» Academy), the Aris-

Onuphis (“Ovovgic; Onouphis). Town in Lower Egypt

totelian doctrine became heavily platonized (especially by — Porphyrius, > Syrianus, Asclepius and -> Philoponus): ‘Being qua Being’ is seen as the supreme being that distributes Being among entities in proportion to

and the nome named after it (Ovovditys), first referred to in Hdt. 2,166 as a settlement area of the — Calasirieis, later mentioned by ancient geographers (Plin. HN 4,49; Ptol. Geog. 4,5,22 among others) and in a Coptic

149

Tso

list of bishops; presumably in the central Delta near modern Mahallat Mintf. A. B. LLoyp, Herodotus, Book II, Commentary

1988, 193-4.

99-182,

K.J-W.

OPERA

W. D. Her~Meyer (ed.), Licht und Architektur, 1990; C.

SPULER, Opaion und Laterne. Zur Frage der Beleuchtung antiker und frithchristlicher Bauten durch ein Opaion und zur Entstehung der Kuppellaterne, 1973. C.HO,

Opellius Onuris

(Ovovets;

Onouris).

Egyptian god (Jnj-hrt,

[1] Imp. Caes. M.O. (Antoninus) Diadumenianus, son

*ianty harat, ‘the one who fetches the distant one’),

of the emperor M.O. > Macrinus, born on 14 or 19 September 208 AD (Cass. Dio 78,3 4,2; SHA Diad. 5,5). At the beginning of 217 he was given the title of clarissimus puer (CIL XV 7505), shortly afterwards he was

attested in cuneiform as anhara and in Coptic (a)nhoure. O. is depicted with four feathers on his head, carrying a lance, and wearing a robe. His main cult centres were > Thinis (8th Upper Egyptian district) and

> Sebennytus. O. was often syncretically associated with other gods, especially Haroeris, Shu and Arensnuphis and partly also with > Thot (of Pnubs); the Greeks equated him with > Ares (dream of > Nectanebus). O. may originally have been a god of hunting; in the historical period, his aggressive nature was emphasized and he was regarded as one of the powerful gods of Egypt. He often appears in ostracism scenes as the

one who overcomes > Seth or Apopis. In Thinis, the lion-headed goddess Mehit was his consort. O.-Shu is a protagonist of the ‘Myth of the Distant Goddess’. He fetches Hathor-Tefnut (> Tefnut legend),

the daughter of the sun god, back to Egypt from southeastern Nubia. The myth may be an interpretation of natural phenomena; it is often associated with the movement of the sun’s path during the year or the phases of the moon. However, the actual origin of the myth was probably the period of invisibility of Sirius. 1J. ENpr6p1, Der Auftakt zur Onuris-Legende, in: U. Lurt (ed.), FS L. Kakosy, 1992, 125-136 Die Onuris-Legende, 1917.

2H. JUNKER, JO.QU.

also princeps tuventutis and nobilissimus Caesar (Cass. Dio 78,17,1; 19,1; Herodian.

5,4,12; Aur. Vict. Caes.

22,1; AE 1953,543; 1954,8; 1960,36; RIC IV, 2,22). In

May 218, after the beginning of the mutiny of troops in Raphanaea in Syria, Macrinus made him Augustus (Cass. Dio 78,34,2). After - Elagabal [2]’s victory on 8 June 218 he, Epagathus and others were sent to Artabanus V (Cass. Dio 78,39,1), but he was recognised in

Zeugma and killed shortly afterwards (Cass. Dio 78,40,1; Herodian. 5,4,12; SHA Opil. 10,5; SHA Diad. 8,2; 9,2—-4). D. Krenast, Romische Kaisertabelle, *1996, 170f.; PIR? O 107. TF.

[2] See > Macrinus

Opera. The Latin term opera was used to describe the output of work demanded of a worker in one day. This says nothing about that worker’s legal status; he could be a freeman, freedman or a slave (Cic. Off. 1,41; cf. also the definition in Paulus, Dig. 38,1,1: ‘operae sunt

and Asia Minor (Plin. HN 36,59-61), as well as a gems-

diurnum officium’). The Roman > agrarian writers use opera to determine precisely at what time certain work had to be done; in this way, it was possible to specify the speed of the work above and beyond the working hours and to calculate the number of slaves needed for a rural estate of a particular size (cf. for instance Varro, Rust.

tone with alternating bands of colour (agate, cf. Theophr. De lapidibus 31 [1. 68]) found in several variations. Despite the contention of Plin. HN 37,90 (= Isid. Orig. 16,8,3), the name is not derived from 6dnyx (‘fingernail’). The alabaster-like stone was used to make

cent. AD) demanded of the coloni with important goods in Africa not just a tax on part of their harvest but also the performance of work which was called operae. This included ploughing, harvesting and miscellaneous

Onyx (évv§; 67yx) designates an alabaster-like stone,

which was imported by the Romans from India, Syria

drinking cups, the feet of beds, containers for ointments

and even pillars. The gemstone was used to decorate rings or for cameos [2]. 1D. E. EtcHHotz (ed.), Theophrastus de lapidibus, 1965 2 F. IMHOOF-BLUMER, O. KELLER, Tier- und Pflanzenbilder auf Miinzen und Gemmen des klassischen Altertums, 1889, repr. 1972.

C.HU.

Opaeum (dx2aov, opaion). The opening in the roof or dome in the architecture of antiquity; an important element of > lighting in ancient buildings. Rare in Greek architecture (‘lantern’ of the > Lysicrates monument in Athens; — Telesterion of Eleusis), but common in Roman dome building. -» Dome, Construction of Domes; > Roofing

1,18; Columella

2,11; 2,12). The lex Manciana

(1st

work (weeding) on two days each, a total therefore of six days of work a year. The inscription of Villa Magna

Variana (AD 116/7) expressly forbids the conductor or > vilicus to demand of the coloni more than these six operae (CIL VIII 25902 col. 4,22). Ina petition addressed to Commodus, the coloni of the saltus Burunitanus (Africa proconsularis) request that any increase in the stipulated operae be prohibited (CIL VIII 10570 = ILS 6870).

~ Colonatus; > agriculture; > Operae libertorum D. P. KEHOE, The Economics of Agriculture on Roman Imperial Estates in North Africa, 1988. H.SCHN.

OPERAE LIBERTORUM

Operae libertorum. The services (more precisely: the daily duties) Roman ex-slaves were obliged to perform for their patron (> patronus) after their > manumission. The phenomenon of servitude for freed people is also known from other ancient slave-holder societies (> paramone). OL did not result from the slave-patron relationship itself. Rather, freed men and -women were obliged by oath to their manumitters and repeated the obligation after being set free either in the same form or by > stipulatio. Only by means ofthis repetition could undertaking of OL become legally binding, as slaves could not enter into any obligation on their own account. However, the oath beforehand formed the moral and economic precondition for the manumission itself. It was probably by means of an edict in 115 BC that freed men and -women, who had made a promise of OL in a way which was not legally binding, were thereby denied legal protection for their personal freedom. The economic sense of OL was ‘manumission on credit’ (WIEACKER according to [1. 126ff.]): if slaves were lacking the means (out of their > peculium) to buy their freedom, they had to produce the additional economic quid-pro-quo for manumission by means of OL. Remarkably, there was a series of rights protecting freed people in the performance of OL (in detail [1. 13 1ff.], a summary [1. 390ff.]): it followed precisely from the special reason for obligation by oath or stipulatio e.g. that only such OL were due as could in fact be promised. Part of this is also the limitation of OL to the abilities (natural or acquired by training) of freed persons: a physician could not be required to do field work. Asa rule patrons bore the risk of freed persons’ illness, their travelling costs and the expense of their keep. 1 W. WALDSsTEIN, O.1., 1986.

Operarii see

Cs.

> Day-labourers

Ophelestes (Odedéomes; Opheléstés). [1] Trojan, killed by > Teucrus outside the city (Hom. Il. 8,274). [2] Paeonian warrior at Troy, killed by > Achilles [1] (Hom. Il. 21,210; schol. Hom. Il. 13,643 Maass with conjecture).

SLA.

Ophelion (Qekiwv/Ophelion). Attic comedian from the 4th cent. BC. The titles of four plays have survived (Aevxahtwv/Deukalion;, “lddenoc/Ialemos or ‘Simple Simon’; Kadhkaoyeo¢/Kallaischros — it is unclear from this name whether the play is about a historical or fictitious person;

Kévtaugoc/Kéntauros).

There

are six

fragments extant which are ineffectual except for fragment 3 (parody of Plato). PCG VII, 1989, 97-99.

152

st

H.-G.NE.

Ophellas (Opéddac/Opheéllas). [1] O. of Olynthus, presumably a subordinate of + Cleomenes [7] in the administration of Egypt (epimelétés in Athribis; see

> epimelétai). He is said to have

blackmailed the nomdrchai subordinate to him ({Aris-

tot.] 13534 5ff.). ~ Agathocles [2] BERVE 2, Nr. 599.

[2] Son of Silenus, Macedonian from > Pella, > philos

+ of Alexander [4] the Great and his (liturgical) trierarch (— Trierarchy) at the Hydaspes (Arr. Succ. fr. 1,17; Arr. Ind. 18,3; Diod. Sic. 20,40,1). O. was mar-

ried to a supposed descendant of Miltiades [2], Eurydice of Athens (Plut. Demetrius 14,1; probably already some time before 309 BC: Diod. Sic. 20,40,5). Sent by +» Ptolemy I 322/1 as stratégos against > Cyrene and + Thibron

(FGrH

239

B ro), after the victory,

O.

became the Ptolomaean governor of > Cyrenia (Diod. Sic. 18,21,7-9).

Nothing is known of his role in the

secession of Cyrene and its subsequent recapture in 3113/2; all we know is he stayed governor. The relationship between O. and > Carthage cannot be determined. In 309, O. concluded an agreement with the Sicilian tyrant — Agathocles [2]. It is unlikely to have been approved by Ptolemy, since it proclaims independence from Egypte (O. was independent according to Suda s.v. Demetrius; Diod. Sic. 20,40,1; Justin. 22,7,4; Oros. 4,6,29). (This independence was de facto rather than

proclaimed, for the sources use quite different titles for him). When, in what form and for how long O. achie-

ved a degree of independence can no longer be established, although it is fairly probable that it happened after 312. Agathocles sought O.’s support against Carthage, whilst O. was seeking to extend and secure his power, as Agathocles intended to grant him rule over the African territories of Carthage after a victory (StV III 432). O. recruited troops throughout the whole of Greece, above all in Athens, and in August/September 308 marched against Carthage (cf. Theophr. Hist. pl. 4,352), where he arrived two months later. In November 308 the alliance disintegrated (planned by Agathocles from the outset? Dispute about the supreme command?). O. was murdered (Diod. Sic. 20,40-43) and his

soldiers were integrated into the army of Agathocles. BERVE

2, nr. 598; W. Huss, Geschichte der Karthager,

1985, 173f.; 193f.; A. LaRONDE, Cyréne et la Libye hellenistique, 1987; J. SEIBERT, Das Zeitalter der Diadochen, 1983, 133ff. W.A,

Opheltes (Opédty Lycurgus [3] of Nemea and of Eurydice. He was killed as a child by a snake, when, despite an oracle’s warning, his nurse, the Lemnian

Hypsipyle (+ Lemnian women), left him unguarded on the ground to show the > Seven against Thebes a spring. The Seven kill the snake, rescue the nurse from the death penalty and bury O. The seer + Amphiaraus, who regards the misfortune as a bad omen for the war campaign, renames O. Archemorus

154

£53

(‘beginning of death’). The funerary games instituted in his honour by the Seven were considered to be the origin of the Nemean Games (> Nemea [3]) (Marmor Parium FGrH 239 A 22; Pind. Nem. 8,51; 10,28; Anth. Pal.

9,357). Hence O.’s grave, described in Paus. 2,15,2f., is used as a symbol for the Nemean Games (Call. fr. 383,7 Pr. = 254,7 SH: O., son of Euphetes; cf. Call. fr. 384,26 Pr.). The myth of O., which was probably already part of the epic Thebais and is mentioned in Simon. fr. 553 PMG and Bacchyl. 9,1off., was the subject of Aeschylus’s tragedy Nemea (TrGF 3 F r4ga: O., son of the Nemea) and of Euripides’ Hypsipyle [1]. Complete versions, however,

are only found

as late as the later

mythographers (Hyg. Fab. 74; Apollod. 3,64ff.; schol. Pind. N. hypothesis a-d) and especially in Stat. Theb. 4,646-7,104. Pictorial representations reflect the influence of Euripides’ tragedy [2]. 1G. W. Bonp (ed.), Euripides: Hypsipyle, 1963 PULHORN, s.v. Archemoros, LIMC 2.1, 472-475.

Ophieis,

Ophioneis

(O¢teic/Ophieis,

2 W. AA.

“Odtovete/

Ophioneis). One of the three Aetolian sub-tribes living in the highlands of —> Aetolia in the 5th cent. BC. It disintegrated into smaller associations, among whom the Bomieis and the Callieis are known (Thue. 3,96,3; 3,100). In 426 BC, the O. were attacked by the Athenians (Thuc. 3,84,4-98,5). After the formation of the

Aetolian League in the 4th cent., they formed a member state of the koinon (Str. 10,2,5; 10,3,6; SGDI 1978,3; TO Oza 2.

Galle at

OnwAG))

P. FuNKE, Polisgenese und Urbanisierung in Aitolien ..., in: M. H. Hansen (ed.), The Polis as an Urban Centre and as

a Political Community, 1997, 15 6f.

KF.

Ophion (‘Odiwv/Ophion). [1] also Ophioneus (Pherecydes of Syrus 7 B 4 DiELs/ Kranz).

First

ruler

of the

world,

overthrown

by

+ Kronos (Apoll. Rhod. 1,503—506), husband of > Eurynome [1], referred to by schol. Lycophr. 1191 as a + Titan, considered by Nonn. Dion. 41,3 52 to be iden-

OPHTHALMOLOGY

O. is also mentioned in a Hebrew ostracon (epigraphically dated between the 8th and 6th cents. BC) [2]. The location of O. is disputed: both southern Arabia (or the eastern African coast) and India (because of a Supara (Sovnaga/Soupara; Loundea/Soupdra) mentioned in Ptol. Geog. 7,1,6, which can be located c. 65 km to the north of Bombay) are considered. 1D. W. Baker, s. v. O., in: D. N. FREEDMAN (ed.), Anchor Bible Dictionary 5, 1992, 26f. 2B. MatsLer, Two Hebrew Ostraca from Tell Qasile, in: JNES ro, 1951, 265— 267. JRE.

Ophis ("O@tc/Ophis). River on the plain of > Mantinea that originally flowed through the city; when the city was reestablished in 370 BC it was diverted to flow around it (Paus. 8,8,4; 7; Xen. Hell. 5,2,4f.; Diod. Sic. 15,12,1) and into the Katavothras at the western edge of the plain. E. MEYER, s.v. O. (1), RE 18, 649.

ks

Ophites. Christian Gnostic sect; first mentioned

in

Clem. Al. Strom. 7,17 (108,2). Orig. Contra Celsum

6,24-38 attributed to them the diagram described by ~ Celsus, but expressed doubts as to whether Ophites were still in existence (Hippolytus, Refutatio 8,20,3 makes no mention of the sect). Its founder was said to

be Euphrates (in Hippolytus, Refutatio 5,13,9 he was called ‘Perat’). They were said to curse Jesus. According to Theodoretus (PG 83,364) and Epiphanius (Adv. haereses 37), the system described by Iren. Adv. haereses 1,30 was Ophitic. The name is probably derived from the Ophites’ belief that the serpent (Greek ophis) in paradise passed on blessed knowledge of the transcendent Father. In Origen, however, the serpent is a Leviathan encompassing the universe as its World Soul with his seven Archons. Theodoretus (/oc. cit.) identified the Ophites with the Sethians, but also with the > Naassenes (PG 80,784). + Gnosis; > Sethianism

tical with > Uranus. The idea of a serpent (dphis) as

J.-D. KaestT1, L‘interprétation du serpent et la question de la gnose ‘ophite’, in: J. Ries et al. (ed.), Gnosticisme et monde hellénistique, 1982, 116-130; A. WELBURN,

ruler of the world may be derived from Orphic (+ Or-

Reconstructing the Ophite Diagram, in: Novum

phism) or near eastern beliefs [1]. [2] Giant in the shape ofa serpent, defeated by Zeus ina battle against the > giants and buried under a mountain (schol. Hom. Il. 8,479).

mentum 23, 1981, 261-287.

1 E. Kuster, Die Schlange in der griechischen Kunst und Religion (RGVV 13), 1913. L.K.

Ophir (Hebrew °Ofir, ’Ofir; LXX: Odevo/Oupheir, LSwpaoa/Sophara, Yodere(a)/Sopheir(a), Dopnoea/ Sophéra, Smpvoa/Sophira, Lovdpero/Soupheir, Lovero/

Souphir, the land precious mon had

Zopeio/Sopheir). According to the OT, O. was of origin of gold (1 Kg 9:28, 22:49) and semistones (1 Kg 10:11, Job 28:16), which > Soloshipped over the Red Sea to Israel. Gold from

TestaJ.HO.

Ophthalmology A. EGypr B. CLASSICAL GREECE C.HELLENISTIC GREECE D. ROME E. LaTE ANTIQUITY F. OGULISTS

A. EGYPT The eye-doctors of Egypt were already famous when in about 540 BC the Persian king > Cyrus [1] asked the Pharaoh Amasis for one to cure him (Hadt. 3,1; cf. 2,84). Diseases of the eyes were quite common in Egypt. Three of the seven early medical papyri are devoted to such diseases. P. Ebers alone contains more than roo recipes for blindness. Some of these prescriptions involve Drek-

155

156

kapotheke, while others, for example, use liver — rich in

understanding of the retina as a continuation of the optic nerve. He described a number of surgical procedures to treat eye diseases [3], but reserved his greatest praise for those physicians who could successfully treat eye problems by drugs rather than the knife (CMG Suppl. Or. 4 p. 116-117). That his suggested therapies were realistic is confirmed by fragments preserved on papyri [1], Celsus De medicina 6,6 and 7,78 as well as the extensive lists of remedies for eye conditions contained in the Galenic Corpus together with finds of ophthalmologic instruments and oculists’ stamps [4; 5]. The latter were used to label collyria — elongated round sticks formed from a medical agent and an excipient such as grease or wax -, recording the diagnosis as well as the names both of the preparation and the owner. Some of these ingredients may well have alleviated specific eye diseases. A blend of zinc silicate and vinegar will have helped in cases of conjunctivitis, some gum resins will have had a bactericidal effect, and certain copper compounds might have provided relief in cases of trachoma [6]. However, a great number of ophthalmic problems were incurable, such as myopia, or tended to recur, such as lippitudo [12].

OPHTHALMOLOGY

vitamin A and a valuable remedy for xerophthalmia. Eye surgery seem to have been rarely performed and Egyptian knowledge of the anatomy of the eye was slight. B. CLASSICAL GREECE In Classical Greece, eye diseases were not treated by specialists. The Hippocratic corpus contains little information on the anatomy of the eye (cf. De visu, Loc. in hom. 2,3) or specific therapies (Celsus 6,6). There are, though, occasional references to eye problems such as night-blindness, pterygium, cataracts and amblyopia. Some surgery, scarification and cauterization was performed and special collyria prescribed. In a dissection, the Presocratic > Alemaeon noted the ocular globe and the channel leading from the eye to the brain (Chalcidius, in Timaeum 246), but there is no evidence for the assumption that either he or one of his contemporaries had pursued a systematic exploration of anatomy of the

eye. C. HELLENISTIC GREECE It was the research undertaken by —~ Herophilus [1] in around 280 BC that led to a sound knowledge of the anatomical structure of the eye, its membranes and ner-

ves, and a nomenclature for its various structures, as e.g. the arachnoid layer of the retina (test. 84-9 v. Staden). His notion that the eye interacted with the brain via a pneuma-filled channel — i.e. the optic nerve (test. 140 v. Staden) — was taken up by subsequent authors (e.g. Pack* 2343). They also considered the vitreous body to be the interface between the pneuma and the rays emitted by objects [1]. Herophilus provided a detailed description of eye-diseases in his De visu (test. 260 v. Staden). One of his later followers — > Demosthenes [4] Philalethes — continued his teacher’s studies in around AD 4o. Even much later, knowledge of

ancient ophthalmology

was

based on Demosthenes’

Liber ophthalmicus {2}, in which he described the ana-

tomy, physiology and pathology of the eye, followed by recommendations for treatment by drugs, surgery and collyria, with reference to a list of more than 40 different eye-diseases. His operation for cataract is the earliest of which we have detailed information. A poem about treatment of cataracts, attributed to Aglaias (SH 18), is likely to have originated from the circle around Demosthenes. D. ROME Roman antiquity had little to add to the knowledge of ophthalmic anatomy acquired in Classical Greece, even though there were some disputes regarding termi-

nology (Ps.-Gal. 14,711-712 K). The original Greek version of Galen’s treatise on the eye is lost, but some traces are preserved in Arabic (Sezgin, p. 101) together with summaries

in De usu partium

(10,1-2)

and De

anatomicis administrationibus (10,2-5). Galen’s most

important revision of traditional knowledge was his

E. LaTE ANTIQUITY

Late-antique authors of medical works referred largely back to Galen’s prescriptions and orders. In his treatment of trachoma, — Aetius [3] also referred to Severus, a physician from the time of Augustus. In addition, Arabic sources mention surgical procedures devi-

sed by - Antyllus [2] [7]. Generally, however, there was little or no progress in the treatment of eye diseases after the 2nd cent. AD. ReOGULTSTS Even in ancient Egypt, there were eye specialists, but

extant reports predominantly refer to their work during the Roman Imperial period [8]. However, such specialization could only develop in metropolitan centres like the city of Rome — home to more than half of the epigraphically recorded medici ocularti — or as part of the provision by itinerant physicians, which in turn was motivated by the search for patients. Most treatments were administered as part of general medical or surgical practice. Finds of medical instruments alongside oculists’ stamps permit the assumption that the GalloRoman

oculists were

itinerant physicians, operating

out of major urban settlements such as the modern Reims und Bar-le-Duc [8; 9; 10; rr]. 98% of all extant oculists’ stamps were found in the provinces of Gallia, Germania and Britannia. Kiinzl’s attempt at explaining this distribution with the taxation practice in the Gallic customs area is imaginative, but unprovable [5]. + Alcmaeon;~—> Anatomy; > Antyllus; Philalethes; -» Galenus; Herophilus

> Demosthenes

1M. H. MarGanng, L‘ophthalmologie dans I‘Egypte gréco-romaine, 1994 2v. STADEN, Herophilus, 570-578, 582-584 3H. Macnus, Die Augenheilkunde der Alten, r901r 4E, EspERANDIEU, Signacula medicorum oculario-

157

158

OPINION

E. KUNzL, U. Weisser, Die

known by name, and others whose names were recor-

Starnadeln von Montbellet, in: JRGZ 1985, 436-508 6H. Nietsen, Ancient Ophthalmological Agents, 1974 7 E. SavaGeE-SmiTH, Hellenistic and Byzantine Ophthal-

ded (perhaps O. [2]). [2] As a > Vestal virgin, she was convicted for unchas-

rum,

1904

5M.

FEUGERE,

mology, in: DOP 1984, 168-186 8 V. Nurron, Roman oculists, in: Epigraphica 1972, 16-29 9 G. C. Boon, Potters, oculists and eye trouble, in: Britannia 1983, 1-12 10 R. Boyer, Découverte de la tombe d‘un oculiste a

Lyon, in: Gallia 1990, 215-249 11 R.P.J. Jackson, Eye medicine in the Roman Empire, ANRW II 37.3, 222622:57 12 A. K. Bowman, J. D. THomas, A military Strength Report from Vindolanda, in: JRS 1991, 69 13 A. Esser, Das Antlitz der Blindheit in der Antike, 1961 14 J. HIRSCHBERG, Geschichte der Augenheilkunde 1, 1899.

tity and buried alive in 216 BC (Plut. Fabius 18,3; Liv. VPS G/-9)))-

C.MU.

Opimius. Roman family name (in inscriptions also Opeimius), possibly derived from the (undocumented) cognomen Opimus (cf. Quint. Decl. 302). The family gained notoriety through O. [1] in the 2nd cent. BC, but in the rst cent. BC no longer played a role in politics. J. RetcHmMuTH,

Die lateinischen Gentilicia,

1956, 121.

K.-LE.

V.N.

Opilio [1] Roman cognomen late Antiquity.

(‘shepherd’), occurring only in

1 Decrassi, FCIR, 260

2 KayANTO, Cognomina, 323. K.-L.E.

[1] O., L. In 125 BC, he was praetor urbanus and destroyed the rebellious town of > Fregellae, which had risen up against Rome after M. Fulvius [I 9] Flaccus’s initiative to give Roman citizenship to the Italic allies had failed (Liv. Per. 60). Being a declared opponent of the Gracchi, he secured as consul the senatus consultum

[2] Sometime between 476 and 490 AD, O. was comes sacrarum largitionum under -» Odoacer, perhaps from Liguria [2. 183]. He is mentioned in > Cassiodorus’s Variae. O.’s sons Cyprianus and O. held offices under > Theoderic the Great. 1 PLRE 2, 807f.

2 D. HENNING, Periclitans res publica,

1999, 109, 183.

WE.LU.

Opillus, D. (2?) Aurelius. Scholar from the Republican period, Italic, freedman of an Epicurean and hence a teacher of philosophy at first, and later of rhetoric and grammar. In 92/91 BC he followed the exile > Rutilius Rufus to Smyrna where he lived to a ripe old age; for his life as a whole, see Suet. Gram. 6 (cf. in this respect |5]), who calls him an antiquarian > Buntschriftsteller. Of his works (Musae/‘Muses’; Pinax/“Tablet’), only gram-

matical fragments (explanations of words, etymologies) have attained a position in the glossographic tradition via the filter of Varro. O.’s interest was in ancient literature (hence the Plautus testimonials: an index of the controversial comedies is mentioned by Gell. NA 3,351) as well as in contemporary literature, if it is true that he edited works by C. > Titius (Fronto, p. 15,11ff. VAN DER Hout; cf. [4. 20, note 99]). FRAGMENTS: BIBLIOGRAPHY:

1GRF, 86-95

2 GRF (add.), 385f.

3 BARDON, vol. 1,144

4 J. CHRISTES,

Sklaven und Freigelassene als Grammatiker und Philologen, 1979, 17-20 SR. A. KasTErR (ed.), C. Suetonius Tranquillus, De grammaticis et rhetoribus (with comm. and transl.), 1995, 1of.; 110-116. PLS.

Opimia

ultimum against C. > Sempronius Gracchus and his followers in 121 and proceeded with much violence against the outlawed Gracchi (along with Gracchus and Fulvius Flaccus 3,000 people were purportedly killed: Plut. C. Gracchus 18,1). Subsequently, he dedicated the

temple of — Concordia as a sign of the regained unity and built the > Basilica Opimia. In 120, O. was prosecuted by the people’s tribune P. Decius [I 4] Subulo for killing citizens without a legal sentence, but was acquitted (Liv. Per. 61; Cic. Sest. 140). In 166, as the head of a senatorial commission of ten, he divided Numidia between -» Adherbal [4] and > Jugurtha, but

was convicted — based on the lex Mamilia (|r. 324]; >» Mamilius [4]) — for passive bribery in rog (Sall. lug. 16,2-4; 40; Cic. Brut. 128; [2. 27]). O. died in exile. ~+ Emergency, state of 1 ROTONDI

2 ALEXANDER.

K.BR.

[2] O., Q. Father of O. [1]. Possibly mint-master between 169 and 158 BC (RRC 188 or 190). As consul, he

succesfully fought the Ligurians in support of the Massaliotes in 154 BC (Pol. 33,8-11). His youth was ridiculed by the satirist Lucilius (Lucil. 418-421). [3] O., Q. As people’s tribune he successfully campaigned in 75 BC for the renewed admission of people’s tribunes to higher offices, which earlier had been revoked by L. Cornelius [I 90] Sulla. In 74 BC, he was prosecuted for this by the Sullan party and sentenced to a high fine (Cic. Verr. 2,1,15 5-157 with Ps.-Ascon. 255 Si) K-LE. Opinion (86&a/d6xa, oinot Artemis, derived in antiquity from her companion O. [2] (Callim. H. 3,204 with scholia; Antimachus fr. 99 MatrHews [r]; Macrob. Sat. 5,22; different in Cic. Nat. D. 3,58). [2] Hyperborean woman (+ Hyperborei), whose tomb on -* Delos was worshipped in cult (Hdt. 4,35). She is mostly mentioned along with > Hecaerge [4] (Paus. Te ABA mes 7S weblemeAKen 3aca) ssime Galllirmessldee4. 202: » Loxo is also added. O. was closely linked with > Artemis (see O. [1]) in whose retinue she appears in Verg. Aen. 11,532-867 (cf. Claud. Carm. 24,254; Nonnus, Dion. 5,490; 48,332). When > Orion [1] wanted to rape O., Artemis killed him (Euphorion in schol. Hom. Ods5,121;/Apollod: 1,27): 1 V. J. MATrHEws

(ed.), Antimachus of Colophon, 1996,

OPITERGIUM

term rarely attested in antiquity. Ancient authors paraphrased or used synonyms instead (6mo0ev/6pisthen or zatomo0ev/katopisthen, otow/opiso, xOTOTLV/ katopin).

In antiquity, opisthographos denoted either a roll with a text which continued from the recto to the verso (Plin. Ep. 3,5,17; opisthographum Ulp. Dig. 37,11,4) or a roll with a text on the back of the papyrus (Lucian. Vitarum auctio 9; Porph. in Hor. Epist. 1,20,9). In both cases, rolls bearing literary or official texts are meant. In modern usage however, the term opisthographos is used only when a papyrus roll ora roll fragment consisting of only one leaf had new text written on the verso shortly after the inscribing of the recto, usually without bearing any relation to the latter. An example of this are the four rolls of the pseudo-Aristotelian Athenaion Politeia (PLit. Lond. 108) or the roll of Euripides’ Hypsipyle (POxy. 6, 852) [2]. 1M. MAnrrept, Opistografo, in: PdP 200, 1983, 44-54 2M. Lama, Aspetti di tecnica libraria a Ossirinco: copie letterarie su rotoli documentari, in: Aegyptus 71, 1991, § 5-120.

Tbs

26sf. W. SALE, The Hyperborean Maidens on Delos, in: Harvard Theological Review 54, 1961, 75-89. AA.

[3] ("Quic/Opis). Hellenized form of the Akkadian place name Upi/Upija. Although archaeologists have not yet identified it, it was a significant town in a strategically important position on the eastern bank ofthe Tigris and was, in all probability, located in the area of > Seleucia on the Tigris/> Ctesiphon [2]. An identification with Tall ‘Umar (= Seleucia) was formerly accepted but now rejected. Because cuneiform script uses the same logogram for > AkSak and O., O. is frequently regarded asa subsequent settlement of AkSak, although this identification cannot be proven [1. 111 68). Upi undoubtedly appears in the texts since the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC, and in the Kassitic period it was an administrative district. In Greek tradition O. is mentioned in Hdt. 1,189, Xen. An. 2,4,25, Arr. Anab. 7,7,6; 7,8,1 and finally Str. 2,1,26; 11,14,8, 16,1,9-10 [3. 193-

198]. Alexander [4] the Great probably went to Babylon via O. in 331, and in 324 parts of his army mutinied

Opiter. The > praenomen Opiter is recorded for the 6th/s5th century BC patrician gens Verginia (Liv. 2,17,1; 5453; Opet(r), Fasti Capitolini 479; 402) and reported for two Latini (Varro in Fest. p. 476; Sil. 10,33); Opi in

inscriptions from — Praeneste is more likely to stand for + Oppius. The name was probably known to the later period only in written form from early > Fasti; quantity (short o in Silius) and inflexion (Opiteris or Opitris, Prisc. 2,229) are not certain. The ancient etymologies (cuius pater avo vivo mortuus est aut ... quod avum ob

patrem habeat, id est pro patre, Fest. p. 201) are problematic: *aui-patér > *aupiter ‘he who has his grandfather as father’, because au > O is more recent (3rd/2nd century BC) and not attested in the city of Rome itself; *ob-patr-o-s > *oppiter because of the meaning ‘being in his father’s place’ (of somebody who at his birth became pater familias in place of his dead father?). WALDE/HOFMANN

2, 213f.; SALOMIES, 41f.

H.R.

in this place. Near O. the ‘royal canal’ (~ Naarmalcha),

Opitergium. Settlement of the > Veneti in the lower

diverted from the Euphrates, flowed into the Tigris. Also, the Median Wall built by — Nebuchadnezzar [2] II ended here.

reaches of the Piave, inhabited from the Bronze Age, linked to the Adriatic by a canal (Str. 5,1,8). O. was

1J. A. Brinkman,

A Political History of Post-Kassite

Babylonia, 1968 2G. GuLLtnt, Problems of an Excavation in Northern Babylonia, in: Mesopotamia 1, 1966, 7-38 3A. OPPENHEIMER, Babylonia Judaica in the Talmudic Period, 1983, 193-198. J.OE.

Opisthodomos see -> Temple Opisthographos (dmto00yedos, -ov/opisthographos, -on; Latin opisthographus, -a, -um), lit. ‘written on the reverse’, adj., sometimes also used as a noun; a technical

municipium of the tribus Papiria (lex Iulia); later incorporated into the regio X Venetia. As a junction on the via Postumia, it was connected to the city of Concordia; today Oderzo, province of Treviso. O. took the side of Caesar against the Senate, and was rewarded

with tax exemption. Archaeological remains: forum, domus with polychrome mosaics (hunting scenes and farm motifs, 4th cent. AD). Decline in the 5th cent. After the Langobardic devastation ofthe 7th cent., refugees founded Cittanova. Municipal museum. M. S. Busana, O. Forma urbis, 1996.

GU,

OPLONTIS

Oplontis. Tab. Peut. mographia toral road

164

163

Concentration of villas in Campania (cf. 6,5; Eplontis, Geogr. Rav. 4,32; Guido, Cos33; Opolontis, Geogr. Rav. 5,2) on the litfrom Neapolis [2] via Herculaneum to Pom-

books, which is dedicated to Marcus [1] Aurelius and Commodus (177-180 AD). Sources for his biography:

vitae in a series of manuscripts; according to which O. was banished by Septimius Severus and received back

peli, Stabiae and Sorrentum, today Torre Annunziata.

into Rome by Caracalla (Suda s.v. °O.; Athen. 1,13¢).

Ancient remains: villa A of the gers Poppaea (phase I:

Content: books 1 and 2 describe ways of living on fish, books 3-5 techniques for catching fish. The reader is acquainted with the world of fish by means of constant anthropomorphism and detailed Homeric comparisons. The work is governed by the Stoic concept of a divine principle (Zeus) which organises and unites the universe (cf. 1,409-411), in which love (4,11-39) and hate

middle of the rst cent. BC); villa B of L. Crassus Tertius

(dating back into 2nd cent. BC). -» Gardens (illustrated) BICGI 12, 464-474; A. DE FRANciscis, s.v. O., EAA 4, suppl. 2, 1996, 77-79. M.G.

Opobalsamum (d20fdkoanov/opobdlsamon, Latin balsamum, properly balsam sap, or Barkoauov/ balsamon) was the name of the balsam tree Commiiphora opobalsamum, famous for its valuable resin, which was known by the Greeks only from plantations in Syria (at > Jericho and En Gedi). In fact, however,

the origin was southwestern Arabia and Somalia. Theophrastus describes the plants in Syria (Theophr. H. plant. 9,6,1-4) and the careful extraction of the fra-

grant resin, which he never knew in a pure state (ibid. 9,1,7). Pliny gives an account of the triumph of the emperors Vespasian and Titus in which balsam trees were carried (Plin. HN

12,111), of its cultivation pro-

moted by the Romans and of the extraction of resin by means of small incisions in the branches (ibid. 12,112117). The wood (xylobalsamum), the bark and the

seeds had an officinal application, as did the resin (ibid. 12,118f.). Pliny (HN 12,120-123) mentions not only the properties and qualities of the sap (lacrimae, ‘tears’), but also the variety of fakes brought about by the high price. Balsam oil (balsaminum) was considered medicinally effective for e.g. snake bites and cramps, and to improve clarity of the eyes (Plin. HN 23,92). A. STEIER, S.v. O., RE 18, 691-696.

C.HU.

Opora (‘Oxwea/Opora). Goddess of rich harvests, es-

pecially of the wine harvest and its season. She, together with

> Theoria

(‘festive

delegation’),

accompanies

+ Eirene [1] (‘peace’) in Aristoph. Pax 523, 706ff. The Attic comic writers > Alexis (PCG II fr. 169f.) and + Amphis (PCGII fr. 47) both wrote a work called O.: Sirius the star comes to earth and falls in love with O. When he is unable to win her, his amorous passion becomes so great that the people turn to the gods for help. The north wind > Boreas orders his sons to obtain O. for Sirius and alleviates the heat by making cooling winds blow. Numerous pictorial representations have been passed down to us [r1]. 1 C. Weiss, s.v. O., LIMC 7.1, 155-158; 7.2, 44f.

LK.

Oppianus (Oxmtavoc/Oppianos). [1] O. from Corycus in Cilicia, author, to be distinguished from O. [2], of a didactic poem entitled

‘Amevtixd/Halieutika, ‘On Fishing’, 3506 verses in 5

act as universal forces. Thus, the second book describes the ‘free-for-all fight’? in the marine world, which is brutal and without diké (‘law’) — ethical concepts,

which the poet uses as an analogy for human history; in the latter it is the Imperium and the Imperial house, ‘the divine father and his illustrious progeny’ (i.e. the two co-Caesars) that guarantee justice and peace in the empire. There is a prose paraphrase of the work under the name of > Eutecnius. EDITIONS:

1F. FajEN, 1999

2A. W. Mair, 1928.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: 3B. Erre, Dichtung und Lehre, 1977, 137-153 4F. Fajen, Uberlieferungsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zu den ‘Halieutika’ des Oppian, 1969 5 Idem, Noten zur handschriftlichen Uberlieferung der Halieutika des Oppian, 1995 6 R. KEYDELL, s.v. O. (1), RE 18, 698-703 7 Idem, Oppians Gedicht von der Fischerei und Aelians Tiergeschichte (1937), in: Idem, Kleine Schriften, 1982, 321-344 8 A. W. JAMES, Studies in the Language of Oppian of Cilicia, 1970. [2] Born in Apamea (in Syria) (Opp. Cyn. 2,125-127),

author of Kuvnyetixé/Kynegetikd, ‘On Hunting’, a treatise in 2144 hexameters and 4 books, dedicated to Caracalla (212-217 AD). Not to be confused with O.

[1], even if in antiquity both didactic poems were attributed to a single author of this name, perhaps because they were combined in a single edition, beginning with Halieutika, or because the author of Kynégetikd circulated his own work under the name of the predecessor he imitated. The poem was written after 198 AD (conquest of the city of Ctesiphon: Opp. Cyn. 1,31). Book 1: proem with an invocation of Caracalla, followed by a dialogue between the author and Artemis (16-41; the model is the prologue in Callimachus’s [3] Aitia), instructions as to physical form, hunting periods, equipment, morphology and habits of horses and hounds, the helpers in hunting. Book 2: the inventor of hunting (1-42), behaviour of horned and antlered animals. Book 3: descriptions of animals, particularly wild ones. This zoology is interrupted by a theory of the hunt, which is continued in Book 4. The poem has no epilogue and is presumably incompletely transmitted (perhaps the same number of books was planned.as for Halieutika). The narration is not only technical and scholarly: the zoology is also fantastic and embellished by myths and mirabilia. In the work, animals are anthropomorphised in respect of behaviour, feelings

165

166

and ethical values, as is revealed particularly in the 91 comparisons. Rhetorically, the style is difficult; metre and language are often faulty. Yet the author knows how to manipulate his archetypes in Hellenistic verse with bravura. His sources are scholarly literature (biological works by Aristotle and the Peripatetics) and technical hunting literature (Xenophon’s Kynégetik6s and his ‘On the Art of Riding’, Arrianus’s Kynégetikd

town (from the 7th cent. BC onwards there is evidence

and - Geoponikd, and in Latin such authors as Varro, Columella, Plin. HN 8 and Grattius [3. xxiii-xxxvii]; it

is possible that Vergil is also drawn on [6]). O. was also erroneously [13] ascribed a lost Ixeutikd, ‘On Fowling’, the content of which is known from a paraphrase ascribed to > Eutecnius. EDITIONS:

1G. SCHNEIDER,

BOUDREAUX,

1908

+1813 (with O. [1])

2P.

3 A. W. Marr, 1928.

COMMENTARY ON Book tr: 4 W. Scumirt, diss. Miinster, 1969.

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

5 G. W. BowERSOCK, The Literature of

the Empire, in: CHCL-G, 1985, 649-665 6 F. CapPonl, s.v. Oppiano, EV 3, 859-860 7S. Costanza, Motivi callimachei nel proemio dei ‘Cynegetica’ di Oppiano d‘Apamea, in: Studi di filologia classica in onore di G. Monaco

1, 1991, 479-489

8B. Erre, Dichtung und

Lehre: Untersuchung zur Typologie des antiken Lehrgedichts, 1977, 173-184 9C.M. ENGLHOFER, Gotter und Mythen

1995,

bei O. von

157-173

Apameia,

10G.

in: Grazer

GIANGRANDE,

Beitrage

21,

Scripta Minora

Alexandrina 4, 1985, 303-329 LAS NOs OULU, (Oppian), Cynegetica 2, 00-158 and the Mythical Past of Apamea-on-the-Orontes,

in: ZPE

102, 1994,

12 R. KEYDELL, s.v. O. (2), RE 18, 703-708

for walled settlements in Latium). Oppidum became the generic Latin term for any town-like settlement, without reference to its legal status. Thus the lex Rubria (49 BC, [2. no. 16, table IL, |. 2,53,56 and 58) places the generic term oppidum ahead of a list of the legally distinguishable settlements > municipium, > colonia and > praefectura and further forms of settlement (forum, vicus, conciliabulum, etc.). In Italy smaller local centres with Roman citizenship frequently remain oppida civium Romanorum [3. 58-95]. Communities without Roman citizenship in the provinces, especially in the West, were called oppida, while the Greek poleis in the East were termed civitates. The ambiguity of the word oppidum can still be detected in Pliny’s usage in his Naturalis Historia: when elaborating on a geographical > periplous he applies oppidum indiscriminately to fortresses, towns and cities of all kinds: the total of 876 oppida in Gallia Narbonensis and Hispania Tarraconensis includes not only towns but also tribal and regional fortresses (Plin. HN 3,18). However, when he makes use of the imperial statistics of Agrippa [1] and Augustus, he breaks oppidum as a collective term for towns down into five groups: oppida civium Romanorum (= coloniae and municipia civium Romanorum), oppida Latinorum, oppida

libera, foederata and stipendiaria. The oppida of individual provinces according to these statistics are found in [1. 719ff.]; for oppida in Pliny cf. [4. 226f.].

153-166 13 A. GaR-

zYA, Sull‘autore e il titolo del perduto poema Sull‘aucupio attribuito ad Oppiano, in: Giornale italiano di filologia 10, 1957, 156-160 14 P. HAMBLENNE, La légende d‘Oppien, in: AC 37, 1968, 589-619.

OPPIDUM

S.FO.

1 E. KORNEMANN,

s.v. O. (1), RE 18, 708-725

2K. G.

Bruns, O. GRADENWITz (ed.), Fontes iuris Romani antiqui, vol. 1, 71909 (repr. 1958) 3 A. N. SHERWIN-WHITE, Roman Citizenship, *1973 4 F. VITTINGHOFF, Zur vor-

caesarischen Siedlungs- und Stadtepolitik in Nordafrika, Corolla memoriae

E. Swoboda

dedicata (R6mische For-

schung in Niederosterreich 5), 1966, 225-233.

H.VO,

Oppidum I. IraLO-ROMaN

II. CELTIC

I. ITALO-ROMAN An oppidum (plural oppida) was originally the for-

tress of an Italian tribe, the principal settlement of a + civitas (A.) or > pagus, which was fortified with earthworks. The > aborigines lived in the mountains »without walls in villages and scattered« (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,9,2). Oenotrus, a mythical founder of

Il Currie Large town-like fortified settlements of the late La Téne period are called oppida in archaeological termi-

nology. This convention follows the description of the main Gallic settlements in > Caesar, De Bello Gallico. Caesar discusses several oppida of various tribes and their numerous characteristics. Oppida are militarypolitical, administrative, economic

and cultic centres

Ant. Rom. 1,12,1) in the mountains — namely oppida. Cato [1] knew of 34 oppida among the gentes of the + Euganei (Plin. HN 3,133). Remains of such fortified oppida have been discovered in the mountainous regions of central Italy, Samnium, Lucania and Sicily (evidence in [1. 711ff.]; systematic research and publication of Italian hill fortresses is still lacking). The territory outside the oppidum, the ager, is distinct from it (ILS 15, 189 BC from Hispania Baetica: agrum oppt-

with fortifications, which he describes in detail, and large numbers of inhabitants. As early as the roth cent., due to an initiative by Napoleon III, some of these places were identified in France and to some extent were also excavated (e.g. ~ Alesia, > Bibracte, » Gergovia). At the beginning of the 2oth cent., scholars ascertained that the finds, settlement types and cultural environment of the oppida could be detected beyond the Gallic area far to the east (Bohemia, Moravia, western Hungary). Since then, the term ‘late La Téne oppidum culture’ is used for the

dumqu(e)).

whole distribution area (see map), although the term

With a concentration of the population and increasing social differentiation a fortified settlement became a

oppidumt is not attested in ancient sources for central Europe east of the Rhine, in contrast to Gaul.

cities, colonized small towns (poleis mikrdas, Dion. Hal.

OPPIDUM

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Vesontio

Ancient name

Paris

Modern name

As can already be seen in Caesar’s descriptions of the oppida of Gaul, oppida are very varied, but some characteristics apply to the whole area. They have been classified according to size and primarily according to location: they were very much determined by topography, mostly being situated on mountain massifs, on plateaus, in the deltas or bends of rivers, but they could also

be located in the lowlands with little natural protection, possibly near important communication routes. Their

fortifications are particularly typical: evidence for the technique of wall building described by Caesar as — murus gallicus has been found in several oppida, esp. in Gaul (e.g. Basel/— Basilia), but only rarely east of the Rhine (~ Manching). In addition, there is also evidence for the older — Preist construction method, mainly in the oppida of the eastern region. Like the murus gallicus it was supported from within by an enormous earthen bank. The well-attested pincer gate is considered the typical gate construction of oppida. In their incursions into Italy (4th/3th cents. BC) the Celts are thought to have become acquainted with Mediterranean elements of fortification (agger = earthen bank, pincer gate) and town-like forms of settlement, which they then combined with older indigenous traditions of settlements and fortifications north of the Alps. This may be one of the reasons for the diversity of the oppida. This may also be why Caesar also mentioned other, simpler Gaulish forms of settlement: > castellum, — vicus and aedificium. However, archaeologically these are difficult to

define or distinguish from oppida. In the peripheral areas, e.g. the mountains of central Germany or the

southeastern Alps, it is also difficult to distinguish late Iron Age fortified settlements from oppida. After the Second World War, comprehensive excavations in various parts of the oppidum culture (e.g. Manching in Bavaria, Zavist in Bohemia, Staré Hra-

disko in Moravia, Alesia and Bibracte in France) pro-

vided much additional information. It appears that oppida existed, at least to some extent, long before Caesar; e.g. Manching was a fortified oppidum from the end of the 2nd cent. BC. Above all, however, the excavations provided information about the use and structure of oppida: their interior was in most cases densely occupied with post-built or wattle-and-daub structures, partly with planned paths or streets, plots of land with boundaries and settlement areas with various uses. A considerable number of inhabitants (possibly thousands) carried out various crafts and trades (> Crafts,

trade; smithing, potting, glass production etc.), as is attested by dense accummulations of raw materials, manufacturing areas, rubbish dumps, etc. In addition,

intensive > agriculture in the hinterland or even in the oppida themselves must have secured the subsistence needs of the inhabitants, as is shown by storage buildings and analyses of animal bones and plants. In times of need, oppida offered protection to farmers and cattle. Imported items are evidence for organized trade, as described, e.g., by Caesar, between the Gallic tribes and Rome. There are often indications for + minting. This has been interpreted as an indicator of a political and economic elite (nobility) in the oppida that possessed

170

169

the corresponding rights. In other areas of the oppida there is evidence for cult sites (small temple buildings or similar). To some extent neighbouring > viereckschanzen are also interpreted as cult sites belonging to the Oppida. In Gaul, oppida came to an end with Caesar’s conquests; outside Gaul in most cases the Roman conquest

OPPIUS 1 PH. CuLHAM, The Lex Oppia, in: Latomus 41, 1982, 786-793

2E. BALTRUSCH,

Regimen morum,

1989, 52—-

59.

TA.S.

could also have ceased to exist earlier and for other reasons (e.g. internal conflicts or migrations), such as Manching in about the middle of the rst cent. BC. To date, investigations of oppida have yielded hardly any evidence of related burials or cemeteries, so that no

[12] O., C. Roman equestrian, probably from a banking family, who accompanied Caesar from 61 or 58 BC (Suet. Iul. 72) and was his chargé d‘affaires at Rome fromc. 54 together with L. > Cornelius [I 6] Balbus. It was through O. that all messages went to Gaul (Cic. Ad Q. Fr. 3,1), that selected messages from there were made public, and that interdependencies were created by Caesar with prominent senators. The business of acquiring land for Caesar’s > forum [III 5] with the

information about the inhabitants, their numbers, etc.,

help of Cicero in 54 BC (Cic. Att. 4,16,8) and the arran-

can be derived from them. > Castellum I; Celtic archaeology; — Fortifications; -» Gallia/Gaul; > Vicus

ging of an advance to Cicero from Caesar’s exchequer

marks their end. However, in individual cases oppida

A. Boos, ‘Oppidum’ im caesarischen und im archaologischen Sprachgebrauch — Widerspriiche und Probleme, in: Acta praehistorica et archaeologica 21, 1989, 53-73; J. CoLLis, Oppida: Earliest European Towns North of the Alps, 1984; Id., Die Oppidazivilisation, in: H.DANNHEIMER, R. GEBHARD (eds.), Das keltische Jahrtausend, 1993, 102-106; W. DEHN, Zangentore an spatkeltischen Oppida, in: Pamatky archeologické 52, 1961, 390-396; Id., ‘Mediolanum’. Lagetypen spatkeltischer Oppida, in: R. VON Us iar (ed.), Studien aus Alteuropa. FS K. Tacken-

berg, vol. 2, 1965, 117-128; O.-H. Frey, Die Bedeutung der Gallia Cisalpina fiir die Entstehung der Oppida-Kultur, in: Id. (ed.), Studien zu Siedlungsfragen der Laténezeit, 1984, 1-38; F. Maier, s.v. Oppida, HWB zur deutschen Rechtsgeschichte, 21. Lfg., 1982, 1252-1258; U. ScHaaFF, A. K, TAyLor, Spatkeltische Oppida im Raum noérdlich der Alpen, in: H. W. BOHME (ed.), Ausgrabungen in Deutschland, Vol. 3, 1975, 322-327. V.P.

Oppius. Oscan praenomen, later a widespread nomen gentile; literary refs. at Rome from as early as the 5th cent. BC (O. [I 5]), but historical evidence only from the 2nd cent. The Tusculan Opiter O., who is said to have given his name to the Mons O. at Rome, is an invention (Varro in Fest. 476 L.). J. RercHmuTH, Die lat. Gentilicia, 1956, 35; SALOMIES, 82; SCHULZE, 424. I. REPUBLICAN

PERIOD

K-L.E, II. IMPERIAL

PERIOD

I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD [11] O., C. Restricted the opportunities for women to display wealth by his law of 215 BC (Liv. 34,1,1-3 et alibi; MRR 1, 255). In 195, this legislation was repealed despite the resistance of M. Porcius > Cato [1] (Liv. 34,1,7-5,13). In the crisis that followed the battle of

~» Cannae, the lex Oppia aimed to underscore the need for sacrifice by aristocratic self-restraint. At the same

time, both the law and the debate surrounding its repeal document more general shifts in the public role of women, and the effect of such trends on paternalistic rule (> patria potestas). ~+ Women

(Cic. Att. 5,1,2 et passim) show the role of O. as financier. He and Balbus, who are almost always mentioned

together, functioned as shapers of public opinion, above all during the Civil War, when they (seemingly unchallenged) distributed open letters from Caesar (Cic. Att. 8,r5a; 9,7¢; 9,13a) and sought by means of covering letters and discreet negotiations to persuade waverers to toe the line (Cic. Fam. 11,29,1). Late in 48,

they guaranteed Cicero’s homecoming (Cic. Att. 11,6,3; Cic. Fam. r1,29,2). During Caesar’s Spanish campaign of 46/5, they were to all intents and purposes regents of Rome, as they initiated expressions of loyalty and communicated them to Spain (Cic. Att. 13,19,2; 13,2751; 13,46,2). After the dictator’s death, O. kept his counsel for a time (Cic. Att. 14,1,1) but soon took, like Balbus, the side of Octavian

(> Augustus),

on

whose behalf in November 44, for instance, he characteristically negotiated with Cicero terms for the latter’s support (Cic. Att. 16,15,3) [1. 31-54]. O.’s Life of Caesar, which was followed by a biography of P. Cornelius [I 71] Scipio Africanus [2. 351], seems to have been written in Octavian’s interests to counter the claim to power of M. Antonius, perhaps in 44/3, but more probably around 32. Nothing is known of the date of O.’s death. 1A. AtF6Lpr, Oktavians 2 SCHANZ/Hostus, vol. 1.

Aufstieg

zur

Macht,

1976 JO.

[1 3] O., P. Quaestor, in Bithynia in 74-73 BC, of the consul M. Aurelius [I rr] Cotta, with whom he came into serious conflict. Indicted by Cotta in 69, he was defended by > Cicero. The outcome of the trial is not known. 1 ALEXANDER, 95 2 J. W. CRAWFORD, M. Tullius Cicero: The Fragmentary Speeches, *1994, 23-32.

[1 4] O., Q. Propraetor pro consule in 88 BC in Cilicia. Together with other Roman commanders, he waged a fruitless war against Mithridates [6] VI of Pontus, by whom he was taken prisoner at Laodicea on the Lycus. He was released at the peace of Dardanus in 85 (Posidon. FGrH 87 F 36; App. Mith. 17; 20; 112). K.-L.E.

OPPIUS

2

171

{I 5] O., Sp. Plebeian; decemvir in the second college of 450/49 BC (cf. MRR 1, 46-48). According to Livy (3,41,103 49,6; 50,14; 58,7—-9) he did not intervene to oppose App. Claudius’ [I 5] actions against > Verginia,

[Il 4] O. Severus. Legate of the legio VIII Augusta at + Argentorate, perhaps in the Hadrianic period. PIR* W.E. Ona:

for which reason (and because he had had a citizen bir-

Ops (Qw/Ops). [1] Father of > Melas [3] (Paus. 8,28,5). One of the

ched) he was arraigned and committed suicide. — c.MU. [I 6] O. Capito, M. Propraetor and praef. classis of M. Antonius [I 9] on Sicily, c. 37-35 BC. MRR 2, 402. JO. {I 7] O. Salinator, L. As people’s tribune in 197 BC, he helped the proconsul T. Quinctius Flamininus to win an extension of his command against Philip V. Aedile in 193 (construction of tabernae at the forum); naval command guarding the Sicilian coast in 192, then, in 191,

praetor on Sardinia, where he may have remained with an extended imperium until 190. MRR 1, 3333 3473

3513 3535 3573 363.

KALE.

[I 8] O. Statianus. Legate of M. Antonius [I 9] against

the Parthians in 36 BC; fell with two legions and the supplies on the way to > Phraaspa. MRR 2, 4o4f. JOR.

Dryopes, who originally lived in the region of > Parnassus and were driven out by > Hercules [1]. O. is only depicted on four Attic red-figured vases (500-480 BC). D. WiLiiaMs, s.v. O., LIMC 6.1, 58f.

[2] Son of > Peisenor, father of > Euryclea (Hom. Od. 1,429; 2,347; 20,148; Hesych. s.v. Quoc). [3] Latin ‘support’, ‘help’, (Cic. Nat. D. 2,61) and, asa

+ personification, the goddess of harvest and plenty. Varro, Ling. 5,74 and Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom.

2,50,3)

claim that she was of Sabine origin, and that her cult was introduced early to Rome by Titus > Tatius. In Roman cult, O. was occasionally connected with the harvest god + Consus. She assisted in harvest, war (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 3,32,4) and childbirth (Aug. Civ. 4,11; Fest. 221,6f. L.). Macrob. Sat. 3,9,4 sees her

Il. IMPERIAL PERIOD

[II 0] Sp. O. Cos. suff. Oct.-Dec. AD 43, with Q. Curtius [II 7] Rufus. Descendant ofthe 44 BC praetor ofthe same name. G. CaAMoDECA, I consoli del 43, in: ZPE 140, 2002, 227236.

{11 1] T.O.Aelianus Asclepiodotus. Originally from Aphrodisias. Firstly consular governor of Caria et Phrygia in the 2nd half of the 3rd cent. AD, then proconsul and > corrector in Asia, possibly two posts occupied successively (AE 1981, 770 [=1. 16ff. no. 7]). Not to be confused with the equestrian governor of Phrygia in 2932/3 (SEG re tnot cha asa Lote|)\ePIR Olnns:

as one of the secret tutelary gods of Rom. The oldest (Bronze Age?) cult site at Rome was the sacrarium of O. Consiva

in the

> Regia

(Varro,

Ling.

6,21;

Fest.

202,19-21 L.; CIL I’ p. 215). From the middle of the 3rd cent. BC, O. Opifera (the ‘beneficent’) had a temple on the Capitol (Liv. 39,22,4), which had been dedicated by L. Caecilius [I rr] Metellus (Plin. HN 11,174); the > natalis templi was 23 August (InscrIt 13,2, p. 30f.). Her cult ad forum was linked to the temple of > Saturnus. A food shortage led to the building of an altar for O. Augusta (Cass. Dio 55,31,3) on 10 August, AD 7, in

2 M. CuHrRISTOL, Essai sur l’évolution des carriéres séna-

the vicus Iugarius; another altar was built for > Ceres Mater (InscrIt 13,2, p. 493). The festival of the Opiconsivia (‘Festival of Bringing In the Harvest’) on 25 August was dedicated to O. Con-

toriales, 1986.

siva (CIL P p. 215; Fest. 202,20 L.; Varro, Ling. 6,21);

1 Cu. Rouecneé,

Aphrodisias in Late Antiquity,

1989

{II 2] C.? O. Sabinus. From Auximum. Cos, ord. in AD 84 with > Domitianus [1]; his family may already have been of consular status (cf. PIR* O 114). Consular

governor of the province of Moesia in 85/6; defeated and killed by the Daci. PIR* O 122. [11 3] C. O. Sabinus Iulius Nepos M. Vibius Sollemnis Severus. Descendant of O. [II 2]. Made tribune by the emperor — Hadrianus, he was subsequently praetor, legatus proconsulis Baeticae, curator viarum Clodiae Anniae Cassiae Ciminiae, legate of the legio XI Claudia, governor of > Lusitania, proconsul of Hispania Baetica and, finally, cos. suff., perhaps still during Hadrian’s reign. The adlectio inter tribunicios may suggest that he was already of an advanced age when he entered the senate. This may have been due to the poor reputation of his ancestor O. [II 2] (father or grandfather). However, other reasons are also conceivable. PIRS O23"

the Opalia on 19 Dec. (InscrIt 13,2, p. 540f.; Fest. 200,6f. L.; Varro, Ling. 6,21; Macrob. Sat. 1,10,18) may have been connected with the O. ad forum. O. Mater was equated with — Terra Mater (Serv. Aen. 12,532; Fest. 202,20f. L.), also with > Rhea and Saturn (Cic. Tim. 39; Plaut. Cist. 515; Varro, Ling. 6,21). J. ARONEN, s.v. O., LTUR 3, 1996, 361-364; G. DUMEZIL, Idées romaines, 1969, 289-304; G. KUHLMANN, S.V. 0., ThIL 9.2, 809f.; D. PALOMBI, s.v. Ceres Mater et O. Augusta, LTUR

1, 1993, 26rf.; P. PoUTHIER, O. et la con-

ception divine de l‘abondance dans la religion romaine jusqu’a la mort d‘Auguste, 1981; A. ZIOLKOWSKI, The Temples of Mid-Republican Rome, 1992, 122-126.

W.-A.M.

Opsikion (dwixtov/opsikion). Originally a term for a troop detachment (Latin obsequium), from c. 680 AD

one of the four original themes (> thema) of the Byzantine Empire in Asia Minor. It comprised the northern part of the Dardanelles peninsula as far as the River

173

174

>» Halys with a capital at + Ancyra. Later it was reduced in size and limited in the west, with + Nicaea [5] as its capital.

Aegypti and can probably be identified with the praef. urbis Constantinopolitanae of 404-405 (Lib. Or. 28,5;

R. Hiss, s.v. O., LMA

6, 1418f.;

C.F. W. Foss, s.v. O.,

ODB 3, 1528f.

ALB.

OPTICAL REFINEMENTS

[3] Nephew of O. [2]. In 384 AD, he was briefly praef.

Cod. Theod. 12,1,160 and 2,33,4). Reproaches for his

conduct can be found in

> Libanius’s 42nd oration,

which is dedicated to the defence of Thalassius, whose

Opsius [1] M.O. Senator who, along with other senators, accu-

sed Titius Sabinus in the Senate of being a friend of Germanicus [2]. He was later called to account for this. PIR* O 126. [2] M.O. Navius Fannianus. Senator from Neapolis; it is uncertain whether he was a descendant of O. [1]. According to IG XIV 719 (=IGRI 431 =[tr. 20ff. no. 6],

he possibly lived as late as the 2nd/3rd cent. AD. PIR* O Way 1 E. Miranpa 1990.

(ed.), Iscrizioni greche d‘Italia. Napoli I, W.E.

Opson (éwov; 6pson) referred to any kind of cooked,

fried or raw food that was served with staple foods (+ Nutrition) consisting of grains and pulse, namely vegetables and fruit as well as fish, meat, eggs and milk products (Hom. Od. 3,480; Athen. 7,277a; 14,648f); also opsonion, Lat. obsonium. In classical times, the term acquired the special meaning of ‘fish’ (Athen. 7,276e) because, in the coastal areas of the Mediterranean, that was quite simply the standard accompaniment to staple foods (-> Fish dishes). Depending on context, opson could mean cheap, often preserved fish, but also exquisite delicacies of fresh fish (Plut. Symp. 667f). The latter then gave rise to the further meaning of opson as generally an exquisite dish. J. ANpRg, Essen und Trinken im alten Rom, 1998, 189; A.

Da By, Siren Feasts: A History of Food and Gastronomy in Greece, 1995; J. DaviIDSON, Opsophagia. Revolutionary Eating at Athens, in: J. W1Lkins et al. (ed.), Food in Antiquity, 1995, 204-213; A. Huc, s.v. O., RE 18, 759760.

AG.

Optatus [1] Roman cognomen (‘ desired Parmenianus (in 6 books, expanded after 384 to 7 books in a 2nd edition). In the fields of ecclesiology and baptismal understanding (the decisive role of God), this book differed from the ideas of > Cypria-

nus [2] of Carthage. Thus it prepared the way for the theology of — Augustinus (universal ecclesiastical understanding instead of the particularism of the Donatists, who were confined to Africa; justification of the state repression of 347). The seventh book attempts to reassess in an accommodating way the surrender of holy scriptures to state authority in a period of persecution. SourCcEs: CSEL 26; SChr 412/413 (with French transl.). TRANSLATIONS: L. DaTTrRINo, La vera Chiesa, Ottato di Milevi, 1988; M. Epwarps, O.: Against the Donatists,

1997. BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. MANDOUZzE, Prosopographie de \‘Afrique chrétienne (303-533), 1982, s.v. O. (1), 795797; B. KRIEGBAUM, s.v. O. von Mileve, TRE 25, 1995, 300-302 (bibl.). O.WER.

Optical Refinements. Modern collective term for various phenomena of Greek column construction, coined by the American archaeologist W. H. GooDYEAR in 1912. They include specifically: (a) solution of the > angle triglyph problem; (b) > entasis (outward

OPTICAL REFINEMENTS curvature

of the

column

shaft);

italy

176

(c) — inclination

lican period; leading senators referred to themselves as Optimates to make the distinction between themselves and their popular opponents, most of whom were also in the Senate. The term was also used in Latin literature to describe the ruling classes of foreign cities (cf. Cic. Flace. 54; 63; Cic. Brut. 306; Cic. Off. 2,80; Nep. Dion

(inward leaning of columns and cella walls); (d)

> cur-

vature (slight arching of the > stylobate, sometimes also of all other superstructures, e.g. in the — Parthenon); (e) increased diameter of corner columns as opposed to the central columns. Some of these phenomena were described by Vitruvius (3,3,1ff. et passim), while others were only discovered in the roth cent. (e.g. by F. C. PENROSE at the Parthenon). Following Vitruvius, they were for a long time considered to be architectonically subtle tricks which compensate for optical illusions, such as diver-

ging lines and perspectives which the eye intuitively sees as wrongly proportioned, and also to be aesthetically motivated. Comprehensive modern study of these problems is urgently needed. In addition to technical and aesthetic approaches, socio-historical interpretations have also been attempted. According to these, OR could have been elements of an intentional complication of the building process which demonstratively drew attention to the > kénnensbewusstsein of the craftsmen of a polis. ~» Construction technique; — Building trade H. Bustna, Optische Korrekturen und Propylaen-Fronten. Vitruvs Empfehlungen, verglichen mit dorischer Architektur der attischen Klassik, in: JDAI 99, 1984, 27-

Gralelvrzige2OsLO)e

The political group of the Optimates can be traced back as far as the era of the Gracchi; Cicero includes among important Optimates M. Aemilius [37] Scaurus, cos. 115, Q. Caecilius [I 30] Metellus, cos. 109, and Q.

Lutatius [4] Catulus, cos. 78 (Cic. Sest. ror). The Optimates emerged from the growing political and social tensions that characterized the Roman Republic starting with the tribunate of Ti. > Sempronius Gracchus (133 BC). As Roman politics became more polarized (Cic. Rep. 1,313 cf. also Sall. Iug. 41f.), political groups with different objectives sprang up: the Populares, who sought to please the masses, and the Optimates, whose policies were supported by the ‘best citizens’ (Cic. Sest. 96). An analysis of political practice shows that as a group, the Optimates had no fixed structure. They sought to maintain auspicia, potestates magistratuum, senatus auctoritas and > mos maiorum (Cic. Sest. 98)

and fought against the popular > agrarian laws and > grain

laws;

moreover,

they

rejected

institutional

73; W. H. Goopyerar, Greek Refinements, 1912; W. MULLER-WIENER, Griechisches Bauwesen in der Antike,

changes such as the leges tabellariae (Cic. Sest. 103; cf. Cic. Leg. 3,33ff.). A particularly important objective

1988, 135f.;J.PENNETHORNE, The Geometry and Optics

was to prevent certain leading senators from gaining excessive power and thus upsetting the balance among the leaders of the Senate. A central political goal of the Optimates was to preserve the unity and homogeneity of the nobility, as well as their leadership role. The + nobiles who pursued these goals always regarded themselves as part of this group; hence the distinction was a political and not a social one, as the majority of the Populares were also from the nobility or the senatorial class. The Optimates responded on a case-by-case basis to political efforts that appeared to jeopardize the above-mentioned principles and hence, in their view, the Republic as a whole. While they were not an organized political group, their appeal to tradition and the mos maiorum lent their policies a certain degree of continuity. Accordingly, Cicero spoke of continuing to pursue Optimate policies (Cic. Att. 1,20,3: viam optimatem tenere; cf. Cic. Cat. 4,9 in connection with popular policy). The political views of the Optimates first took on concrete form in the fight against the tribune Ti. Sempronius Gracchus (133 BC), who was attempting with the help of the Popular Assembly to push through an agrarian law, without prior approval from the Senate. The Optimates tried to block that attempt, first by legal means, namely through tribunitial intercession (Cic. Sest. 103). When that proved unsuccessful, a group of senators led by P. > Cornelius [1 84] Scipio Nasica, appealing to an extraordinary state of emergency, finally killed Ti. Gracchus, whom they charged with having violated the law and disregarded traditional

of Ancient Architecture, 1878; F. C. PENRosE, An Investigation of the Principles of Athenian Architecture, *1888;

E. RANKIN, Geometry Enlivened. Interpreting the Refinements of the Greek Doric Temple, in: Acta Classica

29,

1986, 29-41; L. SCHNEIDER, CH. HOckER, Die Akropolis von Athen, 1990, 143-146; B. WESENBERG, Die Theorie der Entasis, in: AA 1999, 481-492 (with additional literature). C.HO.

Optics see > Physics Optimates. The Latin term ‘Optimates’, found only in the plural and derived from optimus, means ‘the best’;

in the works of Cicero, by far the most important source for the evidence, but also in other authors such as Livy (3535343 3539593 6,39,6), the word ‘Optimates’ is used to refer to the Roman leadership class, especially when emphasizing the difference between senatores and > plebs or between Optimates and > Populares. In his speech on behalf of Sestius, Cicero invests the term with considerable moral and political significance and counts among the Optimates, independent of their social class, all honourable citizens who seek to preserve and defend the Roman Republic of the fathers (»Omnes optimates sunt, qui neque nocentes sunt nec natura improbi nec furiosi nec malis domesticis impediti«: Cic. Sest. 97; cf. Cic. Sest. 138). The word does not appear in Sallustius. The first known record is found in + Rhetorica ad Herennium, probably from the Sullan era (Rhet. Her. 4,45). The term ‘Optimates’ was part of the political vocabulary of the late Repub-

177

178

political procedure; this political murder was explicitly approved by the Senate (Cic. Dom. 91). The Optimates fought against his brother, C. Gracchus, tr. pl. 123/122, who sought to bring about a sweeping programme of reforms, by proposing competing legislation that would supposedly benefit the people; in the end, however, they took refuge in the > senatus consultum ultimum to defeat C. Gracchus once and for all, killing him along with many of his followers (Cic. Catil. 1,4; Cic. Sest. 140). In their fight against L. Appuleius [I rr] Saturninus (tr. pl. 100; Cic. Cat. 1,4), P. Sulpicius Rufus (tr. pl. 88; Cic. Cat. 3,24) and Catilina as well, they did not shrink from the use of force as a final solution — not least because the Senate felt entitled to make the ultimate decision in matters involving the salus rei publicae (public good), bypassing the > provocatio and other popular rights. However, the Optimates were quite flexible in their methods; in addition to employing a variety of obstructionist mechanisms (-> intercessio; obnuntiatio), they sought to achieve their goals through legislation modelled after popular laws (M. Livius [I 6] Drusus, tr. pl. 122: Plut. C. Gracchus 9; M. Livius [I 7] Drusus, tr. pl. 91: Cic. Mil. 16; lex Terentia et Cassia

Optio. In the army of the Roman Republic an optio served under each of the two centuriones of a -» manipulus. The word derives from the fact that the Optio was originally selected by a > centurio (optare,

frumentaria:

Cic.

Verr.

2,3,163;

2,5,52),

increasing

juridification of the political sphere and finally a comprehensive reform of the political system under Sulla. There can be hardly any doubt that even in the postSullan era a majority of the nobility and the Senate shared the thinking of the Optimates. Over the long term, however, that was not enough for them to win the

battle against certain powerful individuals such as Pompey and Caesar, whose impressive military success and extensive following brought them enormous respect, power and wealth. There is a certain irony in the fact that in the tense political situation toward the end of Caesar’s governorship in Gaul, the Optimates found themselves with no other choice but to ally themselves with Pompey in opposition to the proconsul, whose ambitions no longer seemed compatible with the political system of the Republic. The subsequent civil wars resulted not only in the demise of the policies of the Optimates, but also in the collapse of the Republic. 1 M. BONNEFOND-Coupry, Le sénat de la république romaine de la guerre d‘Hannibal 4 Auguste, 1989 2L. BURCKHARDT, Politische Strategien der Optimaten in der spaten romischen Republik, 1988 3 J.-L. FERRARY, O. et populares. Le probléme de I‘idéologie dans la politique, in: H. Bruuns 1997,

et al. (eds.), Die spate rémische

221-231

4J. HELLEGOUARC’H,

Untersuchungen recht, 1970.

zum

‘choose’, ‘wish for’; Festus p. 184M; cf. Veg. Mil. 2,7,4). In the Principate, an optio or optio centuriae (ILS 2116)

was among the > principales in the legiones, who received either pay anda halfordouble pay (> Soldiers’ pay) and performed special duties. An optio was ranked between the — tesserarius and the signifer (> Ensign bearer); he was also under the cemturio, in whose absence he led the > centuria. It is unclear if we should distinguish

soldiers variously designated ‘with the expectation of centurion rank’ (e.g.: optio spei; optio ad spem ordinis;

ILS 2442; 2441). In the legions these optiones served on the general’s staff and appear to have been promoted directly to centurio. They may have differed in rank and function from the optio centuriae. However, this is not supported by the inscriptions of the optio ofthe legio III Augusta in Lambaesis (CIL VIII 2554 =ILS 2445), where all the optiones of the legion are cited without any

distinction in rank. It is possible that all optiones were expecting promotion to centurio and that a formulation such as optio spei merely indicated that the optio in question had already been entered on the list of promotions. Optiones are also epigraphically recorded as > praetorians (ILS 2075; 2084), cohortes urbanae (ILS 2117) and cohortes vigilum (ILS 2156; 2171).

In addition there were optiones with special functions, such as the optio speculatorum, who was in charge of the executioners (ILS 8997), optio carcaris, who was in charge of the camp prison (ILS 2117; 2126; 9069), and the optio valetudinarii, who was in charge of the camp hospital (ILS 2117; 2437; 2438). An optio carried a staff as a sign of his service rank. +> Legio; — Principales 1 D. J. Breeze, Pay Grades and Ranks below the Centur2 Id., The Organisation of the Career Structure of the Immunes and Prinionate, in: JRS 61, 1971, 130-135

cipales in the Roman Army, in: BJ 174, 1974, 245-292.

J.CA. Opus (Oxotc/Opois). [1] Chief town of eastern Locris (Itin. Anton. 327,4), after which the surrounding countryside, a bay (modern Kolpos Atalantis) of the Euboean Sea and the — Locri [1] who lived there were named. O. was either near modern Kyparissi (traces of an ancient settlement)

Republik,

or at modern Atalanti (numerous inscriptional finds:

Le vocabulaire

*Oxot’vtto/ Opountio1, IG IX 1, 268-275; 278; duoc

latin des relations et des partis politiques sous la république, *1972, 500-505 5 L. pE Lipero, Obstruktion. Politische Praktiken im Senat und in der Volksversammlung der ausgehenden rémischen Republik, 1992 6 Cur. Meter, Res publica amissa, +1997 7H. STRASBURGER, s.v. O., RE 18, 773-798

OPUS

8 J. VON UNGERN-STERNBERG,

spatrepublikanischen

NotstandsLB.

*Oxovvtiwv/démos opountion, IG IX 1, 282). The port of O. was > Cynus (Str. 9,4,2). O. is mentioned in Homer (Hom. Il. 2,531; 18,326; 23,85) as the residence

of ‘little’ > Ajax [2].

The history of O. essentially coincides with that of Locris. The relationship to western Locris is documented in the law for the colony in + Naupactus (IG IX? 1 718; ToD 1, 24). O. appears in the list of Greek cities that were supported by Cyrene with supplies of corn

during the famine of 330-326 BC (Top 2, 196; cf.

OPUS

180

1792

+ Grain trade, map). In 208 BC, O. was pillaged and occupied by > Attalus [4], then it fell under the power of Philip V (Liv. 28,7,4-9). From the sth century AD, O. was a bishopric. O. was repeatedly afflicted by earthquakes (426 BC: Thuc. 3,89,1r-5; Demetrius of Callatis FGrH 85 F 6; Diod. Sic. 12,59,1-2; Oros. 2,18,7; c. to5 AD: Oros. 7,12,5 — both earthquakes have been proven archaeologically by excavations in Kyparissi). O. was abandoned, probably in the 9th cent., in favour of Atalanti. W. A. OLDFATHER, s.v. O., RE 18, 812-818; J. M. Fos-

sey, The Ancient Topography of Opountian Lokris, 1990, 68-74; TIB 1, 227.

G.D.R.

[2] City in Acrorea in Elis, probably at the acropolis of Gartsiko on the right bank of the > Peneius southwest Onpscladasm (Rincdas OlMons ie mounmos ae DIOGeESIG. 14,17,8; Steph. Byz. s.v. (Omoets). Inscriptions: IG V 2, B68 Oars. Ya.

Opus Africanum. Common technical term in the archaeological study of construction techniques describing a masonry technique, in which pillars made of ashlar or orthostatic blocks alternate with spaces infilled with mud brick or rubble, similar in principle to timber framing. It was common especially in Punic North Africa, Sardinia and the parts of Sicily ruled by Carthage or under its influence (e.g. Motya, Soluntum, Selinuntum, Heraclea [9] Minoa) and also spread as far as Etruria (Tarquinia) and onto the Iberian peninsula [1]. The technique can be traced back to the late BronzeAge ‘pier and rubble masonry’ [2], which was developed in the Canaanite area of the Levant and is first recorded in the Mediterranean in Carthage in the 7th cent. BC [3]. Typologically it is closely related to the ‘tamped masonry’ (ex terra et lapillis compositis in formis) mentioned by Varro Rust. 1,14,4 and Plin. HN 35,169 as typical of Africa and Spain. The latter, like OA, is considered an early or specialised form ofthe late Republican > opus caementicium |4}. 1M. BONGHI JOvINO, Osservazioni sui sistemi di costru-

zione a Tarquinia, in: ArchCl 43, 1991, 171-191 2 J. Eayi, Remarques sur un type de mur Phénicien, in: Rivista di studi fenici 8, 1980, 166-186 3 R. F. Docrer, H.G. NieMeyeret al., Die Grabung unter dem Decumanus Maximus von Karthago. Vorbericht tuber die Kampagnen 1986-1991, in: MDAI(R) too, 1993, 201-244, esp. 210 4 L. CrEMA, L‘architettura romana, 1959, 11-14.

G. LuGu1, La tecnica edilizia romana,

1957, 380-382. H.G.N.

from sand, water,

burnt limestone

(collective term:

mortar) as well as crushed rock. It could be formed into

almost any shape and then set and hardened. The main difference between modern cement and the burnt limestone ofantiquity is that the former sets also under water and is harder, as a result of standardised raw materials and higher burning temperatures.

B. TECHNOLOGY Just like that of modern concrete, the principle of

Roman concrete is that stones are bonded by a mortar to become a durable material able to withstand compressive forces. Limestone, the bonding agent used in antiquity, was burnt in shaft furnaces made of stone (limekilns) at about rooo°C and subsequently slaked in water. After the constituent parts were mixed, the material was transported in woven baskets to the point of application. There it was dumped into spaces (created by brick or timber formwork, > materiatio), compacted with wooden or metal tampers and then left to set. This physico-chemical process created a ‘solid cast’ conglomerate with properties similar to natural rock conglomerates. The oldest accurately dated buildings made of opus caementicium were constructed shortly after 273 BC inthe newly founded Roman settlement of Cosa (modern Ansedonia near Tarquinia). A main gate in the shape of an arch made of opus caementicium led to the forum of the town. On the underside of parts of the arch, which has by now collapsed, imprints of the timber formwork are clearly visible. Initially, Roman concrete was used in walls, water basins, harbour installations, etc., but then its suitability for new types of construction and building dimensions was discoyered, which were not possible with stone, timber and bricks, the classic building materials. Various compression strength tests on opus caementicium (dating from 300 BC to AD 400) showed values between 5 and 40 N/mm‘? and an average value of 15 N/mm? (10 N/mm? are approximately equivalent to roo kg/cm’). These strength values of Roman concrete are within the range of modern ‘standard concrete’. The idea of modern-day steel reinforced concrete (the material has to withstand tension as well as compression stresses) also had Roman antecedents: in a residential building in Cologne (1st cent. AD) a water basin was discovered where the walls were joined to the base with round iron bars that were encased in concrete. Clearly, the walls of the basin were intended to be joined firmly to the floor so that no water could escape.

Opus caementicium (opus caementitium).

C. SELECTED APPLICATIONS 1. WATER AND SEWAGE 2. HARBOUR

A. DEFINITION

B. TECHNOLOGY

CONSTRUCTION

APPLICATIONS

D. RATIONALIZATION

C. SELECTED

3. VAULTS AND DOMES

1. WATER AND SEWAGE

A. DEFINITION Lat. term for Roman concrete (+ Construction tech-

nique; > Masonry). This new Roman building material first occurred in the 3rd cent. BC. It was mixed together

An important area of application for opus caementicium was the > water supply. Commonly the conduits, which were almost 2 m high, were located about 3 m below the surface and consisted of opus caementicium

18t

182

with an additional internal sealing layer of mortar. Over the course of five centuries, in the city of Rome alone eleven conduits were installed with a total length of about 500 km. It was possible to walk through them for checking and repairing them. Sewerage channels were constructed in almost all larger towns. The + Cloaca Maxima in Rome is up to 3 m high and up to 4 m wide; it consists of ashlar blocks, opus caementicium and occasionally brick walls. 2. HARBOUR CONSTRUCTION Vitruvius (5,12,1-6) discusses in detail the planning and execution of large harbours. For breakwaters (harbour moles), ship’s landing piers and harbour walls, he primarily recommends constructions made of opus caementicium. However, according to him a prerequisite for this is a type of concrete that sets under water and remains water-proof; the admixture of ‘hydraulic’ materials is thus necessary (ground-up brick and volcanic ash such as pozzolana). He describes construction procedures for pouring this special concrete on the bottom of the sea (‘underwater concrete’) or with the aid of a huge floating caisson made from timber (‘cofferdam method with double sheeting’) and also the making and sinking of large-scale ‘prefabricated concrete parts’. Successful constructions of this type can still be seen today in many harbours from antiquity (i.e.

and then to transport them, to use stone masons to work them and to fit them using cranes. In the Imperial period, there was rarely a large-scale building without its essential components made of opus caementicium. In the construction of water conduits, sliding timber formwork is as well known as concrete pipes made of prefabricated components that were 3 ft. long. Water conduits in rock tunnels often passed through brittle rock. Thus, in the area around Side it was necessary to apply 40 cm thick linings of opus caementicium over a total length of 5 km (3rd cent. AD); the imprints of formwork timber are still clearly visible.

Cosa,

Opus

rst cent.

BC; Ampurias/Spain,

rst cent.

BC;

Ostia, rst cent. BC; Side/Turkey, 2nd and 3rd cent. AD; ~ Harbours, docks). 3. VAULTS AND DOMES The oldest large > dome dates to the rst cent. AD (Temple of Mercury in Baiae). It rests on a cylinder, its height and diameter are 21.5 m each. This combination of hemisphere and cylinder later develops into a typically Roman style of construction. Nero’s -» Domus Aurea in Rome is regarded as the first larger building complex which methodically uses large vaults. The Basilica of Maxentius or Constantine (4th cent. AD) on the Forum Romanum originally had a surface area of c. 100 x 60 mand across vault 3 5 mhigh. One of the most impressive examples of the art of construction in antiquity is the > pantheon in Rome (2nd cent. AD). Its dome spans a width of more than 43 m without additional supports. This was only surpassed in 1911 (Hala Ludowa in Wroclaw, reinforced concrete). Admixtures (tuff, crushed bricks and pumice) for domes and vaults made of light concrete have a diminishing density from the bottom to the top (raw densities: 1.60; 1.50; 1.35 kg/dm}) and thus bring about a significant reduction in weight. The dome was cast in concrete on timber formwork and is stabilized with internal ribs made of of brick arches (— Vaults and arches, construction of; +» Dome, Construction of domes).

D. RATIONALIZATION The introduction of opus caementicium brought about a revolution in the > building trade. For example, for the construction of a city wall it was now generally no longer necessary to obtain large stone blocks

ORACHE

K. DE Fine Licut, The Rotunda in Rome, 1968, 92, 133136, 168; G. HAEGERMANN, G. HuBErTI, H. MOLL, Vom Caementum zum Spannbeton, 1964, 5; H. HELLENKEMPER, Der rémische Rheinhafen und die ehemalige Rheinin-

sel, in: Fiihrer zu vor- und friihgeschichtlichen Denkmalern, published by the Rémisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Mainz, vol. 38 (Koln 2), 1980, 126-134; P. KNOBLAUCH, Die Hafenanlagen und die anschliefenden Seemauern von Side, 1977, 21; H.-O. LAMPRECHT, Opus Caementitium, 51996; A. Marurt, Die Altertiimer der

phlegraischen Felder, 31958, 14, 37, 47, 70, 88, 105; D. THopE, Untersuchung zur Lastabtragung in spatantiken Kuppelbauten, 1975, 7f., 134f.; J. B. WARD-PERKINS, Roman Imperial Architecture, 1981.

sectile,

tessellatum,

H.-OLL.

vermiculatum

see

+ Mosaic

Orache

(ddo0ahaEvC/adraphaxys:

avdeamatuc/ andraphaxys:

| Theophrastus,

Dioscorides, cvdeapaéic/

andraphaxis: Hippocr.; Latin atriplex), a spinach-like vegetable of the goose-foot family (Chenopodiaceae), of which only one species (Theophr. H. plant. 7,4,1 = Plin. HN 19,123), i.e. Atriplex rosea _L., is cultivated in Greece. According to Theophr. H. plant. 1,14,2 and 7,354 it formed its broad leaf-like seeds, which were viable for only two to three years, (Theophr. H. plant. 7,555 =Plin. HN 19,181) inside a pericarp (Theophr. H. plant. 7,3,2 = Plin. HN 19, 119) at the tip and on the sides of the pseudo-ear, according to Theophr. H. plant. 7,1,2-3 was sown in January and sprouted by the eignth day (= Plin. HN 19,117). Its taproot (7,2,6) lignified (7,2,8). For Italy, Palladius (Agric. 5,3,3) recommended sowing after irrigation in April and from July (cf. 8,2,r) until autumn, and pruning to prevent early flowering. Colum. 11,3,42 sowed it in colder regions after 13 February. From several authorities such as Hippocrates and Diocles, Plin. HN 20,219-221 reports the medicinal effect of this not very stomach-friendly vegetable and of its seed taken with honey for jaundice (morbus regius = ixtegoc/ ikteros Dioscorides 2,119 WELLMANN = 2,145 BERENDES). Hippocr. De victu 2,54 [1. 4, 330] characterises orache as wet and hard to digest. 1 W.H.S. Jones (ed.), Hippocrates, vol. 4 (Regimen), 1931, repr. 1992.

A. STEIER, s.v. M., RE 15, 442-444.

C.HU.

ORACHE

183

Oracle of the dead see

> Divination

II]. CLassicaL ANTIQUITY A. GENERAL B. ORACLE SITES C. ORACLE TECHNIQUES D.FuNcTION E. History

Oracles I. ANCIENT NEAR East

II. Ecypt

III. CLassicar

ANTIQUITY I. ANCIENT NEAR EAST see > Divination

II. Egypt From the New Kingdom to the Roman Period, the oracle is one of the forms of > divination. An oracle

was the questioning in written or oral form of the deity, mostly performed by a mediating priest. Normally, this took place during religious festivals (— Festivals; Feasts), when the cult image of the deity was carried out of the inner sanctuary. Oracles within the inner sanctuary were rare and only limited to kings. In procession oracles, the god’s approving or rejecting answer came as movements of the boat or chair carrying the cult image. The term ‘oracle’ suggests an analogy with the Greek oracle, especially with that of > Delphi. A common feature of oracles of both cultures is that people did not react to divine portents (~ Omen), but approached their god with a request. In Egypt, however, questions about the future were more rare than questions about the god’s will, e.g. whether to appoint a certain person to a vacant position. Knowledge of the past was an important part of divine knowledge, e.g. in oracle trials, where it was asked who had stolen somet-

hing. Whereas Delphi became the central oracle for all

A. GENERAL Among the numerous methods of > divination, oracles (Greek manteion, chrésterion, Lat. oraculum) are prophecies that were made in particular places according to a set rite and at fixed times, during which the deity was thought to be present. The word ‘oracle’ also indicates the place where the prophecy was made. B. ORACLE SITES So far, there is evidence of over 60 oracle sites of various significance (see map). This is not counting the + Astragalos [2] oracles (see [1]), which were widely spread in the East in the 2nd cent. AD, nor the oracles in Syria [2]. The most revered oracle was > Delphi,

famous beyond the reach of the Greek world. Other oracles of supraregional significance were the ones that were tested by > Croesus alongside with Delphi: > Dodona, considered to be the oldest oracle, ~ Didyma, + Abae, > Oropus, > Lebadea and the > Ammonium in the Siwa oasis (Hdt. 1,46). In addition there were also

> Clarus [1] and > Grynium. — Olympia and > Delos were especially popular in the Archaic period. In Italy, the best known oracle were > Fortuna Primigenia in > Praeneste and Fortunae in > Antium. The Astragalos oracles excepted, most oracles had a marginal location: the setting included a fountain and often a grove as well, like the oracle of the Umbrian river god > Clitumnus (Plin. Epist. 8,8; [3]).

cities on the Greek motherland and in the oikoumene,

in Egypt, it seems, every major god could deliver oracles (although this has not been proven for every single one of them). Since the announcement

of the deities’ will

was no less important than their knowledge, the most powerful oracle gods were also the most consulted ones. In the New Kingdom, ~ Amun-Ra of Karnak, king of the gods and father of the ruling king, was the most important oracle god. However, personal proximity to the god also played a part. In certain social groups this made less significant gods become important oracle deliverers, e.g. the deified king ~ Amenophis [1] I, the patron deity of the workers’ village of Dair al-Madina. Although the oracle of Amun of Karnak was occasionally considered to be the most significant one and, in the 21st dynasty, was seen as the medium of the royal rule, there is no evidence of an effect on the country comparable to the influence of the Delphi oracle on the politics and culture of the Greek cities. Most of the known oracles of Amun concern the Theban area. H. Bonnet, s.v. O., RARG, 560-564; L. KAkosy, s.v. O.,

LA 4, 600-606; A. VON Lieven, Divination in Agypten, in: Altorientalische 78-97.

Forschung

26, 1999,

77-126,

esp. M.RO.

C. ORACLE TECHNIQUES

All oracles demanded > purity (fasting, abstinence and use of water). Oracles can be divided into four groups: 1. An inspired medium, for example the -» Pythia in Delphi, delivered a message; mediating + priests often stood between medium and clients. 2. A medium used random divination, such as the beans’ oracle in Delphi, where beans were drawn from a receptacle; a light-coloured bean signified approval, a darkcoloured one rejection. 3. The client himself became an inspired medium, as was the case in the cave of the hero ~ Trophonius in Lebadea (Paus. 9,39-40), or at the dream oracle of > Amphiaraus in Oropus. 4. The client himself made use of random divination, as at the dice oracle of Heracles in > Bura: four throws were available, but the interpretation of every possible combination was already fixed in written form (Paus. 7,25). Lot oracles were especially widespread in Italy [4]. D. FUNCTION

Oracles created social norms and had legitimising power. They helped mostly when there was a choice between two possibilities. For instance, when the Athenians wondered in 3 52/1 BC whether to lease the sacred meadow of Eleusis or to let it lie fallow, they recorded both possibilities on two identical tin tablets under the

185

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ORACLES

supervision of the popular assembly, placing each of them in a silver and a golden hydria, without anyone knowing which vessel contained any of the answers. Both vessels were submitted for choice to the oracle of Delphi (IG II* 204; Syll.* 204). At this time, predictions of the future are found among the (often vague or ambiguous) mythical and semi-historical oracle statements. This tradition was continued in the > Sibyllina oracula or in the lot oracle, such as the sortes of > Astra(m)psychus. Even if numerous oracles from Delphi are supposed to have pointed the way during the colonisation (eg. Hdt. 4,155-165), Delphi’s actual significance to this process is not clear [6]. Ritual and political reforms in Greek poleis were often sanctioned by a statement from Delphi. when Greeks warred against Greeks, Olympia refused to give speak (Xen. Hell. 3,2,22). Private individuals too consulted oracles on numerous occasions: journeys, marriage, illness, court cases, que-

stions of status, misfortune, especially epidemics and infertility, etc. (e.g. Xen. An. 3,1,5-8). E. History The state of the evidence allows us to reconstruct the chronologies of single oracles in only a few cases; but it can be assumed that there was a constant demand for divine advice. Oracle collections, e.g. those of > Orpheus, > Bacis and -» Musaeus [1], circulated already in the 6th cent. BC. In his exile at the Persian court,

+ Hippias [1] is said to have prompted the Great King to start war against Athens with the oracle collection of Musaeus (Hdt. 7,6). Delphi had its heyday from the

6th—5th cent. BC. Starting from the 4th cent., a change took place: because of the restructuring of the Greek world into territorial states, the number of requests made by autonomous communities dropped, but the consultation by private individuals rose. No later than the Hellenistic period, regulations were put down in writing and clients’ names were published, together with their questions and answers. In the 2nd cent. AD, after an intervening period of decline (e.g. Plut. De def. or., Plut. De Pyth. or. 29; [6]), an upturn can be noticed

in several sites (eg. Delphi, Didyma, Grynium) [7. 200259]; see also the Glycon oracle of > Alexander [27] of Abonouteichus. Roman emperors and other patrons occasionally supported the great oracle sites with money [6]. During the Imperial period, these site became the objects of transregional religious and ‘educational’ tourism. The last oracles were closed down under Theodosius I in AD 392. + OCCULTISM 1J. Nouxe,

188

187

Sudkleinasiatische

Losorakel

in der roémi-

schen Kaiserzeit, in: Antike Welt 18.3, 1987, 41-49 2 Y. Hagyar, Divinités oraculaires et rites divinatoires en Syrie et en Phénicie a l’@poque gréco-romaine, in: ANRW II 18.4, 1990, 2289-2313 3 F. GRAF, Bois sacrés et oracles en Asie mineure, in: Les bois sacrés (Collection du Centre Bérard 10), 1993, 23-29 4 J. CHAMPEAUX, Sors oraculi,

in: MEFRA 102, 1990, 271-302 5 C. Morecan, Athletes and Oracles, 1990 6S. Levin, The Old Greek Oracles in Decline, in: ANRW II 18.2, 1989, 1599-1606 7R. LANE Fox, Pagans and Christians, 1986.

H. Branpt, Pythia, Apollon und die alteren griechischen Tyrannen, in: Chiron 28, 1998, 193-212; L. BRuir ZaIb-

MAN, P. SCHMITT-PANTEL, Religion in the ancient Greek city (1992); J. FONTENROSE, The Delphic Oracle, 1978; J.-D. Gaucer, Sibyllinische Weissagungen, 1998; J.-G. Hentz (ed.), Oracles et prophéties dans I‘antiquite, 1997; L. Maurizio, Anthropology and Spirit Possession, in: JHS 115, 1995, 69-86; H. W. Parke, Greek Oracles, 1967; Id., The Oracles of Zeus: Dodona, Olympia, Ammon, 1967; Id., The Oracles of Apollo in Asia Minor,

1985; S.R.F. Price, Delphi and Divination, in: P. E. EASTERLING,J.V. Murr (ed.), Greek Religion and Society, 1985,

128-154;

RopBert,

OMS,

1989,

ROSENBERGER, Griechische Orakel, 2000.

584-646;

V.

V.RO.

Oracula Chaldaica. The term Oracula Chaldaica describes those Greek poems in dactylic hexameters which were allegedly uttered by > Hecate and possibly also other deities, either directly toa man known by the name of > Julian [4] the Chaldean, who had invoked them, or via a divinely possessed medium acting for Julian. The poems were written in archaizing style which imitated both Homer and other older oracles. Although they date from the late 2nd or early 3rd cent. AD, the name Oracula Chaldaica was not applied to them until several hundred years later (e.g. Procl. in Pl. Prm. 800,19), probably with the intention of connect-

ing the poems and their messages with the highly esteemed spiritual wisdom of the > Chaldeans. Earlier authors who quote the Oracula Chaldaica, describe them as ta hiera logia (‘the hallowed sayings’) or simply ta logia (‘the sayings’) [4. 443-447]. Today, only c. 200 fragments of the Oracula Chaldaica are preserved. These are quoted by later authors, including Proclus, Damascius and Michael Psellus. Porphyrius, lamblichus and Proclus also wrote commentaries on the Oracula Chaldaica, now lost; Iamblichus refers to the Oracula Chaldaica and probably even paraphrases them in De mystertis [1. 18-573 4. 449456; 5]. [1] and [2] are critical editions with translations and commentaries. [1] also contains related excerpts from Psellus. [4] is now outdated and to be used with caution, though it remains the most in-depth study of the Oracula Chaldaica. The Oracula Chaldaica contain teachings of fundamental importance to theurgists (> theurgy). These include cosmogonic and theological information as well as instructions for rituals which would help the theurgist to derive further information from the gods and then to purify their souls in order to enable them to ascend to heaven. Philosophically, these teachings owe much to Platonism. For example, there is a single, supreme god who is called Father and is transcendent and influences the lower regions of the cosmos only through hypostases such as his noiis (‘intellect’) and his dynamis (‘potentiality’). Beyond the physical (or hylic) world there is a noetic realm which human beings can only comprehend intellectually; physical desires must be resisted as they are dangerous [1. 14-17; 2. 1-46; 3]. The rites were based on the manipulation of matter and

189

190

the articulation of sacred words and were therefore very similar to those of contemporary > magic and religion

where such individuals entitled to inherit were not pres-

(e.g. [3]).

ent,

it fell to the State

(the

> aerarium,

\ater the

> fiscus).

> Iulianus [5] the theurgist

Kaser, RPR 1, 320f., 724f.

1 E. pes PLaces (ed.), Oracles Chaldaiques (with French transl. and comm.), 1971 2 R. D. Mayjercik (ed.), The Chaldaean Oracles (with English transl. and comm.) (Studies in Greek and Roman Religion, vol. 5), 1989 35S. I.

Jounston, Rising to the Occasion. Theurgic Ascent in its Cultural Milieu, in: P. SCHAEFER,

Envisioning Magic, 1997

and Theurgy, *1978

ORCHESTRA

H. KipPpENBERG

GS.

Orbilius Pupillus, L. Latin grammarian. In 63 BC, at the age of 50, O. moved from Beneventum to Rome, having served as apparitor (subaltern attendant to a

(ed.),

magistrate) at home and on a Macedonian campaign.

4H. Lewy, Chaldaean Oracles

He lived to be almost roo. A cantankerous character and harsh critic of the scholarly world of Rome, in which he had no success, his place in the memory of his pupil Horace (> Horatius [7]) was by virtue of the beatings he administered (Hor. Epist. 2,1,69-71), but at > Beneventum he was honoured with a statue (Suet. Gram. 9). There is no record of scholarly works, but he wrote two non-technical pieces mentioned by Suetonius: one essay of an autobiographical nature and a public condemnation of the treatment of tutors by the parents of pupils. He claimed to have ensured the publication of the study of Ennius by -» Pompilius Andronicus.

5 F. W. CREMER, Die Chaldaischen

Orakel und Jamblich de mysteriis, 1969.

S.J.

Oracula Sibyllina see > Sibyllini libri, Sibyllina oracula Oral poetry see > Literacy/Orality,

» HOMERIC QUE-

STION Orarium (also called sudarium). The use of a ‘facecloth’ (orarium) or ‘sweat-cloth’ (sudarium) is attested from the rst cent. BC (Quint. Inst. 6,3,60; 11,3,148); it

was used to wipe away sweat, cover the mouth (Suet. Nero 25), cover the head (Suet. Nero 45) or dry the hands (Petron. 67). It could also be worn around the

R. A. Kaster, C. Suetonius Tranquillus, De Grammaticis et Rhetoribus, 1995, 128-137. RAK.

neck (Suet. Nero 51; Petron. 67). According to Catull.

12,14 and 25,7, sudaria were made of Spanish linen. The name orarium does not emerge until the 3rd cent. AD; the two were used synonymously, with the orarium now being used for applause in arenas, for covering the eyes of people being executed, and for covering the head or other objects. From the 4th cent. AD, liturgical vestments or parts of vestments could also be called oraria. RH.

Orbona. Roman goddess. Her name is derived from orbus (‘childless’) and explained as an evil power that robs parents of their children. To appease her, a sanctuary was dedicated to her near the temple of the — Lares (Cic. Nat. D. 3,63; Plin. HN 2,16; Tert. Ad nat.

2,15,2). According to Arnob. 4,7, she was the goddess of parents who have lost their children. LATTE, 53; RADKE, 240f.

L.K.

Oratory see > Rhetoric

Orbelus (“OepnAoc/Orbélos). Mountain range in the border area between Thrace and Macedonia (Hdt. 5,16; Str. 7a,1,36; Arr. Anab. 1,1,5), generally equated

with the modern Belasica in the northern part of Halkidiki. It was known for its Dionysus cult (Mela 2,17). T. SpiRIDONOY, Istori¢eskata geografija na trakijskite plemena, 1983, 24f., 118. Lyv.B.

Orbi. The childless who, according to Roman law dating from the time of Augustus, suffered certain legal penalties: to promote a higher birthrate, women who had many children benefited through the lex Iulia de maritandis ordinibus and the lex Papia (— ius liberorum), while on the flip-side childless people (men and women) were restricted in their capacity (capacitas) to accept inheritances and legacies: what was left to orbi under a will, was halved (in the case of a surviving spouse reduced to a tenth). The remainder, known as

the > caducum (a lapsed inheritance), was awarded to

other male heirs or legatees and their descendants, and

Orcades (Ooxddec/Orkddes, Latin Orcades). The archipelago of Orkney (today c. 70 islands, of which 24 are inhabited) off the north coast of Scotland probably first came to the attention of the ancients through + Pytheas (late 4th cent. BC). According to ancient authors, there were between 30 (Mela 3,54; Ptol. 2,3,31) and 40 (Plin. HN 4,103) only sparsely inhabited islands. The fleet of Iulius [II 3] Agricola (Tac. Agr. ro) reconnoitred the O. in AD 83/4. Some of the O. were known to Ptolemy (2,3,31), with imprecise coordinates. Contacts with Rome were limited to trade (a few Roman finds). I. A. RICHMOND,

1958; A.L.F.

Roman

and Native in North Britain,

Rivet, C. Smita, The Place-Names

of

Roman Britain 1979, 40; A. AND G. RiTcurE, Scotland, 1983; TIR N 30/O 30 Britannia Septentrionalis 61.

M.TO.

Orchestra see > Theatre.

ORCHIUS

191

192

Orchius. In 182 BC, O. proposed the first attested Roman lex sumptuaria (‘law against luxury’). It limited the number of people who could attend a banquet

along with other less significant cities, until 424 BC (Thue. 4,76,3). In 427/6, a severe earthquake devastated the city (Thuc. 3,87,4). In 424 BC, democrats banished from O. failed in their attempts to bring O.

(Macrob. Sat. 3,17,2). Like other laws of this period,

this one too was meant to regulate the competition between political opponents. M. Porcius > Cato [1] had to fight against mitigation of the law. (Fest. 280-82 L.). It was superseded in 161 BC by the tougher lex Fannia (see > Fannius [I 6]; > luxus). E. BALTRUSCH, Regimen morum, 1989, 77-81.

TAS.

Orchomenus [1] (Ooyouevoc/Orchomenos; Boeotian Erchomenos, LSAG 95, no. 17).

“Egxouevoc/

A. GEOGRAPHY B. MyYCENAEAN TO CLASSICAL PERIOD C. LATE CLASSICAL AND HELLENISTIC PERIOD D.ROMANPERIOD E. RELIGION F. ARCHAEOLOGY

over to the side of the Athenians (Thuc. 4,76,3; 93,4).

C. LATE CLASSICAL AND HELLENISTIC PERIOD In 395 BC, O. allied itselfto> Sparta, and a Spartan garrison was posted to the city (Xen. Hell. 3,5,6; 4,3,15f.). In 370, O. was compelled to rejoin the Boeotian League after a conflict with > Thebes (Xen. Hell. 6,4,10; Diod. Sic. 15,37,1, 15,5751). In 364, Thebes destroyed O.; much of the population was murdered or enslaved (Diod. Sic. 15,79,3-6; Dem. Or. 16,4; 25; 20,109). However, a group was soon sent back to O. to repopulate it (IG IV* 1,94,8). In 354/3 BC, O. came under Phocian control (Diod. Sic. 16,33,4), and in 346 BC, the city was given back to the Thebans by > Philip II (Dem. Or. 5,21f.). Thereafter, it is often mentio-

ned that O. was given back and rebuilt (Dem. Or. A. GEOGRAPHY

19,112; 141; 325; Paus. 4,27,10; 9,37,8)- Following the

City in north-western Boeotia (Hom. Il. 2,511) at the

destruction of Thebes by Alexander [4] the Great in 335 BC, O. again joined the Boeotian League. In the Hellenistic period, the city shared the fate of Boeotia [ro].

foot of Mount Acontium on the north-western shore of Lake -» Copais near modern Skripou, today once more called Orkhomenos. The polis had an extensive hinterland, in particular the plain of the Cephissus [1]. From prehistoric times, O. was one of the most significant

towns in > Boeotia (Ceramics [2]; tholos tomb, the ‘tomb of Minyas’, from the 14th cent. BC, cf. Paus. 9,36,4-6; 9,38,2). There was a (palace?) compound at O., discovered to the east of the beehive tomb [3]. Dyke

construction and land improvements in the Copais valley were carried out from O. in the 2nd millennium

D. ROMAN PERIOD O. was severely affected by the wars between Rome and > Mithridates [6] VI. In 86 BC, the city was plun-

dered by Romans under the command of L. > Cornelius [I 90] Sulla (Plut. Sulla 20,3). O.’s farmland and pastures came into the possession of wealthy Romans. In the Imperial period, O. was a small town of little importance [rr].

BC. Around the end of the 2nd millennium, a rise in the

level of the lake and the abandonment of drainage installations brought about a reduction in the city’s territory [4]. B. MYCENAEAN TO CLASSICAL PERIOD In the Homeric catalogue of ships (Hom. II. 2,511; [5]), O. is listed separately from the other Boeotian settlements, as is — Aspledon. Its epithet Muvietoc/ Minyeios (“Minyan’, Hom. Il. 2,511; Thuc. 4,76,3) pro-

bably derives from a tribe which once lived there. During the Mycenaean period, O. probably controlled its own sphere of influence, including tributary cities (Isoc. Or. 14,10; Diod. Sic. 15,79,5). The wealth of ancient O. was proverbial (Hom. Il. 9,381; Str. 9,2,40; Paus. 1,9,3). O. was a member of the amphiktyonia of + Calaurea (Str. 8,6,14; [6. vol. 2, 213f.]. The later history of Boeotia is determined by the rivalry between + Thebes and O. (cf. the myth [7]). > Hesiodus is said to have been buried at O. (Paus. 9,38,3—5; [8]). In the 6th cent. BC, O. won a victory over, or at, > Coronea

(LSAG 95, no.rr). It was probably only after 480 BC that O. joined the Boeotian League (> Boeotia, with

map). After 446 BC, O. together with Hyettus provided two of the League’s eleven > Boeotarchs (Hell. Oxy. FGrH 66 F 1 (XI) 3; [9]). O. governed > Chaeronea,

E. RELIGION

O. was an ancient centre of worship of the > Charites (Pind. Ol. 14; Paus. 9,35,1; [12]). It also hosted cults of Zeus [6. vol. 3, 120-124], Asclepius [6. vol. 1, ro8f.] and Dionysus [6. vol. 1, 179-181]. Eight stadia (approx. 1.5 km) from O. was a sanctuary of > Hercules (Paus. 9,38,6; [6. vol. 2, rof.]). F. ARCHAEOLOGY

A city wall with a hill fort, which was further fortified under Alexander [4] the Great (Arr. Anab. 1,9,10), a theatre from the 4th cent. BC [13], three sanctuaries, a Graeco-Roman stoa and Roman baths have been identified [14. 353-357]. Mapping and surveying of the city

of O. have been taking place since 1997 [15]. On the epigraphical evidence: [14. 357-359] with [16]. On the numismatic evidence: HN 346f. 1S. LAUFFER,

Mountjoy,

Kopais, vol. 1, 1986, 131-138

Mycenaean

2P. A.

Pottery from O., Eutresis and

Other Boeotian Sites (Orchomenos vol. 5), 1983

3 T. G.

SPYROPOULOS, TO Gvaxtooov tod Mwvuov ei¢ tov. Bowwttxov Ooxouevovy, in: Aoyatohoyima Avahexta && Adnvav 7,

1974, 313-324 4 J. Knauss, Die Melioration des Kopaisbeckens durch die Minyer im 2. Jt. v-Chr, 1987 5 E. Vis-

SER,

Homers

6 SCHACHTER

Katalog

der

Schiffe,

1997,

364-378

7 S. LAUFFER, s.v. O., RE Suppl. 14, 331-

194

193

333 8P. W. Warttace, The Tomb of Hesiod und the Treasury of Mynias at Orkhomenos, in: J. M. Fossey, H. Giroux

(ed.), Actes du 3° congrés international

Beotie antique, 1985, 165-180

sur la

9C. J. DuLL, Thucydides

1.113 and the Leadership of O., in: CPh 72, 1977, 305-

314 10D. HENNiG, Der Bericht des Polybios uber Boiotien und die Lage von O. in der 2. Halfte des 3. Jh.v.Chr., in: Chiron 7, 1977, 119-148 11]. M. Fossey, Papers in Boiotian Topography and History, 1990, 246-249 12 J. Buck er, The Charitesia at Boiotian O., in: AJPh 105, 1984, 49-53 13T. G. SpyROPOULOS, “Exddo8tc Tis Bouwtiag, in: Aoyaohoyixe. Avahexta && “Adnvav 6, 1973,

392f. 14Fossry 15K. FirrscHen, in: Achaeological Reports 45, 1998/9, 55f. 16D. KNOEPFLER, Recherches sur l’€pigraphie de la Béotie, in: Chiron 22, 1992, 488496. K.F.

[2] (Ooyopevoc/Orchomenos). Of the numerous settlements called O., only that mentioned in Diod. Sic. 20,1 10,3 can be located with certainty in > Thessaly: in 302 BC, > Cassander planned to unite O. and Dion [II 4] with Phthiotic Thebes, a move which was prevented by Demetrius [1]. From this it is evident that O. lay to the north of Mount > Othrys, south of Thebes on the edge of the Crocian Plain (Kedxtov aediov/Kroékion pedion). E. KirsTEN, s.v. O. (2), RE 18, 886f.

HE.KR.

[3] (Ogyouevoc/Orchomenos). City in north-eastern Arcadia (Scyl. 44; Mela 2,43; Plin. HN 4,20), located

on one of the most important traffic routes of the Peloponnese, at the eastern summit (alt. 936 m) of a ridge which, falling away steeply to the north and west, separated a higher southern (alt. 630 m) from a lower northern (alt. 620 m) plain, the latter usually flooded during the rainy season. Both plains were entirely encircled by mountains. Location at modern Orkhomenos (formerly Kalpaki). Already known to Homer (Hom. Il. 2,605; Hom. Od. 11,459), O. was politically predominant in 6th cent. BC + Arcadia under its kings > Aristocrates [1] and Aristodamus (Heraclides Ponticus in Diog. Laert. 1,7,1). A member of the > Peloponnesian League in the Classical period (participation in the — Persian Wars: Hdt. 7,202; 9,28,3; 31,3; Serpent Column, Syll.> 31,12; Paus. 5,23,23[5; 6]), O. was compelled by > Epaminondas to attach itself to the Arcadian League (Syll.3 183,49f.). Until 368/7, O. owned an extensive region to its west, including satellite towns (Methydrium, Thisoa, Teuthis); this was taken from it with the foundation of > Megale Polis (Paus. 8,27,4). With the loss of its patron Sparta, O. was drawn ever more decisively into the vortex of power struggles sweeping the Peloponnese: under the > Diadochi (3 15-303 Polyperchon: Diod. Sic. 19, 63,5; Demetrius [2]: Diod. Sic. 20,103,5f.), in the - Chremonidean War (Syll.? 434,24ff.), under tyrants (e.g. Aristomelidas and Nearchus; Paus. 8,47,6; Syll.3 490,13ff.), in the Achaean and Aetolian Leagues (Pol. 4,6,5f; Liv. 32,5,4), with Sparta under Cleomenes [6] (Plut. Cleomenes 7,3), from 223 BC under the Macedonian King Antigonus

ORCIVIUS

[3] (Pol. 2,54; Plut. Aratus 45,1), finally, at the instigation of Philip V, returning to the Achaean League in 199

BC

(Liv. 32,5,4).

Strabo

(8,8,2)

numbered

O.

among the ‘near-vanished towns’ of Arcadia, and Pausanias (8,13,2) depicts O. as an insignificant place — by

his time (mid—2nd cent. AD) the upper city was entirely abandoned. Ptolemy and Hierocles do not mention O., but remains and coins attest to the survival of a community of sorts until the 14th cent. The remains survive of a wall of the 4th and 3rd cents. BC encircling the upper city [1; 2] — nothing survives of the sth cent. wall (cf. Thuc. 5,61,5). There are

signs of habitation in the upper city (a theatre built into the city wall in the north east [3; 4], an agora, cf. Paus. 8,13,2, on it the Ionian temple of Artemis Mesopolitis from the late 6th cent. BC, two columned halls) and in the lower city on the flatter southern slope stretching into the plain (evidence stretching from the Geometrical period into Roman times, two temples). Epigraphical evidence: [7]; IG V 2, 343-350. Coins: HN 451. 1 R. Martin,

1944, 107-114

Sur deux enceintes d‘Arcadie, in: RA

21,

2F. E. Winter, in: Echos du Monde

Classique 33, 1989, 192-196

3G. BLUM, A. PLAssaRT,

Orchoméne d‘Arcadie, in: BCH 38, 1914, 71-88 4F.E. WINTER, in: Echos du Monde Classique 31, 1987, 235246 5S. Dusanic, Notes épigraphiques sur I‘histoire arcadienne du IV‘ siécle, in: BCH 102, 1978, 333-346 6 J. Roy, Polis and Tribe in Classical Arcadia, in: M. H. HANSEN, K. RAAFLAUB (ed.), More Studies in the Ancient Greek Polis, 1996, 107-112 7 A. PLassart, Orchoméne d‘Arcadie. Inscriptions, in: BCH 39, 1915, 53-97.

F. CarRINcI, s.v. Arcadia, EAA 2. Suppl. 4, 1996, 334; Jost, 113-122;

E. FREUND, s.v. O., in: LAUFFER, Grie-

chenland, 492.

Y.L.E.O.

Orcistus (Ogxtotdc/Orkistos). Originally probably a polis in Galatia, south of modern Ortakoy (formerly Alikel Yayla), added to > Nacolea (Phrygia) at the end of the 3rd cent. AD, but Constantine [1] the Great undid this before 331 AD (MAMA 7, 69-75). The small town of Malcaeteni [1. 2020] was part of the territory of O. Attested asa see from the 5th cent. (Domnus at the Council of Ephesus in 431, Longinus at the Council of Chalcedon in 451: Acta Conciliorum Oecumenocorum I,I NO. 1213 2,1,1 no. 192). A few ancient or Byzantine

remains. T. Drew-Bear, C. Naour, Divinités ANRW II 18.3, 1990, 1907-2044.

de Phrygie,

BELKE/RESTLE, 211.

in: E.O.

Orcivius. Italic gens name, attested primarily in Praeneste (ILS 3684; CIL I> 1460; 2439). For other bearers

of the name cf. [1. 68; 364; 397] and AE 1983, 173. 1 SCHULZE.

[1] O., C. Praetor in 66 BC together with Cicero. He presided over the court for embezzlement cases (peculatus) (Cic. Clu. 94; 147; cf. > Cornelius [I 87]) and

195

196

was defended by Cicero in 65 (Q. Cicero, Commenta-

Il. Pusric Law An ordo in Roman public law was a constituted and privileged association of public life with a closed mem-

ORCIVIUS

riolum petitionis 19).

JOR.

Orcus (also Orchus, more rarely Horcus). Realm of the dead (Varro Men. 423), later its lord (Plaut. Most. 499)

bership which was commonly recorded in an > album

or death personified (Enn. Ann. 564f.). O. is genuinely Roman and much more than > Dis Pater, the Roman counterpart of the Greek > Pluto, he was a god of the (common) people. However, as early as Enn. Fragmenta varia 78 VAHLEN, O. is approximated Pluto. He had no cult or temple of his own. The etymology of his name is disputed; ancient scholars connected O. with

according to the dignitas (social standing) of its members. In English the word is usually rendered by ‘class’

[2]. An

ordo

was

usually structured

hierarchically

(reservations in [2] and [5]).

Already King Servius > Tullius divided the Roman populace into ordines according to Livy (1,42,4: con-

ditor omnis in civitate discriminis ordinumque). The two most important ordines were the ordo senatorius

oriri (‘arise’,

and the ordo equester, which were often collectively

Varro Ling. 5,66), urgere (‘urge’, Verrius Flaccus in Fest. 222,6-11 L.), or d0x0c/hdérkos (‘oath’, Serv. Georg. 1,277).

referred to as the uterque ordo (‘both the ordines’) and their harmony (concordia) was hoped for towards the end of the Republic (s. > senatus; > equites Romani/ ‘knights’). Both were uniformly organised, in contrast to the ordines decurionum, the town councils of many thousand towns in the Roman Empire, the composition of which was based on local criteria (+ decurio [r]). In a wider sense the term could also be applied to other groups, e.g. the —>apparitores, — augustales, > publicani and others [1; 3]. The centuriae (> centuria A.) of the popular assembly too, were described by Cicero (Leg. 3,7; Rep. 4,2), perhaps in antiquated terms, as ordines. The prerequisites for membership — which was de facto hereditary as well as de iure in the case of senators from the time of Augustus (or Caligula?) — were free birth and a certain > census (1 million sesterces for senators; 400,000 sesterces for knights; varied, but certainly lower for decurions). The insignia of rank included a broad purple border (latus clavus) on the tunics of

recipere (‘receive’, Isid. Orig. 8,11,42),

F. GrupiIcE, s.v. O., LIMC 7.1, 61-63.

K.SCHL.

Ordo in Latin referred both to an order (e.g. the marching order or that of a legal process) as well as to groups or corporations, into which several or many persons were organized (also in the plural ordines), e.g. the Roman equites (ordo equester).

I. PROCEDURAL LAW II. PuBLic Law II. Mitirary IV. CHRISTIANITY I. PROCEDURAL

LAW

Ina procedural context the term ordo is traditionally used in the composition of the ‘ordo iudiciorum’ (Cod. lust. 7,45,4). It signified the proper types of legal procedure (cf. still today: ‘proper’ jurisdiction) both of the formulary procedure (— formula) as well as of the actions at law proceedings (> legis actio) and in this manner it was distinguished from the proceedings extra ordinem, the cognitio procedure (> cognitio) which established itself later and which was already introduced as an ‘extraordinary’ process in the time of Augustus. Where this imperial type of legal procedure was led and concluded by a cognitio official up to the issue of a ruling, a twofold division was common in both the proper legal procedures according to the current prevailing view — the first part in iure before the praetor, the second part apud iudicem in front of a private judge. Admittedly, upon closer inspection the formulary procedure exhibits more of a threefold structure, since the pre-trial negotiations of the parties were already preformed determined by the law of procedure from a certain stage of the legal dispute onward. A lex Aebutia of the 2nd cent. BC as well as two leges Iuliae of Augustus dating from 17 BC play an important role in the relationship between the two proper legal procedures, in as much as they regulated the successive substitution of the old procedures by the modern ones. > Tudicium M. Kaser, K. Hacxi,

Das rémische

Zivilprozefrecht,

*1996, 161, 163; C. PAULUS, Die Beweisvereitelung in der Struktur des deutschen Zivilprozesses, in: Archiv fiir die civilistische Praxis 197, 1997, 136-160.

CPA.

senators, a narrow purple border (angustus clavus) as

well as a golden ring for the knights (see also > magistratus C. 2.). From the time of the Emperor Hadrian (AD 117-138) the title > (vir) clarissimus for senators became widespread. Among equestrians only those who were state officials carried the title > (vir) egregius or — perfectissimus, and the highest officials ~ eminentissimus. All members of an ordo were entitled to special seats in the front rows of the theatre. 1B. KUBLER, s.v. O. (1), RE 18, 930-934 2 CL. NICOLET (ed.), Des ordres 4 Rome, 1984 3B. CoHEN, Some

Neglected Ordines: The Apparitorial Status-Groups, in: [2],23-60 4 O.G. OEXLE, s.v. Stand, Klasse, in: O. BRUNNER (ed.), Geschichtliche Grundbegriffe 6, 1990, 166-169 5 R. Riuincer, O. und dignitas als soziale Kategorien der romischen

Republik,

in: M.

Hetriine

(ed.), Was

ist

Gesellschafts-Geschichte? FS. H.-U. Wehler, r991, 81-90 6 FR. VITTINGHOFF, in: W. FISCHER et al. (ed.), Hand-

buch der europaischen Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte, vol. 1, 1990, 214-232.

H.GA.

II]. MiLitTary

Ordo had many different meanings in the Roman military: first, it referred to a group of soldiers regardless of their rank, especially the > centuria (Caes. Civ. 2,28,1; CIL II, 12411), furthermore it referred to a

197

198

battle line (acies; Caes. B Gall. 7,62,4; Veg. Mil. 1,26; 3,19) or a marching formation (agmen, Curt. 3,3,9;

before > Alexander [4] the Great subjugated them in 325 BC and placed them under the control of the satrap Apollophanes.

Veg. Mil. 1,9). It was also used to indicate rank (superioris ordinis nonnulli: Caes. B Civ. 3,74,2; cf. on centuriones Caes. B Gall. 5,44,1); it is also absolutely possible that an author used the word ordo in a variety of meanings. 1C. Nicotet (ed.), Des ordres

a Rome, 1984

2 T. Sar-

ORESTES

P.H.L. EGGermonrt, Alexander’s Campaigns in Sind and Baluchistan, 1975, s.v. Oritans, Oritene.

yw.

Oreithyia (Qoei8via/Oreithyia). Mentioned in Homer

NOwskKI, Nova ordinatio im rémischen Heer, in: ZPE 95,

(Il.

1993, 197-204

of Nereids (Theog. 240ff., Apollod. 1,11f.). Her name (‘storming in the mountains’) suggests she is a ‘bride of the wind’. In Attic mythology, she is the daughter of the Attic king > Erechtheus and of > Praxithea. O. is abducted to Thrace by the wind god > Boreas, who makes her his wife (Hdt. 7.189; Verg. G. 4,463). Their children are > Cleopatra [I 1] and > Chione [1] as well as > Calais and Zetes, who take part in the expedition of the > Argonauts (Apoll. Rhod. 1.212ff.; Hyg. Fab.

3Id., Primi ordines, in: ZPE 95, 1993,

205-219.

Y.L.B.

IV. CHRISTIANITY The rst letter of Clement (= 1 Clem; probably AD 96) interprets the Creation (1 Clem 20) and the resul-

ting Christian structure of offices in the context of ancient (and more specifically Stoic) views of ordering. Like the sacrifice cult of the OT (1 Clem 4of.), the Chri-

stian hierarchy of offices is also ‘well arranged’ (eutaktos: 1 Clem 37,2; 42,1f.; cf. also 1 Cor 14,40) virtually in a military fashion. Latin Christianity from the time of > Tertullianus and — Cyprianus [2] of Carthage developed the term ordo to mean the different categories in the Church, for instance the class of widows (Tert. Ad uxorem

1,7,4),

but in particular the clergy consisting of bishops, priests and deacons, whose members are ordained (Lat. ordinare) (Tert. De exhortatione castitatis 7; Tert. De monogamia 11f.; Cypr. Epist. 1,1; 38,1; ordinare: Tert. De monogamia 12,2).

18,48) asa > Nereid, but not in Hesiod’s catalogue

14; Ov. Met. 6,614-621). O. became important to the Athenians in the Persian Wars, when an oracle instruc-

ted them in the summer of 480 BC to ask their ‘son-inlaw’ (Boreas) for help (Hdt. 7,189). After the victory over the Persians, the Athenians built a sanctuary for O. and Boreas on the Ilissus (Sim. fr. 3 IEG, shifting the location of the rape of O. to the Brilettus, the northern slope of the Pentelicon). Other versions link the site of the rape with the sanctuary (Pl. Phdr. 229b-d) or mention other places (Aeschyl. O. fr. 281 TrGF; Choerilus of Samos fr. 7 PEG I; Ov. Met. 6,682-721; Apollod.

35199).

A. ANZENBACHER, s.v. Ordnung, LThK?3 7, 1998, 1112F.

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

(bibliography); G. L. MULLER, s.v. O., LThK? 7, 1998,

958; E. Srmon, s.v. O. (1), LIMC 7.1, 64f. ILLUSTRATIONS: Eadem, s.v. O. (1), LIMC

ToS fs

M.HE.

E. FRANK, s.v. O. (1-3), RE

18, 951-

7.2, 4of.

RHA.

Ordovices. British tribe who inhabited the region bet-

Orestae (Ogéota/Oréstai). People in the upper > Ha-

ween Snowdonia and the Severn valley (Ptol. 2,3,18); a

liacmon valley around Lake Kastoria (Celetron, cf. Liv.

site of principal settlement is unknown. They opposed

31,40,I-4

the Roman invasion under Nero (AD 50), but were de-

Hecat. FGrH 1 F 107 and Str. 7,7,8 and 9,5,11 (cf. also Thuc. 2,80,6) numbered them among the > Molossi or

feated by Julius > Frontinus between AD 74 and AD 79 ding to Tac. Agr. 18,2, they cola. Nevertheless their name and Rhyd Orddwy (Wales).

and Julius [II 3] Agricola (Tac. Ann. 12,33). Accor-

were annihilated by Agrisurvives: e.g. in Dinorwig

~ Britannia (with map: the indigenous tribes) M. G. JARRETT, J. C. MANN, The Tribes of Wales, in: Welsh History Review 4, 1968/9, 161-171; V. NASHWILLIAMS, The Roman Frontier in Wales, 71969; TIR N

30/O 30 Britannia Septentrionalis 61.

M.TO.

Oreads see > Nymphs Oreitae

(QoeitaV/Oreitai, also “QooVOroi).

Not an

[1. 236-239;

3. 163-166;

4. 110-116)}).

the Epeirotae, Str. 9,5,11 among the > Macedones (for a discussion of this contradiction cf. [5]). From the 4th cent. BC under Macedonian rule (a division of O. in Alexander [4] the Great’s army in Diod. Sic. 17,57,2).

In 196 BC, the O. were declared independent by Rome (Pol. 18,47,6; Liv. 33,34,63 Plin. HN 4,35; Cic. Harusp. resp. 35; [2. 362ff.]). and organised as a koinon

1F. Papazoc.iou, Les villes de Macédoine a l’époque romaine (BCH Suppl. 16), 1988 2 Ead., La province de Macédoine, in: ANRW II 1.7, 1979, 302-369 3 J.-N. CorVISIER, Aux origines du miracle grec, 1991 4.N.G.L. HamMMonb, A History of Macedonia, vol. 1, 1972 SCHMIDT, s.v. O., RE 18, 960-965.

5 J. E.O.

Indian ethnic group (cf. Arr. Ind. 21,8; 22,10; 25,25 incorrectly Arr. Anab. 6,21,3) but probably an Iranian

Orestes (Ogéotys; Oréstés). (Son of Agamemnon and

ethnic group with the centre at Rhambakeia (Arr. Anab. 6,21,5; probably close to modern Las Bela) in the modern Pakistani province of Baluchistan. According to Arr. Anab. 6,21,3, the O. lived fully autonomously

Clytaemnestra). Son of > Agamemnon and > Clytaemnestra, who took brutal revenge on his mother and her lover > Aegisthus for the murder of his father. The story, which is

ORESTES

199

told in the > Nostoi (EpGF p. 67,25-27; PEGI p. 95), was already familiar to the author of the Odyssey (Hom. Od. 1,209ff., 298ff.; 3,193ff., 248ff., 303ff.; A,9O—92s. 5 U2) LT,4S7ites 4,205 95k, mozdti.)> depending on the context, the story serves as a foil, either negatively for Penelope, the faithful wife (vs. Clytaemnestra, the unfaithful husband-killer), or positively for Telemachus, the brave son who kills the suitors

(analogous: O., the brave son who kills Aegisthus) [1. 297-310; 2]. The first direct and unambiguous mention of O. killing his mother is in Hesiod (Hes. fr. 23a M.-W.). Significant lyrical treatments of the material by Stesichorus (PMGF fr, 210-219) and Pindar (P. 11) followed, but it was mainly the Attic tragedians Aeschylus (the trilogy named Oresteia after O.), Sophocles (Electra) and Euripides (Electra, O., [phigeneia in Tauris) who developed the legend fully.; The most common version of his story is this: After Aegisthus and Clytaemnestra murder Agamemnon, who is returning from Troy, either his daughter > Electra [4] (Pind. Pyth. 11,34ff.; Soph. El. r1ff.; Eur. El. 14ff.) or Clytaemnestra herself (shortly before the deed: Aesch. Ag. 877ff.) sends Electra’s younger brother O. to his uncle — Strophius in Phocis, where he grows up with the latter’s son > Pylades [1]— (who becomes his close and faithful friend and companion). Upon reaching adulthood, O. carries out > Apollo’s behest of revenge and kills Clytaemnestra and Aegisthus (Aesch. Cho.; Soph. El.; Eur. El.) As one who has

committed matricide, he is subsequently driven mad and tormented relentlessly by the Furies (> Erinys) until he seeks judgment before the > Areopagus in Athens. The Erinyes accuse O., Apollo defends him, and through the deciding vote of the goddess > Athena he is acquitted (Aesch. Eum.; Eur. IT 940ff., 1469ff.; Eur. Or. 249ff.; 1648ff.). In Eur. IT 949ff., Orestes arrives in Athens at the time of the > Anthesteria festival the king is loath to send O. away, but he must also

protect the citizens from the pollution caused by O.’s blood guilt. For this reason he orders that all temples be closed and that each guest be supplied with a separate wine jug. In this way, O. needs neither set foot upon holy ground, thereby desecrating it, nor contaminate the other Athenians through contact. Thus both host and guest drink in silence, each for himself, as it then became customary at this festival up to historical times (Aition) [3.98; 4. 114]. In other versions, O. is liberated from the persecution of the Erinyes when he brings the wooden image of + Artemis—from the land of the Tauri back to the homeland (> Iphigenia; Eur. IT 77ff., 970ff.). After lib-

eration from blood guilt, O. weds > Hermione, daughter of Menelaus [1] and Helene [1], and assumes governance in Mycenae (Eur. Andr. 966ff.; Eur. Or. 1653ff.; Erigone [2] as the spouse of O.: Lycoph. 1374). He gives his sister Electra in marriage to Pylades

(Eur. El. 1249; Eur. Or. 1658f.). O. dies in Arkadia from the bite of apoisonous snake (Apollod. Epit. 6,28; schol. Eur. Or. 1645). His son > Tisamenus-> succeeds

him as ruler and later fights against the > Heraclidae.

200

Minor stories: +Telephus takes possession of the boy O. in order to compel his healing (Eur. Telephus) [5].2 Neoptolemus [1] comes into conflict with O. over Hermione and is murdered in Delphi, either by O. or at his instigation (Pind. Nem. 7,34; Eur. Andr. 993f.). + Aletes [2]— is disposed of by O. In historical times, there are reports of an abduction of O.’s bones from Tegea to Sparta (Hdt. 1,67f.; Paus. 3,355f.3 8,54,4). His name is also associated with the Aeolic > Colonization (starting from Amyclae) (Pind. Nem. 11,34; Hellanicus FGrH 4 F 32). The most recent research sees O. as a typical ephebe (> Ephebeia) whose myth accomplishes the transition from youth to adulthood (initiation) [6]. Numerous modern adaptations of the content use the matricide to exemplify the relationship between destiny and freedom (T.S. EL1o7, SARTRE) [7. 508-511]. 1 U. H6iscHeER, Die Odyssee. Epos zwischen Marchen und Roman, 1988 2A. Lesxy, Die Schuld der Klytaimestra, in: WS N.F. 1, 1967, 5-21 3 DEUBNER 4 PARKE

5 C. CoLLarD, M. J. Gropp, K. H. Leg, Euripides, Selected Fragmentary Plays, vol. 1, 1995, 17-52 (text, comm. andtransl.) 6 A. BiERL, Apollo in Greek Tragedy: O. and the God of Initiation, in: J. SOLOMON (Hrsg.), Apollo, Origins and Influences, 1994, 81-96, 149-159 7E.M. MoorMann, W. UITTERHOEVE, Lexikon der antiken Gestalten, 1995.

M. I. Davies, Thoughts on the Oresteia before Aeschylus, in: BCH 93, 1969, 214-260; J. DEFRADAS, Les thémes de la propagande delphique, 1954, 160-188; M. DELCouRT, O. et Alkméon, 1959; J. D. DENNISTON (ed.), Euripides, Electra, 1939, IX-XXVI; W. FERRARI, L‘Orestea di Stesicoro, in: Athenaeum N.S. 16, 1938, 1-37; J. FONTENROSE, The Delphic Oracle, 1978, to8-110; A. F. GARVIE, Aeschylus: Choephori, 1986 (comm. and transl.), IXXXVI; A. Lesky, s.v. O., RE 18, 966-1010; A.J.N. W.

PrAG, The Oresteia: Iconographic and Narrative Tradition, 1985; H. Sarran, V. Macnaira, s.v. O., LIMC 7.1,

68; 7.2, 50-55; A. H. SOMMERSTEIN

(ed.), Aeschylus:

Eumenides, 1989 (with comm.), 1-6; E. VERMEULE, The Boston Oresteia Krater, in: AJA 70, 1966, 1-22.

[2] Roman cognomen, during the Republican period in the families of the Aufidii (+ Aufidius[I 8].) and Aurelii (> Aurelius [I 14-16]) and during the Imperial era in the families of the Claudii, Flavii, and Rufii. Decrassi, FCIR 261.

[3] 412-415 (416?) AD praefectus Augustalis in Egypt, Christian and opponent of the Patriarch > Cyrillus [2] of Alexandria, principally because of the latter’s reprisals against the Jews. He himself was wounded by monks in the course of this conflict. Climax of the conflict was the murder of the philosopher > Hypatia, who allegedly stood in the way of a reconciliation between O. and Cyrillus (Socr. 7,13-15; Iohannes Nikiou 84; 88; 93; 99; Cod. Theod. 16,2,42). J. Roucg, La politique de Cyrille d‘Alexandrie et le meurtre d‘Hypatie,

in: Cristianesimo

485-504; PLRE 2, 810f. Nr. 1.

nella storia

11,

1990,

K.G.-A.

201

202

[4] Perhaps identical with the secretary and, on several occasions, envoy of Attila, native of Pannonia, doc-

Organ see > Musical instruments

umented in 448 AD. Emperor lulius > Nepos [3] elevated him to the rank of patricius as well as to supreme commander of the military in order to deploy him in Gallia. Butin August 475, O. rose up against Nepos and made his underage son > Romulus [2] Augustulus emperor. By not complying with the economic demands of his soldiers he caused the revolt of —Odoacer. O.

Orgeones (doye@vec/orgednes, also dgyewvec/orgel6nes, masc. sg. doyewv/orgeon). Orgednes in general were ‘those in charge of > orgia’ (Aesch. fr. 144 RADT; Hom. Hymnus ad Apollinem 389: dgytovec/orgiones). In the narrower sense, orgednes (possibly even from as early as the Archaic period: Gai. apud Dig. 47,22,4 ex lege Solonis; not documented in inscriptions before the 4th cent. BC) were members of Attic > societies who celebrated (usually annually) sacrificial rites in honour of a hero (+ hero cult) or a god. They [2] can be split

was slain in Placentia (today Piacenza) on August 28, Ave VIRB 2s Sitar te HLL.

Orestilla. Cognomen of > Fabia [6] O.

ORGIA

KELE,

into older associations, which mostly honoured local heroes, and more recent ones devoted to the cult of

Oretani. Celtic Iberian tribe in the area of the middle and upper Guadiana and on the northern slope of the

(often non-Greek) gods and accepting non-citizens or, like the Thracian orgednes of > Bendis, consisting exclusively of outsiders. A law, probably originating in the 5th cent. BC (Philochorus FGrH 328 F 35a), apparently required — phratries to accept orgednes of the older type as members of géné (‘families’, i.e. organised sections of the citizenry) without further demands.

Sierra Morena (Oretana iuga, Plin. HN 3,6), with their centre in Oretum, 33 km west of Valdepenas on the Jabalon [1; 2]. They were first mentioned as troops sent to Africa by Hannibal [4] in 219 BC to secure Metagonia and Carthage (Oofjtes “IBnoed/Orétes [béres, Pol. 3,33,9, possibly to differentiate them from the Qoytavol/Orétanoi, Ptol. 2,6,58, or O. Germani, Plin. HN 3,25 [3. 2977"]) who lived in the same region. In the Visigothic period (6th/7th cent. AD) the bishopric of Oretum and the Oretana ecclesia appear regularly in the acts of the Councils [4. 451]. 1J. M. BLAZQUuEZ, Oretum, PE 655 s.v. Oreton

3 Huss

2 HOLDER

2, 871,

4A. SCHULTEN (ed.), Fontes Hispa-

niae Antiquae 9, 1947. A. SCHULTEN, 28-30.

Numantia,

vol. 1, 1905,

398; TOVAR

3, P.B.

Orfidius [1] C.2? O. Benignus. Legate of the newly established legio I Adiutrix; he fell at the battle of Bedriacum in AD

Gon ElIRS. © iaG: [2] P. O. Senecio. Praetorian governor of Dacia superior under Antoninus [1] Pius. In AD 148, he rose to the

position of suffect consul, probably while still in the province [r. 57f.]. PIR* O 137. 1 Piso; FRD:

W.E.

Orfitus. The cognomen O. can be found in several senatorial families of the Imperial period (cf. PIR’, vol.

5, 461-463). [1] Third husband of > Vistilia; the marriage produced a son (Plin. HN 7,39). Probably the grandfather of P. Cornelius [II 50] Scipio Salvidienus Orfitus. PIR* O 139. SyME, RP, vol. 2, 812.

[2] According to the Historia Augusta (SHA Aur. 29,1),

1A. ANDREWES, Philochoros on Phratries, in: JHS 81, 1961, 1-15 2 W.S. FERGUSON, The Attic O., in: Harvard Theological Review 37, 1944, 61-140 3 Id, Orgeonika, in: Commemorative Studies in Honor of Th.L. Shear (Hesperia Suppl. 8), 1949, 130-163 4N. F. Jones, The Associations of Classical Athens, 1999, 33-45, 249-267,

311-320 5 E. Kearns, The Heroes ofAttica, 1989, 73-77 6 R. Parker, Athenian Religion, 1996, 109-111, 337340. TH.

Orgetorix (Celtic composite name: ‘King of the cudgels’ [1. 108f.]). Influential and prosperous Helvetian nobleman, whose greed for royal power, according to + Caesar, led him to instigate a conspiracy by the nobility and in 61 BC to persuade his tribe to move away from its ancestral territory. Appointed leader of this enterprise, O. (according to Caesar) then made plans with > Casticus and > Dumnorix to conquer the whole of Gaul. In the spring of 60 BC his large number of followers prevented him from being brought to trial for this by his tribe. He died in the course of the subsequent disturbances, probably by suicide (Caes. B Gall. 1,2-4; Cass. Dio 38,31,3; Oros. 6,7,3-4). The migration of the — Helvetii which took place in 58 BC was not so much the result of O.’s initiative, however, but rather of pressure by Germani on the right bank of the Rhine. Modern dramas about O. by Karl von MULLER-FRIEDBERG (1755-1836), Josef Viktor WIDMANN (18421911) and Edith Grafin SALBURG (1868-1942). 1 EVANS.

B. Kremer, Das Bild der Kelten bis in die augusteische Zeit, 1994, 133-142; B. Mater, s.v. O., Lexikon der keltischen Religion und Kultur, 1994, 259. W.SP.

O. was a lover of > Faustina [3]; Marcus [2] Aurelius is

said to have promoted him nonetheless. It is not possible to identify him with one of the numerous senatorial W.E. Orfiti of this period; cfl. PIR* O 142.

Orgia (dgy.a/orgia, nom. plur.; Latin sacra). Etymologically drgia, like orgeon (— Orgeones), probably derives from the root *Fegy [2] and is thus related to

203

204

todm/érdo — béCw/rhézo (‘I do’, ‘I sacrifice’; cf. H.Hom. ad Cererem 273f.). A connection with the Mycenaean adjective wo-ro-ki-jo-ne-jo cannot be ruled out [1]. The

successors had sent him into exile among the Goths, he was recalled to Constantinople under Valens or Theodosius, doubtless on account of his outstanding reputation as a doctor. He married at this time and had four

ORGIA

word Orgia can mean ‘ritual conduct’ or ‘cult actions’, including sacrifices (Syll.3 57,4; Aesch. Sept. 180; Soph. Ant. to13, Soph. Trach. 765), but may also denote often clarified by Geentod/arrhétos (‘unspeakable’) — ‘(secret) rites’ in the > mysteries (e.g. those of > Demeter:

H.Hom. ad Cererem 273, 476; of the Samothracian

~> Cabiri: Hdt. 2,51; and especially of > Dionysus: Eur. Bacch. 470-472). In relation to ecstatic cults, in many ancient etymologies (Aristot. Pol. 1341a 22, 1342a 9-10, b 3; Str. 10,3,10) it seems to take on the meaning of ‘ecstatic rites’. Like ta hierd/ta mystéria, 6rgia are also objects used in cultic acts (Theocr. Epigr. 26,13; GVI 1344; also ina

collection: Lucian De Syria Dea 16;

Clem. Al. Protrepticus 2,22; and similarly in the cult title of orgiophantes ~ hierophantes, |5. 225-229]). 1 DMic, vol. 2, 1993, 446f. 2 FRIsk, vol. 2, 412; vol. 3, 163 3 J. CASABONA, Recherches sur le vocabulaire des

sacrifices en grec des origines a la fin de l’@poque classique, 1966, 65-67

4N.M.H.

VAN DER BurRG, ANOPPHTA

—

APQMENA - OPTIA. Bijdrage tot de kennis der religieuze terminologie in het Grieksch, RICHS, Die Maenaden

1939, 91-131

5 A. HEN-

von Milet, in: ZPE 4, 1969, 223-

241.

TH.

Orgyia (6oyuia/6rgyia; ‘fathom’). Span between the outstretched arms, largest length measurement derived from the human body. An orgyia contained 4 cubits (> péchys), 6 feet (> pus) and was '/100 of a > stadion. The norm fluctuates, depending on the length of the foot or cubit, between 1.78 and 2.10 m. F. Hurrscu, Griechische und rémische Metrologie, *1882, 28ff., 697; H. Nissen, Griechische und rémische Metrologie, in: Handbuch der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft 1, 71892, 836f., 865.

HE.C.

Oribasius (OgetBaovosc/Oreibdsios or Oribasios/OotBdovocg). Greek doctor and author of medical treatises,

b. around AD 320 in Pergamum, d. around AD 390/400 in an unknown location. After studying in Alexandria, O., who was not a Christian, returned to

Pergamum. Once there, he practised medicine and gained an outstanding reputation as a doctor as well as a highly cultured man. He was a friend of the future emperor > lulianus [11], whom he had got to know possibly during Julian’s stay in Pergamum in AD 351. When Julian became Caesar, he put O. in charge of his library; later, as his personal physician, O. accompanied Julian to the West. When the latter succeeded as emperor in AD 360, O. became the quaestor in Constantinople. The story about the Delphic oracle, concerning the dereliction of the site, which O. told Julian in AD 362, is probably only a Christian propagandist invention. O. subsequently accompanied Julian on his campaigns in the East and looked after him after his injury in the battle of Ctesiphon in AD 363, however, without being able to prevent his death. After Julian’s

children, of whom one, Eustathius, likewise became a

doctor. The most important of O.’s medical treatises are: 1. A compilation of — Galen’s writings made at the request of Julian (to whom it is dedicated) and completed before AD 361; it is known only through Photius’ description. 2. A medical encyclopaedia, which revised and expanded the preceding work using information from other authors’ medical treatises. It bore the title Iatowmai ovvaywyai/ latrikai synagogai (Collectiones medicae) and was likewise dedicated to Julian.

Only approximately one third of the original 70 books survive and they deal with the following: nutrition (1-5), exercise and dietetics (6), bloodletting and cathartics (7), influence of the physical environment on health (8), baths and externally applied remedies (9), internally applied medicines (10), materia medica (1115), composite remedies (16), anatomy (24-25), pathology (43-45), fractures and orthopaedics (46-49), urology and urinary tracts (50). 3. A compilation from this encyclopaedia which was dedicated to his son Eustathius, with the title 2vvowis Ed EVotaO.ow/Synopsis pros Eustdthion; it contains nine books, which deal with exercise, bloodletting and purgation (1), materia medica (2), pharmaceutics (3), general (4) and special dietetics (5), symptomatology (6) and pathology (7-9). 4. A manual dedicated to the sophist Eunapius of Sardis, which is called Sivoywis med¢ Edvamov/Synopsis pros Eundpion, or, according to the wording of the preface Evoq.ota/Euporista (“Household Remedies’). It is intended for a wider public and includes four books which deal with dietetics and hygiene (1), materia medica (2), drug remedies (3) and physiology, pathology as well as therapeutics (4). O, work conformed to a planned objective: Julian’s desire to restore the culture of paganism. In this sense it is based for the most part on the medical literature of the Classical period, from which it quotes extensively in the form ofextracts. It is part of the literary genre of the ~ encyclopaedia and was commonly used for a long time in Byzantium, even over and above the encyclopaedia of > Paulus of Aegina. We possess two Latin versions of the two synopses (1. and 3.): one combines the Synopsis pros Eustathion and the Synopsis pros Eundpion; they remain separate in the other. Whilst it was thought for a long time that they had been compiled in the 6th and the 9th cents. they were both dated some time ago to the 6th cent. and then attributed to the school of Ravenna. This location has been called into question in favour of one in North Africa. Both translations are currently viewed as adaptations which are independent from one another yet from the same master copy. In addition, the three surviving works were translated into Syriac and Arabic (not preserved). The first complete version of the Greek

205

206

text was that by C. DAREMBERG and U. C. BussEMaKER.

located between these points (Hom. Od. 8,29) is probably also based on the synchronism (480 BC) of the wars of the Greeks at + Salamis against the Persians and on the > Himera against the Carthaginians, against east and west. The person’s own participation in or delineation from the other as Or. or Oc. and the corresponding internal differentiation are only determined in a secondary manner and by other differences

B. BALDwin, The Career of Oribasius, in: Acta Classica 8, 1975, 85-98; C. DAREMBERG, U. C. BUSSEMAKER (ed.), (Euvres completes d‘Oribase, 6 vols., 1851-1876; M.

Grant, Dieting for an Emperor, 1997; A.H.M. Jones, J.

R. MARTINIDALE, J. Morris, The Prosopography of the Later Roman

Empire, 1, 1971, 653f.; H. MorLAND,

Die

lateinischen Oribasiustibersetzungen (Symbolae Osloenses, Suppl. 5), 1932; Id., Oribasius Latinus, Part 1 (Symbolae Osloenses, Suppl. 10), 1940; I. RAEDER (ed.), CMG 6, 1-3, 1926-1933; H. O. SCHRODER, s.v. O., RE Suppl.

ORIENTALIZING VASE PAINTING

(for instance Europe/Asia; Hellens/Barbarians).

For a

Oricus ("Qovo¢/Orikos, also Qoind Vespasianus) imperial reign (Tac. Hist. 5,13, with

7, 797-812.

A.TO.

Orikon). Port in > Epirus, at the southern curve of the

[r]).

gulf of the same name (today the Gulf of Vloré in Albania). According to legend, it was founded by Euboeans (> Euboea) on their return from Troy. It is mentioned as early as the 6th cent. BC in Hecat. FGrH 1 F 106. It had close ties with Corcyra [1], from the 4th cent. BC on and probably earlier. The city, which lay on a peninsula, had a protected harbour and was often the scene of

In the late Imperial period, the Or. was still both the area to the east of the imperial borders and the eastern part of the empire and even the name of one of the administrative districts called dioceses (> Dioikesis). It was not until the division of the Roman Empire, the dissolution of its western part, the decline in knowledge of Latin in the east, and of Greek in the west, and above

battles (Hdt. 9,93,1; Str. 7,5,8; Liv. 24,40; Plin. HN

all the estrangement between the Latin (i.e. occidental) and the Greek (i.e. oriental) churches that a relatively

DOA).

Capants (ed.), L’ Illyrie méridionale et l’Epire dans I‘an-

clear line of separation between Occcident and Orient was drawn. As, in recent history, the rise of the Occi-

tiquite, vol. 2, 1993, 60.

dent took shape, this separation resulted in a sense of

1S. Daxaris, Les lamelles oraculaires de Dodone, in: P.

N.G.L. HaMMonp»D, Epirus, 1967.

DS.

Orient and Occident. The designations ‘Orient (Or.)’ and ‘Occident (Oc.)’, as regions of the world, are based

on the compass directions in which they are located. These in turn were named after sunrise (vatodi/anatolé, ‘sunrise’, cf. ‘Anatolia’; Lat. sol oriens) and, by

analogy with this, sunset (Svotc/dysis, Lat. sol occidens). Homer had already used these phenomena to determine a primary east-west axis for recording and describing the world (Od. 10,190-192), which differed from that used in Egypt that was based on the direction of the flow of the Nile. It could be supplemented by or combined with names for the compass card, and to a large extent displaced another nomenclature based on colours that is attested from Palestine to China (cf. as Biblical evidence, Sach 6:1-8; [1]). The latter has survived in remnants, as in the descriptions of the ‘Red’ (Hdt. 4,37; > Erythra thalatta) or ‘Black’ Sea. The ‘orientation’, i.e. the alignment according to sunrise, had the advantage of its general availability. Its precondition is that the observer fixes a midpoint and initially sets Or. and Oc. as extreme values at the ends of the earth relative to this. On the one hand, the line from sunrise to sunset can therefore be considered as metonymic for the world (this can already be seen from the speech of King Lugal-zag-gi-si of Uruk regarding his rule, [2. 15 4f.]). On the other hand, it is implied that the observer himself or herself is considered as belonging neither to the Or. nor to the Oc.; this definition of being

the Occident’s superiority, which was heightened by racist doctrines. With it came an image of the inferior Orient marked by stereotypes [3]. This way of thinking has not been principally overcome even when‘East’ and ‘West’ are characterized as ‘great components of the European spirit’ [4], or whenever the ‘Orientalizing period’ is recognized as constituting a developmental impetus in Greek history [5], because it presupposes the possibility of differentiating a definable ‘essence’ of East or West. + Astronomy; —> Sun; > Winds; > World 1H. G. KrprenBerG,

‘Dann

wird der Orient herrschen

und der Okzident dienen’, in: N. W. Boxz (ed.), Spiegel und Gleichnis. FS J. Taubes, 1983, 40-48 2 F. THUREAUDaNGIN (ed.), Die sumerischen und akkadischen Koenigsinschriften (Vorderasiatische Bibliothek 1), 1907 (repr. 1972) 3E. W. Sarp, Orientalism, 1978 4V. EHRENBERG, Antiker Orient und antiker Okzident, in: Id., Ost und West, 1935, 13-45 5 W. BuRKERT, Die orientalisierende Epoche in der griechischen Religion und Literatur, 1984.

J. Fiscuer, Oriens — Occidens — Europa, 1957.

Orientalizing

vase

painting.

Geometric

TA.S.

forms

(+ Geometric pottery) in Greece began to lose their predominance in the 2nd half of the 8th cent. Instead, vase

painters now borrowed motifs from art works that had been imported from the Near East and in this way created various ‘orientalizing’ styles in different centres of pottery production: in Corinth, Athens, on the Aegean islands and in eastern Greece. From the late 8th to the

ORIENTALIZING VASE PAINTING

207

208

late 7th cent., ornamental decoration and animal friezes

On the Cyclades and Euboea as well as in Boeotia, a sub-Geometric style endured for longer. However, once the orientalizing style had been accepted, floral and

on Greek vases had a markedly eastern appearance, but since vase painting was not customary in the Near East (with the exception of Phrygia), the orientalizing influence had to have come from other sources, e.g. metal-

work, ivory carvings or textiles. With the exception of a brief attempt to imitate polychromatic wall painting — an innovation from Egypt from the mid—7th cent. (> Polychromy) — most eastern influences in the orien-

talizing style appear to have come from the SyrioPhoenician area. Eastern themes and ornamentation are occasionally already found on Late Geometric vases but the new decoration of the subsequent period, with its direct adoptions and adaptation of motifs, is closer to its eastern models and its distribution extends beyond the centres of Geometric vase painting. The limited Geometric repertoire was first abandoned in the important trading centre of Corinth with its fine potters’ workshops. — Proto-Corinthian vases developed in the last decades of the 8th cent. The bodies of the most popular vase form, the > aryballos, were covered

with

paintings

of animals

(or > monsters,

including sphinxes and griffins as well as cockerels) and representations of people. Rosettes, tree of life patterns, palmettes, bands, volutes, spirals and other eastern motifs were added as additional decoration. Initially,

the figures were represented with the silhouette technique and as outline drawings, but from c. 700 BC internal drawing was made possible by scoring lines through the black application right into the light-coloured clay —an innovation that probably had its origins in metalworking. Soon red and white paint were added after firing, as paint effects, which gave rise to the socalled > black-figured vases. Compositions with animals (processions, animal fights, heraldic groups) as well as individual types of animals (lions, panthers, bulls) and > monsters (sphinxes, griffins, sirens) owed

much to their oriental precursors. Scenes with human figures are more resolutely Greek and with their narrative elements reflect myth. Occasionally names are added to make the gods and heroes more easily identifiable. Whilst the proto-Corinthian style largely remained a miniature style, the proto-Attic style continued the Geometric tradition in Athens. It found expression in large-scale figurative scenes in wide zones on larger vessels. In the work of the Analatus Painter the transition from the Geometric to the orientalizing decoration in the late 8th and early 7th cents. can clearly be seen. Bold floral patterns and other loosely distributed scattered patterns are clear signs for the development of a new style. Outline drawing and areas left uncoloured for individual details were retained until after the mid—7th cent. Red and white applications were already common earlier, but scored lines remained rare. In contrast to proto-Corinthian pottery, proto-Attic ceramics were rarely exported. An exception is the neighbouring island of Aegina, where a local proto-Attic workshop also operated during the ‘black and white phase’ (c. 670-640 BC), although it continued to use Attic clay.

other ornamentation flourished, as did polychromatic

effects with added red and white and a limited array of figurative paintings with animals and people. These were influenced more by Athens and eastern Greece than by Corinth. A number of progressive vase painters worked independently on the Cyclades. The ‘Ad Group’ (the name derives from the classification of the finds on Delos), the ‘Linear Island Group’

and the

‘Heraldic Group’ were associated with Paros, Naxos or one of the smaller islands and date to the earlier 7th cent. Later the ‘Melian style’, probably from Paros, attracted some attention. With its bold ornamentation and its figure drawing covering the entire body of the vase, it follows more strongly the Corinthian influence. Tall, wide, funerary amphorae with a polychromatic mythical scene on the body of the vase are the bestknown products of this workshop. On ~ Crete, painters had already experimented with orientalizing motifs in the ‘Protogeometric B Style’ of the 9th cent. BC, perhaps in the wake of the immigration of eastern artisans to Knossos. The experiment was

short-lived and was displaced by a strict Geometric method in the 8th cent. A new orientalizing wave reached Crete in the late 8th cent. and gave rise to a special eclectic form of decoration. Bold floral patterns, bands and tongue-shaped patterns are interspersed with sub-Geometric ornamentation including concentric circles. Birds and other animals are common, while human figures are less frequent. Wailing women and goddesses tend to be depicted, rather than mythological tales. Bright red and blue decoration on a white coat are typical of the colourful funerary pithoi from Knossos (> Pithos). Outline drawings are common,

but from

time to time engraved drawings are also attempted. It is evident that ideas are borrowed from Corinthian, Attic and even Cypriot work, but much else is local. In East Greek pottery an orientalizing animal style superseded the long-lasting sub-Geometric tradition just before 650 BC. It appeared first in the region around > Miletus [2]; a second centre was located on > Chios from c. 625 BC. The style of decoration — usually called ‘Wild Goat Style’ after the most commonly depicted animal — made use only of uncoloured areas and outline drawings until c. 600 BC. From that time onwards a black-figured style of drawing was introduced in northern Ionia. As an animal style it had pleasant decorative qualities but offered few further developmental possibilities. D. A. AMyx, Corinthian Vase-Painting of the Archaic Period, 1988, 363-395; J. BOARDMAN, The Greeks Overseas, 51980, 54-84;J.K. BROCK, Fortetsa, 1957, 142-191; R. M. Cook, Greek Painted Pottery, 41997, 41-153; K. Kusxer, Altattische Malerei, 1950; S. P. Morris, The

Black and White Style. Athens and Aigina in the Orientalizing Period, 1984. GPS.

209

210

Orientius Christian poet of the early 5th cent. AD from Gaul; probably identical with the eponymous bishop of

[3. 336]. Under this god were the > demons, some good and some evil. The evil ones were superior in terms of numbers, the good in terms of power and strength (fr. 12 WEBER) [3. 337]. In his assessment of Plato’s style (fr. 9; 11; 13; 14 WEBER), O., in contrast to his pupil -» Longinus, believed that while Plato strove for a graceful style, though not for the sake of an artificial agree-

Auch (southwestern France). The Commonitorium

(2

vols, title according to Sigebert of Gembloux, De viris illustribus 34), written in elegiac distichs, is a poem of moral theology of a parenetic and protreptic character with occasional elements of > diatribe and — satire. Its main subject are the cardinal sins, against which O. urgently warns his audience by citing Biblical examples as well as the punishments of Hell and the Last Judgement. In terms of rhetorical and stylistic form, some similarity to > Sedulius can be noted. The only MS also attributes four shorter poems of unknown origin to O. EpITIONS:

R. Extis, CSEL

16, 1888,

191-261;

C. A.

RAPISARDA, 1958. SECONDARY LITERATURE: M. G. Branco, Il Commonitorium di O., in: Annali della Facolta di Lettere e Filosofia, Universita di Macerata 20, 1987, 33-68; L. BELLANGER,

Le poéme

d’O.,

1903;

C. A. Rapisarpa,

Linguaggio

ORIGENES

ableness, his real objective was to achieve a natural persuasiveness and an accurate depiction appropriate to

the situation at hand (fr. 14 WEBER). O. was highly regarded during his lifetime (fr. 1; 3-6 WEBER). Since he adhered to the teachings of > Middle Platonism, his ideas received little attention during the era of > Neoplatonism. Only his explication of the Timaeus continued to be well respected. 1K.-O. Weper, O. der Neuplatoniker, 1962 2F. M. SCHROEDER, Ammonius Saccas, in: ANRW II 36.1, 1987, 493-526

3 DOrRRIE/BALTES, 3, 1993.

biblico e motivi elegiaci nel Commonitorium di O., in: G. CATANZARO (ed.), La poesia cristiana latina in distici elegiaci, 1993, 167-190; K. SMOLAK, Poetische Ausdriicke

FRAGMENTS:

im sogenannten ersten Gebet des O., in: WS 87, 1974,

Idem et al. (ed.), Porphyre, La vie de Plotin, 1, 1982, 113f.; R. Gou_Let, Sur la datation d‘Origéne le Platonicien, in: L. BrIssON et al. (ed.), La vie de Plotin, 2, 1992, 461-463; H.-D. SAFFREY, L. G. WESTERINK (ed.), Proclus, Théologie Platonicienne 2, 1974, X-XX. M.BA. M.-LLL.

188-200.

].SCH.

Origano (dgiyavov/origanon or dgetyavov/oreiganon, also O/f Oeiyavoc/ho/hé origanos, Modern Greek oiyavy, Lat. origanum) referred to a not positively determinable species of the labiate genus origanum or marjoram. Its seed was (and still is today) a popular spice for foods which was also used with the addition of wine in decoction for medical purposes because of its warming and dissolving effects. It served (Dioscorides 3,27 WELLMANN = 3,29 BERENDES, cf. Plin. HN 20,175) especially as a remedy against poisoning caused by a scorpion sting, snake-bite or hemlock, but

also against cramps, convulsions and menstrual pains. Its smell could supposedly kill ants (Plin. HN 10,195). A. STEIER, s.v. O., RE Suppl. 7, 813-818.

C.HU.

Origenes (Qovyévng/Origéneés). [1] Platonic philosopher of the 3rd cent. AD, not to be confused with the homonymous Christian O. [2] [1. 17ff.; 2. 404ff.]. Along with Erennius and Plotinus, he was a pupil of Ammonius [9] Saccas. O. wrote two works: On Demons and The one creator is the king (‘Ou wovos momtis 6 Baowrevs, fr. r and 2 WEBER) [3. 92, 336f.]. > Proclus conserves numerous comments of O.

on the style and content of the proem of Plato’s Timaeus (fr. 8-16 WEBER). Since O. did not write a commentary

on that dialogue, these remarks were probably recorded in lecture notes taken by a pupil (perhaps —» Porphyrius) [3. 219f.]. O. opposed the idea of a distinction between the First God (the One, to €v/to hén) and the Creator God,

as taught by » Numenius and > Plotinus. For him, the highest being was Nous (votc, mind), whom he viewed as synonymous with the world’s creator (fr. 7 WEBER)

WEBER (see below [{1]), 3-12.

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

R. BEUTLER,

s.v.

O., RE

18,

1939,

1033-1036; L. Brisson, Notices sur les noms propres, in:

[2] Christian theologian A. BroGrarpHy B. Works

C. THEOLOGY

A. BIOGRAPHY The ancient information on the biography of O. that is contained in > Eusebius [7] (Eus. HE 6,1-39) and + Hieronymus, > Rufinus and > Photius (Phot. Bibl. cod. 118) needs to be critically examined [2. passim]. O. was born in > Alexandria [1] in c. AD 185/6 to parents who were probably Christian. His father, Leonides, was executed in 202. The responsibility for financing O.’s education as a grammatikos (> grammaticus) was then taken over by an aristocratic matron (Eus. HE 6,2,13). O. was a pupil of > Ammonius [9] Saccas (Eus. HE 6,19,1—-10; cf. Porph. Vit. Plot. 3). Soon after the

death of his father, O. became involved in educating the catechumens in his home congregation, which earned him a great deal of respect. A prominent resident of the city named Ambrosius provided him with the funds for an office (Eus. HE 6,23,2). During this period O. led an ascetic life (Eus. HE 6,3,8f.); however, whether he castrated himself remains uncertain (Eus. HE 6,8; cf. Epiphanius, Adversus haereses 64,3). His teaching activities in Alexandria were probably overshadowed during the 220s by increasing tension with the local bishop, Demetrius. The controversy escalated after O. travelled through Greece and Palestine, during which he was ordained a presbyter in Caesarea (> Caesarea [2] Maritima) (Eus. HE 6,8,4; 23,4; Phot. Bibl. cod. 118). This tension made O. move to Caesarea, where his teaching and preaching had considerable public influence. As documented by Gregory [1] Thaumatur-

ORIGENES

211

212

gus, O. established a system of schooling in Caesarea in which pupils lived with their teacher, largely based on

(voec/nées, hoyind/logikd) engendered souls (wuyai/ psychai, derived from txowbyew/apopsychein) that

the Platonic academy (+ Akademeia). It is possible that > Porphyrius became acquainted with him in this context (Eus. HE 6,19; cf. Socr. 3,23,38). During the

were — as angels, human beings and demons — brought

Decian persecution of c. 250 (— Decius [II 1]) O. was arrested, but it was probably not until 254 that he died, probably in Tyre (Eus. HE 6,46,2; 7,1 as well as Hier. Vir. ill. 54; Hier. Epist. 84,7).

B. Works The organizing principle of O.’s life’s work was to interpret the > Bible as precisely as possible; unfortunately many of his exegetic writings have been lost. His objective was to produce a comprehensive body of commentary according to contemporary standards of academic textual exegesis as preparation for composing sermons (in some cases by O. himself). The groundwork was carefully laid for this endeavour, including philological work; in Alexandria O. began work on a synoptic edition of various Greek translations of the OT, known as the Hexapla [1. 1500, r5or]. In addition, O. wrote more fundamental dogmatic and polemic works and treatises on contemporary theological issues, as well as a work entitled On Prayer [1. 1477| called Exhortation to martyrdom and another

[r. 1475]. In Alexandria, he wrote the first five volumes of a

commentary on Jo [1. 1453], the first eight of a commentary on Gn [1. 1410] and a commentary on Pss 1-25 [1. 1426], as well as four volumes entitled On principles (Megi &ey@v/Peri archén or De principiis),

by God into the order of a tiered késmos consisting of hyle (> matter). All seek to return to their place of origin, but before this first state can be restored (Amoxathotacic mcvtwv/apokatdstasis panton, cf. Acts 3:21), various world periods must be completed as a ‘work of catharsis’. The incarnation and ascension of the Christus-Logos are a peripety of this cathartic process; salvation is achieved in all spheres of fallen spirit beings. For O., the historical and sacramental dimension of

this salvation is only the external portion of an internal process of shaping a more perfect Christian (xvevuatixoi/pneumatikot); accordingly, he particularly emphasizes man’s free will. The gospel is accessible to all human beings (Orig. De principiis 4,1,1). In O.’s works the cyclical world view of the philosophical framework theory is sprung by a clear eschatological perspective (Orig. Comm. in Jo 10:42). Similarly, the Bible is interpreted as the incarnation of the > logos [1] (Orig. Comm.

in Mt 11:2), which is why it receives a

great deal of attention in O.’s work. + Metaphysics D 1CPGr

2P. Nautin, Origéne. Sa vie et son ceuvre, 1977.

EDITIONS: CPG 1, 1410-1525 (with suppl. 1998). BipLtioGrapHy: H. Crouzet, Bibliogr. critique d‘Origene, 1971 (suppl. 1, 1982); C. ANDRESEN, Logos und Nomos (AKG 30), 1955; U. BERNER, O., 1981; H. CHADWICK, Origen Contra Celsum, +1980 (English transl. with comm.); H. CrouZeL, Origen, 1989; CH. MARKSCHIES,

the first systematic comprehensive treatment of Chri-

Fiir die Gemeinde ... nicht geeignet?, in: Zeitschrift fiir

stian teachings [1. 1482]. It was in Caesarea, however,

Theologie und Kirche 94, 1997, 39-68; R. WILLIAMS, s.v.

that O. produced his extensive confrontation with the long-dead Middle Platonic philosopher > Celsus, Kat& Kéhoov/Kata Kélsou or Contra Celsum [1.1476] as well as the majority of his exegetic works.

O./Origenismus, TRE 25, 397-420.

CM.

Origin myths and theories on the origin of culture I. ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGypt

II. GREECE AND

ROME

C. THEOLOGY O. sought to interpret Biblical history and theology against the backdrop of a Platonic view of the world. It was characteristic of that endeavour that he frequently confined himself to merely considering various ideas. Later, however, this linguistic and substantive aspect of his theology was ignored, and beginning in the 4th cent. his orthodoxy was called into question; finally, in the years 543 and 5 53, certain aspects of his teachings were condemned; however, this did not affect the reception particularly of his Biblical exegesis, either in the East or the West. A central aspect of his theology was the idea of two worlds, consisting of an eternal xdou0¢g vontdc/ kosmos noetos and an aioOyto¢ xdono0¢/aisthétos kosmos (Orig. Comm. in Jo 1:26) that was created out of nothingness. The first world was made up of God, His Son and the Spirit (together forming the three hypostases of the + Trinity) as well as an abundance of spirit beings that were originally equal in importance (Orig. De principiis 2,11,3; 4,4,9). The fallen spirit beings

I. ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGyPT The relatively few ancient Oriental testimonials that can be regarded as OM provide important pointers to the self-image of a culture, but have not yet been discussed from this perspective. Aetiologies primarily with respect to festivals and cult centres are to be found in the Egyptian tradition [7], more rarely in the Mesopotamian [4. 5 51f., 559f.] and the Hittite tradition [4. 571]; in the OT, they are particularly common in Genesis (e.g. Gn 28: Bethel).

Gods were sometimes considered the founders of those areas of culture that were subordinated to them. In Egypt, the discovery of writing and arithmetic was attributed to the god > Thot [6. 503f.]. In Babylonia, the god of wisdom Enki/Ea teaches date palm cultivation [8. 6, Il. 23-88] and allocates to people with physical defects their place in society (‘Enki and Ninmah’,

TUAT 3,386ff.); in ‘Enki and the World Order’ (ibid. 402ff.), he appoints deities responsible for agriculture

PLR

214

and livestock breeding, artisan crafts, etc. Inanna (> Istar) steals from the god Enki for her city of Uruk the me, the ‘supernatural’ power, of about roo cultural possessions like rulership and priesthood, peace and war, knowledge and cult, conflict and law, crafts [2]. Sometimes cultural constants were viewed as having originated in a primeval period. The ‘Golden Age’ in Egypt [11] was still present in (ancient) contemporary times through the idea of cyclical renewal. Worthy of particular mention from the OT is the “Table of Nations’ in Gn ro that records all of humanity as descendants of Noah; Gn 4,17-26 gives a negative assessment of cultural achievements [9. 57f.]; cf. also > Noah as the founder of viticulture (Gn 11,20). In Babylonia, the introduction of agriculture (TUAT 3,3 6off.; [3. 151f.]|) and the beginning of kingship [3. 76, 139; 5. 145ff.] were placed in a primeval period. The legendary heroes of Sumer are rarely enough bringers of culture: Enmerkar invents > cuneiform script in order to send a message to distant Aratta [5. 311f., ll. 498-507]; his successor Lugalbanda is said at the victory over Aratta to have brought its precious metal and metal smiths to Uruk [TUAT 3, 538f., ll. 408— 412]. Imhotep (+ Imuthes [2]), an Egyptian wise man who lived under King Djoser and was venerated as a god,

represent ancient poetic texts characteristically attempts to understand the human situation and seek meaning in human existence [12. 68]. OM are encountered, quite independently of the literary genre, in the form of rational or mythological discourse; not only myth and literature but also the cultures of neighbouring peoples, especially the > ‘barbarians’ (Thue. 1,5f.; Vitr. De arch. 2,1,4) [1. 198f.], served as sources of information for them. For the mythological inventors/founders of individual cultural techniques, see [16]; > protos heuretes.

was said to have introduced stone construction [12. 11,

Op. 106-201; > Period, Era), OM are subordinated to

29, 32, 89, 152]. The (divinatory and magical) knowledge of Ea/Enki was brought into the world by mythical wise men in the shape of fish (apkallu) [10]. Ina comparable manner, ~ Henoch was regarded as a scribe to whom knowledge of astronomy, etc., had been revealed [1. 516-523]. In this respect he is comparable also with the highly influential figures of the canonical OT, first and foremost with the law-giver Moses.

his striving to make identifiable moral decline as the principle governing the history of humankind. Achievements like tool use and agriculture are not appreciated as attainments but are only drawn upon to illustrate negative developments. The myth of > Prometheus too is used by Hesiod as an aetiology, not for civilizational progress, but rather for the evil to which mankind has been exposed since the Titan’s fraudulent sacrifice and his theft of fire (Hes. Theog. 507-616; Op. 45-105). The earliest surviving example of an explicit rationalist OM comes from Xenophanes: cultural development is a historical process of seeking and finding (21 B 18 Dk), in the course of which material and cognitive achievements improve the lot of man. It is a matter of debate whether Xenophanes fundamentally excluded divine contributions to this process [18. 437. 413 3. 3f.|

1 K. BERGER, s.v. Henoch, RAC 14, 473-546 2G. FarBER-FLUGGE, Der Mythos »Inanna und Enki«, 1973 3 J.-J. GLASSNER, Chroniques mésopotamiennes, 1993 4 W. HEIMPEL, G. BECKMAN, s.v. Mythologie A, RLA 8, 537-572 5 TH. JACOBSEN, The Harps, that Once ...,

1987

6D. Kurth, s.v. Thot, LA 6, 497-523 7 J. SPIE8K. VoLk, Inanna und

GEL, s.v. Atiologie, LA 1, 80-83 Sukaletuda, 1972

1995

9 C. WESTERMANN,

Genesis

I-11,

10 C. WitckeE, Gottliche und menschliche Weisheit

im Alten Orient, in: A. ASSMANN (ed.), Weisheit, 1991, 259-270 11D. WitpunG, s.v. Goldenes Zeitalter, LA 2, 734 12Id., Imhotep und Amenhotep, 1977.

WA.SA. HE.FE.

Il. GREECE AND ROME A. ESSENTIAL FEATURES C. ROMAN

B. GREEK AUTHORS

AUTHORS

A. ESSENTIAL FEATURES OM (or the rudiments of such) did not always arise from a genuine interest in philosophical anthropology but were commonly subordinated to Ancient

ORIGIN

MYTHS

B. GREEK AUTHORS 1. EARLY STAGES 2. 5TH AND 4TH CENTURIES 3. THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD

1. EARLY STAGES A basic pattern of numerous OM can already be discerned in Homer: the > Cyclopes’ (Hom. Od. 9,106I15; 125-129; 275-277) technical, social and moral underdevelopment results from the absence of existential hardship |1r5. 217]. In this, the idea is already implicitly contained that lack privation is the driving force of cultural development, an idea which is commonly encountered in later OM. In Hesiod’s doctrine of the five human races (Hes.

[ya82nagde 2. 5TH AND 4TH CENTURIES Comparable rationalist OM are frequently attested for the 5th cent. Anaxagoras, for instance, viewed the superiority of human beings over animals as guaranteed by humans’ being endowed with hands (59 A ro2 DK) and cognitive capacities (59 B 21b DK); and Democritus [1] explained the development of technical skills as an imitation of the correspondingly specialized animal species (68 B 154 DK). This idea of man as a deficient being who compensates for his inadequate physical endowment with his ability to learn and his technical skill is also expressed in the Hippocratic work De vetere medicina: the primitive diet of primeval man caused

more specific questions (stemming, for instance, from

diseases, which

the area of political theory or a special science); many

growing, the art of cooking and medical dietetics [6] (cf.

motivated

humans

to develop grain

ORIGIN MYTHS

205

the parody on such OM developed from a medical perspective in the works of the comedian Athenion fr. 1 PCG IV = Ath. 660e-661Cc). A theory of man as deficient being can also be assumed for the sophist Protagoras. In the Platonic dialogue named after him, he performs a monologue likely to be close to authentic considerations of Protagoras [10]. The monologue functionalizes the myth of Prometheus and Epimetheus to express the idea that it is not just the artisan and technical skills but above all the basic social competencies that make it possible for man to compensate for his inadequate adaptation (PI. Prt. 320c-3 23a). In general, we may expect (especially in the context of the n6mos-physis debate) a certain interest on the part of the sophists in OM; for instance, Hippias [5] of Elis is said to have held didactic lectures on the early history of mankind (PI. Hp. mai. 285d) [1. 204-209]. The OM of the (pseudo-) Aeschylean Prometheus Desmotes are not characterized by autonomous human achievements but by the positive effects of divine intervention. The protagonist portrays himself as a selfless benefactor of humans whom he has helped, against the will of a tyrannical Zeus, to ascend from their unconscious animal existence (Aesch. PV 88-127; 436-525);

216

two stages of cultural development: initially, humans had been compelled by nature to adopt particular behaviours; then the empirical knowledge gained in this way had been elaborated upon and increased through rational reflection [r1. 18-22]. A fragment by the tragedian Moschion characterizes the first humans as animal-like,

cannibalistic cave dwellers but does not specify the reasons for their cultural ascent (Moschion fr. 6 TrGF). For Polybius, whose interest was in the origin of social norms,

the decisive factor was

the necessity to form

groups due to the physical weakness of the individual (Pol.

6,5). The OM of Poseidonius have to be reconstructed from Sen. Ep. 90; according to them, humans, under the guidance of philosophers, experienced cultural and moral ascent after their primitive beginnings [14. 89-99; 4.157f.; 8. 75-83; 13. 190192]. The rationalist OM developed by Diodorus owe much to the thought of the 5th cent. (just how much goes back to Democritus [see above 2.] is a matter of debate [2]): spurred on by privation, humans formed communities, developed technical skills and rose up out of their existence as gatherers; their natural endowments — hands, language ability and intelligence — played a decisive part in this process (Diod. Sic. 1,8).

the emphasis here is on the technical and intellectual achievements,

which

are judged

favourably

without

reservation. The question as to whether we can discern from this an ultimately rationalist OM in mythological disguise will have to remain unanswered in view of the uncertain authenticity of the play and the equally uncertain reconstruction of the trilogy. Sophocles and Euripides acknowledge the cultural ascent of humans subjugating the earth, but at the same time warn of the ambivalence of the freedom thus won (Soph. Ant. 33 2375) and of the ingratitude and hybris towards the gods to whom this ascent is owed (Eur. Supp. 195-218). The idea of a ‘Golden Age’ (-» Period, Era), which barely played a part in the sth cent. (exception: the Katharmoi of Empedocles: 31 B 128; 130 DK), begins to have an effect on philosophical anthropology in the 4th cent.: Thus, one of the OM that are used by Plato as

starting points to develop his political theories, is replete with the relevant topoi (PI. Plt. 271a-274d; contrast the realistic description of a patriarchal primeval society in Pl. Leg. 677a—-680e). In the Peripatos too this idea has a recognizable influence: Theophrastus postulates a rationalist Golden Age between an animalish primeval state and the beginning of moral decline (fr. 584A Fortenbaugh); Dicaearchus (fr. 49 Wehrli [19]) depicts the primeval state itself as a kind of Golden Age [4. 156f.], a portrayal that is, however, not without contradictions [5. 74-76]. 3. THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD In the period that followed, the idea remained pervasive that man with his deficient nature had ascended over time from an initially primitive existence to become a cultural being. In the school of Epicurus there existed the differentiation, going back to the founder himself (Epic. Epistula ad Herodotum 75f.), between

C. ROMAN AUTHORS The most extensive preserved OM from antiquity come from Lucretius (Lucr. 5,925-1457), who describes first the primitive primeval state of humanity and then, through recourse to the Epicurean two-stage concept (see B 3), its ascent [11]. > Cicero too bases his views on Hellenistic theories: his OM formulated in various contexts

(Cic. Inv. 1,2f.; Cic. Sest. 91; Rep.

3,1-4; Cic. Tusc. 1,62; for the anthropological premises, seer G@ic. Wes jins26fs) Cie Ofty 154501145 284.05) allow us to discern the influence of his teacher Posidonius, whose OM he cautiously adapts to the respective subject area [13]. Among the poets of the Augustan period, different elements of OM exist side by side. Verg. G. 1,1 18-146, against the rationalism of Lucretius, advocates the belief in Jupiter’s providentia (providence): the rule of Saturnus is depicted as a Golden Age free of labour; it was only Jupiter who brought the need for hard work into the world and thus motivated man to develop cultural techniques. In Verg. Aen. 8,314-327, Euander describes the rule of Saturnus as a period in which humans, who had previously lived in isolation from each other as hunters and gatherers, formed communities and were given laws; here the parallels between Saturnus, Euander and Aeneas (and indirectly Augustus) become central. Horace regards the invention of language as the precondition for the development of civilization and laws (Hor. Sat. 1,3,99-106). Ovid (partly in a debate with poets of his time) frequently takes up elements of OM and corresponding myths (in detail [8. 185-246]); in his description of the four ages (Ov. Met. 1,89-150), he combines the Hesiodic pattern of decline with — among others — the motif known from

217

218

Virgil’s Georgica of the development of the first cultural techniques under the rule ofJupiter. Rationalist OM with an unqualifiedly positive assessment of human civilization are given — in keeping with their didactic intentions — by Vitruvius (who regards house building as the most important achievement coming right after fire and language: Vitr. De

term origo was used. Aside from one’s actual ‘citizenship’, origo therefore designates ‘belonging to a town’, the place where one was ‘registered’. Reflections on the relationship between the civitas Romana and the municipal civil rights (> municipium) of the ever more numerous Roman citizens from the municipia, or the consequences of a Roman assuming

arch. 2,1,1-3; 6f.) and Manilius (who praises man’s

the civic rights of a Greek town, led, in the rst cent. BC

ability to learn and his inventiveness: Manil. 1,66-112). Seneca the Younger, on the other hand, emphasizes in his discussion of Posidonius (Sen. Ep. 90) the ambivalence of cultural techniques that led man towards greed and whose discovery marked the beginning of moral decline [8. 75-86]. Juvenal uses a satirically exaggerated description of the primeval age of Saturnus as a contrastive foil for the defects of contemporary society diagnosed by him (Juv. 6,1-20). For the reception and further development of ancient OM in Christian literature, see [16. 1267f.; 18. 47f.]. ~» Period, Era; > Protos Heuretes; > World, creation of

at the latest, to the development of the concept of the two patriae (‘homelands’) that a citizen could have (Cic. Leg. 2,5). However, Cicero (Balb. 28), e.g. categorically excludes the possibility of having two sets of civic rights of equal validity. These rather theoretical considerations appear not to have been set legal standards [BesiGadels The theory of origo became legally relevant from the 2nd cent. AD because origo determined the place where one could be called upon to take on civic duties

the 1 S. BLUNDELL, The Origins of Civilization in Greek and Roman Thought, 1986

2 TH. Cote, Democritus and the

Sources of Greek Anthropology, 1967,*1990 3 L. EDELSTEIN, The Idea of Progress in Classical Antiquity, 1967 4B. Gatz, Weltalter, goldene Zeit und sinnverwandte

Vorstellungen, 1967 5 W.K.C. GuTurig, In the Beginning, 1957 6H. Herter, Die kulturhistorische Theorie der Hippokratischen Schrift von der alten Medizin, in: Maia 15, 1963, 464-483 7 A. KLEINGUNTHER, IITPQTO2 EYPETHS, 1933 8 K. Kususcn, Aurea Saecula: Mythos und Geschichte, 1986

9 A. O. Lovejoy, G. Boas, Primi-

tivism and Related Ideas in Antiquity, 1935 WALD,

Platon

oder

Protagoras?,

Antike

Theorien

uber

Fest-

Entwicklung

und

Ursprung der Kultur, in: Das Altertum 14, 1968, 67-79 13 Id., Theorie der Kulturentstehung und Anthropologie bei Cicero,

in; Acta

Classica

Universitatis

Debreceniensis 31, 1995, 189-201 FER, Studien zu Poseidonios,

1959

Scientiarum

14 G, PFLIGERSDORF15 E. POHLMANN,

Lukrez als Quelle griechischer Kulturentstehungslehre, in: WJA 17, 1991, 217-228

16 K. THRAEDE, s.v. Erfinder II,

RAC 5, 1191-1278 17A. TuLin, Xenophanes fr. 18 D.-K. and the Origins of the Idea of Progress, in: Hermes 121, 1993, 129-138

18 W. UxXKULL-GYLLENBAND, Grie-

chische Kultur-Entstehungslehren, Schule vol. 1.

1924

(munera; see > munus). It first appears in — constitutiones of the Emperors Hadrian and Antoninus [1] Pius and was then refined by the late antique jurists. Outside the municipal duty of munera, origo barely played a part. + Civil rights; > Civitas; > Kome; > Municipium; + Pagus; > Politeia 1 H. BRAUNERT, Tdia. Studien zur Bevolkerungsgeschichte des ptolemaischen und romischen Agyptens, in: Journal of Juristic Papyrology 9/10, 1955/6, 211-328

2D. Norr,

O. Studien zur Orts-, Stadt- und Reichszugehorigkeit in der Antike, in: TRG 31, 1963, 525-600 3 Id.,s.v.O., RE Suppl. 10, 433-473. H.GA.

10 B. MANu-

in: AHNAIKA,

schrift C.W. Miller, 1996, 103-131 111d., Der Aufbau der lukrezischen Kulturentstehungslehre, 1980 12R. MUttier,

ORIGO GENTIS ROMANAE

19 WEHRLI, HLH.

Origo (‘Derivation’). In contrast to the Greek poleis and the independent local communities of pre-Roman Italy, a distinction existed in the Hellenistic kingdoms and thereafter in the Roman Empire between the sense of belonging to the greater political unit and the feeling of membership of the community in which one was born and lived. The former was mostly called — politeia in Greek and — civitas (B.) in Latin, and for the latter, primarily in Ptolemaic Egypt, the Greek expression 7

idia xdun (hé idia (Rome), ‘one’s own village’) was common. In Rome from the Imperial period onward, the

Origo gentis Romanae. The so-called OGR refers to a Latin text divided into 23 chapters, briefly summarizing the prehistory of the founding of Rome from > Saturnus to > Romulus. It thus traces over generations the divine and human descent of the kings of > Alba Longa. The OGR probably ultimately goes back to a chapter from — Verrius Flaccus’ Res memoria dignae and underwent numerous revisions and epitomizations until late antiquity [3]. Its author is unknown. We owe the transmission of the OGR to an otherwise unknown 4th-cent. AD editor, who included it in a corpus with the anonymous De viris illustribus urbis Romae and the Liber de Caesaribus by S. Aurelius > Victor. Published in 360/1, the Liber de Caesaribus provides the terminus post quem for the origin of the corpus. The medieval tradition attributes the entire corpus to Aurelius; it comprises the whole of Roman history from the early period to > Constantius [2] C. II., who is the last emperor in Aurelius’ account. Hence the compilation is today referred to as the Corpus Aurelianum. The OGR originated in the search prevailing, in the 4th cent., for the Roman past and the securing of a cultural identity. It probably has a context in grammatical instruction or the reading of the Aeneid; some evidence for this can be gleaned from its quotations from classical authors. EDITIONS: 1F. PicHi~Mayr, Aurelius Victor, *r9r1, I-22 2 J.-C. RICHARD (ed.), Pseudo-Aurélius Victor, Les

219

220

origines du peuple Romain, 1983 (with comm. and French

from a scorpion (Ov. Fast. 5,541-544). The constellation of O. is related to the pursuit of > Pleione and the > Pleiades (Hes. Op. 619f.). The constellation of Sirius

ORIGO

GENTIS

ths): SECONDARY

ROMANAE

LITERATURE:

3P. L. SCHMIDT,

s.v. Das

Corpus Aurelianum und S. Aurelius Victor, RE Suppl. 15, 1978, 1583-1634 41d., in: HLL vol. 5, § 532.1.

A. MOMIGLIANO, Some observations on the ‘Origo gentis Romanae’, JRS 48 (1958), 56-73; M. SEHLMEYER, Origo

gentis Romanae:

die Urspriinge des romischen Volkes,

2004 (with comm. and German tr.)

U.E.

Oriole. The magnificent male of the Oriolus oriolus L. with its yellow and black markings and melodious song is probably what is meant by yAweiwv/chlorion in Aristot. Hist. an. 8(9),22,617a 28 and chlorion in Plin. HN

10,87. Besides the colouring (ch/ords = greenish yellow) this is confirmed by the late appearance of this migratory bird at the summer solstice and its disappearance in winter. Icterus and galgulus in Plin. HN 30,94, a bird used to cure jaundice, and virio (Plin. HN 18,292) seem to be synonymous terms [1. 85f.]. Its bowl-shaped nest intricately suspended at the ends of branches appears to be described in Plin. HN 10,96. 1 LEITNER.

D‘Arcy W. THompson, A Glossary of Greek Birds, 1936 (repr. 1966), 332f.; KELLER, vol. 2, 120. C.HU.

Orion ('Qoiwv/Oridn).

[1] Gigantic mythical hunter (as early as Hom.

Od. 11,310; 11,572-575), also a constellation (as early as Hom. Il. 18,485f.; — Stars, legends about). Son of Poseidon and Euryale [2] (Hes. fr. 148(a) M.-W.) or of the earth (Apollod. 1,25f.) or of Zeus, Poseidon and Hermes or Hyrieus (Ov. Fast. 5,535; Hyg. Fab. 195). According to the latter version, his name was derived

from the unusual nature of his conception: Hyrieus was granted a wish as a reward for having extended his hospitality to Zeus/Iuppiter. When Hyrieus asked that a child be conceived without a mother, the three gods poured their semen into the hide of a bull, from which the child was born. Hyrieus named the child after the manner in which he was conceived (Greek ovoéw/ ouréO, ‘to urinate’): Ourion, which subsequently became O. (Ov. Fast. 5,493-536). This story follows the narrative motif of ‘hospitality extended to the gods by an elderly individual, followed by a reward’ [1. 283311] (> Motif research). O.’s wife, Side, was thrown into Hades because she tried to compete with Hera (Apollod. 1,25). O. courted Merope [2], the daughter of > Oenopion; the latter blinded him (Apollod. I.c.). In the east, he regained his sight from a ray of sunlight. He ultimately died after having been struck by Artemis’ arrows (Hom. Od. 5,121-124) as punishment for his hybris (Hor. Carm. 3,4,70-72; cf. Ov. Fast.

5,539f.; Hyg. Astr. 2,34), or he died of envy of Eos, who had kidnapped him (Hom. Od. 5,118ff.). According to another version, O. died from a scorpion’s sting and was placed among the stars (Arat. 636-644). His catasterism was also a reward for rescuing Latona (-> Leto)

is regarded as O.’s dog (Hom. Il. 22,29). O. was native

to Boeotia and was revered there as a hero [2. 193f.].

> Stars, legends about 1 J. Lorne, Ovids Mehrfacherklarungen in der Tradition aitiologischen Dichtens (Beitrage zur Altertumskunde 74),1996

2 SCHACHTER, vol. 2.

J. FonTENROSE, O. The Myth ofthe Hunter and the Huntress, 1981; B. FoRSSMANN, Der altgriechische Name O.,

in: Der Eigenname in Sprache und Gesellschaft, 15. Internationaler Kongrefs fiir Namenforschung, Leipzig 1984, 1985, 81-86; R. Mutu, s.v. O., RESuppl. 11, 1300-1303; PRELLER/ ROBERT, vol. 1, 448-454; W. SCHADEWALDT, Die Sternsagen der Griechen, 1956, 18-28; M. P. SPEIDEL, Mithras-O. Greek Hero and Roman Army God (EPRO 8), 1980; C. Locuin, s.v. O., LIMC 7.1, 78-80; 7.2, 56f.

JOLL. [2] see > Constellations [3] Grammarian from Thebes, 5th cent. AD, lived and worked in Alexandria [1], where he was > Proclus’ teacher (Marinus Vit. Procl. 8), Constantinople and Caesaraea. Of his works (titles listed in Suda w 188, 189

ADLER), an Atticistic encyclopedia and an encomium to Emperor Hadrian have been lost; however, a short summary of eight chapters of the Duvaywyh yvoudv/ Synagoge gnomon has been preserved (also called "AvOohoytov/Antholégion and dedicated to Empress Eudocia, who, according to Tzetz. Chil. 10,56-60, heard his lectures), which clearly drew on works of the poetic heritage. An important work, cited numerous times in the great Byzantine — etymologica, is the *Etupohoyixov/Etymologikon, which has been preserved in the form of three different abbreviated versions (the most extensive one is found in the Cod. Parisinus Graecus 2653 from the 16th cent., while SruRz [1] transcribed a shorter version in the appendix to his edition of the Etymologicum Gudianum, which was preserved in the Darmstadt MS 2773 from the rath cent.). O. arranged the material from Philoxenus, Hero-

dianus [1], Heraclides [21] Ponticus and Soranus alpha-

betically — often, however, without showing much sensitivity to differences in their approaches or schools. EDITION:

1F. G. Srurz, Orionis Thebani Etymologi-

con, 1820

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

2F.

Rirscui,

De

Oro

et Orione

(1834), in: Id., Opuscula Philologica 1, 1866, 582-673 3 R. ReirzensTeEIn, Geschichte der griechischen Etymologika, 1897, 309-311, 347-350 4C. WENDEL, s.v. O., RE 18, 1083-1087 RT.

Ormenion, Orminion (Oouéviov/Orménion, ‘Oouttviov/Orminion). According to the context in the Homeric catalogue of ships (Hom. Il. 2,73 4ff.), Ormeénion was the residence of — Eurypylus [1] and was situated in western Thessaliotis, but it was already

abandoned in historic times and has not been located up to the present day.

Apap

221

The historic township of Orminion was in > Ma-

ORNAMENTAL STYLE

gnesia [1] and, around 290 BC, it was incorporated into the newly established Demetrias [1], but it continued

The ornamenta were mostly used to honour nonmembers of the Senate: client kings, officials from the equites such as Aelius [II 19] Seianus, wo was awarded

to exist as a komeé (Str. 9,5,15; 18: Ooutviow/Orminion;

the ornamenta praetoria while Praetorian Prefect, also

Plin. HN 4,32). Despite the geographic difference to the Homeric O., the authors of antiquity already equated it with O. On the mountain Goritsa (210 m) to the south of Volos, there is a large fortification complex (circumference c. 2480 m) of the late 4th cent. BC, which in Hellenistic times was part of the defence system of Demetrias and is generally equated with O. However, as a residential township, it could have been used for a short time only because — despite the construction of a street system etc. — the relevant finds are missing. It can

imperial freedmen like Antonius [II ro] Pallas during the reign of Claudius [III 1], who recorded the senatus consultum granting him the ornamenta praetoria on his tombstone (Plin. Ep. 7,29). From the time of the Severi (late 2nd cent. AD) the ornamenta consularia granted to former members of the equites, were often abused by being listed as a first consulship, when a person held a second consulship

be assumed that O. is at the base of Mount Goritsa (thus

in AD 215, PIR* M 54). Only from the time of Augustus, when only the emperor could celebrate a > triumph, generals who had undertaken a triumph-worthy campaign were given the ornamenta triumphalia as

Str. l.c. as well) where traces of settlements were found reaching into early Byzantine times. S. C. BAKHUIZEN, Goritsa, A New Survey, in: AD (Chronika) 27, 1972, 396-408; H. KRAMOLISCH, s.v. O., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 495f.; E. MEYER, s.v. O., RE 18, 1105-1107 (sources); E. ViscHER, Homers Katalog der

Schiffe, 1997, 699.

HE.KR.

Ornamenta. Ornamenta were outward signs and special rights attached to the Republican magistrature (> magistratus C. 2; thus, for example the wearing of the > toga praetexta or a specific seat at state games)

which could be awarded to specific persons, who were not or not yet entitled to them, separately from the political rights derived from these offices. This development began in the Roman Republic, mostly only in exceptional cases. Thus, according to Cicero (Cic. Cluent.

132) a certain Popilius, the son of a freedman, was granted a seat among the senators as well as other ornamenta by a censor, even though he could not be received in the Senate on account of his origins. C. Papirius Carbo, people’s tribune in 67 BC, was honoured with the ornamenta consularia after a successful prosecution. Thus members of the Senate as well as non-members could be given these distinctions. The awarding of ornamenta only became widespread in the time of ~ Caesar. Octavianus (> Augustus) obtained the ornamenta consularia in the year 43 BC (Liv. epit. 118), later > Tiberius and > Claudius {II 24] Drusus the ornamenta praetoria; a few years

later they also held the office of praetor (similarly Petillius Firmus, who on the proposal of Vespasianus and Titus was awarded the ornamenta praetoria by the Senate, CIL XI 1834 = AE 1980, 468). However, even before that they were allowed to vote among former praetors in the Senate. The ornamenta were awarded by the Senate on the proposal of the emperors, often the ornamenta quaestoria, aedilicia (very uncommon; CIL VIII 15503; 26519; AE

1976, 265), praetoria and consularia.

A

place in the Senate was not linked to the ornamenta alone; the incumbent person could, however, behave in public as member of the senatorial class.

through iteration (as in the case of Messius [II 1] Extricatus in 217 AD, PIR* M 518 and Maecius [II 2] Laetus

compensation. According to the available sources, this

happened for the last time during the reign of Hadrian following the war against > Bar Kochba. Analogous to the city of Rome, the ornamenta decurionalia, duumviralia, quinquennalicia (e.g. CIL VIII 7986)

were granted in the Roman municipia and >» coloniae, in these cases especially to non-members of the decurion class (> decurio |1]) also to the seviri + Augustales; the ornamenta seviralia could also be transferred as an honour. Analogies could also be found innon-Roman offices, such as the ornamenta sufetis for the Punic office of the > sufetes (CIL VIII 26517 = AE 1976, 702). The ornamenta functioned as a socio-political award for those who could not take on the actual office. + Aediles; > Consules; - Quaestores; > Praetores W.

Eck,

ornamenta

Kaiserliche

Imperatorenakklamationen

triumphalia,

in: ZPE

124,

1999,

und

223-227;

MomMsen, Staatsrecht, vol. 1, 45 5ff.;R. A. TALBERT, The Senate of Imperial Rome, 1984, 366ff. W.E.

Ornamenta triumphalia see > Triumph, Triumphal procession; ~ Ornamenta

Ornamental style. According to [1], Greek bookhands in which the lower and/or upper ends of letters are decorated (sometimes additionally) with horizontal or vertical strokes (English finials or serifs; French patins, empattements, apices; Italian apici ornamentali). These ‘ornamental strokes’ (= OS) can be traced back to influences from epigraphy, Lat. script or even the connecting strokes in Greek cursive writing; however, the typically Hellenistic tendency towards ornamentation may be an underlying factor. OS can be found in numerous different > writing styles: initially, sporadically in 3rd-cent. BC papyri, more commonly in the 2nd cent. BC — with emphasis on the two-line system of writing. In the first centuries BC and AD, OS appear both in non-specific calligraphic scripts and in canonized — writing styles (e.g. epsilon-theta style). OS are most widespread in the rst and 2nd cents. AD — in

ORNAMENTAL

STYLE

scripts with variable letter forms (e.g. in the so-called Middle style), as well as in square writing styles; it is from such a style that the round capital script (the socalled Roman > uncial), with its canonized OS, devel-

oped. Parallel to these decorative writing styles, the scripts of the so-called > severe style arose; as a rule they ended up completely without ornamentation. The fashion for OS disappeared abruptly in the 3rd cent. AD when another canonized writing style asserted itself in the form of the Biblical majuscule (> Uncial). Only when this in turn went into disuse did so-called crowning dots appear at the ends of hair strokes which became more and more striking after the mid—sth cent. AD and which appear as small squares and ultimately even as triangles; this stylistic element of the late Biblical majuscule was then also adopted into the upright/sloping pointed majuscule (— Uncial). > Severe style; > Uncial; > Writing styles 1 W. ScHuBART, 116.

Griechische Palaographie,

1925,

112-

G. CavALLo, La scrittura greca libraria trai secolila.C.-I d.C., in: D. HARLFINGER, G. PRATO (ed.), Paleografia e codicologia

greca,

1991,

11-29;

G.

MENcI,

Scritture

greche librarie con apici ornamentali (IIla.C.—II d.C.), in:

Scrittura e civilta 3, 1979, 23-53.

G.M.

Ornaments l. INTRODUCTION

II. GREEK VASE PAINTING

GREEK ARCHITECTURE V. HELLENISM

III. -

IV. GREEK SCULPTURE

AND THE IMPERIAL PERIOD

I. INTRODUCTION Lat. ornamentum

224

223

in their time did not even attempt a definition of ornaments [2; 5]. A popular encyclopedia formulates the problem thus: ‘The ornament can structure and emphasize the shape of the object which it adorns, but it can also relate neutrally to it or overpower it. In ornamentation the variation of forms (the composition of ornaments as a whole) moves between two poles: between a purely linear abstractly geometric form and figural, occasionally naturalistic design, which draws upon organic shapes. (‘Das Ornament kann die Form des Gegenstands, dessen Schmuck es bildet, gliedern und betonen,

sich aber auch neutral zu ihr verhalten oder sie tiberwuchern. Die Formensprache der Ornamentik (Gesamtkomposition der Ornament) bewegt sich zwischen den beiden Polen einer rein linearen, abstrakt geometrischen und einer auf organische Formen zuriickgreifenden figuralen, zuweilen naturalistischen Gestaltungsweise.) (Brockhaus-Enzyklopadie, s.v. Ornament, 1991). However, here the central problem — that ornaments in themselves can also contain meaning — has not even been addressed. In research, typologies of form and the geography of ornaments dominate, while the problems surrounding the interpretation of the internal meaning of object forms have so far only partly been addressed. Furthermore, into to the classical period ornaments in Greek art have had a strongly evolutionary character, expressed as a process of continuous transformation. Hellenistic and Imperial-period ornamentation, on the other hand, is somewhat more arbitrary in the use and execution of its ornaments, so that their investigation and exposition has to have a different character for the various epochs. Thus the following notes in part have to remain preliminary. ;

(= ornament), ‘ornament’, ‘adorn-

ment, ‘equipment’, pl. ‘insignia’ (~ ornamenta). In the legal sources of the Imperial period ornamentum denotes the superfluous addition, which serves voluptas (‘pleasure’) but is firmly connected to the building. In

addition to paintings, gardens and fountains, ornamenta mainly included loricationes (hypocaust installations) and > incrustationes (marble panelling) [36. 275]. This late notion of ornamentum continues to influence the ways in which ornaments are dealt with as a technical term of archaeological research. Whether ‘the repeated ornamentation on buildings and all kinds of objects’ (‘die sich wiederholende Verzierung an Bauwerken und Gegenstinden aller Art’) (Brockhaus-Enzyklopadie 1991) can be considered an addition or an integral part of the whole depends as much on modern sensitivities as on the historical interpetation, cf. for example A. Loos’s battle-cry ‘ornament is crime’ (‘Ornament ist Verbrechen’) [3]. This may be one of the reasons why dictionaries and encyclopaedias frequently chose to ignore this lemma, such as e.g. the RE (1939), the EAA (1958-1966), the KIP (1964-1975) or the Lexikon Alte Kulturen (1990-1993). The uncertainty

surrounding the phenomenon indicates an insufficient state of research, which continues in spite of a multitude of detailed sub-studies. Fundamental works of research

Il. GREEK VASE PAINTING We have to begin with pottery, since it alone can provide adequate information about prehistoric ornament and it is also the only artefact group well enough preserved to enable us to detect developments.

A. PROTOGEOMETRIC AND GEOMETRIC VASE PAINTING B. ARCHAIC AND CLASSICAL VASE PAINTING

A. PROTOGEOMETRIC AND GEOMETRIC VASE PAINTING Protogeometric and > geometric pottery, which can most comprehensively be observed in Attica, developed a system of decorative motives, which was simple in individual forms but complex in its syntax. Hatches and lines are used vertically and — mainly — horizontally, are shaped as rectilinear ornaments (rosette fields, crenellation patterns, meander, — swastikas), appear as diamonds or triangular shapes (triangles, ‘hourglass’ and ‘double axe’ motifs, zigzag, chevrons) or round ones. In addition there are pictographic ornament patterns, such as leaves, trees and animals (fish, snakes, birds) [40]. There is no set ratio of foundation and painted-on

colour, of light and dark. Checkerboard patterns are created by both while in the meander the painted-on

B25

226

ORNAMENTS

Greek vase painting

RAR

ON

Or

Oa

a

me

f GLENN Vo

SO,

1 2 3 4 5

Right-to-left meander (Geometric period) Double meander (Geometric period) Plait patterns Plant scroll ornaments with human head (4th cent. BC) Lotus buds (Archaic and Classical periods)

colour is more important. The ornament bands of the various decorative patterns are always bounded by framing lines. In the development from protogeometric to geometric vase painting the repertoire of motifs does not change significantly (with the exception of the meander); all main elements are present from the beginning. On the geometric developmental level the portfolio of forms is extended by infilled squares and dia-

6 Lotus and palmette ornaments (Archaic and Classical periods) 7 Palmette, wave-crest and plant scroll ornaments with

lotus buds (Classical period) 8 Palmette, wave-crest and plant scroll ornaments (Classical period)

monds, hatched wave lines, lancet leaves, leaf stars and finally, in the later phase, by animal friezes (birds, hor-

ses) on the subsidiary parts of the vessels. The principal ornaments are now highlighted with the help of several framing lines. A well thought-out sequence and arrangement of the decorative strips and the symmetrical association of secondary and principal motifs create an ornamental syntax and an overall composition of the

ORNAMENTS

228

227

Sculpture and architecture

quence of the theories of Gottfried SEMPER in the second half of the roth cent. their decoration was as a matter of course interpreted as abstract, and it was postulated that the geometric ornament may have had a technical origin. This abstract interpretation led to the term ‘geometric’. In the following, this aesthetic assessment became a structural one; in research the abstract imageless and tectonic interpretation was promoted; it

was augmented by symbolic and emblematic interpretations [9; 10] but not overcome by these. The possibilities of the geometric ornament in terms of images were only much later focused upon (mainly [12] and in spite of earlier suggestions [5. 87ff.]). The ornamental, apparently abstract form can not only subsequently take on concrete images, but even at its root it characterizes ornaments in a representational way. Various degrees of realism are possible, similar to later archaic and classical pictorial language, which was exemplified by the interpretation of distinctive individual cases (e.g. the — meander as a representation of the > labyrinth in the story of the myth [12. 262-265]). ; B. ARCHAIC

1. ARCHAIC

I Funeral stelae: palmette ornaments (Archaic period) 2 Buildings and funeral stelae: lotus and palmette ornaments (Classical period)

vessel’s decoration. In the relationship between ornament and the vessel’s form the ornament is always integrated — depending on its place on the vessel as a continuous frieze, as a centred frieze detail or as a complete picture in the manner of ametope. This brings to prominence the formal, ‘abstract’ powers of the composition. In such a formal examination the principal motif, the hooked meander is of particular interest. It has neither beginning nor end; it is a band made up of lines running along and across that do not cross over, it has no structuring joints and has a direction because the lines that run lengthwise dominate. Thus it originally belonged to the areas of the vessel above and below the handles, where it can run around the vessel without interruption. Later, with an increasing emphasis on the picture, parts of the meander are taken into a framed area, though they are always cut out from the revolving whole. ; That geometric ceramics are the remains of a defined cultural horizon was recognized by [1]. As a conse-

AND

PERIOD

CLASSICAL VASE PAINTING

2. CLASSICAL PERIOD

1. ARCHAIC PERIOD In the later 8th and, in particular, in the 7th cent. a profusion of new ornaments, clearly influenced by plant matter, replaces the old patterns. These are introduced into Greek art from the Near East. Their concrete vegetable ornaments (palmette, lotus flower, leaf rosette, spiral, braided band, etc.), as well as their use (e.g. in the ‘lotus-palmette frieze’, in the image of the > ‘tree of life’ and in other heraldic compositions), had mainly been transmitted through Phoenician luxury imports such as the Cypro-Phoenician bronze bowls [19], but also through Near Eastern artisans and workshops [25] established in the Aegean. The ornament patterns of textiles may also have played a role in this. Occasionally, research emphasises the Egyptian influences on the development of the ‘lotus-flower-motif? [15]. However, these are more indirect since they are transmitted through Phoenician usage. In Attic and Corinthian pottery its elements are tied axially into cruciform or star-shaped compositions or are arranged in bands, which can also be extended axially. There is a tension between parts of plants and the schematic order. The compositions can appear in the frieze and in the image field, there mainly at the centre of antithetical groups. The space below and around the handles comes to be of particular importance. In the second half of the 6th cent. it is the most important place for the ornament. In particular, we see the development of large, repeatedly turned spiral tendrils with palmettes in the interstices between vessel and handle and occasionally

attached to the handle base itself. Ornament can now clearly be reduced to its true value as an ornament, but it can also express various degrees of realism [29]. The sprinkling of flowers (rosettes), crosses, diamonds etc.

229

230

(the ‘space-filler ornaments’) are more naturalistic and are in their own way realistic. In insular and east-Ionian pottery (> East Greek pottery) of the archaic period ornamentation is particularly varied. In addition to the flower and palmette sequences and the spiral tendrils, meander, hooked, cruciform, star-shaped and rosette fillings are also significant. Plait-like braided bands and crescent(-moon)shaped arcs are of particular importance; however, they do not continue into post-archaic vase painting. The meaning of these latter ornaments needs yet to be investigated. 2. CLASSICAL PERIOD In the ornamentation of vase painting of the 5th cent. the Attic style provides the impulse [5]. Framing ornaments are rows of circumscribed palmettes, of alternating and also concretely realistic sequences of palmettes and lotus flowers, of meanders and leaf scrolls. Even more important are systems of palmettes and curved tendrils. In their vertical and horizontal extent they follow the shape both of bowls and of vessels with a steeper wall, while yet remaining two-dimensional: a tendril, apparently floating freely, shoots forth leaves,

tuous way and can thus become a decorative ornament. Naturally this includes the truly ornamental additions, e.g. the acroteria on the pediments and the ridge, but also the structurally necessary components, such as

which

unfold into palmettes,

(lotus) buds and blos-

soms. In the first half of the 5th cent. the tendril is given an origin: a stem or the stable centre of the heart of a palmeite. Lively movement characterizes the whole tendril; however, the system is laid down within an axial

order in such a way that only two basic compositional types persist. The rendition of the details is characteristic of the different workshops and masters, so that these tendril ornaments

(among other details) are used to

classify and order the vases. In contrast to figurative representations, multiple colours are not used for the tendril ornaments. The structure of these arrangements of palmettes and curved tendrils is organic and vegetable, and they also function as plants ornamentally [5. 87ff.]: Erotes sit on the stalks, Sileni swing off the tendrils, birds flutter and sit in the foliage and animals move between it. A potentially deeper meaning of this imagery has yet to be investigated. In particular, this is necessary for the sprawling tendrils of the > South Italian vases of the 4th cent. BC. On the necks of the later large Apulian vessels female heads and complete figures are tied into rich acanthus tendrils, frequently enriched by a complex system of spiral bands (‘tendril head’, ‘tendril goddess’). A fairly justified assumption is that a desire for immortality lies behind this figurative template, similar to the naiskoi (> naiskos) on the pictures of the same vase types, in whose middle appears a single plant [16. 44, 115-130].

II]. GREEK ARCHITECTURE The investigation of ornament in Greek architecture has to focus on sacred architecture because not enough survives of the early dwellings and other secular buildings beyond ground-plans, and not enough is known of the furnishings. Every structural component of early archaic architecture can be adorned in the most sump-

ORNAMENTS

architraves and friezes. Cf. > akroterion,

> column,

+ epistylion, > frieze, > kymation, > lacunar, > sima, + temple for the characterisation and development of individual elements. Toreutic ornaments was used from prehistory [37].; The neo-classical and modern division into structurally necessary building components and the not strictly necessary ornamental — though sumptuous — decoration clearly does not fit in with the early archaic notion of the temple [36]. The extant remains suggest that the architectural components were each understood as votive offerings to the deity and that columns and all other parts were seen as unique. Each part thus had its own distinct effect. This not only facilitated ornamentation but actually required every component of the building to be decorated as richly and costly as possible. In the later archaic period, and even more so in classical times, the notion of the temple became more homogenised and as a result many individual elements of the decoration lost their function. Thus e.g. column capitals lost their overhanging leaves and other decorative elements. Ornamental decoration in the form of reliefs or specific building components were confined to ‘canonical’ parts of the building. In the archaic period, architectural ornamentation in the sanctuary has to be seen as a > votive offering and the meaning of early ornamentation on buildings will have to be investigated as such. This will also have to incorporate the colour concepts of the marble buildings, the understanding of which is still in its infancy. IV. GREEK SCULPTURE The crowning elements of grave stelae and later to a lesser degree also of votive stelae are the most conspicuous ornaments of early Greek > sculpture. In research the crowning element of the slim archaic grave stele is usually called anthemion, though the term is not identical with its usage in antiquity and can also formally include variations [31]. From the beginning of the 6th cent. two upstanding S-shaped volutes or a lotus flower are used as a connecting plinth between the stele and its crowning element, which can be e.g. a crouching sphinx. In the later archaic period, stelae with horizontal tops carried two simple volutes, while stelae with a gabled top carried two angled S-shaped volutes with a palmette projecting above each. Initially the outline of the palmette with rigid leaves is circular, towards the end of the 6th cent. the centre of the palmette begins to grow taller. These anthemia are particularly common in Attica and eastern Ionia [31]. In the 5th cent. BC the volutes developed out of

acommon centre; based on the

model of the classical temple acroterion, the palmettes become more vegetable. The Attic grave stelae from the end of the 5th cent. make up an entire system of crowning elements: in their centre an exploded palmette

ORNAMENTS

grows out of an acanthus and tendrils lead to the halfpalmettes on the sides [7]. Since the acanthus plays an important role in > South Italian vase painting, it has been suggested that it was used on the crowning elements of grave stelae because it carried similar meanings. However, it has really been taken on from architecture [21] and does not contain any sacral symbolism. In the simple stelae of the late Hellenistic and Imperial periods of Attica and the East only very simple types of rudimentary palmettes survive. In archaic and classical sculpture in the round the painted colour was the most important carrier of ornaments. However, it is now only know in exceptional cases, e.g. the korai statues of the Athenian acropolis.

New methods of recording and research may bring an increase in knowledge. V. HELLENISM

A. ARCHITECTURE

232

231

AND THE IMPERIAL PERIOD

B.SCULPTURE

C. MOSAICS

AND POTTERY

A. ARCHITECTURE In architecture ornamental decoration regained much freedom in the post-classical and Hellenistic period, through relief or toreutic applications, which cover almost all parts of the buildings. Ornament apparently loses its direct concrete meaning and is increasingly symbolically and allegorically charged. The technical shift towards building in brick brings about a final separation into the structure of the building and its

large-scale symmetrical systems. On a simpler level the necessity to embellish ornamentally the marble or stucco casings of the buildings continues into the 3rd cent. AD and does not escape the danger of becoming banal or repetitive. ; B. SCULPTURE In > sculpture, particularly in the Hellenistic and Roman periods, ornament is used in stucco and on an

variety of equipment made of metal, wood, glass and — especially — stone: tripods, candelabra, table supports, luxury vessels, fountain bowls, urns, sarcophagi, plant columns and many others. However, specific types of ornaments were never limited to specific types of equipment. Here, too, ornament is allegorical. On grave monuments garlands, bucrania and symbols of everlasting life allude to piety and hopes for an afterlife. The change in religious attitudes is also evident on smaller objects. Roman vessels are consecrated through their ornamentation and raised up beyond their functional use. > Taenia and wreaths gain much more weight through their decoration, and they, too, emphasise the religious dedication. Regarding architectural sculpture see above A.

casing in marble or stucco (> Incrustation). This alte-

C. MOSAICS AND POTTERY -» Mosaics were almost destined to become carriers of ornaments. Mosaic floors are structured into systems, whose borders and internal frames draw on a syntax of non-figurative motifs [14]. While typology and topographical distribution have principally been topics of

red notion of decoration is evident both in the increase

research [22; 24; 27; 30; 39], questions as to the possi-

of decorative elements (critics such as Vitruvius, e.g. Vitr. De arch. 7,5 accuse this > luxury of detracting

ble meaning of the abstract patterns have hardly been answered [333 34].; After the end of red-figured vase painting in Attica and Southern Italy (> Apulian vases), two techniques of pottery production dominate during the Hellenistic period: the painting of a covering colour on the varnished vessel (> Gnathia ware) and > relief ware, which was derived from pottery moulds or to which individual elements were applied. Both types make use of smallscale, simple ornaments, which are predominantly tendrils (vine, ivy, laurel), masks or birds. Among late Republican and Imperial-period pottery, > terra sigillata, which was produced in Italy and in other western, north-African and eastern areas, has an almost ‘world-wide’ distribution, which extends into late Antiquity. It could be decorated with cut, stamped and applied ornaments (and figures), though new patterns are not widely invented. Ornament patterns and decorative systems become widespread, which in their limited selection and fine wares maintain a connection with the decoration of table wares made from more luxurious materials and also perpetuate older patterns in the empire.

from the main function of the buildings [18.4ff]) and in the fact that public buildings (e.g. aquaeducts) remain unencased. The ornament is definitely understood as an addition, but becomes important to the observer because of its allegorical content. Figurative > friezes are the most sophisticated ornament type. Otherwise acanthus and other realistic plant motifs predominate. Blossom tendrils are especially popular in Roman times, as are meander and other patterns [17]. The common fruit and bucranium garlands (which are attached to bull’s heads) and friezes with masks and sacrificial instruments have to be interpreted in the context of the respective buildings which they adorn. In the decoration of walls they e.g. allude to happiness, such as is bestowed by the gods of the mysteries, with an inexhaustible wealth of motifs from the Dionysian-Bacchanalian sphere or the cult of Isis. On public monuments they refer to the blessing that is derived from the emperor. Underneath the procession on the exterior of the > Ara Pacis Augustae tendrils rise up like garlands, as if they were surrounding the altar. They belong to the notion of the happiness that is imparted by the peace of the emperor. The wonderful multitude of flora and fauna is combined in a fairy-tale-like way that goes beyond what is possible in nature and is subjected to

~ Akroterion; + Geometric pottery; — Incrustation; + Kymation; > Lacunar; — Maeander [2]; > Sima;

~ Temple; > Terra sigillata;

Tree of life

234

0, 1A. Conze, Zur Geschichte der Anfange griechischer Kunst (SAWW, philosophisch-historisch Klasse 64, vol. 1), 1870, 505-534, pls. 1-11 2 A. RiEGL, Stilfragen, 1893 3 A. Loos,

Ornament

und

Verbrechen,

1908

4M.

ScHEDE, Antike Traufleisten-Ornament, 1909 JACOBSTHAL, Ornament griechischer Vasen, 1927

SP GE. BuscHor, Die Tondacher der Akropolis, vol. 1: Simen, 1929, vol. 2: Stirnziegel, 1933 7H. M6srus, Die Orna-

ORNATUS Bericht 1), 1993, 131-160

34 Id., Magic and Geometry in

Early Christian Floor Mosaics and Textiles, in: Jahrbuch der 6sterreichischen Byzantinistik 44, 1994, 265-274 35 J. ROHMANN, Einige Bemerkungen zum Ursprung des feingezahnten Akanthus, in: MDAI(Ist) 45, 1995, t2t

36H. v. HesBerG,

Ornamentum:

109-

Zur Verauferli-

8 P. Meyer, Zur Formen-

chung architektonischer Schmuckformen in der Antike, in: E. G. Scumipt (ed.), Griechenland und Rom. Vergleichende Untersuchungen zu Entwicklungstendenzen und -héhepunkten der antiken Geschichte, Kunst und Litera-

lehre und Syntax des griechischen Ornaments. thesis. Zurich, 1945 9H. Marwitz, Kreis und Figur in der

ture, 1996, 273-281 37 A. VON NorMann, Architekturtoreutik in der Antike, 1996 38 N. Kourou, N. STAM-

ment der griechischen Grabstelen klassischer und nachklassischer Zeit '1929 (71968)

attisch-geometrischen Vasenmalerei, in: JDAI 74, 1959, 52-113 10 Id., Das Bahrtuch, in: A&A 10, 1961, 7-18 11 I. SCHEIBLER, Die symmetrische Bildform in der frithgriechischen Flachenkunst,

1960

12 N. HIMMELMANN,

Uber einige gegenstandliche Bedeutungs-Moglichkeiten des friihgriechischen Ornaments (AAWM 1968.7) 13 CH. VOGELPOHL, Zur Ornamentik der griechischen Vasen des 7. Jahrhunderts v.Chr., thesis. Munich, 1972 14G. SALiES, Untersuchungen zu den geometrischen Gliederungsschemata

rémischer

Mosaiken,

in: BJ 174,

1974,

1-178 15 P. CHarvAT, Notes on the Origin and Development of the Lotus Flower Decoration, in: Pamatky 16 H. LOHMANN, Archeologické 68, 1977, 317-322 Grabmiler auf unteritalischen Vasen, 1979

17 L‘art déco-

ratif a Rome a la fin de la république et au début du principat. Table ronde, Rome 10-11 mai 1979, 1981 18H. Drerup, Zum Ausstattungsluxus in der romischen Architektur, *r981

19G. MarKog,

Phoenician

Bronze and

Silver Bowls from Cyprus and the Mediterranean, 1985 20 B. Orro, Dekorative Elemente in den Bildsch6pfungen des Kleophrades- und des Berliner Malers, in: H.A.G. BriJDER (ed.), Ancient Greek and Related Pottery, Proceedings of the International Vase Symposium in Amsterdam, 1984, 198-201

21 H. FRONING, Zur Interpretation

vegetabilischer Bekroénungen klassischer und spatklassi-

Potipis, A propos d‘une amphore géométrique. Reconsidération d‘un cadre théorique, in: BCH 120, 1996, 705719 39M. P. Raynaup, La composition en croix de U dans la mosaique de pavement, in: RA 1996, 69-102

40 N. Kuniscu, Kompendium,

Ornamente 1998

geometrischer

41F. VILLARD,

Vasen.

Le renouveau

Ein du

décor floral en Italie méridionale au IV* siécle et la peinture grecque, in: L‘Italie méridionale et les premiéres expériences de la peinture hellénistique, 1998, 203-221 42 Y. TURNHEIM, Imported Patterns and Their Acclimatization in Eretz-Israel, in: Assaph 3, 1998, 19-36. DILWIL.

Ornatus. Of the broad spectrum of meanings of the Latin work, including the designation of a Roman rank (> ornamenta), only the technical rhetorical term, ‘rhetorical decoration’, is dealt with here. The first system-

atic treatment of stylistic ormatus is in > Theophrastus’ teachings on the virtues of speech (— virtutes dicendi). Here, ornatus appears as the fourth virtue, after Hellenismos/Latinitas

(linguistic

correctness),

sapheéneial

explanatio, perspicuitas (clarity) and prépon/decorum, aptum (appropriacy) (Cic. Orat. 79; the Stoics later also added — brevitas as the fifth virtue).

et al., Le décor geométrique de la mosaique romaine, 1985

Theophrastus speaks of xataoxevr/kataskeue (Diog. Laert. 7,59; cf. Cic. Orat. 79; [1]), but Aristotle

23 V. RIEMENSCHNEIDER, Pompejanische OrnamentBander des 4. Stils, in: Boreas 9, 1986, 105-112 24C.

Theophrastus makes three divisions: 1) ekloge, 2) har-

scher Grabstelen, in: AA 1985, 218-229

22 C. BALMELLE

PALLASMANN-UNTEREGGER, Entstehung und Entwicklung der Quadratsysteme in der romischen Mosaikkunst, in: JOAI 57, 1986/87, Suppl. 220-290 25 A. M. Bis1, Ateliers phéniciens dans le monde égéen, in: E. Liprnski (ed.), Phoenicia and the East Mediterranean in the First Millennium B.C., 1987, 225-237 26 W. MULLER-WIENER, Griechisches Bauwesen in der Antike, 1988, 112-137

27C. Koranpa, Geometrisches Gliederungsschemata friihchristlicher Mosaiken in Bulgarien, in: JOAI 61, 1991/92, 83-111 28 Proceedings of the International Conference on Greek Architectural Terracottas of the Classical and Hellenistic Periods (Hesperia Suppl. 27), 1994

29J. M. Hurwit, A Note on Ornament, Nature,

and Boundary in Early Greek Art, in: BABesch 67, 1992, 63-72 30K. SCHMELZEISEN, ROmische Mosaiken der Africa Proconsularis. Studien zu Ornament, Datierung und

Werkstatten,

1992

31E.

SEMANTONE-BOURNIA,

Anthemia ionikon epitymbion stelon, in: Archaiognosia 8, 1993/94, 141-152

32E. RysTeEpT (ed.), Deliciae fic-

tiles. Proceedings of the First International Conference on Central Italic Architectural Terracottas at the Swedish Institute in Rome, ro-12 December

1990, 1993

33 H.

Macurre, Christians, Pagans, and the Representation of Nature, in: D. Witters (ed.), Begegnung von Heidentum und Christentum im spatantiken Agypten (Riggisberger

(Poet.

1457b 2, 1458a

33 etc.) of xdopoc/kdsmos.

monia, 3) schemata (Cic. Orat. 80; Dion. Hal. de Iso-

crate 3,1 58 V.-R.; [2]). The first aspect consists in the selection of naturally beautiful words, the second in their combination (Cic. Orat. 149; Dion. Hal. Comp. 18,2,7,18) and the third corresponds to > figures (schemata), but even in the first part, a choice can be made between words and metaphors (see Simpl. commentary in Aristot. Cat. p. 10). Apart from an extensive account in Aristotle (also in the Poetics), the first fully developed treatment of the figures is found in the + Rhetorica ad Herennium (B. 4), and appears to derive from the Sophists, the ‘Gorgianic figures’ (Togyieat oynwata; on the name see [3]) and the ‘word

figures’ (oyywata tic A€Eews) referring to Protagoras. Alongside both of these, the > metaphors and the ten (in other text books 14) figures later called ‘tropes’ (todm0t) by the Stoics are found in the Rhet. Her. [2. 305-4373 4. 222-240]. The Latin name exornationes also expresses an affinity with the ornatus. The frequency of tropes and figures in a speech was connected with the genus dicendi of the speech. The teaching of the > genera dicendi may be ascribed to

ORNATUS

235

Theophrastus or at least to the Peripatetic School [5. 50-55]. The higher the genus, the more often all types of decoration such as the schemata would be used. Asiatic eloquence (— Asianism) is distinguished from the Attic precisely by its frequent use of decoration such as the figures, the aphorism (~ gnomé) and the léxis katestrammeéne with long, complex periods and the use of sentence clausulae. Thus the ornatus also affected sentence

construction,

the compositio

(cf. [6.315-

328]).

236

Orobiae (Oe6Pi/Ordbiai). Coastal town north-west of — Euboea, in antiquity always dependent on Histiaea, modern Rovies. Oracular centre of Apollo Selinountios. In 426 BC severely devastated by a violent earthquake and tsunami (Thuc. 3,89,2; Str. 9,2,135 10,1,3; IG XII 9, 1186, 2; 1189,27 and 37).

> Natural catastrophes F. Geyer, Topographie und Geschichte der Insel Euboia, 1903, 95f.; J. ScHmIDT, s.v. O., RE 18, 1133f.; E. FREUND, s.v. O., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 496. — A.KU.

> Figures; > Tropes; > Virtutes dicendi 1 J. F. D‘ALToN, Roman Literary Theory and Criticism, 1962, 85,n.6 2G. CaLBouit (ed.), Cornifici Rheotrica ad C. Herennium, 71993 (with comm.)

3 M.-P. Noét, Gor-

gias et I’»invention« des Togyieia oyqpwata, in: REG 112, 1999, 193-211 4F.L. MULLER (ed.), Rhetorica ad Herennium, 1994 (with Germantransl.) 5 G. CALBOLI, From Aristotelian

47-80

A€Etc to Elocutio,

in: Rhetorica

6J. Martin, Antike Rhetorik, 1974.

16,

1998,

Gc

Orneae (‘Oove(t)ai/Orne(i)ai).

Small city c. 120 stadia to the northwest of > Argos [II 1], surrounded by the Lirkion, Durmiza and Megalovouni mountain ranges, probably not at Kastro, 3 km to the south ofJimnon on the eastern slopes of the Dur-

Orodes (’OemSn¢; Orddés). [1] O. I Parthian king around 81/80-76/5 BC who is mentioned under the name Uruda only in cuneiform texts) | 5 Ry MLO,

PrOsser

EZ Ol. WirAen 446) mile

was probably ason of > Artabanus [4] Iand therefore a brother of the kings > Mithridates [13] Il and Gotarzes I who ruled before him and > Sanatruces who ruled after him. 1T. G. Prncues, J. N. STRASSMAIER,

A. J. SACHS, Late

Babylonian Astronomical and Related Texts, 1955. J.

OgvsNer,

Randbemerkungen

zur

arsakidischen

Geschichte anhand von babylonischen Keilschrifttexten, in: AfO 3, 1975, 25-45, esp. 38f.

miza mountains (traces of a Mycaenaean town, tower

from the Classical period), but rather on a hill (5 50 m) in the upper valley of the > Inachus [2], 2:5 km west of Sterna (remains of a ring wall; [2. 188f.]). O. was an independent polis (cf. Hom. Il. 2,571; Paus. 10,18,5),

but from the 5th cent. BC a dependency of Argos as a > perioikoi community (Eidte 657.3: ..otinm S652 [1. 127-131, 210-213]) and repeatedly claimed by Sparta (for the year 416/5 BC, see Thuc. 6,7; Diod. Sic. 12,81,4f., for 352: Diod. Sic. 16,39,4). Strabo (1st

[2] O. If Parthian king, son of > Phraates ILI; together with his brother, Mithridates [14] IL], he eliminated his father around 57 BC (Cass. Dio 39,56,1-2). In the

ensuing struggle for the throne, Mithridates surrendered to his brother who had him killed (Just. Epit. 42,4). When Licinius [I 11] Crassus invaded Mesopotamia in 54 BC, O. himself took action against > Artavasdes [2] II of Armenia, who was allied to Rome. He was able to

force Artavasdes to change his allegiance to the Par-

cents. BC/AD) is of the opinion that O. was abandoned

thian side (Cass. Dio 40,16; Plut. Crassus 22 and 33),

(Str. 8,6,24), Pausanias (2nd cent. AD), however, describes ‘O: as inhabited’ (Paus:-2,25,5f:;, 8)27,0;

whilst the royal commander,

BC, the Parthian counter-offensive, which Cicero, the

10,18,5). 1M. Moaat, I sinecismi interstatali greci, 1976 2N. D. PAPACHATZIS, Tlavoaviou “EAAGSo0¢ Teouhynots, vol. 2, 1976.

PRITCHETT 3, 19-32; MULLER, 818.

Y.L. E.0.

Ornis see > Constellations Ornithiae see > Winch Orobazus

Suren, destroyed the

Roman army at Carrhae (— Harran) in 53 BC. In 51

(Og6fatoc/Ordbazos).

Envoy of the Par-

thian king > Mithridates [13] II who met > Cornelius [I 90] Sulla, the proconsular governor of Cilicia, in AD 96 (Plut. Sulla 5,4) in order to offer him ‘friendship and an alliance’ (Liv. epitome 70; Rufius Festus 15,2; Flor.

Epit. 3,12). He is said to have subsequently paid with his life for his inadequate resistance to the humiliating behaviour of the Roman (Plut. Sulla 5,4).

JW,

governor

of Cilicia, feared, was

undertaken

by O.

without much force (Cass. Dio 40,28,3; 40,29,3). O.

also did not intervene in the struggle between Caesar and Pompey, although the latter considered seeking asylum with the Parthians (Plut. Pompeius 76). Later he supported the group of Caesar’s murderers with a contingent of archers (App. Civ. 4,88; 4,133). After the temporary end of the power struggle in Rome, O. was led into a renewed invasion into Roman territory by the young > Labienus [2], who had remained at his court after the battle of Philippi in 42 BC. However, after initial successes, the Parthian crown prince > Pacorus succumbed to the Romans under Ventidius Bassus at Gindarus. Having become melancholic because of the death of his favourite son, O. abdicated in 38 BC in favour of his son > Phraates IV, who soon had him

murdered (Just. Epit. 42,4,11-5,1). P. ARNAUD, Les guerres parthiques de Gabinius et de Crassus et la politique occidentale des Parthes Arsacides entre 70 et 53 av. J.-C., in: E. DaBrowa (ed.), Ancient Iran

25 237

238

and the Mediterranean World (Electrum 2), 1998, 13-34;

ORONTES

D. Timpe, Die Bedeutung der Schlacht von Carrhae, in:

R. BRutet, Arlon, in: J.-P. Petit (ed.), Atlas des agglomérations secondaires de la Belgique, des Germanies et de

MH 19, 1962, 104-129; J. Worsk1, L’émpire des Arsacides, 1993, esp. 128-140.

l‘Occident romain, 1994, 259f. (nr. 329); P. GOESSLER, s.v. O., RE 18, 1144-1156; H. Graria et al., Sauvetage

[3] O. IM Arsacid of otherwise unknown descent who

was elevated to the Parthian throne after the expulsion of > Phraates V (around AD 4) and was soon murdered on account of his cruelty (Jos. Ant. Iud. 18,2,4). PIR? O

sate [4] Son of > Artabanus [5] II. After Artabanus had already lost his son > Arsaces [3] in an attempt to instate a branch of his family in Armenia, he despatched O. with the same objective around AD 36. With the support of Rome, the Iberian > Mithridates [20] and his Caucasian auxiliary units defeated O. in battle. O. was wounded and probably died soon afterwards (Tac. Ann. 6,33-35; cf. Jos. Ant. Iud. 18,2,4). PIR* O 152. M. Scuorrky, Parther, Meder und Hyrkanier, in: AMI 24, 1991, 61-134, esp. 63, 82, 98f. M.SCH.

Oroetes

(Ogoityc¢; Oroités). Persian governor in Sar-

deis who (according to Hdt. 3,120ff.) had > Polycrates [1] enticed from Samos to Magnesia and crucified. When O. refused to assist > Darius [1] I after the death of + Cambyses [2], Darius had him disposed of (according to Herodotus, through a command from the royal envoy Bagaeus to the O.’s bodyguard). From the entourage of O., the physician > Democedes came to the Persian court. P. BRIANT, Histoire de l‘Empire perse: de Cyrus a Alexandre, 1996, s.v. Oroites JW,

Orolaunum. Present-day Arlon-Arel (Belgium, province of Luxembourg), > vicus of the civitas of the ~ Treveri, probably the main town of one of their — pagi. It was built by the sources of the Semois at the crossing point of the important major roads from + Durocortorum

to > Augusta

[6] Treverorum

Anton. 366,2; [1]) and from > Divodurum

(Itin.

dans le vicus romain d‘Arlon, in: Archaeologica Belgica 258, 1984, 47-51; J. MERTENS, Le rempart romain d’ Arlon (Archaeologicum Belgii Speculum 7), 1973. — F.SCH.

Orontes (Oodvim¢/Orontes, MSS; “Ogovtas/Orontas, OGIS 264,4; Agodvdy¢/Arodndes, OGIS 390ff.). Armenian satraps and kings: O. [1-6]; the river O. [7].

[1] Relative of the royal family. After initial antagonism with > Cyrus [3] the Younger, O. became his follower, and was subsequently convicted of treason and executed (Xen. An. 1,6; 9,29).

Jw.

[2] O.1 Son of the Bactrian Artasyras. As the Persian

governor of Armenia, he married ~ Rhodogune, the daughter of > Artaxerxes [2] II, soon after 4or BC (OGIS 392; Xen. An. 2,4,8). His involvement in the

uprising of satraps in 361/60 (Pomp. Trog. Prologi 10) cost him his position in Armenia, but he was compensated by being made governor of Mysia (Diod. Sic. 15,90f.; [2. No. 3863-3865]). From there he rose against ~ Artaxerxes [3] II] (OGIS 264a) in 357, but ultimately made peace with him and died after 349. 1M. C. Osporne, O., in: Historia 22, 1973, 515-551 2 E. und W. Szaivert, D. R. Sear, Griechischer Miinzkatalog, vol. 2, 1983 3R. D. Wirkinson, O., Son of

Artasyras,

in: Revue

des Etudes Arméniennes

N.S. 7,

1970, 445-450.

[3] O. IL Son of O. [2], who was appointed governor of Armenia by ~ Darius [3] II] and commanded the troops of the satrapy at Gaugamela in 331 BC (Arr. Anab. 3,8,5). It appears that he then became autonomous (OGIS 393) and warded off Alexander [4] the Great’s plan to hand control of Armenia to > Mithrenes. He died soon after this. [4] O. I Pace [1] not identical to O. [3], but probably his grandson. In 317 BC, he is attested as the satrap of Armenia under Macedonian sovereignty (Diod. Sic.

to Adua-

19,23; cf. Polyaenus, Strat. 4,8,3). After the battle of

tuca. In view of the threat from barbarians the settlement was transferred to the northern hill town (presentday St. Donat) at the end of the 3rd/beginning of the 4th cent. and protected by an oval ring wall 780m long and 4m thick. There were baths (CIL XIII 11374), latrines, cellars as well as lime kilns and pottery workshops in the rsha large vicus in the plain itself. The numerous reliefs and numerous stones (mainly gravestones) with inscriptions ([2]; CIL XIII 3980-4027; 11341-1143) used as spolia in ramparts from Late Antiquity show artistic and cultural parallels with Augusta [6] Treverorum (Trier). The only known early Christian church (4th cent.) in Belgium was in the vicinity of the baths, which were still in use in the 4th cent. AD.

> Ipsus (301), he acknowledged the rule of > Seleucus I (App. Syr. 55). In about 280, O., who was king then, supported Ariarathes II of Cappadocia against Amyntas, the Seleucidian strategist (Diod. Sic. 31,19,4f.).

1P. Watrzinc, Inscriptions latines de la Belgique romaine, in: Musée Belge 26, 1922, 62 2 ESPERANDIEU, Rec. 5, 4012-4125, 4128, 4136; Rec. 9, 7224f.

1 W. OrtH, Die Diadochenzeit im Spiegel der historischen Geographie (TAVO Beih. B 80), 1993, 112 s.v. Armenia.

[5] Descendant (probably the great-grandson) of O. [4]; the first traceable ruler, who reigned around 200 BC (Str. 11,14,15), of an independent eastern Armenia, out of which Great Armenia (— Armenia) emerged. A Greek inscription from Armavir [1] demonstrates that O. was an ancestor (probably the grandfather) of the

eastern Armenian ‘founder of the kingdom’ > Artaxias [1] I, with whom he reigned jointly for a time under Seleucid sovereignty. 1J. und L. Rosert,

Bulletin épigraphique,

Arménie, in: REG 65, 1952, 181-185.

No.

176:

239

240

[6] O. TV (Artanes: Str. 11,14,15). The descendant of O. [4], son of » Mithrobuzanes, was king of — So-

der Holophernes in the apocryphal Book ofJudith may have been derived from O.’s name.

ORONTES

phene, a state in the tradition of the Hellenistic (western) Armenian empire. Around 93 BC, he was

deposed by > Tigranes II] of Great Armenia, a descendant of O. [5], but it is unlikely that, as assumed in [1], he was killed. 1 TH. FRANKFORT,

La Sophéne et Rome, in: Latomus 22,

1963, 181-190.

M. ScHotrky, Media Atropatene und Grofs-Armenien in hellenistischer Zeit, 1989; C. TouMANOoFF, A Note on the Orontids I, in: Muséon 72, 1959, I-36. M.SCH.

[7] Modern Nahr al-‘Asi. This river, which is about 450 km long, has its source close to Heliopolis (modern +» Baalbek, Lebanon) between Libanus and Antilibanus (cf. Plin. HN 5,80). On its fertile banks were situa-

ted the cities of > Emesa (modern Hims, Syria), > Epiphaneia

[2] (modern

Hamah)

and

> Antioch

[1]

(modern Antakya, Turkey), from where it was navigable up to its estuary in the Mediterranean Sea south of » Seleucia near Samadagi at the beginning of the

H. H. Scumirtt, s.v. Kappadokien, Kleines Lexikon des Hellenismus, *1993, 329-332.

M.SCH.

Oropus (Ogwxd Halicarnassus as satrap of Caria against Alexander [4] the Great, and ultimately the castle against + Ptolemaeus. Following his flight in 333, O. commanded Persian troops at sGaugamela ArreAnabs mone Curt, Ay c2a7a

1.23512) 5.75. 358.5s10 Ds Ss1O EI.

376 shat; Strang, 1.225226

Pause ay

1 A. DRAGONA, H aoyatotaty tomoyeapia tov Qowstov, in:

ArchE 133, 1994, 43-45 2H.R. Goerte, Studien zur historischen Landeskunde Attikas 5, in: MDAI(A) 110, 1995,253-260 3 C. Lone, Die Statuenbasen im Amphiareion von O., in: MDAI(A) 108, 1993, 183-212 4V.C. PETRAKOS, Ot extyoadées tov Qowmo0t, 1997 5M. PoLoGIORGE, Tadot tov Qomxot, in: AD 43, 1988 (1995) nr. 1,

114-137 6 TRAVLOS, Attika, 301ff. images 378-401 (with older bibliography). G. ArGoup, Digues du torrent de ‘Amphiaraion d’O., in: H. BersTer, J. BUCKLER (ed.), Boiotika, 1989, 245-252; H.R. Goerre, Athen — Attika — Megaris, 1993, 202-207; M. KOSMOPOULOS, AeyatohoyiZ~n EQEVVAa OTHV TMEQELOYN tov Qownov, in: ArchE 128, 1989, 163-175; A. PETRO-

POULOU, The Eparche Documents and the Early Oracle at

BrIANT, Index s.v. O.; S$. Ruzicka, Politics of a Persian Dynasty, 1992, 132-155. JW,

Orophernes [1] Brother of Ariarathes I of Cappadocia who helped + Artaxerxes [3] Ill in the Egyptian campaigns. His brother adopted his son Ariarathes II. [2] (also Olophernes in the manuscripts). Son of Ariarathes IV of Cappadocia and Antiochis. He was allegedly foisted on the king by the queen who was initially childless. When she wanted to obtain the crown for her younger son Mithridates (= Ariarathes V), O. was sent

out of the country and brought up in Priene. After the death of Ariarathes IV, O., in league with

Grit

7,11,4; Steph. Byz. s.v. ‘Q.; Ptol. 3,14,7.

> Demetrius

[7] I, tried to ascend to the throne around 160 BC, but the Roman Senate decreed the division of the kingdom between him and Ariarathes V in 157/6 BC. Soon afterwards, O. fled from the hatred of his subjects to Demetrius who took him prisoner. The name of the comman-

O., in: GRBS 22, 1981, 39-63; M. POLOGIORGE, Mvnueia. Tov duTixov vexootadetov Tou Ogorov, 1998. H.LO.

Oros ("Ogos). Highest point on the island of > Aegina (532m), modern-day Hagios Elias; cone of volcanic origin on the southern part of the island. Fortified settlement at the summit dating from the Mycenaean period, since the Geometric period a cultic site dedicated to Zeus Hellanios, including an altar and a shrine that continued to be enlarged well into the Hellenistic era: on the north slope a terrace with building remains and inscriptions. G. WELTER, Aigina, 1938, 26f., 91f., 102;J.SCHMIDT, s.v. O., RE 18,

1175-77; PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN 3, 52.

AKU.

Orosius Paulus (?) O. came from Bracara (modern-day

Braga/Portugal) and went to Africa in AD 414, where he met + Augustine. On Augustine’s behalf, he jour-

241

242

neyed to Bethlehem, to > Hieronymus. In 415 he opposed > Pelagius at the Synod of Jerusalem. Evidence of O.’s opposition to dissenting tendencies within the Church is also found in his Commonitorium de errore Priscillianistarum et Origenistarum, sent as a letter to Augustine, to which Augustine responded with his treatise Ad Orosium contra Priscillianistas et Origenistas (> Origen; > Priscilla). O.’s Liber apologeticus, in which he speaks out against Pelagianism, should also be viewed in this context. O.’s principal work is the Historiae adversum paganos, or ‘History against the pagans’, in seven volumes, which was written in 416—417/8 and was the first universal Christian history; it sought to show the suffering of human existence, beginning with the fall of mankind (1,1,4): ‘Ego initium miseriae hominum ab initio peccati hominis docere institui’. Not until 1,4 does a more comprehensive history begin, starting with the king who built the first great empire, the Assyrian Ninos [1], and continuing up to AD 417. As O. states in the prologue (prol. 1-3), he was carrying out a task assigned to him by Augustine, who wished for a historiography to supplement his work De civitate dei, ‘City of God’. This history was an apology seeking to demonstrate that the plagues of that time were not the result of a lack of devotion to the gods and hence the fault of Christianity. Instead, all of human history was marked by catastrophes that declined steadily only during the tempora Christiana, the era following the birth of Christ. This

argument is supported by the accounting of wars and terrors cheerfully provided by O. The first volume covers the period up to the founding of Rome, the second concludes with the invasion of the Gauls (387 BC). Volumes 3 and 4 deal primarily with the expansion of Rome up to the fall of Carthage (146 BC). Volume 6 ends with the birth of Christ, while Volume 7 deals with events after Christ’s birth. O. consulted the chronicle of the world by > Eusebius [7] as translated by Hieronymus, as well as — Livy’s Periochae and > Suetonius. He appears to have made particular use of the world history by — Pompeius Trogus in Justin’s Epitome [5]. This is also certainly the source of his classification of the course of history into four empires (Babylonian, Macedonian, Carthaginian and Roman), which was to be particularly influential during the Middle Ages [8; ro]. O.’s historical work was of profound significance during the Middle Ages (245 manuscripts) —as a source as wellasa formal example [7; 5; 6]. EDITIONS: 1PL 31, 663-1216 2K. D. Daur (ed.), CCL 49, 1985, 157-163 (Commonitorium) 3 C. ZANGEMEISTER, CSEL 5, 1882; repr. 1967 (Liber apologeticus; Historiae) 4A. Lippoip, 2 vols., 1985-86 (German transl.). TRANSLATIONS: 5D.J.A. Ross, Illuminated Manuscripts of O., in: Scriptorium 9, 1955, 35-56 6J. M.

BaTeLey, D.J.A. Ross,

A Check List of Manuscripts of

O., Hist. adv. pag. |. VII, in: Scriptorium 15, 1961, 329334BIBLIOGRAPHY:

7A. D. VON

DEN BRINCKEN, Studien

ORPHANS zur lateinischen Weltchronistik bis in das Zeitalter Ottos von Freising, 1957, 8off. 8 H.-W. Gorrz, Die Geschichtstheologie des O., 1980, 71-79 9 R. HERZOG, O. oder die Formulierung eines Fortschrittskonzepts aus der Erfahrung des Niedergangs, in: R. KOSELLECK et al. (ed.), Niedergang, 1988, 79-102 10D. Kocu-PETErRs, Ansichten des O. zu seiner Zeit, 1984. U.E.

Orphans (deavoc/orphanos; Lat. orbus). I. GREECE II. ROME I. GREECE In Graeco-Roman antiquity, a high > mortality rate and a great difference in the > marrying age of men and women led to many children losing their father before they reached the age of majority. In Greek thinking, a fatherless child was regarded as an orphan (dedavoc/ orphanos). Orphans had a guardian (émiteomoc/—> epitropos [2] or domamotys/orphanistés) appointed, generally an agnatic relative, frequently an uncle on the father’s side; it was also possible to designate a guardian in one’s — will. The guardian administered his ward’s property, which in Classical Athens he had to hand over to him intact, together with accumulated returns and interest, when the ward reached his majority at the age of 18 years. Being then of age, the son could take over the paternal — o7kos, he inherited the family property and cult and thus guaranteed the continuation of the oikos. In Athens, and also in other Greek poleis, legal regulations were devised to protect orphans from the loss of their paternal legacy. Orphans, > widows, daughterheirs (+ epikléros) and women who were left pregnant by their late husbands stood under the protection of the archon eponymos (> drchontes [I]). These legal provisions were not exclusively devoted to the protection of the orphans but were instead focused on safeguarding the ofkoi of the citizens in a > polis (Aristot. Ath. pol. 56,6 f.; cf. on Charondas Diod. 12,15). As with other proceedings involving a particular public interest, legal actions against guardians took the form of an eioayyehia/— eisangelia: the charge could even be made by someone not directly affected, and the plaintiff incurred no penalty if he did not obtain a requisite number of votes from the judges. The protection that the polis extended to orphans, however, was not always adequate; the defencelessness of orphans is highlighted in many Attic legal orations (Isaeus 5,9-11; Demosth. Or. 27,6-8; 27,63-66). Indeed, it was often difficult for minors whose property had been misappropriated by guardians to find legal representation outside their family to look after their interests. Considering the likelihood of complaint, the guardian’s task was a thankless one: admnistration of the ward’s property required a large investment of time and the guardian constantly faced the threat of accusations of embezzlement. In order to forestall any such accusation, many guardians rented out their wards’ property to third parties. The person leasing it had to

ORPHANS

244

243

provide security from his own property. In this way, orphans had access to a secure income to finance their upbringing before they reached their majority.

A. MytTHOLoGy

Several trials are attested against guardians for misappropriating their wards’ property; Demosthenes [2] brought an action against the guardian whom his father had appointed, > Aphobus (Demosth. Or. 2729; cf. also Or. 30 and 31). Just how contentious the tendering of accounts could be, in particular the drawing up of costs of orphans’ maintenance, is shown by the trial of > Diogeiton (Lys. 32); another case is mentioned in passing in the course of an inheritance trial

A. MyTHOLOGY O. is usually considered to be the son of the Muse >» Calliope [1] and the Thracian king > Oeagrus, more rarely of Apollo (Apollod. 1,14f.; schol. Pind. Pyth. 4,313a DR. = FGrH 12 F 6a; Apoll. Rhod. 1,24f. with schol.). Also indicating a proximity to the > Muses is that Pieria (> Pierides) is sometimes named as his residence (Apoll. Rhod. 1,23-33). Familial, and in part teacher-student, relationships were constructed with, among others > Linus (schol. Eur. Rhes. 895 = FGrH 12 F 6b; Apollod. 1,14f.; Diod. Sic. 3,67,2), > Musaeus

(Isaeus 7,6 f.).

From the 5th cent. onwards in Athens, orphans whose fathers had fallen in battle were brought up at public expense. Aristotle [6] attributes this law to + Hippodamus (Thuc. 2,46,1; 249a; Aristot. Pol. 1268a).

Plat.

Menex.

248e-

Il. ROME If a > pater familias in Rome died without leaving a -» will, the closest male agnate (> agnatio) became the guardian

(tutor;

— tutela [1]legitima);

this generally

meant a paternal uncle or an elder brother. The tutela legitima the ward was taken up by whoever would inherit from (pupillus, pupilla), with the exception that, while

a woman

could inherit, she could not assume

guardianship. The guardian was responsible for all matters relating to the administration of the property. Young people were free of guardianship on reaching the age of 14 years but even then they still did not have full legal competence. Up until the age of 25, they were subject to a curator, whose approval was required for any business undertaking they wished to engage in. Bringing up the orphans was mainly taken care of by the mother, if she had not remarried. However, she could not take any decision on her children’s property. In Roman law, guardianship had been precisely regulated since the Law of Twelve Tablets (> tabulae duodecim), Specific provisions covered the appointment of guardians, their authority and the ending of guardianship; there was scope for declining a guardianship as also for removing guardians (Inst. lust. 1,13-15; I,17—-223 1,24—26; 2,8,2).

+ Child, children; + Family; ~> Kinship; > Widow

— Inheritance

law;

1 M. GoLpEN, Childhood in Classical Athens, 1990 2R. Just, Women in Athenian Law and Life, 1989, 30-32 3 J.-U. Krause, Witwen und Waisen im Romischen Reich, 4 vols., 1994/5 41. WEILER, Zum Schicksal der Witwen und Waisen bei den Volkern der Alten Welt, in: Saeculum 31, 1980, 157-193. JK.

Orpheus (Oodev Homerus [1] (Charax FGrH 103 F 62). O. was also included early (earliest sources: Simon. fr. 384 PMG (?); pic-

torial representation: Delphi, Mus. 13 23.1323a.1210, 570/60 BC) among the > Argonauts (Pind. Pyth. 4,176f.; Apoll. Rhod. 1,32-34; in contrast, Pherecydes of Athens FGrH 3 F 26), possibly beating time for the rowers (Eur. Hypsipyle fr. 1 col. 3 v. 8-15a BOND). The core of the O. myth is formed by the magical power of his music and song. The phorminx (Pind. Pyth. 4,176f. with schol.; Apoll. Rhod. 1,31), the kithara (Plat. Ion 533b-c) and the lyre (Nicom., MSG 266, 2-4; Callistratus ekphrasis 7 p. 59 SCHENKL-REISCH) are ascribed to O. as instruments ( Musical instruments). Later, he is also connected with the (re)invention of harmony (Diod. Sic. 3,59,5f.) and is considered to have expanded the formerly seven-stringed lyre of Hermes to nine strings, corresponding to the number of the Muses (Pseudo-Eratosth. katasterismoi 24 p. 28,429,4 OLIvieR!I). O. beguiles everything with his enchanting music (Aesch. Ag. 1629f.), even animals and plants (Simon. fr. 384 PMG; Eur. Bacch. 560-564; Ov. Met. 10,86ff.; pictorial representation: Palermo, NM 2287)

and

inanimate

nature

(Eur.

IA

1211-1214;

Apoll. Rhod. 1,26-31). O. experiences his greatest victory and, at the same time, his greatest defeat in the underworld (Eur. Alc. 357-360; Verg. G. 4,453-506; Ov. Met. 10,1-63; Apollod. 1,14f.; pictorial representation: [13]): after the death of his wife > Eurydice [1] (according to Hermesianax in Ath. 13,597b-c: Agriope), O. descends into the underworld in order to lead her out (cf. Pl. Phd. 68a; in Isoc. Or. 11,8 O. takes on the role of leading back the

dead in general). With the help of his music, he is able to soften the gods of the underworld and receives Eurydice back (only her phantom in Pl. Symp. 179d-e); however, he may not turn around to face her before reaching the upper world. But O. disobeys this commandment, whereupon Eurydice must return to the underworld. After Eurydice’s death, O. turns away from women and introduces pederasty to Thrace. Possibly for this reason, he is torn apart by angry Thracian women (Phanocles in Stob. 4,20,47; Verg. G. 4,520ff.; Paus. 9,30,5; pictorial representation: [14]), or by > maenads on the order of Dionysus, because O. honoured him less that

245

246

Helios (Pseudo-Eratosth. Katasterismoi 24 p. 29 OLI-

rounded by men in Thracian clothes, and the death of O. at the hands of the Thracian women. In the foreground is the conflict between civilization and barbarism, made clear by O.’ representation as a Greek hero (not in Thracian clothing). His farewell to his wife is depicted only on the Classical three-figure relief (Naples, NM). In lower Italian painting, on the other hand, O. is only a minor figure. Finally, in Rome, his taming of nature comes to the fore (Palermo, NM 2287), and thus becomes a primary subject of Roman + mosaics throughout the Empire, into late Antiquity.

vieERI). According to other traditions, O. is killed by

lightning from Zeus because of his teachings divulged in the > mysteries (Paus. 9,30,5). Pieria (Apollod. 1,14f.), Thrace, Dion [II 2] or Libethra in Boeotia (Anth. Pal. 7,9; Paus. 9,30,9) are named as his place of burial. The

head of O. reaches the sea and is washed to Lesbos (Phanocles in Stob. 4,20,47; Ov. Met. r1,50ff.), therefore this spot is considered the site of his temple and oracle (Philostr. VA 4,14) and also the capital of music (Proclus

in Pl. Resp.

1,174,213

2,314,24

KROLL).

According to another version, in the Pangaeum mountains, a snake emerges from the head of O. and kithara grass — which later served as lyre strings in the Dionysus festivals (Pseudo-Plut. De fluviis 3,4) — from his blood. After O.’ death, his lyre is placed in the heavens as a constellation (Pseudo-Eratosth. katasterismoi 24 p. 30 OLIVIERI; Pseudo-Plut. De fluviis 3,4; Stars, legends about), his soul is said to have chosen the life of a swan (Pl. Resp. 10,620a). In Latin poetry, O. symbolizes the supernatural power of song (Verg. G. 4,471ff.; Hor. Carm. 3,11,13ff.; Ov. Met. 10,40ff.; Sen. Herc. f. 569ff.). His failure in rescuing Eurydice makes him a figure of identification for poets who are unhappily in love, but also serves to demonstrate how ultimately powerless the art of song alone must remain (Ov. Tr. 4,1,17f.; Herc. O.

ORPHEUS

Through his attributes (himation and instrument), O.

resembles the iconography of Apollo, thus demonstrating his membership in this circle [7; 8].

D. HisTORY OF RECEPTION

Hellenistic Judaism usurped O. as the inventor of monotheism

[9. 171, 299f., 368, 449, 483], a corre-

sponding ‘testament’ was written under his name [10] (> Orphism II.A.). Christianity pictured him as a ‘good shepherd’ (cf. e.g. sarcophagus of Quiriacus, Mus. Ostia, end of the 3rd cent. [11. 168f.]), even as Christ (e.g. catacombs SS. Marcellino e Pietro, Rom, end ofthe

4th cent. [11. 170]). Starting with Boethius (Consolatio

B. CuLT O.’ role as a seer, doctor and magician and the content of the earliest Orphic texts (+ Orphism) suggest the existence of a real, historical model, perhaps a Thracian ‘shaman’. Chronologically, these texts can be dated to the 6th cent. BC on account of references to + Pythagoras and his followers. The Derveni papyrus

philosophiae 3,12), who interpreted the story of O. and Eurydice platonically as an allegory of the theme of the relapse into the world of the senses (as in Plato’s allegory of the cave), the Middle Ages frequently interpreted it as the victory of earthly sensuality over the pursuit of the divine (Remigius of Auxerre, Comm. on Boeth. lic.3 cf. [15. 10,2494-3008, 3305-3329]). The neoPlatonic circles of the 15th cent. celebrated O. as a musical philosopher and religious founder: Marsilio Ficino, Cristoforo LANDINO and Angelo PoLiz1aANo [r1. 176f.]. The latter’s Favola d‘Orfeo (1480) became the basis of the libretto of C. MONTEVERDI’s like-

(PDerveni), among others, attest to the existence of wri-

named

tings which make O. the founder of the cult and originator of > mysteries the beliefs of which are largely similar to those of the Pythagoreans (> Pythagorean school) — can be proven for this time (according to Ion of Chios, various Orphic texts even come from Pythagoras: Ion, Triagmoi 36 B 2 DK). In addition, O. plays an important role in the Bacchic + Dionysia as a prophet and founder of the cult (cf., for example, the finds

legend was placed ina pastoral milieu, an ambience that would be constitutive for the main thread of subsequent reception: opera (list of O. operas in [12. 517—521])

1031ff.; Boeth. Consolatio philosophiae 3,12) [2; 3; 4].

from Olbia). In this context, there are also early indi-

cations of the use of ‘holy scriptures’ and writings in everyday cultic life. The Orphic cults experienced a rapid spread through Athens (4th cent. BC), Tarentum and Macedonia. Ultimately, they were spread across a large part of the ancient world [5; 6]. C. ANCIENT ICONOGRAPHY The earliest indication of the Greek O. myth is found on a metope from Delphi (570/60 BC: Delphi, Mus. 1323.1323a.1210). O.’ participation in the Argosy is uniquely represented in art here. He appears only rarely in black-figure vase painting. This changes in red-figure painting: popular themes here are the singing O. sur-

opera

(1607). This was the first time the O.

and painting (e.g. N. Poussin (1650), morein[11. 179-

RSs Lee Sangitelllle In the roth and zoth cents., the figure ofO.was once again primarily taken up by literature. Its themes were the essence of artistry, but also the mystery of music and love, poetry and death, e.g. P. VALERY, ‘Orphée’ (1891); W.H. AupDEN, ‘O.’ (1937); R.M. RILKE, ‘Sonette an Orpheus’ (1922). In music, O. is thematized either as a

farce (J. OFFENBACH, ‘O. in the Underworld’: 1858) or as a psychological problematization of artistry (E. KRENEK, ‘O. and Eurydike’, libretto O. KoKOSCHKa: 1915). In the recent past, the image of O. has become gloomy, pessimistic, sometimes surrealistic-alienated: e.g. J. COCTEAU, ‘Orphée’ (1926 as a play, 1949 as a film); J. ANOUILH (1942); T. WILLIAMS, ‘Orpheus Descending’ (1955, filmed in 1960 as ‘The Fugitive Kind’); A. SCHMIDT, ‘Caliban uber Setebos’ (1964) [rr. 182193, more works in 12. 516f.].

247

248

3M. O.

ques et rituel bacchique, in: P. BorGEaup (ed.), Orphisme

Ler, Virgil as O., 1996 4 W.-S. ANDERSON, The O. of Virgil and Ovid, in: J. WARDEN (ed.), O.: The Metamor-

et Orphée. Festschrift J.Rudhardt, 1991, 31-42 5 W. Bur-

ORPHEUS

1OF

2C. SEGAL, The Myth of the Poet, 1989

phosis of a Myth, 1982, 25-50

5 M. West, The Orphic

Poems, 1983 (reprint 1998) 6 W. BURKERT, 440-447 7 M.-X. GAREZOU, s.v. O., LIMC 7.1, 81-105; 7.2, 57-77

8 F. M. SCHOELLER, Darstellungen des O. in der Antike, Diss. Freiburg, 1969 9M. HENGEL, Judentum und Hellenismus, 31988

10 CHR. RIEDWEG, Jiidisch-hellenisti-

sche. Imitation eines orphischen Hieros Logos. Beobachtungen zum

OF 245 und 247 (sog. Testament des O.)

(Classica Monacensia 7), 1993 11 H. HOFMANN, O., in: Id. (ed.), Antike Mythen in der europaischen Tradition, 1999 12E. M. Moormann, W. UITTERHOEVE, s.v. O., Lexikon der antiken Gestalten, 1995 13 TRENDALL/CAMBITOGLOU, vol. 2, 733, 46 14 BEAzLEY, ARV” 1014,2 15 C. DE Boer (ed.), Ovide moralisé en prose, 1954.

KERT, Orphism and Bacchic Mysteries. New Evidence and Old Problems of Interpretation, in: Protocol for the Center

of Hermeneutical

Studies

in Hellenistic

and

Modern Cultures. Colloquy 28,1977, 1-10 6 M. Dickie, The Dionysiac Mysteries in Pella, in: ZPE ro9, 1995, 8186 7R. Koransxy, Greek Magical Amulets, 1994 8G. ZuNTZ, Persephone, 1971 9S. I. JoHnston, T. J. MCNI-

VEN, Dionysos and the Underworld in Toledo, in: MH 53, 1996, 25-36 10H. Lroyp-Jones, Pindar and the AfterLife, in: Pindare (Entretiens sur l‘Antiquité Classique 31), 1984, 245-283 = Id., Greek Epic, Lyric and Tragedy, 1990, 80-109 +=11 P. KincGsiey, Ancient Philosophy, Mystery and Magic, 1995 12P. CHrysostoMou, He Thessaliké Thea Ennodia Pheraia Thea (diss. Thessalonike), 1991, 372. S.LJ.

J. BREMMER, O. From Guru to Gay, in: PH. BORGEAUD

(Hrsg.), Orphisme et Orpheé. FS J. Rudhardt, 1991, 1330; J. B. FRIEDMANN,

O. in the Middle Ages, 1970; F.

GraF, O.: A Poet Among Men, in: J. BREMMER (ed.), Interpretations of Greek Mythology, 1988, 80-106; C. RIEDWEG, Orfeo, in: S. SeTris (ed.), I Greci: Storia, Cultura, Arte, Societa, vol. 2.1, 1996, 1251-1280; D. SAN-

SONE, O. and Eurydice in the Fifth Century, in: CeM 36, 1985, 53-64; K. ZIEGLER, s.v. O., RE

18, 1200-1316,

1321-1417.

DNP-G.K.

Orphicae Lamellae (Orphic gold leafs). A number of Greek texts on thin gold foil from grave finds; the Latin expression has become established since [1]. A critical edition of most of the texts known until 1997 (18 in total) can be found in [2]. The texts contain instructions and information to guide the soul of the dead on its way through the underworld and to guarantee its preferential treatment by the gods of the same place. They are called ‘Orphic’ because early scholarship, knowing significantly less texts than we do today, connected them to Orphism. However, new finds, e.g. by mentioning Bacchoi (+ Bacchus), show that they are related to the Dionysian mysteries, in which > Dionysus and Persephone are central figures ([2.392; 8; 12], cf. [9]). The

majority of the leafs come from South Italy, northern Greece and Crete, one comes from Sicily, another from Rome. Most ofthe texts date from the 4th cent. BC, but the one from Hipponium probably from the 5th cent. BC, while the text from Rome dates from the 2nd/3rd cents AD. Several of them were found near a body, close to a hand or, in one case, in the mouth (cf. [6]); one was enclosed in an amulet container [7.107-112]. The ritual context in which these texts were written and put inside graves is unknown, but it seems reasonable to presuppose an initiation to a Bacchic mystery association ([{3; 4], cf. [5]). Particulars are fiercely debated |is7S-)0sm 1

~ Mysteries; > Orphics; ~ Orphism 1A. Ottviert, Lamellae Aureae Orphicae, 1915

Orphics (Og@txot/Orphikoi). In our sources, Orphikoi are exclusively ‘authors of Orphic writings’ (schol. Eur. Alew1 =OFMotct Plats Crataicoocr ORS soalor Oeéta/hoi amphi Orphéa) or ‘priests who perform Orphic initations’ (Ach. Tat. Isagoge in Arati phaenomena 4, p. 33,17; 6, p- 37,8 Maass = OF 70) and are also called Orpheotelestai (Theophr. Char. 16,11 = OF

T 207; Philod. Peri poiémdaton Ul fr. 41 HAUSRATH = OF T 208; Plut. Mor. 224e). Only a bone tablet from > Olbia [1] (from the 5th cent. BC), published in 1978, appears to document the general meaning of ‘Orphic’ — if indeed the graffito does read AtO(vuoos) or Ato(vbowt) °Oe¢ixol, as ZHMUD argued — and thus lend a new explosiveness to the question of the existence and character of Orphic cult groups. However, given the unsatisfactory state of our sources, it seems the most plausible to presuppose that early Orphism, unlike Pythagoreanism but not uncommon in the Archaic period, was a loose organisation of purificatory and mendicant priests with high local mobility and a relatively unstable number of followers [3]; this is also how Plato sketches it (Pl. Resp. 2,364b—-3 65a; cf. PDerveni col. XVI ZPE = XX Laxs/Most). Whether later cult groups, which scholars have always thought to be behind PGouréb 1 (= OF 31; E. 3rd century BC) and particularly behind the Orphic hymns (probably 2nd cent. AD, Asia Minor) and a relief probably coming from Rome (2nd cent. AD; [2. 2929f.]), cultivated a more distinct self-definition must remain unclear. + Orphicae Lamellae; > Orphism 1 A. BERNABE, Platone e I‘orfismo, in: G. SFAMENI GasPARRO (ed.), Destino e salvezza, 1998, 37-97 2L. BrisSON, Orphée et I‘Orphisme a l’époque impériale, in: ANRW II 36.4, 1990, 2867-2931 (repr.: Id., Orphée et l‘Orphisme dans I‘Antiquité gréco-romaine, 1995, nr. IV)

3 W. Burkert, Craft Versus Sect: The Problem of Orphics and Pythagoreans, in: B. F. Meyer, E. P. SANDERS (ed.),

2C.

RIEDWEG, Initiation — Tod — Unterwelt, in: F. Grar (ed.), Ansichten griechischer Rituale, 1998, 389-398 3,

GrarF, Dionysian and Orphic Eschatology. New Texts and Old Questions, in: T. CARPENTER, C. FARAONE (ed.), The Masks of Dionysus, 1993, 239-258 4 Id., Textes orphi-

Jewish and Christian Self-Definition, vol. 3, 1982, 1-22,

183-189

4A. Masaraccuia, Orfeo e gli ‘Orfici’ in Pla-

tone, in: Id. (ed.), Orfeo e l‘orfismo, 1993, 173-197

SR.

ParKER, Early Orphism, in: A. Powet (ed.), The Greek World, 1995, 483-510 6 L. ZHMup’, Orphism and Graffiti from Olbia, in: Hermes 120, 1992, 159-168.

TH.

250

249

Orphism, Orphic Poetry I. EARLIEST EVIDENCE

Ill. OrpHic RITES ORPHISM

traced I]. ORPHIC

IV. ORPHIC

POETRY

GOLD

ORPHISM, ORPHIC POETRY back to a heroic archégétés of poetry

(like

Musaeus or Homer).

LEAFS AND A. TEXTS ATTRIBUTED

CoOsMO-THEOGONY

I. EARLIEST EVIDENCE

D. THE OrpHIC

TO ORPHEUS

C. THE ORPHIC

B. THE

HYMNS

ARGONAUTICA

The earliest evidence for Orphism refers to texts or ritual activities. A. Texts

B. RITUAL ACTIVITY

A. TEXTS (see IL below). Earliest evidence for Orphic texts: Eur. Hipp. 952-954 = Orphica Fragmenta (= OF) T 213 KERN ‘(Hippolytus), who honours the smoke of many writings (grdmmata)’, under > Orpheus as his master; Pl. Resp. 364e = OF 3: ‘a pile of books (bibloi)’, attributed to -» Musaeus [1] and > Orpheus and offered by charlatans and soothsayers to wealthy citizens. B. RITUAL ACTIVITY (see II] below): Hdt. 2,81

= OF T 216 mentions

Orphika (‘Orphic rites’) in connection with the Egyptian prohibition of burying bodies dressed in woolen garments; however, this passage combines Orphic and Pythagorean elements and the reading is uncertain [30. 163-65]. In addition, there is Pl. Resp. 364b-365a (see above): priests specialising in sacrifices and invocations (cf. Eur. Cyc. 646-648 = OF T 83) offer to cleanse private individuals and cities from the wrongs they or their forefathers committed. The ritual promise of purification and redemption applied both to this life and to the afterlife — an afterlife where initiation practices (teletai: cf. Aristoph. Ran. 1032f. = OF T go; Pl. Prt. 316d = OFT 92) will ward off terrible punishments [7]. The term dogeotedeotys (orpheotelestés, ‘someone

initiated into the mysteries of Orpheus’) appears only in the late 4th cent. BC and is associated with divinatory activities which are the privilege of the initiated (Theophr. Char. 16,11f. = OF T 207). Ancient texts place Orphic texts and the Orphic lifestyle in a geographical (comparison with Egypt) and temporal (in analogy to an ‘earlier’ life) distance, or explicitly criticise them.

Modern scholars were much tempted to associate the gold leafs (lamellae) found in various funeral sites in Magna Graecia and Thessaly with Orphism (see IV below). Il. ORPHIC POETRY The Suda s.v. (= OF T 223d) lists no less than 22 (or

23) titles under the name of Orpheus. Of the texts attributed to Orpheus (cf. Eur. Alc. 967 = OF T 82: Oejicoat sanides, ‘Thracian oavided/ Thréiissai tablets’), one is attested, in various versions, in fragments (Hieroi Logot in 24 Rhapsodies, see II B 2), another is identical to a later corpus of hymns (see II C), a third one is not included in the list of the Suda (Orphic

Argonautica, see II D), and most of them can only hypothetically be attributed to Orpheus (see II A). By attributing these works to Orpheus their Orphic character is

A. TEXTS ATTRIBUTED TO ORPHEUS The list of poems traditionally attributed to Orpheus probably goes back to the treatise of Epigenes On the Poetry of Orpheus (OF T 222; [28. 9-15]). The books

of Oracles (Chrésmoi; OF 332-333) and of Initiations (Teletat) are probably collections of ritual texts that are also attributed to > Onomacritus (2nd half of the 6th cent. to early 5th cent BC). Furthermore, the Mixing Bowls (Kratéres; OF 297-98), the Robe (Péplos) and

the Net (Diktyon; OF 289) are worth mentioning. By employing the metaphors of the proper mixture and of weaving, these poems may have explained how the cosmos originated and how it was structured, how the fertility of the soil shaped the surface of the earth and how living things procreated. The works of Orpheus included a Physika (of cosmological subject matter; OF 318), an Astrologikd (about various natural phenomena related to the cycles of the heavenly bodies; OF 249-287) and perhaps a — Lithika (‘On Stones’ cf. [29. 1338-1341]), but also apologetic texts, poems in hexameter, that tend to portray Orpheus as a monotheist who believed in the God of the Jews. In the so-called ‘Testament’ (Diathekai; OF 245-48) — an imitation of an Orphic hierds logos (‘sacred story’) from the 2nd cent. AD inspired by Stoicism — Orpheus instructs his student Musaeus [1] in the cosmologic secrets of a monotheistic creation [25]; the poem Oaths (Horkoi; OF 299-300) refers to the coded doctrine of a creator ordering the cosmos. Among these late und mostly apocryphal poems is also the Kathodos (> Katabasis) of Kore (OF 48-53), sometimes attributed to Musaeus (Paus. 1,14,3 = OF 51), which tells the story of the descent into Hades — not of Orpheus (cf. OF 293-96) but of ~ Persephone; it was preserved on a papyrus of the rst cent. BC and might be derived from an Attic poem that, according to Marmor Parium FGrH 239 A 14 (= OF T 221), goes back to the rule of Erechtheus, the mythical king of Athens, and may belong to the context of the Athenian appropriation of the Eleusinian > Mysteria in Athens of the 5th cent. BC was proposed [14. 15 1— 186].

B. THE COSMO-THEOGONY Although only known indirectly, the best attested Orphic poem is without doubt the Theogony. Like the Theogony of - Hesiod its structure follows the genealogic process of the creation of cosmos, gods and finally humans. The Neoplatonist -» Damascius (De primis principiis 123-24; [9]), the last head of the Academy in Athens in the 5th cent. AD, knew three versions of an ‘Orphic theology’.

ORPHISM, ORPHIC POETRY

B52

251

verse, Demeter (both his mother and his wife) conceives Persephone who, from the union with her father, gives birth to — Dionysus. Although he inherits the rule (sixth rule), he is killed and dismembered by the > Tit-

1. THE EARLIEST VERSION OF THE THEOGONY 2. THE H1ERo! LOGOI IN 24 RHAPSODIES 3. DAMASCIUS AND OTHER SOURCES FOR THE THEOGONY

ans, who, reversing the sequence of the classical sacri-

1. THE EARLIEST VERSION OF THE THEOGONY The oldest version of the Theogony is attributed to the Peripatetic Eudemus [3], a student of Aristotle (fr. 150 WEHRLI; 4th cent. AD). In rhis version, Night is the origin of all things (OF 28) — and not > Chaos, like it is in Hesiod. This prompted modern interpreters to think that the famous ornithological theogony in Aristophanes’ Birds (Aristoph. Av. 676-702 = OF 1) wasa

parody of an Orphic cosmo-theogony (cf. [22; 24]). In the beginning Chaos and Night rule, along with Erebos and Tartaros; Night gives birth to an egg from which a winged Eros emerges who breathes life into the unions of these primal elements from which Sky, Oceanus, Earth and then the gods emerge. According to Plato (PI. Phlb. 66c = OF 14) the cosmo-theogonic process of creation as told in this poem spans six generations. With the help of a papyrus found in Derveni (Macedonia) from the 4th cent. BC (PDerveni), four or five generations can be reconstructed. The papyrus contained a cosmological commentary, pro-

bably intended as an introduction to Orphic theogony. The commentary focuses on the actions of Zeus who, by a number of sexual acts, recreates a cosmos that, along with the gods, was created from the sun (the primordial egg?) and from his genital (> Eros?). Under the supervision

of Zeus

and his associate

Metis

(wis-

dom), Nous (mind) gives the world both differentiation and harmonic unity (cf. the contributions in [17], esp. [10]). The unifying role of the Orphic Zeus, who embodies and reconciles opposites, is celebrated in a hymn

mentioned by Plato (Pl. Leg. 715e = OF 21), quoted ina treatise of the rst cent. BC attributed to Aristotle (Aris-

tot. Mund. 401a 25—b 7 = OF 21a) and reinterpreted in Stoic fashion by Chrysippus (SVF II 1078, 1081 = OF T 233, OF 30); on the exegeses of the first version [8. 2883-2884]. 2. THE HiERO!I LOGO! IN 24 RHAPSODIES Hieroi Logoi in 24 Rhapsodies from the 2nd cent. AD is the version of the Theogony that Neoplatonist philosophers used extensively and that Damascius called ‘common’ (OF 60-235; [28. 227-258]. The first beings > Aether and Chasma are produced by Chronos (time), who creates a silver egg in the aether from which the Orphic being par excellence is born: Phanes, radiant and first-born (Protogonos), with his wings and two genders resembling Eros as well as Metis. To affirm the second generation of rulers, Phanes hands the sceptre to Nyx (night) who is his mother, wife and daughter and gives birth to > Uranus (the third rule). But Uranus is castrated by his son > Kronos (just as in Hesiod), who

establishes the fourth rule. Zeus, however, swallows Phanes thus establishing the fifth rule from which a new Cosmo-Theogony evolves. From Zeus, the new intelligent steward of the uni-

fice, eat pieces of the young god. The vengeful lightning bolt of Zeus reduces the murderers to ashes, from which human beings emerge (who have a twofold nature: Titanic and Dionysiac). In the meantime, Apollo collects the members of Dionysus so that Zeus, with Athena’s help, brings them back to life. > Proclus (in Pl. Ti. 29ab: I, 336, 6-16 DieHL = OF 170) explains that through successive assimilation with Metis, Eros, Phanes and Zeus, Dionysus constitutes a single divine being. There are some indications, albeit weak ones, that the first version by Eudemus (cf. Philod. De pietate 44 = OF 36; [8. 2882]) may already have contained Dionysus’s murder and the anthropogony; both are attested in the rhapsodies. A hymn to Zeus, quoted by + Porphyrius (fr. 3 BroEz = OF 168) describes the power attributed to this unique god who unites in his person every aspect of the cosmo-theogony (v. 5-10) as follows: ‘Zeus is king, Zeus himself is the origin of all things; the sole kingly body... fire, water, earth, aether, night and day; for everything in this world is contained in the great body of Zeus’. 3. DAMASCIUS AND OTHER SOURCES FOR THE THEOGONY + Damascius attributes the third version of the Theogony that he lists to the otherwise unknown authors and theologians Hieronymus und Hellanicus [28. 176226]. Damascius’s summary (De principiis 123 bis = OF 54) is shaped by his Neoplatonist desire to structure the theogonic process in triades consisting of the paternal principle, potentiality and the spiritual principle. In the centre of creation he puts a serpent with heads of a bull and a lion called ‘unageing’ Chronos (‘time’). ‘Time’, identified with Heracles, unites with Ananke (‘necessity’) and, having originated froma first conglomerate of earth and water, encompasses the cosmos in its entirety. Other components ofthis version appear in the summary of Greek theogony that the Christian apologist ~ Athenagoras presented at the end of the 2nd cent. AD in his petition to the emperor Marcus Aurelius (Pro Christianis 18,20,32 = OF 57-59). Another source is the 6th book of the homilies of Clemens Romanus from the 4th cent. AD (6,3-12 = OF 55-56). The Christian Appion and > Clemens [3] of Alexandria, who is presented as a Jew, discuss Greek polytheism and its mythical stories [8. 2897-2914]. In the style of a Stoic, Appion presents allegoric interpretations (the Orphic egg, 1.e. sky, that produces Phanes, i.e. the radiant element

of nature)

and Clemens

criticises him from a

Euhemeristic point of view (+ Euhemerus). This is an allusion to Christian and Jewish interpretations of various late versions of the Orphic Theogony — often conflated with other ancient stories. Other influences on the Orphic Theogony were, in all probability, ori-

254

253

ental, especially Phoenician 177-178,

traditions

[28. 101-107,

187-190, 198-202; 12. 299-310].

C. THe OrpHIC HyMns In addition to the hymns to Zeus mentioned above (II B 1) the Neoplatonists mentioned other hymnal songs in hexameter, such as the Hymn to Dionysus, mentioned several times by > Macrobius [1] (Macr. Sat. 1,23,21; 18,12,17 and 22 = OF 236-239; cf. 307). In this hymn Dionysus is equated with Zeus, the ‘father of the earth and the sea’, and also with Helios, Phanes,

Eubouleus (‘well-guessing’) and Antauges (‘shining’) and even Hades. Furthermore Pausanias reports (Paus. 9,27,2 and 30,12 = OF 304-305) that, when celebrating the mysteries of Phyla in Attica, priests of the family of the Lycomidae sang short hymnal compositions of which supposedly Orpheus was the author. In Pausanias’s opinion the Orphic Hymns were ona par with the Homeric hymns. These compositions for cult practice are different from the corpus of 87 Orphic Hymns, preserved in the manuscripts along with the Homeric Hymns and Hymns of > Callimachus [3] and > Proclus. These poems in hexameter, dedicated to Musaeus [1] (6 to 30 verses in length), celebrate the deities of the Orphic Pantheon: first of all Dionysus, but also Kronos, Rhea, Eros, Sun, Moon, Tyche, Themis, Dike, Thanatos (‘death’) and even Physis (‘nature’). The hymns often assimilate the various deities worshipped by the followers of Orpheus and accumulate epithets. They also contain an aspect of invocation, characteristic of ritual chant. They may have been composed in the 2nd cent. AD by a single author for a cult community in Asia Minor

[16. 257-261;

19. 179-189;

28. 1321-1333];

the followers are described as mystai participating in teletai (mysteries of a distinct Dionysiac nature).

D. THE ORPHIC ARGONAUTICA (Oodéws ‘Agywvauttxd/ Orphéos Argonautikd) is a poem in hexameter of 1376 verses (probably early sth cent. AD). Orpheus, the father of poetry, sings of his participation in the expedition of the heroes who board the Argo (> Argonauts) to bring back the Golden Fleece [5. 45-47]. Influenced by the Orphic and Homeric hymns, the author of this late version portrays the poet as a seer who takes over the leadership of the expedition from Mopsus and Idmon. With the help of a magic song Orpheus not only succeeds in launching the Argo but as poet/seer he also performs sacrifices and offers thanks at the outset of a ~ periplous that combines > Apollonius [2] Rhodius’s story with several other traditions (cf. e.g. Timaeus FGrH 566 F 85 =Diod. Sic. 4,56,3-7). Orpheus’s Argonauts reach the > Maeotis (Sea of Azov) by way of the Phasis River before arriving at the river -» Oceanus in the east via the Tanais (Don). In the course of their journey through the North they meet the Hyperboreans, the Macrobii, the Cimmerians and the ‘most just people’ in Hermionea. Finally, a journey over the Atlantic by way The Orphic Argonautica

ORPHISM,

ORPHIC POETRY

of the island Ierne (in the Oceanus; Ireland?), the island of Demeter (off the Breton coast) and Circe’s island

brings them back to the Pillars of Heracles (Gibraltar). The story of the Argonauts itself—the story of how the Golden Fleece was won — serves the purpose of presenting the entry into into the palace of Aeetes, guarded by Hecate-Artemis, as a road of initiation, accompanied

by numerous cathartic actions (aided by magic potions of the sorceress

Medea). Earlier,

a musical competi-

tion with > Cheiron gave Orpheus the opportunity to recite a Theogony which was already announced at the opening of the poem (v. 12-32). This Theogony evokes the important stages of the cosmo-theogony of the rhapsodies (v. 419-431, [28. 1333-38]). III]. OrpHic RITES The Orphic Argonautica conveys insight into the magic purification rituals attributed to the Orphics. Plato also mentions books from which Orpheus’s followers took instructions for invocations and sacrificial offerings that aimed at deliverance (see above); PDerveni (col. VI) apparently compares the preliminary sacrifices by the mzystai to the Eumenides (— Erinys) to the invocations and vegetarian sacrifices which ‘magicians’ use to atone souls and chthonic ‘demons’; they are con-

trasted with the sacred rites (col. XX) practiced ‘in the cities’. The latter are initiations for the initiated who have paid ‘to see’, but who do not understand [10; 21]. A. THE Bros ORPHIKOS B. HOPES FOR THE AFTERLIFE A. THE Bros ORPHIKOS In his discussion of the origin of human communities

and cultures, Plato (Leg. 782c-d = OF T 212) compares the Orphic way of life (bios Orphikos) to the primitive way of life in which humans, beyond bloody sacrifices and the consumption of meat, offer the gods cakes and fruit sprinkled with honey and contend themselves with a vegetarian diet. Preserving everything that is alive (émpsycha) is a purity law (especially of ritual > purity; confirmed in Plut. Septem sapientes 159¢ = OF T 215). The body (s6ma) is not only the grave (séma) of the soul, but, in a different word play by Orpheus’s followers, also a prison where the soul atones for its transgressions (Pl. Crat. 400c = OF 8; possibly identical views in ~ Empedocles, [23. 498-500]). The prohibitions against wearing clothing made from wool, an animal product (Hdt. 2,81: s.o.), and against commit-

ting ‘murder’ (including blood sacrifice, Aristoph. Ran. 1032f. = OF T 90) can be related to the Orphic way of life as attested from the Classical period onward. In contrast to Pythagoreanism, the Orphic way of life envisions life at the margin of the institutions of the polis, but the Orphics agree with the ~ Pythagorean school as far as diets are concerned. Because of a concern for purity, any products derived from meat or mortality or associated with it, such as sea bass, eggs or beans, were forbidden (Diog. Laert. 8,33 = OF T 214; Paus. 1,37,4 = OF T 219; cf. also the texts collected under OF 29; [13. 170-98]).

ORPHISM, ORPHIC

POETRY

255

The undoubtedly late (see If B 1) Orphic anthropogony, the last stage of the cosmo-theogony, provides the aetiology for a way of life that seeks to avoid any kind of defilement; the ancient ‘titanic nature’ of man (PI. Leg. 7o1b-c = OF 9) goes back to his physical origin, i.e. the flesh of the Titans (murderers of Dionysus) who were

reduced to ashes, and the pieces of the god’s flesh which were devoured by those who sacrificed him (cf. OF 34-36 and 214-216). Thus the religious practice of the ‘sect?’ demanded that man escaped his own mortal nature by avoiding any murder of a homophagous and anthropophagous kind.

256

chosis (> Migration of the soul) as deduced from the word play o@pa/ofhwa; soma/séma, ‘body’/‘tomb’) in PI. Crat. 400c (= OF 8: see III A) [27. 77-86].

B. CATEGORIES Leaving aside several texts that have not yet been formally published [4. 390-92], the Orphic leafs fall into three categories according to the statements they contain (text in [4. 392-98]): I. [HE

SECOND

B. HOPES FOR THE AFTERLIFE Dionysus’s revival by Zeus and the reduction of both deities (through theological assimilation) into a unity could provide an aetiological explanation for the Orphic hope of attaining some kind of immortality through a pure life and initiation. Similarly, the story of >» Orpheus’s » katabasis (journey into the Underworld) (in Orph. Arg. 40-42 interpreted as an initiation journey that conferred visual and intellectual knowledge) indicates the possibility of contact with the world of the dead. The poetic interest of the Orphics in the tale of Persephone’s descent into the underworld and her partial acceptance into Mount Olympus (OF 48-53) points in the same direction. Although the lifestyle of Orpheus’s followers included acts of ritual purification which may have amounted to teleta/ (initiation rites)

and held a vague promise of afterlife, they certainly were no occult or mystical sect [19. 276-289; 23. 501-

504]. IV. ORPHIC

GOLD

A. CLASSIFICATION

LEAFS AND ORPHISM B. CATEGORIES

A. CLASSIFICATION In funeral sites from Magna Graecia to the Black Sea, bone or gold leafs (the so-called > Orphicae lamellae) dating from the 4th cent. BC to the 3rd cent. AD have been found. These texts, more or less composed in hexameter and often placed into the mouth or on the chest of the deceased, refer to his transition into the

realm of Persephone and probably had the function of a passport to the other world. These leafs were supposed to compensate for a lack of knowledge of the rites and of the exact significance of the Orphic initiation procedure. Their connection to Orphism, described by modern scholars vaguely as ‘eleusinian-dionysian’ or ‘dionysian-Orphic’ and rightly contested, is only supported by a graffito from Olbia [1] where the terms Aw[vvoo0¢/wt}; Did[nysos/soi] (‘the/to Dionysos’) and Ooedmoi; Orphikot (or: -OU-6i; ‘the Orphics’/‘to the Orphic’) appear below the words ‘life-death life/truth’ (cf. [28. 17-19]; bibliography in [30]). Another graffito possibly contains the dual opposition [wetdoc]-cAndera ([psetidos]-alétheia, (‘{lie]-truth’) and o@]ua-wpuy); s6]ma-psyché, (*body-soul’), thereby supporting the assumption that the Orphics had a theory of metempsy-

DECEASED

DECEASED

ADDRESSES

IS ADDRESSED

THE

GODS

3. MAKARISMOS

2. THE IN THE

PERSON

1. THE DECEASED ADDRESSES THE GODS In the first group (Ar + A2-3 ZuNTz, from Thurii, middle of the 4th cent BC), the deceased expresses at the end of his > moira (his ‘portion’), and in a direct add-

ress to the appropriate gods, the desire to be of the same ‘kind’ as Persephone, the ‘Mistress of the Underworld’,

Eucles (Hesych. s.v. evxdjs: 6 “Atdys), nysus? but cf. [31. 309-11] and Orph. 42,2) and the other immortal gods. His posed to guarantee the deceased a kind

Eubuleus (DioH. 30,6-7 and

purity was supof immortality and happy (6lbios) life. But repentance for wrongful actions cannot apply the Orphic life-style (which was supposed to be free of such actions), nor to the legend (as had been assumed on the basis of Pindar’s threnos fr. 133 MAEHLER) of the injustice that the Titans had done to the Orphic Dionysus, the son of Persephone [18]. Ritual > purity, however, prerequisite for access to the realm of the blessed, is achieved through general (not specifically Orphic) initiation rites to which e.g. Plato (e.g. Phd. 69¢ and Phdr. 244) alludes. 2. THE DECEASED IS ADDRESSED Other texts have the form of an address to the deceased (Br ZUNTZ, from Petelia near Croton; B2 ZUNTZ,

from Pharsalas in Thessaly; Bro Grar, from Hipponion in Calabria, between 400 and 320 BC; and more

recently Brr R1iEDWEG, from western Sicily). The address provides information about the road that will take the deceased from the house of > Hades to a spring that he must avoid and then to the cold water that flows off the lake of > Mnemosyne. A password, spoken in the first person, that turns the deceased into a heavenly or starry son of Gé and Uranus and that has been compared to the password

(synthéma) of the Eleusinian + Mysteria, will permit him to quench his thirst at this divine spring. A group of lamellae from Eleutherna on Crete (B3—8 ZuNTz; E. 3rd cent. BC) and from Thessaly (B9 GraF; E. 4th cent. BC), only has the text of the address of the deceased to the guardian of the spring [31. 355-393], thus it has the words of the thirsty one. The closest parallel to the road of the deceased is the road taken by those who consulted the -» Trophonius Oracle in Lebadea; after purification rites, he descended

into a subterranean chamber to drink from the spring of forgetfulness prior to tasting the water of remembrance (Paus. 9,39,6-8); however, influence from Pythagorean circles can not be ruled out.

258

257

3. MAKARISMOS IN THE SECOND PERSON A heterogeneous group of texts that addresses the deceased in the second person, taking the form of a blessing (makarismos) (A4 ZUNTZ, from Thurii, ca. 3 50 BC; Pi1-2 TSANTSANOGLOU-PARASSOGLOU, from Pelinna in Thessaly, late 4th cent BC; cf. By Zuntz [31. 384], from Eleutherna on Crete, 3rd cent. BC).

These lamellae explicitly celebrate the happiness (or joy) of the day of death which is the (re-)birth (@ed¢

eyévou/theds egénou) as a divine being. This metamorphosis is offered to the deceased as a gift from Mnemosyne— which is consistent with the text of the lamella As from the 3rd cent. AD found in Rome [16. 174-180; 31. 334-335]. In Pelinna, access to Persephone (near the meadows and sacred groves of the goddess in Thurii) is garanteed by Bakcheios Lysios, easily recognisable as > Dionysus. The route taken by the ‘liberated’ deceased, which can be interpreted as an initiation route, leads through symbolic metamorphosis into a young billy-goat (Thurii) or bull and ram (Pelinna), and through submersion in milk. The speaker

ORTHA, ORTHE

gony and Its Commentary, in: [17], 65-80

11 Id., Invo-

cations et commentaire orphiques, in: M. M. Macroux, E. Geny (ed.), Discours religieux dans |‘Antiquite, 1995,

t1-30 12 G,. Casapio, Adversaria orphica et orientalia, in: SMSR, 1986, 291-322 13 M. DETIENNE, Dionysos mis a mort,

1977

14 F. GraF, Eleusis und die orphische

Dichtung Athens in vorhellenistische Zeit, 1974 15 Id., Textes orphiques et rituel bacchique. A propos des lamelles de Pélinna, in: [7], 87-102 (texts: 88-95) 16 W.K.C. GuTHRIE, Orpheus and Greek Religion, *1952, repr. 1993

('1935)

17A. Laks, G. W. Most (ed.), Studies on the

Derveni Papyrus, 1997 (with extensive bibliography and

partial edition of the papyrus)

18H.

Liroyp-JONeEs,

Pindar and the Afterlife, in: D. E. GERBER (ed.), Pindare (Entretiens 31), 1985, 245-279

Arts of Orpheus, 1941

191. M. Linrortu, The

20 A. Masaraccula (ed.), Orfeo e

l‘orfismo, 1993 21D. OBBINK, Cosmology as Initiation vs. the Critique of Orphic Mysteries, in: [17], 39-54 22 A. PaARDINI, L‘Ornitogonia (Ar. Av. 693 sgg.) tra serio e faceto: premessa letteraria al suo studio storico-religioso, in: [20], 53-65 23 R. Parker, Early Orphism, in: A. PowELt (ed.), The Greek World, 1995, 483-510 24G. RICCIARDELLI APICELLA, Le teogonie orfiche nell‘ambito delle teogonie greche, in: [20], 27-51 25 CH. RIEDWEG,

of the text (the priest?) explains the stations performatively (in rhythmic prose) as completed by the addressee

Jiidisch-hellenistische Imitation eines orphischen Hieros

[15. 88-95; 4. 368-389].

Two

The role of Dionysus Lysios in P1—2 (who should not be confused with the Orphic son of Persephone; cf. Paus. 2,2,6-7 and 7,5—-6 [11. 16-27]) and the type of makarismos, reminiscent of the dual formula at the end of the Homeric hymn to Demeter (Hom. H. 2,480495), point to a ritual initiation that preceded the initiation road after death and was Eleusinian rather than Orphic in nature. This is also suggested by the shape of the lamellae P1—2 found on a female body in a tomb: these have the shape of an ivy leaf, implying a Dionysiac context. The Apulian iconography of the period makes not the slightest allusion to Orphism [11. 28-29]. However, it should be mentioned that lamella A4 from Thuriii was found near the head of the skeleton buried in Timpone Grande and was rolled into lamella C (= OF 47) which might contain an Orphic version (Protogonos and Phanes are mentioned) of the tale of the rape of Persephone [31. 290, 344-54]. — Initiation; > Katharsis; + Musaeus [1]; > Mysteries; — Onomacritus; — Oracle; - Orpheus; — Orphics; > Purity; > OcCULTISM; > ORPHIC POETRY Epit1ons: 1A. BeRNaBE (ed.), Orphicorum et orphicis similium testimonia et fragmenta (in: Poetarum epicorum graecorum testimonia et fragmenta), 2 vols. 2004-5 20. KERN (ed.), Orphicorum Fragmenta, 1922 3 G. QUANDT

(ed.), Orphei hymni, *1955 (‘'1941) 4 CH. R1iEDWEG, Initiation-Tod-Unterwelt, in: F. GraF (ed.), Ansichten griechischer Rituale, 1998, 359-398 (edition of the ‘Orphicae’ lamellae) 5 F. VIAN (ed.), Les Argonautiques orphiques, 1987.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. SFAMENI

6A. BERNABE, Platone e l‘orfismo, in:

GasPARRO

(ed.), Destino e salvezza, 1998,

37-97 7 PH. BorGEAUuD (ed.), Orphisme et Orphée, 1991 8 L. Brisson, Orphée et l‘Orphisme a l’€poque imperiale, in: ANRW II 36.4, 1990, 2867-2931

9 Id., Damascius et

\‘Orphisme, in: [7], 157-209 10 C. CALAME, Figures of Sexuality and Initiatory Transition in the Derveni Theo-

Logos, 1993

Gold

1987, 3-16

26K. TSANTSANOGLOU,

Lamellae

from Thessaly,

G. PARASSOGLOU,

in: Hellenica

38,

27J. G. VinoGRADov, Zur sachlichen und

geschichtlichen

Deutung

der Orphiker-Plattchen

von

Olbia, in: [7], 77-86 28 M.L. West, The Orphic Poems, 1983 29K. ZIEGLER, s.v. Orphische Dichtung, in: RE 18,

1321-1417

30L. ZHMup’, Orphism and Graffiti from

Olbia, in: Hermes

120, 1992,

Persephone, 1971.

159-168

31G. ZuUNTZz,

C.CA.

Orsilochos (Ogotioyo¢/Orsilochos). [1] Mythical king of — Pherae, son of the river god » Alpheius and Telegone, father of > Diocles [2]. [2] Son of + Diocles [2], fought at Troy and was killed by > Aeneas [1] (Hom. Il. 5,54 1ff.). [3] Trojan killed by > Teucer (Hom. Il. 8,274). [4] Trojan in the entourage of > Aeneas [1], killed by ~ Camilla (Verg. Aen. 11,636, 690, 694). LK. Ortha, Orthe (‘Og0a/Ortha, “OgOn/Ortheé). There were possibly two places with this name in Thessalia. [1] According to the Homeric Catalogue of Ships (Hom. Il. 2,739), O., with Elone and > Olosson, was part of the region of the > Polypoetes and therefore situated in Perrhaibia (> Perrhaebi). Various ruins at

Elasson are identified as O. [2] There are Hellenistic OPO@(I)JEQN/ORTH(I)EON

coins with the legend (HN 303), and a list of

theorodoci in Delphi from the beginning of the 2nd cent. BC in which O. is counted among the towns in southern > Thessalia. The discovery of new coin finds now supports the view that O. was in the present-day village of Kedros (formerly Chalambresi), i.e. in southern Thessalia. B. HELLy, Incursions chez les Dolopes, in: I. BLuM (ed.),

Topographie antique et géographie historique en pays grec, 1992, 78f.; B. LENK, s.v. O., RE 18, 143.4f.; A. PLass-

ORTHA,

ORTHE

259

260

ART, La liste des theorodoques, in: BCH 45, 1921, 1-85, esp. 16; E. VISCHER, Homers Katalog der Schiffe, 1997 (cf. index). HE.KR.

Orthia (’Oo0(e)ia/Orth(e)ia, also “Og0woia/Orthosia, Foo0aota/Worthasia, BwoQ0eia/Bortheia and other

Orthagoras (Og0ayooac/Orthagoras). [1] O. of > Sicyon is said to have established the + tyrannis there around 650 BC. The ruling dynasty thus established was called the ‘Orthagorids’ after him. An anonymous ‘history of tyranny’ (FGrH ros F 2) preserved on papyrus, and probably deriving from

» Ephorus, reports that O. had first distinguished himself as a border guard on the frontier with a neighbouring city, and later rose to become commander of the watch and > polémarchos. Whether he had the support of the - hoplitai for his seizure of power must remain speculation. The theory that O. set himself up as tyrant to champion the judicially and socially disadvantaged pre-Dorian indigenous population is implausible because by his time the indigenous population and immigrant peoples were surely mixed. 4th cent. theories of state characterize the rule of O. and his family as lenient and respectful of the law, but this only reflects the usual later view of tyranny (Aristot. Pol. 1315 b, 12-18 and [1. 599-601]). 1 P. L. Puitiips Simpson, The Politics of Aristotle (intr., transl., analysis and notes), 1997 H. Berve, Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen, vol. 1, 1967,

27ff.; K. KinzL, Betrachtungen zur alteren griechischen Tyrannis, in: AJAH

4, 1979, 26-31; L. DE LiBERO, Die

archaische Tyrannis, 1996, 181ff.

E.S.-H.

[2] Greek seafarer and author. Although almost nothing is known of O. (earliest quote from Strabo: Str. 16,3,5 = FGrH 713 F 5), the five fragments ofhis works Id(ik)ot logoi (in FGrH 713, F 1-2 = Philostr. VA 2,17; 35593 P34 = Aelo NA 163353 17,6; F 5 =tt.106.3,5) at

least show that he must have participated in the coastal expedition of > Nearchus [2] from the mouth of the Indus to Mesopotamia in 325/4 BC. Therefore, his book was probably a > periplous, which also covered the downstream voyage (FGrH 713 Fr: the river snakes of Acesines [2]). The other fragments describe the mouth ofthe Indus (F 2) and the Gedrosian (F 3 and 4) and Carmanian (F 5) coasts. On occasion, O. is men-

tioned along with Nearchus (FGrH 133) (FGrH713 F 1 SG c3oebn wh Griese hese Grinders seb). sometimes quoted together with > Onesicritus (FGrH roa) (RGroiezrss ba Gris ale recta Grldenss F 30-31). FGrH 713 F 2, with its reference to Patala at the mouth of the Indus and its astronomical information, corresponds to Onesicritus FGrH 134 F ro and 26, and FGrH 713 F 3, on fish-eating goats, and to Nearchus in 26,7 and 29,13 (sheep there, not goats). FGrH 713; K. Kartrunen, World, 1997, 45f.

India and the Hellenistic K.K.

names). Greek, especially Peloponnesian goddess. She was, probably from the earliest times on, identified with >» Artemis, if she was ever separate from her. The meaning and etymology of the name were unclear even in antiquity. O.’s most prominent cult was in > SPARTA (Limnae),

where she was worshipped from the roth/gth cent. BC until late antiquity [r; 2]. O. played a central role there during initiation and in the > agdgé [3]. The best known part of her ritual was a ‘stamina test’ of the epheboi (karteréseis: P|. Leg. 633b 5-9; [3. app. 11), during which a cheese theft from O.’s altar by an attakking group of epheboi was returned with whiplashes by another group defending it (Xen. Lac. 2,9; Pl. Leg. 633b 5-9; [1. inscr. nr. 1, 4th cent. BC]). Later texts tell only

about flagellation (diamastigosis) by the altar during an agon which was very popular among young men and out of which individuals emerged victorious (bomontkai: e.g. Hyg. Fab. 261; Plut. Mor. 239d; [1. inser. nr. 142-144]). The karterias agon (Philostr. VA 6,20; |r. inscr. nr. 37]) was perhaps already part of the reformed Hellenistic agogé [3. 111]. In Roman times, this fight became a bloody, occasionally even deathbringing event [cf. 3. app. 1]. As the legend has it (Paus. 3,16,7-11), the > xdanon of O.-Lygodesma, carried around by the priestess of O. during the flagellations, was exceptionally bloodthirsty: Iphigenia and Orestes are said to have stolen it from the country of the Tauri, while > Lycurgus [4] is said to have introduced the agon by O.’s altar as a substitute for an original > human sacrifice. The tradition that the fight by the altar goes back to the conflict of the four Spartan obai, in which the Spartan population was divided, during the offering of sacrifices to O. (Paus. 3,16,9f.), seems to mark the role of O. within Sparta’s political and social structure. Numerous inscriptions, mainly from Hellenistic and Roman times (2nd cent. BC-3rd cent. AD), document in addition a varied agonistic program with victors in artistic and athletic agones |1. 185-377]; the prize was a sickle, which was consecrated to O. The much discussed terracotta masks, for the most part archaic, representing grotesque and idealised characters, seem to indicate dressing-up rituals and role exchanges as part of the initiation rites [4; 5]. Aspects of O. and her rituals come possibly to the fore in the over 100 000 lead figurines from the votive complex of O. (O., representations of warriors and musicians) [1]; similar types have also been found, however, in other Peloponnesian sanctuaries (Arcadia; Menelaeum). It is not known in what way girls and women participated in the cult and festivities of the Spartan O. The performance of Aleman’s ~ Partheniae in O.’s festivals (esp. Alem. fr. 1 PMGF with schol.: among other things the offering ofarobe) is controversial; Helen’s [1] abduction from O.’s dance floor by Theseus (Plut. Theseus 31) might be a literary piece of evidence for choruses of young women. Under

261

262

ORTHOGRAPHY

the votive gifts, there is a large number of jewellery pieces, partly with dedications to O., but also to > Eileithyia [6]. O. is mostly represented standing, as > potnia theron or as a + xdanon with the arms pressed tightly against the body, and sometimes armed as well [7]. Only little note has been taken so far of the numerous other cults of O.: a classic sanctuary (with pottery from the 8th/7th cent. BC) of O. in > Messene [2] (cf. [8]); cults or consecrations in Epidaurus (IG IV* 1,381:

Orthography A. PRINCIPLES

B. GREEK

C. LATIN

A. PRINCIPLES Orthography (Greek

dQ00yeadia/orthographia is recorded as the title of ancient works, e.g. of the grammarian — Herodianus [1], cf. also Flavius Caper, De

meikos (Pind. Ol. 3,54a); in Delphi (FdD 3,1 nr. 512); Megara (SEG 13, 304; IG VII 113); Byzantium (Hdt.

Orthographia), ‘correct’ writing, i.e. that conforming to the norm, was originally not a topic of historical linguists, because for a long time they considered written language only as a more or less deficient copy of spoken ‘true’ language, not as a subject of study in its own right; in this respect they were able to view historical orthography, i.e. adherence to a spelling (reflecting

4,87); Coronea (SEG 26, 555); Phigalia/Cotilum (IG V

older, rather than current, sounds), only as a hindrance

2,429); Taygetus in Arcadia (schol. Pind. O. 3,54b); Tenos (IG XII 5,894; 913) and Teuthras in Mysia ({Plut.] De fluviis 21,4; MDAI(A) 24, 1899, 202 nr. 3). ~ Artemis; > Ephebeia; — Initiation

to understanding the true sound structure of a language. In this context ways of writing foreign words are of greater significance; because writing traditions that have grown historically do not apply to words from other languages, these can be written just as they sound, and the spelling is often the sole means of inferring the real sound values of letters and of gaining knowledge of the pronunciation of the corresponding words in the language they were borrowed from. Secondly, linguistic standardisation is seen rather as a phenomenon of modern times, connected with the beginning of silent reading, book printing and the rise of nation states, and thus ignoring the fact that conscious linguistic standardisation and the creation of language standards were already present in Antiquity: a Roman official could be dismissed for writing ixi

Orthosia; 495; 502: O.); Lycone/Argolis (Paus. 2,24,5);

Elis (schol. Pind. O. 3,54a); Athens (IG B 1,1083: Artemis Orthosia); Peiraeus (IG II 2*,5012;

1623); Kera-

1 R. M. Dawkins, The Sanctuary of Artemis O. at Sparta, 1929 2J. BOARDMAN, Artemis O. and Chronology, in:

ABSA 58, 1963, 1-7 of Virtue, 1995

3 N. M. KENNEL, The Gymnasium

4H. JEANMAIRE,

Couroi et courétes,

1939, 519-522 5R. Parker, Spartan Religion, in: A. PowELt (ed.), Classical Sparta. Techniques Behind Her Success, 1989, 151f., 169 n. 49 61. Kintan, Weihungen an Artemis und Eileithyia, in: ZPE 31, 1978, 219-222

7 L. Kant, s.v. Artemis, LIMC 2.1, 631f. and nr. 86-98 8 P. G. THEMELIS, Artemis O. at Messene. The Archaeo-

logical and Geographical Evidence, in: R. HAGG (ed.), Ancient Greek Cult Practice from the Epigraphical Evidence, 1994, IoI-122.

P. BONNECHERE, O. et la flagellation des éphébes spartiates, in: Kernos 6, 1993, 11-22; A. BRELICH, Paides and 156-162, Parthenoi, 1969, 129-139, 75-763 C: CALAME, Choruses of Young Women

in Ancient Greece,

1997, 156-169; J. CARTER, The Masks of O., in: AJA 91,

1987, 355-383.

BK.

Orthocorybantii (OQdoxoeupaviot; Orthokorybantioi). Ancient Greek designation for the Saka tigrayauda (Persian for ‘peaked-capped Sakas’, Massagetans) in Hdt. 3,92. The O. were nomads in the region south-east of Lake Aral between Oxus (Amu Darja; > Araxes [2]) and — Iaxartes (Syr Darja) [2]. West of them, the Saka haumavarka

(‘intoxicated revelling Sakas’) settled. In

530 BC, Cyrus [2] II fell in a battle in the war against the peaked-capped Sakas, who were then brought to submission by Darius [1]I in 519 BC. Their king Skunxa is depicted at the end of the procession of captive kings on the > Bisutun Relief [I. ill. 283; 3. 217]. Depictions of the O. in long leather trousers and a caftan with a belt, which holds the akindkés (short sword), and with high peaked caps, are also to be found on the reliefs from Persepolis [1st ill. 210, 228] and on

the tomb of Darius’ 1 R. GHIRSHMAN,

[in

Nagqs-e Rostam [rst ill. 279].

Iran. Protoiraner,

Meder, Achameni-

den, 1964 2B. Jacoss, Die Satrapienverwaltung im Per3 P. Lecog, Les inscripserreich, 1994, 224, 257-260 APL. tions de la Perse achéménide, 1997, 217.

instead of ipsi (Suet. Aug. 88), and this indicates the

Romance convergence of/ps/ and/ks/ to/ss/. At the same time, primarily in German-speaking areas, ideas that the written language should copy the spoken one as far as possible in a one-to-one relationship are still current; the functionality of orthography is not taken into account (e.g. disambiguation of homonyms: ‘mahlen’ versus ‘malen’ — phonetically identical — or realisation of a phonemic principle: ‘Rad’ or ‘des Rades’, although ‘Rad’ and ‘Rat’ sound the same).

The achievement of an orthography in the framework of a standardised written language, capabale of gathering quite a large language region characterised by dialectal differences under a common linguistic roof, as it is essential for the functioning of a written culture. As long as writing in a particular culture is the task only of specially trained experts or plays a marginal role (e.g. in + Mycenaean, where writing was employed for administrative purposes so that a written culture in the proper sense cannot be spoken of), there can hardly be talk of orthography, at best of spelling conventions. Orthography belongs in the context of written culture, as an extensive participation by the population in the achievement of writing and as an extension of its range of applications which made the creation of a norm desirable. In addition to prescription of a particular vocabulary, particular grammatical forms and syntactic rules (with stigmatisation of linguistic alternatives),

ORTHOGRAPHY

263

264

creation of a unified spelling is also part of this norm (punctuation and rules of capitalisation were not a consideration in Antiquity).

the graphical distinction between e.g. o and w superflu-

B. GREEK

It is generally acknowledged that the adoption of the Phoenician > alphabet for Greek, in the history of writing, marks the transition from a consonantal script to a phonetic one. In 403 BC the Old Attic alphabet was officially replaced by the Ionic one, and this can definitely be described as an orthographic reform — a consequence of the prestige of Ionic prose language. On the one hand this meant a differentiation: previously ¢ was used without distinction for short /e/, /¢/ and /é/ (the latter with two origins: 1. arising from the monophthongisation of the old/ei/ diphthong, 2. as a product of compensatory lengthening and contraction; et for the latter hence ‘inverted spelling’, i.e. ‘false’ historical spelling), thus three signs or sign combinations developed for it: €, 1.and et; correspondingly o was also replaced by 0, w and ov. ‘Errors’ in this transformation can take

responsibility for some peculiarities of the Homeric text (see + Homeric language). On the other hand with the use of 1) for /@/ there was now no longer any sign available for /h/ (being a psilotic dialect, Ionic had no use for it anyway), and this phoneme was now not written until the introduction of the rough breathing. A separate indication of vowel length for /a/, /i/, /u/ as before was

dispensed with, even though vowel quantity was phonologically relevant. This shows that an orthographic reform does not necessarily operate as an ‘improvement’, in the sense of a more and more phonemically faithful reflexion of language (that, on the contrary, even optimisations which from a modern point of view are obvious are omitted), but extra-linguistic aspects

(e.g. reasons of prestige) are much more crucial. As Attic Greek became ‘Classical’ Greek (> Attic),

its orthography also became Classical; however some modern conventions of writing of ancient Greek (consistent division of words, placing of accents (> Accent)

and breathings) originate only from the Byzantine period (Alexandrian use of breathings primarily for disambiguation, e.g. writing mageotwo in order to prevent the reading mig twvdc, which, because of the custom of scriptio continua — i.e. ‘continuous writing’, is also possible).

A further area of conflict for orthography is the question of whether sentence-phonetic phenomena should be written out or not: in Greek prose texts elision (loss of final vowel in a hiatus, as in Gi’ uot) is customarily represented graphically. Internal — sandhi is written, external sandhi, by contrast, is not (éufpatvw but tov matéea; assimilation of the nasal certainly took place in both cases, therefore these are different representations of identical sounds!). In papyri and inscriptions this is often handled differently. Greek orthography outlasted massive phonetic change and continues to this day to write long-obsolete phonological distinctions: collapse of quantity made

ous, yet the signs were retained in their ancient distribution. Itacism turned all the vowels written as », et, t, v,

and ot into /i/; nevertheless the distinct spellings have been perpetuated until today even in demotike (Modern Greek). Evidently there is a social consensus in favour of balancing the social costs of such a decidedly historical orthography (enormous investment in learning!) against the ideological advantage of underlining the continuity between ancient and modern Greece by retaining the essentially Ancient Greek spelling. Cautious reforms in the recent past, such as the abolition of the breathings, which today are wholly unnecessary, or the three accent signs, have met with bitter resistance and have still not been adopted in all circles. Conversely, in the Stalin era a consistent orthography for the Pontic dialect of Modern Greek was developed for use in schools; it can be assumed that what was the fore-

most consideration in this was less the good of the pupils it was inflicted on than an attempt to establish Pontic as a language in its own right and so advance the integration of linguistic minorities into the Soviet system and to nip in the bud possible starting-points for irredentism. Dating ancient itacism and the collapse of quantities is correspondingly problematic; linguists have to conjecture from spelling mistakes primarily and therefore transgressions against the norm, and only meticulous analyses can distinguish simple mistakes like omitting letters from telling mistakes. In all it can be said that the first traces of these sound changes can be detected by the 4th cent. BC; there is a rule that orthography often lags behind developments in spoken language. But this should not conceal the fact that the converse phenomenon also occurs; if the orthography changes it does not mean that the sound change it reflects has been adopted in all strata of the population at that time. C. LATIN In Rome a variant of the Greek alphabet became the basis of writing — mediated, however, by the Etruscans, who had tailored a Western Greek alphabet to the requirements of their language (which on the other hand was not optimally suited to Latin). Standardisation processes affecting orthography are also recorded for Latin; e.g. Appius Claudius [I 2] Caecus (c. 300 BC) is supposed to have been the first to write Valerius (instead of Valesius) and hence abolished the historical orthography, which wrote intervocalic /s/ as previously with , even though it had converged by means of rhotacism with /r/. Further sound change phenomena that can be reconstructed directly from the writing are e.g. the change/oi/ > /u/ or final/os/,/om/ to/us/,/um/ (oino

for unum in the > Scipionic Inscriptions). However, in many respects Latin orthography fixes a state of the language which at the time was already conservative (consul with retention of/n/ before /s/, even though the Scipionic Inscriptions had written cosol).

265

266

In the 3rd cent. BC the sign (g) was newly created for the voiced guttural by modifying the sign (c), use of the sign (q) was restricted to the > labiovelar (formerly also for /k/ before dark vowels), and the writing of geminates is said to have been due to > Ennius [1]. Attempts to graphically convey vowel length, which was also distinctive in Latin, (e.g. by doubling the vowel sign, as in paastores, or with a macron) was not blessed with lasting success; today, therefore, reconstruction of vowel quantities in Latin words has to have recourse to comparative linguistics, metrical texts and, not least, also to occurrences of Latin words in Romance languages. An only sporadically demonstrable phenomenon in Greek is that of exoglossic spelling, i.e. spelling foreign words according to the conventions of the language they are borrowed from (e.g. spelling Latin suggestio as covyyeotiov, although double gamma in Greek suggests a quite different pronunciation) — in Greek most easily found in the spelling of Latin juridical and administrative terms in the late Imperial and early Byzantine periods, and then only as a convention of limited validity, not as a widespread norm. In Latin this naturally affected Greek words: in the 2nd cent. BC Greek ¢f) began to be reflected by (ph) and (z) and (y) were used for € and v (these ‘new’ signs were placed at the end of the alphabet and can still be found there today). Here orthography clearly departs from pure reproduction of sounds, and it is not considerations of linguistic economy but the prestige of Greek as a language of higher culture that led to a modification of the Latin norm for writing. How these foreign words were pronounced in Latin we can only speculate; both correct Greek rendition and accommodation to the Latin sound system, according to level of education, are conceivable. As in Greek there are orthographical errors (in addition to the rendition of Latin words in other languages) that are illuminating for the history of the language; the orthography of inscriptions, however, is often of an astonishingly high standard and above all reveals hardly any regional distinctions in spoken Latin. Unlike Greek, at various times in the various regions of the Romance-speaking lands the spoken language(s) was/were subjected to changes of spelling, and domains in which Latin was written were increasingly lost.

Augustinus (Civ. 18,8) dates his reign to the birth of Moses. LK,

1 V. BINDER, Sprachkontakt und Diglossie, 2000

2G.

BERNARDI PERRINI, Le ‘riforme’ ortografiche di eta repubblicana, in: AION 5, 1983, r4rff. 3 E. FELDBUSCH, Geschriebene Sprache, 1985

4H. GLtick (ed.), s.v. O.,

Metzler Lexikon Sprache, 1993 5 J. KRAMER, Antike Sprachform und moderne Normsprache. Part 2: Griechisch, in: Balkanarchiv N.F. 11, 1986, 117ff. VB.

ORTHOSTATS

Orthosia (OoOwoia; Orthdsia). [1] In Hellenistic times it was one of the smaller Carian communities inland with its own mint; in Str. 14,1,47 it is a katoikia (settlement) near Nysa to the north of the Maeander [2] (Biiyuk Menderes). In the 2nd cent. AD, O. was given Roman municipal status, in the 5th/6th cents. AD it was the seat of a bishopric for the diocese of Caria with Aphrodisias [1] as its metropolitan see. The ruins of O., which are situated near Donduran in Ortas in the mountains to the south above the Menderes river, consist of a town wall built out of coarsely hewn stones, a stadium, a large agora (assembly, market place), probably also a bouleuterion (meeting hall) and a large necropolis with barrel-vaulted tombs. They have hardly been investigated. R. T. MARcHESE, The Historical: Archaeology of Northern Caria, 1989, 71; 98; 132; fig. 27; Taf. 48-54.

[2] (Str. 14,5,33 16,2,123 16,2,21; Plin. HN. 5,78; Ptol. Geographia 5,14,3). Town in Phoenicia whose ruins and caves are situated near Ard Artuz to the north of Tarabulus (Tripolis)/ Lebanon; possibly the Ullaza of the Amarna letters [1. 79f., 117]. The Greek name is probably derived from the goddess Artemis Orthosia who was worshipped there [2. 1494] and, at the latest, is documented under > Seleucus II. O. had its own mint and the coins show Astarte [3. Taf. 16.1, 41, 17f.]. Asa free town with its own distinctive epoch [2. 83] O. remained an important centre on the Syrian coast from the end of the Seleucid period and down into the Crusades. 1 R. Dussaup, Topographie historique de la Syrie antique et médiévale, 1927

2 E. HONIGMANN, s.v. O. (3), RE 18,

1494f. 3 BMC Phoenicia, 198 4F. G. MiLrar, The Phoenician Cities. A Case Study in Hellenisation, in: PCPhS, 1983, 55-71 SJ. D. Grarincer, Hellenistic Phoenicia, 1991, 121, 125, 148, 174.

A.P.-L.

Orthostats I]. ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND EGypT

II. CLASSICAL

ANTIQUITY

I. ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND EGyPpT In Near Eastern archaeology, orthostats are standing stone slabs, which in the Anatolian region original-

ly protected the base of walls from backsplash. From the 9th cent. onwards, especially in the Neo-Assyrian +> palaces, they were used as mounts for static and narrative - reliefs. The narrative cycles in the palaces of the rulers Assurnasirpal II. in > Kalhu, > Sennacherib

Orthopolis (OQ0d6m0d Plemnaeus, the mythical king of Sicyon (Paus. 2,5,8). > Demeter, in disguise as a wet nurse, saved his life (cf

~ Demophon [1], > Triptolemus). According to Euseb. Chronicon 394 he was the twelfth king of > Sicyon.

and > Assurbanipal in Nineveh (~ Ninos [2]) are famous. In the contemporary Syrian-Anatolian region the reliefs from — Karatepe, > Karkemis, Zincirli/ Sam/’al (+ Asia Minor III.C) and Tall Halaf are particularly well-known.

HIN.

ORTHOSTATS

267

268

rous, noble, intelligent and brave man.

II. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

In classical archaeology, the ancient technical term ans tebelL, Weis orthostats (dQ0000tdt temple. The layer of orthostats, which in its construction was very similar to earlier Near Eastern-

prisoner or executed (Pol. 21,38; Liv. 38,19,25 38, 24,95

Pomp. Trog. preface 32).

Egyptian building technology, commonly consisted of a

+> Bithynia; > Celts III. (with map);

low threshold (which often had a decorative profile, at

gamon

least in the Ionic order), a layer of upright ashlar blocks and was finished with a flat cover. This supported the standardised ashlar blocks of the wall area. In addition,

in Greek temple building orthostats connected the different floor levels of the peristyle and cella. — Temple

In 184/3 BC,

> Eumenes [3] II of Pergamon appears to have turned against him because O. was an ally of - Prusias of Bithynia. As a result the tetrarchic system under Pergamene sovereignty was re-established and O. was taken

> Galatia;

1 L. WeisGERBER, Galatische Sprachreste, (ed.), Natalicium. FS J. Geffcken, 1931.

> Per-

in: R. Helm

H. Rankin, Celts and the Classical World, 1987, 198; F. STAHELIN, Geschichte der kleinasiatischen Galater, *1973, 55-56; 61-62; F. W. WALBANK, A Historical Commentary on Polybius, vol. 3, 1979, 212-213. W.SP.

1 EBERT

W. MULLER-WIENER, Antike, 1988, 88.

Griechisches

Bauwesen

in der CHO.

Orthura ("Oo@o0vea/Orthoura). City in the interior of the Soringi in Southern India, residence of King Sornas (Ptol. 7,1,91); probably the Greek

form of Uraiyur,

capitol of the Chola empire on the Kaveri River, with the port of > Chaberis at the mouth of the river. K. KARTTUNEN, Early Roman Trade with South India, in: Arctos 29, 1995, 81-91; O. STEIN, s.v. "Og8ovea, RE 18, T503-1505.

K.K.

Orthus (“Oo00¢/Orthos or “Oe0o0¢/Orthros; for the name, see [1]). Two-headed dog (in Tzetz. in Lycophr. 653: two dog heads and seven dragon heads), son of >» Echidna; brother of Typhon (- Typhoeus) and + Cerberos, of ~ Hydra [1] and — Chimaera (?, cf.

[2. 254f.]; Hes. Theog. 304-320); by Echidna (or Chimaera: [2. 256]) father of Phix (+ Sphinx) and of the Nemeian lion (Hes. Theog. 326f.). He guarded > Geryon’s herd of cattle (in Pind. Isth. 1,13: pl. xbvec/ kynes, ‘dogs’), and together with the herdsman > Eurytion [3] he was killed by > Hercules [1], when he tried to prevent him from stealing the cattle (Hes. Theog. 293; Palaephatus, De incredibilibus 3.9 Festa; Apollod. 2,106 and

108; Poll. 5,46; Pediasimus,

Tractatus de

duodecim Herculis laboribus 10; Sil. Pun. 13,844-847; Serv. Aen. 7,662). For visual representations, see: [1; 3]. 1 E. MULLER-GraAuPA,

RE 18, 1495-1503

K. SCHERLING,

s.v. Orthros

(1),

2M. L. West (ed.), Hesiod, Theo-

gony, 1966 (with comm.) 3S. WoopFoRD, s.v. Orthros (1), LIMC 7.1, 105-107 (with bibliogr.). SLA.

Ortiagon (Ootiaywv; Ortidagon). In 189 BC, he was the prince of the Galatian > Tolistobogii tribe and husband of + Chiomara (cf. [1. 151]). Together with > Comboiomarus and Gaulotus, O. was defeated by Cn. Manlius [124] Vulso on the mountains of Magaba and Olympus [10]. He was able to escape and then clearly aspired to rule over the whole of Galatia in the Hellenistic manner. Polybius (22,21) praises O. as a gene-

Ortygia (Ootwyia/Ortygia, ‘quails’ island’). Mythical birthplace of > Artemis, originally separate from that of her twin brother’s - Apollo (Hom. h. 3,16). The place name, which can not be geographically located in the oldest sources (Hom. Od. 5,123; 15,404), was later identified with different places of worship dedicated to Artemis (schol. Apoll. Rhod.

1,419), especially with + Delos (Pind. Paian 7b fr. 52h,48 MAEHLER; Kall. h. 2,59, epigr. 62,2 and fr. 18,7; Apoll. Rhod. 1,419 and 537), the island near Syracusae (Hes. fr. 150,26 M.-W.; Diod. 5,3,5) and the sacred grove near Ephesus (Strab. 14,1,20; Tac. ann. 3,61). The name was explained by the metamorphosis of — Asteria [2] (Apollod. 1,21; Hyg. Fab. 53) or of > Leto (schol. Call. H. 2,59) into a quail. Ortygia appears besides as an epithet of Artemis (Soph. Trach. 213) and as the nurse of Leto’s children in a group statue by Scopas in Ephesus (Strab. 14,1,20). AA.

Orus (°Qo0¢; Oros). Grammarian of the rst half of the

5th cent. AD. While O. was from Alexandria, his active life was

spent

in Constantinople

(Suda @ 201), cf.

[9. 87-101]. The period in which he lived can be determined with the help of a quotation (in work nr. 3 below) from the epic poem by Ammonius, recited in 438 [9. 89f.]. His epithet ‘the Milesian’, which is found in the two manuscripts AB of the ‘Etymologicum genutnum’ and its descendants (6 MtA() and 6 Mudijouos, respectively), has not been explained. Of O.’s numerous works, few manuscript remains have been preserved (a list Suda 201, including a [iva& tv éavtod, ‘catalogue of his own works’); many fragments can be found among ancient users of O. 1) ‘Orthography’ (Ogdoyeaia): [3. 289-296]

proved an anonymous excerpt [2] from an alphabetical treatment ({t-7; d-«) to be the work of O., and added the

fragments specifically cited as by O. in the Etymologicum genuinum (fr. 13 should be deleted; Et. Gen. s.v. Hew and Cwoteewv, Cwvtetov are missing); cf. [6. 276ff.]. Regarding a supposed manuscript (a-e) see

[7- LXI??].

269

270

2) ‘On ambiguous words’ (Ilegi rokvonudavtwvy A€Eewv). Several manuscript excerpts have been pre-

burial chamber at Saint Caesareo’s on the Via Appia,

served (ed. [3. 335-347]). Reconstructed from quotes: 3) ‘How to determine the names of peoples’ (“Omwe tH EOvixa hextéov). This book was one of the main sources used by — Stephanus of Byzantium, numerous

excerpts in Et. Gen.; specifically cited in [3. 316-330; Ci On27 Atak 4) ‘Collection of Attic words’ (Attixdv \eEewv ovvaywyn). More than 80 fragments have been preserved in the lexicon of Ps.-Zonaras (13th cent.); identification and edition with commentary of these fragments as well as any other remains in [9. 149-260]. On the other titles see [5]. The disputing [5. 1182] of the existence of the work ‘Prosody of the Iliad’ (Thtaxt) mooowdia) was unfounded, see [6. ro2f.]. The treatise preserved in the Palimpsest Cod. Lips. Tischend. 2 and edited by [3. 299-309] is probably by O. and not by Herodianus, cf. [5. 1179, 48ff.] and [8. 13f.]. O., who still had an abundance of ancient scholarly literature at his disposal that has now been lost, was one of the most important sources for the Byzantines and thus for modern philology. ~» Etymologica 1 F. RitscH1, De Oro et Orione commentatio, 1834 (repr. in: Id., Opuscula Philologica 1, 1866, 582-673) 2H. Rae, Lexicon Messanense de iota ascripto, in: RhM 47, 1892, 404-4133 50, 1895, 148-152 3 R. REITZENSTEIN, Geschichte der griechischen Etymologika, 1897 4C. WENDEL, in: Hermes 72, 1937, 351

1177-1183

5S Id.,s.v.O., RE 18,

6H. Ersst, Beitrage zur Uberlieferung der

Iliasscholien, 1960, rorff., 274-280

7 Scholiall, vol. 1

8K. Apers, Bericht uber Stand und Methode der Ausgabe des Etymologicum genuinum, 1969 9 Id., Das attizistische Lexikon des O., 1981 (SGLG 4). K.ALP.

Orxines (Og&ivn¢e/Orxines, Curtius: Orsines). Rich Persian, descendant of — Cyrus [2] I], fought at - Gaugamela, and in 326 BC, in the absence of > Alexander [4] the Great, made himself satrap of —> Persis.

When he attempted to have his position confirmed at a later stage, he was executed by Alexander, having been accused of killing numerous people, defiling temples and robbing the royal tombs (Arr. Anab. 3,8,5; 6,29,2; Bombe! Cure ask Ss Osis 246371): J. WiesEHGOFER, Die ‘dunklen Jahrhunderte’ der Persis, 1994, s.v. O.

J.W.

Os resectum (‘cut-off bone’). Object of a Roman ritual practised after the change from burial to cremation. According to the Roman ius pontificum, going back to + Numa Pompilius, which in fact forbade cremation (Plut. Numa 22), a corpse was lawfully buried only when at least one complete body-part had been fully interred (Cic. Leg. 2,55; Varro Ling. 5,23; Paul. Fest. 135 L.). The idea behind this is that a burial is a return of the body to the earth. A finger would be separated

OSCA

from the body to be cremated,

and interred.

In the

Republican period urns have been found with separately buried body parts (CIL I 2*, rorsff.). > Burial; > Ecclesiastical/religious law; > Dead, cult of the

G. RouDE, s.v. O.r., RE 18, 1534-1536; LATTE, roof., 27

A.V.S.

Os(s)ismi(i). Celtic tribe (Str. 4,4,1; Plin. HN 4,107; Mela 3,23; Ptol. 2,8,5; Tab. Peut 2,2) in ~ Aremorica

(in present-day Brittany; cf. Caes. B Gall. 7,75,4: O. amongst the civitates quae ... Aremoricae appellantur), to the west of the Veneti and Coriosolites, the main

town being Vorgium (present-day Carhaix, dépt. Finistére). Subjugated in 58 BC by Caesar’s praefectus equttum Licinius [I 16] Crassus (Caes. B. Gall. 2,3.4,1), they took part in 56 BC in an insurrection of Gallic tribes against Rome (Caes. B. Gall. 3,9,10). After > Diocletian’s reorganisation of the provinces, the O. had the status of a civitas libera of the prov. Lugdunensis II] (Notitia Galliarum 3,9). L. Parr, La »Civitas« des Osismes a l’époque gallo-romaine, 1978; Id., La Bretagne romaine, 1995.

Yale

Osca. Town of the > Ilergetes (Itin. Anton. 391,5; 451,5; Ptol. 2,6,68: in the lands of the Ilergetes, Plin. HN 3,24: of the Suessetani; [r]) on the southern slopes of the Pyrenees, today’s Huesca. First mentioned in the > ovatio celebrated by Helvius [I 2] in 195 BC after the victory over the > Celtiberi near Illiturgis on the Baetis; on that occasion, he brought 119439 coins made of argentum Oscense (‘silver from O.’) to Aerarium (Liv.

34,10,4). In r80 BC, Fulvius [I 12], too, triumphed over the Celtiberi and brought home 173200 coins from O. in his triumph (Liv. 44,43,6; Iberian drachmai modelled on those of Emporion). These figures show the enormous abundance of silver in the area around O. From 77 to 72, > Sertorius honoured O. by making it his headquarters; here, he perished in the year 72 BC (Plut. Seninen- 925 Othe seo

blorezeno.o

(2) Om vwasea

municipium (Plin. HN 3,24). In Visigoth times (6th/7th cent. AD), O. was often mentioned as an episcopal town in the council records [3. 451]. Numerous finds, inscriptions, coins. 1 HOLDER 2, 882 2A. SCHULTEN, Sertorius, 1926, 80 3 R. Grosse (ed.), Fontes Hispaniae Antiquae 9, 1947.

TOVAR 2, 1343 3, 408f.; A. BELTRAN, s.v. O, PE, 657f.; TIR K 30 Madrid, 1993, 168. PB.

OSCAN-UMBRIAN

you see the (tomb) covering of Tetios Alios, buried in

Oscan-Umbrian A. DIALECTAL

STRUCTURE

B, TRANSMISSION

C. POSITION OF OSCAN-UMBRIAN WITH LATIN, ROMANIZATION

D. CONTACT

OU (also: ‘Sabellic’) is a term for a group of languages spoken in eastern central and southern Italy before > Romanization (see under D.). It has been possible to discern 14 vernaculars attested in inscriptions. On internal criteria they can be arranged in two dialect groups [1. 108]: the northern, ‘Umbro-Sabine’ one includes, as the most important representatives, Umbrian (chief towns > Iguvium, ~ Tuder), Southern

Picene (on the eastern slopes of the Appennines between Ancona and Chieti) and the vernaculars of the > Sabini (L‘Aquila), Aequi (Alba Fucens), > Marsi (Fucine Lake) and > Volsci (Velletri) as well as the ‘Pre-Sam-

nite’ spoken in Campania before the Samnite (> Samnites) invasion [2. 15]. In the Oscan group are OscanSamnite (Samnium, Campania, Southern Italy), Paelignian (— Paeligni; ~ Sulmo, > Corfinium), Vestinian (> Vestini) and Marrucinian (~ Marrucini; central and

lower Aterno Valley). For geographical and historical reasons the languages of the > Hernici (Anagni) might be assigned to the Oscan group, although the scanty transmission [3. 320-327] has not yet provided any linguistic evidence for this. Meanwhile attribution of the ‘Pre-Lucanian’ spoken in Lucania before the Samnitization of southern Italy is uncertain (Umbro-Sabine?)

[4. 258] (e.g. VETTER 186). The dialect attested in the inscriptions

(— Italy, languages

the grave (?)«) attest to a literary tradition that continues into the latest Paelignian inscriptions (VETTER 213f., mid-1st cent. BC). Umbrian, Southern Picene,

A. DIALECTAL STRUCTURE

Mendolito

Aap)

Dey

E.), if a

member of the OU group, was certainly isolated from the rest at an early stage. Large areas of Etruria may originally have been Umbro-Sabine linguistic territory, as is shown by an Old Umbrian inscription [5. 245252] found near > Tolfa (Caere region) and the high proportion of Sabellian names in Etruscan onomastics [6. 190-202].

B. TRANSMISSION

The OU languages have been transmitted to us exclusively through glosses [7. 362-378]. The Etruscan co-transmission (see above), however, primarily comes in the form of inscriptions (Oscan c. 400; Umbrian c. 30, including the ritual text of the seven > Tabulae Iguvinae, which is highly significant in terms of religious studies and linguistics; Southern Picene c. 20; Paelig-

nian c. 50; other languages each fewer than ro). The Southern Picene, Pre-Samnite and Old Umbrian tradi-

tions begin in the 6th cent. BC, the bulk of the inscriptions, however, are from the 3rd—1st cents. BC. The content of the texts is of great variety: besides funerary, votive and building inscriptions there are leges sacrae, legal texts, military orders, curse tablets, etc. Also worthy of note are some Southern Picene eulogies (6th/sth centuries), whose almost entirely alliterating texts [8. 85-88] (cf. postin viam videtas tetis tokam alies esmen vepses vepeten, TE.2 [8], »by the wayside

Pre-Samnite and Oscan each use their own alphabet, variations on the Etruscan one [9. 418-420]. The other languages use the Latin alphabet, which in the 2nd cent. BC starts to take hold in Umbria. The Oscan inscriptions of Lucania were written in the Greek alphabet, the one exception being the Tabula Bantina (VETTER 2), which is written in Latin script. C. Posir1oN OF OSCAN-UMBRIAN The OU languages form an independent group within the Italic branch of the Indo-European language family (> Italy, languages D.). Distinguishing phonological characteristics of OU are the labialization of + labio-velars (k” > p, ¢ > b, cf. Oscan pis, Umbrian pis ~ Latin quis < *k“is; Oscan bivus nominative plural masculine ~ Latin vivus < *g“ih,-uo-), convergence to f of proto-Indo-European voiced aspirates even wordinternally (except after a nasal; Oscan mefia‘, Southern Picenian mefiin locative singular masculine/feminine ~ Latin medius < *med’io-), anda ‘vowel shift’, i.e. lowering of short vowels i e o > { ¢ Q with simultaneous

raising of inherited long vowels 7 é 6 >7é 6 (sometimes > u) [10. 39-45]. In nominal declension the genitive singular ending -e/s of the i-stems is transferred to the consonant and o-stems, the vocalism of nominative

and

accusative plural of all stem classes was levelled (e.g. Umbrian -as -af, -us -uf, -is -if, -s -f). The formation of future and future perfect by means of the suffixes -s-, -us- from the present and perfect stems is characteristic: Vestinian didet ‘dat? Oscan didest ‘dabit?, Umbrian terust /der-/ < *dedust ‘dederit’ [11. 169, 173]. D. CONTACT

WITH LATIN, ROMANIZATION

The geographical proximity of the OU languages led to a series of loans into Latin (many from the field of animal husbandry, cf. bds for true Latin tvos; rufus, helvus — probably originally as fur colours — for trabus, thulvus). Conversely, Latin influence on the lexicon, phraseology, grammar and alphabet of the OU vernaculars increased from as early as the end of the 4th cent. BC. After citizen rights were conferred on the socii in 90 BC, the languages were given up in favour of Latin. The evidence of the epigraphic tradition attests that this took place within two to three generations. Only Oscan, the one language still attested in the first cent. AD, survived until around AD 70; the assimilation of nd, mb > nn, mm observable in southern Italian dia-

lects is ascribed to its substrate influence [12. 65-67].

~ Italy, languages (with map); > Osci 1G. Meiser, Palignisch, Latein und Stidpikenisch, in: Glotta 65, 1987, 104-125 2CIE2,2 3 A. PRospociMi, Rivista di epigrafica italica, in: SE 58, 1992, 315-378 4H. Rix, Variazioni locali in Osco, in: L. Det Turro Pama (ed.), La Tavola di Agnone, 1996, 243-261

5 Id.,

Una firma paleo-umbra, in: Archivio Glottologico Ita-

274

273

OSCI

tostoria delle lingue sabelliche, in: L. Det Turro PaLMa

the god of adolescent ephebes and of the symposium in Athens [5].

(ed.), s. [4], 1996, 187-209

— Athena; > Eiresione; > Gender roles

liano 77, 1992, 243-252

6G. MEIsER, Accessi alla pro-

7 VETTER

8 A. MARINETTI,

Le iscrizioni sudpicene, 1985 9M. CrisTOFANI, L‘alfabeto etrusco, in: PROSDOCIMI, 401-428 10 G. MEISER,

Lautgeschichte der umbrischen Sprache, 1996 11 C.D. Buck, A Grammar of Oscan and Umbrian, 1928 12 C. TAGLIAVINI, Le origini delle lingue neolatine, 1964. Poccetti;

PRosDocIMI,

Index; H. Rix (ed.), Oskisch-

Umbrische Texte und Grammatik, 1993; G. Rocca, Iscrizioni umbre minori, 1996; J. UNTERMANN, Worterbuch des Oskisch-Umbrischen, 2000. GE.ME.

1 A. SEverYNS, Recherches sur la Chresthomatie de Proclos, 1939 2 W.S. FerGuson, The Salaminioi of Heptaphyloi and Sounion, in: Hesperia 7, 1938, 1-74 3H. JEANMAIRE, Couroi et Courétes, 1939 Thésée et I‘imaginaire Athénien, 1990

Geburt und Hochzeit des Kriegers, 2000.

2oth cent, the O. were considered to be a survival of an

> initiation ritual [3], because of ethnologic parallels and the aetiological connection with —~ Theseus’s journey to Crete as narrated by Plutarch. More recent interpretations analyse the symbolic meaning of foodstuffs and the function of space in O. with an eye on the political usage of myths about Theseus [4]. This analysis allows us to modify the interpretation of O. as initiation [5]. The age groups of the younger oschophoroi and of the ephebi were opposed in the ritual. The participation of women made publicly visible the work for their sons they did at home: feeding, dressing and storytelling. The ritual performance of these activities accompanied the transition of the younger participants from the stage in which they belonged to their mothers, marked by their being dressed in female garments, to the age-group of the ephebes. Wine stalks, prizes and the ritual walk on the land between Athens and Phaleron underlined the significance of agricultural production and landed property on Athenian territory. Athena Skiras as goddess of women borders [1. 339-374; 5] belongs to this transition, as does > Dionysus, whose myths addressed the relationship between sons and mothers, and who was

K.WA.

Osci A. EryMoLocy

Oschophoria (doyxopdgua/dschophéria, dsoxopogial oschophoria, in inscriptions *@moxomoo.a/ also *Oskophoria). Athenian festival. Its course of events can be reconstructed from Plut. Theseus 22-23 and Procl. Chresthomateia 87-92 SEVERYNS [1]: a procession with two youths (@oxopdeoV6schophoroi, ‘carriers of grapevines’) dressed up as girls carrying grape stalks and a choir walked from a temple of Dionysus to the temple of > Athena Skiras in Phaleron, where sacrifices were offered. Women participated in the festival as Seitvopdgovdeipnophoroi (‘food carriers’) and told myths. A race among > ephebes took place; the prize was a ‘fivefold cup’ (phidlé pentaplé) containing oil, wine, honey, cheese and flour. The sources mentioned above, as well as others, are often incomplete and contradictory (discussion of the whole evidence: [3; 5]). According to an inscription from the 4th cent. BC, Oschophoroi and deipnophoroi were elected from the genos of the Salaminii, which also appointed the priestess of Athena Skiras (SEG 21, 527; [2]). Scholars from the roth cent. interpreted the O. as an agrarian festival, given the presence of wine stalks and the festival’s date in the month of Pyanepsion. In the

4 C. CALAME, 5 K. WALDNER,

B.ETruniciry

C. LINGUISTICS

A. ETYMOLOGY O. (‘Oscans’) is the term for several Italian peoples united by their language. The term obscum that is used to refer to them has been variously interpreted: as sacrum (Fest. 204,24; 20§,1) or connected with obsce-

num (Tac. Ann. 4,14; Fest. 204,31; 218,14f.). The O.

had previously been called Opsci (first mention: Enn. Ann. 296; Fest. 218,12) or Ophici, the latter because of

the great occurrence of snakes (Greek ophis) particularly around Capua (Serv. Aen. 7,730; Steph. Byz. s.v. Omxol; Opikoi). However, their name could also refer toa region in Campania (Fest. 121,4) or toa town of the ager Veiens (Fest. 204,32).

B. ETHNICITY The O. (Verg. Aen. 7,730) settled between Campamia) (Sirays53.6; esa oll cs5 26s bests cou, AceblintwllN 3,60: Tenuere

Osci, Graeci,

Umbri,

Tusci, Campani;

Prop. 4,2,62) and Latium (Plin. HN 3,56: O. and Ausones on the other side of Mons Circeius, in Latium adiectum). Ancient authors differ on the identification

and delineation from neighbouring peoples. Strabo (5,4,3) summarizes the problem: Antiochus (FGrH 555 F 7; cf. also Aristot. Ath. pol. 1329b 19) speaks of Opikot, who in his view can be identified with the > Ausones; Polybius (34,11,7), on the other hand, distin-

guishes two peoples settled in the same region. Yet others draw a distinction between a first phase, in which Campania was inhabited by Opici and Ausones, and a second, in which an O. éthnos took possession of the land (cf. Strab. 5,3,6). It is conceivable that ancient

authors considered Opici (Opikot) the old term for (or the early historical phase of) the inhabitants of Italy that are later called O. (on the correspondence between the terms Opici and O. cf. Fest. 204,28). According to Antiochus (FGrH 555 F 5) and Thucydides (6,2,4) the Siculi were driven out of Italy by the Opici. At any rate, the Opici/O. comprise a multiplicity of éthné (‘peoples’), such as the Sidicini (Str. 5,3,9), who had disappeared by the time of Strabo (ibid. 5,3,6) and who were seen as protagonists of the changing ethnical appearance of central and southern Italy: one tradition has them as the ones who had settled in villages in the region later occupied by force by the > Sabini (Str. 5,4,12); in other places there are accounts of the O. having lived in + Fregellae before the — Volsci (Steph. Byz. s.v.

OSCI

275

276

®oétyehra). Ancient sources include them among

the

G. Devoro, Gli antichi Italici, 1951; VETTER, 1-201; A. L. PrRosDOCIMI, L‘osco, in: PROSDOCIMI 6,1, 825-911

many Italian populations subjugated by the Romans (Dion. Hal. 1,89,3; Cass. Dio 38,37,5); O. could be

used as a synonym for ‘barbarian’ or ‘crude’ (cf. Gell. 2,21,4; 13,9,4), OmiCew/opikizein for BaePagiter/ barbarizein (‘speak like a barbarian’).

In the Campanian territory of the Opici/O. were the cities of + Capua (Serv. Aen. 7,730), Parthenope/> Neapolis [2] (Strab. 14,2,10; Steph. Byz. s.v. Pddynoov), Atella, which was situated between the two (Str. 5,3,6; Steph. Byz. s.v. “AteAha), and > Cyme [2] (Thuk. 6,4,5: €v Omuxiat; Paus. 7,22,8; 8,24,5; 10,12,8;

Ps.-Scymn. 236-238). The O. are supposed to have been defeated by the Cymaeans, and these in turn by the Tyrrhenians (Strab. 5,4,3). A Latinium was also known of on the Tyrrhenian coast (Aristot. FGrH 840 F 13a). Part ofthe O. also settled in Sicily: Plato (Epist. 8,353) was greatly afraid for the Greek spoken on the island that had been corrupted by the Phoenicians and Opikoi. In 410 BC the Campanians sent by Carthage in support of ~— Segesta were probably O. (Diod. 13,44,1); the term — Mamertini is used to refer to the

Oscan-speaking mercenaries who occupied > Messana. » Meddix is the term for an Oscan magistrate (Fest. 110,19), maesius is the O. for the Latin mensis Maius (the month of May, Fest. 121,4). The term oscillum (‘little mask’) might derive from the O., who used these

(Serv. Georg. 2,389). In effect, it is the language by which the term O. with its multiplicity of regions and ethnicities in southern Italy is defined and identified: the Lucani, the bilingual Bruttii (Enn. Ann. 477: Bruttaces bilingui; Fest. 31,25: et Osce et Graece; cf. also Steph. Byz. s.v. “Omvxoi) and some of the Samnites (Liv. 10,20,8; Skyl. 15) spoke Oscan (cf. also Fest. 150,34: Mamers ... qui lingua Oscorum Mars significatur; Steph. Byz. s.v. Téka: } OntmOv mwvy; Titinnus in Fest. 204,29: obsce; Varro Ling. 5,131: osce). Because he could speak Graece et Osce et Latine, > Ennius [1] had ‘three hearts in his breast’ (Gell. 17,17,1).

C. LINGUISTICS Oscan is an Italic language, known to us partly by an indirect tradition in Latin sources, but mainly through inscriptions; geographically these cover a very broad area and can be dated to the period between the 5th cent. BC and the early Empire. In them three different kinds of writing are attested, derived from Etruscan (Northern Oscan), Greek (regions of Southern Oscan

influenced by Magna Graecia) and Latin; the inscriptions comprise burial and votive inscriptions, coin legends, inscriptions of magical content and administrative inscriptions (cf. the Tabula Bantina, 2nd/rst cents. BC). Remarkably, the Oscan language (1 “Ooxwv diadextos) lived on in the plays taken over from the O., which were named > Atellanae fabulae after the city of Atella (Str. 5,3,6; Liv. 7,2,12; Tac. Ann. 4,14; Varro Ling. 7,29; Cic. Fam. 7,1,3: ludi Osci).

> Etrusci (with maps); > Italy, languages (with map); » Oscan-Umbrian

(includes an extensive bibliography that is regularly updated by A. Marinett1); P. Poccerti, Nuovi documenti italici, 1979, nos. 13-203; E. CAMPANILE, C. Letra, Studi sulle magistrature indigene e municipali in area italica, 1979; M. LeyeuNg, D. BRIQUEL, Lingue e scritture, in: G. PUGLIESE CARRATELLI (Ed.), Italia omnium terrarum parens, 1989, 433-474.

S.D.V.

Oscillum. Group of round or pelta-shaped (i.e. based on the shape of the shield of an Amazon) ornamental marble discs, executed in relief, and dating from the period between the rst cent. BC and the middle of the 2nd cent. AD. Oscilla for the most part come from the Vesuvian cities and have been found in villas and townhouses with gardens, in which they were used as decoration, hanging from chains between the columns of garden peristyles. Others could be found as ornamental elements in theatres and temple complexes. Oscilla are usually worked on both sides, with the reverse given less care — e.g. being merely painted — or remaining unworked. Themes from the Dionysian sphere dominate (satyrs, maenads, Pan, silenes, theatre masks), though

gods (Hermes, Artemis, Aphrodite, Apollo, Eros) and figures from myth (Diomedes, Heracles, Achilles and Chiron, Centaurs, Seethiasus) were also occasionally represented, as are (on rare occasions) scenes from everyday life (smithing, farming). I. CorswanptT, Oscilla. Untersuchung zu einer romischen Reliefgattung, 1982; I.-M. PAILLER, Les oscilla retrouves, in: MEFRA 94, 1982, 743-820.

RH.

Osi. Illyrian (?) tribe (Tac. Germ. 28,3; 43,1; Osones: Itin. Anton. 263,7), related to the Aravisci, living to the

east of the + Marcomanni but west of the > Hercynia Silva. The O. were tributary to the > Sarmates or the > Quadi. They originally lived northeast of the bend in the Danube near Vac, not far from the river Ipel’ in central Slovakia. In 10/9 BC, they became part of the Roman sphere ofinfluence (ILS 8965). Probably before the end of the Marcomanni War in 180 AD they migrated to Pannonia, in the area between

— Savaria and > Aquincum (Itin. Anton. 263,7). From this period a praepos(itus) gentis Onsorum is recorded [1]. 1 R. Cacnat, A. M-L. CHaTELAIn (ed.), Inscriptions Latines d‘Afrique, 1923, nr. 455.

TIR L 34 Budapest, 1968, 86.

J.BU.

Osiris (“Oorgic/ Osiris, Eg. Ws3r). The ruler of the after-

life, one of the central figures in Egyptian mythology from the Old Kingdom; he was regarded as the son of Geb and > Nut, brother and husband of > Isis and the

posthumous father of —» Horus; additional siblings were + Seth and > Nephthys. There was no coherent version of the myth of O. until Plutarch (De Iside et Osiride, |7]|), although it is already attested in allusions

278

aay

and extracts in the oldest texts. O. was regarded as the mythological king at a time when the gods reigned on earth and evil did not yet exist. Plutarch described O. as a purveyor of culture, Diodorus 1,19 even reports of an Indian expedition. Seth, being jealous of O., murdered him and in this way brought evil into the world. He dismembered O.’s body and scattered it all over Egypt; his coffin is said to have been washed ashore in Byblus. Isis searched for O. and reassembled him; this is consid-

OSSA

Osroenians served as archers (Cass. Dio 78,14,1; Not.

Dign. Or. 35,23; ILS 2765) or catafractiarii (> Kataphraktoi; numerus Hosroruorum, ILS 2540) in the Roman army. Amm. Marc. 24,1,2 refers to a dux Osrhoenae (- Nicephorium). According to Not. Dign. Or. 35, he controlled units on the Balih and Habur rivers; cf. a praefectus Mesopotamiae et Hosroenae, AE

1969/70, 109.

ered an aetion for the invention of mummification

J. WaGNerR, Provincia Osrhoenae, in: $. MITCHELL (ed.), Armies and Frontiers in Roman and Byzantine Anatolia,

(+ Mummies). Posthumously, he then fathered Horus

1983, 106-114.

who later sought to avenge the murder and assumed the succession whilst O. took over rule in the afterlife. This resulted in every deceased person being referred to as O.-XX.

K.KE.

Osroes

O. is often equated with + Orion who guides the

[1] Son of > Vologaeses I, who fought > Pacorus for the Parthian crown from AD 89/90, but did not succeed

decan stars together with Isis-Sothis (Sirius); the adver-

until r08/9. His meddling in Armenia (cf. > Axidares;

sary is the great chariot (Seth). In addition, his fate identified him with the moon and its phases as well as with the inundation of the Nile and the cycle of vegetation (grain O.). Iconographically, O. is depicted in the form

+ Parthamasiris)

of a mummy,

with the Atef Crown, gods’ beard, cro-

oked staff and scourge, as Orion on the other hand he is shown as alive and in the process of striding out. The djed column that is regarded as his backbone is also an important symbol. The main cult centres were ~ Abydus [2] and > Busiris, although every Egyptian nome claimed to own a tomb of O. witha

relic; Philae is

particularly well known. At > festivals, the most important of which was the Choiak festival, the fate of the god was enacted (‘Mysteries’) [3; 5]. In the context of the religious policy of Ptolemy I, the local god O.-Apis was the basis for the creation of the Hellenized god - Serapis. In Roman times, the so-called canopus (-» Canope) was also prominent — a vase with an O. head that was filled with water from the Nile. This form goes back to the relic vessels in Egyptian nome processions. 1 J. BERGMAN, Isis-Seele und O.-Ei, 1970

s.v. O., RARG, 568-76 Liturgien,

1995

Edfou, 1983 osiriennes,

2H. BONNET,

3 G. BuRKARD, Spatzeitliche O.-

4S. CauviLie,

La théologie d’O. a

5 Id., Le temple de Dendara. Les chapelles 1997

6 J. GWYN

GRIFFITHS, s.v. O., LA 4,

623-33 7 Id., Plutarch’s De Iside et Osiride, 1970 8 Id., The Origins of O. and his Cult, 1980. Av.L.

Osroene (Oogonvi/Osroéné). Territory in northern Mesopotamia, perhaps also a Parthian administrative district, also called Osdroene, Orrhoene (Oodeo0nvr/ Osdroéné, “Ogoonvi/Orrhoéne) among others; possibly derived from the Iranian personal name Osroes. O. included the region around > Edessa [2] and at times eastern territories up to the Euphrates, which bordered on the region of > Adiabene. Plin. HN 6,9,25; 31,129 described its inhabitants as Arabs. Inscriptions for AD 195 and 212 attest to the procurator Augusti of a Roman province of Osrhoena that bordered the then still independent territory of the vassal kings of Edessa who were also described as ‘rulers of O.’ (CIL 6,1797).

provoked

Trajan’s

Parthian

War

(+ Parthian and Persian Wars), which O. weathered despite severe setbacks. In 117, he expelled his son Par-

thamaspates, who had been drawn to the Roman side and whom Trajan had made king of the Parthians. A treaty was concluded at a meeting with Hadrian in 123, and O.’s daughter, who had been taken captive by the Romans

in 116, was returned to him in 129. Shortly

after that he was killed by his rival > Vologaeses III. P. OLBRYCHT, Das Arsakidenreich zwischen der mediterranen Welt und Innerasien, in: E. DABRowa (ed.), Ancient Iran and the Mediterranean World (Electrum 2), 1998, 123-159, esp. 138-150; PIR* O 156.

[2] Parthian general, who conquered Armenia in AD Core LIRSO Mss: M. Karras-KLappRoTH, Prosopographische Studien zur Geschichte des Partherreiches, 1988.

M.SCH.

Ossa ("Oooa/Ossa). [1] Mountain range (1978 m) of lime and slate, divided

from > Olympus [1] in the north by the erosion gorge that is the Vale of Tempe and from > Pelion (modern Kissavos) in the south by the Agia depression. Politically it was part of Magnesia [1]. The steep eastern slopes down to the Aegaean were uninhabited, in spite of a coastal road from ~ Homole in the north to > Meliboea [2]. On the western slopes there were Thessalian towns (Elate, Laceria, Mopsium, Sycurium). Archaeol-

ogy: votive gifts for the Nymphs, 4th/3rd cents. BC, at modern Spilia to the northwest of O. ina stalactite cave. Literary sources: Eur. El. 446f.; Hdt. 7,129; Str. 7a,1,14f.; 58; 9,5,1ff.; 11,124,135; Plin. HN 4,30f.; 43;

Rtolaeatse tS: J. SCHMIDT, s.v. O. (1), RE 18, 1591-1595; A.J.B. Wace, M.S. THompson, A Cave of the Nymphs on Mount Ossa, in: ABSA 15, 1908/9, 243-247; C. LIENAU, Griechenland, 1989, 92, 129-131.

HE.KR.

OSSA

279

[2] (f) “Oooa/hé Ossa). There was a pair of mountains, Olympus and O., not only in Thessalia, but also on either side of Pisa in the western Peloponnese (Str. 8,3,31; Eust. on Dionys. Per. 409). Pisa has not been exactly located, hence O. not either. J. E. Hotmpere,

J. Script,

O. (2), RE

18, rs9sf. HO (Gabe

Ossius (Hosius, Osius). Bishop of Corduba (from c. AD 295), born c. 256, died in the winter of AD 3 57/8

[3. 43ff.; 525ff.]. Participated in the Council of Elvira (306/9). Confessor under Maximianus [3. 128-133]. At the beginning of the Donatist dispute (AD 313), he was sent by > Constantine [1] I to> Caecilianus [1]. In

324, O. tried without success to mediate between Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, and > Arius [3] [2. 16f.]. He pursued an anti-Arian church policy, in accord with the emperors Constantine and > Constans [1], to whom he provided counsel, but in opposition to ~ Constantius [2] Il. He presided over the Synod of Antioch (325) [4. 146ff.], possibly the Council of Nicaea (325) (canon 5), and with certainty the Council of Serdica (343) [1]. In the year 3 57, Constantius forced the elderly Ossius, who was also defending > Athana-

280

Pseudo-Democritus, he appears as a (quasi-fictional) Persian sage pronouncing teachings of wisdom and attesting secret Greek wisdom to Democritus. These (fictional) works must be distinguished from the writings of one (Pseudo-)O.: the only one of these writings whose title survives is Octateuch (Philon of Byblos in Euseb. Praep. evang. 1,10,52 = [1. fragment 7]) [2. 555f.], a collection of religious writings (e.g. on the idea of a supreme god [r. fragment 7], demons [1. frr. 9-16]). Also preserved under the name of O. [2. § 55-564] are tracts on astronomy [1. frr. 4a, 8b, rr], occult powers in animals, plants and stones [1. vol. 2, 309-356] and recipes for sympathetic and antipathetic medicines [1. fragments 17-20]. Bolus of Mendes, who describes himself as a student of Democritus [2. 560-562], seems to have been an important transmitter. The context within which O.’s writings arose is difficult to discern (Hellenized Persians or Greeks influenced by the Orient of the Hellenistic Period?). In any case, these writings demonstrate the efforts of Hellenistic > magic to follow highly authoritative Oriental figures of ancient theological thought. 1 J. Bipez, F. CUMonr, Les mages hellénisés, 2 vols., 1938

(repr. 1973)

2R. Beck, Excursus: Thus Spake Not Zara-

sius, to sign the second Formula of Sirmium (Synod of

thustra: Zoroastrian Pseudepigrapha of the Greco-Roman World, in: M. Boyce, F. GRENET (eds.), A History of

Sirmium, 357) [2. 138f.; 4. 334ff.].

Zoroastrianism, vol. 3 (HbdOr 8), 1991, 491-565.

>» Arianism;

LK.

> Donatus [1]; > Nicaenum

1 L. W. BARNARD, The Council of Serdica 343 A.D., 1983 2 T. D. Barnes, Athanasius and Constantius, 1993 3 V. DE CLERQUE, O. of Cordova, 1954 4R.P.C. Hanson, The Search for the Christian Doctrine of God, 1988 5K. M. GiraArpDeT, Der Vorsitzende des Konzils von Nicaea, in: K. Dierz (ed.), Klassisches Altertum, Spatantike und

frihes Christentum. Festschrift A. Lippold, 1993, 331360.

U.HE.

Ostanes (Ootdvy¢/Ostanés).

[1] Akkadian UStani. Persian governor of Babylonia and the Transeuphrates under Darius | (attested from 521-516 BC) [1]. 1M. W. Srovper, Entrepreneurs and Empire, 1985, 8, 66.

[2] (Hostanes: Apul. Apol. 90). According to the Graeco-Roman biographical tradition, O. was a Persian magician who accompanied the expedition of > Xerxes against Greece (479 BC) (Plin. HN 30,8 = [1. fragment 1]). He is said to have had contact with Greek intellectuals (e.g. > Democritus [1]: Diog. Laert. 9,34; cf. Philostr. VS 1,10 concerning Pythagoras) and to have brought occultism (~ Magic, + Alchemy) to Greece. This information, and his close relation to > Zoroaster, indicate that he was an advocate of Persian religion. Even if the biographical tradition is based on a historical core, the further embellishment of the reception of O., portraying him as the teacher of Democritus and describing their joint occult activities, is the result of

Hellenistic invention [2. 554f.]. With regard to his socalled ‘writings’, O. is an elusive figure. In the works of

Ostentum see > Prodigium Ostia (cf. map). City at the mouth of the > Tiber, 16 miles from Rome, of the tribus Voturia (tribus Palatina for freedmen), later regio I (— Italia), connected to

Rome by the via Ostiensis. According to Liv. 1,33,9, the colony was founded by Ancus Marcius [I 3] when, having deprived — Veii of the silva Mesia, he extended his rule to the coast and set up salt refineries there (cf. CIL XIV 4338 from 2nd cent. AD). However, the strong walls of tufa blocks, enclosing a rectangle of 125 x 194 m, only date from the mid—4th cent. BC. This so-called castrum, divided symmetrically by two street axes, was directly at the river mouth (which today has pushed out 4 km to the west), in order to control access. It, together with O.’s very limited cultivable territorium, emphasises the military nature of the site. In 267 BC, the provincia quaestoria Ostiensis was founded (Cic. Sest. 39; Cic. Mur. 18), with O. becoming the seat of a quaestor classicus; from the > Punic Wars, O. was the base for a small fleet, safeguarding Rome’s grain supply in particular. In 87 BC, O. was plundered by ~ Marius [I 1]. The ‘Sullan Wall’ is also dated to the context of this conflict: hexagonal, with at least five gates and numerous round towers, it enclosed an area thirty times as large as the original. Where O. had previously been governed direct from Rome through a quaestor, the usual hierarchy of a colonia was introduced after Sulla, with decuriones and duoviri (Fasti Ostienses from 46 BC), though the powerful influence of Rome continued to be exerted through the quaestor and later the praefectus annonae (— cura annonae).

281

282

OSTIA

Until the early Imperial period, O. was characterized by its storage buildings near the river, and its large domus with atrium and peristyle. Monumental public spaces and architecture are only known from this

Ostorius [1] O. Sabinus. Roman eques who accused Marcius [II 2] Barea Soranus in 66 and was awarded 1,2 million sesterces and the > Ornamenta Quaestoria. PIR* O

period on (theatre, southern forum, temple of Roma

161.

and Augustus), while numerous sanctuaries had already long existed (sanctuary of Hercules, group of four temples, Bona Dea, chief deity Vulcan). A substantial area in the north east of the city housed wharves and storage yards and was thus delineated as part of the territorium of the Roman urbs (so-called ‘Cippi of

[2] M. O. Scapula. Senator who served in the army in Britain under his father O. [4] and was awarded the corona civica for rescuing citizens (Tac. Ann. 12,31,4). In 59 cos. suff. Although he had saved the praetor + Antistius [II 5] Sosianus from indictment, the latter accused him later under Nero. When a centurio infor-

Caninius’, 2nd cent. BC). Claudius’ and Trajan’s constructions of the harbour facilities at > Portus, with

med him that he was condemned

which O. was linked by a littoral road by way of the so-called Isola Sacra (necropolis), reinforced O.’s importance as a reloading and administrative centre for Rome, and led to a great demand for accommodation and warehousing. The city visible in ruins today, built of brick, grew on terrain constantly being raised to escape flooding; it expanded beyond the city walls and on to the other bank of the Tiber. The monumentalization of the forum and streets with the addition of porticos and nymphaea, the erection of three large public bath-houses and the construction of warehouses (horrea) were financed from the public purse, while the large residential blocks (insulae, e.g. Casa di Diana; Insula degli Aurighi e di Serapide) with workshops and tenements to meet all needs, numerous suburban baths, other horrea and a plethora of constantly changing sanctuaries, were privately financed. From the Republican period, > necropoleis flanked the roads leading southward and eastward. 2nd—3rd cent. O. is thus rightly regarded as an archaeological reflection of the conditions of private and public metropolitan life in the Imperial period, which at Rome is comprehensible only from literary sources. The collegia (‘guilds’; ~+ collegium) and their economic and political importance are also very well attested at O. from inscriptions and guild houses. The cosmopolitan nature of the population can be deduced from the numerous foreign cults and the stationes of the trading houses on the so-called Piazzale delle corporazioni between the theatre and the Tiber. In the 3rd cent. AD, the city began to decline in favour of > Portus. The previous image of a slowly decaying city with lavish private homes has, however, proved only partly true. The recent discovery of the large Constantinian episcopal church in the south of the city provides evidence of its continuing vitality. Only from the 6th cent. AD did the population decline considerably, until the last inhabitants were resettled around the martyr’s church of S. Aurea in Gregoriopolis, around AD 800. + OSTIA

[3] M. (O.) Scapula. Descendant of O. [2]. Cos. suff. together with Q. Bittius Proculus in September probably of 99 ([1. 445-450] = RMD 3, 141). Proconsul of Asia probably in 114/115. PIR* O 163.

G. BecattTi (ed.), Scavi di O., 1954ff.; A. GALLINA ZEVI,

A. CLaRIDGE

(ed.), Roman

O. Revisited,

1996;

R.

Metccs, Roman O., *1973; J. E. PackER, The Insulae of Imperial O., 1971; L. PAscHETTO, O. colonia romana, 1912; C. PAVOLINI, O., 1983; L. R. TayLor, The Cults of O., 1912; L. VipMAN, Fasti Ostienses, 1982. G.U. V.K.

to death, he killed

himself. Son of O. [4]. PIR* O 162.

1 W. Eck, Ein Militardiplom traianischer Zeit aus dem pannonischen Raum, in: Kolner Jahrbiicher 26, 1993.

[4] P. O. Scapula. Cos. suff. before 47; in that year successor to A. Plautius as governor of Britain. His successful campaigns, primarily against — Caratacus, are

described by Tacitus (Ann. 12,31-39). Awarded the ~ ornamenta triumphalia for his success in the province, where he died shortly after. O. [2] was his son. PIR* O 164.

[5] P.O. Scapula. Praefectus Aegypti under > Augustus, probably inc. AD 5. He married Sallustia Calvina, the daughter of > Sallustius Crispus. Possibly a brother of ©P (6), BIR O1165,. DEMOUGN,

123f.

[6] Q. O. Scapula. Eques, appointed by Augustus as the first > praefectus praetorio together with P. > Salvius Aper (Cass. Dio 55,10,10). Probably a brother of O. [5]. PIR* O 167.

[7] Q. O. Scapula. Cos. suff. together with P. Suillius Rufus in 41 or 43/5 (AE 1980, 907 and [t. 693ff.; 2. 54f. no. r°'}). Probably a son of O. [6]. PIR* O 166. 1G. CamMopbeEca, Nuovi documenti

dell‘archivio Puteo-

lano dei Sulpicii, in: SDHI 61, 1995

2Id., Tabulae Pom-

peianae Sulpiciorum, vol. 1, 1999. K. WacHTEL, Ostorii Scapulae, in: Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungariae 41, 1989, 241-246. W.E.

Ostrakinda (dotoaxivda/ostrakinda). The ‘shard game’ or ‘day and night game’, a > running and catching game played by Greek boys: of two groups with an equal number of players, one group stands facing east (day) and the other west (night) on a line over which a player throws a shard (S0tQaxov, dstrakon) that is painted white on one side = day (huéoa, héméra) and black on the other = night (vWE, myx); as he does so, the thrower calls ‘day or night’. If the disc falls on the black side, the members of the west team attempt to catch the east team who are running away (the other way around in the reverse case). Anyone who allows

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himself to be caught has to carry the victor on his back (> ephedrismos) and is called ‘donkey’ [1].

stides 7,3-4). While, after this event, ostracism still con-

OSTRAKINDA

1 C. A. FORBES, s.v. O., RE 18, 1673.

M. FirrA, Spiele und Spielzeug in der Antike. Unterhaltung und Vergniigen im Altertum, 1998, 27. R.H.

Ostrakismos (dotoaxtoudc, ‘trial by sherds’ from > ostrakon, pl. dstraka, ‘pottery sherd’). A procedure in Athens that permitted expulsion of a man from the country for ten years without having been convicted of

an

offence,

but without

confiscating

his property.

According to the (Pseudo-) Aristotelian Athénaion Politeia (22,1; 22,3), ostracism was introduced by > Cleisthenes [2] (508/7 BC), but not applied until 488/7. A

fragment by Androtion (FGrH 324 F 6) reports that ostracism had been established immediately before its first application, but this statement was probably falsified when it was passed on; the original text of Androtion probably offered the same content as the Athenaion Politeia ({3.256f.], |5. 79-86]; a different version in [1. 332f.]). Each year in the sixth prytany (> prytaneia), the people’s assembly (— ekklesia) decided on whether to carry out an ostracism ({Aristot.] Ath. Pol. 43,5). It would then take place in the eighth prytany if that was the wish of the majority (Philochorus FGrH 328 F 30). There was no list of possible candidates, rather each person entitled to vote wrote (on a fragment of pottery) the name of aman whom he wanted to see banished. Ifa total of 6,000 votes had been cast (thus Plut. Aristides 7,5; this version is more probable than the one of Philochorus suggesting that 6,000 votes had to be directed against a single individual), the candidate with the hig-

hest number of votes was banished. After 480 BC, the area where the ostracised could reside, was restricted

({Aristot.] Ath. Pol. 22,8; the interpretation of this passage is debated). Between 487 and 415 BC, about 13 men were ostracised, amongst them Hipparchus, son of Charmus (487), Megacles [4] (486 and possibly again later), — Xanthippus, the father of Pericles (484), -» Aristides [1] (482),

Themistocles (c. 470), > Ci-

mon [2] (c. 460), > Thucydides, the son of Melesias (c. 443), and > Hyperbolus (presumably in 415). According to the sources, ostracism had the purpose

of preventing a > tyrannis, but in reality it was probably unsuitable for that purpose. The first victims of ostracism had connections to the > Peisistratidae and the + Alcmaeonidae, who, during the time of the Persian incursions of 490, were both under suspicion of

political disloyalty. After that, it appears that ostracism was employed to settle the rivalries between political leaders with the less popular one being removed from. Athens while the more popular one remained in the country. In 4145, Hyperbolus applied for an ostracism which, in the expectation of the public, was meant to affect > Alcibiades [3] or > Nicias [rt]; however, the two joined forces and Hyperbolus himself was ostracised (Plut. Nicias 11; Plut. Alcibiades 13; cf. Plut. Ari-

tinued to be available in theory it was no longer applied, the reason being not that Hyperbolus was an undeserving victim (thus Plutarch), but because his banishment had demonstrated the unreliability of the procedure. It thus appeared to be more useful to directly take the opponent to court. So far, more than 10,000 ostraka have been found,

mostly from the earlier procedures. They contain more than 130 names (cf. [4; 6; 8] in particular). The voters

wrote down the name and sometimes also his patryonic and/or the > démos [2] from where the candidate originated; some added short remarks. Presumably, some

people voted against their personal enemies, but a candidate who had a large number of votes directed against him was probably a person in public life against whom people voted for political reasons. It was possible to organise a campaign against a person whom one had made a target: A hoard find of 190 6straka against Themistocles shows the handwriting of only 14 different people [2; 4. 142-161]; the story of the ostracism against Hyperbolus (see above) also speaks for itself. The institution of ostracism requires widespread basic knowledge of reading and writing, however, illiterate persons could use 6straka prepared in advance or ask friends to write a name ona sherd, as is evidenced by an anecdote about Aristides (Plut. Aristides 7,5f.). Apart from Athens, ostracism procedures were reportedly used in Argos, Megara and Miletus (Aristoph. Equ. 855), also in Syracuse in the middle of the 5th cent. BC where it was called — petalismos

(Diod. 11,87);

Ostraka found recently in Cyrene are possibly attributable to an individual event in the late 5th cent. BC (cf. Diod. 14,34,3—6; Aristot. Pol. 6, 1319 b 11-23; [9]). ATHENS:

1 BELOCH, GG 2,1

2 O. BRONEER, Excavati-

ons on the North Slope of the Acropolis, 1937: Ostraka, in: Hesperia 7, 1938, 228-243 3 K.J. Dover, Androtion on Ostracism, in: CR 13, 1963, 256f. (= Id., The Greeks and Their Legacy, 1988, 83-85) 4M.L. Lane, Ostraka (Agora 25), 1990 5G. V. SUMNER, Androtion F 6 and Ath. Pol. 22, in: BICS r1, 1964, 79-86 6R. THOMSEN, The Origin of Ostracism, 1972

7 E. VANDERPOOL, Ost-

racism at Athens (Lectures in Memory of L. Taft Semple 2), 1966-1970, 215-270 8F. WILLEMSEN, S. BRENNE, Verzeichnis der Kerameikos-Ostraka, in: MDAI(A) 106, 1991, 147-161.

CYRENE: 9L. BACCHIELLI, RFIC 122, 1994, 257-270.

L‘ostracismo

a Cirene, in: P.LLR.

Ostrakon (dotoaxov; dstrakon). Sherd of pottery, sometimes of (lime)stone, which was used as writing material for short messages, smaller documents,

receipts, etc.; they were rarely used for literary texts (Sappho fr. 2 Lobel-Page). Ostraca are attested from pre-Ptolemaic Egypt and then up to the end of GraecoRoman antiquity. The respective texts were written in ink or scratched into the ostrakon; examples have survived in the Hieratic, Demotic, Greek, Coptic and Arabic scripts. In contrast to expensive — papyrus, Ostraka were waste products of a household, and the-

290

289

refore free and immediately available;

> Cleanthes [2],

for example, is said to have used dstraka exclusively because he was poor (Diog. Laert. 7,174). Apart from Ostraka containing text messages, pictorial dstraka from Egypt depicting animals or (animal) fairy tales, everyday and cult or divine scenes have also survived. Ostraka with short messages, similar to the Egyptian ones, are attested in Athens from the 7th cent. BC. Of special importance were 6straka used as ballots in the annual voting during the Athenian ‘trial by sherds’ (> Ostrakismos). M. L. LANG, Ostraka (Agora 25), 1990; H. Cuvieny, G.

WAGNER, Les ostraca grecs de Douch, fasc. 1-3, 19861992;

J. H. JOHNSON

(ed.), Life in a Multi-Cultural

Society: Egypt from Cambyses to Constantine and Beyond (Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization 51), 1992; U. KapLony-HECKEL, Die Oasen von Khaufe und Dakhle im Spiegel der demotischen Ostraka, in: B. KRAMER (ed.), Akten des 21. Internationalen Papyrologenkongresses, vol. 1, 1995, §25-532; K. TH. ZAuzicH, Demotische Osttaka aus Soknopaio Nesos, in: B. KRAMER (ed.), Akten des

21. Internationalen Papyrologenkongresses, vol. 2, 1997, 1056-1060.

R.H.

Ostrich (Struthio camelus L.). I. NaMEs

II. ZooLoGicaL

Facts

II]. ECONOMIC

FACTS

I. NAMES In Greek this giant flightless bird was originally called 6 ()) oteov0dc/strouthos, but to avoid confusion

with the > sparrow (other than in unambiguous contexts such as Aristoph. Ach. 1106) descriptive adjeckatdgeios, chersaios, chamaipetes, tives (mégas, adpténos or Libykés, Ardbios or Maurousios) were added. It was not until Diod. 2,50,4 that the hybrid term 6 (f) otQ90VN0xGUNAos/strouthokamelos (derived from the size, form and even-toedness of the ostrich — Aristot. Part. an. 4,14,697b 21-24; cf. 4,12,695a 17-19

—as well as the similar habitat to that of the > camel)

was used, and evidently the Romans evidently promptly borrowed it in place of the older name passer marinus (Plaut. Persa 199). Only Cic. Nat. deor. 2,123 uses simply camelus. As ostriches could not be confused with sparrows in Latin, the later struthio or structio replaced strutho-camelus from the 4th cent. AD. Il. ZOOLOGICAL FACTS First mentions of ostriches are in the 5th cent. BC in Hdt. 4,175 and 192, Aristoph. Ach. r106 and Xen. An.

1,5,2 for North Africa (especially for rainless Libya: Theophr. H. plant. 4,3,5), Arabia (cf. Strab. 16,4,11)

and Mesopotamia. Aristot. Part. an. 4,14,697b 13-26 and Plin. HN ro,r describe their ambiguous position between birds and quadrupeds, their astonishing size, their incomplete plumage and the form of their hooves, which are suited to speedy running. Plin. HN 10,2 tells of their ravenous appetite and digestion of all sorts of objects (in the Middle Ages this led to the assertion, not

OSTRICH EGGS

contradicted

until Albertus

Magnus,

De Animalibus

23,139 [1. 1510,23-26], that ostriches could digest even iron and stones), instinctive hurling with their feet

of stones at pursuers and the misunderstanding of ‘stik; king their heads in the sand (or the undergrowth) Large clutches (from several females according to modern observations) are also mentioned.

III. ECONOMIC FACTS As desirable game in North Africa and Mesopota-

mia they were hunted on horseback with dogs, snared and trapped (Opp. Cyn. 3,489; Ael. Nat. 14,7), in Arabia they were pursued in camouflage and brought down with arrows or even clubs. The much soughtafter expensive feathers (Theophr. H. plant. 4,4,5) were used for adornment, e.g. as crests on Greek helmets (Aristoph. Ach. 1106, cf. Plin. HN 10,2), their meat (forbidden to Jews) was eaten, albeit not often, by Greeks and Romans (negatively appraised by Gal. De alimentorum facultatibus 3,19,2 [2]). Caelius [II ro] Apicius (6,212) offers only one recipe. According to Hdt. 4,175, their skin was used for blankets or shield coverings. Their valuable fat was used in medicine (Plin. HN 29,96), and their stomachs were rated by Galen (De alim. fac. 3,20,8) as favouring digestion. Broken open, their eggs were used as vessels (Plin. HN 10,2; cf. + Ostrich eggs). From the 2nd cent. BC (Plaut. Persa 199) until the 3rd cent. AD they were used in the arena in hunts and in the Roman circus in parades (e.g. 300 of them by Gordianus [1], SHA Gord. 3,7; cf. [3. 225]). On ancient coins [4. pl. 5,52] and gems [4. pl. 22,333.6] ostriches are just as common as in mosaics of hun-

ting scenes in North Africa [3. 225-228] and in Piazza Armerina in Sicily [3. 226 and pl. 116]. 1 H. STADLER (ed.), Albertus Magnus, De animalibus, vol. 2,1920 2 G. HELMREICH (ed.), Galenus, De alimentorum facultatibus, 1923 (CMG 5,4,2) 3 TOYNBEE, Tierwelt 4 F, IMHOOF-BLUMER, O. KELLER, Tier- und Pflanzenbilder auf Miinzen und Gemmen des klassischen Altertums, 1889 (repr. 1972).

KELLER 2,166-175; D'Arcy W. THompson, A Glossary of Greek Birds, 1936 (repr. 1966), 270-273; A. STEIER, s. v.S., RE 4 A, 339-347. C.HU.

Ostrich eggs. The use of the shells of ostrich eggs as containers or basic materials for other artefacts was based ona very old Oriental tradition, which, in Egyptian, Syrian and Mesopotamian lands, dated back to the Bronze Age or even the Neolithic. As a symbol of the generation and endurance of life, these objects were connected with many magical and religious beliefs, and this, along with their fragility and their limited availability (geographical range limited to Syria, Egypt, the Maghreb), caused them to become coveted luxury items. They were often offered as grave goods in the Phoenician-Punic

culture of the 6th-2znd

cents.

BC,

sometimes worked into richly decorated masks or containers.

OSTRICH EGGS

The most important production sites for Phoenician ostrich eggs were > Carthage and Gouraya in North Africa, from where they were exported to Spain (Villaricos, Ibiza, Alicante, Almunécar, Carmona, Huelva, Toscanos), Malta, Sicily, Sardinia (Tharros, Cagliari, Bithia) and Etruria (> Volci/Vulci). A. CAUBET, s. v. ceufs d‘autruche, DCPP, 329 f. (bibliography); S. Moscatr, S., in: Id. (ed.), Die Phonizier, 1988, 456-463.

292

291

CH.B.

Ostrogoths. Gothic people in the 5th and 6th cents. AD, going back to the > Greuthungi, who fell under the Huns’ rule after AD 375; these were already referred to as O. or Austrogoths (SHA Claud. 6,2). lord. Get. 98f.

mentions king Ostrogotha as the mythical eponym, who seems to have still ruled over all the > Goti in the 3rd cent. AD. Indeed, after a long period of time without a king under > Attila’s supremacy, the O. gathered around the Amali brothers Valamir, Thiudimir and Vidimir (+ Amali). Valamir had the command over his brothers. In the battle at the Nedao in 454, the O. were defeated still fighting on the side of Attila’s sons. Afterwards they were garrisoned as > foederati of

of a Roman magister militum, political power at the court in Constantinople and payment of the soldiers. The younger Theoderic from Pannonia had yet to continuously recognise the superiority of the older one. During these times, the garrison area of his Goths moved to Novae [1] (present-day Svistov) as well. Only Theoderic Strabo’s death in 481, after which evidently also the majority of the Thracian Goths joined the O.,opened the way for the > Amali to the magister militum praesentalis in 483 and to the consulate for 484. The relationship with emperor > Zeno [18] had always been uneasy and led in the summer of 488 to an attack on the emperor’s behalf against > Odoacer’s kingdom in Italy. The fights of 489-493 resulted in Odoacer’s murder and the founding of the Italian kingdom of the Goths, safeguarded from outside by Theoderic’s net of dynastic relations and his skilful diplomacy. Maintenance of Roman order and defence of the Roman Church interests against Constantinople and emperor -» Anastasius [x] in the Acacian schisma (-> Acacius [4]) gained him the support of the Senate and the Italian clergy throughout most of his reign. When in 508, after the death of Alaricus II (> Alaricus [3]), the O. king intervened side

Sirmium. In 459, after a war campaign led by Valamir as far as Epirus, the > foedus was renewed. Valamir’s

by side with the Visigoths in the war against the +» Franci and the > Burgundiones, in 510 was proclaimed himself king of the Visigoths and set up again the Gallic praefectura, he was the factual ruler over the regnum Hesperiae. On his death on 30 August 526, however, the system of rule was already shaky. The designated successor, his son-in-law Flavius Eutharicus Cilliga, had already died before him; for the under-age

nephew

grandson Athalaric, his mother

emperor Marcianus [6] in Pannonia between the rivers Scarniunga (present-day Jarcina) east of > Sirmium

and Aqua Nigra (present-day Karasica) west of -» Mursa, around Lake Balaton and southeast of the latter, on both sides of the » Dra(v)us (present-day Drava) (lord. Get. 268). Valamir must have resided in

> Theodericus (Theoderic) received as hostage

in Constantinople the kind of education which enabled him later to rule over Romans (Cassiod. Var. 1,1,2). In

469 Valamir fell fighting against the Sciri. The victory of his brother Thiudimir at the Bolia (in Pannonia) over an alliance of Sciri, Suebi, Sarmatae, Gepidae and Rugi, supported by emperor > Leo [4] I, led to the homecoming of Theoderic at the beginning of 470, who, by capturing Singidunum (present-day Belgrade), established in the same year an independent reign under his father’s supremacy. In 473, when Leo recognised > Theodericus (Theoderic) [5] Strabo, the commander of the Goths

in Thracia, as the sole king of the Goths, the payments to the Pannonian foederati were suspended. The O. split up in the late summer of 473. Vidimir, Thiudimir’s younger brother, moved with a part of the army to Italy, where he died. His son of the same name moved further to Gallia, to join the > Visigoths. The majority, however, followed Thiudimir and Theoderic

along the Morava valley towards the south, where they were stationed in Macedonia in 474 on the basis of a new foedus after an attack on Thessalonica. In the same year, after his father’s death, Theoderic took over the power as sole ruler. The following years were marked by internal turmoil in Constantinople and by the rivalry with the leader of the Thracian Goths, Theoderic Strabo, for the office

- Amalasuntha

held

the regency. When he died on 2 October 534, Theodahad, who had been appointed co-ruler in November 534, had the Goths’ queen arrested and eventually murdered on an island of Lake Bolsena. This breach of legitimacy served — Iustinianus [1] in 535 as an excuse for his war on the Goths. The successes of his general > Belisarius led in November 536 to the deposition and murder of Theodahad and eventually in 540 to the capitulation of his successor > Vitigis, but the war flared up again at the end of the same year, when Hildebad became king of the Goths. When he was murdered at the end of 541, the Rugian Erarich succeeded him, to be followed by > Totila in 542. Only in 552, ~ Narses [4] defeated and killed Totila near Busta Gallorum, as well as his successor Teja at Mons Lactarius. In 5 55, the last resistance came to an end, although traces of Gothic presence could still be found even during the > Langobardi reign in Italy. + Goti; > Migration of peoples P. HEATHER, The Goths, 1996, 95-321; L. ScuMipT, Die Ostgermanen, *1941, 249-398; A. SCHWARCZ, Die Goten

in Pannonien und auf dem Balkan ..., in: Mitteilungen des Instituts fiir Osterreichische Geschichte 100, 1992, 50-83; H. Wo.rraM, Die Goten, 31990, 249-360. ASCH.

294

293

OTHO

Osymandyas see > Ramesses [2] Il

1 MUNzER, 73-78 2M. GeELzeR, Kleine Schrifte 3, 1964, 238-241 3R. RivinceR, Der Einfluf$ des Wahlleiters bei

Otacilius. Originally an Oscan nomen gentile. The family belonged to the urban nobility of Benventum; the sources show it gaining kinship with one of the leading Roman noble families through the marriage, probably c. 300 BC, of one of its daughters, Otacilia, to a

den romischen Konsulwahlen 81.

relative

of the

gens

Fabia

(> Fabius)

(Liber

de

praenominibus 6; Fest. 174 L). This no doubt contrib-

uted to the rapid rise of family members O. [I 2] and O. [1 3] to the consulship. SCHULZE, 131. I. REPUBLICAN

K-LE. PERIOD

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD

366-50 v.Chr., 1976, 80TA.S.

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD

[Il 1] M. O. Catulus. Suffect consul in AD 88. His will was the object of a judicial review before the consul of AD 95, P. Ducenius [3] Verus (Dig. 31, 29). O. must therefore have died no later than AD 95. He had previously lived with a concubina to whom he left 200,000 sesterces. PIR* O 171.

{II 2] M’. O. [Crassus?]. Proconsul of Pontus-Bithynia; probably lived no later than the Augustan period. PIR* One:

I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD [I 1] O. Crassus. Prefect of Cn. > Pompeius at Lissus in

48 BC; broke his word and executed the supporters of Caesar who had been forced there by a storm, and was driven off by their comrades (Caes. B Civ. 3,28,1-29,1).

JOR. [I 2] M’. O. Crassus. As consul in 263 BC, together with

his colleague M. Valerius Maximus Messalla, he achieved an impressive campaign from Messana to Syracusae, securing the allegiance of many towns to the Roman side and compelling Hieron [2] Il to end the war (Pol. 1,16f.). O. played a significant part in the peace and alliance negotiations; he enjoyed close relations thereafter with the tyrant of Syracuse. The order thus achieved endured in some respects well beyond the 2nd ~ Punic War. In his second term as consul in 246, he conducted a war of position against Hamilcar [3] Barca (MRR 1, 216). 1A. M. EcxksTEIn, Senate and General, 1987, 102-134 2 B. D. Hoyos, Unplanned Wars, 1998, 104-115.

{I 3] T. O. Crassus. Waged war in Sicily as consul in 261 BC together with L. Valerius Flaccus. Even anecdotal evidence can do little to illuminate the details (Frontin. Str. 3,16,3). He and his brother O. [I 2] did probably

push through the decision, decisive in the victory, to build a naval force after 260 (Pol. 1,20,3-7). MRR

1,

204.

W.E.

Otanes (Otdavy¢/Otdnés, Ancient Persian Utana).

[1] Son of Ouxra [2nd DB IV 83], one of the accomplices of > Darius [1] I in the murder of > Gaumata (Smerdis). According to Hdt. 3,68-70, who gives Pharnaspes as O’s father, O was even the instigator of the plot. Through his sister Cassandane (Hdt. 2,1; 3,2), O was brother-in-law of > Cyrus [2] (II), and through his daughter Phaedyme father-in-law of -» Cambyses II, Smerdis and Darius (Hdt. 3,68). His influential status may also have secured the privileges afforded him and his household (Hdt. 3,83f.) by Darius. Later, O took

part in the return Bala Ouke) 1 BRIANT, Index s.v.

of ~ Syloson

to Samos

(Hdt.

2 R. KENT, Old Persian, 1953.

[2] Son of Sisamnes, originally a judge, according to Hdt. 5,25, then, following > Darius’s [1]I Scythian campaign, appointed commander of the coastal forces (oteatnyos Tov maQabahkacotwv/stratégos tn paratha-

lassion), succeeding - Megabazus [1], and entrusted with the punishment of cities on the straits. He also conquered Lemnos and Imbros (Hdt. 5,2 5-27). [3] Possibly identical to O [2]; son-in-law of > Darius {z] Iand Persian commander in the > Ionian Revolt 500-494 (Hdt. 5,116; 123). [4] According to Herodotus (7,61; 82), father of Amestris, the wife of > Xerxes I. yw.

+ Punic Wars

[I 4] T. O. Crassus. Augur and pontifex, in Sicily in 217 BC and praetor in 214; in 215, as > duovir, he consecrated the Temple of Mens. The details of his various official terms, his (alleged) command of a fleet in Sicily from 216-211 and his role in the consular elections for 214 and 210 are not reliably recorded (MRR 1, 250; 259;274f.): the reports regularly contradict better sources and are even mutually irreconcilable. Clearly the family, which later became insignificant, was unable to protect his memory, so that all manner of inventions accrued to the figure of O.; the history behind these may have been his close relations with Hieron [2] II of Syracuse (cf. O. [I 2]). -» Annales; > Punic Wars

Othman see > Utman Otho. M. Salvius Otho, Roman emperor in AD 69, born on 28.4.32 AD. The family came from Ferentum in

Etruria. O.’s grandfather was the first in the family to be admitted to the Senate. His father was L. Salvius Otho, cos. suff. in 33; his mother, Albia Terentia, came from an equestrian family. From the time of > Augustus, the family of the Salvii was closely connected with the domus Augusta. His father was accepted by Claudius [Ili x] into the Patriciate, as was the young O. at the same time, too. Of his senatorial career, only the quaestorship is known; this must have come at the beginning of the Neronian period. In addition O., together with his brother L. Salvius Otho Titianus, was accepted into the > Arvales fratres.

OTHO

296

295

According to tradition, O. was already fond of an easy, pleasure-craving life at an early age (Tac. Hist. 1,13,3). He quickly became one of the close confidants of + Nero, which gave him great influence in the Senate, although he had not even managed to achieve a praetorship. He seduced > Poppaea Sabina, the wife of Rufrius Crispinus, and married her. He allegedly did this in order to make it possible for Nero to have sexual intercourse with her, which is however not very likely (Plut. Galba 19; Tac. Hist. 1,13,3; different in Tac. Ann. 13, 45,4). A little while later, Nero however became captivated by Poppaea, and he then sent O. to Lusitania as governor. O. probably only got divorced from her after that. According to Tacitus (Ann. 13,46,3), O. must have gone to Lusitania in 58. There he is said to have governed energetically and to the satisfaction of the residents of the province, contrary to the expectations of those around him. In 68 he immediately sided with > Galba [2] when he rose against Nero, supporting him in every way (Plut. Galba 20). While marching to Rome, O. already made himself known to the troops and made himself popular with them because he stood out from the thrifty Galba both through his personality and his handling of money. He hoped that Galba, who was childless, would adopt him and present him as his successor. When Galba surprisingly adopted Piso Licinianus as his son on 10.1.69, O. decided to usurp the imperial throne. Through bribery he induced the > Praetorians to acclaim him imperator on 15.1.69. Immediately afterwards Galba was murdered in the Forum Romanum. On the very same day, O. was made > princeps by the Senate. The formal elections took place in the course of February and March, as the Acts of the Arvals show (CIL VI 2051, cf. in this regard [1. rooff.]). His name was now: Imp. M. O. Caesar Augustus. For a short time, he also took the name of Nero in order to bind the

people in Rome and the Praetorians more closely to him, but he quickly distanced himself from this (Tac. Hist. 1,78,2). O. showed respect for the Senate by retaining the consulates that had already been established but he also made Verginius Rufus a consul (Tac. Hist. 149252)

Although the acclamation of — Vitellius was already known, O. was recognized everywhere as emperorapart from Gaul, Germania and Britain; the Spanish

troops were defeated between Cremona and Bedriacum. Two days later, O. killed himself in order to spare the res publica further bloodshed. O. was buried in a modest

tomb

at Brixellum

(Plut. Otho

18,1). The

Senate of necessity extinguished all memory of him immediately (see > damnatio memoriae). — Year of the Four Emperors 1 J. ScHErp, Commentarii Fratrum Arvalium, 1998.

A. Garzetti, From Tiberius to the Antonines, 1974, 203ff.; Cu. L. Murtson, Galba, O. and Vitellius, 1993, 75ff.; E. P. Nrcotas, De Néron a Vespasean, 1979, 641672.

W.E.

Othryadas (O0Qvdda¢/Othryddas, “O8Quady¢/Othryadés). When, during their conflict over the territory of Thyreatis around 5 50 BC, the Argives and Spartans had agreed to hold a decisive battle with 300 selected warriors on either side, O. was the only Spartiate to survive. While the two Argive survivors were reporting the outcome in their homeland, O. robbed his fallen enemies of their weapons. Both sides claimed victory, so that a great battle did nonetheless take place, in which Sparta was victorious. However, O. is said to have taken his own life before that battle out of shame at having been the sole survivor of the first (Hdt. 1,82). His deed was soon the object of heroic legend, O. himself a forerunner of > Leonidas [1] (Anth. Gr. 7,430; cf. [1. 390%; 2. 57f., 113; 3. 95f.]). According to the Argive version, however, he fell at the hands of an enemy (Paus. igh

7\\.

1G. Buso.t,

Griechische

Geschichte,

2, 71895

THOMMEN, Lakedaimonion Politeia, 1996 NELL, The Gymnasium of Virtue, 1995.

2L.

3 N. M. KEnM.MEI,

Othryoneus (OOQvovets; Othryoners). [1] Warrior from Cabesus, fights at Troy on > Priamus’ side, for which the latter promises him the hand of his daughter > Cassandra. O. is killed by > Idomeneus [1] (Hom. Il. 13,363ff., 772; Steph. Byz. s.v. “AyGOvocot and KaBaoodc; Macr. Sat. 5,5,8). [2] Teacher from Opus, in whose company > Patroclus strikes dead the son of ~ Amphidamas [2] while playing (Alexander Aetolus in schol. Hom. Il. 23,86a' = CollAlex fr. ro, p. r27f. and TrGF 1, ror F 1). SLA.

provinces, however, were soon lost to him although he had bestowed special privileges on them (Tac. Hist. 1,78,1). To win the loyalty of the Danube legions, O. awarded high honours to several army commanders after the victory over the Roxolanians (Tac. Hist. 1,79,5). He prepared for the battle against Vitellius carefully; he gave supreme command in the Po Plain to Suetonius Paulinus and Marius [II 4] Celsus. However, the troops of Vitellius advanced faster than expected so that the Danube legions were still unable to provide reinforcements for O.’s army. Accompanied by almost

of a low mountain range. To the south it falls of steeply in a straight edge, but to the north it is more structured. The greatest elevation is Yerakovouni (1726 m). Politically the region was part of Achaea Phthiotis (~ Achaei). The great roads from the north run from the north-

the entire Senate, he went to Brixellum from where he

west (Thaumaci) and northeast (Halus) over the O. to

urged that a decision be made quickly. On 14.4.69 his

> Lamia [2] on the southern slopes. Known towns in

Othrys

(‘Oov¢/Othrys).

Range

of mountains,

c.

85 km long and 45 km wide, between the Malian Gulf and the Spercheus valley on one side and Thessalia on the other. The O. consists of several chains of mountains (slate, lime) and predominantly has the character

297

298

the O. are: Chalae, Melitaea, Narthacium,

Phylace,

Phyladium.

OVIDIUS NASO, PUBLIUS

The southern

Bavarian treasures troves of Gaggers,

Irsching, Westerhofen

B. J. HaacsMa et al., Between Karatsadagli and Baklali, in: Pharos 1, 1993, 147-167; PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN 1, 181-211; J. SCHMIDT, s.v. O., RE 18, 1873-1876; G. WIEBERDINK, A Hellenistic Fortification System in the O. Mountains, in: Newsletters of the Netherlands’ Institute at Athens 3, 1990, 47-76. HE.KR.

and Sontheim

contained

ouro-

boros staters; additional pieces were found in elsewhere in southern Bavaria. The next smaller unit is the quarter stater. 1 H.-J. KELLNER, Die Miinzfunde von Manching und die keltischen Fundmiinze aus Siidbayern, 1990 2B. Z1EGAus, Der Miinzfund von Grofbissendorf, 1995. DLK.

Otranto minuscule see > South Italian minuscule

Ovatio (from Lat. ovare, equivalent to Greek eudzOtreus (Otoev Dymas [1], brother of > Hecabe, brotherin-law of > Priamus. King of Phrygia (Hesych. s.v. O.), eponym of the Bithynian town of Otroia (Strab. 12,4,7). logether with > Mygdon [2] and with Pria-

mus, he fought against the > Amazons who were invading Phrygia (Hom. II. 3,184-189; schol. Hom. Il. 3,189; Eust. ad Hom. Il. 3,186 p. 402). Aphrodite, in an encounter with Anchises, refers to herself as a daughter of O. (Hom. h. 5,111f.). [2] Mariandynian, brother of Lycus [5], friend of Dymas [1] (?), is killed by Amycus [1] during a boxing match (Val. Fl. 4,161-173). Possibly identical with O. [x]. P. Weiss, s.v. O., LIMC 7.1, 131 (mit Bibliogr.).

SLA.

Otryne (Otebvi/Otryne). Attic asty deme of the phyle of Aegeis, with one bouleutés. Location uncertain — the connection with fish in Ath. 7,309e is topographically irrelevant [1]. For a case of illegitimate acquisition of citizenship in O., cf. Dem. Or. 44,37 [2. 297]. 1 D. Scuaprs, Antiphanes Frg. 206 and the Location of the Deme O., in: CPh 77, 1982, 327f. 2 WHITEHEAD, Index s.v. O. W.E. THompson, Kleisthenes and Aigeis, in: Mnemosyne 22, 1969, 137-152; TRAILL, Attica, 16f., 40, 69, 111 nr.

97, table 2; J. S. TRatLL, Demos and Trittys, 1986, 127. H.LO.

Otos see > Aloads

ein,‘to cheer’). In its wider sense,

to the

the reason for war, of victories won without bloodshed,

or cases whose nature was rather more that of a criminal prosecution, such as fighting slaves or pirates (Gell. 5,6,21-23; Florus 3,19,8). However, if the military success warranted an ‘intermediate’ level of public recognition (Liv. 39,29,5: medius honos; Serv. Aen. 4,543: ovatio est minor triumphus; Plin. HN 15,125), the general was awarded this in form of an ovatio. In consequence, he would not enter Rome in a triumphal chariot, but on foot or on horseback, dressed not in the

triumphal toga picta and carrying a sceptre, but in the toga praetexta, crowned not with a laurel wreath, but with one of myrtle; he would proceed not to the sound of trumpets but of flutes (Val. Max. 2,8,7; Gell. 5,6,21;

Dion. Hal. Ant. 5,47,2f.) to the Capitolium, where he would perform a sacrifice. H. S. VERSNEL, Triumphus, 165-171; E. Kinz, Der romische Triumph, 1988, t1oof.; 149f.; MOMMSEN, Staatsrecht, vol. 13, 126-135; E. Pars (ed.), Fasti trium-

phales populi Romani, 1920.

GG.

Ovidius Naso, Publius (the Roman poet Ovid). I]. Lire

Otys (Otc; Otys). King of the Paphlagonians (> Paphlagonia) and vassal of the king of the Persians. It is very likely that he bears an Iranian name (cf. -» Otanes, Old Persian Utana-), whose etymology, as is often the case with abbreviated names, cannot be determined. In 395 BC, O. entered into an alliance against the great king together with Agesilaus [2] of Sparta. P.HO.

it referred

Roman > triumph as well as to smaller official public celebrations in honour of meritorious generals. In its narrower sense, the word referred from the 5th cent. BC to about the rst cent. AD to the smaller-scale celebration for generals who did not fully meet all the requirements for a large victory celebration, the triumph (Cic. Phil. 14,12: ovantem ac prope triumphantem). The latter was not possible in cases of legal doubt regarding

IJ. Worx INFLUENCE

II]. CHARACTERISTICS

I. LIFE The primary sources poems (especially Oy. Tr. family, O. was born in > he was educated in Rome

AND

for the life of Ovid are his 4,10). From an old equestrian Sulmo on 20 March, 43 BC; under Arellius > Fuscus and

+ Porcius Latro (Sen. Contr. 2,2,8; 9,5,17). After tra-

vels in Greece (Ov. Tr. 1,2,77-78; Ov. Pont. 2,10,21-

Ouroboros stater Modern technical term for a type of Celtic golden > rainbow cups (c. 100 BC) from southern Bavaria, formerly attributed to the > Vindelici.

On the obverse they show the so-called ouroboros, a long, dragon-like creature rolled up along the curve of the coin, on the reverse a > torques with 6 spheres or three lyre-shaped ornaments surrounding the centre.

28), he held minor magistracies, before abandoning an official career in favour of poetry. He was acquainted with Horace (> Horatius [7]) and was a friend of > Propertius (Tr. 4,10,45f.; 49f.); however his poetic sympathies were with > Tibullus (Ov. Am. 3,9), who

was, like himself, a protégé of M. > Valerius Messala Corvinus (Tr. 4,4; Pont. 1,7,27-30; see also > Circles,

OVIDIUS NASO, PUBLIUS

300

299

literary). For this reason and for reasons of age, he stood apart from the circle around > Maecenas [2; 39. 114-134]. He quickly gained a reputation through his development of Roman erotic > elegy, which he went on to consolidate in the major genres of tragedy, epic and aetiological elegy (Am. 3,15,18). He had largely finished his epic the Metamorphoses (‘Transformations’) and had half-completed his calendrical poem

from Heroines’; title: [28. 1, note 1]) fall into two groups: in letters 1-14, famous women from mythology write to their absent husbands or lovers; the material is

taken primarily from Greek epic or tragedy (Epist. 15, Sappho to Phaon is not by O., see below B.4.), but also from

Catullus (Ov. Epist. ro: Ariadne) and Vergil (Epist. 7: Dido). In the paired letters 16-21, a man

on the Black Sea by > Augustus in AD 8. O. is our only

writes and a woman answers; here, the sources are Homer and Euripides (Epist. 16-17: Paris and Helen), Hellenistic — epyllion (Epist. 18-19: Leander and

witness for the two offences given as grounds: his Ars

Hero) and Callimachus’ A/tia (Epist. 20-21: Acontius

amatoria (‘Art of Love’) and an unspecified indiscretion

and Cydippe). O.’ claim to have ‘renewed’ a previously unknown genre with the Heroides (Ars am. 3,346) ambiguously glosses over, without expressly denying, the fact that he owed the original idea to Propertius (4,3). Their continuation in epistles 16-21 was most probably inspired by the (lost) answers to some of the letters in the first group, written by the elegist > Sabinus (Am. 2,18,27-34). The declamatory and (in 16-21) disputatious tone of the Heroides betrays the influence of O.’ earlier rhetorical training. For all the pathos of their

the Fasti (‘Sorrows’), when he was banished to > Tomi

(error; not a crime, scelus: Ov. Tr. 3,11,33f.; 4,1,23f.).

The circumstances suggest involvement in a scandal affecting the imperial family rather than a political conspiracy [46. 215-229; 19]. All of O. poetry written in exile was aimed directly or indirectly at the repeal or lightening of his sentence — though without effect. O. died at Tomi in AD 17 (Jer. Chron. a. Abr. 2033). Evidence for O.’ family life is scarce. He married three times, and had, probably by his second wife, a daughter who gave him grandchildren. His third wife, who was connected with the influential gens Fabia (> Fabius), stayed in Rome

to work

for his return

[46. 145, 148, 183]. Il. Work A. LOVE ELEGY B. EPIC AND AETIOLOGICAL ELEGY C. EXILE POETRY: TRISTIA, EPISTULAE EX Ponto, IB1is D. LOST AND SPURIOUS WORKS A. LOVE ELEGY t. AMORES ARS

on

AMORIS, MEDICAMINA

2.HEROIDES

AMATORIA,

stories, it can be seen how the heroines comment

their difficult situations in self-awareness of the poetic tradition they are helping to create [31. 18-25]. It is doubtful that letters 1-14 appeared as a single corpus during O.’ life [31. r1f.]; epistles 16-21 were apparently written some years later, when the Metamorphoses and Fasti were already written; they may have been published posthumously and unedited [28. 25f.]. Their authorship is still disputed [28. 25f.; 6; 12]. 3. DIDACTIC POETRY: ARS AMATORIA, REMEDIA

REMEDIA

3. DIDACTIC AMORIS,

POETRY:

MEDICAMINA

rt. AMORES The chronology of O.’ works prior to his exile is disputed [46. 1-20; 26. 300-318; 35. vol. 1, 74-89; 24. 31-39]. O. dated his poetic debut to around 26-25 BC (Tr. 4,10,57f.). The original 5 books of the Amores (title: Ov. Ars am. 3,343) were published separately; the edition in 3 books which has come down to us is described as a selection from them (am. epigramma ipsius), but new poems were probably added. In the form which we have, the collection is an exercise in deconstruction.

The beloved Corinna is — more obviously than Propertius’ Cynthia or Tibullus’ Delia —a literary invention, as O. himself virtually admits (Tr. 2,340; 4,10,60). Pro-

grammatic poems, which interrupt the episodic narration of the affair with the elegiac domina (»mistress«), provide an increasingly ironical commentary both on the love affair and the poetry which it inspired; the final three poems of the Amores ultimately express disillusionment with love and love elegy, and announce a new dedication to higher themes and genres (Am. 3,13-15 with preview of the Fasti in 3.13). 2. HEROIDES Indeed, O. developed the elegy in unexpected directions. The Heroides or Heroidum Epistulae (‘Letters

O. also exploited the traditional role of the poetlover as a teacher (Prop. 1,1,35-38; Am.

2,1,7-I0).

Only the first 100 lines of his witty, playful work on cosmetics, the didactic poem Medicamina faciei femineae (‘Medicaments for the Female Countenance’; title:

Ars am. 3, 205f.) are extant. The idea for the Ars amatoria (title: Sen. Controv. 3,7; Eutyches grammaticus 5,473,5 KEIL) was evidently suggested by Tibullus’ poem on the art of seducing boys (1,4). Here, O. systematized the rules of the elegiac love affair in a style which lightly parodies the serious didactic of Lucretius and Vergil, and paints an urbane, satirical picture of the Roman demimonde. The dating of books 1-2, which are addressed to male readers, depends on whether lines 1,171ff. (events of 2-1 BC) were only added later [46. 13-20]. Book 3, which turns to women at their alleged request (2,74 5f.), is certainly of a later date than the Medicamina (Ov. Ars am. 3,205f.) and probably also later than the three-volume edition of the Amores (ibid. 3,343; however text and interpretation are disputed). No later than AD 2 (Ov. Rem. am. 155-158), O. imparted a final variation to the genre ina mocking recantation, the Remedia amoris (‘Cures for Love’), which deals with how to end a failed

relationship painlessly. It contains a remarkably frank defence of his wanton muse, ‘musa proterva’ (Rem. am.

361-396).

302

301 B. EPIC AND AETIOLOGICAL 1. METAMORPHOSES

ELEGY

2. FASTI

t. METAMORPHOSES The Metamorphoses and Fasti, together O.’ combined chef d‘oeuvre, were produced concurrently in the years AD 1-8 [8. vol. 1,15-17; 39. 63, note ro]. The Metamorphoses (title: Sen. Apocol. 9,5; Quint. Inst. 4,1,77) is a collection of mythological and legendary stories of transformations. They are organized into a loose chronological framework, based on principles of similarity, contrast or association, ranging from the first metamorphosis (of chaos to cosmos) to the restoration of a world order under Augustus, which

OVIDIUS NASO, PUBLIUS

two epics: at the end of the Aeneid, a solution is reached, despite the ambivalent aftertaste left by Turnus’ death: the future of the Imperium promised by Jupiter (Verg. Aen. 1,278f.) is certain. In the Metamorphoses,

on the other hand, the Augustan certainty of the final episode (15,852-860) rings hollow, following Pythagoras’ threnody on Troy, Sparta, Mycenae and Thebes (Met. 15,422-433). The concluding image of Augustus as the earthly counterpart of Jupiter (Met. 15,85 8-860) inverts the earlier conceit of Olympus as a heavenly Palatine (1,175f.); it cannot, however, obscure its fri-

geneous material is organized with astonishing skill; however the search for a unifying structure has been largely unsuccessful. What actually holds the poem together is the ubiquity of the poet. The short prooemium (Ov. Met. 1,1~-4) affirms the originality of O. undertaking within the epic genre, with respect to his attitude towards > Callimachus [3] ([30. 10; 39. 4f.; Il. 359-3613 49, 8-30]). The format — originally separate episodes with a recurring aetiological focus — is Callimachean; the elegiac affinities of the work [48] are perhaps indicated by the division into 15 books (epic appears to have preferred a division into a multiple of 6 toa multiple of 5) [37]. However, the sweeping chronological range imparts an unCallimachean, temporal continuity (perpetuitas), and the cosmological focuses of books 1 and 15 recall Homer and Hesiod. In fact, every literary genre is represented in the Metamorphoses in some form. O. pushed the traditionally inclusive

volity. And it is difficult not to detect a note of ridicule in the scene which shows Jupiter in the heavenly tabularium (15,807-815) [47. 189f.]. O. statement that the Metamorphoses had not yet received its finishing touches at the beginning of his exile (Ov. Tr. 1,7), need not be taken quite literally [51. 80-83]. It is doubtful whether traces of authorial revision survive in our MSS [38]; it is possible that O. made slight improvements in Tomi (e.g. 3,141f. on Actaeon), but this is not proven [9. 488f.]. 2. FASTI The Fasti did not progress as far. Of the planned 12 books, only books 1-6 (January — June) have survived. If the remainder ever existed, it can have been — despite Ov. Tr. 2,549 — only as a draft. Even for O., the Fasti were a uniquely original project. In his treatment of Roman history and ancient religion in the style of Callimachus (1,1 tempora cum causis, ‘dates with causes’), O. used Propertius’ essays in aetiological elegy (Prop. 4,23 4543 4,93 4,10) as his starting point, but, as with the Heroides, he transformed an experiment into a new, hybrid genre. If the Metamorphoses is elegiac epic, the

character of Roman epic to the extreme (and beyond).

Fasti, both in extent and in the 12 book structure (cf.

The subject is defined by the title and established in the prooemium: > metamorphosis. The ancient myths are rich in transformations, and the subject was handled by poets such as > Nicander [4] of Colophon, > Boio(s), Parthenius and their Roman successors. O. made ample use of the possibilities offered by his virtuoso descriptive rhetoric, but its fundamental role is functional: as a symbol of the conditio humana. The world depicted is a universe in eternal flux, in which no identity is ever completely certain. This impression is strengthened by the constant thematic and verbally surprising narrative turns [47], and by the often seemingly arbitrary character of the transitions between episodes (Quint. Inst. 4, 1,77). In the poem, as in life, the reader never knows exactly where he; he has become a part of the literary game. This has a bearing on the interpretation of O.’ political attitude as it is indicated in his poetry. The elegiac lifestyle celebrated in the Amores was a genre-related pose. The pinpricks administered to the official Augustan ideals in the Ars amatoria may have annoyed Augustus [43. 1-31], but hardly identify a political position. In the Metamorphoses, O. opposes his world view to that of > Vergilius’ Aeneid [14. 41; 47. 177191]. This is most clearly seen at the conclusion of the

above B.1.), is epic elegy: the two poems constitute a unified challenge to the Aeneid [20. 47]. The Fasti is perhaps the most puzzling of O.’ works. The Roman > calendar and the incorporation of Augustus and his family into it was a politically charged subject [41. 11f.]. Some researchers detect an allusively subversive attitude in the spirit which governs O.’ handling of the material. Others are prepared to accept it at face value and as praise of the Augustan achievement, as it seems to be at first glance [4; 15; 16. 40-42]. In the latter case, it can be disputed whether the intention succeeded. The stories with which O. embellishes his sub-

reflects that in the heavens (15,858—860). This hetero-

ject are told with his usual brilliance, and the Fasti can,

like the Metamorphoses, be read purely for pleasure. It will always be a valuable source (albeit one to be used with care) for Roman religion. In Tomi, O. began what was apparently intended as a complete revision; howe-

ver this only covered book 1 [8, vol. 1,18f.; 46. 21]. When Augustus died, O. shifted the original dedication to him to a less central position (Fast. 2,3-18), and replaced it with a dedication to Germanicus (Fast. 1,326) with a somewhat different focus. When and why books 7-12 (July — December) were ultimately abandoned we can only speculate [46. 34f.; 4. 259-272; 23. 204-212].

OVIDIUS

NASO,

PUBLIUS

C. EXILE POETRY: TRISTIA, EPISTULAE

EX

Ponto, [BIS

O. sent the rst book of the Tristia to Rome upon his arrival in Tomi in AD 9, the 2nd book a short time later,

books 3-5 at annual intervals from AD ro-12. He wrote books 1-3 of the Epistulae ex Ponto (‘Letters from the Black Sea’) in AD

304

303

12-13; the 4th book is a

focus to a demand for personal versus political loyalty. Nevertheless, neither this initiative nor O.’ approach to Tiberius through Germanicus were successful. The 4th book was probably published posthumously [17; 22] in that case, O.” own, touchingly modest estimation of his place among the poets of his time forms a strikingly poignant conclusion to his life’s work thanks to his

collection of poems from AD 13-16 [46. 37-473 5. 46, note 5]. O.’ intention in continuing his poetic work in exile is clear from the beginning: to present his case to Augustus and, over the latter’s head, to the impartial

unknown editor (Pont. 4,16,45f.).

Ibis, published in AD 11 [52. 132, note 52], is — although not formally a letter — like Tr. 3,11; 4,9; 5,8 addressed to an unknown enemy: a long curse (644

reader (candidus lector, Ov. Tr. 1,141,353 4,10,132) and

lines), which calls down on him a series of gruesome

ultimately to posterity as well. Both works were intended for the public; O. wrote his private correspondence in prose (Pont. 4,2,5-6). That he felt himself to be the victim of injustice is clear, for example, from his mention of the fate of Rhipeus (Ov. Tr. 4,8,15-16; cf. Verg. Aen. 2,426-8) and the repeated equation of the absolute power of Augustus with Jupiter’s lightning. The elegiac metre (distich) was traditional for the dirge (Hor. Carm. 1,33,2f.), etymologically associated with mourning, and O. repeatedly exploits the topos ofexile as death [40. 23-32; 51. 12f.]. It was also the metre of

and contradictory strokes of fate, chosen from the most obscure myths. It is unlikely that a person named Ibis actually existed [25.1040-1042; 11.228]. The poem is a display piece, identified as such by its derivation from Callimachus and by the utter absurdity of its polemics. It was designed to show that that O.’ poetic power was not exhausted (but see [52], a radical reappraisal).

the Ars amatoria, the reason for his punishment which

lation of the Phaindmena of > Aratus (Prob. ad Verg. G. 1,138; Lactant. Div. inst. 2,5,24; fragments in [33])

he was able to challenge publicly, while the second

D. LOST AND SPURIOUS WORKS The tragedy Medea (Am. 2,18,13-18; 3,15 Ir. 2,5533 Quint. Inst. 10,1,98; Tac. Dial. 12,5) and a Latin trans-

reason, the error, which is not more closely defined,

are lost. Am.

represented dangerous territory [46. 221f.]. Therefore his defence of the Ars to Augustus in Tr. 2 is astonishingly bold, with irony sometimes verging on open satire

stula Sapphus)

[51. 154-209].

Drust) [44] are not by O.

The exile poetry displays a genre-related affinity to the Heroides. By invoking the subject of absence and abandonment in his changed position, O. returned to the origin of the genre in Propertius (4,3). The poetlover had a practical goal: the conquest of his mistress (Ov. Am. 2,1,29-34; [45], ‘utility-topos’). The poetapologist now

turns

to serious account

images and

ideas, which earlier served a frivolous end (e.g. Tr. 3,8,1-10; cf. Am.

3,6,13-16)

[40. 71-82]. The exile

poetry must be read in light of this literary strategy. Neither O.” images of life in > Tomi nor his laments on the decline of his poetic powers should be taken literally. The monotony of their subject matter — complaint and pleading — is intentional. The literary possibilities of his place of exile interested him only insofar as they served his chief objective (Tr. 3,9; 3,10,41f.; 3,10,73f.). He is as inventive as ever in the variety which he imparts to this limited range of subjects and in the artistic arrangement of the poems. His handling of the metre is no less versatile; the occasional polysyllabic conclusion of the pentameter (also in the Fasti and Heroides 16-21) is not a symptom of technical weakness [7; 28. 21-23]. The overall literary strategy of his campaign for rehabilitation is no less dynamic. Books 1-3 of the Epistulae ex Ponto, a literary unit written in a single year [17], attest to growing poetic productivity. In the Tristia, only a handful of those addressed are named or identifiable. In the Epistulae ex Ponto, all are identified [46. 76-93; 18. 8-10], which indicates a change of

3,5 (Somnium)

[27]; Heroides

15 (Epi-

[31. 12-14]; Halieutica (or > Halieuti-

con) [25. 698-701; 3. 204-212]; ~ Nux ([32]; contrary [42. 29-39]); > Consolatio ad Liviam (Epicedion

III. CHARACTERISTICS AND INFLUENCE ©. identified himself with his poetry, his maior imago (Tr. 1,7,11f.: ‘major image’). He was the archi-

tect of a literary cosmos; his claim to have done for elegy what Vergil did for the epic (Ov. Rem. 395f.) judges his accomplishment too modestly, if anything. In O.’ hands, the genre’s territory was expanded, beyond all expectations, as far as the epic and merged with it [24]. This was to be continued in the Middle Ages and after [13]. Like his admired Lucretius, O. believed in taking things to their logical conclusion; the half-tones and ambiguities of the Virgilian world view were foreign to his sharply ironic intelligence. His apparently dark view of life is saved from pure pessimism by his sympathetic insight into human nature and by the esprit and humour of his commentary on the universal tragicomedy. The same ingenious wit also informs his language, e.g. in his favourite rhetorical figure, the syllepsis [47. 219-222]. In the opinion of Seneca (Controy. 2,2,12) and Quintilian (Inst. 10,1,88; 10,1,98) that O.’ playfulness went

too far, we can see the beginning of the centuries-long disaccord between creative artists on the one hand and academic critics on the other in their reaction to his abundant virtuosity [36. 1-2]. That is in contrast to the unobtrusive efficiency of linguistic and metrical art with with O. shaped the hexameter and elegiac distich so as to perfect a kind of Latin poetic koiné as a legacy for his successors [29].

3°5

306

His extensive popularity in Classical Antiquity is attested by epigraphic evidence [34. 16f., 156]. Seneca, Lucan, Statius, Juvenal, Apuleius, Claudian and Auso-

nius bear witness to his influence; for them, it was primarily his poetic technique which recommended him. In the Middle Ages, it was the content of his poetry which was appreciated. That works of O. were present in the court library of Charlemagne is indirectly recorded by two MSS from the 9th cent., which are our primary sources for the text of his love poetry and the Heroides, and by his influence on Carolingian poets such as Modoin and Theodulfof Orleans. The 12th and 13th cents. have been described as the aetas Ovidiana: O. love elegy was the chief motivating force behind the phenomenon of courtly love and its literary expression. Moralizing and allegorizing interpretations of his work were even applied to the Ars amatoria. It and the Remedia were included in the scholastic curriculum, the latter together with obviously more edifying texts such as the > Dicta Catonis. The Metamorphoses and the Heroides were among the Latin texts translated into Greek by Maximus Planudes (c. 1255 —c. 1305). From Boccaccio and PETRARCH to the present, O.’ influence on writers, artists and composers has been continuous and universal [50. 366-438; 36; 2. 1,816819; 10. 383-442; 21.249-367]. Although Vergil was, so to speak, officially granted the highest rank, O. was the favourite poet of the Renaissance: SHAKESPEARE echoes O. some four times more often than Vergil. Above all, however, O. provided and provides pleasure: young Edward G1BBon “derived more pleasure’ from reading the Metamorphoses than from the Aeneid. Yet beneath the brilliant surface of the narrations of O. lie powerful challenges, which many artists have felt and taken up [36. 4f., 151-166 and plates; 21.249-367]. The history of European opera begins with PErt’sDafne (1594); O. also inspired HANDEL’sApollo e Dafne, as well as his Acis e Galatea and Semele, and Richard Srrauss’s Daphne. More recently, the subjects of exile and alienation have once again come to the fore, being expressed, for example in Christoph RANSMAYR’s disturbing novel ‘Die letzte Welt’ (The Last World, 1988). Since the Second World War, there has also been a wel-

come revival of informed interest in O. in academic circles. Judging by numerous recent works, the abovementioned long-standing disaccord between artists and philologists appears to be healing. — METAMORPHOSIS 1 ANRW II 31.4, 1981 2M. VON ALBRECHT, A History of Roman Literature, 1997, vol. 1, 819-23 (Ed., Bibliogr.) 3 B. AxELSON, Kleine Schriften zur lateinischen Philologie,1987 4 A. Barcuiest, The Poet and the Prince, 1997 (It. 1994) 5J. BarsBy, O.,*1991 6M. Beck, Die Epi-

stulae Heroidum XVIII und XIX des Corpus Ovidianum, 1996 7 J. BENEDUM, Stud. zur Dichtkunst des spaten O., 1967

8F. BOmer (ed.), P.O. Naso. Die Fasten, 2 vols.,

1957-1958

(with comm.)

9Ip., P.O. Naso. Metamor-

phosen Buch I-III, 1969 (comm.) Companion to Ovid, 2002

and His Critics, r995

10 B. W. Boyp, Brill’s

11 A. CAMERON, Callimachus

12 E. Courtney, ‘Echtheitskritik:

OVILAVIS

Ovidian and non-Ovidian Heroides again’, in: Classical Journal 93, 1998, 157-66 13H. Dorrie, Der heroische Brief, 1968 14 O.S. Due, Changing Forms, 1974 15 E.

FANTHAM, ‘Recent Readings of O.’s Fasti’, in: CPh 90, 1995, 367-378

16 Ead. (ed.), O., Fasti Book IV, 1998

17H. H. Froescu,

Ovids Epistulae ex Ponto [III als

Gedicht-Slg., 1968

18 J. F. GAERTNER (ed.), Ovid, Epi-

stulae ex Ponto, Book I, 2005 19 G. P. GooLp, “The Cause of Ovid’s Exile’, in: Illinois Classical Studies 8,

1983, 94-107.

20P. R. Harpie, ‘The Janus episode in

Ovid’s Fasti’, in: MD

26, 1991, 47-64

21 ID. (ed.), The

Cambridge Companion to Ovid, 2002

22 M. HELZLE,

Publii Ovidii Nasonis Epistularum ex Ponto liber IV, 1989 (Comm.)

23 G. HERBERT-BROWN,

O. and the »Fasti«,

1994 24N. Horzserg, O.: The poet and his work, 2002 25 A. E. Housman, The Classical Papers, 1972 26H.

Jacosson, O.’s Heroides,

1974 27 E. J. KENNEY, ‘On the

Somnium attributed to O.’, in: ATQN 28 Id. (ed.), O., Heroides XVI-XXI,

3, 1969, I-14 1996 (Comm.)

29 Ip., ‘Ovid’s language and style’, in: Boyd, 27-89 30 P. E. Knox, O.’s Metamorphoses and the Traditions of Augustan Poetry, 1986 31 Id. (ed.), O., Heroides. Select Epistles, 1995 (with comm.) 32 A. G. LEE, Ovidiana (ed.

N. I. Herescu), 1958, 457-471 33 F. W. Lenz (ed.), P. Ovidii Nasonis Halieutica etc.,*1956 34 E. LissBERGER, Das Fortleben der Rom. Elegiker in den Carmina Epigraphica, 1934 35 J.C. McKeown 1-3, 1987-1998 (with comm.)

Renewed, 1988

(ed.), O., Amores, vols. 36 C. MARTINDALE, O.

37 E. MERLI, ‘On the number of books in

Ovid’s Metamorphoses’, in: Classical Quarterly 54, 2004, 104-7. 38C. E. Murai, ‘O. Met. 1.544-547 and the Theory of Double Recension’, in: Classical Antiquity 3, 1984, 205-235 39K.S. Myers, O.’s Causes, 1994 40B. R. NaGie, The Poetics of Exile, 1980 Atlas. NEWLANDS, Playing with Time. O. and the Fasti, 1995 42 M. PuLBROOK (ed.), Publii Ovidi Nasonis Nux elegia, 1985 (withcomm.) 43 N. Rupp, Lines of Enquiry, 1976 44 H. SCHOONHOVEN (ed.), The Pseudo-Ovidian »Ad Liviam de morte Drusi«, 1992 (with comm.) 45 W.

StroH, Die rém. Liebeselegie als werbende

Dichtung,

1971 46R.SyME, History in O.,1978 47 G. Tissot, The Face of Nature, 1997. 48H. TRANKLE, ‘Elegisches in

Ovids Metamorphosen’, in: Hermes 91, 1963, 459-476 49 S.M. WHEELER, A discourse of wonders: Audience and performance in Ovid’s Metamorphoses, 1999 50L. P. WILKINSON, O. Recalled, 1955 51G. D. WILLIAMS, Banished Voices, 1994 52 Id., The Curse of Exile, 1996.

E.KE.

Ovilavis. Road junction, already inhabited in Celtic times, with a crossing of the river Traun, modern Wels. Occupied after the incorporation of > Noricum into the Roman Empire; municipium (CIL II 11785b; IX 2593) under Hadrian, colonia Aurelia Antoniniana (CIL II 5630; CSIR IL 3, 1981 [1]) under Caracalla. It is disputed whether O. was the civilian capital city of Noricum Ripense [2]. Several centres of habitation formed within the walls of O. in the 7th/8th cent. (castrum Ueles fortified in 776). 1R. Micrpauer, Zur Topographie von Ovilava ..., in: Mitteilungen des Museumsvereines Lauriacum 32, 1994, 16-26 2M. HAInzMANnn, Fragen der Militar- und Zivilverwaltung (Ufer-)Norikums, in: Specimina nova Universitatis Quinqueecclesiensis 11, 1995, 59-70.

OVILAVIS

308

307

TIR M 33,66f.; R. MIGLBAUER, Neue Forschung im romi-

placed one or two human figures on an ornamental

schen Wels, in: Ostbairische Grenzmarken 38, 1996, 9-17.

band.

K.DL.

Ovinius. Latin family name, derived from the Oscan praenomen Outus. SCHULZE, 202; 234; 481. I. REPUBLICAN

PERIOD

I. REPUBLICAN

II. IMPERIAL

Mythical

depictions

(Heracles,

TRENDALL, Lucania, 667-673

PERIOD

Nike,

Athena

etc.) and everyday scenes (alms-giving, warriors’ departures) are common themes. The OPG was a short-lived attempt of local Campanian artists to introduce redfigured vase-painting based on the Attic model to Campania. > South Italian vases (and supplementary volu-

mes); M. E. Mayo, K. Hamma (eds), The Art of South Italy. Vases from Magna Graecia, Exhibition Richmond 1982, 201-203, No. 86. RH.

PERIOD

[I 1] People’s tribune before 312 BC and author of the Lex Ovinia, which entrusted the censors with keeping the roll of senators (Fest. 290 L.). MRR

1,158.

K-LE.

Il. IMPERIAL PERIOD {11 1] L. O. Curius Proculus Modianus Africanus. Cos.

suff. probably in the rst half of the 3rd cent. AD (CIL VI 1479 =ILS 8093 =CIL VI Suppl. VIII ad 1479). PIR* O 185.

{11 2] L. O. Pudens Capella. Governor of > Numidia,

where he also appears as consul designatus; datable to the 3rd cent. PIR* O 189.

Owls. Along with the > eagles and — falcons, the family of night predator birds is given five main varieties in Aristotle. These were also known to the Romans. A. EAGLE-OWLS B.SMALL OWLS C. INDETERMINABLE VARIETIES A. EAGLE-OWLS 1. Eagle-owl (Bubo

bubo, Bbas/byas or Bovac/ bryas, derived from the onomatopoeic BvCeww/byzein, as bubo is from bubulare), the largest, almost eagle-sized kind (Aristot. Hist. an. 7(8),3,592b 9-10). It lives in wastelands, in eerie and inaccessible places (Plin. HN 10,34), on tombs and in caves (Isid. Orig. 12,7,39).

THOMASSON, Fasti Africani, 195.

Plin. HN 10,35 mentions its imprecise, seemingly sideways flight. For Ovid, it is an ugly, cowardly bird because during the day it shuns other birds and rests

[II 3] L. O. Rusticus Cornelianus. Senator, whose career is known up to his consulate; presumably belongs to the early 3rd cent. AD. PIR* O 190. {11 4] C. O. Tertullus. Cos. suff. probably at the beginning of the reign of — Septimius Severus; consular governor of Moesia inferior, attested from AD 198 to 202 [1. 331]. Several imperial letters in which O. appears are preserved in inscriptions ({2. 437ff.] and CIL Ill 78x = ILS 423) and in digests (38,17,1.3; 49,15,9).

nocturnal activity and chilling cry (Verg. Aen. 4,462f.; Plin. HN 10,35 und Apul. Flor. 13) made it into an inauspicious omen, e.g. at the marriage of Tereus and Progne (Ov. Met. 6,432-34; Cass. Dio 56,29 et passim). Probably for similar reasons, Propertius

PURO

(2,28b,38) and Ovid

ont

1D. Boreva, Lower Moesia and Thrace in the Roman Imperial System, 1997 2 J. H. Oxtver, Greek Constitutions of Early Roman Emperors, 1989. W.E.

lethargically (Met. 5,549f., cf. Isid. Orig. 12,7,39). Its

(Am. 3,12,r) called it a ‘black

bird’. Its bodily parts played a certain role in magical medicine, especially in Pliny (HN 29,81rf.; 29,127; 30,95 et passim;cf. Apul. Met. 3,21). Aelian (Var. 3,42) and Antoninus Liberalis (10) were familiar with a trans-

Ovius. Oscan praenomen, also a rare Roman family name. 1 SALOMIES,

82

2 J. RercHmutn,

1956, 35 3 SCHULZE, MANN 2, 229.

Die lat. Gentilicia, 4 WaLpE/HorK-LE.

37; 202; 4311.

Owl Pillar Group. Group of red-figured > Campanian vases, named after one of its motifs (an owl standing on a column or pillar), dating from the 2nd and 3rd quarters of the 5th cent. BC. The primary pottery form is the Attic (‘Nolan’) amphora (> Pottery, shapes and types of, fig. A 5), while kalpis (+ Pottery, shapes and types of, fig. B 12), krater and jug are much rarer. In their adoption of the particular shapes of amphora and kalpis, as well as in their style, the painters of the OPG attempted to imitate the contemporary Attic vase painters; in addition, on ‘Nolan’ amphorae they customarily

formation legend. It is occasionally encountered on coins [1. pl. 5,21] and gems [r. pl. 20,63]. 2. Long-eared owl (Asio otus, @toc, Aristot. Hist. an. 7(8),3,592b 9: vuxtixdoa& = ‘night raven’, Ps.-Aristot. Hist. an. 8(9),12,615b 1ro-16: bBoic, otus, axio

bzw. asio). According to Plin. HN 10,68, it is smaller than the bubo, has tufts (according to Plin. HN 11,137, as with the bubo this is an exception among birds), imitates other birds and performs a kind of dance. It is easy to catch and in autumn migrates to Greece with the > quails. In fact, in its central European breeding ground it is a migratory bird. Plin. 29,117 mentions its fresh gall as a treatment for glaucoma. In Anton. Lib. 15 itis a harbringer of misfortune in the Eumelus myth. An ancient silver coin depicts a long-eared owl [1. pl. 5,22]. 3. Scops owl (Otus scops, oxm/skops, in Hesych. owwé/styx, strix). A horned owl typical of southern Europe, mentioned as early as Homer (Od. 5,66) as a bird breeding on Calypso’s island. Aristotle describes it

309

310

OXATHRES

as smaller than the Little Ow] (Hist. an. 7(8),3,592b rr)

2. Eurasian tawny owl (Strix aluco). Mentioned in

and draws a distinction between the common sedentary bird and fatter, fine-tasting birds of passage that turn up in late autumn (Hist. an. 8(9),28,617b 31ff., cf. Plaut. Pseud. 820f.). Athenaeus (9,391b-d) and Aelianus (Nat. 15,28) describe it and its dance-like behaviour, drawing especially on Alexander of Myndus (rst cent. AD, author of a zoological work). Even this owl, very vocal in the courtship routine, was considered a bird of death (Prop. 3,6,29), as a bloodsucker (Ovid Fast. 6,131; Petron. 63) and as a magical bird (Prop. 4,5,17; Hor. Epod. 5,20; Ov. Met. 7,269: Medea’s magical potion) Strix could, however, could also refer to a witch (Petron. 63; Ov. Fast. 6,141; Am. 1,12,20; Plin. HN

Aristotle (Hist. an. 7(8),3,592b ro), the éAedc [eleds; 3. 94f.] could be identical with the wlula of Plin. 10,34

11,232).

B. SMALL OWLS 1. Little Owl (Athene noctua, yabv&/glatix, xaxxapi/kakkabe, noctua), with nine different cries (Plin. HN 10,39 following Nigidius Figulus), in height between little horned owl and eagle-owl, to be found everywhere in the Mediterranean, especially in Attica (Aristoph. Av. 301), but not on Crete (Antigonus Carystius, Mirabilia ro; Ael. Nat. 5,2; Plin. HN 10,76); enemy of the crow because of reciprocal egg-thefts (Aristot. Hist. an. 8(9),1,609a 8-12; Ael. Nat. 3,9 and

5,48; Plin. HN 10,203), it kills off insects (especially wasps; Aristoph. Av. 589; Plin. HN 29,92). It is blind by day and hunts at night (Aristot. Hist. an. 8(9),34, 619b x8ff.), mice and other prey. Small birds ‘hate’ it because of their night-blindness; bird-catchers take advantage of that in catching them (Aristot. Hist. an. 8(9),1,609a 13-16; Auson. Mos. 308ff.); this was supposed to take place around the beginning of October (Pall. agric. 10,12). The little owl is reputed to be a weather forecaster (Arat. 999; Plin. HN 18,362; Ael. Nat. 7,7) and in flight it predicts good fortune (Plut. Themistocles 12; Diod. 20,11), but when perched or screeching, a harbinger of misfortune (Ael. 10,37 for Pyrrhus of Epirus). It appears as a bird of prophecy in Virgil (Georg. 1,403 et passim). Pliny recommends its brain for combating angina (HN 30,33) and headaches (HN 29,113), and for inflammation of the ears, its brains or liver are instilled with oil (HN 29,143). Its eggs mixed into wine spoil the drinker’s pleasure (HN 30,145). Pinned to the barn door with its wings outstretched, the little owl is regarded as protection against hail and lightning (Pall. Agric. 1,35,1), placed in the garden near the route taken by ants, its heart will keep them away (Pall. Agric. 10,12). As an attribute of wise Athena its representation on gems was widespread [t. pl. 20,61], especially on coin images from Athens from the 6th cent. BC onwards [1. pl. 5,17—20]. Its wisdom is a motif in Aesop’s fables ([2. 2, p. 153 cf. 132, p. 147]; Phaedr. 3,16). It is also encountered in several transformation myths (Nyctimene: Ov. Met. 2,588ff.; Hyg. Fab. 204; Stat. Theb. 3,507; Meropis: Antoninus Liberalis 15; a daughter of Minyas: Antoninus Liberalis ro).

and denote the nocturnal tawny owl with its chilling cry. Isid. Orig. 12,7,38 —like his source Serv. ecl. 8,5 5 derives ulula from wailing. The ~ augurs believe that its wailing indicates mourning and its silence, good fortune. C. INDETERMINABLE VARIETIES Aristotle’s aiymAtog (aigdlios; Hist. an. 7(8),3,592b 11) and goxddkados (askdlaphos;Hist. an. 2,17,509a 21) are indeterminable. The avis incendiaria in Plin. (HN 10,36) is no longer considered by [4. 147] to bea

variety of owl. Birds of prey 1 F. IMHOOF-BLUMER, O. KELLER, Tier- und Pflanzenbilder auf Miinzen und Gemmen des klassischen Altertums,

1889, repr. 1972 2 A. Hausratu (ed.), Corpus fabularum Aesopicarum, 1956 3 D‘Arcy W. THompson, A

Glossary of Greek Birds, 1936, repr. 1966

4 LEITNER. C.HU.

Owls (coins). The first coins with an owl as motif were minted in Athens from c. 575 BC onas incusum quadratum in electrum and silver [1. table r], later (from c. 525 BC on) as a reverse motif with an obverse image of Athena in the Attic standard of coinage [1. table 2; 2. 44ff.]. Minting in bronze with this motif, beginning in the 3rd cent. BC, replaced the silver coins from 78/7 BC onward [3. 42] and ended in the middle of the 2nd cent. AD [1. table 88]. + Elektron; > Incusum quadratum; > Coinage, standards of 1 J. N. Svoronos, B. Pick, Corpus of the ancient coins of Athens, 1975. 2C. M. Kraay, The Archaic Owls of Athens. Classification and Chronology, in: NC 6.16, 1956, 43-68 3 O.MorkHOoLM, The Chronology of the

New Style Coinage of Athens, in: The American Numismatic Society. Museum Notes 29, 1984, 29-42.

M. THompson, The new style silver coinage of Athens, 1961.

A.M.

Ox see > Cattle

Oxathres (OEG8on¢/Oxathres). [1] Youngest son of > Darius [2] II and — Parysatis (Plut. Artoxerxes 1,5).

[2] Son of > Abulites, commander of his father’s troops at > Gaugamela; he subjugated himself to Alexander [4] the Great, but he (now governor of — Paraetacene) was executed in Susa in 324 because he failed to provide assistance to the Greek army marching through the Gedrosian

desert (Arr. Anab. 3,8,5; 16,6; 19,2; 74,1; Curt. 5,2,8; Plut. Alexander 68 [Oxyartes]). [3] Son of > Dionysius [5] of Heraclea [7] and > Amastris [3], grandson of Oxyathres. With his brother — Clearchus [4] he was ruler of Heraclea under the guardianship of their mother from 306 BC on. The two

OXATHRES

of them killed their mother in 292 and were executed by + Lysimachus [2] (Memnon FGrH 434 F 4,8; 5,2f.5 DiodsSier2onq7an): A. Brrtner, Geschichte und Wirtschaft in Herakleia Pon-

tike. Eine Polis zwischen Tyrannis und Selbstverwaltung, 1998, s.v. O.

j.W.

Oxia palus see > Aral Sea Oxus see > Araxes [2] Oxyartes

(OEvdetmes/Oxydrtés).

Sogdian

nobleman;

friend of > Bessus and opponent of > Alexander [4] the Great, father of > Rhoxane. After his reconciliation with the Macedonians (his sons joined Alexander’s army), he was involved in the subjugation of Sogdia and in 326/5 BC received the Paropamisad satrapy (confirmed in 323 and 321). In 317 BC, O. fought with > Eumenes [1] against > Antigonus [1] (Arr. Anab. 3,28,10; 4,18,4-7;

ie)

311

20,4;

26,6f.;

6,15,3f£;

7,6,4;

Diod.

Sic.

18,3533 39563 19,14,6; 48,2).

~» Sogdiana

1.

Oxyathres. Brother of > Darius [3] Oxybaphon (d&ifpapov/oxybaphon, Latin — acetabulum, literally: ‘vinegar jar for dipping’); refers especially to a > measure of volume for liquids of '/, + kotyle or 1'/2 > cyathus [2]. The Attic oxybaphon

Arr. Anab. 6,4-11, with a shorter version in Diod. Sic.

98f. and Curt. 9,4f. 1P.H.L. Eccermont, Alexander’s Campaign in Southern Punjab, 1993. 2 D. HANDA, Numismatic Evidence of the Ksudrakas, in: Journ. of the Numismatic Soc. of India 37, 1975, 13-19 30. STEIN, s.v. Ofvdedxa, RE 18, 2024-32. K.K.

Oxylus ("OEvko¢; Oxylos). [1] Son of Ares and Protogenia (Apollod. 1,59). [2] Aetolian, King of > Elis. The > Heraclidae who according to an oracular utterance were searching for a three-eyed (triophthalmos) leader, found him in O. who encountered them while he was riding on a horse (mule) and, because he had lost an eye through being shot with an arrow, was actually three-eyed (together with the animal). He was on the return journey from a year of atonement in exile because he had killed his brother by mistake when he was throwing the discus and had had to flee. O. was the son of Haemon (Andraemon, Apollod. 2,175) and a descendant of > Aetolus, the founder and ruler of Elis during the Doric migration. The victorious Heraclids handed to O. the city of Elis where he reigned as king and allowed the vanquished to continue to live there, guaranteeing by treaty the inviolability of the country. With synoecism, O. made the city flourish and took on the agonothesia (> Agonothetes) of the sanctuary of Olympia (Paus. 5,3,6f.; 4,1-4; Apollod. l.c.; Str. 10,3,33 753533 3530). Lhe wife of O. was Pieria and his children were Aetolus and > Laeas [2]. ALR.

measured 0,068 | [1. 2], that of the physicians (since

Oxyrhynchus

Nero) 0,051 | [3]. 1F.

Huirscw,

*7882, ro2zff.

Griechische

und

rémische

Metrologie,

2H. Nissen, Griechische und rémische

Metrologie, in: Handbuch der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft 1, *1892, 843f., 867 3H. CHANTRAINE, s.v. Eos, RE 9A, 2116ff. 4M. Lana, M. Crossy, Weights, Measures and Tokens (The Athenian Agora ro), 1964.

HE.C.

A. THE cITY B. THE OXYRHYNCHUS C. HELLENICA OXYRHYNCHI

PaAPyRi

A. THE CITY City in Middle Egypt, modern Al-Bahnasa; in Pharaonic times the capital of the r9th nome of Upper Egypt, Egyptian pr-mdd, ‘meeting house (?)’. Originally

O. was one of the main cult centres of + Seth as well as Oxydracae (OEvdeaxai; Oxydrakai). Indian ethnic group in the > Punjab, organized as an ‘aristocratic republic’; together with the — Malli, subjugated by Alexander [4] the Great in ferocious battles. The name has not been passed down to us in a uniform manner: aside from Oxydrdkai in Arr. Anab. 5,22; 6,11 und from time to time, they are called Sydrdkai in Str. 15,1,8, Diod. Sic. 17,98 and Arr. Ind. 4, Sudracae in Curt. 9,4,15, Sydraci in Plin. HN 6,25,92, Sugambri in

Justin. 12,9,3, and Oxidragae in the Epitome Mettensis 78. In ancient Indian lists of Punjab peoples, those corresponding to the Mallians and O. are the Malava and Ksudraka, both also numismatically attested. The region of the O. lay to the east of the Malli between ~ Hydraotes and > Hyphasis. Originally in a state of war with the Mallians, they were however allies against Alexander; when he had subjugated the area of the Mallians, they surrendered without fighting (Arr. Anab. 6,14). The history of the war is described in detail in

of + Thoeris. Because Seth had killed Osiris, it was

mentioned in traditional lists of nomes as a banned place. There are hardly any archaeological finds from the pre-Ptolemaic period; the ancient centre of the nome was presumably located in spr-mrw. During the Graeco-Roman period, there was a cult of > Serapis and Thoeris in O., and the O. fish that was connected with Thoeris (syncretistically also Neith and > Isis) was worshipped [1]. The city benefited from its location at the junction of routes to the oases. Under Augustus, O. was part of a unit of 7 nomes in Middle Egypt (> Heptanomia) [2]. In the Byzantine period, the city flourished economically; it was initially part of the province of Aegyptus, later the capital city of the new province of Arcadia; the nome was then renamed Iustinupolis. O. was the seat of aChristian bishop and had an important cemetery with objects of Coptic art. The city declined in the Mamluk period (from the r2th cent. AD).

314

ee H we

11. GAMER-WALLERT,

Fische

und

Fischkulte

im Alten

Agypten, 1970 2 J. Krtcrr, O. in der Kaiserzeit, 1990 3 W.M.F. Perriz, Tombs of the Courtiers and O., 1925

4A. Jones (ed.), Astronomical

Papyri from O., 1999. JO.QU.

B. THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPyYRI O. and its surrounding area are the most important site for finds of papyri (> Papyrus). These include literary texts and official documents, mostly in Greek but also in Latin, Coptic and Arabic; also Old and New Testament (together with apocryphal books, among others the Gospel of Thomas) and Christian texts; as well as texts translated from Egyptian into Greek (Isis Hymn, > Asclepius aretalogy, potter’s oracle, priest’s oath) and magical texts in Demotic and Old Coptic script. The time-line stretches from the first Ptolemies to the time after the Arabian conquest (end of the 4th cent. BC to 7th cent. AD). The excavations were initiated in 1896/97 by B.P. Grenfell and A.S. Hunt on behalf of the Egypt Exploration Society; the results were published in 1898 in the first volume of the new series The Oxyrhynchus Papyri (POxy) (up to 2006: 70 vols.). In r9ro the ‘Societa italiana per la ricerca dei papiri greci e latini in Egitto’ under the leadership of E. Pistelli also started working in O. (Papiri greci e latini = PSI: vol. 1, 1912, last vol. 15, 1979). Today the O. Papyri are housed in various places: among the most important are the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford, the British Lib-

rary in London, the Egyptian Museum in Cairo and the Istituto Papirologico G. Vitelli in Florence. ~ Papyri (history of finds); > PapyROLOGy; > Papyrus collections; R. A. Cotes, Location-List of the O. Papyri and of Other Greek Papyri Published by the Egypt Exploration Society, 1974; J. KRUGER, O. in der Kaiserzeit. Studien zur Topographie und Literaturrezeption, 1990; E. G. TURNER, Greek Papyri. An Introduction, 1968, 27-33. PE.

C. HELLENICA OXYRHYNCHI For the fragments of a Greek historical work discovered in O. in 1942, see > Hellenica Oxyrhynchia.

Oyster. One or two species of oyster (Gotoetov/Ostreion, dotoeeov/dstreon; Latin ostrea, ostreum) were known in

antiquity [5]: a) the European oyster (Ostrea edulis L.) — to which many variants initially thought to be independent species belonged — and b) probably the Portuguese oyster (Crassostrea angulata Lmk.). Oysters are dealt with in zoological studies particularly by Aristotle, Historia animalium (but to what extent are oysters in particular really meant here?) and Pliny, who gives some observations developed from those of Aristotle (e.g. that given in HN 9,160, which contradicts the Aristotelian theory of the abiogenesis of oysters, Aristot. Hist. an. 5,15,547b 18-20). The oyster was used from early times as a foodstuff (raw or as an ingredient in hot food; cf. e.g. Macrob. Sat. 3,13,12 [1]). Roman taste in particular awarded them the distinction of palma mensarum (Plin.HN 32,59). As well as oyster fisheries, there is also evidence, from the Roman period, of oyster farming (catching of-young, rearing and fattening) [2; 4]. The first oyster farm, in Italy at least, was that of C. Sergius Orata in the Lucrine Lake, a lagoon at Baiae (c. 100 BC). Outside Italy, there is evidence of oyster farming in the Imperial period in Spain, Gaul, Greece, Asia Minor and Africa (see esp. Xenocrates in

Orib. 2,58,96). Another

Roman

innovation

was the

long-distance transportation of oysters — demonstrable for living creatures and perhaps also preserved — e.g. to the Central European interior |6; 7]. Living transportation was enabled by the fact that oysters survive for 24 days at low temperatures; dry packaging placed under a certain amount of pressure suffices. - The oyster was also used as the raw material for the manufacture of a number of different products (e.g. putty, cosmetics, medicines [6. 350; 7. 288f.]). On pearl oysters, > margarital. 1 A. C. ANDREWS, Oysters as a Food in Greece and Rome, in: CJ 43, 1947-48, 299-303 2R. T. GUNTHER, The Oyster Culture of the Ancient Romans, in: Journal of the Marine Biological Association of the United Kingdom N.F. 4, 1895, 360-365 3 KELLER 2, 562-568 4G. LarayE, in: Bulletin de la Société Nationale des Antiquaires de France 1915, 218-221 5 A. T. DE ROCHEBRUNE, De I‘existence, a l‘embouchure de la Gironde, de I‘Ostrea

angulata Lamck., a l’€poque gallo-romaine, in: Bulletin du Musée. d‘Histoire Naturelle 6, 1900, 113-115 GF.

Oxyrhynchus style see > Writing styles Oxythemis (OEUWOEtG/Oxythemis) from Larisa. Close confidant of + Demetrius [2] Poliorcetes (Phylarchus FGrH 81 F 12), awarded citizenship and cultic honours

after the liberation of Athens from Macedonian occupation in 307 BC (IG II* 558; cf. Demochares FGrH 75 Fr). In 289 he led negotiations for Demetrius with ~» Agathocles [2] (Diod. 21,15f.). + Antigonus [2] had him executed (Ath. 578b). Cu. Hasicut, Gottmenschentum und griechische Stadte,

1956, 55-58; Id., Athen, 1995, 87.

OZENE

HA.BE.

SrraucH, G. E. Tutry, Austernfunde aus rémischen Gebauderesten in Tittmoning, Landkreis Traunstein, in: Bayerische Vorgeschichtsblatter 50, 1985, 341-354 7G. E. THUry, R6mische Austernfunde in der Schweiz, im rechtsrheinischen Siiddeutschland und in Osterreich, in:

FS fiir Hans R. Stampfli, 1990, 285-301.

G.TH.

Ozene (‘Otivn/Ozene). Indian city in the interior of the

country east of > Barygaza, a former capital city (Peripl. m. Eux. 48); Hellenized form of central Indian Ojjeni (for Old Indian Ujjayini), the famous metropolis in western India. In Ptol. 7,1,63, O. is the capital city of Tiastanes, identical with the epigraphically attested Ksatrapa prince Castana. O. STEIN, s.v. Otiyvn, RE 18, 2048f.

K.K.

Ik P (linguistics). In Greek and Latin, this letter denotes a voiceless labial stop. In inherited words in Greek and Latin it is often derived from Proto-Indo-European p (Greek m6otc/potis, Latin potis < * potis) |i. 291; 2. 82; 3. 156]. In all Greek dialects apart from Mycenaean,

PIE k“ or ku/ku is a possible further source. In this case p always appears before a low vowel (a, 0), cf. mown ‘penalty’ < *k“oina_a,- (borrowed into Latin as poena) with Avestan kaéna- ‘penalty’, Old Church Slavonic céna ‘price’, in Aeolic also before e (Attic tetoav/teisai ~ Aeolian metoavpeisai) [1. 294, 300; 2. 86-88]. In Mycenaean, the > labiovelar was still an independent phoneme (a-to-ro-qo~ &vOqwaxoc/anthropos) |4. 46]. While p is largely preserved in Greek, it undergoes various assimilatory changes in Latin (coquo < *quequo < PIE *pek"-e/o-; summus

< *supmo-; somnus < *suepno-)

(2. £56,200). The geminate is found in baby-talk (Greek ménmoc/ pappos ‘grandfather’, Latin pappare ‘eat’), at morpheme boundaries (Gméupet, Hom. Od. 15,83; Latin appello), elsewhere in Greek as a reflex of the biphoae nemic group -ku- (inxog from * 9,ekuos), and in Latin wherever the ‘littera rule’ applies, cf. Iuppiter < Iupiter [z.315f.; 3. 182; 5.77]. In loanwords from Greek, Latin p represents p (cf. poena), in the Old Latin period

an especially striking accumulation of exempla from the Roman tradition with which P. probably wanted to do justice to the dignity of the res publica [8. 57-61}: P. sees the Roman concept of > humanitas realised in the person of Theodosius. Despite the intense integration of the period of the Roman Republic into the form of exempla in his speech this should not be interpreted as a unilateral glorification. P. repeatedly speaks positively of the Imperial period, which for him is, as it were, completed by Theodosius. ~ Panegyrics EDITIONS:

1R. Mynors,

1964

2C.E.V. Nixon, B.

SayLor Ropcers, In Praise of Roman Emperors, 1994, 437-531 (Panegyricus Latini Pacati Drepani dictus Theodosio) 3 Ead., P.: Panegyric to the Emperor Theodosius, 1987 (English tr.).

BrBLIOGRAPHY: 4 U. AscHE, Roms Weltherrschaftsidee und Aufenpolitik in der Spatantike im Spiegel der Panegyrici Latini; thesis 1983 5 A. LipPpoLp, Herrscherideal und Traditions-Verbundenheit im Panegyricus des P., in: Historia 17, 1968, 228-250 6 J. F. MATTHEWS, Gallic Supporters of Theodosius, in: Latomus 30, 1971, 10731099

7C.E.V. NIXxon (s. [2]), 6-7.

Geschichte

der

spatantiken

8 W. PORTMANN,

Panegyrik;

thesis

1988. L.M.G.

also Greek ph, cf. Pilipus for Mihummocg (CIL P 552);

Paccia. P. Marciana was from Africa (Leptis Magna?);

ampulla (diminutive of amphora) cf. Greek Crogevc/amphorets; but cf. Numphis (CIL X 6798).

from c. AD 175 she was the first wife of > Septimius Severus (SHA Sept. Sev. 3,2) and died in about AD 185

-» Phi (linguistics);

({1. nos. 410, 411]; CIL VII 19494 =ILS 440).

> Psi (linguistics)

1 ScHWyZER, Gramm.

2 Rix, HGG

3LEUMANN

4M.

LrEJEUNE, Phonétique historique du mycénien et du grec ancien, 1972

5G. Metser, Histor. Laut- und Formen-

lehre der lateinischen Sprache, 1998.

GE.ME.

P. is used as an abbreviation of the Roman name > Publius and very often appears on coins and in inscriptions to stand for functions and titles (e.g. PM = pontifex maximus; PP = pater patriae). For the numerous mea-

nings of P in numismatics and epigraphics see [1. 3 10319] and [2. XLIV-XLIX]. 1 A. CALDERINI, Epigrafia, 1974 2H. COHEN, J. C. EGBERT, R. CaGnat, Coin-Inscriptions and Epigraphical Abbreviations of Imperial Rome, 1978. W.ED.

1 J. M. ReyNo ps (ed.), The Inscriptions of Roman Tripolitana, 1952. A. R. BIRLEY, Septimius Severus, *1988, 52; 75; 225; PIR*

P 20; RAEPSAET-CHARLIER, 590.

TF.

Paccius [1] C. P. Africanus. Senator. In probably 67 he became a suffect consul. In 70 he was expelled from the Senate for being found guilty of informing on the Scribonii brothers under Nero [1] (Tac. Hist. 4,41,3). But he must have been readmitted soon after, because in 77/8 he served as proconsul of Africa; there are numerous testimonies to his activities there. PIR* P 14. THOMASSON, Fasti Africani, 44.

Pabulatores see > Logistics Pacatianus see > Claudius{II 46]

[2] P. Antiochus. Pharmacologist, active in Rome, who had great therapeutic success and made large profits, especially with a tegd/hierd (‘divine remedy’) he had made up (Scribonius 97). Described as an ‘Antiochene’,

Pacatus. Latinus P. Drepanius, a rhetor from the region around Bordeaux, lived in the 4th/sth cents. AD and in 390 attained the proconsulship of Africa. He was a friend of +» Ausonius and -» Symmachus, presumably also of - Paulinus [5] of Nola. In 389 P. held a panegyric on the emperor > Theodosius I. In this there was

P. (Scribonius Largus 97, 156, 220; Gal. 13,284) was a pupil of Philonides Catinensis (Scribonius 97), he wrote

a collection of formulas of composite remedies and died in the reign of Tiberius (AD 14-37; loc. cit.); nothing more is known. In Gal. 12,772 we encounter an ‘Ascl-

epiadean P.’ (> Asclepiades [6]), but whether it is the

317

318

same P. is not known. According to Scribonius 97, his hiera represented a further development of an earlier formula; kept secret in his lifetime, it became known only after his death. For other medicines that traditionally appeared under his name cf. Scribonius 156 and

already in existence, wished to join the organization, and by the time of P’s death it included nine monasteries and two associated women’s communities. According

22.07 Galum>. 7150s 16087622 1352641994" H. Divter, s.v. P. (4), RE 18.2, 2063; C. FABRICIUS, Galens Exzerpte aus alteren Pharmakologen, 1972, 226 n.

41; M. H. Marcanng, Les médicaments estampillés dans le corpus galénique, in: A. DeBrRu (ed.), Galen on Pharma-

cology, 1997, 165 with n. 56.

ATO.

PACHYMERES,

GEORGIOS

to information from a clearly later date, about 3000

monks had joined the organization during P’s lifetime (Pall. Laus. 26,1820). As well as important supporters such as > Athanasius, P. also had forceful opponents; in AD 345, shortly before his death, he was arraigned before a synod of bishops in Latopolis, but no sentence was passed. P. understood his reforms as a ‘service to humanity’ and as a return to the beginnings of the Church.

Paches (Mdyn¢/Pachés). Athenian, son of Epicurus, sent in late autumn 428 BC as a stratégds with 1000 hoplites against the disloyal city of > Mytilene, which he captured after several months ofsiege (Thuc. 3,18,33,28; Diod. Sic. 12,55,5-10). After operations off the Ionian coast, he also subjugated Antissa, Pyrrha and Eresus (Thuc. 3,28,3; 35,1-2), all on Lesbos [1. 171f.]. On his return, P. was indicted in Athens (at the insti-

gation of Cleon [r]). (The accusation, expressed in Anth. Pal. 7,614, of the violation of two Lesbian women could not have been the cause: [2]). He killed himself in front of his judge (Plut. Aristides 26,5; Plut. Nicias 6,1). 1K. W. Wetwet, Das klassische Athen, 1999 WESTLAKE, P., in: Phoenix 29, 1975, 107-116. PA 11746.

2H. D.

1 CPG 2, 2353-2356 (with supplement 1998).

Pachrates (Mayodtys/Pachratés). Magician and prophet from Heliopolis [1], proved his craft to emperor Hadrian with the help of a smoke sacrifice to > Selene, in recognition of which he received double his fee (PGM 1, P 4,2446ff.). P. may have served as inspiration for the figure of the magician Pancrates in Lucian. Philopseudes 34-36 [1] and is perhaps identical [2. 618f.] with the poet > Pancrates [3]. 1 K. PREISENDANZ, s.v. P., RE 18, 2071-2074 ESSL, s.V. Pankrates (5), RE 18, 615-619.

2F. SToSLA.

HA.BE.

Pachom (also called Hierax). Son of Pachom (PP VIII 300b), father of + Pamenches, attested as syngenés and stratégos in various Egyptian nomes c. 50/30 BC. Besides his state offices, P. held a number of indigenous priestly offices, which subsequently also appear in the titles of his son. PP I/VIII 265; 301. L. Mooren, The Aulic Titulature in Ptolemaic Egypt, 1975, 119f. Nr. 0127.

EDITION:

SECONDARY LITERATURE: 2D. J. Cutty, The Desert a City, 1966 3P. Rousseau, Pachomius, 1985. C.M.

W.A.

Pachomius (Iaydtoc; Pachomios). P. was born in AD 292, probably in Latopolis/> Esna, and died of the

plague in AD 346. He is regarded as the founder of cenobitic > monasticism in Egypt and the author of the first regulations for monks. The Pachomian monastic community, which he founded, is called Roindbion (in the sense of koindnia, ‘community’) throughout the Vita prima |2. 24]. P. was born into a pagan Egyptian family and converted to Christianity around the age of twenty when he enrolled in the army. He was baptised after he had returned to the town of Chenoboscium (‘geese pasture’) in Lower Egypt in AD 313; some years later he began to live as a hermit under the guidance of his spiritual father, Apa Palamon. According to the account of the Vita (Bohairic version §17), he was commanded in a vision to build a monastery in Tabennisi in AD 323. After initial difficulties the community grew quickly and six years later an additional monastery was set up in Pabau. Further communities, which were

Pachymeres, Georgios (Feweyiog 6 TMayupéons; Georgios ho Pachyméres). Byzantine universal scholar and humanist, born in 1242 in Nicaea [5], died around

1310. P. held high Church and state offices (protékdikos and dikaiophylax). He studied philosophy, rhetoric, mathematics and physics with Georgios Akropolites. His important history in 13 volumes [1] deals with events in the period between 1255 and 1308 and is the only extensive historical work from the time of the Palaeologi dynasty. In addition to books on rhetoric and philosophy, around the year 1300 P. authored a quadrivial

treatise

([5]; cf. > Artes

liberales)

that

reflects the high level of scientific achievement in the Byzantium of his time. The 2nd volume includes the subject of harmonics. In addition to Neopythagorean sources (> Archytas [1], Nicomachus [9]), P. used texts by > Aristoxenus [1] as well as authors whose

works dealt with Aristoxenian teachings. He was the first musical theorist to make reference to the terminology of church music, particularly the Byzantine ecclesiastical modes (échoi), but without giving more detailed explanation of their relationship to the ancient too (tone intervals;

> tonal theory). The author’s familiar-

ity with ancient writers is also evident in his style. 11. BEKKER (ed.), 2 vols. (Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae 12.1-2), 1835 2 HUNGER, Literatur, vol. 1,

447-453

3PG 143, 443-996; PG 144, 15-716

4L.

RicHter, Antike Uberlieferungen in der byzantinischen Musiktheorie, in: Acta Musicologica 70, 1998, 167-171

5 P. TaNNery (ed.), Quadrivium de Georges Pachymére (Studi e testi 94), 1940.

GE.WO,

PACHYNUS

320

319

Pachynus (Iléyvvoc/Pachynos). Promontory in the extreme south-east of Sicily (more precisely: 8 km northeast from there), today’s Capo Passero, 5 km southeast of today’s Pachino. P. was of great importance for navigation as a landmark and measuring point (cf. Str. 2,4,3: distance from Crete; 6,2,11: from Malta;

Fam. 6,18-19), for the last time in November 44 (Att.

Plin. HN 3,87: from the Peloponnese). Because of the

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD [Il 1] M.P. Senator. Legate of C. Iunius [II 32] Silanus,

way the island was thought to be orientated, in antiquity P. was usually referred to as the east cape (Str. 6,2,1; Plin. HN 3,87; Dionys. Per. 467f.; differently in Pol. 1,42,4). P. was regarded as an orientation point in the Sicilian Sea (Pol. 1,42,4; Str. l.c.) and belonged to

the territory of > Syracusae (Diod. Sic. 5,2,2). In the reports on the naval operations of the first and second —+ Punic

P. is mentioned

Wars,

several

times

(Pol.

Tae Togas IDyreyel Se, aging Avice fies Ii, 24,273 24,353 25,27). The cape itself was uninhabited. When it was said that P. was known for tuna fishing and processing (Athen. 1,4c; Solin. 5,6), this probably referred to the small harbour of portus Pachyni (Apollineum, cf. Macrob. 1,17,24; today’s Portopalo) located to the west, where it is protected by P. (Cic. Verr.

MOy5 5 3)) 1 E. BApIAN, Notes on a Recent List of Praefecti Fabrum under the Republic, in: Chiron 27, 1997, 1-19. JO.R.

who was prosecuted in AD 22 after his proconsulship in Asia; P. appeared as his prosecutor. Later himself prosecuted for high treason (— maiestas) and at the instigation of > Tiberius (as in Suet. Tib. 61,6) condemned and excecuted. His son is P. [II 2]. PIR* P 26. {II 2] Q.P. Agrippinus. Son of P. [II 1]. Quaestor in the

province of Creta-Cyrenae for two years under Claudius [III r]. In AD 66 prosecuted in the Senate as an adherent of > Stoicism and banished from Italy. Accepted back into the Senate under > Vespasianus; sent to Cyrenae again, but this time as an imperial legate with the task of recovering state land from private possession. He was in office there from 71 to 74. PIR* P 27. [II 3] A.P. Sabinus. Suffect consul in AD 58. PIR* P 29.

BRS EO)

W.E.

K. ZIEGLER, s.v. P., RE 18, 2074; G. M. Bacct, Scavi e ricerche ad Avola, Grammichele, Portopalo, Taormina, in: Kokalos 30/31, 1984/1985, 716-721; E. MANNI, Geo-

grafia fisica e politica della Sicilia antica (Kokalos Suppl. 4), 1981, 144f.

E.O. GLF.

Pacianus. After AD 343, bishop of Barcinona (modern Barcelona), died before 393; of his life practically nothing is known. Three letters from him to the Novatian Sympronianus survive, in which he opposes Novatianism (~ Novatianus) (CPL 561), also a pamphlet Paraenesis sive Exhortatorius Libellus ad Paenitentiam (Exhortation to Penitence, CPL 562) and a Sermo de Baptismo (Sermon on Baptism, CPL 563). A Cerv(ul)us (‘Stag’) against the pagan celebration of the new year, mentioned by > Hieronymus (Vir. ill. 106), is lost. The author was well educated and theologically influenced by > Tertullianus and > Cyprianus [2]. Epitrons:

C. GraNnabo, Pacien de Barcelone, Ecrits

J. Wousk1, L’Empire des Arsacides, 1993, 128-140.

[2] Elder legitimate son of — Vonones II, appointed prince of Atropatene by his half-brother > Vologaeses I in 51 AD. After that, P. supported his younger brother > Tiridates’ I struggle for the Armenian crown. In the invasion of the Alani (c. AD 72), P. fled and had to

(SChr 410), 1995. BIBLIOGRAPHY:

Pacorus [1] P. (not P. I!), a son of > Orodes [2] II; he is central to the first phase of the > Parthian Wars which followed the battle of Carrhae. In 53 BC, P. got engaged to a sister of the Armenian king > Artavasdes [2] II, sealing the latter’s coming over to the Parthian side. The Parthian invasion of Syria (51-50) was only nominally under the leadership of P., who was still young. He played a greater part in the great attack on Syria, carried out under his command from 41 onward, but after initial success he died at Gindarus in 38 BC. >» Parthia

A. GRUBER,

Studien zu P. von Barce-

lona, r901; R. KaveErR, Studien zu P. (Programm Staatsgymnasium im XIII. Bezirke), Wien 1902.

K.K. CM.

Paconius. Name of an Italian gems, attested in Setia (consequently Oscan? ILS 6130) and several trading towns. I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD IJ. IMPERIAL PERIOD

ransom his harem, which had been taken into captivity. He was the last known king of Atropatene. [3] P. (not P. II!), a nephew of P. [2], was appointed co-regent by his father > VologaesesI in 77/8 AD. As king of kings he withstood the attempted usurpation by » Artabanus [7] III and was the talk of the town in Rome (Mart. 9,35). His relations with the emperor Trajan were rather poor (Arr. Parthica fr. 32 Roos),

especially because the Parthians maintained contacts I. REPUBLICAN

PERIOD

{1 1] (P.) Lepta, Q. Friend of Cicero and his +> praefectus [7]fabrum in Cilicia 51-50 BC (Cic. Fam. 357345 5520,4 et passim). Cic. Fam. 9,13,1-3 points to

-» Cales in Campania as his homeland, where ILS 5779 must attest himself or a son (on the identity [1. 6]). P. often appears in Cicero’s letters (e.g. as addressee of

with > Decebalus (Plin. Epist. 10,74). From AD 89/90, P. had to resist his brother > Osroes [1]’s claim to the throne, who finally won in 108/9. M. I. OLBRYCHT, Das Arsakidenreich terranen Welt und Innerasien, in: Ancient Iran and the Mediterranean 1998, 123-159, esp. 125-138; M.

zwischen der mediE. Daprowa (ed.), World (Electrum 2), ScHorTrxy, Parther,

$20

B22 Meder und Hyrkanier, in: AMI

24, 1991, 61-134, esp.

113-133, genealogical table VII; Id., Quellen zur Geschichte von Media Atropatene und Hyrkanien in parthischer Zeit, in: J. WIESEHOFER (ed.), Das Partherreich und seine Zeugnisse, 1998, 435-472, esp. 446-453.

PACTUM

Pactum A. Concept

B.PACTANUDA

C. PACTA ADIECTA

D. PACTA VESTITA

[4] (Pacorus) see > Aurelius [II 28]

A. CONCEPT Pactum is a formless arrangement, an agreement with varying content (Dig. 2,14; Cod. lust. 2,3); cf. Dig.

Pactio. In the Roman

2,14,1, 1-2: ‘Pactum autem a pactione dicitur (inde etiam pacis nomen appellatum est) et est pactio duorum

M.SCH.

‘law of nations’ p. generally

meant (to be precise pactum < pacisci; synonymous conventio: [1. 136f.]) interstatal agreements without reference to the current legal format (Gell. 1,25,15; Gai. Insta

35945

Diseer4

Oy 5 s2aecOmpare

s2,04,55,5

Live

34,5757), in the plural it also referred to their content. Given that fides [II.] publica operated in them, the observance of which signified the compliance with the ius gentium (s. > ius A. 2.) asa norm of the ‘law of nations’ ({x. 36]; [2. 6; 1xf.]; [4.75]), the maxim: pacta servanda sunt (agreements should be observed, cf. Cic. Off. 3,92; 107 und 1,23; Dig. 2,14,1; 2,14,7,7) applied to them, too.

Asa technical term, p. eventually came to refer to an agreement of capitulation (> deditio) ensured by way of hostages or oaths, which did not immediately bring about the legal disintegration of the opposing state, but which could precede it. Pactiones, like > indutiae anda few other war-time agreements restoring peace [3; 4],

belong to the ius bellicum (cf. > Kriegsrecht); the generals were responsible for the preliminary conclusion (— sponsio) of a pactio for peace agreements (— pax) where necessary. Spectacular exampes were the capitulation in the war with Numantia in 137 BC and of ~» Caesennius [3] Paetus AD 62. + Law

of war; > International

law; > International

treaties 1M. Kaser, lus gentium, 1993 2 D. NOrr, Die fides im romischen Volkerrecht, 1991 3 K.-H. ZIEGLER, Kriegsvertrage im antiken romischen Recht, in: ZRG 102, 1985, 40-90 41d., Vélkerrechtsgeschichte, 1994, 52; 59; 73ff. P.KE.

Pactolus (Maxtwh6c/Paktolos). River in > Lydia, originates at the > Tmolus mountianrange (Boz Daglar1), flows through — Sardis and into the > Hermus [2]; modern-day Sart Cay1. It was famous for the electron and gold dust washed out near the source (Hdt. 1,93,1; 5,101,2; Plin. HN 5,110), to which the Mermnad kings (+ Mermnadae) owed their legendary wealth (Archil. fr. 22 D.; Hdt. 6,125). Smelteries were located on the P. in Sardis. By the rst cent. BC the gold of the P. was exhausted, it seems (Str. 13,1,23; 4,5). Quartz sand containing gold was also found in neighbouring streams. J. KeI1, s.v. Pactolos, RE 18, 2439f.; G.:M.A. HANFMANN,

Sardis und Lydien, in: AAWM 1960/6, 502; Id., Letters from Sardis, 1972, 20 (map 2), 141f., 230-232. H.KA.

pluriumve in idem placitum et consensus ’- »Pactum, a formless agreement, is derived from the word pactio (hence the expression pax, peace, is also coined) and pactio is the agreement and the consent between two or more people concerning the same thing«. In the realm of unauthorized actions, the original meaning of pactum was that of an atonement settled through the payment of an agreed monetary penalty (cf. Lex XII tab. 8,2), which was agreed between the perpetrator and the victim to avoid > talio [2]. In classical Roman law of the 1st — 3rd cents. AD, it continued to operate in connection with the actio furti (> furtum) and the actio iniuriarum (> iniuria) in so far as a form-

less pactum can overrule liability according to the ius civile (> ius A.1.; cf. Dig. 2,14,17,1).

B. PACTA NUDA In contrast to liability arising from agreements acknowledged by the ius civile, a pactum was essentially not claimable on its own (so-called pacta nudum, ‘bare pactum’); a corresponding — actio [2] did not exist, cf. Paulus, Sent. 2,14,1: ‘ex nudo enim pacto inter cives

Romanos actio non nascitur’ — »From a mere formless

agreement a legal claim does not arise among the Romans«. As a result the concept of the general actionability of agreements in the sense of the statement pacta servanda sunt (‘agreements have to be honoured’) did not exist in Roman law [6]. Admittedly the praetor granted through the edict (> edictum [1-2]) legal relevance to pacta nuda by granting the defendant the possibility to invoke as a legal exception a pactum not observed by the claimant, by means of an exceptio pacti (> exceptio; cf. Dig. 2,14,7,7: ‘Ait praetor: pacta conventa ... servabo ’- »The praetor says: I will enforce formless agreements«, as well as Dig. 2,14,7,4: ‘Igitur nuda pactio obligationem non parit, sed parit exceptionem ’- »A mere formless agreement does not generate a liability for debt, but to a defence formula; Dig.

18,5,3) [3]. C. PACTA ADIECTA This -(post-antique) term referred to a number of formless ancillary agreements connected to official contracts; cf. for instance in the case of > emptio venditio:

pactum displicentiae (trial purchase), in diem addictio (clause

324

323

of a better

offer), pactum

de retroemendo

(clause permitting repurchase), lex commissoria (the reservation of the right to rescind the sale in the case where the price is not paid by the agreed date [5]). Uip. Dig. 2,14,5 distinguished between pacta ex continenti (those which came into effect immediate upon conclusion of the agreement) and pacta ex intervallo (which came into effect after a certain length of time). Pacta ex continenti adiecta were used in bonae fidei indicia in the sense of a component of the agreement, if they could be made actionable under the actio arising from the specific contract and thus, unlike pacta nuda [8. 508-511], could also be enforced by the claimant.

studio del negozio bilateraie romano, 1994, 143-152, 223-255 5 F, Perers, Die Riicktrittsvorbehalte des rémischen Kaufrechts, 1973 6 B. SCHMIDLIN, Zum Gegensatz zwischen romischer und moderner Vertragsauffassung: Typengebundenheit und Gestaltungsfreiheit, in: J. E. Spruit (ed.), Maior viginti quinque annis, 1979,

111-131

7 Z. Vécu, Ex pacto ius. Studien zum Vertrag als Rechtsquelle bei den Rhetoren, in: ZRG 110, 1993, 184-295 (with extensive survey of the literature) 8 R. ZIMMERMANN, The Law of Obligations, 1990, 508-530. —-V.T.H.

Pactumeius {1] Q. Aurelius P. Clemens. He was admitted to the Senate by Vespasian and Titus as a praetor and was one of the first senators from Africa. His brother is P. [3].

PIR? P 36.

[2] P. P. Clemens. Roman senator, lawyer and descendant of P. [x]. ILS 1067 from — Cirta, his home town,

sets out his > cursus honorum; it led him via the praetorship, a > cura for the tax assessment of Syrian municipalities (ad rationes civitatium Syriae putandas) to the praetorian governorship of Cilicia, during which he was also given the consulate in AD 138. He was probably the adviser(— consilium) to emperor > Antoni-

D. PACTA VESTITA Certain formless agreements could neither be assigned to consensual contracts, nor did they constitute ancillary agreements, but in the course of development they became actionable; this happened through the praetor (the so-called pacta praetoria; not an ancient term) or through the emperor (the so-called pacta legi-

works survive. Around AD 140/1 he accompanied his

tima). The constitutum debiti (actio de pecunia consti-

zeit, in: K. Lure, D. Lress (ed.), Das Profil des Juristen in

tuta) was enforceable through a praetorian action, whereby the promisor agreed to pay off his own or another’s debt within a certain amount oftime or to provide security for it; the same goes for the > receptum (the taking over of a guarantee). The constitutum debiti provided the possibility to renew or change an obligation (novation), admittedly without the demise of the obligation at the basis of it. The receptum appeared in three

der

forms: as receptum arbitri (> arbiter; the obligation of

the arbiter to observe the arbitration agreement, compromissum), as receptum argentarii (the ‘banker’’s guarantee of payment) and as receptum nautarum cauponum stabulariorum (liability of the ship’s captain, innkeeper and stable manager for goods brought on to the premises). Late-antique imperial law also made the formless promise to donate (> donatio) and the formless promise to provide dowry (> dos) actionable as so-called pacta legitima [2z. vol. 2, 363]. Generally in post-classical times, the increasing actionability of pacta made the distinction with contractus (fully effective agreement) meaningless [2. vol. 2]. + Contractus; > Exceptio; > Obligatio; > Transactio; > CONTRACT 1G. Arcui, Ait praetor: ‘Pacta conventa servabo’, in: De

lustitia et 1ure, Festschrift U.von Libtow, 1980, 373-403 2 Kaser, RPR vol. 1, *1971, 171f., 527; vol. 2, 71975,

3 R. KNUTEL, Die Inharenz der exceptio pacti im bonae fidei iudicium, in: ZRG 84, 1967, 133-161 4G.

362-365

MELILLO, Contrahere, pacisci, transigere. Contributi allo

nus [1] Pius (Dig. 40,7,21,1), though none of his legal

father-in-law, Prifernius Paetus Rosianus Geminus, to Africa as a legate. PIR* P 37. D. Liess, Nichtliterarische romische Juristen der Kaisereuropdischen

Tradition

Symposion

F. Wieacker,

1980, 123-198, esp. 153-155.; R. A. BauMAN, Lawyers and Politics in the Early Roman Empire, 1989, 248f.

[3] Q. Aurelius P. Fronto. From > Cirta in Africa. Like his brother P. [1]) he was admitted to the Senate by Vespasian and Titus as a praetor. Praefectus aerarii Saturni AD 76-78; in AD 8o, he was the first suffect consul from Africa (ILS roor). PIR* P 38. [4] T. P. Magnus. Praefectus Aegypti from AD 176179. He and the cos. suff. of AD 183 whom Commodus later had killed, are probably one and the same person

PIR? P 39.

[5] P. Rufus. Senator from the Trajanic period; descendant of P. [1] or [2]. His daughter P. Rufina married Cuspius [1], cos. suff. in AD 126 PIR* P 40; 43. W. Eck, M. Roxan, Two New Military Diplomas, in: R. FREI

STOLBA

(ed.), R6mische

1995, 55-99, esp. 77ff.

Inschriften,

FS H. Lieb,

WE.

Pactye (Maxtin/Paktyé). Fortress on the Propontic coast of Chersonesus [1], to the south of present-day Bolayur Iskelesi (Ps.-Scyl. 67; Str. 7a,1,523; 543; 56). Here stood the east end of the wall which ran from Miltiades [1] via the Chersonesus [1] to Cardia (Hdt. 6,36; Scymn. 711). Alcibiades [3] retreated here in 407 BC after the loss of his position as strategos (Nep. Alcibiades 7,4; Diod. Sic. 13,74,2).

326

MULLER

2, 895f.; B. IsAaK, The Greek Settlements in

Thrace until the Macedonian Conquest, 1988.

Ly.B.

Pacuvius. Roman writer of tragedies in the Republican period, of Oscan-Messapian origin, nephew of +> Ennius (Plin. HN 35,19). A. BrioGRapHy B. Works

A. BIOGRAPHY Born in 220 BC (cf. Cic. Brut. 229) in > Brundisium (Jer. Chron. p. 142 H.), died shortly before 130 BC in Tarentum. Apart from this chronology, which comes from — Accius’ Didascalica and > Varro’s De poetis

[18. 48f., 53, 62] and has been preserved in works from Sueton’s De poetis [17. 36] to Jerome, there are traces

ofanother tradition, which was perhaps shaped by Cornelius +> Nepos’ [2] Chronica. |2. 8, 5], which P.took up a generation later (Jer. l.c.: Ennius’ grandson, reached his peak around 154 BC, cf. also Gell. NA 17,21,49 — P. to Terence — and Vell. Pat. 2,9,3). P. may have come to Rome around 200 BC and joined his uncle because he was later regarded as the latter’s pupil (cf. the epigram of Pompilius, FPL 75); he worked there as a painter and poet (Jer. l.c. and Plin. l.c.). P.’ praetexta Paulus (after 168 BC) testifies to a good rapport with L. + Aemilius [I 32] Paullus, whilst the relevance of Cic. Lael. 24 (where the connections of a M. P. to Scipio’s circle of friends are presupposed) is disputed. He probably had a helpful and friendly relationship with ~ Accius who was a fellow poet 50 years his junior (cf. the story about Accius’ stay in Tarentum which is suspect in its details (Gell. NA 13,2,2)). P. had probably retired there soon after 140 BC on the grounds of age and health. Gell. NA 1,24,4 quotes an epitaph (but cf. [18. 65—-roo]) allegedly by P. himself.

PADUANS

restes) can be detected only in as far as the action can be reconstructed in detail; Iiona and Medus are completely without parallel. Specific parallels can scarcely be established in comparable plays. However, the loss of the post-Euripidean tragedies does not permit any answer to the question of whether in all these points P. follows unknown exemplars or reworks known ones. However, the decision to follow rarer models would seem to show P.as a deliberate innovator compared to his predecessors, with whom in many subjects he is obviously consciously in competition (Livius Andronicus:

Hermiona,

Hor.

Epist.

2,1,56;

Quint.

of a > praetexta

and of > satires

from him by his concentration on the tragic genre. What is more, the relatively low number of 13 preserved titles stands out in contrast to Ennius (around 20

tragedies) and Accius (around 50 tragedies). Eight of them are concerned with themes about the Trojan war, two are devoted to Ajax (Armorum iudicium; Teucer) and four to Orestes (Chryses, Hyg. Fab. 120f.; Hermiona; Dulorestes; Orestes, cf. [2. 161f.]); in addition there are myths about the homecoming of Odysseus (Niptra) and about Priam’s daughter Iliona (Hyg. Fab. 109). Two themes derive from the Theban group of myths (Antiopa, cf. Hyg. Fab. 8; Pentheus) and from other spheres of interest (Atalanta, Medus (Hyg. Fab.

(?), material

from

Inst.

10,1,97)

or before

FRAGMENTS: 1TRF *1871, 75-136 (31897, 86-157; 41953, ed. A. KLorz, 111-189) 2G. D’ANNA, 1967. WITH TRANSLATION: 3E. H. WARMINGTON, Remains

of Old Latin 2, 1936, LEXICON:

157-323

4 P. MAGNO, 1977.

5 L. CASTAGNA, 1996.

6]. LANA, Pacuvio ei modelli greci, in:

Atti della Accademia

(Porph. in Hor. Sat. 1,10,46; Diom. 1,485) links P. to the model of Ennius; on the other hand, he is separated

Antiopa

Accius (Cic. Opt. Gen. 2) as the classic writer of tragedies and example of the ‘high’ style (Varro in Gell. 6,14,6, cf.also 1,24,4), whilst in contrast to Accius he is often described as doctus (cf. also Cic. Orat. 36). The Antiopa, Dulorestes and Chryses (Cic. Lael. 24; Fin. 5,63) were especially famous. The polemics of a > Lucilius [16] (Gell.NA 17,21,49) or —> Martialis [1] (Mart. 11,90,6) are associated with genre, whilst in Tac. Dial. 20,5; 21,7 they characterise the attitude of the modernist > Aper [1]. It is due especially to the interest of grammarians that we have fragments of around 450 verses.

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

B. Works The production

Teucer,

Armorum iudicium; Ennius: Atas, material from Orestes and Teucer). The implementation may have been consistent with the care in the choice of material; this can also explain the restricted scale of his output. In the following period P. was regarded with (Cic. De or. 3,27;

delle Scienze

di Torino

81/83,

1947/49, 26-62 71. Mariotti, Introduzione a Pacuvio, 1960 8H.J. Metre, P., in: Lustrum 9, 1964, 16f., 78-107 9 C. MANDOLFO, Tradizionalismo e anticonformismo in Pacuvio, in: Orpheus 22, 1975, 27-48 10G. D’ANNa, Problemi di letteratura latina arcaica, 1976, 173-197 (ch. on ‘doctrina’) 11 A. TRAGLIA, M.P., in: Cultura e Scuola 21, 1982, 226-234 (summary of research) 12 V. TANDOI, Il dramma storico di P., in: Id. (ed.), Disiecti membra poetae, vol. 2, 1985, 11-38 13 A. DE RosaLiA, M.P., in: Bollettino di Studi latini 19, 1989, 119-132 (summary of research) 14 E. ArTIGAS, Pacuviana, 1990 15 L. CastTaGNA, Il verecondo Pacuvio e il suo teatro, in: Aevum anti-

quum 4, 1991, 223-225 (comprehensive bibliography) 16 M. De Nonno etal., Bibliografia, in: G. CavALLO et al. (ed.), Lo spazio letterario, vol. 5, 1991, 243f. (bibliogra-

phy)

17P. L. Scumipr, Sueton, in: HLL, vol. 4, § 404

18 H. DAHLMANN, Studien zu Varros »De Poetis«, 1962.

PLS.

27) and Periboea). In contrast to Ennius, who has fallen

back mainly on Euripides, P. follows a greater number of models (Aeschylus: Armorum iudicium; Sophocles: Hermiona; Niptra; Euripides: Antiopa). In comparison to the classical writers, the contamination of subject matter (Chryses, Niptra) or reshaping of a myth (Dulo-

Paduans.

Paduans were imitations of large Roman

bronze coins (sestertia and medaillons), dating from the

r6th cent. AD. Padua was one of the manufacturing centres, hence their name. Some are exact copies, others variations from the original and others completely

PADUANS

made-up (e.g. sestertia of Otho). The best known paduans are those by the Paduan goldsmith and medallist Giovanni CAVINO (1500-1570). Fifty four of his coin punches are preserved in the Cabinet des Médailles in the Bibliothéque Nationale in Paris [4.111-124]. It has been a matter of debate since CAVINO’s own time whether he wanted to deceive people with his excellent creations [1. 394-398; 2. 10-18; 3; 4. 12]. However that may be, many of his pieces were included in collections as being ‘ancient’. More common than the minted paduans were mouldings, which were usually also called ‘paduans’. + medaillon; > sestertius 1 P.A.M. BELIEN, De »vervalser« Cavino, in: Beeldenaar

1995, 389-398 2C. JoHNsoN, R. Martini, Milano, Civiche Raccolte Numismatiche, Catalogo delle medaglie, vol. 2,2: Secolo XVI, Cavino, 1989

matisches »Kunstfalschertum«

328

B27

3 G. KirscH, Numis-

im Urteil der Zeitgenos-

sen, in: SNR 1954, 31-36 4 Z. H. KLawans, Imitations and Inventions of Roman Coins, 1977. DLK.

earliest description of the P.). > Spina lay on the branch of the Eridanus (present-day Padoa), which dried up in the High Middle Ages, when the rivers Volano (Olana) and Primaro, which branched off to Ferrara, took most of the water. When the Ficarolo broke through (around AD r150), it covered up the ancient hydrography, by creating the present-day Po di Venezia. H. LEHMANN, Standortverlagerung und Funktionswandel der stadtischen Zentren an der Kiiste der Po-Ebene, 1964; G. UcceErt, La romanizzazione dell’antico Delta Padano, 1975; Id., La navigazione interna della Cisalpina, in:

Antichita Altoadriatiche 29, 1987, 305-354; 36, 1990, 175-196.

G.U.

Padusa. Marshy region on the river Eridanus, which had originated from a southern arm of the > Padus (Po) in the period of Early History and had dried up in the Roman period. The fossil river bed was used in the construction of the > fossa Augusta, the navigable canal between Padus and Classis which was the port for Ravenna (cf. Plin. HN 3,119). P. is associated with the

Padus. The largest river in Italy, present-day Po, which was equated with the mythical Eridanus (fluminum rex Eridanus, Verg. G. 1,482; sacer Eridanus, Sil. Pun. 12,696; pater Eridanus, Sil. Pun. 4,691); it was known

locally as P. and Bodincus (Metrodorus FGrH 184 F 8). It flows for a distance of 570 km from west to east through the whole of > Gallia Cisalpina (Pianura Padana) which it divides into Cispadana in the south

and Transpadana in the north. (The regional reforms of Augustus created Liguria and Aemilia in the south and Transpadana and Venetia in the north). Gallia Cisalpina was originally inhabited (from west to east) by > Ligurians, > Etrusci and > Veneti. The P. rises on Mons Vesulus (Monte Viso; Mela 2,4,62) in the > Alpes Cottiae in the territory of the Ligurian Bagienni (Plin. HN.

3,117). It was lined by

poplars, pines, alders and mighty oaks (Verg. Aen. 9,680); large tree trunks were floated downstream as far as Ravenna (Vitr. De arch. 2,9,16). It was navigable from — Augusta [5] Taurinorum (Turin) onwards,

where the Duria (Dora Riparia) flowed into it from the left. Further moorings with centres for transshipment of goods were located in Industria, Rigomagus, Ticinum on the left hand side of the Ticinus estuary, Placentia on the right-hand confluence of the Trebia (also street intersection), Cremona on the left-hand confluence of the Addua, Brixellum on the right-hand confluence of the Incia (present-day Enza), Mantua on the left hand confluence of the Mincius, Hostilia (the starting-place of the via Claudia Augusta to Raetia) and in Vicus Aventia (present-day Voghierra, province of Ferrara) on the right-hand confluence of the Rhenus (presentday Reno). Since Antiquity the riverbed had been shifting especially in the lowland plain. In the period of Early History the delta forked into two branches which split wildly after Hadria and Ravenna (later Padusa). In

historical times the P. forked at Trigaboli into two river courses, the Olana and the Padoa (Pol. 2,16,6—12, the

myth of Phaethon and Cycnus [3] (Diod. Sic.5,23,3). L. GamBt, Cosa era la Padusa, 1950; G. UGGeErt, La Romanizzazione dell’antico Delta Padano, 1975, 49; Id., Insediamenti, viabilita e commerci, in: N. ALFIERI (ed.), Storia di Ferrara, 1989, 136f. G.U.

Paean (Doric, later generally widespread Moaudv/Paian; epic Maujwv/Paieon; lonic-Attic Maudv/Paion; Aeolian Tawv/Paon; Lat. paean). Term for a Greek song genre as well as a god, later an epithet for various gods. The etymology of the word is obscure [1; 2; 3]. Modern treatises on the song genre paean usually make the identity of the name for the song and the god the startingpoint of their considerations. Either the god was a personification ofthe call [4; 5] drawn from the impersonal cry ii) mau (i@ paidn) or there was originally a god Paean to whom the cry ii) Maud (i¢ Paidn) was addressed [6; 7; 8; 9]. Testimonials cannot solve the problem. Certainly the oldest evidence of the word on a Linear B tablet (KN V 52) records the name of the god as Pa-jawo-ne, but the song could also already have existed in the 2nd millennium BC. In Homer, Paean is an individual god, and he is even the physician of the gods (Hom. Il. 5,40rf.; 5,899ff.; Hom. Od. 4,231f.). He is clearly differentiated from > Apollo, and in Hesiod his divine individuality and personality are still emphasized (Hes. fr. 307 M.-W.; cf. Sol. fr. 13,57 W.). However, as early as Homer the word also occurs as a term for the song, once as the song to Apollo to alleviate the plague (Hom. Il. 1,472-474) and once as the victor’s song (Hom. II. 22,391-394). Later the name Paean appears after the Homeric physician of the gods, Paean, has completely disappeared, as an epithet for Apollo, and in particular in contexts in which he is appealed to as the one who can ward off evil and disease (Eur. HF 820; Eur. Alc. gtf.; 220; IG P 383,164 etc.). The word also occurs with the meaning of ‘healer, doctor’ (Aesch. fr. 255 Rapt: Eur. Hipp. 1370-1373; Tragica adespota fr. 369a SNELL-KANNICHT).

329

330

The point of this juxtaposition of the god and the song is obviously that the song originally invokes the god as Paean, i.e. as the ‘helper, healer’ [ro. 1-86]. This can occur in various life and secular or ritual situations: in the case of disease (Hom. II. 1,472-474; Soph. OT 4f.; cf. also Iambl. VP rro-1r12), in war as the song before the battle (Eur. Tro. 122-128; Bacchyl. Dithyrambos 25,1-3; Aesch. Sept. 262-271; Thuc. 6,32,1f.;

Dionysus

757557; Xen. AN. 3,2,93 453,193 4,8,16) or after the (vic-

torious) battle (Hom. Il. 22,391-394; Xen. Historia Ta2sUS He 7525235745503)

Lumotheus,

Persae

9PMG

791,196-201; Vita Soph. 3 = TrGF 4 p. 31 RADT) or as a battle cry (Aesch. Pers. 386-395; Eur. Phoen. 1102F.; Thuc. 1,50,53 4,43,24.; 7,44,6; Xen. Hell. 2,4,17 etc.),

also simply as a shout of rejoicing (Aesch. Sept. 63 1638; Eur. Erechtheus fr. 65,5-8 Austin; Aristoph. Pax 551-555; Hdt. 5,1,3; Thuc. 2,91,2; Xen. An. 6,1,11). However, other dangerous situations also give occasion for striking up a paean (Eur. IT 1398-1405; Iph. A. 1468; Soph. Trach. 211ff.; Xen. Hell. 4,7,4). In addition, the following ritual situations can be attested as the paean’s place in life: wedding (Sappho fr. 44,21-34 VoictT; Aristoph. Thesm. 1034-1038; Aesch. Fr. 350, 1-4 R. etc.), symposium (Archil. fr. r21 West; Alcm.

PMGF fr. 98; Aesch. Ag. 243-247; Dicaearchus fr. 88 WEHRLI’ etc.) as well as festivals of the gods, primarily in the cult of Apollo, and particularly in Delphi (extant paeans: Simonides PMG fr. 519; Pind. Paean 8; Aristonous CollAlex. 162-164 = Paean 42 KAppet; Pind. Paean 6; ~ Philodamus, Paean 39 KApreEL; Paean Delphicus I/II = Paean 45/46 KApret; cf. H.Hom. 3,269274 etc.; Bacchyl. Dithyrambus 16,1-13; Apoll. Rhod. 1,536-541; Plut. De E apud Delphos 9 p. 388e-389¢; Syll.3 450 etc.), in Delos (extant paeans: Pind. Paean 4; 5; 7b; 12; Bacchyl. c.17; cf. H. Hom. 3,146-164; Eur. HF 687-696). Paeans were also performed in Sparta at the Gymnopaidia and > Hyakinthia (Ath. 15,678b-c; Xen. Ages. 2,17; Hell. 4,5,11; Polycrates FGrH 588 F 1); for additional performance sites see [10. 322-341]. Although the song genre of the paean cannot be defined by a set canon of formal features, the following elements do however occur commonly or relatively frequently: the so-called epiphthegma ie paidn as a refrain, a potential or realized divine helper/healer as an addressee, and a first person subject in need of assistance [10. 65-74]. This structure makes the paean a ‘poem of healing’ in the widest possible sense. Apollo and — Asclepius, and also > Hygieia were therefore preferred addressees because they were gods of ‘healing’ (Alcaeus fr. 307 VorcT; Pind. Paean 1; 5; 6; 7; 8; 9; Paean Delphicus I/II = Paean 45/46 KAppEL; Soph. PMG fr. 737; + Erythraean Paeans, Paean 37 KAppeL; — Isyllus Paean 40 K.; Macedonius

Paean 41 K.; > Ariphron

Paean 34 K.), however, other gods can also be called upon [ro. 344-346]. The genre appears to have developed from one that was closely connected with the above-mentioned ‘healing’ contexts to a genre characterized rather by the aforementioned formal elements ({r0]; by contrast [11]). Ultimately therefore gods like

PAEANIA (> Philodamus)

Or

=

from

Hellenism

onwards — rulers could also become addressees of paeans [10. 346-349; 12. 147f.]. The following writers are attested as authors of paeans (in approximately chronological order): > Alcaeus [4], > Thaletas, > Xenodamus, > Xenocritus, — Dionysodotus, > Tynnichus,

> Simonides,

— Pindar,

> Bacchylides,

— Ae-

schylus, -» Sophocles, > Ion [2] of Chios, > Timotheus, > Telestes, Cleochares, -» Demetrius [4] of Phalerum, > Alexinus, - Hermocles [1] of Cyzicus, + Ariphron, > Philodamus, — Isyllus, ~ Macedonius [1], > Aristonous, > Limenius, Aelius > Aristides [3]. + Lyric poetry; > Metrics 1 FRISK, s.v. matty, 460f. 2 CHANTRAINE, 8.V. maidv, 847 3 R. D. Cromey, Attic Matavica and Matovidat, in: Glotta

56,1978, 62f. 4 L. DEUBNER,P., 1919 5 Id., Ololyge und Verwandtes, 1941 6 C.F.H. SCHWALBE, Ueber die Bedeutung des Paan, als Gesang im Apollinischen Kultus, in: Jahrbuch des Padagogiums zum Closter Unser Lieben Frauen in Magdeburg, N.F. 11, 1847, 1-40 7 A. FarrBANKS, A Study of the Greek Paean (Cornell Studies in

Classical Philology 12), 1900 8 A. v. BLUMENTHAL, S.v. P., RE 18.2, 2340-2362 9G.A. PriviTERA, Il peana sacro ad Apollo, in: Cultura e Scuola 41, 1972, 41-49 10L. KAPPEL, Paian, 1992 11S. SCHRODER, Geschichte und Theorie der Gattung Paian, 1999 12 C. HaBicuT, Gottmenschentum und griechische Stadte (Zetemata 14), ELOTO.

G. Bona, Pindaro, I peani, 1988; G. B. D.’ALEssio, Pin-

dar’s Prosodia and the Classification of Pindaric Papyrus Fragments, in: ZPE 118, 1997, 23-60; A. E. Harvey, The

Classification of Greek Lyric Poetry, in: CQ 5, 1955, 157175; 1. RUTHERFORD, For the Aeginetans to Aiakos a Prosodion: An Unnoticed Title at Pindar, Paean 6,123 and its Significance for the Poem, in: ZPE 118, 1997, 1-21; Id.,

Pindar’s Paeans: A Reading of the Fragments with a Survey of the Genre, 2001

LK.

Paeania (Iatavia/Paiania). Great Attic mesogeia deme

of the phyle > Pandionis in Liopesi (today again P.), divided into Upper P. (Il. xa8bneQ0ev/P. kathyperthen) with one bouleutes and Lower P. (I. bnéveoGev/P. Hypénerthen) with eleven bouleutai (Harpocr. s.v. Tatavigtc). In 307/6 BC, Upper P. changed over to Antigonis. The deme decree IG I} 250 (450/430 BC; FO: Liopesi) [2. 385 No. 83] of Lower P., which mentions a quorum of 100 démotai |2. 95], attests to the harvest festival of Pr(o)érosia [2. 196f.] and hieropoio# (‘cult officials’) [2. 142, 183]. For the cult of Pan, cf. [1; 3]. The decree of honour IG II* 3097 [2. 216f.] for a victorious choregos at the rural > Dionysia allows us to assume there was a theatre [2. 220].

> Demosthenes [2]

was made a citizen of P. (Dem. Or. 30,15; [2. 103]). 1 E. VANDERPOOL, Pan in P., in: AJA 71, 1967, 309-311 2 WHITEHEAD, Index s.v. P. 3 J. M. Wickens, The Ar-

chaeology and History of Cave Use in Attica, vol. 2, 1986, NaytkaIte oe C. W. Heprick Jr., The Phratry from P., in: CQ 39, 1989, 126-135; IRAILL, Attica, 7, 8, 17, 43, 59, 62, 67, 69, III

nr. 98f., 127 nr. 11, tables 3 and ri.

H.LO.

PAEDERASTY

331

‘effeminate’ (Aristoph. Thesm. 49f; 97f.). Plato charac-

Paederasty (mawdeoaotia/paiderastia). A. DEFINITION B. HisToRy

terises Socrates as a lover of youths (Pl. Chrm. 15 3d155d) and justifies paederasty as a way of striving for

A. DEFINITION Paederasty was a form of > homosexuality practiced in Greece among men of a certain age. A 12 to 18

year old ‘youth’ (xaic/pais) would

552

be the ‘beloved’

(God@pevoc/eromenos) of a man older than 30, the ‘lover’ (oaot)c/erastés), who would also educate him.

Modern scholars asses the sexual and pedagogic aspects of paederasty variously; they explain it alternatively as a pedagogically embellished sexual relationship or as an erotically tinged education, focusing on teaching martial competency and the > virtue (Ggeti/areté) of the polis citizen. B. History Homer does mention paederasty explicitly, but he does describe emotional bonds among men, e.g. bet-

beauty (Plat. Symp. 178c-179b), yet he does not allow paederasty in the ideal polis because it is unnatural (PI. Leg. 83 5d-8 42a). In Athens, violent sexual attacks on youths were punishable. In such cases it was possible to prosecute the perpetrator (yeadi) tBeews/graphe hybreds; Dem. Or. 21,47; > bybris). Between Greek paederasty and Roman homosexuality there were structural differences; apart from a few exceptions (Hadrianus, SHA Hadr. 14,5-7), sexual relations with youths were practiced in Rome only with prostitutes and slaves; it follows that there were no pedagogic motives in such relationships. + Eroticism; > Homosexuality; > Pornography; > Sexuality; ~ GENDER STUDIES 1 E. BeTHE, Die dorische Knabenliebe, in: RhM 62, 1907,

ween Achilles and Patroclus (Hom. Il. 18,22-34; 18,79-

438-475

126; 23,43-98), who were regarded in the later tradition as a paederastic couple (Aeschylus fr. 135; 136; cf. Plat. Symp. r80a). According to BETHE [1] paederasty originally came from Sparta, Crete and other Doric

3 G. Kocu-Harnack, Knabenliebe und Tiergeschenke, 1983 4H. Parzer, Die griechische Knabenliebe, 1982 5 C. ReinsBerG, Ehe, Hetarentum und Knabenliebe im

areas (cf. Plat. Leg. 63 6a-d; 83 6b-c); in Crete the ritual

abduction to Ephorus of a youth by an older lover represented a crucial step on the way to integration into the adult world (cf. Str. 10,4,21). In Sparta, paederasty was structurally connected with the upbringing of youths (Xen. Lac. pol. 2,12ff.; Plut. Lycurgus 17f.). By the 7th century BC, according to DovER [2], paederasty was probably no longer restricted to Doric areas. Paederasty gained particular significance as a component of the education of youths in the aristocratic society of the Archaic period. Paederasty is a common subject of Greek lyric poetry (— Stesichorus, > Ibycus, » Simonides, > Pindarus). In particular, elegies by ~ Theognis, intended for recitation at symposia, contain reflections on paederasty (Thgn. 1235-1238; 1295-1298 IEG). From the Archaic period onward, men’s wooing of boys and intercourse are depicted on vases, which according to DOVER [2] illustrate the idealised passivity of the eromenos in intercrural intercourse, which was probably preferred to anal intercourse. Ideally, in fifth and fourth-century Athens, the lover and beloved were free citizens. As in relations with ~ hetaerae, gifts played an important role in paederastic relationships as signs of favour. They indicated longer term personal relationships. Payments in money, however, was characteristic of the anonymous promiscuity of > prostitution. Vase paintings show how animals such as hares and chickens, but also moneybags, were presented to the wooed youth. > Aristophanes [3] mocks the ethics of gifts, according to which luxury goods were popular but monetary gifts disapproved of (Aristoph. Plut. r49ff.). Paederasty in ancient comedy always whiffed of aristocratic arrogance. A man who desired men past the age of eromenos was mocked as

2K. J. Dover, Greek Homosexuality,

antiken Griechenland, 1989 traints of Desire, 1992.

1978

6 J. J. WINKLER, The ConsE.HA.

Paelex. From a statement by the Roman jurist, Paul (Dig. 50,176,144) the meaning of paelex (also pelex, pellex, different in Greek — pallaké) is that of a female partner to whom one is not married (i.e not uxor, > Marriage III.C.). The legal status of paelex was treated in Roman law mainly in the context of concubinage (> concubinatus). GS.

Paeligni. Italian tribe in the Appennines midway along the river > Aternus in the neighbourhood of the -» Vestini, ~ Marrucini, > Marsi [1] and —> Frentani (Str. 552515) $5345 5535003 Liv, 9529,43 26,012,110). Dhey inhabited a cold (Hor. Carm. 3,19,8; Ov. Tr. 4,10,3) and water-rich mountain region (Ov. Am. 2,1,1). Together

with the Vestini they had access to the sea by means of the > Aternus (Str. 5,4,2); moreover the coast around Hortona and the mouth of the > Sarus (Ptol. 3,1,19) were also regarded as Paelignian territory. Their most important towns were > Corfinium, > Sulmo (Ptol. 3,1,64) and Superaequum (Plin. HN. 3,106). Their origins were variously reported as Sabinian (Ov. Fast 3,95) or Illyrian (Fest. 248,13ff.). The P. spoke in a central Italian dialect which was related to Oscan (— OscanUmbrian), and which is attested by numerous inscriptions (public inscriptions, votive inscriptions, grave inscriptions in prose and verse form, middle of the 2nd/end of the 1st cent. BC). The P. participated in the first > Samnite war (343-341 BC.; Liv. 7,38,1; 8,4,8), in the Latin war (340-338 BC; Liv. 8,6,8), in the second Samnite war (326-304 BC; Liv. 8,29,4; 9,19,43 9,41,4: with the Marsi in 308 BC against Rome; Liv. 9,45,18

and Diod. Sic. 20,101,5: foedus with Rome in 304 BC; cf year 303 BC Liv. 10,30,3; 31,12), in the second

334 +Punic war (Liv. 28,45,19; Val. Max.

22,9,5; 22,18,6f.; 25,14,4-6; 3,2,20) and in the war against

+> Jugurtha (Sall. lug. 105,2). They played a leading role in the > Social war [3] (90-87 BC; App. B Civ. 1,39). Under Vettius Scato (Macrob. 1,11,24: Paelignus Italicensis) Corfinium acted as the centre of the bellum

PAEONIUS

Macedonian kingdom was dissolved in 167 BC, Paeonia was divided up into three of the four newly constituted segments (ertdes). The most important cities of Paeonia were > Bylazora and -> Stobi. + Macedonia (with maps)

Italicum with the name Italica; the town was conquered

1 E. OLsHAuSEN, Deportation zu Anfang der Auseinandersetzungen zwischen Griechen und Persern, in: Orbis

in 88 BC by the proconsul Pompeius Strabo (Str. 5,4,2;

Terrarum 3, 1997, 101-107.

Liv. Per. 76; Diod. Sic. 37,2,9). After their capitulation (deditio) the P. were integrated into the tribus Sergia

F. PapazocLou,

Les villes de Macédoine,

1988, 308f.

MALER.

(Cic. Vatin. 36). G. DevorTo, Gliantichi Italici, 1951, s. Index; VeTrer, Nr.

202-217;

A. J. TOYNBEE,

Hannibal’s

Legacy,

1965, s.

Index; M. Durante, | dialetti medio-italici, in: PROSDOCIMI 6.1, 789-823, esp. 793-804; PROSDOCIMI 6.2; PocceTT1, Nr. 208-217.

S.D.V.

Paenula. Roman cape of different lengths, produced from a semi-circular cut. It was sewn together at the front, had an opening for the head to slip in and a sewnon hood. If required, the seam at the front could be unpicked from the bottom end in order to give the arms more room to move. The paenula was made of leather, linen or (sheep’s) wool and was worn by men and women ofall classes, slaves and soldiers, in particular as a travelling and bad-weather coat for protection against the cold and rain; it was white or gray, or dyed in various shades of red, and decorated with a fringe. A thick scarf (focale) was an accessory for the paenula; this was wrapped around one’s neck. In Rome, the paenula had been in fashion from the 2nd cent. BC and, by the 2nd cent. AD, became an everyday garment even for the highest classes. In the 4th cent., it displaced the > toga and became the liturgical garment for Christian priests. In a figurative sense, the paenula was also a sleeve, a cover for book scrolls etc. (Mart. 14,84; cf. also Mart. 13,1 and Vitr. 10,7,2-3). F. Koip, ROmische Mantel: paenula, lacerna, avd, in: MDAI(R) 80, 1973, 73-116; Id., Die Paenula in der Historia Augusta (Bonner Historia-Augusta-Colloquium 1971), 1974, 81-101; U. ScHarF, Strafenkleidung der romischen Frau, 1994, 83-90. R.H.

Paeones,

Paeonia (Iaiovec/Paiones, Maovia/Paionia). Large tribe under its own king, inhabiting the north of the area later known as Macedonia, particularly in the valley of the > Axius and the surrounding mountain regions as far as the Strymon (Thuc. 2,98,2; Str. 7,5,1). Hom. Il. 848-50 knew of the P. as friends of the Trojans; in c. 500 BC, the P. around Lake Prasias were temporarily deported to Phrygia by the Persian + Megabazus (Hdt. 5,16) [1]. In 359 BC, P. attacked the Macedonians, but they were defeated and subjugated by > Philip [4] II (Diod. Sic. 16,1,5; 2,6; 3,4; 4,2). P. served as cavalry under Alexander [4] the Great. Only under Antigonus [3] Doson (c. 227 BC) was the area of the P., or southern parts of it, annexed by Macedonia, under pressure of the — Dardani. When the

Paeonia (xawvia/paidnia, Latin paeonia or glycyside, cf. Isid. Orig. 17,9,48, Paeonia officinalis Rtz.). The red- or white-flowered peony was cultivated not for its beautiful blooms but for its alleged therapeutic effect. According to Dioscorides (3,140 WELLMANN = 3,147 BERENDES) the plant was called e.g. yAvxvotdy (glykyside), but the root was called paidnia, perhaps after the god of healing Apollo Paionios (cf. [1. roo]). The root is eaten to promote menstruation and postnatal purification, drunk in wine it is allegedly helpful e.g. for stomach-ache. Theophr. H. plant. 9,8,6 believes no more than Pliny after him does (HN 27,85 and 25,29) that the plants had to be dug up at night because

there was the danger, if observed by a woodpecker (picus Martius), of loss of sight and anal prolapse. 1 H. BAUMANN, Die griechische Pflanzenwelt, 1982. H. Gossen, s.v. P. (3), RE 18, 24009f.

C.HU.

Paeonidae (Maovida/Paionidai). Attic mesogeia deme of the Leontis phyle on the > Parnes, with three bouleutai.

According

to

Hdt.

5,62,

the

fortress

of

~ Leipsydrium (which has not yet been located), was above P. TRAILL, Attica, 47, 62, 68, table 4; J. S. TRarLt, Demos

and Trittys, 1986, 55, 63, 130; WHITEHEAD, Index s.v. P. H.LO.

Paeonius (Iloudviog; Paionios). [1] Sculptor from Mende. The only known surviving original work by P. is a statue of > Nike ona triangular pillar in front of the Temple of Zeus in > Olympia, which according to its inscription and a statement by Pausanias (5,26,1) was dedicated by the Messenians. Pausanias suggests that the occasion of the dedication

was a victory in 455 BC, whereas the inscription points to the victory of Sphacteria (425 BC); on stylistic grounds the latter is to be preferred. Pausanias also ascribes the eastern pediment of the Temple of Zeus in Olympia to P., probably on the basis of an incorrect interpretation of the inscription, which actually relates to the acroteria. Other ascriptions, such as the frieze of the temple of Apollo in Phigalia and parts of the Nike frieze of the Acropolis in Athens, are disputed. OVERBECK, Nr. 825, 851, 852; Loewy, Nr. 49; Liprop, 205; C. HOFKES-BRUKKER, S.v. P., EAA 5, 1963, 844-848; Ead., Vermutete Werke des P., in: BABesch 42, 1967, 10-

PAEONIUS

71; T. HOiscHer, Die Nike der Messenier und der Naupaktier in Olympia, in: JDAI 89, 1974, 70-111; B. RipGway, Fifth Century Styles in Greek Sculpture, 1981, 94, 1O8-11l.

[2] Architect from Ephesus; lived in the 4th cent. BC.

According to Vitruvius (7, praef. 16) he finished the later Artemision at > Ephesus and began rebuilding the temple of Apollo at > Didyma, together with > Daphnis [2]. H. Svenson-Evers, Die griechischen Architekten archaischer und klassischer Zeit, 1996, 523 s.v. P.

Paerisades (IIaowddy¢/Pairisddés, ddés, Bynowddy¢/Berisddés). Royal

336

335

C.HO.

Naguwddye¢/Parisname of Iranian

origin among the Bosporanean Spartocids (— Spartocus) and the Thracian > Odrysae. [1] P. I. Ruler of the ~ Regnum Bosporanum, son of ~» Leucon [3] I., ‘archon of the Sindi, of all Maeotae, Thataeans and Dosci’ [1. no. 8], husband of Kamasarye. P. ruled from 3 49/8—3 44 BC together with his brothers > Spartocu II. and Apollonius, dividing the territory of the kingdom between themselves. In 347/6, a trade agreement with Athens was renewed by them (Syll.3 206; 212; 217; CIRB 2-5). Shortly afterwards, Apollonius died. After the death of Spartocus, P. ruled on his own. Although his relations to the > Scythae were generally peaceful, he had to repel Scythian attacks around 330 BC (Demosth. Or. 34,8). Upon the application of Demosthenes, bronze statues of P. and his family were erected on the Athenian Agora whereupon Demosthenes was accused of bribery (Deinarch. 1,43). During his last years of rule, P. had his sons > Satyrus, Eumelus [4] and Prytanis participate in matters of state ({1. nos. 1 and 2]; Syll.3 216). He died around 311/310. He had been worshipped like a god (Str. 7,4,4). He was probably buried in the domed tomb of Carskij Kurgan, 4 km to the NE of Keré. He is mentioned several times as a donor to and patron of the arts (Athen. 8,349d; [1. no. 344] and others). 1B. LatyscHey, Inscriptiones antiquae orae septentrionalis Ponti Euxini Graecae et Latinae, vol. 2, 1890.

V. F. GaypuKEvié, Das Bosporanische Reich, 1971, 72f.; Sih arkte

[2] Son of > Satyrus II. When, in 3 10 BC, the latter was murdered by his brother Eumelus [4], P. escaped to the

Scythian king Agarus (Diod. 20,24,3). [3] P. IL. King of the > Regnum Bosporanum, son of Spartocus III, father of Spartocus IV and Leucon [4] IL, 284/3 —c. 245 BC. In CIRB 20f. and 23,1036 also referred to as archon. For 254/3, there is a record of an embassy by P. to Egypt, which possibly had as its subject a redistribution of the grain markets [1. 260]. 1B. N. Graxoy, Materialy po istorii Skifii v greceskich nadpisjach Balkanskogo poluostrova i Maloj Azii, in: VDI 3, 1939.

V. F. GaypuKevic, Das Bosporanische Reich, 1971, 8off.

[4] P. IIL. Bosporanian king, successor of Spartocus V. whose daughter > Kamasarye Philoteknos he married; ruled c. r80-150 BC. In 154/3, he donated a golden phial in Didyma (Syll.> 709,35). B. N. Grakov, Materialy po istorii Skifii v greceskich nadpisjach Balkanskogo poluostrova i Maloj Azii, in: VDI 3, 1939, 250; 266ff.; V. F. GAJDUKEVIC, Das Bosporanische Reich, 1971, 95.

[5] P. IV. Philometor. Son of P. [4] III, Bosporanian king about 150-125 BC. Named in an inscription together with his mother > Kamasarye Philoteknos and her second husband Argotas [1. no. 19]. 1B. LatyscuHey, Inscriptiones antiquae orae septentrionalis Ponti Euxini Graecae et Latinae, vol. 2, 1890. V. F. GaypuKevié, Das Bosporanische Reich, 1971, 95.

[6] P. V. Last king of the > Regnum Bosporanum, c. 125-109 BC. Since P. could no longer defend the kingdom against the > Scythae, he conceded his rule to Mithradates [6] VI. Eupator (Str. 7,4,3). During — Saumacus’ insurrection, he was murdered [1. no. 352 pl.

35]. 1B. LatryscHeEv, Inscriptiones antiquae orae septentrionalis Ponti Euxini Graecae et Latinae, vol. 1*, 1916.

S. A. ZEBELEV, L’abdication de P. et la revolution scythe dans le royaume du Bosphore, in: REG 49, 1936, 17-373 A. K. GavriLoy, Skify Savmaka-vosstanie ili vtorzenie?, in: Etjudy po antiénoj istorii i kulture Severnogo Pri¢ernomor’ja, 1992, 53-73Lv.B.

Paestan ware. PW first developed in around 360 BC when immigrant artists from Sicily founded a new workshop in the southern Italian city of Paestum (— Poseidonia), the leading masters of which were the

vase painters > Asteas and > Python. Both are the only vase painters in southern Italy whose signatures are known on vases. The Paestan vase painters favoured bell craters, neck amphorae, hydrias, lebetes gamikoi (nuptial cauldrons depicting mostly wedding but also funeral scenes), lekanides (cosmetic/trinket containers), lekythoi (one-handled flasks for perfumed oil) and jugs (> Pottery, shapes and types of) as surfaces for their art. Other shapes, e.g. pelikes (storage jars) or calyx and volute craters, are rare. Characteristic of the PW are side palmettes, the so-called Asteas flower (a tendril with the calix and umbel of a blossom), crenellation patterns on the garments of men and women, as well as curly hair which can hang far down their backs, and figures leaning on and bending over stones and plants among other things. Additional colours are white, gold, black, purple and shades of red. Dionysian themes dominate the PW; they include representations of thiasus and symposia, the combination of > Dionysus and a > satyr or > maenad, but also scenes with Papposilenes (old Silenes) and phlyakes (— Phylace vases). There is a great variety of mythical scenes, from which depictions of Heracles, the judgement of Paris, Orestes

PAGANUS

387.

338

and Electra by the grave of Agamemnon, representations of the gods (Aphrodite with Erotes, Apollo, Athena, Hermes) stand out. Depictions of everyday life are the exception, though there are notable representations of animals, especially birds (e.g. owls, waterfowl, hoopoes). Asteas and Python had great influence on the painters who followed on from them; the Aphrodite painter, who appears to have migrated from Apulia, is particularly noteworthy. After 330 BC, a second workshop developed, which at first followed the Asteas-Python workshop, but then its quality of the representations and richness of motifs quickly declined. At the same time the influence of the Campanian Caivano Painter can be felt, which is evident in the linear structure of the garments, the lack of contours of the female figures or a sword-shaped flower rising up from the ground. PW appears to have come to an end in around 300 BC. -» Asteas; > Python; > South Italian vases

independent polis (Hdt. 6,127), later it belonged to

TRENDALL, Paestum; A. D. TRENDALL, Red Figure Vases of South Italy and Sicily, 1989, 196-232 R.H.

Paestum see > Poseidonia, Paistos, Paestum

Paesus (Ilaodc¢; Paisos). Town in the > Troas (Hom. Il.

2,822; 5,612), probably founded by the Milesians (Str. 13,1,19). P. was linked with the sea via the river of the same name. The position of P. is presumed to be near Fanar, north-east of modern Cardak [1. 99]. The neighbouring cities were > Lampsacus and > Parium, which like P. were conquered in 497 BC by Daurises, the sonin-law of Darius [1] I (Hdt. 5,117). In the > Delian League, P. paid 1,000 drachmas (ATL 3,26, No. 135). At the time of Strabo (around the time of Christ), P. was abandoned, and the inhabitants were resettled in Lampsacus (Str. 13,1,19). 1 W. Lear, Strabo on the Troad, 1923, 98-101 RUGE, s.v. Paisos, RE 18, 243 5f.

2W.

E.SCH.

Paetus [1] Roman cognomen meaning ‘slightly cross-eyed’, for instance describing a squint (Cic. Nat. D. 1,80; Hor.

Sat. 1,3, 44f. among others). A genetic trait in the families of the Aelii from the 4th cent. BC (> Aelius [I 7-1 1]) and the Autronii in the rst cent. (> Autronius [I 8]);

also an epithet for Cicero’s friend L. Papirius [I 22] P. More widespread in the Imperial period. 1 Decrassi, FCIR, 261

2 KAJANTO,

Cognomina,

239.

K-LE. [2] see > P. Clodius [II 15] Thrasea Paetus

> Cleitor and in the time of Pausanias (2nd century AD) it was desolate (8,23,9). F. CaRINCI, s.v. Arcadia, EAA 2. Suppl. vol. 1, 1994, 3323

M. Jost, Villages de l’Arcadie antique, in: Ktema

11

(1986), 1990, 148f.; JOST, 45; PRITCHETT 6, 20f.; MULLER, 818f. Yak.

Pagae (Iayai/Pagai, ethnic name Ilayatoc/Pagaios; Att. and lit. Mnyai/Pégazor Mnyatoc/Pégaios). Port city

in Megaris on the Corinthian Gulf, identified with the remains of a fortified harbour settlement near what is today Alepochori. In 461 BC P. was occupied by the Athenians (Thuc. 1,103,4) who undertook marine operations from that location (Thuc. 1,111,2). During the 30-year peace the Athenians were forced to return P. to + Megara [2] (Thuc. 1,115; cf. IG 1353). The fortunes of P. were subsequently linked to those of Megara; Megara and P., which was now autonomous, joined the Achaean League (~ Achaeans, with map) in 244/3 BC. Starting in 224/3 BC P. was part of the Boeotian League, and it was not until 193/2 BC that P. again became a member of the Achaean League (Pol. 2,43,5; 20,6,8; SEG 13, 327). Cf. also Scyl. 3.93 Str. 8,1,33 8,6,223 9,1,25 952,253 Paus. 1,41,8; 1,44,4; 9,19,2; Mela 2,53; Plin. HN 4,23. R. P. LEGon, Megara, 1981, 32f.; E. MEYER, s.v. Pagai, RE 18, 2283-2293; M. SAKELLARIOU, N. FARAKLAS, Meyagic, Aiyoo0eva, Egéveta, 1972, 63-66. K.F.

Paganus. The Latin adjective paganus (variation paganicus), derived from pagus (‘village’, ‘district’) means ‘rustic’, ‘rural’, used as a noun ‘farmer’, ‘villager’; it is only rarely used in a figurative sense (‘countrified’, ‘illiterate’) (Sidon. Epist. 8,16,3). Beginning in the rst cent. AD it took on the meaning derived from military jargon of ‘not belonging to the troop’, ‘set apart’, ‘outsider’, ‘non-soldier’, ‘civilian’, ‘citizen’. This meaning is found in Christian Latin literature only in > Tertullian (De pallio 4); in De corona 11 he associates paganus with the concept of Christians as ‘soldiers of Christ’ and notes regarding the incompatibility of the life of a soldier with Christianity: In Christ, ‘the faithful civilian is a soldier, just as the faithful soldier is a civilian’ (tam miles est paganus fidelis quam paganus est miles fidelis) [2. 386-388; 3. r12f.]; in different form in [1. 585f.]. The term paganus, in the form mayavos (paganos), also found its way into Greek, where its meaning expanded

(‘common’,

‘unofficial’, ‘civilian’), so that

paganus also refered to a ‘layman’, an ‘ordinary citizen’ as distinguished from a monk or an official (also the source of the adjective of the same meaning, paganikos, and the verb paganevein, ‘to be an ordinary citizen’)

Paeum (Ilatov; Paton). Small town with well-preserved

[2. 367-375].

acropolis wall in western vegetation-rich dale lying manthus valleys, modern east of modern Neon Paos.

In the 4th cent. AD, paganus borrowed from the vernacular the specifically Christian and Latin meaning of ‘heathen’ as a pejorative for non-Christians, except for Jews (as well as the nouns paganitas and paganismus,

Arcadia in the spring- and across the Ladon and EryPaleokastro, 400 m to the In the early period P. was an

PAGANUS

‘paganism’). This meaning, which some authors consciously avoided using at first [1. 588], became clearly acceptable in literature only with > Augustine, and then gradually displaced, in the Latin-speaking world, the equivalents gentilis and ethnicus. It is almost unknown in Greek; in the extremely rare cases in which it appears, the accent is placed differently: mayd&voc (pagdnos) |2. 374f.]. Early Christian writers are uncertain as to the origin of the Christian use of the term: the pagan are considered to be those foreign to the city of God (> Augustinus) whose cult is found in rural areas (Oros. Historiae,

praef.); according to Beda Venerabilis, pagos is the Greek equivalent of villa (In Marcum 4:15 on Mark 15:21). According to > Isidorus [9] of Seville, paganus comes from a place (— Areios pagos!) in Athens (Isid. Orig. 8,10). > Philastrius preferred, of various possibilities, the explanation that it was derived from a King Paganus, son of Deucalion and Pyrrha (Diversarum hereseon liber 11,2). Modern researchers take equally varied positions (regarding older literature [1. 582f.]; bibliogr. [4.355]): the pagani have been given that name because they live in the country (beginning with BARONIUS 1586), because they are ‘not soldiers of Christ’ (beginning with ALCIATI 1536; ZAHN; ALTANER

[r]) or — the most convincing argument — because they are outside the Christian community ([2. 389; 3. 118]). >» PAGANISM 1B. ALTANER, P. Eine bedeutungsgeschichtliche Untersuchung, in: ZKG 58, 1939, 130-141 = G. GLOCKMANN (ed.), B. Altaner, Kleine patristische Schriften

340

339

(TU 83),

1967, 582-596 2H. Grecorre, P. Etude de semantique et d’histoire, in: Mélanges G. Smets, 1952, 363-400 3 C. MOoHRMANN, Encore une fois: p., in: Vigiliae Christianae 6, 1952, 109-121 4H. J. SIEBEN, Voces, 1980, 355. M.HE.

Pagasae (Ilayaoai/Pagasai). City in Thessaly on the northern coast of the bay named after it, modern Neai Pagasai. Tradition maintains that before P. was foun-

Anaurus) — the development of Demetrias had thus covered

other inhabited

areas.

However,

in view of

more recent archaeological finds, this thesis [1] is problematic [2; 3; 4]. 2) On the coast of the inner gulf of Volos between Bubulithra and Pevkakia Magula (— Nelia), where there is evidence of inhabitation from

the late Neolithic period until the foundation of Demetrias. However, there is no trace of urban fortification there. This thesis is favoured in Greece (but as yet has not been published). 3) In the area c. 2 km to the south of Demetrias on the conically shaped Mount Soros above the bay, which formerly was identified as the city of + Amphanae, a city abandoned in the 4th cent. BC, Although this site was excavated the beginning of the 2oth cent., it cannot be properly investigated as it is in the possession of a quarrying business, and has been for a long time. To date, the impression arises of a thoroughly fortified upper and lower town, with at least one sanctuary, and numerous graves at the foot of the mountain (which at present are falling victim to expanding estates of holiday houses). On both sides of the mountain city there are two bays typical of Greek harbours and here particularly suited to the purpose. The site was inhabited from no later than the Mycenaean period until the Hellenistic period. This thesis is reinforced by recent investigations in and around Demetrias [3; 4]. 1 F. SrAHLIn, E. Meyer, A. HEIDNER, Pagasai und Deme-

trias, 1934 2 P. Marzo-rr, Eine Flufsverlegung und ihre Folgen, in: R.HANAUER (ed.), FS W. Boser, 1986, 381-401 3 Id., Developpement urbanistique de Demetrias, in: La Thessalie, Actes du colloque international (Lyon 1990), vol. 2, 1994, 57-70

41d., Antike Stadtebau und Archi-

tektur in Thessalien, in: see [3], 255-276. E. MeyYER, s.v. Pagasai (1), RE 18, 2297-2309

(sources);

V. MiLojcic, Bericht tiber die deutschen archadologischen Ausgrabungen in Thessalien, in: AAA 7, 1974, 44-75.

HE.KR. Pages see > Basilikoi paides

ded, the site was dedicated to Apollo Pagasaeus, and the

wharf and was the place of departure and arrival for the + Argonauts. P. was founded in c. 600 BC by the ~ Thessali, who took possession of a 5,3 km wide coastal strip (Str. 9,5,15; Scyl. 64). Dependent on > Pherae, P. was the most significant place on the ‘Pagasite Gulf (Ilayaoutmds xddmoc/Pagasitikos kolpos, Str. 9,5,18) and remained the only port in Thessaly. At the beginning of the 4th cent. BC, P. flourished, as did Pherae. In 353, > Philippus II, called in by Larisa [3], forced P. into surrender after a long siege (Diod. Sic. 16,31,6). Henceforth, P. probably belonged to Magnesia [1], as a Macedonian possession. In c. 290 BC, ~ Demetrias [1] was founded in immediate proximity

Pagrae (Ilayea1; Pagrai). Port settlement on the Caucasian coast of the > Pontos Euxeinos, 180 stadia from Hieros Limen (Arr. Peripl. p. eux. 28; Anon. Peripl. m. Eux. tor 9; possibly identical with Toricus in Scyl. Peripl. m. Eux. 74), near modern Gelengik, 43 km to

the southeast of modern Novorossiysk. Probably part of the > Regnum Bosporanum. V.

F. GajpuxKevic,

Das

Bosporanische

Reich,

1971,

237f.; D. D. and G. T. KacHarava, Goroda i poseleniya Pri¢ernomor’ya anticnoy epochi, 1991, 207, 280f.

—Iv.B.

survived in Demetrias.

Pagus (Pl. pagi, etymologically related to pangere and pax; ‘region with fixed borders’). The Latin pagus refers to the non-urbanized ‘district’, whose population lived

There are three candidates for the localisation of P. 1) In the southwestern outworks of the city wall of Demetrias on both sides of the Ligarorevma (ancient

sibly with one or more oppida (> oppidum) serving asa refuge; the pagus was the customary form of settlement

to P., and P. became part of it (Str. l.c.); the cults of P.

in individual farms and villages (vici; see

> vicus), pos-

341

342

for many Italian tribes, esp. the Oscan population of the mountainous regions of Central Italy [4] and among the Celts of Upper Italy [2]. The Romans used pagus as the designation for the subdivision of an urban territory. The pagi in the Roman Confederation at least had no administration of justice, but were probably capable of property and able to raise taxes from their inhabitants (pagani). Their magistrates were, alongside the aediles and quaestores, also magistri pagi (CILIX 3 521: Furfo; X 6490: Ulubrae). The assembly of pagani could pass laws (lex paganica, CIL X 3772). Their festivals were the Paganalia and the annual lustratio pagi, the procession through the fields. The pagus is not mentioned in late Republican city laws [1]. In Rome, the pagiAventinus, Sucusanus and laniculensis, outside the oldest city boundary, continued to exist at least until the establishment of the Augustan reforms (cf. the so-called SC de pago Montano on the use of a piece of land leased by this pagus, ILS 6082 = FIRA T° 39). In Gaulish territory up to Upper Italy, the pagi were relatively independent sub-tribes of the civitates (> civitas A.), constantly defecting from a tribe either to join another or to become independent, e.g. the Tigurini, one of the four ‘districts’ of the Helvetii, who according to Livy seceded from the tribe (Liv. per. 65: 4

mately

civitate secesserant), to join the - Cimbri and Teutoni.

In Upper Italy, Gallia Cisalpina, the pagi of the Arusnates in the region of Verona, and that of the Laebactesin the region of Bellunum were largely independent districts [2]. In North Africa, the name pagus exists as a purely Roman subdivision of the > ager publicus, on land annexed after the fall of Carthage in 146 BC; however,

the term is also known in indigenous regions with a quite different meaning, as e.g. in the senatus populusque civitatium stipendiariarum pago Gurzenses (CIL VIII 68 =ILS 6095) or in double communities of Roman pagus and indigenous civitas [5. 153-156]. 1 M. FREDERIKSEN, Changes in the Pattern of Settlement, in: P. ZANKER (ed.), Hellenismus in Mittelitalien, 1976, 341-355 2H. Gatsterer, Il p. Arusnatium ei suoi culti, in: A. MASTROCINQUE (ed.), Culti pagani nell’Italia settentrionale, 1994, 53-62 3 E. KORNEMANNs.Y. P., RE 18, 2318-2339 4U. Larri, L’organizzazione paganico-vicana, 1974 5L. TeutTscH, Das rémische Stadtewesen in Nordafrika, 1962. H.GA.

Pahlawa. Indian name of the kings of the so-called Indo-Parthian dynasty, which is primarily known because of its coins. Gondophares, who ended the rule of the Shaka in Arachosia (+ Arachosia) and ultimately probably also in Gandhara (> Gandaritis), is regarded

as the founder of the dynasty. The inscriptions from Taht-i Bahi from the 26th year of this king established his rule quite precisely as from AD 20 to 46. In keeping with this, the apostle Thomas is said to have met Gondophares on his journey to India (Acts of the Apostle Thomas 1-6; [2]). The territory of the Pahlawa ulti-

PAID LABOUR / WAGE WORK

stretched

from

Sistan

to

deep

into

India

(Jammu); only after AD 100 was north-western India lost to the KuSana (> Kushan), and eastern Iran was

probably lost to the > Sassanids. 1M. Aram, Indo-Parthian and Early Kushan Chronology: The Numismatic Evidence, in: Id., D. E. KLIMBURGSALTER (ed.), Coins, Art and Chronology, 1999, 19-48 2 A.F. J. Kin, The Acts of Thomas, 1962. j.W.

Paid labour / wage work. PL, which is legally to be understood as the leasing of work (Latin locatio operarum), should not be confused with the leasing of a

person, e.g. a slave (locatio rei). The locatio operis

faciundi must also be distinguished from the locatio operarum, being a contract for the completion of specific work (construction projects, public works, manufacture or repair of an object by an artist). An inscription from Puteoli (105 BC) gives a good example of such a locatio operis (CIL X 1781 = ILS 5317), the building of a wall on public land in front of the Temple of Serapis. The inscription contains the contractual conditions (/ex), formulated by city officials, which the party to the contract had to fulfil, with the individual tasks precisely detailed. PL existed in all ancient societies, but it was always regarded as of low status (cf. Hom. Od. 11,488ff.; Hes. Op. 441ff.). However, free waged workers certainly had more rights and negotiating room than slaves, the ~ helots or > penestai. Since, in order to satisfy his material needs, the waged worker had to give up his independence to another and submit to the latter’s orders, he could never feel truly free. Financial autonomy was regarded as a necessary condition of unlimited moral freedom: according to Aristotle, it was irreconcilable with the status of a free man to live a life dependent on another (Aristot. Rh. 1367a), and Cicero regarded wages as a sign of slavery (merces auctoramentum servitutis,; Cic. Off. 1,150). Seneca was similarly critical of physical work to secure a living (Sen. Epist. 88,21).

Such lack of regard certainly did not hamper the growth of PL. By way of example, Xenophon gives a description of the case of Eutherus, who had lost his estates during the Peloponnesian War and was therefore compelled to do manual labour for his living (Xen. Mem. 2,8). It is not possible to deduce from the sources whether there were more waged workers on the land, in the craft workshops or at the docks in 4th-cent. BC Athens. Even so, there are explicit references in Plato’s political theory to the existence of the misthdtoi (uwo8wtot) and their role in the urban economy (PI. Resp. 371e). Without doubt, in the Greek world as in Rome there were always many waged workers. However, they were not as many in numbers as the slaves nor as the small craftsmen nor as those farmers cultivating the land alone or with their families. In Roman > agriculture, PL existed alongside — sla-

very from early times; thus in the 3rd cent. BC, during the absence of M. Atilius Regulus who was fighting in

343

344

the war against Carthage, his four-and-a-half acre estate was said to have been tended by an estate over-

PL is largely recorded only in fragmentary evidence, and that the sources therefore allow no measured estimation of its role. When studying ancient slavery and the > colonatus of late antiquity, therefore, dependent work must always be looked at in conjunction with PL.

PAID LABOUR / WAGE WORK

seer

(— vilicus)

and

a hireling

(mercennarius)

(Val.

Max. 4,4,6). While Cato makes no mention ofthe loca-

tio operarum in his treatise on agriculture and only used slaves as permanent labour, he did have the grain and olive harvests brought in by seasonal workers (Cato Agr. 136; 144). The same is also recommended by Varro, whose treatise refers primarily to conditions in Italy (Varro, Rust. 1,17,2). In a villa farmed by slaves, waged workers were used as labour for seasonal jobs; they were recruited from among local smallholders (Cato Agr. 4), inhabitants of nearby towns or wandering seasonal labourers. It was usual to employ and pay them per day; unlike slaves, they could never even be certain of having food to eat from day to day. They thus entailed fewer costs to landowners than did slaves. Some businessmen also assembled entire groups of harvesters, whom they then hired out to landowners. Thus, the historian Suetonius reports that the great-grandfather of the Emperor Vespasian, the father ofT. Flavius Petro, had been a manceps operarum, who brought farm labourers from Umbria to the Sabine region every year (Suet. Vesp. 1,4; on Africa cf. CIL VIII 11824 =ILS 7457). In the mid-rst cent., a major landowner on Euboea was entrusting his herds not to slaves, but to free waged workers (Dion. Chrys. 7,11). As the > Heroninus Archive (mid—3rd cent. AD) shows, hardly any slaves were working in Roman Egypt on the great estates of the Fajum, but many farm labourers did. The estate managers probably received no wages there, but must have drawn some benefits, which remain unknown to us, from their work. By contrast, almost all labour put to work in agriculture, both permanent and seasonal workforces, were waged workers

receiving remuneration partly in cash and partly in kind; the wages could be used to purchase commodities such as wine. The estate also paid some taxes for its workforce. There is also evidence of PL in the mines of Dacia, where miners received contracts lasting for several months. It must not be forgotten that a number of slaves at Rome were themselves waged workers, who transferred their earnings to their owner or added them to their > peculium. Institores were slaves entrusted with a shop or a workshop; according to the Roman jurists, either their work was not directly paid, if the work was gratuitae operae (unpaid services), or they received a fixed wage, agreed in advance (Dig. Ulp. 14,1,1,18; Paulus 14,1,5pr. and lulianus 14,3,12). Naturally,

those senators and equites who occupied salaried posts, such as procuratores, did not count as waged workers; however, the remuneration of urban officials was designated merces (‘wages’) in the > lex Ursonensis (CIL II

5439,62 = ILS 6087,62).

Although there were certainly fewer waged workers than farmers and slaves in Greece and the Roman world, the importance of PL in the ancient economy should not be underestimated; it must be recalled that

+ Agrarian + Work ;

writers;

+ Crafts,

Trade;

-—> Wages;

1 J. A. Crook, Law and Life of Rome, 1967, 191-198 2 P. Garnsey (ed.), Non-Slave Labour in the GrecoRoman World, r980 3 J. MACQUERON, Le travail des hommes libres dans |’Antiquité romaine, 1964 4H. C. Norske,

Studien

zur Verwaltung

und Bevélkerung

der

dakischen Goldbergwerke in rémischer Zeit, in: BJ 177, 1977, 271-416

5D. RATHBONE, Economic Rationalism

and Rural Society in Third-Century A.D. Egypt, the Heroninos Archive and the Appianus Estate, r991

6 F. M. DE

Rosertis, Lavoro e lavoratori nel mondo romano, 1963. J.A.

Paidagogos (xaisaywydc/paidagogos, Latin paedagogus). A household

slave of low standing (Pl. Alc. 1,122b; Pl. Ly. 223a-b) who was the attendant of a school-aged child, first attested for the year 480 BC (Hdt. 8,75). Images on vases and terracotta depict him as a bald foreigner with a shaggy beard and a stick [1. 28ff.]. He was constantly with the child and protected it from danger. He taught it proper conduct and good manners; some paidagogoi also supervised the home-work [2. 276, 282; 3. 75]. In Rome in the course of acquiring a Greek — education (C. 2.) a slave was chosen to be paidadgogos (also called custos: Petron. Sat. 94,2; Sen. Ep. 11,9), who taught the child Greek (warning against exaggeration: Quint. Inst. 1,1,12—14)

[2. 484; 3.74f.]. Girls, more often in Rome than in Greece, were also given a paidagogos (Eur. Phoen.: paidagogos of Antigone; inscriptions which attest this for Rome [4. 2383, |. 27-44]) or a paedagoga (CIL VI 63313; 9758; VIII 1506). Already in Hellenistic times paidagogos no longer meant ‘attendant of youths’, but ‘educator’. In the Imperial period free men were also found among the paidagégoi (Dion Chrys. 7,114; Plut. Mor. 830a-b). Criticism was always raised, above all against the practice of using slaves as paidagogoi who were useless for other tasks (Plat. Alc. 1,121c—122b; Jer. at Stob. 2 p. 233 WacHsMuTH; Plut. Mor. 4a-b; 12a; Tac. Dial. 29,1). The paidagogos stayed with the child throughout its childhood, generally until it was 16 years old. Sometimes considered to be tyrannical (Plaut. Bacch. 405-499; Ter. An. 51-54; Hor. Ars P. 161), he was most often honoured also by adults as the intimate childhood confidant [3. 76f.]. The achievements of the antique paidagogos are reflected in the positive connotation of the term used as a metaphor (Sen. Ep. 25,6; 89,13; Gal 3,24) [3. 77f.] and laid the foundation for its common use today. ~ Education 1H. ScHuLze, Ammen und Padagogen. Sklavinnen und Sklaven als Erzieher in der antiken Kunst und Gesellschaft, 1998 2 Marrou 3 J. Vocr, Sklaverei und Huma-

PAIDONOMOI

346

345 nitat (Historia ES 8),*1972, 74-78

4 E.ScuuppreE, s.v. P.,

RE 18, 2375-2385.

R. BouLocne, De plaats van romeinse cultuur, 1951.

individual

Athenian

citizen is superior to all other

Greeks (ibid. 2,40-41). To the Greeks of the Hellenistic de Paedagogus

in de 1c.

Paideia (xatdeia; paideia). Disregarding Sparta (> agoge), paideia, along with paideusis (xaidevoic), is the main Greek term for the education (> Education / Culture and > Education) of a child (pais, malic) and

above all of a young person, which is why paideia also means ‘childhood’, ‘youth’. It therefore refers both to the process of raising and educating and to the result, the education, and as such to the asset of the adult that cannot be lost. In Aesch. Sept. 18, paideia is not distinguished from trophé (‘rearing’), but in general it is understood as something that must be added to this rearing so that a child can assume his future role (PI. Crit.

rroc; Pl. Resp.

424; Pl. Phd. 107d; Pl. Phlb. 5 5d). The prerequisite for paideia that goes beyond unconscious sozialisation is the concept that if physis (‘talent’) exists, the areté (‘being good’) can be acquired by means of the contemplation and practical imitation of models, for which the

téchnai (‘arts and handicrafts’) provide the model [1]. Paideia which consists of gymnastic and musical elements, serves to mould the child according to the (originally aristocratic) ideal of + kalokagathia (‘external and internal excellence’). (Programmatic for ‘democratic’ paideia: Thuc. 2,39-41). -» Xenophon can be regarded as an adherent of a paideia aimed at a Spartan and Persian model of military competence [1. 100207]. > Aristophanes [3] (Nub. 961) defends the concept targeted at the incorporation of the individual into the order of the polis as archaia paideia (Geyata matdeta, ‘old education’) against the innovations of the Sophists (+ Sophistic). They, too, pursue the practical goal of educating prominent citizens (Pl. Prt. 318e319a), but they intellectualize them, above all through grammatical (i.e. linguistic and literary) as well as rhetorical educational programmes (— Enkyklios Paideia). -» Plato who develops ‘the first systematically constructed educational programme of European culture’ [2. 37] discusses the Sophists. However, when it is a matter of his influence on the history of education he has to allow — Isocrates to take the lead; the latter applies the approaches of the Sophists to a paideia programme that, geared towards the cultivation of the human capacity for communication and at the same time — as it was believed — towards ethical moulding, is

also useful in its humanistic orientation as a resource for the individualistically shaped ideal of personal development in the Hellenistic period [3. 160-197; T. 208-315]. ‘Education is the adornment of the fortunate, the refuge of the unfortunate’, according to Democritus (68 B 180 Dk). For the Thucydidean Pericles, Athens is the

paideusis of the whole of Greece (Thuc. 2,41,1) and thanks to the qualities resulting from his education the

period, paideia — according to a saying of Meander [4] adopted by Plato (Leg. 644b) [4] — was considered to be ‘the most precious good that ts given to mortals’ (monosticha 384 JAEKEL); in it they see their cultural identity defined [3. 192-194; 2. 38]. The Romans appropriated the term paideia as > humanitas (Gell. NA 13,17). In late antiquity it still, as a common asset, also facilitated critical communication between the emperor, the officials, municipal dignitaries and bishops [4]. In early Christianity, -» Clemens [3] was the first to reconcile Greek paidea with Judaeo-Christian revelation. With regard to the attitude of the early Christians, see > education (D.).

The ideas of paideia survived through their appropriation by the Romans, and it is this form that can be regarded as the first Humanism, and they also survived

in the Humanist movements of the Middle Ages and early modern period [5] right through to W. JAEGER’S so-called > THrRD HUMANISM |[6; 7] the latter was certainly misused and discredited — also because ofthe lack ofdistance between many of its adherents and National Socialism. + Artes liberales;

> Education; > Education / Culture;

+ Enkyklios paideia; 1H. Wiims, Techne und Paideia bei Xenophon und Isokrates,1995

2D. BREMER,s.v. Paideia, HWdPh 7, 35-39

3 Marrou 4 P. Brown, Macht und Rhetorik in der Spatantike, 1995 5S Humanismus in Europa, ed. by the Foundation ‘Humanismus heute’ of the State Baden-Wurttemberg (Bibliothek der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft, series 2, N.F., vol. 103), 1998 6 W. JAEGER, P., vol. 1

(1933), 51973; vol. 2 (1944), 41973; vol. 3 (1947), 41973 7 B. SNELL, review of W. Jaeger, P., in: Id., Gesammelte

Schriften, 1966, 32-54. FURTHER

SECONDARY

LITERATURE

-» Education / Culture

~— Education;

1S

Paides see > Child, Childhood

Paidonomoi (xaidovono1; paidondmoi, lit. ‘guardians of boys’). The Greek office of the paidonédmos was regarded by Aristotle (Pol. 1300a 4-6) as a specifically aristocratic one. It presupposes a state education. In Sparta (Xen. Lac. 2,2; Plut. Lycurgus 17,2,50d) and on Crete (Ephorus FGrH 70 F 149), the paidondmoi acted

as inspectors, supervising the education (> agoge) of boys between the ages of 7 and 20 [1. 2387; 2. 60-63, 201 n. 8]. Aristotle argues (Pol. 1336a 30-41) that their competence should be extended to pre-school children. In the Hellenistic period, the local authorities took control of education (~~ Gymnasium). There is epigraphical evidence of paidondémoi, esp. in Asia Minor, from the 3rd cent. BC on [1. 2388, |. 25-33]. As supervisors of elementary and senoir schools [2. 219] — for more details on their duties, see Syll.3 577 [3. 1-29]—ase.g. in Miletus (Syll.3ibid.) and Teos (Syll.3 578,9), they were in charge of teacher selection, and mediated in staff dis-

347

348

putes. In Teos (ibid.) their jurisdiction also extended to the education of girls (in their own particular duties [2. 219]; cf. also > gynaikonémoi; a woman as paido-

Painting (Cwyoadia/zographia, Latin pictura or ars pingendi). I. GREEK PAINTING II. ROMAN PAINTING

PAIDONOMOI

nomos [4]). 1 O, SCHULTHESS, s.v. P., RE 18, 2387-2389

2 MARROU

3 E. Z1EBARTH, Aus dem griechischen Schulwesen, *1914 4 LSJ s.v. matdovopoc, 1288. N. M. KENNELL, The Gymnasium of Virtue, 1995, 120f.; S. Link, Der Kosmos Sparta, 1994, 30-32.

ies

Paidotribes (xatdoteipys/paidotribés, ‘boy-trainer’). Paidotribai were originally (beginnings hard to date [1. 96]; first in Aristoph. Nub. 973f.; a ‘Solonic’ law in Aeschin. 1,12) responsible for the sports training of boys in the ~ palaistra (wrestling-school, sports grounds). From the time of Plato onward palaistrai are recorded that are named after their paidotribai. Employed in gymnasia [1. 247; 2. 2389f.] they may also have trained professional athletes [2.2390]. On the distinction from teachers of gymnastic exercises (gymmnastés) and teachers of athletes (aleiptés, ‘anointer’) see [2. 2393f.5 3. 161-197; 4. 143-147]. In the Hellenistic and Roman periods they advanced to become the most important instructors, soon employed

for several years and from the 2nd century AD for life [2.2391], in the education of épheboi (- ephebeia). For their activities as trainers see above all Philostr. Peri gymnastikés |1. 240-247]. Vase- paintings show them — distinguishable only with difficulty from referees — wearing himatia (outer garments), mostly resting on a stick and equipped with long forked rods for often rough punishment [1. 247; 2. 2394].

+ Education;

+ Gymnasium;

> Sports

1Marrou’ 2J. JUTHNER, s.v. P., RE 18, 2389-2396 3 Id., Die athletischen Leibestibungen der Griechen, in: F.

Bretn

(ed.),

Geschichte

der

Leibestiibungen

(SAWW

249,1), vol. 1, 1965 4 W. DeEcKER, Sport in der griechischen Antike, 1995, 143-150, 176f. er

Paikuli. Village in Iraqi Kurdistan with an expanse of ruins around a stepped altar in the form of a tower (now also in ruins). Stone blocks with Parthian and Middle

Persian inscriptions and busts with the representation of the Sassanid Sahansah Narseh (293-302; > Narses [1]) are preserved. The remains were interpreted by E. Herzfeld as a victory monument to Narseh. E. HERZFELD, P. Monument and Inscription of the Early History of the Sasanian Empire, vol. 1, 1924. B.B.

Painters see > Artists

Painters (female) see

Women painters

I. GREEK PAINTING The earliest evidence of ancient painting can be found on the high-quality monumental wall frescoes (> Wall paintings, > Fresco) of the Cretan-Mycenaean civilisation in palaces (— Palace) and houses in + Crete and > Thera [1]. The most recent examples are from the Byzantine period [2]. A. SOURCES AND HISTORY

OF SCHOLARSHIP

B. GENRES, MEDIA AND TECHNIQUES C. FUNCTIONS

AND CONTENT

D. DEVELOPMENT

OF THE PAINTING MEDIA

A. SOURCES AND HISTORY OF SCHOLARSHIP Original works are scarcely and poorly preserved, if at all. This is particularly detrimental for the evaluation of and research into large Greek paintings. Source material is provided by > grave paintings, mosaics (+ Mosaic), and, much

less frequently, > wall pain-

tings in houses [3; 4]. It is true that a few spectacular new finds and a general increase in the material in the last 30 years have provided missing links for the solution of particular, often only secondarily attested iconographic or technical problems. Modern scientific techniques, such as UVR and UVA photography and chemical analysis of materials, applied to available remains have also contributed to a better understanding [5; 6]. Nevertheless, the complete loss of panel painting, for example, is of grave importance. This imperfect record is all the more regrettable, since contemporary literary sources continually stress the high regard of painting, even above sculpture. We do know numerous names of artists and titles or themes of works from the sources; however, a precise idea of the appearance of the paintings has to remain largely speculative [7. 100; 8. 7-40]. Present-day knowledge of Greek painting is based on a few originals and various secondary sources, which have been connected in research. In particular, the 35th book of Pliny’s Naturalis Historia (Natural History), which is actually dedicated to colours, can be used like a history of artists or a catalogue of themes [9]. Added to this are numerous other writings of various kinds and dates, with scattered references to the significance or value of the paintings, to the place where they were mounted, to the person(s) who commissioned them, to the social standing of the painters. These sources reflect the criticism and theories of art of diverse eras regarding aesthetics and content as well as the effect of the paintings on the viewer. Philosophical and scholarly texts (> Plato, > Aristotle [6]) show the influence of

painting on intellectual discourse [r0; 11; 123. 13] (> Art, theory of; > Mimesis). The technical literature

of the painters themselves regarding their work and particular artistic problems can only be reconstructed in fragments. The philologically oriented study of art of

PAINTING

349

3K

the 19th and early 2oth cents. predominantly tried to trace a history of the art and style of Greek painting from the literary record. Today this method is judged more critically because literary genres are subject to their own rules. ~ Vase paintings were soon added to the philosophical study of art as a further important class of evidence [14]. From the Geometric Period until the 3rd cent. BC, painted ceramic vessels from various Greek and Italian artistic landscapes are continually present. This genre is related in many ways and provides important references to contemporary large-scale painting, because it adopted and reflected its developments, but especially also because it was built on the same principles — creatively and formally. The strict distinction of painting

early 5th cent. BC and its predominance until the 3rd cent. the significance of painting on clay decreased because with its limited technique it did not attain the effect of wooden pictures. These were executed in tem-

and drawing, which used to be valid in earlier times, has

to be given up, because, upon close examination and when comparing the evidence, it does not hold good [15. 4ff.]. That vase painting should be considered of equal value in respect of both painting technique and artistic creativity, is a recent concern in research and is still considered controversial. Similarly disputed is the value of Roman-Campanian wall paintings as evidence for the reconstruction of the development of Greek painting [16]. Roman and Pompeian wall painters did occasionally make use of classical and late-classical Greek models, and several

themes and motifs can be assigned to a known Greek

painter with the help of written sources, but ultimately there is no proof without the original. Also the relevant pictures are so often influenced by the style and taste of their time that it is difficult to filter out the original features, especially since they were often used only as set pieces [17; 18]. The same problems arise in the

attempt to take into account other genres, e.g. > toreutics in relief or engraved form. But in this area too, primarily in older studies, attempts have repeatedly been made to reconstruct lost originals. Behind all this lie questions regarding the transmission of the models, as to how and with which media the themes and motifs of the great paintings reached the artist craftsmen. Pattern books, which have frequently been postulated in earlier research, must remain a hypothesis. B. GENRES, MEDIA AND TECHNIQUES Various materials are used as a substrate. Their degree of preservation however varies widely, and for some, as a result of decay or limited durability, only traces of the original application of the > pigments are visible, but with recent methods they can be reconstructed. In the Archaic Period (7th and 6th cents. BC) in particular, painting on clay tablets (> pinax, > exekias) was widespread. They were used as metopai (> Metope) in temple architecture, as wall tiling, and were hung or stood in necropoleis and sanctuaries. They were painted in the ‘Black-Figure’ technique of contemporary vases, whose colouring was achieved only by ceramic means. With the rise of panel painting in the

pera or encaustic (> Encaustic (painting)) i.e. with pig-

ments dissolved in hot wax. As a support, boxwood was prized for its hardness, but coniferous woods are also recorded. The only surviving pieces of evidence of this otherwise lost genre are Egyptian + mummy portraits, from which both the process and its particular effect on the luminescent and expressive power of the pigments can be reconstructed. Painting on canvas is not recorded until the Roman Imperial Period; for working on both canvas and on wood easels resembling modern ones were used. This is shown in Pompeian wall paintings. In addition there were always > wall paintings [19], in which large paintings were applied straight on to plaster or even rock; they are found in various contexts.

Here too tempera and >> fresco techniques or a mixture of the two were used. Stone, mainly marble, was important, also as a support of more limited size in other find contexts. This is evidenced by e.g. tomb and votive stelai, which were wholly or partly executed in painting. Such paintings on marble (> Marble, paintings on) could also be used as building decoration, but as furnishings they also formed an independent genre. In this context the polychromatic composition of statues (> Polychromy), the rich painting of representational monumental architecture ({20]; see also > Architecture) and the ornamental or figural decoration of marble utensils in ancient art should be mentioned. Whereas it was formerly assumed that it was primarily — encaustic that was used for painting on marble, this can only very rarely be proved; tempera techniques based on various binding media were more common. Particularly regrettable is the effect of the loss of originals on our knowledge of their colouring, primarily of the famous panel paintings. However the composition, selection and effect of the > pigments can today be estimated better by means of chemical analysis of the remains and study of the written sources [21; 22]. Thus, contrary to different opinions, there had been blue and green tones since the Archaic Period, and the limitation, literarily attested for various eras, to black, white, red and yellow (‘four colour painting’) was a consciously introduced element of style, intended to underline the virtuosity of the painters using it. For keeping and preparing the organic and inorganic pigments wooden and metal boxes with individual dishes and compartments were used; the chalky pieces of pigment were pulverised for further processing and then liquefied in various solvents. No mixing palette was known, but small bowls or shells are shown by the pictorial and material record. C. FUNCTIONS AND CONTENT Written sources and grave finds point to cults of the dead, sanctuaries, urban public spaces and _ private

351

BD

houses as the main four areas in which painters, subject

ergetism). Furthermore, cities themselves could determine sites and themes and commission painters of their choice. The pictorial language of public spaces conveyed general social values and ideals from the aristocratic canon of virtues. For this, paintings showing war,, hunting and sports, representing the agonistic principle, were appropriate. But claims to power and ideological propaganda by the ruling political class and events from recent history were also themes. These ‘messages’ could be read in paintings of battles, portraits of rulers and dynasties and in allegorical portraits of personified abstract concepts. Occasionally they were also reinforced by combination with pictures from long-known myths, which were to be understood paradigmatically. It was probably also these pictures that often could have been comprehensible to ancient viewers only by means of their annotations, which are mentioned in sources

PAINTING

to the instructions of their respective commissioners, worked (see — Artists; » Art; > Art, interest in). Rec-

ently there have increasingly been analyses torial languages specific to these functions torical context and attempts to decode behind them that were to be conveyed to

of in the the

the picthe hisvalues viewer.

This procedure, however, contains the hidden risk of

simplifying analogical conclusions, drawn from the modern viewer’s point of view. The individual branches can also not be precisely distinguished, as many motifs were equally suited to sanctuaries and the profane urban sphere. Most pictorial works are from necropoleis and burial contexts of extremely varied regions and periods (+ Grave paintings). The representations refer to the cult of the dead or to characteristic situations from the way of life of the dead, but also show the mythical inhabitants of the Underworld. Archaic and Classical Period examples, stylistically related to Greek painting, can be found primarily in Etruria (— Etrusci C.), prominent later representatives are the wall paintings of 4th-century BC Macedonian chamber tombs, above all the ‘Royal Tombs’ in Vergina (— Aegae [1]) [23]. Our understanding of painting in sanctuaries, the second function, is mainly due to the written record and surviving devices for installing or mounting pictures.

These were in the cult precinct (> témenos) and the temple surroundings, either as fixtures or as > votive offerings. The buildings, impressive in the colourful decoration of their sculpture and structure, could moreover hold pictures themselves. There were pictures and painted ornaments on walls and parts such as column shafts and ceiling coffers. In addition, in places where there was a great need for space, special pinacothecae

(— Pinacotheca)

were

constructed.

Pictures

that were valuable or liable to weather damage were kept in treasure houses (> Thesauros), simpler clay and marble pinakes (-» Pinax) hung in the open air, as vase pictures show. The content of the pictures related to the deity worshipped in the sanctuary and the relevant myths, as well as to local cult traditions. Particular celebrations with sacrificial activities, processions, + dance and other ritual activities were also themes. Everywhere there were pictorial stories about mythical and prehistoric heroes, whose exemplary deeds and destinies were from the sth cent. BC increasingly placed in parallel with real historical events in order to emphasize those (+ Paintings on historical subjects).

Similar content with an even clearer political message could also be found in the public sphere of the polis community, for example in the > agora or in the > gymnasium. Architectural remains, in which according to sources the paintings were hung or executed directly on the walls, are still visible today, but the paintings themselves have disappeared. Mentioned as initiators of such foundations are politicians, high-ranking soldiers and other worthy citizens (> Euergetes; > Eu-

[24]. Least is known about paintings in private houses. Until the late 5th cent. BC they were probably only the exception; there is evidence only after that and increas-

ingly in the Hellenistic period [4; 25]. In addition to quite simple wall decoration in distinct areas, which lived on in early Roman Campanian wall painting [26], there may also have been panel or portable swing door pictures. The themes were manifold and may have been recruited from any of the areas mentioned so far, but were more individual and less official. In addition there were everyday scenes from the area of symposia (> Banquet) and the love-lives of the aristocracy, and

also the worlds of artisans and tradesmen; also genre paintings [27], still-lifes, plant and animal representations and humorous scenes. D. DEVELOPMENT OF THE PAINTING MEDIA It is not possible to give a stylistic and artistic history of Greek and Roman painting in an overview article,

but some pointers would not go amiss. Doubtless the representation of figures and objects approximating their natural form and their composition balanced in the pictorial space were the primary concern of Greek painting. Painting approached this goal during the sth cent. BC by a combination of different creative means. The 4th cent., generally acclaimed as a flourishing period on account of famous artist personalities such as ~ Pausias, > Nicias and > Apelles [4], refined and optimized existing techniques by means of greater subtlety in individual details. The Attic, Ionic and Sicyonic painting schools formed, in competition with one another. The origins of ‘large-scale’ painting were in late 7th-century Corinth and Cleonae [21; 28; 29]. Fundamental to the design of a concrete picture was a drawn outline [30] which was firmed out with internal details and then coloured in. This principle can already be found on vases of the Geometric Period and continues into the Hellenistic and Roman eras. It was this outline that, by means of the kind of line (beginning and ending of the line; cross-hatching lines on the out-

ope

354

line), helped the figure to a certain plasticity, which could be heightened by — perspective foreshortening of individual parts. The mastery of the art of line and hence of drawing, for which primarily > Parrhasius was praised in the second half of the sth cent., can again be found on contemporary vases. The basis for it had already been created in the early sth cent. BC by > Cimon [4] and > Polygnotus after him. Hence the individualising facial details and emotions handed

aristocracy, a practice that was continued in the Impe-

down for these two and surviving also in testimonies,

could probably already be expressed. Then with the introduction of pigment there was the possibility of shading and highlighting, which heightened the plasticity and on the other hand also determined the material quality of amotif. > Zeuxis is cited for the introduction of > skiagraphia in the last quarter of the sth cent., but surviving examples show that at the time it was already handled with excellence. Here too, imitation of nature is in the foreground: gradually dark shadings in contrast with bright highlighting elevations and reflexions make the picture elements appear threedimensional. Varnish-like application of pigments, as is recorded for the 4th century and — Apelles [4] and customary, may have contributed to a refinement of chiaroscuro painting. By means of hard shading this impression is intensified.

Layered composition and arrangement of objects overlapping two-dimensionally produce a_ pictorial space which on the one hand is opened up by the figures through their own physicality, and on the other hand is also made visible as a whole by means of their reference to pictorial particles in front or behind. This must be where the much-prized symmetria or dispositio of some representatives of the Sicyonic School, such as > Pamphilus and > Melanthius [5], lay. Reports of ‘inventions’ of particular techniques and their chronological development are not always congruent in time with the surviving stock of originals, some of which can be dated earlier; some less successful pictures also suggest experimental phases in which painters continually came closer to overcoming an artistic problem [8; 14; 313 325

33]. II. ROMAN

PAINTING Evidence of Roman painting has survived in almost all regions of the Roman Empire, primarily in Rome itself and in Campania (~ Pompeii; > Herculaneum) [£73 343 353 363 373 38]. It is in the most recent period that, because of increased excavation activities, significant material from in all provinces has come to light [39]. This extends from the late Hellenistic period until Late Antiquity. The main medium is > wall painting (q.v. for stylistic development and historical significance in individual regions). However, panel paintings, recorded in writing but of which only marble examples have survived, may also have been significant. Through art theft since the Republican period many Greek originals had arrived in Rome and on the estates of the senatorial

PAINTING

rial period. Greek painters were also taken as slaves to Rome; because of their abilities they had to work and teach there. But independent Roman artists are also recorded in texts, e.g. in Pliny and Vitruvius. For a long time scholars considered Roman painting only as decorative craftsmanship for interior decorating or as a copy of Greek painting, and it was therefore not examined at all for the qualities peculiar to it, but this has changed since recent intellectual history studies on domestic culture and the urban aspect of public space. The spheres in which painting occurred are largely the same as for Greek painting: there were paintings in sanctuaries, burial sites and monuments (see also > Ca-

tacombs) and public buildings. To these, buildings used by the population for pleasure and well-being were now increasingly added, such as > thermal baths, gymnasiums (> Gymnasium) and other places of sport and culture. But now, in contrast to Greece, there is strikingly rich and in part still very well preserved material from villas (— Villa), private houses and residences. Imperial residences too, whether in cities [40] or in the country,

were richly painted. In fact it can be assumed that wall painting had gained entry to every corner of public and private architecture. With the predominant use of painting being for decorating living environments, to some extent the content and forms of representation change. A number of large-scale narrative friezes survive whose original or model, intention and interpretation is disputed (> Pompeii, Villa dei Misteri;

Boscoreale, Odyssey

frescoes) [41]. The painting of rooms is closely connected with their multifunctional uses [43]. Also in some areas one can speak now of true genre and > landscape painting on walls [27; 42]. > Art, interest in; > Artists; > Book illustration; > Catacombs; > Etrusci, Etruria, (II. C. 3. Grave paintings); + Fresco; > Grave paintings; — Historical subjects,

painting on; + Landscape painting; > Marble, paintings on; ~ Monochromata; > Mosaic; ~ Mummy portraits; > Pigments; > Red-figured vase painting; ~ Scenography; > Skiagraphia; — Still lives; —> Triumphal paintings; — Vase painters; > Vase painting, black-figured; - Wall paintings; > ParInTING 1 C. Doumas, The Wall Paintings of Thera, 1992 2M. A. CHEIMASTOU-POTAMIANOU, Greek Art. Byzantine WallPaintings, 1994 3 D.S. Cortaita (ed.), I temi figurativi della pittura parietale antica, 1997 4 F. ALABE, Intérieurs de maisons hellénistiques, in: RA 1995, 191-197 5 V.v. GRraEVE, B. HELLY, Recherches récentes sur la peinture grecque, in: PACT 17, 1987, 17-33

6 V.v. GRAEVE, Neue

Methoden zur Erforschung antiker Malerei, in: Jahrbuch der Universitat Bochum 19, 1988, 81-93

7 A. ROUVERET,

Profilo della pittura parietale greca, in: G. PUGLIESE CARATELLI (ed.), I Greci in Occidente, 1996, r0o0-108 8 I. SCHEIBLER, Griechische Malerei der Antike, 1994 9J. IsAGER, Pliny on Art and Society, 1991 10S. GOLDHILL (ed.), Art and Text in Ancient Greek Culture, 1994,

passim 11 J.J. Pouiirr, The Ancient View of Greek Art, 1974 12J. Etsner, Art and Text in Roman Culture, 1996, passim 13 F. Grar, Ekphrasis, 1998, passim 14 A.

PAINTING

356

355

GER BILDE, The ‘International Style’. Aspects of Pompeian First Style and its Eastern Equivalents, in: Acta Hyperbo-

Lesche of the Cnidians) had ideological meaning or reflected a concrete political situation. The representation of mythical events and heroic deeds of the distant past, such as the Amazonomachy and the Trojan War, which became historical paradigms in the collective memory of the observers, is interpreted as a functional visualization and encoded analogy of current political tendencies. The realistic description of contemporary historical events in paintings must be differentiated from this and remains rare compared to other topics. From the archaic period only a few paintings of battle scenes are described in writing. The still current experience of the Persian Wars of the 5th cent. brought about a more reflective awareness of history towards the end of the sth cent. BC, and this supported the genesis of the painting of historical subjects. For example, the Stoa Poi-

raea §, 1993, 151-177

(ed.), Genre-

kile, a hall in Athens, which was much frequented by

28 G. REMBADO, II problema delle origini

the public, displayed a picture of the battle of Marathon together with paintings of the Amazonomachy, the Iliupersis and a representation of the battle of Oenoe (Paus.

ROUVERET et al., Céramique et peinture grecques,

1999

(in part. Céramique et grande peinture, 217-255) 15 N. Hoescn, Bilder apulischer Vasen und ihr Zeugniswert fiir die Entwicklung der griechischen Malerei, 1983 16 H. Lauter-Bure, Zur Stilgeschichte der figiirlichen pompejanischen Fresken, 1969 17 A. Donati (ed.), Romana Pictura, 1998 18 A. ALLROGGEN-BEDEL, Lokalstile in der

campanischen Wand-Malerei, in: Kélner Jahrbuch fiir Vor- und Friihgeschichte 24, 1991, 35-41 19S. A. IMMERwAHR, Aegean Painting in the Bronze Age, 1990 20 V. BRINKMANN, Die Friese des Siphnierschatzhauses, 1994 21 N. Kocu, De Picturae Initiis, 1996 22H. BLuM,

Purpur als Statussymbol in der griechischen Welt, 1998 23 M. ANDRONIKOS, Vergina 2, 1994

24R.KRUMEICH,

Bildnisse griechischer Herrscher und Staatsmanner im 5. Jahrhundert v.Chr., 1997 25 W. HOpENER (ed.), Geschichte des Wohnens

Malerei, 1999

1, 1999, passim

26 P. GULDA-

27 B. GAETHGENS

della pittura corinzia, in: Sandalion 8-9, 1985/86,

109-

119 29 E.G. PEMBERTON, The Beginning of Monumental Painting in Mainland Greece, in: R. I. Curtis (ed.), Studia

1,15,1).

Pompeiana

et classica, FS fiir W.F. Jashemski

181-197

30 B. HOLTZMANN,

460/450 due to a public commission and showed the Athenians in battle against external enemies. In the 4th cent. BC, internal conflicts among the Greeks provided the occasion for further representations of battle scenes — the appearance of which is only incompletely described in written sources. The only preserved pictorial evidence of ancient painting of battles is the > Alexander Mosaic from Pompeii, a copy of an early Hellenistic model. Other subjects of ancient historical painting were ruler portraits (> Rulers) and genealogical family portraits (> Family) that were donated to sanctuaries and public places. In the Roman Republican period there were historical paintings in tombs and in the form ofpainted panels that were carried along in the triumphal processions of victorious generals or in the pompa funebris, and represented battles or persons. In the Roman Imperial period, historical paintings were increasingly replaced by historical reliefs (> Relief) on official monuments.

2, 1989,

Le graphisme dans I’art

31 A. ROUVEgrec, in: Histoire de l’Art 24, 1993, 3-11 RET, Histoire et imaginaire de la peinture ancienne, 1989 32 R. BIANCHI BANDINELLI (ed.), Pittura e Pittori nell’antichita, 1966 (excerpt from EAA) 33 P. MorENO, Pittura

greca,

1987

341. BRAGANTINI,

Problemi

romana, in: AION 2, 1995, 175-197

di pittura

35 R. LING, Roman

Painting, 1991 36 F. G. ANDERSEN, Roman Figural Painting in the Hellenistic Age, in: Acta Hyperboraea 5, 1993, 179-190 37R. THoMas, Die Dekorationssysteme der romischen Wand-Malerei von augusteischer bis in trajanische Zeit, 1995 de Pompéi,

1993

38 A. DE Franciscis et al., La peinture 39 H. BOGLI, Pictores per Provincias,

1987 40 P. MeyBoom, Famulus and the Painters’ Workshops of the Domus Aurea, in: MededRom 54, 1995, 229-

244

41 F. Coare it, The Odyssey Frescoes, in: Journ. of

the British School of Rome

66, 1998

42 J. C. CLARKE,

Landscape Paintings in the Villa of Oplontis, in: Journ. of Roman Archaeology 9, 1996, 81-107

43 E. M. Moor-

MANN (ed.), Functional and Spatial Analysis of Wall Painting, 1993 (Babesch Suppl. 3). N.H.

These

images

were

placed

there

in about

1TH. W. GAETHGENS, U. FLECKNER (eds.), Historienma-

Paintings of historical subjects. In Egyptian art, the illustration of historical events constitutes a rare exception; stylized motifs, such as the king slaying enemies, must be understood as timeless and are used as unchanging topoi over the centuries in various pictorial media. The insufficient material remains, art-theoretical texts

and literature from ancient Greece relating to the painting of historical subjects do not permit a precise definition of ancient historical painting, in analogy to the modern term for the genre, which is relevant from the Renaissance to the roth cent. [1. 15-76]. Recent scholarship has discussed in detail the extent to which the numerous and ambiguously interpreted mythological images especially on Attic vases but also on the monumental wall paintings described by Pausanias and others, e.g., in Athens (Stoa Poikile) and Delphi (the

lerei. Geschichte der klassischen Bildgattungen in Quellentexten und Kommentaren, 1996. H. Branpt, Herakles und Peisistratos, oder: Mythos und Geschichte. Anmerkungen zur Interpretation vorklassischer Vasenbilder, in: Chiron 1997, 315-334; B. DEVELIN, The Battle of Oinoe Meets Ockham’s Razor?, in: ZPE 99, 1993, 235-240; D. Castriota, Myth, Ethos and Actuality. Official Art in 5th Century B.C. Athens, 1992; S$. GERMER, M. ZIMMERMANN, Bilder der Macht — Macht der Bilder, 1997; A. GEYER, Geschichte als Mythos, in: JDAI 108, 1993, 443-455; CH. HOcker, L. SCHNEIDER, Pericle e la costruzione dell’Acropoli, in: $. Serris (ed.), I Greci

2/II, 1997, 1239-1274; T. HOLSCHER, Griechische Historienbilder des 5. und 4. Jahrhunderts v.Chr., 1973 (review:

B. FEHR,

Gnomon

49,

1977,

179-192);

Id.,

Romische Bildsprache als semantisches System, 1987; P. J. Ho.tpay, Narrative and Event in Ancient Art, 1993; U.

HurttNer, Die politische Rolle der Heraklesgestalt im griechischen Herrschertum, 1997, 26-38; R. KRUMEICH,

358

ws) wn"

Bildnisse griechischer

Herrscher

und Staatsmanner

5. Jahrhundert v.Chr., 1997, 48f.; 83f.; 102-109;

im 130-

PALACE

I]. ANCIENT NEAR EAST A. STRUCTURAL HISTORY B. FUNCTION

134; Id., Namensbeischrift oder Weihinschrift?, in: AA 1996, 43-51; R. Linc, Roman Painting, 1991, 101-135;

H. Meyer, Kunst und Geschichte, 1983; K. PARLASCA, Agrippina mit der Aschenurne des Germanicus, in: E. Mat, A. Repp ECKERT, Historienmalerei in Europa, 1990,

27-41; A. Rouveret, Les lieux de la mémoire publique, Opus VI-VIII, 1987-1989, 101-124; I. SCHEIBLER, Griechische Malerei der Antike, 1994, 152-164; K. STAHLER, Griechische Geschichtsbilder klassischer Zeit, 1992; E. THomas, Mythos und Geschichte, 1976; L. THoMpson,

The Monumental and Literary Evidence for Programmatic Painting in Antiquity, in: Marsyas 9, 1960/61, 36-77.

NH.

Palace I. TERMINOLOGY

NEAR

East

AND

III. Egypt

DEFINITION

IV. GREECE

IJ. ANCIENT

AND

ROME

I. TERMINOLOGY AND DEFINITION The modern term ‘palace’ is derived from the Palatine ( Mons Palatinus), one of Rome’s seven hills, on

which the residences of the Roman emperors were located. Palaces are buildings that a ruler uses as a residence and for representation. Depending on additional functions, they could have other names in Antiquity, relating to their respective use. LN.

A. STRUCTURAL HISTORY In the Ancient Near East and Egypt, the palace was originally a house with considerably expanded representational and utility sections, used by the respective ruler as living quarters, for representation and administration (Sumerian: é-gal, literally ‘big house’ > Akkadian: ekallu > Hebrew hekal, with a shift in meaning to ‘temple’). Generally, expansion was based on combining several courtyard systems. Specific architectural forms, which served to integrate various parts and can be considered typical for a palace, were developed only gradually. The emergence of such buildings in early dynastic Babylonia (Eridu, Kis) is generally considered a sign of the emancipation of rulers from cultic associations.

While in the Old Babylonian palace of Sinkasid in Uruk (roth cent. BC) the publicly accessible and private areas follow in an additive sequence, the contemporary palace in Esnunna links the two parts. The additive scheme remains preserved: palace of Dur-Kurigalzu (14th cent.), palace of Kar-Tukulti-Ninurta (13th cent.), South Castle of - Nebuchadnezzar [2] Il. in Babylon (6th cent.). Only the New Assyrian palaces since Assurnasirpal II. (883-859, palace in > Kalhu),

especially clearly in the palace of > Sargon II in Dur

ie}

100 m

Dur Sarrukin,

palace of Sargon II (722-705 BC; ground-plan)

1 Entrance court (babanu) with administrative buildings

2 Outbuilding 3 4 s 6 7

Reception area (outside the) Throne room Audience chambers Residential court (bitanu) Temple precinct

8 Ziqqurat

360

D7

PALACE

Biyiikkale, palace complex of Hattusa (13th cent. BC; ground-plan)

Viaduct 2 South gate 3 Court of the Citadel Gate 4 Entrance to Lower Court

of the Citadel s Lower Court of the Citadel

6 Colonnaded porch 7 Gate building: entrance to Central Court 8 Side gate 9 Central Court of the Citadel

10 tr 12 13 14

Entrance to ‘Audience Hall’ ‘Audience Hall’ King’s private apartments Cult precinct Residences of high-ranking palace officials 15 North-west palace wall

16 Upper Court ofthe Citadel 17 East Gate

18 Sacred pool 19 South-west Gate

Sarrukin (cf. fig.), incorporated a linking tract as a constitutive component between the ‘inner’ and ‘outer’ courtyards, consisting of a throne room, adjoining stairwell

(rituals on the roof?) and a banquet

room

behind it. The New Assyrian palaces are particularly well known for their decoration with stone wall — reliefs. In the Syro-Anatolian region, the palaces of > Mari (palace of Zimrilim, 1775-1751, in its time considered an attraction because of its size and rich wall paintings, which were in part associated with Cretan palace painting (~ Minoan culture and archaeology)), > Hattusa

(13th cent., on the rock plateau of Buyiikkale, cf. fig.) and - Ugarit (14th/13th cents., with interlinked courtyard systems and integrated garden) are particularly well known. Known from Iran are the Middle Elamitic palace fragment of Haft Tepe (14th cent.) and especially the Achaemenid palaces of > Pasargadae and — Persepolis with the four-sided column hall as a special construction (Apadana, cf. fig.).

MESOPOTAMIAN

PALACE

COMPLEXES

INCLUDING

Mart: E. Herinricu, Die Palaste im Alten Mesopotamien, 1984; H. SCHMID, Zur inneren Organisation fruher mesopot. P.-Bauten, in: B. Hroupa etal. (ed.), Von Uruk nach Tuttul, 1992, 185-192.

OTHER REGIONS: CH. VIROLLEAUD, Le palais royal d’Ougarit, 1957-1965; E. NEGAHBAN, Excavations at Haft Tepe, Iran, 1991; D. STRONACH,

Pasargadae,

1978;

L. TRUMPELMANN, Persepolis, 1988; P. Neve, HattuSa, Stadt der Gotter und Tempel, *1996. H.J.N.

B. FUNCTION In Mesopotamia, and also with certain modifications in the Hittite empire, the states of Syria, the Levant and Egypt, > temple and palace were the two central institutions of society. In the palaces the decisive actions of governance, as represented by the > RULER, were concentrated,

made

visible,

e.g.

in the

regional

and

chronological variations in the composition of the court. Thus, the palace not only represents a building but also an institution. The court comprises a numerous, hierarchically structured personnel that was responsible for the ruler’s personal needs. The palace was the place where a country’s wealth was gathered, administered and hoarded. The palaces of the Ancient Near East and Egypt had prestige functions: They served to display the ruler’s power. Decorative imagery — such as the relief cycles of New Assyrian palaces and the palaces of > Persepolis and > Susa — related the respective ruling ideology. Palaces were places of rituals and ceremonies that took place on the occasion of coronations and, as a result, acquired attributes of a sanctuary. Assyrian palaces were considered the places to which the ruler invited the gods. The palace of + Hattusa and the royal residences ofthe Hittite provincial towns were also places of divine worship.

361

PALACE

362

4 0

100m SESS)

Achaemenid palace complex at Persepolis, begun under

Darius [1] I (ground-plan) 1 Fortification wall 2 ‘Gate of All Nations’

3 Apadana 4 Tripylon 5 Small palace of Darius 6 Treasury Palace of Xerxes con] ‘Hundred-Column

The role of the palace as the central economic institution depended on the respective regime of landownership. In an> oikos economy (household-based) regime (e.g. in Mesopotamia in the 3rd millennium BC), the palace controlled almost all arable land. The economic role of the palace was reduced to the degree to which tributary economic regimes gained importance. The prevailing agronomic conditions (irrigation versus rain cultivation) played a major role: in the rain-fed cultivation regions of the Hittite empire, Assyria, Syria, the Levant and Palestine, the palace’s economic role was limited to meeting the subsistence needs of the court. Tasks relating to the state as a whole were financed through tributes to the palace. In regions with irri-

Hall’

arable in large segments as supply fields to the subject population. H. KLENGEL, HattuSa: Residence and Cult-Centre, in: A.

Aerts, H. KLENGEL (ed.), The Town as Regional Economic Centre in the Ancient Near East, 1990, 45-50; J. RENGER, s.v. Hofstaat, RLA 4, 435-446; id., Das Palast-Ge-

schaft in der altbabylonischen Zeit, in: A. BONGENAAR (ed.),

Interdependency

of

Institutions

and

Entrepreneurs, 2000.

Private

J.RE.

Ill. EGypr

In Egypt, palaces were profane brick buildings with only some sections (windows, stairs, portals etc.) made

of stone.

Palaces consisted

of a reception

hall (or

gation cultivation (Mesopotamia), the palace retained

several) and a throne room, behind which were located

control over the arable land, by organizing the extension and maintenance of the irrigation system, but exercised this control only indirectly by distributing the

private rooms, depending on the palace type also rooms for the queen or the + harem. There were also rooms for servants and storage magazines. The ‘appearance

364

PALACE

had several palaces and not just one residence. The administrative centre and town of residence were not necessarily identical. Therefore, in Egypt the palace is not a synonym for state administration. D. ARNOLD, s.v. Palast, LA 4, 644-646; P. Lacovara, The New Kingdom Royal City, 1997 (with bibliography).

KJ-W.

IV. GREECE AND ROME A. TERMINOLOGY AND DEFINITION AND MYCENAEAN

PaLaces

PALACES

D.HELLENISTIC

B. MINOAN

C. MACEDONIAN

PALACES

E. ROMAN

PALACES

A. TERMINOLOGY AND DEFINITION In Greek, as the word already says, the Baotheta, basileia (pl.)/Baoiievov, basileion, was a ‘royal’ palace, perhaps equivalent to the term regia in Latin. The term

palatium was first applied to the palace complex of the window’, in which the king showed himself to persons standing outside the palace, is also characteristic. It was presumably located on the palace front but there is only evidence for it in the cultic palaces of Theban temples. Frequently, palaces were decorated with representations of subjugated peoples, landscapes with animals, especially birds, and geometric patterns. Some palace types were governing, residential, defensive (castle) and harem palaces as well as hunting lodges. Cult palaces are parts of temples made of bricks like profane build-

Flavians on the Palatine (> Domitianus,[1] D. Finan-

Archaeological remains of Egyptian palaces are almost exclusively only preserved from the New Kingdom. From the early 18th dynasty there are foundations of a defensive palace in Dair al-Ballas and the residen-

cial policy and building activities). Palaces of subordinate and provincial governors were called atiat/aulat, in some cases even the royal and imperial palaces. The same applies to the Latin terms domus and villa. According to the modern definition, a palace must fulfil two functions: an official one, represented by the audience and banquet hall, and a private one, structurally represented by bed-, dining- and bathrooms. Palaces often also had military, defensive and administrative purposes, evident in adjoining garrison buildings for guards, as well as archives and scriptoria. Palaces also provided sufficient space for servants and provisions. Royal Palaces also had rooms for cultic practices, e.g. small temples and altars, and places for mortuary

tial palace in Auaris, decorated with Minoan frescoes,

rites, e.g., mausolea. Gardens, theatres, hippodromes

which was built upon the remains of a residence of the Hyksos, and the remains of a harem palace in Gurab. The residential palace ofAmenophis [3] III (1392-1355

and gymnasia provided opportunities for relaxation and entertainment, but also for the representation of the ruler.

ings.

BC) in Malqata

(> Thebes; see fig.) and the palace

of Amarna are better preserved. Apart from their foundations, significant parts of their decoration are also extant. From the roth and 2oth dynasty, the palaces of Ramesses II and his successors in the eastern Nile delta (Qantir) are currently being excavated. Cult palaces from this period are known from ~» Memphis (palace of Merenptah near the Ptah temple), also in Egyptian Thebes (in the mortuary temples of various kings, especially Ramesses II and III). From the time after the New Kingdom, only the palace of > Apries (589-70 BC), a massive building within a fortification, in the north of Memphis is preserved. The palaces ofthe royal quarter of -» Alexandria [1] in Egypt were destroyed and today lie under water. Little is known of the palace administration since no archives are preserved and official titles do not always give away the holder’s function. However, receipts for bread deliveries in a palace of the time of Sethos I (1306-1290 BC) show

that a palace had numerous personnel. The king usually

B. MINOAN AND MYCENAEAN PALACES The Bronze Age Minoan palaces preserved + Knossos,

in

> Phaestus [4], in Kato Zakros, > Malia

and Archanes had a labyrinthine plan and were dominated by facades and rooms surrounded by columns. They were organized around a large, rectangular courtyard and included two or more storeys. The palace was accessible from the west via a courtyard. The complexes were laid out to be multifunctional. Apart from throne rooms and courtyards for official receptions, there were luxurious halls and bathrooms for private use by the ruling family. In addition, there were small cult shrines,

but the entire palace could also be used for religious ceremonies. The frescoes (-> Wall paintings) show that at major celebrations the two courtyards provided space for a large number of participants and spectators. As the centre of a centralized economy, the Minoan palaces also included storage rooms, archives and arsenals (+ Minoan culture and archaeology).

366

aa

eek

tee

ses

Greek polis of the 5th—4th cents. BC, the palace as an architectural functional space was genuinely alien. From the late 4th cent. BC, a main palace was constructed in the new residence of the Macedonian kings, » Aegae [1] (near the > Pella [1], which replaced modern village of Vergina) as the capital. The preserved palace in Aegae (see fig.) probably goes back to Philippus [4] II and consists of a large peristyle courtyard (> peristylion) surrounded on all sides by rooms with mostly official functions, including a number of banqueting rooms (+ Andron [4]). A circular room served as the sanctuary of Heracles, the patron deity of the Macedonian kings. The dwelling rooms were probably located on the upper floor. This palace had a monumental fagade with a two-story portal at the centre. In the early 2nd cent. BC, a small peristyle, presumably a kind of utility building, was added. By comparison, the palace of Pella, which was loca-

=e ee

§ ;

3 3 3

ted on a hill near the town, was much larger. Its facade,

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Aegae (Vergina): Palace (late 4th cent. BC; ground-plan)

1-3 ‘Propylaea’

6

4 ‘Tholos’

A

(Sanctuary of Heracles) 5 Peristyle

PALACE

Outbuilding Andron (confirmed

banqueting rooms)

which could be reached by a giant ramp leading to the portal, faced the settlement below and was much more monumental and representative. The building was grouped around several courtyards, some enclosed by peristyles. Two of these peristyles served official purposes and were located in the south oriented towards the town. The SE courtyard was connected to an axially oriented reception and banqueting room in the north wing. At both ends of the north wing there was an apsidal room that presumably served cultic purposes. North of these public courtyards were others of which at least one had a peristyle. Because it included a bath tract, it may have been used by the royal family as living quarters. West of it were more courtyards and peristyles that had various functions (industrial courtyards, ad-

The Mycenaean palaces on the Greek mainland lay elevated surrounded by fertile planes, such as > Mycenae, > Tiryns, > Sparta and > Pylus on the Peloponnese,

Athens in Attica, > Thebes,

> Orchomenus [1]

and Gla in Central Greece. They were laid out according to a simple plan and usually massively fortified. The public part of the palace was reached through a forecourt. From there, a columned vestibule provided access to the — megaron, the main room with the hearth and throne. There were also living quarters, partially with bathrooms, small cult-shrines and storage rooms. The palace also served as a refuge for the surrounding population. Most of these Bronze Age palaces were destroyed in the disturbances in around 1ooo BC. There is no certainty regarding the appearance of the tyrants’ palaces in Archaic Greece, which have occasionally been mentioned in the literature (+ Mycenaean culture and archeology). C. MACEDONIAN PALACES The preserved palaces of the Macedonian kings are from the Late Classical and Hellenistic periods. However,

written

sources

attest

that earlier

Macedonian

rulers also built palaces. By contrast, in the world of the

ministrative and guards’ rooms). Parts of the palace in Pella were probably built by Philipus IL, just as the complex in Aegae. It was gradually expanded until its destruction by the Romans after the battle of Pydna (168 BC). The third preserved Macedonian palace lies in the middle of the town of >» Demetrias [1] in Thessaly and was presumably built by the town’s founder (Demetrius [2] Poliorcetes) at the beginning of the 3rd cent. BC. It predominantly served as a military fortification (as indicated by its massive bastions). However, this complex also had luxurious peristyle courtyards. Fundamentally, the Macedonian palaces are characterized by their experimental and eclectic architecture. They introduced various building elements and element combinations that were later considered typically Hellenistic or Roman, including wall paintings and mosaic floors. Their plans are variations, on a much enlarged scale, of the Late Classical peristyle house (+ House II.B. 4.). D. HELLENISTIC PALACES After the death of Alexander [4] the Great, his huge

empire was divided among his generals, the Diadochi (— Diadochi, wars of the). The Ptolemaic kingdom in Egypt, the Seleucid kingdom in Syria and neighbouring

368

PALACE

= Dd — Wl ——]

‘Iraq al-Amir (Jordan): Palace of Hyrcanus [1]

(187 BC; ground-plan) 1 Entrance hall with columns iS)

Staircase leading to upper floor

3 Hall of state 4 Internal cisterns

5 Living quarters 6 Surrounding corridor

7 South vestibule with columns

territories to the east, and finally the kingdom of Pergamum in western Anatolia emerged in about 300 BC, alongside the Macedonian core kingdom. The new dynasties all built palaces, initially in their respective principal cities (Alexandria [1], Antiochia [1], Seleucia on the Tigris, Pergamum). The - Ptolemies only later built a further palace in Memphis, as a subsidiary residence. However, the Seleucids, who ruled over a much

greater territory, soon created an extensive network of palaces. Some of these were newly built and some taken over

from the Persian kings, their predecessors, and

expanded (e.g. > Susa, > Babylon). In addition, governors and vassal kings of both the Ptolemies and the Seleucids built their own palaces. Those of the former are preserved in Cyrene in Ptolemais and in ‘Iraq alAmir/Greek Tyrus (see fig.) in modern Jordan, those of the Seleucid governors in >» Ai Khanum_ (Bactria), > Dura-Europus and Gabal Halid (Syria). Some

palaces in smaller, independent kingdoms are also noteworthy: e.g. the kings of the Greek colonies in Taurica built a palace in > Panticapaeum (modern Ker¢), the Thracian rulers in > Seuthopolis, the Caucasian-Ibe-

rian rulers in Mc‘het‘a (Georgia). In Palestine, the Hasmonaean kings (~~ Hasmonaeans) and Herodes [1] the

Great left behind a series of impressive and well preserved palaces. The palaces built by Hellenistic rulers and governors vary considerably. Of palaces in capital cities, only the one in > Pergamum (with location map) is relatively well preserved. With buildings for official and private use and a temple for the patron deity Athena, it occupied the entire space of the acropolis. It also incorporated the famous > library, an archive, a theatre and barracks for guards. The Pergamene palace was mostly influenced by Macedonian structures but AlexandrianPtolemaic and Seleucid influences are also evident. Although most Hellenistic royal palaces have only been partially excavated, we know enough from literary descriptions to gain a fair impression. Palaces were embedded in huge fenced, park-like facilities. They

dominated the cityscape with representational buildings and tracts that provided all the functions necessary for a monarchy. These complexes not only integrated all functions of the ‘old’ pharaohs and of the Persian, neo-Babylonian and Assyrian kings, adapted by the new rulers, but they also fulfilled the cultural functions of a traditional Greek town (> Town planning). The palaces (some of them well preserved) of governors and vassal kings each present only aspects of the totality of Hellenistic royal palace complexes, but they nevertheless contribute to a more detailed impression of the splendid palaces in Alexandria [1] and Antiochia [x], which have not survived. These governors’ palaces varied significantly in type and furnishings and reflect the different models of building that were available to Hellenistic kings. E. ROMAN PALACES Roman provincial governors and generals had begun to use Hellenistic palaces in the newly conquered

territories in the East as early as the time of the late ‘Republic. However, these were probably not the immediate models for the first Roman emperor, — Augustus [1], when he had his residence erected on the Palatine (> Mons Palatinus) in Rome (see fig.). This

genteel residential area was already almost entirely privately owned by Augustus. The ‘palace’ contained a temple for Augustus’ protective deity Apollo and was flanked by two peristyle courtyards that had further representational functions. However, in spite of its kinship with Hellenistic palaces, the complex exuded a sense of Augustan modestia (moderation) and at its core it was still recognizably a Roman urban house in the style of the old aristocracy and therefore ‘not suspicious’. Augustus’ successors continued to use the Palatine as a residential and governmental seat. Gaius ~ Caligula added to the continuously growing building complex until it reached the Forum Romanum and he integrated the temple of Castor and Pollux as a vestibule (Suet. Calig. 22). Initially, Nero converted the NW part of the Palatine into a large official palace (the Domus Tiberiana), which had the form of a peristyle courtyard, surrounded by rooms, ona pediment. In AD 64 Nero built the > Domus Aurea for private purposes in the areas that had been destroyed by the fire of the same year. It was an enormous villa within the city, consisting of a park and several building complexes. Earlier the emperors had already taken possession of the horti (> Gardens) in the vicinity of Rome that had previously belonged to the senatorial elite. > Domitianus [1] of the Flavian dynasty, finally, built the palace on the Palatine that was to become the central residence of the Roman emperors. This palace consisted of the Domus Flavia, the public area, and the Domus Augustana, the private area. Both were grouped around a garden peristyle; nearby was a large ornamental garden, the hippodromus. The palace towered above its surroundings and was characterized by high facades with columns that led to giant vestibules and monu-

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(AKER Spalatum: Palace of Diocletian (early 4th cent. AD;

ground-plan; designations based on Kahler) 1 North Gate; ‘Porta Aurea’ 2 East Gate 3 West Gate

4 Peristyle 5 Vestibulum 6 Audience hall

7 Quarters of imperial guard 8 Ambulatio g Palace court

10 Small apse hall 11 Loggia iS)

Emperor’s quarters

13 Atrium? 14 Bath 1§ aso os Ss

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mental audience and dining halls. The palace continued to be inhabited after Domitian’s death, was subjected to many smaller changes, supplemented by major building works in the SE during the Severan period and only abandoned in AD 410, when > Rome lost its status as the empire’s capital. The Roman emperors also required palaces outside of Rome — as residences while travelling and for their governors. Many older palaces of the Hellenistic rulers were taken over for this purpose, such as the palace in Alexandria [1], which was already used by Caesar and Marcus Antonius [I 9]. The same applied to the Seleucid palace in Antiochia [1], which housed the Roman governor after the conquest of the rest of the Seleucid kingdom. Both palaces were extended and rebuilt. While the Alexandrian palace was destroyed in the 270s AD, the palace in Antioch remained in use through to Late Antiquity. We know from the NT that the Roman governor used the palaces in > Jerusalem (with map B), which has not survived, and in Caesarea [2] Maritima, which is preserved. Both were built by Herodes [1] the Great.

If necessary, Roman emperors and governors alike built new palaces. One of the few preserved governors’

Triclinium

16 Loggia 17 Kitchen?

20 Temple for emperor cult Round temple oe 22 Palace outbuilding

palaces is that of the dux [1] ripae in > Dura-Europus (with plan) from the Severan period. The complex at

Nea > Paphus on Cyprus is splendidly decorated. Among the Roman emperors, the tetrarchs (> Tetrarchy), principally, were active palace builders because the new decentralized form of government required additional representational buildings along the main roads and in the new capitals. Part of a palace that was built for this purpose in the western empire by Constantinus [1] I is preserved in > Augusta [6] Treverorum (modern Trier, with plan). The enormous > basi-

lica (audience hall) was later converted into a church.

Likewise, parts of the huge Galerius palace in Thessaloniki are preserved (e.g. the Galerius arch, rotunda/mausoleum), also the palace of > Spalatum (near > Salona) that was built as Diocletian’s residence for his retirement (see fig.). In this period, villas (> Villa) cannot always be dis-

tinguished from palaces. The amusement villa in > Piazza Armerina in Sicily, the palace villa of Maxentius along the via Appia outside the gates of Rome and Galerius’ villa of Gamzigrad (Serbia) followed in the tradition of Tiberius’ villas on Capri, Domitian’s villa in Albano/Castel Gandolfo and Hadrian’s villa in Tivoli (> Tibur).

373

PALAEOLOGAN

B74

These late buildings essentially followed the types of the palaces in Rome, i.e. some the ‘compact type’ that was arranged around a peristyle courtyard and some the type where buildings are loosely scattered in a large park area. Typical for palaces in Late Antiquity are the halls with numerous apses, the three-apse hall being the most common. These rooms served various official purposes and, furthermore, were mostly used for festive banquets (with the new dining bed, the semi-circular stibadium) or as a throne and ceremonial hall for audi-

ences and the proclamation of decrees. When Constantine [1] the Great founded his new capital of Constantinople, a new, enormous and most luxuriously furnished palace was built there. According to late antique and Byzantine sources, this complex consisted of a conglomeration of many different building tracts. They outlasted all other imperial palaces and continued as the residence of the Byzantine emperors until they were destroyed in 1453 during the Ottoman conquest of Constantinople. C. F. Gruxiani,

Note

sull’architettura

delle residenze

RENAISSANCE

Byzantine empire once more, but his military and financial

resources

were

almost

exhausted

(one

of the

reasons for the eventual fall of the Byzantine empire). As a consequence, his successor Andronikos II Palaio-

logos (1282-1328) acted in a politically and economically charged atmosphere, but, paradoxically, Constantinople enjoyed a major cultural golden age during the entire reign of the Palaeologan dynasty, which transformed the city once more into a highly important intellectual centre. The period of the greatest cultural splendour can be defined as the time between the beginning of the reign of the emperor Andronikos II (1282) until c. into the middle of the 14th cent.; the term PR refers particularly to this period. Although relatively few high-quality MSS were produced in this time, the large number of extant MSS (seen in absolute terms) written

during the reign of the Latins points to a certain continuity, especially in the periphery of the empire; this production of MSS was, in the end, the prerequisite for the PR, itself characterized by intensive philological activity and plentiful copying of texts.

imperiali dal I al III secolo, in: ANRW II 12.1, 1982, 233257; W. Hoeprner, G. BRANDs (eds.), Basileia. Die Pala-

ste der hellenistischen Kénige, 1996; H. P. IsLer, Die Residenz der r6mischen Kaiser auf dem Palatin. Zur Entstehung eines Bautyps, in: Antike Welt 9, 1978, 3-19; A. G. McKay, Houses, Villas and Palaces in the Roman World, 1975; C. Krause, Domus Tiberiana I, 1994; E. Levy (ed.), Le systéme palatial en Orient, en Gréce et a Rome (actes du Colloque de Strasbourg, 1985), 1987; I. NIELSEN, Hellenistic Palaces, *1999; K. M. SwoBoDA, Romische und romanische Palaste, 31969; B. TaMM, Auditorium und Palatium, 1960; G. Tost, Il palazzo principesco dall’archaismo greco alla Domus Flavia, in: ArtAntMod 7, 1959, 241-260.

LN.

Palace style see > Pottery Palacium (Mahkdxtov; Paldkion). Scythian fortress in the steppe region of the Crimea (Str. 7,4,7); together

with the fortified settlements Chabon and Neapolis it was founded by > Scilurus and his sons (Str. 7,4,3). The -» Scythians used P. as a base against Mithridates [5] V. V. F. GajDuUKEVvI¢, Das Bosporanische Reich, 1971, 309.

Lv.B. Palaemon see > Melicertes

Palaeologan Renaissance. The P.R. is one of the most significant phases in terms of the cultural history of the Byzantine empire, during which the engagement with classical texts reached its peak. A. OVERVIEW

B. LITERATURE

A. OVERVIEW In 1261 the dominion of the Latins (1204-1261) over > Constantinople (s. also ~ ByZANTIUM) ended. The emperor Michael VIII Palaiologos (1259-1282) tried to effect an influential political position for the

B. LITERATURE During the reign of the Latins over Constantinople the city had lost its significance as the most important intellectual centre of the empire, and the artistic and cultural activities had shifted to the periphery of the empire (especially to + Nicaea [5] and — Trapezus). Among the scholars of the PR, Maximos >> Planudes (c. 1255-c. 1305) stands out. His activities included editions of and commentaries on classical authors. He edited — Aratus [4] and — Pindarus [2], as well as » Sophocles [1] and > Euripides [1], - Aristophanes [3] and prose writers. He is famous for his revised edition of the Anthologia Palatina, the so-called Anthologia Planudea (-» Anthology I.B.), whose autograph is Cod. Marcianus Graecus 481. His academic and literary interests also included Latin authors, whose study he had recently introduced at his school. The interest in the Latin language during the Palaeologan reign was also based on political, theological, and cultural motives: it was the last attempt of the Eastern Church at initiating new relations with the Roman papacy, following the schism in the 11th cent. (1054 excommunication of the patriarch of Constantinople at the hands of the papal legate), in the hope of finding Western support for the Byzantine state, which was increasingly weakening and being threatened from all sides. Planudes was widely read in Latin and translated several texts into Greek, i.a. Augustine’s (> Augustinus, Aurelius) De trinitate, —~ Cicero’s Somnium Scipionis with ~ Macrobius’ [1] commentary, — Ovidius’ Metamorphoses,

Juvenal (— luvenalis), the Dicta Catonis and

the De consolatione philosophiae > Boethius, whose De dialectica and De hypotheticis syllogismis the philosopher Manuel Holobolos (1240-1296/1310) had translated into Greek. Manuel - Moschopoulos (c. 1265-c. 1316) was a pupil, friend, and colleague of Planudes. In his philo-

PALAEOLOGAN RENAISSANCE

375

376

logical work he used numerous excellent copies of the poets and tragedians, who were his main interest. A commentary on > Hesiodus’ Works and Days survives; an explanatory paraphrase of books 1 and 2 of the Iliad

GER, G. PraTo (eds.), Paleografia e codicologia greca. Atti del II Colloquio internazionale, 1991, vol. 1, 131-149; E.

(without the catalogue of ships), an edition of Pindar’s

Olympian Odes, and a selection out of the first eight of + Theocritus’ [2] Ezdyllia are attributed to him, as well as a critical edition of the Byzantine selection of the

Trapp, Prosopographisches Lexikon der Palaiologenzeit, 1976-1996; I. SEVCENKO, The Palaeologan Renaissance, in: W. TREADGOLD (ed.), Renaissances before the Renaissance, 1984, 144-176; N. G. WILson, Scholars of Byzantium, *1996, 229-264.

L.D.F.

dramas of Sophocles (the so-called Triad) and of > Eu-

Palaephatus (IaAcaidpatoc/Palaiphatos, ‘the one who

ripides [1] (D.r.).

tells old stories’). Passed down to us under this pseud-

Moschopoulos’ oeuvre was also used by ~ Demetrius [43] Triclinius (t280-1340), one of the most famous scholars of the PR and in many respects a forerunner of modern textual criticism. Due to his knowledge of > Hephaestion [4], he was one of the first Byzantines to engage with the question of > metre and to recognize its importance for the study and understanding of classical Greek authors. The discovery of metric responses in the choral lyrics of tragedies and comedies can be traced back to Triclinius. He edited many authors, such as Hesiod (Cod. Marcianus Graecus 464, copied by himself), Aristophanes — with eight

onym was the collection Megi asttotwv/Peri apiston (On Incredible Things) containing 52 short chapters about the same number of myths. The Suda records under P. four people with this name. The first is an epic poet from Athens, author of a cosmogony; the second comes, according to Suda, from Paros or Priene (Ilomvets/Priéneus probably incorrect instead of Maowavet Synesius [1] are significant. Among

the numerous

other

scholars

of the PR,

Theodoros Metochites (1270-1332), prime-minister of the emperor Andronikos II, must also be named. He was not an editor of texts; his principal work, the socalled Miscellanea philosophica et historica, consists of 120 treatises in Greek on philosophical, ethical, religious, political, astronomical, mathematical, and physics-related themes. His activity as commentator concentrates on treatises on physics and the Parva naturalia by > Aristoteles [6], of which he undertook a paraphrase. To his circle belonged the scribe of the so-called Cod. Crippsianus (Cod. Lond. Burney 95, copied in what is known as the > Metochites style), one of the main sources for our knowledge of the so-called ‘Minor Attic orators’ (Oratores attici minores).

> Byzantium; + Constantinople; > Philology; > Textual history; > ByzANTIUM; > COMMENTARY; — Transmission K. KRUMBACHER,

Geschichte der byzantinischen

Litera-

tur, *1897, vol. 1, 541-561; G. Prato, I manoscritti greci

dei secoli XIII e XIV: note paleografiche, in: D. HARLFIN-

5538). The original number of books of Peri apiston is contradictory in the Suda (five or only one). > Theon and Probus (in Verg. G. 3,113) knew of one (an epitome?), Eusebius [7] (Praep. evang. 1,9) quotes from the first book. However, right through to the Byzantine period various works of the same genre must have been in circulation that were attributed to P.: the compilation of the extant collection probably goes back to the r2th cent. (chs. 46-52 certainly added); it was probably used in language lessons at elementary level and as a mythological ‘handbook’. The work was in line with the especially Peripatetic tendency towards mythological rationalization. Socrates alludes to this process in PI. Phdr. 229c-e: mythological figures are adapted to fit ‘probability’ (to eikds) by finding ‘solutions’ (lyseis) to eliminate the incredibility of the tales. A short prooemium clarifies the theoretical premises of the author: it is essential to keep the right balance between the credulity of those who have not yet encountered wisdom and knowledge and the scepticism of the more critical minds. Every myth had to be grounded in reality. Poets and logographers had made real facts improbable in order to baffle the public. The work of P. appears as a survey with the ‘ancients’ telling stories in various places. P.’s method is similar to the historia of » Herodotus [1]: things that have been personally experienced are reported with emphasis on their

PALAESTINA

By7

378

‘true’ elements. The myths are therefore depicted in their development from a real core to the improbable; in this process, the effect and the educational role of the writing play a central part (the myth of > Actaeon was e.g. invented by the poets so that the listeners did not become arrogant towards the god, p. t4,9-10 Festa). In addition the ‘solutions’ are not prescriptive but each myth contains different ones of these. On the basis of the criterion mentioned in the foreword according to which whatever has once happened can also happen again today, those elements of legends (e.g. proper names and idioms) are sought that were misunderstood or wrongly interpreted. The rationalism of P. therefore does not tend towards philosophical or theological explanations (myths of gods better suited to allegorical interpretation do not appear in the collection in any case) but towards historical interpretations that were associated with geographical and ethnographical interests. Other titles are mentioned by the Suda under the individual key words P. (Kumo.axd/Kypriakd, Anaxda/

del in the modern district of Kechropoula (epigraphical identification: [2]) commands the fertile plain of Zaverda (modern P.) to the east and the south. In 431 BC the Corinthian town (x0\topna/polisma) of Sollium

and its port were permanently transferred by Athens to P. (Thuc. 2,30,1; 5,30,2). From the late Classical Period a considerable prosperity can be recorded for P. (c. 330 BC large corn tribute from Cyrene: SEG 9,2,35; on several lists of theorodokoi: IG IV* 23,289,5; 36,331 A 16-19; numerous

1,95,21; SEG burial inscrip-

tions primarily of the Hellenistic Period). Monumental remains are predominantly from the Hellenistic Period; sanctuaries to Athena, Artemis, and

further-

Zeus [1. 393f.]. On the heights of the Plagia peninsula there are several fortified towns of the Hellenistic Period: a control and watch system against Leucas, leaving indistinct the line of the border; in the east the steeply rising mountainous area may have been the border. The founding of Nicopolis [3] marked P.’s flourishing period, and it is likely that a large part of the population was resettled there.

more hypothéseis on Simonides, probably a work similar to that of > Dicaearchus on the tragedians). Two

1G. W. Faisst, L. Kotonas, Ein monumentaler Stufenaltar bei Palairos in Akarnanien, in: AA 1990, 379-395

Déliaka,

“Attuxdé/Attikd,

“AoaBuxd/Arabikd,

fragments (on toponyms) of Tomé vols.) are extant.

(Troika, at least 7

Palaephatus:

Camp, Inscriptions from P., in: Hesperia 46,

LO77s 277-204.

+ Mythography; > Zetema Epitions:

2 J. McK.

E. KirsTEN,

MythGr 3, 1902; FGrH 44; J. STERN (ed.), On Unbelievable

Tales,

1996

(with Engl.

transl., comm., bibliography).

S.FO.

Palaepolis (Madcainodtc; Palaipolis). Probably a fort of — Cyme [2] (Liv. 8,22,5), possibly the original name of ~ Neapolis [2]. P. is particularly the nickname of Parthenope, the original centre of Naples on the Pizzofalcone. In 327 BC (Liv. 8,22,8), P. was occupied by the Roman consul Q. ~ Publilius Philo who on that account celebrated a triumph a year later (CILT* p. 171;

s.v. Palairos,

RE

18,2, 2455-2467;

18,4,

2484-2486; D. StrauCH, Romische Politik und griechische Tradition, 1993, 303f., 345; CH. WACKER, Palairos,

1999.

M.FE.

Palaeste (Madaiotn/Palaisté). Town in > Acroceraunia on the coast of Epirus, modern Palasé in Albania, where

Caesar landed his troops during his > Dyrrhachium campaign on 4 January 48 BC (Caes. B. Civ. 3,6,3; Luc.

5460). N.G.L. HAMMOND, Epirus, 1967, 125f.

Liv. 8,22,8; 23,1-8; 25,10; 26,7). In 1949 a necropolis

Palaestina

was excavated in the via Nicotera in Naples whose first phase is characterized by Greek ceramics from the mid7th cent. BC to the first half of the 6th cent. BC. + Neapolis [2]

I. NAME, GEOGRAPHY, EARLY HISTORY Il. History OF ISRAEL AND JUDAH II]. ROMAN

E. Gaprici, Partenope e Palepoli, in: Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Rendiconti

8,3, 1948, 167-176; S. DE

Caro, La necropoli di Pizzofalcone a Napoli, in: Rendiconti Accademia di Archeologia Napoli 49, 1974, 37-67; Id., Parthenope — P.: la necropoli di Via Pizzofalcone, in: M. BortELto (ed.), Napoli antica. Exhibition catalogue, 1985, 99-102; A. MELE, Napoli: Storia di una citta, in: F.

Zevi

(ed.), Neapolis,

1994,

esp.

11f., 114

(ill.); G.

PUGLIESE CARRATELLI (ed.), Storia e Civilta della Campania. L’Evo Antico, 1991, 156 (ill. 1, map). UPA.

DS.

AND BYZANTINE PERIODS I. NAME, GEOGRAPHY,

EARLY HISTORY

The Latin name P. originated from Greek Nadavotivyn (Palaistiné); the latter originated from Aramaic p‘lista’in and Hebrew p‘listim, which was originally used to describe the settlement area of the > Philistines in the south of the Near Eastern Mediterranean coast between > Gaza and > Carmel (likewise Egyptian prst/pw-r—si-t, ‘foreign land of Philistaea’, and Palaistiné in Hdt. 1,105; 3,5; 91; 7,89). P. was also mentioned as §”®pa-la-as-tvi in Neo-Assyrian sources since Adad-nirari III (811-783 BC). The designation P.

Palaerus (IIdAatooc; Pdlairos). City in western Acarnania, to the east of > Leucas (Str. 10,2,21) on a moun-

partly overlaps with Canaan (Hebrew k‘na‘an, Akka-

tain spur of the mostly impassable peninsula of Plagia, which at the time P. was at its zenith predominantly belonged to its territory; the name is Illyrian. The cita-

*kinabhu meaning ‘nobles, traders’ (Egyptian km‘,

dian Ki-na-a-num/Ki-in-a-nim)

that refers to a root

syllabic kin‘anu) or to a ‘reddish purple colour’ (Nuzi). Both are justified by the Phoenician cities north of the

379

380

Canaan only desicoastal regions of P. and the south-

pression of the uprising of > Bar Kochba (132-135) that originated among other reasons from the new foundation of > Jerusalem as the Roman colony Aelia Capitolina by > Hadrianus, the latter pursued an antiJewish policy, forbidding the Jews to settle in Jerusalem and the surrounding area, and renamed the province

PALAESTINA Palestinian coast. gnates the northern west of Syria. Geographically, by small sections, with the Dead

Consequently,

the landscape of P. is characterised bordered by the Jordan rift valley

Sea

(> Asphaltitis

limné)

and

Lake

+ Tiberias (both belonging to the Syrian part of the Dead Sea Transform), the Mediterranean coast, the + Sinai Peninsula and in the direction of Syria by the Leontes. From north to south, > Galilaea, the plain of -» Megiddo,

the Samarian

(~ Samaria)

and Judaean

mountain country, the Negev and the Bay of B°ér Szba‘ can be differentiated. To the west, the mountainous

Syria P. Hadrian’s

successor

+ Antoninus

[1] Pius

(138-161) again permitted the free practice of the Jewish religion. In the period that followed, those patriarchs acknowledged by Rome who resided in + Tiberias from the mid—3rd cent. AD led the Jewish community in P. itself and beyond. The policy of urbanization begun under Herod with the new founda-

regions merge into hilly country (S‘féla) that falls away gently to the fertile coastal plain. The climatic zones of the desert (precipitation < 200 mm/m’*), steppes (200-

tion of cities like > Caesarea [2], and hence also the

400 mm/m7*) and cultivated land (> 400 mm/m‘’) sever-

became largely dominated by cities shaped by Greece and Rome. The majority of the populations of these cities was usually pagan, as the Jewish population was concentrated in the rural districts of > Galilaea after the destruction of the temple in Jerusalem in AD 70. It was presumably — Diocletianus (284-305) who annexed the southern part of the provincia Arabia to Negev and the Sinai to Syria P. As a reaction to the increasing pressure from Arab tribes, he moved the tenth legion from Jerusalem to Aila on the Gulf of ‘Aqaba. In 358 the regions that formerly belonged to

ely limit its agricultural use (only rain-fed agriculture). The geological-geographical and climatic characteristics of the country shaped the essential factors in the history of P. as a bridge between countries and a transit zone in military conflicts, primarily in economic and cultural contexts. Urban settlement structures (Middle Bronze Age II/E

IIII) are well attested in P. from the

early Bronze II-II] period (2850-2350 BC) in > Ai, ~ Arad and Tall Dalit. These alternated with less intensive settlement phases (Early Bronze Age IV/Late Bronze Age), demonstrating that water management techniques (wells, reservoirs) had already been developed at an early time. In the 2nd millennium BC, P. was under Egyptian hegemony (— Amarna) until urban culture suddenly fell apart as a result of economic and military influences from various sides in about 1200 BC. Egyptian and Ugaritic sources (> Ugarit) from this period report conflicts with the so-called Sea Peoples (> Sea Peoples, migration of) on the eastern Mediter-

ranean coast. In the early phases of the Iron Age, the number

of smaller settlements, which continued

the

cultural tradition of the late Bronze Age, increased in the central Palestinian highland. TH.PO. Il. History OF ISRAEL AND JUDAH see > Judah and Israel

II]. ROMAN AND BYZANTINE PERIODS

During the time of the nation Damascus, Israel, Judah, Ammon,

states of Aram, Moab

and Edom,

the petty states of Palaestine formed, which initially fell under the supremacy of the Assyrians from the 8th cent. BC. From 586 BC, P. was under Babylonian rule, then Persian (539), Ptolemaic (3rd cent. BC) and Seleucid (2nd cent. BC) dominion. Only the + Hasmonaeans finally succeeded in re-establishing independent rule in P. under the name Iudaia/Iudaea in the mid—2nd cent. BC. Following the subjugation under Roman sovereignty in 63 BC and the government of the Roman client kings > Herodes [1] (37-4 BC) and his descendants, the designation Ioudaia/Iudaea was adopted for this newly established Roman province in AD 6. After the sup-

policy of Hellenization

(> Hellenization),

increased

under direct Roman rule in the 2nd cent. AD, so that P.

the provincia Arabia were set up as their own provincia

P. salutaris, and around 400 the latter was divided into P. prima (the core Palaestinian land around Iudaea with the capital city of Caesarea), P. secunda (Galilaea, the Golan, the East Jordan with the capital city of Scythopolis/> Beisan) and P. tertia (formerly P. salutaris). Following the crisis of the Roman empire in the 3rd cent., which also affected P., the region experienced — not least because of the foundation of churches by ~ Constantinus [1] and the growth in > pilgrimage — an economic upswing from the 4th cent. In addition, P. developed into one of the most important centres of the newly developing > monasticism and a spiritual centre of the Roman empire through the work of Christian scholars like > Origenes and > Hieronymus [II]. In this process, P. itself was stylized as the Holy Land for Christianity. In spite of this, it can be assumed that Jews and Christians co-existed peacefully in the 4th cent., living in mostly separate spheres in Galilaea as well as in Jerusalem and its surrounding areas. In the 5th and 6th cent., however, supported by anti-Jewish imperial legislation, Christianity spread to northern P., which led to several Jewish and Samaritan revolts. After the brief occupation by the Persians from 614 until the recapture by > Heraclius [7] in 628, the Arabs conquered P. between AD 634 and 640. B. H. Isaac, The Near East under Roman Rule, 1998; H.-P. KUHNEN, P. in griechisch-rémischer Zeit, 1990; F.

Mizar, The Roman Near East, *1994;J.PATRICH, Sabas, Leader of Palestinian Monasticism, 1995; Z. SAFRAI, The Economy

of Roman

Palestine,

1994;

G. STEMBERGER,

Juden und Christen im Heiligen Land, 1987; H. WeipPERT, P. in vorhellenistischer Zeit, 1988; R. L. WILKEN, The Land Called Holy, 1992. |p.

381

382

Palaic. The language of the country of Pla (cuneiform Pa-la-a-) situated northwest of the Halys in Paphlagonia. It belongs to the > Anatolian languages and is passed down from the 16th—15th cent. BC by the Hit-

Palaistra (xadaiotoa, Latin palaestra). The palaistra developed in the 6th cent. BC as a core element of a + gymnasium (with illustration) and, together with a dromos (an elongated running-track) and various long colonnades and covered walkways, forms a constitutive part of this type of architecture. A palaistra consists of a roughly square court, surrounded by a peristyle, and various suites of adjacent rooms. Palaistrai were used as places for wrestling; the associated rooms were used for exercising, changing and storing equipment. Greek palaistrai were public spaces, from the sth cent. BC mostly centrally located in cities and hence significant places of representation for the citizens. Vitruvius’ detailed construction manual for a palais-

tites

(> Hattusa II, > Hittite). The names of Pla and of

neighbouring Tum(m)anna

(- Hattusa II , map), sur-

vive in the Greek regional names Blaené and Domanitis. It would therefore seem more accurate if the name of the language, which

derives from Hittite Plaummnili-

(derivation from the ethnic name

Plaumen-*), were ‘Plaic® The extent of the area in which P. was spoken is unclear as the relevant region, which politically belonged to Hattusa, had already been lost to the > Kaskaeans at the end of the 16th cent. and was not reconquered until the 2nd half of the 14th cent. when P. was probably already extinct. The few P. texts extant as fragments (in Babylonian

> cuneiform) come from the Hit-

tite capital city (+ Hattusa I). They mostly contain sac-

rificial songs from the cult of the P. gods. In three ritual texts, cuneiform Luwian sayings appear alongside saying in P., which indicates a geographical proximity of P. and > Luwian west of the Halys that lasted up to the 16th. cent.. P. belongs to the western branch of Anatolian, but

(like > Carian and > Sidetic) is closer to Luwian than to > Lydian. Specifically P.-Luwian correspondences include the sound shift /s > /z, the formation of participles in -mma(/i)— and infinitives in -una as well as the productivity of the adjectival suffix Palaic -ga(/i)— (e.g.

ginuga(/i)-, pannuga(/i)— ‘belonging to the knee, to the

PALAMEDES

tra (Vitr. 5,11) shows to what extent in the Hellenistic-

Roman period the architectural form had disengaged itself from, and made itself independent of, the original gymnasium context (Corinth; Pompeii). In the 2nd cent. AD Roman palaistrai are increasingly integrated into large bath complexes (~ Thermal baths). S. L. Grass, Palaistra and Gymnasion in Greek Architecture, 1981; W. MULLER-WIENER, Griechisches Bauwesen

in der Antike, 1988, 166f.; W. ZSCHIETZSCHMANN, Wett-

kampf- und Ubungsstatten in Griechenland, vol. 2: Palastra-Gymnasion, 1961.

Palamedes [1] (IL/P., Talmithe). » Hesione 3,15). The

C.HO.

(Madcurdy¢/Palamedes). or Toadapdye/Talamédés, Etr. Palmithe or Son of > Nauplius [1] and > Clymene [5] or [2], brother of > Oeax (Apollod. 2,23; seemingly obvious etymological meaning of

liver’) = Luwian -zza(/)-, particularly also in the com-

the name (‘with skilful hands’) becomes doubtful con-

bination with -i- (< -ia- < Uridg. *-i0-: P. uasun-i-ga(/i)— ‘valuable’: Luwian mu-i-zza(/i)— ‘courageous’) that is not otherwise encountered in Anatolian.

sidering the Etruscan form talmithe (from Greek palmys = basileus, ‘king’). In Greek, P. is the epitome of the skilful inventor (> protos heuretés) [1] (cf. Pl. Phdr.

O. CarruBA, Das Palaische. Texte, Grammatik, Lexikon, 1970; Id., Beitrage zum Palaischen, 1972; H. C. MELCHERT, Notes on Palaic, in: ZVS 97, 1984, 22-43; C. WarTKins, Al Palaic Carmen, ins Mi palmus) of 4 Sdaxtwhor (daktyloi), corresponding to '/, foot. Extrapolating from the length of the underlying measurement, the foot (xovc/> pous), the palaiste is between 68 and 87 mm long. This unit of measure, the > daktylos (‘finger’s width’), the om@aun (> spithamé/‘span’) and the mhyus (> péchys/‘cubit’) draw on the proportions of the human body. According to Herodotus 1 foot corresponds to 4 hands and a cubit to 6 hands (Hdt.

2,149,3). 1F. Huttscu, Griechische und rémische Metrologie, *r882, 27-34 2H. Nissen, Griechische und romische Metrologie (Handbuch der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft 1), *1892, 842f. H.-J.S.

261d). He is attributed, for instance, with the invention (or increase) of letters (Hyg. Fab. 277; Tac. Ann. 11,14), the game of dice (Paus. 10,3,1), board games, measures

and weights, and fire signals. P. was one of the suitors of > Helen [1] and fought in the Trojan War. In the Kypria, he ensures ~ Odysseus’ participation. The latter had feigned insanity in order to avoid fighting in the war, but when Odysseus was plowing the field with an ox and a horse, P. laid his son ~ Telemachus into the furrow, and exposed Odysseus’s deception when he spared his child (Cypria, EpGF p. 31, 41-43; PEGI p. 40, 30-33; Hyg. Fab. 95; Plin. HN 35,129; Serv. Aen. 2,81). In retribution, Odysseus and Diomedes [1] attacked P. during fishing and drowned him (EpGF fr. 20; PEGI

fr. 30). The tragedians, on the

other hand, created a scenario in which Odysseus, with a forged letter and gold hidden in P.’ tent, convinced the Greeks that P. was ready to betray them to the Trojans. For this, P. is stoned (Eur. Palamedes, TGF fr. 578-590; cf. Aristoph. Thesm. 769-784; Apollod. Epit. 3,8; Hyg. Fab. 105; Pl. Ap. 41b; Xen. Ap. 26; Cic. Tusc. 1,98) [2]. For the revenge by P.’ father, Nauplius, cf. Soph. Nauplius, TrGF 4 F 425-438; an Apology of P. by > Gorgias [2] is extant (82 B rra Dk).

PALAMEDES 1A.

KLEINGUNTHER,

Ilo@toc

eveetiyc,

in: Philologus

Supplement 26,1,

1933, 78-84

Palamedesmythos

2C. W. MULLER,

Der

im Philoktet des Euripides, in: RhM

133, 1990, 193-209. S. WoopFoRD,

I. KRausKopE,

s.v. P., LIMC

7.1, 145-

149.

ike

[2] Greek grammarian and lexicographer of the 2nd cent. AD from Elea (EAeatixdc/Eleatikés: Athen. 9,397a and Suda x 43 s.v. Hakawjdys). In the works Kaun Etc/Komike léxis and Toaymh d€Euc/Tragike léxis, the language of comedy and tragedy was the object of his lexicographical studies. In analogy to the > Onomastikon by > TIulius [IV 17] Pollux, P.’s ‘OvouatodOyos/Onomastolégos presented a thematically organized list of different words. From P.’s works only a few glosses are extant, esp. in the corpora of scholia. No fragments have been transmitted of his Commentary on the poet Pindarus (Yxouvyue eis Mtvdagov xommyy/Hypomnéma eis Pindaron poieéten), however. It seems he had no influence on the edition of the Pindarus scholia. 1 R. FORSTER, “Ekeatimog Takapdys, in: RhM 30, 1875, 331-339 2C. WENDEL, s.v. P. (3), RE 18.2, 2512-2513.

ST.MA.

Palantia. Principal town of the > Vaccaei (ILS 6096; Plin. HN 3,26; Mela 2,88; It. Ant. 449; Madkavtia/ Pallantia: Str. 3,4,13; App. Ill. 231 (et al.); Ptol. 2,6,50; Orus. 7,40,8), modern Palencia on the CarriOn river in

Castilla la Vieja. P. was repeatedly besieged in vain by the Romans in the Celtiberian Wars (153-134 BC). After being subjugated, P. was one of the peregrine communities of the conventus Cluniensis (Plin. /.c.). In AD 409 the — Vandals, > Suebi and West Goths ( Goti) advanced across of the territory of P., plun-

dering as they went (Orus. /.c.): The city was destroyed by the West Goths in 457 (Hydatius Lemicus 186 = Chronica minora 2,30). TOVAR

384

38 wo

2,3, 1989, 341; TIR K 30 Madrid,

1993,

170.

PB.

Palas. Region in which boundary markers separated the territories of the > Burgundiones and the Romans, also called Capellatium; hither, Iulianus [11] led a campaign against the > Alamanni on the right bank of the

Palatini. The term ‘palatini’ was used since the 4th cent. AD asa designation for those serving in a military or civil capacity at court (palatium) or in close association with it. Among the palatini of the militia armata were the soldiers of the > scholae palatinae and also those of the elite troops first attested in 365, but probably already separated from the — comitatenses around 320. We know from the > notitia dignitatum of 157 units of palatini, most of whom came under the jurisdiction of the magistri militum praesentales (> magister militum); however, in the course of time individual units were redistributed and renamed many times. The palatini were higher in rank than the other comitatenses, but did not have any special rights; they are still attested for the 6th cent. In the civil sector, from about 300, P. was the name for officials at court in general. From about 375, the term ‘palatini’ was mainly used for the officials of the comes sacrarum largitionum and the comes rerum privatarum (> comes), but the general meaning is still found. The position was coveted not least because of its extensive privileges, such as exemption from almost all taxes and from munera sordida et personalia (> munus,

munera

II). However,

these prerogatives

had to be continually confirmed and contraventions to them punished. They also led to constant attempts by curiales (> curialis, curiales [3]) to attain similar positions, causing the emperors to intervene with laws, especially as palatini could be promoted to the Senate. Palatini were sometimes sent to the provinces to check governors’ handling of tax matters, though they were forbidden to interfere directly in levying taxes; and they were not allowed to be sent to the same province twice. As there was no end to fraudulent behaviour by palatini involved in tax supervision, this duty lapsed in the middle of the 5th cent. The palatini of the comes rerum privatarum helped in particular with the collection, administration and safeguarding of confiscated property and they were also allowed to collect rents. Honorary titles for palatini were devotus, devotissimus, perfectissimus and clarissimus. The name ‘palatinus’ continued to be used for high administrative officials (iudices palatnin) at the Papal court. R. DELMAIRE, Largesses sacrées et Res Privata, 1989, 125170; DELMAIRE, 19-27.

K.G.-A.

Rhine river in AD 359 (Amm. Marc. 18,2,15). P. should

probably be localised around Ohringen northeast of Heilbronn. P. GoESSLERS.V. P., RE 18.2, 2516-2528; W. DAHLHEIM,

Capellatium, ULMANN,

in: RGA

Kommentar

4, 1980,

338f.; L. Jacos,

zu Ammianus,

I.

in: J. HERRMANN

(ed.), Griechische und lateinische Quellen zur Frithgeschichte Mitteleuropas, Part 4, 1992, 455f.

RA.WL.

Palatium see

+ Mons Palatinus; > Palace

Pale (M16An/Pdlé). Town west of + Cephallenia on the Paliki peninsula north of modern Lixuri. Hdt. 9,28,5 confuses ahéec/Palées with FaketoU Waleioi, ‘citizens of Elis’, when mentioning the involvement of the troops of P. in the battle of + Plataeae in 479 BC. There are hardly any ancient remains. Inscriptions: IG IX 1, 645f.; Coins: BMC, Gr (Peloponnese) 84-88. DS.

385

386

Pales. Deity of shepherds and herds. In the pastoral Latin literature (e.g. Verg. Ecl. 5,36; Calp. Ecl. 4,106) and in classical texts on Roman religion (Varro in Gell.

mosaic in a Byzantine church from Evron, 5th cent.). In the 9th-13th cent., the dialect only survived as a liturgical language. The texts from this period (gospels and hymns) were influenced by Arabic and Eastern Aramaic

NA 13,23,43 Ov. Fast. 4,723 ff.) P. is female. However a

male P. is documented as well (Varro in Serv. Georg. 3,1). The entry of the 7th July in the late Republican Fasti antiates maiores: Palibus II (Inscrlt 13,2 p. 14) and Varro Rust. 2,5,1: Palibus point to the existence of two P.s [1] and could be a further indication of amale P. [2.101f.]. In order to avoid the assumption that two deities of the same name were worshipped here, the female paredros of the god P. has been identified with the diva Palatua, the protective deity of the Palatine [3.1278]. She is known in so far as her cult was entrusted to the flamen (Varro Ling. 7,45) or the pontifex Palatualis (CIL VII to500), who offered a sacrifice (palatuar) on the Palatine (Paul Fest. 284; 476) [4.122124]. DuMézi has contradicted the interpretation of P. as a pair of male and female gods, as the male P. seems to him to belong to the Etruscan rather than the Roman religion (cf. Caesius in Arnob. 3,40; Mart. Cap. 1,50f.). He thinks two female deities are recognisable beneath the two P.s, who both had different functions in the cult

[5]. The date of 7 July can be regarded as the dies natalis of the temple (— natalis templi, which was founded by M. Atilius [I 21] Regulus in 267 BC (Flor. Epit. 1,15). Its location is still unclear [6; 7]: the fact that the calen-

dars of the Augustinian period do not mention the two P.s, leads to the assumption that the temple no longer existed by then [2. rorf.]. Some

of the antiquarian

literature

(Varro,

Ling.

6,153 Ov. Fast. 4,721-746, 77 5f.; Paul Fest. 248,17-19)

— but not the calendars — linked P. to the festival of +> Parilia on 21 April, during which purification rites for the herds took place (hence the name of ‘Palilia’). Others (e.g. Mar. Vict. 6,25 GL) disputed this connection. 1 J. HEURGON,

Au dossier de P., in: Latomus

ro, 1951,

277f. 2G. Mancint, Notizie degli scavi. Latium, in: Atti dell’Accademia dei Lincei, 1921, 73-141 3 G. Wissowa, s.v. P., ROSCHER

3.1, 1276-1280

4D.

Fasciano,

P.

SEGUIN, Les flamines et leurs dieux, 1993 5 G. DUMEZIL, Idées romaines, 1969, 273-287 6 RICHARDSON, 282f. 7 J. ARONEN, s.v. P., Templum, LTUR 4, 1998, sof.

A. BRELICH, Die geheime Schutzgottheit von Rom, 1949, 18ff.; G. ROHDE, s.v. P., RE 18.3, 89-97. FR.P.

Palestinian-Aramaic. PA (or Syropalestinian) was the literary language of the Christian Melcitian population in > Palaestina (hence it is usually referred to as Christian Palestinian Aramaic). Together with Samaritan Aramaic and Jewish Palestinian Aramaic, it belonged to the western dialects of Central Aramaic (from the 3rd cent. AD onwards). There are two periods in the tradition: from the period when this Western Aramaic dialect was still spoken (5th-8th cent. AD), we have literary testimonials (parts of the Bible, tale of the 40 Sinai Martyrs [3 vol. 3]) and only few inscriptions (e.g. ona

PALICI

Syrian. Christian-Palestinian Aramaic was written with

a slightly modified Syrian alphabet. Characteristic are the P inversivum to render Greek x and the adoption of diacritics from the Karshuni script, the Syrian script that was used for the rendering of Arabic texts. ~» Aramaic; > Semitic languages 1 Fr. ScHuLTHess, Lexikon Syro-Palaestinum, 1903 2 CHR. MULLER-KessLeR, Grammatik des ChristlichPalastinisch-Aramaischen, 1991 3 Ead., M. SOKOLOFF,

A Corpus of Christian Palestinian Aramaic, Vol. 1, 1997, Vol. 2A, 1998, Vol. 3, 1996, Vol. 5, 1999.

RV.

Palice (Makx}; Paliké). City in Sicily, founded by -» Ducetius in 453 BC near the sanctuary of the > Palici as a centre of the kingdom of the Siculi by moving Menainon to the plain (Diod. Sic. 11,88,6). When Diod. Sic. 12,29,2-4 reports on the destruction of the

city of Thrinacia in 440 BC by — Syracusae, the reference is possibly to P. (cf. Diod. Sic. 11,90,25 [1]). After P. was rebuilt, it was a flourishing city right through to the early Hellenistic period. In the 2nd cent. BC, it was abandoned by its inhabitants (cf. Polemon in Macrob. Sat. 5,19,29). On the southern edge of the plain of Caltagirone, remains of the city were excavated on the volcanic peak of La Rocca that in borders the plain of Mineo the north-east and on which stood the sanctuary of the Palici [2; 35 4]. 1 H. WENTKER, Sizilien und Athen, 1957,77 2G. V. GENTILI, Cinturone eneo con dedica da P., in: MDAI(R) 69, 1962, 14-22

3 P. PELAGaATTI, Palica, near Mineo, in: Fasti

Archaeologici 17, 1962, No. 2767

4 L. BERNABO BREA,

P., in: Bullettino di Paleontologia Italiana 74, 1965, 2346.

E. Manni, Geografia fisica e politica della Sicilia antica, 1981, 213.

AL.MES.

Palici (Madtxot/Palikoi, Lat. Palici). The P. are twin deities who came from indigenous Sicily and lived in Siculian territory. Their history is nly known to us from literary sources. According to Aeschylus’ Aetnaeae, they were sons of Zeus and > Thalia, the daughter of Hephaestus. In order to protect herself from Hera’s jealousy, Thalia hid in the earth; at birth the children emerged from the earth like resurrected people (their name means ‘they who return’). The sanctuary of P. was identified in 1962, close to the lake of Naftia in the area of Palagonia, in a grotto that lies at the foot of a hill today called Rochitella. The place was frequented from the 6th cent. BC onto the Imperial period. > Ducetius made it the league sanctuary of his nationalistic, antiHellenic movement (yet based on a Greek model), and the capital city that he founded very close by was given the name of the deities (> Palice: Diod. Sic. 11,88,6; Steph. Byz. s.v. Tladvx). The sulphuric gas in the lake’s water made the region inhospitable and the gods were

387

388

considered terrible: the local people came to the sanctuary to take their solemn oaths there (Diod. Sic.

papyrus palimpsests contained mostly letters and documents, whereas the numerous medieval parchment palimpsests — many of which come from southern Italy — contained mostly literary texts. Non-Christian texts were often overwritten with biblical or theological tracts. In the Middle Ages, a mixture of milk, cheese and unfired chalk was used to remove texts. There are even cases of triple inscribing (codex bis rescriptus). The overwriting of pagan texts with Christian ones in the

PALICI

11,89,5), and liars were struck with blindness by the

twins who also manifested themselves as oracular deities

(> Oracles) and protectors of fugitive slaves (Diod.

Sic. 11,89,6—-8, 36,3,3 and 7,1; > Asylon). Lit. sources: Diod. Sic. 11,88f.; Str. 6,2,9; Macrob.

Sat. 5,19,1 5-31; Serv. Aen. 9,584; further information in [1]. -» Sicily VII. Religion; > Siculi 1K. ZIEGLER, s.v. Palikoi, RE 18.3, 100-123. P. Peracatri, Paliké (Mineo-Catania). Santuario dei Palici, in: BA 51, 1966, 106; G. MANGANARO, Iscrizioni

rupestri di Sicilia, in: L. GASPERINI (ed.), Rupes loquentes. Atti del Convegno internazionale sulle iscrizioni rupestri in eta romana, 1992, 486; N. CUSUMANO, Ordalia e soteria nella Sicilia antica. I Palici (Mythos 2), 1990, 83; G. DE

STEFANO, Palice, in: BTCGI 13, 1994, 280-282.

jeLD

Palilia see > Pales; > Parilia

Palimbothra (adiupo8oa/Palimbothra, also Madipo0ea/Palibothra; name derived from an early Middle Indian form of Old Indian Pataliputra [1. 34]). City of the > Prasii, located in a position favourable for communications in the densely populated state of Magadha at the confluence of the Son and Ganges in modern Patna in Bihar. Made by - Sandracottus the capital city of the Maurya empire (-» Mauryas), often

Middle Ages ensured the survival of the former; thus,

for example, the majority of Cicero’s De re publica, the letters of the orator Fronto and the writings of the grammarian Herodianus are only conserved in palimpsests. Sometimes texts of early Christian authors, e.g. Gregory of Nazianzus, were overwritten with popular saints’ lives. Since the beginning ofthe r9th cent., scholars have tried to make the obliterated texts visible again, first through the use of chemicals (gallic acid and potassium bisulphate), which heavily corroded the parchment, and more recently through photography using ultra-violet or infra-red light. ~» Papyrus; > Parchment E. G. Turner, Greek Papyri. An Introduction, 1980. H. HunGeEr, O STEGMULLER et al., Die Textiiberlieferung der antiken Literatur chisch-rémische 1999, 94f. L. D. Scholars, 31991,

und der Bibel, *1988. O. Mazat, GrieAntike (Geschichte der Buchkultur 1), REYNoLps, N. G. Witson, Scribes and 192ff. W. SCHUBART, s.v. Palimpsestus,

RBI Sea sun2.3de

RH.

mentioned in Greek and Roman literature; most infor-

mation appears to go back to > Megasthenes. His description of the city (fr. 18) with its palaces and wooden walls was partly confirmed by the excavations [3; 1. 88]. In Indian literature, P. is also called Kusumapura

or Puspapura (‘City of Flowers’) and often described as a symbol of sophisticated big city life. According to the historical work Yuga Purana, P. (in the 2nd cent. BC)

was under Indo-Greek rule for a short period [2]. 1K. KaARTTUNEN, India and the Hellenistic World, 1997 2 J. E. Mircuiner, The Yuga Purana, 1986 3 J. Pu. VocEL, The Wooden Walls of Pataliputra, in: Annual Bib-

liography for Indian Archaeology 3 (for the year 1928), 1930, 16-19.

K.K.

Palimpsest (xariwypnotoc/palimpseéstos [Bifpioc/biblos or yaots/chartes], lat. codex rescriptus). A ‘re-scraped’ book, papyrus or parchment leaf, prepared for renewed writing after its first text was scraped off. The first text was either wiped off with a sponge or scraped away with pumice stone. This method was already used in Egypt (e.g. PBerlin 3024, 12th dynasty, from c. 2000 BC), and was also standard practice in later periods, out of thrift (Cic. Fam. 7,18,2) or lack of virgin papyrus or parchment (cf. Catull. 22,5). Plutarch (Mor. 779¢, 504d) writes that Plato compared the tyrant Dionysius of Syracuse with a palimpsest, since his nature was ‘hard to wash out’ and always shone through. Totally scraped and rewritten papyri are rare, unlike parchment palimpsests. Up until the 4th cent. AD,

Palindikia (xadwédvxia; palindikia). ‘Once more raising a legal action in the same matter’, cf. anadikia and the underlying words (Gva/ana and méhw dincCeu/ palin dikazein). The criticism levelled against advocates (logographos), to have obtained a palindikia through trickery (Plut. Demosthenes

61; Poll. 8,26), did not always have to take a rupturing of material legal power (> paragraphe) into account, but could also relate to the fact that that a legal claim was prosecuted with a variety of actions, as was permissible in Athens. True re-raising of a legal action was permitted in exceptional cased in Athens, Ptolemaic Egypt (> anadikia) and in Roman provincial lawsuits. In Athens palindikia also referred to the renewed raising of a legal claim, when a pretender to an inheritance could not partake in a ~ diadikasia that had already been decided, because of official duties (Demosth. Or. 48,5). In Heraclea [10] on the Siris the guarantor of acondemned hereditary lessee of the polis was not allowed to cause any difficulties, such as by denial or by the palindikia (fixing of the duty to pay by way of court decision) comprehensively (IG XIV 645 1157). In Roman Egypt (BGU 613 = Mirrers/ WILCKEN 89, 17f., mid-second century BC) a palindikia claim meant one that was raised despite a court judgement; in the province ofAfrica, palindikia meant a > restitutio in integrum (reinstatement in the previous position) in a political criminal trial (Herodian. 6,6,4; around AD 240).

389

PALLADAS

B92

E. BERNEKER, S.V. P., RE 18.3, 124-132; H. J. Wo.er, Die attische Paragraphe, 1966, 9of.; D. BEHREND, in: H. J.

munturium Palinurum). Ancient literature mostly asso-

Wo rr

GT.

[1]) who was shipwrecked here (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,53,2; Verg. Aen. 6,337ff.; Mela 2,69; Sol. 2,13). The

Palindrome. In literary theory a palindrome, corre-

idea that there was a city P. is supported by silver staters with the inscription PAL-MOL that lead us to assume that P. and Molpe were Hellenized Italian settlements in the sphere of influence of > Sybaris. Archaeological find: necropolis of the 4th—3rd cents.

(ed.), Symposion 1971, 1975, 131-156.

sponding to madtvégouos (palindromos, ‘running backwards’), denotes a sequence of letters —a word, sentence or verse (versus supinus, recurrens; |2. 278f.] on Mart. 2,86,1-2; cf. Sid. Epist. 9,14,4—-6) — that can also be

read backwards with the same or a different sense, occasionally resulting also in the same or a different verse. A palindrome in the strict sense corresponds to itself mirror-wise from the middle outwards. Thus in Late Antiquity ‘crab verse’ (xagxtvoc/karkinos or xaguwatov/karkinoton) was a familiar form [4. 133]. There are such palindromes in the Anthologia Planudea 13,387c Aubreton-Buffiére, including the iambic sequence vipov Gvounuwata wi Lovayv Owiv/nipson ano-

memata me monan Opsin (‘wash away your offences, not just your face!”), which could be read on the rims (a particularly suitable arrangement for palindromes [1. 216f.]) of ecclesiastical altar vessels [4. 133]. Verses that word for word in retrograde order give the same or a different sense or verse are also called palindromic. Even the ~sator square has palindromic aspects [3. 541-543]; contra [1. 429-459]. Palindromes play a quite special role in magical texts [4. 134-139], probably because a palindromic magic word retained its power when read backwards [1. 44; 4. 136]. Already in Antiquity palindromes were being combined with other forms of word play, such as figured poems [1. 54-142]. In medieval religious and magical texts palindromes are strongly represented; they still exist as a witty pastime today [1. 168-737]. ~ Magic; — Publilius Porphyrius; > Sotades; > Technopaegnia 1 U. Ernst, Carmen figuratum, 1991 (rich collection of material.)

2 L. FRIEDLANDER (ed.), M. Valerii Martialis

3 H. HOFMANN, s.v. epigrammaton libri, 1886/1967 4K. PREISENSatorquadrat, RE Suppl. 15, 477-565 HAG. DANZ, s.v. Palindrom, RE 18.3, 133-139.

Palinodia (xadwwédia/palindidia). Poem by > Stesichorus in which he withdrew the vituperation of ~ Helen [1] because of which he had lost his eyesight (192 PMGEF). This ‘revocation’ is said to have restored his vision. Stesichorus withdrew his report that Helen had travelled to Troy and appears instead to have introduced the story that she had spent the war years in Egypt. There were apparently two palinodies (193 PMGEF). Later the term was used for any type of revocation (cf. for instance Cic. Att. 4,5,1). Chiastically arranged songs (a b : b a) are also called ‘palinodic’ (Heph. Poem. 4,4 p. 67 CONSBRUCH); the form was used by > Cratinus [1] (PCGIV 166). — ER. Palinurus

(IaAivoveoc; Palinouros). The modern Capo Palinuro on the Tyrrhenian coast of Italy (Str. 6,1,1; Cass. Dio 49,1: Tadivoveoy; Plin. HN 3,71: pro-

ciates its name with the helmsman of Aeneas (-» Aeneas

BC, from it a funerary stele with an Ionian capital; cera-

mics among which is a goblet with Neossos scratched in, statuettes (cult of Demeter), urn graves; remains of

the fortifications. R. NauMaANN, B. Neutscu, Palinuro. Ergebnisse der Aus-

grabungen. Vol. 2: Nekropole, Terrassenzone und Einzelfunde (MDAI(R), Suppl. 4), 1960; E. Greco, Velia e Palinuro. Problemi di topografia antica, in: MEFRA 87, 1975,

81-142; Id., Archeologia della Magna Grecia, 1992, 8890; BICGI 13, 282-295. A.BO.

Palla see > Pallium

Palladas (Maidadac; Palladas). Important exponent of pre-Byzantine epigrammatic poetry and probably the author of a collection of mostly satirical epigrams (cf. > Anthology E.); he lived in the 2nd half of the 4th cent. AD in Alexandria (numerous allusions to an Egyptian context in P,. whose name appears on several occasions with the ethnikon ‘AdeEavdgevc/Alexandreus). Dating is made possible by Anth. Pal. 11,292 (attack on > The-

mistius, in 384 praefectus urbi of Constantinople); 10,90 (presumably written after the destruction of the Serapeum in 391, cf. 9,378); 10,89 (possibly after the defeat of > Eugenius [1] 394); 9,400 (it is uncertain whether the Neoplatonist philosopher > Hypatia murdered by Christians in 415 is mentioned here). P. lived to over 72 years of age (Anth. Pal. 10,97) and was a schoolmaster (grammatikos; cf. Anth. Pal. 9,174) but he lost his teaching position, probably because of his rejection of the Christian faith (Anth. Pal. 9,528, cf. [1]), due to a report (Anth. Pal. 9,175) that refers to the edict of Theodosius (391). The c. 160 poems are not always faultless as far as the rules of metre are concerned but they give new impetus to derisive writing (animated with Hipponactian sarcasm) and the > gnome (with its basically pessimistic mood but richness of original ideas). Anger at the capriciousness of > Tyche and the arrogance of the rich is fed by personal experiences that gave occasion for attacks on contemporary figures (cf. the programmatic poem Anth. Pal. 11,341). In the west P. also had a remarkable, direct influence: > Ausonius and the > Epigrammata Bobiensia may perhaps have drawn upon a collection of epigrams in which P. was placed beside Lucian [1] and other writers. 1 A. CAMERON,

P. and Christian Polemic, in: JRS 55,

1965, 17-30. A. FRANKE, De Pallada epigrammatographo,

1899; E.

DEGANI, Studi su Ipponatte, 1984, 79f.; A. CAMERON, The Greek Anthology from Meleager to Planudes, 1993,

PALLADAS

16, 80f., 90-96, 263f., 322-324; M. D. LAUXTERMANN, The P. Sylloge, in: Mnemosyne 50, 1997, 329-337.

M.G.A. Palladion (Madacdtov/Palladion, Latin Palladium). A statue that guaranteed the protection of a city [1]. The most famous one is the Palladion of Troy, which already in Antiquity had been connected etymologically to + Pallas [3] (Apollod. 3,12,3) and was claimed to have fallen from the sky (Pherecydes FGrH 3 F 179; Dion. Hal. Ant. 2,66,5; Ov. Fast. 6,421f.) and to have been

brought by > Dardanus [1] to Troy as > Athena’s gift (Dion. Hal. Ant. 1,68f.) or asa gift from Zeus (Iliupersis PEGI fr. r). It was in the shape of a statuette of a standing and armed Athena [2]. It probably was unknown to Homer who refers to a seated statue of the goddess (Hom. Il. 6,92; 273; 303). The other epics about the Greek capture of Troy (cf. the pictorial representations in [3]) refer to the Palladion in two contradictory versions. The > Ilias parva (PEG I fr. 25; cf. Verg. Aen. 2,162-170) states that + Odysseus and + Diomedes [1] stole the Palladion before the Greek army penetrated Troy [4]. But according to the > Iliupersis by Arctinus (PEG I p. 88f. and fr. 1), the Palladion was still in

the city after the Greeks had entered: pursued by » Ajax [2], > Cassandra tried to find protection underneath the statue. Arctinus offers the following solution for the contradiction: the statue stolen by Odysseus and Diomedes was only a copy of the genuine Palladion. Many cities in Greece and Italy [5. 174ff.] —and later Constantinople as well [6. 291ff.] — prided themselves on possessing the authentic Palladion from Troy. Rome made a similar claim: the Palladium was taken to > Lavinium by Diomedes (Cassius Hemina fr. 7 PETER; Serv.

Aen. 2,166; Sil. 13,51-78) or by > Aeneas [1] (Paus.

2,23,5) on the flight from Troy and from there to Rome at a later point (Dion. Hal. Ant. 1,68f.). Through the

postulate of being the end and goal of Troy’s destiny, Rome laid claim to its superiority over other cities of Latium [7; 8].

Along with six other talismans for the preservation of Roman rule (pignora imperii), the Palladium was kept in the > delubrum of — Vesta on the Roman Forum (Serv. Aen. 7,188). Ina

fire in the year 241 BC,

pontifex maximus L. Caecilius [I 11] Metellus lost his eyesight when he saved it from the flames (Ov. fast.

6,437ff.). Augustus brought the Palladium, or a copy, to the Vesta chapel dedicated by him on the > Mons Palatinus (CIL X 6441: Palladium Palatinum). A fragment of a head of Athena which might stem from the Palladium was found on the Palatine [9]. According to Hdn. 1,14,4, the Palladium was housed in the sanctuary on the Forum in AD ror: This might mean either that the real Palladium had remained there the whole time or that it was returned there in the period after Augustus. 1C. A. Faraone,

Talismans

and Trojan Horses,

1992

2 P. DEMARGNE, s.v. Athena, LIMC 2.1, 1019, 1029, 1040 3J.-M. Moret, L’Ilioupersis dans la céramique italiote, 1975

392

391

4F. CHAVANNES, De Palladi raptu, 1891

5.

Zienen,

G. Lirporp,

s.v.

Ps RE

18.3,

171-201

6 J.-M. Moret, Les pierres gravées antiques représentant

le rapt du P., r997_

7M. Sorpi, Lavinio, Roma e il Pal-

ladio, in: Ead. (ed.), Politica e religione nel primo scontro tra Roma e l’Oriente, 1982, 65-78 8 A. DUBOURDIEU, Les origines et le développement du culte des Penates a Rome, 1989 9 E. PariBENI, Una testa di Athena arcaica dal Palatino, in: Bollettino d’Arte 49, 1964, 193-198. R. G. AustTIN (ed.), Vergili Aeneidos liber secundus, 1964, 83-86; F. CaNcIANl, s.v. P., EV 3, 939-941; N.

ROBERTSON, Athena and Early Greek Society: P. Shrines and Promontory Shrines, in: M. DILLon (ed.), Religion in the Ancient World, 1996, 383-475. FR.P.

Palladius I. GREEK

II. ROMAN

I. GREEK (Iladkadtoc; Pallddios).

{I 1] Greek rhetor of the first half of the 4th cent. AD (Suda s.v. P. gives his prime as under Constantinus [1] I) from Methone (probably the Messenian one). According to the Suda, in addition to declamations he wrote in all three rhetorical genres (> genera dicendi) and also an antiquarian work on the festivals of the Romans (FGrH F 837). Whether P. is identical with one of the numerous Palladii mentioned in the letters of Libanius and if so, which one, cannot be clarified; other than in the Suda, P. is only mentioned by Photius (Bibl. 97a 24-28) and highly praised for his style. M.W., [I 2] (Rhetor from Athens) see > Palladius [2] [1 3] Born in about AD 363 in Galatia, died before 431. After a thorough education he became a monk in Palestine in about AD 384. He stayed a long time in the Nitrian desert (also in + Evagrius [1] Ponticus). Consecrated as bishop of Helenopolis in about 400, during the Origenist controversy (— Origenes [2]) in the dispute about > Iohannes [4] Chrysostomus he took his part before pope > Innocentius I (PG 60, 36-42). In + Constantinople he was arrested and exiled to + Egypt. His most significant work is a (Greek) description of monastic life (known as the Historia Lausiaca). EDITIONS: (Historia Lausiaca): PG 34,995-1262; J. LAAGER, 1987 (with a German trans.); R. T. MEYER, 1965

(English trans.). SECONDARY

LITERATURE

N. MOLINIER,

Ascése, con-

templation et ministére d’aprés |’Histoire Lausiaque de Pallade d’Helenopolis, 1995. K.SA.

[1 4] Latin grammarian, probably of African origin and Christian beliefs, active in the 4th cent. AD. His work, perhaps in two books (he follows the presentation of the types of words with a section De ratione metrorum vel structurarum), has not been transmitted as a whole, but rather parts of it have been transmitted under the name of Ps.-Probus (Instituta Artium, [1]) and as excerpta in dialogue form under the name of Audax [2]; to Audax (and hence P. [4. rr8]) the work De Soloecismo is added [3]).

394

523 EDITIONS:

3M.

His works consist of the 13—book Opus agriculturae, a book on > veterinary medicine, which is now

4P. L. ScHmrpT, in: HLL,

considered to be the 14th book of the former, and a

PG.

treatise in elegiac distichs on tree grafting. P. chose a different organisation from that of his predecessors for the treatment of > agriculture. In the rst book general conditions for agriculture (aer, aqua, terra, industrial ‘air, water, soil, diligence’), the location and, primarily in imitation of > Vitruvius, the estate buildings; books 2-13 are organised according to months and so provide a general almanac for agricultural work. For each month instructions are given for the individual branches of agriculture. P.’ sources are chiefly (perhaps indirectly) > Columella and Q. > Gargilius [4] Martialis. P. consciously forewent every rhetorical embellishment

NIEDERMANN

1GL 4, 47-192

2GL7, 349, 9-362 (ed.), Consentius, 1937, 32-37.

SECONDARY

LITERATURE:

vol. 5, § 522.4

{I 5] Greek physician practising and teaching in Alexandria [1], who wrote commentaries on Hippocratic writings (~ Hippocrates [6]) and Galen’s treatise De

Sectis. On the basis of his method of presentation, corresponding to that of the Alexandrian medical authors of that time, he is dated to the second half of the 6th cent. AD [2], but, as an older method of presentation in

one of his commentaries suggests, he must have been active as early as the first half of the 6th cent. Hence the appearance of the ‘more recent’ technique could have its origin in a ‘modernising’ revision of some of his commentaries [1. 221-227]. According to Arab authors, he collaborated on composing the canon for medical instruction in Alexandria [1]. Described in the MSS as codiotiy/sophistés and in the text as iatgooogiotyc/> iatrosophistes, he seems to have given instruction of a more strongly philosophical nature than was the case in the subsequent period. His commentaries concern the Hippocratic writings De fracturis, Epidemiae VI and Aphorismi (the last is lost and known only from fragments of its Arabic translation) and Galen’s treatise De Sectis. A work on types of fever is ascribed to P., but also to > Stephanus of Athens and > Theophilus Protospatharius, perhaps because the work was revised by both authors (as the commentary by P. on De fracturis was revised by Stephanus). This may also be the case for other Hippocratic commentaries by P. (Aphorismi, Prognosticum, De natura pueri), of which we have a Greek text, which is attributed variously to Theophilus and Damascius, Stephanus of Athens and a not precisely identified Iohannes (presumably Iohannes [24] of Alexandria). 1D. Manett1, P Berol.

PALLADIUS

11739A ei commenti tardoantichi

a Galeno, in: A. Garzya (ed.), Tradizione e ecdotica, 1992, 221f., 226f. 2 D. IRMER, Welcher Hypokrateskommentar des Palladius stammt (nicht) von Palladius?, in:

Medizinhistorisches Journal 22, 1987, 164-173. G. BAFFIONI, Scoli inediti di Palladio al De sectis di Galeno, in: Bollettino dei Classici Greci e Latini NS 6, 1958, 61-78; H. Dixie, s.v. P. (8), RE 18,3, 1949, 211-

214; D. IRMer (ed.), Palladius Alexandrinus. Kommentar zu Hippokrates »De fracturis« und seine Parallelversion unter dem Namen des Stephanus von Alexandria, 1977 (with German trans.); M. ULLMANN, Die Medizin im Islam, 1970, 83. A.TO.

Il. ROMAN {11 1] P. Rutilius Taurus Aemilianus. Of the life of the agrarian writer (~ Agrarian writers) P. little is known. As he is described in MSS as a vir illustris, he had probably held quite high office; according to his own statements he owned lands in Italy and Sardinia (Pall. Agric. 3,10,243 3,25,203 4,10,16). His life and period of creativity are generally placed at the end of the 4th cent. AD or in the 5th.

(Pall. Agric. 1,1,1). In this way, and also by means of the

chronological structure, P. made the organisation of his work extremely practice-oriented. It was probably also for that reason that > Cassiodorus recommended P. as reading matter to the monks of the monastery of Vivarium (Cassiod. Inst. 1,28,6). On the basis of its close-

ness to practice P.’s work was to a large extent received in the Middle Ages: some 100 MSS have been handed down

from the 9th—réth cents.

Furthermore

P. was

translated into Middle English, Italian, Catalan and German. In earlier studies P. was mostly judged negatively and represented as a plagiarist who had little of his own to say; in contrast, in more recent studies his didactic skill and the simplicity of his language in particular are emphasised positively. P. evidently wrote as a farmer for farmers. However, he provides only little information on types of farming, work organisation and the legal status of the workforce. EpiT1oNs: 1R. Martin, P. Traité d’agriculture, vol. 1 (bks. 1-2), 1976 2 R.H. Ropce_rs, Palladii Rutilii Tauri

Aemiliani viri illustris opus agriculturae, de veterinaria medicina, de insitione, 1975. BIBLIOGRAPHY:

1D.

FLacu,

Romische

Agrarge-

schichte., 1990, 204-215 2 E. FrRézouts, La vie rurale au Bas-Empire d’apreés l’ceuvre de P., in: Ktema 5, 1980, 193210 3 P. HAMBLENNE, Réflexions sur le livre 1“ de opus agriculturae de P., in: Latomus 39, 1980, 165-172 4 W.

KALTENSTADLER, Betriebsorganisation und betriebswirtschaftliche Fragen im Opus Agriculturae von P., in: H. Katcyk, B. GuLLtaTH, A. GRAEBER (ed.), Studien zur Alten Geschichte FS S. Lauffer zum 70. Geburtstag, vol. 2, 1986, 503-557 5 F. MORGENSTERN, Die Auswertung des

Opus agriculturae des P. zu einigen Fragen der spatantiken Wirtschaftsgeschichte., in: Klio 71, 1989, 179-192 6 R. H. Ropcers, An Introduction to P. (BICS Suppl. 35),

1975 7D. VeRA, Dalla ‘villa perfecta’ alla villa di Palladio: Sulle trasformazioni del sistema agrario in Italia fra principato e dominato, in: Athenaeum 83, 1995,

8 WHITE, Farming, 30f.

189-211

K.RU.

[II 2] Teacher of rhetoric, born in Athens but also active in Rome, who recited and wrote in Latin (eulogised by Symm. Epist. 1,15; cf. also Sidon. Epist. 5,10,3). Evidently esteemed by the emperor -» Theodosius, he was > comes sacrarum largitionum in the East in AD 381

PALLADIUS

and

-» magister

officiorum

382-384

(Cod.

395

396

Theod.

to a wife to the extent that it was permitted to kill anybody who slept with an extraneous pallake like an adulterer caught in the act (Lys. 1,31f; Demosth. Or. 23,53;

4,13,83 6,27,4; Greg. Naz. Epist. 103 und 170 are pro-

bably also addressed to him). PLRE

1, Palladius 12.

K.P.

[II 3] P. is the name given to himself by one of the duo-

decim sapientes, probably of the 4th or 5th cent., who, according to their own account (Anth. Lat. 638), wrote a Latin verse cycle on diverse epigrammatic school subjects such as ‘rainbows’, ‘sunrises’ or ‘praise of Virgil’ on the occasion of the birthday of one of them, Asmenius, (Anth. Lat. 495-638). In addition each chose a ‘special topic’: P. dealt in Archilochian verses (like Hor. Carm. 1,4) with the mythologem of Orpheus, who inspired with his songs the whole of animate and inanimate nature — incidentally a favourite theme of pictorial art in later antiquity. The author explains the myth rationalistically as the cultivation of humanity by the regulating power of music. This philosophical epigram has its nearest parallels in lyric reflections on the » katabasis of Orpheus in > Boethius (Philosophiae consolatio 3, metrum

12). It cannot be ruled out that

the cycle represents the fiction of created by individual poet. The richly transmitted collection (also in the enjoyed extremely > Appendix Vergiliana) great favour esp. in Humanism. M. RoSELLINI,

Sulla tradizione dei Carmina

duodecim

sapientum (Anth. Lat. 495-638), in: RFIC 122, 1994, 59-

104; Ead., Vicende umanistiche dei Carmina XII sapientum, in: RFIC

123, 1995, 320-346.

K.SM.

Pallake (xadAax; pallake). The word pallaké (Epic mahhaxic/pallakis) has the basic meaning ‘girl’. In Homer a woman living with an already married man, who has come into the house as a prisoner of war or a slave, is called a pallakis (Hom. Il. 9,449; 9,452; Hom. Od. 14,199ff.; cf. 4,roff.). By the 5th cent. BC, Hero-

dotus is using the term pallaké in the sense of ‘concubine’ (cf. e.g. Hdt. 1,84,3; 1,136,1). In the 5th and 4th

cents. BC a pallaké was a woman who, without a formal marriage agreement, lived permanently with a married or unmarried man; monogamous -> marriage however remained the norm, and the keeping of concubines was disapproved of in Athens (And. 4,14; cf. Soph. Trach.). Plato advocated a prohibition of sexual relations outside marriage (Plat. Leg. 841d). It was older men who already had legitimate successors that after the death of their wives formed a relationship with pallakaz (cf. also Demosth. Or. 59,122). Mostly these would be freed slaves (Aristoph. Vesp. 1351ff.); the act of setting a pallake free bound her to her master. Often a pallaké had earlier been a hetaira (Demosth. Or. 36,45; 48,53). Less frequently free women had this status, such as when they could not raise a dowry (Isaeus 3,39). Children arising from such

a union were free, but not entitled to inherit and they did not possess citizenship; they were relieved of the duty to care for their parents in old age (Plut. Solon 22,4). Ina law ascribed to > Draco, a pallaké was equal

23,55). > Hetaerae;

> MARRIAGE;

> Woman

1E. Borsaca, s.v. p., Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque, +1938 2 J.N.Davipson, Courtesans and Fishcakes, The Consuming

1997

3 W.K.

Passions of Classical Athens, Lacey, Die Familie im antiken Griechen-

land, 1983, r14f.

4 MACDoWELL, 89ff.

E.HA.

Pallantium (MaAadvtetov/Pallanteion, lit. Nakkavtov/ Pallantion). City on the western edge of the eastern Arcadian plain, 7km south of Tripoli, with a few remains on a hill that juts out from the Kravari mountain range (earlier Boreion), today P. again (formerly

Berbati). Remains of the acropolis wall and of four temples from the Archaic and Classical periods [1] are pre-

served. P. was an independent city in the 4th and 2nd cents. BC despite its incorporation in the > synoikismos of > Megalopolis in 368/7 BC. The similarity in name to Palatium led to the legend of the emigration of Evander [1] to Rome: the little village was therefore a civitas libera et immunis under Antoninus Pius (AD 138-161; cf. coins: HN* 418; 451). Cf.

also Hes. fr. 45; Paus. 8,433 44,1-6. 1 E.Qstrsy, | templi di Pallantio, in: ASAA 68/9, 1995, Ss - LES.

Jost, 197-199; E.Ostsy, s.v. P., EAA, 2. Suppl. vol. 4, 1996, 237f. Yo

Pallas [1] (MédAac/Pallas). Attic hero, eponym of > Pallene [3], son of + Pandion [1], brother of — Aegeus, » Lycus [8] and > Nisus [1]. After Pandion’s death, the brothers divided up Attica, with Aegeus as its king. P. and his 50 sons wanted to usurp the rule but were killed by Aegeus’ son > Theseus (cf. Soph. TrGF 4 F 24; Philochorus FGrH 328 F 107; schol. Lys. 58; schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 1223; Apollod. Epit. 1,11; Apollod. 3,206; the battle and defeat of P. are described in Diod. Sic. 4,60; Apollod. Epit. 1,11; Paus. 1,22,2; 1,28,10; Hyg. Fab. 244; Plut. Theseus 13). [2] Arcadian hero, son of -» Lycaon, grandfather of >» Evander [1], founder and eponym of the city of > Pallantium near Tegea (Apollod. 3,97; Paus. 8,3 1,13 8,44,5—-6 and Serv. Aen. 8,51 and §4 incorrectly identified him with P. [1]). Paus. lc. and Steph. Byz. s.v. Tlakkavttov mention P. as the founder of Pallantium (cf. Hes. Cat. fr. 162 M.-W., Stesich. PMGE S 85, fr. 182). In the Roman tradition, P. or his descendant of the same name (Evander’s son [1]) was the ally of > Aeneas [1] who was killed by Turnus (Verg. Aen. 8,51-543; 1041253 10,439-509, esp. 479-485); he was the eponym of the Palatine (> mons Palatinus; Sery. Aen. 8,51). O. SEEL, s.v. P., RE LIMC 7.1, 153-156.

18.3, 234-239;

U. Kron,

s.v. P.,

398

3907

PALLENE

> Cleitus

[4] (or Clitus:

Conon

l.c.) compete

[3] (MadAac/Pallas). Epithet of » Athena; its origin and

and

meaning are unknown.

A type of representation of

against each other. P. fellsin love with Cleitus, whereu-

Athena, known as the > Palladion, is derived from P.

pon her old teacher bribed Dryas’ charioteer to sabotage his chariot. After Cleitus’ victory and Sithon’s dis-

The epithet appears 47 times in Homer and always in connection with Athena’s name [1]. Later, it often appears alone (very frequently in the verse dedications of the Athenian Acropolis), but clearly in connection with Athena. The apparently adjectival form Athéndal Athénaia regularly used in early inscriptions has led to the interpretation of P. Athénda/Atheénaia as ‘Athenian P.” or ‘P. of Athens’ [2], but there are no traces of the existence of P. as an independent goddess. Neither do we find cults devoted to Athena P. The epithet is poetic and bestows honour; it does not single out a specific function or attribute of Athena. Etymological explanations are mostly based on the different meanings of the verb pdllo/pallomai, ‘to swing’, or are applied to a giant (see P. [r]) — or a girl — of the same name, who is killed by the goddess. These explanations were used from early on (Ibycus fr. 17 PAGE; Epicharmus fr. 85a AUSTIN in PKO6ln 3,126; Pl. Crat. 406d) and were also current in later times (e.g. Apollod. (?) in POxy 2260

col. ii; Apollonius Sophista p. 126,29-33 BEKKER; schol. D Hom. Il. 1,200; [3]). In the modern period, P. has been connected with padllax, ‘youth’ (of either sex) [4], with Semitic ba‘alat, ‘female ruler’, or with a qa-ra, who was attested in a Linear B table from Thebes [1]. The use of pallds for ‘unmarried priestess’ in Str. 17,1,46 is probably a corruption ofpallakis (Xylander, CiaDiodmsicnin 47am): 1 J. B. HAtnswortn, The Iliad: A Commentary, vol. 3, 1993, 171 2 BURKERT, 220 with note 2 3 A. HENRICHS,

Philodems ‘De pietate’ als mythographische Quelle, in: CE 5, 1975, 20-38

4 CHANTRAINE, S.v. TahAaxN.

R.PA.

covery of the deceit, he wanted to burn P. at the stake

but was prevented from doing so by a divine apparition (> Aphrodite in Conon l.c.) and a cloud burst, and con-

sented to the marriage. After Sithon’s death, P. and Cleitus

assumed

the rule (Parthenius

6; Conon

l.c.;

Steph. Byz. s.v. I.). In a different version (Nonnus, Dion. 48,90-237; cf. Philostr. Epist. 47), > Dionysus asked for P.’s hand with the intention to punish Sithon for killing so many suitors. The latter made him compete with P. herself in a wrestling match. The victorious Dionysus killed Sithon with the > thyrsos and took P. as his wife. SLA. [3] Attic mesogeia deme of the phyle Antiochis on the northern pass of Mount Hymettus near modern Stavro, with six (or seven) bouleutaz, nine after 307/306 BC. P. plays an important role in Attic mythology [6]. At the sanctuary of Athena Pallenis [1; 2; 3. 24ff.; 4], Peisistratus [4] was victorious over the Athenian contingent inc. 546 BC (Hdt. 1,62) [5. 228f.]. On the marriage ban against Hagnus, see > Hagnus. 1H. R. GOETTE, O dyuog THs MaAAjvys, in: Horos 10-12,

1992/1998, ros—118 table 21-24 2 Id., Athena Pallenis und ihre Beziehungen zur Akropolis von Athen, in: W. HoepeENeR (ed.), Kult und Kultbauten auf der Akropolis,

1997,

116-131

3 W. PreK, Attische Inschriften, in:

MDAI(A) 67, 1942, 1-217

4 R. SCHLAIFER, The Cult of

Athena Pallenis, in: HSPh 54, 1943, 35-67

5 K.-W. WeL-

wEI, Athen, 1992, Index s.v. P. 6 J. WIESNER, s.v. P. (4), INE S35 247. TRAILL, Attica, 22f., 54, 59, 67, 75 note 10, 11

table 10; WHITEHEAD, Index s.v. P.

nr. ror,

H.LO.

[4] see > Antonius [II ro] Pallene (Maddywn/Pallene). [1] Also called Palene (Madjvn/Palené): Suda s.v. "Ahxzvovides Hucoat. According to Hegesander (or Agesander: FHG 4, 422, fr. 46), daughter of the giant ~ Alcyoneus [1], who, along with her sisters (> Alcyonides [2]), threw herself into the ocean from the > Canastraeum, only to be turned into a kingfisher (alkyon, after her father) by > Amphitrite (Suda l.c.; Eust. ad Hom. Il. 1,563, p. 776,3 3-39 (according to Pausanias); Apostolius Paroemiographus 2,20). P.M.C. ForBes IRvING, Metamorphosis in Greek Myths, 1990, 241.

[2] According to Theagenes and Hegesippus (FHG 4, 423, fr. 1), P. was the daughter of > Sithon, king of the ~» Odomanti, and the nymph Mendeis (Conon FGrH 26 F 1,10) or of Anchinoe (Tzetz. on Lycophr. 583 and 1161), the sister of Rhoetea and the eponym of the peninsula in Thracia of the same name [4]. P. had many suitors because of her beauty, but she could marry only whoever was able to defeat her father in battle. After Sithon had killed many suitors, he made > Dryas [4]

[4] Ancient name of the three most western fingers of the Chalcidian peninsula (modern Cassandra) with the

cities of Potidaea, Aphytis, Neapolis, Aege, Therambus, Scione, Mende and Sane, who — except for Sane — had been original members of the > Delian League and remained on the side of Athens in 432 BC, except for Potidaea. Mende and Scione broke away in 423 but soon rejoined. In the 4th cent, the northern part of the peninsula temporarily belonged to the Chalcidian League; in 349/348, all the cities ended up under the rule of Philippus [4] I, but it seems he did not destroy them. Only the founding of the city of Cassandria (— Potidaea), where much of the population of the peninsula was moved, resulted in the impoverishment of the other settlements, which at the end of Antiquity had shrunk to villages on the territory of the new founding. -» Chalcidice F. Papazoc.iou, Les villes de Macédoine a l’époque romaine, 1988, 424-429; M. ZAuRNT, Olynth und die Chalkidier, 1971, 211.

M.Z.

PALLIA

400

399

Pallia (the modern Paglia). Right tributary of the > Tiber which at > Volsinii (the modern Orvieto) is

Pallium. A Roman cloak, corresponding to the Greek himation, of a rectangular length of material; fabrics

joined by the > Clanis flowing from > Clusium. A harbour (Pagliano) is formed where it flows into the Tiber. A station Pallia was situated on the via Cassia between

used were wool, linen and silk. Pallia could be variously coloured (white, diverse shades of red, yellowish, black) with gold brocade or purple stripes. They are known from the 3rd cent. BC and were initially worn only by friends of Greek culture, e.g. philosophers (Liv. 29,10); but they quite soon enjoyed the greatest popularity

Volsinii and Clusium (Tab. Peut. 4,5).

Eup

Palliata. A term used by Varro — but not documented until Late Antiquity, by a quotation in Diom. 1,489,18 K — for Roman

~ comedy based on Greek

models (from the Latin pallium for himdtion, the cloaklike wrap that was typical of traditional Greek dress, cf. Plaut. Curc. 288; in contrast to the togata, the comedy

in the Roman toga); up to the end of the Republic mention was made only of comoedia or more generally of fabula. The literary theory of Late Antiquity (Diomedes [4], Donatus [3], Euanthius) provides valuable approaches to describing the genre. The first palliata was written by - Livius [III 1] Andronicus in 240 BC, commissioned by the Senate. The corpora of the 21 comedies by > Plautus have been preserved, as have the six by Terence (— Terentius); only fragments and reports remain of the works of Livius Andronicus, Cn. > Naevius, Q. >» Ennius [r], > Caecilius [Ill 6] Statius,

» Trabea, > Turpilius and others. The decline in the production of comedies is evident in the staging of revivals from the middle of the 2nd century onwards; comedies ceased entirely to be produced after the death of Turpilius in 103 BC |[1; 3]. Revival performances of works by Plautus and Terence continued up to the early Imperial period. Freely translated Greek models include » Menander [4], > Diphilus [5], > Philemon, > Apollodorus [6] of Gela and other poets of the so-called New Comedy (Nea); models from the Middle Comedy are

uncertain. The Greek flavour was only slightly romanized, with some cautious insertion of current refer-

ences; the palliata is apolitical [2]. The starting point of the comedies is almost always a young man’s love for a hetaera (meretrix) or a young girl, who is ultimately recognized to be an Attic citizen. In opposing his adversaries — the father, the matchmaker, the soldier — the young man is aided by his slave. Particularly in Terence’s works, situational and typebased comedy developed into character-driven comedy, dealing with such topics as the unmasking of false appearances, generational conflict and problems of childrearing [3; 4; 5]. The palliata has no division into acts and no chorus; dialogues and monologues are in the form of spoken verses as well as recitative and sung verses accompanied by the flute (> canticum) [1]. » Comedy 1G. E. DuckwortH,

The Nature of Roman

1952 2K. Gatser, Zur in: ANRW 1.2, 1972, romische Komédie, in: Das rémische Drama, Comedy, 1983.

Eigenart der romischen Komédie, 1027-1113 3 E. LEFEVRE, Die NHL, vol. 3, 33-62 4 Id. (ed.), 1978 5D. Konstan, Roman JU.BL.

because they were comfortable and simple to wear (cf. Suet. Aug. 40) and were used as everyday dress on the street together with the equally comfortable crepidae (Liv. 29,19,123 Suet. Tib. 13; > Shoes). A pallium was worn over the > tunica, draped from the left shoulder across the back and on to the right shoulder, or it was placed over the left shoulder from behind, across the back, under the right arm and finally over the left arm or the left shoulder. The women’s counterpart was the paila (cf. Apul. met. 11,3), but pallia are also documented by literary sources as cloaks for women (e.g. Varro Ling. 8,28; 9,48), and for goddesses (e.g. Venus), mythical queens and heroines. Pallia continued in use until the 7th cent.

— Clothing (with illustration) F. Kors,

Kleidungsstiicke

in der

Historia

Augusta

(Bonner Historia-Augusta-Colloquium 1972/74), 1976, 153-171; B. J. ScHoLz, Untersuchungen zur Tracht der romischen matrona, 1992, 100-107; U. SCHARE, StrafSenkleidung der romischen Frau, 1994, 90-114. R.H.

Palm tree see > Phoenix [6] Palma. City in Maiorica (modern Majorca), the largest of the > Baliares Islands, founded in 122 BC after a

victory over the local inhabitants by the consul Caecilius [I 19], subsequently Baliaricus, and named after the palm ofvictory (Str. 3,5,1; Mela 2,124; Plin. HN 3,77f.; Ptol. 2,6,78). It has the same name today. TOVAR 2,3, 1989, 277; TIR K/J 31 Tarraco, 1997, 117.

PB.

Palmaria. Volcanic island in the + Mare Tyrrhenum, the modern Palmarola (province of Latina). From north

to south, it measures 3.5 km at a maximum elevation of 253m. P. is the westernmost of the insulae Pontiae (+ Pontia [2]; Varro Rust. 3,5,7; Plin. HN 3,81). G. M. De Rossi (ed.), Le isole pontine attraverso i tempi, 1986.

GU,

Palmette see > Ornaments

Comedy,

Palmus. Roman measure of length (‘palm’; cf. the Greek — palaisté) of 4 digiti, corresponding to '/; foot and a length of c. 74 mm (cf. Vitr. De arch. 3,1,8: »relinquitur pes quattuor palmorum, palmus autem habet quattuor digitos.«). Like digitus (‘finger width’) and -> pes (‘foot’) this unit of length is based on the proportions of the human body.

401

402 1F. Hurrscu, *1882,

74f.

Griechische 2H.

Nissen,

und

rémische

Griechische

Metrologie,

und

PALMYRA

from AD 251/252 onwards. After the murder of Odai-

rémische

nat (AD 267/268), his widow > Zenobia assumed rule

Metrologie (Handbuch der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft 1), *1892, 842f. H-J.S.

for her son Wahballat (— Vaballathus). Zenobia succeeded in conquering Egypt (AD 268) and Asia Minor (AD 270). She bestowed upon her son the titles of Dux Romanorum and Imperator, and asserted in this way a claim to imperial rule over the eastern part of the Roman Empire. Emperor Aurelian reacted to this with a campaign against P. which the Palmyrenes were initially able to repel. Subsequently, Zenobia claimed the title of Augusta and Augustus for herself and her son. In AD 272, P. fell and, after an uprising in AD 273, was plundered and burned. In spite of this, P. retained its important position because of its location on the Syrian > limes (VI.D.). Evidence of this is also found in the construction of the Diocletian camp in the south-western part of the city around AD 300. P. was a military station on the strata Diocletiana. From this time onwards, Christianity became more and more widely accepted, which led to the building of several churches and to the remodelling of the Bel Temple into a church. This process intensified still further because of the ban of non-Christian cults by Emperor Theodosius (AD 380). Additional churches were built in P. Emperor Justinian (AD 527-565) who had a wall built around the city, showed particular interest in P. In 634 P. came under the rule of the > Umayyads. + Palmyrene

Palmyra (MdAuvoa/Pdlmyra, Semitic Tadmor). I. History II. RELIGION

I. History Oasis in central Syria, c. 240 km north-east of + Damascus and c. 200 km west of the Euphrates. P.,

from which routes led to » Emesa (Hims), Hamah and » Aleppo, was an important caravan station on the route from Mesopotamia to central Syria, Lebanon and Arabia. This made P. one of the richest and most influential cities in Syria from the rst to the 3rd cents. AD. Epigraphically, P. is encountered for the first time under the name of Tadmor in the texts from Kiiltepe (> Kanesh) at the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC [9. rr1], then in letters from > Mari (18th cent. BC; [2. 135]) and in a document from Emar (13th cent. BC; [r. 23, No. 21]); there are further mentions from the time of > Tiglath-Pileser I (11th cent. BC; [6. 38]). The

oldest inscription from P. dates from the year 44 BC. In the beginning, the settlement of P. was presumably concentrated in the region around the Efga Spring and in the area that is today surrounded by the temenos of the Bel Temple (see II.). After it had been conquered by Mark Antony [I 9] in 41 BC, P. was initially a city that had to pay tributes to the Romans. Palmyrenes served as soldiers in the Roman army, and the Palmyrene archers and camel riders were particularly well reputed. Under Emperor Trajan, P. was accorded vassal status in AD 106 and on the occasion of Hadrian’s visit to P. (AD 129) it became a free city. From the mid—znd cent., a

Roman garrison was located there. The great tax law that regulated municipal taxes and customs duties dates to AD 137. This Greek-Palmyrene bilingual text detailed the taxing of various goods and individuals; slaves, textiles, oil, fat, skins, cheese, wine, salt and many other items are mentioned. From this list it is clear that these were only goods from the city and the surrounding countryside, but not goods from the international caravan trade. The construction of the great temples (completion of the Bel Sanctuary; building of the Ba‘alSamin Temple and the Temple of Allat and Nebo (— Naba), see II.) also took place in the mid-znd cent. AD. Furthermore, the construction of the great colonnades and the Agora was begun. Under Caracalla, P. received the ius Italicum (> Ius D.3.) and from AD 212, it was a Roman colony. The theatre and the extension of the colonnaded street to the Bel Temple originated during the time of the Severans (AD 193-235). P. reached the pinnacle of its power under the reign of the ‘Princes of P.’? (AD 235-273). His victories over the > Sassanids and his assistance to the Roman army enabled the Palmyrene prince Odainat (> Odaenathus) to set himself up as ruler of P. and even of Syria. In this way, P. took on the character of an Arabian principality

1D. ARNAuD, Emar VI - Recherches au pays d’Astata, 1986 2J. Botrero, A. Finet, Archives royales de Mari 15, 1954 3G. W. Bowersock, Roman Arabia, 1983 4 H.J.W. Driyvers, Hatra, P. und Edessa, in: ANRW II 8, 799-906 5D.R. Hitters, E. Cussini, Palmyrene Ara-

maic Texts, 1996 6A. K. Grayson, Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium BC (Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia — Assyria 2), 1991 7 J. CANTINEAU et al. (ed.), Inventaire des inscriptions de Palmyre, vol. 1-12, 1930-1970

8F. Mitrar, The Roman Near East, 1993,

319-336 9 Ku. NasHer, Die Orts- und Gewassernamen der altassyrischen Zeit, 1991 10 E. RUPRECHTSBERGER (ed.), P., 1987

11 A. ScHmMIDT-CoLInET (ed.), P., *1997

12 R. STONEMAN, P. and Its Empire, 1992

s.v. P., DB 6, to60-1103

1985

13 J. STARCKY,

14 Id., M. GAWLIKOwSKI, P.,

15 J. Terxipor, Un port romain du désert: Palmyre,

1984.

I]. RELIGION A. SANCTUARIES AND THEIR LOCATION

B. IMAGES OF GODS AND CULTRITUALS C. BURIAL D. HETEROGENEITY AND COEXISTENCE OF DEITIES IN THE HELLENISTIC AND ROMAN PERIODS

A. SANCTUARIES AND THEIR LOCATION It is assumed that there were about 60 deities worshipped in P. Of the various temples and sanctuaries excavated and mentioned in inscriptions, the Temple of Bel (> Baal) [8; 14] was a major cult centre. This is demonstrated by its dimensions and inscriptions. Its god was a north-western Semitic > weather god (origi-

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406

nally Bol), whose name was changed to Bel under the influence of the Babylonian god + Marduk. In his sanctuary, additional deities were worshipped, e.g. Mana-

The cult banquets known by the term mrzh are attested nowhere as extensively as in Palmyrene religion. The cult banquet associations were amalgamations of the upper classes, often at the level of tribes or occupational groups. It is assumed that an association of such kind had c. 12 members and also staff (cooks, servants, butchers, singers). Archaeological indications that cult banquets were held in P. are respective rooms in the temenos of the important temples of P. (Bel Temple, Ba‘alsamin Temple) and those of the north-western region of P.: banquet rooms with biclinia or triclinia (> Triclinium), also tesserae (identification cards made of clay, more rarely of metal, that were used as entry tickets for the banquets). These are a significant source of information about the structure and function of the cult banquet associations, as they name the protective deities, the associations and even the food and drinks that were consumed there. C. 1100 types of tesserae are known.

wat, Herta, Nanai

(> Nanaja), Resef (> ReSep) and

Ba‘altak. The cella of dedicated to the triad this triad, Bel occupies Yarhibol that of the > > moon deity. Another important

the Temple of Bel (AD 32) was of Bel, Yarhibol and Aglibol. In the position of the cosmocrator, sun god and Aglibol that of the temple in P. is that of the god

Ba‘alsamin, situated near an older cemetery of the Bani Ma‘azin tribe from the rst half of the 2nd cent. BC; this

tribe probably built the temple as its tribal sanctuary. A trinity with Aglibol and Malakbel (> Malachbelus) centred around Ba‘alsamin is attested iconographically, but not epigraphically. It therefore remains unclear if there was a triad of Ba‘alSamin. The temple of Nebo (> Nabt) who was worshipped in Mesopotamia as the son of the god Marduk and who in the course of the reception of Marduk from Babylon also reached P., is situated closest to the Temple of Bel, which indicates topographically the close connections between the two gods. The most important of the so-called ‘Arabian deities’ of P. was Allat. According to the archaeological findings, her temple west of the city near that of Ba‘al§amin, an important sanctuary for the Arabian tribes, is the oldest sanctuary of P. that can be attested. A sanctuary without a temple is the Efqa Spring, where Yarhibol, the ancient local god of P., was worshipped. In the Palmyrene inscriptions, other temples and sanctuaries are mentioned that have not yet been verified archaeologically, for instance the ‘Grove of the Sacred Brothers’ (Aglibol and Malakbel) and the Temple of Atargatis (— Syria Dea).

B. IMAGES OF GODS AND CULT RITUALS In the archaeological reconstruction of the temple cellae (— cella, especially for the temples of Bel and Ba‘alSamin), it is assumed that the images of gods were executed as reliefs. Therefore, a change from three-dimensional representations of the gods to the relief took place in the Palmyrene religion. The Temple of Allat, whose cult three-dimensional image has been reconstructed, represents an exception to this: it depicted a goddess according to the Greek model. There are no rituals known from P. that provide information about the practice of sacrifice in the city. In archaeological excavations of the — temenos of the temples, which was designed for burnt offerings, altars were discovered. The change in the images of the gods to icons rendered the aspect of provisions for the images of the gods secondary. The > sacrifice as a meal for the gods was transformed into the dedication of objects in honour of the gods. This led to the development of a votive religion, in which (parts of) temples, porticos, pillars, altars, statues and reliefs occurred as objects of dedication. This also includes the dedication of naiskoi (votive niches) in the temples that contain reliefs of gods and provide testimonials to the piety of those offering the dedication.

PALMYRA

C. BURIAL Three types of burial places can be differentiated in the metropoleis of P.: hypogaea (- Hypogaeum), funerary towers, and house and temple tombs. A suc-

cession of these burial types from the 2nd cent. BC onwards is discussed, starting with earthen tombs with

loculi, then the hypogaea in the 2nd half of the rst cent. AD to AD 232 and then the tower tombs (from 9 BC to

AD 128; in use until the 3rd cent. AD) to the temple tombs (between AD 143 and 253). The funerary towers represent specific Palmyrene characteristics (see > Funerary architecture, with fig.), while the two other types of burial appear to be influenced by other cultures. The tomb reliefs in the hypogaea and temple tombs depict banquet scenes in which the living and the dead appear together. The > loculi of the tower tombs and the hypogaea were closed with relief slabs that portrayed the dead. H.NI. D. HETEROGENEITY AND COEXISTENCE OF

DEITIES IN THE HELLENISTIC AND ROMAN PERIODS Palmyrene religion in the Roman period is characterized by a large number of gods that originated from different cultural spheres and were worshipped in several constellations and in varying forms. They are known to us from Greek and Aramaic inscriptions [1; 2; 12], sculptures [5; 20] and tesserae [14]. The sacred laws, acts of sacrifice and rituals (e.g. cult feasts and

processions) passed down to us through these testimonials illustrate the heterogeneity of Palmyrene religion [9. 2647-2652]. Mythological and liturgical texts have not been passed down to us. Deities in P. were worshipped in newly constructed sanctuaries influenced by the Classical style or in local sanctuaries, which had been remodelled and Hellenized [6; 8]. Although the Palmyrene names of the gods indicate Mesopotamian, Canaanite, Arabic, northern Syrian [9; 21] and possibly also Phoenician [7] origin, it

PALMYRA

408

407

is not possible to trace back a cultural and religious continuity further than to the Hellenistic period. ‘Original, local’ substrata of the religion of P. that may possibly have existed are only attested in later contexts

[15].

8 M. GawLikowskI, Le temple palmyrénien, 1973 9 Id., Les dieux de Palmyre, in: ANRW II 18.4, 1990, 26052658

10 Id., L’Hellénisme et les dieux de Palmyre, in: O

EAAHNIZMOZ

=ZTHN

ANATOAH,

1991,

245-256

11 Id., Le premier temple d’Allat, in: P. MATrHiAE et al. (ed.), Resurrecting the Past, 1990,

ror-r08 =12 D. HiLeRS, E. Cussint, Palmyrene Aramaic Texts, 1996 13 J.

Onomastic and religious topographies indicate a significant difference in the population and realm of the

Horryzer, Religio Aramaica, 1968, 25-50

gods of P.; a so-called Arabic stratum reached P. via

HOLT et al., Recueil des tesséres de Palmyre, 1955

southern Syria, and another stratum was influenced by Syrian and Mesopotamian cultures. Both strata developed over time, which further complicated their composition. In the great Temple of Bel (see above A.; origi-

Kaizer, The ‘Heracles Figure’ at Hatra and P.: Problems

nally called ‘The House of the Gods’), Yarhibol and

Aglibol were also worshipped. The moon god Aglibol was worshipped with Malakbel (> Malachbelus) in the so-called ‘Sacred Garden’, whilst Yarhibol, as indicated

by his name, was the lord of the Efqa Spring from ancient times. Nebo, Arsu and Bel-Hammon were also worshipped in their temple together with other gods [8]. The temple of Allat and the other so-called Arabian gods was incorporated in Diocletian’s Camp after c. AD 300. The cults in which the different groups in the population worshipped their ‘highest deities’ co-existed without problems (-» Polytheism) [15]. Aside from the major gods of P., a cult of additional deities of Phoenician

(e.g. > Astarte,

Bel-Hammon;

Sadrapa), Meso-

potamian (e.g. Apladad, Duanat, Nergal) and Arabian (e.g. Abgal, Arzu, Rahim; Sam&) origin can be established. Greek iconography and Greek names of gods in P. should not be characterized as only ornamental or superficial: with them new religious experiences of the Graeco-Roman world, often reinterpreted, entered the realm of the gods of the Near East [10; 15] (— Hellenization). A purely Roman influence on the religion of P. is only expressed in the existence of a Caesareum [12. No. 2769]. From the 2nd cent. AD, the cult of the socalled Anonymous God, who was delineated in various

ways, appeared. Hundreds of altars are dedicated to »the one whose name shall be blessed forever, to the good and merciful one, to the lord of the world«. It is

assumed that he represented an aspect of Ba‘alSamin (> Baal) [9. 2631ff.], or that he was identified with Yarhibol [21. r15ff.]. In the rest of the Roman Empire (e.g. Rome, Dacia, northern Africa, Dura-Europus), the Palmyrenes also worshipped the gods of their forefathers [3; 4] (cf. in this regard — Patrii Di). Temples are attested e.g. in ~ Dura-Europus and in the north-western region of P. 1K. at-As‘ap, M. Gaw.ikowskl, The Inscriptions in the

Museum of P., 1997. 2K. Dijkstra, Life and Loyalty, 1995, 81-170 3L. Dirven, The Palmyrene Diaspora in East and West, in: G. TER HAar (ed.), Strangers’ and So-

journers, 1998, 77-94 Europos, 1999

4Id., The Palmyrenes of Dura-

5H. Drijvers, The Religion of P., 1976

6 K. S. FREYBERGER, Die frithkaiserzeitlichen Heiligtiimer der Karawanenstationen im hellenisierten Osten, 1998, 74-88 7G. GarBInI, Gli dei fenici di Palmira, in: Atti dell’ Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Rendiconti (Classe di Scienze Morali, Storiche e Filologiche) 9, 1998, 23-37

14 H. ING15 T.

of Interpretation, in: Iraq 62, 2000, 1-14 16R. DU MEsNIL Du Buisson, Les tesséres et les monnaies de P., 1962 17]. T. Mixix, Dédicaces faites par des dieux ... et des thiases sémitiques a l’€poque romaine, 1972 18 H. Nrenr, Religionen in Israels Umwelt, 1998, 170-186

19M.

PrerrzyKowsk1,

Adyta $wiatyn

palmyrenskich,

1997 20K. Tanase (ed.), Sculptures of P. I (Memoirs of the Ancient Orient Museum 1), 1986 21 J. TeErx1porR, The Pantheon of P., 1979. T.KAIL.

Palmyrene. Language of the more than 2000 inscriptions from > Palmyra (Palmyrene Tdm(w)r) and > Dura-Europus from the rst cent. BC to AD 273 (end of the Palmyrene empire). Together with closely related eastern Aramaic dialects (like Edessenian > Syriac and Aramaic of Hatra), Palmyrene is a continuation of supraregional Official Aramaic. The most important document is the Greek-Palmyrene list of customs and tax tariffs (AD 137), which constitutes the longest north-western Semitic epigraphical monument with 162 lines of Palmyrene. There are numerous GreekPalmyrene and several Latin-Palmyrene — bilingual inscriptions as well as a few Greek-Latin-Palmyrene trilingual inscriptions (> Trilinguals). The oldest dated Palmyrene inscription (33 BC) comes from Dura-Europus. The Palmyrene script developed from the Aramaic script of the Achaemenid empire (-> Achaemenids). It is distinguished by its strongly ornamental character. There are several testimonials to a Palmyrene cursive writing that resembles Syrian Estrangela. ~ Aramaic J. CANTINEAU, Grammaire du palmyrénien épigraphique, 1935; W. GOLDMANN, Die palmyrenischen Personennamen, 1936; F. ROSENTHAL, Die Sprache der palmyrenischen Inschriften, 1936; D. R. Hitters, E. Cussint, Palmyrene Aramaic Texts, 1996. RV.

Paludamentum. Rectangularly cut, mostly purple but also red or white, Roman cloak of linen or wool, corre-

sponding to the Greek - chlamys; Agrippina’s goldbraided

paludamentum

is, however,

unusual (Plin.

HN. 33,63). Initially paludamenta were worn only by Roman generals and other high-ranking officers; they advanced in the imperial period to insignia of Imperial ruling power. Paludamenta were part of the battle dress of generals and emperors (cf. Varro Ling. 7,37) and were not to be worn within the limits of the city of Rome (Tac. Hist. 2,89); thus e.g. the emperor Hadrian

was praised when, on setting foot on Italian soil, he exchanged his paludamentum for a > toga (SHA Hadr.

409

410

22,3), whereas

Gallienus was

criticised for entering

[2]

PAMMENES A

watercourse,

the

modern

Revma

Mileas,

Rome wearing a paludamentum (SHA Gall. 16,4). Other wearers of paludamenta are the deities > Roma, + Minerva and — Mars. A paludamentum was as arule held over the right shoulder by a fibula (— Pins); it curved over the upper body, fell over the left shoulder on to the back and was then wrapped round the left

debouching into the Bay of Messana [2] about 4 km to the south of Leuctron (Strab. 8,4,6).

forearm (cf. Liv. 25,16.21). From the second half of the

modern Keramidi (Hdt. 7,129,2), probably the modern Bliouris or Paliouris.

rst cent. AD it was worn ina second way: gathered into a bulge, held by a fibula on the right (or left) shoulder, down the back and then round the left forearm. ~ Clothing; > Sagum A. ALFOLDI, Insignien und Tracht der romischen Kaiser, in: MDAI(R) 50, 1935, 49-54; C. MADERNA, Iuppiter Diomedes und Merkur als Vorbilder fiir romische Bildnisstatuen, 1988; F. CiL1BERTO, I busti loricati degli imperatori romani. Storia di una forma (thesis Bern 1997), 2001.

Re

Pambotadae (Maupotasav/Pambotadai). Attic Paralia (2?) deme of the phyle of Erechtheis, from 127/8 AD of

the phyle turn with 224/3 BC scriptions read

of Hadrianis. Before 307/6 BC, P. took it in Sybridae to provide one bouleutés and after two bouleutai. Location unknown. Rock inin the upper Vari valley at Thiti cannot be

as 6e(oc)

I(a)u(Botadwv)/hor(os)

P(a)m(bota-

don) |1; 2. 118]. 1H. Lonmann, Atene, 1993, 58

2 J. S. TRaILt, Demos

and Trittys, 1986, 118, 126. TRAILL, Attica, 6, 14f., 38, 59, 62, 69, 10of.,

table 1, 15.

r11 nr. 102,

H.LO.

Pamenches. Son of ~ Pachom; c. 50/30 B.C. syngeneés and > stratégos (> Court titles B. 2.) in various Egyptian nomes. Along with his government offices P. held a series of indigenous priestly offices, which already appear in the titles of his father. PP III 5688; VIII 292 b. L. Mooren, The Aulic Titulature in Ptolemaic Egypt, 1975, r21f. Nr. 0128. W.A.

F. BOLTE, s.v. Pamisos (2), RE 18.3, 293-295.

(Suis

[3] A river of western Thessaly, which flows past +» Gomphi and debouches into the > Enipeus [2] near

F. STAHLIN, s.v. Pamisos (3), RE 18.3, 296; KODER/HILD,

244; MULLER, 356.

Pammenes (Ilauuévys; Pammeénes). [1] Theban, close friend of > Epaminondas.

HE.KR.

On his

second Peloponnesian campaign, Epaminondas entrusted the still young P. with garrisoning Sicyon (Polyaenus, Strat. 5,16,3), and in 368 BC with a mission to protect + Megalopolis (Paus. 8,27,2). From 368 to 365, > Philippus [4] II, who was about the same age as P., stayed as a hostage in the house of P.’ parents ({z. 128] with bibliography). After the death of Epaminondas at Mantinea, P. became a leading politician and general of the Boeotian League (+ Boeotia, Boeotians with map). In 362/1 he prevented the disintegration of Megalopolis (Diod. Sic. 15,94,1-3). In 355 he inflicted a crushing defeat on > Philomelus at Neon (Diod. Sic. 16,31,3f.), but failed to exploit the victory

and thus to bring the third of the > Sacred Wars to an earlier end by marching on Delphi [2. 42-45]. Instead P. responded to a request for help from the satrap + Artabazus [4] and in the autumn of 355 marched 5,000 hoplites across Macedonia and Thrace, where he met up with Philip again in Maronea (Dem. Or. 23,183), to Asia Minor (Diod. Sic. 16,34,1f.). Despite

initial success he fell out with Artabazus, who apparently had him killed [3. 158-161]. 1 J. Buckier, The Theban Hegemony, 1980 2 Id., Philipp Il and the Sacred War, 1989 3 1d., P., die Perser und der Heilige Krieg, in: H. BeisTer (ed.), Boiotika: Vortrage vom 5. Internationalen Bootien-Kolloquium, 1986, 1989.

Pamisus (Ilawodc; Pamisos). [1] Main river of the region of > Messana [2], fed by three source rivers in the upper Messenian plain. In Antiquity the strong springs of Hagios Floros in the lower Messenian plain were considered to be the starting-point of the P., whence the river was called P. only from that point on. It is the river with most constantly abundant flow in the Peloponnese, and is navigable by boat a short distance from the mouth. At the Hagios Floros springs there was a sanctuary to P. with a small Doric templum in antis from the 6th cent. BC. Sources: Strab. 8,4,6; Paus. 4,3,10; 31,43 34,1-4. A. PHiLippson, Der Peloponnes, 1892, 202, 378f., 496;

PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN 3, 400-403; M. N. VALMIN, The Swedish Messenia Expedition, 1938, 417-421; F. BOLTE, s.v. Pamisos (1), RE 18.3, 290-293.

E.0. CLL.

HA.BE. [2] Son of Zenon from Marathon, member of a famous family that reached the height of its influence in the rst cents. BC and AD. In Athens, P. was an agorandémos

(> Agoranomoi; IG IP 3493) and after 27 BC a hoplite strategos (IG Il* 3173; simultaneously priest of Roma and Augustus; cf. also IG II* 5477). In Delos he held a priestly office for Apollo, Artemis and Leto, which was

inherited in the family (IDélos 1592; 1593; 1594 (2); 1605; 1625; 1626; 2515-2519); apart from this he was a gymniasiarchos (> Gymnasiarchy; IDélos 1956; as dedicant in SEG 21,756; see alsoIG II? 2464). P. carried out a legation to Delos on behalfof the Gephyraei génos (SEG 30,85 = IG IF 1096); a P. is recorded twice as second magistrate of the mint in Athens for 66/5 and 62/r BC. Contrary to [1], [2. 15d] suggests not P. but his grandfather; an uncle of P. would also be conceiyable (as possibly in IG II* 1339); P.’ father Zenon is

PAMMENES

mentioned in [Délos 1624bis and SEG 23,4944, his son of the same name in IG II* 3123 and [4. 152] (cf. [3]). 1P.

TREVES,

s.v.

P. (2), RE

18.3,

299-303

2 CHR.

Hasicut, Zu den Miinzmagistraten der Silberpragung des Neuen Stils, in: Chiron 21, 1991, 1-23

357 (P.12)

412

411 the Carian coast in 190 BC, together with

» Eudamus

[2], and played a leading role in the naval victory over + Hannibal [4] off Side (Liv. 37,22,3; 37,24,9). L-M.G.

3 LGPN 2,

4J.H. Oxtver, The Athenian Expounders of

Pamphilus (Mdapdthoc; Pamphilos).

BO.D.

[1] Athenian hipparchos and stratégos. In 389 BC, he erected a permanent emplacement on Aegina and besie-

Pammon (I]duuov). Son of > Priamus and > Hecabe (Hom. Il. 24,250; Apollod. 3,151; Quint. Smyrn. 6,317; 562; 568; in Hyg. fab. 90 Pammon (SCHMIDT) or Palaemon), killed by + Neoptolemus [1] (Quint.

ged the island, but had to be relieved after five months,

the Sacred and Ancestral Law, 1950.

Smyrn. 13,213f.).

SLA.

Pamphila (Mauikn; Pamphilé) of Epidaurus. Important female philologist and writer at the time of Emperor Nero (mid-rst cent. AD); presumably the daughter of the grammarian Soteridas [1. 58-61; 2. 310-312]. Of her writings, only ro fragments are extant from the main work, the ‘Iotogix® brouvywata (Historika hypomnemata, ‘Historical Memoirs’) that comprised 33 bks. (FHG 3, 520-522). Of the other works, among which there were several Epitomat, Suda mentions

[lei GudtoBytyoewmv (“On Controversies’), TleQi &d@eodtoiwv (‘On Sexual Pleasures’) and an epitome of > Ctesias in three bks. (Suda s.v. Taudihn). The content and nature of the ‘Historical Memoirs’ can be reconstructed from the eight fragments in Diogenes Laertius and two fragments passed down by Gellius as well as a detailed commentary in Photius (cod. 175; bibl. r19b 16-120a 4). Aside from anecdotes about philosophers and important historical figures (Gell. NA 15,17 passed down P.’s version of the fateful instruction of > Alcibiades [3] in the playing of the flute [3. 234]), the work contained reminiscences of P.’s dis-

cussions with her husband and his cultivated circle of friends. In her biographical details, P. appears to have drawn upon the writings of > Heraclides [19] as well as those of > Sotion and > Hermippus [2]. The form of representation was in keeping with the diverse nature of the themes. Its formal variatio (yaQleotatoy tO Cvatentyuévov) complimented the work’s claim to increase knowledge (ig nohupaOiav;

Phot. bibl. t19b 34). In this way, the ‘Historical Memoirs’ as a literary product should be considered an

example of the so-called — Buntschriftstellerei, of which its stylistic simplicity was typical (ibid. 120a rf.). Its reception included, i.a., an epitome in four bks. by + Favorinus (source: Steph. Byz. s.v. ‘Pometc), and the

eklogai diaphoroi by > Sopater [1]. 1 A. Daus, Kleine Beitrage zur griechischen Litteraturgeschichte, in: RhM 35, 1880, 56-68 2O. REGENBOGEN, s.v. P., RE 18.3, 309-328 3 L. HOLFORD-STREVENS, Aulus Gellius, 1988.

MB.

Pamphilidas (Napiridac/Pamphilidas) from Rhodes. A cautious admiral, and willing to seek peace, in the war against > Antiochus [5] Ill. (Pol. 21,7,6-7; 21,10,5; cf. Liv. 37,2,9; 37,19,1). He was in action on

himself besieged by the Spartan > Gorgopas. Convicted of embezzlement and fined heavily at Athens, P. still owed the city five talents at his death after having sold his estates (Lys. 15,5; Xen. Hell. 5,1,2; Aristoph. Plut. 174; 385; Plat. fr. 14 PCG; Dem. Or. 39,2; 40,20 and 22).

Davies, 365; D. Hamet, Athenian Generals, 1998, 135;

149.

W.S. H.VO.

[2] Painter of the rst half of the 4th cent. BC, from

Amphipolis in Macedonia. Regarded as the founder of the so-called Sicyonian School or Academy of painting (Plin. HN 3,5,75f.). The lengthy training course with him was expensive; among his students were the famous > Apelles [4], > Melanthius [5] and > Pausias. The theoretician P., described as a polymath, himself worked as a writer on art (Suda s.v. P.), and grounded

his method of painting tuition on rational scientific foundations, e.g. geometry and arithmetic, as well as on a comprehensive general education. The obligatory rules following from this method were said to assure a certain reliable means of representation (chrestography). This may have meant a kind of canon for the solution of painterly problems such as > perspective and composition. As a result of these innovations by P., painting and drawing came to be regarded in a more respected light, and were included as a subject for tuition in the curriculum of free citizen boys. For a long time afterwards they were regarded as supreme among the ‘liberal arts’, a development which was echoed in the Renaissance. P. also painted encaustically (+ Encaustic painting) and using the four-colour palette. His range of themes was a broad one, including family, battle and mythical scenes. In spite of the intentions he described, we know nothing more of his style, as his works are lost. A. GRIFFIN, Sikyon, 1982, 148f.; E. KEuts, Plato and Greek Painting, 1978, 139-150; P. MoreENo, Pittura

Greca, 1987; I. SCHEIBLER, Griechische Malerei der Antike, 1994; M. ScHmrpt, s.v. Herakleidai, LIMC 4.1, 725, No. 1; R. Ropert, Apelle et Protogéne: pour une histoire linéaire de la peinture grecque, in: M.-CH. VILLANUEVA-PuIG (ed.), Céramique et peinture grecques, 1999, 233-243, esp. 235f.; A. Rouveret, Profilo della pittura parietale greca, in: G. PUGLIESE CARRATELLI (ed.), I Greci in Occidente, 1996, 99-108. N.H.

[3] Even the scholia to Aristoph. Plut. 385 are not in agreement as to whether a tragedian P. (early 4th cent. BC), the author of a drama on the Heraclids, is to be distinguished from the painter P. [2] (IrGFI 51). xz.

413

414

[4] P. (c. AD 240-310), of a distinguished family of >» Berytus, studied under Pierius at the Didaskaleion of » Alexandreia [1] (Phot. Bibliotheke 118f.). At > Caesarea [2] Maritima, he seems to have revived the stagnating school of - Origen [2], and was ordained by Agapius, the local bishop. The great scientific library

of the title is problematical),

there was established by him. Of his works, there sur-

vives a Latin edition of the remnants of a six-volume apologia for Origenes, whose orthodoxy he sought to defend. His pupil > Eusebius [7] wrote a (lost) vita of P., and succeeded him as director of the library. P. was imprisoned for two years during the persecution of the Christians by > Maximinus [1] Daia; he was then executed. EpITIoNs:

CPG

1, 1715f.; R. WILLIAMS, Damnosa her-

editas, in: H. CH. BRENNECKE (ed.), Logos. FS L. Abramowski (ZNTW Beih. 67), 1993, 151-169. C.M.

[5] Greek rhetor of whom Quintilian reports (Quint. Inst. 3,6,3 1-34) that he followed such an idiosyncratic path in his teaching of stasis that he only distinguished two staseis (— status) (otoyaoudd/stochasmos, Latin status coniecturalis, and nowrts/poidtes, Latin status

qualitatis), but divided the latter into several sub-categories. On the one hand, such a divergent view presumed the stasis teachings of > Hermagoras [1]; on the other hand, Cicero (Cic. De or. 3,81) has — Licinius [I 10] Crassus, who died in 91 BC, voice criticism of a teaching method of P.’s, so that it may be possible to place P. as a younger contemporary of Hermagoras’ in the 2nd half of the 2nd cent. BC. M.W. [6] Alexandrian grammarian of the 2nd half of the rst cent. AD, author of a very extensive lexicographical work in 95 books which, according to Athen. 14,650d-e was called Mei yAwoodv xai dvoudtov (‘On Glosses and Names’), and according to the Suda (x 142) was called Ieoi yAwoodv iro A€Eewv (‘On Glosses and Words’). In this work, he collected exegetical, grammatical and lexicographical material; his diverse sources ranged from Aristophanes [4] of Byzantium via Theodorus to Apion, Apollodorus [13] of Cyrene, Artemidorus [4], Didymus [1] Chalcenterus, Diodorus [14], Heracleon, Iatrocles and Timachidas of Rhodes. The

structure of his work presents a problem which has yet to be solved: according to the few fragments which survive, its organization appears to have been onomastic. The Suda (x 142) reports that it was in alphabetical

order, P. only having written the entries from e-@, a certain Zopyrion having written the preceding ones. Owing to the huge scale of the work and its consequent difficult handling, Julius > Vestinus produced a more manageable epitome only a short time later, “EhAnvixe ovouata (Hellénika ondmata, ‘Greek Names’, 30 bks.), which was further abridged by Diogenianus [2] of Heraclea as Mavtodamh AeEc (Pantodape léxis, ‘Words of All Kinds’); this formed a milestone in the history of lexicography. The Suda (x 142) also tells of a florilegium by P. entitled Aeuudv (Leimon/‘Meadow’; the exact meaning

PAMPHOS another work

dealing

with unspecified aspects of Nicander [4], a Teyvy xotth (‘The Art of Criticism’) and other grammatical wri-

tings not mentioned by name. He may also have been the author of a treatise on plants which was well known in late antiquity (cf. the description in Gal.

11, 792-798

KUun) and served as a model for the so-called ‘alphabetical Dioscorides’ (> Pedanius). The Tewmoyuma (“On Agriculture’) and [legit @uowm@v (“On Nature’) which the Suda m 141 ascribes to a P. philosophus may also have been written by P., as may two further works mentioned there (Eixovec xat& ototyeiov/‘Paintings in Alphabetical Order’ and Tlegi yeas xal Cwyoadav évdoEwv/‘On Paintings and Famous Painters’).

> Lexicography Epitrions:

M.

SCHMIDT,

Quaestiones

Hesychii Alexandrini Lexicon, vol. 4, BIBLIOGRAPHY: J. SCHOENEMANN,

Hesychianae

=

1864, LXI-LXIX. De lexicographis

antiquis qui rerum ordinem secuti sunt quaestiones praecursoriae, thesis. Hannover

1886, 78-116; C. WENDEL,

s.v. P. (25), RE 18.3, 336-3493 E. DEGANI, La lessicografia, in: G. CAMBIANO et al. (ed.), Lo spazio letterario della Grecia antica, vol. 2, 1995, 514-515. IRA

[7] P. of Sicily, dates uncertain; Athen. 4d (Epitome)

states, citing > Clearchus [6], probably his essay ‘On Riddles’ (Iegi yeipwv), that P. only spoke in verse at symposia: the two verses quoted by Athenaeus are iambic trimeters, of which one is a request for a drink and a haunch of partridge, the second a call for a chamber-pot or a cake. E.BO. [8] Epigrammatist of the ‘Garland’ of Meleager [8] (Anth. Pal. 4,1,17). A funerary poem to a cicada (7,201,

cf. 7,200 by > Nicias [4]) and an epideictic poem on the plaints of Philomela metamorphosed into a swallow (9,573 cf. 9,70 by > Mnasalces) survive. P. probably modelled himself on both Nicias and Mnasalces, between whom Meleager places P. in his prooemium (see above). GAT

1, 0543254431.

M.G.A.

Pamphlet see ~ Communications Pamphos (lMdudmc; Pamphos). Early Greek poet, author of various hymns to deities, perhaps mythical, mentioned in Pausanias: P. is supposed to be earlier than Homer (Paus. 8,37,9) and ~ Narcissus (ibid. 9,31,9), but later than > Olen (ibid. 9,27,2). Pausanias connects P. with Attica (ibid. 7,21,9; 9,29,8) and Eleu-

sis, for which he cites a hymn by P. to » Demeter (ibid. 139,13 929,83 [4. 74f.]). The tradition that P. was the

inventor of the lamp could also be Eleusinian (Plut. fr. 61 SANDBACH; [6. 53; 1. 178]). P.’s hymn to > Eros [1], which is connected with the Attic clan of the > Lycomidae

(Paus.

9,27,2),

seems

to

be Orphic

[6. 53].

According to Hesych. s.v. Mauides (Pamphides), P. is

the eponym of the Athenian clan of the Pamphides [cf. 323071.

PAMPHOS

416

415

On the basis of stylistic and literary criteria, P. Maas considers P. Hellenistic [2], since ina verse cited in Paus. 7,21,9 te is long before a mute (cf. [5. 156]) and it is possible that a verse cited in Philostr. Heroicus 29,3f. parodies Cleanthes fr. r PoweLL. However, even if elements of the tradition are Hellenistic, the basic stock

can probably be dated earlier. -» Eleusis [1]; > Hymn; > Orphism, Orphic poetry 1 F. Gra, Eleusis und die orphische Dichtung Athens in vorhellenistischer Zeit, 1974

2 P. Maas,s.v. P., RE 18.3,

rich alluvial soil, P. already offered optimum agricultural conditions in antiquity. Inhabitation of caves in Belbasi, Karain und Beldibi [3; 4], for which there is evidence from the Palaeolithic to the Copper Age, was limited to the mountainous Pamphylian-Lycian border region west and south-west of Antalya. New Copper and Bronze Age finds from Perge prove that the Pamphylian plain was inhabited as early as the 4th millennium BC, as had already been postulated on the basis of linguistic history [5; 6. 557-569].

352f.genos 3 R. Parker, Athenian Religion, 1996 4N.J. RICHARDSON,

The Homeric

Hymn

5 M. L. West, Greek Metre, 1982

to Demeter,

1974

6 Id., Orphic Poems,

1983.

LRU.

Pamphylia (Maupvdrta/Pamphylia). I. GEoGRAPHY IV. ROMAN

II]. HELLENISTIC

PERIOD

ERA

1. GEOGRAPHY The name is usually derived from one of the three traditional Doric tribes (Dymanes, Hylleis, Pamphyloi) or from the Greek adjective pam-phylos, ‘from all tribes’. Occasionally it is derived from a homonymous daughter (Theopomp. FGrH 115 F 103,15), sister (Steph. Byz. s.v. II.) or wife (schol. Dionys. Per. 850) of the seer

> Mopsus. However, as there is a Hittite men-

tion of P. (see below), all this may be a Graecizing malapropism. In antiquity, P. referred to the fertile alluvial landscape on the south-eastern

coast of Asia Minor,

east of Lycia, south of Pisidia, west of Cilicia. Because

ofhistorical changes, the borders ofthe territory cannot be determined with certainty either politically or ethnographically, particularly as Pamphylian linguistic evidence from the pre-Roman period is too scarce [1] (> Pamphylian). The Lycian-Pamphylian border probably was west of — Attaleia [1] ([2. 8], contrary Hecat. FGrH 1 F 258; Pseudo-Scyl. too = GGM 1,75), the Cilician-Pamphylian border east of > Side (Mela 1,78; Plin. HN 5,96; contrary Ptol. 5,5,2; [2]; contrary [14]), while to the north, the Taurus foothills — including the plain of Climax in the west with its rocky ascent

— form

the Pisidian-Pamphylian

border

to a Hittite

treaty,

P. was

known,

it

seems, as Tarhuntassa in the 13th cent. BC, and ruled by Kurunta, with its western border on the Kastaraya (= Cestrus) [7]. Thus, it belonged to the Hittite realm. There are some indications of a (late) Hittite tradition:

II. EARLIEST TIMES TO ALEX-

ANDER THE GREAT

I]. EARLIEST TIMES TO ALEXANDER THE GREAT According

(Str.

14,3,9; Plut. Alexander 17,8).

In essence, P. is the name of the alluvial plain (maximum 25 X 80 km), with flat travertine terraces in the west, with table mountains up to 280m high, some with towns on them (+ Aspendus, > Perge, > Sillyum), and with the gentle hilly region between the high ~ Taurus in the east, north and west. The plain is crossed by three large rivers, which flow from the Taurus into the Mediterranean. They are the Cestrus (modern

Aksu Cayi, ~ Perge), the Eurymedon (modern Képrii Cay:1) and the Melas (modern Manavgat Cayi, > Side); the first two were once navigable (Cestrus: Str. 14,4,23 anon. Stadiasmus maris magni 219; Mela 1,79; Eurymedon: Str. loc. cit.; Diod. Sic. 14,99,4; anon. ibid. 217). With the rivers, the warm, moist climate and the

the original name of Aspendus, ‘Estwediiys’, the > Sidetan language primarily spoken in Side and Seleuceia/ Lyrbe ([8]), the indigenous name of Sillyum, and a late Hittite basalt cauldron in Side. Ancient mythological tradition has it that the Greeks migrated to P. after the ‘Trojan War’ [9; ro], but this remains questionable due to a lack of archaeological evidence. At the other hand, new finds from Perge [11] document the arrival of Rhodian colonists in the early 7th cent. BC and confirm the ancient written tradition regarding Side. The flourishing of Perge, Side and probably also Sillyum under Greek influence and with strong indigenous components indicates that Pamphylian culture began in the 7th cent. Despite Lydian (Hdt. 1,28) and, beginning in 547, Persian rule (Hdt. 3,90; 7,91), Greek cultural influence dominated, strengthened by (probable) membership of the > Delian League between 465 and 415 (— Perge; [2. 30f.]). The subsequent Persian rule (Thuc. 8,81; 87f.; Polyaenus, Strat. 7,21,4), which is primarily manifest in coins of the Persian monetary standard, ended with Alexander [4] the Great in 334 BC. III. HELLENISTIC PERIOD

According to the archaeological, inscriptional and numismatic

evidence, the fortified urban centres of Aspendus, Perge, Side and Sillyum prospered under Ptolemaic and Seleucid rule; the harbour of Attaleia [1] was built in 150 BC. There is evidence of smaller, older ports such as Magydus (east of Antalya) or, in eastern P., > Coracesium and Cibyra (minor), from the 4th cent. (Pseudo-Scyl. roof.). Other small urban centres in

eastern Pamphylia (located in the border region with Cilicia) in the Hellenistic period were > Hamaxia, Laertes, ~ Colybrassus and - Seleucia/Lyrbe. The small ports Idyrus, on the river of the same name (modern Kemer Cay1) near Cape Avova, and > Olbia [2] on the Catarrhactes (modern Diiden Cay1) — both on an unknown location west of Antalya [12] —, and + Lyrnessos (Str. 14,4,1; 5,21; Plin. HN 5,96) -—a name

that is pre-Greek — belonged now to Lycia (Pseudo-Scyl. 100), then to P. (Hecat. FGrH 1 F 260). The towns of Ptolemais (Str. 14,4,2), Arsinoé (Str. 14,5,3) and Seleu-

417

418

cia — refounded by the Ptolemees and the Seleucids respectively — have not yet been found. The péleis included agricultural production centres (kOmai), such as Elaibaris north-west of Perge or Lyrboton Kome

Pamphylian. To date, Pamphylian (the Greek dialect of + Pamphylia) is very sparsely attested: epigraphical evidence at > Sillyon (1st half of 4th cent. BC: only parts of sentences decipherable); brief funerary inscriptions from the early Hellenistic period onward, most with personal names (most important finds at > Aspen-

(important for the production of olive oil).

IV. ROMAN ERA An uninterrupted Roman presence began soon after too BC and the battle against south-western Anatolian pirates (> Piracy). P. became part of the province of > Cilicia; in 43 BC, part of the province of > Asia [2] (Cic. Fam. 12,15,5); in 31 BC, part of the province of = aGalatiaun (Ocusmnl 2a5ea. 12,7; contrary Cass. Dio 49,32,3); beginning with Vespasian (AD 69-79), part of the double province > Lycia et Pamphylia; from AD 314 or 325, P. was its own province. The establishment of Christianity in P. is reflected in its inclusion in the diocese Asiana (Laterculus Veronensis 3,2; Not. Dign.

Or. 24,11). The most significant poleis — Aspendus, Side and Perge — experienced a splendid urban development during the long phase of the > pax Romana (c. 27 BC — AD 284), partly due to private > euergetism, and achieved the rank of métropolis (Perge from c. 275, Side somewhat later). The other poleis — the insignificant Ptolemaic foundations excepted — also participated in the general prosperity in P. There were also four smaller settlements, Erymna and > Cotenna in the northern Pamphylian highlands, and Lyrbe (> Seleucia) and Sennea in eastern P. [2. ro6f.]. The end of the pax Romana, invasions by the Isauri (-> Isauria) and severe earthquakes, especially in the 4th cent AD, resulted ina cultural

break, from

which

P. obviously

recovered,

given the numerous monumental Christian buildings in the refortified city in the 5th and 6thcents., before repeated incursions by the Arabs in the 7th cent. brought about a rapid decline. ~ Asia Minor; > Pamphylian 1 C. BrIxHE, Le dialecte grec de Pampylie, 1976

2H.

BranpT,

und

Geschichte

und Wirtschaft

Pisidiens im Altertum, 1990

Pamphyliens

3E. Y. BosTanci, Upper

Palaeolithic and Mesolithic Facies at Belbagi Rock Shelter on the Mediterranean Coast of Anatolia, in: Belleten 26,

1962, 233-292 4M. J. MELLINK, Archeology in Anatolia, in: AJA 89, 1985, 547-567 5 A. ErzEN, Das Besiedlungsproblem Pamphyliens im Alt., in: AA 88, 1973, 388401

6A. PEKMan,A

History of Perge, 1973

7 H. OTTEN,

Die Bronzetafel aus Bogazkéy. Ein Staatsvertrag Tuthalijas IV., 1988, 19 8 G. NEuMANN, Die sidetische Schrift, in: ASNP 8, 1978, 869-886 9P. Weiss, Lebendiger Mythos, in: WJA N.F. 10, 1984, 179-195 10J.H.M. STRUBBE, Grinder kleinasiatischen Stadte, in: AncSoc 15/17, 1984/6, 253-304 11H. ABBASOGLU, W. Mar-

PAMPHYLIAN

dus); coin legends; furthermore, 27 glosses which sur-

vive with indications of origin [1. 141-143]. Pamphylian, which was spoken in a frontier region inhabited by various Greek and non-Greek tribes (Maupvrov/Pamphyloi: lit. ‘all-men’ or Doric for ‘phyle’?) shows (a) a strong component of influence from Asia Minor, attributable primarily to the influence of Anatolian substrate or adstrate languages (e.g. -» Sidetic), and giving P. forms an odd structure, (b) distinctive evolutions, partly shared with those of the ~» Koine, and correspondences (c) with > Arcadian and ~ Cyprian, (d) with the Doric dialects (+ Doric/NorthWest Greek), esp. Cretan, and (e) with Aeolic/Lesbian (> Aeolic).

Under (a): disappearance of *a-, raising of *o in final syllables before -s and -m (Oavadwous, gen. Mekkwviou = ‘Adavadwooc, Amokkwviov) and of *e (Fexwsapuc/ = [Fleyedauos), weakening of nasalization (e&ayodu, 1 sonu [-o"di], [i™boliyi] = &daywvt, év woAet). Under (a) and (b): changes in the vowel system (*ei > é: xe00at = xetoOa); loss of quantity oppositions from the 3rd cent. BC onward (o~ w ~ ov, € ~~ 0), *-i0(s/7) > -i(s/n) (i, et: ALPovuoetg = Atoviotos); spirantization of intervocalic *g, *d (written ast, 9, cf. MevaAettus against Meyadettuc, Avxoputigas = Avxopntidas). Under (c): raising of *e before nasals (u < *en, "AOwe/iFus = “AvOewevs) and of -o (3. Sg. -tu < *-to), gen. masc. a-stems in -avu (gen. ®ieagav for *Pygadau

= Oeioddov), athematic infinitive in -(e)vat, && with dat. rather than gen. Under (d): -ti preserved, xa, iagdc, pixati ‘20’ ( [v]); like Cretan often subject to metathesis (Pogdtsic, Poodios = Adeodtotos), tg < *en-s.

Under (e): dat. pl. in -atot, -ovol, -eoou (atedmouol, SUMAOTEQEDOL = AvOQMmOLC, SiXAOTHEOL); imperative 3rd

pers. pl. -6v, middle voice -odv [-"du], [-zdu] from *_nton, *-(n)st’on (eprerody, [Clanuecdu = eehovtov, Cytwovobwv). Some notable forms: ayHaydeo06, epodacétu, v BodEuevuc, TEET(L) = UvatgeloOw, EBovAnOn, 6 PovdrduEvoc (as official title [8]; otherwise no article), modc. Pamphylian, whose speakers were, due to (a), regarded as ‘barbarians’ even in antiquity (Ephorus in Str. 14,5523), can scarcely be assigned either to Western or Eastern Greek. Rather, it was isolated from the other

TINI, Perge Akropolisi’nde 1996 Yilinda Yarilan Calismalar, in: K. OLSEN (ed.), 19. Kazi Sonuclari Toplantisi 2, 1998, 93-105 12 N. Cevik, The Localization of Olbia on the Gulf of P., in: Lykia 1, 1994, 89-102 13S. SAHIN, Studien zu den Inschriften von Perge II, in: EA 25, 1995, 1-24, esp. 20ff. 14 J. NoLL£, Pamphylische Studien 6-10, in: Chiron 17, 1987, 236-276.

dialects from as early as the end of the 2nd cent.: apart

J. Noti£, Pamphyl.

vaov Kovgaoimvus dajuogyiowoa megtedwxe i¢ TVEYO

Studien

1-5, in: Chiron

199-212; Id., Side im Altertum, 1993.

16, 1986,

W.MA.

from archaisms such as *-ti, (c)—(d) probably indicate

dialect mixing or parallel development, esp. with Cyprian and Cretan, and (e) suggests settlers from Aeolis. Non-Greek proper names were often secondarily Hellenized [6; 7]. Example (Aspendus, 2nd cent. BC): Koveaouw Au-

PAMPHYLIAN

GOYVEV vas dixatt; entsprechend att.: Kogaow Avuvatov Kogaowdvog dywoveyjoov0a moocedmxe ic TVEYOV GOYVOOV LWA ELXOOL.

+ Greek Dialects SourRCES: Documents

420

419

Epirion:

1£. Livrea, Pamprepii

Panopolitani Car-

mina, 1979.

1C. BRIxXHE, Le dialecte grec de la Pamphylie. et

on etymologies (Etuporoyiov dmddooic; Etymologion

apodosis).

grammaire,

1976,

150-319

(Plates

I-

BIBLIOGRAPHY: 29788C: Emperor,

2R. C. McCamt,

P. Gr. Vindob.

Hexameter Encomium on in: JHS 98, 1978, 38-63

an Un-Named 3E. CALDERON

XLVIII) 2 Id., Et. d’Archéologie Classique 5, 1976, 9-16; 6, 1988, 167-234; 7, 1991, 15-27 31d., Corpus des inscriptions dialectales de Pamphylie, supplement 4, in: Kadmos 35, 1996, 72-86. Lit.: 4C. Brrxue, cf. [1], 1976 (standard reference

1995, 349-361 4A. D. Cameron, Wandering Poets: A Literary Movement in Byzantine Egypt, in: Historia 14,

work; reviews.: M. GARCIA TEIJEIRO, in: Minos 17, 1981, 211-218; G. NEUMANN, in: Gnomon 52, 1978, 225-227)

29788 A-C, in: ZPE 25, 1977, 121-134 (repr. in: Id., Studia Hellenistica, vol. 2, 1991, 493-504). S.FO.

5 Id. et al., Le pamphylien, in: REG 98, 1985, 311-313 (research reports) 6Id., Etym. populaire et onomastique en pays bilingue, in: RPh 65, 1991, 67-81 7 Id., Reflexion sur l’onomastique d’une vieille terre coloniale: la Pamphylie, in: C. Dopras-Latou (ed.), Des dialectes aux Lois

de Gortyne, 1999, 33-45 8 M. Garcia TEIJEIRO, Panfilio v Bodeuevus, in: Actas del V Congreso Espanol de Estudios Clasicos, 1978, 497-501

9 THUMB/SCHERER,

175-193.

J.G-R.

Pamprepius (Ilapmeémoc/Pamprépios) of Panopolis in Egypt. The sources on his biography [1. 7-9] are detailed but often tendentious: Suda s.v. I. = vol. 4, 13,2815,28 Adler, with excerpts from Malchus (also in Phot. cod. 242); Hesychius = Suda vol. 4,13,25-27 Adler; the

horoscope of P. preserved in Rhetorius; Damascius, Vita Isidori (esp. antipathetic). Born in AD 440, P. studied at Alexandria, where he became acquainted with + Hermias and came into contact with Neoplatonic circles. Around the age of 30, he went to Athens, where he studied with > Proclus and became a highly-regarded grammatikos. After losing the favour of his patron, the Athenian archon Patrikios Theagenes, he went to Constantinople in 476, entering the sphere of the Isaurian ‘emperor-maker’ — Illus: he was appointed to a chair of grammar at the Capitol school. He became quaestor and perhaps consul. His leading role in Illus’ project to depose the emperor Zeno and restore the old faith necessitated his retirement to Pergamum; he later accompanied Illus to Isauria, Antiochea and Egypt. P. died in AD 484, perhaps executed for treachery. The Papyrus Graecus Vindobonensis 29788 A-C (6th cent. AD) contains an ‘ecphrastic’ (according to rhetorical theory) epyllion by P., (cf. Aphthonius 37,17f. Rabe), linking the hours of the day with activities: the epyllion, complex in structure and stylistically in the tradition of > Nonnus, demonstrates a precious style rich in refined musical effects, and betrays P.’s Neoplatonic training both by the central importance of the Eleusinian cults and the typical motif of light triumphing over darkness [5]. On the papyrus, the epyllion is preceded by a mutilated encomium on Patrikios Theagenes: it is modest in style and in poetic working, and may therefore be juvenile. Further epic fragments on the papyrus (an encomium of the Imperial Period), however, are not attributable to P. [2]. Nothing survives of the Toavetxd (Isaurika, cf. FGrH 749) or a work

Dorpa, El hexametro de Pamprepio, in: Byzantion 65,

1965, 470-509

5 EE. Livrea, Pamprepio ed il P.Vindob.

Pan (Ildv/Pdn). Doric form of Arcadian Tlawv/Pdon,

probably derived etymologically via Aiyimav/Aigipan from Mycenaean aiki-pata, which is related to Latin pastor (‘shepherd’), pasci (‘to graze’) [1]; cf. also the ancient Indian god Pusan [15]. As the god of goatherds and shepherds, P.’s home is > Arcadia [12] (Pind. fr. 95; hardly any evidence prior to 500 BC); as the twin brother of + Arcas, he is a son of Zeus Lycaeus and > Callisto (Epimenides fr. 16 DK); he has theriomorphic traits (the feet and head ofa goat) but always walks upright (here the bronze statuette from Lusoi dating from about 250 is significant [4. 612 nr. 8]). P. hada shrine (Paus. 8,38,5) and an oracle site (schol. Theocr. 1,123) in the > Lycaeum mountains [11]; the Romans identified > Faunus Lupercus with P. Lycaeus. In the Cyllene mountains P. was worshipped as the son of -» Hermes and of a daughter of Dryops (H. Hom 19,30ff.; Soph. Aj. 694ff.). In addition to Zeus and Hermes, — Apollo (Pind. fr. too SCHROEDER) and ~» Kronos (Aesch. fr. 25b) are mentioned as his father, and various nymphs as his mother, including > Penelope (Pind. fr. 100 SCHROEDER), who is also identified with Odysseus’s wife (Hdt. 2,145,4; Paus. 8,12,6;

in an etymological interpretation of Penelope and all — pasi — suitors, cf. Lycophr. 769ff. according to Duris). From Arcadia, P. went to Boeotia around 500 BC (he is not mentioned in Hesiod or the Homeric epics); Pindar [13] links him with the “Great Mother’ (Pind. P. 3,77f.; Pind. fr. 95 and fr. 96: ‘the Olympians refer to P. as the polymorphic dog — kyna pantodapon — of the Great Goddess’). In Delphi, the Corycian grotto (> Korykion Antron) is dedicated to P. and the nymphs [9] (Paus. 10,32,7; others in Cilicia and Caesarea [2]); P. is the

originator of ‘panic fear’ (panikon deima, a pastoral experience of herds suddenly becoming highly agitated), which beset the Galatians, for example, during their attack on Delphi in 279 BC (Paus. 10,23,7ff.; Aen. Tact. 27; Ps.-Eur. Rhes. 3 6f.). P. causes panolepsy in the individual, i.e. complete possession by the god (Eur. Med. 1167-1175; Eur. Hipp. r4rf.). Of critical importance is P.’s path from Arcadia to Athens (Aesch. Ag. 56 mentions him in connection with Apollo and Zeus). Herodotus

(6,105) tells us that P.

appeared to a messenger running to Sparta during the Persian invasion and called for a cult in Athens. A

421

422

grotto was dedicated to him on the northern slope ofthe Acropolis after the victory at Marathon (490 BC) (cf. Sim. in Anth. Plan. 232; Eur. lon 492f.), with annual

sacrifices and a torch race. Athenian fishermen appear to have worshipped P. as their patron on the island of + Psyttalea (cf. Aesch. Pers. 447ff.; Pind. fr. 97; Paus. 1,36,2). Pl. Phdr. 263d and 279b document a shrine to the > nymphs and P. on the banks of the Ilissus; Men. Dys. 1-4 tells of a cult in the Attic deme — Phyle. It is possible that the skolion carm. conviviale 4 PaGg and the Homeric hymn (19) to P. [17], in which he also appears as a hunter (12f.), originated in Athens; the mother flees from her child, but Hermes takes the child

to Olympus to the delight of all the gods (47): ‘But they called him Pan because he was a delight to all — pdsin’. P. reached his apogee in the Hellenistic period [14]. The Arcadian god found his prominence in the glorification of the life of a shepherd (Theocr. 1,5 and 7, cf.

Longus). P. plays the > syrinx (he creates the instrument from a nymph who has been transformed into reeds, Ov. Met. 1,689ff.; competition with Apollo), sings and dances with the nymphs (cf. Hom. h. 19,14ff.). He often appears with the followers of ~> Dionysus (first documented in 490 on a krater fragment [4. 612 nr. 4]); he was identified with > satyrs (there is also a plurality of Pans, cf. Aristoph. Eccl. 1069, as well as female P.). He is depicted as an ithyphallic god, ever in search of erotic adventure (cf. the Boston Krater of the > Pan Painter [1]), for example with Echo (Theoer. Syrinx 5f.) and Selene (Verg. Georg. 3,391ff.), and is also the originator of onanism (Dion Chrys. 6,20).

P. plays a role in Stoic philosophy stemming from a mistaken etymological link made between his name and to pan (‘the universe’) (Apollod. FGrH 244 F 134¢; Cornutus, Theologiae Graecae compendium 27; cf. Pl. Crat. 408b-c: P. as logos ... pan ményon, ‘he who shows all’); cf. Orphic traditions documenting the concept of P. as god of all (Orph. H. r1,1ff.; Orph. fr. 13,12-17 Dk); influence on the mediaeval concept of the devil. In Egypt, gods in the form of goats or rams (e.g. Chnum) were identified with P. (Hdt. 2,46). This may help to explain the astounding legend passed down by Plut. De def. or. 419a-d: at the time of emperor Tiberius, an Egyptian helmsman heard a voice telling him to go to the heights of Butrint (in what is now Albania) and cry out: ‘The great P. is dead’ (P. ho mégas téthnéke), after which a loud lamenting emanated from the countryside (cf. the mourning of the death of the goat dedicated to the god of Mendes in Hdt. 2,46). Synchronism with the death of Christ resulted in an influential tradition (cf. Eus. Praep. Ev. 5,17 [1o. 7off.]). 1 J. D. BEAZLEY, The Pan Painter, 1974 2A. M. BERLIN, The Archaeology of Ritual. The Sanctuary of P. at Banias/ Caesarea Philippi, in: BASO 315, 1999, 27-45 3 A. BrrNAND, P. du désert, 1977. 4 J. BOARDMAN, s.y. P., LIMC 8.1 suppl., 923-941; LIMC 8.2 suppl., 612-635 5 Id., The Great God P. The Survival of an Image, 1997. 6 P. BorGEAUD, The Cult of P. in Ancient Greece, 1988

(french 1979)

7 F. BROMMER, P. im 5. und 4. Jh.v.Chr.,

PAN

in:

Marburger

Jahrbuch

fiir

PAINTER

Kunstwissenschaft

15,

1949/50, 5-42 8Id.,s.v. P., RE Suppl. 8, 949-1008 9C. Epwarps, Greek Votive Reliefs to P. and the Nymphs, 1985 10R. Hers, P., der griechische Bocksgott, 1949 11 U. Hipincer, On P.’s Iconography and the Cult ... on Mount Lykaion, in: R. Hace (ed.), The Iconography of Greek Cult (Kernos Suppl. 1), 1992, 189-212 12M. Jost, Sanctuaires et cultes d’Arcadie, 1985, 456-476 13 L. LeEHNus, L’inno a P. di Pindaro, 1978 14 N. MarQUARDT, P. in der hellenistischen und kaiserzeitlichen Plastik, 1995 15 N. OETTINGER, Semantisches zu P., Pusan und Hermes, in: Mir curad (Innsbrucker Beitrage zur

Sprachwissenschaft 92), 1998, 539-548

16K. SCHAUEN-

BURG, P. in Unteritalien, in: MDAI(R) 69, 1962, 27-42 17 H. ScHwaBL, Der homerische Hymnus auf P., in: WS 3, 1969, 5-14 18H. SICHTERMANN, s.v. P., EAA 6, 1963,

920-922.

J.-HO.

Pan-Chao see > Pan-Ku

Pan-Ku, Pan-Chao. Siblings (rst cent. AD), authors of the Hanshu (Qian Hanshu), the official Chinese dynastic history of the Former or Western Han, containing information

on

the

Parthian

empire

(— Parthians;

-» Parthia), among other subjects. D. D. Lesuir, K. H. J. GARDINER, The Roman Empire in Chinese Sources, 1996, s.v. Pan Ku/Pan Ch’ao. JW.

Pan Painter. Attic red-figured vase painter of the transitional period between the late Archaic period and early Classical period (490/480-460/450 BC), who combined ‘late Archaic daintiness and early Classical grandeur’ (BEAZLEY). Named after a bell krater (Bos-

ton, MFA 10.185) depicting > Pan amorously pursuing a shepherd. Highly productive and versatile, the PP painted a broad spectrum of forms, from kraters and amphorae to cups and lekythoi (> Pottery, shapes and types of), including some white ground ones (lekythos with Artemis and swan, St. Petersburg, HR 2363). He was a virtuoso in relief line technique and a master at combining images and vessel forms in a harmonious way. In this respect he was similar to the > Berlin Painter, whose influence is also evident in the painting of single figures on lekythoi and Nolan amphorae. His best paintings, for which he often chose unusual themes, are characterized by original representations that are rich in contrast and by compositions full of tension and dramatic movement, combined with a dan-

ce-like liveliness of the figures. The PP preferred unusual myths, herms (painting of three herms: pelike, Paris, LV C 10793) and genre-like scenes of everyday life (pelike with scene depicting an angler and painting of a youth with fish baskets, Vienna, KM 3727). His charming and graceful figures are of slim proportions, with small, round heads and thick necks; his faces have

strong, round chins, small noses, gently pouting mouths and vivid eyes. There is a sense of carefree serenity about his paintings, evident in particular in many of his depictions of youthful deities (such as the girlishly skip-

423

424

ping Athena on the kalpis with Perseus and Medusa,

in: H. Bersrer, J. BUCKLER (eds.), Boiotika. Vortrage vom

London,

5. Internationalen Bootien-Kolloquium (13.-17.6.1986), 1989, 231-244 4Id., The First Excavations at Panakton

PAN PAINTER

BM

Er8x).

Characteristic

are s-shaped

or

shell-shaped ears. Like the swirling folds of garments, this is evidence for his tendency towards ornamentalized forms. As well as the eponymous vase at Boston, his masterpieces include a pelike in Athens showing Heracles’ Busiris adventure (NM 9683) and a lekythos in Boston (MFA 13.198) with the single figure of a scouting hunter (Cephalus?). Of his early works, the psykter in Munich (SA 2417) with the obscure myth of Marpessa is noteworthy; however, its somewhat mannered and precious-seeming figures do not yet have the liveliness of his later paintings. The PP is associated with a group of vase painters called Mannerists by J. D. BEAZLEY, since they clung to archaizing forms long into the Classical period. The late Archaic painter Myson is regarded as their teacher. Modern research questions whether the PP was one of his students, as BEAZLEY believed, but his influence on the Mannerist group is uncontested. BEAZLEY,

ARV*,

550-561,

1659,

1706;

BEAZLEY,

Addenda*, 256-259; A. B. FOLLMANN, Der Pan Maler, 1968; C. SouRVINOU-INWoopD, Who Was the Teacher of

the Pan Painter?, in: JHS 95, 1975, 107-121; E. SIMON, Die griechischen Vasen, *1981, Fig. 170-173; M. ROBERTSON, The Art of Vase-Painting in Classical Athens,

1992, 143-147; J. BoarpDMAN, Athenian Vases: The Archaic Period (1975).

Panactum

(Ildvaxtov,

Hdavaxtoc;

Red

Panakton,

Figure LW.

Panak-

tos).

Attic border fortress on the southern edge of the Plain of Scurta near modern Prasino (once Kavasala) [2; 33.45 5. 224f.5 6], sometimes incorrectly identified with

on the Attic-Boiotian Frontier, in: J. M. Fossey (ed.), Boe-

otia Antiqua 6, 1996, 47-58 5 J. OBER, Fortress Attica, 1985, 152-154, 224f. 6E. VANDERPOOL, Roads and Forts in Northwestern Attica, in: CPh 11, 1978, 227-245.

H.LO.

Panaenus

(Ildvawoc/Pdanainos).

Painter and sculptor

from Athens, brother or more likely nephew (Str. 8,3,30) of the sculptor — Phidias, with whom he worked, possibly in the same workshop. His active period was the second third ofthe 5th cent. BC. Paus. 5,1 1,4—6 reports that he painted the fence in the temple of Zeus in +» Olympia with a programmatic cycle of myths. As can be inferred from remains and dowel holes, this fence was made of individual stone slabs, which were set up

between the front columns of the cella in front of Phidias’ gold-ivory cult image of an enthroned Zeus. The garments of this statue were painted by P. The slabs bore paintings of the deeds of Heracles, > personifications and images from the Trojan legendary cycle, which were meant have an exemplary influence on human patterns of thought and behaviour, particularly in the vicinity of the Olympic competitions. The exact appearance of the scenes remains unknown. P. is also connected with paintings of historical subjects (> Paintings on historical subjects), such as the battle of Marathon in the Stoa Poikile in Athens and a painting inside the shield of the statue of Athena in Elis (Plin. HN 35,543 57). He also developed a special plaster as a basis

for > wall paintings. B. E. McConneLL, The Paintings of Panaenus at Olym-

the Gyphtokastro (— Eleutherai) in the Kaza Pass. Built

pia, in: HSPh 88, 1984,

before the > Peloponnesian War, in 422 BC P. fell to the Boeotians through treachery (Thue. 5,3,5), who, in violation of a treaty, demolished it before returning it

beischrift oder Weihinschriften?, in: AA 1996, 43-51; Id.,

Bildnisse griechischer Herrscher

(Thuc. 5,18,7; 39,2f.; 40,1; Plut. Alcibiades 14,4; Plut. Nicias 10,3). Rebuilt in the first half of the 4th cent. BC (Dem. Or. 19,326; 54,3-5), in 304 BC P. was conque-

Malerei der Antike, 1994; W. VOLCKER-JANSSEN, Klassische Paradeigmata. Die Gemalde des Panaenus im ZeusTempel zu Olympia, in: Boreas 10, 1987, 11-31. N.H.

5. Jh.v.Chr.,

1997,

159-164; R. KRUMEICH, Namens-

11-31;

und Staatsmanner

I. SCHEIBLER,

im

Griechische

red by — Cassander, then by - Demetrius [2], who returned

it to Athens (Plut. Demetrius 23,2; Paus. 1,25,6). Mention is last made of P. in late 3rd-cent. BC

Panaetius (Mavaitioc; Panaitios). [1] P. of Leontini, established the first known > tyran-

honorary decrees (IG II* 1299; 1303-1305). Excavati-

nis in Sicily around 700 BC. P. overthrew the ruling oligarchy, probably by inciting the people (Aristot. pol. 5,10,13 10b 29; 5,12,1316a 37; Polyaen. 5,47).

ons since 1991 have yielded important inscriptions [4] and hints at a middle Helladic or early Mycenaean princely seat. The 5th—4th cent. BC classical fortress was built of clay bricks on a stone foundation. In the 14th— 15thcents., after quite a long hiatus, a village settlement developed in P. with a watch-tower and an Orthodox church [1]. 1S. E. J. Gerster, An Introduction to Medieval P., in: J. M. Fossey (ed.), Boeotia Antiqua 6 (Proceedings of the 8th International Conference on Boiotian Antiquities, 1995), 1996, 143-151 2M.H. Munn, Ev pedogiots tis "Attixis xal tig Bowwtiac, in: “Emetyoics tig “Etatoetac Bowtiz@v Mehet@v, A’ AteOveg Luvédoro Bowrtixav

Mehetiv, Ona 10-14 Sept. 1986, 1988, 363-371

3 I1d.,

New Light on Panakton and the Attic-Boiotian Frontier,

H. Berve, Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen, 1967, 1293; 5933 T. J. DuNBABIN, The Western Greeks, 1948, 66-68; N.

LuraGHl, Tirannidi archaiche in Sicilia e Magna Grecia, 1994,

II-20.

B.P.

[2] In 480, at the battle of Salamis, P. commanded a trireme from his home city of Tenos, which was then under Persian sovereignty. He took his ship and defected to the Greeks before the battle had begun, revealing to them that their entire fleet was surrounded by the Persians (Hdt. 8,82; Plut. Themistocles 12). > Persian Wars [1]

425

426

[3] P. of Athens was convicted in 415 BC of involvement in the profanation of the Mysteries and the > mutilation of the Herms, and was in exile until 399 (And. 1,133 525 67f.). Aristophanes ridiculed him as a ‘monkey’ in one of his comedies (fr. 409 PCG). ES-H.

about the doctrines of conflagration and eternal recurrence as well as about the reliability of prophecy and astrology. With respect to human > nature and psychology he defended the Stoic view that the > soul was a material and mortal entity; indeed, he called into question the authenticity of Plato’s Phaedo (fr. 84 VAN STRAATEN). He was more innovative in his depiction of the parts of the soul: He attributed the ability to procreate to nature (pvotc/physis) rather than to the soul and postulated a kind of dualism between the part that

[4] P. of Rhodes. Stoic philosopher, approx. 185-109 BC. A. Lire B. Writincs C. TEACHINGS A. LIFE Son of Nicagoras. Stoic philosopher, pupil of Crates [5] of Mallus, Diogenes [15] of Babylon and Antipater [ro] of Tarsus; after Antipater’s death (129 BC) P. became head of the + Stoa and remained in that position until his death (+ Stoicism). Among his many pupils were > Posidonius of Rhodes, Sosus of Ascalon (the addressee of the book named for him by Antiochus [20]) and Hecaton of Rhodes (author of an influential book on ethics). As the eldest son of one of the most distinguished families in Rhodes, for many years P. was a priest of Poseidon Hippios in — Lindus; this indicates that he was often away from Athens, where he studied and taught. In the mid—14os he joined the > Scipionic circle around P. Cornelius [I 70] Scipio Aemilianus, whom he accompanied to Asia Minor in the year 141. P. then lived in Rome and Athens; he probably spent most of his time in Athens after taking over the direction of the school. According to Philod. col. 50 DorANpI, for a long time P. limited himself to providing introductory instruction for Antipater, despite his personal wealth. P.’ significance lies in his substantial effect on the development of philosophy in Rome, particularly on its growing influence within the aristocracy. B. WRITINGS P. was known to admire Plato and Aristotle [6]; under Academic and Peripatetic influence (Philod. Col.

61), he modified traditional Stoic teachings, frequently citing > Xenocrates, ~ Theophrastus and — Dicaearchus (as well as Plato and Aristotle) (Cic. Fin. 4,79). His wide-ranging interests were also reflected in the topics of his lectures: history, mathematical disciplines and politics (Philod. Col. 66). In addition to his most influential work ‘On Duty’ (Ilegi tot xaOnxovtod/Peri tou kathékontos), P. wrote ‘On Providence’ (Ilegi mgovoiac/Peri pronoias) and ‘On Cheerfulness’ (Iegi evOvwlac/Peri euthymias), a letter of consolation to Q. Aelius [I 16] Tubero, a work entitled ‘On Philosophical Schools’ (Iegi aigécoewv/Peri hairéseon), and writings on Socrates, politics, music and the mathematical scien-

ces as well as geography. None of these works has been entirely preserved; with the exception of ‘On Duty’ only a few fragments remain. In most respects P. proved himself to be an orthodox Stoic (although he moderated the severity of Stoic teachings, Cic. Fin. 4,79, and cultivated an easily understood style). In the field of physics, he expressed doubts

PANAETIUS

desires (6our/horme), which also encompasses certain abilities determined by the will, such as movement,

voice and language, and reason, whose function is to control one’s desires. P.’ greatest effect was in the field of > ethics, mainly through the influence of his treatise ‘On Duty’ on his successor Hecaton and on - Cicero (particularly on his De Officiis 1-2). Through them (especially Cicero) he also had a significant effect on Seneca and the Latin Church Fathers. P. attached greatest importance to the practice of those who act morally in their daily lives, and less to morally irreproachable sages. According to Cic. off. 3,7, P. brought up three topics concerning the practice of moral action (Is the action in question honourable or shameful? Is it useful or harmful? How is one to decide in case of a conflict between the honourable and the useful?), but dealt only with the first two. Cic. Off. 1-2 is based on P.’ treatise; however, the degree of its influence is disputed, as is the reason why P. did not deal conclusively with the third topic (Cic. Off. 3,8-10). C. TEACHINGS P. is orthodox in the sense that his depiction of the + virtues and the purpose of life (— télos) is based ona form of > otkeiosis, a natural love of oneself and other members of one’s own species, which, in accordance with nature, is rooted in the essence of human beings. Equally orthodox is P.’ formulation of the Stoic télos (‘life in harmony with what nature has given us’, fr. 96 VAN STRAATEN): He emphasizes harmony not only with universal nature, but also with individual human nature. Accordingly, his ethical system is based on the concept of what is proper (meénov/prépon), distinguishing among four personae (med0wxa/prosopa, Latin personae; > Person) which are to be considered in determining what is morally appropriate in a specific case (Cic. Off. 1,107-116): 1) general human nature, with human beings as creatures capable of reason; 2) individual human nature and disposition; 3) roles assigned to an individual by circumstances outside of his control (e.g. wealth, inherited social status); 4) roles voluntarily

assumed by an individual in choosing an occupation or other activities. P.’ willingness to consider the changeable factors of each situation in determining what actions are appropriate may have led to the report (Diog. Laert. 7,128) that he (and Posidonius) conceded that > virtue is not sufficient for > happiness, but that one also needs health, wealth and physical strength; this appears to be a result of confusing the indifferentia of

427

428

the Stoics with the external goods of the Peripatetics. More reliable are reports of his views on the unity of virtues (fr. 109 VAN STRAATEN) — he compares them to archers who all aim at the same target but hit it at different points on the coloured rings — and on the division of virtues into two categories (theoretical and practical, Hewontinr/theoretike, noaxuxi/praktiké, Diog. Laert.

thenaea were held by the mythical king > Erichthonius

PANAETIUS

7592). P.’ admiration for Plato and Aristotle, his independent ideas in the field of physics and his innovations in ethical theory may have made him appear to be a more radical innovator than he actually was. There is no doubt that he presented his ideas in a less brusque and polemical manner, making them more accessible to a

non-Stoic audience, but the core of his philosophy remained close to the older Stoa. F, ALEsse, Panezio di Rodie

la tradizione stoica, 1994; Id.

(ed.), Panezio di Rodi. Testimonianze, 1997 (with Italian tr. and comm.); T. Doranpt (ed.), Filodemo, Storia dei filosofi: la stoa da Zenone a Panezio, 1994 (with Italian tr. and comm.); H. A. GARTNER, Cicero und Panaitios, 1974;

Cu. GILL, Personhood and Personality: The Four-personae-Theory in Cicero, de Officiis I, in: Oxford Studies in

Ancient Philosophy 6, 1988, 169-199; M. POHLENz, To Prepon, in: Nachrichten der Gottinger Wissenschaftlichen Gesellschaft, 1933, 53-92; A. PUHLE, Persona — zur Ethik des Panaitios, 1987; K. SCHINDLER, Die stoische Lehre von den Seelenteilen ..., 1934; M. VAN STRAATEN, Panétius, sa vie, ses écrits et sa doctrine, avec une édition des

fragments, 1946.

BLL.

Panaetius Painter see > Onesimus [2] Panamaros see > Zeus

Panarces (Ilavagxuys; Panarkés). Date and origin uncertain; Ath. 452c, adducing Clearchus’ [6] Ox Riddles (Mei yeibwy, Peri griphon), attributes riddles to him but cites only one, known also from Pl. Resp. 479b, where the scholiast quotes two versions, each in four iambic trimeters, and attributes them to Clearchus

= fr. 95 WEHRLI. It is uncertain whether P. lived as early as that, or whether the riddle was attributed to him, in Plato’s time. E.BO, Panas (also Pen-Nout). Son of Psenobastis (PP I 344),

father of Ptolemy (PP I 322); syngenes and stratégos (see ~ Court titles B. 2) of the Egyptian district of Tentyritis under > Cleopatra [II 12] VII, priest of various indigenous gods, administrator of > Augustus and thus one of the local elite who had managed to cross from Ptolemaic to Roman service. PP I/VIII 293. L. Mooren, The Aulic Titulature in Ptolemaic Egypt,

1975, 125f. (0137).

W.A.

Panathenaea

val,

(Mava6ivaa; Panathenaia). Attic festicelebrated over several days at the end of

Hekatombaion, the first month of the Attic year. According to the majority of ancient sources, the first Pana-

[x] (Harpocr. s.v. x., ll. 14f.; Marmor Parium ro); however, some also attribute their foundation (Plut.

Theseus 24,3) or respectively expansion (Paus. 8,2,1) to + Theseus. According to schol. Aristid. Panathenaicus p. 323 Dindorf (= Aristot. fr. 637 Rose), the festival commemorated »the killing of the giant Asterius« (— Asterion [2]). How it was celebrated in its early form can only be assumed [1]. The Panathenaea in the now familiar form were a creation of the 6th cent. BC [2];

their reform is dated to 566/5 (Jer. Chron. p. 102b 4f.) or associated with > Peisistratus [4] (schol. Aristid. loc. cit.).

The significant change was the institution of the ‘Greater Panathenaea’, held every four years as an athletic competition and festival of panhellenic scope. To this same period also date the earliest finds of the distinctive + Panathenaic prize amphoras; filled with Attic olive oil, they were given as prizes to the winners [3]. Vase paintings show that musical competitions also date back as far as the 6th cent. BC, while records of rhapsodic recitations of Homeric texts are linked to > Hipparchus [1] [45 5]. Inscriptions provide a comprehensive picture of the range of events, some open to individual competitors from all over Greece, other for teams; one such event, for example, was a torch race between Athenian > phyles [6]. Some team competitions also took place as part of the ‘lesser’ (or ‘ordinary’) Panathenaea held annually during the three years in between two greater ones. Other ritual elements common to both the Lesser and the Greater Panathenaea were: a — procession from the > Kerameikos through the Athenian Agora to the temple of > Athena Polias on the Acropolis (> Athenaea [1] with maps); a large sacrifice, the meat from which was publicly distributed; a night festival (pannychis) celebrated by choirs of boys and maidens during the night before (or possibly the night after). Special places in the procession were assigned to the various groups of Athenian society, such as the cavalry, hoplites, metics, freedmen and »beautiful old men« (Xen. Symp. 4,17) as well as the maidens fulfilling religious functions such as that of > kanéphoroi. In the 5th cent. BE representatives of conquered _ states, euphemistically referred to as ‘colonists’, were also required to take part in the Panathenaea, which thus became a symbol of imperial power. The aim of the procession was to present a robe (péplos) to Athena which — at least from the end of the 5th cent. — was large enough to behung on the mast of a ship on wheels and spread out like a sail. It was embroidered with scenes from the battle of gods — Athena in particular — and giants. According to a more recent theory, a smaller and possibly unadorned robe may have been presented to Athena in the years of the Lesser Panathenaea [8; 9]. The procession depicted on the Parthenon frieze ( Parthenon) is generally seen as an evocation of the Panathenaic procession, even though the details of these references are much disputed.; > Competitions, artistic; Sports festivals

429

PANCRATES

430 1 A. BReLIcn, Paides e Parthenoi, 1969, 312-348 Parker, Athenian

Religion, 1996, 89-92

3M.

2R. BENTz,

Panathenaische Preisamphoren. Eine athenische Vasengattung und ihre Funktion vom 6.-4. Jahrhundert v.Chr., 1998

4H.

Korsipu,

Die musischen

Agone der P. in

archaischer und klassischer Zeit, r991 5H. A. SHAPIRO, Mousikoi agones: Music and Poetry at the P., in: J. NEILs (ed.), Goddess and Polis, 1992, 53-75 6S. Tracy, The Panathenaic Festival and Games: an Epigraphic Enquiry, in: Nikephoros 4, 1991, 133-153 7 W. K. PritcHetT, The Pannychis of the P., in: bita amy cic Pewoytov E. Mvawvay, vol. 2, 1987, 179-187 8 J.M. MANSFIELD, The Robe of Athena and the Panathenaic ‘Peplos’, 1985 9 E.J.W. BARBER, The Peplos of Athena, in: s. [5], 103118.

L. ZIEHEN, s.v. P., RE 18.3, 457-489; J. Nets (Hrsg.),

Worshipping Athena: P. and Parthenon, 1996.

R.PA.

Panathenaic prize amphorae. Black-figured, painted pottery vessels for Attic olive oil, presented as a prize to

Only in the 4th cent. the scheme was varied slightly: the cockerels on the pillars were replaced by figures that changed each year, the shield emblems lost their meaning, and from 392/1 to 3142/1 BC, the name of the archon responsible for the manufacture and filling of the PPA was indicated by inscription. The PPA of this period can thus be dated precisely. From 363/2, Athena turned to the right and the composition became archaistic, towards the end of the series with hybrid degenerations. In contrast, the contests on the reverse were represented in varying contemporary styles. From the mid—sth cent. BC, presentation ceremonies were shown in addition to the sporting events, and from the mid—4th cent. > Nikes and other > personifications were also represented. + Amphora [1]; > Archontes [1]; > Athena; > Athletes; > Pottery, shapes and types of, A. 9-10; > Sport M. Bentz, P.P. Eine athenische Vasengattung und ihre Funktion

vom

6.-4. Jh.v.Chr.-(AK,

victors in the gymnic and hippic agones at the ‘Great Panathenaea’ (> Sport festivals). The series began with

the reorganization of the Panathenaic festival (— Panathenaea) in 566/5 BC, and continued into the 2nd cent. BC; the black-figured technique was maintained throughout. The PPA combined the form of the neck amphorae of the time of their origin (echinus foot and mouth, neck ring, handles with round diameter) with the special proportions of transport amphorae (very large-bellied vessel bodies, tapered downwards, with short, restricted necks).

The front of the vessel bore the image of the city’s patron goddess Athena in her Promachos manifestation (> Athena

E.), striding

towards

the

left.

From

there are various explanations

for this. In the

aftermath of wars, PPAs were also made at half or a

third of their usual capacity. The numbers of PPA awarded for the various disciplines are largely known from one prize inscription of the 4th cent. BC (IG II* 2311); they range from 140 PPA for the victor in the chariot races to a single PPA for the second-placed competitor in javelin throwing on horseback. C. 1,000 PPA are extant

(sometimes

in fragments).

These

Beih.),

1998.

H.M,

Panchaea (xcyycita/panchaia sc. ywoa/chora, ‘a very splendid land’). P. is the main island in a fictional archi-

pelago first mentioned by > Euhemerus and located in the Indian Ocean: ‘Sailing from happy Arabia out into the Ocean’, one arrives ‘ina

still more blessed land’, the

‘very splendid land’ (Diod. Sic. 5,41,3; 6,1,4). P. is seen

as the ideal of a country both for its natural qualities and for its political and economic conditions (Euhemerus FGrH 63 F 2). ~ Utopia

AL.FR.

c.

540/530 the motif was standardized, with Athena between two pillars with cockerels, probably symbolizing the spirit of combat. The obligatory prize inscription, tov “AOjvySev GOAwv (‘[one] of the prizes from Athens’), ran vertically along the pillar on the left. The reverse depicted the competition in which the victory was won. From c. 510 BC, the pottery manufacture is characterized by the shield emblem of Athena. On average, some 1,500 PPA were required for a single festival, and the state contract for this was probably awarded by competition to a single workshop ata time. The capacity of the PPA was standardized, but lay approx. 3 litres below the normal > metretes (39.4 litres);

18.

constitute

approx. 1% of the original production. The archaic character of the PPA’s period of origin, both of the form of the vessel and of the image of Athena, was purposefully maintained for a long time.

Pancrates (Ilayxedtn¢/Pankrates). [1] Musician; according to > Aristoxenus [1] an enthusiast of the archaic style (tropos) of Pindar and Simo-

nides (Plut. De Musica 11376). RO.HA. [2] Hellenistic poet (3rd—2nd cent. BC), author of the didactic poem Oahdoow toya (Maritime works), of which three fragments, dealing with the pilotfish, the

wrasse and the salp and their ‘common’ names, are preserved by Athenaeus (who always refers to him as Arkds). Identification with the homonymous author of a Bokchoréis (about the Egyptian King > Bokchoris) in several books of elegiac distichs (Athen. 9,478a quotes one distich for its rare word xdvdv/kdndy; [3] and FGrH 625 F x attribute the fragment to P. [2]) and three epigrams [2] is highly uncertain, as is identification with the poet who, according to Servius, invented the pancratium, a hypercatalectic, trochaic monometer (SH 603). 1SH 598-604, p. 286-288

2GATI.1, 155; 2, 444-446

3 E. Hertscu (ed.), Die griechischen Dichterfragmente der romischen Kaiserzeit, 1961, 54 4 F. STOESSL, s.v. P. (3) > RE 18.3, 612-614.

[3] P. of Alexandria, 2nd cent. AD, epic poet, author of a courtly > epyllion on the emperors — Hadrian and +> Antinous [2] going ona lion hunt; the poem is highly

PANCRATES

431

432

erudite and pathetic in style; Athen. 15,677d-f (= FGrH 625), who preserves four hexameters on the ‘flower of Antinoos’, tells how P. sought to gain the favour of the

posted by Zeus to guard his sanctuary in Crete and takes him to > Tantalus for safekeeping; through Her-

emperor, who then allowed him to live in the Museum.

killed by being cast from Mt. Sipylus for denying possession. He destroys P. along with his wife Harmothoe (Eust. Hom. Od. 19,518 p. 1875) as they flee to Sicily via Athens. Antoninus Liberalis 36 closes this myth with P.’s transformation into a rock. His daughter + Aedon marries ~ Zethus, the brother of Amphion, and mistakenly kills her son Itylus — according to schol. Hom. Od. 19,518 out of envy for > Niobe’s large number of children—while attempting to kill the latter’s son Amaleus. Henceforth, as a nightingale she bemoans her suffering (Hom. Od. 19,5 18-523). Antoninus Liberalis rr relates a version from Asia Minor of the Attic myth ofTereus, Philomela and Procne featuring Aedon, her sister Chelidon and the husband Polytechnus.

Two papyrus fragments are preserved (PLond. 11ogb: 20 badly damaged verses, and POxy. 1085: 40 verses preserved; cf. PACK? 1335). On the Bokchoréis, > P. [2]. Identification with the Egyptian magician > Pachrates who

won

over Hadrian

with his arts (PGM

4,

2440a—5 5), 1S uncertain. 1E. Heirscu,

Die griechischen

romischen Kaiserzeit, 1961, 51-54 (5), RE 18.3, 615-619.

Dichterfragmente

der

2 F. STOESSL, s.v. P. S.FO.

[4] Ho pros syntaxei (sc. ton katoikon hippéon), archisomatophylax, promoted after 142 BC to ton isotimon tois protois philois (v. > Court titles B 2), active in the merits of Polemon. A small archive of his is preserved. O. Monteveccni et al., Papiri documentari dell’Universita Cattolica di Milano, in: Aegyptus 63, 1983, 3-102, here: 3-27; Id. et al., Papiri documentari dell’Universita

Cattolica di Milano, in: Aegyptus 66, 1986, 3-70, here: 3-38 (bibl.); S. Darts, L’archivio di P. e i papiri di Tebtynis, in: B. G.MANDELARAS (ed.), Proceedings of the 18th

International Congress of Papyrology (Athens 1986), vol. 2, 1988, 171-178.

W.A.

mes, Zeus demands the hound back and has Tantalus

Aphrodite cares for the two other daughters of P., who

also receive fine gifts from Hera, Artemis and Athena. However before Aphrodite can arrange their wedding with Zeus, they are kidnapped by the > Harpies and handed over as servants to the Furies (> Erinys) (Hom. Od. 20,66-78). The scholia on the passage cite their names as Merope and Cleothera; Paus. 10,30,1f. who

mentions their depiction in the painting of Hades by Polygnotus in the > lesche of the Cnidians at Delphi, knows them as Cameiro and Clytié.

[5] Epigrammatist of the ‘Garland’ of + Meleager [8]

M. C. VAN DER KOLF, s.v. Pandareus, RE 18, 499-504.

(Anth. Pal. 4,1,18): two votive poems in the manner of

JOS.

> Leonidas [3] of Tarentum funerary poem (ibid. 7,653: cf. GVI 841) are preserved. his name renders uncertain

(ibid. 6,117; 356) and a possibly in an inscription, The extreme frequency of his identification (cf. [2],

otherwise [3]) with the homonymous author of the hex-

ameter Thalassia érga, an elegiac Bokchoreis and lyric verses in a meter named pancratium after the author (cf. SH 598-603). 1 GAI.1, 155; 2, 444-446 2K. VON FrRi7z,s.v. P. (3), RE 18,612 3 W. PEEK, s.v. P. (2), RE 18, 612. M.G.A.

Panda [1] Unidentifiable river east of the -» Maiotis, three days’ march from — Tanais [2] (Tac. Ann. 12,16,2).

Lv.B. [2] see > Sondergotter Pandaetes (Mavdaitne; Pandaités). Attic comic writer

of the 3rd cent. BC only attested in inscriptions on the Lenaean victors’ list. PCG VII, 1989, roo.

H.-G.NE.

Pandareus (Mavddgeoc, -ews; Panddreos, -e6s). Son of

> Merops [5], from a city named Miletus (schol. V Hom. Od. 19,518); according to Paus. 10,30,2, from Cretan Miletus [3]. His descent from - Hermes and Merope (schol.

B Hom. Od. 19,518) probably derives

from the motif of theft: P. steals the golden hound

Pandarus (Iavéaoo0¢/Pandaros, Lat. Pandarus). [1] Trojan troop commander, son of + Lycaon (but cf. also —» Carcabus);Verg. Aen. 5,495-497 mentions ~> Eurythion [5] as his brother. According to Hom. Il. 4,103 and 121, P. lived in Zelia (Troas) the contingent of which was under his command (Hom. Il. 2,824-827), whilst Hom. Il. 5,105 and (implicitly) 173 identifies Lycia (> Lycii, Lycia) as his country of origin eventhough the Lycian troop contingent was led by > Sarpedon and —> Glaucus [4] (Hom. Il. 2,876f.), who for their part had no relationship at all with P. The contradictory findings (that can also not be satisfactorily explained even today) gave rise in ancient (Str. 12,4,6)

as in modern scholarship to the idea of the beginnings of the Lycians in Troy and even allowed for the perception of an immigration to Lycia at the end of the 2nd/beginning of the rst millennium BC of Lycians who had originally lived in north-western Asia Minor (see finally [x. 13f., 23-37]). Historically there are no grounds for this at all; in particular the beginnings of a northern > Lukka, according to their identification in the ‘Assuwa list’ (see > Wilusa) have been dropped from the Hittite annals of Tudhalija I (c. 1420-1400 BC), where rather the ‘[country of Artu|cca’ is mentioned [2. 456°]. The concept of an ethnic group of ‘Lycians’ (already predetermined by the Greeks) also appears to be misleading as Lycian is a dialect of > Luwian, and in the 2nd millennium the entire western part of Asia Minor is represented as Luwian-speaking, so that the-

434

ago)3)

PANDION

refore the language is ruled out as a solely workable criterion in favour of an independent ‘Lycian people’. In the Iliad, P. is induced by > Athena to shoot at > Menelaus [1] with his self-made bow and in this way to break the agreement between the Greeks and Trojans (Hom. Il. 4,86-147; [3. 82-84]). He dies in the battle provoked by him (Hom. Il. 5,275-296) at the hand of ~ Diomedes [1] (with the help of Athena) whose spear severs the root of his tongue; later scholars saw in this the appropriate punishment for (in their interpretation) someone who commits perjury (Demetrius of Scepsis fr.

Pandateria

74 GAEDE).

> mare

Of all the heroes of the Iliad, P. probably corresponds the most closely to the chariot warrior armed with a composite bow of the 2nd millennium (see particularly Hom. Il. 5,217-238, 245; in this regard 265 296 [4. 1277°, 138°°°, 1477]; pictorial representations of the roth/9th cents. BC from > Karkemi8, Zincirli: [5th tablet 24, 37, 57]), although Homer ultimately has him fighting with the spear, in complete contrast with the tactical use of the > chariot as a long-range weapon. It is therefore certainly no coincidence that the figure of P. is also linked with the description of the manufacture of the composite bow (Hom. Il. 4,105-111; regarding the technical details, particularly with regard to the unclear list 1x0, see [6. 230f.]) that has a — factually more precise parallel in the Ugaritic Aghat epic (text: [6. 373]). The worship of P. in Lycian Pinara (Str. 14,3,5), probably based on the reception of Homer,

should

be

placed in the context of archers driving in their chariots (and later: riding) —cf. in this regard, also with a view to Lycia, [4. 13579°] and for instance the ‘Lycian bows’ (toxa Lykia: Hdt. 7,77). On the other hand, the interpretation of the Lycian adjective patrémn(i)— as ‘(demos) belonging to P.’ [7. 111f.], appears to be problematical, as the municipal classification according to demes or phyles that is completely un-Anatolian can hardly be regarded as a prerequisite for the dynastic period (up to c. 360 BC), and in addition pvtr-* is today more probably associated with the (semantically still unclear) cuneiform/hieroglyphic Luwian noun pantar-* n. (with regard to the type of formation cf. [8. 370-384]) in the Hittitized place name Pantaruanta- [8. 16, Z. 9] (‘provided with pantar-*’). For the time being, the extent to which this pantar-* is also based on the proper name P. remains an unresolved question. 1T. R. Bryce, The Lycians, vol. 1, 1986

2F. STARKE,

Troia im Kontext des historisch-politischen und sprachlichen Umfeldes Kleinasiens im 2. Jahrtausend, in: Studia

Troica 7, 1997, 447-487 3 A. Scumitt, Selbstandigkeit und Abhangigkeit menschlichen Handelns bei Homer,

1990 4F. Starke, Ausbildung und Training von Streitwagenpferden, 1995 5 W. ORTHMANN, Untersuchungen zur spathethitische Kunst, 1971 6F. von Luscuan, Zusammengesetzte und verstarkte Bogen, in: Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologie 31, 1899, 221-239 6 J. SANMARTIN, Zu ugaritischem adr in KTU 1.17 VI 20-23, in: Ugarit-Forschungen 9, 1977, 371-373 7G. NEUMANN, Beitrage zum Lykien V, in: Die Sprache 20, 1974, 110-114 8 F.

SrarKE,

Untersuchungen

schrift-luwischen Nomens,

zur 1990

Stammbildung

des keil-

9 H. Orren, Die Bron-

zetafel aus BogazkGéy, 1988. P, WaTHELET, Dictionnaire des Troyens de I’Iiade, vol. 2, 1988, 799-809. F.S. RE.N.

[2] Trojan, companion = Bitias.

[mie

iVere:

of > Aeneas YAcn.

[1], brother of

956 72=6903.993722-7555

I1,396).

RE.N.

(Ilavéateoia/Pandateria).

Tyrrhenum

Island

in the

(Str. 2,5,193 5,3,6), modern

Ventotene (Latina), west of > Cyme [2] and south of Caieta, between the imsulae Pontiae (~ Pontia) and > Pi-

thecussae. > Julia [6], > Agrippina [2], > Octavia [3], the wife of the emperor Nero, and > Flavia [3] were exiled there. Extant remains include a villa, an aqueduct, a cistern, a fishpond as well as port facilities. C. M. Amici, F. CrraRELLI et al., Ventotene: documentazione archeologica, in: G. M. DE Rossi (ed.), Le isole Pontine attraverso i tempi, 1986, 129-205. G.U.

Pandectae see > Digesta Pandemos (Ild@vSnptoc/Pandémos). Epiclesis of ~ Aphrodite (B. 2). The cult of Aphrodite P. is said to have been founded by Theseus in Athens (Paus. 1,14,7; 1,23,3). Plato interprets Aphrodite P. as ‘common’ love as opposed to the ‘higher’ love of Aphrodite Urania (‘the heavenly one’) (Pl. Symp. 180d). However, this is historically incorrect, as Paus. 1,22,3 shows. He interprets P. correctly as the Aphrodite ‘common to the entire united (Attic) people’. Thus, the Aphrodite called P. symbolised the political unity of Attica (cf. [1]). 1 Simon, GG, 150-153.

LK.

Pandia (Iavdia/Pandia, also: Tlavédeia/Pandeia, Mavéein/Pandeié). Daughter of > Zeus and -> Selene (Hom. h. 32,14-16; Hyg. fab. praef. 28; in this sense probably also Phot. s.v. Tdavdéua/Pdndia and EM s.v. Tldavdeva/Pandeia). According to other sources (Orph. fr. 280,8; Maximos, Peri katarch6n 123, 146, 326; schol. Dem. Or. 21,9,39a-d) an epithet (IIdvéta/ Pandia, WdvtwalPantia) of Selene (cf. [3. 62]). The Attic festival of the same name can, contrary to the widespread view in (late?) Antiquity (cf. schol.Dem. Or. 21, 9, 39a; Phot. l.c.; EM l.c.), probably neither be traced to

the goddess P. nor to the hero > Pandion [1], but was dedicated to Zeus Pandios ([2]; cf. [1. 176f.]). 1 DEUBNER 2H. TREIDLER, s.v. P., RE 18.3, 5rof. UsENER, GOtternamen, 1896.

3H. SLA.

Pandion (Ilavdimv/Pandion). [1] Mythical Attic king and eponymous hero of the + Pandionis [2] phyle (with 11 demes [2. 370]). P. occupies the sixth place on the list of kings in Hellanicus

PANDION

435

[1 (FGrH 4, commentary, vol. 1, p. 449). this list was later expanded by duplications of P. and > Cecrops, first detectable in the Marmor Parium (FGrH 239 A 1-17). Here, P. I occupies the fifth place, and P. II the eighth. Originally, the list probably only contained the kings Cecrops, P., > Erechtheus and > Aegeus, as only they were phyle heros while they were kings. P. is therefore one legendary figure, later split into two characters for synchronistic purposes [1. 106]. According to the later constructions, P. I was the son of > Erichthonius [1] and > Praxithea (Apollod. 3,190); from his

marriage to Zeuxippe were born the daughters > Philomele and - Procne and the sons > Erechtheus and + Butes [1] (ibid. 3,193). After his death, Erechtheus took on the royal dignity and Butes his priestly offices (ibid. 3,196). P. Il, son of > Cecrops II and Metiadusa, was driven from Athens by the Metionids and fled to Megara (Paus. 1,5,3). In exile, he fathered > Aegeus, —» Pallas [1], > Nisus [1] and > Lycus [8], who shared

the rule over Attica after the expulsion of the Metionids. According to some sources, P. did not live to see this, having died in exile (Paus. 1,5,3; Apollod. 3,206), while others have him taking part himself (Str. 9,1,6 = Soph. Aegeus fragment 24 RapT; schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 1223). His tomb was on the ‘Cliff of Athena Aithyia’ in Megara (Paus. 1,5,3). P. was venerated with cults in Megara (Paus. 1,41,6) and at Athens. The location of

his sanctuary, however, and his relationship to the Pandion Festival are disputed [1. rog—113]. [2] Weapon-bearer of + Teucer in Hom. Il. 12,372. [3] In Antoninus Liberalis 17, he is the father of Lamprus, whose daughter by > Galatea [2] was passed off and brought up by the latter as a son, > Leucippus [1]. She was actually transformed into a man shortly before her marriage. Ov. Met. 9,666-797 recounts the same

myth with different names. 1 U. Kron, Die zehn attische Phylenheroen, 1976, 104119

2 WHITEHEAD.

JOS.

Pandionis (Ilavévovic; Pandionis). [1] see > Procne

[2] The third of the ten phyles of Attica from the time of the phyle reform of — Cleisthenes [2] in 508/7 BC (IG II? rr38-1140; 1144; 1148; 1152; 1157; 1160; 1167; + Attica, with map); eponymous hero > Pandion [1] (Ilavdiwv/Pandion, Paus. 1,5,3). In the 4th cent. BC, P. comprised eleven démoi, of which (at least) one was in

the asty trittys of Cydathenaeon, four in the mesogeia trittys of Paeanea and five in the paralia trittys of Myrrhinus. Three démoi (Cydathenaeon, Cytherus, Upper Paeanea) changed over between 307/6 and 201/200 BC to the Macedonian phyle of Antigonis. Conthyle went to Ptolemais in 224/3 BC, Probalinthus to Attalis in 201/200 BC and Oa to Hadrianis in AD 127/8. Trittys: IG B 1127; Il* 1748,14; Syll.3 920. RAUL AtHICAS Sanita i7t yaa nDO Swatnes Tae te Os 105, 133, table 3; J. S. TRa1LL, Demos and Trittys, 1986, 31ff., 45, 66f., 6of., 85ff.,

110, r20f.

H.LO.

436

Pandocus (Idavdoxo0c; Pandokos). [1] Trojan, wounded

by the Telamonian

~ Aias [1]

(Hom. Il. 11,490).

[2] Father of Palaestra who was loved by Hermes. P.

lived at a crossroads and killed the wanderers staying with him, for which he was killed by Hermes at Palaestra’s request. The guesthouses are called after him pandokeia (‘accepting everyone’; Serv. Aen. 8,138; EM 647,56).

LK,

Pandora (Mavdmoa/Pandora). Her name (‘She who gives everything’) is used as an epiclesis of chthonic deities such as > Gaia and > Hecate (Orph. A. 974ff.; schol. Aristoph. Av. 971). It is not possible to discern a clear development of the figure of P. in the transmitted versions of the myth that would clarify her connection with those deities. P. as the original or first woman can first be found in Hesiodus (Theog. 570-591; Hes. Op. 57-105). At Zeus’ order, P. is formed

from earth and water

by

~ Hephaestus, adorned and equipped with skills by » Athena,

the

> Charites,

- Hermes,

> Aphrodite,

the > Horae and > Peitho, so that she can avenge on earth Prometheus’ theft of the fire of the gods. Epimetheus takes her as his wife despite the warning of his brother Prometheus and realises too late that his brother was right: P. brought along a pithos (jug, box), from which all evils of the world spread after the lid was opened, only elpis (‘hope’) remained inside after the lid was closed. With Epimetheus, P. has a daughter > Pyrrha, with Prometheus, a son > Deucalion (Hes. fr. 2; 4 M.-W.; Hyg. Fab. 142; Apollod. 1,46). Hesiodus’ representation contains several inconsistencies: P. herself is already regarded as an ill for mankind, her box of evils appears to be a repetition of the motive. Another oddity is the role of hope; Aeschylus (Prom. 248-252) later explicitly separates himself from this version and presents P. in a positive light. P. was popular in Greek dramatic poetry, although the sparse fragments do not offer a precise depiction of the myth (Aesch. fr. 369 TrGF; Soph. Pandora or Sphyrokopoi, fr. 482-486 TrGF, where, at best, the title might refer to the adaptation of an ancient legend of ascent in which heavy blows are used to evoke the earth goddess from the earth, Nicophon fr. 13-19 PCG, Euphorion 24¢ 45 VAN GRONINGEN). Later Greek and Latin representations are primarily based on Hesiodus (Hyg. Poet. Astr. 2,15; Plin. HN 36,19; Iren. Adv. HaeFESESe2, 04,53)

2.2 2

ere

elCOLOnal 7aa Mallett Ady

Valentinianos 12,4; Paus. 1,24,7; Euseb. Praep. evang.

14, 26,13; Nonn. Dion. 7,56-58; Fulg. Mythologiae 82; Nicetas Eugeneanus 2,308). Babrius (58) may have preserved a version older than Hesiodus’, in which Zeus orders all goods to be locked into a jug (Hom. II. 24,527f.: two jugs) that is handed to man or to Epimetheus who opens it although forbidden to do so, whereupon all goods escape except for elpis, which is locked in by the closing lid. For graphic representations of P., see [1], on her afterlife, see [2].

438 1 M. OprERMANN, s.v. P., LIMC 7.2, roof.

2 HUNGER,

Mythologie, 304f.

G. ARRIGHETTI, Il misoginismo di Esiodo, in: Misoginia e maschilismo

in Grecia e in Roma,

1981, 27-48; A. M.

KoMmornicka, L’Elpis hésiodique dans la jarre de Pandore, in: Eos 78, 1990, 63-77; O. LENDLE, Die ‘Pandorasage’ bei Hesiod, 1957; K. OxsTeIn, P. and Dike in Hesiod’s Works and Days, in: Emerita 48, 1980, 295-312; M. OPpPERMANN, s.v. P., LIMC 7.1, 163f.; P. LEVEQUE,

Pandore ou la terrifiante féminité, in: Kernos 1, 1988, 49-62; G. VOGEL, Der Mythos von P. Die Rezeption eines griechischen Sinnbildes in der deutschen Literatur, 1972;

W. A. OLDFATHER, s.v. P. (1) und (3), RE 18.3, 529-547. R.HA.

Pandosia (Mavdooia; Pandosia). [1] City of Thesprotia in the south of > Epeirus. Allegedly one of the four Elean colonies in the territory of the Cassopaei on the — Acheron [1] (Demosth. Or. 7,32; Theopompus FGrH rrs F 382). It is presumed that it was founded in the 8th/7th cent. BC [1; 3. 427] or not until the sth cent. [2. 52]. P. is located near Trikastron about 17 km inland [1. 52f.; 2. 477f.]. Coins: [2. 107-110]. 1S. I. Daxaris, Cassopaia and the Elean Colonies, 1971 2 P. R. FRANKE, Die antiken Miinzen von Epiros, 1961 3 N.G.L. HAMMOND, Epirus, 1967.

N.G.L. HAMMonp»D, The Colonies of Elis in Cassopaea, in: Id., Collected Studies, vol. 2, 1993, 57-67. DS.

PANEGYRICI LATINI

The myth of the Cecropids served, as is generally assumed, as an aition for the Arrhephoria, a festival for Athena, which like the myth included the bearing of secret objects by young girls (> arrhéphoroi); statues of the arrhéphoroi were dedicated to Athena and P. (IG II? 3472, 3515; the two other sisters did not receive any dedications of such kind). The tradition according to which Aglauros and P. were the first to process wool (Suda and Phot. s.v. meotowov) perhaps reflects the role of the arrhbéphoroi in the weaving of the péplos for Athena at the > Panathenaea. In the cult, the Cecropids appear as figures that are separable from each other even if they are also sometimes connected with each other; Aglauros and P. had individual sanctuaries (that of P., the Pandrosium [IG I 474,45], was located on the Acropolis: Paus. 1,27,25 [z. 40-42, 2217]) and at least in the 3rd cent. BC, they had separate priestesses (IG II’ 3459; SEG 33,115, 39,218; cf. on the other hand. LSCG, Suppl. 19,11f. [2. 311]). During sacrifices for Athena (presumably not for all of these), P. received preliminary offerings (Phi-

lochorus FGrH 328 F ro) and supposedly was even assimilated with her as Athena P. (schol. Aristoph. Lys. 439). Cult links with > Kourotrophos (cf. LSCG, Suppl. 19,r1f.; IG Il* 1039,58) and > Thallo (Paus. 9,3 5,2) imply — together with the Cecropid myth — that her sphere was primarily the upbringing of children. P. was perhaps also worshipped in several Attic demes [3h 2Gren9 23/5

[2] City in Bruttium near (presumably to the south of)

> Consentia on the Acheron [2. 37-40]; ancient seat of

1 U. Kron, Die zehn attischen Phylenheroen, 1976 2R. ParKER, Athenian Religion, 1996 3E. KEARNS, The

the kings of the > Oenotri (Str. 6,1,5), occupied by

Heroes of Attica, 1989.

Alexander + Lucani

[6] in 331 and

> Bruttii

BC and fortified against the (Liv.

8,24,5).

Defeated

by

these, he met his death at P. (Liv. 8,24,5; Iust. 12,2,3; Str. 6,1,5; Plut. Mor. 326ab; Steph. Byz. s.v. I.; Suda s.v. Tovov). According to Scymn. 326-329 a colony of the Achaei, according to Scyl. 12 a colony of > Thurii,

founded at the same time as Metapontium (Eus. Chronikoi kanones 2,78 SCHONE). In 204 BC, P. was con-

quered by the Romans (Liv. 29,38,1) [1. 933f.]. Coins: silver coins of the first half of the sth cent. with types and legends of P. and Croton, later of P. alone (HN 1o5f.). 1 NissEN2

2 E. Greco, Archeologia della Magna Grecia,

1992.

BICGI 13, 330-340.

ML.

Pandrosus (Ildvdeo00¢/Pandrosos, ‘all dew’). Attic heroine, closely linked with the Acropolis and -» Athena. Her importance is attested by the oath of the women ‘by P.’ (Aristoph. Lys. 439). In mythology, P. is usually a daughter of the first Attic king > Cecrops and like her sisters > Aglauros [2] and > Herse is set the task of caring for the infant > Erichthonius [1]; according to a widespread version, she, in contrast to her sisters, obeys the instruction not to look into the basket containing the child (Paus. 1,18,2; Apollod. 3,189).

U. Kron, s.v. Aglauros, Herse, P., LIMC

1.1, 283-298. R.PA.

Panegyrici Latini. The so-called PL are made up of eleven jointly transmitted Latin orations to emperors and Pliny’s [2] speech of thanks to Trajan (which is prefixed as a classical model and the only one with an independent transmission). The eleven orations were given on various occasions in Gaul between 289 and AD 389, most of them in the presence ofanAugustus or a Caesar (> Tetrarchy; Pan. Lat. 7 before Maximianus [1] and Constantinus [1] I). Some orators are known by

name: Eumenius (first a teacher of rhetoric, then an

imperial minister, and finally —in about 300 —head of a school in Augustodunum, modern Autun: Pan. Lat. 9), — Nazarius (Pan. Lat. 4), Claudius Mamertinus (holder of high offices under Julianus [11], Valentinian and Valens: Pan. Lat. 3), Latin(ijus + Pacatus Drepanius

(teacher of rhetoric and poet — his verses have not survived —, a friend of > Ausonius, who dedicated several works to him: Pan. Lat. 2). The extant MSS can be

traced back to a — now lost — codex discovered in 1433 by Johannes AurispPa in Mainz. ~ Panegyrics;

> PANEGYRIC

EpITIons: R.A.B. Mynors, 1964; D. LassANDRO, 1992. COMMENTARY:

C.E.V. Nrxon, B.S. RopGers, In Praise

of Later Roman

Emperors, 1994.

PANEGYRICI

LATINI

BrBpLi1oGRaPHyY:

T. D. BARNES,

Emperors, Panegyrics,

Prefects, Provinces and Palaces (284-317), in: Journal of Roman Archaeology 9, 1996, 532-552; M. Mausg, Die

Darstellung des Kaisers in der lateinischen

Panegyrik,

1994; B. MULier-Rettic, Der Panegyricus des Jahres 310 auf Konstantin den Grofen, 1990. JD.

Panegyrics I. GREEK

IJ. Roman

III. BYZANTINE

I. GREEK The modern from term ‘panegyric’ derives mavnyveinds (panégyrikos sc. hoyoc/légos), a Greek term denoting a speech delivered during a mavijyvets (panégyris), a real or fictive ‘> festival’, e.g. the Olympic Games. In the fictive sense Isocrates was the first to call his fourth speech (389 BC) a Panégyrikos (Isoc. Or 59) and 845) 12,172; Wetter 4.6; ci eAristot. IN 1408b 15-17). In the broadest sense of the word, the forms of the epideictic genre (‘display speech’, epideixis; genera causarum) belong to panegyric oratory; in the rhetorical treatises of late antiquity, panégyrikos (= panegyric) designates the third of the genres (eién/eidé) of —rhetoric, thereby replacing the term ‘epideictic’ (cf. Sopater 4,63,10-12 12 WALZ; Syranus 10,56 RABE; Nicolaus of

Mira, Progymnasmata 3,16-17 FELTEN). The Ars rhetorica of (Ps.-)Dionysius [18] of Halicarnassus contains

the sole preserved treatise on ‘panegyric oratory’ in which this is explicitly so designated (3rd cent. AD [1]). By contrast, panegyric oratory is not treated among the forms of epideictic speech in the treatises of > Genethlius and > Menander [12] M. Rhetor, even though Menander cites examples of speeches to be given during festive gatherings (for Apollo Sminthiakos; k/étikos, the invitational speech: Menander Rhetor 437-446 SPENGEL).

Although later panégyrikoi assume its name, IsoPanégyrikos remains unique: it maintains a distance from grandiose speech as well as from deliberative speech, and through its ‘advice’ (ouupovdevev/ symbouleuvein) on the war against the Persians it claims highest political and didactic significance (the orator as crates’

teacher of the best citizens). The rhetoricians of Late

Antiquity, therefore, understood this kind of panegyric— along with Demosthenes’ [2] oration ‘On the Crown’ (Or. 18, Hei otemdvov, Peri stephanou; Lat. De corona)-to

be a genus

mixtum

(mixed

genre).

‘On

the

Crown’ belongs to the genre of forensic oratory, but it incorporates a model by Aeschines, while the Panégyrikos of Isocrates is formally deliberative, but it also has

encomiastic aspects.

The first attestation of panegyric in the technical sense is found in the second book of the ‘Rhetoric’ of + Philodemus

440

439

(1,102,

p. 21-26

SUDHAUS),

which

likely cites (cf. vol. 3, p. 49, |. 18ff. SuDHaAus) the ‘Symposium’ of Epicurus (21,4 p. 185 ARRIGHETTI): the ‘political’ and the ‘panegyric’ (f zohutimn, fh aavyyvowmn/ hé politiké, hé panégyriké) are two contrasting types of

sophistic > education; i. e. panegyric (synonymous for ‘epideictic’) is the opposite of the oratory of ‘genuine contests’ (GAnOwoi cy@vec/alethinoi agénes), i.e. of political and judicial eloquence (cf. Philod. 2,263, |. 15 SupHaus [2]; cf.[3]). These classifications belong to the sphere of discussions about the artistic (téchné) character of rhetoric (cf. [4]). Epicurus seems to admit an array of fixed elements or principles solely for panegyric, as opposed to judicial and deliberative, oratory — elements and principles that can be learned as rules and on the basis of whose logic and system one can characterize rhetoric as an art (one of the less significant arts, to be sure, and of no interest to philosophers). The distinction between panegyric rhetoric and ‘real competitions’ can also be found in > Dionysius [18] of Halicarnassus. He uses the adjective panégyrikos as a synonym for ‘epideictic’ (Dion. Hal. Lysias 16; [1]) to denote a rousing speech delivered on festive social occasions. He gives as an example the Olympiakos of Lysias (Lys. 29,1) whose style he contrasts with that of forensic rhetoric (Dion. Hal. de Demosthene 4,5). Panegyric rhetoric, highly artful and with no connection to ‘real competitions’ (Dion. Hal. ibid. 8,2), is suitable for the general masses (Dion. Hal. ibid. 44,2) and uses every means to impress the audience: antithesis, assonance, parallelism; cf. Dion. Hal. Comp. 23,23; cf. also Ps.Hermogenes, Peri heuréseds 3,13; 4,1: ‘panegyric’ contributes to creating the impression of a climax (akme) [5. 46]. Dionysus uses the adjective panégyrikos mainly with regard to Isocrates, but also with regard to Demosthenes and his stylistic diversity (Dion. Hal. ibid. 8,19). Not always using the term positively, Dionysus associates it with Oeatedc (theatrikos, ‘theatrical’, ‘affected’; Dion. Hal. Comp. 22,35) and wetoaxuddys (meirakiédés, ‘juvenile’ or ‘foppish’) by way of identifying a style full of figures calculated to bring about the dxdt (apaté, ‘deception’) and wvyaywyia (psychagogia, ‘seduction’) of the public, similar to the style of tragedy (cf. Plut. Praecepta gerendae rei publicae 6,802e; Plut. De liberis educandis 9,74). A unique use of the term panégyrikos logos is found in the treatise Peri idéon of + Hermogenes [7] H. of Tarsus (cf. [5]). Here, all oratory is divided into two main categories: moAitixog AOyos (politikos logos, ‘deliberative, judicial and epideictic oratory’) and TAaVHYVELKOS hOYOs (panegyrikos logos, a general designation for all other literature). The first finds its perfect realization in Demosthenes and is ofgreater importance than the second, which finds its ideal stylistic form in Plato (Hermog. 2,10; 387,5ff.). Other representatives of the second genre include > Xenophon [2], the Socratic > Aeschines [1], the sophist > Nicostratus [10], and the historians and poets (especially Homer). Panégyrikos logos thus comes to encompass the whole of literature in the modern sense of the word. Perhaps Hermogenes’ intention in developing the concept was to subsume under the term ‘panegyric’ literature recited before a large audience, such as Homeric poetry [5.

47 -» Epideictic poetry;

> Epideixis

441

442 1H. Usener, L. RADERMACHER

(ed.), Dionysius Halicar-

nassensis, vol. 6 (Opuscula), 1929 (repr. 1965, etc.), 254— 260 2 S.SuDHAUSs (ed.), Philodemus, Volumina rhetorica, 2 vols., 1892 and 1896, vol. 3 (Suppl.), 1895 (repr. 1964)

3 J. HAMMERSTAEDT, Der Schlufteil von Philodems drittem Buch uber Rhetorik, in: CE 22, 1992, 9-117

4M.

FERRARIO, La concezione della retorica da Epicuro a Filodemo, in: R. S. BAGNALL

(ed.), Proceedings of the XVI

International Congress of Papyrology, 1981, 145-152 5 I. RUTHERFORD, Canons of Style in the Antonine Age: Idea-Theory in Its Literary Context, 1998, 43-47. S.FO. Il. ROMAN A. CONCEPT

AND

RHETORICAL

B. PLACE IN PuBLic LiFe.

CLASSIFICATION

C. Topics

A. CONCEPT AND RHETORICAL CLASSIFICATION Roman writers at first follow the usage of panégyrikos as defined above under I. (Cic. Orat. 37; Quint. Inst. 3,4,14). But Quintilian points out—without denying the truth contained in these speeches (Inst. 2,10,11)— that their special oratorical display serves the pleasure of a broad public. In Late Antiquity, the Latin term panegyricus denotes specifically a paean of praise for the ruler (the traditional title of Pliny’s [2] address of thanks to Trajan, Panegyricus—-see also > Panegyrici Latini- also probably dates from Late Antiquity; cf. Lactant. Div. inst. 1,15,13: ‘Thus are the activities of those who flatter even evil rulers with lying panegyrics’); this usage remains limited to Latin. The Greeks use the term > enkomion for speeches addressed to the emperor. With regard to the history of the genre, it is also proper to include under panegyric texts that are not panegyrici in their entirety but contain considerable use of panegyric topoi. In doing so, however, the term panegyric should not apply to just any text containing praise but specifically when used as a tribute to social authorities (e.g. of cities), which accords with its ancient use. Speeches of praise, moreover, often simultaneously contain censure inasmuch as they may paint a picture that contrasts with the ideal. Isocrates, for example, combines glorification of Athens with disparagement of the Persians; Pliny combines praise of Trajan with condemnation of Domitian; Libanius eulogizes Julian and vilifies Constantius II. Ancient systematic rhetoric places prose genres of praise and censure in the génos epideiktikon, Lat. genus demonstrativum

(genera

causarum).

The

classical

Panégyrikos of + Isocrates belongs less to this classification than to the génos symbouleutikon (‘deliberative speech’), since it formulates a political goal, the mutually undertaken war against the Persians. The praise of Athens so broadly developed in the speech is meant to justify the Athenian claim to leadership. Even during the Imperial era encomia to rulers may contain symbouleutic elements. Above all, they can be construed as possible admonitions to bad emperors insofar as they praise exemplary governance (Plin. Pan. 1,4,1; 20,5 et passim) and therefore can serve as a > speculum regum, a ‘mirror to kings’. They may also be pleas for material

PANEGYRICS

aid for a community or an individual, such as paneg. 6 and 9 in the Panegyrici Latini, both of which are for the city Augustodunum (modern Autun), with paneg. 6 being also a plea for help for the sons and pupils of the speaker. B. PLACE IN PuBLIc LIFE.

Elements of praise for the ruler can be found as early as early Greek epic (Hom. Od. 19,109-114: ‘The justice ofa god-fearing king allows the land to thrive’); thereafter, mainly in epinicians (> epinikion). In the epitaphios, the speaker praises the accomplishments of the polis to illustrate what it is for that the fallen soldiers have given their lives. Here, the Panégyrikos of Isocrates may apply. His Euagoras, too, becomes a model as

the first literature to idealise a deceased prince of the day, holding also an educational purpose for his son. In Republican Rome, the > laudatio funebris affords occasion to extol deceased individuals and their ancestors. When a politician places a citizen at the centre of his address, as does Cicero in De imperio Cn. Pompei, he may become, in certain passages (27-48), a

panegyrist. The same is true of speakers in the law courts when they-e.g. Cic. Lig., Deiot.; Marcell. is also panegyric—have to appeal to the clementia (‘clemency’) of a powerful judge (Caesar). To draw forth this monarchal virtue from Nero, Seneca employs every possible device of praise for rulers in De clementia. Traditionally, + epic presents possible venues for praise, but so do shorter poems as well. The panegyric element in these genres is developed fully during the Imperial era (e.g. Verg. Aen. 6,791-805; Hor. Carm. 1,2; 4,23 4,5; Luc. 1,3 3-66; Stat. Silv. 1,1), and especially in Late Antiquity (—~ Claudianus [2], > Corippus, + Venantius Fortunatus, and others). Numerous eulogies to emperors are preserved from this epoch, including the 11 speeches of the > Panegyrici Latini. Other panegyrici in Latin from this epoch come from > Symmachus; later,

~ Ennodius. Among the Greeks, > Ae-

lius[II 2] Aristides, — Eusebius [5], > Libanius, Themistius, and > Procopius [2] became prominent as panegyrists.

C. Topics Topically, panegyric focuses on happiness as an ideal and value of the respective society. The virtues are central; while martial virtues (courage, severity, strategic skill) are more admired, the peaceful ones (devoutness,

justice, kindness, generosity, rhetorical as well as musical talent) are more beloved. Philosophy since the time of Plato had the greatest impact on the assemblage of this ‘catalogue of virtues’. Further topoi, applied to community and rulers alike, include: love of the gods or God; the natural beauty of one’s homeland; the anti-

quity of one’s community or family; the merits of one’s ancestors; prophecies on victories, expansion of the

realm, an era of prosperity. Most appear throughout antiquity, with certain traits figuring more prominently in certain epochs or particular cases, e.g. descent from

PANEGYRICS

the gods in pre-Christian times, nobility in archaic Greece, freedom in sth- and 4th- cent. B.C. Athens, world dominion under Augustus, and the empire’s security in Late Antiquity. The panegyrist is wont to deny flattery and assert that his words are far from doing justice to the truth, etc. Topoi specific to the praise of rulers include reference to their physical beauty and comparisons with heavenly bodies, especially the sun. These topoi then became rhetorically de rigeur; c.f. especially > Menander [12] on the basilikos logos, the speech before a ruler. Roman panegyric was highly valued and imitated in the Middle Ages and early modern era. + Encomium;

444

443

+ Laudatio > Speculum regum

~- Invective;

+ Panegyrici Latini;

K. ZIEGLER, s.v. Panegyrikos, RE 18.3, 559-581;

funebris; T. Payr,

s.v. Enkomion, RAC 5, 332-343; L. PERNOT, La rhétorique de l’éloge dans le monde gréco-romain, 1993; M. Wuitsy (ed.), The Propaganda of Power: The Role of

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

ALBRECHT,

606

(bibliography);

L.

Duret, Dans lombre des plus grands: I. ... epoque augustéenne, in: ANRW II 30.3, 1983, 1453-1461; R. PAPKE, P.M. und Catalepton 9, in: P. Kraret, H. J. TSCHIEDEL (eds.), Concentus hexacordus, 1986, 123-167. A.GL.

Panes

aedium

(‘House-bread’)

was

a special bread

ration granted — within the general framework of the system of grain and bread distribution (amnona civica)

to the civilian populations of the two capitals, Rome and Constantinople — to individuals who had built a house at Constantinople. The privilege, established by Constantine (Constantinus [1]) and confirmed by Constantius [2] II, served to ensure the rapid growth of Constantinople. Legislation (Cod. Theod. 14,17,1 and 12) regulating whether the privilege could be passed on to heirs or purchasers is contradictory. G. DaGrRon, Naissance d’une capitale, 1984*, 504.

—_B.BL.

Panegyric in Late Antiquity, 1998; F. BrrrNer, Studien

zum

Herrscherlob

in der mittellateinischen

Dichtung,

1962; S. FUSSEL, Riccardus Bartholinus Perusinus. Huma-

nistische Panegyrik am Hofe Kaiser Maximilians I., 1987. )D.

Ill. ByZANTINE In the linguistic usage of the Byzantine era, the concept of panegyric (&yxduov/enkomion) is restricted to eulogies in honour of -> saints or dignitaries and is clearly differentiated from — EKPHRASIS. Hagiographic panegyric on saints and their feast days played a significant role. Panegyrics in either prose or verse form were delivered at the imperial court on such occasions as weddings, funerals, and victory celebrations. Panegyrics on emperors and patriarchs were an integral part in the celebration of certain festivals of the Church. Beginning in the late r1th cent., panegyrics were composed

increasingly in honour of private individuals as well. Huncer, Literatur 1, 120-132.

AL.B.

Panegyricus Messallae. Poem in praise of M. - Valerius Messalla Corvinus [II 16] in 212 hexameters by an unknown author, depicting its subject as an ideal orator

and commander; the poem is transmitted in the Corpus Tibullianum (Tib. 3,7 = 4,1; cf. > Tibullus). Since the text appears to allude to Messalla’s consulate (V. 118— 134), it must have been written after his consulate commenced in 31 BC; the fact that his triumph in 27 BC is not mentioned could be taken as the terminus ante quem. The PM would then have temporal priority over linguistically comparable passages by Augustan poets (V. 2-8: Prop. 2,10,5f.; V. 209: Hor. Carm. 2,20,1-3;

V. 123-126: Verg. Aen. 1,126f.), which is generally regarded as impossible. Hence we can only assume that it was written after 20 BC. + Panegyrics II. Epitions: (with comm.);

H. TRANKLE, > Tibullus.

Appendix

Tibulliana,

1990

Pangaeum (IIdyyatov/Pangaion, Mayyatov déeo¢/Pangaion Oros). A mountain chain (up to 1956 m in height) forested in Antiquity, extending parallel to the northern Aegaean coast between the lower ~ Strymon and Kavalla (25 km long, 16 km wide) isolated from other mountain ridges; still called P. today. With its rich gold and silver deposits it was constantly in the centre of disputes (Str. 7a,1,34). Ore production was probably begun in the 7th cent. BC by the Pieres, the > Odomanti and the > Satrae (Hdt. 7,112), but also by > Thasos

and the cities of its > peraia. Ata very early stage Athens showed an interest in the P.: the tyrant - Peisistratus [4] is supposed to have obtained from the P. the means for his mercenary army (Aristot. Ath. pol. 15). The P. was the target of Histiaeus [1] when he founded > Myrcinus (Hdt. 5,11; 124). After the withdrawal of the Persians the Athenians tried to win the P. again (expeditions of Miltiades [2] in 489, Hdt. 6,132, and of Cimon [2] in 462 BC). At the time the Athenians occupied > Thasos, but it was not until 438 that they gained access to the P. and founded + Amphipolis. After the > Peloponnesian War,Thasos re-established control over the P. and founded Crenides. In 359 BC the P. was conquered by Philip II. The precious metal deposits of the P. were still not exhausted even in the Hellenistic and Roman periods. When in the 2nd cent. BC the Thracian > Abroupolis was expelled in an attempt to occupy the P. by the Macedonian king Perseus [2], Rome took the opportunity to declare war (Pol. 22,18,2). H. J. UNGer, E. ScHtvrz, Pangaion Lagerstattenkundliche, bergbauliche und _ topographisch-archaologische Untersuchungen, 1980.

Lv.B.

Panhellenes, Panhellenism. The idea of Panhellenism is based on the tendency to place greater significance on the similarities that connect all Greeks as Greeks than on the perceptions of differences. ‘Panhellenism’ is nota

445

446

term used in Antiquity, although in the Iliad (2, 530) and elsewhere in early Greek verse panhéllénes is used to describe the Greeks (Hes. Op. 528; Archil. fr. ro2 West). The Trojan War (see

Troy) was presented as

an untertaking in which the Greeks united in order to regain Helen [1] from the Trojans — although the latter are not described in Homer as being un-Greek. In the Archaic period the development of Panhellenic sanctuaries, e.g. in > Delphi and - Olympia, must have promoted the feeling of a community of Greeks: non-Greeks were able to consult the Oracle and present votive gifts (e.g. Croesus: Hdt. 1,46-51), but only Greeks were allowed to compete in the Games (Hdt. 5,22 on Alexander [2] of Macedonia) [6. 18-44]. Greeks who lived outside Greece in close proximity to non-Greeks must have grown particularly conscious of their Greekness: after the fall of > Croesus the Greeks of Asia Minor turned to Sparta, which forbade Cyrus [2] to do the Greeks harm (Hdt. 1,152.) — although the Spartans did not act on their word. At the beginning of the 5th cent. BC the Greeks in Asia united against the Persians in the > Ionian Revolt. The self-awareness of Greeks living the the motherland was given a new direction by their opposition to the Persian attacks in 490 and 480-479 BC and by the founding of the > Delian League (477) as an alliance for continuation ofthe war against the Persians: Greeks and (Persian) ‘barbarians’ were represented as opposite poles [5] and > médismos was considered high treason. Nevertheless, in the Peloponnesian War (431-404) both the Athenians and the Spartans tried to win the help of the Persians in their struggle with one another; from 412 Sparta was successful and received support against Athens. In > Aristophanes [3] there are signs of fear that the Persians could attack the Greeks while they were disunited and seeking Persian support (Aristoph. Pax 105-108; Aristoph. Lys. 1128-1135). In Sparta too, > Lichas [3] and particularly Callicratidas [1] were concerned (esp. Xen. Hell. 1,6,7) that Persian help was sought in struggles with fellow Greeks. The > King’s Peace of 386 BC, which again brought the Greeks of Asia Minor under Persian rule, was seen as treachery of great proportions. The argument that the Greeks were great when they united against the Persians instead of fighting one another and that they should hence wage war with the Persians again in order to recover their unity and greatness, had already been used by ~ Gorgias [2] (Philostr. VS 1,9,2 = DieLs/KRANZ 82 A 1,4). It was taken up again by > Lysias [1] (Lys. 33) and became a continuing theme in the writings of > Isocrates [1. 144-167; 3; 7. 306-317]. The campaign against the Persian Empire, planned by Philip II of Macedonia and carried out by > Alexander [4] the Great, was partly influenced by this idea. On the description panhéllénes for the ambassadors of the league of Greek states founded by the emperor Hadrian, see > Panbellénion. 1N. H. Baynes, Byzantine Studies and Other Essays, 1955 2J. Dittery, Xenophon and the History of His

PANIONION

Times, 1995, 41-119

3 G. Dosescn, Der Panhellenische

Gedanke im 4. Jh.v.Chr. und der ‘Philippos’ des Isokrates, 1968 4P. GREEN, The Metamorphosis of the Barbarian: Athenian Panhellenism in a Changing World, in: R. W. WaLiace,

E. M.

1996, 5-36

6 C. A. MorGan, Marinatos,

Harris

(ed.), Transitions

to Empire,

SE. Hatt, Inventing the Barbarian, The Origins of Pan-Hellenism,

1989 in: N.

R. HAGG (ed.), Greek Sanctuaries: New Ap-

proaches, 1993

7S. PERLMAN, Isocrates’ ‘Philippus’: A P.).R.

Reinterpretation, in: Historia 6, 1957, 306-317.

Panhellenion (Iaveddjwov; Panellénion). The Panhellenion was an organisation of Greek koind (> koinon)

and poleis, which was founded by the emperor ~ Hadrian in AD 131/2. The activities of the Panhellenion were mainly religious and ceremonial. Primarily from the evidence of inscriptions, it is known that membership was restricted to the region of the Aegean Provinces (> Aigaion Pelagos). The criteria for admission emphasised loyalty to Rome and, in the case ofthe cities overseas, a kinship (symgéneia) with the European Greeks. The member cities sent representatives, called Panheéllenes, to a > synhédrion which met in Athens under the chairmanship of an archon (> adrchontes |1]). The Panhéllénes fostered close relations with — Eleusis [1], where they made dedications. As priests in the > emperor cult, the Panhéllénes were in charge of the cult of Hadrian Panhellénios (and later also of his successors) as well as the festival of Panhellénia which was connected to it and took place every four years after AD 137. The creation of the Panhellenion reflects the Roman, but above

all, the Hadrianic

idealisation

of ancient

Greece, as well as the contemporary prestige of the Eleusinian Mysteries. The Greeks in the provinces evidently reacted in very different ways to the setting up of the Panhellenion. S. FOLLET, D. PEppAs-DELMOUSOU, Le décret de Thyatire

sur les bienfaits d’Hadrien et le ‘Panthéon’ d’Hadrien a Athénes, in: BCH 121, 1997, 291-309; C. P. Jones, The P., in: Chiron 26, 1996, 29-56 (diverging interpretation);

J. H. Oxtver, Marcus Aurelius: Aspects of Civic and Cultural Policy in the East, 1970; A.J.S. SPAWFORTH, The P. Again, in: Chiron 29, 1999, 339-352.

A.SPA.

Panhellenism see > Panhellenes, Panhellenism Panionion (Ilaviviov; Panidnion). Central sanctuary

of the Ionian > amphiktyonia on the Mycale (Hdt. 1,142f.; 148; modern Dilek Yarimadasi) that celebrated the festival of Panionia with a panégyris (‘festive meeting’) and a bull sacrifice to Poseidon Helikonios (i.e. of Helice: Str. 8,7,2; Hom. Il. 20, 403f.) there. Founded according to the > Marmor Parium (IG XII 5, 444) in 1086/5 BC (cf. Paus. 7,4,r0) and according to KLEINER [1. 9] only on the occasion of the destruction of + Melia (in whose territory the P. lay) between 663 and 657 BC, the P. belonged from that time onward to -» Priene (IPriene No. 37; Vitr. De arch. 4,1,4) and with its re-establishment in the mid 4th cent. was moved to

PANIONION

the northern foot of the mountain range near modern Guzelgamli (the altar on the Otomatik Tepe there is not from the archaic period whilst the bouleuterion with the semicircular koilon is not possible before the mid 4th cent.). Str. 8,7,2 refers to the earlier Panionion. In historical times, 12 cities were united in the Panionion (Hdt. 1,142) with Miletus [2] and Ephesus at the

amphictyony’s head. In 546, 497 and for the last time in 494 BC, the probouloi (‘members of the council’) of the league in the Panionion made important political decisions (Hdt.

448

447

1,141;

170;

5,109;

6,7). The history of

archaic Panionion whose location has not been pinpointed to date ended with the defeat of the Ionians in 494 BC while fighting the Persians at > Lade. After the renewal of the league and the Panionia (IPriene No. 490) —its move to Ephesus (Diod. Sic. 15,49,1) is doub-

ted by [2] — Priene held the priestly office (IPriene No. 2orff.; Str. 8,72; 14,1,20) and the members were now

called basileis [1. 60]. The cult of the ruler represented the most distinguished function of the now politically meaningless koinon that existed right through to the 3rd cent. AD. The Panionia of the Imperial period took place in the large cities of the league (Phocaea, Smyrna). 1G. KLEINER et al, Panionion und Melie, 1967

2P. J.

(Philostr. Imag. 2,6,3). It is distinguishable in iconography from boxing by the lack of fist straps and from wrestling by the representation of fighting on the ground (Philostr. De gymnastica 11). The famous marble sculpture in Florence (Uffizi, Inv. no. 216 = [1. fig. 37] unambiguously shows a pair of pancratiasts. A vivid description of the pankration can be found in Lucian (Anacharsis 1-4). It was introduced to > Olym-

pia for men allegedly in 648 BC and (as the last addition to the programme) for boys in 200 BC. Known > olympiontkai in the pankration were e.g. Theogenes from Thasos [2. no. 215; 3. no. 37]; the gigantic Polydamas from Scotussa [2. no. 348], who

fought against Darius II’s bodyguard at the Persian court (Paus. 6,5); the double periodonikes (> Periodos)

Sostratus from Sicyon [2. no. 420, 425, 433], who was given the nickname Akrochersites (‘Fingersnapper’) because of his unpleasant way of fighting (Paus. 6,4,1-2).

1 W. Decker, Sport in der griechischen Antike, 1995 2L. Moretti, Olympionikai, 1957 3 J. EBERT, Griechische. Epigramme auf Sieger an gymnischen und hippischen Agonen, 1972. G. Dosiyorer, P. Mauritscu, U. SCHACHINGER, Pan-

STYLIANOU, Thucydides, the Panionian Festival, and the

kration (Quellendokumentation zur Gymnastik und Ago-

Ephesia (III 104) Again, in: Historia 32, 1983, 245-249.

nistik im Altertum 5), 1996; M. B. Potiakorr, Combat

L. Pranpt, La rifondazione del Panionion e la catastrofe di Elice, 373 a.C, in: M. Sorpi (ed.), Fenomeni naturali e avvenimenti

storici

nellantichita,

1989,

43-59;

Sports in the Ancient World, 1987, 54-63; W. DECKER, Sport in der griechische Antike, 1995, 90-93. W.D.

G.

RAGONE, La guerra meliaca e la struttura originaria della

Pannonia

lega ionica in Vitruvio 4,1,3—6, in: RFIC 114, 1986, 173-

I. UP TO THE SUBJUGATION BY ROME II. AFTER THE DIVISION OF THE PROVINCE UNDER DOMITIAN III. AFTER REORGANISATION UNDER DIOCLETIAN

205; F. SoxoLowsk1, Réglement relatif a la célébration H.LO. des Panionia, in: BCH 94, 1970, 109-112.

Panis [1] According to Serv. Auct. Georg. 1,7, the Sabine name for » Ceres. Presumably P. had the role of an agrarian deity in the pantheon of the > Sabini; her

Region and Roman province to the north and east of the Danube (Ister [2]), bordered in the south by che region south of the > Savus; the western border ran

exact function, however, cannot be determined. The

west

translatability of Ceres as P. cannot be explained by an assumed displacement or absorption of a Sabine deity by the Italic or Roman goddess Ceres; their identification is probably a later scholarly interpretation. The attractive hypothesis of a relationship between the two deities due to shared influences from Lower Italy is only insufficiently supported by modern etymology: The direct derivation of P. from the Messapian panos (‘bread’, Ath. 3,r11c; compare Lat. panis) or Pampa-

Emona, now the western part of Hungary, the Slovakian territory around > Gerulata, the Austrian around the Viennese Basin and Burgenland, as well as the northern strip of Slovenia, Croatia and Serbia. The country

non,

Demeter’s

name

in Heraclea

[ro]? (Hsch.

Ila@umavov), is uncertain, even if a stem

assumed in all these cases.

s.v.

*pdn- can be

HE.K.

[2] P. civilis see > Panes aedium

Pankration (xayxedtiov; pankration). The third kind of fighting besides > wrestling and > boxing in the programme of Greek agones (-> Sports festivals). Its goal was to ‘totally dominate’ an opponent, with any means but biting and scratching being allowed for the purpose

I. UP TO THE SUBJUGATION

of the line between

BY ROME

Vindobona,

Poetovio

and

was named after its original inhabitants (Mavvoviow/ Pannonioi, cf. Str. 7,5,2; Naiovec/Paiones, cf. 1,1,10).

This Illyrian group of tribes, exposed to strong Celtic influence and centred around North Dalmatia and north of the Savus, included the > Breuci, Andizetes, Ditiones and Periustae (Str. 7,5,3, cf. 7,5,10). Its name was also passed on to other, non-Celtic tribes and later referred to the entire area of northern Dalmatia as far as the Danube. One area where remnants of the language of the Pannonii, little known today and attributed to the Indo-European group, are found is in place names. From a Roman point of view, P. originally constituted the northern part of > Illyricum. A Roman advance into this area around 119 BC resulted in tem-

porary occupation of the city of — Siscia (Segesta), though it did not ultimately come under Roman power

PANNONI

10)

449

AY] JO UOISSaD

‘S9DINOSOY

19u1O peos juBLOdW!Sse

= PIUOJOD

tO)

/uoIsay Asoywe]}

'(e1ye}}) Ajqeuinsaid dV 00z BLIASIH, 2 jeinuinoid sauepunog (ayewixoidde Jo BWEN adUIAOId JO AY} OESLUg PIUOUUR,) A1O}I19} LIOISSAaD WOuajul GV (4OLIadns plLZ Aypied) 0} eiuouUR, /[e}IdeD IAIPEISIUILUPYY [eINUIAOI 94}UD Aieyiilu aseq yueOdtu| |PAeN aseq juawal}jas 19410 JUeLOdW!

“unuW UWINSTION ermids VINVAVS

=

He eueniol4

»7aeueidos

ae a \,

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avil NON —~©)

Od)


divination (VII.) (augury: e.g. Serv. Aen. 2,453; interpre-

tation of thunder and lightning: schol. Veronensia Verg. Aen. 2,693). PA describes the two spatial semiotic units (partes, spatia: Serv. Ecl. 9,15) of the field of observation in front of the diviner, PP the two behind, con-

structed with the help of a system of rectangular coordinates (> Templum). This system of spatial orientation, which was also the basis of Roman surveying, with rules for drawing boundaries (constitutio limitum: Hyginus p. 166f. LACHMANN) is traced by Varro in Frontinus (De agri mensura p. 27f. LACHMANN) to the etrusca disciplina (— Limitation). The assignment of the partes to the points of the compass in the ancient tradition varies (e.g. Varro Ling. 7,7; Paul. Fest. 244 L.; Isid. Orig. 15,4,7); this is probably due not to weaknesses in the tradition, but to the overlapping of north-

+» Augures;

> Etrusci, Etruria (III. Religion); > Survey-

ors 1PRospocim1 2J. Linperski, The Augural Law, in: ANRW II 16.3, 1986, 2146-2312. M.HAA.

Partes orationis. The origin of the theory of the ‘parts of speech’ was presumed in antiquity — with a variable number of parts — to date from the beginnings of Greek rhetorical theory (+ Corax [3]). Irrespective of their number, the precepts pertaining to the parts of speech constitute the foundation of ancient rhetorical textbooks (cf. Aristot. Rh. 1354b 16ff.). Plato, in his Phaidros (266d—2674d), already names a series of parts of argumentation (tekmeria, eik6ta, pistosis, epipistosis, élenchos, epexélenchos: proofs, probabilities, assurance, further assurance, refutation, further refutation) coming after the prooimion and the narration (diégésis) and before a concluding summary (epdnodos). Theodectes, here probably following his teacher Isocrates (cf. Dion. Hal. Lysias 16 or. 27,10 USENER/RADERMACHER), is more schematic in distinguishing only four parts of speech: prooimion, diégésis, pistis, epilogos (cf. Anon., RABE, vol. 14. 32,6 and 216,1); to each one he ascribes a precise function (Lollianus, Watz, vol. 7. 33,4ff.). Aristotle, who is highly critical of other schemes of categorization, considers only the prothesis and the argumentation (péstis, Aristot. Rh. 1414a 31ff.) necessary, i.e. the presentation of the situation and the adduction of proof — although he concedes that a prooimion and an epilogue will also generally be used (ibid. 1414b 7-9). The diégésis, initially associated (ibid. 1414a 37ff.) only with the génos dikanikon/genus iudiciale (forensic speech), later gradually superseded the prothesis in the presentation. In the — Rhetorica ad Alexandrum, the prooimion, apangelia, bebatosis, prokatalepsis and palillogia (‘introduction, exposition, proof, refutation and summary’) are investigated, if not particularly systematically, after the announcement in 1436a 28ff. According to Diog. Laert. 7,43, the Stoics kept to the fourfold scheme, distinguishing the prooimion, diégésis, ta pros tous antidikous (the ‘argumentation directed against the opponent) and the epilogue. In spite of the predominance of the fourfold scheme (cf. Cic. Part. or. 4; Mart. Cap. r91,24ff.), unanimity was not achieved even among the Roman rhetors. A prior announcement of the arguments could intrude (divisio, partitio: Rhet. Her. 1,4; Cic. Inv. 1,19; Cic. De or. 2,80; Victorinus p. 194,28 HALM; Grillius 81,6ff. Martin; Sulpicius Victor 322,4 HALM; Fortunatianus 118,7ff. CALBOLI MONTEFUSCO; Mart. Cap. 195,12ff. WILLIS; Cassiod. Inst. 2,2,9; Alcuin 534,26 HaLM), as

could a propositio (brief presentation of the case; Cic.

south and east-west systems (cf. also [2. 2284]).

Demorsy2280-

According to [1. 611, 644f., 743] in the > Tabulae Iguvinae augury ritual Umbrian pernaies, pusnaes

194,11). Other parts of speech betray their Greek origin

(tabula la 2) have the same

meaning as Latin antici,

Fortunatianus

LES. Lus

Manta

in their names (proékthesis, proparaskeué etc.).

Gap:

561

562

As Aristot. Rh. 1414a 30ff. shows, the theory of the parts of speech belongs to the area of té&tc (taxis,

Parthava see > Parthia

‘order’).

Partheneion. Greek songs that were performed by young women (parthénot) or for them: this is the definition of the term cited in the plural mag0éveia (par-

The

— Rhetorica

ad

Herennium

(3,16f.)

distinguishes between the arrangement of the parts in line with theory and one that conforms to the circumstances of the situation and is therefore more effective. + Hermagoras [I] also seems to have treated the doctrine of the PO in the context of the dispositio, the arrangement of arguments, while their post-Hermagorean presentation was probably within the imventio, the process of finding the arguments (as in Cic. Inv. and Rhet. Her.).

As to the individual functions: the ‘beginning’, the exordium (var. principium and insinuatio) had the triple function of making the listener attentus, benivolus, docilis (‘attentive, favourably disposed and receptive to teaching’), sometimes by means of a suitable ~> captatio benevolentiae (e.g. Cic. Inv. 1,20ff.). The propositio served the brief depiction of the facts, with the purposes of clarity and plausibility (ibid. 1,28). The partitio, often divided into three (Rhet. Her. 1,17, but cf. Quint. Inst. 4,5,3), announced the main points of the argument, so that the listener would later know when the speech was at an end (Cic. Inv. 1,31). Accordingly, the ‘adduction of proof’ (argumentatio) was the most important part. It had to provide rational persuasion and refute the opposing position. To do so, it could have recourse to inductive and deductive techniques and toa set of topoi pertinent to each > status (Cic. Inv. 2,11ff.). Finally, the epilogue, which consisted of three parts

(enumeratio,

indignatio,

conquestio,

Cic.

Inv.

1,98ff.), had the double function of enumerating as a reminder the points presented in the argumentatio (enumeratio) and of stimulating by the exposure of the speaker’s own emotional inclination (indignatio, conquestio) every possible > pathos in the listener which would foster hatred for the opponent and compassion for the speaker’s own side. > Rhetoric; > Rhetoric textbooks L. CaLBoit MonrteEFusco, Exordium Narratio Epilogus, 1988; ead., La funzione della partitio nel discorso orato-

rio, in: A. PENNACINI (ed.), Studi di retorica oggi in Italia, 1987, 69-85; P. HAMBERGER, Die rednerische Disposition in der alten Techne rhetorike, Diss. Erlangen, 1914; MARTin, Antike Rhetorik, 1974; R. VOLKMANN, Die Rhet. der Griechen und Romer, 1985 ('1963); S. W1Lcox, Corax

and the Prolegomena, in: AJPh 64, 1943, I-23.

L.C.M.

Parthamasiris (Mag0aucowoic/Parthamasiris). Brother of > Axidares; he was chosen by > Osroes [1] to be the successor to the Armenian throne. In AD 114, Trajan

met with P. in Elegeia but refused to acknowledge him and had him killed contrary to international law (Fronto, Principia historiae p. 212

VAN

DEN

Hour

1988).

M. Karras-Kiapprotn, Prosopographische Studien zur Geschichte des Partherreiches, 1988; PIR* P 131.

M.SCH.

PARTHENIAE

théneia) twice (or nag0eveta/partheneia in the second

case) by the scholiast regarding Aristoph. Av. 919 (cf. also Suda s.v.); ‘for choruses of young women’, as Proclus (Phot. Bibl. 321a 33-b 32: mag0évia/parthénia) puts it more precisely. Aristophanes (Av. 917-19) is the only

author of the Classical period to use the term adjectivally: mélé parthéneia (uéy maQdévera); these poems (together with cyclical songs, the > dithyrambs and poems based on the style of Simonides) were meant for the citizens of the utopian city of birds. Proclus further classifies the partheneion (Phot. bibl. 321a 33-3224 40; cf. also Poll. 4,53) — together with the daphneéphorika, the tripodéphorika, the oschophorika and the songs of dedication — in the category of those songs of Melic poetry (> Melos [2]) that are simultaneously addressed to gods and humans. These then are ‘lyrical’ poems of a cultic nature whose genre contours were undoubtedly defined

from

the

Alexandrian

period

onwards,

obviously for editorial reasons [1. 147-176]. The Hellenistic edition of the poems of > Aleman comprised at least 2 books, i.e. 2 papyrus scrolls with songs (Gouata; dismata) in the style of the partheneion (cf. fr. 16 Davies); the author of a comm. (TA tra Davies) presents Aleman as the writer of the accomplished partheneion. The Vita Ambrosiana (I, p. 3 DRACHMANN; cf. also POxy. 2438 and Vita metrica I, p. 9 DRACHMANN [2. 41-69]) attributes to Pindar —among the 17 books of his work — no fewer than 2 scrolls of partheneia, added to which is a bk. of poems separate from the partheneia. This last bk. without doubt contained ritual poems that were composed for the > daphneéphoria (laurel bearing) of Thebes and actually sung by a chorus of young women (fr. 94a— 104d MAEFHLER). The work attributed to Plutarch De Musica (17 = Aristoxenus fr. 82 WEHRLI) also mentions ~ Bacchylides as the author of partheneia, and based on the criteria of content, the partheneia have also been attributed to > Anacreon [1] (cf. fr. sor PAGE), > Corinna, — Praxilla and — Telesilla. 1 C. CaLame, Les cheeurs de jeunes filles en Gréce archaique, vol. 2: Aleman, 1977. 21. Gatto, Studi sulla biografia greca, 1997. GCA,

Partheniae (magQevia/partheniai). The word partheniae is derived from Greek nag0évoc/parthénos,

‘virgin’, and designates a group of Spartans who left Greece and founded Tarentum (— Taras) toward the end of the 8th cent. BC. Our oldest sources (Antiochus

FGrH 555 F 13; Ephorus FGrH 70 F 216; Aristot. Pol. 55751306 b 29-31) probably already knew no more than the name and the fact itself. We therefore find explanations derived from the word, according to which they were illegitimate Spartans, or classified as of

PARTHENIAE

lower status, who emigrated after the first of the » Messenian Wars under the leadership of one Phalanthus because of their mistreatment. Diodorus identified the partheniae with the -» Epeunaktai, i.e. helots who had been granted citizenship (Diod. Sic. 8,21; Theopomp. FGrH rr5 F171).

— Helots 1E. Lippouis, S. GARAFFO,

M. Narisst, Taranto (Culti

Greci in Occidente 1), 1995, 263ff. 2M. MereER, Aristokraten und Damoden, 1998, 121ff.; 137ff. 3M. Nariss1, La nascita del Kosmos, 1991. H.J.G.

Parthenias (MaoGeviac/Parthenias). Right-bank tributary of the > Alpheius [1], rising from the lower slopes of the Foloi, debouching east of Olympia; the presentday Bakireiko. Sources: Str. 8,3,32; Paus. 6,21,7. E. Meyer, s.v. P., RE 18.4, 1886.

eae

Parthenium (Ila@0évwov/Parthénion). The lowest part

of the Argive-Arcadian border range (elevation up to 1215 mat Hagios Elias) with important roads connecting the > Argolid and Arcadia (— Arcadians), at elevations from 753 to 900 m, still called Partheni today. Sources: Hdt. 6,105, 1ff. [1. 472f.]; Paus. 8,6,4; 54,6f. 1 Jost. PRITCHETT 3, 1980, 81-95; 4, 1982, 80-87; 6, 1989, 107rrr; MULLER, 820.

MOLAR:

Parthenius I. GREEK

564

563

II. ROMAN

authority against the prevailing fashion. The extremely lacunose inscription IG XIV 1089 (= T 4 LIGHTFOOT) Is evidence of honour shown to the poet — perhaps the reconstruction of his tomb? — by Hadrian. P. was among the auctores (‘models’) for Virgil (according to Macrob. Sat. 5,17,18 = T 9(a) LiGHTFOoT, P. was his ‘teacher’, grammiaticus). The fragments, frequently no more than single words, derive for the most part from Byzantine lexicographers (particularly Stephanus of Byzantium) who drew on P.’s geographic and mythographic erudition. The — epicedium appears to have been a speciality of P.: two papyrus fragments (SH 609-614 = fr. 2-5 LIGHTFOOT and 626 = fr. 27 LIGHTFOOT) contain remnants of his most famous work, an epicedium in elegiac distichs to his beloved Arete (3 B. [5. 32-34]; fr. 2-3 LIGHTFOOT, ina very personal tone); in addition, fragments have been preserved ofepicedia to Archelais (fr. 6 LIGHTFOOT), his younger brother, Timander (fr. 27 Licurroot; cf. Catull. 68,97—100 [6. 47—48]), Auxithemis (fr. 17 LIGHTFOOT), and possibly Bias (frr. 8-9 LigHTFroot). Also attested are the elegies Aphrodité and Délos, possibly hymns (for a detailed discussion of their generic classification and themes see [5]). These elegies’ use of of myth recalls more Euphrion’s erotic subject matter than Callimachus’ practice. Being a Hellenistic author, however, P. experimented with all types of metre: He may have written Metamorphoseis in hexametres (discussion and literature in: [5. 39-40]) as well as a propemptikon [5. 40-41]. He also experimented with the genre of epithalamion (fr. 37; 53 LicuTFOOT). Certain fragments still resist categorization (fr. 54-57 LIGHTFOOT).

I. GREEK (Ilagéviocg; Parthénios). [I 1] rst cent. BC; from Nicaea or Myrlea; according to the Suda (x 664 = T 1 LIGHTFOOT), our only source of

biographical information (based on Hermippus of Berytus), P. may have been born in Myrlea and then moved to Nicaea (cf. [5. 9] with literature). Prolific writer, author of poems in a variety of metres. Captured by Cinna during a campaign against Mithridates [6] in 73 BC, but freed ‘because of his education’, P. is believed to have lived until the time of Emperor Tiberius (the length of P.’s life was clearly exaggerated, perhaps because of the emperor’s fondness for him: cf. Suet. Tib. 70,2 = T 3 LIGHTFOOT). Because of P.’s verbosity, Lucian (De con-

scribenda historia 57) associated him with > Euphorion [3] and > Callimachus [3]. Artemidorus (Oneirocritica 4,63) places him alongside Euphorion and > Heraclides [21] of Pontus as an author of ‘strange and unusual stories’ (= T 6-7 LIGHTFOOT). His poetry had a great deal of influence on the Latin - neoteric poets and thus experienced a renaissance during the Neoteric period under Emperor > Hadrianus: Pollianus (Anth. Pal. 11,130 = T 5 LiGHTFOOT) and Erycius (Anth. Pal. 7,377 = T 2 Licurroor) wrote polemics against the modish enthusiasm for P., who was always associated with Callimachus, and defended Homer’s

P.’s Eowtxd naOhwata (Erotika pathemata, ‘Sufferings of Love’) are dedicated to > Cornelius [II 18] Gallus; these are 36 erotic tales — the only prose work by a Hellenistic poet preserved in its entirety — written in the shortest possible form without seouttov (peritton, ‘affectation’) for the addressee to convert into an epic or elegy. Brevity is the fundamental characteristic of this collection of hypomnemata, summaries of stories taken from books (Hellenistic > mythography is ‘library literature’): synopses that present the myths in their various versions without describing their environment or the characters in them and without reflection; the

style is usually paratactic. This work has been preserved in a single MS (Cod. Palatinus Graecus Heidelberg. 398; 9th—-roth cents. AD) together with scholia. Ed. princeps: Basel 1531. On P.’s later influence [5; 7]. > Hellenistic poetry; > Mythography EDITIONS: 1MythGr 2.1.1, 1902 2S. GASELEE, 1916 3 G. SPATAFORA, 1995 (with It. translation and commen-

tary)

4SH 605-666 (poetical frr.)

5 J. L. Ligntroor,

Parthenius of Nicaea. The Poetical Fragments and the Eomtxa ma0nwata, mentary) SECONDARY

1999 (with introduction and com-

LITERATURE:

61. CazzAniGa,

I fram-

menti poetici di Partenio da Nicea, valutazioni criticostilistiche, in: Studi classici e orientali

10, 1961, 44-53

7 J. L. Ligurroot, Partheniana minora, in: CQ 50, 2000,

566

565 303-305

8R. ScarRcIA, s.v. Partenio, EV 3, 987-988

9 W. CLAUSEN, Callimachus and Latin Poetry, in: GRBS 5, 1964,

181-196.

S.FO.

[12] Greek grammarian of the Alexandrian tradition, from the turn of the rst to the 2nd cent. AD. Suda 5

PARTHENON

Parthenon (IaoGeviv; Parthenon). I. Function IJ. ARCHITECTURE III]. CONSTRUCTION History IV. SCULPTURE

I. FUNCTION Temple-shaped

building

on

the

Acropolis

of

1173 s.v. Atovvotog/Dionysios mentions P. as a pupil of

+ Athens (II.1. with map; > Temple); named after the

a grammarian named Dionysius believed to have lived in the period between Nero and Trajan. According to

12 m high chryselephantine statue of > Athena Parthenos by—> Phidias inside the building (~ Gold-ivory technique with fig.), which was mentioned by Pausanias (1,23,5-7) and others. The cultic purpose of the Parthenon is a subject of lively controversy in archaeological research. However, to date it has remained impossible to find evidence for a cult of Athena Parthenos or an altar belonging to the building; it is therefore most likely that the Parthenon was a representational building of the Athenian polis without a cultic function and not a temple in terms of religious law or ritual practice.

Athenaeus (11,467¢; 501a; 15,680d-e), P. was the son

of a certain Dionysius, probably the grammarian ~ Dionysius [19] Tryphonus. P. is known as the author of an alphabetical lexicographic work of at least two books which contained explanations of historians’ glosses; Athen. 11,467c documents his title as Negi tv TAA TOts LoTOELXOIC KEEEWV THtovLEVV (Peri ton para tois historikois léxeon zétouménon; ‘On questionable expressions used by historians’). Glosses by P., indirectly communicated by Athenaeus, are found in > Eustathius [4] (1299,59 on Hom. Il. 23,270; 1776,39 on Hom. Od., 15,120). A. VON

BLUMENTHAL,

s.v. P. (16), RE 18.4, 1899-1900.

ST.MA.

{1 3] River in > Paphlagonia, the mouth of which is directly to the west of - Amastris [4], modern-day Bartin Cay1. The name of the small Turkish city Bartin is probably derived from the name of the ancient region of Parthenia. The P. flowed through the territory of Amastris; the coins of the city depicted the river-god P. (Plin. HN 506). Like the Billaeus, whose mouth was only c. 20 km to the west, the P. was regarded in ancient literature as a border river to > Bithynia (cf. Peripl. m. eux. 13), but confusion of the two cannot be ruled out. L. Rosert, A travers l’Asie Mineure, 1980, 165-176; O. LENDLE,

Kommentar

zu

Xenophons

Anabasis,

1995,

3426.

C.MA.

Il. ROMAN [II 1] see > Claudius [II 51] [11 2] Gallo-Roman aristocrat, nephew of > Ennodius,

who arranged for him to study in Rome between AD 506 and 509 and provided him with an introduction to high-ranking personages there, among others Pope Symmachus (Ennod. Epist. 5,9-12; 6,23; 7,30f.; Ennod. Dictio ro). PLRE 2, 832f. {II 3] Highly educated Gallo-Roman aristocrat, grandson of Emperor > Avitus [1]; in AD 505, P. went to ~» Caesarius [4] in Arelate, was later an emissary at the court of the Ostrogoths in Ravenna, and in 544 magister officiorum et patricius in Gaul (Ruricius, Epist. 2,36f. MGH AA 8,339; Vita Caesarii 1,49 MGH Scriptorum rerum Merovingicarum 3,476; Arator, Epist. ad

Parthenium

CSEL

72,150-153).

In his service

to

+» Theodebertus, king of the Franks, P. was hated for

his tax policy and murdered in Trier in 548 after the king’s death (Greg. Tur. Franc. 3,36 MGH Scriptorum rerum

Merovingicarum

1,1,138f.).

PLRE

2,

I]. ARCHITECTURE The extant Parthenon is regarded as the high-point of Classical Doric columnar architecture; its balanced, variously interrelated and commensurable > proportions are the culmination of the development of measurements and proportions in Greek temple building. + Ictinus and > Callicrates [3] are recorded as the architects. The Parthenon dates from the Periclean period in Athens (-> Pericles [1]); it was built between 447 and 432 BC as a Doric > peripteros with 8 x 17 columns (> stylobate dimensions: c. 30.88 m x 69.50 m) and was made entirely of Pentelic marble (cf. > Pentelicon). At the time of its completion it was the largest and most elaborate stone building on the Greek mainland. The entire architectural concept of the Parthenon is focused on the > cella, its magnificent image of Athena being integral to the original plan. Unusual architectural features (the extremely narrow lateral ptera; the extreme contraction of the bays of the corners, which exceeds what is architecturally necessary, cf. > angle triglyph problem; the eight front columns, an unusual number in Doric temple architecture) are explained by the very wide cella, which is entirely focused on the sculpture, its surrounding two-storey gallery and the transverse plinth for the statue of the goddess. There were probably two large > windows in the front wall of the cella, to the right and left of the entrance, providing ideal lighting for the space inside. The cella consisted of two separate rooms; both ends were fronted by a portico with six columns. The room to the rear, with four Ionic interior columns, contained the Athenian state treasury and could be locked with a massive folding grille. Here the Doric and Ionic orders were combined for the first time.

833f.

K.PJ.

III. CONSTRUCTION History There is secure evidence for an earlier construction than the Periclean Parthenon. Apparently incomplete, it was destroyed during the > Persian Wars and then in-

PARTHENON

568

567

Frieze:

Gods at the Panathenaea

Metopes: Gigantomachy Pediment: Birth of Athena I

eeee0e

eg. @

°

e

e

e

e

@

e

%e

:®

&

®

°

e

®

e

©) e@|

|® |@

@

@

ae

ite:

@

@

y Metopes: Ilioupersis Frieze: Panathenaean procession

ee °

Statue of Athena Parthenos

eae

.

Metopes:

@

t)

@

@oeeegede

8

Centauromachy; identification of other subjects disputed Frieze: Panathenaean procession

&

Athens: Parthenon;

@

ground-plan and distribution

—————

=

.

of the architectural sculptures

(447-432 BC)

Frieze: Panathenaean procession Metopes: Amazonomachy Pediment: Contest between Athena and Poseidon

A, EZ

Sse GIRS

—
architectural sculpture. A frieze in bas-relief, no

less than 160 m long and 1.02 m high, encircled the cella. All 92 metope fields in the frieze of the peristyle were decorated in high-relief; both pediments (clear height 3.46 m) were adorned with sculptural groups (more than 20 figures and two horse-drawn carts each). The themes of the sculptures (frieze: Panathenaic procession in the presence of the Olympians, cf. > Panathenaea; metopes: mythological battles; pediments: birth of Athena and contest between Athena and Poseidon for Attica) formed a sublime network of statements that visualize the claims and self-perception of the great power Athens. The culmination of this sculptural programme was the statue of Athena Parthenos (now only preserved in Roman copies) with its many more relief figures on shoe soles, plinth, helmet and shield. According to Thucydides (2,13,5), the gold plates in relief were valued at 44 — talents (1,152.62 kg) in total and were part of the state treasury; they could be dismantled, re-weighed and, in emergencies, melted down at any time (this provides eloquent testimony to the artistic and cultic concepts of Classical Greece, cf. also -» Artist; > Art, interest in; > Art, theory of). Regarding the post-classical history of the Parthenon, see > ATHENS (III B.-C.).

-» Athens; > Temple E. BERGER (ed.), Parthenon-Kongref§ Basel 1982, 1984 (review by B. Feur, in: Gnomon 60, 1988, 624-631); J. BOARDMAN, The Parthenon and its Sculptures, 1985; F. BrRomMMeR, Die Parthenon-Skulpturen, 1979; J. BRUNO (ed.), The Parthenon, 1974; D. Castriota, Myth, Ethos

PARTHENOPE

ROMANCE

dell’Acropoli, in: S$. Serris (ed.), 1 Greci, vol. 2,2, 1997, 1239-1274; Id., Phidias, 1993, 61-130; W. HOEPFNER

(ed.), Kult und Kultbauten auf der Akropolis, 1997; O. PaLaGia, The Pediments of the Parthenon,

Ruopes,

Architecture

and Meaning

1993; R. F.

on the Athenian

Acropolis, 1995, 89-113 (cf. also CH. H6cKER, in: Gnomon 71, 1999, 629-635); L. SCHNEIDER, CH. HOKKER, Die Akropolis von Athen, 1990, 124-186; S. WoopbFORD, The Parthenon, 1981. C.HO.

Parthenopaeus (Ila@0evonaioc; Parthenopaios; Latin Parthenopaeus). One of the - Seven Against Thebes,

brother of the Argive king > Adrastus [1] or son of the Arcadian hunter > Atalante (Soph. OT 1320-1322 with schol.; Eur. Phoen. 150 with schol.; Apollod. 1,9,133 356533 952; Hyg. Fab. 70; 99; Paus. 9,18,6; schol. Verg. Aen. 6,480; schol. Stat. Theb. 4,309), grew up in Argos (Aesch. Sept. 547f.; Eur. Supp. 888-900). His legendary youthful beauty (Stat. Silv. 2,6,42f.; Mart. 9,56,7f.; Hyg. Fab. 270) contrasted with his wild cou-

rage (Aesch. Sept. 529-549; Eur. Phoen. 145-149; Stat. Theb. 4,246-264: his departure; 6,569—-5 82: his body; 9,683-907: his aristeia). As an archer he is victorious at the first Nemean Games (Apollod. 3,6,4; according to Stat. Theb. 6,550-645 as a runner) and distinguishes himself in battle (Stat. Theb. 7,642f.; 8,659f.; with the help of Diana 9,726-775). He is variously reported as killed by Actor (Aesch. Sept. 555), by > Periclymenus who crushes him with a rock, by Amphidicus or Asphodicus (Eur. Phoen. 1153-1162; Apollod. 3,6,8; Paus. l.c.), or hit by the spear of Dryas, who was more than his

match (Stat. Theb. 9,841-876). o; H. Lewy, s.v. P., ROSCHER 3, 1651-1653; K. ZIMMERMANN, s.v. P., LIMC 8.1, 942-944. CLK.

Parthenope (IlagGevonn; Parthendpé).

[1] One of the three > Sirens in southern Italy (Aristot. Mir. 103), as such probably the daughter of > Achelous [2] (Sil. Pun. 12,34; Apollod. 1,18; 1,63). After P. plunged into the sea (Dionys. Per. 359), her corpse washed ashore near Naples where a monument was erected to her. This led to the development of a cult centre for P. who was honoured there with annual votive offerings (Lycoph. 717-721; Dionys. Per. 3 57f.). Between 440 and 430 BC annual torch races were introduced there as well (Timaeus FGrH 566 F 98). [2] Poetic name for Naples (+ Neapolis [2]), first found in Verg. G. 4,564 and frequently thereafter, e.g. Ov. Met. 14,101f.; 15,712; Petron. Sat. 120,68; Stat. Silv.

1,2,261; derived from P. [1] (Sil. Pun. 12,3 3f.; Plin. HN 3,62).

NI. JO.

and Actuality. Official Art in Fifth-Century B.C. Athens, 1992; H. Drerup,

Parthenon

und Vorparthenon:

Zum

Stand der Kontroverse, in: AK 24, 1981, 21-37; B. FEHR,

Zur religidsen-politischen Funktion der Athena Parthenos im Rahmen des delisch-attischen Seebundes. Part 1, in: Hephaistos 1, 1979, 71-91; Part 2, in: Hephaistos 2, 1980, 113-125; Part 3, in: Hephaistos 3, 1981, 55-93; Cu.

HoOcker,

L. SCHNEIDER,

Pericle e la costruzione

Parthenope romance. By convention, the title ‘Parthenope romance’ or ‘Romance of Metiochus and Parthenope’ is given to a Greek prose narrative known from a number of papyrus fragments (PBerol. 21179 + 7927 + 9588, palaeographically dated to the 2nd cent. AD; further evidence may be provided by PBodl. 2175

PARTHENOPE ROMANCE

571

57%

and POxy. 435). The love story of Metiochus and Parthenope and Parthenope’s wanderings (also the inspi-

Parthia (Maoia/Parthia Plut. Antonius 5 5; [Ilao0vata/ Parthyaia Pol. 5,44,4; Str. 11,9,1; Uao0unvy/Parthyene, distinct from the Parthian Empire Pol. 10,28,7;

ration for a pantomimus, see Lucian, De saltatione 2; 54) can be reconstructed with the aid of some later ad-

Str. 11,9,1; Ancient Persian Paréava-). Territory south

aptations (the Coptic story of the martyrdom of St. Bartanuba and an rith cent. Persian poem) together with two floor mosaics from > Antioch [1] on the Orontes. > Novel

east of the Caspian Sea, bonded to the west by + Media, in the north west by > Hyrcania, in the east by > Margiana (by the Parthian territory of Apauarktikene/Apavortene) and > Areia [1]. P.’s geography is dictated by two chains of mountains, the Kopet Dag to the north (along the modern

S. A. STEPHENS,

J. J. WINKLER

(ed.), Ancient

Novels: The Fragments, 1995, 72-100.

Greek

M.FU. L.G.

frontier between Iran and Turkmenistan) and the Binalaud to the south (north of > Nishapur). Both the Parthenos (Mag0évoc; Parthénos).

[1] ‘Maiden’ (in the sense of an unmarried woman of marriageable age) is the epithet of several Greek goddesses (Hom. H. ad Venerem 7-30 mentions > Athena,

~ Artemis, and > Hestia), particularly Athena as the goddess of > Athens [1]: the statue of > Phidias is the ‘so-called Parthenos’ (Paus. 5,11,10; 10,34,8); from the

image on them (head of Athena), parthénoi (plural) is also a nickname for Attic coins (Poll. 9,74). The epithet parthenos often refers to the role of these goddesses in the lives of women [1; 2]. Parthenos is seldom used as a cultic epiclesis; there is evidence of it in the case of + Hera, an important goddess of women

(beside Par-

thenia: Pind. O. 6,88), probably only poetically for Artemis in Paros (IG XII 5,215; 217) and in metrical

dedications to Athena; in the Assus loyalty oath at the enthroning of Caligula in AD 37 Athena is simply called Parthenos [3. 51 no. 26]. It is a matter of debate [4] whether Athena’s epiclesis > Pallas [3] (‘girl according to Strab. 17,1,46) has a similar meaning. In the Imperial period, Dea Syria Atargatis (> Syria Dea) and the Christian > Maria [II 1] are also described as parthenoi. 1 C. CaLaME, Les cheeurs de jeunes filles en Gréce archaique, vol. 1, 1977 2P. BRuLE, La fille d’Athénes. La reli-

gion des filles 4 Athénes a l’€poque classique, 1987 MERKELBACH, Die _ Inschriften 4 BURKERT, 220.

von

Assos,

3R. 1976

ally by mountain streams (or the Atrek) are fertile; otherwise, ancient P. was covered with forests and

brush, rough and mountainous, arid in part and lacking in natural resources. The northern route of the > Silk Road as described in Isidorus [2] of Charax 11-13 ran through P.; the interchange it afforded between Mesopotamia and western Iran on the one hand and Central Asia on the other, and the role of P. as a venue of contact between

the sedentary Parthian population and the nomads and seminomads of the northern steppes are responsible for the great historical importance of the relatively small land that is P. In the Achaemenid period (5 50-330 BC), P. and Hyrcania formed a joint satrapy [1. DB II 92ff.]; under > Darius [3] II, > Phrataphernes functioned as > satrap of P. and Hyrcania (Arr. Anab. 3,23,4), and as such he commanded the Parthians, Hyrcanians and Tapurians in 331 BC against Alexander the Great at >» Gaugamela (Arr. Anab. 3,8,4). P. was a satrapy in the Seleucid Empire (Arr. FGrH 156 F 30), whose governor Andragoras was eliminated by the > Parni under - Arsaces [1] I shortly after his attempt to seize supreme power. In the Sasanid period (AD 224-651), the provinces of Sahr-Ram-Pér6z (with the administrative centre of Nisa;

C. J. HeriNcTON, Athena P. and Athena Polias, 1955.

[2] P. is also the designation of some otherwise nameless local goddesses, particularly in the area of northern Greece and Illyria (northern Thessaly, Macedonia, Illyria) [1]. Identifications with known Greek goddesses are secondary and problematic. P. is also the main deity of > Chersonesus [2] Taurike; an oath of the city mentions her immediately after the typical oath deities Zeus, Gaia, Helios (Syll.> 360,1, 300/280 BC). The cult of P. in Bubastus on the Carian Chersonesus is based on a myth told in Diod. Sic. 5,62f., which makes P. the daughter of Staphylus, sister of Rhoio, and mother of the Delian hero > Anius and of > Hemithea, the goddess worshipped in neighbouring Castabus. 1 H. KOUKOULI-CHRYSANTHAKI, s.v. P., LIMC 8.1, 945948.

narrow valleys between the mountains (e.g. the valley of the > Atrek, the Astauene) anda narrow strip of land north of the Kopet Dag, irrigated naturally or artifici-

F.G.

Nisaea [2]) and Abavard (?) con-

stituted the heartland of the Parthian Empire. In the Arsacid period, the most important towns of P. were > Nisa [2], > Dara [1] (Justin. 41,5,2-4) and Asaak

(place of coronation of Arsaces I: Isidorus of Charax 1£), all in the far north of P. + Iran; — Persis 1 R. Kent, Old Persian, 1953.

JW.

Parthian and Persian wars. The term ‘Parthian and Persian wars’ refers to the wars which the Romans initially fought against the Parthians (see A an B below) and subsequently against their successors, the Persian dynasty of the > Sassanids (see C and D).

574

We

A. UPTO THEEND

OF THEROMANREPUBLIC

TO THE END OF THE PARTHIAN

C. THE BEGINNINGS

KINGDOM

B. Up

(AD 224)

OF THE ROMAN-PERSIAN

WARS IN THE 3RD CENT. D. THE WARS IN THE 4TH AND 5TH CENTS. E. THE WARS IN THE 6TH AND 7TH CENTS.

A. UP TO THE END OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC The diplomatic relations between Romans and > Parthians, begun under L. Cornelius [I 90] Sulla, had gradually deteriorated. Nevertheless, the invasion into the Parthian kingdom in 54 BC, headed by the triumvir M. Licinius [I rr] Crassus, took place without any provocation and without a declaration of war; in 53 BC, Licinius Crassus and his army perished near Karrhai (> Harran). In 51 BC, a Parthian counter-offensive was

carried out without great force; but in 41 BC,

> Orodes [2] I gave in to Q. Labienus [2] who had run over to the Parthians and urged him to invade Roman territory again. After initial successes, the Parthian crown prince -> Pacorus [1] succumbed in 38 BC to the Romans under > Ventidius Bassus near Gindaros in the ~ Cyrrhestice. The attack by M. Antonius [I 9] in 36 BC failed when he unsuccessfully besieged the Atropatenian residence of + Phraaspa, and he could organise an orderly retreat only with great difficulty. In 20 BC, a peace

with Rome

was

achieved:

— Phraates

[4| IV

returned the standards and prisoners from the battles with Crassus and Antonius (> Augustus F). B. Up TO THE END OF THE PARTHIAN KINGDOM (AD 224)

During the following decades, the Roman-Parthian tensions shifted to Armenia as a secondary theatre of war. This resulted in a direct confrontation between Roman and Parthian armed forces when, in AD 62, the

troops of — Vologaeses!I forced L. Iunius Caesennius [3] Paetus’ occupying forces to capitulate in Rhandeia. The agreement on > Armenia, which was made soon thereafter (63/66), i.e. granting of the local throne to an Arsacid (> Arsaces) who required Roman endorsement, endured for a long time. Thus, it was specifically the arbitrary deposition of the Armenian king + Axidares by > Osroes [1] which led to emperor + Traianus’ Parthian campaign (114-117), in the course of which the conquered territories were turned into the newly created Roman provinces of Armenia, Assyria and Mesopotamia. The insurrections during the lifetime of the emperor prompted his successor ~ Hadrianus to relinquish these new acquisitions and to place the eastern frontier of the empire again at the Euphrates (> Euphrates frontier). Relations only deteriorated again under Antoninus [1] Pius, which led to a formal declaration of war in AD 161 by the Parthians who conquered Armenia and annihilated a Roman army. The Roman counter-offensive (since 162) led to the conquest of Seleucia on the Tigris and Ctesiphon in 165. However, in 166, a retreat had to be organised quickly because an epidemic had broken

PARTHIAN AND PERSIAN WARS

out amongst the troops. The endeavours undertaken by > Septimius Severus, initially in 195 and then in 197/8, again culminated in the conquest of Ctesiphon. However, the campaign by his son

- Caracalla (since 216)

was of a venturesome nature and led to his murder in 217. The new emperor > Macrinus, faced with a loosing battle, had to buy peace with reparations. C. THE BEGINNINGS OF THE ROMAN-PERSIAN

WARS IN THE 3RD CENT. In AD 224, > Artabanus [8] IV, who had asserted himself against the Romans, suffered a crushing defeat at the hands of the > Sassanid Ardashir [1]. The latter began conquest in the west in the thirties of the 3rd century. A counter-offensive by -> Severus Alexander, who had the Persians attacked in their own country by three army columns marching separately (231-233), was of little effect. Apparently more successful was an endeavour directed by Gordianus [3] HI and his praetorian prefect Timesitheus: in 243, the Sassanids were beaten near Rhesaina, but Timesitheus died soon after-

wards. Gordianus was defeated by > Sapor I near Misiché in 244 (for reports on this victory see > Naqs-e Rostam); soon thereafter, he was eliminated, possibly

in an assassination attempt by his successor > Philippus [2] Arabs. Philippus Arabs then bought peace with reparations and a declaration of non-interference regarding Armenia. Apparently, Roman attempts to evade this agreement prompted Sapor to resume his campaign: in 252, the Persians conquered Armenia, in the spring of 253, an incursion into Syria was started, during the course of which the Roman army was beaten near Barbalissus. In 260, Sapor defeated the Romans near Edessa and took emperor > Valerianus as prisoner. In the following years, the proper Roman border defences dissolved and were taken over by local powers. These conditions were brought to an end by Aurelianus [3] who defeated > Zenobia of Palmyra. After this, only Carus [3] fought a Persian War again; he took Ctesiphon in 283, but died shortly afterwards under dubious circumstances. Around 296, — Narses [1] renewed the conflict with Rome with an incursion into Armenia. Galerius [5] suffered a defeat near Carrhae in 297, but he was able to defeat the Persians in 298; in the same year, a peace was concluded which lasted for nearly 40 years. D. THE WARS IN THE 4TH AND 5TH CENTS. The epoch of > Sapor II is once again characterised by Persian-Roman conflicts. However, the battles with — Constantius [2] II] remained inconclusive: the Persians were beaten near Singara in c. 343, but they besieged the Roman town of ~ Nisibis several times — without success — and finally, around 359, managed to conquer Amida. Sapor also averted the offensive by lulianus [11] Apostata (363). After the fatal wounding of the emperor, his successor — lovianus had to accept severe conditions for peace, which brought significant

territorial gains to the Persians. The continuing smol-

PARTHIAN AND PERSIAN WARS

dering conflict over Armenia was ended during the years 384-389 by agreements which consolidated the relations between East Rome and Persia for a long time — if the short campaigns by > Vahram V (421) and ~> Yazdgird Il (440) are disregarded. E. THE WARS IN THE 6TH AND 7TH CENTS.

In 502, the Sassanid king Cavades [1] I attacked Byzantium for financial reasons. The attack ended with a temporary peace in 506. In 527 or 528, the war flared up again and initially lasted until 532 when it was meant to be settled with an ‘eternal peace’ under Chosroes [5] I. However, the Byzantine-Persian conflict lasted for the entire reign of Chosroes: In 540, war broke out again and dragged on until 562 (albeit with several intermittent truces) when a 50-year peace was negotiated. Ten years later, Iustinus [4] II renewed hostilities with an attack on Nisibis. Although an East Roman army had to capitulate in Dara in 573, the conflict continued during the reign of Hormisdas [6] IV. Under his son Chosroes [6] I, the Roman-Persian struggles reached their final peak: after Chosroes had fled to Byzantium to escape > Vahram VI Chobin, he was restituted with the help of — Mauricius in 591. After the latter’s elimination, Chosroes

began a war

against East Rome that lasted for several years. In the course of these campaigns, Jerusalem was conquered in 614, Egypt in 619, and Constantinople was besieged in 626 in conjunction with the > Avares. Finally, however, the East Roman emperor Herakleios [7] defeated the Persians near Ninive (> Ninus [2]) in 627 and con-

quered Dastagird in 628. After Chosroes’ murder in the

same year, the last (East) Roman-Persian peace took place under > Cavades [2] II. + Armenia; > Parthia;

> Parthians; > Sassanids

E. DaBrowa (ed.), The Roman and Byzantine Army in the East, 1994; Id. (ed.), Ancient Iran and the Mediterranean World (Electrum 2), 1998; M. H. DopGEON, S.N.C. Ligzu (eds.), The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars (AD 226-363), 1991; D. H. Frencu, C. S. LIGHTFOOT

(eds.), The Eastern Frontier of the Roman Empire, 1989;

A. GUNTHER, Beitrage zur Geschichte der Kriege zwischen Romern

und Parthern,

1922; D. L. KENNEDy

(ed.), The

Roman Army in the East (Journal of Roman Archaeology, Supplement

18), 1996; M. Morony,

s.v. Sasanids, EI 9,

70-83; M. J. OLBrycuT, Parthian Military Strategy at Wars against Rome, in: Military Archaeology, 1998, 138I4I. M.SCH.

Parthian kingdom see - Parthians; — Parthia

Parthian shot. A hail of arrows fired backwards by mounted Parthian archers while pretending to flee (cf. Just. Epit. 41,2,7: ‘saepe etiam fugam simulant, ut incautiores adversum vulnera insequentes habeant’ (»often, too, they pretend flight, that they may make their pursuers less careful of being wounded«). There are also depictions of the Parthian shot, for instance on Chinese reliefs from the Han period (206 BC to AD 2.20).

576

S75)

1H. von Gatti, Das Reiterkampfbild in der iranischen

und iranisch beeinflufsten Kunst parthischer und sasanidischer Zeit, 990, esp. 86 2M. Rosrovrzerr, The Parthian Shot, in: AJA 47, 1943, 174-187.

JW.

Parthians (Mdao0o0V/Parthoi, Hdt. 3,93 i.a.; ae0vatov Parthyaioi Pol. 10,31,15; App. Syr. 65 1.a.; Latin Parthi, Just. Epit. 41,1,1 et passim. In a narrower sense a

term for the inhabitants of the province of and/or the

> Parni, who invaded

-> Parthia

Parthia, and in a

wider sense the inhabitants of the Arsacid Empire (— Arsaces) or their political elite. I. EvipENCE

IJ. POLITICAL HISTORY

III. SOCIETY

AND CULTURE

I. EVIDENCE In the written tradition (for a discussion of the evidence and literature concerning it see [21]; see also [19. 117-129, 276-278]) on the Parthians, contempo-

rary indigenous sources take precedence, primarily: a) more than 2000 Parthian ostraka from —> Nisa [2], notes of a makeshift list of deliveries to the palace, which are significant to onomastics and the history of administration; b) parchment documents from Avroman (Greek and Parthian; > Avroman documents) and

+ Dura-Europus (also papyri); c) Parthian inscriptions from > Elymais, southern Kurdistan, - Susa and eastern Iran; d) Aramaic inscriptions from Elymais, + Hatra[1] and > Assur [1]; e) Greek inscriptions from > Bisutun and Susa and a Parthian-Greek bilin-

gual inscription (> bilingual inscriptions) ona statuette of Heracles from > Seleucia on the Tigris (for the reconquest of ~ Characene in AD 151); f) Babylonian cuneiform documents [14] and g) literary evidence in Greek from the territory of the Parthian empire (Apollodorus of Artemita, > Isidorus [2] of Charax). The external (topical and ideological; > Barbarians) view of the Parthians is due to Western authors such as > Pompeius Trogus, > Strabo [2], > Tacitus and to Chinese historical works of the Han Dynasty (- Fan Ye, > Pan Ku, Pan Chao). In the Sassanid Iranian tradition only

rudimentary information on the Parthians (Parthians as ‘partial kings’) is included. At least as important as the literary and epigraphic tradition is the archaeological and numismatic one: outstanding among the Parthian sites in Iran are Nisa [2], Bisutin and Tang-e Sarvak (reliefs) and Sami (sculpture); the coins (of imperial, provincial and local mintings) are equally significant in pictorial content (e.g. portrait, crown) and Greek, later Parthian, legends (titles, epithets of rulers). Roman state monuments (e.g.

of the Augustean period) indicate the — so proclaimed — inferiority of the Parthians just like the occupation of the ‘other world’ of the Orient by Rome. I]. POLITICAL HISTORY Probably towards the end of the reign of — Antiochus [3] II (the Parthian era dates from 247 BC) the

578

Shi

> Parni, under their leader > Arsaces [1] I, penetrated

the northern regions of Parthia, replaced the satrap of the province Andragoras, who was emancipating himself from > Seleucus II, and took possession of Parthia (around 239 or shortly after) [12]. After the conquest of > Hyrcania and the defense against Seleucus II, the Parni, who were now calling themselves P. after their

new homeland, had to recognise Seleucid sovereignty for a few years (eastern campaign of — Antiochus [5] III), but later (probably after 188) extended their rule a long way to the south, west and east. Under > Mithridates [12] I (171-139/8) they conquered western Iran, Mesopotamia and parts of the GraecoBactrian

empire

(-» Graeco-Bactria),

and

under

-» Mithridates [13] I] (124/3-88/7) they restored their position as a great power, which had temporarily

been endangered (by > Antiochus [9] VII, Hyspaosines from Characene and the peoples of the steppes [15]). In their conflict with ~ Armenia, the P. attracted Roman attention, and both parties agreed on a common border at the Euphrates (> Euphrates frontier) by means of treaties (with > Licinius [I 26] Lucul-

lus in 69 and > Pompeius [I 3] in 66). Concerning relations between the P. and Rome see > Parthian and Persian Wars. Literature on political history: [25 5; 6; 8; 135

Paalk,

Ill. SociETY AND CULTURE The Parthian kingdom [19. 130-136, 27s 20] exhibited an interesting mixture of ancient Parnian (esp. relationships with the Parnian tribal chiefs), adapted Achaemenid-Iranian

(inherited charisma, title of

‘King of kings’, Achaemenid succession, travelling kingship) and adopted Hellenistic-Seleucid elements — such as ruler epithets, philoi at court (OGIS 430; + Court titles B 3), rulers with divine qualities; in outward representation these were differently emphasised with different kings. Royal behaviour and demeanour can be determined only with difficulty; nevertheless we know that there was a particular royal robe and there were specific insignia (e.g. double tiara and royal throne, sella) for rulers. The king also demonstrated his generosity and his superior position with hunting parties, banquets and receptions. The personality of the ruler and his means of maintaining power (mercenaries, aristocratic or foreign support) as well as the external and internal political situation of the time determined the outcome of conflicts between the king and the aristocrats. The latter were structured in classes according to ranks (megistdnes — eleuttheroi/liberi; ‘grandees’ — ‘free men’), supported themselves in part by means of large estates and numerous ‘vassals’ (peldtai/duloi) and were endowed with privileges — the right to crown the leader of the Surén tribe (Plut. Crassus 21; Tac. Ann. 6,42), partici-

pation in the ‘king’s council’ (syahédrion/senatus) (cf. also Just. Epit. 41,2,1-6; 3,4; Plut. Crassus 30; Sen. Ep. 21,4; Tac. Ann. 12,10; Amm. Marc. 23,6,1). Often, however, the interests of both sides were identical (the

PARTHIANS

kingship of the Arsacids was never questioned), or rivalries within the high nobility opened up new possibilities to the king [19. 136-141, 2709f.]. At the royal and noble courts (eastern) Iranian heroic themes, enlarged with Parthian contributions,

were performed by singers and on the stage. Because of their appeal and their Zoroastrian cultural imprint, they substantially shaped the oral mythical tradition of Iran for centuries [3]. The political relationships between the Parthian central authority and the individual regional authorities (primarily the dependent regwa such as > Persis, ~» Characene, and to a lesser degree the regions directly administered by imperial satraps or strategoi and the border regions under ‘margraves’ (Parthian mrzwpn); cf. Plin. HN 6,112; Tac. Ann. 6,42,5; 11,8) are difficult

to understand. They were determined by fiscal, political and military supervision by the centre, but also by a somewhat astonishing measure of autonomy (right to mint coins, privileges: Jos. Ant. lud. 20,54f.), and should not be misunderstood — given the duration of Parthian rule — as a sign of a ‘weak empire’ ([19. 144f., 281]; see also [18]). The limited Parthian presence in material and written finds in the province (cf. the problem ofdefinition of ‘Parthian art’ [6]) should rather be judged as evidence of the strength of the imperial structure and the success of imperial policies. The cities, which were particularly significant to the social and economic development of the empire — e.g. the royal residence of > Ctesiphon [2] on the Tigris and the metropolis of Seleuceia opposite, but also Nisa [2], > Ecbatana, > Susa (see [11]),

> Rhagae and > Hecatom-

pylus (as sites of minting in addition to the migratory mints of the courts), underwent a period of flourishing

economy and culture under the Parthians. The P., Parthian vassals (Characenians) and others (e.g. Palmyrians; > Palmyra) dealt in goods between China, India

and Syria as partners in trade and intermediate trade (e.g. silk, steel, spices to the West, fruit and horses to the

East; see [19. 146f., 281f.]; > India, trade with; > Silk Road).

The combination of armoured > kataphraktoi and light mounted archers (> Parthian shot) was substantially responsible for the military success of the P. (e.g. against Rome) [17].

The Parthian Empire was a multi-ethnic and multilingual [16; 19. 117-120, 276] empire with a multiplicity of different cultural and religious traditions, which the P. not only tolerated on political (and personal) grounds, but often even promoted (e.g. Jews in Mesopotamia or Greek artists in Nisa; the P. themselves were Zoroastrians [4]; > Zoroastrianism). Conflicts with non-Iranian vassals — e.g. that of > Artabanus [5] II with Seleucia (Tac. Ann. 6,42) — had their causes in spe-

cific internal and external political contexts, not in ‘Iranism’ in principle or even fundamental enmity towards Greeks or foreigners, although from the rst century AD a stronger recourse to Iranian cultural roots can be discerned [9].

PARTHIANS » Achaemenids; > Armenia; > Iran; thian and Persian Wars

> Parthia;

579

580

> Par-

Hannibal’s treaty with Philip [7] V (Pol. 7,9,13), toge-

1 K. BeYer, Die aramaischen Inschriften aus Assur, Hatra

und dem

ubrigen Ostmesopotamien,

1998

2 A.D.H.

ther with the > Atintani. In the subsequent First » Macedonian War (215-205 BC), PhilipV occupied 213 + Lissus and won the P. over to his side. In contrast

Bivar, The Political History of Iran under the Arsacids, in:

with

I. GERSHEVITCH (ed.), The Cambridge History of Iran, Vol. 3,1, 71993, 21-99 3M. Boyce, The Parthian gosan

Roman protectorate in the Peace of Phoenice of 205 BC

and the Iranian Minstrel Tradition, in: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1957, 10-45 41d., s.v. Arsacid Religion, Enclr, Vol. 2, 1987, 540-541 5B. CAMPBELL, War and Diplomacy: Rome and Parthia 31 BC — AD 235, in: J. Ricn (ed.), War and Society in the Roman World, 1993, 213-240 6 M.A.R. CoLLeDGE, Parthian Art, 1977 7 E. DaBrowa, La politique de l’état parthe a l’égard de Rome d’Artaban II a Vologése I, 1983 8 N. C. DEBEvorsE, A Political History of Parthia, 1938 9G. GNOLI,

end of the Second Macedonian War (200-197), the Roman Senate awarded to the Illyrian dynast Pleuratus

The Idea of Iran, 1989

10M. Heit, Die orientalische

AufSenpolitik des Kaisers Nero, 1997 Suse

sous

les Séleucides

11 G. Le Riper,

et les Parthes,

1965

12 A.

Luruer, Uberlegungen zur defectio der éstlichen Satrapien vom Seleukidenreich, in: Gottinger Forum fir Altertumswissenschaften 2, 1999, 5-15 13 F. Miriar, The Roman Near East 31 BC— AD 337,*1994 14 J. OELSNER,

Materialien zur babylonischen Geschichte und Kultur in hellenistischer Zeit, 1986

15 M. J. OLBRYCHT, Parthia et Ulteriores Gentes, 1997 16 R. Scumitrt (ed.), Compendium Linguarum Iranicarum, 1989 17 A. SH. SHAHBAZI, s.v. Army I, Enclr, Vol. 2, 1987, 494-496 18 M.ScHUOL,

Die Charakene. Ein mesopotamisches Konigreich in hellenistischer und parthischer Zeit, 2000

19 J.WIESEHO-

FER, Ancient Persia, 1996 20Id., ‘King of kings’ and ‘Philhellén’: Kingship in Arsacid Iran, in: P. BrLpe (ed.), Aspects of Hellenistic Kingship, 1996, 55-66 21 Id. (ed.),

Das Parther-Reich und seine Zeugnisse — The Arsacid Empire: Sources and Documentation (Historia Einzelschriften 122), 1998 22 K.-H. Z1EGLER, Die Beziehungen zwischen Rom und dem Parther-Reich, *1964.

M. Karras-KLapproTH, Prosopographische Studien zur Geschichte des Parther-Reiches auf der Grundlage antiker literarischer

Uberlieferung,

1988; Parthica.

culture nel mondo antico, r999ff. (journal).

Parthini

(Partini,

the P. were

reintegrated

into the

(Liv. 29,142,3; 13). According to Pol. 18,47,12, at the

not only Lychnis, but also Parthos, most likely referring to the territory of the P. (at least this is how Liv. 33,34,11 interpreted his source Pol. loc. cit.). In the Third Macedonian

War (171-168 BC), the P. were forced in 169 to provide hostages for Rome in view of the alliance negotiations between > Perseus [2] and + Genthius (Liv. 43,21,2f.); in addition, Ap. Claudius [I 4] Centho (MRR 1,425) had his army overwinter in Parthinian cities (Liv. 43,23,6). In 168 BC, the P. provided Rome with auxiliary troops (Liv. 44,30,13). In the Roman Civil War (49-45 BC), the territory of the P., who themselves took an active role in the conflict

(Caes. B Civ. 3,11,3), was in 48 BC first battered by Pompey’s army, then by Caesar’s (cf. Caes. B Civ. 3,41,1; 42,4f.). After Caesar’s assassination, M. lunius

[1 10] Brutus recruited Parthinians to his army (App. B Civ. 4,88). In 39 BC, a Parthinian uprising was quelled by C. Asinius [I 4] Pollio (Cass. Dio 48,41); later that year, Antonius [I 9] deployed his forces against the P., because they had earlier allied themselves with Brutus (App. B. Civ. 5,75). For the Jupiter cult of the P. in the 2nd cent. AD: CIL III 8353; 14613. R. Mack, Grenzmarken und Nachbarn Makedoniens im Norden und Westen. thesis Gottingen, 1951, 72-83; E. Swogsopa, Das Parthiner-Problem, in: Klio 30, 1937,

290-305; K. Patscu, Der Jupiter Parthinus, in: Klio 31, 1938, 439-443.

PICA.

di

JW,

Parthyene see — Parthia

Uao0ivoWParthinoi,

Parties (political) The modern term cannot be applied

Illyrian tribe (Str. 7,7,8;

to antiquity. However, even in ancient polities, there

Partheni,

TagdenvataPartheénatai).

Incontri

the Atintani,

App. Ill. 2) near > Dyrrhachium (App. B Civ. 5,320). It is likely that they lived in the Shkumbi valley (in modern Albania) and controlled the important link between + Ionios Kolpos and + Macedonia, equivalent to the later > via Egnatia. Their neighbours to the east were the Dassaretae (> Dassaretia) in the region of the modern Ohrid, and to the west the > Taulantii (Thuc. 1,24; Diod. Sic. 12,30-40). The earliest written refe-

rence to the P. appears in the context of the First Illyrian

were groupings which formed temporarily for the ends achievement of political (— hetairia [2]; + factiones), though they developed no fixed membership or longer-term political programmes. It did also happen that citizenries divided into separate ‘partisan affiliations’ reinforcing differing conceptions of political content and methods in a quasi-programmatical way (> oligarchial démokratia; > optimates/—> populares), playing out differences con-

War (229/8 BC), mentioning them in Hannibal’s treaty with > Philippus [7] V (Pol. 2,r1,1) as allies of Rome

cerning the constitution of the state, violently at times

against the > Teuta. In 220/218 BC, the Illyrian dynast + Demetrius [4a] of Pharus extended his rule south-

political ends within the existing constitution by the manipulation of ~ elections (~ ambitus) or legal persecution of their opponents. These expedients, however, served only the short-term alteration of the power structure, generally on a personal level, and were never associated with any programme embracing politics, economics and law on an ideological foundation or

ward to Dimale (the modern Krotina), thereby incorpo-

rating the entire settlement area of the P. In the Second Illyrian War (219 BC), Dimale was captured by the

Romans, and the P. once more placed under Roman protection. As Roman clients, they are mentioned in

(+ stasis), and on occasion also attempting to gain their

581

582

safeguarded by firm organization. This is also true of

cent. AD) it seems that the problem of dubious birth was mostly resolved within the family: The father, as part of his paternal power (> patria potestas), had the right to expose newborn children (> Exposure of children). Whether an explicit acceptance by the father ofthe child was required by picking up the child (tollere libe-

the so-called circus parties (> circus Il F; > factiones II)

of the Roman Imperial period and at Byzantium, which are more to be understood as ‘fan clubs’, although their

activities could bring about significant political effects (> Nika revolt). - Ostrakismos or > petalismoés, as well as restrictions on the establishment of associations (> collegium |r|), were sometimes attempts to prevent the formation of partisan affiliations. + Associations W.ED.

Partridge. The central European partridge (Perdix perdix) can be found in Greece in the form of the rockloving - Rock partridge (Alectoris graeca, méod.&/ pérdix). The smaller partridge, which is found in Italy (which, unlike the rock partridge, does not have a red beak) is described only by Ath. 9,390b. C.HU. Partunu. Etruscan name of a gens (small clan with a shared ancestor) from Tarquinia. It is found on an elaborately furnished family grave of the 4th/3rd cents. BC; the sarcophagi of the individual family members are identified by their names and offices. > Tarquin PORis(Edo)y Bt. lexte, 1991.la 9, 0.03, 1k 5; 0. STEINGRABER, Etrurien. Stadte, Heiligtumer, Nekropolen,

1981, 398.

F.PR.

Partus ancillae. The offspring of a slave which, according to Roman law ~ similar to the young of a domestic animal which belonged to the owner of the female animal — were born as slaves of the > dominus of their mother. This was in accordance with the general principle that a child acquired the status of its mother (Gai. Inst. 1,81f.). No legal relationship with the father exi-

sted. Only in the time of Justinian [1] (AD 527-565) attempts were made, regarding a (freed or freeborn) father and child to allow them the legal consequences in terms of succession accorded to illegitimate offspring (> naturales liberi). Justinian (Inst. Iust. 1,4 pr.) also endorses the application of the fundamental priority of personal freedom (favor libertatis) for the PA advocated by the jurist Marcian in the 3rd cent. AD (Dig. 1,555,3). According to this, the PA was born free if the mother had been free at any point during the pregnancy. Also characteristic ofthe of the treatment of the PA as property is the discussion of the Roman jurists about the ownership of a child belonging to a slave woman held in usufruct, i.e. whether the child belong to the owner of the slave or the holder of the usufruct (cf.

rum) seems unlikely (Birth II.A.2 and specifically [1]).

However, the father and head of the household could definately refuse a child the status of a legitimate offspring.

It was only through praetorian and imperial legal assistance that the mother and later the child itself acquired the ability to ascertain paternity, even against the biological father’s will [2]. In one of these cases, namely where the mother announced a pregnancy within 30 days from her separation from the potential father, the fear of the substitution of a child was particularly evidence: To avoid this the divorced husband,

according to a SC Plancianum (possibly from the time of Vespasian, AD 69-79), could send the wife minders (custodes) (Dig. 25,3,1; 3). Those who had an interest

in it (e.g. the grandparents) also had such a right after the death of a pregnant woman’s husband, according to a praetorian edict ‘for keeping watch over the pregnant woman and protecting the newborn (de inspiciendo ventre custodiendoque partu, Dig. 25,4). Furthermore, in Imperial times the substitution of children was criminally prosecuted as ‘forgery’ (— falsum) punishable by death or deportation. 1TH. K6ves-ZuLAuF, 2 Kaser, RPR 1, 345f.

Romische

Geburtsriten,

1990 Gs.

Paryadres (Ilaguadenc/Paryddrés, Lat. Pariades, Par-

ihedri montes). Part of the Alpide belt in the region of Pontus and Armenia, which may be roughly identified with the eastern part of the North Anatolian border range (Karadeniz Daglan, with the Kackar Dagi, 3937 m) and the Alborz (with the Damavand, 5604 m). In the north, the P. slopes down over a narrow coastal plain to the > Pontos Euxeinos (river valleys: > Halys, + Iris [3]); to the south, it slopes down along the earthquake-prone North Anatolian axis of lateral displacement (‘Paphlagonian /[North-Anatolian fault’) to the high Anatolian plateau (cf. Str. 11,2,15; 12,43 14,13 14,53 12,3,18; 28; 30; Plin. HN 5,98; 6,25; 6,29; Ptol.

5513553 9): H. TREIDLER, s.v. P., RE Suppl. 10, 484, 488; W.-D. HurTEROTH, Tiirkei, 1982, 30-34. E.O.

Parysatis (Maovoatic; Parysatis, Babylonian Purusatu).

Cict Fins 4512):

> Slavery

PARYSATIS

Gs

Partus suppositus. The PS, the substituted child, played a considerable part in Roman legislation and legal science. This could be easily explained in view of the consequences of legitimate birth in terms of status, civil law and succession. Until the early Imperial period (rst

[1] Daughter of > Artaxerxes [1] I and the Babylonian Andia; wife of her half-brother > Darius [2] II, mother of — Artaxerxes [2] II and > Cyrus [3] the Younger (Ctesias FGrH 688 F 15; Plut. Artoxerxes 2,4) among other children. According to Greek tradition, she is said

to have had a great influence on Darius (Ctesias ibid.; Plut. Artoxerxes 2,2), preferred Cyrus (Xen. An. 1,1,3;

PARYSATIS

Ctesias FGrH 688 EF 17), avenged his death (taking revenge on > Tissaphernes among others) (Plut. ArtOXENKCES

IANO

aMlOste nly,

as

DIOUAISICMELARCOrG:

Polyaenus, Strat. 7,16,1), poisoned Stateira, the wife of Artaxerxes II (Deinon FGrH 690 F 15b; Ktesias FGrH 688 F 29; Plut. Artoxerxes 19,2-7 — after that, she was banished to Babylon for some time: Plut. Artoxerxes 19,10), and persuaded her son to marry two of his own daughters (Plut. Artoxerxes 23,5; 27,8f.; cf. Heracl. FGrH 689 F 7). These testimonials, unsuitable as they

are for a character study or even a psychogram of P., at least indicate the options for political action that were available to women in the royal house, especially a queen mother (ujtnQ tov Paotiéwe). P. is also known as the owner of large estates in Babylonia (according to cuneiform documents), Syria (Xen. Media (Xen. An. 2,4,27).

An.

M. Brosius, Women in Ancient Persia, 1996,s.v.P.

J.w.

Pasargadae (Iaoagyadav Pasargddai, cf. Curt. 5,6,10:

Pasargada). In the masculine form, name of the Persian tribe to whom the > Achaemenids are said to have belonged (Hdt. 1,125), in the feminine form, the Greek

name for the residence built by > Cyrus [2] II (after his victory over > Croesus c. 550 BC at the site of the victory over > Astyages (Str. 15,3,8)?) in the Murgab Plain (1900 m/N.N.), 30 km north-east of > Persepolis (Elamite name form: Batraqgatas). In the Achaemenid period, the chief monuments were scattered across a 3 by 2 km park landscape, which was irrigated by the Pulvar. They included the tomb of Cyrus in the form of a house with a saddle roof on a stepped plinth (> Funerary architecture II B with illustration), a gatehouse (R), two audience palaces (P, S), a tower building rela-

ted to the Ka‘ba-i Zardust in - Naqs-e Rostam (Zindan-e Sulaiman), two 2 m high stone plinths (sacrificial altar?) and a citadel on a hill (Tall-e Taht: treasurehouse?).

at P. have

partially confirmed

the

accounts of the Alexander historians (Aristob. FGrH

139 F 51, cf. Eust. Schol. Dionys. Per. 1069 = GGM II 369; Onesicritus

FGrH

1 P. BRIANT, Le roi est mort: vive le roi!, in: J. KELLENS

(ed.), La religion iranienne a l’@poque achémenide, 1991, 1-11 2J. Heinricus, »Asiens Kénig«: Die Inschriften

des Kyrosgrabs und das achamenidische Reichsverstandnis, in: W. Wit (ed.), Zu Alexander dem Grofen, FS G. Wirth zum 60. Geburtstag, vol. 1, 1987, 487-540 3R.

Scumittr, Achaimenideninschriften in griechischer literarischer Uberlieferung, in: Acta Iranica 28, 1988, 17-38 4 D. STRONACH, P., 1978.

JW.

Paseas (Ilaoéac; Paséas). Tyrant of Sicyon, in 25 3/2 BC he succeeded his murdered son > Abantidas, who had been tyrant since 264. He was in turn murdered a year later by > Nicocles [4] (Plut. Aratus 2f.; Paus. 2,8,2). H. Berve, Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen, 1967, 394; 396.

J.co.

1,4,9) and

[2] Youngest daughter of > Artaxerxes [3] IIL. After the battle of > Issus, she fell into the hands of Alexander [4] the Great and in 324 became his wife at Susa (Arr. Anabnyeds4: Curt13,351 2):

Excavations

584

583

Pasikles (MaovxAfje; Pasiklés). [1] Athenian of the deme Acharnae, son of the banker + Pasion [2], born in 380 BC. After the death of his father in 370 the wealth was divided in accord with the will between P. and his elder brother > Apollodorus [1], and a Phormion appointed P.’s guardian (Dem. Or. 36,8-10). On his majority in 362 P. took over the banking house (ibid. 36,11; 37) and between 362 and 360 apparently took part in his brother’s costly trierarchies (> Trierarchia) ({Dem.] Or. 50,40). Shortly afterwards a rift developed between the two; in court proceedings in 349 between his brother and Phormion P. appeared for the latter (Dem. Or. 45,37), whereupon Apollodorus insulted him publicly (ibid. 45,83f.). When P. refused the trierarchy in 340, ~ Hypereides brought an action against him (Hyp. fr. 134-137). Davigs, 11672, III, VI, XII; PA 11654; SCHAFER, vol. 4, Ui

a

ae

HA.BE.

[2] P. of Thebes, nephew of > Eudemus [3]. Pasicrates (Ilacwedtye/Pasikrates). [1] Son of Aristocrates, king of the city of > Curium on +» Cyprus who is mentioned, together with other Cyprian kings (SEG 36, 331), on a Nemaean list of thearodochs (- Theoria). The text confirms C. H. DORNER’S emendation of Arr. Anab. 2,22,2: P. took

part with a fleet in the siege of Tyre on the side of Alexander [4] the Great. BERVE 2, Nr. 609.

134 F 34; Str. 15,3,7£.; Plut.

Alexandros 69,3-5). Cuneiform inscriptions found in P. in the name of Cyrus were probably put up by > Darius [1] I (for reasons of legitimacy), while the inscrip-

tions at the magician-guarded grave of Cyrus, which are attested by the Greeks, are not historical. During the Achaemenid period, P. remained the site of royal investiture, which began with a kind of ‘royal initiation’ (Plut. Artoxerxes 3,1f.). P., where early Achaemenid art

and architecture took shape, today represents the first design for an exemplary court style, which united disparate elements of highly diverse traditions and idiosyncratic Iranian innovations and elevated them into a system.

[2] (P. according to literary sources; Ztacwmodrnye/Stasikratés: SEG 36, 331 Aro). King of > Soli on Cyprus; son of Stasias, possibly the father of > Eunostus, who replaced him, and of Stasanor [1. no. 719], certainly the father of Nicocles [3] [1. no. 566]. In 331 BC, P. was victorious at the games held by Alexander [4] the Great in Tyre (Plut. Alexander 29,3), and was Alexander’s trierarch on the > Hydaspes (Arr. Ind. 18,8). In 321 he sided with + Ptolemy [1], as did other Cyprian kings, (Arr. Succ. 24,6), and in 315 came

to his assistance

against Antigonus [1]. It was presumably P. who founded Alexandria in the vicinity of Soli on the north-west

586

585 coast of Cyprus (cf. Steph. Byz. s.v. "AdeEdvdoeia). Together with other Cyprian kings, P. is mentioned ona Nemaean list of thearodochs (SEG 36, 331). Coins: HN 745; BMC Gr Cyprus p. CX VII).

PASIPHAE

1 Davies, 427-442 166; 170-173

2 SCHAFER, vol. 3, 137-145;

3J. Trevett,

Apollodoros,

164—-

the Son of

Pasion, 1992.

WS.

Pasiphae (Ilaoupdn/Pasiphdé). Daughter of Helios and

1 BERVE 2.

BERVE 2, no. 610.

W.A.

of — Perse(is) (Apoll. Rhod. 3,998-1oo1; Apollod. 351,23; Paus. 3,26,1; Ov. Met. 9,736 amongst others;

according to Plut. Agis 9, the daughter of > Atlas [2],

Pasidienus [1] L. P. Firmus. Cos. suff. in AD 75; related to P. [2],

presumably his son. PIR* P 138. {2] P. P. Firmus. Senator. Praetorian Proconsul of Pontus-Bithynia

under Claudius [III 1]. He became cos. suff. in AD 65, replacing Iulius Vestinus Atticus, who had been forced to withdraw; P. would probably never have attained the consulate without this sudden vacancy. He was probably already quite old, at least over 50, which explains the short interval preceding the consulate of his presumed son P. [1]. PIR*P 139. we.

Pasion (Ilaoctwv/Pasion). [1] P. of Megara led a mercenary unit to Cyrus [3] in Sardis (Xen. An. 1,2,3), but later, in Myriandrus and

under unexplained circumstances, he broke away from the army of Cyrus, together with the mercenary leader ~ Xenias

(ibid. 1,4,6—-9).

HA.BE.

[2] The example of P. provides a good insight in the business of an Athenian > trapezités. Originally, P. was the slave of Antisthenes and Archestratus; after his manumission he took over the bank of his former masters, perhaps first as tenant, then as owner (Dem. Or. 36,43). In 394/93 BC, P., now a > métoikos, was taken to court for the restitution of a deposit (Isoc. Or. 17; cf. also Dem. Or. 52). His many business and social connections, e.g. with the stratégos Timotheus and the father of Demosthenes [2], made him one of the leading bankers in Athens (Dem. Or. 50,56). Because P. had proved himself a benefactor of Athens, he was granted Athenian citizenship around 390 or 376 BC (Dem. Or. 36,47). He donated 1,000 bronze shields from his shield workshop and was a trierarchos (> Trierarchy; Dem. Or. 45,85). In c. 373/72 BC, he granted several loans to the stratégos Timotheus, e.g. for a naval expedition to Corcyra (Dem. Or. 49,6-32). Between 372 and 370 BC, owing to illness, P. rented out his bank and shield workshop for an annual rent of 2 talents and 4,000

drachmai

to his own

freedman

— Phormio.

When P died in 370/69 BC, he left a fortune of 20 talents, while money given in loans amounted to at least 39 talents (Dem. Or. 36,4f.). Following an instruction

in P.’s will, Phormio married Archippe, P.’s widow, and became guardian of his younger son Pasicles [1]. P’s inheritance was divided ahead of time on the request of his elder son > Apollodorus [1], who took over the shield workshop, while Pasicles received the bank

according to Diod. Sic. 4,60, the daughter of Crete), sister of > Aietes, > Calypso, > Circe and Perses [2],

wife of the Cretan king - Minos (Apollod. 3,1,2,; Diod. Sic. 4,77 amongst others), mother of > Ariadne and > Phaedra. Minos asks Poseidon to make a bull appear out of the sea as a sacrificial animal in order to legitimize his claim to power in Crete. However, since he then does not sacrifice the bull, > Poseidon, incensed, awakens in P. a great passion for the bull. She unites with it by hiding in an artificial cow made by > Daedalus [1]; she gives birth to a bull-headed hybrid by the name of + Asterion [2], called the - Minotaur (Apollod. 3,12; cf. Diod. Sic. 4,77; Philostr. Imag. 1,16; Clem. Al. protreptikos 4,57,6; Verg. Ecl. 6,45-60; Hyg. Fab. 40). According to the Mythographi Vaticani 1,47 (cf. schol. Stat. Theb. 5,431), Zeus sends the bull; according to another version, > Aphrodite causes the passion of P. because the latter is neglecting her (Hyg. Fab. 40) or because Helios has betrayed Aphrodite’s love for + Ares (Mythographi Vaticani 1,43). The oldest literary testimonials are a fragment of a dithyrambus of Bacchylides (fr. 26 MAEHLER) and fragments of Euripides’ tragedy ‘The Cretans’ (Krétes) (fr. 26-29 TGF; [1. 55-58 fr. 82]). Inthe sth and 4th cents. BC, the story was presumably the theme of numerous comedies (e.g. Alcaeus, P.: fr. 26-29 PCG II; Antipha-

nes, Minos: fr. 156 PCG II; Alexis, Minos fr. 156 PCG II). The passion of P. for the bull is a popular motif of Hellenistic and Roman poetry (e.g. Callim. H. 4,3 rof.; Verg. Ecl. 6,46-60; Ov. Ars. am. 1,289-326; Ov. Met. 8,136-168; Prop. 2,32,57-58) and of Roman wall painting [2]. According to Apollod. 3,196, P. has magical powers. Paus. 3,26,1 mentions a statue of P. in a

sanctuary of Ino (between Oitylos and Thalamae in Laconia), and Plut. Agis 9 talks of a sanctuary of P. in Thalamae. On the basis of the etymology of the name (‘the one shining for all’ or ‘the all-shining one’), P. was interpreted in previous research as the goddess of light or the moon [3]. The motif’s connection with > Europe [2] and > Phaedra (cf. [4; 5]) is striking. 1 C. Austin (ed.), Nova Fragmenta Euripidea, 1986 2 J. K. PAPADOPOULOS, s.v. P., LIMC 7.1, 192-201 (with Bib-

liography)

3 W. Fauru, s.v. P., KIP 4, s4of.

ReCKFORD,

Phaedra

TAPhA

104,

necans,

1972.

1974,

and

P.: The

307-328

Pull

4K. J.

Backward,

5 W. BuRKERT,

in:

Homo

(Dem. Or. 36,8ff.). Cases concerning the inheritance of

K. SCHERLING, S.v. P., RE 18.4, 2069-2082; TURK, s.v. P.,

the maternal dowry and alleged embezzlement by Phormio, + paragraphé proceedings and a complaint against a witness ensued (Dem. Or. 36; 453 46). > Banks

ROSCHER 3, 1666-1673.

K.WA.

587

588

Pasiphilus (Iaoidthoc; Pasiphilos). General of > Aga-

OVERBECK, nos. 845, I210, 2167, 2202, 2207, 22622264; Lonwy, no. 374; G. LippoLp, Kopien und Umbildungen griechischer Statuen, 1923, 34-44; H. Kocn, Eine Vermutung iiber den Kiinstler Pasiteles, in: Vjesnik za arheologiju i historiju dalmatinsku 56-59, 1954-57,

PASIPHILUS

thocles [2], for whom he took > Messana in 312/11 BC (Diod. Sic. 19,102,1-3). When Deinocrates [1] and Phi-

lonides occupied Galeria at Exiles’ Point, P. retook the castle (Diod. Sic. 19,104,1-2). At the end of the African campaign in 306/5 he desserted to Deinocrates [2] (Diod. Sic. 20,77,1-2), and was murdered later in > Gela (Diod. Sic. 20,90,2).

no. 1, 168-172; H. WEDEKING, S.v. P., EAA 5, 1963, 984-

985; M. Donperer, Nicht Praxiteles, sondern Pasiteles.

but a year

Eine signierte Statuenstiitze in Verona, in: ZPE 73, 1988,

K. Meister, Agathokles, in: CAH 7,1, 1984, 384-405.

63-68; P. MorENO, Scultura ellenistica, 1994, 735-7403 M. Fucus, In hoc etiam genere Graeciae nihil cedamus, 1999. RN.

K.MEI.

Pasiphon (Iaoupa@v; Pasiphdon), son of Lucianus, an ‘Eretrian’ (> Elis and Eretria, School of), probably lived in the rst half of the 3rd cent. BC. One of P.’s dialogues contained comments on > Nicias [1] (Plut. Nicias 4,2). According to Persaeus [2] and > Favorinus, P. was the true author of works commonly attributed to others (Aeschines [1], Antisthenes [1], Diogenes [14] of Sinope) (Diog. Laert. 2,61; 6,73).

K.D.

Pasippidas (Ilaoitmidac; Pasippidas). Spartiate and naval commander in the eastern Aegaean in 410/409 BC probably in the role of navarchos; he was charged with conspiring in Thasos to stage an uprising against a group favouring Sparta and the harmost > Eteonicus. He fled, but as early as 409 was sent asa legate to Persia (Xxene Felli. 3240-3), 03):

K-W.W.

Pasiteilidas (MaoitetWidac; Pasiteilidas). Spartiate, son

of Hegesander and harmost under > Brasidas in Torone, where he was taken prisoner in 422 BC during the Athenians’ capture of the city under Cleon [1].

Pasithea (IlaowWéa; Pasithéa). [1] Daughter of > Nereus and > Doris [I 1] (Hes. Theog. 246). [2] One of the > Charites (Graces), promised in marriage by Hera to Hypnos (Sleep) in exchange for putting Zeus to sleep (Hom. Il. 14,267ff.; Paus. 9,35,4); in Nonnus

(Nonn. Dion.

15,91; 31,1213; 31,186; 33,40;

47,278), daughter of > Dionysus and > Hera, wife of

Hypnos (cf. also Catull. 63,43; Anth. Pal. 9,517).

LK.

Passaron ([Macoaowv; Passaron). Religious centre and

settlement of the Epirote > Molossi near the modern Rhopotopi 12 km northwest of Jannina. Alongside remains of a fortified settlement from the 5th/4th cent. BC, foundations of a temple are extant, identified as the

sanctuary of Zeus Areios. Sources: SEG 26, 719; Plut. Pyrrhus 5,1~-5; Liv. 45,36,4. S. 1. DAKaRIs, Organisation politique et urbanistique de la ville dans l’Epire antique, in: P. CABANEs (ed.), L’Illyrie méridionale et l’Epire dans l’antiquité, 1987, 71-80. KF.

K.-W.W.

Passenianus. Senatorial consular governor of the province of Syria Palaestina under the Emperor Probus [1]

Pasiteles (MaowtéAng; Pasitélés). Sculptor, from Magna Graecia, Roman citizen probably from 89 BC and

(cf. [1. no. 13]); the nomen gentileClod(ius) supposedly read by [2. 192 ff.] = AE 1998, 1440 cannot be confirmed on the stone.

From there he was presumably taken to Athens (Thuc.

AR

Deets Sng glad) a

according to the sources active there at the time of Cn. Pompeius Magnus in the middle of the rst cent. BC. Of P.’s work nothing has survived apart from one signature on the base of a statue, but his significance in the artistic expression of late Republican Rome seems to have been great, not in the least because of his treatise on opera nobilia (mirabilia) totius orbis (‘noble (wonderful) works of the whole world’), which is not pre-

served. Since P. is mentioned as the teacher of —> Stephanus, archaeological research has construed around him a school, which particularly distinguished itself through the ‘Pasitelean Groups’ (- Pasticcio). P. was primarily considered a toreutic artist, famous for silver mirrors (Plin. HN 33,130) anda silver cup on which he represented a scene from the actor Roscius’ childhood. In the Porticus Metelli in Rome some of his works were apparently on show, e.g. a Jupiter in ivory. P. was praised because of his striving to trueness to nature, which showed itself in the study of living animals, sometimes putting himself in danger, and an especially plastic style, which was based on the painstaking creation of clay models.

1C. M. LEHMANN, K. G. Hotum, The Greek and Latin Inscriptions of Caesarea Maritima, 2000 2 F. CHAUSSON,

Trois Clodii sénatoriaux, in: Cahiers du Centre GustaveGlotz 9, 1998, 177-213. W.E.

Passennus Paulus Propertius Blaesus, C. (Form of the name according to CIL 11,5405, from Assisi). Roman elegiac and lyric poet of the late rst cent. AD. He is

known only from the letters of Pliny the Younger (> Plinius [2] P. Caecilius Secundus, C., Plin. Ep. 6,15,1; 9,22,1f.), who held him in great esteem as an elegiac and lyric poet and described him as an equestrian and descendant of the elegiac poet — Propertius. His friendship with Pliny and with L. Iavolenus Priscus, the legal scholar and consul of AD 86, are indicators of his standing in Roman history. None of his poems are extant; they were said to have closely followed those of Propertius and > Horatius [7] (Plin. ibid.). PIR* P 141. LR.

589

590

Passienus [1] One of the leading orators of the Augustan period

court clerks. The Christian authors who dedicated a passio to such individuals accorded them the highest status; after all the passio is the core of each of the four accounts of the life of Jesus of Nazareth (-> Gospel). The lowly style used by most authors of passiones cor-

(Sen. Controv. 2,5,17), died in 9 BC (Jer. Chron. p. 167 H.), a friend of the Elder > Seneca (Sen. Controv. 3,

pref. 10). Nothing survives of his speeches, but Seneca quotes highlights from his declamations, whose aridity apparently detracted from their success (Sen. Controv. 3, pret. rot.; 10, pret. 11). J. FarRWEATHER,

Seneca

the Elder,

1981

(Index 400). P.L.S.

[2] L. P. Rufus. Son of the orator P. [1]. He entered the Senate as a homo novus, and became cos. ord. in 4 BC,

indicating extremely close links with Augustus. He won the ornamenta triumphalia following victorious campaigns as proconsul of Africa. One of his sons was L. > Sallustius [II 3 a] Crispus Passienus Equi[ -—- ]. PIR* P 148; THOMASSON, Fasti Africani, 25.

W.E.

PASTAS

responds to the sermo humilis of the Latin Bible [1]. The genre stayed alive throughout the Middle Ages, sometimes in the form of stories of martyrdom occurring in the early Middle Ages [2. vol. 2, 309-311, 315], sometimes as a way of ficticiously bringing the world of Rome into the contemporary environment of the author [2. vol. 2, 310; vol. 3, 444]. The public character of ancient literature is reflected in the liturgical reading of the passio (later also of the vita) on the saint’s dies natalis (= day of death) [2. vol. 1, 265]. + Acta

Sanctorum;

literary genre [3; 5; 6; 7; 8; 11; 12], which developed in the milieu of ‘Hellenistic popular literature’ [9; ro], is the Passio Sanctorum Scillitanorum, in which, in AD

180, a Christian from Carthage gives an account of the execution of a group of fellow believers from Scili in Numidia [4]. While the oldest form of the Greek acts of the martyrs is the epistle (> martyrdom, literature of; also on the theology and historicity of the texts), the passio initially appeared in the Latin West in the form of a protocol (form of the acts, > Acta Sanctorum). In a

recurrent element, the key words are alternately taken up and changed (rhet.: distinctio), reflecting in part semantic shifts in Christian Latin (e.g. > sacramentum) [2. vol. 1, 41-46; vol. 2, 85f.]. A second form of Latin martyr literature appeared with the Passio Perpetuae et Felicitatis (> Perpetua), written in 202 (or 203) in Car-

thage. Combining autobiography with an eyewitness report, it appears to be an ad hoc creation, although it was used as a model by subsequent authors (‘commentary form’ [10]). In about the year 260, the deacon > Pontius [II 9] of Carthage wrote the Vita Cypriani, and thus introduced the panegyric (— Panegyrics) to martyr literature. In the 4thand sthcents., stories of the martyrs tended to be narrative in form. Many of these texts keep the focus on the interrogation (e.g. Passio Sanctorum IV Coronatorum); this type may have developed as an extension of the stylized protocol acts. The stories of martyrs written in Rome during Late Antiquity are of a theatrical and dramatic nature (Agnes, Laurentius, Sebastian). There is no clear distinction between these stories and the apostolic novel (> Novel), e.g. in the case of the Passio Teclae (> Thecla). The socio-cultural significance of the passio is found in the expansion of the groups who came to be considered appropriate subjects of biography, including women (Perpetua), slaves (Felicitas), tradespeople (the 4 Coronati were stonemasons), lower military ranks,

~

Saints; Saints, ~ Martyrs;

~ Martyr literature 1 E. AvERBACH,

Passio (martyrdom account). The oldest surviving Latin example of this extraordinarily fruitful Christian

—> Biography;

Veneration of saints; > Literature (VI, VII);

Literatur-Sprache und Publikum in der

lateinischen Spatant. und im Mittelalter, 1958 2 W. BerSCHIN, Biographie und Epochenstil im lateinischen Mittelalter, 3 vols., 1986-91

3H. DELEHAYE, Les passions

des martyrs et les genres litteraires, *1966 4H. A. GArtNER, Die Acta Scillitanorum in literarischer Interpretation, in: WS 102, 1989, 149-167

5 G. KRUGER, G. RUH-

BACH (ed.), Ausgewahlte Martyrerakten, +1965 6G. Lanata, Gli atti dei martiri come documenti processuali, 1973 7G. Lazzati, Glisviluppi della letteratura sui martiri nei primi quattro secoli, 1956 8H. MusuriLLo (ed.), The Acts of the Christian Martyrs, 1972 9 Id. (ed.), Acta Alexandrinorum,

1961

10R. REITZENSTEIN, Ein Stiick

hellenistischer Kleinliteratur, in: Nachrichten der Kéniglichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften Gottingen, 1904, 332 117. Rurnart (ed.), Acta primorum martyrum

sincera et selecta, Paris 1689 (modified repr. 1731, 1859) 12 D. Ruiz BuENo (ed.), Actas de los martires, 31974. W.B.

Passus. Roman measure of length (two paces; Greek Bhua Sutrotv/béma diploun) of 5 feet, corresponding to c. 1.48 m. The passus formed the basic unit for measuring mileage, the Roman road surveys providing distance data on the basis of 1,000 times the passus, i.e. the mille passus (plural milia passuum, abbreviated as MP and corresponding to 1.48 km) (cf. for instance ILS 23: milestone of Polla). In military terminology, milia passuum was also used by way of asserting feats of marching (cf. for instance Veg. Mil. 1,27). ~» Milestones 1 F. Huxrscn,

Griechische

717882, 79-82

2H. Nissen, Griechische und rémische

und

rémische

Metrologie,

Metrologie (Handbuch der klasssichen Altertumswissenschaften 1), *1892, 842f.

Pastas

H-J.S.

(maotdc; pastas). Transverse

hall that in the

Greek > house (with fig.) connects the courtyard with the residential

block

behind

it; an extension

of the

porch (prostas) issuing from the courtyard in older residential buildings, e.g. the houses of Priene, into a type of corridor and therefore a typologically determining ele-

PASTAS ment

of the more

modern,

591

592

late Classical residential

statues from the late Hellenistic period onwards, in which classical body types bear contemporary portraits (‘Pseudo-Athlete’ of Delos). This type of pasticcio was intended to have an ennobling, partially idealizing effect and is encountered again in the Imperial period, both in individual figures and in groups, e.g. of married couples imposed on statuary types of Ares and Aphrodite. The term pasticcio, then, for all its negative connotations, stands for an important phenomenon of cultural history, namely the widespread reception of earlier works of art and their incorporation into new ensembles.

dwellings like those of Olynthus. The pastas house forms the nucleus of later, large-scale peristyle houses. W. Hoepener, E. L. SCHWANDNER, Haus und Stadt im Klassischen Griechenland, *1994, 354 s.v. P.; W. MULLERWIENER, Griechisches 176-178.

Bauwesen

in der Antike,

1988, C.HO.

Pasticcio (Italian for ‘pie, hotchpotch’). The figurative meaning,

which

arose

in the 17th cent., referred to

works in which elements of style or motifs of different artists were imitated, as charming features or for purposes of deception. In figurative art, pasticcio first referred to the combination of ancient friezes with plasterwork on Roman palazzi of the 17th and 18th cents. Pasticcio thereafter described esp. modern combinations of various ancient fragments with new works. In archaeology, the term was used mostly pejoratively for eclectic works of > sculpture. With the re-evaluation of eclecticism as a stylistic form of ancient art in its own right, the term pasticcio has become obsolete. Ancient art criticism and teaching of rhetoric described eclectic processes as the collation of heterogeneous examples from nature, e.g. as models for statues of Aphrodite, and as the illusion of perfect beauty — unattainable by an individual artist — created by the eclectic reference to different elements of existing masterpieces. The adoption of existing motifs and stylistic elements was characteristic not only of terra cotta sculpture, where the necessity of assembling disparate individual forms was imposed by manufacturing conditions, but of the entire ancient production of art (in tech-

nical terminology it is often described as ‘typological restrictions’). It is found in archaic kouroi and korai

(+ Statues) as well as in the so-called School of > Polyclitus [1] and in late Hellenistic sculpture. True eclectic works, however, with intentional and recognizable repetitions, began to appear in the artistic production of the rst cents. BC and AD; they were accompanied by a widespread reception of the ennobling forms of classicism. From the late Hellenistic period, entire types of figures were combined into new groups. This was asso-

ciated with the mythological renaming of their models (e.g. the so-called Orestes-Electra group, the San Ildefonso group). These groups are called Pasitelean groups after > Pasiteles, the teacher of the few sculptors of such works in Rome whose names are known. Combinations of stylistically different body and head types (‘Boy with Thorn’) have an aesthetic charm, as does the

sensory stimulus of combining female and male bodies and heads (‘Esquiline Venus’). The reception ofclassical forms played a salient role in this respect. In the genre of the lychnouchoi (lamp bearers), stylistic eclecticism was also evident in multiple forms of reception: as a familiar and recognizable work of art, as a general aesthetic offering and utilitarian object. This discovery by A. RuMPF in 1939 actually stimulated research into eclecticism. A particular variety of pasticcio which continues to be judged negatively is the genre of Roman portrait

G. LippoLp, Kopien und Umbildungen griechischer Statuen, 1923, 34-44; A. RumpF, Der Idolino, in: Critica d’Arte 4.1, 1939, 17-27 plates 4-15; F. PREISSHOFEN, P. ZANKER,

Reflex

einer

eklektischen

Kunstanschauung

beim Auctor ad Herennium, in: Dialoghi di archeologia 4-5, 1970-71, 100-119; P. ZANKER, Klassizistische Statuen, 1974; Grande dizionario della lingua italiana 12, 1984, 791-792 s.v. p.; M. Fucus, In hoc etiam genere

RN.

Graeciae nihil cedamus, 1999.

Pastophoroi (xaotopoeovpastophoroi, ‘pastds bearers’). Term for a group ofcult officials in various Egyptian cults both inside and outside Egypt (e.g. CIL V 2,7468). Earlier research understood pastés in analogy with Greek pastds as a ‘bridal chamber’ and in an extended sense as a replica of a little temple which was carried ina > procession. The interpretation of pastds as a cloth strung up over the nuptial bed is more likely; it probably then also designated a cloth used in cult practices: the priests of Apollo Kisalauddenos in Smyrna had a linen pastos which was placed in a wooden casket shaped like a temple (Syll.4 996,23). The pastophoroi carried such caskets probably in processions, however there is no clear proof ofa specific cultic function for the pastophoroi. Apuleius (Apul. Met. 11,17) describes them as a sacrosanctum collegium in the context of the cult of > Isis, Diodorus Siculus (1,29) erroneously identifies them with the kérykes (> kéryx [2]) in > Eleusis eal E. N. LANE, TAZTOX, in: Glotta 66, 1988, 100-123; F.

SOLMSEN, Zur griechischen Wortforschung, 1912-13, 448-506, h.l. 485-492.

Pastries

(Greek

mhaxotcs,

plakoits,

Latin

in: IF 31, C.E.CH.

placenta),

mostly individual sweets, found in many varieties in ancient tradition according to region and period, fashion and purpose (cf. the lists in Ath. 14,643-648). They consisted without exception of fine meal (initially barley, later predominantly wheat), water, milk or shortening and (usually) a raising agent. Other ingredients,

such

as

> eggs,

—> fruit,

— spices,

(cream-

)> cheese, nuts and sweeteners supplied the typical aroma and flavour of a kind of pastry. However, the fact that the dough was baked in an oven or ona hearth in hot fat could also contribute to their unmistakable

oped)

594

character. These various methods of preparation provided the names for many kinds of pastry: some were named after the dominant ingredient (e.g. mustaceus, a cake prepared with must), others after their crust (crustulum) or their shape (laganum, a kind of puff pastry). Especially in the early Roman Imperial period, many books, now lost, were written about pastries (e.g. by Chrysippus or Harpocration; cf. Cato Agr. 75-84). Pastries, understood as proof of a rather fine cuisine (Plat. Resp. 2,13,373a; Ath. 14,644e), were often served as dessert, mostly drenched in honey shortly before being eaten and sprinkled with sesame or poppy seeds. Pastries could also accompany other courses, however, particularly of a celebratory meal, or serve as a snack. Specific kinds of pastry such as wedding cakes (Ath. 7,280d) or sacrificial cakes (Greek méuua, pémma; Latin > libum) were reserved for special occasions. The latter played an important role in the cult life of the ancient world, since pastries were offered to the gods according to ancient custom (Ath. 4,172d-e).

centre and harbour, perhaps due to the instability of the river’s mouth.

J. Anpré&, L’alimentation

et la cuisine

4 Rome,

*1981,

210-214; A. DALBY, Siren Feasts. A History of Food and Gastronomy in Greece, 1996; F. ORTH, s.v. Kuchen, RE II, 2088-2099.

A.G.

Pastures [1] see > Animal husbandry

CHU.

PATARA

H. TREIDLER, s.v. Pat(t)ala, RE Suppl. 10, 489-493.

KK.

Pataliputra see > Palimbothra Patara

(Ildtaoa;

Pdtara).

Port

city

in West

Lycia

(> Lycii, Lycia) at the location of an old Pre-Iron Age

settlement. In Greek legends, the city’s name — pttara in Lycian (TAM I 44a 43) — is sometimes tied to a son of +» Apollo (Hecat. FGrH 1 F 256), at other times to the

pirate Patarus, a brother of — Xanthus (Eust. GGM 2,239, 30-37), or it is tied to the name

for a certain

cultic container (Alexander Polyhistor FGrH 273 F 131). The main native cult at the city developed into one of the most important Apollo cults in the Greek world (> ApolloPatroios) with temple, sacred grove and oracle, where -> Telephus already is said to have sought a cure (Hdt. 1,182; Serv. Aen. 3,332; 4,377; schol. Lycoph. 920; Paus. 9,41,1; App. Mithr. 27; Mela 1,82; IGR II 739; XII 45f.; Menaechmus FGrH 131 F 11). The cult site has not yet been located. According to the poets, Apollo spends half the year in P. and the other half on > Delos (Serv. Aen. 4,143; Hor. Carm. 3,4,64). In the late 5th cent, P. was part of the inner Lycian conflicts and in 334/333, P. subjected itself to Alexander [4] the Great (Arr. Anab.

used for the entire region and later also for the island of

1,24,4). After Alexander’s death, the Antigonids and Ptolemaeus I competed for control over the Lycian coast. Ptolemaeus occupied the city in 309 at the earliest, his son Philto Arsinoe adelphus changed its name (Diod. 20,27,1-3, on this fact [r. srff.]; Str. 14,3,6; Steph. Byz. s.v. Agowon). Seleucidic from 197 on, P. fell under the Rhodian hegemony after the defeat of Antiochus |5] III in 188. In 168/167, Rome took P. from the Rhodians. In the > Lycian League which probably existed from the early 2nd cent. BC on, P. was one of the big cities with three votes and may have housed the League archives in the Apollonium, but apparently was not (yet) the delegates’ only place of assembly (caput gentis according to Liv. 37,15,6, differently: Str. 14,3,3). Led by a plenypotentiary strategos from P., the League’s fleet fought in the rst > Mithradatic War on the Rhodian side [2]. After that, P. was attacked by the king. Lycia’s loyalty to Rome guaranteed its autonomy into the early Imperial period, when Claudius [III 1] was apparently motivated by inner-Lycian conflicts to place the country under the control of a governor residing in P. (AD 43). At that time, a complete street registry of the new province was published on stone in P. In the Imperial period, P. flourished as the capital and, in the Flavian period, when the province was extended over Pamphylia into > Lycia et Pamphylia, was richly decorated with buildings and inscriptions. The arch of the Trajan legate C. Trebonius Proculus Mettius Modestus is still extant from this period. In the 4th cent., P.

Patalene (Ptol. 7,1,55), but the city is never mentioned

was a diocesan town. Archaelogy: numerous remnants,

again. In P.’s place, > Barabara became the regional

excavations by F. Isik.

Pataikoi (Mdtoxot; Pataikot). Dwarf figures, mounted

on the bow of Phoenician triremes according to Hdt. 3537. Coins from Aradus [1] and Sidon from the late 4th cent. BC onward show half-figures or protome heads on

ships [1. table 2,1, table

18,12-14].

From

these

Phoenician figures the term was transferred to figures of dwarfs; pdtaikos thus became a descriptive proper name for people of short stature (Hdt. 7,154; cf. also the Pataikeia festival at Delos, named after its founder Pdtaikos). The term also became proverbial for thieves,

however. Herodotus compares the cult image of Hephaestus of Memphis (Ptah) and that of his children (> Cabiri) with the Phoenician pdtaikoi, which has led scholars to associate small naked figures of stunted form with Bes, the Cabiri (Kabeiroi), Harpocrates, or

the creator god > Ptah, in whose entourage dwarfs appear, and who himself appears in the form of a dwarf. 1G. F. Hitt, BMC, Gr 26 (Phoenicia), 1965.

B. SCHEEL, Ptah und die Zwerge, in: H. ALTENMULLER (ed.), Miscellanea aegyptologica, FS W. Helck, 1989, 15 9164;J.LECLANT, s.v. P., DCPP, 1992, 3.43f.; A. HERMARY, s.v. Patakoi, P., LIMC 7, 1994, 2or1f. RH.

Patala (tu Matai; ta Patala). City and military base of Alexander [4] the Great at the mouth of the Indus, probably Patala in Old Indian (Arr. Anab. 5,4,1; Arr. Ind. 2,6; Str. 15,1,33 among others). The name was also

Se)

596

WorrkLE, Epigraphische Forschungen zur 1M. Geschichte Lykiens 1, in: Chiron 7, 1977, 43-66 2 CH.

alone had the right to dispose of the family’s property and only he acquired rights from contracts and other

Marek, Der Lykische Bund, Rhodos, Kos und Mithradates (Lykia 2), 1995, 9-21.

transactions.

PATARA

F. Igik, P., in: Antike Welt 30,5,

1999, 477-493;

BEAN, s.v. P., PE, 679f.

G. E.

C.MA,

Patavium. City of the > Veneti in the plain between the montes Euganei and the Laguna Veneta ona bend of the Meduacus,

north-east of > Ateste (Liv. 10,2,6), the

modern Padova (Padua). According to Verg. Aen. 1,242-249 it was founded by the Trojan > Antenor [1], who founded games there which were held every thirty years; the territory of P. was called pagus Troianus (Liv. 1,1,3). In 49 BC, P. became a > municipium of the tribus Fabia (CIL V 267), and from the time of Augu-

stus, was part of the regio X Augustea (Venetia) (— Italia). P. was an ager centuriatus (> Surveyors).

Beginning with the 4th cent. BC, P. found itself in confrontations with the Gauls. In 302 BC, P. fended off

an attack by Cleonymus [3]; the war booty exhibited in the temple of Juno and the annual > naumachia served as reminders of this victory (Liv. 10,2,14). From the 3rd cent. BC, P. maintained friendly relations with Rome;

thus, the pontifex maximus M. Aemilius [I 10] Lepidus acted as mediator in the city’s internal disputes (Liv.

41,27,3). P. hada bustling market anda river harbour situated only 250 stadia (c. 46 km) from the sea (Str. 5,1,7, and was the junction of the via Aemilia, the via PopiliaAnnia and the via Aurelia. The city was famous for its wool and textile production and for its viticulture. South-west of P. was the thermal spring Aponus with its oracle (aquae Patavinae in Plin. HN 2,227; 31,61). >» Livy [III 2], > Asconius Pedianus, - Clodius [II 15] Thrasea Paetus, > Arruntius [I] 12] and various con-

suls came from P.; in AD 14 there were 500 equites (Str. 5,1,7) in P. It was destroyed by the > Langobardi under

Agilulf at the beginning of the 7th cent. Archaeology: Proto-Venetian remains from the r2th to the 7th cents. BC. An amphitheatre,

the theatre, several bridges and the quay of the river harbour date from Roman times. C. GASPAROTTO, Padova romana, 1951; V. GALLIAZZO, I

ponti di Padova romana, 1971; G. FoGorart (ed.), Padova preromana, 1976; L. Bosto (ed.), Padova antica, 1981; G. ZAMPIERI (ed.), Padova per Antenore, 1990; G.

Rosapa, P., in: Journ. of Ancient Topography 3, 1993, 63-76.

G.U.

Patella see — Patera, Patella

Pater familias. From a legal perspective, the head of a family in Rome was the most important person in the ~ family (IV.B.), its ‘king’ as it were [1. 75]. As holder of > patria potestas and > manus, he held power at any rate over wife, children (even when adult), grandchildren and slaves. As the autocrat of the family, he was the only member to hold rights and privileges: he

However,

he incurred

liability for the

actions of family members (including legal transgressions against people outside the family) only in exceptional

circumstances

(Gai.

Inst.

2,87;

3,163;

4,75).

Even insofar as children of the house and slaves were granted a separate fund (> peculium) to cover their apparently personal obligations, it remained legally the property of the PF, whose liability, hoewever, was limited to that separate properlty by virtue of having apportioned it to his son or slave (Gai. Inst. 4,72a). Similarly, only the PF could in general sue and be sued on behalfof the family and all its members. One became a PF with the death of one’s own father or (if the former was predeceased) one’s grandfather. If the son, who became sui iuris in this way, had a wife and children, he progressed into the rights and duties of the deceased as far as his family was concerned, and inherited the property (in some cases together with his brothers in an undivided legacy, a consortium ercto non cito,

> communio

A.) (Gai. Inst. 2,157). Family and

property (familia pecuniaque, cf. e.g. Cic. Inv. 2,50,148) form a unity. Thus, the right of the PF to dispose of the property in a will (> testamentum) is at the same time a continuation of his rule over the family expressed as the intention of the testator. Apart from having sole legal capacity in respect of the entire family in private legal matters, the PF also had a private right to punish his dependants, especially the sons, daughters and slaves. Where the wife was subjected to the manus of the husband, he also had this right over her. This capacity to exercise control extended to the right to life and death (ius vitae necisque, Gell.

5,19,9). This right was only extinguished in the reign of Constantine [1] the Great (AD 306-337). Its treatment in the Twelve Tables (— tabulae duodecim; probably

tab. 4,1) seems to have undergone a legal restriction almost 800 years before with the requirement that there be a just cause (iusta causa) for the punishment. This was present as a matter of course where the culprit had been apprehended in the act or had confessed the deed. Otherwise, in order to confirm the cause for captial punishment (> Death penalty; - Capitale), a domestic tribunal headed by the PF had to be called together, presumably from as early as the 5th cent. BC [2]. The PF could terminate his domestic power over those subjected to it by freeing them from the patria potestas in his lifetime (— emancipatio). The (former) child of the house was then no longer legally incapacitated (alieni iuris), but bore his own rights (swi iuris). Conversely, someone who did not belong to the close family could come under the control of the PF through ~ Adoption. Whereas the rights of the PF make him look like the prototype for the holder of extensive subjective rights, his duties are much more difficult to reconstruct from the sources and often did not becomelegally binding until quite late. Admittedly the PF appears to have been

59o7

598

subjected to many and varied moral and religious cons-

as the expression of a formal obligation of the princeps towards all citizens, thus adding significance and gra-

traints (> pietas). If he did not fulfil the duties arising from this position, this resulted, in Republican times, in

sacntions according to public morality (regimen morum; >» mos maiorum) by the > censores, later on in punishment by the emperor. The emperors were also the first to acknowledge a legal duty of support of the PF in respect of his children (cf. Ulp. Dig. 25,3,5), which could be enforced in the context of extraordinary proceedings (> cognitio extra ordinem). This duty applied not only to the descending, but also to the ascending line and even in specific cases between siblings. For that reason it can no Inoger be classified as an expression of the duties of a PF, but more specifically it provided evidence for the erosion of this legal model. One indication of how the position of the PF was intrinsically linked with his duties is also the concept of a good (bonus) or diligent (diligens) PF (e.g.. Dig. 19,1, 54 pr.). It provided the measure for the legal and ethical requirements of legal relations in general. > Familia; > Patriarchy; > Patria potestas; > Law of Persons; — Woman; 1M. Bretone, Geschichte des romischen Rechts, 1992 (tr. of Storia del diritto romano, +1989) 2 W. KUNKEL, Das Konsilium im Hausgericht, in: id., KS, 1974, 117-

150.

HonseELL/MAYER-MALY/SELB, 63ff., 410ff.; KASER, RPR 1, 62f., 341-350. GS.

Pater patriae (‘Father of the Fatherland’). The title PP was Officially conferred to Roman emperors from + Augustus to — Theodosius. The corresponding female title mater patriae is documented for Livia [2] (cf. [1. 98]) and Iulia [12] Domna [2. 67-70; 3]. The titles parens and pater were originally bestowed to equate the role of a benefactor with that of a father. Both M. Furius [1 13] Camillus (Liv. 5,49,7: parens patriae) and Fabius [I 30] Cunctator were referred to as parentes, because they had liberated the patria from its enemies. The title parens (or respectively pater) ob clves servatos (‘for the salvation of the entire citizenry’) was also bestowed to Marius [I 1] (Cic. Rab. perd.

PATERA,

PATELLA

vity to > Tiberius’ rejection ofthe title (Tac. Ann. 2,87; Suet. Tib. 26,2; Cass. Dio 57,8,1). From Augustus, the

notion of PP corresponded to that of the > pater familias. It was only as a good pater familias that the princeps could fulfil the role of PP, using the power of the + patria potestas in the protection of the res publica (Cass. Dio 53,18,3; Sen. Clem. 1,14,2). In this context,

the patria potestas of the PP was not a legal instrument to enforce rules, but a power arising from his > auctoritas and the maiestas principis (> maiestas) [5. 235-245]. It was necessary for a princeps to prove himself in some way, before he was able to fulfil this task. For that reason, — Claudius [III 1] for example initially rejected the title later to accept it in AD 42. It was only under > Pertinax in AD 192 that PP became once again one of the obligatory honorary titles automatically bestowed to an emperor upon his elevation (SHA Pert. 5,5).

;

> Patriarchy 1A. AtFOLpI, Der Vater des Vaterlandes im rémischen Denken, 1971 2H. W. BeNario, Julia Domna — Mater senatus et patriae, in: Phoenix 12, 1958, 67-70 3 W. KunHoFF, Iulia Aug. mater Aug., in: ZPE 97, 1993, 259-

271

4U. Knocne, Die augusteische Auspragung der Dea

Roma,

in: Gymnasium

59, 1952,

324-349

SR.

BAuMAN, The Crimen Maiestatis in the Roman

and Augustan Principate, 1967

A.

Republic

6 D. KieNAsT, Augustus,

31999, 132f. 7M. STROTHMANN, Augustus — Vater der res publica, 2000, 66-72. ME.SCH.

Patera, Patella. The patera was a flat, round dish without a handle, decorated from time to time, with a bulge

(omphalds)

in the

middle

(like

the

Greek

~ phialé: [1. 42-44]) that was used as a drinking vessel (Plaut. Amph. 260; Prop. 4,6,85) and as a sacrificial bowl in the Roman cultural area (Varro, Ling. 5,122; fig. see — Sacrifice IV.): from the patera, the person

offering up the sacrifice poured the — libatio, the ~ drink offering, especially the sacrifice of wine (libation and wine consumption: Verg. Aen. 1,728-740); it

116; Suet. Iul. 76: pater patriae; Cass. Dio 44,4,4; ILS 71). Cicero, too, was called parens patriae (Cic. Pis. 3). In 2 BC, the title PP was conferred on > Augustus by

was also used to sprinkle the head of the sacrificial animal before it was killed and its blood was collected in it [1. 40f.]. However, it was considered extremely unusual to drink the blood of the victim from the patera (Cic. Brut. 43; Val. Max. 5,6,3) and as symptomatic of

the Senate, the equestrian order and the people of Rome

religious and moral depravity (Sall. Catil. 22,1). In the

(Fast. Praenestini CIL I 233; R. Gest. div. Aug. 35; Suet. Aug. 58, cf. an inscription from Sion dating to as

2nd half of the rst cent. AD at the latest, the dish for the proffering of a — food sacrifice (fruges: [2. no. 48, ll. 8-10]) was also called patera. Magnificent paterae could be dedicated to the gods as a gift and expression of the > pietas of the person making the sacrifice (Liv.

10,27), Sulla (Plut. Sulla 34,2) and Caesar (Liv. per.

early as 8 BC, ILS 6755). For the first time, the title referred to the salvation of the entire patria (i.e. the population of the imperium Romanum; for the terminology cf. [4. 329, 331f.]), who were now placed under the > tutela of Augustus as pater (cf. the notions of pater urbium, Hor. Carm. 3,24,26f. and pater tés poleos, SEG 37, 1987, 1856).

After Augustus, the conferment of the title of PP should no longer be seen predominantly as honour, but

6,453):

The patella, on the other hand, was the dish for serving meals (Hor. Epist. 1,5,2) and for food sacrifices (Varro, Sat. Men. 265; [1. 227f.]); the identification of sacrificial bowls in abstract representation as patera or patella is often problematical. On altars, sepulchral

PATERA, PATELLA

599

monuments and coins [1; 3], sacrificial dishes appear with varying functions: representative of the concrete sacrifice in the cult of the gods and the cult of the dead (> dead, cult of the; for depicting one’s own > pietas towards the gods and one’s family; as an emblem of the priestly college of > septemviri epulonum (from the Augustan period: BMCRE, bk. 1, 20 no. 98, 16 BC); and in the sacred art of the Roman Imperial period increasingly as an expression not only of the emperor’s status as epulo, but in addition of the generally increased sacral status of the princeps. -» Immolatio; > Sacrifice 1 A. V. SIEBERT, Instrumenta sacra (RGVV 44), 1999

2 J.

ScHEID (ed.), Commentarii fratrum Arvalium qui supersunt, 1998 3 E. SCHRAUDOLPH, Rémische Gotterweihungen mit Reliefschmuck aus Italien, 1993. AN.BE.

Pathissus. The biggest left-hand Sarmatian tributary of the Danube, the modern

Tisa (Tisza, Theifs), which

flows through the Ukraine, Romania, Slovakia, Hun-

gary and Serbia and into the Danube near Acumincum (the modern Stari Slankamen) in Pannonia inferior (Plin. HN. 4,80; Parthiscus: Amm. Marc. 17,13,4; cf.

Str. 7,5,2). The Latin name Tisia only appears in lateantique sources (cf. lord. Get. 33). The river constituted a serious obstacle with its wide bed and its swampy environment. The area between the P. and the Danube was settled primarily by equestrian peoples such as the > Iazyges and particularly the > Hunni. TIR L 34 Budapest, 1968, 88 (Pathissus), 99.

[.BU.

Pathos (x&00¢/pathos, i.a. ‘passion’, Latin. i.a.perturbatio animi, affectus), provoking emotion for the purpose of persuasion, occupies a central position in all major ancient and aesthetic literary works (— catharsis). The first reference text is > Aristotle’s Rhetoric [6], which posits that the audience is convinced in three ways: through — ethos (ethical self-presentation of the speaker), pathos (the presentation of the subject matter in a way calculated to produce an emotional response from the listener) and logos (logical persuasion), with ethos and pathos clearly subordinate to logos (1,1,3) [4. 118f.]. Evoking an emotional reaction from the listener is not a matter of irrational manipulation of feelings, but a goal-oriented process based on the subject matter at hand. It inevitably opens the door to inappropriate or self-interested emotional manipulation. Since the rhetorical system itself is value-neutral, and only a moral code can demand that these means of manipulation be used responsibly, Aristotle and in particular the later Roman theoreticians established an ideal of the speaker based on ethics and morality. The author of the > Rhetorica ad Herennium and Cicero (De inventione) reframed Aristotle’s three means of persuasion as three degrees of provoking emotions which, in turn, correspond to the three officia oratoris (‘tasks of a speaker’; > officium [7]): in this context logos, no longer assigned a predominant position [2. 108], is seen as

600

unemotional persuasion (docere); ethos is a gentle means of evoking emotion (delectare/conciliare); while

pathos provokes emotion through passion (/overe). Moreover, the three classifications are associated with three stylistic categories or types of speech (-> genera dicendi); the genus grande (robustum, sublime) is associated with pathos. Cicero (de orat. 2,72; 183f.) and later Quintilian (inst. 6,2,4ff.) assigned to pathos an important role in persuasion, if not the most important one. This reassessment followed from the recognition that, contrary to Aristotle’s view, every form of persuasion is associated with emotions. In aSubject to influences from within and without, the respective The degree of emotional involvement, partly self-invoked, partly experienced as external, influences both the speech and gestures of the speaker and the reaction of the audience. Accordingly, not only do the Latin rhetoricians precisely identify the linguistic means and content that will evoke an emotional response from the audience, but they also posit that the speaker himself must feel the desired emotions if he is to present and communicate them credibly. Various techniques of visualization help to ‘practise’ an emotional response (Quint. inst. 6,2,26). The close relationship between the performance of a speaker and the craft of acting was the object of both ancient (Tac. dial. 26) and modern criticism [3; 4]; it contributed to a rejection of pathos as hollow and dishonest. In the work On the sublime (1st cent. AD; Ps.-Longinus), the concept of pathos was expanded in a way that shaped its reception during the modern era. Here pathos is defined as a source of the sublime that works through both the spoken and the written word and is not limited to a specific type or part of a speech. The author regards pathos as more important than logos and ethos; as a special touch that can be employed at any moment, it overwhelms the listener and quickly and lastingly ‘persuades’ him at the emotional level. The author views pathos not as an (irrational) passion, but as a feeling, contemplated on and given literary shape, that must be linked to sublime thoughts, which are in turn sources of the sublime (8,1). Later on, the Baroque tragedy marked the heyday of pathos; as the late Baroque period made way for Classicism the term increasingly took on pejorative connotations, or, as in SCHILLER and HEGEL, it came to havea new meaning [3. 196ff.]. Ancient reflections on pathos, which were generally very complex and, although they were linked with a specific context, were instrumental in laying the groundwork for modern psychology, are frequently and inaccurately seen as limited to stylistic concerns. ~ Affects; > Rhetoric 1 Cu. Grit, The ethos/pathos Distinction

in Rhetorical

and Literary Criticism, in: CQ 34, 1984, 146-166 . 2K.

Gorrert, Einfuhrung in die Rhetorik,*1994 3 R. MEYERKALKUS, s.v. P., in: HWdPh 7, 193-201 Rhetorik, 1996.

4C. OTTMERS, C.W.

601

602

Pathyris (Ia0teuc; Pathyris). City in Upper Egypt c.

apostle?) wrote the » apocalypse named after him (and the > gospel of the same name?): cf. Apk 1,9; Iren.

30km south of Luxor near modern Gabalain. The name derived from an old sanctuary to Hathor, Egyptian Pr-Hwt-Hr (‘house of Hathor’), from this also derived the Greek designation Aphroditopolis (Str. 17,1,47). In the pre-Ptolemaic period, P. belonged to the 4th nome of Upper Egypt. Under the Ptolemies, it was the main town in the new nome of Pathyrites. There are numerous Greek and Demotic papyrus finds from a military settlement dating to the 2nd cent. BC. A. CALDERINI, s.v. P., Dizionario dei nomi geografici e topografici dell’ Egitto greco-romano, vol. 4/1, 1983,

14-17.

KJ-W.

Patiscus. A Roman senator, who caught leopards in Cilicia and sold them on to organisers of games in Rome (+ Munera), for instance ten of them to C. Scribonius Curio (Cic. Fam. 8,9,3) in 51/50 BC, whereas M. Caelius [I 4] Rufus missed out on them (Cic. Fam. 2,11,2).

P. is probably the Q. Patisius said to have assembled troops in Cilicia in 48/7 for > Caesar, who was besieged in Alexandria [1] (B Alex. 34,5). In March 44, P. was among the assassins of Caesar (App. B Civ. 2,300). He led a fleet off the southern coast of Asia Minor (MRR 2,348) as proquaestor in the summer of 43, and later was probably killed — like all of Caesar’s murderers. JO.F.

PATRAE

5530,33 Eus. HE 3,18,1; 23,6; Suda s.v. Aopetitvos, s.v.

‘Iwavvys, s.v. NéeBa. From Late Antiquity on, P. was

the destination of Christian pilgrims despite its considerable desolation; remains of early Christian basilicas (5th/6th cent.). Sources: Thuc. 3,33,3; Str. 10,5,133 Plin. HN 4,69; Stadiasmus maris magni 280; 283; Eust.

Comm. ad Dionysium [1]; Syll.3 1068.

(MatiwtetOne/Pathizeithés

Hdt.

3,6rff.;

HavCov0n¢/Panzouthés Dionysius of Miletus, Schol. Hdt. 3,61 FGrH 687 F 2; identical to Natatms/Pazdtes in Xanthus the Lydian; Tattctme/Patzdtes Chron. pasch. 270?). According to Hdt. 3,61, a magos who in 521 BC persuaded his brother Smerdis (+ Gaumata) to rebel against - Cambyses [2] II and was killed by -» Darius [1] I. Just. Epit. 1,9,9f. cites his name as Oropastes. P. should be interpreted as a title, although it is etymologically unclear (the same as the later mtucys/ Pitiaches, Middle Persian bthsy: »viceroy«?). Ww. Patmos (Idétuwoc/Patmos). With an area of 34 km’, P. is

the smallest and northernmost island of the > Sporades (today’s Dodecanes), being of volcanic origin, to the southwest of the island of Samos. Outer perimeter: irregular, approximately semicircular, open to the east (remains of a crater rim), maximum length of 12 km, width of 300-5000 m, highest elevation is Prophetis Elias in the SE (269 m); the island consists of four main parts with each being connected by a low isthmus, the widest of which is in the north between Leukas and cape Geranos; there are several micro-islands to the east. Bronze age ceramics were found in the centre. Castelli is the place of the ancient acropolis to the northwest of today’s Skala (c. 100 m above sea level) with surviving remains of walls, some from the 3rd cent. BC. Inscriptions give evidence of a cult of Artemis (Syll.? 1152). In Roman times, P. was a place of exile. Here, during Domitianus’ reign, a Christian named Iohannes (the

530. Inscriptions:

1 G. MANGANARO, Le iscrizioni delle isole milesie. Patmo, in: ASAA 41/2, 1963/4, 329-349.

G. Jacort, Patmo, Coo e le minori isole italiane dell Egeo, 1938;J.SCHMIDT, s.v. Patmos, RE 18, 2174-2191; PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN 4, 276-278; KIRSTEN/KRAIKER, 5 56560, 837, 892 (bibl.); S. A. PapADopouLos, Patmos, 1962; A. D. KomIneEs, P. Die Schatze des Klosters, 1988; H. KALeTScH, s.v. Patmos, in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 516-518; E. KoLLiAs, Patmos, 1990; J. KODER, s.v. Patmos, LMA 4, 1784 (bibl.). ‘ AKU.

Patrae (IldtoaV/Pdtrai, ethnicon usually Patreus, Latin Patrae, ethnicon Patrensis). I. TopoGrapHy

II]. HistoRICAL

TO THE 4TH CENT. AD

TMateetvc synoikismos from seven villages (Sfj1woU démoi) (Str. 8,3,2; [2. 89-95, 120f.; 3; 4]). Unlike the

modern town, P. was not on the coastal plain, but on the first, low rise above it, in the modern Upper Town around the mediaeval/modern fort. Few ancient remains, namely the Odeum from the Imperial period [5] and parts of the Roman water system, are preserved. In the Imperial period, a suburb stretched down to the harbour, along what is today the Kalavryta road. The harbour consisted only of an open anchorage which was extended in the Imperial period. The main cult was that of Artemis Laphria [6; 7. 113-117] with a cult image brought from > Calydon [3], alongside which was a Demeter sanctuary with a well oracle, by the modern chapel of Agios Andreas. Il. HisTORICAL DEVELOPMENT TO THE 4TH CENT. AD

P. was one of the twelve ancient towns of Achaea (Hdt. 1,145; Str. 8,7,4; Pol. 2,41,8). P., being a harbour

town, was important in the > Peloponnesian War. P. instigated the foundation of the new Achaean Confederacy around 280 BC (Pol. 2,41,rf.; Str. 8,7,1; > Achaeans, Achaea, with map). P. suffered severely in a Gaulish assault in 279 BC (Paus. 7,18,6; 20,6; 10,22,6), as

well as in Aetolian incursions during the - Social War [2] (220-2147) and the 1st > Macedonian War (215205). Inthe Roman period, P. gained significance as the most important Greek port for the crossing to Italy [8] —

PATRAE

and is thus more often mentioned in the sources in this period — and the headquarters of Roman merchants. Antonius [19] wintered at P. before the Battle of > Actium in 31 BC. The most far-reaching event in the history of the town was the foundation of the Roman citizens’ colony of Colonia Augusta Aroe (or rather Achaica |9|) Patrensis by Augustus in 14 BC. This led to the incorporation of the neighbouring towns of Pharae and Tritaea P., later also probably Dyme and large parts of Aetolia and Locris [ro]. P. thus became the most important town in Greece alongside Athens and Corinth;

it was

the official residence of the Roman

governor of Achaia (> Achaia, Roman province), and

probably also of a conventus. Nero disembarked for his Greek visit at P., for which the town was temporarily renamed Colonia Neronia Patrensis. According to legend, the Apostle Andrew endured a martyr’s death at the hands of Nero at P. Bishops are attested from AD 347. In AD 551, P. was shaken by a powerful earthquake (Procop. Goth. 4,25,17). Cf. Str. 8,7,4f.; Paus. 1 A. G. KurTsILiertis, Métey— Mateat, in: Platon 25, 1973, 196-203 2M. Moca, I sinecismi interstatali greci, vol.

1, 1976

31d., Sinecismi arcaici del Peloponneso, in: D.

Must1 (ed.), La transizione dal miceneo all’alto arcaismo. Dal palazzo alla citta, 1991, 159f. 4 F. Trorra, II sinedi Patrasso

1993, 428-444

in Pausania

e Strabone,

in: PdP 48,

5 E. MAsTRoxkostas, PH. Persas, Aus-

grabungsberichte, in: AD 16, 1960 (1962), 136-144; 26, 1971 (1974), 157-163 6 M. Osanna, Artemis in P., in: P. BERKTOLD e.a. (ed.), Akarnanien. Eine Landschaft im antiken Griechenland, 1996, 183-193 7W. K. Prir-

cHETT,

Greek Archives, Cults and Topography,

1996

8 A. D. Rizaxis, Le port de P. et les communications avec

l’Italie sous la République, in: Cahiers d’histoire 33, 1988, 453-472 9P. AGALLOPOULOU, Two Unpublished Coins from P. and the Name of the Roman Colony, in: Hesperia 58, 1989, 445-447 10U. KanrsTepT, Die Territorien von P. und Nikopolis in der Kaiserzeit, in: Historia 1, 1950, 549-561.

G. KaHL, Die geographischen Angaben des Andreasbios, Diss. Stuttgart

1989; Y. LAFOND, Pausanias et le panthéon

de P.: Pidentité religieuse d’une cité grecque devenue colonie romaine,

settlement of the Peloponnese by -» Slavs was of decisive importance in its later history, though they were unable to conquer P. The repulse of a concerted action by Slavs and Saracens (pirates) against P. in 805 (miracle of St. Andrew) was used by the Emperor Nicephorus [2] | as an opportunity to subordinate the Slavs in the hinterland of P. to the Church of P. and to raise the latter to the metropoliate alongside > Corinth, laying the foundation for the extraordinary position of power held by its bishop in later times [3]. In the rath cent., Benjamin of Tudela found 50 Jewish families at P., the importance of whose harbour had dwindled since the rrth cent. 1 T. E. Grecory, s.v. Patras, ODB 3, 1597f. (with biblography) 2J. Koper, s.v. Patras, LMA 6, 1785 (with biblography) 3 O. KrestTeN, Zur Echtheit des SIPIAAION des Kaisers Nikephoros I. fiir Patras, in: R6émische

Historische

Mitteilungen

19,

1977,

15-78.

JN.

Patria potestas. The PP, which continued to exist as

7,18,2—21,14.

cismo

604

603

in: V. PIRENNE-DELFORGE

(ed.), Les Pan-

theons des cites (Kernos Suppl. 8), 1998, 195-208; I. A. PAPAPOSTOLOU, Toxoyoadima tov Tateav, in: AAA 4,

1971, 305-317; Id., s.v. Patrasso, EAA 2nd suppl. vol. 4, 1996, 277-281; M. PETROPOULOS, Toroyeapima tm> yooac twv Matoéwv, in: A. D. Rizaxis (ed.), Achaia und Elis in der Antike (Meletemata

13), 1991, 249-258; Id.,

“Ayoountes Matoatxijs, in: P. N. DouKELLIs, L. G. MENDONI (ed.), Structures rurales et sociétés antiques, 1994, 405-424; A. D. Rizaxts, Achaie, vol. 2: La cité de Patras:

epigraphie et histoire (Meletemata 25), 1998.

Kel

paternal power in the German Civil Code was only replaced in Germany following an interim stage of parental power with effect from 1.1.1980 by paternal care, in Rome referred to the extensive right of control which the > pater familias exerted over the family. Originally the PP, like the > manus over the wife (-» Marriage III.C.), probably had no legal boundaries, but merely moral and religious ones. The transgression of these could, for example lead to a loss of honour or an exclusion from the nobility or the equites. In Imperial times the PP was more and more restricted in law. Thus, for example, the right of life and death over the children was abolished and killing by the father resulting from it was punished as a capital offence (Cod. Theod. 9,15,1). However, the right to expose children (> Child exposure) and in part to dispose of them remained. More specifically the father could, by delivering the children to the wronged person for punishment or ‘utilization’ (in the sense of an obligation to provide services or selling them into slavery), free himself from his liability for his dependents in terms of the PP (+ noxa). The possibility to dispose of dependants was also related to the freeing from the PP through > emancipatio. The core of the PP was the exclusive ability to acquire, use and dispose of the family’s property (s. +> patrimonium): where, for example, a son in power

received something in the completion of contract, it fell within the patrimony of the father. The son could freely bind himself to others for performance and could be sued and convicted both in terms of the formulary procedure (+ formula) and the imperial civil law procedure (— cognitio). However,

Ill. BYZANTINE PERIOD Like the rest of the — Peloponnesus, P. in the late

Roman and early Byzantine periods belonged to the province of > Achaia, and from the end of the 7th cent. was part of the > théma of Hellas. By 811, it was included in the newly-founded théma of Peloponnesos. The

where the sons had no

property of their own, the execution became impossible. The son in power’s ability to take out a loan was prohibited from the time of the Emperor Vespasian (AD 69-79) by way of a SC Macedonianum. The private property that was given to sons living and keeping house outside the paternal household

605

606

(> peculium), at the same time remained legally the property of the father, who could be held liable under a specific action (actio de peculio) based on the property, or with other adjectitious action (referring to the son’s business) (> actio [2.B.]). If the father took away the peculium from the son without good reason, he acted contrary to accepted custom (— mos maiorum). From this there developed in the time of Augustus a limited capacity for the son to own property personally: Everything that a soldier obtained during his service (especially pay and booty) fell under the privilege of military service and became the free property of the son as peculium castrense. This was extended in late antiquity to members of the civil service and the clergy. Apart from that, in late antiquity the pater familias lost the capacity to dispose of property which children had obtained from their mother (if she had full legal capacity) through a will or donation (bona materna), later also

from others (bona adventicia). The PP began on the side of the father with the acquisition of his own legal capacity (typically following the death of his own father), on the side of the children it generally began with birth within wedlock. It was also possible to subject oneself to the PP through > adoption, in which case arrogatio (adoption through a decision of the comitia curiata) extended to the persons

(previously) subject to the adoptee’s power. The PP was a legal institution of the ius civile (> ius E.2.). Accord-

ingly, the legitimate father or the adopter had to be a Roman citizen; in case of subjection to the PP through birth within wedlock the mother also had to have citizen’s rights or > conubium with a Roman husband. The PP was generally terminated only with the death of the pater familias, thus even the highest official of state, the consul, could in private-law terms be subject to the PP of his father. The physical death was equated to the civil one: The loss of freedom or civil rights through > deminutio capitis (A.) also served to terminate the PP. The same applied to the severing of a family bond through adoption or emancipation. In the latter case the emancipated son kept his peculium as his own property. This demonstrated the most important function of emancipation: It could be achieved that among many sons, only one was appointed legal successor to the person in control of the family and in particular that he was appointed heir of all the business (suus heres), while the others were compensated during the lifetime of the testator. Having once recognized a newborn as a legitimate child (— Birth) and decided against exposing the child, the pater familias could not withhold the PP from a descendant for no reason, e.g. as a punishment. If a child was banished from the house, he legally remained under the PP. > Bona;

> Civil

law;

—

Family;

— Pater

Familias;

-» Patriarchy; > Patrimonium HonsELL/MAYER-MALY/SELB,

63f., 410ff.; KASER, RPR

vol. 1, 60-65, 341-350; RPR vol. 2, 202-206; A. RABELLO, Effeti personali della PP, 1979; W. K. Lacey, P.P., in: B. Rawson (ed.), The Family in Ancient Rome:

PATRIARCH

New Perspectives, 1986, 1992; R. P. SALLER, PP and the

Stereotype of the Roman Change 1, 1986, 7-22.

Family, in: Continuity

and Gs:

Patriarch. (xatoieyn¢/patridrches). It is impossible to determine precisely when the term patriarch, originally an honorific, became an official title in the Christian

Eastern Orthodox Church. It is first documented in the acts of the Synod of Constantinople (Concilium Constantinopolitanum

381, Canon

2). The concept was

introduced into the administrative language of the church through the Greek church fathers (cf. Greg. Naz. Or. 43,37 = PG 36, 545C) and their exegesis of the Old Testament. In the ecclesiastical usage of Late Antiquity, patridrchés referred to the honorary office heading a church dioskésis; the office and position were not necessarily associated with a specific diocese within that district (cf. the often misinterpreted passage in Socr. 8,5,13-20!). This subtle distinction between offi-

cial function and honorary title was clearly maintained in the synod acts of the 5th and 6th cents. AD, and even in the novellae of emperor Justinian [1] I the respective office of bishop or archbishop is usually mentioned before the office of patriarch. Nevertheless, the dioceses of the centres of the Roman Empire (hence also the administrative headquarters of the civil dioikéseis; > diotkésis Il) were of particular importance from the 4th cent. AD on. These included Rome, Constantinople, Alexandria [1] and — already somewhat less important — Antioch [1] as the residence of the diocese of Anatoliké. Since the Church, parallel to the state administration, was striving to establish a strictly hierarchical system (Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum = ACO, Nikaia I, Canon 4 and 6), there was no way of avoiding a dispute over the religious preeminence of the old and the new capital; a decision was made (ACO Constantinople I, Canon 2 and 3) in favour of Rome over Constantinople (confirmed once more in 545 by Nov. lust. 131,2). In 451 the Synod of Calchedon (Canon 28) abandoned the dio/késis system in place at that time, which meant that the dioceses of Asia, Pontus and Thracia were now placed under the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of Constantinople. The provinces of Palaestina I-III were withdrawn from Antioch [1] and assigned to the Archbishop of Jerusalem. This resulted in the geographical establishment of the four Oriental Orthodox patriarchies that still exist today, as well as Rome’s position as the » patriarchy of the West«. In addition, Nov. Iust. 123,3 set down in 546 the hierarchical order of Rome, Constantinople, Alex-

andria, Antioch and Jerusalem. In the West, the position of patriarch without an official function continued to exist until well into the 7th cent., as shown, for example, by > Aquileia/Grado (cf. > Venetia). In the East, in contrast, the creation of

new jurisdictional units in 451 meant that the function of archbishop had to be made more important in the subsequent period. There was a good opportunity to do

PATRIARCH

607

so by taking the old title of patriarch and assigning it exclusively to the officials in the aforementioned four (or five) cities. In 541, all patriarchs were still clearly considered to be representatives of the oikouméne (cf. e.g. Nov. Iust. to9, Prooemium); this term is understood to be, in a political sense, an equivalent to the Imperium Romanum. The restriction of the Ecumenical

Patriarchy to — Constantinople and the Orthodox East, which was to be of consequence in further disputes with the Roman Pope, gained importance, particularly from the 7th cent. From that time on the patriarchs also succeeded in exerting increased influence on the selection of Byzantine emperors and supporting their own candidates for the throne. In contrast to the patriarchs, the function of the ec-

clesiastical metropolites was limited from the very beginning. The metropolite was the head of the ecclesiastical administration in the Roman provinces during the 4th cent. Thus his area of competence was predetermined by the administrative organization of the Imperium Romanum. G. PRINZING, K.-P. TopT, s. vy. Patriarchat, LMA 6, 17851789 (bibl.); Maximos, Metropolit von Sardis, Tov

Oixzovpevixov Tlateumoyetov év tH dED0ddEM exxdnota, 1972, 33-265; CH. SCHWEIZER, Hierarchie und Organi-

sation der rémischen Reichskirche in der Kaisergesetzgebung vom 4. bis zum 6.Jh., 1991, 44-71; V. Pert, La dénomination de patriarche dans la titulature ecclésiastique du IV‘ au XVI siécle, in: Irénikon 64, 1991, 359-364; M. J. Leska, Legalization of Ursurpers’ Power in Byzantium from the 7" to the First Half of the 9‘ Century, in: W. CERAN (ed.), Historia Bizancjum, 1996, 159-175 (Polish

with English and French summaries).

L. H.

Patriarchy (literally ‘rule of the fathers’). A. GENERAL COMMENTS

B. FAMILY

C. SOCIETY

A. GENERAL COMMENTS Patriarchy is a modern term referring to the position

of authority of adult men in the > family, in establishing relationships between the family and society and in fulfilling political responsibilities. The word patriarchy gained its significance in academic discourse through BACHOFEN

[1], who saw the organization of ancient

society according to a ‘paternal principle’ as following, in terms of development and institutional history, a phase (which cannot be historically documented) that was characterized by a ‘maternal principle’ (— Matriarchy). The term patriarchy is imprecise in the sense that physical fatherhood was not required in either Greek or Roman society to establish men’s dominance over women and property and for men to represent the

608

Ancient theory of the state explained the patriarchy based on the position of the man in the > family, which was regarded as the basic unit of the state, applying that position to the public sphere (Aristot. Pol. 1252b 1-22: already with reference to Homer and Hesiod; 1253b 5-11; 1259a 37-b 4; Cic. Off. 1,17,54). The equality between men and women in > Plato’s [1] Politeia presupposed the dissolution of the family, but remained occasional speculation that was not advocated before or after Plato even by the champions of social equality (> Phaleas

of Chalcedon;

- Human

rights); it was

abandoned by Plato himself in the Nomoi and critized by > Aristotle [6]. The claim of men to rule over women »like a statesman« (Aristot. pol. 1259a 41) and over children »like a king« (ibid. 1259b ro) was directly derived from Greek theory of the state and from the idea that »the masculine is physically (physei) more suited than the feminine to leadership« (ibid. 1259b 1-2). In Rome, with the exception of general remarks on the authority (s7aiestas) of the husband (e.g. Cato [1] the Elder in Liv. 34,2-4; Zon. 9,17), the primacy of men

tended to be implied indirectly, through the negative traits of women that were frequently referred to in legal documents: gender-specific physical weakness (infirmitas sexus), mental weakness (imbecillitas mentis), instability of character (levitas animi) and a lack of legal knowledge (ignorantia iuris) constitute the respective opposites of male abilities, which are not explicitly formulated [2. 105, 157]. The general decision-making monopoly usually held by married men (i.e. fathers) that was recognized and

legally based (primarily with respect to inheritance law) or established through convention did not preclude some substantial differences both between individual states and within a given state over various periods. Such differences are apparent in the realm of politics, for example, which showed a sizeable east-west differential in the direct participation of women in government rule in the Asia Minor/Hellenistic region (cf. ~» Ada; > Arsinoe [If 1-6]; + Cleopatra [II 4-12]), as well as in increased opportunities for women to pursue gainful occupations and/or to possess significant wealth with only formal involvement by a legal guardian (> kyrios Il.; > patronus; > tutela), and thus to gain considerable social prestige and some degree of influence, for example as benefactresses. Furthermore, the broad discussion of inheritance law in Rome, which

was oriented solely to the husband (mas) and to the succession of family power from father to son offers considerably better conditions for examining the position of the father (— pater familias; > patria potestas) than conditions in the Greek world.

‘house’ (> otkos; > domus) vis-a-vis the outside world,

legally and politically. Unlike the case of the ‘rule of women’ (> Gynaecocracy), which never actually existed, although it was sometimes feared, the ancient

world had no term for the general dominance of men (‘androcracy’, for example), which was regarded as the normal state of affairs.

B. FAMILY In Greece and Rome, the husband, as the father, de-

termined only a few days after the + birth of a child whether the child was to be taken into the family and thus also into the community of citizens. In Rome this decision regarding the right of citizenship (> civitas B.)

609

610

was final, while in Greece it required further confirmation by the >> phratria, to whom the child was presented by the father, who was required to swear to the child’s legitimacy. In Rome the ‘lifting up of children’

GySOClETY In the social and political sphere, it is questionable whether the term patriarchy in its literal sense can be used in connection with antiquity, particularly since in a number of states (e.g. Sparta and Rome) it overlaps with the ‘rule of the elders’ (gerontocracy) in the sense of institutionally-based political power held by elders (accordingly, > gerousia and — senatus are derived from gerontes and senes, ‘elders’, respectively). The use of the word patres (literally ‘fathers’) for the members of the Roman Senate shows that pater (and > patronus) were employed beginning in archaic times primarily to emphasis a social position (cf. pater patratus in the ritual of the > fetiales; > pater patriae; the deity > Dis

(tollere liberos) referred only to sons; for daughters it

was only ordered that they continue to be fed. If this order or ‘the lifting up’ did not occur, the child was done away without shedding blood (through smothering, starvation, > child exposure; Dig. 25, 3,4). This absolute power of the father over a newborn child continued, in Rome, in the form of power over the life and death of a wife and adult children (ius vitae necisque; > patria potestas); in Greece it was restricted to the time of a child’s birth. Unlike in Greece, where women had no right to participate in assigning the right of citizenship (> politeia 1), even under the Athenian law of 451 BC on citizenship rights, which required that the mother be a citizen in order for a birth to be legitimate, in Rome an unmarried freeborn or freed mother could pass on Roman citizenship to a ‘child of undetermined conception’ (vulgo quaesiti) independent of the father. The father was completely in control of establishing social relationships beyond the family, by organizing marital alliances: a daughter exchanged the rule of her father (or his representative from the paternal line) for the rule of a husband who, in Rome, was usually still under the control of his father (> manus; > Marriage).

The legal status of a woman as a daughter did not change with marriage: in Greece, daughters could be taken back by their fathers; in Rome a woman entered into a filial relationship (filiae loco) with her husband in the case of a manus marriage, and the husband was in charge of her dowry, although through marriage (not through the birth of a child!) a woman rose to the social rank of a > mater familias or + matrona [1]. As men’s

power relaxed beginning in the 2nd cent. BC and the manus marriage practically disappeared, married daughters remained under the control of their fathers. There were significant differences in the father’s position within the family resulting from the time of succession, which occurred in Rome only following the death of the father (post mortem), but in Greece while he was still alive (inter vivos) (Dion. Hal. Ant. 2,26,2-4; [4. 109]). While the power of a Roman father over his wife, children and property continue unabated until he died, only then being transferred to his sons (including minor or unmarried sons), a Greek father became dependent on his sons and required legal protection against abuse that might force him to transfer his assets or to work on the property that was now under a son’s control, while a son was required by law to care for his

PATRIARCHY

Pater), while the word atta could refer to a physical

father — a differentiation that is not available in the Greek language. Although it was an unspoken assumption in both Greece and Rome that one would marry to sire children, and in Rome it was considered a ‘duty of citizenship’ to produce sons (Sen. Benef. 3,33,4; Plin. Epist. 6,15,3),

a man’s right to act as a judge, a party or a

witness in court, to issue a warranty,

to vote and to

assume political and in most cases sacred offices (see, however, > flamines; > archon (basileus); > pontifex maximus) was not linked to the requirement of mar-

riage, let alone to physical fatherhood, provided that he was a citizen. Even the marital laws of Augustus (see > lex Iulia et Papia) penalized only those who were unmarried, not married men without children. Only the extended meaning of the word patriarchy in the sense of the ‘rule of men’ makes clear that in ancient society only the portion of the citizenry that was physically capable of fatherhood had a right to shape public affairs internally (legislation, administration) and externally (diplomacy, war). This held true in Rome for the sacred sphere as well; insofar as women were entrusted with cultic duties, they had the status of a daughter, as the wife of either a flamen (> confarreatio) or the pontifex maximus, who held control over the > Vestal Virgins similar to that of a father. In Greek regions, priestesses in cities which were frequently under the protection of female primary deities (Hera, Athena) were not subject to this sort of pa-

ternalism, but they too lacked political power and the ability to pass on their offices. + Family; > Gender roles; » Gynecocracy; > Inheritance law; > Marriage; > Mater familias; > Pater familias; > Patria potestas; > Woman 1 J. J. BACHOFEN, Das Mutterrecht, 1861

2 Y. THOMAS,

Die Teilung der Geschlechter im rémischen Recht, in: G.

parents (Lys. 10,8 = 11,4; Aeschin. Or. 1,28; Demosth.

Dupy, M. Perrot (ed.), Geschichte der Frauen, vol. r: P.

Or. 24,102f.; [5. test. no. 450]). Moreover, a Roman father was protected against legal action by those dependent on his control (wife, children, freedmen and

ScHMiTT PANnTEL (ed.), Antike, 1993, 105-171 3/1d., Rom: Vater als Birger in einer Stadt der Vater, in: A. Bur-

-women), while in the Greek sphere it was possible for

sons to assert claims against their fathers even if such claims threatened a father’s existence (cf. Plato, Euthyphro).

GUIERE, CH. KLAPISCH-ZUBER et al. (ed.), Geschichte der Familie, vol. 1: Altertum, 1996, 277-326 4 W.K. Lacey,

Die Familie im antiken Griechenland, 1983

5 A. Mar-

TINA (ed.), Solon. Testimonia veterum, 1968.

G. LERNER, The Creation of Patriarchy, 1986; M. SKINNER,

Classical

Studies,

Patriarchy

and

Feminism:

The

PATRIARCHY

View from 1986, in: Women’s Studies International Forum 10, 1987, 181-186; R. P. SaLLER, Patriarchy, Pro-

perty and Death in the Roman Family, 1994.

W.ED.

Patricii. The name patricii was given to the descendents of the patres, who were the heads of the great Roman families represented in the > senatus; the patriciate then formed the hereditary estate of the > nobility in Rome. The historiographic tradition traces the origins of the patriciate back to Rome’s foundation: > Romulus himself is said to have formed the Senate (Cic. Rep. 2,23), with the original number of senators given as 100 (Liv. 1,8,7; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,8,3; Plut. Romulus

13,2). At first, the people took part in the selection of senators

612

611

(Dion.

Hal.

Ant.

Rom.

2,12);

the

other

Romans as > clientes were subordinate to the patronate of the patricii (Cic. Rep. 2,16; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,9-11; Plut. Romulus 13,7-9). Ancus > Marcius [I 3] (Liv. 1,35,6), > Tarquinius Priscus (Cic. Rep. 2,35; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 3,67,1) or perhaps the later L. Junius [I 4] Brutus (Tac. Ann. 11,25,2) is said to have augmented the original gentes maiores of the patricii with the gentes minores and thus brought the Senate to 300 members; in this context, the difference between the gentes maiores and minores remains unclear because an affiliation with the gentes minores is supported by evidence for the > Papirii only (Cic. Fam. Cpyrain))

Archaeologically,

the

social

differentiation

the early plebeian consuls had only later been integrated into the fasti, then the equestrian nobility of the royal period would have assumed power right at the beginning of the Republic, while still integrating the powerful gens of the Claudii after their move to Rome from the land of the Sabines

(Liv. 2,16,4-5; Dion. Hal. Ant.

Rom. 5,40; Plut. Poplicola 21; placing the dates within the royal period: Suet. Tib. 1,1; App. Reg. 12). At any rate, the patricii appear as a defined class during the middle of the 5th cent. BC with a prohibition of marriage between the patricii and plebeii contained in the law of the Twelve Tablets (— tabulae duodecim) which probably only codified existing law. However, it is said to have been revoked in 445 BC asa result of a plebiscite of the people’s tribune C. > Canuleius [1] (Cic. Rep. 2,63; Liv. 4,1-6). In the > Struggle of the orders between patricti and plebeii,

the

issues

were,

on

the

one

hand,

social

demands (the question of debts) and, on the other hand, appointments to the magistracies (— magistratus). As a

result of the settlement of 367 (leges Liciniae Sextiae, Liv. 6,35,4f.), the consulate as the highest magistracy was consolidated and, at the same time, one of the two positions was reserved in principle for the plebeti and later in general. Soon thereafter (336 BC), the plebeii had access to the newly created praetorship, before that, the offices of magister equitum (368), the dictatorship (356) and the censorship (3 51) had been opened

of

to them. However, it took another two centuries until

society in Latium (> Latint) from the 8th/7th cents. BC

the patricii were no longer represented at all in a com-

is particularly evident in the rich burial culture. Based on those finds, there was a leading social class which was structured into gentes and distinguished by wealth, clientele, service in the cavalry (> equites Romani) and

the administration of priestly offices. Vis-a-vis the kings, who came from outside and changed often, this class presented itself in an organised manner as a council of the nobility. Evidence for this can be found especially in the institution of the interregnum, which originally probably bridged the time of the five-day retreat of the (magic) king at the turn of the year, but then generally the intermediate times without a king (Cic. Rep. 2,23; Liv. 1,17,5-6; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,57; Plut. Numa

2,9f.). The office of the > interrex always

remained the privilege of the patrician senators who thus also demonstrated their genuine ownership of the auspication right. The end of the monarchy transferred to the patricii the sole position of supremacy in Rom, but the reconstruction of this process is nevertheless debatable. According to tradition, the Senate was initially enlarged with plebeian members and the form of address patres conscripti

introduced

(Liv.

2,1,r0-11)

which

was,

however, already attributed to the royal period; in the consular > fasti of the first years of the Republic, numerous plebeian names appear. According to that, the ‘consolidation of the patriciate’ only took place a few decades later, together with a determination and possibly also an extension of the patrician privileges. If

mittee of consuls (172) or censors (131). As a result of

the reorganisation of the priestly offices of the > augures and pontifices (— pontifex), the patricii also lost their monopoly in these important committees (/ex Ogulnia: Liv. 10,6-9). Their right of review as part of the required subsequent confirmation of legislation and elections (patrum auctoritas) was cancelled in the legislative domain by the lex Publilia of 338 (Liv. 8,12,15), in the domain of elections by the lex Maenia at the beginning of the 3rd cent. (Cic. Brut. 55) in favour of a prior approval. Even though the patricii, who in this manner had lost their power, were replaced as a leading political class by the nobility (— nobiles) which had formed itself since the 4th cent., they nevertheless retained a range of honorary rights and perogatives. Amongst these were the interregnum as well as the ability to become > princeps senatus, and also at an outward level the patrician shoe (calceus patricius), too. Just as the > rex sacrorum and the -> salii, the > flamines maiores, too, remained patrician; they had to descend from a couple married according to the special rite of the > confarreatio. Naturally, as their numbers could no longer be replenished, the number of patrician families steadily declined. While there were about 50 in the 5th cent. BC (Dion. Hal. Ant. 1,85,3), there were just 14 towards the end of the Republic. The right to appoint patricii (Tac. Ann. 11,25,2; Suet. Iul. 41,1) was given to Caesar in 45

614

613

or 44 BC based ona

lex Cassia, to Caesar (C. Octavius),

the later Augustus, in 30 BC based on a lex Saenia. Later, too, Augustus still cared about almost forgotten patrician families. These attempts at renewal and resuscitation, which later emperors also joined (Claudius: Tac. Ann.

11,25,2), each time had short-term effects

only. In the 3rd cent., the hereditary patriciate died out; the title of patricius in Late Antiquity had a completely different meaning (+ patrikios [1]). 1A. Atr6upy,

Der friihrémische Reiteradel und seine

Ehrenabzeichen, 1952 2 E. J. BicKERMAN, Some Reflections on Early Roman History (1969), in: Id., Religions and Politics in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods, 1985,

523-540

3M.

DI

The Latin of Saint Patrick, 1961 7K. Mras, St. P. als Lateiner, in: AAWW 1953/6,99-113 8 E. A. THOMPSON,

Who was Saint Patrick?, 1985.

W.B.

[2] Father of the Justinian compilator —» Leontius [5] (Const. Dedoken § 9), he was the most important professor of law in Berytus in the 2nd half of the 5th cent. AD. His commentaries on the imperial laws were taken into account in the Codex Iustinianus, and were excerpted in the scholia to the Basilica (roth cent.). PLRE II 839; A. BERGER, s.v. Patrikios, RE 18.4, 22442249;

D. Simon,

Aus dem

Kodexunterricht

lelaios, in: ZRG 87, 1970, 315-394, hl. 393.

des Tha-

T.G.

A. Levi, Plebei e patrizi nella Roma

arcaica, 1992 4R. E. MITCHELL, Patricians and Plebeians. The Origin of the Roman State, 1990 5 A.

MOomMIGLIANO, Osservazioni sulla distinzione fra patrizi e plebei, in: E. Gyerstap, F. E. Brown (ed.), Les Origines de la republique romaine (Entretiens 13), 1967, 197-221

6 P.-Cu. RANOuIL, Recherches sur le patriciat (509-366 avant J.-C.), 1975

PATRII

7 J.-C. RicHarD, Patricians and Ple-

beians: The Origin of a Social Dichotomy,

in: K. A.

RAAFLAUB (ed.), Social Struggles in Archaic Rome, 1986, IO§-129.

J.v.U.-S.

Patricius [1] (St. Patrick). P., a Briton, was abducted and taken to Ireland when he was 16; he was sold as a slave and fled

six years later. Following a »voice of the Irish« (Confessio 23), he returned to Ireland (in AD 432?) as a bishop. He died on the 17th of March (461? or 4912). His charisma is attested by his autobiography, entitled Confessio [1. vol. 1, 56-91; 2; 4], and the prophetic, threatening Epistola ad milites Corotici [1. vol. 1, 91-

Patrii di. The patrii di (Greek Oeoi ntQ.oW/theoi patrioi or Oeol nate@ovtheoi patroioi, > theoi patrioi) were

nota fixed category of Roman > religious law, but represented an indigenous attempt to classify religious plurality in terms of the traditionalistic scheme typical of ancient religion: that of in-group/out-group. The ‘gods of the fathers’ gained some of their legitimacy from the fact that the ancestors were already worshipping them in accordance with the traditional value system (Latin patrii mores ritusque; Greek patrioi nomoi). Therefore, patrii di can refer to all those gods who occupied a central position in the local > pantheon because of their age (Verg. G. 1,498) and their present-day tutelary function (CiemPhiloso2. Mibeasn.n7. Ab ro2om 13 5: salutaris; AE 1928, 106 and 1978, 525: conservator),

and to those gods to whom a local religious identity was tied up. The term patrii di could allude to otherwise unspecified deities (plur.: Hor. Carm. 2,7,4; CIL V

O29 2)14))%

4207; sing.: CIL VIII 17627; AE 1953, 86) or define a

P. is marginal to Latin literature. His difficult Latin [6] was nourished by the Bible, whose pleonasms and solecisms he emphatically surpassed [1. vol. 2]. Since P. stated that his »speech and message were translated into a foreign tongue« (Confessio 9), his language has been regarded as a translator’s Latin on a Celtic foundation [7]. The often-emphasized isolation of the work [8. 153] does not apply to its literary form: the Confessio takes its place within the contemporary confession literature (~ Autobiography IV). P. saw himself as the apostle of the Irish (Confessio 34, 51 and 58), yet Prosper (ad annum 431; MGH AA 9,473) provided grounds for calling this claim into que-

deity more closely by the epithet ‘god of the fathers’ (CIL VIII 2678a; AE 1957, 246b; 1966, 507; [1. 142;

stion. Muirchu’s Vita S. Patricii, which depicted P. as a

miracle worker in the Celtic milieu [3. 62-1223 5. 238241], and Tirechan’s Vita S. Patricii, a collection of materials that included some passages of great charm [3. 122-166; 5. 241-243], emerged in the 7th cent. Ep.:

iL. Brever, Libri epistolarum S. Patricii episcopi, 2

vols., 1950-1952

2R.P.C. Hanson, Saint Patrick. Con-

fession et lettre a Coroticus (SChr 249), 1978 3 L. BIELER, The Patrician Texts in the Book of Armagh, 1979 4D.R. How ett, The Book of Letters of Saint Patrick the Bishop, 1994.

Lir.:

5 W. Berscutn, Biographie und Epochenstil im

lateinischen Mittelalter, vol. 2, 1988

6 C. MOHRMANN,

2. 2243f.]). Thus, at Rome, among

the deities called

patrii di were the di > penates publici who, as tradition had it, had been rescued from Troy by > Aeneas [1] and were vital to the continued existence of the community, as well as the di penates of individual households (Hyg. in Macrob. Sat. 3,4,13; cf. Cic. Dom. 144; Verg. Aen. 2,717; Hor. Sat. 2,5,4; August. Res Gest. app. 2) and the > Lares (Tib. 1,10,15; Juv. 12,89; CIL V 4206). The patrii di were also vitally important in shaping a religious identity during migration. On the one hand, the worship of deities of the new territory as patrii di by traders, officials and the military (ILS 9266) interpreted the unfamiliar with the categories of personal religious experience in an effort to propitiate the gods of the new region (cf. [3. 161f.; 4]). On the other hand, the continuation of the cult of the patrii di of the homeland in the diaspora by individuals |5. 45-47] and professional [6] and ethnic groups [8-11] — with consecrations [r. 142f.] both to the ‘paternal’ gods alone (CIL VI 32550; AE 1910, 133; 1962, 229 and 241; 1957, 246b) and jointly with the ‘new’ gods (CIL VI 32551; AE 1983, 7953; ILS 8995 =IGIV 1°, 417; [7]) — synthesized traditional and new ways of life within the framework

PATRI

DI

616

615

of an fundamentally open > polytheism. The worship of patrii di brought fromthe homeland into a new environment was the expression of a specific process of religious and social identity forming (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,19,3; [8. 183-186]). The degree to which the cult was institutionalised in its new environment ranged from isolated, often epigraphically unique dedications to the

in: G. TER Haar

1998, AN.BE.

Patrikios (matoixioc/patrikios, from Lat. patricius). From the time of Constantine [1] I until about the rrth cent., a court title (> court titles) in the Roman-Byzantine empire for high officials and officers.

establishment of a permanent cult (e.g. AE 1944, 74;

LMA 6, 1789-1791; ODB 3, 1600; W. Heit, Der konstantinische Patriziat, 1966. ET.

1980, 755; [6]). In Rome alone [8. 205-284], numer-

ous cultic centres took root for the many patrii di imported by migration: e.g. > Epona, > Isis, Iuppiter -» Dolichenus and the deities of Syrian cult [9] on the

(ed.), Strangers and Sojourners,

77-94:

Patrimi see > Amphithaleis paides

+ Taniculum, the Palmyrenian deities (> Baal, > Ma-

lachbelos) in Trastevere [10; 11], > Sabazius, perhaps also > Mithras, and the synagogues of the Jewish and churches of the Christian congregations. Min. Fel. 6,1 regards the inclusion of many individual patrii di in the Roman > pantheon as a benefit of the Roman religious system. However, integration could become problematic when the ‘foreignness’ of the new patrii di and the migrants who brought them does not keep balance within that system with the indigenous religious tradition. In times of crisis and radical change, the elite in particular saw new and foreign elements as undermining the religious and moral values rooted in the cults of the original patrii di (> Bacchanalia: Liv. 39,16,10) and reacted by having recourse to the patrius ritus (Cic. Leg. 2,1 9ff.; Cass. Dio 52,36) and the (temporary) exclusion of foreign elements from Republican and Imperial Rome (followers of Bacchus: Liv. 39,17-19; followers of Sabazius and Jews: Val. Max. 1,3,3; Jews: Tac. Ann. 2,85; Suet. Claud. 25; followers of Isis: Val. Max.

1,3,4; Tac. Ann.

2,85; Cass. Dio

5352545 54,6,6; [8. 41-47]). The limits of the capacity for religious integration are visible objection against Christian > monotheism, outright rejection of all patrii diand thus of the

religious tradition as such (Clem.

pagan in the sc. its pagan

Al. Protreptikos

10,89; Arnob. 2,66f.; Euseb. Praep. evang. 1,2,1ff.). + Mos maiorum 1 R. MACMULLEN, Paganism in the Roman Empire, 1981 2 W. Ary, s.v. Patrii di, RE 18.4, 2242-2244 3G.L. IrBy-Massie, Military Religion in Roman Britain, 1999

Patrimonium A. Concert

B.PRIVATELAW

D. PATRIMONIUM

C. ‘PUBLIC LAW

CAESARIS

A. CONCEPT In relation to the term familia (> Family IV. B.), originally of a similar meaning. The meaning of patrimonium (etymologically reconstructed from patris munia, ‘matters/affairs of the > pater familias’) was restricted purely to matters of property, but in legal terminology, it was expanded to include all complex legal matters involving property that were of importance for transactions in private or public law, i.e. generally matters of ‘real/physical property’. B. PRIVATE LAW The concept of property in Roman private law contains not only unrestricted and visible rights of possession such as the ownership in land, livestock or chattels, but also restricted rights in property — such as security, use of property or mortgage — as well as those rights existing only as claims (obligations); furthermore,

it

allows women to own property and a group of owners to hold a property (Dig. 27,1,21,2; 50,4,4,1). In con-

trast to today’s legal practice, Roman legal tradition does not have a concept of ‘negative’ property consisting of debts only; property in Roman law generally consists of assets only (Dig. 5,1,50,1; 35,3,1,12)-

C. ‘PUBLIC LAW’

41. Haynes, Religion in the Roman Army: Unifying Aspects and Regional Trends, in: H. Cancix, J. RUPKE

In the public sphere, patrimonium may refer to property associated with the > res publica, the civitates

(ed.), R6mische

(> civitas A.), corporationes

Reichsreligion

und

Provinzialreligion,

1997, 113-126 5 W. Eck, Religion und Religiositat in der soziopolitischen Fihrungsschicht der Hohen Kaiserzeit, in: Id. (ed.), Religion und Geschichte

in der rémischen

Kaiserzeit, 1989, 15-51 6 M. Humpuries, Trading Gods in Northern Italy, in: H. PARKINS, CH. SMITH (ed.), Trade, Traders and the Ancient City, 1998, 203-224 7 E. FENTrESS, Dii Mauri and di patrii, in: Latomus 37, 1978, 507516 8D. Noy, Foreigners at Rome, 2000 9 J. CALZINI GysENs, Dieux ancestraux et Baals syriens attestés a Rome, in: G. M. BELLELLI, U. Brancut (ed.), Orientalia sacra urbis Romae. Dolichena et Heliopolitana, 1996, 261-276 10 E. EQuINI SCHNEIDER, Palmireni a Roma e nell’Africa del nord, in: E. CAMPANILE e.a. (ed.), Bilinguismo e biculturalismo nel mondo antico, 1988, 61-66

11 L. Dirven, The Palmyrene Diaspora in East and West,

and

other

universitates

(‘group of owners’; — collegium; > Associations); however, these cases never involve objects which are in public use (i2 usu publico), but only those where the legal power of the general public can be equated to that of a private individual in terms of disposal of the property (in patrimonio fisci or populi, Dig. 1,8,2 pr.; CO

a7 2. UA

Gat 4 Dis).

D. PATRIMONIUM

CAESARIS From the time of > Augustus, the term patrimonium Caesaris was used to refer to the special property which the emperor had acquired ‘as a private person’ or which he took advantage of for himself and his family. These

617

618

assets existed in addition to the republican treasury (aerarium populi Romani; > aerarium) and the financial means that the emperor as holder of the office and commander in chief was especially entitled to or that had come his way (fiscus Caesaris; — fiscus). In reality, however, the patrimonium Caesaris was not only the property ofthe ruler as a person, but largely belonged to the system of ‘public finances’ because of the size of the possessions and its frequent use for public and political purposes (R. Gest. div. Aug. 15; 17; 18). In early Imperial times, the patrimonium Caesaris also owed its size in part to bequests and the last will and testament of private persons (Suet. Aug. ro1,3), which frequently came into being under pressure (Suet. Cal. 38,2; Suet.

demands consideration of Cleisthenes and his patriot nomot as well as Solon’s politeia. Aristotle’s assertion (Ath. Pol. 34,3) that the peace treaty of 404 explicitly

Nero 32,2; Suet. Dom. 12,2). The use of the term patri-

monium for the ‘private assets’ of the emperor continued into the time of the late antique law codes (sacrum p.: Cod. Theod. 9,42,3; Cod. lust. 10,17,1). However, during the course of the Imperial period, the ‘private assets’ of the emperor were allocated on several occasions to the financial area of the res privatae (nostrae) — which had been renamed since the time of > Septimius Severus — and later were identical with the sacrae largitiones (Cod. lust. 12,23,9). Even the administration of the more personal private property of the emperor (the domus divina) was carried out over lengthy periods under the res privatae (Not. dign. or. 14,3), whose top official, the comes rerum privatarum or sacrarum largitionum (> comes), had a procurator patrimonii (— procurator; Cod. Theod. 9,42,3) as next in line. In

the time of > Anastasius [1], the independence of the imperial patrimonium vis-a-vis other financial departments was again highlighted by the fact that it had its own top level administrators, the comes sacri patrimoni (Cod. lust. 1,34). Estates in the imperial patrimonium used by tenants had a different position in law (> emphyteusis) compared to other government estates used by tenants (Cod. lust. 11,62,1). + Aerarium; > Familia; > Fiscus; > Private wealth Kaser, RPR FP, 305, 377; I*, 152f., 308; HIRSCHFELD, 18-25; 40-46; JONES, LRE, 425f. Ce

Patrios Politeia (xdteio¢ nodtteta/pdtrios politeia, ‘Constitution of the Fathers’). Political slogan; in the ~» Athens of the > Peloponnesian War (431-404 BC), enduring the pressure of stark polarizations and in view of military defeats, it was an incitement to a renunciation of ‘radical’ democracy. However, the political and historical paradigm for any return to the PP- Dracon [2] ({Aristot.] Ath. Pol. 4,2f.), > Solon’s eunomia, Cleis-

thenes [2] or the ‘Rule of Areopagus’ during the great + Persian War ({Aristot.] Ath. Pol. 23,1 and Aristot. Pol. 5,1304a) — remain controversial: thus, the large Thrasycrates fragment (85 F 1 DK, before 411 BC) urges in partiular the emulation of the political conditions of the recent (i.e. pre-Periclean) past, while the + Cleitophon amendment of 411 BC (in [Aristot.] Ath. Pol.

29,3

with

ch. 31; cf. Thuc.

8,76,6)

explicitly

PATROCINIUM

contained a revival of the PP in Athens, is based on a

patriotic and conservative legendary tradtion (4th cent. BC). After the bloody excesses of the Thirty (— tridkonta) in 404/3 BC, the term PP was discredited in public politics as an oligarchic and anti-democratic motto, and is carefully avoided in > Isocrates’ memoranda (Isoc. Or. 7,15 and 57; Or. 12,114f.). Under the oligarchies after 322 BC, however, the slogan was revived by the ‘return’ to the PP (cf. Diod. Sic. 18,18,3-6); this applies in par-

ticular to the regime of > Demetrius [4] of Phalerum, who promoted himself as the “Third Legislator’ of Athens (after Theseus and Solon!) (cf. Str. 9,1,20).

— Demokratia;

> Nomos |r]; > Oligarchia; > Politeia

S. A. CECCHIN, P. p., 1969; M. I. FINLEY, The Ancestral Constitution, 1973; G. A. LEHMANN, Oligarchische Herrschaft im klassischen Athen, 1997. GAL.

Patrobius. A rich freedman of > Nero who enjoyed the latter’s confidence. In AD 66, P. organised the gladiatorial games in Puteoli in honour of the Armenian king ~ Tiridates [5]. Their lavishness surpassed everything

that the people were used to. Galba [2] had him executed. PIR* P rér. WE. Patrocinium I. PouitrcaL

II. CHRISTIAN

IE Pron manKe A. DEFINITION

PATROCINIUM

B. MEASURES

C.SyRIA

AGAINST THE

D. GAUL

A. DEFINITION In Late Antiquity, the term patrocinium referred to relationships of protection and dependence, especially in rural areas, in which the coloni or small farmers

placed themselves under the protection of powerful office holders or the owners of large private landholdings. The patrocinium was primarily directed against the imperial administration, particularly against the tax collectors; the rural population sought to escape the obligation of paying taxes through the patrocinium. In modern scholarship, the patrocinium is frequently considered to be one of the factors which contributed to the dissolution of the Imperium Romanum. It is assumed that a large part of the population of the Empire thus evaded the immediate clutches of the administration, and a new class of potentes (‘powerful men’) were able

to keep representatives of away from their protected nium is thought to be (> colonatus) as one of the ism.

the central administration territory; thus, the patrocisimilar to the colonate roots of medieval landlord-

PATROCINIUM

B. MEASURES AGAINST THE PATROCINIUM

All imperial edicts regarding the patrocinium — from a period of more than 150 years, from AD 360 to Justinian (527-565) — refer to the east of the empire (cf. especially Cod. Theod. 11,24). The patroni were members of the military, for example the duces (~ dux) of the provinces, or civilian office holders, curiales, the

Church, there can to small military payment

eventually even private individuals. However, be no doubt that the patrocinium was granted farmers in the east primarily by civilian and office holders. At first, the patroni accepted in kind or in money for the services which they

rendered (Cod. Theod. 11,24,2; Cod. lust. 11,54,2; Lib. Or. 47,4; 47,11). However, the transfer of the cli-

entes’ property to the patronus was also possible (Cod. Theod.

11,24,6; Cod. lust. 11,54,1; Nov. lust. 17,13).

The rural patrocinium existed in both individual and collective forms, because both individual farmers and

entire villages submitted to the patrocinium (first record for the collective form of the patrocinium: Cod. Theod. 11,24,3 from AD 395). How resolutely the imperial administration fought against the patrocinium is shown by the constantly increasing punishments. While in 360, simple compensation was specified, in 368/370, the patroni were threatened with a fine of 25 pounds of gold, and in 399, 40 pounds of gold for every fundus (piece of land) accepted

in the patrocinium, and ultimately — also in 399 — even the confiscation of their own properties (Cod. Theod. 11,24,1f.3 11,24,4f.). The punishments for the clientes were even harsher; they could expect corporal punishment and, from 399 on, double the fine of their patronus (80 pounds of gold; Cod. Theod. 11,24,2; 11,24,4);

their property could also be confiscated (Cod. Theod. 11,24,5; Cod. lust. 11,54,1).

620

619

A constitution issued in

415, (Cod. Theod. 11,24,6) apparently especially for Egypt, shows that even these severe punishments did not have the desired deterrent effect. All patronage relationships which had been entered into by 397 were now legalized, although with the condition that the patroni, who were now officially considered to be the owners of the property under their patrocinium, met their obligations to the tax authorities. The government’s efforts to strengthen the village communities in the east appear to be connected with the fight against the patrocinium. The village inhabitants formed a consortium and were mutually liable for the taxes. As compensation, the consortes were granted the right of first refusal in the sale of village territory to third parties. Like the ban on the patrocinium, this privilege served to preserve small landholders, and was meant to prevent large landholders from settling in free villages and acquiring them or bringing them under their control piece by piece (Cod. Theod. 11,24,6: 415; Cod. lust. 11,56,1: 468). CAOVRITA As Libanius (Lib. Or. 47,11ff.) shows, the patroci-

nium was used not only against government tax collec-

tors, but also by dependent farmers against large landholders. The size of the patrocinium movement in Syria at the time of Libanius is very difficult to estimate. Syria in Late Antiquity was characterized by prosperous agriculture and a strong group of smallholders. Because there is no indication of a concentration process in Syrian agriculture in the 4th cent., the rural patrocinium can at most have spread here in the form in which the rural clientes paid their patroni in money and in kind, but did not cede their own property to them. D. GAUL The situation in Gaul in the middle of the 5th cent. AD appears to be fundamentally different: Salvianus describes how tax pressure drove many small farmers to submit themselves to the patrocinium of potentes in order to receive effective protection from the tax collectors (Salv. Gub. 5,18ff.). In return for protection, the clientes had to transfer their property to the patronus. According to Salvianus, it was only the patroni who profited from the patrocinium. If the clientes still held usufruct of their land, their children were ultimately driven from their patrimony (ibid. 5,40ff.). However, Salvianus’ work is frequently overestimated by scholars as a source for the social history of Gaul in the sth cent., because it is precisely the depiction of the patrocinium which contains contradictions and proves, in many places, to be unreliable. Contrary to the view which long predominated in scholarship, the rural patrocinium in the form described by Salvianus is hardly a characteristic feature of Late Antique society. The circumstances depicted by Salvianus merely represent a short-term agrarian crisis, which must be traced back to the difficult foreign policy situation in the middle of the sth cent. and the associated extreme economic stress on the regions of the western Roman Empire which were still under the control of the central government. -» Cliens, clientes; Colonatus; > Taxes 1 J.-M. Carri£, Patronage et propriété militaires au IV° siécle., in: BCH 100, 1976, 159-176 21. Hann, Das bauerliche P. in Ost und West, in: Klio 50, 1968, 179-199 3 Jones, LRE, 775-778 4J.-U. Krause, Spatantike Patronatsformen im Westen des Rémischen Reiches,

1987.

JK.

Il. CHRISTIAN During the period of the persecutions, Christian prayer rooms were purely gathering places without sacral character; their consecration to places of worship only began at the time of the legalization of Christianity in the 4th cent. AD. The practice of building churches over the graves of martyrs evolved into the idea — borrowed from the ancient patronate system — that a saint buried in a church, or present there through relics, gave the church its name and exercised patrocinium over it, that is the saint gave it special protection and was therefore venerated there (cf. e.g. Ambr. Epist. 77,11). In the 4th cent., the possession of relics became a necessity

621

622

for every church: previously established local churches from the early period, such as the Lateran basilica in Rome, later received relics through translation (transfer) and were correspondingly renamed (cf. e.g. Aug. Conf. 9,7,16). Only in Constantinople were the abstract patrocinia of Christ (not tied to relics), Holy Wisdom (— Hagia Sophia) and Holy Peace (Hagia Eirene), preserved. In the conversion of ancient temples to churches, an ancient deity was frequently supplanted by a Christian figure of corresponding character (Church of the Mother of God in the Parthenon of Athens, All Saints’ Church in the Pantheon of Rome),

PATROCLUS

OVERBECK, nos. 979, 983, 986-988; LoEWwy, nos. 86, 88,

89; G. BENDINELLI, s.v. P. (1), EAA 5, 1963, 992; A. LIn-

FERT, Die Schule des Polyklet, in: H. BECK (ed.), Polyklet. Ausstellung im Liebieghaus Frankfurt, 1990, 240-297; L. Topisco, Scultura greca del IV secolo, 1993, 46-47.

[7] A sculptor, son of Catillus of Crotona. A wooden Apollo with a gilded head by P., presumably an archaic work, was to be found in the treasury of the Sicyonians at Olympia. OVERBECK, no. 1041; EAA 5, 1963, 993 s.v. P. (2); FUCHS/ FLOREN, 428. R.N.

however this phenomenon of cult substitution is not constant and follows no fixed rules.

Patroclus

~ Martyrs; > Saints, Veneration of saints

Patrokleés; Lat. Patroclus).

A. ANGENENDT,

8s.v. Patron, LMA

6, 1806-1808

(with

detailed bibliography); TH. BAUMEISTER, s.v. Heiligenverehrung I, RAC 14, 105-150. AL.B.

Patrocles (Mateoxhijc; Patroklés). [1] Athenian, archon basileus in (404/)403 BC; a relative of > Isocrates, who defended him (Isoc. Or. 18,5). DEVELIN, 94 Nr. 1; TRAILL, PAA 768600.

[2] An Athenian from Phlya; his accusation of paranomia (+ Paranomon graphe) against > Demosthenes [2]

(Dem. Or. 18,5) was unanimously rejected and cost him a fine of 500 drachmas. TRAILL, PAA 768710.

K.KI.

[3] Greek commander at Babylon from 312 BC. Sent by Seleucus I and Antiochus [2] as leader of the fleet on a voyage of exploration (> Exploration, voyages of) to the Caspian Sea in around 285 and 282, he reconnoitred Indian trade on the Oxus (modern Amt Darya). In his work, now lost except for fragments, he allegedly stated that the Oxus flowed into the Caspian Sea; this was regarded by ancient > Geography as proof that India could be reached by water from every sea (FGrH pits 18 Zi) K.BRO. [4] Athenian tragedian ofthe 4th cent. BC, ridiculed by Aristoph. Plut. 83 and in his Pelargo/ (Aristoph. fr. 45 5 PCG) as rich and greedy. He may have been successful at the Lenaea in 380 BC, and is perhaps identical to P.

[5] (IrGF I 57/58). [5] Tragedian from Thurioi, perhaps identical to P. [4].

BZ.

{1] Son

([Idtooxdoc/Patroklos, of + Menoetius

[1] from

also Opus

Tateoxie/ (Hom.

IL.

11,814; his mother’s name is not given in Homer, alter-

native suggestions in Apollod. 3,176), best friend of + Achilleus [1]. In his childhood, P. kills a fellowplayer out of anger during a game of dice and then flees to Phthia to > Peleus, who gives him to Achilleus as a companion (Hom. Il. 23,85-90; Hellanikos FGrH 4 F 145; Apollod. 3,176). According to Pind. Ol. 9,70-79, even before the Trojan War proper, P. fights in the Teuthranian campaign against > Telephus on the side of Achilleus. Before their departure, Menoeteus had advised P., as the older but physically weaker, to be a counsellor to Achilleus (Hom. Il. 11,785-789). At Troy, P.,

the best of the > Myrmidones (ibid. 18,10), withdraws from the battle with the wrathful Achilleus. He prepa-

res food for the embassy that comes to petition Achilleus (ibid. 9,201-220). After > Nestor [1] spurs him on, as the situation seems hopeless, to enter the battle using Achilleus’ weapons (ibid. 11,796-803), P. encounters the wounded > Eurypylus [1] and takes care of him (ibid. 11,805-848; he has had instruction from Achilleus in the art of healing). P. stands at the centre of the action at Troy in bk.16 of the Iliad: at his request, Achilleus gives P. his armour but urges him not to carry the fighting too far (ibid. 16,64-100). P. leads the Myrmidons into battle and slays many opponents, including even Zeus’ son > Sarpedon (ibid. 16,490). Defying Achilleus’ warning, P. then charges against the city (ibid. 16,684-704), whereupon > Apollo reinforces the warning and spurs + Hector to fight P. (ibid. 16,705-726). It is also Apollo who strikes P., deprives him of his consciousness and his armour, so that > Euphorbos is able to wound

[6] Bronze sculptor, teacher and father of > Daedalus

him and then Hector kills him (ibid. 16,806—-821). As

[2] (2), of > Naucydes and of > Periclytus (several MSS: Polykleitos = Polycleitus). His main work, his collaboration on the many-figured victory dedication of Lysander [1] at Delphi after 405 BC, corresponds to the acme given by Pliny of 400-397 BC. P.’s inclusion in the family and school of > Polycleitus [1-2] cannot be confidently reconstructed, especially as none of the statues of the stylistic group can be attributed to P. with cer-

Hector mocks him in his death throes, P. prophesies Hector’s death at the hands of Achilleus (ibid. 16,830854). The long battle for P.’s corpse then ensues, at the end of which it is being rescued and laid on the bier (> Thetis protects it against decay: ibid. 19, 30-39). In bk. 23, his soul appears before Achilleus, foretells his impending death und wishes to be buried with him (ibid. 23,65-92). Achilles then organizes funeral games in P.’s honour. Str. 9,4,2 mentions a hero cult for P. in Sigeion.

tainty.

623

624

he also

Hasicut, 149ff.; H. HEINEN, Unt. zur hell. Gesch., 1972, r42ff.; M. LAauNEy, Etude d’histoire hellénistique, in:

PATROCLUS

The poet of the Iliad portrays P., whom

addresses directly (Hom. Il. 16,692f. et passim), sym-

pathetically as a magnanimous and sensitive hero, who cares selflessly for others [3. 138-140]. Although there is nowhere in the Iliad any explicit reference to homosexuality, despite their close friendship (cf. Aeschin. In Tim. 142), their relationship was later interpreted in that sense (Aesch. Myrmidones TrGF 3 F 134a-137; Plat. Symp. 179e-180a) [1. 196-199]. The close connection between Achilleus’ wrath and P.’s fate is probably a creation of the poet of the I/iad [2]. 1K. Dover, Greek Homosexuality,

1978

2 H. ERBSE, 3G.

Ilias und ‘Patroklie’, in: Hermes 111, 1983, 1-15 ZANKER, The Heart of Achilles, 1994.

|STE.

[2] Son of Patron, Macedonian, was for a long time active in the Aegean in the service of Ptolemy (timeframe: SEG 40, 730: 275 BC; IG XI 2,226 B 4: 257 BC). P.’s various activities were therefore not all necessarily linked to his involvement in the > Chremonidean War;

it is also unlikely that he defected from Alexandria to Athens, especially as P. was in 271/270 an eponymous Alexander priest. The inscriptions always refer him to as strateégos (as also Phylarchus FGrH 81 F 1; Hegesander FHG IV p. 415f. No. 12), matiarchos (Paus. 1,1,1; 3,6,4f.) refers only to command of a fleet. P.’s activity on Crete belongs to the start of the Ptolemaic presence being established there; P. became proxenos (-» proxenia) of Olus [1. Vol. 1, XXII 4 A, 35-56], proxenos and citizen of Itanos [1. Bd. 3, IV 2/3], where he intervened as Ptolemaic stratégos to reorder both its interior and exterior matters. On Caudos, P. seized the poet — Sotades and killed him for his poems reviling Ptolemy II. From Ceos he dispatched an epistates and judge to Thera (IG XII 3,320). It was probably under P. that the important port Coresia on Ceos had its name changed to Arsinoe. He also appointed an epistatés there (IG XII 5,1061; see also [2]). Here, a connection with the Chremonidean War is likely, as also in the name-change of the strategically important Methana to Arsinoe [3. 135] anda possible intervention in Eretria [4. 340f.]. In this war, P. supported Athens on land and sea (a different account in Paus. 1,1,1) from 267 (for the chronology see [5. 228ff.]) but was hampered by the Macedonian presence in Piraeus and Sunium: his troops were in Rhamnus (SEG 24,154), Koroni, Vouliagmeni and Heliopolis, and possibly also opposite Gaidarounisi, which was his most important naval base : Patroéklou nésos (‘P.’

REA 47, 1945, 33-45; H. Laurer-BuFe, Die Festung auf

Koroni und die Bucht von Porto Raphti, in: MarbWPr 1988, 67-128; H. LOHMANN, Atene, 1993, Bd. 1, 248-

251; J. R. McCrepte, Fortified Military Camps in Attica (Hesperia Suppl. 11), 1966; S. Spyripakis, Ptolemaic Itanos and Hellenistic Crete, 1970, 71ff.

W.A.

[3] of Arles. P. became Bishop of Arelate (Arles) in AD 412 thanks to his friendship with -» Constantius [6], who wished to make Arles the ecclesiastical centre of Gaul. For the same reason, Pope Zosimus gave P. metropolitan rights over the Viennensis and Narbonensis I and II provinces in 417 (epist. 1 MGH Epp IIL,L1). P.’s controversial episcopal appointments led to tensions with the bishops there, esp. with > Proculus [4] of Marseilles. Pope > Bonifatius [2] Bonifatius [2] tried to limit his privileges. On the basis of of a law introduced in 425 (by > Galla [3] G. Placidia?), P. was to expel the Pelagians (— Pelagius [4]) from Gaul. He was murdered, probably for political reasons, in 426 — to the satisfaction of Proculus. A. Lippotp, s.v. P., RE Suppl. 10, 502-508 (literature); S. I. Oost, Galla Placidia Augusta, 1968 (s. index).

— M.HE.

Patroios, Patroia see — Patrii di; ~ Theoi patrioi Patrology see

» Church Fathers; -> Patristic theology/

Patristics Patron (IMdtoewv; Patron). Epicurean, successor in 70

BC to > Phaedrus [4] of Athens as director of the ‘Garden’ of the > Epicurean School at Athens (Phlegon of Tralleis, FGrH 257 F 12 § 8). P. had previously gone to Rome, where he had become acquainted with Cicero, C. Memmius [I 3], Catullus, Atticus (Cic. Fam. 13,1) and Saufeius (Cic. Att. 4,6,1). A successful intervention

by Cicero on P.’s initiative prevented C. Memmius from having a house built in the deme of Melite on the site of the house of Epicurus (Cic. Att. 5,11,6; Fam. 13,1,5). M. ERLER, s.v. Epikur — Die Schule Epikurs — Lukrez, in: GGPh?, 4, 1994, 281. TD.

Patronage see

-> Circles, literary

island ’). Operations had to be called off when the inva-

Patronis (Iatewvic; Patronis). City in eastern Phocis (Plut. Sulla 15,4), identical with Tronis (Towvic, Paus. 10,4,10; CID 2,208,1; 9) with a heroon of Archegetes

sion of Attica

of Phocis.

by Areus[1] 3,6,4f.). PP IIWIX 5225. ~ Chremonidean War

in 265/4

failed (Paus.

1 F. HarBHerr, M. Guarbuccl, Inscriptiones Creticae, Bd. 1-4, 1935-1950 2J. F. Cuerry, J. L. Davis, The Ptolemaic Base at Koressos on Keos, in: ABSA 86, 1991, 9-28 3 R. BAGNALL, The Administration of the Ptolemaic

Possessions, 1976 4D. KNOEPFLER, Les kryptoi du stratége Epicharés 4 Rhamnonte et le début de la guerre de Chrémonideés, in: BCH 117, 1993, 327-341 5 B. DREYER, Rez. zu HABICHT, in: GGA 250, 1998, 207-250.

Remains

of the wall at modern

Hagia

Marina. J. M. Fossey, The Ancient Topography of Eastern Phokis, 1986, 50-53; PH. Nrasios, DLuupody omy tomoyoadiayv ts Aoxaiag Paxidoc, in: Phokikon Chronikon 4, 1992, 25f.; J. McINERNEY, The Phokikon and the Hero Archegetes, in: Hesperia 66, 1997, 193-207; Id, The Folds of

Parnassos, 1999, 284-286.

G.D.R.

625

626

Patronomos (ateovouoc, ‘guardian of the ancestral traditions’). Predominantly epigraphically attested title of a Spartan annual official, created in c. 227 BC by » Cleomenes [6] III; the institution of this office was probably connected with the temporary abolition of the > éphoroi and the limitation of the political influence of the > gerousia (Paus. 2,9,1). In the Roman period, the patronomos, attested from the rst cent. BC as Sparta’s eponymous magistrate, oversaw six synarchoi or synpatronomoi (cf. IG V 1,48; SEG XI 503 with [2]).

those who had not yet come of age as well as their under-age children (Gai. Inst. 1,165). After the death of a libertus who had no offspring which could be his heirs (> sui heredes), the patronus (and after him his offspring) became the legal heirs; this was already laid down in the 12 Tables (tab. 5,8). If the freedman had made a will, the patronus received a legal portion (Gai. Inst. 3,41) in the same manner as a real father after the emancipation (> parens). Where the freedman had circumvented the legal portion or the legal rules of testate succession by handing out gifts amongst the living or, in

The tasks of a patronomos, which were linked with sig-

nificant financial expenditure, included the organization of the > agogé but otherwise remain rather vague [3. 44f.]. The political clout which Cleomenes had envisaged for this office evidently did not survive for long. Patronomoi appearing in inscriptions, evident as late as

the 3rd cent. AD [2.1313], include the emperor ~> Hadrianus, the god Lycurgus (cf. > Lycurgus [4]) and several non-Spartans. 1 P. CARTLEDGE, A. SPAWFORTH, Hellenistic and Roman Sparta, 1989, 51f.; 2orf. 2N.M. KENNELL, The Size of the Spartan Patronomate, in: ZPE 85, 1991, 131-136 3 Id., The Gymnasium of Virtue, 1995 4B. SHIMRON, The Original Task of the Spartan Patronomoi, in: Eranos 63, 1965, 155-158. M.MEL.

Patronus A. DEFINITION

B. PRIVATE

LAW

C, PATRONAGE

IN RELATION TO THE JUDICIAL SYSTEM D. PATRONAGE OVER CITIES E. POET’S PATRONAGE

A. DEFINITION

In Roman hierarchical relationships, the term patronus refers to the person of higher rank and correlates thus with the term ~ cliens; the patronus took the cliens into his fides. AW.L. B. PRIVATE LAW The patronus was the holder of a right to control, initially probably as a comprehensive authority over friends (guests) and freedmen, but from about the 2nd cent. BC only as a bundle of rights of the former slave owner in relation to the > freedmen manumitted by him. In the 12 Tables (tab. 8,21; > Tabulae duodecim), the term patronus still appears in the middle of the 5th cent. BC as the opposite term to client (— cliens). The relationship of protection and loyalty between the two parties later developed into a purely political, social and moral relationship, but in turn it also extended to the subsequent offspring of the freedman. From the time of the late Republic the private rights of the patronus had their effect mainly in family and inheritance law. The usually applicable obligation of the freedman (libertus) to render services (> operae libertorum) was not founded on the patronage relationship itself, but on a special promise based on an oath and/or a > stipulatio. As patronus,

the manumissor

was the guardian (tutor; > tutela) of freed women and

PATRONUS

case of his death, to the detriment of the patronus (in

fraudem patroni), the praetor then provided him with an actio Fabiana (in relation to the legal portion) or an actio Calvisiana (in relation to the inheritance) claiming

the return ofthose gifts and, if the return of gifts did not occur, bringing an action against the third party or parties for the return of the equivalent value in money (Dig. 38,5,1 und 3). Kaser, RPR vol. 1, 118f., 298-301.

Gs:

C. PATRONAGE IN RELATION TO THE JUDICIAL SYSTEM In relation to his clientes, the patronus had the duty to provide legal advice and, if necessary, to represent them as an advocate in court. In the middle and later Republican period, a person was referred to as a patronus if his occupation was that of a lawyer, even if there was otherwise no patronage relationship with his cliens. In contrast to this situation, an > advocatus was a

lawyer who provided legal advice, but who did not normally make a speech in court. The acceptance of money or presents for conducting a legal action was prohibited by the lex Cincia (204 BC) (Tac. Ann. 11,5,33 Cic. Att.

1,20,7; Liv. 34,4,9; also cf. Plin. Epist. 5,9,3f.3 5,13, 6ff. in relation to the problematic nature of legal fees). When, in 171 BC, ambassadors from the Spanish provinces accused the Roman governors of plundering the provinces, the Senate suggested to them to name their own patroni (Liv. 43,2). The Gracchian lex de repetundis (CIL I’, 583,9-12) provided that, if this was asked for by the plaintiff, the presiding praetor should appoint a patronus for him, with the plaintiff having the right (albeit limited) to reject a proposal which he considered unsuitable (cf. Cic. de orat. 2,280). In 4 BC, plaintiffs from the provinces were permitted, on the basis of the SC Calvisianum, to be represented in the Senate by a patronus (SEG IX 8; FIRA I 68, no. 5, rooff.). During the time of Cicero, it was mainly the defence lawyer who was referred to as patronus. In comparison to the prosecution, defence lawyers usually had a higher status, which can be explained in terms of the invidia (‘[envy and] resentment’) associated with taking court action. A successful defence lead to amicitia (friendship) between patronus and cliens if they had the same social rank, or to a patronage relationship if the patronus had a higher rank. Under these conditions, a sena-

PATRONUS

tor could gain considerable influence by taking on the defence of other senators in court cases; the political position of quite a number of senators was essentially based on their occupation as advocates before the court. In Cicero’s writings, these forensic orators in the history of Roman rhetoric were referred to as patron. (Cic. Brut. 106: C. Papirius Carbo; ibid. 233: M. Crassus; ibid. 319: Cicero).

D. PATRONAGE OVER CITIES In the late Republican period and during the Principate, patronage over cities as well as regions and over individual persons from the provinces was of special political importance. This patronage relationship could evolve both as a result of holding an office in a province (Cic. Div. in Caec. 2; cf. also Cic. Off. 1,3 5) as well as of taking on a defence case in court. The patronage included the representation of the clientes’ interests in court, in the Senate and before the princeps. From the time of Caesar’s dictatorship, many cities in Italia and in the rest of the Imperium Romanum nominated a patronus (Plin. Epist. 4,1,4; cf. also Tac. Dial. 3,4); accordingly, the city laws contained exact regulations for his election (cf. for example the lex Ursonensis, CIL I> 594 = ILS 6087,130f.; lex municipii Malacitani, CIL Il 1964 =ILS 6089,61r). During the Principate, cities in the provinces increasingly turned to close friends of the princeps or to senators who, as good orators, were able to exert con-

siderable influence on political decisions. In the political system and in the society of the Principate, protection remained of eminent importance; in order to obtain an office or any kind of favour, it was normally necessary to have the support (> suffragium) of older and influential senators. + Cliens, Clientes; +> Procedural law

628

627

+ Freedmen;

— Patrocinium;

1 BapIAN, Clientelae 2 J.-M. Davin, Le patronat judiciaire au dernier siécle de la republique romaine, 1992 3 M. GELZER, Die Nobilitat der romischen Republik, 1912, in: Id., KS 1, 1962, 17-135, esp. 75-102 4 JONEs, LRE, 775-778 5R. P. SALLeR, Personal Patronage under the Early Empire, 1982 6 A. WALLACE-HADRILL (ed.), Patronage in Ancient Spciety, 1989. AW.L.

E. POET’S PATRONAGE

see > Circles, literary

Patronymic see > Personal names;

> Word forma-

Paul see > Paulus [1,2,9,11] Paul, Acts of. The Acts of Paul, written around 190 and preserved only in fragmentary form (* New Testament Apocrypha), describe in a novelistic style the work of > Paul [II 2] and his follower > Thecla, and, for the first time, the martyrdom of Paul (beheading). Its main doctrinal emphases are the resurrection and asceticism. Thecla’s independent teaching and work (self-baptism, ch. 34) brought the Acts of Paul into disrepute (the Acts of Paul are ‘decidedly feminist’: A. Harnack [1]): By the time of Tertullian (De baptismo 17) the Acts of Paul were already known as a fabrication by a presbyter in Asia Minor. The so-called 3rd Letter to the Corinthians was probably afterwards included in the Acts of Paul. 1 A. Harnack, Die Mission und Ausbreitung des Christentums, +1924, 598.

W. vol.

SCHNEEMELCHER, 2:

Apostolisches,

Neutestamentliche

Apokalypsen

und

(German transl.), 51989, 193-241 (bibl.).

Apokryphen.

Verwandtes M.HE.

Paula. Aristocratic Roman Christian woman (347404), © to Iulius Toxotius; her children: Blaesilla (+ 384/5), Eustochium (+419), Rufina, Paulina (© to the Senator Pammachius), Toxotius (~ to Laeta). P. belonged to the circle of women around > Marcella [1], left Rome in August 385 together with > Hieronymus [8] and Eustochium, settled with them in Bethlehem and founded monastic communities for women and men. Hieronymus wrote the letters 30, 33, 39 to her, dedicated numerous commentaries to her (and Eustochium)

and, after her death (26.1.404), composed for her a necrology (Jer. Epist. 108) and the tomb inscription. ~+ MOonastTIcismM; > Woman (IV.) B. FEICHTINGER, Apostolae apostolorum. Frauenaskese als Befreiung bei Hieronymus, 1995, 177-188. S.L.-B.

Paulicians (Navimavoi/Paulikianoi; Armenian Pawlikeank’). Heretical Christian group of Armenian origin

in the Byzantine Empire, whose teachings survive only in secondary sources of Orthodox polemic. The accounts of the Armenian katholikés John of Odzun (8th cent. AD) and of > Petros Sikeliotes (9th cent. AD) are particularly important. According to these the Paulicians were described as an offshoot from the Manichaeans (> Mani), whose dualistic doctrine postulated

only an individualistic approach to faith and rejected

tion

the OT (> Bible), the sacraments (— sacramentum) and Patrum auctoritas see > Senatus

Patulcius. Uncommon Roman family name. Its bestknown representative, Q.P., and L. Cornificius brought

a successful action against T. Annius [I 14] Milo in 52 BC for ‘use of force’ (de vi) (Ascon. 54 C.). SCHULZE, 142.

K.-L.E.

ecclesiology. Coming into being in > Armenia in the 7th cent. AD, they spread across the Byzantine Empire and into neighbouring countries. They cited the apostle Paul (+ Paulus) and, according to Petros Sikeliotes, placed their beginning in the apostolic period (1st cent. AD). They gave themselves names from those of the followers of Paul and their spiritual leaders were titled didaskaloi (&Sdoxado1, ‘teacher’?). Their movement reached its zenith under the diddskalos Sergius (801-

PAULINUS

629

835); because of this for a time they were also called Sergiots. This period saw the beginning of political persecution of the Paulicians, who were now also taking on

a military form, leaving the Byzantine Empire and settling in Arab territories. From there they conducted campaigns against Byzantium. After several attempts Byzantium was finally able to destroy them militarily in the year 872. In 975 they were resettled in Thrace. Their doctrine was able to continue to gain influence, however; it fell between that of the > Bogomils and that of

the Cathars. +> Heresy; > Theophylactus (patriarch) EDITIONS:

CH. Astruc et al., Les sources greques pour

[4] P. of Pella. Born in AD 376/7, grandson of > Ausonius; author of the Eucharisticos (616 hexameters), an

autobiographical poem expressing thanks for God’s providence, which has accompanied him all his life. From the seclusion of an ascetic conversus (near Marseille) he looks back on his life before his conversion, on

his family, property and public life in Gaul, which was occupied by the Goths. The poem as it was handed down is from the year 459, but it was probably essentially completed by 455. It was greatly influenced by Augustine’s Confessiones and by Virgil. P. is also the author of an Oratio (19 hexameters), the form of which was clearly influenced in large measure by Ausonius.

(histoire des pauliciens d’Asie Mineure. Texte critique et

EpiTron: C. Moussy, SChr 209.

traduction, in: Travaux et Mémoires 4, 1970, 1-227. SECONDARY LITERATURE: J. M. GEORGE, The Dualistic-

SECONDARY

Gnostic Tradition in the Byzantine Commonwealth with Special Reference to the Paulician and Bogomil Movements, 1984; I. CouLtaANo, Une branche populaire du

461-486.

Marcionisme: Le Paulianisme, in: Id., Les gnoses dualistes

d’Occident, 1990, 223-232.

KSA.

Paulina. Of noble origin, adherent of Isis, wife of Sentius Saturninus, and desired by Decius [II 3] Mundus. The latter finally seduced her in AD 19, purportedly as the god Anubis and with the help of the priests of Isis. Her husband reported the deception to the emperor Tiberius, who had those involved severely punished (Ios. Ant. Iud. 18,66-77). PIR* P 168.

ME.SCH.

Paulinus [1] Military tribune in the army of > Vespasianus in ludaea. in AD 67, following the conquest of lotapata, he was instructed to convince > Iosephus [4], the leader of the Jewish army, to surrender to Vespasianus, but proved unsuccessful (Jos. BI 3, 3.44f.). [2] Senator. Curator aedium sacrarum in AD 214 (CIL

VI 36899 = ILS 452). His nomen gentile was probably Max{imius]. PIR* M 436. W.E. [3] P. of Milan. Born about AD 370; in Milan he was secretary to - Ambrosius, whose vita he wrote at the suggestion of Augustine. It is based on his own recollections and on reports by contemporaries, simple in style and in the formal tradition of hagiographic texts (> Literature VI.;

> Acta Sanctorum). In AD 411, in

Carthage, P. began a dispute with the Pelagians (> Pelagius [4]) when he presented to Bishop Aurelius > Augustinus charges against the Pelagian Caelestius, who was subsequently convicted by a synod. In 417 Pope + Zosimus sought to have this verdict overturned, and ordered P. to Rome. P. formulated the rejection in Libellus adversus Coelestium Zosimo episcopo datus. Ep1TIons: Libellus: O. GUENTHER, CSEL 35,1, 1895, ro8—1r1r. Vita: M. PELEGRINO, 1961; A.A.R. BASTIAEN-

SEN, Vite dei Santi, vol. 3, 1975, 51-125. BIBLIOGRAPHY:

TH. BAUMEISTER, s.v. P. von Mailand,

LMA 6, 1815 (with bibliography).

J.GR.

LITERATURE:

N.

B.

McLynn,

P. the

Impenitent, in: Journ. of Early Christian Stud. 3, 1995,

[5] P. of Nola A. Lire

B. Worx

M.RO.

' C. RECEPTION

A. LIFE Meropius Pontius Anicius P. was born in AD 353 in ~ Burdigala (modern-day Bordeaux) to wealthy aristocratic parents. P. received an excellent education in literature and rhetoric (pupil of > Ausonius) and was one of the richest men

in Gaul. Thanks to Ausonius,

by

377/8 he was already consul and governor (probably consularis) of Campania. His marriage to the wealthy Spaniard Therasia led to a further increase in his fortune and political influence (sources: [17. 682]). Upon being baptized in the year 389, P. underwent a

life change that also adversely affected his friendship with Ausonius [7; 14]: P., who had been ambitious,

now sought to live a contemplative Christian life. In 390 he decided to move to Spain and give up his political career. By 393 he had become a presbyter in Spain. In Tours he came to know St. Martin (> Martinus [r]}), and later, in > Nola, he encountered St. Felix, whom he chose as his personal patron saint. In 394 he moved to

Italy (Nola) so that he could live near St. Felix. After his brother was murdered, P. sold all his possessions [14] in order to help the poor. Ausonius tried in vain to dissuade his friend from turning to asceticism. Following the death of Ausonius in 395, a friendship developed between P. and > Sulpicius Severus, the biographer of St. Martin. In 409, P. became Bishop of Nola. His poetic works ultimately focused exclusively on Christian themes. He died in 431. B. WorK The influence of classical Roman poetry on P. is unmistakable. In terms of language and form, he is in the tradition of Virgil, Horace, Ovid and Martial (cf. [6]). All of his preserved works — with the exception of Carm. 1-3, in which P. wrote about the life of the senatorial aristocracy — show a missionary [8] bent [ro]. As an epistolographer, P. was in contact with the most influential men of his time. Letters have been passed

631

632

down between P. and Augustine, Alypius, Romanianus,

dosius and the letters to Hieronymus [16] have been lost. There is still some doubt as to the authenticity of some of the writings (Epist. 46 and 47; Carm. 4; 5; 32).

PAULINUS

Licentius, Sebastianus, Jerome, the presbyter Amandus,

Sulpicius Severus and Ausonius [14]. While most of these letters (particularly those written to Ausonius and Sulpicius Severus) were letters between friends that

dealt with the classical topoi (longing for an absent friend, overcoming that longing by writing letters), their missionary intention is clear in their sermon-like language, explicit efforts at conversion and glorification of God [8]. P.’s Christian poetry in a more narrow sense begins with three psalm paraphrases: 51 iambic trimeters on the first psalm (Carm. 7), 32 hexameters on the second psalm (Carm. 8) anda paraphrase of the 13 6th psalm in 71 (68) hexameters (Carm. 11); P. is considered to be the first to render > psalms in poetry. His work also includes hagiography, prayers and an epithalamium; a hymn of praise to John the Baptist (330 hexameters: Laus Sancti Iohannis), in which John is praised as a

prophet and forerunner of Christ [11]; Carmina natalicia (‘birthday songs’) to St. Felix, which P. wrote each

year on 14 January, the date of St. Felix’s death (13 have been preserved). The aim of these natalicia was to demonstrate God’s omnipresence in the saint’s miracles in order to bring the reader to God; P. usually described these miracles as occurring in the lives of the rural population (cf. Carm. 23,106-266). This explains, for example, the fact that narrative makes up only a small part of P.’s panegyrics (in contrast to such writers as > Claudianus [2]) as well as their rhetorical emphasis (ecphrasis, syncrisis, exclamationes, adlocutiones, etc.) |12]. Some of P.’s carmina are devoted to concrete theological problems such as theodicy or the question of deicide (cf. Carm. 31,347-632). These generally have the character of a tract, while many are simply polemic proclamations addressed to non-Christians (Carm. 32 Ad Antonium, Carm. 22 Ad Iovium). P. frequently expresses his rejection of Judaism, but fails to justify it systematically. He wrote the epithalamium on the occasion of the wedding of Iulianus, son of Bishop Memor, to Titia. C. RECEPTION P. influenced the literature of the Middle Ages and the early modern era in a number of ways. He was the first to take the psalms as a starting-point for composing Christian poetry (cf. > Biblical poetry). Such paraphrasing of the psalms found numerous imitators, particularly during the Middle Ages [16]. In addition, P. is regarded as the founder of hagiographic poetry and hence as the initiator of a new genre tradition that extended into the modern era [11]. P. himself later became the subject of hagiographic poetry (for Gregory [4] of Tours in the work In gloria confessorum). His ascetic way of life, his renunciation of wealth and temporal power and his dedication to the poor were regarded as exemplifying how a Christian life was to be lived. P. was quoted by Augustine, Ambrosius, Jerome, Sidonius Apollinaris and Venantius Fortunatus. Not all of his works have been preserved; the panegyric to Theo-

EpiTions: 1 W. HarrTe1, CSEL 24-30, 1894. CarM.: 2A. RUGGIERO, 1990 31d., 2 vols., 1996 4 P. G. WaxsH, Ancient Christian Writers 35/36, 1966/67 (English tr./comm.). BIBLIOGRAPHY: 5A. Basson, Classical Literary Genres

in P. of Nola, in: Scholia 8, 1999 (electronic edn.)

6E.

Bitter, Die Vergil-Interpretation der frihchristl. Dichter P. von Nola und Sedulius, 1948 7H. VON CAMPENHAUSEN, review of P. Fabre: Saint Paulin de Nole et l’amitié chrétienne, in: Gnomon 22, 1950, 408f. 8S. Doépp, Die

Bliitezeit lateinischer Literatur in der Spatantike (3 50-430 n.Chr.), in: Philologus, 1988, r9-52 9 R. HERZOG, Probleme der heidnisch-christlichen Gattungskontinuitat am Beispiel des P.von Nola, in: A. CAMERON et al. (ed.), Chri-

stianisme et formes littéraires de l’antiquité tardive en occident, 1977, 373-424 10A. Hupson-WILLIAMS, Notes on P. of Nola, Carmina, in: CQ 27, 1977, 453-465 11 W. Kirscu, Die lateinische Versepik des 4. Jahrhun-

derts, 1989 121. Kraus, Die poetische Sprache des P. Nolanus, thesis Wurzburg 1920 13 G. LuNGo, Lo specchio dell’agiografo (= Parva Hagiographica 3), 1992 14 D. E. Trout, Amicitia, auctoritas, and Self-Fashioning

Texts. P. of Nola and Sulpicius Severus, in: Studia Patristica 28, 1993, 123-129 15 Id.,P.of Nola, 1999 Violin 6; \16275 dP Bam (Ps 2mm):

16 HLL, M.GU.

[6] A single MS (Paris, BN Lat. 7758) mentions a P. as

the author of a Latin Christian poem (Epigramma), possibly an erroneous attribution to > P. [5] of Nola or a corrupt title, since even in late antiquity a work of some 110 hexameters would not have been regarded as an epigram. Thus it is doubtful that SCHENKL is correct in identifying the author with a bishop P. of Béziers from the early 5th cent. AD. >» Epigramma Paulini EpiTron: A. SCHULLER, Das sogenannte S. Paulini Epigramma, 1999. BIBLIOGRAPHY: SCHULLER, op. cit.; R.P.H. GREEN, Tity-

rus lugens, in: Studia patristica 15, 1984, 75-78.

K.SM.

[7] P. of Petricordia (modern-day Périgueux, SW France). Author of a hexametric biography of St. Martin (> Martinus [1]) in 6 books (mid—sth cent. AD,

probably in the 460s). It is based on - Sulpicius Severus’s vita and Dialogi 2 and 3 as wellas—in bk. 6-—ona collection of posthumous miracles rendered by the bishop of Tours, Perpetuus. P. was familiar with classical authors, particularly Virgil and Ovid. The central Christian model for his hagiographic epic was Sedulius’s Carmen paschale. P. wrote a poem on the healing of his grandson and the latter’s wife by the aforementioned book of miracles of Perpetuus as well as an epigram on the latter’s new church of St. Martin in Tours. EDITION: M. PeTsCHENIG, CSEL 16, 1-190.

M.RO.

633

634

Paulus see > Iulius [IV 15] (poet); > see Iulius [IV 16]

macteric years and the rule of the planets in individual degrees (monomoiriai on a trigonal basis, at a distance of 120°) as well as human activities. The horoscope of the world contained in the last chapter is probably not from P. in its preserved form. This work combines older Hellenistic teachings with

(jurist) I. GREEK

II. ROMAN

I. GREEK

(Ilatioc; Palos).

{1 1] Bishop of > Antiochia [1] (+ after AD 272). P., who was probably born in > Samosata and grew up in modest circumstances, succeeded Demetrianus in 260/1 and quickly antagonized influential parts of the Antioch community with his teachings and conduct of his office. According to Eusebius [7] (account of P.: Eus. HE 7,27-30), the presbyter Malchion, head of a school of rhetoric in Antioch, was a local exponent of the opposition to the bishop’s teachings, his external selfpresentation (erection of a high throne, title of ducenarius) as well as liturgical and disciplinary views. After two major synods (264; Winter 268/9) had addressed the issue of P., the later one deposed him and selected Domnus as his successor. The assembly building, which was occupied by P. and his followers, was not reclaimed until Emperor Aurelian [3] intervened in 272. Knowledge of the content and assessment of P.’s teachings, which were substantially distorted after his death, is largely dependent on the authenticity of the trial documents of 268 (CPG 1706: [2. 135-158]) and of the socalled Hymenaeus letter sent to P. by the synod (CPG 1705: [1. 13-19]), which has not been conclusively established. According to brief comments contained in Eusebius, P. taught that Christ’s nature was that of an ordinary human being (Eus. HE 7,27,2) who had come ‘from below’, not from heaven (Eus. HE 7,30,11). P. did not hold office in conjunction with the Palmyrene kingdom of - Zenobia [4]. 1G. Barby, Paul de Samosate, 1929 2H. DE RIEDMATTEN, Les actes du procés de Paul de Samosate, 1952 3L. PERRONE, L’enigma di Paolo di Samosata, in: Cristiane-

simo nella storia 13, 1992, 253-327 4J. Rist, Paul von Samosata und Zenobia von Palmyra, in: RQA 92, 1997, 145-161

5 K.-H. UTHEMANN, s.v. Paulus von Samosata,

Biographisch-Bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon 7, 1994, 66-89.

J.RL

{I 2] P. of Alexandria. Writer on astrology from the 4th cent. AD (a sample horoscope dates from the year AD 378 [1. 40]). His Eioaywyud/ Eisagogikad (‘Intro-

duction’) describes the characteristics of the signs of the -» zodiac, taking into account astrological geography and — iatromathematics, their relationships to one another and to the > planets (particularly to their phases), their significance for the winds, the planet gods of the hours and days of the week according to the seven stages (émtaCwvoc/heptazonos), the doctrine of the ecliptic twelfths (- Ecliptic) and of the seven lots (xAfjgovkleroi) that have their origin in the Hermetic work Pandretos, the Dodekat(r)opos (doctrine of the twelve places), the determination of solar movement,

the ascendents and the upper culmination as well as human life by year, month and day, the doctrine of cli-

PAULUS

astronomical information; it has been passed down in incomplete form, with certain additions, and was revi-

sed during the 14th cent. in Byzantium. A commentary on P. that has been preserved under the name ‘Heliodorus’ was written by > Olympiodorus [4]. EpITION:

1E. BOER, 1958 (with scholia).

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

W.

GUNDEL,

s.v.

P. (21),

RE

18.4,

2376-2386; W. and H. G. GuNpbEL, Astrologumena, 1966, 236-239 (review by D. PINGREE, in: Gnomon 40, 1968, 277); J.WARNON, Le commentaire attribué 4 Hélio-

dore sur les Eiowywyixc de Paul d’Alexandrie, in: Recherches de Philologie et de Linguistique, 1967, 197-217; L.

G. WesTERINK, Ein astrologisches Kolleg aus dem Jahre 564, in: ByzZ 64, 1971, 6-21.

W.H.

{1 3] P. of Constantinople. Came from Thessaloniki; from about 335 bishop of > Constantinople. Since, as an anti-Arian

(> Arianism; nonetheless signed a jud-

gement against > Athanasus in Tyre in 335) he did not conform to imperial policy on religion, he was exiled once by > Constantinus [1] I and four times by the Arianizing Constantius [2] II; died after 351 during his fifth period of exile in Cucusus (Armenia secunda). Nearly all chronological information is uncertain. No writings of P. have been preserved. P.’s remains were taken to Constantinople in 381 and he was glorified asa martyr for the cause of orthodoxy (according to legend he was strangled by Arians). -» Eusebius [8] of Nicomedia A. Lrppo_p,

s.v. P. (29), RE Suppl.

10, 510-520

(Lit.).

M.HE. [14] P. Silentiarius. Greek poet and court official in ~ Constantinople during the 6th cent. AD, author of a comprehensive description (+ ékphrasis) of the ~ Hagia Sophia which was read on 24 December 562, upon the reopening of the restored church after the collapse of its dome in 5 58; this document is of great importance as the only source describing the liturgical accoutrements, decorations and lighting of the church during this period, all of which have now been lost. The text is made up of 1023 hexameters; it begins with two prologues of 80 and 54 iambs, respectively, addressed to Emperor ~ Justinianus [1] and the patriarch Euthymius; a short text containing six iambs was later inserted. Passed down along with the ekphrasis of the Hagia Sophia was a description, probably read on January 6, 563, of its ambo, i.e. the free-standing pulpit resting on acolumn within the church. This poem, made up of 275 hexameters with a prologue of 29 iambs, is so detailed that it has served as the basis for several reconstructions of the ambo.

PAULUS

635

636

P. is also the author of some 80 epigrams that made their way, via the kyklos of his friend > Agathias, into the ‘Greek » Anthology’. Their mainly erotic themes make clear how problematic it is to draw conclusions about an author’s religious views based on his writings.

were divided into two halves each: general and bone surgery; simple and compound medicines). The work was translated from the 9th cent. on into Arabic — first by Hunain ibn Ishaq (whose translation is no longer in existence in complete form) — and was widely used in Arabic medical literature, particularly in Razi (865—

Epitions: P. FRIEDLANDER, Johannes von Gaza und P. Silentiarios, 1912 (Ekphrasis); O. VeH, Prokop, Bauten.

Greek/German, 1977, 306-377 (appendix); G. VIANSINO, Paulus Silentiarius, Epigrammi: testo, traduzione e commento, 1963 (epigrams). SECONDARY LITERATURE: P. MAGDALINO, The Architecture of Ekphrasis, in: Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 12, 1988, 47-82.

ALB.

[I 5] P. of Aegina I. Lire

IJ. Work

III. TRADITION

I. LIFE Greek physician (epithet Aiywiytng; Aiginetes) from Aegina, possibly Christian, who, according to Bar Hebraeus, practiced in Alexandria [1] at least during

925). In Latin, however, the encyclopaedia appears to have been almost unknown prior to the rrth cent., and even then only excerpts were translated (bk. 3), without question in southern Italy around 1ooo, but without being widely disseminated. From the r2th cent. on it was more generally known, but only through the citations contained in the Arabic treatises that had been translated into Latin. During the Renaissance the entire Greek text of the treatise was not available until the editio princeps (Francesco D’ASOLA, Venice 1528), but numerous edi-

tions date from the 16th cent. +» Encyclopaedia; > Medicine Epitions:

F. Abams,

The Medical

Works

of Paulus

the time of the conquest of that city by the Arabs (AD 642), probably afterward as well. Since he is referred to

Aegineta, 1834 (English tr. w. comm.); J. BERENDES, P. von Aegina des besten Arztes Sieben Bucher, 1914

in an epigram contained in several MSS as zeQuodevuti|s/ periodeutés, he may have been an itinerant physician, but no further information is known.

(Germantr. w. comm.);J.L. HEIBERG, 2 vols., 1921-1924 (CMG 9.1-2); Id., Pauli Aeginetae libri tertii interpretatio latina antiqua, 1912 (Latin epitome). BrBL1oGRAPHY: H. Diets, Die Handschriften der grie-

Il. Work A medical encyclopaedia of P. has been preserved, regarded as the last major work of its type. It has no title but was generally referred to by the term used by P. himself in his foreword: Duvaywyat iatoumat/ Synagogai iatrikat (‘Medical collections’; Latin Collectiones medicae). It consists of seven volumes on hygiene and dietetics (1), types of fever (2), diseases classified topo-

graphically from head to foot (3), diseases of the skin and viscera (4), toxicology (5), surgery (6) and medici-

nal therapeutics (7). Its purpose, according to P. himself, was to offer a general presentation of medical science that was easier to use than the comprehensive encyclopaedia of + Oribasius and more complete than Oribasius’ summary Synopsis pros Eustathion (Synopsis ad Eustathium), but without exceeding the format of

a syntomos didaskalia (compact textbook). It is based on the Oribasius text as well as its direct sources (mainly Hippocrates and Corpus Hippocraticum, Sora-

chischen Arzte, vol. 2, 1906, 77-81; P. DRENNONT THOMAS, Paul of Aegina, in: GILLISPIE 10, 1974, 417-419; H. DILLER, Paulus (23), RE 18.2, 2386-2397;J.L. HEIBERG, De codicibus Pauli Aeginetae observationes, in: REG 32, 1919, 268-277; A. M. Ieractr Bro, La trasmissione della letteratura medica greca, 1989, 211-213; J. Noret, Tren-

te-six grands folios onciaux palimpsestes, in: Byzantion 49, 1979, 307-313; E. F. Rice, Paulus Aegineta, in: Catalogus translationum et commentariorum 4, 1980, 145191; C. SALAZAR, Getting the Point: Paul of Aegina on Arrow Wounds, in: Sudhoffs Archiv 82, 1998, 170-187;

M. TABANELLI, Studi sulla chirurgia bizantina. Paolo di Egina, 1964.

A.TO.

Il. ROMAN [II 1] Senator of praetorian rank who, under > Tiberius, barely escaped prosecution in the Senate for crimes against the sovereign power of the state (— maiestas); one of his slaves prevented the charge (Sen. Benef.

3,26,1f.). More precise identification is not possible.

nus, Pedanius Dioscorides, Galen and Aetius).

RIRS Rano:

According to an Arabic source, P. also wrote a work on gynaecological diseases that has now been lost

[II 2] P., the Apostle. As reception history has shown, P.’s role in Christianity has been of enormous importance. His large body of writings and his part in the historiography of the NT are reflected in his effect on Christian theology up to the present day. Particularly influential was the reception of P. by — Augustinus, who particularly shaped the Paulinism of the (primarily Lutheran) Reformation. Accordingly, P. came to have a defining effect within Christianity as well, as his theology of justification and grace came to be regarded as a necessary criterion. In the theology of the Enlighten-

(however, this may refer to the portion of bk. 6 of his

encyclopaedia that deals with gynaecology and obstetrics, which may have circulated independently) — a specialty that P. is said to have mastered so brilliantly that he is referred to in this source as the ‘obstetrician’. III. TRADITION The encyclopaedia of P. has been handed down in numerous preserved MSS. It is possible that the Greek text was reorganized during late antiquity (bks. 6 and 7

W.E.

ment and in historism the view took hold that P., unlike

638

637

Jesus, had completely broken with the ‘law’ and Judaism as a whole, making him Christianity’s ‘second founder’ or its first and crucial ‘theologian’. In contrast to this ‘Lutherization’ and to some extent anti-Judaizing of P., more recent scholarship [7; 11] has taken a more nuanced approach, particularly with regard to interpretations based on the theology of justification, and placed P. in the context of Jewish apocalypticism and its universal historical concepts, using, for example, the methods of social history and cultural anthropology [3; 7; 9; 113 12]. I. THE EARLY

CHRISTIAN

ASSESSMENT

II. HISTORICAL

OF PY LIFE AND

worK

SOURCES:

AN

RECONSTRUCTION

III. THEOLOGY

PAULUS

t. THE GENUINE

LETTERS

DEUTEROPAULINES

AND THE

2. EPISTOLOGRAPHY

AND

RHETORIC

1. THE GENUINE LETTERS AND THE DEUTEROPAULINES

The consensus among critical scholars is that no more than 7 of the 13 (14 including Hebrews) canonical letters of P. are authentic: Romans, 1 Corinthians, 2 Corinthians (possibly an edited work), Galatians, 1

Thessalonians (not undisputed), Philippians, Philemon. There is controversy regarding their chronological order (1 Thessalonians is probably the oldest, from about AD 51, and Romans the most recent, from about 56). All of them are likely to have been written in the sixth decade of the first cent. AD, during P.’s work as a

I. THE EARLY CHRISTIAN

SOURCES:

AN

ASSESSMENT A. Basic Facts B. THE HISTORIOGRAPHIC EVIDENCE IN THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES C. LETTERS OF PAUL

A. Basic Facts Unlike the case of > Jesus and most of the major figures of early Christianity, writings by P. himself (‘ina sense the only distinct figure’ of early Christianity: W. WREDE) have survived. However, not a few of the epist-

les canonized under the name of P. have since been recognized to be pseudoepigraphic, and the book of the Acts of the Apostles is less significant as a source than are the genuine Pauline writings. Moreover, no contemporary non-Christian documents provide any information on P.

B. THE HISTORIOGRAPHIC EVIDENCE IN THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES Before AD roo, the book of Acts describes P. as a

rhetorically and linguistically gifted Pharisee, faithful to the Torah, a man with a Jewish and Hellenistic education whose talents are miraculous in origin and who is skillful in dealing with the Greek and Roman aristocracy and the Jewish authorities. It tells of how the ‘persecutor’ of Christ’s followers was converted to Christianity by the risen Christ, and shows P. to be the dominant figure in the missionary dissemination of Christian belief (> Mission). Despite conflicts with the Jewish and Roman authorities (punishment, imprisonment) he appears to be the exemplary missionary and witness for Christ. This depiction, although without question from a subsequent period and to some degree legendary, nonetheless reflects the presence of some reliable reports. However, the ‘first-person accounts’ in Acts 13-21 (the ‘itinerary’) are likely the product of the fictional historiographic style of their author. The legendary book of the Acts of P. (— Paul, Acts of) is of no value as a historical source. C. LETTERS

OF PAUL

missionary in Asia Minor and Greece. There is disagreement as to whether Ephesians and Colossians are genuine (differences in style, language and theological content; Ephesians is literarily dependent on Colossians). It is suspected that because of P.’s imprisonment (Colossians 4:3 and 10) Colossians was written by its co-sender > Timotheus but authorized by P. However, this may be an intentional literary fiction. In any case, both letters are squarely in the ecclesiastical and theological tradition of Pauline works. Today there is widespread agreement that the ‘pastoral letters’ (1 and 2 Timothy, Titus) and 2 Thessalo-

nians are not authentic. The latter is clearly a reinterpretation of the eschatology contained in 1 Thessalonians,

in which Christ’s return is regarded as imminent, adapted for the changed conditions under which Christian believers were living in the Roman Empire after AD 70 (destruction of the Temple). Still later, and probably written in close proximity to > Polycarpus of Smyrna, the pastoral letters take a position, based on the authority of P., in disputes over heretical positions and seek to preserve the legacy of P. as a model (2 Timothy). The fictitious addressees are two of P.’s most important collaborators, > Timotheus and > Titus. Although the letter to the Hebrews was included early on as part of the group of Pauline letters [13], it was not written by P. himself, nor by his followers (for non-canonical letters written under the name of P., see > New Testament

Apocrypha; > Paul, Acts of). 2. EPISTOLOGRAPHY AND RHETORIC All of P.’s letters exhibit the conventions of ancient epistolography and rhetoric. Numerous motifs, phrases and expressions have their origin in the philophronetic letter-writing (letters of friendship) common during the Imperial period. They are thus closely related to ancient rhetoric, although the degree of its influence remains disputed. However, more recent scholarship [1] tends to regard the letters of P. as fundamentally shaped by Greek school rhetoric, which in turn affects not only the choice of words and figures of style and speech of the elocutio, but also the dispositio and genera orationis. In addition to the structure of school rhetoric, still a source of controversy, mention has been made of individual

PAULUS

rhetorical devices such as the ‘diatribe style’ (+ Diatribe). More recent scholarship has shown that what has been referred to since the r9th cent. as the genre of ‘diatribe’ is not identical with the ancient diatribe. While the one is related to oral teachings (as the manuscript or transcript of a speech), the so-called ‘diatribe style’ of P. tends to use everyday language, elements of dialogue, anecdotes, illustrations, quotations and the

lively tone of the diatribe. Analogous examples are found in the letters, particularly when P. seeks to render rational or abstract arguments more immediate and subjective, for the purpose of persuasion or to remedy impaired or alienated communication [8]. P. may have cultivated the ‘diatribe style’ in his oral communications for missionary purposes.

Almost all of the letters follow a set pattern: prescript, proem, body, close (postscript, eschatocol). Of the formal aspects of the letter, particularly the prescript borrows from Hellenistic and oriental conventions, although with variations rooted in early Jewish liturgical traditions [5]. Although the letters of P. were collected early on [13] and became part of the literature no later than at the time of canonization, they are occa-

sional writings, not (literary) epistles; however, they — including Philemon — differ from private letters. Since in all of them P. speaks authoritatively, as an apostle (see below), they are ‘official writings’, related to early Jewish letters that were written for the guidance of the community, although their philophronetic motives are not simply a matter of convention, but clearly reflect the ties of friendship between the sender and the addressee. Il. HisTORICAL

640

639

RECONSTRUCTION

OF P.’ LIFE

AND WORK A. ORIGIN, EDUCATION, SOCIAL STATUS B. CALLING AND WORK AS AN APOSTLE C.CHRONOLOGY

(Galatians 1:14) and the Pharisees (> Pharisaei) (Phi-

lippeans 3:5). It is doubtful that he was educated in Jerusalem (Acts 22:3). It is certain, however, that, living in the Greek-speaking diaspora, he received a Hellenistic education. P. also linked his support for a Judaism that was true to the traditions of his fathers with his ‘persecution’ of the Christian ‘community of God’ (Galatians 1:13). This doubtless involved measures taken to counter propaganda by Jewish Christians: disciplinary punishments like those P. himself experienced later on, and probably for the same reasons (cf. only 2 Corinthians 11:24; r Thessalonians 2:14ff.). The dramatization of

these events in Acts, which tells even of killings as far away as Jerusalem, is likely to be a legend (cf. [1o. 28off.]). While Acts indicates that P. was part of the elite, his own accounts clearly suggest that he was from the lower class (hard manual labour: kdpos, kopidn 1 Corinthians 4:12; 2 Corinthians 6:5; 11:23; 1 Thessalonians 2:9). He scraped by ‘like a slave and alongside slaves’ as an itinerant tradesman (according to Acts

18:3

he was

a skénopoids,

a ‘tentmaker’).

Workshops were probably also the centre of his missionary work. In addition to persecution, P. lists (as the so-called peristasis catalogue) other negative experiences frequently suffered by ancient tradesmen: hunger, thirst, inadequate clothing, violence, incarceration, the dangers of travel (cf. r Corinthians 4:8ff.; 9:8ff.; 2 Corinthians 6:4ff.; 11:7ff.23ff.), financial dependence (cf. 2 Corinthians 11:8f.; Philippians 4:1off.). Furthermore, his suffering during his missionary work (synagogal caning, Roman flagellation, prison) involved humiliating punishments that were not in keeping with the status of a member of the elite and a Roman citizen.

B. CALLING AND WORK AS AN APOSTLE Because a vision of the resurrected Christ appeared to him near Damascus, P. believed himself to be an

A. ORIGIN, EDUCATION,

SOCIAL STATUS

P. came from a Jewish family of the diaspora. He describes himself as a ‘Hebrew’ (Efeatocs; Hebraios) and ‘Israelite’ (IoganAitys; Israelites) ‘from the tribe of Benjamin’ (Philippians 3:5f.; Romans 111; 2 Corinthians 11:22). The latter explains his Jewish name Saul(us)

(Sadioc/Sailos; cf. Acts 7:58 and passim;only mentioned in Acts), which probably refers to the Benjaminite and first king of Israel, and on which the Roman name P., which is similar in sound, is probably based. His reference to himself as ‘Hebrew of Hebrews’ is unlikely to refer to Hebrew as his mother tongue or to specific Palestinian origin, but, like ‘Israelite’, is an archaizing term of respect. According to Acts, P. came from Tarsus in Cilicia (Acts 9:11 and passim). It is rather unlikely that he inherited from his father the rights of a citizen of Rome and Tarsus (Acts 16:37f.; 21:25f.39; 22:25ff.; 23:27), particularly since he makes no such mention in his letters (cf. [10. 256f.]). P. describes himselfas a self-confident, zealous follower of the ‘traditions of [his] fathers’

apostle called by God to spread the gospel among the nations (Galatians 1:15f.; 1 Corinthians 9:1; 15:8; presented in the form of a legend in Acts 9:1 ff. and passim). In view of his earlier persecution of the Christians, this event shows characteristics of a ‘conversion’, but P.

himself interprets it with motifs relating to the calling of the prophets [9; 11]. As an ‘apostle to the nations’ (0v@v G&mootokocg; Romans 11:13) he is not only an evangelizing founder of communities in the diaspora, but also the authority directly called by God to bring the gospel to the peoples and thus the counterpart to the role of > Petrus [1] as an apostle among the Jews (cf. Galatians 2:8). His apostleship was linked to charismatic miracles (cf. Romans

15:18f.; 1 Corinthians 2:4;

2 Corinthians 12:12), as well as an apocalyptic visit to heaven (2 Corinthians 12). P.’s mission took him from Damascus to the land of the Nabateans (Arabia; cf. Galatians 1:17) and back. After fleeing from Damascus (cf. 2 Corinthians 11:32.) he made a brief visit to Jerusalem (Galatians 1:18), after which he worked primarily to establish a community in » Antiochia [1] (in this

641

642

case

together

with

Peter); this was

his first success

among non-Jews.

Together with > Barnabas and > Titus, P. led a delegation from Antiochia [1] to the ‘meeting of the apostles’ in Jerusalem (Galatians 2:rff.; cf. Acts 15), which

probably addressed conflicts over meals shared by Jews who were Christian believers and non-Jews in Antioch (Galatians 2:12ff.). The leaders of the Christian community in Jerusalem, especially James, the brother of Jesus, appear to have warned against such unrestricted social interaction, because of fear of, or experience with, negative repercussions (cf. 1 Thessalonians

2:14ff.), and to have prompted Barnabas and Peter to ‘retreat’. The ‘meeting of the apostles’ acknowledged P.’s apostleship to the nations, established by the spirit, but it divided areas of responsibility: for Peter circumcision, for P. the nations. P. then established Christian communities in Asia Minor and Greece; he travelled back and forth between

them (according to Acts he made three missionary trips; > mission) and maintained contact with them through his fellow workers as well as carrying on regular correspondence. Pauline communities in Asia Minor were founded specifically in + Ephesus, -» Colossae and -» Galatia (probably cities in the southern part of the province of Galatia). His first journey to Europe (founding communities in - Philippi and > Thessalonica) was apparently intended to take him by way of the via Egnatia directly to Rome (cf. [2]). However, P. was diverted to the south. He founded a community in ~ Corinth and met a married couple named — Prisca and > Aguila [4] (who worked with him as missionaries for a time; Acts 18:2). After being forced to leave Corinth after legal proceedings before the proconsul -» Junius [II 15] Gallio, P. turned once more to Asia Minor, in particular Ephesus (where he may have been imprisoned). From there, he also visited Corinth at least

once. In any event, following his last visit to Corinth and after completing a campaign to collect donations for the community of Judaea he left for Jerusalem, with the intention of going to Rome from there and subsequently working as a missionary in Spain (Romans 15:22ff.). Acts 21ff. relates that after his ‘collection journey’ he was taken prisoner in Jerusalem, incarcerated and tried in Caesarea [2], the seat of the Roman proconsul ofJudaea, und following a successful appeal he was transferred to Rome, where he was held in mild incarceration. It was there that he may have died a martyr’s death (recounted only ina later legend). C. CHRONOLOGY Chronological estimates have remained controversial up to the present day (cf. [4]; early dating, however, [6]). If the account in Acts 18:12ff. of a trial against P.

before Gallio (proconsul in Achaia in AD 51-52) is accurate, this would provide an approximate starting point. This would fit with the report that he met in Corinth with Aquila and Prisca, who — along with other Jews — had been expelled from Rome by the edict issued

PAULUS

in AD 49 by Emperor Claudius. Based on relative chronological information, for example in Galatians rf., the ‘meeting of the apostles’ can probably be dated to approximately 48/9 and P.’s call to AD 35, while his imprisonment and death appear to have occurred around AD 58-6o. Ill. THEOLOGY P.’s theology is clearly marked by a Jewish apocalyp-

tic view of the world in which the present is the end of days. P. proclaims the message of Jesus Christ as offering salvation to everyone who believes from the threat of the eschatological judgement of God’s wrath. Only those will be saved who can demonstrate ‘God’s righteousness’, freedom from guilt brought by the redemptive death of the Son of God (Romans

1:16-18). All

mortals have been shown to be sinners; teous. Since the ethical state of the world shall be destroyed (Romans 1:19-3:20). in this crisis of the world believe in God’s

no one is righis abhorrent, it But those who salvation shall

be relieved of their sins (Romans 3:21ff.); they can and

must, with the help of the spirit, live a life of righteousness until the end (Romans 6:1ff.; 8:1ff.), at which time they will either be awakened from death or, if alive, they will be transformed and raised up to heaven (1 Thessalonians 4:13ff.; 1 Corinthians 15:12ff.; 2 Corinthians 5:1ff.). This transformation is clearly necessary, since human beings, descended from Adam, are of a substance, sarx (‘flesh’), which is susceptible to sin, espe-

cially sexuality and its desires (Romans 7:14ff.; 8:12ff.). Thus God’s eschatological initiative towards salvation in Christ represents, for P., the beginning of a ‘new creation’ (xatvi] xtiou/kaine ktisis; 2 Corinthians 5:17; Galatians 6:15), a new ‘humanity’ (Romans 5:12/ff.), which overcomes the social and sexual differences [3] of human kind, which is descended from Adam, and with them the subjection of mortals to ephemerality, insignificance and the power of sin (Galatians 3:28; Romans 8:roff.). Even in the old era, belief in Jesus Christ as God’s eschatological initiative towards salvation from

the crisis of the world offers some of the saving powers of the new era, as demonstrated by the outpouring of the spirit seen in its work of transformation, as well as in charismatic

worship

(Romans

5:1ff.;

Galatians

3:1ff.; 1 Corinthians 8ff.). In this sense the believer is formed in accordance with the fate of the Son of God. But unlike Him, the believer has not yet been carried up to heaven, which is why the ‘new life’ in the spirit (Romans 6:4) must be demonstrated, for example through ascetic sexual behaviour (1 Corinthians 7). This apocalyptic vision must show that believers from all nations will take part in salvation at the end of time, and that Israel has been chosen and anointed by the gift of the Torah and the promise of the > Messiah. Thus P. interprets the choosing of the people of Israel (> Judah and Israel) as the essential prehistory and promise of the salvation of all at the end of days, and views Abraham as the prototype of righteous belief and father of believers, Jews and non-Jews alike (Romans 4; Gala-

PAULUS

644

643

tians 3). Moreover, he underscores the righteousness of belief as the télos (aim) of the Torah, which was initia-

ted by Christ and overcomes differences between Jews and non-Jews (Romans

10:4). Even circumcision, the

essential Jewish mark of identity, is now seen only as a supplementary sign, affirming that Abraham, while still uncircumcised, showed himself to be righteous because he believed (Romans 4:11). In the Torah, in turn, two

intentions are to be distinguished: For those who follow its teachings it is a gift for living; for the sinner it is a death sentence (Romans 2:17ff.; 7:1ff.; 1o:5ff.;

2 Co-

[113] P. of > Arabissus in Cappadocia. Father of Emperor > Mauricius. In AD 582 he received a fortune and the leading position in the Senate (John of Ephesus, Historia ecclesiastica 3,5,18). Recipient of a letter from Childebert II (MGH Epp. 3, p. 144, epist. 37) seeking to influence the emperor’s family [2. vol. 2, 153f.; 3. 15]. P. may have come from the Western Empire [2. vol. 1, 41; 1. 855]. 1 PLRE 3b, 980f. 2 P. GouBert, Byzance avant I’Islam, 3M. Wuirsy, The Emperor vol. 1, 1951, vol. 2, 1955 WE.LU. Maurice and his Historian, 1988.

rinthians 3). For since the Torah was revealed to mankind between the time of Adam and Christ, in a time

{Il 4] P. Diaconus

when sin and death already prevailed (Romans 5:12ff.), it was not only ‘powerless on account of the flesh’

I. Lire

I]. HisrorrcaLt works

IV. WORKS

III. OTHER WORKS

ON GRAMMAR

(Romans 8:3) to realize its promise of life. Rather, it had

to experience sin as sin and come to the realization ‘that no flesh will be justified by works of the law’ (Romans With this theology, P. finds himself on two fronts. On the one hand, he is fighting — for example in Galatia — against the attempt by non-Jewish believers in Christ to perfect their faith by converting to Judaism. For him, this means seeking to perfect in the flesh what was

If Maasas The chronology of this prolific Lombard author is largely disputed [2. 259-262]. He was born around AD 720/730 in Cividale (Friuli), son of the nobleman Warnefrid. A very early work is a poem from the year 763 (No. 2,8,3 NEFF) written for Princess Adelperga. His Historia Romana was published before 774; somewhat later P. became a monk at Monte Cassino. In the early

begun in the spirit; for P., an existence in faith means

780s, P. pleaded before Charlemagne the case of his

being a child of Abraham, legitimate in eschatological terms and sealed by the spirit. On the other hand, and this is the problem faced by the community in Rome, which has been recruited primarily from the ranks of non-Jews, he is fighting against the contention that Israel has forfeited its position as a chosen people, since and insofar as most of its people do not share a belief in

brother Archis, who had been imprisoned following the revolt of Friuli (approx. AD 776), and spent several years at court as a scholar under Alcuin; during this period P. wrote the epitome of Festus (Fest. p. 1; cf. Festus [6]). Around 785, P. returned to Monte Cassino and died in about 800.

Christ. In answer to this, he offers in Romans 9-11 an

Il. HisTORICAL WORKS The Historia Romana is an epitome of > Eutropius [1], whose work was continued in volumes 11-16 up to the year AD 553 (published before 774). The Historia Langobardorum in 6 volumes spanned the period from prehistoric times up to the year AD 744; upon P.’s death it was not yet finished. It was put to intensive use, as shown by the more than too MSS that have been preserved. The Gesta episcoporum Mettensium are from his time at court, containing an account of the bishops of Metz, who were counted among the forebears of Charlemagne (Paulus Hist. Lang. 6,16), as is the biography of Gregorius [3] the Great (ibid. 3,24). Among Carolingian historical works, P.’s spare, source-rich accounts are notable in depicting past events as interesting material but without concern for the categories of Salvific history or for establishing a direct link to the present.

3:20; Galatians 2:16).

interpretation ‘based on the doctrine of salvation’, in which at present only a ‘part’ of Israel whose election is irrevocable has found its way to belief in Christ, while ‘others have been made hardened’ by God, in order to facilitate the entry of believers from all nations. This condition will end when the nations have fully participated in salvation, and with the salvation of ‘all Israel’ the eschatological goal will be achieved. - Apocalypse; > Apostles, Letters of the; > Apostolic History; > Bible; — Christianity; — Gospel; > Judaism; > Letter; > Mission; > Paul, Acts of 1 H.-D. Betz, Der Galaterbrief, 1988 2G. BOoRNKAMM, P., 71993 3D. Boyarin, A Radical Jew. Paul and the

Politics of Identity, 1994 4R. Jewett, P.-Chronologie, 1982 5H.-J. Krauck, Die antike Briefliteratur und das Neue Testament, 1998

6 G. LUDEMANN, P. der Heiden-

apostel. 1. Studien zur Chronologie, 1980

7 E. P. San-

bers, P. Eine Einfiihrung, 1995 8 T. SCHMELLER, P. und die ‘Diatribe’, 1987 9 A. F. SEGAL, Paul the Convert. The

Apostolate and Apostasy of Saul the Pharisee, 1990 10 E. W. und W. SteGEMANN, Urchristliche Sozialgeschichte. Die Anfange im Judentum und die Christusgemeinden in der mediterranen Welt,*1997

11K. STENDAHL, Der Jude

Ill. P.’s mainly No. 6

OTHER WORKS works also include a good two dozen poems, short works (the longest is made up of 154 lines: NerFF), including epitaphs, letters written in

P. und wir Heiden. Anfragen an das abendlandische Chri-

metric form to Peter of Pisa (No. 20 NEFF) and Char-

stentum, 1978

12 Cu. STRECKER, Die liminale Theologie

des P. Zugange thropologischer Entstehung der gen christlicher

zur paulinischen Theologie aus kulturanPerspektive, 1999 13 D. TRopiscu, Die P.briefsammlung. Studien zu den AnfanPublizistik, 1989. ESTE.

lemagne (Nos. 11; 18; 32 NEFF). Among his theological writings are a collection of sermons [2. 266] as wellasa commentary on St. Benedict’s Rule, which has not been preserved [2. 263].

645

646

IV. WoRKS ON GRAMMAR P.’s commentary on the Ars Grammatica of Donatus [3] has been preserved, but his most important work for classical scholarship is his excerpt from Sex. Pompeius —» Festus [6]. Since the Festus text of the letters M-Z of

the defendant was established through an > interrogatio in iure (interrogation in front of a magistrate); if

his lexicon De verborum significatu has been preserved only in the form of a damaged MS, P.’s excerpt helps to compensate for damage/lacunae in M-Z; moreover, it

offers additional information on A-L: P. used a MS that was related to our Festus MS (F) but more complete.

His work is rarely found in medieval bibliographies; not until the editions of A. AUGUSTIN (1559) and J. ScaLtGER (1565) did P. appear alongside Festus. Since that time he himself has seldom been the subject of interest, but has been used only to clarify questions of detail in Festus which, in turn, helped to reconstruct > Verrius Flaccus. The pretentious attitude of Festus is missing; P. is a careful epitomist, but does not decline to make changes such as substituting past-tense forms for the present in some religious passages and drastically shortening some quotations [1]; it has been possible to reconstruct certain deletions, with reservations, with the help

of ancient sources (e.g. Fest. 78,10-13: favisae with

PAUSANIAS

he denied ownership unlawfully, a noxae deditio was

impossible. An aedilician edictum de feris existed in respect damage caused by wild animals(Dig. 21,1,40-42) envisaged a monetary penalty and the compensation loss; the actio de pastu pecoris concerned the grazing cattle in another’s field (Ulp. Dig. 19,5,14,3). + Actio [2]; > Aediles; > Damnum M.

Kaser,

K. Hackt,

Das romische

of It of of

Zivilprozefrecht,

71996, 256, 343; M. V. GIANGRIECO Pess1, Ricerche sull’actio de pauperie. Dalle XII tavole ad Ulpiano, 1995; R. ZIMMERMANN, The Law of Obligations, 1990, 10961108.

R.GA.

Pausanias (IMavoaviac; Pausanias). [1] Spartiate from the house of the > Agiads, son of Cleombrotus [1], after whose death (480/479 BC) he became guardian for his cousin Pleistarchus [1] and ‘regent’ (Hdt. 9,10; Thuc. 1,132,1; Paus. 3,4,9), father of the later king > Pleistoanax (Thuc. 1,107,2). In 479,

(e.g. Fest. 68,8-13:

P. led the contingent of the Hellenic confederacy of 481 to victory over the Persians at Plataeae (— Persian Wars), where at first the Greeks almost suffered a catas-

BIBLIOGRAPHY: 1R. CERVANI, L’Epitome di Paolo del »De Verborum Significatu« di Pompeio Festo, 1978

trophe when P. had to engage ina nighttime retreat due to supply difficulties (Hdt. 9,19-88; Plut. Aristides

Gell. 2,10) or later commentaries

everriator with CGL 4, 192).

3K. Nerr, De Paulo Diacono

14-20; Diod. Sic. 11,29,4-32; [1. 217-247]). After the

Festi epitomatore, 1891; C. R. PHILLIPs, Festus on Roman Religion (to appear soon).

victory, P. had his name put on a dedication at Delphi; however, on the instructions of the Spartans, it was replaced by the names of the Greeks who participated in the battle (ML 27; Thuc. 1,132,2-3; Anth. Pal. 6,197). In the spring of 478, he led land and naval forces to Cyprus and the Hellespont to provide Hellas with wideranging protection against the expected attacks of the Persians. In Byzantium, he is said to have treated the Greeks subordinate to him arrogantly, and also to have made contact with the Persians. It cannot be excluded that the accusations were meant to disguise a conspiracy against him in which > Aristides [1] was significantly involved. P. was summoned back to Sparta, where he was placed on trial, but acquitted (Thuc. 1,94-95; inimacn ise IDieyel Sic, iyi Ihe, INnGuiesy 28

2 Manitius,

1, 257-272

EDITIONS: Festus Epitome: W. M. Linpsay, 1913 (repr. 1930 = CGL 4, 71-467); Vita Gregorii: H. GrIsar, in: Zeitschrift fiir katholische Theologie 9, 1887, 162-173; Letters: E. DUMMLER, MGH Epp 4, 1895 (repr. 1974),

505-516; Donatus comm: NEFF,

A. AMELLI,

1899; Poems: K.

1908; Gesta episcoporum Mettensium:

G. PERTZ,

MGH SS 2, 1829 (repr. 1976), 260-268; Historia Langobardorum: L. BETHMANN, G. Waitz, MGH Scriptores

Langobardicarum et Italicarum, 1878 (repr. 1988), 12187; Historia

Romana:

A. CRIVELLUCCI,

liary: PL 95, 1159-1566.

1913;

Homui-

CRP.

Pauperies. Pauperies (perhaps from pauper, poor; the connection is questionable) according to the Twelve Tables (+ tabulae duodecim) referred to damage caused by a four-footed animal (quadrupes) (tab. 8,6;

Ulp. Dig. 9,1,1 pr.). Although originally the cause was attributed to the animal demon, legal action was taken not against the animal itself, but against its handler. In classical Roman

law, the owner of four-footed

(working) animals could be held liable for endangerment through the actio de pauperie (an analogous actio utilis applied to other domestic animals), where domestic animals caused damage through unusual behaviour (Ulp. Dig. 9,1,1,7 contra naturam) (s. Servius/Ulp. Dig. 9,1,1,4

commota

feritate, driven

by savagery). The

behaviour gave rise to a > noxalis actio, with the right to choose between liability to compensate loss or to hand over the animal (moxae deditio). The ownership of

Cimon 6).

Some time later, he was again in Byzantium on his own initiative in order to acquire a base. However, he was driven out by Cimon [2], and went to Colonae (Asia Minor), where he received the order to return to Sparta, probably in 471/470, after which he was again accused of > médismos. He surrendered, and was again acquitted (Thuc. 1,128-13 2,1). The accusation that he had conspired with the > helots also did not seem valid to the > éphoroi (Thuc. 1,132,4-5), who nevertheless followed up on reports of contacts by P. with the Persian king and produced alleged evidence through intrigues, so that P. fled to the temple of Athena Chalkioikos, where he was forced to starve to death (Thuc. 1,132,5-1343;Diod. Sic. 11,45—-46; Paus. 3,17,7—-9).

PAUSANIAS

P. ambitions and his failure resulted from the conflict between polis community and individual, when he believed he saw a chance to expand Sparta’s power significantly after having repelled the Persians; however, he overestimated the scope of his polis, strongly limited in its foreign policy by the threat of the helots and soon also by problems in its own system of alliances, and engaged in obscure activities in the pursuit of his own interests. > Sparta 1 J. F. Lazenpy, The Defence of Greece, 490-479 B.C., 0998):

F. BourriorT, P., fils de Cleombrotos, vainqueur de Platées, in: L’information historique 44, 1982, 1-16; L. ScHU-

MACHER, Themistokles und P.: Die Katastrophe der Sieger, in: Gymnasium 94, 1987, 218-246; W. T. Loomis,

P., Byzantion and the Formation of the Delian League, in: Historia 39, 1990, 487-492; J. M. BALcer, The Liberation of Ionia: 478 B.C., in: Historia 46, 1997, 374-376.

K.-W.W. [2] Spartan king from the house of the > Agiads, son of > Pleistoanax (Paus. 1,13,4; 3,5,1), father of Agesipolis [tr] Land Cleombrotus [2] I; at first, king under the guardianship of his uncle > Cleomenes [4] during the exile of his father (44 5/4-427/6 BC; Thue. 3,26,2), then again after the death of his father (Diod. Sic. 13,75,1).

During the blockade of Athens in 405, he advanced with Spartan troops as far as the Academy (- Athens [r] II. 8. with

map;

Xen.

Hell.

2,2,7-8;

Diod.

Sic.

13,107,2; Plut. Lysander 14,1), and in 403, he again led forces to Athens, where he achieved a reconciliation

between the parties in the civil war there, thus allowing the restoration of the democracy contrary to the intent of

648

647

> Lysander [1] (Xen. Hell. 2,4,29-39; Lys. 18,10-

12; [Aristot.] Ath. Pol. 38,4; Diod. Sic. 14,33,6; Plut. Lysander 21). After his return to Sparta, he was charged, but acquitted (Paus. 3,5,2). Apparently, he sought to undermine the position of Lysander, because he was not willing to accept the latter’s dominating influence. In 395/4 BC, in the war against Thebes, P. was

unable to prevent the Spartan defeat and the death of Lysander at Haliartus, and was condemned to death in absentia as a result (Xen. Hell. 3,5,17-25; Diod. Sic.

aid the Athenians against -> Potidaea, and is probably identical with the witness to the oath Tavo]aviac Mayiytou

(Pauslanias

Machétou;

IG B 1, 89 Z. 76)

named in the treaty between Athens and Perdiccas [2]

Il. [4] The son of King Aeropus [3] was eliminated in 393/2 BC, after one year of rule, by Amyntas [3] III (Diod. Sic. 14,84,6; 89,2).

[5] Relative of the Macedonian royal house (Aeschin. 2,27 with scholia), who invaded Macedonia from the east in 369 BC, and could only be repelled with the help of the Athenian Iphicrates (Aeschin. 2,27; 29). He was able to establish himself in Calindoea (IG IV* 1, 94 b Z. 13), from which in 3 59, he attempted to intervene in the Macedonian troubles after the death of Perdiccas [3] II (Diod. Sic. 16,2,6); however, Philippus [4] II was able to persuade the Thracian king to drop his protégé (Diod. Sic. 16,3,4). HM 2, 168; 170; 176; 184; 193f.; 208; 210; M. B. Hatz-

OPOULOS, La Béotie et la Macédoine a l’époque de I’hégémonie thébaine ..., in: La Béotie antique (Lyons 1983), 1985, 247-257.

M.Z.

[6] Son of Cerastus of Orestus (Jos. Ant. Iud. 11,304), ‘bodyguard’ of > Philippus [4] II, in whose last Illyrian war (Diod. Sic. 16,69,7: 344 BC) he drove another P., who had supplanted him as the favourite of Philip, to sacrifice his life. > Attalus [1], who was friends with the latter, avenged him by having P. raped by slaves. In 337, when Philip married > Cleopatra [II 2] and promoted her uncle Attalus, P.’ old wounds were reopened: he stabbed Philip to death at the wedding of his daughter > Cleopatra [II 3]; thereupon, the friends of > Alexander [4] the Great killed him, and the latter was recognized as king by the army. The background of the deed is variously reported (primary source: Diod. Sic. 16,93-4). That Alexander had nothing to do with the murder of Philip is difficult to accept. E. BapIAN, The Death of Philip I, in: Phoenix 17, 1963, 244-250; J. R. Fears, P. the Assassin of Philip I, in: Athenaeum 53, 1975, 111-135. EB. [7] Son of Demetrius, in 201/200 BC, eponymous priest

14,81,2-3; Plut. Lysander 28,3-29,4; 30,1; [1. 55f.]). He fled to Tegea, where he lived in exile until his death, and wrote critically of the laws of > Lycurgus [4] in the work Kata ton Lykourgu nomon, probably wanting to strike at the ephorate (— éphoroi) (Str. 8,5,5 p. 366 = Pausanias FGrH 582; [2. rrof.; 3. 200f.]).

of Alexander; father of the eponymous officer Ptole-

1 R. URBAN, Der Konigsfrieden von 387/86 v.Chr., 1991 2 E. N. TiGersrept, The Legend of Sparta in Classical Antiquity, vol. 1, 1965 3 Sr. HODKINSON, ‘Blind Ploutos’?: Contemporary Images of the Role of Wealth in Clas-

I. PERSON AND TRADITION No ancient text has had greater influence on the development of Classical archaeology than P.’ ‘Description of Greece’ (Megmynoug “EhAaS0¢/Periegésis Hellados [36.5**]; third quarter of the 2nd cent. AD). Still controversial scholarship, which to date has focused particularly on P.’ reliability as a witness and informant, has yet to clarify fundamental questions about him and his work.

sical Sparta, in: A. PowELL, St. HopxKINsON

Shadow of Sparta, 1994.

(ed.), The

K.-W.W.

[3] The Macedonian P., mentioned in Thue. 1,61,4 with scholia, came from the royal house of —» Elimea; in the

summer of 432 BC, he commanded the cavalry sent to

maeus (PP I/VII 1992)? PP HI/X 5226.

[8] P., the Periegete I. PERSON AND TRADITION

W.A.

II. Work

649

650

Very little is known about P. himself, which is due essentially to his silence about himself and the fragmentary condition of the surviving text. He cannot be identified with one of the five variously recorded contemporaries of the same name [9]. The only ancient evidence for P. (Ael. VH 12,61) may be an interpolation [1o. 84; 88]. The work evidently owes its survival to the grammarian — Stephanus of Byzantium (6th cent. AD), but the relationship between the text of Stephanus and the archetype for the 18 surviving MSS, which is yet to be determined, remains unclear [10. 85f.; 12]. The elucidation of the direct and indirect transmissions of P. will also continue to contribute to the improvement of the existing text [9; 16; 22; 4. vol. 1, XXXI-XLVI]. P.’ name is recorded only by Stephanus, and all knowledge of his person must be deduced from his text. References to certain monuments and historical events suggest that he was bornc. AD 115. He probably began to write about AD 155 (some scholars assumed, and assume, an earlier point in time [3 5. 484-486]), and he seems to have still been occupied with his work shortly before AD 180 [18. 21-24 = 36. 9-12]. He probably came from Lydia, from the area of the > Sipylus mountains, perhaps from > Magnesia [3] itself [18. 25-28; 36. 14; 5. vol. 1, XIX]. The range of his travels, which incorporated Italy, Egypt, Palestine, Syria and northern Greece, indicate that he was reasonably wealthy

B. CONTENT The meagre scarcity of existing ancient periegetic literature [8] (> Periegetes) makes it difficult to establish an appropriate context for evaluating P.’ work. The scope of his work stands in contrast to the relatively limited geographical areas or subjects dealt with by the majority of periegetic works, insofar as these are recorded by titles and fragments [18. 15]. His declared intent is to investigate ‘all Greek matters’ (m&vta. ta EdAnvina, 1,26,4). His understanding of ‘Hellas’ is variously explained as ‘the mother country on the Balkan peninsula’ [18. 16], the Amphictyonic League ( amphiktyonia) [19], the Roman province of Achaia ([2z0]; cf. [4. vol. 1, XVII]) or ‘the Greek heartland’ within the Roman province [35. 471]. However the physical boundaries of P.’ Greece are determined, it is primarily the past which interests him — a focus of interest which corresponds to the antiquarian interests of his time ([13. 221-224]; cf. [32]). At any rate, he mentions a few symptoms of the Roman rule under which he lived, above all regarding the rulers of his time [35. 486 f.; 40]. It has often been noted that P. prefers monuments and history from the period before Greece lost its independence in the znd cent. BC [31; 18. ror-138]. Therefore, in the context of the earlier predominant fashion of excessive source scholarship, attempts were made to show plausibly that P. merely transcribed the work of earlier periegetes [18. 169180]. However, archaeological and epigraphical finds, especially those from excavations at the important sites, have consistently confirmed P.’ information, and today there is no longer any doubt that he very accurately records the results of his autopsy of monuments and inscriptions, and painstakingly weighed the resulting evidence against what he had learned from texts and informants in order to arrive at his own opinions [18. 64-92; 5. vol. 1, LXVI-LXVIII; 21; 36. XVFf.]. P.’ preference for the ancient has various layers. The most conspicuous is his deeply felt political and cultural connection with the Greeks and their erstwhile independence. This is combined with a complex attitude toward the Romans, an attitude of resistance attenuated by a willingness to recognize their proven benefits for Greece [18. 118-141; 36. XVI f£.; 24; 32. 216-237; 33. 330-356]. He makes his choice from among “all

[18. 28f.; 5. vol. 1, XX— XXII], but nothing more can

be said of his circumstances with any certainty. Il. Work

A. STRUCTURE

B. CONTENT

C. LOGOI AND

THEOREMATA

A. STRUCTURE The title of P.’ work is not certain; the traditional

name Hellddos Periégésis appears three times in the almost 80 references in Stephanus [18. 17; 11. roto}.

The modern division of the text into 10 books apparently goes back to the author, and also appears to reflect the order of their creation [4. vol. 1, XVIII; 18. 19; 11. 1009], which on its part reproduces the course of P.’ journey through Greece: book 1: Attica and the Megarid; book 2: Corinth and the surrounding territory, Argolid; book 3: Laconia; book 4: Messenia; books 5-6: Elis; book 7: Achaea; book 8: Arcadia; book 9: Boeotia; book ro: Phocis. The abrupt ending of the text, coupled with a single reference in Stephanus to an 11th book (Steph. Byz. Ethnica, s.v. Ta&wuva 600.9 MEINECKE),

has produced speculations that the work remained unfinished — therefore, that the author possibly planned more — or that the final editing never occurred, i.e. questions similar to those posed about the work of > Herodotus [1] [14. 241]. Others assumed that the MS has been incompletely preserved [9. 274f.]. While today it is generally considered that the existing text is essentially as P. designed and wrote it [18. 17-19; II. Tort; 15. 85], important questions concerning the genre and character of the work remain open.

PAUSANIAS

Greek matters’ (1,26,4; see above) in this milieu. His

interest in religious-cultic things is well known [5. vol. 1, XXV-XXXVI; 37]. Concerning monuments and history, he prefers forgotten and opaque information [33. 332], even if fame can be a criterion for inclusion among the ‘most noteworthy things’ [3 5]. C. LOGOI AND THEOREMATA

An old problem for scholarship is the apparent discrepancy between the detailed historical sections in the text of P. and his periegetic task, between the /6goi (‘words’, i.e. the oral and written transmission) and the thedremata (the objects of interest and their con-

templation;

Paus.

1,39,3;

[18.32f.

13.221-223;

PAUSANIAS

651

652

29. 200f.]). However, the problem is essentially an ar-

Bearzot, La Grecia di P. Geografia e cultura nella defi-

tificial one: P. assesses neither higher, and both elements are interconnected [18. 32f.; 14. 238f.; 35. 4893 31. 124; 30]. Even the appearance of extended logoi within the periegetic framework represents neither the intrusion of a different literary genre nor was the impression of the work to be increased by literary variation. Rather, the /6goi reproduce in written form the fundamental procedure with which Greek observers can understand the significance of monuments: a common effort of alternating explanation and discussion, as is recorded in the broad range of Greek > ekphrasis literature. The resulting evaluation of the relationship between l6goi and thedrémata in P. is based on the question of the character and intended audience of the work. Sucha long and yet selective text seems more suited for armchair travel than for actually being on the road [29. 73f.]. Likewise under discussion is the question of the periegetic genre [25. 406-408] and related forms. In light of contemporary interests, for example, ancient ethnography receives increased attention; P.’ inquiries in this regard have added new dimensions to his always recognized dependence on Herodotus |29. 268-271; 17; 28]. The most recent scholarship encounters P. with not a little sympathy, and contributes to showing greater appreciation of his field and, at the same time, his originality [30]. ~ Periegetes

nizione del concetto di Hellas, in: M. Sorpt (ed.), Geo-

Epit10ons: 1M. H. RocHa-PereIRA, Pausaniae Graeciae Descriptio, 3 vols., 1973-1981, *1989-1990 2N. PAPACHATZIS, “Edd GO0¢6 Tavoaviov Teouyynot, *1982-1995 (with Modern Greek trans. and archaeological comm.; illustrated) 3 D. Must, L. Bescut, Pausania.

Guida

della

comm.)

Grecia,

1982ff.

(with

Italian

trans.

and

4M. Casevitz, P., Description de la Greéce,

1992ff. (with French trans. and comm.). TRANSLATIONS WITH COMMENTARY: 5 J. G. FRAZER, P.’ Description of Greece, 6 vols.,*1913 6 E. MEYER, F. ECKSTEIN, P. C. BOL, P., Reisen in Griechenland, 3 vols., 1986-1989 (complete German trans. with comm.). INDEX: 7 V. PIRENNE-DELFORGE, G. PURNELLE, 1997. LITERATURE: 8 H. BiscHorr, s.v. Perieget, RE 19, 725742 9A. DiLter, The Authors Named P., in: TAPhA 86, 1955, 268-279 (repr. in: Id., Studies in Greek Manuscript

Trad., 1983, 137-148) 10Id., P. in the Middle Ages, in: TAPhA 87, 1956, 84-97 (repr. in: s. [9], 149-162) 110. REGENBOGEN, s.v. P., RE Suppl. 8, 1956, 1008-1097 12 A. DILLer, The Manuscripts of P., in: TAPhA 88, 1957, 169-188

(repr. in s. [9], 163-182)

13 B. P. REARDON,

Courants littéraires grecs des II° et III* siécles aprés J.-C., 1971, 221-224

14 H.-W. NORENBERG, Untersuchungen

zum Schluf der Meoujyynots tig “EXAGS0¢ des P., in: Hermes IOI, 1973, 235-252 15 F. CHAMOUX, P. géographe, in: R. CHEVALLIER (ed.), Melanges R. Dion. Littérature gréco-romaine et géographie historique (Caesarodunum 9,2), 1974, 83-90 16 H.-W. NORENBERG, Rezension zu [1], I, in: Gnomon 49, 1977, 132-136 17 C. Jacos, Pay-

sages hantés et jardins merveilleux. La Gréce imaginaire de P., in: L’ethnographie (Societé d’Ethnographie de Paris) 76.1, 1980, 35-67

18 C. HaBicnr, P. und seine ‘Beschrei-

bung Griechenlands’,

1985 (English edn.: [36])

19 C.

grafia e storiografia nel mondo classico, 1988, 90-112 20 U. BULTRIGHINI, La Grecia descritta da P. Trattazione diretta e trattazione indiretta, in: RFIC 118, 1990, 282-

305

21 H. Wuirtaker, P. and His Use of Inscriptions, in:

Symbolae Osloenses 66, 1991, 171-186 NORENBERG, review of [1], II-III, in: Gnomon

102-113

22 H.-W. 64, 1992,

23 J. ELsner, P.: A Greek Pilgrim in the Roman

World, in: Past and Present 135, 1992, 3-29

24 Y. Z.

Tz1ropOULOS, Mummius’ Dedications at Olympia and P.’ Attitudes to the Romans, in: GRBS 34, 1993, 93-100 25 M. Moacol, Scrittura e riscrittura della storia in Pausania, in: RFIC 121, 1993, 396-418 26 J. ELSNER, From

the Pyramids to P. and Piglet: Monuments, Travel and Writing, in: S. GOLDHILL, R. OsBorne (ed.), Art and Text in Ancient Greek Culture, 1994, 224-254 27 L. LACROIx,

Traditions locales et legends étiologiques dans la Periégése de P., in: Journal des Savants 1994, 75-99 28 C. CALAME, P. le Périégéte en ethnographe ou comment décrire un culte grec, in: J.-M. ApaM et al., Le discours anthropologique. Description, narration, savoir, *1995, 205-226 29 J. BINGEN (ed.), P. historien (Entretiens 41, 1994), 1996 30F. CHAMOoux, La méthode historique de P.

d’aprés le livre I de la Périégése, in: [29], 45-47

31 W.

AMELING, P. und die hellenistisce Geschichte, in: [29], 117-166 32E, L. Bowe, Past and Present in P. in: [29], 207-239 33S. Swain, Hellenism and Empire. Language, Classicism, and Power in the Greek World AD 50-250, 1996, 330-356 34K. W. Ararat, P.’ Greece. Ancient Artists and Roman Rulers, 1996 35 U. KREILINGER, T&

aEwAoyotata tob Mavoaviov. Die Kunstauswahlkriterien des P., in: Hermes 125, 1997, 470-491 36 C. HaBiIcut, P.’ Guide to Ancient Greece, *1998 37 W.K. PRITCHETT, P. Periegetes, 2 vols., 1998-1999 38M. Hert, s.v. P. periegeta, PIR 6, 1998, 64-65 Nr. 187 39 D. KNOEPFLER, P. a Rome en l’an 148?, in: REG 112, 1999, 485-509

40 C. P. PAPATOANNOU, P. et la politique antoninienne, in: R. F. Docrer, E. M. MooRMANN (ed.), Proc. of the XVth International Congr. of Classical Archaeology (Amsterdam 1998), 1999, 303-305.

AAD.

[9] Greek lexicographer, contemporary of Aelius ~» Dionysius [21] of Halicarnassus, from the time of Hadrian (beginning of the 2nd cent. AD). Like Dionysius, P. is known as the author of an alphabetically ordered, fragmentarily handed-down Atticistic dictionary with the title Attix@v dvonatov ovvaywynh (‘Collection of Attic Words’; schol. Thuc. 6,27,1), which not only provides instructions for good Attic expression, but also was intended to promote the appreciation of the Attic writers through the inclusion of cultural-historical information. His sources include > Aristophanes [4] of Byzantium, > Didymus [1] of Alexandria and ~ Pamphilus, for paroemiographic questions — Lucillus. The dictionary of P. counts among the sources for ~ Moeris and > Photius, and was preserved into the 12th cent., as is shown from its use by > Eustathius [4]. Exegeses of P. are provided to the scholia literature, the ~ Suda and the Etymologicum Genuinum (> Etymologica) through the Synagoge chrésimon léxeon. EpiTion: 1H. Ersse, Untersuchungen zu den attizistischen Lexika (Abhandlungen der deutschen Akademie der

654

653

Wissenschaften zu Berlin, Philologisch-historische Klasse,

1949, NO. 2), 1950, 152-221. LITERATURE: 2H. ERBSE(s.[1]) Few

Observations

syne Ser. 4,8, 1955, 207-218 RE 18.4, 2406-2416.

Pausias

(Ilavoiacs;

3 M. VAN DER VALK, A

on the Atticistic Lexica,

Pausias).

in: Mnemo-

4C. WENDEL, s.v. P. (22), ST.MA.

Greek

painter

from

> Sicyon, belonging to the local school, student of -» Pamphilus [2], worked between 380 and 330 BC. Representative of light, decorative genre painting that was popular at the time and moved away from the historical-mythical themes of the classical period. With the change in subjects came a preference for predominantly small scenes in splendid > Encaustic (painting). Sources (Plin. HN. 3 5,123ff.) emphasize graceful still lifes of

PAUSON

long; cf. [1]) under the ridge today known as Posilippo (Str. 5,4,5; cf. also CIL X, 6929f.). 1M. Hascuer, Die Crypta Neapolitana, in: Orbis Terrarum

5, 1999, 127-156.

R. T. GUNTHER, Pausilypum, Naples, 1913; J. H. D’Arms,

the Imperial Villa near Romans on the Bay of

Naples, 1970.

S.D.V.

Pausippus (Iavoinnocg; Pavisippos). Spartan, member of adelegation to > Darius [3] that > Alexander [4] the Great captured either in 33 3/2 BC near Damascus (thus Curt. 3,13,15) or in 330 after Darius’ death (thus Arr. Anab. 3,24,4). EB. Pausistratus

(Ilavoiotoatoc;

Pausistratos).

P. from

flowers, whose effects are evident in blossom and ten-

Rhodes, admiral energetically active in the second of

dril ornaments on contemporary vases from lower Italy as well as in mosaics from Macedonia or the Roman period. His famous Woman weaving a wreath, a copy of

the > Macedonian Wars and in the > Syrian War on the side of Rome. His and allied land troops fought the

which came to Rome in the rst cent. BC, can also be

(Liv. 33,18,1-21). In r91/190 he was active off the Ionian coast, where in 190 his fleet suffered a ruinous defeat at Panormus in Samia at the hands of > Polyxenidas and he was killed himself (Liv. 36,45,5f.5 AGA ATApUOLARIIE VE HANOI JAVojoy Shits PAs AIA 24,120: Pausimachos) [1. 153f.; 2. 196]. A strategem of P.’s during a weapons inspection is unclear (Polyain. 5,27). It must remain undecided whether a society (of Dionysian — technitai ?) of Pausistrdteioi in Rhodes recorded for the end of the 2nd century BC can be connected with P. [x. 15 5'*]. P. was considered the inventor of fire-brazier ships (Pol. 21,7,1-5; cf. Liv.

seen in this context. P. also painted popular pictures of boys (Hor. Sat. 2,7,95) and erotic scenes. Furthermore,

he worked in architectural painting, decorating ceiling panels. The high level of his development as a painter with regard to > Perspective is attested by sources praising his painting of a bull sacrifice, which later also came to Rome, in which the foreshortened front view of the animal was perfected through colour modelling. Similarly fine colour nuances also appear to have distinguished his other works (Paus. 2,27,3). He was less successful at restoring the wall frescos of > Polygnotus [1] in the temple of Thespiae (Plin. HN. 35,123), which is not surprising given the style considered typical of P. F. CruiBeERTO, Pittura su tavola e mosaico pavimentale, in:

Hefte des archadologischen Seminars Bern 14, 1991, 1126; A. GRIFFIN, Sikyon, 1982, 148-151; N. Hoescn, Bilder apulischer Vasen und ihr Zeugniswert fiir die Entwicklung der griechischen Malerei, 1992, 94-105; P. Moreno, Pittura Greca, 1987; Orazio: Enciclopedia Oraziana 1, 1996, 842-843 s.v. P.; A. ROUVERET, Histoire et

imaginaire de la peinture ancienne, 1989; I. SCHEIBLER, Griechische Malerei der Antike, 1994; F. SEILER, Die Tholos, 1986, 80, 153; K. TANCKE, Figuralkassetten griechischer und r6mischer Steindecken, 1989, 12-14. N.H.

Pausilypum (Ilavoikunoy; Pausilypon; literally ‘Ending Pain’). Villa of P. > Vedius [II 4] Pollio between > Neapolis [2] and > Puteoli (Plin. HN 3,82; 9,167). Once when Augustus was a guest there, his host

determined to throw a slave to the > moray eels in one of his fishponds for having broken a crystal goblet. Augustus pardoned the slave (Plin. HN 9,77; Cass. Dio 54,23,1ff.). After the owner’s death in 15 BC, Augustus inherited the villa and had it managed by a procurator (Cass. Dio 54,23). Parts of the villa have survived along with remains of the harbour and water installations. The road to Puteoli, a public right of way in the Imperial period, led through a tunnel (Grotta di Seiano, 780 m

Macedonian

general Deinocrates in Caria in 197 BC

37,11,13) [3. 33]. 1 R. M. BERTHOLD, Rhodes in the Hellenistic Age, 1984 2 G. SHipLey, A History of Samos 800-188 B.C., 1987 3S. T. TEeoporsson, P.’ Fire Basket, in: Symbolae Osloenses 65, 1990, 31-35.

L-M.G.

Pauson (Ilavowy; Pavison). Greek painter from Athens

(2), whose creative period towards the end of the 5th cent. BC can only be indirectly inferred. The atrocious judgment of the content of his paintings in the written sources of the 4th cent. BC — e.g. in Aristotle and Aristophanes — has a conservative ring and evaluates them primarily from a moral point of view. It seems to have been shaped by a similar verdict on his character (or vice versa?). We can only assume that new types of themes or methods of representation radically infringed the noble subjects and the dignified painting style of Classicism in a way that ran counter to the times and irritated his colleagues. Allegedly P. depicted things like poverty and ugliness in a realistic manner. The only painting title passed down to us is that of a horse rolling around in the dust that, placed on its head, appeared to be galloping. L. GUERRINI, s.v. P., EAA 5, 1963, 998;J.J. Poiiitt, The Ancient View of Greek Art, 1974; J. Remvacu,

Recueil

Milliet, *1985, Nr. 173-179; I. SCHEIBLER, Griechische Malerei der Antike, 1994.

N.H.

655

656

Pausulae. Municipium of Regio V (CIL VI 2375a, 21; Plin. HN 3,111) in the central river valley of the Flusor

rated examples within the building complex and the choice of possible motifs, and on the other hand in the evident re-use of individual — not necessarily decorative — floor coverings. Apparently pavimenta were meaningful in the Greek and Roman worlds, always defining the room, its usage and to some extent even the house owner. Occasionally a pavimentum was removed and re-used in another building as an object of remembrance for the former owner. This has, for example, been demonstrated for parts of the so-called Casa di

PAUSON

(the modern Potenza) near the monastery of San Clau-

dio al Chienti in the region of the modern Corridonia, south-east of Macerata. Evidence of settlement and inscriptions; municipal magistrates are not known. Not far from there, around San Lucia di Morrovalle, was an Apollo sanctuary (cf. ILS 3213; ILLRP 49). L. BanTI, s.v. P., RE 18.4, 2426-2429; N. ALFIERI, s.v. P., EAA 5, 998; E. PERCOSSI SERENELLI, N. FRAPICCINI, Corridonia, in: Picus 19, 1999, 373-378. G.PA.

Pautalia (Mavtahia; Pautalia). City ina

fertile plain on the upper > Strymon (Ptol. 3,11,12) between the River

Livia in Rome [4]. A letter of Seneca (86,5) attests to the thoughts which arose in an ancient observer in relation to the pavimentum of a famous house, when it reads: ‘Hoc illum pavimentum tam vile sustinuit’ (‘This paltry floor bore him [Scipio]’).

Bantcica and Hizarlak Hill, overbuilt by modern Kju-

mic and cultural centre. Mining (iron, copper, lead, and silver mines), stream gold and mineral springs were the nature of the economic profile. There was a temple to Asclepius on the Hizarlak; Zeus, Hera, Apollo, Pan and Dionysus were also worshipped, in addition there was a mithraeum (— Mithras) in P. and outside the city a sanctuary to the “Thracian horseman’. P. was connected by a network of roads to Serdica, Stobi, Amphipolis, Philippopolis and Naissus. From the 3rd century there were Christian communities. In about the middle and late 3rd century P. suffered under invasions by > Goti. In the 4th-6th centuries P. was expanded, and the Hizarlak was fortified under Justinian (527-565 AD)

Il. TERMINOLOGY The ancient types of pavimenta and the corresponding ancient technical terms, from a few references in Pliny’s Naturalis historia, are collated in [3]. Pavimenta subdiala (unadorned open-air screed floors) and pavimentum Graecanicum (open-air screed floors with an admixture of coal) can be reliably demonstrated as terms for undecorated floors. [3] also sees opus signinum as an undecorated floor, while [5] regards this as the earliest form of mosaic in Italy: patterns made of rows of white tesserae (cut fragments of stone) are set as decoration in mortar made of crushed roof tiles and pottery fragments with white lime as a binder. Particularly widespread in Italy was opus figlinum, a pavimentum made of rod-shaped tesserae, usually of made of clay (hence the name), which were laid in pairs or in a herringbone pattern (so-called pavimenta spi-

with a repaired wall (Procop. Aed. 4,1,313 4,4,2). On

cata testacea).

the site of P. the Slav city of Velbuzd arose in the Middle

Further forms (cf. [3]): pavimenta elaborata arte picturea ratione (picture mosaics), pavimenta barbarica atque subtegulanea (screed floors with cube-shaped inlays) and pavimenta scutulata (screed floors with a repeated lozenge pattern), pavimenta lithostrata (slab

stendil (in Bulgaria). Founded under Trajan (98-117 AD) over a settlement of the Thracian > Danthaletae

(traces from the early Hallstatt period onward, end of the 8th century BC), P. was an administrative, econo-

Ages. ~» Moesi; > Moesia (with map) B. Gerov, Prouévanija varchu zapadnotrakijskite zemi prez rimsko vreme, in: Ann. de l’univ. de Sofia, fac. philol. 54,3, 1959, 226-338;

L. Ruseva-SLoxoska,

P., 1989.

floor) and opus sectile (floor made of marble slabs of

Lv.B.

various colours, in geometrical or figurative arrangements).

Pavimentum I. INTRODUCTION PECULIARITIES

IJ. TERMINOLOGY IV. PAVIMENTA

III. LOCAL

POENICA

I. INTRODUCTION Although only a small part of the pavimenta (floor coverings) in ancient buildings was decorated, scholars

have paid a great deal of attention to them, esp. to those decorated with > mosaics (other floor coverings generally only appear in scholarly literature in relation to the identification of their ancient terminology). In > Pompeii only 2.5 % of floors were decorated with mosaics, a further 7% were decorated with cement floors and the rest of the buildings are floored with undecorated stone or cement pavimenta or even stamped earth. Pavimenta were always more than mere decoration, as shown on the one hand by the distribution of deco-

II. LOCAL PECULIARITIES

A comparison of the pavimenta of — Delos and > Pompeii shows the variations between the western — Roman — and the eastern — Greek — execution of pavimenta [5]. While the western decorative tradition prefers to cover the entire surface to the very edges and thus develops repetitive patterns which end abruptly at the edges or at the threshold mosaics, the eastern custom divides the surface into a middle and a peripheral section and emphasizes the centre with a single motif dominating the space, while the periphery could also remain undecorated, but in any case remains unobtrusive. These variations are also discernible in the development of -» mosaics in the different workshops. + Mosaic

PAX

658

657 1M.

BLANCHARD-LEMEE et al., Sols de Il’Afrique 1995 2 D. CoRLAITA SCAGLIARINI, Spazio e decorazione nella pittura pompeiana, in: Palladio 23-25, 1974/76, 3-44 3M. Donperer, Die antiken Pavimentum-Typen und ihre Benennungen, in: JDAI 102, 1987, 365-377 41d., Pavimentum als Bedeutungstrager herrscherlicher Legitimation, in: Journal of Roman ArchaeolRomaine,

ogy 7, 1994, 257-262 5H. Joyce, Form, Function and Technique in the Pavements of Delos and Pompeii, in: AJA 83, 1979, 253-263 6H. Kier, Der mittelalterliche SchmuckfufSboden, 1970 7M. Morricone MartINI, Scutulata Pavimenta, 1980 8M. DE Vos, Pavimente e Mosaici, in: E. La Rocca et al., Pompei 79, 1979, 161-

176 91d., Paving Techniques at Pompeii, in: ArchaeologiAL.PA.

cal News 16, 1991, 36-60.

IV. PAVIMENTA POENICA According to the testimony of Varro (Fest. 282), a term used by Cato [1] the Elder in the mid 2nd cent. BC in a speech to refer to ‘new-fangled’ luxurious floors imported from Carthage. Most likely [1. 327"] it refers to the high-quality, waterproof (or water-repellent)

mortar and ground brick screed floors of various colours developed there from the 5th cent. BC. It was sometimes decorated with marble tesserae which were arranged in loose patterns and/or ornamental bands or, by the time of Cato, in large fields and emblems (~ Mosaic). 1K.M.D. DunBaBIN, Early Pavement Types in the West and the Invention of Tessellation, in: Journal of Roman Archaeology, Suppl. 9, 1994, 26-40 25S. LANCcEL, Les pavimenta punica du quartier punique tardif de la colline de Byrsa, in: Cahiers d’Etudes Anciennes (Quebec) 17,

1985, 157-177 schen

3 F. Rakos, Karthago, vol. 1. Die deut-

Ausgrabungen

in

Karthago,

1991,

220-225. H.G.N.

B. Pax AUGUSTA ‘Pax Augusta’ (cf. ILS 3786-3789) designates an era of internal peace, beginning with > Augustus’ > Principate, which ended the period of civil wars and brought internal security to the Roman Empire [6. 203ff.]. It was for the worship of this peace, also personified as a goddess (Pax [2]), that the > ara Pacis Augustae was constituted by a Senate resolution on 4 July 13 BC and dedicated on 30 January 9 BC. In analogy with this and with the templum Pacis of Flavius > Vespasianus, a pax Flavia (not attested in sources) has been constructed in modern times [6. 223ff.]. C. Pax ROMANA The pax Romana, propagandized as a Roman order of peace for the Graeco-Roman world (first used in this sense in Sen. Dial. 1,4,14), had various facets: the pax Augusti, which in the rst century AD still indicated the end of civil war (RIC I’, Vitellius 117); the ‘Peace of the Roman People on Land and Sea’ (pax p(opuli) R(omani) terra mariq(ue); RIC I>, Nero 263; Oros. 7,2,16; cf. 3,8,5), demonstrated by a ritual closing of

the temple of > Janus, and correspondingly the pax orbis terrarum (‘Peace of the World’: RIC I, Otho 3; cf. Tac. Ann. 16,28,3) and the pax gentium (‘Peace of the Peoples’: Tac. Hist. 1,84,4; cf. Flor. 2,34); and finally the pax provinciae (ILS 986). This pax Romana now guaranteed rights, law and security within the empire [1. 192-197; 6. 12ff.; 3; 4.171ff.] and separated — corresponding to the peace of the civil world (pax civilis) Cicero had wished for (Phil. 8,11) — the civilized world from the barbaria (Sen. Dial. 1,4,14; Flor. 2,29; > Barbarians). In accordance with Rome’s ideology of power, the pax Romana was to be protected by force of arms, and this required tributa from those subjected — the alternative was considered to be ‘wars of all with all’

Pavor (‘fear’, ‘terror’). Like Greek > Phobos, the Latin

(bella omnium

personification of fear; its effect (often associated with » Mars or the Erinyes/— Erinys) is vividly embellished particularly by poets of the Imperial age (Ov. Met. 4,485f.; Stat. Theb. 3,424f.; Val. Fl. 2,204ff.). Seneca tells of the deification of P. by Tullus > Hostilius [4] (fr. 33 Haass; cf. Liv. 1,27,7; Min. Fel. 25,8). CW.

457453). Expansion of the Imperium Romanum and foreign wars were always thought compatible with this [4. rsoff.]; it was only in the pax Christiana of Late Antiquity that the ‘conquests’ of Christianity united in the ‘Peace of the Church’ (pax ecclesiastica) surpassed those of the Imperium [1. 220-223; 6. r5f.].

Pax (‘peace’).

D. CONCLUDING A PEACE In Latin sources, pax (or in the plural paces) — in contrast to > indutiae — often means an (international) agreement establishing a lasting peace (t.t. perpetua pax), obtained by means of > foedus (pacis) or > sponsio |7; 2. 184ff., rorff.; 5. 21ff., 84ff.]. Competence to conclude a peace treaty was possessed by ~ fetiales and imperium holders; ratification was the duty of the comitia, but soon remained reserved to the Senate, later to the emperor. What was known as a foedus pacis could either arise ab initio mediated by emissaries (see > Legatio) or develop out of a preliminary truce or a > pactio; it was bilaterally confirmed by oaths, linked the peace to stipulations (condiciones), which as a rule were fixed in writing (unlike a sponsio,

[1] A. DEFINITION B. Pax AuGustTa C. Pax ROMANA D. CONCLUDING A PEACE A. DEFINITION Latin pax (< Indo-European Vpac, hence pac-s, pacisci > pango, cf. Greek miyyvuuwpegnymi; on ancient terminology, see [6. 17-29]) means primarily the state of peace and not the manner in which it is obtained [7.46]. Although Roman sources do call pax the absence of war (bellum), pax is only the result of a concrete war ended by means of conquest, — deditio or agreement by treaty (see D below) [7. 49f.; 8. 51; 6. 155]. Attributes indicate ‘peacemakers’ or different domains (cf. > Pax deorum (deum)).

inter se gentium,

Tac.

Hist.

4,74,1;

659

660

which was oral) [7. 54ff.; 2. 186, 212, 216ff.; 5. 29ff.,

impetrare, exposcere: Cic. Font. 303 Liv. 1,31,7) it was necessary to know whaterror or transgression had been committed, which deities had been offended and how they could be reconciled. The omina reported were put by the magistrates before the Senate, which rejected them or accepted them as prodigies (> prodigium) and could order their procuratio (> Expiatory rites). This usually happened on the basis of the expert opinion of the pontifices (> pontifex), the > quindecimviri sacris faciundis and the —> haruspices. The expiatory rites were carried out as ritual purification (— lustratio) or as > piaculum by the priests and/or the magistrates, sometimes with the participation of the people (e.g. Liv.

PAX

48ff., 65ff.; 8. 50, 58, 72], and possibly provided for security by means of hostages (see > obses). A peace effected in such a manner could be named after the treaty partner: e.g. pax Punica international

—» amicitia

(Liv. 31,1,6). Every

implied

a pax;

the sociale

foedus concluded with the — socii even implied ‘holy and eternal peace’ (pia et aeterna pax; Cic. Balb. 35). > Bellum; — Eirene [1]; > International law; — Pax [2]; > Victoria [1]; > War 1H. Fucus, Augustin und der antike Friedensgedanke, *1965 2 P. KEHNE, Formen rémischer Aufenpolitik in der Kaiserzeit, Diss. Hannover

1989

3P. Petit, La paix

romaine, 1967 4J. RicH, G. SHipLey (ed.), War and Society in the Roman World, 1993 5 R. ScHuLz, Die

Entwicklung des rémischen 5. Jahrhundert n.Chr., 1993

24,10,6—-11,1; 27,23,1-4; 42,2,3-7).

> Ritual

VO6lkerrechts im 4. und 6 M. Sorpi (ed.), La pace

1 V. ROSENBERGER, Gezahmte Gotter, 1998 2 J.SCHEID, Le délit religieux dans la Rome tardo-républicaine, in: Le délit religieux dans la cité antique, 1981, 117-171 3. N.S.

7 K.-H. ZIEGLER, Friedensver-

nel mondo antico, 1985

trage im romischen Altertum, in: Archiv des Vélkerrechts 27, 1989, 45-62

8lId., V6lkerrechtsgeschichte,

ROSENSTEIN, Imperatores Victi, 1990, 54-91.

1994.

P.KE.

J. LINDERSKI, Roman Questions, 1995, 608-625; G. WIssowa, Religion und Kultus der Rémer, *1912, 389-394.

[2] Roman personification of peace; first traces of religious worship are found ona coin of Caesar from 44 BC (RRC 480/24; RRC 262/1 of 128 BC probably shows not Pax but Juno Regina). Augustus had statues and altars built to Pax as well as to > Salus and > Concordia in ro BC (Cass. Dio 54,35,2; Ov. Fast. 3,881: 30

JL

March); the > ara Pacis on the

» Campus Martius was

Paxos (Ila&6c; Paxods). P. and Antipaxos, collectively known as the Paxoi Islands, 13 km south of > Corcyra, still known as P. In 229 BC, they were the theatre of a naval battle during the rst Illyrian War (Pol. 2,10,1-7).

instituted on 4 July 13 BC (CIL I’ p. 244; R. Gest. div. Aug. 12) and dedicated on 30 January 9 BC (CIL I’ p. 232). The worship of Pax in the Augustan period is probably based less on identification with the Greek » Eirene than on the living experience of peace, which is also reflected in literature (Tib. 1,10,47-50; Hor. Carm. saec. 57-60). Vespasian built a temple to Pax in Rome’s regio IV in AD 75 (Suet. Vesp. 9,1), and here too the direct experience after times of unrest is evident

There are a few remains of early Christian churches. Cf. Plin. HN 4,52; IG IX 1, 966.

(CIL VI 199-200). > Personification

Peace of mind see > Ataraxia

PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN 2, 456-459.

DS.

Payment, means of see » Money, money economy Peace of Antalcidas see

> King’s peace

334f.; E. Simon, s.v. P., LIMC 7.1, 204-212; 7.2, 134-

Peace, concept of. A unified notion of peace, comparable to the modern concept, was unknown in Antiqu-

138.

ity.

G. Wissowa,

Religion

und

Kultus

der Romer,

*1912,

JO.s.

+ Eirene;

Pax deorum (deum). Inthe Roman mind PD meant the state of ‘peace’ between the populus Romanus and their gods or described their ‘gracious obligingness’ [1. 2022]. In the area of state religion it was the task of the sacerdotes populi Romani (- Priests) and the magistrates to see to the continuation of this state by means of the correct execution and preservation of the prescribed»

cult activities

and

ordinances

(such as the

» Vestals’ requirement of chastity). The PD could be destroyed at any time by errors in ritual, carelessness or transgression against divine legal norms [2]. In the event of such a fault the gods made their discontent known by means of extremely varied signs (~» Omen); this also included defeat in war [3]. In order to restore the PD (pacem or veniam deum

> Koine Eirene;

> Pax.

M.MEI. ME.SCH,

Peach. (Prunus persica Batsch from Persica sc. malus, Greek TeQomov ufov/Persikon mélon or Latin Persicum malum, 1.e. literally ‘Persian apple-tree’, for the fruit), introduced to Italy from Persia or Armenia only

in the rst cent. AD (Plin. HN 12,14 and 15,44f.). Plin. HN 15,39f. distinguishes several kinds according to origin, including the supernatia, i.e. the one from the Adriatic Sea. It is likely that early peaches (praecocia) meant -» apricots, which were initially very expensive. Peaches, which were rated particularly innocuous (cf. Dioscorides

1,115,4

WELLMANN

provided leaves which, when according to Plin. HN 23,132, orrhage (haemorrhagia). The and applied with vinegar and

= 1,164 BERENDES)

crushed and spread on, were a remedy for haemstones (nuclei), crushed oil, were supposed to be

661

662

helpful for headaches. The cultivation of peach trees

Pear tree. The pome genus Pyrus L. (pears, Latin pirus, pirum) consists of around 20 wild species (ayod¢/ achras, tyeodoc/acherdos), which occur in the areas of the Black Sea and the Mediterranean, and many cultivated breeds (éyyvn/onchne, in Homer Gstoc/dpios), developed by hybridization since the Neolithic Age. Mainly imported into Greece from the Levant, they were cultivated especially in the Peloponnese, which was for this reason called “Amia/Apia (Ath. 14,63,650bc), for the production of must. Pears were

and the treatment of their diseases are described in Pall. Agric. 12,7,4-7. V.

HEHN,

Kulturpflanzen

SCHRADER), “1911

und

Haustiere

(ed.

O.

(repr. 1963), 431-435; A. STEIER, S.v.

Persica, RE 19, 1022-1026.

C.HU.

Peacock. (the easily tameable gallinaceous bird Pavo cristatus, indigenous to India). According to unresolved etymology [1.vol. 2, 862; 2.vol. 2, 267] it was called 6 tadc/taos, tadc/tads and Latin pavo or pava. Its introduction occurred probably in the 7th/6th cents. BC via Babylon (peacock throne) to Palestine and via Iran (hence Mndtxde dbovic/Médikos 6rnis, ‘Median/Persian bird’; Diod. Sic 2,53 et passim) and the Middle East to Samos. There the peacock was the sacred animal in the temple of Hera (Antiphanes in Athens 14,65 5b; but on Samian coins not until the 2nd cent. BC [3.Taf. 5,51]). According to Plut. Pericles 13,13, in 5th-cent. BC Athens, people paid an entrance fee to view the peacocks in Pyrilampes’ and Demus’ breeding enclosure at the time of the new moon. The eggs were sold to other breeders for a high price. In Italy the proper name Pavo is documented in the

PEARL

consecrated to Hera, Aphrodite, Venus and Pomona;

thus, for example, the images of Hera from Tiryns and Mycenae were carved from pear wood (Paus. 2,17). Pliny mentions the cultivation of many species (esp. Plin. HN

16 and 17; after e.g. Cato and Columella).

Comprehensive instructions for cultivation and grafting methods, which led to many new strains, are known in the Latin Middle Ages beginning in the 14th cent. + Fruit; > Pomicultures S. Krewiscn, Obstbau und Kellerei in lateinischen Fach-

prosaschriften des 14. und 15. Jahrhunderts., thesis Hamburg, 1995. C.HU.

2nd cent BC (Lucil. 467 M). Varro (Rust. 3,6; cf. Colu-

Pearl

mella 8,11 and Pall. Agric. 1,28) gives exact instructions about breeding them and the enormous profits to be gained (cf. [4. 106f.]). Roast peacock, invented by Q. ~» Hortensius [7], was regarded as the pinnacle of self-

I. NEAR EAST AND EGypT

indulgence (e.g. Cic. Fam. 9,118,3 and 20,2; Hor. Sat. 1,2,116), intensified only by peacock brains (Suet. Vit.

13) and peacock tongues (SHA Heliogab. 20,5). Aristot. Hist. an. 6,9,564a 25-b 9 describes it in detail zoologically, evidently from personal knowledge. The peacock’s allegedly bad character (Aristot. Hist. an. 1,1,488b 23f.: ‘malevolent and vain’; Ov. Met. 13,802: ‘cheekier than a praised peacock’ cf. [6. 269]) stands in contrast to its outer beauty and the shimmering ‘eyes’

(gemmae) which are emphasised again and again (e.g.. Phaedr. 3,18). In mythology the bird of Hera/Iuno is sacred (Iunonia ales; [5. 242]). It is not until in Roman times that the peacock is portrayed more frequently by artists and also by Christians [7], for example, on sarcophagi [5. Abb. 12]. Thus, on account of its star-like eyes, it is a symbol of Heaven and Paradise [5. 243f.]. However, it often also appears on mosaics only on account of its beauty (like the > pheasant), as in the example of the mosaic of Sabratha depicting vine tendrils. 1 Frisk

2 WaLpDE/HOFMANN

3 F. IMHOOF-BLUMER,

KELLER, Tier- und Pflanzenbilder auf Miunzen Gemmen des klassischen Alterthums 1889, repr. 4 H. Donr, Die italieschen Gutshéfe, thesis Cologne 5 TOYNBEE, Tierwelt 6 A. Otro, Die Sprichworter

O.

und 1972 1965 und

sprichwortlichen Redensarten der R6mer, 1890, repr. 1988 7H. Lornar, Der Pfau in der altchristlichen Kunst,

1929. KELLER, vol. 2, 148-154.

C.HU.

II. CLASSICAL

ANTIQUITY

I. NEAR EAST AND EGYPT The pearl known as the ‘Orient pearl’ (true pearl) develops in an oyster as a result of the encasing of a foreign body with mother-of-pearl. This process takes several years. Early evidence (beginning of 3rd millennium BC) of the Orient pearl comes from — Uruk [1]. After this, there no finds until those from > Babylon [2] of the Neo-Babylonian period and from a tomb in > Susa [3] of the Achaemenid period and also from the ~ Pasargadae [4] treasure. The fact that the material is identical with very well preserved shell inlays (e.g. in inlaid friezes of the late Early Dynastic period, around 2600 BC) [5] appears to contradict the assumption that there had been more Orient pearls and they had decomposed; pearls were therefore very rare objects. They probably originated from the Persian Gulf. Orient pearls are likewise rare in Egypt. They are first found in the Ptolemaic period [6] and probably came either from the Persian Gulf, from India [7] or the Red Sea ([8], otherwise [9]). 1K. Limper, Uruk. Perlen, Ketten, Anhanger (Ausgrabungen in Uruk-Warka, Endberichte 2), 1988, no. 71, pl.

7 2R.KoxtpeEwey, Die Tempel von Babylon und Borsippa (WVDOG t5), 1911, 46 3 J. DE MorGan, Mémoires de la Delegation en Perse 8, 1905, 5rf., pl. Il. V 4D. SrroNACH, Pasargadae, 1978, 172, 177, 206, pls. 156,c. 159,¢ 5 P.R.S. Moorey, Ancient Mesopotamian Materials and Industries, 1994, 92f. 6M. VitimKova, Altagyptische Goldschmiedekunst, 1969, 59 7 KELLER, vol. 2, 552ff. 8 D. DouBiLeT, Perlen, 1996, 14

Egyptian Jewellery, 1990, 65.

9 C. ANDREWS, Ancient

E.RE.

PEARL

664

663

II. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

The sea pearl oyster (Meleagrina margaritifera L.) and the river pearl oyster (Unio margaritifera L.) react to the penetration of grains of sand into their flesh by enveloping them in mother-of-pearl and thus forming a true pearl. This pearl formation — unknown to Antiquity — is very rare in nature, so a very large number of oysters had to be fished and opened. The name 6 uaeyaoitns (AtOoc)/margarités (lithos) or tO wdeyagov/ margaron is associated etymologically with Old Indian manjaram n. or manjari fem. (‘pearl’ or ‘blossom bud’) [1.190]. The Romans used margarita (Charisius, Gramm. 72,9 B; Plin. HN

13,42), unio (‘unique’, Plin.

HN 9,112 and 123; Suet. Nero 31,2) and gemma (Suet. Calig. 52) or bac(c)a (‘berry’, schol. Pers. 2,66; Petron. Sat. 55,6-7); special forms were called elenchi (‘evidence’, Plin. HN 9,113) and tympania (‘tympanum pearls’, Plin. HN 9,109, cf. CGL 2,364,59; Juv. 6,459). In Graeco-Roman opinion it was the Mesopotamians, Medes and Persians who first adopted this luxury (Ath. loc. cit.; Amm. Marc. 23,6,84) from the Indians,

for whom pearls were three times as valuable as gold (Arr. Ind. 8,13; Ath. 3,93b), followed by the Greeks asa

result of the wars of Alexander [4] the Great (Nearchus in Arr. Ind. 38,3) and finally the Romans (examples of possession and consumption of pearls after dissolving them in vinegar in wealthy circles, e.g. by Cleopatra {11 12], Macrob. Sat. 3,17,15-18 and Plin. HN 9,119-

121). Most of the pearls from the Indian Ocean (Plin. HN 9,106) were supplied by the straits between the Indian sub-continent and Taprobane, modern Sri

trated foreign bodies. Large pearls weighing more than 15 g (70 carats) were almost unheard of (Plin. HN 9,116; cf. Suet. lul. 50,2).

Pearls were used in many ways as > jewellery, e.g. on clothes (Suet. Calig. 52) and on the ears (Plin. HN 9,114; Sen. Benef. 7,9,4) or elsewhere (Plin. HN 9,117),

though they were also used for pictures (Plin. HN 37,143) and attached to sedan-chairs, a breastplate dedicated to Venus by Caesar and also shoes belonging to Caligula (Plin. HN 37,17) and even to statues (CIL 2,3386). Because of their high price, imitations (Plin. HN 37,197) were made, using, among other things mica, fish scales and small pearls with gum traganth as adhesive (Tzetz. Chil. 11,493 ff.; Papyrus Graecus Holmiensis p. 8,27—42 and 9,26-29, [5]). > Jewellery 1 J. B. HorMann, Etymologisches Worterbuch des Griechischen, 1950 2 D. E. EtcHHotz (ed.), Theophrastus De lapidibus, 1965 3H. Boese (ed.), Thomas Cantimpratensis, Liber de natura rerum, 1973 4 F. SBORDONE (ed.),

Physiologus, 1936 (repr. 1976) 5 O. LAGERCRANTZ (ed.), Papyrus Graecus Holmiensis, Recepte fiir Silber, Steine und Purpur, 1913. KELLER

2,552-559;

G.F.

Kunz,

H. Stevenson,

The

Book of the Pearl, 1908 (repr. 1993); J. BOLMAN, The

Mystery of the Pearl, 1941; R. A. HicGins, Greek and Roman

Jewellery,

1961;

A. HERMANN,

RAC 4, 1959, 505-5 §2.

s.v. Edelsteine,

C.HU.

cf. Peripl. m.r. 35 and Theophr. De lapidibus 36, [2. 70]), and additionally the Red Sea (e.g. Ael. NA 10,13). Smaller pearls of an unpleasant colour and with

Pearl script. Byzantine bookhand, developed in the 2nd half of the roth cent., and perfected in its last decade. It is characterized by a combination of typically round letter-forms with more or less slanting ones. The name PS refers to the stringing together of longer lettergroups, written in pearl form and joined up in a stringlike manner [1]; particularly noticeable are the circular O and the round Y. PS usually slants a little to the right

little lustre came from Britain and Scotland (confirmed

and is written in a uniform manner; letters sometimes

by Tac. Agr. 12, cf. Plin. HN 9,116; Suet. Iul. 47; Ael.

have the shape of a tub, the ductus is normally fluid and seldom interrupted, word division is not always observed, and abbreviations are rare. Angular and hookshaped forms are avoided as far as possible (esp. in the case of H and I, as well as the ligatures A-P, I-A, P-A, T-E), vertical strokes are sometimes curved; generous line spacings and wide margins are common. PS was widely used in the rrth and rath cents., especially for lavishly laid-out MSS intended for important addressees, e.g. Cod. Vaticanus graecus 1613, the so-called Menologium of — Basilius [6] II. Already from the rith cent. onwards a breaking up of the PS canon is visible: majuscules begin to appear with increased frequency (the straight strokes of and T are particularly noticeable), and the contrast between broad

Lanka

(Plin.

HN

6,81

according

to

Megasthenes;

Peripl. m.r. 61), the Perimula foothills (Ael. NA 15,8), the island ofStoidis in the Persian Gulf (Plin. HN 6,110;

NA 15,8; Amm. Marc. 23,6,88; Tert. De cultu feminarum 1,6; Auson. Mos. 68f.), but some also came from

the Thracian Bosporus and from Mauretania (Plin. HN

pee): The best descriptions of pearl oysters are provided by Androsthenes (in Ath. 3,93b) and Plin. HN 9,107— 109. Isidorus of Charax (in Ath. 3,94a-b) even menti-

ons the pearl fishers who can easily injure themselves on the oysters or are threatened by sharks (Plin. HN 9,110; Amm.

Marc. 23,6,87). Plin. HN

9,111 maintains one

first has to catch the leading larger oysters and then leach their flesh with salt and extract the pearl. The development of pearls has been attributed to nocturnal absorption of celestial dew-drops (Plin. HN 9,107; Solin. 53,23 and Isid. Orig. 12,6,49 and 16,10,1 and

(Z, K, A, M) and narrow letters (E, H, ©, N) is equally

later, e.g. in Thomas of Cantimpré 7,51, [3. 265f.]; Physiologus 44, [4. 137f.]) or to being struck by light-

significant. PS was later taken up again as an > archaizing script.

ning (Isidorus in Ath ibid.; Ael. NA 10,13). Only Tertullian (De cultu feminarum 1,6) thought of malfor-

mations, and Tzetzes (Chil. 11,48off.) rightly of infil-

1H.

HunGer,

1954, 22-32.

Studien

zur griechischen

Paldographie,

665

666

H. Huncer, Antikes und mittelalterliches Buch- und Schriftwesen, in: Id., Geschichte der Textiiberlieferung der antiken und mittelalterlichen Literatur, 1961, vol. 1, 96;

Id., Minuskel und Auszeichnungsschriften im 1o.12. Jahrhundert, in: J. GLENISSON (ed.), La paléographie grecque et byzantine, 1977, 202; G. PRATO, ‘Scritture librarie arcaizzanti della prima eta dei Paleologi e loro modelli’, Scrittura e Civilta 3 (1979), 151-193.

P.E.

Peas. The seeds of several legumes of the Vicieae group of genera of the order Leguminosae are called peas (Old High German arawiz, related to de0fo¢, 6robos, and éoéBivOo0c, erébinthos). They have been cultivated for

food in the Near East since the Mesolithic and in southern and central Europe since the Neolithic. Primarily they are Pisum sativum L. (also elatius and arvense, mto(o)ov/pis(s)on or miooc/pisos, from which proper names such as Pisa and Piso derive), and also several varieties of chickpea, Cicer arietinum L., common in

the East, named after the similarity of their seeds to ram’s heads (as in Plin. HN 18,124), and mentioned as early as in Hom. Il. 13,589 as erébinthos. They give Cicero his cognomen. Dioscorides (2,104 [1. 178] or 2,126 [2. 208]) describes them as evxoiktog (exukoilios, ‘good for the intestines’), and also as diuretic and abortifacient. Athen. 2,5 4e-5 5b cites various sources on the preparation of peas. They also include wild species of vetchling, Lathyrus L., growing partly wild in central Europe and its subgenus Orobus. L. sativus is mentioned as AdOuEos MyQo¢ (ldthyros 6chros) as early as Theophr. H. plant. 8,3,1f. + Abrus; > Arakos; > Beans; > Leguminous plants (pulses) 1 WELLMANN

1

2 BERENDES.

C.HU.

Pebble mosaic see > Mosaic

Pechys (xiyuc; péchys). Greek measure of length derived from the proportions of the human body, from the tip of the longest finger to the elbow (‘ell’ or ‘cubit’, Latin — Cubitus), equal to 2 omWapat (spithamail ‘handspans’), 6 maAootat (palaistai/‘handbreadths’; cf. Latin > Palmus) as well as 24 daxtvdor (daktyloi/‘fingerbreadths’; cf. Latin digitus), corresponding to 1 '/2 feet (cf. Vitr. De arch. 3,1,8). Depending on the foot measure (— Pous) that was used, its length was c. 4052cm. According to a metrological relief from the island of Salamis, the Attic pechys measured 48.7 cm. > Daktylos; > Measures; > Palaeste; > Spithame 1K. W. BEINHAUER (ed.), Die Sache mit Hand und Fufs — 8000 Jahre Messen und Wiegen, 1994

2 I. DEKOULAKOU-

SipeRts, A Metrological Relief from Salamis, in: AJA 94,

1990, 445-451 3 F. Huttscn, Griechische und rémische Metrologie, *1882, 45-48. Hi-J.S.

Pecia

(med.

lat. pecia, petia; ‘piece; sheet of par-

chment’). A form of textual transmission where several

copies of an original — the so-called exemplar — were

PECIA

produced simultaneously, most often in the 13th and r4th cents., and then primarily in the context of academic teaching at the universities of Paris, Bologna, and Oxford. The pecia-system was meant to minimize the expenses for the production of a copy and at the same time guarantee its completeness, satisfy new market requirements and supply new students with copies of theological and legal texts. The pecia-system was controlled by the university. The original, whose validity was approved in advance and regularly reviewed by a commission of petiarii, was separated into independent text-units, the peciae. A respective taxatio, i.e. the amount due for the renting and copying of the text in a specific period (usually one week), was fixed for each piece. The ori-

ginal texts —- which today are no longer thought to be unique copies — were kept by authorized stationers (stationarii); they not only stocked them, but also made

sure they were complete and in order as prescribed; they also replaced worn-out exemplars. Despite the division of the original exemplars, the texts that were produced by the copying process were usually uniform in appearance. Medieval evidence of various kinds shows how the system of copying operated in detail: a few price-lists of exemplaria survive, some originating from the universities, some from the stationers, also a number of ori-

ginal exemplars, as well as several thousands of MSS copied in this way. A closer inspection of these sources results in a rather complex picture: so in Bologna for instance, although the unit for calculating the total was the quaternii (layers of four double sheets), the textunits (the peciae) were as a general rule in binions, i.e. divided into double sheets folded (not cut) once. The intention probably was to accelerate the copying process through smaller units. It is entirely possible that a scribe copied all peciae in the correct order; but in practice this was not very common. Instead, scribes were often forced to guess the size of a missing pecia; the wrong textual references and the obvious jarring joints between texts in many MSS suggest this conclusion. Alongside this, a regularly occurring number on the edge of a folio is another way of identifying MSS copied in this way. This number refers to the pecia with which the transcription was begun (such a number also occurs in ‘normal’ copies, which themselves were produced through the pecia-system). The numbers, however, are not always indicated and can also have been lost due to rebinding of the MS. These observations suggest a much greater number of MSS produced in the peciasystem than one might at first assume. The consequences of the pecia-system can be seen in the transmission of theological texts, where the peciacopies often represent an independent branch of the tradition, thereby almost flanking it; sometimes pecia-copies contain important evidence for the ‘official’ versions, different from university to university, sometimes even for the authorial exemplar. But since it is unlikely that only a single exemplar circulated as the original

667

668

and that these original exemplars were themselves pecia-copies, the task of the editor is not facilitated: the erstwhile idea of a downright monolithic tradition

or religiosa). Unlike the private delict of —> furtum, peculatus was punished in a > indicium publicum (public criminal proceedings) before a > quaestio, possibly instituted by the lex Cornelia, but certainly by lex Iulia (of Caesar or Augustus) of an unknown date. This law also treated as peculatus the forging of coins and the mixing of metal of lower value (> Counterfeiting). It seems to have provided for a simple monetary penalty of four times the value misappropriated. As for + repetundarum crimen (bribery), the jury not only had to deliver the verdict but also to perform an evaluation. Similar to the repetundae cases for peculatus, a claim of enrichment was also raised against the heirs of the perpetrator. Besides peculatus, the lex Iulia probably also punished > sacrilegium (sacrilege, with capi-

PECIA

takes a back seat; instead, the transmission of the text

needs to be understood rather in terms of untangling a complex netting. + Textual history; > Palaeography,

Latin; ~ Textual

transmission J. DesTReEz, La pecia dans les manuscrits universitaires du XIIIf et XIVS siécle, 193 5; G. FINK ERRERA, Une institution

du monde médiéval: la pecia, in: Revue philosophique de Louvain 27, 1979, 319-327; L. BATAILLON et al. (ed.), La

production du livre universitaire au Moyen age. Exemplar et pecia

(Actes du symposium

... Grottaferrata

1983),

1988; G. DOLEZALEK, La pecia e la preparazione dei libri giuridici nei secoli XII e XIII, in: L. GARGAN (ed.), Luoghie

metodi di insegnamento nell’Italia medioevale (secoli XTIXIV) (Atti del convegno Otranto,

internazionale di studi, Lecce-

1986), 1989; F.P.W. SOETERMEER,

in juridische

handschriften,

1990;

De »pecia«

L. Devori,

Aspetti

della produzione del libro a Bologna: il prezzo di copia del manoscritto giuridico tra XIII e XIV secolo, in: Scrittura e

civilta 18, 1994, 77-142; F.P.W. SOETERMEER, Utrumque ius in peciis: die Produktion juristischer Bucher an

italienischen und franzosischen Universitaten des 13. und 14. Jahrhunderts (2002).; exemple e pecia (2005).

Pecten see

G.MURANO, Opere diffuse per MA.MA.

and

crimen

de residuis

Pectorius inscription. Inscription (IG XIV 2525 =SEG 29, 825 =[1]) ona marble panel discovered in 1839 at > Augustodunum/ Autun. It consists of three elegiac distychs (V. 1-6) and five hexameters (V. 7-11). Alongside the Abercius inscription, it is one of the most significant examples of ancient Christian epigraphy; in its current form, it constitutes a funerary inscription commissioned by one Pectorius for his mother. The first six verses form the acrostic IXO YE,

so it must be assu-

med that this section of text is incompletely preserved ({1] ventures a completion: iyOvc/ichthys, thxic/elpis). While an early date is considered for the first part of the text (2nd cent. AD?), the entire epigram dates from the 4th cent. Its personal names illustrate the connections between Christianity in Gaul and Asia Minor; the inscription itself is probably interesting evidence in theology and devoutness of the Eucharist. ~ Elpis; > Ichthys [r] 1M. Guarpbucci (ed.), Epigrafia greca, vol. 4: Epigrafi sacre pagane e cristiane, *1995, 487 ('1978). 1910, 12-15,

177-183; Id., Die

Eucharistie nach Inschriften friihchristlicher Zeit, 1922, 63-71; J. ENGEMANN, s.v. Fisch, RAC 7, 1969, 1031f.; C. M. KAuFMANN, Handbuch der altchristlichen Epigraphik, 1914, 178-180 (ill.).

C.M.

Peculatus. In Roman law essentially any criminal appropriation of wealth, belonging to the state or intended for a temple or a burial cult (pecunia publica, sacra

(crime

of

misuse of public money, with a penalty of only a third of the sum withheld by the perpetrator). In any case, both were named and dealt with under heading 48,13 of the Digest beside peculatus, with the precise demarcation being unclear. A tendency towards harsher punishment for peculatus probably did not exist until the Imperial > cognitio. Ulpian speaks of the earlier > aqua et igni interdictio (witholding of — vital — water and fire) being replaced by > deportatio; for sacrilegium various cruel death penalties are mentioned. F. GNOLI, Ricerche sul crimen p., 1979.

-» Comb

F. J. DOLGER, IXOYZI,

tal punishment?)

ANVO.

Peculium. The term peculium (from the Latin pecu, ‘cattle’, as an object of property cf. Ulp. Dig. 15,1,5,3) referred to the specific fund of property belonging to a person

who,

under

Roman

law, was

subject to the

power of another: in most cases a son in power under the > patria potestas or a slave in the ownership of a > dominus. Since these legally dependant persons were not able to own property, the peculium fell under the household property of the person exercising the power in terms of private law, but the person subject to the power was nevertheless entitled to it in terms of tradition and social norms. This legal ambivalence is already evident in the Twelve Tables (— tabulae duodecim 7,12) and in the works of Plautus [2]. The peculium came into existence through constant

saving or initial donation and included both objects of monetary value (cattle, money, workshops, businesses, slaves etc.) as well as real rights (claims arising from granted loans, rights of use, etc.). It was

left to the

person subject to power for the purpose of independent use. This became more frequent from the late Republic, when the constant increase of economic activity led to recourse to sons and slaves as business agents. Their growing importance for Roman economic life called for new legal rules in order to protect their business partners. Thus from then on the person exercising the power could be held liable for business transactions of persons legally dependent upon him up to the actual, realistic worth of the peculium (actio de peculio), especially in those cases when a portion of it was transferred to him for his benefit (actio de in rem verso).

669

670

In the medium to long range, a peculium, which in many cases reached extensive proportions (Suet. Otho 5,2; Plin. HN 33,145; AE 1913, 50 =[z. no. 246]; CIL

Pedalium (Mydaduov; Pédadlion). The south-eastern cape of the island of + Cyprus, today called Kap Greco. According to Str. 14,6,3, it was sacred to > Aphrodite

XI 5400 = ILS 7812; CIL III 6998 = ILS 7196), could

(Gia Rtolesaiass)):

provide a son in power with the basis of his own household, and for a slave the acquisition of means to pay for his manumission.

Not

least for this reason,

PEDANIUS

E. OBERHUMMER,

s.v. Pedalion (2), RE 19, 18; Id., Die

Insel Cypern, vol. 1, 1903, 125f.

Roman society of every period, departing from civil law, the peculium was seen as personal goods which generally became the property of the son in power upon

Pedanius [1] Pedanius

his emancipation, or of the slave upon his manumission

Dioscorides Peddanios Dioskourides).

acc lin, Bate, Bau7d

I. Lire

Asa rule the peculium could not be inherited [1. no. 127] and in the case of death it automatically reverted to the person who exercised the power. Only Augustus granted the right to dispose through a will of goods acquired during military service by the creation of the seperate property of the peculium castrense. The Emperor Hadrian also extended it past the end of military service for veterans. Constantine I. and Justinian extended it to persons subject to power who held certain offices (peculium quasi castrense). ~» Actio [2]; > Familia IV.B.; > Freedman

IL;

> Sla-

very 1 W. Eck, J. HEINricHs, Sklaven und Freigelassene in der

Gesellschaft der rémischen Kaiserzeit, 1993

2 KASER,

RPR, vol. 1, 278f. (slaves), 344 (sons in power), 606f. (actio de peculio) Freedmen

3 A. KiRSCHENBAUM, Sons, Slaves and

in Roman

Commerce,

1987.

4B. LEHMANN,

Das Eigenvermégen der romischen Soldaten unter vaterlicher Gewalt, in: ANRW II 14, 1982, 183-284 5A. Wacke, P. non ademptum videtur tacite donatum. Zum

Schicksal des Sonderguts nach der Gewaltentlassung, in: Tura 42, 1992 [1994], 43-95 61. ZeBER, A Study ofthe P. of a Slave in Pre-Classical and Classical Roman Law, 1981.

RSE.

in

JO.H.

Pecunia. (Derived from the Lat. pecus, ‘livestock’: Varro, Ling. 5,92, cf. [1]) in Lat., designates assets,

originally in livestock, then generally money. The etymology shows that in Rome livestock used as currency preceded metal money. In the 4th cent. AD pecunia designated a coin, or piece of money (Eutr. 9,14), someti-

mes with specification of the metal (Aug. Civ. 4,21; 4,28) or in a limited sense, copper money (SHA Sev.

3353):

I].

(Medavi0g

Atooxovetdys;

Work

I. LiFe The author of the treatise Megi try tatemije/Peri hylés iatrikés (De materia medica, ‘On Materia Medica’) hailed from Anazarbus (Cilicia) and dates to the rst. cent. AD: in his preface (§ 4), he refers to a

certain Laikanios Bassos, whom he describes as kratistos (‘the highest’), now assumed to be C. Laecanius Bassus, senator and consul of AD 64. Pliny makes no reference to this work in his Naturalis historia (completed in AD 77 according to the letter of dedication): for that reason, it is assumed that at that time it had

either not yet been completed or not yet reached Rome; the work is thus dated to having been written between AD 65 and 75, the author’s year of birth to around AD se PD claims to have been interested in the subject of his work from his earliest youth (praef. § 4); it is possible that he studied medicine in Tarsus, instructed by the same Arieus to whom he had dedicated his work; this Areius has been equated with the pharmacologist from Tarsus mentioned by Galen and described as an Asclepiadean. Based on his statement (praef. § 4: moAhhv yi émedOdvtec — o1G0a yo Hutv oteaTLMTIXOY TOV Biov, »We have travelled much — for you know that we led a soldier’s life«), it has been assumed that he served as a military physician (under Claudius and Nero or under Nero and Vespasian), but without any actual reference to the location, time and duration of such military career. It is possible that he gained Roman citizenship through a member of the Pedanii family; this would explain the trinomial name, appearing in MSS as Teddaviog Atooxoveldyg “AvataeBeve (Pedanios Dioskouridés Anazarbeus).

1 WaLDE/HOFMANN, s.v. P., vol. 2, 272.

Il. WorK SCHROTTER, S.Vv. P., 492.

GES.

Pedaeus (IMjdooc; Pédaios). Trojan, the illegitimate son of > Antenor [1]. For Antenor’s sake his wife, ~ Theano, brought up P. with their own children. He was killed by > Meges (Hom. Il. 5,69-75). P. WATHELET, Dictionnaire des Troyens de I’Iliade, 1988, Nr. 274.

MAST.

A. CONTENT

B.STRUCTURE

C. TRANSMISSION

A. CONTENT The work, originally possibly without a title, appears in the MSS that seem to provide the oldest extant version under the title of Peri hylés. The version of Peri hylés iatrikés may have originated with Galen whose intention might have been to limit the subject of the work to the »substance which forms the basis for the medicinal preparations«. However, PD himself provides a more comprehensive definition of his intentions:

671

672

MEQL THS THV PAQUaXWV OxEVaOLAS TE Xai SUVaLLEMS Kat doxutaotag (On the preparation, properties and testing

C. TRANSMISSION An extensive Greek tradition has ensured that the

PEDANIUS

of drugs, praef. § 1) and 6 xeQi Paeudxwy hoyos (§ 5).

work has been transmitted in several revisions; trans-

For each of the substances (of plant, mineral or animal

lations into Latin are clearly evident in the sth cent. AD, and into Syriac in the 6th cent.; several Arabic translations of the seven books were produced, the earliest of

origin, but also some elaborate compositions) that it introduces, the treatise provides the following information: description, possible conversion and storage, properties (dyndmeis) and indications, preparation and actual application; where applicable, additional information on further possible applications is included, e.g. in cosmetics, in veterinary medicine, in diet, art and craft, and even in magic. The substances are ordered according to two principles: 1. their nature, and based on it aromatic plants, trees, animals, plants of all kinds, fluids and mineral products; 2. within these categories, the therapeutic effects according to groups of substances. These groups correspond to physiological effects, in the same ways as recognized by modern pharmacological chemistry, an empirical precognition of therapeutic mechanisms. Overlaying these classifications is a further one, based on the cultural valorization of the medicinal substances,

thus representing a veritable scala mundi, ranging from substances with positive connotations (colourful aromatic plants) to their opposites (mineral substances, the last of which is black). Because there was a perceived connection between the value of a particular substance and its effect (positive equates with hot, negative with cold) and because the therapeutic application was based on the principle of opposites (‘hot’ was used to treat an excess of fluid, ‘cold’ to treat an excess of heat), this scale made it possible to predict the properties of a particular medicinal substance as well as its indications simply on the basis of its place within this scale.

which by Hunain ibn Ishaq in the 9th cent., based on the

Syriac version. Two further Arabic translations were based on the Greek version, in co-operation with Istifan ibn Basil; this was followed by several other Arabic translations. The original Latin translation was revised (possibly in the rrth cent.). In 1499,

the Venetian

publisher Aldus Manutius was the first to print an edition of the Greek text, followed by five further editions in the 16th cent. During the Renaissance, the work was

further transmitted in several (Latin and vernacular) translations and commentaries, and thus continued its

influence on Western drug therapy until the early r9th cent. + Galen; —» Medicine; > MEDICINE

> Pharmacology; Poisons;

EDITION: BERENDES; R. J. GUNTHER (ed.), The Greek Herbal of Dioscorides, 1933 (repr. 1959); WELLMANN. BIBLIOGRAPHY: O. Mazat, Pflanzen, Wurzeln, Safte, Samen. Antike Heilkunst in Miniaturen des Wiener Dioskurides, 1981; J. M. RippLE, Dioscorides, in: P. O. KRISTELLER (ed.), Catalogus translationum et commen-

tariorum 4, 1980, 1-143; Id., Dioscorides on Pharmacy and Medicine, 1985; M. M. Sapek, The Arabic Materia Medica of Dioscorides, 1983; J. SCARBOROUGH, V. NutTTON, The Preface of Dioscorides’ Materia Medica: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary,

in: Transactions

and Studies of the College of Physicians of Philadelphia, ser. 5, nO. 4, 1982, 187-227; A. ToUWAIDE, Les deux trai-

tés de toxicologie attribués 4 Dioscoride. Tradition manuscrite, établissement du texte et critique d’authenticité, in:

B. STRUCTURE

A. Garzya (ed.), Tradizione e ecdotica, 1992, 291-335;

In the MSS, the work is divided into five books, each

Id., L’identification des plantes du Traité de matiére médi-

representing a thematic unit. However, their almost equal size suggests that this division is based on volume sizes, defined by the maximum length of a scroll of papyrus, particularly as there is no clear thematic break between books. Each book starts with an introduction,

presumably repeating the information contained in the indices that had originally been attached to the ancient papyrus > scrolls; as part of the transition from scroll to > codex, they were transferred to the body of the

text and rewritten in the form of the existing introductions, either as part of a learned revision or a text edition. Several MSS contain pictures to illustrate the text: it is still an open question whether these images date back to PD or whether they are later additions. Two short toxicological treatises have been added to the main work (on plant and animal poisons), wrongly identified as the sixth and seventh books. PD is also named as the author of a treatise transmitted under the title of Teoi Gxk@v dagudaxwv/Peri haplon pharmakon (‘On Simple Remedies’), whose authenticity is doubt-

ful.

cale de Dioscoride,

in: K. DOriING,

Antike Naturwissenschaft

G. WOuRLE

(ed.),

und ihre Rezeption, vol. 1/2,

1992, 253-274; Id., Le Traité de matiére médicale de Dioscoride en Italie depuis la fin de l’empire romain jusqu’aux debuts de l’Ecole de Salerne, in: A. KruG (ed.), From Epidaurus to Salerno, 1992, 275-305; Id., Farmacopea araba medievale. Il codice Ayasofia 3703, 4 vols., 1992-93; Id., La thérapeutique médicamenteuse de Dioscoride a Galien, in: A. Depru (ed.), Galen on Pharmacology, 1997, 255-282; Id., La botanique entre science et culture au 1“ siécle de notre ére, in: G. WOHRLE (ed.),

Biologie (Geschichte der Mathematik und der Naturwissenschaften der Antike, vol. 1), 1999, 219-252; M. WELLMANN, s.v. Dioskurides (12), RE 5, 1131-1142; Id., Die Schrift des Dioskurides WEP] AITIAQN PAPMAKQN. Ein

Beitrag zur Geschichte der Medizin, 1914; J. C. WILMANS, Der Sanitatsdienst im R6mischen Reich, 1995, 249-251. ATO.

[2] (Cn. P.) Fuscus (Salinator). Grandson of Iulius [I] 141] Ursus Servianus, great-nephew of the emperor > Hadrianus. Probably b. AD 113; his father P. [4] was married to Hadrian’s niece Iulia [19] Paulina. He nur-

tured ambitions, which his grandfather supported, to

673

674

succeed the childless Hadrian. When the latter adopted > Ceionius [3] Commodus and P. objected to this, Hadrian had him and Servianus eliminated. On the possible identification with the young senator mentioned in JEph IL, cf. [n; 2]. PIR* P x98.

accounts of P. give rise to doubt as to whether P., > Pidasa or Pedason is meant (cf. [1. vol. 1, 535538]). In 545/4 BC in the Lide mountains near P. (modern Kaplan Dagi) some Pedaseis were defeated by Harpagus [1], Cyrus’ [2] general, only after tough resistance (Hdt. 1,175f.). After the > Ionian Revolt (499494 BC) part of the population of P. was deported into the mountainous country around Miletus [2] (Hdt. 6,20; > Pidasa). » Maussolus (377-353) resettled the greater part of the population of P. in Halicarnassus, the city of his residence, in a » synoikismos with five other cities of the Leleges (Callisthenes FGrH 124 F 25; cf. [1. 9rof.?'°] with the also not quite consistent

1 E. CHAMPLIN, Hadrian’s Heir, in: ZPE 21, 1976, 80-89 2 A. Birtey, Hadrian, 1997, 202; 291; 309.

[3] (Cn.?) P. Fuscus Salinator. Senator, son of P. [5].

Cos. suff. c. AD 84, proconsul of Asia probably in 98/9; thereafter still, quite exceptionally, consular legate of a province under legionary occupation (Plin. Epist. 10,87,3; [1]), if he is to be identified with the proconsul. Father of P. [4]. PIR* P 199. 1 W. Eck, in: Chiron 13, 1983, 205; 210; 215.

[4] Cn. P. Fuscus Salinator. Son of P. [3]. He married

Iulia [19] Paulina (AE 1976, 77 = AE 1996, 93), the daughter of Iulius [IJ 141] Ursus Servianus and niece of the emperor > Hadrianus. At an early stage, he came into contact with Plinius [2], who drew a highly complimentary picture of his character in a letter (Plin. Epist. 6,26,1). Cos. ord. with Hadrian in AD 118. It is

not possible to establish whether this was a deliberate choice on Hadrian’s part to appoint his relative, or if P. had reached the appropriate age for the consulship as a patrician. He died before his son P. [2] was executed by Hadrian. PIR* P 200. [5] Cn. P. (Fuscus?) Salinator. Cos. suff. in AD 61, father of R43} brother (?)of Pai6]. PIR? Pex. [6] L. P. Secundus. Cos. suff. in AD 43. Proconsul of Asia c. 51/2. Urban prefect of Rome from the death of Volusius Saturninus in 56. In 61, P. was murdered by one of his slaves, whereupon all 400 slaves living in his house were executed by order of the Senate (Tac. Ann. 14,42-45). P.’s family may have come from > Barcino in Hispania citerior. PIR* P 202. CABALLOS 2, 413-423.

W.E.

Pedarii see — Senatus Pedaritus (Meddaeitoc; Peddritos). A Spartan, harmost in 412/1 BC (> Harmostai[r]) in Chios, which had

seceded from Athens and which he defended against Athenian attacks. Having brutally eliminated Athenian supporters in the process, he had an action brought against him by the Chians in Sparta (Thuc. 8,28,3; 32333 38-40; cf. Isocr. Or. 6,53; Theopomp. FGrH 115 F

PEDASUS

account in Plin. HN 5,107). Nevertheless, in the Hellen-

istic period there was still a fortress on P.’s soil. Philippus [7] V occupied P., but had to withdraw his garrison from P. again in 196 after the conclusion of the Second +» Macedonian War (Pol. 18,44,4). The remains of P. are worthy of consideration: fortress site in the east, citadel with wall including main

gate in the west, further ring wall with towers in the south; tumulus-chamber tombs with ceramics from the

late 8th cent. BC, and a temple to Athena recorded epigraphically (CIG 2660). 1 MAGIE.

G. E. BEAN, Turkey Beyond the Maeander, 122; Id., s.v. P., PE, 682.

1971,

119E.O.

(Ihoaoov; Pedason Pédason). Small settlement (xoAtyviov/ polichnion) in the territory of > Stratoniceia in Caria (Str. 13,1,59); its precise location has yet to be established [1]. 1 W. RucgE, s.v. Pedasa (2), RE 19, 27.

E.O.

Pedasus (IljSacoc; Péedasos). {1] Trojan, son of the nymph Abarbaree and of Laomedon’s illegitimate son Bucolion; together with his brother Aesepus, he is killed by > Euryalus [1] (Hom. Il. 6,20ff.). [2] Horse of > Achilles [1], captured during the conquest of Thebes (at the foot of the Placus in the Troad);

while being led into battle by > Patroclus as an ancillary horse alongside Achilles’ divine horses, it is killed by > Sarpedon (Hom. Il. 16,152ff. and 467ff.). R. JANKO, The Iliad:

a Commentary,

vol. 4, 1992, to

16,152-154 and 467-469; P. WATHELET, des Troyens de l’'Iliade, 1988, no. 275.

Dictionnaire MAST.

8). He fell in an attack on Athenian siege troops (Thuc.

8,55,3). His successor will presumably have been his father Leon [3]. ~» Peloponnesian War K.W.W.

[3] (f MSaoo¢; hé Pedasos). Not yet discovered Homeric city of the + Leleges, which was subordinate to the prince Altes and was destroyed by Achilles (Hom. Il. 6,34f.; 20,91-96;

Pedasa (ti MSaoa/ta Pedasa, MySacoc/Pedasos). City of the + Leleges in Caria in the mountainous country to the north of » Halicarnassus (Str. 13,1,59; 7,7,2) near Gokceler, to the east of the modern village of Bitez, which has preserved the name P. In individual cases

21,86f.). Its location on the upper

reaches of the - Satnioeis suggests the vicinity of the Ida [2] and not in [1. 250-253]), rather as suggested area NE of today’s Altinoluk. In time, P. no longer existed.

that it should be in or near Assus (thus by [2. 267] in the Strabo’s (13,50,1)

PEDASUS

1 W. Lear, Strabo on the Troad, 1923

Troad.

676

675

An

Archaeological

and

2 J. M. Cook, The

Topographical

Study,

1973, 266f.

W. RuGE, s.v. Pedasos (4), RE 19, 209f.

E.SCH.

1 DRUMANN/GROEBE,

3.

JO.F.

[1a] Cn. P. Cascus. Suffect consul AD 71 together with > Domitianus [1], who had been named Caesar shortly before (PIR* P 213); subsequently consular legate in the province of Dalmatia (unpublished inscription, presen-

ted by E. Marin at the International Epigraphic ConPediaeus (IMeduatoc; Pediaios). Main river (present-day Pidias) on the island of > Cyprus. It crosses the plain of Messaria from west to east and flows into the sea by the ancient coastal town of Salamis (Ptol. 5,14,3). E. OBERHUMMER, 8.v. Pediaios, RE 19, 31; Id., Die Insel Cypern, vol. 1, 1903, 163f. RSE.

gress 1n 2002).

W.E.

[2] S.P. A lawyer who, no earlier than the second half of

the rst cent. AD [3. 97] and no later than the middle of the 2nd cent. [4], wrote a comprehensive commentary ‘On the Edict’ (Ad Edictum) and a monograph ‘On Stipulation’ (De Stipulationibus, 54 indirect citations: [1]). His elegant commentary (Dig. 2,14,1,3) emphasi-

Pedieis (Iedteic¢; Pedieis). Town in the upper Cephisus valley in eastern Phocis whose location is pinpointed as being near Palio Thiva, 5 km north-northeast of

ses the requirement of union of volition even ina formal contract such as a > stipulatio |2. 69f.]. 1 O. LENEL, Palingenesia Iuris Civilis, vol. 2, 1889, 1-10 2 C. A. Mascui, La scienza del diritto all’eta dei Flavi, in:

modern Tithorea. However, this location has also been

Atti del Congresso Internazionale di Studi Vespasianei

suggested for Neon [6]. P. lay on the right bank of the river where traces of the wall ring have been preserved. P. was destroyed by the Persians in 480 BC (Hdt. 8,33) and laid waste by the Boeotians in 395 BC (Hell. Oxy. 18(13),5). In 360 BC it appeared in the list of those paying contributions towards the rebuilding of the temple of Delphi (CID I] 5 Z. 55f.).

(Rieti 1979), vol. 1, 1981, 59-83

F, SCHOBER, Phokis, 1924, 38f.; MULLER, 541; PH. NTASIOS, DuuBoAy on tomoyoaptas ths Aoyalas Paxtdoc, in: Poxntxe Xoovine 4, 1992, 18-97, in part. 4of.;J.MCINERNEY, The Fold of Parnassos, 1999, 281-283. G.D.R.

Pedies (IleStij\c; Pediés). Deme of > Lindos on Rhodes,

possibly on the coastal plain to the north of Lindos [r. 747]. It had its own tribute payment in the > Delian League (between 2000 drachmas and 1 talent: ATL 1,

Olas 1 F. HILLER VON GARTRINGEN, s.v. Rhodos, RE Suppl. 5, 731-840.

Id., Die Demen der rhodischen Stadte, in: MDAI(A) 1917, 171-184.

42, H.SO.

Pedius. Name of aRoman gens, prominent from the rst cent. BC; also attested in Delos.

[1] P., Q. C. 90-43 BC, son (not grandson as in Suet. ul. 83,2) of Caesar’s sister Iulia [1. 687] and a legate of ~ Caesar in Gaul 58-55 (Caes. Gall. 2,2,1; 2,11,3). As praetor in 48, P. suppressed a revolt by T. Annius [I 14] Milo (Caes. Civ. 3,22). In 46/5, as a legate of Caesar, P. began the Spanish campaign with Q. Fabius [I 22] Maximus (Bell. Hisp. 2,2; Cass. Dio 43,31,1) and triumphed on 13 December 45 illegally ex Hispania (InserIt 13,1,567; Cass. Dio 43,42,1). P. was a joint heir

3 C. GIACCHI, Per una

biografia di Sesto Pedio, in: SDHI 62, 1996, 69-123 Liess, Jurisprudenz, in: HLL, vol. 4, 1997, 141f.

4D. 1G.

Pednelissus (IleS5vnAtoodc/Pedneélissos, Metvindvoodc/ Petnéliss6s). Fortified city in Pisidia west of > Selge. With the aid of > Achaeus [5] and > Garsyeris, P. was able to ward off the attack by Selge in 218 BC (Pol. 5,72-76). Among the more important Pisidian cities mentioned in Str. 12,7,2. Coin minting in the 1st cent. BC and from Traianus (AD 98-117) to Gallienus (AD 253-268) [1]. In the Late Antique and Byzantine Period it was a suffragan diocese of > Perge [3]. Ruins near modern Kozan [2. 14f.]. 1 AULOCK

1, 47, 118-124

2S. MITCHELL, Hellenen in

Pisidien, in: E. SCHWERTHEIM (ed.), Forschungen in Pisidien, 1992, 1-27 3 W. RuGe, s.v. Pednelissos, RE 19,

43-45.

PW.

Pedona. City in the region of the Ligures Bagienni, only mentioned

in inscriptions,

not in ancient

literature;

modern Borgo San Dalmazzo near Cuneo. After Caesar probably a municipium, tribus Ouirina, regio IX. From P., a customs station for collection of the quadragesima Galliarum (‘two anda half percent customs toll’), it was possible to control the southern exit from three Alpine

passes of the province of > Alpes Maritimae. In the 4th cent. AD, the town was in decline and was probably abandoned. Spolia from P. are located in the abbey of San Dalmazzo; necropolis. E. CuLasso GasTaLpi, G. MENNELLA, P., in: Supplementa Italica, N.S. 13, 1996, 293-328; A. RIBERI, San Dalmazzo di P. e la sua Abbazia, 1929. G.ME.

of Caesar, is said to have left his share to Octavian

(> Augustus App. Civ. 3,89) and with him became cos. suff. on 19 August 43 (MRR 2,599). P. raised the prosecution of Caesar’s assassins to the level of state duty (lex Pedia) and issued the first — proscriptions. He is said to have died of shame or exhaustion at the end of 43 (App. Civ. 4,26).

Peducaeus. Name of a Roman plebeian family which does not appear until the rst century BC; in fact a nickname (‘flat-footed’). I. REPUBLICAN

PERIOD

II. IMPERIAL

PERIOD

677

678

I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD [11] Elected people’s tribune for the year 113 BC. Straight after assuming office in December 114, he carried through a law which led to new proceedings for ‘fornication’ against the Vestals Licinia [4] and Marcia [3] under the chairmanship of C. Cassius [I 17] Longinus Ravilla (Cic. Nat. D. 3,74; Ascon. 45f. C.). MRR 1,

pherds such as Attis, Paris and Marsyas, from whom it was then adopted by Thalia. Likewise, it appears in the

536.

K.-L.E.

[I 2] P., Sex. Probably the son of P. [I 1], praetor in 77 BC (MRR 2,88) and propraetor in Sicily 76/5 (MRR 2,92). Cicero, P.’s quaestor in Lilybaeum, frequently mentions

him

as

exemplary

(Cic.

Verr.

2,2,138f.;

25351565; 216; 2,4,142f.). Appraisals in Cic. Att. 10,1,1;

13,1,3 point to his death being inc. 49. P.’s sons were P. [1 3] and M. > Curtius [I 5] Peducaeanus. {I 3] P., Sex. Son of P. [I 2], people’s tribune in c. 55 BC (MRR 2,277) and pro-magistrate of unclear title in Sardinia 48/7 (App. B Civ. 2,197). P. was a friend and protégé of T. Pomponius Atticus and even more of Cicero, who often mentioned him and valued P.’s literary judgment (Cic. Att. 10,1,1; 13,1,33 Cic. Fin. 2,58).

PEGASUS

hands of rural deities such as Vertumnus

(Ov. Met. 14,39). The Satyrs use them as weapons in Dionysus’s Indian campaign. In early Christian art it is an attribute of the Good Shepherd, and the abbot’s or bishop’s staff

developed from it. O. BINGOL, Thalia mit dem Lagobolon, in: N. BASGELEN, M. Lueat (ed.), FS J. Inan, 1989, 489-493.

RH.

[2] A city in Latium Vetus between Tibur and Praeneste (> Latini, Latium), possibly the modern Gallicano.

Initially a member of the Alban League, then of the Latin League, P. was conquered by - Coriolanus in 488 BC (Liv. 2,39,4; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 5,61), and

by Furius [I 12] in 338 BC (Liv. 8,12-13). The regio Pedana (Hor. Epist. 1,4,2 with schol.) and the via Pedana (ILS 9012) were named after P. A. M. Kahane, The Sites of Scaptia and P., in: PBSR 41,

1973, 40-42.

:

GU

In 40 BC, he went as legate and ‘minder’ of Octavianus (> Augustus) with L. Antonius [I 4] to Spain (MRR 2,385; but cf. 2,406 on P. [I 4]). In 32 BC, P. was at

Atticus’s deathbed (Nep. Att. 21,4). [1 4] P., T. Cos. suff. in September of 3 5 BC and perhaps legate nmi t5a(Cte lies) eIRES Pear. JOP. Il. IMPERIAL PERIOD [if 1] L. P. Colon or Colonus. Praef. Aegypti between 70 and 72 AD who had to put down a rebellion in AlexAncriay| it PURsibes 22). [1 2] M.P.Priscinus. Cos. ord. in 110 AD; in 124/5 he served as proconsul of the province of Asia. Son of P. [II 3]. PIR* P 224. [II 3] Q.P.Priscus. Cos. ord. in 93 AD. It remains uncer-

tain whether he became proconsul of Africa. PIR* P DDS. {fl 4] M.P.Saenianus. Cos. suff. in 89 AD; possibly the brother of P. [II 3]. PIR* P 226. {II 5] M.P.Stloga Priscinus. Cos. ord. in 141 AD. The family provided ordinary consuls over three generations and therefore must have enjoyed great respect. What this was based on is as yet unclear, as hardly anything is known about the individual members of the family. PIR* P 227. W.E.

Pedum [1] (Latin for xarateow/kalatirops, xogbvy/koryne, haywPdorov/lagobolon, 6aBdo0g xaumbAn/rhabdos kampylé, 60xahov/rhopalon, ‘rabbit stick’). A knotted stick, the length of an arm, with a curved end, which could also be decorated (Verg. Ecl. 5,888-892). The pedum could be a shepherd’s staff (e.g. Anth. Pal. 6,177; Theocr. Epigr. 7,43), but it was also used by hunters as a throwing stick, particularly in hunting hares (Anth. Pal. 6,188; 296). Hence, in literary and artistic representa-

tions peda are attributes of such mythical hunters such as Actaeon, the Centaurs and Orion, and also of she-

Pegasus (Myyacod/Pégasos, Lat. Pegasus).

[1] A magical winged horse, associated with the Corinthian hero > Bellerophon. When > Perseus [1] cuts off the head of —~ Medusa, P. and > Chrysaor [4] spring from her carcass

(Hes. Theog.

28of.). P.’s father is

> Poseidon (Hes. Theog. 276). According to Hesiod, Poseidon sends P. to Bellerophon (Hes. fr. 43a,82ff. M.-W.), while according to others the latter receives

from > Athena a golden bridle that possesses the necessary magical power — only with it can he catch and bridle P. at the Corinthian spring of > Peirene [2] (Pind. Ol. 13,58ff.). With P.’s help, Bellerophon vanquishes the > Amazons, the > Chimaera and the Solymi (Pind. Ol. 13,80f.; Hes. Theog. 3 r9ff.). He persuades > Stheneboea to ride on P. and on the way pushes her into the sea out of revenge. In another passage, Pindar tells the story of Bellerophon being thrown by P. when he wishes to fly into the sky (Pind. Isthm. 7,44-47). According to Hesiod, after his birth P. flies from the earth to the gods where he lives in the house of Zeus and carries his lightning and thunder (Hes. Theog. 28 5f.). Etymology: Several writers associate P. with pégé (‘spring’) because he is said to have been born at the springs of Oceanus (Hes. Theog. 282f.) and because the ~ Hippocrene spring on > Helicon [1] and other fountains were said to have come into being through the beating of his hoofs (Str. 8,6,21; Antoninus Liberalis 9).

P. appears on many coins, initially in Corinth in about 640 BC and in Corinthian colonies (among others Syracuse).

G. TURK, s.v. Pegasos, RE 19, 56ff.; N. YALourIS, Pegasos. Ein Mythos in der Kunst, 1987. AL.FR.

[2] See > Constellations [3] This jurist was the city prefect under the Flavians

(end of the 1st cent. AD) [2. rirf.; 3. 146ff.|: already under Vespasian (Dig. 1,2,2,53) or not until Domitian

PEGASUS

680

679

of several consular provinces,

stess in the sanctuary of the Argive Hera that he foun-

among these Dalmatia (AE 1967, 355), belonged to the consilium of Domitian (Juv. 4,77). P., who was called

ded (Plut. FGrH 388 F 2). Other forms of the name: Peiras (Apollod. 2,3), Peirasus (Paus. 2,17,5), Peiran-

‘The Book’ (Liber) because of his erudition, succeeded

thus (Hyg. Fab. 145). [2] Son of > Glaucus [2], brother of ~ Bellerophontes, who accidentally killed P. and had to flee from Argos (Apollod. 2,30). SU.EL

(Juv. 4,77). Governor

> Proculus as the head of the Proculian School. As suffect consul, he proposed the SC Pegasianum between AD 71 and 73 that granted heirs burdened with the inheritance of an entailed estate the Falcidian quarter (> Falcidius) (quarta Pegasiana) but also forced them to accept the estate [4]. Of the work of P., only 28 indirect quotations are known [r]. His identification with the enigmatic — Plautius [II 1] [3. 162ff., 179] is improbable; he was a relative of Plotius [II 3]. His father may perhaps have been M. Plotius Paulus (CIL VI 3621; [5. 269ff.]). PIR* P 512. 1 O. LENEL (ed.), Palingenesia Iuris Civilis, vol. 2, 1889,

9-12 2F. Sturm, Pegaso: un giureconsulto dell’epoca di Vespasiano, in: Atti del Congresso Internazionale di Studi Vespasianei (Rieti 1979), vol. 1, 1981, 105-136

BauMAN,

Lawyers

and

Politics

3R.A.

in the Early Roman

4U. Mantue, Das senatus consultum Empire, 1989 Pegasianum, 1989, 41f. 5 E. CHAMPLIN, P., in: ZPE 32,

1978, 269-278.

W.E. T.G.

Peiras (Ileigas; Pefras). [1] According to Epimenides (FGrH 457 F 5), P. was the father of > Echidna with — Styx as the mother (Paus. 8,18,2).

[2] Son of > Argos [I r] and Euadne, brother of Ecbasus, Epidaurus and Criasus (Apollod. 2,3). According to Plutarchus (FGrH 388 F 2), P. founded the sanctuary

of the Argive Hera, installed his daughter Callithyia (> Callithoe [2]/> Io) as priestess and dedicated to Hera an idol made from pear-wood. He is identical to Peiranthos/Piranthus (Hyg. Fab. 145), Peirasus (Paus. 2,16,1; 2,17,5) and Peiren [1] (Apollod. 2,5). SLA.

Peirasia (Ilevoaoia; Peirasia). A city in the northeast of Thessaliotis (> Thessalians, Thessalia), with ruins on

the isolated 313 m high limestone mountain of Strongylovuno south of the modern Vlochés on the left bank of the Enipeus [2]. It was identified with the Homeric Astérion (Hom. Il. 2,735) (Steph. Byz. s.v. “Aotégiov),

and was allied with Athens in 431 BC (Thuc. 2,22,3 with schol.). Its contributions for the Delphic temple in 359/7 BC are attested in inscriptions (Syll.> 240 H, col. II 6ff.). Ancient remains: three concentric polygonal city walls with more than 24 towers. P. may be identical with Iresiae in Liv. 32,13,9 (destroyed by Philip [7] V in 198 BC). Coins: HN 303. J. C. Decourrt, La vallée de l’Enipeus en Thessalie, 1990,

162-174; F. STAHLIN, s.v. P., RE 19, 102-104; KODER/

HILb, 233; E. Visser, Homers Katalog der Schiffe, 1997, 702k.

HE.KR.

Peiren (Ietory; Peiren).

[1] Son of > Argos [I 1] and Euadne (Apollod. 2,3),

father of > Io (Apollod. 2,5; Hes.Cat. 124) or of Callithyia (= > Callithoe [2]), whom P. employed as prie-

Peirene [1] (Metorwn/Peirené). One of the Danaids ( Danaus), married to Dolichus (Hyg. Fab. 170) or Agaptolemus (Apollod. 2,1,5). [2] (Tevorvn/Peirene, Tlevoava/Peirana). I. MyTHOLoGY II. TOPOGRAPHY

I. MYTHOLOGY Eponym of the spring of the same name in > Corinthus. Her parents are named as river gods such as +» Asopus [2] and > Metope [2] (Diod. Sic. 4,72,1) and + Achelous [2] (Paus. 2,2,3), sometimes also > Oebalus [1] (the ‘Great Ehoiai’ according to Paus. loc. cit.).

She is the mother of Leches and Cenchrias, the eponyms of the Corinthian harbours. When Cenchrias is inadvertently killed by Artemis, P. sheds so many tears that she turns into the spring of P. The spring is also said to have emerged through a kick from the horse > Pegasus [x] (Stat. Theb. 59-62) or of Asopus (Anth. Pal. 7,218,4). It is here also that Pegasus is caught by > Bellerophon (Pind. Ol. 13,60-64; Eur. El. 475; Str. 8,6). Tas Il. TOPOGRAPHY > Corinthus could almost be said to call itself ‘city of the P.spring’ (Pind. Ol. 13,6rf.; cf. Str. 8,6,21; Paus. 2,3,2.) after the P. spring, whose water was regarded as especially clear and good (Ath. 2,43b; 4,156e; Anth. Pal. 7,218; Suda s.v. [etorvn) and was also used in the production of ‘Corinthian ore’ (Paus. 2,2,3; Plin. HN 4,5). The P. is a spring fed by numerous subterranean veins of water on the slope of the terrace on which the agora of Corinth is situated. Multiple reconstructions carried on well into Roman times followed a first arrangement with a fountain house in the Archaic period. The P. was given its last ancient design with the magnificent marble building probably commisioned by Herodes [16] Atticus (forecourt with open pool, three apses). The fountain house had been decorated with statues as early as the Hellenistic period. In Roman times, the name P. was transferred to the spring in the southeast of the castle of Acrocorinth, which was likewise equipped with a fountain house; an ‘upper’ P. is now distinguished from a ‘lower’ P. The ‘upper’ P. has — contrary to ancient beliefs — no connection with the original P. H. N. Fow er

(ed.), Introduction, Topography, Architec-

ture (Corinth: Results of Excavations 1), 1932; B. HILL, The Springs: P., Sacred Spring, Glauke (Corinth 1,6), 1964 (‘lower’ P.); R. STILLWELL, O. BRONEER, in: C. W.

682

681

BLEGEN

et al., Acrocorinth

(Corinth

soff. (‘upper P.); R. CarPENTER,

3,1), 1930, 31ff.,

Ancient Corinth. A

Guide to the Excavations, °1960, 26ff., 85f.; G. Roux, Pausanias en Corinthie, 1958, 116f., 129f.; G. PH. STEVENS, The Fountain of P. at Corinth in Hellenistic Times,

in: Archaiologike Ephemeris 1953/4, 1, 45ff.; Id., The Fountainhouse of P. in the Time of Herodes Atticus, in:

Peirous (Ileioooc, -we; Peiroos, -ds). Son of Imbrasus

from > Aenus [1], together with Acamas leader of the Thracian treaty partners of the Trojans (Hom. II. 2,844f.); father of Rhigmus (ibid. 20,484). Killed the Greek — Diores [1] and was then killed by > Thoas (ibid. 4,517ff.).

AJA 38, 1934, 55ff.; U. KENzLER, Studien zur Entwicklung und Struktur der griechischen Agora in archaischer und klassischer Zeit, 1999 (thesis 1998).

PEISANDER

P. WaTHELET, Dictionnaire des Troyens de ’Iliade, 1988, Nr. 264. MAST.

C.L. E.MEY.

Peirus (Metooc; Peiros). River in western Achaea, the

Peirithous (Iewoi8oo0c, -Sove/Peirithoos, -thous, Meo(O00¢, -Ooud/Perithoos, -thous; Latin Pirithous, Perithous etc.). Thessalian, later also Attic hero, king of the

source is on the northern slopes of the Erymanthus [1], flows past > Phara and into the Gulf of Corinth 2 km northeast of Dyme [1], today again called P. (formerly

~ Lapithae, son of Zeus (Hom. Il. 2,741; 14,317f£.; cf. Hom. Od. 11,631; Hellanicus FGrH 4 F 134; Pl. Resp. 391c-d) or > Ixion (Ephorus FGrH 70 F 23; Diod. Sic. 4563513 4,69,33 Ov. Met. 8,403f., 567, 613; 12,210, 338; Apollod. 1,68) and > Dia [3], brother of > Clymene [6], husband of > Hippodamia [2], father

Kamenitsa). Cf. Hdt. 1,145; Str. 8,3,11; Paus. 7,18,1f.;

of > Polypoetes [1] (Hom. Il. 2,740-742; 12,129, 182;

Peisander (Ileioavdéo0c/Peisandros). [1] Son of Maimalus, general under > Achilles [1], best spear-fighter of the ~ Myrmidones after > Patroclus [1] (Hom. Il. 16,193 ff.). [2] Son of + Antimachus [1], brother of Hippolochus, killed by > Agamemnon because his father had advised killing > Menelaus [1] in Troy when he had been sent

Diod. Sic. 4,63,1; Apollod. 3,130; Apollod. Epit. 3,14; Paus. 10,26,2). At the wedding ofP.and Hippodamia a fight breaks out between the Lapiths and the > Centaurs (Hom. Od. 21,295-303); P.’s involvement in the battle against the ‘mountain animals’ (i.e. the Centaurs)

is first mentioned in Hom. Il. 1,262-268. Although it was not part of Homer’s account, the attempted abduction of the women at the wedding is commonly found throughout ancient literature: Diod. Sic. 4,70,2-4; Ov. Met. 12,210-537; Ov. Epist. 17,247f. Ov. Am. 2,12,19f.; Verg. G. 2,455-457; Hor. Carm. 1,18,7-9; 2,12,5; Prop. 2,2,9f.; 2,6,17-19; Stat. Theb. 2,563f.;

Plut. Theseus 30; Paus. 5,10,8; Hyg. Fab. 33 etc. The friendship between P. and > Theseus goes back to a time before the wedding (Plut. Theseus 30). After the deaths of Hippodamia and > Phaedra, P. and Theseus try to abduct > Helena [1] (Hellanicus FGrH 323a F 18; Plut. Theseus 31; Diod. 4,63,2; Hyg. Fab. 79; Apollod. Epit. 1,23) but fail owing to the intervention of her brothers, Castor and Polydeuces (> Dioscuri;

Hellanicus FGrH 4 F 134 und 168). They also attempt to kidnap > Persephone from Hades and are subsequently chained to the throne of Lethe to atone for their deed (Hom. Od. 11,631; Hes. fr. 280f. M.-W.; Apoll. Rhod. 1,r01-104; Apollod. Epit. 1,24). In Critias’ tragedy, ‘P.’ (IrGF 1* 43 F 1), > Heracles [1] frees only Theseus, while P. is forced to remain behind. In later

versions both of them are saved (Diod. 4,26) or neither (Diod. 4,63,4; Hyg. Fab. 79). P. takes part in the Attic Amazonomachia (Pind. fr. 175; Paus. 1,2,1), the Calydonian boar hunt (Paus. 8,45,7) and the Argonaut campaign (Hyg. Fab. 14).

ite R. Batapté, Le Péloponnése de Strabon, 1980, 72-74; MULLER, 822.

Y.L.E.O.

into the city on embassy (Hom. Il. 11,122ff.).

[3] Trojan, killed by > Menelaus [1] in single combat; his weapon is a large axe with an olive-wood handle (Hom. Il. 13,6o0rff.).

[4] Son of Polyctor, one of > Penelope’s suitors (Hom. Od.

18,298)

22,243),

killed

and

brave

commanders

(ibid.

by the oxherd

their

— Philoetius

(ibid.

22,268).

[5] One of the seven Plataean heroes > Aristides [1] sacrificed to before the battle of Plataeae on the basis of an oracle from Delphi (Plut. Aristides 11,3). Sa. [6] P. from Camirus (in Rhodes). 7th—6th cents. BC; the record dates him either before Hesiod or to the 33rd Olympiad (648 BC: Sudas.v. IT. 1V,122,11 ADLER = T1 PEG), [4] not after the 6th cent. BC. In the Hellenistic period a statue was raised to him in his native town at public expense, and Theocritus wrote an epigram for it (Anth. Pal. 9,598 = Gow-PAGE 16), perhaps because in his Herakleia (2 bks.) he had glorified the hero, and ancestor of the Ptolemies, by relating his deeds: the lion, hydra, hind, Stymphalian birds, Geryoneus, Antaeus and perhaps the Centaurs (presumably, however, not the canonical twelve deeds; cf. T 2 PEG with bibliogra-

phy). The genealogical element of his poetry makes Hesiodic influence conceivable. P. was adopted into the Alexandrian canon of the epic poets (together with

In Attica, P. is the eponymous hero of the demos of Perithoedae (Ephoros FGrH 70 F 23); a hero’s shrine to him was located on the Kolonos Hippios (Soph. OC.

~+ Homerus [1], > Hesiodus, -» Panyas(s)is, > Antimachus [3]; T 7-12 PEG). Various works are ascribed to him ([1. 167] with bibliography); an epigram trans-

1593f.; Paus. 1,30,4).

mitted under his name, Anth. Pal. 7,304, is presumably not authentic.

E. MANAKIDOU, te

s.v. P., LIMC

7.1, 232-242; 7.2, 172L.K.

683

684

1 PEGI, 164-167 2 EpGF 129-135 3 B. GenTIL1, Eracle ‘omicida giustissimo’, in: Id., G. Paroni (ed.), Il mito

FRAGMENTS: 1E. Herrscn, Die griechischen Dichterfragmente der romischen Kaiserzeit, vol. 2, 1964, 44-47 2 FGrH 16, vol. Ia, 544-547; vol. IA *10-* 11. SECONDARY LITERATURE: 3G. D’Ippo iro, Studi non-

PEISANDER

greco, 1977, 305

4R.KEYDELL,s.v. P. (11), RE 19, 144-

145 5G.B. Purtipr, Herakles und die friuhgriechische Dichtung. Zu Plut. De Hdt. Mal. 14,857 EF, in: Gymnasium 91, 1984, 335-336. S.FO.

niani. L’epillio nelle Dionisiache, 1964, 82-83

Pisandro, EV 4, 125-126

4 Id., s.v.

5 G. FUNAIOLI, D’una pretesa

fonte dell’ lliuperside virgiliana, in: Id., Studi di letteratura

[7] Athenian from Acharnae (schol. Aeschin. 2,176), member of the commission investigating the Mutilation of the Herms (— Herms, mutilation of the; And. 1,27;

43). In 411 BC he was an advocate for the oligarchic constitution (Thuc. 8,49; 53f.; 63ff.; Plut. Alcibiades 26,1) and became one of the spokesmen of the Four Hundred (> tetrakosioi; [Aristot.] Ath. pol. 32; cf. IG DP 174/5). After the failure of the oligarchs he fled to the Spartans in Decelea (Thuc. 8,98,1). P. subsequently became a frequent target of mockery in comedy (Aristoph. Lys. 49o0f.) and his ‘cowardice’ became prover-

bial (Suda s.v. HMetodvdoou detoteQ0¢, ‘more cowardly than P.’). DEVELIN, 2281.

HA.BE.

[8] Spartiate, brother-in-law of the king -> Agesilaus [2] II. Defeated as a natiarchos (‘naval commander’) in 394 BC in the battle of Cnidus (where he was killed) by the

Persian fleet under -» Conon [1] (Xen. Hell. 3,4,29; 4,3,10ff.; Philochorus FGrH 328 F 144-145; Nep. Conon 4,4; Diod. Sic. 14,83,5f.5 Just. 6,3; Plut. Agesilaus

rof., 17,4; Paus.

3,9,6; Polyaenus,

Strat. 2,1,3).

K-W.W. [9] Mythographer of the Hellenistic period, author of a novelistic work often used in the scholia on > Apollonius [2] Rhodius, similar to that of Dionysius of Samos. The longest fragment (FGrH 16 F to = schol. Eur. Phoen. 1760) is a summary of the various traditions of

the Oedipus myth. FGrH

totogiav

Peisenor (Iletorvwe; Peisenor).

[1] Father of > Ops [2] and grandfather of > Euryclea (Hom. Od. 1,429). [2] Herald of > Telemachus (Hom. Od. 2,38; Eust. ad

Hom. Od. 2,37, p. 1432546). [3] Trojan, father of -» Cleitus [3] (Hom. Il. 15,445). [4] One of the suitors of > Penelope, from Same (Apollod. Epit. 7,28). [5] Lycian, father of Chlemon (Quint. Smyrn. 8,101). [6] Son of > Neleus [1] (schol. Hom. Il. 11,692). [7] One of the + Centaurs, fled from the Lapith > Dryas [1] (Ov. Met. 12,303).

Tp

Peisianax (Ilewiavat; Peisianax). Athenian, Alcmaeonid (> Alcmaeonids), brother of Isodice who married

> Cimon [2] in around 480 BC. P. endowed the Stoa Peisianakteios built around 460 on the northern side of the Athenian Agora near the Panathenaean Way. Its foundations have been partly uncovered north of the modern Hadrian’s Road. Four large plates (e.g. Battle of Marathon: [1]) decorated this hall that was later known as the Stoa Poikile. 1 E. Harrison, The South Frieze of the Nike Temple and

1972, 353-378.

16, vol. Ia, 544-547; vol. IA, *1o-*1r.

(AD 222-235). Son of the epic poet > Nestor [3], author of the ‘Heaxai Oeoyautat (Herorkai theogamiai, 60 B.), a kind of encyclopaedia of mythology which ‘encompasses, as it were, the whole ofhistory’ (maoav eimetv

DOREE, KS 4, 368-373 9F. VIAN, Recherches sur les ‘Posthomerica’ de Quintus de Smyrne, 1959, 99-100. S.FO.

the Marathon Painting in the Painted Stoa, in: AJA 76,

[10] P. from Laranda, lived under Alexander Severus

@c

antica 2.1, 1948,167-174 6 R. KeYDELL, Die Dichter mit Namen P., in: Hermes 70, 1935, 301-311 7/Id., s.v. P. (12), RE37, 145-146 8 U. VON WILAMOWITZ-MOELLEN-

meouaBmv:

Zos.

5,29,2=

T

2

HertscH) and which displaced the > epic cycle by telling the myths in sequence (Iohannes Philoponos in Aristot. An. post. 13,3, p. 157,14). [he work may have begun with the wedding of Zeus and Hera. Apart from toponyms (in Steph. Byz. fr. 7-14 HeEr1tscu) there is mention in the scanty fragments of Zeus and Io, Cadmus, Typhon, the Argonauts, the Giants, perhaps Heracles. A citation in Macrob. Sat. 5,2,4f., according to which Virgil ‘transcribed’ P. ‘almost verbatim’ (ad

Agora 3, 31-45 (Testimonia); J. M. Camp, The Athenian Agora, 1986, 66-72; Davies, 377f.; Trattt, PAA 7 7s O50

K.KI.

Peisidice (Ieidixn; Peisidiké). [1] Name of various mythical figures: daughter of » Aeolus [1], wife of > Myrmidon (Apollod. 1,51f.),

daughter of > Nestor [1] (ibid. 1,94), daughter of ~ Pelias (ibid. 1,95; Hyg. Fab. 24). [2] Daughter of King Lepethymnus of > Methymna; love prompted her to betray her home city to its besieger, > Achilles [1], but she was stoned to death for this on his orders (Parthenius 21). The same story is also

told of Pedasa in Monenia (Pedasus [1]; schol. Hom. II. 6,35)L.K.

verbum paene transcripserit) in Aen. 2, should be inter-

preted the other way around: P. probably followed Virgil [5; 6]; [9] assumes another, Hellenistic P. as Virgil’s source. On the identification of the P. in Macrobius with the mythographer see [2. 544-547]. » Mythography

Peisinus (Ilewotvoc; Peisinos). author of an Heracleia, allegedly ‘stolen’ by > Peisander [6] (Clem. Al. Strom. Gi 2525.2) PEGI,

164.

S.FO.

685

686

Peisistratids (Metovotoatidai; Peisistratidai). Athenian aristocratic ofkos from Brauron

(Plut. Solon

10,3; Pl.

Hipparch. 228b), which is said to go back Neleus, son of Zeus, via > Nestor [1] of Pylos (Hdt. 5,65; > Peisistratus [1] and [2]). Herodotus only refers to the Athenian sons of the tyrant — Peisistratus [4] and their off-

spring as P. (528/7-511/10 BC), whereas later and modern literature often includes all generations: in 669/8 BC, a > Peisistratus [3] is archon (Paus. 2,2.4,7);

the name of > Hippocrates [1], the father of Peisistratus [4], is remembered

~ Thessalus, the non-Athenian sons Iophon [1] and ~» Hegesistratus [1] as well as a grandson, Peisistratus

[5], the son of Hippias (main sources: Hdt. 5,55; 62-65; [Aristot.] Ath. Pol. 14-19; Thuc. 6,54-59). In the broad and controversial scholarly discussion on the P., two questions are prominent: 1) Did Hippias

in 5 28/7 as tyrant continue in dynastic succession or did a joint rule between Hippias and Hipparchus develop? do the relations to the aristocratic Athenian

families evolve (cf. IG > 1053: list of archons in 5 28/7522/1 with names

Peisistratus (IMeioiotoatoc; Peisistratos). [1] Son of > Nestor [1], ruler of Pylos, and of Eurydice. He accompanied > Telemachus, who was of the same

age, to Sparta (Hom. Od. 3,400-483; 15,44 ff.; Paus.

4,1,4). [2] Son of P. [1], grandson of > Nestor [1]. He as the only one of the Nelids, does not go to Athens when they are driven out of Messenia by the Heraclids (Paus. 2,18,8f.; Hdt. 5,65). J. ANDREE-HANSLIK, s.v. P., RE 19, 15 5f.

K.WA,

because of his (probably first)

son of the same name. P. in a more specific sense are Peisistratus’ [4] older Athenian sons > Hippias [1], ~ Hipparchus [1] and

2) How

PEISISTRATUS

of Athenian

aristocrats)?

Around

520, political stability began to disappear, the privately motivated murder of Hipparchus in 514/3 (> Harmodius [1], > Aristogeiton [1]) unleashed a regime of terror by Hippias, which in the Athenian memory permanently shaped the image of a tyrant. From exile, aristocrats (> Alcmaeonidae) with Sparta’s help put an end to this horrific episode in 511/10; the P. disappeared

[3] Athenian, archon

in 669/8 BC (Paus. 2,24,7), to

whom [t. 70] relates a graffiti (dated as of the beginning of the 6th cent.: [2. 14]). 1LSAG

DAVIES,

2H. R. IMMERWARR, Attic Script, 1990.

11793; TRAILL, PAA 771750; 771755-

[4] Athenian belonging to the highest level of aristocracy, son of » Hippokrates [1], born before 600 BC. Prior toc. 561, he was a military leader against> Megara [2] as archon ~— polémarchos (a different version in [r. 41]), then member of the Areopagus (— Areios pagos). P.’ son Hegesistratus [1] was tyrant in Sigeum under Lydian and Persian suzerainty; another three sons (> Peisistratids) shared P.’ fate up to his death in 527. When in 511/10, > Hippias [1], his son ruling by

Distant relatives remained in the city, thus Hipparchus, son of Charmus, archon in 496/5. Although he became the first victim of > ostracism (487), a pro-P. tyrannis party is but a modern phantom. No later than the 4th cent. BC and up to the present day, there has been a tendency to attribute all building works, dedications, the promotion of cults for gods and heroes in the time between 528/7 and s5r1/10 to the P. and to reject similar self-portrayals of other aristocrats [x. 33-363 2. 185f.5 3. 67]-

violence, was expelled from Athens in 511/10 together with his clan, 50 years had passed since the time in c. 561 when P. in the struggle between the three parties (stdseis) from the ‘nearby plain’ (hoi ek pediu), ‘nearby coast’ (pdraloi) and the ‘nearby hills’ (byperakrioi; for the ‘groups’ see [2]), had occupied the Acropolis with his bodyguard sanctioned by plebiscite. After having been expelled shortly afterwards by the two counterstaseis, P. was led back by the leader of one of the staseis, Megacles [2], but expelled again after just a few months. The subsequent 10-year exile was used by P. to systematically build up alliances in Greece and further afield. In c. 546, with their assistance, he fought his way back home with great brutality and lived in Athens until his death in early 527. The colourfully embellished narrative of the main

+ Athenae (III. 3.); > Tyrannis

source

from Athens, some into Persian exile (Hdt. 7,6; 8,52,2).

1K.H.

Ktnzt, Betrachtungen zur alteren griechischen

Tyrannis, in: AJAH 4, 1979, 23-45

2Id., Zur Vor- und

Friihgeschichte der attischen Tragédie, in: Klio 62, 1980, 177-190 31d., review of J. M. Hurwit, The Art and Culture of Early Greece ..., in: Phoenix 41, 1987, 65-68.

J. S. Boersma, Athenian Building Policy, 1970; Davies, 11793;

L. De

Lipero,

Archaische

Tyrannis,

1996;

E.

Kiuwe, Die Tyrannis der Peisistratiden und ihr Niederschlag in der Kunst, thesis Jena 1966; F. KoLB, Die Bau-, Religions — und Kulturpolitik der Peisistratiden, in: JDAI 92, 1977, 99-136; B. LAVELLE, The Sorrow and the Pity, 1993; F. SCHACHERMEYR, S.V. Peisistratiden, RE 19, 150-

155; H. A. SHapiro, Art and Cult under the Tyrants in Athens, 1989; M. SraHt, Aristokraten und Tyrannen im archaischen Athen, 1987; E. STEIN-HOLKESKAMP, Adelskultur und Polisgesellschaft, 1989. K.KI.

Herodotus

(1,59-64) — containing numerous

details — and thereafter the Aristotelian Athenaion politeia (13-17) and many other authors — has been created along a similar intellectual scheme as in the case of + Cypselus [2] of Corinth (Hdt. 5,92) and, in view of how Hippias ended, is structured into the three phases of P.’ rule as a tyrant. During the last two decades of P.’ life, culture, foreign relations and trade as well as economic and social circumstances flourished in Athens (‘The age of Kronos’: [Aristot.] Ath. Pol. 16,7). Despite the setback under Hippias, the era of P. and of the > Peisistratids before 511/10 became of the greatest importance for the subsequent internal and external development of Athens. The chronology of c. 561 to 511/to has been clarified to a large extent since 1976 [3]. The weighting of P.’ role and that of other aristo-

PEISISTRATUS

cratic families c. 561-527 is a matter of whether or not one believes the sources and is of fundamental importance for the historical reconstruction of the events ([4. 308-316]; see > Peisistratids).

» Athenai (III. 3); > Tyrannis 1DevetIN

688

687

2K.H.

Kinz1,

Regionalism

in Classical

Athens?, in: Ancient History Bulletin 3, 1989, 5-9

3P. J.

RuHopES, Pisistratid Chronology Again, in: Phoenix 30, 1976, 219-233 4K. H.KINzZ1, Betrachtungen zur alteren Tyrannis, in: Id. (ed.), Die altere Tyrannis bis zu den Perserkriegen, 1979, 298-325.

In Athens, P. was ritually worshipped with Aphrodite » Pandemos (cf. Paus. 1,22,3) and had a sanctuary on the southeastern slope of the Acropolis [1]. There was a P. cult in many other places as well [2. 243]. She is

represented in the fine arts either closely related to Aphrodite and her circle, or alone [2. 243-250]. 1 TRAVLOS, Athen, r-2, 8 Abb.

5 2 N. IcARD-G1IANOLIO,

s.v. P., LIMC 7.1, 242-250; 7.2, 178-180.

R. G. Buxton, Persuasion in Greek Tragedy: a Study of P., 1982; V. PIRENNE-DELFORGE, Le culte de la persuasion, in: RHR 209, 1991, 396-413. LK.

H. Berve, Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen, 1967; K. H. Kinz1 (ed.), Die altere Tyrannis, 1978; L. DE LiBERO, Die archaische Tyrannis, 1996; H. SANCISI-WEERDENBURG

(ed.), P. and the Tyranny: A Reappraisal of the Evidence, 2000; F. SCHACHERMEYR, S.V. P. (3), RE 19, 156-191; M.

STAHL, Aristokraten und Tyrannen im archaischen Athen, 1987; E. SretN-HOLKEsKAMP, Adelskultur und Polisgesellschaft, 1989; TRaILL, PAA 771760.

[5] In 522/r BC archon (IG D3 1031 col. Il 21) and donor of the Apollo-Pythios altar (Thuk. 6,54,6; IG P 948; inscription sometimes — implausibly — dated to go back to the sth cent.) and of the altar of the Twelve

Gods on the Athenian Agora (Thuc. 6,5 4,6). Oldest son of > Hippias [1]; the year of his death is unknown, but he was probably in exile together with Hippias in Persla. Davies, 11793; D. M. Lewis, in: CAH TRAILL, PAA 771765.

4, 1988, 294f.; K.KI.

Peithagoras (MewWayooas; Peithagoras). Soothsayer of Amphipolis (inspecting the entrails of sacrificed ani-

Peitholaus (ITewWWoAaoc; Peithdélaos). Third son of + Jason [2] of > Pherae. P. was involved in the murder of his brother-in-law Alexander [15] in 358 BC — this may have been the situation in which > Isocrates’s Epist. 6 to the sons of Iason was written — and in the tyrannies of the brothers Teisiphonus (358-355) and > Lycophron [3] (355-352). He retreated with the latter after surrendering Pherae to > Philippus [4] II of Macedon in 352 (Diod. Sic. 16,37,3); the two then supported Sparta in the Peloponnese with Phocian troops and 150 horsemen (Diod. Sic. 16,39,3). Only P. was deprived (Dem. Or. 59,91) of the Athenian citizenship that had been conferred on the brothers as allies (Isoc. epist. 6,3), perhaps even during Iason’s lifetime, after

action was taken against them in 349 (Aristot. Rh. 3,1410a 17f.). According to Diod. Sic. 16,52,9, Philip expelled P. from Pherae once again in 3 49/8. H. Berve, Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen, 1967, 293f.,

671f.

TCO:

mals), brother of Apollodorus, one of the > hetatroi of

» Alexander [4] the Great; in 323 BC P. foretold the impending death of - Hephaestion [1] (Arr. Anab. 7,18; App. Civ. 2,152) and later also that of Alexander (Arr. l.c.; App. l.c.). Alexander received this news from P.’s brother and praised both of them (Arr. /.c.). P. was obviously Aristobulus’ [7] direct source (Arr. Anab. Hotes) i

AL.ER.

Peitho (Mew; Peithd). Greek personification of ‘per-

suasion’, especially of erotic persuasion, hence a frequent epithet of > Aphrodite. Daughter of > Oceanus, spouse of > Phoroneus or of Argus [I r] (Hes. Theog. 349; schol. Eur. Phoen. 1116; schol. Eur. Or. 1239). Although unknown in Homer’s work, P. appears in Hesiod’s writings (Hes. Erg. 73; Hes. Theog. 573) during the making of — Pandora together with the ~ Charites. Sappho fr. 200 V. makes her one of the Charites, Aeschylus makes her daughter of Aphrodite (together with > Pothos; Aesch. Supp. 1038-1042). In poetry, P. generally stands for erotic charm (Ibycus PMGEF fr. 288; Anac. PMG fr. 384; Anth. Pal. 5,70). Already with Aeschylus, however, a shift in the meaning sets in towards ‘rhetorical persuasion’ (Aeschyl. Ag. 385; Aesch. Cho. 726; especially Aesch. Eum. passim; cf. Soph. El. 562; Aristoph. Ran. 1391; Eur. passim).

Peithon (MetOwv; Peithon). [1] In 325 BC, P., son of Agenor, was appointed by

Alexander [4] the Great as the satrap for the coast of India and the banks of the Indus as far as the mouth of the Acesines. He took — Musicanus prisoner and brought him before the king, manned the new fortresses on the left bank of the Indus and met up with Alexander at Pattala. When Alexander had to give up a large part of India in 323 BC, he transferred P. to Gandhara (> Gandaritis), a move which was endorsed by Perdiccas [4] and, after the battle, by the settlement of > Triparadeisus. In 316 BC, Antigonus [1] gave him control of the satrapy of Babylon which had been abandoned by > Seleucus. In 314 BC, he recalled him and appointed him as one of the advisers to Demetrius [2] in Syria. In + Gaza (312 BC) he shared the supreme command with Demetrius and fell in battle. H. BeRVE, s.v. P. (2), RE 19, 218-220.

[2] P., son of Crateuas from Eordaea, is documented as a trierarch of the > Hydaspes fleet under Alexander [4] the Great (326 BC), as somatophylax (‘bodyguard’) in 325 BC and before Alexander’s death part of his inner circle. He was given the satrapy of Media (apart from the northern area allotted to > Atropates) by Perdiccas

689

690

[4], but was straightaway dispatched against the muti-

ded circle of acquaintances and pupils among bishops (> Orosius, Liber apologeticus 31; Aug. Epist. 179,2) and influential laity as far away as Africa (Aug. De gestis Pelagii 46; Hier. Epist. 133,4). His theology was > Rufiinfluenced by -» Ambrosius, ~ Hieronymus, nus the Syrian, by the early writings of > Augustinus and > Iohannes [4] Chrysostomus. His emphatically anti-Manichaean (+ Mani) position in defence of free will and his aversion to any kind of fatalism weakened the idea of divine and helping grace in the Augustinian sense. Without denying humanity’s need for salvation in general, P. dissociates himself from the idea of original sin as a kind of > fate reducing humankind to a state of damnation. At the Council of Carthage and Mileve in 416 (Aug. Epist. 175-177) this doctrine of grace, diverging from

neering mercenaries in Bactria. These men gave them-

selves up under the assurance of their safe return home but were butchered by P.’s troops. In 320 BC he took part in the murder of Perdiccas, then he and Arrhidaeus [5] led Perdiccas’ army to Triparadeisus, from where Antipater [1] sent him back to his satrapy. In 317 BC, there was a failed attempt to usurp the sovereignty over the eastern satrapies. P. joined — Seleucus, then Antigonus [1] in the war against Eumenes [1]. In 316 BC, he began to build up a power base against Antigonus, but the latter lured him into a trap and after passing sentence, had him executed by his advisers. Main source for P.: Diod. Sic. 18-19. H. BeRVE, s.v. P. (4), RE 19, 222-222.

EB.

PELAGIUS

that of Augustine, led to the condemnation of P. and his Peion (Mitov/Peéion, Latin Peium; Medv yootov/Pedn chorion), > Deiotarus’ treasure fortress (Str. 12,5,2; Cic. Deiot. 17). Hellenistic and Byzantine castle, built in

a meander of the river - Siberis steep-sided rock plateau, modern Strong entrenchment fortification, palace and a tunnel stairway in the site.

fellow partisan Caelestius, with the consent, too, of pope > Innocentius I (402-417) (Aug. Epist. 181-183). After an initial discharge, pope > Zosimus, under pres-

(Kirmir Cayi) on a Tabanoglu Kalesi. cisterns, traces of a northern part of the

sure of the African plenary council (autumn 417), in summer 418 condemned them both in a comprehensive document [14], after the imperial chancery in Ravenna (30.4.418) and the African plenary council (1.5.418)

BELKE, 212f.; §. MITCHELL, Blucium and Peium, in: AS 24, 1974, 61-74; K. StROBEL, Galatica II, in: Orbis Ter-

ents. To what extent the churches of > Antiochia [1], » Alexandria [1] and Constantinople followed the jud-

rarum 6, 2000

had excommunicated

K.ST.

Pelagius (Mekcywoc; Pelagios). [1] Fellow student and friend of > Libanius, in AD 357;

P., Caelestius and their adher-

gement is not clear. Little is known of the fate of P. after 418. Presumably he made his way to Egypt, where he died, certainly before 431. The interventions of > Iulianus [16] of Aeclanum with Zosimus and his successors and at the Ravenna court were without success, as were

represented his home city Cyrrhus (in Euphratensis) before > Constantius [2] Il in Italy; in about 382 he was consularis Syriae; he died in 393, a non-Christian (it is to him that Lib. Epist. 1325 and 1334 are addressed).

attempts at rapprochement in Constantinople. On 17 July 431, at the Council of Ephesus, P. (posthumously),

PLRE 1, 686 (P. 2).

union with the Church (Coll. Vaticana 82,13; Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum 1,1,3, p. 9).

[2] Silentiarius (> Silentiarii), distinguished epic poet and probably also historian. Under the emperors Leo [4] land > Zeno attested as a > patrikios. In AD 479, P. was an ambassador to the Ostrogoth Theoderich Strabo. He was considered a critic of the emperor. According to later stories, possibly conventionalized, he was killed by Zeno for allegedly being a ‘heathen’, when the emperor had been prophesied that his successor would be a silentiarius. PLRE 2, 857f. iL, [3] Vicarius ducis, i.e. of the dux Sergius, in the northern African province of Tripolitana, fought under the > patrikios » Solomon against the rebel leader Antalas of the Berbers, who defeated the two of them in spring AD 544. 1 PLRE 3, 988 Nr. 1 schen Reiches 2, 548.

2 STEIN, Geschichte des spatromiBT.

[4] Pelagius. A native of Britain (Aug. Epist. 186,1), he

Caelestius, Iulianus of Aeclanum,

Praesidius, Florus,

Marcellianus and Orontius were excluded from comm-

The critical sorting of the genuine works of P. continues to be inconclusive. Even the limited list in [9], in contrast to that in [ro], is hardly final (cf. [15]). Apart from commentaries on Paul [1], a letter to Demetrias (PL 30,15-453 33,1099-1120) and a creed written for Innocent I (PL 45,1716-1718; PL 48,488-491; PL 39,2181-2183), only fragments (primarily in Augustine and Jerome) of various genres (instructional letter,

theological treatises, collection of testimonies) are preserved. ~ Heresy; > Semipelagianism 1 A. Sourer (ed.), Expositiones XIII Epistularum Pauli Apostoli, 3 vols., 1922-1926 (repr. 1967) 2G. BONNER,

s.v. P., TRE 26, 1996, 176-185 3 P. Brown, Religion and Society in the Age of Saint Augustine, 1972 47. S. DE Bruyn, Pelagius’ Commentary on St. Paul’s Epistle to the Romans (engl. transl. and comm.), 1993 5 R. F. Evans,

had been in Rome for a long time when in AD 409/10,

Four Letters of Pelagius, 1968

shortly before the siege of the city by Alaricus [2], he left for Palestine by way of Sicily and Africa (Aug. Epist. 179,23; Aug. De gestis Pelagii 46); he built up an exten-

s.v. Pelagianisme, Dictionnaire de théologie catholique 12, 1933, 675-715 7A. KEssLeR, Reichtumskritik und Pelagianismus (Paradosis 43), 1999 8R. A. Markus, Sacred and Secular. Studies on Augustine and Latin Chris-

6R. HepDpE, E. AMANN,

PELAGIUS

tianity, 1994

9F.G. Nuvo.onr, s.v. Pélage et Pélagia-

nisme, I. Les écrivains, Dictionnaire de spiritualité, asce-

10 G. DE tique et mystique, vol. 12, 1986, 2889-2923 PLINVAL, Pélage. Ses écrits, sa vie et sa réforme, 1943

11 B. R. Rees, The Letters of Pelagius and his Followers, 1991

692

691

12S. Tuer, Kirche bei Pelagios (Patristische Texte

und Studien

50), 1999

13 O. WERMELINGER,

Rom und

Pelagios. (Papste und Papsttum 7), 1975 14 Id., Das Pelagiosdossier in der Tractoria des Zosimus, in: Freiburger

Zeitschrift fiir Philosophie und Theologie 26, 1979, 336368 15 Id., Neuere Forschungsperspektiven um Augustinus und Pelagios., in: C. Mayer, K. H. CHELIus (eds.),

Internationales Symposion tber den Stand der Augustinus-Forschung. Wiirzburg, 1989, 189-217.

Pelagones,

Pelagonia

O.WER.

(Ilekayovec/Pelagones,

piatrics. Probably translated into Greek quite quickly, it later found its way into the corpus of hippiatrika. The text is most complete in a MS commissioned by POLIZIANO and copied in 1485. It has been augmented by a few fragments in a palimpsest from Bobbio (Codices Latini Antiquiores 393, first half of the 6th cent.), a Veronese MS (16th cent., W) and a MS that has only recently been connected with P. (Codices Latini Antiquiores 876, 8th/9th cents., E), containing the second

half of the work (204ff.). The recent findings of E and W have not yet been considered in establishing the text and offer the hope of new insights into the history of the transmission and of a text closer to the original. — Veterinary medicine EpITIONs: K.-D. FISCHER, 1980.

Tedayovia/Pelagonia). Inhabitants and region in northern Macedonia, the plateau between the south of

LITERATURE: Id., in: HLL, Bd. 5, § 514. Axsout E: P.-P. Corsetti, Un nouveau témoin de |’Ars

modern Macedonia and northwestern Greece, surroun-

veterinaria de P., in: Revue d’histoire des textes 19, 1989, 31-56; A. ONNERFORS, Das medizinische Latein von

ded by hilly country and mountain chains with an extent of c. roo km north-south and c. 20 km east-west. Originally P. was taken to relate only to the region around modern Prilep on the middle reaches of the Erigoni(Stt ga7aoks (i= 253 jolla aye2O51 Sies1 9s 5p ueke)-

There were only four simple ways of reaching P. Among those living in P. besides the P. were the Eordi (-> Eordaea) and Lyncestes (~ Lyncus). In the Hallstatt period

Celsus bis Cassius Felix, in: ANRW II 37.1, 1993, 380f.;J. N. Apams, P. and Latin Veterinary Terminology in the Roman Empire, 1995 (comprehensive new outline). Asout W: V. OrRTOLEVA, Un nuovo testimone frammen-

tario di Pelagonio, in: Res publica litterarum N.S. 21, 1998,

13-44.

K.D.F.

settlements of P. (Visoi-Prilep, Vis, Saraj near Prod)

Pelanos (xe\avoc; pelanos), a more or less liquid gruel

Greek influence, from the 6th cent. BC onward, media-

or dough, which could also contain honey, oil, poppies, milk or wine, was thrown in the fire as a sacrificial offering and burnt or poured out (cf. Aesch. Pers. 203f.; Eur. lon 226f.; 705-707). According to Theophrastus (in Porph. De abstinentia 2,29) pelanos assumed increasingly refined forms in the course of its historical development. The dough was finally mixed and baked into flat bread, cakes or pancakes. Pelanos itself, however, was never eaten. It was particularly common as a sacrificial offering in chthonic cults, e.g. for Ge and the dead (Aesch. Pers. 253f.) or the Erinyes (Apoll. Rhod. 4,712-714). From the 4th cent. BC, pelanos was also a

ted by the Macedonians,

has been established. It was

probably in this period that the Pelagonian and Lyncestian kingdoms formed (cf. decrees honouring two kings: IG II* rro of 365 BC; ibid. 190 of 363/2 BC). P. could not be conquered until Philippus [4] II (in about 360 BC). He founded Heraclea [2] as a military base in P. After 168 BC, P. formed the 4th Macedonian meris/

regio (Liv. 45,30,6) and in 146 BC was incorporated into the Roman province of Macedonia with Heraclea [2] as its capital (Liv. 45,29,9), renamed Pelagonia in

late

Antiquity

(Hierocles,

Synekdemos

appendix

3,104). ~» Macedonia (with map) 1F. PapazoG.ou,

Les villes de Macédoine a l’epoque

romaine (BCH Suppl. 16), 1988.

I. Mrxux€éic¢, Pelagonija u svetlosti arheoloskih nalaza od Egejske seobe do Augusta, 1966; F. PAPAZOGLU, Inscriptions de Pélagonie, in: BCH 98, 1974, 271-297. Lv.B.

Pelagonius Saloninus (probably connected with > Salonae in Illyricum) in about AD 360 wrote the first Latin text of hippiatrics. From > Apsyrtus [2] he adopted the epistolary form of his chapters, each of which is intended for a patron (unfortunately not identifiable with certainty) of high social standing. Apart from Latin

> agrarian writers (Columella, Celsus), P.’s sour-

ces were Greek marily with the those of Eumelus piatrika). P. was

specialist writings dealing only summedical treatment of horses, such as and Apsyrtus (preserved in the > Hipin turn a source for > Vegetius’ hip-

term for monetary donations at sanctuaries [1. 250]. ~ Sacrifice (III.) 1 L. ZIEHEN, s.v. mehavoc, RE 19, 246-250

2 P. STENGEL,

Die griechiche Kultusaltertiimer, 31920, 99, 183, 235. ALLER.

Pelarge (Mehaoyh; Pelarge). Daughter of Potneus, wife of Isthmiades. After the Epigoni campaign and the capture of Thebes P. and her husband are said to have renewed the interrupted Boeotian cult of > Demeter Kabeiria and of Kore (- Persephone) outside its former territory by reinstituting the consecration of the mysteries of the Cabiraei (or Cabirii), the descendants of the ~ Cabiri, who originally inhabited the place. For this,

she herself received cultic worship, in accordance with an oracle from Dodona (Paus. 9,25,5-7). SLA.

693

694

Pelasgi (Mekaoyoi/Pelasgot; Latin Pelasgi). People of archaic Greece and perhaps north-western Asia Minor,

Paus. 2,22,1). The Argive P. (2), great-grandson of » Argos [I 1] (Hyg. Fab. 145), takes » Demeter into his

PELEUS

definitely Crete (Hom. Od. 19,177), Thessaly (from the

house (Paus. 1,14,2). Not far from the place where he

name of the Thessalian Pelasgiotis and the expression t Tetaoymov “Agyos/to Pelasgikon Argos, Hom. Il.

himself is later buried he builds a sanctuary to Demeter

2,681) and Epirus (reference to the Zeus of Dodona as

settling in the Peloponnese, the tribe migrates to Thes-

‘Pelasgian’, cf. Hom. Il. 16,233, cf. Hes. fr. 319 M.-W.). The P., who helped the Trojans (-» Troy) in the Iliad (Hom. Il. 2,840ff.; 10,429; 17,288ff.), cannot be precisely located; their capital, Larisa, may be the Pelasgiotic Larisa (which is absent, probably not coincidentally, from the Homeric catalogue of ships), but the name

saly; one of the leaders is another P. (3), son of Poseidon

Larisa was commonplace, and encountered often, even

in Asia Minor.

At least the fact that the P. were on the side of the Trojans proves that they were not Greek. That need not, however, mean that they were a pre-Greek people; their settlements in northern Greece contradict this, as does

the fact that they were still remembered in the 8th cent. BC. Their immigration probably came only in the time of the last great migrations around the turn of the 2nd/rst millennia BC, which also brought other non-

Pelasgis (Paus.

2,22,1). Six generations after P.’s (1)

and Larisa, who is driven from there five generations later (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,17,1ff.).

a

Pelatai (mekdta/pelatai, sg.: edt, -tac/pelates, -tas) is a general term in Greek for dependents. In the time of Solon (late 7th-early 6th cents. BC) it may have had a technical meaning analogous to ~ hektémoroi in Athens (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 2,2) which, in any case, was

lost. By the time of Plato (Plat. Euthyphr. 4c) pelates describes seasonal workers free by civil law (Poll. 3,82). The word thus had a meaning similar to -> thetes, and the two terms were often used synonymously. Pelatai further described certain people in relationships of dependency outside the Greek world or in border regions, as among the Illyrians (Theop. FGrH 115 F 40) or inthe

Greek peoples (~ Caucones, > Leleges, > Thraci) to Greece. An origin in the western Balkans is suggested by

Bosporan (CIRB 976, AD

the connection between their name (from *Pelag-skoi)

Dions HalSAnt, Romi 8is2015 835312. 9525.2hO.mtts) = > Penestai

and that of the Pelag-ones of north-western Macedonia (> Pelagones).

However, from the early days of mythological and genealogical studies (cf. Pherecydes FGrH 2 F 25; Ephor. FGrH 70 F 113), Greek scholars regarded the P. as a pre-Greek, autochthonous people, and located them

across

wide

areas

of Greece;

to what

extent

genuine records survive in some of these statements it is

scarcely possible to know. The application of the name P. to the pre-Greek inhabitants of Lemnos and Imbros is certainly unjustified; they were also called Tyrsenes (> Tyrrheni) and, by the evidence of their inscriptions, they were in fact Etruscans. It remains an open question whether the P. who continued to live on the > Propontis east of Cyzicus in the 5th cent. BC (Hdt. 1,57,2; Agathocles of Cyzicus FGrH 472 F 2), were such Tyr-

151 AD). The Latin word

-» cliens was regularly translated with peldtés (cf. e.g.

1M.

CHaAmpBers,

Aristoteles.

Staat der Athener,

1990,

144ff. 2 P. J. Ropes, ACommentary on the Aristotelian Athenaion Politeia, 1981, 9o0f. Lee:

Peleces (yAnxec; Pélékes). Attic deme in the mesogaia

of the phyle Leontis, with two bouleutat. Along with Cropidae and Eupyridae P. constituted a cultural trikomia (»three village union«; Steph. Byz. S.V. Evaveida/Eurypidai; [2. 185 with n. 46]) and was thus probably situated north of the — Aegaleos (near modern Chassia? [1. 47]). 1 TRAILL, Attica, 47, 62, 69, 2 WHITEHEAD, Index s.v. P.

111

no.

104,

Tab. 4 H.LO.

senes or genuine P.

There is no evidence to link the substratum Pelasgian (> Pre-Greek languages) with the historical P. F, LOCHNER-HUTTENBACH, Die Pelasger, 1960.

_ F.GSCH.

Pelasgian see > Greece, languages; > Pre-Greek languages Pelasgus (Medkaoyoc/Pelasgos, Latin Pelasgus). Progenitor and namesake of the —> Pelasgi, with different regional myths in Arcadia, Argos and Thessaly. The Arcadian P. (1), son of > Zeus and > Niobe, husband

of Meliboea or the nymph Cyllene and father of ~» Lycaon (Apollod. 3,96), is the first inhabitant of the land. As its king he creates the cultural foundations (Paus. 8,1,4) and establishes a temple to Zeus (Hyg.

Fab. 225; here P. is considered the son of Triopas, also

Peleiades see Dodona, Dodone Pelethronium (Meke0Q6voy; Pelethronion). Valley or region on the western slopes of the peak of > Pelium in Thessalia, where > Chiron is supposed to have grown up and where the herb chironion or centaurion, used for healing snake bites, grew. Hence poetically the epithet ‘Pelethronian’ is used for Chiron, but also generally for ‘Thessalian’. Documentation: Nic. Ther. 438ff.; 505; Strab. 7,3,6; Verg. G. 3,115. F. STAHLIN, Das hellenische Thessalien, 1924, 43f.; Id., s.v. Pelethronion, RE 19, 26of.

HE.KR. E.MEY.

Peleus (Mev; Pélevis). Son of > Aeacus (Hom. II. 21,189) and the daughter of Chiron, Endeis, brother of + Telamon (Ov. Met. 7,476f.; cf. Pind. P. 8,100; in Phe-

PELEUS

696

695

recydes FGrH 3 F 60, they are only friends), husband of the Nereid > Thetis, father of > Achilles [1]. As P. and Telamon intentionally kill their half-brother Phocus (Alcmaeonis F 1 EpGF; Apollod. 3,160), they are banished from their homeland of Aegina by Aeacus. P. goes to Phthia, to > Eurytion [4] who purifies him and gives him his daughter > Antigone [2] as his wife, with

whom P. fathers > Polydora [3] (Pherecydes FGrH 3 F 1b). The banishment is said to explain why P. lives in Thessaly in the Homeric epic [4. 90-94].

During the Calydonian Hunt, P. inadvertently kills

ther for a relatively long period. P. gives his son to Chiron to raise, who already in Hom. Il. 11,83 1f. is instructing Achilles in the art of healing. When he is old, P. lives alone in Phthia (Hom. Il. 16,15; 19,334-337).

In several authors, P. is driven out of the kingdom by Acastus or the latter’s sons (Apollod. epit. 6,13). In Eur. Andr. 1255-1258, Thetis promises him immortality, in Pind. Ol. 2,78, he dwells after death on the Islands of the Blessed (> makdéron neésoi). Other than the Calydonian Hunt, P. takes part in the journey of the Argonauts, in Pind. fr. 172 also in the march of Hercules

Eurytion and then flees to > Acastus in Jolcus. There, at

against Troy and the Amazons

the funeral games for Pelias, he is beaten in a wrestling bout by — Atalante (Apollod. 3,106; in Hyg. Fab. 273,10 he wins against an unnamed opponent). When +» Astydameia [2] (or: > Hippolyte [3]), the wife of

Apoll. Rhod. 1,553-558; Apollod. 1,111; Hyg. Fab.

Acastus, falls in love with P. but is rejected by him, she

initially slanders his name to Antigone who hangs herself. Then she accuses P. before Acastus, saying that he had tried to seduce her (Potiphar motif; Pind. Nem. 5525-36; Apollod. 3,164f.). As Acastus certainly wants to punish him but does not want to murder his guest, he goes hunting with P. and takes his knife from him while he is sleeping. He then leaves P. behind on Pelion so that

(Eur. Andr. 790-795;

14,8).

In ancient and early Classical art, P. is one of the most frequently depicted heroes, particularly on Attic vases from the 6th and 5th cents. BC. The most popular of these is the winning of Thetis, especially the wrestling-bout [3. 268]. 1A. Lesxy, s.v. P., RE 19, 271-308 2 J. Marcu, The Creative Poet, in: BICS Suppl. 49, 1987, 3-26 3 R. VoLLKOMMER, s.v. P., LIMC 7.1, 251-269 4A. ZUNKER, Untersuchungen zur Aiakidensage auf Aigina, 1988, 90-

120.

J.STE.

centaurs or wild animals will kill him (Hes. Cat. 209).

However, ~ Chiron rescues P. and gives him back the knife he had found before. According to other variants, P. only receives the knife as a gift from the gods at this

moment or as a prize in a fight at the games for Pelias (Aristoph. Nub. 1063 with schol.). Then P. goes in revenge to lolcus which he captures either alone (Pind. Nem. 3,32-34) or with > Jason [1] and the > Dioscuri; he dismembers Astydameia and has the army march over her into the city (Apollod. 3,173). The most important thread in the myth of P. is the marriage to Thetis, the motives for which differ considerably [1. 29rf.]: in the ‘gratitude variant’, Thetis rejects — taking into account Hera who has brought her up —the courtship of Zeus who, ina rage, seeks to marry her to a human. In gratitude for this, Hera ensures that she at least marries the best of the mortals, P. (this is

probably already in the Kypria: F 2 EpGF; cf. Apollod. 3,169). According to the ‘Themis variant’, Zeus and Poseidon desire Thetis, but abandon this plan in favour of P., after > Themis has prophesied that Thetis’ son will become stronger than his father (Pind. Isthm. 8,28-

48; Apoll. Rhod. 4,790-809). In Pind. Nem. 3,35f. and 4,62-65, the first hints of the wrestling-match of P. with Thetis, through which he wins her as his wife, are given. When she turns in the process into fire and a lion, Chiron helps him, according to Apollod. 3,170, to chain her up. At the wedding held on Pelion, the gods take part and bring P. presents (Hom. Il. 23,277f.; 24,59-63; Cypria F 3 EpGF; Eur. IA 704-707; 10761079; Catull. 64,265-302). Soon after the birth of Achilles, Thetis withdraws from P., according to Apollod. 3,171, because he disturbs her by mistake when she

wants to make the child immortal in the fire. Eur. Andr. 16-20, however, presumes that P. and Thetis live toge-

Pelias (Meiiac; Pelias). Legitimate king of > Iolcus, son of > Tyro and -» Poseidon, twin brother of > Neleus [1] (Hom. Od. 11,241ff.; Hes. Cat. 30ff.), husband of Anaxibia or Phylomache, father of > Acastus and several daughters (Peliades), including > Alcestis (Apollod. 1,95). Tyro, unmarried and living with her uncle > Cretheus and his wife > Sidero, exposes the twins P. and Neleus at birth. After their rescue and recognition P. kills Sidero on an altar to Hera, bringing Hera’s enmity on himself (Apollod. 1,90ff.; Soph. Tyro), so that he is considered a transgressor (hybristés: Hes. Theog. 995f.; Mimn. fr. 10,3 GENTILI-PRATO [1. 4of., 64ff.|). Tyro marries Cretheus, giving birth to Aeson, Pheres and Amythaon (Hom. Od. 11,258f.; Hes. Cat. 38ff.). After Cretheus’ death P. banishes Neleus (Apollod. 1,93) and as the eldest son becomes the lawful king of Iolcus (Hom. Od. 11,256f.; Hes. Cat. 37,17ff.; Apollod. 1,107; Apoll. Rhod. 1,3; Val. Fl. 1,22 [1. ro2ff., 297ff., 328ff.]; only in Pind. P. 4,106ff. is Aeson, as the eldest legitimate son of Tyro, king and he is deposed by P. [1. 150ff.]). On coming to power, P. is warned by an oracle against the ‘one with one shoe’, because Hera intends to avenge herself on P. through her cult-follower > Iason [1] with the help of Medea (Pherecydes FGrH 3 F 105; Apollod. 1,107; Apoll. Rhod. 3,64f.; 4,242f.), or P. is to be punished for stealing the throne (Pind. P. 4,71ff., - Argonauts). After returning from —> Aea, Medea persuades the daughters of P. to dismember their father, promising to rejuvenate him by boiling; however, she does not then wake him to a new life (Apollod. 1,144; Eur. Peliades; Diod. 4,50ff.; Ov. Met. 7,297ff. [25 3; 4. 94ff.; 5]). Acastus organises funeral games for P. (Apollod. 1,143f.; 3,106; 164), which are

697

698

treated in epics and on the > Cypselus Chest [2. 322ff.; 4. rooff.; 6]. -» Medea

14,3). In the Middle Ages, P. appears under the name Paedixov/Gardikion as a bishop’s see (Not. Episc.

1 P. DRAGER, Argo pasimelousa, 1993

2K. SCHERLING,

s.v. Peliades/P., RE 19, 308-317/317-326

PELLA

355 ©Sal OnGrumiynes), 4162) J. C. Decourt, La vallée de l’Enipeus en Thessalie, 1990,

3H. MEYER,

index s.v.; H. KRAMOLISCH, s.v. Pelinnaion, in: LAUFFER,

Medeia und die Peleiaden, 1980 4M. Voyarzi, Friihe Argonautenbilder, 1982 5 E. SIMON, s.v. Peliades/P., LIMC 7.1, 270-273/273-277 6R. BLATTER, s.v. Peliou Athla, LIMC 7.1, 277-280. P.D.

Griechenland, 523; F. STAHLIN, s.v. P., RE 19, 327-338

Pelican (meiexcv/pelekdn, gen. -Gvoc/-dnos, not to be confused with mehexdc, -Gvtoc/pelekds, -dntos = ‘woodpecker’ in Aristoph. Av. 884 and r155; also medextvoc/pelekinos). Many take the name to refer not to the pelican, but to the spoonbill (Platalea leucorodia). The Latin loan-word

pelicanus is used

first in

Vulg. Ps ror,7. Unlike the Romans, the Greeks knew the bird as a breeding bird in the Danube delta (as it still is today) (e.g. Aristot. Hist. an. 7(8),12,597a 9-13) and

a predator of mussels (Aristot. Hist. an. 8(9),10,614b 26-30; Ael. NA 3,20; Dion. Ixeuticon 2,7: [1. 28f.]),

able to transport its food in its throat pouch. Ael. HN 3,23 and 6,45 asserts that, like the stork, it feeds its

parents and detests the quail. The Oriental belief that the pelican kills its young and then gives its own blood to restore them to life survives in the Christian tradition in the analogy drawn with the blood of Christ (Physiologus 4) [2]. > Boeus tells the legend of the metamorphosis of the mythical architect > Polytechnus into a pelican (Antoninus Liberalis 11,10), although here too the woodpecker might have been the bird concerned. The comedian Anaxandrides’ mention of a pelican ona menu (fragment 41,66 Kock in Ath. 4,131f) is not intended seriously. 1 A. Garzya (ed.), Dionysii ixeuticon libri, 1963 2. C. GERHARDT, Die Metamorphosen des Pelikans, 1979 (= Trierer Studien zur Literatur 1). KELLER 2, 237-239.

Pelike see of Pelinna

C.HU.

> Amphora [1]; > Pottery, shapes and types

(Iledivva;

Pelinna). A city in Thessalian (Rind awe ytha 04) yandi Str 9.5.17: Medwvatov/Pelinnaion; erroneously located in Phthiotis in Steph. Byz. s.v. I., as in Plin. HN 4,32: Magnesia), the modern Paliogardiki east of Taxiarches (15 km east of Trikala); it features a well-preserved 3.2 km long wall round an area of 59 ha. P. gained independent significance only in the 4th cent. BC; from this time on, therefore, Pelinnaei appear more often in Delphic inscriptions as naopoioi (> Temple economy) or > hieromnemones (cf. Syll. p. 340f. and 444f.). P. was on the Macedonian side (Polyaenus, Strat. 4,2,19) in the + Lamian War (Diod. Sic. 18,11,1), while in the + Syrian War of 192/1 BC P. was conquered by Amynander and Antiochus [5] III, and subsequently reconquered by Rome and Philip [7] V (Liv. 36,10,5; 13,73 Hestiaeotis

(sources); KODER/HILD,

161.

HE.KR. E.MEY.

Pelium (II)\tov; Pélion). A mountain range, extending on a north-west to south-east axis and consisting of various slates and chalks, demarcating Thessaly (> Thessalians, Thessalia) in the east and, in Antiquity, forming the peninsula of Magnesia [1] from the Ossa [1] to the foothills of Sepia. In Antiquity, P. referred ina narrower sense to the highest peak (Pliassidi; 1624 m). The easterly slope to the sea is precipitous and entirely without harbours, and was feared by ancient navigators. The thickly-wooded P., homeland of the Centaur + Chiron (> Pelethronium), was famed for its many healing herbs; it still boasts substantial oak, chestnut and beech forests, with fruit and olive trees on the lower

slopes and at the foot. On the highest peak were a sacred enclosure and temple of Zeus Akraios, and the Cave of Chiron with a sanctuary. A comprehensive description is given by Heraclides Creticus fr. 2 (cf. also Hom. Il. 2,757; 16,143f.; Hom. Od. 11,316). PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN I, 137-149; F. STAHLIN, s.v. Pelion,

RE 19, 339-341; KODER/HILD, 233f.

HE.KR. E.MEY.

Pella (Mé\Aa; Pélla). [1] From c. 400 BC under Archelaus [1] the residence of Macedonian kings near modern Palea P., in Antiquity reachable from the sea by ship on the > Lydias. By the 4th cent. BC the largest Macedonian city (Xen. Hell. 5,2,13), with a systematically laid-out street system, P. was extended ona large scale, both privately and publicly, as a result of increasing wealth under Philip [4] II and Alexander [4] the Great. The recently excavated agora, a palace on high ground in the north ofthe city and numerous broad peristyle buildings with 4th-cent. pebble mosaics attest to the prosperity of the city. In the Hellenistic period P. had its own community administration and was recognised as a polis by the Greeks. In 242 BC, P. acknowledged the —> asylia of Cos ([x]; ~ dsylon). Towards the end of the 3rd cent. P. received theorot (> theoria) from > Delphi [2. 17 Z. 61]. After the Macedonian monarchy was deposed by the Romans (168 BC; third of the > Macedonian Wars) P. became the capital of the third Macedonian meris (regio, Liv. 45,29,9), but shortly after the creation of the province of Macedonia

(148) the Roman

administration trans-

ferred its seat to > Thessalonica, and despite its position on the new > via Egnatia, P. descended into insignificance. Damage caused by earthquakes in the rst cent. BC in the agora district was not repaired. The founding of a Roman veteran colony outside the area of the old city in about 40 BC (reinforced by Italian migrants under Augustus: Cass. Dio 51,4), which after

PELLA

27 BC bore the proud name Colonia Iulia Augusta P., was able to halt this loss of significance only with difficulty. Towards AD too Dion Chrysostomus (33,27) saw P. as ‘a heap of broken pottery’, somewhat later Lucian (Alexandros 6) emphasised the dwindled number of inhabitants. Excavations, which to date have

brought to light only few finds from the Imperial period, appear to confirm this impression. Nevertheless until Gordianus [1] bronze coins were minted there [3. 99 no. 30-36], and this attests to the continuation of a functioning urban administration until the 3rd cent. AD. The poets Paulinus [4] and Posidippus were from P. ~ Macedonia 1R. Herzoc, G. KLAFFENBACH, Asylieurkunden aus Kos, 1952, Nr. 7 2 A. PLassart, Inscriptions de Delphes, in: BCH 45, 1921, 1-85 3H. GarsLeR, Die antiken Miinzen Nordgriechenlands, vol. 3,2, 1935. V. HEERMANN,

700

699

Studien zur makedonischen

Palastarchi-

tektur, 1980; M. Lrtipaki-AKaMatTy, P., in: S$. DRoUGOU

(ed.), Hellenistic Pottery from Macedonia, 1991, 94-99; F. PapAZOGLOU, Les villes de Macédoine, 1988, 135f.5 F. M. Persas, P., 1978; H. F. VoGELBECK, Griechische Mosaike aus P., in: Antike Welt 12/3, 1981, 13-16.

MAER. [2] (Arabic Tabaqat Fahl). Town, 30 km to the south of the Sea of Galilee and 4 km to the east of the Jordan, whose favourable site permitted settlement from the pre-ceramic Neolithic onward. As Pi-h}-w-m, P. appears in Egyptian texts from the r9th century BC onward. Archaeological finds of Egyptian and Cypriot provenance attest to a relationship between P. and Egypt until the Late Bronze Age. Under the — Seleucids the town was renamed Pélla in memory of Alexander [4] the Great. One phase of prosperity from 200 BC ended with destruction by the Hasmonaean > Alexander [16]

is uncertain: near the modern Vurlia [1. 371] or on the Palaeokastro hill near Castania [2. 1r25f.] near the modern P. (formerly Kalyvia). According to Plut. Agis 8,1, the land of the Spartans began at the ravine south of P. Paus. 3,21,2 mentions a spring and a cult of Asclepius near P. Alcm. fr. 14 B attests to a cult of the > Dioscuri. 1 J. G. Frazer, Pausanias’ Description of Greece, vol. 3, 1898

2H. WateruHouse, R. Hope Simpson, Prehistoric

Laconia II, in: ABSA 56, 1961,

114-175.

Y.L. E.0.

[2] A city of Arcadia (Plin. HN 4,20: Pallene), clearly contrasted with P. [x] by Schol. in Apoll. Rhod. 1,177. According to Paus. 6,8,5, P. was situated in the Arcadian region of Azania (> Azanes, Azania). Its location cannot be pinpointed more precisely. [3] (ta Tlékkava; ta Péllana). According to Str. 8,4,5, many identified P., one of the places that > Agamemnon offered -» Achilles as compensation for > Briseis, with Enope; the locality is therefore, following Hom. IL. 9, 153, to be sought on the east coast of the Messenian Gulf. E.O.

Pellene

(Meddyvn/Pelléné,

Meddkava/Pellana,

ethnic

Teaanveve/Pelléneus, Wehdavetc/Pellaneus). Town in the easternmost part of Achaea (~ Achaeans, with map), to the west of > Sicyon (Paus. 7,26,1227,12). From the Mycenaean Period (place name preGreek., Hom. Il. 2,574) onwards and into the 7th/6th cents. BC, P. was possibly located on the site of the komé of the same name mentioned in Str. 8,7,5. The town found itself in lengthy quarrels with Sicyon name

Excavations in the Holy Land, vol. 3, 1993, 1174-1180; J. B. Hennessy, R.H. Smitu, s.v. P., Oxford Encyclo-

(POxy. 11,1365; 10,1241; Ael. VH 6,1) in the course of which it was destroyed, abandoned and rebuilt from the > synoikismos of several villages (Str. 8,7,5) which lay between the river valleys of the Sythas and the Krios to the east and west of the Palati (801 m high) in the west of present-day Zougra. The area around the town is extremely rugged mountain land, but well watered and arable. It shows primarily Roman and Late Antique remains, such as the town wall, a theatre and a Doric temple of the 5th/4th cents. BC. P. was part of the twelve old towns of Achaea (Hdt. 1,145; Pol. 2,41,8; Paus. 7,6,1; Str. 8,7,5). In the Classical Period it was principally allied to > Sparta (cf. Thuc. 2,9,2; Xen. Hell. 4,2,20), and was only forced into an alliance with > Thebes after the battle of Leuctra (371 BC, Xen. Hell. 7,1,18; 2,2). This alliance led to a new, democratically inspired constitution (Xen. Hell. 1,42f.) and to struggles with > Phlius (Xen. Hell. 7,2,11ff) entailing heavy losses. A close relationship

pedia of Archaeology in the Near East, vol. 4, 1997, 256-

with Athens (cf. IG II? 220) existed from then. In the

259.

time of Alexander [4] the Great P. experienced the tyranny of Chaeron, [4] a pupil of Plato (Dem. Or.

Iannaeus (in 83/2 BC). It is only from the end of the rst

cent. BC that public buildings document a revival of P. under Roman rule (with its own minting from AD 82).

P.’s urban area reached its greatest extent in the 6th cent. AD (three churches, military buildings, hamlets in the surrounding area). Prosperity made trade possible with distant towns of the Byzantine Empire. P. survived the transfer to Islamic rule as a local centre of the new province of al-Urdunn with a mixed Christian and Moslem population. Damage from the AD 717 earthquake was no longer repaired, however, and a further

earthquake in 747 sealed the fate of the town. R. H. Smitu, s.y. P., New Encyclopedia of Archaeological

Tal,

Pellana [1] (Mediava/Pellana, Meddiywn/Pelléné). A city of perioeci (-» Perioikoi) north-west of > Sparta on the Eurotas (Xen. Hell. 7,5,9; Pol. 3,21,2f.; 4,81,7; 16,37,5; Diod.

Sic. 15,67,23 Str. 8,7,5: x@un/kome). Its exact location

17,10; Ath. 11,509b; Paus. 7,27,7). Occasional remarks from literary sources (two failed attacks by the Aetoli: Pol. 4,8,4 to 4,13,5; conquered in AD 225 by Cleomenes III: Pol. 2,52,23 Plut. Cleomenes 17,3; Plut. Aratus 39,3; devastation in the second + Macedonian

7oO1

702

War: Liv. 33,14,7; 15,2; 14) do not yielda full picture of the history of the town in Hellenistic times, yet descriptions (Str. loc. cit.; Paus. loc. cit.), coins (HN 415; 417) and archaeological remains, testify to its particular wealth (sheep farming, viticulture) in Roman times.

In 382 BC, P. was a young man: his year of birth was therefore probably around 410. As a supporter of the democratic faction of > Ismenias [1], he fled to Athens after the Spartan occupation of the Kadmeia (~ Thebes), from where he apparently organized the resistance to the regime of > Leontiades [2] (Plut. Pelopidas 7; cf. Diod. Sic. 15,81,1). In December 379, the conspirators entered Thebes and unleashed an insurrection which ended in the liberation of Thebes and the restitution of the Boeotian League ([2. 97f.] with sources). P. was immediately elected one of the newly-appointed > Boeotarchs (he occupied this office almost without inter-

E. MEYER, s.v. P., RE 19, 354-366; Id., s.v. P., RE Suppl. 9, 825; A. K. ORLANDOS, “Avaozadat év Teddy, in:

Praktika

(1931)

1932, 73-83;

(1932)

1933,

62f.; M.

OsANNA, Santuari e culti dell’Acaia antica, 1996, 277— 301; J. Hopp, s.v. P., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 525f.; MULLER, 825f. Y.L. E.0.

Pellio see > Leather

ruption

Pelodes limen (Iniwdy¢ Au; Pelédés limeén), the modern Ligeni i Butrintit. A lake in the vicinity of + Buthrotum (the modern Butrint). Rich in fish, the PL is connected by a narrow strait to the > Ionios Kolpos. SOUNCESHOLieeay/ eoVELOlenss eae R. Hopces et al., Late-Antique and Byzantine Butrint: Interim Report on the Port and its Hinterland (1994-95), in: Journal of Roman Archaeology ro, 1997, 207-234. KF.

Pelopeia (Meioneva/Peldpeia, Nehonia/Pelopia). [1] Daughter of > Pelias and Anaxibia or Phylomache (Apollod. 1,95; Hyg. Fab. 24). With > Ares mother of ~ Cycnus [1] (Apollod. 2,155). [2] Daughter of > Thyestes, with him mother of > Aegisthus, who takes revenge on > Atreus for the killing of Thyestes’ sons. The story of Thyestes’ incest is part of the complex of myths about the descendants of > Pelops. This incest is mentioned frequently (e.g. Ov. Ib. 359; Sen. Ag. 293; schol. Eur. Or. 14) and may have been the theme of a tragedy by Sophocles (Thyestes in Sicyon, TrGF IV fr. 247) which is no longer extant. The narrative context of the tradition, which is late, is unclear: according to Ps.-Apollod. Epit. 2,14, Thyestes receives an oracle that a son he fathers with P. will take revenge for him on Atreus (cf. schol. Eur. Or. 15; Hyg. Fab. 87). According to Hyg. Fab. 88, Thyestes, after the killing of his children, flees to Thesprotus in Sicyon. There he rapes P., who is brought up there. Atreus comes to Sicyon, where Thesprotus gives him the pregnant P. in marriage. She exposes Aegisthus after he is born, but he is retrieved and raised as a son by Atreus. When Aegisthus learns who his father is, P. kills herself. At this Aegisthus kills Thyestes (cf. also Serv. Aen. 11,262; Sen. Ag. 28-30). O. HOFER, s.v. P., ROSCHER 3.2, 1902-1909; K. KEyssNER, S.v. P., RE 19, 374-3753; P. XOURGIA, s.v. P., LIMC Tat DOs

K.WA.

Pelopidas (Iekomidac; Pelopidas). Distinguished Theban, son of Hippocles, after to > Epaminondas the outstanding commander and politician of the Boeotian League during the Theban hegemony (+ Boeotia, Boeotians with map).

PELOPONNESIAN LEAGUE

until

his

death:

Diod.

Sic.

15,81,4

with

[4. 5or]) and granted command of the elite force of the ‘Sacred Band’ (victories of Tegyra 375 and Leuctra 371). After the first Peloponnesian campaign of Epaminondas (371/70), the faction of ~ Menecleidas initiated a politically motivated action against P. and the other Boeotarchs, which petered out [3]. In 369 and 368, P. undertook auxiliary expeditions to Thessaly, in order to repulse > Alexander [15] of Pherae, but the latter took him captive [1. rro-129]. Freed by Epaminondas in 367, P. led an embassy to Artaxerxes [2] that same year, which was to pave the way for a > koine eirené under the direction of Thebes. However, his ambitions were undermined by the Theban allies ([5. 82-90] with sources). In 364, the koinon of Thessaly (> koinon I) again asked P. for help, this time also transferring the power of strategos of the allied forces to him. Alexander [15] was finally pushed back to Pherae, but P. fell at the decisive battle of + Cynoscephalae (Plut. Pelopidas 32; Diod. Sic. 15,80,4f.). He was given posthumous honours by the Thessalian League (e.g. statue by > Lysippus [2] at Delphi [6. 216-222]). Plutarch’s life of P. (main source: Ephorus) and the life of Epaminondas (lost) together conventionalized the image of an ideal statesman (P.: courage and youthful charisma; Epaminondas: philosophical education) [6]. > Thebes [1] 1 J. BucKLER, The Theban Hegemony, 1980 2H. BECK, Polis und Koinon, 1997 3 J. BUCKLER, Plutarch on the Trials of P. and Epameinondas, in: CPh 73, 1978, 36-42 4 P. J. SryLianou, A Historical Commentary on Diodorus Siculus Book 15, 1998

5 M. JEHNE, Koine Eirene, 1994

6 A. GEORGIADOU, Plutarch’s P. (Beitrage zur Altertumskunde 105), 1997. HA.BE.

Peloponnesian League. Modern term for a group of allied states led by > Sparta, which existed from the 6th cent. until 365 BC. The alliance never encompassed the whole of the Peloponnese (> Argos [II 1] always refused to acknowledge > Sparta’s leadership), but did at times include states outside the Peloponnese (e.g. > Boeotia in 421 BC: Thue. 5,17,2). It began to form in the middle of the 6thcent., when Sparta gave up its policy of expansion through conquest and direct annexation and made neighbouring > Tegea its first ally (Hdt. 1,65—-68; cf. 9,26). Some recent studies warn against seeing the Pelo-

PELOPONNESIAN LEAGUE

704

703

ponnesian League as a fixed organisation before the middle of the sth cent ([2]; cf. [7. 54-60]), and it seems likely it was never highly organised at any time ([5]; contra |3] and [4]). Rather, the turning point came inc. 505 BC: before then (inc. 506) the Spartan king > Cleomenes [3] called on the Peloponnesians to join in an (ultimately unsuccessful: Hdt. 5,74-76) attack on Athens, but after that date the Spartans proposed, at an assembly of allies (in 504?) summoned by them, to return > Hippias [1] to power in Athens, but gave up the plan in the face of resistance (Hdt. 5,9 1-93). The Peloponnesian League was an alliance for implementing goals of foreign policy. Probably, the members were formally obliged to have the same friends and enemies as Sparta and to follow wherever Sparta led. Sparta assumed the initiative and the allies undertook no campaign of their own without Sparta’s approval. It was acknowledged, however, that both Sparta and the other members were bound by a majority decision, unless they could produce religious objections (cf. Thuc. 1,87; 5,30). The membership of the Peloponnesian League vacillated: e.g. in the 470s and 460s > Elis [1] and some > Arcadians were in conflict with Sparta; in 421 BC, some members refused to swear to the peace of > Nicias [1] and formed their own alliance with Argos. Individual allies might also wage local wars with one another (e.g. Mantinea and Tegea in 423/2: Thuc. 4,134). Although Sparta was seen as a champion of ~ oligarchia, before the end of the 5th cent. it did not usually interfere in the internal affairs of member states. When in 421-420, however, the inhabitants of the Elean dependency of > Lepreum turned to Sparta, and the Eleans did not accept Sparta’s arbitration, Sparta intervened militarily in favour of Lepreum (Thue. 5,31; 34; 49f.). After the > Peloponnesian War Sparta meddled increasingly; e.g. in 402-400 it waged war with Elis, in 385 insisted on a dissolution of the polis of Mantinea into individual villages (dioikismos) and invened

several times in > Phleius between 391 and 379. In 382 it installed a pro-Spartan regime in > Thebes, which until shortly before had not been an ally of Sparta. From 382 BC, Sparta permitted its allies to support a campaign with financial contributions instead of participating themselves (Xen. Hell. 5,2,21f.); in the 370s, Sparta integrated all its allies into a new military organisation (Diod. Sic. 15,31).

After Sparta’s defeat by the Boeotians at Leuctra in 371, it was no longer strong enough to keep its allies under its control. In 370, Mantinea could not be prevented from turning back into one polis. In 365, the Peloponnesian League irrevocably collapsed when Corinth and other members concluded a treaty with the Boeotians, which Sparta itself did not accede to.

~ Peloponnesus; — Sparta 1 E. BALTRUSCH, Symmachie und Spondai, 1994, 19-30 2G. L. CAWKWELL, Sparta and Her Allies in the Sixth Century, in: CQ 43, 1993, 364-376 3G.E.M. DE STE. Crorx, The Origins of the Peloponnesian War, 1972, 96—

124; 333-342 4J.A.O. Larsen, The Constitution of the Peloponnesian League, in: CPh 28, 1933, 257-2763 29, 1934, 1-19 5J.E. Lenpon, Thucydides and the Constitution of the Peloponnesian League, in: GRBS 35, 1994, 159-177 6K. TauseNnb, Amphiktyonie und Symmachie, 7 L. THOMMEN, Lakedaimonion Politeia, 1992, 167ff. 1996.

PR.

Peloponnesian War A. DEFINITION _B. CAUSES AND TRIGGERS C. ARCHIDAMIAN WAR (431-421) D. PEACE OF NICIAS AND INTERWAR PERIOD (421-41 4/3) E. DECELEAN-IONIAN WAR (414-404) F. CONSE-

QUENCES A. DEFINITION The term PW is primarily used to describe the military confrontation between Athens and its allies on the one hand (> Delian League) and Sparta and its confederates on the other ( Peloponnesian League) between 431 and 404 BC. The term PW (Peloponnésiakos polemos) occurs first in Diodorus Siculus [18] (12,37,25 13,107,5 etc.); it was already familiar to Cicero (Cic. Rep. 3,44: magnum illud Peloponnesiacum bellum), but probably dates back to Ephorus or a Hellenistic chronicler [3. 60 n. 653; 5. 294f.]. Thucydides speaks of the "War of the Peloponnesians and Athenians’ (Thuc. 1,1,1) or the War against the Athenians’ or ’against the

Peloponnesians’. The main source for the PW is > Thucydides (until 411), but for its final years, the reports of esp. Xenophon (Hell. 1,1-2,2) and Diodorus Siculus

(13) take precedence. In spite of the tradition, already current in antiquity and even used by Thucydides [5,295], of dividing the PW into various phases (see below), Thucydides emphasizes the continuity of this 27-year war (e.g. 5,26), which he sees as the ’greatest upheaval’ (1,1: kinésis ... megisté) to befall the Greeks and some of the > barbarians. In modern scholarship, the term PW is also used to describe the so-called First PW, which was fought against Athens from 460 BC by Corinth and its allies in the Saronic Gulf (esp. Aegina) and, from 458, also by Sparta in Boeotia reaction to the alliance between Athens and Megara [2]. This war ended in 451 with a truce negotiated by > Cimon [2], then, in 446, with a thirty-year Peace concluded between Athens and Sparta [5. 180-199]. B. CAUSES AND TRIGGERS Athens’ military intervention on behalf of — Cor-

cyra [1] when that city was attacked by Corinth, the Athenian siege of its renegade ally > Potidaea and the popular vote against ~ Megara [2] led Sparta and the Peloponnesian League to declare the peace agreement concluded in 446 between Athens and Sparta as bre-

ached in 432 BC. The underlying causes of the outbreak of the PW were the energetic expansion of the Athenian sphere of influence, Athens’ tremendous rearmament programme and the fear of imminent conflict that this

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provoked in Sparta (Thuc. 1,23,5.6; - War guilt, problem of). The various alliances forged by Athens and

to enter into an alliance with Argos [II 1], Mantinea and Elis [x]. The Spartan victory at Mantinea (418), howe-

Sparta, the efforts of Corinth, Thebes and the Mace-

ver, cemented Spartan supremacy on the Peloponnese

donian King Perdiccas [2] to exploit local conflicts, and the heated atmosphere at Athens and Sparta increasing-

ly diminished opportunities for peaceful resolution of these disputes. C. ARCHIDAMIAN WAR (43 1-421)

Named after the Spartan King > Archidamus [1] (first in Lysias: Archidameios polemos; in Thuc. 5,25,1: dekaetes polemos, "Ten-Year War’), waged by the Peloponnesians invading Attica in 431, 430 and 428. In spite of enormous damage, the Athenians kept to the strategy promoted by — Pericles [1] (Thuc. 1,143,4144,1), avoiding open land battles, reacting defensively to the Peloponnesians, whose assaults against Attica were repeated every year, and seeking to use their fleet to force the outcome of the war. A plague which spread from the East (> Epidemic diseases, II B) claimed many victims among the population evacuated within the walls surrounding Athens and > Piraeus, esp. in 430 and 429 (Thuc. 2,47,3-54,5). When, moreover, military success proved elusive, Pericles was relieved of his post as > stratégos, tried, and convicted. In 429/8 he

was re-elected stratégos, but died after a few weeks. In 429, Potidaea was forced to capitulate; — Mytilene, which had seceded in 428, was forced to rejoin the Delian League after a siege and was severely punished (Thue. 3,35-50). Thucydides uses the example of the civil war on Corcyra to document the dissolution of traditional ties and values (3,69-83). In 426, the Athe-

nian strategos Demosthenes [1] tried to break the opposing alliance in central Greece, but failed. In 425, however, a surprise attack by the Athenians succeeded in surrounding Spartan troops near — Pylus on Sphacteria and forcing their surrender (Thuc. 4,8-23; 26-40). Several resolutions of the Athenian popular assembly raised the tributes payable by the members ofthe Delian League; collection was made more efficient (> Phoros).

The successes of the Spartan commander > Brasidas in Thrace, esp. the capture of > Amphipoiis, and the Athenian defeat at Delium [1] in Boeotia (Thuc. 4,8996: late 424) brought the Athenians to a readiness for peace. The fact that the Spartans of Pylus were being held hostage at Athens brought about that same readiness among the Spartans. D. PEACE OF NICIAS AND INTERWAR PERIOD

(421-41 4/3) In 421, following the deaths of > Cleon [1] and Brasidas, Sparta and Athens agreed to a peace by which the pre-war state of possessions was essentially recognized (Peace of Nicias; named after the Athenian commander

+ Nicias [1]). The peace remained fragile (Thuc. 5526,3: hypoptos anokoché, suspicious truce’). The growing isolation of Sparta within the Peloponnesian League, some of whose members did not recognize the peace, led Athens, at the instigation of > Alcibiades [3],

(Thuc. 5,64-74). In 416, the neutral > Melos [1] was

conquered by Athens and its population killed or enslaved. Thucydides uses this incident to depict the remorseless power politics of Athens (5,84-116: socalled Melian Dialogue). In 415, at the urging of Alcibiades, Athens answered a call for help from > Segesta, and sent a large fleet to Sicily to subjugate the island (Thuc. 6,8—26). Under suspicion for having been party to the Mutilation of the Herms’ and of profaning the mysteries, Alcibiades was recalled from his post as strategds. He fled to Sparta. The Sicilian venture failed spectacularly in spite of the repeated deployment of reenforcements: in 413, the Athenian fleet was annihilat-

ed in the harbour of Syracuse, the army was sent into the Syracusan quarries and its commanders were executed (Thuc. 7,69-87). E. DECELEAN-IONIAN WAR (414-404)

In 414, the Spartans declared the peace with Athens broken. In 413, they entered Attica, setting up a permanent base at > Decelea, after which the last phase of the PW was named (Thuc. 7,27,2: ek tés Dekeleias polemos, ’the war out of Decelea’; Dekeleikos polemos first in Isoc. Or. 8,37; Ionikos pélemos in Thuc. 8,11,3). Miletus [2] and Chios seceded from Athens, but Lesbos was won back. An alliance with Persia (Thuc. 8,18; 412 BC) allowed Sparta to maintain a significant fleet; many confederates of the coasts of Asia Minor and Ionia defected from Athens. The precarious situation was exploited in 411 by forces of oligarchy to overthrow democratic rule at Athens (Thuc. 8,63-70; [Aristot.] Ath. Pol. 31-32; > Oligarchia; > Tetrakosioi). Failures

of foreign policy, the resistance to the Athenian oligarchs maintained by the fleet stationed at Samos (Thuc. 8, 74-75) and the victory that the recalled Alcibiades celebrated at Cyzicus (Xen. Hell. 1,r1-18) led to the restoration of democracy in 410. In 408, Alcibiades returned to Athens (Xen. Hell. 1,4,8-20), but was either deposed after the defeat of his helmsman Antiochus [1] at Notium (407), or was not re-elected as strategos. In 406, the Spartan naviarchos (commander of the fleet’) Callicratidas [1] blockaded the Athenian fleet off Mytilene (Xen. Hell. 1,6,r2-23; Diod. Sic. 13,76-79,7). In spite of the important Athenian naval victory at + Arginusae (Xen. Hell. 1,6,27-34; Diod. Sic. 13,97-100), the stratégoi were condemned to death for failing to rescue those shipwrecked (Arginusae Trial, Xen. Hell. 1,7). In 405, the Spartan naviarchos + Lysander [1] succeeded in achieving the decisive naval victory at > Aigos Potamos. Besieged by the Spartan fleet, Athens was forced to capitulate in 404, demolishing its long walls, giving up its fleet, evacuating its foreign possessions and recognizing the hegemony of Sparta (Xen. Hell. 2,2,9-23).

710

799

F. CONSEQUENCES

The PW had profound consequences for the stability of the Greek world. Both great powers of the 5th cent. BC, Athens and Sparta, had emerged weakened from the tremendous struggle. Even with Persian aid (> Antalcidas), Sparta did not succeed in achieving acceptance as the supreme power of Greece; it finally even lost its hegemony over the > Peloponnesian League. In spite of the loss of the > Delian League, Athens made a surprisingly rapid economic recovery; after the aversive ex-

periences of the oligarchic regimes, it was able to bring itself to grant a political amnesty and so significantly reinforce its democracy. However, in spite of the foundation of the Second > Athenian League, it was never able to regain its former role. The time after the PW and the first half of the 4th cent. were characterized by rapidy alternating attempts by Sparta, Athens, Thebes or the Phocians to attain supremacy in Greece; simultaneous attempts to secure a general peace (— koine eiréne) led to further destabilization and facilitated the

arrogation of influence by external powers (Persians, Macedonians: — Philippus [4] II) over the affairs of the Greek poleis. ~ Athens (III); > Sparta 1B. BLECKMANN, Athens Weg in die Niederlage, 1998 2 G. CAWKWELL, Thucydides and the Peloponnesian War,

1997 3S. HORNBLOWER, The Fourth Century and Hellenistic Reception of Thucydides, in: JHS 115, 1995, 4768 4E. A. Meyer, The Outbreak of the Peloponnesian War after 25 Years, in: CH. D. Hamitton, P. Krentz (eds.), Polis and Polemos, 1997, 23-54 5 G.E.M. DESTE. Crorx, The Origins of the Peloponnesian War, 1972

6 K.-W. Wetwel, Das klassische Athen, 1999, 140-257. WS.

Peloponnesus (i) Tekondovvyooc/hé Peloponnésos, Doric Tekonovvacoc/Peloponnasos). I. GEocraArHy Il. BYZANTINE PERIOD

I. GEOGRAPHY Peninsula in southern Greece (21,439 km*), connected to the mainland (> Attica, > Boeotia) by the > Isthmus of Corinth. It is predominantly mountainous (cf. Cyllene [1], Erymanthus [1], Lycaeum, western Messenian massif with Ithome [1], Taygetus, Parnon) and highly fragmented (cf. the numerous small rivers, particularly in Achaea, e.g. Alpheus [1], Pamisus, Eurotas, Inachus [2]; also the many small coastal plains and larger plateaux, e.g. in Elis [1], Messana [2], Laconice and Argos; in Arcadia, the plain of Megale Polis). Measurements of area recorded in ancient literature correspond well to actual data: circumference excluding bays, 4,000-4,500 stadia (c. 710-800 km; actual figure c. 1,100 km), with bays c. 5,600 stadia (c. 9951,000 km; actual figure c. 1,250 km; Str. 8,2,1; Agathemerus 24; Plin. HN 4,9). According to Strabo (cf. Agathemerus

loc.cit.),

the

maximum

north-south

distance (Cape Malea-Aegium) and the greatest eastwest distance (Cape Chelonatas-Scyllaeum) were both

PELOPONNESUS

1,400 stadia (249 km; actual figures 217 and 223 km), while the actual longest distance (Cape Malea-Cape Drepanon) is 241 km. The shape of the P. was appropriately compared to that of a plane-tree or vine leaf (Str. 2,1,30; 8,2,1; Dionys. Per. 404ff.; Steph. Byz. s.v. I1.). The assertion of Dicaearchus, peddled by Cicero, that all cities of the P. except Phleius were on the coast (Cic. Rep. 2,4,8; Cic. Att. 6,2,2), is absurd. The name was believed to derive from > Pelops [1] (thusiFlecat Grol nF 119; Thuce1,9,072Sin 747,513 8,5,5; Steph. Byz. s.v. I].). Homer does not use the name; in his works, Argos probably refers to the P. (Hom. Il. 2,108; 15,372; Hom. Od. 1,344; 4,174; 296;

726; 816; 15,80; > Argos [II r]). The oldest references are in the Homeric ‘Hymn to Apollo’ (Hom. Apo. 250; 2903 4193 4303; 432; 7th cent. BC?) and in the Kypria

(Cypria, fr. 9 KINKEL, not long before 500 BC). The peninsular character of the P. was so pronounced that the P. was often referred to as an ‘island’ and counted among the islands (e.g. Cypria, fr. 9 KinKEL; Hdt. 8,44,1; Dionys. Per. 414; Eust. on Dionys. Per. 403; Ptol. 7,5,11; IG IV* 590). It was therefore

accorded quite special significance. ‘Peloponnesian’ peculiarities were discussed, and Peloponnesios was used like a true ethnicon. Thus, the P. was regarded as the ‘inner’ part, or the ‘Acropolis’ of Hellas [1] (Str. 8,1,3; Paus. 2,5,7; Eust. on Hom. Il. 320,34 and Eust.

on Dionys. Per. 403). A Peloponnesian boundary stone is said to have stood at the Isthmus [1] (Str. 35,5; Plut. Theseus 25,3). From the 3rd cent. BC (Heraclides 3,1) through to late antiquity, the division of Greece into the P. and Hellas was commonplace (Solin. 7,15f.; Mela 2,48; Plin. HN 4,23; Ptol. 3,14,1; 25; cf. also the division of the Byzantine themata). From the Mycenaean period until the Middle Ages, walls were repeatedly thrown across the Isthmus to protect the entire P. The human presence is attested by finds, esp. in the Argolid and in Elis, from at least the Middle Palaeolithic period (before 5000 BC). From the Neolithic (5th—3rd millennia BC) onward [3; 4], settlement was dense, with much disturbance towards the end of the Mycenaean period. In antiquity, the P. was usually divided into five parts according to its tribes [2] or political units (Hdt. 8,73; cf. schol. Hom. Il. 1,22; Paus. 5,1,1; Scyl. 40-44; 49-55; Scymn. 511ff.): > Argolis, > Laconice, > Messana [2], > Elis [1] with Arcadia/> Arcadians and Achaea/> Achaeans. For the ancient history of the P., which only sporadically formed a definite political unit, e.g. under the leadership of > Sparta in the > Peloponnesian League from the mid—éth cent. BC to 371 BC, or at the time of the Achaean Confederacy ( Achaeans) in the 2nd cent. BC, cf. the individual provinces. 1 Y. LaFonp, s.v. Isthmos, in: H. SONNABEND (ed.), Mensch und Landschaft in der Antike, 1998, 236-238

2 B. SERGENT, Le partage du Péloponnése entre les Héraclides, in: RHR 192, 1977, 121-136; 193, 1978, 3-25 3 K.-T. SYRIOPOULOS, “H agoiotogia tij¢ Mekomovvjoov, 1964 4 J. Renarp, Le Peloponnése au Bronze ancien (Aegaeum

13), 1995.

PELOPONNESUS

Tat

R. BALapig£, Le Péloponnése de Strabon, 1980; E. FouaCHE, L’alluvionnement historique en Gréce occidentale et

au Péloponnése (BCH Suppl. 35), 2000; M. and R. Hiccins, A Geological Companion to Greece and the Aegean, 1996, 40-73; A. PHiippson, Der P., 1892; PHILIPPSON/ KIRSTEN 3, 1959; N. PuRCELL, s.v. Peloponnesus, OCD,

1133; G.D.R. SANDERS, I.-K. WHITBREAD, Central Places and Major Roads in the Peloponnese, in: ABSA 85, 1990,

333-361; M. Secer, P. MAND1, Satellitenbildinterpretation und 6kologische Landschaftsforschung, in: Erdkunde 48, 1994, 34-47.

YeEO:

Il. BYZANTINE PERIOD The most decisive watershed in the history of the P. in late antiquity was the Slavic migration (— Slavs) from the end of the 6th cent. AD [1]. This led to Byzantium’s losing control of southern Greece for 200 years (in the 6th cent., Hierocles had counted 26 cities here which were still under Byzantine rule). However, the

overwhelming lack of written sources for the P. hampers the reconstruction of the Slavic settlements. The -» Monemvasia Chronicle was written, according to its editor I. DurceEv, only between 963/969 and ror8, and is primarily concerned with the elevation of > Patrae to metropolitan status (in competition with — Corinth, the hub of the Roman administration and later church organisation, then the base of the strategos of a + théma of P. fromat least 811). Scholars are thus more

reliant than usual on the evidence of archaeology (on which [2] voices criticism); this must be combined with the results of place name research [3; 4]. According to this work, only a few towns such as Patrae and Corinth resisted the Slavs, while some of the population founded refuge settlements on the coast, of which Monemvasia was the most important. The survival of the Doric population on the > Cynuria is also to be seen in this context (-> Doric/North-Western Greek). The presence of Slavs in the > Taygetus is attested into the 15th cent., but the Constantinople court succeeded in integrating these populations into the Imperial federation thanks to the campaigns of Stauracius (783) and Sclerus (c. 805) (transfigured into legend in the miracle of the Apostle Andrew at — Patrae). After the subjection and Christianization of the Slavs and the neutralization of the danger from Arab piracy through the reconquest of — Crete (961), the P. flourished anew. 1 M. WeITHMANN, Die slavische Bevélkerung auf der griechischen Halbinsel, thesis Munich 1978 2 H. ANAGNOSTAKES, H yewwomoujty xeoax) avaueca otnv lotogia “au my Aeoxatodhoyia, in: Byzantiaka 17, 1997, 285-330

(methodologically exemplary)

3 PH. MALINGOuDIS, Stu-

dien zu den slawischen Ortsnamen in Griechenland, 1981

4M. VasMer, Die Slawen in Griechenland, r941 5 J. Koper, s.v. Morea, LMA 6, 834-836 (with bibliography) 6 T. E. Grecory, s.v. P., ODB 3, 1620f. (with bibliogra-

phy) 7A. Bon, Le Péloponnése byzantin jusqu’en 1204, 1951 (covering earlier research). IN.

ino)

Pelops (Mékow; Pélops). [1] Son of > Tantalus (Cypria fragment 13 EpGF; in Hyg. Fab. 82 from his liaison with Dione), husband of + Hippodamia [1], father of > Atreus, Thyestes, > Pittheus and other children (Pind. O. 1,88f. with schol.). P.’s original homeland was Asia Minor (cf. Pind. Ol.

1,24; Hdt. 7,8). P.’s father Tantalus chops him into pieces, cooks him and serves him up to the gods. Demeter is the only one who fails to notice the horrendous deed and eats part of his shoulder (Apollod. Epit. 2,3; Hyg. Fab. 83). So when P. is restored to life, the missing piece is replaced by ivory (cf. Pind. Ol. 1,26f.). According to Serv. Georg. 3,7, this was Tantalus’ way of testing the omniscience of the gods. Pindar, who provides the first evidence of the meal, counters this story, which he says is based on malicious gossip, with an inoffensive version: during the meal Poseidon snatches the young P. and makes him Zeus’s cupbearer. However, as Tantalus cheats the gods out of nectar and ambrosia, they throw his son out, back to the human world (Pind. Ol.

1,37-513 65f.). Before P. can marry Hippodamia, he has to overcome her father > Oenomaus [1], the king of Pisa (region of > Olympia/Elis). Because he desires his own daughter (or as a result of an oracle that he will die at the hand of his son-in-law), he sets all her suitors the task of competing with him in chariot-racing. With his horses, a gift from Ares, he easily catches up with the suitor, who in each case has Hippodamia in his chariot with him, and kills him (already in Hes. Cat. 259a). Out of love for P., Hippodamia persuades > Myrtilus [1], Oenomaus’s charioteer, to tamper with the chariot (or

P. bribes him). Because the chariot’s axle is not properly attached, Oenomaus loses the race and is dragged to his death by his own horses, so P. wins Hippodamia. He thereupon kills Myrtilus by throwing him into the sea, because he tries to rape Hippodamia (tragedies of Oenomaus by Sophocles: TrGF 4, 471-477 and Euripides: TGF 571-577; Diod. Sic. 4,73; Apollod. Epit. 2,4-8; depiction of P. and Oenomaus on the east pediment of the Temple of Zeus at Olympia). In Pind. Ol. 1,71-88, P. wins simply because he has Poseidon’s chariot and horses. P. takes over rulership in Pisa/Elis and is able to extend it so far that he ultimately gives his name to the - Peloponnese (Thuc. 1,9; Apollod. Epit. 2,9). While Hom. II 2,1o04f. still assumes that succession to the rulership continued without problems under the Pelopids, the version where -» Atreus and > Thyestes kills their half-brother > Chrysippus [1] out of jealousy and are therefore banished and cursed by P. (Hellanicus FGrH 4 F 157) later gained currency. P. has a special link with Olympia, where, besides the Temple of Zeus, he had his own cult complex with his tomb, at which a black ram was sacrificed to him [1. 108-119; 2. 158— 163]. According to prophecies, the shoulder bone was required from P.’s bones for the conquest of Troy (Paus. 5,13,1-7; Apollod. Epit. 5,10). Pictorial representations show P. almost exclusively in the context of the contest against Oenomaus [3].

713

PELTAE

714 1 W. BURKERT, Homo Pyrsos Hymnon, 1990

necans, 1972 2 E. KRUMMEN, 31. TRIANTIS, s.v. P., LIMC 7.1,

282-287.

[2] Son of Alexander (PP I/VHI 1829?), brother of Taurinus (priest of Alexander 260/259 BC, PP III 5278?), father of Pelops [4], Macedonian. As a friend of Ptolemy II and commander of Ptolemaic troops in the Aegean during the 270s ( Chremonidean War?), P. was given Samian citizenship (SEG 1, 364); the P. Islands are possibly named after him. In 264/3, P. was the eponymous priest of Alexander. PP III/IX 5227; VI 14618. L. Mooren, The Aulic Titulature in Ptolemaic Egypt, 1975, 60f. no. o11; R. S. BAGNALL, The Administration of the Ptolemaic Possessions outside Egypt, 1976, 83f.

Pelor(us) (Mékwo(oc)/Pélor(os), “enormous’). [1] One of the five surviving > Sparti (schol. Pind. Isthm. 1,41; schol. Eur. Phoen. 670; schol. Apoll. Rhod. 3,1179; Apollod. 3,4,1; Paus. 9,5,3; Hyg. Fab. 178). [2] Eponym ofthe Thessalian harvest festival Peloria. P. brings > Pelasgus news that the > Peneius has broken through the Tempe Mountains as the result of an earthquake. In thanks he is entertained lavishly by the Thessalians (Athen. 14,63 9e-640a). In Thessalia Zeus bears the epithet Pelérios. [3] One of the > Giants (Hyg. Fab. praef. 4), killed either by > Ares (Claud. Gigantomachia 75-82) or + Poseidon (schol. Hom. Il. 16,176). According to Nonnus, Dion. 48,38-40, and the great frieze of the Pergamum Altar [1. 207] his name was Peloreus. 1 F. VIAN, s.v. Gigantes, LIMC 4.1, 191-270.

ih

[3] Eurypontid, son of Lycurgus [11], who is thought to have been the first tyrant of Sparta, king under the guardianship of > Machanidas. The treaty entered into

Pelorias (MeAwoiic; Pelorids). Northeastern cape of Sicilyal(Rol Mien GameAzs D1 OC SICIE aa ami sar5 sono

with Rome in 211/210 BC was named after P. (Liv. 34,32,1; -~ Macedonian Wars A.). P. is said to have

TeAwgic/Peloris), modern Capo Peloro or Capo di Faro;

been disposed of by > Nabis (Diod. 27,1), yet Polybius does not mention P. at the relevant place (13,6). P. CarTLEDGE, A. SPAWFORTH, Sparta, 1989, 62; 65; 68.

Hellenistic and Roman

[4] Son of P. [2], husband of Myrsine Hyperbassantos (PP VI 15772), therefore related to Perigenes [2] via her

sister Iamnea, father of Ptolemy. P. was still in office (strategos? Libyarch?) in Cyrene (SEG 18,734) under Ptolemy III, subsequently in office in > Cyprus, where he became strategos after 217 BC. He occupied this office until at least 9.10.210 BC, perhaps even until 205. Since + Agathocles [6] wanted to remove P. from Alexandria, in the spring of 203 he was sent as ambassador to Antioch [5] Ill in Asia Minor. PP VI 15064. E. OLsHAusEN, K6nigsgesandten,

Prosopographie vol. 1, 1974,

der hellenistischen 57f. Nr. 35; R.S.

BAGNALL, The Administration of the Ptolemaic Possessi-

ons outside Egypt, 1976, 252f.

[5] Greek doctor working around AD 150, pupil of + Numisianus and > Quintus and also teacher of ~ Galenus in Smyrna. His criticism of the Empiricist Philippus forms the basis of Galen’s early treatise De experientia medica [1]. Galen gives two drug recipes by P. A fragment on the cause of tetanus is preserved in -» Paulus [5] of Aegina (CMG 9,1,167). P. was a Hip-

pocratic and in lectures commented on the works of -~ Hippocrates [6], but most of his writings were destroyed by a fire at his house before they could be published. His ‘Introduction to Hippocratic Medicine’ dealt with the entire field of medicine, including anatomy. Even though Galen criticized many details of this work — especially its teaching about nerves and blood vessels — he praised it for its broad understanding of anatomical problems. 1 R. Wauzer (ed.), 1944 (from the Arabic).

V.N.

23,1533 Diod. 4,85,55 14,56,3; 65 57,2: in a narrower sense a narrow easterly tongue of land, in a broader sense the whole mountainous promontory running northeast. According to myth, > Orion [1] constructed the tongue of land and built a temple to Poseidon there (Hes. fr. 183). According to erroneous ancient ideas about the orientation of the island P. ran north (schol. on Thuc. 4,25,3; Pol. 1,42,5; Dion. Per. 471f.; but correct in Str. 6,1,5). On P. there was monument to Pelorus, the helmsman Hannibal [4] had executed for fear of treachery in passing through the narrows here (Sall. Hist. fr. 29; Val. Max. 9,8; Mela 2,7; Str. 1,1,173 3,5,5: monument in the form of a tower); the mention of P. in Thuc. 4,25,3, however, shows this story as a later interpretation. In military actions against Messana [1] the cape was used several times as an anchorage, as in 425 BC by the Syracusians (Thuc. 4,25,3), in 396 and 264 BC by the Carthaginians (Diod. SiGe, 5.633101 Polarsmx6s Diodoics 241,31): K. ZIEGLER, s.v. P. (2), RE 19, 397; E. MANNI, Geografia fisica e politica della Sicilia antica, 1981, 59-61; BICGI 4, 436-438. E.O.

Peltae (MéAta; Péltai). Settlement, already in existence

by the end of the 5th cent. BC (cf. Xen. An. 1,2,10) and subsequently a Seleucid military colony (coin: HN 682:

TIEATHNQN MAKEAONQN;

PELTENON MAKE-

DONON) in Phrygia (Str. 12,8,13; 13,4,13: 10 HeAtrvov mediov; to Pelténon pedion; Ptol. 5,2,25; Steph. Byz.

s.v. I.; Hsch. s.v. BéAty/Bélté, possibly misspelled for I1./P., cf. [1. 120 § 145]; Pelteni, Plin. HN 95; 106) on the upper reaches of the > Meander [2] (cf. the coin HN 682: MAIANAPOX;

MAIANDROS),

presumed south

of Cevril. An episcopal seat in late antiquity (cf. Not. Episc. 153 5031355 04). 1 ZGUSTA, W. RuGE, s.v. Peltai, RE 19, 401-403; MITCHELL

BELKE/MERSICH, 357.

1, 20;

EO.

PELTASTAI

715

716

Peltastai (xeAtaotal; peltastai). The médty (pélté) was a small, light, round shield made of wood or wicker-work that was covered with fur (schol. Eur. Rhes. 311; Aris-

Peltuinum. Praefectura of the — Vestini, tribus Quirina, in regio IV (Plin. HN 3,107; CIL IX 3314) ona plateau (approx. 870 m) at the foot of the Mons Fiscel-

tot. fr. 498 ROsE); a type of lightly-armed soldiers was named peltastai after it (Diod. Sic. 15,44,3; Nep. Iphi-

lus (now Gran Sasso), the present-day San Paolo di Pel-

consisted ofone or two javelins, a sword and a thrusting lance. Peltastai could be deployed both in long-range and in short-range warfare because of their weapons. Initially the peltastai in Greece were mainly foreign mercenaries who came primarily from Thrace, where

tuino at Castelnuovo di Ansedonia. Evidence of intensive construction in the period after 43 BC (city wall, theatre and housing; Aqua Augusta, restored AD 78). The decumanus maximus was overlaid by the via Claudia Nova from AD 47 (today ‘tratturo’). The settlement concentrated along this road from the 3rd cent. AD. It declined gradually after the earthquake of AD 346.

they probably represented the most significant branch

Other ancient remains: forum, amphitheatre, theatre.

crates 11,1,3f.). Aside from the > shield, their weapons

of the army (e.g. Hdt. 7,75,1; Thuc. 2,29,5; 7,27,1)5 in any case, Thracian warriors were associated with peltastai (Eur. Alc. 498). However, there were peltastai in

Greek areas like Acarnania and Aetolia as well. In mountainous and impassable terrain they had an advantage because they had greater mobility than the hoplites (+ hoplitai). However, for the Greek polis, they always remained a mere supplement alongside the hoplite phalanx that was recruited from the citizenry (> phalanx). There is definite evidence that the peltastai were regularly deployed for the first time during the > Peloponnesian War; both sides made use of them, depending on the military situation (Thuc. 2,79,4: defeat of the

Athenians in the battle against the Chalcidians at Spartolus; 4,28,4: peltastai at Sphacteria; 4,123,43 4,129,2; 5,6,4: battles between Cleon [1] and Brasidas in northern Greece). From that time onwards they constituted a part of many Greek armies. The unit ofpeltastai maintained by Athens during the > Corinthian War in the region of the Isthmus was well known. Under > Iphicrates, in conjunction with Athenian hoplites, it mana-

ged completely to annihilate a Spartan > mora [1] (Xen. Hell. 4,5,11-18; Diod. Sic. 14,91,2f.; Nep. Iphicrates 11,2,3). Pace Diod. Sic. 15,44, Iphicrates did not

undertake any fundamental reform of the army that would have given more weight to the peltastai, as was the opinion held by scholars for a long time [2. 102ff.]. There were also peltastai in the army of the Ten Thousand (Xen. An. 3,3,83 5,2,123; 6,2,16) and in the army of > Jason [2] of Pherae (Xen. Hell. 6,1,9). In Hellenism,

peltastai are attested pusslizihVen(ROlihe

6 52

for Macedonia

under

Philip-

-esarak hs) SoS5 suo, 425

aleve 28,5,113 3354,4f.: in Livy the Latin expression for pel-

tastai is caetrati) and for the Seleucids under Antioch-

us [5] III (Battle of Magnesia: Liv. 37,40,13; App. Syr. 32s)

1J.K. ANDERSON, Military Theory and Practice in the Age of Xenophon, 1970, 112-126 2J.P.G. Best, Thracian Peltasts and Their Influence on Greek Warfare, 1969 3 W. K. Prircuett, The Greek State at War, vol. 2, 1974, 117-125 4M.M. Sacer, Warfare in Ancient Greece, 1996, 42f., 143-147. 5 A.M. SNopGrRass, Arms and Armour of the Greeks, *1999.

Pelte see > Peltastai

LB.

CIL IX, p. 324; A. La Reaina, P., in: Quaderni dell’Istituto di Topografia Antica di Roma 1, 1964, 69-73; P. SOMMELLA, L’urbanistica romana,

1988, 178f.

Gu.

Pelusium (Mniovovov/Pélovsion; Latin Pelusium). City at the far northeastern corner of the Nile delta (southeast of Port Said), Egyptian Sjn, earlier Snw, ‘fortification’, from Ptolemiac times also known as P3}—Pr-jr-

Jmn, Coptic IEPEMOYN, modern Tall al-Farama. The Greek name P. probably originated from a popular etymological derivation of the Egyptian sjn, ‘clay’ = Greek pélos (cf. Str. 17,1,21). Based on the city’s name, -» Peleus (Amm. Marc. 22,16,3) and — Isis (in memory of her son Pelusius, Plut. De Is. et Os. 17) are mentioned as its founder. P. was well known during the 3rd millennium as a border fortification and wine-growing region, but until the rst cent. BC, it was not of historical significance. At this point, it emerged as a port and centre of trade and communications, and most importantly as the primary gateway securing the coastal road from Asia to Egypt. The Assyrian king > Sennacherib (705-681) attempted an invasion (Hdt. 2,141); under ~ Assurbanipal (669-631), P. was the seat of an Assy-

rian vassal prince. In 525 BC, > Cambyses [2] won a decisive victory at P. over Psammetichus III (Hdt. 3,1012), and in 374 BC, the Persians under > Pharnabazus [2] and — Iphicrates were fought off (Diod. Sic. 15,42,2). During the Ptolemaic period, P. remained an important fortification and customs post. Antigonus {r] and Demetrius [2] Poliorcetes were defeated in 306 BC outside of P. In the 3rd and 2nd cents. BC, during the > Syrian Wars between the > Ptolemies and the > Seleucids, P. played a key role as the starting point for Egyptian incursions into Asia and as a fortified gateway. It was not until the 6th Syrian War that Antiochus [6] IV (170/69) succeeded in taking P. after a victorious battle (Liv. 44,19,9). Subsequently, P. was not again captured until 5 5 BC, when Ptolemy XII was reinstalled through Roman intervention by the troops of M. Antonius [I 9]. After his defeat at Pharsalus, Pompey [I 3] went to Ptolemy XIII at P. and was murdered there in 48 BC (Caes. B Civ. 3,103f.). During the ‘Alexandrine War’ (48-47) that followed, P. offered little resistance to Caesar’s relief troops under Mithridates [8] of Pergamum or to the conquest of Egypt by Octavian (> Augustus) in 30 BC. During the Byzantine and Arab peri-

77

718

ods, P. was an important diocesan town, which is men-

scribing dei/di, ‘the gods of the interior’. They were also the protectors of provisions (Gell. NA 4,1,1-23), as the householder’s provisions were stored in the penus. They were often mentioned with the > Lares or even confused with them (schol. Pers. 5,31), but they are quite distinct: the worship of the Lares was a matter for

tioned up to the rrth cent. The city’s primary god was > Amun; in addition there were cults of Isis and Harpocrates, among others. The supposed worship of the onion, as related by numerous

Greek and Latin authors [1], was ridiculed

by Christian writers as superstitious nonsense and termed religio Pelusiaca by Hieronymus, Commentaria in Isaiam 13,46. 1 A. Jacosy, Beitrage zur Geschichte der spatagyptischen Religion, in: Recueil de Travaux 34, 1912, 9-15 | 2H. Kees, s.v. Pelusion, RE 19, 407-415

3 H.-J. THISSEN, s.v.

Pelusion, LA 4, 925f. 4 Sr. Timm, Das christlich-koptische Agypten in arabischer Zeit, vol. 2, 1984, 926-935, s.v. al-Farama.

K JW.

Pen

(xdAanoc/kdlamos, lat. calamus). Besides the > stylus, the pen was the second indispensable writing implement in antiquity. It was used to write with red or black > ink on > papyrus and > parchment, as well as on whitened or uncoated wooden tablets. Pens made from reed stalks (xdAauoc/kdlamos, lat. calamus) were sharpened with a penknife (owidn, scalprum librarium) and given a slit in the middle, so that they resembled the modern steel pen in appearance and functioned correspondingly (Pers. 3,10-14). After longer use, kalamoi which had become blunt could be resharpened with a pumice stone or knife. The rounded upper end may have been used to make thickened ink liquid again by

PENATES

(DI PENATES)

the whole familia, the domestic servants and the slaves,

whilst the Penates acted as > patrii di for the

> pater

familias (Plaut. Merc. 834; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom.1,67,3) and the Roman citizens (Cic. Sest. 30).

Only invoked in the plural (which has never been satisfactorily explained), they were possibly originally aniconic but were later synonymous with all the deities worshipped in Roman homes (Serv. Aen. 2,514). Thus, in addition to the > genius and the Lares, all deities

depicted on Pompeian wall paintings in the lararia (+ lararium) are generally (e.g. [1. 75-83]) identified with the Di Penates, which is really incorrect ‘theologically’. For it is typical of the Di-Penates that they could be taken from the house (e.g. when fleeing) (Hor. Carm. 2,18,26f.; Porph. Hor. comm. on St.); accordingly, only various statuettes of the gods (sigilla), and not the wall pictures, must have been regarded as true Di Penates.

The Di Penates were completely indeterminate as a general category. They acquired their particular form in each house according to the wishes of the householder,

Mart. 14,19). Grave monuments from the middle and

either as aniconic cult objects or as anthropomorphic deities. They were particularly worshipped at the hearth (Serv. Auct. Aen. 11,211). An — offering was made to the Di Penates at every meal: the contributions were placed in a patella (> patera, patella) on the table, sprinkled with salt and flour and thrown into the fire

stirring it with water, or to scratch out errors. Kalamoi were stored in a theca calamaria (Suet. Claud. 35,2; cf.

late Imperial period show several calami (and styli) in

(Varro, Sat. Men.

such boxes, to which an inkpot is attached by a ribbon [1. 228-238 fig. 15-27]. Besides being made from the natural materials which give them their name, kalamoi were also made of bronze, of which a number have been preserved, particularly from the Roman period (Anth. Pal. 6,227 mentions a silver pen; the bronze exemplar

3523,17—-20; Pers. 3,24-26; Arnob. 2,67).

As the private Di Penates protected the domus, so the publici P. populi Romani OQuiritium (ILS 108) protected the Roman state. Their public worship contained various elements and layers of development [1; 7]. They

from Athens, 2nd half of the sth cent. BC, found with a

Domy144;) Ciey Harvresp. 123 CieniNaty Dh 23671 Ov.

papyrus fragment is Greek [2]). The act of writing with

Met. 15,864; Serv. Auct. Aen. 2,296; ILS 108) and were

the kalamos is very rarely depicted on Roman monu-

kept in the penus Vestae (Fest. 296 L.) (Tac. Ann. 15,41; cf. Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,66). As the Roman temple of Vesta stood in the vicinity of the > Regia, it is conceivable that the royal Di Penates turned into the Penates publici after the fall of the monarchy (cf. Ov. Tr.

ments [e.g. 3. 69 fig. 43]. The use of bird feathers as a writing implement is probably more recent (Isid. Orig. 6,14; 6th/7th cents. AD). 1 D. v. BoEsELAGER, Funde und Darstellungen rémischer Schreibzeugfutterale, in: Kélner Jb. fir Vor- und Frihgesch. 22, 1989, 221-239

2 BICS 30, 1983, 147, 150

3 H. BLanck, Das Buch in der Antike, 1992, 64-71.

RH.

Penalties see > Poine; > Poena Penates (Di Penates) The Roman gods of the house, the homeland and of oaths (iurare per lovem deosque P.: CIL FP 582,18,24; Cic. Acad. 2,65); linked etymologically with penus [2. s.v.], the interior of the house. The ending -ates expresses the sense of ancestry within, or membership of, a local community: thus the Penates are those spirits ‘who are inside’, or an adjective de-

were

265; Cic. Verr. 2,4,48; Hor. Carm.

often cited with

> Vesta

(Cic. Cat. 4,18; Cic.

3,1,29). The sacra Penatium mentioned in the Naevius Bellum Punicum 3 FPL may also be interpreted as statuettes (sigilla) which were placed on the table [1. 8 5f.]. The sacra (Liv. 5,40,7—-10), i.e. ‘pledges of the Roman government’ (pignora imperit) [4], which were kept in the penus Vestae — these included a fascinus (Plin. HN. 28,39) and the Palladium (> Palladion, Palladium; Cic. Scaur. 48) — should also be interpreted as Penates. In addition, there was a special aedes Penatium (‘temple of the P.’) on the > Velia in Rome (Varro, Ling. 5,54; Liv.

45,16,5; R. Gest. div. Aug. 19); these Penates may possibly be identified with the Penates of > Alba Longa [5].

PENATES

(DI PENATES)

720

719

The Di Penates were portrayed as > Dioscuri (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,68,2; cf. [6. p. 320 No. 312/1]) or equated with the Great Gods of + Samothrace and other deities (Serv. and Serv. Auct. Aen. 1,78; 2,325;

3,12; 3,148; Macrob. Sat. 3,4,8-10). When the idea of Trojan ancestry became established in Rome, probably around the middle of the 4th cent. BC, the sacred objects associated with > Troy, such as the Palladium, were counted among the Penates. After the subjugation of Latium (338 BC) the public cult of the Penates moved largely to > Lavinium, a town which likewise laid claim to a Trojan origin and had a > foedus with Rome. The Penates of Lavinium which Aeneas (> Aeneas [1]) was said to have brought there from Troy (Varro in Serv. Auct. 1,378; cf. 3,12; Timaeus in Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,67,4 caducei made from iron and ore and a vessel made out of clay; Varro in schol. Veronense Verg. Aen. 2,717 sigilla made from wood, stone and clay) became Roman Di Penates (Varro, Ling. 5,14; Ascon. 24). Roman magistrates with > imperium used to make sacrifices to the Di Penates and Vesta in Lavinium on entering and on resigning from office and when departing for the provinces (Macrob. Sat. 3,4,11; Serv. Auct. 2,296; 3,12; Roman legend situated it in the period of

Peneius (Ilyvewdc; Peneios). The large main river of Thessaly, copious in flow throughout the year. With its many tributaries — in Pelasgiotis flowing from the north and in Thessaliotis primarily from the south — it irrigates almost all of Thessaly (> Thessalia). Rising in the Pindus [1] some 5 km to the east of Metsovo, the P. flows through the two great plains of Thessaly in the north and, after a stretch of 227 km through the + Tempe Valley, into the Thermaic Gulf. References: Hom. Il. 2,755; Hdt. 7,128f. L. DarMEZIN, Sites archéologiques et territoires du massif des Chassia, in: Topique antique et géographie historique en pays grec, 1992, 139-155; PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN 1, Cp. Index; F. STAHLIN, s.v. Peneios (2), RE 19, 458f.; KODER/ HILD, 234. HE.KR. E.MEY.

Peneleus (Invédews/Pénéleds, Lat. Peneleus). Son of

Hippalcimus and Asterope (Hyg. Fab. 97), Argonaut and suitor of > Helena [1] (Apollod. 1,113; 3,130), leader of the Boeotians in the Trojan War (Hom. II. 2,494). There, he kills > Ilioneus and Lycon (Hom. II.

11,487ff.; 16,33 5ff.), is wounded by > Polydamas [1] (Hom. Il. 17,597-600) and finally, in the Posthome-

rica, is killed by > Eurypylus [1] (Paus. 9,5,15); in a

the kings: Liv. 1,14,2). The nature of Di Penates and

different version, P. survives to become one of the war-

pignora can only be explained fully in the framework of a complete study of ancient rites associated with talismans (cf. [3]).

riors inside the Trojan Horse (Tryphiodorus 180) or to take part as a fighter in the destruction of Troy, killing ~ Coroebus [2] (Verg. Aen. 2,424). LK.

1 A. DuBourpiev, Les origines et le développement du culte des Péenates

4 Rome,

1989

2 ERNOUT/MEILLET

3 C. A. FarAong, Talismans and Trojan Horses, 1992 4K. Gross, Die Unterpfander der romischen Herrschaft,

1935 5D. PaLomsi, s.v. P., Aedes, LTUR 4, 75-78 6RRC 7G. Wissowa, Die Uberlieferung iiber die rémischen Penaten, in: Id., Gesammelte Abhandlungen, 1904, 95-121. J.LL.

Pendzhikent (ancient name and date of foundation unknown). Sogdian city of Pantcakat on the Serafsan,

northern Tadjikistan; trading and artisan centre with gold extraction. A citadel, the inner city with two temples, suburbs and a necropolis are preserved. Wall paintings with local, Indian and Graeco-Roman motifs were found in temples and private houses, e.g. the fable by ~ Aesop of the goose that laid the golden eggs. In addition, bracteates with the Roman she-wolf based on Byzantine coins were found, and Hellenizing tendencies in sculpture can be determined. The city was destroyed before AD 700 by Arabs and again after a Sogdian uprising against the Arabs (in AD 712 ?); in about AD 750, it was.finally abandoned. An archive was found in the castle of Mug east of P. > Sogdiana A.M. BELENIzKI, Mittelasien. Kunst der Sogden, 1980.

BB.

Penelope (Myvehomn/Pénelopé, Homeric: Myvehoreta/ Penelopeia, Latin Penelope, Penelopa). Wife of + Odysseus. From antiquity, her name has been interpreted in two ways: according to one, P. means ‘weaveress’, in reference to the typical female activity which plays such a central role in the Odyssey, while according to the other, her name is derived from pénélops (‘duck’), with the explanation that she had allegedly been thrown into the sea by her parents and had been saved by ducks. For an etymological explanation of P.’s name, see [1]. P. was the daughter of the Arcadian king > Icarius [2] and the nymph-> Periboea [1] (Apollod. 3,126) or Asterodia (Pherecydes in Schol. Hom. Od. 1,275; 4,797; 15,16); other names are mentioned, too, and there is little agreement as to the number and names of her siblings. In her home region of > Arcadia, she was regarded as the mother of > Pan by ~ Hermes or ~ Apollo (Pind. Fr. 100; Hdt. 2,145; Cic. Nat. D. 3,56; Hyg. Fab. 224; Apollod. epit. 7,38). Her tomb was shown in Mantinea (Paus. 8,12,6).

P.’s suitors had to engage in a running competition which was won by >» Odysseus. He moved with her to his island home of Ithaca (Paus. 3,12,4; 3,13,63 3,20,10f.). There is no mention of P. in the Iliad, but in

the Odyssey, she appears as Odysseus’ wife, with whom she has a son > Telemachus (later sources also name

other sons). She plays an important role particularly in the second half of the Odyssey: she appears as the loving wife who remains faithful to her husband for

721

ae

PENESTAI

twenty years, awaiting his return. Odysseus had instructed her to marry again, if he should not have returned by the time their son, a very young boy when he left for Troy, had reached the age of majority (Hom. Od. 18,259ff.; 11,447). In the 17th year of his absence, P.’s suitors move into the palace in order to force her into a decision, and her father and brothers also put her under pressure (ibid. 15,16f.). P. wants to preserve her son’s inheritance and is thus undecided. She shows herself to her suitors regularly and accepts their gifts, but the uncertainty of her situation also causes her to mourn, pray, fast and cry frequently. During the day, she works on weaving the shroud for Odysseus’ father ~ Laertes, which she claims needs to be completed before she could enter into a second marriage. Every night she unravels the day’s work — a cunning ploy which is finally betrayed by a maid (ibid. 2,93ff.; 19,137ff.). P. questions travellers for any information about her husband. When Odysseus returns to his palace in the guise of a beggar, she questions him, too. She decides to base the decision on a second marriage ona test: the suitors have to try to string Odysseus’ bow (ibid. bk. 20 and 21). Telemachus takes the lead and sends her away, because he wants to use this opportunity to take his revenge on the suitors together with Odysseus, who had already made himself known to his son. P. puts her returned husband to a test by referring to the secret of their marriage bed, which is partly made for the stump of an olive tree (ibid. 23,177ff.). In the cyclic epic Telegonia, which followed on from the Odyssey, > Telegonus, the son of Odysseus and Circe, goes on a journey in search of his father. When Odysseus steps up to him on Ithaca, Telegonus does not recognize him and kills his father. Realizing his error, he takes the body to his mother, accompanied by P. and Telemachus; he then marries P. who gives birth to his son Italus, while his mother Circe marries Telemachus (Telegonia argumentum 1 PEG I; Hyg. fab. 127). In post-Homeric literature many of these motifs are rearranged, expanded or interconnected: according to Theopompus (FGrH 115 F 354), Odysseus departs from Ithaca immediately, once he had discovered P.’s unfaithfulness in her dealings with the suitors; in another version, he kills her (Apollod. Epit. 7,38). However, P.’s positive characterization as a circumspect, prudent and faithful wife prevails, qualities for which she was to become the byword (Eur. Or. 588ff.; Eur. Tro. 422f.; Aristoph. Thesm. 547f.; Thgn. 1126; Plaut. Stich. rff.; CiewAcadh2.g5 VereuCGulexe265Prop: 2,6,235) Lor

Odysseus. Interestingly, she is rarely shown at her loom (cf. [2]), even though this is the most common motif in

later paintings. For the reception of P. in later times see [3]. The myth of P. was repeatedly turned into opera (SCARLATTI,

1676; FAURE, 1913; LIEBERMANN,

1954;

and others). 1 CHANTRAINE, 897 2 CH. HAUSMANN, s.v. P., LIMC 7.2,

225-231

3 Huncer, Mythologie, 316.

Lit.: L. E. Donerty, Athena and P. as Foils for Odysseus and the Odyssey, in: Quaderni urbinati di cultura classica 39, 1991, 31-44; Ead., Gender and Internal Audiences in the Odyssey, in: AJPh 113, 1992, 161-177; C. EMLYNJones, The Reunion of P. and Odysseus, in: G&R 31, 1984,

1-18; CH. HAUSMANN,

s.v. P., LIMC

7.1, 291;

W. E. HELLEMAN, P. as Lady Philosophy, in: Phoenix 49, 1995, 283-302; N. FELSON-RuBIN, Regarding P., 1994;

Ead., P.’s Perspective. Character from Plot, in: J. M. BREMER, I.J.F. DE JoNG, J. KALFr (Hrsg.), Homer beyond Oral Poetic. Recent Trends in Homeric Interpretation, 1987, 61-83; M. Katz, P.’s Renown:

Meaning and Inde-

terminacy in the Odyssey, 1991; M. C. PANTELLA, Spinning and Weaving: Ideas of Domestic Order in Homer, in: AJPh

114,

1993,

493-501;

I. PAPADOPOULOU-BEL-

MEHDI, Le chant de Pénélope: poétique du tissage feminin dans l’Odyssee, 1994; H. RoIsMan, P.’s Indignation, in: TAPhA 117, 1987, 59-68; B. WAGNER-HASEL, Die Macht der P. Zur Politik des Gewebes im homerischen Epos, in: R. FABER, S. LANWERD (eds.), Kybele — Prophetin — Hexe. Religidse Frauenbilder und Weiblichkeitskonzeption, 1997, 127-146; J.J. WINKLER, ‘P.’s Cunning and Homer’s’, in: Id., The Constraints of Desire. The Anthro-

pology of Sex and Gender in Ancient Greece, 1990, 129161; E. WusT, s.v. P., RE 19, 460-493. RHA,

Penestai [1]

Penestai

(mevéota/penéstai,

sing.

smevéotys/

penéstes) is probably etymologically related to the word mévng (pénés), ‘poor’. Penestai was applied as the collective term for the class of dependent Greeks who formed the economic and military foundation of the aristocracy in the towns of Thessaly (Crannon, Larissa, Pherae).

Dionysius [18] of Halicarnassus compared them with the > thétai and —> peldtai at Athens (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,9); they were thus accorded the social status of dependents or clientes. Most ancient authors, esp. Theopompus (FGrH 115 F 122; cf. Poll. 3,83), compared them to the > helots of Laconia and Messenia; it is thus to be assumed that the penestai too were serfs, more specifically people ‘between freemen and slaves’ (uetaed &hevOeowv xat Sovdwv: Poll. 3,83). Like the helots, they formed a local Greek population; they were Carm. 1,17,19; 3,10,11; Ov. Am. 3,4,23f.; Ov. Ars am. YW, 2 A55R Sate jon Sess Vem, Ikke, Cxsrsiy Istoy)s)op more likely to have been an enslaved indigenous population than imported ‘barbarian’é slaves (Pl. Leg. 746,2f.). Little more than the titles have survived of the 77 6cd: meveotixov €8vos). In times of peace, they mostly Greek tragedies ad comedies on the subject of P. In his worked the land and paid their masters taxes in kind picture of her, Ovid (Ep. 1) shows nuances which make (Archemachus FGrH 434 F r). In wartime, they also P. comparable to the women featured in Roman love provided military service. They were prone to uprisings, elegies. The images of P. in Greek and Roman art can be either on their own initative or manipulated by foreign divided into those showing just P., those of P. and Telepowers (Xen. Hell. 2,3,36; Aristot. Pol. 1264a 35). machus, P. and Euryclea, P. and the suitors, P. and Eurycleia washing Odysseus’ feet, and P. recognizing

PENESTAI

There was an essential distinction between penestai

and helots: the penestai belonged to individual Thessalian aristocrats, and were not public slaves. An inscription from Pharsalus (IG IX 2,234; late 3rd cent. BC) documents the end of the dependency of the penestai: it lists 23 men without patronymics, who received plots of land 60 pléthra in size along with Pharsalian citizenship. These can only have been freed penestai. There is no later evidence of the status of the penestai; their dependency ended at the same time as that of the helots. 1 J. N. Corvisier, Entre l’esclavage et la liberté, un cas peu connu: les Pénestes thessaliens, in: L’information historique 43, 1981, 115-118 2 J. Decourt, Décret de Pharsale pour une politographie, in: ZPE 81, 1990, 163184 3 J.Ducar, Les Hilotes (BCH Suppl. 20), 1990 4 Id., Les Pénestes de Thessalie (Annales Littéraires de l’Universite. de Besancon 512), 1994, 79-86, 107-113 5 P. VIDAL-

Naaquet, Réflexions sur l’historiographie de l’esclavage, in: Id., Le chasseur noir, 1983, 223-248 6K.-W. WELWEI, Unfreie im antiken Kriegsdienst, vol. 1, 1974.

_P.C.

[2] Illyrian tribe, mentioned as amici populi Romani connection with the winter campaign of > Perseus in 170/169 BC during the 3rd -» Macedonian War Liv. 43,18—-21. In this context, mention is also made

in [2] in of

(Liv.

43,19,2;

+ Eros [1]. Roman counterparts: Inopia, (Plaut. Trin. Prolog; Hor. Epist. 2,2,51).

Paupertas

J. HEMELRIJK, I. en MAobtos, thesis Utrecht 1925.

—SU.EL

Peniculus (also penicillum). Duster, a stick with the hairy end of an animal’s tail (Paul Fest. 208; 231 M.);

used to wipe down tables (Plaut. Men. 77f.), polish shoes (Plaut. ibid. 391) or clean agricultural implements and vessels (Columella 12,18,5). The peniculus was also used as a brush to whitewash walls (Plin. HN

28,235) and as a paintbrush (Plin. HN 35,60f.; 103;

> Thessalians, Thessalia

Penestia

724

723

also

Penestiana

terra:

Liv.

43,18,5), the capital of the P. in this region, Uscana (Liv. 43,18,5; Pol. 18,14b,1: “Yoxava moAtc; modern

Kigevo?) and Oaeneum on the Artatus (Liv. 43,19,2ff.5 modern Tetovo?), Stuberra (Liv. 43,18,5; modern Cepigovo?), the fort of Draudacum (Liv. 43,19,4; modern Gostivar?) and other forts (Liv. 43,19,5). The lands of the P. were in the north west of modern Macedonia,

north of the lake of > Lychnidus in the upper Vardar basin. N.G.L. HamMMonp, A History of Macedonia, vol. 1, 1972, 43f.; F. Papazociou, Les villes de Macédoine, 1988, 298-302.

E.O.

149).

RH.

Penis (@adddc/phallos, lat. mentula (for synonyms, see [1]). Its anatomy, including the glans, scrotum, and testicles, was established by 250 BC, but its physiology, especially its capacity as to achieve an erection, was

harder to explain. Galen (De usu partium 15,3) called it a ‘nerve-like part’, and in De motibus dubiis discussed the possible effects of imagination on the process. Although circumcision (-» Circumcisio) was seen as essentially Jewish, ~ infibulation was widely practised. Medical and surgical texts offer a variety of treatments for many conditions of the penis, both the results of malformation, e.g. phimosis, and > venereal diseases. In Athens of the classical period, it was not considered

indecent for men to go naked (e.g. at sport), cf. > Nudity. The penis had a prominent place in statuary, > herms, in numerous rituals, as well as in many forms of > magic throughout the ancient world.|[2] ~» Phallus, > Priapus 1 J. N. Apams, The Latin Sexual Vocabulary, 1982, 9-79 2 H. Herter, s.v. Phallos, RE 19, 1681-1747.

VIN.

Pensum see — Textiles, production of Pentadius. Late antique Latin author of unknown date. The > Codex Salmasianus attributes to him the poems Anth. Lat. 226 Sh.B. (De Fortuna), 227 (De Adventu

Penia (Ievia/Penia, Mevin/Penié). Greek ‘Poverty’, or

‘Neediness’, personified, appearing most frequently in allegory as man’s teacher, with > Ponos (‘Toil’), Karteria

(‘Strength’),

Sophia

(‘Wisdom’)

and

Andreia

(‘Courage’) as her attendants. She gives rise to the arts and teaches hard work (Aristoph. Plut. especially 507ff.; Lucian, Timon 31f.; Theoc. 21,1). P. is sometimes called a goddess (Alci. 3,40,2; Hdt. 8,111); the Athenians’ demands for money in Hdt. 8,111 with its allusion to the deities Peithé (‘Persuasion’) and Anan-

kaié (‘Compulsion’), rejected by the residents of Andria with an appeal to their deities P. and Améchanié (‘Inability’), is to be understood as an allegory. The existence of a cult is questionable: according to Eur. TGF fr. 248 there is no temple of P.; elsewhere there is a reference to an altar in > Gades (Ael. fr. 19 Hercher). According to

Pl. Symp. 203b-c, P. and > Poros [1] are the parents of

Veris) and 259-262. These poems are characterized by the verbatim repetition of the first half of the hexameter in the second half of the pentameter in each couplet, turning an occasional device of Ovid’s into game with form. The authorship of the other poems, Anth. Lat. 260-262 SH. B., is questionable. The collection of epigrams, Anth. Lat. 25-68 SH. B., may have been influenced by P. There are no grounds for further attributions or identification with the addressee of > Lactantius’ [1]Epitome.

~» Carmen de Spe; - Codex Salmasianus W. SCHETTER, Kaiserzeit und Spatantike, 1994, 451-459; K. SMOLAK, s.v. P., in: HLL, vol. 5, § 545. MALL.

Pentadrachmon, Pentedrachmia (xevtcdeaxpov/ pentadrachmon, xevtedQaynial/pentedrachmia; Xen. Hell. 1,6,12), a Greek coin witha value of five drachmai

725

726

(> Drachme), often mentioned in ancient texts: 1) used as pay at Chios in 406 BC (Xen. ibid.), it cannot be

clearly identified [3]. 2) ‘Old’ pentedrachmia as a Macedonian coin in the time of > Perdiccas [3] III (365-359 BC; Polyaenus, Strat. 3,10,14), probably the older Macedonian

tetradrachma

(- Tetradrachmon),

re-

gionally divided into 5 drachmai [1]. 3) At Cyrene (Poll. 9,60), it may be the Attic tetradrachmon, presumably divided there into five drachmai. 4) The gold coin of Ptolemy I and II, which weighed c. 17,8 g and was called > trichryson, was a pentadrachmon based on the Phoenician standard (> Coinage, standards of) 5) A pentadrachmon is mentioned by Heron (1,21) as a coin

for automatic holy water dispensing machines, probably a Ptolemaic copper coin. 1M. J. Price, The Coinage of Philipp IL., in: NC

1979,

239 2SCHROTTER, 498 3 W.E. THompson, The Chian Coinage in Thucydides and Xenophon, in: NC 1971, 323324. DLK.

PENTATEUCH

1 P. J. RHopes, A Commentary on the Aristotelian Athe2 A.H.M. naion Politeia, 1981, 137, 141, 146, I51 Recs Jones, Athenian Democracy, 1957.

Pentalitron (mevtcditoov; pentdlitron). Value of five litrai (> Litra); minted as a silver coin, for instance at

Syracuse ([1], 3rd cent. BC) witha weight of c. 4:35 g. A + Drachme [1] from Acragas in Sicily bears the legend MEN(tGAttg9ov)

([2], c. 450 BC), since 5 litrai corre-

spond to 1 drachme. It occurs as an adjective, meaning ‘5 litrai in weight’, in Poll. 4,173. 1SNG Munchen 1360

2SNG Minchen 75.

SCHROTTER, s.v. P., 499; HN, 120.

Pentanummium

(mevtavovmmov;

GE.S.

pentanoummion).

Copper coin with a value of 5 nummi (> Nummus) ina Byzantine copper issue, introduced by Anastasius [1] I in AD 498, with a value numeral of E (Greek) or V (Latin), minted until the time of Heraclius [7] I (61ro-

Pentakosiomedimnoi siomédimmoi,

(xevtaxoo.onéduvovpentako-

literally ‘five-hundred-bushelers’)

were

the members of the uppermost census-class in Athens. It was probably > Solon that added them to the existing groups (> hippeis, > zeugitai, > thetai), which were formalised in respect to financial gradings (Aristot. Ath. pol. 7,3ff.; 47,1; Aristot. Pol. 1274a 15ff.; Plut. Solon 18,rff.). Eligibility for certain offices was connected to membership ofthis class; this was still the case in the 4th cent. BC for the office of treasurer (tapiac/> tamias; Aristot. Ath. pol. 7,3; 8,1f.; 47,1; Aristot. Pol. 1274a r8ff.; Plut. ibid.; Suda s.v. taptat). The minimum qualification was an estate producing 500 units (métra) of ‘dry and liquid combined’, i.e. principally agrarian produce such as grain, oil and wine (Aristot. Ath. pol. 7,4). For this there were different measures of capacity: the > médimnos (uédutvoc; bushel for grain, c. 521 = c. 40kg of wheat and c. 33 kg of barley) and the + metrétés (uwetontis; for oil or wine, about 39 1). How the various magnitudes were calculated or combined is unclear. It is likely that they were simply added as units. In any case the classification was restricted to agrarian income, and this fitted the circumstances of the Solonian period very well. Like the other census-classes that of the pentakosiomedimnoi survived, although only little direct documentation exists (Thuc. 3,16,1; Demosth. Or. 43,54); the pentakosiomedimnoi were important e.g. for taxation (Poll. 8,130) and the dowries of heiresses (> epikléros; Demosth. ibid.). With the rise of the money economy and increasing economic differentiation, monetary equivalents will also have been formed for yields [2. 1425°]. As information on the membership of the classes, and hence also membership of the pentakosiomedimnoi, were not consistently examined, in the 4th cent. even poor people achieved corresponding positions (Aristot. Ath. pol. 47,1).

641). Literary mention in the lexicon of Zonaras (> Zonarae Lexicon); the numerical relationships are unclear. DLK. Pentapolis (Mevtésohts; Pentdpolis). The region of the

‘five cities’ of western > Cyrenaica, i.e. of Euhesperides/— Berenice [8], > Tauchira/Arsinoe, > Barke (later outstripped by Ptolemais), - Cyrene and Apollonia/ Sozusa. With Darnis (modern Derna) the region of

eastern Cyrenaica began. H. Kees, s.v. P. (3), RE 19, 5oof.

W.HU.

Pentateuch (i NMevtdtevyos sc. BipAoc/hé Pentateuchos

sc. biblos, literally ‘book of five scrolls’, Orig. comm. in Jo 4,25; cf. Hippolytus 193 LaGarRDE; Latin Pentateuchus, Tert. in Isid. orig. 6,2,2). In the Christian tradi-

tion, a collective term for the the books Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers and Deuteronomy at the

beginning of the Hebrew — Bible. The Jewish tradition, however, refers instead to the spr htwrh, ‘book of instruction’ (cf. also the NT term vouoc/nd6mos, Luke 10:26, or vowog Mavoews/n. Moyséos, Acts 28:23) or to

hmysh hwmsy twrh (literally ‘five-fifths of the Torah’, bSan 44a). While the aforementioned names of these books, which go back to the > Septuagint, refer to the events contained in them (yéveouc/génesis, ‘becoming’; éE0d0¢/éxodos, ‘departure’; Aevitixdv/leuitikon, ‘concerning the Levites’; GQwWuot/arithmoi, ‘numbers’; devtegovouiov/ deuterondmion, ‘second law’), Jewish

tradition names the respective books according to their first significant Hebrew word (b7°syt, ‘in the beginning’; Smwt, ‘names’; wyqr’, ‘and he called’; bmdbr, ‘in the desert’; dbrym, ‘words’). Events are recounted in a continuous series — beginning with the creation of the world (Genesis 1:1-2,4a; > World, creation of the), paradise (Genesis 2:4b-3:24; > Paradise) and prehistory (most important texts: the > Deluge, Genesis 6:5—9:17, and the building of the tower of Babel, Genesis 1 1:1-9) — the

PENTATEUCH

JOE

‘history of Israel’ and its patriarchs from Abraham to the flight out of Egypt and the revelation on > Mt. Sinai to the death of > Moses [1] just before entry into the Promised Land. According to Jewish and Christian tradition, Moses was the author of the Pentateuch (cf. the term the ‘five books of Moses’). Despite the continuous story, it is clear from the anachronisms, numerous duplications and clear differences in style and content that Moses cannot plausibly be assumed to have been the author;

728

about the rather complicated way of deciding on the overall victor, the results already achieved in 1963 by J. Expert [2], which have not been adequately acknowledged in subsequent discussion [3. 220*'7], should definitely be regarded as the scientific basis. Placing Discus

Long-jump

Javelin

instead, several traditions and tradents must have been

involved in producing these works over a period of centuries that probably ended around 400 BC. Against this background, after certain critical voices in antiquity (cf. the Neoplatonists > Porphyrius, > Celsus) and the Middle Ages, so-called Pentateuch criticism emerged in the early modern period, seeking a plausible model to explain the origins of this literary work. For a long time the ‘classic’ explanatory hypothesis was the so-called ‘Documentary Hypothesis’ that was developed by Julius WeELLHAUSEN (1844-1918) based on earlier works (REUSS; GRAF; KUENEN) (‘Die Komposition des Hexateuch’, 1876, for example). It assumes four sour-

ces: Yahwist (J; approx. 950 BC), Elohist (E, prior to 722 in the Northern Kingdom), Deuteronomist (D; UrDeuteronomy, about 622 BC) and Priestly (P; exile or

early post-exile period, 2nd half of the 6th/sth cent. BC) that were compiled in several editorial processes. Today scholars are far from reaching a consensus on Pentateuch criticism: while some researchers continue to support J. WELLHAUSEN’S hypothesis, modifying it only in certain details involving dates or the attribution of specific texts, others fundamentally question this model and advocate working with a hypothesis based on fragments or supplementation. There is also discussion of whether the > Priestly document, as the newest

part of the Pentateuch, should be viewed as an independent source or as an editorial contribution. In any case, the hermeneutic consequence of Pentateuch criticism is a perception of the text as an organic whole that represents the result of productive discussion and the further development of existing tradition. > Priestly document H. SEEBASS, s.v. P., TRE 26,

185-209 (with bibliography);

E. ZENGER, Die Biicher der Tora/des Pentateuch, in: E. ZENGER et al., Einleitung in das Alte Testament, +1998,

66ff. (with bibliography).

B.E.

Pentathlon (xévta0iov; péntathlon). First ever multi-

Running

Wrestling

A B

E:B Victor=

E c

simultaneously overall victor

OIG) ae pe NS) td AG) Fe oe Gy rigs Ou: SS SS Bs AVERY SY OS Po es =

Example of a pentathlon competition

According to Epert the order of the exercises was discus throwing, long-jump (fivefold two-legged standing jump with lead dumbbells, haltéres), javelin throwing, running (over one length of the stadium, according to EBERT (verbal communication), differing from [2. 10-13]) and wrestling. The first three disciplines mentioned were characteristic of the pentathlon and were not held as individual events. A victor in all the competitions of this first ‘first triad’ was quite rightly therefore the overall victor of the pentathlon, though this special case was rare. Normally the weaker competitors dropped out after the third and fourth exercises on the principle of triple relative victory, so the best ones determined the overall victor among themselves in the wrestling. The rule that the overall victor had to be victorious in the last discipline held also had a convincing effect in this system. Repeats of Olympic victories occurred rarely in the pentathlon [3. 105], not one pentathlete featured in the preserved periodonikai (> periodos) [8]. 1D. F. Jackson, Philostratos and the Pentathlon, in: JHS III, 1991, 178-181 2 J. Ebert, Zum Pentathlon der Antike, 1963 3 W. Decker, Sport in der griechischen

Antike, 1995 4D.G. Kyte, Philostratus, Repéchage, Running and Wrestling: The Greek Pentathlon again, in: Journal of Sport History 22, 1995, 60-65

5H.M.

Ler,

Yet Another Scoring System for the Ancient Pentathlon, in: Nikephoros 8, 1995, 41-55 6E. Marort, Die Geheimnisse des griechischen Pentathlons, in: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Sklodowska, Lublin 49, 1, sectio F, 1994, 27-37. 7Id., Zur Problematik des Wett-

discipline event in the history of sport, held in > Olympia allegedly from 708 BC for men, and just once for youths in 628 BC. Mythical derivation from the campaign of the Argonauts (Philostr. Peri gymnastikés 3) [1]. The strong iconographic presence and long tradition with sources that are at times difficult to analyse have led to appreciable differences in interpretation both as regards the running and order of the exercises

kontadrachmon). Gold > tetradrachmon in Ptolemaic

(but not of the events themselves) and the method of deciding on the victor. In spite of certain reservations

drachmai (> Drachme), minted from Ptolemy II (28 5—

laufes und der Reihenfolge der einzelnen Disziplinen beim altgriech. Pentathlon, in: Acta Antiqua Hungarica 35, 1994, 1-24

8R. Knap, Die Periodoniken, 1934, repr.

1980.

Pentekontadrachmon = (xevmxovtddeayov;

W.D.

pente-

Egypt with a weight of 13-84 g and a value of 50 silver

729

730

247 BC) onward with the double portraits of the dead ruling couple and the legend @EQN (‘of the gods’) and those of the living ruling couple and the legend AAEA®QN (‘of the brother and sister’, see — Philadelphos; [1]; Poll. 9,60).

The period after 446, for which fewer events are recorded (with the exception of the Samian Revolt against Athens in 440/439), is often referred to by contrast as the ‘Periclean period’ in the narrower sense, and as the zenith of the classical Athenian cultural state. However, in this respect, the outbreak of the Pelopon-

1 SNG Copenhagen (Egypt: The Ptolemies), 133. W. SCHWABACHER, S.V. P., RE 19, 528f.; SCHROTTER, S.v.

P., 499.

GES.

Pentekontaetia (xevtmxovtaetia; pentekontaetia). In its narrower sense, the pentekontaetia is > Thucydides’ chronologically imprecise summary (Thuc. 1,89-117), which was probably inserted late [6. 195], of the period of almost fifty years from 479 to 431 BC (in fact only until 43.9 BC), centring on the thesis of the rise of Athenian power and Sparta’s increasing fear of it. In modern scholarship, the term is used in a wider sense to refer to the history of this period in general. The Greek word does not come from Thucydides (paraphrase 1,118,2), but is used in the scholia to 1,89,1; 97,2; 118,2. Asa modern term describing the epoch, the pentekontaetia is the result of Thucydides’ dramatic stylization of the great > Peloponnesian War as the zenith and watershed of Greek history [8], while the so-called First Peloponnesian War (c. 460-446 BC) is marginalized and the end of direct military confrontation with the Persians is not even mentioned. The precise dating of many events and documents in the pentekontaetia is variously controversial [1. 731073 2; 3. part 2, 178-216], but the trends of development can clearly be discerned [3; 4; 5; 9]. Democratic order was being continually consolidated at > Athens, even in the face of the influence of institutions independent of the + demos [1] and against a possible softening of the anti-Spartan foreign policy tradition (e.g. ‘disempowerment’ of the > Areopagus in 462; ‘ostracism’ of > Cimon [2] in 461). Overall, the ~ démokratia was quite as undisputed as the continual strengthening and deepening of the > Delian League into an instrument of Athenian power, and as the active, geographically expansive foreign policy. The mixed results of the latter (victories over the Persians at the > Eurymedon [5]c. 467/6 and at Salamis on Cyprus (450), but failure of the Egyptian expedition of c. 460454; overall securing of Athenian rule in the Aegean, but simultaneous loss of the control temporarily gained (455) over the northern Peloponnese and Central Greece) were expressed in the Thirty-Year Peace with Sparta in 446 (StV II* 156) and in the actual end of the war with Persia (around 449; > Callias [4]) [1. 1-72; 7]. In spite of these consolidations, relations between Athens and the > Peloponnesian League, esp. Corinth, remained fractious; this is evident in > Pericles’ [1] idea, announced for purposes of propaganda, for a ‘pan-Hellenic’ peace congress at Athens, which Sparta at once rejected (Plut. Pericles 17). In the Delian League, Athens declared its support for its tyrannis (Thuc. DnO3saye

PENTEKONTER

nesian War did not mark a decisive point; likewise, the undiminished war-readiness of Athens and the hatred of many states for Athenian power politics had already become apparent much earlier. Sources cf. [10; 11]. + Athens;

> Delian

League;

+ Pericles [1]; — Periods, > Thucydides

> Peloponnesian

division

into;

War;

— Sparta;

1 E. BapiaNn, From Plataea to Potidaea, 1993 2 E. BAYER, J. Hempexrinc, Die Chronologie des perikleischen Zeitalters,1975

3 BELOCH,GG2

4CAH?*V,

1992

5G.E.M.

De Ste. Crorx, The Origins of the Peloponnesian War, 1972 6S. HORNBLOWER, Comm. on Thucydides, vol. 1, 1991 7K. MersteR, Die Ungeschichtlichkeit des Kalliasfriedens und deren historische Folgen, 1982 8 B.S. Srrauss, The Problem of Periodization, in: M. GOLDEN, P. Toouey (ed.), Inventing Ancient Culture, 1997, 165— 175 9K.-W. Wetwet, Das klassische Athen, 1999, 77-13 10 G. F. Hitt,

R. MeicGs,

A. ANDREWES,

Sources

for

Greek History Between the Persian and the Peloponnesian War, 1951 11 ML. U.WAL.

Pentekonter (xevtnxovteoos sc. vate/pentéekOnteros sc.

naus). Pentekonteroi were ships with 50 oars. Vessels of this kind seem to have existed by the Mycenaean period; in Homer they are often mentioned as troop transports

(Hom.

Il. 2,718-720;

16,168-170;

Hom.

Od. 8,34-36; 8,48; 13,20-22). They were evidently slender vessels well over 30 m in length with a lowerable square sail and one row of oarsmen on either side. They were probably not designed for ramming tactics; in the subsequent period this changed: when in about 540 BC the Ionian Phocaeans abandoned their homeland and went to Corsica, they probably managed to defeat the far superior fleets of the Carthaginians and Etruscans at Alalia by ramming them with their pentekonters (Hdt. 1,166,1). These were still ships with a single row of oars; however, the epic (Hom. Il.

2,509 f.), vase paintings and late 8th-cent. BC relief art provide evidence of Greek and Phoenician pentekonters with two rows of oars on either side. This new system for rowing led to a clear reduction in the length of ships. This in turn improved the stability, power, speed and manoeuvrability of pentekonters, which evidently increasingly developed into a specialised ramming weapon. In the 6th cent. BC pentekonters probably served as the standard warship in almost all the fleets in the Aegaean and the Levant, until they were replaced in this role shortly before or after 500 BC by > triremes (Hdt. MGA

Serna

wey

yee

were ine face

Ilnices

1,13 f.). After that there are only few references to pentekonters, especially because in the fleets other, smaller types of ship (e.g. the > liburna) now became more important. + Naval warfare; > Navigation; > Shipbuilding

PENTEKONTER

1 Casson, Ships

73

731

2

athenische Triere, 1990

J.S$. Morrison, J. F. Coates, Die 3 H. T. WALLINGA, The Ancestry

of the Trireme: 1200-525 BC, in: R. GARDINER (ed.), The Age of the Galley, 1995, 36-48. H.KON.

Pentekoste (aevtnxooti/pentékoste, the ‘fiftieth’) was a duty at the rate of two per cent. There is evidence of

1668, 31 and 33; 1672, 309). The demes of Icarium, Colonae [1] and [2], Cydantidae and Trinemeia were at the foot of P. On the Kastraki peak on the western slopes there is an ancient fortress [3]. There is evidence of a cult of Asclepius [2] and the nymphs [4] as well as a statue of Athena (Paus. 1,32,2). P. was known for its » honey (Call. fr. 5 52). In the Middle Ages P. was cove-

pentekostat in many Greek cities, such as Athens, Epi-

red with hermits’ dwellings, and under Turkish rule also

daurus, Troezen, Cyparissia, Ceos, Delos, Cimolos (SEG 44,710 Z.31), Erythrae, Cnidus, Halicarnassus,

with monasteries. 1 TRAILL, Attica, 92,

119 Nr. 27

2D. Dow, Healing Dei-

in the Hermias region and in the cities of Upper Egypt, as an import and export duty raised ad valorem on all goods. Before ships were loaded or unloaded goods had to be declared to the mevtmxootohoyot (pentékostologoi). In Athens the tax on foreign trade amounted to one per cent until the Peloponnesian War (end of the 5th

ties on P., in: Phoenix 36, 1982, 313-328

cent. BC), was increased during the war and fixed at

der Glyptothek Miinchen), 1992; K. J. MATTrHeEws et al.,

two per cent at the beginning of the 4th cent.; it continued at this rate until the Roman period. Pentekoste was leased by auction to the highest bidder, who then collected it. In 400/399 BC the pentekoste was leased for 30 talents, the following year for 36. The (chief) lessee (mevtnxootaoyoc/pentekostarchos) generally worked with associates. >» Andocides [1] reproached Agyrrhius in 399 BC for holding the amount ofthe lease low to the detriment of the polis by agreements with possible competitors (And. 1,133f.). The lessees enjoyed ctéeva (> atéleia) and were therefore absolved of

The Reevaluation of Stable Isotope Data for Pentelic Mar-

military service (Demosth. Or. 21,166; 59,27). Apart

from this, in Athens there was a pentekoste that flowed into the coffers of the ‘other gods’ (Demosth. Or. 24,120). Demosthenes considered levying a pentekoste on the total wealth of those subject to eisphora, which would bring in 120 talents. A pentekoste raised on local trade has been demonstrated for Delos (xevtmxooth tis GOTiac).

+» Eisphora; > Taxes; > Toll 1 P. Brun, Eisphora — Syntaxis — Stratiotika: Recherches sur les finances militaires d’Athénes, 1983, 61f. 2M.

Drener, Zu IG II* 404, dem athenischen Volksbeschlufs uber die Eigenstaatlichkeit der keischen Poleis, in: Symposion 1985, 276-280

47f.,327f.

35S. J. De LAet, Portorium, 1949,

4D. RATHBONE, Egypt, Augustus and Roman

Taxation, 1993 5P. J. SIJPESTEIJN, Customs Duties in Graeco-Roman Egypt, 1987 6 J. VELISSAROPOULOS, Les naucléres grecs, 1980, 208-211.

WS.

Pentelicon (tO Tevtedtxov do0¢; to Pentelikon oros). Mountain in the northeast of Athens (1108 m). The name P. (modern Penteli) is derived from the post-Cleisthenic deme of Pentele [1] at the southwest foot and in

Antiquity attested only in Paus. 1,32,1f. (cf. Vitr. 2,8,49: mons Pentelensis), otherwise (pre-Greek) Brilettus (Brilessus, BowAynttoc; briléttos). P. was famous for its + marble (Thuc. 2,23,1; Str. 9,1,23; Theophr. De signis 3,6,43; S. Emp. Ady. math. 1,257), which was

increasingly quarried from the middle of the 6th cent. BC and in sth cent. inscriptions already appears as ‘Pentelic’ marble (IG I> 444-447; 474 col. 2,202f.; IG IP

3 J. R. McCreE-

pik, Fortified Military Camps in Attica (Hesperia Suppl. rr), 1966, 52-56 4]. M. Wickens, The Archaeology and History of Cave Use in Attica, 1986, vol. 1, 171; vol. 2, 202-211 No. 39. M. Korres, Vom Penteli zum Parthenon (Ausstellung in

ble, in: M. WaELKENS (ed.), Ancient Stones, 1992, 203212; PHILLIPPSON/KIRSTEN, 1/3, 792-802; TRAVLOS,

Attika,

329-334

figs. 413-420

(with

bibliography). H.LO.

Penthesilea (IlevOeotheva/Penthesileia, Lat. Penthesilea). Amazon (-> Amazons), daughter of > Ares and Otrere (Aithiopis argumentum, fr. rf. PEG I), who to expiate blood guilt — in some sources the murder of her sister -» Hippolyte [1] (Apollod. Epit. 5,1; Quint. Smyrn. 1,20-32) — enters the Trojan War and supports the Trojans after the death of — Hector (Hellanicus FGrH 4 F 149; Diod. Sic. 2,46,5). She kills a number of Greeks (Prop. 3,11,14f.; Quint. Smyrn. 1,23 8-246) but is then defeated by > Achilles [1], who falls in love with her as she is dying and hands her body over to the Trojans for burial. > Thersites, on the Greek side, ridicules this as a sign of love, whereupon Achilles kills him with a blow of his fist (Prop. 3,11,15f.; Pherecrates fr. 165 PCG; Pacuvius, Penthesilea, p. 271 TRF; Lycoph. 99o9ff.). In Hellenistic and later sources the love of Achilles for P. is central, which explains the motif of P.’s burial by the Greeks (Dictys 4,3; Quint. Smyrn. 1,1830). This subject remains a favourite into the Byzantine period, with later sources often presenting further developments of the basic motifs (Ptol. Chennos in Phot. 191,151b; Dictys 4,2f.; Lib. Progymnasmata 9,1,22;

11,11;

Dares

36 Meister;

Nonnus,

Dion.

3,5,27f.; Nicolaus Sophistes, Progymnasmata 2,11). On the reception of the P. myth, cf. [1]; most significant is probably Kleist’s drama Penthesilea (1808), whose text was used by among others Klaus Pringsheim for his opera Penthesilea (1923). — Amazons 1 Huncer, Mythologie, 3 16f. BIBLIOGRAPHY: E. BERGER, s.v. P., LIMC 7.1, 296f.; A. KossatTz-DEISSMANN, s.v. Achilleus, LIMC 1.1, 16rf.,

171; R. ScHMiEL, The Amazon Queen. Quintus of Smyrna, Book 1, in: Phoenix 40, 1986, 185-194; F. SCHWENN, s.v. Penthesileia, RE Suppl. 7, 868-875.

TOS

734

PENTHEUS

ILLUSTRATIONS: E. BERGER, s.v. P., LIMC 7.2, 232-249;

the San Antonio Museum

A. Kossatz-DEISSMANN, s.v. Achilleus, LIMC 1.2, 130-

GUNTNER et al. (ed.), Mythen und Menschen. Griechische Vasenkunst aus einer deutschen Privatsammlung. Exhi-

eid

RHA.

of Art, 1995, nos. 85, 87; G.

bition catalogue Wiirzburg 1997, no. 29; M. B. Moore,

Penthesilea Painter. Attic red-figured vase painter, active around 470-450 BC. About 200 vases have been attributed to him, mostly cups of various types, skyphoi and kantharoi (> Pottery, shapes and types of, figs. D 8 and 5). He carried on the workshop of > Onesimus [2], +> Antiphon and the > Pistoxenus Painter with a new potter who, unlike his predecessors, did not sign his works. The PP made use of the potential of the drinking cup in every conceivable way, both in regard to its size and to the composition of its interior. He extended the picture to the rim of the cup and filled it with figures which exceed every measure, compared with friezes, as

in the eponymous kylix, which shows — recognizing Achilles at the moment of (Munich, SA 2688). However, the largest (height approx. 30 cm, diameter nearly 57

Penthesilea her death extant cup cm) combi-

nes a tondo of the usual size with an internal frieze (Ferrara, Mus. Arch., T 18C): The deeds of Theseus are

depicted surrounding two ephebes (> ephebeia) in front of an altar. These magnificent pictures on the interior of cups contrast with more conventional depictions that show humans and animals or depict the longing of the sexes for each other, in human or divine form or in the thiasus of > satyrs and > maenads, while always maintaining a certain distance and classical composure. In the simplest tondi in cups, the PP pays homage to the intimacy between two boys or between a hetaera and a youth, showing one seated, the other bending down to him. Usually the composition includes HO PAIS KALOS running over two lines (> Kalos inscriptions). These types of figures recurred countless times in the Penthesilea workshop. the PP sometimes left the exterior to a fellow painter (Splanchnoptes Painter, Painter of Brussels R 330). This division of labour grew to be characteristic of the largest cup-producing workshop in the Kerameikos, which continued to be active until the end of the 5th cent. All of the PP’s skyphoi are decorated with exceptional images, such as that of a Bacchant of his own design who rises from the ground, greeted by two dancing fauns (Boston, MFA o1.8032). the PP also painted pyxides (> Pottery, shapes and types of, Fig. E 11) and ceramic yo-yos, for which he generally used the whiteground method. With their stronger lines, the small yo-yo faces appear almost like the large-format cup pictures of his teacher, the Pistoxenus Painter, which actually influenced the two-dimensional, red-figured circular pictures of the PP. A cup by the PP with a white-ground interior may be preserved (Boston, MFA 03.847). BEAZLEY, ARV?, 879-890; BEAZLEY, Paralipomena, 428429; BeazLey, Addenda*, 300-320; I. WEHGARTNER, Attische weifSgrundige Keramik, 1983, 63, No. 49; M. ROBERTSON, The Art of Vase-Painting in Classical Athens, 1992, 160-166; E. KuNze-Gorte, in: MDAI(A) 108, 1993, 88-99; H. A. SHaApiRo et al. (ed.), Greek Vases in

CVA United States 33 (J. Paul Getty Museum No. 75-79.

8), 1998, A.L.-H.

Pentheus (IevOevc/Pentheus; in Hecataeus FGrH 1 F 31 TevOev¢/Tentheus). Son of the spartds> Echion [1] and — Agaue, cousin of + Actaeon and > Dionysus and the latter’s opponent. The earliest surviving complete presentation of the myth is the complex and controversial Bakchai by > Euripides [1] (see [7]; cf. also Theocr. 26; Ov. Met. 3,511-731: [2]; Nonn. Dion. 44 and 46). In this play, P. is the young ruler of Thebes who wants to suppress the new cult of Dionysus, into which

the god forces the sisters of > Semele, because they challenge his descent from Zeus. When P. intends to march an army against the > Maenads on Mount Cithaeron, he is persuaded by Dionysos to spy on them first, himself dressed as a Maenad. While reconnoitring, however, P. is discovered in a tree by the crazed women and torn apart (sparagmos) under the leadership of Agaue, who is unaware of the reality of her misfortune until confronted with it by > Cadmus [1]. The iconographic representation of P. [1] with a sword or a spear (from 370 BC) or as a mature man with a beard, torn to

pieces by a Maenad called Gaiene (in about 520 BC), does suggest other versions of the myth but does not necessarily imply (pace [4]) that his disguising himself and being torn apart by his own mother are innovations by Euripides [7. 386f.; 5. 27]. Comparable with the myth of > Lycurgus [1], that of P. also appears to mirror a ritual exposition of the polar tension between divine mania and human order in which P. is assigned the role of the object of grief even in his name

(from pénthos: ‘grief, lament’ : Eur. Bacch.

367; 507f.; Theocr. 26,26). In addition to psychoanalytical and structuralist interpretations [7] that relating to the history of religion deserves attention; it sees in P. a mythical reference figure for worshippers of Dionysus, particularly for one to be initiated into his + mysteries [5; 6]: an Apulian red-figured crater (Toledo 1994.19, c. 340-330 BC) showing P. beside Actaeon in a scene in the Underworld, evidently excludes him from from the blissful life after death of an initiate [3]. 1 J. BAzanT, G. BERGER-DokR,

s.v. P., LIMC

7.1, 306-

3173 7-2,250-265 2P.JaAMEs, P. Anguigena — Sins of the ‘Father’, in: BICS 38, 1991-1993, 81-93 3S. I. JOHNs-

TON, T.J.MCNIVEN, Dionysos and the Underworld in Toledo, in: MH 53, 1996, 25-36 4J.R. Marcu, Euripides’ Bakchai: A Reconsideration in the Light of Vase Paintings, in: BICS 36, 1989, 33-65 5 R. SEAFORD (ed.), Euripides, Bacchae, 1996, 25-52 (with transl., comm. and bibliogr.) 6 id., Reciprocity and Ritual, 1994, Index s.v. P. 7 Cu. SEGAL, Afterword: Dionysus and the Bacchae in the Light of Recent Scholarship, in: id., Dionysiac Poetics and Euripides’ Bacchae, *1997, 349-393 '1982).

(with bibliogr.; Jie

PENTHILUS

TBS

736

Penthilus (Mev0iioc; Penthilos). Son of > Orestes [1] and > Erigone [2], father of Damasius and Echelas, or

1B. KOHNERT, Populus Romanus und sentina urbis. Zur Terminologie der plebs urbana der spaten Republik bei

Archelausi (Pause asc 8a5i-20o5250s 544555) 9tk 154165)). bs

Cicero, in: Klio 71, 1989, 432-441 2H. SeiLer, Die Masse bei Tacitus, 1936 3 E. Fraic, Den Kaiser heraus-

and the Penthilides are attributed, along with Orestes, with the Aeolian colonisation, esp. that of > Lesbos (PAtiS+ase2 eeSipe .2 ea Monongean a Rina ESCO MLUyCOp ii.

fordern, 1992.

W.ED.

1374; Hellanicus FGrH 4 F 32). The violent rulership of the Penthilides in > Mytilene is ended by Megacles and

People’s tribune see > Tribunus [7] plebis

Smerdis (Aristot. Pol. 5,10, 1311b), the Lesbian city

Peparethos

Penthile supposedly derived its name from P. (Steph. Byz. s.v. Mev0ian/Penthile). N.G.L. HAMMOND, in: CAH 2,2, 31975, 703-706.

SU.EL.

Pentobolon (zevtiPokov; pentobolon). Greek coin worth 5 obols (- obolos), for example, in the silver coinage of Athens in the 4th cent. BC. It is mentioned in Aristoph. Equ. 798, on inscriptions and in the Suda s.v. TEUTMBOAOV.

DLK.

Pentonkion see > Quincunx People. Like the modern term ‘people’ (in the sense of population,

broad masses,

lower social class, ethnic

(Iexdge0o0c; Pepdrethos). Island of the > Cyclades (today counted among the northern Sporades) off the Thessalian coast (96 km’, 20 km long, up

to 8 km wide; Str. 2,5,21; Ptol. 3,12,44; Plin. HN 4,72), with a main town of the same name, modern Skopelos. The central range of hills, Megalovuno, with the Hypselon (688 m), runs from north west to south east. Along the west coast there are cliffs and numerous islets. According to mythology, P. was settled by the Cretans (Diod. 5,79,2; Scymn. 579ff.); the essential truth of this story is shown by grave finds of Late Helladic period on the bay of Stephalos in the south. The island was colonized from Chalcis in the 8th cent. BC. There were three ancient settlements on P.: the main town of P. in the south east (as today), Panormus on the west coast and Selinus in the north west, at modern Glossa, all with

group, nation among others) the ancient terms which used for ‘people’ (dfoc/> demos [1] and + populus) were not clearly defined. But demos and populus never meant ‘population’ since both referred only to citizens with political rights (> Citizenship;

plentiful ancient and mediaeval remains (tombs, temples, watch-towers, defensive constructions). An Asclepius sanctuary was found in the west; the island’s chief deity was Dionysus. Being an important naval base, P.

> Census). Démos could mean all of the citizens of a country, but also only the lower classes, the ‘masses’,

bute, ATL 1,372f.) and the > Athenian League (Diod.

were

who were also called oi xoddot/hoi pollot (‘the many’), nANOoc/pléthos

(‘mass’)

and

byhoc/dchlos

(‘rabble’,

‘mob’). In the sense of ‘ethnicity’ démos was used in connection with the > ethnikon; e.g. ‘the demos of the Athenians’ or also only ‘the Athenians’; cf. > State) or together with the council (> boule; ‘as resolved by the council and the demos’). For the Romans populus also comprised all of the citzens who lived on the ager Romanus (see Addenda); in the term populus Romanus, since the late

Republic populus also referred to — as in connection with senatus (~ SPQR) — the people of the state (Cic. Rep. 1,25,39). The populus included the > plebs (literally ‘full amount’, from Latin plere = ‘fill’, compare Greek pléthos); this term comprised all Roman citizens apart from the > patres (cf. > Struggle of the orders), but after the admission of the upper stratum of the plebs into the political ruling class (> nobiles) it referred to the poorer citizens and finally only to the masses of the city of Rome. From the late Republic both terms became nebulous: On the one hand plebs Romana could be used as a synonym of populus Romanus [1], on the other hand Tac. Hist. 1,4,3 divided the people in Rome into a ‘decent part’ (pars populi integra) and the ‘dirty plebs’ (plebs sordida) |2]; thus plebs comprises only that part of the residents of Rome who are neither foreigners nor slaves nor senators nor equites [3. 38 f.].

was a member of the > Delian League (3 talents’ tri15,30,53 Syll.2 147,85). After a military strike against the Macedonians on > Hallonesos in 340 BC, P. was devastated and under Macedonian rule from 338 (Str. 9,5,16), In 200 BC, during the 2nd - Macedonian War, it was plundered (Liv. 31,28,6). In 42 BC, Marcus Antonius [I 9] transferred P. to Athens (App. BCiv. 557530), with which it remained until the end of the 2nd

cent. AD. In the Byzantine period, P. was a diocese under the name of Skopelos. The man of letters Diocles [7] came from P. Further sources: Hom. H. 1,32; Soph. Phil. 547ff.; Thuc. 3,89,4; Scyl. 58; Dion. Per. 521; Steph. Byz. s.v. Il.; Hierocles, Synecdemus 643,4f.; Not. Episc. 3,512. Epigraphical evidence.: IG XII 8, 640-660. Coins: HN Bate A. A. SAMPSON, ‘H vijooc xdmehoc,

1968; W. GUNTHER,

s.v. P., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 624f.

AKU.

Pepi see > Phiops

Peplos (xéxhoc; péplos). [1] Blanket, cloth, or shroud (Hom. Il. 24,796; Eur. Tro. 627, cf. Eur. Hec. 432); later, women’s outer gar-

ment or coat (Hom. Il. 5,734; Hom. Od. 18,292, cf. Xen. Cyr. 5,1,6). In the myth, the Trojan women place a peplos on the knees of the cult image of seated Athena (Hom. Il. 6,303). Peplos is also the term used for esp. magnificent robes, above all for the dress of Hera of

Hew

738

Olympia which was newly woven every four years by

Pepper (to xémeoV/to péperi, Latin piper) in Hippoc. Gynaikia 1,81 (cf. Hippocr. Epidemiai 4,40; 5,67; 6,6,13; 7,64) is the name of the costly spice Piper with two species (P. album and P. nigrum) which is imported from India. The inadequate descriptions in Theophr. H.

16 women (Paus. 5,16) and for that of Athena Polias in

Athens, which was newly woven for the Great Panathenaea (> Panathenaea) and embellished with a representation of the - Gigantomachy. The folding of this peplos is represented in the east frieze of the > Parthenon. In modern technical terminology, the peplos is an outer garment, probably identical with the Doric chiton. The peplos was a square of usually heavy (wool) material that was folded over once horizontally in its upper third and then wrapped around the body so that the folded part (apoptygma) covered chest and back. The cloth was wrapped under the left arm (fig. on > clothing), pulled up on both shoulders and fastened with > needles or clasps. This, was the so-called open peplos, which was left open on the right side of the body. The open side could also be sewn together to form a cloth tube (closed peplos) which one could slip into and which was worn in the same style as the open peplos. The peplos was worn with or without a belt, and if a belt was used, a bustle could be pulled out. The peplos as women’s clothing is often represented in vase paintings and sculptures; among the best-known examples are the so-called peplos korai, such as those of the Athenian Acropolis (c. 530 BC, Athens, AM Inv.

679, [1. fig. 349-351]). RICHTER, Korai. The Archaic Greek Maidens,

R.M. Cook, The Peplos Kore and Its Dress, in: Journal of the Walters Art Gallery 37, 1978, 85-87; A. PEKRIDOUGorecki, Mode im antiken Griechenland: textile Ferti-

gung und Kleidung, 1989.

RH,

[2] Pseudo-Aristotelian mythological work of which 63 funerary epigrams are extant for heroes esp. from the Trojan cycle of myths (> epic cycle) (fr. 637-644 Rose). The epigrams were integrated into a prose treatise (No. 169 ROsE [1. 270]) referred to by > Hesychius [4] as totogia ovpuxtog (historia symmiktos; *varied history’) (on the order of the epigrams, cf. [4]),

in which general themes (history of the agons, genealogies) alternated with stories of specific heroes. The work’s dating and origin are uncertain, it might have been written by a peripatetic between 250 and 150 BC [6] or it could be a compilation from the Imperial period [2. 310-312]. Some of the epigrams, in translation, were absorbed into the Epitaphia heroum by > Ausonius [5. 44f.]. EpITION:

1 V. Rose, Aristoteles. Fragmenta, 1886, 394-

407. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 2 J.-P. CALLU, Les ’constitutes’ d’ Aristote, in: REL 53, 1975, 268-315 3 P. Moraux, Les listes anciennes des ouvrages d’Aristote, 1951 4M. ScHMrIDT, Versuch iiber Hyginus, in: Philologus 23, 1866, 47-71; 5 F.W. SCHNEIDEWIN, De peplo Aristotelis Stagiritae, in: Philologus 1, 1846, 1-45 6 E. WENDLING, De peplo Aristotelico, thesis Strasbourg 1891.

plant. 9,20,1, (cited in Athen. 2,66e), Dioscorides (2,159 WELLMANN = 2,188 BERENDES) and Plin. HN

12,26f. divulge that the seed grains of what ts called P. longum grow in small pods, and this has been connected with African pepper (Xylopia aethiopica A. Rich.), which is common in Africa. Theophrastus derives from the warming effect of pepper an application for hemlock poisoning (e@0¢g tO xwvetov). According to Dioscorides it was helpful e.g. for eye ailments, coughs and stomach

pains, it aided digestion, induced abortion,

prevented conception and was a constituent of theriac. Asa food-spice it had had no great significance until the Roman Imperial period. Colum. 12,59 mentions peppered vinegar (acetum piperatum). The high cost of importation led to adulteration e.g. with juniper berries. In Rome, the horrea piperatoria were used to store it (Jer. Chron. ad ann. 96 p. Chr.). Pepper was proverbial for a hot temper (Petron. 44,7: piper non homo, ‘pure pepper, not a man’). In the Middle Ages, after Isid. orig. 17,8,8, the colour of black pepper was connected with the fires lit in Indian forests to combat snakes. A. STEIER, s.v. P., RE 19, 1421-1425.

> Chiton; > Clothing (incl. fig.) 1 G.M.A. 1968.

PERAIA

M.B.

C.HU.

Pera (xhoa/péra, noidiov/péridion, Latin pera). A bag or satchel for carrying bread (Theoc. Epigr. 1,49; Ath. 10,422b), seeds (Anth. Pal. 6,95; 104) or herbs and vegetables (Aristoph. Plut. 298), which belonged to the equipment of hunters (Anth. Pal. 6,176), shepherds (Anth. Pal. 6,177) or fishermen and was worn at the hip by means of a strap over the shoulder. The pera was already an item characterizing beggars in Hom. Od. 13,4373 17,197; 410; 466 (cf. Aristoph. Nub. 924), and later became, along with the walking staff (baktron, Latin baculum, > staff), a symbol used by wandering philosophers to demonstrate their poverty (Mart. 4,53, vgl. 14,81; Anth. Pal. 6,298). Older scholarship identified the pera with, for example, the satchels of > Crates [4] ([2. fig. 1079]) and > Diogenes [14] (Diog. Laert.

6,333 37): 1 G.M.A. RICHTER, Portraits of the Greeks, vol. 2, 1965.

RH.

Peraia (f megaia; hé peraia). Description of a community’s territory lying ‘opposite’, predominantly (but not exclusively) a mainland possession of an island state. The development of regions near coasts was primarily for the purpose of gaining resources, but for island poleis also represented a protection zone [1. 466f.]. Examples of peraiai of mainland states are Myus, disputed between Miletus [2] and Magnesia [2] on the Maeander (Syll.> 588), and the peninsula of Perachora to the north of Corinth, which originally belonged to

732

740

Megara [2] (Xen. Hell. 4,5,1ff.; Xen. Ages 2,18f.; Str.

1G. Recer, Islands with One Polis versus Islands with Several Poleis, in: M. H. Hansen (ed.), The Polis as an Urban Centre and as a Political Community, 1997 2 P.M. Fraser, G. E. Bean, The Rhodian Peraea and

PERAIA

Ose

za

» Rhodos had mainland property of variable extent (ol

cokeie Hones

ene

Siam, jeicpes

Jojo, 1eihve

4,72,305; officially mostly 16 néoav/to péran), originally the Cnidian peninsula without Cnidus, the peninsula

of Trachea and the regions bordering to the east, divided between the three old Rhodian cities of > Lindus,

> Jalysus and > Camirus. The peraia was a Rhodian territory, divided, like the island, into demes (> demos [2]), whose citizens described themselves with their

Rhodian demotikon. In the Hellenistic period Rhodes possessed further regions which were in fact ‘vassal countries’. Its greatest extent was the result of the treaty of Apamea (188 BC; > Antiochus [5]), by which Rhodes acquired Lycia and Caria to the south of the Maeander [2], but this region had to be ceded by 167 BC at the order of Rome. Probably in 39 BC, Rhodes lost the remainder of its ‘vassal countries’ to — Stratonicea in Caria [2; 3. 81-923 4; 5; 6].

Islands, 1954

3 H. H. Scumirt, Rom und Rhodos, 1957

4R.M. BERTHOLD, Rhodes in the Hellenistic Age, 1984 5 W. BLUMEL, Die Inschriften der rhodischen Peraia, 1991

6 A. BRESSON, Recueil des inscriptions de la Pérée rhodienne: Pérée intégrée, 1991 7 G. SurpLey, A History of Samos, 1987 8 K. BRINGMANN, H. vON STEUBEN, Schen-

kungen hellenistischer Herrscher an griechische Stadte und Heiligtiimer, 1995 9D. Lazaripis, Thasos and its Peraia (Ancient Greek Cities 5), 1971.

E. Meyer et al., s.v. Peraia (1-6), RE 19, 565-585; P. Dezsorp, L’Asie Mineure au IVS siécle ..., 1999, 264-272;

P. FUNKE, Peraia: Einige Uberlegungen zum Festlandbesitz griechischer Inselstaaten, in: V. GABRIELSEN (ed.), Hellenistic Rhodes, 2000, 5 5-75. K.-W.W.

Perasia (Ileogaoia; Perasia). Goddess of whose worship in Cilician + Castabala (name from 2nd cent. BC also

In about 700 BC, Samos acquired a peraia and in the sth cent. owned Thebae on the Mycale and coastal regions from Marathesium to Trogilium, with the exception of the land around Carium and Dryussa. The permanent conflict with > Priene over this possession was settled at the beginning of the 2nd cent. BC by Rhodian arbitration (IPriene 37; [7. 32-37]). By the early Archaic period (8th/7th cents. BC) +» Mytilene possessed coastal towns from the southern exit of the Hellespont to the southern end of the bay of Adramyttium, but in the 6th cent. BC lost > Sigeum to » Peisistratus [4] and after the failed uprising against Athens in 427 BC had to withdraw from its external

Hierapolis) there is long-standing evidence. A sth—4th cent. BC Aramaic inscription discovered 20 km north of the town mentions the ‘Kubaba of P W S$D/R (= PiwasSara?), which is in Kastabalay’. It has been supposed that this name is the basis of the Graecized P. ([2. 13f.];

possessions (Thuc. 3,50,3; 4,52,2f.). The aktaiai poleis

torch. There are also figurative similarities to the town’s > Tyche (tower crown) [2. 92-94]. The P. cult at Castabala was distinguished by the ecstatic procession of the barefoot priestess (diabétria Perasias: SEG 42, 1290) across burning wood embers, probably during noctur-

now paid phoroi (‘tribute’) to Athens (ATL II 9 A 9 and ro). In the middle of the 4th cent. BC, Mytilene again had a peraia eshaieeatty

(Curt.

4,8,13;

Skyl. 98; Str. 13,1,49;

incorrect explanation in Str. 12,2,7). Str. 12,2,7 identi-

fies P. with — Artemis; in an epigraphical poem of the Antonine period, the author alternates between correlations with - Selene, Artemis, the ‘fire-bearing’ ‘> Hecate’, -» Aphrodite and — Demeter [2. 51-53]. Coins show images of P. with similarities to >»Cybele: > kalathos, veil and pine, the latter corresponding to the usual depiction of P.’s attribute or symbol, the pinewood

+ Tenedos had a peraia to the south of Sigeum and was probably able to extend it farther after the > Peloponnesian War. In the Roman period it was very limited

nal dance festivals (Str. 12,2,7; [5]), possibly followed

(Strerser.62: seid 4s

Myst. 3,4; [2. 53-64]).

Aor)

~» Samothrace was able to gain a peraia before the early sth cent. BC between Mesembria in the west and the mouth of the Hebrus in the east (Hdt. 7,59,2; 7,108,2) and to some extent maintain it until the Hellenistic and Roman periods (IG XII 8, p. 40, no. rf.; [8. 262f.]). » Thasos had gained a mainland possession by the 7th cent. BC, extended it in the 6th cent. into a strip bet-

ween Strymon and Nestus [1] and founded Stryme farther east, but lost the possession, which was valuable primarily because of metal deposits, after the failure of the uprising against Athens in 464 BC (Thuc. 1,100,2— 101,3; Plut. Cimon 14,2); after the end of the > Delian League (404 BC), Thasos was able to regain until the end of the 4th cent. a peraia (Scyl. 67), which as a result of Macedonian expansion had to be given up, but in the Ist cent. BC was again granted to Thasos by the Romans [9. 36-49, 5rf.].

by the participants’ swarming out over the River Pyramus into the adjoining forested mountains (Iambl.

The prominence of this cult afforded CastabalaHierapolis the status of a ‘sacred and invulnerable’ city from the 2nd/rst cent. BC [3. 462-464]. Incomes were obtained from the sanctuary of P. ([2. 3 5f.] referring to a — hieromnemon). > Zeus Olympios (from the 2nd cent. BC) and possibly Helios (from the 2nd cent. AD) (> Sol; [2. 96-99], cf. [4. 15f.]; on the > ruler cult [4. 18-22]) were worshipped alongside her as related gods (paredroi). The Sevéreia Perdseia, a hieros agon at Castabala-Hierapolis probably endowed by > Macrinus, was named after P. [1. 51f.; 2. 89-92]. Perasiodorus was a theophoric personal name derived from P.

([2. 50]; SEG 39, 1514). 1G.E. Bean, Side kitabeleri. The Inscriptions of Side, 1965 2A. Dupront-Sommer, L. Ropert, La déesse de Hieérapolis Castabala (Cilicie), 1964 3K. J. Ricsy, Asylia, 1996 4M. Sayar et al., Inschriften aus Hierapolis-

742

TAI

PERCEPTION,

THEORIES OF

Kastabala (SAWW 547), 1989 (cf. SEG 39, 1497-1516) 5 H. TAEuBER, Eine Priesterin der P. in Mopsuhestia, in:

menides rehabilitated sensory perception under the condition that the senses are judged by the - intellect

EA 19, 1992, 19-24 (cf. SEG 42, 1290).

(vooc/n6os; Emp. 31 B 2-3 DK; Heracl. 22 B 55; 22 B 107 DK), while others assessed sensory objects more sceptically (patvoueva/phainomena; e.g., Anaxag. 59 B

G.PE.

Perception, theories of I. DEFINITION II. PREsocrATics III. PLato IV. ARISTOTLE AND HIS SCHOOL V.HELLENISM (Stoics, EPICUREANS) VI. RECEPTION DURING THE IMPERIAL AND CHRISTIAN PERIOD

I. DEFINITION Sensory perception can be defined as non-cognitive reception of stimuli by the senses. A theory of perception attempts to explain the origin and nature of sensory perception and its role in the cognitive process. Ancient theories already treated core questions such as the mechanism of sensory perception, their reliability (or susceptibility to illusion and error) and their relationship to thought, knowledge and memory, all of which are still questions of undiminished relevance.

However, they only gradually distinguished between physical and psychological or between sensory impressions and perception as it is cognitively interpreted. According to early Greek opinions, the spirit (soul) is rather an observer and evaluator of sensory data thana factor in sensory perception itself. (Plotinus was the first to reflect on projection (xeofpody, probole)). It should be noted that the Greek term aioOnotc (aisthésis)

has a wider meaning than sensory perception because it includes moods, consciousness and mental understanding (perception). Generally, the ancient theories are located between the extremes of mechanistic physiology and psychological epistemology. It is possible to speak of a gradual development from a purely mechanistic explanation to > epistemology. I]. PRESOCRATICS The fragments of the Presocratics (6th — 5th cents. BC) permit a partial reconstruction of the theses of the early Greek philosophers regarding sensory perception, giving answers to particular questions rather than comprehensive theories. Of the five senses, these thinkers were primarily interested in sight. Occupation with an ability to synthesize all sensory perception is only explicitly found in Plato [1] (Plat. Tht. 184d), and perhaps before him in > Alcmaeon’s [4] extraordinary view that the brain was the centre of all sensory perception (Theophr. De sensibus 25; see Galen below). Aristotle [6] (Aristot. An. 416a 29) classified the theories of the Presocratics according to the criteria of whether like perceives like (~ Empedocles [1]) or unlike perceives unlike (> Anaxagoras [2]). Parmenides was the first to declare the senses to be unreliable (28 B 7 DK) and fundamentally rejects an empirical access to the world. He emphasizes that being can only be recognized by logical thinking (00s, noeéma) because being and thinking are the same (28 B 8 DK). This initiated an ongoing discussion of the credibility of sensory perception. Some thinkers after Par-

21-21a

DK; Democr.

68 B 115 DK). For example,

>» Democritus [1] established the famous thesis that ‘colour’ and ’sweetness’ are terms, established by convention, for secondary’ qualities that depend on the *primary’ (real) properties of the atoms (e.g., their position or arrangement; 68 B 9-11 Dk).

The visual mechanism was mostly explained in two ways (cf. Theophr. De sensibus 1): either with effusions (aporrboai) by the object (Emp. 31 B 89 DK) or with

reaching out by a vision ray’ from the eye to the object (see III below). According to Empedocles, everything (including the soul) consists

of four basic elements

whose ’symmetrical’ effusions insert into the pores (poroi) of the appropriate sensory organs. That explains how the sensory objects relate to the correct organ: fire particles e.g. (i.e. white objects) are perceived by the fire in the eye (31 B to9 DK). Empedocles noted that two eyes produce only one vision (31 B 86 DK). Democritus [1], who wrote on the senses (65 B 5f-h DK) and the mind (60s), believed that the entire

shape of the object was retained in thought (dezkela, *images’). Hearing originates from air impacting on something dense (according to Emp. 31 B 99 the inner ear rings “like a bell’). Smell was connected with breathing (Emp. 31 B 102 DK) or the brain (Diogenes [12] of Apollonia in Theophr. De sensibus 39). When tasting, aromas were central (Democritus in Theophr. De sensibus 65-67).

Ill. PLaro » Plato [1] only ascribed a limited importance to sensory perception and very frequently expressed strong doubts regarding its value as a cognitive source (PI. Tht. 186d; Pl. Phd. 73-76; Pl. Resp. 476; 523-524). He emphasized the limits of sensory perception (without rejecting it as completely unreliable) and considered it subordinate to rational thought (ous or to logistikon) that interprets empirical data as signs of a higher metaphysical reality. Still, his Tizzaeus established a much discussed theory of perception that represents a synthesis of older opinions (four basic elements, triangles as atomic components of bodies; > elements, theories of the): seeing is created by a fusion (cf. synaugeia, Aet. 4,13,11) of the ’eye’s fire’ (i.e., its visual ray) with a similar external fire (Pl. Ti. 45b 3-d 2). Hearing, taste (aromas) and smell (feeling is not a sense in its own right here) and the conventional character of our language for sensory stimuli are described. Sensory objects lack permanence, which only the ’receptaculum’ (hypodoché) has. Size and mobility of particles determine the quality of the effect on the senses. Plato obviously considered the informative value of sensory perception to be minimal and considered the senses to be unsuitable for constituting an integrating

PERCEPTION,

THEORIES OF

744

743

source of consciousness. The world presented by the senses was judged to permit contradictory statements (an important point in Plato’s Phaedo and Res publica in the argument on the unreliability of the senses). In the Theaetetus the rational part of the soul as the bearer of life and consciousness uses the body as its instrument (cf. Democr. 68 B 159 DK). Sight and hearing teleologically serve the observation of the universe and the understanding of its order (PI. Ti. 45-47; > teleology). IV. ARISTOTLE AND HIS SCHOOL ~ Aristotle’s [6] comprehensive and detailed theory of perception (De anima and De sensu) is based on the more general principles of his physics (four causes, potentiality and actuality). He too assumes a natural compatibility between sensory organs and objects. Substances are composed of form (e/dos) and > matter, but form is only perceived by the senses (Aristot. An. 424a 16-17) because it brings about a qualitative change in them. The object and the sensory organ (dissimilar to each other but potentially similar) actually become similar. Thus, Aristotle combined the two Presocratic principles (like to like, unlike to unlike, see II above). He

understood the sensory organ as a ‘middle’ (méson, Aristot. An. 424a 2-7) that can perceive the extremes of each class of numerically finite (Sens. 445b 24 ff.) sensory objects. A medium is required for all senses (except for feeling, Sens. 434b rr), e.g. the ’transparent’ (diaphanés) for vision (438b 15), air for hearing (419a 32) and an unnamed medium for smelling (419a 32 f.). Aristotle claimed that error could only occur with general qualities such as size, shape, stasis and motion, but

that the perception of specific qualities (such as white, sweet) was always correct. The rational part of the soul (mous) interprets the appearances (phantasiai) caused by sensory impressions. + Theophrastus V essentially followed Aristotle but refines his theory of perception and supplemented it with empirical proof which contains many innovations (fr. 273-296 [7], e.g., new terms such as diosmon for the medium of smell; cf. his treatises On colours; On sounds; On scents). He seems to have been the first to assume an interpenetration of particles in minute cavities (De igne; cf. > Straton [2]). When studying aromas

who doubted the correctness of cognitive interpretation of sensory perception (-» Carneades; —> Pyrrho; cf. > Scepticism). ~ Stoicism explained sensory perception and its interaction with the soul in materialistic terms (— materia-

lism. The senses are five of eight abilities of the soul (eon THs Wuytic/mére tés psychés, SVF I 836, 885) that all have > pneuma (literally ’breath’). The central organ of the soul (hégemonikon) is analogous to a spider in its net (SVF II 879). Vision comes about by extending the cone-shaped field of vision (baktérion, SVF II 863-865) like a staff. The result of a sensory stimulus, the phantasia (perception’) is described by Chrysippus [2] as the imprint of the soul (like a ring in wax, SVF II 53; 485). His treatise De Anima is partially preserved in Galen. (SVF II 879-911). + Epicurus followed Democritus’s — atomism (Epic. Epist. ad Herodotum 49-53) but is less sceptical. He considers the properties of macroscopic bodies (sweetness, colour) to be real and thinks that ‘all perceptions are true’: ‘invenies primis ab sensibus esse creatam notitiem veri neque sensus posse refelli?: Lucr. 4,478 f.; Diog. Laert. 10,3 1-32; Epic. Kyriai doxai 23). Effusions continuously pressing in on the senses (vision, hearing, smell) cause sensory impressions. Errors are due to the ‘opinion that we add’ (49-50). Lucretius [III 1] (4,239-721) describes vision, smell, hearing and taste in more detail (feeling is missing in Epicurus’s monograph on the topic, Diog. Laert. 10,28). Regarding vision, he espoused the (problematic) position that outflowing *images’ (simulacra) if they correspond to the senses (aptus, Lucr. 4,677) cause impressions. Contact is created by transitions (foramina) between atoms. Many problematic aspects of this theory of perception,

e.g. the size of objects relative to the eye and the multitude of effusions were strongly criticised by other ancient authors (Theophr. De sensibus 51-58; Cic. Fam. 15,16,1; Alex. Aphr. Mantissa 134,28-136,28; Macr. Sat. 7,14,5—-12). VI. RECEPTION DURING THE IMPERIAL AND CHRISTIAN PERIOD

In the post-Hellenistic period, known opinions regarding theory of perception were retained and syn-

he concentrated on plants (Theophr. Caus. pl. 6) and defined their nature and origins (Theophr. De sensibus

cretistically combined (with new discoveries in optics,

89; Caus. pl. 6,1,2).

representatives of -» Middle Platonism adopted a standard Platonic position (> Alcinous [2], Didascalicus 18-19). The Aristotelian > Alexander [26] of Aphro-

Straton [2] continued the tendency towards more empiricism. We know of three monographs’ (e.g. On vision, Diog. Laert. 5,59). He considered pores an essential precondition for the interaction of substances and discussed the location of a central organ (fr. r10111 Wehrli).

e.g., based on > Euclides [3]; cf. > Physics VII). The

disias (AD 200) corrected some

aspects of the Aris-

totelian theory of vision; e.g. he ruled out a change in quality to avoid the collision of colours (Alex. Aphr. In Aristot. An. 62,1-13), and also criticized Epicurus’s atomism (see II above). The physician > Galen of Per-

V. HELLENISM

(STOICS, EPICUREANS)

Sensory perception was also an issue in the philosophical schools of Hellenism. However, their primary interest focused on + epistemology to the extent that they attempted to refute the arguments of the sceptics

gamum (AD 129-200) considered the brain to be the location of perception (De usu partium). In combina-

tion with optics, his detailed » anatomy attempted to explain vision: the cerebral pnevma (in the > Stoic sens) reaches out for the pneumatic stream from the

745

746

objects (cf. Plato) and perceives a qualitative change (cf.

several times, among

Aristotle).

Christian

authors

defended

sensory

perception

against scepticism (e.g., Tert. De anima

17; 2nd cent.

AD),

and

medical

(De natura

hominis

using mechanistic

explanations. Thus,

philosophical Nemesius

182-183, 4th cent. AD) took over ’simultaneous recognition’ (syndiagignoskein) and examples of optical illusions from Galen. Guided more by Christian faith than physiological processes, they commonly use terms for sensory perception as an analogy for the knowledge of God (e.g., Orig. Contra Celsum 1,48). ~ Plotinus’s (3rd cent. AD) approach is Platonic (Plot. Enneades 4,6): The soul perceives, in an act of deliberate observation, form without matter (using the body as a mere instrument; cf. Aristot. An. 424a 16 f.; 429a 15 f.). Contact with the sensory objects presumes distance from them but (contrary to Aristotle) no medium (Plot.

Enneades 2,8). Seeing and hearing is performed through sympdtheia (stoic; cf. Poseidonius [3]). Plotinus emphasizes the active character of sensory perception (as a form of judgment, krisis). > Augustinus (4th

cent. AD) follows Plotinus, especially with the persistent dualism of body and soul (Aug. Conf. 10,14,21; ‘sentire est animae per corpus’, ‘perception belongs to the soul using the body’: 10,7,11), which continued to

be influential in the Middle Ages. ~» Atomism; > Elements, theories of the; > Epistemology; > Intellect; Materialism; > Phantasia; > Soul,

theory of the 1 J.I. BEARE, Greek Theories of Elementary Cognition, 1992 ('1906) 2H. BattussEn, Theophrastus Against the Presocratics and Plato, 2000 ©3 L. Brisson, Perception

sensible et raison dans le Timée, in: T. CALVo, L. BRISSON (ed.), Interpreting Timaeus-Critias,

1997

4 F. Corn-

FORD, Plato’s Cosmology, 1939 5G. O’DALy, Augustine’s Philosophy of Mind, 1987 6 E.K. EMitsson, Plotinus on Sense-Perception, 1988 7 W. FORTENBAUGH et al. (ed.), Theophrastus of Eresus. Sources for His Life, Writings, Thought and Influence, 2 vols., 1992 8 H.B. GorrSCHALK, The De coloribus and Its Author, in: Hermes 92,

1964, 59-85 9Id., The De audibilibus and Peripatetic Acoustics, in: Hermes 96, 1968, 435-460 10 W. JAEGER, Nemesios von Emesa, 1914 11 T. JOHANSEN, Aristotle on

the Sense Organs, 1997

12 M. KoENEN, Lucretius’ Olfac-

tory Theory, in: K. AtGrRa et al. (ed.), Lucretius and His Intellectual Background, 1997 13 O. KORNER, Die Sin-

nesempfindungen in Ilias und Odyssee, 1932 Soul, Sensation and Thought, in: A.A. Lonc

14 A. Laks, (ed.), The

Cambridge Companion to Early Greek Philosophy, 1999, 250-270 15 J. MANSFELD, Die Vorsokratiker, 1987 16R.W.

Suarpres,

Alexander

ANRW II 36.2, 1987, 1176-1243 on Sense Perception, 1970.

of

Aphrodisias,

in:

17R.E. SIEGEL, Galen H. BA.

Perch [1] Sea bass (AGBoaé/labrax, lupus marinus). An important edible fish, the ones from the coast of Miletus (cf.

Ath. 7,311 cd) and from the Tiber near Rome were valued especially in antiquity (Hor. Sat. 2,2,31; Plin. HN

9,169; Columella

8,16,4). Aristotle mentions

it

PERCOTE

others, Hist. an. 5,10,543a3f.; 543b4 or 5,11,543b11 asa fish that spawns twice in the

winter (= Plin. HN

9,162) at the mouths of rivers. A

more exact description is only found in Ath. 7,3 10e311e. It had good hearing (Aristot. Hist. an. 4,8,534a9) and was (loc. cit. 9,2,61obrof.) the enemy of the mullet (xeoteeve; kestres), according to Ael. 1,30 and Opp. Hal. 2,128 also of the mantis crab (xagic; karis). It is

raised in fish ponds (piscinae; cf. the anecdote about a spurned sea bass in fresh water according to Varro, Rust. 3,3,9, quoted by Columella 8,16, 4); in this connection Opp. Hal. 2,130 and especially Columella 8,17,8 emphasize its voracious appetite. Its cleverness (ingenium at Plin. HN 32,11, following Ovid) at avoiding nets was known (Opp. Hal. 3,121ff.; Plut. Soll. An. = Mor. 977f). Galen considers this deep-sea fish not to be as nourishing as four-legged animals (Nat. Fac. 3,25). Very realistic images can be found on an ancient fish plate [1. II.3 50, fig. 120] and on mosaics from Pompeii [1. II.392, fig. 124] and England [tr. II.493, fig. 147]. The lupus aquaticus of the 13th cent., however, (= lucius by Thomas of Cantimpré 7,48 [2. 264f.]) should be identified as a pike. [2] European perch (Ilégxv/pérke, lupus fluviatilis), especially from the Rhine and Danube (Orib. 1,121; Ael. 14,23 and 26). It supposedly hybernates (Aristot. Hist. An. 8,15,599b8, cf. Plin. HN 9,57). According to Hippoc. De victu 2,12 it was very dry food. Other edible fish were preferred since the rst cent. BC, doubtless also because of its many bones (cf. Columella 8,16,3), but Gal. Nat. Fac. 3,27,2 (ed. HELMREICH, CMG V,4,2) calls it healthy and easily digestible fare. ~» Fishes 1 KELLER

2 Thomas

Cantimpratensis,

Liber de natura

rerum, ed. H. BOESE, 1973.

C.HU.

Percote (Meoxwrtn; Perkoté). City in the > Troas, to be

identified with today’s Bergaz Koyii between Abydus and Lampsacus at the mouth of the Practius (today Bergaz Cay1). P. was probably founded in the rst half of the 5th cent. BC by the neighbouring city of Palaepercote (Str. 13,1,20), already mentioned by Homer (Hom. Il. 2,831; 2,834; 11,229). > Themistocles received P. as a fief from the Persian king (Neanthes FGrH 84 F 17a; Phanias FHG 2,296; Ath. 1,54). P. was a member of the > Delian League with a contribution of 1,000 drachmai. In 387 BC, the Spartan > Antalcidas was hiding from the Athenians with his fleet near P. (Xen. Hell. 5,1,25). In 334 BC, > Alexander[4] the Great came from Arisbe to P., made camp at the Practius and from here moved to the > Granicus via Priapus (Arr. Anab. 1,12,6 and [1. 71f.]). There are no later sources, but the city apparently still existed at the time of Pliny the Elder. (1st cent. AD; Plin. HN 5,141). 1 W. Lear, Strabo on the Troad, 1923, 71f., W. RuGE, s.v. Perkote, RE 19, 862-865.

rr1-115. E.SCH.

PERDICCAS

747

748

Perdiccas (Meodixxac; Perdikkas). [1] According to Herodotus (8,137-139), P. was the

N.G.L. HaMMonD, G. T. GrirFitH, A History of Macedonia, vol. 2, 1979, 185-188; E.N. Borza, In the

7th-cent. BC founder of the Macedonian royal house and the Macedonian kingdom, whose beginnings lay in the region of the subsequent royal seat of Aegae [1].

Shadow of Olympus. The Emergence of Macedon, 1990,

M. ZAuRNT, Die Entwicklung des makedonischen Reiches bis zu den Perserkriegen, in: Chiron 14, 1984, 345-

348.

194-197.

M.Z.

[4] Son of Orontes from the region of Orestis. In 336 BC, he killed the murderer of Philip (Philippus [4]) II. Under Alexander [4] the Great, he was a > taxis commander in Europe, and in the Asian battles until > Per-

[2] P. If Son of > Alexander [2] I, king of Macedonia c. 450-413 BC, asserted himself against his brothers cau-

tiously at first, before assuring his independence by skilful manoeuvring between Athens and Sparta, leaving his son Archelaus [1] an established kingdom. In 43 3/2, he was at war with Athens, which was supporting his internal political rivals, and brought about the withdrawal of Potidaea, the Chalcidians and the Bottiaeans from the > Delian League (Thuc. 1,56-63). In 431, he concluded a peace with Athens (Thuc. 2,29,6f.), but

soon came into conflict with the Athenian ally Methone (ML 65), and in 429 repulsed a Thracian attack under

Sitalces (Thuc. 2,9 5-101). In 424/3, he gave his support to the Spartan > Brasidas (Thuc. 4,78f.; 82f.), cam-

paigning with him against Lyncestis (Thuc. 4,124-128), before once more concluding a treaty with Athens (Thuc. 4,132). In 418 he joined the alliance between Argos and Sparta (Thuc. 5,80,2; 83,4; 6,7,3f.), before again engineering a rapprochement with Athens (Thuc.

7,9). Under P., Macedonia became a powerful presence in Greek politics. The fragments IG I* 89 come from one of his treaties with Athens. > Macedonia; > Peloponnesian War N.G.L. HAMMOND, G. T. GriFFITH, A History of Macedonia, vol. 2, 1979, 115-136; E.N. Borza, In the Shadow of Olympus. The Emergence of Macedon, 1990, 132-160.

[3] P. If Son of > Amyntas [3] III] and Eurydice [2], king of Macedonia from 365-359 BC after the removal of his guardian Ptolemy of Alorus (Diod. Sic. 15,77,5; 16,2,4). He was forced to ally with Athens in 364/3, marching with the Athenian commander — Timotheus against Amphipolis and the Chalcidians (Dem. Or. 2,14;

Polyaenus,

Strat.

3,10,14;

4,10,2),

but soon

deserted Athens and secured Amphipolis by a garrison (Diod. Sic. 16,3,3). He agreed a truce with the successor of Timotheus in 362/1, but the Athenians quashed it (Aeschin. Leg. 30). In 361/360, the politician Callistratus [2], who had fled Athens to Macedonia, is said to have reformed the Macedonian toll system for P., thereby substantially increasing revenues (Aristot. Oec. 13 50a 16-23). Plato’s pupil Euphraeus spent some time with P. and persuaded him to apportion a region to his brother Philip as prince (Ath. 11,506ef; Speusippus Epist. 30,12). P. also seems to have subjected the Upper Macedonian principalities. However, in attempting to secure his western frontier against the Illyrians in 359, he was defeated, falling with 4,000 of his Macedonians.

» Macedonia

sepolis. He was a somatophylax (> somatophylakes) during the coup d’état against Philotas [1]. With > Ptolemaeus, he attempted to prevent the killing of Cleitus [6]. Promoted to hipparchos (cavalry commander), he often carried out important duties in India, and was honoured at the victory celebrations at > Susa (324) with a golden garland and betrothal to a daughter of + Atropates whom he soon repudiated. After the dismissal of Craterus [1] and the death of > Hephaestion [x], he took over their hipparchy. Thus, by chance, he became a ~> chiliarchos. On his deathbed, Alexander gave P. his signet ring, and P. assumed command of the empire and the army, allegedly after feigned hesitations (Curt. 10,6). He removed Meleager [4], distributed the satrapies in the name of King Philip > Arrhidaeus [4], and, with the help of Eumenes [1], had the supposed final plans of Alexander annulled by the army. The absent Craterus was appeased with an honorary post, Peithon [2] was ordered to suppress the mercenary rebellion in Bactria and Arrhidaeus [5] was entrusted with Alexander’s funeral procession. P. conquered Cappadocia, had the king executed and gave the territory to Eumenes. Antigonus [1], who had refused to support him, fled to Macedonia. When — Cynnane took her daughter Eurydice [3] to Asia to be betrothed to Philip Arrhidaeus [4], P. had the mother murdered but was forced to agree to the marriage. P. had married Nicaea [2], daughter of Antipater [1], but now began to court Alexander’s sister Cleopatra [II 3]. At this, Antipater allied himself with Antigonus and Craterus, and they marched into Asia. Meanwhile, Ptolemy had taken the body of Alexander to Egypt. P. sent Eumenes against the allies, in order himself to move against Ptolemy. However, his attempts to intervene in Egypt met with failure owing to the reluctance of the army, and P. was murdered by officers led by Peithon and -> Seleucus (~ Diadochi, wars of the). HECKEL, 134-163.

EB.

Perdix (Més&/Pérdix, also called Talus or Calus), great-grandson of > Erechtheus, nephew of > Daedalus [1], whose skill he surpassed — he is considered the inventor of, among other things, the saw and the com-

pass (Ov. Met. 8,24 6ff.; Hyg. Fab. 39; Verg. G. 1,143)— and who therefore threw him to his death from the Acropolis (Soph. fr. 323 TrGF; Hyg. Hab. 39). In Ov. Met. 8,251-253 P. is rescued by -» Athena, who turns him into a partridge (perdix), which watches the burial

749

750

of Daedalus’s son > Icarus [1], who also fell to his death, maliciously applauding with its wings (ibid. 23 6ff.). According to Paus. 1,21,4, Suda and Phot. s.v. Tléedixoc tegov/Pérdikon hieron P. is the niece of Daedalus, who apprentices her skilful son Calus to her uncle. BZ.

south Syria, into upper Mesopotamia as well as through Asia Minor as far as > Constantinopolis, from where she sent her report home [2. 29-33]. The second one (chs. 24—49) is a description ofthe liturgy as practised in

Perduellio (literally ‘intense enmity’). In Roman criminal law, a comprehensive and malleable term referring to any type of hostile action against the Roman polity (Dig. 48,4,11: hostili animo adversus rem publicam). Perduellio specifically referred to delicts committed by a Roman official (e.g. cowardice of a general in the face of the enemy, disregarding the auspices, limiting of tribunician power, maltreatment of allies and

PEREGRINUS

Jerusalem, which became instrumental for other church

provinces [2. 72-107]. These chapters are the most important source for knowledge of baptism prepara-

tion, the observance of the church year at the holy sites and of numerous other relevant phenomena in church history (Epiphany, Lent, Holy Week, Easter, Whitsunday, consecration of a church) as well as the beginnings in the Church of the prayers of the canonical hours. Furthermore, the report gives important insights into the customs and devotional life in Palestine as well as the > monasticism there and its way of life.

presumably also treason) [1]. In early Roman society,

> Bible;

the existence of perduellio was judged by the > duoviri. The proceedings, resurrected in 63 BC against C. > Rabirius, are contentious, owing to the problematic trans-

-» Women authors; — Pilgrimages (incl. a map); > Travelling; > Travel literature

> Exploration, voyages of; > Itinerare II.C.;

mission of the sources (esp. Liv. 1,26; [2]). After the

1 P. Maravat (ed.), Egérie. Journal de voyage, 1982 (with French transl. and comm.) 2G. ROWEKAMP, Egeria. Iti-

~ Struggle of the orders) the tribunician comitia-pro(+ comitia) supplanted it, which by using the vague delictual category of perduellio could also serve the political and personal interests of the popular tribune(s) (> tribunus plebis) who instigated legal procedures [1]. As perduellio was punished by death, it was

nerarium — Reisebericht, 1995 (Latin with German transl.; bibliography) 3 A. BASTIAENSEN, Observations sur le vocabulaire liturgique, 1962 4 P. Devos, La date du voyage d’Egérie, in: Analecta Bollandiana 85, 1967, 165194 5H. Donner, Pilgerfahrt ins Heilige Land, 1979, 69-137 6 J. WILKINSON, Egeria’s Travels, *1981 (English

cess

the comita centuriata (— comitia), which from 107 BC

reached their decision in a private vote (Cic. Leg. 3,36) that were in charge. The accused could evade the death penalty through self-exile. From the fist century AD, perduellio was absorbed into the crimen maiestatis (> maiestas). For the sources, cf. [4]. 1 W. KuNKEL, Die Magistratur, 1995, 633f.

2B. SANTA-

LUCIA, Diritto e processo penale nell’antica Roma, *1998 3 C. VENTURINI, Processo penale e societa politica nella Roma repubblicana, 1996 1995.

4 A. Pescu, De perduellione, Lidl.

Peregrinatio ad loca sancta (Peregrinatio Aetheriae, Itinerarium Egeriae). Report by an educated Christian pilgrim about her religiously motivated journey into the Holy Land (-> Itinerare C.) and and about the liturgy as practised in Jerusalem (— Liturgy II.) towards the end of the 4th cent. AD (probably 381-384 [4; 2. 21-29]). The only MS of the text (Codex Arretinus, r1th cent.), being incomplete in places, does not reveal the author. Her name has become known principally via a letter of the Galician monk Valerius of Bierzo (+ 691): Egeria (other interpretations: Aetheria, Etheria, Eucheria).

There is some evidence that the author was a member of a female monastic community in NW Spain (or the South of France) [2. 13-21]. She wrote for her fellow sisters in a colloquial late Latin that was strongly influenced by the Old Latin Bible (cf. > Bible translations). The text of the travel report (written as letters in a personal style) is subdivided into two parts: The first one (chs. 1-23) is of historical and geographic interest and describes the travels of the pilgrim through Sinai and parts of Egypt, into the east Jordan land and to

transl. and comm.).

H.-J.F.

Peregrinus (perhaps from peregre, ‘outside the fields’, namely the territory of Rome) was the most important technical term of Roman law referring to foreigners (> Aliens, the position of), who did not belong to the community of rights of the Roman citizens (> civitas) but who was nevertheless an enemy or completely without rights. The dediticii, who as members of communities subjected by Rome had been given neither Roman nor Latin citizen law (> Latin law), were some-

times partially distinguished from peregrini, and sometimes treated as a special group of peregrini In the time of the Twelve Tables (5th cent. BC.; = tab.) the word hostis was still used to refer to peregrini (Cic. Off. 1,37): If a hostis occupied the land of a Roman, the Roman property owner’s claim to have it returned remained even after the two years’ period of usucapion (tab. 6,3). The peregrini could validly conclude many transactions with Roman citizens in the forms required by the Roman > ius civile, provided that they were given the right (> commercium) thereto. A similar rule applied concerning the right (> conubium) to enter into a valid marriage with a Roman citizen whether male or female. Usually, though, it seems that they were originally reliant on the legal protection of Roman citizens through the latters’ hospitium (> Hospitality). Admittedly, already in the Twelve Tables (tab. 2,2) the hostis had a privilege in the setting of court dates so that he did not have to travel to Rome repeatedly or have to stay there longer than was necessary. This shows that the hostis was given legal protection in front of the Roman magistrate already by the 5th cent. BC. However, the

PEREGRINUS

formal court procedure of the > legis actio was available to Roman citizens only. The possition of the peregrinus (no longer hostis) acquired a new quality in Roman law through the creating of a specific new official, the > praetor peregrinus in 242 BC, for legal disputes among peregrini or between a Roman and a peregrinus (Pomp. Dig. 1,2,2,28).

Clearly in this time the significance of trade with peregrini and the necessity of providing a certain legal framework for it was acknowledged. The most important creation of the praetor peregrinus was a type of legal procedure for disputes involving peregrini, the formulary procedure (— formula). Alongside it the ability of Roman citizens to prosecute peregrini in front of the praetor urbanus (city praetor) remained (Gai. Inst. 4,37): For theft or wrongful damage to property by a peregrinus a fiction was used that the peregrinus as defendant was treated as a citizen for the purposes of the trail. The creation of a specific material right for cases involving at least one peregrinus was very important for the broader development of Roman law as a universal legal order. Primarily through the use of the thoroughly Roman legal concept of good faith (bona > fides), an absolute legal concept?, a > ius gentium as a notion of a law governing all peoples was developed, to which such fundamental new developments as the consensual contract (~ consensus) belonged. Both the procedural and material innovations of the praetor peregrini proved so useful that they developed into a certain ‘law of office’ (> ius honorarium),

Toy

751

which also came

to be used in-

creasingly in legal relations between Roman citizens in preference to the rigid, archaic ius civile. With the granting of Roman citizens’ rights to virtually all Italians after the Social War (89 BC) and thereafter to all free inhabitants of theRoman empire, except

(ibid.), he was even writing works of Christian inspiration. He was imprisoned for his adherence to Christianity. He subsequently returned to Parium (at an unknown date), from where he undertook numerous journeys. P. contravened Christian customs (consumption of forbidden foods, ibid. 16) and, in a new metamorphosis, transformed himself into a Cynic. In Egypt, P. kept company with the Cynic philosopher Agathobulus (ibid. 17). He led the life of a wandering preacher, wearing his hair long and clad in a dirty coat, carrying a shoulder-bag and staff (> Cynicism), going to Rome and finally to Greece. Aulus — Gellius [6] heard him at Athens. P. personally met Herodes [16] Atticus, » Demonax [3] and Lucian. His theatrical and dramatic death by fire at the Olympic Games of AD 165 (Philostr. VS 2,1,333 Lucian believed it was under the influence of the Indian brahmins) was meant to illustrate the Cynic contempt for death and pain. The portrait by Lucian differs radically from that by Gellius (12,11). The latter depicts him as a ‘dignified’ (gravis) and ‘steadfast’ (constans) man, who expressed

noble and beneficial things (‘the wise man may commit no sin, even were no god or man ever to learn of the sin’). + Menander [12] Rhetor, Peri Epideiktik6n 2,1 (= vol. 3, 346,18 Spengel = 32,19 Wilson), mentions an "Eyxwuov Meviag (Enkomion Penias, ‘Song in Praise of Poverty’) by a ‘Proteus Kyon’, who may well have been P. [1], and the Suda } 422 attributes to the early Philostratus a work titled Tewmtetgc Ktwv i Lodtotijs (Proteus Kyon e Sophistés), which may have been about PR 1M.

Narcy,

s.v.

Alcidamas

d’Elée,

GouLET

1, 108

2H. M. Hornssy, The Cynicism of Peregrinus Proteus, in: Hermathena

48, 1933,

65-84

3M.J.

Epwarps,

Satire and Verisimilitude. Christianity in Lucian’s Peregri-

for the > dediticii, under the > constitutio Antoniniana of AD 212, this distinction between Roman citizen and

nus, in: Historia

Cazé, Le cynisme a |’ €poque impériale, in: ANRW

II

peregrinus effectively became obsolete.

36.4,

P.

2720-2833

4M.-O.

GouLeET-

(esp. 2764-2767)

5 CH.

Jones, Cynisme et sagesse barbare: Le cas de Peregrinus

DULCKEIT/SCHWARZ/WALDSTEIN, 147-150; D. FLAcn, Die Gesetze der friihen romischen Republik, 1994, 122f., 127f., 146f., 151; HONSELL/MAYER-MALY/SELB, 52f., 57f.; KAseR, RPR 1, 35f., 279-282; WIEACKER, RRG, 264-267, 438-449.

1990,

38, 1989, 89-98

Proteus, in: M.-O. GouLet-Caz£,

R. GOULET

cynisme ancien et ses prolongements,

(ed.), Le

1993, 305-317. M.G.-C.

GS.

Pereus

Peregrinus Proteus (Ilegeyetvog Nowtets; Peregrinos Proteus). Lived c. AD 100-165, born in Parium in Mysia. P. was a philosopher who is known to us pri-

(Ilegevc; Perevs).

Son of the Arcadian

king

~ Elatus [3] and Laodice; father of > Neaera [3] who was the wife of > Aleus [1], the founder of Tegea (Paus. 8,4,4; Apollod. 3,102). B.Z.

marily through Lucian’s (> Lucianus [1]) critical, ten-

dentious work ‘On the Death of Peregrinus’ (De morte Peregrini). According to Lucian (De morte Peregrini r),

P. himself introduced his byname of Proteus. To the satirist, it was an apposite choice, as like — Proteus in the Odyssey, P. underwent numerous transformations (lastly in the fire at his death on a funeral pyre). P. was said to have strangled his father, then probably escaped to > Palaestina, where he came into contact with Chris-

tians, finally supposedly occupying a key position in Palestinian Christian circles. At this time, Lucian claims

Perfectissimus (or vir perfectissimus, Greek duaonuwotatoc/diaseémotatos). From no later than the time of Marcus

[2] Aurelius (AD 161-180) onward honorary predicate and title of rank for equites above the rank of egregius (> vir egregius), but under > eminentissimus. Initially it was conferred on a person without relation to any particular office. Before > Diocletianus (284-305) the title is recorded for e.g. praefectus [3] vigilum, praefectus [12] annonae and > praefectus

Aegypti,

procuratores

a_

rationibus

754 (> procurator) and praesides (> praeses). In the beginning it was reserved to a small circle, but from about AD 250 it was conferred more frequently. This and the now-existing fixed association between office and title led to a depreciation of the title, which could also be conferred for honorary reasons. Connected with the title was exemption from various munera (— munus, munera II.), e.g. decurio duty (see > decurio, decuriones |1]), and this automatically led to the sale of offices, which the emperor continually tried to put an end to. In the 4th cent. the circle of perfectissimi was also joined by men of the municipal administration, primarily many ~ palatini. The title was now subdivided into three orders (primi, secundi, tertii ordinis). It continu-

ally decreased in significance, because in the late 4th cent. and the 5th officials previously described as perfectissimi were more and more ranked as clarissimi (> vir clarissimus) or even higher. Mere officiales (> officium [6]) and other people of similarly low position still bore the title of perfectissimus. ~ Court titles C. K.G.-A. Performer see > Histrio;

» Hypokrites

Perfume. From the Mycenaean period, perfumes played an important role in the economy of the Aegean. Linear B tablets, mainly from Knossos and Pylos, mention the work of perfumers, some of whom are known by name. Perfume produced in the Mycenaean palaces may have been exported [1]. In Greek and Roman antiquity, perfumes served a variety of purposes. They were used as cosmetics by both women and men. Men anointed their heads at symposia to avoid drunkenness and perfumed their body after visiting the gymnasia. Perfumes were used in rituals surrounding birth, marriage, and death, and in some cult worships. Perfuming of wines and foods was also common. These themes regularly appear on classical vase paintings. Perfumes also played an important role in medicine, on their own or asa vehicle for drugs. Natural philosophers and physicians devoted entire books to perfumes (Theophr. On odours; Apollonius Mys, On perfumes [now lost, see Ath. 688e]) and included perfume recipes in their pharmacological works (Dioscorides Mat. Med. 1,32-63).

Perfumes were composed of an ‘excipient’ (vegetable oil or animal fat) mixed with scent-bearing objects such as flowers (e.g. > rose, > iris), herbs (e.g. marjoram), spices

(e.g.

cinnamon),

gums

and

resins

(e.g.

~» myrrh). Perfumes could also contain colourings (e.g. alkanet), preservatives, or ingredients to make the oil more astringent. Techniques to produce perfume inclu-

ded enfleurage (pressing flowers with cloths soaked in oil); maceration (dipping scented ingredients into hot oil); expression (expressing essential oils by means of a press). Making perfume did not require heavy equipment; consequently, it is difficult to identify archaeological remains of perfume workshops. Such work-

PERGAMUM

shops have been identified at Paestum and Delos [2], and a fresco from the House of the Vettii at Pompeii (VI.15.1) depicts the kind of equipment required for the pressing of oil and the production of perfumes [3]. Scents were kept in small vases such as alabastra, aryballoi, or lekythoi. Corinth produced vast amounts of such vases in the 7th and 6th cents. BC. Perfumes were named either by their content (e.g. rose perfume), by their geographical origin (e.g. Mendesian perfume), or by the name of their inventor (e.g. Megalleion, named after a certain Megallus, see Ath. 690f). A large spectrum of perfumes was available, ranging from extremely expensive scents containing numerous imported ingredients, to cheaper varieties made out of mostly local products. Pliny the Elder noted how perfumes were subject to fashions and fads (HN 13,2,4). Lawmakers attempted to curb the production of perfume: Solon in the 6th cent. BC forbade men to sell perfume (Ath. 612a and 687a); and the censors P. Licinius Crassus and L. Julius Caesar forbade the sale of exotic perfumes in the rst cent. BC (Plin. HN 13,5,24). The excessive use of scents also inspired poets throughout antiquity (Antiph. fr. tos Kassel and Austin; Hor. Carm 1.38). -» Cosmetics 1 C. W. SHELMERDINE, The Perfume Industry of Mycenaean Pylos,1985 2 J.-P. BruN, The Production of Perfumes in Antiquity: The Cases of Delos and Paestum, AJA 104, 2000, 277-308. 3D.L. Matrincty, Paintings, Presses and Perfume Production at Pompeii, Oxford Journal of Archaeology 9, 1990, 71-90.

Tele

Pergamum (Iléoyauovy, f) Méoyauoc; Pérgamon, hé Pérgamos). I. LocaTion II. ANCIENT TOWN, HISTORICAL AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT III. SELECT BUILDINGS WITH A SUMMARY OF THE RESEARCH IV. POLITICAL AND HISTORICAL SURVEY

I. LOCATION City in > Mysia, modern Bergama (at the foot of the ancient acropolis, partially on the remains of P.), in western Turkey, 110 km north of Izmir, c. 30 km from the coast at the edge of the plain of the Caicus [1], modern Bakir Cay1. The ancient settlement was located on a 300-m high mountain ridge, surrounded by city walls and varying in size from the 7th cent. BC to the Late Byzantine period (14th cent.). Only, in the Roman

period it extended into the plain even without fortifications. The cult and therapy buildings of the sanctuary of Asclepius are located southwest of the town.

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759

760

I]. ANCIENT TOWN, HISTORICAL AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT A. PREHELLENISTIC PERIOD B. PHILETAERUS

Little else is known of the town of Philetaerus. The main sanctuary (Map r no. 4) on the acropolis, a temple of Athena of the 2nd half of the 4th cent. BC, already existed. The palace, perhaps a fortified residential tower (no. r) or perhaps already a peristyle house > House, with illustration), was probably located on the highest part of the citadel. A modestly sized Demeter sanctuary located immediately outside the southern city wall as early as the 5th cent. BC (no. 7) was expan-

PERGAMUM

(281-263 BC) C. EuMENEs I. (263-241 BC) D. Atratus I. (241-197 BC) E. EUMENES Il. (197-159 BC)

F. Atrratus II. (159-138 BC)

G. Atra.us III. (138-133 BC)

H. Roman

PERIOD J. THE FORTIFICATIONS OF LATE ANTIQUITY AND THE EARLY BYZANTINE PERIOD

ded by Philetaerus (no. 15). 2 km southwest of P., a

A. PREHELLENISTIC PERIOD In the sth cent. BC P. was ruled by the Greek dynast Gongylus and his successors. He minted coins (HN

582) indicating that he ruled a town and not simply a fortress. It is unclear whether his residence was a fortified residential tower (Map 1 no. r) or a dwelling (no. 2). Archaeologically, P.’s early phase is essentially known. Behind the terrace wall of the Hera sanctuary and northwest of it under the ruins of Hellenistic and Roman construction, the remains of an early town wall was found that was made of raw, unworked stones (about 2 m thick, Map 1) combined with natural fea-

tures (e.g., by linking rock formations with walls) and approximately covered the extent of the city of Philetaerus [2]. Pottery finds date this fortification to the 7th cent. BC. East of the terrace of the Hera sanctuary, a gate consisting of two overlapping wall ends only evident for the 5th cent. building phase (Gongylus) (no. 6) was discovered. However,

a gate in the earliest wall

must be presumed to have been there. Additional remains ofearly town walls are located on the southeast and east slopes up to the fortress. Its southwestern course was removed during later road construction to the fortress. Minor remains of a rectangular internal construction (‘town houses’, no. 5) were found to the

northwest of the gate. The town plan of this early settlement is not known in detail. The building materials were presumably removed or reused during the Hellenistic construction on the city’s territory. B. PHILETAERUS

(281-263

BC)

The founder of the Attalid dynasty redesigned the archaic settlement as a city (Map 2), creating a new city

foundation at the old site. The new city wall made of carefully constructed ashlar masonry barely extended beyond the old wall’s course but contained an entirely new street network. Narrow lanes of about 2 m width

that can only be used by pedestrians are partially aligned vertically, partially horizontally to the slope to form a network inside the great cart road loop. The latter is independent of the grid because heavy carts travelled on it to the fortress. The vertical lanes are well studied: Running spaced at 60-70 m from each other, they often have stairs due to their steepness. Run-offs covered by stone slabs are carved into the rock. Letters carved into the pavement (epsilon, sigma, chi) can be

interpreted as the billing symbols of various construction contractors. Because of the run-offs, the street system probably was uniformly planned and laid out in a unified procedure before building construction began.

sanctuary of Asclepius was founded in the 4th cent. and furnished with a marble temple under Philetaerus. (Map 6, no. 60). Modest residential buildings stood south of the citadel (no. 12), where about roo years later the P. Altar was built as well as on the terrain of the later Upper Agora (no. 13) and the site of the later temenos for the ruler cult (no. rr). Also, an apse building was located next to the houses on the site of the P. Altar (no. 12; sanctuary, heroon, market building?). Grain

stores were located in the area of the later royal palaces (no. 3) with new ones being added at the northern tip of the fortress (no. 8). Dwellings were located at the western edge of the acropolis (no. 9) where the temple of Trajan later stood. Remains of baths with pebble mosaic floors were found under the western city wall (no. 14). In other words, the town’s land was densely covered with construction.

C. EUMENES I. (263-241 BC) With the victory of Eumenes [2] |over Antiochus [2] I in 262

BC, the Attalids

(> Attalus, with stemma)

became independent of Seleucid rule. P.’s territory then extended with a circumference of about 80 km to the uppermost Caicus Valley in the East, the Ida Range (— Ida [2]) near > Adramyttium in the North and near » Myrina [4] in the South. Nothing is known of major building activity in P. under Eumenes I. D. Atratus I. (241-197 BC)

Attalus constructed important new buildings (Map 3) such as a Zeus sanctuary at the site of the later Upper Agora (no. 19). Market activity outside the fortress gate was regulated by a new multi-story market building (no. 17, cf. similar buildings in Aegae and Alinda) just outside the fortress walls. It is uncertain if the early phase of the heroon of the ruler cult (no. 18) and the Megalesium (peristyle building above the gymnasium, no. 20) are attributable to Attalus or his successor Eumenes [3] II. ‘Palace IV’ in the citadel (no. 16, a peristyle house decorated with mosaics) is considered to be a residence of Attalus I. The Demeter sanctuary was expanded by Attalus’ wife Apollonis (no. 21). After the Asclepieum (Map 6, no. 60) was severely damaged during the siege by Philippus [7] V in 201 BC, new buildings were built there including a marble temple in the Ionic style. At the end of the reign of Attalus I, the city map was considerably enriched but remained within the walls of Philetaerus.

762

761

E. EUMENEsS II. (197-159 BC) Eumenes II redesigned the citadel and town and, so,

was in fact the ‘new founder’ of High Hellenistic P. even though not all buildings were completed during his reign. He decidedly enlarged the city by building a new 4-km city wall made of great stone ashlars extending to the foot of the mountain including an elaborate city gate at the very south (Map 6) and several ancillary gates. The ringed wall enclosed an area that had previously been largely open with a strict street grid differing in orientation from the city plan of Philetaerus, which had preserved the old street system. The new Lower Market was oriented according to the new street grid (Map 4 no. 41). Adjoining dwellings (no. 40), by now all of them belonging to the peristyle house type, were also oriented according to the new system. The giant gymnasium complex (no. 38) was stepped in order to adapt to the terrain: three terraces were inserted into the angle between the main or cart road and the wall of Philetaerus. Immediately above the gymnasium, two public buildings in the form of large peristyle compounds were located: the Megalesium (Map 3 no. 20), presumably a sanctuary of > Cybele (possibly already built under Attalus I), and ‘House Z’ (no. 36) with a

partially preserved, rich interior decoration (stucco walls and floor mosaics). Also, in the reign of Eumenes II, a theatre (no. 28) together with the support structure ofthe terrace in front of it and a temple of Dionysus (no. 27) were built on the steep west slope of the acropolis. Likewise, the Upper Agora (no. 35); the expansion of the old temenos of Zeus (no. 19) up to and beyond the main street; the P. Altar (no. 34), for whose square part of the old Philetaerian city wall had been levelled; the Athena sanctuary (no. 30) with new halls, propylon and library; a new palace (‘Palace V’) in the form of a large peristyle house (no. 32) and a temenos for the ruler cult (no. 33) were all constructed. The grain stores and arsenals at the top of the citadel were extended (no. 23) as was the Asclepius sanctuary with halls expanded to the west (Map 6 no. 60). A pressurized water line (no. 22) ran from the mountainous hinterland to the top ridge of the acropolis and ended in a water tower (no. 26). F. ATTALws II. (159-138 BC) Attalus IL also enriched P. with new buildings (Map 4). A temple of Hera was built immediately above the gymnasium (no. 37) and the south stoa of the temple of Athena (no. 31). The construction of the P. Altar (no.

34), not yet completed under Eumenes II, was continued but the work eventually stopped and it remained incomplete. G. ATTauus III. (138-133 BC)

There is no evidence for building activity during the reign of Attalus III nor for the period of Rome’s adversary Eumenes III (133-129 BC, > Aristonicus [4]).

PERGAMUM

H. ROMAN PERIOD Regarding the Roman

period, see Maps 5 and 6. Nothing is known of the architectural development of P. during the first phase of Roman rule (from about 129 BC to the rst third of the rst cent. BC). Large parts of the city decayed or were partially destroyed by the midrst cent BC. The first revival (60s of the rst cent. BC) saw the construction of the Diodorium (Map 5 no. 45), a cult building (heroon) fora rich citizen by the name of Diodorus Pasparus, who through diplomatic skill in negotiations with Rome and financial generosity helped P. recover and, in return, was rewarded with cultic ven-

eration during his lifetime. The west baths of the gymnasium were built in the middle of the rst cent. BC (no.

39). Only the reigns of emperors Trajan (AD 98-117) and Hadrian (AD 117-138) were important in terms of urban construction. On the citadel (Map 5), a temple for Trajan (no. 42, Trajaneum) was built and on the

acropolis the temenos for the ruler cult (no. 43), the acropolis baths (no. 44) and the Demeter sanctuary (no. 46). The gymnasium was splendidly renovated, especially the upper terrace (no. 47) as were other buildings. P. became a single large construction site. The city expanded on a uniform plan (Map 6) without walls into the plain towards the Asclepius sanctuary —the > pax Augusta made city walls superfluous. In the plain outside the Eumenian walls, a new grid was created in Trajan’s time that deviated from that of the Eumenian town in both orientation and size of the insulae by being aligned with the axis of the temple of Trajan (Map 5 no. 42) on the upper citadel. This is considered an indicator for dating the grid design to the Trajanic period. The extrapolated trajectory of an important street exactly meets the Athena temple on the citadel

(old main

sanctuary).

This road crosses

the

forum (no. 53) of Roman P. in the plain. New major buildings in the Roman lower town were the theatre (no. 52), the amphitheatre (no. 49), the stadium (no. 50) and the ‘Red Hall’ (no. 54), a sanctuary for the

Egyptian deities that directly adjoined the forum and other Roman buildings (nos. 55-59). At the southwestern edge of town, the sanctuary of Asclepius (no. 60) was elaborately expanded in the Hadrianic period. J. THE FORTIFICATIONS OF LATE ANTIQUITY

AND THE EARLY BYZANTINE PERIOD Due to economic and political factors, the city’s area significantly shrank in the 3rd cent. On the mountain a new mortared wall without towers was built mostly from reused stone in the 260s because of the incursions of the > Goti(Map 6, bold line). It was better suited asa

refuge than a town. For most part, it ran along the course of the Philetaerian fortification or at the front edge of the major Hellenistic and Roman buildings (gymnasium, Demeter terrace). Nothing is known of new construction inside the walls. Due to the Arab threat, the fortifications were withdrawn to the line of the P. Altar in the 7th cent. Many marble buildings in the fortress were torn down for building material, e.g.,

763

764

the P. Altar. Part of its relief was found in the barrier building at the southern edge of the fortress. The fortification also received a great bulwark made of marble spolia at the northern end of the acropolis.

of the goddess was located in the Athena room while the library was supposedly located elsewhere (in the gym-

PERGAMUM

nasium?).

C. UppER MARKET AND TEMPLE OF ZEUS III. SELECT BUILDINGS WITH A SUMMARY

OF THE

A. PERGAMUM

ALTAR

AND

C. UPPER MARKET

LIBRARY

B. ATHENA

SANCTUARY AND TEMPLE

OF

ZEUS D. TEMPLE OF DEMETER E. TEMPLE OF DIONYSUS NEAR THE THEATRE F. GYMNASIUM TEMPLE

A. PERGAMUM ALTAR Underneath the altar structure known today as the P. altar (Map 4 No. 35), the remains of an apse-shaped predecessor building that has been interpreted as a heroon, a market building, etc. was found. The western end of the apse building is unknown. Eumenes [3] II built the P. Altar about 170 BC and probably dedicated it to the gods in gratitude for saving him from the assassination attempt in Delphi in 172 BC. The theme of the main relief frieze on the pediment structure is the battle of the gods against the > Giants in baroque forms. The smaller frieze surrounding the courtyards with the sacrificial altar represents the life of the town’s mythical founder — Telephus together with landscape and atmospheric elements. The stylistic deviations from the main frieze are due to the deliberate use of differing stylistic means for the respective themes and places of application. The altar structure was never truly completed, e.g., the columns on the inside of the altar courtyard are missing. Recent research (V. KASTNER and M. KutnxotTr)

has

Recent research (K. RHEmDT)

has shown

that the

entire area south of the fortress walls (later: P. Altar and

RESEARCH

revised

the

following

theories

(W.

HoeEprn_er): the P. Altar as a grid building of roo foot length, the large number of statues and columns of the outer building, and the figures of the Little Barbarians on the wall of the sacrificial altar. It is also unproven that > Phyromachus of Athens was the master who designed the main frieze (B. ANDREAE).

B. ATHENA SANCTUARY AND LIBRARY The once generally accepted assumption that the royal > LIBRARY, from which Antonius [I 9] removed 200,000 rolls to Alexandria [1], was located in a large room with a statue of Athena on the upper floor in the sanctuary’s west hall has recently been doubted (H. Mretscu). The statue of Athena (now in Berlin, PM) represents a complete copy of the Athena Parthenos of Phidias reduced to 1/3 (M. WEBER). A broad base must be assumed on which the shield of Athena and the support column of Nike rested. Recent theories (W. HOEPFNER) regarding wooden book cabinets under large windows, at a safety distance of 50 cm from the walls, with wood panelling behind the Athena statue, is just as unlikely as the Athena room as the catalogue room, its walls furnished with pinakes (— pinax) with statues of catalogue personifications on elevated stone pediments (H. V.D. KNESEBECK). According to H. MIELSCH, a treasury

the Upper Agora) was originally a market zone outside the citadel gate. Perhaps, the apse building (no. 12) belonged to the market. The large market hall at the north side of the area probably had multiple stories and resembles other Hellenistic market buildings. The temple of Zeus (no. 19) was built by Attalus I in the area of the later Upper Agora. For this purpose, the earlier city walls were reconstructed and included in the now expanded temple terrace. Only with the construction of the P. Altar under Eumenes II did the market move to the terrace of the Zeus temple. The terrace was expanded to become the Upper Agora and extended east across the main street. D. TEMPLE OF DEMETER This temple, built under Philetaerus, does not have

an Ionic column front but Aeolic leaf capitals on facetted columns, like the later propylon and stoas (K. RHEIDT).

E. TEMPLE OF DIONYSUS

NEAR THE THEATRE

The outside walls of the Hellenistic cella were covered with fine drawings, scratched into the surface, of the

design for the Roman temple facade renovation (E.-L. SCHWANDNER).

F. GYMNASIUM TEMPLE The dating and original location of this temple with reworked older Doric building components is disputed. It is unclear whether they are from the Nicephorium/ Athena sanctuary outside the city (E.-L. SCHWANDNER),

belonged to the temple of Asclepius with the cult statue by the sculptor Phyromachus (B. ANDREAE) or came from a temple at all (K. RHEIDT). -» PERGAMON; > Pergamum Altar Deutsches Archaologisches Institut (ed.), Altertiimer von

Pergamon, vols. rff., 1912ff. (= AvP); Deutsches Archaologisches Institut (ed.), Pergamenische Forschungen, vols. rff., 1972ff. (=PF); Ein Jahrhundert Forschung zum Pergamon-Altar. Aufsatzband herausgegeben von der Antikensammlung/Pergamon-Museum Berlin, 1988; W. HoeEPENER, Zu griechischen Bibliothek und Biicherschranken, in: AA 1996, 25-36; V. KASTNER, in: W.-D. HEILMEYER (ed.), Der Pergamon-Altar. Die neue Prasen-

tation nach Restaurierung des Telephosfrieses, 1997; H. W. VON DEM KNESEBECK, Zur Ausstattung und Funktion des Hauptsaales der Bibliothek von Pergamon, in: Boreas 18, 1995, 45-56; H. Mietscn, Die Bibliothek und die Kunstsammlung der K6nige von Pergamon, in: AA 1995, 765-779; W. Rapt, Pergamon Geschichte und Bauten einer antiken Metropole, 1999 (with further literature); K.

RuEIpDT, Die obere Agora. Zur Entwicklung des hellenistischen Stadtzentrums von Pergamon, in: MDAI(Ist) 42, 1992, 235ff.; Id., Pergamenische Ordnungen. Der Zeus-

766

765 tempel und seine Bedeutung fiir die Architektur der Atta-

PERGAMUM

remnants of the Greek mercenary army hired by Cyrus

liden, in: E. L. ScHwANDNER (ed.), Kolloquium ‘Saule und

[3] with the troops of > Thibron (Xen. An. 7,7,5, Xen.

Gebalk’ (Diskussionen zur archaologischen Bauforschung

Hell. 3,1,6). It was in the possession of the heirs of Gongylus, who in 490 received four settlements in the Caicus plain for betraying ~ Eretria to the Persians

6), 1996; E. Rounpe, Pergamon Burgberg und Altar, *1982; A. SCHOBER, Die Kunst von Pergamon, 1951; E. SCHULTE (ed.), Schriften der Hermann-Brockelschen-Stif-

tung. C. Humann zum Gedachtnis, 4 vols., c. 1959-1975; E. L. SCHWANDNER, Beobachtungen zur hellenistischen Tempelarchitektur von Pergamon, in: Hermogenes und die hochhellenistische Architektur. Colloquium Berlin 1988, 1990, 85-102, bes. 93ff.; E. SIMON, Pergamon und

Hesiod, 1975; M. Weser, Zur Uberlieferung der Goldelfenbeinstatue des Phidias, in: JDAI 108, 1993, 83-122, esp. 107 (with figs. 15-17); U. WuLr, Vom Herrensitz zur

Metropole. Zur Stadtentwicklung von Pergamon, in: K. RHEIDT, E. L. SCHWANDNER (ed.), Kolloquium ‘Stadt und Umland’ (Diskussionen zur archaologischen Baufor-

(> Persian Wars) (Xen. Hell. 3,1,6). In the 4th cent., P.,

though it was again under Persian rule, developed after the peace of > Antalcidas (387 BC) into a town admin-

istered according to the Greek model with a council and a popular assembly (cf. [Perg 5) under the protection of the city’s deity Athena Nikephoros (‘Victory Bearer’) and with a cult of > Asclepius (Paus. 2,26,8) that probably was practiced as early as the 4th cent.

MDAII(Ist) 44, 1994, 13 5ff.; Ead., Die hellenistischen und

C. HELLENISTIC PERIOD OF THE PERGAMENE DURING THE AGE OF THE DIADOCHIS

romischen Wohnhauser von Pergamon, Altertiimer von Pergamon XV3 (1999). W.RA.

MENT OF THE KINGDOM BC

schung 7), 1998; Ead., Der Stadtplan von Pergamon, in:

1. THE ORIGINS

REALM

2. DEVELOPFROM THE MID 3RD CENT.

1. THE ORIGINS OF THE PERGAMENE REALM

IV. POLITICAL AND HISTORICAL SURVEY A. TERM AND ORIGIN B. PREHELLENISTIC HISTORY C.HELLENISTIC PERIOD D. ROMAN PERIOD E. BYZANTINE PERIOD

DURING THE AGE OF THE DIADOCHIS Lysimachus [2], who after the battle of Ipsus (301) gained control of western Asia Minor, gave the eunuch

former Persian satrapy of Sparda) that steadily grew after 281 BC but significantly fluctuated in its extent during the 2nd cent. BC. The empire, initially a dynastic rule (+ dynasteia, > Philetaerus [2], > Eumenes [2] I) tolerated by the > Seleucids, became a kingdom when ~» Attalus [4] I took on the royal title and achieved its greatest extent from Thrace to the Taurus under Eume-

Philetaerus [2] command of the fortress in P. and custody of the 9,000 talents stored there (Str. 13,4,1, Paus. 1,8,1). After 283 the relationship with Lysimachus loosened and no later than his death at Curupedion (281), Philetaerus switched to Seleucus I. While carefully maintaining loyalty to Seleucus’ successor Antiochus [1] I (281-261), Philetaerus limited his rule to the middle Caicus valley and used his financial means to systematically develop P. in the style of a Greek polis and as a residence. He supported Greek towns (such as Cyzicus) against the advancing Celts in 278 (cf. IG XI 4,1105) and with generous donations to the poleis of Asia Minor (Pitane, Aegae) and the common Greek

nes [3] II during the 2nd cent. BC.

sanctuaries (Delos, Delphi) laid the foundation for the

The origin of the PK is closely related to the centrifugal forces acting on the Seleucid kingdom because its huge, difficult to control territory (cf. > Hellenistic sta-

later role of the kings of P. as sponsors and protectors of Hellenism. Philetaerus’ nephew and adoptive son Eumenes [2] I (263-241), who after the former’s death became his heir, already emphasized — without calling himself king — dynastic continuity: Philetaerus had still portrayed Athena and Seleucus on his coins (after 275) but now the portrait of Philetaerus appeared. Perhaps hoping for support from Ptolemy II, who was becoming active in Asia Minor, he risked an expansion of his territory ina conflict with Antiochus [2] I, which he was able to decide in his favour with the victory at Sardis in 262. The territory then controlled by P. extended north to the foot of the Ida [2] and east to the upper Caicus valley and after the Hellenistic model was marked by founding garrison towns (in the north Philetaeria, in the east Attalia). In the West, possession of the port of Elaea opened the door to the Aegean (+ Aegean Sea) and Eumenes annexed the territory south of Elaea to about Myrina [4] during the 2nd > Syrian War. He did however buy this untroubled expansion with major tributes

A. TERM AND ORIGIN The term Pergamene Kingdom (P.R.) or kingdom of the Attalids (> Attalus, with stemma) designates a territory in Asia Minor (see maps ‘The Pergamene Kingdom’) centred on the fortified town of P. (> Mysia,

tes, maps), continuous conflict with the > Ptolemies

(> Syrian Wars) and numerous internal conflicts in the Seleucid family, which facilitated the formation of independent territories ruled by dynasts (see also — Bithynia, > Cappadocia,> Pontus,cf. > RHODEs). Onthe other hand — specifically in the case of P. — the constant threat from

Celts (— Celts, [II.B.) who

invaded

Asia

Minor around 278 encouraged a tight military and civilian administration modelled after the Hellenistic kingdoms and based on Greek culture.

B. PREHELLENISTIC HISTORY The dominating location of the citadel hill in the Caicus plain suggests early indigenous settlement (during the 3rd millennium?) although the citadel and town fortification can only be demonstrated from the 7th cent. BC. In the earliest literary reference (Xen. An. 7,8,8), P. appears in 399 BC as the meeting-place of the

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to marauding Celts. Changes in the administration indicated the king-like position of the dynast: Eumenes appointed the five stratégoi that led the council and popular assembly while the extra-municipal territory of the Caicus valley was centrally administered as chora (territory) from P. Sponsorship of the Athenian schools of philosophy, specifically the Middle Academy (+ Akadémeia III., > Arcesilaus [5] of Pitane) but also the > Peripatos (> Lycon [4] of the Troad) began under

ans against > Philippus [7] V and that brought him into contact with the Romans. During the rst - Macedonian War, Pergamene troops and ships fought on the side of the Romans, Attalus acquired Aegina in the process (probably as a naval base for expanding the Pergamene sphere in the Aegean) and was one of the signatories of the peace of ~ Phoenice (205 BC), which also ended his war against + Prusias [1], an ally of Philippus V. In the same year,

Eumenes.

Attalus helped the Romans, who maintained diplomat-

PERGAMUM

2. DEVELOPMENT OF THE KINGDOM FROM THE MID 3RD CENT. BC

ic relations with him as the first and only ruler in Asia Minor, in bringing the Black Stone of the > Mater

Even before the death of Eumenes (241 BC), the poli-

Magna from > Pessinus to Rome (Liv. 29,1o0f., 14,5-

tical situation in Asia Minor changed for his adoptive

14). Therefore, it was logical that in the autumn of 201 Attalus asked for help in Rome against Philippus, who since 204 was systematically expanding his sphere of influence in the Aegean and, consequently, threatened the territory and interests of Attalus. Using specific information on an alleged alliance between Philippus V and Antiochus III, Attalus succeeded in getting Rome to

son and successor > Attalus [4] 1 (241-197): Seleucus II

entrusted his brother Antiochus Hierax as co-regent in a kind of ‘division of the realm’ with warfare in Asia Minor, but the resulting threat for the dynasts there was transformed when Hierax claimed the Seleucid throne and inflicted a devastating defeat on his brother near Ancyra. Seleucus subsequently focused his forces in the East and left Asia Minor to Hierax. Attalus, who dared

to stop tribute payments to the Celts after his accession (Liv. 38,16,14) and successfully countered their attack, now faced a coalition consisting of Hierax and Galatian troops. Attalus took the royal title at the latest after further

victories

over

the allies (Pol. 18,41,7f.,

Str.

13,4,2), expanded the kingdom to the Taurus and with the epithet S6tér propagated his role as saviour of Greek civilization against the onslaught of the > Barbarians. The Pergamene victory over the Celts was propagandistically paralleled to the Athenian victory over the Persian barbarians: In the precinct of Athena in the fortress, a statue of Athena and bronze figures of Celts (among them the Dying Gaul, now in Rome, CM, and the Gaul Killing Himself and His Wife, now in Rome, TM) announced the Pergamene claim to rule (cf. IPerg 20, cf. 43-45, > Niceratus [3], > Phyromachus, > Epigonus [1], > Antigonus [6] and [7]). These are the beginnings of Pergamene art, which further climaxed in the Gaul monuments of Eumenes [3] I] and the P. Altar (see below). This claim survived significant setbacks in the territorial and political importance of P. Seleucus II did not succeed during his short reign (226-223) in regaining the territory lost to P., but the Seleucid Achaeus [5] on behalf of Antiochus [5] III was able to reduce the PK to the immediate vicinity of P. by 223. Only few Greek towns, among them Smyrna, Lampsacus and Ilium, remained loyal to P. Disputes in the Seleucid family and the military activities of Achaeus [5] in Pisidia again provided Attalus with the opportunity of extending and consolidating his territory in 218 (paradoxically this time with the help of Celtic mercenaries) from Colophon to the northern coast of the Aegean and east to the ~ Macestus. Perhaps, the claim of being responsible for the freedom of the Greeks — apart from the effective Asia Minor policy of Antiochus III limiting options for further expansion — was behind the alliance that Attalus concluded with the > Aetoli-

enter the 2nd — Macedonian

War, which he, Athens

and Rhodes were already engaged in. Attalus did not live to the end of this war and in 197 left to his oldest son and successor Eumenes [3] Il a realm that he had not been able to expand despite his friendship with Rome and that was consistently shrinking under Seleucid pressure. Under Eumenes [3] II, the PK became the most important political power in Asia Minor and the centre of Greek culture and science but with the transformation of Roman policy in the East after 168, it increasingly lost its political independence. Eumenes relied entirely on Roman aid in his expansion plans and successfully persuaded them to make war against Antiochus (191-188). He was an active participant in Rome’s victory at Magnesia (190), used Roman force against the Galatae (189 BC, > Manlius [I 24]) and benefited from

most clauses of the peace of Apamea (188), which granted him Seleucid territory to the Taurus and the Halys, ensured him rule over numerous towns of Asia Minor including Ephesus, Tralleis and Telmessus, and enabled him — supported by Rome — to win more land from Prusias I and Pharnaces [1] I in battle. P. was at the apex of its power: Its envoys observed the entire Greek sphere, its money flowed in streams into Greek cities where it sponsored art, architecture and science. P. was designed as a thoroughly urban Hellenistic capital (cf. the > astynomoi inscription OGIS 483), experienced a flowering of sculpture, painting and mosaic art, and consolidated its reputation as a centre of Greek art and education with redesigning the Athena precinct, the P. Altar, new festivals for Heracles and Asclepius, the founding of a library (the largest after > Alexandria [1], > Library II.B.2) and a philosophical school (> Crates [5], > Apollodorus [7]) as well as promoting state-organized education beginning in childhood. Regarding the flowering of philosophy and science, cf. also — Artemon [6], > Carystius, > Cratippus [2] and > Menippus [6].

PERGAMUM

ya

P.’s political power, on the other hand, decayed rapidly. Eumenes’ attempt to extinguish with Rome’s help the second major power in the Aegean was successful in the 3rd > Macedonian War (171-168), but its

result also destroyed the conditions that had made P. great: after 188 Rome had assigned P. the role of regulator in the Aegean and Asia Minor, but after 168 with the destruction of Macedonian power was not willing to tolerate P. as a major power. Its traditional enemies (the Galatae and the Bithynian kingdom under > Prusias II) found active support in the Roman Senate while Eumenes was not even heard. The Roman attempt to replace Eumenes as king with his brother Attalus [5] II failed due to the proverbial loyalty of the brothers, but Attalus, when he succeeded in 159 after Eumenes’ death (with the epithet > Philadelphos, 159-138), decided not to undertake a single step without consulting the Romans first [1]. Rome only tolerated military acts in self-defence. In Rome’s shadow, Attalus continued his

brother’s cultural policy: The residence P. was architecturally elaborated, towns were founded or revived in the kingdom (for example, Philadelphia on the Cogamis and Attalia [1]). Donations to numerous Greek towns and sanctuaries made Attalus I] even more popular than P. had already become through Rome’s conduct. At his death in 138, he left his nephew (or son?) Attalus [6] II a consolidated kingdom though its ruler was no more than a Roman puppet. Attalus Il (138-133) had participated in government since 153 but was considered an unpopular excentric (Diod. Sic. 34,3, Just. Epit. 36,4,1-5, but cf. OGIS 332) because he exclusively devoted himself to his sci-

772

five years. P. rose under Trajan (AD 98-117) to become the first and twofold (imperial) temple guardian (mew nal dic veoxdooc/ prote kai dis - neokoros). Under Hadrian (AD 117-138) it was briefly the highest-ranking town in the province of Asia (untoeomods tiH¢ ‘Aoiac/meétropolis tés Asias) until it lost that rank to Ephesus under Antoninus

[1] Pius (AD 138-16r).

P.

provided one of the first consuls to come from Asia (> lulius [II 119] Quadratus Quadratus) and late in the 2nd cent. had six senatorial families. P. regained its reputation as a metropolis of art and science, especially in philosophy and medicine. In the 2nd cent. AD, P. was one of the world’s most famous

spas with the Asclepieion (> Asclepius) outside its gates, a kind of mixture of Lourdes and Baden-Baden, with a renowned medical school (- Galen). The Peripatetic Aristocles [4] and the grammarian > Telephus were both from P. The chaos of the 3rd cent. AD and the incursion of the > Goti changed the city’s appearance but not its cultural significance: The medical school still flowered in the 4th cent. AD (- Oribasius) and the later emperor Iulianus [x1] studied philosophy there. Despite its tradition of pagan philosophy and science, P. had a Christian community at an early time, was one of the seven churches of Revelations and the centre of a Christian diocese. 1 WELLES, no. 61.

entific studies (Plin. HN 18,22). It was only logical then

R. ALLEN, The Attalid Kingdom, 1983; M. DRAGER, Die Stadte der Provinz Asia in der Flavierzeit, 1993, 107-200; Cu. Hasicut, The Seleucids and Their Rivals, in: CAH 8, *1989, 324-334, 373-380; HALFMANN; E. V. HANSEN, The Attalids of Pergamon, *1971; MAGIE. FOR THE MAPS (ADDITIONALLY): H. WALDMANN, Vor-

that in his will he declared P. and many Greek towns (e.g., Ephesus) free but gave the realm and the treasure to the Romans. Rome confirmed the will but had to

derer Orient. Die hellenistische Staatenwelt im 3. Jahrhundert v.Chr., TAVO B V 3, 1983, with inset map. W.RA.

fight for its inheritance against Aristonicus [4], who took the name Eumenes III, before being able to bring the former kingdom of P. under its control in 129 as the province of > Asia [2]. W.ED. D. ROMAN PERIOD Politically and economically, the polis of P. was soon overshadowed by > Ephesus, the new provincial capital, especially since P. in 88 BC joined Mithridates [6] VI and after the Roman victory only escaped political

and financial ruin because of the support provided by its citizen Diodorus Pasporus (IGR IV 292, Il. 4 and 12).

In 49/8 BC, P. as the headquarters of the Pompeian Q. Caecilius [I 32] again entered the maelstrom of Roman civil wars — again on the wrong side — and lost its library as a gift from Antonius [I 9] to Cleopatra [II 12]. However, in the almost 300 years of peace starting with Augustus and only briefly interrupted by the war between Septimius Severus and Pescennius Niger (AD 193/4), it gained in reputation and significance: from 29 BC it was the seat of the meeting of the > koinon of Asia, centre of the imperial cult in the temple of Roma and Augustus with the games of Sebasta ROmaia every

E. BYZANTINE PERIOD In the 4th cent. AD, P. was a centre of > Neo-Platonism, but quickly lost in importance subsequently. In the 6th/7th cents., the lower town was given up and its inhabitants retreated to the acropolis, which was fortified with a new wall. With the temporary conquest by the Arabs in 716, P. became almost completely insignificant and was only resettled and fortified in the rath cent. About 1302, P. fell to the Turks. + Pergamum H. Geizer, Pergamon unter Byzantinern und Osmanen,

1903; K. RueEwT, Die byzantische Wohnstadt (Altertiimer von Pergamon 15,2), 1991.

AL.B.

Pergamus. Classical Period gem cutter, whose signature ITEPPA

(PERGA)

is restored to Pergamos in ac-

cordance with master’s signatures of the Classical Period which occur mostly in the nominative. A firedamaged carnelian scarab, signed by him in this way, with the head of a youth in a Phrygian cap (Saint Petersburg, ER) has been found, together with coins of Lysi-

773

774

machus [2], in a grave at Kerch in the Crimea [1. 134, 198f., table 8,5; 3. 1317°, 138f.5°, fig. 4xc, table 32,9], but on the basis of the lettering of the signature on the flap of the cap and the style of the representation can be estimated as older and dated to as early as about the turn from the sth cent. to the 4th [2. 201, 290 pl. 531; 3. 139]. Further ascriptions to P. have not yet been con-

found, developed into a pan-Pamphylian cult centre [9]; to date on the acropolis only the two sanctuaries to Zeus and Ares are certain. In the Hellenistic period, P. belonged to the Seleucid Empire (- Seleucids), from 188 BC to > Pergamum. Presumably under the Attalids (> Attalus, with stemma) the new city was laid out on the plain to the south of the plateau with a ring wall encompassing a large area and an impressive city gate with high round towers in the south, and at the same time the fortification of the acropolis was strengthened [ro]. After periods of unrest in the rst cent. BC, culminating in the plundering by the Roman legate > Verres of the rich sanctuary to Artemis (Cic. Verr. 2,1,95), in the Imperial period P. experienced its zenith, as is attested particularly by a splendid expansion of the city. From the gate-house of the city gate, richly decorated with statues of mythological and contemporary founders (family of Magna Plancia), the unique portico-lined

vincing [1. 13.9°°]. + Gem cutting 1 A. FURTWANGLER, Studien tiber die Gemmen mit Kiinst-

lerinschriften, in: JDAI 3, 1888, 105-325 MAN, Greek Gems and Fingerrings, 1970

2 J. Boarp3 ZAZOFF, AG.

SMI Pergase (Ilegyaor/Pergasé; Demoticon MegyaoiOev/ Pergaséthen). Attic Mesogeia deme of the Erechtheis phyle, divided into upper and lower P. (II. xa0UmeQ0ev/

P. kathyperthen, M1. bxéveQ0ev/P. hypénerthen) each with two bouleutai, one part of which went over to the Antigonis phyle in 307/6 BC. According to Aristoph. Equ. 321, P. was on the road from Athens to Aphidna (near modern Chelidonou?). The burial inscription IG II* 7205 is from Varibopi near Tatoi. TRAILL, Attica, 6, 38, 59, 69, 111 Nr. rosf., 126, Tab. 1,

11; WHITEHEAD, Index s.v. P.

H.LO.

PERGE

cardo maximus, with a series of water basins in the

middle of the road, stretched 1.2 km up to a splendid nymphaeum at the foot of the acropolis. This street and the equally decorated decumanus maximus were lined with monumental structures some with rich sculptural decoration (palaestra of the patron C. lulius [II 48] Cornutus,

Perge (Iléeyn; Pérgé). City in > Pamphylia (Scyl. 100; Pol. 5,5,7; 8,17,32) to the north of modern Aksu, once on the Cestrus (modern River Aksu, now 4 km to the east), which was navigable for 60 stadia (c. 11-5 km, now 14 km) from the sea, at least as far as P. (Str. Te iis INNAEY siaey Anon, ANG Teyifon Batwa NeKol, Sinkvagh Plin. HN 5,26,1; Acts 14,25). The non-Greek epithet Preiia (5th-cent. votive inscriptions in the Museum of Anatalya: [1]) of the ‘Mistress of P.’, as well as the naming of Parha on the Kastaraja (= ‘P. on the Cestrus’)

in a 13th-cent. BC Hittite treaty [2], implies pre-Greek settlement; etymological derivation from proto-IndoEuropean bheregh, ‘mountain’ is also possible [3]. Traces of settlement from the late Chalcolithic (4th millennium BC) on the plateau to the north of the Hellenistic-Roman city suggest a pre-Greek core settlement here, which is also documented for the early Bronze Age [4. 123; 5.94]. For the Hittite period there is no archaeological evidence, nor is there any for the Greek migration to Pamphylia which, according to local tradition, followed the Trojan War in the r2th-cent. BC [6]. In the 7th cent. BC under Rhodian influence it began to develop into a Greek-oriented settlement with clearly indigenous components, just as it was also character-

ized by the Graeco-Pamphylian dialect in contrast to the indigenous — Sidetan [5. 94-105; 7; 8]. Despite Lydian, then Persian, rule, Greek influence, in the 5th cent. especially Attic, was dominant, leading to a progressively stronger fortified (acro)polis on the plateau. The sanctuary of Vanassa Preiia or Artemis of P., located by Str. 14,4,2 on a rise outside the city but as yet not

southern

and

western

baths, macellum),

whereas a theatre with a Dionysian frieze and a wellpreserved stadium were built to the south outside the city. Severan ornamental buildings (propylon, nymphaeum), above all recently excavated) rich 3rd—5thcent. houses [11] in the east of the city and costly grave buildings in the western necropolis with high-quality sarcophagoi

(new excavations from 1996 onward) document the continued flourishing of P. in the 3rd cent., and this was confirmed by its elevation to the status of metropolis under the emperor Tacitus in about AD 275 [12]. Under the protection of the fortifications, repaired from the 4th cent. onward, of the city and the acropolis, in the 5th and 6th cents. the Christian city experienced an impetus as a metropolitan bishopric with two large basilicas and three more on the acropolis, of which one underwent a high-quality renovation in the roth/11th cents. and documents a brief revival after the sudden decline from the 7th cent. The mathematician Apollonius [13] and the rhetor Varus were from P. — Pamphylia 1 C. BrIxHE, R. Hoport, L’Asie Mineure du nord au sud (Etudes d’Archéologie Classique 6), 1988, 222ff. no. 225 2H. Orren, Die Bronzetafel aus Bogazkéy..., 1988, 13, 37f.

3 PoKorny, s.v. bheregh, vol. 1, 1959, 140

4H.

ABBASOGLU, W. Martini, P. Akropolisi’nde 1995 Yilinda Yarilan Calismalar, in: 18. Kazi Sonuglari Toplantsi, vol. 2, 1996, 51-63 5 Ead., P. Akropolisi’nde 1996 Yilinda Yarilan Calismalar, in: 19. Kazi Sonuglari Toplantsi, vol. 2, 1998, 93-105 6 P. Weiss, Lebendiger Mythos, in: WJA ro, 1984, 179-195 7 C. BRIXHE, Le dialecte grec de Pampylie, 1976 8 G. NEUMANN, Die sidetische Schrift, in: ASNP 8, 1978, 869-886 9H. BranprT, Gesellschaft

und Wirtschaft Pamphyliens und Pisidiens im Altertum,

PERGE

Tas

1990, 47f. 10S. SAHIN, Die Inschriften von P., vol. 1, 1999 11H. ABBaAsoGLu, Perge Kazisi 1993 ve 1994

Yillar1 On Rapora, in: 17. Kazi Sonuclar: Toplantisi, vol. 2, 1995, 107-120

12 P. Weiss, Auxe P., in: Chiron 21,

TOOT, 353-392. K. GRAF VON LANCKORONSKI, Stadte Pamphyliens und Pisidiens, vol. 1, 1890; A. M. MANSEL, A. AKARCA, Excavations and Researches at P., 1949; A. PEKMANN, History

of P., 1973; H. ABBASOGLU, P. roma devri mimarisinde arsitravlarin soffit bezemeleri, 1994; H. ABBASOGLU, (regular excavation reports), in: Kazi Sonuglari Toplantisi, T990ff. W.MA.

Periander (Ileoiavdooc/Periandros, Lat. Periander). Around 655/627 BC, P. succeeded his father Cypselus [2] as tyrant of > Corinth. According to the summary records from antiquity, he ruled for about 40 years (Aristot. Pol. 5,12,1315b 25). His wife was Melissa, the daughter of Procles, the tyrant of Epidauros; apart from a daughter, he had with her the sons Cypselus, who was mentally retarded, and — Lycophron [1]. The other sons, Evagoras, Gorgus, and Nicolaus, he had with concubines (Hdt. 3,50-53; Diog. Laert. 1,94; Nicolaus of Damascus FGrH go F 57,8).

His rule coincides with the economic flourishing of the city, the furthering of trade, the extension of colonial endeavours (> Colonisation IV.) and the development of maritirme superiority (ibid. F 58,3). P. gained Corcyra [1] for himself from the Bacchiads who had fled there, and installed his son Lycophron

as the land’s

tyrant. The colonies Apollonia [1] and Epidamnus were jointly founded by the two. > Potidaea, the only Corinthian colony in the Aegean, was founded by P. and his son Evagoras (ibid. F 59,1). The plan to make the > isthmus passable via the diolkos, an overland, rail-like track for ships to be pulled along, was attributed to him (Diog. Laert. 1,99);

today, archaeological finds confirm its implementation. Apart from that, he constructed the artificial harbour of

~ Lechaeum. Initially, P. appears to have pursued a policy of internal consolidation (Hdt. 5,92); he probably acted in the

same way as other lawmakers of his time; references to laws on luxuries, market and harbour taxes can be inferred (Ephor. FGrH 70 F 178; Heracl. Pont. FHG 2,213,5). A guard of spear carriers served as protection

of the tyrant (Hdt. 5,92»). In the dispute over Sigeon, he acted as an arbiter between Athens and Mytilene (Hdt.

5595). He maintained connections with Arcadia, where his mother Cratea was from, with Epidaurus, which he

conquered after the death of his wife in a war against Procles, with Delphi, Olympia and especially with the culturally

advanced

East:

with

Miletus,

Lydia

and

Egypt. > Arion of Methymna on Lesbos introduced the ~ dithyramb and rehearsed it for the first time in P.’s Corinth (Hdt. 1,23f.). P. supported architecture, in particular on Corcyra, where the tradition of the Corin-

thian style was developed further with exceptional qua-

776

lity. Like other tyrants and lawmakers of his time, he was counted among the > Seven Sages (Diog. Laert. 1,13,41f.; 1,13,97-100). None of his sons outlived him. When, at the end of his rule, he wanted to bring Lycophron back to Corinth, Lycophron was murdered by the aristocrats of Corcyra. As an act of revenge, P. sent their sons to Alyattes in Lydia to be castrated. A Samian cult legend has it that they were saved by the Samians (Hdt. 3,48). In the sources relating to P., the wealth of legends and novellas stands out (vgl. Hdt. 1,20,23f.; 3,50-53; 5,92). We have to assume that P. became a literary figure as one of the Seven Sages as early as the sth cent. BC, and hence had wise sayings and legends ascribed to him (Hdt. 3,52; Diog. Laert. 1,97f.). Thus, as a legendary person within the context of sophistic discussions about the character of the

> tyrannis, he became the

theoretical example, literary tradition that was developed further in Aristotle’s [6] Politics. -» Corinth; > Tyrannis F, SCHACHERMEYR, S.v. P., RE 19, 704-717; H. BERVE, Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen, 1967, 19-27, 525-531; J. B. Satmon, Wealthy Corinth, 1984, 197-230; L. DE LIBERO, Die archaische Tyrannis, 1996, 151-176. B.P.

Periboea (Iegifoww; Periboia). Name of numerous mythical women, including: [1] Naiad, mother by > Icarius [2] of — Penelope (Apollod. 3,126).

[2] Youngest daughter of > Eurymedon [1], king of the Titans, mother by ~ Poseidon of the first Phaeacian king > Nausithous [1] (Hom. Od. 6,56-59).

[3] One of the first two girls chosen by lots, to be sent by the Locrians to > Troy every year for a thousand years, in order by serving in her temple there to pacify the rage of - Athena at the rape of > Cassandra by > Ajax [2] in the temple (Ps.-Apollod. Epit. 6,20f.; Plut. Mor. 5574; schol. Hom. Il. 13,66; Pol. 12,5). [4] Wife of King > Polybus [2] of Corinth, who takes in + Oedipus when shepherds bring him to her (Apollod. 3,49f.; in Soph. OT she is called Merope). According to Hyg. Fab. 66-67, P. finds Oedipus herself, and reveals his origin to him after the death of Polybus. [5] Daughter of > Alcathous [1], wife of > Telamon and mother of > Ajax [1] (Xen. Cyn. 1,9,2; Plut. Theseus 29,1; in Pind. I. 6,45; Soph. Aj. 569 Ajax’ mother is called Eriboea). According to Paus. 1,42,2 (cf. 1,17,3), P. was one of the children whom > Theseus accompanied to the -» Minotaur (in Bacchyl. 17,4 she is called Eriboea). Plut. Theseus 29,1 names P. as one of the women raped by Theseus (according to Pherecydes FGrH 5 F 153 the wife of Theseus was called Phereboea). [6] Daughter of > Hipponous [3], wife of > Oeneus, mother of + Tydeus. Because of her pregnancy by ~ Hippostratus [1], her father sent her to Oeneus to be killed; according to other sources she is seduced by Oeneus himself (Apollod. 1,8,4; cf. Hes. Cat. fragment 12; Thebais fragment 8 EpGF).

778

Pie

H. Lewy, s.v. Periboia, ROSCHER

3.2, 1961-1963; M.

OPPERMANN, s.v. Periboia, LIMC 7.1, RucgE, s.v. Periboia, RE 19, 718-720.

321-322;

W. K.WA.

Pericles (Meoumdt\c; Periklés). [1] Athenian politician. A. DESCENT AND EARLY CAREER B. RISE TO POWER AND CLIMAX C. PELOPONNESIAN WAR AND DEATH D. ASSESSMENT E. LATER RECEPTION

A. DESCENT AND EARLY CAREER P. was probably born between 495 and 490 as the son of Agariste [2] (according to Hdt. 6,131, she dreamt that she would bear a lion), a member of the > Alcmaeonid family, and Xanthippus. P. had two sons (Xanthippus and Paralus [1]) from his first marriage

and a third son P. from his union with the Milesian ~ Aspasia [2]. Later tradition numbered Anaxagoras [2], Zeno of Elea and the sophists Damon and Pythocleidesamong P.’ teachers (Plut. Pericles 4; > SOPHISTIC. However, most of what is reported about the early P. is derived from a combination of Plutarch [1. 83ff.] and mistaken conclusions based on Plato (e.g., Pl. Phdr. 270a on Anaxagoras). IG II/III* 2,2, 2318 attests P. asa

choregos (> Choregia) for the ‘Persians’ of Aeschylus [x] in 472. In a trial against > Cimon [2] in 463/2, he stood out as a prosecutor (Plut. Pericles 10,6), in 462 he

participated in the reforms of > Ephialtes [2] (a different version in Plut. Pericles 7,8; 9,5 and Plut. Cimon

15). In the following year, Ephialtes was murdered and Cimon ostracized. There is no evidence for the generally assumed rise of P. as the leading Athenian politician after 460. Plutarch’s claim of a four-decade ascendancy (Pericles 16,3; proteuon) is speculation. None of the important events in Athenian history during that period (e.g., the construction of the Long Walls, the Egyptian Expedition, the war against Aegina, the transfer of the League’s treasure to Athens; cf. > Athens,|[r],II. 6) can

actually be linked to P. In 457 (?) he supposedly participated in the battle of Tanagra (Plut. Pericles 10,2), as

stratégos he led a land campaign

in 455/4 against

Sicyon (Thue. 1,111,2f.; Diod. Sic. 11,85).

Only the citizenship law of 451/450, which P. initiated, reveals signs of an independent policy. It excluded anyone from Athenian citizenship (and its material advantages) whose parents were not both Athenians ({Aristot.] Ath. pl. 26,4; Plut. Pericles 37,3) and secured P. a strong clientele among citizens who feared for their privileges in the face of a strong influx of outsiders. B. RISE TO POWER AND CLIMAX Early in the 440s, P. unsuccessfully organized a Panhellenic peace congress (resistance of Sparta; Plut. Pericles 17; Panhellenes, Panhellenism). It is uncertain to what extent the colony foundations on Euboea, Naxos and Andros (about 448/7) are due to his initiative (Plut. Pericles 11,5). In 447 BC, P. personally led 1,000 settlers to the Thracian Chersonesus [1] (Plut. Pericles

PERICLES

19,1), in 435 he undertook a colonization voyage in the Black

Sea

(Sinope,

Amisus,

Astacus).

Whether

he

should be considered the founder of > Thurii (44 4/3) in Lower Italy was already disputed in Antiquity. In 446/5, P. commanded the Attic invasion troops that put down rebellious Euboea. Through negotiations and bribery, he caused a Spartan contingent that had entered Attica to retreat (Thuc. 1,114; 2,21; Plut. Pericles 22f.).

Comedy fragments (Cratinus PCG fr. 326) suggest he was responsible for building the south or middle wall between the upper city and > Piraeus (completion in

445). In 443, P. became the leading Attic statesman because Thucydides, son of Melesius, the most important politician of the conservative opposition, was ostracized (Plut. Pericles 8,5; 8,11; 8,14). According to Plutarch (Pericles 16,3), P. was elected fifteen times in a row as one of the ten military commanders (stratégoi; s.

~ Strategos) who also were very influential in politics. However, testimonials regarding his politics are rare for the 4308, too. In 441-439, he (together with other Attic stratégot) subjugated Samos, which had seceded from Athens

and the > Delian

League

(Thuc.

1,117,2f.).

Accusations that P. treated the defeated with particular cruelty (Duris of Samos FGrH 76 F 67) are simply part of the usual horror propaganda. To counter increasing attacks in the comedies especially against himself [2. 169ff.], P. applied around 440/439 for a law that prohibited mocking politicians (schol. Aristoph. Ach. 67; 1150 Dubner). It did not remain in effect for long. C. PELOPONNESIAN WAR AND DEATH Athens increasing interest in markets in the West, in Sicily and Lower Italy [3. 49ff.], significantly prepared the ground for the conflict with the > Peloponnesian League from the mid—430s. As a decided opponent of Sparta (Thuc. 1,127,3), P. was among the proponents of the > Peloponnesian War. While contemporary opinion unanimously accused him of having provoked the Megaran > pséphisma (exclusion of the neighbouring town of Megara from the League’s ports) and, consequently, recourse to arms (Aristoph. Ach. 526-539; Pax 605-614; Plut. Fabius Maximus 30,3; [4. 225ff.]), ~ Thucydides defends P.’ policies and considers the war as inevitable in the new version of his history, begun after 404. Whether domestic pressure swayed P. to conjure up war was already an intensely debated subject in Antiquity. (Nothing is known of the role played by Thucydides, son of Melesius, who returned from exile in 433, > Cleon [1] only gained stature after P.’ death. However, in the late 430s two confidants of P., Anaxagoras and ~ Phidias, became entangled in lawsuits (Plut. Pericles 31,2-32). A third suit against his

partner Aspasia (Plut. Pericles 32,1,5) is disputed. The military plan, which — in consideration of the relative strengths of the Peloponnesian League and _ the + Delian League — provided for offensive naval and defensive land strategies, was designed by P. Contrary to Thucydides’ portrayal, this strategy of wearing out

PERICLES

779

the enemy quickly failed. The outbreak of an epidemic in Athens particularly caused the initial enthusiasm for war to turn into demands for peace. Anger was directed against P., who in the winter of 431/430 had still been allowed to deliver the official oration on the dead of the first war. The famous epitaphios related in Thucydides 2,34-46 is entirely created by the latter. In the fall of 430, P. was relieved of his office and heavily fined (Thuc. 2,65,3). Despite rapid rehabilitation during the next elections for stratégos, he did not recover his political influence and died in September 429. D. ASSESSMENT Current thought often sees P. as the great democratic

reformer, a cultural politician who collected the most important artists and philosophers about him and to whom the programme for construction on the acropolis is owed, a prince of peace and a visionary (e.g., [5.

rooff.; 6. 234ff.; 7. 13ff.]). However, the most important step in developing the democratic system was the disempowerment of the > Areopagus by Ephialtes [2], of the later innovations (e.g., admission of the > zeugitai to the archonship, the installation of deme judges, daily subsidies for bouleutai,

> boule), [Aristot.] Ath.

pol. 27,3 only ascribes jury salaries to be the results of a law submitted by P. The introduction of the theorika (— theorikon), which according to Plutarch (Pericles 9,1) is also due to P., must be dated to the 4th cent. Of the major buildings begun in the 440s and 430s (> Parthenon, Telesterion in > Eleusis, Temple of Hephaestus, Odeum, Propylaea; — Athens,[1] II. Topography with map; > Gates) only the Odeum is confirmed as an explicitly Periclean project (Cratinus PCG fr. 73; Plut. Pericles 13,9). Nevertheless, P. was a member of several building committees (epistdtes).

Apart from > Phidias and Anaxagoras [2], the sources only mention the sophist Protagoras (one anecdote in Plut. Pericles 36,5) as a member of P.’ intellectual circle. His relationship to > Sophocles apparently went no further than sharing the office of strategos in 440/439. lon of Chios (FGrH 392 F 6) suggests a rather unfriendly relationship. Contemporaries passed judgment on P.’ so-called peace policy (e.g., [8. r1ff.]): P.’ policies led Athens directly into the Peloponnesian War and indirectly into the greatest catastrophe of its history (cf. Plut. Fabius Maximus 30,1; Plut. Nicias 9,9; Plut. Alcibiades 14,2).

The positive modern image of P. is mostly based on the later > Thucydides, who idealized P. (especially Thuc. 2,65), thought entry into the war and the military plan were correct, and ascribed defeat to the incompetence of his successors (cf. [9. 249ff.]). Historians have

reduced P. to being a statesman and general and limited the narrative of his life to 43 2-430 [1. 139; 2. 65]. Neither Thucydides nor Plutarch [1. 77ff.] vouch for P. as the cultural politician and democrat. P.’ biography is almost entirely in the dark before the mid—sth cent. and is only sporadically elucidated before the beginning of the > Peloponnesian War in 431. The ‘Pericleian Age’

780

(471 or 462-429) is a construct in which Athenian history after Themistocles became centred on P. The

period in which the latter dominated Attic politics by exploiting the institutional means provided by democracy (Thuc. 2,65,9), was limited to 443-430. P. wasa product of Attic democracy rather than its creator or shaper. The ancient concept of P.’ role in Athenian history is transmitted in [Aristot.] Ath. pol. 28. E. LATER RECEPTION

Soon after the lost Peloponnesian War, memory of P. faded. The history of -» Thucydides, published posthumously, initially had no effect. Since P.’ name stood for the dark side of the Delian League, his memory was not maintained in an age when Athens attempted to revive the League. A few short references are found in 4th-cent. orators and writers (Isocr. Or. 15,111, 234, 234f., 307; 16,28; Lys. 30,28; [Demosth.] Or. 26,6; 61,45; Demosth. Or. 3,21; Lycurg. fr. 58 (9, 2,Conomis; Aeschin. Tim. 25), but historiography tended to draw a rather negative image (e.g., Ephorus FGrH 70 F 194-196; Duris FGrH 76 F 67). Plato’s criticism, which remained effective to the roth cent. is devastating (PI. Grg. 515e-516d; cf. Pl. Phdr. 269e-270a; Men. 94a-b; Prt. 3 19e-3 20a). Hellenism barely paid any attention to him. An often conjectured biography from this period as the alleged model of Plutarch is an illusion [10. LVIIILX]. In the philosophical tradition and collections of rhetorical models an almost canonical image of P. crystallized that is reflected in Cicero, Valerius Maximus, Quintilian, Plinius [2] the Younger, Frontinus, Fronto,

Polyaenus, etc. P. is primarily honoured as the most significant Greek orator after Demosthenes [2].

+ Plutarchus’s biography of P., who used all the sources still available in the 2nd cent. AD is a new start. But it was not Plutarch but the Facta et dicta memorabilia of > Valerius that determined the image of P. until far into the modern period. A famous example is the picture of this statesman by Pietro Vannuci Perugino as the symbol of temperantia (moderation) in Perugia’s Collegio del Cambio (1497-1500). Even the historical painters of the 18th/roth cents. were inspied by Valerius Maximus (e.g., J.L. David, J.Ch.N. Perrin, A.L. Belle, F.-N. Chifflart; further P. representations by L. Lafitte, J.A.D. Ingres, A. von Kreling, C. Rahl; a P. bust by A.J. Gros), although Plutarch’s biography of P. slowly became familiar with the French translation of Plutarch by Jacques Amyot (1559). The rediscovery of the monuments of Greek architecture, especially the ruins of the Acropolis, also raised the interest in P. By blending the P. portraits of Plutarch and Thucydides (cf., e.g., [12]) the concept of a Periclean Age that was unknown to Antiquity became based in the 18th cent. on Voltaire’s model of le siécle de Louis XIV (1751). This idealized image (exception: [11. roff.]), as it was designed, e.g., by [13], was only slightly revised but remained unchanged in its basics. +> Athens,[1]III.6-8;> DEMoKRATIA;—> Peloponnesian War

781

782

1 E. Mernuarpt, Perikles bei Plutarch, thesis Frankfurt/ Main 1957 2 J. ScHwarzE, Die Beurteilung des Perikles durch die attischen Komédie und ihre historische und historiographische Bedeutung, 1971

3 H. WENTKER, Sizi-

lien und Athen. Die Begegnung der attischen Macht mit den Westgriechen, 1956 4G.E.M. bE STE. Croix, The Origins of the Peloponnesian War, 1972 5 H. BENGTSON, Griechische Staatsmanner des 5. und 4. Jahrhunderts v.Chr., 1983 6 F. SCHACHERMEYR, Perikles, 1969 7D. KaGan, Pericles of Athens and the Birth of Democracy, 1991 8K. DreNneELT, Die Friedenspolitik des Perikles, 1958 9J. VoctT, Das Bild des Perikles bei Thukydides, in: HZ 182, 1956,249-266

10 PH. A. StaDTER,

A Commen-

tary on Plutarch’s Pericles, 1989 11K. J. BELOcH, Die attische Politik seit Perikles, 1884 12 G.W.F. HEGEL, Vorlesungen uber die Philosophie der Geschichte, in: Id., Vorlesungen, vol. 12

13 A. ScHmipT, Perikles und sein

E. Bayer, J. HEmpeKING, Die Chronologie des perikleiZeitalters,

1975;

K. CHrist,

Hellas,

1999;

V.

EHRENBERG, Sophokles und Perikles, 1956; H. KNELL, Perikleische Baukunst, 1979; B. NAF, Von Perikles zu Hitler? Die athenische Demokratie und die deutsche Althistorie bis 1945, 1986; A. J. PopiEcKI, Pericles and His Circle, 1998; F. SCHACHERMEYR, Geistesgeschichte der perikleischen Zeit, 1971; L. SCHNEIDER, C. HOcKER, Die Akropolis

von

nautai (Apoll. Rhod. 1,56ff.). Despite his ability to change form he was killed by > Heracles [1] (Ov. Met. 12,556ff.), according to Hyg. Fab. ro he was saved by changing into an eagle. ic Periclytus (Iegixkutoc; Periklytos). Sculptor, pupil of + Polyclitus [2]. P. is named as the teacher of an Antiphanes active in Delphi in 359 BC. Pausanias (2,22,7) mentions a brother of — Naucydes, but the name is given variously in MSS as P. or Polyclitus. Hence P. plays a part in the reconstruction of the family tree of — Polyclitus [2] and [3], whereas of his work nothing is known. OVERBECK, no. 985, 995; D. ARNOLD, Die Polykletnach-

folge, 1969, 6; 12-14; A. LINFERT, Die Schule des Polyklet, in: H. Beck (ed.), Polyklet. Der Bildhauer der grie-

Zeitalter, 1877. schen

PERIDEIPNON

Athen,

1990;

CH.

SCHUBERT,

Perikles,

1994; K. W. Wetwe1, Das klassische Athen, 1999; W. WILL, Perikles, 1995; G. WirTH (ed.), Perikles und seine Zeit, 1979.

[2] The son of > Pericles [1] and > Aspasia. Initially, he

was excluded from citizenship by his father’s law of 451/o BC, but he was finally granted it with a special regulation in 429 (Plut. Pericles 37,5f.). In 406 he was stratégos in the battle of > Arginusae. Despite the victory, he and his colleagues were executed because they failed to save the shipwrecked Athenians (Xen. Hell. 155,163 6,295 7;2=34).

WW.

[3] Dynast of Zémure-/ > Limyra (c. 380-362 BC or later), who called himself ‘King of Lycia’ (‘king’ = Greek basileus = Lycian xntawata-, from xntewe, ‘to lead’); home: East Lycia. P. defeated Artumpara-, the dynast or satrap of the Xanthus valley, who bore an Iranian name, conquered Carian Telmessus (Theop. FGrH 115 F 103) and was an opponent of > Maussolus. It is probable that he participated in the > Satrap revolt in 362

BC (date according to Diod. Sic. 15,90,3) at the head of the Lycians even though he is not named. However, his further fate remains unknown. A. K&ENn, Dynastic Lycia, 1998, 148-170.

P.HO.

chischen Plastik. Ausstellung Frankfurt, LH, 1990, 240-

297; L. Topisco, Scultura greca del IV secolo, 1993, 4647. RN.

Perictione (Ilegumtiovn; Periktione). [1] Mother of > Plato; came from an old aristocratic Athenian family to which > Critias and > Charmides [1] also belonged. Also born of her marriage to Ariston

were the pair of brothers Glaucon and Adeimantus, Socrates’ discussion partner in the Platonian Politeia, as well as Potone, the mother of > Speusippus, Plato’s successor in the headship of the > Academy. In her second marriage, P. was the wife of Pyrilampes, the son of an Antiphon. From this relationship was born a son who was also called Pyrilampes. In Diog. Laert. 3,2, a tradition that probably goes back to the Pythagorean is already tangible, according to which P., during her pregnancy with Plato, kept herself pure (Jer. Contra Iovinianum 1,42 speaks of a virgin birth). K-H.S. [2] Pseudonymic author of a work in the style of the Pythagoreans, [legit yuvaixog Geuoviag (‘About Woman’s Harmony’) in the Ionian dialect, the language of > Pythagoras (of which there are two fragments in Stob. 4,28,19; 4,25,50). Harmony is achieved when the two lower parts ofthe soul are controlled and virtue sets in; then a woman herself does justice to her husband, her children, the household or even the state if she is in control; rules of conduct for women. Pseudonym also of the author of a work Tei codiag (“About Wisdom’) in Doric dialect (of which there are two fragments in Stob. 3,1,120 and 121) that correlate closely with Ps.Archytas’ ‘About Wisdom’. Plato’s mother’s name was > Perictione [1]. EpiT1ons: H. TessLterr, The Pythagorean Texts of the Hellenistic Period, 1965, 142-146. MFR.

Periclymenus (ITequxAbpevoc/Periklymenos, Latin Peri-

clymenus). [1] Epithet of > Pluto (Hesych. s.v. I1.). [2] Son of Poseidon. In the war of the > Seven against Thebes he kills > Parthenopaeus (Eur. Phoen. 115 6ff.; Apollod. 3,75). [3] Son of + Neleus [1] and > Chloris [4] (Hom. Od. 11,281ff.). Took part in the campaign of the > Argo-

Perideipnon (zegideutvov; perideipnon) was the name

given in Greece (until the 4th cent. BC at the latest: Dem. Or. 18,288; Men. Aspis 233 Sandbach; Men. Fr. 309) to the funeral banquet which was probably originally celebrated at the graveside (wrongly dismissed in [t. 175]), but from as early as the Archaic Period had

783

784

usually taken place in the home of the next-of-kin ofthe deceased (Dem. Or. 18,288). As at other banquets, the garland (> Wreath, garland) (Cic. Leg. 2,63) was worn

Perieres (Meoujonc/Perierés, on the form Tleoinoc/ Periérs see Alem. PMG fr. 78). [1] Son of + Aeolus [1] (or Cynortes) and of Enarete

at the perideipnon, which took place immediately after

(> Aenarete), husband of > Gorgophone [3], father of

PERIDEIPNON

the burial (> ekphora) (cf. esp. Hegesippus, fr. 1,11:

~ Aphareus [1], Leucippus, Icarius, > Tyndareos and

PCG 5, 549). Feasting was often copious (Stob. 4,56,34), partly because it brought an end to the threeday mourning fast of the closest relatives (Lucian. Luct 24; cf. [2]). As the perideipnon was generally an occa-

Pisus the founder of Pisa, ruler of Messenia in - Andania (Hes. Cat. 10; Stesich. PMG fr. 50; Apollod. 1,51; Me Ss So

7s AUS! Anz, 2snAy aage Osea 2)

sion for praising the deceased (e.g. Cic. Leg. 2,63; Zenob. 5,28), Perideipnon was also the genre title of

[2] Chariot driver of Menoeceus, who, by fatally wounding king » Clymenus [4] of the Minyae with the throw of a stone, triggered a war between > Orchomenus [tr]

posthumous

and Thebes (Apollod. 2,67f.; Paus. 9,37,1).

panegyrics

(Diog.

Laert.

3,2;

9,115).

There are no definite pictorial depictions of the perideipnon; those showing the deceased at a banquet have no connection with it.

[3] Pirate from Cyme (or Chalcis). The founding and settlement of the city of Zancle (~ Messana, Messene [1]) can be traced to him and Crataemenes from Chalcis

+ Burial (C.); > Death

(or Samos) (Thuc. 6,4,5; Paus. 4,23,7).

1D.C. Kurtz, J. BoarpMAN, 2R. ARBESMANN, Das Fasten

Thanatos, 1985, 175f. bei den Griechen und

Romern, 1929, 25-28.

W.K.

Periegetes, Perihegetes (xeomyrtns/perihéegetes, ‘guide to strangers’). The periegetes was primarily a tourist institution, an insight into whose activities is provided by Plutarch (Plut. Mor. 395a; 396c; 397d; 400d; 400f;

4ote). This gave rise to the antiquarian genre of peri(b)égésis, particularly popular during the Hellenistic period, in which the guiding of strangers by a periegetes took on a literary form in prose or verse; closely related to this was the travel story, i.e. the account of an actual journey, which could be used by others as a travel guide (e.g. > Peregrinatio ad loca sancta). The topics of such periégéseis were countries (Egypt, Hellas, Sicilia) and places (Olympia, Delphi, Ilium) of ancient cultural! tradition; in each case, the explanations provided the

opportunity for various digressions into history and mythology, the history of art, ethnography and geography. The boundless imagination of periégétai makes it difficult to define a clear distinction between a periégésis and various other literary genres such as paradoxography (> Paradoxographoi), or the specialist geographical literature (ethnography, periodos, ~+ periplous). > Dionysius [27], > Pausanias [8], the anonymous author of the periégésis of Hawara (Pap. Petrie no. 8of. [1]) as well as > Ps.-Scymnus are all considered periegetai ;none of the works of > Alexander [23], > Diodorus [11], > Heliodorus [2], > Nymphodorus [1] and > Polemon of Ilium (2nd cent. BC), whose expertise must have been outstanding, have survived. + Travels; > Travel literature 1 J. P. Manarry, The Flinders Petrie Papyri,

1893-1895.

H. BiscHorr, s.v. Perieget, RE 19, 725-742; S. BIANCHETTI, s.v. Reisebericht, in: H. SONNABEND (ed.), Mensch und Landschaft in der Antike, 1999, 420-423.

E.O.

SU.EI.

Perigenes (Ileguyévys/Perigénes). [1] Son of Leontiscus, from Alexandria, proxenos (> proxenia) of Siphnus (IG XII Suppl. p. iavit)), 278/270 BC, presumably father of P. [2]. A P. from Samos is honoured in 264 as proxenos of Olus, but this identification is rather improbable [r. 196 note 2]. PP VI 14941. 1 RoBeRT, OMS

1.

R. S. BAGNALL, The Administration of the Ptolemaic Pos-

sessions outside Egypt, 1976, 146.

[2] Son of P. [1], possibly father of Iamnea (PP III/TX 5152), who was kanéphoros (- kanéphoroi) in c. 243/1 BC, and related to > Pelops [4] via lamnea. In 218, P. was Ptolemaic natiarchos (fleet commander) off > Coele Syria and collaborated with > Nicolaus [1]. PP V 13781. W.A.

Perigune (Meovyotvy; Perigoviné). Daughter of > Sinis, who was struck dead by -» Theseus; with the latter, mother of Melanippus [3]. Later she became the wife of Deioneus, the son of -» Eurytus [1] of Oechalia, and with him the mother of Nisus [1] of Megara (Plut. Theseus 8, p. 4c-d; Athen. 13,557a; Hyg. Fab. 198,r). Lk. Perilaus (Megitaoc/Perilaos, Meothews/Perileds). [1] Son of > Icarius [2] and > Periboea [1], brother of

Penelope (Apollod. 3,126). According to Peloponnesian legend, P. appeared before the Areopagus as the prosecutor of -» Orestes [1], rather than > Tyndareos, who was already dead (Paus. 8,3 4,2). [2] Argive; a statue depicting him in combat with the Spartan Othryades was displayed in the theatre at Argos (Hdt. 1,82; Paus. 2,20,7). LK. [3] (also called Perillus). Greek worker in bronze, attained notoriety as the legendary creator of the brazen bull in which > Phalaris of Acragas (570-554 BC) roasted his opponents, and whose first victim was said to have been P. himself (Plin. HN 34,89). The work was said to have been taken as plunder to Carthage in 405 BC and returned in 146 BC by Cornelius [I 70] Scipio to Acra-

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786

gas, where Cicero claimed to have seen it (Cic. Verr. 4,33,73). According to Timaeus (in schol. Pind. Pyth. 185), however, the original had long since been thrown into the sea.

tion of ro talents; IG 1 261). P. was an important centre of trade between Greece and Thrace (Xen. An.

OVERBECK, nr. 364-369; EAA 6, s.v. Perillos, 1965, 61— 62; FUCHS/FLOREN, 426. RN.

PERIOD

in the > Delian League in 452/1 BC (with a contribu-

7,4,2). From 377 BC, P. was a member of the 2nd Athenian League. In 367/6, Cotys [I 1] threatened the town (Aristot. Oec. 2,27). In the conflict with Philippus [4] Il in 341/o BC, it sided with the Athenians like Byzantium, and was besieged in vain by the Mace-

Perimede (Heouud5y/Perimede).

donian

[1] Sister of > Amphitryon, wife of > Licymnius [1]. [2] Queen of Tegea in Arcadia (Hdn. Peri monérous léxeds 8), also known as Marpessa or Choira (Paus. 8,47,2). P. successfully led a women’s army against the Spartans under — Charillus (ibid. 8,48,4ff.), whom they captured along with his army (ibid. 8,5,9). The women make sacrifies to > Ares for the victory they attained without male participation, therefore the latter received the epithet gynaikothoinas (‘fed by women’). A statue of Ares Gynaikothoinas stood on the agora of Tegea (ibid. 8,48,4). 5.T.

16,74-76). Only in 202 BC did P. fall for a short time under the rule of Philippus [7] V (Pol. 18,2,4). After the 2nd — Macedonian War, P. regained its freedom through the Romans in 196 BC (Pol. 18,44,4; cf. 2,4), but was quickly occupied once more in 195 by Antiochus [5] III (App. Syr. 6). Under the treaty of Apamea of 188 BC, P. was probably ceded to > Pergamum. In 129 BC, the town was put under the control of the Roman governor of Macedonia. From AD 46, P. was the capital of the province of Thracia. There were battles near P. between > Septimius Severus and > Pescennius Niger in AD 193/4 (SHA Sept. Sey. 8,11). In AD 196, P. first won the honorific title of + neokoros of Septimius Severus, a distinction won again in 218 under Elagabalus |2]. The first reference to the renaming of P. as Heraclia (cf. the modern place name) after its mythical founder Heracles [x] is from 286 (cf. Amm. Marc. 27,4,12; Zos. 1,62,1). After the reforms of Diocletian in AD 297 (-> Diocle-

Perimedes (Mequindne/Perimedes). [1] Companion of > Odysseus who, sometimes with ~ Eurylochus [1], helped him in the sacrifice to the dead (Hom. Od. 11,23-24; visual representation i.a. on the Nékyia by Polygnotus, cf. [1]) and strengthened his chains as they travelled past the Sirens (ibid. 12,195196). [2] Son of > Eurystheus, killed by the Athenians in the defence of the > Heraclidae (Ps.-Apollod. 2,168) or by

~» Heracles [1] after his final travail because the latter

felt disadvantaged in the distribution of the pieces ofthe sacrifice (Anticlides FGrH r4o F 3). [3] Previously unknown son of > Licymnius

king

(Plut.

Demosthenes

17,2f.;

Diod.

Sic.

tianus, with map), P. was the capital of the province of

Europa, and from 3 13, with 15 dioceses, it was the third most important metropolis of the patriarch of Constantinople (Not. Episc. 1,8). In 359, the city was largely destroyed in an earthquake (Sozom. Hist. eccl. 4,16,3).

2C. Har-

It withstood the assaults of the > Hunni (AD 450) and the > Avares (AD 592) without serious damage (Theophanes, Chronographia rozf.).

RAUER, Likymnios und seine Familie in P Vindob. G 23058, in: WS ror, 1988, 97-126. T.H.

M. H. Sayar, Perinthos-Herakleia, 1998; E. SCHONERTGeiss, Die Miinzpragung von Perinthos, 1965. Lv.B.

Perimele (Mequun/Perimeéle). [1] Daughter of Admetus, mother of Magnes, the eponym of the region of Magnesia (Antoninus Liberalis 23; schol. Eur. Alc. 269). [2] Daughter of Amythaon, mother of Ixion (Diod. Sic. 4,69; schol. Pind. Pyth. 2,39 DRACHMANN). LK.

Perioche (xeguoy/perioché, ‘summary of contents’). Periochai are — in contrast to the often editorially reworked and thematically arranged > epitomé —summaries of the contents of historical prose works, for the purposes of rapid orientation. On the periochai to Livy’s [Livius III 2] History, cf. [1. 190-193].

[1] (cf.

[2]). 1B. Maert, s.v. P., LIMC 7.1, 324; 7.2, 268

Perinthus (Méow0oc¢; Périnthos). Harbour town, established by > Samos in 602 BC on a peninsula on the Thracian > Propontis coast (Ps.-Scymn. 713-715; Str. 7a,1,56; Diod. Sic. 16,76; Plin. HN 4,47; > Colonisation IV), where later the > via Egnatia joined the coast road, modern Marmara Ere§glisi. The place name is of

pre-Greek origin (cf. the ending -imthos). Around 570/560 BC, P. became involved in conflict with Megara [2] (Plut. Quaest. Graec. 57); the town was later conquered by > Paeones (Hdt. 5,1f.), occupied by the Persians under Darius [1] I in 512 BC (Hadt. 6,33) and liberated by Cimon [2] in 476 BC; P. is first attested

1P. L. Scumipt, in: HLL 5, 1989.

Period

(xegtodoc/periodos,

ME.SCH.

Latin periodus). Ancient

word for a rhythmical and melodic formation principle. In > metre, the term refers to the linking of two or more cola into a closed, harmonious unit, the > kolon

here consisting of a so-called metrical foot or a group of several feet. Period in metre refers both to spoken verses such as hexameters and trimeters and to the sung verses of choral lyrics. Periods are separated by a pause at which the word must (virtually) end and hiatus is permitted; the last element of a period, which is regarded as

787

788

long, can also consist of a short syllable; elision at the end of a period is very rare.

philosophy regarding cosmic periodicity must be distinguished from this (for this [15. 840-847]).

PERIOD

In > rhetoric, the word refers to a sentence or sen-

tence complex, generally composed of parallel clauses

II. FROM HEs10D TO HELLENISM

and artfully constructed; in this context, colon refers to

The

a short constituent phrase that forms part of a period. The terms ‘period’ and ‘colon’ were both introduced by — Thrasymachus of Athens (Suda s.v. Thrasymachus p. 726.13ff. ADLER = 85 A 1 DK). A first definition is found in Aristot. Rh. 1409a 3 5-b 1; the metrical period is described in Heph. p. 168,19ff. CONSBRUCH (both Fest. p. 236,32-34 L.: ‘periodus dicitur et in carmine lyrico pars quaedam et in soluta oratione verbis circumscribta sententia’; »Period is the name for a part of a lyrical work (poem) and for a sentence in speech that is not subject to metre, but which is nevertheless specifically structured by virtue of its arrangement of words«. Cicero (Cic. Orat. 204; 222) and Quintilian (Quint. Inst. 9,4,124ff.) discuss how a period in rhetoric should

descending

pattern

of metals

(gold,

silver,

bronze and iron races) —a concept whose core probably goes back to a Mesopotamian myth — in > Hesiodus (Op. 106-201) comes in a form enhanced by a race of heroes in the penultimate place [5. 1-27; 19. 172-177]. The physical, intellectual, cultural and moral differences between the individual races allow basic anthropological data to emerge; at the centre of the didactic intent is the existential meaning which inheres to foresighted work and the respect for ethical and legal norms

[13]. The metal scheme entered the periodic teachings of + Orphism [5. 52 f.; 2. 54-69]. > Plato [1] refers back to periodic concepts: the Politikds myth of the periodic alternation of the revolutions

of the world

(PI. Plt.

be constructed, and also in what ways the term is trans-

268d—274d) uses the antitheses of the Kronos era and

lated into Latin (ambitus, circuitus, comprehensio, con-

the Zeus era; in the Nomoi, the characteristics of the age

tinuatio, circumscriptio); the most comprehensive treatment in the ancient sources is in Hermog. De inventione 4,3; Hermogenes’ scholiast mentions precursors

of Kronos are characterized as exemplary (Pl. Leg. 713a-714a). In Plato’s Kratylos, Socrates [2] interprets the term Saiuwv/daimon with recourse to Hesiod’s

(vol. 7, 930,11-22

of A.

Golden Race (Pl. Crat. 397e-398c); in the Politeia, the

BOECKH [1] is of relevance to the history of scholarship, being the first to recognize and analyze the Pindaric strophic form as a regular sequence of repeating periods. The oldest surviving textual evidence of colometric division is the Lille Stesichorus papyrus (PLille 73, 76

metal scheme is transferred to the order of rankings in the ideal state (Pl. Resp. 415a-c; 468e; 546e-547b) [5. 54-58; 10. 29-42]. Particularly in the Peripatetic school, less in Cynicism, Epicureanism and Stoicism [ro. 43-86], the subject of the Golden Age or Race (yovoobtv yévocd/chrysovin génos) was integrated into +> origin myths: > Theophrastus (fr. 584A,1-64 ForTENBAUGH) Idealized a middle phase ofcultural development, ~ Dicaearchus (fr. 49 WEHRLI [18]) demythologized the Golden Age with explicit reference to Hesiod. The Hesiodic schema underwent an important transfiguration through — Aratus [4], who, in his didactic poem Phainomena, had a series of three ages

Watrz).

The contribution

and rrr), whose dating to the 3rd or perhaps only the

2nd cent. BC is disputed. 1 A. BoeckH, De metris Pindari libri tres, in: Id. (ed.), Pin-

dari Opera 1.2, 1811, 1-340

2 T. HaBINEK, The Colo-

metry of Latin Prose, 1985, 127-136

3 LAUSBERG, vol. 1,

458-460, 464 (§§ 923f., 934) 4P. Maas, Greek Metre, 1962, 45 (§ 63) S NORDEN, Kunstprosa, 295-299 6 W.

SCHMID, Uber die klassische Theorie und Praxis des antiken Prosarhythmus, 1959, 52-56, 130-132 7 J. ZEHETMEIER, Die Periodenlehre des Aristoteles, in: Philologus 85, 1930, 192-208, 255-284, 414-436. GE.SCH.

Period, era I. Bastc FAcTS II]. ROMAN

II. FROM

HEs!top TO HELLENISM

REPUBLIC AND AUGUSTAN

ERA

IV. IMPERIAL AGE AFTER AUGUSTUS

I. Basic FACTS

Ancient texts on the sequence of various eras or ages of the world share interest in a wide-ranging periodization(—-Periods, division into), in which reference to the present can be made under aetiological, eschatological] or teleological aspects. Several strands are connected in

the complex history of the theme: a sequence of generations or races (yévn/géne) or periods (aetates, saecula)

named for metals, the concept of a paradisiacal distant past under - Kronos/-> Saturnus and its replacement with a period ruled by > Zeus/— Iuppiter, along with elements of ancient > origin myths. Theories of natural

(gold, silver and bronze) end with the katasterismés

(‘placing among the stars’) of Dike (Arat. 96-136); the Heroic and Iron Ages are only implied [15. 795-799]. Unlike in Hesiod, here the Golden Age is characterized by agriculture and, with motifs from Hesiod’s idealizing depiction, a community determined by the principle of justice (Hes. Op. 225-237) [5. 58-63; 10. 87go}: rich return for work, no war, no navigation. II]. ROMAN REPUBLIC AND AUGUSTAN ERA ~> Catullus’ Peleus epyllion (Catull. 64) focuses on the transition from the Heroic to the Iron Age and emphasizes the ambivalence toward the Heroic Age already present in Hesiod [16]. The motif of eras achieved its greatest significance in the transition to the Augustan epoch, The idea of the Golden Age served to express the desire for peace and restoration; the extremes of the spectrum— pessimistic utopia and optimistic prophecy — are highlighted by Hor. Epod. 16 and Verg. Ecl. 4: in addition, > Horatius [7] advocates emigration to the Isles of the Blessed, the only place where the conditions

790

789

of the Golden Age still predominate; > Vergilius [4] proclaimed the return of the Golden/Saturnian Age, and thus expanded the periodic scheme, which had not previously been thought of as cyclical. Other concepts must be set apart from this paradisiacal Golden Age, which made agriculture superfluous (Hor. Epod. 16,41-52; Verg. Ecl. 4,37-45): in Verg. G. 1,121-146, the transition from a pre-agrarian age of Saturn to the age ofJupiter serves as an aetiology for the necessity of work and for cultural techniques, and at the same time as a theodicy argument. In Verg. G. 2,536540, it is said that ‘golden Saturn’ led the life of a farmer on earth before the beginning of the age of Iuppiter; retreating Iustitia (‘justice’) left her last traces among the country people (Verg. G. 2,473 f.; the idea of an agrarian Golden Age is also present in Varro, Rust. Bled iia In Vergil’s Aeneid, the Golden Age is used for a teleological concept of history: a pre-cultural era was replaced in Latium by a Golden Age under the rule of Saturnus (Verg. Aen. 8,314-325); this was followed by an (iron) age defined by war and avarice (ibid. 8,326 f.); ultimately, the Golden Age will be renewed under the ruler of the world, Augustus (ibid. 6,791-805) [1. 76—III; 10. 119-125]. Corresponding to the expectation of a new Golden Age were political acts, especially the Secular games (> saeculum III.) in 17 BC [8. 223-225] (corresponding subject: Hor. Carm. saec. 57-60 [10. 152-154]) and the iconographic propagandization of fertility, plenty and peace of the new age (e.g. on the + Ara Pacis Augustae), which influenced private art [20. 171-196; 4. 106-121].

Such ideas were unknown to other poets of the time. Latin erotic elegy complained about characteristics of the Iron Age: war, infidelity, avarice (Tib. 1,3; 2,33 Prop. 2,325 3,13; Ov. Am. 3,8; Ov. Ars am. 2,273-280) [ro. 1§ 5-212]; cf. also > Antipater [9] Anth. Pal. 5,31. ~ Ovidius, who also expressed reservations toward the era ideology in the Fasti ({1o. 213-224] on Ov. Fast. 1,185-254) and Metamorphoses, combined themes from Hesiod and Aratus with topoi from origin myths (Ov. Met. 1,89-150) [5. 70-763; 10. 225-246]. IV. IMPERIAL AGE AFTER AUGUSTUS The idea of a new (golden) age remained a theme of ruler panegyrics into late Antiquity [5. 135-143; 7. 156-170] (frequent in the Neronian period: Calp. Ecl. 1,33-73; Carmen Einsidlense 2,21-38; Sen. Apocol. 4,1; [12]). A variety of functionalizations appeared alongside: the depiction of ten ages in Or. Sib 1 f. [11; 5. 79-83], the oldest stratum of which probably stems from the Julio-Claudian period, is influenced by Hesiod [3. 441-446]. Pseudo-Seneca, Octavia 385-435 |5. 7779] seeks connection with Ov. Met. (without the metal terminology).

> Iuvenalis 6,1-24 combines a grotesque

depiction of the primitive age of Saturnus with the era scheme (oriented on Aratus [15. 808 f.]); Juv. 13,28-30 complains that the immorality of the present exceeds that of the Iron Age.

PERIODOS, PERIODONIKES Other concepts gained significance with Christian

authors [14], especially the schema of the succession of

four > empires known from Dan 2,31-45 (the metal symbology there as well) in Hieronymus (Comm. in Dan. 2,31-35) [17. 102-110] and Orosius (Hist. 2,1,3-6; 7,2,4-6) [6. 71-79], as well as a periodization of world history in analogy to the stages of human life in + Augustinus (cf. [9]). > Origin myths; > Periods, division into; > Theogony; + Time, concepts of; > World; > World, creation of the 1 G. Binper, Aeneas und Augustus, 1971 2L. BRIsson, Proclus et l’Orphisme, in: J. PEprn, H. D. SAFFREY (ed.),

Proclus, 1987, 43-104

3 J. J. CoLtins, The Development

of the Sibylline Tradition, in: ANRW

II 20.1, 1987, 421-

459 4K. Gatinsxy, Augustan Culture, 1996 5 B. GaTz, Weltalter, goldene Zeit und sinnverwandte Vorstellungen, 1967 6H.-W. Goetz, Die Geschichtstheologie des Orosius, 1980 7 R. GUNTHER, R. MULLER, Das Goldene alter, 1988 8D. Krenast, Augustus, 31999 9B. TING, W. GEERLINGS, s.v. Aetas, in: C. MAYER Augustinus-Lexicon 1, 1986-1994, 150-158 Kupuscu, Aurea Saecula, 1986

ZeitKor(ed.), 10K.

11 A. KuRFESS, Homer

und Hesiod im r. Buch der Oracula Sibyllina, in: Philologus 100, 1956, 147-153 12 B. MERFELD, Panegyrik — Paranese — Parodie?, 1999 13 G. W. Most, Hesiod’s Myth of the Five (or Three or Four) Races, in: PCPhS 43, 1998, 104-127. 14R. ScHMiIpT, Aetates mundi, in: ZKG 67, 1955/56, 288-317 15 H. SCHWABL, s. v. Weltalter, RE Suppl. 15, 783-850 16M. STOEVESANDT, Catull 64 und die Ilias, in: WJA 20, 1994/95, 167-205 17K. SuGANo, Das Rombild des Hieronymus, 1983 18 WEHRLI, Schule, vol. 1 19 M. L. West, Hesiod, Works & Days, 1978 (comm.) 20 P. ZANKER, Augustus und die Macht der Bilder, 31997. H.H.

Periodos, Periodonikes (xegiodoc/periodos, meuodovixns/periodonikés). The four most significant Panhellenic agons (+ Sports festivals) at Olympia, Delphi, Nemea and the Isthmus were brought together from the 3rd cent. BC under the term periodos (‘circuit’). An athlete who had been victorious at least once in each of those games received the honorary title of periodonikés documented only from the 2nd cent. AD (cf. today’s Grand Slam for success in the four most important international tennis tournaments of the year). Only c. 60 ancient athletes were entitled to this distinction [1; 2]. Most, however, celebrated their victories before the introduction of the title proper. A six-time periodonikés (or seven-timer: [3. 182f.]) was the wrestler > Milon [2] of Croton [4. nos. 115, 122, 126, 129, 133, 139]. In the youth class this combination of victories seems to have applied only to the boxer Moschus from Colophon [1. no. 26; 3. no. 602]. In the Imperial period the periodos was extended to include the new agons of the ~ Actia and > Capitolea (and perhaps > Sebastea). An athlete successful in the now seven (or eight with the Heraia, which those victorious in musical agons could substitute for the Olympic Games, which had no musical programme) agons of the periodos now styled himself téleios periodonikés (‘perfect periodonikes’) [5]. > Isthmia; > Nemea [3]; > Olympia (IV.); > Pythia

PERIODOS,

PERIODONIKES

792

791

Dil

with religious and political meaning (e.g., Latin “sae-

Mokretrt1, Noti sugli antichi periodonikai, in: Athenaeum

culum’; [7]), and the present can be stylized into a syn-

32,1954,

onym for a qualitatively new period (the return to the ‘Golden Age’ under + Augustus [1]; mec nostri saeculi est, ‘It does not correspond to the spirit of our age’: Trajan in Plin. Ep. 10,97,2). An astronomically or numerically constituted unit of time could also be interpreted as a period (‘Great Year’: Plat. Ti. 39d 3ff.; Cic.

1R.

Knap,

gymnischen

Die

Periodoniken,

115-120

und

1934,

71980

3 J. EBERT, Epigramme auf Sieger an

hippischen

Agonen,

1972

4L.

Moretti, Olympionikai, 1957 5 P. Friscu, Der erste vollkommene Periodonike, in: EA 18, 1991, 71-73.

E. Marti, ITEPIOAONIKHS,

in: Acta Antiqua Acade-

miae Scientiarum Hungaricae 31, 1985-1988, 335-355.

W.D.

Periods, division into I. TERMINOLOGY Concepts

II. DELIMITATION;

III]. MODERN

TERMS

ANCIENT

FOR PERIODS

IV. INDIVIDUAL PERIODS

I. TERMINOLOGY The division into periods, or periodization, imbues large segments of history with meaning relative to the uniform progress of time, so that they form a unit (period, epoch, age) with regard to a selected aspect. Individual events thereby obtain the rank of turning points or caesuras. As the determination of qualitative differences in the course of time, periodization, considered from the viewpoint of a theory of history, is — like historical reconstruction itself—the result of a perspectival explanation of the past, which is both framework and precondition for further research. Despite its theoretically precarious status and extreme dependence on the criteria that are privileged in each case, periodization remains as a noteworthy expression of scientific conventionalism as well as of new emphases and paradigm shifts, indispensable in the organization of the academic historical disciplines. Caesuras and ages are, moreover, often already experienced and named by their contemporaries — this, too, provides scientific legitimation for periodization [18. 55f.]. General conceptions, already inherent in language, of basic patterns of historical courses of development (e.g., ‘development’, ‘differentiation’, ‘intensification’,

‘crisis’) can hardly be eliminated, despite the now general rejection of cyclical and organological formations of meaning [4]. Previously proposed typological-universalistic concepts of periodization had points of contact

Nat. D. 2,51; Censorinus, DN

18,11; century). When

periodization is based on preconceived meta-historical (mythic-religious or philosophical) principles or developmental schemes — often with a prospective-eschatological emphasis — it is primarily of importance in intellectual history. Greek -» myth carries out its division into periods according to a three-generation model: the age of local tribal or civilization heroes, the age of the Trojan War, and the epigoni as the beginning of the dynastic chronology of lists of kings. A theological-ethical conception of periods under Oriental influence, together with the opposition between the time of heroes and the present, is present in the model of the five ages of the world (Hes. Op. 106-201;

> Period, Era) [5]. Important in

terms of the history of reception was the related JudaeoChristian doctrine of the four kingdoms of the world (Dan 2,31-45), secularized as the ‘translatio imperii’ (Aemilius Sura in Vell. Pat. 1,6,6). The philosophical

theory of civilization was familiar with a hierarchical scheme of forms of subsistence (hunters and gatherers,

shepherds, farmers; — Anthropology), while others sought to deal with the experiences of political instability by using a cyclical model of constitutions (Pol. 6,4—9; theory of > constitution; > mixed constitution). Empirical research recorded ‘constitutional changes’ as caesuras between periods (Aristot. Ath. pol. 41). Unlike Greek history, which was polycentric, there were ancient approaches towards a comprehensive periodization of Rome. Already in the historiographic discourse of the 2nd cent. BC, period years were named for the beginning of moral decline [3]. Florus (Epit. 4-8) made divisions according to the ages of life, while Tacitus chose the accumulation of durable power by particular individuals as a criterion (Tac. Ann. 1,1). Isola-

with Frobenius’ doctrine of culture areas, and produced

ted reflections on the requirements for a meaningful

comprehensive types of periods (e.g., ‘Greek Middle Ages’: ed. MEYER [17. 267—269]). Individualizing periodization claims validity only for specified areas. Thus, the periodization into Antiquity, the Middle Ages and the Modern Age that has been current since the Renaissance and humanism — it was elevated to the status of textbook knowledge by Ch. Cellarius in 1702 at the latest — applies only to the European/Mediterranean region in the narrow sense.

periodization are noteworthy (Pol. 1,5; 3,1).

II. DELIMITATION;

ANCIENT CONCEPTS

Periodization is to be differentiated from — chronology, although a tendency toward the formation of period formation is inherent in dynastic chronology (~ Eras of rulers). A chronological term can be charged

II]. MODERN TERMS FOR PERIODS Among modern impersonal terms for periods, only > pentekontaetia is attested from Antiquity. The terms used today are partly borrowed from art history (Archaic/Classical period, Late Antiquity) or else reflect political experiences (‘Roman Revolution’: Th. Mommsen, Romische Geschichte, vol. 2, 1855; SYME, RR). In addition to simple chronological classification (Early, Middle, Late Republic), there are highly complex concepts with teleological implications (Hellenism in the sense of DROYSEN: see below, IV A. 3.). Despite all differentiations, such terms as ‘Dark Ages’, ‘Classi-

cal period’, or ‘Bas-Empire’ still contain value judg-

794

793

ments.

More

deeply anchored

in intra-disciplinary

PERIODS, DIVISION INTO

logical sphere (> Koine Eirene, federal states,

> Pan-

usage are (numerically imprecise) centuries as abbrevia-

hellenism).

tions for periods (the 5th or 4th cent. BC in Greece; the 3rd cent. AD asa hiatus between the ‘High Empire’ and Late Antiquity). Naming periods after long and

3. HELLENISM Already in DRoySEN’s Geschichte des Hellenismus (*1877/78), which provided a scholarly foundation for this term [6. 1-3, 129-131], the work’s structure (history of Alexander, of the Diadochi and Epigoni) reflected an essential characteristic of this time: the importance of an energetic monarch who legitimized his rule primarily through military victories. Even today, the importance of Hellenism for world history is thought to consist in the diffusion of Greek civilization to the Orient, with the result that the development of a ruling stratum in the Hellenistic monarchies Graeco-Macedonian elites replaced the local ruling classes. At the same time, of course, complex processes of cultural and religious exchange and acculturation took place, even in the many newly founded cities based on the Greek

momentous wars is common (‘Age ofthe Persian Wars’,

and

so forth). Periodization sometimes reflects the assessment of the heuristic and methodological limits of historical reconstruction: For G. Grote (History of Greece,

1846-1856), historical Greece began in 776

BC, preceded by the mythical age. A similar skepticism resonates in such expressions as ‘Dark Ages’ and ‘Early Rome’. IV. INDIVIDUAL

A. GREECE

PERIODS

B. ROME

A. GREECE t. DARK AGES AND ARCHAIC

2. CLASSICAL PERIOD

PERIOD

3. HELLENISM

rt. DARK AGES AND ARCHAIC PERIOD Current archaeological research tends to give stronger emphasis to the continuity of settlement since the Submycenean period (1100/1050 BC), but the Dark Ages (on this term, see [8. 96-13 1]) mark a hiatus in all

major spheres of life. The archaic period (about 800500) saw the formation of the Greek settlement area (> Colonization IV) and such essential political, reli-

gious and cultural phenomena as the culture of aristocratic competition, writing, legislation, cults of > Polis divinities, and Panhellenic centres. > Polis and ‘éthnos’ emerged from small, poorly organized communities as the typical forms of participatory citizenship with political institutions, well-defined territories and a strong preparedness for conflicts. An unsurpassed presentation is [ro]; for the current view [19]. 2. CLASSICAL PERIOD The concept of a normative Classicism and the imitative discourse associated therewith since Antiquity (> CLASSICISM) are primarily important for intellectual history and the history of scholarship. Historically, the 5th and 4th cents. BC formed a period as ‘the age in which Greece, on the basis of the city-state, carried out »Great Politics«’ (A. Heuss). The internal divisions of the period between the battles of Marathon (490 BC)

and Chaeronea (338 BC) are undisputed: The —> Persian Wars (500/490-479/8), the — Pentekontaetia (479-431), the > Peloponnesian War (43 1-404), over-

lapping attempts by Greek states to form hegemonies and the rise to power of Macedonia (404-338). More controversial are the caesuras in the political culture of democratic Athens, e.g., 462/1 and 404/3 [16; 1] (> Athens,[1] III.). In the geometry of power, the difference between the ‘bipolar’ 5th cent. (Athens/Sparta) and the multipolar 4th cent. is clear. The polis states’ striving for powerful liberty nevertheless persisted as the basic condition of Greek politics, even beyond 338 and despite many innovations in the interstate and ideo-

model (— Hellenization). Such new phenomena as fede-

ral states, royal courts and rule by dignitaries in the towns completely reshaped the Greek political experience. The age of Alexander [4] the Great (336-323) and the wars over the undivided empire (323-301; > Diadochi, wars of the) formed subperiods. The subsequent period of the > Hellenistic states was characterized bya volatile de facto balance between the three major powers (Macedonia and the Seleucid and Ptolemaic Kingdoms). The defeats of the Macedonian and Seleucid Kingdoms by Rome (205-168) initiated the long decline of political Hellenism, which ended with the incorporation of Egypt into the Imperium Romanum (30 BC). The history of the Hellenistically-influenced cultural sphere within the Roman empire had begun. B. ROME 1. MONARCHY 2. REPUBLIC EMPIRE 4. LATE ANTIQUITY

3. PRINCIPATE/

t. MONARCHY Instead of the foundation year of 753 BC, canonical since Varro (cf. [12. 210f.]), recent scholars speak of a process of Rome’s urbanization under Etruscan influence in the 7th cent. A subperiodization of the period of the monarchy is impossible, because the number, names and years of reign of the canonical seven kings are based on later constructs. No monarch was able to establish himself after approximately 500. The traditional date of 51o as the end of monarchy goes back to a synchronism with the fall of the Athenian tyranny. 2. REPUBLIC The current periodization of the non-monarchical phase of Roman history provides firm dates of institutional and legislative revolutions and a (rough) synchronicity with external expansion. According to this scheme, the early Republic, ruled by the patrician nobility (from 509), was characterized on the domestic poli-

tical scene by the - Struggle of the Orders, which turned on the questions of securing means of subsist-

PERIODS, DIVISION INTO

796

795

ence and equal rights for the plebeian masses (> plebs) as well as access for the plebeian elite to the ruling stratum (> Patricii). Traditionally, the admission of plebeians to higher office through the leges Liciniae Sextiae (367) and the equivalence of plebiscites to resolutions of the entire people granted by the lex Hortensia (287) are held to conclude this phase. With the expulsion of + Pyrrhus (275), the conquest and governmental organization of Italy by Rome had also been completed. The Middle or ‘Classical’ Republic is considered its heyday. Between 264 (beginning of the rst > Punic Wars) and 133 BC (conquest of Numantia), the homogeneous political elite, which had arisen from the Struggle of the Orders (— nobiles) led Rome to world rule. The plebeian tribunate of Ti. Sempronius Gracchus (> Sempronius Gracc(h)us, Ti.) in 133 marked the beginning of the political disintegration (‘Crisis of the Republic’ or ‘Age of Revolution’ [11. 5 58f.]). Individual figures rose from the nobility, which was overburdened and increasingly incapable of consensus, to promote their power interests by military force, thereby paving the way for monarchic autocracy (as in the dictatorships of Cornelius Sulla [> Cornelius [I 90]] and — Caesar; or the victory of Octavian/ > Augustus [1] over Mark Anthony at Actium in 31 BC). More recent research relativizes these caesuras, insofar as it

emphasizes the structural contradictions and potential for conflict in the ruling aristocracy well before 133, and the (partial) functioning of this order even in the late Republic (E. GRUEN [9]).

A new perspective on the link between domestic and imperial politics likewise leads to a modified periodization, according to which a phase of rather hesitant provincialization of new territories by the aristocratically governed Roman city state was followed by an imperial expansion, driven by the will of individual aristocrats and rulers, from the reorganization of the East by Pompey (~ Pompeius [I 3]) (63 BC) to the Empire’s maximum expansion under — Traianus [1] (AD 117). 3. PRINCIPATE/EMPIRE

Outwardly, periodization is primarily oriented toward ruling dynasties. The current term for the period of prosperity between 96 and 180 as the period of the ‘humanitarian emperors’ [11. 342-344] follows the standard set by Augustus at the beginning of the principate (27 BC): self-restriction on the part of the all-powerful ruler, consideration for the aristocracy, orientation toward the well-being of those governed. E. G1BBON (The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, vol. 1, 1776) saw the rule of > Commodus (180-192) as the beginning of the decline of the Roman Empire. The differentiation between > Principate and > Dominatus as contrary concepts of imperial power and governmental practice is controversial [2]. 4. LATE ANTIQUITY

There can be no doubt that the accession to office of » Diocletianus after the crisis in the period of the soldier emperors (235-284) marked a caesura. The reorganization and consolidation he introduced into central

areas (empire, imperial organization, administration, finances, army and currency) together with the Ger-

manic migrations, the breakthrough of Christianity, the ‘loss of the city’ (J. MARTIN [15]) and the different de-

velopment of the eastern and western empire led to a far-reaching transformation. Research into ~ Late Antiquity, conceived within broad chronological limits (down to the early 7th cent.) as an independent period, has largely replaced the older discourse surrounding the date and causes of the decline of the Roman empire

[14]. + Chronology; > Classicism; > Dark Ages; — Eras; + Hellenism; > Pentekontaetia; > Period, Era; > Progress, idea of; > Saeculum; > Epochs, concept of; 1 J. BLEICKEN, Die Einheit der athenischen Demokratie in klassischer Zeit, in: Hermes 115, 1987, 257-283 Prinzipat und Dominat, 1978 3K. BRINGMANN,

21Id., Welt-

herrschaft und innere Krise Roms im Spiegel der Geschichtsschreibung des 2. und 1. Jahrhunderts v.Chr., in: A&A 23,1977, 28-49 4 A. DEMANDT, Metaphern fiir Geschchte, 1978 5B. Gatz, Weltalter, goldene Zeit und sinnverwandte Vorstellungen, 1967 6 H.-J. GEHRKE, Geschichte des Hellenismus, *1995 7B. GLapiIGow, Aetas, aevum und saeclorum ordo, in: D. HeLLHOLM

(ed.), Apocalypticism in the Mediterranean World and the Near East, 1983, 255-271 8M. GOLDEN, P. TOOHEY (eds.), Inventing Ancient Culture, 1997 9 GRUEN, Last. Gen. 10 A. Heuss, Die archaische Zeit Griechenlands als geschichtliche Epoche, in: AXA 2, 1946, 26-62 11 Id., Romische Geschichte, 1960, °1998 120. LEuzE, Die romische Jahrzahlung, 1909 13 F. G. Mater, s.v. Periodisierung (Allgemein; Altertum), in: W. Besson (ed.),

Fischer-Lexikon Geschichte, 1961, 245-253

14Id., Die

Verwandlung der Mittelmeerwelt, 1968 15 J. MARTIN, Der Verlust der Stadt, in: CH. MEIER (ed.), Die okzidentale Stadt nach Max Weber, 1994, 95-114 16 CH. MEIER, Der Umbruch der Demokratie in Athen (462/61 v.Chr.), in: R. HERzoG, R. KOSELLECK (eds.), Epochenschwelle

und Epochenbewuftsein, 1987, 353-380 17 Ep. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums, vol. 3,*1937 18 J.H.J. VAN DER Pot, Sinndeutung und Periodisierung der Geschichte, 1999 (a systematic overview of the theories) 19 U. WaLTER, Das Wesen im Anfang suchen, in: Gymnasium 105, 1998, 537-552. U.WAL.

Perioikoi (megiowmor; perioikoi). I. DEFINITION

II. SPARTA

I. DEFINITION The word periokoi literally means ‘those living in the surroundings’ and is formed according to the same rules as ap-otkoi, ep-oikoi, > met-oikoi and par-oikoi. Like these terms, periokoi has a literal — topographical — and a figurative — politico-legal — meaning. Three figurative meanings can be distinguished here: firstly, the word could refer to serfs — both purchased slaves and a dependent population comparable to — helots or > penéstai (Pl. Resp. 547c¢; Aristot. Pol. 1271b 30; 1330a 29). Secondly, dependent poleis which were not truly integrated into a joint entity and thus did not bear its political name, may be described as periokoi, e.g. the sub-

Ve

798

ject poleis of Elis (Xen. Hell. 3,2,23; cf. Str. 8,3,30). Thirdly, the term can refer to the well-attested and historically important group of periokoi of Sparta.

Aristotle, as a metic (> Metoikos), was not allowed to own land in Athens, his lectures and scientific work

Il. SPARTA Recent scholarship,

evaluating the results of archaeological field research as well as the written sources, shows that in spite of the tradition of the ‘too poleis’ in Laconia and Messenia (Str. 8,4,11), there were in fact only 22 poleis of the periokoi (17 Laconian and 5 Messenian). Those periokoi capable of performing active service as hoplites (> hoplitai) were obliged to provide full military support to Sparta (Plut. Agesilaus 26; Polyaen. 2,1,7); before the battle of Plataeae in 479 BC, 5,000 (— Persian Wars) of them were conscripted (Hdt. 9,28,2), each community of periokoi thus

compelled to supply an average of approx. 250 hoplites. The perioikoi were here termed Aaxedamoviot (Lakedaimoniot), exactly as were the Spartan hoplites. Somewhere after 450 BC, in response to the declining population of Sparta, they were even incorporated into the same military units as the > Spartiatae. From an ethnic and political perspective, then, they belonged to the Lacedaemonian order, and were culturally and linguistically indistinguishable from the Spartiatae. However, they did not undergo the aywyh (> agdge), were not permitted to attend the public meals at Sparta (> Banquet II B), nor to vote, stand for public office or live in Sparta itself. At best, then, they were second-class citizens of the Spartan polis as a whole, and, although they were citizens of their own poleis, these were dependencies of Sparta. The poleis may have paid tribute to Sparta; the Spartan kings certainly owned estates on the territory of the perioikoi (Xen. Lac. 15,3). In 369, the periokoi of Messenia and the Messenian helots gained their independence, but the system of social dependence remained intact in Laconia until the beginning of the 2nd cent., when many periokoi broke away to form their own League of Free Laconians (tO xowov tov "Ehevdeoodaxdvev/ to koinon tén Eleutherolakon6n). — Sparta 1 P. CarTLEDGE, Agesilaus and the Crisis of Sparta, 1987

2 Id., Sparta and Lakonia. A Regional History 1300-362 BC, 1979 = 3 Id., A.J.S. SPAWFORTH, Hellenistic and Roman Sparta: A Tale of Two Cities, 1989 4 PH. GauTHIER, Météques, périéques et paroikoi, in: R. Lonis (ed.), L’Etranger dans le monde grec, 1988, 23-46 5 F. HAMPL, Die lakedaimonischen Periéken, in: Hermes 72, 1937, 1-49 6 T.H. Niexsen, Triphylia. An Experiment in

Ethnic Construction and Political Organisation, in: Id. (ed.), Yet More Studies in the Ancient Greek Polis, 1997, 129-162 7 G. SHipLey, The Other Lakedaimonians. The

Dependent Perioikic Poleis of Laconia and Messenia, in: M. H. Hansen (ed.), The Polis as an Urban Centre and as a Political Community, 1997, 189-281 8 J. Roy, The Perioikoi of Elis, in: s. [7], 282-320. P.C.

Peripatos

(Ileginatoc;

Peripatos). The name

of the

school founded by the disciples of Aristotle (> Aristoteles [6]) to carry on his teachings and research. Since

PERIPETEIA

must have taken place on rented premises. Only after his disciple + Demetrius [4] of Phalerum had taken over the government of Athens in 317 BC on behalf of the Macedonian supremacy (— Alexander [4]) was Theophrastus able to purchase a plot of land and establish the school. It was located outside the city walls, northeast of the city and near the Lyceum, a shrine to Apollo Lykeios that also housed a gymnasium (cf. map — Athens).

Documents providing information on the building and organization of the Peripatos are found in the wills of the first three heads of the school, > Theophrastus (died 288/286 BC), > Straton [2] (died 272/268) and

+ Lycon [4] (died 224), in Diog. Laert. 5,51; 5,62; 5,70. The grounds consisted of a park (kepos) with a peripatos (probably a walkway planted with trees, which gave the institution its name), two > Stoas, one of which contained maps, a shrine to the muses with statues of Aristotle and his son Nicomachus, an altar and several houses. The Peripatos was Theophrastus’ property during his lifetime (317—288/6); he bequeathed it to a group of ten ‘comrades’ or ‘fellows’ (xowwvotvtec/koinonountes) whom he authorized to choose the head of the school, but the wills of his successors apparently treated the Peripatos as their own private property. Lycon [4], too, bequeathed it to a group of ten people, but Straton willed it directly to Lycon, although the will also contained instructions to the other members to co-operate with him. A likely explanation of this fact is that the Roinonountes transferred ownership of the school to the respective scholarch following his election, while all retaining the right to use the school. Despite initial political hostility/challenges the Peripatos achieved great success; Theophrastus is said to have had 2,000 students. Five names of later scholarchs have been documented: Lycon’s successor > Ariston [3], > Critolaus [1] of Phaselis (about 155 BC) and his successor — Diodorus [16] of Tyrus, as well as, in the rst cent. BC, > Andronicus [4] of Rhodes and his successor > Boethus [4] of Sidon; a number of names have been lost. There is no documented information on the Peripatos from the Imperial period, so it is uncertain whether the chair of Aristotelian philosophy that was established in Athens later on and financed by the state was linked to the position of scholarch at the Peripatos. > Aristotelianism H.P. Lyncu, Aristotle’s School, 1972; H.B. GorrtSCHALK, Review of Lynch, CR 90, 1976, 70ff.; Id., Continuity and Change in Aristotelism, in: R. Sorapyt (ed.), Aristotle and After, 1997, 104-115; Id., Notes on the Wills of the Peripatetic Scholarchs, in: Hermes 100, 1972,

314-342; C. NATALI, La scuola dei filosofi, 1981.

HG.

Peripeteia (i neQunéteva/hé peripéteia). Literally ‘turnabout, reversal’ of a situation, mostly of fate, often unexpected and asa rule from good to bad (e.g. Aristot.

PERIPETEIA

799

Rhet. 1371b ro). The concept is central to Aristotle’s Poetics (Poet. 11,1452a 22-29), where P. is defined as the reversal of what was to be achieved into its opposite. This should happen by probability (xaté& 6 eixdg) or by necessity (xat& tO Gvayxatov). Together with > anagnorisis P. is a characteristic of complex narrative structures (‘plots’, w0Oou memAeyuevot: 10,1452a 12-21), whereas

simple

narratives

(uw000i

&mAot)

make

do

without these two elements. As an example of a P. Aristotle mentions — Sophocles’s Oedipus Rex, in which a Corinthian shepherd appears and tells Oedipus his true identity, with the purpose of freeing him from his troubles but achieves the opposite effect of what he intended (1r10ff.). The example makes it clear that P. should be

seen as closely connected with the effect of tragedy on the emotions of its recipients. (> Katharsis). S. HALLIWELL, The Poetics of Aristotle, 1987, 116-120;

D. W. Lucas (ed.), Aristotle. Poetics, 1968 and later, 29 1298 (with comm.).

B.Z.

Periphas (Megidac; Periphas). [1] Mythical hero at Troy, from Aetolia, killed by » Ares (Hom. Il. 5,842. 847). [2] Mythical hero at Troy, comrade of Neoptolemus

800

purely nautical issues, and recorded such features as harbour sites and points of anchorage, distances covered, climatic factors, and local peculiarities. The devel-

opment of periplous-style literature reflects the significance of ancient voyages of discovery. Such voyages could be of political, economical, and military use, and

were widely practiced not only by Greeks, but also by Phoenicians (cf. Hdt. 4,42). The series of known periploi begins with the work of an anonymous Greek from Massalia (Marseilles) who described the stretch of coast from Massalia to Tartessus (at the mouth of the Guadalquivir). This periplous was used in the 4th cent. AD by > Avienus in his partially preserved didactic poem Ora Maritima, in which the coastal regions from Britannia to Massalia were charted. In 519-516 BC, the Carian sailor > Scylax (Hdt. 4,44) wrote a periplous describing the Indian coast west of the mouth of the Indus, and a circumnavi-

gation of the Arabian peninsula (FGrH 8-13). The pertplous transmitted under his sents a compilation from the 4th cent. BC, ing on the Mediterranean and the Black Sea

709 F 1-7; name repreconcentratas far as the

Tanais (GGM 1, 15-96). At the beginning of the sth cent. BC, the Carthaginian > Hanno [1] investigated the West African coast from Gibraltar to Sierra Leone. His periplous is extant in a Greek translation from the

[1] (Verg. Aen. 2,476).

4th cent. BC (GGM 1,1,14). In contrast, the account in

[3] Trojan, herald of » Anchises, in whose shape Apollo roused > Aeneas [1] to battle (Hom. Il. 17,323). [4] Mythical archaic king of Attica, before even > Cecrops; venerated for his righteousness even above Zeus, who transformed him into an eagle (Antoninus Liberalis 6; Ov. Met. 7,400). LK.

which Hanno’s compatriot and contemporary > Himilkon [6] described a voyage from Gibraltar to Britan-

Periphetes (Heouprtyc; Periphetes). [1] (Periphantos/Negipavtoc/Periphantos: Onoetovow/Theseioisin).

Suda

Son of > Hephaestus

s.v.

(or of

>» Neptunus: Hyg. Fab. 38; on the other hand Hyg. Fab. 158) and of Antikleia. Highwayman in Epidaurus who with his club (koryé), which is the basis of his

epithet Korynétés (‘club-carrier’, Lat. claviger: Ov. Met. 7,436f.), kills all those passing by. P. is killed (mostly as the first one: Diod. Sic. 4,59; Apollod. 3,217; Plut. Theseus 8,4b) by > Theseus on his way from Troizen to Athens who takes over his club (Diod. Sic. l.c.; Apollod. l.c.; Plut. Theseus l.c.; Plut. Romulus 30,37b-c; Paus. 2,1,4; Ov. Met. l.c.; Ov. Ib. 405f. with schol.). 1 O. HOFer,

s.v. P. (5), ROSCHER

3.2, 1973-1978

2J.

NeixLs, S$. WoopDFORD, s.v. Theseus, LIMC 7.1, 922-951 (with bibl.), esp. [V A-B, 925-929.

[2] Mycenaean, son of > Copreus [1], was killed by > Hector outside Troy (Hom. Il. 15,63 6-652). SLA.

Periplous (megithous, ‘circumnavigation’, plural meginhovperiploi), Greek description of a sea voyage and coast. In addition to explicit logbooks, many periploi were written as handbooks: these were limited to

nia is lost, both in the original and in the Greek version.

Many long-distance voyages were undertaken in the Hellenistic period, and the number of periploi consequently grew. Thus, the commander of Alexander [4] the Great’s fleet + Nearchus [2] reported on the sea route from the Indus to the Euphrates. His lost work was used extensively by > Arrianus [2] in his Indike (2nd cent. AD). In the West, — Pytheas of Massalia

sailed to Britannia around 325 BC, reaching the legendary island of » Thule. In his fragmentarily preserved periplous (Peri Okeanon) he reports on such matters as geographical, ethnographical, meteorological and astronomical peculiarities; however, the credibility of the details in his scholarly writing was often doubted even in Antiquity. From 286 to 281, Patrocles, a governor under Seleucus I, conducted a voyage of exploration on the Caspian Sea (FGrH 712 F 1-8). In the mid—2nd

cent. BC, the geographer > Agatharchides of Cnidus, who was active at the Ptolemaic court, published a Periplous maris Erythraei, in which he described the coastal regions of the Indian Ocean and the Persian Gulf — a compilation used as a source by later authors. The same area was dealt with again around the 1st cent. AD by an anonymous author (Periplous Maris Erythraei = Peri tés Erythras Thaldssés). As a compilation of economically and nautically important information, this periplous contributed to the development of trade with the East. In addition to the Mediterranean, the Black Sea coast also attracted particular interest in the Roman

801

802

Imperial period, e.g. from > Menippus [6] of Pergamum (GGM 1,563-572, c. 20 BC). In the time of Hadrian (117-138 AD), > Arrianus [2], already mentioned above, conducted a voyage of inspection from Trapezus to Sebastopolis, upon which he reported by letter to the Emperor. He later included the entire the

sim). The peripteros rises from a stepped base (> Krepis [1]; > Stylobate), in the 5th cent. BC with canonical 6X13 columns (in the 6th cent. BC other concepts can be found, esp. elongated forms, primarily in western Greece). It is the standard form of the Greek temple. The regularity of the column positions (- Spacing, interaxial) is a proven measure for the chronological ordering of Greek buildings: in the 6th cent. the dimensions of the interaxial or intercolumnar spacing vary considerably, sometimes the spacing of the columns at the front and sides is extremely different (e.g. Temple C in — Selinus). Starting with the older Temple of Poseidon at Cape Sounion (c. 490 BC) and the ‘Temple of Athena’ in Paestum (c. 500 BC), equal interaxial spacing all round as well as equal distances from the colonnade to the walls of the cella are increasingly found and they become the distinguishing feature of classical Greek temple architecture. An excellent example is the Temple of Zeus at > Olympia. An exception from the regular spacing of columns is the spacing at the corners (cf. + Angle triglyph problem). The constructional form of the peripteros was concerned with various refinements (> Optical Refinements). These show the great extent to which form varied and followed a theoretical ideal in Greek Antiquity. The maximum regularity in the peripteros type can be found in Ionian temples of the late 4th and early 3rd cents. BC. > Hermogenes [4]; > Priene; > Pytheus; > Temple

Black Sea coast in his text, on the basis of a broader

range of sources (GGM 1,370-401). It was probably in the 2nd cent. that + Dionysius [28] described the route from the Propontis to the Pontus Euxeinus in his Andplous Bosporou (GGM 2,rf.). The Periplous tés Ex6 Thalassés of + Marcianus dates from the period after AD 400; this author excerpted the periplous of Menippus, and also used other works for his description of the coast of the Indian and Atlantic Oceans (GGM 1,515562). A Byzantine-period coastal survey of the Mediterranean, which goes back to a work from the

3rd/4th cents., is of a technical nature

(Stadiasmus

Maris Magni, GGM 1,427-514). ~ Exploration, voyages of; > Geography; > Navigation; + Stadiasmos; > Travels J. O. THomson, History of Ancient Geography, 1948; R. GUNGERICH, Die Kiistenbeschreibung in der griechischen Literatur, 1950; A. DILLER, The Tradition of the Minor

Greek Geographers,

1952; M. Cary, E. H. WARMING-

TON, The Ancient Explorers, *1963; E. OLSHAUSEN, Ein-

fuhrung in die Historische Geographie der Alten Welt, 1991 (with literature).

].BU.

PERIPTEROS

B. Fenr, The Greek Temple in the Early Archaic Period:

Peripolium (Iegutodtov; Peripolion). Locrian fortress near the mouth of the Halex in Bruttium (— Bruttii, Bruttium) on the border with Rhegium [r], precise location unknown. Conquered by the Athenians in 426 BC (Thue. 3,99), only to be won back by Locri [2] in 425 (Thue. 3,115,6).

Meaning, Use and Social Context, in: Hephaistos 14, 1996, 165-191; CH. Hécker, Planung und Konzeption

1 G. Corp1ano, L’espansione territoriale di una polis in ambito coloniale alla luce del caso di Rhegion, in: Annali Facolta di Lettere Universita di Siena 18, 1997, I-16.

TINI, Vom Herdhaus zum Peripteros, in: JDAI ror, 1986,

A. De FRANCISCIS, Societa e stato a Locri Epizefiri, 1972,

klassischer

174f.

sches Bauwesen in der Antike, 1988, 139-141; H. RIEMANN, Zum griechischen Peripteraltempel. Seine Planidee und ihre Entwicklung bis zum Ende des 5. Jahrhunderts v.Chr., 1935; Id., Hauptphasen in der Plangestaltung des dorischen Peripteraltempels, in: G.E. Mytonas (ed.), Studies Presented to D.M. Robinson, vol. 1, 1951, 295308; W. WursTeER, Dorische Peripteraltempel mit gedrun-

MLL.

Peripteros (megintegos; peripteros). Colonnaded temple with only a single circle of columns (~ Temple), in contrast to the > dipteros. The term appears in the Latin form for the first time in Vitruvius (3,2,1 et pas-

@

e

®

e

®

gedrungenem Grundrifs, in: AA 23-36;

D. MeRTENS,

Der Tempel

dorische Tempelbaukunst Zeit,

1975, 10-13; W. Mar-

1980; W.

von

Segesta und die

des griechischen Westens MULLER-WIENER,

genem Grundrifs, in: AA 1973, 200-211.

CHO.

Olympia: Temple of Zeus

5

4 @

3

3

@ @@@ O68 6

2

in

Griechi-

>.

@

@

der klassischen Ringhallentempel von Agrigent, 1993; Id., Architektur als Metapher: Uberlegungen zur Bedeutung des dorischen Ringhallentempels, in: Hephaistos 14, 1996, 45-80; H. KNELL, Dorische Peripteraltempel mit

(472-457 BC); ground-plan

Ramp Pronaos Cella Cella with base of cult H Ww BW image of Zeus by Phidias 5 Opisthodome

PERIRRHANTERION

Perirrhanterion (xeo1o(o)avtouov; perir(r)hanterion). Large basin of clay, marble or limestone on a tall stand

with a cylindrical shaft and base of quite considerable proportions, the basin being either firmly attached to the stand or separable. Similar in form and appearance to louteria

804

803

(> Labrum), perirrhanteria were used for

ritual purification by sprinkling with water and stood in front of temples, at the entrances to sanctuaries and at cult places in gymnasiums or at herms (whereas louteria were used for everyday bodily cleaning). In Athens there were also perirrhanteria at the centres of public life (e.g. in the Agora); other perirrhanteria were given as votive offerings, primarily for female deities, to sanctuaries. Perirrhanteria could be decorated either ornamentally or figuratively. The spread of perirrhanteria begins in the second quarter of the 7th cent. BC and extends into the Roman Period. Among the surviving perirrhanteria, examples from the period between the second quarter of the 7th cent. BC and the beginning of the 6th are outstanding; their basins are supported by three or four korai standing on lions. M. KersCHNER, P. und Becken, in: H. Walter (ed.), AltAgina, vol. 2.4, 1996, 59-132; H. Pimpt, P. und Louteria.

Entwicklung und Verwendung grofser Marmor- und Kalksteinbecken auf figiirlichem und saulenartigem Untersatz in Griechenland, 1997.

R.H.

W. MULLER-WIENER, Griechisches Antike, 1988, 217 s.v. P.

Venus of Weissenburg, Munich, Prahistorische Staats-

sammlung [1]) and hetairai.

In Antiquity the separate circular rest for vessels such as rhyta (> Rhyton) was also called periskelis. 1E. ScumipT,

s.v. Venus,

140,116.

LIMC

8, 205, no.

116, pl. R.H.

in der C.HO.

Peristylion (xequotbtov/peristylion, Latin pertstylium). Representational element of ancient public and private architecture: Peristylion is used to describe a colonnade (> Column) surrounding a court or square. In Greek architecture, peristyles can increasingly be found in private > houses from the late 4th cent. BC onwards, also in numerous representational public buildings, e.g.> gymnasia, ~ palaistrai, — libraries, > theatres and various > assembly buildings (bouleuterion and prytaneion). From their beginning, peristyles are building components that were associated with power. They can be found in Mycenaean architecture (> Tiryns). As a result of their use in private houses (esp. houses of > Delos) they also made their way into various palaces of Hellenistic rulers (+ Palace).

Roman architecture adapted the peristyle intensively and from the whole spectrum in which it was used in Greek Hellenistic architecture. Particularly in houses, the peristyle was used in addition to the > atrium, commonly now also as an architectural frame for > gardens (cf. also > Porticus). R. FOortscn, Archaologischer Kommentar zu den Villenbriefen des jiingeren Plinius, 1993, 85-92; W. MULLERWIENER,

Periskelis (xeQuoxenic/periskelis, mequoxthwov/periskélion. Latin periscelis, periscelium). Term no longer current in archaeological scholarship for a simple band of material or metal worn as a thigh ornament above the knee by women of the lower classes and prostitutes (Hor. Epist. 1,17,56; Alci. fr. 4; Petron. 67), less commonly by women from higher circles (Petron. 67; Longus 1,5). They should be distinguished from clasps worn above the ankle and known as compedes (Petron. 67; Plin. HN 33,39-40 and 152). Such bangles and clasps are common in Greek and Roman art in representations of the people around Aphrodite/Venus (e.g.

Bauwesen

Griechisches

Bauwesen

in der Antike,

178f.

Peritas

1988,

C.HO.

(IMeoitac; Peritas).

Otherwise

unknown

epi-

grammatic poet, to whom two distichs about Priapus, the protector of the garden, are attributed (they are alternatively ascribed to > Leonidas [3] of Tarentum): Anth. Pal. 16,236 (cf. 16,261 by the same Leonidas),

possibly the model for 16,237 by > Tymnes and certainly for Priap. 2.4). GA I 2, 385.

M.G.A.

Perithoedae (Mequoida; Perithoidai). Attic asty deme of the phyle Oineis with three bouleutar. On the basis of the site of the funeral inscription IG II? 7219 and mythological speculation P. is mostly located to the west of Athens in the Cephisus valley along the Sacred Road (present day Aigaleo)( Athenai II.7.). TRAILL, Attica, 49, 68, 84, 210, 371.

111 Nr. 107, Tab. 6; WHITEHEAD, H.LO.

Peristasis (teQiotaotc; peristasis). Ancient Greek term for a ring of columns (- Column), and hence a colon-

nade in a Greek ~ temple or other ancient buildings with surrounding columns [1]. The colonnade can be formed of a single row (> Peripteros) or a double row (> Dipteros) (cf. also > Peristylion. On formal problems relating to peristaseis in Greek temple construction: ~ Angle triglyph problem; > Inclination; — Curvature; > Proportion).

1 F. Eperr, Fachausdriicke des griechischen Bauhandwerks I. Der Tempel, Diss. Wiirzburg, 1910, 23 (containing building inscriptions).

Perizoma (xeQifmpuca/perizoma, Latin perizoma). Greek

apron for covering the lower body, worn around the abdomen and held with a belt, as a cloth wrapped round the hips and then passed between the legs, or in the form of a garment similar to a pair of shorts. Perizomata were worn by labourers, artisans, sacrifice attendants, priests, slaves, and also soldiers (cf. Pol. 6,25,3; 12,26a 4) and athletes as their only clothing ( Nudity C.) or as an undergarment. In iconography it is mostly men that are shown wearing perizomata, less

805

806

often female figures such as > Atalante and > Gorgo [x]. In the literary tradition diverse types of perizoma are presented of which the campestre, the cinctus and

to Strabo

the » subligaculum (- Bathing costume) are the best-

known. In the theatre, a cloth or shaggy fur apron with an attached > phallus worn over the actor’s tricot was also called a perizoma. In art there is evidence of perizomata as clothing from the Minoan and Mycenaean period until the end of Antiquity. L. BonranTeE, The Etruscan Dress, 1975, 19-31, 164172; E. SAPOUNA-SAKELLARAKIS, Die bronzenen Men-

PEROZES

(9,2,19; 9,2,30) the P. flowed into Lake Copais near > Haliartus and hence — with reference to [2. 212f.] — is identified e.g. by [1] with the stream Zagora (modern Evangelistria), the rest of the ancient literary tradition (e.g. Nic. Ther. 12; Orph. A. 124; Prop. 2,10,26; Verg. Ecl. 6,42; cf. also Paus. 9,29,5;

SEG 15, 323,4) places the river in the valley of the Muses with the spring > Aganippe [1] as a source;

hence ultimately equated by [3; 4. 80] with the river Askris (formerly Archontitsa), which peters out to the east of Thisvi (ancient Thisbe).

schenfiguren auf Kreta und in der Agais (Prahistorische

1 E. KirsTEN, s.v. Permessos, RE 19, 869-872

Bronze-Funde vol. 1.5), 1995; A. Kossatz-DEISSMANN, Zur Herkunft des P. im Satyrspiel, in: JDAI 97, 1982,

LEAKE, Travels in Northern Greece, vol. 2, 1835

65-69.

R.H.

2 W.M.

3P. W.

WALLACE, Hesiod and the Valley of the Muses, in: GRBS

15, 1974, 5-24

41d., Strabo’s Description of Boiotia,

1979.

PF.

Perjury I. GREECE

II. ROME

I. GREECE

~ Oath [2]; > Pseudomartyrias dike Il. ROME Although the oath had widespread application in Roman law (cf. for instance > iusiurandum in iure), it was predominantly limited to the realms of religion. The punishment for perjury (periurium; in addition to that the verbs periurare, peierare) was therefore a matter for the gods. A secular punishment was at first invoked only when the perjury also generated a > testimonium falsum (false testimony); perjury in court remained bound to the way this offence was dealt with. In the context of the Imperial > cognitio extraordinaria personal enrichment by means of perjury was punished as > stellionatus. A possibility to prosecute on account of the infringement of the emperor’s

~ maiestas arose in Imperial times, when it became customary to take oaths by the Genius principis (> Genius A.). Although the emperors spoke out against it, and although Ulpian (Dig. 12,2,13,6) only mentions punishment by flogging, perjury appears to have played a fairly important role in trials for lésemajesté, but this development ended when the oath by the emperor became meaningless. Under the influence of Christianity, perjury was treated as a crime against

religion. The resulting punishment in hell after death, explicitly mentioned in some laws, was increasingly supplemented by secular penalities, which varied according to the type and nature of the perjury — e.g. loss of honour (> infamia), loss of rights, penalties for four times the value, etc. K. Latte, s.v. M., RE 15, 353ff.; B. Bronp1, Il diritto romano cristiano, vol. 3, 1954, 406ff. AVO.

Permessus (ITequyood¢/Permessos; for different forms of the name [1. 869]). River mentioned as early as in Hes. Theog. 5, rising in the > Helicon [1]; located variously by later ancient authors. Whereas according

Perna. Oscan goddess, whose worship is attested only in Agnone (cf. VETTER no. 147), with a statue and an altar in a grove of the Oscan > Ceres and a cult in the ~ Floralia festival. There is no plausible linguistic connection with > Anna Perenna or an Etruscan chthonic deity. The name per-na seems to be formed on Latin per, ‘through’; > porrima is a possible superlative. The connection with Ceres points to a fertility aspect, but her exact function remains unclear. Perhaps P. was responsible for the early stages of pregnancy — analogous to > Prorsa (and Porrima?), who looked after the final phases — or for the first sprouting of shoots from the earth. F. ALTHEIM, Terra Mater (RGVV

RADKE, 252f.

22,2), 1931, 91-108;

D.WAR.

Pero (Mnow; Péro). [1] Daughter of > Neleus [1] and > Chloris [4], with twelve brothers, including - Nestor [1]. Neleus

demands Iphiclus’ cattle as a bride price for P. > Melampus [1] delivers the cattle for his brother > Bias [1], who is given P. as his bride (Hom. Od. 11,281-297; 15,231-238; Apoll. Rhod. 1,120f. Paus. 4,36,3; 10,31,10). Several of the couple’s sons are part of the Argonaut campaign (Apoll. Rhod. 1,118-120). [2] Mother by > Poseidon of the river god Asopus (Apollod. 3,156; Paus. 2,12,4 mentions a different mother). G. BERGER-Dokr, s.v. P. (1), LIMC 7.1, 327f.; E. WUust, s.v. P. (x)-(2), RE 19, 875f. R.HA.

Perozes (Greek MeQdtns; Perdzés). [1] P.I. (Arabic Firaz). Persian Great King (AD 459-

484), son of > Yazdgird II. His reign is characterised by disputes with tribes of > Hunni, who were already supporting a campaign for the throne against > Hormisdas [5] Ill. In about AD 465 P. got into conflict with king Kunchas of the Kidarites, to whom he sent a woman to be his wife, claiming that she was his sister (Priscus fr. 41 BLOocKLEy). More dangerous to him were the

PEROZES

808

807

> Hephthalitae, who after 475 lured P. into an ambush, took him prisoner and forced him into a humiliating treaty, to be guaranteed by the taking hostage of his son > Cavades [1]. In breach of the treaty, P. again attacked the Hephthalitae in 484 but was defeated and fell in battle. His sons, with the exception of Cavades, who did not take part in this campaign, ended up in captivity, a daughter in the harem ofthe victorious king of the Huns

name to become consul, although he lost his citizenship in 126 BC.

(Procop. Pers. 1,3-4).

[2] P., M. In 168 BC, P. travelled to the Illyrian king

K. SCHIPPMANN, s.v. Firaz, Enclr 9, 63 1f.

[2] P. Il. a descendant of > Chosroes [5] I; according to Tabari [1. 396] said to have ruled a few days in about AD 631. 1 TH. NOLDEKE, Tabari, Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit der Sasaniden, 1879 (German transl. and comm.; repr. 1973).

[3] P. (If.) A son of > Yazdgird [3] II, starting from Tocharistan tried to reconquer the declining > Sassanid Empire with Chinese help. In AD 661-663 he ruled over an ephemeral northeastern Iranian state under Chinese sovereignty, but in c. 673 ultimately had to retreat to the Chinese

court,

where

he served

as a

Guards general and died in about 678. -» Sassanids

95-97;

M.

PaLLoTino,

Etruskologie,

1988,

240; SCHULZE, 88.

[1] P., C. Probably brother of P. [4], praetor no later than 91 BC, was defeated in 90 as legate of consul P. > Rutilius Lupus in the > Civil War [3] (App. B Civ. 1,179; 183). MRR

2, 20; 29.

K.-LE.

+ Genthius along with L. Petilius by order of Ap. Claudius [I 4]. When Genthius had the delegates arrested as spies, the successor of Ap. Claudius, L. > Anicius [I 4] declared war against Genthius and freed the prisoners after the capture of Scodra. P. brought the news of the victory to Rome (MRR

1, 430). He was one of four Romans who received the proxeny (— proxenia) of Cierium in Thessaly (IGIX 2, 258). Due to his presumption of Roman citizenship, he was exiled from Rome in 126 (Val. Max. 3,4,5). MOomMSEN, Staatsrecht 3, 200 n. 1.

PN.

[3] P., M. Son of P. [2]. In or after his praetorship in 132 BC, he captured - Henna [1] on Sicily in the Slave War and received an > ovatio (Flor. Epit. 2,7,8): As homo novus, he became consul in 130, and, as successor of P. Licinius [I 19] Crassus Dives Mucianus, was given the

Zu P. [2] uNp [3]: O. Kiima, Ruhm und Untergang des alten Iran, 1988, 201; 209.

MUNzeR,

M.SCH.

command against > Aristonicus [4], whom he defeated and took prisoner in Stratonicia on the Caicus (IPriene 108;

Perperene (leomeotwy/Perperené). City in Aeolian + Mysia, probably on the road from Adramyttion to Pergamum near modern Asagibey (localization of [1] confirmed by [2]; plan in [2. vol. 1, 297]). Coin minting attests to the existence of P. from the 4th cent. BC (cf. [2. vol. 2, 308-325]). > Thucydides did not, as Steph. Byz. (s.v. aexcewv/Parparon) would have it, die in P. but probably in > Hellanicus [1] around 400 BC (Suda s.v. II.). At the time of Pliny the Elder (rst cent. AD), P. appears to have belonged to the conventus of Perga-

Lo9; Str: 14,138;

Val. Max:

3,455; Flor. Epit.

1,35,6). He died in early 129 in Pergamum before his return. [4] P., M. Son of P. [3], b. inc. 148 BC; consul in 92 and censor in 86 along with L. Marcius [I 13] Philippus; they included the first Italians in the census lists after the > Social War [3] (MRR 2, 54). P. died in 49 supposedly at the age of 98 years (Plin. HN 7, 156). He had no political significance. [5] P. Veiento, M. Perhaps son of P. [4]; as a follower of the Marians (-» Marius [I r]), he became praetor in 82

and governor

of the province of Sicilia, which

he

(HN 5,122,3; 5,126,9). [he coins attest to a rich

handed over to the victorious Pompeius [I 3], thus avoi-

cultural life in P. From the sth cent. at the latest, P. was called Theodosioupolis which is clear from the episco-

ding — proscriptions (perhaps in Liguria) (Diod. Sic. 38,14; Plut. Pompeius ro,2). After the death of P. Cornelius [I 90] Sulla, he joined the rebellion of the consul of 77, M. Aemilius [I 11] Lepidus. After the death ofthe latter, P. led the rest of the troops from Sardinia to Spain and joined the side of Q. > Sertorius, becoming his deputy (Plut. Sertorius 15,2; App. B Civ. 1,527). After the defeat in several battles by Pompey, P. had Sertorius murdered in 73 and assumed command. He was finally captured himself by Pompey in early 72, offered him Sertorius’s correspondence as ransom but was executed immediately (Plut. Sertorius 27; Plut. Pompeius 20; App. B Civ. 1,536-538 et passim).

mum

pal lists (Hierocles, Synecdemus TelbAse2 Ota)

1,661,9; Not. Episc.

1 R. Bonn, E. Fasricius, Eine pergamenische Landstadt, in: MDAI(A) 11, 1886, 1-14, 444f. 2J. SrauBER, Die Bucht von Adramytteion (IK 50/51) 1996, vol. 1, 291309; vol. 2, 308-325. W. RuGE, s.v. P., RE 19, 890-892; F. M. KAUFMANN, J.

STAUBER, P. — Theodosiupolis, in: EA 23, 1994, 41-82.

E.SCH.

Perperna. Nomen gentile of an Etruscan family (or Perpenna on inscriptions); the family must have received citizenship early: its rise to political power began with P. [2]. P. [3] was the first person with a non-Roman

1 C. F. Konrap, Plutarch’s Sertorius, 1994, Index s.v. P.

2 MRR 3, 155f.

K.-LE.

809

810

Perpetua. On 7 March 203 AD, five including Perpetua and Felicitas, died tre of Carthage. The most important martyrdom, the > passio Sanctarum

young Christians, in the amphitheaLatin account of Perpetuae et Feli-

citatis, which was written a short time later, tells of their

imprisonment and execution. Its heart is the journal P. kept in prison. It tells in simple, spirited language of the personal side of her passion, for example her concern for her child and the pain of her heathen father, for whom she feels pity. Her fears contradict the ideal of the heroic martyr; we encounter a woman who learns only with time to accept imprisonment and execution as her destiny. This development is reflected above all in her four visions, in which pagan and Christian conceptions melt into one. Her last vision translates Christian teachings of martyrdom into pictorial form: she defeats + Satan in a > pankration match, securing her entry into paradise. The effect of the Passio was unparalleled; it shaped all of African — martyr literature (cf. > passio) and resonated even in the East. Even today P.’s story, one of the few ancient documents by a female author, provides unique insight into the mind of an early Christian woman. + Passio

PERSE(IS)

[2] P. from Citium. Stoic philosopher, born c. 307/6 BC in Citium on Cyprus. Details of his biography in Diog. Laert. 7,36 and Philodemus’ History of the Stoa (coll. 12-14 Doranpi); cf. also SVF I 43 5-462. In Athens P. was a favoured pupil of the Stoa founder -> Zeno of Citium. As Zeno’s faithful follower P. was sent in his stead to the court of Antigonus [2] Gonatas and became a royal adviser there. In 243 BC he commanded the Macedonian garrison in Corinth, which was captured by the troops of the Achaean League; he himself died during the attack or fled to Antigonus in Cenchreae. P. wrote numerous works primarily on political and ethical subjects (including a Spartan Constitution and a criticism of Plato’s Laws in seven books), and also recollections and anecdotes on Zeno; he attempted a rationalist proof of the existence of the gods in the manner of + Prodicus and discussed the authenticity of the Socratic dialogues and Aeschines’s critique of Homer [1]. He taught philosophy to Aratus [4] of Soli and Halcyoneus (a son of Antigonus Gonatas). T. Doranpi (ed.), Filodemo Storia dei filosofi: La stoa da Zenone a Panezio, 1994; SVF tr. B.L.

sioni dei martiri, 1987; J. AMAT, Passion de Perpétue et de

Persarmenia (Armenian Parskahayk’). In AD 387, » Armenia Major was divided up, with about a fifth of the territory being allocated to Rome and the greater

Félicité, 1996.

eastern area to Iran. After the death of Arsak II (> Ar-

Ep.: C.J.M. J. VAN BEEK, Passio Sanctarum Perpetuae et Felicitatis,

1936; A.A.R.

Lir.: P. HABERMEHL,

BASTIAENSENet

al., Atti e pas-

P. und der Agypter, 1992; J. E.

SALISBURY, P.’s Passion, 1997.

PE.HA.

Perrhaebi (IegoatPoi; Perrhaiboi). Tribe on the western slopes of Olympus [1] on the border between Thessalia and Macedonia. Still independent in Homer (Hom. Il. 2,749), in the sth cent. BC they were dependent on the Thessali, particularly on Larisa [3], as tributary > perioikoi (Thuc. 4,78,6; Str. 9,5,19). From the period of their independence they retained two votes in the Delphic Amphictyonic Council (> Amphiktyonia), until Philip [4] Il took one vote from them (346 BC). With Thessalia, the P. belonged to the Macedonian Kingdom until 196 BC, when they were declared free by Rome (Pol. 18,46,5; 18,47,6) and

they founded their own federal state, which coalesced with the Thessalian League in about 146. Either at that time or only under Augustus they lost their last Amphictyonic

vote

(Paus.

10,8,4f.).

Ptolemy

(3,13,42;

44)

counted the cities of the P., i.e. the tripolis of Azorus, Doliche and Pythium as well as Gonnus, as part of Thessalian Pelasgiotis, but Chyretiae as part of Hestiaeotis. F, STAHLIN, Das hellenische Thessalien, 1924, 5-39; H. KraMOLISCH, 1978.

Die Strategen des Thessalischen

Bundes, MA.ER.

Persaeus (Iegoaioc; Persaios). [1] Father of > Hecate (H. Hom. 2,24), P. corresponds to > Perses [1]. SU.EL

saces [5]), the Roman-Byzantine area was established around AD 390 as the province of Armenia interior, while the entire eastern region, called P. by the Byzantines, remained under the rule of the Sassanids. Follo-

wing the end of Arsakid rule in AD 428, the Sassanids appointed a governor general (marzpan) to the new capital city of Dvin (Doubios). The Armenians reacted to the forced religious and cultural Iranization with rebellions (451 in Avarayr, 571 in Dvin). In the 6th cent. (527, 531, 572-91) there were renewed Byzantine-Persian conflicts over P., the majority of which went to Byzantium in AD 591, to Persia again in AD 610/r1,

and back to Byzantium under Heraclius [7] in AD 624/29. In AD 653/54, P. was placed under the control of the Arabian suzerainty as a formally autonomous state.

~ Armenia; > Parthian and Persian Wars C. TOoUMANOFF, Studies in Christian Caucasian History, 1963; R. HEwseN, The Geography of Ananias of Sirak, 1992, 147f., note I. APL.

Perse(is) (Ilégon/Pérsé, Megonis/Perséis).

[1] Daughter of + Oceanus and — Tethys, wife of Helios, mother by the latter of - Circe and > Aeetes (Hom. Od. 10,13 6-139; Hes. Theog. 356; 956f.; Apollod. Epit. 7,14). Her children are varyingly named as: Aloeus, > Pasiphae, > Calypso, > Perses [2] (Apollod. 1,83; schol. Lycoph. 174; 798b; Cic. Nat. D. 3,48; Hyg. Praef. Fab. 36 MARSHALL).

PERSE(IS)

81I

[2] Epithet for + Hecate as the daughter of Perses [1] (schol. and Eust. ad Hom. Od. 10,139; Apoll. Rhod. 3,478 and 1035; Ov. Met. 7,74; cf. Hes. Theog. 409411).

NI. JO.

Persephone,

Kore

(Ilegoepdovy/Persephoné,

Koon/

Koré). I. GENEALOGY

AND

MytTH

II. CuLt

I. GENEALOGY AND MyTH The Greek goddess P./K. is the daughter of > Zeus and > Demeter. The Greek Koon/Kore (Doric Koga/ Kora, lonic Koven/Kouré) emphasises her role as the ‘daughter’ of Demeter, whilst the name Ilegoepovn/

Persephone (H. Hom. 2,56; Hes. Theog. 913; also PeQoedovy/Phersephone; epic Megoepovein/Persephoneie; Attic Pegoépattal/Pherréphatta etc.) stresses her role as the wife of > Hades. The defining myth about P. is first told in the Homeric hymn to Demeter (H. Hom.,

middle of 7th cent. BC?; for the Latin versions see ~ Proserpina): as P. is picking flowers in a meadow (which is located in different places in the various versions), she is abducted by Hades/—>

Pluto and taken to

the Underworld. After her marriage to him she becomes queen of the ~ Underworld. Demeter’s unsuccessful search for her daughter reaches its crisis in > Eleusis [x], where she has retreated without attending to her normal tasks, with the consequence that the cereal crops fail completely. Only the intervention of Zeus prevents mankind from starving: he eventually sends +» Hermes to Hades in order to convince the latter to set P. free, which Hades does, after he has given her some

pomegranate seeds to eat. This makes that P. cannot leave Hades for good. She lives there for part of the year, and in spring she returns to the world above and spends the other part of the year with her mother. TC unr A. KORE AND DEMETER C. KORE AND Hapes_ E. VARIOUS

812

B. THESMOPHORIA The + Thesmophoria, celebrated by women all over the Greek world, was the festival held in honour of Demeter (who also bore the title Thesmophoros) and Kore. In Athens (we know most about the Athenian Thesmophoria [1]), many of the rites within a sequence lasting several days refer to Demeter’s sorrow after K.’s abduction and to her adventures when searching for her daughter. One of these was the ritual in which the de-

composed remains of piglets were brought up from underground where they had been left to rot for some time (schol. Lucian. p. 275,23 RABE). This rite was related to the mytheme in which the pigs of the swineherd + Eubuleus had disappeared into a gaping chasm with K. when she was abducted. C. KORE AND HADES Sometimes, K. and Hades were worshipped together. The myth of her abduction was 1.a. interpreted as a polarised representation of many views concerning marriage from the perspective of a girl. In many places, especially in > Locri [2] Epizephyrii, her cult emphasised this aspect [3. 203-206]. Her marriage was significant here in cult and myth; the goddess was worshipped as the protector of marriage and of the female domain, including the protection of children. Demeter appears not to have played a prominent role in the Locrian cult, which was linked to the sanctuary of the Persephoneion, in which Persephone was closely connected to Hades. Demeter did have her own shrine in Loeri and will have been linked to her daughter in the cult of the Thesmophoria (in Locri, Demeter bore the epithet Thesmophoros) |3. 206-208]. Persephone’s ‘marriage’ (anakalypteria) and the flower picking which preceded her abduction were also celebrated in other places, e.g. in Sicily (Persephonés anakalypteria: schol. rec. Pind. Ol. 6,160; cf. Diod. Sic. 5,2,3) and in the Locrian colony of Hipponion (Str. 6,1,5).

B. THESMOPHORIA D. FESTIVALS

CULTIC CENTRES

OF ARRIVAL

F. ICONOGRAPHY

G. UNDERWORLD

A. KORE AND DEMETER K. is often worshipped together with Demeter. The myth of the search for Demeter’s daughter has its counterpart in ritual. In ~ Megara [2] there was a rock called Anakléthris, because Demeter anekdlesen (‘called back’) her daughter K. when she passed it by in her search; the women of Megara staged a re-enactment of the myth (Paus. 1,43,2). In the Eleusinian > Myste-

ries the initiates re-enacted the search for K. at night by torchlight (cf. Lactant. Div. inst. epit. 23); when the goddess was found, the ritual ended with mutual con-

gratulations and torch throwing. The ceremonial invocation to K., during which the hierophant sounded a gong (Apollodoros FGrH 244 F rrob), probably took place towards the end of the search and just before she was found again.

D. FESTIVALS OF ARRIVAL P./K. belongs to the deities whose arrival was cel-

ebrated at ‘festivals of arrival’. For instance, an important Sicilian festival in honour of P was the festival of arrival known as K6rés katagoge. According to Diodorus (Diod. Sic. 5,4,5f.), ‘the return of P./K.’ from the

Underworld was celebrated when the grain in the ears of corn reached maturity, in May or thereabouts. This doubtlessly was the festival in honour of K. at the spring of > Cyane in the territory of Syracuse, which Diodorus had described shortly before (Diod. Sic. 5,4,2): ~ Pluto abducted K. close to Syracuse and after he had split open the earth, descended with her into Hades; the spring of Cyane rose up there; every year the Syracusians celebrated a festival here during which private individuals sacrificed smaller animals, whilst bulls were immersed as public sacrifices in the pool (a kind of sacrifice which > Heracles [1] is said to have shown the Syracusians when he was in Sicily, after he had driven away the cattle of Geryoneus). As the spring of

813

814

Cyane was a passage way between this world and Hades, this ritual was linked to P.’s/K.’s journeys between both worlds. Another festival celebrating P./K.’s arrival was the

persons initiated in > Orphism (> Orphicae Lamellae; [10]). In the Orphic theogonies, P. is the daughter of an incestuous union of Zeus and his mother — RheaDemeter as well as the mother — by her father Zeus — of the Orphic child + Dionysus who was killed and dismembered by the > Titans. This mortal divine son of P., Chthonios Dionysus, was identified with > Zagreus (a polymorphic figure, difficult to grasp, who, in Aesch. TrGF 3 F 228 is the son of Hades and P.) and finally became Dionysus-Zagreus, son of Zeus and P. (e.g. Hsch. s.v. Zayoevc; Suda s.v. Zayoevc; cf. schol. Pind.

Koragia in

+ Mantinea (IG V 2,265; cf. IG V 2,266),

during which a procession and sacrifice took place. P.K.’s statue was removed from its usual place in the temple and carried back to the house of the priest or priestess until it was returned to the temple, which on this day was accessible to all participants in the cult. The festival comprised a part called mystikd ta arrbéta, as well as drrhéta mysteria (> Mysteries C I) and the presentation of a new garment (péplos). A society of koragoi was responsible for the festival, and the rite was understood as a reception and entertainment of the deity. In > Cyzicus, P. bore the epithet Sodteira (‘saviour’,

> Soter) and her festival was called Phere-

phattia or Koreia or Soteira. In Arcadia Demeter and Kore were called the ‘the Great Goddesses’ and Kore was called Soteira by the Arcadians (Paus. 8,31,1; cf. 4,1,5-95

[2]).

E. VARIOUS CULTIC CENTRES The cult of P./K. and Demeter was widespread in Southern Italy (+ Magna Graecia) and in Sicily (for details, see [3]). Before the middle of the 6th cent. BC, we find few sanctuaries dedicated to both goddesses, but after that time in many places of Southern Italy and Sicily were temples erected for them. Their cult flourished in the succeeding centuries; only from the end of the 3rd cent. BC does it seem to become less important in Southern Italy. Of the recently excavated (or published) sanctuaries of Demeter and K. in other areas, those

most worthy of note are in Corinth (on the slopes of the Acrocorinth) with its earliest archaeologically attested phase dating from the 7th cent. BC [4; 5; 6], and the sanctuary in Cyrene, in the Wadi ‘i-Gadir, lying outside the city and founded c. 600 BC [7; 8]. F. ICONOGRAPHY In pictorial depictions P./K. appears as a young woman, often with additional features, with torches, ears of corn and sceptres being widespread, whilst others, such as the cock in Locri Epizephyrii, are tied to the iconography of specific local cults [9].

G. UNDERWORLD As Queen or Mistress (Déspoina) of the Underworld, P. possessed an awe-inspiring, fearsome aspect; in the end, everyone entered her domain. For this reason she was linked to cults which were to guarantee a better life after death. These include the Eleusinian > Mysteries, a part of the Athenian polis religion, with which Demeter was also linked. The initiation into these mysteries was to guarantee a blissful existence in the afterlife (e.g. H. Hom. 2,479-482). P. also played an important role in sect-like cults which hoped to ensure a blissful life after death. A sign of this is her role in the texts engraved on gold leafs which were interred with

PERSEPOLIS

Isthm.7,3). +» Demeter;

— Mysteries;

> Persephone;

— Thesmo-

phoria 1 K. Ciinton, The Thesmophorion in Central Athens and

the Celebration of the Thesmophoria

in Attica, in: R.

HAae (ed.), The Role of Religion in the Early Greek Polis, 1996, t11-125 2M. Jost, Sanctuaires et cultes d’Arca-

die,

1985, 297-355

3 V. Hinz, Der Kult der Demeter und

K. auf Sizilien und in der Magna Graecia, 1998

4N.

Booxipis et al., Dining in the Sanctuary of Demeter and K. at Corinth, in: Hesperia 68, 1999, 1-54

5 N. Bookt-

pis, R. SrRouD, Demeter and P. in Ancient Corinth, 1987

6 A. BRUMFIELD, Cakes in the Liknon: Votives from the Sanctuary of Demeter and K. on Acrocorinth, in: Hesperia 66, 1997, 147-172

7D. Waite, The Extramural Sanc-

tuary of Demeter and P. at Cyrene, Libya (Final Reports 5), 1993. 8S. KANE, Cultic Implications of Sculpture in the Sanctuary of Demeter and K./P. at Cyrene, Libya, in: E. CATANNI,

S. MARENGO

(eds.), La Cirenaica

in eta

antica. Atti del convegno internazionale di studi Macerata 1995, 1998, 289-300

9G. GUNTNER, s.v. P., LIMC

3,

956-978 10G. ZuNtTz, P. Three Essays on Religion and Thought in Magna Graecia, 1971. W. BURKERT, Homo necans, *1983, 248-297; J. STRAUSS

Cray, The Politics of Olympus. Form and Meaning in the Major Homeric

Hymns,

1989, 202-266;

K. CLINTON,

Myth and Cult. The Iconography of the Eleusinian Mysteries, 1992; FARNELL, Cults, vol. 3; NILsson, Feste, 3 13-

325, 354-362; Ip., GGR, vol. 1, 462-466, 469-481; C.

SouRVINOU-INWOOD, ‘Reading’? Greek Culture: Texts and Images, Rituals and Myths, 1991, 147-188; Eap.,

Reconstructing Change: Ideology and Ritual at Eleusis, in: M. Go pen, P. Toouey (eds.), Inventing Ancient Culture: Historicism, Periodization and the Ancient World, 1996, 132-164.

CEE

Persepolis (modern Taht-e Gaméid; Greek Tégoat Tlodtc/ Pérsai Polis, Megotnodc/Persépolis (Diod. Sic. 17,70,1 et passim.; Str. 15,3,6); Latin Persepolis (Curt.

554533 et passim; Amm. Marc. 23,6,42); Ancient Persian Parsa, homophone of the name of the territory of + Persis). Situated on the north eastern edge of the Marv Dait Plain, approx. 60 km north of Siraz near the opening of the valley through which the road to > Pa-

sargadae and Isfahan has run since ancient times. At the end of this valley, the remains of the ancient city of ~ Istachr are located. Darius [1] I (522/1-486) had a 12 m high terrace, measuring 450 x 300 m, accessed by a double flight of steps, built on the slope of the Kah-e Rahmat to house a

815

816

new residence after Pasargadae. He began the work on

Perseptolis (Megoéntodtc; Perséptolis). Son of - Tele-

the great audience hall (Apadana), the

machus; > Polycaste [2] (Hellanicus of Lesbos FGrH 4 F 156) and > Nausicaa (ibid.) are named as his mother. The lineage of the Attic rhetor » Andocides [1] can be traced back to the connection between Telemachus and

PERSEPOLIS

> palace (with

illustration), the so-called harem and the treasury. Only -» Xerxes (486-465) completed these buildings, and added the monumental entrance gate (‘Gate of All Nations’), his own palace and a further audience hall (‘Hundred-Column

Hall’), which, however, was only

completed under Artaxerxes [1] I (465-423); Artaxerxes [2] Il and [3] III added further constructions. Some of these buildings were erected on high plinths, and were reached by climbing long, shallow flights of stairs. The sides of the plinths, like the skirting of the stairs,

were decorated with reliefs, mostly depicting endless ranks — sometimes one on top of another — of Persian dignitaries and the arms of service of the Persian army, as well as servants of the king. Depictions of long processions of groups of men clad in explicitly various forms of dress (representing delegations of the various populaces of the Empire) bringing animals and objects as gifts or contributions, have led to the supposition that P. served primarily — or even exclusively — for newyear receptions, to which gifts were said to have been brought from everywhere (> New Year’s Celebrations

Nausicaa, and therefore FGrH 4 F 170¢).

possibly

to P. (Hellanicus TH.KN.

Perses (Ilégong; Peérses).

[1] (or > Persaeus [1]: H. Hom. 2,24). Son of the Titan + Crius [1] and Eurybea, brother of Astraeus and Pallas (Hes. Theog. 375ff.; Apollod. 1,8), husband of + Asteria [2], father of > Hecate (Hes. Theog. 4o9ff.). [2] Son of Helios, brother of -» Aeetes (Hyg. Fab. 27).

He seized power in Colchis from Aeetes, for which he was killed either by > Medea (Apollod. 1,83) or her son Medus (Hyg. loc.cit.; Diod. Sic. 4,56,1). [3] Son of > Perseus [rt] and -» Andromeda (Apollod. 2,49), Cepheus’ daughter. After his birth, P. was left

behind at the court of > was the eponym of the according to Hdt. 7,61, [4] Brother of the Greek

Cepheus [2] as the male heir. P. Persians, who had previously, been called Képhénes. ST. poet > Hesiodus. Following a

II). Permanent occupation is evidenced in the residential

decision by arbitration by the basileis, P. wished to have

city only recently discovered on the plain below the terrace. Reliable copies of Persepolitan cuneiform inscriptions from P. reached Europe as early as the 18th cent. via Carsten Niebuhr. Together with the trilingual of -» Bisutun these formed the basis for Grotefend’s deciphering of — cuneiform script. Among the relatively few finds from excavations at P., insofar as they survived the plunder by the soldiers of Alexander [4] the Great in 330 BC, was a substantial number of mostly

the dispute heritance addressed urging him

between the brothers over their paternal inreconsidered (Hes. Op. 27-39). Hesiod his didactic poem Erga kai hémérai to P. to adhere to the norms of agrarian custom.

M. GARGARIN, Hesiod’s Dispute with Perses, in: TAPhA 104, 1974, 103-111; P. MittetT, Hesiod and His World,

in: PCPhS 210 N.S. 30, 1984, 84-115; W. J. VERDENIUS, A Commentary on Hesiod: Works and Days, vv. 1-382, 1985, 36.

WS.

Elamite clay tablets, whose content attests that P. was

[5] Epigrammatic poet of the Garland of > Meleager

also an administrative centre for Persis. The complete destruction (pillage) of P. by Alexander [4] attested in the literary sources (Arr. Anab.

[8] (Anth. Pal. 4,1,26), Theban (lemma to 7,445), probably the same as a Macedonian P. (lemma to 7,487). 9

3,18,11f.; Curt. 5,7,3-7; Cleitarchus FGrH 137 F 11 = Ath. 13,576d-e; Plut. Alexandros 38,1-7; Diod. Sic. 17,72,1-73 Str. 15,3,6) is not borne out by archaeology,

as traces of fire only exist in certain areas, and P. clearly continued to be occupied after 330 BC (terrace and socalled Frataraka Temple of the Hellenistic period). Behind the terrace, the monumental

GA

Ir, 155-158; 2, 446-452.

burial complexes

of Artaxerxes [2] II and [3] II] are hewn into the hillside, while most of the other rulers had their tombs built in the nearby > Naqs-e Rostam. Diodorus Siculus (Diod. Sic. 19,21f.) reports a feast of the satrap — Peucestas and the so-called ‘conference of P.’, when Antigonus [1] Monophthalmus reformed the eastern provinces after his victory over Eumenes (Diod. Sic. 19,48,1f.). E. SCHMIDT, Persepolis, vols. 1-3, 1953; 1957; 1970; L. TRUMPELMANN, Ein Weltwunder der Antike: P., 1988; J.

WIESEHOFER, Das antike Persien, 1993, esp. 43-48 and detailed bibliography; Id., Die ‘dunklen Jahrhunderte’ der Persis, 1994.

poems survive (votive and funerary epigrams and the epideictic 9,334), possibly all genuine inscriptions. Their language and style are not inconsistent with P.’s rather early floruit (perhaps last quarter of the 4th cent. BC, cf. Pomrow on Syll.3 300), which would thus make P. one of the earliest Hellenistic poets.

H.J.N.

Perseus (Meooetc; Persetis).

[1] I. MyTHOLoGY

II. ICONOGRAPHY

I. MyTHOLOGY Son of + Danae and Zeus, who impregnates her in

the form of a shower of gold; grandson of — Acrisius, the king of Argos, and Eurydice. Because of an oracle predicting that the son of his daughter will kill him, Acrisius sets Danae and P. adrift at sea in a chest. Mother and son are washed ashore in Seriphus and found and taken in by + Dictys [1]. When > Polydectes, the brother of Dictys and king of Seriphus, wishes to

817

818

marry Danae against her will, P. sets out to fetch the head of the — Gorgon [1] Medusa, which turned everything to stone, from the land of the + Hyperboreans as a wedding present. With the help of Hermes and Athena he succeeds as follows. The gods send him to the -» Graeae, from whom he steals the single eye which they use alternately, thus forcing them to show him the way to the nymphs who have the requisite magic tools: the harpeé (scimitar), the kibisis (magic bag), the cap of invisibility and the winged shoes. He eventually reaches the Hyperboreans, cuts off the head of the sleeping Medusa (creating > Pegasus [1]) and puts it in to the magic bag; so as not to be turned to stone by the sight of it, he looks at it only as a reflection in his gleaming shield [1. 113-120]. He escapes the two sisters Sthenno and Euryale (-> Gorgon [r]) by using the cap of invisibility.

Il. ICONOGRAPHY P. is usually depicted as a young hero; attributes (short sword, later harpé (Gem, scimitar); kibisis (xiBtowc, magic bag); winged sandals; headwear, from 470/60 BC with wings) can vary. He is one of the earliest and also the most frequently depicted of Greek heroes throughout all epochs. Popular from the second half of the 7th cent. BC and especially in the 6th cent. is the beheading of Medusa (proto-Corinthian, protoAttic, Cycladic ceramics; terracotta metopes from Thermus around 630; limestone metope from Selinus around 530). Later, on red-figured vases, the flight scene was more popular and in the second half of the 5th cent. the episodes before the beheading (P. with -+ Danae [6. 345; 12]). In the 4th cent., though P. is little seen in the Attic pictorial world, but this is more than made up for in south-Italian and Etruscan art [15], where scenes also often crop up which differ from the normal or for which there are no parallel written sources (P.’s youth; P. and the thiasos). On Apulian vases P. often appears holding the > Gorgoneion, reflecting it in his shield [1. 113130; 9; 15]; this typification of P. triumphans also appears on coin mintings of many cities [6. 348; 9]. Paus. 1,23,7 mentions a P. by > Myron [3] of Eleutherae, but only a few statues can be reliably identified as P. [15. 103-116]: Hellenistic bronze candelabra, 5th cent. Etruscan bronze statuette; in the archaic Knielauf pose and with the > tiara of the great Persian king as centre acroterium of the north face of the heroon at Limyra around 370/60 BC [4. 140]. In Pompeian > wall paintings between the end ofthe rst cent. BC and AD 79 the pictorial theme of P. and Andromeda predominates [14]. There are also depictions of P. in medieval astronomical MSS [8]; additionally: Cosimo DE’ MEDICI as P. triumphans by B. CELLINI, 1554 [4. 141].

On the way back to Seriphus he frees

» Andromeda,

saves her from being sacrificed to a monster by her parents Cepheus [2] and > Cassiopeia [3] and marries her. Having returned to Seriphus, he turns Polydectes to stone with Medusa’s head and finally hands it to Athena who puts it on her shield (— aegis). P. accidentally kills his grandfather Acrisius while throwing the discus, thereby fulfilling the oracle. P. takes over rulership of Argos, but exchanges it with his uncle > Proetus for Tiryns, from where he founds > Mycenae. He is finally killed by > Megapenthes [r]. The myth has been attested from very early times (Hom. Il. 14,319f.; Hes. Theog. 280-283; Ps.-Hes. Sc. 222-234; Simon. PMG fr. 543; cf. also Pherecydes FGrH 3 F ro-rz with Apollod. 2,34-49). The most detailed extant literary depiction is given by Pind. Pyth. 10,31-50. Attic tragedy uses the material in numerous plays: Aeschyl. Phorcides (TrGF 3 F 26r1f.), Aeschyl. Polydectes (IrGF 3 p. 302), Aeschyl. Dictyoulkoi (ibid. F 46a-49); Soph. Acrisius (IrGF 4 F 60-76), Soph. Andromeda (ibid. F 126-136), Soph. Danae (ibid. F 165-170), Soph. Larisaei (ibid. F 378-383); Eur.

PERSEUS

(TGF fr. 114-156), Eur. Danae (ibid. fr.

1 L. BALENSIEFEN, Die Bedeutung des Spiegelbildes als ikonographisches Motiv in der antiken Kunst, 1990 2 F. BROMMER, Denkmilerliste zur griechischen Heldensage,

316-330), Eur. Dictys (ibid. fr. 331-348); cf. also comedy: Cratinus, Seriphioi (PCGIV fr. 218-232). The subject matter seems to have been less popular in the Hellenistic Age, but then emerges all the more strongly

1976, 380-404 3 J. CATTERALL, s.v. P., RE 19, 978-992 4 R. JACOBEK (ed.), Gétter, Heroen, Herrscher in Lykien, catalogue Vienna, 1990, 136-151 5 M.H. JAmEson, P., the Hero of Mykenai, in: R. HAGe (ed.), Celebrations of

Andromeda

in Roman times: Livius Andronicus, Ennius, Accius [10. 317-375], Ov. Met. 4,610-803; 5,1-249; Hyg.

Fab. 63f. Further adventures of P. include the failed attempt to kill Dionysus (Paus. 2,20,4; 22,1; 23,73 Euphorion fr. 18 PoweELL; Anon., SH fr. 418) and P.’s visit to Atlas when he turns him to stone (Ov. Met. 4,639-662), cf. also > Phineus (Ov. Met. 5,1ff.). P. seems to have had cult sites in Seriphus (Paus. 2,18,1),

at Mycenae

[5. 213-223]

and

Chemmis

in

Egypt (Hdt. 2,91); early mythology makes him the forefather of the Persians through his son > Perses [3] (Hdt. 7,61; 7,150; Hellanicus FGrH 4 F 60). Material about P. is rare in modern literature, whereas both the Andromeda and the Medusa episodes appear frequently in fine art. The same two themes are found in the numerous operas about P. [11. 546-551].

Death and Divinities in the Bronze Age Argolid, 1990 6 L. Jones Roccos, s.v. P., LIMC 7.1, 332-348; 7.2, 272-309 7 E. KUHNERT, s.v. P., ROSCHER 3, 1986-2060 8 E. LANGLotz, P., 1951 9I1d., Der triumphierende P., 1960 10R.

KLIMEK-WINTER,

Andromedatragédien

Altertums kunde 21), 1993 UITTERHOEVE,

1995, 546-551

(Beitrage

11 E.M. Moormann,

s.v. P., Lexikon

der antiken

zur W.

Gestalten,

12J.H. Oak ey, Danae and P. on Seri-

phos, in: AJA 86, 1982, rr1-115

13 1d., P., the Graiai

and Aeschylus’ Phorkides, in: AJA 92, 1988, 383-391 14K. M. Puivips Jr., P. and Andromeda, in: AJA 72, 1968, 1-23 15 K. SCHAUENBURG, P. in der Kunst des Altertums, 1960 16J.M. Woopwarp, P. A Study in

Greek Art and Legend, 1937.

819

820

[2] Last Macedonian king (179-168 BC), born in 212 as son of > Philippus [7] V. and the Argive > Polycra-

followers of > Polyaratus [2] (Pol. 27,7,1-5; 14,1-23 30,8f.; 28,2,33[3. 181f.; 185f.;4.184-191]), who were

teia; (half-)brother of > Demetrius [5], whom he is said

sympathetic to P., essentially exhausted their forces in the internal political battles with the friends of Rome and were little help to P. [4. 184-191]. By the time P. was eventually decisively beaten in June 168 at + Pydna by L. > Aemilius [I 32] Paullus (Liv. 44,3342, Plut. Aemilius Paullus 18-22,1; [2. 547-557]), he had already been defeated by Roman diplomacy. P. finally gave himself up to the Romans on Samothrace (Liv. 45,4, 2-6,12; Plut. ibid. 26-27); after Aemilius’s triumphal procession he was interned in Alba Fucens,

PERSEUS

to have treated with hostility, involved in an affair of high treason and removed in 180 as a rival friendly to Rome (Pol. 23,7; to-11; Liv. 40,5,2-16,3; 23-24; [r. 251f.; 2. 490]). P. is therefore regarded as a bitter enemy of Rome. The cause of the 3rd - Macedonian War (172-168), allegedly inherited as a war of revenge and which brought the downfall of dynasty and kingdom, was not, however, P.’s desire for war, but the growing distrust of the Romans, stirred up by > Eumenes [3] Il, in the light of P’.s diplomatic successes in Hellas, Rhodes, Bithynia and Syria (Liv. 42,11-13; App. Mac. 11,1-2). Roman fears of a hostile coalition in the Hellenistic east [2. 497-501; 3. 174f.] were fed in particular by P.’s marriage to > Laodice [II 9], the Rhodian escort for the bride and the fact that he had become brother-in-law to Prusias II. P. had already proved his worth in support of Philip V in r99 against the > Paeones (Liv. 31,34,6; [1. 148 note 3]), in 189 during the siege of Amphilochia (~ Amphilochi; Liv. 38,5,103 7,15 10,3; [1. 215]) and probably also against the > Thraces, in whose territory the city of Perseis (modern Prilep) had been founded in 183 (Liv. 39,53,14-16; [1. 243]). P.’s marriage to a prince’s daughter brought peace with the > Bastarnae (Liv. 40,5,10f.;[1. 246 note

43 255]). The main aim of his rule was to continue to restore the prestige of > Macedonia, fighting off the attack by the Thracians under ~ Abrupolis [2. 491f.], for instance. Above all, P. intensified relationships with the Greek states. He held an amnesty for Macedonian debtors and exiles living there (Pol. 25,3), gained new influence on the Delphic amphictyony (> amphiktyonia; Syll2 636), wooed the Achaeans, Aetolians and, more successfully, the Boeotians (Liv. 42,12,1-2; 5-7), where for those critical of Rome he

became the bearer of hope of regaining greater autonomy, since the Senate had confirmed Roman-Macedonian > amicitia with him (Pol. 25,3,1; Liv. 40,58,9;

[2. 492-4953 4. 143f.5 147-1573 5. r9rf.]). When P. could no longer put off war with Rome [2. 502f.; 505-512] and also the legation under the king’s friend Solon in Rome had been snubbed in 172/1 (Pol. 27,6,1-4; Liv. 42,48,1-3; cf. [6. 165-167]), Macedonia was in fact militarily and financially well prepared [2. 503f.], but the confederate policy proved to be fatally weak. Only the Odrysae under > Cotys [I 3], and from 169 also the hard-won > Genthius supported P. His brothers-in-law Prusias and > Antiochus [6] I, did not, in spite of P.’s appeals for solidarity amongst the monarchs against Rome (Pol. 29,4,8—10; Liv. 44,24,1-6; [2. 533-537]). The contemporary witness > Polybius [2] (29,6—-9) also made the critical comment that P.’s miserliness had prevented peace negotiations by Eumenes II. The Hellenes, who after the Macedonian victory at Callinicus (171) showed great enthu-

siasm for P. (Pol. 27,9,1; 10), including the Rhodian

where he died in 165 (162?) (Liv. 45,40,6; 41,10; Plut.

ibid. 33f.; 37; [2. 568 note 3]). > Hellenistic

states;

—» Macedonia;

+ Macedonian

Wars 1 F. W. WALBANK, Philip V of Macedon, 1940

2HM

3

3 R. M. BERTHOLD, Rhodes in the Hellenistic Age, 1984

4 J. DerntnceR, Der politische Widerstand gegen Rom in Griechenland 217-86 v.Chr., 1971 5M. ERRINGTON, Geschichte Makedoniens,

1986

6 E. OLSHAUSEN, Pro-

sopographie der hellenistischen K6nigsgesandten,

1974.

LMG. Persian see Indo-European languages

languages;

— Iranian

Persian Gulf (Megowmos xdAno¢/Persikos kélpos; Latin Persicus sinus). The Persian Gulf (PG) served at all times as a connection joining its neighbouring states and as part of the trade route between Mesopotamia and the Indus region. Archaeological finds originate mainly from the 5th millennium (so-called ‘Obéd-period) and the period around 3000 BC (so-called Gamdat Nasr period). From the 2nd half of the 3rd millennium on, there is a continuous record of written sources from Mesopotamia. In the 3rd millennium, the PG was an important part of the trade routes between Mesopotamia and the > Indus Culture. The fact that various rulers of > Dilmun (Bahrain) had to pay tribute

to the Assyrian kings - Sargon II, — Sennacherib, ~ Asarhaddon and > Assurbanipal points to a strong Assyrian influence in the 8th-7th cents. BC. Under ~ Nebuchadnezzar [2] the island of Failaka (off present-day Kuwait) was under Babylonian influence, and under -» Nabonidus, around 544 BC, there is documentary evidence of a Babylonian governor in Dilmun. The Achaemenid sovereignty was limited to Oman (> Omana), while the > Seleucids maintained small garrisons on Failaka (Greek Icaros) and supposedly on Bahrain (Greek Tylos). Pottery finds indicate close connections between Parthian > Iran and the western side of the PG In the 2nd cent. AD, a governor appointed by the kingdom of > Characene (~ Mesene) resided in Thiloua (Bahrain). Just like Shapur II (+ Sapor), the “first Sassanid ruler (- Ardashir) waged war against East Arabia, and from the 4th to the 7th cent. AD, the PG was within the Sassanid territory.

821

822

At this time Nestorian Christianity (> Nestorius) was widespread in East Arabia where the bishops were under the sovereignty of the metropolitan of Rév-Ar-

controlled by Persia from the Aegean to the Adriatic and to possibly convert Greece into another satrapy or to turn it into a vassal state according to the example of Macedonia.

dashir (modern Busir) on the coast of Fars. The death of

the prophet > Muhammad generally caused a renunciation of Islam from the newly converted, but Islamic counter measures quickly led to the eradication of Christian, Jewish, Zoroastrian and pagan traditions amongst the indigenous people. During the early Islamic centuries, political control was organized regionally: ‘Uytnides and Carmates in East Arabia, Biyides in Oman. —+ Commerce; —> India, trade with D. T. Potts, The Arabian Gulf in Antiquity, vols. 1-2,

1990.

D.T.P.

Persian monetary system see > Dareikos > Minting Il. The Orient > Sigla Persian Wars

[1] A. TERMINOLOGY

AND SOURCES B. BACKGROUND C. MARATHON D. SALAMIS AND PLATAEAE E. CONSEQUENCES

A. TERMINOLOGY AND SOURCES The modern use of the term PW in a wider sense refers to the struggle between the ‘Hellenes and Barbarians’ (Hdt. prooemium) during the time between the + Jonian Revolt (5o0o-494 BC) and the middle of the 5th cent. BC; in a narrower sense the attacks by the Persians (~ Achaemenidae) under > Darius [1] I. and > Xerxes I., which were ~ Marathon in 490 and at > Salamis and >

on Greece the kings repelled at Plataeae in

480/479. The term PW is not used for later military encounters with the Persians, e.g. during the > Peloponnesian War, or for the wars between Rome and the Parthians and Sassanids (‘New Persians’: and Persian wars).

> Parthian

Current knowledge of the PW is solely based on the report by > Herodotus [1]: From the Greek point of

view, the PW form the logical end point of the attempt, beginning with the rise to power of Darius I. (522 BC), to explore the situation in Greece (~ Democedes; Hdt. 3, 135-138), to conquer the islands in the Aegean (Samos: Hdt. 3,139-149), to cross over to Europe as part of the campaign against the > Scythae (Persian satrapy of Thrace: 513 BC) and to prepare the conquest of Greece with > Mardonius’ [1] campaign (492 BC; Hdt. 6, 43-45) into Thrace and Macedonia (+ Alexander [2]). The Persian view of the PW is not known today; only a late comment (Dion Chrys. 11,148f.) leads one to suppose that the first campaign by the Persians (see under C.) should rather be seen as a marginal punitive action for securing naval supremacy which had been built up since -» Cambyses [2] (cf. Thuc. 1,13 and 16), while the second campaign (see under D.) was a serious attempt to shift the western border of the area

PERSIAN WARS

B. BACKGROUND The immediate cause for the involvement of the Persians was the support received by the Greeks in Asia Minor during the > Ionian Revolt (500-494) from Eretria [1] and Athens. Although the crews of the 20 Athenian ships retreated after their participation in the campaign against > Sardis (498) and did not take part in the naval battle of > Lade, the assistance provided by the Athenians had to appear all the more provocative because they, in the view of the Persian Great King, had placed themselves into the status of subjects [1. 25 6ff.] after they had called the Persians for help in 506 BC

(Hdt. 5,73). C. MARATHON To what extent the land and naval campaign by + Mardonius [1] (492) can be regarded as preparation for the conquest of Greece, remains questionable. The campaign secured Persian rule in the northern Aegean and forced the Macedonian king again to recognise Persian suzerainty. A conquest of Greece had probably not been planned [1. 238f.]. Only two years later (490), Persian elite units and contingents of Greeks from Asia Minor under the leadership of Datis and Artaphernes [3] crossed the Aegean, restoring Persian rule to Naxos and a few islands of the Cyclades in the process. Initially, they went towards Carystus and Eretria which they gained as a result of treason, they then landed near

Marathon where they perhaps hoped to attract followers of the former Athenian tyrant Hippias [1] who was on the Persian fleet, and they then began their march on Athens. The c. 9,000 Athenian hoplites (— hoplitai) on the march to Marathon and the around

800 Plataeans were facing a Persian force of about twice their size because the troupes from Sparta (> Marathon race) did not arrive in time because of religious reasons (thus Hdt. 6,102; cf. however Pl. Leg. 692d; 698d-e). Under the leadership of the strategos > Miltiades [2] (officially under that of the > polémarchos [4|> Callimachus [r]), the Greeks surprisingly managed to gain victory (Hdt. 6,103-131; as to the numbers: [2. 35]). The bulk of the Persians could embark in an orderly fashion, the fleet headed for > Phalerum, but shortly afterwards retreated to Persia. D. SALAMIS AND PLATAEAE Since a return of the Persians (with their navy) had to be expected (cf. Hdt. 7,1), Athens tried immediately to

get a foothold in the Aegean (Parus, Cyclades) and in the Saronic Gulf (Aegina), and it developed a vigorous policy at home, characterised equally by fear of Persians (see > médismos), fights amongst the aristocracy (> ostrakismos), political reforms ([Aristot.] Ath. pol.

22,3-7) and the accelerated construction of a modern fleet (+ Themistocles; > Triremes).

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Editiorial Department Brill’s New Pauly

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The death of Darius in 486 BC and uprisings within the Persian empire (in Egypt and Babylon) delayed a Persian attack until > XerxesI., beginning in 483, engaged in systematic preparations in order to achieve the subjugation of Athens and the Greeks, which was consistent in their world view. Two pontoon bridges crossed the Hellespont (> Hellespontos) near Abydus, a canal through the > Athos peninsula was meant to

join the Persian side (Hdt. 8,143,2), succumbed in 479

avoid the disaster of the Mardonius fleet (Hdt. 7,20-

25), and supplies were stored in Thrace. Xerxes himself took on the leadership of c. 100,000 men and about 600 triremes (figures: [2. 52f.; 3. 355]; considerably exaggerated details in Aeschyl. Pers. 341-343; Hdt. 7,184,4; 7,228,1; Diod. 11,3,7). Surprisingly late (481), but still

before the appearance of the Persian heralds, who requested earth and water asa sign of subjugation (Hdt. 7,13 1-132), 31 mostly unimportant Greek cities (Plut. Themistocles 20,3) joined together in a ‘federation’ (Hellenic League), with Sparta assuming the supreme command on land and at sea. Important cities such as Argo [II 1] and Thebes as well as Thessaly and the Sicilian/Southern Italian Greeks stayed away. A first defensive barrier — probably erected as a result of pressure by the Thessalians — in the vale of > Tempe was abandoned as strategically superfluous because it could be circumvented and a second line was constructed near > Thermopylae. The Greek fleet expected the Persian ships near Cape Artemision [1] on Euboea. Reportedly due to treason (— Ephialtes [1]), the Persian army was able to go around the defile of Thermopylae, but it only encountered a rearguard of 300 Spartans and 700 Thespians under the Spartan king > Leonidas [1], which was completely annihilated; initially, the Greek ships successfully stood up against a Persian fleet which had been weakened considerably by storms, but they retreated to Salamis on the third day where they concluded the evacuation of the Athenian population, which had been decided well before (> Troezen) and had already begun. The now ensuing destruction of Athens made the situation appear hopeless and made a retreat behind the + Isthmus appear advisable; the abandonment of the poleis to the north would have meant the disintegration of the Hellenic League. In this situation, ~ Themistocles was able to persuade > Eurybiades, the Spartan supreme commander, to engage in a naval battle (Hdt. 8,73) and, reportedly through a ruse, make the Persians, who were forced to seek decisive action because it was already late in the season (Sept.), stage an attack in the narrow sound of Salamis. At the end of Sept. 480, the c. 400 Greek ships (Thuk. 1,74,1) defeated the slightly stronger Persian fleet with Xerxes looking on ([3. 210]; Aeschyl. Pers. 249-531; Hdt. 8,56-96; Diod. I1,17-19).

Thereupon, Xerxes returned home with the remainder of his fleet probably in order to pre-empt unrest which threatened to occur as a result of the defeat. Mardonius and his army took winter quarters in Thessaly and, after fruitless diplomatic efforts to make Athens

PERSIAN WARS

in the battle of Plataeae to the Greek army led by > Pausanias [r]. At about the same time, a fleet under the Spartan > Leotychidas [2] destroyed Persian ships off the > Mycale peninsula near Miletus (Hdt. 9,99-106; the dating to the day of the battle of Plataeae belongs to the realm of political legend just as the synchronism of the naval battle against the Carthaginians off the Sicilian > Himera with the day of Salamis). E. CONSEQUENCES

The defeat of the Persians had created a new situation in the Aegean which allowed the Hellenic League to shift the Greek line of defence considerably to the east and, under the banner of revenge for injustice suffered as well as securing freedom for Greek communities in Asia Minor (cf. Thuc. 1,96,1), aggressively take action against Persia. However, after the Spartans as

leaders of the Hellenic League soon retreated from this task, Athens became the predominant power in the Aegean with the foundation of the > Delian League (478) and, with varying success, carried the war far into the eastern Mediterranean (~ Cimon [2]; > Pentekontaetia). To what extent and when the PW were ended by a treaty, e.g. the ‘peace of > Callias [4] of 449, is debatable (cf. [4]). With their no doubt important achievements during the PW, the Athenians very soon managed to style themselves as pioneering champions of Greek > freedom, while at the same time letting fade into the background Sparta’s leading role or the achievements of other poleis (e.g. of the Aeginetans at Salamis). The glorification of Athens’ achievements started already with the tragedy ‘The Persians’ by > Aeschylus [1], served as a justification of Athenian hegemony during the sth cent. (Thuc. 1,74,4) inthe > Delian League, remained a (nostalgic) standard topos for the annual > epitaphios (cf. [5]) and intensified amongst orators of the 4th cent. BC when the issue was the leadership in a pan-Hellenic war (> panhéllénes) against Persia (-» Isocrates, Panathenaikos and others; > Ephorus) or the repulsion of the Macedonians (> Demosthenes [2] Or. 19). In this

context, the Athenians did not hesitate to indulge in massive distortions [6]. The success of this propaganda is illustrated by -» Alexander [4] the Great who, with the burning of > Persepolis, claimed to have taken revenge for the destruction of the Athenian acropolis by the Persians, in the claim of the Pergamene kings to have joined Athens as defenders of Greek freedom against the ‘Barbarians’ (+ Pergamum) with the victory over the Galatians (> Celts III. B), and it still remains in the

view held in the Modern Age, according to which Athenian history is often regarded as synonymous with Greek history. > Achaemenidae;

> Athens; > Barbarians;

> Sparta;

— ATHENS (I.); > BATTLEFIELDS

1M. Zaurnt, Der Mardonioszug, in: Chiron 22, 1992, 237-279

2K.-W. Wetwel, Das klassische Athen, 1999

3 C, HiGnetT, Xerxes’ Invasion of Greece, 1963

4K.

PERSIAN

WARS

Merster,

1982

Die Ungeschichtlichkeit des Kalliasfriedens, 5 .N. Loreaux, L’Invention d’Athénes. Histoire de

Poraison funebre dans la cité classique, 1981 (English tr.: The Invention of Athens, 1986)

6 CHR. HaBicut, Falsche

Urkunden zur Geschichte Athens im Zeitalter der Perserkriege, in: Hermes 89, 1961, 1-35. A.R. Burn, Persia and the Greeks: the Defence of the

West, c. 546-478 B.C., *1984;J.F. LAZENBy, The Defence of Greece 490-479 B.C., 1993. FOR THE Map: see also

828

827

> Achaemenidae.

W.ED.

[2] see > Parthian and Persian wars

Persians see > Achaemenids > Iran; > Iranian languages; > Parthia; > Persarmenia; > Persian Wars; > Par-

thian and Persian wars; — Persis;

> Sassanids

empire (residence: > Pasargadae) against the > Medes, Lydians (Lydia) and Babylonians (- Babylonia). Among its Achaemenid successors, urbanised Parsa

remained the political and ‘ideological’ centre of the expanding empire (residence: — Persepolis; burial grounds: > Naqg-e Rostam). The ‘Persians’, that is, the inhabitants of P., enjoyed the highest status among the different populations of the empire. Captured by > Alexander [4] the Great in 330 BC, the province of P. was governed under Seleucid orders by indigenous dynasties (Frataraka) beginning with + Antiochus [5] Ill. After 140, following a short period of independence, these dynasties became Parthian ‘vassals’ (with the title of king). P. was an important (and politically secure) region of the Parthian empire (— Parthians).

Persica see > Peach

Persinus (Meootvoc; Persinos). Epic writer of the Hel-

lenistic period, from Ephesus or Miletus. Author of the Orphic Sotéria (‘Songs for the Rescue’; Orph. T 178, p. 52 KERN). Two sayings have been passed down to us, one about the tyrant Eubulus, the other as a response to the question who is the best poet (according to the judgment ofall poets, he himselfis the best poet, according to the others, itis Homer). P. attributed the invention of

the hexameter to > Linus. SH 666A-666D; U. VON WILAMOWITZ-MOELLENDORFF,

Hellenische Dichtung, vol. 1, 1924, 104.

S.FO.

Persian

functionaries

of districts

from

the

family of the Sasan (> Sassanids) took advantage of the Parthian-Roman and the inner-Parthian conflicts of the early 3rd cent. AD in order to establish an independent government and soon replaced the Parthian rule over all of > Iran. With alleged (mythological or historical?) ancestors from P., they turned this region into the centre of their empire (referred to as Eransahr)

with the main

cities > Istachr, Firuzabad, Bisapur and Darab. Before the 6th cent., P. was divided into several small administrative districts, then, beginning with Hosroul (> Chosroes [5], 531-579), into larger districts. In AD 643, after it had also become the see of a Nestorian metropolitan (> Nestorius), P. fell into the hands of the

Muslims following fierce battles. 1 X. DE PLANHOL, s.v. Fars I: Geography, Enclr 9, 328-

Persis (Iegoic/Persis, Str. 15,3,1, etc.; Old Persian Parsa). Region in Southwest Iran, which (as > Anshan)

belonged to the kingdom of > Elam and was later the home of the dynasty of the > Achaemenids [2] and » Sassanids (see below). Greek and Roman authors as well as Arab geographers divided P. into different geographical and climatic zones: the hot and infertile coastal region (with ports), the rugged, cold and inhospitable mountain region and the highly fertile region of well-watered valleys (Curt. 5,4,5-93 Str. 15,3,1; Arr. Ind. 39,2~-4; cf. Curt. 5,4,24; on the Arab authors see [1. 328f.]). Used agriculturally since the 6th millennium BC, P. (always

with Anshan— modern Tall-e Malyan—as the urban and political centre) was at times under Sumerian, Akkadian and, in the late 3rd millennium BC, under ProtoElamitic control. Sacred sites were located near K6rangun and > Nagqs-e Rostam. After Iranian groups had settled in P., probably as early as the early rst millennium (and had mixed with the indigenous population), an independent kingdom of Ansan ruled by a Persian dynasty (the Teispids?) established itself probably after Elam’s defeat by Assyria in 646 BC. The same period probably saw the transformation, which is documented archaeologically, of a primarily pastoral culture into a predominantly sedentary agrarian culture. Starting from P., the Teispid ~ Cyrus [2] II the Great succeeded in founding a global

333 2J. WresEHOFER, s.v. Fars II: History in the PreIslamic Period, Enclr 9, 333, 337. JW.

Persius [1] P., C.

A Roman

distinguished by his education

(Lucil. 592-596 Marx; Cic. Fin. 1,7; Plin. HN pr. 7),

who was believed by some contemporaries to have written the speech De sociis et nomine latino (against C. + Sempronius Gracchus’ policies concerning the allies) for C. > Fannius [I 1] in 122 BC, a speech which far outshone Fannius’ other speeches in terms of rhetoric (Cic. Brut. 99: ‘from the Elders’). More likely one of the first teachers of rhetoric at Rome than a senator. Cicero draws a parallel between him and Menelaus of Marathus, who taught rhetoric to C. Sempronius Gracchus (ibid.). In the passages cited, he serves Lucilius and Cicero as a model for the construction of an ideal reader.

JR.

[2] Aulus P. Flaccus. Roman satirical poet of the Nero-

nian period, I. Lire I. Worxs

II. RECEPTION

I. LIFE

Details of his life are given, probably generally reliably, in an ancient vita deriving ultimately from Suetonius (Jer. Chron. p. 176, 183 H.) according to [22],

829

830

but which was then revised for a glossed 4th-cent. edition (Jer. Adversus

Rufinum

1,16) (cf. Vita Il. 42f.

CLAUSEN), which in turn circulated under the name of

the famous grammarian M. Valerius — Probus (MSS. title: Vita... de commentario Probi Valeri sublata). In its

surviving form, it has been distorted by transpositions and interpolations. According to this source, P. was born on 4 December AD 34, the son of respected parents of the equestrian class and of Etruscan descent, at Volaterrae. After attending elementary school there, he went to Rome at the age of 12, where he studied grammar with > Remmius Palaemon and rhetoric with > Verginius Flavus. At 16, he attached himselfto the Stoic philosopher L. Annaeus +» Cornutus [4], who would have a decisive role in P.’s life. In his circle, he became acquainted with the Annaei Lucan (- Lucanus [r]) and ~ Seneca the Younger (whose style appealed little to him). Among his friends were also the poet — Caesius [II 8] Bassus, the historian > Servilius Nonianus, whom P. honoured like a father, and the politician P. > Clodius [II 15] Thrasea Paetus, to whom he was distantly related by marriage. His character is portrayed as affable, restrained and affectionate. He died at the age of just 28, on 24 November 62, of a stomach disorder; he left his estate to his mother and sister and his library to Cornutus. Il. Works Of his juvenilia, works including a > praetexta and poems to > Arria [1], the mother-in-law of Thrasea, were destroyed by P.’s mother on the recommendation of Cornutus. The unfinished volume of — satires, the only surviving work, was edited by Cornutus, who cut the end of the 6th satire and is said to have toned down politically controversial allusions; it was published by Caesius Bassus. Also preserved in the MSS. are 14 choliambs, some at the beginning and some at the end; these are today generally regarded as an introductory poem (cf. [z0. 73-98]). In the first satire, P. contrasts his own intentions, which were orientated towards the

Old Comedy, > Lucilius [I 6] and Horace (~ Horatius [7]), with the triviality of contemporary literary activity. The second satire deals with correct forms of

prayer, the third with the gulf between knowledge and action, the fourth with self-knowledge. The fifth is dedicated to his revered teacher Cornutus and praises philosophy as the source of all true inner freedom, while the sixth is addressed to Caesius Bassus, and is concerned with the correct use of wealth. In comparison to the subject matter of P.’ most important model, Horace (see

[13]), the confinement to moral > diatribe of a Stoic character is striking. The text, which is organized as dialogue, would at first have been presented in private recitations (cf. [17]). The style, rich in hapax legomena, metaphor and allusion, as well as postulating and seeking to trump motifs of the genre, also gives weight to the verdict of the vita: scriptitavit et raro et tarde (‘he wrote seldom and late’, Z. 41 CLAUSEN).

PERSON

III. RECEPTION The vita also informs us that P. was admired by his friends, esp. by Lucan, but that the published satires provoked astonishment and criticism from the public. He was already regarded as a classic of satire by the next generation (cf. Mart. 4,29f.; Quint. Inst. 10,1,94). Commentaries on the difficult text were found necessary by the 4th cent. at the latest (see above); the surviving scholia (cf. [23]; there is as yet no critical edition) show the development of a marginal explanatory text of the 5th cent., which was once more combined into an independent lemma commentary in the sphere of influence of the Carolingian teacher Heiric of Auxerre (8 41876). This was assigned the name of P.’s teacher Cornutus (cf. vita p. 39, 42-49 CLAUSEN). The textual sources, which are as plentiful as they are good [24; 25], demonstrate at least four strands deriving from late antiquity: (1.) Vat. Lat. 5750, a palimpsest fragment of the 6th cent., (2.) Montepess. 125 (9th cent.), (3.) a

(two codices, ultimately deriving from a copy corrected in 402) with satires/choliambs, (4.) ® with choliambs,

satires, scholia and vita. If P. met with medieval approval as a moralist, the r9th cent. in particular was repelled by his multi-layered style, so that a fairer evaluation has only recently begun to win ground. > Satire; > Stoicism EDITIONS: 1J. CASAUBONUS, +1647 2. JAHN, 1843 (Ed. maior, cum scholiis antiquis) 3 F,. BUECHELER, F. LEO, #1910 (Ed. minor) 4 J. ConincTon, H. NETTLEsHIP, 31893 5 F. VILLENEUVE, 1918 6 W.V. CLAUSEN, 1956 (Ed. maior) 7 Id.,*1992 (Ed. minor) 8 W. KrssEL, 1990 (with German transl. and comm.). BIBLIOGRAPHY: 9M. SQUILLANTE, in: ANRW II 32.3, 1985, 1781-1812 (s. also [8. 7-14, 863-884] and [15. r120, I§57-160]). LITERATURE:

10F.

VILLENEUVE,

Essai sur P., 1918

11 W. Kuc er, Des P. Wille zu sprachlicher Gestaltung, 1940

12 C.S. DesseEn, Iunctura callidus acri,1968

13 H.

Erp ie, P. Augusteische Vorlage und neronische Uberformung, thesis Munich, 1968 14R.A. Harvey, A Commentary on P., 1981 15 U. W. Scuo1z, P., in: J. ADaMIETZ (ed.), Die romische Satire, 1986, 179-230 16M. CorFey, Roman Satire, 71989, 98-118, 285f. 17 W.-W. EHLERS, Zur Rezitation der Satiren des P., in: G. VocrSpirRa (ed.), Strukturen der Miindlichkeit in der romischen Literatur, 1990, 171-181 18 W. T. WEHRLE, The Satiric

Voice, 1992

19 M. SQUILLANTE, Persio: il linguaggio della

malinconia, 1995 20 F. BELLANDI, Persio. Dai verba togae al solipsismo stilistico, 1996 21D. M. Hootey,

The Knotted Throng: Structures of Mimesis in Persius, 1997 22P.L.ScHmipT, in: HLL, vol. 4, 36f. TRANSMISSION AND RECEPTION: 23 Studisu Persioe la scoliastica Persiana, vols. 1-3.2, 1972-1975 24P.K. MarsHALL, P., in: L.D. REYNOoLDs (ed.), Texts and Transmission, 1983, 293-295 25 B. Munk OLSEN, L’étude des auteurs classiques latins aux XI* et XII* siécles, vol. 2, 1985, 183-220. ji

Person. Is there an ancient equivalent to the modern concept of a ‘person’, and are there parallels to the characteristics associated with ‘being a person’? As asked

8 Qe re

832

in modern contexts, the question of personhood includes further issues. Is a person’s essential self based on their biological makeup or their psychological characteristics (Am I my body or my spirit?)? Is ‘being a person’ independent of social class, gender and perhaps species (Are animals persons?)? In ancient thought, an important issue was was whether a human being was essentially a wuyt/psyche, ‘soul’ (separable from the body? — Soul, Theory of the) or a psycho-physical combination of soul and body: cf. e.g. Platonic dualism (> Plato, Phaedo) in contrast with Epicurean physicalism (Luer. 3; > Epicurus). A related question is whether the essence of a human being consists of that part of the psyche that is capable of reason or of the psyché in its entirety (cf. e.g. Pl. Phdr. 230a; Aristot. Eth. Nic. 1168b 34-1169a 2; 1177b 30-1178a 3; M. Aur. 2,2). A further problem concerns the psychological diffe-

in Greek Epic, Tragedy, and Philosophy, 1996 (esp. chs.

PERSON

rences between

human

and non-human

creatures, or

between creatures that are capable of reason and those that are not. Do the psychological characteristics of human beings correspond (at least in part) to those of animals or gods? [1; 2]. Also of relevance are arguments to the effect that psychological characteristics (especially the ability to be virtuous) are independent of social class and gender, or that such (essential) characteristics

should serve as criteria for social and political status: cf. e.g. Plato’s Republic (esp. 5), and > Stoicism (esp. Zeno of Citium, Republic, and Musonius 3-4, 13-14), also

Aristot. Pol. 1,4-6 on ‘natural slavery’. In this context, the Latin word that is the etymological basis of our

word

‘person’

(persona,

cf.

Greek

mQdo0wxov/

56).

C.GI.

Persona [1] see > Masks [2] In modern parlance, persona is indeed a loan word received

from

Latin; however,

persona

in Latin cer-

tainly did not have the central meaning that it now conveys in modern legal culture based on rational law (cf. + Person). In Ulp. Dig. 50,17,22 pr., Ulpian does indeed mention a persona servilis, that is, the personality (even) of a slave. However, this is in connection with the conclusion that slaves are not entitled to any legal claims. Rather, the slave was — as was commonly true for the Roman son — persona alient iuris (under the legal jurisdiction of another). By contrast, Gaius [2] addressed persona as a legal subject in the foundational category of persona as opposed to a thing (res) and legal actions (actiones). This was also true for the > actio [2] in personam (personal action). In addition, the designation by the Roman jurist Florentinus — presumably in order to achieve greater clarity — that an estate, which was not entitled to one (individual) natural person, could occasionally be functionally equal to a persona (personae vice fungitur, Dig. 30,116,3; 46,1,22) was, from a legal point of view, of far reaching relevance in

the modern period. > Civil law R. DULL, s.v. Persona, RE 19, ro4of.

[3] see

GS

> Person

prosopon, literally ‘mask’) became significant in the

four-personae theory of the Middle Stoa (Cic. Off.

Personal names

1,107-121; cf. Epict. 1.2; 2,10). This theory concerns

I. GENERAL

the association between the moral claims of a human being’s intrinsically moral nature, on the one hand, and his social status, on the other [3]. The transition from ancient to modern reflection on personhood (or personality) occurred through Christianity. > Boethius’ definition of personhood as naturae

ITALIC LANGUAGE AREA IV. MESOPOTAMIA, SYRIA/PALESTINE AND EGypt V. ASIA MINOR

rationalis individua substantia (‘individual substance of a rational nature’, Boeth. De duabus naturis 3) combi-

nes ancient categories (essence, nature capable of reason) with the concept of individuality. The fact that subsequently individuality (defined in post-Cartesian philosophy as ego-centered consciousness) becomes central shows the fundamental difference between modern and ancient thought about personhood. The main criterion in antiquity is > rationality, often combined with the capability of sociability or virtue, understood as a characteristic of human beings (or gods) in

contrast to animals. 1 C. GILL, Is There a Concept of P. in Greek Philosophy?, in: S. EveRsON (ed.), Psychology, 1991, 166-193 2R. SoraBji, Animal Minds and Human Morals, 1993 3 C. GiLL, Personhood and Personality: the Four-Personae Theory in Cicero, De Officiis I, in: Oxford Ancient Philosophy 6, 1988, 169-199.

Studies in

M. FUHRMANN, s.v. P. I, HWdPh 7, 1269-1283; C. GILL (ed.), The P. and the Human Mind, 1990; Id., Personality

II. GREECE

II]. ROME

AND THE

I. GENERAL A. FUNCTION

C. TRANSFER

B. CREATION

OF NAMES

OF NAMES

A. FUNCTION The PN is an individual, generally valid sign for naming a person. The need to use a PN exists when a

social contact group is too large to name its members after their role (e.g. mother) and exists in all historically tangible languages. The PN is a universal. B. CREATION OF NAMES In antiquity as also today, the PN is usually given soon after birth and kept later; yet it could also be supplemented or replaced by a new name (pseudonyms!). In developed languages, the possibility of creating a PN from a sequence of sounds not contained in the vocabulary is limited by natural or language-specific laws of sound distribution. Only children’s language uses this process and passes a few names on to the general language (Latin atta ‘dad’ > Atta as acognomen; Asia Minor Greek Bapa/Baba). Normally, a PN is newly created by

834

oo eS) Ss)

naming a person after birth using a word of positive meaning

(Latin

Felix) or, during

their lifetime,

an

appelative that describes a trait of their appearance or life (Latin Cénsorimus for a two-time censor). When names are created, a homonymy of name and appellative (cf. the Norwegian given name Liv and liv ‘life’) is created that can be used for wordplay (cognomen Aquila and aquila ‘legionary eagle’ at Cic. Phil. 12,20). Normally, this homonymy is disambiguated by the context; yet morphological means can also be employed: suffixes that are mainly used in naming words (-0n- in Greek StedBwv/Strabon from oteafdc/strabos ‘crosseyed’; Latin Cato from catus ‘smart’), or composition of structures of little appellative use (Aya0oxAijc/Agathoklés ‘of good fame’). C. TRANSFER OF NAMES In large societies, the normal naming process is the transfer of names, i.e., the naming of aperson with a PN that already exists in the same or another language. This also creates homonymy (the two Aiavte/Aiante in the Iliad), which is unproblematic in a close circle. A disambiguation using morphological means is only possible in individual cases (suffixes: Latin Mamercinus

‘Son of a Mamercus’; ‘hypocoristics’ = short forms of Greek Zevic/Zefxis compound names: from Zeveinnoc/Zeuxippos ‘with harnessed horses’). There-

fore, a person’s identification in a larger circle requires additional information. For this purpose, individual names can be supplemented with: a) additional name elements, such as the name of a) the father (patronymic), 8) the mother, y) the place or region of origin and/or 5) the family, or b) a suitable attribute. Examples: a) a) Homeric Atag TeAapavioc/Aias Telamonios, OHG Hadubrant Hiltibrantes sunu, B) Etruscan Petvi Unial ‘Petvi, (daughter) of Uni’, y) Greek TModEevoc & Boudttoc/Préxenos ho Boidtios, 8) Latin Marcus Antonius, b) Greek Atovicwog 6 TWOAVVOG/

PERSONAL

NAMES

PN are based on words of Indo-European and nonIndo-European origin that are intellegible in Greek. Non-Greek PN always existed (especially in Mycenaean Crete and in the late period in Asia Minor, Egypt and Italy); some were adapted (AAé&avdeoc/Aléxandros: Hittite Alaksandus), others cannot be interpreted such as “Odvooetcd/Odysseus, (e.g. mythical names ; Yaomedwv/Sarpedon). B. NAMING PRACTICE The PN, which in the classical period was usually given on the roth day after birth, often was the name of the paternal grandfather and, from the 4th cent. BC, also that of the father (or a part of it, e.g. Zw-xedty¢ Yw-poovioxov/So-krates So-phroniskou). In literature, in public inscriptions and on tombstones, the patronymic (rarely the metronymic) is used: a) as an adjective with -to¢ (in Aeolic dialect also -etos), -i6y¢/-tady¢ (e.g., Mycenaean a-re-ku-tu-ru-wo _ e-te-wo-ke-re-we-i-jo /Alektruon Etewoklewe hios/, Homeric Aiag Tehatwvioc, Thessalian Swovv Agiotouvetoc; Homeric “Extae NMovauidyns/Héktor Priamidés, “Odvooevs

Aaeotiadyc/

Odysseus Laertiddeés), b) in the genitive (after 6/i) or maic¢, vioc). In addition to the formula [PN + patronymic], a person’s origin may be mentioned (town, but also the demos or phyle). From the Hellenistic period on, double names are used (the second, often a nickname, is introduced by xai, d/h, 6/ émtnakobuevoc/-uevy ‘socalled’ or similar). During the Imperial period, the Latin tria nomina system is adopted especially in Asia Minor: The praenomen and nomen are Latin but the cognomen is Greek. C. WORD FORMATION The following must be differentiated:

(I) Double-

stemmed PN (full names) that conform to Greek compound types: possessive (Eteo-xAijs), verbal governing compounds (Mevédaos, Ttoi-yoeos, Aa-éets), nomi-

Dionysios ho tyrannos, Latin Cato Censorinus (censor

nal governing compouds (@¢0-dotos), and preposition-

in 184 BC) for differentiation from the younger Cato

al compounds ("E@-aAos). (II) Single-stemmed PN (pet names) that arose as

Uticensis (suicide in Utica in 46 BC). F. SOLMSEN, E. FRAENKEL, Indogermanische Eigennamen

als Spiegel der Kulturgeschichte, 1922.

H.R.

II. GREECE A. GENERAL B. NAMING PRACTICE C. WORD FORMATION D. FULL AND PET NAMES: NAMING MOTIFS E. NICKNAMES: NAMING MOTIFS F. NAMES OF WOMEN AND SLAVES

A. GENERAL PN are abundantly documented in the literature, inscriptions and papyri from the Mycenaean to the imperial period; formation types and naming motifs essentially remain the same. However, Mycenaean Greek personal names often allow for more than one interpretation,

cf. e-u-ko-ro

(Alphabetic

Greek

Etx)oc/

Ettklos, Etixodhoc/Euvikolos, Etsyoeoc/Euchoros). Most

short forms from (J) either Ila) with partial preservation of the final member (e.g. Homeric Iéteo-xd-o¢g from Tateo-xAéys) or Ib) by giving up the final member, partly with suffix expansion (e.g. -Ge, -ts, -[e/iJas, -[uJov, -hog, -x0G; fem. -«, -t8-), e.g. “AdeEic from the front member ‘Ade&(t)°. Often (Ila) and (IIb) are combined: regarding Ywot-Aaog (I) cf. Ymot-Aog and Vor-s, -icac, -éac, -lwv, Zwo-w; regarding Khgo-wévys/-undys cf. Kiéo-u(u)-ts, KAeoupas

and Kitac, KAéwv,

Kieddac,

fem. Khem, KAévaha. (III) Single-stemmed PN (nicknames) that did not arise from (I): especially appellatives (e.g. Aéwv, Lodia) and adjectives (partially with shift of accent, “AyaOog, Xiwoc¢/a ‘stub nosed’: Mycenaean si-mo, si-ma), and also participles (e.g., KAvuwevoc: Mycenaean ku-ru-me-no). Some derivational suffixes: -et¢ (Komgevs), -ida¢ (originally patronymics), toxos, -wos (diminutives, also neutral -ov for women’s names), -twe (agent nouns, e.g.

PERSONAL NAMES

835

“Ex-two: Mycenaean e-ko-to), -wv (individualizing: “Aya0av ‘The Good’, =tedBwv ‘Squinter’). In (II) and (III) expressive gemination is relatively

836

naean

e-ni-ja-u-si-jo ‘yearling’, cf. Hom.

frequent, cf. Ocoxxm (on Oed-xAeva), Mix(x)a. Often a

Novwtyyvios,

-vic,

PN is difficult to classify as (II) or (III), e.g. “Aya@os, ‘Aya0wv, “Ayabiwv (-iac, -tc, -vAkoc, -a): from com-

(Kopdatac,

Aetzxog

pounds with front member ‘AyaGo- or simply a nickname?

D. FULL AND PET NAMES: NAMING

MOTIFS In PN, compounding is far more developed than outside > onomastics because the options for combining front and final members are practically unlimited. This also includes formal repositioning (cf. “AvéedtIWOS and Tiuavéoos). Usually, PN have an honourable meaning and note positive qualities. Sometimes they do not, cf. Mehaumoucg/Melampous (Homeric) ‘with black feet’, Oivogiioc/Oinophilos ‘friend of wine’, Mekdumuyoc/ Melampygos ‘with black behind’, or Médhofeosc/ Molobros (Mycenaean mo-ro-qo-ro) ‘dirt eater’ [3]. Often the PN hides (a) a univerbation of a phrase (that

can be expressed by different compounds, cf. AoyéAaos: AGeyocs, Aatetys: Mycenaean e-ti-ra-wo /Erti-lawo-/)

or a syntagma. These can be of (b) Indo-European origin (> Indo-European poetics) or (c) based on a substitute continuant; However, (d) arbitrary and untrans-

latable PN were also common. Regarding (a) cf. "Ogoikaog (Hom. Il. 15,475: Govu0t haovs), Ogoiwaxosg (Hom. Il. 9,353: wayyy ... Oovbpev), Xwotavdeosg (Hom. Od. 3,231: &vdea oamoat); Kto-

aoyog (Hdt. 6,34: xtmoarévov thy doy); cf. also Tlaoaoyo¢g (and Mycaenean qa-sa-ko or rather /Kwasark'os/) for the syn. root * kua-.

Od.

16,45

éviavotog [ovc]), circumstances of birth (Tottoc, -wv, ti-ri-to, “Owutog: Mycenaean o-pi-si-jo /Opsios/,

wen/(t)s/,

re-u-ko;

Toit),

appearance

: Mycenaean Battoc,

and

manner

ko-ma-we

/Koma-

Battagos

‘stammering’),

character (Aoméotoc, “Opértac ‘helper’, MMiotog, cf. Mycenaean genitive a-pa-si-jo-jo, o-pe-ta [Cypriot genitive 0-pe-re-ta-u], pe-pi-te-me-no-jo/ Pepit’menoio/), occupation ("Ayyehos, “‘Ayftme,

Kuxhevc: Mycenaean a-ke-ro, a-ke-ta /’Agétas/?, ku-kere-u; ‘Aua&G@¢ ‘carter’), relationship to the Gods (AmohA@vioc/-ia;

Auwvbotoc;

“Hdatotioc,

Mycenaean

a-pa-i-ti-jo; Adeodtoia; in the late period especially in the East actual names of gods as PN, e.g. “Aoteutc, ‘Eoutis, Kupéhn), and origin (Aiybstos : a,-ku-pi-ti-jo,

Mycenaean a-si-wi-jo /Aswios/; fem. Mycenaean kapa-ti-ja /Karpat’ial, Aiyuatia, Oettakn, Ady; also place names as PN: ‘Aoia, Awgis, perhaps Mycenaean ra-pa-sa-ko /Lampsako-/, cf. the place name AG wpaxos). Other motifs include animal names (masculine ‘Aovioxoc, Aéwv, Tateog: Mycenaean wa-ni-ko, re-wo, ta-u-ro, also a-re-ku-tu-ru-wo, cf. also GAextobwv ‘Rooster’; “AttéAeBoc ‘Locust’, Tétw& ‘Cicada’; fem. Koomvn

*Crow’,

Méktooa

Bee‘;

masc.

fem.

Lyrica),

plant names (masc. “Aumehoc; fem. Ausehic, "AvOeun/-ic “Podov/-ic), materials (Méouagog ‘Marble’: Mycennaean ma-ma-ro), natural elements and natural phenomena (Aoti, Aivog ‘Whirl’; Neéhn, perhaps Mycenaean a,-ka-ra, cf. aiyhy ‘Shine’), clothes (Mémog : Mycenaean pe-po-ro), equipment (ITiva&, perhaps

Mycenaean ko-re-wo, cf. xodedv ‘Spear handle’), and abstracts (Adyog; especially fem.: Aigeots, Pvmun, Ada,

Regarding (b): Avégopevngs (Homeric tévog evdo@v: Avestan Nora-manah-), Evens (Vedic Su-Sravas-) ‘of

Moen; Adois, Nonots).

good fame’, Meyaxhijc (Homeric péya xAéoc: Vedis mahi sravas); thus also the Mycenaean short form a-qiti-ta /Ak“’t"ita/(fem.) ‘imperishable’, cf. xAgog MpOttov:

F. NAMES OF WOMEN AND SLAVES Fem. PN generally follow the model of masc. PN (also with respect to motifs, cf. Nixoudyn) but have peculiarities: formation of feminines that is inadmissible in normal compounds (type “AkeEavdea: Myce-

Vedic sravo aksitam. Regarding (c): Niuxavme, continuant of e-ka-no /Ek’anérl ‘victorious over men’ (Vedic sah ‘defeating’, Gothic sigis ‘victory) (cf. [2]); probably also AivnowBoota, Aivnoiiews, continuants of Mycenaean ke-sa-da-ra /Kessandra/ ‘solemnly addressing men’, ke-ti-ro /Ke(n)sti-los/ ‘addressing the army’ (* kems-:

Vedic sams, Latin censére) [1].

Regarding (d): Avot-xdijg (along with meaningful PN Atvo-tnstoc, Meya-xArjc), Loot-pavyg (along with Lwoi-haocg, Ev-pavys), also Homeric @eid-itm0¢ (on this Pevdutaidys, Aristoph. Nub. 6off.), “Immd-Eevoc, Tuto-xAijg; meaningless KaAAt-atoygoc.

E. NICKNAMES: NAMING MOTIES Nicknames

(see above (III) under C. Word forma-

tion) express noteworthy characteristics of entirely different kinds. This results in many bizarre PN. Some common naming motifs (shared by masc. and fem. PN) are age (Tégwv : Mycenaean ke-ro, Moeofttns; Myce-

naean a-re-ka-sa-da-ra, Kaoodvdon, Tuwootedtn, Evovxheva), neuter nouns (Nonua, Adenua, AGAnua) as fem. personal names, also adjectives (“Ikagov, Xivov, Lbvetov, Atyvgov) and diminutives (with -tov: Aioyotovy, ‘Agototiov, Mixtov, Mdoytov, Xowgidtov). Abbreviated

names were initially used for the unfree, slaves, hetaerae, and only in the Imperial period also for female citizens. There were no specific slave names (respectable PN were also borne by humble persons, cf. Mycenaean ka-ra-u-ko: TAatixoc, e-ke-da-mo /"Ek’e-damos/ as personal names of shepherds). Nicknames alluding especially to ethnicity and geographical names as substitutes for indigenous PN were common among slaves; so were mythical and historical PN (e.g., Kootooc, Ktooc, T1do1c). + Onomastics; - Names 1J. L. Garcia-RAMON,

Mycénien

ke-sa-do-ro /Kessan-

dros/, ke-ti-ro /Kestilos/, ke-to /Kestor! : grec alphabétique

838

837

PERSONAL

NAMES

Aivnoupoota, Aivnothaos, Aiviytwe et le nom de Cassan-

O. Numerius O. f. Vel. Rufus (CIL I 2 759) comprises

dra, in: J. P. Over (ed.), Actes du [X*™* Colloque International des Etudes Mycéniennes (Athens 1990), 1992, 239-255 2M. MeteR-BRUGGER, “Eyo und seine Bedeu-

the following: (a) the > praenomen or the old individ-

tungen im Griechischen, in: MH

33, 1976, 180f.

3G.

NEUMANN, Griechisch todoBeds, in: HS 105, 1995, 7580.

BECHTEL, HPN; Id., Kleine onomastische Studien, 1981; E. FRAENKEL, s.v. Namenwesen, RE 16, 1611-1648; Fick/ BECHTEL; C. G. Fracipakis, Die attischen Sklavennamen,

1988; H. von

men,

1982; O. LaNDau, Mykenisch-Griechische

nennamen,

1958;

Kamptz,

LGPN;

O.

Homerische

Masson,

Personenna-

Perso-

Onomastica

Graeca Selecta, 2 vols., 1990 (ed. by C. Dopias-LALou and L. Dusots); Id., Remarques sur les noms de femmes, in: MH 47, 1990, 129-138; G. NEUMANN, Die homerischen Personennamen. Ihre Position im Rahmen der Entwicklung des griechischen Namenschatzes, in: J. Latacz (ed.), Zweihundert Jahre Homer-Forschung, 1991, 311328; Id., Wertvorstellungen und Ideologie in den Personennamen der mykenischen Griechen, in: AAWW 131 (1994), 1995, 127-166; R. Scumitt, Indogermanische Dichtersprache und Namengebung, 1974; Id., Morphologie der Namen: Vollnamen und Kurznamen beziehungsweise Kosenamen im Indogermanischen, in: E. EICHLER et al. (ed.), Namenforschung,

vol. 1, 1995, 419-427;

Id.,

Entwicklung der Namen in alteren indogermanischen Sprachen, in: ibid., 616-636; H. SOLIN, Die griechische Personennamein Rom, 1982; F. SOLMSEN, Indogermani-

sche Eigennamen als Spiegel der Kulturgesch., 1922 (ed. by E. FRAENKEL).

II]. ROME A. FAMILY

[GER

AND THE ITALIC LANGUAGE

NAME

B. NAMING

AREA

SYSTEM

C. History

A. FAMILY NAME The ancient PN of Rome and (central) Italy are distinguished from all contemporary and earlier PN systems by the introduction of the family name (— Gentile), which was passed from the father to the children. The family name first occurs shortly after the beginning of the historical era late in the 7th cent. BC on the lower Tiber (Etruscans, Romans, Faliscans). In the remainder of central Italy, it is already present when native names were first preserved in the 4th cent. BC, among the - Messapians from the 3rd cent. BC, among the ~» Veneti even later. With > Romanisation, the gentile spread over the remainder of Italy and throughout the entire Roman Empire. After the disappearance of the Old Italic family aristocracies in the Imperial period, the family name system fell apart and disappeared at the end of antiquity. This administratively and legally (e.g. in inheritance law) practical institution was taken up again in North Italian towns during the 9th/roth cents. AD and from there conquered the world.

ual name (siglum O = > Quintus), (b) the > gentile or family name (Numerius), (c) the filiation, which gives the praenomen of the father in the genitive (usually as a siglum) before the abbreviated f(ilius) (Quinti filius ‘son of Quintus’) and in highly official texts also the praenomen ofthe grandfather (cf. Fasti consulares, 260 BC: Cn. Cornelius L. f. Cn(aet) n(epos) Scipio Asina), (d) the

indication of the > tribus in a defined abbreviation (Vel(ina tribu): abl. of quality), and (e) the ~ cognomen, which as an individual cognomen was the younger individual name and as a hereditary cognomen served to differentiate the branches (stirpes) of noble families ( Gens) (for example, combined in Scipio Asina). Since use of the cognomen was not a universal custom even in the late Republic (for example, it is missing for the victor over the Cimbri, C. Marius [I 1] and the triumvir M. Antonius [I 9]) and the oldest son usually adopted his father’s praenomen, the system did not always permit identification of a person, especially between generations. However, it generally fulfilled its function superbly even in a large society. The name of a Roman woman includes the gentile and filiation information, as well as an individual name that took the place of the praenomen in the earlier period (Mino(r) Mamua Tib/(eri) f(ilia) or similar), later

only that of the cognomen (Minucia N. f. Maior). Informal texts usually only state the gentile (e.g. Clodia). ~ Freedmen used the naming formula of the free-born; flilius)/ f(ilia) is replaced by I(ibertus)/l(iberta) and the father’s praenomen siglum is replaced by that of the ~ patronus (in case of a patrona by 9 = mulieris); the cognomen is the old slave name (A(ulus) Pupius A(uli) I(ibertus) Antiochus, Mummia L(uci) l(iberta) Zosima). For slaves either only the master’s gentile in the genitive is used together with the slave name (Faustus Manlli) or also the master’s praenomen siglum and s(ervus) are given (Philippus Caecili L. s.). Nicknames and pet names stand outside the system (Catullus [1] always calls Mamurra Mentula ‘penis’ and Clodia always Lesbia). The personal names of the other Central Italian languages are essentially structured like Roman ones. The tribus information is always missing; the cognomen is rare; words equivalent to Latin filius/filia (Etruscan clan, sex) are also rare; women usually provide only one given name. Examples (P = praenomen, G = gentile, F = filiation, C = cognomen, M, Mp = G and P of the mother): (a) Men’s names: Oscian G(aavis) Paapii(s) G(aavieis) Mutil (PGFC); Etruscan Vel Tite Meluta Arn@al (PGCE); Faliscan Uoltio Uelmineo Titio Sceua (PGFC); South Picene Titum Anaitim Audaqum (PGC); Umbrian

Vuv¢is Titis Teteies (PFG); Messapian Dazes

Blatoehias Plastas (PGF). (b) Women’s names: Etruscan

B. NAMING SYSTEM In the Roman/Central Italian naming system, the personal name is composed of several independent elements. A Roman male name of the late Republic such as

@ania

Xeiati Trepunia A(rn)0(al) sey (PGCF);

Oscan

Saluta Scaifia U(ibieis) (PGF); Faliscan Cauia [U]ecilia Uoltilia (PGF). It is noteworthy that in Umbrian and often in Faliscan the paternal praenomen is a patronym-

PERSONAL

NAMES

840

839

ic adjective (Titio- Uoltilio- from Tito- Uoltio-); in Umbrian (Titis; also in South Picene?) the filiation is

positioned before the gentile; in Etruscan the personal name often also contains the mother’s name (usually the gentile; Arza Veti Naverial PGM., Velour Partunus Larisalioa clan Ramoas Cuclnial PGFM,M.). CeHISTORY Everywhere in Italy, the system of family names was preceded by a patronymic system in which a person was named with an individual name and an adjectival patronymic (see above III.B. Naming system, also I. General). This can be inferred from (a) the patronymic system used in all other Indo-European languages (not

influenced by Latin), (b) from the etymology ofthe gentile names that are predominantly patronymic adjectives: Latin Marcius is derived from Marcus, Oscian Pakuliis from Paakul, Etruscan Larecena from Larece (cf. ouOina ‘belonging to the tomb ou6i’), (c) from the

remains of the earliest writings (Latin Numa Pompilius, Tullus Hostilius as the sons of a Pompius and Hostus respectively; lexical variation of equal size of first and

second names in Etruscan inscriptions of 700-625 BC). Towards the end of the 7th cent. BC, the patronymic was passed from the father to the son, then to the grandson and so on and, thus, became a family name. The

reduction of the number of praenomina available during the 6th/sth cents. BC in Rome and Etruria and their new function of indicating citizenship required the introduction ofanew (this time genitival) filiation anda

PANAGL, T. KriscH,

Latein und Indogermanisch,

1992,

H.R.

369-393.

IV. MESOPOTAMIA,

SYRIA/PALESTINE AND

EGYPT The onomastics of Mesopotamia, Syria-Palestine and Egypt exhibit a series of fundamental shared traits regarding their cultural context, structure and seman-

tics that justify speaking of a common PN practice in the Ancient Orient. Everywhere, people are not just identified by their names but also are characterized and represented by them. Who interprets the name, knows the person; who speaks the name in certain situations, controls the person. This means that a) personal names must be comprehensible. They are almost always taken from colloquial speech or the written language of the name giver. b) Apart from secondary throne, official and nicknames, every person has only one name; it is given by the parents at birth and kept until death. There are no fundamental differences between male and female names. Structurally, four main groups can be differentiated everywhere: r. Single-word names, e.g., Sumerian kaa ‘fox’; Akkadian barbaru ‘wolf; Amurrite himar ‘donkey’;

Hurrian Sesfe ‘goat kid’; Ugaritic klb ‘dog’; Hebrew yal ‘ibex’; Old Aramaic g‘P ‘dung beetle’; Egyptian wns ‘wolf’. 2. Regens-rectum(=genitive) compounds, e.g., Sumerian La-D(ivine)N(ame); Akkadian Awil-DN;

new individual name, the cognomen. At the begining of the Imperial period, when Rome was the only state and Latin the only language with a gentile name system, and

Amurritic Mut-DN; Ugaritic mt-DN; Luvian DN- ziti;

furthermore the number of /iberti (‘freedmen’) taking

cate, e.g. Sumerian DN-mansum; Akkadian DN-iddinam; Amurrite Yantin-DN; Hurrian Arib-DN; Ugaritic DN- ytn; Hebrew Natan-DN; Old Aramaic DN-ntn;

the praenomen of their patronus increased, the praenomen lost its function and, like the filiation, was even-

Egyptian s-7-DN, all meaning ‘Man of DN’. 3. Sentence names with nominal and verbal predi-

tually given up. Owing to the increased number of + adoptions by the new aristocracy, there were numerous persons with several gentile names and, due to manumissions by the emperor, thousands with the same gentile (end point: > Constitutio Antoniniana AD 212) so that its identifying quality also declined. With the > supernomen, a new single name system replaced the family name system at the end of antiquity.

the past can be differentiated from wishes. 4. Hypocoristics that are formed by omitting one of the name elements and possibly adding a hypocoristic suffix. Within these groups, particularly Akkadian and Egyptian display a multitude of formations, while the

+ Cognomen;

onomastics

> Gentile;

~ Onomastics;

> Praeno-

men E. CAMPANILE, Stammbaum e Sprachbund: II caso dell’ onomastica femminile nel mondo italico e latino, in: Incontri Linguistici 16, 1993, 47-60; G. COLONNA, Nome gentilizio e societa, in: SE 45, 1977, 175-192; B. DoER,

Die

romische

Duvat

Namengebung,

1937

(repr.

1974);

M.

(ed.), Actes du colloque international sur lono-

mastique latine,

1977; R. Hirata, L’onomastica falisca e i

suoi rapporti con la latina e l’etrusca, 1967; M. LEJEUNE, L’anthroponymie osque, 1976; A. L. PRospocim1, Sul

sistema onomastico italico. Appunti per il dossier, in: SE 48, 1980, 232-249; H. Rix, Zum Ursprung des r6mischmittelitalateinischen Gentilnamensystems, in: ANRW I 1, 1972, 700-758; R. ScHmitt, Das Indogermanische und das alte lateinische Personennamen-System, in: O.

Egyptian rdj.n.f-n.j, all meaning ‘DN/he gave (me) (scil. the child)’. In verbal sentence names, statements about

of Sumerian,

Hurrian

and

NW

Semitic

languages are structurally poorer. The structural groups are associated with similar semantic types everywhere: 1. Single-word names are mostly profane and usually name an attribute of the name bearer. Typical are terms for animals, plants, objects (‘little make-up box’), physical defects, occupations, origins (‘the one from Memphis’), time of birth (‘the son of the 2oth day of the month’) and position in the family (‘the second’). Single-word names are particularly common among women. 2. Regens-rectum compounds are mostly theophoric and state an association of the name bearer with a deity. The name bearer is mostly designated as ‘he/her (of the

842

841

PERSONIFICATION

deity)’, ‘man/woman, servant/maid or son/daughter of

2. PN relating to origin formed with the suffixes -aili

the deity’. A second group of regens-rectum names is profane and states the place of origin (‘man from place NN’). 3. Sentence names are mostly theophoric. The main theme is understandably the deity’s actions during the child’s birth: She ‘has given’, ‘has created’, ‘has protected’, ‘has helped’, ‘has taken pity’, ‘has heard’, ‘has seen’, ‘has elected’, ‘has obtained justice’ etc. Here, the child or the name givers are to be supplied as the object. The same statements appear as a wish (‘may the deity give’, etc.) or in nominal stylization (‘the deity is the giver, the deity is protection’, etc.). Statements such as ‘the god is help’ are only superficially theologically abstract; underlying these is a ‘the god supports me (i.e., the name giver or similar).

(-ali), -ili and -wiya, e.g., Hattusili (he trom Hattusa’)

1D. O. Epzarpvetal.,s.v. Namengebung, RLA 9, 94-134 (on Sumerian, Akkadian, Hittite, Hurrian, Amurrite und Semitic onomastics) 2 E. EICHLER et al. (ed.),

or Zip(pa) lantawiya (‘she from the town of Zippalanda’), or the derivational suffix already documented in the Old Assyrian texts, Hittite -uwmma, Luvian -wanni, e.g. Urawanni (‘he from the town of Ura’).

3. Theophoric personal names are very common, e.g. Sa(w)usga-ziti, ‘man (of) $a(w)usga’, Arma-piya,

‘Gift of the moon god’, Tarhu-nani, ‘the weather god (is) a brother’. PN often also incorporate two divine

names, e.g., Arma-Tarhunta, ‘moon god/weather god’. 4. Names formed from animal names, e.g., Mashuluwa (Hittite mashuil-, ‘mouse’), Kurkalli (kurka-, ‘foal’), Targas(sa)nalli (targasna-, ‘donkey’), Haranaziti (harana-, ‘eagle’), “eagle man’. 1H.G.

GtTerBock,

Troy

in Hittite

Texts?

Wilusa,

Ahhiyawa, and Hittite History, in: M. MELLINK (ed.), Troy and the Trojan War, 1984, 33-44 2H. A. HOFFNER

Western

Jr., s.v. Name,

Namenforschung Ein internationales Handbuch. zur Onomastik, 1995 (on Egyptian, Sumerian, Akkadian,

LarocueE, Les Noms des Hittites, 1966 4J. PUHVEL, Homer and Hittite, r991 (review.: J. TISCHLER, in: Beitrage zur Namenforschung NF 27, 1992, 461-466). V.H.

Eblaite, Amurrite, Ugaritic, Phoenecian and Hebrew onomastics) 3 H. RECHENMACHER, Personennamen als theo-

logische Aussagen (Arbeiten zu Text und Sprache im AT 50), 1997.

4M.P.

Srreck, Das amurrittische Onoma-

stikon der altbabylonischen Zeit, 2000 (incl. a bibliography on Semitic onomastics) 5 P. VERNUS, s.v. Name; Namengebung; Namenbildung, LA 4, 320-337. M.S.

Namengebung, RLA

9, 116-121

3E.

Personification I. TERMINOLOGY

II. History

III. FIGURATIVE

ART

I. TERMINOLOGY A. PERSONIFICATION

V. Asta MINOR

The Hittite-Luvian onomasticon is mostly known

IN RHETORIC AND POETRY B. TERMINOLOGICAL DIFFICULTIES C. CLASSIFICATION IN THE HISTORY OF RELIGION

from the texts of the Hittite archives of Tapikka, Sar-

ri88a and Sapinuwa (Ortak6y) as well as from Alalah, ~ Ugarit and Emar (Meskene) during the period of the Hittite empire (17th—13th cents. BC). The oldest PN are

found from as early as the documents of the Old Assy-

A. PERSONIFICATION IN RHETORIC AND POETRY The early modern term personificatio expresses the Hellenistic, rhetorical concept of meo0owmomotia/

rian trade colonies (> Kanesh) in Anatolia (zoth/roth cents. BC). Since the Middle Hittite period (15th cent.),

prosopopoiia, which refers to the representation of fic-

a large number of Hurrian personal names (> Hurrian) are found, especially among the aristocracy of Hattusa: At the coronation, rulers put aside their Hurrian name

concepts as speakers and actors (Latin, conformatio:

for an Anatolian royal name. In West Anatolia, we find

Mycenaean

names such as Alaksandus (Mycenaean

a-re-ka-sa-da-ra,

Greek

Aléxandros),

Tawagalawa

(Greek Ete,-oklé-és, Mycenaean E-te-wo-ke-re-we-i-jo) and possibly Kukkunnis (Greek Kyknos) [1 4; 5]. The naming rite is described by a mythological text: The midwife places the newly born into the father’s lap and he gives it a ‘melodious name’ (TUAT 3, 833). Male and female names are usually graphically differentiated by determinatives, or else they are fomed with characteristic elements, e.g., (Luvian) -ziti, ‘man’ or (Luvian)

—muwa, ‘strength’ for men and -wanatti, ‘woman’ or

the suffix -ti for women. The following name types are attested [25 3]: 1. Reduplication or babbling names such as Kaka, Kiki, Lala, Nini or Ababa, Amama, Kuzkuzi, Pupuli,

ete:

tive persons,

concrete

(inanimate)

items

or abstract

Rhet. Her. 4,66; personarum ficta inductio: Cic. De or. 3,205; prosopopoeia: Quint. Inst. 9,29-37). As fictional personalisation, primarily of concepts, prosopopotia was considered by Greek literary theory to be an element of allegorical speech (> Allegory). It was already found in a rudimentary form in Homer (II. 9,502-507: ~» Ate, Impulse, and Litat, Prayers); it appears fully developed in ancient Greek - comedy (Logos und Logina in > Epicharmus fr. 87-89; Penia, Poverty, in Aristoph. Plut.) and was used in prose and poetry (e.g. Pl. Crit. 50; Cic. Cat. 1,27—29; Cic. Pis. 52). When

Greek and Latin literature characterise nature,

concrete objects or abstract concepts as being imbued with human emotions and capable of sociomorphic actions, this is not called prosopopoiia as the rhetorical device for the ‘creation of a (fictional) dramatis persona’, rather it is known as personification, a stylistic device in a more general sense [1. 44-48].

PERSONIFICATION

843

B. TERMINOLOGICAL DIFFICULTIES ‘Personification’ and ‘personalisation’ are nomina actionis referring to an action. Yet in literary and religious studies they are also nomina rei actae and refer to the result of the action. By this means, an implicit connotation of something ‘imaginary’ enters into the terminology. This ‘imaginary’ thing is represented, as a literary or cultic personification, as a — persona [1].

However, it does not possess a real personality. For example, the concept of a ‘personification of abstract concepts’ fails to take into account that these ‘deified abstractions’ were, in the ancient mind, concrete and

personalised and that they were represented, in iconography, as anthropomorphic gods with dedications, sanctuaries, temples and priests (— Anthropomorphism). The boundary between literary personification and those personifications which were the objects of cultic adoration is indistinct and permeable. The composition of both groups in poetry addresses these permeabilities [2.87-92]. Religious veneration was adapted to personal needs or socio-cultural, and often contingent, moti-

vations.

Literary

personifications

like the

Roman

+ Fama, Rumor, > Somnus, Sleep, and — Mors, Death, were not objects of cult veneration, unlike their

Greek counterparts ~ Pheme and > Peitho [3.233f.] or Hypnos and > Thanatos [4.41-44]. On the other hand, the concept of > disciplina (militaris) was the object of dedications from the 2nd cent. AD [5.53]. It only perpetuates the rationalising categories of ancient criticism and narrows the horizon of observation to call these personifications ‘values’, ‘virtues’ or ‘desirable qualities’ [6. 233-242; 7. 830-833; 8. 459f.], thus repeating the ancient philosophical criticism of such concepts of the gods. (Cic. leg. 2,28 for instance defines the cultic personifications as virtutes and res expetendae; Varro,

Antiquitates rerum divinarum fr. 189 CARDAUNS as munera divina, divine gifts). From such a perspective, how can one explain the mollification of negative powers through cultic veneration? (For example, Febris/Malaria, Robigus/Mildew and Mala Fortuna/ Misfortune: Cic. Leg. 2,28; Cic. Nat. D. 3,63; Asébeia/ Impiety] and Paranomia/Transgression of law).

C. CLASSIFICATION IN THE HISTORY OF RELIGION The ancient philosophical criticism of the concept of the gods mentioned above belongs to the tradition of the > allegoresis or allegorical exegesis of the GrecoRoman > pantheon. The postulate of an immaterial divine being versus the material representation of the divine found in Homeric poetry (since the 6th cent. BC: Xenoph. 21 B 11 and B 23-26 DK) led to the rationalisation of the Greco-Roman pantheon. In this view,

Homer and the early Greeks attributed perceptible forces (dyndmeis, pathe; Latin vis) and their effects (apotelésmata,

pragmata;

Latin, utilitates) to super-

natural influences, which where hence personified and called gods (e.g. Apollod, Peri theon FGrH 244 F 117; Cic. Nat. D. 2,60-62; Ps.-Plut. Mor. 880c; [9]).

844 In the modern period, this explanation was modified to the effect that the deification of natural phenomena and unexplainable occurrences had been the origin of ‘primitive’ religion. For H. UsENER, for instance, the ancient concept of the gods developed out of the deification of a natural phenomenon as an ‘Augenblicksgott’ or ‘deity of themoment’. Only in the later stage of religious conceptualisation were these phenomena understood as unpersonal -» Sonderg6tter or ‘special gods’. These, in their turn, developed into personal gods, in USENER’S three-fold concept of religious evolution. He assigns the cultic personifications to the Sondergétter. At some stage they were ‘absorbed’ by the personal gods ‘and turned into their epithets’ [10. 3 68371]. L. DEUBNER and G. Wissowa adopt the opposite position for the Greek and Roman religions respectively. Both claim the ‘cultic personifications’ were separations from the personal gods [11. 2069f.; 12. 327-337]. According to K. REINHARDT, they were mediators between the Olympic gods and reality, for whom a need arose in the time after Homer [13].

Such evolutionistic approaches can be corrected by analysis of ancient religious concepts. ‘Personifcations’ were already integral constituents of the pantheons of Egyptian and Near Eastern cultures [7. 828f.; 14. 286]. It is a modern question whether the Greek goddess > Euclea, Good Reputation, should be understood as an epithet of Artemis Euclea that was made independent (Soph. OT. 159-161) or as an original abstraction later identified with Artemis. In the cultic reality, she was an independent goddess in Athens (Paus. 1,14,5), the expression of a pantheon differentiated by a division of labour. The same goes for the Roman goddess Victoria, Victory, for whom a temple was built in 294 BC (Liv. 10,33,9), one year after (and possibly in competition with) the temple of > luppiter Victor (Liv. 10,29,14). Neither ancient rationalisation nor modern evolution contributes significantly to the explanation of ‘personification’ as an integral part of ancient > polytheism. If, instead, one views a polytheistic system as a multitude of personalised and active gods, differentiated among themselves in a + pantheon, then the personifications are characterised, from the perspective of the theory of action, by concrete fields of responsibility. They follow patterns of action which are perhaps more predictable than those of the Olympian gods. Il. History A. THE GREEK WoRLD

B. THE ROMAN

WORLD

A. THE GREEK WORLD Greek personifications of nature, concrete objects and abstract concepts [11. 2127-21453; 15] were represented as deities in literature and > myth from the early Archaic period onwards. In Homer and Hesiod, deities include > river gods, > spring gods and, - Oceanus (and - Sea gods), -» Gaia, > Hestia, > Helios (— Sol) and -» Selene, Hypnos and > Thanatos, the > Moira, + Horae and ->Charites, -» Themis, —» Nemesis,

846

845 » Phobos, > Eirene [1], > Dike [1] and —> Peitho. For many of

> Tyche, > Nike, > Plutus,

>» Eunomia,

these personifications, evidence of their cults dates back to the 6th cent. BC, or the sth at the latest [4]. In the early Classical period, > Euclea, > Hygieia, > Kairos and + Pheme also became objects of cult, followed, in the 4th cent. Bc, by > Demokratia [3. 228f.], > Eirene [{r], Agathe Tyche, > Homonoia, > Pistis and many others. Philosophical literary hymns to personified concepts came into being in the 4th cent. BC (> Hymn I.B.), while civic cult of Tyche or > Demos in the Hellenistic period constitutes a complementary development to the > ruler cult anda response to the changes in the basic sociopolitical framework of the period [7. 8523 16. 956]. The cult of Rhomeé (> Roma) in the Greek poleis, and of the populus Romanus and of individual Roman benefactors, which began in the early 2nd cent. BC, followed this trend [16. 956-972; 17]. The formation of new ‘cult personifications’, continu-

ing into the Imperial period, did not undermine the traditional religious structures from the pre-Hellenistic period [18]. Instead, it should be viewed as a continuing differentiation of the Greek pantheon, in which the cult participants reintegrated personal and sociopolitical experiences into their lives by addressing various deities.

Rome from the late 4th cent. BC onwards. A temple to ~ Concordia was consecrated, it seems, in 367; another

followed in 304. In the following decades, sanctuaries for Salus, — Victoria, — Bellona, Fors Fortuna, + Fides, > Spes, ~ Honos and > Virtus, — Mens, +> Iuventus and > Ops [3] were built. Many of these cults were prompted by military and internal political crises; they also manifest the values held by the nobility that founded them [7. 841-869; 19. 238f.]. In the late — Felicitas,

> Clementia

and

~» Pax [2] became the slogans of political confrontation and the qualities of some prominent members of the Roman elite [7. 869-884]. After the clipeus virtutis (> Shield) was conferred upon Augustus by the Roman Senate

in

27

BC,

Virtus,

Clementia,

Iustitia

and

-» Pietas became the typical characteristics of the ruler [20. 228-269; 21]. The ‘cultic personifications’ were affiliated with the emperor through the use of the epithet Augustus or the genetive Augusti and thus confer upon him an elevated religious status [7. 889-939; 8. 455-474]. In inscriptions, on coins and in figurative

representation, ‘cultic personifications’ like Victoria, Victory, Salus, Salvation, Pietas, Concordia/> Homonoia, Harmony, Pax/> Eirene [1], Peace, > Fides/Pistis, Loyalty, Aeternitas, Perpetuity, Fecunditas,

Fecundity, etc., are among

1G. Mauracy,

the slogans of Imperial

Enchiridion Poeticum. Zur lateinischen

Dichtsprache, *1989, 44-48 2D. C. FEENEY, Literature and Religion at Rome: Cultures, Contexts, and Beliefs (Roman Literature & Its Contexts), 1998

3 R. PARKER,

Athenian Religion: A History, 1996, 227-237.

4F. W.

Hamporr, Griechische Kultpersonifikation der vorhellenistischen Zeit, 1964 5 G.L. IRBY-Masste, Military Religion in Roman Britain, 1999, 47-54

6 LaTTe

7J.R.

Fears, The Cult of Virtues and Roman Imperial Ideology, in: ANRW

II 17.2, 1981, 827-948

8D. FisHwick, The

Imperial Cult in the Latin West: Studies in the Ruler Cult in the Western Provinces of the Roman Empire, vol. 2.1, 1991

9M.M.

Macroux, Panthéon et discours mytho-

logique. Le cas d’Apollodore, in: Revue de histoire des religions 206, 1989, 245-270

10H. UsENER, Gotterna-

men: Versuch einer Lehre von der Religiésen Begriffsbildung, 1896 (31948) 11L. DEUBNER, see Personifikationen abstrakter Begriffe, in: ROSCHER, 3.2, 2068-2169 12 G. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Romer, *1912

13 K. Retnnarnt, Personifikation und Allegorie, in: C. (ed.),

14 BuURKERT

According to tradition, Servius > Tullius established the cult of > Fortuna in Rome; the earliest archeological evidence dates back to the 6th cent. BC. As with the Hellenistic ‘personifications’, concepts of social and political good behaviour were the objects of cult in

— Libertas,

propaganda. Thus, they also spread the political and moral values of the Roman Imperial period into the private sphere [22]. From this must be distinguished, however, the great significance of various ‘personifications’ in the private religion of the Republican and Imperial periods [(7. 837, 931-939; 8. 461]; compare with [11. 2145-2164; 23]). > Indigitamenta

BECKER

B. THE ROMAN WORLD

Republic,

PERSONIFICATION

Vermachtnis

der

Antike,

1960,

7-40

15 K. S. STELKENS, Untersuchungen zu grie-

chischen Personifikation abstrakter Begriffe, 1963

16R.

MELtor, The Goddess Roma in the Greek World, in: [7], 950-1030 17 A. ErSKINE, The Romans as Common Benefactors, in: Historia 43, 1994, 70-87 18 M. P. NiLsson, Kultische Personifikation, in: Eranos 50, 1952, 31-40 (=

id., Opuscula Selecta, vol. 3, 233-242) 20S. Weinstock, Divus Iulius, 1971

19 HOLKESKAMP 21 A. WALLACE-

HApRILL, The Emperor and His Virtues, in: Historia 30,

1981, 298-323

22 T. Mrkockxt, Personifikationen und

Allegorien auf rémischen Miinzen der Kaiserzeit und deren figiirliche Repradsentation in der privaten Sphare. Ein Beitrag zur kaiserzeitlichen Propagierung ethischer Normen, in: T. Koruta, A. LapomirskrI (ed.), Les élites

provinciales sous le haut-empire romain, 1997, [01-114 23 H.L. AxTeLit, The Deification of Abstract Ideas in Roman Literature and Inscriptions, 1987. AN.BE.

II]. FIGURATIVE ART

A. GENERAL B. THE CLASSICAL PERIOD PERIOD/4TH CENT. F. ROMAN REPUBLIC

ARCHAIC PERIOD C. THE D. POST-CLASSICAL E. HELLENISTIC PERIOD AND THE IMPERIAL PERIOD

A. GENERAL The figurative representations of the personifications named above (II.A.) and elsewhere are confidently identified in part by the inscriptions on the representations and in part by the iconographical context of the representation or certain characteristic attributes. Sometimes they have to remain educated guesses. As was emphasized above (I.B.), personifications, even in their figurative representation, are concrete, personali-

PERSONIFICATION

sed deities and are thus anthropomorphically represented (> Anthropomorphism). Almost all deities of antiquity were experienced in this way. In post-classical and Hellenistic representations (4th-1st cents. BC), feminine personifications are more frequent than masculine ones. B. THE ARCHAIC PERIOD The oldest known representations of personifications in figurative art are on the > Cypselus chest in Olympia (Paus. 5,17,5ff.), dating from the early 6th cent. BC. Thanatos and Hypnos (Death and Sleep) appear as small children in the arms of > Nyx (Night); + Dike (Justice) is a beautiful woman slaying Adikia (Injustice);

848

847

> Eris (Strife) appears as a very ugly woman

between the fighting Ajax and Hector; and > Phobos (Fear) with a lion’s head as Agamemnon’s coat of arms.

From the mid 6th cent. all these personifications

Macaria

(Blessedness) and Paidia (Play) [3]. Some of

these could also be seen as characters on the stage in Athens, e.g. > Lyssa in Eur. HF 843-874; Kratos and Bia in Aesch. PV r2ff.; and Eirene as the title character

in Aristophanes’ Peace. Other personificactions were represented in 5th and 4th cent. wall paintings, e.g. Fraud and Gullibility appear with Odysseus, who is disguised as a beggar, in a painting by > Aglaophon [2] (Plin. HN 35,138: Dolus (Cunning) and Credulitas (Credulity), probably Greek Apate and Pistis. Personifications of geographical and topographical phenomena — islands, mountains, rivers, etc. — occur in

sculpture as well as in paintings from the mid sth cent. onwards, e.g. the local > river gods in the corners of the pediments of the Temple of Zeus in > Olympia and of the — Parthenon; the islands of — Delos, > Aegina, > Crete, > Lemnos, and > Euboea appear on red-figured vases [13]; cities and sanctuaries like > Eleusis,

appear on Attic vases: Eris is represented on a cup in

+ Nemea,

Berlin, SM; Hypnos and Thanatos retrieve the dead Sarpedon on the Euphronius krater (at the MMA, New

mountain > Helicon appear on a white-ground leky-

York, until 2008, when

arms of Aphrodite [1] (fragment, Athens, NM); > Har-

monia as the wife of Cadmus sits on the throne of + Amyclae (Paus. 3,18,r2) and on the black-figured oinochoe, Géttingen; Ocnus (Oknos, Sloth) appears in the Underworld (black-figured lekythos, Palermo); and > Peitho (Persuasion) appears at the Judgment of Paris (red-figured oinochoe, New York, MMA) [14]. Around 560, the sculptor Archermus from Chios created a statue of Nike as a running, winged goddess (currently in Athens, NM) for the sanctuary of Apollo at Delos. On the black-figured vases > Nike is usually alone; although once she is seen fighting at the side of Zeus against the Giants (krater fragment, Athens, NM). C. THE CLASSICAL PERIOD On red-figured vases of the sth cent. BC the following personifications now also occur: > Geras (Old

Age) struck down by Heracles; > Lyssa (Insanity) at the of Actaeon;

> Megalopolis

as well as the

thos (Munich, SA).

it will be returned to Italy)

(> Euphronius [2]); Phobos is Ares’ charioteer in a battle between Heracles [1] and Cycnus [1] (e.g. the oinochoe by Colchus, Berlin, SM). As late as the 6th cent. -» Themis (Law) appears in a procession of the gods at the marriage of Peleus and Thetis on the Sophilus dinos (mixing bowl), London, BM (-> Sophilus); -» Himeros (Desire) is seen with Eros as a boy in the

death

> Thebes,

Athanasia

(Immortality)

in the

legend of Tydeus; Kratos and > Bia (Power and Force) at Ixion’s punishment (fragment, Basle, Collection of H. CAHN); and - Nemesis (Revenge). To the latter a

temple was dedicated in Rhamnus in 430. After the Persian Wars, Winged Nike was frequently represented on red-figured vases, in an agonal context as well as in a military one. In the final third of the 5th cent. several new personifications appear surrounding Dionysus and — especially — Aphrodite: > Eirene (Peace), Eudaimonia (Happpiness), > Euclea (Fame), > Eunomia (Good Order), Eutychia (Luck, Success), - Hygieia (Health),

D. Post-CLASSICAL PERIOD/4TH CENT. The red-figured vase painters of the 4th cent. in the Greek cities in Apulia, Campania and Paestum (> Apulian vases;

Campanian vases; Paestan ware) adop-

ted some personifications from Attic art, though often in a different context: Thanatos at the death of Memnon; > Peitho at the sending-out of Triptolemus (Apulian krater, St Petersburg); » Hypnus witnessing Leda’s encounter with the swan (Apulian loutrophoros, Malibu). Other personifications, alien to the Attic tradition, are accepted into the south Italian repertoire: -» Homonoia

(Unity) reconciles Andromeda

and her

mother (Apulian pelike, Malibu); -- Euphemia (Religious Silence) witnesses Phrixus sacrificing a ram (Apulian krater, Berlin, SM); > Phthonos (Envy), the Eroslike companion of Aphrodite at the death of Meleager (Apulian krater, Naples) [1].

The great painter > Apelles [4] was able to create a complete > allegory —the Diabole (Slander) —in the 4th cent., which consisted entirely of female personifications (with the exception of an unknown man): Agnoia (Ignorance), Hypolepsis (Suspicion), —>» Phthonos (Envy), Epiboule (Betrayal), Apate (Deceit), Metanoia (Remorse) and > Aletheia (Truth). In around 375 BC the sculptor > Cephisodotus [4] created a simpler, twofold allegory: a statue of > Eirene, who is holding the boy > Plutus (Wealth) in her arms. This type is not only recorded in the form of Roman copies (Munich, GL) but is also depicted on top of pillars on contemporary + Panathenaic prize amphorae. Shortly after the middle of the 4th cent. the first large-scale pictures of + Demokratia are erected on the Agora in Athens: a painting by > Euphranor [1] (see [2]) in the Stoa of Zeus, which shows Demokratia with Theseus and with the > Demos (Paus. 1,3,3) and a statue (IG II* 2791), which may have stood in front of the King’s Stoa. In 337/6 the same personification appeared with the

849

850

Demos of Athens on a document relief (Athens, Agora Museum). In addition to Demos und Demokratia,

emerged in the late-Augustan or Tiberian periods, e.g. the silver cup from + Boscoreale, which depicts the personifications of Roma and the —> Genius Populi Romani (‘Spirit/Guardian of the Roman People’), who are sometimes also interpreted as Virtus (Virtue) and

Boule (the Council) can be seen as a further personification on some document reliefs [2]. ;

PERSONIFICATION

E. HELLENISTIC PERIOD + Tyche, particularly Agathe Tyche (Good Fortune), a

+ Honos

personification that occasionally appeared on 4th-cent. document reliefs and vases, takes on a monumental form at the beginning of the Hellenistic period in a painting by > Apelles [4] (Stob. 105,60) and, as a statue of, Tyche of Antioch sculpted by > Eutychides. This type of personified city, wearing a crown made of the city walls and carrying a cornucopia, was found widely in Hellenistic art. From the 2nd cent. it merged into the

only became a set component of Roman state reliefs from the Flavian period onwards. They define or detail

Roman > Fortuna. Under the influence of Alexandrian scholars, new

personifications appear in Hellenistic art. Thus, the relief depicting Homer’s apotheosis by > Archelaus [9] of Priene (London, BM) shows not only the Muses, but also personifications of Iliad and Odyssey, Chronos (Time) and > Oikoumene (the Inhabited World), as well as Poiesis (Poetry), Tragoidia (Tradgedy), Komoidia (Comedy), Physis (Nature) and four > Virtues: Arete (Excellence), + Mneme (Memory), > Pistis (Trust) and Sophia (Wisdom). Similar figures, which cannot be definitively identified without inscriptions, re-appear in the > Allegory of the Fecundity of the Nile on

the

Tazza

Farnese

(Naples,

NM,

— Gem

cut-

ting). These Hellenistic personifications were adopted by Augustan courtly art almost unchanged, e.g. on the Gemma Augustea (Vienna, KM)

(Honour),

next to Venus and the emperor

+ Augustus [1] [4]. Other personifications of virtues

the praise of the emperor in various ways [6]. Thus, in the Cancelleria Relief A (Vatican Museum) Virtus/ Roma takes the emperor Domitian [1] (later reworked

to depict Nerva [2]) by the left lower arm and leads him into war. In the relief sculpture on the north side of the passageway through the Arch of Titus in Rome, Honos and Virtus walk ahead of the emperor’s triumphal chariot while Victoria crowns him. Virtus and Victoria are also depicted on the Trajanic battle frieze (visible today in the main passageway of the Arch of Constantine in Rome). The most complete cycle of the Virtutes Principis (‘Princely Virtues’) decorates the Arch of Trajan in + Benventum. From the beginning of the Imperial period, personifications of the conquered provinces provinces appear not only on coins, but also in monumental sculpture, such as on the so-called Hadrian Reliefs in Rome [12]. 1 Cu. AELLEN, A la recherche de l’ordre cosmique. Form et fonction des personnifications dans la ceramique italiote, 1994 2 O. TsacHou-ALEXANDRI, Personifications of Democracy, in: J. OBER, C. W. HEprRIcK (eds.), The

Birth of Democracy, 1993, 149-155 3 L. Burn, The Meidias Painter, 1987 4 J. R. Fears, The Cult of Virtues and

Roman Imperial Ideology, in: Aufstieg und Niedergang

F. ROMAN REPUBLIC AND THE IMPERIAL PERIOD While the cultic veneration of personifications in the form of monumental temples and cultic imagery appears to have been the exception in Greece (~ Nemesis; Temple of > Euclea at the Agora of Athens: Paus. 1,14,5), this custom appears to have been deeply rooted in Rome from the days of the early Republic onwards (see above, II.B.). In 396 BC, > Fortuna (Good Fortune) received a new temple in Rome, followed by > Salus (Salvation/Health) in 302, > Victoria (Victory) in 294, > Spes (Hope) in 257, > Fides (Faith) in 254 and - Virtus (Virtue) in 205. The iconography of these personifications has been transmitted to the present

almost exclusively on coins. However, fragments of an acrolith statue from the rst cent. BC can be assigned to Fides [11]. > Roma (Rome) appears as a personification on coins from 269 BC, though as a monumental sculpture not until the Imperial period. In contrast to other early Roman cultic personifications, > Pax (Peace) only becomes an important goddess under Octavian/+ Augustus [1], appearing initially on coins, then in 13 BC on the Campus Martius with the dedication of the > Ara Pacis Augustae. The combined representation of humans with personifications of virtues or political values probably

der romischen Welt II 17.2, 1981, 827-948 5 P. G. HamBERG, Studies in Roman Imperial Art, with special refe-

rence to the state reliefs of the second 103 6F, W. Hamporr, Griechische nen der vorhellenistischen Zeit, 1964 and Allegory in Ancient Art, 1939 Les personnifications des provinces

century, 1945, 15— Kultpersonifikatio7R. Hinxs, Myth 8 J. A. OSTROWSKI, dans l’art romain,

1990 9 V. PAPADAKI-ANGELIDOU, Al mQ00wmomoloets elg THY Goxyatav EAAnvexI texvyv [Prosopopoiesis eis ten archaian elleniken technen], 1960 10 L. PETERSEN, Zur

Geschichte der Personifikation in griechischer Dichtung und bildender Kunst, 1939

11 CHR. REuSSER, Der Fides-

tempel auf dem Kapitol in Rom und seine Ausstattung, 1993, 86-112

12M. SapeLtt (ed.), Provinciae fideles. Il

fregio del tempio di Adriano in Campo Marzio, 1999 13 H. A. SHAPIRO, Local Personifications in Greek Painting, in: A. DELrBorRIAs et al. (eds), Praktika (Acta 12" International Congress of Classical Archaeology, Athens 1983), vol. 2, 1988, 205-208 14 Id., Personifications in Greek Art: The Representation of Abstract Concepts. 600-400 BC, 1993.

ASH.

852

PERSPECTIVE

10 cm

Se) () &) G) Be) viviv 0. v191010191010 101010

Ba

Fragment of a chalice krater: foreshortened representation of proskenion; mid 4th cent. BC. Wiirzburg, Martin-von-Wagner-Museum. inv. no. H 4696. H 4701.

(redrawing)

Perspective I. TERMINOLOGY IJ. FORESHORTENING PROJECTION IN PAINTING

AND

I. TERMINOLOGY The modern term perspective has its origin in the concept of ars perspectiva expounded by L.B. ALBERTI in 1435 in his treatise De Pictura (1,18-21) [1]. Accor-

ding to this, the painter gazes through a window at an object which is traced and then located in three dimensions in an empty ‘spatial box’. The outline visible on the plane of the window is the perspectival projection [8. 121; 10. 79-82]. Ancient theory of art has no equivalent for the term perspective, since it has no concept of an empty ‘space in itself’. Rather, a picture in antiquity is assembled from individual objects, each in their own space. According to > Euclides’ [3] Optics, written in c. 300 BC, the ray of the gaze of the viewer, saturated with the radiation from an object, locates it in space [I1I. 226; 13. 67-92; 14].

In Greek theory of painting, the visually true representation of figures towards the viewer is called katagrapha (n. pl. xatayeada, ‘oblique views’; > Cimon [4]). The perspectival representation of buildings was termed skénographia (ozxnvoyoadia, > Scenography), because the first theory of the drawn projection of buildings on a flat base arose in Athenian theatrical practice of the 5th cent. The procedures demonstrated

‘Fish-bone perspective’ according to E. Panofsky

there by the stage-painter > Agatharchus were further developed by > Democritus [1] and > Anaxagoras [2] (Vitr. De arch. 7 Praef. rr). Thus skénographia as a theory of true visual representation (Damianus, Optica p. 28-30 SCHONE) became part of the field of optics (> Physics), as recorded by Euclid and > Ptolemaeus. Even without the coherent space of modern times, ancient painting was able to produce pictorial depth: from the 6th cent. BC onwards objects were shown as lying behind each other, through scale, colour contrast or by overlapping them, and they were thus related spatially to each other [7. 180]. The insight in the field of optics that the intensity of colours diminishes with the increasing distance of an object (Ptolemaeus, Optica 2,124-126 LEJEUNE) influenced — landscape painting, where a lightening of colours can also suggest distance, as is evident in the Odyssey frescoes on the Esquiline from the rst cent. BC [4]. In contrast to modern perspectival images, ancient ones do not require a single viewpoint, but instead permit different viewpoints for each object [5]. H.KO. Il. FORESHORTENING PAINTING

AND PROJECTION IN

Foreshortened representations of figures were developed gradually in vase paintings from the late 6th cent. BC onwards (— Cimon [4]; > Parrhasius; > Painting D.). Through drawings painters developed oblique views of bodies and objects (e.g. furniture, shields, vehicles). Over the course of the 5th and 4th cents. BC these became increasingly complex [9]. In the late 4th cent. BC an effect of depth in a battle scene — which has been transmitted through the > Alexander Mosaic (with fig.) in a copy that was probably quite faithful — is achieved primarily by means of the bold drawing of a horse viewed obliquely from behind. The true visual representation of buildings is a theme of painting from the sth cent. However, the stage construction with actors of the “Wurzburg theatre ostrakon’ (see fig. mid 4th cent. BC [6]) with an aligned paraskenion and a coffered ceiling seen from below shows that figures and architecture are

853

854

each subject to different methods of projection. Appearing contradictory to the modern viewer, such pictorial solutions are in accord with ancient optics, where the ray of the gaze falls on each object individually. Particularly expressive evidence of ancient architectural projection has been preserved in Roman-Campanian ~ wall paintings of the so-called Second Style, which create an illusion of architecturally framed prospects (1st cent. BC, cf. [5]). There have been attempts since the late r9th cent. to prove with converging projection lines the existence of central perspective in antiquity, based on examples in > Pompeii, > Boscoreale, + Oplontis etc. and supported by Vitruvius’ terminologically unclear definition of scenography (Vitr. De arch. 1,2,2) [33 55 10; 14; 16]. Lessinc had already criticized this undertaking [2] and E. PANoFsky has shown that the laws of ancient optics allow only a ‘fishbone projection’ (see fig.) — i.e. an assemblage of different vanishing points on a vertical axis of the picture — and not a concentration of vanishing points on a central point [8; 13]. Since the central perspective of modern times permits only a single viewpoint, it is contradictory to the ancient theory of perception, according to which each individual object is to be experienced for itself

form, pertica is known from Germania as a length measure of 12 feet according to the pes Drusianus at

[11. 221-226]. + Painting 1L. B. AvBertr, De pictura, Lat. 1435, It. 1436, C. GRay-

SON (ed.), 1975

2G. E. Lessinc, 9. Antiquarischer Brief,

1768, in: K. LACHMANN,

F. MUNCKER

(ed.), Gotthold

Ephraim Lessings Samtliche Schriften 10, 1894, 255-256 3 H. G. BeyENn, Die antike Zentral-Perspektive, in: AA 54,

1939, 47-72 4R. Brerinc, Die Odysseefresken vom Esquilin, 1997, 158-162 5 W. EHRHARDT, Bild und Ausblick in Wandbemalungen Zweiten Stils, in: AK 34, 1991, 28-65 6S. Gocos, Bihnenarchitektur und antike Buhnenmalerei, in: JOAI 54, 1983, 59-86 7N.J. Kocn, Techne und Erfindung in der klassischen Malerei, 2000,

bes. 83-91 8 E. PANoFsky, Die Perspektive als symbolische Form (1927), in: H. OBERER, E. VERHEYEN (ed.), Aufsatze zu Grundfragen der Kunstwissenschaft, 1992, 99167 9 G.M.A. RICHTER, Perspective in Greek and Roman Art, 1970 10 A. Rouveret, Histoire et imaginaire de la peinture ancienne, 1989, 65-115 117. SCHIRREN, Aisthesis vor Platon, 1998 12 B. SCHWEITZER, Vom Sinn der Perspektive (Die Gestalt 24), 1953 13 G. Simon, Der

Blick, das Sein und die Erscheinung in der antiken Optik, 1992 14R. Tospin, Ancient Perspective and Euclid’s Optics, in: JWI 53, 1990, 14-41 15 K. H. VELTMAN, Lit-

erature on Perspective, in: Marburger Jahrbuch fiir Kunstwissenschaft 21,

1986,

185-207

16 J. WHITE, Perspective

in Ancient Drawing and Painting, 1956.

N.K.

Perspicuitas see > Virtutes dicendi

> land surveyor

33-3 cm, corresponding to 3.99 m. In agriculture, per-

tica is the term for the stakes used in viticulture to attach the grapevines as well as for the sticks to strike nuts or olives

down

(Columella

and architect

(mostly with a length of ro feet (+ decempeda) = c. 2,96 m, more rarely with 12, 15 or 17 feet). Pertica is also the t.t. for the area surveyed with the rod as well as,

in the form pertica quadrata, for the surface measurement for an area of ro X ro feet. As a regional special

4,12,1;

4,16,4;

4,17,1;3

4,26,2-4). ~ Measurements; — Pes 1 F. Huxtrscu, Griechische und rémische Metrologie, 71882, 39f., 78 2A. SCHULTEN, s.v. P., RE 19, 10591060.

H.-J.S.

Pertinax. P. Helvius P., Roman Emperor 31 Dec. 19228 Mar. 193. Born 1 Aug. AD 126 in Alba Pompeia in Liguria (SHA Pert. 1,2; 15,6; Cass. Dio 73,3,1), son ofa

freedman. After being educated as a > grammaticus, he applied for a position as centurio with the assistance of L. Hedius Lollianus [4] Avitus (SHA Pert. 1,5; (Ps.-)Aur. Vict. Epit. Caes. 18). He received the rank of an eques (~ equites Romani D) with the support of Claudius [II 54] Pompeianus, which allowed him to pursue an equestrian career. Around AD 160, still in the reign of > Antoninus [1] Pius, he served as praefectus cohortis VII Gallorum equitatae in Syria (SHA Pert. 1,6; AE 1963, 52), where he was corrected by the governor for unauthorized use of the > cursus publicus. Honoured in the > Parthian War of > Marcus [2] Aurelius, P. transferred to Britainc. AD 165 as tribunus militum angusticlavius to the legio VI Victrix at Eboracum (York), (possibly also the XX Valeria Victrix at Deva (Chester); SHA Pert. 2,1; AE 1963, 52), thereafter in all probability receiving another command in the same province as praefectus cohortis I Tungrorum or II Tungrorum. Transferred to Moesia superior or Pannonia inferior, he commanded an ala (CIL III 3232). Thereupon P. continued his equestrian career. Next, c. AD 168, he served as procurator alimentorum per viam Aemiliam in northern Italy [1. 451-454]. Further stepping stones in his career were the command, c. AD 169, of the classis Germanica in what is now CologneAlteburg (SHA Pert. 2,3) and — around AD 169/170, when M. Claudius [I] 31] Fronto was governor of Dacia Apulensis and Moesia superior [2. 122] — the position of — procurator at Sarmizegetusa, from which, however, Marcus Aurelius recalled him (SHA Pert. 2,4). P. soon regained the favour of the emperor, taking the rank of praepositus to command the detachments of troops which fought the Germans who had invaded Raetia and Noricum in 169/170 (SHA Pert. 2,6). His success

Pertica. Pertica is the name given to the measuring rod (bar) of the Roman

PERTINAX

brought

him

the rank

of praetor

(adlectus inter praetorios), and later the post of legatus legionis I Adiutricis from c. AD 171-175. As commander ofthis legion, stationed at Brigetio in the province of Pannonia superior, he successfully chased hostile tribes from the provinces of Raetia and Noricum (Hdn. 2,1,4; [3]) before doing battle with the > Quadi, > Naristi and — Sarmatae on the other side of the Danube. In AD 171. During this campaign, the ‘rain miracle’ on the

PERTINAX

855

856

Germ. Inferior SS,

Col.Agrippinensis/ Cologne -Alteburg

>

177/179

oe ni Csuperior) SC wes

.

=

E2h169/170 Sarmizegetusa 4

ao \

\ —

5

=

476-177 176. Tomis

SK

Bithynia? et Poeninae

4

2. Alpes

167|%

(Superior,”

x

Maritimae

ane

3.Alpes Cottiae

g

passus (5), the > decempeda (10) and the > actus [2] (120). Apart from as a measure of

length, the pes was also used as a basic unit for measuring area (pes constratus) and volume (pes quadratus, ~ quadrantal). Special regional forms were the ‘Vindonissa foot’ of 292°5 mm, and the pes Drusianus of 332°7 mm widespread in Germania. ~» Measures; > Pous 1K. W. BEINHAUER (ed.), Die Sache mit Hand und 8000

Fuf$ — Jahre Messen und Wiegen, 1994 2H. BusinG, Zur Genauigkeit der Skalen einiger romischer Zollst6cke, in: Kolner Jahrbuch 24, 1991, 271-285 3 W. HeE1nz, Der Vindonissa-Fuf, in: Jahrbuch Pro Vindonissa 1991, 6579 4F. Huttscn, Griechische und rémische Metrologie, 71882, 74-76 5R.C.A. RoTriANper, Antike Langenmafse, 1979. H.-].S.

Pesah (Hebrew psh; Greek maoya, LXX, explained in

Phil. De sacrificiis Abelis et Caini 63 and Phil. Legum allegoria 3 as diéPaotc/didbasis; German Passah; English Passover). Annual spring celebration from 15 to 22 Nisan according to the Jewish calendar. It is one of the most important Jewish festivals and commemorates the Exodus and the deliverance of the Israelites from Egypt (cf. Ex 7-14). A central symbol is unleayened bread (Hebrew massot), which is supposed to recall the haste of the Exodus (Ex 12:34; 14:39). Hence any leavened bread has to be removed from the house in advance of any festivities (cf. Ex 12:15 etc.); after a thorough search of the whole house it is either burnt or — in greater quantities — sold to non-Jews. Utensils used for leavened bread are either locked away or subjected to a special purification (‘koshering’). During the celebration nothing leavened may be consumed. The most important festivity is the Seder on the evening of 14 Nisan, the eve of the celebration: a ritual meal with a)

reading of the Passover > Haggadah (consisting of a

= I passus retelling of Ex 7-14, blessings, prayers etc., mainly originating from the first century); b) drinking four cups of wine; c) individual foods as symbols recalling former oppression (e.g. maror, bitter herbs, for the bitterness of slavery; charoset, a mixture of honey, dates and nuts, for the mortar with which the Hebrews constructed clay-brick buildings for the Egyptian pharaoh; ten drops of wine are spilt for the ten plagues). The Passover meal serves to bring to mind God’s former deed of salvation; at the same time the hope of Israel’s early return from > Diaspora to Jerusalem is expressed. In OT scholarship there has been detailed discussion of the roots of this celebration in the history of traditions. As a rule it is assumed that it was originally a matter of two celebrations that have coalesced with time. At the centre of the Passover celebration, which was probably celebrated within the family, was a sacrifice, which was connected with an apotropaic blood rite (Ex 12:21-23). Whereas this suggests a partly nomadic origin, the mazzot celebration (Ex 12:15-20; see also Ex 23:14-17; 34:18; 34:22) is considered to be an old festival of pilgrimage and land cultivation to celebrate the barley harvest at the beginning of the new harvest season. The combination of the two festivals was probably enabled through their historization by the events of the Exodus. In NT scholarship it is discussed whether > Jesus’s Last Supper can be traced to a Passover meal; admittedly the problematic state of the sources on domestic Passover festivities in the period before the destruction of the Second Temple (AD 70) impedes a definitive decision: in contrast to the > Sabbath, Pesah did not play a prominent role in the anti-Jewish polemics of Antiquity. M. ROsEL, s.v. Pesach I. Altes Testament, TRE 26, 231240; G. Fourer, Glaube und Leben im Judentum, ‘1991, 90-103 ('1979). B.E.

Pescennius. Imperator Caesar C.P. Niger Iustus Augustus, Roman emperor AD 193-194, of Italian origin, born between AD 135 and 140 in Aquinum (?) (SHA

Pesc. Nig. 1,3). P. initially completed the equestrian cursus honorum: he was praefectus cohortis during the reign of + Marcus [2] Aurelius and served twice as tribunus militum under > Commodus (SHA Pesc. Nig. 4,23 4,4), who admitted him to the Praetorian guard

(adlectus inter praetorios). Between AD 180 and 183, P. held the office of consul (cos. suff., Hdn. 2,7,4; [1. 1383

861

862

2. 138f.]) and may have proved his military ability as governor of > Dacia in the fight against the > Sarma-

» baitylia) of the goddess. The high priests bore the cultic names of Attis or Battaces (wrongly described as a double priesthood in Pol. 21,37,5-7). A cultic taboo forbade the Pessinuntii to eat pork (Paus. 7,17,10). The temple and columned halls were splendidly

tae(Cass. Dio 72,8,1

[1. 137-141

no. 27]. In around

AD 186, he received a command in Gallia against deserters (SHA Pesc. Nig. 3,3f.). Appointed still by Commodus, he held the office legatus Augusti pro praetore Syriae from AD 191 and was proclaimed Augustus in the middle of April 193 in > Antioch [1], once news of the assassination of Helvius > Pertinax had reached the city (Cass. Dio 74,6,1; Hdn. 2,7,6-8,5). Although he was declared an enemy of the state (hostis) by the Senate, P. had the support of the entire eastern section of the Roman Empire and also of Egypt (Eutr. 8,18) and the Parthian

king

> Vologaeses IV

(Hdn. 3,2-3) prior to the show-down with > Septimius Severus, who had been proclaimed emperor by the legions on the Danube. P. entrusted the supreme command of his armed forces to the governor of the province of Asia, > Asellius [1] Aemilianus, (Hdn. 3,2,2; Cass. Dio 74,6,2), who immediately occupied Byzantium and advanced to Perinthus in Thrace (Cass. Dio 74,6,3; SHA Sev. 8,13). He was soon forced to withdraw to Byzantium (Cass. Dio 74,6,4), which was besieged by Septimius Severus in the middle of AD 193. After Septimius Severus’ main forces had crossed over to Asia, Asellius was defeated and killed in the battle of ~ Cyzicus at the end of AD 193; in a further battle at Nicaea at the start of AD 194, P.’ army suffered another defeat (Cass. Dio 74,6,4f.; SHA Sev. 8,17). After Egypt had seceded from P. in about February 194 (BGU 326 No.2, Z.12), Septimius Severus advanced over the Taurus passes and defeated P. ina decisive battle at Issus at about the end of March 194 (Hdn. 3,36-8; Cass. Dio 74,7,2-8). P. tried to escape, but was captured at Antioch at about the end of April 194 and killed (Hdn. 34,6; Cass. Dio 74,8,3). 1 Piso, FDP, vol. 1 2 LEUNISSEN. A.R. Bir ey, Septimius Severus, *1988; G. HARRER, The Chronology of the Revolt of P. Niger, in: JRS to, 1920,

155-168; KiENAST*, 159f.; PIR* P 254.

Pessinus

(Ilecowotc;

Pessinotis).

Town

TF.

in Phrygia,

later part of Galatia. Temple-state with a famous sanctuary of > Cybele/> Mater Magna (Str. 10,12; 12,5,3), crossed by the sacred creak Gallus [2], which has buried the town area with its silt deposits; modern Ballihisar. The territory of P. reached the mountain of > Dindymum in the north, including its north-eastern slopes up to Cardak6zii, probably a zone of dispute with the neighbouring Tolistobogii. The frontier with the latter was formed to the east and south by the > Sangarius. To the west and south-west, P. stretched roughly as far as Trocnada and Orcistus. According to legend, + Midas took part in the establishment of the temple and sacrificial cult (Diod. Sic. 3,59,8; Theopomp. FGrH r15 F 260; Arnob. 2,73). The cult of the ancient Anatolian mother goddess must have been been decisively influenced by the sacred meteorite (baitylos,

PESSINUS

refurbished by the Attalids (> Attalus, with stemma).

However, the sanctuary has not been archaeologically located [1]. Sondages have hitherto revealed one late Hellenistic construction (with fortified walls; 2nd/rst

cents.) period soil at older

and one of the late Phrygian/early Hellenistic (4th/3rd cents.) ona layer of levelled ground (top 5—6 m depth). The wider environs of P. contain Phrygian settlements, graves and monuments

(7th/6th

cents.).

The

particular

wealth

of P. was

brought about by trade and the transregional significance of the sanctuary; P. also possessed an agriculturally wealthy territory in ancient times. The templestate retained its status through the Persian period and after the Galatian invasion of 275/4 BC. The Cybele cult attained great importance among the neighbouring +> Tolistobogii, as is shown by the finds from > Gordium [2]. Even in the 3rd cent., members of Galatian noble families were still entering the priesthood of P. The fact that the priests welcomed Cn. Manlius [I 24] Vulso in 189 BC and prophesied his victory (Pol. 21,37,5-7; Liv. 38,18,9) does not refute this, pace the general assumption to the contrary. Only the interests of its state were of relevance to the priesthood: a sense of ‘Galatian nationhood’ is a mere modern construct Bale In 205/4, the Sacred Stone of Cybele was brought to Rome through the agency of Attalus I ( Cybele C 1), who promised Rome victory over Hannibal [4]. Relations with the > Seleucids were initially good (Cic. Har. resp. 28), as they later were with > Pergamum, upon which P. came increasingly to rely after 188; however, the hypothesis of a period of Attalid rule from 183-166 is without foundation [2]. There is evidence of secret dealings between both Eumenes [3] II and Attalus [5] II and the high priest Attis [3. 5 5-61], who was in sometimes warlike conflict with his brother Aioiorix, probably a tetrarch of the neighbouring Tolistobogii. In 102 BC, the high priest Battaces visited Rome, probably to complain about interference from the > publicani. After 65/4, P. was under the dominion of > Deiotarus I, the sole tetrarch of the Tolistobogii (Plut. Cato minor 15), before falling in 58 (owing to a law of the people’s tribune P. [I 4] Clodius) to his son-in-law > Brogitarus, the tetrarch of the > Trocmi, who lost P. to Deiotarus in 56 BC (Cic. Har. resp. 29). The appointment of the high priests was now in the hands of the Galatian princes. In 25/4, at the annexation of the kingdom of Amyntas, P. became part of the province of > Galatia and, with their reorganization, capital of the Tolistobogii, whose severely reduced rump of territory was administered together with the territory of the old temple-state as the polis (urban district) of the Pessinuntii or Galatae Tolistobogii Pessinuntii.

PESSINUS

864

863

In the Tiberian period (AD 14-37), a temple and adjacent theatre were constructed for the > ruler cult of

the emperor. During the Roman period, priesthood of Cybele consisted of the high priest and ten priests, five of whom were of Phrygian origin and five of Galatian. It is not clear when this reform was instituted; implementation under emperor Claudius [III r] [4. 408] cannot be proven. It is more likely to have been arranged in conjunction with measures surrounding the constitution of the province after 25/4 BC. In AD 258, P. was struck by an assault by the Goti. The old, gradually waning cult, whose revival the emperor Julian (Julianus [11]) deliberately attempted, survived well into Late Antiquity. Attested from the late 3rd cent. as an episcopal town, P. became metropolis of the province of

Petasos a wide because women

(métaooc; pétasos). Greek hat made of felt with brim, also referred to as a “Thessalian hat’ of its origin (Soph. OC 313); it was worn by and men who spent a lot of time outdoors (fis-

hermen, herdsmen/women, hunters) or who were tray-

elling; amongst the most best-known mythological petasos wearers were Hermes, Peleus, Perseus, Oedipus and Theseus. Additional wearers are — more rarely — chariot riders (Athen. 5,200f.), horsemen

(e.g. on the

Parthenon freeze) and the Attic ephebes (> ephébeia). The petasos was firmly retained by a strap that was placed under the chin. Sometimes, the petasos was slung down hanging at the back of the neck and being held by the strap around the throat. The petasos occurred in different looks: thus, the brim, for example, was

1969, 404-

either spreading broadly or turned up, while the head piece of the petasos was, amongst other things, hemispherical or tapering to a point. In artworks of antiquity, the petasos had often been represented from archaic times, especially in connection with — Hermes for whom it is especially characteristic as an attribute.

J. DEvREKER, M. WAELKENS, Les fouilles de la Rijksuni-

P. C. Bo, Zum P. des Hermes Ludovisi, in: N. BASGELEN, M. Lucat (eds.), FS J. Inan, 1989, 223-227. RH.

Galatia II (or Salutaris) at the end of the 4th cent.

>» Phryges, Phrygia 1 Kazi Sonuglari Toplantisi (Ankara) (yearly reports) 2 K. STROBEL, Die Galater, vol. 2, 2000

RECHTS,

R. BoGAeERT,

3 WELLES

Asclépios,

4 P. LAMB-

archigalle

Brpauw (ed.), Hommages a M. Renard, vol. 2,

P., in: J.

414. versiteit te Gent a Pessinonte 1967-1973, vol. 1-2, 1984;

M. WAELKENS,

P. et le Gallos, in: Byzantion 41, 1971,

349-373; Id., The Imperial Sanctuary at P., in: EA 7, 1986, 37-73; P. LAMBRECHTS, R. BOGAERT, Nouvelles données sur l’histoire du christianisme a P., in: R. ALT-

HEIM-STIEHL

(ed.), Beitrage zur Alten Geschichte und

deren Nachleben. FS F. Altheim, vol. 1, 1969, 552-564;J.

DevreKeER, J.H.M.

StruBBeE, Greek

and Latin Inscrip-

tions from P., in: EA 26, 1996, 53-66;J.DEVREKER, Nou-

velles monuments et inscriptions de P., in: EA 11, 1988,

35-503 19, 1992, 25-313; 24, 1995, 73-833 28, 1997, 97100; J. DES CourrTits (ed.), De Anatolia antiqua (Eski Anadolu), vol. 1, 1991, 183-202; J. DEVREKER, Les monnaies de P. Un supplement, in: EA 24, 1995, 85-90; Id., The New Excavations at P., in: E. SCHWERTHEIM (ed.),

Forschungen

in

Galatien,

1994,

105-130;

J.H.M.

STRUBBE, Les noms indigénes a P., in: Talanta 1o/r1, 1978/9, 112-143; Id., Grave Inscriptions from P., in: EA 19, 1992, 33-43; W. Ruag, s.v. P., RE 19, 1104-1113;

Peteesis (Greek Metenotc/Peteésis, Egyptian p’Cci-3s.t, ‘the one given by Isis’). According to PRylands 63 [4], Egyptian priest in > Heliopolis [1] who teaches Plato about melothesia (allocation of parts of the body to astral magnitudes) [2. 81]. Presumably the same traditional figure of a sage as the P. who is mentioned in several variants in Dioscorides, De materia medica 5,98

as an author, possibly also the Petasius of the alchemistic corpus (CAAG vol. 3, 15,33; 26,0; 95,153 975273 261,9; 282,9; 416,15; [1. 68f., 205f.]). An actual Egyptian priest in Heliopolis by the name of Petese who among other things magically animates wax figures is attested in 165 [3] in the tale of PCarlsberg and could be the point of crystallization for the later tradition.

fra Pergamo e Roma ..., 1981; Id., Il »tempio stato« di Pessinunte, in: Atene e Roma 26, 1981, 167-175; RPC 1,

1M. BerTHELOT, CH. RUELLE, Collection des anciens alchemistes grecs (= CAAG), 1888, 81 2 W. und H.-G. GUNDEL, Astrologumena, 1966 3K. RyHOLT, The Story of Petese, 1999 4 J. DEM. JoHNSON, V. Martin, A. S.

p. 548; BMC Galatia, p.

Hunt, Catalogue of the Greek Papyri in the John Rylands

BELKE, 214f.; B. VirGIL10, II »tempio stato« di Pessinunte

18-23.

K.ST.

Library, Manchester, vol. 2, 1915, 2f.

Pest, Pestis see Petalismos

JO.QU.

- Epidemic diseases

(metadtoudc; petalismos). Petalismos was

the name for a ballot using the leaves (métaAa/pétala) of the olive tree. At > Syracusae, the petalismos was the equivalent of the Athenian —> ostrakismos, i.e. a procedure for sentencing a leading individual to a period of banishment without finding him guilty of amisdemeanour. Diodorus Siculus (11,87) mentions the petalismos

for the year 45 4/3 BC: it was introduced in the wake of a failed attempt to set up a > tyrannis; its consequence was a five-year exile, but it was soon abolished again, as the fear of falling victim to the petalismos was causing leading citizens to retire from public life.

PR.

Peteharsemtheus. Egyptian, born in c. 139 BC, owner of a family archive stretching back over five generations. The family is an example of the occasional integration of Greeks into Egyptian families. Several brothers of P. served in the army, as did members of earlier generations; P. himself appears to have managed the family’s affairs; documents concerning him come from the years 114-88 BC. P. W. PESTMAN, in: Papyrologica Lugduno-Batava 14, 1965, 47ff.; N. Lewis, Greeks in Ptolemaic Egypt, 1986, 139ff.; J. BINGEN, Vente de terre par Petéharsemtheus

(Pathyris, roo av. J.C.), in: Chronique d’Egypte 64, 1989, 235-244.

W.A.

865

866

Petelia (Methia; Petélia). City on a hill (341 m eleva-

Peter see > Petrus [1]

tion) to the north of - Croton (Liv. 27,26,5; Str. 6,1,3; Plut. Marcellus 29); modern Strongoli. > Philoctetes

was considered its mythical founder (Cato fr. 70; Verg. Aen. 3,402 with Serv.; Cincius fr. 53; Str. l.c.; Solin.

PETILLIUS

Peter, Acts of (ModEeic Nétoov/Praxeis Pétrou). The Acts of Peter (+ New Testament Apocrypha), originat-

ing probably from around AD 180/190 and only frag-

> Lucani, was fort-

mentarily extant, give a romantic picture of the activ-

ified by the Samnites against the Thurii (Str. l.c.) [2], in the second of the > Punic Wars was on the Roman side and was conquered by the Carthaginians in 215 after a long siege (Liv. 23,20,4-10; 30,1-5; Pol. 7,1,3; Val.

ities and the martyrdom of Peter (— Petrus [1]) during the reign of the emperor Nero. Like the Acts of Paul

2,10). P. was the metropolis of the

Max. 6,6 ext. 2; Petron. 141,10; Frontin. Str. 4,5,18;

Sil. Pun. 12,431; App. Hann. 29). Rich mintings in bronze towards the end of the 3rd cent. BC have been preserved [1]. Officials with Italic personal names are attested [3]. In the rst cent. BC the settlement was moved to the plain (Str. ibid.; Mela 2,68; Plin. nat.

3,96). P. flourished in the Imperial Period (Plin. HN BeOs COlamamint5sa ailabs i Rettem sa2))e Archaeology: remains of the defence walls, Hellenistic and Roman necropoleis, baths, forum [4]. 1 M. CaLTABIANO, Una citta del sud tra Roma e Annibale. La monetazione

di P., 1977.

2S. Lupprno, Strabone VI

1,3: | Lucania P., in: Archivio storico per la Calabria e la Lucania 47, 1980, 37-48 3 F. CosTaBILe, I ginnasiarchia P., in: Archivio storico per la Calabria e la Lucania 51, 1984, 5-15 4G. CERAUDO, A proposito della base marmorea di Manio Megonio Leone ..., in: Studi di Antichita 8,1, 1995, 275-284.

NISSEN GRECO, 92; A. Chorai

2, 937; P. E. Arras, s.v. P., EAA 6, 1965, 94; E. P., Vertinae e Calasarna, in: AION 2, 1980, 83Russi, s.v. P., EV 4, 1988, 48-50; M. OSANNa, coloniali da Taranto a Locri, 1992, 198. MLL.

Peteon (Ietewv; Peteon). Boeotian city mentioned in

the Homeric Catalogue of ships (Hom. Il. 2,500; after this, all later mentions compiled in [1. 1128; 3. 265]);a settlement belonging to Thebes from the Classical period onwards, situated on the road from > Thebes to + Anthedon (Str. 9,2,26); its location has been pinpo-

inted as being on the western slope of > Messapium near modern Muriki [1. r129f.] or somewhat further north near Platanakia [2. 233f.] or near Skala Paralimnis on the south-eastern bank of Lake Paralimni [4. 107]. 1 E. KirsTEN, s.v. P., RE 19, 1128-1130 2 Fossey 3E. Visser, Homers Katalog der Schiffe, 1997 4 P. W. WatLACE, Strabo’s Description of Boiotia, 1979. PF.

(> Paul, Acts of), that are dependent on them, they

testify to an engagement in ascetism and frugality. Their effect on Christian piety and iconography — also in redrafts and translations — has been enormous, e.g. the fight with Simon Magus (> Simon [8]) (23-28; 3 1f.; cf. Acts 8,9-24), the quo vadis scene (35), the prayer on the cross and the crucifixion of Peter with his head downwards (37-39). W. SCHNEEMELCHER, Neutestamentliche Apokryphen, vol. 2: Apostolisches, Apokalypsen und Verwandtes (with German transl.), 51989, 243-289 (bibliography). —M.HE.

Peter, apocalypse and gospel of see — New Testament Apocrypha Petilianus. Donatist (~ Donatus [1]) bishop of Constantina/Cirta (Constantine in Algeria), first a catechu-

men of the Catholic Church, then baptized and ordained in the Donatist Church, after 394 bishop (Aug. Contra litteras Petiliani 3,239). He was one of the leading speakers at the Conference of Carthage in 411, along with > Primianus. f+ after 419/422. His Epistula ad presbyteros et diaconos regarding baptismal theology, schism and state persecution (around 400) and his wrathful Epistula ad Augustinum (402) can be reconstructed in part based on the reply in > Augustine’s Contra litteras Petiliani (1f. resp. 3). His treatise De unico baptismo of 408 was controverted shortly afterward by Augustine in his disquisition of the same name (Aug. Retract. 2,34). G. Frnaert, B. Quinot (ed.), Bibliothéque augustinienne

30: Traités antidonatistes HI: Contre les lettres de Pétilien, 1967; G. FINAERT, A. C. DE VEER (ed.), Bibliothéque augustinienne 31: Traités antidonatistes IV: Livre sur I’unique baptéme, 1968; S. LANCEL (ed.), Actes de la conférence de Carthage en 411 (SChr 194), 1972, 221-238; A. MAnDOUZE, Prosopographie de |’Afrique chrétienne (303533), 1982, s.v. P., 85 5-868. O.WER.

Petillius. Name of a Roman plebeian family (also PetiPeteos (Ietemc; Peteos). Mythical king of Athens (Hom. Il. 4,338), son of Orneus (Paus. 2,25,6) and father of > Menestheus [1] (Hom. Il. 2,552). Banished by ~» Aegeus from Athens, P. and inhabitants of the deme of Stiria are supposed to have founded the polis of > Stiris in Phocis (Paus. 10,35,8). In the Egyptian tradition an Egyptian Petes is supposed to have been Menestheus’s father and a ruler of Athens (Diod.

lius), known at Rome from the 2nd cent. BC.

1,28,6).

the instigation of Cato [1]?) L. Cornelius [I 72] Scipio

G.BI.

SCHULZE, 443; WALDE/HOFMANN

I. REPUBLICAN

PERIOD

2, 297.

II. IMPERIAL

K-LE.

PERIOD

I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD [11] P., Q. was the name of two related (cousins?)

people’s tribunes of the year

187 BC. They accused (at

before the Senate of the misappropriation of state funds

PETILLIUS

868

867

(peculatus) during the war against Antiochus [5] ll and demanded an explanation. L.’s brother P. Cornelius [I 71] Scipio declared the accusations to be absurd, and pointedly ripped up the documents. There was probably no trial, and certainly no severe verdict against L. Scipio, who triumphed in full glory the following year. The course and context of this phase of the so-called ‘Scipionic Trials’ can only be reconstructed from complex and contradictory evidence (cf. recently [1]). One of the two P.s is probably to be identified with the Q. P. Spurinna who as praetor urbanus in 181 achieved the public burning of a find of alleged writings from the reign of King > Numa Pompilius on the grounds that they constituted a danger to religion (Liv. 40,29,3-14; Plin. HN 13,84-87). He became consul in 176, organized the elections necessitated by the death of his colleague (Liv. 41,16,5) and then himself fell in battle against the > Ligures (Liv. 41,17,6-18,12); his year of

office is characterized in the annals by a plethora of ill omens.

many of those who had helped him in connection with his censorship, P. received a second consulship. P. [II 2] was probably his son; it is not impossible that P. [II 4] was too. On his property at Rome, cf. [1] and [2]. PIR* P 260. 1LTUR

2,155

2 BIRLEY, 67.

Eck, Statthalter, 135f.

{If 2] C.P.Firmus. Tribune of the legio IV Flavia in Dalmatia under > Vespasianus (AE 1967, 355 = AE 1980,

468). CIL XI 1834 =ILS 1000 probably refers to him. P. was honoured by the Senate with the ornamenta praetoria (> ornamenta) and the > dona militaria at the

request of Vespasian. He was later a praetor. Probably a son of P. [II 1]. PIR* P 26r. A. B. Bosworth, Firmus of Arretium, in: ZPE 39, 1980, 267-277; M. Donpin-Payre, Firmus d’Arretium: légat préquestorien?, in: ZPE 52, 1983, 236-240.

[1 2] P. Capitolinus. Accused of stealing a garland from the Temple of Jupiter on the Capitoline, which was under his supervision. Caesar acquitted him (Hor. Sat. 1,4,94-100 with Porph. Hor. comm.); probably idenJO.F. tical to the mint master of 43 BC (RRC 487).

[II 3] P. Rufus. Senator. After his praetorship, he sought to gain the consulship by all possible means; for this reason, he appeared as the prosecutor of a friend of Germanicus [2]. For this, he was evidently later condemned. Possibly father of P. [II 1]. PIR* P 262. [Il 4] Q.P.Rufus Cos. ord. II in AD 83 (according to IGR IV 1393 = [1]). In the fasti MSS, however, no iteration is marked. May have been a son of P. [I 1]. On the discussion surrounding identification, cf. PIR* P

{I 3] P. Spurinus, Q. see > P. [I r]

263.

1 E. S. GRUEN, The »Fall« of the Scipios, in: I. MALKIN, Z. W. RUBINSOHN (ed.), Leaders and Masses in the Roman World. FS Zvi Yavetz, 1995, 59-90. TAS.

Il. IMPERIAL PERIOD {II 1] Q.P.Cerialis Caesius Rufus. From Italy, probably Umbria. Related to Emperor > Vespasianus, possibly his brother-in-law. Vespasian clearly had a significant influence on his career path from AD 69, for the only fact arising from his previous cursus, his command of the legio IX Hispana in Britain in AD 60, must have

been an obstacle to his promotion, the Britons having routed him and his legion (Tac. Ann. 14,32,3). Then, in 69, he appeared among the leaders of the Flavian party advancing on Rome (> Year of Four Emperors); here

again he was defeated, this time in a cavalry skirmish. However, Vespasian sent him against the rebellious Gauls and Germans in AD 70, the same year in which he probably occupied the suffect consulship. He rebuffed ~ Domitianus, who attempted to get the command from him (Tac. Hist. 4,86,1). He succeeded in defeating the Gauls under Iulius [II 43] Civilis and Iulius [II 44] Classicus in the vicinity of > Augusta [6] Treverorum (Trier),-and again later near the legionary camp of +> Vetera (Xanten). There were peace negotiations between him and Civilis; however, Tacitus’ Historiae break off in the middle of the account of these (Hist. 5,24-26). In spite of his military successes, Tacitus expresses clear reservations about P. Still in AD 70 or at the latest in 71, P. went to Britain, where he forced his way north. He was succeeded by lulius > Frontinus. In 74, when Vespasian honoured

1G. Perzu (ed.), Die Inschriften von Smyrna, vol. 2.1, 1987, no. 731. W.E.

Petitio. The word petitio (‘request’) referred to a specific form of action used in the Roman formulary procedure (> formula), for example for the ~ actio (action), which arose out of a specific object or a specific sum of money (Dig. 12,1), or the action of the true heir against the possessor of an inheritance (hereditatis petitio, Dig. 5,3; Cod. lust. 3,31). Besides these, claims arising from the cognitio procedure (+ cognitio) were mostly referred to as petitio. A strong conceptual distinction between actio, petitio and persecutio (prosecu-

tion) did not exist in Roman legal sources; it is also not possible to make such a distinction for the benefit of subsequent classification. The hereditatis petitio was — like the claim to an inheritance which still exists in modern German law — structured to a large extent like the > rei vindicatio (the owner’s claim for recovery). The procedure was used by heres (true heir), and was generally opposed by someone who maintained in turn that he possessed the inheritance pro herede (like an heir). In Imperial times,

the petitio could also be used against someone, who merely possessed (pro possessore) an object that is part of an estate. If the accused did not partake in the legal proceedings regarding the hereditatis petitio and did not return the inheritance willingly, the praetor could

869

870

force the person in possession of it with the > interdictum quam hereditatum to return it. The > interdictum quorum bonorum enabled those, who were not heirs

second half of the 3rd cent. BC. Later layers preserve coins with the name of Haretat (Aretas [2] II, lust. 20,5), founder of the Nabataean kingdom, from the end

according to the — ius civile (heres), but according to Praetorian law (> Succession, laws of, IIILA.,

of the 2nd cent. BC. The alliance with Rome and the economic rise of P.

+ bonorum possessio) to claim the inheritance. As a specific application of the hereditatis petitio, a SC Iuventianum (AD 129) states that it could also be brought against a person who had relinquished possession: a defendant in bad faith was liable for full compensation of loss, a defendant in good faith only for the purchase price.

in the rst cent. BC and AD (Obodas II?/III? and Aretas

PETRA

[1] see > Nesysti [2] [2] Son of Nesysti [3], High Priest of > Ptah in Memphis at the end of the 3rd/beginning of the 2nd cent. BC.; father of > Psenptah [2], grand father of P. [3].

[4] IV) are expressed in the blending or adjacency of Roman and Nabataean architecture and aesthetics. Tunnels, canals and reservoirs provided for improved water supply. A colonnaded street (plan no. 20), bordered by public buildings, led from the theatre (plan no. 9) to temples (Qasr bint Fir‘aun, plan no. 33; Temple of the Winged Lions, plan no. 26). Houses on the hillside were built of ashlar or partly cut into the rock. Dated to the rst cent. BC there are rock tombs with pylons for the dead and stepped crenelations in the upper part of the facade (— Funerary architecture II.B., with illustration). Rock tombs of the ‘temple fagade’ type (e.g. Sextius Florentinus’s, c. AD 129, plan no. 15) belong to P.’s late period. The annexation of the P.

— Ptah; > Memphis

region by the emperor Trajan in AD 106, its transfor-

HONSELL/MAYER-MALY/SELB, 544-547.

GS.

Petobastis

J. QUAEGEBEUR, in: D. J.CRAWFORD et al., Studies on Ptolemaic Memphis, 1980, 68 no. 21; D. DEVAUCHELLE, Review of E.A.E. REYMOND, From the Records of a Priestly Family from Memphis, in: Chronique d’Egypte 58, 1983, 135-145, in part. 142f.

[3] Son of > Psenptah [2], High Priest of Ptah in Memphis and incumbent of further priestly offices from 121 to 76 BC; husband of Harunchis (PP HI/IX 7096), father of > Psenptah [3]. PP III/IX 5371. [4] (also called Imuthes). Son of > Psenptah [3], b. 46 BC, prophet of Cleopatra [II 12], High Priest of Ptah in Memphis 39-30 BC. PP II/IX 5372. J. QUAEGEBEUR, The Egyptian Clergy and the Cult of the Ptolemaic

Dynasty, in: AncSoc

107.

20, 1989, 93-116, esp.

W.A.

Petosiris (Egyptian, ‘he who has been given by Osiris’) cf. > Nechepso. D. PiGREE, s.v. P., The Dictionary of Scientific Bibliogra-

phy, vol. 10, 1974, 547-549. Petra (Métea/Pétra, ‘rock’) [1] Capital of the Nabataean kingdom (> Nabataei) in Edom, about 80 km to the south of the Dead Sea in the Wadi Masa (in modern Jordan). The city is first mentioned by Diodorus [18] under the name Pétra (Diod. Sic. 19, 95-98) as the Nabataei’s place of refuge and assembly (‘High place, rock’). The inscriptionally documented Semitic name of P. is Ragmu. Although the surrounding area of P. shows traces of settlement from the Neolithic onward, the valley of the Nabataean urban area, which was bounded by two north-south chains of mountains (about 1 km long, 400m wide), was not inhabited before the 4th cent. BC. The earliest excavated remains belong to houses built of undressed stone, which can be dated on the basis of coin finds to the

mation into the caravan decline; the of southern

the provincia Arabia and the diversion of route to the Gulf through > Palmyra led to city remained, however, a religious centre Syria and Transjordan.

From the sth cent. AD, P. was a see. Until the building of a basilica with a nave and two aisles (plan no. 3 5) chambers of the ‘Urn Tomb’ (plan no. 11) and of the mausoleum al-Dair (plan no. 38) were redesignated for worship. On the history of P. in the early Islamic period there is no information. M. G. AMapaAsI Guzzo, E. EQUINI SCHNEIDER, P., 1998;

T. WeBer, R. WENNING (ed.), P. Antike Felsstadt zwischen arabischer Tradition und griechischer Norm, 1997; A. NEGEV, s.v. P., The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, vol. 4, 1993, 1181-1193; Pu. C. HAMMOND, M. S. JouKowsky, s.v. P., Oxford En-

cyclopedia of Archaeology of the Near East, vol. 4, 1997, 303-308. FOR THE MAP

(ADDITIONALLY):

TH. WEBER, R. WEN-

NING (ed.), P. (Antike Welt, Sondernummer), 1997.

‘TLL.

[2] Border fortress on the most important pass between Macedonia and Thessaly circumventing the Tempe Gorge. In the Roman period it was probably part of the colonia of Dion [II 2]. F. Papazoc.ou,

Les villes de Macédoine,

1988, r16f.

MAR.

[3] Fortress and city in > Lazica (Procop. Goth. 8,2,21; 8,2,323 8,4,53 8,9,25 8,11,11ff.; Procop. Pers. 2,15,10; 2517533 2,18—20; Procop. aed. 3,7,7); Built by Iustinianus [1] I (in the middle of the 6th cent. AD) during the battles with the Persians. Mostly identified with the

ruins in Cihisjiri on the coast of the Pontos, to the north of Batumi in Georgia. A wall with proteichisma, early Byzantine baths with a portico, several cisterns, a basi-

lica with a polygonal apse, remains of marble building components and mosaic floors have been excavated.

872

871

PETRA

Cuznwy 1PEM & ~

Petra: The most important monuments (c.1st cent. BC-c.AD 150) City walls

.o]

Peak sanctuary

Access paths

[oXe)

Rock tomb

1. Djin blocks (2nd half 1st cent. AD; partly used as cisterns 4th or 5th cent. AD)

23. Middle Market

2. Obelisk Tomb (with four stelae; 4st/2nd half 1st cent. AD)

25. ‘Palace’

24. Lower Market

3. City gate (main entrance to the town)

26. North Ternple (Temple of the Winged Lions)

4. Nabataean rock tunnel

27. Workshop

5. al- Madaris

28. Temenos Gateway (with three arches)

6. Sig (rock cleft; main access path and exit of via sacra; paved no later than Aretas III)

29. Temenos

30. South Temple

7. Haznat Fir‘aun (“Pharao’s Treasury’; royal mausoleum or sepulchral sanctuary; perhaps built under Aretas III.)

31. Baths

8. Theatre mount necropolis

32. Small Temple

9. Nabataean/ Roman rock theatre (built between 4 BC and AD 27; extended AD 40 -—53/63; renovated between AD 106 and 150)

33. Qasr bint Fir'aun (main temple)

10. Tomb of ‘Unééu’ (1st cent. AD)

11. Urn Tomb (1st half 1st cent. AD; in the 5th cent. converted into an episcopal sepulchral chapel) 12. Silk Tomb 13. Corinthian Tomb (3rd quarter 1st cent. AD)

14. Palace Tomb 15. Tomb of Sextius Florentinus (AD 129) 16. Northern city wall 17. Conway Tower

18. Turkmaniya Tomb 19. Nymphaeum (well house) 20. Colonnaded Street (270m long, 6m wide) 21. South Nymphaeum 22. Upper Market

34. Altar

35. Basilica with nave and two aisles; room of the papyrus scrolls 36. Quarries 37. Lion Triclinium

38. Ad-Dair Tomb 39. Qattar ad -Dair 40. High place “Amid ‘Atif (‘Obelisk Mountain’) with ‘citadel’ Qasr al- Qantara 41. Rock needles (‘obelisks’) at ‘Amud “Atuf quarry 42. Roman Soldier Tomb 43. Renaissance Tomb 44, Broken Pediment Tomb 45. Triclinium 46. Garden Temple

47. Southern Graves 48. Nabataean aqueduct from Si‘b Qais (valley)

874

873 N. InatSviL1, Cixisjiris I-VIss. arkeologiuri jeglebi (The Archaeological Monuments of Cihisjiri),

1993; V. A. LEK-

VINADZE, O postrojkach Justiniana v Zapadnoj Gruzii, in: Vizantijskij vremennik 34,

1973,

174-178.

APL.

[4] City in the interior of Sicily to the east of modern Corleone (Ptol. 3,4,14; Solin. 5,23: Petrenses) near the town of > Entella, with which it was connected by

> synoikismos (cf. the 5th people’s decree of Entella: SEG 30, 1121, Il. 9 and 23). In 254 BC in the First - Punic War the citizens of P. expelled the Carthaginian garrison and handed their city over to the Romans (Diod. Sic. 23,18,5: MetetvoPetrinoi). In the Second Punic War it sided with Claudius [I 11] Marcellus (Sil. 14,248: Petraea). As civitas decumana it was exposed

to pillaging by > Verres (Cic. Verr. 2,3,90: Petrini), later civitas stipendiaria (Plin. HN 3,91: Petrini). Coins:

a bronze issue from the period after 241 BC. BTCGI 13, 494-498; M. GARGINI, P.: riesame della documentazione storica e archeologica, in: G. NENcrI (ed.), Seconde giornate internazionali di studi sull’area Elima,

PETRON(AS)

draw; he went to Pompey (Liv. per. 110; Vell. Pat. 2,50,3) and escaped to Africa in 48 (Cass. Dio 42,13,3). In 46, P. had his final successes against Caesar at Ruspina where he was wounded (Bell. Afr. 18,1-19,6; App. B Civ. 2,95,299f.; Cass. Dio 43,2,1-3) but he was defeated at Thapsus with the other supporters of Pompey. As P. could or would not expert mercy (Cass. Dio 41,62,2£.), he chose death (— Juba [r]). 1 SCHULZE

2 SYME, RR.

JO.

Petrocorii (Iletooxdoio1; Petrokorioi). Tribe of Gallia Celtica (later Aquitania), on both banks of the > Duranus (Dordogne) in what is now the Périgord (Str. 4,2,2

mentions the Petrok6rioi among the 14 tribes of Aquitania between Garumna and Liger; Prtol. DAE Tetooxdetot xai rokig OVEcoovval/Petrokorioi kai polis Ouéssouna). Their neighbours to the north west were the Santoni, to the west the Bituriges Vivisci, to the south the Nitiobriges, to the south east the Cadurci and to the north east the Lemovices (Plin. HN 4,109; Not.

Petraeus (Ietoatoc/Petraios, Lat. Petraeus). One of the

Galliarum 13,6). Conquered by Caesar in 52 BC (Caes. B Gall. 7,75), the P. and other tribes formed the province of > Aquitania in the Augustan period. The P. were famed for their ironworking (ovdneoveyeia

~ Centaurs (Hes. Sc.

coteta/sidérourgeia asteia, Str. 4,2,2). Their capital was

1997; E. MANNI, Geografia fisica e politica della Sicilia antica, 1981, 216. GLF.

185). A Centaur of the same name

fights against the Indians (Nonnus Dion. 14,189). P. is killed by > Peirithous (Ov. Met. 12,330f.). Ancient iconography: Frangois Vase (CIGIV 818 5c); black-figured Attic kantharos from Vulci (CIG IV 7383); black-figured oinochoe from Camirus ([1. 286 B 623]; on the other hand: [2. 3 8f.]); mixing-bowl depicting the battle between — Caeneus and the Centaurs: [3.113 Fig. re)

|2

~ Lapithae 1H. B. Waters, Cat. of the Greek and Etruscan Vases in the British Museum, vol. 2, 1893 2 P.V.C. Baur, Centaurs in Ancient Art, 1912 3 H. BoucHER, Kaineus et les centaures (Kélébé de la Collection Saint-Ferriol), in: RA 16, 1922, 111-118.

TH.KN.

Petreius. Rare Italian nomen gentile |1. 306]. [1] P., M. In c. rr0o-46 BC a Roman general with many decades of experience, perhaps the son of a > primipilus (cf. Plin. HN 22,11) from the Volscan area

[2. 31°]. From c. 93 onwards, P. was tr. mil. or praef. legionis (Sall. Catil. 59,6) for 30 years; in about 64 he became praetor (MRR 2, 161) and at the end of 63 he went as legate to the consul C. Antonius [I 2] for whom he destroyed — Catilina’s army at Pistoria in January 62 (Sall. Catil. 59,4-60,5). In 59, in protest against Caesar, P. left a meeting of the Senate (Cass. Dio 38,3,2; Gell. NA 4,10,8). In 55-49, as legate, he represented Pompeius [I 3] in Hispania ulterior (Vell. Pat. 2,48,1;

Vesunna (named after a deity of a spring); it became civitas Petrucoriorum in the late 3rd cent. AD (now Périgueux). Ancient remains: temple of Vesunna, fortified tower, forum with two squares, basilica, amphitheatre, baths, villas. Inscriptions: CIL XIII 939; 11037. H. GarLtarp, Gaule

24),

Dordogne 1998;

C.

(Carte archéologique GrRARDY-CAILLAT,

de la

Périgueux

(Guides archéologiques de la France 35), 1998; A. GRENIER, Manuel d’archéologie gallo-romaine 4, 1960, 683; M. L. Maurin (ed.), Villes et agglomérations urbaines. 2°

colloque Aquitania 1990 (Aquitania Suppl. 6), 1992, 125129. Y.L.E.O. Petron

(Métewv;

Pétron) of Himera.

Considered

by

DiELs/KRANz to be one of the older Pythagoreans (No. 16). In the only testimony, the authenticity of which is disputed (Hippys FGrH 554 F 5 = Phaenias fr. 12 WEHRLI = Plut. De def. or. 23, 422de; cf. [1; 2]), the hypothesis that there are 183 worlds connected in a row with each other is attributed to him. + Cosmology; > Pythagoras; > Pythagorean School 1 W. Burkert, Lore and Science in Ancient Pythagoreanism, 1972, 114 n. 35 2L.ZHMuD, Wissenschaft, Philosophie und Religion im frihen Pythagoreismus, 1997, 69 n. 14. G. Hux ey, Petronian Numbers, in: GRBS 9, 1968, 5 5—

57; J.-F. Martréi, Pythagore et les Pythagoriciens, 1993, AG CRL

Plut. Caesar 28,8). At Ilerda in 49, P. united his army

with that of L. Afranius [1] against Caesar who was advancing, but he was outmanoeuvred by him and had to capitulate (Caes. B Civ. 1,38-85; App. B Civ. 2,43,168-171). Caesar allowed P. freedom to with-

Petron(as) (Metoewvac, Petronas often abbrev. to: [létowv, Pétron). Greek physician from Aegina, datable

by the information that Ariston was his pupil (Anth. Pal. 546F); this Ariston is regarded as the author of the

875

876

Hippocratic treatise Peri diaites (De diaeta acutorum) dated to c. 400 BC, and Galen calls him mada

[5] P. Niger (Arbiter) Roman novelist of the rst cent. AD. A. Lire B. THE SATYRICON C, LITERARY FORM D. THE CENA E. THE EPYLLIA F. INTERPRETATION G. RECEPTION

PETRON(AS)

(‘ancient’)

(CMG

9,1,

135,4). Although

Celsus

[7]

places P. between Hippocrates and the Hellenistic physicians (3,9,2), P.’s medical views, which according to

the Anonymus Londinensis (20,1) place him partly in association with > Philolaus [2] of Croton, obviously do not support this. For instance, P. was of the opinion that the body consisted of two elements (hot and cold),

which were further supplemented by two more (dry for heat, wet for cold). Sickness was caused by nutrition and brought about bile (not vice versa). Of his thera-

peutics, we only know of his treatment for fever: an emetic (pork and heavy wine) followed by drinking cold water. K. DEICHGRABER, S.v. P., RE 19, 1937, 1191f.

Petronell see

ATO.

~ Carnuntum

Petronius [1] Vicarius Hispaniarum AD 395-397, at the court of Mediolanium [1] (Milan) from 398; addressee, with his brother Patroinus,

of numerous

letters from —> Sym-

machus. He gained an unknown office in 401 (comes rerum

privatarum?).

From

402-408,

P. was

praef.

praet. per Gallias; while there, he introduced a convocation of the seven provinces, which met annually at

A. LIFE We know scarcely more about the author of the Satyricon than is reported by Tacitus (Ann. 16,18-19; the identification of the author of the novel with the figure portrayed by Tacitus has since been generally accepted). Tacitus depicts a Roman who abandoned himself to idleness in consummate refinement. That P. was also a master of manoeuvring on the political stage is shown by his governorship of Bithynia and his consulship (he is in all probability to be identified with the consul suffectus of AD 62, P. Petronius Niger; the long-disputed praenomen (traditionally usually T.) may be regarded as clarified thanks to the discovery of an inscription [r]). In the early years of the 60s, the Emperor ~ Nero accepted him into his circle of confidant(e)s, where P. gained influence with the Emperor as an ‘authority in matters of elegant living’ (elegantiae arbiter; some MSS giving him the epithet ‘Arbiter’). Amid the turmoil of the Pisonian Conspiracy (> Calpurnius [II 13]), > Tigellinus succeeded in toppling his worst enemy. P. opted for suicide, which he carried out with playful equanim-

ity (AD 66).

Arelate (Arles) (Zos. Epist. 8 = MGH Epp 3, p. 14). He

may have been recalled in connection with the usurpation of Constantine III (~ Constantinus [3] III). PLRE K.G.-A. 2, 862f. no. I. [2] C.P. Cos. suff. in AD 25. PIR* P 266. [3] P.P. Praef. Aegypti from 25/4 —c. 22/1 BC. P. undertook two campaigns against Queen > Kandake of Ethiopia, who finally sent emissaries to > Augustus in 21 to sue for peace. According to Strabo (17,1,54) he put down a rebellion at Alexandria. Probably the grandfather of P. [2] and [4]. PIR* P 270. [4] P.P. Probably grandson of P. [3] and son of P. [15]. Cos. suff.in AD 19. He governed the province of Asia as proconsul for six years (AD 29-35); his third year as proconsul coincided with the Emperor — Tiberius’ 331d tribunicia potestas [1]; he was thus one of the senators whom Tiberius left in office far in excess of their due term. In 36, he became a member of a commission to estimate the damage caused at Rome by a major fire (Tac. Ann. 6,45,2). In AD 39, while P. was governor of

Syria, he was ordered by > Caligula to erect a statue to the latter in the Temple of Jerusalem; P. interceded both with the Emperor and with King Herodes [8] Agrippa to have the order revoked. Although Caligula did countermand the order, his intent was to compel P. to suicide for disobedience.

This order, however, only arrived

after news of the Emperor’s death was already known. P. was related to the family of the Vitelli. PIR* P 269. 1 TH. CorsTEN, Die Amtszeit des proconsul Asiae P.P., in:

EA 31, 1998, 94ff.

VOGEL-WEIDEMANN, 274ff.

W.E.

B. THE SATYRICON The Satyricon (=Sat.) is the first, and until the Meta-

morphoses of Apuleius (> Ap(p)uleius [III]) the only Latin > novel known to us. Owing to hostile sources, only a few episodes survive, some severely distorted, allowing us to follow the peregrinations of the protagonist and narrator Encolpius in contemporary southern Italy, where together with his companion Ascyltus and lover Giton he begins by conducting a debate on rhetoric, thereafter undergoing an impromptu visit to a brothel, erotic negotiations, trickery concerning a stolen cloak and a full-fledged orgy. An invitation brings the trio to the table of Trimalchio, a freedman as wealthy as he is eccentric. There they participate, with fascinated horror, in an extravagant banquet, listening to the abysmally base yet superficial conversation of the host and his friends. No sooner has an argument separated him from Ascyltus than Encolpius meets the ageing poet Eumolpus, at whose side he and Giton make their way to Croton, where they play a joke on the local legacy hunters, enjoying themselves fulsomely at their expense. At length their cover threatens to be blown. At a cunning manoeuvre of Eumolpus’ to retrieve the charade, the narrative breaks off. The subject matter of the novel is betrayed by the very title. Above and beyond all its tales of concupiscence, the “Tale of the Satyrs’ deals with people living for the moment, inhabiting a no-man’s-land between ‘humanity’ (convention) and ‘bestiality’ (anarchy),

878

PETRONIUS

indeed living as > satyrs. However, the allusion to the

man as changeling — neither ‘animal’ (slave) nor human

Latin — satire (satura) is intentional; it refers to the sati-

[8].

rical flavour of many episodes and characterizes the novel as straddling the cultural border between the Greek and Roman worlds. C. LITERARY FORM The changing form of the Sat., with its pasticcio of prose and verse (— Prosimetrum), evades categorization in any of the familiar genres, and not only in the opinion of the ancients. Nonetheless, certain influences may be detected which permeate the text. In the first place is the > epic, esp. the ‘Odyssey’ which is so everpresent in Encolpius’ head. More deeply hidden, but exerting a similarly sustained influence, is Virgil’s Aeneid. The surviving extracts do not allow clarification of whether the Sat.’s overall plot or structure were influenced by the hexametric models. The romantic intrigue between Encolpius and the youth Giton is reminiscent of the Hellenistic romance, but what was presented to the latter public with some seriousness the Sat. exaggerates and debunks by subliminal comedy [2]. The Milesian > novella survives (cf. > Milesian Tales)

in both does P. scenes, have a

narratives of Eumolpus (85-87; 111-112). Nor shy away from the contemporary theatre. Many such as the perpetual bickering about Giton, flavour of the burlesque entanglements of the

— mime. Others call to mind the Roman satires, e.g. the

Cena Trimalchionis, which models itself on Horace’s Cena Nasidieni (Hor. Sat. 2,8). Significant thematic discrepancies throw into doubt

the notion that the Sat. belonged to the family of Menippean > satires [3; 4]. Fragments of two prosimetric Greek novels (the — Iolaus novel, publ. 1971;

Tinouphis, publ. 1981; 2nd cent AD?) have reignited the discussion; some scholars detect the forebears of the

Sat. in this hitherto unknown variety of adventure novel with verse interludes [5; cf. 6]. A sober examination of

the papyri must give pause to such enthusiasm. We seem farther from clear answers than ever: the Sat. appears as reluctant as ever to relinquish its status as an ingenious unique. D. THE CENA The truth to life of the Sat. is strikingly demonstrated in the novel’s climactic scene, the banquet at the house of Trimalchio (Cena Trimalchionis). It sketches a portrait of a class, that of the Roman freedmen [7], which is without parallel in ancient literature. As small businessmen from the Greek Near East, they lived according toa coarse carpe diem, valueing only the pleasures of the table and the flesh. At the same time, they accepted the bitter insight that improvement in their social status would be forever denied them. Trimalchio’s house is a symbol of this existence on the fringes of society. His decorative paintings transform it into a mausoleum, in which the master of the house, obsessed with death, depicts his own funeral. At the same time, it appears as a labyrinth in which he lurks like a Minotaur, the freed-

E. THE EpyLiia The two epyllia of Eumolpus are also accorded special status in the novel [9; 10; 11; 12]. The Troiae halosis (89), the song of the fall of Troy, dares a futile contest

with Virgil (Aen. 2,13-267). Yet the poem’s very ‘weaknesses’, its many repetitions, fulfil a poetic function. They provide a constant reminder that the poem as a whole is a ‘repetition’, a recreation of its great model. Eumolpus’ song becomes an allegory of its own derivativeness. However, the song also reveals an ideological aspect. In the Aeneid, the horrors of war retrospectively acquire a reconciliatory aspect: the death of Troy becomes the conception of Rome. The Troiae halosis has nothing to do with this historical imposition of meaning. All the more powerful are its portrayals of deception, oath-breaking and betrayal: here is where it finds a melody consonant with the world of its own time. Almost imperceptibly, Eumolpus’ song undermines the Augustan values trumpeted by the Aeneid. Likewise the Bellum civile, singing of the years of terror leading to the Republic’s fall (119-124) [13; 14]. Luxury and decadence, daemonic forces, unleash a civil war which knows no heroes. Caesar crosses the Alps in the footsteps of Hannibal to cast Rome into the abyss for a second time. Pompey as the ‘Anti-Aeneas’ does not found Rome, but abandons it to its destruction. The final Battle of Actium is no turning-point ushering in an era of peace, but the ultimate catastrophe: an apocalyptic portrayal of the events which brought forth the world of Nero. F. INTERPRETATION There are many modern interpreters who see in the Sat. nothing but entertainment, without depth. Behind the novel’s carefree facade, however, another reading discovers a serious analysis of the society of the Principate — an involute, capricious world lacking orientation and direction, from which the gods and all rational powers of order have fled (most recently [15; 16]). On the whole, the second interpretation has the stronger arguments in its support. In the Sat., an incorruptible observer holds up a mirror (only the edges of which are blurred) to the madhouse of the Neronic period. Acidtongued moral sermons or nostalgic glorifications of the past are not his style. Yet a feel for the inner barrenness of his times, with their epigonic hunger for greatness and incipient odour of fin de civilisation, lends his lines, beneath the jocular glitter of their surface, the seriousness that is at the heart of all great comedy. G. RECEPTION Not only Apuleius (+ Ap(p)uleius

[III]) seems to have studied his predecessor [17] — P. was read into the 6th cent., by Jerome and Macrobius, Sidonius and Boéthius, Fulgentius [1] and Isidorus [9]. Thereafter, the trail is lost. Some MSS survived in French monas-

PETRONIUS

879

880

teries in the Carolingian period; John of Salisbury knew

EDITION: K. MULLER, 1995. TRANSLATION: W. C. FIREBAUGH, P.: Satyricon, 1922.; O. SCHONBERGER, P., Satyrgeschich, 1992. COMMENTARIES: M.S. SmirH, Petronii Arbitri Cena Trimalchionis, 1975; E. CourTNEY, The Poems of Petro-

the author from them (Policraticus, 1159). His remark ‘fere totus mundus ex Arbitri nostri sententia mimum videtur implere’ (‘In the view of our Arbiter, it would

seem that almost the whole world were playing a burlesque.’), is thought to have been the origin of the motto of the Globe Theatre in London,

“Totus mundus agit

histrionem’ and of SHAKESPEARE’S famous ‘All the world’s a stage’ monologue from As You Like It. P. was rediscovered by the Italian Humanists. The first editions of the rsth cent. (without the Cena) gained an audience beyond professional circles. BARCLAY wrote his Euphormionis Satyricon (1603), BURTON quoted P. repeatedly in his Anatomy of Melancholy (1621). Nopot’s complete edition with his own inter-

polations (1691) also possesses literary merit. DRYDEN, SwikT and Pope valued P., as did VoLTAIRE and SMOLLETT,

later

also

FLAUBERT,

HuysMANS

and

Oscar

WILDE. To the episode of the Widow of Ephesus belongs a rich seam of reception from the Middle Ages and more recent times [18]. The sensuality of the 18th cent. saw the recapitulation of the Cena (ed. princeps 1664), e.g. in the 1702 Carnival at the court of Hannover, at SaintCloud under the Regency of the Duke of Orléans (171 523) or in 1751

at the Prussian court.

P. won recognition from EL1oT, PouND and FirzGERALD; NIETZSCHE celebrated him as the ‘most graceful and raciest of deriders, immortally sound, immortally sanguine and mannerly.’ We find him, as a cynic at Nero’s side, in SIENKIEWICZ’ novel Quo vadis? (1896).

FELLINI’s

Satyricon

(1968)

and

the P. novel

of V.

EBERSBACH (Der Schatten eines Satyrs, 1985) are loyal to the original only in the flesh and to the letter respectively, but not in spirit. The actor Greger HANSEN did appropriate homage to the text (Berlin 1993). +» Nero;

> Novel

1 SEG 39, 1989, no. 1180 2R. HeErvze, P. und der griechische Roman, in: Hermes 34, 1899, 494-519 3E.

Courtney, Parody and Literary Allusion in Menippean Satire, in: Philologus 106, 1962, 86-100 4P. DRONKE, Verse with Prose from P. to Dante, 1994, 9-12 5 R. MERKELBACH,

II, 1973,

Fragmente eines satirischen Romans,

81-100

6S.A.

STEPHENS,

in: ZPE

J. J. WINKLER,

Ancient Greek Novels, 1995, 363-366 7J.P. BoDEL, Freedmen in the Satyricon of P., thesis Michigan 1984 8 Id., Trimalchio’s Underworld, in: J. Tarum (ed.), The Search for the Ancient Novel, 1994, 237-259 9 A. CoLLIGNON, Etude sur Pétrone, 1892, 109-226 10H. StuBBE, Die Verseinlagen im P., 1933 11 F. I. ZEITLIn, Romanus P., in: Latomus 30, 1971, 56-82 12 C. ConNors, P. the Poet, 1998, 84-146 13 G. GurDo, Petronio Arbitro. Il Bellum Civile, 1976 14 P. Grima, La Guerre Civile de Petrone, 1977. 15 R. HERZOG, Fest, Terror und Tod in Petrons Satyrica, in: W. HauG et al. (ed.), Das Fest,

1989, 120-150 16%. DOpp, Leben und Tod in Petrons Satyrica, in: G. BINDER et al. (ed.), Tod und Jenseits im Altertum, 1991, 144-166 17 V. CraFFl, Petronio in Apuleio,

1960

18 G. Huser, Das Motiv der Witwe von Ephe-

sus in lateinischen Texten der Antike und des Mittelalters, 1990.

nius, 1991. BIBLIOGRAPHY:

G.L.

SCHMELING,

J.H. StucKkry,

A

Bibliography of P., 1977; M. S. Smiru, A Bibliography of P. (1945-1982),

in: ANRW

II 32.3,

1985,

1624-1665.

PE.HA,

[6] M.P. Honoratus. Equestrian. After the > tres militiae, he followed a procuratorial career: procur. monetae, procur. XX hereditatium, procur. provinciae Belgicae et duarum Germaniarum, a rationibus; he headed the urban Roman supply of provisions c. AD 144/146; he was praef. Aegypti AD 147-148. PIR* P 281. [7] M.P. Mamertinus. Equestrian, praef. Aegypti AD 133-137; he was praef. praet. under Antoninus [1] Pius with Gavius [II 6] Maximus. P. [8] was probably his nephew. PIR* P 288; 287. [8] M.P. Mamertinus. Cos. suff. in AD 150. Probably the nephew of P. [7] and son of the imperial procurator M.P. Sura. He was probably the amicus of the orator Fronto [6], not his father. PIR* P 287. [9] Flavius P. Maximus s. > Maximus [8]. [10] T.P. Priscus. Equestrian; > procurator firstly of Asia, then Syria; finally attested as a libellis under W.E. Hadrian (AE 1993, 1477). PIR* P 300. [10a] Sex. Claudius P. Probus. Four times Praetorian prefect, consul in AD 371, one of the most powerful men during the reign of Valentinian (> Valentinianus [1]) 1. Firstly guaestor and praetor urbanus (ICret 4,318), P. became proconsul Africae in 358 (Cod. Theod. 11,36,13) and praef. praet. Illyrici in 364 (Cod. Theod. 1,29,1); he was praef. praet. Galliarum in 366 (Cod. Theod. r1,1,15 with Cod. lust. 7,38,1), praef. praet. Illyrici, [taliae et Africae 368-375 (Amm. Marc. 27,11,1). Between 375 and 383 he seems to have been out of office, before reassuming the last-mentioned prefecture again in 383 (Cod. Theod. 11,13,1r). In 371, following an attack by the Quadi and Sarmates, he

planned an escape from Sirmium, but then also organized the defence of the city (Amm. Marc. 29,6,9-12). In 374, he informed Valentinian of the devastation of Ilyricum (Amm. Mare. 30,3,1). In 387, he accompa-

nied Valentinianus [3] II on his flight from the usurper ~+ Maximus [7] to Thessalonica Giplckedim NOS eybyeiliG lat t))-

(Sozom.

Hist. eccl.

P. was particularly wealthy. He was regarded as influential and loyal to his friends, but also a schemer. + Ammianus Marcellinus portrays him with commonplaces of the tyrant (Amm. Marc. 27,11) and depicts one of his intrigues (Amm. Marc. 28,1,3 1-35). In 375, an Epirote embassy to the Emperor reported P.’s financial oppression of Illyricum (Amm. Marc. 30,5,4—10). A Christian, P. (CIL VI 1756) was a correspondent of + Symmachus [4] (Symm. Epist. 1,56-6r), himself wrote poetry and, by his union with Anicia Faltonia Proba, married into the distinguished gems Anicia. He died c. 388.

881

882

PETRUS

P. Brown, Aspects of the Christianization of the Roman

A. GENERAL

Aristocracy, in: JRS 51, 1961, 1-11; PLRE Nits

ERATURE

1, 736-740, M.MEI.

COMMENTS

B. BroGRAPHY

ON PETER IN THE 2ND AND

D. ROMAN

SUCCESSION

BEGINNING

OF THE PAPACY

C. LIT-

3RD CENTS.

TO PETER AND THE

[11] T.P. Secundus. Equestrian; attested as praef. Aegypti in AD 92 and 93; thereafter praef. praet. He was embroiled in the conspiracies against the Emperor Domitian (> Domitianus [1]), together with the

tings: the Gospels, the Acts of the Apostles, Paul’s let-

Emperor’s wife > Domitia

[2]

ters (x Corinthians, Galatians), the rst and 2nd letter of

was compelled to deliver him up to the Praetorians, who were angered at the murder of Domitian and wished to put him to death. PIR? P 308. [12] M.P. Sura Mamertinus. Probably the son of P. [8] and grandson of the imperial procurator M.P. Sura

P. (biographical analysis needs to take into account the

[6] Longina. > Nerva

(PIR* P 310); P. himself was a senator. He was the sonin-law of > Marcus [2] Aurelius, being married to Cor-

nificia, the sister of > Commodus. Cos. ord. in AD 182. Commodus had him, his son Antoninus and his brother

P. [13] murdered, not before AD 190 (SHA Comm. 755) DURST [13] M.P. Sura Septimianus. Brother of P. [12]; patrician; salius Palatinus (> salit); cos. ord. in AD 190. Commodus had him murdered along with his brother. W.E. PIRZIP 319% [14] L.P. Taurus Volusianus. After first completing a military career, P. turned to the equestrian path of office, which he followed up to the posts of praefectus vigilum and — praefectus praetorio (CIL XI 1836), before occupying the ordinary consulship in AD 261 (CIL XI 5749). From 267 to the death of the Emperor + Gallienus, he worked as > praefectus urbi (Chron. min. 1, p. 65 MOMMSEN). PIR? P 313; PLRE 1, 98of.

TE.

[15] P.P. Turpilianus. II] vir monetalis under > Augustus; he served, possibly as proconsul, in Hispania Baeticas(AR MoS8ip7 23) PURS Risa.

[16] P. P. Turpilianus. Descendant of P. [15]. Cos. ord. in AD 61. Sent to Britain as legate in that same year, he remained there until 63. Took part in the exposure of the Pisonian Conspiracy (-» Calpurnius [II 13]) in AD 65; for this he was honoured by > Nero [1] with the + ornamenta triumphalia. In 68, Nero named him as commander of the forces against the rebellious Gauls and - Galba [2], although P. did not leave Italy. Galba had him put to death without trial. P. was related by marriage to the future Emperor A. > Vitellius. PIR* P Bas WE.

A. GENERAL COMMENTS Sources documenting his life include: (1) the NT wri-

special character of these writings); (2) early Church

writings that preserve the memory of P., document his growing reputation and provide evidence of the continuing importance of the figure of P. in the Church. B. BloGRAPHY rt. NT information: P., who may have been of the same age as Jesus of Nazareth, was born Symeon/ Sim6n (Lvuewv/Tiuwv), the son of Jona/John (Matthew

16:17; John 1:42; 21:15-17), brother of Andrew, who later became an apostle as well (Mark 1:16 par.), pro-

bably in — Bethsaida on Lake Genezareth (John 1:44). He was a fisherman, married (Mark 1:29-31 par.; 1 Corinthians 9:5), lived in + Capernaum (Matthew

8:14 par.), joined Jesus of Nazareth and soon became a leader in the inner circle of the disciples. In accounts of specific events such as the raising of the dead (Mark 5:37), the ‘transfiguration’ (Mark 9:2), the speech on the end of days (Mark 13:3) and Gethsemane (Mark 14:33), P. was one of a small group of three or four trusted disciples of Jesus. P. is always at the head of the list of the twelve. The second name P. (Greek Képhas/Aramaic Kéfa, ‘rock’), which eventually displaced his birth name, may reflect the trust placed in him. However, critical accounts cannot be ignored: his protest against Jesus’ suffering (Mark 8:32 par.), his denial of Jesus (Mark 14:29-31 par.). P. was not present at Jesus’ violent death. Later he witnessed the Resurrection (t Corinthians 15:5; cf. Mark 16:7; Luke 24:34). P. was a spokesman for the newly established community (Acts 1:15) and a prophet among the Jews (Acts 2-3) as well as Gentiles (Acts ro). His position in

Petrus

the dispute over the > Gospel (Galatians 2; Acts 15:135) was not unambiguous, but he basically agreed with the universality of the message of salvation. P. resided in Antioch [1] (Galatians 2:11), appears to have undertaken mission trips (1 Corinthians 9:5), and may have been in Corinth (1 Corinthians 1:12). NT writings provide no definite information regarding his further life. Certain NT texts strongly affected later P. tradition concerning P.: Matthew 16:13-19 (God-given recogni-

[1] (Métoeoc/Pétros, literally ‘the rock’).

tion of the > Messiah; transfer of authority; cf. Mat-

Apostle, leading figure in the group of disciples called by > Jesus of Nazareth and in the original Chri-

thew 18:18); Luke 22:32 (P.’s strengthening of the brethren); John 21:15-17 (shepherd of the community). + Paul [2], whose relationship with P. was clearly one of tension (Galatians 2:11-14), was unable to rival his primacy. The two pseudonymous letters of P. show him in the role of a bearer and guarantor of revelation.

stian community.

PETRUS

884

883

2. Martyrdom and residence in Rome: The tradition of a violent death can be read into Luke 22:33 and John 13:37-38; 21:18-19. No mention is made of the place and precise circumstances of his death; based on other reports, the place may have been Rome. The author of the rst letter of P. indicates that the letter was written in Rome (5:13: greetings from ‘Babylon’ = Rome), thus providing support for the tradition according to which P. resided in Rome (5:1 may contain an indication of his martyrdom). The rst letter of Clement 5-6 (> Clemens [r]) certainly alludes to P.’s martyrdom (and that of Paul), probably referring to Rome and the persecution of Roman Christians under Emperor > Nero [1] in the year 64 (Tac. Ann. 15 44), and provides evidence — together with > Ignatius [1] of Antioch (Epist. ad Romanos 4,2), the ascension of Isaiah (4:1-3) and the Apocalypse of P. — that P.’s stay in Rome and his martyrdom were widely held to be factual in East and West during the late rst and early 2nd cents. 3. The tomb of P.: According to ancient tradition, P.’s tomb is at the Vatican (St. Peter). The oldest documentation is from the late 2nd cent. (Eus. HE 2,25,6-7).

This holds that a ‘trophy’ (> trdpaion) of the apostle was shown at the Vatican (in the case of Paul on the

road to Ostia). The trophy is presumed to be a sepulchre, since it was mentioned by Rome when the tombs of saints were used as an argument for apostolicity and orthodoxy (-» Saints, adoration of the saints). Moreover, no other place claimed to be the site of P.’s tomb. In Rome itself, there is a competing tradition of P.’s tomb in the - Catacombs on the via Appia (modern-day San Sebastiano with an excavated memorial site, but without a tomb). The construction of St.

Peter’s Basilica, initiated and supported by Emperor > Constantine [1] I, makes sense only in the light of the tradition of P.’s tomb at the Vatican. The day of his death is believed to be 29 June (established in the datemn isa 3rd cent.). Another commemorative February: Cathedra Petri, originally a Roman day to commemorate the dead, then reinterpreted as the date of his accession to the throne (atale episcopi). C. LITERATURE ON PETER IN THE 2ND AND 3RD

CENTS. By the end of the 2nd cent. there was a rich body of literature on P. froma variety of ecclesiastical and theological perspectives (~ New Testament apocrypha). In Gnostic writings (> Gnosticism) P. is a recipient of revelation who is able to pass on revelations far beyond the canonic teachings. The basis for this portrayal is provided by NT texts in which P. is a bearer of the secret of the Messiah (Matthew 16:17) and the first witness to the resurrected Christ (Luke 24:34; 1 Corinthians 15:5). The pseudepigraphic (+ New Testament apocrypha, > Pseudepigrapha) writings of P. (gospel of P., apocalypse of P., sermons of P. and epistles of P.) demonstrate the normative character and the lasting identity of the proclaimed revelation. In the > Acts of Peter, P. is crucified upside down under Emperor Nero upside

down.

In ecclesiastical

literature,

P. (and Paul) are

regarded as founders of the Roman Christian community (Irenaeus [2], Adversus haereses 3,3,2; Tertullian,

De praescriptione 36,3), which traces its list of bishops back to the time of its founding. In his exegesis of Matthew 16:13-19, > Origenes [2] establishes a spiritual succession to P. > Cyprianus [2] used Matthew 16:1819 to support his episcopal understanding of the Church as well as the unity ofthe office of bishop (Cypr. De unitate ecclesiae 4). D. ROMAN

SUCCESSION TO PETER AND THE

BEGINNING OF THE PAPACY In the oldest Roman list of bishops, P. and Paul assigned to Linus the episcopacy (— episkopos) for Rome (Iren. Adversus haereses 3,3). In Tertullian (De praescriptione 32,3) and the > Pseudo-Clementines (mid— 3rd cent.?) the dying P. designates + Clemens [tr] Bishop of Rome. The basis for the primacy of the Bishop of Rome is the political significance of the city of Rome with its own city ideology. Within the Church, there is also the tradition of the double apostolicity (P. and Paul). In the 4th cent. these two advantages became an argument for Rome’s legal primacy. Pope > Damasus (366-384), contradicting Canon 3 of the Council of Constantinople 381 (the Bishop of Constantinople was pre-eminent), based the pre-eminent position of Rome solely on Matthew 16:18-19 and legitimized a Petrine

ecclesiastical order. The apostolic became limited to the Petrine, and the bishop’s see (Cathedra Petri) became the Holy See (Sedes Petri) with its legal connotations. Damasus’ successors, up to > Leo [3] I (440-461), for-

mulated their own Roman Petrinology, in which the Bishop of Rome was the heir and representative of P. Just as P. was the head of the apostles, his successor now had that position; he was responsible for all churches (cf. 2 Corinthians 11:28) and supported by P. in this burden and responsibility (Siricius I., Epist. 1 PL 13, 1133A). While the Bishop of Rome was an ‘unworthy heir’ of P., as his legal successor he entered into the indissoluble unity (indeficiens consortium) of P. with Christ. Just as Christ gave all authority to the apostles only through P., such authority was now passed on solely by P.’s Roman successors (above all Leo I in the sermons on the anniversary of his consecration on 29 September 440). During the same period, classical Roman ideology was Christianized. Roma antiqua became Roma christiana, whose founders were P. and Paul. Their blood, shed for Christ, protected the citizens of Rome. The entire world came together at their tombs ( Martyrs). Rome had become the head of all nations (caput gentium;especially the Rome poetry by > Prudentius, see, in particular, the Laurentius hymn: Prud. Peristephanon 2; Hymn to P. and Paul: Prud. Peristephanon 12). Roman Petrinology was not accepted by the entire Church. The Eastern churches rejected Rome’s claim to leadership, conceding to the Bishop of Rome only an honourary position of primacy as well as the legal stan-

885

886

PETRUS

ding of a Western. patriarch. Western churches as well raised objections. For ~ Ambrosius, the primacy of P. was »a primacy of confession, not of honour, a primacy

gical and Archeological Evidence, 1969 12R. PEscH, Simon-P., 1980 13 CH. PieTRI, Roma Christiana. Recher-

of belief, not of rank« (Ambr. De incarnatione 4,32).

son idéologie de Miltiade a Sixte (311-446), 1976 14K. ScHaTz, Der papstliche Primat, 1990 15 W. ULLMANN,

According to > Augustine, P. received the power of the keys as a representative of the universal Church (universam significans ecclesiam), and »the rock on which the Church is built« (Matthew 16:18), is not P., but Christ himself (Aug. In Joannis evangelium 124,53 cf. 1 Corinthians 10:4). Nor could the Petrine self-conception be reconciled with the Byzantine imperial ecclesiastical system, of which the Bishop of Rome remained a part. While Pope Gelasius I (492-496) had placed the »sacred authority of the bishops above royal power« (Gelasius, Epist. 12 to Emperor > Anastasius [1] in 494), Emperor Justinian [1] I (527-565) reversed their positions and gave primacy to imperial power (Novella 6 of 6 March 535). Not until Pope > Gregorius [3] the Great (590-604) was a decisive change instigated. With his ‘Western policy’, he prepared the way for Roman influence in England, the Merovingian Empire and Spain. There P., as the prince of the apostles, found new veneration and his successor gained recognition. Pippin the Great established his claim to leadership with the help of the papacy. Pope Stephen II (752-757) was the first pope to visit the Kingdom of the Franks, in 754, and he formed an alliance with Pippin that was also religiously based. In 754 and 756 Pippin went to war in Italy against the Langobards. The ‘patron of the Roman Church’ gave to the Pope (the centre of the ecclesiastical state) the territories that had been wrested from the Langobards. The alliance between the Kingdom of the Franks and the papacy was consolidated under Charlemagne and Pope Leo III (795-816: the Emperor’s Italian campaigns, the Pope’s journeys to the Kingdom of the Franks, Charlemagne’s coronation as Emperor, held in Rome at Christmas in 800. In the light of this close co-operation, the Emperor viewed his sovereignty over the Church as part of his office as ruler. + Christendom; — Episkopos; — Jesus; —> Mission; — Paul; > Peter, Acts of 1K. BerGer, Unfehlbare Offenbarung. P. in der gnostischen und apokalyptischen Offenbarungsliteratur, in: P. G. MULier, W. STENGER (ed.), Kontinuitat und Einheit. FS F. Mufner, 1981, 261-326 2M. BORGOLTE,

P.nachfolge und Kaiserimitation. Die Grablege der Papste, ihre Genese und Traditionsbildung, 1989 (*1995) 3 R. E. Brown et al. (ed.), Der P. der Bibel, 1970 4V.

BucHHEIT,

Christliche

Romideologie

im

Laurentius-

ches sur l’Eglise de Rome. Son organisation, sa politique,

Gelasius I. (492-496), 1981 16 A. VOGTLE, Das Problem der Herkunft von Mt 16,17-19, in: Id., Offenbarungsgeschehen und Wirkungsgeschichte, 1985, 109-140 17 H. G. THUMMEL, Die Memorien fiir P. und Paulus in Rom, 1999.

K.-S.F.

(2] Bishop of > Alexandria [1] (t 311). P., who was associated with Alexandria’s catechetical school, became a bishop in 300, succeeding Theonas. In 304305/6, during the Diocletianic persecution (+ Diocletianus), he fled from Alexandria [2. 36]. Following his return, in 305/6, P. expelled Bishop > Meletis of Lycopolis from the church community, who had carried out consecrations on his own authority outside of his parish and attacked P.’s leniency toward the > lapsi, (beginning of the so-called Meletian > Schism). Having probably fled from further persecution in 306, P. was executed in Alexandria shortly after his return in 311. Fragments of P.’s numerous works (CPG 1635-1662; survey/comm.: [2. 51-67]) have been preserved, in addition to letters (among others, the so-called canonical letter with 14 penance canons: CPG 1639; English translation: [2. 185-—192]) and homilies as well as individual theological treatises, many of which deal with much-discussed issues in the teachings of > Origenes (among others On the Divinity [of Jesus Christ]: CPG 1635) (table of the frr.: [2. 90f.]; English translation: [2. 126-13 8]). 1 A. Martin, Athanase d’Alexandrie et ’Eglise d’Egypte au IVS siécle (328-373), 1996, 215-298 Peter of Alexandria, 1988.

2T. VIVIAN, St. JRL

[3] P. the Iberian (409-488); originally Murvan, son of the Iberian King Bosmarius, beginning in 421 he was held hostage in Constantinople, where he received an excellent education; he became a monk in Palestine; in 446 he was ordained a priest, in 452 he became bishop of Majuma. He was a Monophysite and his name was not mentioned in Iberia until the 12th cent., when the Georgian Church refashioned him into a representative of orthodoxy. His vita was written around 500 in the Syrian language [1]. ~ Monophysitism 1 R. RABE (ed.), P. der Iberer (Syriac text with a German

transl.), 1895.

L’apotre Pierre dans une épopée du VI° siécle. L’Historia

J. AssFaxa, P. KrUGER, s.v. P., Kleines Wo6rterbuch des Christlichen Orients, 1975, 296; A. B. ScumiptT, Warum schreibt P. der Iberer an die Armenier?, in: M. KOHLBACHER, M. Lesinski (ed.), Horizonte der Christenheit,

apostolica d’Arator,

1994, 250-267.

Hymnus des Prudentius, in: R. Kien (ed.), Das friihe Christentum im Romischen Staat, 1971, 455-485 50. CULLMANN, P., 1952 (31985) 6 P.-A. DEPROOST, 1990

Neuen Testament, 1996

7P. DscHuLnice,

P. im

der Apostelfiirsten, 1957 (1974, ed. E. DASSMANN) 9 M. Maccarone (ed.), Il primato del vescovo di Roma nel primo millenio, 1991 10 R. MINNERATH, De Jérusalem a

Rome.

APL.

8 E. KirscHBAUM, Die Graber

Pierre et l’unité de l’Eglise Apostolique,

1994

11 D. W. O’Connok, Peter in Rome. The Literary, Litur-

[4] P. Patricius (IT. Tlatetxwoc; P. Patrikios). Born in

Thessaloniki about AD 500, died in 565 in Constantinople, East Roman official and historiographer, first a lawyer in Constantinople, from 534 imperial envoy to

887

888

the Goths of Italy. Following his imprisonment there (536-539), Emperor — lustinianus [1] | gave him the office of > magister officiorum, which he retained until his death, and bestowed on him the > court title (D.) of patricius (patrikios), which accounted for his sobriquet. After his first mission to the Persian king - Chosroes [5] Lin 550, P. negotiated a ‘50-year’ peace treaty in 551 with the former’s commissioner Isdigusnas in Dara, which lasted for seven years. P. wrote historical works (only fragments of which have been preserved) about the Roman Empire (until Constantius [2] II?), the office of magister officiorum up to the 6th cent., a lengthy passage of which is preserved in the Book of Ceremonies (> Constantine [9]) (1,84-95 REISKE), and about his peace mission in 561/2.

Peucelaotis (Ievxehad@tuc/Peukeladtis: Arr. Anab. 4,22,7-8,28,6; also Meuxedattuc/Peukelaitis: Arr. Ind.

PETRUS

ODB 3, 1641; PLRE 3, 994-999 (P. 6); STEIN, Spatrom. R., vol. 2, 518-521; 723-729. FT.

[5] P. Sikeliotes (I. Sixeduotyc; P. Sikelidtés), + after AD 871. Under Emperor > Basilius [5] I, he wrote a polemic history opposing the ~ Paulicians which, however, contained authentic information on this group, as P. cites letters from its leader Sergios. The belief that he participated in a mission to the Paulicians in Tephrice [2] is incorrect [3]. Except for the Codex Vaticanus Graecus 511, attribution of his works is disputed. + Armenia; > Bogomils; > Gnosticism SourcEs:

1 Cun. Asrrucet al. (ed.), Les sources greques

1,8; 4,11; Mevxehattc/Peukelaitis:

Str. 15,1,27;

also

e.g. Moeoxdaic/Proklais: Ptol. Geog. 7,1,44; Toxiaic/ Poklais: Peripl. m. Eux. 47f.). City in Gandhara (in modern Pakistan, west of the Indus; > Gandaritis), Old

Indian Puskalavati, Middle Indian Pukkhalavati, Greek form probably influenced by names with Peuwko- (Peukolaos, Peukéstas). P. occupied an important position on the old trading route from Bactria to India on the western edge of the Indus Plain (> India, trade with). P.

was conquered by Alexander [4] the Great after a 30day siege. It was abandoned under Philippus [4] as a Macedonian garrison; later it became an Indo-Greek city. The remains of P. at Harsadda, north-east of Pésawar in Pakistan, have been under excavation since the

forties. K. KARTTUNEN, India and the Hellenistic World, 1997, 50; O. STEIN, s.v. Tevxehkadtic, RE 19, 1392-1395; M. WHE-

ELER, Charsadda: a Metropolis of the North-West Frontier, 1962.

K.K.

Peucestas (Ilevxéotac; Peukéstas). [1] Son of Macartatus, he and Balacrus [2] were commanders of the garrison in Egypt under Alexander [4] the Great (Arr. An. 3,5,5, 331 BC). In the > Saqqara

necropolis a decree by P. for the protection of a priestly estate has been found. E. G. TURNER,

A Commander-in-Chief’s Order from Saq-

qgara, in: JEA 60, 1974, 239-342.

pour histoire des pauliciens d’Asie Mineure (Travaux et Mémoires 4), 1970, 1-227 (with a French transl.).

LITERATURE: PIslam, 1919

2 J. LAURENT, L’Arménie entre Byzance et

3. C. Lupwic, Wer hat was in welcher Absicht wie beschrieben? Bemerkungen zur Historia des P. uber die Paulikianer (Varia I) (Mowwtta Butavtweé 6), 1987, 149-227.

K.SA.

Peuce (Mevxn; Peuke).

[1] The largest island in the delta of the Istrus [2] (Danube) in > Getae territory (Apoll. Rhod. 4,309322; Str. 7,3,15; Amm. 22,8,43; according to Ps.-

Scymn. in 785-789 P. was no smaller than Rhodes, but

this must be a misunderstanding), probably modern Sfantu Gheorghe (to the north of P. [2]). In 335 BC Alexander [4] the Great tried in vain to defeat the + Thraci and — Triballi, who had fled on to P. (Str. 753503 SEA RAD! In 2te)s [2] Southern branch at the mouth of the Istrus [2], otherwise called the > Hierén Stoma (legdv otoua; Hieron stoma) (Peripl. m. Eux. 67,91; cf. Ptol. 3,10,2).

[3] P. or Teuce. Mountains (Ptol. 3,5,15: Tebxy 7) T./ Teviké é P.), corresponding to the Carpathians (Tab. Peut. 8,2: Alpes Bastarnicae).

[4] A city in the delta region of the Istrus [2] (Luc. 3,202; Honorius, Cosmographia A 24), but this may be based on an error. I. G. Perrescu, Del’ta Dunaja, 1963.

Ly.B.

[2] Son of Alexander from Mieza, in 326 BC trierarch of Alexander [4] the Great’s + Hydaspes fleet (Arr. Ind. 18,6). Ina city of the > Malli he saved Alexander’s life and was seriously wounded (esp. Curt. 9,5,14-18). Asa reward he was promoted to somatophylax (‘bodyguard’) extraordinary and in 324 he was honoured with a golden wreath in Susa (Arr. An. 6,28,4;7,5,4). Installed as satrap of > Persis, he won good will by behaving like a Persian (Arr. An. 6,30,2-3; Diod. 19,14,4-5). In 323 he supplied the king with Iranian contingents and took part in Medius [2]’s banquet. After Alexander’s death in the same year, Perdiccas [4] and Antipater [1] kept him in office. In 317 with the help of neighbouring satraps he frustrated the plans of Peithon [2], then against his will he had to join forces with Eumenes [r] and tried in vain to break from him. After the battle of Gabiene (316) he surrendered to Antigonus [1], who deposed him but let him live. HECKEL, 263-267.

EB.

Peucetian pottery. Type of indigenous pottery, named after ancient Peucetia, the region of the eastern Apennines between Bari and Egnazia (-» Peucetii). PP emerges in the 7th cent. BC. Initially its decoration is influenced by geometric patterns (> swastikas, lozenges, horizontal and vertical lines), which form a narrow

ornamental grid pattern, particularly in the late Geo-

889

890

Peucetian pottery

cities of the P. (Ptol. 3,1,15; Str. 6,3,7f.); in addition,

-* Krater

PEUCOLAUS

archaeological excavations were carried out near Ceglie, Rutigliano and Monte Sannace, which unearthed municipal structures and necropoleis with typical local ceramics.

The ancient tradition traced the P. back to their Arcadian origin: Peucetius, eponymous hero, son of ~» Lycaon, is said to have led an army to Italy in order to settle on the Adriatic coast (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,11,3f.; Str. 6,3,8; Plin. HN 3,99; Antoninus Liberalis

Krater

31, 0.3 cf. also Pherecydes FGrHl 3 F 156; Serv. Aen. 8,9; with regard to the Illyrian element cf. Plin. HN 3,102). Little is known of the history of the P. Of vital

kraters, amphorae, kantharoi and stamnoi; bowls are

importance for the historical report is the relationship between the P. and Taras, cf. e.g. the votive offerings that Taras sent to > Delphi at the beginning of the sth cent. from the booty from a victory over the P. (Paus. 10,13,10), likewise the support which was given to Taras by the ‘king of the P.’ at the end of the 5th cent. BC in the battle for Heracleia [10] against the Messapii (Str. 6,3,4). The P. are encountered as allies of Alexander [6] in 334 BC (Justin. 12,2,12) and of Agathocles

less common. The second phase of PP, which begins in

[2] in 295 BC (Diod. Sic. 21,4,1). Relationships with the

ihe

aioe

Kantharos

metric phase (before 600 BC). Leading forms of PP are

the 6th cent. BC, is influenced by > Corinthian vases,

+ Samnites emerge, with Scyl. 15 considering the lang-

evident in its ornaments (e.g. radiating patterns) but also in the transition to figural representations. The final phase extends from the sth cent. to the 4th; vessels are now wheel-thrown, purely ornamental painting gives way to vegetable decoration (ivy, laurel, palmettes), occasionally accompanied by figural or mythical representations. Greek pottery shapes (-— Pottery, shapes and types of), such as lidded bowls, trefoil oinochoai and thymiateria come into use.

uage of the Ilevxetiete/Peuketieis (P. or > Picentes) to

E. M. bE Jutis, La ceramica geometrica della Peucezia (Terra Italia 4), 1994; A. CrANCIO, Gioia del Colle r, CVA Italia vol. 68, 1995, plates. 1-20. RH,

Peucetii. Tribe on the south-eastern coast of Italy. It is encountered in ancient literature most commonly in the Greek form of the name Peukétioi (Mevxétiot, cf. Str. 6,3,8; Cass. Dio 15,2,3; on the other hand however

Tevxeteic/Peuketeis, Herodorus FGrH 31 F 29; TloidtxrovPoidikloi, Str. 6,3,1; 7; Poediculi, Plin. HN 3,38; 102; Steph. Byz. s.v. Xavddavy: TevxetatovPeuketaiot; Str. 6,3,8 considered the name to be Greek: he believes that it had probably been customary among the local population in ancient times but in his period it was obsolete). The P. settled in Apulia in a region that was partly mountainous (Str. 6,3,8) that essentially corresponds with the modern province of Bari, between Daunii (> Daunia) and > Messapii, close to > Taras (Tarentum) and the > Oenotri (Hecat. FGrH 1 F 89: Mevxetiavtec/Peuketiantes;

Antoninus

Liberalis

31,1f.). As early as the Augustan age, there were difficulties in distinguishing the ethnic groups in Apulia from one another (Str. 6,3,1; cf. also Ptol. 3,1, 15; Serv. Aen. 8,9; Plin. HN 3,99). > Barium (Bée.ov; Barion) and

> Gnathia

(Eyvatia; Egnatia) are mentioned

as

be one of the five Samnite dialects; likewise Callim. fr. to7 could possibly also refer to the Samnites when he describes the siege of Rome by the P. at an indeterminate time. + Peucetian vases NISSEN 1, 539-456; J. BERARD, La colonisation grecque,

T941, 413-416, 433-436; E. M. DE JuLus, Archeologia in Puglia, 1983; F. DDANpRIA, Puglia, 1980; Id., Messapie Peuceti, in: G. PUGLIESE CARRATELLI (ed.), Italia omnium terrarum alumna, 1988, 651-715.

S.D.V.

Peucini, Peuci (IMeuxivoi; Peukinoi). Important tribe of the > Bastarnae (Str. 7,3,17; Plin. HN 4,100: Peucini Bastarnae; occasionally even used to refer to the Bastarnae as a whole, cf. Tac. Germ. 46; name probably a foreign expression derived from — Peuce) in the north east of Dacia (> Daci), east of the Troglodytae in the Danube delta (Ptol. 3,10,9). They shared characteristics with the > Goti (lord. Get. 91 for AD 248), and took

part in the raid on the Aegean in AD 269, which Claudius [III 2] halted at > Naissus. L. ScHmipT,

Geschichte der deutschen Stamme, vol. 1,

21934, 217f. ("1900).

Ly.B.

Peucolaus (P. Dikaios kai Sétéer/‘the righteous one and deliverer’; Middle Indian Peukalaiisa). Indo-Greek King of Gandhara (- Gandaritis), beginning of rst cent. BC, known only from coins. BOPEARACHCHI, 106, 309.

K.K.

PEZ(H)ETAIROI

891

892

Pez(h)etairoi (metétaigot; pez(h)étairot). Pezhetairoi,

rea (Hom. Od. 6,5; 7,58). There are comprehensive

‘foot companions’, are first mentioned in Demosthenes

accounts of the P. in Hom. Od. books 6-8 and 13. The P. receive -» Odysseus as their guest after the king’s daughter > Nausicaa discovers him shipwrecked on the beach. They entertain him lavishly, listen attentively to his tales of his odyssey, and finally take him home on a magic ship, which, however, enrages > Poseidon so much that he turns their ship to stone and surrounds

(Demosth. Or. 2,17). In the Macedonian army the term pezhetairoi designated heavy infantry equipped with pikes (> sarissa) and small shields (> Shield), but not breastplates, which was the most important branch of the army. Although, according to Theopompus (FGrH t15 F 348), under Philip [4] II only the elite troops of the royal guard were so called, Alexander [4] the Great then gave the whole > phalanx this honorary title, if Anaximenes (FGrH 72 F 4), who ascribes the formation of the pezetairoi to a non-specific king Alexander, is correctly interpreted in this way. The soldiers of the guard were then called hypaspistat, later > argyraspides. Pezetairoi were recruited by region from the Macedonian peasantry and on Alexander’s campaign (Arr. an. 4,23,1) were divided into six taxeis (divisions) of about 1500 men. They also formed the most renowned part of the assemblage of the Macedonian army. In the Hellenistic period the expression disappears. 1 HM Bd. 2, 705-713.

L.B.

Phacusa (®dxovo(o)a/Phdkous(s)a and similar). Town

in the north-east of the Nile delta, modern Faqus. Its ancient Egyptian name is unknown. P. is not attested

until the Ptolemaic period. Str. 17,1,26 describes it probably incorrectly — as the departure point of a canal from the Nile to the Red Sea (— Ptolemais [4]). According to Ptol. Geog. 4,5,24, P. was the metropolis of the nome of Arabia. In the Christian period, P. was a diocesan town. Sr. TMM, Das christlich-koptische Agypten in arabischer Zeit, vol. 2, 1984, 923-926.

KJ.-W.

Phaea (®aid/Phaid, ‘the grey one’, Pata/Phaia according to Steph. Byz.). > Theseus kills a sow of supernatural strength near Krommyon (first mentioned in Bacchyl. 18(17), 23-25, then Diod. Sic. 4,59,4). Her name P. is only stated later (Plut. Theseus 9; Apollod. Epit. 1,1; Paus. 2,1,3). According to Plutarch, Ph. may originally have been a female robber vanquished by Theseus. According to Apollodorus, the sow is descended from > Echidna and Typhon (> Typhoeus) and is named after her wet nurse with the same name. Thus, on some Athenian red-figured vases of the 5th cent. BC., she is depicted together with an old woman [1. 140-142]. 1 E. SIMANTONI-BourRNIA, 139-142.

s.v.

Krommyo,

LIMC

6.1, Ty.

Phaeaces (®aiaxec/Phaiakes, Latin Phaeaces, the Phaeacians). Mythical seafaring people, ruled by King > Alcinous [1] (together with 12 other ‘kings’) and his wife > Arete [1]. The P. live on the island of > Scheria, to which they were led by > Nausithous [1] from Hype-

their city with a wall (Hom.

Od.

13,159ff.,

179ff.;

Apollod. Epit. 7,24). The P. are favourites of the gods, who formerly associated directly with them. They are blessed with rich property, and their banquets are cheered with poetry and music (+ Demodocus [1]) and sporting contests. Phaeacian women are noble and intelligent, and produce artistic handwork. The Phaeacian constitution has one High King, who lives in a splendid palace, and 12 sub-kings, who assemble with the people on the agora. Overall, the portrayal in the ‘Odyssey’ resembles an idealized, aristocratic Ionian state and its cultural life. With this are blended elements of folk-tale (cf. the animated magic ships, shrouded in mist and fog, which voyage everywhere at miraculous speed: Hom. Od. 8,556-566) and concepts of the afterlife (cf. the ‘grey men’, phaiékes, as ‘painless guides for everyman’: Hom. Od. 8,566; the P. come from Hyperea, the ‘Land of the Hereafter’: Hom. Od. 6,4). Acomparison with Sinbad’s seventh voyage also suggests that the Phaeacian episode of the ‘Odyssey’ corresponds, even in terms of its overall structure, to a standard folk-tale type in which the hero undergoes an ‘afterlife adventure’ (with Nausicaa, the king’s daughter, as his potential bride), consisting of a ‘transposition to human civilization’ [1.117] (> Folk-tales). Phaeacia was later trivialized into a ‘Cockaigne’ (Hor. Epist. 1,2,28ff.; 15,27). Figurative

art confined itself to a depiction of the singer Demodocus [2. 355f.]. Ovid’s friend > Tuticanus wrote a Phaeacis (Ov. Pont. 4,12,27f.; 4,16,27). 1 U. H6.tscHER, Die Odyssee. Epos zwischen Marchen und Roman,

1988

20. TOUCHEFEU-MEYNIER, s.v. Ph.,

UNI @ aes sist: E. Cook, Ferrymen of Elysium and the Homeric Phaeacians, in: Journal of Indo-European Studies 20, 1992, 239-267; B. LINCOLN, The Ferrymen of the Dead, Ibid. 8, 1980, 41-59; CH. SEGAL, The Phaeacians and the Symbolism of Odysseus’ Return, in: Arion 1,4, 1962, 17-63; F.G. Weicker, Die homerischen Phaaken und die Inseln der Seligen, in: Id., KS, vol. 2, 1845, 1-79; U. Von WILaMOWITZ-MOELLENDOREF,

Die Ilias und Homer,

497-505.

1916,

LK.

Phaeax (®aiak; Phaiax). [1] Mythical ancestor of the > Phaeaces, father of ~ Alcinous [1] and > Locrus [3] (Diod. Sic. 4,72,2; differenly: Hom. Od. 7,54ff.; > Nausithous [1]). [2] Mythical naval officer of + Theseus, together with

>» Nausithous [3] (Plut. Theseus 17). DEUBNER, 225.

L.K.

894

893 [3] Athenian, son of Eresistratus, Acharnian (Aeschin.

3,138; ostraka [3.78 no. 152]); from a prominent family and of about the same age as his political opponent > Alcibiades [3] (Plut. Alcibiades 13,1; Plut. Nicias 11,10). In 424 BC, active in ‘party politics’ (Ari-

stoph. Equ. 1377); legate to Sicily in 423/2 (Thuc. 5,4f.). Plutarch (Nicias 11,10) implicates P., not Nicias, in the > ostrakismos of > Hyperbolus. At that time he was derided as a gossip by > Eupolis in the Démoi (416 BC according to [4. 27]) (PCG fr. 116). Plutarch (Alcibiades 13,1) mentions a speech by P. against Alcibiades, which (according to [2]; cf. [1. 248f.]) is supposed to be identical with the speech [And.] 4. 1 J. CARCOPINO, Histoire de |’ostracisme athénien, 1909 2 A.E. RauBITSCHEK, The Case against Alcibiades (Andocides IV), in: TAPhA 79, 1948, 191-210 3 R. THOMSEN,

Origin of Ostracism, 1972

DAVIES, 13921; DEVELIN, 137.

K.KI.

[4] Leading engineer in the construction of underground drainage channels in > Acragas, which were built with the help of Carthaginian prisoners of war (from the battle of > Himera, 480 BC) and were named Paiaxec/Phaiakes after him (Diod. 11,25,4). These constructions survive in part [1.83f.]. 1 W. DEECKE, Was lehrt uns das Pliozan von Agrigent ..., in: Zschr. der Dt. Geolog. Ges. 85, 1933, 81-92. — C.HU.

Phaedimus (®aidwwoc/Phaidimos, ‘Radiant One’). [1] One of the sons of >Amphion [1] and > Niobe shot by > Apollo (Apollod. 3,45; Ov. Met. 6,239; Hyg. Fab. 11; Lact. ad Stat. Theb. 3,191-193; Mythographi Vaticani 1,156). [2] King of the Sidonians who hospitably received ~ Menelaus [1] on his wanderings during his return from Troy; P. presented him with a cup made by > Hephaestus (Hom. Od. 4,617-619; 15,117-119). [3] P., descended from > Pentheus, was one of the 50 Thebans who lay an ambush for — Tydeus [1] on his return from Thebes as a messenger from — Polyneices; all — with the exception of their leader -» Maeon [1] — were killed by Tydeus (Stat. Theb. 2,575ff.; 3,171f.). [4] Son of the Spartan Iasus, one of the first who fell, by the hands of Amyntas, in the campaign of the > Seven against Thebes (Stat. Theb. 8,43 8ff.). [5] Name of an Athenian youth who lead, or concluded, the victory dance after the slaying of the Minotaur (Francois-Vase, Florence, AM

4209).

CA.BL [6] Sculptor, active in Attica. P.’s are some of the earliest

surviving signatures on bases from the middle of the 6th cent. BC. The feet of his funerary statue for Phile survive. Two further bases once bore stelae for a youth and a pair of siblings. G.M.A.

RicuTer,

ABSA 57, 1962, 118, no. 2, 137, NO. 44, 139-140, no. 48; G. Foco.rarl, s.v. Ph., EAA 6, 1965, 111; RICHTER,

Korai, 58-59, no. 91, pl. 284-285; W. DEYHLE, Meisterfragen der archaischen Plastik Attikas, in: MDAI(A) 84, 1969, 46-64; FUCHS/FLOREN, 266, 299. R.N.

[7] Elegist, from Bisanthe in Thrace or, according to others, from Amastri (Steph. Byz. s.v. Buoav0n), Main

period of creativity in the second half of the 3rd cent. BC. Author of a “HoaxAeia (Hérakleia) of which Ath. 11,498e cites one hexameter (= fr. 214 Kinkel). P. also composed epigrams; four are preserved in the Anthologia Palatina ({1] ll. 2901-2926). Meleager Anth. Pal. 4,1,51 compares him with a ‘wallflower’ (A0§; phlox). 1 GA 1.2, 452-457.

M.D.MA.

41.C. Srorey, Dating and

Re-Dating Eupolis, in: Phoenix 44, 1990, 1-30.

(+ Minotaurus)

PHAEDRA

The Archaic

Gravestones

of Attica,

1961, 24-25, 156-158, no. 34-35, pl. 200-202; L. H.JEFFERY, The Inscribed Gravestones

of Archaic Attica, in:

Phaedo (®aidwv; Phaidon) from Elis, b. 418/416 BC, date of death unknown. Title character of the Platonic dialogue Phaidon. P. is believed to have been taken prisoner when the city of Elis was conquered, sold as a slave to Athens and forced to work in a brothel. After meeting — Socrates, the philosopher apparently had one of his pupils buy P.’s freedom, and from then on P. devoted himself to philosophy (Diog. Laert. 2,31; 2,105 et passim). P. wrote two dialogues, titled Zopyros and Simon. It is probably true that the story of Socrates’ meeting with the magician + Zopyrus, who was well versed in + physiognomy, was derived from the first one, an account that has been passed down by numerous sources. It tells of how Zopyrus came to Athens and offered to describe the character of anyone he met, based on his outward appearance. He was introduced to Socrates and described him as dull and licentious, at which there was a great deal of laughter from those present. Socrates, however, consoled Zopyrus, assuring him that he did indeed have those qualities by nature, but that he had overcome them with the help of insight and discipline (Cic. Fat. 10; Cic. Tusc. 4,80 et passim). The title character of Simon is believed to have been the philosophizing cobbler > Simon, who is reported in Diog. Laert. 2,122 to have written down the conversations Socrates held with him in his workshop, which provided the source for his ‘Cobbler’s dialogues’. Two fragments from P.’s dialogues are recounted in Theon, Progymnasmata 3 p. 75,1-2 and Sen. Epist. 94,41 (in Latin translation). + Elis and Eretria, School of EprTIon: SSR III A. SECONDARY LITERATURE: 238-241.

K. DOrING, P., GGPh?

2/1, K.D.

Phaedra (®aidoa/Phaidra, Latin Phaedra). Daughter of + Minos and > Pasiphae, second spouse of > Theseus, mother of > Demophon [2] and -» Acamas. P. loves her stepson ~ Hippolytus [1]. She tries in vain to seduce him and accuses him of having raped her. The-

PHAEDRA

896

895

seus asks > Poseidon to destroy Hippolytus. The god sends a bull from the sea, which gives such a fright to Hippolytus’ horse-team, that he is killed in the accident. P. commits suicide when her love for Hippolytus becomes public (Ps.-Apollod. epit. 1,17; cf. Paus. 1,22,2; Plut. Theseus 28; Diod. Sic. 4,62). P. is mentioned among the women encountered by -> Odysseus in the Underworld (Hom. Od. 11,32). The oldest literary treatments of the myth about her love for Hippolytus are three tragedies of the 5th cent. BC: Soph. P., Eur. Hippolytos Kalyptomenos, Eur. Hippolytos Stephanéphoros (= Eur. Hipp.). Only Eur. Hipp. survives (performed in 428 BC). Critical remarks about the ‘immoral’ portrayal of Euripides’ P. (Aristoph. Ran. 1043f.; Aristoph. Thesm. 497; 5473 550) as well as the way her character has been dealt with in Ov. Epist. 4 and Sen. Phaedr. (see below) lead to the assumption that P.’s attempt to seduce in the Hippolytos Kalypt6menos was performed on stage (different from [1]). The content of Soph. P. cannot be reconstructed [2. 54-68]. In Eur. Hipp., P. and Hippolytus are victims of > Aphrodite, who wants to punish Hippolytus for his partiality to > Artemis and his rejection of heterosexuality (cf. [3]). Against P.’s will, her maidservant reveals P.’s passion to Hippolytus, whereupon she commits suicide, after accusing her stepson in a letter. The dying Hippolytus is reconciled with Theseus after Artemis discloses the truth in her role as dea ex machina. All later works are based on the different versions of the Attic tragedies. Based on the widespread motif of Potiphar (Gn 39), the story is probably a local myth from Troezen, which became part of the Attic myth of Theseus in the 6th cent BC [4. 6-10]. Hippolytus was ritually worshipped in Troezen and Athens (— Hippolytus [1]). According to Eur. Hipp. 28-30, P. builds a temple of Aphrodite epi Hippolytoi (‘near Hippolytus’) on the southern side of the Athenian Acropolis [5; 6] (Asclepiades FGrH 12 F 28; cf. Paus. 2,32,3). P.’s tomb was shown in Troezen (Rausn2.30nats)) Roman adaptations ofthis subject matter are mainly based on the Greek tragedies as well. Ov. Fast. 6,737 (cf. Ov. Met. 15,497-529) as well as numerous other allusions (eg. Verg. Aen. 6,445; 7,761-782; Hor. Carm. 4,7,25f.) are proof that the motif was widely known. Oy. Epist. 4 is addressed to Hippolytus by P.: P. appears helpless before the power of love, while Hippolytus is the aloof, hopelessly wooed lover [7. 111-117]. In Latin love elegy, P. represents threatened faithful love [7. 111] (eg. Prop. 2,1,51f.). Seneca’s Phaedra, based on the Greek models of Euripides and Sophocles, became the most influential work for further reception till the present time [2]. Seneca’s P. confesses of her own accord her love to Hippolytus, is rejected and slanders him; at the sight of his dead body, she confesses the truth and commits suicide. The most famous work of the early modern period on this theme is RACINE’s ‘Phédre’ (1677). For other modern works cf. [8].

1 H.M. Roisman, The Veiled Hippolytus and Phaedra, in: Hermes

127, 1999, 397-409

2 O. ZWIERLEIN, Senecas

Phaedra und ihre Vorbilder, 1987 3 F.1. Zerriin, The Power of Aphrodite, in: Ead. (ed.), Playing the Other, 1996, 219-284

1964

4 W.S. BarreTT, Euripides: Hippolytos,

5 W. BurKERT, Structure and History in Greek

Mythology and Ritual, 1979, r11-118

6 V. PIRENNE-

DetrorGce, L’Aphrodite grecque, 1994, 40-46 7 F. SpotH, Ovids Heroides als Elegien, 1992 8 FRENZEL, 638-642. P. GHIRON-BISTAGNE, Phédre ou l’amour interdit, in: Klio

64, 1982, 29-49; H. HERTER, P. in griechischer und romischer Gestalt, in: RhM 114, 1971, 44-77; N.S. RABINO-

witz, Female Speech and Female Sexuality: Euripides’ Hippolytos as Model, in: M. SKINNER Creusa

(Helios N.S.

13), 1985,

(ed.), Rescuing

127-140;

CH.

SEGAL,

Language and Desire in Senecas Phaedra, 1986; H.J. TsCHIEDEL, Phaedra und Hippolytus: Variationen eines tragischen Konflikts, 1969; C. ZiInTzEN, Hypomnema zu Senecas Phaedra, 1960.

Analytisches K.WA,

Phaedrus I. GREEK

II. ROMAN

I. GREEK (BatSooc; Phaidros). {I 1] Son of Pythocles, from the Attic deme of Myrrhinus, born probably c. 450 BC. Accused of participation in the profanation of the Eleusinian > Mysteria and the mutilatation of the herms, P. went into exile in 415 BC. His property was confiscated (And. 1,15; ML 79,112115). By 404 BC at the latest, he had returned to Athens; he subsequently married a cousin (Lys. 19,15). Died before 3.93. Participant in the meeting in > Plato’s Protagoras (315¢), interlocutor of Socrates in Plato’s Phaedrus and first speaker in his Symposium (178a18o0b); title character in a comedy by > Alexis (PCG II Alexis 247 und 248). 1 Davies, 201.

K.D.

[12] Son of + Callias from the deme of Sphettus; as > stratégos, he argued in 347/6 BC in favour of renewing the Mytilinean — symmachia with Athens [1. 168]; in legal proceedings against Timarchus in 345, he testified as a witness (Aesch. In Tim. 43; 50); he wasa guarantor for the ships provided to the Chalcidians and strategos again a in 33 5/4 or 334/3 (IG II* 1623,239f.),

and in 323/2 he served as trierarch and strategos during the campaign against Styra on Euboea (Str. 10,1,6; IG II* 1632¢, 329 and 342). 1 Top.

DAVIES, 524-528; DEVELIN, 2306; PA 13964.

[13] Son of Thymochares from the deme of Sphettus, died after 258 BC, came from a wealthy Athenian family of mining tenants and rhetors, was twice stratégos epi ten paraskeuen (‘for equipment’) under > Lachares [1], then several times stratég6s epi ten choran (‘for the defence of the country’) and epi tots xénous (‘for

897

898

the mercenaries’). In 287 he was involved in the overthrow of the Athenian garrison of Demetrius [I 2]

Epilogue 12ff.). Book 3 was written during his trial (3, Epilogue 22ff.), probably at the time of Seianus’ fall (AD 31); in that book P. asked Eutychus, to whom it was addressed, to intercede on his behalf (with the emperor?) as promised (3, Epilogue 8ff.). The persons to whom books 4 (Particulo, cf. Prologue rff.) and 5 (Philetus, Greek and probably, like Eutychus, a freedman) were addressed are unknown; P. wrote those books, which were not originally planned, in his old age (5, 10,10). He probably died around the middle of the rst cent.

Poliorketes;

he was

rewarded

with

his election

as

hoplite strategos in the restored democracy. P. obtained subsidies for Athens from > Ptolemaeus I, was an agonothete and undertook several — liturgies (on his career, cf. IG II* 682). — Athens [1] III 1x HAaABICHT, 1o2f., 158f.; T.L. SHEAR, Kallias of Sphettos and the Revolt of Athens in 286 B.C., 1978. JE.

{1 4] Epicurean philosopher, member of a well respected Athenian family; born c. 138, died in 70 BC; documented as an éphébos (young man) in r19/8. In 94 BC P. was in Athens, but left the city before 88, during the political dominance of Athenion. He then lived in Rome, where he became acquainted with Cicero, Atticus, L. and App. Saufeius. He returned to Athens after the city was conquered by Sulla. At an advanced age he took over the leadership of the > Epicurean School in Athens, succeeding > Zeno [10] of Sidon. The two men were of nearly the same age and were both active in Athens, but it is certain that they were consecutive heads of the school (regarding P., cf. Phlegon ofTralleis FGrH 257 F 12 § 8). Whether Cicero used P.’ work On the gods in the first volume of his De natura deorum (Cic. Att. £3,39), is uncertain [2; 3]. 1 T. Doranpi, Lucréce et les Epicuriens de Campanie, in: kK. Atcra

et al., Lucretius

and His Intellectual

Back-

ground, 1997, 35-48 2D. Oppink, Philodemus »On Piety«, vol. 1, 1996, 22,96 3 K.SUMMERSs, The Books of Phaedrus Requested by Cicero (Att. 13,39), in: CQ 47, 1997,

309-311.

TD:

Il. ROMAN [II 1] (probably C. Julius P. or Phaeder). The first Latin fabulist, lived during the early Imperial period. I. Lire

IJ. Fasues

II]. INFLUENCE

IV. TRANSMISSION

I. LiFe The main sources documenting his biography and his poetic program are the prologues and epilogues to his five books, particularly the prologue to book 3. The autobiographical allusions hidden in the various fables (cf. 3,1,7), particularly from book 3 on, can rarely be precisely identified (the last, fanciful attempt: [15. 7off.]). P., born around 15 BC in Macedonia, perhaps in Pydna (3, Prologue 17ff.), came to Rome as a slave and was freed by > Augustus. At court, his duties were probably of a pedagogical nature, cf. 3,10 (under Augustus) and 2,5 (under Tiberius, during whose reign book 1 was published). It appears that envious competitors (2, Epilogue 15ff.; 4, Epilogue 3 rff.), interpreting the moral of certain fables as criticism of the regime, denounced P. to > Aelius [II 19] Seianus (3, Prologue 4off.). P. attempted to bring his case before the emperor by sending him book 2, which he had just completed (2,

PHAEDRUS

Il. FABLES P.’ goal was to create a new literary genre with his metric fables (on their meter, see below) from the col-

lections of exempla that circulated as a repertoire for rhetorical and philosophical arguments (cf. 2, Prologue rff.). The audience’s pleasure in reading was enhanced by the diversity of the subject matter: In addition to the large number of animal fables, there were other genres such as historical > anecdotes (5,7; App. 10), myths

(e.g. 3,17), droll stories (App. 15, the widow of Ephesus), allegories (App. 7), the apophthegms of > Aesop etc. In addition to the Hellenistic tradition, P. probably used the collection of Aesop’s fables compiled by + Demetrius [4] of Phalerum (cf. [16; 19]), the oldest Latin prose version of Aesop attested. His increasing independence of the text corpus by ‘Aesop’ and a corresponding degree of self-confidence were reflected in the steadily declining number of motifs from Aesop (except for book 4), as well as in programmatic statements (cf. 1, Prologue; 2, Prologue 8ff.; 3, Prologue 38f.; 4, Prologue 12f. and 2, Epilogue 7: aemulatio). The name of his initial model ultimately became a liability and an onerous convention (4,225 5, Prologue). When using Aesopian models, P. sometimes simply adopted them, sometimes altered their slant, and sometimes added invented fables or stories from other sources. The moralistic, rather than political ([22], but cf. [20; 25]), tendency expressed in the promythia and in the increasingly common epimythia (the introductory and summarizing comments) tends to resemble generalizing criticism in the manner of the Cynic-Stoic > diatribe (3, Prologue 49f.), which is quite compatible with individual motifs (3, Prologue 34ff.). > Brevitas (brevity) was throughout regarded by P. as a mandatory feature of the fable genre (2, Prologue 12; 3, Epilogue 8; 4, Epilogue 7); his stylistic ideal (cf. [18; 21]) was the educated colloquial speech of the sermo. The metre that he used was accordingly not the trimetre of tragedy, but the senarius of comedy (— Metre VI.C.3.). In terms of both content and form, P.’ fables are most closely related to — satire, particularly that of > Horatius [7], which regularly included a fable as an exemplum; the objective of both is to tell the truth with a laugh (1, Prologue 3ff.).

PHAEDRUS

899

Ill. INFLUENCE During his lifetime, P. was already subjected to a wide variety of criticism (2, Epilogue 19; 3, Prologue 60; 4, Prologue 15f.; 5, Prologue 8f.); in addition to the understandable aversion of those directly concerned (App. 2), the poet also met with a lack of enthusiasm on

the part of his fellow writers (3, Prologue 23, cf. also App. 14), who especially appear to have rejected his style (4,7) and his cryptic brevitas (3,10,59f.). Overall,

P. complained of a lack of understanding and appreciation (3,12); that he remained poor is repeatedly (by way

of topos?) emphasized (3, Prologue 21; 5,4). P. compensated for these disappointments by pinning his hopes on posthumous fame (3, Prologue 31f., 51rff.; 4, Prologue 19, Epilogue 5), which, however, he was not to meet with for quite some time: Of the writers of the next generations, Seneca and Quintilian consciously ignore him [15. 187ff.]. Only > Martialis [1] mentions him (3,20,5) and makes use of his work, as did > Avianus in Late Antiquity. A late ancient prose paraphrase under the name of Aesop laid the groundwork for a wider mediaeval fable tradition; the influence of the direct tradition [29; 31; 34] remained marginal, consisting in the few Carolingian manuscripts, which also go back to an anthology from late antiquity, and the selection compiled by N. Perotti (15th cent.; [30]). Not until the editio princeps || were P.’ works truly received and his position as a classic European fabulist secured. IV. TRANSMISSION Since it has only been preserved in scholastic treatments and excerpts, the transmission is fragmentary and complicated; originally, the 5 books should have contained a total of 160-170 fables (cf. [34]): a) The prose paraphrase from Late Antiquity (80 fables, of which 30 are not documented elsewhere) is based on a more complete copy. Gud. Lat. 148 (roth cent.) comes closest to the original form (5 books, identical sequence), while the so-called ‘Romulus’ (4 books) re-

arranges, reformulates and at the end adds fables from another collection (pace [8], but cf. [9]). b) The humanist N. PErotri, who included in his anthology of fables (Autograph Neap. IV.F.58) approximately 60 pieces, among them about 30 new ones (Appendix Perottina = App.), had available to him a copy beginning with 2,6. c) The direct, shortened tradition, represented

in particular by New York, Pierp. Morg. M.A. 906 (9th cent.) and the Fr. Vat. Reg. Lat. 1616 (9th cent.; related to this is the collection of the monk Ademar, cf. [28; 31. 37ff.; 32]), offers 94 fables. + Aesop; ~ Fable; > FABLE EDITIONS:

1 PH. PITHOEUS, 1596 (editio princeps)

2L.

MULLER, 1877 3 L. Hervieux, Les fabulistes latins, vol. 1-2, *1893-94 (with paraphrases) 4L. Havet, 1895 5 B.E. Perry (with Babrius), 1965, LX XIII-CIl, 189-417 (with English translation) 6 A. GUAGLIANONE, 1969 7 E. OBERG, 1996 (with German translation). Paraphrases also contained in: 8 G. THIELE (ed.), Der lateinische Asop

des Romulus und die Prosa-Fassungen des P., r910 ZANDER, P. solutus, 1921.

9 C.

900 LEXICON:

10 C.A. CREMONA,

1980.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL REFERENCE: see [24], 55f. 11 R. W. Lamp, Annales Phaedriani, 1998. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 12 G. THIELE, P.-Studien, in: Hermes

41, 1906, 562-592; 43, 1908, 337-3723 46, I9TI, 376— 392 13 O. WerinreicH, Fabel, Aretalogie, Novelle (SHAW 1930), 1931 14 A. Hausratu, Zur Arbeitsweise des P., in: Hermes 71, 1936, 70-103 15 A. DE LORENZI, Fedro, 1955 16 B.E. Perry, Demetrius of Phalerum and

the Aesopic Fables, in: TAPhA 93, 1962, 287-346 17M. N6yGaarD, La fable antique, vol. 2, 1967, 15-188 18 T. C. CRAVEN, Studies in the Style of P., Diss. Hamilton (Ontario) 1973 19G. Pist, Fedro traduttore di Esopo, 1977. 20J. Curisres, Reflexe erlebter Unfreiheit, in: Hermes 107, 1979, 208-220

21 M. Massaro, Variatio e

sinonimia in Fedro, in: Invigilata lucernis 1, 1979, 89-142 22 P.L. ScHMIDT, Politisches Argument und moralischer Appell, in: Deutschunterricht 31, 1979.6, 74-88 23H. MacL. Currie, P. the Fabulist, in: ANRW

II 32.1, 1984,

497-513 24.N. HouzperG, Die antike Fabel, 1993, 4356 25 W.M. Boomer, Latinity and Literary Society at Rome, 1997, 73-109, 261-272

26E. OBERG, P.-Kom-

mentar, 2000 27 F. RODRIGUEZ ADRADOS, History of the Graeco-Latin Fable, vol. 1, 1999, 102-128; vol. 2, 2000,

121-174. TRADITION AND RECEPTION:

28 F. BERTINI, Il monaco

Ademaro e la sua raccolta di favole fedriane, 1975 29 A. ONNERFORS, Textkritisches ... zu P., in: Hermes 115, 1987, 429-453 30S. BOLDRINI, Fedro e Perotti, 1988 31 Id., Note sulle tradizione manoscritta di Fedro, 1990 32 Id., Il codice fedriano modello di Ademaro, in: S. PRETE (ed.), Memores tui. Festschrift M. Vitaletti, 1990, 11-19 33 F. BERTINI, Interpreti medievali di Fedro, 1998 34 J.

HENDERSON, P.’ Fables: The Original Corpus, in: Mnemosyne 52, 1999, 308-329

35 N. HouzBere, P. in der

Literaturkritik seit Lessing, in: Anregung 37, 1991, 226242 36 A. Fritscu, P. als Schulautor, in: Latein und Griechisch in Berlin 29, 1985, 34-69; 32, 1988, 126-146; 34, 1990, 218-240.

P.LS.

Phaenarete (Paivagétm; Phainaréte). Mother of Patrocles from her first marriage, to Chaeredemus (PI. Euthyd. 297e) and of > Socrates from her second mar-

riage, to > Sophroniscus. In Pl. Tht. 148e-15 1d, Socrates explains that his mother was a midwife, and he equates his deeds with hers. It is not impossible that Plato invented the profession of P. for the sake of this metaphor, after which it became included as a ‘fact’ into the Socrates legend. > Maieutic method A. RAUBITSCHEK, s.v. P. (2), RE 19, 1562f.

K.D.

Phaeneas (®oauvéas; Phainéas) from Arsinoe. Strategos of the Aetolian League in 198/7 and 192/1 BC (> Aeto-

lians, with map), who in vain presented to T. > Quinetius Flamininus in the second of the -» Macedonian Wars Aetolian demands against > Philippus [7] V (in 198: Pol. 18,2,6; 4,3; Liv. 32,32,113 33,8; 34,2-3; in

197: Pol. 18,37,11f.; 38,3-7) and later in the escalating conflict with the Romans firmly represented a moderate position (in 192: Liv. 35,4,413 35,45,2-5) [1. 73-75,

902

901

102]. As strategos he completed with M’. > Acilius [I 10] Glabrio (who later confiscated a piece of land belonging to P. in Delphi, Syll.3 610,8) the > deditio of the Aetoliin 191, but it did not take effect (Pol. 20,9-10; Liv. 36,28) [1. 99-101; 2. 276-281]. Further efforts at peace, e.g. by T. Quinctius at Naupactus (in 191: Liv. 36,3 5,3—6) and an attempt by P. to travel to Rome (Pol. 21,26,7-19) led to success only in 189/8 with P. and — Nicander’s [2] mission in Rome (Pol. 21,29; Liv. 38,8,1-10,14).

1 J. DEININGER, Der politische Widerstand gegen Rom in Griechenland, 1971 2 A.M. EcxsTeIN, Glabrio and the Aetolians, in: TAPhA 125, 1995, 271-289. L.-M.G.

PHAENNUS 1 H.B. GorrscHaLk, Did Theophrastus Write A Categories, in: Philologus 131, 1987, 245-253.

WenRLI, Schule 9, 9-43; F. WEHRLI, in: GGPh* 3, 552Dae

H.G.

Phaenippus (®atvinxoc; Phainippos). [1] The country estate of P., son of Callippus, is descri-

bed in an Attic court speech around 320 BC (Ps.-Dem. Or. 42). In the > antidosis proceedings the plaintiff demands that P. should be placed on the list of the three hundred richest Athenian citizens, who bore the heaviest burden of the financial cost of — liturgies (ibidem 42,3f.), instead of himself.

Phaenias

(®awwiac; Phainias) of Eresus (on Lesbos),

Peripatetic philosopher (> Peripatos). The spelling of the name is documented in inscriptions on Lesbos and is to be preferred to the common Greek Phanias (®aviac;

Phanias). P. was a pupil of > Aristotle [6] and a friend of + Theophrastus. He is generally believed to have lived approx. 375-300 BC; tradition indicates only that he was alive during the rr1th Olympiad (= 336/333 BC), at the time of Alexander the Great and thereafter.

He corresponded with Theophrastus, and the only remaining fragment of those letters (fr. 4) indicates that Theophrastus was at that time an old man. P. and Theophrastus are said to have joined together to overthrow the tyrant of their homeland (fr. 7). Writings: Only two titles indicate philosophical content, Iled¢ AwWdweov (‘Against Diodorus’, Diodoros [4] Cronus) and I[le0¢ tovs

probably codtotic

(‘Against the Sophists’, frr. 9-10); there is very little documentation of the titles of logical works that are included in fr. 8 [1], and Teel tv Dwxeatixdv (‘About the Socratics’, frr. 30-31) appears to have been purely biographical. P.’s work on plants (Iegi ut@v) was probably geared more toward a popular audience than that of Theophrastus as well as toward practical uses of plants, but that may simply be a presumption based on the selection of certain preserved quotations (all of them in Athenaeus [3]) (frr. 36-50). Most fragments of his work are from historical writings of an ethical and characterological nature in which he makes his own political views clear. Two works deal with the rule of tyrants, with one of them, Tvodvvov dvaioeots éx turweias (‘The elimination of the tyrants through revenge, frr. 14-16), taking as its starting point a comment by Aristotle (Aristot. Pol. 1311a 32ff.). He appears to have been particularly interested

in a complicated persona like > Themistocles (frr. 2328), whose portrayal gave him the opportunity to include a variety of anecdotes, of widely varying merit. In addition, two fragments (32-33) of a work entitled Tlegi soutav (‘On poets’) and two paradoxographical reports (frr. 34-3 5) have been preserved. The latter, like fr. 17, may have been part of the historical works; we need not conclude that P. published a separate paradoxographical collection. » Aristotelianism

P.” property was unusual for two reasons: on the one hand, P. was the only heir of his father and, at the same time, of his grandfather on his mother’s side; on the other hand, both estates are said to have constituted a

single combined estate, which is described as toyatid (eschatid, ‘boundary estate’). The speaker claims that the perimeter of these estates amounts to 40 stadia (c. 7.2 km) and that on the property over 1000 médimnoi (c. 33 t) of barley, 800 metrétai of wine (c. 31,000 l), besides firewood (> Fuel) in larger quantities had been produced for sale; furthermore it is said to have provided pasture for horses. The speaker is obviously exaggerating; it can be assumed that P.’ country estate was not much bigger than other large estates in Attica. Only a few donkey drivers are mentioned among the workforce. At the time of the court case P. tried to sell as much barley as possible in order to profit from the extremely high prices. P. presumably used to sell the largest part of the produce grown on the estate in order to obtain an income from his lands. ~ Latifundia 1J.K. Davies, Athenian Propertied Families 600-300 B.C., 1971, no. 14734. 2 R. OsBorneE, Pride and Prejudice, Sense and Subsistence, in: J. RicH, A. WALLACEHapri_t (eds.), City and Country in the Ancient World,

1991, 119-145 3G.E.M. DE STE. Crorx, The Estate of Phaenippus, in: Ancient Society and Institutions. Studies Presented to Victor Ehrenberg, 1966, 109-114.

[2] Third-century BC tragedian who is documented on an inscription found in Ptolemais (Egypt) (TIrGF I 114). BZ. Phaennus (®éevvoc; Phdennos). Epigrammatic poet of the ‘Garland’ of > Meleager [8] (Anth. Pal. 4,1,29f.),

probably 3rd cent. BC. Preserved are one funerary epigram for the Spartan Leonidas [1] who fell at Thermopylae (Anth. Pal. 7,437; belongs to the Laconophile school of Hellenistic epigrammatic poetry, cf. > Epigram 1 E), and another for a cricket buried by its owner (7,197); although the subject is a topos (cf. 7,189; 190; 1923 198; 364), this poem seems to depend on > Mnasalces (Anth. Pal. 7,194). GA I 1, 159; 2, 457f.; G. HERRLINGER, Totenklage um Tiere in der antiken Dichtung, 1930, Nr. 13 und S. 63.

M.G.A.

PHAENOPS

Phaenops (®aivow; Phainops). [1] — Hector’s friend and guest from > Abydus [1]. » Apollo appears before Hector in the guise of P. (Hom. Il. 17,583). [2] Father of > Xanthus and > Thoon who are killed outside Troy (Hom. Il. 5,152#f.). [3] Father of the Phrygian leader > Phorcys [2] who is killed outside Troy (Hom. Il. 17,3 12ff.). P. WaTHELET, Dictionnaire des Troyens de I’Iliade, 1988, Nr. 328-330. MA.ST.

Phaesana

(®atodva; Phaisdna). Town on the river Alpheus (Pind. Ol. 6,34f.) in the district of Pisatis (Istrus FGrH 334 F 41; Didymus, schol. Pind. Ol. 6, 55a); Phaesana is possibly identifiable as > Phrixa. F, CaRINCI, s.v. Elide, EAA 2. Suppl. 2, 1994, 450.

‘Y.L.

Phaestus (®ototoc; Phaistos). [1] Mythical king of Sicyon, son Rhopalus the son of > Heracles [1]; establishes divine worship of Heracles; because of an oracle emigrates to Crete, where the city of P. [4] is named after him (Paus. 2,6,6f.). [2] Ally of the Trojans in the Trojan War, son of Borus

from Tarne in Lydia, killed by > Idomeneus [1] (Hom. Il. 5,43). re [3] Hellenistic epic poet, mentioned twice in the scholia on Pindar and in an anonymous treatise on metrics. Author of the Makedonika (correct form of the title, also transmitted as Lakedaimonika). A verse on the Libyan oracle of > Amun (sought by Alexander [4]?) survives. 1SH 670 4M.

904

903

2CollAlex 28

3 FGrH 593 IIb Komm., 365

Fantuzzi, in: K. ZIEGLER

1988, LXXIX-LXXX 1608f.

(ed.), L’epos ellenistico,

5 F. STOEssL, s.v. P. (5), RE 19, S.FO.

[4] (Patotoc; Phaistos). The town of P. lies on one of the hills forming the western boundary of the broad Geropotamos valley, the fertile plain of Mesara, a short distance from the mouth of the longest river in Crete. This favourable position was probably the prerequisite for a late Neolithic settlement. P. remained until c. 700 BC the chief town of the settlement area, which provided favourable soil and climatic conditions for agriculture as well as ore deposits in the surrounding mountains. Near P. were also the most favourable harbours of the southern coast of Crete. As early as the early Bronze Age there developed under these conditions a centre of Minoan palace culture, which has been well documented since 1900 by the painstaking excavations and restorations of Italian archaeologists. It is only in P. that in the southwestern area of the > palace the individual phases of construction, destruction and recon-

struction are preserved in such a way that the architectonic development and organisation can be recognised. This is helped with the local tradition of filling demolished buildings to a fixed level with debris and building anew on this firm foundation.

The latest rebuilding of the palace of P. is from the middle of the 16th cent. BC. The architecture follows the local tradition and in general the economic concept of Minoan central-plan buildings: grouped around the internal courtyard, fitting the topography, there are areas for storage, management and production, for daily life, for cultic and representational purposes. The last — e.g. with a unique portal — was the purpose of the court in the western part of the site. In the course of redevelopment the paved square here, its marked-out roads and a small sanctuary on the eastern wall of the old palace were also filled in and the level of the square was raised. By contrast, the internal courtyard of the predecessor building was incorporated into the new one, while the alignment of the new building around it was minimally altered. In contrast to the prior building the western facade was moved back towards the hill. This moving of the external front can also be observed in the several palace rebuildings caused by fire and earthquake. As the palace has not been entirely revealed, the outer boundaries express nothing about the capacity of the new palace. Historical conclusions e.g. on the decline of P.’s power by the time of the period of rebuilding cannot be proved by means of the architectonic finds. On the other hand it is evident that the administrative section in the northeast of the palace, the source both of the famous > Discus of Phaestus and of many middle-Minoan seal impressions, was no longer used in the late Minoan phase. As the buildings in the southeast have also slid down the steep hillside together with parts of the courtyard, the assignment of functions to areas is not certain.

The urban settlement of P. adjoins the gentle slope at the western court of the palace. There are further limited excavations ofthe settlement at Hagia Photini in the northeast and at Chalara in the south of the palace. Taking these random areas of the settlement as a basis gives an urban site surrounding the palace densely settled as in > Mallia. The settlement survived the destruction of its centre until the Geometric period (early rst millennium BC), individual houses and the temple of

~» Rhea on the southeastern spur of the palace hill are certainly of the subsequent period. The cultic centre in the cave of Kamares must be assigned to P. No necropolis corresponding to the significance of the palace and settlement over the ages has yet been found. Besides > Knossos in the north of central Crete, P. was the most significant centre of power in the south. This can be seen if only from Kamares ware for one thing, which was produced only in these two places. In the r4th cent. BC the palaces of P., Mallia and > Zakros were destroyed and not rebuilt: Knossos was politically prominent in the final phase of Minoan culture. After that > Gortyn ruled the plain of Mesara. + Aegaean Koine (with maps);

+ Minoan Minoan

culture

and

> Crete (with map);

archaeology;

> Religion,

906

905 A. pt Vira (ed.), Creta Antica: 100 anni di archeologia italiana, 1984; J. W.GRAHAM, The Palaces ofCrete, 1987; R. HAcc, N. Marinatos (eds.), The Function of the

Minoan Palaces, 1987; W. KAMM, Die Konstruktion des Neuen Palastes von P., 1989; D. Levi, The Recent Excavations at P., 1964; Id., Festos: Metodo e criteri di uno scavo archeologico, 1968; Id., Festds e la civilta minoica, vol. 1, 1976; vol. 2,1-2,2, 1981-1988; L. PERNteR, L. BantI, Il palazzo minoico di Fest6s, vol. 1, 1935; vol. 2,

1951.

GH.

Phaéthon (®aé0wv/Phaéthon, ‘the shining one’, participle of the Greek phainein). [1] Epithet of the sun god Helis (first in Hom. Od. 11,16, aside from the descriptive epithet already in Hom. Il. 11,735), which can also be used on its own to describe him in Roman (since Verg. Aen. 5,105) and Greek poetry of the Imperial period (Anth. Pal. 9,137,3; Nonnus, Dion., esp. 38,151f.). [2] Son of > Eos and > Cephalus [1], who is kidnapped by > Aphrodite and turned into a temple servant (Hes. Theog. 986-991; he carries a key as an iconographic accessory. On the other hand, according to Ps.-Apollod. 3,14,3, he is the son of > Tithonus and grandson of Eos and Cephalus as well as the great-grandfather of + Cinyras (probably to establish in legend Athens’ claim to Cyprus). It is difficult to establish a connection with P. [3] (different: [5]); equating him with the morning and evening star (Phosphorus, Hesperus) is equally problematical to sustain. [3] Son of Helius and — Clymene [1] the daughter of Oceanus (or of Rhode the daughter of Asopus: scholion Hom. Od. 17,208; Prote: Tzetz. Chil. 4,360-391; according to Hyg. Fab. 154 son of a Clymenus, grandson of Helius and Merope). His journey in the sun god’s chariot fails and threatens to set the earth on fire; Zeus strikes him down with a bolt of lightning, so that he plunges into the river Eridanus (mostly identified as the Po). His sisters, the Heliades, mourn for him by the banks of the river and are turned into trees whilst the sun lets their tears congeal into amber (Eur. Phaethon; Ov. Met. 1,750-2,400; Nonnus, Dion. 38,90-434). A connection between this myth, interpreted as a cosmic conflagration from an early stage (Pl. Ti. 22c-d), and celestial bodies plummeting from outer space must remain hypothetical. [4] Colchis epithet for > Apsyrtus [1]) (Timonax, Skythika FGrH 842 F 3; Apoll. Rhod. 3,245f.; 3,123 5f.; 4,224f.), as the chariot driver of his father > Aietes who was the son of Helius (P. [3] serves as a foil). 1F. Baratre, s.v. P. (1)-(3), LIMC

311-313

7.1, 350-3553

7.2,

2 J. BLomavist, The Fall of P. and the Kaalijarv

Meteorite Crater: Is There a Connection?, in: Eranos 92, 1994, 1-16 3 C. COLLARD, in: Id. et al. (ed.), Euripides,

Selected Fragmentary Plays, vol. 1, 1995, 195-239

4].

DicGLe (ed.), Euripides, P., 1970 (seminal) 5 M.L. West (ed.), Hesiod, Theogony, 1966, on verse 991. TH.

PHALANTHUS

Phaethusa see > Lampetia Phalaecus (®diatxoc; Phdlaikos). [1] Son

of > Onomarchus.

P., while

a minor,

was

deployed in 352 BC by his uncle > Phayllus [1] as fourth stratégos autokrator (‘general or executive with special powers of authority’) of the Phocians in the 3rd + Sacred War. Mnaseas [1] was appointed as his guardian but died as early as 3 51 (Diod. Sic. 16,38, 6f.). After an inconclusive series of battles against Thebes, P. was deposed in 347, apparently because of his opposition to the Phocians’ attempts to make peace (embezzlement of the Delphic temple funds was cited as the official reason : Diod. Sic. 16,56,3). A little while later P. conducted a coup and in 346 once again frustrated the Phocians’ exploratory peace talks in order to rescue himself and his marauding mercenaries from Philippus [4] Il at > Thermopylae (Diod. Sic. 16,59,2f.; Aeschin. 2,130; 132f.; Dem. Or. 19,58). He went to the Peloponnese and on to Tarentum, only to turn back because of a mutiny. Inc. 342 P. fell in battle during the siege of ~ Cydonia (Diod. Sic. 16,59,3; 61,3-63,4). J. Buckier, Philip Il and the Sacred War, 1989; J. MclINERNEY, The Folds of Parnassos, 1999. HA.BE.

[2] Epigrammatist, presumably from the Garland of Meleager [8], perhaps writing as early as the end of the 4th cent. BC. Five poems have been transmitted to us (on Anth. Pal. 6,165, cf. FGE 46-49). Only two of them are composed of elegiac distichs: Anth. Pal. 7,650 and epigram 1 G.-P. [1] (cf. Ath. 10,440d). In the others, P. demonstrates a typical early Hellenistic metrical diversity (he may perhaps also have been a lyric poet): in Anth. Pal. 13,6 (epitaph for a comic poet presumably to be identified as + Lycon [3] of Scarphia), he uses the hendecasyllable, referred to as the ‘Phalaecean’ (> Merrics) not because it was created by P. but presumably because of his frequent use of this metre. 1GATt, 160f.; 2, 458-464.

M.G.A.

Phalanna (f) ®dAavva; hé Phdlanna). City in Perrhaebia in Thessaly (> Perrhaebi) in a fertile area, scanty remains on the flat Magula Kastri, 3 km to the east of Tirnavos. Own coin minting in the 4th century BC (HN 305). P. provided + Delphi with > hieromnémones and treasurers several times. In 171 BC P. was a site of battles between Romans and Macedonians (Liv.

42554,63 65,1). R. SCHEER, s.v. Ph., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 532; B. LENK, s.v. Ph., RE 19, 1617-1620; F. STAHLIN, Das hellenische Thessalien, 1924, 30f.; KopeER/HILD, 269.

HE.KR.

Phalanthus (®ddavOocd/Phdlanthos; Lat. Phalant[h]us). Mythological founder of Taranto (> Taras; Antiochus of Syracuse FGrH 555 F 13; Ephorus FGrH 70 F216; Paus. 10,10,6—8 and elsewhere). According to Antiochus /.c., P. founded Taranto as a result of the

PHALANTHUS

907

instruction by the oracle of Delphi after an uprising by the Parthenians, led by him, against Sparta during the first Messenian War had failed; according to Ephorus l.c., the Spartans persuaded the Parthenians to emigrate. However, according to Paus. /.c., Taranto already existed. Apart from that, Paus. 10,13,3 reports that P.’s ship was wrecked off Italy and that he had been saved by a dolphin (cf. > Taras). P. became a cult figure in Taranto

(Just.

3,4,13-18)

and

Brindisi

(Str. 6,3,6).

LK. Phalanx (aayé; phdlanx). I. THE HOPLITE

PHALANX

II. THE MACEDONIAN

PHALANX

I. THE HOPLITE PHALANX

As early as in Homer the word phalanx is used to describe a battle-line or a lined-up army section (cf. e.g. Hom. Il. 11,214f.; 13,126f., cf. 16,215-217). Phalanx is used, like oti& (stix, ‘(battle-)rank’), almost always in

the plural, phalanges; after Homer the expression is not used again until Xenophon (Xen. An. 1,8,17; 6,5,27; Xen. Cyr. 1,6,43; Xen. Hell. 4,3,18; 6,5,18).

Today it is recognised that by the Homeric period (8th cent. BC) mass fighting was already decisive; the phalanx as a uniformly equipped and centrally led unit, however, seems to have developed into the standard battle formation of most Greek armies only in the rst half of the 7th cent. BC. It consisted of hoplites (— hoplitai), heavily armed foot soldiers. The earliest archaeological evidence for the phalanx is the Chigi Vase from around 640 BC [8. fig. 25; 26; VII with comm.] (- Chigi Painter). The phalanx was recruited from those citizens of a community that could afford to equip themselves; its context is therefore that of the developing > polis. The soldiers were arranged in close ranks so that they could provide each other protection; the depth regularly amounted to eight ranks. The weaknesses of the phalanx lay in its lack of protection for the flanks (cf. e.g. Thuc. 4,33ff.) and of mobility; furthermore it was effective only on level terrain. For these reasons the Persian > Mardonius [1] judged this kind of fighting foolhardy (Hdt. 7,9). In battle the armies marched at one another, with the Spartans intending to keep order with musical accompaniment (Thuc. 5,70); the enemy was supposed to be pushed aside by the force of the clash (@O.towdc, Othismos). If that was not successful the battle was decided by close combat with spears and swords (~ Weapons). Lightly armed soldiers attempted to confuse the enemy with long-distance weapons. Normally an army suffered the greatest losses only after it had been beaten into flight. Despite all the differences in weapon genres from the 4th cent. until the Hellenistic period, the phalanx remained the most important battle formation of Greek armies.

908

Il. THE MACEDONIAN PHALANX From the time of > Philippus [4] II onward

the Macedonians equipped their heavily-armed + pez(h)étairoi with the — sdrissa, a long spear, and only a light shield (Diod. Sic. 16,3,1f.). The Macedonian phalanx was arranged in sixteen ranks in such a way that the sarissas of the second, third, fourth and fifth ranks projected beyond the first rank; the soldiers of the rear ranks initially held their sarissas pointed upwards, but in attack gave the phalanx greater impact. If the ranks were arranged in such a way that the men were standing close to their neighbours, every soldier of an enemy army saw ten sarissas facing him (Pol. 18,29f.); at Pydna the phalanx still made a terrifying impression on L. Aemilius [I 32] Paullus (Pol. 29,17; Plut. Aemilius 19). The strategic weakness of the Macedonian phalanx consisted in its being able to develop its combat strength only on level terrain without natural obstacles, and the formation of the phalanx not being maintainable in prolonged fighting; for these reasons in the wars of the 2nd cent. BC —e.g. in the battle of Pydna — the Roman legions were clearly superior to the phalanx (Pol. 18,31f.; Plut. Aemilius

20; on the Roman

battle order cf. — legio). Alexander [4] the Great and his successors increasingly resorted for their phalanges to > mercenaries, who until the end of the 3rd cent. BC were usually of Graeco-Macedonian origin.

+ Armies; > Military technology and engineering 1S. Bar-Kocupa, The Seleucid Army, 1976, 54ff. 2M. DETIENNE,La phalange. Problémes et controverses, in: J.P. VeRNANT ancienne, 1968,

(ed.), Problémes 119-142

de la guerre en Gréce

3 V.D. HANson, The Western

Way of War. Infantry Battle in Classical Greece, 1989 4 J. Latacz, Kampfparanese, Kampfdarstellung und Kampfwirklichkeit in der Ilias, bei Kallinos und Tyrtaios, 1977 5R.D. LucGinBiLt, Othismos, the Importance of the Mass-Shove in Hoplite Warfare, in: Phoenix 48, 1994,

51-61 6 W.K. PrircHett, The Greek State at War, vol. 4, 1985, 1-93 7K. RaAaFLaus, Soldiers, Citizens and the Evolution of the Early Greek Polis, in: L.G. MITCHELL, P.J. Ruopes (ed.), The Development of the Polis in Archaic Greece, 1997, 49-59 8 E. Srmon, Die griechischen Vasen, 1976 9 A.SNopGrRass, Arms and Armour of the Greeks, 1999, 114-130 10H. vAN WeEs, The Homeric Way of War. The ‘Illiad’ and the Hoplite Phalanx, in: G&R 41, 1994, I-18, 131-155. L.B.

Phalara (t& ®ahaga; ta Phalara). Town of the Malieis, port serving Lamia [2] on the Malian Gulf, probably present-day Stilida. Destroyed by an earthquake in 426 BC (Str. 1,3,20); after its reconstruction, it was again an

important harbour town (cf. Str. 9,5,13). E. KirsTEN, s.v. P., RE 19, 1647; F. STAHLIN, Das hellenische Thessalien, 1924, 217f.; K. BRAUN, R. SCHEER, S.v.

P., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 533.

HE.KR.

Phalaris (®dAaots; Phalaris). Tyrant of > Acragas, son of Leodamas of Rhodes; ruled the city, which was foun-

ded c. 580 BC, from c. 570-555

BC. Aristotle (Pol.

909

910

5,10, 1310b 28) counts him among those tyrants who achieved power by virtue of their high official status (ek

which P. first held the office of a strategos with dictatorial powers (stratégos autokrator). According to Polya-

ings, residential buildings, cisterns, graves. The silting up of the harbour (currently 100 m inland) must be seen in conjunction with the tectonic rises, being generally significant for all of western Crete, possibly caused by the undersea earthquake of AD 365 [2. 159]. The current sea level near P. is c. 6,5 m below the level in anti-

enus, Strat. 5,1,1, on the other hand, P. seized power

quity

ton timon). Elsewhere (Aristot. Rh. 2,20,1393b 5-8), Aristotle cites a fable of > Stesichorus, according to

while treasurer during the building of the Temple of Zeus on the citadel, disarming the citizenry with the help of armed labourers. He ruled with the support of a mercenary army, expanding the territory of Acragas in the course of several military campaigns. He secured the city against the Sicani by fortifying the Ecnomon hill. He nurtured trading links, esp. with > Carthage. A conspiracy against him and his mother put an end to P. after 16 years of rule (Diod. Sic. 9,30). Scholarly tradition quickly depicted him as the archetypal fearsome tyrant. The story of the brazen bull in which he had his opponents roasted to death was already common knowledge by 476 BC (Pind. Pyth. 1, 95). We find him in Cicero’s rhetorical and political writings as an example in discussions of tyrants (Cic. Rep. 1,28,44; Cic. Off. PaviGsa Glew Ation7 sane 42.0.2) he= ClanuSa|G)| @ple= ce Phadlaris, by contrast, presents an attempt, not informed by historical events, at justification and praise. The fabricated collection of his correspondence became the object of early modern philological criticism (R. BENTLEY, 1699).

— Tyrannis H. BervE, Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen, 1967, 129-132,

593-595; T.J. DuNBAIN, The Western Greeks, 1948, 314325; N. Luracui, Tirannidi archaiche in Sicilia e Magna Grecia, 1994, 21-49.

BP.

Phalarium (®ahdevov; Phaldrion). Fortress (poovovov; phrourion) near > Gela in Sicily, probably the fortification complex discovered on Monte Desusino (429 m

high), founded in the 6th cent. BC by > Phalaris. Here Agathocles [2] was encamped in 311 BC in the battle against the Carthagians (Diod. Sic. 19,108,2). BICGI 7, 407f.; 10, 331-334.

GLF.

Phalasarna (ta Padcoaova; ta Phaldsarna). Port city in the NW of Crete (Str. 10,4,2; Plin. HN 4,59) with topographically striking, steep acropolis, present-day Koutri. Historical reports start with an alliance treaty concluded with the neighbouring polis > Polyrrhenia as a result of mediation by Sparta at the beginning of the 3rd cent. BC [1. no. 1, pp. 179-181]. At the behest of the Romans, P. regained its previously lost autonomy from > Cydonia (Pol. 22,15) in 184 BC. In 172 BC, P. together with Knossos supplied — Perseus [2] with 3,000 mercenaries against the Romans (Liv. 42,51,7). Based on the evidence of traces of settlement and other finds, P. was of only minor importance in Roman times. The archaeological remains are numerous : harbour (100 X75 m), extensive fortification walls, temples next to the harbour and on the acropolis, public build-

PHALEAS

1 A. Cuaniotis, Die Vertrage zwischen kretischen Poleis in der hellenistischen Zeit, 1996

2D. KELLETAT, Geolo-

gische Belege katastrophaler Erdkrustenbewegungen 365 AD

im Raum

ABEND

von

Kreta, in: E. OLSHAUSEN,

(eds.), Naturkatastrophen

H. SONN-

in der antiken

Welt

(Geographica Historica 10), 1998, 156-161.

F.J. Frost, E. Hapyipakt, Excavations at the Harbor of P. in Crete, in: Hesperia 59, 1990, 513-527; J. W. Myers et al., The Aerial Atlas of Ancient Crete, 1992, 244-247;

I. F. SANDERS, Roman Crete, 1982, 172, 181f.; R. SCHEER, s.v. P., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 533f.; T.A.B. SPRATT, Travels and Researches in Crete, vol. 2, 1865, 227-2353 D. Gonpicas, Recherches sur la -Créte occidentale, 1988, 85-141. H.SO.

Phalces (@dAxnc; Phadlkés). Heraclid (— Heraclidae), son of Temenus, brother of Cissus (— Ceisus: Paus. 2,19,1), Cerynes, Agaeus (other sons of Temenus

are

mentioned in Apollod. 2,179) and > Hyrnetho, father

of Rhegnidas (Paus. 2,13,1). Out of envy of Hyrnetho and her husband > Deiphontes, whom Temenus prefers to his sons, P. and his brothers (with the exception of the youngest: Agaeus) have their father attacked and killed while bathing (Nicolaus of Damascus FGrH go F 30; Diod.Sic. 7,13,1; Apollod. ibid. Paus. 2,19,1). Rule over Argos [II r] is transferred to Hyrnetho and Deiphontes (in another tradition — Paus. ibid. — the eldest son Cissus/Ceisus takes power). In the attempt to abduct his sister Hyrnetho in revenge, P. kills her (Paus. 2,28,3—6). P. and the Dorians conquer (or settle: Ephor. FGrH 70 F 18b; Scymn. 528) — Sicyon, he makes its former ruler, the Heraclid Lacestades, co-regent (Paus.

2,6,7) and dedicates a temple to Hera Prodromia (Paus. Drie?)

SLA.

Phaleas (®ahéac; Phaléas) of Chalcedon. Greek thinker (5th cent. or rst half of the 4th cent. BC) who concerned himself with > polis structures but should probably not be regarded as one of the > Sophists. On the basis of the little information that Aristotle [6] (Pol. 2,7,1266a 39-1267b 21; 1274b 9; cf. DiELS/KRANZ 39,1) provides in a polemical and perhaps distorted form, P. (neglecting warfare) developed a highly differentiated concept of the polis based on the idea — allegedly formulated by him for the first time — of the equality of ownership of the citizens. This could be easily created in new settlements and could be brought about in existing towns by only the rich people giving dowries but not taking any themselves. Furthermore he demanded equality of education and required that artisans should be démosioi suggesting that egalitarian ideas were connected with an elitist attitude. Scholars appear

PHALEAS

911

keen to attribute to P. an influence on Aristophanes [3] (Eccl. 667-710) and Plato [1] as well as a closeness to > Protagoras and -» Hippodamus (with regard to the background cf. [r. 41-58}). 1H. Lepptn, Thukydides und die Verfassung der Polis, 1999

A. FOuCHER, Le statut des agriculteurs dans la cité grec-

que au IV® siécle av. J.-C., in: REG 106, 1993, 61-81, bes. 7eue HL,

Phalerae see ~ Dona militaria Phalerum

(®dAnoov;

Phaléron). Shallow bay to the

east of > Piraeus before the latter’s expansion as the chief port of Athens (Hdt. 5,63; 5,85; 6,116; 8,66f.; 8,91ff.; 9,32; Paus. 1,1,2), modern Kallithea/Mosch-

ato/Palaia Phaliro. Also a large Attic asty-deme of the Aeantis phyle with 9 (13) bouleutai. The location of the ancient centre of the deme is disputed [1; 2. 25ff.; 33 5], the question of the ancient coastline [5; 8. 340] can be clarified only with geoscientific methods. In the 5th cent. BC the ‘Phaleric Wall’ connected Athens with P. (Thuc. 1,107,13 2,13,7; [13 6; 7]). Numerous cults, e.g.

of the eponymous hero > Phalerus, are attested to by Paus. inks + Thymaetadae and beinaeus, ~ Xypete formed a cultic union of tetrakomoi (‘fourvillage union’) with a joint Herakleion in Peiraeus (IG

II* 3102; 3103; Poll. 4,14; [8]). In the 2nd cent. BC the

épheboi (- ephébeia) instituted annual processions of the ancient cult image of Athena to P. [4]. From 317 to 307 BC Demetrius [4] of P. was governor of > Cassander in Athens. Produce of P.: sprats (aphyai) and gud-

geon (kobiot; cf. Aristoph. Ach. 901; Aristoph. Av. 76; Antiphanes, Timon fr. 206,4-8). Archaeology: geometric/early archaic necropolis [6. 290]. Other evidence: Strabs oun uspPalismiuscs2st4siie3 6;4018,0Os4 saOsaig.as Diod. 11,41,2; Nep. Themistocles 6,1; Steph. Byz. s.v. ®,

1 J. Day, Cape Colias, P. and the Phalerian Wall, in: AJA 2 W.S. FERGUSON, The Salaminioi of

BO, elG3 2.) tre

Heptaphylai and Sounion, in: Hesperia 7, 1938, 1-74 3 W. JUDEICH, Topographie von Athen, *1931, 169 n. 2, 426ff.

4B. Nacy, The Procession to P., in: Historia 40,

1991, 288-306

6R.L.

5 PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN

Scranton,

1, 881f., 903 n. I

The Fortifications of Athens at the

Opening of the Peloponnesian War, in: AJA 42, 1938, 525-536 7 TRAVLOS, Athen, 160 fig. 213 8 TRAVLOS, Attika, 288ff., 340 fig. 364. TRAILL, Attica, 12, 53, 62, 66f., 102, 106, III no. 108,

table 9; WHITEHEAD, Index s.v. P.

H.LO.

Phalerus (®dAneoc; Phdléros). A Greek hero by the name of P. appears in many and varied contexts and it is uncertain whether the reference is always to the same person: a P. becomes an Argonaut (— Argonauts) (Apoll. Rhod. 1,96f.; Val. Fl. 4,654) at the wish of his father Alcon; he is the eponym of the Attic > Phalerum, where an altar was dedicated to him (Paus. 1,1,4), and

912

of Lower Italian Neapolis [2] (= Phaleron). Perhaps this Attic P. is identical with the supposed founder of - Soli (Str. 14,6,3). Vases depict P. in the battle against the Amazons; a Lapith (- Lapithae) P. assists Theseus against the Centaurs (Hes. Sc. 179f.).

HE.B.

Phales see > Phallos

Phallus (adddc/phallos, Latin phallus; from a ProtoIndo-European root *bhel-, ‘blow up’, ‘swell up’). As

bearer of the beneficent power of procreation, the male member played an important role in religion and cult. Its connection with > Dionysus is particularly close: Phallus processions can be found in the rural Dionysia (Aristoph. Ach. 241-276), where the phallus is personified as Phales, to whom the cultic song is addressed (Aristoph. Ach. 263; 276), and at the great Dionysia, where the members of the Athenian League also sent their own phalli to the procession [9. 592]. The phallus at the Dionysus Procession in Alexandria was truly gigantic [1] (Athen. 5,201re). The origin of the phallus in the cult of Dionysus can be placed in Egypt (Hdt. 2,48f.; Diod. Sic. 1,22,7; cf. Plut. Mor. 3 58b) or in the myth of Prosymnus and Dionysus (Clem. Al. Protreptikos 2,3 4; [3. 70]). Dionysus himself is not represented phalically. His companions the silens (> Silenus) and the satyrs (+ Satyrus), on the other hand, are [9. 593], which is

ultimately the derivation of the costumes of the Old and Middle Comedies (-» Comedy), which are equipped with phalli [2. ro0-103], and which later still play a part in southern Italian — phlyakes farces [2. r1of.]. Phalli also appeared at the Haloa (an Attic fertility festival celebrated in the month of Posideon), when its deities Dionysus and Poseidon are mentioned beside Demeter [9. 120]; at the - Thesmophoria of this goddess, pastry phalli were thrown into subterranean caverns together with piglets [9. 119]. The participation of male beside female genitalia at the Eleusinian ~» Mysteria probably represents a modern construct [9. 658E.]. The form of > herms, with head, rudimentary arms and a phallus on a stone block [9. 205-207], which Hdt. 2,51 considers a primaeval usage and traces back to the Pelasgians, can be connected with the god Hermes’ cult image of a wooden erect penis in Cyllene in Elis [2] (Paus. 6,26,5). Phallic cult rituals are also recorded for Aphrodite (Athens and Cyprus) and Artemis (Doric area) [8. 13]; for the > Cabiri such practice can be inferred from Hdt. 2,51. The smaller phallic gods Orthanes, Conisalus, Tychon (Strab. 13,1,12) and Ithyphallus (Diod. 4,6,4) are ultimately absorbed into the cult of > Priapus, which also increased in literary significance at the end of the rst century AD as a result of the plays of the Corpus Priapeorum (> Priapea). In the Roman world, mention should be made of a

bridal ritual with an nus Tutunus and the (Varro, Antiquitates CarpDAuns; > Liber,

erect penis in the cult of > Mutuphallic character of the Liberalia rerum divinarum frr. 260-262 Liberalia); the significance of the

913

914

phallus in the mysteries of Dionysus is documented for the > Bacchanalia by the frescoes at the Villa dei Misteri in Pompeii from the time of Caesar [4. 95f., 104-106]. The importance of the role played by the phallus in the Greek world can be discerned in numerous artistic representations [6. 44-49]; the phallus-bird can probably be directly connected with phallus processions in Delos [3.71]. Particularly in the Roman world, the apotropaic function of the phallus is significant; it could be worn in an amulet (> phylakterion) around the neck and could also be found as a medicus invidiae (‘protection against envy’; Plin. HN 28,39) on the triumphal chariots of emperors ([8. 15-21]; on fascinum, phallus and sopio see [1. 64f.]). In the Roman world, phalli could also be found on rather ordinary objects, e.g. as a vase with a small bell hanging from it, or set into the surface of a road [5. 128f., 140, 31] (> Tintinnabulum). The one-eyed appearance of an erect member is the basis of sex-related derision of lusci (‘one-eyed people’) in Martial (most clearly at Mart. 2,33).

in ancient times flowed with various tributaries into the

+ Comedy;

~ Eroticism;

— Penis;

— Pornography;

-» Priapus; > Sexuality 1J.N. Apams, The Latin Sexual Vocabulary, 1980 2 H.-D. BLumg, Einftihrung in das antike Theaterwesen, *r984 3 W. BurKerT, Homo necans (English edition), 1982 4Id., Ancient Mystery Cults, 1987 5A. DE SIMONE, M.T. MERELLA, Eros a Pompei, 1974 6 A. DIERICHS, Erotik in der Kunst Griechenlands, 1993 7 H. HERTER, s.v. P., RE 19, 1681-1748 8 Id.,s.v. Genitalien, RAC to, 1978, 1-52 9 Nizsson, GGR, vol. 1. JOS.

Phanae (®dvau; Phdnai). [1] The c. 300m high southern tip of the island of — Chios (Thue. 8,24,3; Str. 14,1,35;Steph. Byz. s.v. ®.; Liv. 44,28,7; Ptol. 5,2,19), modern Akron Masticho. [2] Port on the southwestern coast of > Chios about ro km from P. [1] (Str. 14,1,35), modern Kato Phana. Area famous for viticulture (Verg. G. 2,98 and Serv. Georg. z.St.); palm grove (Str. l.c.). In the bay of P. great fleets were harboured occasionally (in 412 BC Athenian: Thuc. 8,24,3; in 191 BC Roman: Liv. 36,43,11; 45,10,1; in 168 BC Macedonian:

Liv. 45,10,1). From

the 9th century BC there was a cult of Apollo in P. There are still remains of a 6th-cent. Ionian temple (cf. Hesych. s.v. Bavatog) and an early Christian Basilica. Inscriptions: [1; 2]. 1 AD 2, 1916, 206

2 ABSA 59, 1964, 32f.

J. Koper,

Pelagos

Aigaion

(TIB 10), 1998,

222,

260. A.KU.

Phanagoria (®avaydgea; Phanagoreia). Port founded by — Teos (Ps.-Scymn. 886f.) in the rst half of the 6th cent. BC in the area of the > Sindi (Ps.-Scyl. 72) (Hecat. FGrH x F 212; > Colonisation IV.) on the Korokondamitis limne (Gulf of Taman) on the Asiatic coast of

the Bosphorus [2], on the peninsula of Taman about 3 km south-west of modern Sennaja. As the Hypanis [2]

PHANES

Korokondamitis limne as well as into the + Maeotis, it

split the peninsula of Taman up into different islands on one of which lay P. (Str. 11,2,10; Steph. Byz. s.v. ®.; Amm. Marc. 22,8,30). Under the first Spartocidae (— Spartocus), it was a strongly fortified Asiatic royal

residence city of the Bosporan kingdom (~ Regnum Bosporanum) with a port, a well-developed craft industry and agriculture. In the war against Mithridates [6] VI it was on the side of Rome (App. Mithr. 555), but after a short time P. again became part of the Bosporanian kingdom after a short period of full autonomy. Under Polemon [4] (c. 14 BC) P. for a short time adopted the name of Agrippeia in honour of Agrippa [1] (IOSPE 356; 360; HN 495). In the 6th cent. AD it was destroyed several times by the > Huns (Procop. BG 4,5,28). At the end of the 7th cent., it was the seat of the Khan of > Chazars (Theophanes, Chronographia 3 69381). Right through to the early Middle Ages, P. remained a city with a pronounced Greek culture. M.M. Kopy.ina, Fanagorija, in: Materialy Instituta Archeologii 57, 1956, 5-101; V.F. GaipuKevic, Das Bosporanische Reich, 1971, 208-215; M.M. Kosytina, Fanagorya, 1989; D.D. KacHarava, G.T. KVIRKVELIA,

Goroda

i poseleniya

Pri¢ernomor’ya

anti¢noi

1991, 284-288.

epochi, Lv.B.

Phanes (®avyc; Phanes). [1] In Greek, ‘the one who illuminates, enlightens, appears; the one who is (makes something) obvious’ (OF frr. 56; 61; 109); the light-like (Nonnus,

Dion.

9,141) and golden-winged (OF frr. 54; 78; 87,2) primordial god of the Orphic cosmogony (OF fr. 78; 86; ~ World, creation of the). This cosmogony, recorded by a certain Hieronymus and Hellanicus (OF fr. 54), must be distinguished from that in the Hieroi Logoi, an Orphic poem in 14 rhapsodies (OF testimonia 174; 196). P. was not the original name of that god, as is shown by the earliest document, a parody on the old Orphic cosmogony in Aristoph. Av. 690-703 (OF fr. 1): There itis > Eros [1]that emerges from the egg of the world born by > Nyx, an egg originally created by + Chronos for > Aether (OF fr. 70). According to a different version, P. emerges as a hermaphroditic (OF frr. 56-573 813 87; 98) potency from the world egg that was created by Chronos-Heracles in the shape of a lion and snake. P. is the son of Aether (OF fr. 73), and also the father of Nyx (OF fr. 98), who receives the rulership from him (OF fr. rot; cf. fr. 104), although three Nyktes are claimed to have existed (OF fr. 98-99). By himself, he engenders > Echidna (OF fr. 58,2). P. was identified with daylight or Helios (OF fr. 23.9; 300) as well, and was also referred to as Protdégonos (‘firstborn’) or ~ Pan (OF fr. 54; 56; 73; cf. Pl. Crat. 408b), less often as > Priapus and Antauges, ‘the one who shines back’ (Orph. H. 6). In essence, he was identical with the Orphic > Eros [1] (OF frr. 1; 82; 83), > Dionysus (OF frr. 613 77; 1703 237,3), the hermaphroditic + Metis

PHANES

915

(OF frr. 60; 65; 83; 170) and > Ericepaeus (OF frr. 80; Sirs75-5)) eee androgynous quality points to a cosmic

power of procreation (OF frr. 81; 84; 98), his four eyes (OF fr. 76) and partial animal shape (OF fr. 79; 81-82) are reminiscent of the tetradic > Kronos-El-Zervan, and his connection with the cosmic snake (OF fr. 58) of

the monstrous Aeon-Kronos-Saturnus in the > Mithras mysteries. P. procreates in a cave (OF fr. 97), from where he

916 1 P.R. FRANKE, R. SCHMITT, PANEOX

— PANOZ

EMI

SHMA, in: Chiron 4, 1974, 1-4 2 D.O.A. Kos, Staatliche Miinzsammlung Minchen: Griechische Miinzen, in: Miinchner Jahrbuch. der bildenden Kunst, 3. series, vol. 44,1993,213 3 E. PAszrHory, Die Legierung des Frankfurter Phanes-Stater, in: S$. ScHEERS (ed.), Studia Paulo Naster oblata (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 12), vol. 1, 1982, 7-11 4M. RapNoTI-ALFOLDI, Phanes: einige Gedanken zur Person, in: S. SCHEERS (ed.), s. [3], 1-6.

GES.

dispenses fertilizing rain from his head (OF fr. 84) to create the ‘golden race of man’ (OF fr. 140; the phenomenon

is similar to the sweat of > Osiris-Helios;

there, he sits next to Nyx with whom he guides the gods created by him: OF frr. 104; cf. fr. 85; 89; 354). He was not identified with Zeus as P./Protégonos until later. Zeus devours him (cf. > Uranus and > Metis) and thus absorbs P.’ cosmic powers so that he ends up resembling him in shape as well (cf. OF fr. 168). The syncretistic fusion of the two pantheistic figures (> Pantheus) is depicted, for instance, on the Modena relief [1. 3 63f. No.1].

+ Mithras; + Orpheus; > Orphism, Orphic poetry; + Syncretism; > World, creation of the

(®aviac; Phanias). Epigrammatist, perhaps among the last (2nd—1st cent. BC?) of the Garland of Meleager (Anth. Pal. 4,1,54); also a grammatikos (lemma on 7,537). Among the eight poems of his to survive (including one erotic one: 12,31), minute accounts of work tools and everyday objects predominate; with these, P. emulated > Leonidas [3] of Tarentum. The extremely rare Latinism d5e0sna, ‘ripe olive’ (cf. Anth. Pal. 6,299,4), may reflect direct knowledge of the terminology of Italian agriculture. The form Phainias for the name (cf. lemma on 6,299 and 12,31) seems unlikely to be correct. GA I 1,161-164; 2,464-475.

1 R. Turcan, s.v. P., LIMC 6, 363f. M. Crauss, Mithras. Kult und Mysterien, 1990, 78, 163; O. GRuPPE, s.v. P., ROSCHER 3.2, 2248-2271; A. MasaRACCHIA (ed.), Orfeo e l’orfismo. Atti del Seminario Nazionale, 1993, 638; K. PREISENDANZ, s.v. P. (1), RE 19,

1761-1774; M. RaDNoTI-ALFOLDI, P.: einige Gedanken zur Person, in: $. SCHEERS (ed.), Studia Paulo Naster oblata (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 12), vol. 1, 1982,

1-6; M.L. West, The Orphic Poems, 1983, 70-73, 203f., 231-235, 253-255. W.-A.M.

[2] P. from Chios, probably a tragedian in the late 3rd cent. BC (IrGFI 121).

Phanias

M.G.A.

Phano (®av@; Phano). Daughter of the hetaera > Neaera [6] and > Stephanus, first married to the Athenian Phrastor, then divorced. Then her father married her to

the archon basileis Theogenes ([Dem.] Or. 59,79ff.). After a scandal because of her doubtful citizenship she was divorced from him as well. Cu. Carey, Apollodoros Against Neaira [Demosthenes

59], 1992.

JE.

B.Z.

Phanes stater. — Stater of natural > elektron [3] c. 14.2 g in weight, minted after 630 BC presumably in Ephesus in Ionia, with a deer gazing rightwards on the obverse, above it a retrograde inscription in Milesian letters PANOZ EMI HMA (‘I am the sign/arms of Phanes’) and on the reverse two textured engraved squares with a rectangular field between them. Of this stater as yet two examples are known (London, BM; Frankfurt am Main, Bundesbank; [1. rf.]). Besides these two there are hitherto two triple stateres with the same obverse and a legend ®ANEOX and two textured square depressions on the reverse (London, BM; Munich, SM; [t. 2; 2a 23h: The Phanes coins are the oldest inscribed coins in Antiquity. The legends show that the proper name Pdvy¢ (Phanés) has two genitive forms, where PANO> can probably be attributed to the spoken language of the time [1. 4]. Of Phanes himself nothing more detailed is known. He may have occasioned the minting as a private person, a banker, an official, a tyrant or an agent of the Ephesian Artemision [4].

Phanocles (®avoxArjc; Phanoklés). Early Hellenistic elegist, author of a poem entitled “Eowtes 7) xaAoi (Erotes é kaloil’Amours, or the Fair Youths’; fr. 1-6 POWELL) which recounted the homosexual liaisons of gods and mythical heroes. The poem resembled a register (+ Catalogue) similar to Hesiod’s Catalogue of Women (> Hesiodus). P. is probably also influenced by the Leontion of > Hermesianax, with whom he shares a penchant for placing adjectives and nouns forming a juncture before the caesura and at the end of the pentameter, respectively. The longest fragment (1 POWELL) contains the story of > Orpheus, who is killed by jealous Thracian women for teaching their husbands pederasty. His head, nailed to a cithara and thrown into the sea, is carried by the waves as far as Lesbos where it is interred. This tale provides the poet with the starting-point for two aitia: the flourishing of lyric poetry specifically on Lesbos, and the explanation of the Thracian women’s tattoos as a reminder of their punishment for killing Orpheus. His preference for the aition is also clearly noticeable in fr. 5 PowELL (Agamemnon has the temple of Aphrodite Argynnis built in honour of his beloved

917

918

Argynnus) and possibly in fr. 3 (Dionysus abducts Adonis and takes him to Cyprus: establishment of an Adonis cult?). Alongside aetiology, further typical features of Alexandrian poetry are evident, e.g. rationalization of myths (fr. 4 POWELL: the rape of Ganymede as the work of Tantalus which triggers war between the Phrygians and the Trojans) and the motif of metamorphosis (fr. 6: the story of + Cycnus [3]). The attempt of [4], to ascribe the text of PSorbonn. inv. 2254 and PBruxell. inv. E 8934 to P., is problematic (~ Hermesianax is also possible). ~ Aetiology

Phanostrate (Pavootedtm; Phanostraté). Greek-Athe-

FRAGMENTS: SECONDARY

1 CollAlex 106-109. LITERATURE:

2A. BLUMENTHAL,

PHANTASIA

nian midwife and doctor, depicted on Attic grave stelae from the end of the 4th cent. BC (IG I/III* 6873; CLarrMONT, 2. 890). The inclusion of the professional title + midwife suggests a certain degree of specialisation in medicine and shows at the same time that women were able to work as doctors and earn a considerable income, as is suggested by the quality and individual designs of the stone mason’s craftsmanship. VN. Phanostratus

(Pavdoteatoc; Phandstratos) of Halicarnassus. Tragedian, probably successful at the Attic Lenaea in 306 BC. TrGF I 94 = DID B7. B.Z.

s.v. P.,

RE 19, 1781-1783 3 J. STERN, Phanocles’ Fr. 1, in: Quaderni Urbinati n.s. 3, 1979, 135-143 4K. ALEXANDER, A Stylistic Commentary on Phanocles and Related Texts,

Phanote (®avétn; Phanoté). Fortified city in the north of > Epirus, in the border region between Thesprotia and Molossia, mentioned only in the context of the

1988.

third > Macedonian War (172-168 BC) (Pol. 27,16,4; Liv. 43,21,4; 45,26,2f.). P. was probably in the

M.D.MA.

Phanodemus (®avddnuoc; Phanddémos). Atthidographer, father of the historian > Diyllus and follower of ~ Lycurgus’ [9] restoration policy (FGrH 325 T 2-5). As a member of the Council he was honoured with a gold wreath in 343/2 BC (IG IP 223 = Syll. 227). Several inscriptions from the years 332/1 to 329/8 (IG VII 4252-4254) testify to his espousing the cult of Amphiaraus of Ephesus. His Atthis, comprising at least 9 books, which appeared in about 330 and of which 27 fragments survive, also reveals a strong interest in issues of cult. The fragment datable as latest (F 23) deals with the death of > Cimon [2] in 450/449. Apart from this P. wrote [kiakd, a history of the island of Icos (Steph. Byz. s.v. [kOs). 1 FGrH 325 withcomm.

2 O. LENDLE, Einftihrung in die

griechische Geschichtsschreibung, 1992, 147. STER, Die griechische Geschichtsschreibung,

2 K. MEI1990, 77.

K.MEI.

Phanomachus (®avouayoc; Phandmachos). Athenian strategos 430/ 429 BC: successful siege of > Poteidaia in 430 BC; he was impeached on account of his alleged lenience towards the Poteidaians and acquitted. He was killed during the Athenians’ devastating defeat at Spartolus in the early summer of 329 BC (Thuc. 2,70; 79; Diod. Sic.12,47,3; Paus. 1,29,7: stele for the fallen at the Dipylon Gate). K.KL Phanosthenes (®avooSévne; Phanosthénés) of Andros. He was named proxenos (> proxenia) and > euergétés of the Athenians, probably because of his services in introducing shipbuilding timber; he was later granted Athenian citizenship and was selected as stratégds for 407/6 BC. After the defeat at Notion, Ph. succeeded > Conon [1] at the siege of Andros, intercepting two ships from Thurii which were attempting to join the Spartan fleet (Plat. lon 541d; Xen. Hell. 1,5,18f.; IGP 182). H.A. Reirer, Athen und die Poleis des Delisch-Attischen Seebundes, 1991, 286-297, Nr. 41. W.S.

+ Thyamis valley, modern Doliani.

near

either

modern

Raveni

or

P. CaBangs, L’Epire, 1976, 296; N.G.L. HaMMon»D, Epirus, 1967, 186f., 628f., 676.

DS.

Phantasia A. DEFINITION

B. History

A. DEFINITION Greek gavtaoia (phantasia, ‘imagination’) in its basic meaning is connected with datveoOat (phaines-

thai, ‘to come to light, to appear’). The concept therefore refers to what appears, what shows itself and becomes visible (davtateo8a/phantdzesthai) — independently of whether it is true or false; hence also its etymological derivation from ‘light’ (@@c/phds; Aristot. An. 3,3,429a 2; Chrysippus in Aetius 4,12-15 Diels). The strictest and most neutral definition, however, is: ‘Phantasia is that by means of which an image (davtaona/phdntasma) arises in us’ (Aristot. An. 353,428a I-2). B. History Unlike the modern term ‘imagination’, phantasia does not originally mean the faculty of mentally imagining absent things, but refers rather to the manner in which we judge sensory perceptions if they are imprecise. This is the basis of Plato’s definition of phantasia as a mixture of sensory perception (aioOyotc/aisthésis) and mere opinion (86&€a/d6xa; Pl. Phlb. 38b—4o0b; PI. Soph. 263c-264b; > Opinion). On the othetr hand, this definition makes it clear that the impression evoked by an object of the senses may be false. It is this potential for deception that Aristotle [6] also refers to when he tries to delimit phantasia and aisthesis from one another (Aristot. An. 3,3,428a 11-15). Because, however,

‘the soul never thinks without mental images (phantdsmata)’ (Aristot. An. 3,7,431a 16-17; 432a 9-10),

phantasia must also be able to be true. Error does not lie

PHANTASIA

in the appearance as such, but in the kind of judgement we pass on it. Hence phantasia is something other than

a mixture of perception and opinion (ibid. 3,3,428a 26ff.). Things become somewhat clearer with the reorganisation of concepts that the Stoic > Chrysippus [2] carries out. He distinguishes clearly between phantasia asa representational idea on the one hand and the imagination (davtaowxov/phantastikon) on the other. The idea (phantasia), arising from the represented object (davtaotov/phantaston), has to be regarded as a copy of this existing object (in such a manner that it could not be without the represented object), whereas the phantastikon traces back to a mere movement of the soul,

which possesses no corresponding object; the correlative of this idea is called phantasma (Aetius 4,12-15 Diels; Diog. Laert. 7,50-51). Cicero is understandably perplexed by phantasia: his philosophical language does not yet contain the Latin words imaginari and imaginatio. This becomes all the more clear when he translates the Stoic term phantasia as visum (Cic. Acad. 1,40) and the Epicurean eidolon as visio (Cic. Div. 2,120; Cic. Fin. 1,21). Later,

Wilhelm of Moerbeke (1215-1286) and Thomas Aquinas (1125-1274) did not hesitate to decline phantasia and phantasma in Latin; neither did Thomas Aquinas shrink from conjugating a corresponding verb (phantasiantur, In Aristotelis Librum de Anima, 644-645). + Aesthetics;

+ Perception, theories of

1M. ARMISEN, La notion d’imagination chez les Anciens,

in: Pallas 15, 1979, 11-51; 16, 1980, 3-37. 2M.W. Bunpy, The Theory of Imagination in Classical and Medieval Thought, 1927 3 J.M. Cock1nG, Imagination: A Study in the History of Ideas, r991 4 C. IMBERT, Théorie de la représentation et doctrine logique dans le stoicisme ancien, in: J. BRUNSCHWIG (ed.), Les Stoiciens et leur

logique,

920

919

1978

5K. Lycos,

Aristotle and Plato on

» Appearing«, in: Mind 73, 1964, 496-514

6 M.C. Nuss-

BAUM, Aristotle’s De motu animalium, 1978 (ch. 5: The Role of Phantasia in Aristotle’s Explanation of Action), 221-269 7M. SCHOFIELD, Aristotle on the Imagination,

in: G.E.R. LLoyp, G.E.L. OWEN (eds.), Aristotle on Mind and the Senses, 1978, 99-141 8 J.-P. VERNANT, Naissance d'images, in: Id., Religions, histoires, raisons, 1979, 105-

137 9G. Watson, Phantasia in Classical Thought, 1988 10 HWdPh 7, 516-535 s.v. Phantasie PAG

Phantasos see > Morpheus

Phaon [1] (®amv/Phaon, ‘the radiant’). Ferryman from Lesbos

who carries > Aphrodite in the guise of an old woman, from Lesbos to the mainland without a charge. In reward, she gives him a rejuvenating and beautifying ointment. This story of the origin of P.’s radiant beauty only appears in later sources (Ael. VH 12,18; Serv. Aen.

3,279; Palaephatus 48; Lucian. 19(2),2 ). Initially,

keep him for herself (cf. Callim. Fr. 478; Marsyas the Younger FGrH 136 F 9) and in the eponymous play by the Athenian comic poet — Plato [2] (PCG VII fr. 189) he is besieged by love-struck women. The most famous story about P. is that of > Sappho’s ill-fated love for him; according to the legend, lovesickness caused her to throw herself from the Leucadian Rock (+ Leucas). Sappho’s suicide is apparently already presupposed in Men. Leucadia (PCG VI 1) (cf. also Plaut. Mil. 1246f.); Ov. Epist. 15 developes the story at great length. In Roman comedies, P. appears as the founder of the Leucadian sanctuary to Aphrodite, while vase paintings suggest a closeness to Apollo, who also had a sanctuary on the Leucadian Rock, from which once a year a criminal was thrown to his death as an expiatory sacrifice (Str. 10,2,9) [1. 364-367]. 1 G. BERGER-DOER, s.v. P., LIMC 7.1, 364-3673 7.2, 317319.

TK.

[2] Freedman of > Domitia [5] Lepida, aunt of > Nero; after her death, the patronage was transferred to Nero. In AD 68, after Nero had already been declared an enemy of the state (hostis), P. accompanied him to his country estate between the via Salaria and the via Nomentana,

where Nero committed

suicide. PIR* P

340.

W.E.

Phara (@aod/Phard, ®aeai/Pharai, — ethnicon @Paoatev Patrae. 1 Y. LaFOND, Espace et peuplement dans |’Achaie antique, in: Studi Urbinati 66, 1993/4, 219-263

2 A.-D.Riza-

xis, Achaie I. Sources textuelles et histoire régionale (Meletemata 20), 1995. M. Osanna, Santuarie culti dell’ Acaia antica, 1996, 15 1167; 1. A. PAPAPOSTOLOU, Luvieooi tHV Pagoda, in: ArchE 1973, 167-174; N.S. ZAPHEIROPOULOS, ‘Avaoxadai Pagayv ‘Agyaias, in: Praktika (1952), 1955, 396-412; ‘Avaoxaph év Pagatic (1958), 1965, 167-176; Avaoxadr Pao@v (1957), 1962,

114-117; MULLER, 826-828.

Y.L.

Pharadas (®aoddac; Pharddas) from Athens; was suc-

cessful with a satyr play after 85 BC at the Museia in Thespiae (Boeotia) (IrGF I 173).

B.Z.

Dialogi mortuorum

he is primarily

encountered

in

comedy: Cratinus (PCG IV fr. 370) presents him as the most beautiful of all people, hidden by Aphrodite to

Pharae {1] (®agat/Pharai,

Pygat/Phérai).

City in southern

Messenia (Str. 8,4,4f.5 5,8; 7,53 Paus. 4,30,2-31,1; Ptol.

921

922

3,16,8 (Peoai/Pherai); Steph. Byz. s.v. ®.; [1. 181]),

Arsacid > Tiridates I. as king of > Armenia must have affected him deeply and caused him to reverse his policies. He is the ruler mistakenly described in Josephus (Jos. BI 7,7,4; but cf. Moses [2] of Choren 2,50) as king of the ‘Hyrcanians’ who opened the Derbend Pass to the ~ Alani around AD 72 and as a result enabled them to attack and plunder Media Atropatene and Armenia. He died soon afterwards because his son Mithridates IL. (SEG 20,1964,112) was already ruling in AD 75. PIR* P

modern Kalamata. In Homer (Hom. Il. 5,543; 9,151; 293) one of the seven cities > Agamemnon promised + Achilles [2], Spartan perioikoi city. In 394 BC its territory was devastated by Conon

[1] (Xen. Hell. 4,8,7;

Nep. Conon r), made a part of the territory of Messana [2] by Philip [4] Il at the latest (Str. 8,4,6), from 182 BC member of the Achaean League (cf. > Achaeans, Achaea; Pol. 23,17,2), allotted by Augustus to the > Eleutherolakones (Paus. 4,30,2). Only a few remains survive. Inscriptions: IG V 1, 1359-1368. 1 E. Meyer, s.v. Messenien, RE Suppl. 15, 155-289, h.l. 181 2B. SERGENT, Les sept cités promises a Achille: de quoi parle-t-on?, in: RA 1994, 103-109. W. McDonatp et al., The Minnesota Messenia Expedition, 1972, 288 Nr. 142; S. GRUNAUER VON HOERSCHEL-

MANN, S.v. Kalamata, in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 28of.

ats

[2] See > Pharis [3] (®Geav/Pharai). Boeotian place (Plin. HN 4,26; Steph. Byz. s.v. ®.), from the Hellenistic (?) Period forming, together with > Eleon, > Harma and > Mycalessus, a union of villages dependent on > Tanagra (Str. 9,2,14: tetQaxwia/tetrakomia); on the location bet-

ween the modern Tanagra and the modern Shimatari cf. fits CFyaicg 5 evelL 1 Fossey

2 P.W. Wa.vace, Strabo’s Description of Boi-

otia, 1979.

PF.

Pharaea (®agaia, Pyeaia; Pharaia, Phéraia). Settlement in north western Arcadia (Pol. 4,77,5; Str. 8,3,32), no more precisely identifiable. Possibly at the

modern Lambia, or rather the ancient site at presentday Nemuta on the eastern slopes of the Oros Pholoi. PRITCHETT 6, 35-37; E. MEYER, Arkadisches. Pharai — Pherai — Pharaia in Arkadien, in: MH 14, 1957, 81-88; F. BO LTE, s.v. Ph. (1), RE 19, 1809f. NANO)

PHARCADON

341. > Iberia [x] E. Daprowa,

Roman

Policy

passim) of the ancient Egyptian term for an Egyptian

> ruler. In > Egypt, the term referred originally to the royal palace or court and literally means ‘great house’ (pr-‘). From > Thutmosis III (1479-1426 BC) at the latest, this expression also designated the person of the Egyptian ruler. As a title before the name of the ruler, it is encountered from the roth cent. BC onwards.

from

(eds.), The Eastern Frontier of the Roman Empire, 1989, 67-76; M. Scuotrxy, Media Atropatene und GrofArmenien, 1989, 168-170; Id., Dunkle Punkte in der armenischen K6nigsliste, in: AMI 27, 1994, 223-235, esp.

223-225.

[2] Ph. II. Descendant (probably great-grandson of P. [rt] and son of the Iberian king Mithridates III. P.

exchanged gifts with the emperor > Hadrian, but was able to avoid meeting him personally (SHA Hadr. 13,9; 17,11f.; 21,13). He also provoked the > Alani,who once again caused damage to > Media and > Armenia, as well as > Albania [1] and Roman Cappadocia between AD 134 and 136 (Cass. Dio 69,15, 1f.). He was on better terms with Antoninus [1] Pius, whom he visited in Rome with his wife and son, and who enlarged his kingdom (Cass. Dio 69,15,3; SHA Antoninus Pius 9,6; AE 1959, 38 from AD 141 or 142). P. is also named on an inscription from Harmozice [1.No. 276] PIR* P 342. 1 H. Donner, W. ROLLIG, Kanaandaische und aramaische Inschriften, vol. 1: Texte, vol. 2: Kommentar, 71966-1968 2 D. BRAuND, Hadrian and P., in: Klio 73, 1991, 208-219.

On P. [1] AND P. [2]: D. BRAUND, Georgia in Antiquity, 1994; M. ScHotrxy, Parther, Meder und Hyrkanier, in: AMI 24, 1991, 61-134, esp. 82; 122-126; Id., Quellen zur

Geschichte von Media Atropatene und Hyrkanien in parthischer Zeit, in: J. WIESEHOFER

Pharaoh. Greek rendering (agaw/pharao) known from the Old Testament (Hebrew par‘6 Gn 12:15 and

in Transcaucasia

Pompey to Domitian, in: D.H. FRENCH, C.S. LIGHTFOOT

(ed.), Das Partherreich

und seine Zeugnisse, 1998, 435-472, esp. 448f.; 452f.; 455. M.SCH.

[3] (also Pharesmanes) Lazic, East Roman officer under Emperor Anastasius [1]; he fought successfully in AD 503-505 as comes rei militaris (2), in AD 505-506 as

magister militum against the Persians; finally mentioned in AD 527 as a negotiator with them PLRE 2, 872f. (Pines) FT.

—_/.KA.

Pharasmanes (®agaoudvys; Pharasmanés). [1] P. I. Son of Mithridates [19] and king of > Iberia [1] (Caucasus). From AD 35, as an ally of Rome, P. had been supporting the Armenian kingdom of his brother + Mithridates [20] (Tac. Ann. 6,32-35; 11,8-9) and, after AD 51, that of his own son > Radamistus (Tac. Ann. 12,44-47). His relatives’ failure as client kings to Rome (cf. Tac. Ann. 13,37) and the acceptance of the

Pharcadon (®aguadmv, Pagxndmv; Pharkadon, Pharkédon). Town in Histiaeotis, a region of Thessaly on the river Peneius, once again named P. (formerly Klokoto or Tsioti). Philippus [7] V. defeated the > Aetolians in 199 BC at P. (Liv. 31,41f.). L. DaRMEZIN, Sites archéologiques et territoires du massif des Chassia, in: Top. antique et géographie historique en pays grec, 1992, 139-155; E. KirsTEN, s.v. Pharkadon, RE 19, 1835-1838; H. KRAMOLISCH, s.v. Pharkadon, in:

LauFFer, Griechenland, 535; KODER/HILD, 238.

HE.KR.

PHARAX

Pharax (®GoaE/Phadrax). [1] Spartan, in 405 BC second in command at > Aigos potamos (Paus. 6,3,15). As a mauarchos (naval commander) he took part in operations with > Dercylidas in Caria in the early summer of 397 (Xen. Hell. 3,2,1214) and intercepted the Athenian legates to Persia who were executed in Sparta (Hell. Oxyrh. 10,1 Chambers). In 396 he besieged + Conon [1] in Caunus with 120 ships (Diod. 14,79,4f.) [1]. In 390 as proxenos (> Proxenia) of the Thebans he supported the Boeotian legates at > Agesilaus [2]. In 370/369 he was sent as a legate from the Spartans to Athens [2]. He may be identical with a Pharacidas mentioned in Diodorus (14,63,33 14,70,2) who in 396/5 commanded the Peloponnesian fleet at Syracuse in support of > Dionysius [x] I against Carthage [3]. 1 P. FUNKE, Homonoia und Arché, 1980, 42-44; 64 2D. Mos ey, P. and the Spartan Embassy to Athens in 370/69, in: Historia 12, 1963, 247-250 1990, 115-118.

3B. CAveN, Dionysius I,

[2] Spartan, went as a leader of mercenaries to Sicily in 355 BC, gained a victory fighting > Dion [I r], but was suspected of aspiring to rule Sicily himself (Plut. Dion 48,7-49,1; Plut. Timoleon 11,6; 41,5f.).

WS.

Pharetra see > Bow and arrow Pharis (®Goic, Paoat; Pharis, Pharat). Town in Laconica (Hom. Il. 2,582; Ephor. FGrH 7o F 127; Str. 8,5,1;

the form ®aeat is used in later literature such as Paus. 4,16,8; Hierocles, Synecdemus 647,10; Liv. 35,30,9), c.

ro km south of Sparta, 2 km east of Amyclae [1], probably Vaphio with the well known Mycenaean beehive tomb, abandoned in the time of Pausanias [1. 76f.; 2. 168f.]. 1H. WaTrerHouse, R. Hope Simpson, Prehistoric Laconia I, in: ABSA 55, 1960, 67-107 2 Dies., Prehistoric

Laconia II, in: ABSA 56, 1961, 114-175, bes. 168ff. S. GRUNAUER

VON

HOERSCHELMANN,

S.v. Vaphio,

LAuFFER, Griechenland, 697f.

Pharisaei, plural).

924

923

Pharisees

(®agwoatoW/Pharisaioi,

I. DEFINITION, NAME II]. CHARACTERISTICS

in:

Y.L.E.O.

text. It is not known whether the Pharisees called themselves by the Greek name Pharisaioi (for the non-attested Aramaic *p ‘risayya’) or whether it was applied to them; the exact meaning of the name is not clear either, although most scholars interpret it as ‘separatists’ (alternatively: ‘interpreters’, i.e. interpreters of the sacred texts [2]).

The separation occurred because of differing attitudes towards Jewish law (Torah, > Pentateuch); accor-

ding to the Pharisees all of Israel was obligated to observe it, including its ritual regulations. The laws concerning purity, which most affected daily life (Lv rr-15; Nm 19), played a predominant role. The emphasis on the everyday religious practice (purification) of people who did not actively participate in the temple cult suggests that the Pharisees did not focus on priests — unlike their competitors, the parties of the Sadducees and > Essenes. Removing themselves from any kind of legal infraction brought with it a separation from sections of the Jewish people who, from a Pharisaic perspective, were religiously uneducated and indifferent because they did not observe the purity laws; thereby these people became unclean in a ritual sense and, according to the Torah, their impurity could be passed on by contact. In the NT this implication of Pharisaic piety was challenged from the perspective of a competing model (‘marginalisation’ of ritual impurity; the will of God as taught by Jesus is above the Torah) (e.g. Mk 7:15-233; Mt 23:23-28; Acts 10:10-16; 28); this caused the Pharisees to increasingly reject Jesus’ claims (Mk 2,15-3,6). The Gospels, in turn are (too) biased in depicting the Pharisees as Jesus’ main opponents. If indeed in several texts from + Qumran (> Essenes) the

epithet ‘those who look for smooth things’ (i.e. proponents of a simplified ritual practice that was easy to reconcile with daily life) refers to the Pharisees, then there was another objection against their practice of piety; and that second competing model proposed an ‘intensified’ approach to purity which was no longer feasible for the vast majority in their everyday life. Within the various branches of ancient Judaism the significance of religious purity can hardly be overestimated; there is archeological evidence for it as well [3].

usually

II. History IV. INFLUENCE

I. DEFINITION, NAME

A Jewish religious party from at least the middle of the 2nd cent. BC, mentioned as Pharisaei only in > Iosephus [4] Flavius, in parts of the NT (Gospels; Acts; once in - Paulus [2]: Phil 3,5,) and, based on that, in the patristic literature. In the Jewish traditional literature from the 2nd cent. AD on (— Rabbinical Literature) the corresponding Hebrew collective term

p ‘rusim occurs relatively infrequently, often in contrast to the > Sadducees. It is controversial to what extent the Pharisees themselves had a voice in these bodies of

Il. History Josephus mentions the Pharisees as one of the three Jewish hairéseis (‘party, philosophical school, sect’, ~ hairesis), his first mention is in the context of the + Hasmonaean Jonathan (161-143 BC), along with the Sadducees and the Essenes (Jos. Ant. Iud. 13,171173, cf. Acts 15:5; 26:5). The evolution of the Pharisees into a distinct group within the Jewish people is related to the Hasmonaean revolt against the Seleucid Hellenization policy under > Antiochus [6] IV (> Judas [x] Maccabaeus). After the first successes of the Jewish rebels the alliance between the various groups fell apart (cf. x Mace 2:42; 7:12ff.; 2 Macc 14:6) probably because of disagreements about long-term political goals and the role of the Torah for the emerging Jewish

925

926

state. The Hasmonaeans, who held the political power and were the highest religious authority, vacillated in their attitude towards the Pharisees between active support (lohannes Hyrcanus [2] I at the beginning of his

ticularly detailed interpretation of the tradition of the fathers (Jos. Bl 1,110; 2,162; Jos. Ant. Iud. 17,41; Jos.

rule: Jos. Ant. Iud. 13,288—298; Alexandra Salome: Jos.

Ant. Iud. 13,405-410; possibly Hyrcanus [3] II) and rejection and even military conflict resembling civil war (Alexander [16] Jannaeus: Jos. Bl 1,88—-98; Jos. Ant. lud. 13,372ff.). » Herodes [1] and his successors adopted a similarly changeable attitude (Jos. Bl 1,571f.; Jos. Ant. lud. 14,172-176; 15,1-4; 368-3713 17,41-49). The Pharisees were interested in political power only in as far as it touched on the religious issues they stood for ‘which were, however, rather wide-ranging). In general, Herod’s rule and the later Roman rule in Iudaea were not problematic for them; but after Herod’s death (6 BC) another party emerged: the > Zealots, a nationalist variant of the Pharisees (cf. Jos. Ant. ud. 18,4; 9; 23). The Pharisees were involved in the conflict with > Jesus and in his trial (Mk 3:6; Mt 21:45; 27:62; Joh 11:47; 18:1-3) and later in disputes with early Christians (Acts 5:3 4ff.; 23:6ff.) as well as in internal Jewish conflicts at the outset of the revolt against Rome (AD 66-73; Jos. BI 2,411; 4,158ff.; Jos. Vita 17ff.). In the decades after the First Jewish War the Pharisees were absorbed into the Rabbinic movement which they shaped decisively. The most important and often sole source for the history of the Pharisees is losephus [4] Flavius; additional information can be found in several texts from — Qumran (esp. 4 Q pNah; 1 Q pHab) and in the Rabbinic tradition. The attribution of individual texts to one (or several) Pharisaic authors is controversial (discussed mainly with regard to PsSal, 4 Esr, Ta’anit), but has not been discounted totally and was proposed again only recently. So far the patristic evidence has not been comprehensively examined. III. CHARACTERISTICS

In his effort to create interest and sympathy for the Jewish parties in non-Jewish readers, Josephus calls them hairéseis as well as philosophiai (‘philosophical schools, philosophical schools of thought, life concepts’, cf. Jos. Bl 2,119; Ios. Ant. Iud. 18,9; 11). At one point, he explicitly compares the Pharisaic hatresis to the Greek Stoa (Jos. Vita 12), yet as far as substance was concerned, he does not establish any parallels. His choice of terminology creates certain expectations with his readers, which he in turn fulfills: The Pharisees have their own so-called ‘paternal’ tradition which they discussed amongst themselves and tried to disseminate (Jos. Ant. Iud. 13,296-298; 408; cf. Mk 7:3ff.; Mt 23:15); Josephus (and similarly the NT as well) described their goals as ‘being just’ (Sixatog eivat, Jos. Ant. Jud. 13,289-291, cf. 13,406; 14,176; Lk 16:15; 18:8; 18:14; 20:20) or ‘to do just things’ (meattew te dSixata,

Jos. Bl 2,163; cf. Mt 5:20) and thus ‘to please God’ (4oéoxew tH Ved, Jos. Ant. Iud. 13,298, cf. Jos. Bl 1,110). Their method for teaching and learning is a par-

PHARISAEI, PHARISEES

Vita r91; Acts 26:5), they are unified and have consid-

erable respect and influence with the people because of their piety (Jos. Ant. Iud. 18,12-15). For Josephus and the NT the Jewish parties differed mainly in their teachings of the afterlife (Jos. Bl 2,163; Jos. Ant. lud. 18,14; Mk 12:18; Acts 23:6; cf. mSan 10,1-3) and the related doctrine of heimarméne (> Fate; Jos. Ant. Iud. ema Sa teaOSH Den2)s Although Josephus’ account is stylised in the Hellenistic fashion, it nevertheless contains some essential points: The Pharisees were a movement within Judaism in which scholars, i.e. interpreters of the sacred texts,

played a decisive role; internally, the movement consisted of communities of varying closeness but they did not seclude themselves from non-Pharisaic segments of the population. On the contrary, the Pharisees had a

sense of mission and tried to promote their ideals through teaching and example. The NT probably is historically accurate when it often associates the Pharisees or their scholars with the > synagogue (cf. Lk 11:43; Mt 23:2; 6f.); starting with the rst cent. BC, the Pharisees affected a number of changes in Jewish religious history; their goal was that each individual Jew and the Jewish people as a whole should lead their life according to the laws of the Mosaic Torah. IV. INFLUENCE

Rabbinic and medieval Judaism and its various modern movements have always seen themselves as legitimate heirs of the Pharisees and as a continuation of the Pharisaic models of tradition. Jewish critics of the Pharisaic Rabbinic tradition were polemically called ‘Sadducees’ (in the Rabbinic view they had no part in salvation, cf. mSan 10,1). Because of the Jewish selfidentification with the Pharisees in the Jewish-Christian polemic after the 12th cent., Christians saw their Jewish contemporaries as the descendants of the Pharisees of the NT and as Jesus’ declared enemies who wanted him dead (cf. Mk 3:6); based on this reasoning Christians tried to legitimise attacks on Jews. In a sense the tensions between Judaism and Christianity that continue into the present time perpetuate the conflict between Jesus and Pharisees. ~ Essenes; > Judaism; - Hasmonaeans; > Sadducees 1 A.J. BAUMGARTEN, The Flourishing of Jewish Sects in the Maccabean Era: An Interpretation, 1997 2Id., The Name of the Pharisees, in: Journ. of Biblical Literature

102, 1983, 411-428 3R. DEINES, Jiidische Steingefafse und pharisaische Frommigkeit, 1993 4 Id., Die Pharisader. Ihr Verstandnis im Spiegel der christlichen und jiidischen Forschung seit Wellhausen und Graetz, 1997 (critical review of this: E.P. Merer, The Quest for the Historical Pharisee ..., in: Catholic Biblical Quarterly 61,

1999, 713-

qn)

‘Common

5Id.,

M.

HEeENGEL,

E.P.

Sanders’

Judaism’, Jesus und die Pharisaer, in: M.

HENGEL, Judaica

et Hellenistica (KS vol. 1), 1996, 392-479

Flavius Josephus on the Pharisees, 1991

6S. Mason, 7 J.NEUSNER,

The Rabbinic Traditions about the Pharisees before 70, 3

PHARISAEI,

PHARISEES

vols., 1971 8 P. SCHAFER, Der vorrabbinische Pharisaismus, in: M. Hencer, U. Hecker (eds.), Paulus und das antike Judentum,

1992,

928

927

125-172.

9 L.H. SCHIFFMAN,

Pharisees and Sadducees in Pesher Nahum, in: M. BRetTTLER, M. FIsHBANE (eds.), Minhah le-Nahum, 1993, 272290 10 G. STEMBERGER, Pharisder, Sadduzaer, Essener, 1991 11H.-G. Wauske, Die Pharisaer in der protestantischen Bibelwissenschaft des 19. Jahrhunderts, 1998 12 H.-F. Weiss, s.v. Pharisder, TRE 26, 1996, 473-485.

form of the medication. In the early Hellenistic period, the development of composite drugs produced a new type of work, frequently under the title of Meoi avtdsotwv/Peri antidoton, ‘On Antidotes’.

A.TO.

II]. MESOPOTAMIA A. TERMINOLOGY B.SouRCES C. MEDICAL INGREDIENTS D. PREPARATION AND APPLICATION

RO.D.

Pharmacology I. EryMo.tocy II. Sources III]. MESOPOTAMIA IV. MEDICATION AND ACTIVE MEDICAL INGREDIENTS V. PREPARATION AND PHARMACEUTICAL FORMS VI. PROFESSIONS AND INSTRUMENTS VII. BYZANTIUM, ARAB WORLD, RENAISSANCE

I. ETYMOLOGY The Greek term for pharmacology (6 zeQi Pagudaxwv NOyos/ho peri pharmakon logos, Pedanius Dioscorides, De materia medica praef. 5) means ‘science of remedies’. Originally, the term douaxov/pharmakon, whose etymology is not known, did not specifically refer to a medical drug, but to any substance introduced into the body with the ability of changing the body’s structure or function. The Latin term medicamentum points to the aspect of assistance and support, as does BorOnua/boethéema. Specific medications were named after their principal property (e.g. duoventixov/diouretikon, diuretic hmatixov/hépatikon,

liver-). From

the

early 1st cent. BC, the following terms became standard: &vtidotoc/ antidotos, Lat. antidotus, for antidotes, and ovvOeotd/ synthesis, Lat. compositio, for composite drugs as general terms, alongside specific descriptors such as Gupooota/ambrosia, Lat. ambrosia, ambrosia; Cwmtbeeod/zopyreios, Lat. zopyrium, ‘by ‘+ Zopyrus’; Onovaxi/theriake, Lat. theriaca, ‘against animal bites’; teod/hierd, Lat. sacra, ‘sacred’. By contrast, ‘simple’ medications were described as &iotv/

A. TERMINOLOGY Two pharmacological terms are attested: the Akkadian bultu, from balatu, ‘to live’, referring to the prescription and medication, and the more frequently found Akkadian Sammu (Sumerian Q), initially used to

refer to the plant in general, then specifically to medical plants and the medication derived from it. B. SOURCES The pharmacological literature as one branch of Mesopotamian science can be subdivided into plant lists and practical handbooks. A list of plant is found in chapter 17 of one of the most comprehensive Mesopotamian

lists (—> Lists), ur.-ra = bubullu; practical

applications are the topic of the handbook Uruanna = mastakal (in three chapters). Set out in two columns,

this compendium with its more than 1,000 entries provides equivalents of plants, at times with short additional notes regarding their indication. The handbook DUB.U.HLA,

(‘The Table of Plants’), dating back to

around rooo BC and set out in three columns, gives the names, indications and applications of plants. A further source of information is Sammu Sikinsu, a work on “The Nature of Plants’, describing the botanical properties and applications of plants. According to optimistic estimates, up to 20% of the Assyrian-Babylonian plants can be identified on the basis of their common Semitic etymology. Because of the climatic conditions in Mesopotamia and the methodology of excavations before World War II, there have been hardly any palaeobotanical analyses carried out at the time.

haploun, Lat. simplex. Il. SouRCES The written source material comprises literary texts (myths, Homeric epics, tragic poetry and works by historians) as well as expert medical texts; of the latter, the most important are the Corpus Hippocraticum (> Hip-

pocrates [6]), the Problemata by Ps.-Aristotle, alongside the works of Diocles [6], Nicander [4], Pedanius

Dioscorides, Pliny, Scribonius Largus, Aretaeus of Cappadocia, Rufus of Ephesus and Galen; in addition, there

are archaeological sources (flasks for medical preparations found in ship wrecks or graves, which can be put through a pharmaco-chemical analysis). Greek pharmacological works generally fall into one of three categories: the drugs are sorted according to a) their active medical ingredient, b) the symptoms which they treated (general works often proceeded topographically from head to toe), or c) the pharmaceutical

C. MEDICAL INGREDIENTS The ingredients comprised plant, animal and mineral substances. Most of the animal products mentioned are coded plant names — Ancient Mesopotamian medicine thus made no use of dreckapotheke. D. PREPARATION AND APPLICATION A distinction was made between simplicia, 1.e. simple preparations, and composita, drugs made up from a range of different substances. Plants were used both fresh and dried. In some instances, additional information on dosage and length of application was also provided. Pharmaceutical forms were determined by the method of application: medication for internal application were given in form of a liquid, in food, as a linctus or pill. External applications are documented as ointment, dressing, poultice and powder. Specific applications for mucus membranes included suppositories,

929

930

enemas, drops for external use, insufflation, inhalation

craticum and whose number increased subsequently: as a result of the increasing trade with the Orient, they became available from ever more distant regions.; Medical treatises often presented the medical substances in alphabetical order. > Pedanius Dioscorides, however, had sorted them according to groups (yévn/ géné) defined in accordance with the therapeutic effect

and fumigation. ~» Medicine; > Physician; — Science D. GoLrz, Studien zur altorientalischen und griechischen

Heilkunde, 1974; P. Herrero, La thérapeutique mésopotamienne, 1984; F. KOcHeR, Keilschrifttexte zur assyrisch-babylonischen. Drogen- und Pflanzenkunde, 1955; Id., Ein Text medizinischen Inhalts aus dem Grab 405, in: R. M. BOEHMER (ed.), Uruk — Die Graber, 1995, 203-217; M.A. Powe tt, Drugs and Pharmaceuticals in Ancient Mesopotamia, in: I. und W. Jacos (ed.), The Healing Past, 1993, 47-67; R.C. THompson, The Assyrian Her-

bal, 1924.

BA.BO.

IV. MEDICATION AND ACTIVE MEDICAL

INGREDIENTS According to [1], medicinal preparations in Greece (as in the Ancient Orient) were originally rooted in animism. However, in the course of the rst millennium BC, it became more concrete, in parallel with the establishment of the pathogenic cause of an illness; initially, iron and fire were regarded as suitable means to remove the pathogen from the body and to destroy it (Pl. Resp. 405d). Plants, too, were to eliminate the pathogenic substance (example: the treatment of the daughters of ~ Proetus by > Melampus, the seer and magic healer

[r]). The effect of medicinal preparations remained holistic prior to the publication — under Aristotle’s name — of the Peripatetic Problémata (4th-3rd cent. BC, see ~ Aristotle [6] C.5.); in that work, it was specifically analyzed in view of the aim, course, and differentiation of effects. Beginning with ~ Diocles [6] (4th-3rd cents.), the effect of a drug was equated to a transforming power (dvvautc/ dynamis), without however defining its mechanism in any detail. Following on from the Asclepiadeans (— Asclepiades [6]) and the > Methodists, who postulated an exchange of atoms between the medication and the human body, > Galen formalized this concept with the assumption of an exchange of substances (of the four elements) between the medication and the material substance of the human body. The actual substances of medicinal preparations (WAn/hylé, sometimes more specifically defined by iatoimn/ iatrike) were of plant, animal or mineral origin, with plant material dominating. Their use was at least partially based on tradition and folklore, which theoretical medicine then took up. The range of substances was expanded in the wake of the conquests of Alexander [4] the Great; the properties of these substances seem to have been investigated systematically in the Hellenistic world, but it is impossible to establish whether this took the form of scientific experiments. Pharmaceutical substances were totally or partially produced from natural products (fresh or dried) as well as from manufactured products. The rarer (and thus costlier) a substance was, the mightier the properties it was attributed with — this applied for example to Oriental substances that were known since the Corpus Hippo-

PHARMACOLOGY

ascribed to the substances listed; this resulted in a hierarchy (téEtc/tdxis), progressing in steps from a property

with positive connotations to its opposite. Within these homogenous groups, the substances are ordered and differentiated from each other according to a comparative system — based in particular on the degree to which they display the specific property due to which they have been assigned to that group. Galen’s works, returning to the alphabetical order, while at the same time reducing the range of properties, place the efficiency of the medicinal substances on a scale linking pairs of opposites (cold/hot and dry/wet), but without a neutral point (zero).

V. PREPARATION AND PHARMACEUTICAL FORMS Simple medicinal preparations consisted of an active

ingredient, possibly also an ingredient to modify the organoleptic properties of the medicinal substance, and a basic substance or solvent to allow the appropriate external or internal application. From the rst cent. BC onward, composite drugs (ovvOetixd/synthetika,

Lat. composita)

were

develo-

ped, using experiments, the most famous of which were those by Mithradates [6] VI Eupator (cf. Gal. De antidotis 1,1); they combined several active ingredients to create a broad therapeutic effect. Originally destined for toxicological and preventative applications, in the tst cent. AD they were used for a range of different symptoms and variety of therapeutic purposes. They frequently bore the name of their respective inventor; their actual formulation often remained secret, but they were produced in the same way as simple preparations. The pharmaceutical forms varied depending on the intended application of the respective medication: e.g. infusions, decoctions, creams, ointments, emulsions, hot poultices or steam baths. Dosages and methods of application in some detail (quantities, but not duration of treatment), as were the toxic effects potentially associated with excessive doses. VI. PROFESSIONS AND INSTRUMENTS Medicinal substances, particularly plant material, were collected by ‘root-cutters’ (61Got6u0V/rhizotdmol)

who also undertook the processing of the fresh material (cleaning, picking over, drying, storing). In Roman times (particularly in the rst to 3rd cents. BC), when composite remedies (composita) enjoyed an almost fashionable popularity, a regular trade in medicinal substances developed, with specializations in specific (including exotic) substances. The maximum legal price for some of these substances was amongst those defined in the + Edictum [3] Diocletiani. The actual prepara-

PHARMACOLOGY

931

tion of the medication, originally undertaken by the physician himself, later became the remit of specialists (paguaxonmAns/pharmakopoles, Lat. pharmacopola; Lat. > pigmentarius; THLEevtaeuoc/pementarios, uvoepoc/myrepsos, Lat. seplasiarius, Lat. aromatius, thurarius), who sold both the raw materials and the end products. The range of instruments used in this process varied depending on the nature of the medicinal substances — the guiding principle was not to change their composition through chemical reactions — and on the method of preparation. Byzantine MSS do not provide us with any images of pharmaceutical instruments or processes, but such illustrations are extant in Arabic MSS (the translation of Pedanius Dioscorides) as well as in Latin MSS

of translations of Arabic treatises dating from about 1050 at the earliest. VII. BYZANTIUM,

ARAB WORLD,

RENAISSANCE

The tradition of ancient pharmacology was continued in Byzantium with the encyclopaedias by > Oribasius (4th cent. AD), > Aetius [3] (6th cent.), Alexander [29] of Tralles (6th cent.), > Paulus [5] of Aegina (7th cent.), and in the the roth cent. e.g. by that of Theophanes Chrysobalantes. After the Byzantine body of knowledge had been received into the Arab world in the the 9th cent., it was in turn influenced by translati-

ons of Arabic treatises into Greek as well as by the integration of Arab substances and preparation formulas (evident e.g. in Symeon Seth, rith cent., Nikolaos Myrepsos, 13th cent., Joannes Zacharias Actuarius 14th cent. as well as in the iatrosophia, Byzantine collections of medicinal formulas). New medicinal substances and pharmaceutical formulas came from the Arab world, as did a further development of composite medications; of particular importance in this were deliberations on the theoretical concept of composita as well as on the emergence of new specific properties in

composite medications which were greater than the sum of the effects of its constituent simple preparations. In the Latin West, this approach together with formulas developed in the Arab world arrived via Salerno from the 11th cent. onwards and retained its influence into the 15th cent. Towards the end of the 15th cent., Nicolao Leoniceno (1428-1524) advised a return to a pharmacology of simple preparations, as represented in ~ Pedanius Dioscorides’ treatise on Materia Medica. -» Disease; > Medicine; > Paccius Antiochus; > Pedanius Dioscorides; > Scribonius Largus; - Theophrastus; > Zoology and Botany; > PHARMACY 1 Lorenz, Antike Krankenbehandlung in historisch — vergleichender Sicht, 1990.

A. Desru, Philosophie et pharmacologie: la dynamique des substances

leptoméres chez Galien, in: Ead.

(ed.),

Galen on Pharmacology, 1997, 85-102; C. FABRICIUS, Galens Exzerpte aus alteren Pharmakologen, 1972; M.D. GrMEK, Le chaudron de Médée, 1997; J. KORPELA, Aro-

matarii, pharmacopolae, thurarii et ceteri. Zur Sozialgeschichte Roms, in: PH. J. VAN DER E1jK (ed.), Ancient Medicine in its Socio-Cultural Context, 1995, vol. 1, ro1—

932 118; P.G. Kritikos, $.N. Papapakt, Contribution a l’hi-

stoire de la pharmacie chez les Byzantins, in: G.E. DANN (ed.), Die Vortrage der Hauptversammlung der Internationalen Geselleschaft fiir Geschichte der Pharmakologie (Kongress Athen 1967), 1969, 13-78; J. SCARBOROUGH,

Pharmaceutical Theory in Galen’s Commentary on the Hippocratic Epidemics, in: G. BAADER (ed.), Die hippokratischen Epidemien, 1989, 270-282; A. TouwalIbE, Le strategie terapeutiche: i farmaci, in: M.D.

GRMEK

(ed.),

Storia del pensiero medico occidentale, vol. 1, 1993, 349369; Id., Farmacologia araba medievale: il codice Ayaso-

fia 3703, 4 vols., 1992/93; Id., L’école aristotélicienne et la naissance de la pharmacologie théorique, in: La pharmacie au fil du temps, 1996, 11-22; Id., La pharmacologie de Dioscoride a Galien: du pharmacocentrisme au médicocentrisme, in: A. Desru

(ed.), Galen on Pharmacology,

1997, 255-282; Id., De la pratique populaire au savoir codifié: les étapes de la conceptualisation du pharmakon dans le monde grec antique, in: A. ROUSSELLE (ed.), Monde rural et histoire des sciences en Méditerranée, 1998, 81-105; G. Watson, Theriac and Mithridatium,

1966.

A.TO.

Pharmacussae (Paouaxotooa, Pharmakoussai). Two

small islands in the sound of Salamis off the coast of Attica (Steph. Byz. s.v. ®.); the grave of > Circe could be seen on the larger island (Str. 9,1,13), present-day Hagios Georgios in the Bay of Paloukia; the smaller island is the rocky reef Tes Panagias, near Perama [1. 566f.]. 1E. Meyer,

s.v. Psyttaleia,

RE

Suppl.

14, 566-571.

AKU.

Pharmakeia (aquaxeia; pharmakeia). The giving of a medical drug, magic potion or poison (pharmakon). In Athens, if someone personally administrated it and this resulted in a citizen’s death, a dixn povov (dike phonon, ‘murder charge’; > phonos) could be brought, which was decided by the > Areios pdgos (Dem. Or. 23; or. 24; Aristot. Ath. Pol. 57,3). In the case of premeditated killing, the punishment was death, otherwise exile. Plato differentiates between the pharmakeia of doctors and sorcerers on the one hand and that of laymen on the other (Pl. Leg. 93 2e-933e). Offenders were not liable to prosecution for attempt until Ptolemaic Egypt (PTebtunis I 43 = Mitreis/WILCKEN 46). E. BERNEKER, Der Versuch im griech. Recht, in: W. KunKEL, H.J. WoxrrF (eds.), FS E. Rabel, 1954, vol. 2, 42-44, 74f.;D.M. MacDoweEtL, Athenian Homicide Law, 1963, 45f., 62f.; T. J.SAUNDERS, Plato’s Penal Code, r991, 318323; J. SCARBOROUGH, The Pharmacology of Sacred Plants, in: CH. A. FARAONE, D. OBBINK (eds.), Magika Hiera, 1991, 138-174. GT.

Pharmakides (®aouaxides; Pharmakides). According to Paus. 9,11,2, old images of women called Pharmakides (‘enchantresses’)were displayed at Thebes. Accor-

ding to the Thebans; they had prevented the birth of ~» Hercules [1] at the behest of Hera. The Pharmakides of Theban local myth are evidently to be identified

933

934

with > Eileithyia and with the Moirae (> Moira), who were probably also depicted as Pharmakides on the > Cypselus chest (Paus. 5,18,2) [1]. This is supported

Pharnabazus (®aovaBatoc; Pharndbazos). [1] Persian, from 468 or 455 BC satrap of » Dascylium [2] in Phrygia (Thuc. 2,67,1). [2] Grandson of P. [1], satrap of Dascylium [2], died

by the fact that the latter were honoured at Thebes with

after 373 BC; in 413/12 BC he was anally of Sparta and

their own temple (Paus. 9,25,4). 1 W.H. RoscHer, Die sogenannten Pharmakiden des Kypseloskastens, in: Philologus 47, 1889, 703-709.

TH.KN.

Pharmakos [1] (Paequaxoc; pharmakos). Magician, v. Magic.

[2] (daeuaxdc/pharmakos from ddeucaxov/pharmakon, ‘remedy, medicine’). The pharmakos was a human ‘scapegoat’ (> Scapegoat rituals), who at Athens and in the Ionian poleis was driven out of a city to ‘purify’ it during the ~ Thargelia as well as in times of crisis such as epidemic and famine. The scapegoat was chosen from among the poor and deformed; pharmakos and associated terms were thus regarded as insults [7; 8]. The pharmakoi received preferential treatment in the Prytaneion (e.g. in Massalia: Petron. Sat. fr. 1; schol. Stat. Theb. 10,793), before being paraded around the city in a procession with discordant music (Colophon: Hipponax frr. 5-11, 153 West), beaten with wild, sterile vegetation (Colophon) and finally driven over the city boundaries under a hail of stones (Abdera: Callim. fr. 90). The corresponding Greek myths tell of kings, aristocrats and esp. the daughters of kings, as e.g. the daughters of > Erechtheus, who sacrificed themselves willingly for the city. Although exaggerated, such myths [4-6] point to the significance of a saviour (> Soter, > Soteria) for the city, which could only be saved by an atonement of this quality. Comparable rituals in Ebla, Israel and among the Hittites (+ Hattusa D.) suggest that the origins of this much-discussed [1-6] ritual lay in northern Syria [9; ro]. Its occurrence (cf. POxy. 53,3709) in Abdera, by tradition founded in 654 BC by the Ionian Clazomenae, and in Massalia, founded by Phocaea around 600 BC, suggests a cultic import from the Ancient Orient in the early archaic period. + Human sacrifices; + Magic;> Purity; — Ritual; ~ Sacrifice; > Scapegoat rituals 1 J. BREMMER, Scapegoat Rituals in Ancient Greece, in: HSPh 87, 1983, 299-320 (= R. BuxTON (ed.), Oxford Readings in Greek Religion, 2000, 271-293) 2R. PARKER, Miasma, 1983, 257-271 3D. HuGuHes, Human Sacrifice in Ancient Greece, 1991 4 P. BONNECHERE, Le sacrifice humain en Gréce ancienne, 1994, 118-121, 293-

308 5 D. OGpEN, The Crooked Kings of Ancient Greece, 1997 6S. Georcoupt, A propos du sacrifice humain en Gréce ancienne: remarques critiques, in: Archiv fiir Religionsgeschichte 1, 1999, 61-82 7 K.M. STAROWIEYSKI, ‘Perikatharma et peripsema. Przyczynek do historii egzegezy patrystycznej’, in: Eos 78, 1990, 281-957 8M. Di Marco, Pirria pharmakos, in: ZPE 117, 1997, 35-41

9 P. XEL1A, Il ‘capro espiatorio’ a Ebla. Sulle origini storiche di un antico rito mediterraneo,

PHARNACEIA

in: Studi Storico-

Religiosi 62,1996, 677-684 101. ZATELLI, The Origin of the Biblical Scapegoat Ritual: The Evidence of Two Eblaite Texts, in: VT 48, 1998, 254-263. |B.

in 409 BC of Athens (he sheltered > Alcibiades [3] in 4o4 und had him murdered at the request of Lysander [x]; Xen. Hell. 1,1,6; 14; 2,16; 3,8ff.; Diod.Sic. 14,11,2;

Nep. Alcibiades 9ff.; Isoc. Or. 16,40). In 394 BC, P. and -» Conon [1] defeated the Spartan fleet in a sea battle at Cnidos; in 393 BC, he conquered Melos and Cythera. He married Apama, a daughter of the Persian Great king; his granddaughter, Apama [1], became the progenetrix of the Seleucides. -» Tissaphernes TH. LENSCHAU, s.v. Pharnabazos (2), RE 19, 1842-1848; M. Notift, Denkmaler vom Satrapensitz Daskyleion,

1992.

APL.

[3] Son of Artabazus [4] and grandson of P. [2]. He served in 334 BC under his uncle > Memnon [3]. After Memnon’s death, he took over the supreme command of the Persian fleet. Together with Autophradates [1], he forced first Mytilene on Lesbos, and then Tenedos to surrender (Arr. Anab. 2,1,3-2,2,3; Curt. 3,3,1). P. and his fleet continued his naval operations by pillaging the Milesians, attacking Chios with occupying forces and advancing to Andros and then Siphnos, where he established contact with Agis [3] III. of Sparta (Curt. 4,1,37; Arr. Anab. 2,13,4). At the news of the outcome of the battle of > Issus, in which his wife and son had been

taken prisoner (Curt. 3,13,14), P. returned to Chios in AD 333 in order to prevent the secession of the island, at which at first he succeeded (Arr. Anab. 2,13,5; Curt. 4,5,15: November 333). When the Macedonian fleet appeared a year later in the Aegean, Ph. was besieged and taken prisoner in Chios (Arr. Anab. 3,2,3-4; Curt. 4,5,17). P., who was supposed to have been taken to Alexander [4] the Great, escaped by the end of AD 332 at Cos (Arr. Anab. 3,2,7). Later he must have changed over to the Macedonian side, as in AD 321 he appears as Eumenes’ [1] cavalry leader against Craterus [1] (Plut. Eumenes 7). M.SCH. Pharnaceia (®aovaxeva/Pharndkeia, Paovaxta/Pharnakia, Latin Pharnacea). Port on the southern coast of the Black Sea (— Pontos Euxeinos), founded by Pharnaces [1] I, probably after the occupation of > Sinope in 183 BC while incorporating the population of @otyoral (Str 255,255 736523 11,2500) 12,3,13-19s20—

303 14,5,223 Ptol. 5,6,5; Plut. Lucullus 18,2; Plin. HN

6,11; 32). According to the information on distances in Xen. An. 5,3,2 (cf. also Peripl. m. Eux. 34), however, P. was not on the soil of > Cerasus (perhaps the statement of Choirades in Scyl. 86 can be related to this), even if it is certain that P. had assumed the name Cerasus by the time of Arrianus [2] (Arr. Peripl. p. E. 24); because the modern Giresun doubtlessly derives from this name. Archaeology: remains of the ancient harbour mole,

PHARNACEIA

935

Byzantine fortress on Hellenistic foundations; no excavations. D.R. Witson, The Historical Geography of Bithynia, Paphlagonia, and Pontus in the Greek and Roman Periods, D.B. Thesis Oxford 1960, 248-251 (typescript); A. Bryer, D. WINFIELD, The Byzantine Monuments and Topography of the Pontos, vol. 1, 1985, 126-134. E.0.

936

he was killed in the battle against Asandrus Mithr. 120; Cass. Dio 42,47).

(App.

V. F. Gaypukevic, Das Bosporanische Reich, 1971, 322ff.; R.D. SULLIVAN, Dynasts in Pontos, in: ANRW II 7.2,

1980,

913-930;

K. GOLENKO,

P. KARYSZKOWSKI,

The Gold Coinage of King Pharnaces of the Bosporus, in: NC 12, 1972, 25-28.

Ly.B.

Pharnaces (®aevixnce; Pharnakés).

Pharnuches (®aovotyye; Pharnouches), a Lycian in-

[1] P. I. King of — Pontus (185-160/154 BC), son of

terpreter (though, as his name shows, from a Persian

+ Mithridates [3] III. After the conquest of > Sinope in 183 BC, Ph. fought in 182-179 BC (Pontian War Pol. 25,2; Diod. Sic. 29,24) together with the dynast Mithridates of Armenia Minor against a gradually emerging coalition of the kings Eumenes [3] I, Ariarathes IV

mate) and Morzius (Paphlagone) and the cities Heracleia [7], Mesambria [1], Chersonesus [3] and Cyzicus. He was forced to end the war by concluding individual treaties, of which the treaty oath of the Chersonesians has survived as a fragment, while the corresponding

colonist family), was assigned in 329 BC by Alexander [4] the Great to a task force under the leadership of three — hetairoi that was to relieve the fortress of ~» Marakanda from siege by > Spitamenes. By means of the incompetence of the officers the troops were almost completely annihilated. It is impossible that a P. had three hetairoi under his command (as Arr. Anab. 4,3,7 reports on the authority of Ptrolemaeus and Aristobulus [7]): it is certain that he was, as Aristobulus has him saying, attached to the unit only for diplomatic purposes; the blame for the defeat was them shifted on to him (see also + Menedemus [r1]). EB.

oath of P. survived intact (IOSPE I no. 402, lines r-1o and 10-32). Rome, with whom P. from then ono was

Pharos

(> Cappadocia), Prusias Il and Artaxias [1] I, the dynasts Acusilaus (territory unknown), Gatalos (Sar-

connected by amicitia (IOSPE I* no. 402, line 3), apparently guided the conclusion of this treaty (IOSPE I* no. 402, lines 2-5; 24-28). Nevertheless, Sinope remained

in P.” possession, to which either he himself or his brother Mithridates [4] IV relocated the court from Amaseia (Str. 12,3,11). However, the consequences of the war were serious for P.; thus, even in 160/159, for example, he was not yet in a position to meet the commitments to the Athenians which he had entered on earlier (IG XI 4, 1056b, lines 4-6; 37-41). E. OLSHAUSEN, S.v. Pontos (2), RE Suppl. 15, 396-442; L.

BALLESTEROS Pastor, Mithridates Eupator, 1996, 27-30.

EO. [2] Son of Mithridates [6] VI. and his designated suc-

cessor, king of the > Regnum Bosporanum in 63-47 BC. After the betrayal of his father to > Pompeius Magnus, the latter installed P. in 63 as king of the Regnum

Bosporanum and of ~ Chersonesus [3] (App. Mithr. 113). As of 54/50, he assumed his father’s title of ‘Great King’ (IOSPE 2, 356). He asserted himself forcefully against Asian tribes (Str. 11,2,11; 5,8). When, during the civil war, Pompeius asked him for auxiliary troops, P. was reluctant (App. Civ. 2,88; and others). Immediately after the battle of > Pharsalus, he began to reconquer his father’s kingdom: With the help of Sarmatian troops, he initially captured > Phanagoria together with the cities of the area (App. Mithr. 120). Prior to his victorious campaign when, in a few months, he subjugated > Colchis, » Cappadocia, Armenia Minor (see + Armenia) and parts of > Pontus (Str. 11,2,17), he

installed Asandrus as his deputy. His further advance was halted due to Asandrus’ disloyalty (Cass. Dio 42,46,4) and by Caesar who defeated him near > Zela in 47. Ph. fled back to the Regnum Bosporanum where

[1] > Lighthouses [2] (Pharia, Plin. HN 3,152). 68 km long island in the Adriatic Sea off the Dalmatian coast (Scyl. 23; Str. 2,5,20), modern Hvar (Croatia). According to Pol. 5,108,7, the island was called 6 Pdgoc/ho Pharos, while the city was called } ®./hé Ph. (ruins near Stari Grad, cf.

[x]). Since 385/4 BC (Diod. Sic. 15,13,4), Ph. was a colony of Paros (Ephor. FGrH 70 F 89), since 229 BC, it

was part of the Illyrian kingdom of Agron [3] and Teuta, then it became a possession of Demetrius of P.; in 219 BC, P. was conquered by the Romans (Pol. 3,18,2ff.). In the Imperial period, colonists from Salona settled here (centuriation) [2]. 1M. Katic, Agglomération illyrienne pré-grecque a Stari Grad, in: P. CaBANEs (ed.), L’Ilyrie méridionale et l’Epire dans |’Antiquité, Bd. 3, 1999, 61-65 2G. ALFOLDY,

Bevolkerung und Gesellschaft der romischen Provinz Dalmatien, 1965, 107, 118.

L. Braccesi, Grecita Adriatica, *1979, 233-236, 337; J.J. Witxes, The Illyrians, 1992, 113-116.

322—DS.

Pharsalus (| P&goadoc/hé Pharsalos). > Peleus, king of the Myrmidons, father of Achilles, rules in the city of > Phthia,which in Antiquity had been identified with the city of P. located on the southwestern edge of the Thessalian plain. Hom. Il. 1,155 knows only Phthia. The > Thessali founded P. when they took over the land at the source of the > Apidanus. They called this part of the plain Phthidtis, while the subjected territory of the indigenous population that had been pushed back into the southern mountains became Achaia Phthiotis. P. upheld the tradition of the alleged precursor city in hero cults from the circle of myths surrounding > Achilleus [1], while today, Phthia is usually iden-

O37

938

PHASAEL

tified with the Palaeopharsalus — probably Magoula near Ampelia (formerly Derengli) — that is mentioned in the sources [2. 1046-1050]. The name P. first appears in connection with the > Lelantine War of c. 700 BC, when the Thessalian cavalry under Cleomachus of P. supported > Chalcis [x] (Plut. Mor. 760e-761b). From the mid 6th cent. on, the family of the Echecratidae ruled in P., but was over-

Pharsanzes (Pharzanes). King of the > Regnum Bosporanum in AD 253-254; he interrupted the reign of - Rhecusporis V probably as a usurper who was hostile to the Romans. He is known on account of the coins he issued PIR* P 343. V.F. GaipuKevic, Das Bosporanische Reich, 1971, 470;

A.N. ZoGrapn, Ancient Coinage. Ph. Il: The Ancient Coins of the Northern Black Sea Littoral, 1977, 334-335.

thrown in c. 457 (Thuc. 1,111,1). In the conflicts bet-

L.v.B,

ween the leading families of Larisa, Pherae and P. over the Thessalian

tagefa (> tagds), P. maintained that position at the end of the 5th cent. under Daochus [1] and supported the Athenian side in the - Peloponnesian War (Thuc. 2,22,3). In 395, P. came under the rule of Larisa (Diod. 14,82,5), after 374 of Iason [2] of Pherae (Xen. Hell. 6,1,2). Not until 352, through Philippus [4] II, did P. regain a port (the city of Halus on the Gulf of Volos) and thus also greater importance (Str. 9,5,8). After the death of Alexander [4] the Great, P. joined the anti-Macedonian coalition in the > Lamian War, but in 322 subordinated itself again to Antipater [x] (Plut. Mor. 846e). In the 3rd cent. BC, the city was caught in the expanding league of the Aetolians. Philippus [7] V occupied P. in 198 during the 2nd of the ~ Macedonian Wars (Pol. 5,99; Liv. 32,33,16). For a short time in 191, P. was under the rule of Antiochus [5] III (Liv. 36,10,9; 36,14,11). No later than in 189, Rome

assigned P. to the Thessalian League, which had been re-founded in 197 (Liv. 38,11), but whose governing body never included a representative from P. The decisive battle in the Civil War between > Caesar and ~ Pompeius Magnus took place near P. in the summer of 48 BC (Caes. Civ. 3,8 5-97 without mention ofP.; yet P. appears in the title of the epic by > Lucanus [1] : Pharsalia). The location of the battleground has not yet been verified. [3]. In AD 431, P. appears as the seat ofa bishop (cf. Not. Episc. 3,494; 10,600). Justinian (AD 527-565) renewed the walls of the upper city of P. (Proc. Aed. 4,3,5). The continuity of settlement is also apparent in the preservation of the original city name. On the former acropolis, parts of the wall of the ancient city are preserved. Settlement traces exist beginning with the Neolithic period, tombs from the Mycenaean period onwards. 1 Y. BEQUIGNON, Recherches archéologiques dans la région de Pharsale, in: BCH 56, 1932, 89-119 2Id.,s.v. P., RE Suppl. 12, 1038-1084 3 J.C. DEcourrt, La vallée de l’Enipeus en Thessalie, 1990, s. Index 4 Fr. HiLp, H. KRAMOLISCH, s.v. P., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 53 5— 537 5 F.STAHLIN, Das hellenische Thessalien, 1924, 13 5— 144 (sources) 6 D.R. THEOCHARIS, Aoxiwaotimal oxapat, in: AD 19, 1964, Chron. 260-262 (excavation report) 7 Koper/HILD, 238f. und Index 8 C. VATIN, Pharsaliens a Delphes, in: BCH 88, 1964, 446-461 9N.M. VERDE-

Lis, Avaoxaph Pagodhwy, in: Praktika 1952, 185-204 (excavation report) 10 E. ViscHER, Homers Katalog der Schiffe, 1997, 655. HE.KR.

Pharusii (Pagovotot; Pharovisioi).

A nomadic North African people whom Strabo (2,5,333 17,3533 7) always mentions together with the > Nigritae (cf. Sall. lug. 18: Persae; Mela 1,22; 3,103; Plin. HN 5,43: Gymnetes Pharusi; 46: Pharusi, quondam Persae; 6,194: Perusit; Ptol. 4,6,17; Geogr. Rav. 43,10: Paurisi). The P. appear to have partly lived to the west and partly to the southeast of the High Atlas. With their caravans they occasionally reached as far as > Cirta (Str. 17,3,7). J. DESANGES, Cat. des tribus africaines ..., 1 962, 230-232.

W.HU. Phasael (®aodmoc; Phasdélos). [1] Eldest son of > Antipater [4] and Cyprus, born in c. 77 BC probably in > Marissa (Idumaea; Jos. Bl. 1,8,9; Jos. Ant. lud. 14,7,3). In 47 BC, P. was appointed governor (oteatiyoc/stratégos) of Jerusalem and the surrounding area by Antipater (émitgonoc/epitropos of Judaea under the high priest and > ethnarchos > Hyrcanus [3] II), while his brother > Herod [1] took on the same office in Galilee (Jos. Ant. lud. 14,9,2; Jos. Bl 1,10,4). Josephus credits P. as a moderate man striving for a peaceful balance between the various political parties [3. 54f.]. The result of the extremely successful power politics of the family unit of Antipater and his sons between the quarrelling parties of the Hasmoneans on the one hand — Hyrcanus II together with > Aristobulus [2] Il and his son > Antigonus [5] — and the various representatives of Roman power on the other was, in 42 BC, the installation by > Antonius [I 9] of P. and Herod as tetrarchs [3. 69f.; 2. 124] over Jerusalem and Judaea and Galilee (Jos. Ant. lud. 14,13,1; Jos. Bl 1,12,5), while the office of ethnarch still remaining with Hyrcanus II was from then on only nominal in nature [3. 69f.]. In 40 BC, Parthian forces invaded Syria and Palestine under the leadership of Barzaphranes and ~ Pacorus [1], who supported Antigonus’ claim to the throne amongst other aims. Hyrcanus II and P. were taken prisoner during peace negotiations in the Parthian camp (Jos. Ant. lud. 14,13,4—-6; Jos. Bl 1,13,3). P. died there either by suicide (Jos. Ant. lud. 14,13,10), poisoning (Jos. Bl 1,13,11) or in battle (Julius Africanus, PG 10,84f.). 1 N. Koxxinos, The Herodian Dynasty. Origins, Role in

Society and Eclipse, 1998, esp. 156-162 2 P. RICHARDSON, Herod: King of the Jews and Friend of the Romans, 1996 3 A. SCHALIT, Kénig Herodes, 1969 4 SCHURER 1, 27,5250.

939

940

[2] The tallest of the three towers (alongside Hippicus and + Mariamme |2]) of the palace of Herod [1] the Great in Jerusalem or of the city wall adjacent to his palace (Jos. BI 5,4,3). It was named after P. [1], Herod’s

469 P. was forced by Cimon [2] to join the > Delian League. A goal of military action in 430/429 BC under

PHASAEL

elder brother. These days, this tower is usually identified with the one commonly known as the “Tower of David’ in the area by the Jaffa Gate now referred to as the ‘Citadel’ (different in [3]: Hippicus as the “Tower of David’). Only these towers and a part of the western city wall were spared from the total destruction of Jerusalem by the Roman troops (AD 70; — Titus) in order to serve as reminders of the massive battlements (Jos. Bl Gx aaa)

1R. Amiran, A. EIran, Excavations in the Courtyard of the Citadel, Jerusalem, in: Israel Exploration Journal 20, 1970, 9-17 2 M. Brosut, Excavations along the Western and Southern Wall of the Old City of Jerusalem, in: H. Geva (ed.), Ancient Jerusalem Revealed, 1994, 147-155 3 H. Geva, The Tower of David — Phasael or Hippicus?, in: Israel Exploration Journal 31, 1981, 57-65 4 SCHURER 1, 304f. 5 R. SIVAN, G. SOLAR, Excavations in the Jerusalem Citadel, 1980-1988, in: H. Geva (ed.), see [2], 168-176 6E. Nerzer, Die Palaste der Hasmonaer und Herodes’ des Grofsen, 1999,

115-123.

LWA.

the Attic strategos Melesander was to secure the sea routes from Athens to P. (Thuc. 2,69). A treaty with + Mausolus (TAM 2, 1183) documents P.’s autono-

mous status during the 4th cent. The treaty probably has some connection with the conflict between Mausolus and Pericles [3] of Limyra, during which Pericles laid siege to P. (Polyaen. 5,42). Between 309 and the end of the 3rd cent. P. was under Ptolemaic rule. Following a brief period of autonomy, the peace treaty of Apamea (> Antioch [5]) placed P., along with Lycia, under the control of + Rhodes in 188. Coins indicate that P. was a member of the > Lycian League between 138 and roq. At the beginning of the rst cent., P. fell into the hands of Cilician priates under > Zenicetes,

which led to its destruction by P. Servilius Vatia (later Isauricus) in 77 BC. Monuments and inscriptions show that P. was a wealthy city in the rst and 2nd cents. AD (1314 visit from Emperor Hadrian). It is presumed that

incursions by the Isaurians and increasing piracy led to its decline in the 3rd and 4th cents. AD as the size ofthe settlement area grew smaller [2. 36, 174]. P. is mentioned as a bishop’s see in the 4th and sth cents. (Hierocles 683,1), and in connection with the Arab onslaughts of

Phasaelis

(®caoaniic/Phasaélis,

Paonhoc/Phasélos,

modern Hirbat Fas@il). City founded by > Herodes [1] lin memory of his elder brother > Phasael [1] to the north of + Jericho in the fertile Jordan rift valley, probably after 30 BC (Ios. Ant. Iud. 16,5,2; los. BI 1,21,9).

Inherited after Herod’s death by his sister > Salome (Ios. Ant. Iud. 17,8,1; los. BI 2,6,3), after her death P.

became the property of > Livia [2], wife of the emperor Augustus (los. Ant. Iud. 18,2,2; Ios. BI 2,9,1). P. was

known for its dates (Plin. HN 13,44; cf. representation as a palm-grove on the Byzantine mosaic map of + Medaba). In the Byzantine Period P. is mentioned in Iohannes [29] Moschus as the place of the Hagios Kyriakos church (Mosch. Pratum Spirituale 92). Other mentions: Cyrillus of Scythopolis, Vita Sabae 29; Steph. Byz. s.v. ®.; Geogr. Rav. p. 84. Although P. has not yet been investigated archaeologically, remains, particularly of the imposing water supply system (aqueduct, tunnel, pipes etc.) [3; 2. r89ff.], can be recognised. 1G. Harber, Herodes-Burgen und Herodes-Stadte im Jordangraben, in: ZPalV 78, 1962, 49-63 Orr: RICHARDSON, Herod: King of the Jews and Friend of the Romans, 1996, s. Index

1969, 324f.

3 A. SCHALIT, Konig Herodes,

4 SCHURER 2, 168f.

LWA.

Phaselis (Paonhic; Phasélis). Port city on the eastern Lycian coast near what is today Tekirova. It was established as a Greek colony (Cic. Verr. 2,4,21; Plut. Cimon

12,3) by > Lindus in about 690 BC, possibly at the site of an earlier Phoenician settlement. By the 6th cent., P. had developed into an important trade centre, owing to its favourable location. In the 7th cent. BC, P. was involved in the founding of > Naucratis (Hdt. 2,178).

Under Persian rule beginning in the mid—6th cent., in

the 7th and 8th cents. Conquest by Seldjuqs in the year 1158 spelled the end of P. The economic significance and prosperity of the city are reflected in the extensive minting of coins that began in the 6th cent. BC, as well as in its three harbours. The settlement was made up of the Hellenistic walled city, which was 20 hectares in size and located on a promontory, and the north settlement, which had already been fortified in the 4th cent. BC. The ruins are mainly from the Imperial and Byzantine eras; classical ceramic objects were found on the acropolis. The grammarian Dionysius [14] and the Peripatetic Critolaus [1] came from P. > Lykioi, Lycia 1 W. Rucg, s.v. Ph., RE 19, 1874-1883

2 J. SCHAFER

(ed.), P., 1981 3 C. BAYBURTLUOGLU, P. Kazisi Raporu, in: VII. Kazi Sonuglari Toplantis: 1985, 1986, 373-385

4 C. Heipp-TaMer, Die Miinzpragung der lykischen Stadt P. in griechischer Zeit, 1993.

AE

Phasiani (®aovavoi; Phasianoi, Xen. An. 4,6,5), a tribe

mentioned together with the > Chalybes and > Taochi that lived on the Phasis, a river that should not be identified with the Phasis in Colchis (modern Rioni/ Georgia) but with the modern Pasinsu (Armenian Basean) that flows into the Araxes [r]/ Aras at Pasinler. The

region known as Pasean in Armenian and Basiani in Georgian corresponds approximately to the modern region of Basen/Pasen with the city of Pasinler, c. 60 km east of Erzurum in north-eastern Turkey. W.E.D. ALLEN, A History of the Georgian People, 1971, 28f.; R. HEwsen, The Geography of Ananias of Sirak, 1992, 206, 213; B. BAUMGARTNER,

Studien zur histori-

schen Geographie von Tao-KlarSeti, 1996, 42f.

APL.

941

942

Phasis (®cotc; Phasis). [1] River in the southwestern Caucasus that flowed into the > Pontos Euxeinos near Ph. [2], present-day Rioni. Its estuary shifted several times, resulting in the growth of the mainland (cf. Str. 1,3,7). An ocean bay at the estuary of the P. is mentioned by Ptol. 5,10,1. The P. is first mentioned by Hesiod (Hes. Theog. 337-344). It

Only the name and the fact that it is a popular action is similar to the phasis proceedings against a legal guardian who fails to lease the property of his ward and to the phasis due to > asébeia (‘godlessness’). Proceedings referred to as phasis,often with the corresponding reward of half the penalty amount or half of the property, existed outside of Athens as well: LSCG 150 A7 (Cos, sth cent. BC); IG XII 5, 108,5 (Paros, 5th

was navigable over a course of 180 stadia (Ps.-Scyl. 81). The river’s upper course was a rapid mountain stream

which Procopius referred to as Boas (Procop. Pers. 2,29,16). The river was regarded as the northwestern boundary of the Achaemenid empire (~ Achaemenids [2]). Along its lower course were numerous Colchian settlements where goods imported from Greece from the 2nd half of the 6th cent. BC on have been found. G. GAMKRELIDSE, Travaux hydroarchéologiques de localisation de l’ancienne P., in: O.D. LORDKIPANIDZE, P.

PHEASANT

cent. BC); IG XIII 5, 2,6 (Ios, 4th cent. BC); IPArk 3,24

(Tegea, c. 350 BC); Syll.3 1220,9 (Nisyros, 3rd cent. BC); IMagn. roo b 35 (2nd cent. BC). Without reward:

IPArk 9,22 (Mantinea, 350-340); 17,89 (Stymphalus, 303-300 BC); 30,16 (Megalopolis, IPriene 195,24 (200 BC).

2nd

cent.

BC);

1 E. BERNEKER, s.v. Phasis, RE 19, 1896-1898 2D.M. MacDoweE LL, The Athenian Procedure of Phasis, in: M. GAGARIN (ed.), Symposion 1990, 1991, 187-198. GT.

LEVEQuE (ed.), Le Pont-Euxin vu par les grecs, 1990; O.D. LorpkIpANtDZE, Drevnaja Kolchida, 1976, 124-

127; Id. P. The River and City in Colchis (Geographica

Phayllus (®aisi0¢/Phajillos).

Historica 15), 2000.

[2] Greek city in > Colchis on the eastern coast of the -» Pontos Euxeinos at the former estuary of the river P. [x] (Str. 11,2,17; Ps.-Scymn. 928-931; Peripl. m. Eux. 44). According to Mela 1,108 it was founded as early as in the mid 6th cent. BC near present-day Poti by Themistagoras of Miletus [2]. Evidence of a Greek settle-

[1] A Phocian (- Phocis) strategos, who was dispatched with 7000 soldiers to support > Lycophron [3] of Pherae against > Philip [4] Il of Macedonia during the third of the Sacred Wars in 353 BC, but suffered a defeat. After the death of his brother > Onomarchus he assumed supreme command over the Phocians as stratégos autokrator and kept Philip from Thermopylae with Spartan, Athenian and Achaean help and merce-

ment, however, has not yet been found. The first refe-

naries, whom he rewarded with treasures from Delphic

rence to P. asa Greek city is not found until Ps.-Scyl. 81. All earlier records are of questionable validity (e.g. Aristoph. Ach. 726; Aristoph. Av. 68). There is no evidence of coins minted at P. In nearby Lake Paliastomi, ruins of a city from the 3rd to the 8th cents. AD have been discovered. In the Roman Imperial period, P. was expanded as an important port. There is evidence of a temple of > Cybele (Arr. Per. p. E. 9).

temples. P. took the war to Boeotia, but suffered defeats at Orchomenus, on the Cephisus and at Coronea. In 351 he occupied Epicnemidian Locris (see — Locri,

G.R. TSETSKHLADZE, Die Griechen in der Kolchis, 1998,

Locris [x]) and died of an illness after the assault on + Naryca (Diod. 16,35,1; 36,1; 37; 38,3-6; Demosth. Or. 19,833 23,124; Paus. 10,2,6; Theop. FGrH

115 F

248).

J. Buckier, Philip Il and the Sacred War, 1989.

WS.

7-12, 174; N. ERHARDT, Zur Griindung und zum Charakter der ostpontischen Griechensiedlungen, in: ZPE 56,

[2] See > Pythionikai

1984, 153-158; O. LORDKIPANIDZE,

Phea, Phia (®ed/Phed, Pad/Phaid, Peai/Pheai). Foothills and port on the coast of Elis [1] on the isthmus of

P. The River and

City in Coichis (Geographica Historica 15), 2000.

—_Lv.B.

[3] (paous; phasis). A ‘denunciation’ in general, derived from the verb ¢daivew (phainein; ‘to show’, ‘to bring to

light’). In Athens, any citizen could start criminal proceedings by presenting the corpus delicti (e.g. goods banned from import or export) to the > prytanis or to another magistrate. If the accuser won in front of the + boulé or the > dikastérion, he received half of the penalty amount or half of the proceeds from the confiscated and auctioned goods. The phasis was legitimate in cases when the rules of commerce, customs, minting, and mining were violated or when public property was damaged. If the object was not available or tangible, the charge could be based on > éndeixis. On new epigraphic material from Athens s. [2] (although Demosth. Or. 43,71 is excluded).

the peninsula of Ichthys (modern Katakolo) (Hom. Od. ECAH Isle, dino Maite, Ao) suer g/eyieim |20). 4,9,9; Diod. Sic. 12,43,4; Xen. Hell. 3,2,3.0; Str. 8,3,12;5 26f.; Paus. 5,18,6; Pol. 4,9,9; Plin. HN 4,13; 22) near

modern Katakolo, harbour for > Olympia. Traces of a settlement were found on the hill of Pontikokastro (acropolis) and under water in the Bay of Hagios Andreas as well as on the island of Tigani that lies off the coast and to the west, from the early Helladic Period right through to the Byzantine age. F. BOLTE, s.v. Ph., RE 19, 1909-1913; J. Horr, s.v. Pon-

tikokastro(n), in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 560.

—_£.0.C.L.

Pheasant. The pheasant, the male of which is splendidly colourful, (Phasianus colchicus, paovavoc/phasianos sc. dovuc/ornis, phasianus or phasianasc. avis) comes

PHEASANT

originally from the region in Colchis around the river Phasis it is named after (modern Rioni, to the south of the Caucasus) (Agatharchides fr. 15 JAcoBy FGrH 86 in Athen. 9,387c, cf. Mart. 13,72). From the sth cent.

BC it was introduced — with unique success for a galliform —into the wild in the Graeco-Roman cultural area. Aristophanes, who is the first to mention it (Nub. 108), ridicules the pheasant breeder Leogoras. It is not until the Hellenistic period under the Ptolemies (Athen. 9,387e and 14,654b-c) and the Roman Imperial period that pheasant breeding is documented again (cf. Colum. 8,8,10; Mart. 13,45 et passim).

As a symbol of dining luxury (e.g. in Sen. Dial. 12,10,2f. and Plin. HN 19,52) the enjoyment of its meat

was condemned again and again by Christian moralists (Clem. Al. Paidagogos 2,1; Ambr. Hexameron 6,5; Ambr. De helia et ietunio 8,24 SCHENKL, but esp. Hier.

Epist. 54,12; 79,7; 100,6; 107,10 et passim) until the 16th cent. [1. ro6ff.]. The meat, rated as excellent as well as digestible by physicians (such as Gal. De bonis malisque suc. 3,1 and De alim. fac. 3,18,3 KUHN) [1. 146ff.] was expensive to buy (Edictum Diocletiani: 250 denarii for a fattened cock). Details on rearing and fattening can be found in Pall. Agric. 1,29,1-4 and Geop. 14,19. Two Greek burial inscriptions of ‘pheasant masters’ (daovavae.oi; phasiandrioi) are known [r. 270f.]. The fat in particular was used from late Antiquity onward e.g. as an ingredient of ointments [1. 222ff.]. Zoologically it is described as early as Aristoteles with its predilection for bathing in sand because of its susceptibility to lice (Hist. an. 8(9),49B, 633b 2;

5,31,557a I1ff.), but Aristotle is wrong in stating that the female (he considers it smaller than the male, Aris-

tot. fr. 580 Rose in Athen. 14,654) laid speckled eggs (Hist. an. 6,2,559a 24f. = Plin. HN 10,144). The clearly recognisable ear tufts clearly visible on most mosaics of late Antiquity from the 3rd to the 6th cents. AD (preliminary catalogue in [1. 432-483]) are first mentioned by Pliny (HN 10,132; 11,121). It is also often depicted in miniatures in MSS [2. 380-414]. In mediaeval literature the hunting [1. 311ff.] of pheasants played a role just as important as that of its meat as a princely food [1. 66ff.]. 1 C.W. HUNEMORDER,

944

943

Phasianus colchicus, Studien zur

Kulturgesch. des Fasans, thesis Bonn 1966 (printed 1970)

2 Id., Die Ikonographie des Fasans in der abendlandischchristlichen Buchmalerei, in: FS fir C. Nissen, 1973, 380414. C.HU.

1 TRAILL, Attica, 7, 16, 40, 68, 82, 100,

Phegeus (@yyevc; Phégeris). [1] Son of > Alpheius [2] (Hyg. Fab. 244), brother of > Phoroneus; mythological king of Phegea in Arcadia, which was later called Psophis (Steph. Byz. s.v. Pnyeia; Paus. 8,24,2). He expiated the sin of > Alcmaeon [r], who had killed his own mother, and married him to his daughter > Alphesiboea (different name: — Arsinoe [1 3]). However, Alemaeon had to move on and then married ~ Achelous’ [2] daughter > Callirhoe [2], for whom Alcmaeon deceitfully robbed P. of > Harmonia’s necklace. Alemaeon paid for this deed with his life; Callirhoe took revenge by murdering P. (Eur. Alcmaeon in Psophis TGF fr. 65-73; Apollod. 3,75; 3,88ff.; Hyg. Fab. 245; Ov. Met. 9,407-417). [2] Son of > Dares [1], killed by > Diomedes [1] (Hom. Il. 5,9-19).

[3] Father of Amphiphanes and > Ganyctor [2]; according to legend, they killed the poet > Hesiodus because he had seduced their sister - Ctimene [2] (Certamen Homeri et Hesiodi 14). LK. [4] (Latin Phegelas). Indian king in > Punjab, at the -» Hyphasis (the modern Beas), an ally of with > Alexander [4] the Great. He is not mentioned in Indian sources; Bhagal, the ancient Indian name by which he is frequently mentioned, is only an assumption (earliest in [1. 239f.]). He welcomed Alexander in peace (Diod. Sic, 17,9351; Curt. 9,1,36) and told him about the terri-

tories east of the Hyphasis (Diod. Sic. 17,93,2; Curt. 9,2,2-3). Nothing is known about him after that time. There is a brief mention of P. in the Epitome Mettensis 68, but Arrianus does not mention him. 1S. Levi, Notes sur l’Inde a l’@poque d’Alexandre, in: Journal asiatique 15, 8. Ser., 1890, 234-240.

(four) bouleutaion the east coast of Attica (near what is today Draphi [3. 335] or lerotsakuli? [1. 82 with note 12]). It was not an independent démos, but a komé (‘village community’; of Stiria?) that was established by the people of Phegaea, as included in the list of demes IG II* 2362 as one of the demes of Pandionis (cf. Steph. Byz. s.v. ©.) [2. 55, 57ff.]. IG I? 1932,14f. shows evidence of cults of Hercules and the Dioscuri in P. [4].

K.K.

Phegus (®nyotc; Phégoiis). Attic mesogeia (?) deme of

the Erechtheis phyle, with one bouleutes. Demotikon Pyyovouod/ Phégousios (Steph. Byz. s.v. ®.). Location unknown. TRAULE, Attica, 39.162, 70, Une INta rr, Labs TraILL, Demos and Trittys, 1986, 126.

Pheidippides Phegaea (@nyaia/Phégaia, Pyyod/Phégaid; demotikon ®yyateto/Phégaieus). Attic paralia deme of the phyle of Aigeis, from AD 127/8 of Hadrianis, with three

112 Nr. 109, 120

no. 31, tab. 2,15 2J.S. TRAILL, Demos and Trittys, 1986 3 Travios, Attika 4 WHITEHEAD, 207 notes 183, 187. H.LO.

(®etdurxidyc;

Pheidippidés).

sc eos H.LO,

Courier

(hemerddromos) from Athens, who after the Persians’ landing at > Marathon (490 BC) was sent to the Lacedaemonians with a request for support troops (Hdt. 6,105f.; > Persian Wars); haunted by a vision of > Pan

on Mount Parthenium in Arcadia, he reached Sparta on the second day (Hdt. 6,1o5f.). P. is encountered in the

later tradition as Latin Phidippus (Nep. Miltiades 4,3) or Philippides (as in poorer manuscripts of Hdt. [1]; Plin. HN 7,84; Plut. Mor. 862a-b; Paus. 1,28,4; 8,5 4,6; Poll. 3,148; Solin. 1, 98; Suda s.v. ‘Inmiac/Hippias) and

945

946

under the last variant was erroneously considered the protagonist of the marathon (+ Marathon (running)) (Lucian Pro lapsu inter salutandum 3). Since 1982 an annual run from Athens to Sparta over 245 km (‘Spartathlon’) is held in recollection of P.’s mission.

[2] Aristocrat from Cyme [3], who is supposed to have widened the law on citizenship and at the same time to have enacted a law, according to which everyone was compelled to keep a horse (Heracleides Lembus, Excerpta politiarum, fr. 39 Dilts; this appears to have been regarded as part of an oligarchic order. It is difficult to assess the historicity of the man and the leg-

1 E. Bapian, The Name ofthe Runner, in: AJAH 4, 1979, 163-166.

F.J. Frost, The Dubious Origins of the ‘Marathon’, in:

AJAH

4, 1979,

159-163;

G. HERBURGER,

Lauf und

Wahn, 1988, 197-202; Y. KEMPEN, Krieger, Boten und Athleten, 1992, 91-96. T.FR.

islation, which

PHELLUS

would

have had to belong to a time

before the Persian conquest of Cyme and the tyranny of + Aristagoras [2] in the 2nd half of the 6th cent. BC. K.-J. H6Lkeskamp, Schiedsrichter, Gesetzgeber und Gesetzgebung im archaischen Griechenland, 1999, 163f. K.-].H.

Pheidippus (®eidinnoc; Pheidippos). [1] Son of > Thessalus, brother of > Antiphus, consequently grandson of > Heracles [1] and > Chalciope [3] (Hyg. Fab. 97,14). One of Helen [1]’s suitors (Hyg. Fab. 81). He and his brother command 30 ships at Troy (Hom. Il. 2,676-680). On the voyage home he is blown off course to Thesprotia, where he also dies. In Odysseus’s tall stories (Hom. Od. 14,316; 19,287) the king Pheidon of the Thesproti appears twice. The latter’s name is an abbreviation of P.; it is therefore assumed that they are the same person. According to [1] Thesprotia is P.’s original homeland. 1 K. SCHERLING, s.v. Ph. (1), RE 19, 1936f.

ALLER.

[2] Dealer in salted fish resident in Athens, son of the metoikos Chaerephilus. His family, the target of ridicule in comedies (Alexis PCG 6; 77; 221; Timocles PCG 23 etc.), received citizenship in the deme of Paeania at

the proposal of Demosthenes [2] in c. 328 BC (Deinarch. 1,43). P. was a trierarch no later than 323/2 (IG II’ 163 1d, 622-624). Davies, 566-568; J. ENGELS, Studien zur politischen Biographie des Hypereides, *1992, 238-241; PA 14163; A. RAUBITSCHEK,

s.v.

Pheidippidos

(2),

RE

19,

[4] Athenian. In the oligarchic coup of 404/3 BC he was

U.WAL.

a member of the Thirty (+ tridkonta). After their over-

V.N.

Pheidon (®eidwv; Phefdon). [1] Ph. the Corinthian. According to Aristot. Pol. 1265b 12-16, he was one of the ‘oldest legislators’ who is said to have been the originator of a law in which the number of houses had to equal the number of citizens; it appears therefore to have served to protect the owners of plots of land and to maintain the balance of land ownership ratios (> kléros). Like the similar law of > Philolaus [1], the law is probably authentic; it was possibly still in use in the time of the > Bacchiadae regime (early 7th cent. BC). K.-J.

HOxkeskamp,

Schiedsrichter,

Gesetzgeber

1G. ZOERNER, Kypselos und Pheidon von Argos, thesis Marburg 1971 27. Ketty, History of Argos, 1976 3K.H. Kinz1, Betrachtungen zur alteren griechischen Tyrannis, in: AJAH 4, 1979, 23-46 4L. De Lipero, Die archaische Tyrannis, 1996 5 P. BARCELO, Basileia, Monarchia, Tyrannis, 1993. K.KL.

1937f.

[3] Slave and physician of the king - Deiotarus of the Galates, member of a legation which arrived in Rome in 45 BC. At the time P. produced medical evidence of a murder plot against Caesar that Deiotarus had allegedly planned in 47 BC when he was Caesar’s guest in Galatia (Cic. Deiot. 17f., 26, 28).

[3] Ph. of Argos. Tyrant, or basileus who managed to become tyrant (Aristot. Pol. 13 10b). His dates vary between the 9th (Marmor Parium FGrH 239 A 45) and the 6th cents. BC (Hdt. 6,127). He is credited in other classical sources (e.g. Ephorus FGrH 70 F 115) with economic reforms and the minting of coins and is regarded as a hoplite leader who used every opportunity for military intervention in the Peloponnese. His outrageous arrogance in > Olympia where he set himself up as a judge, can be considered as certain, equally so his son Lacedas’ paying court to > Agariste [1] (Hdt. 6,127,3; 555 BC?; [3.39f.'*]). These events and his portrayal as an Archaic nobleman who from time to time oversteps the mark, place P. in the first half of the 6th cent. BC [sein Sexe eS uae 26s

und

Gesetzgebung im archaischen Griechenland, 1999, 150cs

throw, as a member of a moderate committee of ten men, he was to bring about a reconciliation between the parties in the civil war (Xen. Hell. 2,3,2; Lys.

12,54-58).

WS. Phellus (®edA6c; Phelldés). Lycian polis near modern Cukurbag. As early as the 6th/sth cent. BC, an important town was situated here (in Hecat. FGrH r F 258 erroneously a Pamphylian polis) with the Lycian name wehnti (— Lycii, with map). In the mid sth cent. BC,

Harpagus, a dynast of > Xanthus, resided here; right through to the 4th cent. BC, P. remained an important centre for the minting of coins of various dynasts and it had a significant heroon. In this period, P. still had a harbour (Ps.-Scyl. 100; > Antiphellus). Despite its early loss, P., as a member of the > Lycian League, had — from the Hellenistic Period right through to the Imperial Period — extensive territory with several classical castles (Bayindir Liman, Cardakh) together with dense rural settlements. In the Byzantine Period, a metropolitan see was granted to P.

947

948

W. RuGg, s.v. Phellos (1), RE 19, 1951-1954; M. ZIMMERMANN, Untersuchungen zur historische Landeskunde

tuary to Asclepius has been excavated |5]. Inscriptions: IG V 2, 360-366. Coins: HN 418; 452.

PHELLUS

Zentrallykiens,

1992, 61-67.

MA.ZI.

Pheme (®1yun/Pheme; Latin > Fama). Goddess or personification of public speech, rumour and (helpful or malicious) gossip (Hes. Op. 760-764; Bacchyl. 2,1; 10,1). Aeschines

(Aeschin. In Tim.

128 with schol.;

Aeschin. Leg. 144f.; cf. Paus. 1,17,1) mentions an altar |[5]), making the distinction that P. appeared in person, while Diabolé (‘Calumny’) could be traced to individual

of P. (built after the Battle on the Eurymedon

people. However,

Ach. Tat. (6,10,4-5)

makes

P. the

daughter of Diabole.

REN.

Phemius (®yW0¢/Phemios). Mythical singer (next to » Demodocus [1]) on Ithaca, son of Terpius. He sang to + Penelope’s suitors, among other things, about the

returning home of the Greeks from Troy (+ Nostoi, » Epic cycle); Odysseus spared him (Hom. Od. 22,3 30380).

LK.

Phemonoe (®npovor/Phemonceé). Daughter of » Apollo; she was his first seer (> Pythia) in Delphi and invented the hexameter verse; the maxim ‘know yourself (yv@Ot oeautov/gn0thi seauton) is supposed to have come

from

her (Paus.

10,5,4;

10,6,3;

10,12,5;

Str.

9,3,5). Her name is also widely used to mean a prophetess (Luc. 5,126. 185; Stat. Silv. 2,2,39).

Phenake see

Te

-» Whig

Pheneus (6/1 Mevedc; holhe Pheneos, ethnikon Pevedtc/Phenedtés or Pevizdc/Phenikos). City in Azania in northern Arcadia (Str. 8,8,2; 4; Paus. 8,13,6—-

22,1; Plin. HN. 4,20f.; 31,54; Diod. Sic. 15,49,5) in the

north of a karst basin with no overground outlet drained by swallow-holes into the Ladon [1. 94, 99] where a shallow lake only periodically formed but with at times a catastrophically high water level (cf. Theophr. Hist. pl. 3,1,26,5; 6; Theophr. Caus. pl. 5,14,9; Plin. HN 31,54), to the south of modern Kalivia in the south-

west of the Cyllene [1]. P. lies among a series of small plateaus, which represents an important connecting line between central Arcadia and Corinth [2]. Few remains of the ancient city are still present, primarily parts of the acropolis wall (4th cent. BC) on the northwestern side of the acropolis on a c. 60 m high hill near modern Kalivia. Traces of settlement survive from as early as the Neolithic period [3]. P. is mentioned in Homer’s Catalogue of Ships (Hom. Il. 2,605), dedication to Olympia (5th century BC; Paus. 5,27,8). P. did not join the 4th-cent. Arcadian league (— Arcades, Arcadia), but did join the Achaean League (— Achaei, Achaea) soon after 234 BC (IGIV 17, 73,13). In 225 BC P. was captured by Cleomenes [6] III (Pol. 2,52,2; Plut. Cleomenes

17,6; Plut. Aratus 39,4). Under Caracalla

(198-217 AD) P. again minted coins. The principal god was > Hermes [4. 29f., 45 5f.], also » Demeter; a sanc-

1R. Barapiké, Le Péloponnése de Strabon, 1980, 93-115 2 J. BakER-PENOyRE, Pheneus and the Pheneatike, in: JHS 22, 1902, 228-240 3 R. Hope Simpson, A Gazetteer and Atlas of Mycenaean Sites, 1965,n0. 83 4 JOST, esp. 27-37 5 E. PROTONOTARIOU-DEILAKI, Avaoxadi AD (Chron.) 17, 1961-1962, 57-61.

Peveot,

in:

F. CaRINCI, s.v. Arcadia, EAA 2. Suppl. 1, 1994, 332.5J. Hopp, s.v. P., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland 537f.; MULLER, 828-830; K. TAusEND, G. Eratu, Ein antikes Heiligtum in der Pheneatiké, in: JOAI 66, 1997, 1-8; K. TAUSEND,

Ein Rundturm in der Pheneatiké und die Pyramiden der Argolis, in: JOAI 67, 1998 (suppl.), 36-50. Yale

Pherae (®éoa; Phérai). City east of Thessalian Pelasgiotis (> Thessalians) at a place that was continually settled from the Neolithic period onwards because ofits favourable position on the south-western bank of the > Boebe and on the abundant spring, of Hypereia (Plin. HN 4,20). The oldest known sanctuary of P. to date, dedicated to the principal goddess, Artemis Enodia, dates from the end of the Geometric period (restored in the 4th cent. BC). In Hom. Il. 2,711-715, P. is mentio-

ned as the residence of > Alcestis and of > Admetus whose son Eumelus commands eleven ships in the Trojan War. With the founding of > Pagasae after the invasion and settlement of the Thessali probably in the 6th cent. BC, P. had a harbour on the Gulf of Volos and experienced a great economic upturn. The minting of coins is attested from 480 BC onwards (HN 307-309). In the — Peloponnesian War P. supported Athens (Tinie. 2,21253'): From the late sth cent. onwards, the tyrants of P. made the city into the leading power in Thessaly and, supported by mercenaries, held the office of Thessalanian -» tagos (> Lycophron [2] and [3], Jason [2]; Xen. Hell. 6,4,27; 6,4,31f.). Alexander [15], the last of the dynasty, was defeated by the Thebans at > Cynoscephalae in 364. After his murder in 354, Philip [4] II conquered P. and closed the harbour of Pagasae Magnesia [1] (Diod. Sic. 16,37,3). Macedonian rule over P. lasted until 197 BC when P., after the end ofthe 2nd Macedonian War(-» Macedonian Wars), became a member of the re-established Thessalian League (Pol. 18,46; Liv. 33,32); after Larisa [3], P. positioned in it most of the annual strategoi. In 192/1 P. was temporarily occupied by Antiochus [5] III (Liv. 36,9). After the plunder of the territory of P. by the Macedonians in the 3rd Macedonian War in 171 BC (Liv. 42,56,8), only inscriptions still attested to the fact that the city flourished until the Roman Imperial Period (IG IX 2, 412456; [2. 400-412]). The city came to an end when the » Slavs invaded in the 6th cent. The subsequent medieval settlement was given the name Velestino(n).

1 Y. BEQuIGNON, Recherches archéologiques a Phéres de Thessalie, 1937 2Id., Etudes thessaliennes, in: BCH 88, 1964, 395-412 3 K. GRUNDMANN, Magula Hadzimissiotiki, in: MDAI(A)

62, 1937,

56-69

4E. KIRSTEN, s.v.

950

949

Pherai (5), RE Suppl. 7, 984-1026

5H. KRAMOLISCH,

Fr. HILp, s.v. Velestino(n), in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 7oof. 6F. STAHLIN, Das hellenische Thessalien, 1924, 104-108 7M. pi SALVATORE, Ricerche sul territorio di

Pherai, in: La Thessalie. Actes du colloque international a Lyon 1990, vol. 2, 1994, 93-124

8 KoDER/HILD,

133

9 E. ViscHER, Homers Katalog der Schiffe, 1997, 670— 672, 674f. HE.KR.

Phere (®nor/Phére, Pynoai/Phérai). Town in West Arcadia on the river Alpheus [1] (Hom. Il. 5,541ff.; Hom.

Od. 3,488ff.; 15,186ff.). Home of Orsilochus [1], the son of the river god Alpheus [2], and his descendants. E. Meyer, Arkadisches. Pharai—Pherai—Pharaia in Arka-

dien, in: MH 14, 1957, 81-88.

Tas,

the unequal

[1] Trojan, son of Tecton (‘master builder’) and grandson of Harmon (‘joiner’); he constructed the ships which > Paris used to kidnap Helen [1]; he was killed

by > Meriones (Hom. Il. 5,59ff.; Ov. Epist. 16,22). [2] > Theseus’ helmsman on his journey to Crete (Simon. 550b PMG). P. WATHELET, Dictionnaire des Troyens de I’Iliade, 1988, Nr. 334. MA.ST.

Pherekratés).

of sacrifical

offerings.

In

plot elements which remain recognizable are reminiscent of themes of the New Comedy: in the witty banqueting scenes in frr. 75 and 76, a woman (the eponymous heroine?) complains that the drinking vessels are too small and the wine is too watered-down, while in fr. 77, a son tells his father that he is too old to be in love —

apparently both are in love with the same hetaera. Elsewhere too, and for the first time, hetaerae seem to have played an important part in P. and to have had the title roles in three further plays (Exqouwv } Odhatta, ‘The Forgetful Man or: Thalatta’; “Invocg i) Mavvvyis, “The Kitchen or: Pannychis’, Metahy, ‘Petale’). Koandtaho. (Krapatalor: title unclear; ‘The Drach-

speaks. In Metaaddtic (Metallés, ‘The Miners’), which

Eratosthenes actually sought to ascribe to one Nicomachus [1, testimonies i-iii; 2. 179°*, 250*], the Underworld is prominent: in fragment 113 (33 iambic trimeters), a woman describes a Cockaigne in the kingdom of

the dead, and fr. 114 comes from a chorus part corresponding to this; another Cockaigne is portrayed in Tlégoa (Pérsai, ‘The Persians’, fragment 137), P.’s authorship of which, however, is disputed (cf. frr. 13 4; 138-140).

(®Pegexedtys;

distribution

Kootavvey (Korianno; the title figure is a hetaera) those

mat of Hades’?) either took place (at least in part) in the Underworld or brought those emerging from the Underworld on to the stage. In fragment 85, Aeschylus

Phereclus (®égexhoc/Phéreklos).

Pherecrates

PHERECRATES

Important

poet of Attic Old Comedy. First worked as an actor [1, testimony 2a], his own performances beginning after ~» Cratinus [1] and > Crates [1], but before > Hermippus [1], > Phrynichus [3], > Aristophanes [3], > Eupolis (cf. [1, testimony 2a, 5, 6]). There is a reference to a victory (it is unclear in which agon) for 437 BC [1, testimony 2a]; the Lenaea victory list ascribes two victories to P. [1, testimony 6]. He is said to have written 17 [1, testimony 1] or 18 [1, testimony 3] plays; 19 play titles survive; however, these include uncertain attributions

and possibly two titles for the same play (AvOompnoaxdrs/Anthropheraklés, ‘The Human Hercules’; Vevdnoaxdic¢/Pseudhéraklés, ‘The Pseudo-Hercules’).

The total of 288 fragments (of which 6 are uncertain and 120 can no longer be connected to a specific play) allow some insight into the following works: “Ayeuot (Agrioi, ‘The Wild Ones’), which was performed at the 420 Lenaea [1, testimony i] and was still appreciated in Plato’s ‘Protagoras’ [1, testimony ii], brought a chorus of misanthropists living outside all human society to the stage; fr. 10 evokes a primeval age without slavery. AvtOwodkou (Autémoloi, ‘The Deserters’, of which fr. 35 also gives evidence of a revised edition) probably appeared between 428 and 421 and may have combined contemporary themes (— Peloponnesian War) with fantastic plot elements: in fr. 22, the Argives, who had remained neutral, are derided; in fr. 23, a winged ship appears to ascend into the sky, and in fr. 28 (anapestic tetrameter from the agon) gods complain of

In MveunxavOownor

(Myrmékanthropoi,

‘The Ant-People’), the myth of the Flood (cf. frr. 118f.; in fr. 125, Deucalion is addressed) seems to be connected to the metamorphosis of ants into people (cf. Hes. fr. 205 and Ov. Met. 7,61 5ff.). In Petalé, a woman (the eponymous heroine?) asks a (giant?) dove to carry her to Cythera or Cyprus (fr. 143). Tuoawvic (Tyrannis)

may have depicted a gynaecocracy: in fr. 152, a man complains that the women have only had rather shallow drinking bowls made for the men, while ordering deep wine tankards for themselves; in fr. 150, a god is apparently speaking of the sky as a giant mechanism for capturing sacrificial steam. It is from Xeiewv (Cheiron; authorship disputed, cf. the aforementioned references in [2]) that perhaps the most significant P. fragment is preserved (fr. 155), in which the personification of music tells the personification of justice of her abuse at the hands of various dithyrambic poets (> Cinesias, ~» Melanippides, > Phrynis, > Timotheus). P.’s work demonstrates many fabulous plot features, while also anticipating many trends of New Comedy; even in antiquity, it was recognized that P., in the wake of > Crates [1], was developing a particular form of Old Comedy, largely avoiding personal invective and instead relying on ingenious weaving of plotting strategies [1, testimony 2a]. In later antiquity, and even into the Byzantine period, P. is always mentioned as one of the most important of the poets of Old Comedy [1, testimony 2b, 7, 8, 9]. To Atticists of the Imperial period, he was a guarantor of peerless Attic Greek (Attixatatog [1, testimony ro}]); it is probably for this reason that many of his fragments are preserved in lexicographical works.

PHERECRATES

D5%

951

1PCG VII, 1989, t0o2-220 2H.-G. NEsSELRATH, Die attische Mittlere Komédie, 1990 43 G.W. Dosrov, E. Urios-Aparist, The Maculate Music: Gender, Genre and the Chiron of Pherecrates, in: G.W. Dosrov (ed.), Beyond Aristophanes, 1995, 139-174. H.-G.NE.

Pherecydes (Pegexvdnyc; Pherekydes). [1] P. of Syrus. Greek mythographer and cosmologist, 6th cent. BC; according to an older tradition, he was a contemporary of > Alyattes (c. 605-560 BC; Pherecydes 7 A 2 DK; Acusilaus 9 A 1 DK), whilst according to another tradition, the acme of his career as a writer was

in the 59th Olympiad (544-541 BC, so he would have been a contemporary of Cyrus [2]; Diog. Laert. 1,118 and 1213 cf. Pherecydes 7 A 1 DK). According to Diog. Laert. 1,116, his book was still extant in the 3rd cent. AD; its title was probably Heptamychos, “With seven hiding-places’ (Suda s.v. Pegexbdys); it appears to have been a work of prose. Many > miracles were attributed to P.; he is said, for instance, to have predicted an earthquake, a shipwreck and the capture of Messene. The same stories are attested for > Pythagoras, and a friendship between the two is mentioned as well (Pherecydes 7 A 1 DK = Diog. Laert. 1,120). Also interesting is the testimony to a sundial made by P. (Diog. Laert. 1,119).

Despite the small number of testimonials, it is pos-

sible roughly to reconstruct the content of P.’ works as follows: (a) three pre-existent deities; (b) -» Chronos (a

primeval form of time; cf. Kronos) brings forth from his own seed things that are divided up into five hideouts, from which further generations of gods proceed; (c) the making of a cloth by Zas (a ‘preform’ of > Zeus), sho-

(different in Jacoby, comm. on FGrH 3 fr. 54, which should however be attributed to P. [1]) and begun with

the heroes, tracing their family trees right down almost to his own time (cf. fr. 2: > Philaidae [2] and Miltiades;

fr. 59: Hippocrates, cf. [7]). According to recent scholarship [3; 4; 5], P. organized the legendary material ina well-structured and systematic way ‘in the manner of a mythological handbook’ [4]; accordingly, the view in [x], that it was a disorganized compilation of heterogeneous pieces by different authors, should be rejected. The fragments by this ‘first Athenian prose writer’ [2] that have been passed down to us verbatim exhibit an unadorned (cf. Cic. De or. 2, 53) narrative style in which events were strung together one after another [6]. According to [7], P. was used by > Herodotus [1] for the family trees leading down from myth to the present. FGrH 3 with comm. 1U. von

WitamowiTz,

Pherekydes

(SPrAW,

philolo-

gisch-historische Klasse 16), 1926, 125-146 2 F. JacoBy, The First Athenian Prose Writer, in: Mnemosyne 13, 1947, 13-64 (= H. BLocu (ed.), Abhandlungen zur griechischen Geschichtsschreibung, 1956, 100-143) 3A. Unt, Pherekydes von Athen. Grundrif§ und Einheit des Werkes, thesis Munich 1963 4K. VON FRi7Tz, Die griechische Geschichtsschreibung, vol. 1, texts, 1967, 83ff.,

ns. 59ff.

5 QO. LeNDLE, Einfithrung in die griechische

Geschichtsschreibung,

1992, 22-25

6 P. DRAGER, Stili-

stische Untersuchungen zu Pherekydes von Athen: Ein Beitrag zur altesten ionischen Prosa (Palingenesia 52), 1995 7E. RUSCHENBUSCH, Eine schriftliche Quelle im Werke Herodots (FGrH 3, Pherekydes von Athen), in: M. WEINMANN-WALSER (ed.), Historische Interpretationen. Festschrift G. Walser zum 75. Geburtstag (Historia Einzelschriften 100), 1995, 131-149. K.MEL.

wing a depiction of earth and Ogenus (a primordial body of water; cf. > Oceanus), the wedding of Zas and Chthonia (a ‘primeval form’ of earth) and the handover

Pherenicus (®egévixoc; Pherénikos). [1] Theban, son of Cephisodotus, who had taken in

of the cloth, followed by its being spread over a winged

Athenians who had fled from the Thirty Tyrants (+ Tridkonta) into Thebes (Lys. fr. 78). After the occupation of the Cadmeia in 382 BC P., a follower of Ismenias’ [1] faction, had to escape to Athens (Plut. Pelopidas 5,3). During the emigrant’s attack on Thebes in December 379 P. waited with his people in the Thriasian Plain until a group led by - Pelopidas had eliminated the polemarchs in Thebes (Plut. Pelopidas 8,1; see also Plut. Mor. 576c; 5774).

oak; (d) the battle between

> Kronos and Ophioneus

(the primeval serpent; cf. ~ Ophion [r]); (e) the allocation of portions to various deities. P.’ approach to cosmology was no longer a purely mythical one (by contrast with > Hesiodus). His asser-

tion that three gods had always existed is indicative of a rational improvement on the traditional genealogical pattern. On the other hand, he does remain purely mythical, for instance, in his allegory of the cloth. The influence of Oriental ideas is clear from many passages. + Cosmology; » Mythography EDITIONS: DIELS/KRANZ, 43-51. BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. KirK, J.E. RAVEN, M. SCHOFIELD, Die vorsokratischen Philosophen, 1994, 54-78; M.L. West, Three Presocratic Cosmologies, 1963, 154-176, esp. 157-172.

in: CQ, N.S. 13, LK.

R.J.

Buck,

Boiotia

and

the Boiotian

1994.

HA.BE.

[2] Epic poet from Heraclea, perhaps of the Hellenistic Period. Five verses have been handed down (on the generation of the Hyperborei from the blood of the Titans). P. also related the genealogy of the Hamadryads. 1SH 671-672

2F. Srogss1, s.v. Pherenikos (3), RE 19,

2035.

[2] P. of Athens. Lived in the rst half of the 5th cent. BC (cf. > Eusebius [7], Chronicon on Ol. 81,1 = 456/5), author of Historiai, a genealogical work in 10 books. As Ajax, Achilles and other heroes appear already in book 1, P. seems to have dispensed with a theogony

League,

S.FO.

[3] In AD 384/5 was entrusted by the comes Orientis Icarius with the supply of bread to Antioch [1]. According to Libanius he proceeded ruthlessly against the bakers (Lib. Or. 27,113; 28,25).

WP.

954

953

Pheres see

> Admetus;

> Cretheus

163 3G. HAGeg, Ehegiiterrechtliche Verhaltnisse in den griechischen Papyri Agyptens, 1968 4 H.-A. RuppRECHT,

Pheretima (®egetiwa; Pheretima). Queen of > Cyrene, wife of > Battus [3] III the Lame, mother of > Arcesilaus [3] III. After Arcesilaus reclaimed royal rights and in about 518 BC was banished, P. fled to Euelthon in Salamis in Cyprus and demanded military assistance. After the reconquest of Cyrene by her son and his flight to Barke she ruled as queen with a seat on the council. After Arcesilaus’ murder in Barke she avenged him, helped by the Egyptian satrap Aryandes, with a campaign against the city, and held court sessions of cruel punishment there. She died in Egypt of a septic disease. The main source for the history of P. is Herodotus (4,162-167; 200-205). The unusual political role of this woman quickly led to the formation of a legend under the theme of the clever, vindictive queen. + Battiads (with stemma) H. Berve, Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen, 1967, 125, 592; F. CHAMOUx, Cyréne sous la monarchie des Battiades, 1953; F. HILLER VON GAERTINGEN, S.v. P., RE 19, 1938,

203 8f.

B.P.

Pherne (deovi}; pherné). Movable goods brought by the wife into the marriage as ‘dowry’ (oégeww, phérein), were known throughout the Greek world as pherne. The pherne needs to be distinguished from the megot& (> proix), i.e. the dowry mainly comprised of plots of land and slaves, which

was

common

PHERUSA

in the Greek

poleis. The lines between these concepts were blurred through the valuation of the ammount to be returned in terms of money, though the two terms cannot be regarded as synonyms [1. 2040f.]. Classical Greek authors used the term pherne only when referring to mythical and non-Greek matters (perhaps anachronistically Plut. Solon 20 [3. 22]). IK 11/1,4, 55-64 (Ephesus, 297/6 BC) and IK 3,25,64 (Ilium in the Troad, early 3rd cent.

BC) provide epigraphic evidence of pherne for areas outside Egypt [3. 22f.]. From the time of the earliest papyri of Ptolemaic Egypt until the Roman period, pherne existed as an established legal institution. It was a dowry given to the husband by the bride herself, seldom by her family, and consisted of clothes, jewels, domestic goods (always valued in money) or amounts of money, for the upkeep of the marital home [3. 132]. Ownership and use of the pherne lay with the husband, who had to repay the dowry, sometimes — depending on the marriage contract — together with a penal surcharge in case of misdemeanors; in case of misdemeanors committed by the wife, the dowry fell to the husband. The pherne reverted to the wife’s family upon her death. The > parapherna (objects for personal use) and the prosphora (additional goods: pieces of land and slaves) did not become the property of the husband, but existed in Roman times as a separate legal institution alongside pherne. + Marriage Contracts 1 O. SCHULTHESS, s.v. Ph., RE 19, 2040-2052 2H.J. Wo rr, Die Grundlagen des griechischen Eherechts, in:

Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis 20, 1952, 1-29, 15 7-

Einfiihrung in die Papyruskunde,

1994, roof.

(Sue

Pheron (®eoav; Pherén). Greek rendering of the Egyptian pr-‘,

> Pharaoh, therefore not a personal name,

but the Egyptian royal title. According to Hdt. 2,111 (similarly also Diod. Sic. 159), the son and successor of > Sesostris I (1971-1928 BC). He is said to have thrown his spear into the flooding Nile and to have been blinded as a punishment, until he could wash his eyes with the urine of a woman who had always been faithful to her husband. After recovering his sight, he had all unfaithful wives burnt and erected two obeliscs in + Heliopolis [1]. Other authors name the hero of this story Nencoreus (Plin. HN 36,74) or Maracho/Naracho (Malalas FGrH 609 F 5), presumably for Nb-k3-r‘ (Amenemhet Ii, 1914-1879/76 BC). This episode has its origins in a (Demotic) Egyptian story, of which vestiges have been discovered in the still unpublished PCarlsberg 324 [3]. 1 A.B. Ltoyp, Herodotus, Book Il. Comm. 99-182, 1988, 38-43 2 H. bE MEULENAERE, La légende de Phéros

d@aprés Hérodot (2,114), in: Chronique d’Egypte 28, 1953, 248-260 3K. RyHOLT, Narratives from the Teletunis-Temple Library (I), in: JEA 84, 1998, 151.

JO.QU.

Pheroras (®egweac; Pheroras). Youngest son of > Antipater [4], born c. 68 BC probably in > Marissa (Idumaea), died c. 5 BC. His first marriage was to a Hasmonaean princess (the sister of > Mariamme [1] I, the first wife of his elder brother — Herodes [1] I), his second was to a »slave girl« (Jos. BI 1,24,5; Jos. Ant. lud. 16,7,3). P. was a close comrade-in-arms ofhis brother Herodes: on his commission he restored the fortress of Alexandreum to the north of > Jericho (Jos. Ant. lud. 15,11,5; Jos. BI 1,16,3), acted as his representative in 30 BC while Herodes was meeting the later > Augustus in Rhodes, and in 20 BC, with the latter’s permission, was appointed by Herodes over the tetrarchy of Peraia (to the east of the Jordan) (Jos. Ant. Iud. 15,10,3; Jos. BI 1,24,5). P. took part in the family and political intrigues that dominated the MHerodian court [2. 274ff.], e.g. on the side of Herodes’s son Antipater [5] in his succession to the throne [4. 322ff.; 2. 288ff.]. He was banished from > Jerusalem by Herodes, probably in 6 BC, and died in 5 BC in Peraia. 1 N. Koxxinos, The Herodian Dynasty. Origins, Role in Society and Eclipse, 1998, esp. 164-175 2P. RICHARDSON, Herod: King of the Jews and Friend of the Romans, 1996, s. Index 3 A. SCHALIT, Konig Herodes, 1969 4SCHURER 1, 292ff., 3 19ff. LWA.

Pherusa (®éQovoa/Phérousa). [1] Daughter of Nereus and > Doris [I 1] (Hom. Il.

18,43 = Hes. Theog. 248; Apollod. 1,11; Hyg. Fab. praef. 8); her name is telling: the one who takes voyagers to their destination (schol. Hes. Theog. 248). [2] One of the + Horae (Hyg. Fab. 183,4). Sat

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