ABC Etymological Dictionary of Old Chinese 9780824861339
This is the first genuine etymological dictionary of Old Chinese written in any language. As such, it constitutes a mile
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English Pages 678 [679] Year 2006
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ABC Etymological Dictionary of Old Chinese
ABC CHINESE DICTIONARY SERIES Victor H. Mair, General Editor The ABC Chinese Dictionary Series aims to provide a complete set of convenient and reliable reference tools for all those who need to deal with Chinese words and characters. A unique feature of the series is the adoption of a strict alphabetical order, the fastest and most user-friendly way to look up words in a Chinese dictionary. Most volumes contain graphically oriented indices to assist in finding characters whose pronunciation is not known. The ABC dictionaries and compilations rely on the best expertise available in China and North America and are based on the application of radically new strategies for the study of Sinitic languages and the Chinese writing system, including the first clear distinction between the etymology of the words, on the one hand, and the evolution of shapes, sounds, and meanings of char acters, on the other. While aiming for conciseness and accuracy, series volumes also strive to apply the highest standards of lexicography in all respects, including compatibility with computer technology for information processing.
Other titles in the series
ABC Chinese-English Dictionary (desk reference and pocket editions) Edited by John DeFrancis ABC Dictionary of Chinese Proverbs Edited by John S. Rohsenow ABC Chinese-English Comprehensive Dictionary Edited by John DeFrancis A Handbook of'Phags-pa Chinese W. South Coblin
ABC EtyDlological Dictionary of Old Chinese Axel Schuessler
University of Hawai'i Press Honolulu
© 2007 University ofHawai'i Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America 12 11 10 09 08 07
6 5 4 3 2 1
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication data Schuessler, Axe!. ABC etymological dictionary of old Chinese I Axe! Schuessler p. cm.
(ABC Chinese dictionary series)
Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-0-8248-2975-9 (cloth: alk. paper) ISBN-10: 0-8248-2975-1 (cloth: alk. paper) 1. Chinese language----Etymology-Dicrionaries-English
I. Title.
II. Series
PL128LS38 2007 2005056872
495.1'321-dc22
University ofHawai'i Press books are primed on acid-free paper and meet the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Council on Library Resources.
Camera-ready copy prepared by
the author.
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CONTENTS
PREFACE xi ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xiii ARRANGEMENT OF THE DICTIONARY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xv SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xvii . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . ...... . . . . ....... . .. . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . .. . . .. .. . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . ..
1.1 1.1.1 1.2 1.2.1 1. 2 . 2 1.2.3 1.2.4 1.2.5 1. 2 . 6 1.2.7 1.2.8 1.3 1. 3 . 1 1.4 1. 4.1 1.4.2 1.4.3 1.4.4
OLD CHINESE AND ETYMOLOGY . . . Chinese . . .. . . . Sources of Old Chinese .. Old Chinese and its linguistic neighbors . Chinese and Sino-Tibetan .. . . Tibeto-Burn1an languages . . . .. . . M iao-Yao . . . Tai-Kadai, Kam-Tai . . . . Austroasiatic . Vietnamese .. . .. . . . "Northern" Austroasiatic . . . . .. Summary . . . . .. .. . . Old Chinese dialects . .. . .. Rural dialects . . . . .. The study of Old Chinese etymology . . . Approaches to word fam i lies and cognates . Approaches to etymology through the graph . Identification of cognates . . . . . . . . . The present approach .. ... . ..
2 2.1 2.1.1 2 . 1.2 2.1 . 3 2.2 2.3 2.3.1 2. 3.2 2.4 2.4.1 2.4.2 2 . 4.3 2.4.4 2.5 2 . 5 .1 2.6 2.6. 1 2. 6.2 2.7 2.8
M ORPHOLOGY AND WORD DERIVATION . Grammatical relations in Old Chinese . . . \Vord order . . . . . . . . .. Word class . . . . . Derivation and word class . . . . . . .. .. Types of derivations and al lofams . . . . . Sino-Tibetan morphology . . .. ... The nature of Sino-Tibetan affixation . Sino-Tibetan morphemes . . .. M orphemes in Old Chinese .. . H istorical l ayers of morphemes in Old Chinese . . . Suffixes in Old Chinese . Sino-Tibetan prefixes in Old Chinese . . lnfixation . . . . . . ... Parallel roots and stems . .. .. .. . . . .. . Parallel stems of 'swell' . . . . . . . . . . Austroasiatic morphology in Old Chinese . . Austroasiatic in fixes in Old Chinese . . Austroasiatic word families in Old Chinese Expressives, reduplication . . . . .. . Non-morphological word formation . . . .. .
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CONTENTS 2.8.1 2.8.2 2.8.3 2.8.4 2.9 2. I 0
Re-analysis . . . .. . . ... . . . .. . .. .. Backformation, re-cutting . . . .. . . . .. . . .... . . Metathesis . .. . . . .. . . . ..... . . .. . .. . Convergence . ..... . . . . . .. . . . ..... . Meaning and sound . . . . . . .. . . ... . .. . . Semantic extension . .... .. . . . .. . .. . . . . ...
3
M C TONES AND THEIR OLD CHINESE EQUIVALENTS . . . . 29 M i ddle Chinese tone A (pfngsheng .:ijL�) .. .. . . . . . .. 29 M iddle Chinese tone B (shangsheng J:.�): phonology . . .. . . . . .... 30 Tone B from Sino-Tibetan *-7. . . . . ... . . .. . . 30 Tone B for Tibeto-Burman final *-k . . .... . . .. . .. 31 ST *-? i n closed syllables . . . .... . . .. . . . .. . . 32 Tone B for foreign final -I] . . . . . . .. . . . ... ... . . 32 Tone B as morpheme . . . . .. .. . .. . .. . . . . 33 Tone B ( I ): terms for body parts and humans .. . .... .. ...... 33 Tone B (2): coverbs and particles . . . . .. . . . .. . . 34 Tone B (3): independent pronouns . . . . . . . . ... 34 M iddle Chinese tone C (qusheng 1;;�): phonology ... . .... . . . 35 Tone C: later OC general purpose morpheme . .. . . .. . .. . 36
3.1 3.2 3.2.1 3.2.2 3.2.3 3.2.4 3.3 3. 3.1 3.3.2 3.3.3 3.4 3.5
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4.5 4.5.1 4.6 4.6.1
Tones B, C, and voicing: direction and diathesis . .... . . . . . . .. . 38 Direction and d iathesis . . . . . ... . . . .. .. . . 38 Direction and diathesis in Old Chinese .. .. . . .... . . . . . . 40 two morphological functi ons .. . . ....... . . . Tone C (qusheng 41 The Sino-Tibetan sources of tone C . . . . . .. 42 Tone C (1): exoactive derivation . . . . . . . .. . . 42 Tone C: exoactive extrovert, ditransitive . . . . . . . . 43 Tone C: exoactive transitive, causative I putative . . . . . . . 44 Residue 45 Tone C (2): exopassive deri vation . . . .. . . . . .. . . 45 Exopassi ve as a transitive verb . . . ... . . . ..... . .. . . . 46 Tone B (shrmgsheng 1:_�): endoactive derivation . . .. . . . . 46 Tone B: endoactive nouns . . . . . . . . . 48 Voicing of the i n itial consonant: endopassive derivati on ... . . 48 Residue . .. . .. . . .. . .. .. .. . . . SO
5 5.1 5. I. I 5.2 5.2.1 5.2.2 5.2.3 5.2.4 5.3 5.4 5.5
INITIAL CONSONANTS.. ..... .. . .. ....... . ..... . .. ........ . . .. . . ... 51 De voiced initials . . . .. . .. . 51 Devoicing of ST initial *z-> MC s- . .. . .. . . ... . . . . .. . .. .. .. . .. 51 S ino-Tibetan *s-prefix . .. . . .. . .... 52 Causative s-prefix > M iddle Chinese s- .. ... .. . .. .. .. ... . .. . . ... .. 52 Causative s-prefix > MC voiceless i n itial.. ................................................... 52 Iterative s-prefix > MC s-, �-, voiceless i nitial . . . . .. . . ... . . 53 Nouns with *s- > MC s-, voiceless i n itial . . .... . ... . .. . ... . . .. . . 54 Devoicing and PTB *r- . . . .. .. . . . .. . . . . 55 ST and PCli *k- ....................................................................................... 56 Other sources of devoicing . . ........ ... . .... . ..... . . .. .. . 56
4 4.1 4.1.1 4.2 4.2.1 4.3 4.3.1 4.3.2 4.3.3 4.4 4.4.1
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CONTENTS 5.6 5.7 5.8 5.8.1 5.8.2 5.8.3 5.8.4 5.8.5 5.8.6 5.8.7 5.9 5.9.1 5.9.2 5 . 9.3 5.9.4 5.10 5.10.1 5.10.2 5.10.3 5.10.4 5.10.5 5.11 5.12 5.12. 1 5.12.2 5.12.3
MC initial x- from voiceless acute initials ... .. . .. 57 MC affricates from *s +stop consonant . . .. . .. . . . . .. .. . . 58 A spirated i n itial consonants ... . .. . . .. . . . . ... 58 MC aspiration : l oss of ST pre-initial. . . . . . .. . . 58 MC aspiration : causative . . .... . . . . . . 59 MC aspiration : iterative . . . .. . . . . . .. .. . . ... 59 MC aspiration: auxil iary verbs . . .. .. . . . . . . . . .. . 60 Aspiration: outward and I or forceful m otion . . .. . . . . . . . 60 Aspiration: hollow, empty .. . . .. .. . .. . . . 61 A spiration in foreign words . .. .. .. . . . . .. 61 Aspiration from PCH consonant clusters . . . . . .. . . .. 61 .... . .. .. . .. . . . . 61 MC ts"- from *k-s- and *s-7- . MC ts11- from s +voiceless sonorant. . . . . . ... 62 MC ts11j- from OC clusters *k-hl... . .. . . .. 62 MC aspiration from other types of PCH initial clusters . . . .. . 63 Reflexes of Mon-Khmer affricates i n Chinese .. .. . . . . 63 MK c, j = MC affricates .. . . .. . . . . .. . . . . .. . 63 MK c, j = MC retroflex affricates. . . . . . .. . . . . . 63 MK er-, jr- = MC retroflex affricates . . . . . . .. . . ... . 64 MK c, j = MC tsj-, tj- etc. from OC *t(r)j- . . . .. .. . . ....... 64 MK c. j = velar i nitials k, g . . .. . ... . . .. . .. . . . 65 MC ?- from foreign kl-type clu sters . . . . . ... . .. . . . 65 Nasal initials . .. . . . . . . . 65 IJ(w)- - nw.. . . . . .. . . .. .. . . . . 65 Chinese m- for TB and foreign b- . . . .. . . 65 . . Austroasiatic nasal i nfix. . . . . . .. . . .. . . 67
6 6.1 6.1.1 6.1.2 6.2 6.2.1 6.2.2 6.2.3 6.3 6.4 6.4.1 6.4.2 6.4.3 6.4.4 6.4.5 6.5 6.5.1 6.5.2 6.6 6.7 6.8 6.9
FINAL CONSONANTS. . .. . .. . . . . . . . 68 Final *-k .. . . . .. ... .. . ... . .. .. .. 68 k-extension . . . . .. . . . . .. . .. . . ... . ...... 69 Suffix -k: distributi ve .. . . ... . . .. . . . .. . . . 70 Final -t 70 Nouns with final -t . . . . . . .. . 70 Final *(t)s with g rammatical words . . .. . . ... . . 72 Final -t foreign final -s . . . . .. . . . .. . .. . 72 . .. . .. .. . ... . .. . . . . . 72 Final -s . Final -n . . . . .. .. . . . . . .. . . . . . 72 Final -in I -it . .. . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . 72 Final *-un fro1n *-ul] . . ... .. .. . . . . . ...... ... ... . .. . 74 Nom inalizing suffix -n . ... . .. . . . .. . . . . .. .. 74 Final -n with verbs. . . .. . ... . . . .. .. 75 Pronominal final -n . .. . .. . 76 Final -!) . ... . .. . . . .. ... .. .. . . . . . .. .. . . . .. .. . . 76 Final -!) as a morpheme: term inative .. . . . . . . .. ... . . 76 . . . . .. 76 Final -!) and open syllables . . Final stop consonant - nasal . .. . ... . . .. . . . 77 Dissimilation with labial final s -p I -m . . .. .. . . . 77 OC final -i .. . .. . . . . .. . 78 Absence of final con sonant after long vowel. . .. . ... . 79
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CONTE�TS
7 7. 1 7 . 1. 1 7. 1. 2 7 . 1. 3 7. 1. 4 7. 1 . 5 7.2 7.2. 1 7.2.2 7.3 7. 4 7.5 7.6 7 . 6. 1 7.6. 2 7. 7 7. 7. 1 7.7.2 7 .7.3 7.7. 4 7. 7 . 5
OLD CHINE S E AND FOREIGN *r . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 0 MC i n i ti a1 1 - . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 0 OC voiceless*r-. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 1 MC retroflex i n i tials . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 1 MC i nitial JP Jui33 'to flow' .
FIRST LINE pfnyfn
(...) LH S OCM
transcription of Mandarin, followed by the Chinese character(s) z1 :=f:. When no character exists (as i s often the case with colloquial dialect forms) an empty box D takes its place. Middle Chinese (MC) or Qieyun system (QYS), ea. AD 6 00. See § 1 2. 1 . Later Han Chinese (also LHan) of the I st and 2nd century AD. See § 1 2. 1 . 1 . I n the text, LHan is usually placed in brackets, thus [ka] = LHan ka unless otherwise identified. alternate Old South form of LHan, as revealed by later southern, usually Mln, dialects. M in imal Old Chinese form (starred items). See § 1 2. 1 .2. For comparison, Baxter' s OC (OCB) is ocasionally also supplied.
SECOND LINE Gloss not a complete definition of a word. Glosses are mostly taken from, or are based on, Karlgren 's GSR, Schuessler's DEZ, Gudiii Hanyu cidian edited Chen Fuhua fl*![W (Beijing 1 999), and the Zhangwen dacfdifm r::p X 111 brackets, the text in which the CH word i s first attested, e.g., [Shi] = [ ... ] occurs first in the text Shijrng, which implies that the word existed already by 600 BC or earlier. For abbreviations, see p. xvii ff. XV
ARRANGEMENT OF THE DICTIONARY THIRD LINE and subsequent lines shows the morphological derivation from its simplex. [ 'developed into , becomes'. < 'derives from an earlier form I from an earl ier stage of a language' . ..,. cross-reference to other dictionary entries. Less common pronunciations of a character can easily be located under a better-known cognate: thus si is not separately entered i n the dictionary with a reference to.,.. sf because si can be found under its better-known simplex sT -> 'loaned to'.
< [ flower I pleasure garden' . Or consider Tai JuaiJ 'royal '; it reflects the Khmer word ]U;:JI] 'king ' and has no (direct?) connection with Chinese -> hwing � 'august, royal ' . A n example o f a K T word in OC is chan }!i. *dran 'farm, farmyard ', from Tai: Siamese lian A 2 < *rtanA, Kam-Sui (PKS) *hra:n 1 'house' . 1.2.5 Austroasiatic The Austroasiatic (AA) l anguage family is unrelated to ST and Chinese. AA languages fall i nto two major groups: Munda (exclusively on the I ndian subcontinent); and Mon-Khmer (MK) scattered over Assam, Southeast Asia, and SW Chin a and incl udes the M on language in Burma, an d Khmer i n Cambodia. A s only MK languages could have left traces i n China, the terms MK and AA are often synonymous here. AA loans have been identified in TB languages such as Lepcha (Forrest 1 94 8 ) and i n languages in Assam such as the Tani group (J. Sun LTBA 1 6:2, 1993 : 1 65 ); A A lexical material is also encountered in Lushai ( i n this dictionary), in the TB Kanauri-Almora language R aj i (Sharma 1990, vol. III, part I I : 1 70-228), a s well as transparent K hasi loans in Mikir. MK influence in Old Chinese and ST has also received some attention (Shorto 1972; Ferlus 1998; L TBA 22:2, 1999: 1 -20; Schuessler 2003; 2004; studies by Norman and Mei). Languages from at least two AA branches or l ayers have contributed to prehistoric and perhaps early h istoric Chinese: an early V iet-Muong language similar to Vietnamese (that may be called 'Viet-Yue') (§ 1 .2.6) and a language (or l anguages) in the Yellow R iver basin that shows affin ities to the modern Khmer and Khmu branches of MK, and on occasion also to M on (§ 1 .2. 7). Purely historical and philological considerations also point to the prehistoric and early historic presence of AA in parts of northern China. The ancient Yf ?& people, who lived in the east from the Shandong peninsula south to the Yangtze, were probably A A (Pulleyblank 1983: m 440ft). The ancient Yue �fiR people in Zhej iang were certainly AA; the place U.ngye Shandong was their traditional cultural center ( Yue jue shii; Eberhard 1968: 4 14ft). Under the year 645 BC, the Zuozhuan quotes a line from the famous Yijlhg where we find the AA word for 'blood' , huang *hmaiJ (PAA *mham or the like) substi tuted for the usual ST etymon xue Ifll (Mei 1980). The deliberations in which context this line is quoted and apparently understood by all participants took place north of the Yellow R iver in today's Shanxi. Huang c annot have been a CH innovation, rather it must have been a survival from an earlier substrate language that was replaced by a ST layer, i .e., 'Chinese' as we know it. When pursuing OC and TB I ST etyma down to their apparent roots, one often seems to hit AA bedrock, that is, a root shared with AA. 1.2. 6 Vietnamese In addition to the significant influx of Chinese loans from antiquity to more recent times, Vietnamese has incorporated a large contingent of Tai words (Maspero 191 2: 1 1 5). A language close to Vietnamese was spoken in SE China as late as the H an period by the ancient Yue � - people (Yue OC *wat, the ' Viet' in Vietnam); it left a residue of Viet-Yue words in the modern Min d ialects in Fuji�m province ( see articles by Norman and Mei , also quoted i n Schuessler 2004). Early Chinese commentators have stated that the words zM 1L 'epidemic' and sou J"! 'dog' are from the ancient Yue language (Pulleyblank 1983: 438f), but these might
4
OLD CHINESE AND ETYMOLOGY
1 .2.7 - 1.2.8
have come from "northern" A A instead ( see§ 1.2.7); Han period scholars merely noted the similarity with the Yue words of which they happened to be aware. Unl ike the later Min dialects, OC does not i nclude many words that compel us to conclude that the source was speci fically Viet-Yue. "Northern " A ustroasiatic An AA substrate ("AA-OC") contributed a s ignificant number of A A words as well as fragments of A A morphology to prehistoric a nd subsequent CH (§2.6;§ 5 . 10) . MK words gradually trickled from a substrate into mainstream ST-based OC over hundreds or thousands of years, so that layers and various MK sources can be d iscerned. The earliest, prehistoric l ayer of AA i tems is already encountered in the language of the first written records, the OB ( 1 250-1050 BC); OC borrowings from this remote past occasionally do not agree very closely with MK phonologically (though in a regular fashion). For example, chti � *tshro 'hay' vs. PMonic *ks:x:'y (cf. below), hli f"jft *hla? 'tiger' vs. PMK *kla?. More "recent" items (found i n Bl, Sh1)fng, and then later texts) agree more closely with AA forms, e.g. , cuo1 *tshoih 'hay' vs. PMonic *ks:xJy (cf. above), jiang 1I *kr6I] 'river' vs. PMonic *krool). Many such OC words appear to be very similar to Khmer. Thi s does not mean that the MK substrate was Khmer, but only that Khmer happens to have preserved (and I or scholars happen to have provided) data that provide suggestive comparisons with OC, just as the great number of Tibetan OC comparative sets reflect more on the availability of Tibetan data, but not necessarily on a close historic relationship. 1.2. 7
1.2. 8 Summary The OC lexicon has many sources (Schuessler 2003). A few sample ST vs. non-ST words follow, to provide an impression (for details and explanations consult the dictionary entries):
Animals: 'fowl' yan ST words: 'ox' gang �MJ, 'dog' quan * · 'rhinoceros' xf � . 'horse' ma � (quail), 'louse' shr £IR , 'muntjac' j! Non-ST words: 'elephant' xiang 'dog' gou 11IJ, 'buffalo' si % , 'chicken ' jf �(t 'tiger' hu !Jf,, 'pi g ' tuan -?I bu /f
*oo > bu 1' --
*ma > wu �
--
--
*ma l)? > wang 1�1
-····
name
*r-m i l]
dark
*mil)
green
S h ij i n g
*ma
*ma
not have
night
QYS / MC
(MK
mal])
*C-seiJ
green mother
*mo
go-between
MK
dm;:lj
*mial)
*mai]
*tshag
*me!] > mfng ;f'i
*min ;g
*melJ > mfng �
*melJ
·-··--··
>
mfng 5't
*meiJ > m fng 1>1
*�elJ > mfng ��
*tshe!] > qfng w
*tshelJ > qfng w
*tsha!] > cang i�
*tshll!] > cling ?�
*m6? > mu m
*ma? > mu ro
*m� > mei �
*m� > mei
�
Secondly, OC labial-initial syllables of the type *Pd and *Po merged i nto *Pd in the Sh1]ihg dialect(s) and the phonetic series, but remained distinct in the Qieyun and modern dialects (Baxter 1 992); for example, we have the Mandarin readings m ei :ffJ; 'each' vs. mu fE: 'mother' (same phonetic, same Sh1]Tng rime). Finally, a strain of OC m ust have retained ST *m a in the meaning 'not' because it is preserved in modern southern dialects, but does not exist in Shang and Western Zhou texts, apart from an occasional occurrence in classical texts. Table 1 - 1 illustrates these and additional differences within OC. Choice of words in individual texts often shows particular preferences that may be due to dialects. For example, in the Zuozhuiin :tl:{f we find the interrogative xr *ge 'how' instead of M {i:lJ *gai. I n some chapters of the Shujrng the words for 'you' and 'your' are ru and nai J'J respectively; in others, the word for both 'you' and 'your' is er m. Later texts replace words common in earlier ones, e.g., the OB, BI, and some parts of the Sh1]Fng and
6
OLD CHINESE AND ETYMOLOGY
1 .3 . 1
1 .4
*mal)? for 'not have, there is no'; only near the end of the Shiijrng have the word wfing Western Zhou period is it replaced by the familiar wu � *ma. These and similar phenomena suggest a language that is far from uniform, but we cannot tell whether these are individual preferences, or class or regional distinctions, nor if the latter, from which regions. Rural dialects Additional phonological oddities in OC may also be the result of dialectal differences. MC and, by backward projection, OC, has multiple phonological correspondences for what one surmises ought to be a single OC phonological configuration. Words with rare and unusual features typically have meanings with a rustic or vulgar flavor. We will , therefore, for now call this strain (or strains) 'Rural ' as opposed to 'Standard ' , i.e., l i terary OC. The following phonological peculiarities may be identified as Rural : ( 1 ) OC voiceless initials *r-, *1-, and *n- are normall y reflected in MC coronal th-, §j-, and, in the case of *r-, in MC {h-, ( §5 . 1 ). However, in a few words such a voiceless continuant has yielded MC x-. xj-, and its equivalents in modern dialects. This unexpected development to a guttural initial is found in words that relate to ordinary, especially rural, l ife; they include words for: beard, to face I toward, ribs (of a horse), to know, to vom it, to rear animals, stupid, to roar, tiger, pig (§5.6). To differentiate the two developments of voiceless initials, we wil l write OCM *lh-, *nh-, *rh- for M C th-, §j-, etc., but OCM *hn-, *hi-, *hr- when it i s the aspiration that survives as MC x-. Of course, voiceless *hi)-, *hm-, and *hw- regularly yield MC x-, thus any voiceless initial that shows up as x- in MC is written in OCM with the *h preceding the sonorant (2) Standard OC and foreign initial *1- (> MC ji-), or *I in the initi al, have in some words merged with *r- (> MC 1-). Thi s m ight be another Rural feature; examples in §7.3 include: salt, turtle, grain I to sow, bamboo. The *I = Rural OC *r equation i s often encountered in loans from non-ST languages, e.g., eel, splint hat, barrier I bolt, descend, frost; or the confusion of laterals may be due to the l ate date of borrowing in either direction. (3) Some non-ST words with initial *kl- have MC initial t- which m ay have been *tl- in OC. Such words include: 1.3. 1
Carry
dan it [tom] 'to carry on the shoulder' AA: Khmu? klam 'carry on the shoulder'
For more examples and comments, see §8.2. 1 . (4) MC initial ljj- and tj- stand in a few correspondence sets for a foreign initial r, or r in combination with l abial or velar consonants (§7. 1 .4). The semantic range of such items conjures up a rural sphere: farm, pheasant, old man, to fall , bamboo, sickle, wrist, etc. (5) Some modern southern dialects have in their colloquial layers the vowel a for standard e. This trend seems to be foreshadowed in some OC words which have the vowel a also for foreign e or i; see Table 1 1 above, and § 1 1 . 1 .3 . 1.4
The study o f Old Chinese etymology
A Chinese word may have one of several origins: ( 1 ) I t can have been inherited from the hypothetical Sino-Tibetan proto-language when it has cognates among the related Tibeto Burman languages. (2) It can be a loan from another language, or can have survived from an earlier substrate (Miao-Yao, Kam-Tai, Austroasiatic I Mon-Khmer). (3) It can be the result of 7
1 .4 . 1
OLD CHINESE AND ETYMOLOGY
internal innovation, i .e., word derivation by morphology, internal borrowing from d ialects, or phonological change. A word is usually assumed to be genetically related to another because of transparent or impressionistic phonologi cal and semantic similarity. The range of sound alternations within an OC wf wil l be suggested throughout the introductory sections. Members of a wf, i .e., 'allo fams' (Matisoff's term , alias 'cogeners' ) typically differ in tone, initial voic i ng (e.g., *kens 'to see' �E *gens 'appear'), and I or the M iddle Chinese division (deng � . i .e., vocalism, e.g., MC kfiry vs. k)aiJ; see §9. 1 ). Occasionally, they also differ in the vowel, in initial consonant(s) or final consonant. Since m uch concerning ST and Chinese morphology is sti l l not wel l under stood, the terms 'wf' and 'allofam ' are often fuzzy but conventional catch-all categories. For example, it seems obvious that the wordsjian *krams 'look at' and /!m *ril.m? 'to see' are related, but what the d ifference in later tones and the presence I absence of an initial *k might have entailed i s so far a matter of speculation. On the other hand, we can confidently state that zhl *t;,kh or *t;,ks, literally 'something that has been woven ', is a regular exopassive derivation from zhd � *t;,k 'to weave' . We consider bothjian and Hin, and zhfand zhi to be allofams in their respective word families. Approaches to wordfamilies and cognates Investigators have differed significantly over the range of sound alternations within a word family. Karlgren ( 1 933) all ows for a broad range: a word family could have a final of the type -K, -T, or -P, etc. in conjunction with the i n itial consonant type K-, N-, or P-, etc. where T includes any acute initial consonant, i.e., any which i s not a guttural or labial. For instance, his wf with items 242-262 ( 1 933: 69) has a root T-K and includes the fol lowing words ( Karl gren 's 'archaic Chinese ' , i.e., OC; in parentheses OCM): 1.4. 1
yang [� *diaiJ ( *laiJ) ' light' 3� zhao Wd *tiog (*tau) 'bright' �� zhou � *tiog ( *trukh) 'day time' * xfng Ji *siel) ( *se!]) 'star' In thi s proposed wf, the OC i nitials, as understood today (Baxter), are *1-, *t-, *s-; the vowels are *a, *au (OCB *-aw), *e, *u; the finals are *-!], *-k, *-V (vowel). The TB cognate for yang is *la!) (e.g. , WB laiJ8 'be bright'), zhOu is clearly cognate to WT gdugs ( < g-duk-s) 'midday, noon'. These two TB items are certain 1y not related. Therefore, Karlgren ' s phonological para meters are much too broad. Cognates usually share the same rime and initial consonant type. However, in many in stances an obvious cognate has a different final or rime, or initial variation outside the nor mal spectrum. LaPolla ( see §6) has dedicated a study to ST rimes and finals. I n order not to go off in all directions, investigators prefer to keep to a given rime and allow the initials to vary, or keep to one category of initials and then allow for variations in finals. Wang U ( 1 958: 542-545) provides examples for both approaches: same initial but d ifferent rimes (such as the negatives with i nitial *m-), and same rime but different i nitials (such as rime *-al) 'bright'). Or note a wf proposed by Pulleyblank ( 1 973: 1 2 1 ) (traditional MC forms in parentheses): r6u -* (nzj;,u) �� ruan (nzjwan8) �� nuo '[� (nzju, nzjwiin8, nuanC) �� ruo (nzjak), all meaning 'soft', but he has not included ren ff (nzj;,m 8) 'soft'. Wang U ( 1 982) splits this particular group into one with a tendency toward final velars, and one with final dentals. Thus the set ru mJ (nzjwo8) �� rulm (nzjwanB) * nen, nun m (p. 5 7 1 ) is distinct from TOU (nzJ;,u) �· TUO (nzjak) >< rou � (nzjuk) 'meat, flesh ' (p. 236). A s l ong as we do not know more about OC morphology, we cannot tell if distinctions in thi s wf are due to morphological derivation, 8
OLD CHINESE AND ETYMOLOGY
1 .4.2
1 .4.3
dialect interference, or to convergence in which the initial n- would be associated with 'soft', just as words with initial gl- typically suggest something 'gliding, glossy' in English ( §2.9). Approaches to etymology through the graph The above approaches start with the OC word while the graph that writes it i s of secondary concern. However, approaching etymology from the other end by emphatic reliance on the graph is fraught with the danger of misinterpretation or overinterpretation. This leads occasionally to "strained explanations of loangraph meanings as semantic extensions" {Qiu Xigui 2000: 287); it has been suggested, for example, that lfii 31 'pregnancy' -> pei gf (p11u�i) *phg 'one month pregnant'
Morpheme substitution (or morpheme-calquing) seems to have taken place in one word where a M K causative p-prefix has been replaced by its ST counterpart *s-: shl
f� ( �t8) [�;;,?] *sr;;,? 'to send, employ, cause' < *s+P? (ST s-causative)
= AA: OKhmer pre lpr;;,;;,l 'to send' (on an errand or comm ission), 'to order, assign, appoint, delegate, use, employ' < *p + r;;, (Khmer p-causative).
Calquing presupposes a familiarity with the donor language and its grammar; otherwise it i s not possible t o recognize and replace individual morphemes (H. H . Hock 1 986: 399f). This implies bilingualism in prehistoric times in parts of the Yellow River basin, the cultural and political hub of the prehistoric Xia dynasty and its successor, the Shang. 2.7
Expressives, reduplication
Expressives "are sentence adverbials that describe noises, colors, l ight patterns, shapes, movements, sensations, emotions, aesthetic feelings and so on" (Diffloth Encyclopedia Britannica, 5th ed. 1 974-97, vol. 22: 70 1 ). Expressives are based on sound symbolism or "synaesthesia" (Shorto, Diffloth) and are therefore phonologically unstable with irregular developments. In Kam-Tai languages and sporadically in Chinese, animal names and other nouns can also take on an expressive shape (see 2c and 2e below). Expressives are frequently encountered in the Early OC text Sh1)Fng with its popular songs. They can take these types of phonological shapes: ( I ) The ST s-prefix forms intensives I iteratives (§5.2.3). (2) Reduplication (examples are taken from Baxter I Sagart 1 998: 64ft): (a) complete reduplication as in guan-guan �11 � OCM *kr6n-kr6n 'cry of the ospreys' ; (b) partial reduplication involving the finals only (dieyiin 51!1:g�, rimi ng), e.g., yao-tiao � � [?eu8-deu8] *?iu?-liu? 'elegant, beautiful'; thi s example belongs to a specialized version of thi s type (next item c): (c) Repetition of the rime with initial *r- > MC 1- (Sagart 1 999: 1 1 1 - 1 20 'infix'), or *1- > MC j i - or d-, e.g., M and. zhting-Jang !l!]j�j�� 'cockroach ', kan-tan t)\ '§ [kh;;,m 8-d;;,m 8] *khgm?-lgm? ? 'pit ', han-dan W0@ [g;;,m8-d;;,m8] *ggm?-Jgm? 'kind of waterlily' ; (d) partial reduplication, involving only the initial (shuangsheng �JI;, alliteration), e.g., cencr!fl;.Ef!: [t�h;;,m-t�ha] *tshrgm-tshriii 'uneven, irregular' ; (e) partial reduplication i nvolving only the vowels a s i n a chiming expression; the alternations are typically between *e I *o or *i I *u, e.g., zhiinzhuan @J!i!J *tren?-tron? 'toss and turn ' , or xrshuai �!lP# *srit-srut 'cricket'.
Type (c) is also common in Tai; Li Fang Kuei ( 1 977: 93) quotes Siamese ma -Ja j A 2 'damage, destroy' ; because thi s word is probably borrowed from a Chinese form (note ..... huf6 El� *hmai 'destroy') the Ill is here an 'infix'. Historically, such forms probably originated as a type of reduplication where the first syllable is reduced to a vowel, and the rime i s repeated with an initial ]-. Siamese words like mccl) � ma -lcc1JA2 'insect', and met � Jet � ma-letD2S 'grain ' are ambiguous because the first syllable is also an animal I plant prefix. Aslian (AA) 24
MORPHOLOGY
2.8 - 2.8.2
languages also have an 1-infix for lower creatures. This shows that such form s do not always derive from earlier consonant clusters by 'dimidiation ' , but reflect bisyllabic forms. Sagart ( 1 999: 1 1 8 ft) has concluded that in some Mln and nn dialects, bisyllabic reduplica tive forms with the meanings intensive I durative I distributive are formed with the second syllable starting with /1/, similar to the Tai forms, as in Fuzhou tsing55 'to stare' > tsP1-ling55 'stare fixedly'. This dialectal Ill may be the continuation of an earlier OC *r-infix ( div. 1 1 ) (Sagart ibid.); note the OC word for 'to stare' : cheng MC thBI) < *thral). This implies that in expressive words, the OC cluster with *r > div. 1 1 either was, or is descended from , a bisyllabic form. 2.8
Non-morphological word formation
Re-analysis Sinitic languages (commonly "dialects") somet imes have word forms that are not the phonological analogues of standard Mandarin or MC forms. These near homophones are not the result of phonological change, but of re-etymologizing, either occasioned by taboo considerations or by folk etymology. For example: 2. 8. 1
Cantonesejit12_theu45j31 ��!J]i 'sun ' is re-etymologized as 'the hot one' < MC Mjii.l 'hot' instead of MC nzjit B 'sun '; M In, e.g., Xiamen tho_·ll 'earth' = MC duoA2 'plaster, mud' is re-etymolog izing of the analogue of M and. tu ± = MC t1'uoBI 'earth' ;
gush/ rfij( JJ 'story' has i n southern dialects been re-analyzed as the Mand. equivalent of 'old affair', e.g . , M-Fuzhou ku31f44-lwy24 2; giishi qiiin �{j ' lead' n. < kh- for MC jiwan has been re-etymologized in most Mand. and Wu dialects as connected with 'hard, strong ' qiiin � MC khan;
qilinbf �{:}if 'pencil ' is called in some dialects, such as Wuhi'm and Ji[m 'ou, the M and. equivalent of yangbf lit. 'western I foreign pen ' , which may perhaps be an apt re-etymologizing of the ori ginal MCjiwii.n 'lead' (as in K-Meixian ian l l-pit11);
jing
MC kjuiJc 'mirror' ( < 'the bright one') is perh. a late OC derivation from Jiang MC /jaiJ 'light' n . , re-etymologization of the earlier jian ilit MC kam C 'mirror ' ;
nilio ,� 'bird' < MC tieu8: the initial may have been changed to In/ because of Kam-Tai substrate forms for 'bird ' like nok02S. In fact, niao agrees with regular correspon
dence patterns in Kam-Tai.
An example from OC I PCH is the following: Thumb
mu -ttiJ (mo8] *mo? 'thumb, big toe' PL *C-ma 3 'thumb'
The OC counterpart to PTB *a should be *a or *:'l; the CH cognate should have been mei [mgB] *m�?. Due to paronomastic attraction to mu 'mother ' , the CH word had become a homophone of the latter. Perhaps the PL form and PTB *ma 'mother' are related ( 'mother of fingers/toes'). Bacliformation, re-cutting A phoneme can be subtracted or lost due to back formation or re-cutting. This i s also the result of re-analysis of the word (H. H. Hock 1 986: 200f.). Examples of m orphological re-analysis
2.8.2
25
2.8.3
2.8.4
MORPHOLOGY
occur sporadically in many languages, for instance, English 'an adder' is a m is-analyzed 'a nadder' . Illustrative TB examples are the words for 'dog' and 'eight ' : 'dog ' PfB *kwi, but Lushai ul 'dog ' where the initial k- seems to have been dropped as an assumed prefix. The segments of ST *prjat - *pret (or *b instead of *p), including l ater epenthetic ones, are treated variously as part of the root or as a prefix i n the different languages: *prjat - *pret *p-hret *b-ret *br-jat
> > > > >
TGTM *prat OC *pret - *priat )\ > MC pat > M and. ba )\ WB hrac Kanauri re, Lushai riat WT brgyad > Tib. dialects > *gjat > jet
few OC words m ay be the result of such re-cutting, the best examples of which are the tone derivations (§3. 1 ). Re-analysis may possibly explain the difference in OC initials between aB [th e j B] *hrii' or *hr�i? 'body, form, shape' and sheng � [�el)] *srel) 'to be alive, be born' . Both words probably belong to ST *sri 'to be' . In sheng, the initial *s- was understood as the causative prefix, although it happens to belong to the ST stem; in t[, no causative meaning was apparent, hence it developed regularly by devoicing from what was taken to be the root initial *r- ( § 5 .2). But for an alternative explanation, see � tl B. A A
2. 8.3
Metathesis
In a few items, ST words with initial consonant clusters underwent a metathesis of the post-initial consonant and the fol lowing vowel (CCV > CV C). Ben edict (LTBA 1 6 :2, 1 993: 1 2 1 ) calls these 'split cognates'. This i s the result of a sesquisyllabic form ( Matisoff's term) with a vowel between prefix and initial consonant which subsequently became the main vowel with loss of the now final vowel (CCV = CVCV > CV C). A case in point i s Five
PfB *b-l)a? 'five' (variant of *1-l]a) > Lushai parya > poiJ.
Here the intermediate sesquisyllabic stage of a form i s attested. Such a form i s not found in the few other cases; they all involve a putative ST *r or *m pre-initial: To steal
PfB *r-ku, WT rku-ba 'to steal' , WB khujB vs. Lushai ruk(or variant of r:>k ?)
Sell
PfB *r-J]a 'to sel l ' vs. WB roiJ8 'to sel l '
Control
S T *m-IJa 'to drive, control' , WT miJa '-ba ' m ight, dominion' , yil fiEIJ *I]ah 'drive a chariot, direct' vs. WB moiJ8 'threaten, drive away' �� .:>-moiJB 'driving'
Smell
ST *m-n�m ?, PfB *m-nam 'to smel l ' , WT mnam-pa 'smell of' vs. wen li{! *m�n 'to smell ' ; in this stem the final dental nasal -n also could have been the result of labial dissimilation.
Some of the words with m ed ial OC *r may also be the result of this process (§6. 1 ; §7.7.3). 2.8.4
Convergence
Occasionally two etyma have coalesced in OC into one word or word fam i ly. This can even involve items from d ifferent language fami lies (CH has attached the final *-k): 26
MORPHOLOGY
2.9 - 2 . 1 0
se E ( !jj 'anger' ; 'cold' > 'grieved' ; 'thick' > 'generous'; 'white' > 'understand' ; 'black' > 'evi l ' ; 'get the better of' > 'be able' ; 'carry, bear' > 'endure ' ; 'heart' > 'mind ' ; 'gal l ' > 'courage' ; 'sun' > 'day'. Metaphors become new words. Chinese shares many metaphors with other languages, including Engl ish. Occasionally, the semantic leap of a suspected extension is difficult to follow; note the ST notion 'hear' > 'ask'. A few verbs with the meanings 'to think, to say' or other abstractions are apparently semantic extensions of verbs 'to be, to do, to act, to go'. Something similar is observed in many languages, such as Engl. the saying went like this: ". . . ", or he went on and on. In TB languages: WT byed-pa , byas 'to make, fabricate, do' > zes byas-pa 'thus said, so 27
2.10
MORPHOLOGY
called' ( i.e., marks d irect discourse); WT mchi-ba 'to come, go' > 'to say' (marks direct discourse); Lushai tiL I ti?L < tii? I ti? 'to do, perform, act, work; act towards; say; to think, 'do, act' in the phrase ylwei .DJ � 'to consider, feel, wish' : Mandarin Chinese .... wei3 consider. .. , to think' (lit. 'take somethi ng to be, take something for'). These considerations make an etymological link between the following pairs likely: is not fei is, this shl you :b right side zuo 1I. left side will not I cannot fu cannot, will not sf to act, manage wei lli'li to be hul ;I!: should be
> be wrong > be right > to honor, appreciate > to disapprove > despise > resist > to think ,83 c,, > to think 'lit > be kind
f:b
Formally, wei ·�� *wg(t)s 'to tel l , cal l ' seems to fit the "irrealis" pattern (§6.2.2), looking l i ke a derivation from you *wg7 'there is, have ' , but it is not clear if there i s an etymological connection and how the semantic leap came about.
28
3 MIDDLE CHIN E S E TON E S AN D THEIR OLD CHINESE EQUIVALENTS
= 'even ' or 'level ' tone), tone B MC and LHan had three tones: tone A (pfngsheng (shlingsheng = 'rising' tone), and tone C ( qusheng 'falling' or 'departing ' tone), and, according to traditional Chinese phonological analysis, tone D (rusheng A � = 'entering' tone) for words which end in a stop consonant (p, t, k), i.e., thi s short-stopped syllable type was toneless. These tonal categories are projected back to OC where tone A i s thought t o have been an open syllable o r one ending in a nasal, tone B m arked a syllable with a glottal stop in the final (or a glottolized syllable), and tone C a syllable with final *-s I *-h. Tones A and D are usually left unmarked as this causes no ambiguity. OC probably had no "tones" in the later sense but instead segmental phonemes. Nevertheless, we will here apply the term 'tone' also to OC in the sense of "later tonal category" for the sake of clarity and to sidestep arguments about their OC phonetic nature. Because MC tones are projected back to identical ones in LHan, subsequently examples will often be cited in simpler LHan forms. All three tones can belong e ither to a root or stem, or play some morphological role. The most common morphological tones are B shlingsheng and C qusheng. which together with initial voicing form a derivational system which marks direction and diathesis (§4). The contrast between allofams in the three different tones is exemplified by the following para digm, where the form in tone A i s the simplex, the derivation in tone B i s endoactive (§4.5), and the derivation in tone C is exopassive (§4.4) (LHan after the graph): 'to go, proceed ' 'foot' (< 'that which i s doing the going') 'goal, purpose' (< 'what is being proceeded to')
tsg, *tg zhf zhl 11::. tsg8, *tg? zhl ;� t§gC, *tgh
(pfngsheng }jl.�) Tone A ( 'even ' or 'level ' tone) reflects OC open syllables or ones with a nasal coda; they are assumed to be the basic unmarkd type and usually go back to equi valent ST forms, e.g., qiil £1:. [khuA] *khwg 'village' 3< Lushai khuaH < k11ua. However, individual languages, including CH, frequently have attached final consonants to open ST stems, e.g., biii S [pak} *prak 'hundred' vs. WT brgya , WB ;;}-raA. The rare tone A 'derivations' are nouns from stems that have an inherent tone B, tone C, or a final stop consonant. The original mechanism may have been re-analysis (§2.8). 3.1
Middle Chinese tone A
Rain
yu
[wa8] 'rain' > yu � [waA] 'sacrifice with prayer for rai n '
'Rain' yu is a widely attested ST word; it can be set u p a s S T *wa? (with final glottal stop) on the strength of Kuki-Chin and Chepang forms in addition to MC. This rules out the possibility that 'rain' is a tone B derivation from 'sacrifice for rain ' , which would also be semantically implausible. However, elsewhere tone B can be a morpheme which creates or marks endoac tive verbs or words (§4.5); 'to rai n ' fits this pattern, so that tone B may have been felt to be this morpheme rather than part of the root. 'Sacrifice for rai n ' was then created as a back formation by removal of the alleged suffix tone B. 29
3 .2 - 3 . 2 . 1
TONES
Additional tone A derivations include the following items (LH forms after the character):
�
> xf
gee ge
'to be bound' 'slave, captive'
Wine-master
jiu f@ > qiu @
tsiu8 dziu
'wine' 'wine-master'
Writing slip
bian ..Fm! > pian
pian8 phian
'narrow' 'writing slip'
Tally
fu llf;j > fu {-(]=
buoc buo
'to adjoi n ' 'a tally'
blng :ill[ > pmn . , ,.�
bei]B ben
'side by side' 'two (horses) side by side'
shr > shf p
siB si
'to d isplay' 'corpse, personator of a dead'
xi
Slave
Side by side
..
Corpse
In 'Corpse' the derivation process could also have been the reverse. I n a few cognate sets, tone A may be the result of loss of a final consonant, as in: he � [gek] 'kernel fruit' - hai � [gd] 'bones, skeleton' .
Bones
He is a S T etymon: WT rag 'fruit stone, bead', Mikir rak 'fruit stone'; therefore h e was the original form from which hiii was derived. Middle Chinese tone B ( sbangsheng
phonology MC tone B probably derives from an OC *-?. In some modern dialects tone B ends with glottal constriction (Branner 2000: 1 19) - note M1n-Songyang pup? ( 'measure for books' ben :;$:; Branner 2000: 3 44). Glottal stop after nasal codas is also shown by variants like xJ ;i:l'G [seiBJ [senB] 'to wash', as wel l as Shi]fng rimes such as *-an? I *-a? (Shi 3 0 I ), *-uiJ? I *-u? (Shi 264,7); some rimes confirm that the phoneme in question was a stop consonant: *-ap I *-am? (Shi 2 6 5 , 3) and *-et I *-en? (Shi 265,5). The glottal feature can, however, appear elsewhere, e.g., in the middle of a syllable (Sagart 1 999: 1 32, n. 1 : XHtoyi dialect in Shanxi). Tone B seems to be a weakened variant of final -k in some words ( §3 .2.2). 3.2
3.1. 1 Tone Bfrom Sino-Tibetan *-? Tone B can be part of the root. I n some words it goes back to the ST level because some OC open syllable words with tone B correspond to Kuki-Chin and Chepang words, which are also reconstructible with a final g lottal stop (Chepang stil l has final -?). The first several items in the l ist below are taken from Ostapirat (LTBA 2 1 : 1 , 1 998: 238f) with WB and LHan forms added. The agreement in final *-? is particularly persuasive because the first seven items have been selected without Chinese in mind. Tiddim and Lushai tones sometimes split according to vowel length or timbre (hence Lushai tones F(alling), R(ising), L(ow) < *-7); the corresponding Tiddim Chin tone is 1 ; LHan forms follow the graph:
Bird Chil d Water
Tiddim va: 1 ta: 1 tu:i l
Lushai vaF faF < faa? tuiR
Chepang wa? eo? ti? 30
LHan yu )j)J waB tsi;;,B zr tl 1� thejBJC
TONES Tail Fire Bitter Rain To plant Blood Eat Nine Itch
mei 1 mei l xa:1 gua?4 tu?4 si: 1
me 1·R me1·R khaL I khakF rua?L tu?L thiR fakF kuaR < kua? zaR I zatL
3.2.2
me? hme? kha? wa? w::�i?
wei Jig huo x kii yii shu tM sur fi jii afi jiii }1 yang
mui8 huai8 khaB wa8 dzo8 *-?), but the interchange *-k - *-? may also have other causes; therefore we hesitate to set up clusters like *-k?. The same correspondences are encountered in Tai and AA loans (one way or the other; LH after the graph): Cover
Siam . pok01S < *p- 'to cover, book cover' bao [pou8] *pu? 'preserve, protect'
Fall down
Siam. tok01S < *t- 'fall down ' dao ii� [tou8] *tau? 'turn over, fall '
Mortar
Siam. khrok02S 'mortar' jiu [gu8] *gu? 'mortar' 31
TONES
3.2.3 - 3.2.4
Pig
PMonic *cliik 'pig' sh! � [seB] *lhe? ? 'pig '
Down, below
Khmer gra 'ka /grak/ 'to be low' xia T [ga8] *gra? 'down, below'
Drip
Khmer sra 'ka !srakl 'drip' xu 1� [�a(8)] *sra? 'to drip'
However, TB final *-k for a Chinese open syllable does also occur, an often cited example, though of debatable etymology, is 'pig ' : ba �� [pa] < *pra ? 3� PTB *pak, but see §6.9. ST *-? in closed syllables TB final *-? and *-s i n closed syllables (i.e., those ending in a nasal or lateral) have no systematic tonal correspondence in Chinese. The following cognate sets are typical:
3.2.3
Chepang ku? be? roy?
Tiddim gu: l < -? pa: l < -?
Gloss To steal Thin Give Go around
Lush. *veel?
LHan < OCM ku 7r! khoC < *khOh b6 ¥! bak < *bilk bi w pis < *pis wei "&t wuiA
Where tone B does occur in OC *-n? (appearing identical with ST *-n?, *-r?, and *-1?), it is perhaps a CH innovation, as in 'gums' where tone B marks body parts (§3 .3 . 1 ). Gums
Lush. *-hnii?
shen �31 sin8
PTB *rni l
WB has a final stop in some words which elsewhere end in a nasal. Chepang and Kuki-Chin languages suggest that the reason may be a PTB final *-N?. CH, which has tone A, has eliminated the suspected ST final glottal stop, as expected (KC = Kuki-Chin; Chep. = Chepang; LHan). But it remains to be seen if there is really a system (Matisoff n. 1 2 in Ostapirat LTBA 2 1 : 1 , 1 998: 243; HPTB: 5 1 6-525). Tree Dream New Year Heart Strife
WB WB WB WB WB WB
sac mak sac hnac hnac cac
Chep. Si!)? Chep. mal)?
KC *si!)? KC *mal)?
xfn tfT sinA meng � mui)AfC xfn *JT sinA nian .if. nenA ? ren {- flinA zheng * t�elJA
Tone B for foreign final -I] In a few common words, Chinese has tone B for TB final *-1). (For the reverse phenomenon, see §6.5.2.) This probably is related to the little understood incompatibi lity of tone B with OC finals *-gl) and *-ul) (i.e., OCM *-gl)? is rare, has either dropped the final nasal or shifted to final -gmB or -gn8 ; *-fil)? does not occur at all; tone B occurs freely in rime *-ol)). Generally, the final consonants preempted the ST *-? (see above), but in a few common words *-? seems to have prevailed. Where we do find MC tone B for PTB *-? with nasal finals, the CH nasals are innovations, as in 'dog ' (§6.4.3), ' itch' (§6.5. 1 ), and ' far' (§6.5.2), or they are exceptions that require further investigation; by a curious coincidence, WT has almost no cognates. (Chep. = Chepang, Tid. = KC-Tiddim Chin): 3.2.4
32
You You Horse To love Contradict Post, column To beat Gram matical words often develop irregularly in individual languages; 'you' i s typical: Tiddim Chin and OC agree in a final *-?, while Chepang has a plain final. Chinese has no final *-IJ, as we see in some comparative sets with Tai and M iao-Yao (Li Fang Kuei 1 97 6) : Shore
pu rfti LH [pho8] *ph§.? 'river bank' PKS *pwaiJ8 'bank, shore'
Mend
bU [po8] *pa? 'to mend, repair, assist' S. p:J:JI]Cl < *p- 'to protect, cover up'
Drum
gu Jijz [1mB] *ka? < *kla? 'drum ' PTai *kbiJA 1 'drum '
Stomach
du [daB] *da? 'stomach' PT *du:>IJc 'stomach ' ; PKS (E,Y) *loiJ 'a belly'
Handful
ba t� [paB] *pra? ? 'a handful' PMY *phwa1] 2 8 'a handful'
Lady
ft) [buB] *oo? 'lady, daughter-in-law' PMY *bwal] < *Nb- 'daughter-in-law'
One exceptional set has MC tone A, not B : [na] *na 'wife and children' Wife and children n u Tai : S. n:J:JI)C2 < *n- 'younger sibling', PKS *noiJC ' id . ' , but note also Tai: S. naa C2 < *n- 'mother's younger sibling ' 3.3 Tone B as morpheme Tone B does not always belong to the root (§3 .2. 1-3), it is also a derivational morpheme. Tone B derivations are not as common as those in tone C. The most common morphologi cal role of tone B is to derive endoactive words (i .e., introvert and active) from a stem or simplex (§4.5). 3.3. 1 Tone B (I): terms for body parts and humans Tone B is encountered frequently in names for body parts (Unger Hao-ku 36, 1 990: 47f: Zhengzhang Shangfang 1 99 5 : 280, in Sagart 1 999: 1 34). It may have spread from endoactive derivatives like him 'jaw' , zhi t� 'finger' , and zhr 11:: 'foot ' (§4.5. 1 ) to other body parts. Thus, shou §if 'head ', shou .:f.'hand ' , chi � 'tooth', shen �SI 'gums ' , etc. , may have been felt to be also 'things that do' somethi ng.
33
3.3.2 - 3 .3.3
TONES
A conspicuously large number of words that refer to persons or kinship also have tone B as noted by Unger, Zhengzhang Shangfang (op. cit.): nil i;z:. [I}io6] ·woman ' , mu m [mo6] 'mother', bitztt ' deceased mother', fU fJ/ffj [bwuB] 'woman' , zf9$ [tsi6] 'elder sister', }it� �]. 'elder sister', fu :X [bwoB] 'father' , jiu � [guB] 'uncle' . Tone B must be a CH inovation because there is no correlation with TB equivalents. We may speculate that the tone had spread from words like [tsig6] 'son' , zu tll. [tso6] 'ancestor' , di $ [dei 6] 'younger brother' (§4.5 . 1 ) to similar terms. Tone B in this category is the more striking, as words that refer to social status or profession are mostly in other tones: wang 'king' , jiin ;'@; ' lord ' , h6u {� 'lord ' , min :95 'carpenter', n6ng 'farmer' . 'baron, male', gong 0 'duke, uncle', jiang Tone B (2): coverbs and particles Tone B derives some coverbs from other verbs: 3.3.2
Not have
m] !$ (mtai B] *mai'( 'not have, there is no' < wu � [muo] *ma 'not, no'
Not have
wang [mUOIJBJ *mal)? 'there is no, not have' < wang T: [mualJJ *maiJ 'disappear'
Able
ke PJ [khoiBJ *khai? 'to bear, can, be able' < ? he fQ]' [gaiB] *gai 'to carry' (here tone B may belong to the stem)
Other eoverbs in tone B are gfm J'& 'dare' ( PTB *hwam), ken R 'approve' , yi ,!,:,I, 'take, with ' , perhaps also wiing 1± 'go to' < yu T 'to go'. However, the tone probably belongs to the stem, in l ight of other grammatical words in other tones: yong ffl 'use, with' , wei 'to do', wedl 'to be' , yu :!F:--T 'be in, at' . Tone B i n final particles may be prosodic: ye i:t1 sentence final particle serving a s copula, yi � final particle, zhe a phrase final particle. Tone B (3): independent pronouns Graham ( 1 973) has sorted the many OC pronouns into 'neutra l ' , 'non-adjunctive ' , 'adjunctive possessive' and 'demonstrati ve', which we will call here 'independent' forms (Dobson LAC: 1 38: 'pregnant'), 'dependent ' (Dobson: 'determinant' form), and 'possessive ' ; the 'demonstra tives' behave mostly like independent pronouns. In the fol lowing tabulation, the earliest attested forms [OB, BI, Shi] have LHan forms shown in bold type ( after the graph). 3.3.3
Possessive form
WO I]oiB 'I, we' 'I, my' wu I)G yu jaB ? 'I, me' yu jo ' 1 , my' ru Y/J:. noB 'you' er Plf neB 'you' shl dzeB 'this' fu bl fEz p+ai 8 'that' bua 'that' cl J.l:t tshieB 'this' (qu *fB. g+a 'he, she' - late word)
yf El jg 'my' nai J'J O:;)B 'your' er fig 'you, your'
qf �; gi-g 'his, her'
Our terminology is borrowed from Pacific languages (AN) such as Lenak (Lynch 1 998: 1 03f) where the independent form stands alone as the answer to a question just as in OC 34
TONES
3.4
("Who did i t?" - " Wo ", not " Wu R"), and is also the form used for the object pronoun; when used in other positions (e.g., subject, possessive) the i ndependent pronoun is used only for emphasis, just as in OC. The dependent form, e.g. , wtl 'Ff ' I , my' belong s to a following predicate as subject, or to a noun as a possessive. Wtl cannot stand alone or at the end of a sentence, hence wo has to take over as object pronoun. Independent forms are marked with tone B ( *-?), whose abrupt final g lottal stop may have started out as a feature m arking the end of a phrase or utterance. Some independent pronouns have in addition the diphthong *-ai ; some end in *-e. M atisoff ( 1 995: 74) suggests that the final *-i is a palatal suffix. In Tai languages interrogative I indefinite pronouns end in ay (or -ai) (Gedney 1 976: 72); there may be a connection with OC forms in *-i. The marked independent forms in *-i I *-? are the ones that have survived in modern dialects ( wo, ril, er, bi, ci, shi, M, sh61). The other forms, and also the interrogatives, have tone A, i .e. , open syllables probably with a long vowel which indicates incompletion of the utterance and the expectation of a fol lowing element or answer (suggested earlier by Kennedy; see Graham 1 973). In addition to this independent I dependent distinction, a few pronouns have a proclitic possessive form in tone A with the vowel ;'). In the words ru 'your' and nili 'your', tone B belongs to the root. Independent forms of i nterrogative pronouns have final *-i, but with tone A : -
Independent form he
fPJ [gai]
'what'
shuf m£ [dzui] *dui 'who'
Dependent form hu tiJ! [ga] 'what' xr * [ge] 'what, how' (Pulleyblank 1 995: 95) (cf. ch6u [] 'possessive particle' ; ftsi;;>] 'this'; in early literature also qf:f!; [giG] 'he, she, it'. Since the indepen dents shi, cl, and bJoccur later, they may be derivations from shf. z1� and fu respectively (cf. Pulleyblank 1 995: 1 65 ). There are more pronouns in addition to the ones cited. No text uses all the forms, most use only a small selection; different texts use the same pronoun in different ways (summary in Pulleyblank 1 995: 76ft). The above system probably also combines forms from different periods and regions. Dependent pronouns are often implied and thus omitted. Independent WO, ru, and er appear in the earliest texts and are of ST descent. Therefore the final *-i in wo, and *-'? in ril and nfli are not Chinese innovat ions, whereas most of the other independent pronouns, which occur for the most part in later texts, have no d irect TB counter parts. We may specu late that in PCH or early OC *-? I *-i I *-i? has spread from the old items to other pronouns and has thus eventually become a mark of "independent" status. Middle Chinese tone C (qusheng *V): phonology 3.4 Tone C ('departing I fal ling tone') from ST *-s i s the most common derivational device i n OC as well as in TB (HPTB: 4 66ff). I t i s believed to have once been a *-s suffix ( discussion in Baxter 1 992). Since some of the dental finals, which are usually reconstructed as OC *-ts, seem to have had only a simple OC *-s, tone C must have been of a different nature after open vowels and velar finals than after dentals, so we write *-h after the former and *-s after the latter. These two are allophones:
35
3.5
-ah -akh -as ats
-al)h -ans
-aih -ams
TONES
etc. -auh (PCH -aps had already merged with -ats in OC.)
We can speculate that the original difference between root final tone C < *-s and derivational tone C goes back to morpheme juncture and vowel length, thus root final *-s is found in a closed and short syllable as in da j( PCH *das > OCM *das (OCB *dats). but where *-s has been attached as the morpheme to an open, long syllable, the development was possibly PCH *paa + s > *paas > OCM *pah (OCB *pas).
bu
OC tone C often corresponds to a final stop consonant in other languages. This supports the assumption of an early fin al consonant cluster in the OC forms, but not necessarily in all instances: Taste Lungs Dark To angle
wei U;f( LH [m us] *m;-Jts PMonic *[?jm;-Jp 'good tasting ' fei nJiJ [puos] *pats TB-PL *(J-)papL. mei lit [m::ls] *m�Hs 'dusk, be dark, blindly' PKS *muut 'blind' diao �k] [teuC] *tiaukh 'to angle, fish ' Tai: S. tokDl 'to angle'
Occasionally, tone C is not a morpheme but seems to belong to the stem (Downer To see 3.5
jH1n J! [kenC] 'to see, visit'
3t xian
1 959: 263):
[genC] 'to appear, show up'.
Tone C: later OC general purpose morpheme
Tone C has been prolific in word derivation in OC (*-s I *-h) (§4.2). For early OC, two tone C morphemes must be distinguished: one forms transitive I causative verbs and words (§4.3 ), the other forms passive words (§4.4). This system will be discussed in detail in §4. Because tone C marked both passive and transitive I causative in early OC (down to ea. 7 0 0 BC), it was well on its way to becoming a weakly marked general purpose derivational morpheme in EOC, but it became ubiquitous later. In EOC, tone C nouns were passive ( 'to mount' > 'what is mounted ' > 'carriage') ( §4.4) or exoactive ( §4.3). In later Zhou Chinese (by Chunqiu times and later), it also formed nouns that were endoactive (§4.5 ), e.g., c6ng if:£ [dziol)] 'to follow' > zong {f:f [dzio!]CJ 'follower' [Shi I 04 ] (i.e., the one who actively does the following, not the one who is passively followed, or m akes someone else fol low) (Downer 1 959: 262). Thus tone C supersed ed tone B, the earlier marker of active voice, which ceased to be productive. Not surprisingly, in early literature we already find derivations with tone C whose function and meaning are no longer obvious, as in : To use
yong If OoiJ *lol) 'to use, employ, need' [Shi, B I ] > yong ffl OoiJcl *lol)h 'to use' [OB, Shi]
The tone C form of this set i s the one that has survived as the ordinary word for 'to use', and this trend toward tone C i s common (Unger Hao-ku 20, 1 983 : 1 6 5 ). Eventually, Iexica and commentaries record several sets of tone C I non-C words with identical meanings (Unger, ibid.: I 5 7). This universal morpheme can of course be divided into numerous subclasses (Downer 1 959). A few subgroups of this general category with clearly identifiable semantic foci include: 36
TONES
3.5
'to have' ,. you :X. 'moreover' ; slin Formation of adverbs ( Downer 1959: 289), e.g., you 'three' 3� si!w .......- 'thrice' . A late category (text examples are from Zh6uli, Li]i and from texts shortly before Han) consists of nouns derived from "gradable adjectives" (Baxter and Sagart 1 998: 55), e.g., chang [gal)] ' long' > zhang :Bt [QOI)h] 'length' . Unger ( Hao-ku 2 1 , 1 983 : 1 77[), supplies WT parallels, e.g., WT zab 'deep' > zabs 'depth'. In these derivations, tone C had acquired the endoactive meaning which in EOC is expressed by tone B. Nouns in final *-s are common in TB (HPTB: 466ff). Tone C forms are occasionally used in compounds, as guan 'to see' 3� guan-tai 'observation tower' ( Downer 1 959: 289). -=.
37
4 TONES B, C, AND VOICING : D IRECTION AND DIATHESIS
Because MC tones and phonemes at issue are projected back to identical ones in LHan, subsequently examples will often be cited in simpler LHan forms. 4.1
Direction and diathesis
A dichotomy in direction and causativity is well recognized in Chinese (e.g., Mei 1 980; Takashima 1 996: 446) and also in Tibeto-Burman languages (STC: 1 05 ) ; note introvert extrovert I causative pairs like 'to hear' - 'to ask' in both CH and TB languages (Matisoff D. of Lahu: 726f; J. Sun LTBA 1 6.2, 1 993: ! 52). These are therefore already Sino-Tibetan categories; furthermore, CH and TB languages share the two ST morphemes that mark this distinction: the s-prefix (Table 4- 1 ) and the s-suffix (Table 4-2). 4-1
m-prefix - introvert
s-prefix - extrovert-causative
To eat, l ick
OC *m-l:Jk > shf jt 'to eat' TB *m-lyak 'to lick'
PCH *s-l:Jk-s TB *s-lyak
4-2
simplex - introvert
s-suffix - extrovert-causative
Limbu
thUI)-
OC / PCH
*?:1m? > yln �)( 'to drink'
*'l:1m-s
OC / PCH
*m-l:Jk > shf 1it *m-l:Jk 'to eat'
*s-l:Jk-s
'to drink'
>
t11UI]S-
sl jt 'to feed' 'make I let lick, feed'
'give to drink' > yln >
BJ\ 'give to drink'
sl ft
'give to eat, feed'
Historically, three phenomena have partially or completely coalesced in OC: ( 1 ) semantic introvert I extrovert; ( 2 ) grammatical transitivity distinctions; ( 3) grammatical active I passive distinctions. The result of these partial mergers is the intersecting pattern of endoactive I exoactive I endopassive I exopassive derivational categories (Table 4-3). These terms apply to morphologically marked derivational categories of new words; in the OC language, they are independent of grammatical I syntactic behavior and word class; see §2. 1 .3 (Beard 1 998: 44ff). This system constitutes the 'youngest' morphological layer which was still productive or at least transparent in OC. Introvert and extrovert (en do- I exo-) are semantic categories that are readily apparent from a word 's meaning. In introvert words, the action is directed toward the subject, or happens to or within the subject (to buy, to watch, to grow); in extrovert words the action originates in or with the subject and is directed out and away to a necessarily external object (to sell, to show). Introvert verbs often tend to be intransitive, extrovert verbs transitive or causative. Transitive words like 'to buy' were originally perhaps purely introvert, while 'to sel l ' was purely extro vert. 'To grow' was intransitive or 'middle voice' , whereas 'to sow' (derived from 'seeds' n.) was grammatically transitive I causative. The extrovert and valence increasing categories overlap to a large extent: 'to sow' is extrovert beside being transitive ('sow seeds'); and 'to sell' is ditransitive beside being extrovert; zhang fit 'to grow' is introvert beside being intransitive. 38
DIRECTION and DIATHESIS
4. 1
These two concepts overlap completely in words that imply 'giving', as in 'to drink' (introvert, transitive) > 'give someone something to drink' (extrovert, ditransitive, i.e., valence increa sing), see Table 4-2. Thus direction and transitivity have merged in OC. Furthermore, the active I passive distinction has been added to the mix. Acti ve and passive agree with familiar IE (incl. English, Latin) grammatical concepts. The agent of an active verb is its subject: 'he is growi ng ' , 'he is buying something ' . In a sentence with a passive verb (form), the object of the active counterpart becomes the subject of the passive; the agent (tr. subject) is placed in a prepositional phrase ( 'he heard this' > passive 'this was heard by him'). The terms 'endoactive' (Japanese jidi5shi EH!lJJ � "i, also 'intransitive') and 'exoactive' (tadi5shi ftl!.!l'JJ �"i, also 'transitive') describe pairs of introvert I extrovert verbs in Japanese grammar (Lewin 1 990: 1 1 8f.; Shibatani 1 990: 1 1 5 ; also Takashima 1 996), for example:
naru 'to become' intr. yurumu 'to become loose' intr.
nasu 'to form ' tr. yurumeru 'to loosen ' tr.
Though nearly identical with the familiar 'intransitive' and 'transitive', the Japanese endo active category includes verbs that can take an object, therefore the term ' intransitive' is not appropriate, e.g., kado-wo deru 'walk out the door' ('door' is the obj. in Japanese). The terms have already been used for Chinese (Sagart 1 999: 1 33) where endoactive (introvert) verbs also can be tr. like mai 'to buy (somethi ng)' . Exoactive verbs are the extrovert, transitive I causa tive counterparts (mai 'sell something to someone'). 'Endoactive' is similar to the 'middle voice' of some IE languages: the action was con ceived as operating in or on the subject; in the exoactive, the verbal action was directed outwards from the subject (L. R. Pal mer, The Latin Language, 1 987: 262). H . H. Hock ( 1 986: 347) provides the example 'to grow' intr. for one of the specific uses of the IE m iddle voice; note CH zhang fit 'to grow' as illustration for endoactive derivation ( §4. 1 . 1 ). In accordance with this system, we add the terms 'endopassive' and 'exopassive' . I n exo passive derivations, the agent (i.e., an external, 'exo-' element) is still available as in a typical passive sentence: 'it was heard by him' < 'he heard it'. Endopassive fits the definition of stative verbs: " . . . refer to a resultant state without any indication of an agent" (Sadler and Spencer 1 998: 223); the endoactive verb chang fit 'be long ' is a stative verb ( 'be in a state of being stretched < be stretched '). We could have used the fam iliar labels 'middle' for 'endoactive', 'active' or 'causative' for 'exoactive', 'passive' for 'exopassive'. However, the IE middle voice drifts toward the passive, whereas the CH category remains active. Furthermore, IE languages make no clearly marked introvert - extrovert distinction. In the end, the labels endo- I exo- and active I passive describe quite well the nature of the CH categories. They also allow us to reserve the endo- I exo terminology for word derivation, and continue to use 'active' and 'passive' for grammatical relationships. These categories apply to derivations from a stem or other word, i.e., words fall i nto one of the four categories only when compared with their simplex. Many words have MC tone B, like zhang fit (tjal)8) 'to grow' where the tone marks the word as endoactive because it contrasts with, and is derived from , the simplex zhfing �:& (tjaiJ) 'to stretch '. But huo !}( (xua8) 'fire' is underived; tone B marks nothing. Although underived words do not belong to such a category, one may occasionally feel that a word inherently does, as sf JE 'to die' with its typical en do active meaning (see §4.5). Or wen � 'to hear (something)' tr. could be seen as inherently
39
4. 1 . 1
DIRECTION and DIATHESIS
introvert. But these words are morphologically unmarked and their categorization would in many cases be arbitrary and add nothing to our understanding. 4. 1. 1 Direction and diathesis in Old Chinese The OC morphological changes which mark direction and diathesis have left traces in later MC tones and voicing of the initial consonant of a word; the tones, possibly also voicing, go back to earlier segmental affixes in OC or PCH . The morphemes are
( I ) Tone C ( I ) (MC qusheng 1;:!\!t < *-si-h) - exoactive: extrovert, often valence increasing ('to hear' tr. > 'ask someone about something ' ditr.) (§4.3); ( 2) Tone C ( 2 ) (MC qusheng 1;:ilt. < *-si-h) - exopassive, i.e., passive of exoactive I transitive words, agent available ('be heard by someone') (§4.4); ( 3 ) Tone B (MC shlingsheng J::. � < *-?) - endoactive: introvert, active, often valence decreasing ( 'to grow' intr. < 'to stretch' tr.) (§4.5); ( 4) Voicing of the initial consonant - endopassive : introvert, passive, often valence decreasing, no agent available ( 'be long' sv. < 'to stretch') (§4.6). Table 4-3 provides a synopsis of this OC system (LHan forms follow the graphs). Discussions of the individual categories follow below (§4.2-§4.6). 4-3
endo- ( introvert)
exo- (extrovert) - Tone C ( §4.2)
-active
endoactive - Tone B (§4.5) m£8 'to buy' tr. mai w 'to drink' tr. ?im8 yln � zhang :R �OI)B 'to grow' intr.
exoactive - Tone mai lii meC yln fiX ?imC wen f"� munC
-passive
endopassive - Voiced initial (§4.6) sv. chang �
wen [munC]
( I ) Pn� 'to ask about, inquire' tr. (exoactive)
( 2 ) !ii'l 'be heard about, renowned' intr. (exopassive)
shim [dzian8] > shi'm
[d:banC]
� 'be good at' tr. (simplex) ( I ) ,t& 'repair, put
m
order' tr. (exoactJve)
( 2 ) /Mi ( 'be done wel l ' :) 'cooked food' n. (exopassive)
Over time, the meanings of tone C had converged until by late Zhou it had become a general purpose device to derive any kind of word from another; see §3 .5. Theoretically, the two functions of tone C could derive from a single ST morpheme *-s (Schuessler 1 985). There are parallels for this double duty in other languages, e.g., the Korean suffix -ita added to pota 'to see' > poita (a) passive 'to be seen ', (b) caus. 'to show' (Dixon 2000: 3 1). H o-Min Sohn ( 1 999: 367) suggests that the Korean "passive suffixes have developed from causative suffixes via functional shift." This could also have been the Chinese develop ment (note §4. 1 . 1 'Fear' above). Also the Japanese suffix -eru serves a dual function: it makes exoactives out of endoactives (no suffix), and endoactives out of suffixless exoactives (Lewin 1 990: 1 1 9; Shibatani 1 990: 1 1 5), for example: 41
4.2 . 1
4.3
DIRECTION and DIATHESIS
yurumu 'become loose' (endoactive) > yurum-eru 'to loosen' tr. (exoactive) kak-eru 'to be m issing' (endoactive)
< kaku 'to miss, do without' tr. (exoactive)
The same dual function is encountered in Ainu where the suffix -ke makes intr. verbs out of transitives and vice versa (Shibatani 1 990: 44). Below, §4.4. 1 provides a further comment in favor of a single origin. The Sino-Tibetan sources oftone C The exopassive morpheme MC tone C < PCH *-s (OC *-s I -h) is related to the TB s-suffix, which in WT forms the past tense, perhaps including the completed aspect of verbs (Beyer 1 992: 26 1 ), often with a passive connotation in transitive verbs; these derivations can then become nouns; see §2.3.2 Table 2- 1 for an example. In Lushai the second verb form (or "modification of the root") creates passives by adding a suffi x -? < -h < -s (J. H. Lorrain 1 940: xiii; HPTB: 468ff). The modification form is used also as a 'subjunctive' (J. H . Lorrain 1 940: xiii) which, as Geilich ( 1 994: 1 69-1 70) points out, corresponds to the IE (Greek, Sanskrit) middle voice (do something for one ' s own benefit); also i n Dulong I Rawang, the suffix -shi is a reflexive I middle-marking (LaPolla 2000: 288; also STC: 98 'middle voice ' ; Michailovsky 1 985: 369). For additional functions of this suffix in TB languages, see H uang Bufan L TBA 19: 1 , 1996: 29-42; HJYJB: 4 3 9ff; 4 6 5 ff). The exoactive function of tone C is also inherited from ST. In some TB languages the second form (*-s) forms transitives I causatives (HJYJB: 4 7 2 ff), for example, in Lushai (J. H . Lorrain 1 94 0 : xiii): pulJH intr. 'to assemble' s� pun t < puiJs tr. 'to call together' ; zaaJH -s after final consonants as in 'debs-pa ( < Ndap-t), btab, gtab, tl'ob 'to throw' (Cobli n 1 9 7 6). A final dental stop also occurs in Dulong I Rawang (LaPolla 2000: 308); in JP {Dai Qingxia I Xu Xijian 1 992: 78f), and in H imalayan languages. Be that as it may, for practical purposes we assume two distinct functions for tone C. 4.2. 1
4.3
Tone C (1): exoactive derivation
Exoactive (MC tone C [ I ] < *-s/-h). The agent of an exoactive *-s I *-h verb is the subject
whose action is directed outward toward an object that often affects an indirect object. Exoactive appears to be the result of a partial coalescence of a suffix for extroversion (sell tr. < buy tr. ; see §4.3 . 1 ), and one for increasing valence, i .e., noun > verb, verb intr. > tr. ; verb intr. or tr. > ditrtansitive I causative I putative (to sow < seed; see §4.3.2); often the i ntrovert counterpart has the endoacti ve tone B (§4.5). A paradigmatic example is 'drink' (LHan forms follow the graph): Drink
r W\ ym f;!,B>kr > ym J:!J\ v
•
?tm8 tr. 'to drink something' ?tmc ditr. 'to give I offer someone something to drink'
Text illustrations for yln ; often only the indirect object (person, animal) is mentioned: 42
DlRECTION and DIATHESIS
4.3 . 1
( I ) yln xiang ren jiu 1iJ\*R�A.iJ1!l (offer drink I country I people I wine) '(Nan Kuai) offered wine to drink to his country's peopl e ' [Zuo: Zhao 1 2 . 8 ] .
( 2) M yln si zhr $ 1!)\ ft ;Z (what I g i ve drink I g i ve eat I h i m ) 'what s h a l l I g ive h i m for d r i n k and food?' [Shiji ng 1 2 3 . 1 ] .
'To ask' wen is an outward directed action which is derived from a directionally neutral (or perhaps inherently introvert) verb 'to hear' wen (ex. 3). As a ditransitive verb, it can take a direct object (ex. 4) or an indir. obj . ( 5). (3) WO wen qf sheng fltt:m::!=t�": (I I hear I h i s I voice) 'I hear h i s voice' [Shi 1 9 9 , 3 ] . ( 4) wen q f blng F"9 �� ( ask about I his I affliction [di r . obj.]) ' h e asked [hi m ] about h i s affliction'
(dir. obj . ) [Zuo: X uan 2 , 4].
(5) wen ZhOng Nf rn�frp � (ask I Confuci u s [ind. obj.]) ' H e asked Confuci u s ' . [Zhuang 6 , 7 5].
This 'recent' exoactive s-/h-suffix was occasionally added to an old verb which already had the (unproductive) ST causative s-prefix; 'to feed' (also in §2.3.2 Table 2-4) prob. had acquired tone C in order to fit the pattern of exoactive verbs like 'to drink' above. Feed
LH zidc, *s-ldkh 'to feed' < caus. of shi 1lt (dzjdk) [zdk] *m-ldk 'to eat'
Lose
smf, *smiil)h 'to lose, destroy' < wang L [mUOI)] *mal) 'to lose'
Tone C: exoactive - extrovert, ditransitive These derivations also tend to be causative. 'To drink' and 'to feed ' have just been cited. See also yi :t'( 'to wear' used as a ditransitive verb in §2. 1 .2 (ex. 9; 1 0). A few more examples: 4.3. 1
Sell
mai J"! > mai If
mc:B 'to buy' mc:C 'to sell' < 'to give someone something to buy'
Give
shou x > shou 1�
dzu8 'receive, accept' dzuc 'to give' ditr.
Show
shl *� > shl !]\
giB 'to look at' giC 'to show' ditr. < 'make someone look at'
Teach
xue � > xiao *�
gJk, *gruk 'to learn ' gauc, *grukh 'to teach'
Ask
wen f:l{l > wen FP,
mun 'to hear about' tr. mu ne 'to ask about something ', 'ask someone' tr.
Wife
qf � > ql �
tshei 'consort, wife' tsheiC 'give a wife to', 'give as a wife' tr.
Often, the added argument of a ditransitive verb is an indirect object which typically is a beneficiary. This indirect object is the essence of tone C, while in many sentences a direct object is only implied, as in 'give someone to drink' with no specification of the thing involved (direct object). In a way, tone C replaces a thing by a person. For example, (LHan after the graph): Listen
thel) 'to listen ' thel)C 'to listen to, obey'
43
4.3.2
DIRECTION and DIATHESIS
Reply
d a- � �=� > dui ill!. .'f'J-f.
t-:lp 'respond to' tugs, *t�ps < *tOps 'to reply' (to a person)
Tell
yu *:g > yu *:g
IJtaB 'to speak' IJtac 'to tell someone'
Overturn
ftdl > fu fi
phuk, *phuk 'to overturn, overthrow' tr. phuc, *phukh 'to overspread, provide cover for someone'
Aid
you 15 > you ti {ti
wuB, wuC 'right (side), be to the right' wuC tr. 'to aid, support, assist someone'
Before
xian 7'C > xi[m 7'C
sen 'to go in front, ahead, before, former' senC ( I ) tr. 'to walk before' (in order to protect) > 'take care of someone, attend ' ; (2) caus. 'to put first'
After
hou 1� > hou 1�
goB or yoB 'be behind, after' , 'to fol low' goC or yoC ( 1 ) tr. 'be behind someone, attend, support' ; ( 2 ) caus. 'to put after'
Attend
shi '[� > shi {�
dbB 'to depend on' dzgC 'to wait upon someone, attend '
Woman
nyu 1x. > nyu 1x.
!)OB 'woman , wife' n. l)Oc 'give (as) a wife' tr.
Take a wife qu .lfx > qu �
kh+oB 'to take' tr. kh+oC 'to take a wife'
In this last example, we m ight have expected that tone C makes the derivation qu extrovert, whereas it is still introvert ( 'take ' , not 'give'). However, the key was apparently the person as indir. object. After all, the meanings of derivations are by their very nature unpredictable. Tone C: exoactive - transitive, causative Iputative When applied to nouns or stative verbs, tone C effects an increase in transitivity (valence), while extroversion is more coincidental (LHan after the graph):
4.3.2
Sow
zhong f]! > zhong f.l
tsoiJB 'seeds, cereals' n. tsoiJC 'to sow' tr.
Hit center
zhong $ > zhOng $
t.UIJ 'be in the m iddle, m iddle, inside' t.uiJc 'hit the center, hit, attain '
Repair
sh�m � > sh�m �g
dZan B 'be good (at)' tr. (intr.) dianC caus. (make good:) 'repair, put in order' tr.
Love Hate Far
Mo iff > h[w iff
e' 5li JD.' > wu
5li I [�.('
yuan m > yuan m
houB 'be good' sv. houC put. (consider I treat someone as good:) 'to love' tr. ?ak, *?ak 'be evil' sv. ?ac, *?akh put. (treat as bad:) 'to hate' wanB 'far away, distant' sv. wane put. (treat as far away:) 'keep at a distance' 44
DIRECTION and DIATHESIS
4.3 .3 - 4.4
4.3.3 Residue There remains the inevitable residue where the exact function of tone C is not obvious: perhaps 'Lose' follows the pattern of 'feed' (§2.3.2).
Below
xia T > xia T
ga8 'to descend, down, below' ga c tr. 'descend, fall '
4.4 Tone C (2): exopassive derivation Exopassive (MC tone C [2] < *-s/-h) is the passive of a
transitive or exoactive word. As in
passives, incl. endopassive, the subject is the object of the exoactive I transitive counterpart; in contrast to introvert endopassive, exopassive is extrovert in the sense that there is an explicit or implied outside agent which acts on the subject. Usually, passive agrees in meaning with Western languages, although in OC we are dealing with word derivation, not grammar (ex. 2); an exopassive derivation is often a noun, literally meaning "the thing that has been verb-ed" (as opposed to endoactive where the noun is "the thing that is doing the verb-ing"). Exopassive is the counterpart to exoactive. Contrast the simplex ex. I with the exopassive ex. 2 ; the passive is still in the extrovert column because the former (outside) subject is still available in the prepositional yzi phrase as agent, i .e., there is stil l 'the outside' which hears the sound. ( I ) WO wen qf sheng fX: �fj:!'l;� (I I hear I his I voice) 'I hear his voice' [Shi 1 9 9 , 3 ] . ( 2 ) sheng wen yu wai �8fl'f)'} (sound I b e heard [passive] I preposition I outside) '(The mstruments') sound is heard outside' [Shi 2 2 9, 5].
In this sentence, the passive verb wen looks like a grammatical form as if OC still had inflection. But an inflectional suffix *-s should change other verbs in a predictable way as well, which is not the case in OC. Furthermore, in OC grammar, passives are regularly created from active verbs by word order alone (§2. 1 .2, ex. 6). However, example ( 2) does suggest an earlier inflectional origin of the morpheme. More passives: Renowned wen � > wen � Grasped
zhf � > zhl $!:
mun 'to hear about' (simplex) munC 'be heard about, renowned, fame' tsip, *tgp 'to hold, grasp' t§iC, *tgps 'be grasped, seized'
Exhausted J.,lll � jlli Put down
xia T > xia T
dzin8 'exhaust' > jln 7.1. dzinC 'be exhausted, destroyed' gaB 'descend, below' [Shijing] gaC 'be put down'
Back n .
bei :l t > bei 'W
pgk, *p;')k 'north ' pgc, *p;')kh 'what is turned north (passi ve): the back'
Measured
duo m: > du m:
dak , *dak 'to measure, plan' dac, *dakh 'be measured' > 'to regulate'
Naturally, such an exopassive derivation can occasionally be a noun (see 'cloth' and 'carriage' in §4. 1 . 1 ), for example: , Inside na t:pg *n;')p < *nup 'to bring into > nei [:7g *n;')ts < *nups 'what is entered > inside' Purpose
zhf Z *tg 'to go' > zhl � *tgh 'what is gone to > goal, purpose' 45
4.4. 1 - 4.5
DIRECTION and DIATHESIS
4.4.1 Exopassive as a transitive verb An exopassive can become a new active verb, for example:
Fear
wei � > wei N
?ui 'to overawe, terrorize', i.e., 'frighten someone' tr. ?uic 'to fear' tr. , 'be afraid' intr. < 'be made frightened'
Text i l lustrations:
( I ) fou ze we1 zhr :rs: fliJwxz (not I then I frighten, overawe I them) ' . . . if not, then one overawes them ' [Shu 5, 1 4] . ( 2 ) wei tiiin zhT wei �7-(ZJliX (to fear I H eaven I -'s I frighten, scariness) 'May we fear H eaven ' s m aJ esty' [Shi 2 7 2 ] .
The tr. verb wei � 'to scare' turns passive with tone C wei j5.! "I am scared [of Heaven]"; but wei is actually a new transitive verb 'to fear' , thus "I fear Heaven". What remains of the passive is the switch in the direction of the action, i .e. , the new subject is still the object of the simplex 'to scare'. This is similar to what has been observed in Kuki-Chin languages. In Tiddim and Lushai the second verb form can itself become a new transitive verb (Geilich 1 994: 1 70). An example from Lushai: 'be off the ground, lifted off one's feet' kaanL < kaans 2nd form : subjunctive: 'lift off oneself' ; passive 'be lifted off' 'to lift up, raise' = kaanL < kaans tr. That the passive form of a verb can flip over into a new transitive verb could therefore be an old ST phenomenon ; it also may speak in favor of a single origin of the two functions of tone C. Other examples (LHan after the graph): Yield
ning t� > rang "ill
naiJ 'to remove, steal something' naiJc 'to remove oneself' > 'yield to someone'
Leave
qu -:t > qu -:t-
khj.aB 'put away, eliminate' khf.aC 'to remove oneself' > 'leave'
Mirror
jian .lhl > jian .lhl
kam 'to observe' kamC 'to observe oneself: to mirror; a mirror'
Tone B (shangsheng _t !fih endoactive derivation Endoactive (MC tone B < *-'?) is active, i.e., the agent is the subject as in an exoactive word; 4.5
the derivation is also introvert, i.e., the action takes place in the subject or is directed toward the subject. Sometimes, valence is decreased, but introvert forms can also be tr. verbs (en do active 'to buy something ' tr.). Again, it seems that two earlier phenomena have coalesced, one valence decreasing, one introvert; both are the opposite of the exoactive tone C (§4.3). An introvert meaning is obvious in 'to buy I receive something ' . In zhang 'to grow' intr. (ex. 2), the action takes place in the subj . , no outside agent acts on it; this contrasts with the tr. simplex zhang 'to stretch something' (ex. I ) where the direction from the subj. outward affects the obj.: ( I ) zhiing wo gong iJ.& :JX 2J (stretch I our I bows) 'we drew o u r bows' [Shi I 8 0 , 4 ] .
( 2 ) sheng er zhang, zhang er da ±ffil:R:ffi: ffil :lc (give birth I particle I t o grow I t o grow I part. I big) '(the l i vi n g things) ... are born and grow, they grow and become big ... ' [Lushi chunqiu 3 , 5 ] .
46
DIRECTION and DIATHESIS
4.5
The endoactive verb zhling (intr.) can, of course, be used causatively ( §2. 1 .2 e x . 1 5 ) and as an adjective (§2. 1 .2 ex. 1 4). Grow
zhang �;& > zhang :Bt
Above
shang _t > shimg _t
dzmf dzaiJB
Face
miim 00 > mian 100
m ianC 'the face' mianB 'to turn from '
H igh Lift
ang .m > yang
1CP
yang , m > ? yang 12
'stretch' 'to grow tall' 'above' 'to rise'
1)01)
l)tOI)B
'be high' 'look up'
jaiJ jaiJB
'to lift, raise' 'nourish, raise, support'
Often the exoactive word has an introvert counterpart which in many pairs has tone B. This tone could be a CH innovation because of the inherent introvert meaning of the word, and in order to create morphologically marked introvert I extrovert pairs (LHan after the graph): Sell
mai � > mili If
meB 'to buy' meC 'to sel l ' < 'to give someone something to buy'
Give
shou '!it > shOu j�
dzuB 'receive, accept' dzuC 'to give' < 'to give someone something '
Show
shl 1Jil. > shl 7]\
giB giC
Good at
shim � > shan �g
dzanB, *dan? 'be good (at)' tr. (intr.) dZanc, *dans caus. (make good) 'repair, put in order' tr.
Good
hao ijf > hao ijf
houB 'be good' sv. houC put. (consider I treat someone as good) 'to love' tr.
'to look at' 'to show' < 'make someone look at something'
In addition, note 'to drink' in §4.3. Tone B may have been added to some intr. verbs because of their implicit endoactive nature so that it came to mark change of state: To die Change Rise Sit Dwell
sr n gai J-1)1: ql /1] zuo � chu �
siB kgB khigB dzuai B tshaB
'to die' PTB *si (not *si?) 'to die' 'to change' 'to rise' 'to sit' 'to dwell' PTB *gla
Many words remain in which the role of tone B is not clear, for example: sai 'to expand, spread out, expose' shf nffi Expand > shf �fu saiB 'to extend, spread' Offer
zheng ?A > zheng lK
tStl) 'to offer (gift, sacrifice)' tSti)B 'lift, save, help'
Tone B had ceased to be productive probably by the end of the Western Zhou period (ea.
7 7 0 BC); from that time on, tone C replaced it as the universal morpheme for marking any 47
4.5. 1 - 4.6
DIRECTION and DIATHESIS
kind of derivation (§3.5). Thus we find that derivations l ike j1 ,�� 'rider' (active; not: 'what is being ridden ') occur with increasing frequency. Tone B: endoactive nouns 4. 5. 1 Many endoactive tone B derivates are nouns meaning "the thing I person which does the verb-ing." Some of the following items are not minimal pairs, but the key semantic aspect of tone B is apparent (LHan after the graph):
Offspring
ST *ts;;J > zl -T
'to come forth' (at birth) tsi;;J8 'offspring, child', lit. 'who has come forth '
Jaw
han � > h�m f3J[
g;;Jm 'hold in mouth' g;;Jm 8 'jaw' ('that which holds in the m . ' )
Foot
zhf Z > zhl 11:.
ts;;J 'to go, proceed' ts;;J8 'foot' ('that which is doing the going')
Bottom
df 1� > dl .13;
tei 'to lower' tei 8 'bottom ' ('that which is low')
Stair
deng � > deng �
t;;JI) 'rise, ascend' t;;JI)8 'step of stairs ' ('that which rises')
Category
dang � Sl! � > dang �
tal) 'be equal of, rank' tal)8 'category, party' ( 'equal in rank')
Brother
dl � > dl $
deiC 'order, sequel ' dei8 'younger brother'
Dry
gan �
kan 'dry' > h�m � gan8 'dry, drought'
Low ground bei � > bl t$. A turn
zai ¥'} > zai lX
pie 'be low, humble' bie8 'low ground' t$.; 'female slave' �$. , ts;;JC 'twice, again and again ts;;JB 'a turn, a year' ('that which comes again ')
In addition, see z u ::f_§_ 'ancestor' in §4. 1 . 1 . I n the following sets, i t i s not apparent which word i s derived from which: Way Ladle
3�
dao � dao m
douC 'to bring along, conduct' dou8 'way' ('that which does the conducting, leading ')
3�
zhu ff zhu 4
tsoc, t.oc 'to conduct water, to pour' tso8 'ladle' ('that which does the pouring ')
4.6 Voicing o f the initial consonant: endopassive derivation Endopassive (MC voicing). Voicing of the initial consonant derives
an 'endopassive' word from a simplex. Endopassives are: (a) introvert (not extrovert); (b) passive in the sense that the subject of the endopassive word was the object of the simplex, whereas in endoactive words, the subject is the same as that of the former simplex; (c) unlike exopassives, the hypothetical subject of the simplex is grammatically and semantically not available (§4. 1 . 1 ). In fact, a definition of a stative verb agrees well with 'endopassive': "Stative verbs refer to a resultant state without any indication of an agent" (Sadler and Spencer 1 998: 223). The difference 48
DIRECTION and DIATHESIS
4.6
between exopassive and endopassive is that in the former, the agent (subject of the active verb) is still available in a prepositional phrase or in context, whereas no former subject or agent is available or even implied i n the latter. Thus in 'to be long ' sv. an agent who m ight have done the stretching, the 'making long' , never existed (ex. 2). ( I ) zhiing wo gong
( 2 ) dao zu er chting
( stretch I our I bows) 'we drew our bows' [Shi 1 80, 4]. (road I d ifficult I part. I be l ong) ' the road i s d i ffic u l t and long' [Shi
1 2 9, 1 ].
2) 'draw the bows' m ight be gong chang 2) � 'the bows A hypothetical endopassive of ex. I are (drawn:) long ' . Morphological voi cing of the initial consonant is a common ST phenomenon which is encountered i n OC and many TB languages, e.g., WT 'debs-pa < N-deps, past btab, future gtab, imperative thob 'to throw'. Voicing has the function of changing transitive to intransitive, or marking a verb as intr.; WT 'dzag-pa 'to trickle' 3< 'tshag-pa 'to cause to trickle' (Beyer 1 992: 1 63; 258f). Thus there is not necessarily a connection between voicing, intransitivization , and the WT prefix a ch ung whi c h is transcribed as 'x as in 'dzag; the letter was probably used as a diacritic to mark prenasalized consonants, as in modern Tibetan dialects it corresponds to a nasal (Coblin, LTBA 25:2, 2002: 1 69-1 84). Pulleyblank (JCL 1 , 1 973 : 1 1 4) holds an OC prefix *fi- (later amended to some kind of *a-) responsible for intransitive voicing, Baxter and others a prefix *N-. We wil l leave the prefix question open and consider these initials to have been simple voiced ones in OC as in MC. The first few examples are in fact sv. in OC (LHan after the graph): t.O IJ 'make long, stretch' zhang 5;R Long gal) 'be long' sv. > chang '
-
Divide
bie 53U > bie 53U
ptat 'to divide, separate' btat "be different' sv.
Between
jia � > xia
kep 'be on both sides, press between ' w:p 'be narrow' sv.
Loosen
ke8 'to loosen ' ge8 'be slack, idle, careless' sv.
In OC, sv. is a well-defined word class whose members can freely function as adjectives. Many endopassive verbs are, however, intr. and even tr., but they still agree more or less with the above definition of a 'stative verb' . See Descend
j ian 5(!, > xian ;EJ!I.
jiang � > xiang �
kenC 'to see, visit' gene 'to appear' intr. (get oneself seen) kJI)C 'to descend' g::ll] 'to submit' intr. (get oneself down)
Go into water jian :tf > qian 1-1
tsiam 'extinguish' (= put water on a fire) dziam 'go into water, wade' (get oneself into w.)
Mix
jiao > yiao
kau 'to cross, mix with, exchange' gau 'mixed, confused' (get mixed)
Burn
_ 1E. J. lao "" > qiau �
.
tsiou 'to roast, burn ' dziou 'firewood, to burn ' intr. (get to burn itself) 49
4.6. 1 Attach Apply Set Half
zhu Jlj > shu Jlj
zhu6 � > zhu6 � zhl I!'L > zhf 11[
b�m # > p�m aFf
DIRECTION and DIATHESIS tsok 'to attach, apply' dzok 'be connected, attached to' (get to be attached) �ak 'to place, put, apply' xi�w 5\'5 xue �
kauc 'teach, set an example' gauC 'imitate, follow (an example)' k::lk 'to wake up' intr., 'get insight' g::Jk 'to learn '
Two derivations behave exopassively because the subject of the simplex is presumably available: Destroy
bai f!j( > bai �)1:
pas 'to ruin, destroy' bas 'to go to ruin, be defeated'
Ruin
huai :!:J: > huai :!:�
kueiC 'to destroy, ruin' gueiC 'to be ruined'
4.6.1 Residue This residue may constitute a subclass of verbs that are derived from nouns (Baxter and Sagart 1 998: 47 with additional examples). The meaning of some items i mplies introversion (LHan after the graph): Back p;;JC 'the back' bei :cif=ll::i :ci l::i > bei f=l roe 'turn the back on' (introvert)
Morning
zhao !j!Jj > chao !j!Jj ilji}j
t.au 'morning' MC voiceless initial As already suggested, the voiceless i nitial consonant represents an early layer in which a ST or PCH causative *s- has been lost after devoicing the fol lowing sonorant:
Neglect
huang hL hUai], *hmai] 'neglect, reject' < wang L [muai]] *mal] 'lose'
Let go
shf �
Transport
shii !MU
sit, *!hit tr. 'to lose, fai l , neglect, let go, err' < yi 1�� [jit] *lit intr. 'to escape, retire' so, *lho (or *hjo ?) 'to transport, transmit' < yu RltrJ� [jo] *lo or *jo ? 'pass over' 52
INITIAL CONSONANTS
5 .2.3
SOT), * I ha I] 'to injure, hurt ' , tr. or caus. of < yang W [jaiJ] *laiJ 'be sick' In at least one word, an s-causative has been added to the already devoiced initial ( § 5 .9.2): Injure
shang
Let go
y1
[sak] - [jak) *lak 'unfold, > devoicing caus. : shl > s-suffix caus . : she > s-prefix caus. : c l
unrave l ' [sak] *lhak 'unloose. put away, let go' [saC] *lhakh ' let go, l iberate, pardo n ' [tshiak] *s-lhak ? 'to expel '
Some causative derivations with s-prefix have in addition tone C which also marks causative (exoactive; §4.3).
Iterative s-prefix > MC s-, !j-. voiceless initial PCH *s- forms iteratives and intensives. While 'intensive' i s often a subjective perception, iterative can readily be identified when i t refers to repeated action or movement. Some examples of iteratives follow; the first item is particularly illum inating: 5.2.3
Flicker
shan LH [sam8] *!ham? ( ' fl icker') 'to twinkle, time of a short g lance, moment ' . 'Flicker' is a repetitive phenomenon. < derived from yan � [jam] *lam 'to flame, blaze, burn '
Drip
shiin m [�a/en( 8)] *srfilen(?) 'be flowing (of tears) ' < l ian��g� [lian] *ran or *ren ? 'to join, in a row, go one after another, be dripping or running '
Sprinkle
sa
[�eBfCj, [�ai 8(Cj 'to sprinkle'
Count
shu
[ �o8] *sro? 'to calculate, count' involves repeated mental moves
Generation
shl
[sas] *!hats < *-ps 'generation, epoch ' [jap) *lap 'foliage' - 'generation ' implies repetition
I nstruct
hul [hu;;JC] *hm�h 'to instruct ' PL *s-ma 2 'to teach ' , WB hmaA 'give instructions, order' - teaching involves repetition
Comb
shu Tm [sa] *sra 'comb' TB *hryat 'to comb' : KN-Lai hriat *g-rhyat 'to comb'
I hria?
' to comb' , WT (g)sad-pa
MC s-, voiceless initial
A ST *s- I devoicing is also conspicuous in nouns , but the function I meaning of the *s- i s not clear. We may speculate that nouns with iterative meaning, such as 'Fire ' , 'Comb' , 'Brush ' , 'Sieve' (in §5.2.3) served as a parad igm . D a i and Wu ( 1 995 : 99) i nclude examples from JP, e.g., sP3 'to die' > tf;;>33-sP3 'a dead person' (LHan after the graph): 54
INITIAL CONSONANTS
5 .3
Archery hall
xie t!t
Beard
xu
Frost
shuang
Bean
shli
suk, *nhuk 'bean ' PLB-M *( s-)nok 'bean ' > WB nok
Fire
huo :k
huai8, *hm;}i? 'fire' PTB *mey, OTib. smye; PL *C-mi 2 'fire'
Louse
shr !!R
�it, *sri t < ST *srik ' louse' PTB *s-rik
ziaC, *s-lakh 'archery hall ' (initial as i n
§8. 1 .2)
�§If� sio, *sno 'beard ' PTB *sno(w) - *sno(t) ' mouth, vesse l ' ;ffi �Ol), *sral) ' hoarfrost' < l iang ¥Jfi: *ral) 'cold'
t.11as, *rhats ' scorpion '
WT rnil - snil 'gums' thoiB, *nhOi? 'peacefu l ' WT rnal 'to rest '
>f
mnal 'to sleep'
I n l i ght of the frequent PTB (WT) *r- - *s- doublets, however, we suspect that the cause of OC devoicing was *s- a s in other instances (not *r-): Sky To desire Gums Excrement To pull I throw down Body hair Sleep
WT rmu - smu - dmu WT rkam-pa - skam-pa WT rnil - snil WT rkyag-pa - skyag-pa WT rnil-ba - snil-ba PTB *(r-)mul - *(s-)mul PTB *(r-)miy - *(s-)m i y
The vac i l lation between pre-initial *r- and *s- is particularly common with nasal root initial words. The cognates below ( 'Shame', 'Long-necked ' ) demonstrate, first, that this uncertainty i s also found within Chinese, and second, that OC medial *-r- often derives from an earlier prefix or pre-initial *r-, not from an 'infix' *-r- which is typologically unlikely in TB languages and therefore probably also unlikely in OC (but see §7.5): Shame Long-necked
xili 'itf qian �
[siu] *snu ' shame' �� n iu 'i'R: [l)uk] *nruk < *r-nuk 'ashamed' [khen ] - [kan] *khen - *kren < *h/s-ken - *r-ken 'long-necked'
A l l things considered, OC medial *-r- derives from earli er even where TB cognates have initial s-; and OC aspiration I voicelessness I *s- derives from earli er pre-initial *s-, even where TB cognates have pre-initial r-. 55
5 .4 - 5.5
INITIAL CONSONANTS
When the initial con sonant is a stop or affricate, pre-initial *r- and *s- show up as aspira tion in MC; see §5.8 below. 5.4 ST and PCH *kVoicelessness in an OC initial can correspond to ST or foreign *k- (TB d-, g-) in the initial configuration. The TB prefixes d- and g- can also correspond to OC medial *-r- (§7.4). Hull vb.
chong
:ff LH sol), *lhoiJ 'to hull grain with a pestle' S. *klooiJ 'to hull rice'
Excrement
shl 1*
Swall ow
tiln
:tf
si8, *Jhi? 'excrement, dung ' PTB *k-liy 'excrement ' , Kanauri
kli, PL *?/k(l)e2 , WB khyeB
th;::>n 'to swallow' PT *kl-: S. kl+inA 1 'to swallow', A hom
k(l)en
th;::>k, *hngk 'evil, wrong ' WT nag 'black', gnag 'black, wicket' 3
m , *rhgm 'be covetous' 3< !an � !;::>m , *g-r;::>m ? 'covetous ' < > PTB *d-rum > W T drum -pa 'to desire ' , W B krum ' t o pine' , sit, *!hit ? 'house, hall WT gzi 'ground, residence, abode' 3< gzis ' native place' ha8, *hiJa? 'river bank' WT diJo ' shore, bank'
Shore
Sagart (Baxter and Sagart 1 998: 47-5 1 ) has proposed that initial *k- functions in some words as a prefix that forms nouns; it also occurs with clan names. His examples include: Potter 's wheel jiln �';]
LH kwin 'potter's wheel ' < yun
Ghost
gur
kui 8 'ghost ' < wei
Country
g u6 �
*
� [win] 'even , uniform '
� [?ui] 'overawe, terrorize'
ku;::>k 'country' < yu
� [wtk] 'boundary, region'
Additional examples may include --> qiao � 'hole ' ; --> qfn � 'a blanket ' ; --> gou rlf 'drain, irrigation canal ' . This morpheme i s not ST. Perhaps AA was the source; note that Khmer has a prefix k which forms nouns (Jenner and Pou 1 982: xxxix-xl); or note PVM *k-ve:l ' village' < *ve:l 'to return ' (Ferlus). 5.5 Other sources of devoicing Other sources of devoicing involve non-ST words where the function, if any, is outside the OC system. Pour
tao 1J t
Iron
tie
Food
xiang
£l
LH thau, *lhau 'to pour water, wash ' PMiao *?leu 2 A 'to pour' thet, *lhft or *!het ' iron ' < > Tai: S. lekD1S < *hi- 'iron ' , PKS *khJit 7
j[� saiJ(8fC), *hnaiJ?/h 'bring food to '
MY: Anc. Miao izon C (Wang Fushi) 'cooked rice, food', Y ao : Biao Min IJaiJ5, Mien (Chiang Rai dial . ) IJhaaiJ5
56
5 .6
INITIAL CONSONANTS Blood
huang
ifu huaiJ, *hmaiJ A A : e.g . , Bahnaric *maham 'blood' where the h belongs to the root
Even among ST item s, the reason for devoicing is not always clear (loss of *p-?), as in Straight
tlng
t�
theiJ 8, *lheiJ? 'straight' PTB *bleiJ
�
*pleiJ 'straight'
5.6 MC initial x - from voiceless acute initials MC initial x- from voiceless acute initials in OCM *hr-, *hi-, *hn- is rare; it seems to have its origin in the popular I rural sphere; see § 1 .3 . 1 . I n the standard dialect, voiceless *1- and *n- are reflected i n M C coronal th-, sj-, and, i n the case of *r-, in MC {''-, th- (§7. 1 .2). To differentiate the two types of voiceless initials, we will write OCM *lh-, *nh-, *rh- for MC th-, sj-, etc . , but OCM *hn-, *hi-, *hr- when it is the aspiration that survives as MC x-. Of course, voiceless *hm- and *hi]- regularly yield M iddle Chinese x-. MC x- < foreign *hnBeard
hul
� � LH hyaic, *huats 'beard of chin' < Tai: S. n uatDIL < *hn- 'beard '
MC x- < OC I foreign *hrR ibs, sides
xie
To rear
c h u'
w
83 3z:.
Scare
htap, *hrap ? 'sides of body, ribs' (earliest occurrence i n Shijing with reference t o horse' s trappings) TB: JP kg3l_rep31 'rib ' , Kanauri *hrip, WT rtsib < rhyip t.huk, huk, *rhuk *hruk ? 'to rear' ( l i vestock) •� chu � [thuc, hue] *rhukh *hrukh ? 'domestic animal' �
�
hak, hac, *hrak(h) 'to scare' PTB *krak *grak 'to fear' > WT skrag-pa 'afraid' �
Vomit
xue, hu mt (xak, xuk) *h(r)ok 'vomit' PTai *r!;lak0 2 ' vomit'
Know
xiao
f%
heu8, *hiau? 'clear, understand, know' KT: PTai *ruoC 2 'to know ' , PKS *h-roC 'to know (how) '
Sound symbolic and deprecatory terms seem to belong to this vul gar stratum : Babble
xiao-xiao �� �� (xau) *hru 'magniloquent' (i.e., talk big without knowing anything). The phonetic suggests an OC *r in the initial.
Roar
xian liJ(J (xam 8, xam8), and han (xam8) *hram? 'roaring' of a tiger. This i s an area word which is also found in T B and AA as *gram , etc .
Stupid
zhuang, hang @: (xuiJc, t.aiJc) *hoiJh *troiJh 'stupid ' . It i s an A A substrate word - note PM o n *tr:lJ? 'foolish, insane ' . �
M C x - < OC I foreign *hi- I *C-1-: Tiger
Pig
hu rff. [ha8] *hla? 'tiger' < PAA *kala?. The graph is phonetic in chu OC *k-hl a? 'place' ; a "Standard" form *lha(k) 'tiger' survived as a "dialect" variant xr
j;ffj [hti ( 8)] *h;:Ji(?) < *hl;:Ji(?) ?
'swine ' (said to be a Chu dialect word). ?) 'pig ' < A A : PMonic *cliik
•� shl % [se8] or [sai 8] ?, *!he? ? (*lhai?
57
J3li1
5 .7 - 5.8. 1
INITIAL CONSONANTS
5.7 MC affricates from *s + stop consonant In some words, dental affricates are sometimes thought to have resulted through metathesis from OC or PCH s + stop consonant, as suggested by possible WT cognates (Bodman 1 969): Soak
Grasp
jin 1� [tsimC] *tsgms 'to soak, overflow' WT stim-pa, bstims 'to enter, penetrate, be absorbed' 3� caus. of ti'im-pa 'disappear, being absorbed ' . See also -+ qfn 1� xie 131( [tsep, kiep, kap] 'grasp ' , the reading
tsep from PCH *sk-?
In a few words with dental affricate initials, an original s + stop consonant cluster agrees with identified meanings of the s-prefix ; the following words are iteratives (§5.2.3): zeng � t� [ts;::>IJ ] *tsgiJ 'to add' > 'to double, to rise high' numerous ' t� appears to be a derivation from < deng � [tgl]] *tgl] 'to rise, ascend, mount, raise'
Add
Twist
� ; 'increase,
jf#j{ [tsek] *tsek < **s-kek? 'to twist, spin' appears to be a derivate from < xi
1*� [keC] *keh 'to bind, tie up, attach'
This metathesi s is rare, though. Several often cited examples have alternative explanations. 'Carpenter' -+ j iimg Ill [dziaiJC] is supposed to be cognate to WT sbyoiJ-pa, sbyal)S 'to train , exercise, practice' , but t h e CH word has a better etymology, q . v . T h e same goes for c6ng � (under -+ ju � ) and the words written with the phonetic -+ zu 9 (also under -+ zao � ) which Bodman had associated with WT words with initial st-, etc. (cited under -+ tun "4::!: � ). This throws some doubt on the metathesis theory. 5.8 Aspirated initial consonants Only one out of six MC words with velar and labial initials has an aspirated surd stop. M any other MC aspirated words probably had complex OC or ST initials which were not necessarily aspirated; others fall into certain semantic categories which OC apparently m arked with aspiration. Therefore aspirated stops and affricates are not of ST origin, but are CH innovations. Several different sources of MC aspirated initial consonants can be distinguished:
( 1 ) A spiration due to loss of pre-initial (§5.8. 1 ) (2) Initial M C tsh- from OC or PCH *k-s- and *s-?- ( §5.9. 1 -2) (3) Initial MC t§hj- from OC *k-hl- ( §5.9.3) ( 4) Sound-symbolic aspiration (§5.8.5-§5.8.6) ( 5) For sources of MC initial th_, see §5. 1 ) As expected, there remains a residue where aspiration defies explanation; it includes common words like -+ ku ?!f [k"a 8] 'bitter ' . In l ight of the secondary nature of most aspiration, words l ike ku may perhaps go back to an orig inal C+h cluster that is known from Mon-Khmer languages. 5. 8. 1
MC aspiration:
loss ofSTpre-initial
Some M iddle Chinese aspirated words correspond to TB (and I or WT) initials with s- or r prefix, also to Lolo-Burmese *?-. This is parallel to devoicing (§5 .2-3), although it is only a trend (Sino-Tibetan prefixes are volatile and change from language to language). Cliff
kim
�WJ
LH k11gmc, *khgms 'cliff, bank, step' PTB *r-ka[:]m id.
58
INITIAL CONSONANTS ku
Dig Rob
)j;
kou
Girdle
k11u::Jt, *khilt 'dig in the ground, cave, hole'
PTB: *r-ko-t 'dig '
7fl
xie, qie
k11oC, *kh6h 'to rob, robber'
PTB *r-kuw > WT rku-ba 'to steal '
� get, k11et, *get, 'khet WT rked-pa
Body Leather
qu �
�
qian
Get rid
qu :Ji
Di smember
5.8.2
PTB *(s-)kuw > WT sku id.
k11uak, *khwak ' leather' WT skog-pa kog-pa 'shel l , peel, rind' �
k11ian8, *khen? 'to send to, send away' WT skyel-ba 'to send' k11ta8 , *kha? 'get rid, eliminate' skyag-pa, bskyags 'to lay out, expend' 3� skyag excrement' (unless this ex. belongs to §5.8.5)
po �W
MC aspiration:
'girdle' 'the wai st, loins, the m iddle'
k11+o, *kho 'body, person '
kuo f$�
Send
5.8.2 - 5 .8.3
�
rkyag 'dirt,
p11ak, *phak 'dismember' PLB *pak *?pak > Lahu phfi.? 'unfasten , dismantle' �
causative
In some words, the aspiration m ay perform the same causative function as *s- and devoicing (§5.2. 1 -2) and m ay i n fact be the trace of a lost s-prefix. The aspiration existed already in OC because qiang M:ft (ts11ja1J) 'to beg ' ( -> j iang M:ft) writes 'tinkle' in Sh1}ihg 2 7 4 which must l ikely have been simply *tshal], not *s-tsalJ. Aspiration also forms causatives in TB languages, e.g., Tiddim Chin : kfil) 'to rise' > k11fil) 'to raise' (Geilich 1 994: 1 7 1 ). Bright Half Overturn
5.8.3
qiao
-Jm
LH k11eu, *khiau 'bleached white (of bones)' (i.e., 'made white') BX [keu8] *kiau? 'bright'
3� j iao
p�m ;Jflj h p11anc, *p11ans 'to cleave, divide' (i.e., ' make half') 3� b�m -='¥ [panC] *pans 'half' fu
MC aspiration:
�
p11uk, *phuk 'to overturn , overthrow I repeatedly' caus./iter. 3� fu � [puk] *puk 'double, l ined' (garment) 3< fu 1� [buk] *buk 'to come back, return, restore'
iterative
Words that suggest repetitive motion are often aspirated, which parallels the i terative I intensive function of the s-prefix and devoicing (§5.2.3). Gnaw Strike Cut open
ken ko ku
� op �u
Pass over Stride Notches Cut through Splinter
kua kul ql qie que
� �1
� j�
{lj;J(
k11gn8 OCM *kh;'Jn? 'to gnaw' khoBic, *kh6?1h 'to strike, attack' k11uac, *khwah 'cut open, cut to pieces' 3� hua '!J [yua] *grwa 'to cleave' k11uac, *khrwah 'to step over, pass over' k11yeB, *khwe? 'a stride' k11es, *khets 'script notches' k11et, *khet 'to cut, cut through' k11uet, k11yat, *khwet 'to break, splinter'
59
5. 8.4 - 5.8.5 Disperse Break Brush off
pf po fu
Pull off
tiao
5. 8.4
MC aspiration:
tBl
EEl m
11*
INITIAL CONSONANTS
phtai , *phai 'divide, di sperse' phaic, *phaih 'to break ( into pieces)' phut, *phut 'to brush off, shake off' ( iterative) < fu � [put] *put 'clear away (dense vegetation)' theu , *lhifi 'pull leaves off branches' (iterative) < tiao 11* [deu] *lifi 'branch, to be extending (branches)'
auxiliary verbs
Some auxi l i ary verbs are aspirated (LHan follows the graph): Endure
kan
m khgm , *khgm 'to endure, equal to' < han � [ygm] *ggm 'have [hold] in the mouth'
Able
ke
� khai8, *kha i? 'to bear, can, be able' < he 1
Able
ke
Willing
ken
5. 8. 5
:R:
-"-""
i=l
1Pf{lij
[gai 8] *g ai? 'to carry'
khgk, *khgk 'be capable, able, can , conquer, vanquish' khgi)B, *khgl)? 'be willing'
Aspiration: outward and I or forceful motion
Words that connote breathing, exhaling, an emphatic outward gesture or forceful motion such as 'spitting ' , 'ejecting ' , 'motion away' , 'hewing ' , 'hitting ' , 'beating' tend to be aspirated. This is a sound-symbolic feature in CH although the orig in may have been s-intensives: Lungs Breathe Sigh Breath
fei E$ ch6u � xi 'l'*i bF= ql �
Anger
fen
Stench Spit Spit Spit Cough Weep Weep Throw away Leave
� rJI �± ka, ke o�
5j-
; C:..f'
chou fen tu
ke ql kii ql qu
�'A 1fL
§@ � $;
LH phuas, *phas ( < *phos ?) 'lungs' t§hu 'sound of an ox breathing ' hts. khgs 'sigh ' kh.j.s 'breath ' ·� kai '[� [khgs] 'be angry' phun8JC 'anger, angry' < ben Jt [pgn] 'be ardent, brave' t§huC 'smel l , stench' phun(C) 'spit out ' thaBJC 'spit' khak 'spit out, vom it' khgC 'cough' kh.j.gp 'weep' khok 'weep, howl ' kh.j.s 'throw away, abandon ' kh.j.aC 'go away, leave' (unless this belongs to
§5.8. 1 )
An extension of forceful action include the following words: Kill Cut, chop Cut, engrave Attack
kan3 Ht� ke2 kou
Stab
kuf
� �)\ �lj
fD OP
!IJ
khgm 'to kil l , execute' khgm8 'to chop (wood, a tree), decapitate' khgk 'to cut, injure, engrave, intense' khoBJC 'to strike, attack' khue 'to stab, slaughter'
60
INITIAL CONSONANTS 5. 8. 6
5. 8.6 - 5. 9. 1
Aspiration: hollow, empty
Words that imply 'hollow, empty' are typically aspirated, again for sound-symbolic effect. The first example illustrates this meaning quite clearly where aspiration derives the word 'vault' from one which does not i mply 'hollow' : Vault Pit Pit Empty Hollow Mouth Hole Basket Crotch Hollow Hole Husk Hollow
qiong i§ kan :l:)\ keng :f1L kong � kong JL kou D
LH k11u1J 'vault ' < gong k11dm8 'pit' k11al) 'a pit (hole)' k11ol) 'hollow, empty' k11ol)8 'hollow'
kuan � kuang � kuf � que qiao kang pang
i7 [kul)] 'bow'
k11uan8 'hole' < PTB kwar? k11yal)c 'square basket' k11ye 'crotch' k11Jk 'hollow shell , hollow' k11euC 'hole, opening' k11al) 'husk of grain' in Min dialects: PMin *p11al)c
�
*phol)C
A more recent echo of this tendency is perhaps the irregular surd aspiration of tan [ddm8] *Jgm? 'pit' (where Mand. dan is expected). 5. 8. 7
'!§ ( d�m 8)
Aspiration in foreign words
Some foreign words have aspirated initials in CH ; perhaps OC perceived aspiration where phonem ically the donor language had none. (The aspiration can also be due to loss of a foreign post-initial phoneme ; see §5.9.4.) Spear fish
chuo tli\l (t� 11ak) [t�11Jk] *tshr6k 'to spear' (fish) AA: Khmer cuka !cook! 'lift with tool . . . ' •� cpuka !cbookl (archaic) 'trident for l ifting fish'
Pick out
chai i£ (t� 11ai, t�11ai) [t� 11ai] (or [t�11e] ?, *tshrai ? 'to pick (an animal) out of (a herd, etc.), select ' AA: Khmer /sral! 'to take the pick of, select'
5.9
Aspiration from PCH consonant clusters
5. 9. 1
MC tsh- from *k-s- and *s-?tsh- corresponds to a ST cluster *k-s- (WT gs-) (LHan readings
In some words, MC initial follow the graph): Triad
can
�
•� san -=::..
Clear
'c'E.
qfn g {FJ
Granary
c ang
Eat
can
i3
�
ts11dm < PCH *k-sdm 'a triad, three' WT gsum ( < ST *k-sum) 'three ' sam, *sgm 'three' •� WT sum 'three' in composition ts11el) < PCH *k-sel) 'clear' (water, sound) WT gseiJ-po 'clear' (sound) •� seiJ-po
�
bseiJ-po 'clear'
ts11al) < PCH *k-sal) 'granary' WT gsaiJ-ba 'to hide' ts11an < ST *k-dzan 'eat' WT gzan-pa 'to eat' 61
5.9.2 - 5.9.3 Sleep
qln
Hay
c hu
Wife
qf
INITIAL CONSONANTS
tshi m B < ST *k-zim? 'sleep' WT gzim -pa ' sleep'
.m
�
t�ho < PCH *k-sro? 'hay, cut hay' AA-PMon *ks::>::>j 'hay ' , Wa *s::>h 'cut grass' tshei < PCH *k-sgi 'wife' A A : Khmer *ksai 'wife ' : PWMiao *ntshai0 'daughter, wife'
Additional cases may include cang i't ( _,. cang The phonetic series GSR 6 1 3 possibly still supports a cluster *k-s- for OC: q iiin
� [tshiam] *k-sa/em? 'al l ' is phonetic in jianm [ktam 8] 'accumulate'.
I n a few words that start with MC tsh-, the source m ight have been PCH *s + ?-; see, for _,. q1 example, _,. can � - _,. chii3 7 5.9.2 MC ts h- from s + voiceless sonorant A few words with MC in itial tsh- probably had a PCH n-like initial: qr-1::::; [tshit] ' se ven' ( PTB *snis), and qian [tshen] 'thousand' (ren A [iiinJ is said to be phonetic). Perhaps the original pre-initial s- in *snis was lost in regular fashion after devoicing the initial nasal , but then reattached in this common word, especially since the iterative meaning 'agai n ' ( §5 .2.3) was sti l l apparent ( ' seven' 'two again ' ) . I n the fol lowing sets, a causative s-prefix was apparently p u t i n front of OC *lh- which resulted in MC ts h- ( 'E xpel ' has already been cited in §5.2.2 as ' Let go' ) :
Expel
cl � [tshiak] *s-!hak ? 'to expel ' < shi away, let go' (see -> y13 5
Hurt
qiang
[siak] *lhak 'put away, do
1-� [tshiorJ] *s-lhaiJ 'to hurt' < lhal) + s-prefix c aus.
Additional cases may include _,. cang2
{� 'col d ' .
MC tshj-from OC clusters *k-hlA few MC tshj- words derive from the rare OC clusters *k-hl -. When these words were committed to writing, the i n itial stil l contained a velar *k-, because most of these words are found in phonetic series with velar initials beside evidence for OC *1-. Thus, MC tshj- in such words was not a variant of sj- (OC voiceless *!h-), but of a different nature. Except for the first item 'carriage · , all are of ST stock, yet if Baxter and Sag art ( 1 998) are correct, even 'carri age' would be a ST etymon which could allow us to generalize that this kind of cluster is restricted to ST items. 5. 9.3
Carriage
che $ [tshaJ
Separate
eh!
Come out
chii tf:l [tshut] *k-hlut 'to come out' JP1Jot3l_Jam 33 'outlet', Trung klot 'come out'
Dwell
chu [tsha B] *k-hla? 'to dwe l l ' - jii ,fj5 [kta] *ka 'to dwel l ' < > PTB *gl a �� W T gda '-ba locative verb, 'to be there' ; TGTM *gl a
River
chuan
�
[ki-a] *k-hl a
�
*ka 'carriage'
[tshai 8] *k-hlai? 'to separate' PL *C-klayAfC 'to separate'
} [ I [tshon] *k-hlun 'river' < > PTB *klu:IJ 'ri ver '
62
INITIAL CONSONANTS 5.9.4
5.9.4
5 . 1 0.2
MC aspirationfrom other types ofPCH initial clusters
I n a few words, aspiration seems to have been caused by loss of a post-initial consonant; note also 'To polish' and 'Booty' in §5. 1 0. 1 . Blanket
q fn3 [k:h.j.m] *khgm 'blanket' < *k- + *bm 'cover ' y fn 5 (k- forms concrete nouns §5.4)
Slant
q fng 1�Jl::J[ [k:11ye!]] *khweiJ 'be slanting' AA-PMon *k?igl] I *k?eeiJ 'to lean , be slanted'
Pregnant
pei B� [phgl *ph� 'one month pregnant' AA : OKhmer /pd cnih 'a ghat, place of access to river. . . , landing place' < cis [c�s] 'to go down, descend '
To polish
cuo [ts11ai ] *tshiii 'to rub, pol ish ' < A A : Khmer /cnaj/ 'to cut (gems), to polish'
Booty
About to
5. 10.1
MK c, j
jie f.! [dziap] *dzap 'victory, booty' 3� qie [tshiap] *tshap 'slave woman, concubine' < A A : K hmer, OKhmer e a 'pa /cap/ 'to grasp ... , seize, catch, t ake or seize by conquest ' 3� em;n iJa 'pa /camnap/ 'detainee, prisoner, hostage' ; Pearic cap2 'to catch' -> Tai : S. ciap4 'to plunder, rob, steal' Jtang [tsio!]] *tsa!] 'be on the point of, about to, intend to, going to' < A A : OKhmer eail!C2!!]/, Khmer ca 'ila /ea!]/ 'to want, desire, hope for, be willing to, about to, on the point of'
= MC retroflex affricates
The reason for M C retroflexion (QC *-r-) in some correspondence sets i s not clear. The AA substrate language might have had a complex initial; or, what later had become a M C supradental affricate was somehow acoustically close t o what was heard. Most of these words are late ( i .e., mid to late Zhou, and Han). Spear fish
chuo 1� ( t � hak) [t�1121k] *tshrok 'to spear (fi sh) ' < AA: Khmer ciika /cook/ 'lift with tool . . . ' � � cpiika [cbook] (archaic) 'trident for lifting fi sh '
Dog
sou
(GY �;:m) [ �u] < AA: PVM *?a-c21:?
63
5 . 1 0.3 - 5 . 1 0.4
INITIAL CONSONANTS
Pestilence
zha ;fL (t�c:t) 'to die prematurely, pestilence' < AA: PVM *k-ce:t, PMK *kc�t 'to die'
To dry
shai , shl H,l (�ieC) [�eC] *sreh 'to dry something in the sun ' A A : PMonic *cay 'to spread in the sun to dry'
Cut off
zhan !WJ· (t�am 8) [t�am8 ] *tsre/am'i' ? 'to cut off, cut dow n ' < AA: P V M *ce m B ' t o chop ' , Khmer cam or cram ' t o hack'
5. 10.3
MK cr-, jr-
MC retroflex affricates
A hoe
chu i:/J (d�jwo) *dzra 'a hoe' < A A : Khmer rii 'sa lro;9h/ 'to scrape, rake, hoe, harrow' �f OKhmer /eras/ 'to scrape or brush against '
Thorns
chu :t:t: (t�hjwo8) *tshra? 'thorny bush I tree' < A A : PMonic *jrlaa7 'thorn, thorny bamboo' , Khmu' [c:arla? ] , Sema i u�rlaa?]
High
ch6ng * ( d �jul)) *dzrul) 'to pile on, pile high, high (of a mountain ) ' < A A : Khmer / crol)/ 'to rai se u p , re-establ ish . . ' � crilil a /crool)/ 'be upright. . . ' .
Needle
z an � (ts�m, t�;9m) *tsr::lm 'hairpin' < AN-PCham *jurum 'needle'; AA-PNBahn . jarum; TB-Lepcha ryiim
Select
chai (t�11ai , t�hai) *tshrai 'to pick out, select ' < A A : Khmer /sral/ ' t o take the p i c k of, selec t '
Tilt
z e JJC!!f!: (t��k) *tsrgk 'be slanting' > 'sun going down, afternoon' < A A : OKhmer jre /creel 'to tilt, slope, dec l i ne, (of sun) go down, set' (for final *-k, see §6. 1 . 1 )
Quiver
ze � (t �uk) *tsrak 'a quiver' < A A : Khmer /croak/ 'insert, introduce, shove i nto .. . '
5. 1 0.4 MK c, j = MC tsj-, tj-, etc. Fom OC *t(r)jThese initial correspondences are rare and therefore uncertain, but they could be understood i f the OC words had a medial *i ( *j), so that OC *ti- I *tj- may have come c lose t o the A A sound. A post-initial palatal almost certainly was inherent in graphs with the element }1¥] , and variants in 'Look at ' suggest an original *-iam � *-em (rather than *-am ) (§ 1 1 .3 .2).
Look at
zhan 2:i !li (tsjam) OCB 6 *tjem, *tjam 'to look at' chan {rS' r� (t.hjam) *thram or *threm ? 'to look, observe ' < AA: OKhmer /cam/ 'to watch over, watch for, keep i n mind'
�
Aid
zhOu f!l (tsjgu) *tu or *tiu ' to help, relieve, succor' < AA : Khmer jwya /cuu;;)j/ 'to aid, help, succor, rescue, save' (for loss of final -j, see §6.9)
Circle
ch6u #JEJ ( WB nwa , 4 OC *I]U;:'J > Mandarin niu. Tables 5 - l and 5-2 illustrate parallel stems ( §2.5) of 'hungry', 'cow ' , 'lean ' , and 'to rest' (in addition, see also -.. ruo 'hot ' ).
65
5 . 1 2.2
INITIAL CONSONANTS
Hungry
?
(gfiog-pa)
nor
/*I)uaih
wo
r-nal >< m-nal fial-ba, mfiel-ba
siie-ba
5. 12. 2
->
Chinese m- for TB andforeign b-
Among ST l anguages and also others in the area, root initial m - and b- do occasional ly interchange, especially after a prefix or when followed by a lateral (see also HPTB: 1 33 ) ; CH has initial m -, WT i n itial b-: Fly (n.)
meng !lrt (mB!)) [mal)] *mril.l) 'gadfly'
Snake
hul
VS.
WT
sbraiJ ( < *s-m ral) ?) 'a tly'
£E m! (xjwei8) [hui8] *hmui7 PTB *b-ru: l > WT sbrul; vs. PLB *m-r-wiy1 > WB mrwe 'snake ' , KN *m-ruul
Herdsman
� ( mjuk) [mukj *m;ak 'pasture, herdsman, to tend (animals)' < > WT 'brog-pa < Nbrok 'summer pasture, solitude, wi lderness, nomad'
To buy
m a1 (mat8) [meB] *mre7 'to buy' PTB *b-rey (> WT 1je-ba < N-Ije ?) 'to barter', Garo bre, Dimas a barai 'to buy' , vs. JP ma31-ri33 'to buy'
Ransom
shU (dzj wok) [zok] *m-lok ? 'to ransom ' vs. WT blu-ba, blus 'to buy off, ransom'
Shaman
wii (mju) [mua] *ma 'shaman, spirit medi um, m agician ' vs. WT 'ba-po < Nba 'shaman(ess)'
Sort
wu � (mju;at) [m ut] *m;:>t 'class, sort, thing s ' , PTB *mruw vs. WT 'bru < Nbru 'grain , seed'
mu
66
INITIAL CONSONANTS
5 . 1 2.3
Ten thousand wan £ (mjlin 3) [mt-onC] *m(r)ans (< *C-mom vs. WT 'bum < Nbum 'hundred thousand'
?) 'ten thousand '
To wipe, wash mi (mj iet 4) [mit) *mit 'to wipe a vessel ' , JP myit55 wash (the face) ' vs. WT 'phyid-pa 'to wipe, blot out ' , Lushai phi? < phis 'wash ( the face)' '
Temple
mii'w (mjauc 3) [mt-ouC] *m(r)auh 'ancestral temple ' vs. PMY *prau2 < *br- 'house '
Deceive
wang fEj (mjwaiJ8) [muaiJB) *mal]? 'to deceive, confu sion, to OUtWit, Wits' vs. Tai: S. phraaiJA2 < *br- 'to deceive, cheat'
A lso southern dialects have initial m- in a few words for a labial stop consonant elsewhere; see ...., bao3 �U ...., b WB we8 'far'
Meet
yfng 3fQ [!JtOIJ] *IJalJ 'to meet' (< 'going against someone to meet him' ) •� y a 1fl=� ff [l)aC] *IJrah 'to meet, receive' PTB *l)ra > WB IJra 8 'meet, encounter'
Bend
wang ti [?ymJ8] *?wai]? 'bent, crooked' •� yii [?yo] *?wa 'to bend, deflect'
Pool
wang
Deceive
wl'mg � [mualJB] *mat)? 'to deceive' •� wii
Square
kuang [khyai]] *khwaiJ 'square basket' >E j u �E [kya8] *kwa? 'carpenter's square'
[?uaiJ] *?waiJ 'pool' �� wu
[?a] *?wa 'pool ' [mua] *ma 'to deceive'
Final stop consonant � nasal
Final stop consonants occasionally alternate with nasals in Chinese as well as in TB wfs (HPTB: 5 1 6-526). The origin and meaning of this change has not yet been determined (Karlgren 1 949: 92ff; Baxter and Sagart 1 998: 60). Examples include:
6.7
[kua!]8] 'wide' •� kuo
kuak 'large, extravagant'
Wide
gul'mg
Watch
jian Ei [kam] *kram 'to see, look at, inspect' WB krap 'superintend, watch over and direct '
Wood
xfn [sin] *sin 'firewood' PLB *sik - *si I] 'tree, wood' > WB sac
Dissimilation with labial finals -p I -m
In CH and area languages, words that refer to a closing I closed mouth or opening, also the notion 'full - round' , tend to end in a labial consonant. Rare instances of a final labial appearing as a possible morphological variation to a stem probably have their origin in this sound-symbolic tendency. For example, Geilich ( 1 994: 70-73) draws attention to a few TB words where a final -m m ight have been an addition, including WT mnam-pa 'to smel l ' ( something done with the m outh closed) 3 � sna 'nose', 'bru-ma 'swelling, t u m or' �� sbrum-pa 'pregnant' ; see also Table 2-7 under §2.5 . 1 for a possible CH relict. Yet in CH, cases of this type are so rare and of ST heritage, that for practical purposes, we will here not count labial finals among the morphemes. Because of labial dissimilation, rimes -op I -om, -up I -um are phonotactically i mpossible in MC and probably also in OC (hence no such forms in OCM), although Baxter reconstructs such finals in some words. The dissimilation affects the vowel (§ I 1 . 1 0.2) so that ru A MC flijgp 'enter' descends from ST *nup (WT nub) via n ugp > OC *n�p; or san -=. 'three' ST *sum (PTB *sum) > OC *s;'nn via sugm. Perhaps in a few instances, the earlier back vowel was preserved, but the final consonant has dissimilated i nstead. All these words have the ST vowel *u. There are very few sporadic suspects for this dissimilation, such as 77
FINAL CONSONANTS
6.8
[phuk] *phuk 'to overturn' WT spub-pa 'to turn over'
Turn over
fu
Warm
siin � [sugn] *sun or *slun ? 'cooked rice, warm meal ' ? - xfn *s-lgm 'to heat (food)' PTB *slum 'to heat'
To end
zhong t4 [tsu!]] *tu!] 'to end' ? WB tum C 'be ended (season)' , JP thum3I •be ended' , Lai thum 'be ended' � dz;;>-thum 'end something '
Double
ch6ng [!]] *krfil] 'to descend, send down' ? TB-Lai triim I trum 'descend' � thrum I thrum? 'to put down'
Yet these examples and the idea of such dissimilation may be spurious. Although -um -UIJ variation i s observed in TB (e.g., *[s-]lul) - *s-lum 'heart I Jiver' M atisoff 1 97 8 : 203-205), the above examples have possible alternate etymologies. Labial initial and final consonants are incompatible in most environments, however, hence the final l abial is dissimilated: -
Blood
huang [hualJ] *hmal) 'blood' < AA: PNorth Bahnaric *maham, PMnong *mham
Tray
mln liTI fmtal)B] *ma!]'i' ? 'vessel, dish , bowl ' < AA: Viet. mlim, PVM *?oomA 'food tray'
Ten thousand
wan [muanC] *mans < *mons? 'ten thousand ' < > WT 'bum < Nbum 'hundred thousand'
Ice
bfng i7J< [ptl)] *prgl] ? 'ice' PTB *pam 'snow' > Jiarong ta-rpam ' ice'
Burry
beng jiDJ (pgl)C) [pg!]C] *pgfJh 'put the coffin into the ground, bury' ? WT 'bum 'tomb, sepulcher', Lushai phuumH 'to bury'
Gush
fu i� [put] *pgt (< *put) 'be gushing, rushing (as spring, water, wind)' PTB *brup - *prup 'gush forth'
6.8
OC final wi
Matisoff ( 1 995: 3 5-9 1 ; HPTB: 482-489) has proposed a TB palatal diminutive suffix *-i. I n OC , this morpheme marks the independent pronouns (§3 .3 .3). I t also appears in miJJl [miai8] 'have not, there is no' < wu � [mua] 'not' (§3.3.2). Otherwise, final *-i occurs in variation with simple vowels or with *-n; see Table 6-3.
�
1
I
-V
Wither ( l ) W ither (2)
yii 15� *?a
Bend ( I )
yao 7:: *?au?
Bend (2)
yil
-Vi
-Vn
wei � *?oi
yui:m m *'t' ons yan � *?an
wei � *?oi?
*?wa !
To Jean Luxuriant leaves
j yr it� *r;;li yf 5lif *?ai?
78
yuan
*?wan?
wan .Wii *?wans yuan '§fi. *?wan yfn � *?in wan m *?on?
FINAL CONSONANTS 6.9
6.9
Absence of final consonant after long vowel
A Chinese open syllable, often with tone A, for a foreign syllable ending in a final consonant, has several supporting examples. The reason might be loss of coda after a foreign long vowel, something also observed in other languages (Benedict LTBA 5 . 1 , 1 979: 6): Ploughed fields chou
(qjgu) *dru Tai : S. thwakD2 < dwwak (cji-) *drg Tai: S. t�k < d:x�k
Hold, grasp
chf
Boat
zhou ffi *tu AA : Khmer du:k
Male animal
mu t± *mG'r or *C-mu? 'male (animal)' OKhmer jmol /cmqql/ 'male, of animals '
Each
mei � *m5? 'each, every' Khmer /mooj/; PMon mu9 'one'
H elmet
m6u � *mu 'helmet' TB-WT rmog 'helmet' AA: Khmer m ii:Jk 'hat', Biat mo:k, PEKatuic *muak ( Tai : S. muak01 < *hm- 'hat, cap'
Branch
mei ;& *m5i 'branch' AA: OKhmer mek/meek/ 'branch '
Sad
sao *sfi 'sad, worried, grief' < AA: OKhmer sok !sook! 'sorrow, aft1iction, pain, grief, be sad'
Pig
shl � (sjeB) *Ihe? ? ( *l hai? ?) 'pig ' AA: PMonic *cliik, M on klot, kloik 'pig ' , PWa *lik 'pig '
For contrast, compare items with MK short vowels: Polish
cuo (tsha) [tshai) *tshai 'to rub, polish' AA: Khmer /cnaj/ 'to cut (gems), to polish'
Tree trunk
gen 1.& ( k�m ) *k:'m 'root, trunk' AA: PVM *bl 'tree (trunk)' ( short vowel), PMon *t[l]g:::�l 'stump (of tree, mushroom, tooth) '
Stop, block
sai, sai, s e ( s:::�k ) *s5k 'to stop up, block' AA-Khmer suka /sokl 'to stop up, block, cram .. . '
Shelter
su (sjuk) *suk 'pass the night' AA: OKhmer /sruk/ Proto-Khmer 'shelter, settlement, homeland ' 3� Khmer jruka /cruk/ ' shelter, refuge, asylum' < derivatives of /ruk/ 'go down into, take shelter'
Occasionally, the coda was retained in OC even after a long vowel : To spear fish
chuo (t�hak) *tshr6k 'to spear (fi sh)' < AA: Khmer cuka !cook! 'lift with tool. . . ' �� cpilka /cbookl (archaic) 'trident for lifting fish'. For the CH retroflex initial, see §5. 1 0.2.
Retention of a coda after a long vowel seems to indicate a late layer of borrowing; compare cu0z (ts[h]uaC) * tsh6ih 'hay, fodder', m id- to late Zhou word from AA *ksooy; MC tsh- for foreign *ks- is common, especially in late words; vs. ch64 � (t�hju) *tshro 'hay, fodder' on Shang OB from the same AA *ksooy; very old i s also OC * r with foreign pre-initial *g- o r *k-. Residue may include .-, ba5
*pra ? 'wild pig ' ; .-, rn9 79
*pa 'human skin'.
7 OLD CHINESE AND FOREIGN * R
Many different MC I LHan reflexes are believed t o derive from OC *r: initial I-; retroflex consonants; QYS div. I I and ch6ngniu div. I I I vocalism; final -n or -i; or no trace at all. Because MC initial and final consonants and other phonemes are projected back to (nearly) identical ones in LHan, subsequently examples will often be cited in simpler LHan forms. 7.1
OC *r as reflected in MC initial consonants
7. 1.1 MC initial IMC I LHan initial /- < OC *r- frequently alternates with velars, but with other initials also, in phonetic series as well as wfs. I t typically correspond s to foreign r- in the initial. H owever, the foreign equivalents usually have an initial cluster, therefore Baxter ( 1 992: 200f) suggests that MC 1- derives from a cluster *C-r-. Among the examples he cites are 'Indigo' and 'Stand ' below. In the jod-less div. I l lV (§9. 1 . 1 ) , indications for a lost pre-initial are so frequent with MC /- that this divi sion' s vocalism may have been caused by this loss. We therefore tend to write OCM *g-r- or *C-r- > MC 1- and so on when there is some indication of what has d isappeared (LHan after the graph):
MC I LHan initial
1-:
Stand
li
lip, *g-rgp 'to stand ' fYfB *krap 'to stand '
Indigo
hin fl:
l a m , *ram < *g-ram 'indigo' Thai khraam < PTai *gr
Barrier
hin � s� xian �
lon, *ran < *g-ran 'barrier, to protect' gen, *gren 'barrier, bar'
Orchid
hin 3� jian
Ion, *ran< *g-ran 'orchid' kan, *kran ·orchid'
To train
Wm 1-* � xian �
lenC, *rens < *g-rens 'to train' gen, *gran 'to restrain, train'
Refine
lian ¥-**'* � xian fiJJ,
lenc, *rens < *g-rens 'to purify' > 'refine (metal) ' gen8, *gren? 'be beautiful, refined'
Lotus frui t l i a n w 3f jian �"f
!en, *ren < *g-ren 'lotus fruit' ken, *kren 'lotus fruit'
Lazy
lan8 'lazy' gen, *gren 'leisure'
Hin ·[�}! xian
�
Accumulate ! Hin � 3� jian t�
liamBfC, *ram?ls 'gather, accumulate' ki-om 8, *kam? 'accumulate'
To see
!an 3� jian
lam8, *ram? < *g-ram? 'to see' kam, *kram 'to see, look at, inspect'
Overflow
lan lt 3� han �f£
lame, *ram s < *g-rams 'overflow, put into water' game, *gam s 'bathtub' 80
'R' Burn
liao ):Jj{ 3f j iao *�
7. 1 .2 - 7. 1 .4
leuC, *riiiuh < *g-riauh 'to burn, torch' kauB, *kr(i)au? 'burn on a pyre of crossed logs'
In some words, MC initial Jj- may reflect a ST pre-initial *r-; see §9.2. 1 ; § 1 0 . 1 .3. 7.1.2
OC voiceless *r*r i s rare, is reflected in MC I LHan th- and �h-. Cases include __. tr f:l 'body' and 'Sorpion ' in §5.2.4. MC I LHan initial J- ( < OC *r-) corresponds to s- in some northern Min dialect words, which points to an earlier voiceless initial (Mei, Tsu-lin, and J. Norman, 1 97 1). How thi s voiceless lateral would be different from other voiceless laterals (> MC th- etc.) i s n ot clear.
oe voiceless
7.1.3 MC retroflex initials MC I LHan retroflex initials !(h), cj, initial, for example:
v.
t�(h), d{:. � correspond to foreign ones with an r in the
Extend
zhang � [\Ol)] *trarJ 'make long, stretch, extend, draw (a bow)' WT 'dren-ba, draiJ(s) 'to draw' , PLB *ral) ' draw, pul l '
Louse
shf :;m, [sit] *srit < *srik 'louse' PTB *s-rik > WT sig < *hrjik 'louse ' , Bunan srig
Live
sheng ± [�elJ] *srelJ PTB *sril) 'live '
Often, retroflex initials correspond t o W T I T B dental initials with a prefix g-, r-. The OC phoneme sequence i s unknown; Gong H wang-cherng (2002, vol 2: 1 67-1 72) writes OC *rt- in such words. For the sake of consistency, OCM assumes only medial *-r- in such configurations. Unfold
zhan * [tan8] *tran? 'unfold, open ' WT rdal-ba, brdal 'to spread, unfold, extend over'
For MC I LHan retroflex initials in words with MK connections, see §5. 1 0.2-3. 7. 1.4 MC initial cjj- and tJMC initial cjj- and tJ- (LHan cj- and {-) stand in a few correspondence sets for a foreign initial r-, or r in a more complex i n itial where we woul d expect OC *r- or *kr-, *pr- ( as in §7.2).
MC cjj- = foreign *r: Pheasant
zhl Jt ( WT zaiJ 'chief, uncle' , WB g-hraiJ ' master, lord ' , K uki *rU)al) - *traiJ 'father' s sister's husband'
Ramie
zhu ?*'T [c,la8] 'ramie, c loth I rope woven of ramie' ? < ST: WT ras 'cotton c loth'
Lamb
zhu
To fall
zhui � ( PMY *klu 2 (Purnell), W Mon kluiw
gu tz [kaB ] *ka? < *kla? 'drum ' PTai *kb1JA 1 'drum '
QYS div. Ill does not often correspond to foreign clusters with *1, therefore we suspect some irregular development similar to the traceless loss of medial *r (§7.6.2): Wind n.
feng }ill\ [puo!]] OCB *p(r)jt/um 'wind' Tai: S. lom A 2 < *dlyomA 2 'wind', PKS *hl wum 1
Level
pfng -¥ [biel)] *bel] 'be level , even ' PTB *plel) 'flat surface'
High
8.3
song � � [siul)] *sui) 'high' PMonic *slool) 'be high up, high' , LitMon sluiJ 'be high'
ST and foreign final -1 in OC
In the majority of words ST final *-1 has become final -n in Chinese, but a significant number has final -i instead; see Table 8 - 1 on the next page. There we notice that in some TB languages like WB and Mikir, TB final -1 has become -i (WB -e) ; in others, like JP, it has become -n. Perhaps two different strains of ST have converged in PCH - one close to SE Asian languages l ike Lushai , one closer to W T - because cognates of OC final *-i are weighted toward Lushai, cognates in final *-n toward WT. (Final OC *-i: 60% of cognates are WT, 80% Lushai, 20% have only a WT cognate, 30% only a Lushai cognate; final OC *-n: 76% have WT cognates, 4 1 % Lushai, a l ittle over 50% have only WT cognates, only 1 8% have a Lushai connection.) Even the OC initial *m- in the word for 'snake ' hul ER *hmui? is closer to WB mrwe than to WT sbrul (m- vs. b-; §5. 1 2.2). Alternatively, the words in OC *-i tend to have an oblique tone, or a TB cognate with the corresponding final *-? or *-h < *-s, while MC tone B in those with final *-n may be Chinese innovations (shen ��� [sin8] 'gums' as body part; -n a suffix in ben 'root', etc.). This needs further study.
92
'L'
8.3
8-1 Lushai
wriggle
*?oi I
�
feed
IQ
i
i
p lay, joke
xl
pass over
g uo
load, carry
he ftiJ
i add
i dust
poor a l l , herd
ashes, coal
*ru u l
l(j)oi
'jol
*tsual?
(smin)
*hmuul?
*haih
' 11 k yal
*k11aals
*koih
rgal
( *kai/kais)
*krai * IJ f;:ln
chen �
*drgn
pfn t?i
*brgn
qun it¥
ti'm �
mrwe
sbrul
*ga i ?
yfn $1\!
(kywe8 )
:
···-
!
bkal
f
d !] U l rdu l
:
*kun
i
*than
dbul mkul t 11 a l rol
*tran?
rdal
produce
zhan .�
chan
*sra/en?
srel
kidney, l i ver
gan Bf
*kan
mk11al
*kal?/s
him H
*kan
kal, rgol
*kal?/s
ben :;js:
*p() n?
pul
shen
*hn i n?
r/s fi i l
*m-dun? ?
rtu l
1-----
i resi st
: root
·--�
gums
' shield
�gl
dun Jfi
'
···-··
� TB *hmel
Till
ymin � J eep
kaiB 'exceed'
I] We
*gran
u n fo l d
mwe8
bkra l
huan iJ
sorcery
i
I
*vul?/ s
*hmgi?
*mgi ?
?3�
? >
}\ j fng
IV kie!] < OCM *keiJ jfng kc� l] < OCM *kreiJ II geng 3/4 kjii!] < OCM *keiJ (!f\1J Jlng) 3 / 3 kjBI) < OCM *kreiJ Hi) jfn g
The MC homophones kjfllJ I LHan kiaiJ are differentiated in OC (*kraiJ and *kre!]) on the basis of phonetic series and rimes. (MC kjlil) corresponds to LHan kieiJ; MC kel) = LHan kel).) 94
'J' and MC DIVISIONS
9. 1 . 1
9. 1 .4
9. 1.1 Sources ofdiv. !/IV Internal logic as well as comparative data suggest that OC never had Karlgren 's ubiquitous medial j in div. Ill words - it is unlikely that more than half of all words in an actual language had a medial palatal g lide (Pulleyblank 1 973; see Norman 1 994 for a summary of the various theories). So far, there is no consensus on the OC sources of the MC d ivisions. We leave the question open, but follow Norman in assuming an OC plain syllable ( without -j-) for most later div. Ill, and mark the later div. I/IV syllables with a circumflex accent ( Pulleyblank distinguishes them with grave and acute accents on the vowels). We have already suspected two causes for the emergence of I/IV -type syllables: ( I ) Loss of a (voiced?) pre-initial (see §7 . 1 . 1 ). ( 2 ) Loss of a medial *-1- ( see §8.2). ( 3) Thirdly, an unmarked open syllabel (in QYS div. III) becomes a div. I syllable when the d istributive suffix *-k i s attached (§6. 1 .2). ( 4) Finally, some modern colloquial words gravitate toward the analogue of MC d iv. lilY syllables, while the traditional, literary counterparts reflect d iv. I l l :
fu !JP, ( pju::lt) div. I l l 'not' , er m (nzjie8) 'you xf ( xj::lp) 'to drink' Zl (tsi8) 'son, child' er (nzjie) < *IJe 'child'
vs. Mand. bu (pugt) 'not' , VS. M and. nr 11J\ < ni 'you vs. M and. he � < X::lp 'to drink' VS. SOUthern dialects zai < tsgB 'son, child' vs. southern dialects ya f� < IJa 'child, boy'
9. 1.2 Div. Ill vs. IIIV in wordfamilies Alternations MC div. 1/IV - Ill are regularly encountered in wfs (e.g. , Baxter and Sagart 1 998: 6 1 ). No meaning has been convincingly identified for these distinctions. Examples:
Solid
dun � '['$: (tu::ln, div. I) [tugn] 'be solid > earnest, generous ' �� zhun HY! (tsjuen , d iv. Ill) [tsun - tsuin] 'sincere, diligent'
Inside
nei r*J (ngp I) [ngp] 'inside' �� ru A (ftzjgp I l l ) [nip] *ngp 'to enter'
9. 1.3 "Pure " div. IV In "pure" div. IV words (i.e., not ch6ng-niu div. 4/4) with back vowels, the medial -i- must have been primary, i.e., part of the root, and not a secondary development from front vowels as in *kel) > MC kielJ. However, Kam-Tai languages have occasionally no medial palatal where Chinese cognates have medial div. IV *i :
To fish
dHw ifr"J [teuC] *tiaukh 'to angle, fish with hook and l ine' Tai: S. tok0 1 'to angle, fish with hook and line'
Fade
diao
[teu] *tifi 'to fade' Tai S. tok 'become faded' (color)
9. 1.4 Sources ofMC div. li MC div. I I vocal ism (a, EJ, ii, a, 9 in Karlgren 's system) is set up for LHan as a, e, ::> (contrasting with div. I a, e, o ). The OC source was medial *-r- and possibly also other configurations ( § 7.2). H owever, not all div. II syllables necessaril y go back to OC medial *-r-; the cause could perhaps also have been archaism (§7.2.2) or prefixes (§7.4). In the OC rime categories *-ak, *-ek, *-ok, and *-auk, the expected precursors of MC div. Ill have partiall y shifted to the later MC div. II after acute initials, and possibly also after
95
9.2
'J' and MC DIVISIONS
*?- and *w-. For example, the nasal counterpart to *-ak, the rime *-al), has the same LHan vowel a in both div. I and Ill syllables (LHan kaiJ and kiaiJ); this is indicated by the PM in forms which presuppose a back a, not Karlgren's MC a, e.g., PMin kiii (< kjal)) for the conventional MC kjaiJ. In the rime *-ak, the vowel has been rai sed, resulting in MC rimes -jiik Ill, -1:1k 1 1 . M in forms again have the expected back vowel, i .e., LHan -(i)ak. Since the M in dialects probably separated from the rest of CH during the Han period, we can set up for LHan the anticipated back vowel forms ; it was mainstream and I or northern-central Chinese that innovated this front shift. Table 9- l illustrates the situation. Parentheses indicate unique or exceptional forms. The survival of forms with back ak is apparently due to dialect interfe rence, or to incomplete shifting. (Simpler LHan forms instead of MC.) 9-1 OCM *-at) Div. I km)
*-at)
Div.
Ill
ltn!J
*-al)
Div. II
*-ak
Div. I
kak ::&
--�-�k
t
------�
-------
II
--�---
------
II
Ifi
tsak
PM i n *ziak ?ak
1
i/J;\
ziak ?ak
1$
ili;li
Ill II II
wak t.ak
�
li
t�ak
m
II
tsak E m
After the initials ! and ts, the shift was complete; after ts and t� one or a few words did not participate in this change. Thus ze3 (guk II) LHan MC t§ia c (not t.sjwoO;. Thus OCM *ta? :ff becomes MC t�ja 8, not tsjwo8; and 'crow' OCM *?a has a doublet MC *?a � beside the expected ?jwo )�. 9.2
Initial j- in OC
MC ji- corresponds occasionally to TB and foreign initial *j- and therefore probably to OC *j-, but it is difficult to distinguish a putative OC initial *1- > MC ji- from OC *j- > MC ji-. As to ST medial >tj, it seems almost always to correspond to MC div. I l l , but there are exceptions. Therefore, it is possible that in PCH the ST medial *j was redistributed or lost. An OCM *j- is likely in certain environments. In a few phonetic series and wfs MC ji- and tsj- eo-occur. There, MC seems to derive from OCM *j-, not *1-. In two etyma, some TB 96
'J' and MC DIVISIONS
9.2. 1
languages have the initial *ny. OC *ts- and PTB *ny-, which are in variation with MCji-, are highlighted in bold letters: Wine
jiu i@' (tsj;:m8) ftsu8J *tsiu(?) 'wine' ; < ST: PTB *yu(w) 'wine' phonetic is you Ui�u8) Ou8] *ju?
To decay
you U i:Ju(8)) Uu(8)] *ju? 'to rot, decay' < ST *(z-)ju: PTB *zya:w - *zyu(w) 'to rot, decay, digest' , WT 'ju-ba, bzus, bzu ( < N-ju) 'to digest, melt'
Footprint
jr {Eij} (tsjak) [tsiek] *tsiak 'footprint, track' - jf �� (tsjak) [tsiek] *tsek 'footprint, track' < ST *(C-)jak: Limbu yok2 'trace, track' , but Lushai hniakH 'footprint, hoof-mark ' ; phonetic is yl !)]\ = � Uiak) Uak] *jak 'armpit' < ST: TB-Mru yak 'armpit', Lushai zakL ( < jak)
Night
ye :& UiaC) UaC] *jah, later jak(h) 'night' < ST *( -)ja: PTB *ya? 'night' but WB fiaC 'evening ', JP na?55 < nak55 'evening ' ; phonetic is yi !)]\ = )jf§Z: Uiak) Oak] *jak 'armpit' < ST: TB-Mru yak 'armpit', Lushai zakL ( < jak)
Rodent 1
qiln �i (ts11j u:Jn , tsju�nc) [ts(11)(i)un] *tsiun ' hare, m armot' < ST: PTB *yu(w) - *yun > JP yu55 - yun33 'rat, mouse ' , WB yun 'rabbit ' ; phonetic is yun ft Uiuen8) Uun8] *jun?
Rodent 2
you Jl@ Ui:JuC) UuC] *juh 'weasel' < ST: PTB *yu > Chepang yu? 'animal, rodent' , M ru y u 'weasel'
9.2. I MC initial j- � 1- from OC *r-jMC initial)- derives from OC *j- where MC has initial ]- - ji- doublets. Some of these MC ji initial words have phonetic series or comparative contacts with *r- (Baxter 1 992: 200f). The ST pre-initial *r- was lost before or during early OC, therefore MCji- i s not a reflex of an OC initial *r, but only of a stem initial *j. Here r- was treated as a pre-initial in PCH and later lost, with occasional doublets in MC lj-. An interesting example for a lost pre-initial *r- i s ·
Salt
yan !11. Uiam) 'salt' which is alone in a xiesheng series with initials like OC *r- > MC 1- and *kr- > MC k- div. II. The WT cognate is rgyam 'salt' < r-yam (when in such configurations r- was felt to be a pre-initial, an epenthetic -gemerged; otherwise > WT z-).
The placement of yan in a (k)r-series suggests that the pre-initial *r- was still there in early OC. If yan exemplifies the Chinese fate of ST *r-j-, then further items are revealed by doublets and I or TB cognates: Wander
you U i�u) *ju < *r-ju 'to flow, roam about' WT rgyu-ba < r-yu 'to walk, move, wander, range' * rgyun 'the flow, current' ; CH variant with survival of initial *r- is � � liu t"ft ( lj;m) *r(i)u 'to flow, float' 97
9.3
'J' and MC DIVISIONS
(jiamC) *jamh < *r-jamh 'beautiful' Tai: S. riam 82 'beautiful'
Beautiful
yan
Fluid
ye T{>t (jiiik) *jak 'fluid' PTB *rjak 'grease, juice'
Pass over
yu �§tr i® (jiu) *lo or *jo 'to leap or pass over, transgress' WT rgyud-pa < *r-yut 'to pass over, traverse'
Sharp
y£m �!J (jiam8) *jam? < *r-jam? ? 'sharp, pierce' PTB *(s-)rjam 'sharp': Kuki-Chin *(s-)rjam: Lush hriam 'sharp' 3< lian ��- ( !jam) *rjam 'sharp, keen (of soldier/sickle)'
Rope
yu *� (ji uet) *jut 'well-rope' , also MC kjuet WT rgyud < r-yut 'string, cord' : again, CH has a doublet that preserves the initial r-: 3< IU (ljuet) *r(i)ut (the graph seems to represent a rope) 'edge, border, leather strap, rope'
Follow
yu � (jiuet) *jut 'following, then' �• I U1$ (ljuet) *r(i)ut 'follow a model'
Cure
yao
Drag
yu
(jiak) *jauk ' to cure' 3< liao
(ljauc) *riaukh 'to cure'
� (jiu) *jo 'to pull, drag' 3< Hi :J!: (lju) *r(i)o 'to drag, trail '
A parallel loss of pre-initial *r- occurred before OC *w- ( § 1 0. 1 .3 ) . A CH doublet with preinitial *s- before may be -? xr )! [ziak] *s-jak 'evening' vs. -? xr [siak] *s(j)ak 'formerly, yesterday'. MC zj- (LHan dz-) from ST initial *j-
9.3
MC initial ij- (normally from LHan di- < OC *d-) is in some words a reflex of ST *j- (PTB *y-), perhaps via some kind of PCH *dj- combination where the dental may be secondary. I n the phonetic series, OCM *d(j) < **d(j)- seems t o have merged with OCM *dj- < **C-j-. These words are likely to have had OC initial *dj- or the like, not *d-, but OC *d- and *dj- (both MC ij-) are difficult to disentangle. Certain phonetic series include words with earlier *j-, among them GSR 3 1 725 � . 726 1 096 ·@. 1 1 20 1']. To
sleep
Hang down
Ladle Above
shul � (zwieC) [dzuaic, dzoiC] 'sleep' WT yur-ba 'to slumber' 3< g-yur 'sleep' chui (zwie) [dzuai - dzoi] 'to let hang down ' PTB *dzywal > WT jol-ba 'to hang down ' �� PTB *yol: ' curtain'
WT yol-ba
zhu6 ¥"1 (tsjak, zjak, jiak) [tsauk, dzouk, jouk] PTB *s-kyok 'ladle' > WT skyogs-pa 'scoop, ladle', WB yok 'ladle' shang J:. (zjaiJC) [d:lm]C] 'above' ST *ya 'above' ,
3� shang � (zjaiJC) [dzaiJc] 'upwards'
Garment
chang 'f¥; (zjalJ) [dzalJ] 'lower garment ' < > WT g-yal) 'animal skin clothing'
Still
chang (zjaiJ) [dial)] 'perpetuate, sti l l ' W T yaiJ 'again, still, once more'
98
WT ya
'J' and MC DIVIS IONS To taste
9.4
chang (zjaiJ) [dzalJ] 'to taste, try' PTB *m-yatr Chepang yaiJ-sii 'to taste (sample food)' , WT myoiJ-ba, myat)S I myoiJ 'to taste, enjoy' . However, WB mraii8 'to taste, try by taste' .
The initial i s apparently devoiced (MC tsj-) i n a few words (see also 'Ladle' above): (tsjulJ) [tsul)] *tU)ul) < *C-juiJ ? WB: kjuiiJ8 � gjuiiJ8 'locust'
Locust
zhong
Multitude
zhong AX (tsjUif) [tsurf] *tU)uiJh < *C-juiJh ? 'numerous, all, the multitude' WT yoiJs 'all, whole' (incl. of people)
The difficulty in pinning down OC J-series is illustrated by yang and yang ::'f.. both MC jiaiJ The former i s clearly an L-series, we suspect that the latter i s a J-series. However, it includes the words yang MC jiaiJ 'sheep' and yiing J2 MC jiaiJ8 'to raise, nourish' whose Tai counterparts are S. liaiJ A2 -phaaA I 'goat, antelope' (related ?) and S JiaiJC2 'feed, nourish' (almost certainly a loan) respectively. Tai has both 1- and -i- in the initial. .
9.4
MC
MC zj- with OC *j-
derives from OC *s-1- (§8. 1 .2), *s-j-, and *s-w- (§ 1 0. 1 .2). An example for *s-j-: Evening
xf y ( zjak) [ziak] *s-jak 'evening ' PTB *s-ryak > Lep. ayak 'day' (i.e., 2 4 hrs.) JP ya?55 < yak55 'day ' , Limbu ya:kt- 'to stay' (especially overnight).
In at least two words, this initial seems to represent a foreign palatal as a PCH voiced (?) dental sibilant + palatal glide; it may have been closest to the foreign sound. Elephant
xiang � (zial)8] *s-jaiJ? ? or *zjaiJ? I *ziaiJ? ? 'elephant' PTai *jaJf, MK-PMonic *ciil), WB chaiJA , Lepcha tyaiJ-mo 'elephant'
Buffalo
si
9'E [zi?] *s-j�i? ? or *zj�i? I *zi;;�i? ? 'wi ld water buffalo' NTai *jiQAic or *jtaA 'buffalo'
99
10 INITIAL AND MEDIAL * W
10.1
Initial *w-
MCjw- (div. III) goes back to LHan and QC *w- (Karlgren' s *giw-, Li F. jwi-). ST *w- is preserved in many TB languages; in WT it has disappeared completely. Examples for the survival of ST *w- in CH are numerous (see dictionary part under W), for example: To go
yu
Uwo) [wo] *wa 'to go' PTB *wa 'to go, come'
The high front vowel *i causes a MC div. IV ji- reflex: To be
wei ·[1£ Uiwi IV), QCM *wi (and not *lui or the like)
The ST initial *wj- survives as MC initialji- < QC Also
y!
(pre-initial *w- was apparently lost):
Uiak) Oak] *jak 'also' < *wiak ? Lushai vel! < vek 'agai n '
1 0. 1. 1 Loss of *w An QC or PCH *w-
has apparently been preempted by back vowels (there is no syllable with MCjw- reconstructable as *wo, *wu, *wau). After the loss of *w- the high onset syllable (§ 1 2. 1 . 1 ) can only result in MC initial ji- IV since there is no ji- I l l (exceptjw-). Hence with back vowels, a syllable of the type MC ji:::m can derive from PCH *ju, *lu, as wel l as *wu. Cases of MC ji- IV from *w- are in GSR 1095; see """ you7 �. """ xiu 1 you (under-" yun4 also """ you5 10. 1. 2 MC zw- < OC *s-wMC zjw- goes back to QC *s-w-; this is parallel to §8. 1 .2 and §9.4.
Advance
sui �:¥ (zwiC) [zus > zuis] *s-wis 'to advance, accomplish, achieve' "Kamarupan" *s-yuy � *m-yuy 'to follow', K uki-Naga *jwi 'follow'
Ear of grain
sui (zwiC) [zuis] *s-wis 'ear of grai n ' Lushai vuiL lvui?L < vuis 'to ear (of grain, grass)' , Kuki-Chin *vui
10.1.3 Loss qfpre-initial rForeign pre-initial r- was lost before QC *w-; this is parallel to *r-j-, see §9.2. 1 ; an additional and --" hul 9 item is perh. --" hu18
10.2
Monkey
wei [wiC - lui8] *wih - *rui? ( < *r-wi?) 'monkey' W a-Lawa-Bulang *r:)yol 'white-handed gibbon'
A fly
wei 1j UwiC) *wuih ? 'gadfly' A A : PAA *ruwaj > PVM *ru:)yA 'a fly'
Medial *-w-
10. 2. 1 Loss ofST andforeign medial -w- in Chinese ST and foreign medial *-w- (or -u-, -o-) has no counterpart in Chinese except after velar initials ( *kw-, etc . ; § 1 0.2.3), and perhaps in QC rimes with final *-n, *-t, and *-i. This medial has
l OO
'W'
1 0.2.2 - 1 0.2.3
apparently not survived in WT (§ 1 2.9). Thus phonological correspondences between Chinese words without medial *w and foreign words with *w are regular. Bear
m! [mie8] *me? 'Bear, the clan name of the rulers of the state of Chu ' KT: PKS *mu:i l -fi, PTai *hm-: S. miiA1, Po-ai muuiAl 'a bear'
Female
pin {!:: [bi 8, bin8] 'female of animals' PTB *pwi(y) 'female'
Laugh
er
[ne] *ne 'forced laugh' PTB *m-nwi(y) 'to laugh'
Easy
yl
[jeC] *lekh 'be easy, at ease' PTB *I way 'easy'
Brother
di 5f) [deiB] OCB *d;aj? < *duj? ? 'younger brother' PTB *doy 'younger brother'
Tears
tl
[thei8JC] 'tears, mucus from nose' PTB *ti or PTB *tuy 'water'
Mud
nf
[nei] *n�i? 'mud, mire' TB: KN-Lai noy 'muddy (of water)'
To spit
tu �± (thuo8, thuoC) [thaB] *tha? 'to spit out' < ST *twa > PTB *(m-/s-)twa 'spit'
Measure
du (duoC) [doC] *dakh 'a measure (of l ength), rule' < ST *dwa I *twa: WB thwa 'measure with a span' , W B twak 'cipher, reckon', M ru twak 'consider'
To rest
she '@? [saC] 'to rest in, stop' PKS *s-lwaB 'to rest'
Village ( 1 ) PTB *r-wa > WB rwa 'town, village' < ST *rw;a Chinese doublets with and without medial *w Medial *w or rounding was lost by MC or even OC, especially before front vowels, even in environments in which rounding is phonotactically permissible: 10.2.2
yan yU y! j� qfng fJ;j xl {1§ re
*?an 'to wither' 3� yuan % *?uans 'to wither' *?a 'to wither' ·� wei *?uai 'id.' *'( ai? ' luxuriant leaves' ·� wan �ff *?uan? 'rich foliage, umbrageous' [khieiJ khwieiJ] 'incline' [sinC] - xun (ri] [suin] 'true' ( < *swin) *net or *!)et 'hot' - ruo *n/I]wet? *n/I]iot? 'hot' �
[nin ] for dm 11MJ [nun > nuin] (ZWDCD).
In one instance, a text (Huainanzi) writes ren
ST *-w� in OC ST *-w;;l has later merged with either *u or *a, except in reconstructed OC forms and sporadically in TB languages.
10.2.3
Village
qiU Ji [khu] *khw;;l 'vil lage, district' < ST *k( h)W;;l TB-Phon k:Jwa, Lushai k11ua H 'village'
Nine
jiu fL [ku8] OCB *kwju?, OCM *ku? *kw;a? 'nine' < ST *ku? - *kw;;l?: Lushai kuaR < *kua?
Cow
niu Lf:: [IJU (or !]tu)] *l)w;a 'bovine, ox, cow' < ST *l)w;a TB *l)wa > WB n wa 8 'bull, cow ' ; JP IJa 33, wan ; Nung J]Wa - J]a - n wa
�
101
11 OLD CHINESE VOWELS AND THEIR FOREIGN COUNTERPARTS
In this section examples for vocalic correspondences are arranged by OC vowels: Variations between *;;, � *;;,i � *i - *e 1 1 .7 1 1.1 *a OC and ST *u and *o *G 1 1 .8 1 1 .2 *o *e 1 1 .3 1 1 .9 *-ai 1 1 . 1 0 *u 1 1 .4 *1" 1 1 . 1 I *-au, *-auk 1 1 .5 *-ui 1 1 .6 OC and TB phonemes agree rather closely, but consistent correspondence involving *e, *?, and *i, and especially *o and *u within TB and ST, is often elusive. See § 1 2 for the vowels of individual TB languages. Vowel alternations do occasionally occur within OC wfs. For this present work we shall keep wfs and words with different vowels separate, unless we have some compelling cases such as near-homonyms with m inimal phonological contrast. For the rare inversion of elements in a diphthong, see the comments under -> nei 'hungry' and -> shuai 'dim inish' . Vowel length was not d istinguished in OC a s far a s we can tell. Length distinction s in some modern dialects are either a concomitant feature of tone, or have secondarily emerged as in Cantonese; there vowel length correlates regularly with MC segmental features and pro- bably has emerged due to Tai substrate influence. Since CH dialects, OC rimes and phonetic series have no unambiguous traces of length distinctions, we will not assume them for OC. Han Buddhist transcriptions confirm this for the Han period, where any type of CH syllable indiscriminately renders both l ndic long or short vowels; the exception is the strict avoidance of open tone-B syl lables for Indic long vowels; hence these syllables were markedly shorter (final glottal stop) than tone-A (and C?) syllables; this is still the case in some modern dia lects. But these are tone-related length distinctions. AA and Kam-Tai substrate words with apparently long vowels lose the final consonant in OC, which indicates that PCH did not have closed syllables with long vowels (§6.9). 11.1 OC *a OC *a descends from
ST *a = PTB *a (LHan forms in brackets):
Five
wu
Not (have)
wu � [mua] *ma 'not have' PTB *ma > WT ma, WB mac 'not'
Concede
dmg � [na!JC ] *naiJh 'concede, yield' PTB *nal) > WT gnaiJ, gnaiJs 'to concede' ; WB hnarJ8 'to g ive'
[!]a8] *1]3.? 'five' PTB *-!]a(?) > WT liJa; WB !]a B
WT ofor P TB *a ST PTB *a = OC *a (as well as ST I OC *? = PTB *a) shows up occasionally as WT o (see also § 1 2.9 [3]): 1 1.1. 1
1 02
VOWELS
1 1 . 1 .2 - 1 1 . 1 .3
Hair
shan � [�am] *sram ' long hair' PTB *(C-)sam > WT ?ag-ts11om 'beard of the chin ' , WB tsham 'head hair ' , PL *?-tsam l
To hear
W T t11os Proto-H imalayish *thas
OC *a *;;> variations With Baxter we assume six vowels for OCM. A wf is usually restricted to only one OC vowel. Obvious cases of vowel a lternations within a wf are not often encountered; therefore, a pair like 'speak' below may represent non-morphological variants of some sort.
1 1 . 1.2
-
Speak
tan if� [darn] *dam 'to speak' WT gdam-pa 'to advise, give council ' 3� tan �f [dgm ] *d�m 'to speak'
Islet
zhu [tso8] *ta? 'islet' - zh! �ll: [tsg8] *tg?. Note also chf :111; [gi] 'islet' [Shi], and zhou 71+[ [tsu] 'island in a river' y1 1� [?ffiiB] *?ai? 'to lean against, pull aside, rely upon ' 3� yf BX [?+i] *?gi 'to lean on, rely on, depend on'
Lean on Ant
y! [l)tai 8] *J]ai? 'ant' - yl m [r)i-i8] *l]gi? 'ant' KN-Lai hi]e?r-tee 'ant' (tee is diminutive 'smal l ' )
Sinew
J ll1
(kjgn) [k+n] *bn vs. jian RI (kjBn, gjtmC) [ktan, g+onC] *kan, gans
1 1. 1.3 OC *a alternating with *-e I *-i In some cognate sets, *a a lternates with *e I *i. both within OC and in sets with foreign items. On one hand, this may reflect parallel stems ( §2.5); on the other, it is reminiscent of later dialect variation where some southern dialects occasionally have a for standard e. Examples of a � e variations within CH:
[la] 'black and hard soil, black' � 1f ,��i [le] 'black horse'
Black
h:i !l.ili:m
Beam
Ii1 1'§ [lio] 'beam supporting rafters'
Son-in-law
'son-in-law' : xu (sjwoC) Mand. xu (phonet. WB, Khami , M ru lip 'tortoise'
R ibs, sides
xie W [htap] *hrap (or *hriap ?) 'sides of body, ribs' TB: JP k�3i_rep31 'rib', Kanauri *hrip, WT rtsib < rhjip
Also
yl
3]\ Oak] *jak(or *[w]iak?)
ST *wjak ? > TB-Lu shai veL < ve?/h 'also'
R �� vek < vek 'again, over again'
In addition, ST wfs with such variant forms include (all dictionary entries -->) keng 1_� ' leg' , 'E'f 'fragrance ', sheng � 'alive ', qfng 1� 'clear', gang 1Ji1]� �1Ji1] 'hard' , M ii 'dry up', ye � 'leaf, flat'. Some words have OC *a for foreign *i (as in 'Ribs' above); this is especially the case involving MK, specifically PMonic items with *i. Such a vocalic shift has parallels elsewhere, as, for example, in Angami Naga: PTB *g-ni 'two' > Angami kenna, *si 'die' > sa-, *mi 'man' > ma, *ni 'sun' > na-ki, ne-ki (Hutton 1 92 1 : 296t). xiang
Elephant
xiang [ziai)B] *s-jalJ or *zial)? 'elephant' MK: PMonic *ciil), PSemai *ciigl), but other languages have *a
To plow
jf [dz iak] *dzak 'to cultivate, sacred field' PMK *ji ik, O M jik 'to harrow, break u p for planting, t o cultivate ' ; Khmer /ci:k/ 'to dig, d i g over'
Fear
pil
Earth
tu ± [thaB] *tha? 'land, soi l ' ? MK-PMon *ti i? 'soil, earth' , PWa *bte? certain.
Rat
'l1fi [phaCJ *phah 'to fear' PM on *phiic 'be afraid' This etymology is not
shu [soB - t§haB] *nha? 'rat, mouse' ? MK-PMon *knii? 'rat, mouse', PNBahnaric *kane 'rat ' - But see dictionary for alternative etymologies.
1 1.1.4 Variants *-a � *-ai Variants *-a - *-ai are rare, and they may be due to the H an period phonetic change of OC *-ai to *-a so that graphs which wrote OC *-ai could now be used for LHan -a and vice versa:
Drip
li:i
��
[IiaC] *rah 'to drip', post-Han If M [liai] *rai 'to droop, drip'
Variants *-a � *o This rare vocalic variation m ay simply be the result of a late graphic substitution when LHan a and o may have merged i n some dialect: 11.1.5
Lay hands on To grasp
fll
�
� [phuaB] *pha? 'lay hands on' fll tH [phuoB] *phO? 'lay hands on'
jil [kffiC] * kah 'to grasp' - ju t1iJ [kto] *ko 'to grasp' 1 04
VOWELS
1 1 .2 - 1 1 .2.2
oc � 11.2 OC *� is projected back to ST; in TB i t has merged with *a. For additional examples, see § 1 0.2.3.
Son
Zl
Ear
er If [fJ;JB] *ng? 'ear' PTB *r-na > WT rna-ba 'ear' , PL *(C-)na 2 'ear'
Weave
zhf
Eat, lick
shf :it [ztk] *m-l;,k 'to eat' PTB *m-lyak > PLB *m-lyak 'to lick'; WT ljags < Nlyak 'tongue'; JP m�31_ta55; Lepcha Iyak 'taste, try', WB Iyak, Lushai JiakF I Iia?L
Forest
!in t;f [lim] *r;Jm 'forest' ST *r;,m: TB-NNaga *C-ram 'forest', Lushai ram H 'forest, jungle, country'
Stand
1i [lip] *mp or *C-rgp 'to stand' ST *rjgp: PTB *g-ryap > PLB *?rap 'stand ' , WB rap , Mikir arjap < Ijapl
Weep
q 1 N [k"t-p] *khgp ? 'to weep' ST *krgp: PTB *krap > WT k11rab-khrab 'a weeper', Kanauri krap 'to weep', JP khrap31
(tsi�B] *tsg( 'child, SOil ' PTB *tsa? > WT ts11a-bo 'grandchild'; PBurm . *tsa8 'child'
[tstk] *tgk 'to weave' WT 'thag-pa 'to weave'
11.2. 1 OC *� in unstressed syllables In some unstressed forms of grammatical words, the vowel is reduced to *g (§3 .3.3):
er er nai J'J yf tl qf 1 1.2.2
(nzf.) *n� '-like, -ly' (nz+) *ng 'your' (n�i8) *nf>? 'your' (jit) *lg 'I, we' (gjt) *g;) 'this, his'
OC *-�
=
PTB
< n1 �D (iizjwo) < rtdtz: (ftzjwo8) < ru & (ftzjwo8) b. u·I WO ) < yu- 7 ;7R (gjwo) < qu
*na 'be like' *na? 'you ' *na? 'you' *la 'I, we' *ga 'he'
*i
In a few etyma, OC *g (> MC div. Ill, LHan -i;,) corresponds to PTB *i : Latrine
cc )]ffi [t�hgC] *tshr;)kh ? 'latrine' PTB *ts(y)i 'urinate > WT gci(d)-pa
Yak
If
Cut, write
ll [lj�Bj *rg? 'cut jade according to its veins' PTB *riy > Lushai r/ < ri? 'boundary, frontier, limit, l i ne of demarcation ' , WT 'bri-ba, bris 'to draw, write' 3� ris ' figure ' , WB re8 'write, delineate, paint', M ru pri 'to scratch'
Container
gui 11 [k.w�8] *-�?, OCB *kwrju? 'name of a ritual vessel ' PLB *kwiy l 'receptacle, container'
[Jig] *r) xTffr 'to cleave', ping .If! ' level ', bian thin' , jian 'to see ' , shi �l£ 'to lick', er 'near'. Vowel breaking before dental finals has led to the new MC head vowel a I ii, thus M C -jjiin < *en (in div. Ill and 3/4 from OC not *-en which became l ater -(i)en). This is parallel to *o; see § 1 1 .9 . It is a universal development in northern and written Chinese as in: Face
mian cm (mjianC 4) [mianC] *mens 'face' PTB *s-mel > Lushai hmeeJH
Send
qian
(khjian8 4) [khianB] *khen? 'to send' WT skyel-ba 'to send '
1 1.3.1 G C *e in open syllables In open syllables, OC *-e corresponds often to PTB and foreign *-ay ( *-aj, *-ai):
Only
zhl .R [tseB] *te? 'only' PLB *day2 3� tf 'only' > WB thjB 'single, alone', JP tai33 'single'
Child
er )Tl, [ni ] *IJe 'child' JP ?IJaP3 'baby', Mru IJia 'child'
Young
ni {� [IJe] *l)e 'young and weak' WB IJai 'smal l , little, i nferior'
God
dl [decJ *deh 'god' WT the 'celestial gods', JP m;;>3i_taiJ3 'god of the sky'
Spleen
pf IJ!$. [bie] *be ' spleen, bile' PTB *r-pay: JP pai, but Angami Naga u-prl, M ikir pli-ha < *-i
This
sh1 [dzeB] *de? 'this is, this' PTB *day > WT de 'that ' ; JP n55.de?55 'this, there' , Kachin dai
Deer
zhl , zhai � [ge B ?] *dre? 'a kind of deer' WB darai 'hog deer' M K : OM on draay 'hog deer'
Crab
xie [geB] *gre? ? 'crab' PTB *d-ka:y > M ikir cehe 'crab', Lushai a/ 'id . ' , Tangkhul khai 'fish'
ST *-j, *-ej, and *-aj have merged i n many TB languages, including WT (-e). When only CH and WT forms are available, the original ST vowel or diphthong is impossible to recover, as in zhrfJJ!:. [tse] *te 'peace, happiness' WT bde-ba 'happy' . 11.3.2 OC *-e =foreign ia I)a In closed syll ables, foreign *-ja -(*-ya-, *-ia-) corresponds to monophthongized OC *e. This is similar to PTB *i - *ya variations (HPTB: 506-508).
1 06
VOWELS
1 1 .3.3
1 1 .3.4
Light adj.
qfng � (khjal]) [khiel]] *khe!] 'light' (weight) < ST: PTB *r-ya:IJ � *gya:t)
Flame
til'in iM [them BfC] *lhem?/s 'brightness of fire' )(Ye: WT lcam-me-ba < hlyam 'variegated, shining, dazzling ' , PL *'i' -lam1 'flame' , WB ;;,-lhyam 'coruscation of flame'
Taste
tie Udi" [thep] *nhep 'to taste' WT siiab-pa 'to taste, savor'
Hold
x1e [gep] *gep ? 'grasp, hold' WT khyab-pa 'embrace, comprise' �� skyob-pa, bskyabs 'protect, preserve'
Plait
bian #.mlf [pen] *pen 'to weave' PTB *pyar � *byar > Bahing ph)er 'to sew' ; Lushai p 11iarH 'to knit, plait' , WT 'byor-ba 'byar-ba 'stick to, adhere to' �� sbyor-ba, sbyar 'to affix, attach, join, connect' �
Iron
tie �i [thet] *lhft or *!het 'iron' WT Jcags < hlyaks 'iron' Tai: S. lekDIS < *hl- ' iron ' , PKS *khHt7 ; PVM *khac 'iron '
Pinch
she [sap] *nhep 'pinch between' PTB *C-nyap > WT riiab-riiab-pa 'to seize or snatch together', PLB *(s-)nyap > WB iiap 'be pinched' 3� hiiap 'to squeeze'
Single
zhr [tsek] *tek? 'single' PTB ( *tyik �) *tyak > (PLB *C-tik 'one' > WB tac, WT gCig 'one'); JR btiag; Bumthang t(h)ek, Cuona Monpa the?54
Further cases of leveling are -> j� 1 �Ji *tsek 'footprin t ', and -.. jf1 5 �ff *tsek 'walk .. . ' . An earlier configuration *-ja- ( *-ya-, *-ia-) may explain the OC doublets jl Jl!ij}i *ts(i)ak 'footprint', and -.. ji1 6 *ts(i)ak 'walk. . . ' , respectively. Also -> xie 1 f;'JZtJili. 1 1.3.3 OC *efrom *ai OC *e can be the result of l eveling when a consonant is attached to *-ai (§6. 1):
Easy
yl [jeC] *lekh 'easy, at ease' PTB *!way 'easy' > WB Jwai 'easy, yielding'
Diphthong leveli ng may have been responsible for rare OC *-e � *-ai variations: Catch in net
ll
[leC] 'to get caught I fasten (fishes in a net), attach ' [liai] 'to fasten in a net, get caught in a net (fishes), tangled'
Rope
If
[le] 'a rope' �� I f
[li a i] 'scarf'
1 1.3.4 OC *-e for foreign *i Some words with ST and foreign rimes *-il) I *-ik have merged with OC *-in, *-it ; others with *-el), *-ek; see §6.4. 1 . Also with non-velar finals, we encounter items where foreign *i was lowered to *e in OC (due to the labial in the ST initial?):
Laugh
er O)E [neJ *ne 'forced laugh' PTB *m-nwi(y) 'to laugh' > Lushai n ufH I nui?L 1 07
1 1 .3 . 5
1 1 .5
VOWELS
Hip
bl [beB, pieB] *be?, *pe? 'thighbone' WT dpyi 'hip, hipbone' , Lushai p"eiL 'foot, leg'
Destroy
mie � [met] *met 'to destroy' (but see alternative etymology) PTB *m i t > Abor-Miri m it 'destroy', Lushai mitL I mill- 'to go out, die out, be extinguished'
11.3. 5 OC *e � *o OC *e - *o in reduplications of the 'ding dong ' type have been discussed by Baxter ( 1 992: 50 It) (§2.7). Perhaps such alternations can occur also in wfs:
Ulcer 1 1 .4
yong
[?iotJ] *?ol) 'ulcer' �· ylng 41 [?ie!]B] *?et]? 'tumor'
OC *-ai
OC *-ai has several sources: ( 1 ) ST *-ai (but see § 1 1 .3 . 1 ), (2) ST *-al (§8.3), (3) other rare correspondences, including *-ar (§7. 7.4). See § 1 1 . 1 .4 for *-a - *-ai variants. Change
yf Uai] *lai 'to change, alter' PTB *la:y 'change, exchange' > WB Jai B
Necessary
yl [I)+aiC] *l)aih 'be right, righteous, proper' PTB *l)a:y > K N-Lushai r]aiH I l)ai?L < l)ais ' necessary, customary'
Come
yf 1l [rjai] *I]ai 'to come' TB: JP 1)aj33 'to come, arrive'
Lame Winnow
bo � [paiB] *pai? 'to walk lame' PT B *pay �• *bay 'lame, l imp, oblique' > WB phai 'go aside'
bo tl� [paiC] *paih 'to winnow' PTB *pwa:y 'chaff, scatter' > PL *pway2 'chaff'
OC *-ai may also correspond to a different TB diphthong (note also 'Ant' in § 1 1 . 1 .2):
H ungry
e �:ft
[l)aiCJ *r)aih 'hungry, starve' Lushai I)heiH 'to go without', WB l)at 'thirsty, hungry'
oc *-i
1 1 .5
ST *-i can be assumed for words that have *i in both TB (*i, *-oy - HPTB: 1 85ft) and OC. Where the word is placed in QY ch6ngniu div. 3 1 3 , we may assume with Baxter an earli er medial *r. Some ST words in *-il), *-ik have merged in OC with *-in, -*it; see §6.4. 1 . Die
si [si B] *si? 'to die' PTB *siy 'to die' > WT 'chi-ba
This
yr {1"' [?i] *?i 'this', CH dialects 'he' TB-Lushai ?iL 'this, that', Chepang ?i? 'he'
Stool
ji J1AJL [kt8] *kri7 ? 'stool, small table' WT khri 'seat, chair, throne, couch'
Ear of grain
sui [zuis] *s-wis 'ear of grain' Lushai vuiL lvui?L < vuis 'to ear (as grain, grass)'
1 08
< Nsi,
si; PL *Je2 ; WB se
VOWELS
1 1 .5 . 1
1 1 .5.2
Two
er - [nis] *nis 'two' PTB *g-nis > WT giiis, Lushai hni?L < hnis, PLB *nit - *ni - *?nit
Ten
shf
Blood
xue Ifn [huet] *hwft 'blood' PTB *s-hywgy 'blood' > Mag ari hju < h wi, Chepang wi, Kanauri §ui; PL *suj 2 , WB sweB
Tears
t! Y� [theiB, thejC] *thi?/h or *th�i?/h 'tears' PTB *ti, *tui 'water' > WT mc"i-ma 'a tear', Kanauri *ti 'water'
Kindness
l ian [I en] *rfn 'to pity, pitiful ' WT drin < Nrin 'kindness, favor, grace ' ; WB ran8- 'love'
Sweet
tian j!M [dem] *lfm 'sweet' PTB *lim > WT Zim-pa 'sweet scented or tasting' , Manang lim 'sweet'
(zjgp) [dzip] *gip ST *gip: PTB *gip > WB kyip, M ikir kep < kip
Additional examples incl ude (all diction ary entries -->) shl 'excrement' , ri B ' su n ' , yr 'one', xih $ 'bitter', shen �iJI 'the gums', qr-f=; 'seven ' , ji � 'muntjac ' , xf1-)tyj1Q 'to wash ', /in 'rations', nie t� 'to pinch '. 11.5. 1 ST *i *u variations In TB languages fluctuation between the high vowels i and u is common in closed syllables, especially when in contact with a labial consonant (HPTB: 493-505). For example:
H air Knee Cane To fly Go down Sleep Wipe Shelter
PTB *mil - *mu! WT pis-mo - pus-mo WT smyig-ma - smyug-ma PTB *pir - *pur PTB *nip - *nup PTB *(y)ip - *yup PTB *sit - *sut Lushai uupF- WT skyibs < *s-?ips
This is a ST phenomenon, because CH also has these variations: Headrest Believe
zhifm f:t [tsim 8] *kim? PTB *kum 'block, headrest' xln [sinC] *sins 'believe, trust, need' xtin 'l'f'U(I:U [sun] > [suin] *sun ? 'sincere, bel ieve'
n
This variation also occurs in other language families, e.g. , AA-Mon kmun - kmin 'ruler'. In addition to phonological reasons, OC i/u vowel alternations occur in reduplications (Baxter and Sag art 1 998) ( §2. 7). 11. 5.2 OC * ifor AA *a In some words of AA origin, OC has the vowel *i for PAA *ja (cf. *e from *ja § 1 1 .3 .2):
Person
ren )\. *nin ? PMK *pah 'person, people'
Glue
nf EJe *nrit ? MK: Khmu klpa? (i.e., kl-p a7) 'resin'
1 09
1 1 .6 - 1 1 .7. 1 1 1 .6
VOWELS
OC *-oi. *-ui
OC *-gi corresponds to PT B *-ey and *-ay (from ST < *-gj). This d istinction is preserved in Kuki-Naga l anguages. Occasionally, the OC counterpart is *-ai (note 'Ant' below) or *-e. Fire
huo j( [huaiB] *hmai? 'fire' PTB *(s-)mey > OTib. smye; PLB *?mey2 , Lushai mel < mei?
Tail
wei � [mui8] *mgi? 'tail ' < > PTB *r-may > PL *?-mrF, WB mriB; KN-Aimol r::>mai; Lushai mel < mei?
Ant
y! � [I]tai8] *I] ai? 'ant' - yl � [I]tiB] * I]gi? 'ant' PTB: KN-Lai hi]e?r-tee 'ant' ( tee 'small' )
Rhinoceros
xf [sei] *sai 'rhinoceros' WT bse (< -ay < *-gy ?) 'rhinoceros' ? �� Kuki-Naga *k-say, Lushai saaiH 'elephant'
0C *-ui (as opposed to *-wi) may go back to ST *-uj, *-ul, et al. (see §8.3). For variations between *i, and see § 1 1 .7.
1 1.7
Variations between *::l - *::li - *i - *e
In OC and within ST wfs, the vowels � - *gi - *i - *e fluctuate without an apparent system, especially with dental finals. For additional variations between *g and *i, see § 1 1 .2.2. These fluctuations are parallel to back vowel behavior; see § 1 1 .8 . Similar fluctuations are also known from TB (HPTB: 509-5 1 2). 11. 7. 1
oc *-;;>i - *-i
OC rimes in *-gi and *-i have merged in LHan and M C, except after grave initials where they remained distinct, thus bf lt [pi 8] < OC *pi? (MC div. ch6ngnii1 41 4) vs. tei � [pui8] < *pgi? (MC div. Ill). In his reconstructions, Baxter (following previous scholarship) distinguishes OCB *-ij from OCB *-gj after acute initials according to Shijlhg rimes and phonetic series, yet many irregular and undetermined rimes remain; OCB *-gj rime predomi nates, and among the *-gj words are i tems which according to ST and AA relations should be expected to have OCB *-ij = OCM *-i. Within CH there are also doublets; see 'hungry' -? ji; M. Furthermore, div. I V and div. Ill syllables are segregated into their own phonetic series a s if *-gi and *-i already began to converge and sort themselves out in OC on the basis of the feature which gave rise to the MC divisions. Thus, in div. IV OCB *-ij and *-;?Jj (OCM *-i , *-;?Ji) can both correspond to foreign *-i as well as foreign *-gj. OC rime *-i has its regular counterpart in PTB *i (§ 1 1 .5). However, occasionally WT e also corresponds to OC *i. The reason i s unclear, but theoretically a ST diphthong l ike *ei Lushai *ei) m ight have been responsible; note 'Know' below: Enjoy
[giC] *gih 'enjoy' (food) shi WT dgyes-pa 'rejoice' �� dge-ba 'happiness, virtue ' ; palatalization implies an QC *i (not *:ai)
H ungry
j r .fm (ki 3) [kt] *kri 'be hungry, starve, hunger, famine' WT bkres 'be hungry', JP kyet31 'hungry' ; the phonetic series implies OC *i ( not �i) 1 10
1 1 .7.2
VOWELS Know
xf � [sit] *sit 'to know, comprehend' PTB *syey 'know' > WT ses-pa, Vayu ses; Lushai t llejL I thei?L
11. 7.2 OC *d - *e, *i in closed syllables The same variations pertain to syllables with dental finals. According to phonetic series and rimes, we find OC *-i- - *-;,- - *-e- variants which are homophones in MC div. I I I , e.g. , zhi (l,ic) *trits - zhi We) *tr�ts 'slip I stumble' ; or he � (yek) *grek 'root of a feather'- '� (yek) *grgk 'wing, feather ' ; jie W (kaic) [kes] *kre(t)s 'boundary, limit' vs. jie fi:J;j (kaiC) [kes] *krg(t)s 'to end up, arrive, end, limit'; shi *dgk or *dj;,k (?) 'really' < ST: PLB *dyak 'truly, very' , Lushai takL 'real, true' vs. shf ( dzjet) *m-dit ( ?) 'really'. According to
' WT
skyel-ba 'send'
1 WT
'dred-pa
t Lu�h belF < bee!? 'put on
WT WT
'slip'
ses 'know'
bden 'true'
TB
Lush
WT TB WT WT WT
*myel 'sleep' bsel 'escort' bsil 'wash'
mthiJ 'bottom'
' xian 'glossy. polished metal' mian �� 'sleep'
��4-���i���-
xr
'go i n front'
-���--------1
'wash'
dl .!;& (£;; 'bottom'
GSR 4 5 7 Karlgren bel ieved that mfn (mjen) 'people' had two readings: OCM *min and *mgn. This word, as wel l a s xr YJt *sgi? I *sgn? 'to wash' and quan 1\. *khw�n? 'dog' , have TB 111
1 1 .8
1 1 .9
VOWELS
cognates with indi sputable *i, which also should be expected to be the source of the vowel s in MC mjen, sieiB, khiwenB. Hence OC *g in words with dental finals (including diphthong *-gi) corresponds regularly (though unsystematicall y) to foreign � as wel l as *i. Table 1 1 - 1 (MC div. Ill syl l ables) and Table 1 I -2 (MC div. I V syllables) show correspondence sets with ST final dentals, including earlier *-1 and *-r. 1 1 .8
OC and ST *u and *o
PTB *u and *o usual l y correspond to OC *u and *o, but not in a systematic way, so that either of the two can be expected to correspond "regularly" to any in other languages. For the situation in TB, see STC: 66; HPTB: 1 7 8ff. The rime *-ul) is rare in OC, and it does not exist after grave i nitials (K-, P-) in MC div. I. The fate of this rime is parallel to PCH *-il) , as it may have converged with *-Ol) or *-un (§6.4.2). W ithin OC we also find doublets *o - *u: [no] *no - r6u * [nu] *nu
Soft, weak
ru
Bushy (hair)
r6ng � [no!)] *nolJ - r6ng � [nmJ] *nul)
To bend
qu
[khffik] *kok - ju
11i*Jl� [kuk] *kuk PTB *kuk
To hatch
fu -¥�-f. [phuo] *pho 'to hatch' - fu 1:f\ [buC] *ookh or *bukh 'to hatch' Tai: S. vakD2 'to hatch'
Incubate
yu, yu - you
[?to8] *?o? 'to sit on eggs, incubate' (of birds) [?uCJ 'to brood, hatch (eggs)' (old dialect word)
Where TB lgs. and OC have a simple vowel, Lushai occasionally has a diphthong -ua: Pop
bu f- [pok] *pok 'cracking ' PLB *Npuk - *?puk 'explode, pop' , Lushai puai! I pua?L 'to explode, burst, pop'
Satiated
bao [p;:,u8] *pn1? 'eat to the full, satisfied ' Lushai puarH 'having eaten enough'
Full grown
Lushai pua m H 'be full grown (but not ripe) of fruit, to swell' >< pum F < pum ? be fil led out (as fruit)' '
1 1.9
OC *o
PTB and foreign *o (and *-ow) typically corresponds to OC *o; a few samples: Stitch
zhu6, zhui � [[t,uat, tuasc- tot, t,osC] *trot(s) 'to sew. stitch, connect' WT gtod-pa, btod-pa 'tie up, stake' �t rtod-pa 'to tether'
Behind
hOu [go8 or fio B] *fio? 'behind, after' PTB *ok > WT 'og (not ?og); PLB *?ok > WB ok (i.e., ?ok)
Hull grain
chong [SOl)] *hlorJ 'to hull grain with a pestle' Tai : S. *klool) 'hull rice'
Move
sou, sou f� [so8] *so(?) 'to move' PTB *m-sow > Dimasa masau, Lushai t"oR I t":J?L, Lakher p;:}t"eu, Khami ;mt"au, Ao Naga mesa 'arise, awake'
Vowel breaking before dental finals has led to a new MC I LHan head vowel a, thus MC -uan < *on ; this is parallel to *e (§ 1 1 .3) and *u ( § l I . l 0.3). This is a u niversal development in 1 12
VOWELS
1 1 .9. 1
northern and written Chinese, although southern dialects seems to have preserved the original OC vowels. In syllables with labial initial consonants and with dental or l abial finals, labial dissimilation has led to the loss of rounding or the rounded element, so that ST *o > OC I MC *a, e.g., ST *pom > *puam > OC *pam, or ST *poi > *puai > OC *pai; see Table 1 1 -3. ' 3 / 3 ' refers t o the ch6ngniu doublet in the rime tables, with Baxter' s OCB medial *r.
1 1 -3 Theoretical developments i PCH
*pon/t
I
Mc �iv. 1 > *pan: [pan] (puan)
--
I
i
M C div. 3/ 3
M C div. 3
> *pran: [p i an] (pjan 3 )
> *pan: [puan] (pjwan)
*poi
> *pa i : [pa i l (puai)
> *pai : [pie] (pje 3 )
I *pom
> *pam: [pam] (pam)
> *pam: [p i a m] ( pj am)
I
I
11. 9. 1 OC *o corres]Jonding to ST *-u PTB *-u In many words, especially those with open syll ables, PTB *u corresponds to OC *o. Further more, the distribution of OC *-UI] is limited; among the relatively few syllables with that final, there i s none i n d iv. I that starts with a velar; the final must have shifted elsewhere (see §6.4.2; § 1 1 . 1 0.4 gong 'Bow').
Rob
kou )i& [k11oC] *khoh 'to rob, robber' PTB *r-kuw > WT rku-ba 'to steal', Kachin l�ku, NNaga *C/V-b:w, WB k11ui8 < *C-kuiB
Body
q u Jjjffij
Cough
sou l!ll9: [soCJ *soh 'to cough' PTB *su(w) > Magari su, Garo, D imasa gu-su, WT sud-pa 'cough '
[k11to] *kho 'body, person' PTB *(s-)kuw > WT sku, WB kui 'body (of an animal)'
Additional examples i nc lude � j u 'colt', � qii .�� 'to drive (animals), gallop ' , � ru 'nipple' , � shu f!j 'to plant, place upright', -+ zhu f1 'pillar'. OC *-o in closed syllables has no systematic correspondence in other languages: Cage
long fm [!m]( B)] *r6I](?) 'bird cage, basket' W B khruiiJC 'cage for birds'
Mound
feng [puolJ] *polJ 'mound, tumulus, raise a mound' WT phuiJ-po 'heap' 3� spuiJ 'a heap ' , spuiJ-pa 'to heap', Rawang p6IJ ' heap'
Sharp point
feng j$:J!$ !U$ [phuo!]] *phol] 'sharp point (of weapon, i nsect)' WT bUIJ-ba 'bee'
Mound
zhong [�o1J8] *trolJ? 'a mound, peak' WT rdul) 'small mound, hillock', W B tol) 'hill, mountain'
Torch
zhu [tsok) *tok 'torch' PLB *duk 'blazing' � *?duk 'kindle, set on fire' > W B tok 'blaze, shine' ; W T dugs-pa 'to light, kindle' ; Lushai dukL 'glowing with heat'
1 13
1 1 .9.2
1 1.10
VOWELS
Custom
su {:fr [ziok] *s-lok 'rustic, vulgar, custom, popular usage' WT lugs 'custom, way, manner'
Inferior
lie :j'; [lyat] *rot 'inferior' PTB *ryut > JP yu(ll 'become worse (illness)' , WB yut < rut 'inferior, mean ' 3� hrut 'put down '
Vomit
yue [?yat] *?wat or *?ot 'sount of vomiting ' TB-PLB *ut (not *?ut) 'to belch'
Additional examples with final *-I) include -> yong TJ}JJ)
'city moat ' ,
->
gong
11. 9.2 OC *-o *-au OC *-o - *-au variation i s exceptional : �
Scoop out
yu tlfu uo, do8] *lo - *Hr? 'to scoop out (as a mortar)' - you - yao S [ju, jau8) *lu - *lau? 'to SCOOp hulled grain from a mortar'
Monkey
yu [t]i Lushai lJauH 'grey monkey'
11.9.3 OC *o l *uforforeign *a? In a few common words, QC appears to have the vowel *o or *u for PTB or foreign *a. (§ 1 1 . 1 .5 mentions possible instances within CH.) Such rare correspondences may be chance simila rities. Thus you j@ [ju] *ju (?) 'to laugh' is probably unrelated to PTB *r-ya 'to l augh' > WT gza-ba 'to sport, joke, play' because the TB form agrees in a regular way with -> chen, chf ill� 'laugh' . CH kou [:] *kho? 'mouth' is not related to TB *kha 'id. ' , etc. I n the following, the ST root was perhaps *kwal with the medial *w lost in WT ( ?) :
Pass over
1 1. 1 0
guo [kuaiC - koiC] *k6ih 'to pass, transgress' WT rgal-ba, brgal 'to pass over, travel through, ford', Lushai kaiH I kaiL 'to cross over' ? 3� kaJH 'walk, travel , pass by' , WB kaiB 'exceed'
OC *u
OC *u usually corresponds to ST and foreign *-u; however, above, in § 1 1 .9. 1 , it has been noted that many OC words have *o for PTB *u. In some words, a suspected ST or foreign rime *-ut] has shifted to OCM *-un; see §6.4.2. Day
zhou
Womb
bao fEZ [p::m , ph::m] *prii, *phrii 'womb' WT phru-ma � 'phru-ma/-ba 'uterus, placenta'
Nine
[t.uC] *trukh 'time of daylight, day' WT gdugs ' noon '
jiu )1 [ku8] OCB *kwju? 'nine' PTB *d-kuw > WT dgu; WB kuiB; PL *go 2 ; Lushai kw/
Suck, swallow shun n_ft [zunB] *m-lun? 'to suck' PTB *mlyun > Kanauri *myun 'to swallow' Grandchi ld
sUn fN; [su;an] *sun 'grandchild' PTB *su(w) > Mikir, Meithei, Dimasa, etc.; su, JP Ju51 'grandchild' 1 14
VOWELS
1 1 . 1 0. 1
1 1 . 1 0.2
Additional examples include ( all dictionary entries zhi5u 5*'5;« 'rice gruel ', bao 'to wrap, bundle' , pia � 'gourd', bao 'be precious ' , miw 'g 'to see ' , you � 'to entice' , you nm 'cry of deer' , you ¥Jff- m 'float' , you 'weasel', tun 'tie together', tun 'buttock' , 'insect, worm ' , zhi5ng � 'locust' . ziin � 'to honor' , tii � 'to dig through', ch6ng 1 1.10. 1 OC *-ufor PTB andforeign *-o In some etyma, it may well be TB that changed *u to *o; WB does this regu larly:
Awake
jue � [bk] *krOk 'to awake' PTB *grok - *krok > WT dkrog-pa = skrog-pa 'to stir, churn, rouse ' ; PLB *krok be afraid' > W B krok •� PLB *?krok 'frighten' '
Come out
chii tJj [tshut] *k-Jhut 'to come out' JP lot31-Jam33 'outlet', Trung klot 'come out' , K N-Chinbok hbt ' id. '
Dig
kii )00 [khu;Jt] *khOt 'dig in the ground, underground' PTB *r-ko-t > WT rkod-pa 'excavate, dig' >f rko-ba 'to dig'
Sunrise
tun [thu;;m] *thiin 'the rising sun ' WT 'thon-pa, t11on 'to come out, go out' , Monpa Cuona tr;;huiJ53, Motuo t hoiJ ' to come out (sun)' , WB p:J-t11on 8 come out (e.g., the sun)' '
Temple
zong [tsoul)] *tsOI) 'ancestral temple, ancestral, lineage' WT rdzoiJ(s) 'castle, fortress', WB (d-)choiJ 'a building'
Bean
shu � [suk] *nhuk 'bean ' PLB *( s-)nok 'bean' > WB nok, JP no?-'L 'red bean'
M orning
su }371. [si uk] *suk 'early morning, early, soon ' PLB *C-sok *V -sok 'morning, morrow' �
Six
Iiu [li uk] *C-ruk 'six' PTB *d-ruk 'six' > WT drug, JP kru?55; Lushai pa L-rukL; WB k11rok
11. 10.2 Labial dissimilation Labial dissimilation in PCH and QC i s responsible for gaps in the system where we should expect *u, which must have dissimilated to *;;J. Labial dissimilation which affects the final consonant has been suggested in §6. 7. See Table 1 1 -4 for the uneven distribution of such syllables. Several types of labial dissim ilation had taken place in OC and later (as seen through MC), which have affected the vowels. W ith final *-m I *-p the back vowels *o, *u were unrounded which resulted in *a ( < *o via *ua; see § 1 1 .9) and *g ( < *u via *u;;J).
Three
san = [sam] *s�m 'three' ST *sum: WT sum 'three (in compositions)' ; JP m;;>31-sum33, WB sum C
Inhale
xf '1& [hip] *hrpp 'to inhale' ST *Cl)up: TB-WT riJub-pa, briJubs 'to draw in (air), breathe'
Sweet
gan i:t (kam) [kamJ *kam < *klam (prob. < *kluam < *klom) PTB *klum 'sweet'
However, in many QC words in final *-gm I *-gp the vowel *;J is original; see § 1 1 .2 . 1 15
1 1 . 1 0.3
1 1 . 1 0.4
VOWELS
1 1.10.3 Labial dissimilation before dentalfinals Between labial initial and dental final ( including *-ui), earlier *u and *'d had apparently merged in div. I *pun merged with *p('m, in div. Ill *p'dn merged with *pun, hence MC pu;3n [p;:m] vs. pju;3n [pun]; we conservatively assume for OCM syllables *p;;m only (Table 1 1 -4).
Root
ben * [p�nB] *oon? 'root, stem ' PTB *bul - *pul 'root, beginning, cause, origin, source'
Burst forth
p6 Y$ [lxlt] *oot 'burst forth (as plants, fountain)' WT 'bu-ba, 'bus 'to open, unfold (flower)'
Poor
pfn
Tail
wei .� ( mjweiB) [muiB] *m;;Ji? PTB *r-may
Branch
(bi-n] OCB *brj�n 'poor' WT dbul 'poor'
mei ;& (mu�i) [m�i] *m;)i AA: Khmer meek
11.10.4 Labial dissimilation with open I velarfinal syllables The OC syllables of the type *p;;J, *�k have merged with *pu, *puk in what corresponds to MC div. I l l ; this is parallel to dental finals (above). In div. I, *p;) and *pfi were kept distinct, and *pfik does not occur at all; see Table 1 1 -4 (Sagart 1 999: 58ff). The Shi]fng rimes distinguish between *po and *pu ( div. Ill), but both become MC pj:::>u , and *pok and *puk ( div. I I I ) both become MC pjuk. Words with the phonetic as in :ffli consistently rime with *-ok, words with the phonetic as in consistently rime with *-uk. Likewise, ¥·T.'f �'f rime always with *-u, and {j(��j=JJ'iff rime always with *-;:). Thus Sh1}fng rimes allow us to sort out these words for OC. The problem for ST comparisons is, however, that words with both :fffi and W as phonetic derived from etyma with ST *-uk. Also 'carry on the back' has in many languages the equivalent of OC *o. while PTB *buw suggests, of course, an *u for fU � contrary to its Shi]iilg rimes. OC syllable type *pul) does not occur at all (in none of the MC div. apart from one or two doublets). As in rimes *puk � *p�k. MC div. I I I mjuiJ resulted from *m�l). I n Shi]Tng, (kjuiJ) rimes consistently as *kwol) in spite of its ST origin *kUI) which is a behavior parallel to � and tffi. The issue remains unclear.
{j(ij� [buk] *lxlk 'to lie down' TB-Lushai b:JkL I b:J?L 'to lie down, recline'
Lie down
fU
To hatch
fu {}( [buC] *lxlkh 'to hatch ' - fu (p11ju) [p11uo] *pho 'to hatch' Tai : S. vakD2 'to hatch '
Woman
fu �m lbuB] *b;:)? 'woman, wife' Yao bwaaiJ4 < n b- 'daughter-in-law' Tai *baaA 'wife'
Back
bei J t [p;:)k] *p5k 'north' 3� bei W [lxlC] *ookh 'to carry on the back' PTB *ba(k) > WT 'ba-ba 'to bring, carry', JP ba?31 ( < bak) 'carry (child on back)' , Lushai puaL I puakF 'carrying on the back as a child' PTa i *baa A: S. p haa A2 M K-Bahn. *bA? , Katuic ba? 'carry (on the back)' , PPal. *b;,, Khmu b::>?, PWa *b;1? 'carry child on back'
1 16
VOWELS
1 1 . 1 0.5
TM [puk] *pgk 'benefit, good fortune' WT phyug-pa 'rich' 3� p 11yugs 'cattle'
Benefit
fU
Ant
fu �?f [bu] *bu 'large ant, ephemeria' WT sbur ·ant'
1 1-4
(for § 1 1 . 1 0.3)
�-·· : PCH *p�
MC div. I
MC div. 3/3
----.--� -�--,-�----- ------�---- �
----���--�!--- �--- -�-�···· ---- �-- ----·-----
' *p;)k
[pi�] (pji 3)
also < *puk
[pui] (pj wei)
[pum] (pjul]) M [pu] (pj�u)
[puk] (pjuk)
[kuk] (kjuk) 5ffi
[po] (p�u)
*po l)
[pok ] (puk) !-..
[po t)] (p u t]) �
Comments on Table I 1 -4 : PCH are hypothetical syllables, with vowels based on TB cognates; the CH
(LHan, MC) forms are those that theoretically could derive from PCH . Gaps i n the d i stribution are left
blank or i n dicated by hyphens (--); the CH characters exemplify only the rime - the initials do not necessarily agree wtth the hypothetical PCH.
1 1.10. 5 Exceptional correspondences We have noted above that OC *-;} (> M C -i div. I ll ) seems to correspond in a few words to WT and PTB *i; similarly, OC � (> MC div. I -?i) occasionally = WT u or o. Instances are rare, the reason for this i rregularity i s not clear, and these may even be chance similarities or a matter of borrowing:
Able
neng [ngrJl *n� 'be capable, have ability, can ' WT nus-pa 'be able' 1 17
11.11
VOWELS
Manner
tai fle.� [thgC] *nh�h 'apparition, bearing, manner' WT mthu (< m -nhu ?) 'ability, power'
Cup
bei ;ff (pZJ] *p5 'cup' WT phor-pa 'bowl, dish, cup' (late word)
Unusual variations ;;J - u are encountered, also within MC: Sincere To swallow
11.11
ken ��N (khgn8) [khgn8] *kh:'ln? vs. kiln '!'If! (khu�n8) [k11 u�n8] *khfin?
tUn tf (th�n) Sin Sukchu PR t ';;Jn; MGZY thhin ( :sp:) [t'�n] vs. Sin Sukchu SR t'un (:sp:)
OC *-au, *-auk
This rime corresponds to PTB and foreign *au; in languages without diphthongs it corresponds to o. as in WT: Float
piao Ill [phiau] *phiau 'to float (in the air)' PTB *pyaw > WT 'p"yo-ba 'swim, soar, float'
Fat, grease
sao M#! [sou] *sau 'fat of swine or dog ' PTB *sa:w > Lushai t"auL 'fat, grease' , JP sau33
Sickle
zhao, j iao � [keu, tsau < kiau] *kiau 'to cut' iliU , 'a big sickle' Tai : Lao kiauB1 'to reap, sickle', S. kiau81 'to cut with a sickle'
Additional examples include (all entries-4) mao .f:J 'hair, fur ' , sao }!!,#; 'putrid smell ' , yao 118 'to shake, be agitated ' nao m 'to trouble, disturb'. ' The OC rime *-au has a closed syllable (rusheng) counterpart. This goes counter to the system, which allows only short vowels in stopped syllables. But for now 'music' , for example, will be written yue � (!]ilk) [I]:Jk] *l]rauk; perhaps it was phonetically leveled to *l]r3k, just as *-aik became *-ek.
1 18
12 TRAN S LITERATIONS OF FREQUENTLY QUOTED LANGUAGE S
This chapter deals with frequently cited languages; they are, i n alphabetical order: 1 2 . 1 Chinese, 1 2.2 Jingpo, 1 2.3 Lushai, 1 2.4 M ikir, 1 2.5 Tai, 1 2.6 Tibeto-Burman, 1 2.7 Tiddim Chin, 1 2.8 Written Burmese, 1 2.9 Written Tibetan. This work draws m ostly on languages that are reasonably wel l studied and understood, with extensive lexica and recorded tones, when applicable. TB languages which are cited in addition to the above include: Lepcha, Kanauri, Tamang-Gurung-Thakali-Manangba (TGTM), PTani (= Abor-Miri-Dafla), Chepang, as well as Proto-Lolo-Burmese ( [P]LB) and Northern Naga (NNaga). Furthermore, A ustroasiatic (AA) I Mon-Khmer (MK) languages - Proto Viet-Muong (PVM), K hmer, and Proto-Monic (PMon). Miao-Yao (MY = H mong-Mien) i s cited according t o either Purnell o r Wang FushL Kam-Tai ( KT) languages that are often cited include Proto-Tai (PTai) and Kam-Sui (KS). Forms are usually cited in the spelling of their source. Occasionally, graphic changes have been made: 1 or J for j to make sure it is not confused with I PA j; I PA j for y; c for c to rule out confusion with ts; aspiration as in k11- for k'- or kh-. Tones are noted in the numerical system ( 5 5 high level, 1 1 low level, etc.); in some cases, these numbers are placed in front of the syllable, not after it, for example, in TGTM and in some CH dialects when also the tonal category is noted. In Sinitic (CH "dialects"), Tai and Miao-Yao, tone categories are assigned the letters ABCD . In some TB l anguages, tones are indicated by superscript letters: H = high tone, L = low tone, R = rising tone, F fal ling tone, and M m id tone. 12.1
Chinese (CH)
Mandarin, M iddle Chinese (MC), Later Han Chinese (LHan or LH), and Minimal Old Chinese (OCM) are provided on the first line of every entry. After the symbol lT] follow early transcriptions of the word (see below); thereafter are [D] dialect forms (see § 1 2 . 1 .3). The [f] and [D] items are cited as sample illustrations for later (post-Han) developments. Varieties and reconstructions of Chinese are transcribed or written as fol lows: Mandarin (Mand.) = prnyrn Middle Chinese (MC) from ea. AD 600 as reconstructed by Karlgren ( 1 957) and amended by Li Fang Kuei ( 1 97 1 ), is placed in parentheses. MC is based on the rime dictionary Qieyun, henee it is also referred to as the Qieyun system (QYS). Often, the Mandarin word i s phonolo gically not the direct descendent of the MC form. Tones are indicated in superscript letters: pfngsheng IfL A (usually unmarked) , shfingsheng 1: B Karlgren 'x:' , Pulleyblank 'x/ '); qusheng :t: C (= Karlgren 'x-', Pulleyblank 'x\'), rusheng }.. D (usually unmarked). Thus the entries here write, for example, MC kiei, kiei8, kieiC, kiet. The letter scheme has been adopted from modern dialect studies. The nature and validity of MC has been much debated (recently by Coblin and Norman 1 995; Pulleyblank 1 998). MC forms are widely quoted, even by critics, for reference and identification of traditional phonological categories. MC QYS) does n ot reflect a natural language, as many scholars emphasize; for example, MC has three medial palatal gli des: -j-, 1 19
1 2. 1 . 1
TRANSCRIPTIONS
-ji-, -i-; no known Sinitic language makes such distinctions. The LHan forms provide a transliteration which is probably closer to some actual language. Later transcriptional forms follow the symbol [T], but only for illustration and when available. Early M ing (EMing) and Yuan (Mongol) period Chinese has kindly been provided by S. Coblin. Early Ming has been recorded by the Korean Sin Sukchu (ea. AD 1 475), SR = 'Standard reading' , PR 'Popular reading ' , LR = 'Left reading' (i.e., an additional pronun ciation noted by a different author); the transcription of the source is provided, fol lowed by the phonological interpretation in [IPA], as worked out by Coblin. Tones are indicated in CH characters: (ABCD). A word's different readings, recorded by the Koreans, reflect a split into a standard and a popular idiom. Yuan (Mongol) period Chinese ( 1270--1 308) is recorded in 'Phags-pa: MGZY ( Menggu ziyun), followed by the phonological interpretation i n [IPA], as worked out by Coblin. Tones are indicated in CH characters as above. Old Northwest Chinese (ONW[C]) from about AD 400 as interpreted in Coblin 1 994b. The transcriptions do not indicate tone. Occasionally Sui-Tang Chang'an (Coblin's 'STCA' , ea. AD 640) and MTang (Middle Tang, ea. AD 775) forms are also provided.
12. 1. 1 Later Han Chinese Later Han Chinese (LHan , LH) (Schuessler 2 0 0 6) i s suggested to reflect a language of the first and second centuries AD. I t is based on modern dialect evidence ( including M 1n), Old Northwest Chinese (ONW, ONWC; Coblin 1 99 1 a; 1 994b), Wei-Jin rimes (Ting 1 975) and Buddhist transcriptional data form the Han period (Coblin 1 982; 1 993), as well as the Queyun. In this introduction, these forms are placed in brackets unless otherwise identified, thus [ko] = LH ka. Tones are marked as in MC. LHan is about 400 to 500 years older and is simpler than MC. LHan follows the transcriptional conventions used for CH dialects; thereby it has shed the graphic complexities of MC; the components of diphthongs and triphthongs are represented by vowels, not semi-volwels (thus au, ai, iau). LHan has the following peculiarities:
( 1 ) Like MC and CH dialects, it has no consonant clusters. (2) R imes which derive from those reconstructed earlier as OC *-d or *-ts with tone C still had a final *-s in LHan (da 7\. LH das). (3) Universal vowel bending (or "warping") has resulted from a distinction between high vocalic onset syllables vs. low vocalic onset syllables (Schuessler 2 0 0 6). In high syllables, the later MC div. Ill, the vocalic onset of a vowel is bent up as in OCM *ka > k::;�a > LHan kia OCM *sal) > s::Jal] > LH sial] OCM *ma > moa > LH m ua In low syllables, the later MC div. 1/I V types, the vocalic onset is bent down, thus OCM *sf > LH sei (> MC sie1) gg; OCM *pfi > LH pou (> MC pfiu ) OCM *m� > LH m;;, > m a:;� > MC m u?i A high vowel in a high syllable cannot bend any higher, it remains unchanged: OCM *si > LH si, > MC si OCM *ku > LH ku > later kiu lL > MC kj�u. Equally, the low vowel a cannot bend lower; it remains unchanged in LHan : OCM *ka > LH ka (> MC kuo) �. Initi al velar consonants eventually palatalized under the influence of the immediately following high vowel i, even a secondary one (perhaps phonetically J), thus OCM *ke > LH kie > MC tsjie :SZ. For reasons that are not yet clear, this palatalization of velars did not occur in all rimes (e.g., MC kjet < OCM *kit), nor with i nitial aspirated kh-, nor with 1 20
TRANSCRIPTIONS
1 2. 1 .2
voiced g - in tone A (Did aspiration block palatalization ?) (Schuessler JCL 24-2, 1 996: 1 97-2 1 1). The cause of this warping i s a matter of speculation; see § 1 2. 1 .2. (4) LHan seemes to have preserved, at least in open syllables, OC segmental features which later resulted in MC tones, thus LHan kaa, ka?, kah; however, for the sake of consistency we will use the tone letters instead, hence LHan ka, ka8, kaC. Table 1 2- 1 provides some LHan sample forms for OC rimes *-a and *-al). LHan syllable types are distributed over Qieyun divisions (columns); the initials in the rows are LHan. The top row lists the rimes, L-a is a low-onset syllable with rime -a = QYS div. I , H-a a high onset syllable, etc. Shaded fields block out initial I final corn binations that are phonotactically impossible. 1 2-1 L-a l
H-a
Ill
H-a
Ill
a
ll
L-011 I
H-011 I l l
H -al) Ill
al) II
tO I) � '"'
t
to ±
I
la �
lio Mf.
ts
tso m
tsio ill.
s
so *
sio W
p
po ;ffl
puo X:
k
ko ti
kio fc§-
la I] �
l iol) �
tSOI) �
tsiol) M�
SOl) �
siol) 1El
pa E:l
pOI) �
pUOI) JJ
pial) m
pal) ;?.:
ka -*
kOI) �u
kiol) ijl
kial) /9.
kaiJ fr
wi
tsia .§.
kia !!!
w
WO rffl
WOI) I
\
\0 f.t
\01) 5�
t�
t�o tJ]
�
�a FlT
ts
tsa �
tsa "'f
tsOI) �
s
so if
sa �
SOl) �
j
jo W
ja !f
j OI) iF:
a l) * t.al) Of
t�OI) jl±
t�a t£1.
�01) rm
12.1.2 Minimal Old Chinese (OCM) Transcription of M inimal OC (OCM) is based on Baxter 1 992 (OCB), but it errs on the side of simplicity because we try to account, as far as possible, for features which enjoy broader agreement among investigators, thus OCM *t- where some now suggest *ql- or the like. OCM seems to bring out etymological connections better than other systems. Two points need to be stressed: ( I ) OCM does not imply or preclude that other OC reconstructions are invalid; OCM restricts itself to those features which are knowable, as far as possible, without recourse to speculations and etymologizations. (2) The nature of the etymological relationship between many words remains unaffected by the MC system or OC reconstruction applied. Crucial for the recovery of OC is the phonetic element with which a word is written, and its interpretation. Graphs with the same phonetic form a "phonetic series" or xie-sheng 1m� series. Karlgren and Li Fang Kuei rigidly adhered to a "xie-sheng principle" of their strict 121
1 2 . 1 .2
TRANSCRIPTIONS
defi nition which advanced the understanding of OC in their time. But a graph whose phonolo g ical interpretation is difficult to reconcile with its phonetic element has led to rather complex reconstructions based on ingenious theories. Although such reconstructions may turn out to be correct, we will here take a step back and transcribe an OC form in a simple way which i s compatible with MC and overall Chinese phonological structure, because phonological evolution i s expected to be regular; but the reason for the selection of one phonetic element or graph over another can be at the whim of a writer (Qiu Xfguf 2000: 269, quoting Zheng Xuan to that effect). The selection of graphic elements can be on a sliding scale from purely phonetic (as in jil *ka 'dwel l ' , phonetic gu *ka? 'old') to semantic (e.g., jian � 'pointed' : graph for 'small' on top of 'big'). Many graphic choices fall between these ends . The original graph for xian fl LH sian 'an immortal' has been replaced by the simplified {Ul with shiin !1J LH pn 'mountain'; though phonetically close, the simplified graph was probably created and attained currency because immortals were thought to l i ve as reclu ses in the mountains. In the graph wei {ir MC jweiC *w(r)g(t)s 'position, seat' , Ji MC ljn I en I in I on un
ap :::>p ep ip
am, ams am em im
(9) The following l ist compares Karlgren 's OC in GSR with OCM final consonants and rimes; div. I/IV syllables are cited for each rime category: GSR *-o, *-ag
=
OCM *-a; except some GSR *-ag in MC tone C OCM *-akh (Baxter *-aks), i .e. MC tone C 1 24
TRANSCRIPTIONS GSR *-ak, *-ill) GSR *-u, *-ug
OCM OCM OCM OCM = OCM = OCM OCM = OCM OCM OCM = OCM OCM = OCM ==
==
GSR *-uk, *-ul) GSR *-og GSR *-ok, -oiJ GSR *-og GSR *-ok GSR *-eg GSR *-ek, *e!]
1 2. 1 .3
*-ak, *-aiJ *-o, except some *-u(g) with MC tone C *-okh (Baxter *-oks), i.e. MC tone C *-ok, *-olJ *-u, except some *og with MC tone C *-ukh (Baxter *-uks), i.e. MC tone C *-uk, *-UI] *-au (Baxter *-aw); except some *-og with MC tone C *-aukh (Baxter *-awks), i .e. MC tone C *-auk (Baxter *-awk) except some *-eg with MC tone C *-ekh (Baxter *-eks), i.e. MC tone C *-ek, *-el)
GSR *-a, *-ar OCM *-ai GSR *-ua, *-uar = OCM *-oi, except after gutturals also *K wai ; not after labials GSR *-at, *-ad, -an OCM *-at, *-a(t)s (Baxter *-ats, and similarly passim), *-an GSR *-uat, *-uad, *-uan = OCM *-ot, *-o(t)s, *-on, except after gutturals also *Kwat etc . ; not after labials GSR *iat, *-ian OCM *-et, *-en GSR *-::>d, *-::>n = OCM *-::>t, *-:J(t)s, *-::>n, also after gutturals *K W:Jt etc. GSR *-ugt, *-u::>d, *-u::>n = OCM *-ut, *-u(t)s, *-un, after gutturals also *K w::>t etc.; not after labials GSR *-::Jr = OCM *-gi or *-i GSR *-u:Jr = OCM *-ui; rarely after gutturals also *K wi; not after labials OCM *-it, *-in GSR *-et, *-en GSR *-ap, *-am GSR *-iap, *-iam GSR *-::lp, *-::>m GSR *-igp, *-i::>m
= OCM *-ap, *-am = OCM *-ep, *-em = OCM *-:Jp or *-::>m OCM *-ip, *-im
12.1.3 Chinese dialects Sinitic languages) Forms from modern Chinese dialects, or "Sinitic languages," are occasionally provided to illustrate later developments of a word; they are cited following their sources. Dialect forms are referred to by their location (town, vil lage, county); they are here prefixed with a letter that indicates the m ajor group to which a dialect belongs: G Gan (including the city Nanchang §); K = Kejia �*(Hakka, incl. Meixifm ��); M = Mln filil (incl. Xiamen Amoy, FuzhoufM1•l'[); Mand. = Mandarin; W Wu (incl. Shanghai J:$J, SUzhou � 1·1'[ ) ; X = Xiang rffi (incl. Changsha ��j>); Y = Yue (Cantonese, incl. Canton = Guangzhou 1if1'1•[). M1n dialects are of particular interest because of forms which are not the analogues of the QYS of MC. Mln dialects apparently split off from the rest of the language, starting with the Qin and Han dynasties (second, even third centuries BC). PM in = Proto-Min = CM in Common Min are Norman 's earlier reconstructions, sometimes with slight amendments, notably: Norman ' s "softened initials" are marked with a breve, thus g- or rjz-; his voiceless 125
1 2.2
1 2.3
TRANSCRIPTIONS
continuants are marked with a dot, not an 'h', thus h for other MC reflexes.
m -;
OCM *h in the initials is reserved
1 2.2 Jingpo (JP) Kachin) Jingpo is quoted in the phonetic interpretation of Xti Xfjian, Dai Qlngxia, except: a in pre-syllables is replaced by � g, b, d for k, t, p in lax syllables; nasals and resonants in tense syllables start with ?- (HPTB: l l 4f); r for 3; aspiration h. Kachin, the same language as JP, i s spelled a s in the sources that cite forms from H anson 1 906, or as provided b y informants. In JP, TB medial *r and *I occasionally become y after a nasal : *mr- / *ml- > my-. Occasionally, *I > r; thus there exist two forms of the PTB etymon *mlyu[n/k]: ( I ) JP m�3 t _run 3 1 'suck' Kanauri *myun 'to swallow' , shun Uft [ziun8] *m-ljun? ? 'to
suck' (2) JP m�31 -yu?3 1 < *m-yuk 'throat, swallow' Lushai zu 1 1 I zuuk5 3 < ju?/h I juuk 'to drink', PLB *myuk - *myuw
PTB *ry- > JP ts-, di- (Dai /Xu 1 992 96f, 75): WT brgyad < b-rjat, Lushai pa L-riatF JP m�3 1 -tsat55 < m-rjat 'eight' 33 3 3 WT brgya < b-rja JP tsa < rja 'hundred' M ikir arjapL < rjapL JP tsap5 5 < rjap 'stand' Chepang sr�yk, Lushai hrik l l < hrik JP tsi(55 < rjik 'head louse' In a few common words, PTB *I corresponds to JP t (when preceded by a prefix? See also JP fiiJ3I_te?55 'to shoot' ( < sm-lhek ? _, shf !J.J); JP ta33 'month' , J::>33_ta33 'moon' < PTB *sla; m::>3I_ta755 'lick' < PTB *mlyak ( -t shl 'lick' ; JP 1;)3 1 -ta?5 5 < PTB *lak 'hand' (HPTB: 5 1 ). JP occasionally lacks TB medial y: m::>31_ta?55 < PTB *mlyak ( -t shf jt), na? 'night' < PTB *ya.
HPTB: 52):
12.3
Lushai
Lushai (TB - Kuki-Naga [KN] - Kuki-Chin [KC]): some of Lorrain' s transcriptions have been replaced by IPA symbols: his a w by :J , final -h by -?, eh, chh are simplified to c, eh (the symbol x has been added to avoid ambiguities; Weidert 1 975 writes ts- and tsh-), long vowels are doubled ( ?aar), and tones are added (a copy of the dictionary with tones marked has been kindly provided by J. A. M atisoff): low tone xL, rising tone l , high tone xH , falling tone xF; see below for more on tones. In open syllables and those ending in -.? (Lorrain's -h) these vowels and diphthongs occur: a, ai, au :-> (Lorrain's aw), :->i (Lorrain's awi), ui, o, u, ua, i u e, e i , i , iai In closed syllables we find: aC eC :->C
iaC uaC
iC uC
In wfs vowels interchange with each other, e.g., pua m H 'be full grown (but not ripe), to swell (of fruit)' * pumF < pum? 'be filled out (as fruit)'. A closed syllable can end in a consonant k, t], t, n , p, m, ], r, ?. These correspond usually to their counterparts in other TB languages: -? is derived ( l ) from -h which in turn derives from final -s; (2) a final -? < -? can be reconstructed on the basis of tones (Ostapirat 1 998). Lushai has occcasionally -k for WT -t (STC p. 1 0 1 - 1 02 ). The initial consonants are the same as in TB, in addition and including z- < *j-, h-, v-, 7-. 126
TRANSCRIPTIONS
1 2.3
PTB *s- and *z- have become t11- in Lushai and related languages, also as s-prefixes: Ukhrul thiirik 'pheasant' < s-rik, M i kir the-nik 'shy' < s-rak, hence Lushai t11la 'moon ' < s-la or k11la. In some words, Lushai h a s apparently unaspirated t for PTB occasionally also for *s-. Weidert ( 1 987: 286) cites Lushai (L.) tu? 'to plant' for Tamang 'su·-. Also: L. teeR I teet F 'to be smal l ' : ST *zi : xl �ffi (sieiC) [seC (or seiC)], *sfh or *seh 'thin, small ' ; PTB *ziy > West Tib. z i 'very smal l ' ; WB se8 'small, fine' ; Kachin z i 'small' L. teeiL < teeis 'myself, thyself... ': ST *si or *zi : sr fL (siB) [siB] *si? 'private, egotistic' L. tu. .. 'who ' : ? PT B *su: WT su 'who' L. tuF 'grandchil d ' : ST *su ? PTB *su(w) 'grandchild' L. tuukF 'early morn i ng ' : su [siuk] *suk 'early morning ' ; PLB *C-sok - *V-sok 'morning, m orrow' 'nail, claw': WT sen-mo 'finger- or toe-nail '
TB medial r and 1 are lost i n the configurations of some initials; otherwise TB clusters with r and 1 show up as h (11- and tl-, t111-. Lushai has preserved TB final l aterals -rand -1; however, in some words *-1 has been replaced by -i as in m any other l anguages ( loans from elsewhere?): 'face' hme!H vs. hmai R PTB *s-mel; cf. Tiddim mai 'pass over' 'gums'
kai hni
WT rgal PTB *s/r-nil
But regular: 'kidney' 'snake'
kalR ruul
PTB *kal PTB *s-b-rul
Reconstructed Lushai final *-? shows some correlation with Chepang and OC final *-? (MC tone B); Lushai *-h correlates with *-s (Ostirapat L TBA 2 1 : I , 1 998); ambiguous finals (short vowels ending in -? low tone) are symbolized by *-H (Lushai form first, after the graph is the LHan Chinese form): aiR < ail' 'crab', PTB *d-ka:y xie Mge8 tuiR < tui? 'water' ti Y� thei81C 'tears' tshioi8, goi 'to separate' hlaiR < hlai? 'to t1ay, to skin, split', Chep kl�yh-sa eh!, chf bat < bai? 'walk lame' bo Ji'Blpoi 8 'walk l ame' inL-hnat < hnai? 'near' er � fleB p l < paa? ' father' fu .X buaB saH-khjL < saa-khiH 'barking deer' 0Cjl k+8 'muntjac' hruiR < hrui? 'a creeper, cane, rope, cord, string' lei � luiB 'creepers, liana' khaal < khaar'? 'to buy i n large quantities' gii kaB 'to sell , buy' khaal < khaar? 'dam or weir, roughly constructed of leafy bows or bamboo lattice-work (sometimes used for catching fish)' hu I gu I gaB I koB 'weir, fish stakes for catching fish I net' peerL I per?L < peer? I perh 'flat and wide', PTB *pe:r bHin Jfm pen8 'flat and thin ' belF < bee!? ? 'to cause t o o r make wear, put o n (garment, load , plaster...)' bei fEr btai 8JC 'to cover, incl. putting on clothes' kaJ?L < kaJH 'to Wrench, plait, Jock' jillll m gkmB 'door bar, bolt' 1 27
1 2.4 - 1 2.6
TRANSCRIPTIONS
k"e!F < kheel? 'eat the outside of a thing, gnaw off' ken il{kh�n8 'gnaw' silR < sil? 'wash' xr 15t � sei C 'wash' However, in many cognate sets the finals *-? and *-h/s (LHan -8 and _c) do not agree: piH < pii 'grandmother' b! 9ltpi8, piC 'deceased mother, ancestress' (here a CH addition) ?iL < ?iH 'this' yf fft ?i 'this' hrt < hrii? ? 'evil spirit that causes sickness' chf J\J!l �if!/!) �hiai 'mountain demon' Lushai, like Tani and some other languages, has occasionally initial r- for PTB *1-: KN *rit > Lushai ritL I ri?L < rit I rih 'be heavy' PTB *s-l�y 'heavy' > WT lci-ba < lhyi; Kanauri li-ko 'heavy', Lepcha I f, l im , PL *C-IF > W B le8 riq PTB *liq 'field ' , but Kanauri also riq Lushai has borrowed many words from M K languages, e.g., Lushai .ryhoL 'tusk'; note PVM *I]a, also in CH � ya , !f. 1 2.4
Mikir
1 2.5
Tai
Mi kir final consonants, including -y (< -1), -r, can occur with any of the five vowels a, e, i, o, u; there is no -iy ; in open syllables, TB final -a has shifted to -o. Before final -m, TB a has shifted to e - i ( STC70). Although it appears that any final consonant can follow any vowel, the distribution i s uneven: -iC and -uC are not as common a s -eC and -oC. Words inherited from T B have merged -iC with -eC and -uC with -oC, with only few exceptions. TB initial tr shows up as M ikir s- or th- (as in Lushai), perhaps also as c(h)-. M ikir has three tones (GriiBner' s tone accents): a high tone, here rendered symbolically as xH ; a )eve!, here XM; a low, here xL. Tai languages are c ited per Li Fang Kuei's publications, Siamese occasionally according to McFarland. Tai tones are m arked AI (voiceless initial), A2 (voiced initial) , and so on: B, C, D. Note that in loans Tai tone B corresponds to Chinese tone C and vice versa. In some words, Tai has initial or medial ] for OC initial or medial r; see §7.3. Occasionally, Tai has two forms with different vowels where Chinese has only one form :
S. khJai 1 < gl- 'to untwist, unroll, disentangle - k1'Ji3 < gli 'to unfold, unfurl' jie M [keB) *kre( PTai *g-: S. khecp02 < g- 'narrow' - khaap < g- 'narrow' xhi 1:9?2 'rabbit' must be a CH loan. 1 2.6
Tibeto-Burman (TB)
See Matisoff Handbook ofProto-Tibeto-Burman and STC for details. Final consonants are: k, p, t, q, m, n, s, r, I, (y, w). 1 28
TRANSCRIPTIONS
1 2.7 - 1 2.9
TB initial consonants within each set below alternate within wfs and between languages, just as in Chinese: k�g p�b t-d y - hy s � z � ts - dz TB has preserved *z- (based on WT) which has merged with *s- in OC. The palatal affricates in ST daughter languages are thought to derive from *ty-, *dy- with either primary or secondary y. The working premise here assumes the following ST proto-vowels: i, u, e, ;}, o, a (*;} has been preserved only in CH). The precise correlation of many TB diphthongs with OC still needs to be worked out. 12.7
Tiddim Chin
Tiddim Chin is a Kuki-Chin language that is close to Lushai . Tones are as follows: :::: I R low rising :::: 2 M level :::: 3 = F high falling L (only in checked short syllables) low (falling) 3 ( 4) 1 2.8
Written Burmese (WB)
WB fol lows the conventions used in the publications of Benedict and Matisoff. Affricates are rendered as c , e h ; however, here tones are marked by letters: A unmarked, B for breathy tone (a a8), C for creaky tone (a' = ac). The distribution of finals in WB is not symmetrical: a ak al) at an ap am 1 2.9
wa wak wal) wat wan wap warn
0
u
ok 01)
ui uik Uil)
e we
wai ac afi it in ip Im
ut un up um
Written Tibetan (WT)
The transcription is self-explanatory, except the coronal s are ts, tsh, dz, s, z, and c, eh, j, fi, s, z where the diacritics are added to avoid confusion with other transcriptions in which c may stand for ts; 'a-chuiJ is written with an apostrophe (§4.6; Coblin 2002), ?a-c"en (glottal stop) with the IPA symbol 7. The vowels are a, e, i, o, u; there are no d iphthongs. Consonants:
k, kh , g , IJ, ?, 'x ( 'a-chung) c, (; h , j, fi , s, z t, th, d, n ts, tsh, dz, s, z p, p h , b, m r, I , y (w rare, secondary?)
1 29
1 2.9
TRANSCRIPTIONS
Some WT peculiarities: ( 1 ) Voiced Pre-Tibetan l and r develop an epenthetic d after 'a-chUIJ N-lag > ldag, N-ro > 'dro (Li Fang Kuei 1 959). Voiceless TB or Pre-Tibetan I and r develop an epenthetic t: lhul) pf. of Jtul) < N-lhuiJ; Itam 'speech' Mikir lam. The medial palatal glide y becomes devoiced when preceded by a voiceless consonant: Ice 'tongue' < lhr;;e < lhje < /he. The letter I sound combination rji and rCi does not exist in WT; the affricates are instead de-palatalized, thus rtsib < rhr;;ip < rhjip < rhip 'ribs ' . (2) Initial y- derives sometimes from vocalic ingress, also after loss o f *w-; note the doublets 'og - yog 'below', 'ol) - yoq 'to come' < waq ; Chepang wgy? - huy 'blood' , M agari hyu < h wi, Vayu vi �E WT yi in yi(d)-dam 'oath' �E yid 'sould, mind' (STC no. 222). Accordingly, WT yur-ma 'the act of weeding' is cognate to yun *i Uw::m) [wun] *w�n 'to *w�? 'have' n weed' < ST *wur. In l ight of these equations, it is possible to connect you WT yod-pa 'be, have' < ST *w�C; you *w�h 'right' (side) >E WT g-yas ' i d . ' < wgs; you *wo? 'friend, companion ' >< WT ya 'associate, companion, assistant' < ST *wo; y6u A; *wo 'guilt, fault, blame' >E WT yus 'blame, charge' < ST *wu; guang JJi *kwil.I]? 'broad, wide' , Lushai vaal)F < vaal)? 'be l arge, extensive' >E W T yal) 'wide, broad, large' < S T *(C-)wal)?. (3) Some WT words have the vowel o where all other languages consistently have a or its equivalent, from both ST *a and *o (§ 1 1 . 1 . 1 ). STC reconstructs in such words PTB *il., others assume an earlier *wa. Here we treat this provisionally as a WT innovation: Jo 'year' < lop (PTB *lap 'leaves, foliage'), tshom 'hair' PTB *tsam. (4) TB and ST final -op lose the final consonant, thus resulting in an open syllable in WT, e.g., la 'year' , /o-ma 'leaf' = West Tib. Job(-ma) < lop (PTB *lap 'leaves, foliage'); glo-ba ' side' < glop (cf. TB words of similar shape for 'lungs'), 'jo-ba 'to milk' < PTB *dzop 'to suck, to milk'. Words which belong to a verbal paradigm keep the final -b: slob-pa, bslabs 'to learn'. (5) WT has a few words with initial dr- (without the usual prefix) where other TB languages have kr- (gr-); it seems that in these words WT d- itself is historically a prefix: WT dr- in drug 'six', drub 'to sew' , dri-ma 'dirt, filth, excrement', drum 'to long, desire', drel 'mule ' , dro 'warm ', dom 'bear', and perhaps d in du-ba 'smoke' (*C-wu ?); compare WB khrok 'six', khjup < khr- 'sew', kre8 'dirty', Q-k1Ye8 'dirt', khrum 'pine away', and the widely encountered form ku (khu, etc.) for ' smoke ' . I n addition, W T dr- probably reflects earlier *dr-: WT 'dren-ba, dral)(s) 'to draw, drag, pull, draw tight (a rope)' , PLB *ral) 'draw, pull, drag ' ; cognates might be JP kren33 'to tighten (a rope)', WB kral)c tense, tight' . (6) WT occasionally has i n i tial r- for other languages' i n i t i a l 1-; see, for example, _,. zhu (qjwo8) 'ramie', yf � 'posterity' (under ye � ). (gjwo8) 'lamb' , _,. zhu (7) Earl ier medial *-w- i s lost in WT ( see also § 1 0.2): -
'
Dog To rest To rest Tense
WT khyi < khi < PTB *kwi -4 quan 7� WT I]al-ba < ST *!]wal 4 wo W\ [IJuaiCJ *!]6ih or *I)Uaih WT rnal-ba < ST *nwal -4 sur k:� [sui ] *snui WT nar-mo < ST *nwar ('tensed'?:) 'oblong'
1 30
APPENDIX A LANGUAGES AND LANGUAGE FAMILIES IN EAST ASIA
Since prehistoric times, Chinese has interacted with the ancestors of TB, MY, KT, and AA languages. There has also been (indirect?) contact with AN, IE, and others. Therefore, languages from several fam ilies will be cited throughout this dictionary. The TB languages are usually the best documented and most extensively researched ones. (A) Sino-Tibetan (ST) Together with the Tibeto-Burman (TB) branch, Chinese forms the Sino-Tibetan language family, with which it shares its oldest stratum of lexical items and morphology. ( l ) Chinese The Chinese (or Sinitic) branch has today evolved into seven major "dialect" g roups, actually "Sinitic languages," which began to diverge during the Han period (ea. 200 BC and after), but most dialects can be traced back to the more recent Tang Dynasty (ea. 600-900) (Norman 1 988: eh. 8-9). Proto-Chinese (PCH), i.e., pre-literate Chinese > > Old Chinese (OC) from the beginning of writing during the late Shang dynasty about 1 2 5 0 BC down to the Han period ( 2 0 6 BC-AD 2 2 0); OC is sometimes subdivided into Early Zhou Chinese (EZC), Early Archaic Chinese, Late Archaic Chinese. oc
>
>
Old Southern dialect > oldest stratum of modern southern dialects (all south of the Yangtze River), represented especially in M rn M (in Fujifm incl. Amoy = XHtmen Fuzhou Chaozhou �W:ltl'l, Chaoyang �Wj� , Ji�m 'ou ��. Ji?myang ��), but has also left traces in Wu � (incl. Shanghai WenzhOu rEHH. SuzhOu i!HI·[); Gan (incl. (= Hakka, X iiing #g (incl. Changsha �1.'f-); Kejia Nanchang and incl. Meixian �\11,1\) ; Yue � ("Cantonese" in Guangdong Guangxf �1?:§, incl . GuangzhOu nlishan , Zhongshan t:fl U.J). Middle Chinese (MC, QYS) ("ancient Chinese," ea. AD 600) MC > northern dial. > modern Mandarin dialects; > southern dialects: Wu, Gan, Xiang, Kejia (Hakka), Yue; M ln (especially literary layer)
(2) Tibeto-Burman (TB) The classification of some TB languages is still a matter of debate. The fol lowing selective list is based on Shafer (1ST), Benedict (STC), Matisoff, ed. 1 995: l 83 f, Burling 2003 : l 69ff, as well as various special ized studies. Scholars combine the following branches, groups, subgroups, and isolates in different ways. The languages below are only those frequently mentioned in the dictionary. > Tibetan: Old Tibetan, Written Tibetan (WT) > Tib. dialects (in Tibet, SE China, H i malayas): A mdo (NE), Kham (E), Central Tibetan (Lhasa, Ngari); Western Tibetan dialects (WTib.): Balti, Purik, Ladak (Leh), Zangskar; Dzongkha (Bhutan), Sherpa (Nepal). 131
APPENDIX A: LANGUAGES IN EAST ASIA > West Himal ayish: Kanauri (Kanauri in NW I nd ia), incl. Almora, Bunan, Chitkuli , Lahuli, Thebor, M anchati, Spilo > Ts(h)angla-Takpa: Cuona Monpa (or Takpa), Motuo Monpa (Tsangla, Cangluo) (NE I ndia, China) > Tamang-Gurung-Thakali-M anangba (TGTM, in Nepal ) > Bahing-V ayu ( = Kiranti, in Nepal): Vayu (Hayu), Bahing, Limbu > Chepang (Nepal ) > Bodo-Garo (BG, Baric) ( NE I ndia) > Northern Naga = Konyak (NE I ndia) > Jingpo (JP - Kachin, in SW China, N Burma, Assam) > Kuki-Chin (KC, in NW I ndia, SE Asia): Lushai (Lush., Mizo), Lai , Lakher, Old Kuki lgs., Khami , Pangkua, Tiddim Chin, Siyin; Thado, Anal, Rankhol (= M ishmi) ( NE India, Burma) > Naga : Ao, Angami, Zeme, Tangkhul (= Mishmi) (NE India) > M ikir ( = Mishmi) ( NE I ndia) > Lepcha ( = Rong) (Sikkim) > Limbu (Nepal) > Meitei (Manipuri) ( = Mishmi) (NE I ndia) > Tani (Abor-Miri-Dafla) (= Mishmi) (NE India), also Adi > ldu-D igaru I Taraon-Miju I K aman (= Mishmi) ( NE I ndia) > Dulong Trung), Rawang; Nung > Lolo-Burmese (LB, in SE China, NW Laos, N Thailand, N Burma), Written Burmese (WB, in Burma), Atsi (Zaiwa), Achang (Yunnan, Burma); Lolo lgs. (= Yi, in SW China, SE Asia), incl. Lahu, Lisu, Akha > Other: Mru; Tangut; Qiang (SE China); Gyarong ( = rGyal-rung, JR) ( SE China) > Karen (in Burma) (B) Kadai l anguages See Edmondson 1 9 8 8, i ncluding proposals for c lassification (p. 1 80). Kadai > Kam-Tai (KT) > Kam, Sui, M ak, Saek (in S and SE China) > Tai lgs. (in SE China, SE Asia, Assam): Siamese (S., in Thailand) [Li FangkueiJ > Proto-Kra (Ostapirat): Gelao, Lachi , Laha (Laqua), Paha, Pubiao, Buyang > Other: Li (Hlai), Be (on Hainan) (C) Miao-Yao (MY = H mong-Mien) > Miao Hmong, i n S and SE China, SE Asia) > Yao Mien, in S and SE China, SE Asia) (D) Austroasiatic ( AA) l anguages are today distributed from central I ndia to V ietnam and even SW China. They must have extended all the way to SE China in prehistoric and early historic times because the word 'JUing ' in 'Yangtze River' is the AA word for 'river'. For description and classification, see D iffloth 1 974. Austroasiatic [Pinnow] > ( 1 ) Mu1')9a fam ily: incl. Santhalf, Kha�ia, Sora {mostly in E I ndia)
1 32
APPENDIX A: LANGUAGES IN EAST ASIA > (2)
Mon-Khmer (MK) family: > Khasian branch: Khasi (NE India) > Palaunic branch, incl. Palaung, Wa (Burma and across the border in China) > Khmuic branch, incl. Khmu ( Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia) > Pakanic branch (S China) > Vietic branch, incl . Viet-Muong, Vietnamese, Muong > Katuic branch (Vietnam, Laos) > Bahnaric branch (Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia) > Pearic branch (Thailand, Cambodia) > Khmeric branch, incl. Khmer (Cambodia), Old Khmer > Monic branch, incl. Mon, Old Mon, Nyah Kur (Burma, Thailand) > Aslian branch (Thailand, but mostly the Malay peninsula): incl. Semai, Jah Hut > Nicobarese branch (Nicobar I slands, I ndia)
Other language fam ilies with little contact with Chinese: Austronesian (AN) Altaic, incl. Mongolian, Turkic, M anchu Indo-European (lE), especially Tokharian A and B (in China: Sinkiang Province), Indo Iranian
133
APPENDIX B ALPHABETIC LIST OF FREQUENTLY CITED LANGUAGES
Following a language, the author of publicat ion(s) which served as a source for lexical and other materia l is indicated. A lternatively, sources a r e c ited under t h e dictionary entries. Major sources are: STC, HPTB, IST, HST; for Chinese dialects, they are publications by Beijfng Daxue and professional journals, espec i a l l y Fangyan.
AA = Austroasiatic Adi (Abor-Miri-Dafla, Tani) I T B--1. Sun Ahom I Tai A-1i = Ngari Almora I Western Himalaya I TB--S harma Amdo I Tibetan I TB Amoy = Xi amen I M !n I Chinese AN Austronesian Angami I KN I TB Aslian I MK I AA-G. Benjamin Austroasiatic (AA)-Pinnow 1 959 Austronesian (AN)-Dempwolff 1 938; Sagart 1 993 Bahing I Bahing-Vayu (BV) I TB Bahnar I MK I AA-K. D. Smith Balti I Tibetan I TB Barish = Bodo Bawm I KN I TB--Loffler 1 985 Be I Kadai-H ansell 1 988 BG = Bodo-Garo Bo'ai (Boai, Po-ai) I Tai-Li F. Bodo-Garo (BG), Proto-Bodo, Proto-Koch I TB--Burling 1 959 Bumthang I Tibetan I TB-Michailovski Bunan I Kanauri I TB Burmese, Written Burmese (WB) I TB--Benedict 1 940 BV Bahing-Vayu I TB Cantonese Yue Changsha I Xiang I Chinese Chaoyang I M1n I Chinese ChaozhOu I M ln I Chinese Chepang I BY I TB--Caughley Chinese I ST Chitkuli I Kanauri I TB Chrau I M K Fiizh6u I M!n I Chinese Gi'm I Chinese Garo I Bodo-Garo I TB--Burling Gloskad I Tibetan I TB
= Cantonese I Yue I Guangzhou Chinese Gurung I TGTM I TB--Mazaudon Gyarung = Jiarong (rGyalrung = JR) Hakka = Kejiii I Chinese Hlai Li I Kadai-Matisoff 1 988; Thurgood 1 99 1 Hmong-Mien Miao-Yao I ndo-European (IE)-Pokorny 1 959; Buck 1 949 Indonesian I AN Jah Hut IMK I As1ian I AA Jiarong (rGya1rung JR) I TB Jingpo (JP) I TB-Xii X f-jian et al. 1 983; Dai Qingxia and Xu X f-jian 1 992 JP = Jingpo JR Jiarong Kachin - Jingpo Kadai (KD) Kam-Sui (KS) I Kadai-Edmondson and Yang 1 988; Thurgood 1 988 Kamarupan I TB languages of Assam Kanauri I TB--Sharma 1 989- 1 992 Karen I TB-STC; Burling; Solnit KD = Kadai Hakka I Chinese Kejia Khami Igs. I KN I TB--Loffler 1 960 Khams I Tibetan I TB Kharia I Munda I AA-Pinnow 1 959 Khasi I MK I AA Khmer I MK I AA-Jenner and Pou; Jacob Khmu I MK I AA Khumi Jgs. I KN I TB--Loffler 1 960 KN = Kuki-Chin-Naga I TB KS = Kam-Sui I Kam-Tai I Kadai KT Kam-Tai I Kadai Kuki-Chin I KN I TB--Ono Toru 1 965; Shafer 1 952 (see Old Kuki = OKuki) Ladakh I Tibetan I TB Lahuli I Kanauri I TB =
1 34
APPENDIX B : ALPHABETIC LIST OF LANGUAGES Proto-Monic I M K I AA-Di ffloth 1 98 4 Purik I Tibetan I TB Rawang I Nungish I TB Rgyarung = Jiarong (rGya1rung JR) S. Siamese Semai I Aslian I MK I AA Sherpa I Tibetan I TB Siamese I Tai I KT Sino-Tibetan (ST)-Benedict 1 972; Bodman 1 980; Coblin 1 986; LaPolla 1 994; Peiros and Starostin 1 996; R. Shafer I 974 Si no-Vietnamese Siyin Chin I KC I TB-Stern Spilo Kanauri I Kanauri I TB-Bodman ST = Sino-Tibetan Stieng I MK SV = Sino-Vietnamese Tai I Kam-Tai-Li Fang-kuei 1 976, 1 977; Manomaivibool 1 975 Taishii.n tl rll I Yue I Chinese Tamang-Gurung-Thakali-M anangba (TGTM) I TB-M azaudon Tani Abor-Miri-Dafla) I TB-J. Sun Tankhul l KN I TB TB = Tibeto-Burman TGTM Tamang-Gurung-Thakali Manangba Thakali I TGTM I TB-Mazaudon Tibetan, Written Tibetan (WT) I TB-Jaeschke; Beyer 1 992 Tibeto-Burman (TB)-STC, HPTB; IST, HST; H uang Bufan 1 992; Anon., Zang-Mian . 1 99 1 Tiddim Chin I K N I TB-Ostapirat 1 998; Henderson Vayu Hayu I Bahing-Vayu (BY) I TB Viet-Muong I MK I AA-Ferlus 1 99 1 / 1 997; Thompson 1 976 Wa I MK I AA-Di ffloth 1 980 WB = Written Burmese I LB I TB Wenzhou (Wenzh) I Wu I Chinese WT = Written T ibetan I TB Wu I Chinese Wuming I Tai-Li Fang Kuei Xiamen = Amoy I M !n I Chinese Xiang ii'H I Chinese Yue I Chinese Zangskar I Tibetan I TB Zhangzhung I Himalayish I TB Zhongshan r!J rlJ I Yue and Kejia I Chinese
Lai I KN I TB-L TBA 20:1 ( 1 997) and 2 1 : 1 (1 998), various authors Lakher I KN I TB-R. A. Lorrain 1 949 LB Lolo�Burmese Leh I Ladakh I Tibetan I TB Lepcha I TB-Mainwaring 1 898 Limbu I Bahing�Vayu I TB-Michailovsky Lolo-Burmese (LB) I TB-Matisoff 1 972; Bradley 1 979 Longzhou I Tai-Li Fang Kuei Lushai I KN I TB-1. H . Lorrain 1 940; Hillard I 975; Sol nit 1 978; Weidert Malay I AN Manangba I TGTM I TB-Mazaudon M anchati I Kanauri I TB M andarin (Mand.) I Chinese Meixiim 1 Kej ia I Chinese Miao-Yao (MY = Hmong-Mian)-Purnell 1 970; L TBA 1 0: 2 ( 1 987); Wang Fushi (WFS) 1 995 Middle Chinese (MC = Qieyun system QYS)-Karlgren; Li Fang-kuei M ien Yao l M Y Mikir I TB-GrtiBner I 978 Mln r!iil I Chinese MK = M on�Khmer I AA M on I MK I AA--Shorto 1 97 1 ; Dif1loth 1 984 Mon-Khmer (MK) I AA Monpa I TB-Sun Hongkai I 980 Mru I TB-Loffler 1 966 M unda I AA Muong I Viet-Muong I M K Naga I K N I TB-Shafer 1 950, 1 953 I Gan I Chinese Nanchang Ngari = Mnga-ris, A-Ii I Tibetan I TB Nocte I NNaga I TB Northern Naga I TB -French Nung I TB Nyah Kur I MK I Monic I AA-Diffloth 1 984 Old Chinese (OC)-Kar1gren 1 957; Baxter I 992; Schuessler 1 987; Unger 1 989 Old Kuki (OKuki) I KN I TB-Shafer 1 952 Old Tibetan (OTib.) I TB-Li and Coblin 1 987 Paang(khua) I KN I T B-LOffler 1 985 Palaung I MK I AA-Diffloth Pear, Pearic I MK I AA-Headley 1 977, 1 978 Proto-Kra I Kadai-Ostapirat 2000 Proto-Min I Chinese-Norman
..
=
1 35
A PPENDIX C TEXT SOURCES FOR EARLIEST OCCURRENCES
The text source of a word ' s earliest occurrences i s taken from GSR , although on occasion this needed revision , as suggested by Pan Wuyun 1 997. This abbreviated reference to a text is found in brackets. The l ist below indicates the period from which a text comes, but most texts are of a heterogeneous nature and stem from different periods; therefore the periods provided are only a rough approximation. More information on many of the Han and pre-Han texts can be found in Michael Loewe, ed., Early Chinese Texts, a Bibliographical Guide, 1 993. Periods:
Shang Western Zhou Chunqiu Zhangu6 Qfn Han Former Han Later Han
[BI] [Chu( ci)] [Chun(qiu)] [Du an] [EY] [FY]
bronze inscriptions CifZ)O of the Western Zhou period (ea. 1 050-770 BC) Chiicf �lilt (Former Han) Chunqin:ff f) s- in some Northern Min dialects." Tsing Hua
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Journal of Chinese Studies 9: 96- 1 05 .
Michailovsky, Boyd. 1 98 5 . Tibeto-Burman dental suffixes: evidence from Limbu (Nepal). Thurgood et al., eds., 3 63-375. . 2002. Limbu-English Dictionary. Kathmandu. M iyake, Marc H . 1 997. Pre-Sino-Korean and Pre-Sino-Japanese: reexamining an old problem from a m odern perspective. In Japanese/Korean Linguistics vol . 6: 1 79-2 1 1 (ed. Ho-min Sohn and John Haig. Stanford: Center for the Study of Language and Information). Nakajima, Motoki. 1 979. A comparative lexicon of Fukien dialects. Tokyo. Namkung, Ju, ed. 1 996. Phonological in ven tories of Tibeto-Burman languages. STEDT monograph series no. 3 . Sino-Tibetan Etymolological D ictionary and Thesaurus Project. Berkeley. Needham, Joseph. 1 95 4 ff. Science and Civilization in China. Cambridge, UK. Nishi , Yoshio, James A . Matisoff, Nagano Yasuhiko. 1 995. New Horizons in Tibeto-Burman Morphosyntax. Senri Ethnological Studies No. 4 1 . Osaka. Norman, Jerry. 1 979. "Chronological strata in the M in dialects." FY 4: 268-274. ---. 1 983. "Some ancient Chinese dialect words in Min dialects." FY 3 : 202-2 1 1 . . 1 984. "Three Min etymologies." CLA O 1 3 :2 : 1 75-1 89. . 1 985. A note on the origin of the Chi nese duodenary cycle. In Thurgood, Matisoff, Bradley, 85-89. . 1 986. The origin of the Proto-Min softened stops. In McCoy and Light, eds., 3 75-384. ---. 1 988. Chinese. Cambridge, UK. . 1 994. "Pharyngealization in early Chinese." JA GS 1 1 4: 3 97-408. Norman, Jerry, and W. South Coblin. 1 995. "A new approach to Chinese historical linguistics." JA GS 1 1 5 : 5 76-5 84. Norman, Jerry, and Mei Tsu-Lin. 1 976. "The Austroasiatics in ancient south China: some lexical evidence." MS 3 2 : 274-30 1 . Noss, R ichard B . 1 964. Tha i reference grammar. Washington D.C. Ono, Toru. 1 965. "The reconstruction of Proto-Kuki-Chin I: initials." Gengo Kenkyi1 47 : 8-20.
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REFERENCES Ostapirat, Weera. 1 998. "Tiddim Chin tones in historical perspective." LTBA 2 1 : 1 : 235-248. . 2000. "Proto-Kra." LTBA 23: 1 . Palmer, Leonhard R . 1 980. The Greek Language. Norman. Oklahoma. . 1 987. "Yueminyti zhong de shanggu H anyti j iecf ceng Pan Wu-yun (A layer of OC loan words in Vietnamese)." Y YWZX 3 : 3 8-47. . 2000. Hanyu llshiylhyiinxue Shanghai . Pan Wu-yun et al. , transl. 1 997. Han wen dilin ¥�:)(:�. (Translation and i mprovement of Karlgren, GSR, with pinyin and stroke index.) Shanghai. Peiros, Ilia. 1 996. Katuic comparative dictionary. Pacific Linguistics, series C-1 32 , Canberra. Peiros, Ilia, and Sergej Starostin. 1 996. A comparative vocabulary of fi ve Sino-Tibetan languages. 6 vols. Melbourne. Pinault, George-Jean, Klaus T. Schmidt, Werner Winter, eds. 1 997. Tocharian and Indo European Studies, vol. 7. Copenhagen. Pinnow, Heinz-Jtirgen. 1 959. Versuch einer historischen Lautlehre der Kharia -Sprache. Wiesbaden. . 1 965. Personal pronouns in the Austroasiatic languages: a historical study. In G. B. M ilner and E. Henderson, eds., Indo-Pacific linguistic studies. Pt . I : Historical linguistics, 3-42. Amsterdam. Pokorny, Julius. 1 959. Indogerm an isches etymologisches Worterbuch. 2 vols. Ttibingen and Easel. Pulleyblank, E. G. 1 962. "The consonantal system of Old Chinese." A M 9 : 5 8-1 44, 206-265. . 1 963. "An interpretation of the vowel systems of Old Chinese and Written Burmese." A M 1 0 : 200-22 1 . . 1 973. "Some new hypotheses concerning word families in Chinese." JCL 1 : 1 : 1 1 1 - 1 25. . 1 983. The Chinese and their neighbors in prehistoric and early historic times. In Keightley, ed. , 4 1 1-466. ---. 1 99 1 . Lexicon of reconstructed pronunciation in Early Middle Chinese, Late MC, and Early Mandarin. Vancouver B. C. ---. 1 995a. The historical and prehistorical relationships of Chinese. In W. Wang, Ancestry, 145- 1 94. ---. 1 995b. Outline of Classical Chinese Grammar. Vancouver B. C. --. 1 998. "Qieyun and Yunjing: The essential foundation for Chinese historical l inguistics." JA OS 1 1 8 :2: 200-2 1 6. Purnell, Herbert. 1 970. Toward a reconstruction of Proto-Miao-Yao. Ph.D. diss., Corn ell University. Qiu Xfguf���.:'E. 2000. Chinese writing. Berkeley, CA. [Wenzixue gaiylw Beijing 1 988; rev. Taibei 1 994.] Translated by G. Mattos and J. Norman. Revel , Nico1e. 1 988. Le riz en A sie du sud-est. A tlas du vocabulaire de la plante. Paris. Rosemont, Henry. 1 99 1 . Chinese texts and philosophical contexts: essays dedicated to A C. Graham. La Salle, Ill. Sadler, Louisa, and Andrew Spencer. 1 998. Morphology and argument structure. In Spencer and Zwicky, 206-236. Sagart, Laurent. 1 993a. Les dialectes gan. Etudes sur la phonologie et le Jexique d 'un groupe de dialectes chinois. Paris . ---. 1 993b. "Chinese and Austronesian : evidence for a genetic relationship." JCL 2 1 :1 : 1-63. . 1 995. "Chinese 'buy' and 'sell' and the direction of borrowings between Chinese and Miao-Yao." TP8 1 , 4-5: 328-342. ---. 1 999. The roots of Old Chinese. Amsterdam and Philadelphia. --
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REFERENCES Schuessler, Axe!. 1 98 5 . The function of qusheng in Early Zhou Chinese. In Thurgood, Matisoff, Bradley, eds. . 1 987. A dictionary of Early Zhou Chinese. Honolulu. . 2002. Tenues aspiratae im A ltchinesischen. In Emmerich and Stumpfeldt 2002,
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1 55-1 64. . 2003. "Multiple Origins of the OC Lexicon." JCL 3 1 : 1 : l -7 1 . . 2004. "Austroasiatic languages i n early China: fragments o f their lexicon and
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Serruys, Paul L.-M. 1 974. "Studies in the language of the Shang oracle inscriptions." TB 60: 1 2-1 20. . 1 982. "Towards a grammar of the language of the S hang bone inscriptions."
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Proceedings of the International Sinological Conference, Academia Sinica, Taipei. Shafer, Robert. 1 950. "The Naga branches of Kukish. Vocalism." R ocznik Orientalistyczny 1 6: 467-530. . 1 952. "Phonetik der Alt-Kuki-Mundarten." ZDMG 1 02: 262-279. . 1 953. "Classification of the northernmost Naga languages." Journal of the Bihar Research Society 3 9 : 3 : 225-264. . 1 974. Introduction to Sino-Tibetan. W iesbaden. Sharma, D. D . 1 989, 1 992. Studies in Tibeto-Himalayan Languages I I : Tribal languages of Himachal Pradesh. Part I 1 989, Part II 1 992. New Delhi. ---. 1 989, 1 990. Studies i n Tibeto-Himalayan Languages I l l : Tibeto-Himalayan Languages of Uttarakhand. Part I 1 989, Part II 1 990. New Delhi. Shaughnessy, Edward L. 1 99 1 . Sources of Western Zhou History. Inscribed Bronze Vessels. ---
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Berkeley, CA.
---. 1 997. I Ching, the Classic of Changes. New York. Shen Jian-shl ¥:4.:�±. 1 944. Guangyun shengxi J'Ji ��*· Sh! Xiangdong lil!l rEJ li!L 2 000. Hlmyu he Z MC o. ai (?�i) L H ?;)i , OCM *?�i , OCB *?;)j 'To pity' [Shi] is prob. a sound-symbolic word. ai �i!IWI ... ya 3 , a i ai --" e 8 (l)aiC) LH l)OS, OCM *l)a(t)s ai 1 'White-haired, old ' [Shi], possibly related to TB items under -+ yue 1 A 'moon' , but the vowels do not agree. [f] Sin Sukchu SR l)aj MGZY IJay ($;) [I]aj] ai2 (?�iC) LH ?ds , OCM *?�ts, OCB *?dts [D] PMin *'r' udic 'To love, to grudge ' [Shi] > Man d. 'to l ike, be fond of' . [f] Sin Sukchu SR ?aj ( $:); MGZY 'ay (;t-) ['(aj]; ONW ?aic [E) ST: TB-PKaren *?ai (Matisoff BSOAS 63 .3, 2000: 364). ai 3 {� (7�iC) LH ?;)s, OCM *?�ts, OCB *?;)tS 'To lose one's breath' [Shi] is a sound-symbolic word (§2 .9) ai4 -+ yf5 � (!]�ic) L H I];)c, OC�1 *l)gkh ai5 'Obstruct, hinder' [Lie]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR IJaj MGZY ngay ( $;) [f)aj ] ; ONW l)aic [E) ? ST: WT 'geg(s)-pa, bkag, dgag ' to hinder, prohibit, shut ' 3 � 'gag 'obstruction, stoppage' (Bodman 1 980: 72) ; PLB *?gak 'obstruct, block up'. TB voiced stops do 149
an
-
an
occasionally correspond to Chinese initial nasals ( §5 . 1 2.2). Alternatively, WT could be compared with ...., gi.l 1 CH M may be related to ...., yf 1 3 � 'hesitate'.
an 1 1i: (?an) L H ?an , OCM *?an, OCB *?an 'Be cal m , peaceful, still, steady, take one's leisure' [BI, Shi] . rrJ Sin Sukchu SR bn (SF); PR ?an; LR ?an; MGZY 'an ('V) ['?an ] ; ONW ?an. 3� an (?finC) LH ?anC, OCM *?ans 'To push down with the hand' [SW], 'to stop, repress' [Shi], ' lay hand on, seize' [Xun]; 'stool , tray' * [Zhouli]. [ 'obese, swollen ' [Zhuang] ; later � 'basin, tureen' (which is large-mouthed). cistern, tank'. [E] AA: Khmer 'ana /?aal)/ 'a type of large, wide-mouthed earthen *?6!]h, and yfng [C] There are (near) synonyms with different vowels: _, weng *?rei) (under _, ylng 2 f.llh -,> y ua n l ]C (l)au) LH l)OU, OCM *l)aU 'To cry, clamor ' [Shi]. [E] Perh. cognate to PTB *I)UW > WT l)U-ba 'to weep, roar', WB l)Ui 'cry, weep' , PL *l)o 1 'cry' (HST: 60). This identification is somewhat doubtful as the vowels and the meanings are not very close. (l)aU ) I-H IJOU, OCM *l)fiU, OCB *ngaw 'To fry' [Zhouli ] , 'roast' [Li]. [E ] ST *l)au: PTB *r-l)aw ( STC no. 270) > WT n]Od-pa, bn]os 'to parch, roast, fry ' ; Chepang l)Jw; M ikir arlJU 'roast, fry' ; JP g;;)31-IJau33 'fry' (STC: 1 93 ; also Bodman 1 980: 78).
ao 1
(?auC) LH ?ou C , OCM *?Ukh 'Inside' (of a realm) [Shi], 'bay, cove' was ace. to Guo Pu (ea. AD 3 00), a Jiangm'in (southern) word. [f) Sin Su kch u SR ?aw MGZY 'aw ( :t-) [?aw] ; ONW ?au [DJ This word is still used in Mfn dialects: Fuzhou oCCthauA2, Xiamen uci [E] AA: Viet ao 'pool, pond' , WrMon 'o, o 'cove, small bay' (Norman 1 983: 205).
ao2 @ (ngauC) LH I)G U c , OCM *IJauh 'Proud, arrogan t ' [Shu]. Etymology not clear. [f] Sin S. SR IJaw (�); PR aw; LR aw; MGZ Y ngaw (�) [t]aw]
15 l
B ba 1 J\ (pat) LH pet, OCM *pret 'Eight' [OB, Shi] . fT] MTang piir, ONW piit {D] PMin *pet, K-MeixHtn pat (E] ST *priat � *pret: PTB *b-r-yat (STC no. 1 63 ) > WT brgyad ( < *bryat); TGTM * 3pret, Kanauri *re ; PLB *hit or *'lryat > WB hrac; Lushai pa L-ria { (Bodman 1 980: 73); Bahing ja, Thulung jet; JP m;:J31-tsat55 < m-rjat. CH -> Tai: PT *p-: S. pec:tDIL is obviously a CH loan (otherwise we should find an lr/ in the Tai initial). b a 2 E:i (pa) LH pa, OCM *pn'i 'Python' [SW, Shanhaijing]. fT] Sin Sukchu SR pa (-'f); MOZY: ba (-'f) [pa]); ONW pii (E] ? Kam-Tai: note Lao IJuuA4 kabaaA3 'a kind of viper: Agkistrodon ' (IJUU 'snake', ka- perh. animal prefix) (lames Chamberlain ICSTLL 1 98 1 ). AA-PNB *qbayh 'snake ' . b a 3 B (ba6, pa) 'A kind of bamboo from southwest China' [GY] . (E] The word's place o f origin (SW China) and late appearance suggest that it is a loan from a TB l anguage: PTB *pa [STC no. 44; MatisofT L L 1 .2 2000: 1 40] > WT spa - sba 'cane'; W B wa 8 'bamboo' ; JP b55-wa55, W;:JJJ 'bamboo ' , Lushai ruaH (r::l) ( < *r-wa) 'a kind of bamboo' ( HST: 38). �� ba B (pa) 'Bamboo hedge or fence' [GY] . (E] PTB: *rpa: Kom ra-pe, Tsiru ra-pa 'fence' (Kuki lgs.) [Shafer: IST 29] ba4 @ (pa) LH pa ? 'Scar' [JY] . (E) ? ST: Perh. related to WT 'bar- 'bar 'uneven, rough, pock-marked' (Unger Hao-ku 3 5 , 1 986: 36). ba 5 �� (pa) LH pa, OCM *pra 'Wild pig, pig ' [Shi]. (E] Ea is assumed to be a ST word related to PTB *pwak > WT p11ag; PLB *wak > WB wak; JP wa?31 'pig' (STC no. 43; Matisoff L L 1 .2, 2000: 1 57f). But the OC and TB forms are phonologically not very close. QC medial *r corresponds also to a TB pre-initial, but TB forms for 'pig ' do not have one, therefore one needs to assume some kind of CH innovation which led to m edial *r. An QC open syllable corresponding to TB final -k is not common (§6.9). Alternatively, MK-Wa-Lawa-Bulang *bras 'wild boar' is semantically and phonologically close to the OC form . CH -> Miao languages npa4, npua 4 'pig ' (Strecker L TBA 1 0.2, 1 987: 5 1 : Benedict, W ang Fushl). ba. 6 1lbt _. n 3 ba 1 -& (buat) LH bat, OCM *bat 'To expel ' (a person) [Zhouli]. �� bei ttt pei yrfi (buaic) LH bas, OCM *bats, QCB *bots 'Uprooted' [Shi], 'thinned out' (trees) iZt [Shi], 'uprooted' figuratively of a person yrfi [Lunyu ]. [:k, SBahn. *b:J:k 'white ' ; PTB *bok (?): S. Kuki bok 'white ' , Garo gibok - gipok, Dimasa *g-phuk. [C] Possible cognates are -> b6 1 {B 'elder ' ; -> b62 ffi ; -> po4 O)i, -> po5 �@.m. [D] Min: FuzhOu pai?7, Amoy ba t 7 'to know' , borrowed from AA: Viet biet 'to know, recognize', also PM Y *p l aj l A 'to know' ( Norman I Mei 1 976: 298).
bai 1
(pBk) LH pak, OCM *prak 'Hundred' [BI, Shi]. The OB graph is similar to, but not identical with, -> bai 1 'white' (Unger Hao-ku 29, 1 984). ff] Sin S. SR p;)j (A), LR pdj?; MGZY bay (A) [paj ] ; ONW pek. lE] ST *(p)rya: PTB *r-ya (STC no. 1 64) > WT brgya < br-ya; Kanauri ra; PLB *hrya, WB ;;)ra (inscriptional rya), Lushai za L-b/ < ja?/h, Paangkhua razaa < rya. For the final -k, see §6. 1 . CH -> PTai *p-: L6ngzhou paak01L is obviously a CH loan (otherwise we should expect an r in the initial and almost certainly an open syllable).
bai2 tJ¥ (bai-8) LH be8, OCM *bre7 To open ' [Guiguzi]. LEJ ST *pra i : WB prai8 'to gape, expand, flare' •� p11rai8 'to pull open, make gap ' ; Chepang pre-?ak-sa 'to separate' (intr.). A derivation is -> b03 (pek). Possibly related to -> zha � *trai 'to open ' . For an For a l i sting o f similar overview of similar items. see the table under -> pf7 words and possible allofam s, see -> lf 1 0 $1. ba i 1 j& (paiC) LH pas, OCM *prats 'To ruin, destroy' [Shi]. ff] Sin Sukchu SR pai, bai (:i:;;-) ; MGZY bay, pay (:to;-) [paj - boj] >< bid �,:1(: (baiC) LH bas, OCM *brats, OCB *fiprats 'To go to ruin, defeat' [OB, Shi]. [ fei 6 � 'reject, fall ' ; however, fei 6 � �• fa z WT bab ' fall down' is semantically different from bili FJI: = AA pap 'be beaten' , hence 1 54
bai
ban
we consider these two distinct wfs. Ace. to Wang U ( 1 982: 500) an allofam is _, bl 1 0 'worn out'. Pulleyblank ( 1 962: 2 1 5) relates this wf to _, p f7 fili1&. See _, fei6 f¥i for additional comments.
b a i 2 f.:t (paic) LH pas, OCM *prlHs, OCB *prots 'To bend or put together' (the hands in salute), 'to salute' clear.
[BI,
Shi]. Etymology not
ba i 3 T� (bate) LH bee, OCvl *bn�h, OCB *bres 'Fine rice' [Shi]. [E] This etymon is close to 4 112 1 :fl *ras 'coarse grain ' and its possible cognates, both hail perh. from the same foreign source. This word biii and 4 mi1 * 'rice' can on occasion be connected with the same foreign comparandum. The following items look similar to biii: AA-Kharia pe?, Khmer paj < *paih, *pih 'rice', PNB *phe 'husked rice' . Note also TB-Mru rai 'a species of rice' , Lushai {a l < traih ( < *-s) 'species of early rice' [Loffler 1 966: 1 32]; the Lushai word has also been associated with WT khre 'millet' ( Sagart m s 2002: 8). ban 1
(pan) L H pan, OCM *pran 'To distribute' [BI, Shu] > 'spread out, scatter' [Zuo] > 'to arrange, classify' [Meng] . lT] Sin Sukchu SR pan (¥); MGZY ban C'n [pan] [E] ? ST *pral : WT phral-ba 'to separate, part' � t 'bral-ba 'be separated, lose', WB pra 8 'be divided into several parts, various', JP p;;,31-ran31 'be separate, sort out ' (for JP allofams, see 4 I f ��). In HST: 65, the WT item is associated with 4 b�m 2 , bHm * · and with 4 b a n 1 -#· by Bodman ( 1 980: 147), while Karlgren ( 1 93 3 : 92f) combines all of these into one wf (no. 26-37). AA has an alternative comparandum which is semantically closer to OC, even the initial *p- could represent an AA trans. I caus. prefix: Khmer raJa /rfidl/ intr. 'to spread, extend, distribute' >< briila /prfi;:>)/ tr. 'to spread ' . A cognate is prob. *(C-)ral 4 lf1 0 *rai with the occasional ST *-1 > OC *-i shift ( §8.3). 4 ban 2 i s perh. the same word. For an overview of similar items, see l f 1 0 �� and Table P- 1 under 4 pf3 :J=EZ: . ban2 (pan) LH pan, OCM *pran 'Variegated' [Li] may either be the s. w. as 4 ban 1 :f:JI 'scatter' ; or may be a derivation from 4 b69 ,�;< 'mixed colors'. In this case, OCM *pran would derive from earlier *pron.
ban3 11: (puan) LH pan - [D] CDC pon1 'To move, transport' , a post-classical word. [f] Sin Sukchu SR pw:m PR p:m, LR p:m ; cf. .ii!'J: MGZY bon ( 'f ) [p::m] ban 1 t&ft& (pan 8) LH pan 8, OCM *pran? 'Board, plank' [Shi]. [E] ST *par: WT 'p har 'a panel, small plank' (Bodman 1 980: 1 45 ; HST: 45). CH -> PTai S. peen C1. For the OC medial *r, see §6. 1 . ban2 a& (pan8, ban8) LH pan 8, banB, OCM *pran?, *bran? ? 'Great' (of demeanor, domain, god) [Shi]. [E] ? ST: WT 'p har-ba 'raised, elevated ' (Bodman 1 980: 1 45 ; HST: 88). For the OC medial *r, see § 6. 1 .
155
bang
blm ban 1
(puanC) L H pane, OCM *pans 'Half' [Yi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR pw;:m ($;), PR p::m, LR p::m; MGZ Y bon ($;) [p:m] ; ONW p o n �� p a n :flj J:fy.'f (phuanc) LH p 11 anc, OCM *p11ans 'To cleave' [Zhouli], 'divide' :flj [Zuo] ; 'one half, one of two parts' h [Zhuang] > semi-c ircular pool , shore' Y.'f [Shi], and additional specialized meanings based on 'half'. [ --> ban 1 FJI ( §2 . 5 ). ba. n 3 ¥h¥ (banC) L H bene, OCM *brens 'To deal with, handle, manage' [BI, Zuo]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR ban (�); MGZY pan [ban] lE] ST *brei: WT brel-ba 'be employed, busy, engaged' (Bodman 1 980: 1 63). ban4 ¥I (banc) (LH bcnc ?) 'Petals of a flower' is a late word [ 1 4th cent. AD]. The MC reading applies to the meaning 'sections of a fruit' (under --> ban 2 , bian In the QYS, the rimes -an and -lin seem to have been confused on occasion; therefore -iin could also go back to *-ran. LE] 'Petals' is possibly the same word as ban 'section of fruit ' (under -> ban2, biim *). Alternatively, it could be the same etymon as -> pa 'flowers, blossoms' and prob. related to 'burn ' -> fan5 ;ll, note the WT word me-thog 'flower', lit. 'fire-top' . b a n g J:f; (pal)) L H p;)I), OCM *prolJ 'Country' [Shi], possibly the same etymon as -> feng 1 (W ang Li 1 982: 3 88). [f] Sin Sukchu SR pal) MGZY bang (lJZ) [pal)] Mtng 1 m (pwa1J8) LH po 1J8, OCM *pal)? [f] ONW pal) 'Board ' [Jinshu]. !El ST: WT spaiJ 'board, plank' (lJnger Hao-ku 3 6, 1 990: 48). Superficially, this word ! 56
bang - bao looks l ike a doublet of -> b�m 1 ffi.M& . The graph also writes a word QYS pBIJc, LH paiJc 'oar' [Chuci].
bang2 _, b64 bang 1 ::f$ (bli!]8) LH b:->!]8, OCM *br6!]? 'Club, stick' [Post-Han: Weishu]. [E] Tai : S. p11l:x>IJA2 < *b- 'club, cudgel' (Manomaivibool 1 975). _. pang �{ifj bang2
-> fang2 15 b8.n g 3 b a o 1 § (pau) LH p:>u, OCM *prO 'To wrap, bundle' [Shu], 'contain' [Zuo]. IT] Sin Sukchu SR paw ( :\f); MGZY baw [paw] [E] ST: WT 'phur-ba 'to wrap up, envelop' (Unger Hao-ku 3 5 , 1 986: 36), perh. also Lepcha pr6k - prek 'wrap up' [Bodman /CSTLL 1 987: 2 1 ] . For the r-metathesis, see §7. 7.3 . This word i s often thought to be cognate to -> bao 1 'carry in arm s ' , but the TB cognates cast doubt on this. IT] ONW phau bao2 MfQ (pau , p11au) L H p(11):>u, OCM *p(h)rO 'Womb' [Zhuang]. [E] ST: WT phru-ma - 'p11ru-ma!-ba 'uterus, placenta' (Bodman 1 980: 1 42; HST: 1 6 1 ); Li:iff1er (ZDMG 1 1 6. 1 , 1 966: 1 52) adds Mru bur 'menstruation' . Ace. to Karlgren ( 1 956: 5) this is the s. w. as -> bao 1 § 'wrap', but thi s i s doubtful in l ight of TB cognates which distinguish these two items. Li:iffler relates 'womb' to -> pao � 'gourd' . bao3 �U (pak) L H p;:,k, ocM *prok. 'To cut up, peel, pluck' [Shi). [D] Guangzhou m uk7 'to peel ' (Sag art 1 999: 80), ZhOngshan mak55 'to undress' . [E] < > Tai: S. p:JakD1 'to peel ' , but also PTai *db::>k : S. l:J::;kD2 'to skin, pee l ' 3 � pl::x:;kD1 'an encasement, slipcover, sheath' (Manomaivibool 1 97 5 : 1 20). This word is considered to be related to -> l u 1 ff< 'carve' , but 'carve' and 'peel ' are rather different activities. bao 1 {Jf:: (pauB) LH pouB, OCM *pO? 'To take care of' (a baby by wrapping it in swaddling cloth) [Meng], (people) [ShuJ; 'preserve, protect, maintain' [Shi]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR paw (J: ) ; MGZY baw UJ [paw] bao1 (pau8) LH pou8, OCM *pO? (What protects, shields: ) 'secure' (residence, land) {* [Shu ] ; 'fort, stronghold' fJ?:: [Li] ; 'cover' for a chariot [Lun Heng]. = bao 1 ff¥ (pau8) LH pou8, OCM *pfi? 'The cloth' (in which children are carried on the back) [Ltishih], 'swaddling cloth ' [Liezi], used in the expression qiang bao i\@ or ffl!ff¥ (qii'ing, MC kjaiJ 8, 'string, cord ' , here prob . 'strap'); apparently bao refers t o the protective swaddling cloth, not to the notion of carrying a baby on the back. [E] Etymology not certain. Following Tang Lan , Qiu Xigui (2000: 2 1 2f) interprets an OB form of the graph as wel l as an occurrence in Shiijrng 1 7 , 1 0 as 'to carry (a baby) on the back' , thence 'take care of' etc.; blw would then be the QC cognate of the TB items under -> fu 1 1 � . However, in no textual occurrence, incl. Shiijlhg, has bao the unequivocal 1 57
bei
bao
meaning 'carry on the back' . Alternatively, this could be the s. w. as -> bao3 'precious' used in a putative sense, lit. 'consider something precious', and then act accordingly. It is not clear if I how .. . bao 1 § 'wrap, contain ' , and WT phru-ma 'fortified camp, palace, fort ' (HST: 1 64) may be related.
bao2 .ITIQ (pauB) LH p:mB, OCM *prfi? 'To eat to the full, satiated' [Shi]. [f) Sin Sukchu SR paw (L); MGZY baw (JJ [paw]; ONW pau [a] Prob. area word: TB-Lushai puarH < puar 'having eaten enough' (Unger Hao-ku 35, 1 986: 3 6) , Chepang b11or?- 'eat in plenty, feed generously', perh. connected with AA-Khmer /poor/ 'to fill, be full , brim full, swollen ' . For the r-m etathesis, see §7.7.3. bao3 (pau8) LH pouB, OCM *pfi? 'Be precious, treasure' [BI , Shi]. [f) Sin S. SR paw (L); MGZY baw, ba' o (1::.) [paw] ; ONW pau [a] ST *pu : PTB *puw (S TC no. 4 1 ) > WB ;}-p1'ui8 - ;}-bilui8 'price', JP phu33 'be of value, expensive' (HST: 1 55), Lushai puH < p11uu 'be worthy, deserving '. CVST 1 : 63 adds WT spus 'goods, merchandise ' . 4 bao 1 1;\¥: could be the same word. Sagart ( 1 999: 58) considers blw possibly related to fu (under 4 fu 1 9 t�). ba.o 1 JTQ (bau8) LH bou8, OCM *bfi7 [D] PMin *bhauB 2 - *bauB 2 'Carry in the arm s' [Shi]. [f) Sin Sukchu SR baw (J:J; MGZY paw (_J: ) [baw] [a] This is perh. related to WB puik 'hold in arms, hug ' , and I or to AA-Khmer /p;:y'J/ and /p;:y;:yr/ 'hold or carry in the arm(s) ' . Note also .... bao 1 § 'wrap ' . -> PMiao *buoc. bao2 ¥� (pauC) LH pouc, OCM *pfih 'To repay, requite, reward, respond, announce' [Shi] , 'report' . = Prob. bao ¥� 'to plait, interweave' (i.e. 'return the thread') [Shi] > 'tie, wrap' [Li] . la] This is prob. a n allofam of -> fu 1 2 {� 'return, reply, report' (so Wang U 1 982: 244; Sag art 1 999: 5 8). Tai: S. b:Jk4 'to tell , say, inform ' . ba.o 3 �":] -? b 6 9 .\'K bei 1 (pjie 4) LH pie, OCM *pe [f) ONW pie 'Be low, humble' [Shi], opposite of 'high' [Zuo]. 3� bl :I:Jlf ��� (bjie8 4) LH bie8, OCM *be? (a) 'Be l ow' [Zuo], 'be short' JNif [Zhouli]. (b) 'Low ground' i!¥ [Guoyu] ; 'female slave, servant' fr� [Li]. [ pian � 'oblique', perh. -> bo 1 7.&: 'wave ' . bei 3 ;f/F;f� (pu�i) L ll p;}, OCM *p5 [f} ONW pai 'Cup' ff [Li] , f� [Meng]. LEJ ST: WT phor-pa 'bowl, dish, cup' (Unger Hao-ku 35, 1 986: 33). bei4 (pji 3) LH pti, OCM *pr;;>i , OCB *prj;;lj 'Be unhappy, pained ' [Shi]; 'to pity' [Shiji]; 'long for, miss' [Hanshu]. Etymology not clear. [f) Sin Sukchu SR pi (-'¥); PR p;;lj; MGZY bue (-'¥) [pue] ��
bei j t .... fu 1 1 bei2 (puaiC) L H pas, OCM *pats < *pops ? 'Cowry shell' [BI , Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR puj ( :t.=;.), PR p;}j, tR p;}j; MGZY bay [paj] LE] ? ST *pop: Chepang bop 'snai l ' , JP /;:�55-pop55 ' snail ' (Bodman 1 980: 1 36). However, note the curious AA words: PMK *6a(a)y > Khasi sbfii 'cowry, shell, money' , Khmer piuy 'obsolete small coin' (Shorto 1 972). bei 3 i!f (bj i 8 3) LH �B, OCM *br;}? ? 'Fi l l up, obstruct' (a hole) [Yi]. 3 � bl t� (bj;}k) LH bf:k, OCM *br;;lk ? 'Resist, obstinate' [Zuo]. LEl ? ST: WT 'ba 'hole' ( C VST 1 : 92). (But WB pha 'patch up, close a hole by patching' belongs to _, bu 2 bei4 {:g: (bua.i8) L H b;;l8, OCM *b5? - [T] ONW bai 'Double' [Shi]. [ fu 7 etymon. bei5 {;fff (bj iC 3) LH b�c, OCM *br;;l(k)h ?, OCB *brjgks 'Ready, complete, perfect' [Shi], 'prepare, provide' [Zuo]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR bi (:t.=;.), LR bi ; MGZY pue [bue] LEl Area etymon: TB-WB praiJ 'prepare, put in order, correct' ; JP p11ra£31 < p11rak31 'to 1 59
bei
-
beng
complete' . MK: M on preiJ 'to have prepared, prepare, arrange' . Tai: S. p11rak02 < b 'prepare, ready' (Manomaivibool 1 975: 207). For the final consonants, see §6.6.
bei6 fBt (bjeBfC 3) LH btai8/ c , OCM *bai?/h 'To cover' , incl. putting on clothes, also figuratively [Shi], 'be covered, to wear' [Zuo], 'outside garment' [Yili]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR bi (J::ft-), LR bi ; MGZY pue (J::ft-) [bue]; MTang bi, ONW be 3f p f (p11je 3) LH phf.ai, OCM *phai 'Cover oneself with' [Zuo] < caus. ? (§5 .8.2). 3� pi fBt (phjeC 3) LH phj.aic, OCM *phaih 'A cloak' [Zuo] < general derivation ( §3 .5). [E] ST: Lushai bet < beel? tr. 'to make wear, put on' (garment, load, plaster ... ). Fol lowing Shimfng, Wang U ( 1 982: 446) relates -+ pf 1 &: 'skin, hide' to this root.
hei 7 tlt pei 1$ '"* ha 1 /X.. bei 8 P!!f -. bei 1 -!¥ bei 9 -. fu 1 1 ben 1 (pu;:m) LH p;:)n , OCM *p;}n, OCB *pun, Sh1]Tng *pun < *plun 'To run, flee' [BI , Shi], 'to hasten' (�$ 'hasten to carry out an order' [Zuo]), 'to run and hurry while serving someone > to busy frequently in the BI ben-zou oneself for'. [E] ST: PTB *plol) ( STC no. 140): JP phrm)'H 'flee, run away' , M i kir arploiJ < r-ploiJ 'run' >< ii]ploi] < m -ploi] 'run, gallop', Lahu ph:J 'flee ', perh. also WB hroiJ 'flee' [Matisoff]. For the difference in final nasals, see §6.4.2. ben 2 Jl (puan) LH pan, OCM *p5n 'Be ardent, brave' [BI , Shu], 'ardent' � [Shi]. [E] ST: Lushai phuul < p11uur? 'zealous, eager, earnest, enthusiastic ' . Some of the words under ---> fen4 probably belong here. ben * (pu::)n8) LH p::)nB, OCM *p5n7 'Root, stem' [Shi] > 'origin, fundament' [Zuo] ; measure for books [Nanbaichao], the origin of this latter meaning is not clear (Norman 1 988: 1 1 6). [f] Sin Sukchu SR pun (1:.); PR p;:ln; LR p::m ; MGZYbun (J:) [pun] ; ONW pon [E] CH -> Tai-Wuming plfiJnc1 'volume' (Bodman 1 980: 1 08). I f indeed the Wuming -/ should go back to OC, t hen the final -n in ben would not be the result of the sound change ST *-1 > OC *-n , but be the PCH nominal n-suffix attached to *pul (§6.4.3). ST *pul: PTB *bul - *pul > Lushai bul < buul? 'beginning, origin, base, stump, lower part' ? >< buuJL I buJ?L (< buulh I bul?lh) 'be broken off, lopped off' (as extremity, limb, shoot), NNaga pu/ 'tree' [French 1 983: 1 77], Garo bo/ 'root, stump', Moshang puul 'root' ; JP p"un55 'tree, wood' ( STC: 1 66 ; HST: 1 27), perh. also WT sbun - spun 'stalk of a plant ' ( CVST I: 14). This word may be cognate to a root -+ 'cut off, cut in two' (hence 'tree stump, tree trunk .. . ') . fen 1 ben (pugnc) 'Be stupid ' , a post-Han word which may, however, be old (such words are not common in classical texts) and cognate to WT blun-pa 'dull, stupid'. beng 1 {f .... peng beng2 M (p;:l iJ) LH pgl), OCM *p�l). - [f] ONW p::)l). -- [D) PMin *p-: Jianyang vafiJ9 'Mountain slide; to collapse, die (of a prominent person)' [Shi]. PM in *p- derives perh. 1 60
beng - b f from a prenasalized initial, note Yao baa1J1 ( < *nb-) 'collapse, fall over' (Norman 1 986: 3 82). [E) Etymology not certain, but note TB-Chepang b;;Jl)h- 'to slip, slide' (earth, rock) � brJI]h- n. 'rock or earth slide, landslide ' . Chepang bom- 'fall down ' •� WT 'pham-pa, p11am 'be beaten, conquered' (Bodman 1 980: 1 1 9) is unrelated.
b eng3 beng
,y_w
,.;lW
->
p e..- n g 2
'string'
.... p e n g 4 � _. bin g 3
ben g 1 beng2 T7J .... b a n g 1 ben g 3 !_M (p:;nf) LH p;;,t)c, OCM *pgl)h 'To put the coffin into the ground, bury' [Zuo]. The word is n ot related to -> bHin5 [E] Prob. AA: OKhmer pan /Bal)/ 'to cover, hide, bury'. -> Tai p:X)l]c1 < *p- 'to protect, cover up' (not related to -> bu 2 ML as Li F. 1 976: 40 suggests).
bf1 � (pjie 4) < *pe, *pet 'Vulva', a late word which could, however, be old since such items are not mentioned in classical texts. [D] M in : Amoy tsi A 1-pafA2; with final consonant Kejia: Dongguan 33tsfAU2pctD1 ::!t. Yue dialects have 55hp,fA 1 (Guangzhou) which i s a Tai loan (Benedict L TBA 5. 1 , 1 979), but apparently also found i n some TB languages: Limbu hira 'vagina', Tang khul Naga hai. [E) ST *bet ?, PTB *b(y)et (HPTB: 3 75) : PLB *b(y)etL 'vulva ' , Kanauri phe:ts; also Tamang and Baro pi-si [Benedict L TBA 5 . 1 , 1 979: 30; L TBA 1 4. 1 : 1 43-6; R. Bauer L TBA 1 4. 1 : 1 47- 1 65]. Benedict [LTBA 14.2, 1 99 1 : 1 5 1 ] derives this etymon from a root 'hidden'. WT sbed-pa, sbas, sba 'to hide, conceal', but a WT root with a as in sba normally does not correspond to one with vowel e I i in Chinese; see also -> hl 1 2 W�. [ pi -> pf3 tBO, final *-t m arks nouns of naturally occurring objects (§6.2 . 1 ), hence l it. 'opening ' . Syn. -> zhl6 b f2 (pj�k) LH ptk, OCM *pr::Jk ?, OCB *prj�k - IT] ONW pik 'To crowd together, encroach upon, near to' [Zuo, Meng]; 'to urge, press, close' [Meng, Zuo]. [E] Pro b. ST: TB-Lushai pikL 'be thick, dense, i mpenetrable, overcrowded, overgrown '. Alternatively, Baxter ( 1 992: 473) relates this item to li 1 1J. bf • (bj iet 4) Tang period: col. ShazhOu *bir, *bit 'Nose' . [D J Mand. bfzf This form in final *-t is found in modern central and northern dialects as well as in the medieval Shazhou dialects in the NW , e.g. G�m phit0, Lfn chuan phjtD2. Ace. to Baxter ( 1 992: 3 19) this word may reflect an early loss of final *-s (in *-ts, *-ks) which seems to have occurred in the northwest area; or it may reflect a dialectal change from earlier *-s to *-t (Pulleyblank JAGS 1 1 8.2, 1 998: 204f). lE] Perh. cognate to WT sbrid-pa 'to sneeze' (HST: 1 1 3), but CH has no trace of an r. Given the l ack of potential cognates in related languages, one might speculate that this is a CH innovation related to 'to open' (cf. -> pi liJ, -> pf3 tB.O, hence l it. 'openings'; but the vowels would not agree very closely. 3� bl (biC 4) LH bis, OCM *bi(t)s 'Nose' [OB, Meng]. 161
bl [f] Sin Sukchu SR bi (-;1�); MGZY pi ( :!;-) [bi} ; ONW bii [D] This tone C variant is found in ONW, Sui-Tang Chang 'an, MC, and in modern southern dialects: M in *b11ic: Jian 'ou p"ic2, Fuzhou p1'eic, Xiamen phyC2; Kejia: Meixian p"ic1 (Norman 1 988: 223). �� bl (biC 4) To smell ' in Kejia and Mln: PMin *biC: Jian 'ou pic2 , Xiamen phiC2 < *bhic.
bl 1 Jt, (piB 4) LH pi8, OCM *pi? 'To be associating' [Shi], 'equal, similar' [Li] , 'compare' [Zuo]. Possibly -> pl5 'example' could be related. [f] Sin Sukchu SR pi C l: .), PR p::lj, LR pi; MGZY bi L t) [pi ] ; MTang pt, ONW pii [ WT -r). Baxter' s OC form can be related to TB ones wh ich are mentioned under _, shua frPU. Perh. _, fu9 31ffl 'to brush off' may belong here. For an overview of similar etyma, see the Table S-2 under _, shua frPU . b17 @� (pj i 6 3) LH pto 6 , OCM *pr::J? '? 'Border, outskirts' [Zuo] > 'rustic, common ' [Lun] > ('consider rustic, common ':) 'to despise' [Shu ] ; 'district, border town ' [Li, Zhouli]. Possibly related to TB items under _, brn 2 (pjie8 4) LH pie6, OCM *pe? bl8 'To make / let someone do something, cause, direct, provide' [Shi, Shu] . [T] Sin S. SR p i Cl.), PR p::Jj ; MGZY b i (_J::. ) [pi ] ; OlvW *pie lE] Etymology not clear, although it brings to m ind the MK causative prefix p-. -
bi 1 _, b l l bi 2 �lt (bjC 4) 'A fine comb' [GY]. !El Perh. ST : W B phrj B phjB 'to comb, brush ' , but MC points to an OC form without medial *r. bi 3 �' (pjiet 4) LH pit, OCM *pit !El Etymology not clear. 'Be necessary, must ' [BI , Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR pi ( A) ; MGZY bi ( A) [pi] bi 4 y£, (pjiC 3) LH pts, OCM *prits ? 'Bubble up' (as water from a spring) [Shi ) is a vocalic variant of _, fei4 Y� (§ 1 1 .5 . 1 ). bl 5 H;, (pjet, pjiC 3) L H ptt, pts, OCM *prit(s) (?) 'Lath tied to bow for keeping it in shape' [OB, Yili]. !El Perh. ST: Chepang pit- 'grip' (as with pincers, tongs, legs), 'hold between knees or under the arm '. Perh. related to _, fei 3 bl 6 t£' 'beat' _, pi 4 tg¥ bt 7 .... bi 23 M bi 8 fl- (pie 4) LH pis, OCM *pis, OCB *pjits [f] Sui-Tang pt, ONW pii 'To g ive' [Shi]. [D ] (MC pi8) is common in Yue dialects: Guangzhou peiBI, Tai shan jBJ < piB, Tengxian ?biBJ. !El ST *pi (s): PTB *pdy (STC no. 427) > Chepang boy?-sa 'to g i ve ' , Lepcha byi 3� byi-n 'to give'; LB: WB pe8 3� p11it 'invite, offer to give', Atsi pjf, Lahu pf. PLB *bek 'give, bestow' , M iri bi; Lushai peL I peek�' < peeh (< pes) I peek 'to g ive, offer'. [C] A derivation i s -+ brn 1 'guest'. bl 9 �
b1 1 0
(bjiaic 4) LH bies, OCM *be(t)s 'Worn out' [Shi], 'damage, ruin' rH� [Zuo] ; 'to fall down, die, destroy' [Zuo] > caus. 'kill' [Li) ; 'fall ' [Guoyu] , 'bring down , stop' [Zhouli]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR bi ( $;); MGZY pi ($;) [bi] ; 0/VW biei 1 63
bi [C) Allofam i s � pf7 'exhausted' (Pulleyblank 1 962: 2 1 5). hence bl.: *be(t)s < *bai-(t)s. See --" fei6 � for additional comments. (E] ST: Lushai phuaiH < phuai 'be worn, worn out, frayed' , JP p1je31 'to ruin ' .
b1 1 1 �� --" bl 1 0 ��� bl 12 00{ (pjifiiC 4 ) L H pies, OCM *pe(t)s - LT] ONW pieiC
'To screen, keep in ignorance, deceive' [Zuo]. There may be a connection with Lushai paJ?L < *palh 'to m i ss, not know' ; or alternatively with --" pfng6 M!Wf 'screen '. Unger (presentation in Rome Sept. 6, 2001 ) relates bi to WT sbed-pa, sbas 'to conceal' (see a l so --" bl1 !3\:).
bl 13 bl 14 bi 15
[*
WT gci(d)-pa 'to urinate' � gCin 'urine'; WB tshjB 'urine', NN *C-chi 'urine' , Chepang chyu? 'urine' [Weidert 1 987: 27). For the OC medial *r, see §7.4; the vowel correspondence i s unusual, see § 1 1 .2 . 2. c �4 ffiTW� (t�hek) LH t�hek, OCM *tshrek rrJ ONW t�hek ( ' Bamboo slips ' :) 'to document, write down ' (on bamboo slips) [OB, BI, Shu] > n. 'document' [BI], [Zuo], 'book' in M-XHtmen lit. tshikD1, col. tsheJD1; 'Achilea stalks used for d i vi nation' (the radical implies bamboo �). Sagart ( 1 999: 2 1 4} suggests a possible further connection with _, jl9 'collect, accumulate'. OTib. gtsigs 'document, official text, decree' i s perh. a CH loan. �
-
c e5 :fi (t�hBk) LH t�hak, OCM *tshriik 'To spear' (fish) rg [Zhouli], 'a kind of lance' ffl [SW] . (E] This is prob. a vocalic variant of the synonym _, chuo 1J,iij (t�hak) [t�hok] *tshrok, prompted by AA-OKhmer cak leak/ 'to pierce, stab, jab .. . ' . Alternatively, the 'kind of lance' could represent the AA item Khmer leak/, and 'spear fish' was a semantic extension in analogy to chuo. For the CH retroflex initial, see § 5 . 1 0.3. Another syn. i s -'; ze6 ' it � ""' c en � _, c h a� n 2 i'!YI c e ng � _, z en g J� c h ii 1
(t�hai, t�ha) LH t�he or t�hai, OCM *tshre or *tshrai 'A fork' [SW] . rrJ Sin Sukchu SR t�'a ('f); ONW t�ha � c ha fX (t�haiC) LH t�heC, OCM *tshreh 'Forked branch of a tree' (used for spearing fish) [SW , Zhuang] . Duan Yucai says that ya-cha TliHfX is an eastern Yangtze dialect word for 'branch ' (W ang U 1 982: 440). 1 77
c ha - c h a [E] ? A A : The reference to the eastern end of the Yangtze R i ver, once i nhabited by AA, may support an AA connection : K hmer ceka /chaaek/ ' to be d i vided, split, cleft, forked, bifurcated . . . . ' This AA etymon may also be represented in ..;. tff 'spl i t ' . For the absence of fi nal -k in CH , see §6.9. Alternatively, cha may be the s. w. as ..;. cha 2 7!1f. 'divergence' ( < 'branch off'), but see there. The SW glosses the graph chii J!... as 'crossing hand s ' , thereby i mplying a basic meaning 'branches c rossing each Other' ; this suggests a connection with 4 CU 'burnt offering' [BI, Shu] . [I'] Sin Sukchu SR d�aj (3¥); MGZY cay (:>Jl) [d�aj] [D] The graph * writes a M ln synonym , see under .... j iao6 LEJ Chiii is perh. related to ... chaz m 'cut trees ' ; oc rimes *-ai and *-e are occasionally confu sed in wfs. Perh. from AA: OKhmer jhe 'wood ' . Note also PHlai *tshai 1 'tree' [Mati soff 1 988c no. 293] (CH loan?) .
chai2 fJ'If
(d?iii) LH d:{:e i, OCM *dzrf o r *dzr�i 'Class, category, equal s ' [Zuo], occurs also in Tai : S. raaiA2 ' set, c ategory, list' (Manomaivibool 1 975: 1 56). For the initials, see § 7 . 1 .5. Perh. connected with .... qf1 5 'be equal ' (so Karlgren 1 956: 1 6).
c ha i 3 fJ'If
(d?iii) The graph is u sed to write the Mln dial. word for 'many' : PMi n *flzeC > Yongan tseC1, Jiimyang JajC2, Fuzhou sa C2, Amoy tsueC2. Yue H ashimoto ( CAAAL 6, 1 976: 1 ) relates this word to Tai : Zhuang (L6ngzhou) Ja:iA 1 'many' < PTai *hlaJ A I . The Tai word i s related to ..., duo %.
c ba i _ll
(t.haiC) L H t.has, OCM *rhats which writes words l ike .... m a i 5 �NJ *mra(t)s 'Scorpion ' [Sh i ] . The phonetic wan 3 ' walk' suggests that the OC i n itial was *rh- rather than a dental stop. [ z h a n 2 Cl �
chan2 11 c han 1
->
yan5
(zjan) LH dzian, OCM *dan 'Irresolute' [Chuci] is perh. cognate to the wf -> chan2
c ba n 2 11j!jf
(dpm) LH d?a m , OCM *dzram 'Be craggy' (of rocks on a mountain) [Shi]. 1 79
Ufj! ljf� � 'slow'.
c ha.ng
c han
3� c han, zh�n 11: (d�am, d�am8) LH d�am , d:.;:em8, OCM *dzra m , *dzri'lm?
'Uneven , unequal, disorder' [Zuo]. ( t�hamC, d:(:amC) LH t�hamc, d:(:emc, OCM * tshra m s , *dzri'lms 'Mixed, disparate' [Li] . [ TB-WB kram B ' rough, coarse, violen t ' . Khmer /kr5gm/ 'rocky' shows that ..,. kan3 *khri'lm 'rocky' is an AA allofam . 3�
c h� n . z h � n {j:
c han3
( 'wheel ' as in tang-cM fo.J]lfi 'spinning wheel'. [I'] Sin Sukchu SR t1j'je MGZY chya (3JI) jt�'j e ] ; ONW ts11a [D) PMi n *ts11ia; in some southern dialects 'to mil l ' , e.g. Y-Gu{mgzhou tshe53-m f!i 13 * 'mill rice' . [E) H orse and chariot were i ntroduced i nto China around 1 200 BC from the West (Shaughnessy HJAS 48, 1 988: 1 89-237). Therefore, this word is prob. a loan, apparent ly from an IE language (V. Mair, EC 1 5, 1 990: 45ff; Robert Bauer, Sino-Platonic Papers 47, 1 994): Toch . A kukiil, Tocharian B kokale, note Greek kykla or kykloi ( 'wheels ' :) 'wag on ' (Pokorny IG etym. Worterbuch 1 : 640] ; an older variant survives i n Northern M and. gii-lii 'wheel ' (so Bauer). A lternatively, ace. to Baxter I Sagart ( 1 998: 48) cM i s a derivation by k-prefix from -> yu 1 1 'lift up' ( § 5.4); note the WT semantic parallel theg-pa 'vehicle, carriage, riding beast' < id. 'to lift, raise, hold, support' . - j ii lfl (kjwo) L H kta, OCM *ka [I'] ONW kio ? > k� 'Chariot' (a piece in a chess game), lit. for 'carriage' ( as i n Tang poetry: Branner T'ang Studies 1 7, 2000: 44). For a similar phonologi cal doublet, note -" chi:i3 - jU2 . D i fferent readings of lfi are discussed by Baxter ( 1 992: 480; 862 n. 356). Shimfng states that the reading in MC -Jwo is the older one; this is prob. based on a scribal error in a Shi)ihg version (Baxter 1 992: 3 60; 480). On the other hand, Baxter points out that therefore the reading MC kjwo may be a lexicographical ghost, whi le a reading MC k1'jwo mentioned in JDSW seems closer to MC ts1'ja with its aspiration. H owever, MC kjwo has enjoyed to this day general currency while MC k"Jwo is unknown apart from thi s sound gloss. [C] Possible all ofam -> ku 1
c he l :l:!f 4 c hrl t� c he2 f�t�
( Tai : S . ta-nim 'jewel ' (Unger Hao-ku 47, 1 995: 1 4 1 ).
cben1 .... shi 17 t5t c he n 2 tt (gjgm) L H
g i m , OCM *d-l;>rn 'To sink' [Shi ] , ' submerged' [Guoce] , ' submerge' something as a sacrifice [OB] > 'put poison in l iquid ' [Zhou l i ] ; 'deep' [Zhuang] (� Chuci -t zhan 1 m [ gnih 'eyetooth, canine' (AA medial n often d isappears i n CH).
-
_
c hi 1 fF'
(tshjak) L H tshak, OCM *k-lhak 'Salty soil' [Shu] i s perh. connected to -> x14 belong to _, g u 1 5 !ML and _, lu 1 [jj .
c hi 2 c hi 3 �
_,
Y� (sjak) [si ak] 'salty soi l ' and may
c h13 f�JI� �
(tshjak) L H t§hak, OCM *k-hlak, OCB *KHjAk - m ONW tshek 'Red' [BI, ShiJ is from earliest times the basic term for ' red ' ( Baxter JCL TA 1 983), rivaled only by _, zhil 1 The OC i nitial i s suggested by *hi- i n the phon . series. Tai : S. th.iak01 ' red' m ay be a pre- or early-Han loan. [D] PMi n *tshiak [E] Etymology not clear. The phonetic series implies an OC L-Iike i n itial, also the There are graph � writes a word 'expel ' with i ncontrovertible OC *1- ( _, she2 no TB comparanda with a c lose phonological fit; one could c ite WT khrag 'blood' (HST: 1 23 ) which is here associated with � he4 or PTB *tsyak *tsak 'red ' (cognate ace. to STC no. 1 84; p. 1 68 n. 452), Lushai cak 'red' , as well as the TB items under -> hi\ iffij; 'red' with which it may possibly be connected. Perh. the fol lowing word may be related; l i ke chl3' it had apparently a complex initial cluster in OC.
1 88
c hi - c hO u s�
( sj a k, xj�k) L H sak ? o r sek ? o r htk ?, 'Red ' [Shi]. - (D] Amoy tsllio?A '
shi
OCM *lhak, *h�k ?
c hi 4 �. shi
( sjeC) LH §eC, OCM *lheh ? - ji (kj ieC 4 ) LH kie, OCM *ke ? 'Wing' � [Guoce] , [Zhouli]. Mand, chi has i rregular aspiration . [f] Sin Sukchu SR t� 'l, �i (:ft), PR �l· LR t� 'l; MGZY shi (:ti) [�i ] ; MTang s i , kie ( ?) (N] Two words for 'wing' have been applied to two graphs � and � : ( 1 ) chi < *lheh. ( 2 ) ji < *ke - a semantic extension of 4 zhf4 5(g::/( ' l imb' > 'wing ' ; M C tone C i s prob. an analogy to chi; unpal atal i zed M C kjieC 4 betrays a southern d ialect ori g i n ; Mln *k11ek m ay be related. T h e graph must have been i ntended for *ke ( t h e phonetic is *ke), � for *lheh. However, by convention, MC kjieC is an alternate reading for while both shl � chi � write original *lheh.
c hi 5 fi!Jj c hi 6
4
l l 1 1J
( t §11.j.C) LH k11 i�c or ts11�c. OCM *khj�? ?, OCB *KHj;;>?(s) 'Cooked sacrificial m illet' [Sh i ] , [Zhoul i ] . The phoneti c series imply an OC i n i t ial *j-, hence the word may be related to WT yos ' sl i g htly roasted corn ' ( mostly barley or wheat). Baxter a . Sag art ( 1 998: 52) relate chi t o 4 qi3
c hong 1 1if
{gjul)) LH Q,uiJ, OCM *drurJ 'Be young , weak' (of a person) [Shu]. [E] ST : W T clluiJ-ba 'small, young ' .
ch0ng2 N�
( gjul)) LH QUI), OCM *drul) 'Empty' [Lao] looks similar to WT stOI]-pa 'empty'.
c hong3 ff ( sj WOIJ)
L H SOIJ, OCM *lhoiJ 'To hull grain with a pestle' [Shi], 'beating stick for beating time in music' [Zhoul i ] ; ' t o beat' 1{1 [Zuo ]. [E] KT: S. *klooiJ ' h u l l rice' ( STC: 1 78 n. 472), K am-Sui *tyul)B, which i n turn i s perh. ultimately related to AA : Kharia du 'ruiJ 'to poun d ' (rice), Munda ruruiJ ' to husk g rain ' ( in a husking machine). TB forms seem phonetically closer to 4 chuang2
c hong4 jlj
( tshjwoiJ) L H tshoiJ, OCM *thoiJ 'To pierce' (a person to kill him) [Guoce]. A syn. and cognate is --. dong 1 i!PJ. [E] ? ST : Perh. related to WT mduiJ 'lance, spear, sting of i nsec t ' ( CVST 2: 1 5).
c hong5 1.1i 4 c hu a n g 2 c h6ng 1 .HEll (u) L H th11u , OCM * t-hli u ? [f] MTang theu < t11u, ONW thu 'Take out, pull out, remove' (e.g . draw weapons, remove thorns from a branch) [Shi]. MC {hj- is occasionally found i n words with OC L-l i ke i n itial. 1 89
c h6u
c h6u
IEJ ? ST: TB-Chepang klu- 'pull out' (hair) 3 � glu - 'pull out (larger) weeds, cultivate crop' 3� blu- ' remove, root out ' . Tai : S. tha-Jok01 'to pull up' (Manomaivibool 1 975: 1 50) confirms the OC *1-, even though the Tai final stop i s u nexplained; note that Tai usually has no medi al i to correspond to the CH element (§9. 1 .3). Alternatively, the CH word may be connected with the fol lowing T B i tems i n stead: Chepang hlyut- ' strip off' (skin) 3� hlyu 'peel off' ( skin) 3� hlyun 'undress, peel ' ; WT su-ba, (b)sus 'to take off' (clothes), ' strip off' ( leaves, skin), 'to ski n , pare' 3� sun 'bark, rind, peel, ski n ' . This item enjoys a wider distribution: Tai-S. lutDI5 < *hi- 'to slip off, come off' ; Yao hlut 'to slip off'. [D] Min words seem to be connected with this last foreign set: col. Amoy lut01 ( < *hlut?) 'to slip out of place' 3t thutD2 ( < *dhut) 'be dislocated ' m ay derive from Tai , see above. [C] This etymon is c lose to � tuo3 Jm.
c hou2, l i a o
(�hjgu, l ieu) LH thu, leu, OCM *rh i u , *rifi 'To improve, get cured, recover' [OB, 81, Shi ] , 'harm ' [Guoyu] is prob. cognate to ..., .K& �s;; 'f{ 5f'-: . hao 3 t:. •
chou3
(tshjgu) LH tshu, OCM *thu ' Sound of an ox breathing' [SW]. lE] ST: The basic meaning of this etymon i s 'breathe i n ' : W B huik 'pant, be out of breath ' ; it is not clear i f or how WB hru 'breathe, draw into the nose, mouth ' 3� hruik 'draw into lungs with protracted effort' are related. 3� c hou � (tshjguc) LH tshuc, OCM *k-huh ' Strong sme l l ' [Shi ] , 'foul ' [Shu] > Mand. also 'stinki n g , disgusting ' . [T] Sin Sukchu SR t�'iw ( :t-); MGZY chiw (:t-) [t:?'iw] ; MTang tsheu < tshu, ONW tshu [D] M-Xiamen l i t. tshiuC1, col . tshaoC1, FuzhOu tshauC � xiii U* ( xjguC) LH hue, OCM *huh 'To smel l , inhale' [Lun] > M and. 'smel l , scent, sniff' . CH -> PTai *xiguAl 'to smell bad, putrid ' . [T] MTang hiu > heu; ONW hu - [D] M-Xiamen l it. hiuCI 'bad smel l i n g ' . [C] An allofam i s perh. -" chou 2 �.
c h6u 1 ffiH c h o, u2 c h6 u 3 fl
3�
3�
..., �
c h6u3 {I m� s a- o 3 ,.fg;;
( gjgu) LH gu, OCM *dru ( 'Counterpart' :) 'mate, companion ' [Shu], ( 'equal item s ' :) 'class, category' [Shu], 'equal' [Guiguzi]. Syn. qiu {h (gj�u) 'mate, companion, antagonist' [Shi]. (E] ST: WT do 'two, a pair, a couple, an equal , match, companion, mate' 3 � dod ' an equivalent', W B tu ' be like, similar' ( CVST 2: 1 4). On the other h and, note PWMiao A ntrau6 'husband, lover' . c h6u (zjgu) L H dzu, OCM *du [T] MTang zeu < dzu, ONW dzu ( 'To counter' :) 'to pay back, reply, opponent, enemy' [Sh i ] ; 'pledge with wine a second time ' WH [Shi ] , 'requite ' �;# [ShuJ, 'recompense with g i fts' §1+1 [Zuo]. lE] ST: Lushai doH 'be at enmity with, be hostile ' , doll 'to counter contributions ... ' ; but Lushai 'be at enmity with ' may equally well belong to � dou6 [EEJ 'quarre l ' . c h ti n (zj uen) LH dzui n , OCM *dun 'A pair' [Zuo] [ t�h� LEJ AA: PMonic *jrlaa? 'thorn , thorny bamboo' ( added to names of thorny plants), Khmu ' /cgrJa?/, Semai /jGrlaa?/ [Diffloth 1 984: 80]. The complex AA initial needed of course to be simplified in CH , apparently by elimination of the medial 1.
Table C- l 'Knock, push, touch ' (for *tokll], *to *t11ok knock chu against knock against WT thogs-pa knock agai nst I Lush. t:J:JkH I! knock ( agamst) beat, strike
Mikir tok- to strike JP tbo!]31 kick
--+
chU 1
�)
*tuk, *tu
*trok, *truk/1)
*tsU)- or *tj-
WB tuik strike ag a i n st JP t11u55 push W B tui8 push, butt, shove against
WT rdug-pa strike against
W B choi)C thrust, push, butt, stamp KNaga *tsjuk knock a g a i n st
drw *tO? beat, pound W B t11uiB thrust, stab, strike
zhu6 �:�)\ *tr6k strike zhu '!{£ *truk beat, stamp earth chuang *drolJ(h) strike WT rdu!]-ba beat,
Lushai chuH I chutL to strike (with rod), poun d , stamp M ikir chok beat WB cbo!]c thrust, push, butt, stamp
*truk beat, stamp earth
Lushai (;huH I cbutL t o strike ( with rod), pound, stamp W B cbmf thrust, push, butt, stamp
*tr6k chop zh{t *trok cut Mikir artok < r-tok chop off
WT 'ts11og-pa to hew, chop
zhu6 n)j{ *tr6(k)h peck up zhou il;'j< *truh beak
Lushal c u L I cukL to bite ( a s snake), peck WT m c11u l ips, beak
stamp, pou n d
zhu � *tuk cut off Lushai tukL cut, chop s h u ?:'J( *do cut off, kil l , die JP t11u33 cut
Comment on the table: The d istribution of meanings over the different stems appears random , yet many stems tend ( !) to have a semantic focus: ST *tok 'knock against' -> chu 1 f�if (PTB *tsok 'beat, chop' : M ikir chok 'bea t ' , WT ' ts11og-pa 'hew, chop ') ST *truk ' strike against' -> zhu5 � ST *tro/u!] 'strike' -> chuang2 ST *tu 'push, bea t ' -> dao3 ST *do 'cut' -> shu 1 ST *tu(k) 'cut' : .... zhu 1 1 ST *tauk ? 'cut, hack' -> zhu64 ST *trok 'cut off' -> zhu7 l!lif > ·peck, beak' -> zhu7 (PTB *ts/ju(k) 'strike ' : Lushai cuH I cutL 'strike, pound, stamp' > 'peck, beak ' : Lushai cuL ! l:ukL 'to bite (as snake), peck', W T mc�>u 'lips, beak')
!v1·
1 93
c hu - c hu The TB sterns with affricate i nitial(s) in the l a st column are genetically separate from the others, although they share their field of meaning. As to the many stern s with initial *t-, the semantic leap from 'accidentally knock against' to 'chop to pieces' is considerable, but these m eanings still are within this particular semantic range. Given the plethora of sterns, it seems that at least two originally unrelated roots, one meaning 'knock, push', the other 'cut' have converged, probably already beginning on the ST level, and then l ater in individual languages resulting in this chaotic d istribution. The sound symbolic nature of the sterns has probably contributed to the transfer of meani ng from one stern to another. These sound-symbolic items are a l so found in other language fam ilies, eg. AA-Khmer /dok/ 'to beat, pound'.
( t§hjwo8) LH tsha8, OCM *k-hla? 'To stay, keep still, dwell ' [B I , Shi]. 3 � chu (t§hjwoc) LH t s11ac, OCM *k-hlah 'A place'. [f) Sin S. SR t�'y MGZY chyu C*) [t;;'y] ; ONW ts110 < tsho [EJ ST: TB: WT gda '-ba 'to be, be there' (locative vb.) 3� WT gdan 'seat' : 'a bolster, a place of residence, situation, rank' , Mikir kedo 'to dwel l ' ; with the original !-initial in TGTM *gla:AJB 'place' (Mazaudon 1 996 LTBA 1 9. 1 : I 07); Lushai tJaH I tlatL 'to be, exist, live, remain ' ; Pwo Karen (Kyonbyaw) fan 'place' (Kato A. 1 995 L TBA 1 8. 1 : 68). which is prob. a variant. [C) -> jU 2 [T] ONW ts11uok c hu 1 �j (tshjwok) LH ts11ok, OCM *t11ok 'To butt ' [Yi], 'knock against' [Zuo]. [DJ M rn Xiamen lit. ts11iokDI, col. tshikDI [E] ST *tok WT t11ogs-pa 'to strike, stumble, run against ' , Lushai t;;;;kH 'to knock (against)', M ikir tok- 'to strike, beat' . TB parallel stem with initial affricate are: M ikir chOk 'beat, hit, strike' (STC: 53), WT 'tshogs-pa 'to hew, chop', note also Kuki-Naga *tsjuk 'knock against ' . Further cognates and I or parallel stems are listed in Table C- l .
chu3
chb2 *W (tjuet) LH tuit, OCM *trut 'Bend' [Xun]. The word belongs to a root *tru from which is also derived -> zhou 1 Jtt 'wrist, elbow'. [E] ST: WB kruiC 'bow down, stoop' . Bodman ( 1 969: 337) relates this word to WT 'dud-pa, dud I btud 'to bend down, incline ' . c hu 3 �lli -> c hii 1 c hu4, x u � (t11juk, xjuk) LH thuk, huk, OCM *rhuk, *huk 'To rear, to nourish, cherish' (animals) (also 'l'i [Shil) > 'support' fShi]. (T] Sin Sukchu SR t?'Y ( A), PR t�'u'?; MTang thuk, ONW thuk $� c h i't , xu (t11jguC , xjguC) LH th u C , hue, OCM *rhukh, *hukh 'Domestic animal ' [Zuo; EY ! 9] (tone C reading: Downer 1 959: 276). (T] Sin Sukchu SR xy (A.); MGZY hyu (A.) [xy] [ hlio iJf. A lternative affiliation: ST: JP kru?55 < kruk55 'to sprout ' , khruiJ33 'be alive ' , WT 'khruiJ-ba 'be born, come up, to sprout' (HPTB: 285). See Table C-2 for synonyms. Zhengzhang relates WT Jug 'sheep' to this word (Sagart 1 999: 1 95), this would be parallel to -> yang $ 'sheep' ? � yzmg 2 � 'raise'; however, WT lug i s prob. related to -> 1 du6 1 94
c huii.n - c huan Table C-2 'Birth, sprout, nourish' oc
*lu(k)
*k(r)ok I -1]
yu *luk g i ve birth, nourish yu :fr *lok nourish
*kok baby, alive gu ju �� *kuk suckle, nourish gou *kokh suckle kou � *khokh newborn chick
*kuk
� -·
············�
-
JP
lu3I give birth
WB
1
i
chii *(r)huk rear, nourish 'khruiJ-ba be born, come up, sprout
( ? srog l ife)
WT
*krul) I -k
kro?55 < krok55 to hatch kyol)B feed I tend cattle
!
ku?SS < kuk55 to sprout
kru?55 < kruk55 t o sprout
::l-kui k sprout from a seed
J.
Table C-2 shows a web of stems ( § 2 . 5 ) which have blended into each other, stems with I without medial -r- and perh. also 1 and with the vowels *o - *u. ST *lu(k) is unrelated t o the other stems, unless we assume an OC *kl-cluster in gii etc. Most of the CH stems have eventually converged i n the mean ing 'nourish ' , except that gii ' nourish' is perh. a semantic extension of the homophonous but unrelated etymon -> gu 1 3 #jt 'cere a l ' . The voiceless i n itial in CH chu is prob. due t o a pre-initial. - -,
c huiin 1 J I ] (ts"j wan) LH ts"uan, OCM *k-hlun 'River' [BI, Shi]. [E] Area word: JYfB *klu:l) (STC no. 1 27) > WT kluiJ 'ri ver'; Kachin kruiJ ' valley, dale' , OBurm. kh]oiJ [IST: 353], WB khyuifJB ' stream ' ; perh. also Lushai JuaiJH I JuanL < JuaiJ I /uanh (< JuaiJs) 'to flow' (water, river) (so Unger Hao-ku 50, 1 995: 1 56). This etymon may ultimately be connected with -> jU:ing 1 1I ( *krul) *klul)?). Like OC, MK-PWa has both forms for 'river ' : *kbi) 'river' and *kr::JI] 'large river, sea ' . STC (p. 1 3 1 t: n. 1 29) suggests that the WT root may be separate from the AA one, and considers it to be a variant of shuJ J]IJA2 'canal ' is unrelated, see -> tang 1 chuii n 2 (ts"jwan) LH tshuan, OCM *thon 'To bore through' [Shi]. [T] Sin S. SR t�'yen ( �); MGZY chwyan [t�'yen]; ONW tshuan [E] ST: WT rtol-ba 'to bore, pierce, perforate' . >< duan (tuan) LH tuan, OCM *t6n [T] ONW tuan 'Tip, end, point ' ·ffij [Zhouli], �ffij [Li] ; 'beginning, first, symptom ' )Iffij [Meng]; 'to bore' �#ij [Fangyan]. [E] ST: WT rdol-ba, brtol 'to come out, break out, sprout' (HST: 1 1 7). c huan 1 f.J'd (dzjwan) LH zuan, OCIVI *m-Ion 'Boat' [Mo]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR dzyen (�); MGZY cwyan (�) [dzyen] [D] PMin *gziun � *gzion and seems to replace it by Han times [N] The word appears in texts later than -> zhou 1 FY says that (ST) chwin is the word (Huang Jfngul, Sh{m X fr6ng YYWZX 1 987.8: for 'boat' in western China, and (AA) zhou and hang are the words common in central and eastern China. PMin *gz- suggests a prenasalized initial. Graphic variants are written with I or 0 which are, however, not phonetic, i.e. a word like GY xiang is spurious (Hming Jin-gui, Shen Xf-r6ng). There are more words which have a final -n in CH, but -I] in TB and other languages (§6.4.2). �
1 95
c hu a n - c huf [E] Area etymon of A A origin (Luce ace. to Weidert 1 987: 1 29; Shorto 1 972: 1 5). ST-PTB *m-lo!J ( HPTB: 294) > WB loiJB 'canoe, long boat', also WB hluiiJ 'excavate, a n iche' ; Lushai l:JI]L 'boat' �t biJF 'to take out the heart' (of a tree), S. Khami mlauiJ, N . Khami phfaUIJ , Kyaw mlauiJ. OC agrees closely with the Kuki-Chin forms *mlol); Mikir teloiJ. PMK *lu(u) - *l(u)�IJ 'to hollow out' (Shorto 1 972: 1 5) > OM on dluiJ 'boat' 3� M idMon /bmh.;!]/ 'to hollow out' , K hmer /lu!]/ 'make a hole I pit I cavity, dig, excavate, bore, hollow out' , Bahn.-Sre (daa) Wrlul] 'to hollow out' (Shorto 1 97 1 : 3 1 ), PSBahn. *p�lu!] 'canoe ' , PWa *?b!] 'coffin', Lawa U Jo:IJ 'boat', Viet. xuong [sill�IJ] . Related to this root are apparently words for 'inside' (< from 'hollowed out'): PVM *k-b:l) ' inside' [Fer!us] > SViet. triiWIJ, PSBahn. *blu:!] 'middle' , OKhmer ka(111UIJ /k�nlul)/ 'interior space, inside' , Katuic *k�lho:l) 'inside' , K hmu? kluaiJ. These items are prob. not connected with -> zhong 1 cp 'middle'. From Southern M1n forms like tsuiJ55 is derived Malay jong, Java jong 'junk' (Zhang Yong-yan YYWZX 1 989.9: 94). A semantic parallel (and cognate?) is -> yu 1 4 fitr OC *lo ' scoop out, make hollow, canoe' , see there for further items. Syn. -> fang 2 , -> hang4 ffl!L�}L; -> zhou 1 ffi.
c huan2 1' -> z hua n 1 c huang 1 (d�jai]) LH d�al), OCM *dzrai] - [f] ONW d�ai) (?) 'Bed ' [Shi]. Perh. cognate to AA-Khmer /r:x>IJI 'to hold upright, support from below', and I or OMon jon ly>l]l 'couch, bed' (a CH loan?). For the initials, see §7. 1 .5. c huang2 ( wei 2 �, --> rul �:g.�. chui2 fta (c;iwie[C]) LH c;Iuai(C), OCM *droi(h) ? 'Pot, j ar' [Lie]. Perhaps related is the ancient Changsha dialect word for 'pot, jar' duo !;iE\, ( dua 8) [GY] . - [E] ? ST: WT yol-go, yol-ma 'earthenware, crockery' .
c hUn � (t§hjuen) L H t§huin, OCM *thun (The season when growth begins:) 'Spring ' [Shi], 'spring-summer' [OB] . [f] MTang t§hun, ONW t§huin - [D ] PM in *tshuin 3t z hu n 11!: (tjuen) LH �uin, OCM *trun - or: � tun m (du;'ln) LH du;'ln, OCM *dun 'To begin to grow' (of plants in spring) 11!: [Yijing], m [Fayan]. [E] Cf. M K-Khmer /doh/ to grow, sprout' ; or --> chuan 2 �. [C] Perh. 3t --> chun :. chun 1 JW1� (dzjuen) LH zuin , OCM *m-dun ? 'Lip' [Zuo] > 'banks' (of a river) 1� [Shi] ; the basic meaning was apparently 'edge, rim' (W ang Li 1 982: 5 1 7). [f] Sin Sukchu SR zyn ('f), PR dzyn; MGZY cyun ('¥) [dzyn] [E] Etymology not clear. The most likely cognate is TB-Lepcha a-dui 'lips, edge of a vessel' (Geil ich 1 994: 272). Mikir il)tur < m tur 'lip' is perh. a loan from M K-Khasi : fiJtur 'mouth' . STC ( 1 58 n. 428) associates chun with WT mchu 'lip, beak of birds' (but see under --> zhll 7 /I!T>, HST: 39 connects WT with zhOu U�U)K 'beak' (--> zhu 7 /lh c hun2 1¥ (zjuen) LH dzuin, OCM *dun 'To flow' [Zhuang], 'to soak' [Guoyu] > (? 'soaked land' :) 'salty and poor land' [Zuo]. 3t zhUn �¥ (tsjuen) LH tsuin, OCM *tun 'To moisten ' [Zhouli], 'moist, fat' [Li]. chun3 �¥ 'a pair' --> c h6u3 {I c hun4 @� __. dUn 1 :WJrl� c hu n :� (t§hjuen8) LH t§huinB, OCM *thun? 'Be wriggling, moving, swarming ' (of insects > people) : [Shi] > 'agitated' � [SW : Zuo]. Boltz (JAGS 99.3, 1 979: 436) relates --> chiln � 'spring ' to this wf. [f] Sin Sukchu SR t�'yn (J:); MGZY (:) chyun (J:) [t�'yn] ; ONW t§huin 3t dUn SW (tu;'ln) LH tu;'ln, OCM *tfin 'Be agitated, anxious' [Zhuang]. 3t tun 'I'� (du;'ln) LH du;'ln, OCM *dun 'Be sorrowful , anxious' [Chuci]. 1 97
c huo - c l c huo ;t; (t�hak) L H t�h:)k, OCM *tshrok 'To spear' (fish) [Zhuang]. [E] AA: Khmer ciika !cook! 'lift with tool . . . ' > f cpiika le book! (archaic:) 'trident for lifting fish ' , perh. also PWa *c:)k 'to catch' (fish by hand). For the CH retroflex initial, see § 5 . 1 0. 3 . Synonyms I variants are � ce5 :Ji, � ze 6 ,ffl' .
c huo 1 � 'distant ' � z huo2 * c huo2 ��IX (tshjwat) LH tshuat, OCM *thot ? 'To taste, eat' �� [Li], 'to drink' IX [Li]. [D] This is the word for 'to drink' in some southern dialects: �� K-Meixian tsh:Jt11, M -Fuzhou tshu:J?43, Jian 'ou tshyt:34, Xi amen tshe?32. [E] The TB words under � za rJI may possibly belong here.
c f Jfr! (tshje) LH tshie, OCM *tshe 'Female' of birds, game [Shi], in modern dialects also of other animals, e.g., Wu Si:izhou ts ']44-IJ.iY24!21 &!4 'cow'; opposite xi6ng ftl 'male' . - Etymology not clear. c f 1 )7Jf, (dzi) LH dzi, OCM *dz;)i or *dzi 'To pile up, thatch' [Shi]. CVST (4: 6) relates this word to Lushai ci?L 'to thatch, put on a roof'. cf2 � (dzje, tshje) LH dzie, tshie, OCM *dze, *tshe 'Small intestines' [GY]. [E] PTai *saiC 1 'intestines' (Luo 2000: 86f). This word is distinct from � zl 3 �.
c f 3 � � zr, -T , @ ,r:fr: C I 4 1.U:t:. � Z I 5 g c f 5 �¥"§PJ (zi) LH zi;), OCM *s-1;) LT] Sin S. SR z1 ('f), LR z1; MGZY z hi (:!f) [z1J 'Word, speech, excuse, pleading ' �¥ [BI , SW, Shu], 'word, expression ' §P] [Hanfei]. [E] ST *s-1;): WT zla-ba, zlas 'to say, tell, express' (CVST 3: 1 ). The similarity with M and. [tsh1] , and Karlgren 's OC *-g, have led to the erroneous identification with WT tshig 'word' . V
-
c l 1 .l[t (tshje8) LH tshie8, OCM *tshe? 'This (here)' [Shi] is an independent pronoun (§3 .3.3) (Pulleyblank 1 995 : 86). The phonetic series of ci is inconclusive concerning the OC rime, Karlgren assumes *-ar (i.e., OCM *-ai), but cognation with sT(next) suggests OC final *-e. [f] Sin Sukchu SR ts'1 (_t); MGZY tsh hi (_t) [ts'1] ; ONW tshe >f sf �JT (sje) LH sie, OCM *se 'This ' [Shi, but especially Lunyu and Liji: Tangong where sTreplaces the usual ci] (Pulleyblank 1 995: 88). c r2 �Jlt � j £ 15 JJ!ft c1 1 >J\1� (tshiC) LH tshiC or tshis, OCM *tshis/h < *s-nhis ? 'Be second, next fol lowing ' [Shi], 'to arrange in order, order, sequel ' >J\ [Zuo] ; 'well arranged, convenient' 1� [Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR ts'1 ($7); MGZY tsh h i ($7) [ts'1] ; ONW tshi [E] Since ace. to SW, � er 1 = 'two ' is phonetic in ci, Pulleyblank ( 1 962: 1 33) derives ci from er and postulates an OC cluster of the type s + n- (see comment under � qf1 t 'seven ' ; §5 .9.2). 1 98
c l - c ua n c l 2 J:R ( tshjeC) L H tshieC, OCM *tshekh 'Thorn ' [SW] . [ WT mt1'e-bo 'thumb', Nung t"e 'big, large, great ' , M ikir t"e, kethe 'id. ' ; WB tay -
202
da i 'very ' ; Abor-Miri ta 'large'. The TB forms do not have a final *-s, though, but have a final *-y which "indicates emergent quality in stative vbs.," ace. to M atisoff. The TB word has also been associated with .... duo � (Baxter ace. to M atisoff 1 995a: 44), but a different etymology for the latter seems preferable. Possibly, what has resulted in CH da and duo has elsewhere converged (HST: 42).
dai 1 1� (d�iC) LH d�h, OCM *lokh ' Substitute, take the place of, supercede' [Shu J > 'generation ' [Shi], 'dynasty' [Lunyu]. The fundamental notion of this wf is perh. 'switch things around' , -> te 1 }."[ m ay also belong to this wf. [daj]; ONW doi m Sin Sukchu SR daj (:�); MGZY tay �� te rt (th�k) LH th�k, OCM *lhok 'Change, alter, deceive, err' [BI , Shi). � � dai �iJ (d§jB) LH d�8, 0CM *1�? ' Deceive' [Li] . for an AA parallel. See -> dai9 dai2, te � .... te1 dai 3 1:k ( daiC) LH dos, from earlier *lats ? 'Wave' [Chuci] , a late OC word, apparently from a southern dialect. The older syn. is .... bo 1 LEl ST: WT rla bs 'wave' (Bodman 1 980: 52). dai4 ffi (d�iB) LH d�B, OCM *1o? 'Arrive, come to that, at the time that, when ' [Shi]. LEJ ST: PT B *la: PLB *la, WB la 'come, reach in degree'. The ST level had apparently already doublets *b - *r� (-> hli 1 * ) 'arrive ' . dai 5 �iJ .... dfd 1 1� dai 6 1� 'wait'
....
den g 1 �
d a i 7 � (taic) LH tas, OCM *tas 'Belt, sash ' fShi], 'string ' [Zuo]. m Sin Sukchu SR taj (*:); MGZY d ay [taj ] ; ONW taC LEJ ST with the basic meaning 'circumference, circumscription ' : PTB *m/s-ta:y (HPTB: 2 1 0), PLB *n-day3 : Lahu de 'belt of land between the high rain-forest and the plains, expanse of terrain ' , WT sde 'part, portion (of a country); province, district, territory' , Lushai ta / 'waist' (Matisoff 1 995a: 43). Mt i 8 (d�ic, jC) LH d�s, jis, OCM *l:'lts, *l;;Jts 'To come to, reach to' [Shi]. LE] Baxter ( 1 992) reconstructs OCB *(g-)l�ps and relates dili to -> ta 2 . Sagart ( 1 999: 1 27) relates it to 1i 'arrive' (under -> l!ii 1 * ). A lternatively, this could be an A A substrate word: Lave lee, Sre lot, Stieng luh 'to come'; AA -> TB-Lepcha /at 'to come, reach' (Forrest JAOS 82, 1 962: 333-334). Or AA: R iang laic, Pal aung hlae:x, Bahnar klech 'to reach' . da i 9 � (t�iC) L H t�C, OCM *t;')h 'To bear, support' [Zuo] , 'carry on the head ' [Meng]. LE] AA: (OKhmer *-dai - *-daya /-d:::lj - -daaj/ 'to bear, support' >) OKhmer dnay /dnaaj/ 'retainer, king ' s servant ' . AA -> Tai thanaaj 'attorney, representative'; Khmer /pdaaj/ 'to support I base oneself on, rely on ' �� Khmer tana /taat)/ 'to take the place 203
dan of, replace, substitute, represent'. The semantic development of the Khmer etymon is parallel to the CH word -> dai 1 f-\; *l�kh with OC initial *I (if our i nterpretation of OC i s correct), rather than *t- which i s suggested by Khmer. The word belongs to an AA wf which includes -> mei 6 'marriage go-between' and -> pei 1 Mi: 'pregnant' .
dan 1 f} (tan) LH ton, OCM *tan (< *tlan ?), OCB *tan J.T ] ONW ton 'Be red, vermilion, cinnabar' [Shi] has i n antiquity been a mineral from the ancient southern states Ba (Yunnan) and Yue (Zhej iang) [SW]. LH ton-kon, OCM *tan-kiln < *tlan-klan? 3E gan t]f (kan) i n dan-gan •f} 1Jj> verm ilion ore' [Xun], 'ore' [JY] may be a variant of dan, both could theoreti cally derive from an original foreign *klan, see below. 3E z ha n JiB (tsjan) LH tsan. OCM *tan - J.T] ONW tsan 'A red flag ' [Shi , ShimingJ (Wang U 1 982: 563). [E] KT: PKS *h-lanC 'red' ( Edmondson I Yang). The OC initial and *t- *k- doublets indicate that OC has borrowed this item. Perh. -> tan 1 'bare' i s related, as skin color tends to be associated with 'red', but see there. Alternatively, HPTB: 1 77 suggests ST *tja-n (*tya-n) 'red '. �
(tan) LH tan, OCM *tan 'Single, unit' [Shi], ' single, simple' [Li] ; 'unlined garment' [Li] . J.T] Sin Sukchu SR tan MGZY dan [tan] ; ONW ton - [D ] CDC tan1 3E d�n (danB) LH danB 'Only' [Chuci]. J.T] Sin Sukchu SR dan ( J: ) ; MGZY tan ( J::t;) [dan] [E] ST *twar ? : PTB *t(w)ar > WT thor-bu 'single, separate' (Matisoff 1 995a: 80); or ST *day � *tay 'single' (Matisoff 1 997a: 2 1 ). Pulleyblank (in Rosemont 1 99 1 : 3 1 ) connects dan with .... tan ] t.El.rfi 'bare' .
dan2
(tanB, Htc) L H tonB, toiC OCM *tan?, taih 'Disease, suffering, distress' [Shi], (dan) [Li] . 3E diin JJi'l (t1in) L H tan, OCM *tan - J.T] MGZY dan [tan] 'Exhaust' [Zhuang]. 3 � d�n (tanc) L H tone , OCM *tans 'Painful' EL [Shi ] . n tan !lE¥! (than) L H than, OCM *than 'Exhausted, fagged out' [Shi]. 3� du o , tuo, tuo � (tac, tha [n]) L H taic, thai, than, OCM *taih, *thai/n 'Exhausted, sick' (horses) [SW: Shi] , 'toiled, exhausted' (QY taC only) [Shi]. [E] ST *-dar: WT ldar-ba 'weary, tired, fainf (HST: 1 59); Chepang dyarh- 'discomfit, sudden pain ... ' dan4 J-' .... d a n 3
dan3
diin5 �Jt1tf (t�m) L H t;;�m , OCM *t�m - J.T] ONW tom 'Abandon oneself (in pleasure)' Jtt [Shi]; 'to be sunk in, steeped in (pleasure), rejoice' [Shi]. [E] Area word: AA: PVM *tam8 'to drown, sink' [Thompson] ; W a-Lawa-Bulang *ntYm 'soak rice'. AA -> Tai: S. dam < *?d- 'to dive ' 3� dam B 'to sink down deeply, to a great depth' ( Unger Hao-ku 36, 1 990: 5 8), tuam3 'be submerged, overwhelmed'. Dan is usually thought to be cognate to -> chen 2 YX (W ang Li 1 982: 607). 204
dan
dan
OCM *t�m can also derive from a hypothetical *tlam in which case there may b e a TB connection instead, but the meanings do not agree closely: Lushai liamR < Iiam? 'to overflow, disappear' , WB hlyam 8 'be brimming full ' 3� hlyam 'run over, overflow ' ; WT Jtam�pa, gtam-pa 'full' 3� ltem�pa 'full, overflowing '. PTai *tl-: S. temA l 'full'. (tarn) L H tom, OCM *tarn < *tlam [f] ONW tom. 'To carry on the shoulder' [Guoce]. [DJ PMin *tom 'to carry'; ace. to Norman ( 1 986: 382) the Northern Min 'softened initial ' *t- points to QC prenasalization which is supported by Yao daa m 1 < *nd-, PMY *ntam 1 'to carry' . 3� d a n (tamC) L H tam e , OCM *tams < *tlams - [D J PMin *tam e ' a load' 'Burden ' [Zuo]. [ Kam-Tai: PT *thr-: S. haamA 1 'two or more people carry' (Li F. 1 976: 45), Saek raam2 ( < hr-?) 'two or more carry' .
dan6
dan 1 tt (t�m8) L H t;)m 8, OCM *tgm? 'To beat, pierce' [Lie] is perh. related to Tai: PTai *t-: S. tamAl •to pound', esp. in a mortar (Li, HCT: 98). dan2 lll� (tamB) L H tomB, OCM *tarn? < *tlam? 'Gall' [Xun] . [E] A A : PNBahn. *klam 'liver', PVM *b:m, Katuic *luam (for the initial correspondence, see §8.2 . 1 ). As in the case of -> dan6 there is an alternative form with initial *t-: PPalaunic *bnt::l:m 'liver' (unique to Palaunic). dan 3 � (tan B) LH tan8, OCM *tan? 'Sincerity, truth' [ Shi]. 3 � dan-da n (tanc) LH tone, OCM *tans 'Be done in a sincere manner, sincere' [Shi]. dan4 .... diin3 • dan 1 B (UinC) LH tone, OCM *tans 'The time of sunrise, dawn , morning, bright' [OB, BO, Shi]. This word is not related to as the TB cognate shows. 'red' -> dan 1 [E] ST: Chepang dar?-do (place) 'of sunrise, in east'. dan2 'painfu l ' .... dii.n 3 dan 3-dan .... d a n 3 �. dan4 .... dan2 dan5 U�UB (d�m8) L H d�m B, OCM *}gm? 'Eat, swallow' U� [Guoyu] ; 'devour' [Xun]; 'keep in the mouth' [QY: Zhuang]. [E] Tai: S. ditm81 < *?d- 'to swallow'. [C] Perh. thi s is related to Mn §� (under -> han 1 � '§&) (so Bodman 1 980: 1 1 0), and perh. to .... xhin 1 1 fir. 205
dan dan6
dang
(damBfC) L H damBfc, ocM *lam?/s 'Insipid' [Li] . Gei lich connects dim with items under � tian4 '!'r§ 'cal m ' . [D ] Y-GuangzhOu tha:m B. PMin *!siamB 'insipid' is prob. unrelated.
dan7 '�!!'! (danC) LH done , OCM *dans 'To fear, dislike' [Shi ] . [ chu 1 an overview. dao4 fl _. z hu 1 0 t3G
dao 1 J?U (tauc) L H tauc, OCM *tauh 'To arrive' [Shi]. [E] Perh. ST, yet the TB rime is different from OC: WT gtug-pa 'to reach, to touch' (e.g. putting the forehead against the breast of an image) 3� t11ug-pa 'to reach, arrive at, come to, meet, touch' ; WB tuil) 'to arrive, reach, attain', JP du31 'arrive'. However, these TB items could just as well belong to .... zhu8 Jij. (dau8) LH douB, OCM *lfi? 'Road, way, method' [BI, Shi] . 111 Sin Sukchu SR daw ( J:.*); MGZY taw (J:.) [daw]; ONW dau [ 'explain ' [Li] > 'talk about' [Lao, Meng]. The Han period dialect of Eastern Qi has the words yu [joC] *lokh and you � [ju] *lu or *ju (?) 'road' [FY 3.23] which m ay be related. [E] Pulleyblank ( 1 973: 1 20) believes that dao 'talk' is cognate to -> tan2 Gong H wang cherng ( 1 995: 6 1 ) presents parallels which suggest a pattern of oc *;;,m > *u. m is shared with Yao klauB ' road' (Haudricourt 1950: 559; but Downer 1 982 *kau 2 ).
dao2
dao3 £ -> see under yu 'lW dao4 f§ (dauB) LH douB, OCM *lfi? 'Unhusked rice' [Shi]. [DJ PMin *tiuB 2 *ffi (corresponds to QYS {lj;;m C [JY] , LH {luh) may possibly be a variant (Norman, p.c.). [E] Etymology is not certain. The word could belong to the wf -> y6u4 1EB 'overflow' 207
de
de ng
(i.e. the notion of a flooded rice field). More likely, it i s an area word (rice culture originated in the south): PMY *nblauA (Bodman 1 980: 1 1 2). The relationship with similar-looking MK words is ambiguous, we find PVM *?a-b:? 'unhusked rice' , Viet. Jua 'paddy' [Ferlus], but Khmuic *b? 'glutinous rice' (Ferlus 3 1 st ICSTLL, 1 998: 90) whose meaning seems to connect the MK etymon with -> nui\ *im·
de 1 1{'} (tgk) LH tgk, OCM *tgk 'To get' [BI , Shi] . IT] Sin Sukchu SR t�j (7... ) , LR t�j?; MGZY d hiy ( A ) [tgj] ; ONW tgk [D] De is M and. col . , Gansu dei (Demieville 1 950: 52); de is sometimes thought to be an allofam of -> de 2 1,� 'virtue' . [E ] Based on h i s theories o n OC phonology, Pulleyblank (EC 1 6, 1 99 1 : 50) believes that de and -> de2 1� are cognate to WT thub-pa 'be able, cope with', but see -> da 2 �. de 2 (tgk) LH tgk, OCM *tgk [f] ONW t;;lk 'Moral force, virtue, character' (A. Waley) [BI , Shi], 'quality, nature' [Zuo]. [EJ Based on his theories on OC phonology, Pulleyblank (EC 1 6, 1 99 1 : 5 0) believes that are cognate to WT thub 'a mighty one, having power' , but see -> de and -> de 1 L� ' neng 2 fit. . 'straight'. [C] An all ofam i s perh . -> zh12 'genitive particle ' in Mand., appears for the first time in a Song document (Coblin p. c.) and later in an inscription of 1 238 (Mei Tsu-Lin BIHP 59. 1 , 1 988). I t is thought to be a col. archaism of the classical 'genitive particle' -> zhf1 L.
deng 1 � ( tgi)) L H t�l) , OCM *tgl] [f] ONW tgl] 'To rise, ascend, mount, raise' [Shi, Shu], 'to ripen ' [Meng]; 'ritual vessel with h igh foot' [Yili], 'high foot' [Li] is perh. the s. w. as -> deng 2 'lamp'. Wang Li ( 1 982: 253) and Matisoff (BSOAS 63 .3, 2000: 3 63) add -> zhl 1 5 � to this wf. * deng I)� (t�tf) L H t::-ltJc, ocM *tg!]h 'A rising slope' [Mu Tianzi]. �� deng (t�l]B) L H tgl]B, 0CM *t;'H]? 'Step of stairs' [Lunyu] > 'degree' , [Yi], 'rank' [Zuo], 'classify' (Zhouli]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR tgjl) Ct.), PR, LR t::ll); MGZY dh ing ( J: ) [tgl)] ; ONW t::liJ [ teng 2 [CJ Additional allofams are perh. -> zeng � � 'l'�f�, -> cheng 2 deng2 �:fl (t�l]) LH tgl), OCM *t;;,l] 'Lamp' � [Chuci]. lE] Etymology not clear. Perh. the same word as deng 'vessel with h igh legs', under 'rise' . The relationship with 'candle' i n M K languages, if any, i s not clear -> deng 1 (CH loan? MK loan ?): Viet den (North), del] (South), Khmer thm, M on nafi ( Hu ffman 1 975). Khmer ? -> Tai : Saek thianA2 < d- 'candle'. deng 1 � (t�I)8) L H t;;ll)B, OCM *t;;,l]? 'To wait', a medieval northern dialect word, prob. related to the fol lowing (so Wang Li 1 982: 90): 3� dai f� (d�iB) L H dg8, OCM *d;)7 (< *d;)!]? ?) 'To wait, treat, behave' [Lunyu] . For the final, see §3.2.4. Karlgren ( 1 956: 1 7) adds this word to shi 'wait upon ' (under -> sh1 1 5 '1'9' ). 208
de ng - df 'rise' deng2 'steps, category' -" deng 1 df1 {I£ (tiei) LH tei, OCM *tf 'To lower' [Zhuang]. [I'] Sin Sukchu SR tjej (:if), PR ti; MGZY di (:if) [ti] ; ONW tei 3� df g@ (tieiB) LH teiB, OCYI *ti? [D) PMi n *tieB 'Base, foundation. root' g [Sh i ] ; 'bottom ' [Lie]; 'root, base' fQ; (also tiei[C]) [Laozi ] . [ tl l 1JE .lJEJE!?l df 1 1)( ( d iek) LH dek, OCl\l *dek 'Low servant' [Shu], could either be derived from the name of a northern tribe; or, more likely, be AA: PMonic *cfiik 'slave, temple slave', PNBahn. *qdic 'slave ' , PSBahn. *d�c 'slave, servant'. df2-df J)('Jt (diek-diei) LH dek-de, OC M *dek-de 'Translators, interpreters' [Ltishi] , later simply df �if:: 'to translate' [Chenshu]. This may possibly contain a foreign loanword, note Turkic ti1 > til 'tongue, language' (Behr 2000). However, Behr prefers to consider df OC *lek an allofam of shl � 'to translate' (under -" yl 3 5 *'). (diek) LH dek, OCM *dek di3 'Enemy, opponent, enmity' [BI , Shu] . [E] ST: PTB *m-ta:y ( *tay?): J P taP1 'avenge, retaliate ' , m;;>31-taP1 'vengeance', Lushai ta l < tail 'be at enmity with one another, have a grudge against' . For *-k, see §6. 1 . di4 m -'> ti4 JPr�¥ di 5 ii -'> z hu6 l l r.-1 d£6 (diek) LH dek < deuk, OCM *liauk ? 'To buy grai n ' [Zuo]. [D] M-Xiamen tia?D2, Y-Guangzhou tek (Lin et al. YYWZX 1 996.2 : 1 1 3ft) > < tHto (thieuC) LH theuc < theuc, OC M *lhiiiukh ? 'To sell grain' [Mo; SW 2680]. [D] M-Xiamen thioC1, Y-Guangzhou t"iuc, K-Meixian tl'iauc [ dH i o 1 tf1 'ladder' . (dieic, thiei) LH deie, thei, OCM *d�ih, *th�i 'To look at from the side I askance, glance at ' [Li] LE] ST: Chepang dhy- 'concentrate, look at' (esp. when aiming), 'be watchful, alert' �� d1'es- 'see clearly, sight clearly' (when aiming). (tieie) LH tee, OCM *tekh 'God, ancestor, honorific for deceased fathers' [OB, Shi] (Eno EC 1 5, 1 990: 1 -26). IT] Sin Sukchu SR ti (1::) , PR, LR ti; MGZY di [ti] ; ONW tei 3� dl ftff (dieie) LH dee, OCM *dekh 'A kind of great sacrifice' [OB, Zuo]. LEl ST: WT the 'celestial gods ' of the Bon religion (HST: 1 64), JP m:J31-taP3 'god of the sky'.
dl 5
(tieie) LH tes, OCM *tfts 'Stem of a fruit' [Li]. 3 � die [� (diet) L H det, OCM *dit ' (Gourd) stem ' [Shi] (Sagart 1 999: 9 1 ). 210
dl: - dian di 6-dong ��
4
h6ng 1 !RI
dl7 B"J 4 z hu63 f.] di 8 Jil,lt ( dieiC) LH deC, OCM *deh 'hoof' ( so HST: 1 00). 'To kick' [Zhuang] is prob. cognate to 4 tf4 [E] ST: WT rdeg, PLB *tekH 'kick' (HST: 1 00), Garo ga-tek, Tangkhul Naga k�k:Jth�k.
dl: 9 �i $)( 4 z hf8 f£ dian 1 M® ( tien) LH ten (< tein), OCM *tfn [T] MTang tian < ttan, ONW ten 'Top of head' M [Shi ] ; 'top (of a mountain), forehead' .i'm [Shi]. >f dlng JJ! (tiei)B) L H te1)8, OCM *tel)? 'Top of the head' [Yi ] . [ 'to protect' [Shi]. -
�
21 1
dian - die dian3 '� (dienC) LH denC (< deinC), OCM *lfns 'Lightning ' [Shi]. lE] ST or area word: PYao *(?)l iiJ 'lightning' (Benedict 1 976: 97); TB-Chepang pli!]h-?o ' lightning' n pli!]h-sa 'flicker' (of fire).
dian4 ..... tian2 ±�M dian5 f!l 4 tan 1 'lJ. di a o 1 {J.m (tieu) LH teu, OCM *tifi 'To wither, fade, fall ' [Guoce] 3� di (diek) LH dek < deuk, OCM *difik 'Dried up, wizened' [SW : Shijing] is prob. related to Tai: S. tok01 'to become faded (calor)' . For the MC medial see §9. 1 .3 .
d i ii o 2 �J?i]fE (tieu) LH teu, OCM *tiCi 'To engrave, carve > injure' Jil [BI , Shu], [Zhuang, Zuo]. !El Etymology not clear. CVST (2: 1 30) relates this word to WB thujB 'engrave, write, stab'. CH ? -> Tai: S . tieuC (McFarland 1 944: 367: dtiewl), Saek diiw3 'whittled sticks' (for shaking to tell fortunes) (§9. 1 .3) . . diao �.1:_7 (tieuc) LH teuc, OCM *tiaukh 'To angle, fish with hook and line' [Shi] is related to Tai: S. tok01 'to angle, fish with hook and line'. For the phonological differences, see §9 . 1 .3 ; §3 .4. die 1
{diet) LH det (< deit), OCM *lit or *dft 'Anthill' [ShiJ > 'mound' [Meng] ( GSR 4 1 3o). LEJ ST: KN *m-hliiJ (but note Sabeu P{!-lait) 'ant ' [1ST: 27]. TB cognates to words in GSR 4 1 3 have pre-initial *m- (§8 . 1 .5). This may possibly be the s. w. as 4 die2 'bite ' , and I or also be connected with ..... chi3 �IS; 'ant eggs'.
die 2 Uf. (diet) LH det ( < deit), OCM *lit or *dft 'To bite' [Yi ] (a tiger a person) from which could be derived 4 zhl 2 �� 'water leech'. This could either be the s. w. as 4 die 1 ±I 'anthil l ' ; or be related to AA-Khmer dica /die/ 'sting, bite, prick' (of insects, reptiles, plants). A syn. i s 4 shi 2 3 � . die 3 �9( (diet) LH det (< deit), OCM *lit 'To stumble' [Xun ] . [I'] ONW det [D] PMi n *buot ' stumble' i s possibly related in light of the TB cognates. IEJ ST: PTB *ble 'to slip' (STC no. 1 4 1 ; HPTB: 203f), TGTM *ple:B 'slippery' ; PKaren *phle 3 - *?bJe 2 ' id. ' (STC: 1 3 9 n. 3 75), JP g k/e:IJ I tle:IJ 'top, upstream' 3< /e:p 'to rise' (sun) [Ferlus]; Bahnaric *kl ial) 'forehead' [Gregerson 1 976: 389]; Pearic klil)Z. Wa-Lawa-Bulang *k/sl)tOI) 'forehead' ; 3E PAA *klel) 'top ' . A lternatively, a connection with -+ dian 1 M� 'top of the head ' could also be possible. The source of Kadai *C-dol)A 'forehead' is not clear (CH?). Syn. .... tf1 � :f:1[:�, 6 �Ji and yan (both under .... ya2 1il'� tt � !h ..., sang0 �, -+ yang 8 m ��. d} n g 3 ffiJ (diei)B) LH de!]B, OCM *dei]? 'Small boundary banks between fields' [Zuo] is perh. a variant or cognate of ..., zhen3 � (so Lau 1 999: 342). Furthermore (or alternatively), ding could originally have referred to a trampled path, hence cognate to trng-tuan ll.!J ffil\! (t11iei)B-t11uan8) *thel)?-thon? 'be trampled down (fields)' [Shi] (so Karlgren GSR 833g). Finally, there may be a connection with ..., tf 1 'raise'. dt ng4 m .... trn g 3 M 214
dong - dou dong 1
(tuol)) L H tOUI), OCM *tUI) - [I'] ONW tOUI) 'Winter' [Shi], in some M !n dial ects 'harvest' , what is harvested in the 1 Oth month (winter). Wang U ( 1 982: 608) related this word to 4 zhong 4 � 'terminate' .
dong2
(tul)) L H tO!), OCM *tol) 'East' [OB, Shi]. The OB graph shows some object (but not the sun) in a tree. m Sin Sukchu SR tu!] (if); MGZY dung (if) [tul)]; ONW tol) lE] ? ST: Chepang thoiJ- 'lighten, be bright, bright' (esp. sky) � toi]h 'awake time' (as opposed to dream time). Perh. related to, or influenced by, 4 tlin 2 B� 'rising sun ' ; see there for TB and AA connections. After back vowels OC finals *-1] and *-n are occasionally confused, see §6.4.2.
dong 3 �* (tm)AfC) LH tOI), OCM *tol) < *tlOJ] ? 'Violent rain' [Chuci]. lE] M Y : The source of this word is apparently a form similar to Yao *blul)6 'rai n ' ; Wang FS has PYao < PMY *mblo;:nJ6 , but almost all individual Yao languages have a back vowel: bli1If'', bjiiq6, biiiJ6 (Huang Shu-xian YYYJ 1 989.2: 1 1 3, see also Wang FS 1 995 : 1 26). Perh. ultimately related to the AA etymon under 4 ping4 'rain master' ; note a back vowel form PEKatuic *pilool) 'sky' , per h. also Kharia t::>-blul) 'above' [Pinnow 1 959: 405 ] . PYao is prob. related to PMiao *nol)c. M Y back vowels tend to correspond to other languages' front vowels and vice versa. The word is marked as a M Y loan in CH because it first surfaces in the late Zhanguo I early Han text Chuci (songs from the southern state of Chu, a M Y area), it has a narrower specialized meaning in CH, it is rare in CH while it is the common word for 'rain' in MY; and finally it lacks a CH etymology. For *t- < *Cl-, see §8.2. 1 . For syn. and semantics, see 4 fen 2 dong 1 i� (dul)C) LH dol)c, OCM *dol)h - [I'] ONW dol) To pierce' (chest with an arrow) [Shiji, Hanshu], 'a hole' [GY] . ( l ) 'To pierce' � 4 ch6ng4 .ffilj. (2) 'excavate, hole' . lE] ST: PT B *dwa:l) 'pit, hole' (STC no. 1 69; p . 22) > PLB *dwaiJ 2 , W B twaiJ8 'hole, pit' 3E t11waiJ8 'make a hole into, scoop out' , Tiddim Chin wa:l) 'hole, make a hole' , WT doiJ 'deep hole, pit, ditch'. dong2 (dul)B) LH dol)B, OCM *dol)? 'To move, set in motion, shake' [Shu]. m Sin Sukchu SR dui) (1:.); MGZY tung (1:.) [dui)]; ONW dol) lE] W :'mg Ll ( 1 982: 3 57) believes that dang ( dal)8) Sin Sukchu SR daiJ Cl:.); MGZY tang (1:.) [dal)] 'to move, shake' [Shu, Zuo, etc., GuangyaJ is related. Downer 1 959: 288 reads 'be moved emotionally' [Lunyu] in tone C. dong 3 :J[IlJ Fuzh6u 'to rai n ' 4 dang 1 dou �)3 4 duo :ff;;
dou 4 .... z h u 5 dou 1 .... t6u 3 (d:;mC) L H doe, *d6h dou2 'A round vessel ' [B I , Shi] on a stem for serving meat dishes (K. C. Chang 1 976: 1 28) which originated in the prehistoric eastern L6ngshan culture. [I'] Sin Sukchu SR d:Jw MGZY thi w Ct�) [d:Jw] 215
dou - du [C) Perh. related to
�
t6u3 !I� 'head' , and dou 3 :R ' soybean'.
(d;:mC) LH doe 'Soybean ' . LEl Etymology not certain, prob . area word: PT B *tu-!] 'bean ' (LaPolla 1 994: 1 7 I ); AA-PSBahn. *tu:h, PNBahn. *toh 'bean '. Unger (Hao-ku 24, 1 984) raises the and is derived possibility that this is the same word as 'a round vessel ' � dou 2 from -. t6u., j'.[ (dGu) 'head '. STC: 1 95 draws attention to similarity with PMY *dop and ... da3 :ff (t�p) 'a kind of pulse ' .
ill
z hu 4 lE® ( d;mC) LH doe, OCM *doh 'Neck' [Zuo]. [D) An old Qf dial. word (ace. to He Xiu ea. 1 80 AD); it is still used in M ln dialects: Fuzhou tauC2-kaukD1, mmyang JoC2 (Norman 1 983 : 207). LE] ST: PTB *tuk 3� *du( k) 'neck, head' (STC no. 392; Matisoff 1 978: 64t): JP du?31 'neck' , Garo gitok, M ikir tsethok, Lepcha tiik-tok 'neck' . See also � du 8 -16u ...
luJ (t;mC)
L H toe, OCM *toh [f] ONW tou 'Quarrel, rangle' [SW] , l�m [Lunyu]. LEl ST: PTB *daw ( STC no. 267) > WB do8 'resent an insinuation, interfere in a quarrel ' , Lushai doff 'be at enmity with ' . The TB words could possibly belong to ... ch6u 3 11 instead; WT sdo-ba 'to risk, venture, bid defiance' could be cognate unless it belongs to -. du3 If§ (tuoB). Perh. also related to zhuo i'i 'to beat, strike' (under __. zhu 7 JI,�) (Sagart 1 99 9 : 1 1 3 ).
dou7 l�m 'come in contact'
...
z h u 7 r± 'touch'
d6 1
(duok) LH douk, OCM *dilk [f] ONW douk 'Poison' n. [Shi] . [D J Yue tukD2, Kejia thukD2, M-Fuzh6u tRJikD2 3f du (dauc) LH douc < *dukh 'To poison ' vb. , occurs only in Yue, Kejia and Mln dialects (Norman 1 988: 2 1 3): [D) Yue wuc2, Kejia t1'euCi; M-FuzhOu t11auCI lE] ST *duk: PTB *duk - *tuk (STC no. 472) > WT dug. gdug-pa 'poison' ; PLB *dok: WB :J-tok 'poison ' �� *?dok 'be poisoned' 3 � *Ndok 'poisoned, as an arrow' (HST: 1 20), JP tuk55 'poison'.
du2 fl 'nourish ' -> c h u 4, xu d63 (duk) L H dok, OCM *Iok 'Canal, ditch, drain ' [Lunyu]; 'abortion ' [Li) ; 'sully' [Li] , 'insult' [Zuo]. CVST 3 : 33 relates dti 'abortion ' to WT rlug(s)-pa 'to purge, abortion ' . Perh. this is the s. w. as __. du4 tlfl 'container' . du4 (duk) LH dok, OCM *Iok (Any hollowed object > container:) 'box, case' [Lunyu]; 'coffer' [Lunyuj, 'coffin' 1J [Zuo]; 'quiver' fJI. [Yili]. This belongs to the wf __. yu 1 4 trJ. I t may be the s. w. as _. du3 'drain ' . du5 fij (duk) LH dok, OCM *Iok ? 'Say I read aloud' [Shi] > 'read ' [Lunyu]. 216
du
du
[11 Sin Sukchu SR du (A.); MGZY tu ( A) [du]; ONW dok [E] Perh. related to WT klog-pa, (b)klags 'to read' , but the vowels do not match (WT a vs. OC o); ace. to Sagart ( 1 999: 209), the WT word i s a loan because 'read' is a derived meaning in Chinese.
(duk) L H dok, OCM *16k ? [f] OJVW dok 'Calf' [Li) . lEJ Etymology not certain. ( 1 ) It could be a ST word: Kanauri luk 'calf' , W T Jug 'sheep' , Ju-gu 'lamb, calf' , TGTM *g-luk 'sheep' . (2) Boodberg ( 1 937: 3 5 9) suggests cognation with WT phrug 'calf' (not likely). (3) Alternatively, it could be a loan from Altaic ace. to Norman ( 1 988: 1 8): Mongol tuyul, Manchu tuHan, Evenki tukucjn 'calf' , Lam ut tu- - tuyu- 'to give birth to a calf' . ( 4) It could be related to -> chil4, xu . Du may be connected with: 3� yu :fifj} (jiu) L H jo, OCM *lo 'Sheep' [Lie] (HST: 1 3 1 ).
du6
du7 jli) (duk) L H dok, OCM *d6k 'To be alone, alone' [Shi ) . Ace. to FY 79, I l l , this was a Han period 'southern Chu ' dialect word for 'one', note also M-Fuzhou sio?B (corresponding to QYS ijwok < *dok) 'one' which may be related (Norman FY 1 983.3: 208). d u 8-16u -!IJjjJ (duk-l�u) L H dok-lo, OCM *d6k-r6 'Skull' [Zhuang, GY] . Li Fang Kuei ( 1 976: 44) who relates this word to Tai : S. (kra-) duukDIL < *-?dl/ruok (actually *?luok ?), considers this a reduplication from a hypothetical OC *dlug. This bisyllabic word appears in more variants: 3� t6u-h1 ��� (d:m-luo) LH do-la, OCM *d6-ra 'Skull' [Guoce]. This form is reminiscent of Lushai luF-roH 'skull' (lit. 'dried head') and JuF-ru?L 'skull ' (lit. 'head-bone'), just as in CH the first syllable is 'head'. (dak-luo) L H dak-la > d:lk-b 3 � du-l u 'Skull' [SW, GY] , today in Shanxf 'forehead'. This late form seems to be the s. w. as du-16u above, but committed to writing when OC *a had become more back like *a or *o. An additional MC variant is {'ek- I {hek- [GY] which seems close to KS words for 'bone': *tla:k7 (Thurgood) or *k-la:k0 {Edmondson/Yang); yet these latter have entered Chinese as _, ge5 '!m 'bone'. [E] These variants are partially composed of syllables meaning 'head' ( t6u) of ST stock (Loloish l anguages have cognates in compound words for 'head' : M atisoff 1 978: 64). Du is a ST item which is prob. related to _, dou5 'neck' : PTB *du(k) 'neck, skull ' > Abor-M iri a-tuk, Atong d:;}k-;Jm, Kaike thoppii (< thok-pa) 'head ' (ibid. p. 65). One may speculate that the second syllable is related to 16u 1J: [lo] with a hypothetical meaning 'empty' or 'dried' , hence lit. 'dried head' as in Lushai. More likely, though, the second part is a reduplication syllable starting with *r/*1 ( §2.7). Similar-looking items i nclude _, lu4 AA-Khmer r:->Ji;J 'shell, skull ' (from earlier r:J-la: ?). du9-I u l!rffif JD .... du 8-16u Tll �l d\1 1 (tuok) LH touk, OCM *tfik 'Firm, solid, thick' [Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR tu (A.); MGZY du (A) [tu] [E] ST: WT 'thug-pa - mthug-pa 'thick' 3� stug(s)-pa 'thickness' ( STC no. 3 56; HST: 1 48), WB thuik-thuik 'thickly'. CH has allofams with final -n, see _, diin 1 217
du duz
du 3
duan
rn ONW to H� (tuo8) LH to8, OCM *Ui? 'To see ' [Li] , [Meng]. lE] ST: LaPol la ( 1 994: 1 64) compares du to PTB *ta 'to see' > WT Jta-ba 'to look', JP m;:J3Lta31 'to see'. Du has also been compared to PTai *traaA 'eye' (so Unger Hao-ku 36, 1 990: 45).
ft§ (tuoB) L H taB 'To gamble, bet' [GY] . Ace. to Norman ( 1 986: 382) the Northern Min 'softened initial ' points to OC prenasalization which is supported by Yao dou3 < nd-. This word is also found in other languages: Tai : S. thaaC2 < *d- 'to challenge, dare' (Li 1 976: 40). Unger (Hao-ku 36, 1 990: 50) proposes cognation with WT sdo-ba 'to risk, hazard, venture' , but see .... dou6 (d:;mC).
(duoC) LH doe, OCM *dakh - [f] ONW do 'A measure (of length), rule' [Shi], 'limits, bounds' [Zuo]; 'an instrument to measure length' [Shiji], 'law, regulation' [Xun]. [ 'a plan, a map' [BI, Shu] ; 'calculate, expect' [Lun]; 'law, regulation' [Chuci]. ff] Sin Sukchu SR du ( :'ifi); MGZY tu (']I) [du] lE] ST *dwa I *twa: PTB *m-twa 'hand-span' [HPTB: 64], WB thwa 'measure with a span' , twak 'cipher, reckon' �� ;:J-twak 'account, reckoning ' ; M r u twak 'consider' < Arakanese? [Loffler 1 966: 1 2 1 ]; WT mtho 'a span ' [HPTB: 1 67]. It is not c lear if AA-PMon ccfaa? 'hand-span,unit of length' ( i.e. distance of outstretched hand as measure), Bahn. frda (Pinnow 1 959: 3 1 8) is related. For the lack of a CH medial -w-, see § 1 0.2. 1 .
du 1
du2
71ft (duoC) LH dac, OCM *dakh 'To ford' fGuoce] . LEJ ST: W T 'da-ba, das 'to pass over' (HST: 1 1 6). D u occurs also in Tai *daa8: S. thaaB2 'wharf, landing ' , but 'river' in most other Tai lgs. (Li Fang K uei 1 976: 40). The semantic connection of 'ford' with 'river' has perh. a parallel, see -+ h64 ynJ. The virtual phonological identity of the Tai form with late OC (Chinese tone C Tai tone B), as well as the restriction of this word to the Tai branch of the KT family suggest a Chinese loan. The AA syn. is _. jl 1 5 =
§± (duo8) L H daB, OCM *dii? 'Stomach ' [late word]. 3 � du fl± (tuo8) LH taB, OCM *Hi? 'Animal stomach used as food' . LEJ Etymology not clear, either ( 1 ) ST: WT Jto-ba 'belly, stomach ' ; and I o r Tai: S . th:>:JI]C2 < *d- 'stomach' (Li F. 1 976: 40); PKS *lot) A 'belly' (Edmondson I Yang), MC tone B corresponds in several other words to foreign -I] (§3.2.4). Or (2) ST: TB with final nominal -n: WT don, Bunan, Almora dan 'belly' [1ST: 1 40].
du3
duan 1 duan2
tffi ftffij 'tip, to bore ' c h u a n 2 ....
!ffi U
....
duan 1
��
218
duan duan
dui
(tuan8) L H tuan8, S toi8, OCM *ton? 'Short' [Shu] . [teln] ; ONW tuan IT] Sin Sukchu SR tweln (�); MGZY don [D) PMin *toi8 (Bodman 1 980; 77) [E] Prob. related to -4 duan 1 'to cut' . TB has several comparanda: ( 1 ) Lushai t::>l < t:Ji? 'be short' , WB tui 'short' . (2) NNaga *thuar 'short' . (3) W B toiJB ' short' (as garment). Perh. PMin has preserved an original ST etymon, while elsewhere the word has been reinterpreted as 'cut off'.
dua n 1 /if (tuan8, tufinC) LH duanBJC, OCM *ton?/s, OCB *ton?/s 'To cut off, decide, resolute' /if [Shi, Shu]; 'slice of dried and spiced meat' (tufinC only) [Zuo]. Karlgren ( 1 956: 9) relates the latter to duan (duanC) 'torn to pieces' [Guan] . �� duan /if (duanB) L H duan8, OCM *don?, OCB *fiton? 'To cut off, decide, resolute'. � duan ffiiiJ (tuan, tsjwan8) L H tuan, tsuan B - -on, OC M *ton, *ton? 'To cut' [Guoce]. duan2 -4 d ua n 1 �� duan3 $ (tuanC) LH tuanc, ocM *tons 'Ham mer, to hammer' [Shi], 'strike' [Zhuang]. [E] ST: PTB *tow (STC no. 3 1 7) > WT t11o-ba mtho-ba 'hammer' (l arge), JP t11u31 'to pound, husk' , WB tu 'hammer'. CH has added the nom inal n-suffix (§6.4.3). �
duf :Ji (tu�i) L H tu�i . OCI\:1 *tfii 'Mound' [Chuci]. [E] The first textual appearance in Child suggests a foreign word. I t seems to be related to PTai *?dl/reliA : S. d:J:JiA1 'mountain ' , Saek r:J:JyA1, PMY *gla.j.D 'mountain' ; or alternatively to M K : M Mon duiw 'hill, hilltop'. A connection with -4 tun 1 Jt1 'hill' is also possible, foreign items cited there could apply equally wel l to dui. dul 1 1ifl (tuaiC) LH tU;;JiC, OCM *tilih 'Pestle' [first attested for the Han period: Wti Yue chiinqiii, Hi'mshii, SW, Fiingyan] . [E] M Y : PY *tui 'pestle' ; the initial was not *kl- or *gl- as has been suggested in the past (M. Ratliff, p. c.). �� c hu f �� ( put. 'consider thick, weighty' [ShuJ. • � tun � (du;:)n) LH du�n. OCM *dun 'Thick' (as darkness in a grave) [Zuo] (also zhun I LH (un or (uin). •� c hun (zjuen) LH dzuin, OCM *dun 'Generous' [Laoj ; 'ample' [Guoyu]. • � zhnn )34!, (tsjuen) LH tsuin, OCM *tun 'Sincere, diligent' [Li] . [EJ ST: Chepang dunh- ' be dense, closely spaced' ; PTB *tow 'thick' ( STC no. 3 1 9) > PL *tu 1 , WB tuC 'thickness' >< thu 'thick, dense'. [CJ A cognate is --" du 1
dun 1
dun2 �� -4 c hun dun 1 , shun (du;:lnB, dzjuenB) LH zuinB, OCM *m-lun? 'Shield' @' [Shi], 1@ [Zuo]. WB duiiJB 'shield' may be a CH loan since the OC and PTB initials are difficult to reconcile; also the relationship to Chepang dh;)/ 'shield' is not clear. (tu;:)nc) LH tu;:)nc, OCM *tuns 'Worn, dull, blunt' [Zuo], 'exhaust' [Zuo], 'to ruin' [Guoyu]. [f) Sin Sukchu SR tun (:ii;) ; MGZY dun [tun]; ONW ton •� dun � (du�nC) LH du�nc, OCM *duns 'Dull, blunt' (Guoyu] . >< d u n (du;:ln, du;:)nB) LH du�n(B) 'Confused, stupid' [Lao]. [E) ST: HST: 67-68 relates this word to WT rtul-po 'dull , blunt' and adds WT du/-ba 'soft, mild, tame' >< 'dul-ba, btul 'to tame, conquer, subdue'; Chepang dyulh- 'be blunt, worn' {edge of tool). Other languages have similar-looking words which are unrelated, though: PTB-LB *dum2 'blunt ' (Thurgood CAAAL 1 3, 1 980: 2 12) > WB tumB; PYao *bl _ n _ 'dull, blunt'; AA-PSBahn. *lu:n 'dull, blunt'.
dun3 illffi:! 'hill' --" tun 1 4: dun4 (du�nBJC) LH du�nBfC, OCM *dfin?/s 'To withdraw, escape' � [Shi], m [Shu] > 'evasive' [Meng] . This word may lit. mean 'turn to the back' and thus be cognate to --" tun6 'buttock'. duo :1]7 (ta) LH tai, OCM *tai < *tlai 'There are many, have many, all the ... ' [OB, BI, Shi ] . For the initial, see §8.2. 1 . For an explanation of the graph, see -4 chl2 , chf [f) Sin Sukchu SR to (¥), LR to, tw::>; MGZY do [t::>] ; ONW ta [DJ Y -Guangzhou 55t:JA 1, K-Meixian t:JAJ, PM in *ta iA 1 [EJ KT: PTai *hlaiA1 'many', PHlai *i?ooi 1 '(how) many' (Thurgood 1 99 1 : 38; Baxter and Sagart 1 998: 53); the Tai item is also suggested to be the source of the M1n word for 'many' , see -4 chai 3 f/I'f. Others connect duo with the TB items under -4 da * · 3� z h n M1 (tsjwo) LH tsa, OCM *ta - [f] MTang tsy, 01\lW ts!Zl < tso 'Many, all ' , forms plurals, especially for persons to whom respect is due [BI , ShiJ. Graham ( 1 973: 294ft) considers zhii a dependent ( 'non-adjunctive') pronoun. Zhii replaced earlier OB duo in this sense, e.g. OB duo yJn :1]7 � 'all the administra[BI]. I n BI both duo and zhii occur. Subsequently in tors' [OB Yib. 867] > 220
duo
duo
'all the Shi]rng, duo i s rare in the sense 'all', zha becomes the norm: z h u h6u feudal lords' [Shi 6, 34]. Therefore, it is conceivable that zhii had branched off from duo � (Hi) *tlai in the sense 'all' as the pre-nominal proclitic with the loss of the final *-i in *tlai � in this position, hence *tlai win? > *tla win? > *ta win? (Baxter ace. to Matisoff 1 995a: 54). Alternatively, Karlgren ( 1 956: 1 7) connects zha with the 'collect'. wf � zhu 6 s� dou �� 'all ' , which is the Mand. col. form of zha. s� shu � ( sjwoc) L H sac, OCM *Iha(k)h < *thla(k)h ? 'Be many, abundant' [Shi], adj. 'the many, all' [BI , Shi], syn. of zhil and duo: in for example. Thus 'all the administrators' can be duo Shiijrhg occurs shu yJn yfn � :'P, zhii yfn �:§ :'P or shil yfn �:'P. Given the OC phonological similarity of these three words, it is therefore l ikely that shil is cognate to duo; the initial can be explained as a devoiced *lh- ( §5 .5) after loss of the *t- which was felt to be some sort of pre-initial.
duo , � du 1 Jl. duo2 -> tou2 1tu duo3-I u liW .... d u 8-Iou duo4 (tuat, tjwat) L H tuat, tuat, OCM *trot (or *tot ?) 'To pick, gather' [Shi], etymology is not clear, but note -> luo du65 li (dak) L H dak, OCM *lak A Wu di alect word for 'ice' [JY] is a loan from PMiao q[ak ' ice' [Wang FS]. duo 1 � (tua8) L H tuaiB The second syllable i n the modern word for -> er 1 'ear' : Mand. er-duo Y-Taishan 33l)giA1_55tu:JiB1; K-C6nghua 21ni8-35ti:JA2. This i s perh. related to the word tub � (thua8) 'oblong, oval' [Chuci] . It is also reminiscent of an AA word for 'ear': PSBahn. *to:r, PMon *kt::J::Jr. [f] Sin S. SR t:J LR t:J, tw::J; MGZY dwo (_t) [lw::J] ; ONW tua8 duo 2 , c hu! (tua8, dua8, < twaiB 'be pendant, hang' [HPTB: 2 1 5] . [C] Perh. related to -> chuf1 :!If: *doi 'droop' . duo 3, c huf � c hu i 1 :!If: duo 1 .... z hl 7 !>ill , �g, duo2 'exhausted' -> d a n 3 :f1li duo3 m£ (daB) LH dai8, OCM *Jail' 'Rudder' mt [GY] , fE [Shiming]. [DJ Y-GuangzhOu 2Ith::>A 2, K-Meixian th:J82; PMin *dai8 [EJ Area word: Tai: S . thaafC2 < *d- 'sternpost ' ; Viet. lai (Pan Wuyun 1 987: 29). duo4 *IJ (tuac) LH tuaic, OCM *toih 'To chop, cut' [GY] . In some dialects, this graph is used for the syn. zhu6 (under � zhu 7 /lh Per h. related to WB thwa 'mince with a knife' (Ben edict 1 976: 1 8 1 ). 22 1
E e1
ff\; (!]a) LH I]Gi , OCM *l)ai
IT] ONW l)O 'Slanting ' [Shi]. [D] Y-Guangzhou lJ:JA2; M -X iamen goA2 [E] ST has *l)(w)aj *nwaj parallel stems (§2.5; §5 . 1 2 . 1 ) for thi s etymon : ( 1 ) *l)aj > ff\; OCM *l)iii , WB I]aic 'to lean, be inclined to one side' (Mat isoff 1 995a: 85) �� hlJaiC ' incline, set on one side', JP lJa?31 < IJak 'slanted' , perh. WT 5iie-ba ( < 5-I)ye < 5-lJe ?) 'to l ean against, rest on, lie down' , but WT can phonologically also be connected with the parallel stem : (2) *C-nwaj > PLB *?nwe 'lean over (and fal l)' (Matisoff 1 970, JAOS 90. 1 : 39), WB hn waiB 'lean sideways, i ncline'. I t is not clear if or how Lushai l]erL < IJerh 'be tilted, leaning' (with final -r) is connected with the TB items. CH -> Tai : S. I]iaB 'lean to one side' (Unger Hao-ku 36, 1 990: 52). �
e 2 tz#; in he ng -e fill m ( Y �l]-l) i't ), LH g�l]-I)Oi, OCM *g51)-l)iii because the Name of the moon goddess lHuainan, Hou Hanshu], later chang-e fUn emperor Wendi's personal name was Heng ( 1 80- 1 64 BC). For the legends and variant forms, see Maspero 1 924: 1 4ft: [E] Prob. area etymon: PTai *hl)aiA1 'moonlight ' , S. dianA 1-IJaaiA1 'full moon' , Po-ai *looiJ82 -haaiA 1 'moonlight' (ace. to Gedney CAAAL 6, 1 976: 70, IJaaiA1 originally meant 'to lie face up', perh. connected with AA: Khmer !IJ;'l�j/ 'to raise or hold up the head '). Note also TB-Tamang 3I]ia 'full moon '. The semantic extension 'to face' > 'moon ' i s parallel to -'> wang4 r£.. [C] The first syllable may be related to _, geng 1 'waxing ' (of the moon). e3
�� (I)a) LH I)ai, OCM *I)ai
e4
�1tll{t ( I]ua) LH IJUai, ocM *1J6i 'To move, act, change' �{t [Shu], �{t [Shi]. _, e 7 Mt may be the same word.
'Goose' [Meng]. Prob. related to _, yan2 Jfi 'wild goose' , may have ended in a PCH final *-1 or *-r. IT] Sin S. SR 1):> ( :l]Z), PR ::>; LR ::>, tp; MGZY ngo ( :l]Z ) [NO] [D] Y-Guangzhou 21Ip A2; Ke-Meixi�m iJ:JA2, PMin *l)ia, Xiamen giaA2
huo ( xuac) LH huaic, OCM *hiJoih [f] ONW huo 'Property, goods, riches, wares' [Shu]. [ ni 1 tlD with the suffix -i (Matisoff 1 995a: 77); e.g. shi-er ®'m ( 'happening-wise ' :) 'by chance ' . See --> n1 1 �0 for allofams. er 5
(nzje8) LH neB, OCM *ne?, OCB *njoj? 'You, your' [BI , Shi]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR ri (1:), PR r1; MGZY Zhi (1:) [ri ] ; ONW ne [D] This i s an i ndependent pronoun (§3.3.3); it survives i n most modern dialects in i ts col . form --> nr l {:fr\. 3� e r 3 mJ ( nzt) LH no, OCM *no - [T] ONW no 'You, your' [Shi]. This i s the possessive derivative of er, not --> ru 2 1ft 'you' , because otherwise MC should have tone B, like nai J'J 'your' (§3.3 .3). LE] ST: TB-Chepang ni 'you' 3f nil) 'you' (plural), W B iiaii 8; Tangut niB 'you ' (sing., pi. ) [Keping, CAAAL 1 1 , 1 979: 1 4] . Thi s is a parallel stem o f S T *na 'yo u ' ( --> r u tfr); Maring (Tangkhui-Kuki) ( nal] -) nai 'thou ' [Benedict 1 995: 32] is prob. a derivation from the latter (PTB *na). In spite of the parallelism with WO tit *l)ai? (under --> wu 2 the oc vowel *-e i n er is not a leveled diphthong *-ai.
er 6 'that' --> n a 3 fjp er 7 � (nzie8) LH ne8, OCM *ne?, OCB *njoj? 'Near' [Shi ] . [E) ST: PTB *s-ney (STC no. 29 1 HPTB: 2 1 5) > WT ne-ba 'near' 3� sfien-pa 'come near'; JP nP1, PLB *nay2 , PL *b-ni55, WB ni8 < ne8 (Bodman I 980: 1 30 ; HST: 1 1 1 ); �� PTB *s-na:y (HPTB: 2 1 5) > Lushai inL-hna l < hnai? 'near, close'. 3� xie (sjat) LH siat, OCM *snat or *snet ? 'Be close, familiar' (people) [BI, Shi] > 'disrespectfu l ' [Shu] , ' ordinary' [Li] , 'garment next to body' [ShiJ. The last meaning may have been transferred from ni 8)t::f8 (under �D ). -7 j f7 [E] ST: WT sned 'about, near' (after round sums). [C] CH has two distinct etyma for 'near' , ( 1 ) ST *ne (er �), (2) PAA *tsi t (--> j f7 �fl) > (ts-n-it >) nit (--> n1 2 ftft, --> ni4 fB). Additional syn. --> nf 1 fb 'near', --> ni9 er 1 - (iizic) LH iiis or n.ic, OCM *nis or *nih Two' [OB] . The word rimes with -t in Yang Xi6ng 's (Later Han) dialect (Coblin .!CL l 1 .2 1 984: 1 0), hence OCM *-s (or *-ts, but not *-h). [11 Sin S. SR ri PR, LR q; MGZY Zhi (*) [ri] ; ONW fliC 226
er - er [D] PM in *dzic *niC; Y -Guangzhou 22jjC2, Lianshan I]i 214 [E] ST: PTB *g-ni s > WT gfiis; Kan, Chepang *nis, TGTM * 4ni:; Jiarong kenes; PLB *nit - *ni - *?nit 'two' > WB hnac < s-nik; Lushai hni?L < hnis [M atisoff 1 997a: 67] ( STC no. 4). PTai: *flji8 2 is a CH loan, it occurs only in compounds; the native Tai word for 'two' is *sool) ( Benedict 1 976: 1 70). (C] Perh. _, c1 1 >)(1;7\ and I or _, reng 1JJ are derivations. �
er 2 Jf!!1ff_Ej:
_,
er
er 3 �£1: Cflz.j.C) LH figC' OCM *n;)h [f) 0.1\'W figC 'Cake' [Chuci], 'meat and rice dumpling ' [Li], 'bait' rLhuang]; JY also reads MC fiZ.fB vb. 'to bait'? (Unger Hao-ku 36, 1 990: 55). [E] Area word: Khmer niiy 'bait' (for the absence of medial u/w in OC, see § 1 0.2. 1 ) PTai: *hii-: S. j+aBI 'bait'. .
227
F fa � (pjwut) LH puat, OCM *pat, OCB *pjat 'To start out, go out, come forth, sprout, i ssue, offspring' [Shi], 'to shoot' (an arrow) [Shi]; Mand. 'send out, deli ver' . [T] Sin Sukchu SR fwa CA), PR, LR fa?; MTang pfar < pfuar, ONW puat [D] M -Xiamen col. pu?DI, lit. huatDJ LEJ Area word 'go out > eject' , in TB lgs. 'vomit', in AA and AN 'to shoot' . TB: PLB *C-pat 'vomit', WB phat, JP n3i_phat31 ( HST: 1 30); PVM *fiah 'to vomit' [Ferlus] seems to have a TB origin. AA: Mon pnoh 'bow' �� poh 'to shoot with a pellet-bow'. 'cast aside' (Karlgren 1 956: 1 1 ). Allofams are A derivation is perh. -> fE�i6 possibly -> fa 2 {Jt 'to plow', -> fa4 {Jtf� 'praise', -> ba 1 1/:. 'expel ' .
fii 1 � 'plow' -> fa 2 {] fa � 'come out ' , 'cut hence 'lift o u t I u p ' (earth). Alternatively, it may possibly be related to -> fa1 off, hew out ' ( Qiu Xigui 2000: 294); and I or to -> ba 2 1,t 'roots of grass' a�d id. 'to camp' . f a 3 {::\tfrJ (bjwEt) L H buat, OCM *bat 'To cut off, chop off, beat, attack' {] 'to punish, fine' IBI, Shu]; {] fa 2 {::\t may be the same word. [I'] MTang bvar < bvuar, OlvW buat
fii 4 {Jtfl (bjwut) LH buat, OCM *bat 'Merit, boast' {X [Lunyu] ; 'to praise' (a person) tr. m [BI] . This word is perh. cognate to -> fa 'come out, start out' (i.e. < 'make stand out ' ?). fa 5 (bjwEt) LH buat, OCM *bat 'Large bamboo raft' [GY] , a Ran-period dialect word in the Qfn-Jin area [FYJ, 'ocean-going ship' [SW] . Perh. related to -> fu 1 6 r-'f. (Unger Hao-ku 39, 1 992). ra 6 z 'lack, neglect' -> fei6 � fa 1 'law, pattern ' -> fan4 fL 'general' fa 2 1� 'disregard ' -> fei 6 � (pjwut) LH puat, OCVI *pat, OCB *pjot 'Head hair' [Shi , BI]. � < ba nfi( (puiit) LH pat, OCM *pat 'Small hairs on body' fZhuang] is perh. cognate, or belongs to -> ba 2
fa 3
228
fan - tan I,E] ? ST: WT phud 'hair-knot, tuft of hair' and possibly also spu 'hair' (Unger Hao-ku 3 9 , 1 992: 88). Alternatively, the etymon may be the same as _. fa � 'come out, sprout ' .
fan 1 #tftJlj)jij (phjwBn) L H phuan, OCM *phan 'To fly, fly up' [Shi]. 3 < fan-fan !Pmlf (phj "'-un-p.) ( 'To be fluttering ' :) 'be waving about, changeable, versatile, frivolous' [Shi]. In Shi]lhg, the word is written with # as phonetic loan: OCB *brjans (QY bjanC 3); Baxter's OC medial *-r- is interesting in light of TB. I,E] ST: WB p11ran c 'spread out, expand, spread wings' 3< pranC 'expanded, spread out, be level'; JP p11yan 55 'spread the wings, to open' (as the fist)' ( < Burm.?) (CVST 1: 1 -2). It is not certain if and how the following is related: PTB *byer (STC: 83 n. 249) > Bahing byer, Abor-Miri ber, Trung biel 'to fly'. This word is not related to _. fen4 'If, _. fei4
fan 2 �}L (bjwBm) LH buam, OCM *barn 'Sail ' [Han time]. � pe n g � (bul)) 'sail' [San 'guo yanyi] (post-classical). [I'] Sin Sukchu SR buiJ (-'¥); MGZY pung (-'¥) [buiJ] [D] PMin *bhoiJ seems to be a variant. 'wind ' (so Karlgren GSR 625a). W B ;}-p11um I,E] Fan i s bel ieved to be cognate to .... feng 7 'a sail' is cognate or a CH loan .
fan 3
(pjwBn) LH puan, OCM *pan 'Hedge, screen' [Shi]. 3< fan � (bjwBn) LH buan, OC M *ban 'Fence, hedge' [Shi] (W ang U 1 982: 5 8 1 ). I,E] ST: Lepcha tuk-p61 'hedge, fence' 3< p61 'magic circle' , Lushai paJH 'hedge, fence' (Unger Hao-ku 3 5 , 1 986: 3 1 ) Perh. also connected with .... fan7 =\�m 'luxuriant'. .
fan4 fL (bjwBm) LH buam, OC M *barn (from earlier *barn or *born) 'General(ly)' [Zuo], 'common ' [Meng], 'every, all ' [Shi]; 'general rule, pattern' [Xun] (H arbsmeier 1 98 1 : 1 53). fT] Sin Sukchu SR vam (-'¥) PR van ; MGZ Y H wam [vam]; MTang bvuam < buam, ONW bam I,E] ST: Lushai pumH 'whole, all, everywhere' ; WB pum 'form , model, pattern ' . This word is usually thought related to Tai: S. p11r:x>m C2 'together' (under .... xian 3 ]8X:), but this is doubtful in light of the likely TB cognates without medial *r. �t fli (pjwBp) LH puap, OCM *pap 'Law, model ' [Shu]. CH -> PTai *?b-: S. beep01 'pattern' . fT] Sin Sukchu SR fa (A.); ONW pap > puap [E] ST: WT byibs < bibs 'shape, figure, form ' (Simon, W. MSOS 32, 1 929: 241 ). Alternatively, Yu Mln ( 1 989: 20, see Jean 1 996: 1 03 ) related the CH word to WT babs 'shape, form, appearance' . Cognation o f f'a with fan is suggested by the semantic range o f the former. For the vocalic differences, note the common ST *-im/p - *-um/p alternations ( § 1 1 .5 . 1 ). OC and TB can be reconciled if we assume furthermore the common *u � *o variations (§ 1 1 .5 . 1 ). fan5 �tj (bjwBn) LH buan, OCM *ban, OCB *bjan 'To burn, roast' [Shi]. [E] ST: PTB *bar � *par (STC no. 220) > WT 'bar-ba ' to burn, catch fire, beam, radiate, to begin to bloom , blossom ' �t sbar-ba sbor-ba ' light, kindle', Kanauri bar 'burn ' , Miri par 'light (fire)' ; WB pa B 'to shine' (HST: 50), JP wan31 'fire, lamp'. �
229
nm
fan
Matisoff ( 1 997: 44f; L L 1 .2, 2000: 1 44ft) sets up a large ST wf that includes also ilill'iDm hUI2 ·t'ii "f' )} .'f'- llEf'. The TB semantic field suggests that _, b�m4 1¥ 'petals of a flower' and -> pa A@ 'flowers, blossoms ' are the same etymon, but that _, fen3 :1J:t i s unrelated. -
->
,
flin6
(bjwen) LH buan, OCM *ban 'Paw' [Zuo]. [E] ST: WT sbal 'soft m uscles or parts of inner hand or paw ' ; Jaeschke p. 404 says this word is perh. the same as sbal-pa 'frog' (Unger Hao-ku 35, 1 986: 30).
fan 7
(bjwen) LH buan, OCM *ban 'Luxuriant (growth), be numerous, to prosper, rich ' [Shi] ; 'abundant, numerous ' [Shi]. [E] ST *pom ? For wider relations and parallel stems, see §2.5 . 1 . Unger (Hao-ku 35, 1 986: 30) suggests a relation ship with WT dpal 'glory, splendor, magnificence, abundance' . Perh. also related to fan 3 'hedge'. PTai *b- : S. phuunA2 'increase, flourishing' .
fan
(pjwenB) L H puanB, OCM *pan? 'To turn, return, turn around, turn against ' [BI, Shi] > 'rebel ' [B I ] > 'on the contrary, however' [BI, Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR fwan Cl:), PR fan; MGZY h(w)an [fan] •� fan R&, (pjwBnC) LH puanc, OCM *pans 'To trade' [Zhouli]. [ 'offend against, oppose' [Lunyu]. Formally, fan 112 looks like a derivation from this word; however, the root' s basic meaning is 'float, overflow'; therefore it may be a different etymon.
fan2 �8 -7 fa n 1 ¥ l21JL ¥z Htn3 R&. (bjwenC) LH buanc, OCM *bans 'Cooked rice or m illet' [Li] , a late OC word. [f] Sin Sukchu SR vwan (:t:), PR, LR van ; MGZ Y H(w)an [D] PM in *b;:,nC2 'dry cooked rice' [ 'to stop up, block up' (river, peoples' talk) [Zuo, Guoyu]. [f) Sin Sukchu SR val) ( Jf); MGZ Y h(w)ang (Jf) [val)]; ONW buaiJ < bal) 23 1
fang - fei [E] Etymology not clear, it could be the s. w. as -> fling2 or related to PKS *pwal)8 'bank, shore' (under -> pu 1 1m).
fling2
'room ' (i.e. 'walled i n ' ?),
(bjwal)) LH bUOI), OCM *bal) 'A room ' J% [Shi]. (f] Sin Sukchu SR vaiJ ( .If- ) ; MGZY h(w)ang [val)] ; ONW bual) < bal) [E] Etymology not certain, prob. ST: WT baiJ-ba 'storeroom, storehouse' ; WB waiJ8 'fence' (Bodman 1 980: 1 77; HST: 72); alternatively WT braiJ 'dwelling, house' i n pho-braiJ, braiJ-khaiJ.
fang 1 #j'j (phjwal)B) LH phuaiJB, OCM *phaiJ7 'To spin, twist' [Zuo], 'to tie' [Guoyu]. (f] MTang pfhual) ( ?), ONW phuaiJ < p11al) [E] ST: PTB *pwaiJ [STC no. 48; Matisoff LL 1 .2, 2000: 1 6 1 ] > WT phaiJ 'spindle', WB wal]C 'to spi n ' �E ;:>-WalJ 'spindleful of thread' (HST: 1 38), NNaga *?-pal) 'spindle' [French 1 983: 1 78]. fang 2 (phjwal)C) LH phual)C, OCM *phal)h 'To inquire, scrutinize, consult' [Shi]. 3 E pi n g �� (phjal)c), LH phiel)C, OCM *phe!]h 'To inquire' [Shi] i s identical with fang in OC except for the vowel ( § 1 1 . 1 .3). fang 3 Jjkj_ _, fang 4 Htng J1x (pjwal)C) LH pual)c, OCM *pai]h 'To put away, neglect, banish' [Shu]. rrJ Sin Sukchu SR fal) ( 1.;:) ; MGZ Y H wang (1.;:) [fal)]; MTang pfhual) ( ?), ONW phuaiJ < pha!) [E] Area word: WT 'phen-pa, 'phaiJs 'to fling, throw, cast' ( HST: 1 06). AA OKhmer pan /5::>1)/ 'to throw, cast, fling '. The connection with Tai is not clear: S. ploiJA1 < *pi- 'to lay down, relinquish' (Li F. 1 976: 45). fei 1 � F (pjwei) LH pui , OCM *poi (prob. < *pui) 'It is not, to be not' [OB, BI, Shi, Shu]. rrJ Sin Sukchu SR fi C'f), LR fi; MGZY h(w)i (.If-) [fi ] ; ONW pui [E] Fei i s a fusion of -> bu 1 wei /fill which is still found in the OB for the later fei: QY pj;:m-jiwi 4, *p�-wi. Fei i s rare in Shi}ing where -> rei 1 i s u sed i nstead. = fei 2 �F (pjwei) LH pui, OCM *pgi 'Be wrong ' [Shi ] , ( vs. shi Jl!:: 'right') [Meng], 'mistake' [Meng), 'violate, go counter' [Lun]. Since this is a regular semantic extension of fei1 (§2. 1 0), cognation with WT phyar-kha 'blame, affront, insult' (so HST: 1 62) i s unlikely. >< fiH �?F (pjwei[C)) LH pui(C), OCM *pgi(h) 'To condemn , disapprove, slander' [Zhuang). [ fei 1 �F fei 3 (pjwei) LH pui, OCM *poi 'Symmetrical leaves of a door' [Zhuang); basic meaning: a symmetrical contraption. >� ft H * (pjwei8) LH pui8, OCM *p;:}i( 'Wooden frame to prevent warping of a bow' [Xun] > 'strengthen, assist, help' [Shu]. (Boltz JAGS 1 20.2, 2000: 220). 232
rei - fei fei 4
(pjwei) L H pui, OCM *pgi (prob. < *pui) - m ONW pui - [DJ PM in *pye 'To fly' [Shi]. [E] Area word: PTB *pur � *pir (STC no. 398) > WT 'p�>ur-ba 'to fly': Nung �p11r 'to shake' (cloth), khoq-phr 'moth ' . AA: PVM *pgr 'to fly' [Ferlus]; PMonic *par, Munda apir 'to fly': Wa-Lawa-Bulang *pn, PNBahn. *par. For ST *-r > OC *-i , see §7.7.4; fei is prob. related to � fen6 Wf 'to fly ' . However, � fan 1 #t#l.!!J]J! 'to fly' and --> fbu 1 /f (pj::m8) 'to soar' are unrelated. Boltz relates this word, which is also written , to the wf --> fei 3 �'W (JAOS 1 20.2, 2000: 220).
fc H 1 M� (bjwei) LH bui , OCM *bgi - [DJ PM in *byi. 'Fat, rich, fertile ' [Shi ] . m Sin Sukchu SR vi (-'¥), LR v i ; MGZY H (w)i (-'f) [vi] ; ONW bui [E] Perh. related to Tai *bi iA 'fat' (CH loan?). fe i 2 .�3F (bjwei) LH bui , OCM *bgi 'Calf of leg, leg; follow on foot' [Shi , Yi]. [E] ST: PKC *pey 'leg ' [HPTB: 205] > Lushai p�>eiL 'foot, leg, lower leg ' ( CVST 1 : 2), KN-Khami p�>ai ' cal f of leg' (Loffler 1 966: 1 48); WT byin-pa 'calf of the leg ' (HST: 1 02). Gei lich ( 1 994: 52) relates 'calf' furthermore to --> fei 1 M� 'fat'. Similar items in the area are Tai : Saek bliiA1 'calf of leg' ; PNBahn . *poyh 'calf of leg '. (pjwei8) LH pui8, OCM *pgiJ' -m ONW pui8 fc H 1 'It i s not, to be not ' replaces --> fei 1 in Sh1]Tng ( !It) and Shiijing (
f�i 2 'wooden frame' � fei 3 m r�i 3 ��F � rei 2 �� fe i 4 Hili (phjweiB, phugt) LH phuiB, phgt, OCM *phgiJ', *ph�t ( *phui?, *phut < *phlut ?) 'New l ight of the moon ' [Shu, SW], 'third day of the new moon ' [Hanshu]. [E] Perh. AA: Khmer [/pluut/ >] /punluut/ 'to enlarge, augment' , lit. 'cause to appear, get larger, grow' < /luut/ 'to sprout, get taller I longer, grow' [Jenner I Pou 1 982: 3 1 5]. fei 1 0)� (bjweiC) LH buas, OCM *ba(t)s < *bos ?, OCB *bjots To bark' [Shi]. - [f] ONW bei - [D] PM in *l;mic [E] ST: KN-Lushai bau? < baus 'to bark' is a direct cognate and shows the CH word to have a sound-symbolic origin (ST *baus ?). fei2 'knee covers' --> fu 14 � -m fei 3 8$ (phjweiC) LH p h uas, OCM *phats < *phats or *phots from earlier *s-pot/ps ? 'Lungs' [Shi]. CH aspiration i s symbolic for breathing §5.8.5. m ONW phei > phuei [E] The OC form is close to items found in various languages in the area, but the exact relationships are elusive due to the uncertainty of the PCH form and the sound-symbo lic nature of the word: AA-PVM *p-so:s > p-ho:c > po:c I pho:c 'lungs' . Tai : S. p:x>tDIL < *pt::Jt 'lung ' (Li F. 1 976: 43) • � S. p11;);)tD1 'breathe, inhale' (Manomaivibool 1 975: 1 24). Matisoff ( 1 978: l l 3ff) sets up, among others, a ST form *p-(r-)wap: PL *(J-)papL; Chepang pop (Bodman 1 980: 1 I 5), which has the same final as WT glo-ba < glop 'lungs, side ' ; TMTG *glwap 2Jl 'lung '. fei4 1� (pjwgjC) L H pus, O CM *pgts (prob. < *puts) 'To bubble up' (water) [Shi]. The Northern Min 'softened i n itial ' *pyiC may point to OC prenasalization which i s supported by the Yao word bwei5 < nb-, PMY *npweiiC (Norman 1 986: 382). 233
fei
fen
-
[E] ST: JP prut31 'to boi l ' ; perh. also Lepcha brut - brit 'erupt' (of large pustules) [Bodman ICSTLL 1 987: 1 4] . A llofam --. fu 1 3 ¥� (Bodman 1 985: 1 50). --. bi4 ¥£, (pjic 3 ) 'bubble up' (as water from a spring) [Shi ] looks l ike a vocalic variant (§ 1 1 .5. 1 ).
fei 5 m (pjweiC) ONW puiC (LH pus) 'Pimples, an eruption ' [late word]. [E] ST: WT 'bos 'boil, bump, tumor' (Unger Hao-ku 39, 1 992) �� 'bo-ba, bos 'to swell, rise, sprout ' , Lepcha put 'erupt' (of small pustules) [Bodman I CSTLL 1 987: 1 4] ; WB phuB 'bud, swell into protuberance' 3� d-phuC 'protuberance, boi l ' ; Lushai pukL < puk 'be enlarged, swollen ' , JP a-p11ut 'measles' [Bodman ibid.]. Tai : S. phot01 'prickly heat' . For similar etyma, see §2.5 . 1 . fei6 � (pjwuiC) LH puas, OCM *pats 'To remove, reject, disregard, neglect, fail' [Shi], 'to fall ' IZuo] > 'to expel noxious influences, purify ' ffri( [Zuo]. This word is hardly derived from --. fa � (so Karlgren 1 956: 1 1), but is certainly related to >� fa (bjwup) LH buap, OCM *bap 'To lack' [Zuo], 'exhaust' [Meng] , 'neglect, disregard' [Zhuang] (Yu M ln 1 948: 44). I n B l , the character fii (pjwBp) [puap] *pap also occurs in the meani ng 'neglect, disregard' (Baxter 1 992: 3 50) where it prob. stands for the present fa [T] MTang bvuap, ONW buap < bap [E] ST: WT 'bab-pa, babs 'to move downward, fal l down ' 5� 'bebs-p, p11ab 'to throw down, cast down' (Bodman 1 980: 49). Tai: S. bap4 'weak, exhausted, worn out' . This w f and 4 b�d 1 �J bi 1 0 fl&��� 'worn out' with the stems *pap(s), *pal - *pai(ts) are phonetically and semantically similar and flow into each other, n ote the partial synonymity of fa 'exhausted' with pf (Pulleyblank 1 962: 2 1 5, and Wang Li ( 1 982: 500), consider some or all of them cognates). Lushai pai?L < pais 'to throw away, d iscard, annul ' where final *-s could derive from *-s, *-ts or *-ps, is synonymous with fei, but formally similar to . ., bl 1 0 fl&�� *be(t)s < *bai(t)s. --. bai 1 �J WT ba-mo 'snow', Am do wal, D ulong tw31-wiin53 'snow' etc. [Matisoff LL 1 .2, 2000: 1 47]. (5) TB-Lushai vuurH 'hoarfrost, ice, snow' . ( 6) TB-PKiranti ph!JJ 'flour', WB phun 'dust' ( CVST 1 : 7), n 31-bun55 'dust ' ; per h. also WT spun-pa sbur-ma 'chaff, husks' , but spun is prob. cognate to bud- etc. 'to blow' , spur- to spur-ba 'make fly up'. PVM *bu:l? 'dust' may also be related, then also Tai : S. monB1 'dusty', Saek muJA2 'dust' . ( 7) -. ren W 'peeled (rice), flour' , PMY *mpan8 'flour'. Haudricourt I Strecker (TP 77, 1 99 1 : 339) believe that the CH word is a loan from PMY *mpan8 ' flour', Sagart ( ICSTLL 1 994: 7) argues the opposite. For the close semantic relationship between 'sky' (item 2) and 'cloud, m ist' ( item 1 ) see -. wt1 1 2 The Shimfng ( Shi tian) compares fen '3§. 'hoarfrost' to -. ren ;f)} 'flour' , the two MY words (item l and item 7) would parallel the CH forms.
fen 2
�
fen 3 3§. 'mixed' -. fen 4 f.61 fen 4 (p11ju;;�n) LH phun, OCM *ph;;�n 'Be m ixed' , i.e. patterns on cloth [Shi], 'manifold' [Yi], 'confused' [Zuo]. Sagart 'mist'. (ICSTLL 1 994: 7) relates this word to -. fen 2 > fen-fen ( phju�n-p-) L H etc. same as above 'Be mixed' (of rain and snow) [Shi], 'be disorderly' 1� 1't [Shu] (Wang Li 1 982: 524f who adds -. wen * 'tangled'). lE] ST *pol (?) : Lushai p:J:JJH 'to associate with, keep company with, have sexual intercourse; group, party, herd ' 3� p:JJ?L 'to mix, mingle, together' ( CVST 1 : 62). 235
fen - fe n fen 5
(phju�n) LH phun, OCM *ph�n, OCB *phj�n 'Be fragrant' [Shi] is perh. cognate to WT spod 'spice'
3�
spas 'perfume'.
fen 6 m (pju�n) L H pun, OCM *p;;m 'To soar' [Zhuang] . n fen (pju;}nc) L H punc, OC M *p;;;>n s 'Wing' [SW] , 'to spread the wings, fly up' [Du�tn Yucai]. Fen 'wing' i s a l ate tone C derivation from fen (§3.5). LEl ST: PTB *pir - *pur, related i s 4 fei 4 � 'fly' (see there for TB cognates). Prob. loaned to Tai: S. binA 1 < PT *?b-. [C] This etymon i s unrelated to -? fan 1 #t#/ll'f! 'to fly', 4 fuu 1 ::f 'soar' . 4 fen 2 fen 7 fe n 1 �
4
fen 2
fen2 n 4 f e n 4 Jl fe n 3 � (bj u�n) LH bun , OCM *b�n (prob. < *bun) 'To burn ' intr . , tr. (carriages, things) [OB, Shi] . [f] Sin Sukchu SR vun c:'V) , PR v�n; MGZYh(w)un ( ¥ ) [vun] LE] ST: PTB *ploiJ (STC no. 1 39) > Kachin proiJ33 'to be burnt' (as a house), Mikir p 11loq 'burn the dead, cremation' ; Lhota 1ruiJ 'burn ', Mishmi lfiuq (Weidert 1 987: 3 09). TB indicates that 4 fan5 is distinct from this etymon. For the difference in finals, see §6.4.2. fen4 :l:jf (bju�n) I,H bun, OCM *�n [f] MTang bvun, ONW bun 'Big (head, drum), big-horned ' > 'greatness' Jl [Shi}, 'big drum ' [Shu] ; 'well-set (fruit)' [Shi]; 'ra m ' [SW] , 'sheep-shaped demon' f.l [Guoyu] ; 'tumulus' [Li] ; i n most m odern dialects ' a grave ' . 'Raised bank, bank o f a river' 4 fen5 :l:Jt ?'l m a y be the same word, unless it i s a vocalic variant of pfn 'river bank, edge' ( so Wang Li 1 982: 54 1 ) of the bin - bun type alternations (see under 4 bm 2 § 1 1 .5 . 1 ). n fen Jl'l:l (bju�n8) LH bun8, OCM *�n? 'Swell up' Jl [Zuo] > 'full of annoyance' '!'! [Guoyu], 'full of dissatisfied eagerness' [Lunyu] > 'ardor' '!'! [Zuo]. Some of the meanings may belong to 4 ben 2 'ardent'. [f] Sin Sukchu SR vun Cl: ) , PR V;;;>n ; MGZY H(w)un Cl::: ) [vun] [n ?/s 3f fen 'ardent' instead. 'Anger, angry' [Zuo]. This word may belong to 4 ben2 [:JJH 'straw'. fen3 (pju::mC) L H punc, OCM *p;:;,ns [D] PMin *piunc 'Dung, manure' [Zuo]. [I'] Sin Sukchu SR vun ( :t;;) , PR, LR v;:;,n ; MGZ Y H(w)un (:t;;) [vun ?] [E] ST: WT brun 'dung, excrement' (HST: 68), M ru priin 'manure, filth' ( Loffler 1 966: 1 44). fen4 (pju;;mC) LH punc, OCM *p;:;,ns 'Start up, rush up, exert' [Shi, Shu] could be related to either -+ fen4 :tJ ( < ' swell') or to -+ fen4 'fl y up' . fen 5 � -+ fen 6 � fen6 tit _, fen4 tl
feng 1 .... peng4 � fen g 2 lf (pjWOIJ) LH pUOI), OCM *poi) 'Mound, tumulus, raise a mound' [Yi], 'altar' [Shu], 'earth up (a plant)' [Guoyu] , 'wall, bank of field' [ZuoJ, 'boundary embankment, fief' [BI, Shi]. [D] M-Xiamen l it. hoiJA1, col. paiJAJ [E] Area etymon : WT phUIJ-pO 'heap' �� spUIJ 'a heap', spuiJ-pa 'to heap' (HST: 1 1 0); Lepcha a-piif) [ap�tJ], Rawang p6I] 'heap' [Bodman ICSTLL 1 987: 1 1 ] . Lushai puiJH I pun L 'increase, assemble' >� vuuiJH I vuunL 'to swell , swollen ' >� vuur/ 'a heap, a mound' ; NNaga *pu:IJ basically means 'swelling' > 'breast, flower' [French 1 983 : 490]; Chepang bhuiJh- 'be burst or peak in activity (flowering, sleep soundly. . . ) ' . AA Khmer bona /pooiJ/ 'knobby protuberance on either side of elephant's head' 3� sa!J1bona /samp6oi)/ 'be swollen' . -+ bang 1 'country' may be the same etymon. For wider relations see §2.5 . 1 . feng 3 4t (pjWOI)) LH pUOI), OCM *pOI) 'Kind of wild humped bovine' lGY]. [E] ST: WT 'broiJ 'wild yak' (Boodberg 1 937: 359), WB prol) 'buffalo'. Alternatively, Eberhard ( 1 968: 59) thinks that this and similar words, incl . _, feng 2 !;J, are all related and fundamentally mean 'hump'.
237
teng - feng feng 4 �$� ( phjWOI)) L H phUOI), OCM *phOI) 'Sharp point (of weapon, insect)' � [Shil > 'bee, wasp' [Guanzi, SW] > 'wasp-stung ' [Shi]. Perh. _, feng 5 is the s. w. rr1 Sin Sukchu SR ful) MGZ Y hwung (-'¥) [fUIJ] [D] M-Xiamen lit. ho1JA1, col. phaiJA t � lE] ST: WT bul)-ba 'bee' (HST: 40). �� feng � (bjwol)) LH bUOl], OCM *boi] 'To sew' [Shi]. [vu!]]; ONW buoiJ rrJ Sin Sukchu SR VUI) ( -'¥); MGZ Y H wung [DJ M -Xiamen lit. ho1JA2, col. pa1JA2 � f feng � (bjwmf) LH buol)c, OCM *bol)h 'A seam ' [Shi]. [D] M-XHtmen lit. ho1Jc2, col. pha1JC2 [ feng4 �$� 'sharp point', but AA-Khmer /kpul)/ 'summit, peak' which, if not a CH loan, suggests a separate M K origin. feng 6 � (phjul)) LH phul), OCM *phu!] 'Be abundant' [Shi]. For wider relations see §2.5 . 1 . feng 7 (pjul)) LH pu;)m , OCM *p;)m , OCB *p(r)j;)/um 'Wind, air, tune' [Shi ] . Deng Xi'fw-hua �� f%TE ( YYWZX 1 994.9: 1 42) suggests that the word fei-Jian mOOt glossed 1J..f )ili� 'ill wind' in Shfjl, i s actually a dialect variant of teng. [T] Sin Sukchu SR fuiJ C'F); MGZY hwung ( -'f) [ful)]; MTang pfm], ONW pul) [D] PMin *pbiJ �E feng WJii\ (pjuiJC) LH pu;)mC OCl\'1 *p;;)mS 'To chant, recite' [Zhouli]. [ peng 1t:JE. feng2 (bjwol)) L H buoiJ, OCM *bol) [T] ONW buoiJ 'Great' (of descendants) � [Shi] , :fi [Zhuang]. For wider relations see §2.5. 1 . -
-
238
feng
fu
fe n g 3 f.� _, fen g 4 ��!ll! feng4 v!li\ -; fen g 7 J!iR (bjwoiJ8, phjwoiJB) LH bumJ8, phuoiJB, OCJ\'1 *bol)?, phol)? < PCH *-UIJ. feng 1 'To hold in two hands, hold up, present' [Shi] , 'receive' [Shi, Zuo]; 'grasp with both hands' (MC phjwoiJ8 only) � [Zhuang]. Downer ( 1 959: 2 84) reads 'to present' [Zuo] in tone C which agrees with its exoactive I ditransitive function (§4.3), 'receive' tone B agrees with the endoactive function. [T] Sin Sukchu SR ful) (_l:.), LR VUIJ; MGZY H wung (1:.) [vuiJ] ; ONW buol) [D] MXiamen (lit.) hoiJ cz �� feng (bjwmf) LH buoiJc, OCJ\'1 *boiJh (What i s received:) 'salary' [Guoce]. [ms - [DJ M -Xiamen (lit.) hoiJC2 'Phoenix' [Shi]. (E] This word has been related to _, feng 7 J!iR 'wind', and by Wang U ( 1 982: 3 1 8) to peng .llJ�J (ooiJ) 'a fabulous great bird, roe' [Zhuang] .
fo u 1 /f (pj�u8) L H p u 8 , 0CM *p�? 'To soar' [Lti, SW] i s a l ate word (Lti ea. 239 BC), but the original OB graph has been interpreted as a soaring bird (so SW; Karlgren GSR no. 999a) in which case the word would be very old. FOu i s perh. cognate to -; fen 6 00 'to soar'. WT semantics suggest possible cognation with pf (phji), LH pht;}, *phr;} ? 'grand' [BI]. [EJ ST: WT 'phag-pa 'to rise, raise, soar up' (to heaven) > 'exalted, distingui shed' (for the final consonants, see §3.2.2). fo u 2 _, b� 1 ( fu 1 ) D A Min dial word for ' scum , froth'. Flizhou phuo?B, Flian phutD2, Amoy phe?D2, is from a MK substrate: Viet. bqt 'scum, bubbles, froth ' (Norman I Mei 1 976: 298). There may also be a connection with TB-Lushai phuuJH 'scum, foam '. fii 2 (pju) LH pua, OCJ\'1 *pa 'farmer, 'Man, husband' ; suffix for men of various occupations, e.g. n6ng-fu farm laborer' (to be distinguished from n6ng-fil Jl:x 'minister of agriculture', see _, fU 1 X); measure word for ordinary and low ranking people [BI , Shi]. rrl Sin Sukchu SR fu MGZY H wu (:if) [fu]; MTang pfu < pfuo, ONW puo (E] ST: PTB *pa (STC: 1 74 n. 463 : *(p)wa; Matisoff LL 1 .2, 2000: 1 53ft) > WT suffix -pa for nouns, especially male concepts as opposed to female ones. JP wa 33 'man' (male), 'male', Lushai paa L 'male person ' . This word prob. belongs to the same root as _, fil 1 X 'father' (so M atisoff op. cit.). rn 3 i)( .... fu 1 .... b u 3 :tf] fu 4 ra 5 111 .... fu 1 6 1-'¥239
ru fu 1
(bju) L H bua (or pua ?), OCM *ba or *pa ? 'That' [Shi, Zuo]. Pulleyblank ( 1 995 : 1 65) suggests that the earlier initial might have been *p- since bi f&: is derived from fu; the reading fu OC *ba 'introductory particle' ( Graham BSOAS 3 5 , 1 : 85-1 1 0) may have been applied to the rare word fu 'that' . [E] ST: PL *m-ba ' , WT pha 'beyond, onward' (HST: 1 47). �� br f&: (pjeB 3) LH pta i 8, OCM *pai? < *pa?i (i.e. pa +i) ? 'There, that' [Shi], independent form (§3.3 .3). [TJ Sin Sukchu SR pi MGZY bue (_1::. ) [pu�:: J; ONW pe
LD] PMin *bhio. [I'] MTang bvu < bvuo, ONW buo ft12 ;J7( (bju) LH buo, OCM *ba 'To support, assist' [Lunyu]. �� fu {J;!} ( pjuC) LH puoC, OCM *pah 'Assistant' [Shi]; 'teacher, instruct' [ZuoJ. * fu (bjuC) LH buaC, OCM *bah 'Money contribution to the cost of burying' [Zuo] (W ang U 1 982: 1 75). 3 � fu m (bjuB) L H buaB, OCM *ba? 'To help, support' [Shi] > 'poles on the outside of car wheels for stabilization ' [Shi ] > 'bones of upper jaw, cheeks' [Yi]. [E] Perh. AA: OKhmer vnak /�nak/ 'support, prop, stay, agent, official' . Tai: S . phaaA2 < *b- 'to take along ' ( L i F. 1 976: 4 1 ). Perh. cognate to .,.. bu 2 fffi .
ft13
(pju) LH pua, OCM *pa 'Breadth of four fingers' [Li] . [E] S T : PTB *pa ( STC: 1 74 n. 463 *pwa) > Nung ur-p�>a 'palm o f han d ' , WB b1'a-waB pha-wa 8 'palm , sole'. Occurs also in PKS *phwac 'pal m ' of hand ( HST: 1 1 5). Note also PAA *palaj 'palm of hand': PMK *pla[ai]k. Given its TB cognates, it is prob. not related to .... ba ttl 'a handful·.
�
fu4 {}(fl� (bjuk) L H buk, OCM *bak, OCB *bjak 'To l ie down, put down, suppress' 1ft: [Shi]; 'to submit' D� [BI , Shi, Shu]. [TJ Sin Sukchu SR vu ( A ) ; MGZY hwu (A) [vu] ; MTang bvuk, ONW buk [E] ST: TB-Lushai b;;kL I b;;?L 'to lie down, recline' (as animals, or on stomach l i ke animals or humans). 3� fu {}( (bjauC) LH buC, OCM *bakh 'To hatch' [Li] is an allofam of fu (so Karlgren 1 956: 1 2). It i s sti l l current in M1n: FuzhOu pouC2, XHtmen puC2. This word has several variants: fu (phju) [phuo] *pho 'to hatch' [Dadai Liji]; biw (bauC) [GY]. The word also occurs Tai: S. vakD2 'to hatch' ( Manomaivibool 1 975: 1 29). [fan g 3 1J fu 7 ru 8 ..... fu2
fu 9 !I (pju) L H pua, OCM *pa 'Human skin' > 'ski n ' figuratively [Shi]. [E] This word is usually considered cognate to PTB *s-pak > WT -Jpags 'ski n ' ( Bodman 1 980: 1 32; liST: 1 34), and to Tai-S. pl.fakDI L < *pi- 'husk, bark' (Li F . 1 976: 4 1 ), also AA-PSBahn. *p:}lo:k 'skin'. However, the WT word may instead be related to po :J: (phak) *phlak 'hide soaked in rain ' [SW] , which, however, coul d be just a d ictionary word (the SW definition looks l ike a description of the graph, i mplying that its real etymology and meaning was a matter of speculation for Xu Shen). Note also luo �f!t LH Jak 'raw skin , hide' [Lti] which may be connected. fu 1 0 � (phju8) LH p 11ua8, OCM *pha? 'To accommodate oneself to, follow, manage, handle' [BI , Shi, Shu], 'lay hands on ' [Li] , 'pacify, stabilize' [Zuo]. W ang U (l 982: 1 76) relates this wf to -> m u6 � 'love' (unlikely). - fu tf'f (phjuB) LH phuo8, OCM *pho? 'Lay hands on, comfort, handle, strike (musical instrument)' [Shi , Shu]. [E] These two nearly identical items were homophones at least by ONW. They are prob. cognates (so W ang U 1 982: 1 76), if not even just phonological or graphical variants of the same word. Perh. an AA substrate word: AA-Wa-Lawa-Bulang *pac 'to caress' . fu 1 X (bju8) LH buaB, OCM *ba? 'Father, male relative of the father's generation: uncle' [BI, Shi]. [11 Sin Sukchu SR fu ( MGZ Y hwu [vu] ; MTang bvu < bvuo, ONW buo may be the col. version. As suffix fu has the same function as [N] Mand. ba-ba 'minister of agriculture' (to be distin (prob. cognate), e.g. n6ng-fu .... fu5 guished from n6ng-fil -� 'farmer, farm laborer' , see -> fil 2 � ) ; or the suffix ftl may simply be intended to write fu, especially in the Bl . -> fii 2 may be from the same root. [E] ST: a common onomatopoetic word 'father' : PTB *pa (STC: 1 74 n. 463) > WT pha, WB ;;J-bha c, a-pha C; JP wg_51; Lushai pa P < paa? . PTai *b-: S . ph:x>82 'father' . 243
ru. fu2 tk .... fu4 {;}(§� fu3 {'f (pjuC) LH puoC,
OCM *poh - [f] MTang pfu < pfuo, ONW puo 'To hand over, give ' [BI, Shu]. [k, OCM *p�k 'Turn the back to, retreat ' [Zuo] > 'north' [BI, Shi] (what the back is turned to when facing south '). [f] Sin S. SR p;;!j (A), LR pg?; MGZY bue (A) [pm:] ; ONW p;:>k !El PMK *[d]5ak: M on hgbek 'wear around neck', et al.; Khmer pf:gk 'to put on, wear, hang up, bestride', Khmu bak 'to mount, ride, bestride', Vi et. vac 'carry over the shoulder' . PTB *bak (STC no. 26) > JP ba?31 (< bak) 'carry' (child on back).
fu 12
(bjuk) LH buk, OCM *buk, OCB *b(r)juk 'To come back, return, restore' [BI, Shi], 'reply' [Zuo] , 'report' [Lunyu]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR vu ( A); MGZY hwu (A) [vu ] ; MTang bvuk, ONW buk 3� fu 1� (bjguC) LH buC, 0CM *bukh 'Repeatedly, again' [BI , Shi], 'to repeat' [Meng] , 'agai n ' [Lunyu] is an adverbial derivation ( Downer 1 959: 289) (§3.5). 3� fu � (pjuk) L H puk, OCM *puk 'Double, l ined' (garment) [Li] . 3� fu (phjuk) L H phuk, OCM *phuk 'To overturn, violate, rui n ' [Shi], 'repeatedly' [Meng] , 'overthrow' [Zuo] > 'on the contrary' [Shi ] . [ TB-Lepcha bak 'belly' (Forrest JAOS 8 2 , 1 962: 333).
fii 1 4
(phjuk) LH phuk, OCM *phuk 'A kind of snake' [Shanhaijing, Chuci], Guo Pu says fu-hui 'a snake with upturned snout'. This may be cognate to -" fu4 fj\ij[3t 'to l ie down, lie on the stomach
246
fu (as animals)', as in some cultures the snake is associated with the notion of 'walking on the stomach ' . Alternatively, fil may be connected to PTB *bu 'insect, snake' .
fu 15 #m: (bjwak)
LH buak, OCM *bak 'To bind, wrap, rol l , bonds' [Zuo]. The MC div. III syllable of this type is unique ( labial initial, rime -jak). [f] MTang bvuak, ONW buak < bak [D] PM in *buk > Amoy bakm, Fuzhou puo?02, Jianyang poD2 'to tie'. [E] AA: Khmer pii 'ka /pak/ 'to enlace, entwine, embroider' 3� /bamnak/ 'enlacing, stitching together' ; Mon /p�k/, WrMon buik 'to put round lower half of the body', Semai /bok/, Temiar /bog/ 'to bind ' . The PM in form is closer to Tai than to MC. Alternatively, note S . p"uukDI < *bl-/br- 'to bind, tie' (Manomaivibool 1 975: 1 28). The AA semantic range suggests that the fol lowing word is prob. related: 3t b6 {i;t; (bak) LH bok, OCM *bak 'Trees with interlaced branches' 7f [Chuci] , 'trellis' [Liji]; 'sit with legs crossed under body' tilt [Zhuang].
fu16 ru17
, fu2 __. f u 19 t�
Bffi Jffi ��,,'if
__.
247
G g a i pi{ (k�i)
LH k;;J, OCM *k� 'Steps, stair' [Shi]. [p] ? ST: Perh. the cognate of the TB word for 'stairs, l adder' as represented in WB hle-ka 8 'stairs, ladder' (hie 'ladder'), JP J:;,33_ka 33 'steps'. WT skras, skas-ka, skad 'ladder' may belong either here, or perh. to 4 jie3 �� because of the medial *r.
gai t� (k�iC)
L H k;JB , OCM *k�? < *kl;;J? 'To change' [Shi] . [T] Sin Sukchu SR kaj Cl.); MGZY gay [kaj]; ONW kai [C] W ang Li ( 1 982: 8 1 ) considers gai an allofam of .... ge 1 1fL and 4 geng 1
gai it .... be 8 :l§l:it gan 1 -T (kan) L H kan, OCM *kan - [f] ONW kan
'A shield' [Shi], 'knock against, violate' [Zuo]. 4 gan2 -T may be the s. w. L H ganc, OCM *gans 'Protect, guard' [Shu], 'ward off' H [Li] ; 'gate' �f� [BI, Zuo]. [p] ST: WT 'gal-ba 'to oppose, transgress, violate'; WB ka 'a shield, to ward off' (Bodman 1 980: 1 3 7; HST: 1 57); Lushai inL-kaJ?L < -kal?/h 'to withstand, oppose' �� kaJ?L 'to withstand, oppose, to cross' . CH -> Tai : S. kan 1 'to prevent, keep out ' . Perh. an area etymon, note MK: Khmer /k(a)ar/ 'to defend, protect, guard, to shield, screen' . 3�
ban H� (yanc)
g a n 2 -T (kan)
LH
kon, OCM *kan 'Riverbank' [Shi]. [p] The etymology i s not certain. The graph might simply have stood for the word 4 an 2 !$ 'river bank'. Or gan may be a variant of -t kan6 � with aberrant final. Finally, i t could be the same word as 4 gan 1 -T in the sense that a bank is a protection against the water; a semantic parallel is found in the wf 4 ya 2 fil'/It[§!,f.
g a n 3 -T 'pole' 4 g a n 4 ¥ gan 4 ( kan) LH kan , OCM *kiln 'A bamboo pole, rod' ( for fishing etc.)
[Shi], 'flag pole' (of slender bamboo) -=f· [Sh i]; 'bamboo slip' (for writing) ¥ [Zhuang]. This is apparently not a carrying pole, cf. 4 he 1 3� g a n (kan8) LH kanB, OCM *kan? 'Slender bamboo' [Lie]; 'straw of grain' [Zuo]; 'shaft of arrow' '\'¥f [Zhouli]. [E] Perh. PMY *nqaan 2 A 'thatch grass'; Tai : S. kan5 'twig, stem , stalk'. - ge (ka8, kan8) LH kai8, kanB, OCM *kai?, *kiln? 'Shaft of an arrow' [Zhouli] . �� g e flill f[illj (kaC) LH kaiC, 0CM *kaih 'Bamboo stalk' > 'piece, item' [Xun] > classifier for every category of noun (Norman 1 988: 1 1 5). [f] Sin Sukchu SR b ( $;), LR b; MGZY go ($;) [k:::>] ; ONW ka [D] Y -Taishan ku::>ic1, Kaipfng kuajCI; K-Meixii'm 55keC; PM in *koiC [N] Contrary to what the phonetic suggests, the OC rime was *-ai , not *-a; perh. the graph became convention by the time OC *kai had become kfi in some dialect.
248
gan - gan [E] < > PTai *kaiB 1 : L6ngzhou kaai81 'noun classifier, piece' , Sack kha]4 ( < gaJA) > k11an4 ' classifier for spoons, pencils, saws' . It also has been borrowed by Korean from an OC stratum (prob. Han): New Korean kay (Miyake 1 997: 1 86); Sino-Jap. ka is from MC. '* g a n ( kan) LH kan, OCM *kiln lT1 ONW kan 'Piece, item ' [Li]. [E] Perh. ST: WT mk11ar-ba � 'k11ar-ba (< m-kar - N-kar) ' staff, stick' (HST: 1 4 1 ), but the semantics are ambiguous, and OC *-i for foreign *-r is rare (§7.7.4).
giin 5 Bf ( kiln) LH kan,
OCM *kiln (D] PM in *kanAI 'Liver' [Li] [E] Etymology not certain. Perh. derivation from --> ku 'bitter' , semantically parall el to --> $ ( STC: 1 58 n. 428), note TB: Garo bi-ka 'liver' ; however, a liver is not noted for being unusually bitter. On the other hand, gan may correspond to PTB *m-kal ' kidneys' ( STC no. 1 2): WT mk11al-ma, Lushai ka f < kal?, Chepang g;)J. The TB etymon blends into words for 'lower back' ( --> he 1 gan 6 H Ckan) in dan-gan -?Fl.if •f:H.:b 'vermi lion ore', see .... dan 1 n 'vermilion ' . gan 7 (kam) LH kam , OCM *kam < *klam (prob. < *kluam < *klom) 'Be sweet' [Shi]. For the possible medial *-1-, see §8.2.2. lT1 Sin S. SR kam C'f.), PR kan; MGZY gam (-'¥) [kam]; ONW kam [E] The homophone g a n ftf 'Mandarin orange' [Hanshu] m ay be the same etymon ( Wang Ll 1 982: 623), but because of its southern origin, 'orange' may instead be connected with AA, note PNB *qiJam 'sweet'. 3� han FM ( yam) LH gam, OCM *gam < *glam 'Be tipsy, drunk' [Shu]; Mand. 'drink to one's heart's content > fully, heartily'. [ qiang 'stron g '; not related to -> jfng4 #� 'pass through' .
g a n g 4 IMJ U ilJ (kiil])
*kiil) - [f] ONW km] 'Hard, firm ' IMJ U [Shi] > 'steel' i!MJ [Lie]. [ gu 1 *kah, lit. ' having become solid, hard ' . L ll kal), OCM
250
gang - gao
(gj al)8) L H gtal)8, OCM *gal]? 'Hard (soil)' [Zhouli]. (E] ST root *ka ( � g u 1 !n]): WT gal)S ' ice' (terminative: < 'having become hard' of snow, water), Lushai khaiJF 'congealed, solidified' . For related and similar items, see .... gu 1 !nJ ( including Table G- 1 ) and jian 2 � ( including Table J- 1 ). Perh. the wf -> qiang 5.$51 'strong' belongs here as well .
3� qi a n g
g a ng 5
�[m] (kal)) LH kai), OCM *kai) < *klai) ? [T] ONW kal) 'Bull, stud ' [BI , Shi]. (E] ST: PTB *-la!) with animal prefix *s- or *k-: Mru klaiJ 'male ' , Lushai tlal) 'male' (i.e. tlal)R -vaaJH 'young man ' ?) [Loffler 1 966: 1 20] ; M ikir che-16!) 'buffalo', WT glaiJ 'ox' (Boodberg 1 93 7 : 3 63), glal)-po-che ( 'big buffalo ' :) 'elephant' . The meaning glaiJ 'elephant' must have been secondary because this animal is not indigenous in Tibet and only known through texts and stories relating to India. The WT word is not related to -> xiang5 � 'elephant ' . For the OCM initial *kl-, see § 8 .2.2.
g a n g 6 !IT (kal), xaiJ)
'Lower intestines, anus' [GY, JY] is perh. related to TB-WT gzaiJ ( < *gryat]? *glyal)?) 'anus' (Unger Hao-ku 50, 1 995: 1 57); see also -> chang6 _,
g a ng 1
�
j i a ng
1
(kau) LH kou, OCM *kau for possible TB cognates. 'High' [OB, BI, Shi]. See -> ywin 1 LTJ Sin Sukchu SR kaw ('!!.); MGZY gaw [kaw]; ONW kou 3� g a o � (kauc) LH kauc, OCM *kauh 'Height' [Lu Demfng: Zuo, Yin] (Unger Hao-ku 2 1 , 1 98 3 : 1 83). [C] Likely allofams are under -> qiaol �. perh. also -> hao3 ri!:i" ' vast, rising' .
g ii o
g ii o 3
(kau[C]) L H kou(C), OCM *kiiu(h) 'Grease, ointment' [Shi], 'fat' (of animals, persons) [Zuo]> 'to fatten' (e.g. millet shoots) [Shi], 'fertile, rich ' [Guoyu]; > 'be glossy' [Shi]. SW says that -> zhf1 0 El� 'grease, fat' belongs to animals with horns, gao 1f to animals without horns (e.g . pigs). Downer ( 1 959: 278) reserves tone C reading MC kau c for verbal usages.
g ii o 4
(kiiu) LH kou, OCM *kiiu 'Lamb' [Shi], gao has the general meaning 'small, of an animal' in an ancient dialect (Wang Ll 1 982: 1 82f.); it is prob. not related to -> gou j{y 'dog' .
OCM *ku < *klu ? 'Bow case (of tiger hide)' [BI , Shi]. - Perh. t a o �� (thau) LH thou, OCM *lhu ? 'Bow case' [Zuo). These two words could be reconciled if we assume that MC t11derives from OCM *lh- rather than *th-, and the div. I vocalism of gao is due to an earlier medial * 1 - ( §8.2 .2). Such variants may indicate a foreign loan.
g a o 5 'If (kau) LH kou,
-
g a o 1 i1i (kauB) LH kou8, OCM *kiiu?
'White, brilliant' Jii [Meng]; 'plain white silk' [Shi]. (E] This is prob. the same word as gao El!� (kiiu8) ( under -> hao2 Oi!f), although the reason for the difference in OC rimes is not clear. Tai: S. k11a u A I 'white, clear, pale'. This item i s prob. not related to he ( xak, yak) 'rich white colors of birds', perh. 25 1
gao
-
ge
rather 'glistening' [Shi], because the initials MC x - and k- do not n ormally occur i n the same wf. H owever, _, he2 'crane, glistening white' may be related.
gao 2 gao 3
X gao 4
h a o 2 ( B#i) f� _, kio 3 �t� �ff 1,.1i'iJ _, gao 1 _,
v
(kuok, kfiuC) LH kouk, kouc, OCM *kuk(h) < *kluk(h) [T] ONW kau 'To tell, report, announce, inform ' [BI , Shi]. Downer ( 1 959: 286) reserves the tone D form LH kouk for the meaning 'to tel l ' (superiors). 3� gao S� ( kauC) LH kouC, OCM *kukh < *klukh 'Announcement, m ake an announcement' (to inferiors) [BI , Shi, Shu]. [ Vi et . gay 'to crow' (of a rooster) [Ferlus] may be connected. ge 3 �U (kat) LH kat, ocM *kat 'To cut' [Zuo], 'destroy, injure' [Shu]. [11 Sin Sukchu SR b CA.); MGZY go ( A) [k::>] [D] PMin *�at � hai � (yaic) LH gas, OCM *gats, OCB *fig at(s) [f] ONW yaC 'To h arm, injure, harm, injury' [BL Shi ]. � j ie (kaic) LH kas, OCM *krats 'To castrate' [Zhuang] i s added by Karlgren ( 1 956: 1 2). (kat) ( §7 .5). [ WB khrac 'to scrape' , Kachin khret 'rasp, grate' (HST: 1 29). Tai : S. khraatD2 < *g- 'to scrape, rake' n kraa t DI ' metal scraper or grater' . [C] Allofams are perh . : -7 q i f'JJ 'skillful engraving ' , -? qi 2 �. Connection with -7 jie 1 0 ifrri is doubtful.
gen :fN (bn)
LH k;:)n, OCM *k�m [D] PMin *kyn > Amoy kunA 1, Fuzhou kyqA 1 'Root, trunk' [Zuo]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR bn MGZY g h in C'jl) [k;m]; ONW k;:)n [E] AA: PVM *bl 'tree' (trunk) [Ferlus], PMon *t(l]ggJ 'stump' (of tree, mushroom , tooth), Khmer giil 'tree trunk' [Maspero 1 9 1 2: 2 1 ]. M K -> PTai *g-: S. khoon A 2 'base of tree, stump' (irreg . tones, 'perch' in some Tai dialects).
g en .&
-7
-
hen tN
geng 1 J! ( kBI])
LH kai], OCM *kral) 'To change' [Zuo]. Perh. this is the s. w. as -7 geng3 !Ji. Wang U ( 1 982: 8 1 ) relates geng to "" gai !.!5 PLB *gm) I 'body' > WB g-kOIJ 'body, animal body', R awang guiJ 'body, animal , self' (STC: 1 82 n . 479; HST: 46), JP goiJ31.
gong 4 0 (kul))
LH koi], OCM kol) < *klol) (Male of older generation, higher rank to whom respect is due:) 'Father' [Lie; Han shu], 'father's brother, uncle' [Hanshu]; 'clan head' [BI , Shi ] , a high feudal title ( 'prince', 'duke') [Meng]; 'male' of animals as i n gong jr0�1E 'rooster'. rrJ Sin Sukchu SR ku!] (: gong2 'bow' .
g o n g 8 '§ ( kjul))
L H ku!], OCM *kul) - [T] ONW kul) 'Palace, mansion ' [BI , Shi], 'temple' [Shi 300, 1 ] . (Meanings discussed by Shaughnessy 1 99 1 : 1 99-20 1 ). [E] HST: 98 relates the CH word to WT kiloiJ-pa 'inside', STC (p. 1 82 n. 479) and Bodman ( 1 980: 1 24) to PTB *k-yim - *k-yum 'house' ( STC no. 5 3 ; HJYI'B: 5 04; for the difference in finals, see §6.7); but see next: [f] ONW kol) - gong 0 (kul)) L H kol), OCM *k6I] < *klol) 'Palace' [Shi 298, 1 ]. [E] Area word: M K : M on glOIJ 'citadel , palace' , Khmer khlu�IJ 'treasury, storehouse' [Shorto 1 97 1 : 88]. M K -> Tai: S. kluaiJ A 1 'house, abode of a prince( ss)' .
gong 9 fYlt (kWBIJ)
L H kual), OCM *kwril.IJ [T] ONW (kuel)) 'Drinking vessel ' of buffalo horn [Shi]. [E] PMY *kr::>l]A 'horn' jiao5 'horn ', Shorto 1 972 considers an AA origin likely: PMK *dral).
gong 1 0
(kjWOI)) LH ktol), OCM *krol) ( al so MC kuiJ, kuoiJ) [BI , Han period] 'To respect' � [Shi ] , 'sincerely respectful ' may be related to -> gon g 1 (i.e. < 'respectfully joining hands' ?) , and I or to -> kong2 !tSI; 'fear'.
gong 1 1 1:!t .... gong 1 � .... gong 7 Jtt gong 12 gong .... gong 1 � gong 1 � (gjWO!]c) LH gtol)c, OCM *gol)h 'All together' [Shu}.
-
256
[I'] ONW guol)
gou
gong
(kjwol)B) LH ktoiJB, OCM *kol)? 'To join the hands' :):t [Yili], m [Lunyu], 'hold round with both hands ' m [Zuo]; 'manacles' � [Zhouli] (al so MC kjwok). Note also AA: QMon kloiJ 'to join in salutation' (hands) (loan ?). � gong {� (kjWOI][CJ) LH ki:oi](C), OCM *kol)(h) 'To furnish, provide, carry out' [Shi] ( < 'hand over with both hands'?). [f) Sin Sukchu SR kjul) ( :SV:), PR kul); MGZY gyung ( :SV:) [kjul)] [E] Etymology not clear. An QC medial *r should be assumed if related to '"""' gong 1 0 CVST 5: 57 relates this word to Western Tib. 'khyoi]-ba, khyoi]s 'to bring ' , WB kuiiJ 'take hold of, apply hand'. An allofam may perh. be '"""' gong2 £',t .
�� gong
gong2
( kmf) L H kol)c, OC M *kol)h - [f] ONW kmf 'Tribute, present ' n . [Shu], 'to present' [Zuo] may perh. be related to either '"""' gong 1 J.-)J Jj(: or '"""' gong 1 :J;t. Unger (Hao-ku 50, 1 995) connects the word with Lepcha kl6I] 'to grant'.
gou 1 {D �'iy;fH]l& (k�m) LH ko, OC'M *ko 'Crooked' 1& [Li] > 'hook' [Shi], 'to hook' frY [Zuo], 'hook, curved' {V [Li] > 'crooked wood'
;fH] [Xun].
�� j u iffi5 ( kju) LH ki:o, OCM *ko
'Crooked spine' [Zhuang]. �� q u �'rijlli&J (gju) LH g i:o, OCM *go 'Bent part of slice of meat' � [Li] ; 'curved exterior part of yoke' [Zuo]. The fol lowing is, however, not (directly) related: 3�? yu {!Mi (?j u8) LH ?to8, OCM *?o? 'Bend the body' [Zuo], 'humpback' [Li]. [E] ST: WT dgu-ba 'to bend' 3� dgur 'something bent'; QC *-o can be derived from ST *u or *o. Syn. and likely cognate i s '"""' qii 1 ffiL perh. also to '"""' qm1n 3 and I or '"""' quan 4 [I, '""'" qu 2 Jlli , '"""' ju6 ¥19� 'bend'. This wf is perh. also related to '"""' 1 6u 2 {f . Syn. '"""' yu 1 ff;fif; '"""' hu8 5JJL
gou 2 t� (bu) LH ko,
OCM *ko ? 'Drain, irrigation cana l ' [Lun], 'moat' [Li] . The QYS final -;w has no div. I I counterpart; therefore the rime m a y represent both Q C *-o a n d *-ro. [ gou 1 :l:J§ (k::>u 8) 'filth'. ,
gou3 �
(buC) LH koc, OCM *koh This root means basically 'interlacery, trelliswork' (Karlgren GSR 1 09): zhong-gou 'inner chamber' ; 'to fabricate, build' [Shu]. The original graph gou � shows apparently a wicker fish trap. �� gou (bu) LH ko, OCM *ko 'Bamboo cage' [Chuci] . [E] ? ST: JP ku31 'bed, furniture' (i.e. wooden frame). [C] Possible allofam s (Karlgren GSR 1 09) are -> gou5 'to present' ; --+ gou4 JINJ!PJ§ 'come across' . The word -> hU 3 ?iJ!i is similar to this wf, but its vowel i s different; possible TB cognates also indicate that hii is a separate root.
gou4 fl�yj§ (k�mC) LH koC,
OCM *koh 'To come across, meet with' [Shi]; 'meet with' [Shi] ; 'to cross, join (weapons)' [Meng] ; ' come in conflict with' f� [Shi]; 'second marriage , favor' :9!§ [Yi]. This may be the s. w. as -> gou3 � (so Karlgren), q.v. for possible allofams. [E] ST: PTB *gow (STC no. 3 1 8) > WB ku8 'cross over, transfer' , JP ga u33 'pass over'; possibly also JP ko?55 'to ford ' , WT khug-pa - khugs-pa 'to find, get, earn ' (i.e. 'come across') (HST: 72). WB *kruik 'meet with', Chepang krus-sa 'to meet' , WT 'khrug-pa 'fight, disturb' represent perh. parallel stems. Note that MC is ambiguous as to the presence or absence of OC medial *-r-. Karlgren ( GSR I 09) believes that all words with this phonetic are cognate, basically meaning 'intertwine, interlace ' .
g o u 5 $ (kouC)
L H koC, OCM *k6h 'To present , give' [Guoce] is perh. cognate to WT skur-ba 'to send, transmit, give', WB ku8 'cross over, transfer' may belong to -> gou3 �.
gou6 gu 14 _. gii 1 M (kuo) LH ka,
OCM *ka 'Father's sister, husband ' s mother' [Shi, Liji], 'wife's sister' [Liji ] (Wang Li 1 958: 569; K. C. Chang 1 976: 89). Etymology not clear.
258
gu - gu gu 2 & � gu u J!l gu 3 m � gua � gu 4 ,Ji\ (kuo) LH kua,
OCM *kua 'Net' [Shi]. [E] ST: WB khwa c 'kind of net' 3� PTB *kwan - *gwan 'casting net' (STC: 1 58 n. 428), WT rkon 'net' . It is prob. unrelated to gu W'f 'net' (under � hu3 Ji.t!i.).
go 5 lMl � hu8 5Jl\ gu 1 r5 (kuo8) LH ka8,
OCM *ka? 'Antiquity, of old' [OB, BI, Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR ku ( J:: ) ; MGZY gu (J:: ) [ku] ; ONW ko 3� g u rfij(: (kuoC) LH kac, OCM *kah 'An old one' [Shi]. [E] ST: PTB *r-ga 'old ' ( STC no. 445) > WT rga-ba 'be old, aged' ; JP Jgga 'ol d ' . Boltz (OE 35, 1 992: 36ff) relates gu to a wf 'hard, durable' which includes � gu 1 IEJ 'secure, strong ' , but W T cognates suggest that these etyma have separate ST origins. Boltz also includes � ku E 'duress, suffer' , et al. [C] Shf Xi�mgdong (2000: 1 20) adds h6 rfi)j LH ga or ya 'advanced in years' [Zhoushu].
gu 2-bei r5 � � b u 2 ;;ffi gu 3 1;±1 (kuo8) ONW ko
[D] PMin *�o8 'Male of bovine, steer' [Yupian, GY] , a post-classical word. Prob. not cognate to � gu 7 1St 'ram ' . [E] AA: Mod. K hmer klo/;1 'male, virile' 3� kamlo/;1 'young man ' ; Chrau 'male' 3� si-klo 'husband'; Bahnar klo 'male', Stieng klau, klo 'male' 3� sarlau 'husband ' , Sre klau 'man , male'. Also the Yue dialect word Jau 'boy' may ultimately go back to this MK etymon.
9u 4 w; � hu3 Ji.l(!i gu 5 ft (kuk) LH kok,
-
OCM
*kl6k
'Valley' [Shi].
3� yu ;fr Uuk) LH jok, OCM *lok
'Valley' [EY, GY]. [.E] ST or area word: TB-WT luiJ-pa 'valley, WB khyol) 'valley', JP krui]33 'valley' . Tai: S. khJ:xJI]A 2, Kam loiJ A 1, AA-Wa IOIJ (TB loan?) (collected in Dong Weiguang et al. CAAAL 22, 1 984: 1 1 9f); some TB words have final -k: Mikir arl6k < r-16k 'valley' . But PTB *grok (STC no. 1 22) > WT grog-po 'deep dell, ravine', WB khyok 'chasm, gulf' is prob. to be kept separate.
gu 6 �� (kuo8)
LH ka8, OCM *ka? 'Thigh, leg ' [Shi] [.E] KT: Tai: S. kha a A 1 < *kh- 'leg, thigh' (Li F. 1 976: 44), PKS *kwa l 'leg ' . The Tai word is prob. not related to � qiao 1 tj3{: (khau) 'foot'.
gu 7 1_5t (kuo8)
L H ka8, OCM *ka? 'Ram ' [Shi]. [.E] Wang U ( 1 982: 1 26) relates this word to � gu3 1;±1 'male of bovine, steer' , as well as to the wf � j ia8 � 'boar', therefore gu 1St meant originally 'male animal ' . However, jia and gu differ in MC vowel and tone, therefore gu prob. means basically 'ram ' and is cognate to � jie4 m 'ram '.
259
gu gu 8 i'f (kudt)
LH ku;}t, OCM *kGt 'Bone' [OB]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR ku ( A.); MGZY gu (A.) [ku] ; ONW kot [D] PMin *kot LEJ Outside rel ations are not obvious; gu is usually compared to PTB *rus 'bone' : WT rus, Lushai ru'? (< rus), Khami lgs. (Kuki-Chin) *brut, Rengmitca kh(r)u, Areng ha w (prob. from voiceless *hr-) (Loffler Anthropos 55, 1 960: 547); Lepcha a-hriit 'bone'; Karen k(h)rut ( STC: 1 55 n . 4 1 9). But we could be more confident about these associations if there were a trace of an OC medial *r. WT rus 'clan ' , see -> lei 2 �J[.
gu 9 'fEZ (kuo8)
LH ka8, OCM *ka? < *kla? [D] PMin *ko8. 'The drum, to drum, strike (a musical instrument)' [BI, Shi ] ; 'musician > blind man' V [Shi] (Karlgren 1 956: 4). LEJ Area word: PTai *kbi]A 1 'drum ' (Li F. 1 976: 40), Saek tb:JI]A1, PHlai *laiJ 1 , MK-PWa *klo? 'bronze-drum ' . For the finals, see §3 .2.4. -
gu 10 V __, gu 9 'fEZ gu 1 1 'i!f (kuo8) LH ka8,
OCM *ka? 'To sel l ' [Shi 264, 4], 'to buy' [Zuo] > 'merchant' [Shu 35, 5; Zuo]. �� gii & (kuo[C]) L H ka(C), OCM *ka(h) 'To buy' (wine) [Shi 1 65 , 6]. LEJ This word could be a cognate or variant of gu above, but the same graph also writes a word hii ( yuo8) 'overnight wine' [Shi 302, 2] with which it may be related since gil means 'buy wine' . Karlgren ( GSR 49b') has assigned readings to meanings as given above, yet traditional commentaries and dictionaries don 't agree which reading, gil or hu, goes with which meaning. [C] Perh. cognate to __, jia 4 W fJ. Syn. __, df6 � ; -> mai � ; -> shou 2 '§§: ; -> yu 23 Jl.
gu 1 2 , z hu6 t� (kuok, tsjak)
LH kouk � kiauk ?, OCM *kau k ? � *kiauk ? 'Husk of grain' [Lii, GY] . GY also has a reading zhu6 (tsjak). LE] ST: PTB *kok ( STC no. 342) > PLB *?kuk � *?guk 'outer covering, bark, skin' > WB ;>-khok; WT skog-pa � kog-pa 'shell , peel, rind' �� 'gog-pa, bkog 'to tear away, take away, peel, rob' �� gog-pa 'to scale off' (Bodman 1 980: 1 28); Lushai khok 'peel off' ( STC: 74). The CH distinction between --> kuo4 �� *khwak ' leather' (< 'skin' ?) and gu *kGk 'husk' is difficult to correlate with TB comparanda.
gu 1 3 *)t (kuk)
LH kok, OCM *k6k - [f) ONW kok 'Grain, cereal ' [Shi] > 'emoluments' [Shi] ; perh. 'auspicious, good' [Shi] is a semantic extension, lit. 'nourishing, supportive'. Not related to -> gu 1 4 *3.t· LEJ AA or area word: PVM *rko? 'husked rice' [Ferlus 1 988: 87], Khmu /riJko?/, Khasi kha w, Pal aung rgka w. AA -> TB: JP n33-ku33 'rice ' , M onpa khu 'rice' (HST: 87). AA -> Tai: *kau 3 , Yay (Dioi) *gau 4 , S. khau3 'rice, grain ' [Levy 1 988: 64; Ferlus MKS 7, 1 978: l 3f]. TB-WB kok 'rice plant'.
gu 1 4 f3.t (kuk)
L H kok, OCM *k6k [T] ONW kok 'Baby' [Xun], lit. 'a suckler'. 3� gou if� (buC [GY]) L H koC, OCM *k6kh 'To suckle' [Zuo] , a Chu dialect word. Yan Shfgu [GY] also reads this graph nguB;c, prob. inspired by the standard word --; ru3 �L. Pulleyblank (in Keightley 1 983: 427) has EMC kowk, kow?. -
260
9u - 9 u
�E k o u fi (kh;mC) L H khoC, OCM *khokh 'Newborn nestling ' [Zhuang], Le. a 'baby bird' . [E] ST: JP kro?55 < krok55 'to hatch', prob. a parallel stem, see Table C-2 (under --. chu4, xu tf) for similar-looking words.
gu 1 5 _lML (kuo8) LH ka8, 0CM *kii'?
'Salt' [Zhouli], 'salty m arsh ' [Zuo]. [E] PTai *kltoAI ' salt' (Li 1 976: 45), Sack tluaAl > truaA I. Ace. to Li F., gu is possibly connected with --. IU 1 (luo8) 'salty', which is supported by modern form s like Jin dialectal b?D 2 _louc (Zhang Xfng-ya YWYJ 1 996. 4: 1 0). Possible variants or allofams are -> chi 1 ff:'. -> xi4 Y�.
gu 16
gu 1 7
(kuoB) LH kaB, OCM *ka? 'A poison which serves as a magic charm' [OB, Yi, Zuo]. SW and ZhOulisay it is an animal in the stomach. Eberhard ( 1 968: 1 49- 1 53) says: People south of the Yangtze prepare gu by putting into a pot five poisonous vermin, such as a centipede, a snake, etc .. which devour each other; the one left is crushed and made into a medicine which is used as a magic charm (e.g. love charm ; evil magic to obtain subservient spirits, and the like). - Etymology not clear. .... gou t
g u 1 [Eil'J (kuoC) LH kaC, OCM *kiih
'Be solid, secure, sure' [Shi]. [ku] ; ONW ko [f] Sin Sukchu SR ku (:i� ) ; MGZY gu = gu � (kuoC) LH kaC, OCM *kiih 'To pour metal into cracks, caulk' [Hanshu] > 'block, debar, keep in check' (Boltz OB 3 5 , I 992: 3 7) [Zuo] , a kind of 'stopper' used in metal casting [SW] . 3E h u f/i ( yuoC) L H gaC, OCM *gah 'To shut in, stop up' (by freezing) [Zuo] , 'to freeze' [Zhuang] . [C] Boltz (op. cit.) adds among others o f the following: 4 k ii tr±J 'wither', 4 hU 1 ii§ 'persistent', 4 hu 2 'l'rfl 'rely on ' , 4 gu 1 'old ' ; 4 gu3 il51: 'reason'. 'dewlap', 4 gu 2 [E] Several parallel or synonymous stems have partially converged and are difficult to disentangle, unless they should all be prolific variants and derivations from one ST source ( for an overview see Table G-1 (A) below; Table J- 1 (B) under --" jian2 � ). As often, MK words are also mixed into this wf complex, but the nature and history of their connection with OC and TB is not certain:
KA
( 1 ) •solid, hard' gu 1 (kuoC) [kaC] *kah 'solid' and cognates above WT kfla-ba 'snow' KA-K or KAK ( l a) Limbu khakt- 'to harden, freeze, solidify' MK-Khmer /kaak/ 'become hard and solid; harden, solidify, congeal, coagulate' �� /skaak/ (of grain and the l ike:) 'have become hard and dry, dry up or out' > 'turn out to be futile . . . KA-NG or *KANG ( l b) .... gang4 IUllli M (kaiJ) [ka!J] *kai] 'hard, firm ' WT gaiJS 'ice' (terminative : < 'having become hard' of snow, water) Lushai khaiJF 'congealed, solidified' '
261
g il M K : Khmer /-kal)/ ' hard, stiff' , OKhmer gan /g;>IJ/, OM on goil /g;>t)/ 'be hard, stiff, firm, durable . . . '
KUYAK ? 'freeze' PTB *m/s-glak (HJYfB: 325)
LB-Lahu ka? 'cold' WT 'khyag(s)-pa 'freeze, coagulate'
KAR ( 1 ) 'solid, hard ' WT gar-bu 'solid' (not hollow) 3� gar-ba 'strong' (e.g. of beer) Lushai khaarR 'to congeal, crust over, frozen over'
3�
gar-mo 'thick' ( soup)
MK-PWa *km 'stron g ' (object) -n. � g an9 � ( kiln) [kan ] *kiln 'dry' WB khan 8 'dry up' JP kan31 'solidify, dry up'
KIN 'solid, firm ' � jian 2 � ( kien) [ken] *kfn 'firm, solid, strong ' WB kyafi 'feeling o f numbness' JP kyin 'stiff, aching ' Lushai khiiJF < khiiJ? dry out (get hard, of ouside of meat etc. ) (K-) RENG I K 'hard ' -> ylng3 (I]81Jc) 'hard ' (but the hypothetical OC vowel might have been *�) JP greiJ31 'hard ' ; WT rerys-pa 'solid' ( not l iquid), mkhregs-pa 'hard, firm ' ( snow) MK-Mon kriry (krory) 'stiff, hard' , Khm rwiJ, Mon kr:JI] (original vowel?) M K ? -> PTai *khJel)AJ 'solid, hard'
262
gu
Table G-1 H ard, congeal , dry (A) for gu 1 fEID *ka
*ka-t] > *kat]
*kar > *kan
*kar-I]/k > *krat]/k
*ka-k
oc
g u [i'!! *kah solid hu ¥7i *gab freeze
gang WUJIJ iiifJ *kfil] hard
g an lj1l *kan dry
he ±0 *grak water drying off land
he 111!1 *gak dry up
WT
k11a-ba snow
gal]s Jce
gar-ba strong, gar-bu hard
mk11ralJ hard
'khyag-pa freeze k11akt- harden, freeze, solidify
Limbu k11al]F congealed, sol i d i fied
Lushai
ga55 earth, place
JP
k11aarR < k11aar7 to congeal
�al]R dried
kan be dried up *?krak dry
LB k11an8 dry u p
WB
The e/i-vowel variants can be found in Table J- 1 under � jian 2 �. g u 2 fEID�� (kuoC) LH kac, OCM *kah
[f] ONW ko 'Persistent' (Boltz OB 35, 1 992: 37) !liD [Meng]; 'chronic' (disease) �� [Li] is perh. the s. w. as � gu 1 !liD 'solid, secure' (so Boltz). -
gu3 £) shua frjllj; see there for an overview of similar and related etyma. Prob. not related to --> luo t� 'scrape off' . -
gua � (kwaB) LH kua8, OCM *kwra? 'Be single, alone, unique' [Shu], 'orphan, alone' [Lunyu]. Tai: Wuming kJa C2 < *gl 'orphan' (Li 1 976: 46) is prob. a CH loan from around the Han period (*r > 1). 3� guiin !� (kwan) LH kuen, OCM *kwr;:m, OCB *kwr::m 'Bachelor, widower' [BI , Shi] (Unger Hao-ku 33, 1 986). [ Tiddim ka:i 'be suspended' 3� xa:i 'hang something up', Lushai khai 'suspend' . This etymon is reminiscent of MK-PMonic *wak 'to hang' (sth. to a nail) 3� *k-wak 'to hook and pull , hang sth. by its hook' (tr.) [Diffloth 1 984: 1 67], but MK is phonologically rather distant. Prob. --> xwin4 *-*� and --> qing3 � are related. guai I 'I'£ (kwaiC) LH kuec ?, OCM *kwrgh ? [f] ONW kuei 'Strange, unusual, extraordinary' [Shu]. It seems that this word actually had the same OC rime as --> guf2 1J1!1�; they may be mere variants. guai2 ::k: --> j u e 2 i:R: guiin I '§ f§ (kuan) LH kuan, OCM *k6n ? 'Office, magistrate, official' [BI , Shu] is pro b. the s. w. as --> guan 2 f§ 'servant' . [f] Sin Sukchu SR kw::m ( :lf ) ; MGZY gon ( :lf ) [k:)n l ; ONW kuan [D] CDC kuon i 3� guiin tg (kuan) LH kuan, OCM *k6n ? [f] ONW kuan 'To manage' [BI] , 'take care of' [Li] . [f] ONW kuan g u ii n 2 1'§ (kuan) L H kuan, OCM *k6n ? 'Servant, groom ' (also MC kwanC) [Shi]. -
-
-
264
guan
guan
guan (kuan[C]) L H kuon(C), OCM *k6n(s) - [D] PMin *kuot 'To serve' [Shi]. (kuan) ( §4.3 .2). [ WT khoJ-po 'servant, vassal ' * 'khoJ-ba, bkol 'make someone a servant, use as a servant' (Bodman 1 980: 1 37; HST: 1 3 1 ); PL *C-kjwan id. guan 3 f'g ( kuan) LH kuon, OCM *kwan or *k6n 'Coffin ' [Zuo]. * guan ( kuanC) LH kuanc, OCM *kwans or *kons ? 'To (be) put into a coffin ' [Zuo, Li] (Downer 1 959 : 278). [ PTai *kbnA 1 'rafter, latch on door'. guan 6 f!!21!. _., gua � g ulin 7 JJ\l ( kuan) LH kuon, OCM *k6n 'To watch, look at, observe' (e.g. the ocean, progress) [Shi ] . m Sjn Sukchu SR kw;:,n MGZY gon (:5fZ) [bn] ; ONW kuan 3� guan ft ( kuanC) L H kuanc, OCM *k6ns rrJ ONW kuan ( 1 ) 'To cause to see, show' [Zhouli]. [ 'tightly bound together' > 'be intim ate with' [Shi]. 3 � guan ff (kuan8) LH kuon8, OCM *kwan? or *kon? 'To connect, comprise' [Liji]. [ kuan � 'hole', this etymon belongs to a ST root *kwar. guan4
(kuanC) LH kuanc, OCM *krons 'Familiar with, used to' [Meng], �J'I:� [SW : Zuo] > 'custom, usage' [Shi]. 'bound together' (hence [E] A lthough this word is assumed to be related to -> guan3 > 'fami liar'), it prob. is a different etymon which is derived from the same ST root *-rol as WT srol 'usage, custom, habit' , JP a31-ron31 ( CVST 2: 9 1).
guan s m (kuan8, kuanC) LH kuan8, kuanC, OCM *kwan?/s or *kon?/s 'To wash the hands' intr. [Shu]. �� huan (yuan8) LH guanc, OCM *gwans or *gons 'To wash clothes ' [Guan] (Wang Ll 1 982: 5 53). [E] ST: KN-Lai kho?l 'to clean' (with water) [LTBA 20.2: 79], 'to bathe' [LTBA 2 1 . 1 : 49]. Possibly the same etymon as -> guan 6 'pour l ibation' . guan6 (kuanC) LH kuonc, OCM *kwans o r *kons 'To pour out; libation' [Shi], ¥1 [Lun] ; 'drink' (wine) [Lijil ; 'flow into' (rivers) [Zhuang], 'to water, irrigate' [Hou Hanshu]. [E] ST: Chepang khur, Boro kur 'to scrape' , Mikir hor 'to ladle out', Ao 2a 2kmn 'to scoop' , Rongmei n-xOan 'to scratch' (Weidert 1 987: 1 9). PTai *guon 'to ladle' (water) [Luo Yongxian MKS 27, 1 997: 273]. Possibly the same etymon as -> guan 5 m 'wash' . guang 1 (kWai]) L H kuaiJ, OCM *kwaiJ 'Be bright, glorious' [BI, Shi , Shu]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR kwal) ('T"); MGZY gwang (3¥) [kwaiJ]; ONW kuat] 3< kuang H}Jf (khwai)C) LH khuaiJC, OCM *khwlil]h 'Bright' [Zhuang]. [C] An additional allofam i s -> huang2 ;/:� 'brilliant' . guang 2 :Yt 'extensive' -> g u a n g 2 JJi ' fear' .... j u s 'i:l guang ) ' wang g uang 2 (kwa!]8) LH kuaiJ8, OCM *kwalJ? 'Be extensive, wide, broad, vast' [BI, Shi]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR kwal) (_1:.); MGZY gwang (_l: ) [kwal)] ; ONW kual) � guang :Yt (kwalJ) LH kuaiJ, OCM *kwil.IJ 'Be extensive' [Shi, Shu]; the Shi]ihg rime indicates tone A, hence it is perh. not a graphic loan for guang (kua!]c) 'fully, extensively' (so Karlgren GSR 707a). Karlgren ( 1 956: 1 4) adds: 266
gur
guf
�E kuang � (khwaiJc) L H khumf, OCM *khwaiJh
IT] ONW khuaiJ 'Be vacant, desolate, neglect' [Shi, Shu]. 3E kuo tl (khwak) LH khuok, OCM *khwak 'To extend' [Meng]. �� huang (ywal)) LH gual), O CM *gwal) 'Great, vast' [Xun]. [E] Etymology not certain, CH may be related either to TB or Tai, or both (involving some loan relationship): ST: Lushai vaa1/ < vaaiJ? 'be large, extensive' 3E va17R < vaiJ? 'breadth, width, broad, wide ' , WT yal) 'wide, broad, large' (for the WT initial, see § 1 2.9 [2]). Tai: S. kwaaiJCJ is a derivation by k-prefix from S. waaiJCJ 'unimpeded' (No ss 1 964: 49). Baxter I Sagart ( 1 998: 60) relate this wf to -+ kuan 'wide ' ; perh. ultimately related to the root *wa under -+ ku!mg 1 iJC..
guf 1 �;[ (kjwie) LH kye, OCM *kwe 'Circle' [Li] > 'a compass' [Meng] > 'regulate, admonish' [Zuo] > 'rule, law' [Li] . IT] Sin Sukchu SR kuj (-'f); MGZY gyue (IF) [kye] [ 'a kind of precious stone ' m [Shi]. It seems that this word actually had the same OC rime as 'strange, extraordinary ' ; they may be m ere variants. guf 3
guf 4
(kj wei) LH kui , OCM *kw�i, OCB *kwj�j [f] ONW kui 'To return ' (to a place where one belongs) intr. [BI , Shi] > tr. 'to return ' > 'bring home' (a wife), 'give into marriage' [Shi]. Although the morpholog ical role of the initial k- is not clear (but a k-prefix does occur, see §5.4), guris prob. derived from huf @] ; see there for an overview of synonyms. Note the semantic parallelism with M K : PVM *ve:l 'return ' * *k-ve:l 'village' (i.e. where one belongs) [Ferlus]. Guris often related to WT 'kilor 'turn, return', but see the comment under -+ huf -
-+
(kjwi) LH ku - kui, OCM *kwr�, OCB *kwr� 'Tortoise, turtle' [OB] . Southern dialects and Han rimes indicate doublets LH ku and kui� (Luo I Zhou 1 958). [E] AA: PMonic *dwii ?, Nyah Kur 'freshwater soft-shelled tortoise ' ; M on kwi? 'freshwater turtle' [Diffloth 1 984: 76]; PWM iao *kiA 'turtl e ' ; cf. Min dial. -+ xr1 6 9i may be a variant.
gut I * (kjw�i8) LH kuiB, 0CM *kui? 'Spirit, ghost ' [OB, Shi] ; originally: the ghost of a deceased who has returned to haunt (terrorize) the living (E. Childs-Johnson EC 20, 1 995: 79ff). IT] Sin Sukchu SR kuj Cl.); MGZY gue (_l.) [kue]; ONW kui [D] PMin *kyiB [E] Two etymologies have been proposed: ( 1 ) Derived from -+ wei 4 'to overawe, terrorize' (Childs-Johnson) with k-nominalization (§5 .4; Baxter I Sagart 1 998: 48; 59), and endoactive tone B, lit. 'the thing which is doing the overawing ' ( §4.5. 1 ). (2) Or related to -+ guf3 &ffi 'return ' (SW,· Carr CAAAL 24, 1 98 5 : 6 1 ). -
267
gul - gu6 gul 2 11 __, gul 3 1{, __, kul 1 IJ.: gut 3 1{ (kjwiB 3) LH kutB, OCM *kwr�?, OCB *kwrju? Name of a bronze ritual vessel, a 'tureen' (Shaughnessy) [OB, BI, Shi] , originally prob. some kind of basket or bamboo container. [E] Possibly ST: TB-PLB *kwiy 1 'receptacle, container' > Lahu phi, in some languages 'nest ' [Matisoff D. of Lahu: 9 1 7]. CH ? -> Tai : S. kuay 'basket' . The name and shape of this vessel is reminiscent of 'turtle' --> guf4 1@. LH ku-i. The homophone gul 11 'box, chest' [Shu] is prob. unrelated (under __, kui 1 [J.:; however, ace. to SW, 11 it is also the old graph for 1{).
gul 1 ::Jt (kjweiC) LH kuis, OCM *kus, OCB *kjuts 'Precious' [Yi], 'dear, expensive, eminent' [Zuo]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR kuj ( :t;); MGZY gue (:t:) [kue]; ONW kui [D] PMin *kyic [E] ST: WT gus-po 'costly, expensive' 3< gus-pa 'respect, reverence' (HST: 1 2 1 ) 3< dkon 'valuable' . gu1 2 � (gjwie8, khjwieB) LH gyai8, kh-, OCM *goi?, *khoi? 'To kneel ' [Zuo], 'foot' [Xun] is perh. connected with PVM *t-ku:l? 'knee'. gu1 3 frft'N __, hul 1 fr gul 4 • 'lift' __, ko u m gun 1 *Jl (ku�n8) LH ku�n8, OCM *kfin? 'A cord ' [Shi]. 3< kiln m! (khu�n8) LH khu�n8, OCM *khfin? 'To bind, string together' [Guoyu] . [ WB kwai8 'dammer bee ' ; PNorthern Nag a *C-guay, Lushai k11uafH kh:JjH 'bee, wasp' , Tangkhul Nag a khui, Thakali koy 'bee' , Chepang kway 'bee' . Matisoff ( 1 995: 64) suggests that the final *-i/-y is a ST diminutive suffix. Kadai: Hlai ko:i, kuai, ka:i. M K : PVM *kwe:? 'bee' [Ferlus], a Chinese loan? Semai (Aslian branch of MK) lwey [Al l forms from Matisoff 1 995a]. Note that none of the TB forms c ited by Matisoff and in STC no. 1 57 have a medial r or 1 (HST: 4 1 ). Therefore the bisyllabic OC form is not the result of dim idiation, but simply a reduplicative compound of the common type CV -IV or *CV-rV ( § 2.7). guo � ( kuaC) LH kuaic, OCM *k6ih or *kwaih [f] ONW kua To pass' [Shi], 'transgress' [Lunyu], derived from guo next (Unger Hao-ku 2 1 , 1 983 : 1 75). � � guo � (kua) LH kuoi , OC M *k6i or *kwai 'To pass by' [Shu]. [E] Prob. ST although the vowels do not agree (WT rgal could theoretically derive from ST *gwal, but Lushai and WB forms speak against this), perh. guo may involve an unusual OC a > o shift: WT rgal-ba, brgal 'to step over, pass over, travel through, ford ' , Lushai kaiH I kaiL 'to cross over, go across' ? 3� kaJH 'walk, travel, proceed, pass by', WB kaiB 'exceed, surpass, excel ' . �
269
H ha-ma ��-H� ( ya-ma) LH ga-ma, OCM *gra-mra or *ga-ma?
[f] ONW ya 'Frog' [Taiping yulan: Mozi] is onomatopoetic, MK has similar forms: OMon kma(c) 'green frog ' .
h a i �� ( yiii) LH gd, OCM *grg
'Bones, skeleton ' [Zuo ]. Perh. related to _, h€6
hiH
1
'kernel ' .
(x�iB) L H h;a8, OCM *hmg?, OCB * hm;a? 'Ocean, sea' [BI, Shi]. The absence of MC medial w is unexpected. rrJ Sin Sukchu SR xaj Ct): MGZY hay (_t) [xaj ] ; ONW hoi [E] Prob. related to _, hui7 *hmg? 'dark'; in numerous Zhou texts hili is described as hui. In OC they were (near?) homophones in spite of the difference in MC medial w. Semantic parallelism with _, m fng 3 ��t� 'ocean' � m fng 2 'dark' supports this etymological connection.
hai 2 !i; (x�iB) LH h;aB, OCM *hw�? ?
'Boneless meat sauce' [Shi], or 'meat which has been dried, m inced and pickled' ( GSR 995n). Bodman ( 1 980: 1 33) compares this to WT smig 'purple, co1or of clotted blood' , smug-ma 'stale meat, getting rotten' [Das] .
hai I
(y;ai 8) L H g;a8, OCM *g�? The 1 2th of the Earthly Branches identified with the pig [OB] (the graph is the drawing of a pig), ace. to Norman ( 1 985: 89) a loan from AA, note Viet. goi 'pig ' (obsolete), Khmer kol (sp. ko[r}) 'pig' (in names of years).
h a i 2 i!f ... ge 3
t!fU
han 1 JH (xan) 'To snore' [Six Dyn.]. [E] ST: WT hal-ba 'to pant, wheeze, snort' (HST: 1 35). Syn.
__.
hOu
�fy.
g a n 7 t�· (y�m) LH g;am, OCM - [f] ONW yom 'Have in the mouth ' [Zuo] > 'hold back, bear resentment' [Shu] ; 'to hold inside, in people) [Hanshu] > contain ' (as life in grain) [Shi], (as life force qi8 'cuirass' � [Meng] > 'envelop'. [D] The Northern Min softened initial in g *gem may indicate QC prenasal ization which is confirmed by Y ao gj:Jm2 < *ng- 'hold in the mouth' (Norman 1 986: 383). 3� ha n (y�mC) LH g;amC, OCM *ggms 'Put in the mouth' ?! [Zuo] > 'resent' [Zuo], 'dissatisfied' 'I� [Li] . [m h- be speechless'. 'Put I take into the mouth' : ST: PTB *gam (STC: 1 66; 1 83) > W T 'gam 'put into the mouth' , gams, bgams 3� 'kham-pa 'put into the mouth' , also WT sgam 'box' , sgam-po 'profound ' ; Mru kham 'take in the mouth, suffer' 3E kham 'box' [Loffler 1 966: 1 40], M iri gam 'seize with the teeth' (as a tiger), PTani *gU)am 'bite' . 'Jaw ' : ST: Mru kam 'chin', Chepang bm-p;;;>t 'gills' (fish), 'gill fin s ' ; Lepcha kam 'jaw'. PMK *tga(a)m 'jaw' (Shorto 1 972): Forrest (JAOS 82, 1 962: 334) cites K hmer thkeam , Stieng gam 'jaw' , Shorto provides additional words, incl. B iat gam ' molar' , V iet. cam 'chin' . It i s not clear if the fol lowing 'molar' belongs to this root (note W B am 8, not gam B';: ST: PTB *gam (STC no. 50) > Chepang magam 'molar', Thakali k;;;>m -so, Lepcha fo-gam ( fa 'tooth'), Limbu hema 'molar' ; Garo wa-gum 'tooth' (STC: I 83 n. 482; HST- 99), WB am 8 'molar' . The notion 'keep i n the mouth' i s a common metaphor for emotions, therefore � kan 2 'endure' i s prob. cognate; note also the Mru field of meaning. Sim ilar words are: ---> xian 1 1 fir 'a horse's bit' (Bodman) and to � qian 2 tl=tfff 'wooden 'dissatisgag'. Furthermore, Wang U ( 1 982: 605) believes it to be related to ---> qHin3 fied ' ; ---> d�m5 U� U@ . These items are prob. not all genetically related, but what unites them is the phonesthemic final *-m ( §2.9).
han2
(yan) LH gan, OCM *gan LTl ONW yan 'Cold ' ( ice, a spring, season) [BI, Shi] > 'poor' [Shiji]; > bar1xih *{;' 'disheartened' [Shiji]. Etymology unknown.
ban3 ffi � han 1 ban4 Y� (y�m) LH ygm , OCM *g;'}m, OCB *gom 'To soak, overflow' [Guan] belongs perh. to the wf � chen2 tX . xi a n 3, ban !AA]
a n 2 !¥ tf (yanC) LH ganC, OCM *gan s [D] PMin *ganC 2 'Sweat' [Yi]. TB has similar looking words, note PKiranti *ghaJ 'sweat' (Starostin ace. to van Driem 1 995: 254), or Lushai tilJanL 'sweat' [Weidert 1 975: 1 9]. H !¥J � giin 1 � g ii n 9 (xanC) LH hanc, OCM *hans, OCB *xans 'Name of a river' in the ancient Chu area, can also mean 'river' generally as in 'Milky way' [Shi]. The right element in the graph was probably not phonetic, hence the initial did not include an *n. ban6 Hi (xan[8JC]) LH hanBfC, OCM *han7/s 'To scorch' [Shi]. �� ban �� (xanB) L H honB, OC M *han7, OCB *njan7 ! To burn ' [Guan] , 'dry' [Yi ] . [E] The phonology and hence etymology is not certain. Prob . not related t o ---> ra.n 1 � *nan __.
-
27 1
ban - bao 'burn ' because the phonetic element in him has originally been chosen for its meaning 'distress' , not for its sound (so GSR 1 44). Baxter apparently considers )i a graphic loan for a word OCB *njan?. The difference in the initial consonants ( *h- vs. *k-) makes cognation with the syn . ....; gan9 :fz: unlikely.
ban7 � 'support'
....;
gan 1 ¥=f
han8 ���� ....; b a n 1 �IT§ han 9 f5J! ....; han 1 �IT§ han 1 0 �t ....; lan 1 iEf
han 1 1 iEf ....; l a n 1 iEf bang 1 fr 'row' ....; xing 1 1-T hang2 1-T 'strong ' ....; qiang 5sHI hang3 M[ ( Y aiJ) LH gaiJ, OCM *gaiJ - [f] ONW v aiJ Occurs in Shi 28 together with jie 6.1'[ (jie... bang); SW glosses both 'stretch the neck', this word is thus perh. a variant of ....; xiimg4 JJo[, and derived from ....; gang 1 1C (kaiJ) 'neck' . On the other hand, commentators interpret these words as 'flying up and flying down ' (of birds). hang4 AJLm c v aiJ) LH gaiJ, ocM *gaiJ 'Go by boat' m [Shi], 'boat' AJL [GY], J]J\ [SW] . Whereas ace. to Yijrng a ....; zhou I FT 'boat' was originaiiy a hollowed tree trunk (canoe), hang was two boats combined into one, as canoes lashed together (so SW, although Liti Y1-gang YYYJ 1 986. 1 : 1 69 thinks a hang was probably constructed of boards). Ace. to FY, hang is used for zhOu FT in central and eastern China. �� huang f.]§[ (ywaiJ) and bang ffi� (pwaiJc) 'Ancient Wti words for boat' [Yupian] are variants ace. to Mahdi ( 1 994: 456). Egerod ( CAAAL 6, 1 976: 58) believes that this is the same etymon as ....; xfng 1 1T 'to go to' , but it prob. has an AN origin (via AA?) *qaBaiJ 'two boats lashed together' (Mahdi 1 999: 1 47±) . ....; fang2 1J is prob. the same etymon. Syn . ....; chmin 1 �f\". hao l m ....; nao m hao 2 m1Ef (xau) LH hou, OCM *hG ( < *hwG ?) 'To clear away weeds with a hoe' m [Shi], 1Ef [SW : Shi]. [E] ST: Chepang hu?- 'to weed (around plants), pull out weeds' . Unrelated to the synonym ....; nou *ftf, but perh. connected with ....; ytin4 *i *w:m < *wun (?) 'to weed'. bao �J!G (yau) L H yau, OCM *fiau - [f] ONW yau 'To shout, cry out' [Shi ] . �� b a o �J!G (yauc) L H yauc, OCM *fiauh 'A request' [Shi , Y iZhoushu], 'title, appellation' [Zuo] ; 'name' [Zhouli]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR yaw (-$;-); MGZY Xaw ($;-) [yaw] ; ONW yau [ Kanauri ku, Nung go, Lushai koL I ko?L, JP gau33, WB kho 'call' (HST: 5 1 ). �
272
bao
he
hao ff (xau B) L H hou8, OCM *hill', OCB *xi.i? 'Be good, fine' [BI , Shi]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR xaw (J::) ; MGZY haw ( J:: ) [xaw] ; ONW hau •� hAo iff (xauc) LH houc, OCM *hilh 'To love' [Shi ] . [ Tai : S. khaa A 2 < *y- 'straw, thatch grain ' (Li F. 1 976: 42). he 2 (yua) LH yuoi or guai, OCM *(g)wai - [f] ONW yua 'Being harmonious, concordant' [Shi ] . �� he ;fO (yuaC) L H yuaic o r guaic, OCM *(g)waih 'To harmonize, respond in singing, rime' [Shi , Zuo]. [ ('two open sides fitting together':) 'oyster, m ussel ' �g [Li ] . 3 � qia m (yap) L H gep, OCI\f *gr�p 'To accord with, unite, assemble' [Shi]; 'to sacrifice to ancestors collectively' [LiJ (Karlgren 1 956: 15). [ Mon bp), but phonolo g ically with *kup. PMK *kup: Khmer gwpa /kuu::Jp/ 'to join, bring together, unite', ga 'pa /kup/ 'to join, unite, meet with, visit often' , M on inscr. sakuip /s::�k¥ip/ 'lid', also PVM *bp 'to cover' [Ferlus]. Karlgren adds xf1 ( xjgp) 'to bring I get together, concordant' [Bl , Shi] , but the initials are difficult to reconcile. -
-
274
h6 6
(yek) LH gek, OCM *gr;;,k [D] PMin *hut 'Kernel (of fruit)' [Shi] > 'investigate' [Shu] (< 'go to the kernel' , so GSR no. 937a'). [E] ST: WT rag 'fruit stone, bead ' , M ikir rak 'fruit stone' (Bodman 1 980: 86). Wang U ( 1 982: 249) relates this word to 4 ge 5 'fm *krak 'bones' (not l ikel y) ; perh. related to 4 Mi 'fi� 'skeleton '.
he 7 11 ( yak) LH gak, OCM *gak 'To dry up' [Li] (i.e. soil , roads). [E] Perh. related to �he6 tl§ and I or to stems under � gu 1 !Jl!l (incl. Table G-1 ) and � jian 2 (incl. Table J-1 ).
etc. (yap) LH gap, OCM *gap, OCB *fikap ( 'To put cover I lid on ':) 'to cover (person, house), thatch' [Zuo]; 'wooden leaf door' � [Zuo], 'door leaf' [Xun], 'to shut' (mouth, door, and the like) U�, [Yi]. The meaning 'join, unite' (actually 'close in on ' , as crowds of friends) [Yi ] is somewhat uncertain ; see Shaughnessy 1 997: 90f; 3 01 . * gfd (kaiC) LH kas, OCM *kats < *kaps, OCB *kats < **kaps 'A cover' (of a car) [Zhouli], 'lid' [OB, Zhoushu], 'have one's mouth shut' pass. [Shu] rrJ Sin Sukchu SR kai (:.t;;) ; MGZY gay [kaj]. [E] Area etymon . TB-WT 'gebs-pa, bkab.. 'to cover' , sgab-pa 'to cover', khebs < *keps or *kaps 'a cover' (Bodman 1 980: 49); PKiranti *kapt - *kap 'to thatch, cover with bed clothes' [van Driem 1 99 5 : 252], JP m::>3Lkap3I 'lid' 3< gap3I 'to cover' (house) (see also HPTB: 1 42). Perh. also WB kap 'join, unite, adhere' , JP kap55 'to stick, adhere to, join a group'. PAA *kap: PMonic *pUkap, Nyah Kur p�kap, Mon h�bp 'to turn sth. face down, to join an obj. face to face, face down' (this gloss reads like a description of the graph � he 5 13'); Mon gap 'be fit for, fit to, pleasing to', Khmer gii'pa /ko;;lp/, OKhmer gap 'to meet, strike, fit, suit, match, agree, please, be pleasing . . . The tone C derivative gili (LH kas, not kuas or kos) makes it clear that the OC rime was not *op. The three unrelated etyma 4 he 5 *g:')p, he8 �M *gap, and ..,. hul 1 *gwats have partially converged in OC.
he 8
.
'
he9
'why not' � he 3
16J
h6 1 0 mJ (yek) LH gek, OCM *grek 'Root of a feather' [Zhouli] is perh. related to, or the s. w. as, � ( y£k) 'wing ' [SW], 'feather' [Yupian] (so Wang Li 1 982: 25 1 ) which, however, apparently goes back to OCM *grGk (not *grek). he1 {BJfiU (ya8) LH gai8, OCM *gai? 'To carry' (on the shoulder or back; responsibility), 'sustain' [Shi, ZuoJ. 3< ke (kha8) LH khai 8, OCM *khai? [D] Y-Guangzhou 35b:>BI; K-Meixian kh:>B 'To bear, can, be able ' [Shi]. The original graph is a drawing ( without 0 'mouth' ) o f a n a x handle intended t o write the word ..,. ke 1 flif ( ka) *ki:ii; kou has been added to indicate that 'ax handle' is only 'mouthed ' , i .e. is only a phonetic loan. rrJ Sin Sukchu SR, PR, LR k';, Ct); MGZY kho Ct) [k';,]; ONW kha8 [E) Bodman ( 1980: 1 3 8) compares ke to Chepang khaay be able'. [E] ST: WT 'gel-ba, bka/ 'to load, lay on ' �� sgal-ba 'to load a beast of burden ' � � khaJ 'load, burden ' . To M may belong PTB *s-gal ( STC no. 12): WT sgal-pa 'small of back' , Garo diaiJ-gal 'back', JP kan 'put on the back' (STC), Meithei nam-gal / gan 'back' . This etymon -
'
275
he is distinct from PTB *m-kal 'kidney' ( __, gan 5 §f), and Tiddim Chin xa:J3, Lushai {haaJL < *kraals 'groin'; WB kha B 'loins'. Perh. an old area word: PTai *yaanA 2 'pole for carrying things', Saek kh:J:Jl4 (< g:J:JJA) > kh:J:Jn4 'to carry on one end of a pole over the shoulder', Mak ?gaan1 (Ni Dabai in Edmond son I Solnit 1 988: 9 1 ). [C] An allofam is prob. --> q f6 ,�:§J 'ride'.
he2 t� (yak) LH gak, OCM *gauk < *glauk 'Crane' [Shi] , 'glistening white' [Meng]. [E] AA: M on kloh 'crane' , PEKatuic *klook 'white', Khmer kok 'heron, egret' , PVM *t-b:k 'white'. Perh. related to __, gao 1 {ij 'white'. :t!O
_R
__,
• • -
J la 2
=h"
mr B (xuk) LH hak, OCM *hrak (OCB *xrak) 'Glowing red' (face), 'brilliant' > 'to manifest, fiery' (drought) [Shi], 'fiery red ' [SW]. [E] The phonologically most plausible affiliation is with PTB *s-ryak > Kan. Bunan srag 'ashamed', WT sags 'joke, jest' (at other's expense) < *rhjak. W ithout medial *j : PTB *s-rak � *k-rak: PL *s-rakL, WB hrak 'be ashamed, shy', Mikir th?�rak < s-rak ? 'shy, bashfu l ' . With initial k-: Magari kha-rak 'be ashamed ' ( STC no. 43 1 ), WT khrag 'blood ' ; loaned into MK-PWa S;}[I)]-krak 'red'. These forms may furthermore be related to TB ones with the root *jak: Lushai zakL I za?L < jak, Kachin bja? 'be ashamed, shy' (STC no. 452 p. 1 1 3 ; pp. 1 06, 1 08). The OC form goes back to a ST stem without medial *j. These TB items have also been connected with __, chi 3 � 'red' and __, se 1 'ES 'color' (STC no. 43 1 , 458). An allofam may be __, xia4 ff>f!Zfi�H�t��x (ya) 'red'. A semantic extension of this word is perh. --> he5 iifVffi 'be scary' .
B (xuk) L H hak, OCM *hrak, OCB *xrak 'Awe-inspiring, majestic, imposing' [Shi] vi. < 'be scary, scaring '. 3� xia, he liJ; (xac, xuk) LH hak, hac, OCM *hrak(h) To scare' [Zhuang]. [ WT skrag-pa 'afraid, terrified' 3� OTib skrags 'fear', while HST: 78 relates the TB item to ke '\� (khak) 'to respect, revere' [Shi]. STC: 1 59 n. 430 relates both ke and xi J.nJI. fJit to the TB etymon. This wf may be a semantic extension of __, he4 iifVffi 'red' already on the ST level: 'red' > 'red in the face' > 'angry, scary' I 'ashamed' .
he6 ±� (yuk) LH gak, OCM *grak < *gar-k ? 'Water drying off land' [Chuci]. [E] ST: PLB *?krak 'dry' [Matisoff] . For more about related and similar items, see __, gu 1 [!ID (incl. Table G- 1 ) and --> jian 2 � (incl. Table J- 1 ). The source of MK-PWa *kr::Jh 'dry, parched ' is not clear. Perh. related to __, he 7 J� . he 7 liJ; __, he5 ij; he8 OiWj rl'll h:..1;; 9 2,:>]
__,
mio3 �
__,
gao I
V
lf§rRJ
276
hei - heng hei � (x?k) L H h?k, OCM *hmgk 'Black' [Shi ] . This is a relatively late OC word which replaced --t xuan 1 ".3r 'black' during the Zhou period. [f] Sin Sukchu SR x?j (A), LR x?j?; MGZY hiy (A) [xij] [ 'great (waters)' [Shi] i s perh. cognate to .... r6ng 3 ?§ ( *l o!J) 'much water' . Perh. related to .... hao3 � ( YUOI), Q U I) , gal], kai) C) LH go(U)l), g/ bl)C, OCM *g/krG!] � h6ng , j i an g 'To inundate' [Meng] (W ang Li 1 982: 379). h6ng 5, heng (YWBI]) LH gual), OCM *gwraiJ - m ONW yue!] 'To plow crosswise, east-west' 00 [Shi], fi [Zuo]; 'transversal, horizontal ' iJr [Li], ti [Chuci]. [C] This word may be connected with .... heng4 1Jr ( so Karlgren 1 95 6 : 1 6). A tone C derivation i s 'be cross-grained, hard to deal with' [Zuo] (Downer 1 959: 287). [EJ AA: Khmer khvefla /kwaat:l)/ 'to cross, intersect, be diagonal, crisscross' ( -> Tai: S. kwaiJ2 'to lie athwart, transverse, crosswise' ) < vena !wee!)! 'cut across, traverse, intersect' . The derivative gra vefla lkr:>weel]l 'turn, hurl overhead . . . ' agrees phonologi cally with OC. •
278
h6ng - hou h6ng6 � 'equal ' -> gong 5 0 hong 1 ( y mi , y luf ) LH g mf , g �rf , OCM *gr6I]h 'Quarrel, fight' [Meng] is perh. related to -> xiong 5 �� and I or -> h6ng 3 hong2
z hu a n g 3, hong ho u Ji!] ( x;Ju) 'To snore' [JY] . [E] ST: WT I)llr-ba 'to grunt ' 3� SIJllr-ba 'to snore'. Syn. -> han 1 _.
h6u 1 f* ( y ;Ju ) LH go, OCM *go 'Target' [Shi] > 'target shooter, archer' > 'title of a feudal lord' [OB, BI, Shi] > 'border guard ' [Guoyu]. 3 � hou (y;JuC) L H goC, OCM *goh 'To watch, be on the lookout for' [Zuo], 'aspects (of dreams)' [Lie]. [E] Ace. to Lau ( 1 999: 44) 'watch' is the fundamental meani ng from which i s derived h6u ' feudal lord, border guard, target ' , a tone A nominalization (§3. 1 ) ; alternatively, hou 'watch' may derive from 'target' , hence lit. 'to target'. [E] AA: Khmer kol) /kaoh/ 'to rai se (crossbow) with a view to aiming ' * kpol) 'be raised up, clearly visible' ; or goJ:1 /k6h/ 'to hit (squarely)'. 'to watch'. This stem i s prob. distinct from -> hou 1 [C) A derivation i s -> guan7 'sovereign'. h6u2 ·f* ( y;Ju) L H go, OCM *go 'There is, to have', occurs only in old parts of Sh1)Fng, commentators gloss it as -> wei 2 'l'l �tt �l 'to be' or -> you 2 'there is' ( < 'to have'). [E] AA: PVM *b:? •to be, have, there is' [Ferlus]; PMonic *goo? 'to get, possess, obtain ' [Diffloth 1 984: 1 5 1 ]. TB-JP gu31 'to have'. h6u 3 f* 'root of feather'
->
hou 1
h6u4 � ( y;)u) LH go, OCM *go 'Throat' [Shi]. [E] Etymology not certain, but note TB-Chepang guk 'throat ' . A A has similar items: PMK *b? 'neck' ( Shorto 1 976: 1 062) > PMonic *b�? ' neck, narrow part of a long object', PSBahn. *n;)b: 'neck' , Vi et. ko ' 'neck' , Khmer kaa [Huffman 1 975]. Tai S. kh::>aA 2 < * y - 'neck, throat' (Li F. 1 976: 42 ) , Saek paA2. Alternatively, this word may possibly be related to WT mgul(-pa) - 'gul 'neck, throat' (< 'gul-ba 'to move'), or mgur t h ro a t neck, voice' (so Unger Hao-ku 35, 1 986: 33). liST 1 1 2 c o nn ec t s WT mgul with ge n N� (k;::Jn 8) 'neck' [GY] . [D] PMin *g;au < *Ngo ? h6u5 1f* (y:Ju) L H g o , OCM *go 'Monkey' [Zhuang]. [E] ST: PL *?-ko2 JI. The first syllable i n mu-h6u *m6?-g6, mii-h6u *m6k-go 'macaque' may perh. be an old pre-initial (Unger Hao-ku 3 1 , 1 985 : 3 08). This may be supported by the PMi n form whose softened i n itial derives from an earlier prenasalized one ace. to Norman 1 986. V. Blazek (in Pinault et al. 1 997: 236t) notes LB-Akha mjo kha: 'monkey' which he derives from PL *mjok and suggests i s the source of the CH word, which in turn, citing Ltiders, might possibly have been the source of IE-PTocharian *moko. For syn. see -> y6u8 1@". h6u6 � 'arrow with metal tip' -> hou 1 !§ hou 1 J§ ( y;Ju 8/C) LH goBJC, OCM *g6?/h ( 'Head' in society:) 'sovereign, lord' [Shi], 'queen ' [Zuo]. '
,
279
hou
-
hu
[E] H6u 1 fj;; 'target > archer, feudal lord' is often considered cognate (e.g. Mei Tsu-Lin in Thurgood 1 985: 335f). Though possible, these two words seem to represent two different concepts and thus derive from different roots. This i s supported by the consistent distinction of these near synonyms in l iterature. The hou J§ under considera tion here has the basic meaning 'head' ; it is thus a ST etymon *go which is cognate to WT go 'headman ' >< mgo 'head' . This word i s prob. a tone B derivation from the following items, lit. 'the person which is functioning as head' . This stem may perh. also be cognate to --> ymin 1 JC 'head'. >< hou jf* (ygu, yguC), LH go, goC, OCM *go(h) 'Arrow with metal point' [Shi]. In Sh1}Tng the word rimes both in *-o and in *-oh (Baxter 1 992 : 763). [D] Ace. to FY 9,4, this is a Han period Yangtze-Hmii dialect word for 'arrow' . >< h6u fj;; (ygu) LH go, OCM *go ('Head ' = 'tip' of a feather:) 'root of a feather' M [SW]. But Matisoff 1 985a: 437 relates this word to WT sgro 'a large feather, quill-feather' .
hou2 §]§ .... gou2 §!§ hou3 {J't (yguB) LH goB or yoB, OCM *go? or fio? 'Behind, after' [Shi], 'follow' [Zuo]. [f) Sin Sukchu SR ygw Cl:); MGZY Xiw (_t) [yiw] ; MTang ygu, ONW you >< hou {J't (yguC) LH goC or yoc, OCM *goh or *fioh 'Be behind, attend, support' [BI , Shi], also Mt 'to put afterward' [Zuo] (Downer 1 959: 280). [ WT 'og (not ?og) 'below, afterwards, later, after' ; PLB *?ok 'lower side, below' > WB ok 'under part, space under' (HST: 4 1 ); Limbu yo 'down, below, downhil l ' . For tone B in CH, see §3.2.2. hou4 flJ (yguB) LH goB, OCM *go? 'Thick' > 'generous' [BI , Shi]. [f) Sin Sukchu SR ygw (_t.); MGZYXiw (_t.) [yiw] >< hou flJ (yguC) LH goC, OCM *goh 'Thickness' [GY] (Unger Hao-ku 2 1 , 1 983: 1 83). hou5 M� --> h6u 1 fj;; -¥ 'in, at' --> y u 8 D� hfi 2 0-f (xuo[C]) LH ha(C), OCM *ha(h) 'To cal l , shout' [Shu] > 'to ask (request), be asked' [OB, BI]. The next word ha suggests that the active verb 'shout, cal l ' had originally tone A, and that the tone C form was an exopass. derivation (§4.4), lit. 'be asked, requested' . Also in tone C is the meaning 'cry out' [Zuo] (Downer 1 959: 286: restricted meaning). For a semantic parallel 'shout' > 'request' , see --> hao if;JC . >< hu Dl¥: (xuo) LH ha, OCM *ha 'To shout' [Zhouli], 'abuse' [Meng].
hu
1
hu 3 ffJJ
-->
m e n 3 F-e.�
hu 4 � (xuo, also mju) LH ha, OCM *hma
'Dried slice of boneless meat' [SW] , 'big slice of dried meat' [Liji , Zhouli], Yang X i6ng is quoted as saying 'dried bird meat'. This word makes the impression of a loan 280
hu - hu like many words which relate to everyday l ife and which appear first in Han period ritual books.
hu 5 � � wu 9 !Jl!m€
hu 1 i!Jjj (yuo) LH go, OCM *ga 'Dewlap of an animal ' (which hangs down from the chin) [Shi, SW] > 'beard' f� [Han texts] (Wang Li 1 982: 1 44). Ace. to Boltz (OE 35, 1 992: 37); this word is cognate to ku �5 'desiccated' and ultimately to � gu 1 [Jl!] 'solid'. hu2 � (yuo) L H go, OCM *ga 'Steppe nomads', general term [Zhouli] (Pulleyblank EC 25, 2000: 20), etymology unknown. hu3 i!!Jl � he 3 1PJ
hu4-tung i!!Jl � � x i a n g 3 t!J: hu5 t� � hu 1 � hu6-die � �l (yuo-diep) LH go-dep, OCM *ga-lep 'Butterfly' [Zhuang]. - j i a-die ��l *kep-Iep 'Butterfly' [Yupian] is a variant of htidie (Bodman). The first syllable is glossed 'butterfly' in SW, it survives in Y -Gul'mgzhou kapD1 'butterfly', -> Jap. kai < *kapi (Bodman 1 980: I 46). lE] ST: The TB forms vary: Lepcha ha-klj6p 'a species of butterfly, Buprestis bicolor' , WT phje-ma-leb < pem-a-Jep. The second syllable *lep belongs either to the wf � die /ll ; or to PTB *!yap 'glitter, flash' , see � ye6 ;l$. (Yan Xiuhong ZGYW 2, 2002: 1 54 has an extensive discussion of htidie).
hu7 ffiJJ � he 4 1"6J hu8 �Jn (yuo) L H guo, OCM *gwa 'Bow' [Yi], 'bend, curved' [Zhouli]. Syn. � gou 1 {D ���i!JJ®:. 3� gu J!Wl (kuo) L H kuo, OCM *kwa 'Curved bone, big bone' [Zhuang]. lE] This wf belongs to � yu 1 ff�f *?wa; gu looks like a derivation from yu with the nominalizing k-prefix ( § 5 .4). hu9 1fll (yuo) LH gua, OCM *gwa - [f) ONW yo 'Fox' [Shi]. lE] PTB *gwa 'fox' : OTib fio (Coblin L TBA 1 7.2, 1 994: 1 1 7), Tib. dial. *gwa, WT wa ( STC p. 34 n . 1 1 1 ), Bunan goa-nu gwa-nu. h u 1 0 ti'f � ku 4 tJtlj m-! hu 1 1 � (yuo) LH ga, OCM *ga 'Bottle-gourd, flask' [Shi] , 'teapot'. lE] Perh. Tai: S. kaa 1 'kettle, earthen-ware teapot' . hu 1 J1'E. (xuo8) LH ho8, OCM *hla? (hi-!), OCB *hHi? 'Tiger' [OB, Shi]. The name of this dangerous animal is subject to taboo. It was therefore apt to be replaced by a different word, or at least undergo some modifi cation . One way is to add a prefix or word which indicates respect, hence Mand. Jao-hil ::r3 rf'E. 'old (= venerable) tiger'; the prefix yti < *?a in yti-tu etc. served the same �
281
hii - hu purpose in the OC dialect word, see below and -" a r)PJ. The other method is to distort the pronunciation by using a dialect word as in hU whose phonology indicates a possible rural or vulgar origin (voiceless *lh- > MC x-, §5 .6). [D) The regular OC equivalent of foreign *kl- is expected to be a voiceless *lh- > MC sj- or th-. Such forms are found in old dialects (Pulleyblank 1983: 427): ( I ) yti-tu �5tr, (?jwo-thuoC) [?ta-thah] OCM *?a-lhak is a Chu dialect word recorded in the 5th cent. BC Zuozhufw. The Hou Hfmshii has a variant yti-shl �f* (?jwo-sjak) [?ta-siak] OCM *?a-lhak. The FY has a further graphic variant yti-tu �lW% to which Guo Pti adds that south of the Yangtze, the pronunciation of tu i s l ike gou-dOu 1r5j jf (buB dguC), i .e. a hypothetical OCM *k6?-16h which comes close to AA forms. Some modern i nterior Min dialects have *khoB, but the stop feature i s prob. secondary. [E] PAA *kala? 'tiger' > PMK *kla? > OKhm *klaa (> later Angkorian Khm. khlaa; -> Tai : S. kla 2 ), PMonic *klaa? [Diffloth 1 984], Munda kula, Kharia ki 'p? (Norman a. Mei 1 976: 286-288; Benedict 1 976: 97; Pulleyblank 1 983 : 427). It is not clear if I how PVM *k-ha:l?, Khmer kha:l 'tiger' (in the name of a year) could be related. M K -> PTB *k-la (Matisoff 1 995a: 52), PL *k-la 2 , OBurm. kla, WB kya 8 ( IST: 334), Monpa khai-la looks similar to PVM .
hii 2-po f/ft£8 < rfE. @71; (xuoB-ph Bk) 'Amber ' , lit. 'tiger's soul' [Tang dyn . : Li Bai] , a loan word from a western or southern Asiatic *xarupah 'amber' (Boodberg 1 937: 359). hii 3 mt -'; an2 1¥ hu 1 p (ywoB) LH gaB, OCM *ga? 'Door(leaf) > household' [Shi] ; 'opening ' [Liji]. [f) Sin Sukchu SR y u ( J:.); MGZY Xu ( J:. ) [yu]; ONW yo [E) ST: PTB *m-ka 'opening, mouth' (HPTB: 1 73) > PLB *?ga l 3 � *ga 3 'open, divaricate, spread' [Matisoff D. of Lahu: 230], WB tam-kha B 'door' , NNaga *gaA 'door' , WT sgo 'door' (HST: 66; WT o can derive regularly from TB *a). It i s tempting t o derive P from -" hu 3 Ji.l(Ii. 'barrier' , yet the latter agree more closely with a different TB etymon (Lushai khaar). hu2 '['rj (yuoB) LH gaB, OCM *ga? 'To rely on ' [Shi ] is cognate to -" gu 1 Lf!.l 'solid, secure, sure ' . hu3 Ji.. f!i. (youC) L H gaC, OCM *gah 'Intertwining, crossing, barrier, a stand' (of crossing sticks) [Zhouli ] ; 'each other' li.; 'railings, fence' l(Ii. [Zhouli]. 3� hu 1� (yuo8) LH gaB, OCM *ga? 'A weir, fish stakes for catching fish' (properly written with radical 1"1 instead of 7]() [GY]. This could be the s. w. as hu � 'to stop, prevent' [Zuo], but is prob. unrelated to -" hu 1 P 'door' . 3� g ii 'f5 (kuoB) L H k aB , OCM *ka? 'Net' [Yi] is prob. unrelated to -" gu4 Jn 'net'. Both tone B words hu 1� and gii 'f5 above may be nominal derivations from hu li.. [E) ST: Lushai k11aarR < k11aar? 'a dam or weir, roughly constructed of leafy bows or bamboo lattice-work' (sometimes used for catching fish); WB ka 'make a barrier, cover on the side, put up fence' 3� :J-ka 'side of building, external part'; WT dgar-ba 'to confine, pen up' 3� sgar 'camp, encampment'. For TB final r, see §7.7.5. 282
hu - hua The wf --> gou 3 :'i'!i agrees with hu in all but the vowel. Putative TB cognates seem to confirm that these are two separate roots.
hu4 1Ji __, gu 1 1nl hu5 m (xugt) LH hugt, OCM *hmfit < *hmut 'Writing tablet' [Li] . - LE] Tai: S. smut 'book' (Unger Hao-ku 39, 1 992). hu6 �� (yuoc) LH yuac, OCM *wakh - [f) ONW yo 'Guard, protect' [Liishi] is prob. cognate to WT 'gogs-pa 'to prevent, avert' (HST: 89). hu7-hu Ji,Ji, (yuo8) LH ga8, OCM *ga? 'Wide, vast ' [Li] is per h. a ST word: WB ka 8 'be stretched apart, widen; breadth, width'. hu8 1� __, h u 3 li_){fi. huii 1t (xwa) 'Flower' , originally a noun (see Wang Li 1 982: 1 42 for a discussion of this wf). The graph (whose OC rime should be *-ai) has been borrowed for an etymon in OC *-a). [f) Sin Sukchu SR xwa (:l.JZ); MGZY hwa (:l.JZ) [xwa]; ONW xua 3� hua � (ywa) LH yua, OCM *(g)wra ? - [f] ONW yua 'To be in flower' intr. > 'blossom, flower' [Shi], originall y a vb. (Wang Li). 3� kuii '% (khwa, xjwo) LH khua, hya, OCM *khrwa, *hwa 'Flower' [Zhuang], the graph is sometimes thought to write hua :ft. LE] Etymology not clear. TB languages often alternate initial labial stops *p, *b with *w, also in the root for 'blossom, flower' *bar (--> pa 8§, --> bim If) (Matisoff LL 1 .2, 2000: 1 44-1 46). Hua may be an example of the ST *bar � *war variation (for the metathesis of the final *r, see §7.7.3). Alternatively, note AA-OKhmer /pkaa/ 'flower ' ; the complex AA initial might have been the reason for the CH development. hua 1 1'Ff (ywat) LH guat, OCM *grfit 'Slippery' [Zhouli]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR ywa ( /\ ) ; MGZY Xwa ( A. ) [ywa] LE] ST: JP gum 31-rut31 < gu-mrut 'slippery'. hua2 � 'flower' __, hua 1t hua 3 � 'cleave' __, ku 2 �U hua 1 1� __, e4 �{t o{� hua2 � (ywaC) LH y uac, OCM *(g)wrah ? 'Birch ' [Yupian, JY] . LE] ST: W T gro-ga 'bark o f birch' (Unger Hao-ku 3 3 , 1 986; HPTB: 1 75). hua 3 815 (ywaiC) LH guas, OCM *gwra(t)s or *gr6(t)s - [D] PMi n *tmaC 'Speech, lecture' [Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR ywa (:*); MGZY Xway ( :*) [ywaj] [.E] Sagart ( 1 999: 1 1 3) derives this word from --> yue 1 E3 'to say' . It is prob. cognate to WT gras 'speech, talk, advice' (Gong in W. Wang 1 995: 47). hua4 � (ywaiC) LH yuec, OCM *(g)wrekh 'Painted, with a design' adj. [BI , Shu] > 'to draw a design, depict' [Meng]. [f) MGZY Xway (:*) [ywaj ] ; ONW yua [ gwrek. The vocalic discrepancy has parallels, see § 1 1 . 1 .3. �
hua5 '* --. hua n 1 f§ tie huai t_l (kwaiC) LH kueiC, OCM *krfiih, OCB *krujs 'To destroy, ruin' [Zuo] (Baxter 1 992: 2 1 8). 3� huai $ (ywaic) LH gueic, OCM *grfiih, OCB *fikrujs To be ruined' [Shi]. [ huan-huan 'pillar-like' (trees) [Shi] > 'valiant' [BI, Shi]. Perh. s. w. as --. hmin 1 t§J:iG 'round' . h u a n 3 m (ywan) L H yuan, OCM *wren, OCB *wren 'To turn around, return ' m [Shi]. Prob. the same etymon as huan l.ijji� ][ (under --. yfng 4 1if). [f] Sin S. SR ywan (}jL); MGZY X wan (-'f) [ywan] ; ONW yuan LE] AA: Khmer (ra va 'na:) rail va 'na /ruiJwmn/ 'repayment, return, recompense, fee, dues'. The AA relative explains the *r in the OC initial. See under --. huf @] for synonyms. , IE!L('@ '6'n , 'K'X .1-J"< )l\t'( � --. y m g 4 rg h uan4 huan5-guiin l.i '§ 'imperial palace' --. ying4 1if huan 1 #J!! 'soft' --. either x uii n 2 Bl, or --. yuan8 :*:. hua n 2 #1!! 'slow' --. yuan8 � huan '}G --. huan 1 t§tJG �
284
huan - huang huan 1 � 'change' __, huan 1 :@::t)'G; __, pan chuan *U � 'relax' huan2 iJ (ywanC) LH guenc, OCM *(g)wrens [f] ONW yuan 'Deceit' [Shu] , 'magic, illusion '. Bodman ( 1 980: 86) compares this to WT rol-ba 'to practice sorcery, playfulness ' . -
h u a n 3 E[ (ywanC) L H guanc, OCM *gwn1ns or *gr6ns 'Servant' [Guoyu] > 'officer, official ' [Zuo]. [E] ST: PLB *gywan 1 > WB kywan 'slave, servant' (WB medial y can derive from earlier r). huang 1 Ifu (xwalJ) LH hualJ, OCM *hmalJ 'Blood' [Zuo, Xi Gong 1 5 , quoting Yi 54, 6]. This rare word 's occurrence in a traditional saying indicates that it is not part of the active vocabulary of OC, but a survival from a substrate language. [E] AA: PNorth Bahnaric *maham, PMnong *mham, Asli maham (Benjamin 1 976: 1 03), Khmu ma:m < *mh-; without m-infix: PVM *?a-sa:m?, Khmer }ham, PMonic *chim, Katuic *?g(l))ha:m, Mundari maf:Jm. The MK root was *jha:m (Diffloth 1 977: 50), or -TSam (Ferlus, MKS 7, 1 978: 1 8). -> PMY *ntshjaam8 (Mei 1 980; Bodman 1 980: 1 20). CH has final -I] because initial and final m are mutually exclusive. The OC initial was probably a voiceless *m- which can derive from , among others, a prehistoric cluster with either *h or *s. h uang 2
� ; 1 �., ' weed
covere d'
' wu3 huiing 3 :m 'neglect' __, wang I L huiing 4 :m 'large' __, mang2 � __,
huang 1 _§! (ywal)) LH y ual) or gual), OCM *(g)wal) [T] ONW YUGI) 'Be august, stately' [BI, Shi], 'royal, imperial ' . [E] Etymology not certain, possibly originally meaning 'royal ' (derived from 'royal palace'), belonging to the AA etyma *wal) under __, yfng4 ;g. Tai luaiJ 'royal' is a loan from Khmer (h)Ju:;;>IJ 'king, royal ' . Bodman 1 980: 1 07 connects hwing with __, wang 2 3:. 'king ' . This word may early have converged with __, huang 2 ;tj 'bril liant' . huang2 ;tj (ywalJ) L H y ualJ (or gualJ ?), OCM *(g)walJ 'Be bril liant, splendid, magnificent' ;tj > 'brown and white' (of a horse) §! [BI, Shi] . Perh. __, huang 1 §! i s the same word; perh.related to __, guang 1 :7T; 'bright'. [E] ? ST: WB JwaiJ 'glossy, shiny' . h u a n g 3 j{ (ywal)) L H yual), OCM *will) 'Be yellow, brown' [OB, Shi] is one of the ancient basic color terms (Baxter 1 983). [f] Sin Sukchu SR ywal) ( :5¥); MGZY Xong (:5¥) [Y;)l)]; ONW yualJ [E] ST: WB waiJ8 'brightly yellow' >< wa 'yellow'. huang4 fjf (ywal)) LH yual), OCM *wal) 'Semicircular jade insignium ' [Zhouli]. [E] Prob. AA: Khmer va 'ila /wul)/, OKhmer vail 'ring, orbit, disc, round ... ', Bahnar UiiiJ. AA -> TB-Lepcha vyal) 'ring ' . Perh. related to items under __, yfng4 ;g. huang5 � 'vast' __, guang 2 JJi -
huang6 !l!i (ywal)) LH yual), OCM *wal) 'Leech, water leech' [SW, EY]. The first syllable __, ma 2 !ll,\§ ,� in M and. m a 3-huang ,� !l!l is prob. an old prefix (Unger Hao-ku 3 1 , 1 985: 308; Mei Tsu-Lin). 285
huf - hui huf 1 JJ( (xu�i) LH hugi , OCM *hw� 'Ashes' [Zhuang], 'charcoal ' [Li] . [f ] Sin Sukchu SR xuj (:If!.); MGZY hue C'P: ) [xue] [N] Prob. OCM *hw� (not *hmg) because the phonetic seems to be you x *wgh. [E] ST *wu: TB-Lushai vutL 'ashes, dust ' . h u f 2 �!:f!]\Jj[ IJl (xjwei) LH h u i , OC'M *hw;:)i 'Flame, brightness' [Yi ] ; 'light, brightness' [Yi ] ; 'bright' *!i! [Meng]. 3 � we i • UweiB) LH wuiB, OCM *wgj 'Be bril liant, bright' [Shi] . [E] ST: PTB *hwa-t > WT 'od; Matisoff ( 1 997: 44f; LL 1 .2, 2000: 1 46) sets up a large ST wf that also includes � fan5 Perh. yi'ln (ju;:)nc) LH wunc, OCM *w;:)ns 'Brightness' [Zhoul i ] (Wang Li 1 982: 508f); 'halo' [Lti] could either be the same etymon, or be related to � yun 2 'revolve'. huf 3 flf& (xjwei) LH hui, OCM *hmrii 'Rope' [Yi]. The graph writes also a different word, see under � huf4 �. This word is shared with Tai : S. maiA1 < *hm- 'thread, silk'. bur 4 � (xjwie 3) LH hyai, OCM *hmai 'Signal flag' [ZuoJ, 'to signal' [Shi], i .e., something whirled about, waved. �� huf m WB hmweC 'whirl about, twirl' , Lushai hmul < hmui? 'spinning wheel '. [E] The area word � xue2 'wink with eyes' has prob. i nfluenced the CH meaning of huT )�. HuT � *hmai looks like a conflation of hur � *hwai 'to signal' (under � wei 2 and huT flf& *hm;:)i 'to signal ' .
h u f 5 � 'signalize' � wei 2 (xjwie) LH hyai, OCM *hmai huf 6 'To destroy' [Shu], � (e.g. city wal l s) [Ltishi ] . 3 � hui (xjwie8) L H hyoiB, OC M *hmai? ? 'To destroy, rui n ' [Shi], 'perish' (people) � [Hanfei] ; 'destroy' (by fire), 'blazing fire' [Shi ] . This word also occurs in Tai : S. maiCI < *hm- 'to burn ' . 3� b u r �'pt (xjwei8) L H hui8, OCM *hmrii? 'To burn' [SW : Shi] , a phonological variant of hulabove (Baxter 1 992: 4 1 7). This is also a Han-period Qf dialect word for 'fire' [FY 1 0: 6] (Bodman 1 980: 7 1 ). 'Destroy' (by fire), 'blazing fire' � may really go back to � huo 1 )( 'fire' . hui @] (yu�i) LH y urii, OCM *wfii - [f] ONW y uai 'To revolve, swerve, deflect' [Shi], 'go around by' [Zuo]; 'go up against a stream ' rWJI [Shi]. Also written �1@1. Downer ( 1959: 285) reads 'go around, go by way of' in tone C which implies an 'effective ' meaning. � huf-yi'l lill m (yu�i-jiwet) LH y urii-ju(i)t, OCM *wfii-wit ? 'Be awry, crooked, perverse' [Shi]. [C] Allofams are � guf3 �* 'return ' ; � wei 6 � 'turn against' from which huf is derived. lE] Many CH and TB words for 'round, turn' look similar. Most have initial *w- and 286
hur - hui foreign final -n, -1, -r, or -i, and therefore they are difficult to sort out, so that Bodman, Karlgren, Wang Ll and other investigators have connected them in different ways. The merger of earlier final *-1 and *-r into either OC *-n or *-i makes it i mpossible at the moment to find a rational way of associating foreign with OC items: ( I ) OC *-wan > MC rime -uan, -jwrm I -}wan < OC *-uan, *-wan, *-on can derive from earlier ST or foreign -wan, -war, -wal, -(w)on, -(w)or, -(w)ol; given the latitude of sound correspondences, the vowels could in some words even have been e or u, beside a and o. See -4 yuan 5 � [§] [I) , -4 yuan7 [gj, -4 huan 1 f:§:IJG, -4 huan 3 ti, huan ��][ (under -4 yfng4 tg). (2) OC *-w�m or *wun MC rime -U;;}n I -jw;;}n < OC *-un I *-w;:ln can derive from earlier ST or foreign -un, -wun, -W;;}n, -ul, -wul, -W;;}], -ur, wur, -w;;}r; given i - u interchanges when in contact with labials, the foreign rime could also have been -win, -wil, -wir. See -4 yun5 �, -4 yun 2 mt. (3) OC *-w;:li or *-wui MC rime -u?i I -jwei < OC *-w;:li or *-(w)ui can derive from earlier ST or foreign -ui, -wui, -W;;}i, -ul, -wul, -w;;}], rarely also from -ur, wur, -W;;}r. See -4 huf @] (above), -4 wei 6 Jl, -4 guf3 mw; -4 wei s [1], -4 wei7 f*r. ( 4) Rarer rimes can be associated with outside cognates somewhat more confidently: J;:!$, JlEI 'X'f< 'X'f< -4 yong7 7G'; and -4 ym g 5 * • -4 y m g4 9£: OC *-weiJ See -4 y m g4 '§, OC *-win See -4 jun 2 �5] TB languages have additional words of this general shape and meaning, often with initial k. This k complicates the process of etymological identification even further because it may or may not have been a removable element. Such items include: ( 1 ) Lushai kuaiL I k:Ji?L 'bend, pull down' , WB kweB 'bend around' . (2) Lushai kuaJL 'coil ', WB khweB. (3) Lushai kuJH I kuJ?L 'be bent' . ( 4) Lushai kh:xxR 'double up, roll up' ( -4 quan 3 ;ff � ?). (5) WT 'khor 'circle, turn ' , Lepcha var, vor, note also AA-Khmer vara lwfi;:lrl 'go around, circle, revolve'. (6) Lushai inL-k11er?L 'twisted together'. (7) Lushai hrual 'roll up in the hand' ? �� Lepcha rol 'rol l ' . Furthermore, note AA: PVM *ve:l 'return ' �� *k-ve:l 'village' , Bru k;;}wir 'to stir' [Huffman 1 975: 1 3] . /
V
/
-
hul 1 ERm!!. (xjwei8) L H hui8, OCM *hmui? ? 'Snake' m!!, [Shi], ER [OB, SW, Shanhaijing], 'reptile-amphibian ' [Western Han] (Yates EC 1 9, 1 994: 9 1 [apparently not 'insect']). Since ER is a basic graph, the word must be very old. lE] ST: PTB *b-ru:l (STC no. 447) > WT sbrul < s-mrul?, PLB *m-r-wiy 1 [Matisoff D. of Lahu: 1 338] > WB mrwe 'snake ' , KN *m-ruul, Lushai ruuJH < ruul (Sh! Xiimgdong 2000: 1 96), Chepang ru 'snake'. MC xjweiB is a regular equivalent for TB I ST protoforms l ike *s-mrul, *?mrul or *hmrul . As to foreign initial b- for CH m -, see §5 . 1 2 .2. M K-PWa *mJy 'cobra' looks like a loan from a LB language. The syn. and ordi nary word -4 she 2 !lrt: 'snake', lit. 'the winding thing ', is due to taboo (see -4 hu 1 m 'tiger' for another tabooed animal). hul z �� -4 huf6 m� � 1'hur 3 ,rm h;z -4 huf 6 m� hur 4 #t
-4
huf6 m�
hui 1 Wr (yw�iiC) L H guas, OCM *gwats or *g6ts, OCB *gots < *gops 'To join, come together' (two rivers, people) [Shi] > caus. 'to bring together, join' [BI , Shi]. -4 hui 2 Wr ' l i d ' is a late semantic extension. 287
hul [f] Sin Sukchu SR y uj (:i:;-); MGZY Xue (:i:;-) [yuc:] ; MTang guai, ONW y uaC [ yi"n5 � 'dark'.
bu n 2 .!@' -) m e n 3 F-e.� bu n 3 � _, me n 1 F� bii n 4 i[ -> xun !t;tl#!� bun 1 � (yu::m)
LH y u;)n, OCM *wun 'Spiritual soul' [Zuo] as opposed to -> p yun5 � 'cloud' (Carr, CAAAL 24, 1 98 5: 62), perhaps in the sense of 'shadowy' because some believe that the hun soul will live after death in a world of shadows (Wolfram Eberhard Guilt and Sin in ancient China, 1 967: 1 7).
bun2 �Il! _, bun 1 1��il! ; -7 bun2 1� bun 1 1��Ij! (yu;)n8) LH g u;)nB, OCM *gun? 'Chaos' 1� [Lao] , 'muddled, confused' �Ij! [Lao] (some commentators also read LH ku:m 8 1�). 3 � bun i� J�\ (yu;)nc) LH gu;)nc, OCM *guns 'Disturbed, troubled by' [Zuo] > 'troubled, disorderly' � [Chuci] > 'suffer, grief' ,1�\ [Guoce].
bun �Ij! (yu;)n)
LH gu;)n, OCM *gun 'Chaotic' [Zhuang] ; also 'sound of running water' [Xun] (related?), A variant is apparently -> h6ng 3 §I LH goiJ 'disorderly, trouble'. 3 � kun I2EJ (khu;)nc) LH khu;)nc, OCM *khuns 'Be distressed' [Shu], 'distress, exhaust' [Zuo], 'fatigue' [Li] . [f] Sin Sukchu SR k'un C*); MGZY khun C*) [k'un] ; ONW khon lE] Perh. related to M and. kun §ffi 'sleepy' . Alternatively, this word may be derived from -> kiln 1 I2EJ 'obstruct' [Yi], as emotions are often expressed by concrete notions, but this is not likely in l ight of hun � ,� above. HST: 63 related this word to WT khur 'burden , load' . A further cognate may be -> jiong4 � in which case this and the doublet of hun point to a PCH final *-uiJ. 3�
bun2 1� (yu;)n8)
LH g u;)n8, OCM *gun? 'Abundantly flowing' [Meng]. 3 � hun ifl! (yu;)n) LH gu;)n, OCM *gun 'Sound of running water' [Xun]. [C] This wf.may belong to -> hun 1 i�ifl! above. Perh. related to -> hiw 3 1'i5 *gu?. '
El
& '13.'1 ,1Sl 'W. _, bun 1 1.�=� �"¥bun3 {� hu61 {% _, kuo 1 t"t bu62 $ (ywat) LH guat, OCM *gwat, OCB *gwat '
'To keep alive, l i fe' [Shi ] has prob. nothing to do with 'moist ' (so GSR 302m) because this graph with the water radical was prob. intended to write g uo 1§ (kuat) LH kuat 'to purl ' (as running water) [Shi]. The etymology is possibly AA: Wa-Lawa-Bulang *gas 'alive' (of plants), Aslian languages g:>s 'to live' .
buo 1 !}( (xua8)
L H huai8, OCM *hm�i?, OCB *hm;)j? 'Fire' [OB, Shi] . [f] Sin Sukchu SR XW;) (_1.); MGZY hwo (_1. ) [xw;)] ; ONW hua
290
huo - huo I.E] ST: PTB *mey (STC no. 290) > WT me, OTib. smye; Chepang hme?; PLB *?mey2 [Matisoff], PL *C-mi 2 [Bradley], WB mi8, Lushai me/ < mei?. The relationship with .... huf6 m�, if any, is not clear.
huo 2 � (yua8)
LH guai8, OCM *gwai? or *goi? 'Many', an old H an-period dial . word in the outlying areas of Qf and Song and in the region between Chu and Wei [FY 1 . 2 1 ] . It survives in Mln dialects: PMin *oiC *uaiB 'many' (Norman 1 983: 204). �
huo 1 � .... you 2 1§ huo2 � (ywgk) LH yugk,
OCM *w�k 'To deceive, delusion, doubt' [Lun]. Etymology not clear.
huo3 1li (ywek)
LH y uak, OCM *wrak 'To bind ' [Zhuang]. I.E] ST: WT 'grogs-pa 'to bind, fasten, tie, be associated with' >< grogs 'friend, associate' (HST p. 42).
huo4 fj (ywak)
LH y uak, OCM *wak 'To reap, cut, harvest' [Shi], M and. also 'capture' . >< h u o Jl (y wek) L H yuak, OCM *wak or *wrak (§9. 1 .4) - [f] ONW y uek 'To catch, take, hit, succeed' [Shi]. >< huo j:j (y wac, ?wBk) L H y uac, yuak, OCM *wak(h) or *wrak(h) (§9. 1 .4) 'A trap' [Shu] - an early general tone C derivation of the above (§3 .5). [C] This wf may be related to -> jue 1 2 tl.
huo5 ffi!
....
e 4 §{t o{t
29 1
J j f 1 JL 'stool' � j i 1 JLifJL j f 2 M (kj i 3) LH kt, OCM *kri, OCB *krj;:lj (Baxter 1 992: 454) 'Be hungry, starve, hunger, famine' [Shi]. [f] ONW ki [D] PM in *kue 3t j f � (kjei) LH kti, OCM *bi [f] ONW ki 'Famine' ��� [Shi]. This word is distinct from jrabove (Wang Li 1 958: 550); for the difference in vowel, see § 1 1 .7 . 1 -2. [E] ST: WT bkres 'be hungry', JP kyet31 'hungry', Lepcha krft, Chepang kray- 'to hunger' , Mru krai (Li:iffler 1 966: 1 4 8) . A possible allofam is � jin6 �)if 'famine'. -
-
-
j f 3 YlJz. (kj;:lp) LH kip,
OCM *bp 'To draw water' [Yi]. [E] ST: PTB *ka:p (STC no. 336): PLB *C-kap, WB khap 'dig up, draw water' ; Garo ko 'draw water' ; Dimasa khau 'pluck, gather, draw' (water) (HST: 66).
jf 4 "i§f (kje 3) LH ktai, OCM *kai 'Odd (number) -i§f [Yi ], llffiJ [Xun]; 'unique, irregular' -i§f [Li] . 3t qf "i§f (gjie 3) L H gtai, OCM *gai, OCB *gaj
'Strange, extraordinary' [Zuo ] . [f] Sin Sukchu SR g i ( .3:jl ) ; MGZY k i ( .3:jl ) [gi] [E] This seems to be a ST etymon : WB khai- < kai8 'remarkable' (obsolete). [C] An allofam is prob. � j13 ti§f 'pull aside'. Because of the occasional *-ai - *-e vacillation in wfs ( § 1 1 .3 .3), � q15 ::d:: �)Z: 'stand on tiptoe' may also be related.
j f 5 � (kjt) LH k�, OCM *b
'Foundation, base, settlement' [Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR kjej (:!¥), PR, LR ki ; MGZY gi (:!f) [ki] ; LN1 This can hardly be related t o the T B items under � j l JLifJL , nor t o Lushai keL 'foot, leg, wheel' ( � zhf4 xif_i �)�) because the vowels are different.
jf 6 � (kj.j.) LH k�,
OCM *b 'Winnowing basket' [OB, Shi]. Unger (Hao-ku 38, 1 992: 79) relates this word to If ifl (lji) 'basket' [Meng] and suggests a possible connection with � ql2 ifc 'willow'.
jf 7 JtJ! 'year' � qi8 � j f 8 �� (kiei) LH ke, OCM *ke
'Chicken, fowl ' [Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR kjej (:!¥), PR, LR ki; MGZY gyi (:!f) [kji]; ONW kei , [D ] PMin *kei, K-Meixi�m kaiA1• A H a n dialect form o f the Chen-Chu-Song area was zhr.�l;t (kjie 4) [kie] *ke [FY 8, 4]. [E] Area word; since its origin is onomatopoetic, phonological correspondences are 1 5 not regular: PTai *bi8 'chicken ' (Li F. 1 976: 42), PKS *ka:i , Kadai *kiA. PMY *kai (Downer 1 982) PVM *r-ka 'chicken' (on the vocalism, see § 1 1 . 1 .3).
jf 9 fl (tsjak) LH tsiek,
OCM *tsek [f] ONW tsiek 'To collect, accumulate' [Shi] > 'to block' [Zhuang]. -
292
jf 3�
z l � (tsieC)
L H tsiec, OCM *tsekh 'To collect, store, wealth' [Shi] > 'provisions ' [Zuo] . [ 'to stop'
(of wind)
j f 12 � (kjei)
LH k+i , OCl\1 *bi [I'] ONW ki 'Be imminent, close to, near, at imminent risk' [Shi , Shu], 'first sign of happenings, details' [Shi, Shu]; 'auspicious, omen of good or evil ' � [Lie]. K arlgren ( 1 93 3 : 28) relates this word to .... jin 1 lli 'near'.
jf 1 3
(gjei) L H gti, OCM *g::li 'Border' (on garment) � [Li], 'threshold, royal domain' � [Shi]. Prob. not related to ,... jf1 2 � 'close to' as Karlgren believed ( 1 956: 1 0). qf tfr (gjei) L H gti, OCM *ggi 'Border, a field of a certain size ( 1 ,000 sq. li)' :l:JT [Zuo] . .... qf2 tff is cognate or the same word.
j f 14 f�J� (kjei)
LH kti, OCM *bi - [f] ONW ki 'Mechanical device' [Zhuang], l_m [Shu]. Karlgren ( 1 956: 5) considered this the s. w. as .... jf1 2 � which is glossed as 'smal l ' , but jr � really means 'be imminent, close to, first sign, detail ' . I nstead, jfi s perh. cognate to .... q17 � , thus meaning originally a contraption with hinges or joints, i .e. with moveable parts.
(kiei , khiei8) LH kei , kheiB, OCM *kl, *khi? - [I'] ONW khei 'Reach to' [BI , Zhuang], 'search, research, examine, comprehend' [Shu] , 'calculate' [Li]; 'divine by tortoiseshell ' Dl" [SW: Shu J ; zhr (tsie) [kie] 'to calculate' [Da Dai Liji] is prob. a variant if not simply a graphic loan. 3 f j 1 H (kieiC) LH keic, OCM *klh, OCB *keps ( 1 992: 546) - [TJ ONW kei 'To c alculate' [Zuo]. OCB i s based on the assumption that shi + *gip is phonetic. >< j f � (kjei) LH k.j.i, OCM *k�i 'Examine, inspect' [Meng] > 'blame' [Zuo].
jf 15
j f 16
(kick) LH kek, OCJ\1 *kek 'Beat, strike' (a m usical instrument, object) [Shi]. � � jl (kieiC) LH keC, OCJ\1 *kekh 'Carriages knocking against each other' [ZhouliJ.
293
ji ��
qf !\!: (khiek)
k11ek, OCM *khek 'Beat, rub' [Zhouli]. LH
j f 1 lJz. (gj;;Jp)
LH gtp, OCM *g;;Jp 'To come to, reach to, together with, and' [BI, Shi]. m Sin Sukchu SR g i ( A.): MGZY k i ( A ) (gi]; ONW gip. [D] Y -GuangzhOu 22k11upD2 [E] This word could be connected either with WB khap 'arrive at', JP k11ap51 to carry, reach ' ( CVST 5: 50). Or, less likely, with WT 'grub-pa, grub 'to make ready' �� sgrub-pa, bsgrubs 'to complete, achieve' >f grub-pa 'complete'. could be tone C derivations (Yu M ln 1 948: 45; Baxter 1 992: [C] Items under ..., jl4 3 5 1 ), but see there.
j f2 5 (kj iet 4)
LH kit, OCM *kit - m ONW kiit 'Auspicious, lucky, positive' [OB, BI, Shi ] . [E] S T : WT skyid-pa 'happy' (HST: 87).
jf3
j f4
(kjiet 4) In some southern dialects this is the second syllable in the word for 'ear': Y-Dongguan fJuil3_kf!k44 45. K-Dongguan 2IgP2kit. (gjiet 4) LH git, OCM *git 'To run robustly, straight, unswerving' (of horses) [Shi]. � xie i!J[ ( yiet) LH get, OC M *gft 'To straighten the neck' (of birds) (meaning not certain) [Shi].
ji5 � (gj;;Jk)
LH gtk, OCM *g;;Jk 'Highest point, ridge of a roof, extreme, reach the end, come to, attain ' [Shi]. m Sin Sukchu SR g i ( A ); MGZY ki ( A. ) [gi]; ONW gik [E] ST: PLB *kak 'expensive, intense, at its peak' (Matisoff 1 972: 3 1 ; STC: 1 66 n. 444). sf j f (kj;;Jk) LH ktk, OCM *bk 'Be urgent' [Shi ]; 'to die' [Li] , 'execute, kill' )ii [Shu] . This word i s prob. not a variant of ..., ji 1 2 � (kj;:)p) 'be urgent' .
j f 6 � (dzjet)
L H dzit, OC M *dzit 'Be sick, suffering, defect, evil ' (OB, Shi]. m Sin Sukchu SR dzi (,\); MGZY tsi [dzi] ; ONW dzit = jf (dzjet) LH dzit, OCM *dzit 'Detest' [Shu] ( Karlgren GSR 923c), 'to hate' [Shu] . [E] ST *tsik: W T ts11ig-pa 'anger, indignation' ; LB-Lahu y.fl, Motuo Monpa ro tsik 'angry' [HPTB: 344f]. s f j f 1� (dzjet, dziC) LH dzit, OCM *dzit(s) 'Be jealous' [Chuci]. �� j1 �g (tsjet) LH tsit, OCM *tsit, OCB *tsjit < *tsjik 'Coaled part of burning torch, to burn or scorch earth ' [Guanzi]. [E] ST *tsik 'to smolder' > 'burn ' I 'be ill, i llness' I 'anger', PTB *m-(t)sik 'burn, angry' [HPTB], WT 'ts1'ig-pa 'to burn, destroy by fire, glow; to be in rut, be inflamed, feverish' ( Bodman 1 980: 1 5 8); perh. Chepang jik- 'be sick, injured, hurt ' . Prob. not related to ji 'sick' (under ..., j l 5 t�). Less likely comparanda: WT sdig-pa 'sin, wickedness' (Bodman 1 980: 1 58). AA items look somewhat similar: PBahn. *Ji?, Wa-Lawa-Palaung *st? 'sick'. STC ( 1 70 n. 455) relates this word to PTB *tsa 'hot, pain' , but the vowels differ (i vs. a), -. ()< see _, za1 1 x.
294
jf
j f 7 J.:!p
tsit, OCM *tsit 'To approach, go to, apply' > 'on the point of' [BI , Shi, Shu]; jf-wei f!IJ1.ll: 'to take one ' s place, seat, ascend the throne ' [BI]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR tsi (.A.); MGZY dzi [tsi] [E] AA: Khmer jita /cit/, OKhmer jit ljitl 'to be near to. to the point of, be close' $� bhjita /pcit/ 'to bring near, draw up (a chair), to set (two things together), join, attach, to apply'. �� qi� t}] (tshiet) LH tshet, OCM *tshft - [I'] MTang tshiar < tshiar, ONW tshet 'Be close to' [Xun], 'eager, impatient' [Lun]. ±:)] also writes a homophone which is k� cognate to -7 Jie9 �IJ. * nl 8ft\ (gjet) L H git, OCM *nrit - [f] ONW nit 'Familiarity' [Shu], (a ruler's) 'favorite' (person) [Shu]. The homophones -7 ni2 B)e 'glue' and -7 ni4 :fB 'underwear' are prob. not related. [E] AA: Khmer jalJlnita /cumnit/ ( i.e. etymologically J-n-it) 'nearness, closeness, proximity, fami liarity with, i ntimacy' . The AA nominal n-infix is taken in CH for the root initial, perh. because of the original voiced initial and the paronomastic attraction to -7 er7 (nZ:ieB) 'near'. The CH words jf and ni' are thus allofams in an AA wf. [C] A possible al!ofam could be -7 qfn5 *�· Syn. are -7 er7 -7 nf1 m, -7 ni9 B!ff . ( ?)
LH
• • ,.
j f8 §I (tsjet) LH tsit, OCM *tsit, OCB *tsjit < *tsjik 'Masonry' [Li] . [E] S T *tsik: W T rtsig-pa 'to wall up, a wall, masonry' (Bodman 1 980: 1 58).
*
j f9
'burn' -7 jf6
j f 10
' de tes t ' -7 jf6 *
j f 11
�JR
(kj�k) LH ktk, OCM *k�k, OCB *krjgk 'Jujube, thorns' [Shi] i s written in a Shijing variant as: - ll f}J (lj�k) L H ltk, OCM *r;;1k, OCB *C-rjgk (Baxter 1 992: 474).
j f 12 � (kjgp) LH ktp, OCM *kgp 'Be urgent, hurrying' [Shi], 'hasty, distress' [Zuo] is not a variant of jf Pfi (kjgk) 'be urgent' (under -7 jf5 filih Etymology not clear. [f] Sin Sukchu SR ki (/\); MGZY gi (A) [ki] ; ONW kip
j i 13
(dzjgp) LH dzip, OCM * dzgp, OCB *dzjup - [f] ONW dzip 'Come together and settle (of birds), perch' [Shi] > caus. 'to collect together, unite, settle, achieve' :f;R_ [BI , Shi], [Shi]. 3� za �tE (dzgp) L H dzgp, OCM *dzgp - [I'] ONW dzap 'Brought together, m ixed' [Shi] . 'variegated' [Li] (Karlgren 1 956: 1 3). [E] AA: Khmer c wpa /cuugp/ jwpa /cuugp/ 'to join ' , intr. 'to meet, come together, encounter' �� prajcwpa 'to meet one another'. The following is prob. a different etymon with the basic meaning 'close ' : PTB *tsup > PLB *tsup - *?tsup [Matisoff 1 972: 40] > WB chup 'clench fist ', Kachin tsup 'to gather' (as mouth of sack), 'close hands' (as in catching a ball) (HST: 84). KN-Lai fuu I fuut 'to perch' [L TBA 2 1 . 1 : 1 8]. [C] This wf has perh. converged with -7 j1 1 0 (dzwiC) Baxter ( 1 992: 350) adds cui 'collect' (under -7 zao 2 ��f). (tsjak) L H tsiek, OCM *tsek j ( 14 'Spine' [Lij > 'fundamental principle, reason' [Shi]. �
295
ji - jl j i m!Wf (dzjak) LH dziek,
OCM *dzek 'Emaciated' [Yi ] > 'meagre, poor' (soil) [Guoce] > 'suffering' m [Shu] ; }Wf [Guan] (Karlgren 1 956: 1 0). Perh. ""' zi 3 � 'bones with meat on ' is cognate. j i 15 �W (tsjak) LH tsiek, OCM *tsek 'Walk with small steps ' [Shi ]. This may be the same etymon as ""' jf 1 6 �'§r , see § 1 1 .3 .2. 3� j i � (dzjak) LH dziek, OCM *dzek 'Trample, oppress' [Zhuang] (Karlgren 1 956: 1 0). 3� cl �t� (tshie8) LH tshie8, OCM *tshe? or *tshai? 'To trample' [Lie]. [E] This is a vocalic variant of ""' jf1 6 �'§r ( § 1 1 .3 .2). The same doublets are found in 'footprint, track' ""' ji 2 1 �� which may be cognate. 3�
j i 16 m (tsjak) LH tsiak, OCM *tsak, actually prob. *tsjak
'Walk reverently' [Lunyu]. This may be the same etymon as ""' jf 1 5 �W , see § 1 1 .3 .2. 3� j f �'§r ( dzjak) LH dziak, OCM *dzak, actually pro b. *dzjak 'To trample' [Li] . 3� qi , q u e m (tshjak, tshjak) L H tshiak, OCM *tshak, actually prob . *tshjak 'Reverent demeanor, do with attentive movements' [Shi]. [E] ST *tsjak: WT 'chags-pa, bcags 'to tread, walk, move' . Perh. also connected with AA: Semai /jak/, 'to trample' , M on /csakl, WrMon jak 'to march, travel ' ( 'j' = dz, 'c' = ts). The ST medial *-ia- ( *-ja-) explains the *tsiak *tsek doublets (-'> jf1 5 �W ; § 1 1 .3 .2). The same doublets are found in 'footprint, track' ""' jl 2 1 �� which may be cognate. �
j i 17 fi ( dzjak) LH dziak, OCM *dzak, prob. *tsjak
'To cultivate' (field, garden, rice) [OB, Zuo] > 'perform the plowing ceremony' [OB] > 'sacred field' fi [SW] ( Bodde 1 975: 23 l ff) > 'register of field revenues' �i [Shi] > 'a record, writing tablet' �i [Zuo]. [E] MK, either ( I ) PMK *jiik [Shorto 1 976: 1 049] > OM on jik, Spoken M on /coik/ 'to harrow, break up for planting, to cultivate'; Khmer /cl:k/ 'to dig, dig over' . Occasion nally, we find OC *a for foreign e or i, see § 1 1 . 1 .3 . Or (2) perh. Khmer /caa/ ' to grove, plow' [Lewitz 1 976: 750], with the CH final -k addition ( §6. 1 ) .
j i l8 �i -t j i l7 fi j i 19 t� (tsjap) LH tsiap,
*tsap 'To row' [Shi], 'oar' occurs also in JP sap < tsap 'oar' (Benedict HJAS 5, 1 940: 1 1 1 no. 59). OCM
j i zo �00 -t j i 1 3 � J!i'& j i21 lli'& �oo -t j i 1 0 =t:& j l 1 fL ffL (kji8 3) LH kt8, OCM *kri'i' 'Stool, small table' JL [Shi], ;fJL [Zuo, Li] . [E] ST: PTB *kriy ( STC no. 3 8 ) > PL *kre 1 > WB khre 'foot, leg ' 3� ;)-khre 'foundation, foot', WT khri 'seat, chair, throne, couch' (HST: 54), Lepcha hri 'chair' . AA Khmer gre /kree/ 'bed, bench' could be a loan from some ST language, perh. OC (so Pou I Jenner, J. of Oriental Studies 1 1 , 1 973 . 1 : 1-90). F z a (kjt) LH k-iG8, OCM *b? 'Self' , reflexive personal pronoun [Lun]. - Etymology not clear. [f] Sin Sukchu SR kjej (J:.), PR, LR ki ; MGZY gi (J:.) [ki]
296
j1 - ji t*J (kjeB 3 ) L H ktai8, OCM *kai? 'Pull by one leg ' [Zuo], 'pull aside' [Shi] ; 'stand around close to door' .if� [Gongyang]. 3� qf � (khje 3) LH khtai, OCM *khai 'Slanting ' [Xun, also MC kjie 3] ; 'one-footed' .if� [Guoyu] ; 'one horn turning up, one down' �� [Yi ] . LE] ST: WB kai 'oblique, sidewise' (Matisoff 1 995a: 84). An allofam is prob. -> j f4 .:;§f 'odd ', also possibly -> ji5 itr 'stand', and -> q15 :lf:�x 'stand on tiptoe' which has, however, a different OC rime ( *-e). � (kji8 3) LH ki-8, OCM *kri? 'Muntjac ' � [post-Zhou-Han]; ace. to GY, f! [OB] writes the same word. LE] ST: PTB *d-kiy (STC no. 54): PL *kye' 'barking deer ' ; WB khye, gyiA 'barking deer' , JP tj;J33_khjj33 'muntjac', khyi1-ma?1 'a kind of muntjac ' , Lushai saH-khiL < -khi?lh 'barking deer '. j� (tsiei8) LH tsei8, OCM *tsf? or *ts:m To push' [Zuo], 'urge, press, press out '. LE] ST: PTB *tsyir *tsyur 'squeeze, wring' (HPTB: 397): WT 'tshir-ba 'to press, press out' (Unger Hao-ku 35, 1 986: 33); Bahing tsyur 'wring ' , Kanauri tsiir 'to milk'. 3� Perh. ji f1Jf (dziei[8/C]) L H dzei(8fC), OCM *dzl or *dzgi(?/h) 'Disease' [Li], 'suffer' (Unger) < 'be pressed' ? LE] TB-WT gzir-ba 'be pressed, troubled, suffer' (Unger). Prob. not related to -> jf6 * 'sick ', but a possible allofam could be -> j i 1 6 '1�. LE] Alternatively, the OC stem may derive from earlier *st(g)i in light of the possible allofam dl :j:J& (tiei8) [tei 8] 'push away' [Dadai Liji]. �
j16 l'f!t: (tsiei8)
LH tsei8, OCM *tsf?, OCB *tsi? 'Many' [Shi] (Baxter 1 992: 462). 3� z 1 f51J (tsi8) LH tsi8, OCM *tsi?, OCB *tsjij? 'Large number' [Shi ].
j1 7 lfffl 'stately' � q{ 15 '/if: j l 8 � (kjei8) LH kti8, OCM *bi?
'Few, how many' [Shi] . Karlgren ( 1 956: 7) considers this cognate to -> jf1 2 � which is glossed as 'smal l ' , but jr � really means 'be imminent, close to, first sign, detai l ' . [T] Sin Sukchu SR kjej Cl:.), PR, LR ki; MGZY gi (_1::.) [ki] ; ONW ki LE] PTai *kii C 'several, how many' > S. kii81 (B is irregular), Saek kii3; prob. borrowed from CH together with the numerals.
j l 9 �� (kjei8)
LH kti 8, OCM *bi? 'Louse' [Hanfei] i s also an old dialect word for 'leech', still u sed in Mln (Norman 1 983) which i s prob. related to the old dialect words ma-qf ,�!l!lt or � � 'leech' . This is prob. derived from a S T etymon 'to bite', note KN *m-kei 'to bite ' ; for a semantic parallel, see -> zhi 2 ff 'leech' and -> die 2 �i 'bite' . ,
ji l �t � j r 15 m j i 2 iJ5Z (kje 3 , also gje8 3) Wei-Jin kte, g+eB
'A small and weak woman' [SW] (� wU 'thing ' in the SW gloss is thought to be an error for �� ruo 'weak'), perh. a euphemism for the later attested meaning 'singing girl, prostitute' [Jinshu, i .e. post-Han]. A hypothetical OC form may have been *kre. LE] This appears to be a loan from early Vietnamese (the ancient Yue in southern
297
jl China): MK-PVM *ke:? 'woman ' > Viet . cai I gai 'feminine ' [Ferlus]; elsewhere in M K : PWa *krih 'girl ' , PNBahn. *kadrl 'female' ( K. Smith 1 972: 64]. Alternatively, Wang Li ( 1 982: 1 08) fol lowing earlier commentaries relates this word to ji (gje8) 'skill ' , but this m ay be folk etymology. Also other foreign words for 'girl, woman' refer to someone of low standing, see -> bi -> tai 3 tll lf.
ji3
( kjeiC) L H kts, 0CM *k;}tS 'To complete, have done', mark of completed action [OB, BI, Shi, Shu]. PR, LR ki ; MGZY gi (:1�) (ki] ; ONW ki LTl Sin Sukchu SR kjej [ jl4 I.E] ST ( ?): Mru ki 'complete' (Loffler 1 966: 1 29). �� qi �z ( kj;}t) LH ktt, OCM *bt lT] ONW kit To finish, cease' [Shu].
j14
(gjiC 3 ) LH gts , OCB *grj�ts < *grj�ps LTl MGZY ki ($;) [gi ] T o reach to, bring with, concur with, together with, and' [Shu]. [ j f 1 (gj;:)p) ( Baxter 1 992: 35 1 ). Or less likely �� -> q13 g; (xjgt), -> ji3 .!1% (kjgiC) (the MC vowels do not agree).
j l 5 ftr (gjie8 3) LH gtai?
lT] ONW ge8 'To stand' , has replaced .... n 3 JL in southern dialects: Xiamen khfaC2, FuzhOu khje C2, Jian 'ou kycB2 (Norman 1 988: 1 97). Perh. related to -> jl3 t� in the sense of 'standing around'.
jl6 '\§'f (kjeC) LH kffiiC, OCM *kaih
'To commit to one's charge' [Lun], 'entrust to, communicate' [Li] , Mand. 'send' (a letter). I.EJ ? ST: perh. cognate to WB khaiC 'to bring ', Lushai khaj L 'to give a present ' .
jl 7
*ggh, OCB *g(r)jg?(s) [Zuo], [SW] > ( 'be warned' :) 'cautious' [Shi], 'show respect [Zhouli] > 'dread, hate' [Shi]. Wang Li ( 1 982: 86) relates this 'guard against '. OCM
word to -> jie9
jl 8 �C (kji-8) LH k.j.g8,
*b?, OCB *k(r)jgJl 'Leading thread, regulate' [Shi], 'follow up, continue' [Shu]. Unger (Hao-ku 38, 1 992: 77) relates this word to WT 'khrid-pa, bkl'i 'to conduct ace. to order' [Das) �� khrid 'row, order, serial order' [Das]; and to -> Ir5 f_!f ( lji-8) 'regulate'. �� jl (kj+C) LH k.tgc, OCM *bh LTJ ONW kig 'To record, remember' [Shu].
jl9
OCM
(kwic 4) L H kwis , OCM *kwis, OCB *kwj its 'Youngest, young ' (of persons) [BI , Shi] > 'last of a series' [Zuo], ' season, three-month period' [Tang period] I.E] Etymology not clear. [D] PMin *kieC *kyiC 'season' �
jl 1 0 r]1: (tsjgp, t�gp) LH tsip, t�ip,
OCM *ts(r)gp 'To cluster together, to crowd ' [Shi]. =ji (t�gp) LH t�ip, OCM *tsr;:)p 'To gather up' ljifl [Li] ; 'to fold up, gather in' (wings) :§V{ [Shi]; 'be crowded together' (as horns of sheep) [Shi].
298
ji [E] ? AA : PMonic *cap, Nyah Kur '(bird) t o settle on, perch' , M o n *c:Jp 'to adhere to, cleave to' ; OKhmer /pp/ 'touch, join, meet, cling, adhere' . This word has perh. converged with --> jf1 3 � ,.&. Perh. --> zhf7 � (c;ij;;)p) 'cluster together, hibernate' belongs here.
ji 1 1 � (tsjaiC) LH tsias, OCM *tsats < *tsaps 'A kind of millet' (Panicum miliaceum, not g lutinous). [E] Perh. TB-WB chap 'millet' (Luce, Sagart 2002 ms: 8). ji 12 �� 'connection ' � j ie 4 t�
j i 1 3 jj!IJ)i --) j i 21 �� j i 14 jt1f� (kji 3) LH kt, OCM *kri or *kr;;)i ? 'To hope' jt [Zuo] ; 'to long for' :W� [Zuo] is prob. cognate to --> xr1 2 :ffi- �:ffl (so Wang Li 1 982: 393). [E] Perh. ST: WT bkri-ba 'try to acquire, search for' (CVST 5 : 66). j i 15 i'/ff (tsieiC) LH tseic, OCM *ts:'lih, OCB *ts;;)j s
[f] ONW tsei 'To ford, to cross' (a river) vb. [Shi] > 'to help across, help over' (e.g. difficulties) [Shu] > 'to help' (people) [Lunyu], 'contribute' [Zuo], 'achieve' [Yi]. �� j fn f=f!: (tsjen) LH tsin, OCM *tsin 'A ford' n. [Shu]. [ cnih 'a ghat, place of access to river . . . , landing place' < n-infix nominalization of cis [c0s] 'to go down, descend' vb. (e.g. down the bank to the river, also general). The Mon vowel is c loser to CH than the Khmer cognate: culJ [cuh] 'go down ' , perh. also Viet. xiu [slu] < z- 'go down' . Thus both Mon and OC derived a noun from the verb with a nominalizing affix, M on with the MK n-infix > cnis 'ghat' , OC with the ST n-suffix jin f=f!: 'a ford' . Perh. --> xr2 g§;j'gg 'nest, west' belongs to this wf. The ST syn. for 'ford, cross' i s --> du 2 �Jl. -
j i 16 'I� (dziei, dzieiC) LH dzei(C),
OCM *dzf(h) or *dz:'li(h) 'Angry' [Shi]. Etymology not certain. The notion 'angry' can derive from 'rise' (cf. M and. qi !!]), hence perh. cogn. to --> jf1 1 � 'rise' . Or ji could derive from 'sick' and be related to ji f! (under --> j l 5 f!Uf).
j i 17 ji 18 ji 19 ji 10 j i 21
0'/ff � j f 1 1 �
i'/ff 'stop ' � j f 1 1 � • � jf11 �
� � F 5 rA' �� (tsjak) LH tsiek, OCM *tsek 'Footprint, track' [BI , Shi] . � ji JPJ)i (tsjak) L H tsiek, OCM *tsjak [f] ONW tsiek 'Footprint, track' [Shu] (also written with radical 1 62). [N] In Han and Wei-Jin poetry these two words rime in *-ek (Luo I Zhou 1 958; Ting 1 975), but *tsjak occurs in Sh1]Tng. See § 1 1 .3 .2. The root i n itial was OCM *j- as the phonetic of JPJ)i ( GSR 800) and TB cognates i ndicate (§9.2); a ST medial *-j a- ( *-ia-) explains the OC *-jak *-ek doublets. Possible allofams are --> j f 1 5 �ff and --> jf16 �'Wf 'walk, step', prob. as a result of paronomastic attraction. [E] ST *C-jak: TB-Limbu yok2 'trace, track', Lushai hniakH 'footprint, hoof-mark' . -
�
299
jl - jia j i 22 *lfi ( kieiC) LH keC,
OCM *keh 'To continue, perpetuate' [Shi] is the s. w. as xi 1*� *keh (under --. xl
*geh).
j i a 1 JJO (ka) LH kai,
OCM *krai [I'] ONW ka 'To add, attach, hit' [Shi]. �� j ia (kaC) LH kaiC, O CM *kraih 'To yoke' [Shi] . [ consider fine, approve' [Shi], 'happy' [Zuo]. jia ( kai) LH kc:, ocM *kre 'Be good' [Lao] appears to be a vocalic variant of the above. >� he (yaC) LH gaiC, OCM *gaih 'To congratulate' [Shi] ( Karlgren 1 949: 90 derives this word from ge next). � ge :wJ (ka8) LH kai 8, OCM *kai? 'Be wel l , passable, suitable' [Shi]. Alternatively, ge may belong to ke r:lf (under --. he fi'IT{�j') (so Wang Ll 1 982: 43 1 ). I_E] This wf i s prob. ST, even though the rimes do not agree with TB: WT bkra-ba 'beautiful, blooming ' , bkra-sis 'happiness, prosperity, blessing' (sis 'good luck, fortune, bliss'); Lushai {ha L I ('atL < tilraah I {11rat 'be good, nice, virtuous, be advantageous ' . �
j i a 3 3} White Tai xaa 81 < *x- 'id. ' (Li F. 1 976: 40).
j i a 8 � (ka)
LH ka, OCM *kra 'Male pig, boar' [Zuo, SW]; a Northeastern dialect word for -> zhu4 � [�a] *tra 'pig' [FY] . Given the homophone jia 'male deer' [SW] , this may be a more general etymon for 'male' of an animal and may also be cognate to -> gu7 f� 'ram' (so Wang Li 1 982: 1 26). I f SW is correct that � is an abbreviated phonetic in -> jia7 * *kra 'house', then the word must be much older than Zuozhuan, while zhu may be an early dialect word.
j h i 1 � � hu6-die i!vH-* j i a 2 ��JH� � xie I t� ttih j ia 1 Ej3 (kap) LH kap, OCM *krap
'Shell, (finger-)nail, armour' [BI, Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR kja (/\.); MGZY gya (/\.) [kja]; ONW kiip [D] PMin *kap - *kap [E] ST: WT khrab 'shield, fish scales', Lepcha hr6p ( < *khrap) 'armour, scales' (Bodman 1 980: 1 42). The relationship with Tai seems questionable: S. Jep02S < *dl 'finger- or toenai l ' (Li F. 1 976: 45). Jia is prob. not related to -> jie 1 fr. �� Per h. j h i � (kiip) L H kep, OCM *krgp 'Leather jerkin or cuirass' [Guan] (HST: 1 3 1 ).
j i a 2 1�ti?X (ka8)
LH ka8 , OCM *kra? [f] ONW kii 'Be great' (of Heaven, rulers), 'abundance' [BI, Shi]. Wang Li ( 1 982: 1 44) relates -> xia5, sha If. 'building' to this wf. �� xia � (ya8) LH ga8, OCM *gra? [f] ONW yii 'Be great' (of ruler) [Shi]. [E] Perh. related to -> xian8 M 'be large' and -> jie2 fl1fl 'increase' . Shf Xiangdong 2000: 27 relates this word to WT rgya 'wide, broad' . -
-
j i a 3 fpj (ka8)
L H ka8, OCM *kra? 'To borrow' [Zuo] > 'simulate' [Meng] > 'deception, false' [BI, Shi, Li]. 1'11 Sin Sukchu SR kja ( J:. ) ; MGZY gya ( J:. ) [kja] ; ONW kii [E] ST: WT kar-skyin 'a loan ' (Unger Hao-ku 35, 1 986: 32). An allofam is prob. gu 7 Ji. j i a 4 1P1 'come' � ge 4 f�
j i a 1 f* (kaC)
->
LH kaC, OCM *krah 'Grain, to sow' [Shi] . [E] KT: PTai *klaC 1 'young rice plant' (Li F . 1 976: 40), Saek tlaa3 > traa3 'rice seedlings', PKS *kla 3 'rice seedling '. The media1s do not agree, see §7.3.
j ia 2 • � j ia 1 1JD j ia 3 � � g e 3 t� j i a 4 'if11 (kaC) LH kac, OCM *krah 'Price' 'if [Lunyu], 11 [Meng]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR kja (:t·); MGZY gya ($;) [kja] 3 01
jHt - jHin [E] ST: WB ::>-kya C 'price' ; Lushai khaal 'to buy the whole, buy i n large quantities'. Tai: Saek khaa5 < gaa 8 'value, price' �� khaa 6 < khaaB 'engage in trade '. CH -> P-Miao *NqaC [W ang Fushi 1 979] 'price' (Sagart). Per h. related to -> gu 1 1
-+ b u 2 1f] j i a 5-bu j i a n 1 j/2£i (tsjam) L H tsiam,
*tsam 'Pointed, sharp' j/2 [GY ], 'thin, slender, sharp-pointed' [Zhouli ] . This word is prob. cognate to xian below; o r it might have been influenced b y words for ... zan � 'pin ' ; it i s possibly related to 31 'to cut down (people)' [Shi] (Wang U 1 982: 6 1 6). See -t yan4 �lj� for the semantic association of 'sharp' with 'cut ' . 3� xtan (sjam) L H siam, OCM *sam 'Sharp ' [Mo] has been borrowed by PTai *s-: S. siam A I 'spade, hoe' 3� siamCI 'to sharpen to a point'. [E] ST: PTB *syam > W B sain, Gyarung som 'iron' , Nung sam 'iron, sword' (STC: 53). The wf -t yan4 �lj� represents a different stem (STC: I 71 n . 457 relates xian to PTB *s-ryam). OCM
j ia n 2
(kien) LH ken , OC M *ki'n 'Firm ' (e.g. fruit, bows), 'solid, strong ' (e.g . ice) [Shi]. [f) Sin Sukchu SR kjen MGZY gyan (3¥) [kjcn]; ONW ken [E] ST *kin/r]: WB kyaii 'feel ing of numbness' , JP kyin 'stiff, aching' [Matisoff 1 97 4 no. 1 5] , Lushai khir/ < khif)? 'dry out, get hard' (of ouside of meat etc.). For related and similar items, see -t gu 1 In] (incl. Table G-1 ) and Table J-1 . 3� q1an (khien, khan) LH khen, khen, OCM *kh(r)ln 'Firmly believe' tr. [Zhuang]. Aspiration as wel l as medial *r are unexplained, unless this is a different etymon related to AA-Mon krif) (kr:->f)) 'stiff, hard'. 3� jie §}J (khat) LH khet, OCM *khrft 'Solidly, earnestly' (Shu].
Table J- 1 Hard, congeal, dry (B)
i
I *kreiJ ! ying
oc
I
��
*krek
*kin
(IJerf) hard
rel)s-pa solid (not liquid)
WT
!
mkhregs-pa hard, firm (snow) khil)F < khil]? dry out (get hard)
Lushai JP
·-
jian � *kfn hard, soli d
greiJ31 hard
*khrin qran firmly believe
I I
kyin stiff
WB
kyaii numbness
The stems *krel) and *krek are e-vowel variants of *kar (under -> gu [!lt]). The stem *kin
jian 3
is unrelated.
(kien) LH ken , OCM *ken [.T] MTang kian < ktan, ONW ken 'Shoulder' [Shi], 'to shoulder, carry' [Shu] is shared with PKS *k-xim' 'arm ' , PTai *kh > S. kheen A 1 'arm ' .
j i a n 4 � (kan)
L H kan, OC M *kran 'Villain, wickedness' [Shu] .
302
j Hi n
't
[ WB kra 8 'have space between , be apart' * ;y-kra 8 'crack, opening' (-> M idMon /�kra/ ' interval, (space) between, within ') * khra B 'be between, divide, different' . Bodman ( 1 980: 87) relates this wf to the W T items under -4 ch1 1 t� (*hral ' split'). -4 'leisure' i s sometimes thought to be related to jian. xian5
--+ I a n 6 j ia n 6 00 � l ia n 4 j i a n 7 :5Wt (kiem[C]) L H kem(C),
OCM *kem(s) [f] ONW kem 'To combine, at the same time' [Shu, Yi], 'grasp, hold together, all-embracing ' [Mozi]. [E] MK: PMonic *cki�m, OMon ckem 'to grasp, pick up' [Diffloth 1 984: 2 1 5), OMon 'handfu l ' * pkom 'to collect together', Aslian cokam etc. 'hold' [Benjamin 1 976: 1 09] ; PVM *ggm A ' to hold ' , Khasi kern 'to arrest, seize, wrestle' . MK -> Lushai kimR 'entire, be complete' . Perh. -4 qfn5 t� is connected.
j ia n 8
(tsjam) LH tsiam , OCM *tsam 'To seep into, get wet, moisten, soak' [Shi, Shu]; 'to moisten, enrich, benefit' Y;UJ; [Ui], 'to soak' [Liji]. 3� j i an i$JT (dzjamB) LH dziam8, OC:M *dzam? 'Gradually, to advance gradually' [Shu, Yi] (< 'drop-wise' , so Karlgren GSR 6 1 1 f). Jiiin is possibly the same etymon as -4 jHin9 fl 'extinguish ' ; or it m ight have originated in OC a s a variant of jin ( -4 ch6n 2 it, see there for further comments). [E] AA: Khmer jfiin /co�m/ (darkened by water:) 'wet, soaked, permeated, steeped' ( also 'dark'). Khmer ? -> Tai : S. com A 1 'to sink, submerged ' , Saek c:;�m I cam A I ' to sink'.
j ia n 9 ;(I (tsjam) LH tsiam,
OCM *tsam 'Extinguish ' [Zuo). This word and its derivatives may be connected with -4 jian8 1$T� see also -4 c hen 2 1/t for comments. � qian 1! (dzjam) LH dziam, OCM *dzam 'Go into water, wade' [Guoyu] , 'lie at bottom of water, be soaked (in pleasure)' [Shu]. �E j iitn �!' (dzjamC) LH dziamc, OCM *dzams 'To hide, secretly' [Zuo].
J ta n 10
(kjun) LH kton, OCM *kan 'Bow and arrow case' [Zuo]. [E] Perh. related to WT rkyal-pa 'leather sack, bag ' ( Unger Hao-ku 35, 1 986: 30) . �� lan *lil (H\n) LH !an, OCM *ran < *C-ran 'Arrow case, quiver' [Shiji] may be related to jian, but then the WT connection is doubtful.
303
j ia n - j i an j ia n 1 1 �
-----
qin3
j i a n 12 Ji ----- j ia n 1 �� j Hi n 1
(kjanB 3, kjunB) LH ktonB 'Child, son ' [JY] . [E] AA: PVM *b:n 'son' , Viet con [Ferlus]; Mon kon 'child' (Norman 1 988: 23 1 ). It i s a substrate word i n M1n and other southern dialects: PM in *kion B > Jian' o u kyei] 81, FiizhOu kiaiJBI, X iamen kia81. According to Chen Zh0ngm1n (L TBA 2000: 2 1 ff) jHin was used instead of the northern -" z11 -=f and -" as a diminutive in Mln and other southern dialects where occasionally it left traces only in the tone. Syn. -" z1 1 -" kun 2 .f::Ell:J . V
j ian 2 � (kjamB, kjum 8) LH ktomB, OCM *kam? - [f] ONW kam
'A measure, a control' [Xun]. (gjamB) LH g±am8, OCM *gam? 'Restricted, frugal, moderate' [Zuo, Meng]. [ 'straw mat' [Chuci] > 'put on display' (loot), 'offer, present ' [Shi]. Wang Ll ( 1 982: 289) relates this and other words to � xf1 fft 'mat '. [D) PMin *tsanC 'straw mattress' 3� j i an :ff (dzienc, dzu;;mC) LH dzenc, OCM *dz:'\ns 'Grass, herb' [Zuo]. [E] STC (p. 49; 1 58 n . 428) suggests that this may be cognate to WT rtswa 'grass ' .
j i a n l4 Ji5yff. 'repeat' � z a i4 ¥'} j i a n 15 �jE;: (kamC) LH kamc, OCM *krams 'To mirror' � [Shu], �I: [Shi]; 'mirror' �I: [Zuo]. [f) Sin Sukchu SR kjam C*), PR (kjan), LR kjen; MGZY (gyam >) gyam C*) [kjam] [ WB khram 'fence, enclosure' •� :J-ram 'fence forming an enclosure ' ; prob. also WT khram 'notched wood' (HPTB: 253; 299).
(kal)) LH bl), OCM *kr61), OCB *krol) 'Yangtze River' [Shi], in Sh1}Tng only its mid-section (Norman I Mei 1 976: 283). [E] AA: PMonic *kroolJ [Diffloth 1 984: I 32], LitMon krul), Bahnar kroiJ, Katu karuiJ (Norman a. Mei 1 976: 280-283; Benedict 1 976: 76; Norman 1 988: 1 8); Viet SOl) 'river' < *kr-; also M a lay kroiJ. chuan 1 ) 1 1 and its cognates m ay ultimately be a variant of this etymon. For a syn. see --. tang 1 Ji!f. 3< g a n g ffi (ka1]8) LH k::l1]8, OCM *kr61]? 'Smaller river which flows into a larger river, lake or sea' [Nanchao period, 6th c . AD]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR kjalJ Cl:); MGZY gyang CJ::. ) [kjalJ] [D] An ancient Wu dialect word which spread into the Chu region ; the word survives in river names in the former Wu-Chu area (Jiangsil, Jiangxf, Zhejiang, Anhuf, Hubei, Humin); the Huai R i ver marks the northern limit of this word; later > 'harbour' (U X iliofan I Chen Blioxian, FY 2002.3 : 20 1 -2 1 6). The irregular M and. form originated in southern dialects where velars have not palatalized. The role of tone B i s not clear.
J lang 1
j iang 2 � � qiang 1
j iang 3 M?f (tsjaiJ) LH tsio!], OCM *tsalJ
'Take (something or someone along), hold, support ' [Shi, Shu] ; perh. the meaning 'to offer, offering ' (in sacrifice) [Shi] i s a semantic extension ( < 'take along '). [11 Sin Sukchu SR tsjalJ (-'JZ); MGZY (dzyang >) dzyang ( -¥) [tsjaiJ]; MTang tsiaiJ < tsalJ, ONW tsalJ [E.] ST: WT 'chaiJ-ba 'to hold, keep' (HST: 94). >< j iang (tsj aiJC) LH tsial)c, OCM *tsal)h - [f] MTang t siaiJ < tsaiJ, ONW t salJ 'To lead' [Shi, Meng] > 'leader, general' [Zuo]. [ 'to form, culti vate' (one's personality through education) [Huainan], jiang-ren IT A ( ' woodworking man ' :) 'carpenter' [Meng]; 1ft 'carpenter' n. [Zuo] > 'artisan ' [Lun heng ] ; also 'stonecutter' (as a name in Zhuangzlimp1ies); jiang-ren ITA 'official in charge of woodworkers ' [Zhouli]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR dzjal) ( MGZY (tsyang >) tsyang [dzjal)] lE] M K : Khmer CiilJlna /cat]/ 'to dress (wood, stone), rough out, trim . . . ' . The verbal function in Khmer m akes it unlikely that this is a loan from CH where the typical use is nominal. Jiang is sometimes thought to be related to WT byaiJ-pa 'skilled, experi enced' fang 4 ]J ) ( Bodman 1 980: 1 50), therefore the MC initi al is conjectured to derive from *sb-, but this would be unusual and improbable; nor are the semantics compelling.
j Ht n g 2
(kat]) LH biJ , OCM *krfit] [T] ONW kat] 'To descend, get down ' [BI , Shi ], e.g. cattle from hills, person from carriage; metaphorically: send down blessings, misfortune, etc. [T] ONW yal) �� x i li ng � ( Y al)) LH g ;,!], OCM *gr O I] 'To submit' [B I , Shi] , intr. lE] There are no unambiguous outside cognates. Some languages have initial ]-: Tai: S. la1JA2 < *dl- 'to descend' . TB-Chepang glyul)h - grul)- 'to descend' �� grui]?- 'droop, drop down (object in flight), descend (in angle)'. It is not clear if I how the fol lowing may be related: TB-Lai tn}m I tnim 'descend' �� thrum I thrum? 'to put down ' [VanBik L TBA 25.2, 2002: 99] (KN tr- can derive from *kr-). Sino-Viet xu6ng [su�!]] ' to descend' is an OC loan (SV s- < *kr-). -
-
jiAng3
-7
h6ng4 m
j i a o 1 5( ( kau)
L H kau, OCM *krau [T] ONW kau 'To cross, mix with, mingle, associate with' [BI , Shi], 'exchange' [Yi], 'join' [Zuo]. lE] ST: PTB *ryaw ( STC no. 207) > WB roB 'to mix, mingle ' , K achin ya u 'be mixed' �� bjau 'to mix, i ntermix'. Cf. Chepang Jja wh-?o 'mixed' . PYao *klaau3 'to pay' . � jiao 15 Tai: S. ciap4 'to plunder, rob, steal ' . The MK etymon is usually thought to belong to zhf 'to seize' (under � zhf5 instead; but the phonological agreement between OC and MK is perfect in the present set.
311
jie j i e 2a §� (tsjap) LH tsiap,
OCM *tsap 'Eyelashes' [Zhuang]. [D] Y -GuangzhOu tsaap 78 'wink, blink' (R. Bauer). [E] This word is associated with widely distributed phonesthemic etymon 'wink, blink' in East and SE Asia with the rime *-ap and various initials (see R. Bauer L TBA 1 5.2: 1 5 1-1 84 for an exhaustive collection). TB: WT ts11ab-ts11ab 'to bl ink'.
j i e 3 t� _, j ie 7 t� j ie 4 � (kjat 3) LH ktat,
OCM *krat - [f] MTang kar, ONW kat 'Ram ', perh. 'castrated ram ' [SW], is prob. cognate to --> gu 7 f9: 'ram ' . [E] ST: Kanauri k11as, Chitk. k11a, k11;;,s 'sheep'.
j ie 5 Y� !1� (gjat 3) LH gtat,
OCM *grat - [f] Sin Sukchu SR gje ( A ) 'To dry up' (pool, swamp) [Shi, Zhouli]. For related and similar items, see __, gu 1 IJm (incl. Table G-1 ) and --> j ian 2 � (incl. Table J- 1 ).
j i e 6 #.\6 (kiet) LH ket,
OCM *kft - [f] MTang kiar < ktar, ONW ket 'To tie, knot' [Shi]. �� ji � (kieiC) LH kes, OCM *kfts 'Hair-knot' [no pre-Han ex.] . [E] ST: PTB *kik ( STC no. 484) > W T 'khyig-pa, bkyigs 'to bind' , WB kyac 'twist tight' , JP gyit3I 'to tie, bind'; Kuki *d-khik. The relationship with Tai : s. klatD1S < *kl-, Po'ai cet 'button, pin together' (Li 1 976: 45) is unclear.
j i e 7 5� -7 hli n g 3 J):� jie 8 6JJ -7 j iiin 2 � j i e 9 :fi[J (tsiet) LH tset,
OCM *tsft - [D] PMin *tsat ( 'Cut' >) 'regular division' [Li], 'knots or joints on bamboo or other p lants' [Shi], 'degree, rank' [Shu] . [f] Sin Sukch u SR tsje (A); MGZY dzya (A) [tsje]; MTang tsiar < tstar, ONW tset �� qie tJJ (tshiet) LH tshet, OCM *tshft - [f] MTang tshiar < tshtar, ONW tshet 'To cut' [Shi]. This graph also writes a homophone which is cognate to __, jf7 .b! D. [E] ST *tsik: PTB *tsik (STC 64): WT 'tshigs 'joint, knot, knee ' ; Garo tsik, Lepcha tsak 'joint ' ; PLB *?dzik > W B c11ac 'a joint ' (Bodman 1 980: 1 39). Perh. not related to jie � ( dziet) [dzet] *dzet ('To cut, trim' >) 'restrain, govern' [Shi] (Unger Hao-ku 39, 1 992) because of the different OC vowels. An allofam may be __, xf1 3 �* *sit 'knee ' .
jie 1 0 m (t�et) LH t�et, OCM *tsrit 'Comb, to comb' WP [Shi ], 'to scrape' f�P [Zhouli]. [E] The several words for 'comb' in CH and TB look somewhat similar, but precise phonological correspondences are elusive. fie appears to be close to PTB *m-si(y) 'comb' (STC no. 466) > JP p855-si55 'comb, rake' 3� mgsit 'to comb, rake, brush ' ; Mikir il)t11i < ms i 'comb', Lepcha pur-sit [pgr-sit] 'brush ' [Bodman ICSTLL 1 987: 1 7]. Although an additional final consonant like -t here is not unusual for CH, the initials ±±;; are rather different. Syn. --> shii3 'IJJL.
jie 1 1 t�P -7 j i e 1 0 m jie 12 � (kiet, y iet) LH ket, get,
OCM *ket, *get 'To put around and measure' (e.g. a tree) [Zhuang].
3 12
j ie
j ie *
xie
(khiet, y iet) LH khet, get, OCM *khet, *get *kft 'to tie' (Unger 'Belt' [Zhuang] . Alternatively, this word could belong to -t j ie6 Hao-ku no. 74, 200 1 , p 1 1 ), though the vowels do not agree. [E) This wf belongs to the ST root *ke 'concave' (of body parts etc.), see _, jlng2 � 'neck' and Table J-2 there. ST *ket 'waist > put around the waist > belt ' : WT rked-pa 'the waist, loins, middle' (IST: 66), rked-rgyan 'belt ornamen t'; JP fiiJ3Lkjit55 'waist' . CH xi6 OCM *khet, Tibetan *rket and JP *s-kit may all go back to the same ST etymon *s/r-ket. Without final *-t: Tamang (l)ke: 'bel t ' . Lepcha a-rek 'girdle' cannot be related unless it is a mangled loan from a WT word like rked which has undergone a metathesis of the type described in §2.8.3 ( *rket > *reket > rek).
j ie 13
(gjat 3) LH gtat, OCM *g(r)at 'Of surpassing quality' [Shi] > 'hero' * [Shi], 1� [Meng]. �� j i e -j i e ** 'surpassing, very tal l' [Shi] . � � qie !� (khjat 3, khjBt) L H khi:at, OCM *khat 'Martial, martial-looking' [Shi]. [E] This wf is prob. cognate to TB-Lushai hra { < hraat 'brave, resolute ' ; or alternatively to WT gyad 'champion, athlete' (HST: 93).
j ie )'§lf. ( kaiB)
LH keB, 0CM *kre? 'To loosen' [Meng], 'explain' [Zuo], 'divide' [Guoyu], 'cut up (an ox)' [Zhuang]. LTJ Sin Sukchu SR kjaj (J:); PR, LR kjej; MGZY gyay (1:::.) [kjaj ]; ONW kei �� xie ( yaiB) L H geB, OCM *gre? ff] ONW yei 'Be s lack, idle, careless' intr. [Shi]; 'understand' [Li ] ; syn. _, hul 3 [ WB phre 'untie, unroll, appease' �� ;;,-phre 'answer to question, key'. Perh. M K : Khmer riiya /ribj/ 'to break up, scatter, disperse, divide up' 3� sriiya /sraaj/ 'to undo (knot), untie, loosen, untangle, unravel , solve, c larify, interpret' (dream). The MK-OC vowel correspondence is regular, and a MK origin could account for the differences in initial consonants. .
j i e 1 f1 (kajC)
LH kes , OCM *kre(t)s 'Scale' (of animals) [Li] > 'armour' [Shi] > 'armoured men' [ShiJ > 'to assist' [OB, ShiJ. [E) ST: jie i s often thought to be cognate to _, j ia 1 lfl ( so LaPolla 1 994: I 4 1 ; Yu Mfn 1 948: 43), but jie agrees phonologically rather with TB-WB ;;,-kre8 'scales of a fish'. PTai *klet01 S 'fish scales' i s perh. a Chinese l oan. Possible allofam -) j ie3 m.
j ie2 fl 1fl (kaic)
LH kes, OCM *kre(t)s ? 'To increase, become great' (of army, blessings, old age, person) [Shi]. This word is prob. related to _, xian8 *gren 'be large' , and perh. derived from _, jia2 1��� *kra? 'great' (but the OC vowels differ). Shf Xiangdong (2000: 24) relates this word to WT rgyas-pa 'to increase'; OC *e is the equivalent of foreign *ya/*ja ( § 1 1 .3.2).
313
j ie - j fn j ie3 'Jff (kaic) LH kes, OCM *kre(t)s ?
'Itch, scabies' [[Li] i s prob. derived from, or cognate to, jia WO (ka) *krai 'scabies' [SW] (so Wang U 1 982: 432), hence < *krai-ts. Alternatively, it could perh. be the same etymon as --> jie 1 fr 'scales' .
j ie4 1F (kaiC) LH kes, OCM *krets or *krats ?
'Mustard plant' [Li] . LE] PTai *kat: S . kaatDIL 'mustard plant' ; Mid. Korean kas id. (Miyake 1 997: 1 89).
j ie5 )1!. (kaic) LH kes, OCM *kre(t)s
'Boundary, limit' [Shi] looks like a variant of the LH homophone --> jie6 @ 'arrive, limit' (difference in OC vowels *e vs. *i), and may be the same as --> jie1 fr 'armor' in the sense of security encirclement, and thus perh. be a derivation from --> jie9 ttl(:§M *kr�h 'guard against ' .
j ie6 @ (kaiC) L H kes, OCM *krf(t)s
'To end up, arrive, end, limit' [Shi] is prob. related to --> jie5 )1!. 'limit' .
j ie7 {li (tsjak) LH tsiak
OCM *tsak [f] ONW tsiek [D ] PM in *tsbk 'To borrow' [Zuo] �� j ie {li (tsjaC) LH tsiac, OCM *tsakh 'To lend' [Lunyu] (Herforth 1 984, ace. to Takashima 1 996 II: 1 30). [ cuo4 � whose basic meaning is 'to cross, ex ' change'. -
-
j ie8 fi (dzjaC) LH dziac,
OCM *dzakh 'To present ' [Zuo], 'contribute, aid' [Li] , 'avail oneself of, depend on' [Zuo] , 'bedding or mat of straw as support for sacrifices or gifts' [Yi]. This word could either be derived from --> ju5 1t 'straw' (so Wang U 1 982: 1 67), or be cognate to WT 'jags-pa 'to give, present' ( so Bodman 1 980: 1 50).
j ie9 ttl(:g� (kaiC) LH kec,
OCM *kr�h To guard against, be on guard, take care, admonish' [BI , Shi], 'notify, invite' [Zuo] ; 'to warn ' [Yi], 'prohibit' §M [Xun]. [I'] Sin Sukchu SR kjaj (;t;), PR kjej ; MGZY gyay (J:.) [kjaj]; ONW kei �� xie ,�� (yai8) LH ge8, OCM *gr�? 'To frighten, overawe' [Zhuang]. [C] Wang U ( 1 982: 86) relates this wf to --> ji 7 ,��� � 'warn ' . Possible derivations may be --> jie 1 fr 'armour ' and I or --> jie6 @ 'limit ' .
j i e 1 0 � � g e 3 f'fU [f] ONW kin j fn 1 JT (kj;:m) LH ktn, OCM *bn 'Ax' JT [BI , Zuo]. LE] ? ST: PLB *gyan 2 'pick-ax' (Matisoff LL 1 .2, 2000: 1 39). I t may also be connected with PMY *cwl:n 1 'ax' (Wang FS), and I or PTai *xwaan, PKS *kwan (Matisoff). j fn la JT 'a weight' --> j u n 1 :f::)] �5] -
j fn 2 -5:;- (kj;;1m) LH ktm , OCM *bm
'Today, this (day, year) ' [OB, BI, Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR kim (:lJZ), PR, LR kin; MGZY gim (:lJZ) [kim]; ONW kim. LE] Etymology not c lear. Unger (Hao-ku 33, 1 986) suggests cognation with WT lhem
3 14
j fn - j i n 'now', but see --> yan 2
j fn 3 :ffi (kjgm) LH ktm,
� . Alternatively, the word 's root may be __, qf7 � *gg 'this'.
OCM *bm 'Metal' [BI, Shu, Shi], 'bronze, gold' [Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR kim (Jf), PR, LR kin; MGZY gim ( '¥) [kim]; ONW kim. [D] PMin *kim 'gold' ; Y-Guangzhou 55kem B1 [E] Benedict (HJAS 4, 1 939: 223) connects jin with PTai *ygmA 2 'gold' •� S. ka:m B1 'bright, striking' (used to describe rubies or pure gold), 'blood-red' (looks l ike a loan from Cantonese). Note the similarity with the wf __, tan5 ��.
j fn 4 1$ � j i 1 5 i'M j fn 5 �JJ (kjgn) LH ktn,
OCM *bn - [f] ONW kin 'Sinew' [Meng]. PTai *?ienA 1 A 2 'tendon, sinew' is perh. related. •� j i an Ill (kjun, gjunC) LH ktan, gtanc, OCM *kan , gans 'Sinew' [Chuci]. [C] Prob. not related to --> qian 7 $ 'pull tight' and __, jian 2 � 'solid, strong ' . �
j fn 6 � (tsjgm[C]) L H tsim(C),
OCM *tsgm(s) 'Halo around sun ' [Zuo] appears to be related to WT khyim 'halo around sun ' •� 'khyims-pa 'be encircled by a halo' >< 'gyim-pa 'circumference' (Bodman 1 980: 58). However the initials are difficult to reconcile.
j ln 1 � (kjien8 4) LH kin8,
OCM *kin? 'To bind tight' [Chuci, SW]. Ace. to SSYP: 2 1 1 , this is the only word with a velar initial k- in ch6ngniu div. IV and is prob. a southern (note Chuci!) non-palatalizing dialect variant of the regular palatalized form z he n f.lt (tsjen8) 'to twist (someone's arm)' [Meng] (so Yupian; Schuessler 1 996, JCL 24.2). [f] Sin Sukchu SR kin (1:: ) ; MGZY gyin (1:: ) [kjin]; ONW kiin [,E] ST: Lushai khir?L < *khirh 'to tie I bind arms behind the back; carrying cords twisted around a load' , NNaga *C-khyin 'to tie'. Perh. also connected with WT 'khyil-ba 'to wind, twi st' . Prob. unrelated is the TB etymon WT 'gril-ba 'be twisted, wrapped around ' , WB khyaff 'bind, fasten ' •� khyaffB 'thread' (< *krin) (note also caffB 'bind, tie together'), JP kren33 'to tighten' (a rope). An allofam is perh. __, qian7 $.
j ln 2 � � j fn g 2-j fng �� ��
j i n 1 lli: (gjgnB) LH gtn8,
OCM *ggn? 'To be near, imminent' [Shi]. Karlgren ( 1 93 3 : 28) relates this word to --. j r1 2 §:� 'imminent' . [f] Sin Sukchu SR g i n (1:: $: ); MGZ kin (1:: $:) [gin]; ONW gin >� jin lli: (gjgnC) LH gtnc, OCM *ggns 'To come near to, approach, keep close to' [Shi]. [ � cim C 'transude, ooze through'. Tai : cim3 'to dip into, immerse' . This word is probably unrelated to the ones mentioned under __, chen 2 1Jt.
j i n 3 � (kjgmC) LH ktmC,
OCM
*krims ? - [f] ONW kim
'To prohibit' [Zuo].
315
j i n - j fn g [D ] Y-Guangzhou 33k8m A I [E ) ST: PTB *krim ( STC n o . 379): W T khrims 'rule, right, law' n 'khrims ' fear, terror, awe' (HST: 1 27), W B krim 8 'terrify' . In light of the WT cognates, -> Irn3 �'!':� 'shake, fear' is perh. also related (so Shf Xiangdong 2000: 1 1 7). Unclear remains the relationship, if any, with M K-Khmer /praam/ 'to prohibit , forbid ' .
j l n 4 m (dzjen8, tsjenB) LH dzinB,
OCM *dzin? 'To exhaust' > 'entirely, a l l ' [Shi]. (T] Sin Sukchu SR dzin ( __t�); MGZY tsin (__t) [dzin]; ONW dzin �� j i n (dzjenC) LH dzinc, OCM *dzins 'Ashes, combusted' [Shi] (Wang Li 1 982: 540). (T] Sin Sukchu SR zin (;t·); MGZY zin ("'JZ) [zin] [ qiii 1/ 2 Ji . [E] MK: Khmer /kral)/ (in toponyms:) 'steep knoll , bluff or crag overlooking a plain' < OKhmer ran /ra!J/ 'rise up, be stiff or strong ' . �� j fng JJ{ (kjBI) 8 ) L H ktal)8, OCM *kral)7 [f] ONW kel) 'Be great' [Shi]. n qfng � (gjBIJ) LH g f.al), OCM *gral) 'Whale' [Zuo] (Wang Li 1 982: 346).
�� ( kjgl)) LH ktl), OCM *bl) 'Be fearsome, terrible' (drought) [Shi] . � � j fng-j fn g , qing-qfng �� Jm (k/gjgl)) LH k!gtl), OCM *kgl), *ggl) 'Be cautious ' (approaching an abyss) [Shi]. This item looks like a vocalic variant of _, jfng7 J,t. �� j in �� (kjgn B) LH ktnB, OCM *bn? 'Be carefu l , attentive, observe carefully' [Shi]. Variations in final nasals n IJ have parallels ( §6.4. 1 -2), the fin al OC *-;,:)!)? does not occur (§3 .2.4).
J l OQ 2-j lng
-
j fng 3 Jfi} (kj BI) ) LH ktel), OCM * krel)
'Thorny shrub' [BI, Zuo], old name of the ancient state of Chu t2 'briar, shrub' [SW ] .
3 16
j fng - j 1ng [E] ? M K : Khmer jriiiJJiia /cregl)/ 'to bristle' > jajriilJliia /ccregl)/ 'to be all bristly' [Jenner I Pou 1 982: xxv] �f preiia /praael)/ 'bristles' (of pig, boar, etc.), 'bristle brush' . The C H initial k - could be a n alternate prefix, such as one forming nouns in Khmer.
j fng 4 #� (kiel)) LH kelJ, OCM *kelJ
'To pass through' [Zuo], 'flow through, communicate' [Zhuang] > 'to take as a norm, plan, practice' [BI, Shi] > 'a warp' (in weaving) ('what is being passed through '?) [Zuo] , but see next. [f] Sin Sukchu SR kil) (}jZ); MGZY gying (}jZ) [kj il)] ; MTang kiel) < ktl), ONW kelJ [E] ? ST: W B ;;J-khya1)8 'diameter' ( CVST 3 : 24), WT kyal) 'straight, slender' . W ang Li ( 1 982: 320) suggests that 'warp' is cognate to -> gang3 *llill 'guiding rope', however gang and jrng each belong to wfs with different semantic foci. �f j l n g #�1�� (kiel)C) LH kel)c, OCM *kel)h - [f] MTang kiel) < ktl), ONW kel) 'A warp' #� [Zuo] (the JY has this alternative tone C reading); 'small path, shortcut' [Lunyu], 'diameter' [Li] , 'go, travel' 1� [Zuo] . Karlgren suggests that 'gone far away' � [Zhuang] is the s. w., but it may instead belong to the wf -> jiong 2 11PJif'll 'far' . [ x l n g 3 , j l n g ij� j fng 6 -� (tsjiil), tsiel)) LH ts(i)el),
OCM *tsel), *tsel) 'Be luxuriant (vegetation)' [Shi] is perh. only a graphic variant of -> qfng 1 blue', in spite of the difference in pronunciation (Baxter 1 983).
� 'green,
j fng 7 J.t (kjBI)) LH ktel), OCM *krel)
'Be afraid, attentive' sv. [Shi] > caus. 'to scare, alarm ' [Shi ] . [f] Sin Sukchu SR kil) (}jZ); MGZY ging (}jZ) [kil)]; ONW kelJ [D] This i s the word for 'to fear' in southern dialects: PMin t� *kial) > Amoy kiaA 1, Fuzhou kiaiJA 1 'be afraid ' . 3f j l n g iij)C (kjBIJC) L H ktel)c, OCM *krei]h - [f] ONW kel) 'Be cautious, careful, respectful' sv. [Shi]; 'to warn, be careful about' [Shi]. [ OKhmer kreiia /kreel)/ 'be stiff or rigid with fear, to fear, afraid of' . Khmer -> Tai: S. kreeiJA J 'to fear' (alternative: Manomaivibool 1 975: 1 68). Loffler ( 1 966: 1 4 1 ) relates jihg to Mru riiJ 'respectful ' . A possible variant is -> j fng2 5\iJE.
j lng 1 ft (tsjii1]8) LH tsiel)8,
OCM *tsel)? 'A well ' [Zuo]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR tsil) (.I.); MGZY dzing (1:.) [tsiiJ] 3f j 1ng m (dzjii1]8) LH dziei]8, OCM *dzel)? 'Pitfall' $ [Shu], 'pit' m [Li] (Karlgren 1 956: 1 0). [E] This last word could be related to WT sdiiJS 'cavity, depression ' (HST: 1 1 8), whereas
317
j 1ng - j i ng )Tng 'well ' is pro b. cognate to WT rdziiJ 'a pond' . Therefore, the two CH words may be unrelated.
j lng 2 �_& (kjaiJB, gjaiJ) LH kieiJ8, g ieiJ, OCM *keiJ?, *geiJ 'Neck' [Zuo], unlike � ling �J[ also figuratively 'neck' of a vessel, jug, etc. [D] Y -Guangzhou 35keiJBI, Taishan sskia iJBI, but M and. b6zJ �#-T ' neck' . 3� j lng �u (kiei]8) LH kei]8, OCM *kei]? 'Cut the throat, cut off the head' [Zuo] (Karlgren 1 956: 1 6). 3� qian �J[ (khien, kan) LH khen - kan, OCM *khen - *kren
'Long-necked' [Zhouli] is prob. connected with this wf. The alternative connection with jian � [ken] *ken 'shoulder' seems semantically less likely. [.E] W ang Ll ( 1 982: 3 2 1 ) considers this wf cognate to � gang 1 1L 'neck' and the allofams there. PMY *kl a:IJA 'neck, throat' is prob. related to the l atter rather than to j[ng. Since there is no trace of an *r i n the OC initial , jJng i s prob. not related to � ling �� 'neck', but rather belongs to the ST root *ke to which also belongs � jie 1 2 �ST *ke(-C) 'concave' (of part of the body and the like): WT rke-ba 'lean ' 3� rked 'waist' (Beyer 1 992: 1 1 7), see � jie 1 2 � for more; JP ke?55 < kek55 'concave' (of the neck, a jug) ( STC no. 25 1 ), 'indentation, pit ' ; Chepang byk - kek 'neck' ; NN *C-geiJ ' waist' , SChin Khami (A wa) ken 'waist' , Chepang kei]?- and kii]h- 'be constricted, narrow-waisted' kii]?- 'be constricted, narrow' (waist). See Table J-2 for synopsis.
Table J-2 for jlng2 �_& *ke concave
II lean neck
*ket
*kek
WT rke-ba lean
JP ke755 < kek55
WT ske neck
Chepang kek neck
concave
xie Jl!l *khet, *get belt WT rked waist JP Jii]31 -kjit55 waist
waist
*keiJ
j ing 3 � (kjeiJ8) LH ktaiJ8,
jlng �Jj *keiJ? neck NNaga *C-gel) waist KC-Khami ken waist Chepang keiJ? narrowwai sted
*krai]? ? [f] ONW kei] 'Bright' [Zuo], 'measure by the shadow' [Shi]. The semantic association between 'light' and 'shadow' i s also found in the wf � yfng 1 � - A derivation is prob. � jing6 �l 'mirror ' . Syn. � Wmg % , � yfng 1 � -
OCM
•
•V
J l DQ
1liZ i!ir 4 § JIP _R
•
-
� J l DQ 7
11iZ -�
D 'finger' in Mln words: Taipei tshiuB-tsaiB -¥ 0 , tsaiJB-thauA2 or tsiiJB-thauA 2 D EJ[ 'finger' . Bauer (CAAAL 28, 1 987: 6 1 ) compares the element j!ng with zi:IJA2 'finger' in Li lgs. on Hainan.
ijJftf!fftJ
(dzjaiJ8) LH dzieiJ8, OCM *dzeiJ? [f] ONW dzieiJ 'Be quiet, tranquil, peaceful, to rest' ftf!f [Shi]; 'to stop, keep qiet' ijJ [Lti]. HST: 55 adds jing ijJ in the sense of 'pure' to this wf. [E] Perh. MK: OKhmer sin /si I]/ 'to stay in I at, abide, be still, contemplative . . . ' . Note also TB-JP sim 31 'quiet, peaceful', but the difference in finals remains unexplained.
'�
1'¥
jing 3
-
'.=E.
� qfng 2 iFJ �� � xing 3, j i n g �� 318
j iii
jlng � qiang 5EiB11 ( kjBI]8) LH ktal)B,
*kral)r 'Boundary, limit, border' [Zuo]; � [Meng) is an allofam of _.. jiang6 §1. * j l n g j% (kjmf) LH ktaJf, OCM *kral)h [T] ONW kel) 'Come to an end, entirely' [Shi]. OCM
-
jing6 �Jt (kjBI)C) LH ktai]C, 0CM *kraJ]h ?
'Mirror' [Dadai Liji]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR kil) C-*); MGZY ging [kil] ] ; ONW kel) [D] PMin *kial]c > Amoy kiaC1, FuzhOu kiaiJCI [E] Etymology not certain. Baxter (p. c.) derives jing from _.. mmg 'light' with the nominalizing k-prefix (§5.4); alternatively, the word may be cognate to _.. j1ng3 � 'bright'. Per h. the late word jlng is a re-etymologization of the nearly identical word _.. j ian 1 5 E£� (kamC) 'mirror'. j l n g 7 BfJ � j fng 7
j iong 1 :f:f6] � j iong 2 j iong 2 Y� i® (yiWei]8) LH y ueiJ8, OCM *We!]? 'Distant ' ¥r� [Shi], m [SW] (also read xiong; GY also has kiWCI]8 for * z heng-r6ng Ill¥ . (d�E:I]-jWBI), -YWE:IJ) LH d�E:l)-Y UE:l), 0CM *dzrel)-Wrel) ? 'High, distant' [Chuci].
* j io ng :f:[ij] (kiweiJ) LH kuel), OCB *kwel)
'Outlying parts, far from the capital' [Shi]. [ WB we8 'far', PL *we2 ' be far, dul l ' ; possibly also Kanauri rwi 'hig h ' . The relationship with _.. jiong3 'I'* and _.. yong 1 if any, i s not clear.
j iong 3 'I'* (kjWBIJ8) LH kyal)8,
OCM *kwal)? or *kwral)? ? 'Be far away' [Shi]. The relationship with similar items _.. j iong 2 Y�i® and _.. yuan 1 3i is not c lear. Sagart ( 1 999: 1 04) derives jiong from _, yong 1 7.J< 'be long, distant' . A derivation m ay be -+ kuang �I. although the M C vowels d o not agree.
j iong 4
(gjuen8 3) LH g uin ?, OCM *grun < PCH *-ul), OCB *grjun? ( ?) 'Be distressed, bothered' [Shi]. This word looks like a variant of _.. qi6ng 1 J� (gjwol)) LH gtol) 'be distressed' . Otherwise, this word may belong to -+ hiln 1 �.EM'f.
j io ng 5 !fY{ � yfng3 � j iii 1 � (kj;�mC) LH kuc, OCM *kuh, OCB *k(r)jus
[T] MTang keu < kiu, ONW ku 'To search into, investigate' [Shi]. u j i u fJ (kj;auC) LH kuc, OCM *kuh, OCB *k(r)jus 'To save, help, relive' [Shi]; i n this word tone C *-h appears to be the common 319
j iu - j iii derivative suffix which forms exopassives ( < 'having been successfully searched for' ?), but the final *-h in jiu % above cannot have the same function. [E] This word i s shared with PLB *N-gu 1 : WB ku 'help', Lahu gu 'prepare, practice' . 3� qiu :>j( (gjgu) L H g u , OCM *gu, OCB *grju 'To seek for, ask for' [Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR giw ("'fZ); MGZY kiw ("'fZ) [giw] ; MTang geu < giu, ONW gu [E] PTai *gwaC 2 'to search for' . The Tai form points to OC *gwg. The phonetic elements in the above words c fL:>j() may be ambiguous, they both could write words of the OC type *ku and *kwg. Carr (Language Studies [Otaru Univ.] 1 993.3: 34) also relates kao � (khau8) LH khou? *khfi? 'to examine' [Shi ] to jiu above.
j il1 2 � (kjgu) LH ku, OCM *ku, OCB *k(r)ju
- [f] MTang keu < kiu, ONW ku 'Pigeon, dove' [Shi] is today's meaning, but what bird it referred to in ancient texts is not certain. [D] For taboo considerations, some southern dialects have an aspirated initial (A. Yue Hashimoto, p. c.): Y -Gui'mgzhou and Hongkong krwA 1 - khuuA 1, F6shan, Nanhai et al. kh-; also M-X iamen kiu A I - khiuAI. [E] ST: Because of *ku 's onomatopoetic nature there are variant forms in ST, some with medial -r-, some without: PTB *kuw (STC no. 495) 'dove ' > M iri p;;,kii, Meithei khu-nu, 'pigeon ' (STC: 1 85; HST p. 1 1 8); PTB *m-krgw: PLB *N-kru w2 > WB khui khyui - khrui, Kuki *m-khru > Khami il) m;;,khru. The Tai word looks like a loan from a Yue dialect, yet PTai also had a medial *-r-: S. khau A 1 < *khr-, *hr- 'dove' .
• •
j lU 3
f� nb
• • v
4 JlU 3
�[ [ w'1
j iii 1 fL (kjgu8) LH ku8,
*ku? ( kwg? ?), OCB *k(w)ju? 'Nine' [BI , Shi]. The graph was apparently invented for a word 'to bend' --? ju6 �lj'im ; in W T the words for 'nine' and 'to bend' are also homophones (dgu). [f] Sin Sukchu SR kiw (1:.); MGZY giw (1:.) [kiw] ; MTang keu < kiu, ONW ku [D] PEM!n *bu8 1 : M-Xiamen, Fuzhou kau 8; PWM!n *kiu8 1 ; Y-Guangzhou 35kuuB1 [E] ST: PTB *s-kwa (HPTB: 24) *d-bw (HPTB: 1 40): Lushai kuaR < kua? ( < *?, not *-h < *-s) (k:JL) [STC no. 13] (for the rime see § 1 0.2.3). Tamang 2ku: 'nine', WT dgu; PLB *guw 2 [Matisoff], PL *go 2 [Bradley] ; WB kui8; Garo sku. PTai *kiguCI: S. kauC1 'nine' looks like a Cantonese loan. OCM
�
�
j iii 2 !A. (kjguB) LH kuB,
OCM *ku? or *kwg? ?, OCB *kwjg? 'Long time, long time ago' [Shi] > 'wait' [Zuo]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR kiw (1:.); MGZY giw (1:.) [kiw]. [D] M -Xiamen ku8; Y-Guangzhou 35kuuBJ [E] M K : Wa-Lawa-Bulang *-[1)]-ko?, it may be a CH loan.
j iii 3 fo.il-j (kjieu8 4) LH kiu8,
OCM *kiu?, OCB *k(r)jiw? 'To twist, plait' [Shi], 'unite' [Zuo]. 3� j iu � (kjieu 4) LH kiu, OCM *kiu, OCB *k(r)jiw 'To twist' � [Li], f� [Yili], 'down-curving (branch)' [Shi]. [D] Sag art ( 1 999: 1 05) connects jiii to a X fnzhou fiJ:1'['[ (fin) dialect word b?-Ji:J 'awkward (of a person 's behavior), curved' . [E] KT: The outside connections suggest a n original *klju: PTai *kJiguAI ( ?) : S . kliauAl 'to wind around, twist a string ' , Saek tleeuC1; note however PTai *kiguCI : S. kiauCl 'to wind around, twist' .
320
j iu - j i u This wf i s perh . ultimately ST: TB-WT gcud I Jcud-pa, gcus I leus, gcu I Jcu ( < *hlju?) 'to twist, twine, plait, braid' �f gcus 'screw' , WB khyu 'twist off (fruit) with pole' , Lushai kiiuL 'elbow' [Weidert 1 975: 8]. Many variants are found under GSR 1 064 and 1 069. Baxter ( 1 992: 5 1 3) adds __, miu 1 � 'to lie' to this group. Allofams are __, qiu7, jiii !!!4 ���*' and perh. __, jiao3 #',1.
j ili 4 .3£ (kj;�m8)
LH ku8, OCM *ku? [D] PMin *kiu8 > Xiamen ku8 'Leek' [Shi]. Unger (Hao-ku 36, 1 990: 48) relates jiu to WT sko(-tse) 'wild onion' . -
j ili 5 1@ (tsj;m8)
L H tsiu8, OCM *tsju(?) [D] PMin *tsiu8 > X iamen, Fuzhou tsiu8 'Wine' @ [OB, Bl], 1@ [Shi ]. The word was also read in tone A in Sh1)ihg (Mattos 1 97 1 : 309). [f] Sin Sukehu SR tsiw Cl::. ); MGZY dziw (_!::. ) [tsiw] ; MTang tseu < tsiu, ONW tsu [N] The MC tsj- j- alternation in 1@ � @ ( GSR 1 096) has parallels and points to an original OC root initial *j- (not *1-) in such series (see §9.2). Curiously, in its sense of 'cyclical character' , you's @ Tai counterparts (Tai rau) and Han dynasty parono mastic glosses indicate an OC *r- initial. This has led to the identification of (you I) jiu 'wine' with PTB *ru 'wine' . However, the latter belongs to __, lao3 � *ru 'wine ' . I.E] S T *ju : PTB *yu(w) 'wine' (STC no. 94), BG-Tiwa eh() 'rice beer' . �f q i u g§ (dzj�u) L H dziu, OCM *dzju 'Wine-master' [Li] , 'old wine' [Zhouli, SW] (Karlgren 1 956: 1 1 ). This is a tone A nominalization derived from jiu (§3 . 1 ). -
�
j i u 1 8 (gj;m8)
LH gu8, 0CM *gu? 'Mortar' [Yi]. [D] PMin *gh- > Xi amen khuC2, Fuzhou khouC2. In some M In dialects the word for 'mortar' i s the Mand. equivalent jiu-kil 8 mf where kil means 'depression' , then kil is reinterpreted as 'mortar' and jiu acquires the meaning 'pestle' (Branner 2000: 1 09). I.E] The several synonyms in the area are difficult to reconcile: PTai *grok. M K: PVM *t-ko:l? > Vie t. e6f 'rice mortar' [Fer! us], PMonic *kn?wl 'small mortar' , Bahnar t;Jk(h)o:k 'mortar' . Closest t o OC are Bahnar or PVM (for loss o f coda i n OC, see §6.9), but the common Bahnaric word for 'mortar' is different: PSBahn. *!�pal � *n�pal, PNBahn. *apal, also W a-Lawa-Bulang *(m)pal .
j i u 2 � (gj�u8)
L H gu8, OCM *gu? 'Maternal uncle' [Shi ]; 'mother's brother, husband's or wife ' s father' . [D ] PM i n *giu8 > X iamen kuc2, Fu 'an kauC2 I.El ST: PTB *kuw > WT ?a-khu khu-bo 'paternal uncle, husband' ; WB kui 'honorific affix; brother' ( HST: 1 54), JP g;J31-gu31 'uncle ' . STC ( 1 58 n. 428) relates the TB root to __, kiin 1 � 'elder brother' . This word may be derived from __, jiu3 If 'old' (so Sagart 1 999: 1 65f). �
j i u 3 If (gj�uC)
LH guc, OCM *gw�?, OCB *gwjt?(s) 'Old (not new), ancient ' [Shi]. The OC rime and tone are revealed by Sh1)ihg rimes. [f] MTang geu < giu, ONW gu [D] PMin *giuC I.El This word i s pro b. shared with PTai *bu8 'old, ancien t ' . -
jiu4 If (gj�uC)
guC, 0CM *guh 'An owl-like bird ' , the same as xiu {t� below' [SW] , is considered related to __, xiao3 � in HST: 1 1 5 . lE] ST: PTB *ku � *gu > WB khu, Lisu gu; Kachin u-khu; M ikir ii]khu (STC: 1 85). LH
321
j iu - j u 3�
Xifi {t� (Xj;;Ju) LH hu,
OCM *hu 'Owl ' [Zhuang]. Because of the onomatopoetic nature of these words, exact phonological correspondences cannot be expected.
j i u 5 f!z � j iu 1 % j iu6 ffjt � z a o 2 � (tsh§.uC) jfi 1 $. � c he $. jfi 2 m (kjwo) LH kta(C), OCM *kaA, *ka?, *kah
'To dwell, settlement, tranquil, comfortable' [Shi], 'sit down ' [Lun]. Shi]Tng rimes indicate an early form *ka?; l ater *kaA and *kah are equally common (Mattos 1 97 1 : 309). This may be an OC phonological variant of --> chu3 13f!1. [f] Sin Sukchu SR ky ('f); MGZY gyu ('f) [ky] ; MTang ky < k!ll , ONW k!ll < kio (?) [D] Y-Guimgzhou 55kceyA 1, Taishan kui33; M-Amoy 44kuA I 3� j u ]E,@ (kjwoC) L H ktac, OCM *kah, OCB *k(r)jas 'To squat' JE,@ [Zuo] ; 'abode, dwelling , position' m [Shi] (Baxter 1 992: 3 1 2). [ 'to provide, arrange' Zuo] > 'an implement, utensil ' [BI , Zuo].
jfi 6 {� (kju) LH
-
jfi 7 ,'¥i} (kju) LH kto, OCM *ko [f] ONW kuo 'Colt, young horse' [BI , Shi]. [E] lii is the same etymon as --> gou Jt] 'puppy dog ' ace. t o Wang U ( 1 982: 1 82); however, gou which comes from a non-ST language, is not a homophone of jii. It is more likely that jii i s cognate to PTB *ku(r) or *kor 'horse' (HPTB: 385), in Monpa kur-ta < ku-rta 'horse' (rta qu4 .�[;Th *kho 'to drive' (a horse), 'gallop ' . ju 8 fr:IJ � gou 1 {i] ��;tt; � -
ju 9 t1:iJ � j u6 t� j u 1 mJ � qu 1 ff±!
322
j u - ju j u2 JVijJ j u 3 f�
j u 4 tftli j u 5 ¥B
qu 1 BE (kjuet) LH
�
kuit, OCM *kwit, OCB *kwjit [f] ONW kuit 'Orange' (fruit) [Shu] . LE] M K-Khmer kwic 'tangerine' . Less l ikely connections are M K : Khmer 'citrus fruit', P-Hre-Sedang kruc (Bodman 1 980: 96) -> WB hrok 'citru s ' . � ku 4
-
kroc
tftli
(kjuk) LH kuk, OCM *kuk 'To nourish, suckle' (a child) [Shi ] . T h i s i s prob. a vocalic variant o f the w f -7 gu 1 4 chll4, xil tf) for parallel stems.
J9: 'suckle ' , see Table C-2 (under -7
ju6 ¥B¥�
(kjuk) LH kuk, OCM *kuk 'To bow, bend ' (the body) ¥� [Lun], 'concave side of river bend ' ¥� [Shi ] . LE] S T *kuk: PTB *kuk *guk > W T 'gug(s)-pa, bkug, dgug 'to bend ' >< dgu i d . , Bahing kuk- 'to bend ' t r . >< guk- 'to bend ' intr. , PLB *gok 'crooked, bent; return, g o back', W B kok 'crooked, not upright' >< ;;�-kok 'a crook' (Matisoff TSR n o . 2; STC: 77, 1 25, 1 59; HST: 4 1 -42); Kuki-Naga *m-ku:k 'knee ' (STC: 1 20). The Chinese items could also be cognate to WT 'khyog-po khyog-po 'crooked, bent' >< gyog-pa 'curved, crooked' (so Bodman 1 980: 1 6 1 ). Prob. related to -7 gou 1 {i:J ��f'r!J�. A variant with oc rime *-ok is -7 qi1 1 BE. Another wf with oc *o � *u variation is -7 ru4 'li¥ff �oo. �
�
ju7 ¥B ju
1
'exhausted ' �
O.fl.
qi6ng2 f;3
(dzjwo8) LH dzia8, OCM *dza? 'To chew' [Guan]. LEl Area word: ST *dza? > PTB *dza? > Garo cha? 'eat ' , Chepang je?-sa 'eat ' , WT za-ba, zos I bzas 'to eat' ( STC p. 28) >< zas 'food ' ; PL *dza 2 'to eat ' >< dza 1 'food', WB ca B 'to eat, corrode, wear out' >< ea, ;;�-ea 'food ' . Kuki-Naga: *dza(k) 'eat' (STC p. 1 0 1 n. 289). PMK *cya? (Shorto 1 972): Mon ea 'eat ' , OKhmer cya /cii'd/ 'to eat ' , PSBahn. *sa: 'eat' . >< z uo �'F ( dzak) L H dzak, OCM *dzak 'To eat, eat together' , is a H an period Chu dial. word [SW; FY 1 , 3 1 ] which suggests a foreig n origin. Occasionally CH words have a final -k for a TB open syllable ( §6. 1 ). >< c ii n 2 � (tshan) LH tshan, OCM *tshan 'To eat' [BI , Shi ] , 'food ' [Guoce], 'meal' [Zhuang]. LT1 Sin Sukchu SR ts'an (-'f); MGZY tshan (-'f) [ts'an] [ WT bzan 'food ' , gzan-pa 'to eat' (STC: 1 59 n. 428). A lternatively, can could be cognate to WT 'tshaJ-ba ( < N-tsal) 'to eat ' >< tshaJ-ma 'breakfast' (so Unger Hao-ku 35, 1 986: 30; HST: 69). Since MC tsh- = WT gs( §5.9. 1 ), the first possibil ity seems preferable (WT aspiration as in tshaJ is non phonem ic). >< c a n � (tshanC) LH tshanc, OCM *tshans 'Food' [Shi]. [ jue 1 2 tl OC *kwak, although the rimes do not agree. [f] Sin Sukchu SR ky (:t;); MGZY gyu (:t;) [ky] ; MTang ky < k0, ONW k0 < kio (?) �� j u t5 (kjwo) LH kta , OCM *ka in jie-ju tat$ (kU)iet-kjwo) *kit-ka 'To grasp' (a plant) [Sh i ] . �� Perh. j u t'riJ (kju) LH kto, OCM *ko - [f] ONW kuo 'To grasp, seize' (people, horses) [BI, Shi] . The vowels differ, though ( § 1 1 . 1 .5).
j il 7 �
(dzjuC) LH dzioC, OCM *dzoh, OCB *dzjos 'To collect, store' [Zuo]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR dzy (__t:t;); MGZY tsyu (__t:t;) [dzy] ; MTang dzy, ONW dzuo [E] ST *tso: WB cue 'to collect, gather together', WT 'tshogs-pa 'to assemble, gather, meet ' . Downer ( 1 959: 275) determined the MC reading dzju8 for the verb, tone C dzjuC for the nouns 'collection, stores; masses, group' [Zuo] which is an exopass. derivation (§4.4). Bodman (BIHP 39, 1 969: 340) adds this word to zu "¥'- (under --> zao 2 31:). �� z u 1i!J( ( dzuk) LH dzok, OCM *dz6k 'Cl an, clansmen ' [BI, Shi ] , a m inimal segment of a l ineage --> zong 1 * (Chang K. C. 1 976: 70) (W ang Li 1 982: 1 97; C VST 4: 32). Affi l i ation with ju i s l i kely i n l ight of etymological parallels in WT (see below) and zu "¥'- 'group' ( --> zao2 31:). �� z ul � (tsuaiC) LH tsuas, OCM *ts6ts, OCB *tsots 'Collect, accumulate, highest degree' [Gongyang, Guoce] (Baxter 1 992: 239). Yu M1n ( 1 948: 43) relates zul to --> jf 1 3 � li!Jl 'collect'. [f] MTang tsuai, ONW tsuaC �� c6ng2 � (dZUI)) LH dzol), OCM *dz6I] 'To collect' [Shu], 'thicket ' [Meng] (Wang Li 1 982: 1 97). Ace. to Benedict ( 1 976: 1 78)
325
j ua n - j ue and Bodrnan (BIHP but see §5. 7.
39, 1 969: 334), this is an s-prefix derivation of --> tong 1
'join',
3� zong :ff (tSUI]) LH
tSOI), 0CM *tSOI] 'Sheaf, bundle' [Guoyu] , 'numerous' [Zhuang] . [EJ ST: WT 'dzog-pa, btsogs 'to heap together, m i x u p together' * 'tshogs-pa, tshogs 'to assemble, meet' 3� tshogs 'assemblage, crowd' >< sogs-pa < OTib. stsogs-pa, bstsogs 'to accumulate, gather together' (HST: 1 08).
j ua n fiiP.j � z u a n j ua n 1 ::ff t� (kjwanB 3 ) L H
kyan8, OCM *kron?, OCB *krjon? 'To roll , roll over, turn over' :'ff [Sh i ] ; 'to scro l l ' t�. [fJ Sin Sukchu SR kyen (.1:: ) ; MGZY gyon Cl:: ) [ky�m] [EJ ST: Lushai hruaJH 'roll up in the hand, twist'. Prob. an allofarn of _, quan 3 ::ff � . but see there. The Tai word is prob. a CH loan : Wurning klianCI 'roll, scroll ' (Bodrnan 1 980: 1 08), Mun gluanC2 'rol l up' (Haudricourt 1 950: 563).
j ua n 2 � � j u a n ! m j ua n 1 m (dzjwan8) LH
dzyan B, OCM *dzon? 'Fat ' (of bird meat) [LUsh i ] . �� j u a n � (tsj wanB) LH tsyan8, OCM *tson? 'Fat ' (of bird) [Chuci], l ater 'fat and rich broth ' . [E] Perh. S T , a nomi n al n-suffix form related to W B chu 'be fat, obese ' < PT B *tsow no. 277). This stern m ay be related to _, ' fat ' .
(STC
j uan2
�� jue 1
(gjwanC 3 ) L H gyanC, OCM *gwans o r *g(i)ons 'Tired' [Lunyu]. rrJ Sin Sukchu SR gyen MGZY kwyan (�) [gyen] [E] Bodman ( 1 980: 1 50; also HST: 1 5 1 ) compares the CH word to WT kyor-kyor 'feeble, weak' 3� k1'yor-ba - 'khyor-ba 'to reel, stagger, walk a s i f weak ' . CVST (5: connects the next word with Lushai khoJ?L 'troublesome, tiresome, harsh ' : guan ( kuanB) LH kuan 8 , OCM *kwan? or *ken? ? 'Be exhausted' [Sh i ] . (kiwet) LH kuet, OCM * kwet 'To cut off' [Zuo] , 'bite off' [Meng] , 'decide' ¥-:k: [Guoce] > 'farewell word s ' Thi s may be the same word as jue2 ¥�. An allofarn is --> que [fJ Sin Sukchu SR kye ( A); MGZY g wya ( A ) [kye] ; ONW kuet
1 7)
[Lie].
j u e 2 Y�
(kiwet) LH kuet, OCM *kwet 'To open ' [Zhoul i ] > 'open a passage' [Shu]. This may be the same word as --> jue 1 �� guai � (kwaiC) LH kuas, OCM *kwrats (or rather *kwrets ?) 'To divide, m ake a breach ' [Yi ] . [ que � 'break, splinter ' .
j ue 3-tf .� �Jj!
(kiwet-diei) L H kuet-dei 'A superior type of horse of the northern barbarians' [Xu Guang, Shij i ; m i sidentified in SW] (Pulleyblank 1 962: 245). The word ' s source is unknown , yet it shows some similarity with I E-Tocharian B yakwe 'horse' ( < PIE *ekuos) (Pokomy 30 1 ).
326
j ue j ue 4 §�
(kiwet [GY ] , y i wet [JY]) LH kuet, guet, OCM *kwet, *gwet 'To wink with eyes' [GY, Liushugu ;\.ilJO. [E] A A : Central Sakai ga wet, giwet, Khasi khawoit 'beckon with hand ' . See --> huf4 for possible variants; additional syn. --> xue2 � -
j u e 5 :fR: � mei 8 :fR: j ue 6 }9fX (kj wBt) LH
kyat, OCM *kot [T] ONW kuat 'Stone' [Xun] ace. to commentaries; prob. related to Tai: S. in a tree' (Manomaivibool 1 975: 236).
�
-
khotD2 < g- 'a stone lodged
j ue 7 J9fX
(kj wBt) LH kyat, OCM *kot ? Third person pronoun 'he, she, it, they, his, her. . . ' [BI , Shi, Shu] , occasionally it also serves as possessive for the first and second persons in classical Chinese (Takashima JAOS 1 1 9.3, 1 999: 404-43 1 ). Bodman (JAOS 68, 1 948: 52-60; 1 980: 1 6 1 ) relates this word to WT khyod 'you ' .
j ue 8 �
(kj wBt) L H kyat, OCM *kwat o r *kot [D ] PM in *�iot 'bracken ' 'Fern ' (edible, Pteridium aquilinum) [Shi]. [E] ST: WT skyas-ma, skyes-ma 'fern ' (Unger Hao-ku 39, 1 992). I t also occurs in PTai *kugt > *kuut0 1 'kind of edible fern ' (Diplazium esculentum). -
j ue 9 JK !ifJ:J
(gjwBt) LH gyat, OCM *got 'To excavate' lifJ:J [Zuo] > 'pull up, dig out' JK [Yi Zhoushu]. [E] ST: *r-ko-t (STC no. 420) > WT rkod-pa 'excavate, dig' 3� 63); JP got31 'dig ' . This item may be related to --> ku4 :I:JI±j m£.
rko-ba 'to dig' (HST:
j ue 1 0 • yu 11% � xuan 1 1! j ue 1 1 Jl: (kak) LH bk, OCM
*kruk 'To wake up' intr. [Sh i ] , 'get insight' [Lunyu], 'grateful' [Zuo] . LTI ONW kak 3� j i a o Jl: (kauc) LH buc, OCM *krukh 'To wake up' intr. [Zuo: Cheng 1 0, 5 ] is supposedly the reading of this graph in the sense of ' wake up' intr. in Shl}ihg, Zuozhuim, and elsewhere, but the Shi]Tng rime requires OCM *-k, not *-kh (Baxter 1 992: 6 1 1 ), wh ich would agree with the i ntr. use. The tone C reading may therefore be a later innovation. [E] ST: PTB *grok *krok (STC no. 473): WT dkrog-pa = skrog-pa 'to stir, churn, rouse, scare ' ; PLB *krok 'be afrai d ' > WB krok �� PLB *?krok > WB khrok 'frighten ' . But these TB i tems m ay belong to --> j iao 1 2 1J: instead. HST: 1 27 combines the latter with this wf. [C] Possible additional allofam : --> l u 1 2 :JJ.I . �
j ue 12 tf
(kjwak) LH kyak, OCM *kwak 'To seize' [Li] , m ay be related to --> hue\ fl, or alternatively to --> ju6 although the rimes do not agree. [E] ST : WT 'gog-pa, bkog 'snatch, seize, take away' (HST p. 1 30).
j ue 13 !I 'll � j u 5 '11 j ue 14 �� � j iao 17 ft� j ue 15 W � j i li o Ofi Mt: 1E J ue 16 ,f/16 rm fm � J t a o 6 " " •
,
• . _
j u e 17 tX: � j ia o 5 ftl
327
t� OC *kah
j ue - j ii n J ue 1 8
JM � kii 4 fftH Jm
j u n 1 J:)] �Sj
(kj iuen 4) LH kwin, OCM *kwin 'Be well balanced, equal, alike' ):)] [Shi] > 'weight of 30 j i n ' �S] [BI, Meng], 'soldiers ' uniform ' :f)] [Lii ] . [ WB khyin 'weigh, plumb, level , a bal ance' , Lushai ki:n [HPTB: 277]. Perh. jfn JT (kjgn) LH ktn 'a weight' [Han period and later] is a popular variant.
j ii n 2 �S]
(kj iuen 4) LH kwin, OCM *kwin 'Potter's wheel ' [Zhuang]. [ 'ten day cycle, ten (days)' [OB, Shu] , e.g. xun you wu ri B] 1§ 1i B (ten I and I five I days) ' . . . (after) 1 5 days . . . ' [Zuo: Wen 1 6, 6]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR zyn (:>f); MGZY zyun ('f) [zyn] [ 'year' (Mati soff D. ofLahu: 3 1 0). For synonym s, see under -> huf @] . �� xun 1'fil�113) (zjuenC) L H zuinc, OCM *s-wins 'Go everywhere, publi sh throughout' 1® [Zuo]; 'devote oneself, wholly given up to' [Zhuang] > 'accompany in death ' � [Zuo], 1® [QY ] . [E] T h i s w f could equally well belong t o either S T *wir ( -. yun 5 � ) or P A A *wi l , t h e two m ay have converged in China. PAA *wil seems on balance more l i kely g i ven the field of meani ng in OC and AA (incl. 'go everywhere, roam, patro l ' ), and the prehistoric L6ng shan culture origin of the pottery wheel in eastern China (AA ?). AA-Khmer ! vi ll 'to turn, revolve, rotate' �� lkravill 'ring, c i rc le, loop ' �� kra vela lkrawaaell 'to revolve, go around, go to and fro, roam , patrol, explore' �� chvela lcwaael! 'to turn , spin, go back and forth, come and go ' ; Santali gt:rwd 'ring ' . This root **wi l is prob. connected with -. wei5 jjJ *we I . Jiin may possibly be the same word as -> jun 1 J:)]�S] 'well balanced ' . For a n overview of synonyms, see under -> huf @] .
j ii n 3 B
(kjugn) L H kun, OCM *kun 'Ruler, lord, lady' [BI, Shi] > 'treat someone like a lord ' tr. , 'function as ruler' intr. [Shi] ; jiin-zf BT ' son of a ruler, gentleman' (A. Waley). [f] Sin Sukchu SR kyn (:>f); MGZY gyun ('f) [kyn] ; ONW ku n [E] Etymology n o t certain. Perh. related t o MK: M o n kmin, kmun lkm0nl 'to exercise royal power, be king, reign ' . Mei Tsu-Lin suggest an alternative etymology, see -. ymin 1 )C. Baxter I Sag art ( 1 998: 4 7) suggest that jiin is a derivation by k-prefix from -> yln 1 jf LH win8 'straight, administer', but the rimes do not agree.
jiin 4 1'1[
(kjugn) LH kun , OCM *kun [f] ONW kun 'Troops, army' [Shi ] > 'encampment' [Zuo] . [E] Etymology not clear. Perh. ST: WT g-yul 'army, battle' (Unger Hao-ku 35, 1 986, 30); since jiin is in a *w-initial phonetic series, k- may be the nominalizing prefix ( §5 .4), note also the prefix g- in WT g-yul; regarding WT y- for CH and foreign *w-, see § 1 2.9. Alternatively, jiin could be a derivation from -> yun 2 �- 'be on the move ' ; or be related to -. qun fi�. -
328
j un j u n 1 f.tl) ( gju::m) LH
gun, OCM *gun 'District' [Zuo]. LEJ Perh. ST: WT k"ul 'district, province' (Gong 1 995).
j un 2 �i jun3
--+
qii n �
( sjuenC) LH suinc, OCM *suns 'Be deep' > 'profound, wise' [Shi] > caus. 'to deepen' 'dig out' 1� [Men g ] . Etymology not clear.
329
[Shu] > 'to ladle out' [Zuo],
K ka u
4
llfr
4
kiii 00 11J
ke4 n� ke4 o�
(kh�i ) LH k�i . OCM *kh�i 'To open the way, open access to, set free ' [Sh i , Shu], (also read M C k"?iB) [Guan] . replaced 4 q16 !& 'to open' because this was the Han emperor ling ' s personal n ame ( 1 57-1 50 BC). Kai could be a col . variant of qf !IJ (§9. 1 . 1 ). [f] Sin Sukchu SR k'aj (-'¥); MGZY khay [k'aj ] ; ONW khai .
[E] M Y : Yao khai1 (< *kh-) 'to open' tr. �� gaP (< *I]kh-) ' to open ' intr. : 'be happy, t o blossom ' ; these are early Chinese loans ace. t o Downer ( 1 973 : 1 4- 1 6; Sagart 1 999: 75). Tai: S. k"aiA1 'to open ' . [C] The M Y w f implies that kAi (kh�i 8) *kh::Ji? 'joyous, happy' [Shi], 'pleasant ' .WL [Sh i ] i s a cognate ( < 'opened up emotionally').
Ui kai 1 �J:
4
ke 1
kai2 '[� 4 ql 8 kiin 1 f!J 4 k i n 2 fiX kiin 2 (kh�m) LH
kh�m, OCM *kh�m, OCB *khum 'To endure, equal to' [Sh i ] . PR k'an ; MGZY kham [f] Sin Sukchu SR k'am [k' a m ] [D] M-Xiamen k"a m A I [E] S T *bm : W B k"afn A 'receive, endure' >f ;;l-k"am B 'suitable appendage' ; Mru k"am 'to bear, sustain' (Burmese loan?), JP k11am31 'endure'. Kan2 i s unrelated to the homophone 4 kan4 i!t. This word is prob. a ST level derivation from 4 ban 1 �@;" 8ll)c 'to store' [E] Tai : S. khaiJA I < *khJ- 'hold water, confine' (Manomaivibool CAAAL 6, 1 976: 1 5). kao 1 'examine' � j iu 1 ka o 2
'beat' --> ko u 1
kli o 3 �J�
}D PP
(khau8) LH k11au8, 0CM *khau? 'Dried fish ' [Zhouli], 'dried food ' • [Li] ; 'dried' (tree etc. )
332
f� [Li] .
kao
ke
3� kao
(khauC) LH khouc, OCM *khauh 'Give food as recompense to soldiers' (< 'give dried provision s ' ?) [Zuo]. � g a o � (kauB) LH kauB , OCM *kau? 'Straw ' f� [Zuo] ; 'dry straw' (in mats) '!I [Xun]. [D] PM in *g::>BI 'rice straw' .
k8.o t� ke 1 fU}
kao 3 (ka) LH
....
koi , OCM *kai - [f] ONW ko 'Ax handle' [Shi]. = ge MiiJ 'Mooring post for a boat' . 3� ke (kha[BfC]) L H k11oi , OCM *kha i - [f] ONW kho 'A pair of wheels upon an axle tree' [SW]. lE] This stem refers to a strong wooden post or such to secure something, and i s therefore perh. related to --> gan 1 l]9>: 'stem, support' , but di stinct from --> gan4 ¥ 'pol e ' .
ke 2, ke , ke '11] .... ke 1 frlJ ke 3 14 (khua) LH khuoi , OCM
*khwai < **k-wai ? 'Class, degree' [Lunyu] lE] Perhaps a k-prefix noun derived from --> he 2 things which harmonize'.
ke 4 14
'cavi ty'
....
10 'harmonious' (§5 .4), hence lit. 'the
wa 2 �
ke 1 AA:� (-) LH kh:::lk [D] Mand. 'to cough' ; M-Amoy lit. khekD1, 'sound of cough i ng ' . � kai �X (k11�ic [GYl ) L H k11:::lc , OCM *khg(k)h 'To cough'
AA: [Li] , �X [Zuo], Mand. 'asthma and coughing ' .
lE] These sound-symboli c items are derivable from an OC stem *khgk. CH aspiration i s
associated w i t h forceful outward motion (§5.8.5). Area word. Because O C *a a n d *:::l both correspond to foreign /a/, i t i s impossible t o sort out which CH form, AA:� or --> ke4 ut. is the direct cognate of the foreign words : PTB *ka:k (STC no. 323) (or rather *kha:k ?) > M ikir tsiiJ khak 'cough up, phlegm ', Lushai khaakH 'eject forcibly from the throat' � k11aai! 'phlegm ' , WT k11ogs 'cough', WB hak 'to hawk, raise phleg m ' ; Sgaw Karen k;;,ha? 'phlegm ' . Tai : S. k11a akD1 'to spit out' , Sack khaak6 'cough up phleg m ' . In some lgs. l ike Karen and WB, the initial is analyzed as a cluster k + h-, a s in AA (see under --> ke4 ut).
ke 2 �
(khak) LH kh;,k, OCM *khrok 'Shell ' [Hou Hanshu}, 'hollow' [Lie], i.e. 'husk ' , 'shell' of egg, mussel , turtle. [D] M-Xiamen l i t. khokDl, col . khakD1, Y-GuangzhOu 33h;ykD. In some modern dialects ke is the second syll able in the word for 'head' --> t6u 3 �. lE] In sound and meaning, this item partially overlaps with --> gu 1 2 , zhu6 *kfik 'husk' . It makes the i mpression of being derived from --> j iao5 fEi *krok 'horn ' by aspiration which characterizes hollow objects (§5.8.6).
he 1 fPJ{\ij ke 2 $ (khat) LH k11at, OCM
ke 1
....
*khat , OCB *khat 'Be thirsty' [Shi]; 'thirst for' ��X [GuoyuJ. Ace. to commentators, 'to long for' [Zuo] should be read in tone C LH khas ( Do\\'!ler 1 959: 2 84) . (incl. lE] For related a n d simil ar i tems, see --> g u 1 (incl. Table G- l ) and --> j Hin 2 Table J- l ). Shared with PMY *nqhat [Downer].
333
ke - keng ke1 5J!
(k11gk) LH k11gk, OCM *kh;)k, OCB *khgk 'Be capable, predominate, conquer, vanquish, able, can , be willing' [BI, Shi]. C H aspiration i s associated with forceful motion § 5 . 8 . 5 as well as auxiliary verbs §5.8.4. LEJ There are no compelling etymological connections; it is adduced here to show its sem antic field which is paralleled in the wf --> kan 2 r!.
ke2 �lj
ke3
(k11gk) LH k11gk, OCM *kh;)k 'To cut, injure' [Shu], 'engrave' [Zuo] > ' intense' [Guoce]. CH aspiration is associated with forceful m otion §5 .8.5. - Etymology not clear. h LT] Sin Sukchu SR k'gj (/\.); MGZY kh iy Cl\.) [k'gj ] ; ONW k11gk 1J; (k11Bk) LH k11ak, OCM *khrak, OCB *khrak 'Guest, visitor, stranger' [Shi], 'opponent, enemy' [Sunzi]. LT] Sin Sukchu SR k'gj ( A), LR k'gj?; MGZY khyay (A) [k'jaj ] LE] Prob. ST: WT dgra 'enemy' (HPTB: 1 73±). Ke prob. belongs to a l arger group --> ge4 t� 'go, com e ' .
ke4 �
(k11Bk) LH k11ak, OCM *khrak 'To spit out, vomi t ' [Lie] . Chinese aspiration is associated with forceful outward motion §5.8.5. [D] M and. ka � 'noise made in coughing o r vomi ting ' � k8 !1@- 'cough u p phleg m ' , M -Amoy khakD2 a n d ke?D1 'clear the throat' �f khakD1 'expectorate, bring up phleg m ' . LE] A variant o f the onomatopoetic area word for 'cough' --> ke 1 � �X (see there for cognates). The MC form khak could have an irregular div. II vowel for an OC *a (not *-ra-), but considering PMV *krha:k (< *k-ha:k with r-infix) 'to spit, spittle' [Ferlus] , it i s prob. derived from OCM *khrak. In this case, ke must be a substrate survival from a MK l anguage: PMonic *k11aak 'to kawk, clear the throat ' [ Diffloth 1 984: 1 7 1]; PSBahn . *ha:k � *h:):k ' vomit'. [C] Perh. this word i s related to --> luo 1 !1@-.
ke5 '[�
-->
ken 1 �
be5 i}jV}J;
(k11g!]8) LH k11gi)B , OCM *kh;)I]? 'Be willing ' [Shi ] . LT] Sin Sukchu SR k'gj iJ (_l:.), PR, LR k'gn; MGZY khhing (J:.) [k'g!]] [D] PM in *k11e!]8 which is the analog to MC kh;;�IJ8 and khieiJB LE] Etymology not c lear. Auxiliary verbs tend to have aspirated initials
(§5 .8.4).
ken 2 ��_N
(k11gn8) LH k11�m8 , OCM *kh;)n? 'Sincere' �,N [Ltishi]. � kil n '['ff! (k11ugn8) LH k11u�m 8, OCM *khiln? 'Sincere' [Chuci ] . The original syllable was prob. OC I PCH *khwgn? which would account for the loss of rounding in one word and merger with *-un in the other.
ken 3 •
(k11�m8) LH k11gn B, OCM *kh;)n? 'To gnaw, nibble' [Post-Han] . LE] Perh. S T : Lushai khel 'eat the outside o f a thing, g n a w off' ( Unger Hao-ku
1 986: 3 1 ).
35,
keng 1 ;f:j@l:
(k11BI]) LH k 11al), OCM *khral) 'A pit (hole)' �Jl: [Zhuang] , ;l:JL [Chuc i ] . A syn . i s --> krm r_X;l:�. Aspiration i s 1 associated with the meaning 'hollow, empty' §5.8.6. [D] Mand. 'hole, pit; to entrap ' ; M -X iamen col. khJA 1 ' a ravin e ' . S W says that
334
geng
keng - ko ng � (kBI]) is a dialect variant in the state of Qfn, ace. to Yiipian geng means 'a small
keng'
(Wang Li
1 982: 28 1 ).
keng 2 ��
(khel), YE!)) LH khel), OCM *khrel) 'Shank bone of ox' [SW ] . 3� beng, j fng M (YE!)) LH gel), OCM *grel) 'Stalk' [Chuci] . [E] ST: PT B *r-k(l)al) > W T rkaiJ 'marrow, leg bones, stalk ' ; W B kllraiJ-chi < skraiJ 'marrow' (chi 'oil, lymph ' ) (STC no. 1 26). These etyma keng and � xing 3 , jing �� *gel)h as well as � tln g 3 iJ!, ding j}!; *le!) tend to converge. For the a - e variation, see § 1 1 . 1 .3. See Table K-2 for an overview.
Table K-2 for keng 2 tS¥. ' leg , shank, stalk, marrow' Lg.
*keiJ
*kraiJ - *kreiJ
*kli i]
oc
xing , jing �� *geiJh leg, shank
keng �� *khreiJ shank bone heng, jfng !% *greiJ stalk
t f n g �� *leiJ stalk, stem, bamboo rod
rkaiJ marrow, thighbones rkaiJ-pa foot, leg , stalk
g l ii]-bU flute
WT
*kliiJ marrow, brain
LB
*?Jil) I - *hJii] I flute
-PL khraiJ-chi marrow
-WB Mikir
kyaii tube kyaii8 stick arkleiJ < r-kle/ii] marrow
keiJL foot, leg
thlii]R < thJii]? marrow
Lushai
ko ng �
(khul)) LH khol), OCM *kh6I], OCB *khol) 'Be hollow, empty' [Shi]. LT] Sin Sukchu SR k'ul) ('f); MGZY khung ( 'f) [k'ul) ] ; ONW khol) [D] M-A moy khaiJ 'hollow, empty, a hole'. 3� kong � (khul)C) LH khol)C, OC M *kh6I]h 'To exhaust' [Shi] . [ kou 2 � 'rob ' . Wang L i 1 982: 1 85 adds t o t h i s wf: kao � (kau8) 'to beat' (instrument) [Shi], et al.
kou2 �
(kh;:JuC) LH khoC, OCM *kh6h 'To rob, robber' [Shi], 'invader, bandit' [Zuo]. This is perh. cogn ate to -> kou 1 fD PP. [E] ST : PTB *r-kuw (STC n o . 33) > Chepang ku? 'steal ' , Nocte hu? [Weidert 1 987: 26], WT rku-ba 'to steal ' 3� rkun-ma 'thief' ; Bahing ku, JP Jd3l_ku55 'to steal ' , NNaga *C/V-b:w [French 1 983 : 332], WB khui8 < C kui 8, PL *ko 2 'to steal ' (HST: 1 26). Loss of a ST pre-initial could be respon sible for aspiration § 5 .8 . 1 . . , sJL � Jt nest 1 mg -> gu 14 :'FX ,ey;;z -
v
k�uu3 kii 1 � (khuo) LH kha, OCM ,
*kha 'Withered, dried' [Yi , Li]. [E] PMK : Khmer /khah/ 'to dry up or out, dry until hard, wither ' . 3� jii �Jlll- (kj wo) LH kta, OCM *ka 'Dried meat of bird s ' [Li] . [E] For related and similar items, see - > g u 1 [fl] (incl. Table G- 1 ) and -> jian 2 Table J-1 ).
kii 2 �U
� (incl.
(khuo) LH khua, OCM *khwa 'Cut open, cut to pieces ' [Yi] . CH aspiration is associated with forceful motion 3� hua '¥ ( y wa) LH y u a , OCM *wra ? [f] ONW yua 'To cleave ' [Li ] . -
336
§5.8.5.
ku - kua kii 3 :§}@
(k11uk) LH k11ok, OC M *khok 'To lament, weep ' [Zuo]. [E] A rea word. ST : Lushai kuukH 'shriek' (STC: 1 82 n . 479). PMK *kuuk 'to call (out to) ' (Shorto 1 976: 1 064). AN kuk 'sound of sob' (Sagart JCL 2 1 . 1 , 1 993 : 41 ). On aspiration, see § 5 . 8 . 5 .
kii 4 fftjj )El
(k11ugt) LH k11ugt, OCM *khfi t ' D i g i n the ground, underground ' t}t§ [Zuo] ; 'cave, hole' )El [Zuo] . O n aspiration o f words with the meaning 'hollow, empty' , see § 5 . 8 . 6. [E] Shared with Tai : S. khutD15, Saek khut6 < khuut 'to dig ' . 3� hu m (yugt) LH g ugt, OCM *gut 'To dig out ' [Guoyu] . � j u e tftll (gjugt, gjwBt) LH g u t , OCM *gut 'Dig out, dig through' (earth) [Shi]. The MC reading gjwut may have been transferred from the syn. -. jue9 - � with which it m ay be related. [D] PMi n *guit
kii 5 mH
(k11ugt) LH k11ugt, OCM *khfit 'Anus, buttocks' [Han: Yang X i6ng] . [E] S T : WT rkub 'buttocks ' , WB laii-kup. C H *-t m a y b e the result o f labial dissimilation. (MK-Khmer ku:t n . 'bottom , behind' (anat.) is a Skt. loan and unrelated).
kii "E
(k11uo8) LH k11a8, OCM *khil.?, OCB *kha? 'Be bitter' > 'distress, hardship' (of labor) [Sh i ] , (of i l lness) [Zhuang]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR k'u Ct); MGZY khu Ct) [k'u] ; ONW k11o [D] PMi n *k11o8 3� ku "E (k11uoc) LH k11ac, OCM *khah 'Be difficult, hardship' [GY ] . [E] S T *k(h)a? > PTB : *ka? (STC n o . 8): PL *ka 2 ; WB kha 8 'bitter ' 3 � khak 'difficult, hard ' ; WT kha-ba 'bitter' 3� dka-ba 'difficult' 3� khag-po 'difficult' (HST: 44); Lushai kha L F F I khaak 'be bitter' 3� khaak 'make bitter ' , Garo ka7 'bitter' [Joseph I Burling, L TBA 24.2, 200 1 : 42] , NNaga *C-kha8 'bitter' [French 1 983 : 296], JP kha55 'bitter ' . [C) -> g an 5 �f m ay be a derivation . Boltz (OE 3 5 , 1 992: 36ff) relates ku to -. g u 1 tl 'old ' .
k u 1 )it
(k11uoC) L H k11aC, OCM *khilh 'Arsenal, m agazine' [Meng, Zuo] is cognate to -> che0 ( 1 95 6 : 1 4) ( < 'storehouse for carriages ').
:$ 'carriage' ace. to Karlgren
ku2 "E -. ku "E ku 3 � -. kua � kua 1 % -. hua 1t kua 2 � (k11wa) LH
k11ua, OCM *khwra 'To be boastfu l ' [Sh i ] . [E ] S T : W B : krwa B 'be vain, boastful ' .
kua �
(k11wac) LH k11uac, OCM *khwrah 'To step over, pass over' [Zuo]. Wang Li ( 1 982: 1 07) relates 3� ku � (k11uoC) LH k11uac, OCM *khwah 'Trousers' [Mo, Li] . 337
kua to -. kul �1.
kuai - kuang [E) ST *kwar ?: W B khwa c 'be forked, branch' 3 < ;>-khra C 'crotch , branching' 3 < khwa 'separate, part, peel off' , Lushai kaa l < kaar? 'to step, pace, stride ' , WT gar 'dance' . There m ight have been a S T *-wa(r) *-wai variation, see ..... ku1 �! because both OC and WB have these doublets. For the OC medial *r in kua, see §7.7.3. �
kuai 1 'I�
(khwaic) LH khuaic, OCM *khwrets 'Cheerful, happy' [Meng] , 'satisfied ' [Zuo] . - Etymology not c lear. [f) Sin S. SR k'waj c;.t;;·) ; MGZY khway (*) [k'waj ] ; ONW khuei
kuai2-zi fjf-T 'chopsticks ' , ..... z hu 14 � kuai3 � ..... j ii 5 1£ kuai 4 m. (khu�ic, khua:iC) LH khu::lih or khuaih
?, OCM *khrfiih ? 'Clod' [Zuo], 'lump ' [Zhuang] . - Etymology not clear. [f) Sin S. SR k'waj , k'uj 'relieve, enjoy ease' [Zuo]. [f) Sin Sukchu SR k'w:m (3¥); MGZY khon (3¥) [k'::m] [E] Perh. cognate to WT khyon 'size, extension, width . . . ' if we assume that a root initial *w was treated in WT l ike an absolute initial (w- > I > y-). n kuo � (khuat) LH khuat, OCM *khat, OCB *khot 'Be far apart' [Shi]. [f) Sin Sukchu SR k'w;, (A); MGZY khwo (A) [k'w;,] 3< qi e-kuo � � (khiat-khuat) LH khet-khot, OCM *khet-khat 'Be far apart ' (of persons in life and death) [Shi]. [E) CH aspiration is associated with the meaning 'hollow, empty' §5.8.6. [C] Baxter I Sagart ( 1 998: 60) relate this wf to ..... gurmg 2 JJf 'wide ' , perh. ultimately related to the root *wa under -> kuang 1 15C.
kuan iX
(khuan8) LH khuan8, OCM *khwan? or *khan? 'Hole' (as an opening in the flesh, between organs of a carcass) [Zhuang ] , 'to hollow out' (a piece of wood to m ake a box) [Hanshu]. Aspiration is associated with the meaning 'hollow, empty' §5 .8.6. [E] ST: PTB *kwar 'hole' (STC no. 350) > Lushai khurH 'a hole, pit, cavity' 3 < khuarH id., Tangkhul Naga khur 'hole' . This is cognate to -> guan 3 � 'pierce'.
kuang 1 kuang 2 kuang 3 kuang 4
g: 'crooked '
->
yfi 1 ff�f
j u 5 '1:1 §!I ..... qu4, j u �� � (khjwal)) LH khyal), OCM 'I'II
.....
*khwaiJ, OCB *kwhjaiJ 'Square basket' > vb. 'put into a square basket' [Sh i ] ; 'get boxed i n ' (in a military maneuver) [BI] ; kuang-chuang �!* 'bed' (which is rectangular) [Zhuang] (chuang 'bed '). From the Yijihg 54 l ine ft;ifc@'�Jf nu cheng kuang wu shf 'the woman holds a basket, it has no fruit' (implying she is barren) derives the euphemism cheng-kuang ' vagina' (Shaughnessy JAS 5 1 .3, 1 992: 591 ); this i s perh. also the connotation in
Sh1]Tng 1 6 1 . 1 .
[E) A final -IJ derivation from the stem under -> ju 3 �£ 'square ' (§6.5 .2). Alternatively, Baxter I Sagart ( 1 998: 48) derive this word with k-prefix (§5 .4) from -> fang 1 h 'square' . I f true, loss of a post-initial consonant could explain the aspiration.
338
kuang - kuf kuang �I
(gjwal)) LH gyal)c, OC M *gwal), OCB *gwjal) 'Be foolish, crazy' [Sh i ] . The graph was apparently designed for 'mad dog disease, rabies ' . - The etymology is not clear; possibly connected with -7 j iong3 '[�.
kuang 1 15t
(xjwal)C) LH hyal)c, OCM *hwal)h 'To increase, i ncreasingly, how much the more, moreover' [Sh i ] . LT] Sin Sukchu SR xwal) (:i:;- ) , PR xyal) ; MGZY (Hwyang >) hwyang ( � ) [xyal)]. [ ye4 *lap encompasses the meanings 'leaf > fol iage > year > generation ' . The present root *rap 'new year I change of year' seems to be a parallel etymon which also has a WT cognate rabs 'generation ' , M ikir rap, Ra wang r;;,p 'family' [Bodman 1 980: 86].
I a 4 �it
(lap) 'Wax, candle' [GY ] . [E] ST : M aru rap ' l a c i n sect' , Nung k ';:>-rap 'wax', WB khrip ' l a c ' . V iet . sap 'wax' belongs to those few words which have SV s- ( < kr-) for M C 1- [Maspero 1 9 1 2: 80].
lai1
(l�i) LH Jg, OCM *r�k/7 > *r�, OCB *C-r:J(k) 'To come' [OB, Shi]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR l aj ("'¥), LR laj ; MGZY lay ("'¥) [laj ] ; ONW lai [N] R imes i n the oldest parts of Shi]ing (Daya and Xiaoya) indicate a final *-k or *-7 for this word, but in the l ater Gu6feng sections the rimes indicate an open syllable ( Baxter 1 992: 337). [E] ST *rg: Kanauri ra 'to c ome', Kuki-Chin *ra : Tangkhu l ra, 'come ', Lai raa I rat 'to come ' , PLB *ra3 'win, overcome ' , WB ra C, Lahu ga 'get, obtain ' ; with TB final *-k: Meithei lak, D ulong 15k (Matisoff 1 995a: 49f). The range of meanings in TB (come > arrive > succeed > overcome > strength, power [Matisoff D. of Lahu: 1 1 I 3]) connect liii etymologically with � n I 1J 'strength ' . The ST level had apparently already doublets *I;) ( -> dai4 m) - *r;:) 'arrive'. '� lai ( l�iC) LH JgC, OCM *r�(k)h ( 'Let come' :) 'to present, reward' [Shi] (Baxter 1 992: 338); 'stimulate' *:b [SW ] . [ Fuzhou JaiC1, X i amen Jua C2, Jian 'ou sueC2 (Norman 1 983 : 207). [E] ? AA: W a-Lawa-Bulang *rah 'rapids, waterfall ' . Perh. derived from an AA root 1 'swift ' , note OKhmer rat /r:Jt/ 'to move swiftly, run ' . PTai *hlaai 8 'rapids in a river' [Luo Yongxian MKS 27, 1 997: 292] is identical to the PMi n form . Prob. unrelated to --? li 1 9 � 'a ford ' .
l a i 2 jf --7 l a i 1 * l a n 1 D;ft (l�m) 'To drink' [GY, JY] is a Tang period and modern southern dialect word: M -Amoy lit. Jam A 2 'to drink' . This is prob. the same etymon as --? lfn6 D 'drink'. l an 2 '1:1* 'ki l l ' --7 tiin 2 � l a n 3 �·1:1* 'covet' --7 tiin 1 � lan4 mtl
(l�m) ONW lam 'Baleful wind, wind from the mountains' was transcribing an Indic syllable in the word vairambha, veram ba 'hostile wind' (He Yamin, ZGYW 1 999.4: 3 1 7) , or a Turkic word (Chen X i ullin ZGYW 1 999.4: 3 1 9); the fl!R 'wind' element was selected for semantic reasons and is not necessarily the phonetic element.
l a n 5 ii
(lam) LH lam, OCM *g-ram, OCB *g-ram [I'] ONW !am 'Indigo' [Shi]. [E] Area word whose source may have been SE Asia: PAN *tayum 'indigo' (Benedict A T: 1 1 2 ; STC: 1 5 5 n. 420, 42 1 ); PTai *gramA 2 'indigo' (Li F. 1 976: 45) would be a backloan from OC (Egerod CAAAL 6, 1 976: 56). WT ram s 'indigo' is a CH loan ( Laufer TP 1 7, 1 9 1 6: 503). This word occurs also in other TB l anguages, note Mru charam 'indigo' (Loffler 1 966: 1 40). Alternatively, Xie Caide ( YWYJ 1 999. 1 0 : 1 24) suggests that WT ram(-pa) 'quick grass' may be cognate to CH. -
l an6 ii
(lam) LH lam, OCM *g-ram, OCB *g-ram 'Basket' [GY] , the Northern Mln initial s- as in Jian 'ou pre-initial (Mei I Norman 1 97 1 : 99).
l a n 7 ]If
saiJCI m ay be due to loss of a
(!an) LH Ion, OCM *g-ran, OCB *g-ran [f] ONW lan 'Chinese thoroughwort' (Eupatorium chinense) or other plants [Shi] which had sexual significance [Zuo] and was used for perfuming bath water [Chuci] (Bodde 1 97 5 : 275; Eberhard 1 968: 1 36) ; M and. hin-huii ]lf1t;. �� j iii n 00 (kan) LH kan, OCM *kran 'Orchid' [Shi 95. 1 ] , a variant of the above, if not a copying error for it (Baxter 1 992: -
343
l li n - U . ng 363); the same or a similar graph (written with the phonetic Fl"ll or �l) also writes a variant of � lhin4 fi 'lotus seed' .
l li n 8 if'�
(lan) L H Ion, OC M *g-ran 'Big wave' [Meng]. [E] Hming Jfngul , Shen X fr6ng ( YYWZX 1 987.8: 45) suggest that 4 )[mg 1� i s a colloquial variant. This word is phonetically too distant from Tai to be related to S. khJ.i-inB2 (WrSiam gJ.i.:n).
h i n 9 fil,fl 'barrier' -> xil:in 6 M l :i n 10 Ill 4 j ia n 1 0 M llin I ·i�� (Hln8) rn ONW lan8 - [D] PMin *dian8. Hin 2
'Lazy' [GY] i s perh. a late popular variant of � xian 5 'join, unite ' --> x i li n 3 }131(;
� �l ' leisure'.
� j H t n 15 �j.lf:i
Ian 3 Ian4
lian 1 � I a n 1 11-:l: (lame) LH lame, OCM �
*g-rams 'Overflow' [Men g ] , Mand. also 'flood ' > 'go to excess' [Sh i ] > 'err' [Zuo], 'put something into water' [Guoyu] , 'juicy' [Li] ; also �\iii 'excess, licentious' [SW : Lunyu]. �� han ( y ame) LH game, OCM *grams 'Big bowl, basin' [Zhoul i ] . 3E han � (yame) LH game, OCM *gams ? 'Bathtub' [Zhuan g ] , probably an *r-less variant of ban ii ( yamC) above. This wf is perh. connected with � lfn 3 Wj\ff: and words under � chen2 YX.
Ian2 UJK): 4 tan 1 lang 1 _B!� (la I)) LH
luiJ, OCM *raiJ < *C-raiJ 'Veranda or corridor' (of a palace or mansion) [Hanfei] (later written JM) > transferred to a person doing duty there, an official ' s title [Zbangu6 and esp. Qfn-Hfm] > 'young man' (term of respect) > 'husband' (Yu Umfng ZGYW 1 999.6: 445). ff] Sin Sukchu SR l aiJ (:sf); MGZY lang ('jL) [laiJ ] ; ONW laiJ [D] The Northern M ln initial s- as in Ji�myang s::>IJ A2 may be the trace of a pre-initial; the SW connects words with this phonetic with initial m- (Mei I Norman 1 97 1 : 99). [E] PLB *la1) 2 > WB laiJ8 'husband ' (Matisoff l 995a: 5 1 ) m ay be a CH loan.
Jang2 !M lang 3 N
I an g 1 ,B!i) (laiJ) LH l aiJ, OCM
4
*raiJ < *C-ralJ 'Bamboo shoot' [Yi ] . [E] Tai : Po 'ai laaiJA2 < *nl/raiJ 'bamboo shoot' (HCT:
1 32 ) or < *raiJ (HCT: 1 42).
lang �}j (Hii]8) LH
laiJ8, OCM *ral)? ff] ONW lai] 'Bright, bril liance' [Sh i ] . [E] Area etymon : Khmer ran a lr:x:>IJI 'be light, bright, become clear, clarify ... ' ; O Mo n 'aran / f �-rOIJ 'appearance, color, luster' . Perh. related t o 4 I iang
tang 1�
( lal)C) LH lal)C Sin Sukchu SR laiJ (:ft); MGZY lang (:ft) [la!)] ; ONW laiJ [N] The basic meaning is perh. 'let go and disperse' . Through the Han period, ff]
344
lang
Iao
I a. o
occurs in combination with other words: �1.5/: 'ridicule ' [Sh i , Karlgren transl . ] , iH£1.5/: 'wave' [Nan-Bai chao, GY] (Huang Jfngui, Shen Xfr6ng YYWZX 1 987.8: 44f). Hming and Shen suggest that lang is a colloquial variant of -+ Ian8 {!'�. Prob. not related to WT (dba '-) klof) 'wave ' , see -+ r6ng 3 ?§.
I a o 1 2p
(lau) LH lou, OCM *ru 'Calf' (obsolete) [OB only) > 'domestic animal' [Lij i J , 'pen ' (for ani m als) [Sh i ] . [T] Sin Sukchu SR law (J:-.); MGZY l a w (t.) [law] [E] Bodman ( 1 980: 84) relates this word to Vi et. rao 'enclosure with fence', an Old Sino-Viet. loan ace. t o Pan W uyun ( 1 987: 28). This etymon may possibly be connected with -+ chou 1 If:.
U.o2
(lau) LH lau, OCM *rau 'To toil , tire' [Shi ] > 'merit ' [Zuo]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR law C'F); MGZY law (';') [law] 3� lao !#} ( lauC) LH lauc, OCM *rauh 'To recompense' [Sh i ] . [ WT ro 'corpse' ; Lep hryu 'be dry, dead ' (of leaf); Lushai roll 'be dry, dead ' ; WB ro 'very old' � rwat 'old, tough', NNaga *r;;Jw 'old' (of person).
l a o 1 �a
( lak) LH Jak, OCM *rak Fermented thick l iqui d : 'a kind of acid soy m ade of rice or m i llet' [Li] (so GSR 766p); 'fermented milk, yogurt, sour milk, kumiss' [SW] . This is a loanword from a Central Asian language, note Mongol ayira y < *ay+ray 'fermented m ilk' (Pulleyblank 1 962: 250-253). This area word appears with the meaning 'milk' in Greek ( to gala, gen. galaktos) and Latin (lac, lactis) (Karlgren Deutsche Literaturzcitung 1 926). The fermented drink ' arrack' may be a different etymon, a loan from Arabic 'araq 'fermented juice' (so Pulleyblank 1 962: 250 contra Karlgren 1 926).
tao2 �
( lauc) LH lauC is a Northeastern (Chaoxian ¥J:llff) dialect word of the Han period for 'medicinal poison ' , ace. to FY 3 and SW, and i n modern X iang dialects the col. word for 'to poison ' which may be related to -+ liao 3 'to cure ' . Sagart ( 1 995 : 2 1 0) considers this word to be cognate to -+ du 'poison ' , but Starostin (JCL monograph 8, 1 995:
345
Ie
-
H! i
402) points out that Jao i s rather cognate to TB: Lushai ru ' the bark, root, leaves, etc. used for fish poison i n g ' , JP m pf5 jl. �
H4 J1i If 5 �
H6 �
l f7
( lji-) LH l i�, OCM *r� 'To c ontrol, regulate, administer' [BI , Shi] i s a cognate of -> H5 relates this word to -> zhi 1 1 tfi 'regulate'.
:tffi . Sagart ( 1 999: 1 27)
( lj i ) LH li, OCM *ri or *r;:)i [Dl PMin *l i - *];:)i 'Pear tree, pear' [Li] . [I1 Sin Sukchu SR ljej (¥), PR, LR l i ; MGZY l i ( ¥ ) [li ] ; ONW l i !El This word i s a l so found in PMY : *rai l (Downer 1 982). Popul ar belief derives the name from -> li7 ;flj 'sharp, dysentry' (Williams 1 932: 3 1 8). (liei, lji ) LH lei , l i , OCM *rgi ? [f] ONW lei [Dl PM in *le. ' A traction plow, to plow' [Lunyu, Guan] . !El KT: PTai *thl�iA 1 'to plow ' , Kam khaj 'plow' (Benedict A T: 38). PMY *J 2 a j 3 A . Perh. related to -> lei 1 ;f:. Syn. -> sl 5 -
( lj+) LH J ig, OCM *r� 'Yak' [Guoyu] , [Zhuang]. !El ST: prob. cognate to, i f not a loan from, W T 'bri-mo 'domesticated female yak' ( Pulleyblank 1 962: 1 37; HST: 1 62; Baxter 1 98 5 : 252).
H8 � -> c hi4 � l i 9 �flJI ( ljie 3 ) LH
liai, OCM *rai 'To fasten in a net, get tangled, caught in a net' anxiety, sorrow' '11 [Shu] . An allofam i s -> lu ban 1 E'f) (so Dong Weiguang et al. CAAAL 22, 1 984: 1 1 21). The Old Sino-Viet. form is rei (Pan Wuyun I 987: 28}. � B �1£ (ljieC 3 ) LH liaiC, OCM *raih 'To be separated from, differ from ' [Li] . [< mo31-ran -" 'to place apart' 3� po31-ran3t 'be separate, sort out' � go31-ran55 'to divide, distribute' >< ra31 'be parted, separated' (Wolfenden 1 937: 646). Another derivation from the ST stem *(C-)ral i s -> ban 1 ;EJf with the common ST *-1 > OC *-n shift . For an overview of similar item s, see Table P- 1 under -> pf3 t£t. Some of t h e many similar ST roots could be related:
348
H
If 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.
*pai 'break' *pai 'separate, open' *brai 'open' *trai 'open ' *pral 'separate' *raJ 'separate, l ea ve ' *hral 'split ' *p(r);ak ' split' *k-hlai 'separate' Perhaps the stems in *-ai ( l to
Ifll
-" po3
�
tEE """ bai 2 flq!,
-"
� bo3 � zh66
:¥ �
zha %t, � ban 1 l'JI If if§l (this entry) � chi1 t� """ pi 7 mu """ chl2 , chi 4) form one l arge wf, as do perh. the forms i n *-ral (5 to 7). �
(ljie 3) LH liai, OCM *rai 'To be drooping, hanging down' ( frui t on a tree etc. ) [Shi], ' fa l l over' ( l i ke a ful l vessel) [Zuo]. [E] ? ST: W T brgyal (< b-r(-)yal) 'to sink down ( senseless), fai nt ' ; the basic ST meaning may be 'to droop or fall by its I one ' s own weigh t ' . Pulleyblank ( 1 962: 2 1 5) relates the WT word to -" pf7 �1$l, but the WT b- i s prob. a pre-initial .
I f 1 2 i'ili
( ljie 3) LH liai, OCM *rai 'Fence, hedge' [Chuci] . �B ( ljaiC) L H lias, OCM *rats 'Hedge' [Zhouli] is prob. related. [E] ST: T B : Tiddim g:xJl < r:J:Jls 'fence' .
1 1 13 �� H1 *
xr 6 ��Jfl ( lji-8) LH JjgB, OCM *rg( - [f] ONW ! i;a ' Plum ' (Prunus salicinll) [Shi], a fruit tree which orig inated in North China; the Northern MIn initial s- as i n mm 'ou seC2 may be due to loss of a pre-initial, PM in �
*J,g j B (Mei I Norman 1 97 1 : 1 0 1 ).
H 2-er
( lj+8-nz+8) LH J ig?-n;a? > 1+?-n+? Ace . to FY 8. I , this i s a Chu dialect word for 'tiger' [FY, Y ijing]. Zhao Zhenfeng and H m1ng Feng ( YWYJ 1 998. 1 0: 76-79) suggest a connection with the Tujia words li-pa 'male tiger' and li-ni 'female tiger'. The last syllable -ni could be related to MK Khmer pi: 'fem al e' , unless it i s a regional word for 'mother ' , then prob. the same etymon as � nai4 �.
ll 3 !.I[ ( ljt8) LH
li W B rwa 'town, village' ; WT ra-ba 'fence, enclosure, wal l , pen ' . For the l oss of ST medial *w in OC and WT, see § 1 0.2. 1 . Note the Germanic semantic parallel Engl . town �� German Zaun 'fence ' . The synonym PTB *gwa ' village' m ay belong to CH -? qiU 2 £1:. Tai : S. ruaC2 < *r- 'fence' (Li F. 1 976: 43) may also belong to this etymon . A lternatively, this word may belong to � IJ4 :£Etl!.l[ 'divide into equal sections ' , but pre- and early-historic Chinese villages prob. were not systematically planned and platted.
H 4 :£Etl!.l[
( lji-8) LH l iB, OCM *r;a? - [f] MTang l i , ONW J ig 'Cut jade according to its veins' [Guoce], 'to divide fields into sections, boundaries'
349
fJ!!.
[Shi]; 'a mile' sections ' .
Ji!. [Shi] . The basic meaning is 'cut in a regular way, divide into equal
�� le y�}J �}J1gl]:j:}J {)J
( l;)k) LH l;)k, OCM *rgk [T] ONW l;)k 'Vein or duct in soi l ; fraction ' �}J [Zhouli], 'split according to the veins' (stone) y�}J [Zhouli] > 'engrave' 1IYJ [Li] ; 'space between fingers' :j:}J [Yi] > 'a tenth ' {)J [Li] . --> le 1 1IYJ 'reins' may be the s. w. This item and --> lis J]! are usually thought to be the same etymon : 'divide into sections > regulate ' . Baxter ( 1 992: 473) relates these to --> pi 7 �lj. LE] ST: This etymon is often considered to be related to PTB *riy 'draw, paint, write, delimit' etc . (STC no. 429; HST: 66) > Lushai rl 'boundary, frontier, limit, l ine of demarcation ' , NNaga *r;)y 'thread, boundary', and WT 'bri-ba, bris 'to draw, write' n ris 'figure ' , W B reB 'write, delineate, paint', Mru pri 'to scratch ' [Loffler 1 966: 133]. However, OC *;) corresponds normally t o PTB *a, only rarely t o * i (§ 1 1 .2.2).
H 5 J]!
H 6 J]!
-
(ljt8) LH li;)8, OCM *r;)? 'To regulate, reason' [Yi]; 'administer' [Liishi] is prob. related to --> lf 1 0 fi 'regulate' , a n d possibly also t o --> li6 J]! 'envoy' . This item a n d --> li4 J]! are u sually thought t o be the same word, which is possible: 'divide into sections > regulate ' . M iddle Vi et. mJe, mnhe 'reason' [Maspero 1 9 1 2: 78] could perh. be a CH loan . A possible cognate may be --> ji8 i,;[..
(ljt8) LH li;)8, OCM *r;)? 'An envoy' [Zuo], 'jail official ' [Guanzi], 'marriage go-between ' [Chuci]. This is perh . the s. w. as --> lis J]! 'to administer' [Liishi]. �� B � ( ljtC) LH l i;)c, OC M *r;)h [T] MTang li, ONW l i;) 'An official ' [BI] . �� s h t � {� ( �t8) L H �;)B, 0CM *sr;)? To send, employ, cause' 1� [BI , Shi] > 'a secretary, scribe' � [BI , Shi ] . [T] Sin Sukchu SR �i (_1.), PR, LR H ; MGZY shh i (_l::) [a] ; MTang �i, ONW � ;) [i? [I'] ONW lei 'Rites, rituals, ceremony ' [B I , Shi]. [E] Etymology not certain . Perh. related to TB-WT ze-sa < rye 'respect ' 3� rje (-bo) 'lord, noblema n ' 3f rjed 'to honour, reverence' . M ru ri 'ritua l ' ( Loffler 1 966: 1 47) may perh. come from AA: OMon reh [reh] 'do honour to' , reh se 'show respec t ' . Perh. this i s a n old area etymon.
B 1 j]
( lj;:)k) LH ltk, OCM *r;:)k, OCB *C-r;'5k 'Sinew, strength, force, power' [Shi, Shu]. [11 Sin Sukchu SR l i (/\); MGZY l i ( A) Oi]; ONW lik [N] Baxter ( 1 992: 473) relates this word to _. br2 {ffiit'ii 'urge, press ' , Matisoff ( 1 995 : 52) relates it to _. yl 2 2 JR ' wi n g ' because the CH graph is the drawing of a comparable extremity, an arm. However, the graph m ay have been intended to represent the sense 'sinew' . CH _. Viet sli 'c ' force' [Maspero 1 9 1 2: 80]. 3 f c hl fJ.jj ( Jl'j;:)k) LH t!'tk, OCM *rh;:)k ? 'To strengthen, confirm , m ake ready' [Shi]. [ PLB *(k-)ra2 'strength, power' > PL *ra 2 'strength' . The word may possibly be related to _. hii 1 * 'come' .
1 1 2 :fh B3
B 4 :ft
'thorn s '
( ljgp) LH l ip, OCM *rgp, OCB *g-rjgp 'To stand, stand up' [BI , Shi] , survives in a few dialects, but is in Mand. replaced by zhim .\£� (MC {am C), in southern dialects by _. jl 5 ff,J. [11 Sin Sukchu SR 1i (/\); MGZY l i Cl\.) [li ] ; ONW lip [E] ST *g-rjgp: PTB *g-ryap (STC no. 246) 'to stand' > Bahing rap, Kanauri rap, Jiarong ka-ryap, Kachin tsap < kryap; PLB >�-?rap; PLB *?-rapL (HJYfB: 35) > OBurm. ryap [IST: 3 59 ] , WB rap, Mikir arjap < rjap 'to stand' , perh. also WT zabs ' bottom, foot' (HST: 1 40). (ljgp) LH l ip, OCM *rgp 'Bamboo hat' [Sh i ] , the Northern Mln initial s- may be due to loss of a pre-initial (Mei I Norman 1 97 1 : 1 0 1 ) as also suggested by members of the phonetic series and the Tai word: Wuming klopD1S < *kl- 'bamboo hat' (Li F. 1 976: 45).
ll 5
_.
n6
li 7 flj
11 8
B9
1:9�
.... j f u �Jti
111 i 1 *
.... u 6 �
( lj iC) LH l i s , OCM *rits 'Sharp' [Lunyu] , ' harvest' [OB], 'be advantageous, profitable, benefit, profit' [BI , Shi]. The graph shows grain cut with a knife. [11 Sin Sukchu SR ljej (;t-), PR, LR l i ; MGZY Ii (;t-) [li ] ; ONW l i [E] ST: PTB *ri:t 'reap, cut' ( STC no. 3 7 1 ) > PLB *ri:tL > W B rit 'to reap, mow, shave' ; Lushai riit I ri?L 'cut, dig, or scrape with a hoe ' ; M ikir re- 'be sharp ' .
lie1 37U ( lieiC, l iet) LH les,
'arrive' _.
OCM *rets, OCB *C-rets (Baxter 1 992: 404) 'Cruel, m isfortune' [Shi] > 'stern' [Lunyu], 'ugly' [Zhuang] > 'evil demon ' [Zuo]. In Shi]ing the graph is also borrowed for _. 11 1 7 )Jl; (Unger Hao-ku 7 5 , 2002: 65).
11 1 0 }�
_.
b1i 1 *
35 1
li B 11 *
(ljet) LH lit, OCM *rit, OCB *C-rjit 'Chestnut' [Shi ] is prob. related to KS-Ten
11 12 * li 13 'I�
-
[f] ONW lit
Jjk31 'chestnut'.
m1 4 W LH lit, OCM
'dense' -->
(ljet) *rit 'Be apprehensive, carefu l , trembling' [Shi] is cognate to WT zed-pa < ryet 'to fear, be afra i d ' , bred-pa < b-ret 'be frightened' (HST: 77), Lushai fiH I fitL 'timid, fearful ' �� fi?L 'to fear, be afraid'.
li 14 �
( ljaiC) LH l ias, OCM *rats 'High' [Guliang] can perh. be connected with WT
B 15 �
rab 'superior, excellent' (HST: 94).
(lj aic) LH l i as, OCM *rats [f] MGZY l i (*) [li ] 'To sharpen > (sharpener:) grindstone' � [Shu], 'whetstone' � [Shi] > 'to polish' [Xun] . • 'a stinging insect' [Zhuang] is the s. w. ace. to Karlgren ( 1 956: 4). [C] This m ay be the same etymon as --> 11 1 6 � 'drag something along ' . A derivation is --> ch�li . 'scorpion ' . An allofam is perh. --> lie2 �!U?J�Jirl. Prob. not (closely) related to --> 1 1 7 ;flj 'sharp ' . [E] ST: TB-Tani *rat, Kaman kJat 'sharp-edged' (Sun L TBA 1 6.2, 1 993 : 1 84). PMY *rai 1 C ' sharp ' . CH -> PTai *nl/r-: S. (lek-)naiA2, Bo 'ai JaiA 2 'bee's sting '. -
B 16 �
( ljaiC) LH lias, OCM *rats 'Dragging something alon g ' : 'to wet clothes' (while fording a stream), 'to drag, train' (sashes) [Shi] i s perh. the s. w. as --> ll 1 5 � 'whetstone' . Sagart ( 1 999: 1 27 ) relates this word to yi � U iaiC) 'drag , trail ' (under --> yi 1 6 tif!:).
l i 17 �
( ljaiC) LH lias, OCM *rats 'Epidemic, calamity' � [Shu], 1;/J [Zuo] , Jt [SW] ; 'destroy' ;;;; [Guanzi] > perh. 'cruel ' ( 'deadly ' ?) [Shi] > 'stern' [Lunyu], 'ugly' [Zhuang] > 'evil demon' [Zuo]. [E] KT: PTai *trai A : S. taaiA1 'to die', Saek praai1 (Benedict in Edmondson I Solnit I 988: 330). In spite of the difficulty in reconciling PTai and OC rimes I tones, the word is of Tai orig i n . Karlgren ( 1 956: 4) relates li also to --> 11 1 5 � 'sharp ' , but this is not likely in light of Tai .
li 1 8 � 'hedge' --> H 1 0 If l i 19 � ( ljaiC) LH lias, OCM
*rats 'A ford' [Shi]. [.E] ST: WT rab(s) 'ford ' ; JP rap55 'to ford, cross a river' . Bodman ( 1 980: 9 1 ) also relates this word to she � (zjiip) 'to wade, cross a stream ' [Shi ] , but MC ij- is difficult to reconcile with MC 1- < *r-. Prob. unrelated to --> Hti 1 1*Jl 'rapids'.
B 20 IJJ
( ljaiC) LH l i as, OCM *rats 'To exert oneself, energetically' [Shu] is apparently related to WT oneself, push violently, stem tide' .
B 2 1 tl
hrad-pa 'exert
(laic, ljaiC) LH I o s , lias, OCM *rats 'Coarse husked grai n ' [Lie]. [E] ST : WT 'bras 'rice' �� 'bras-bu 'fruit' (Shf X i�mgdong 2000: 24), Lushai ra?L < ra? or rah (< *-s) 'fru i t ' . AN: Malay beras 'rice' (Kuiper 1 966: 6 1 ). This etymon also appears to be close to --> bai 3 t£1! *breh ( < *bre-s ?) 'fine rice' and its possible cognates.
352
B
lian
( l iek) LH lek, OCJVI *rek ( 'Make g o one after the other' :) 'to add up, a series, number' [BI, Shu]; 'calculate' [Shu, Zhuang ] , 'calendrical calculations' }g [Shu]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR li (/\.); MGZY li (/\.) [l i ] ; ONW lek [E] ST: W B re 'to coun t ' , Kanauri ri, WT rtsi-ba < rhyi ' to count ' � rtsis-pa 'astronomer' . For the WT i nitial, see § 1 2.9; for the CH fin a l -k, see §6. 1 . � l i 00 ( lieiC) LH lee, OCM *rekh or *reh 'Number' [Shi]. [ ('paired ' :) 'well-proportioned' [Li ] , 'elegant, beautifu l ' [BI, Chuc i ] , 'refinement' [Shu]. This word may possibly be related to -t B 22 I n some texts 'pair, two' i s written �1£ (Wang Li 1 982: 3 60). If 'A pair of horses' [Hou H anshu]. The reading Jf belongs to 'black horse ' .
B 24-lb ftlf}l
(liek-luk)
LH lek-lok
filfJlJfL 'a spinning wheel '
in the Han-period dialects of Zh�w and Wei [FY 5, 39]. !lil 'a pulley' (for a well rope) [Middle Chinese]. Gong Qunhu ( MZYW 2, 2000) relates this to Tai raaks 'pulley' ( ?).
l ia n 1 ��9F
(ljan) LH l ian, OCM *ran or *ren 'To join , bring together' ��p [Zhouli], 'connect, unite, in a row' [Sh i ] ; 'go one after another' : 'be dripping or running (tears), rippling (waves)' iii! [Sh i ] . [f] Sin Sukchu SR ljen ( 3¥); MGZ Y len ( 3¥ ) [kn ] ; ONW l ian � shan ��' (�an(B), �an) LH �an( 8 ) or �en , OCM *sran(?), or *sren 'Flowing' (of tears) [Sh i ] . [ a-lyeiJ 'full-grown female beast or fowl, which has not yet had youn g ' .
353
JyeiJ
Ih\n - lian M Y : Yao tcai1-tcaan5 /kjai 1 -kjaan5/ (Norman 1 983 : 207), note also PKS *hl)la:l) 'young chicken ' , PTai *fi""lJB, PH! ai *laiJ1 'chicken classifier'.
lilin6
( ljam) LH liam, OCM *ram [f) ONW liam 'Angle, angular' [Li] i s shared with Tai: S. liam81 (WSiam vibool 1 97 5 : 1 40).
hli:am
5
'id. ' ; Manomai
l i a n 7 }jt 'modest' -> q i a n 9 I i a n 8 �� ( !jam) LH liam, OCM
*ram ( actually *riam ?) - [f) ONW liam 'Sharp, keen' (of soldier) � [Hanfe i ] ; 'sickle' [Mo]. The graph seems to refer to a whetstone ( ' sharpener' ). This i s an allofam of -> yan4 !kiJl'[ with the earlier *r pre-in itial preserved (§9.2. 1 ; the difference in tone is unexplained). � s h ii n 5:E1fi (�am) LH �am, OC!\f *sram 'Sickle' [Guoyu] , 'to mow' [Shi] ; 'to cut off' 1fi ( M and. shim) [Li] . lEJ ST : Kuki-N. *(s-)rjam: Lushai hriam H ' sharp' � hriam L 'weapon ' , Thado iihem 'sharp' ( Benedict 1 976: 1 90). The alignment of CH with TB item s suggests that -> jian 1 �� incl. xiiln wii i s not related, nor is -> zhan2 li!fr. [C] A llofam -> yan 2 �.
I i a n9 ·1�
(lien) LH len, OCM *rfn [f) ONW !en 'To pity, pitifu l ' [BI] ; 'to love' in the Ru-Ying dialect of the H a n period [FY 1 . 6] as well as in the Chu-Jiang-Huai region [FY 1 . 1 7], i.e. in southern parts of China. l fn g '!� ( liel)) LH l el) ? a variant of lian [JY]. - Hng ·h� (lj"l)) LH ltl) a Han period dialect variant of the northeast [FY 1 . 6]. lE] ST *ri n : WT 'drin < Nrin 'kindness, favor, grace' ; WB raif8- 'love ' (HST: 1 1 9), SChin-Mro mxien < mrien 'to pity' [Hartmann ICSTLL 1 999: 8]. Cognate is perh. also Lushai ril)H I rinF 'to believe, trust, depend on, think' ; the concept 'to love' i s also derived from 'to think ( of) ' in the ST wf -> yf 1 0 f� ii. -
�
IHin 1 �
( !jamB, ljamC) LH l i a m 8 , I iam c , OCM *ram?, ram s 'To gather, accumulate' [Shi]. � � j i a n ;fAA (k:jamB, kjum8) LH kta/amB, OC M *kam? (?) 'Accumulate' [Meng]. � l ii n (lam8) LH lamB, OCM *Him? 'To take' [Zhuang ] , 'pick, take' [Chuci, written with =f. underneath the phonetic]. In southern dialects: 'hold in one's arms , embrace ' : G-Nanchang bn2I3, K-Meixirm nam3I (tone B), Y-Guangzhou Jam23 (B), M-Xiamen JamsJ (B). lE] Area etymon : TB-Lushai hr:J:JmR < hr:J:Jm? 'grip, grasp ' , hra:JmR -hroom F 'to gather or grasp together' . Tai: S. DJ:JmA2 < *r::>mA 'to collect, g ather together' � S. h:J:JmA I < *hr::>m A 'to g ather together' . A A : OKhmer rom /room/ 'to mass, concentrate, combine' 3 f jroma /cr6om! 'to gather together into a swarm, crowd, pack . . . ' � ram a /rfi"m/ 'to gather, be clustered '.
l i li n 2 JI�
(lamB [GY ] , kja m 8 ) LH k+amB, OCM *kam? or *kram ? ? 'The cheek' [JY] > M and. 'cheeks, face' (Wang Ll 1 958: 5 66); the older form MC kjfim 8 is confirmed by Tai: S. keem CI 'cheek' (Li 1 976: 46). Both forms prob. derive from an OC cluster. Jia 'cheek, face ' ( under -> xie 1 �tifb) is prob. unrelated. [E] ST: WT 'gram-pa 'cheek', 'gram-rus 'cheekbone, jawbone ' .
lili n 3 �
(ljamA J 8 ) L H J i amB, OCM *ram? 'A kind of vine' ( Ampelopsis serjaniaefolia) [Shi].
354
lih - l i ang *
lian �
( ljamC) LH l iamc, OCM *rams 'To dress a corpse, enshroud ' [Zuo]. [E] AA, the basic meani n g is 'to wrap aroun d ' : OKhmer rum [rum] 'to wind, roll , coil, surround, encircle, wrap (a corpse) ' , Khmer jram [crum] 'be surrounded, wrapped, sheltered ' ; Bahnar 16m, Biat n 'klom 'to wrap ' . AA -> TB-Lepcha gry6m 'to wrap' (Forrest JOAS 82, 1 962: 334). QC *a c an reflect earlier *a and *o, the M K vowels may perh. have been /o/ or /u/.
l ia n 1 if-* ( lienC) LH lenc, OCM *rens 'Melia azederach, a kind of tree' [SW]
is shared with Tai : S. krian A 1 ' i d ' . ( M anomaivibool 1 97 5 : 1 40f), also Siam. lianB2 (a back-loan from CH).
lian2 ��-
( lienC) LH lenC, OCM *rens 'To purify' *'* [Lti] > 'refine' (metal) . [Guoce] > 'to boil silk' 'white silk' #'* [Zuo] (Wang Li 1 982: 569). * Perh. x i a n �l (yanB) LH genB, OCM *gren? 'Be beautifu l , refined' [Shij , and * x i a n �� (yan) LH gen 'refined' [Lunheng].
l i A n 3 #* liAn4 �
'to tra i n ' -> 'enshroud'
�#'* [Zhouli] >
xian7 -> Wi n 3 �
l iang 1 , t an g {�
( ljal), li:l.l)c) LH l ialJ, OCM *ralJ 'Be skil lfu l ' [Zhuang] . [T] ONW �at] * shuang ( lii a lJB) LH �al)8, OCM *sral)? 'Be active, clever' [Zuo]. [ 'pole, bridge, dam, weir' [Shi] is perh. related to words with the basic meaning 'crosspiece' -> heng4 f�. [D] PM i n *li;,IJ ' beam ' > Amoy niiJA2, Fuzhou JioiJA2 [E] ? S T : W B khraiJ- 'rafter, board ' . Old Sino-Viet. nUHIJ (Pan Wuyun 1 98 7 : 2 8 ) . Prob. AA-Wa-Lawa-Bulan g *pralJ 'beam' i s related, it may be a TB loan.
l iang 3 r5j1
(ljalJ) LH l ialJ, OCM *ralJ 'Be chill y, cold' [Sh i ] . [f] ONW �ai] * shuiing � ( liiaiJ) LH �OI], OCM *sral] ' Hoarfrost' [Shi]. [DJ I n some dialects also 'ice ' : W-Wenzhou r;y;,44f32 _peiJ44j33 ;ffl {JJ< , M -XHtmen siJ55, ChaozhOu swiJ33. [ WT graiJ-ba 'be cold, become cold ' ; PLB *Nkrai] *Nkrak - *?krak 'cold' [Matisoff 1 988b]; Lushai {aaiJR < traaiJ? 'dry, cold' ( STC no. 1 20). This etymon seems to have a wider d i stribution: A A : Kharia 'raiJga 'cold, freeze', Khmer r;,IJa 'cold' [Pinnow 1 959: 422] . 3 The word *cwu�1J ' ice' i n Yao lgs. (Wang Fushi) i s a C H loan. [C] A derivation is prob. -> ciing l;@r 'cold ' . A vocalic variant i s -> leng � ( § l l . l .3). �
l i ang4
( ljaiJ) LH l iaiJ, OCM *ralJ 'To measure, consider' [Zuo] .
355
Hang
I iang
[ljal)]; MTang l ial) < lal) , ljal) ("'f); MGZY (lyang > ) lyang ONW laiJ [D] PM in *li:->IJ 'measure' > Fuzhou Jiol)A 2 [E] ST: WT gral) 'number' �� 'graiJ-ba 'to n umber, count' �� (b)graiJ-ba, bgral)S 'to count ' �� sgraiJ-ba, bsgral)s, bsgral), sgroiJ 'to enumerate' ( HST: 1 08), W B khraiJ 'measure with measure of capacity ' . Hang li[ (lja!f) LH limf, OCM *ral)h 'A measure' [Lunyu ] . [E] S T : W T graiJs 'number' (Unger Hao-ku 20, 1 983). Possibly related to 4 ltie2 ffifi.
[11 Sin Sukchu SR
*
liang5
( ljal)) LH l i ot), OCM *ralJ [11 MTang l i ar] < l a!) , ONW la!) 'Grain , provisions' [Shi]. * zhiing � (tjal)) L H tolJ, OCM *traiJ 'Provisions' [Shi] (Wang Ll 1 9 8 2 : 3 54). [E] ? ST: WT 'graiJ 'sati sfy with food, satiate' (HPTB: 303f, following Gong
H.).
t iling ]®
( ljaiJ8) LH liol)B, OCM *ra!]? 'Two, a pair' [Shi]. [11 Sin Sukchu SR ljal) ( 1:. ) ; MGZY ( ly ang >) l yang (1:.) [ljal)]; MTang l ial) < la!], ONW laiJ [D] PM in *lpi)BfC 'two ' lbi]B 'a tael ' > NMin mmyang S::>I]C/ 'two' ' lioi]81 'tael ' ( initial ' s- i n 'two ' may be due to loss of a pre-initial (Mei I Norman 1 97 1 : 1 0 1 ); FuzhOu ial)c2 'two ' , Jjo1)81 'tael ' ; A moy nl)C2 'two ' , nfiJBI 'tael ' . CH -> Tai also indicates a pre-initial: Dioi saf1 2 < *pla iJ 2 ( Maspero 1 9 1 2: 87). s� l iang frfi ( ljalJC) LH lio!]c, OC M *raiJh 'Chariot' [Zhuang]. [ WT sraiJ 'pair of scales, weight ' . (3) Finally, 4 shuang 1 � may be a derivation , but the vowels do not agree.
l i ang
( ljaiJC) LH limf, OCM *ral)h, OCB *C-rjai]S 'Light' n. [Sh i , Shu ] , of moon et al.; liiing refers to pale light, while 4 lang AA refers to brilliant l ight. [E] Apparently a member of an A A wf: PEKatuic *_ieiJ : Bru rlial), Katu barual) 'moonlight ' , Khmer -rliiJJna 'be light, bright' �� sra1J111a /sraiJ/ 'be pale, colorless' . [C] An allofam i s prob. 4 shuang 1 � . possibly a l s o 4 liang " nmg {[{, 4 Jang AA, 4 jlng3 ( so Karlgren 1 956: 1 2) and perh. -> yfng 1 �. Baxter relates this word to -> mfng6 OCB *mrjaiJ and 4 jlng6 })l. Items of a MKwf can be associated with indi vidual CH words, thi s would explain the different OC i nitial consonant which seems to have no recognizable OC morphological function; note the following Khmer i tems: (a) Khmer -rliJ!lna 'be l ight, bright' Wmg 7C (ljat{) OCB *C-rjai)S ' l ight' (b) Khmer sra1ia /sraaiJ/ ( intr., of first l ight of day) 'to be dim, faint, weak' 4 shuang ( �al)8) *sraiJ? 'twilight' (of dawn ) 1 ( c ) Khmer braiJa /prfigi]/ intr. 'to grow l ight' (after dark) 4 blng 1 ;l:p;j �f/3� (bjBI)8) OCB *brjal)? ?'bright'
356
l ia o
lie
( d ) K hm er paiJlbriiila /bamprfigl)/ 'to shed a pale light' _. mfng 6 fYj (mjWBl)) OCB *mrjal) 'become bright, enlightened'
l i a o 1 ·if 'fine ' .... j H i o 2 ft�fx -x yao4 � Uiak) *bk 'to cure', and prob. also .... chou 2 , liao � (thjgu, lieu) *rhiu, *riii 'get cured, recover'. If yao should be a member of this wf, the OC initial *r- in liao i s a former pre-initial, hence yao < *r-jauk, liao < *rjauk(h). See also .... lao2 �. [E] ST: M ru rok I tarok 'to cure' (Loffier 1 966: 1 52). l i e 1 37U (ljat) LH l iat, OCM *rat 'To divide, d istribute' [Xun], 'arrange' [Zhouli], 'rank, order' [Zuo], 'degree' [Shu]. Prob. cogn. to _. bie ( so Sagart 1 999: 87), _. Ii1 1 1J� -> Ht 1 WIJ . Unger (Hao-ku ,
357
l fn
lie
39, 1 992: 88) relates m� to WT gras 'class, order, series, rank, tribe', but see --+ !G 1 �f
JJiH5 .
B f:9U (ljiiic) LH l ias, OCM *rats 'Usage, rule' [Gongyang] , Mand. 'example' (Sagart 1 999: 1 33). [ 'to blaze, bro i l ' (meat) [Shij > (A ) 'illustrious, splendid' [Shi , YiZhou] > 'brilliant deed, bri lliance' [BI , Shu ] ; > (B) ('A burning-like sensation') > 'cool' (of a spring) {)l!J [Shi] ; 'violent winds' ?.amR [Shu] > 'violent, bad wind' !W!! [SW, Yupian] (Karlgren GSR 29 1 ). Old Sino-Viet. rat (Pan Wuyun 1 987: 2 8). 3� l i e-l i e 1.!{ 'Be blazing' (of fire, heart), 'be bril liant' (person) [Bl , Shi] , 'be bitterly cold' (winter day) [Shi]. LH Iit-liat 'bitterly cold' [Shi], a reduplicated form of lie. � I i -l i e [C] An all ofam i s perh . --+ li 1 5 );�; 'to sharpen, whetstone'.
I ie3 frj (ljat) L H l iat, OCM *rat or *ret ? 'Kind of rush for brooms' [Li]. [I'] Sin Sukchu � SR lje ( A); MGZY � lya (A) [lje] LE] ST: WT dres-ma, dred-ma 'grass for ropes and shoes' (Unger Hao-ku 39, 1 992: 88), WB krit 'a kind of grass, Job's tears'. l ie4 (ljuat) L H lyat, OCM *rot [T] ONW l uat 'Inferior' [SW ] . LE] S T : PTB *ryut > JP yut31 'become worse' (illness), WB yut < ru t 'inferior, mean' �� hrut 'put down' ( STC no. 206). l ie5 Ni (ljap) LH liap, OCM *rap 'To tread, trample' [Li) . LE] ST: P T B *rap (LaPolla 1 994: 1 66) > KN-Lushai rapL I ra?L 'to tread (upon), trample upon ', WT skrab-pa 'to stamp (the ground), tread' � 'khrab-pa 'to strike, stump, thum p ' . H owever, the initial k- in the WT cognates skrab, 'khrab could theoretically derive from an earlier initial *?-, note the initial *?r- in the putative OC cognate --> ya 3 OC *?rap 'press down, stamp' , as wel l as the absence of velar initials in the other TB languages; perh. also connected with die (diep) 'to trample, stamp' [Lie) (so Sagart 1 999: 1 27), and possibly also to --+ nie7 lfi OC *nrap 'trample ' . l ie6 1.1 ( ljap) LH liap, OCM *rap or *rep? 'A kind of turtle ' [Zhouli]. LE] ST: PTB *lip I *lep 'turtle' > WB lip (Benedict 1 976: 1 90), Khami lip, Rengmitca Wlip, M ru lip 'tortoise' [Loffier 1 966: 1 2 2 ] . OC and TB differences in initial and vowel have parallels, see § 7.3 and § 1 1 . 1 .3 respectively. I 1 ...A 7 � gallery forest, inundated forest. . . ' 3< OKhmer /rnaam/ (i.e. r-n-aam) 'dense forest in low-lying areas.. ' 3 < /samraam/ (i.e. s-m-raam) 'ground under shrub, tract of undergrowth' (note the close agreement with OC); mod. M on rii{Tl /rem/ 'copse, patch of woodland ' . I n l ight of this AA etymology, the wf 4 l fn 2 # 'numerous' could possibly be related. Other comparanda are unrelated (the vowels do not agree with OC): TB-Mru riim 'forest' (LOffle r 1 966: 1 44), WB ::�-rum 'cluster, clump' (of trees) 3< khrum � khyum 'cluster, clump' . The second part of Garo bol-grim 'forest' (bol 'tree') pro b. means 'dark ' : TB-WT rum 'darkness, obscurity ' , JP n33_rim33 'dusk' 3< rim31 'dusk' [STC no. 401 ] ; also Tai: S. khrim A2 < *gr- 'jungle' 3< khr.fmC2 'shady, lush' (Manomaivibool CAAAL 1 3 , 1 980: 1 68). PYao k2em 1 2 'forest' [Purnell] is not related to any of the above. l in2 # (ljom) LH l i m , OCM *rom 'Numerous' [Shi 220, 2]. 3< tan � (th�mB) LH thom8, OCM *rhgm? ? 'Many, numerous' occurs only once in a Sh1]Tng passage [Shi 290, 3]. SW says 'noise of many' , perh. inspired by the graph (Giles: 'the sound of m any people eating'). [E] Prob. AA, and i f so, cognate to --" lin 1 ;f*: OKhmer rama lrfioml 'to g ather, be clustered' , PNBahn. *kr!iln 'crowded '. The initials of TB-Lushai hl:JmF 'in numbers' (Sagart 1 999: 1 5 1 ), and MK-OMon lufn lt0ml 'be numerous' are difficult to reconcile with OC. 3�
.
li'n3 �� (lj�m) LH lim, OCM *r:am To pour (water) ' iiJ* [Guoce] > M and. 'to pour, drench' > 'long rain ' [Zuo]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR lim PR, LR lin; MGZY lim ( }jl) [lim] [D] Mand. 'continuous heavy rain', Mln : Amoy lam A2 'long rain ' ; also A moy lit. lim A2, col. liamA2 'constant dripping'. In Xiang, Kejia, and Yue dialects it m eans 'to sprinkle, to water' (plants); Y -Guangzhou 21JI:JmA2. [E] ST: JP rim 33 � rum33 'waterfall ' . (AA: Khmer ralima /rlym/ 'drizzle, light rain' is deri ved from llym/ 'dark, dim '). This may be the same etymon as -> l fn6 D 'drink'. Wang Li ( 1 982: 6 1 2) and Sagart ( 1 999: 1 27) consider lfn cognate to --" yfn3 i¥. For possibly related words, see 4 chen 2 '"'"' ',rf:-, i;u; 4 l�m 1 {�. Hn4 Will; (ljom ) LH lim, OCM *rom To approach, look down, look upon favorably, to favor' [Shi], 'be on the brink of'. 3� lin !m ( lj:amC) I.H lime, OCM *roms ? To mourn ' [Zuo] , 'mourning chamber' [Li] is ace. to Downer ( 1 959: 286) a tone C derivation with an 'effective ' meaning. [ caus. 'mourn ' ( §4.4. 1 ). [E] ST: Lushai rimR < rim? 'to court, make love to, inspect I make enquiries about' (a girl), WT rim-(')gro 'honor, homage, offerings' ( 'gro 'to walk'); perh. also JP krem33 'to trust, to look up to' (someone).
359
Hng
Hn
H n 5 � (ljen) L H l i n , OC M *rin 'Scale of fish or reptile' [Li] . The Northern Mln initial s- as in Jifmyang saiiJA2 may be due to loss of a pre-initial (Mei I Norman 1 97 1 : 1 0 1 ). (E] PKS *krin5 'scales' . Perh. Tai : S. Jin82 < *1-, Saek liJ82, PKS *1in 6 'pangolin' (Li F. 1 976: 43) is related. lfn6 0 (lj;1m ?) LH l i m 'To drink' in southern dialects: M-Amoy lim A ijA2 'to drink' (lit. Jam A 2); Taiwan Jim A I (Chen ZhangHti, U Rtil6ng 1 99 1 : 454); K-Taoyuan Jim A 1 'to drink', Meixi�tn 'drink tea from the spout of a teapot' (Maclver p. 403). This is perh. the same etymon as ..... lan 1 U:f* (l�m) 'drink' , and as --> lfn 3 r:i*� 'to pour'. (E] PTai *?d- (or rather *?1- ?): S. cf.Hm Bl 'to swallow, drink' [Li 1 977: 1 09]. Note also TB-Lushai lemF < Jemh 'to swallow, drink'. l in 1
(QYS analog perh. JjenB) is a southern dial. word for 'pen i s ' : K ejia lin8, YGuangzh6u 35JrmBI, Taishan 55JinBI; M-Taipei lanC!_tsiau 8. Benedict ( 1 976: 1 90) relates this to PTB *(m-)li 'penis', Karen *!in 'vagina', but it may simply be a survival from a Tai substratum : Tai S. J.i.I]A 1 (R. Bauer [CAAAL 28, 1 987: 6 l f] who, however, believes that the Tai word is a CH loan). Some M ln dialects have a different word: PMin *n::>i.
Hn 2
( lj;1m8) LH limB, OCM *r;1m? < *b-r;1m? ? 'Rations' [Li] (also read QY pj8m B-;; 'granary' [BI, Shi]. �� bln (pjgm8) LH pim8, OC M *pr;1m? ? 'To receive ' [Zuo]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR pin ( J: ) ; MGZY bim ( J: ) [pim] (E] ST: WT 'brim-pa 'to distribute, hand out, deal out' (STC: 1 78; HST: 64); Nung 8rim 'cast away' may be related, Chepang bi-rim n. 'container, small circular storage basket' .
Un 3 lt'l* (ljgm 8) L H l i m 8, OCM *rgm? < *b-rgm? ? 'Shake' Jt [Zuo] > 'ful l of fear, respectful ' [Xun]. [D] This was a Han period Qfn-Jln (northwestern China) d ialect word for 'be careful, attentive ifll. ' [FY 6, 28]. 'forbid ' (so Shf Xiangdong 2000: 1 1 7). But in l ight of a (E] Perh. related to --> jln3 possible OC labial initial (b-r;1m? ?), a connection with M K-Khmer /praam/ 'to prohibit, forbid ' would be phonologically c loser. (ljenC) LH line, OC M *m-r;1ns ? Bn 'Regret' [Yi], 'niggardly' [Lun]. LEl Gei l ic h ( 1 994: 249) compares this word with WT sri-ba 'be parsimonious, niggardly', Lepcha re 'be rare', Lushai renH 'to economize, be sparing with' . Hng 1 lit'� (lieiJ) 'Mountain range' [GY] m ay simply be a late graphic variant of --> 1fng 6 � . or be cognate to TB-Kachin kdiJ- < glii]- 'hill' (STC p. 34 n. 1 09). ling2 '/�'/'�
-->
lhin9
Hng 3 � ..... min g 5-lfng �� Hng4 (lie!]) LH le!], OCM *rei] 'Small bell, banner bell ' [BI, Shi] is a sound-symbolic word, it may be related to --> mfng 7 OCB *mrjeiJ 'to sound' ace. to Baxter ( 1 992: 499). Theoretically, MC could 360
ling
ling
also derive from a PCH *rin, then it may b e related t o W T 'dril-bu 'bell ' (Shf Xiangdong 2000), but this is stretching the phonology.
lfng5 &t --. bfng 2 {7j( Hng 6 J1}: (lj�IJ) LH li-IJ, OCM *r�IJ - m ONW l il) 'Hi l l ' [Shi], 'height' [Zuo] may be the s. w. as -. lfng7 J1}:�&t 'step on I over'. [E] ST: PTB *m-ral) ( STC p. 43): WB mra.ryC 'high' , Trung mra.ry 'high, long ' , Kanauri ra.ry 'mountain, high', !' cheng 7 f§&]� 'suppress'. ling8
(lie!]) LH le!], OCM *rei] - rfn 'To fall ' (of rain) [@' (OB] , � [Shi], 'drop the leaves' [Chuci]. The graph originally consisted of ffi 'rain' with 'drops' (not 'mouths') underneath. [I'] MTang lie!] < Ii·rJ, ONW h!�IJ [E] Etymology not clear. Perh. from AA and related to the items under --. pfng4 'rain master' . Or note TB-JP ma31-raiJ33 'rain', raiJ31-ga 31 'violent rai n ' (CVST 2: 53). There is a remote possibil ity of a connection with --. yun 2 �B:Jf! Jt 'drop, fall, rain' if one assumes a ST root *rwe- whose initial cluster is simplified to OC *re- and *werespectively ( § l 0 . 1 .3). WB la fiB < *lii)B 'to fall ' belongs to --. dian 2 ' fall over' .
l in g 9 � (lie!]) L H lerJ, OCM *rei] 'Divine > fel icitous, auspicious > excellent, intelligent' [BI , Shi ] ; ' spirit (of Heaven) ' [Hanshu] > 'ghost (of a deceased)' [Hou H anshu] > 'female shaman, shaman' (Chuci] . For semantics, cf. m6 fJ1t (< Indic Mara) both 'witch' and 'demon' . [I'] Sin Sukchu SR lil) ( 3f); MGZY ling [li l)]; ONW lelJ [El M Y : PMiao *qlel)A (W ang FS) 'ghost' . 'Ghost' and --. l fng8 \¥®� 'rain' are etymologically d istinct, although in the meaning 'prayer for rain, rainmaster' , the two converge. On the other hand, weather phenomena are divine portents, see --. fen 2 � m. CH -> Viet thieng (via s-, from Cr-) (Maspero 1 9 1 2: 84). Hng (ljang B) LH liel)B, OCM *rei]?, OCB *C-rel)? 'Neck' [Shi], 'collar' [Li] > ('take by the neck' [Karlgren ] :) 'to lead, d irect' [Li] . [I'] Sin Sukchu SR l i!] (_!::. ) ; MGZY l ing (J:) [liiJ]; ONW l ie!] [DJ 'Collar' i n PMin *lial)8: Fuzhou JiaiJ81, Xiamen niaBI [E] ST: Lushai diJF 'neck'; possibly also WT mgrin-pa 'neck, throat '. This is prob. a variant of PTB *m-lil) 'neck' (Matisoff l 995a: 5 1 ): WB Jaff, Nung lil); WT mjiiJ-pa 'jiiJ-pa < *mlil) or *mril) 'neck' (HST: 1 1 2). Benedict connects the TB word with *(g-)lil) 'tube' (French 1 98 3 : 525). The synonym --. jlng 2 is prob. not related. B ng 9 (ljiii)[C]) LH l iel)(C), OCM *rel)(h) *rin(s) 'To order, command' [Shi]. [lil)]; ONW l ie!] m Sin Sukchu SR li!] ( 3:JI:t-); MGZY ling LNl I n the OB and BI, 9 writes actually --. mlng 1fP 'order' to which it i s usually thought to be related (so Wang Li 1 982: 329). Ace. to (Downer 1 959: 2 86), 'to command ' [Zuo] is read in tone C, 'to cause' [Zuo] in tone A . 361 �
�
liu liu1
1 6ng
(lj:au) LH liu, OCM *ru 'To stay, remain, tarry' [Shi]. [D] M-Xiamen, FuzhOu lauA2. The Northern Mln initial s- as in Ji�myang seuA·2 m ay be due to loss of a pre-initial : PMin *l.:au (Mei I Norman 1 97 1 : 1 00).
liu2 �� ( lj:au) LH liu, OCM *ru 'To slaughter, kil l ' [OB, Shi]; a Han period dialect word for 'to kill ' in Qfn, nn, Song and Wei [FY 1 , 1 6] . [N] In the OB, this word was written with the graph for the cyclical sign mao .!JP (mauB) < *mru? which seems to have been intended for writing 'slaughter' as it shows perh. two pieces of meat which have been cut apart. [T] Sin Sukchu SR liw (4L); MGZY liw (4L) [liw]; MTang leu < liu, ONW lu < l u [D] The Northern Min initial s - as in Jianyang seuA2 may be d u e t o loss o f a pre-initial (Mei / Norman 1 97 1 : 1 0 1 ). [E] Perh. ST: KC-Tiddim gou53 I g:J?1 1 < rouh I r:J?Ih 'to kil l , slaughter'. 3� 1 u � (ljuk) LH l i uk, OCM *ruk 'Punish by death, execute' [Shu]. Perh. this word is not related to liu; it could be the same word as -> l u 1 7 {� 'disgrace' . l i u 3 �m (lj:au) LH l i u , OCM *r(i)u 'To tlow, tloat, tlow away; the tlow' [Shi]; 'pendants of a banner' 1iJit [Shi]. [T] Sin S. SR liw (.l.jT.); MGZY liw [liw] ; MTang leu < l i u , ONW ! u [DJ M -Xiamen, Fuzhou JauA2 [E] This word differs from -) y6u6 i1fH1ff 'tloat, swi m ' only in the initial, WT shows that they are prob. related: **r-j u > OC *ju and OC *riu , see §9.2 . 1 . An allofam is prob. -> lei 1 � *ri uts 'tears '.
Hu4 tmt -) Hu3 ¥m l i u 1 ;\ ( ljuk) LH l iuk, OCM *ruk 'Six' [OB]. ff] Sin Sukchu SR l u ( A), PR, LR lu?; MGZY Iyu (}._) [ly); ONW luk. [D] PM in *l.o k > NMin Jia.nyang so02 (Mei I Norman 1 97 1 : 99); Y -Gurmgzhou 22Jok02 [E] ST: PTB *d-ruk 'six': WT drug, Takpa grok; PLB *C-krok, WB k"rok; JP kru?55; Lepcha tar6k; M ikir t"r6k < drok2; Lushai pa L-rukL. Tai : S. hok01 < *hr- (MC 1- = Tai r-) is a CH loan where Li ' s reconstructed initial may be due either to peculiarities of Tai lgs. (often r > h), or to complexity in the CH donor lg. (note PMin). PMY *kruk m ay be a loan from a TB lg. l i u 2 tM ( lj:auC) LH Iiu, OCM *r(i)u 'Gush forth' [Guan] , 'a current, a stream ' is shared with Tai : S. riau 82 'rapids, vigorous, strong ( current)' (Manomaivibool 1 97 5 : 1 39). l i u 3 �11% (ljguc, ljeuc, Ijauc) LH l iuc, OCM *riu(k)h 'Whistling of the wind' [Zhuang], !I'! [GY] ; 'wind high up in the air' )1% [Lu]. 3 � l i li o Jl!jp ( lieu) LH leu, OCJ\1 *ri O 'Ringing sound i n the ear' [Chuci]. 1 6ng 1 (ljm]) LH l iul) , OCM *rUI), OCB *g-rjul) 'Eminent' [Zuo], 'high' [Guoce]. [E) AA: Khmer ruiJ 'be big, tall, m ighty, preeminent' 3t sruiJ 'be long enough to cover' [Jenner I Pou 1 982: xli ] �� /sro!]/ 'big, full ' . 362
long
long
c hong * (d?jUI)) LH d?UI), OCM *dzrUI) 'To pile on, pile high' [Shi]; 'high ' (of a mountain) [SW] . [T] Sin Sukchu SR d:z;_u l) (ljZ); MGZY cung (ljZ) [d:z;.u l)] [E] AA : Khmer /crol)/ 'to raise up, reestablish . . . ' >< cruna /crool)/ 'be upright'; Riang ts�r;yiJ, K hasi jri5IJ 'high ' . AA -> TB-Lepcha kroiJ 'high' (Forrest JAOS 82, 1 962: 334). An AA substrate wf would explain the odd initial interchange *r- - *dzr- which i s 'high' unusual i n a Chinese wf. A syn. o r parallel stem with ini tial OC * I i s _. song2 (mountain). The meaning ch6ng 'high' (of a mountain) may be due to paronomastic attraction from song, or from M K : Khmer cuila /cofJ/, OKhmer cuil /CUI)/ 'farthest point, end, tip, top, peak .. . ' ; perh. TB-Lushai CUIJR (Lorrain chung) 'roof, top, summit, high up' is related (Khmer loan?). 16ng2 (ljul)) LH l iul), OCM *rul) ?, OCB *g-rjul) 'Thundering ' [Shi ] . [E] S T : TB-Tamang m u-guruiJ 'thunder' (mu 'sky') (Benedict 1 986: 3 1 ), J P ruiJ31 'rumbli ng ' . PYao *glu1] 6 'rumbling of thunder' (Benedict 1 976: 97). (ljwofJ) LH liol), OCM *rOI), OCB *C-rjol) 'Dragon' [OB, Shi] (discussed by Carr L TBA 1 3.2, 1 990: 1 0 1 etc.). [E] Etymology not clear. Long has been associated with TB comparanda: WT 'brug 'thunder, dragon' may belong here or may be related to _. l6ng 2 �� 'thundering' ; Lolo Jo 'dragon'. Most likely i s a connection with SE Asian words : AA: Viet. rohg 'dragon ', M uong h6ng - roil, Khmer roiJ - r6IJ, and KT: Siam. malJroiJ - miiroiJ. (CH -> ?) Viet thuong (via s- from Cr-) ( Maspero 1 9 1 2 : 84). [C] A cognate m ay be .... hang 1 !RI 'rainbow' (so Carr), note for example Y -C6nghua loiJ 44 (A 2 ) 'rainbow' . 'motley' .... m a n g 7 �fi� (lui)[B]) L H lol)(c), 0CM *r61](7) - [T) ONW !UOI] 'Bird cage' [Zhuang] , 'basket' [Zhouli]. [E] AA: OKhmer /kru!]/ 'to cover, shelter, protect, to pen (ani mals)' � druila /trul)/ 'pen, cage, coop for birds and animals' < /-rul)/ 'to shield, screen, protect, cover' ; PSBahn. *g;mru:l) 'prison, pig pen' . M K provides a n etymology and i s the source of loans into area lgs.: TB > WB khruiiJc 'cage for birds', Garo grir] ( STC no. 3 89). AA -> KT: PTai *kroi)B 1 'cage', PAN *kurm] 'cage' (Thurgood 1 994: 355). Less likely i s a connection with PTai *khl-: S. kh:J:JI]CJ 'kind of basket' . (IUJ]) L H ]Ol), OCM *rol) 'Deaf' [Zuo], the Northern Min initial s- as in Jianyang soiJA2 may be due to loss of a 'deaf'. pre-initial (Mei I Norman 1 97 1 : 1 0 1). Perh. connected with _. song 3 long !f:� ( ljwol) 6 ) LH l iol)8, OCM *rol)? 'Mound' D [Li] , m� [Xun], a Han period dialect variant for .... zhong , in the Qfn-nn area [FY 1 3, 1 54]. I t may perh. also be related to .... 16u 1 (IUIJ[C]) LH lorf, OCM *rol)h 'To fondle, play with ' [Shi]. [E] ? Khmer /luU;}l)/ 'to caress, pet, stroke, soothe ... ' The Khmer initial consonant does not agree with OC, though; perhaps Khmer is a post-Han or recent CH loan. >
long �� � 'mound' . 16u2 fl ( l�u, lju8) L H Io, lio8, OCM *lo or *lo? [T] ONW lou 'Bend' [Xun], 'hunchbacked' [ZuoJ, Although this word may possibly be a ST etymon derived from --> gou 1 {l]jftPJ:ffg ]£ : WT rgu-re 'bent over' * rgur � sgur 'crooked', it would require an unusual case of ST prefix preemption (Unger Hao-ku 7 5 : 2002 discusses additional possible cases). Alternatively, 16u could belong to 4 zh6u 1 M 'elbow', or even be the s. w. as --> 16u 1 'mound'.
I6u3 11 --> du-16u l o u J;l:; 4 f u 7 'mound ' --> 1 6u 1 lou (l�uC) LH JoC, 0CM *ro(k)h lou 1 'To leak' [Shi, Zuo]. Old Sino-Viet. r:J (Pan Wuyun 1 987: 28). [T] Sin Sukchu SR lgw ($:); MGZY l h iw ($:) [l�w]; MTang Jgu, ONW lou (luk) L H lok, OCM *rok * lu 'To strain, drip' [Guoce], 'draw off water' (from a pond) � [Li ] ; 'to strain, pour off' [Zhuang]; 'net' [Guoyu]. LEJ Area etymon: ? ST: Lepcha r6k 'to sift, sieve ' , perh. also W T 'khru-ba �E 'khrud-pa 'to bathe' �� 'khrus 'bath' (Geilich 1 994: 3 2 f). However, the Lepcha word m ay again be one of m any A A l oans, and WT may not be related. 'Net' may perh. be a different word related to TB-Mru Jok 'net' (Loffler 1 966: 1 42), but the initial consonants do not agree. AA: K hmer srol] / sraoh/ 'be drained' 3� samrol] /samraoh/ 'to drain (land, pond)' < -ral] I-roh/ 'to flow out, drain' . Khmer -> Tai: S. rua 82 < *r- 'to leak' [Li F . 1 976: 43] ; the Tai vocalism does not agree with the OC forms, hence MK seems to be the source. * luan � (Juan) LH Juan � Ion, OCM *ron 'Dripping' (water) [Guoce] . [C) A derivation i s prob. 4 gou2 'a drain'. Iou2 �� .... I u 1 -$Jt ( luo) L H l a , OCM *ra h11 'Be black' I!IJi! [Shu], * [Zuo] has been compared to WT rog-po 'black' (HST: 44), but the rimes do not agree. 1 6 2 ]lf (ljwo) LH lia, OCM *ra [T] ONW iio 'A hut, hovel, shelter' [Shi], in Sh1)ihg with reference to a field hut and an archery shelter, later in Sh1)Tng a hut on a tomb, a 'resting place, inn' along a highway 'resting place ' . [Zhoul i ] . This looks like a variant (*I > *r) of 4 shC2 163 (ljwo) LH lia, OCM *ra 'Madder plant' , in Sh1]ing ni-lu .milif (nzjwo-ljwo). Because of the compound pii4-lii (buo-ljwo) it has been suggested that the OC form had a pre-initial labial whose 364
hi
tu
loss m ay account for the i nitial s- in Northern M !n form s (Mei I Norman 1 97 1 : 98). (luo) LH lo, OCM *ra 'Head ', a late word [X in Tangshu] , can be compared to Tai: S. phaak < *phr/1'forehead' ; see also -> du8-I6u ���.
hi4
1 u. s _. H l 1 :arc 1 11 6 M 'boat' y u 14 lu 1 � (luoB) LH laB, OCM *ra? ->
'Salty, rock salt' [BI, Zuo]. Li F. ( 1 976: 45) draws attention to a possible connection with -> gu 1 5 'salt'. [E] ST: PTB *s-Ia 'salt' > Miri :>lo, PKaren *hla. Ace. to M atisoff ( 1 995 : 52), Baxter suggests a connection with the place name Lu i/· which was a salt-marsh region in ancient times. The meaning 'rustic, coarse' [Zhuang] i s sometimes thought to be connected with 'salt', but HST: 5 5 separates the two and relates 'coarse' to WT rags-pa 'coarse, thick, gross'.
Iu 2 il·
_.
tu 1 �
lu 3 ;fl (luo8) LH ]aB, OCM *ra? 'A large shield' [Li] has been compared to WB hlwa 8 'shie1d' (oblong and convex) (Unger Hao-ku 36, 1 990: 52). (luk) LH lok, OCM *r6k, OCB *C-rok lu1 'Carve wood' [SW] (Li 1 977: 62, 1 25, 277; Baxter 1 992: 504f, 543). '� I u �� (ljwok) LH l iok, OCM *rok 'To inscribe, record ' [Gongyang; Zhouli]. 3 � lou • ( l;mC) LH ioC, OCM *r6(h) 'To carve, engrave' [Shi]. The g raph has an alternate reading LH JoA {Unger Hao-ku 1 983 : 20). [E] ST: WT 'bru-ba, brus, and 'brud-pa 'to dig, chisel, carve, cut ' ; Nung :>-ru 'carve, write' (Benedict HJAS 4, 1 939: 220); perh. also JP krok55 'to carve' (wood) ( for the CH final -k, see 1 ). Unger points to the morphological parallelism with WT: WT 'bru < N-bru OCM *r6 OCM *r6h < *r6s WT brus This wf is considered to be related to -> bao 3 �U 'peel' , but 'carve' and 'peel ' are rather different activities. I u 2 1lk _. Iou 1 �ffiffi t u 3 � _. I u 1 lu4 �.i (lj uk) LH liuk, OCM *ruk 'Land' (as opposed to water) [Shi] is perh. shared with PWa *[?]rok 'dry land' . (luoC) L H l ac, O CM *rakh, OCB *g-raks lu5 'Road, way' [Shu]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR lu PR, LR lu; MGZY lu ( $: ) [lu]; ONW lo [DJ W-Wenzhou Jr;:;y 21; M-Yong'an tiwcl, Ji?myang ti:>C2, Flizhou tuoC2 [E] Unless it i s related to -> ge4 fi§ 'go, come' (Baxter 1 992: 329), it has no obvious ST etymology. It m ay be an AA word instead: MK-PVM *k-ra:? ' way, path' , PWa *kra? 'road ', Pearic khra: 'road, path', and Yao kJa 3. Cognate may also be -> liie3 �.
365
Iu l u 6 t� (luoC) LH lac, OCM *rakh fl1 ONW l o 'Grand, loud' � [Shi], 'big carriage, state carriage' [Shu]. The expression Jii qfn �� *rakh tsh;;'lm? 'grand I royal apartment' [Shi, Chunqiu] has the variant b6 qfn �B � (puk tshj;;'lm 8) *prak-tsh;;'lm? [Hanfei] (Unger Hao-ku 29, 1 984: 266) which means that the reconstruction and identification of lii is far from certain. -
l u 7 � (luoC) LH lac, OCM *rakh < *g-rah 'A kind of bamboo' u sed for making slender arrows [Shu] is listed as pre- or early historic tribute from the Yangtze I Han River region, i.e. an area inhabited by non-Chinese people. [E] Southern Area word: Tai : S. khJaa C2 (WrSiam glaa) 'bamboo' (Manomaivibool 1 975: 1 4 1 ) . PMY *l.o 3 'bamboo'. MK: Bahnar p�le, V iet le 'bamboo' [Gregerson in Jenner 1 976: 3 53]. For the difference in initials, see §7 .3. lu8 • ( luoC) LH lac, OCM *rakh, OCB *g-raks 'Dew, to condense into droplets' (clouds) [Shi]. An OC pre-initial may explain the initial s- in some Northern M ln dialects, thus PMin * l.o c > Jii'm 'cm su44 (Mei I Norman 1 97 1 : 98). In a few dialects it m eans 'fog' : W-S iizhou mi2 4f22_ J;;w 2lf44. 'to fall, drop', the AA-Khmer stem also has the semantic [E] Derived from _, 1uo7 extension 'cover from above, drip'. An allofam is -> xu 1 'to dri p ' . I u 9 a (luoc) L H lac, OC M *rakh, OCB *g-raks 'Let appear, appear' [BI, Shi] > ('let bones appear' :) 'emaciated' [ZuoJ . Karlgren GSR 766t' considers this the s. w. a s _, lu8 but it m ay be a separate etymon, note TB-JP kra31 'to appear, show'. l u 10
( luoC) LH lac, OCM *rakh 'Heron, egret' [Shi]. [E] AA: K hmer kraak 'species of heron', k- may be an AA prefix found i n animal names [Jenner I Pou 1 982: xl]. Tai raa C2 'a kind of heron' (Manomaivibool 1 975: 1 39; Unger Hao-ku 36, 1 990: 45).
l u 1 1 .J:l (luk) LH lok, OCM *rok 'Deer, sika deer' [OB, Shi]. Sagart ( 1 999: 1 6 1 ) suggests that -+ jiao 5 ftJ 'horn' i s related t o lii. [E] The etymology is not certain; it may be ST: NNaga gjuk 'sambar, deer' < PTB *g-rjuk [French 1 983 : 1 88]. Benedict (ace. to French) relates the TB item to Gurung gju 'sheep' , but this has an alternate explanation. Note also Tai: Nung klook 'deer' (generic term) (Benedict A T: 268). 11) 12 ( luk) LH lok, OCM *rok 'Shake' (as drums shake bells) [Zhouli]. or -+ jH'to8 [C] This word could be associated with _, j ue 1 1 1 1) 13 � (luk) LH lok, OCM *r6k 'Forest (in foothills)' [Shi ] > 'forester' [BI , Guoyu] (also with phonetic -f3Z [OB, SW]). [E] AA: PVM *m-ru:? 'forest' . Iu 14 • _, B 24-I u ft :fl I u 15 _, Iou 1 iffi Iu 16 _, Iou 1 �m
366
I u - I fi l u 17 f� (ljuk) LH 1iuk, OCM *ruk 'Disgrace' [Lun]. LEJ ST: M ru ruk 'shame' (Loffler 1 966: 1 42). I u 18 � � l i u 3 �J l i1 1 1J:: (lju) LH lio, OCM *rio < *r-jo 'To drag, trail ' [Shi]. �� yu � U iu) LH jo, OCM *jo 'To pull, drag' [Zhuang]. 1112 ,�J! (ljwo) LH lia, OCM *ra 'Donkey' [SW). MGZY lyu (f) [1y] [f] Sin Sukchu SR 1y [N] Unger (Hao-ku 1 3, 1 989) points out that the donkey must have been known in (lua) ( Sin China before its first mention during the Han dynasty because 'mule' lu6 Sukchu SR b (f); MGZY lwo (f) [lw:>J) occurs already in Lilshi chiinqiii. Related are WB Ja B 'mule', Tiddim Jat < la:h 'mule' , but MC 1- usually corresponds to PTB *r. Perh. the TB items are Han period or later loans. I ii 1 D�
( ljwoB) LH lia8, OCM *ra? Anything l ined up in a regular fashion: 'one after the other' [Li] , 'line up in a row > set forth ; troop, multitude' [OB, Shi ] ; 'spine' [Shi, Zhuang] , 'pitchpipe' § [Li] > ( 'spine of a roof' >) 'beam supporting rafter of a roof' {§ [SW]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR ly Cr. ) ; MGZY lyu ( 1:.) [ly]; ONW lio Perh. 3� lu IJLI ( ljwo) LH lio, OCM *ra 'To display, expose, arrange' [Guoyu]. LE] ST: WT gra-ma 'the awn, bristles, or ears of cereals; bones or skeleton of a fish, lattice, trellis, frame' ( Bodman 1 980: 1 65 ; HST: 1 38); Matisoff ( l 999: 6) adds JP n31-rut55 n3i_ra 33 'skeleton bones' (n31-rut55 'bones'), Tangkhul a-ra, Nocte a-ra. Perh. also WT gras 'class, order, rank, tribe' (Bodman 1 980: 1 32) which is plausible in light of WT rus 'bone' - 'clan ' . Unger (Hao-ku 39, 1 992) connects the WT word with � lie 1 31U (ljat) 'series' . l il. 2 /j� (ljwo8) LH JioB, OCM *ra? 'Guest, stranger' [Zuo] , 'traveler' [Yi] , 'road' [Li] . Bodman ( 1 980: 1 32) connects this word with W T dgra 'enemy' � 'gras-pa 'to hate'. Or this word may belong to a larger group which includes � ge4 � 'go, come'.
lil.3
H 14
(ljwo8) LH lioB, OCM *ra? 'Lodge, lodging' [Shi]. This word has several possible etymologies: ( 1 ) cognate to � Ili) flR 'guest, travel er'. (2) An endoactive derivation ( §4.5) of � J(i2 JII 'hut'. (3) It could possibly belong to the ST stem *s-jak - *r-jak '24 hour day, spend the night', see � xf1 ')7 for suggestive Lushai cognates. (?)
�g OCM *ra? ( ?) The reading of this graph is conjecture. 'Material from which bronze vessels were cast' [only in Zhou BI] (Qiu Xigui 2000: 3 05) may be related to WT ra-gan 'brass' , rag- in compounds.
H i 1 1.$ (ljuet) LH luit, OCJ\1 *rut ( 'To follow' :) 'to follow a model ' [Li] , 'law, rule' [Yi], 'row' [Shi] > 'to comb' [Xun] (Karlgren GSR 502c). rrJ Sin Sukchu SR ly (A); MGZY lyu (A) [ly]; ONW luit LE] Baxter ( 1 992: 280 and 842 n. 1 96) derives 'rule' from the same root as � b16 367
Hi - l u a n 'brush, writing pencil', both deriving from the notion 'draw a l ine, ruler ' ; but see bf for an alternative etymology. �� shuai $ grP C :Vuet, �wic) LH �uit, �uis, OCM *srut(s) - [f] ONW �uit 'To go along, follow, lead' [Shi] ; 'lead an army' §rjJ [Zuo], 'obey' [Li]. [ 'be anxious about' [Lun]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR ly MGZY lyu [Iy]; ONW lio I.E] ST *rwa- ? : WT bgro-, bgros 'to consider, deliberate' (Unger Hao-ku 20: 1 69), Lushai ruat 'to think, believe, consider'. [C] Allofam ..., li.H�2 Htg.
lfi3
-'> Zhii 12 fl}J
lii4-l i a o ( lj uet-) LH luit, OCM *rut [f] ONW luitThe commentaries on the relevant passages in Li]i are ambiguous. One says 'blood and fat around intestines' , another simply 'fat ar. i . ' A parallel passage in Shi 2 1 0, 5 has J1o. 1iif 'blood and fat r. i. '; therefore the commentary to Li may have omitted or lost the reference to 'blood' , consequently it appears that J{j means 'blood' ( Unger Hao-ku 39, 1 992). I f this is the case, J{j would be a loan from PTai *ltet0 2 L (rather than PKS *phJa:t7 , Kadai *platD) 'blood' . If, on the other hand, Ju should be a homonym of Jiao 'intestines', either or both could be connected with Viet-M uong: Viet. ru{Jt, Muong roe 'intestines' [Pulleyblank JCL 22. 1 , 1 994: 82]. Hl5 �$ (ljuet) LH luit, OCM *rut (or *riut ?) 'Rope' made of hemp or bamboo #."¥ [SW] , 'leather band ' [Zuo]. I.E] ST: WT rgyud < r-yut 'string, cord' (of bow, musical instrument), 'connection' � rgyud-pa 'to fasten, file' (on string) (Unger Hao-ku 39, 1 992); if W B krui8 'thread, string, chain ' should be related, the etymon needs to be analyzed d ifferently. This i s apparently a variant of """" yu 26 both from PCH **rjut - **r-jut (§9.2. 1). 1 uan 1 �� (luiin) LH luon, OCM *ron, OCB *b-ron 'Emaciated' [Shi]. I.E] ST: WB prun8 'worn away, exhausted, spent' (as property) 3 t p11runB 'wear away, exhaust, spend'. luan2 � 'dripping ' """" l o u 1 � luan3 (Juan) LH Juan, OCM *ron, OCB *b-ron 'Bells on horse' s trapping' [BI; SW 14: 633 1 ] is related to Tai: S. phruanA2 < *br 'neck bells' (for domestic animals); this is a CH loan l ike other words dealing with horsemanship, as Bodman ( 1 980: 74) points out. lUan, s huan (�wane, :VwanC) LH �uanc, OCM *srons 'Twins' [Lii] is an ancient Zhiw-Wei (Shanxi) d ialect word [FY 3. 1 ], it may be a
368
Iuan - lun doublet of -. shuang 1 � *srol) (Baxter 1 992: 227), but the putative ST roots would differ which speak against this (ST *zul) vs. *run). [E] ST: JP m�31-run55 •twin'.
luan J}i� (luanB) LH luanB, O CM *ron?, OCB *C-ron? [11 ONW l uan 'Egg' [Zuo], the Northern M !n initial s- may be due to loss of a pre-in itial which m ight have been a velar considering Duan Yucai's comment that Juan is read like guiin !m ( Mei I Norman 1 97 1 : 99). [E] ST: PTB *(s-)rwa 'nit' > WT sro-ma 'eggs of louse, nit ' , JP tsi?-ru 'louse eggs' (Benedict 1 976: 1 90). luan �L ( luanC) LH l uanc, OCM *r6ns, OCB *C-rons 'To rebel, disorder' [Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR l w:m C *); MGZY lon C * ) D:m); ONW luan [E] Area word of AA origin: Khmer prwla /pruu:;}l/ 'be agitated, disturbed, in uproar' < rwla /ruu:;}l/ 'to boil quickly, cook, grill ' ; also Khmer /kal]lraa:}l/ 'to run amok, get excited, agitated' < /rool/ 'to burn, blaze, roar'. AA -> TB-WB broiJB - byoiJ8 - prunB - run 8 'tumultuous ' ; WT khraJ-khrul 'confusion, disorder' (the stem is krul). CH -> M iddle Vietnamese tl�m > trgn (Maspero 1 9 1 2: 78). Old Sino-Vi et ron (Pan W uyun 1 987: 28). *prjons [C] Baxter ( 1 992: 365) thinks it l ikely that this word is cognate to -> bi1m4 'change' . l iie1 :j:lj{� (ljak, Jjal)c) L H l iok, liol)c, OCM *rak, *ral)h. 'To rob, plunder' :j:lj{ [Zuo], � [Guoyu]. [DJ M-Amoy ]IJC 'to beat' [E] ST: Lushai r:JkL 'to plunder, loot, raid' . ltie2 � (ljak) L H l ick, OCM *rak 'To trace out, measure (area), plan ' [Shu] > 'plan, method' [Zuo]; 'boundary, frontier' [Zuo]. [11 Sin Sukchu SR !jaw (./\); MGZY Jew (.A) [lew); ONW l(i)ak [C) Possible allofams -. lu 2 JJI,; -. ltie3 �; perh. also -. liling4 ltie3 � (ljak) LH l iak, OCM *rak 'To traverse' [Zuo] > 'sketch, outline' [Meng] ; 'road, way' [Zuo]. [C] This is possibly t h e same etymon as -> ltie2 llffi . Perh. 3 � -> Ju5 lfi§. 'road' . l tie4 � (ljak) LH l iak, OCM *rak 'Be sharp' (of plows) [Shi]. [E] ? ST: PTB *mrak (STC no. 1 47): WB mrak 'cut keenly' •� mra C 'very sharp, keen' , JP ?mya?55 'torn, ragged' . h1n 1 �All (ljuen, !u:;}n) L H Juin, l u�n. OCM *run 'To discuss' [Lunyu] > 'examine' �All [Meng]; 'principle, category' 11ffl' [Shi]. Ace. to Downer ( 1 959: 277) the noun has tone C. [11 Sin Sukchu SR lun (1"*); MGZY !un CiL*) Dun] ; ONW lon � lun HAll (lugnC) LH Jugnc, OCM *run s 'Theory' [Zuo] . [E] Perh. ST: Lushai r:>:JnH 'to ask advice, consult' � r:>:>nL < r:J:>nh (< r:>:>ns) 'to suggest, advise'.
369
h1n - luo h1n2 flfff (ljuen) LH luin, OCM *run [f] ONW luin 'Wheel ' [Shi]. Ace. to Robert Bauer (Sino-Platonic Papers 47, 1 994) perh. a PIE loan whose source m ay ultimately be the same etymon as the one for -> che if[. Dialects have different words for 'wheel ' : Beijing k6-Ju Il!tlJ:$,1, Y-Guangzhou tshe55-Jok55 !f[:$,1 . -
h1n3 � (ljuen) LH luin, OCM *run, OCB *g-rjun 'Cord' [Li ] , 'to twist' [Shi] , 'envelop, comprise' [Yi]. Pulleyblank ( 1 972, 73) relates this word to -> lei 2 � #� . Ace. to Baxter ( 1 992: 28 1 ) the fol lowing is derived from the same root: �� guiin � (kwan) LH kuan, OCM *krfin ? 'Blue or green sash, kerchief' [Erya, SW] . [C] Perh. also related is -> m fn3 #,� OCB *mrjun (so Baxter). 1 uo t� (luat) LH luat, OCM *rot 'Gather, pluck' [Shi] ; 'to pull (up sleeves), to scrape off (sweat), milk (cows)' . [E] PTai ruutD2 'to scrape off (mud from l imbs), strip off (grains from stalk)' ( Manomaivibool 1 975: 1 39). There are two possible TB cognates: Lushai JoR I l:J?L (< *bs) 'to pluck, pick', but the initial consonants do not agree. Or WT 'drud-pa 'to rub, file, rub off, grind'. [C] Allofam is perh. -> gua3 J5Jj 'scrape off'. Perhaps also related to -> du64 1* (tuat, tjwat) 'pick, gather'. 1 u6 1 !�!!% -> wo , guii , 1 u6 !�!!% lu62 �W: (lua) LH luai I S loi [T] ONW lua 'A spiral shel l ' . [D ] The initial s- in Northern Mln dialects a s in Ji�m'ou soA2 may b e due t o the loss of a pre-initial (Mei I Norman 1 97 1 : 1 00). lu63 .� -> 1112 .�i lu64 � (la) LH lai, OCM *rai LT1 ONW la 'Bird net' [Shi], 'gauze' [Guoce]. [D] Y -Guangzh6u 21I:JA2, K-Meixi�m I:JA2 [E] Perh. the word is related to WT dra 'net' (but the rimes do not agree). [C] Allofam -> l f9 f.fJl �'ll . lu65 � (la) LH lai 'Hamper' [JY]; Han period dialect word for 'winnowing basket' [FY 5]. [D] Y-Guangzhou 21i:JA2; PMin *J.oiA 2 : Jiangle sajD3, Ftizhou JajA2, Xiamen JuaA2, lit. JoA2 [E] ? ST: TB-Lushai hral < hrai? 'a basket for measuring rice ' . 1 uo 1 liilJ _. le i 2 �:UW: luo 2 � (lua8) LH luai8 I S loiB, OCM *r6i? lT] ONW luaB 'Bare, naked' [Zuo]. lE] ST: Lushai ruaJt < ruak 'naked' . Matisoff ( 1 995 : 64) suggests that the OC final *-i (-j ) represents a ST diminutive suffix. PTai *ploiA 1 'naked' (Luo 2000: 75) seems also to be related. [C] Prob. related to -> cheng5 tlf1. 'naked'. For an overview of related and similar etyma, see Table L- 1 . -
-
-
370
Iuo Table L- 1 Naked, red ST *roj? ?
3
WB mrak 'grass' [HPTB: 80]. Unger (Hao-ku 5 1 , 1 995) suggests a ST form *r-mak. [C] Possible allofams are _. wu9 ��' ....; xf1 frlt. IDling 2 (mwii!]B) LH maiJ8, ()Cl\!1 *miil]? < *mHl.IJ? ? 'King snake' [EY], i .e. 'python' (Carr L TBA 1 3 .2, 1 990: 1 20f). It i s perh. connected with Loloish *lal) 1 'snake' (Zev Handel, ICSTLL 1 997: 26). IDiio �� (mau, mjau 3) LH mau, ()Cl\!1 *mau 'Cat' [Shi]. 375
mao - m e i
[T] Sin Sukchu SR m a w (}jl); MGZY maw, mew [maw � mew); [N] The onomatopoetic nature of this word explains the M C div. 1 1 vocalism (mifo hardly had an OC medial *r) as well as the unexpected tone A in M andarin . m a o .=§ (mau) L H mou, OCM *mau 'Hair, fur' [Shi , Bl]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR maw ( }jl ) ; MGZY maw ( }jl ) [maw]; ONW m ou [DJ PMin *l]lil.U 'hair, head hair' [E] ST: PTB *r-maw 'hair' in Kachin nmun nmau 'beard' (STC: 1 92 n. 49 1 ), PLB *mgw{ 'hair' [CVST 1 : 23). mao ,
( mauC) LH mouC, OCM *muh - [f] ONW mau 'Head scarf, head cover' of the southern M an- Yf people H [SW], �� [Shiming]; 'scepter cover' [Zhouli] ; 'hat' [Hanshu]. [E] This i s a late word. The SW allusion to a southern origin suggests that this i s the same etymon as the M K � m6u5 � 'helmet'; on the other hand, mao cannot be separated from the homophone ST -7 mao1 I@' 'to cover'. Foreign 'hat' has prob. been reinterpreted as -7 mao 2 I@' 'cover' becau ;e of parallelism with the syn. -7 bei6 f& 'cover > headdress' .
mao2 I@' (mauC) L H mouc, OCM *mfih, OCB *muks - [T] ONW mou To cover' (without contact, spread overhead, as sky covers the earth, a king 's efforts extend over the world) [Shi]; later > 'to cover' (e.g. a corpse with cloth) [Li] , (body with skin) [Hanshu ] ; 'hat' [Hanshu] , but see -> mao 1 H��; ( 'cover the eyes ' ) > 'reckless' [Zuo], 'be jealous' [Li]. I n Lilshi chiinqiii the word rimes apparently with dao 1t� *dau?/h (no final *-k, vowels differ), GY has an alternate reading for m in tone B ( < *-?), hence no QC final -k. [E] ST: WB muiB 'cover without contact, spread overhead, be chief' �E ;;;}- muiB 'roof, a chief' (WB also hmu 'be chief' �� :'}-hmu 'chief'). To this root belongs also the common TB word for 'sky ' : WB m ui8 (written miughB) 'sky, rain' , OTib. mu 'sky' (HST), WT dmu , rmu, smu 'sky' (Hoffmann 1 979: 96); TGTM 1hmu, Nung m u; JP ];;J31-mu31 'sky' 3E? mu55 '1ightning ' . The syn. word for 'sky', -> tiiin 1 belongs to a root 'above'. mao3 (mauC) LH mouC, OC M *mfih 'To see, look' [Shu ] , survives in Gan d ialects: Wunfng mauC1 'to look at' [Sagart 1 993: 1 73]. [E] ST *mu(?) > JP m u31 'to see', Lushai hmiwL I hmu?L 'to see, perceive, observe, come across, get, receive' �� hmu?L 'to show' ( CVST I : 43). 'hat' -7 m a o , �J�I§f mao4 'covetous' .... mo6 mao5 mao6 J\§1 -7 mao l mao7 $� -7 mao 1 r=J�� maog m � mao2 I@' mao9 .... wu l l r� mao t o D 'have not' in Gan d ialects ( 11re:fi') -7 m e i l m e i 1 15i (mu;;�t) 'Not have, there is no, not yet' Mand. ; MC mu:Jt may be a col. variant of wu 1;] or
376
mei
wei which later fused with, o r was influenced by, This late word is not derived from -> mo4 19. 'dive'.
you 2 ff (Nonnan 1 988: 1 26).
me i 2 f)( (mu�i) l,H m;::�i , OCM *m5i 'Branch, tree trunk, board' [Shi ] , later 'chip, counter' > classifier for every category of noun i n the Nanbeichao period, now obsolete (Lii Shuxiang; Norman 1 988: 1 1 5). [E] AA: OKhmer mek [meek] 'branch, bow, limb, twig' > 'numeral classifier for elephant tusks' (Jenner I Pou 1 982: 2 1 5). After a foreign long vowel OC often drops the coda, see §6.9.
tJl§lfri! ( mji 3) LH mt, OCM *mr;::�i , OCB *mrj;::�j 'Edge, bank, coast, from the moment of' [B I , Shi ] > 'eyebrow' }§ ( 'edge I border of the eye') [Shi ] (so Karlgren 1 956: 5 ; W ang Li 1 982: 428), 'lintel of door or window' tJR [YiliJ. For a semantic parallel 'edge' > 'rim , (of eye), see .... ya3, a i miJI IDI. [E] Etymology not clear. Mei 'eyebrow' is prob. not related to PTB *(s-)mil *(s-)mul 'body hair' because it i s the s. w. as 'edge, rim ' - unless the semantic development should have been 'eyebrow' > 'edge, bank' (unlikely). TB has somewhat similar comparanda: WT mu 'border, boundary, lim it, edge' ; or Lushai hm:x:>rH 'border, edge, point, end ' (but see -> mo 1 :7K). For more words with initial *m- and the notion 'edge, lip', etc. See -> wen 1 Jl;7;). mei4 � (mu�i) LH m;::� , OC M *m;) and *m5? (Mattos 1 97 1 : 3 09) 'Japanese apricot' (Prunus mum e), 'plum ', Mand. meizf seems to be related to Old Japanese ume2 'plum' (Shibatani 1 990: 1 20; Miyake 1 997: 1 88). There are other tree names which have a possible Japanese connection: -> son g 1 f.L} 'pine'; -> nai 1 'some kind of pear' and -> zhe 1 t::fi 'some kind of m ulberry tree' . The source of these words i s unknown.
mei3
�
m e i 5 nBJ (mu�i[C]) LH m�(C), OCM *m;;,(h), OCB *m5(h) 'deer', but the 'Meat on sides of spine' [Yi ] may belong to the TB i tems under -> m f2 vowels do not agree. m e i 6 �tJj1; (mu�i) LH ffi;:), OCM *m5 - [D] PMin *moi 'Marriage go-between, m atchmaker' [Shi], 'god of fecundity' tJi1; [Li] . A semantic extension is perh . .... meig 11* 'prolific' . [E] A A : Khmer dhmaya [tmfi;::�j ] 'agent, representative' > 'marriage go-between ' , derived from [*-d;;>j ] 'bear, support' ( 4 dai9 jjz) with the i nfix -m- which forms agental derivatives (Jenner I Pou 1 982: xlvi f). The AA infix was treated like the word ini tial in OC ( §2.6). � � g ii o -mei �t!i1; [kau-m;:�] *kau-m5 [Liishi] , j i ii o -m e i 5f�t!i1; [kau-m;:�] A fecundity rite which was performed at an altar outside of town jiao 5 'morning twilight, dawn, earlier; dusk' [OB, BI, Shi, Shu]. ' � wu 87/] ( mjugt, xu::�t) LH mut, huZ>t, OCM *m;)t, *hm5t < *hm;)t 'Dawn' [SW]. [E] Perh. connected with KS, note PKS *5u:t7 'blind ' . mei4 � ( m i C 4 ) L H m is, OC M *mi(t)s [f] MTang m+, ONW m i i 'To sleep' [Shi]. [E] ST: PTB *r-mwiy (STC: 1 74 n. 463 ; no. 1 96) > WT rmi-ba, rmis 'to dream', WB -
378
mM
men
m wee 'to sleep' ( HST: 1 34), M agar mis-ke; Lushai m u H I m utL < m u I m us 'to lie down, sleep' i s related. mei 5 � ( mjiC 3) LH mts, OCM *mri(t)s ? 'A kind of demon ' [Zuo], � [Zhoul i ] (discussed by Carr L TBA 1 3 .2 : 1 3 7) ; mei i s often combined with -> chf4 ���. Etymology not clear.
mei6 �?;) (m uat, maiC) LH mat, mas, OCM *mat, *mrats 'Farsighted, dim vision ' [SW] may be related to ..,. mei3 � (so Wang
U
1 982: 465).
(mu�iC, xu�iC) LH mgC, hugC, OCM *(h)m�h mei 7, hu1 'Be pained, to suffer' [Shi ] . The relationship with -> m fn4 � 'suffering ' is not clear. mei 8, j u e :fj( (mjiaic 4, kiwet) LH mias, kuet, OCM *me(t)s, *kwet ? 'Sleeve' jue [Lun ] , mei [Li]. Ace. to Baxter I Sagart ( 1 998: 49), jue i s a k-prefix derivation from mei. (mugn) LH m m fng 2 �. Baxter I Sagart ( 1 998: 60) add hu f&. (hu;:!t) [hut] *hmut 'careless, confu sed' [Shi] to this wf. men ..., me n 3 �c.9 379
m e ng
men g
men g 1 �t (m B I] ) L H mal), OCM *mral) 'Gadfly, horsefly' [Zhuang] ; also name of the plant Friti/Jaria [Shi]. Mei Tsu-Lin ( 1 98 5 : 3 38) relates thi s word to --> yfng6 tl!!!§ 'a fly' and PTai ma-lE:eiJA2, but see --> m fng 5 -lfng ��. [E] ST: WT sbral) < s-mraiJ ? 'a fly' (Gong 2002b: 200). For the i nitial m- � b difference, see §5 . 1 2.2. meng2 tR; (me!]) LH melJ, OCM *mrglJ or *mraiJ 'Population, people' f:R [Shi ] , lllt [Zhouli], 'subjects' [Meng] (commentators have suggested that meng refers to 'settlers from the outside', but that cannot be the meaning in Meng 5B, 6) > Mand. m6ng 'the common people' , but Iiumang ( !) tlE@ 'hooligan ' is perh. a different etymon. QYS meiJ normally goes back to OC *mr�lJ (so Li F.) or *mrel); the phonetic as wel l as the graph substitution meng � (mBIJc) *mra!Jh (Karlgren GL 1 76) favor OC *mrat). This word is not related to --> mfn 1 .13!; 'people' as i s sometimes suggested (e.g. Wang U 1 982: 3 72). [E] ST: WT dmaiJS 'common people, crowd' 3 f 'baiJS 'subjects' (Benedict 1 976: 1 73 ; HST: 1 1 6). m e n g 3 .21 ... m1ng6 El)j meng4 Wj (me!]) LH me!), OCM *mral) 'Sprout' [Li]. [E] ? Area word: Lepcha m/am 'shoots from stump of tree ' , note also V iet. miim 'sprout, shoot' (Bodman 1 980: 1 20). meng 5 � §� (IDUI)) LH ID Ol) , OCM *mol) 'Blind' [Shi] > 'be blind to, unenlightened' � [Shi] > 'stupidity, ignorance' � [Shu]. [E] ST: WT mdOIJs-pa < mloiJ-S ? 'blind ' . HST: 6 1 considers this the same etymon as -> meng7 � 'darkening ' ; in fact this word and ..... meng7 � . ..... meng 6 � may be the same, in spite of meng here being also written with the graph which should be expected to go back to an original vowel *;:J. It i s not clear if and how the wf ..... m ang3 tte may be related. meng6 (mu!]) LH IDOl), OCM *mol) 'To cover' intr. (as fur, vegetation, etc.) [Shi], $� [Yi Zhou] > 'filled to the brim ' (of food vessels) � [Shi]. See note under ..... meng 7 � 'darkeni ng ' . 3< meng (mu!]8) L H mol)B, OCM *mol)? 'Be dense, luxurious' fShi]. meng7 (mui]) LH IDOl), OCM *mol) 'Darkening' (e.g. sky by rain) [Shi]. TB cognates suggest that this i s not derived from the same ST etymon as '"* meng 5 �g� 'blind' . [EJ ST: PTB *mu:!] ( STC no. 362) > WB hmuiiJ 'dull, downcast' 3 � hmuiiJB 'very dark ' ; JP muiJ33 'overcast'. Alternative: WT rmory-ba 'be obscured' , W B hmoiJ 'very dark, darkness '. -> Many words could be combined i nto a l arge wf 'cover, dark, blind ' : ..... meng 6 meng5 � H�, ..... men3 F,c�. . However, 'blind' ..... meng 5 � � points to a medial *I, whereas there is no evidence for this in the WB words for 'dull, dark ' . meng I (mei]8) LH IDEI] B , OCM * mrei]? 'Toad' [Zhouli]. The character also writes a syllable mfn (mjien8 4) OCM *min?. 380
meng -> ->
mr
we n2 !!& m e n g 6 � 'cover'
men g 1 � (mmf) LH matf, OC M *mraiJh ? - ff] ONW meiJ 'Eldest' (of siblings) [Shi], 'eldest' [Shul, 'first' (of three months) [Li] . [E] ? ST: PTB *mal) 'older' (of persons) > Trung d:;,maiJ 'big ' (of persons), 'older ' , WB u 8-maiJ8 'uncle' (STC: 1 89). HST: 42 relates CH to TB words listed under -> m ang2 m eng2 &: (mjul)C) LH mul)(C), OCM *m�l) (tone A !) 'Drea m ' [Shi]. Sh1}ihg rimes indicate tone A for OC (Mattos 1 97 1 : 309). ff] Sin Sukchu SR m ul) (*"); MGZY wung (*") [vul)]; MTang mol), ONW mul) [E] ST *m;:HJ: WT rmaiJ-lam 'dream ' (Jam 'path'); Chepang maiJ? 'dream ' , Boro simaiJ? [Weidert 1 987: 2 1 ], Tamang 3maiJ; PLB *s-mak - *s-mal) 'dream ' > WB hmaiJ 'dream' , mak 'dream ' ; JP ?maiJ33 'to dream ' , Lushai maiJR I manL 'to dream ' . Perh. also related to .... meng5 &:H�. m £ 1 � (miei) LH mei, OCM *mf - ff] ONW mei 'To go astray' [Shi] . * m{ � ( mieiC) LH meiC, OCM *mfh 'Mysterious word s ' [GY] (Wang U 1 982: 430). :S < ml t1* (miei8) LH mei8, OCJVI *mf7 'Get something in the eye, troubled sight' [Zhuang] (Wang U 1 982: 430). [E] ST: Lushai hmai?L < hmaih 'to overlook, miss, forget' < PTB *ma:y, WB meC 'forget'; Weidert 1 987: 285 sets up 'mle· 'to forget' on the basis of Tangkhul Ike-lme3Jai. m£2
( mj i 3) LH mt, OCM *mr(:::>) i 'David's deer' [Zuo]. [E] ? Perh. ST: Chepal) mai? 'meat' , Bodo m vi? 'deer' , Liangmei ka-mf 'meat' (Weidert 1 987: 35); NNaga *me:y 'meat, flesh' > mai and mei in individual l anguages. A single etymon for both 'meat' and 'deer' is also found in WT: sa 'meat' - swa 'deer'. Alternatively, the TB items may belong to -> mei5 )}�, but the vowels do not agree.
m I 3 iJi (mjie 4) LH mie, OCM *me LTJ MTang m+, ONW m ie ( 'To take time, take its time to completion, run its course to completion ' :) 'To complete, ful fi l l , long-lasting ' [BI, Shi] > 'extend, increase' [Zuo] > 'still more' [Lunyu]. � < m l �_ij;f _x: (mjieB 4) LH mieB, OC M *me? 'To complete, fulfill' [Shi], *-:\?: [Shu), 'to finish' [Zhouli); 'to be filling, ful l ' (river) 11m (also MC mjie, mieiB), and derived metaphors * [Shi] . ff] MTang m i , ONW me (i .e. QYS div. 3). mi4 71m-> m f 3 mf5 ' fawn ' -> n i ft tl mi6 (mje 3) LH m+ai, OCM *mai 'To crush' (people) [Meng] which, ace. to GSR 1 7g is derived from the meaning 'rice gruel ' [Li] , the reverse seems more plausible, however. [D) PMin *1}1ueA 2 ; in Southern Min, this word 'rice gruel' is used for Mand. zhou [E] ST: WT dmyal-ba 'to cut up into small pieces' . Allofam ? -> ml7 f(£ 'small'. ml1 * (miei8) LH mei8, OC M *mf7, OCB *mij?. 'Rice, husked rice' [Zuo]. ff] Sin Sukchu SR mjej Cl:); MGZY m i (1:) [mi ] 381
mr [DJ PM in *1,ni 8 2 'husked rice' . [E] Prob. an area word, but a relative with unambiguous phonological agreement i s elusi ve ; most likely cognate: PTB *ma-y (STC no. 305) > Garo m i �� me, Dimasa mai 'rice, pad dy ' , Karen Sgaw me 'boiled rice ' ; Tangkhul Naga ma 'paddy' , Lushai m;yiH beginning to form in the bud' (rice); JP n33_moi33 'blossom' (of grain) ( HST: 1 25). However, this connection presupposes an OCM *mgi?. Matisoff ( 1 995: 66) suggests that the final *-i /-y is a ST diminutive suffix. Yao pwP (W ang Fushi). AN imay 'rice' (Benedict A T) . Alternatively, L i Fang Kuei ( 1 976: 45) associates the C H word with S. ma-Jet02S < *ml- 'seed' , S. met I Jet 'seed, kernel' , Saek m/ek/t02, and refers also to WT 'bras < Nbras 'rice' (which belongs to __.. B 2 1 though), and to 'bru 'grain, seed' (cognate to 'fruit'. __.. wu 5 ti'D. however). Egerod 1 976 cites M iao mblei. See also __.. shi 1 2
mf 1 f1: (mjieB 4) LH m ieB, OCM *me? The clan name of the rulers of the ancient state of Chu, in CH translation Xi6ng fl�. Mfi s a KT word for 'bear' (Yan Xuequn CAAAL 2 1 , 1 983 : 1 35): PKS *mu:iLfi, PTai *hm-: S. miJ Al, Po-ai muuJA 1; Hlai mui4 [Matisoff 1 988c : 3 1 0] (a medial wlu is lost after labial and acute initi als in CH); farther afield we note AN: e.g. Proto-Eastern Formosan *Cumey 'bear' [Li Jen-kuei LL 2004: 3 68]. The graph represents a sheep and writes the sound of its bleating ( ?). __..
�If� __.. m f 3 5m
?51} (mjieB 4) LH mieB, OCM *me'( 'To wash' (a corpse i n preparation for burial) [Zhouli] may be related to __.. m1 1 Jiti, but the vowels do not agree.
� ( mjeB 3) LH mtai8, OC'M *mai?
'Not have, there is no' [Shi ] > ( 'cause to get to nothing' :) 'squander' [Li] , 'exhaust' [Guoyu]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR m i ('V ) , mjej (J:), PR m�j MGZY mue J: ) [mue] [N] This PCH and pre-classical word 'not have, there is no' (the more common synonym was __.. wang I was replaced by __.. wu 4 � starting only i n late WZhou, so that m! survived only as a semantic derivative 'squander, exhaust ' . [ mi6 'not have' (i.e. > 'become nothing, negligible, small ' ?). Ace. to HST: 62, it could be cogn. to -> m f6 � 'crush ' . Or it could be a vocalic variant of a syn . ... wei g 11 *mgi .
mi 1
( mj iet 4) LH m it, OCM *m it, OCB *Npjit 'To wipe a vessel clean ' [SW]. [E] ST: JP myit55 'wash' (the face) ( CVST 1 : 24). Chang a. Chang compare mi ill£ with WT 'phyid-pa, 'phyi-ba (< Npit) 'to wipe, blot out ' (Baxter 1 992: 22 1 ) ; Lushai phi? ' wash' (the face) [Weidert 1 975: 1 6]. For the initials, see §5. 1 2.2. Perh. related to -> m15 i5!L ) "'�· lilif.P. m 1 2 �llll ... m u:.. 15 if. "" !\ [lffi ml 3 (mjet 3) LH mtt, OCM *mrit, OCB *mrjit [f] ONW m it 'Dense' (of clouds, dwellings) [BL Shi] is ace. to Baxter ( 1 992: 436) possibly cognate to the following ( unless it is the s. w. as --" ml4 'near'): sf li (Ijet) LH l it, OCM *rit, OCB *C-rjit [f] ONW lit 'Dense, compact' (of kernels, heaped grain) [Shi]. -
-
m1 4 W ( mjet 3 ) LH m+t, OCM *mrit ? 'To be near, close' [Zuo]. [E] AA: Khmer piata /blggt/ 'be near, close, come close to, bring near, press upon.. ' sf pa1Jlpiata !bombbgt/ 'to squeeze or hold tight, pin between . . . '. For the initials, see § 5 . 1 2.2; Khmer -ia- corresponds often to an OC high front vowel. Alternatively, this may be the same word as --" ml3 'dense'. , LL! ml 5 � ' , st' I ent -> m u :.. 1 5 slilif.P. W\ [lffi ,;, ml 6 i: ( mjiet 4) LH mit, OCM *mit 'Honey' [Chuci]. [f] MTang mir < mtr, ONW miit [D] PMin *m it [E] Thought to be borrowed from I E-Tocharian B mit 'honey' < PTokharian *mjgt (Behr Oriens 1 999 I 2000: 36). ml 7 (miek) LH mek, OCM *mek 'To cover' [Zhouli], . [Yili]; 'cover' (consisting of skin or mats) . [BI ] , 'covering o n carriage' Wi [Li] , 'floor carpet in carriage' [Zhouli]. � � mie $1l (miet) LH met, OCM *met 'Cover' [Shi] reflects dialect confusion *-ek *et (Baxter 1 992: 3 00; 484). Ace. to Baxter ( 1 992: 3 00), this is perh. cognate to bl �¥ (biek) [bek] *bek, OCB *N-pek ' inner coffi n ' [Zuo ). Karlgren ( 1 956: 1 8) considers mi an allofam of � m(ng 2 � 'dark'. mi 8 � (miek) LH mek, OCM *mek [f] MTang m+k, ONW mek 'To search, look for' [81 , Yupian, Sangu6zhl, Jlnshil] has a stop initial in Ml'n dialects: QuanzhOu ba?D2, A moy ba C2, baiD2, lit. bekD2. mian 1 §�Ill:£ (mien) LH men, prob. OCM *men 'Sleep' !L.� [Zhuang]. The graph HR is encountered only late in Han period texts [Shanhaijing] and since for §�; it thus does not reflect the OC phonetic parameters of the phonetic series GSR 457 ( *min - *mgn). Mian is distinct from -> ming4 !L.� 'close eyes' . [f] MTang m ian < mtan, ONW men [E] ST: PTB *myel [STC no. 1 97] > Chepang me/- 'close, shut eyes' , Bahing mje/ 383 .
�
mhin - mian 'sleepy', WB myaifB 'be sleepy, sleep' ; JP mjen31-mjen31 'to sleep soundly' � � mjet31 'sleep a while' (HST: 1 34).
mian2 *ffi;jffl ( mjian 4) LH mian 'Cotton' tr� [Bai Ju-y! , Tang period] ; 'wool' in miin yang *m$ 'sheep' ( lit. 'wool goat' ) [Sungshi]. This is a late word, unless mian-man *m� 'tiny, delicate' in Sh1]ing is derived from 'wool ' . (E] ? ST: W T bal 'wool ' ; for the initials, see §5 . 1 2 .2. H owever, the W T word could belong to � pan 2 � 'curl ' instead. m H i n 1 � ( mjan8 3) LH m+an8, OCM *mran? [T] ONW man 'To strive, insist, m ake effort' [Shi] . W ang U ( 1 982: 41 0) relates this word to items under � mfn4 'sufferin g ' . 3� m[n-mi8.n Ern� ( mjenB 3 -mjanB 3) L H minB-m+anB , OCM *mr;;-,n'i'-mran? 'To make an effort' [Shi] . The first part LH minB may be a reduplication syllable. � l i a n � ( ljan) LH l ian, OCM *ran 'To be toilsome, difficult, slow' [Yi] . (E] Perh. AA: OKhmer ryan [rii;;m] 'to exert oneself, apply one's m ind to, study. . . ' . [CJ Perh. related to � mang 6 'exert oneself'. m i a n 2 fJ!k (mjan8 3) LH m+an8, OCM *mran? - [T] 02VW man 'To give birth ' [OB (ace. to Guo Moruo), Gu6yu : Yueyu; Wenxuan, GY] , GY adds some other readings; a Qf (Shandong) dialect word ace. to a commentary to Wenxuan (Wang U 1 982: 585). (E] This word appears to form a ST-Iike *mra/en? - *sre/an? pair with � chan3 *sre/an? 'produce' ( § 2 .4.3), hence mian seems to be a ST etymon. Nevertheless, mian and chiin could equally well belong to MK: Khmer samrala /samraal! ( s-m-raal) 'to give birth to, deli ver' < raJa /rfi;;-,1/ 'to increase, . . . distribute, propagate'. Perhaps AA has been the source of OC *mran? which then coincided with the ST s- - m- pattern. mia n 3
(mjanB 3) LH m+anB, OCM *mran? 'Ceremonial cap' [BI , Shuj could be related either to � bian 1 # [btanC] 'a cap ' (so Wang U 1 982: 5 82), or to .... ml7 -� 'cover' ; both proposals present phonological problems.
m i a n 4 100 .... m ia n 1 mia n 5 ilffi (mjHin8 4) L H mian B , OCM *men? 'To steep (in wine), get drunk' [Shi]. Unger (Hao-ku 36, 1 990: 50) suggests cognation with WT smyon-pa 'insane, frantic, mad'. mian 1 [§] (mjianc 4) LH m ianc, OCM *mens 'Face, to face, face to face' [Shi]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR mjen Ct�); MGZY men ($:) [men]; ONW m ian LDJ This is still the word for 'face' in southern dialects: M-Xiamen bJ'C2, Y Guimgzhou mine, K-Meixian mianc �� m H i n 100 (mjianB 4) LH mian 8, OCM *men? 'To turn from , abandon' [Chucij is cognate to the above ace. to W ang Li ( 1 982: 5 86). [ Lushai hmeeJH 'face' - hma/ < hmai7, JP man33 'face', Lepcha mlem (< mel-m; -m is a common suffix in Lepcha). 384
m i h - mie mian2 � _, mfng4
miao §.P;fj> (mjHiuB 4) LH miauB, OCM *miau? 'Small , insignificant' [Shu] , 'minute' [Zhuang], 'exhaust, to the utmost ' [Xun], ;fJ> [Li] . �� m i a o �j> ( mj iauC 4 ) L H m iauC, OCM *miauh [f) ONW miau 'Mysterious' [Lao] (Karlgren 1 956: 9). miao 1 �j> _, m i a o t!P1:P m i a o2 JWJ ( mjauc 3 ) LH mtauc, OCM *mrauh 'Ancestral temple' [BI , Shi]. [E) Perh. related to PMY *prau 2 'house' (Downer 1 982); a semantic parallel 'building' > 'temple' i s _, z6ng 1 The phonetic i s _, zhao4 � 'morning' whose Siamese relative has a l abial cluster *br-. Thus Tai 'morning ' and MY 'house' happen to be near homophones. As to foreign initial b- for CH m-, see §5 . 1 2 .2. m ie .... xue2 � mie 1
(mjiiH 4) LH m iat, OCM *met, OCB *mjet - rrJ ONW m iat 'To drown ' [Yi ] , 'extinguish, destroy' [Shi]. mie2 ft! ( miet) 'Destroy' (OB: by water) [OB] . It seems that this graph wrote the preceding word 'destroy' in the inscriptions. �< xue m� (xjwat 3) LH hyat, OCM *hmet, OCB *hmjet 'To cause destruction' tr. [Shi]. [E] ST: PTB *mit ( STC no. 3 74) > Chepang hmit- 'disappear, become extinct' , hmat '(almost) disappear' ; Abor-Miri m it 'destroy', Lushai mitL I mi?L < mit I mi?lh < mits 'to go out, die out, be extinguished' �� tiL-mitLI tiL-mi?L caus. 'to extinguish, destroy' , Mikir met < m it 'destroy', JP myit55 'be destroyed'. The problem with this set i s the vocalic discrepancy OC *et vs. PTB *it (an OC syllable of the type *mit does occur; § 1 1 .3 .4). Perh. reanalysis as derivation from -+ huf6 tlf� *hmai 'destroy' is responsible ( *hmai + t > hmet). The direct phonological counterpart of PTB *m it m ay be -+ m putative ( 'consider nothing ':) 'despise' (the old people) [Hanfei], 'l:l [SW: Shu] ( §6.2.2; §2. 1 0). [E] This word is derived from -+ ml6 m 'not have' (see there for TB connections).
mie3
(miet) LH met 'Blood' [SW]. The meaning 'to sully, soil, besmirch' (reputation of an ancestral house) JiJJ1l [Hanshu] > 'sore eye, troubled eyesight' �Jli [Li.ishi ] , 'blood shot' (eye) [Shiming] could be a semantic extension of either _, mie, 'not have'. The Hanshu phrase wu mie i'§JIJJ1l has prob. led to the SW (2 1 45b) gl� ss wu xue i'§Ifn. 'sully with blood' which i mplies a meaning 'blood' for mie and which has been copied i nto later dictionaries as 'blood'. Nevertheless, the notion 'blood' seems closely associated with this word; note also the expression xue-mie Ifll JIJJ1l 'to stain with blood' ; Sagart ( 1 999: 1 53) relates miiHo TB-Tuj ia mie53 'blood' [Huang BUfan, TB Lexicon no. 1 29].
mie4 $! .... mi 7
385
min
mln min 1
(mjien 4) LH min, OCM *min 'People' [BI , Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR min (:if); MGZY min (:if) [min]; MTang min < mtn, ONW miin [E) ST *mi : PTB *r-mi(y) > WT mi 'man, human being' , Gyarung t�rmi ( i.e. t�-rm1) (STC: 1 58 n. 428). For the CH nominal n-suffix, see §6.4.3.
min2 ?.§: 'confused ' -> m in 4 � m1n3 m (mjen 3) LH mtn, OCM *mmn -"' ! , OCB *mrjun (Baxter 1 992: 434) 'String, ( fi shing) line' [Shi]. [E] The M C rime can also derive from *-in, *-un, or *-il] i n which case this word m ay be a variant of -> sh6ng %Eill. OCM *m-lgl) (so Mei Tsu-Lin 1 985). On the basi s of a Shi}fng rime Baxter ( 1 992: 28 1 ) suggests that mfn i s derived from the same root as the synonym _,. lun 3 f.:ffif OCB *g-rjun. m in4 � (mjen 3) LH mtn, OC:M *mrgn, OCB *mrjgn ( 1 992: 433) 'Suffering ' [Shi]. � min � 1 00 ( mjen8 3) LH mtn(B), OCM *mr;;"Jn, OCB *mrjgn (p. 434, tone A !) 'Be d istressed' [Shi] > 'grieved, commiserating ' � [Zuo) , '['00 [Meng], 'sorry, melancholy' � [Zhuang] , a late tone B variant of mfn � (Baxter 1 992: 433-434). m fn ?.§: ( mjen(B) 3) LH mtn(8) 'Be confused, disorderly, trouble' [Shu]. [E) This wf i s homophonous with -> m!n 1 00 'exert oneself'; they may be the same etyma ( 'be pained' � 'take pains'). The relationship with -> mei7, hui • 'pained ' i s not c lear. ''
-
.... m e n 2 if� .... min 1 00 ( mjen8 3 ) LH m+n8, OCM *mrgn, OCB *mrj::m (p. 434, tone A !) 'Exert oneself' [Shi]. = min (mjen 3) LH mtn, OCM *mrgn 'Violent' 1[t5 [SW : Shu ] ; 'austere, stern ' [Shi ] . �� min �� (mjen8 3 ) LH mtn8, OCM *mmn? 'Be forceful ' � [Shu] ; 'strong' � [SW]. � � min f;¥)1: ( mjen8 3) LH mi-B, m+nB, OCM *mrg? 'Exert oneself, diligent' [BI , Shi] . A form in final -n begins to emerge only in the Han period (Lu6 and Zhou 1 958: 1 8). � � m fn (rnjen[8 ] 3) LH mtn(B), OCM *mrgn(?) 'To destroy, ruin ' [Zuo]. [E] ? AA: Khmer riana [rfign] 'to exert oneself, endeavor. . . ' . Tai : S. man81 < *hm 'diligent' (Manomaivibool 1 975: 239) is perh. a CH loan. [E] This wf and the homophonous -> m fn4 � may be the same etymon ( 'be pained' � 'take 'be vigorous' (so Wang Li 1 982: 4 1 0); Wang al so pains'). Allofams may be -> wei6 adds -" mian 1 fJ1l 'make an effort' ; see there also for min-mian m!.fJ!Jl. min 2, mfn ( mjen 3 tone! [GY] ) LH m+n Name of today' s Fuji?m area, its major river, and the non-Han people who used to live there [Zhouli]. Mm does not mean 'snake' (Zev Handel, p. c.), the 'snake' radical [SW] is sometimes used i n the names of barbarians. Ace. to JDSW (and fol lowing it, JY), the graph has other readings: wen, and man; the composition of the graph !ili1 i ndicates that the ZbauJJ and Han time reading was not man.
m in s mfn6 min 1
386
mrn - mlng mrn 3 �51:�!1& -4 min i 00 mrn 4 �'['00 �1.§!; 'suffering' -4 mln4 m mln 5 liiJ. (mjwu!]8) LH mta!]8, OCM *mal]? ? 'Vessel, dish, bowel ' [Zuo ] , the word is much older than Zuozhuan because its graph prob. goes back to the beginning of writing. Bodman ( 1 980: 1 2 1 ) compares this to Viet. mam, PVM *?b;JmA 'food tray' [fhompson] . Initial and final m are incompa tible in CH, hence final -l). mlng 1 1; (mjiaiJ 4) LH m ieiJ, OCM *m in � *meiJ 'Name' [BI , Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR miiJ (iJL); MGZY ming (}jL) [miiJ] ; ONW mieiJ [D] PMin *inial] [E] ST: PTB *r-mi!] > WT mil), OTib myil) 'name', Jiarong termi, Chepang m;;Jyl) 'name', PLB *?-mi!] 1 1 3 ; WB mafi 'be named' �� ;;J-man 'name' �� hmanC 'to name' ; JP myi1]33; Mikir -men, Lushai hmil)H 'name' (HST: 1 1 1 ), Mru miiJ. [C] Related to -4 mlng tifJ 'to name'. �� mlng tifJ ( mju!]C) L H m ie!]c, OCM *mrin � *mreiJ > *mreiJh (OCB *mrji!] [s]) 'To name, give a name (to a person)' [Zuo: Min 2, 5], 'to order, command; order, decree > fate, lot > life' � [OB, BI], tifJ [Shi]. The word was read in tone A in Sh1]ihg (Mattos 1 97 1 : 309). I n the OB and BI (except late WZhou BI) only the graph � 'order' occurs, while the received texts write tiTJ, i.e. � with kou D 'mouth' added to indicate that � is a phonetic or semantic loan. Because ming is the ordinary word for 'to order', and because the break between � (early inscriptions) and tifJ (later texts) is quite abrupt, � must have stood for JfP in all Shang and Western Zou inscriptions. [f] Sin Sukchu SR miiJ (;t;;.) ; MGZY ming (;t;;. ) [mi!]]; ONW meiJ [D] PM in *mia!]c 'life' > A moy miaC2, FuzhOu miaiJC2 [ 'dark of night, dark night' [Chuci]. As 'night' also written B� [Yupian]. [f] MTang m ie!] < mtiJ, ONW meiJ [D] PMin *maiJA 2 'night' [E] Area word for 'night ' : in M1n dialects *mal]; in PMY *mhwaa.�·J!C [Purnell] or *IJ1WB!]c 1 [Wang Fushi 20/ 1 40] 'evening, night'. M K : PNBahn. mal) 'night' . The nature of the relationship between ST *meli!] 'dark' and SEAsian *mal] 'night' is not clear (loans from southern CH dialects?). PTB *mil] > WB manB � maiB 'dark, black' . -
387
ml ng
mfng
WT mdaiJ(s) ' last night ' may belong to this etymon, but the WT d remains unex plained. (miek) 'to cover' ( 1 956: 1 8), [C] Allofam s ace. to Karlgren 1 956: 5 are -7 m17 -7 ming 4 'close the eyes' .
m1ng 3
(miel)) LH me!), OCM *me!) 'Ocean ' [Zhuang, Lie], as in bei mfng Jt� 'northern ocean' , min mfng 1¥J� 'southern ocean'. [E] Com mentators explain that mfng 'ocean ' is the s. w. as -7 m fng 2 � 'dark, black' (of water) (likely in l ight of parallelism with the unrelated -7 Mi 1 mt). There is an outside chance, though, that the etymon is instead connected with PTB *mlik > OBurm. m lac 'river ' , WB -mrac, Arakanese mrcik 'sea' , SChin-Daai mlik (tui) 'big water, river, sea ' ( tui 'water').
m1ng 4 §� (mieiJ) LH m eiJ, OCM *me!) 'Close the eyes' [Zuo]. Karlgren relates mfng to -7 m fng 2 � 'dark'. [E] GY makes a phonetic distinction between -7 mian 1 §� 'sleep' ( < ST *me!) and ming 'close eyes' and treats these as two separate words. This i s not an example of an occasional *-1) - *-n variation because ST *-1 is not known to show up as CH -I). Also, WB distinguishes hmin8 'have the eyes shut' and myaii8 'to sleep' < *me!. Here and in the next two items the etyma mfng 'dark', mfng 'close eyes' and mian ' sleep' have bled into each other so that they are d ifficult to separate out: �� mian ( mienC) LH m enc, OCM *mens 'Dizzy, confused ' [Meng]. For the near homophone hiin see -7 men3 f.c�. 3� m a n llf!Jj (muan) LH man, OCM *man 'Shut the eyes, deluded' [Xun] is perhaps a vocalic variant of the a - e type ( § 1 1 . 1 .3). mfng 5-Hng ¥�� (miei]-liel)) LH mel)-leiJ, OCM *mel)-re!J 'Insect on m ulberry leaves' [Shi], reduplicated from *mlii] ace. to Li Fang Kuei. [E] Tai: S. ma-Jec:IJA2 < *ml/r- 'insect ' (Li F. 1 976: 44). mfng6 fif1 ( mjBI)) LH mtai], OCM *mrai], OCB *mrjaiJ 'Become light, bright, enlighten' > 'morning ' before sunrise > 'morrow' [OB, BI, Shi], 'next' (day, year etc.) [Zuo] . [11 Sin Sukchu SR mil] (:SV); MGZY ming (:SV) [mil)]; ONW meiJ [D] PMin *maiJ. This is perh. the same word as = meng � (mjBI]) LH mtal], OCM *mral), OCB *mrjarJ 'Covenant, sworn agreement' [Shi ] which may be derived from a meaning like f!Jj 'make clear' (a command). [E] AA, see under -7 liang which is prob. cognate (so Baxter 1 992: 491 ). Bodman ( 1 980: 1 7 1 ) connects mfng with WT mdal)s 'col or of face, appearance, brightness' . ming 7 (mjB!J) L H m iei], OCM *mrel), OCB *mrjei] 'To sound, to call ' (of animals, birds, musical instruments) vb. [Shi]. [E] ST: WB mraif 'to sound' ; M ikir mareiJ 'make noise, cry ' , Lushai riiJH I rinF 'be loud' , Lepcha r-rfi] 'voice, sound' . Baxter ( 1 992: 499) suggests that one or both of the following may be related: -7 lfng 4 � *C-rel) 'small bell' ; -7 sheng4 *srei] 'reedorgan ' . ml ng -7 mfng 1 iS
388
m i u - mo miu1
(mjeuC) LH m iuc, OC M *mriuh, OCB *mrj iws 'Lie, error' [Zhuang] is prob. a derivation and metaphorical extension of ---> jiu3 'twist' (Baxter 1 992: 5 1 3). [f] Sin Sukchu SR miw (:1;;-) ; MGZY miw (:1;;-) [miw]
?,;.4
:f@'l .... z hou m t u 2 ���� 3 .... m i 7 mo l m62 � m (mua) LH mai, OCM *mai 'Rub, polish' [Zuo] , 'touch' [Li] , 'rub' (things rubbing against each other) � [Zhuang] ; 'grind, poli sh , grindstone' m [Shi). [f] Sin Sukchu SR mw::> (.3JZ); MGZY mwo [mw;:>]; ONW ma [D] PMin *muai �� mo � (muaC) LH maiC, OCM *maih 'Dust' [Chuci] . [ Tai: S. ma-JaaiA2 'to damage, destroy' (for the Tai Ill see §2. 7). m63 "!ii (muo) LH ma, OCM *ma? ( ! tone) - [f] ONW mo 'Plan, counsel' [Shi]; mo ( mak) 'to plan' [Shi ] may be a graphic loan for m6. �� wu �! (mju) LH mua, OCM *ma 'Induce, advise' [Guan]. I.El This could possibly derive from a ST etymon meaning 'ahead, in front' which is reflected in Lushai hmaH 'the front, space in front of, be early, beforehand' , hmaH IJaiH 'to scheme, plan' (lit. l)aiH 'to think' + hmall 'ahead'). •
mo1
( muat) LH mat, OC M *mat [f] ONW mot 'The tip' [Liji], 'end of' (branch, extremities, legs) [Zuo], 'end, final, last' [Shu] > 'to diminish' [Zuo]. �� m ei (muaic) LH mas, OCM *mats 'To finish' [Chuci]. [ wu 4 � [mua] *ma 'not have, there is no' , thus meaning something l ike 'the thing which comes to nothing' , with the nominalizing suffix -t ( §6.2 . 1 ). Perh. A A : PMonic *m �h, Mon moh, mah 'tip, end, edge' had some paronomastic influence on the creation of the CH word, if mo is not an outright substrate word. Or note TB-Lushai hm:xJrH 'edge, border, end, tip' (but see .... mei 3 1J§;J1B). mo2 * (muat) LH mat, OCM *mat A negative particle [Lunyu] which is a final *-t form derived from ---> wu4 'not have' (§6.2.2). Its function is similar to -> mie2 (Pull eyblank 1 995). (muat-JiC) mo 3-B 'Jasmine or moly' is a loan from Skt. mallika ( Nonnan 1 988: 1 9) ; -> Greek mo(iJy.
mo4 ri (mu�t) LH m u::>t, OCM *m1H 'To exhaust, come to an end' [Shi] , 'disappear, die' [Zuo]; 'perish in water or fire' [Xun]; 'dive' [Zhuang]. 389
mo m Sin Sukchu SR m u (A); MGZY m u (A) [mu]; ONW mot [E] Two etyma have apparently converged: ( l ) ST > PTB *m it 'extinguish, destroy by water or fire' . The i - u alternation is a common ST phenomenon ( § 1 1 .5 . 1 ). (2) An etymon 'to dive ' : WB mrup 'to dive ' , which is ace. to Shorto 1 972 a loan from PMK *(b)lgp *b(b)lup 'immerse oneself'. CH -> Tai : S. mutD2 'to dive'. This word is unrelated to the l ater � mei 1 y9_ 'not have, there is no'.
mos ¥9. 'covet ' � mo6 'g mo6
(m�k) LH m�k, OCM *m�k 'Be covetous' [Shu, Zuo] . � met ( mu�iB) L H mgB, OCM *m�? - m ONW mai 'Covetous' [Zhuang]. � m o r9. (mugt) LH m u�t, OCM *m�t - LTJ ONW mot 'To covet' [Guoyu] , Karlgren GSR 492b derived the meaning 'covet' from 'dive, disappear, come to an end, have a final goal' - somewhat forced. [E] ST: WT mod-pa, mos-pa 'be pleased, wish' , smon-pa 'to wish, desire' 3� mos-pa 'to wish, be pleased' . Perh. also found in M K-Pearic mos 'want, love' [Headley 1 977].
mo7 mo8
(mak) LH mak, OCM *mak - [T] ONW mak 'Obscure' [Xun], B-� [JY] ; 'eyesight dimmed' [GY] ; this is not a common word. 'tomb'. See under � hei � for possible wider relations. Possible derivation � mu5
mo9-mo
'luxuriant' � WUg .fll R@i
mo i O � ge 2 mo 1 1 �B � 1� .... m u 3 � mo 12 � 'dust' � m62 I* m .... hei mo l 3 (mgk) LH m�k, OCM *m�k mo14 'Rope' ( made of three strands) [Yi]. [E] AA: PWa *?mo? or *hmo? 'rope' [Diffloth 1 980: 1 06]. mu ;>.. 1 5 l'J'! , ..V .P.\ � '"'
( mgk) LH mgk , OCJVI * m:a� k 'Silent' [Zuo] is thought to be cognate to 'black' � hei (Karlgren GSR 904d), also mo �-¥� 'tranqui l ' (below) has a homophone � mo8 � � Bl 'obscure' , as does the TB-Lushai form below. See under � hei J¥;1, for possible wider relations. This sound-symbolic notion includes many synonyms with initial *m-: mo � � (muk) LH mak, OCM *mrak 'Be reverently quiet, settled' (of a population) [Shi] m o ��¥� ( mak) LH mak, OCM *mak [Zhuang]. I s this merely a 'Tranquil ' (of population) [Shi], 'quiet, still ' graphic variant of Ul (muk)? mi W ( mjet 3) LH mtt, OCM *mrit 'Silent, quiet' [Shi], 'secret' [Yi]. Tai: Saek mit 'quiet'. • ml ffif[ ( mj iet 4) LH m it, OCM *mit 'Gentle, mild' [Shu, Hou Han]. [E] ST: Lushai m uukF 'quiet, reserved, serious; dul l ' (of colors), Lepcha myak 'be silent' (Geilich 1 994: 1 39; 1 59; she includes in this wf the TB items under � wan 2 •
•
•
390
m6u - mu also AA-PSBahn. *mo? - *mok 'silent' . For the common i - u alternation, see § I 1 .5 . 1 .
m6u l .$ 'to love' 4 m u 6 m6u2 {$ (mj:;m, m;;!u) L H mu, mo, OCM *mu o r *mo 'Be alike, uniform' [Zhouli]. Etymology not clear. M K may be a possible source: M on smoh 'be equal, alike, conform to a norm' ; however, smoh could derive from Indic sama 'same'. m6u3 H$ ( mj;;!u) LH mu, OCM *mu 'Pupil of the eye' [Meng]. Wang Ll ( 1 982: 3 1 2) relates mou to 4 m u 2 m6u4
'eye'.
(mj;;!u) LH mu, OC M *mo 'To plan, counsel' [BI , Shi]. rrJ Sin Sukchu SR ffi;)W (:!f); MGZY (khuw >) wuw [vuw] [E] Perh. related to 4 m63 (so W ang Ll 1 982: 1 05). Alternatively, this word could be cognate to TB: WT mo 'lot', mo-pa 'soothsayer' (i.e. consultant) -> Daofu mu-pa, WB hmo 'magical power' �� WB hmo8-sa-ra 8 'wizard, sorcerer' [ZM 92 no. 1 9 1 ].
m6u5
( mj;;!u) LH mu, OCM *mu 'Helmet' [Guoce]. [E] AA: MidMon /komhok! 'wide-brimmed conical hat or helmet' (-> W B kha-mok), Spoken Mon h�mok 'Shan hat', Palaung hmo? 'woman' s cap ' , Wa-Lawa-Bulang *hmok 'straw hat ' ; Khmer m u:Jk 'hat' (-> Tai : s. muakDl < *hm- 'hat, cap' [for the traditional etymology, see Li F. 1 976: 4 1 ]), Bahn.-Stieng m uk, Biat mo:k, PEKatuic *muak (k, moC, OCM *mrok(h) 'Troubled eyesight' [Zhuang]. [E] ST: WT rmogs-pa 'eyes heavy with sleep, inert, languish'. Mou m ay be cognate to 4 wit 12 (so HST: 82), but TB keeps the two roots d istinct. mi'i 1 t± (mou8) LH mo8, OCM *mfi?, OCB *m(r)ju? 'Male' (of quadrupeds) [OB, Shi] , opposite 4 pin, bl {t; 'female'. [E] AA: OKhm jmol [cm99l] 'male of animals', Aslian lgs. (Malay Penins.) Jemol, remol, limo, simo, etc. 'male' ; OMon jm ur, kmur 'male' (elephant), M Mon jmu I h;;,mil 'strong, male' , PWa *kom::>y 'ox, wild buffalo', Jarai t;;,no, t;;,mo 'male animal ' ( Lewitz 1 976: 768); PVM *m::>l8 'person, people'. For the absence of a coda in CH after a foreign long vowel, see §6.9. The OB graph for this word shows a vertical stick on a horizontal ground (inverted T). The explanation may be that it was intended for 39 1
mii
mu
an obsolete homophone, a cognate of PVM *c-m:>: I? 'digging stick'. 'Male' and 'digging stick' are derivatives from a stem represented in OKhmer cval Jcuu�l/ 'to enter, penetrate, (of animals) copulate', Khmu cm:J:Jl 'planter du riz au plantoir' 3� crm:J:Ji 'plantoir' [Ferlus MKS 7, 1 978: 20-22]; from 'digging stick' to 'plowing ' to 'acre' are simple steps, hence mu 'male' and � mu 5 � 'field ' , though not homophones in OC, may well go back to the same AA etymon.
mu2
(m�m8) < from *mo? :j:. LH m�B, 0CM *m�? 'Mother' [OB, Shi] . [f] Sin Sukchu SR mu, m;.:lw Ct), LR m u ; MGZY m u w (.1: ) [muw] ; ONW mou8 (E] This word has two possible TB cognates. ( 1 ) Mu is either derived from a hypothe tical ST *m�?: PTB *ma ' mother' > WT ?a-ma, Chepang ma ( *m;.:l?) (so HST: 1 10). Or (2) OC *mo? is cognate to PTB *mow 'woman, bride' ( STC no 297) > WT -mo 'female suffix ' , Chepang mo 'wife', Lushai mooH 'bride, daughter-in-law' ( so Bodman 1 980: 1 36; Baxter 1 992: 469). In languages of the area words for 'mother, woman, female, daughter' have initial *m- fol lowed by almost any vowel : OC *mo? 'mother' , WT mo, ma 'female' , m a generally 'mother', L B m a 'female, girl , woman' , WB maC 'sister' , OC *m;}s ? 'younger sister', LB mj2 'female' 3 � mic 'mother, m adam , daughter' ; AA-MMon mi, OKhmer me 'mother'. See also � h6u 5 1�. .
mu3 $IHJ (m�u8) LH moB, OCM *mo? 'to instruct' ; we should 'Female teacher in harem' [Zuo] is cognate to � hui 6 expect OCM *m;}?, but the word has coalesced with .... m u2 -ffi: ' mother' due to paronomastic attraction.
mu4 j� ( m�u8) LH moB, OCM *mo? 'Thumb' [Guoyu], 'big toe' [Yi ] . LE] ST: PL: *C-ma3 'thumb' ( i n composites for 'thumb' and 'big toe'). The vowels do not agree, we should expect OC *mG? for PTB *ma; *mo? m ay be due to association with .... mu 2 -ffi: *mo? 'mother', just as the PL word may be related to ma 'mother'.
mils m.!\ {m;.:luB) LH m;.:lB - mo8, OCM *m;}? - *mo?, OCB *mo/;.:l? 'An acre' [BI , Shi]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR mu, m;;�w ( J:: ) ; MGZY muw (_l_) [muw] [DJ In many dialects, including some M andarin ones, 'acre' is not a homophone of mu 'mother': W-SiizhOu col. m C2, Wenzhou meB2; X-Changsha m'!'uB; G-Nanchang meuB; Y-Guangzhou mauB2; M-Xiamen boB. However, 'acre' and 'mother' are homophones in most Mand. dial. and sporadically elsewhere. [E] ? ST: WT rmo-ba, rmos 'to plow' (Bodman 1 980: 1 36) �� rmod 'the plowing' 3f rmon-pa 'plow ox', M ikir -mo classifier for strips of fields. However, if this word should go back to an AA root (see � mu 1 t±), then the nature of the CH-TB relationship is not clear. m ii 1 * (muk) LH mok, OCM *mok 'Tree, wood' [OB, Shi]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR m u (A); MGZY mu (A) [mu]; ONW mok (E) Mu has no known cognate, unless one wishes to compare it with PLB *?muk 'stump' (of a tree). mii2 (mjuk) LH m uk, OCM *muk 'Eye' [OB, Shi] . [T] Sin Sukchu SR m u (A); MGZY wu ( A ) [vu] ; ONW muk [D) Mu has been replaced by yan already in Han times (ace. to SW, GY), in all 392
mu dialects except M!n : PMin *1]1ok0 2 , but the NEMin forms g o back t o *mit � *met (Norman CLA O 1 3 .2, 1 984: 1 75ft). [E] ST: PTB *mik - *myak (STC no. 402) > WT dmig 'eye' , and *mik i n almost every TB language, including JP myi?31, Mikir mek; a variant is PLB *(s-)myak > WB myak ( HST: 76). The QC vowel is not certain since mu is not a rime word in Shi]ihg. If OC *muk, the word would be directly related to the PTB form *mik by way of the ST *u - *i alternation ( § 1 1 .5 . 1 ). I f OC *migk, the word would be directly related to the PLB form *m yak. [C] -c> m6u 3 �;$ 'pupil of the eye' is sometimes thought to be related to mu (so Wang U
1 982: 3 1 2).
m u 3 t& ( mjuk) LH m uk, OCM *mgk, OCB *mjgk 'Pasture, herdsman, to tend ' (animals) [BI , Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR mu (A); MGZY wu ( A) [vu] ; ONW muk [E) ST *m/br;Jk ?: W T 'brog-pa < Nbrak 'summer pasture, solitude, wilderness, nomad '. As to foreign initial b- for CH m-, see § 5 . 1 2.2. mu4
( muoC) LH mac, OCM *makh [f] ONW mo 'Late' (in a season, year') [Shi], 'evening' [Meng] . [E] Two possible etymologies: ( 1) the original meaning is 'late'. ( 2 ) Or this word i s related to 'dark, cover' -c> mo8 �U�fl5if 'obscure' . See under -c> hei for possible wider relations. Since TB roots are inconclusive as to their ST source, Limbu makt- 'to become night' may either be a direct cognate of mu (not very likely given the frequent semantic connection 'dark' - 'night' not 'late' � 'night' ), or �� Limbu mak 'black, dark' (which m ay equally well be a cognate of -. hei �). Related may also be Lepcha ma 'be secret, concealed, disappear'. -
mu5
( muoC) LH maC, 0CM *makh. 'Tomb, graveyard' [BI , Shi]. In most other modern dialects, the word for 'grave' is -c> fen4 m. [f) Sin Sukchu SR m u (;t-); MGZY m u (;t') [mu ] ; ONW mo ID] PMin *inioc [E] Etymology not certain. Prob. connected with AA: PVM *-mah 'tomb' [Ferlus], PSBahn. *bhmo:c 'tomb, corpse' , Wa-Lawa-Bulang *r;)mtc 'grave'. M K -> Tai: S. hmok 'to hide, bury' (Unger Hao-ku 5 1 , 1 995). But if 'tomb' should be a Chinese derivate, one source could be -c> mo8 'obscure ' ; see there and under -. hei � for possible wider relations. Alternatively, the root could be -> wu � 'not' from which is derived -4 wang l mu6 � (muoC) LH mac, OCM *makh [f] ONW mo 'Be loving, beloved ' [BI], 'think of lovingly' [Meng]. [E] ST, perh. two parallel stems are involved: ( 1 ) *mlak: TB-KN-Khyang amlak, Khami-Awa (h)la ' 'to love ' , SChin Daai mhlii 'to l ike, love' [Hartmann ICSTLL 1 999: 2]. Tai: S. mak, ma-Jak 'to love, cherish' , Saek makD2 'to like, be fond of'. (2) ST *mak: Lepcha mak 'long for' , WB mak 'covet, wish to enjoy ' , JP mak31 'desire to eat' (HST: 1 05 ; Unger Hao-ku 5 1 , 1 995). � wu '� (mju8) LH mua8, OCM *ma? - [f) ONW muo8 'To love' is a Han period southern dialect word for 'to pity' [FY l . 7], also in the east [FY 1 . 1 7]. [E] ? ST *maiJ WB maiJA 'to like, love' (MC tone B sometimes corresponds to a foreign -IJ, §3.2.4), also PKS *mal)4 'to like'.
393
mu � mu '!i (muo8 [GY]) i s prob. a variant of the above. �t m6u (mj;m) LH m u 'To love ' , a H a n period Song-LU dialect word [FY 1 . 6]. [E] W ang Li ( 1982: 1 76) relates this wf to --> fu 1 0 � 'lay hands on, soothe' (unlikely). Forms like rak 'love ' i n Tai and A A lgs. derive from lndic riiga 'passion '. mu7 tt --> m � i 3-mu �tt
394
N nA 1 npggpg --t nuo 1 , n A npg�pg nA 2 *-f1 4 r u 1 A (nac) nA 3 'That' Mand. (Norman 1 988: 1 1 9). (T) Sin S. SR n:> PR, LR na; MGZY no (;t·) [m] ; ONW no � ruo (flzjak - nzjaB) LH flak, OCM *nak ONW flak - na 'That' [Lunheng]. �� er :m (flzjeB) ONW ne 'That' [post-Han]. (E) Na prob. belongs to demonstratives in non-ST languages, note especially PAA *na 'this' which is a "very frequent type" in AA [Pinnow 1 965: 3 3 ] : Khmu? naa '3rd person pronoun' , Khmer nai (nai) 'there', Munda na, naa 'thi s ' ; also V iet ng 'thi s' [Maspero 1 9 1 2: 63]. KT forms are not as close to CH : Tai: S. niJC2 < *n- 'thi s ' , S. nanC2 < *n- 'that ' ; Nung nayC2, Wuming naJC2, etc. 'this' (HCT: 1 1 3). Mand. na corresponds t o a n OC *naih > naC. The oc pronominal n-suffix (§6.4.5) is probably derived from one of these forms. na4 � (l)aC, i .e. prob. naC) 'Sick' [JYJ, a medieval word. [EJ Prob. a l oan from PTB *na > WT na-ba 'sick', PL *C-na 1 'ill', WB na 'be i l l ' ( Benedict HJAS 4, 1 939: 228). See also 4 nuo l£.
nai 1 lJ (n�i B) LH n;"'lB, OCM *ne.? 'Then, now' [BI, Shi] . (T] Sin Sukchu SR naj Ct.); MGZY nay Ct) [naj]; ONW nai3 (E] HST: 1 47 relates this word to the WT post-position na which follows temporal c lauses. nai 2 n 'your' .... rii 2 nai 3 tifJ 4 n a i 4 tt1 nai 4 (nie i B) LH neiB, OCM *ne? 'Mother' [BI, QY, Guangya], a Chu d ialect word [GY] , also ni frfl\; the modern col. form is nai iffJ 'breasts, m ilk, suckle' (Unger Hao-ku 5, 1 982). [DJ M!n : Xiamen lit. JaiB, col . Je8 [E) Etymology is not clear, but PMY *nia?2 0 'mother' could be related. Similar words in the area are WT a-ne, ne-ne 'paternal aunt' (HST: 1 64); or MK-Khmer pi: 'female' , 'female tiger'. see 4 Ir2-er nai 1 *� (naic) LH nos 'Some kind of pear' (3rd cent. AD). Japanese (kara)nashi � could be the analogue to OC *nas and thus be related ( Unger Hao-ku 22, I 983). See comment under .... mei4 nai2 (naiC) LH nas, OCM *nas A late classical col. variant of -> rii 1 YD (or prob. rather MC nijwoC) in the classical expression ru he YOfiiJ = nili h6 *1PJ (occurrence of niii in Shiijfng is spurious, a 395
nai - mio later gloss) (Unger Hao-ku 22, 1 983). Pulleyblank (BJHP 59.2, 1 98 8 : 3 39ft) derives na i he from ruo zhrhe ::Ei z{PJ. See -7 n1 1 �0 for allofams.
na i 3 * -7 n1 1 �D nai4 mJ. (n�iBfC) LH ngBfC, OCM *n57/h 'A large -7 d1ng3 Jfl� ceremonial cauldron' , or 'large' of a vessel [BI, Shi] is perh. a M K etymon: OMon na? 'ritual or ceremonial vessel'. min 1
(n�m) LH n::Jm , OCM *n5m 'South' [BI, Shi ] . The OB graph depicts something that looks l ike a house; in light of this it is interesting to note PMK *ngm 'house'. (T) Sin Sukchu SR nam (:lf); PR, LR nan; MGZY nam [nam]; ONW nom [ E ) Etymology not certain. Benedict (ICSTLL 1 989: 7) relates this to PTB *nam (his *ngm) 'sun, day, sky' > PTib. *g-nam 'sky' 3� nam 'night' , also 'rain, god' in other TB l anguages. This etymology finds support in the old CH tradition which associates the 'the dark side', -7 south with the sunny side -7 yang9 the north with -7 yfn 5 ming 2 � 'darkness, night', shuo i}IJI (�ak) 'new moon, north' (under -7 ni 6 EH), hence mfn could originally have been the counterpart to the dark north.
nan2
(n�m) LH n::Jm , OCM *n;}m 'boys and girls, men and women' ) > 'a low feudal 'Man, male' (as in min-nu title' [BI, Shi] . (E) Prob. area word, but the etymology is not certain: ( 1 ) TB-PKiranti *nam 'man ' ( CVSTL 2: 48). PMonic *k()poom 'young child' [Diffioth 1 984: 1 1 4] PWa **h/7n[o)m 'young man ' . (2) PTai *hn-: S. num81 'young man, young ' . Yao nam2 'son' . Syn. -7 shi 1 ±. ,
n a n 3 Jft (nan) LH non, OCM *nan 'Be difficult' [Shi ] . [T] Sin Sukchu SR n a n (:lf); MGZY nan [nan] ; ONW nan � nan li (nanC) LH nanc, OCJ\1 *nans 'Difficulty' [Shi] . [E) Prob. ST, but etymology not certain. This i s either related to W T mnar-ba 'to suffer, be tormented ' (so HST: 63); or to PTB *na 'ill' (STC: 1 59 n. 428): WT na-ba, nan-te 'be ill ' 3� nad 'illness'. I t is sometimes thought that WT na and nar are related as well . PTB *na may also be related to -7 shu 2 Jl,, -7 nuo {ii£ . nan 1 /W (l).anB) LH IJanB, OCM *nran7 [f] ONW IJi:in < nan 'To blush' [Meng] is perh. related to TB-Karen na 'red' (STC: 1 59). nan 2 :JWj (n�m8) LH ngmB, OCM *ngm{ 'To reach for' [fangyun ] is perh. related to PVM *ngm 'to take'. nang (nal)) LH naiJ, OC M *nal) [f] ONW nal) 'A sack, bag ' , including a skin used as a bag [Shi] is perh. a ST word: WB hnwal) 'skin, peel off'. nang (naiJ8) LH nol)8, OC M *naiJ7 'In the past, formerly' [Zuo] is related to WT gna -bo 'ancient, i n old times ' , Tangut no 'ancient' ( CVST 2: 26; Gong in W. Wang 1 995 : 56). nao l U!tU�J -7 mio3 -
'
396
nao - nM mio2
(nau) LH nou, OCM *nfi 'Monkey' 3* [Shi], 3f [Li] , � [OB, SW], Jl [SW] (ZWDCD 2 : 1 359; 6: 260). [E] Etymology is elusive, the closest fit is AA: PMon *knuuy 'macaque, general term', Mon *[k]hn!!i ' monkey ' . This word is unique to M onic and m ay be a derivation by n-infix (Diffloth 1 984: 67). The loss of foreign final -y/-i in OC has parallels ( §6.9). However, the Mon word could be a Pali loan instead: khanoi (Shorto). Alternatively, the word may be connected with KD: Be ma3-Ju2 'monkey' , PHlai nok [Matisoff l 988c: 3 1 1 ] ; cf. PTB *mruk, PLB *myok (several Loloish dialects have n-) [Matisoff] . Syn . ...,. yu9 � 'monkey' ; 4 h6u 5 3f*; 4 y6u8 �@.
nao3
(ryau8 !, xau) LH J]au8, hau, 0CM *nrau?, *hnau ? 'To trouble, d isturb' (e.g. a dragon, stir up people) [Zuo]. n nao (l}auC) LH l}aUC, OCM *nrauh 'Mud' [Zuo]. [< ] exopass., lit. 'what has been stirred up' ( §4.4). n h� lli\'ij (xauC) LH hauc, OCM hnrauh ? 'Be clamouring ' [Shi]. n nao IJta'f� (l}aU) LH t}aU, OC M *nrau 'Disorderly, c lamouring ' [Shi]. �< rao � (fizjauB) LH fiauB, 0CM *nau? 'To disturb' [Zuo]. 3< nao '!'� (nauB) LH nauB - [f] ONW nau 'To anger, irritate' [SW], a Han and post-Han word, perh. the same etymon as mio m. n nua n 7J.I7: (nwan[C]) LH nuan(C) < nrau-n(s) 'To quarrel' [SW ] . [E] ST: WT rfiog-pa 'to trouble, rub; troubled, thick, turbid, d irty ' ; WB nok 'dirty, foul, turbid ' 3< hnok 'to stir up, make turbid, agitate, molest' (Unger Hao-ku 3 6, I 990: 5 I ) n hnoiJC 'annoy, molest, thwart' . For the final consonants, see §6.4.4.
DaO I '['� -+ m i o 3 nao 2 Mfirl (nau8) L H nau8 ? or nou8 ? , OCM *nau? or *nfi? ? 'Brain ' [Li]. (T] Sin Sukchu SR naw (1:.); MGZY naw (_J: ) [naw] [N] The OC rime of nao is not certain. Among others, the word nao '['� 'to anger, irritate' is written with the same phonetic and is cognate to a wf in OC *-au (--> mio3 m). but 'tf& is late [SW] and cannot help identify the oc and LH vowel of Hfirl. [E] ST: PTB *nuk > PLB *nok *?nok *nuw 'brains' (Matisoff 1 972: 62), WB uB-hnok 'brai n ' , JP nu?55 < nuk 'brain ' . For the final consonants, see §3.2.2. nao t$: -+ n a o 3 ne i � (nu�i8) L H nu�iB , OCM *nili? 'Hungry' [Lunyu]. �• Perh. nl f� (niek) LH nek, OCM *nifik 'Be hungry, desirous' [Shi]. Wang U ( 1 982: 308) relates this word to ni 'I'� (niek) *-bk 'grieved' [Han]. [E] ST: WT gfiog-pa 'to desire' � � sfiog-pa sfieg-pa 'wish earnestly, crave' ( CVST 2: 36). This is a parallel stem of -+ e 1 0 Jm 'hungry' ( §5 . 1 2 . 1 ) . A similar vocali c metathesis obtained prob. in -+ shuai n�i [7g ...,. r il 1 A �
�
�
397
nen - nf nen, nun �� (nu�mC) ONW don ( !) 'Tender, delicate' , a late word [GY, JY] . [E) Etymology is not clear. Perh. a variant o f ..... ruan �� (nzjwan8). Alternatively, it may be ST, related to WB nunB 'weak, exhausted from i llness' , but this meaning barely overlaps with nen 'soft to touch' . PMY *-on, indivi dual lgs. have forms like lun5, gun5, rztfoiJ5 (Wang Fushl). Finally, nen is reminiscent of AA items: PMonic *l?un 'be flexible, soft to touch' (of body part etc.), and I or PVM *k-rn-;-,:n 'young, tender' > Vi et. non (ace. to Fer! us, an in fix derivation from *b:n 'son '). ne ng 1 �� (ngl)) LH ng(l)) , OCM *ng ! 'A kind of bear' [Guoyu] apparently an area word of AA origin: Kharia b:Jmi 'bear' ( -i is suffix), Santali ban a 'Indian black bear' -> TB-Lepcha sii-na 'bear' . n e n g 2 �� (ngl)) L H ng(!]), OCM *ngl), *ng? 'Be capable, have abil ity, can ' [Shi]. Sh1]Tng rimes indicate OCM *ng?. Prob. cognate to -> ning 1 1� 'capable'. [T) Sin Sukchu SR ngjl) ('f), PR, LR ngl); MGZY n h ing ('f) [ngl)]; ONW ngl) [E) ? ST: WT nus-pa 'be able' ; WB nuiiJ 'prevail, conquer; verb affix: potential', Mru noiJ 'be able' (Loffler 1 966: 142). 3� t�li �j (th�iC) LH thgC, OCM *nhgh 'Apparition, bearing, manner' [Guoce]. [E) ? ST: WT mthu < m-nhu ? 'abil ity, power'. [E) The OC - WT difference in the vowel is unusual (§ 1 1 . 1 0.5). nf 1 � (!}i) LH !}i, OCM *nri or *ni ? 'Near, close' [Shizi], a relatively late word. [T) Sin Sukchu SR njej ('f), PR ni; MGZY fii ('f) [fJ.i ] ; ONW ni [E) Etymology not certain. This stem could simply be a variant of ..... er7 31 'near', just as M and. nl 'you' is a col . variant of er 'you '. Or it could be a conflation of ..... er7 31 and nJ B�:J jf7 .f! P). Finally, there is a possible TB cognate: KN-Khimi kii-ni, Haka hni 'petticoat' [IST: 207], the meaning of these items agrees with B�:J jf7 .f!P, -> ni9 8[1.
nf2 1JB (niei) LH nei, OCM *ngi or *nf 'Mud, m ire' [Shu], 'muddy' (of water). [T) Sin Sukchu SR njej ('f), PR ni; MGZY ni ( 'f) [ni ] ; ONW nei [D) In many dialects, the word means 'earth ' tu ±, e.g. K-Meixian nuill 'soil , earth' . 3� n i n g i$ (nie!]C) L H nel)c, OCM *nei]h 'Mud' [Zuo]. [E] ST: KN-Lai noj 'muddy' (of water); a ST medial rounded (semi-) vowel regularly disappears in CH after accute initials ( § I 0.2 . 1 ). TB shows that ..... nie4 1lf. 'black sediment in muddy water' is unrelated. nf3 '[ft. (!}i) LH !}i, OCM *nri 'Ashamed' [Meng]. [E) ST: PTB *(r-)ni : JR bwurni < g-rni 'red' , tgrni 'gold' , Qiang iihi 'red' ; WB ni 'red' (STC: 46; 9 1 ), Lahu nf- ni 'red, bare, naked' . Pulleyblank ( 1 973: 1 2 1 ) relates nf to words with initial *n- meaning 'shame', see -> xiil3 lif. nf4 m ..... er 4 )l nf5 ftJI (!]iei, miei, mjie) LH I]e, m(i)e, OCM *l)e, *me ? 'Fawn' QYS IJiei, miei, mjie ft [Lunyu], QYS miei Jl [Li] . Wang
398
U
( 1 982: 1 1 2) and
nr Sagart 1 999 relate this to _.. er4 river deer'.
nl
'child', Sagart also to W B l)ai 'kind of small deer,
nl 1 {1}\ (nt8) (LH, OC same as -" er5 m ) 'You' [Tang], Mand. colloquialism for .... er5 (Demieville 1 950: 6), ace. to GY a NW dialect word. For allofams, see under _; ru 2 rb;. [T) Sin Sukchu SR njej Cl::.) , PR, LR ni; MGZY fi i Cl::.) [TJ.i] ; STang nt8 > n i 8, ONW nii 'obstructed' -" n i � 5 � (!)jet) LH l) it, OCM *nrit 'Glue' [Guoce, Zhouli], 'adhere to' �El [SW: Zuo). [E] Prob. Tai: S . niipD1 (WrSiam hni:?b) 'grasp (with pincers), pinch between' (Manomaivibool 1 97 5 : 1 63). This ST root *nip is distinct from *njap ( � she 1 0 1A 'grasp'), although they may ultimately be related as their TB cognates seem to be: PTB *nip 'press, pinch ' � *nyap 'to press, squeeze' (HPTB: 1 1 2 ; 339). nie1 ¥ 'frightening ' � s he9 '11 1� nie2 * (IJjat 3) LH IJtat, OCM *IJrat 'Target' [Zhouli]. [E] ST: KN-Lai I]iat 'to aim at' , middle voice 'spy, watch' . nie3 1-wJ 'door post' � n ie 1 2 B nie4 1.§'! (niet) LH net, OCM *nft [f] MTang niar < ntar, ONW net 'Black sediment in m uddy water' [Lunyu] . [E) ST *nik: WB g-nafi g-nac < *nik 'sediment, dregs', WT siiigs-pa 'impure sediment' (ShfXi�mgdong 2000: 38; see §6.4. 1 for the final cons.). The TB cognate shows that nie and nie 1.§'! 'fill up' (under � nie5 :2-;fz) are not related to � nf2 1k, 'mud ' . nie5 ft!l.. (niep) L H nep, OCM *nep o r *nfp 'To fil l up, stop up' (e.g. pitfalls) [Shu]. [E] ST: WT siiobs = sfioms-pa, bsiioms 'make equal with ground, destroy'. nie 1.§'! (niet) LH net (neit), OCM *nft rrJ MTang niar < ntar, ONW net 'To block, stop up' [Yili]. Since final -p tends to be somewhat unstable, this word is prob. a variant, while � nie4 1.§'! 'black sediment' is prob. a different etymon. -
�
�
-
40 1
nie - n i u �
(nieic) L H neic, OCM *ni'h (or *nits ?) - [f) ONW nei ' Impeded, obstructed' [Lunyu]. [ 'a pole ' [Zhouli]. This root refers to a situation in which an object i s caught or found between jaws, doors, or the l ike.
nfng 1 $ (niel)) LH neiJ, OCM *nelJ - [f] ONW nel) 'Be tranquil, at ease, favor' [BI , Shi] (HST: 92) > 'rather' [Zuo] . This is prob. related to WB hffal]B 'soft, gentle, quiet ' , although it has been connected with PTB *nil) 'heart' , see ..... ren2 {-. n!ng2 .... y i n g 3 @.! nl n g 1 1� (niel)c) LH nelJc. OCM *nel)h 'Capable ' [Chunqiu], 'clever, artful, eloquent' [Shu, Lunyu], bU-ning 'incapable', ace. to Carr (ms. 'Re-examining the hunchback and dwarf enigma'). This word is perh. related to ..... neng 2 ij� (n;)!]) 'be able'. ni ng2 t' ""' nf2 ¥JB niu
(l)j;.1u) LH I) U, OCM *I)W;), OCB *l)wj;.1 'Bovine, ox, cow' fOB, Shi]. 402
niu - n6ng Sin Sukchu SR I]iw, iw (�); PR, LR niw; MGZY ngiw (�) [IJiw] ; ONW IJU M-Xiamen guA z, Fuzhou IJuA2 ST *I]W;:"J > *nwa is shared with eastern TB and southern and western Tai languages ( Weidert 1 987: 1 29): PTB *IJwa (STC no. 2 1 5) > PL *IJ.ia 2 , JP 1]8 33, w;J33_; Nung IJW8 1]8 n w8, D ulong nuiJ55_IJUa53, WB n w8 B 'bull, ox, cow', SChin Daai (KC) mn8 'buffalo' [Hartmann ICSTLL 1 999: 2] ; perh. WT b8 ( < I]b8 < IJW8?) 'cow' in l ight of Lepcha siiiJ-VO (< *s;:"J-I)VO?) (so Bodman 1 980: 1 53). A parallel stem (§2.5) may be WT: nor 'wealth, cattle', Lepcha 8-n6r 'herd, flock, troop, numbers, quantities' ( § 5 . 1 2.2). Tai : S. IJU8 A2 < *IJwue ? 'ox'. Because of the restricted geographic distribution, STC suspects CH niu to be a Tai loan, also Li Fang Kuei ( 1 976: 42) concludes the Tai item is not a CH loan because it is not found in northern Tai dialects. [T] [DJ [E]
�
�
niu 1 :jB::fl: (I)j;:"Ju8) LH I)U8, OCM *nriu? 'Finger, toe', perh. originally also 'claw, nail' (the OB graph shows a hand with prominent nails); rad. 1 1 4 QY I)};JuB (also nzj;Ju8 which is perh. spurious, deriving from a paronomastic gloss in SW) 'finger, claws' [Erya] (Unger H8o-ku 46, 1 995). [E] Area word: TB-PLB *s-nyuw l , 2 'digit, finger' > WB l8k-hfiui8 'forefinger' (STC: 77 n. 234). PTai *niuC 2 'finger', Shan niw 'finger, toe, fingernail, toenai l ' . For the OC medial *r, see § 7.6.2. niu 2 #Jl ( pj;:"JuB) LH I)U8, OCM *nr(i)u?, OCB *nrju? 'A knot' (that can be opened) [SW], 'knot' (on a sash) [Liji ] > 'button ' m > any type of button or knob by which, for example, a ring can be fastened. The basic meaning could be some kind of fastener that can be easily undone. Conversely, 'button' could also have been the original meaning from which the others derived, in which case this word may be the same as --t niu 1 :JB: :B: 'fingernail' > 'fingernail-shaped' > 'button'. [T] Sin Sukchu SR niw (_l.); MGZY fiiw (J-.) [TJ.iw] ; ONW nu niu 3 m --t niu 2 #Jl niu 4 tH ---> x iu 3 lf niu ** (I)j;:"JuC) LH I)Uc, OCM *nruh 'Mixed' [Yili]; MC readings in other tones are dubious (Unger H8o-ku 35, 1 986: 33; 36, 1 990: 52). [E] ST: WT snor-b8 'to confound, m ingle, mix, disturb', WB hno8 'to mix, mingle' (Unger, op. cit. p. 42, n. 67). For the metathesis of the *r, see §7.7.3. n6ng 1 Jl: (nuoiJ) LH DOUI), OCM *nfii] 'Agriculture, peasant, to cultivate' [Shi]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR nul) (�); MGZY flung (�) [TJ.UIJ]; MT8ng noiJ, ONW nauiJ [E] Prob. ST and cognate to --t nou f� 'to weed' (TB-Lushai hnuF 'work finished, weeded or harvested area'). The final *-IJ in n6ng could be the terminative suffix (§6.5 . 1 ): nou 'to weed, hoe' > n6ng 'get a field hoed', i.e. 'cultivated' . [C] --t n6ng 2 {fl 'person, I ' ( < 'peasant') may be the same word; a possible allo fam may be --t n6ng 3 ;fJ 'thick vegetation'. n6ng2 {fl (nuoiJ) 'Person, I , me' in southeastern dialects: Coastal Mln *noiJ, Fuzhou n{ZiiiJA2, n{!JiiJA2_ k8A 1 {fl* ' 1 , myself' ; Xiamen l8IJA2 'person' ; Wu: a-n6ng [WJ{fl ' I ' . Xiamen l8n 8 'we' (inclusive) is l8IJA2 + a pronominal suffix -n which in turn is derived from n6ng; Fuzhou iA 1-nf!JiiJ 'they' . Ace. to Norman ( 1 983 : 208), the semantic development is
403
n6ng - nu 'peasant' (--> n6ng 1 J.l:) > 'person ' > pronoun 'I, me'. Alternatively, since a syllable noiJ occurs in some Zhuang (Tai) dialects in forms for the first person pronoun , Pan Wuyun and Chen Zh6ngmln (JCL 23.2, 1 995) suggest that n6ng is a substrate word from the earlier 'Hundred Yue' B � where n6ng was a clan name and ethnonym , then > 'person ' > 'I, me'.
n6ng 3 r!M! � (l)jWOIJ, nU I]) LH 1)01], nOUIJ, OCM *nrOIJ, *n6I] 'Thick, rich (dew)' [ Shi ] ; 'thick, strong (drink)' M! [Hanfei] ; 'pus' (< 'thick matter') � (only MC nuoiJ) [Hanfei] . This item may be related to --> n6ng4 l',l 'thick growth ' (so Wang Li 1 982: 6 1 0). [T) MTang noiJ, ONW nauiJ [D] PMin *l)gi](C) [E) CH -> Tai : PTai *hn- > S. n:XJI]A1 'pus'. 3 < r u � (nzju[8]) LH no(B), OCM *no(?) 'Strong (of spirits)' [Shi]. If tone B should be original, it would be another instance of a -1) � -? variation . [E) ST: WT rno-ba, rnon-po 'sharp, acute' (of taste, intellect); KN-Lushai nuH I nutL 'muddy' (of liquids); however, the Lushai item may instead be connected to --> nf2 1JB. [C] Allofam is perh. --> ru5 �. n6ng4 fl (l)jWOI], nzjwoiJ) LH 1)01], TIOI], OCM *nroiJ, *noiJ 'Gorgeous' (of blossoms) [Shi] , 'thick growth' is perh. related to --> n6ng 1 f.l: 'agri culture'. 3< rong � (nzjwoiJ8) LH TIOI]8, OCM *noiJ? 'Bushy' (hair) [Shu] � r6ng if (nzjwoiJ) LH DOl] 'id.' [Zuo] � r6ng :pz (nzjuiJ) LH nul], OCM *nuiJ 'luxuriant, bushy' [Lie]. nou f}fj (nuok, nguC) LH nouk, noc, OCM *nGk, *n6kh [f] ONW nouk or nauk? 'To weed with a hoe' [Zhuang, Meng ] ; 'a hoe' f}fj [SW] . [E) ST: Lushai hnuF < hnu? ( < *-?) 'work finished, weeded o r harvested area'. [C] Allofam --> n6ng4 f.l: 'cultivate, agriculture'. This word is unrelated to the syn. --> hao 2 �vf n u 1 �J.. (nuo) LH nu, OCM *na 'Slave' [Lun]. [T) Sin Sukchu SR nu ('f); MGZY nu ('f) [nu]; ONW no [El Etymology not certain. Perh. cognate to TB-Mru nar 'servant' , SChin-Awa tana [Loffler, Anthropos 55, 1 960: 530] . Ferlus (LTBA 22.2, 1 999: 5) relates this word to --> n u I !J:. 'woman , ; this has semantic parallels, especially among foreign loans. Unger (Hao-ku 36, 1 990: 44) relates it to a wf with the basic meaning 'tense' (incl. --> nu1 �, --> nu 2 � ), hence 'press into service'. nu2 �J.. -+ a-nu �r!J�J.. nu3 ¥ -+ n li l !;!:. nu 1 � (nuo8) LH na8, OCM *na? 'Crossbow' [Zhouli]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR nu (_1:.); MGZY nu ( _1:. ) [nu] ; ONW no [E) AA (Norman and Mei MS 32, 1 976: 293-295 ; Benedict AT 1 975: 1 1 0; 1 976: 89): PViet-Muong *s-na:? 'bow, crossbow' [Ferlus], PMnong *so'na, Khmer snaa, PSBahn. -
-
404
nu - nuan *sdna: 'crossbow' , Pearic th;;ma: 'crossbow'. Unrelated are PMonic and OMon *ttpa?, Mon *hl)a? 'crossbow' (Diffloth 1 984: 1 1 9). The word is widely distributed in E and SE Asia: TB-Rawang (Nung) th;ma, Dulong tana, Moso (LB) t:1na. PTai *hnaaC: S. naa Cl ( -maiC2) 'crossbow' (Li F. 1 976: 43); in NTai naa81 'arrow' (particularly of a crossbow) (Manomaivibool l 975 : 1 38), Sui hna; note also S. sa-nao 'crossbow' ( nu 2 � which basically means 'to tense' . Gernet (ace. to Fer! us L TBA 22.2, 1 999: 1 7) suggests that the homophone nu � 'stone used for arrowheads' has been extended to 'crossbow'.
nu 2 � (nuoB) LH naB, OCM *na? - [f) ONW no � 1J 'to exert one' s strength ' [Han commentators], ?'� W 'tense I stem one's arms' [Zhuang]. 3� nu ?'� (nuoC) LH nac, OCM *nah 'Angry' [Shi] belongs to this wf ace. to Unger (Hao-ku 36, 1 990: 44) who analyzes this word as 'tense' . [E) S T *nwar: TB: Lushai mrF < n:J:Jr? 'press, push' 3� Lushai nuarH I n:Jr?L < nuar < n:x?/h 'be displeased, disgruntled' (Unger Hao-ku 36, 1 990: 44), Khami *nuar 'get angry' [R . Shafer ZDMG 1 02, 1 952: 275]. For the OC final, see §7.7.7. :X. -> n u 2 �:X. 7:1 n :._u i;l.,�, n J1 1 !;;:, (l)jwoB) LH !)OB, OCM *nra? < *Cir-na? ? 'Woman, wife, girl, daughter, female' [BI, Shi], opposite -> shl 1 ±, -> nan 2 �. See also -> niang �JP.fiZ . [T) Sin Sukchu SR ny (__t ) ; MGZY fiyu (__t ) [IJ.y] ; ONW no < nio [D) nil -er !;;:, )11. 'girl, daughter', in Wu dialects nf?}13 (Mand. nan) lE] 'small child, girl, daughter' , also nf?}13- I]13 !E] _li ; 'female' of animals in Yue dialects, e.g. Guangzhou ma 13-na 35 ,� [i:f1+G] 'female horse' . 3� n\1 !;;:, (l)jwoC) L H I)Oc, OCM *nrah 'To give someone a wife' [Shu] . [ nu 1 iJ.J. 'slave' to this wf. There is a similar MK etymon, see -> tai3 fr1L&. nl12 T"ft .... j u4-nG *£T"ft nuan �tx 'quarrel ' .... n a o 3 m V
405
nuan
nuo
(nuanB) LH nuon8, OCM *non? - [f] ONW nuon 'Warm ' [Li] , � [Chuci ] . This word is unrelated to xuan 1}1 (under --+ xu 4 11§,). �� nuan (nuanBfC) LH nuan8fC, OCM *n6n7/s 'Hot water' [Yili]. [E] The stem of this etymon i s *no(n) and apparently related to -? ruo6 � *not 'hot'.
nuan
nuan nue1
-7
ruan ��
(IJjak) LH l)tak, OC M *l)auk 'To coerce, oppress, be violent' [BI , Shi] is related by Bodman ( 1 980: 70) to xue, nue � ( xjak) 'to ridicule, jest' [ShiJ. = nue � (IJjak) LH l)'tak, OC.M *rJaUk 'Ague' [Li] . [E] < > Tai: S. I]iik-Qiik 'shivering' 3� hf]iik-hf)iik 'shivering' ( a s from ague) (Unger Hao-ku 3 6, 1 990: 53).
nue2 � -7 nue , m nu6 (na) LH na, OCM *nai 'To expel demons of illness' [Lunyu, GY]. [E] Etymology not certain. Nu6 is perh. related to --+ min 3 ft 'difficult' (so Karlgren 1 956: 1 8; Boltz JAGS 99.3, 1 979: 430). But it also, or i nstead, belongs to PTB *na *nat 'il l ' : WB na 'be ill, be in pain' 3� nat 'demon, spirit' < PLB *nat (Benedict H./AS 4, 1 939: 228). Perh. this is not a cognate but a TB loan because there i s no obvious OC word with the meaning 'il lness' from which nu6 could have been derived ( --+ na 4 '* 'sick' is a medieval word, and the etymology of --+ shu 2 'painfu l ' is not certain); the OC rime *-ai creates difficulties for a genetic relationship as well . nuo 1 , n a DfJBfl (nu;::,t , M:jw1H) L H nu;::,t , f1ll at, OCM *nut, *not 'Slow of speech' Bfl [Lunyu}, 'speak slowly or cautiously' (Giles); 'blurt out' DP:J (Giles). Bodman ( 1 980) links this word with Lepcha a-n6t 'undecided' (in speech), njot-tii 'incessantly babbling ' , but on the other hand there is Tai : S. n&;;�p02 'slow (of speech)' . nuo2 11i -7 ruo , 1:5 nuo3 -7 r6u I �
nuo4
(nuaC [Jiyun]) 'Glutinous rice' ( Oryza sativa var. glutinosa) i s found in all d ialects (except Mln) as well as SEAsian languages, such as Tai khau nua (Savina, khfiu 'rice'); it i s perh. connected with AA: Khmuic *b7 'glutinous rice' , V iet. liia 'paddy' (Ferlus 3 1 st ICSTLL, 1 998: 90), but see --+ dao4 �s .
406
0 oii
->
wan 4
oil 1 IT[® _. yue 3 OU 2 1t� ( 1J�U8) LH 1)08, OCM *I]o? 'One of a pair, mate, counterpart' [Shu] > 'pair, double' [Li] , 'two plowers working together' � [Shi], 'a statue' 1M [Huainan] > 'match, vis-a-vis ' tM [Zuo]. >� y � � (J]juC) LH l)toc, OCM *!]oh 'To meet with, encounter' [Bl, Shi] (Karlgren 1 956: 1 3). [T] Sin Sukchu SR IJY ( ;t;.}; MGZY xyu (;t;.) [fiy] 3� y u , y 6ng rJf.IIJ ( J]j u , 1pu8, J]j u!]) LH !]to, l)tOl), OCM *l)O(l]) 'Respond in singing ' [Zhuang] (the QYS reading 1pu 8 and I or IJju may be the result of interference from other words in the phonetic series). ou � (?�uC) LH ?oC, OCM *?oh To soak' [Shi]. [T] Sin S. ll!J: SR ?�w (:lJL); MGZY �!!\ 'biw (:lJL) [?;)w]; ONW ?ou •� wo ti (?ak) LH ?;:,k, OCM *?r6k 'To moisten, smear'.
407
p pa 8§ (pha) 'Flowers, blossoms' [post-Han] . [E] ST: PTB *ba:r (STC no. 1 ) : Lepcha bar 'to bloom ' , a-bar 'blossom ' (Unger Haa-ku 35, 1 986: 36); Lushai paarH 'flower, blossom ' 3� par?L 'to open' (as flower) 3� phar?L 'to open ' (as hand, flower), KN-Khami par 'flower' (Loffler 1 966: 1 46); WB pan8 'flower' [Matisoff 1 974: no. 1 49] ; JP 1nam-2pan [Weidert 1 987: 1 32], WT 'bar-ba 'to blossom, to burn, catch fire, beam, radiate'. This etymon is prob. related to 'burn' -> fan5 ;ll . WT also shows the relationship between 'burn, fire' and 'flower' : me-thag 'flower' means lit. 'fire-top'. [C] This word i s perh. the same etymon as -> b�m4 it 'petals of a flower'. pa 1 Jj\gl (a late word, not in GY, JY, the MC form would be ba) 'To crawl ' [Xin Fangyan], 'to climb', a col. archaism of the next item : = pu-fu 'ffl] j] (buo/ bju-bjuk! bdk) LH ba-b�k or bta-buk, OCM *ba-b�k 'To crawl ' [Shi and in subseq. Zhou lit.]. [f] ONW bo-buk [E] The first syllable is reduplication (Norman 1 988: 87). SW separates the two syllables: ( 1 ) pu (OCM *ba) '-=ff'Tili', i .e. 'to crawl ' [SW], pu = pu-fu [GY] ; (2) fu = 1ft: (bjuk) 'to lie on the ground' (ZWDCD 2: 89, 9 1 ). Thus pu pa (above) fol lows pu-fu as an independent word, while fu, taken for a mere variant graph of 1ft:, becomes obsolete. This is perh. a ST item : Chepang bah-sa 'to crawl '. pa2, ba f[:l,f[:\ (ba[C]) LH ba(C), OCM *bra(h) [f] ONW ba 'A harrow' (Mand. ba), 'a rake' 1l:\ (Mand. pa) [Zhuang]. [E] Etymology not certain. This word may be derived from -> ba tl:\ 'handful, grasp', hence a claw-like instrument. Alternatively, pa could be M K : Khmer para /baar/ 'to scrape, scuff, rake . . . ' (for the r-metathesis, see §7. 7 .3). In l ight of these possibilities, cognation with PTB *pra (STC no. 1 32) is less l ikely: Kanauri bra 'forked' (road) 3� pra 'spread, stretch' , WB pra 8 'divided into several parts' , JP bra?55 < brak55 'be forked' (CVST 1 : 58). pa 'I'D (phaC) Sin Sukchu SR p'a (:t-); MGZY pha (:t-) [p'a] ; SuiTang pac 'To be afraid' [(Tang) Han Yu]. The graph occurs first in SW, but with a different meaning (Wang Li 1 958: 576). Perh. an archaic colloquialism of the next item (so Wang Li 1 982: 1 76): 3� pu '[W (phuoC) LH p 11ac, OCM *phah [f] ONW p 11oC 'To fear' [Zhuang]. [E] Note Lushai p�:JJ! (Lorrain phflwk) 'to startle, frighten ' ; perh. also PMon *phiic 'be afraid ' (for the vowels, see § 1 1 . 1 .3 ) . �
-
-
pai W and other characters (bat) LH be, OCM *bre 'Raft' [EY , Hou Hanshu] . [E] PTai *beA 2 'raft'. [D] PEMin *phonA 1 ; CDC phan1 pan 11 (p11uan) LH p 11 an, OCM *phan 'Water in which rice has been washed' [Li] . Etymology not clear. -
-
408
pan - pei pan 1 �� (buan) LH ban, OCM *ban 'To turn around' [Li] . [f] Sin S. � SR bw;:m (3f), PR, LR b;:m ; MGZY J!lS: pan (3f) [b;)n] [.E] ? ST: Perh. cognate to WB pran 'return, repeat' (HST: 1 53), Mru plan 'turn ' ( Loffler 1 966: 1 40). Prob. cognate to --> Hin &. 'return ' .
pan2 Sri (buan) L H ban, OCM *ban 'To curl' (of a dragon) [Shimgshu dazhuan] > 'to circulate' [Li] . [.E] ST: PTB *boy (STC n. 308): W B bhwe 'curl in hair o f animal ' ; Kachin boi 'have a cowlick'. Per h. WT bal 'wool ' could belong here instead of to --> mian 2 f.i/B *� 'cotton'.
pan 1-huan �U� (phuanc_xuanc) LH phanC-huanc, OCM *phans-huans 'Be relaxed, slack' [Shi] . [.E] Etymology not certain, possibly AA: Khmer pan 'ara /bal)?aar/ 'be glad or rejoice ... , please, delight.. . ' . A connection of the second syllable with PTB *o:l (STC no. I l l ) > Magari ol 'to finish', Garo ol 'lax, loose, relax' may also be possible.
pan2 �U Jt __, b a n 1 � pan3 ill'¥ __, ban 1 � pang �{� (bwalJ) LH balJ, OCM *balJ 'Side' [Zuo] > 'everywhere' � [Shu]; 'at the side' [Zhouli], 'assist' {� [Lij i ] ( {� is also read MC bwfiiJC). 3 � bang �1� (bwai)C) LH bal)c, OCM *bal)h 'Be or go beside' � [Zuo], 1� [Zhouli]. [.E] ST: PTB *pal): Lushai paiJL 'side of body, side, flank' ; PLB *pal): Lahu ph6 'side, region ' , Akha pa w 'side of something' 3 � PLB *?pak *?bak 'side, half, one of a pair ' ; note also WT phyogs 'side, direction '. It has been suggested that --> kuang4 � 'square basket' is a derivation. Probably related to --> fang 1 1J. pang " pan �* (buan) LH ban, OCM *ban 'Fat, corpulent' [Li] . [.E] ST: PTB *bwam (STC no. 1 72) > W T sbom 'thick, stout' ; PLB *C-pwam: WB phwamC 'fat, plump' (applied to young of animals); JP bom31 'fat'; Lushai puamH 'swell , be swollen ' ; Peiros and Starostin ( 1 996: I no. 223) connect the TB etyma with --> peng 1 Jt 'densely growing'. pang2 D 'Hollow' in Min dialects: PMin *phal]c *pho!]c. Tai : Saek phooiJC2 'hollow, hole' (in a tree, bamboo); AA-PSBahn. *p;):l) 'hollow, flattened' . Words with the notion 'hollow' tend to be aspirated (§5 .8.6). pao � (bau) LH b;)u, OCM *bru [f] MGZY I§ paw (3f) [baw] 'Gourd' [Shi ] [.E] ST: WB bhuB 'gourd ' , Lushai buurH 'gourd' (Loffler 1 966: 1 52; Unger Hao-ku 3 5 , 1 986: 36). Loffler relates --> bao2 J31g 'womb' to 'gourd' . For the metathesis o f the r, see §7.7.3. pao NPI 'To run ' is a recent word, but there are comparanda in other languages: TB-PL *paw 1 'to flee' ; Miao has forms like plauc1 'to flee' . Syn. --> zou0 :J:E. pei 1 gf (ph u�i) LH ph;), OCM *ph� 'One month pregnant' [SW] . [.E] A A : OKhmer /pd;)j/ 'burden ' > 'pregnancy' > 'vaulted' (surface o f earth), 'stomach, abdomen ' (Jenner I Pou 1 982: 1 56). The word belongs to an AA wf which 409 �
�
-
pei - p e n g includes -. m e i 6 �::f'* 'matchmaker' and -. dai9 � 'to bear' . Wang Ll: ( 1 982: 1 05 ) already connected this word with mei 6 . Alternative: PTB *pa:y 'pregnant' [HPTB: 2 1 0], but the finals do not agree.
pei 2 :t¥ __, ru. 8 pe t W!i:lif --> bei4 115 pei ¥$ 'uprooted' --> b a 1 1X. pen (ph�n[Cl) LH ph�n(C), OCM *ph�n(s) 'To blow out, spit out' � (Mu Tianzi], 'to spurt' Ill [Zhuang ] . [E] ST: TB-Lushai p11u?L 'to blow out o f the mouth' (water, smoke), 'squirt ' ; WT p11u-ba, spun-pa 'puff of breath'. CH aspiration is associated with forceful ejection § 5 .8.5. pen g 'ff (phelJ) L H phelJ, OCM *phreiJ 'To send, cause' ace. to commentators [Shi, Shu, EY], 'envoy' [Shu]. GY reads pheiJ, aspirated, but also unaspirated forms are cited. [E] ? ST: TB-WT spriiJ-ba, spriiJs 'to send a message, g ive information' �t phrjn 'news, message' (Geilich 1 994: 64). Aspiration could be due either to l oss of a ST pre-initial ( §5.8. 1 ), or to outward motion (§5.8.5). peng 1 (bul), bju!]) LH boiJ, bu!], OCM *Mm, *b�m 'Densely growing (trees, plants), thick-furred (fox)' [Shi]. [E] ST *pum, for cognates and parallel stems, see §2.5. 1 . peng2 J=m (�l)) LH b�IJ, OCM *b�IJ - [f) Pre-ONW b�IJ 'A pair, set of two' [Shi] > 'string of cowries' (consisting of two strands) [BI , Shi ] ; 'friend ' (with whom one forms a set o f two) [BI , Shi] (Bodman 1 980: 1 49). � ben g #Jlli (pe!]) LH pet], OCM *pr�l) 'To bind round' [Mo) (Bodman); the OC medial *r could be the causative morpheme ( §7.5), but see next. [E) Bodman compares thi s wf with WT (')p11re1J 'string on which things are filed, strung' �· 'p11reiJ-ba 'string of beads, rosary' '� 'breiJ-ba 'strap, rope' , also WT 'p11reiJ 'to love, be fond of, greatly attached to' . However, MC ;} usually corresponds to TB a, not e. peng3 �[� -. fen g 3 p e n g 4 � (bUI]) LH boi], OCM *b6I] 'Luxuriant' (of fol iage) lShi]. � � ben g � (pul)8, bul)8) L H poiJ8, boiJ8, OCM *p61]?, *boiJ? 'Densely growing' [Shi]. � � fen g .$ (phjWOI)) L H phuOJ), OCM *phol) 'Flourishing, elegant' [Shi]. [E) ST *pm], for cognates and parallel stems, see §2.5 . 1 . Additional allofam : --> feng6 If. (bulJ-l�i) LH boiJ-1� > bol)-bi ( ?) peng5-I a i A legendary island of the i mmortals (xiiin 1W) in the eastern sea [Shanhaij fng, Shijl] , usually identified a s the Bohai Sea. Etymology not clear. However, resemblance t o a SE Asian word for 'sea, ocean' is striking: TB-WB paiJ-lai 'ocean ', JP paiJ33_JaiJ3 id. This etymon looks like a loan, possibly from MK: Khmer dhle /tie/ 'expanse of water' n OKhmer danle(y) /d;}n)ee/ 'lake, sea' (with nasal infix) (Jenner I Pou 1 982: 323); Khmer -> Pearic thle; 'sea' -> Thai thaJee id. Occasionally, an AA nasal infix (as in /d;:mlee/) is reinterpreted as the root initial which can lead to a change in the initial
410
peng
pr
consonant such as d > b. For an illustration for such reinterpretation and initial consonant substitution in AA, see §2.6.2. _. Un2 $}L peng6 pen g 11� (bm]c [Zihul]), bihf [Duan Yucai ] . Mand. 'To hit, run into I meet unexpectedly' is prob. a recent col. form of -> feng 1 � (Wang u 1 982: 390). pf I '['I -> pi I '['I
pf 2 .... pi 3 � pf 3 tit (phje 3) LH phtai, OCM *phai 'Divi de, separate, disperse' [Zuo]. LE] ST *pai: PL *bayl 'to separate' ; WT dbye-ba 'parting , division, section, part' � dbyen-pa 'difference, d i scord' �f 'bye-ba 'to separate, open ' ( intr.) (WT medial y is secondary before e); JP bjek31 'to divide'. Lushai pheJH 'split, break' may belong to -> ban2 , bi�m For an overview of similar items, see Table P-l ; for possible allofams, see -> l f 1 0 $1 . Table P- 1 Separate, open, split, break -ai
*trai open
zha
p-a i , -e
WT 'bye-ba o�en *thrak Lush phenR < p en? to s pl i t open PTai *thr-: S. hakD 1 S be broken "- *--___ --_ ---,---� - -__o___---+-----------4� o _ ba i T d ral b a t t e ar b re? p e n WB prai8 to gape 1
I
AA-K h m . pek, piik to split JP phja?55 < phjak55 split open JP bjak31 break JP phje?55 break
po lif1t *phaih break WB paiC broken off Lushai pe?L < peh to break
eh! t� *rhai? cleave WT hral-ba t o rent, tear up
LI
pi � *bek < *bai-k open +-----*--_ _--------l b0 p rek c lea ve PTai *pr-: S teekD I L break, tear
______
ban f;!l *pran distribute JP piJ3 1 -ran31 to separate WT WB
__
J------+--t-ll- --·--- ·---..-+-----1
*rai to separate JP ran33 separated Mru ria < raJ id. If
Notes on Table P- 1 : In the l in g u i stic area, words with meani n g s 'split, crack' tend to end in a sound symbolic -k and have a labial i nitial, with almost any vowel and medial (note -> b67 ��.
-> bO !J;K:, .... bu 1 f-- , -+ pi7 iiJ, -> po2 .�W:). Therefore exact cognate correspondences are elusive, pf 4 �. -> pl6 and where perfect matches occur, they may be accidental. Additional words in the area include:
-> pf3 tBL
_,
TB-Lepcha bik 'to spli t ' ( Forrest JA OS 8 2 , 1 96 2 : 3 3 4), Chepang p�k- 'break, shatter, crack, split' *
p�k;:)?- 'break open' (fruit). Tai: S. l fiO
pliik4 'divide into small pieces, evade ' . For possible allofams, see ->
41 1
pi
pf
pf 4 ·� (phiek) L H phek, OC M *phek 'To split' ( wood) [SW] . SW glosses it with po � *phaih; Duan Yucai, Wang U ( 1982: 1 02t) associate this word with .... pl. 7 �U 'split'. �1 ST: JP phja?55 < phjak55 'split open '. Also, or alternatively, this could be an 'abrupt end' final *-k derivation ( §6. 1 .2) from either -+ pr3 t� *phai or -+ po3 � *phaih. For an overview over similar items, see Table P-1 ; for possible allofams, see -+ lf1 0 /lli . pi 1 Bt (bje 3) LH bkti , OCM *bai 'Hide, fur, animal skin (with hair or feathers)' [Shi , SWJ, also hide worn as clothing [Shu]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR bi ( 3]I); MGZY pue ( 3f) [but:]; ONW be - [D] PMi n *phueA 2 [E] W ang U ( 1 982: 446), following Shimfng, relates this word to -+ bei6 1EZ 'cover, wear' which is plausible, see there for the ST etymology. Shafer ( IST: 62) relates pi to Kachin phyi 'skin, bark' as well as WT phyi 'outside' , but this is doubtful, see -+ bl1 .t!:: . Syn . .... fii9
p£2-fu �Jt:lf¥ .... f u 17 �¥ pi3 (biei, bi 4) LH bei, bi , OCM *bl, *bi - ONW bei 'Navel, stomach of an ox' [Zhuang] , perhaps a variant of, or s. w. as, next: �� pi (bi 4) LH bi , OCM *bi 'Navel ' [SW] . �] KT: PKS *lwa l 'navel' , M ak ?daai6, PT *?bl/r-: S. sa-dfiA1• Possibly also related to -+ qf 1 6 pi4 Jll ffitt (bi 4) LH bi, OCM *bi 'Abundant, large' .IJ!! [Shi] ; 'to strengthen ' (a ruler) llllt [Shi]. �] ST: WT 'pheJ-ba, pheJ (OTib p held) 'to increase, augment, enlarge, improve, develop'. pf5
(bi 4) LH bi, OCM *bi Prob. 'Jeopard, panther' [Shi , SW]. Ace. to FY 8.2 and Guo PU, pfhad ancient dialect In old texts pi refers to a large panthervariants which are discussed under -+ li3 and its dialect variants refer to a small cat-like animal. l ike cat, whereas ! f3 Apparently these two animals were confused by Han and esp. the commentator Guo PU 's time (d. 324 AD) due to lack of familiarity with wildlife. [E] Prob. ST: WT dbyi 'lynx' ( IST: 59). WT byi i n byi-Ja - bi-la, bi-si 'cat' seems to be cognate, but it may derive from Indic instead: H indi bj]Ja 'cat' (Jaeschke: 3 76), Nepali billi 'one of a pair, peer' [BI , Shi, EY], 'a mate' [Liji], 'a single one' [Meng], 'opponent' [Zuo] > measure word for horses [BI, Shu] ; 'to match' [Shi, Shu]. [E) Etymology not certain. There is a remote possibi lity that pi may be related to an AA word for 'two ' , *bar, but in Khmer which has similarities with OC, it is pi:(r) 'two ' . The final AA -r would be lost in OC after a long vowel ( §6.9), the OC final -t may represent the nominalizing suffix ( §6.2 . 1 ). Alternatively, the Lushai word cited 'fork' could belong here instead. under 4 bi 24 pr 2 1ZI (phjiet 4) LH phit, OCM *phit 'A unit for measuring cloth, equal to four zhimg [SW] . [E] Etymology not clear, possibly a special appl ication o f 4 pl 1 • On the other hand, the word i s reminiscent of the TB word for 'four' *bli(s/t). pr 3 @® (phjiet 4) l,H phit, OCM *phit 'Duck' 1ZI [Liji]. [E] Area word. Tai: S. and Tai lgs. in general petD1 'duck' (Manomai vibool 1 975: 331 ) AA: Vi et. vit, NBahn. pet, but Bahnar bip, Sedang peap ' duck' [K. Smith, LTBA 2. 1 (n.d.): 8]. TB: Lolo-Zaiwa et al. pjs;.t55 'duck', Geman Deng Juaj35_pit55, perh. also JP khai33-pjek55, WB bhai8 'duck'. The source is prob. AA. Some of these forms show that this is not the same word as 4 p11 1ZI 'a pair' . pi 4 Jt: (phiB 4 , phjie8 4 ) L H phjB , p h jeB, OCM *phi'{, *phe? 'Complete, prepare' [Zuo]. Ace to HST: 97 cognate to -7 pf4 flgg!ll_tt . [E] ST: Lushai pei?L 'to finish, complete, be ready, prepared' . pi s lli 4 bi 4 lli pi 6 11t 4 H 1 0 M pl 1 (ph j C 4) LH ph j C, OCM *phih 'To pass gas' [GY], a word which understandably appears late in the l iterature. [E] ST: PTB *pwe ?: Limbu p11e-ma, Mikir kep11e, Naga *b-woy3, Chin *woy-s4 , Lushai voi? [Weidert 1 987: 50; 1 99]. pl 2 f�¥ 4 bei 2, bf � pl 3 i�:>f -7 p i 4 f{j'f p14 1{¥f (bjHik 4) LH biek, OCM *bek 'Beat the breast' [Shi ] . Perh. bl: t£' (bjet), LH bit 'to beat' [Lie] is a variant. Perh. related is pi i�'f (phiek), Sin Sukchu SR p'i (A); MGZY phi (A) [p'i]; LH p"ek 'beat silk in water' (to make it white) [Zhuang], with iterative aspiration ( § 5 . 8 .3). 3� ping 1-¥ ( biel)) LH bel] 'to beat (silk to make it white)' [Zhuang] . (phjjeC 4 ) LH phieC, OCM *phekh - [f) ONW phie pl 5 'Example, to g ive an example' [Shi] . This could be derived from -7 b1 1 lt 'compare' with the addition of a final *-k ( §6. 1 . 1 ). [E] ST: WT dpe 'pattern, model' (HST: 74). .
413
pl pl 6
piao
(bj iak 4) L H biek, OCM *bek < *bai-k 'To open, open up, enlarge' tr. [BI, Shi] . LE] S T *pe: WT ' byed-pa, phyes, dbye 'to open' (HST: 1 1 4) ; Lushai phenR < phen? 'to open' ; perh. related to Thakali phJe 'b 'to open up' . Also, or alternatively, this could be an 'abrupt end' ( 'open up' ) final -k derivation ( §6. 1 .2) of -? pf3 tBl 'divide'. [C] A llofam -7 bf1 m. TB cognates indicate that -7 bai 2 t.$ 'to open' m ay not be related. For an overview over similar items, see Table P-1 under -7 pf3 tBl; for possible allofams, see -7 l f 1 0 $1 .
pl 7 miJ (pj - [f] MTang kheu < khiu , ONW khu 'Hill, mound' [Shi ] , 'small hill' (SW] , 'waste, ruins' [Chuci]. This is prob. be the s. w. as -> qiu 2 _fr 'village'. -> qu5 l!t:IJ$. (khjwo) [kha] 'hill , mound, ruins, waste' i s prob. not cognate (contra general assumptions, e.g. Wang Li 1 982: 85).
qiii 2 JI (khj;:>u) LH khu, OCM *khw;:>, OCB *kwhj�
'the city Shang' (OB] (Keightley 2000: 57), Fffi li 'Village, district' [Meng], [Zhushu jinian]. [D] M-Xiamen, Fuzhou khuA JJ� 'plot of land'. la] ST: TB-PhOn b wa, Lushai khuaH 'village, town' , Lai khua 'cosmos, village' [Va n-Bik, L TBA 2 1 . 1 , 1 998: 22 1 ] . The TB words are often associated with those under __. qu s IJ. The homophone -> qii1 1 'hill, mound, ruins' is prob. the same word since settlements were often built on e levated ground; a semantic parallel i s -> jfng1 ]:{ 'city, hill'.
qiii 3-yln �Jd5[ -> yin 4 qiii 4 TX (tshj:m) LH tshiu, OCM *tshiu, OCB *tshjiw < PCH *C-nh(i)u.
'Autumn' [OB, Shi], perh. 'fall-winter' in OB; 'crop' [Shu]. [D] M-X iamen , Fuzhou tshiuAI la] Etymology not clear. Qiii might be cognate to -> shou �:)( *(n)hiu 'to gather, harvest', the QYS initial tsh- can in some instances derive from a complex preli terate *tshit 'seven ' (§5.9. 1 . 1 ). Alternatively, qiii initial with a voiceless *n, as i n -> m ight be related to the wf -> zu 1 'to end' since vegetation dies i n the fal l (note that zu also refers to dead vegetation in winter).
qiu 1 3t
j iu 1 % qiu2 f* (gj;;m) LH gu, OCM *gu ....
'Gem-adorned' [Shi]. Bodman ( 1 980: 1 67) relates this to WT gru ' luster of gems'.
qiu3 :£* (gj�u) LH g u , O CM *gu, OCB *grju
[D) PMi n *gi u . 'Ball', earlier some 'kind of jade' [Shi, Shu]. la] Tai : W u-ming klauA2 'ba ll' (Bodman 1 980: 1 08).
qiu4
(gjou) LH gu, OCM *gu, OCB *g(r)ju [Shi ] > 'mate, 'To assemble' (e.g . friends) [BI, Shi] > 'accumulate' (e.g. merits) companion, partner, antagonist ' {:fL [Shi]. la] ? ST: Chepang gu, Bodo iYgY 'friend' [Weidert 1 987: 1 8] . Tai : S. khuu82 < *g 'pair' (Li F. 1 976: 42 ). Li suggests a connection with CH you 15Z 'friend ' (but see under -> you 2 and with WT grogs 'friend ' (but see -> ke3 :g:).
q i u 5 � (gjou) LH gu, OCM *gwG, OCB *gwjo (Shl}ing rimes) 'Fur' [BI, Shi]. Bodman ( 1 980; 1 66) compares this to WT gru 'boat' (of infl ated hides). Tamang 1kuri 'ski n ' looks simi lar. qiu6 Wil (zj�u) LH ziu, OCM *s-ju or *s-lu - [D] M-Xiamen, FuzhOu siuA 2 'to swim ' . 'To swim ' [Lie]. la] Since this word is l ate, it may simply be a dialect variant of -> y6u6 1Jff. J!lt , as in some dialects original *j- becomes a fricative (note M!n above). Bodman ( 1 980: 1 79) draws attention to a Lushai word hlew 'swim ' .
434
qiu - qu qiu7, j iu !±!� f§��* (gjieu, kjieu) LH giu, kiu, OCM *giu, *kiu, OCB *g(r)jiw ( ?) 'Horned dragon ' !±!� [Chuci ] ; 'horn-shaped, long and curved' t§� [Guliang], �* [Shi]. HST: 1 30 compares 'horned dragon ' with WT klu 'Nag as, serpent spirits ' , but see --> jiao4 ,t;(. The most l ikely etymology is 'twisting, wriggling' (Carr L TBA 1 3 .2 : 1 5 1 ft), note --> j iu 3 .*� (kjeuB) 'to twist, plai t'. q i u 8 g§ � zu --¥ qtu9 m � z ii o m qu 1 ffE (khjwok) LH khtok,
OCM *khok, OCB *kh(r)jok 'To bend, bent' [Shi] , 'crooked, unjust' [Zuo]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR k'y (A); MGZY khyu (A) [k'y] ; ONW khuok �� j u }a] (gjwok) LH gtok, OCM *gok, OCB *fik h(r)jok [f] ONW guok 'Bent, curved' (body) [Shi], JiYlj} 'bend the body' [Shiwen]. [E] PMK *g;,k 'be crooked, bent, l ame' (Shorto 1 972: 1 5 ). [C] This wf is cognate to items under --> gou 1 t]ifr� Tt.J � ; it may also be connected with --> ju6 �¥� 'bend'. -
qii 2 }ffi (khjugt) LH khut,
OCM *khut 'To bend' [Zuo], 'subdue' [Shi] ; the graph shows a squatting (i.e. bent) person with the phonetic underneath. [f] Sin Sukchu SR k'y (A); MGZY khyu (A) [k'y] [ ju6 �f� 'bend'. [E] Perh. ST (but the final consonants differ): WT dgur 'crooked, bend down' �� 'k11ur-ba 'carry' (a heavy load), Lushai kuurH 'to bend down, droop' �� kuurL 'be bowed down, burdened'. CH -> PTai *gyot0 2 'bent' . [C] Cognates are perh. --> gou 1 t]ifr� Tt.J�. --> qu 1 ffE.
qii 3 I[ (khju[C]) LH khto,
OCM *kho, OCB *kh(r)jo 'Body, person' [Meng]. [f] MTang khy < khuo, ONW khuo [E] ST: PTB *(s-)kuw > WT sku, WB kui 'body' (of an animal) (HST: 46), Mru ko [Loffler 1 966: 1 30]. Shorto ( 1 972: 1 8) suggests a connection with PMK *[j]k[oo]? 'body' > OM on jirku. Loss of a ST pre-initial could be responsible for aspiration §5.8. 1 .
qu 4 .�� (khju[C])
khf.o(C),
*kho(h) ? 'To drive (animals), gallop, drive out I away' [BI , Shi]. [E] ST: WT 'khyug-pa 'to run, dart, hasten ' �� 'k11yu-ba, k11yus 'to run ' �� dkyu-ba 'a race' �� 'gyu-ba, 'gyus 'to move quickly' (HST: 1 28). CH aspiration is associated with forceful motion §5.8.5. An allofam may be --> ju7 .�!¥IT 'col t ' . LH
OCM
qii 5 �t!li (khjwo) LH khta, OCM *kha 'Ruin-mound' � [Shi], 'ruins' t!li [Guoyu, Li] , 'hill, mound, site' � [Zuo], 'a l arge mound' [SW]. This may be a nominal derivation by k-prefix (§5.4) from --> xii 2 � 'empty' (Karlgren 1 956: 1 8). Note Lushai koH 'a mound, bank, raised ground . . . ' which may be related. Qu is probably not related to --> qiu 1 Ji. qii 6 fll --> Z O U 2 .� qu 1 � 'canal ' --> j u 5 1£
435
qu - qu qu2 *fE (gjwo) LH gta, OCM *ga - [f) ONW gio (?) > g0
'He, she, it, they' third person pron., appears in 4th - 5th cent. AD, survives in many central and southern dialects: G-Lfnchuan keB1, Jfxf keA2; X-Qfyang kiA 1 ( Norman 1 988: 1 1 8 etc.), also Yue khf'Jy i3 'he'. This pron. may be related to -4 qf7 � through the OC *a - *;) alternation (§ 1 1 . 1 .2), also the AA pronoun *kt has a secondary form *ka > Khmer ge /ke/ 'third person singular '.
qu3 )frij� -4 gou 1 {D �1!1*11Jm;: qu4, j u �� (gju[C]) L H gya(c),
OCM *gwa(h) 'Lean, emaciated' [Guoce]. [E] ST: WB khwak 'concave' (as a cup), 'sunken ' (face). For the WB final -k, see §6.9. � wang tl! (?will)) LH ?wal), OCM *?will) 'Emaciated; deformed person ' (often burnt to alleviate drought) [Zuo] (Qiu Xigui EC 9-1 0, 1 983- 1 985: 29 1 ). For final -1), see §6.5 .2. 3� kuang �JI (khjwal)) LH khyal), OCM *khwal) 'Eyesocket' [Liezi]. [ 'single-colored sacrificial animal' m [Zuozhuan]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR dzyen (4L); MGZY tswyan [dzyen] � quan � (tshjwan) LH tshyan, OCM *tshon 'Become cured (illness)' [Zhuang] (Karlgren 1 956: 1 3) . quan2 f.R (dzjwan) L H dzyan, OCM *dzwan ( !), OCB *Sgwjan ' Spring' (of water) [OB, Shi]. rrJ Sin Sukchu SR dzyen (4L); MGZY tswyan (4L) [dzyen] [N] This word rimes in Sh1)lilg in -an (Pulleyblank 1 963: 209) and is therefore to be reconstructed with a labiovelar initial (Baxter I 992: 1 76; 232). The word could possibly be a CH n-suffix nominalization ( §6.4.3) which is cognate to a PTB root *tso 'bubble, boi l ' : WT 'tshod-ba, btsos 'cook in boi ling water' ; WB tshu 'to boi l , bubble'. quan3 :off � (gjwan 3) LH gyan, OCM *gwan or *gon, OCB *gwrjen 'handsome ' 'Be bent, curved, curling ' :§ [Shi] > 'fist, strength' [Shi] > 'force, forceful' [Zhuang], 'power' ;fl [Guoce] (? CH -> WB khwan- 'strength'); 'curly hair' (also quan) [Liji ] (Karlgren 1 949: 90), 'wriggle' (as snake) � [Ch uc i ] . 3 t quan ;f!{! (khjwan 3) LH khyan, OCM *khwan o r *khon 'Crooked wood' [Guoce] > 'bowl ' made thereof [Meng] . Baxter reconstructs a n OC medial r in all the words o f GSR 226. I.E] Since OC final *-n can have several sources (ST *-1, *-r, *-n, suffix *-n), a TB cognate is d ifficult to identify: ( 1 ) Bodman ( 1 980: 1 50) relates this wf to WT khyor 'a handfu l ' 3� 'khyor 'to warp' , or WT 'khor 'circle. (2) Or note Lushai kh:xJI 'double up, roll up'. (3) Or Lushai kuaJL 'to coil ' . ( 4) Or perh. cognate to Lushai hruaJH 'roll up in the hand' . (5) These could be n-suffixed forms of -> gou 1 An allofam is prob. -> quan4 if�. quan4 (gjwan 3 ) LH gyan, OCM *gon ? 'Walk with bent body' [SW], this could be cognate to -> quan3 and I or to --> g6u 1 .... quan 3 ;ff $ quan5 quan 1 7\. (khiwenB) LH khuenB, OCM *khwin? 'Dog' [BJ, Shi] > 'official in charge of dogs' [OB] . [f] Sin Sukchu SR k'yen (1.); MGZY khwyan (1:) [k'yEn] [D] This word survives in M!n dialects (Xiamen khianBl), but has been replaced by .... gou 1r:iJ in most of the others. [N] A rime MC -iwen cannot derive from OC *-w::m (so GSR) or *-un, only from OC *-wen or *-win, hence OCM *khwln?. This is also what we should expect on compa rative grounds (so Starostin 1 99 5 : 229 *khwrn). I.El ST *kwi? with the addition of the nominal final -n in Chinese ( §6.4.3; STC: ! 5 8 n. 428): PTB *kwi? > PTib. ki > WT kllyi, Kanauri *kui 'dog ', Chepang kuy?; JP guPl; PL *kwe2 > WB khweB. quan 2 �ffi] il 4 x u a n l 437
qun
que
que {!:� ( khiwet, khjwat) LH khuet, khyat, OCM *khwet 'To break, splinter' [Shi]. [
-) ke ift� que 1 que2 � -) j u 5 TE qfi n � (tshjuen, tsjuenC) LH ts(h)uin, OCM *tsiun ' Hare' [Guoce]; 'marmot' in Sichuan (GYSX: 896b) [GY]. LE] ST: PTB *yu(w) - *yun > Lushai sa L-zuP 'rat' , sa L_zuL_pul 'hare' ( lit. 'big rat'); JP yu55 � yun33 'rat, m ouse ', WB yun 'rabbit' (STC no. 93; p . 99 n. 284; p. 1 58 n. 428); note WT byi-ba 'rat, mouse, rabbit' which may also belong. In a few phonetic series and wfs OC *j- and *ts- eo-occur (§9.2). Phonologically, the TB etymon is identi cal to -) you9 KR§ 'weasel' .
qun M (gju;}n) LH g un , OC M *gun
'Be a group, herd' vb. > 'herd, crowd, all ' [Shi, Shu ). [T] Sin Sukchu SR gyn (¥); MGZY 1� kyun ('¥) [gyn] ; ONW gun � � Perh. kii n (ku:m) LH ku;}n, OCM kun 'Numerous, swarming ' (insects) [Li] . LE J ST: PTB *m-kul '20' � *kun 'al l ' (STC no. 1 0; 397) > WT kun 'all ' ( s o HST: 89). -) jun4 ' army' may be related.
438
R ran 1 � (f1zjan) LH flan, OCM *nan, OCB *njan 'To burn' � [Meng] , #�� [Mo]. [I'] Sin Sukchu SR rjen ("'f); MGZY Zhen [rcn]; ONW flan LDJ M-Dongan mi A 2 'to take fire accidentally' 3f Amoy naC11C2 'to singe or burn slightly', hioA 2 'to burn' . 3� shan � (sjanC ) L H san e , OCM *nhans 'Blaze ' > 'splendid' [Shi]. [E] ST: JP Ja33_nan 33 'torch' ( C VST 2: 24). An allofam m ay possibly be """ re 'hot' . Prob. not related to """ hlm6 Dl. � (flzjan) LH flan, OCM *nan [I'] ONW flan 'To be like that' [Shi], 'affirm, approve' [Lun] . Ran is a fusion of """ ru 1 90 with an element *-n which has a demonstrative meaning (§6.4.5), cf. the later """ na 3 'that' (Norman 1 988: 86). See -" ru 1 tzO for allofams. !1fl} _, ren2 1£1::£ (flzjam Bf C ) LH nam BfC, 0CM *nam?/s 'To dye' [Zhouli], 'to dip ' [Zuo]. Ace. to Downer ( 1 959: 277), the tone B form is the verb, tone C a noun 'kind of cloth' [Liji]. MGZY 'em [> rem ] (l:.:i::) [rem] ; ONW nam [f] Sin S. SR rjem [EJ Tai: PTai *nu:::>m c2 'to dye ' ; Old Sino-Viet. nhuom ( Pan Wuyun 1 987: 3 1 ). HST: 1 40 relates this word to WT iiams-pa 'be spoiled, stained, tarnished'. 'soft' .... ren2
{:±1::£
rang 1�ti (nzjal]) LH no!], OCM *nai] 'Rich with dew' > 'rich with grain kernels' [Shi] ; 'rich in grain, rich' [Shi]. [E] ST: WB hnaiJ8 'dew, fog, mist' (HST: 62), Lushai hnaal I hnaanL 'thick' (fluid), and I or Lushai hn:::xJI]H I hn:xmL 'be damp, moist, fat' (Geilich 1 994: 254). (nzjal)8) LH llOI) B , OCM *nai]? 'Mould, cultivated soil' [Shu], 'territory' [Meng). [E] KT: S. daaiJBI < *?d- ( < *?n- ?) 'potash, lye ' , Li Ngam ?niii]81. rang (n zja !J C) LH nai]C, OCM *naiJh 'To concede, yield ' [Shi). [ ren , A 'human being' is relatively l ate (Mengzi) (Pulleyblank 1 995: 1 83 ; Baxter p. c. 200 1 ); later it acquired the usual interpretation as li t. 'act li ke a human being' (Gassmann JAOS 1 20.3, 2000: 357).
440
ren - re n [E] ST: PTB *s-nil) (STC no. 367) > PTib. *s-niiJ > WT sfiiiJ 'heart, mind' , sfiiiJ-rje 'kindness, mercy, compassion ', sfiiiJ-pO 'chief part, main substance, quintessence' (e.g. of cream of m ilk, soft part of a loaf, wick of a lamp) �< fiii] 'pith, essence' (W. Baxter, p. c . 200 1 ); Kanauri *sniiJ > stil) 'heart' ; PLB *s-nik *s-ni iJ �< *s-ni 'heart' > WB hnac-lum B, Limbu nil) 'mind' (HST; Shf Xi�mgdong 2000: 205). Possible allofams are .... shen 2 :!%' 'body' , -> qfn5 � 'to love, relative' , but see there. The TB items are sometimes thought cognate to .... nfng 1 $ 'be at peace' . �
r e n 3 1- 'pit ' .... r e n 2 1ren4 {:f: (nzj;::>m ) LH nim,
OCM *n;::>m 'Carry on the shoulder, to load ' [Shi] > 'sustain, endure' fZuo]. �< ren {:f: (nzj;::>m C) LH nimC, OCM *n;::>m s 'Burden (of office)' > 'charge, office' [Shu]; 'be burdened, pregnant ' �f [SW] ; 'be burdened, entrust' {:f: [Zuo]. [ 'entrust, pregnant' . 'Pregnant' is hardly cogn. to its syn . .... yun 1 o/- 'pregnant' ; a semantic parallel 'bear' > 'pregnant' is .... pei 1 �1S, also found in many other l anguages, inclu ding English. [f] Sin Sukchu SR rim C*), PR, LR rin; MGZY Zhim C*) [rim] [E] ST: WT snom-pa, bsnams 'to take, seize, hold, put on'. This etymon may have enjoyed wider distribution, note PKS *f).am 1 'to hold' , and AA-OKhmer nillJl [nam] 'to carry, convey, transport '. See also comment under .... ren3 ��.
r e n 5 �f (nzj;::>m , I)j;::>m ) LH nim, I)im, OCM *nim, nrim ?
'To weave' [Zuo]. [E] KT, AN: PKS *tam 3 ' to weave' , PTai *tam8 1 ; AN anem, I N anam 'plait' (Benedict A T: 98; Sagart JCL 2 1 . 1 , 1 993: 48). Curiously, the CH word is phonetically closest to AN which is farthest afield (this also is the case with 'needle' .... zan �).
ren I J?I (nzjen8) LH fl.tn8 ,
OCM *n;::>n '? . 'To endure' [Guoyu]. [f] ONW nin [D] PM in *niunB ninB [E] ST: WT fian-pa 'to be able, (not) be able'. -
�
re n 2 J?I (nzjen8) LH fl.tn 8, OCM *n;::>n ?. 'Be cruel ' [Shi]. - lE] ST: WT gfian-pa 'cruel , fierce, severe' . ren 3 � (nzj;::>m 8) L H nimB, OCM *n;::>m?
'Year' [Zuo]. Later 'ripe' (of cereal etc.) [SW] , 'harvest' [Hanshu]. [E] AA: PMonic *cnaam 'year' , M on hnam, Khmer enam, PVM *c-n-;::>m 'year' [Ferlus], PNBahn. hanam, PSBahn. *s;::>n am, Pear nim, W a-Lawa-Bulang *n¥m ( Benedict MKS 1 8-1 9, 1 992: 9). The AA word is perh. derived from a root 'to (trans-)plant' (Ferlus, Diffloth). AA -> TB-JP i:J33-nam 33 'rainy season ' ( C VST 2: 3 1 ), Lepcha nam 'year' . AA -> Saek (Tai lg.) paam 4 (A I ) 'season ' . The word's earl iest occurrences i n Zuozhuiin i n stock expressions like 'not lasting (more than) five years' give the impression of a relict from a substrate, rather than being part of the active language (similar to AA .... huang ifu 'blood'). The AA 1 sources do not mean 'harvest' or 'ripe' ; therefore it seems that AA ' year' and .... ren4 {:f: *n;::>m (basic notion: 'burden, carry, bear') have converged during the Han period (ears of grain 'bearing' > 'ripe, harvest') [SW, Hanshu] , perh. with additional interfe rence from .... ren 2 1i {:f: 'soft' > 'cooked' and .... nian if. 'year, harvest '. Ren has perh.
44 1
n! n
rl
tone B because it was felt to be an endoactive derivation ( §4. 5 . 1 ) from 'soft I heavy'.
re n 4
r en 2 -+ nil\ n 3• ren -'>
'7)) Y,'c,,
ren 5 ren 1 , re n
''i}) y;�:,,
(nzjgm 8) LH n imB, OCM *ngm? 'A kind of big bean ' [Shi]. [E] ST: WB iiam 'leguminous plant' . On the other hand, Bodman and W ang Ll ( 1 982: 6 1 1 ) believe that the following i s a variant, both from an original *num (a nearly identical pair also means 'great'): 3 * r 6ng (nzju!]) LH nu!], OCM *nul) 'A kind of bean' [Lie].
ren2
(nzjgm B) LH nim8, OCM *ngm? 'Soft' [Shi] > 'flexible, insinuating, artful' [Shu]; 'cooked' [Li] , 'overcooked' lf [Lun]. (nzjam 81C) LH nam81C, OCM *nam?ls - [T] ONW nam 3� din 'Soft, flexible' [Shi]. 3 � ra.n Ufl} ( nijam) LH ftam, OCM *nam 'To chew' [Xun] is perh. related ( < 'make soft ' ). [E] ST, area word: PTB *nyam (HPTB: 299) > \VB nam C ·soft, fine, delicate' ; Lushai neem H < neem 'soft, yielding, weak' 3� hneemL I hnem F < hneemh (< hneems) I hneem7 'to comfort, soften, soothe' (HST: 1 36; CVST 2: 32); Garo nom/ ' soft' [Joseph I Hurl ing, LTBA 24.2: 47] . The vowel of Mru num ' soft' (Loffler 1 966: 1 44) seems aberrant. Note also AA: Khmu hJ!jim, PPal . j;;>m, Riang kc;;>m 'soft ' ; Khmer 'andiiiJ1 /?antogml 'to chew' 3� OKhmer diiiJ1 [dam] 'to pound, batter . . . '. Tai: S. nim 3 'plump, supple, pliant', num3 'soft, flabby, springy'. Syn . -" r6u 1 * and other words with OC initial *n-.
ren3 ren4
-" n Ht n 1 At;U\ -'> r e n 4
ren5 �f -+ ren2 ren6 W" z\ -'> ren2 f:E{:f (nijenC) LH fl.j.nC, OCM *ngns, i.e. perh. *nigm ren7
'To know' [Guanyin]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR rin (1;:); MGZY Zhin (1;:) [rinj - [D] PMin *nine to think, consider' ( CVST 2: 1 1 6), WT giian-pa 'to [E] ST: JP non55 ·�1?,�, listen' .
r e n g 'f)] (nzjgiJ) LH fit!], OCM *nglJ
'Be done repeatedly, as before' [Shi, Lunyu]. (-loiJ 'the burning of fire' . Possibly, this word may be a variant of the ST root *!urn --+ xfn �!m� (so Bodman 1 980: 1 24). � ch6ng fi (gjul), duol)) LH gul), doul), OCM *d-lul), *liil) 'Hot weather' [Shi].
r6ng 5
(nzjul)) LH nul), OCM *nul) 'You' [Shi] . m Sin Sukchu SR rju!] (:if); PR rulJ; MGZY Zhyung [rjul)]; ONW nul) lE] The etymology i s obscure. One possibil ity woul d be to invoke the rare (and doubtful) equation PTB *a = OC *u and thus connect r6ng with PTB *na:l) 'you ' (so STC: 1 60 n . 432; see under --+ ru 2 1/J:.) (§ 1 1.9.3). Alternatively, this pronoun could be related to --> n6ng J! 'farmer ' , just as n6ng functions as the first person pronoun in Min dialects. But these are speculations.
--> ren ' ren ff r6ng6 I r6ng7 � .... j io ng 2 rfl1J m r6ng 8 � -+ yfn g 3 fR. r 6ng9-guan ' imperial palace' rong � --> nong4
--+
ying4
443
rou - r u rou t * (nzj;:m) L H n u ,
OCM *nu 'Flexible, soft, mild, gentle' [Shi]. * rou 1* (nzj;:mC) LH nuC, OCM *nuh - [T] ONW nu 'To make pliable, subdue, tranquilize' [Shi]. [ rou 1 � 'flesh, meat ' . Pulleyblank ( 1 97 3 : 1 2 1 ) has pointed out that there are many words with initial * n but different rimes which mean 'soft, weak', including : --> ru4 'i'�ij;, --> ru3 tifi , --> ruan ��' --> ruo5 �� ; in addition to Pullayblank: ..... ren 2 tiff:. Syn. --> xuan 2 Bl.
rou2 lf-* (nzj:m [BfC]) LH nu(8fC), 0CM *nu(?/h)
'Tread, trample' [Shi ]. [E] Perh. ST: TB-Lushai hnuF < hnuu? 'footprint' ( CVST 2: 43). For a semantic parallel trample - footprint, see --> j f15 lftf; --> nie7 JEI.
rou 1 � (nzjuk) LH nuk,
OCM *nuk 'Flesh, meat' [Yi]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR ru ( A), LR ru?; MGZY Zhyu ( A ) [ry] ; ONW nuk 3� r u � (nzj;:mC) LH nuC, 0CM *nukh (Fleshy:) 'rich' (of music) [Li] (Downer 1 959: 28 1 ). [ r6u 1 * 'soft' which is the most l ikely etymology. Other languages have an etymon *na: Tai: S. n-ia C2 < *n- 'flesh, meat' (cogn. ace. to Li F. 1 976: 42), also KN-Khami na 'meat, flesh' . Possibly rou is the resul t of convergence and re-etymologization. See ..... r6u 1 * for possible additional allofams.
rou 2 1* ..... rou t *
r u t �0 (nzjwo, nzjwoC [GY]) LH na(C), OCM *na(h) 'Be like, as if' [Shi]. The alternate MC reading nzjwoC is not only reported in GY, but is also required by Sh1]ihg rimes (Unger Hao-ku 22, 1 983). Ace. to Downer ( 1 959: 287), the tone C reading belongs to the meaning 'be as good as' [Zuo] . [T] Sin Sukchu SR ry (:>f); MGZY Zhyu (:>f) [ry] ; ONW no > no LEJ ST: Mru na 'be so', KN-Khami na (Awa) 'be so' , in Lushai in the expression na naa naa 'it being so, since' . The word has perh. a wider distribution: AA-OMon nail /]1:Jl)/ 'resembling, be l ike' (loan from TB?). [C] Allofams: --> er2 fTii , --> er4 'm, --> nai 2 *· --> nuo2 "§t,
ru2 �0 (nzjwo) LH na, OCM *na
-->
ran 2 �' --> ruo 1
�.
'To go to, proceed to' [Zuo] may belong to the area root meaning 'facing, toward' ..... xiang 1 rtl fi Y�P .
r u 3 tifj (nzjwo8/C) LH na8/C, OCM *na?/h
'To swallow' [Shi, EY]. [DJ Ace. to FY 7.27 a Wu-Yue (i.e. ancient Zhejiang-Fujian) dialect word for 'to eat', stil l current in M-X i amen JuA2 'to eat' . [E] A A : PVM *s-]1a:? 'to chew, masticate' [Ferlus]; Kharia po? 'to eat' . AA -> PMY:
444
r u - ru *na?7 'to swallow'. The AA etymon seems to have been absorbed through MY. A similar-looking word is � xiu4 � 'nouri sh' . Related may be the items under � xii'mg 2 -�[6). The graph %5 writes additional words ru. r 6 4 'llijl (nzju) LH no, OCM *no 'Weak, timid' '11 [Xun] ; 'pliant, soft' ijl [Xun]. LEl ST: PrB *now 'tender, soft' ( STC no. 274) > PL *C-nu 2 , W B nuC < noC 'young, tender' � nuB 'be m ade soft' �� hn uB 'make soft, mollify', Lushai noR < noo? 'young, tender, soft, young of animals'. This stem OCM *no is prob. a variant of the synonymous stem OCM *nu ( � r6u 1 *). � ru ffm (nzjuC) LH fwC, 0CM *noh - [f] ONW nuo 'Child' [Shu]. R u has an unexpected M and. tone, Pulleyblank ( 1 99 1 : 268) sets up competing variants in tone A and C for the Yuan period. In the meaning 'child', ru occurs i n oc usually (always?) as an adjective to z[ r 'child', hence the phrase means l iterally 'weak child ' , therefore ru is a derivation from ru '11 above, perh. even the same word. In late Zhanguo texts [Hanfei, Li] ru-ren rrmA and ru-zr Jrm r is the term for the 'wife' of a low nobleman (:k;t(). [C] Cognates are � xu4 �� $ 'wait, tarry' , � ruan �'J 'soft ' ; perh. also � ru 3 �L 'female breast', � ruo5 5]5] 'weak', � n15 � 'moisten'.
r6 5 � (nzju) LH no, OCM *no
'To moisten, wet, g lossy' [Shi], 'soak' [Zuo]. � ru , ruan jl (nzjwat) LH nuat, OCM *not 'Dip, soak' [Yili] (Pulleyblank JCL 2 1 .2, 1 994: 367) < ru � (nzju) + final t (§6.2.2). � r u 1/i (nzjwok) LH nok, OCM *nok 'Moist ' (soil), 'rich-tasting ' [Li]. [ noB Rii
is the name of at least two rivers, one a northern tributary of the Hwii in southern Henan, the other of the H�m river. Both were once in the non-Chinese sphere of the ancient state of CM and its neighbors. The Chu ruling clan X i6ng fl� ( 'bear') had the name m[ * 'bear' which points to a KT presence ( KT mui 'bear' ). It may therefore possibly be more than a coincidence that the KS word for 'water' i s *?njaA or *k-njaA.
ru
2
@:.. (nzjwoB) LH flaB, 0CM *na? 'You ' [BI, Shi], an independent pronoun (§3.3 .3). This word survives in col. coastal Mln : Xiamen JiB, Fuzhou nyB (Norman 1 988: 234), while most dialects have forms which go back to � er5 fxlm. G-Wunfng IJ.)t:A 2 'you' (Sagart 1 993: 1 73) does not agree in tone. LEl ST: PrB *na *nal) 'you' ( STC no. 407) > Chepang naiJ 'you ' (sing.), PL *nal), WB naiJ 'you ' , naiJC 'you, your' ; JP na?55 'your' , naiJ33 'you' (HST: 1 63), Lushai naiJR < naiJ?. For the finals, see §3 .2.4. �
445
rii - r u � na i J1J (n�iB) L H n;:�8, 0CM *n{')? - [11 0NW nai8 'Your' possessive [BI , Shi] i s a proclitic (unstressed) form of ru if:x. 'you' ( see §3.3.3). A llofam may be --'> ruo2 parallel stems or synonyms --'> er 3 rrrf . --'> er5 � and its col. variant --'> ni1 ifJ\ 'you ' ; --'> r6ng5 ;&;.
rii 3 :fL (ftzju8) LH fto8, OCM *no'i'
'Nipple, breast' [Zhouli ], 'milk, suckle' [Zuo] > 'breed, raise' (Lii] > 'hatch' [Li] . [11 Sin Sukchu SR r y (1:.); MGZY Zhyu (1:.) [ry] ; ONW fmo8 [J':) The OC vowel *o, as i n *no?, often corresponds to foreign *u in open syllables ( § 1 1 .9. 1 ). On the other hand, *no? also l ooks l ike a regular endoactive derivation (§4.5 . 1 ) from --'> ru4 'I��JW *no 'soft ' , l it. 'the thing that is soft ' , a possible re-etymolo gization of the area word. � nou, gou (nguC) LH noC, OCM *noh 'To suckle' [Zuo] is a Chu dial. word ace. to Zuozhuan. The reading nou is either simply a derivation from ru *no? (Pulleyblank 1 983 : 427); or more directly from an AA source where the etymon means 'drink, suckle' (see below). [E] ST: PTB *nu w - *now (STC no. 4 1 9) > WT nu-ma 'breast' �� nu-ba 'to suck' � nud-pa 'to suckle' , Tsangla nu 'milk', Lushai hnuL-teR < hnu?!h 'breast, milk' � nuF < nuu? 'mother, married woman' , PLB *no3 , WB nuiC; JP nu51 'mother, mother' s sister' , etc. ( CVST 2 : 3 8), JP g;:>3I_nu31 'mother' . Perh. an area word: AA-Kharia, M undari nunu 'female breast' �� Mundari nu 'to drink', Wa-Lawa-Bulang *J1t?, PVM *J1u:? 'drink'. AA may be the u ltimate source of this word because it is the common word for 'drink ' whereas the meanings in ST are specialized. Some TB languages i ndicate that the protoform was prob. *nuw?. [C] Perh. cognate to --'> xu6 *sno 'elder sister' ; --'> a-nu [fr!ffrx 'younger brother'.
rii 4 11 r ii , r :..u
0
� "'T
r u 5 il .
� XIil 3
r u l A (nzjgp) LH nip, OCM *ngp < *nup
'To enter, to set' (e.g. sun) [OB, Shi ]. [11 Sin S. SR ri (A), PR , LR ry?; MGZY Zh i (A) [ri] ; ONW nip [D] The expected Mand. reading ri is avoided for taboo reasons. PMin *nip 3� nei tlg (nu�ic) LH nu;:�s (> n u;:�is), OC'M *nuts < PCH *nups, OCB *nups 'Inside' [BI , Shi ] . [11 Sin Sukchu SR nuj LR nuj; MGZY n u e (*) [nue]; ONW nuai [ WT nub-pa 'to fal l , sink, set' (e.g. sun) 3� nub 'west' � snub-pa 'cause to perish, suppress' ; Garo nap, Bodo hap < hnup ( < **sn-?) 'to enter, set (sun), sink, drown' (Bodman 1 980: 52).
ru2
(nzjwoC) LH floC, OCM *nah 'To examine, scrutinize' [Shi]. [J':] ST: WT mno-ba 'to think, imagine, think upon, consider' ; JP na55 'to feel , be aware, conscious of' ( C VST 2 : 1 8).
ru3 �0 (ftzjwo8) LH ftaB, OCM *na?
'Soft' [Chuci ] looks like a Chu dialect variant of rou 446
(under --'> r6u 1 *). Alterna-
ru
ruo
tively, it m ay actually belong to ---> are c losely related notions, see ---> ren 2
'swallow, eat' as 'eat' > 'chew' and 'soft' For potential allofams, see ---> r6u 1 *·
ru4 ?'!JQ (ftzjwo[C]) LH fta (C), 0CM *na(h)
'Marsh' [Shi ] . (E] S T : WT n a 'meadow' (HST: 1 07), na-kha 'upland moor' in NE T ibet (Albert Tafel, Meine Tibetreise, Stuttgart etc. 1 9 1 4: 2 1 0). Prob. an area word: MK-PWa *?nul) 'marsh' (for finals see §3.2.4 - CH loan?). PAN *-na ' low-lying I easily flooded ground'; Tai-Kadai na 'wet rice field' -> TB-JP na31 'wet field' (Peiros I Starostin CAAAL 22, 1 984: 1 25 ; Sagart ms. 2002: 1 4).
rus ru6 ruan
� x iii 3 � r ti s � r u s 71
ruan �f\ (ftzj wan8) LH ftuanB, OCM *non? 'Soft, weak' [Guoce], 'weak, timid' '11 [Zuo]. m Sin Sukchu SR ryen (1:); MGZY Zhwyan ( _t ) [ryen] (E] ST: W B n wai ' stretch along ' 3� n waiC 'bend flexibly' 3� hn waic 'bend flexibly' * hn waiB 'procrastinate ' , Lushai nuaiH 'rub' . WB final -i and M C nuac nuanC can be reconciled if we assume an original ST *nwal. -> Old Sino-V iet. nhuyen (Pan Wuyun 1 987: 30). * nuan f� (nuanC) LH nuanc, OCM *nons �
'Weak' [Xun], 'weak, timid' [Zuo]. A variant reading MC nufi C point s to an earlier final *1. [C] Cognate to --. ni4 'fiMI; possibly also to --. r6u 1 *· ---> nen, nun AA&.
, r u It �f,'if( """' )i;:5( � ru t rut �� (ftzwieB, flznwiB) LH flu ai8, flui8,
OCM *noi?, *nui? 'Hang down' (as jade pendent from belt) [Zuo], 'ovary of flower, fruit' [Chuci]. 3< ruf �� (ftzwi) LH flui, OC M *nui 'Hanging bands ' (of a cap) [Li], 'tassel' � [SW: Shi] , 'pennon ' [Li] . (E] ST: WB n wai 'stretch along, as a creeper' ; J P n6i 'suspend, hang' * ?;:,noi 'hang onto' [notations of HPTB: 2 1 5] ; possibly WT nar-mo 'oblong' 3< bsnar-ba 'to extend in length, pull out' from TB *nwar could belong here. Perh. also connected with AA: OM on jnor jnow 'hanging banner' with the nominalizing n-infix. HPTB considers the T B items under --. chuf 1 � cognate; further comparanda are --. duo2 ---> wei2
r ul tFg (ftzjwaic) LH ftuaic,
OCM *nots pin, tenon' [Zhuang]. (E] AA: Khmer tnota /tnaaot/ 'impaling pole, skewer, spit ' < {ota /daaot/ 'to impale, run into ... 'Peg,
'
rfin
(ftzjuenC) LH ft uinc, OCM *nuns ( *mnuns ?) 'Intercalary month' [Shu]. Etymology unknown.
ruo 1
(ftzj ak, GY also n zja8) LH flak, OCM *nak (Perhaps: 'Of all possible cases, the one like thi s ' :) 'like this, such, if' [BI, Shu] > as a full vb. 'to agree, approve' [OB, BI, Shu]. m Sin Sukchu SR rjaw (.A), LR rjaw?; MGZY Zhew (.A) [rew]; ONW ftak, fta [ Tiddim Chin na? 'leaf' , Lushai hna?L.
ruo5 �� (flzjak) LH oak,
OCM *n(i)auk ? 'Weak > consider weak, despise' [Shu], 'young, tender' [Zuo]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR rjaw (A), LR rjaw?; MGZY Zhew (A) [rew] ; ONW flak [E] ST: WT fiog-fioiJ ' soft, tender, weak' . For possible allofams, see � r6u 1 -* ·
r u o 6 � (flzjwat) LH fluat,
OCM *I]iot or *not ? 'To burn ' � [Zuo], 'hot, burn ' j{i*] [Li] (also MC nijwaiC). [E] Most likely, this is a final -t derivation (§6.2.2) from a ST root *nwe: WB n we8, hnwe8 'warm ' , Lai nwe 'be warm' [Van Bik LTBA 25.2, 2002: 1 07]; or, less l ikely, from � rao 2 � 'fuel ' . There are parallels for the medial-vowel metathesis, see � nei �£, � shuai �. For the n- � TJ- vacilation in the initial, see §5. 1 2. 1 . Since ruo is , apparently related to � nuan 12l! *non 'warm , its relationship to � re �� *I]et or *net (?) 'hot' , if any, is not clear. W ang Li ( 1 982: 494) relates TUO to � ran I � 'burn ' .
448
s sa , sa t� � SRD I
sa 1 ' s hii i W,!i � shai , s hf fJm � shf l2 sa 2 sa � qf 2 sai ,�, ( st, s�i) 'bearded' or 'white-haired' [Zuo] is an allofam of � er 1 ffij 'whiskers' ace. to Pul leyblank. Sai ij�, 'jaw' is perh. the same word.
s a i , sai , s e � ( s�k, s�iC) LH s�k,
OCM *sgk(h) [T] ONW s�k, sai 'To stop up, block; a mountain pass' [Shi]. Downer ( 1 959: 275) determined that the verb had the reading MC S;;Jk, the noun tone C MC sJ!iC in Zuozhuiin. [E] Etymology not c lear; prob. connected with AA-Khmer suka / sok.J 'to stop up, block, cram . . . ' 3< cuka lcokl 'to stop up, plug, block, obstruct .. . ', but the vowels do not agree ( § 1 1 . 1 0.5). Based on his theories on OC phonology, Pulleyblank (EC 1 6, 1 99 1 : 50) believes that siii is cognate to WT sub-pa 'to stop up'.
san
.:::::.
( sam) LH sam , OCM *sgm 'Three' [OB, Shi]. The LH, MC vowels are irregular, one should expect MC � [T] Sin S. SR sam (3f), PR san; MGZY sam ('f) [sam] ; ONW som. [D] PM in *sam; Y-Guangzhou 55samA J [E] ST: PTB *sum > W T sum 'three' (in compositions); JP m;;>31-sum33, WB sum C, Lushai thumH. Tai : S. saa m A J i s obviously a CH loan (Tai would have preserved an original vowel *u). 3< san �� � sou 5 �� 3< san - (samC) LH same, OCM *s:.'lms 'Thrice' [Lunyu]. [ PTB *g-sum > WT gsum 'three' , PL *C-sum2, WB sum 8; Garo git11a m, Digaro bsal). Bodman ( 1 980: 72) proposes OC *Ks�m. � • shen (�j�m) LH �;;lm , OCJ\11 *sr:'lm 'Three stars in the Orion belt' [Shi] is thought to be related to san (Baxter 1 992: 550). [
'sex' may be due to an AA substrate, note Khmer /sreek/ 'thirst or lust after' < /reek/ 'enjoy oneself' . .
se2 ��1_ (sjgp)
LH �ip, OCM *srgp - [f] ONW �ip 'Rough, astringent' [SW] (Pulleyblank EC 1 6, 1 99 1 : 50). Etymology not clear.
se3 ��m (�jgk)
�tk, S �gk, OCM *srgk, OCB *srjgk - [f] ONW �ik 'Farming, to reap, to harvest' m [Shi], 'harvest' m [BI , Yili]. LH
45 1
sen - s h i i I.E ] Etymology not certain. Perh. related t o TB-PLB *C-sak 'pluck, pick' (fruit etc.). Or to AA-Khmer cruta /croot/ 'to reap, harvest ' [Jenner I Pou 1 982: 254]. Khmer sro:v 'harvest the paddy'. Baxter ( 1 992: 205) implies that this word is cog. to -> cai 1 * (ts11�iB) OCB *srt(k)? 'to gather, pluck'.
sen
_,
lfn 1 ff
sha 1 19' (�a) LH �ai,
ONW �ii OCM *srai - LTJ Sin Sukchu SR �a 'Sand ' [Shi]; ' sandfish, mudfish' �: [Shi]. (E] Etymology not certain, but a TB etymon is similar: PTB *z(l)a-y < *s(l)a-y (with diminutive *-il-y ace. to Matisoff l 995a: 68) > WB sai8 s;J}ai 8 ' sand ' , PL *say 2 , JP dzaP1- (in compounds) 'sand' . ? PTai *zaay: S. saai 'sand ' , Written S. drai may in fact reflect an earlier cluster (Maspero 1 9 1 2: 86), therefore OC may be closer to Tai than to TB forms. �
shii 2
(�at) LH �a/et, OCI\'1 *srat, OCB *srjet < *srjat 'To kil l ' [OB, Shu]. LT] Sin Sukchu SR �a ONW �iit I.El ST: PTB *g-sat 'to kil l ' > WT gsod-pa, bsad, Chepang s�1t-sa, WB sat, PL *C-sat, JP sa(ll 'to kil l ' ( STC no. 58) �� gd3i_sat55 'attack' (with a weapon). AA-PMonic *k-r-c;;)t 'to kil l ' ( < kc;Jt 'to die') appears phonologically also c lose to CH .
s ha 1
(�ap, �iip) LH �ep, �ap, OCM *srap ? 'To smear the mouth with victim's blood' (at covenant) [Zuo]. (E] AA: Khmer sropa / sraaop/ 'to cover with plaster or with thin slabs, plates, or gold leaf' ( < -ropa /-r6op/ 'cover'). Han-CH (?) -> Tai: S. cap4 'to smear over, paint'. Perh. PLB *sapH 'rub, stroke' is connected (HPTB: 337).
--" x H t 5, sha sha2 sha � (�ap) L H �ap,
OCM *srap 'Plume-fan ' [Zuo]. (E] This word belongs to a widespread SE Asian assemblage of etyma for 'wink, blink', incl. PAN sap 'winnow' ; K-Meixian sap 7 'wink', Y-Hongkong saap 7 'id'. For an exhaustive collection and treatment, see R. Bauer L TBA 1 5.2: 1 5 1 -1 84. Thi s word also may be an iterative derivation from _, lie8 lt 'beard, broom ' (§5.2.3) due to paronomastic attraction.
shai, s hf gffj (�i) LH �i.
OCM *sri 'To sieve, screen' [Hanshu), 'a sieve ' (GY]. h [al [f) Sin Sukchu SR t>aj (-'f), PR ;n; MGZY S h I· [D] In SMin this word has a curious stop initial : Amoy thaiA1; this is similar to _, chu3 �WJ. �< s a , shai yit]i (�ai8) LH �ei B, OCM *srf? 'To sprinkle' [Shi]. (E] ST *sri : Lushai hriL I hrikF < hriih I hriik 'to sift, screen ' ( CVST 4: 1 06). This cognate 'wash' (as suggested by Karlgren 1 956: 1 6). shows that sa is unrelated to _, xl 1 There are also forms with TB initial *l which may be cognate: WB hJeC 'winnow', Lushai t1'JjH I thfitL < s/ii I slit 'to strain, pour off, winnow' . This etymon has nearly converged with _, shr1 2 *sre, but the Lushai cognates suggest separate etymologies.
shai ¥iN
--"
s ha i , s h f 452
shaj
shii.ng
shai I ' shl (:ileC) LH �ec, OCM *sreh 'To dry something in the sun' [SW]. [E] AA : PMonic cay 'to spread in the sun to dry'. shai2 �j: --'t s h u ii. i � shii.n 1 W (�an, �an) LH �an, �en, OCM *sran, OCB *srjan 'Mountain' [OB, Shi]. Etymology not clear. [?an ] - [D] PMin *san [f] Sin Sukchu SR ?an (.Sf); MGZY (zhan >) shan s hii. n 2 :§::; � (�am) LH �am, OCM *sram 'Long hair' [SW]. The graph is also used for a syn . --'� biao 1 �. The TB cognates show that the MC retroflex prob. does not derive from an earlier *sr- cluster ( §7.4). [f] Sin S. ;f.:; SR ::;am (:IfL), PR ::;an; MGZY :}.:; sham (:IfL) [::;am] [E] ST: PTB *(C-)sam ( STC *tsfun - *sam) > WT ?ag-tshom 'beard of the chin' ( ?ag 1 'mouth'), Garo miksam 'eyebrow' (mik 'eye'); WB tsham 'head hair', PL *?-tsam , JP R sam 55, Lushai sam < tsam?. shii.n 3 9:�1 --'� l i a n 8
shiin 4 m
-'I
lianl
shan OO ii?Jll. --'� yan2 9:. �w -'I j ia n 4 (sjanC) LH sane, OCM *nhans ? 'W icker door, leaf door' [Li] > 'fan ' . Since shan3 � 'blaze' (with as phonetic) is *nan 'burn' , this word 's OC initial was prob. also a probably related to --'� ran 1 nasal. Etymology not clear. [�jen ] ; 0,1\W san [f] Sin Sukchu SR ?jen ( MGZY (zhyan >) shyan
� -'I r a n i
t\'fl
tan t' -'I c h a n 2 (zjanB) LH dzan8, OCM *dan? 'Be good, good at, do well ' [Shi] > put. 'approve' [Meng] > caus. 'make good' [Lunyu]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR :zjen (_!:.), LR :zjen (J:.); MGZY zhen (J:) [zen]; ONW d:lan � � s h a n ij�� (zjanc) LH dzanc, OCM *dans [f] Sin Sukchu SR :zjen 01\W dzan ( 1 ) [ 'eat ' [Li] , l it. 'what has been made good I ready' . (2) [� s hl (sjaiC, (d)zjaC) LH sas, (d)zaC, OCM *)has, *m-Jas 'Lend, borrow' [Zhouli], 'remit' [Guoyu]. [ 'debate' [Li]. [ yf8 � 'change' . Or PTB *b-ley 'barter' ( STC no. 283): Lushai Jel 'buy, barter', Tiddim Jei L / JeiH < Jei? I Jeih 'to buy', Chepang lc?-sa 'to buy ' . If related to the latter the CH vocalism m ight have been influenced by superficially similar words like -> she 1 'bestow, give'. Alternatively, Bodman ( 1 980: 80) compares this group with WT g-yar 'borrow, lend, hire'.
s he 2 m .... yu7 s he 1 .... s hi 1 6 �� she2 (dzja) LH z a , OCM *m-lai 'Snake' [OB, Shi]. The OB graph seems to depict a cobra. [f) Sin Sukchu SR zje (3f); ONW ia (- za ?) - [D] PMin *gziai [E] The etymology is not certain. Some languages have synonyms which l ook similar: KD-PHlai *lj?a 2 : Baoding za2, Qiandui 1a2 'snake ' ; on the Malay peninsula AN-Rade etc. a la 'snake ' ; or TB: Lushai ruuJH-hJa l 'sp. of snake' (ruuJH 'snake'), JP p;)33-Jai3-1 'a sp. of iguana' ( CVST 3: 6). However, the KD forms could be loans from CH, and the cited TB forms appear to be unrelated. Most likely, she is to be associated with an area root: M K-Khmer /-lee/ as in /rJee/ 'to snake, move sinuously' (as through water). In OC, this root also provides the second syllable in .... wei 1 -tu6 wei-yf �1'8 'winding , compliant, gracefu l ' . She 'the winding thing ' is then a euphemism for .... hu1 1 ER� 'snake' < ST *(s)mrul in order to avoid the name of a dangerous creature (for a similar taboo, see -> hu 1 rft 'tiger'). she 1 '@r (sja8) LH saB , OCM *!ha? 'To bestow, grant' [BJ, Shi], 'give, bestow' [Zuo]. [E] Prob. AA: MMon salah 'to give away, disburse'. 3� she ( sjaC) LH sac, OCM *lhah [fJ ONW sa 'Put down, deposit' [Zuo]. [ shf9 JJffi ) are prob. variants. A similar triplet of stems is found with the group 'to give up' ( -> she2 '@f}5} The latter and this set 'bestow' tend to coalesce, may even derive from the same root (give something < let go of something?). s he 2 ( sjaB) LH saB, 0CM *!ha? 'To let off' [BI, Shi] , 'set aside, leave' [Shi]; 'give up, let go' [Guoyu] , 'shoot ' [Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR �je MGZY shya (_!:. ) [?jt:] ; ONW sa 3� s he '@f ( sjaC) LH §aC, OCM *lhah 'Let go' [Shi], 'let off, liberate' [Zuo], 'pardon ' [Shu]. [ Nyah Kur *phg]�h 'to release' (Nyah Kur), > M on *hgJ��h 'let go, free from, send for' . OKhmer la /laa/ 'to (de)part, leave, quit (doing), cease' 3< ghla /klfig/ 'part, leave, quit...' MK ? -> Tai : S. sa-4-la 4 'let go'. This wf is parallel to -> yl3 5 i1¥ in CH as well as AA, the difference being OC final *-? vs. OC final *-k. As a result, she % [sah] and she � [sah] 'let go, pardon ' seem to be the same word written with different graphs. However, the graph % implies OC *lhah ( < *lha?+h) and is derived from she % m *!ha?, whereas the graph she � implies OC *lhakh. The roots *!ha? *lhak *lhai? ( -> sh14 �t!D are pro b. variants with parallel morphological and semantic developments. A similar triplet of stems is found with the homophone group 'to give, bestow' ( -> she 1 %). The latter and this set 'let go' tend to coalesce, may even derive from the same root (give something = let something go?). �
�
she 1 H (zja8) LH dza8, OCM *da? ? - [f] ONW dza 'Altar to the spirit of the soil ' [Shi], 'spirit of the soil ' [SW] , is assumed to be cognate to -> tu 1 ± 'land, soil ' ( Karlgren GSR 62j; W ang Ll 1 982: 1 46). she2 % (sjaC) LH sac, OCM *lhah 'To rest in, stop ' (overnight on a trip) [Shi], 'to halt, resting place, a day's stage' [Zuo], 'lodging house' [Zhouli]. An R-variant is perh. -> lu 2 JJI 'resting place'. 3< shui §$t, (sjwaiC) LH suas, OCM *lho(t)s ( < *lhua(t)s ?) 'To halt, rest overnight' [Shi]. LEJ Apparently shared with PKS: *s-lwa8 'to rest' . The PCH root must have been *s-lwas, identical to the KS one, with the later regular OC initial *si- > *lh-; KT tone B is the regular counterpart of MC tone C ( < *-s). Both CH forms reflect a PCH final *s, she as suffix, shui as part of the root. The erstwhile PCH medial *w after acute initials survives perh. in syllables in final -t and -(t)s, as in shui; however, in open syllables like she, the OC (? at least MC) phonological structure does not allow a medial *w ( § I 0.2 . 1 ) . The ambiva lence in the forms, as in the finals in these two words, is typical for loan words. she3 % 'put down ' _, s he 1 % she4 % 'let go' _, s he 2 %m she5 � � yl 35 i1¥ ; also _, s he 2 %m she6 ¥& (zjap) LH dzap, OCM *dap - rr1 ONW dhp 'To wade (through a river), cross a river' [Shi], 'to cross a river' (by boat) [Zuo]. lE] Perh. related to PTB *lip 'dive, sink, drown ' ( STC no. 375), WT Jceb-pa 'seek death' (by drowning), but the initials do not agree. she7 M � shf9 J1tt � �)1. s h c8 ax � y1' 28 � �. she9 II Ji� (tsjap) LH tsap, OCM *tep or *tap ? 'Despondent, to fear' '11 [Li] ; zhe 'I'� 'to fear' [Zhuang]; 'scared stiff, stupefied ' j� (Mand. zh1), also MC tsjdp, niep [Zhuang]. 3< she '11 (sjap) LH sap, OCM *nhep or *nhap ? 'To scare, frighten ' tr. (JDSW) [Zuo, Xiang 1 1 ]. LEJ Perh. directly related to Khmer spap (see below) with an intensive (?) s-prefix, except that OC has reinterpreted the devoiced initial < *s- as a trans. I caus. prefix. 3< nie -¥ (ryjap) LH l)ap ?, OCM *nrep 'That by which you frighten people' n. [SW] (Karlgren GSR no. 638d; Baxter and Sagart 1 998: 52). '
456
she - s hen [E] AA: OKhmer fiyap /pap/ 'to tremble, fear' 3� /spap/ intr. 'to shake, tremble, be frightened, terrified' . The un-ST eo-occurrence of MC initial tsj-, sj- and IJJ- within a wf prob. reflect fragments of AA morphology, especially the initial n- suggests an AA infix.
she 1 0 Wi (sjap) LH sap,
OCM *nhep < *s-nep, OCB *hnjep [f] ONW sap 'To pinch between' [Lunyu] > 'to grasp, gather up' (skirts), 'combine' (two offices) [Lunyu] > 'assist' [Shij. 3� nie £I (l)jap) LH l)ap, OCM *nrep [f] ONW nap 'Pincers, tweezers' [Shimfng , GY] . [E] The OC pair derives from a S T doublet *s-njap *r-njap: PTB *s/r-nyap 'pinch, squeeze' (HPTB: 339) > WT rfiab-rfiab-pa 'to seize or snatch together' , Chepang nep 'press together uniformly . . . ' , M ikir mip 'to catch ' ; PLB *(s-)nyap > WB nap 'be pinched, squeezed between ' 3� hfiap 'to squeeze, press between two objects', in Lolo lgs. also 'shoes' ( HST: 1 1 8). CH -> Tai: S. n ccpDJL < *hn- 'pincers, to hold' (with pincers). This ST root *njap is distinct from the parallel stem *nip ( __, nie0 t'2: 'pinch '). -
-
�
she 1 1 'Jr (dzjaC) LH Z;aC,
OCM *m-lah [f] ONW ia 'Musk deer' [EY, SW] . [E] ST: WT gla-ba ' musk deer' [Jaeschke] or 'river deer' [Zang-Mian 1 992 no. 3 1 5-3 1 6] ( CVST 3: 4); Loloish lgs.: la etc. -
s he i , shui tft (zwi) LH dzui,
OCM *dui 'Who?' [Shi] . [ s hen 3 i* she n 3 :m: (sj::lm 8) LH sim8, OCM *-::lm?
'To investigate, discriminate' [Lunyu], 'minutely, really' [Shu] . [E] Etymology not clear. This word could belong to -4 shen3 i* 'deep' . Karlgren GSR 647a considers this to be the same word as can � 'thrice' (under -4 san =-.. ) , Sagart ( 1 999: 1 5 1 ) relates it to c an � (tsh�m) [tsh::lm] 'examine' [Xun], but reconciliation of the initials presents problems.
she n 4 1-lf11c -4 c he n 2 �-lf11c shen 1 � (zjen8) LH ginB, OCM *gin? 'Kidney' [Shu].
458
s hen - sheng [E] ? ST: Perh. related to PTB *m-glun 'kidney' (HPTB: 73); for the vowels, see § 1 1 .5. 1 .
shen 2 � (zjenc) LH dzinc,
OCM *d:ms 'Clam, oyster' [OB, Li] ; 'some kind of dragon' [Hanshu, Tianwen zhi], --> chen3 JN.
shen3 @ __, z hen 2 fb1 shen4 ::1 (dzjgm8, zjem8) LH zim8 (or dzim8 ?),
OCM *(m-)dgm7 ? 'Mulberry fruit' (which i s dark purple or black) [Shi]. [E] Area word: AA-Khmer dwp !turn/ 'be ripe, dark', PNB *qdum 'red ' seems to belong to this group. TB-Lushai dumH 'black, blue' (like sky, sea), 'purple' (like distant mountains), 'dark' (in color). See --> tan5 �tt for further items.
sheng 1 ft� __, c h e n g 3 * sheng 2 ± (�BIJ) LH �eiJ, OCM *sreiJ
'To live, be alive, fresh' [OB, BI, Shi] > ('cause to live') 'give birth to, create' [Shi]; 'a (live) sacrificial animal ' t1 [BI ] > 'domestic animal ' (as beast of burden). [T] Sin Sukchu SR �gjiJ (-'f), PR, LR �giJ; MGZY shhing ( -'¥) [�giJ] ; ONW �e iJ
Table S-1
Live, fresh, green (A): *s(r)il]
S- 1
ST *srii]
oc
sheng .±. *sreiJ live
��
�
*s(r)aiJ
*sraiJ live
green
q fng 1f *tsheiJ green
< *k-seiJ ?
cang lf *tshaiJ *k-saiJ ? green
g ive birth > l ive' : PTB *s-rii] ( *srii]) (STC no. 404) > M an chati sriiJ 'to live, alive ' ; Lushai hrii]H I hrinL 'fresh, green ' * hriiJH I hrinR 'bear, beget' , NNaga *C-ril) 'alive ' ; Chepang sriiJ- 'open out' (begin to open, of buds), begin to blossom' , M ikir reiJL 'live, come to l i fe ' ; JP tsii]33 < rjiiJ 'weeds, rank grass' ( STC: 85; HST: 1 04), NNaga *C/V-cril) 'raw, grass' [French 1 983: 35 1 ]. With vowel *a: WB hraiJ 'live, ali ve ' . S T *sri survives prob. as --> tr li i n C H (§7. 1 .2). The initial *s i n *sril) belongs t o the ST stem, but in some l anguages it has been reinterpreted as the caus. prefix, which explains perhaps the survival of the *s- i n QC *sril) where the alleged caus. function was felt to be transparent, but was lost i n tl as part of the stem. ST has several parallel stems, prob. ultimately related, for the notion 'live, fresh, green ' : ST *sril) --> sheng � 'live' ST *sralJ --> WB hralJ 'live' ST *sil) --> xlng 'l:i fri 'nature', qfng 'green' ST *saq --> cang 'blue', Garo thalJ 'live' For an overview of the *s(r)il) - *s(r)al) contrasts (§ 1 1 . 1 .3), see Table S-1 ; for an overview of the sriiJ - siiJ contrasts, see Table Q- 1 after --> qfng 'green ' . For synonyms, see --> ' XU' :::£: C h u4, EE : . � �
�
sheng 3 �3.3 (�BIJ) L H �e lJ, OCM *srelJ 'Sister's son ' (Shi], (daughter's husband:) 'son-in-law' [Meng], 'father's sister's son, mother's brother's son, wife's brother, sister's husband' (K. C. Chang 1 976: 89). (E] ST: Western TB l anguages: WT sriiJ-mo 'sister' (of a male), Zangskar {il)mo; Lower Kanauri riiJs.
sheng 4 � (�BI)) LH �el), OCM *srel) [f] ONW �el) 'Reed-organ' [Shi ] may be related to --> mfng7 q� OCB *mrjel) 'to sound' ace. to Baxter ( 1992: 499). -
(sjalJ) LH seiJ , OCM *hjelJ ? sbeng 5 'Sound' (especially with respect to volume), 'note, fame' [Shi]. [�il)]; ONW sel) [f] Sin Sukchu SR � il) (-'F); MGZY shing [D] PMi n *siaiJ > X ittmen col. sifiA I, Fuzhou siaiJ44, K-MeixHm salJ 44; PM in * *tshiaiJ > Jianyang tshiaiJAJ (E] Perh. ST, note a simil ar-looking Lushai word with identical meaning: thal)H I thant < saiJ 'become known, be renowned; to sound or travel (as sound), resound' . However, foreign initial s- is impossible to reconcile with MC sj- which goes back to an QC voiceless continuant, perh. *hj-, unless we assume *he/il) - *sal) parallel stems of the kind which have been suggested for 'odor, smel l ' , see under --> xiang W. Tai : S . siaiJAJ 'sound' looks l ike a loan from a southern C H d ialect. 'wise ' . [C] A derivati on is perh. --> sheng 1 sheng 6 Jm (sj�l)) L H Stl), OC M *lh�l) ? 'Equal to, capable of, be worthy of' [BI, Shi , Lunyu] . [f] ONW sil) 3� sheng (sjgl)c) LH Stl)c, OCM *Jhgl]h ? 'To vanquish , conquer, overcome' [Shi], 'surpass' [Lunyu] [ cheng 3 *· -
she ng t:Jm (dzjgiJ) LH ztiJ, OCM *m-l::JI) 'String, cord; continue' [Shi].
460
s heng - shr [d2;_iiJ] [11 Sin Sukchu SR �ilJ ( -¥); MGZY cing (E] ST: PTB *bli!] 'string, cord' ( HPTB: 3 07): Metu (Nungish) am briiJ 'cord ' , et al., perh. also WB ;J-hmyal)B 'string, thread, fiber, nerve' ; Mei Tsu-Lin ( 1 985: 338, 342) adds WT 'phreiJ < NpreiJ, and suggests it is a variant of 4 mfn 3 For the *m- - *bdifference, see § 5 . 1 2. 2.
sheng 1 � ( sjalJc)
LH OCM *hjeiJh ? or *lhe1Jh ? 'Be wise ' [Shi], 'a wise, knowledgeable person' [Han fei]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR �ilJ (:i;;) ; MGZY shing [f;iiJ ] ; ONW seiJ 'hear' (Boltz 1 994: 1 1 6) i n which case [E] This word is often related to 4 tfng 2 OCM would be *lhel)h. Formally, it looks like a derivation from 4 sheng5 'sound' , in which case i t would be OCM *hjel)h and literally mean 'be renowned, one who i s renowned ' (for h i s wisdom).
sheng 3 ® 4 s heng 6 sheng4 giUI. 'pregnant'
yun 1
sheng 5 � 4 c he ng 1 shf 1 F 4 y15 shf 2 ( sjet) LH sit,
OCM *lhit - [11 ONW sit 'To lose, fail, neglect' [Shi] , 'let go, err' [Zuo] (Unger Hao-ku 36, 1 990: 56). Perh. the wf 4 yl 1 3 yj.J.fu£ is a semantic extension of this group. 3� yi {�� U iet) LH jit, OCM *lit IT] ONW it 'To escape' [Li] , 'retire' [Meng], 'neglect' 1� [Shu]; prob. also 'to relax, be at ease, lazy, idle' [Shi]. [E] Note Tai: S. JetD2-batD2 'escape artfully or adroitly' (Manomaivibool 1 975: 1 8 1 ).
shr 3 HR (�et)
LH �it, OCM *srit - [D] PMin *s'dt. 'Louse' [Zhuang]. [E] ST: PTB *s-rik > WT sig < hryik 'louse', Bunan srig, Kanauri rig, Chepang srgyk 'head l ouse ' , Lushai hrikL, Mikir rek. PTB *k-rik > JP kra t55. CH ? -> Tai: S. r+at02L < *dr- 'bed bug ' (Li F. 1 976: 45) may be a CH loan (MC !j- Tai *dr- is not unique).
shf 4
(�i) LH �i. OCM *sri 'Multitude, army' [OB, BI, Shi] > 'captain' (of an army) [BI , Shi] > 'm aster'. CVST (2: 78) relates this word to 4 jie2 -'§fl:f� 'all '. h [f] Sin Sukchu SR ?i (-'f), PR, LR a ; MGZY sh i ( � ) [�l]
shr 5-z r jgiji-T
(�i-t si-8) LH �i-t si;)?
'Lion ' [Hanshu] !PJ t]; ONW se �f s hl 1ffii (sjeC) LH saiC, OCM *lhaih 'To g ive, bestow' [Shi], 'to bestow alms' [Li]. [ ���� ( sjeC) (root *slek) with final -k ( §6. 1 ).
4
cl4
shf 1 0 1Jiff 'expand' 4 e h} 3 f�D�� 'dodge' 4 yi6 �i\l2 shf 11 ( �e) LH �e, OCM *sre s hf 12
'To strai n off' ( wi ne) [Shi]. The graph also writes the synonym --> xu 1 1� *sra 'strain off' which has a different etymology, though. 'slant, deflect' ST *lai + [ yf6 s-prefix ( §5 .2.3). For *ai *e variation, see § 1 1 .3.3. The change from *I to *r iterative is due either to Rural influence (§7.3), or to convergence with 4 shai , shf *sri. !El ST *s-lai: Lushai thJel < sle? 'to sift ' (by side to side motion) �� thJeL I thJeekF < s/ees I sleek 'to sway I lean to one side ' ; see under --> yf6 �i\l2 for more Lushai cognates. Bodman ( 1 980: 1 79) relates this word to Viet. ray 'to strain, sift, sieve'. �� s a lJ.! (�ai81C, �eBIC) LH �cBfC, OCM *sre?lh - [f] ONW �a To sprinkle' > 'distribute' [Li]. [EJ This i tem h as nearly converged with --> shai, s hf gffl *sre, the putative Lushai cognates suggest separate etymologies. �
shi 1 + (zj;:)p) LH dzip < gip,
OCM *gip 'Ten ' fOB, Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR �� (A); MGZY zhi (A) [:z;i] ; ONW dZip [D] PM in *dzep: X iamen col. tsapD2, lit. sipD2; K-Meixian s;>pD2; Y -Guangzhou
[E] ST: PTB *gip ( STC no. 1 6) > WB kyip, M ikir kep < kip (Matisoff 1 997a: 25). PMiao *g�uD 'ten ' is a loan either from TB or from OC. PTai *sip: S. sipDIS is a CH loan, prob. from a southern dialect.
shi2 E (zj ak) LH dzak,
s dzak, OCM *dak 'Stone' [Shi]. The homophone shf fAA 'marmot ' [Shi] is prob . the s. w. ( < 'stone rat'). [f] Sin Sukchu SR �i MGZY zhi ( A) [:z;i]; MTang zek < diek, ONW dzek [D) PM in *dzbk - *ziak: Amoy sio?02, sia?02, Jiangle soD 2 ; y -Guangzhou 22sekD2 !El Etymology not certain. Shf i s prob. related to MK: PVM *I-ta:? ' stone, rock', Khmer �ii ldaal 'rock mass ... , (any) rock or boulder' , to which CH would have added the famili ar final -k ( §6. 1 ). In some MK languages, the word has an m-infix.
shi3
(zj;:)p) LH gip, OCM *gip 'To pick, gather' [Zuo] is shared with PTai *kj;}p (Xfng Kai, MZYW 2000: 2).
462
shf sh£4 ft (dzjgk) L H Z+k, OCM *m-Jgk 'To eat ' [Shij > ( 'eating of sun, moon' by a celestial monster:) 'eclipse' [Shi] , REa [Liishi chunqiu]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR �i ( J... ) ; MGZY ci ( ;\. ) [d�i]; ONW zik [D] This is stil l the word for 'eat' in southern dialects: Y -GuangzhOu 22sekD2, K Meixian set; PMin *zit/k 'eclipse'. [E] ST *ljgk + pre-initial *m- (§8. 1 .3): PTB *m-lyak 'lick' (STC no. 2 I 1 ) > PLB *m-1yak 'to lick', WB /yak; WT /jags < Nlyaks 'tongue', Jdag-pa < Nlak 'to lick' ; Limbu Jak- 'to lick' ; JP m;;)31-ta?55: Lepcha /yak 'taste, try', Nung la � le, Miri jak, KN *m-liak > Lushai JiakR I lia?L, Tangkhul kh;;)m;}]ek 'to lick' [IST: 27], Liangmei ma-Jjak [Weidert 1 987: 257]. STC: 64 considers JP siiJlet 'tongue' to belong to this root, see _, shi 1 6 �. also WB hlya 'tongue' appears to have been influenced by it. Matisoff ( 1 995: 7 1 ) connects this wf with _, shl 1 6 �f\: and _, tian4 3 f ( shl ) (QYS *dztC) (D] PMin *dzhjC 'raise livestock' is an exoactive I caus. derivation from an equivalent of shf 'eat' . Independently also in TB: Limbu laiJma < Jaks- 'to feed'. 3 f si Rl1J :1§it (ztC) L H zjgC, OCM *s-bkh 'To give food to, feed' [Shi]. [T] ONW z ig. [E] ST *lbk + ST causative s-prefix (§5.2; §8. 1 Pulleyblank 1 973: 1 1 7), + OC exoactive I causative s/h-suffix ( §4.3 .2). PTB *s-lyak > PLB *?ljak 'to feed an animal ' ; Garo srak 'l ick'. His (thai) LH thg, ocM *lh� 3f uii 'To nourish' [FY 1 . 5], a Han period d ialect word (incl. in the ancient state Song) which could also have derived from earlier *s-b(k). shf5 RER _, shi'4 s hf6, shi , duo iJ$ (zje, zjeB, taB) LH dzai(8), tai B, oc:v1 *dai(?) *tai? 'Wife's parents' (in fu-shf )(IJ$, mu-shf fJ:PfP) [FY] is a Han period dialect word from Southern Chu, a Tai word: [E] PTai *tai 'maternal grandmother', or PTai *ta 'maternal grandfather' (Mei Tsu-Lin AAS paper 1 980). shf7 S� 'this' _, Zhf I L 'time' _, z hf 2 (dzjiik) LH iak, S zak, OCM *m-lak - [D ] PMin ziJk *ziak 'shoot' sh£9 'To hit with arrow' [Lunyu]. [D] PM in ziac [f] ONW ia 3 f she %-;f (dzjaC) LH zaC, OCM *m-lakh 'To shoot' [BI , Shi] . [ Chepang -kli? 'any kind of excrement, incl. snot, ear wax, tears etc . ' , WT JCi < lhyi, Kanauri kli; Thulung, Bahing khJi, PTamang *kl i; OBurm . khJiy [JST: 336], WB khyeB, PL *?/k(l)e2 'feces' ; JP khyj55 (HST: 74), Garo ki?. CH -> PTai *xeiCI 'excrement' could be related, in some dialects the tone points to PTai
shl 1
(d�t8) LH d�;:JB, OCM *dzr;:Jr 'Male person ' [Shi] , 'masculine' [Yi ] , as in shi-nu ± ft 'men and women ' [BI ] (syn. of the classical � min 2 � ). or shi fii ± ::}( ( 'masculine ' :) 'young husband' (for an older wife � �fff) [Yi ] ; from 'male person' derives > 'man' as in lifing shi R ± 'a good gentleman' [Shi]. The original notion of 'man, male, masculine' i s also suggested by the graph which serves as an element in � mu 1 'male' (of animals). [dz..l]; MTang d�i (?), ONW d�;:J ( ?) [f] Sin Sukchu SR z,.i (J:-.*). PR Z..l ; MGZY c hi [E] This word is remi n iscent of AA synonyms: OKhmer si 'male ' , M K languages on the Mal ay Pen insula have forms l ike ?l)siil, en sir, bs�y 'male, man' (Lewitz 1 976: 769). Foreign final -r (note ensir) sometimes leaves a trace in the OC initial complex ( §7.7.3).
shl 2
(d�t8) LH dz:;:JB, OCM *dz�? [fJ MTang d?i ( ?), ONW dp ( ?) ( 'To g i ve or carry out an assignmen t ' :) 'to take office, give an office, serve' {±± [Shi] ; 'retainer, knight' (A. Waley), 'retainers' [BI , Shi] > 'servant, officer' [BI , Shi] 'officer' ± [BI , Shi] ; later 'scholar'. It is natural to assume that shi ± and shi2 are the same word with the semantic 1 development ' male > man > servant > to serve'. However, the ancient derivation shi (below) and TB counterparts show no association with the notion 'man, maleness', while 'male' hardly derives from 'affair, serve' . Therefore it seems necessary to separate the present shi2 'serve' from shi ± 'male'. M K relations of shi ± . if 1 1 val id, would support this distinction. •� shl :j'J (d�f:C) LH d�;:Jc, OCM *dzr;:J?, rarely *dzr;:Jh 'Assignment, affair, thing ' > 'carry out an assignment, serve' [BI , Shi]. Mostly tone B reading in Shi]ihg (Mattos 1 97 1 : 3 09), hence a homophone of, and perh. the s. w. as, shl,- ± {± . h [f] Sin S. SR z,.i PR, LR Z..l; MGZY c i [d2a] ; MTang d�i (?), ONW dz:g (?) [ 'clan' [Lun]. [E] The etymology is not clear.
shi 5
(zi.-8) LH dZi;;l8, OCM *d;;l'/ [T] MTang zi < dii, OJVW dz;;l 'Market' [BI , Shi] is also found in PTai *J+C2 'to buy', in Ahom 'come to terms , consent'.
shl 6 frP (d�t8) LH dp8,
OCM *-"dr 'Persimmon ' has an unexpected PMin form *ghi8.
s hl 7 i:tt ""' ye4 ·m· shl 8 ffii -. s he 1 sh1 9 :=c\; (sj"dk) LH stk,
OCM *lhgk - [T] ONW sik 'To use, make use of, use as model or norm ' [Bl, Shi ] . �� s hi (si_.C) LH §gC, OCM *lh;;lkh [T] MTang si, ONW S;;l 'Apply, make u se of' > 'test, try' [Shi]. [ caus. s/h-suffix (§4.3.2). [C] This wf is perhaps connected with ""' yl2 .DJ 'take, use'.
shi 1 0 ]ii:\ 4 s hi 9 s hi 1 1 f}E -0 H 6 shi 1 2 ""' shi 2 shl 13 (sjet) LH sit,
OCM *!hit ? 'House, hal l ' [Shi] > 'family' (as in 'royal house /family/clan ' ) [Shu]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR � i (A ) ; MGZY shi [:?i]; ONW sit [E] ST *k-li(s) > W T gzi < glyi 'ground, foundation, cause; residence, abode' , sa-gzi 'earth' (as opposed to sky) n gzis 'native place' , yul-gzis 'house, estate, property', gzis sgril-ba 'to change one's abode, move to another place' (Unger Hao-ku 3 9 , 1 992). These forms are cognate to PTB *mliy [STC no. ! 52] ( see -. di 1 :!:liD > Lepcha If 'house' : WB mre 'earth, ground ' , Mikir mili 'bare ground' , Nung m gJj 'ground, mountain', Dulong mi'Sll 'place' [LaPolla L TBA 24.2: 33]. For the OC initial of shi see §8. 1 .5.
s hi 14
(zie8) LH dze8, OCM *de? 'This' [Shi], an i ndependent pronoun ( §3.3.3) > 'be right, correct, so' (§6.2.2), opposite ""' fei 1 [f] Sin Sukchu SR z;i Cl.), PR 1;.1 ; MGZY zhi (..1:) [z) ] ; ONW dze [E] ST: PTB *day (STC no. 2 1 ): WT de 'that ' ; JP n55_cfe?55 'this, there' , n55_cfe51 'so (many. . . ), thu s ' , but Kachin dai 'this, that' . A derivation i s -. shf 1 3 11.'. 466
s hi shi 15 '["# ( Zi-8) LH dzgB, OCM *d�? - [f] MTang zi < dzi, ONW dz� 'To depend on, rely on ' [Shi] (z.i.C) LH dzgC, 0CM *dgh 'To accompany, wait upon, attend upon ' [Shi]. [C] Karlgren ( 1 956: 1 7) adds dai 1=1¥ 'wait' to this wf (under � deng 1
�
s hl {=!f
�).
shi 16 �j£ (dzieB) LH zeB, OC M *m-le?, OCB *m-laj? - [f] ONW ze8
'To lick' [Zhuang]. [D] In some dialects, this etymon means 'tongue' . 3� s h e E (dzjat) LH zat, OCM *m-lat ! , OCB *mlat 'Tongue' [Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR zje CA.); ONW zat [ Kokborok (Bodo-Garo) slay [Joseph I Burling L TBA 24.2, 200 1 : 52], WT Ice < Ihye, K anauri-Manchati hie, Gurung Je', Dimasa salai, WB hlya ( STC p. 64); JR temeli; Kuki *m-lei > Lushai JeiH, SChin Daai m/ei 'tongue' [Hartmann ICSTLL 1 999: 2]; Dulong p�Jai 'tongue' [LaPolla, L TBA 24.2: 26]. Benedict (LTBA 5. 1 , 1 979: 2 1 ) suggests that TB 'penis', e.g. WT mJe, is the same etymon ( 'body-tongue'). Since only few TB languages have forms with final *-t l ike CH she, the t-suffix has prob. not been inherited from ST: Magari milet (or me-let), let, Newari mec 'tongue' , JP Jif]3i_Jet31. Initial *1- is a near-universal sound symbolic feature for 'lick I tongue', hence similar words in other languages are not likely to be related, such as M K-PVM *Ia:s 'tongue' [Ferlus]; Kam-Tai : S. JiaAZ < *dl- 'to lick', PKS *Ija2 ? [Thurgood ] . [C] Matisoff ( 1 99 5 : 7 1 ) connects this wf with � shf4 J3t 'eat' (whose TB cognates mean 'lick'), and � tian 3 ilitf 'sweet', all of which have the phonesthemic OC initial *1-.
s hl 1 7 *Jjl, (zi8, zjC) LH gi8, ( giC?), OCM *gi?
'To look at' [Shi] , 'to look after, watch' (e.g. the people, of a supervisor) [Shu 26.4]. The tone C variant reading has prob. been transferred from the next item. [f] Sin Sukchu SR z;.i C-*), PR �1; MGZY zhi (1::.-ft) [z;.i ] ; MTang dzi > zi, ONW dzi n s hl fG (dziC) LH g i C , OCM *gih 'To show' [Shi] > ('what shows, is shown', i .e. set up to be seen:) 'ancestral tablet' [OB] , 'portent, sign' (from heaven) [SW] . Medieval transcriptional materials indicate that fG had the same initial as *l (Cob! in I 991 : 20-2 1 ) , but later material agrees with the QYS. [f] Sin Sukchu SR z;.i C-*), PR 2;.1; MGZY c i [di;.i ] ; ONW dzi [ ('pointer':) 'finger' [Zuo]. Tone B is apparently part of the stem, therefore zhi is not an endoactive derivation.
467
s hl [f] Sin Sukchu SR tt>i Cl.), PR, LR t:n; MGZY ji (.l:) [tt>i]; ONW tsi •� c h e n 1 (zjen) LH gin, OCM *gin 'Epfskopos', one who 'watches' and looks after things I people on behalf of higher ... El= authority; an echo of the etymology is a phrase l ike chen zuo zhen . . . er m ii 'the chen function as my (the ruler's) ... ears and eyes' [Shu 5, 1 2] . The graph, a
drawing of an 'eye ', also connects the word with the notion 'to watch' . H ence on the one hand the meanings: 'a subject, servant', on the other 'minister, person in charge' , 'be subject t o , function as a subject of' [OB, BI] , xiao-ch6n 'junior minister' [OB, BI]; with lesser rank 'retainers' , h ii-chen lkb:i some kind of bodyguard ; with low rank ' servant, subject' [BI , Shi], chen-qie 'servants and maids' [BI , Shu] (Keightley 1 969: 1 9 1 ft); 'servant' > 'I' (when speaking to a superior). ff] Sin Sukchu SR dz..i n (:IJZ); MGZY zhin [zjn] ; ONW dzin (khien), where ch6n [N] OC i nitial *g- is supported by GSR 368 which includes qian ( GSR 377) is phonetic. [ niu 1 §IEB: 'finger'. (2) Alternatively, shOu m ay be derived from -> shou �51: 'take, gather', tone B would then be the endoactive morpheme: 'hand' < lit. 'the thing that is doing the taking ' ( §4. 5 . 1 ). �
shou 2 9' (sjdu B)
LH suB, OCM *-u? 'To keep, guard' [B l , Shi] , ' fi ef' [Zuo]. � shou 9' ( sj;:luC) L H sue, OCM *-uh 'Fief' [Shu, Zuo] > 'governor' 9' [Zuo] (Downer 1 959: 276). [ zu 1
s hou2
( zjduc) LH diuc, OCM *duh
'To sell' [Shi 35, 5]. This is perh. a semantic extension of shOu 'give ' (under -> shou 1 or possibly also connected with M K : Khmer {iira /door/, OKhmer tor � t var 'to barter, trade, exchange' (see §6.9 for the open syllable in CH). Syn. _. d f6 m; l'ffi' -> g u 1 1 � ; -> mat yu 2 3 V
V
book' [BI , Shi]. Etymology is not clear. [I'] Sin Sukchu SR �y MGZY shyu (-'f) [�y]
shii 5 :tT
__,
c hu 2
shii 6
__,
y u 25
__,
y u 25 yu ) 8 mw:t®
£::?. "U
s hii 7 ilif s hfi s �
shu 1
__,
(dzjuet) LH zuit, OCM *m-lut ? - [J'] ONW zuit 'Glutinous millet' [Li ]. [D] PEMin *tsutD 2 , PWMin *ts11ut02 (PMin *tJhut?) 'glutinous (rice)'. [E] Area word : PMY *nblut 'glutinous, sticky', AN pulut 'sticky substance' (Sagart JCL 1 993, 2 1 . 1 : 52).
shu2 !},X 'harvest' __, shOu �5(
shu3 @ (sjuk) LH suk, OCM *nhuk 'Bean ' [Shi] [E] ST *nhuk or *snuk: PLB *(s-)nok 'bean ' > WB nok [Matisoff TSR no. 1 40] (HST: 39), JP no?31- 'red bean' ( CVST 2: 36). For the vowels, see § 1 1 . 1 0 . 1 . 'who' __, s he i , s h u f shu4 shu5, s h o u '� (zjuk) L H dzuk, OCM *duk 'Be ripe, fruitful, productive' [Shu]. [I'] Sin Sukchu SR :z;_u ()..,. ), PR, LR :z;_u?; MGZY zhyu (A) [zy]; ONW dzuk [E] ST: PKiranti *thok � thuk 'ripen , cooked' (van Driem 1 995: 254: Starostin). CH -> Tai : S. suk01S < *s- 'ripe', northern Tai dialects have a voiced initial (Li F. 1 976: 44). The sibilant indicates that Tai has borrowed this word from post-Ban CH. shU 6 (d)zjwok) LH zok, OCM *m-lok 'To ransom, redeem' [Shi]. [E] Area etymon. ST: WT blu-ba, blus 'to buy off, ransom ' 3� blud-pa 'release, ransom '. For initial m- vs. b-, see § 5 . 1 2.2. MK: Khmer l u;;>h 'to ransom,redeem '. PTai *lu3 2 'to redeem , tribute', *dllru32 'to donate, ransom' [Luo Yongxian MKS 27, 1 997: 280; 293] . ShU looks like a cognate of __, yu 2 3 *luk 'sell ' (Sagart 1 999: 82), but see comment there. s hii 1 .lwt (sj woB) LH saB - ts11a3, OCM *nha? ?, OCB *hja7 (?) 'Rat' [Shi]. 47 1
shU [f] Sin Sukchu SR ? Y CL); MGZY shyu (1:) [?y]; ONW so > s0 [D] Southern and NW dialects have variants with affricate initial : PMin *tshyB: Xiamen ts"uB, Fuzhou ts"y8; Kejia *tshuB 1 : Meixi�tn ts"u8; w -Wenzhou tc"i45 (Beida tsheiB') . NW -Xrn fng t§"y53, Dunhming -t§11u42, 1.-anzhou pfl'u33. !El Etymology not clear. Note AA-PMon *[c/s]naa? in Nyah Kur 'shrew' (a shrew is hard to distinguish from a mouse), in Mon 'squirrel' ; the PMon word for 'rat, mouse' is *knii'? , PNBahnaric *kane 'rat' which is an alternate candidate as a source for shii i f we assume the occasional shift from front vowel to OC *a ( § 1 1 . 1 .3). PKS *kh-noC 'rat' (Edmondson I Yang 1 988) m ay be related. The case for OCM *n- in shu is suggested by ..., shu1 *nha?. The TB word for 'rat, mouse' *yu had acquired the meaning 'weasel ' in Old Chinese (..., you9 fiU!! ) .
shu 2 � ( sj wo8)
LH saB, OCM *nha? ? 'Painfu l , suffering' [Shi]. lE] Perh. related to the common PTB *na > WT na-ba 'be ill, ache' � • nad 'disease, malady, sickness' �• snad-pa 'to hurt, harm, injure ' ; WB na 'be ill , be in pain' 3< nat 'demon, spirit'; Mikir no 'bad, evil, wrong '; Lushai naaH I natL, Thado nat 'be ill' (Benedict HJAS 4, 1 939: 227). I f this item i s indeed OCM *nha?, it is prob. related to _, nu6 . . .... nan3 itt 'difficult'.
shu 3
( sj wo8) L H sa8, perh. OCM *nha? ? or OCB *hja? [f] ONW so > s0 'Millet ' , prob. 'glutinous m i llet' [OB, BI , Shi] can perh. be compared with WT nas 'barley'. Both millet and barley were the staple cereals grown in ancient Northern China and Tibet respectively.
shu 4 I& (�ju8)
LH �oB, OCM *sro? 'To calcul ate, count' [Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR i?U (1:); MGZY (zhu >) shu (1:) [?u ]; ONW �uo � shu ( �juC) L H eyoc, OCM *sroh 'Number' [Yi ] > 'some, several ' [Lunyu]; 'method, art' [Meng]. [ lu 1 For additional possible comparanda, see under _, sui 2 �. shu5 'to place' _, z h u 13 � shU6 ... s hii 5 B� ... s hii 4 I& shu7 shu8 TM _, s hu 7 T�f
473
shua - shuiii sbuii frPU (�wat, �wat) LH �uat, OCM *srot
'Scrape c lear, brush' [Zhouli]. ff] Sin Sukchu SR �wa CA.); MGZY (zhwa >) shwa ( /\) [�wa] [E] ST roots for 'brush' show some variaty; some of the fol lowing TB items may belong to ..,. fu9 M or ..,. b16 instead: Mru chariit 'comb' (Loffler 1 966: 1 44); Lushai hru I hruuk 'to rub (off), wipe (off) ' , JP brut2 'a brush' (shuiizi) �� J;;)55_rut55 'a brush ' ( shuazi), WT sud-pa, bSud < *rhyut 'to rub, get scratched'. Perh. also related to Spilo-Kanauri swartma 'to comb' [Bodman]. [C) A cognate is prob. ..,. gua 3 l!f!J *krot 'scrape' ; shuii is not related to -+ shii 3 'comb'. Table S-2 'Brush, comb, scrape' provides an overview over similar etyma.
Table S-2 Brush, comb, scrape *prut brush oc
��
bi 1ft *p(r);l/ut writ i ng brush fu #ll *phg/ut < * sprut ? brush off ( 1 )
--
*C-rut I hrut gua
*krot scrape (2)
*srot
*srja(t) comb
shua /rjJU *srot c lean i ng brush
shii :fffE *sra comb
sud-pa, bsud < *rhyut to rub, get scratched ( 3)
WT
--
gsod-pa , (g )sad, pa < *rh ya t i to comb
swartma comb hru I hruuk to rub I wipe (off)
• Lushai Mru JP
hriat
i
I hria?
1 to comb chari.it comb
brut2 cleaning brush
Iass_rut55 a cleaning brush
Notes on Table S-2 : ( 1 ) See under fu 9 jjll for alternate etymology. (2) The OC rime *ot ( instead of the expected *ut) i n guii is perh. due to analogy with shuii. (3) The palatalization (Proto-Tib. medial *y) i n sud i s perh. d u e t o influence from gsod.
shuii i
(eywi) LH �ui, OCM *srui 'To diminish, decli ne, decay' (Lun]. [�waj] ff] Sin Sukchu SR �uj (:ljl), PR �waj; MGZY (zhway >) shway � c hu r � (tey11wie) LH t�11uai, OCM *k-sroi 'To reduce, [Zuo]. [ JP Jui33 'to flow' (as water), Lushai JuiL < Juih, Tiddim Juut < Juuih ' stream, river' (HST: 1 58). Perh. this is an area etymon, note possible MK connections: OM on Jwuy; Khmer /luj/ 'float, drift ' ; Vi et. l9y 'swi m ' , Wa-Lawa-Bulang *l[o]y 'swi m ' . :vtK -> PTai *hJwgjA l 'to flow' > S. JaiA1 (Li 1 977: 1 37; 286); Khmer -> PTai *bjA 2 > S. l:JojA2 'to float' (Li 1 977: 1 34, 288), Saek tlooyA 1 'to flow' . Given the occasional alternation between J and r, the following may also be connected or be parallel etyma : PKS *kru:P 'stream' , PTai *xrugiC ( ?) > S. huajCJ 'mountain stream ', Sack riP < hrii C1 'id. ' , perh. also Tai : S. huuP 'a stream, creek' . Similar-looking M K etyma are prob. not connected: PNBahn. hayiih, P-H re Sedang riuh 'stream ' [Sm ith 1 972: 52], also PMonic *hiiw 'to flow, drift' . Tone B prob. m arks the word a s a n endoactive derivation from a S T root, lit. 'what is flowing ' ( §4.5. 1 ). The voiceless initial may go back to an earlier nominalizing prefix, either *k- ( §5 .4) or *s- which is found in old ST nouns which relate to naturally occurring things (§5.2.4). Another derivation from the ST root may be -. xuan 1 *wfn7 'to flow'. s hui 1 (zwiec) LH dzuaic, OCM *doih or *djoih ? - [f] ONW dzue 'To sleep' [Guoce]. LE] Since both CH and WT have a word for 'sleep' which is homophonous with *doi 'droop' . The one for 'droop' , it is probable that shui is derived from -. chuf1 WT cognate seems to be yur-ba 'to slumber' •� g-yur 'sleep' (Bodman 1 980: 80) •� g-yur-ba 'droop, hang or sink down' (of fading flowers etc.), but phonologically, the OC items are c loser to a parallel stem in rime *-ol, see -> chuf1 :m:. 475
shu1 - shuo shui 2 ;j'H, (sjuaiC) LH suas,
OCM *!hots rr:J ONW suei 'To present , g ive, donate' [Liji] > 'tax' [Chunqiu]. Boltz ( 1 994: 1 0 1 ) relates this word to the wf -+ yu 1 7 'lW : then 'tax' means lit. 'something peeled off the top' . Alternatively, shul may be derived from shii lfi1ltr 'to transport, convey to' (under -+ yu 18 �Rtr�).
shui 3 tH. -+ tuo 3 ff� shul 4 �5?, -+ shuo �X
shun 1 l!ft (dzjuen8) LH zuinB,
[D] PMin *gzion8 < *NdzOCM *m-lun? ? 'To suck' [Hanfei]. [E] ST has several stems from a single root (for TB, see also HPTB: 8 1 , 84, 48 1 ) : ( I ) *mlyu-n : PTB *m-lyun > Kanauri *myun 'to swallow', JP m:d31-run3I 'suck' . ( 2) *ml yu-k: PTB *m-lyu:k > Lushai zuL I zuukF < ju?ls I juuk 'to drink' (by sucking a tube), 'to bite' (as leech), Ao-Naga 3mw3yuk (*m-yuk) 'to swallow' [W eidert 1 987: 457], JP m:d3Lyu?3I 'throat, swallow' • � Iu?31 < luk 'to drink, suck', Chepang yok-sa 'to swallow'. (3) PTB *mlyuw: PLB *myuw > WB myui ( inscr. mlyui ) 'swallow' [Matisoff 1 978: 29], Angami Naga me-zu < m-ju 'id . ' , SChin Daai mjo 'swallow' [Hatmann ICSTLL 1 999: 2 ] , Karen Sgaw ju ( STC no . 1 53 ; p. 1 47f). The complex proto-initial i s prob. responsible for three different reflexes in JP: mg3Lrun31 'suck' , mg31-yu?31 'throat, swallow', Ju?31 < Juk ' to drink, suck'. WT Jdud-pa, blud < Nlut 'give to drink, to water' belongs to the same root. -+ dnn 1 , shun
shun 2 shun 1
�t!El
(dzjuenC) LH zuinC, OCM *m-luns 'To fol low, agree, be agreeable' [BI, Shi] . rr:J Sin Sukchu SR z;yn MGZY cyun ( :i:;-) [dz;yn]; ONW zuin [ 'regulation, supervisor' [BI, Shu]. [E] ST *zg: WT mdzad-pa, mdzod < m -za-t 'to do, act' �� bzo ' work, labor' , Kuhish ea, Mru caiJ 'to do, make' (Loffler 1 966: 1 40). For an alternative affil iation of the TB items, see -> zuo3 11'. Unger (Hao-ku 30, 1 984: 294) sees a possible relationship with WT rdzi-bo 'herdsman, shepherd, keeper' instead. The semantic fields of similar etyma suggest that sr PJ 'act' and -> sf3 JGI, 'think' are the same word.
sf 2 tk (siB) LH siB,
OCM *si? 'Private' [Shi], 'egotistic' [Li] . [f] Sin Sukchu SR s 1 (}jZ); MGZY s hi (}jZ) [s1] ; ONW si [E] This may be related to Lushai teeiL < teeis 'myself, thyself... ' since a Lushai t could possibly correspond to s- elsewhere (§ 1 2.3). Alternatively, STC no. 284 connects the Lushai word with PTB *s-tay 'navel' .
sf 3 ,fGI, (st, s.j.C) L H sig,
OCM *sg 'To think, think of, long for' [Shi] , originally 'to observe outside things, fix attention ' ace. to A. Waley. The graph is also read -> sai JGI, 'beard'.
477
s f - si [11 Sin Sukchu SR s1 ( :>f ) ; MGZY s hi (:>f) [s1]; ONW si;) 'act ' and sT3 �, 'think' LE] The semantic fields of simi lar etyma suggest that 4 sf1 are the same word, see §6.2.2 for further comment. � si J-i!¥, (si-C) LH Si;)C, OCM *s;)h 'To brood' [Shi ] , 'thought' n. [Li, Yue-zao] (Unger Hao-ku 2 1 , 1 983: 1 82).
sf 4 **' (st) LH Si;), 0CM *s;)
'Silk' [BI , Shi] is often said to be the source of European words for 'silk', Gr. serik6n. The Western /r/ i s then taken as proof that the OC form ended in some kind of consonant. However, it is simpler to derive Western words from 4 Qfn 1
s f5
(sje) LH sie, OCM *se [11 MTang si, ONW se 'Cleave, lop off' [Shi]. LE] ST *ser: WT ser-ka 'cleft, split', Chepang ser- 'divide, split clean ly'. TB cognates show that this is prob. not related to 4 xf4 fff *sek 'cleave' (however, if so, see §7.7.5 for the loss of *r in OC). This word does not belong to any of the stems l isted under 4 l f ! O •.
sf 6, chf �� (t�ht) LH t�h�. OCM *tshr� ?
'Cold wind' [SW , Chuci], 'wind' [Guangya]. LE] Etymology not clear. WT rdzi 'wind' which sr resembles (Unger Hao-ku 30, 1 984: 294) belongs to PTB *g-li(y) 'wind' (STC no. 454): WB le 'air, wind ' , Tani rji 'wind' . W T prob. derives from earlier *ryi. More promising m a y b e a link with PWM i ao *tc-C ( tcua C1 etc .) 'wind', espec ially since the CH word' s first textu al occurrence i s i n Chile£.
s 1 1j 4 z r 5 s1 JE (siB) LH s i B, 0CM *si?
'To die' [OB, Bl, Shi]. Tone B is prob. the result of reinterpretation as an endoactive verb ( §4.5). [11 Sin Sukchu SR s1 (1:); MGZY shi (1:) [s1] ; ONW si LE] ST: PTB *siy 'to die' ( STC no. 232) > WT '(:hi-ba < NSi, si � gsin-po 'dead man' � gsid 'funera l ' ; Kanauri si, Chepang si-sa, Garo si, PL *Je2 ; W B se 'die, be extin guished ' ; JP sJ33 'to die' ( HST: 62); Lushai thjH I thi?L < thJj I thi? 'to die'. Unrelated to shr F 'corpse' (under 4 yf5 �m).
sl 1 [9� (siC) LH siC,
OCM *sis?, OCB *spirts 'Four' [OB]. Note the Sui-Tang form in final -t which parallels bf • 'nose' (Pulley blank JAGS 1 1 8.2, 1 998: 205). An OC *I in the initial is suggested by the variant graph; the initial *s- may be due to i nterference from san 'three' (Coblin 1 986: 83). [11 Sin Sukchu SR s1 C-*); MGZY shi C -*) [s1]; Sui-Tang sic, sit?, ONW sic [D] PMi n *siC; Y-GuangzhOu 33seiCI, Yangshan suPS LE] ST: In spite of phonological difficulties, si is prob. a ST word because of the suspected earlier *1- in CH: PTB *b-l;)y 'four' (Matisoff l 995a: 52; STC: 94] > WT bzi 2 < *bl i , M agari buli, PL *b-le , WB JeB, Lushai paL-JiH < pa-Jii; PKaren *lis (Benedict L TBA 5. 1 , 1 979: 1 3). Tai: S. siiB1 i s obviously a CH l oan (no *1 i n the initial).
s i 2 1� (siC) LH siC, OCM *sih or *sis?
'Snivel ' [Shi]. The etymology is uncertain; W ang U ( 1 982: 4 1 8) relates si to -* ti 1 'tears, m ucus from nose ' , but see there.
s i 3 {�) (z+B) LH zi;)8,
OCM
*s-Jg? or *s-j;)'f 478
�*
si - song si 3 {].:) (z+B) LH z io8,
OCM *s-lo? or *s-j;J'( 'To imitate, resemble' [Shi]. 111 Sin Sukchu SR Z1 Cl:: ) ; MGZY z hi ( 1: ) [z1] [E] This is reminiscent of TB-Lushai zirH < jir 'to learn, copy, imitate', but the cognation requires the assumption of a ST root *ji (r). The TB items under ___. xi?mg7 ;W: could perh. belong to this etymon instead.
si 4 )=2. (zi8) LH z i B,
OCM *s-j�i? 'Wild water buffalo' [OB, Shi, EY] (Lefeuvre MS 39, 1 990-1 99 1 : 1 3 1 - 1 57). This word was sometimes mistakenly thought to be a variant of ___. xf1 1 � 'rhinoceros'. [E] Area word. ST *sj�l *s-j�l : TB-Lushai siaJH < sial 'domestic buffalo' seH-JeH 'wild gayal (buffalo)' (se- is the contracted form of sialff). NTai *J�A;c (Li 1 977) or *J+aA (Gedney ICSTLL 1 98 1 ) 'ox, cow' , the OC and PTai initials are the same as in 4 xiang5 ;W: 'elephant'. The ultimate source of this word may be AA; note Munda sahil, saili 'wild buffalo', Gutob (Munda) saai/ 'wild buffalo, deer' [Pinnow 1 959: 423]. H owever, the contact with OC would be so remote that a regular phonological history is elusive. �
si 5 f!S (zi-8) LH zio8,
OCM *s-lo? The usual gloss is 'plowshare, to plow' [Shi] ; however this i mplement consisted of a blade-like spade which was attached to a 4 H'�i 1 digging stick which thus became its handle (Bodde 1 975: 233ft), hence 'spade, to cultivate with a spade' . It originated perh. in the Yao culture (W. Eberhard Lokalkulturen II: 224). Syn. 4 l f6
si6 'lax' 4 y f 4 � si 7 'arrange' ___. yf5 sl 8 � """" sh14 �
sl 9 �� """" c i 4 ��� s l 1 0 �Pj 4 y12 song 1 f.i} (zjwoJJ) LH z iol), OCM *s-lol)
111 ONW zuoiJ 'Pine' (the tree) [Shi]. [D] M-Xiamen lit. sio1JA2, col. tsi1JA2 [E] This word has been associated with Old Japanese sugi2 ;f;;:. 'cryptomeria ' (Miyake 1 997: 1 97). See comment under -" mei4 f§l. It also has superficial similarity with Tai : S. son2 'a pine ' .
song 2 �� (sjuiJ) L H siuiJ, OCM *sui) < *sluiJ ? 'High' (of mountains) � [Shi]. f.ft [Li] [D] M-Xiamen lit. sioiJ A 1, col. siiJA T [N] The phonetic implies an OC medial *1 in the initial. Song is the name of several
mountains in H enan, Shandong, Hunan , Jiangxi, Fujian, including the name of the sacred mountain, the axis mundi (D. Pankenier EC 20, 1 995: 1 39), in Henan near Luoyang which was already venerated during the Xia dynasty. � song �JLt (sjWOI]B) LH siol)8, S tsh(i)oi)C, OCM *soJ]'i', *C-SOI]h 'To lift up, raise' :VW: [Guoyu] , 'rise up high, rise sharply (of mountain)' [GY] . [D ] M -Xi amen lit. sioiJBI, col. tshaiJCJ [E] PMK *slum] (Shorto 1 976: 1 052) > PMonic *slooiJ 'be high up, high, tall ' (person, mountain), OMan s-liil) 'be high' 3� *s-m-loi] 'top' (of something) 3< /cbi]/ 'highest point, apex, spire' 3< PMK *s-r-luuiJ (Shorto) > OMon sirluiJ 'height' ; Khmer /-16ol)/ 'high, lofty' ;
479
song - song Palaung h]iiJ!iJI] 'long ' , PWa *hlo!] 'high' � • *?IJI-IOIJ 'hil l ' ; Kharia jhabiJ 'high' � • sdiiJI] 'deep'. AA -> TB-SChin Daai msuuiJ 'mountain' [Hartmann ICSTLL 1 999: 2]. Perh. also -> Tai : S. hl;JI] 'rise high' �• tha-Jgl] 'to rise, climb' (Unger Hao-ku 36, 1 990: 53), note also S. sa 4-laiJ3 'lofty, straight, tal l ' (tree). Tai : S. suuiJA1 < *s- 'high' (Li F. 1 976: 42) looks like a Chinese loan. A syn. or parallel stem with initial *r- is -> long 1 �i.
song 3 :f0 (SUO!], tshj WOIJ)
'Loose, slack' [GY]. [D] M-Xiamen lit. soiJ A I, col . saiJAJ � < zong f.;j/£ (tsjWOI]C) LH tsiol)C, OCM *tso!]h 'To release, let off, i ndulgent; granted that, even though ' [BI, Shi].
song 1 �1�''* (sjwol)8) LH sio!]8, OC M *so!]?
'To scare, fear' � [Zuo], 'l}f[ [Hanfei]; 'be careful about' � [Guoyu] , Mand. � 'to alarm, be sensational ' . [C] This word may possibly be related to -> xiong3 � 'fear'.
1� [GY];
song 2 1�� ��* (sjWOI]B - sgu8) LH sio!]8,
OCM *SOl]? 'To incite, encourage' � [Guoyu], 1� [GY] (QYS only sjwoiJB-y > 'to shake the bit of a horse to make him run ' '�* [Gongyang] (also QYS s;Ju B-y; Mand. 1� 'to instigate, incite'. [DJ M-Xiamen (lit.) sioiJBJ �· zong #{/£ (tSUIJ8) LH tso!]8, OCM *ts6!]? 'Quickly' [Li] . [E) ST: W B cuiiJ8 'drive o r ride fast' . [C] These items are related to -> su6 W and -> zou ;E, and are ultimately derived from the root -> sou3, sou tJI.
song 3 � (sjWol)B) LH siol)B,
OCM *so!]? 'Be born deaf' [SW] , a Han period dialect word from the eastern Hmii-Yangtze region , in Chu and Chen [FY 6, 2]. This word has the same meaning and OC rime as -> 16ng6 V *r61J 'deaf' . The JY gives a variant reading shuang (�a1J8) < *srolJ? which makes this word look like a s-prefix allofam of 16ng, but this reading is late and might have been prompted by a gloss 'deaf on "both" shuiing � (�alJ) ears' [FY 6].
song 4 �ft5R 'high ' ..., song 2 ;j%* song 1 i5 (SUI]C) LH SOI]c, OC M *s6!]h.
'To escort, follow after, go along ' [Shi], 'to send' [Zuo], 'to present ' [Li]. [f) Sin Sukchu SR SUI] (:t.;:-); MGZY sung (:t.;:-) [sui)]; ONW SOIJ [DJ M-Xiamen lit. soiJCJ, col. saiJCJ [E] Etymology not certain. Note AA-PSBahn. *s;):l) 'hand over' , and I or OKhmer jon /joon/ 'to urge, persuade, invite, . . . drive, . . . accompany, escort, . . . bring to, offer, present' (-> Thai chu:;m 'to urge, persuade . . . ask, invite . . . '). Association with WT stoi]s-pa, bstaiJS 'to accompany' (Bodman 1 980: 44), or with WT rdzoiJ-ba, (b)rdzaiJ(s) 'to send, expedite, dismiss' are problematic because the WT vowel a does not agree with OC *o. [C] It is not c lear if there i s an etymological connection with -> c6ng 1 1%: 'follow'.
song2 �0 (zjwol)) LH ziol),
OCM
*s-)Ol]
'Litigate' .
480
sou
�L}�i'lj (zjwo!]C) LH zio!]c, OCM *s-]o!]h 'To quarrel, litigate, sue' � [Shi] ; 'admonish ' �i'lj [Lunyu]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR zjuiJ (*), PR sui]; MGZY zyung ( * ) [zjuiJ]; ONW ZUOIJ [D] M-Xiamen (lit.) sioiJC2 [E] This wf could be ST and related to WT luiJ 'exhortation, admonition, instruction ' (HST: 36). Alternatively, it may be connected with WT gsuiJS (pf. of gsuiJ) 'to speak' (resp.) (Unger Hao-ku), but the initials do not agree. [C] --+ xiong5 �[tl is probably unrelated.
>� song
sou 1 t� (�j;:Ju) LH �u,
OCM *srolu ? 'To search' [Zhuang] . [E] Perh. A A : OKhmer rok lr::>::>kl 'to seak, look for. . . ' For loss o f the A A final consonant in CH, see §6.9.
sou 2 t� (�;:Ju) LH �u,
OCM *sro or *sru ? 'Be many, numerous' [Shi]. •� shufli $ (�u;:Jt, �wiC) LH �uit, �uis, OCM *srut(s) 'Al l ' adj . and adv. [OB, Bl, Shi].
t� (S;:Ju8) LH so8, OCM *s67 'To move' [JY], Zheng Xmin 'vigorous and rapid' (Karlgren Gl. 1 1 54). [E] ST: PTB *m-sow 'awake' > Dimasa masau, Lushai thoR I th:;?L < so? I s:>s, Lai su 'be awake' •� dz;:,-su 'awaken ' [VanBik L TBA 25.2, 2002: 1 06 ], Lakher p;:,theu, Khami ;:,nthau, Ao Naga mesa 'arise, awake' (STC: 65 no. 295; p . 1 1 8); Tamang 2so 'live' ; W T gson-pa 'be alive, to wake, rouse, urge on ' ; WB (;:,-)choB 'be quick' •� cho 'to rouse, urge on ', saC 'quick, rapid' . This root 'to rouse, move, make move, quicken, quick' has spawned a prolific wf; a s o n other occasions, C H etymological connections become clear b y way o f the larger ST picture. Note also the parallelism with the wf --+ zhen 2 tJ.I.t� 'shake I pregnant I morning '. Related words and stems are: --+ su6 � 'quick' > caus. 'urge on ' --+ s u 7 � 'vegetables' WT 'tsho-ba, SOS 'to live, revive, last; feed, graze' ·� gson-pa 'be alive, to wake, rouse, urge on' --+ s u 3 )37\. ( ' time when one wakes up':) 'early morning; pregnant' PLB: *C-sok *V -sok 'morning , morrow' --+ zou JE 'run, make run, urge on ' < > WB (;:,-)choB 'be quick' • � cho 'to rouse, urge on' --+ song 2 f�� '�* 'incite, make run' WB CUii]8 'drive or ride fast ' --+ xun5 � 'rapid' --+ sao 2 �I ' move, be shaken, hastily'
SO U 3, S O U
�
sou 4 1� (�;:m) LH �u,
OCM *�o ? Leibian s;:Ju8 < *s67 'Dog ' ; ace. to SW mio-sou 111� [nau-�u] is a Southern Yue word (Mei I Norman 1 976: 279). The role of the presyllable mio 'monkey' is not clear. [E] AA: Khmu?, Pal aung-Wa *s::>?; PSBahn. *s::>:, but PNBahn. ch6, PVM *?a-c::>:? > Viet. ch6, Khmer ckae, PEKatuic *?aco. If available M K forms are any guide, the underlying word with its fricative I si (not affricate I cl) does, contrary to SW, not seem to belong to the Yue (Viet) branch of MK. For the initials, see §5 . I 0.2. This word also appears in TB languages: Limbu kotco 'dog ' . -
48 1
so u - su sou 5
( sj;:m, �eu) LH �u, OCM *sru 'Three-year-old bovine' [SW] (Baxter 1 977: 287). The additional reading MC sam is obviously that o f the phonetic. lE] KD: PHlai *sr-: Baoding fu3, Zhong-shan tshu3 'three' [Matisoff 1 988c: 297], note also AN: PEastern Formosan *teluH 'three' [Li Jen-kuei L L 5.2, 2004: 370].
sou 1 5Jl§� (s::Ju8) LH soB, OCl\1 *so
'Old man' 5Jl [Meng, Zuo], 'blind' §� [Shi]. Wang U ( 1 982: 24 1 ) believes that s a o Y! (sau8) 'elder brother ' s wife' [Li] was originally the same etymon. However, o l d age and blindness are not necessarily defining features of an elder brother' s wife.
sou 2
(s::JuB) LH so8, OCM *so? [11 ONW sou ' Grassy m arshland' � [Shi], fiR [Li] is perh. related to OTib. sog 'grassland' (Zhol inscr.) (HST: 8 8). LEl ? AA: PSBahn. su:h 'wet, hum id ' . Alternatively, the word may be connected with sou � (�::Ju8) [�u?] 'soak' [Shi].
sou 1 � (s::Juc) LH soc, OCM *soh
'To cough' [Zhouli ]. LEJ ST: PTB *su(w) ( STC no. 423) > Magari su, Garo, Dim asa gu-su, WT sud-pa 'cough' (HST: 58).
sou2 ?ll!X .... x iu 2 mi� sii 1 ( suo) LH sa,
OCM *sl)a, OCB *sl)a (Baxter 1 992: 225) [11 ONW so 'Grass, plant', a Han period ChU, Hmii, Jiang dialect word [FY 3, 8]. lE] This m ay be the same etymon as su � 'revive' and belong to the wf --> wu6 The concepts ' li ve ' - 'fresh, green ' - 'plant' are often connected. Although the OC graph needs to be set up with an *s!]-cluster, an alternative association with WT rtswa (prob. orthographic for *r-tsa < *r-sa) 'grass, plants' is also possible. By m id to late Han when this word appeared first in writing, an OC *sl)- had simplified to *s- which made the graph then suitable for writing a word *sa. The item is not related to WT Sl)o-ba 'be green' * siJo 'plant, vegetable, greens ' ; see --> yue 1
·rear' .... e6 'I��[H�I su 2 sii 3 #.it ..., s u 8 Jt!Ul s u fi). (zjwok) LH ziok, OCM *s-lok
'Rustic, vulgar, custom, popular usage' [Meng, Li] . [11 Sin Sukchu SR zy (A.); MGZY zyu ( A. ) [zyJ; ONW zuok [D) M-X iamen lit. siok02, col. sio?D2 LEl This is prob. a ST word: WT Jugs 'custom, way, manner' (HST: 60). MK-Khmer jw /cuu;;>/ 'be low, base, mean, common, vulgar' (with additon of the CH -k, see §6. 1 ) looks similar, but the initials do not agree.
s l) 1 ?Jflfffi �ff -) y l) 1 1 � s l) 2 (suoC) LH sac, OCM *sah, OCB *s!Ja (Baxter 1 992: 225)
'Be white, colorless, plain ' (also figuratively) [Bl, Shi ] . * suo * ( sak) L H sak, OCM *sak 'To search, i nquire into, demand' [Zuo]. The Khmer form s below show the semantic connection between 'white' and 'search'. LEJ AA: Khmer /saa/ 'be white, colorless' > 'pure' > 'purify, clarify' > ' inquire into, probe, 482
su examine' >f /samnaa/ 'the white metals' (this form suggests that a nasal might i n fact have been present in OC, note OCB).
s u 3 W\_ (sjuk) LH siuk,
-
su4 m (sjuk) LH siuk,
-
OCM *suk [D] M-Xiamen lit. siok01 'Early morning, early, soon ' [Shi]. [E] ST: PLB *C-sok - *V-sok 'morning, morrow' [Matisoff TSR no. 1 25], Lushai tuukF 'early morning ' (< suuk?). WB sok-kra 'Venus' is a loan from Mon /srnk/ and ultimately from Skt sukra 'bright, Venus' (Shorto 1 97 1 : 379). = su W\. (sjuk) LH siuk, OCM *suk 'To quicken ' > 'become pregnant' [Shi] (Shaughnessy 1 99 1 : 1 03f) is prob. the same word as 'early morning' which is semantically derived from the notion 'rouse, quicken ' . Shaughnessy has concluded that in OB and a BI (early Zhou, Wu wan g) su occasionally means 'to rout' (an enemy). This is supported by the semantic range of this wf, but it is not certain if su was the actual word intended by the graph, rather than a semantically closer cognate under -> su6 �[E] ST *so(w) 'move' (under -> sou3, sou f.�), PTB *m-sow 'to stir, waken, move ' ; su is 'the time when one wakes up and gets moving ' . The OC final *-k in this word has been inherited from ST: *so + ST *-k of uncertain function (§6. 1 ).
OCM *suk [f] ONW suk 'To stay overnight, lodge' [Shi]. [D] M-Xiamen lit. siok0I, col. sikDI [f] ONW su >< xiu m (sjguC) LH siuC, OCM *sukh ( 'The sun 's lodging stations':) 'mansion, group of constellations, part of the zodiac' [Zuo, Li] (Karlgren 1 956: 1 2 ; Downer 1 959: 276). [f Khmer jruka /cruk/ 'shelter, refuge, asylum' < derivatives of /ruk/ 'go down into, take shelter' [Jenner I Pou 1 982: 249]. We should expect a retroflex initial in MC, yet retroflection i s occasionally lost, see for ex. -> su8 Jmt�J. STC ( 1 55 n. 4 1 9; p. 1 7 1 n . 457) relates this word to the TB items noted under -> ye 1 {� , but the OC vowel *u a s well as the initial are difficult to reconcile with TB. -
su5 m (sjwok) LH siok, S tshok, OCM *sok
'Foxtail millet' [Shi], etymology is not clear. [D] PEMin *tshuok0 1 , PWMin *JuokD 1 'unhusked rice'
su6 � (suk) LH sok,
OCM *sok 'Rapid, quick' [Lunyu], 'urge on, invite' [Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR su (;\.); MGZY su (;\.) [su] ; ONW sok [D] M-Xiamen lit. sokDI, col. sakDI >f c u 1JE (tshjwok) LH tshiok, OCM *tshok [f] ONW tshuok 'To urge, press' [Zhuang]. >f xu JfJJ (xjwok) LH htok, OCM *hok 'Urge, stimulate' [Shi], 'exert oneself' [Shu] may be a variant of cu 1JE (tshjwok) above with loss of the initial. [E] This group is part of a large wf, see under -> sou3, sou t�- The final *-k is the familiar CH innovation ( §6. 1 ). Spin-offs from this particular group are -> zou ;E, -> song 2 f�1i 'ft !fit B • if. , -> xun5 � -
s u 7 WJ( (suk) LH sok,
OCM *sok 'Vegetables' [Shi 26 1 ,3].
-
[D] M-Xiamen sok01 483
s u - suf [El ST: WT 'tsho-ba, sos 'to live, revive, last; feed, graze' • � 'tsho 'life; livelihood, sustenance, nourishment, entertainment' •� gso-ba 'to feed, nourish, rear, cure, stir up again (fire), refresh' •� gson-pa 'be alive, to wake, rouse, urge on ' ; also JP n31-soi33 = niiJ3I_soP3 'life' may be related. [ sou3, sou t�, see there for more allofams) (§6. 1 ). A semantic parallel is __, sheng 2 ± ('live' > 'fresh food ').
su8 M"!!H�I (sjuk) LH siuk,
*siuk [f] ONW suk 'Shrivel ' [Shi], 'contract, shut' (as flowers) If [Li]; 'slice of dried fish' �� [Li] , also QY ljj;w, see below. - suo � (�uk) LH �uk, OCM *sruk [f] ONW �uk 'To draw back, shrink' [Huainan]. • � xiu 11� (sj;m) LH siu, OCM *siu [f] ONW su 'Dry up' (of plants), 'shrink' [Shi], 'dried meat' [Lunyu]. [El ST: Lushai tlluF < suu? 'dried' (as fish), 'dried and rotten ' ; perh. ultimately connected with AA: Khmer khsolJ lksaohl 'be dried up I out' > 'tasteless'. - s u �� (�;:m) LH �u, OCM *sr(i)u [f] ONW �u 'Slice of dried fish ' [Li], also read QY sjuk, see above. !El Two etyma seem to have converged in CH : ( 1 ) an old *su(k) attested in Shi]Tng from a ST (and area?) word; see under xiU. (2) Late Zhanguo I Han variants with medial *r, perhaps influenced by an area word AA-Khmer lrhuu;-Jtl > lrumhuu;-Jtl 'dried up I out, evaporation' >< lhuu;-Jtl id. MK -> PTai *hr!;Jot0 1 S 'to shrink, contract' ; Be sut33 'shrink'. [C] An allofam is prob. --> zhou6 �Ez. OCM
-
-
-
-
su9 �� __, s u 8 ���� suan M (suan) LH suan,
OCM *son 'Sour' [Shu]. [E] ST and area word: PTB *su:r - *swa:r 'sour' (STC no. 42) > Kan. sur-k, Lushai thuul < thuur?, M ikir thor 'sour' ; AA-Khmer [cuur], OKhmer jilr 'sour' is perh. connected.
suan 1 �J¥ (suanC) LH suanc, OCM *sons
'Garlic' [Dadai Liji]. !El ST *swa-n (HPTB: 1 77): PL *swan 1 1 2 'onion ', WB krak-swan. suan2 � (suan6, suanc) LH suan6/c, OCM *son?/s 'To calculate, count' [Yili] > 'reckon, take into account' [Lunyu]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR sw::>n (:13:); MGZY son ( :13:) [s::>n]; ONW suan !El Etymology is not clear. A connection with WT 'chor-ba, sor 'to count' has been suggested (Gong H wang-cherng 1 99 1 ); but WT s- would derive from earl ier *sy-.
suf #� (swi) LH sui,
OCM *snui, OCB *snjuj [fl ONW sui 'To pacify, comfort' [Shi], 'tranquil' [Shu], 'walk slowly' [Shi]. 3� tuo ¥/:: (thua8) LH thoi8, OCM *nh6i?, OCB *nhoj? 'Peaceful' [SW : syn. � ], 'to stop' [Erya] (Baxter 1 992: 4 1 7). !El ST has *IJ(w)al - *nwal parallel stems ( §5 . 1 2 . 1 ) for this etymon: ( 1) *C-nwal > #� *sn u i, WT rnal 'rest, tranqui lity of mind' 3� mnal 'sleep' , perh. also 3 � , , , , nal-ba, no] 'lie down, sleep ·� mnel-ba 'get tired - � nel-ba 'be ill - � mnald-po 'fall i l l (Bodman 1 980: 70; HST: 1 24); KN-Lai nuar I no?r 'be slow' [L TBA 20.2: 1 1 2] . (2) A ST parallel stem *IJwal i s represented by --> w6 2 � ( § 5 . 1 2 . 1 ). -
484
sui - sui SUI
� -> sui 2 �
sur 1 fi (swie8) LH syai8, S tshyai8,
OCM *soi? (< *swai??). [f] ONW sue 'Marrow' [Kuoce] . [D] M-Xiamen col. tsheBl [E] ST *swai i s prob. related to ST *s(-)wi 'blood' , see -> xue 1 Ifn 'blood' (Matisoff L TBA 1 5 . 1 , 1 992: 1 68-1 77). Some TB l anguages have a cognate of xue as wel l as of su1� one meaning 'blood ', the other 'marrow', but not always the same ones: NNaga Chang si 'blood' (�f xue), hai 'marrow' (�f sul); JP saP1 'blood' , ];)33-sui-'3 'marrow' (Matisoff op. cit. p. 1 69). -
sur 2 D A M in word: Xi amen sui81 'pretty, beautiful, lovely' Norman (p. c . ) suggests that this word may perh. be the same as Mand. shuf 7_]( 'water' which is found in the sense of 'pretty' ( 'pretty much') in certain expressions. But note also Tai: Siam suuiA1 0
'beautifu l ' .
sui 1 � (sjwaiC) L H syas,
OCM *swats 'Year' [OB, BI, Shi], 'planet Jupiter' [Zuo] (Shaughnessy 1 99 1 : 99), 'year' (of age) [Meng]. ShiinhiiijTng i mplies that 'Jupiter' was already named sui at the beginning of the Zhou dynasty. [T] Sin Sukchu SR suj (:t:); MGZY sue C.:t-) [sue] ; ONW suei [D] PM in *hueC 'year' (of age) does not agree with the rest of Chinese dialects; perh. there is a Tai connection. [ yue4 � 'pass over' (Mei Tsu-Lin Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies 1 2. 1 , 1 979: 1 1 7- 1 32) with the iterative s-prefix, l it. 'pass on again' ( §5 .2 .3); the original sense was either 'traveling = passing planet' = 'Jupiter' > 'Jovian cycle' > 'year' (Takashima 1 996 11: 1 3 1 ), or 'passing time period' = 'year' > 'year star, Jupiter' (Mei). Alternatively, sui may be derived from a word l ike -> ym1n5 � [§) [I) *wan < ST *val 'circle', then lit. 'start the circle again' . In CH and many TB languages temporal units are seen as recurrent cycles; note zhou m 'circle' > 'week'. [E] Mei Tsu-Lin relates sui further to WT skyod 'to go, walk; go down, set ' , but see -> yue4 � . The connection with PTai *xuap > S. khuap01L 'year' (of age of children) is not clear. Ace. to Bodman ( 1 980: 66) Tai could be a loan from Chinese (OC *-ts from *-ts or *-ps). Note the Mln form which seems closer to Tai.
sui 2 � (zwiC) LH zuis,
OCM *s-wis *s-jus, OCB *zjuts - [f] ONW zue 'To advance, accomplish, achieve' [BI , Shi]. �f S U I � (zwie) LH zyai, OCM *s-wa/oi ? [f] ONW zue 'To follow, go along ' [BI , Shi] . This is prob. cognate to the preceding word (so Matisoff L TBA 1 5 . 1 , 1 992), but the rimes do not agree. >f yu � Uiuet) LH wit, OCM *wit 'To follow, come to, to the point of, thereupon ' [BI , Shi, Shu]. [E] ST: PLB *s-yuy has a grammaticalized function; 'Kamarupan ' *s-yuy *m-yuy 'to follow' (Matisoff), K uki-Naga *jwi 'follow' > Lushai zul, Siyin jui. [C] An allofam may possibly be -> dui7 � (so Sagart 1 999: 85). This wf *wi(t) is distinct from others which all share a root *lu *ju : -> lu 1 1$, -> y6u 2 EE , -> shun 1 }I[W. sui 3 f! (zwiC) LH zuis, OCM *s-wis 'Ear of grain' [Shi], m [Shi]. [E] ST: Lushai vuiL lvui?L < vuis 'to ear' (of grain, grass), 'come into ear', Kuki-Chin languages *vu i . �
-
�
�
485
sun - s uo sun 1 m (su;:m) LH su;:m,
OCM *sun - [f] ONW son 'Grandchild' [BI, Shi]. [.E] ? ST: PTB *su(w) (so STC: 1 58) > Mikir, Meithei , Dimasa, etc. su, Bodo sou, JP fu51 'grandchild ' , Lushai tuF 'id. ' (for the initial, see § 1 2.3). The M K synonyms may be look-al ikes: PMK *cuu? 'grandchild' (Shorto 1 976: 1 062) > OM on cow, Khmer lcavl, Palaung su 'grandchild' < *cu (*c- > s- is a Palaungic innovation).
sun 2 )1,t (su;:m) LH su;:}n, OCM *sun
'Cooked rice' [Shi], '(warm) evening meal ' [Meng] may perh. be a variant of -> xfn 0 �m [sim] *s-l;:}m (PTB *slum) 'to heat' (food) with labial dissimilation of the final nasal -m rather than vocalic dissimilation (§6. 7), but this is not likely.
sun tft (SU;:}n8) LH SU;:}nB,
OCM *sun? 'Diminish, subtract ' [Yi], 'damage' [Lunyu]. [.E] Sagart ( 1 999: 70) derives this word from -> yun 2 �J-!)l� JI *win? 'fall, drop'. There is no MC syllable like siwen in div. 4, therefore a front vowel i might have been lost early in OC *sun? (from *suin? ?). 3� s u n , xun ill3 � (SU;:}nC) LH SU;:}nC, OCM *suns 'To withdraw, yield, be compliant' ill3 [Shu] (Mand. xiin); 'humble' � [Yi ] (Mandarin siin). [.E] ST: TB cognates are perh. W T sun-pa 'be tired of, weary, renounce, resign ' , WB sun 'fail, fall behind, turn away' 3� sun 8 'spent, expended'. [C] Sagart ( 1 999: 82) suggests that this word family may be related to xun {I§L�JII (under -> shun 1 11�).
sun, xun ill3 � -> sun tft s uo 1 f.;@ (�uk) LH � uk, OCM *sruk
'To be straight, upright' [Meng], 'vertical, longitudinal' [Li] . [.E] A A : O Mo n : crok lcr:)kl 'to set I plant upright' (flags, umbrellas, etc.); perh. related to Khmer jara IC:):)rl 'be straight' 3� jhara lch:);)fl 'to stand, be standing, upright, erect, straight, vertica l', in which case the OC form would be the result of metathesis of the r before a final -k, i .e. < *sur-k ( §6. 1 ).
s uo 2 f.;@ 'shrink' -> s u 8 J!l!t s uo 1 PJT (�wo8) LH �a 8 , OCM *sra?
'Place, position, situation ' [BI, Shi]. The function as an indefinite substitute for the post-verbal element (Dobson, LAC: 1 57), as in you suo gur � ?fi�iff 'have a place to return to ', or suo qii fi!T:i;: 'what [the subject] rejects' , is derived from the noun 'place' (Pulleyblank 1 995: 68). -> you 1 {1)1: provides an exact semantic parallel. [f] Sin Sukchu SR �u (1:.), LR �w:); MGZY (zhu >) shu ( 1:.) [�u]; ONW �0 < �o [.E] ST *sra > PTB *sra (HPTB: 78): JP j:J31-ra 31 'place' ( < *s-ra; M atisoff in STC: 1 7 1 n. 457), WB ra 'place, situation, thing, subject ' , Mru ra 'place' [Li:iffler 1 966: 1 46], Dulong s{ua 'thing' [LaPolla L TBA 24.2, 200 1 : 2]. TB cognates to this word and to shi � 'affair, thing' (-> shi 2 ±{± ) are difficult to distinguish. It is not c lear if and how WT sa 'place, earth' and I or Zhangzhung slas 'earth' are related; WT sa is also often associated with -> sha 1 iJ> *srai 'sand' - not likely.
suo 2 %' (sak) LH s a k,
OCM *sak 'Rope' [BI, Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR saw (A.), PR, LR saw?; MGZY saw (A.) [saw] ; ONW sak [.E] AA: PVM *p:k 'rope' [Ferlus], PMonic *jook 'creeper, vine, rope' > Mon 'string,
486
s uo
cord ' . AA -> Tai: S. (;hfakD2L < PTai * j- 'rope' , Saek saakD2 < z- 'vines, rope'. In Mln and other southern dialects, this is the common word for 'rope' (as opposed to --. sheng #,ll§ in the north). OC must have borrowed this word because foreign I ST *z- > OC s-, whereas OC *s- is not expected to become a voiced initial elsewhere. For a possible paral lel development, see --. xiao 2 W:li\iMJ . Also the narrowed CH meaning 'rope' speaks in favor of a foreign origin. s uo 3 s uo 4 s uo 5
* 'search' s u 2 � * 'fear' e6 'l��� m f� (sua8) LH suai8, OCM *s6i? ? .....
.....
'Smal l ' (birds), 'petty' [Shi]; 'fragments' [DuimYucai], Mand. 'trivial, petty' . [f] Sin Sukchu SR sw::J (1:.); MGZY swo (1:.) [sw::J] [.E] ST: JP soP1 'small, weak, paltry', WB swai 'slender and tapering ' . Alternatively, the word may be related to TB-Lushai ml < n:Ji? 'small pieces, fragments' 3� n:JiH < mi 'odd bits and pieces left over' . Pulleyblank (JCL 2 1 .2, 1 994: 367) suggests that suo is derived from ..... xiao 1 lj \ ' small ' - very speculative. 3� c uo ��ti''i': (tshua8) LH tshuai8, OCM *tsh6i? < *C-s6i? ? 'Small, trifling ' �� [Shu] ; 'rubble' ti� [GY] .
487
T ui 1ttt (tha)
Mand. 'he ' fill , 'she' t@, 'it' [f] Sin Sukchu SR t';) PR t'a; MGZY tho (=¥) [t';)] [D] A col. word derived from -> tu6 1 'other', southern dialects: Y -Guangzh6u 55thaA I, K-Meixiim thaAI. Some Mand. dialects have the expected th;)A1.
ta1
(d�p) LH d;?�p, OCM *I�p [f] ONW dap 'Babble ' [Shi], 'babble, garrulous' �� [Guoyu] . lE] ST: W T lab-pa 'to tell ' �� Jo 'talk, rumor' < lop (HST: 1 45); o r alternatively related to WT dob-dob-pa cab-cob 'talk nonsense'. >< Perh. yi ffi!!: UiaiC) L H jas, OCM *lats < *laps (?) 'Garrulous' [Xun]. -
(d�p) LH d;;,p, OCM *l;">p [f] ONW dap 'To touch, reach to' [BI ] , 'together with, and ' � [BI] ; 'join, unite' � [Chuci]. lE] Etymology not certain. MC d- can derive from an OC T -like or L-like initial, most likely from the latter: Baxter ( 1 992; also C VST 3: 1 8) relates ta to TB-WT s/eb-pa, (b)slebs 'to arrive, reach, extend' ; he also relates it to -> dai8 Alternatively, a T-like initial would connect the word to AA : Khmer {fipa /daap/ 'to follow c losely, close in on, be c lose (together).. . . -
'
tai 1 i:J (th�j)
L H thg, OCM *lh� ( 'Globe-fish like ' :) 'rounded ' person's back in old age [Shi] (so Karlgren) brings to mind WT ldir-ba 'be distended, inflated'.
tai 2
'nourish ' -> shf4
t1H 1 m (d�i)
�
'To kill ' in Min : PMi n *dhaj A 2 , *dhi . LEJ Area word: Tai: S. taaiA 1, Zhuang thaJA1J2 'to die' ( < PTai *trai, *prai); PMY *t::ljH < * *p::l-t::ljH 'to kil l ' >< *d::ljH < **mgt::lj H 'to die' (M. Ratliff, p. c.).
tai2
(d�i) L H d::>, OCM *I� [D] PMin *dh�i, *dhi. 'Moss' [GY]. LE] PTai *glaiA 2 'moss' (Li 1 977: 200). -
tai3
(Ul.i) LH tg, OCM *t� 'Servan � or slave women' lfi [BI], the lowest kind of servant 1f [Zuo]. LEJ AA: OKhmer tai /tgj/ 'woman, wife' >< tai !d'Gj! 'female human , female slave' 3� OKhmer kantai 'female, wife ', Khasi kynthei 'girl' ( -> TB-Mikir -kinth:ij) ; Aslian lgs. on the Malay Peninsula: k;mdeh, k;meh, bnah 'wife ' , kena? 'females of animals', kan?, kena 'woman ', kna? 'girl ' , k:::meh, knih, etc. 'wife' [S. Lewitz 1 976: 761 -77 1]. Some of these items are reminiscent of -> n ll 1 !;:., but they are prob. unrelated. MK *kn-, *k- i s a female marker ( see -> qr3 �).
tai 1 �ttJc _. z hr 8 �b tai2 -� -> neng 2 L..n�:::.l:j tan 1 (th�m) LH thGm, ,
OCM
*rh�m
'Be covetous, greedy' [Shi]. 488
tan
tan
[f] Sin Sukchu SR t'am (-o/), PR t'an; MGZY tham ( -o/ ) [t'am]; ONW tham 3� lan �'1ft ( l�m) LH l;;:�m, OCM *r�m < *g-r;;:�m 'Covetous' � [Chuci]; 'covetous, rapacious' 'f*f [Zuo]. �� U.n U� (HimC) LH lame, OCM *riims < *g-rams 'To stuff (one' s face), be g luttonous' [Huainan] may belong here. lE] ST: PTB *d-rum ( STC no . 457) > WT drum-pa 'to long, desire' , WB krum 'be lean, pine away' 3� Pyum 'to pine away', JP m:J31-rim 33 'to crave to eat' . HST alternatively suggests WT ham-pa 'avarice, covetousness, greed' as a cognate, but see ..... kan6 �.
tan 2
(th�m) LH thgm, OCM *rh;)m rrJ ONW tham 'To kill ' is a H an-period Chu dialect word [FY 1 , 1 6], cognate to lan 'Wf (l�m) which was a Chen-Chu d ialect word for 'kill' [FY 2, 1 9]. It is doubtfu l that this root i s connected with -7 kan4 'ki l l ' ( a southern Chu-Xiang dialect word), o r with d\n '[� (tsh�m8) 'to k il l ' [FY 1 , 5], though i t could theoretically be possible (so Sagart 1 999: 1 5 1 ). The word m ay be cognate to WB hrumB 'fail, be defeated' .
t a n 3 � (th�m) L H thgm,
OCM *nh�m ? 'To reach i nto with the hand, investigate' [Lunyu, Yi, Shu]. The initial of the phonet. series is not certain; the word may be related to -7 shen3 r5R 'deep' (provided the initial was OCM *nh-; so Unger Hao-ku 47, 1 995). Alternatively, the word agrees with TB-Lushai tllamR 'to fee l ' (especially with the hand).
tan 4, j H i n �l 'soak'
-7
jian 8
tan 5 n!'ji -7 dan 3 j$:·[� tan 6 J!f (than) LH than
'To dry up' (of a river) [SW], later 'beach ' . The graph suggests an OC initial *nh-. Yet tan could be compared to PTB *tan > WT t1'an-pa 'dry weather, heat, drought', WB thanC-thanC 'nearly dry' (STC: 1 90 n.; HPTB: 3 0 1 ), if we assume that the word was written with this phonetic only during the Han period (note its first attestation in SW) when OC *nh- and *th- had merged into th-. Syn. -7 Hin 2 :.f:B .
tan 1
(d�m) LH dgm , OCM *ll'Jm 'Extend, spread' [Shi]. �� dian .. (diem8) LH demB, OC M *!em? 'Bamboo mat ' [Shi] ( Karlgren 1 956: 1 6). lE] MK: PWa *dum 'spread out a mat'.
tan2 1! for y a n 'sharp ' -) yan 4 �!J'l! tan3 Yl (d�m) LH d;:>m, OCM *l�m
'A pond, pool' [Chu]. [E) This l ate OC southern word (Child) i s prob. a foreign loan: PKS *thJam 1 (but many KS lgs. have i nitial d) tan2
490
'easygoing' {� [Zhuang].
tan - tang 3� diln
(danC) LH done, OCM *dans 'Let loose, free of care' [Zhuang] . [C] This wf could belong either to ..., chan 2 UJ¥l�!f!f.Jl! 'slow' o r to -> tan 2
'level'.
tan 4 .... lfn2 ;f;j\ ta n 5 m (th�m 8, d�mB) LH t11;;!mB, d;;!mB, OCM *th5m? - *d�m? 'Dark' [Zhuang] . [E ] Area word: MK: Khmer {ap:1 /-dam/ 'be dark', dap:1 !-tum! 'be ripe, dark', PSBahn. dum 'ripe, red'. It i s not c lear how the following KT items are related, especially since OC could also have had a c luster with *I in the initial : S. dam A 1 < *?dllr- 'dark ' , Saek ram A l 'black'; PKS *?namA 'black ' , B e Jam 13 'black'. Ace. t o Thurgood ( 1 994: 358), the KT forms are loans from PAN *qitem 'black', Dempwolff 1 938 PAN cjocjom 'be d ark' 3* Jomlom 'be gloomy' ( 'duster sein'); note also AA-Khmer /lym/ 'be dark, obscure, dim, unclear', Wa-Lawa-Bul ang *nttm 'dark' (skies). TB-Lushai hlimL 'shadow, shade' . The final -m is phonesthemic for 'keep in the mouth' > 'keep hidden' > 'dark', see --> shen4 � ..., gan 2 t,M, --> qian5 J:l:t�, --> yfn 5 � and .... an3 . Therefore it is difficul t to match the d isparate OC syn. with foreign items cited above and under --> yfn 5 tan 1 :I:R: (t11anC) LH t11anc, OCM *thans 'Charcoal ' [Li], 'lime' [Zuo]. [E) ST: WT t"al-ba 'dust, ashes' ( STC: 1 73 n. 46 1 ). Lushai taa l < taalf 'wood ashes, dust' . CH -> Tai: S. thaan 81 and PMY *t11aanc. The CH word is not related to -> ran 1 'burn' . (d�m B) LH d:;lmB, OCM *l�m? tan2 (k11�m8-d�m 8) LH The earliest occurrence is in the combination kan -tan 1 k";:>m 8-dom 8, *kh�m'i -?l�m? ? 'trap pit' (Shaughnessy 1 996) [Yi]. SW says "tlm is a small pit (kiin) in a pit (kan)". [D] In some dialects tim means 'pit, puddle' as in shui-tim 'puddle', e.g. Y-Taishan sui55-hem 21 [N] For the irregular aspiration of tiln, see §5.8.5. Except for the above SW entry, tiln occurs by itself only in post-Han texts and makes therefore the impression of an original reduplicative syllable of *kh�m? with lateral initial ( §2. 7); but in l ight of the Tai connection, tiln has prob. been a ful l word in OC. [E] Tan is of KT origin or an area word (Tai /u/ precludes borrowing from CH): Tai hlum 'pit, ditch, cavity' , Sack JumA 1 < {- 'pit, hole' (as trap), possibly also TB-Lushai humH 'pitfall ' as trap for elephants etc. Similar CH and foreign comparanda are here tentatively sorted according to connections revealed in Table K-1 --> kan 1 :f:j\: :1:�. The relationship with PTai *th-: S. thamCJ 'cave ' , also M K-Wa th!]m ( Dong W eiguang et al . CAAAL 22, 1 984: 1 1 0) is not c lear. tang 1 (thfil)) LH thal), OCM *thal) 'Sound of dru m ' [Shi]. tilin (dien) LH den, OCM *din 'Sound of drum' [Shi some versions]. tang 2 (thalJ) LH t11a1J, OCI\tl *lhalJ 'Hot water' for drinking [Meng], for washing oneself [Chuci]; ( 'hot ' : ) 'reckless' (of feasting) [Shi]. [D] 'Warm ' (of a spring) in Mln dialects; later 'soup' [E] Bodman ( 1 980: 1 02) relates this word to WT rlaiJs ' vapor, steam ' . 49 1 •
�
tang - tao dang � { dai)C)
L H dmf, OCM *lai]h 'A basin to hold hot water for washing, wash basi n ' [SW] (Wang Ll 1 982: 3 55). 3� yang Uiatf) L H jarf, OCM *laiJh 'To heat, roast' [Zhuang] > 'cruel' [Yi Zhou shu] .
3�
tangI
(dal)) L II dol) , OC M *Hll) 'Path in a temple' [Shi 1 42, 2; EY]. [r] Sin Sukchu SR dalJ MGZY tang C¥) [daiJ ]; ONW dol) [E] AA or area word : MK: Aslian g::JlPIJ, PMonic *gb::>I] 'road, track, way, direction ' ; *g-n-b::>I] 'habitual path' ; OKhmer /gb::>I]/ 'way, path, passage > channel, canal, watercourse' (Jenner I Pou 1 982: 289) (-> Tai: S. k"l::XJI]A2 < gl- 'canal, watercourse' ; TB-Lushai kuaiJH 'channel of a river'); Note also Vi et. t:itrcrng 'road, way, street ' , Muong ta:IJ [Pulleyblank JCL 22. 1 , 1 994: 8 2 ] ( > PTai *d-: S. ti'aiJA 2 'way, road'). The PMonic form i s also reminiscent of grog ±tl[ (bl) c ) [k�l]C] *kl�IJh ? ' road' [Liji], as well as of � xfng 1 :fT. Wang Ll ( 1 982: 1 47) relates this word to � tu 2 ?*�� 'path ' (along the bank of a canal; paved path)' . -
tang 2
(dill)) L H dol), OCM *liil) [D) PMin *QOI] 'pond' 'Dam, dike' [Guoyu]. Later 'a (round) reservoir, pond'. This could be a variant of � t to u I tao 5 '1'5 'pleased' ..., yu 1 7 tao 6 'l's 'doubtfu l ' . ., z hou 3 tiio 7 f!!8 � z hou 3 tao 1 (dau) LH dou, OCM *IG, OCB *b-lu
'To mold, m ake a m old' [Shi] > 'kiln ' [SW] , F>fiil [Zuo] > 'pottery' [Li] . Possible cognate -> yao 1 �. [f] Sin S. ttiH SR daw (}jl); MGZY taw (¥) [daw]; ONW dau
t1io2 1J� (diiu)
LH dou, OCM *Hiu, OCB *g-law 3 'Peach' [Shi] Tai: Saek theewA2 < d- 'to flee, go away, leave ' . However, the initials do not agree.
tao4
(thau) LH thou, OCM *lhau 'To pour water, wash' [Shu]. [E) PMiao *?leu?A 'to pour'. tao5 � 'nourish' ..., y il 2 2
[r]
ONW tllau
492
tao - tr tao6 i] 4 p u 3 (t11Gk, d:;�k) LH t11Gk, te1
OCM *lh�k 'To beg, demand' [Xun]. �� dai, te � (t11�iC) LH t 11aC, OCM *J hgkh 'To lend' [Zuo) (Herforth 1 984 ace. to Takashima 1 996 II: 130). [ zhf 1 te3 ;El: __, dai 1 1�
z hf 1 fi 1 (thgk) LH t 1ak, OCM *nhgk 'Evil, wrong' n. (in 'do evil ') [Shi] . [f] Sin Sukchu SR t'aj (A), LR t'gj?; MGZY (c h iy > th11iy) ( A) (t'gj) [E] ST: WT nag 'black, dark', also in the sense of 'criminal ' •� gnag 'black, wicked' �� snag 'ink' ; PLB *(s-)nak �� *na? 'black' > WB nak; Nung na?; Trung na [Matisoff TSR no. 1 42], Lahu mi < ?nak 'be deep, thick. dense, steep, hard to understand, profound ' (Matisoff D. of Lahu: 73 1 ). > � n1 (I}jak) LH I}tk, OCM *nrgk 'To conceal, what is concealed, secluded' (of plans, lands) [Shu).
te4 te5
'single'
4
te ng 1
(dUO!)) LH dOUI) 'To hurt' [GY] . HST keeps this late word (post-classical) in *-Ul] distinct from the one in *-ol) ( 4 tong 1 ']'!P] ).
teng2
(dgl)) LH d;}l), OCM *1�1) - [f] ONW dgl) 'To mount, rise' [Shi), 'ascend' [Li) > 'overcome, oppress' [Shi). The phon. series GSR 893 impl ies that the OC initial was L-Iike which connects it with --> cheng3 *· but with an semantically and otherwise, this word appears to agree with the wf --> deng 1 OC T -like initial.
tf 1 13J5 (thiei) LH thei, OCM *thf or *th�i
[f] 01\>'W thei - [D] PM in *thgj - *thu;;�i 'Ladder' [Guoyu] . [E] Etymology not certain. The word appears t o be cognate t o PTB *s-lay � *s-ley (so HPTB: 220): WB hle-kaB ' stairs, ladder ' , TGTM Mhli, Chepang hl�y? (Bodman 1 980: 1 02; 1 42). Tai: S. ban-daiA1, kra?0i _daiA 1 < *?dl!rgiA 'ladder, stairs' . CH ? -> PWMiaoA ntaP, PYao tllei'. However, the foreign initials do not agree with OC (T vs. L); perh. the OC i tem has been reinterpreted as an allofam of dl m 'sequence' (under --> di 2 5[3) ( Karlgren 1 956: 1 4). - The elements WB -ka 8 �� WT skas-ka, skad 'ladder'
493
tl
tf
and Lao khanCI-cJajA2 'stairs ' , S. khanC1 'steps' may be related to each other (Manomai vibool 1 97 5 : 1 34).
tf 2 �lj
(thiek) LH thek, OCM *lhek 'To cut (trees)' �lj [Shi]; 'cut off, cut to pieces' � (also read MC t11ieiC) [Zhoul i ] ; 'cut hair'. Syn . ..., ti 2
t i 1 PJ!:tJJ:Hm (diei) LH de, OCM *de
'To raise' [Zhouli], 'to take, take up' PJ!: [Shi] > 'bank, dike' :f1I!: [Zuo] (the Mand. reading is that of �YE); 'forehead' :!m [Li] . [f] Sin S. SR djej (:ljL), PR, LR di; MGZY ti [di] ; ONW dei 3� df � (tiei) LH te, OCM *te 'Bank, dike' [Li] ( Karlgren 1 956: I 0). [C] Possible allofams are -> dian 1 -> dlng2 }.E:jffi 'forehead' , -> ding3 'boundary dike', .... zhen3 � 'id.'
tl2 W -> z hf 7 tYE tf3 Wrff (diei) LH de, OCM *de
'To weep, howl, cry' [Zuo), later also for animal sounds (crows). lE] ? ST: Perh. related to Lushai fa/ < *tr- 'to cry out' (in pain, fear), 'shriek', but the OC initial has no trace of an *-r-.
tf4
(diei) LH de, OCM *de 'Hoof' [Yi] is prob. cognate to -> di8 'to kick' (so HST: l 00). 3� d f (tiek) LH tek, OCM *tek 'Hoof' [Shi] . tl (t 11iei8) LH t11eiB, OCM *rhi?, OCB hrij? [f] ONW thei 'Body, form, shape, content' [Shi]. [ PTB *sri( -t): WT gsis < g-rhyis (?) 'person, body, natural disposition' 3� WT srid-pa 'existence, things existing, the world, life, a single being ' , also 'procreate' (Stein BSOAS 36.2, 1 973 : 4 1 2ff); W B hri C 'to be (in some p lace) ' . From the S T root i s also derived """ sheng 2 .:±. 'give birth, live'. It i s not certain why a hypothetical ST *sr- shows up as a voiceless *rh i n ti(regular development from ST? or because of a *k-sr- configuration? Note WT), but as a sr-cluster in sheng ( *s reanalyzed as a causative prefix ? §2.8. 1 ). ti 1 Ym (t11iei8JC) LH theiB, t 11eiC, OCM *thi?/h, OCB *thij? 'Tears' rm [Shi]; 'mucus from nose' �� [Li], the latter may derive from the original meaning 'tears' ( so Wang U 1 95 8 : 55 1 ), or both may derive directly from ST 'water'. The graph belongs to an OC initial L-phonetic series, but the graph appears late and is prob. only a loan for 15fj (in a lE] ST: JYTB *ti (STC no. 55) and JYTB *tui 'water' (STC: 1 68) > Chepang ti? 'water', WT mchi-ma ' a tear' (HST: 1 46), Chepang ma-ti? 'river', Kanauri *ti ' water' . Dhimal hna-thi 'snot' ; or Lushai tul 'water' ; both roots, *ti and *tui occur in JP and Dhimal (STC no. 55; 1 68). Wang U ( 1 982: 4 1 8) connects ti to -> si 2 ?� ' snivel' and -+ lei 1 r� 'tears' (unlikely). Perh. -> zhl6 'vagina' is a cognate. -
494
ti
tiii n
t l 2 5(51j (thieiC) ONW thei. [D] PM in *thieC 'To cut hair' [Huainan, Yupian, JY] . This is perh. a post-Han variant of -> tl2 �lj !j (thieiC), in OC the two forms would have been quite different, *lhek vs. *th�i or *thf. It is not clear how the next item relates to these words: 3f dl � (tieiB) LH OCM *te7 'To cut off' [Li]. -
ti 3 � (thick) LH thek, OCM *thek ? 'Be distant, far away' [Shi] , 'remove' [Zuo]. 1 !Pl ? PKS *kla:i 'far' , PTai: S. klaiA I 'far' , but the OC initial was apparently T -like, 'distant' (as proposed by Wang Li 1 982: not L-like. Prob. not related to -> zhuo 2 2 1 1 ). ti 4
(thick) LH thek, OCM *lhek 'Be anxious, to respect, to grieve' [Shi, Shu]. 3f ? shl � (sjak) LH sek, OCM *lhek ? [f] ONW sek 'Scared' [Zhuang]. Ace. to the phonetic series, shJ has a T-like initial, though. -
ti 5 -ti ill -> tHto 1 tHin 1 ::;:( (thien) LH then, OCM *thfn 'Sky, heaven, heavenly deity' [BI, Shi]. The graph shows a person (god) with a head in the shape of a disk like the BI character for drng T *tel) 'a cyclical sign ' which seems to be phonetic. The anthropomorphic graph may or may not indicate that the original meaning was 'deity' , rather than 'sky'. For the *-el) *-in variation, see §6.4. 1 . [f] Sin Sukchu SR t'jen MGZY then ( � ) [t'en]; MTang thian < thtan, ONW then [DJ Y-Guangzhou 53thinA 1 'sky' , Taishan 33henA 1; PMin *thien , Xiamen t11JA 1 An old NW d ialect variant QY xien, ONW hen, is also found in Tang-period Guangzh6u, written :f)( 'Heaven ' (Coblin 1 994: 341). An old southern dialect form *than survives in M ln-Jiangle tllJ.jAI 'sky' (Norman 1 979: 27 1 ), which is prob. the same etymon as tilan8 which the Shimfng records for d ialects to the east of the central area (Cobl in TP 1 994: 1 55f). [E) Because the deity Tian came to prominence with the Zhou dynasty (a western state), a Central Asian origin has been suggested, note M ongolian tengri 'sky, heaven, heavenly deity' (Shaughnessy Sino-Platonic Papers, July 1 989, and others, like Shirakawa Shizuka before him). Alternatively, Bodman (ICSTLL 1 987) connects tian with TB-Adi taleiJ, Lepcha tii-lyaiJ 'sky'. One could add JP m;355_Jen51 ' sky' , yet these items could belong to -> lfng6 IN instead. Most likely, this word is connected with 4 dian 1 'top' (so SW) and its TB cognates: WT, OTib. stel) 'above, upper part, that which is above' (Unger Hao-ku 36, 1 990: 48), stei]-lha 'the upper gods, gods in heaven' [Hoffmann 1 979: 94] ; Kachin puiJdii] 'zenith, top' (STC: 1 80); Zemi (Naga) til] 'sky ' , Lushai pa L_thianH 'god' (lit. 'father above ' ) (French 1 983: 1 57f; 374), perh. also Chepang dii] '(helpful) spirits'. For a simi lar semantic development 'top, high' > 'sky', see 4 l fng6 IN, also note the semantic parallel shimgdi J: 'god on high' (i.e. in heaven). If MC aspiration should be a reflex of an earlier *s in the initial (§5.8. 1 ), then tiiin would agree closely with WT steiJ. A common TB syn. for 'sky' belongs to the root -> mfto2 l§f 'cover' . t i a n 2 ::;:( 'brand the forehead ' 4 dian 1 M M (thiem) LH t11em tian 3 'Full' [Tangshu; JY] , but PMin *diem B 'ful l ' . �
495
tian - tili n [E]
PTai *tl- > S. tem A1 'full' (Manomaivibool 1 975: 1 33). Syn. --> ying 2 ??JIJL.
tian 1 EE (dien)
LH den, OCM *!In [f] MTang dian < dtan, ONW den 'Field' , a general term [BI; Shi]. [D] Y-Guangzhou thinA2 'wet field'. PMin *dzhgn 'wet field' is unlikely to be related (Norman 1 988: 23 1 ), but see --> zeng W t� 'i'� l�. 3f dian EE® (dienC) L H denc, OCM *!Ins ( 1 ) 'To cultivate, till; hunt' EE [Shi 260, 1 ]. [ shf4 jt and --> shi 1 6 �� . Words meaning 'sweet', 'lick' , 'tongue', 'flame' often share to the same roots, see allofams --> tian 1 ��. __. tian 2 ;)?�j;Jt, __. yan 2 *-·
tian4 tJJ;M (dien)
L H den, OCM *din 'Full, to fil l , block' tJJ; [Guoce] , M [Li] . 3f d i a n ;j (dienC) LH denc, OCM *dins 'To stop up' [Chuci]. 3f tian lJ-l; (thienC) LH thenc, OCM *thins 'Earplug or pendant of jade' [Shi] (W ang Li 1 982: 53 1 ). [C] Perh. cognate to --> ying 2 ??JIJL 'full'. Syn. --> tian3 � . The graphs imply a T-like initial in OC.
tian s liJ --> tang 1 wi tian 1 �� (thiem8) LH them8, OCM *!him?, OCB *hlim? 'To lick up' [Tang - Li Bai]. [D] Y-Guangzhou Ji:m BJ < Jim? 'lick'. -
496
tian - tfng (E] ST or area word: PTB *(s-)lyam > Bahing liam, Khambu, Yakha lem 'tongue', Kanauri Jem 'lick' (STC: 1 72 n. 458). KS: Mulam *lja:m5 'lick'. Words meaning 'sweet' , ' lick', 'tongue', 'flame' often share the same root, see allofams -" Win 3 ?ill , -" tHin2 tMYC. -" yan2 �.
�M;Jt
(thiemBJC) LH themBfC, OCM *lhem?/s 'Brightness of fire' [SW] . Although a dictionary word, it belongs to the wf -" yan 2 Words meaning 'sweet', 'lick', 'tongue' , 'flame' often share the same roots, see allofam s -'> ti�m l m. -) tian 3 w.
�.
tian -" tian2 tiiio 1 j:j� (thieu)
LH theu, OC M *lhiau 'Provoke' [Zuo] . Etymology not clear. 1.11 Sin Sukchu SR t'jew C¥), PR t'j aw; MGZY thyaw
tiiio 2 11w :11: __, y o- u z 1& ,c:;, tiao 1 115R 'branch' __, yo u 2 tiao2 115R 'orderly' --> x iii 5 tHio � (dieuB)
[t'jew]
15( 1J l:J'
11�
LH deu3, OCM *liau? 'To perforate, bore a hole' [Huainanzi] is perh. cognate to -'> qHw 2
'a hole' .
tia o 1 l!YE (dieuC)
LH deuc, OCM *liauh 'To jump' [Zhuang]. � c bii o 11§ (t.hjau) LH thou nhiau), OCM *t-hliau ? 'To leap onto' [Zuo], 'leap over' [Meng]. � d -tl Jli (thiek-thiek) Lll thek < theuk, OCM *lhiauk 'Be jumping ' [Shi].
tiao2 ��
-"
df6 *I
tie 1 Ur5' (thiep)
LII thep, OCM *nhep 'To taste' [Yupian: Guli ang]. (EJ ST: WT sifab-pa 'to taste, savor' (Bodman 1 980: 1 4 1 ).
tie 2 �ti __, d i e 6 M tie m (thiet) LH thet, OCM *!het or *lhft
- LTJ ONW thet 'Iron' [Shu], defined as 'black metal' in S W . Wang U ( 1 982: 469) and Sagart ( 1 999: 200) derive tie from an etymon 'black', as found in the homophone tie .m (thiet, diet) 'black horse' [Shi]. [EJ Area word: WT Jcags < *lhyaks 'iron ' (HST: 98). Tai: S. lekD1S < *hl- ' iron' , PKS *kh]it7 ; PVM *khac 'iron ' (Bodman 1 980: I 03). This is perh. ultimately the same foreign etymon which also entered Chinese as -" xf4 � 'tin ' .
tfng 1 n -) tfn g 3 tfng 2 l� (thiel)) L H t"elJ, OCM *lhelJ
'To listen, listen to' [OB, Shu]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR t'iiJ MGZY thing (lJZ) [t'ilJ]; MTang thiel) < t"tlJ, ONW the!) [D] In some dialects such as W-Wenzhou the word also means 'to smell ' and is thus an analog to --> wen 3 [11:1 'hear, smel l ' . � tl ng, tfn g (� (thieif) L H thei)C, OCM *lhei]h 'To l isten to' (person, advice, order) [Shi, Zuo], 'obey' [Zuo] ( Downer 1 959: 2 84).
497
ting - ting [ sheng 1 'wise'. Outside connections are not clear; but note PHiai *H:I] 1 'hear, say' [Matisoff 1 988c, no. 295] ; or AA-PNBahn. *tal) 'hear' :s� *tamalJ 'listen' , PSBahn. *btaaiJ - *t�l) 'to hear, listen ' , W a-Lawa-Bulang *hm [a]IJ 'hear, listen ', PMonic *muiJ 'listen' �� *grmUII) 'hear' , but the AA initial *t- does not agree with OC.
ting 1
(die!)) LH del), OCM *del) 'Settle, regulate' � [Lao]. tin g 2 (die!)) LH del), OCM *del) 'To stop' [Guanyin] , prob. a later meaning. :s� ding fE (diei)C) LH dei)C, OCM *de!]h 'Sit down, settle, establish, determine' [BI , Shi]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR dil) ($:); AJGZY ting ($:) [diiJ); ONW del) [E] ST: PTB *dil) > Lushai dil]H I dinL 'to stand, stop, halt, stand up, go straight up' (as smoke) :s� ? dinF 'to erect, build, set up' (house, image); JP dil)33 'be perfectly straight' , PLB *?dil] l - *m-dil) 1 (HPTB: 1 23) 'put, place on, set up, establish' (Lahu gloss) 3� *Ndil) 1 'come to rest, alight' [Matisoff Lahu D: 642], WB taii 'place in position , bui ld ' , Lepcha dil) 'be erect, to stand' (Bodman ICSTLL 1 987). [C] This wf could be related to -> zheng 1 'correct, govern' (Karlgren 1 956: 1 6).
f� ting 1 ->
(die!]) LH del), OCM *h�!] 'Courtyard, court of a palace, mansion, temple' [OB, Bl, Shi]. [T] MTang die!] < dtrJ, ONW del) [DJ M -Xiamen tlaA 2 [E] ST: Perh. PTB *gl i l) 'ground, land, country, region ' : NNaga *C/v-khlil] 'place' (e.g. place to sit, abode) [French 1 983 : 532], WT gliiJ 'island, continent'. I n a roundabout way, this etymon m ight have entered the language of the ancient state of Chu during the Han period where we find tfng (th iel)) LH theiJ 'island ' [Chuci] ; if true, the word must have been written down at a time (Han or later) when OC *hi- and *th- had merged into t1'-. in the sense of 'straight' > 'level ' . [C] This is perhaps related to the wf -> trng 2 'straight' _,. trng 2 tft -> tlng 3 t%!;
trng 1 -tuan _,. ding 4 lllT tlng 2 t1f (thie!]B) LH thel)B, OCM *!he!)? 'Straight' [Zuo]. � tfng ):t§. (die!]) LH del), OCM *lel) [T] ONW del) 'Be straight, upright' (of growing grain, morals) [BI , Shi] ; 'stalk, stem ' [Zhuang]; 'small bamboo rods u sed for divination' [Chuci] . [E] ST: PTB: *blel) 'straight' ( STC no. 352). The wf -> zheng 1 may belong here, but the initial s point to *1- vs. *t- respectively which are difficult to reconcile. Matisoff ( 1 988) combines this wf with -> yfng 2 ?fk. 'ful l ' , -> pfng 1 'level' and -> zhtmg 1 J.Elf) trng3 t%!;. 498
trng - tong tlng 3 fJ!, dl ng j}f (diel)8) LH del)8, OCM *le!)? 'Stick, staff' tfng fJ! [Meng]; 'metal rod inserted in arrow' ding j}f [Zhouli]. 3� tfng M� (dieiJ) LH deiJ, OCM *leiJ 'Stalk, stem' M [Zhuang] ; 'small bamboo rods used for divination' � [Chuci] . [E) Perh. S T *C-lil) (originally referring t o the tibia bone, hence 'marrow' a s well a s the hollowed tube-like piece): PTB *r-klil) (STC no. 1 26) > Mikir arkleiJ, Lushai t"liiJR 'marrow' , Mru kliiJ 'id. ' ; WT glii]-bu 'flute' which is sometimes made of a human femur, lit. bu 'son ' (i. e. 'derivative') of a 'gliiJ ' , PLB *kliiJ > PL *?l il) 1 � *hliiJ ' 'flute', WB kyan 'tube' (Matisoff 1 970 no. 98). This etymon and the wf --> keng 2 t� *khreiJ as well as --> xlng 3 , jlng g� *gel)h tend to converge. For an overview, see Table K-2 under __, keng 2 t�. Less likely, this wf may be connected with --> t1ng 2 t7f 'straight' .
to ng 1 'i'IPJ (thuiJ) L H thoiJ, OCM *th6IJ o r *th6IJ ? 'Pained, grieved' [Shi] . 3� tong t; (thul)C) L H thol)c, OCM *lhol)h ? o r *th6l)h ? [f) ONW thol) 'To hurt' [Zuo]. [I]c1 'tube, cylinder ' ; Li loiJ, IN t'Juq (Benedict A T: 38). The initial s are difficult to determine.
tong4 ro .... hong2 tong5 lif:{j (dui]) L H dol], OCM *d61] - [f] MGZY tung (IfZ) [dui]] 'Be young, young person, fellow; young' (of animals, i.e. without horns) [Shi]; 'young person, servant' [Zuo] > 'ignorant' {j [Guoyu] . � tong IJi (t11uiJ) L H t 11ol), OCM *tho!] 'Be inexperienced, ignorant' [Zhuang], {[P] [Shi] (also MC duq). The last graph belongs to an OC L-initial series, the other clearly had initial dental stops; it is not clear how to reconcile these forms. [E] Etymology not certain; but note TB-KN-Khami doq 'boy' (Loffler 1 966: 1 42). MY: Mong tul)55 'son, m ale' [Strecker L TBA 1 0.2, 1 987: 35]. CVST ( 3 : 36) relates 'stupid' to WT blun 'stupid, ignorant'. tong6 M (dui]) LH dol) 'Sorcerer, medium, to dance' in Mln dialects: PM in *dol)A > A moy col. daiJA2 (lit. doiJA2 'boy'). [E] AA: Viet. df}ong 'to shamanize', WrMon doq 'to dance' (Norman I Mei 1 976: 296). ton g (t1 1u 1JB) LH t"olJB, OCM *lhcH]'? or *th61]? ? 'Bushel, measure of capacity' [Uishi, Shiji], later 'bucket' . [E] Etymology not clear, note PTai *thuarf l /A 1 'bucket' (Luo Yongxian MKS 27, 1 997: 274), a CH loan? Or perh. ST: Chepang dhuiJ 'container, pot-shaped storage basket. ' tong 11 ..... ton g 1 tou 1 {iftj (t 11;:Ju) LH t11o, OCM *Iho 'Reckless, careless' [Li] > 'rude' [Zuo] > tr. 'to slight, despise' [Zuo]. This word's meaning is rather different from the homophone 'to stea l ' (...., toury- {mJ) so that it is prob. directly derived from ...., yu 1 7 '[W *lo 'pleasant' (< 'relaxed '). tiio (thau) L H t11ou, OCM *lhO 'Reckless' [Shi] . This variant might have been influenced by the homophone tiio Ys 'overflowing ' (under -> y6u 4 nE). �� tuo !m (thuat, duat) L H thuat, duat, OCM *l(h)ot 'Careless' [Zuo]. [f] ONW t huat , dual [C] This group belongs to the root yu 17 '[Btr *lo 'pleasant' ( < 'relaxed'), q . v. to u 2 (t11gu) L H tho, OCM *Iho 'To steal' [Guan]. CVST (3 : 42) relates this word to WB JuC 'take by force' . 3� duo (duat) LH duat, OCM *lot 'To rob, take away' [BI, Shij. Pulleyblank (ICSTLL 1 998: 1 1 ) connects this word with (dauC) LH dauh 'thief, to rob' [Shi]. dao [C] This group belongs to the root -> yu 1 7 '[Btr *lo 'pleasant ' ( < 'relaxed'), see there for allofams. tou 1 ff[ (dgu) LH do, OCM *do - [f] ONW dou 'To throw' [Shu], 'throw out, eject, throw to, present' [Shi], 'reject' [Li] . [E] S T : WT 'dor-ba 'to throw or cast away, throw out, eject, decline, reject' � gtor-ba 'to strew, scatter, throw, waste' (Unger Hao-ku 3 5 , 1 986: 33). For loss of ST final *-r, see §7.7.5. �
_.
500
t6u - tu t6u2, yu ®J\ (dgu) L H do, OCM *16 'A kind of song ' [Chuci ] . [E] ST: WT glu 'song ' , Mru klO 'sound, melody', WB kyu 8 'produce melodious sound' (Loffler I 966: 1 30), and I or krui 8 'kind of song ' . t6u3 EJ! (dgu) LH do, OCM *do 'Head' [Eastern Zhou BI, Zuo], replaced earlier -. shou3 §. [f] Sin Sukchu SR dgw ('f); MGZY t hiw ('f) [dgw] ; ONW dou [D] Y -Guangzhou wuA2(-h:JkD) EJ!(li'£:); K-Meixi�m t"euA2-naA2 EJ!��. Dfmshul t"iuA2-na AI_h:JkD1 (R. Bauer CAAAL 28, 1 987: 60f); PMin *dhguA 2 : Jiangle t ";;m D1, Fuzhou t"au52, Xi amen ti'auA2-k"ak; W -Wenzhou dfieu21 [N] The initial consonant in the phonetic series R could be either *d or *1, but it was prob. *d- as forms for 'skull ' -. du8-16u -�� show. [E] The late appearance of t6u in the 6th cent BC when it began to replace -. shou3 § suggests that it is derived from the much earlier attested vessel -. dou 2 R (Sagart 1 999: I 56), but dou (tone C) looks like a derivation from t6u instead which may therefore originally have meant 'skull'. An allofam may be -. dou3 R 'bean ' . The word t6u has two possible outside connections. ( 1 ) ST: Loloish *?du 2 'head' [Matisoff LL 1 .2, 2000: 1 68] where u corresponds directly to OC o. Or (2) MK: Khmer -tiila 1-dool! 'head, to bulge' which would also be a direct phonological equi valent of OC (for CH loss of final M K consonant, see §6.9). The MK word belongs to a large wf 'bulge, knoll' and would thus provide an etymology. t6u4-lu EJ!!� ... du8-16u 111 �1 to u � ... duo 1 R:: tii � (thugt, dugt) LH thugt, dugt, OCM *thut, *dOt - [f] ONW dot 'To dig through, break through' [Zuo] > 'bursting forth > suddenly' [Shi]. [E] ST: PTB *tu, *du > PL *m-du 2 , WB tu8 dig, JP t!Ju.'ll, Nung du 'to dig ' [STC no. 258], NNaga*thu [French 1 983 : 334]. Note also Lushai t"utH 'suddenly' (related?).
tu 1 � (duo) LH da, OCM *Hi - [f] ONW do 'To plaster, mud, plaster' [Shi], 'to soil' [Zhuang]. [D] PMin *dho 'soil, earth' ; for a semantic parallel 'mud' > 'earth, soil ' see -. nf2 1JB. [E] Tai : S. ti'aaA2 < *d- 'to smear, paint' (Li F. I 976: 40). ,';L.>. 'A 'oA tu2 '"' 321'� (duo) LH da, OCM *Iii 'Path ' (along the bank of a canal; paved path) [Zhouli]; 'road' � [Lie], � [Lunyu]. [E] Etymology not clear. Perh. related to -. tang 2 :f:jl!.f 'dam, dike ' . Wang Li ( 1 982: 1 47) relates this word to -. tang 1 W 'path in a temple', but see there. Or it may be the s. w. as -. tu 1 � 'mud, plaster'. tu3 1/E (duo) LH da, OCM *dii 'Bare, naked' [Li], 'only' [Meng]. [E] ? AA: Khmer doh, Bahn.-Stieng d:Jh 'to take off' (clothing) [Huffman 1 975]. Tai : S. taa 4 'only, sole'. This word may have alternative etymological connections, see -. tan 1 :f.§. f\!1 'to bare' and the items listed there. tu4 11 ... du 1 JJt tu 1 ± (thuo8) LH thaB, OCM *tha? - [f] ONW tho 'Land, soil ' [Shi]. The phonetic series GSR 62 implies a dental stop initial. 501
tu - tur [D] Y -Guangzhou thou81, Taishan huA2. Some modern dialects have replaced this word with ... nf2 ¥m. [E] There is no obvious cognate and etymology, unless it may be related to AA-PMon *tii? 'soil, ground consisting of earth, earth' , Aslian ti? � tE:?; however, this would require the assumption of a shift from front vowel to OC *a ( § 1 L 1 .3). Prob. related to __. she 1 t±. tu 2 (thuo8, thuoC) LH t11aB, OCM *tha? 'To spit out' [Shi]. [D] M and. tu 'spit', tu 'vomit'; Y -Guangzhou tllouC1 (both meanings), Taishan huAI 3 � tu (thuo8, thuoC) LH t11aC, OC M *thah 'To vomit' M and. Not all dialects have both these words. [EJ ST *twa > PTB *(m-/s-)twa > Kachin m::Jtho, Garo stu, Kanauri thu 'spit' . Although tu looks like a variant of the syn. --> tuo3 U:fit the ST sources are quite distinct. For the lack of a Chinese medial w, see § I 0.2. 1 ; Chinese aspiration is associated with forceful outward motion § 5 . 8.5.
tu
(t11uoC) LH thoC, OCM *lhah 'Hare, rabbit' [OB, Shi]. The OC initial *lh- is revealed by the graph's use as phonetic in a word for 'tiger' in Zuozhuan ( -> hu 1 JJE). [E] ST: TB words for 'rabbit' include Jiarong ka-la, Lolo lgs. : Hani tho3l_Ja 33, Lahu th:J54_Ja31 and the like [ZM 1 992, nos. 292; 758]. M iddle Korean twos(ki) 'hare' might have been borrowed from CH in connection with the animal cycle (Miyake 1 997: 1 988).
tuan �ffij
__.
tuan
tuan 1 �-r�W5!: (duan) LH duon, OC M *don 'Round, everywhere, plenty' [Shiwen: Shi ] ; 'make round' [Li], 'collect' [Guan], 'bundle' t' [Zhoul i ] ; 'rich, plentifu l ' (dew) 1� [Shi]; 'plentifu l ' !JlJ.. [Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR dw::>n MGZY ton (¥) [d::>n] �� z huan ( zhuan 1 'turn around' (so Karlgren 1 956: 1 3). � � tuan2 !ffi � (duan, tsjwtin8) LH duan, tsuan, OCM *don , *ton 'To cut' [Li] . •� z h u a n JW (zjwan8, tsjwtin8) L H dZ/tsuanB, OCM *don?, *ton? 'Cut meat, slice' [H uainan]. tuan (t11 uanC) LH thuanc, OCM *thons 'A kind of pig' [Yi, SW], variant tw1n � (t11 uanA) [EY, SW , Chu ] ; -> tun 5 is prob. variant of the same etymon. [E] PY *duiJ8 'pig' (M. Ratliff, p. c.); their first textual occurrence in Chucfand Han texts suggests that these words are of MY origin. tuf t'ff (thu�i) LH t 11 ugi , OCM *thui, OCB *thuj 'To push away' [Shi], 'push' [Zuo], 'extend' [Meng]. CH aspiration is associated with forceful outward motion § 5 . 8 .5. Ace. to Baxter ( 1 992: 23 1 ) perh. related to the next: 3� c uf {i (ts11u�i) LH ts 11ugi, OCM *tshui, OCB *ts 11uj ( < *Sthuj ?) 'To urge, press' [SW : Shi]. 3 � cuf ti (dzu�i) LH dzugi, OC M *dzfii 'To repress, oppress' [Shi 258, 3]. 502
tur - tun
[E] Possibly ST: Chepang dus- 'to push away, shove' 3 f dhus- id.
tur g� (thu�iB) (a hypothetical PCH form corresponding to MC m ight have been *thul)
'Thigh ', also 'lower leg' [Tang: Han Yu; GY]. [E] M K : PMon *drul 'thigh'.
tui 1 � (thu�iC) LH thugs, OCM *thil(t)s, OCB *hnuts < *hnups (Baxter 1 992: 557)
'Withdraw, retire' [Shi]. [f] ONW thuai [E] Etymology not clear. This may be connected with tu/ .� *l(h)ots 'withdraw' (under -> tu6 3 ��). Perh. related to MK-Mon dui ' 'to stop, keep quiet, stay put' .
tui 2 .�Jt
....,
tuo 3
��
tu n 1 :ff (thgn) LH thgn, OCM *th�n ?
'To swallow' [Guoce]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR t'un (�), PR t'gn ; MGZY thhin (�) [t'gn] - [D] PMin *thun [E] KT: PT *kl-: S. kl-HnA 1 'to swallow', Ahom k(l)en, Wuming klwan, Saek tlwwnA I; PKS ?dun; cf. IN t;1lun, Junlun, Be lun (Benedict A T: 1 9, but withdrawn in Benedict 1 976: 68). Alternatively, CVST 2: 1 0 relates this word to WT 'thuiJ 'drink'.
tun 2 B�J (thugn) LH thugn, OCM *thun
'The rising sun ' [Chuci]. [E] This word has two possible sources, although the first appearance in Chucf favors an AA connection ; perh. it is a blend of the two: ( I ) TB: WT 'thon-pa, thon 'to come out, go out ' , WB p:Y-thon8 'come out' (e. g. the sun), Monpa Cuona 53t�hUIJ, Motuo thoiJ 'to come out' (sun) (ZM 92 no. 1 207). I n ST lgs. the notion of sunrise is often associa ted with 'to come out, rise' (cf. WT sar 'to rise, east' , CH ri chii B t±l 'the sun comes out '), while 'west' -> xf2 iZ§TfTil§ is associated with 'to go down, rest, nest ' . (2) AA: PMon *tun ' g o up' (sun, water level, etc.) which is phonologically close to the OC word. In both TB and AA the word is apparently native (for PMonic, see: Diffloth 1 984: 206), although their basic meanings differ (TB 'come out' , vs. AA 'go up'). An allofam may be -> dong 2 * 'east' . tun 1 4=£ (du;;m) L H dugn, OCM *dun 'Hill' [Zhuang]. - du n JiiJ[ (tugnc) LH tugnc, OCM *tilns 'Hill ' [Shi]. [E] AA: OKhmer /duu;;J!/ 'knoll , hillock, mound', PVM *doJA 'hill ' , PSBahn. *tu! - *n;;Jtul 'anthil l ' . AA -> TB-Lepcha tl'yul 'heap' (Forrest JA OS 82, 1 962: 334). The relationship with ...., duf tt£ 'mound ' , if any, is not clear.
tun 2 4=£ (du;;Jn) LH du;;Jn, OCM *dun - [f] Sin Sukchu ti'� SR dun (�)
'Accumulate' [Yi ] > 'to mass troops, put pressure on' [BI, Shi] , 'garrison, station soldiers' [Zuo]. [E] ST: WT 'du-ba 'to assemble' 3f gdu-ba 'to gather' 3f 'dun-sa 'meeting place' 3f 'thun-pa 'to gather' 3f sdud-pa 'to collect, gather' 3f sdud 'fold of garment' 3f 'du-ba 'come together' 3f 'dus-pa 'to unite' 3f gdu-ba 'to gather' 3f ' thu-ba 'to gather, collect' 3f (m-)dud-pa 'knot ' . Bodman ( 1 969: 340) associates many of these WT items with zti .-:¥ (under -> zao 2 rl). Unger (Hao-ku 35, 1 986: 3 1 ) relates the CH word to Lepcha tyul 'to conglomerate, a flock'. [C) Tun could possibly be related to ...., tun 1 4=£; and I or to ...., dun 1 :f)cl$. 503
tun - tuo tun3 M! (du;:m[8]) LH du;;m, OCM *dun 'Tie together, envelop' [Shi]. [E] ST: WT thuJ-pa 'furred coat, cloak; to roll or wind up ' ; Nung r;1dul 'roll, wrap, enwrap ', Angami Naga r;1tuu < rtul 'roll' (STC p. 1 1 0; Unger Hao-ku 35, 1 986: 30). Perh. related to __, tun 2 4:£ � 'accumulate'. tun4 '['"4: __, c hii n :: � t u n 5 �� (dugn) L H dugn, OCM *dun 'Young pig ' [OB, Lun] (see Li Liu EC 2 1 : 1 996: 1 7). Perh. __, tuan � and tuan �#ij are variants of this word. tun6 � (dugn) LH dugn, OCM *dun 'Buttock' [Guoyu] . [E] ST: PTB *tun > Meithei mgthun1, Abor-Miri ko-dun 'buttock' , prob . also LB-Lisu khi21 du21 [Matisoff L TBA 1 7.2, 1 994: 1 37]. This meaning is connected with 'heel ' : JP ];13i_thjn33 'heel ' , KN-Naga-W ancho chi-dun 'heel, LB-Phunoi pi33 tun 1 1. The ST etymon may have wider connections: PKS *lun 2 'back, behind' , Tai-Saek tloonA 1 'buttocks'. And I or AA items cited under __, tun 1 4:£ 'hill ' which belong to a wf 'to bulge' . A variant is __, diim 2 )!EJ: . A possible all ofam is __, dun4 �� 'withdraw' ( 'go back'). tuo 1 1fu (t"a) LH t"ai, OCM *lhai 'Other, different' [Bi , Shi], in modern dialects the word has the specialized meaning 'he, she, it, they', and is in most places pronounced __, ta 1 1fu . Etymology not clear. Perh. cognate to __, ch12 , chf �� 'to separate' ; for a semantic parallel , note AA-Khmer -dai 1-tgjl 'be other, different' 3� OKhmer didai ldiidgjl 'be different, distinct, separate' . tuo 2 , t u o 1!J __, dan 3 ··[" tuo 3 �£ (t"uat, duat) LH t"uat, duat, OCM *l(h)6t [f] ONW t"uat, duat 'Take away' �£ [Zuo], :j=)t [Lao] , 'peel off' �£ [Lie], 'take off' (clothes) [Shi, Guoyu] > 'let off, let escape' [Shi ] , 'escape' [Lao], 'relieve' [Gongyang] . [D ] M-Amoy col. te?D2, l i t . toatD2, Jieyang to?D2 'take away forcibly'; Amoy col. thua?D1, lit. thuatD1 'escape'. We would expect the tr. meanings ('take away, take off') to go with LH thuat, the intr. ( 'escape, careless') with LH duat. 3� tui .�£ (duaic, t"uaiC) LH duos, t 11uas, OCM *l(h)6ts 'Withdraw, flee' [Shi]. [ WT hlod-pa 'loose, relax' 3 � glod-pa 'loosen, relax, slacken ' ; PLB *k-lwat > PL *k-lwat4 'free' , WB hlwat 'free, relax' 3� Jwat 'be free' 3� kywat < klwat 'loosed, freed ' 3� khywat < khJwat 'release, free' ; Mru Jot, Ion 'loose, let out'; Lushai thJ;mL < thbns 'to come I fall off' [Loffler 1 966: 1 23 ] , Lai lot 'free' 3 � se-lot 'set free' [VanBik L TBA 25.2, 2002: 1 06], JP Jat31 'to escape, get lost' . Tai : Shan l:JtD2 < *dl- 'to be free, to free' is prob. a TB loan. [C] This group belongs to the root __, yu 17 '[tu *lo 'pleasant' ( < 'relaxed '), see there for allofams. Perh. __, r6ng 1 ;g is related. This wf comes close to __, chou 1 :j=ffi. -
504
tu6 - tuo tu6 1 f't:: .... wei 1 -tu6 � f't:: tu62 �fu .... z h1 7 �1:8, �§ (duo) tu63 11 (da, dan) L H dai, dan, OCM *dai, *dan 'Freshwater alligator, Alligator sinensis' [Shi]. [E] Its mythological meanings and etymological specul ations are discussed by Carr (LTBA 1 3 .2, 1 990: 1 3 1 ft). Tu6 is distinct from -> e5 ffil (IJak) 'aquatic reptile' [SW]. Loffler ( 1 966: 1 40) relates this word tentatively to Mru tam 'alligator', but the final nasals do not agree. The word is also reminiscent of AA: Santali tajan 'broad-headed crocodile'. tuo 1 �� (thua8) L H thuai8, OCM *!hoi? 'Shred sacrificial meat' [Zhouli]. [E] ST: WB thwa 'mince with a knife' is prob. unrelated since neither initial nor rime match. tuo 2 � (thua8) L H thuai8, OCM *lhoi? 'Long and narrow, ova l ' [Chuci]. 3� duo � (dua8) L H duai8, OCM *loi? 'Long and narrow' (mountain) [Shi] . [E] ST: J P dii]3I_loi33 'long and narrow' ( CVST 3: 32). t UOv 3 -j;l:: \if -> S U I- 113( !f,\0
tuo 1 :}:fi (thak) LH thak, OCM *thak 'To take up, l ift' [Lie]. [f] Sin Sukchu �{; SR t'aw (/\.); MGZY � thaw (A) [t'aw] [E] TB: perh. a LB loan : note PLB *?tak 'lift, carry'. For cognates on the ST level, see -> zhl 1 5 �ti7 . tuo2 Jf (thak) LH thak, OCM *thak 'Noise of pounding earth ' [Shi]. [E] This word is onomatopoetic, but note also AA-Mon tAk 'to beat' , Khm {:J{:Jk 'beat (shake) a rattle' [Pinnow 1 959: 3 1 8]. tuo3 D� (thuaC) L H thuaic, OCM *thoih 'Spittle' [SW, H anshu], 'to spit' [Zuo]. [D] PMin *thoiC; some dialects in the Yue area have archaic rimes: Guangzhou col. tha:C1 beside th;yCI, Zengcheng sa:yc2, Bao'an sui82, Enpfng tshuiA2; K-Dongguan sui8. [E] ST *to! > WT tho-le (i.e. *tol-e) 'debs-pa 'to spit' ( 'debs-pa 'to throw') (HST: 1 38); WB thwe8 'spit' (STC: 30 n. 95) seems to agree with the WT and CH forms. But alternatively, STC connects WB with PTB *twgy ( = *tui) 'water'. Although tuo looks like a variant of the syn. -> tu 3 0±, the OC and the TB forms are quite distinct. CH aspiration is associated with forceful ejection §5.8.5. tuo4 :fi (thak) LH t"ak, OCM *lhak 'To wither, fal len leaves' [Shi]. [E] Prob. AA: Khmer sla 'ka /slak! 'to fade, wilt, dry up', from a root -la 'ka 1-!ak! 'to fal l ' , ace. to Jenner I Pou 1 982: 523. Alternatively, tuo could possibly be related to -> luo 7 m *rak 'fall ' (Unger Hao-ku 39, 1 992: 92; Sagart 1 999: 1 8), but then one would need to assume OCM *rhak for tuo which is not supported by the phonetic series.
505
w wa 1 ft ( ?wai) LH ?ue, OCM *'lwre or *?we ? 'Frog ' [Zhouli]. [E] Perh. KT: PT *kw-: Boai k weeC1, Wuming klwe 'small green frog' ; PKS *k-wai C 'small frog' (Bodman 1 980: 1 44). wa 2 � (?wai) LH ?ue, OCM *?wre 'Hole, hollow, concave' [Li.i] , [Lao). �� wa 1f (?iwei) L H ?ue, OCM *?we 'Concave, puddle' [Zhuang]. '� ke f4 (khua) L H khuai, OCM *khwai 'A hollow, cavity' [Meng], 'hollow of a tree trunk' [Yi ) is perh. a nominalizing k-prefix derivation ( § 5 .4). wa _. e 4 �ftofL waJ )'} (I]UaiC) L H I)Uas, 0CM *I)Wats, OCB *ngwats 'Outside, external' [OB, B I , Shi]. [11 Sin S. SR I]Waj PR I]Waj, waj; LR waj ; MGZY xue (.ft) [fiu e] ; ONW !JUOC [N] In the OB, the graph is a vertical line with a stroke on one side f- . i.e. 'outside' ; the graph is identical to -> bu 1 f- . 'Moon' yue LH l)yat has been added later as phonetic. Bodman ( 1 980: 1 36) connects this word with WT IJOS 'side, direction ' , see -> yu' l 7 1i!W """ ' wan ��IUJ (?wan) LH ?uan, OCM *?ron 'To bend ' (a bow) [Meng] > later 'bent coastline, a bay' •. This word may be connected with -> yil 1 ff?.if, -> wei 1 -tu6 �ft?;, -> wei 2 �. or -> wei 3 �. wan jj -> yu23 wan I :frl: 'accommodating' -> yiio 2 PJ( wa n 2 �� .... yao 2 �}( _. yua n 1 f&g (?uan8) LH ?uan8, OCM *?on? 'A bowl ' [Guan] (written with rad. 7f(). [ weng Jl may also be connected. 'X:f: wan 1 R,.,_, .�JP. -> yu- 1 ,:tt ,;f wan2
(mjwenC) LH m uanC, OCM *mans 'Be extending, long, wide' � [Shi] > 'creeping plant' [Shi] . �� man �� ( muanC) L H mane , OCM *mans [T ] ONW man 'Distant, unlimited' [Zhuang] > 'free, careless' [Zhuang]. (manC) L H m an e, OCM *mrans ? � ma n 'Be slow, negligent' [Shi] > 'indulgent' [Li] > 'to slight, be i nsolent' 506
[Zuo].
wang
wan
[man} [T] Sin Sukchu SR man ($::) ; MGZY man [E] ST: Lushai m uaiJH I m uanL 'be slow and leisurely, to linger' , Lepcha moiJ, mon 'be quiet, silent'. (Geilich 1 994: 1 39; 1 59 includes these TB items in the wf -> mo 1 5 !W\. � 'silent').
wan3
( mjwunC) LH muanc, OCM *mans - [D] CDC m van6 'Ten thousand' [Bl, Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR vwan LR vwan; MGZY (khan >) wan ( .!;:) [van] ; ONW muan [E] ST: WT 'bum < Nbum 'hundred thousand ' ; JP ];J31-mun31 'ten thousan d ' (CH loan?). As to foreign i nitial b- for CH m-, see §5 . 1 2.2. CH -> Tai : S. hm.fnB 'ten thousand' (Unger Hao-ku 36, 1 990: 54).
__. w11 1 wang 1 wang 2 X!; __. qu4, j u HI wang 1 ( mjwal)) LH mual), OCM *mal), OCB *mjal) 'To lose, disappear, flee' [BI , Shi]; 'to have none, there is not' i ntr. [Lunyu] (Pulleyblank 1 995: 1 09). [f] Sin Sukchu SR, LR val) MGZY wang (lf) [val)]; MTang m vual), ONW mual) [ wu �) + ST terminative suffix -IJ (§6.5 . 1 ). [E] TB: Lushai mar{ 'to die, die out, exterminate ' , JP maiJ33, Chepang hmaiJ 'corpse'. �� wang (mjWal) [C]) L H muo!](C), OCM *mal) ( !) 'To forget' [BI, Shi], i.e. 'to lose' (from memory) is the s. w. as wang L in early OC as revealed by Shi}ing rimes, tone C emerged later ( 'it has d isappeared from m ind, has escaped me', a perfective form in *-s I *-h of wang L (§3 .5), ace. to Unger Hao-ku 20, 1 983). �� wang ( mj wal)B) LH muo!]8, OCM *maiJ? 'There is no, not have' occurs in Shiijlhg and the old parts of Sh1)ihg, but is then replaced by its stem -> wu4 � in that meaning. The graph in the OB, BI m ay perh. write this word rather than wang L above. [ 'neglect, reject' [Shu] . [ sang 1 *mal) ( §5.2. 1 ) + exoactive tone C ( §4.3.2). [ Tai luarJ 'royal '); the identification of 'king' with his palace is perh. supported by a BI where wang refers not to the Zhou king but to a place (Shaughnessy 1 99 1 : 1 97). Thus wang would belong to the complex of stems u nder _, yfng4 ft; connection with _, hming 1 'august' is not clear. Otherwise, speculations have related wang to wang :t!; (?waiJ) 'emaciated' [Zuo] (under -> qii4, j u )jf�) and -> kming :IT (gjwaiJ) 'mad ' . based on certain theories on ancient CH kingship and shamanism (see D . Keightley JAS 54. 1 , 1 995: 1 32).
wang I 11 Uwal)8) LH W01]8, OCM *WaiJ? 'To go to, gone, past' tt [OB, BI, Shi], [Zuo]. rrJ Sin Sukchu SR waiJ (J::.) ; MGZY xwang (1:.) [fiwaiJ) ; ONW uaiJ [ 'arrive' > 'come'. �f wang u; U wmf) LH WOI)c, OCM *wal)h 'To go' [Zuo]. [ Chepang wal) 'to come' (Bodman 1 980: 8 1 ), Barish Nocte 2val)(?) (Chepang and Barish (= Bodo) disagree in phonation, Weidert 1 987: 30), WT 'oiJ-ba 'to come' �f perhaps also WT sol) < s-wal) 'went', Tamang 1 waiJ 'enter, go in, come i n ' ; WB wal) 'to enter, go or come in' 3>: s waiJB 'to put into ' , PL *waiJ 1 'to enter ' ; M ikir waiJ 'to come' ( HST: 86), NN *wol) 'come'. It is not clear how Tai JuaiJ82 'to pass time, go beyond' (Bodman 1 980: I 07) may relate to this ST stem. -t yfi 1 Wang 2 ff �T
wang 3 �j,:� (mjwal)B) LH m ua l) B , OCM *mal)? 'Net' � [Yi], � [Sh i ] ; 'to catch, snare, entangle' [Meng] , 'to tie, i nterlace' [Chuci]. rrJ MTang m vual), ONW mualJ < mal) LEJ Perh. KT: PTai *mtual)A 2 'a type of fishnet' (Luo Yongxian MKS 27, 1 997: 274), Saek m:J::>IJA2 'long net across the river'. This may be the s. w. as wang � 'deceive' (under � wi13 �M). 'deceive' -) wii 3 �lE wang 4 wang 5 'not' _. wang 1 "L wang 6-l ia ng li?:J� (mjwal)B-ljai]B) LH mum]B-J i ui]B . OCM *mai]?-rai]? 'Water spirit' [Zuo]. A variant is prob.: �� wang - xiang (mjWai] 8-zjaiJB) L H mU01]8-zi a l)8, late OCM *mat]?-zial)? (?) 'A water dragon which eats people' [Zhuang, Guoyu, Shiji]. lE] Perh. related to Lcpcha t::>-raiJ 'water spirit' ( Geil ich 1 994: 290f). wang p guang 'fear' -> j u 5 '11. ( mj waJf ) L H muu!]C, OCM *mai]h wang 2 'Lawless, rude' [Zuo], 'reckless' [Li]. 3 � man (mu;}nC) L H mane, OC M *mans 'Excessive, reckless' [Zhuang]. For the difference in finals, see §6.4.2. LEJ This wf converges and overlaps with '"* wii3 f@; 'deceive, false ' . ' -c :.. Wc:1.ng3 ,e,, -> wang 1 wang4 m (mjWai]AfC) L H illllOl)AfC, OCM *mai]A 'Look toward' [Shi], 'look into the distance' [Xun] , > 'hope' [Meng]. Perh. the s. w. as 508
wang - wei -. wang 5 Tone A in older parts of Sh1]fng (Mattos 1 97 1 : 3 09). [T] Sin Sukchu SR, LR val) MGZY wang ($;-) [val)] ; MTang m vual), ONW mual) < mal) (E] ST: PTB *mral) (STC no. 1 46) > Gurung (Himal.), Thakali mraiJ 'to see' , PL *mraiJ 1 > WB mraq 'see' (HST: 1 29) 3� caus. PLB *s-mral) or *?mraiJ 'to show, teach' [Matisoff D. ofLahu: 1 027], Mikir fang 'to see', Nung )aiJ U = palatal g lide).
wang 5 fQ ( mjwal)AfC) LH mua!J, OCM *mal) (tone not clear) 'Ful l moon' [BI, Shu] is considered to be the s. w. as -. wang 4 fQ. If the OC word had the equivalent of later tone C (and the double readings in GY m ay be a trace of this), 'full moon ' m ay be a regu lar passive derivation from the above, lit. 'the thing that is gazed at from afar' ( §4.4). Alternatively, Van Auken (JAGS 1 22.3, 2002: 528) suggests that 'full moon ' is cognate to -. Wmg 7C 'light ' .
wei ctu6 �f't (?j wie 3-da) L H ?yoi-doi, OCM *?wai-lai o r *?oi-'? 'Graceful, compliant' [Shi]. � wei-yf � f't (?jwie 3-jie) LH 7yai-jai, OCM *?wai-lai or *?oi- '? 'Be gracefu l , compliant, be winding' (as road) [Shi]. � wei -c hf (7jwie 3-gi) U I 7yoi-gi, OCM *?wai-d-l(�)i '? 'Be winding' (as road) [Shi]. (E] Qiu Xigui (2000: 3 74) l ists over 20 graphic variants of this sound-symbolic word. The etymology is not c lear. The first syllable may be related to TB-Lushai viaJH < vial 'to writhe', although the item could also be linked to either -. wei 3 Lushai va l Lushai vuaiH 'to wither, wilt, droop' 3< uaiH 'to wither, 509
wei - wei wilt, droop' �� uaiL ' t o hang onto, hang upon' ; Tangkhul Naga hiiy 'fade', J P waiH - woiH, Lahu h we 'id. ' [Matisoff D. of Lahu: 1 1 1 1]. [D] Ancient dialect variants are cited under 4 yu 2 �.
wei 4 m\Z (?jwei) LH ?ui, OCM *?ui m ONW ?ui 'To overawe, intimidate' [Shu], 'imposing, majestic' [Shi], 'intimidating, majesty, dignity' [BI, Shi, Shu]. Ace. to Sagart, 4 gu11 5fb 'ghost' is a derivation. � wei � (?jweiC) LH ?uic, OCM *?uih 'To fear, be in awe of; to respect ' [Shi, Shu]. [ 'it is only' >) 'only' JJl [Shi and subsequent classical Chinese]; ( 'to consider to be' >) 'to think' [Shi and later] (GSR 575n; Dobson EAC; §2. 1 0). Syn. of 'to be' : -> shl 1 4 -> ye 1 ift; syn. of 'only' : -> zhl3 _R , dim (under -> dan 2 '&I). m Sin Sukchu SR vi (3¥); MGZY ywi (3¥) [yi ] ; ONW i u i lE ] ST: PTB *wgy > PLB *wgy 'to be' (Thurgood 1 982, CLAD XI. I : 65-8 1 ); Lushai tf' < ?ee?, ve, JP we pres. tense particle; perh. WT yin 'to be' < *wi-n ( ?) (earlier *w disappears before i in WT). [C] The negative copula 4 fei 1 incorporates this word. �� hul ( yiweiC) LH ywes, OCM *wf(t)s 'It should be' [OB, ShuJ, The OC reading is not certain. The usual meaning 'be kind, compliant' [BI , Shi] could possibly be a semantic extension ( 'should be' > 'to consider I treat as it should I ought to be, as expected' ?) since there is a tendency for copulas to expand to ful l verbs, note 'to be' > 'to think' above (Dobson EAC; §2. I 0). [ Tai : S. kra 4-ween (McFarland: 45 : gkra 4-wane), Saek vianA2 'go around, make a circuit'. Perh. related is PVM : *ve:l 'return' * *k-ve:l 'village' [Ferlus] ; the last word brings to mind -t guf3 ill 'return to a place where one belongs ' .
w e i 6 � Uwei) L H wui, OCM *w;} i 'To against, disobey, oppose; go too far, transgress' [Shi ] > 'err, fault' [Zuo]. * hui (xjweiC) LH huic, OCM *hw;}ih 'A void, taboo' [Zuo] . �] ? S T o r A A : TB-Lushai uiH < ?ui 'to regret, dissuade, forbid' , both QC and Lushai are perh. connected with AA: Khmer ve(l /weh/ (written vi;;>r) 'to quit, leave, avoid, shun ... ' , Stieng wuir 'avoid' (Shorto 1 973 : 3 78). [C] Allofam is perh . . .... huf we i 7 � (mjwei) LH mui, OCM *m;}i 'It i s not that, if it had not been for' [Shi ] is the negative root *m- + .... wei 2 *wi 'to be' (Pulleyblank 1 995: 1 1 0). It is often considered the s. w. as .... wei 8 f�'small '. [T] Sin Sukchu SR vi (lJL); MGZY wi (4Z) [vi ] ; ONW mui we i 8 f� (mjwei) L H mui, OCM *m;}i 'Be small, eclipsed' [Shi]. LEl The etymology i s not clear. It i s prob. related to PTB *mw;}y (STC: 1 74 n. 463) > WB m wee 'fine, delicate', perh. also Chepang mi-?o - m;;>y-?o 'smal l ' . And I or it is often considered the s. w. as .... wei 7 {� (Pulleyblank 1 995: l l 0). Finally, it may perh. be a vocalic variant of -> m17 •. we i 9 ft (Jliwei) LH I)Ui, OCM *l)ui 'High, majestic' [Lunyu]. 3� wei � (JliweiC) LH I]Uic, OCM *l)uih 'High' [Zhouli ] . [C] This set may b e a vocalic variant o f -t wei 1 fB 'high' . we i l o .... kuf3 � wei 1 (mjwei8) LH m ui B , OCM *mi?, OCB *mjj [D] PMi n *mueB 'Tail' [Shi ] > 'to copulate, have sexual i ntercourse' [Shu]. IT] Sin Sukchu SR vi (t); MGZY wi {1:.) [vi] ; ONW mui8 �] ST: PTB *r-may 'tail ' ( STC no. 282) > Chepang me? 'tail', Tamang (l)me:, PL *?-mri 2, WB mrfB; KN-Aimol r;;>mai; Lushai mel < mei?. 511
[11 ONW 'rue (?jwieB) LH ?yai8, OCM *?oi? 'To fal l ' [Zhuang], 'to hang down ' ? [Li]. Perh. the same word as ....,. wei 3 [E] Etymology not clear. Gong H . (in W. Wang 1 995: 48) relates i t to W B lway 'suspend from the shoulder ' . The OC form is similar to words with nearly identical ...,. rui �78&. meaning ('hang down '): -> chuf 1 wei 3 � (?jwie8) LH ?yaiB, 0CM *?oi? 'To bend ' [Li], 'W1, [Liezi] may be the same word as -+ wei 2 �. WB kwe8 'bend, curve' � kweC 'bend around, curved' are perh. MK loans (Shorto 1 972): Sre kue 'bent, crooked', Biat kwe: ( kwac) 'winding'. Perh. cognate to ...,. yao 1 :;k.lff;.. , ...,. yfng 5 wei 4 UweiC) LH wuiC, OCI\'1 *wgih, OCB *wjgjh ? [11 ONW u i 'Woof' [Zuo], 'to weave' [Zhuang] . � yiin U ugnC) L H wunC, OCM *wgns, OCB *wjgn 'Woof' [SW] ( Karlgren 1 933: 28). ( huf 2 f£![7$1Jl'![ wc'H 6 �)§ (mjwei8) LH mui8, 0CM *mgi? 'Be vigorous' (of persons) [BI , Shi, EY] is cognate to items under -> m in 4 � 'suffering ' (so W ang Li 1 982: 4 1 0). There may per h. be a connection with -> wu 1 1 'apply oneself, work'. � w il o/1 (mj ugt) LH mut, OCM *mt 'Eagerly' [Li]. wei 1 (mjwgjC) LH m us, OCM *mgts (?) 'Not yet' [OB, Shi, Mand.], in contrast to -> bu 1 /f, wei focuses on whether an action occurred or not, without reference to the subject' s intention (Norman 1 988: 98). Pulleyblank ( 1 995: 1 09) considers this word a fusion of the negative root *m- with the perfective particle ....,. ji 3 JI!t 'already' . [11 Sin Sukchu SR v i (:&); MGZY wi (:t-) [vi]; ONW muiC [D] W-Wenzhou, Y-Guangzhou meic, M-Ftizhou m uiC, Xiamen bee
wei2 * (mjweiC) LH m us, OCM *mgts The 8th of the Earthly Branches identified with the sheep I goat [OB]. Ace. to Norman ( 1 985: 88), possibly a loan from AA: note M K : OKhmer-Lao *mamee 'goat' � Khmer babae �• M on baf;Je ' [Ferlus MKS 1 8- 1 9, 1 992: 56], also Atayal (AN) mi:ts 'goat'. wei3 O;K (mjweiC) LH m us, OCM *mgts [11 ONW mui 'Taste' [Yili]. [E] This word is perh. of M K origin: PMonic *[?]mgp 'good tasting, have a pleasant flavor, be pleasant' (the QY rime can derive from Proto-Chinese *-s, *-ts, and *-ps). Unger (Hao-ku 39, 1 992: 89) connects wei with WT brod 'taste' . The meaning of KN-Lushai hmuiH 'savory smelling ' , Lai hmuj I hmu?j 'be fragrant ' is somewhat removed from 'taste' ; however, these items are phonologically close to Chinese. Boltz (JA OS 99, 1 979: 432) draws attention to binomes for 'taste ' : zf-wei otJi q;;K LH tsi�-mus [Shiji, Lie] and can-wei lJ$d'q;;K LH tsh�m 8-mus [HuainanJ, apparently with two different ways to write the first syllable. wei 4 {iz: U wiC) LH WtS, OCM *wrg(t)s ?, OCB *(w)rj::>ps 'Position, place, seat' i n the center of a court or group of persons [BI , Shi]. -
512
wei [T] Sin Sukchu SR uj (:t;;) ; MGZY xue (Jt;) [fiu e]; ONW ui LE] Etymology not c lear. Although it is often related to � H3 ( so Pulleyblank 1 962: 233; Baxter 1 992: 446), the role of iL. in the graph wei is prob. semantic, not phonetic. Possibly related to WT dbus 'center', this word and wei perh. from ST *d-wus.
wMs m UiwiC 4) LH wiC, OCM *wih 'Gadfly' [Guoyu, Chuyu ] . LEl AA: PAA *ruwaj [Pinnow 1 959: 268] > PVM *m-ra:j ' a fly' [Ferlus], PMon *ruuy 'housefly' (Norman I Mei 1 976: 284-285; Bodman 1 980: 92), Khmer /ruj/ 'a fly' � /roj/ 'dart here and there . . . ' . For lack of initial *r in OC, see § 1 0. 1 .3 .
wei6 !ftt£ UiwiC 4 , ljwiB, j i;;mC) L H wiC - luiB, OCM *wih - *rui? ( < *r-wi?) OCB *li:ijs 'Kind of monkey-like animal ' [Zhouli]. The form *rui? is close to Wa-Lawa-Bulang *rgyol 'white-handed g ibbon' ; in the variant *wih, the AA initial *r- was lost, see § 1 0. 1 .3 , M atisoff ( 1995: 7 1 ) suggests that the final *-i i n wei i s a S T diminutive suffix added to � y6u 8 JJ!t theoretically, the latter' s initial could have been PCH *w-.
wei 7 f�j U wa.ic 3) Lll was (wes?), OCI\1 *wets, OCB *wrjats [f] ONW uei 'To guard, patrol ' [BI , Shu]. The graph shows feet walking around an enclosure. Wei i s related to � wei 5 'surround, encircle' even though the vowels differ and the final *-s is unusual in an etymon with ST *-1, but note the parallel word Lushai veel ! ve?L (< *wes) 'to put round or on, cause to encircle; a single encircling' ( under � wei5 IJ). for outside cognates. For synonyms, see under � huf @] . See -> wei 5 U weiC 3) Lll wus, OCM *w�ts ? wei s 'Stomach' [Li] . LEl The etymology i s not clear. The OC initial is difficult t o reconcile with WT grod 'belly, stomach' . The CH word i s reminiscent of TB-PLB *?wikL 'stomach', and M K-PWa *wek 'entrails, stomach '. However, OC i s easiest to reconcile with PLB *p-wam 2 > W B wam 8 'stomach' (HPTB: 46) if we assume a PCH *w�ps ( -m - -p has parallels). wei 9 Uweic 3) LH wus, OCM *w�ts, OCB *wj�ts - [f] ONW u i 'To say, call, be called' [Shi] is thought cognate to � ytin 2 --:5: (Wang U 1 982: 456). Alternatively, it could possibly be a derivation from .... you 2 � 'there is, have' ( §6.2.2; §2. 1 0). wei 1 0 , yu � (?jweiC, ?ju�t) LH ?us, ?ut, 0CM *?ut(s) 'Screening ' (of m i st) [Shi). [T] Sin Sukchu 1fl SR ?uj (Jt;); MGZY � 'ue (::t;) [?ue] 3� yu � (?j u�t) Lll ?ut, OCI\1 *?ut - [T] ONW ?ut 'Be dense' (forest) [Shi] > 'to block up' [Zuo] > 'pent up' (feelings), 'oppressed' 31� [Shi], 'depressed' [Chuci] , 'anxious' [Meng]. (?uaic) L H ?uas, OCM *?ots � hui 'To screen ' (as m i sts) [Shi]. For a semantic parallel, see ..,. yuan 1 3/B. LEJ KT: This group could be related either to PTai *?];!opD 1 S 'to shut, cover up' ; or to Tai: S. ?ut4 'to compress, crowd in together' (a CH loan?). wei l l' yu 'artemisia, mugwort' � yii32 � wei l2 � � e 7 �{ � wei 1 3 � .... kui3 513
wei - we n wei 14
(?jweiC) LH ?uiC, OCM *?uih 'To feed' (an animal)' {Liji, Chuci], Mand. �NfiJ!.t (Wang Li 1 982: 430). LE] Area word: PTB *wul (HPTB: 4 1 6) > Lushai vuJ?L 'to keep or rear' (domestic animals), 'to domesticate' �� vil < vil? 'to look after, tend'; Mikir wiH 'tend animal s ' ( STC: 8 3 ) , perh. also WB kywe8 'give a meal, feed' . PMK *wiir > OMon wir 'keep, rear' (domestic animals) (Shorto 1 972: 1 4) ; Khmer /kwiigJ/ 'to pasture animals, watch, tend' . The TB items are M K loans ace. to Shorto.
wei 1 5 ft ..... wc H 9 • wen 7i. (?ugn) LH ?ugn, OCM *?fin 'Warm' {Li] , 'mild, gentle' [Shi]. MGZY 'un (Jf) [?un]; ONW ?on IT] Sin Sukchu SR ?un LEJ ST *ur: TB-Lushai ur?L 'to burn' (in cooking), 'get smoky ' , uurH ' to smoke, to heat, distill; to warm ' * uul' ! u? 'to burn, char, scorch' * urH roH 'to dry' (at a fire); M ikir ur 'to dry over the fire' (Benedict HJAS 5, 1 940: 1 22 no. 62). Prob. not (directly?) related to ..... yu 2 0, yu �� ST *?o. w e n , X (mjugn) LH mun, OCM *m�m 'Be striped, patterned' [BI, Shi], 'written character' [Zuo] > 'literature' {Lunyu] > 'refined, accomplished, cultured' [BI, Shi] . IT] Sin S. SR vun ( Jf), PR, LR vgn ; MGZY wun ( Jf ) [vun]; MTang m vun, ONW mun [:s [Ferlus], Khmer muuh, Stieng m:x>h, Bahnaric *m::>:)s [Diffloth 1 976: 223]. CH added the nom inal n-suffix (§6.4.3). we n 3 }l{j (mju::>n) LH m un , OCM *m�m. OCB *mjun 'To hear about, hear' [BI, Shi], 'to smell ' [Shu]. Baxter's ( 1 992: 3 52f) reconstruction *mjun 'to hear' is based on ShiJiilg rimes and an earlier form of the graph. [f] Sin Sukchu SR vun (Jf), PR Vgn; MGZY wun [vun]; MTang m vun < mun, ONW mun * wen Fr:l, (mju;mC) LH m unC, OCM *m;;}nS, OCB *mjuns ( 1) 'Be heard about, renowned, fame' [Shi]. [ snum-pa) 'smel l ' ('fib. -> Spilo 514
wen
WO
Kanauri mun- 'to smell ' - recorded by N. C. Bodman); WB nam ' stink' 3� nam 8!C 'smel l ' , Lushai nam H < nam 'smell of' , J P m;)3Lnam55 'to hear, smell '. The inversion of n and m in CH is the result of l abial dissimilation or prefix-preemption. In almost all major TB lgs. this etymon means only 'to smel l ' . One or other factor may help explain the application of 'to hear' in CH. The semantic affinities of hear � smell have a parallel in TB *na 'ear � nose' and hence perh. in ST, see er 1 £!=. The CH stem may have converged with a MK etymon (cf. PMonic *smaaJl 'inquire' above); also note WT (m-)fian-pa 'to hear' which is phonologically quite close to CH. Finally, Baxter' s distinct form *mjun 'hear' implies that this is a separate etymon (etymology not clear) which eventually merged phonetically with 'smel l ' .
we n ! ll:??J ( mju::m8) LH mun8, OCM *m;;m? 'Corner of the lips, shut the lips' [Zhouli]. LEJ Etymology not clear. It could either be related to men F� (HST: I l l ); or to TB-Lushai hmuuiL < hmuuih 'the lips, upper lip' [Weidert 1 987: 204], also M K-PVM hmoyA 'lip' [fhompson]; or to TB-WB mut 'mouth' (in 'beard ' ) 3� hmut 'blow with the mouth' , but see -> fu 8 i;lt); also MK-Khmer mf'>;;)t 'mouth, edge' (of water). * ( mju;mC - tone!) LH munC, OCM *m�ns 'Tangle, confused' (net) [Shu]. This word may be cognate to . .. men 3 f.t�, but the notions of 'dark > confused ' and 'tangled = confused' are semantically distinct. W ang Ll ( 1 982: 5 24f) relates this word to -+ fen 4 #Jt 'mixed, confused'. -> w e n 3 wen weng � (?ul)) LH ?ol), OCM *?01) 'Old man' (FY] , 'father' [SW] . lTJ Sin Sukchu SR ?ul) (}jZ); MGZY 'ung (-'jZ) [?ul)); ONW ?ol) LE] Perh. ST: TB-Lushai unL 'be old, elderly, venerable, ancient' , WB u B 'uncle'. Unger, (Hao-ku 63, 1 999) connects this word with foreign items under -+ gong4 0: 'uncle' . weng (?ui)C) LH '?01f, OCM *?o!]h - lTJ ONW ?o!] 'A bel lied j ar with small opening ', also 'tub, vat' (Moj, � [Yili] (also QYS ?jwoiJ[C]); 'swollen' il [Zhuang]. Ace. to FY 5, 1 0, this was in some parts of northern China a synonym of yfng (under � y!ng 2 Another similar word is -+ ang � *?a1Jh. [E] Perh. ST: PL *?-loiJ 'pot ' , WT gzolJ 'tub', Lepcha joiJ-mo 'bucket, tub' ( Unger Hao-ku 63, 1 999). Tai: S. luiJC2 < *I- 'vessel, utensil for keeping provisions'. The initial ]- in these languages is difficult to reconcile with OC; Unger assumes a ?-prefix; see §5. 1 1 . [C] Allofam � yong 2 11 'ul cer ' ; -+ wan4 � may also be connected. wo , gua , lu6 !lrl&J (kwa[i]) LH kuai, Iuai, S bi, loi, OCM *kroi, *C-roi 'Snail' [Li] . PMin *lpi. LE] ST: PTB *kroy (STC no. 3 1 1) > WB krwe 'shellfish, cowry' , JP khoj33 'shellfi sh, shell' (Bodman 1 980: 1 43). Perh. also related to PMK *gl[o]'l ' snail ' (Shorto 1 972: 1 6). wo :ft � wu 2 wo 1 Y:J( (?uok) LH ?ouk, OCM *?auk, OCB *?awk 'Be I look glossy' (of leaves) [Shi ], 'sprinkle, moisten > fertile' [Zuo], 'wash' (hands) [Zhoul i]. 515
wo
-
wii
wu . .. 'silvery' [Shi ]. [E] Thi s word i s perh. cognate to WB u 8 'to polish , make bright' , with t he CH final -k ( §6. 1 ) . wo2 fiR (IJuaC) LH IJUaic, OCM *l)oih or *l)waih =
'To lie down, sleep' [Meng]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR 1p (.t:.-), PR, LR ::r, MGZY o (:1:;:) [;:,]; ONW IJUa [E] ST has *l)(w)al *nwal paral lel stems (§5. 1 2 . 1 ) for this etymon: ( 1 ) *l)wal > *l)waj : WT l)al-ba 'to rest' n mi]al 'womb' (lit. resting p lace with body part *m-); Lushai I]::JiH I I]::>i?L < I]::>is 'to be quiet, silent, stop, pause ' , NNaga *C-l)uaj 'easy, gentle, quiet ' , Kachin I]Wi 'gentle, mild' = JP I]uP1 'slow, satisfied' , W B l)Wec 'gentle, moderate' ( STC no. 3 1 5) agree phono1ogically with Chinese. (2) A ST para llel stem *nwa1 ( §5 . 1 2 . 1 ) is represented by -> su r#� . Non-ST lgs. i n the area h ave words which l ook sim i lar: AA-PVM t-I]ah ' (to l ie) on the back ' , PTai I]afA I 'lie on the back looking up'. �
wo 3 ��� ..... wii 4 � wo 4 7J¥. ..... ou r� wii 1 if (?uo) LH ?ua, OCM *?wa 'Pool, stagnant water' if [Zuo], [Meng]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR ?u (3JZ); MGZY 'u (3JZ) [?u] ; ONW ?o n wang (?Wal)) LH tllOl), OCM *?Wal) 'Pool' [Zuo] (Pulleyblank 1 962: 233). wii 2
(mju) LH mua, OCM *ma [f] ONW muo 'Spirit medium, shaman' [OB, Yi, Shu, Lunyu] of either sex, but eventually female [SW] when contrasted with xi � (yiek) 'male shaman' [Guoyu]. Wu communicated with spirits, searched for the souls of the dead, rode on drums in spiritual fl ights, performed oracles, and were ritually killed in order to eliminate natural disasters. They harldy played a role in rel ig ion and ritual (Boileau BSOAS 65.2, 2002: 3 50ff). [E] ST: WT 'ba-po!-mo < Nba 'spirit medium, shaman/ess' (HST: 1 07). As to foreign initial b- for CH m-, see § 5 . 1 2.2. Another WT word for 'shaman' is gsen ( -> xian2 {W �). Tai: S. ma::;AI < PTai *hm;,A 'doctor, sorcerer' is usually considered a CH loan (Li 1 976: 40) and has been cited as evidence for an OC voiceless i n itial. MK PWa *sdmal) 'shaman' m ay also be connected. Several alternative etymologies have been proposed: ( 1 ) Perh . ..... wu3 �;\\/; 'to deceive' is the same word. Note a WT semantic parallel 'deceive' - 'magical power ' : sprul-ba 'to juggle, m ake phantoms, m iraculous power' 3� 'phrul 'magical deception' . (2) Wu could be cognate to w u 'to dance' [Shi] (Lau 1 999: 87). (3) Wu could in addition to 'dance' be cognate to ..... mu2 {# 'mother' as wO were female ace. to l ate Zhou and Han texts (E. Schafer, see Jensen EC 20, 1 995: 422). ( 4) V. M air (EC 1 5, 1 990: 27-47) has proposed that wu i s a loan from Iranian *maghu or *magus 'magician ' , i.e. an 'able one' (specialist i n ritual).
wii 3 �;\\/; (mju)
LH mua, OCM *ma 'To deceive' [Lunyu], 'slander, accuse fal sely' [Zuoj. [E] ST: Chepang m a?- 'to l ie, deceive, pretend, secretly do'. n wing fEJ (mjwal)B) LH m ual)B, OCM *mal)? 'To deceive, confusion, to outwit, wits' [Shi]. [E] Tai: S. phraaiJA2 < *br- 'to deceive, cheat'. For foreign initial b- for CH m -, see
516
wu -
wu
§ 5 . 1 2.2. The Tai form throws doubt on the possibility that wang is the s. w. as --> wang 3 � #.:[¥] 'net, to snare'. �� m a n §_i (mufm[C], mane , mjan 3) L H malan(C), mtan, OCM *mran(s), *man(s) 'To deceive' [Xun]. For the difference in final nasals, see §6.4.2. [E] This wf converges and overlaps with --> w�mg 2 � 'reckless, false' . Perh. related to --> w0 2 EJ3. 'spirit mediu m ' .
w u 4 � (?uk) L H ?ok, OCM *?6k
'Roof' [Shi, Zuo], 'house, room' [Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR ?u ( ;\. ) ; MGZY 'u ( ;\. ) [?u] ; ONW ?ok [E] Etymology not clear. The basic meaning of this word is apparently 'roof', yet comparanda all mean 'house'. It is sometimes associated with Tai: Po'ai Juk02S < *dl 'room ' whose initial ]- is difficult to reconcile with OC, see §5 . 1 1 . Alternatively, note PTai *?j-: S. jauCI 'home, house'. But wil may be closer to AA forms: PVM *k-rn-;,? 'house' (with infixes and separated initial omitted in CH), and I or Kharia o?, Munda ora?. W ang Li ( 1 982: 293) believes that wil was originally the same etymon as wo �§[ (?ilk) 'tent'.
wu 5 � (?uo) LH ?a, OCM *?a - [f] ONW ?o
'How' [Lun], 'to what place, where' [Meng], also wil hu �-f. This and the following interrogatives occur before the vb, basically asking 'at I to which place' (Dobson LAC: 1 46f). �� ii n '11: (?an) LH ?an, OCM *?an - [f] ONW ?an 'To I at what place, in what respect?' [Shi, Zuo] (Dobson). The final -n in this and the next item is probably the same demonstrative morpheme encountered in --> ran 2 � and other grammatical words (§6.4.5). �� yiin 7% (?jan 3) LH ?+an , OCM *?an 'To what place, at which place?' [Shi ] (Dobson). Probably a (sandhi ?) variant of iin above. [f] Sin Sukchu SR ?jen, jen (3f); ONW ?an
wu 6 ,� (?uo) LH ?a, OCM *?a
�
'Crow, raven ' [Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR ?u (3f); MGZY 'u (3f) [?u] ; ONW ?o [E] This onomatopoetic word could perh. be cognate to PL *akLI a3 . yii !fi® (?a) LH ?a, OCM *?a 'Crow, raven' [Zhuang], a later variant of the above which for reasons of sound symbolism preserves the earlier vowel, see §7.2.2 (Pulleyblank AM n.s. 9. 1 , 1 962: 1 03 ; Unger Hao-ku 2 2 , 1 983).
wu 1 f# (mju) LH mua -::f- OCM *mg ? 'Should not, don ' t ! ' Injunctive and imperative negative [OB] , already in Zhou time phonetically confused with, and read like, wzi � (DEZC: 48, 647). �� wu 171 (mjw::1t) LH m ut, OCM *m::Jt - [f] ONW mut ( I ) 'Should not, don ' t ! ' Injunctive negative [OB, Shi] (DEZC: 48, 650; §6.2.2). (2) 'Don 't vb. him I her I i t ! ' , fusion of wu with zhr � [Meng et al.] (Pulleyblank 1 995: 1 08). The OB graph is distinct from that for --> wu 5 �?7] 'thing' which was therefore not a graphic loan. �� m e i i� (mugt) i'� 'not have, there is no, not yet' Mand. ; MC m u�t may be a col. U-less) variant of wzi 171 or wei *· which later fused with, or was contaminated by, you � (Norman 517
wu 1 988: 1 26). An alternative etymology derives the meaning 'not have' from 'submerge' (e.g. Norman: Ohta). The following belong to a different stem *ma: -7 m 16 }®, -7 mo2 *· -7 wang , L (incl. Sal) �), -7 wu4 � (incl. mo �). Pulleyblank ( 1 973 : 1 2 1 ) combines all these words in one large wf.
wu2 R (I)UO) LH 1)0 , OCM *l)a 'I , my' [BI , Zuo] is a dependent pronoun and therefore functions as a subject or possessive, not the sentence-final object (§3 .3 .3). The BI graph is yti Ji; *l)a, or with yti m *IJa under the 'tiger'. During the Nanbeichao and Tang periods, there is no distinction between wo and wti, and wti disappears from the col. lg. (Norman 1 988: 1 1 8). Wti is directly cognate to the TB forms below, even though it is m issing in the earliest texts. [I'] Sin Sukchu SR IJU (:>f) ; MGZY u (:>f) [u] ; ONW IJO [E] ST: PTB *l)a (STC no. 406): WT IJa; WB IJa 'I' 3� IJa c obj. and poss. of IJa ' I ' , PL *C-I]a. Many TB languages have different etyma for this pronoun. 3� WO f\t (I]a8) LH I)Oi8, OCM *l)ai? Independent pronoun 'I, we' [OB, BI, Shi], in classical texts 'I (stressed), we' ( § 3 . 3 .3). Originally, the graph for wo seems to have been created to write the name of a Shang period people I country, 'sheep' $ was later added � (prob. signifying pastoralists) in order to distinguish the name from the pronoun (Sagart TP 8 1 , 4-5, 1 995: 328-342). [I'] Sin S. SR I] ;) (__t ) , PR, LR ;) ; MGZY ngo (J:) [I];)] ; ONW IJO [D] Mand. wo is a col. archaism, some northern dialects have the expected e (Demieville 1 950: 5 ; Stimson 1 972: 1 77); some southern dialects have preserved the OC rime: Y-F6shan 13I]:Ji82; K-Meixiim IJa 8, PMin *I]oi8 (Norman 1 988: 223). [ *I]a?i > *l)ai?. In OC, wo occurs in all sentence positions, unlike the dependent wti R, see §3.3.3 for more details. [E] ST: PTB *l)ai (STC no. 285): JP IJai33 'I', WT lJed ( < *l)ai-t), M i kir ne, Chepang I]i ni 'we ' , Phom (Chang-Tangsa = Konyak) IJei 'I' (Benedict 1 995 : 3 1 ); Lushai IJeiL 'self' , JP IJai33 'I'. The final *-i is a suffix (Matisoff 1 995: 76f). 3� ang !D (l)al)) LH 1)01), OCM *l)al) 'I, we' is perhaps a stressed form [Shi] (Sagart 1 999: 1 35). [C] For possible wider connections, see -7 ya 2 fiEp t[§!f. Syn. -7 yu 5 .:Y*· wu3 � (I)UO) LH I)UO, OCM *I)Wa 'To shout' [Shi] . [E] Perh. related t o WT IJar-skad 'roaring o f a tiger' 3� IJa-ro 'be loud'. WT does not preserve earlier medial *w (§9 1 2.9). wu4 � (mju) LH muo, OCM *ma 'There is no, not have' [later Western Zhou texts and since]. 1.11 Sin Sukchu SR, LR vu (:>f); MGZY wu (:>f) [vu] ; MTang m vu < muo, ONW muo [N] The classical meaning 'there is no, not have' emerged only later during the Western Zhou period and eventually replaced earlier forms with this meaning and grammatical function ; the OB have only -7 wang , L for 'not have, there is no' , the Shujihg has both Will) Jq (under -7 wang , L) and wti �. the Shl)Tng both wti � and -7 mr6 1®. In the OB, negatives with initial *m- negate actions which are controllable by l iving persons (Takashima 1 996: 3 70ft). [D] Wti is the common ST negative 'not' which has survived as such in southern dialects: W-Shanghai m A 2, Y-Guimgzhou, Kejia mA 2 , M-Xiamen m C2 (Norman 1 988: �
518
wu - wu 1 99), also sporadically in Zhou texts as some investigators claim, but the instances are ambiguous. In many dialects, this etymon fused with --> you 1'f 'to have, there is' for 'not have, there is no': G-Nanchang, Fengxfn mauA6, Unchuan mauA2; X-Changsha m m--C2, Shuangfeng m;}C2; Y-Guimgzhou mouB2 D (Mand. mou), Taishan moAI; K-Meixi�m moA2 (Norman 1 988: 2 1 3 etc.). [E] ST *ma: PTB *ma 'not', widely represented in TB languages, e.g. WT ma 'not', WB m a c, PL *ma 2 ' not'. 3� m o � (mak) LH mok, OCM *mak 'None, nothing ' [Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR maw ( .A ) , LR maw?; MGZY maw ( .A ) [maw] ONW mok [ mr6 ., --> mo 2 *' --> wang l L (incl. sal) �), as well as prob. the wf under --> wu 1 f#; --> ma 0,� interrogative particle. Pulleyblank ( 1 973: 1 2 1 ) used this large wf to show that allofams can have different rimes.
wu5 �� (mju) LH muo, OCM *ma 'Luxuriant' � [Shu] ; 'overgrown with weeds' � [Meng] > Mand. also 'mixed and disorderly' . 3� huang Jft (xwal)) LH huol), OCM *hmal) 'Weed-covered' [Meng]. [C] Perh. --> wu9 HM�, --> mang l # are cognate; possibly also --> mo 8 � �� � 'obscure' . , �--+t-wu6 �m it,." --> mo3 il� WU I q: (l)UOB) LH !)OB, OCM *l)a? The 7th of the Earthly Branches which is associated with the horse [OB], ace. to Norman ( 1 985: 88) a loan from MK; note Viet. ngl} 'a 'horse', PVM-Pakatan mal);};} [Ferlus MKS 1 8- 1 9, 1 992: 57]. wu 2 q: 'go against' --> yu l 7 � WU 3 Ji (l]UOB) LH !]OB, OCM *l]a? 'Be five' [Shi ] . - [f] Sin Sukchu SR IJU (1:.); MGZY u (1:.) [u] ; ONW IJO. [D] PM in *l)oB2; Y -Guangz hou IJIJB2 [E] ST: PTB *1-l)a > WT liJa, WB IJa B, PL *l)a 2 , Lushai paL-IJaH < IJaa. CH -> KT: Tai : S. haa CI (< hi)-?), Sui IJoC2; these forms are CH loans. wu 4 ftt (mjuB) LH muoB, OCM *ma?, OCB *Np(r)ja? 'Martial, military' [Shi]. - [f] MTang m vu < muo, ONW muo. [E] ST: WT dmag 'army', PLB *mak 'war, soldier' > WB mak (HST: 1 07). For the finals, see §3.2.2. wu 5 ftt (mjuB) LH muoB, OCM *ma? 'Footprint' [Shi]. [E] Etymology not clear. Cognation with TB-WT mal 'situation, vestige, trace' is not l ikely, we should also expect a trace of a foreign final *-1 in CH. wu 6 f� (mjuB) LH muoB, OCM *mo? 'To offend, insult, maltreat' [BI, Shi] may be compared to WT dmod-pa 'to curse, accurse, execrate' , which can, however, just as well be l inked to --> ma .� 'scold' , especially since the WT word is prob . a derivation from m a 'below'. wu 7 'l1m --> mu6 � 519
wu - wu 'To dance' [Shi].
-
[E] ? WT
bro 'dance' (initials, see §5. 1 2.2) . Or �� ...:, wu 2 &S.?
wu 9 �)m¥ ( mju8) LH muoB, OCM *ma? 'Big, i mportant, numerous' � [Shi]; 'big house' [Guan], Mand. ' hallway'. This may be the s. w. as .... wu 1 0 �� and perh. be related to PTB *mra 'much, many ' . �� hii rJlM (xuo) L H huo, OCM *hma 'Great' [Shi], but this graph rJlM m ight have been intended to write wu, hu could be spurious. wu 1 0 JL� J� ( mju8) LH m uo8, OCM *m a? 'Rich, beautiful ' � [Shi]; 'luxuriant' [Shu]. IEJ Tai: S maaCJ (WrSiam hmaa) 'beautiful' (Manomaivibool 1 97 5 : 1 73). � mo-mo (mak-mak) LH mok, OCM *mak 'Luxuriant' [Shi]. [C] This may be cognate to ...:, mang 2 � ...:, WUs 'luxuriant'. See ...:, mog 'obscure' for possible additional cognates. wu 1 1 f!lfli (mju8) L H m uo8, OCM *ma? 'Jar' [Li] is perh. connected to Tai: S. m:xP < *hm- 'cooking pot' (Unger Hao-ku 36, 1 990: 5 5). •
WU I
(!]U:Jt) LH l)U:Jt, OCM *I)Ut 'To cut the feet' [Zhuang] is perh. AA: PMonic *kuut ' to cut off, amputate' � *t-I]-kuut 'a segment, piece' [Diffloth 1 984: 1 97]. 3� yu� }jlj (l)jwBt, I)Wat) LH l)yot, 0CM *I]ot, *I]r6t ? 'Cut off feet' [Shu] (so Wang U 1 982: 486). lE] Mahdi ( 1 994: 1 77) suggests that this word is derived from ...:, yue3 DG 'ax', perh. an AN loan, with the AN prefix *1)-.
wii 2 tJL (I)U:Jt) LH I)U:Jt, OCM *!)fit 'To shake, move, endanger' [Shi] may be related to WT 'gul-ba 'to move, shake ' ; in some words, T ib. has a voiced stop initial for a foreign nasal after the prefix a-chuiJ ( c f. §6.7; § 1 2.9). wii3 w 'not ' ...:, w u l :f# wii4 w 'eagerly' ...:, wei 6 wii5 ttJ ( mju:Jt) LH mut, OCM *m:Jt ' Variety' (of color, objects) > 'to sort, classify, class, sort' [Zuo] > 'things ' [OB, Shi] (Boltz 1 994: 60). The OB graph for wu was distinct from wil3 W 'don 't'. ff] Sin S. SR vu CA.), PR, LR vu?; MGZY wu (A) [vu] ; MTang m vur, ONW mut IEJ ST: PTB *mruw ( STC no. 1 50): WT 'bru < Nbru 'grain, seed' ; WB myuiB 'seed, seed grain ' •� a-myui8 'race, l ineage, kind, class, sort' , PL *C-m(y)u 2 f 3 'thing ' [Matisoff 1 974: 3 1 2] ; JP myu55 'kind, sort ' , M ikir -mii classifier for grains, seeds, Lushai m uF < m uu? 'seed, pit, stone' . CH -> PTai *hm-: S. m uatDI 'class, sort' . As to foreign (WT) initial b- for CH m-, see §6.7.
wii6 '[� � (I]UOC) LH I)Oc, OCM *I]ah 'To wake, awake' � [Shi]; ' to awake, realize' [Shu]. ff] Sin Sukchu SR IJU LR wu; MGZY u (*) [u]; ONW IJO �� sii � (suo) LH so , OCM *sl)a - ff] ONW so 'To revive' [Yi] (Unger Hao-ku 3 6, 1 990: 6 1 ). 520
wu [ :..c3 :5:2: wu9 fiE __. e6 'I� ��� --wu 1 0 � __. yu 17 qw � wu 1 1 TE (mjuC) LH m uoc, OCM *moh, OCB *m(r)jos 'To apply oneself to, be intent on' [Zuo], 'occupation, task' [Yi]. [f] MTang m vu < m vuo, ONW muo �< mao �� (mguC) LH moC, OCM *m6h, OCB *m(r)jus 'To make effort, be energetic, strive' [BI, Shu]. lE] ST: PTB *mow (STC no. 280) > PL *mi(aw) 2 'work', Chepang m us- 'be competent, powerful , concentrating, specializing ' �• muh 'power, influence' (esp. of shaman); Tamang 1moi 'to work' ; WB mu 'do, perform ', JP mo55 'to do', Nung ;;Jmu 'labor, business ' ; Garo mo 'move', Dimasa mau 'move' (HST: 69). JP mu55 'work, affair' �'!'� has a different vowel. OC -> PTai *hm-: S. mok01 'apply oneself'. Syn. --> wei 6 !!If§ ' make effort'.
wu 12 � (mjuC) LH m uoC, OCM *moh 'Fog, mist' [Shu]. [D] This word survives in almost all dialects: Y -Guangzhou mou22, M-Xiamen bu33, b:J24, FuzhOu m u:J52. I n Y-Yangjiang it means 'dew' mou54-jui21 �71 WT rmu-ba 'fog ' �• rmus-pa 'foggy ' ; WB mru 'floating dust particles'. With final *-k: PTB *mu:k (STC no. 357) > WT rmugs-pa 'dense fog ' �• mug-pa 'overcast, troubled ' >< smug-po 'dark red, purple-brown ' ; Chepang mus 'cloud, fog ' ; Lepcha m uk 'foggy, m isty ' ; JP mu?31 'overcast' ; W B muik 'dark, ignorant', Lushai muukF 'dull' (color). OC -> Tai S. m:J:JkD1L < *hm- 'fog, m ist' (Li F. 1 976: 4 1 ), KS: Mulam m:Jks. [C] Possible allofams may be --> mou fi!f (so HST: 82), --> mai 3 -mu JWtfJ 'drizzle' . Words meaning 'dark, covered, obscure, dull ' and the l ike tend t o have the phonesthe mic initial *m- followed by a back vowel . wu13 � --> wo 1 13(
52 1
X xf 1
(zjak) LH ziak, OCM *s-jak - [f] ONW ziek 'Evening ' [Shi , Zhuang); 'evening tide' 1!1 [Leipian], opp. chio �!ji}j ( -> zhao4 lj!}j ). 1131 ST: PTB *s-r(y)ak 'spend the night, full day and night, 24 hrs . ' ( HPTB: 323; STC p. 1 7 1 ; no. 203) > WT zag < ryak 'day' (24 hrs. from sunrise to sunrise); Kanauri hrak 'day', Lahul gyag 'day' ; Lep. ayak 'day' (i.e., 24 hrs.); PLB *?rak > WB rak, ;;>-rak 'a complete day of 24 hrs. ' , Lahu M 'spend the night', :J-hi 'night ' ; Lushai riaJ! I ria?L 'put up for the n ight, stay the night' (STC no. 203, 4 1 7; n. 487; C VST 2 : 84); JP ya?55 < yak55 'day ' ; Limbu ya:kt- 'to stay' (especially overnight). CH preinitial *s- for other lgs. ' *r- and vice versa i s not uncommon, see §5.3. In the OB, the 24 hr. day started and ended some time in the evening or n ight. Since -> ri 8 'sun ' had acquired the meaning '24 hr. day' already in QC, xr was then restricted to the time of the day's end. This word is thought to be cogn. to -> ye 1 «z 'night', but TB keeps the etyma *ryak '24 hr. day' and *ya 'night' strictly separate. -> xr6 1f!f is prob. related ; -> H13 1iJ£ 'lodge' may possibly be another manifestation of this stem.
x f 2 iffi fi!Hg§ (siei) LH sei (also sen ?), OCM *sgi (or *sn�i ?), OCB *s:;>j 'Nest' n. [Shi ] > 'to roost, rest' [Shi] 'keep still ' �i§ [Lunyu ] ; 'west' [Shil > 'turn or go west' [Shuj. [f] Sin S. SR sjej ( ¥), PR , LR si; MGZY si (¥) [si] ; ONW sei 113] Xrhas several possible etymologies. ( 1 ) Because iffi appears to be the phonetic in the graph nai � (n�i8) *n�?. some investigators assume an QC *sn- cluster. Unger ( Hao-ku 36, 1 990: 60) relates xf to WT ner-ba 'to sink, go down ' ; or (2) it is related instead to Chepang ne!?- 'go down, set' (sun) ( same etymon as WT?). (3) A M K nominal n-infix derivative from the root 'go down ' a s in OMo n cnis 'ghat' < cis 'go down ' (to the river, and generally), with PAA *tsn- > PCH *sn-, see §2.6. 1 . Therefore this etymon meant lit. 'the place where one goes down to' > M on 'ghat' > QC 'nest, west'. The base form i s -> j1 1 5 ?'fJ!f 'to ford' via AA. (4) CVST 4: 24 relates this word to WT gze-ba 'home, habitation, nest' , which would be the simplest explanation i f it were not for the possible QC medial *n. xf 3 g& (xj�p) LH hip, OCM *hl)gp or *h�p - (D] Ml'n : X iamen khipDJ 'To inhale' [Zhuang] . 113] ST: the OC i n itial is not clear, therefore xfcould be cognate either t o W T rl)ub-pa, brl)ubs 'to draw in (air), breathe' , or, more likely, to Lushai inL-hipH 'draw i n ' (as air). An allofam m ay be -> he �i!J\ 'drink' (Lushai huplf>;; for the *u *i alternations, see § 1 1 .5 . 1 . x f4 fJT (siek) L H sek, OCM *sek 'To cleave, split' [Shi] , 'disperse' [Shu]. !El ST *sek: M ikir il)sek < m-sek 'to split' (Mikir -ek can also derive from -ik), JP se?55 < sek 'cut'. TB cognates show that -> sr5 Wf 'cleave' is prob. not (directly) related. This word does not belong to any of the stems listed under -> I f t o M. Less likely: the meaning 'disperse' may point to a connection with M K : OKhmer /ceek/ 'to divide, distribute' �� cheka /chaaek/ 'be divided, split, cleft, forked' . Possibly the ST �
522
xf and the AA etymon have coalesced. The AA word may also underlie -> cha 1 X 'fork' .
shi 26 �' 'wash rice' xf 6 fi (sjiik) LH siak, OCM *sak or *sjak ? (Past time separated by at least one night:) 'Earlier, formerly, former times' [BI, Shi], 'yesterday' [Zuo]; 'night' [Zuo, Zhuang] is rare, perh. a later development, possibly derived from the i mplied notion 'intervening night'. Since in Zuozhuiw [Ai 4] means clearly 'night', it cannot be a graphic substitution for -> xf1 57 'evening'. x f [Y i ] 'dried meat' (i.e. ancient meat) is the same word according t o Karlgren GSR 798a. m Sin Sukchu SR si (A.); MGZY si (A.) [si] lE] This word *s(j)ak i s prob. cognate to -> xf1 57 * s-jak 'evening' (W ang U 1 982: 286). They look like variants of the same PCH or ST form *s-jak ( *r-jak) '24 hr. period' ; in the *s- was treated like the root i nitial, in 57 it was treated like a prefix; this bifurcation with doublets occurs also in roots which have initial *j- and pre-initial *r-, see §9.2. 1 . The development night yesterday has parallels in TB: *ya 'night' > Chepang yob 'yesterday'. [C] This word has been connected with ye 1 {;Z 'night' (Wang Ll), but see there. Sagart ( 1 999: 67, 1 60) relates xT to -> zu6 B'f. 'yesterday' , among others.
x f5
->
�
xf 7 xr8
xf 9
m -> xf 6 :1§-
(sj;:)k) LH stk, OCM *s;:)k 'To breathe' [Lunyu], 'rest' [Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR si (A.); MGZY si (A.) [si] ; ONW sik lE] ST: PTB *sak (STC no. 485): PLB *C-sak 'breath , air, breath of l ife ' : WB �-sak 'breath, life ' ; M ru chak 'heart, life' [Loffler 1 966: 1 20]; JP sa?3 1 'to breathe' �� n 31_sa?31 'breath, force' (HST: 48); Tamang sa: < sak. ->
he 3 1PJ
'River valley' xf, qf [Zuo], 'mountain stream, river' x f [JY]. Etymology not clear, the word looks similar to PWMiao *kleAI (Purnell *gJe i A ) 'water, river' . xf 1 1 � (siei) L H sei , OC M *s5i - m ONW sei 'Rhinoceros' [Shi] ; this word is not a variant of -> sl 4 7(1, 'wild buffalo ' . LE] ST *s;:)j refers t o a large animal: W T bse 'rhinoceros' (HST: 1 25); Kuki-Naga *k-saj, Lushai saaiH (Lushai s- is unexpected), Newari kisii 'elephant' , Tangkhul Nag a (Bhat) s�y 'cattle' , Bodo ki>i 'deer'; perh. also PLB *dzay2 'animal ' : Lahu ce-ca 'domestic animals, cattle', etc. [Matisoff 1 988b]. Like other animal names, this is an area word, note M K : PMon ksch, PNB *aseh 'horse' . See also -> di 1 :;;f *f f!:;f. xf 12
(xjei) LH hti, OCM *h;;�i [f] Sin Sukchu SR xi ('F); MGZY hi C'¥) [xi] 'To hope, look for' lJ$ [Lti], (modern CH) is prob. cognate to -> ji 1 4 �� ( so Wang u 1 982: 393).
x f 1 3 � (sjet) LH sit, OCM *sit - m MTang sir, ONW sit 'Knee' [Yili]. Unger (Hao-ku 3 9, 1 992) compares this word to WT sgyid ( < s-yit ?) 'bend of knee, knee joint'. Gong (BIHP 5 1 1 980) relates xrto -" jie9 J!ifj *tsft 'joint'. xf 1 4
(sjet) LH sit, OC M *sit 'A l l , everything ' [Shi ] , 'exhaust' (Zuo]; 'to know, comprehend'. 523
xf - xi LEJ ST: PTB *syey 'know' (STC no. 1 82) > W T ses-pa, Vayu ses; Garo masi, Lushai thcj L I thci?L < sei!s 'can, be able' [Weidert 1 987: 1 66], PL*si 2 , WB siC [Matisoff 1 974 no. 2 1 7] (HST' 1 0 1 ), Lepcha sf 'to look, see, appear' .
x f 15-shuo ��!!!¥ (1l.iet-1l.iu:::�t ) LH �it-�uit, OCM *srit-srut 'Cricket' [Shi] . The CH first syllable is related to the second i n Tai: S. ci1JCI_riitD1 caiJAi_riitD1 (WSiam hri:?d) 'cricket' (Manomaivibool 1 97 5 : 1 5 7). x f 16 !JI (yiwei) LH yue, OCM *we 'Big tortoise' [Chuci]. Etymology not clear. xr 17 :Jftfm (xjie 3) LH hf.ai 'A ladle' [FY 3 3 . 6] i s a Han-period dialect word i n the areas of Chen, Chu, Song, and Wei, also at Guo Pt:i ' s time (ea. 300 AD) in Jiangdong (lower Yangtze); today found in Mln: PMin *hia 'ladle' (Norman 1 983: 205). xf 19
, .... h e s ....
_.6l=l
y f lO
he- nli"! 20 f'1l'J. AV P;\ x i 1 /:¥: (zjak) LH ziak - ziak, OCM *s-lak - [f] ONW ziek - [D] PMin *dzhi :Jk02 'Mat' for sitting or lying on [Shi]. LE] Because commentators suggest that xi is made of grass or rushes, and because the syn. -> jian 1 3 ]j! means both 'grass' and 'mat', it is possible that this word is cognate to .,.. mang 1 'grass, weeds' (*mla? - mlai]?). We would have here an example of the TB-like m-/s- alternation in prefixes: *mla'l (< *mlak?) - *s-lak. Wang u ( 1 982: 2 89) associates xi with other words, incl. .... jian 1 3 Jj!, zii m 'bedding or packing of straw' (under -> ju 5 - unlikely).
Xl-
xi2
a% )j)J _.
(zj�p) LH zip, OCM *s-l�p 'To flap' (the wings) [Liishi], 'flutter' . X£2 and xf3 are usually considered the same word. However, the present xi may instead be cognate to -> ye6 1f;: 'flashing ' .
(zj�p) LH zip, OCM *s-1�p 'To do repeatedly' [Shi], 'to repeat' [Shu]; 'to practice' [Lun , Li]; 'habit, custom' [Meng], 'know, be fam iliar with' [Guoyu] ; 'additional robe over another, to cover' fl [Li, Zuo]. Xf2 and xf3 are usually considered the same word. [TJ Sin Sukchu SR zi (A); MGZY zi (A.) [zi]; ONW zip LEJ Area word: TB-WT slob-pa, slabs 'to learn, teach' �� slobs 'exercise, practice ' . Lushai h a s a d ifferent vowel (MK source?): tlip1 1 < slip ( ?) 'to repeat, d o over again, to perfect' . M K : K hmer dhla 'pa /tloop/ 'to do frequently, be used to doing, to accustom, habituate' ; PMonic *U1i�p: Nyah Kur 'skillfully', M on *l�p 'to know how to, be skilled at' [Diffloth 1 984: 2 1 3 ]. [ WT bsil-ba 'to wash' , Lushai sil (STC: 1 73 n. 462; HST: 1 58), WB tsheB, Mikir ii)thf(?), JP g;J3 1-sin 3 1 . Prob. not cognate to sa, shai 1E!i (�aiB) 'to sprinkle' (under -. shai, shf so Karlgren 1 956: 1 6). The root of this word is the same as that for 'cool ' -> qf4 ?�'I� in CH as well as TB. Because of the OC vowel *g, Baxter related xi to WT sel-ba, bsal 'to cleanse, clear, remove' (impurities etc.). x1 2 fJE (sje8) LH sieB, OCM *se? [T] Sui-Tang si, ONW se 'Move toward' [BI, Lunyu], 'remove to, go to' [Zuo]. [E] Also found in W B sai 'carry from one place to another, remove by repeated processes'. [C) Perh. related to -> yi9 for similar items, see also -> li 1 0 f.W.. xi 3 * ( si-B) LH si;JB, OCM *sg? 'Hemp' [Shu], the phonetic GSR 976 implies an OC *I in the initial, hence CVST 3 : 4 connects this word with Lu sha i Ja L < la?/h 'cotton ', but see -. zhu4 xi 4 (xji-8) LH hi-dB , OCM *hg? 'To rejoice' [Shi] i s prob. cognate to -> xfn 5 10\ (Wang U 1 982: 88; LaPolla 1 994: 1 40). [f] Sin S. SR xi (c.); MGZY hi CL) [xi] ; MTang hi, ONW hig X l 5 j;fff (xjei[8]) LH hti ( B), OCM *h;Ji(?) (< *hJgi(?) ?) 'Swine ' [Zhuang] is a Han period dialect word of S Chil [FY 8, 5]. This word looks l ike a dialect variant ( *lh- > *hi > *h) of -> shl7 'pig' (§5 .6). xt6 ���ffliUJt)E (:ile8) LH �eB, OCM *sre? 'Band wound round the hair' �� [Li], also #.fiE [Li] ; 'sandal ' J� [Lti], 'straw sandal ' �� [Guoce] . � If (lje) L H lie, OC M *re 'Rope' [Shi]. [E] ? ST: This word is thought to be connected with WT sle-ba, bsles - hle-ba, hlas 'to 525
XI - xia twist, plait, braid' (Bodman 1 980: 7 1 ; HST: 47), OC *r for foreign *I has parallels ( §7.3). Prob. no connection with -> lie3 3Ji1.
XI 1 *� (yieiC) LH gee, OCM *geh, OCB *N-keks - [f] ONW yei 'To be attached, connected' [Yi] (Baxter and Sagart 1 998: 46). [ gu 1 5 _\ill and -> l u 1 �. xi 5 !i'fJ[ wif: _, be5 ti xl6 ��*t _, ql 3 g; xia 1 OEj'l (xap) LH hap, OCM *hap 'To drink with a sucking movement' [SW], in some southern dialects it is the word for 'to drink': Y -Guangzhou hap33, W -Suzhou ha?44. The QY vocal ism may be due to sound symbolism or archaistic colloquialism and not go back to OCM *-r-. This word may be related to -> he �i'iX 'drink'. [ 'rosy dawn' '§ [SW xinfu]; 'jade with 526
xia - xian some red' [SW] > 'be flawed, blemished' (of a person's reputation, greatness) l� [Shi]; 'horse of mixed red and white color' ,�px [Shi] (Wang U 1 982: 1 45). This word may be cognate to --+ ht\ fi 'red' .
xia5 i@ 'how, why' --+ he 3 15J xia 1 T (yaB) LH gaB, OCM *gra? 'To descend, down, below' [OB, Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR yja (l:*); MGZY (Hya >) Hya C l:*) [yja] ; ONW yaB �f xia T (yac) L H gac, OCM *grah - [f] ONW yac ( 1 ) 'To be put down ' [Shi, old part]. [ Kiranti *rum 'salt' [van Driem 1 995 : 249]; Kachin d3um31 'salt' 3� Jum 33 'be salted'. CH -> Tai : S. k11emA2 < *g- 'salty' (Li F. 1 976: 46). Some Aslian lgs. have forms for 'salt' which look similar to OC: garam, garem [Benjamin 1 976: 1 1 4], but their relationship to xian, if any, is not clear. [C] This word is sometimes thought to be related to --) yan9 _Ill (so Li Fang Kuei) unlikely. xian5 M �1 (yan) LH gen, OCM *gren, OCB *fikren - [T] ONW ? kiin 'Be moving slowly, l azy' M [Shi]; 'leisure' �1 [Meng], 'peace' [Zuo]. 528
x i a n - xian [E] Tai: Pfai *granC 2 'lazy'. Karlgren ( GSR 1 9 1 ) and more recently Baxter ( 1 992: 2 1 9) connect this word with --> jian 5 Fs9 'interstice time' > 'leizure' , but it could well be a separate etymon; also --> xHt2 H� 'be at l ei sure' i s cogn. ace. to Pulleyblank ( 1 97 3 : 1 2 1 ); perh. --> Bin 1 'llfj 'lazy' is a popular variant.
xian6
( yan) LH gen, OCM *gn�n 'Barrier, bar' [Yi], 'obstruct, guard against' [Zuo], 'protect' [Meng]. Syn. --> guan5 � . ... ji!:m 4 ;fl; possibly the s. w. as ... xh1n 7 M. [f] Sin Sukchu SR yjan MGZY (Xyan >) Xyan (ljl) [yjan] ; ONW yan �� U.n fJH!lMtfliJJ (!an) LH Ion, OCM *ran < *g-ran 'Barrier, to protect' liJ [Guoce] ; 'railing, pen' [Mo]; 'to obstruct' 11 [YP, GY]. [E] ? ST: WB ran B 'make a barrier on one side'. Or Lushai khaal 'to shut, close' may be cognate.
x i a n 7 1*:1 ( yan) LH gen, OCM *gren 'To restrain, train ' (horses > then general) [Shi]. This is prob. a semantic extension of ... xhin6 1*:l 'barrier' . A near-synonym ... xian 1 1 f�r 'horse' s bit ' , which is a near homophone, can also mean 'to train' (horses). l i a n fr.� (lienC) LH lenC, OCM *rens < *g-rens - [f] ONW len * 'To train ' [Li], 'improve by training' [Mo]. Karlgren GSR 1 85i seems to consider 'improve by training' a semantic extension of ... li�m 2 1�f,�� 'refine'. xian8
(yan) LH gen, OCM *gren [f] ONW yan 'Be large' (of pillars and the like) [Shi] is prob. cognate to ... jie2 perh. derived from ... jia 2 -®�� 'large'.
fj-{fl 'increase' and
xian9 El!M, ( yan) LH gren, OCM *gren 'To spy on, watch' [Meng] is perh. related to WB krafiC 'look at' ( C VST 5 : 1 22). xi a n 1 0 �M ... l i a n 2 1�#�� xian 1 1 fj[j (yam) L H gam, OCM *gram 'To carry in the mouth, a horse' s bit ' [Zhuang] > 'harbor' (grief) [Shi]; later 'train ' 'have in the mouth' (so Bodman 1 980: (horses). This is prob . related t o ... han 1 1 10) and to --> qian 2 ffiftr 'wooden gag'. xian 1 2 �;R (zjam) LH ziam, OCM *s-lam 'To heat, warm ' itJR [Yili]; 'to heat' [Li] , ' to roast or broil soft' � [Zhouli]; 'to boil' (meat) 11! [Li} . The graphs ;tl;tfHJ are in the phonetic series in -�m. [E] ST: WT slam-pa 'to parch'. - tan, qian � (d�m, dzjam) are additional readings for the graph. [D) PMin *dime 'to reheat' : Amoy timC2 [E] These items are derived from the stem --> yan 2 � 'flame, burn ' and converge semanti cally with . . xfn 11 � LH zim, OCM *s-bm 'to heat, warm ' . xian 1 �J.Jt (sien8) L H senB, OCM *sin? (or *s()n? ?) 'Glossy' (of hair) [Shu]; 'well-polished metal ' �Jt [Guoyu]. [E] ST: WT zil 'brightness, splendor' (HST: 48). Gong (in W. Wang 1 995: 49) connects this word to WT gser 'gold'. xian 2 � (xjam 8 3, xjnm8) L H h+am8 or ht-omB, OCM *hl)(r)am? 'Precipitous, dangerous' [Shi ] . Bodman ( 1 980: 1 76) relates this word to 4 yan8 529
xian - xian xia n 3, ban � ( xam 8, xam8, xamB) L H hamB, OCM *h(r)am? o r *hrgm{ ? ' Roaring, enraged' (of a tiger) [Shi]. (E] Area word: MK-PMonic *gr;x,m > Nyah Kur 'to growl ' (of tiger or dog), Khmer gamriima /kumrfi;;,m/ 'to roar, shout, to cow, awe, intimidate ' ; Viet sam (< kr-?) 'thunder' �� ram 'noise of thunder', Bahn. gram 'thunder', Cham gram 'id' [Maspero 1 9 12 : 83] Note also Mon kr�m 'to cheer' . TB-Lai hraam 'to growl, groan ' [LTBA 2 1 . 1 : 1 60] . Though onomatopoetic, these forms are probably cognates because the roaring of an animal could be expressed in many different ways, note for example TB-Limbu u:kt- 'to roar' (of tiger), 'thunder' , or English 'roar' , for that matter. .
xian 4 �¥� (sjan8) LH sian8, OCM *sen? ?, OCB *sjen? (Baxter 1 992: 3 85) 'Be rare, few' � [Shi], � [Yijing]. Etymology not clear. xHin 5 (sjanB) LH sian8, S tshianB, OCM *sa/en? ?, OCB *sjen? 'Scab' [Guoyu]. The OC vowel *e is suggested by the Shimfng's comment that the Shandong pronunciation was xi {/E OCB *sje? (Baxter 1 992: 296). [D] PMin *tshianB *sian8 x ia n 6 M ( xien8) LH hen8, OCM *hen? [f] MTang hian < htan, ONW hen 'Be bright, illustrious, clear, manifest' [Shi, Zuo] is sometimes thought to belong to -> jian 1 _% (so W ang U 1 982: 559), but the initials are difficult to reconcile. �
-
j i a n 1 _% _, nian 2 BJl (yamc) L H g£mc, OCM *gri'lms xian3 'Small pit' (as a trap), 'get trapped' [OB, BI, SW] ; 'fall into (a pitfall)' [Zuo] > 'throw down' �@ [Meng], �@ [Zhuang]. [f] Sin S. SR yjam (¥), PR yjan, LR yjen; MGZY Hyam (¥) [yjam]; ONW yam. [DJ M -Amoy ham C2 'fall into great calamity' ; Y-Guangzhou ham 22 (E] ST *gr;;,m : WB gya m B < gram8 'a trap' , perh. also JP gyam 'lie i n wait for, hunt' [Matisoff 1 974 no. 1 89]. Similar CH and foreign comparanda are listed in Table K- 1 under -> kan 1 t_XJ:§. Since OC *-;;,m can reflect any foreign rime other than *-am, it is difficult to relate the various CH and foreign comparanda to each other.
xian 1 xian2
_,
xian4 �N _, hen xian5 (sienC) LH senc, OCM *sens 'Sleet' [Shi]. SW records an alternate character with jian _% OCM *kenh as phonetic so that Baxter ( 1 992: 354) reconstructs OCB *s(k)ens. (E] ST: WT ser-ba 'hail ' , JP sin33 'hai l ' (Bodman 1 980: 1 73 ; HST: 1 35), prob. also Chepang wer � yor 'hail ' , therefore ST *swer; ST medial w is often lost in WT and CH ( § 1 0.2 . 1 ), in Chepang the initial cluster *sw- is apparently simplified to w-, note PTB *swi 'blood' > Chepang wi. xian6 #,:,� (sj a nC) LH sianc, OCM *sans - [DJ PMin *sianc 'Thread ' [Zhouli]. (E] The ambiguities of monosyllables is quite apparent in this etymon which can be compared to several TB items: ( I ) Unger (Hao-ku 35, 1 986: 29) relates this word to WT snal-ma 'thread ' , but (2) WT sran-bu is a possible alternative; ( 3 ) note also Lushai thjJ H < sil 'thread' . I n addition, there is AA-Khmer -sai /-saj/ 'line, thread'.
530
xian
x H i ng
(zjanc, dzj anC) LH zianC, OCM *s-lans ? 'To covet, desire' [Shi] > ('what is desired':) 'affluence' [Shi]. Perh. related to -t yti 6 'leftovers' (Wang Li 1 982: 1 63 ; Geilich 1 994: 247).
{00
-7
�-*
l i a n 2 i:t�Hl4'! �
xian9
{xjrmC) LH hi-one, OCM *htpns The basic meaning seems to be 'elevate, elevated' : 'to display, present' fK [BI , Shi] > 'eminent men' fK [Shu], 'illustrious' [Li] > 'exemplary, model, law' 'f!!i [BI , Shi]. * xian-xian titi LH hi-one, 'be elated' [Shi]. * y a n , yan (qjunBfC) LH l)ton8/C, OCM *l)an?/h 'A boi ler' ( 'elevated' on three legs) [BI, Zuo, Zhouli , SW] . [E] A possible cognate m ay be WT SIJar-ma 'intelligent' (Gong H . LL 1 2000: 43).
xia n 1 0 �� (yienC) LH y (w)enC, OCM *wens 'District, county' [Zhouli]. The graph was originally intended for 4 xuan4 ���� 'to suspend' which supports an OC *w in the initial for 'county' ( for the occasional loss of *-w-, see § 1 0.2. 1 ). [T] Sin Sukchu SR yjen ($-); MGZY Xwyan [yyen] [E] Etymology not clear. Perh. AA and related to 4 yfng 4 because in the expression huan nei � pg 'imperial domain', huan can be read xi�m � ; this graphic substitution also indicates that there once was a *w in the OC initial. Alternatively, xiiin can derive from similar looking ST words and roots, for example note TB-Lushai veel 'surroundings, neighborhood, environs, suburbs' ( 4 wei 5 11]). M any of these words and wf are difficult to disentangle. xiang 1 tO (sjatJ) LH sialJ, OCM *salJ 'Each other, m utually' [Shi ] i s classical for the precl assical all ofam -t xu 1 � (Pulleyblank 1 962: 233; 1 996: 1 37). I t is not only used when the action "is strictly reciprocal, but there is a mutual bond of some kind between subject and object" as in xiang c6ng tO it£ '(you) follow me' [Shu ], later xiang functions as object pronoun (Pulleyblank 1 996: 1 37). [T] Sin Sukchu SR sjalJ (¥); MGZY (syang >) syang (:>f) [sjal)]; MTang sial) < sal), ONW salJ 3� xiang t§ (sjalJC) LH sial)c, OCM *salJh 'Look at, inspect' [Shu] > ( 'supervise':) 'assist, help' [Shi, Shu] > 'assistant' [Shi] > 'minister'. Boltz (.lAOS 99.3, 1 979: 43 1 ) defines xii'mg as 'observe, vision, i mage, fantasy'. [) hyang ( 3:JZ) [xj aiJ] ; MTang hial) < haiJ, ONW halJ LBl A derivation is prob. -? xil'mg3. ���fJl�. Pulleyblank ( 1 962: 1 40) relates this word to -7 fang5 7!f 'fragrant' . Table X - I Strong smell, odor, fragrance ----
�:,h,; I I
I
1
*si!)
-
*hi!]
�-�--
(1)
(1)
JP
siiJ33 smell of raw food
-
xlng � *heiJ fragrant
xfng *selJ offensive smell
NNaga
WB
*sa l)
thaal)R I t"aanL have smell or odor l i ke raw flesh
*ha!) *haiJ xiang fragrance
hiil)H I hiinL stinki n g
k"jiiJ33 stink sal)B emit pleasant odor
Note for Table X- 1 : NNaga *sril) 'smell ' , Lushai {eeiJL I {eenL < treeiJh 'ill-smelli n g ' seem t o represent a separate root. Note also M K-Pearic sraiJ 'to scent'.
xi ling 3 I! (sjal)) LH sial), OCM *snal) 'Belt' [BI ] , 'sash' [Chuci] , 'horse's belly-band' [Guoyu]. LBl AA: C81J11)aria /camnaaiJ/ 'a tie, band, strap, bond' < nominal n-infi x derivative of caila lcaaiJI (OKhmer /c::>::)t]/) 'to tie, knot, secure, attach by tying or knotting' ( -> Tai /coo!]/ 'to tie' [Jenner I Pou 1 982: 52]). For the initial, see §2.6. 1 . It is not clear how PY *l.a:IJ 1 - PM *l.a:s 'rope, sash' [W ang F.] is connected. -7 r a n g Xtang 4 x i ling 5 Vfifl -7 xihg I roHIV�� x i ling 1 ,� ff (zjal)) LH zial), OCM *s-jaiJ or *s-lalJ ? 'Fortune' (good or bad) [Zuo] > 'happy omen, auspicious, lucky day' [Shi ] (Wang Li 1 958: 549). Many different etymologies are theoretically possible: xiang may belong to -7 yu8 �·� 'happy ' ; and I or be related to WT g-yal) 'happiness, blessing ' (so Bodman 1 980: 95), but see -7 qlng 2 or note Tai-Saek laaiJA 1 'luck'. xiii.ng2 � (zjaiJ) LH zial), OCM *s-jaiJ or *s-laiJ ? 'School ' (Meng ] is perh. the same word as 'manage the support for the elderly' (under -7 yang 2 it; s-prefix caus. of -7 yang7 'rise'), both imply 'make rise, raise ' (then > 'educate' I 'take care of'). Alternatively, this word could also be the same etymon as -7 xiang4 'explain in detail'. [C] An allofam is perh. -7 xu 1 & 'school ' (Pulleyblank 1 962: 233). xiang 3 � 'to take care of the elderly' -7 yang 2 x i ang4 (zjaiJ) LH ziaiJ, OCJ\'1 *s-jaiJ or *s-lal) 'Explain in detail' [Shi, Meng], 'attention to detail, diligence' [Zuo]. This is perh. the same etymon as -7 xh\ng 2 � 'school ' , and may be related to -7 xHmg 6 'interpret'. 532
x i a. ng - xiang I.T] LMing: R icci c'iam [ts'ial)] ; Sin Sukchu SR zjaiJ (if), LR zjaiJ; MGZY (zyang >) [zjal)] zyang
xiang5 f:m (zjalJ) LH zial), OCM *s-jalJ or *s-lal) ? 'To roam back and forth' [Shi], 'fly to and fro' [Lun]. [
xHing 1 x H i ng 2 ��!fil (sjal)AI81C) LH sai)B, OCM *nha!]?lh I.T] ONW sal) 'Bring food to' (workers in the field) [Shi], �!fil [Meng] ; 'to eat' tr. [Hanfei] , 'pay for soldiers' n. [Hanshu]. [E] MY: Anc. Miao qon C [Wang Fushl] 'cooked rice, food', Yao: Biao Min 1JaiJ5, Mien (Chiang Rai dial . ) Dzao Men n::>l]5 [Haudricourt I Strecker, TP 7 7 , 1 99 1 : 339]. [C] See also -> xHing3 it may be related to """ ru 3 xiang 3 ( xjal)8) LH htai]B, OCM *ha!]A ! 'To feast' [BI]; 'enjoy the use of something' [BI, Shi ] , 'feast, enjoy' [Zuo]. Tone A in Sh1}ihg (Mattos 1 97 1 : 309); ace. to Downer ( 1 959: 283) commentators read 'to feast, to present' [Zuo] in tone C. [E] Etymology not certain. SW glosses this word as 'fragrance of grain ' ; the basic meaning may therefore have been to enjoy the fragrance of food; consequently, this word is perh. a tone B endoactive I introvert derivation from -> xiang 2 W 'fragrance' (§4.5). The semantics are supported by the TB cognates: Lushai hal)H I h a n F (< h al)) 'be tasty, nice, cooked' (vegetables), PLB *haiJ 2 which variously m eans 'cooked rice, a meal, curry' in LB languages > WB ha1J8 'curry' [Matisoff D. of Lahu: 220]. Popular perception may have connected this word with 'to face' -> xi�mg 1 rtTi m VBP. Semantically more plausible would be a basic meaning 'to eat' for this word, hence it may be a vari ant of -> xiang 2 in some non-ST etyma an initial voiceless continuant shows up as a simple OC initial *h- (MC x-; §5.6; § 1 .3 . 1 ). The ultimate source would be MY. xiang 4 • -" x i a n g 1 rt:a mPBP xHl.ng 1 f&J �YB[J (xjaiJC) LH hkuf, OC!\1 *harJh 'To face, approach' [Shi], 'turn towards' rtTI [Zhuang] > 'd irection' #�� [Hanfei] , ('facing side ' :) 'south side, north side' g�p = m [Shi], 'before, previously' YBP [Meng]. [T] Sin S. SR xjai] (:ti); MGZY (hyang >) hyang ($;) [xjal)] ; MTang hial) < ONW hai] [D] M!n has an unexpected vowel : Xiamen col. hiaC1, lJ CJ [E] Etymology not certain, possibly an area word: ST-PLB *?na 2 'side' > WB g-na B 'side, vicinity' �� Lahu na 'forehead, brow' ; Limbu na 'face' (also in expression 'turn the face' in a direction). PKS *k-naC [Edmondson I Yang] or *?naC [Thurgood 1 988] 'face, in front' , PTai *hnaC 1 'face, front'. Although CH has no trace of an initial *n (�ltJ [Meng] may only be a late graphic variant of �� *nhal)h; see -> xiang 2 �filfiJ), xifmg agrees with a pattern of occasional loss of sonorants in devoiced initials (§5 .6). Final -1] alternates with open vowels in cognate sets (§6.5.2), especially in glottalized syllables (KT tone C corresponds to CH tone B < *?). 533
xihg xtang !fflp (xjal)) LH htal), OCM *hal) 'Region' [Shi] > 'village' [Lunyu], 'old home village' [Hanshu]. [ 'region ' , note the parallel ...., fang 'side' > 'area, reg ion' . �� x i a n g If (xjal)8) L H hta1J8 , OCM *halJ ! 'Echo' [Zhuang, Lie]. [ gang 1 )L 'neck' . xiang5 §Jz (zjai]8) L H zial)8, OCM *s-jai]7 ? o r *zial) ? , OCB *za1)7 'Elephant, i vory' [OB, Shi]. [T] MTang zial) < ONW zarJ [D] M-Xiamen l it. tshiuc2, col. sioi]C2 [E) Area word (Norman 1 988: 1 9): PTai *jal)c, Saek saaiJC2 < z- 'elephant ' ; M K PMonic *ci il), PSemai *ciigl) (-ii - instead of -a- is unexpected: Diffloth 1 984: 63); TB-PLB *tsal) 'elephant' > WB chaiJA (-> Haka Chin sia1] 'royal, governmental ' from WB siai]-pahraiJ 'elephant lord' , a royal title [F. K . Lehman 1 963, The Structure of Chin Society, I ll inois Stud. in Anthrop. no. 3 : 39]); Lepcha tyaiJ-mo, Yidu Luoba a33_tai]55 [Zang-Mian no. 3 09]. Since it is hard to believe that people all over SE Asia and as far away as the Himalayan foothil l s would borrow a word for an indigenous animal from Northern China, the Chinese m ust have been the ones who borrowed this general area word like -'> hu 1 f1t 'tiger' and _, si4 % 'wild buffalo' ; the latter has the same rare OC initial as xiang. Under these circumstances, xiang prob. did not have an OC L-like initial. Furthermore, Boodberg ( 1 937: 363) cites variants which m ay confirm a sibilant I affricate: an alternative word for 'elephant' zang-ya �!f [tsal)-l)a] (lit. 'bury tooth'), and a place name associated with elephants qiang-wu m� [tshial)-1)0] (lit. 'pointed ��
534
xiang tooth'?). Xiimg is not cognate to --" yu 2 5 which i s cognate to """ gang 5 */lij]·
xiao
� 'elephant ' , nor i s WT glaiJ 'ox' related
xiang6 * (zj ai]8) LH ziai)B, OCM *s-jai]? ?, OCB *zai]? To interpret, translate' (a foreign language) [Liji , H uainan], xiang-xii * 'inter preter' [Zhoul i ] (Behr 2000). This word may be cognate to """ xiang4 �$ 'explain in detail', i n which case xiang may be an endoactive derivation of xiang. Behr considers this the s. w. as """ xii:mg7 {W* 'outline, represent'.
xiang7 {Wgz (zjai]8) LH zial)8, OCM *s-jaiJ? 'To be I look l ike' gz [Zuo], 'resemble' {W [Xun] > 'image' [H uainan ] , 'to delineate, outline, appearance, symbols' [Shu]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR zjal) Cl:: ) ; MGZY (zyang >) zyang ( J: ) [zjal)] ; ONW zai] lE] This word is usually considered the same as 4 xiang5 gz 'elephant, ivory' > '(ivory) image, resemble' (so Karlgren GSR 728), but i vory was not the only sculpture material. Although the OC initial in 'elephant' was probably not L-like, OCB *z- and *s-1- I *s-j- m ight have merged in the Zuozhuiln; i f so, xiang 'image' may possibly derive from a ST root *la: WT Jad-mo 'imitation, to imitate, mimic ' , WT lha 'gods, i mage of a deity' ; Lepcha klan 'similar' �• klan-lfi 'imitation' (Geilich 1 994: 55, 1 23); JP sum31-Ja33 'picture , image ' , num 3l_Ja33 'ghost' (for correspondence of finals, see §6.5.2). Geilich adds WT Idem 'statue, idol ' , but connects the TB i tems with 4 si 3 {J;C �� yang3 {.:'(: UiaiJ) LH jal), OCM *jal) or *la!) 'To pretend, deceive' [Hanfei] (Geilich 1 994: 283). lE] -> Tai: S. kleeiJ3 'to pretend ' (Gong Qtinhu MZYW 2, 2000). U iaiJc) � yang3 'Appearance, looks, kind' [Tang] , a late word; Chinese commentators i mply cognation with xiang (ZWDCD 5 : 403; Behr 2000). [T] Sin Sukchu SR jalJ ( *); MGZY yang ( *) UaiJ] xiiio 1 �u 4 xue ' xue, x i ii o �u xiiio 2 1��� ( sjau) LH siau, OCM *siau [f] ONW siau 'To melt, dissolve' 1� [Shi], 'annihilate, disappear' [Yi ] ; ' melt, reduce, diminish ' �� [Li ] ; 'disperse' [Zhuang]; 'sleet' (= melting snow) 'J!i [SW]. � � xiao tF3 ( sieu) LH seu, OCM *siau 'To eliminate' [Zhouli]. lE] Etymology is uncertain. Perh. ( 1 ) WT 'dzu-ba Z.u-ba 'to melt' (STC p . 52); WT and OC can perh. be reconciled if we assume a ST *zjau - *zju. (2) Alternatively, this word may belong to the wf 4 xiao 1 lj \ 'small'. (3) Or related to PTai *juakD2 L 'to melt, dissolve' [Luo Yongxian MKS 27, 1 997: 285]; for loss of final -k in CH, see §6.9; the initial correspondence has parallels; see --" suo 2 �. [C] 4 shuo6 �� (sjak) LH siok < siouk 'melt' may belong to this wf (so Wang Li 1 982: 222), but the initials are difficult to reconcile (MC sj- < *hl� or *hj- vs. sj-). xiao 3 (kieu) LH keu, OCM *kiO 'owl '. 'An owl-like bird' [Shi] is perh. related to 4 jiu4 xiao 1 1j\ (sjau8) LH siau8, OCM prob. *siau? rather than *sau? 'Be small, little, young' [OB, BI, Shi] , 'belittle' [Zuo]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR sjew (._!:.), PR sjaw; MGZY syaw (J:) [sjew] ; ONW siau �� xiao � (sjauc) LH siauc, OCM *siauh To resemble' (as son his father) [Lunyu]. 535 �
xiao - xie [ jia 3 � and items under -> xie 1 t�t:i%. Voiceless aspiration in xie suggests perh. a Rural variant (§ 1 .3 . 1 ). x ie 2 f3}g (si et) LH set, OCM *set ( < *snet ?), OCK *siat 'A wedge' (inserted for fastening something) [Huainan] (put between the teeth of a corpse) [Li). LE] AA: Khmer sniata /sniigt/ 'peg, pin, ... wedge, ... ' < derivation with nominalizing n-infi x from siata /siigt/ ' ... to stick into, insert, stop or block up, plug ' . The choice of the phonetic is not clear (because of -> nie 1 2 IJ' 'gnaw' ?). �
536
xie - xie xie 1 t� t:tih (yiep) LH gep, OC M *gep ? 'Grasp, hold' [Shi] ; 'clasp under the arm, hold onto' � [Meng] (also read QY tsiep); 'in harmony, together, conform ' "Wh [Shu]. 3� jili ��lwx (kiep) LH kep, OCM *kep 'Cheek, jowl ' � [Yi, Zuo] > 'pod of leguminous plant' � [Zhouli] > ('pod-shaped'? >) 'sword' WX [Guoce]. The Mand. pronunciation would correlate with MC kap < *kra/ep. [C] Allofam -7 jiep jia � 'chopsticks' . [E] Four etyma have blended together: ( I ) -7 jia3 � *krep 'press between'. (2) ST *kep - *kiap, reflected in OCM forms *gep, *kep ( *tsep?) above. PTB *gyap (HPTB: 338) > WT khyab-pa 'be filled with, embrace, comprise' 3� skyob-pa, bskyabs 'protect, defend, preserve', skyabs 'protection, help' (HST: 7 1 ; Bodman 1 980: 64), PLB *gyap > WB kyap 'tight, close, crowded' , Lahu eo? 'be narrow' (of an opening). (3) ST *(C-)rap, as reflected in OC *krap above, possibly also -7 xie 1 W 'ribs' . TB-Tiddim gaapR < raap 'pod' . (4 ) -7 jia4 t� *tsep . . ' ±§ x1e 2 n/, -7 J. I, 4 1± r=1 xie 3• qie � -7 j i e 12 � - .t;t; nJ:r. x 1 e 4 �r. r1� -7 J ie 2 f3 H s x ie 1 M; (sja8) LH sia8, OCM *sa? - [f] ONW sia 'To pour off' (a liquid') M; [Li] > 'cast' (metal) M; [Guoyu] > 'disburden, relief' (heart, grief) [Shi]. 3 � xie i� (sjaC) LH siac, OCM *sah 'To drain off' [Zhoul i ] . [ NNaga *gra:n, JP tj;;J55_khan 51, Mikir cehe 'crab' Lushai chaL-kafL < -kaih 'crab' ' Tangkhul khai 'fi sh ' ; Adi take. 1
xie4 .f:/1 ( siep) LH sep, OCM *si'p < *slip 'Bottom inlay in shoe, shoe' [Lti]. Perh. related to the wf � ye4 � ' leaf' . xie 2 1� xie6 m � j ie m ; � hul 3 W! xie7, j i e 'lfi � j ie �� xie5
�
xie s-hou 31� � j ie m � j ie9 xie9 xie1 0 11f1 xie 1 1 i�
shi9 JJH � X ie I � � er 7 xie12 xfn 1 {.' ( sjgm) LH sim, OCM *sgm , OCB *sjgm 'Heart > mind' [Shi , Shu], 'emotions' (between people) [Shi ] ; > 'center' [Liji]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR sim (I[Z), PR, LR sin; MGZY sim [si m ] ; ONW sim. [D] PMin *sim ; Y-Guangzhou 55sum A 1 [E] ST: PT B *sam ( STC: 5 1 ) o r *sgm (STC: 1 26) > Bahing sam 'breath, life'; Limbu sam 'soul ' ; Thakali sam 'heart' , WT sem(s) 'soul, spirit, mind' �� sem(s)-pa, bsams 'to think' 3� bsams 'thought', Lepcha a-som 'spirit, breath' , WB ;;J-sam 'sound, voice' (STC: 1 83 n. 482; HST: 93). A ST synonym i s � n!n 2 {=. M K has a simi lar word: PMK *-TSgm 'heart' [Ferlus MKS 7, 1 978: 1 8] , PPalaung se:m 'breath, heart, m ind', Khmer IJha;;Jm, Semai bh:Jm, Wa-Lawa-Bu lang *rhom 'heart, mind'. However, the s- may be secondary. xfn 2
�
( sjen) LH sin, OCM *sin 'Bitter, pungent > painful ' [Shu]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR sin MGZY sin [sin]; ONW sin. [E] ST: PTB *m-sin ( STC no. 234) > WT mchfn 'liver' , Kanauri sin, Chepang sinh, Miri ;;J§in, Lushai thin L 'liver, heart ', WB :J-safiB 'liver' , PL *(J-)sin, JP m:;J3i_sin31 'mind' (i.e. seat of thought and emotions), 'courage' (Benedict HJAS 4, 1 939: 225; liST: 44), D ulong p;x;rn 'heart, liver' [LaPolla, L TBA 24.2: 1 9).
xfn 3 *JT (sjen) L H sin, OC M *sin 'New, renew' [Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR sin (I[Z); MGZY sin (I[Z) [sin]; ONW sin [E] ST: PLB *C-sik or *V -sik: WB sac 'new'. This word m ay belong to the ST stem *sil) 'alive, fresh, green ' and may hence be related to � qlng 1 'green' as well as � xfn4 'wood' . xfn 4 "if (sjen) L H s i n , OCM *sin 'Firewood ' [Shi]. 538
xfn - x fng (E] ST: PTB *si!) (STC no. 233) > WT sil) 'tree, wood' , Lepcha sal) 'firewood' , Chepang sil)? 'wood, timber, tree' , PLB *sik � *si!) 'tree, wood' > W B sac (STC no. 233; HST: 1 6 1 ), Lushai thfl)R 'tree, wood, firewood, fuel' , Mru chiiJ 'tree' [Loffler 1 966: 1 23]. This word may belong to the ST stem *si!) 'alive, fresh, green ' and may hence be related to '"" qfng 1 'green ' as well as '"" xfn 3 *JT ' new, renew' .
xfn 5 ff'X (xj;;>n) L H htn, OCM *h;;>n 'To rejoice, m ake merry' [Shi] is prob. cognate to '"" xl4
xCn �:;] (zj;;>m) LH zim, OCM *s-Jgm I.Tl ONW zim 'To warm up' [Guoyu] > 'sacrifice of boiled meat' 1mJ [Li] , perh. also 'large boiler' [Shil which is also read qian (QYS dzjiim). (E] ST: PTB *lumA 'warm ' (STC no. 3 8 1 ) > WT gtum-po < glum 'heat' (in meditation), gtum-pa 'ferocity, rage'; WB Jum 'warm ' �� hlum 'warm oneself by fire' �� hlumC 'heat again, warm over'; PL *lum 1 ; JP Jum33 'warm ' 3� ma 3l_Jum33 'to simmer, heat' 3� Ja3l_Jum33 'to heat, warm ' (food), D imasa lim - lum 'be hot, have fever' . Labial dissimilation of the final nasal rather than the vowel perh. took place in '"" sun 2 Ji 'cooked rice' ; this could also be the case in '"" r6ng4 � 'to heat' . Perh. -Y x 1 an 1 2 may be related, yet TB distinguishes *-lam from *-lum. xi n 1 {§ ( sjenC) LH sine, OCM *sin ! (OCB *snins) 'To believe, trust, faithfu lness, truth ' [Shij > ('something written entrusted to an envoy' :) 'letter' [Six Dyn . ] (Wang Li 1 958: 547). Sh1)ihg rimes indicate OC tone A (Mattos 1 97 1 : 3 09). This i s perh. the s. w. as next. [T] Sin Sukchu SR sin (;:t:); MGZY sin [sin]; ONW sin = xiin 8n ( sjenC) LH sine 'to interrogate, question, inquire' [Shi] ( < 'find the truth'). '� xun 'I'IU?irl (sjuen) LH suin, OCM *swin ? 'Sincere, certainly' 'I'IU?ir/ [Shi] > 'to believe' 'I'IU [Lie]. (E] These words are prob. derived from -Y yun 1 ft *win 'trust, be true, sincere ' . For the loss of medial *w in xin, see § 1 0.2. 1 . xl n 2 1§ 'staying one more night' -7 yin 2 5 1 xfn g 1 �i ( sjiil)) LH siel), OCM *sel) 'Weasel ' [Zhuangj. (E] ST: PTB *srelJ ( HPTB: 77), WT *sre(I)) > sre�moi], sre-mo 'weasel ' , Lepcha sii-my6IJ 'marmot' , M i kir il)ren < m-ren 'mongoose', WB hraifC 'squirrel' (STC: 79, 1 7 1 ) A different etymon is probably Lushai theL-hJel 'squirrel ' , M i kir karJeH 'id . ' . W e should expect a trace o f the ST *r in the MC syllable. xfng 2 (siel)) LH se!), S tshelJ, OCM *se!) [T] MTang siel) < Stl), ONW se!) 'Star' [OB, Shi]. [D] Y-Guangzhou 55sc:1JA 1, Taishan 331enA 1, Enpfng 35sial)A1; PMin *tshal) � *se!): Xiamen col. tshTA 1 sanA I, lit. sil)AJ 'clear'. TB-PKiranti *sal) 'star, ray' (CVST 4: 99) i s a [E] Perh. cognate to -Y qfng 2 derivation from a parallel ST root ( see --+ qfng 2 �� qing ( dzjiil)) LH dziel), OCM *dzel), OCB *fitshjel) 'Weather clearing during the night' [Shi] is perh. a derivation from ' star ' : < 'become starry' (so SW): this word is written ['night' + phonetic] as late as SW, but takes on the meaning of 'clearing with the sun coming out' only in post-classical l iterature, since then written [Yupian]. Alternatively, this word may be directly derived from __,. qfng 2 rn 'clear' (so Baxter 1 992: 2 1 9). .
-
�
539
xfn g xfng 3
xing
(sieiJ) L H seiJ, OCM *selJ 'To bark' (dog) [SW] . Perhaps ST: KN-Liangmei thaiJ, Zemei 1ke-5thaiJ 'to bark' [Weidert 1 987: 1 9 1 ]. For the vowels , see § I 1 . 1 .3 ; for the initials, see § 1 2.3 Lushai.
xfng 4 g� ( siel)) LH sel), OCM *seiJ m MTang sieiJ < StiJ, ONW se!] 'Raw meat' [Lunyu], 'offensive smell' [Shu]. lE] This word belongs to a ST *sal) � *s(r)il) set ( § 1 1 . 1 .3) which is parallel to a ST *ha!] - *hil] pair, see Table X- I under -+ xiang 2 W for an overview. ST *se/irr JP siq33 'smell, scent, odor of fresh, raw food' (Benedict 1 940: 1 05 no. 1 7), Chepang s;;,yl)- 'emit smell, odor, be rotten ' , Lepcha mi1I]-Sil), Rawang puse:IJ 'stench' [Bodman ICSTLL 1 987: 1 2] . - PTB *sril): NNaga *sril) 'to smel l ' , Lushai (eeiJL I (eenL < treel)h 'ill-smelling' seem to represent a separate root; Lushai vowel shows that this stem is unrelated to -+ sheng 2 :tt 'fresh '. - PTB *sa1r WB saiJB 'emit pleasant odor', Lushai thaal)R I thaanL 'have smell or odor like raw flesh' (Peiros I Starostin 1 996, IV: 1 0 I ), thaqL I thanF 'be greasy, oily'. _. qian3 1� %fi x fng 5 xfng 6 � (xj�!]) LH htl), OCM *h�IJ [T] ONW hi!] 'To raise, start, prosper, rise' [BI , Shi]. Bodman ( 1 980: 1 85) considers this a doublet of sheng 7t ( under -+ ch€ng 3 *). Possibly related to Tibeto-Burman: Chepang hii]- ' stand up, set out for'.
xfng 7
(xiel)) L H helJ, OCM *helJ 'Be fragrant' (of food, spices, offerings) [Shi]. This word and -t xiang 2 W 'fragrance' (cognate ace. to W ang U 1 982: 323) are ST *ha!) - *hi!] variants, furthermore there i s the S T *sal) - *sil) pair, see under -" xiang 2 W for a n overview. lE] ST *hil): Lushai hiil)H I hiinL 'be sour, nasty smelling, stinking ' (of stale food, dirty people, etc. ).
x1ng 1 iT (YBI)) LH gal), OCM *gralJ 'To go, travel, act, practice, a march, road, way, manner' [BI , Shi]. m Sin Sukchu SR y il) (=¥); MGZY Hying (lL) [yjil)] ; ONW yel) [DJ This is stil l the M!n word for 'to go, walk': M-Xiamen kiaA2 >£ xlng iT (YBIJc ) LH gatf, OCM *griil)h 'To on an inspection tour' [BI ?, Zuo, Li], 'action ' [Yi ] . � geng (kBI] ) L H kal), OCM *kriil) 'Road' [Zuo]; 'to continue, succeed' (also MC ke1JC0 [Shu]. • � hang fT ( Y al)) LH gal), OCM *gal) 'Row, rank' [Shi ] (Karlgren 1 956: 1 2). The absence of OC medial *r is unexplained. LEJ Perh. related to A A : Khmer rana /r::>::>IJ/ 'way, line, row, or bed' (of vegetables), 'gutter'. Alternatively, perh. related to -t ge4 f� 'to go, come' , -t lu5 � 'road ' . Syn. -+ zou Jt:. xfng2 TfUID (yiel)) LH gel), OCM *gel) 'Be a model, example, i mitate' vb., n. [BI, Shi) > 'punishment, punish' TfU [Shu); > 'conform to' [Zuo] > 'form, shape' [Yi], 'appearance' [Meng], 'to appear, be mani fested' ID [Li]. m Sin Sukchu SR yil) (lL); MGZY Hying (3¥) [yjil)]; MTang y ierJ < Ytl), ONW yel) lE] Prob. ST *kri!J: JP khri1)31-bo55 'to describe', W B �-kyan B 'appearance' , kran8 'bear, carry, conduct, perform ' . However, MC has no trace of a medial *r. 540
x fng - xiong xfn g 3 xing 1
-) j fng 4 (Xj;>I]C) LH htl)c , 0CM *h�l)h 'To blow one's nose' can be compared to Tai: S. saiJBJ which has been absorbed into Yue dialects: GuangzhOu saiJC1 (Yue Hashimoto CAAAL 6, 1 976: 2).
x1ng 2 xlng 1
-) qfn g 2 [f] MTang sieiJ < stiJ, ONW se!] (siei]C) LH Sel)c, 0CM *sel)h 'Grease' [Zhouli]. LE1 ST *se/ ai): Lushai thaiJL I thanF 'be greasy, oily'. See § 1 1 . 1 .3 for the vocal i sm .
xl ng2 t!Ji (sjaiJc) L H siel)c, OCM *sel) > *sel)h ( 'What is inborn ' :) 'nature' [BI, Shi] > 'surname, clan name' (< 'birth' ) �1 [Shi] , 'offspring ' [Zuo] (Pulleyblank EC 25, 2000: 1 2). 'Surname' �i h a s tone A in older parts of Shi]rng (Mattos 1 97 1 : 3 09). [f] Sin Sukchu SR sil) MGZY sing [si!)]; ONW siel) LEl ST: this word belongs to the ST *sil) stem of the groups l isted under -) sheng 2 ±. and i s therefore directly related to the items under -) qfng 1 , but only indirectly cognate to sheng (parallel stem ST *sril)). Alternatively, the medial *r of sheng m ight have been felt to be a causative i nfix and was thus dropped in allofams. The JP word n55_tel)5J 'name' could possibly be related, but there are phonological difficulties. xing 3, j in g � ( yieif) LH gel)c, OCM *gel)h 'Leg, shank' [Lun]. lE] ST: PTB *kel) 3� *r-kal) 'leg, stalk' (HPTB: 283) > Mikir ke1JL 'foot, leg ' . This etymon and the wf -) keng 2 f� *khrei] as well as -) ting3 ;f Tai: S. droil, pronounced suaiJ1 'breast, chest' [Maspero 1 9 1 2 : 86]. xiong 5 B� (xj wol)) LH htoiJ, OCM *hol) 'Litigate, discord' [Shi]; 'shout, bawl' {iiiJ [Xun]. LEJ ? ST: perh. cognate to WT gsuiJ-ba 'to rebuke, reproach ' ; both WT and CH may derive from a hypothetical *hjul). 541
xiong - xiii [C] Perh. related to _,. hong 1 �; prob. unrelated to _,. song 2 1§0.
xiong 6 1�
_,.
r6ng 3 ?�
xi6ng 1 11:! UutJ 3) LH WUI), OCM *wgl) 'Male' of birds and small animals [Shi], later also larger animals; opposite _,. cf JltiE ' female'. Etymology not clear. xi6ng 2
U uiJ) LH wgm, OCM *wgm 'A bear' [Shi]. Ace. to SW, yan � OCM *warn i s phonetic; if true, yan would confirm the final *-m in xi6ng, and xi6ng the initial *w- in yan. [f] Sin Sukchu SR yjul) (3fL); MGZY Hyung ( 3fL) [yjm]] ; ONW yugm?? > YUIJ ( ?) > hul) [D] The OC final *-m i s preserved in Mln dialects: Amoy him A2, Fu'an hemA2, Yong'an ham A 2 'bear' . LE] S T : PTB *d-wam > WT dom 'bear' , Tebor hom, Jiarong twom; PL *k-d-wam, WB (wak-) wam; Bahing wam ; Digaro t:>ham t:>hum (HST: 40); K uki-Naga *d-wam, Lushai saL-vamH; M ru tom. Other lgs. in East Asia have words which look simil ar: Middle Korean kwom, Old Japanese kuma (M iyake 1 997: 1 97), Ainu kam uy 'bear' ; on Taiwan AN languages include cumai I cumay. Note also AA: PMonic *kmum 'Himalayan black bear'. �
xiong � _,. xu4 it§ xiong � _,. j iong 2 ifiil i[!ll xiii 1 1:t ( xjgu) LH XU, OCM *hu 'To rest' [Shi]. = xiii 'Shade of a tree ' ){if( [EY], f7R [Huainan] , 1:t [Hanshu] > 'protection' (e.g. 'Heaven ' s protection ') 1:t [Shi]. LEJ The original meaning may have been ' shade > 'to shade oneself', i .e. 'rest in the shade' > 'rest' (W ang U 1 982: 230; Qiu Xigui 2000: 2 1 0). •
xiii 2 H*i* _,. xiii 1 1:t xiii 3 2ff (sjgu) LH siu, OCM *snu 'Shame' [Shu], 'diffidence' [Zuo], Mand. 'shy, bashful'. * n iil. '111: (IJjuk) LH IJUk, OC M *nruk 'to aid, assist' [BI, Guan] > ? 'foreman ' in charge of ten men [BI]. [E] Ace. to FY 6, x iJ is a Wu-Yue dial. word for 'assist', which i s prob. derived from 'mutual ' as in the parallel and cognate wf -" xiang 1 ;f§ (Pulleyblank 1 962: 233). The Han period (FY) association with the language of Wu and Yue (Viet) seems to strengthen the possibi lity that this is originally a M K etymon: Pearic sa: 'each other'. However, xiJ is well attested as a CH word already in Shl}ihg. [C] A derivation i s perh. -" xu 2 xii 2
( xjwo) LH hi-a, OCI\tl *ha 'Empty, modest' [Li] . In Wu dialects: Wenlfng l it. 5 1xyA - col. 33heA (U R6ng FY 543
Xii - XU in the sense of 'empty area, wasteland, 1 980: 1 40). Perh. related i s 4 qu5 ruin-mound' (so Karlgren 1 956: 1 8). [f] Sin Sukchu SR xy (Ifl); MGZY hyu (:Ifl) [xyJ; MTang hy, ONW h0 < hio ?
xu 3 :1$. ( xj wo) A Yue dialect word : Guangzhou 55ha:yA1, Taishan hui21 ' seasonal market'. This word occurs also in some Tai lgs., e.g . , Yay (Dioi) hwAI 'market' (Luo Yongxian MKS 27, 1 997: 284). xii 4
(sju) LH sio, S tshio, OCM *sno. 'Beard of chin' �][ [Yi ] , fi [Zuo]. This word survives in Yue and Mln dialects, elsewhere it has been replaced by huzi [f] Sin S. SR sy ( :Ifl); MGZY syu (:Ifl) [sy]; MTang sy, ONW suo [D] PMin *tshiu A l - *siuA l [E] This word appears to be ST *sno 'mouth' with a semantic shift from 'mouth' to its defining edge and surrounding area: PTB *sno(w) - *sno(t) (Benedict L TBA 1 976: 1 6) (perh. 'a cavernous opening' ) > WT snod 'vessel ', bu-snod 'womb', M otuo Monpa no-wal) 'mouth' , Kanauri sto 'face' , Lepcha (a-)so 'vessel for body-fluid' [HPTB: 1 07], WB hnut ( see 4 hul 1 0 � � ) 'mouth, womb' ; Pwo, Sgaw Karen no? 'mouth' (STC: 1 44f); Achang l}Ot55-muP1 'beard' ( 'mouth hair'), Leqi nug_t55-m;;:,33; Jiarong t;;:, fnos 'lips' . In l ight of the ST etymology, xa has prob. no connection with PAA fpu 'hair' : MK- Khasi fpu? 'hair' (p is infix), Khmer Is-?!, Palaungic *s- > h-: Lawa ha-ik 'hair'. [C] X il i s prob. distantly related to 4 hu1 1 0 perh. also t o 4 xu4 Pulleyblank (EC 1 6, 1 99 1 : 43) relates it to 4 er 1 ffiJ 'whiskers' . xii 5 �][� (sju) L H sio, S tshio, OCM *sno 'To wait' �][ [Shi], 'tarry' [Zuo] is prob. a causative derivation from 4 ru4 l it. 'make (time) pliant = stretch (time)', the semantic development is parallel to WB n wai (under 4 ruan ��).
xii 6
(sju) LH sio, OCM *sno 'Elder sister' [Chuci] may belong to the TB words for 'mother, woman' (cited under 4 ru 3 .'fL 'breast, milk') (so CVST 2: 38). Xu would be difficult to reconcile phonolo gically with WT sru-mo 'mother's sister' (as in STC: 1 7 1 n. 457; HST: 38).
xu flk 4 y u 25 xii 1 (sjwoA/8) LH �a(B) ?, OCM *sra(?) ? 'Be dripping' (dew), 'tlowing, to strain' (spirits) (also read shu \m QY !jj woA = GSR 878h) [Shi ] , 'abundant, luxuriant' [Shi], 'grain ripe so as to drop its kernel s ' frtr [LiJ ; ('ripe grai n ' ['?] :) 'sacrificial grain' � [Chuci] (also read shil QYS !jjwo�. [E] AA: Khmer sra 'ka / srak/ intr. 'to drop, drip, trickle' ; for CH tone B, see §3 .2.2. This looks like the iterative s-prefix form (§5.2.3) of the next item whose late appearance, as well as the etymology of xu, suggest a back formation : � lu yft (ljwoC) LH liac 'to drip' [Yupian] , a late character (Wang Li 1 982: 1 52). 'fal l ' . Unrelated to 4 shf1 2 (�ie). Allofam 4 lu8 'dew', ultimately --t l uo7 xu 2 ( sjwo8) LH sioB, OCM *sa? 'To discriminate, knowledge' (so Zheng Xuan) [Huainan, Zhouli]. lE] Perh. derived from 4 xu 1 'assist' (Behr 2000) with endoactive tone B, perh. under the influence of, and parallel to, xiang f� 'think' in the wf --t xiang 1 t El. xii 3 � 4 xu4 M 544
xii - xu xii 4
( sjuB) LH sio8, OCM *sno? (perh. < **snot?). 'A kind of ritual vessel ' [BI], an object which appears only during the Mid-Western Zhou period as a hybrid of two earlier forms (the gui il. and the l idded fangdfng �'1/.) (Fitzgera1d-Huber 2003, The X Gong Xu, Dartmouth College, NH : 37). [E] ? ST: TB-Lushai noH, Mru no 'cup' [Loffler 1 966: 1 30], note also WT snod 'vessel' which would connect xu with -" xu4 11tfi 'beard' .
xu1
(zjwo8) L H zia8, OC M *s-la? 'School' [Meng] has two possible etymologies: ( 1 ) it is the same word as 'north-south (east-west) running walls at sides of a hall, space or galleries close to such walls' [Shi] (under -" xi:t 2 Ji>;w;/E�) (Wang Ll 1 982: 1 70). (2) It is an allofam of -" xiang 2 � 'school ' (Pulleyblank 1 962: 233) which i s perh. derived from 4 yang7 m 'rise, raise' . I n fact, xii may b e parallel t o xiang in being derived from 4 y u 1 1 JA'.:W 'to lift ' . It must be pure coincidence that M odern Khmer 'school' sgJaa i s nearly identical to QC.
xu2 Ji>;w;/E� (zjwo8) LH ziaB, OCM *s-la? 'Continue, remains' f.m [Zhuang] ; 'arrange in order, continue, succeed' [Shi], 'north south (or east-west) running walls at sides of a hall, space or galleries c lose to such walls' [Shi], 'order, sequence' [Mand.]; WJE [Shi , Shu] > 'line of work, work' (which is continued) � [Shi]; per h. -> xi:t 1 'school' i s the same word, i .e. place along the galleries. (SW and the Chinese commentaries say 'east-west running wall s ' , Karlgren in GSR 83h says 'north-south running walls'). Based on his theories, Pulleyblank ( 1 973 : 1 20) finds cognates of xii in different directions: si m\PJ (ztc) 'continue, succeed, inheri t ' (under -> yf2 �fl�'§j), and x u (zjwok) ONW zuok, L H ziok 'continue' [Shi]. [C] A paronym is 4 yi35 � [jak jak] *lak. x u 3 Jfiip ( sjuet) LH suit, OCM *sut ? 'To rub, brush' [Li]. The phonetic 4 xue 1 IfD. implies an OC *swit, but the likely cognate 4 sao 1 *su 'to scratch' as well as the TB cognate require an QC *sut. Since Liji is a relatively late text, 0C *swit and *sut may already have merged into *suit and have made the phonetic suitable for this word. [E] ST: PLB *sut 'wipe, sweep' [Matisoff, Variational Semantics] > WB sut 'wipe', Lahu si? < *sit. xu4 jl§ belongs to a root *ho 'Brilliance of the rising sun ' [Shi] has several readings, hence the etymology i s not clear: ( 1 ) It seems to write the word also written xu lf�� B1i.J [htoBfC] 'to warm ' (as the rising sun). (2) The reading (xjwok) [htok] goes with a meaning 'noisy' as in xi6ng xi6ng xii-xu y{6j)f'[!([ljl§jl§ LH hfol]-h.fol) hiok-h.fok [Han: Yang Xi6ng], from there the reading may have extended to the graph in general, including 'rising sun'. (3) The reading LH hu8, glossed in SW as hfw iff [houB] < *ht1?, is possibly inspired by the phonetic jiu fL [JmB] *ku?. �� xii Jl.fH (xjuBfC) LH htoBfC, OCM *ho?/h 'To warm ' (with breath or air, e.g. Heaven ' s warm breeze to m ake things grow) tr. [Liji] which is what SW apparently means by zheng fA 'to steam ' ; also xii B1i] 'incubate eggs ' . See also 4 xu4 .fl§. * xiong (xjwoiJ8) LH htol)8, OCM *hoiJ? 'Become warm, balmy' (of the rising sun) [Shi], also read xu �� ( xjuBJC); the reading xiong is listed in the late JY, but final -l) agrees with the semantics: �
545
xuan
xu
[ Kanauri sui, PL *swiy2 , WB swe8 'blood, disposition, spirit' [Matisoff Var. Sem. ; STC no. 222]; Bodo-Garo *si? [Joseph I Burling L TBA 24.2, 200 l : 42], Lushai *thii?, Tiddim sii?; Chepang WQy? - huy 'blood', Magari hyu < hwi (-> Chepang huy?-sa 'to bleed'), Vayu 547
xun
xue
vi, WT yi in yi(d)-dam 'oath' 3 � yid 'soul, mind' (STC no. 222). In some TB lgs., this etymon means 'marrow', see � sul1 1 'marrow'. The Tai word for 'blood' S. Uat02L < *1- is unrelated, see � lli4-liao ij�w.
xue2 � ( xjwat 3) LH hyat, OCM *hmat or *hmet 'To wink at, give signal with the eyes' [SW]. * mie h 'To squint, glance ( sideways)' i s a more recent cognate (dialects have forms in tone C or D ; Giles ( A Chinese-English Dictionary p. 975) lists among others Canton met, H akka mak, Ningpo mic, Peking mie. [E] Area etymon *Cmit or *Cmet 'wink I signal with eyes or finger' : TB-WB hmit 'to wink', Lahu me?. AA-Khmer /mic/ - /meec/ 'to wink' (by way of signaling) � /tmeec/ 'shut the eyes'. AN: Malay gamit 'beckoning with the fingers' (Kuiper 1 966: 6 1 ). � jm\ �}: looks like a further variant of this foreign loan. � huf4 � *hmai may have been infl uenced by xue. xue3, x i a o �U � xue , x ue, x H i o �U xue4, bu � (xak, xuk) LH h::Jk, hok, OCM *hrok 'Vomit' [Zuo]. [E] PTai *r!clak0 2 , PKS *trwak7 'vomit ' . xue5 mX. 'destroy' � mie l xue6, nue 1iJt ...., nue l xiln (xj u 'strong smelling vegetables' Jl [Li] (Mand. hiln), 'a fragrant herb' Jl [Zuo]. [E] This word i s prob. ST, but its TB counterpart is difficult to pinpoint: perh. *(C-)wu ' smoke' (STC: 1 59 n. 429: *kgw; HPTB: 45 1 ), in CH with the addition of the nominal final -n (§6.4.3): D ulong mw3l_w55 < *-u (?) 'smoke' (mw31 'sky'), WT du-ba Jf dud-pa ' smoke' (a few other words have WT d- for a velar initial elsewhere, note � liu 1 ;\ - Matisoff 1 974: 1 95 n. 1 1 9), WB khui8, Bahing kuni, Sunwar kun. A lterna tively, or in addition, xiin may belong with Kanauri w.:>n 'stea m ' . CVST 5: 1 80 relates xiin to Lushai huL < huh (< hus) 'vapor, gas' and by implication to WT hus 'moisture, humidity'. �� yun (ju;:m) LH wun 'Fragrant plant' [Li ] > 'ample, numerous ' (flowers > people) [Shi] (also MC ju�nC;. xun l iiJ -.. j il n 2 �5] xun2 ViJ 'drip' � yi:i n 2 xun3 'l� ta.J 'sincerely' .... xl n l m xun4 �J ...., shun3 m4 xun5 (zjgm) LH zim, OCM *s-);}m 'A measure' (8 ch1) [Shi] . [f] Sin Sukchu SR z i m (:5f), PR, LR zin; MGZY zim (:5f) [zim]; ONW zim [E] ST: PT B *la:m (HPTB: 298) > Lushai hlam H < hlam 'measure with arms extended', WB Jam id. 3� hla m B 'reach out, stretch out' (Gong Hwang-cherng 1 999: 1 2), JP ];;)31-Iam55 'a fathom' �� ];?31-Jam 33 'to measure' (Bodman 1 980: 1 06), WT 'dam 'fathom ' . 548
xun
xun
' warm up' -'> xi'n � :1:11� xun6 -'> shun t llifi xun7 xun 1 Wf! ( xju;JnC) L H hunC, 0CM *huns 'Instruct, comply' [Shi, Shu]. Perh. ST: WT 'khuJ-ba 'to subdue, subject' �� skul-ba, bskul 'to exhort, admonish' (so HST: 1 43). xun2 1W7fiJ 113J -" j ii n 2 �5] xun3 *n -'> xl n l {§ xun4 � -'> su n
xun5 � (sjuenC) L H suinc, OCM *suns ? 'Rapid ' [Li) i s related to -" stl 6 and belongs to the wf -" sou3, sou t�-
549
y ya 1 ;j:Efl _, ya 3 yii 2 --> wii 6 yii 3 � (?ap) LH ?ap, OCM *?rap or *?ap ? 'To press down, press upon' m [Zuo] ; 'stamp, seal ' [Hanfei]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR ?ja (A) [D] M -Xiamen col. a?DI, a?D2, l it. apDI [E] A derivation i s prob. --> cha3 fa 'to stamp' , with the iterative s-prefix (§5.2.3). yaI
(!Ja) LH !Ja, OCM *!Jra, OCB *ngra. 'Tusk, tooth' [Shi] > 'sprout ' � [Liji]. [f] Sin Sukclw SR rJ.ia (-'¥), PR, LR ja; ONW I)ii [DJ M-Xiamen col. geA2, giaA2, lit. ga A2 [E] AA (Norman I Mei ( 1 976: 288-292; Norman 1 988: 1 9) : V iet nga, Bahnar 1);;,/a 'tusk, ivory ' , M on l)ek. PTai *I)aA 2 ; PWMiao *IJhaA. TB: Lushai l)hoL 'tusk'. Pulleyblank ( 1 983 : 439) believes that OC i s the donor.
y a 2 "3f --> y a 1 .!f; --'> n i e 1 0 y a 3, a i �iJII!fi (I]ai) LH l)at, OCM *l)re 'Rivcrbank' 7JI [Shu], 'cliff' [Zuo], 'limit' [Zhuang] , 'ri m ' (of the eye) [Guoce], later also 'margin, edge' (of the world). ri'J Sin Sukchu SR l)ja, jaj (-'¥), PR, LR ja; MGZY yay (-'¥) [jaj] [E] This word looks similar to the ST stem *IJra - *l)a, but i s unrelated (the basic meaning of ya is 'edge, l imit'); for an overview of similar words, see under --> ya 2 f.fFIJ
j!f�.
Cra8) LH ?aB, OCM *?a? ? (DJ M-X iamen col. eBI, lit. aBI 'Mute' [Guoce]. This onomatopoetic root represents throaty sounds. The MC div. I I vocalism i s unlikely t o b e due t o an OC medial * r (Pulleyblank JAGS 1 1 8.2, 1 998: 2 1 2), but is probably due to sound symbolism. $� yi:i , ya 5iJij (?a [GY] ) LH ?a, OCM *?a ? 'To cut one's throat' [Guoyu]. 3 � e U_illi (?ak) LH ?ak, OC M *?ak ? 'Laugh' [Yi]. [E] ST: PTB *(m-)a 'mute' (STC 1 92) > PL *?a 2 f 3 , WB ac, Kachin, Nung m;;,a 'be dumb' (HST: 68).
ya I
ya 2
(IJa8) LH I]a8, OC'M *rJra? [f] Sin Sukchu SR l)ja (J:.), PR ja; ONW t]ii 'Proper, refined, a kind of song' [Shi]. [E] Etymology is unknown ; it has been suggested that ya i s connected with Xia 2f! [ga?] 'Xia dynasty, Chinese'.
ya 1
(?ac) LH ?ac, OC M *?ah or *?rah ? 'Next in line, second, inferior' [BI , Shi ]. Karlgren relates ya to --> e 3 � 'evil', but this seems semantically forced. Bodman ( 1 980: 87; HST: 97) suggests cognation with WT rag(-pa) 'to depend on' �� rag 550
ya 'subject, subservient, dependent'; the WT forms are cognate to Lushai raR bad, poor ' .
abundant ' [Shu, Shi ] ; 'fed up, tired' [Shi]. [ yan 2 tit. Note PTai *?im8 1 'full , satiated' . yan 1 1{} (jiwan) L H juan, OCM *Ion ? o r *jon ? 'Go along a river' [Shu], 'follow, imitate' [Li]. = yuan � (jiwan) LH juan, OC M *Ion ? 'Go along, fol low' [Zhuang]. •� yuan (jiwanC) LH j uanc, OCM *Ions ? 'A hem, border on garment' [Liji]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR, LR yen MGZY ywyan C¥) Uyen] [ y6u 2 EE 'go along, follow'. [f] ONW iam yan2 :%. (jiam 4 [JY]) L H jam, OCM *lam, prob. *liam 'To blaze, burn ' [Shi]. The graph :%_ had two different ancient readings, LH jam and warn -> yan3 :%,. Both forms are supported by outside connections; yan2 :%_ transcribes 552
Indic yama. The same doublet *1- - *w- (Tai *w-, PTB *!-) i s found in -4 ye6 :1$ which could perh. be related. [E] ST and area word: PTB *(s-)lyam > Tamang me-lahm 'flame' ( me 'fire'), Lepcha lim 'to flame up' 3� a-lim 'flame' ; JP Jam 31 'to flash, as bright as steel' 3� g;;�3l_Jam31 'flutter' 3� p;;�55_Jam5l_Ja?55 'butterfly' n pram31 'flashing' ; WT Jcam-me-ba < lhyam 'shining, dazzling ' n phyam-phyam-pa 'glittering'; WB ;;�-hlyam 'coruscation of flame' 3� ph;;�-lam 'moth' . The first syllable in the WT phyi-ma-leb < pyim-a-lep 'butterfly' may be related, hence lit. the 'glittering flat thing ' . A lso AA: Khmer lama /lfi::lm/ 'to flare, flame' n bhlama /p!fi::!m/ 'move like a flash, immediately, next moment' n babhlama /pp!fi::lm/ 'to gleam, glitter, glisten'. n yan �iR!J U iamB) LH jamB, OCM *lam? ? 'Be flaming up, blazing up (of fire)' � [Shu] (also MC jiiim C); 'rising' [Li] , 'brilliant' iR!J [Chuci]. [ Tai: S. weem A2 in W:J:JmA2_ weemA2 'brilliant, glowing (of fire)' (Manomaivibool l 97 5 : 1 80). Tai I OC -> Sino-Vietn. viem [Maspero 1 9 1 2: 68, n. 1 ]. yan4 1§ -4 yu 6 §a yan5 :Bf� Uian) LH jan, OCM *!an [f] ONW ian 'To extend, prolong ' [Shu], 'continue' [Zuo], 'stretch' (neck) [Lunyu]; 'bamboo mat' � [Shi]. The OC initial i s uncertain; Viet. and Tai relations suggest *1, TB comparanda *j . CH -> Old Sino-Viet. Jan (Pan Wuyun 1 987: 29), Tai : S. Nan 82 'delay, extend, postpone' (Karlgren 1 956: 1 4). n c ha n f}[ (�hjan) LH �han, OCM *t-hlan ? 'Long ' (of beams) [Shi]. n dan � (danB) LH danB, OCM *!an? 'Far-reaching ' (of creepers), 'extending ' [Shi] > 'great, vastly' [Shu] > 'boast' [Guoyu]. [E] ST: TB-WB lhan 8 'spread out, lay in the sun '. Unrelated are prob. TB items with initial *y- (Shorto 1 972: 1 7), they may have converged in OC: PTB *ya:r 'to spread out, extend, sail' (STC: 1 38) > WT g-yor-mo 'sail', -
-
553
yan - yan Lushai zaarH 'spread' (wi ngs, a sail), JP yan31 'to unroll , spread' . 'Sail' may ultimately be connected with an AN word (Shorto), e.g. Proto-Eastern Formosan *layaR 'sai l ' [Li Jen-kuei L L 5 .2, 2004: 370].
yan6 �Jf ( l)ien) LH !)en, OCI\I *!)en, OCB *l)en 'To grind' [SW] > 'examine' [Yi]. Perh. there is a connection with WT gfier 'take pains'. 3� yan p� (l)ienC) LH l)enc, OCM *IJens [D] PMin *1)ianc 'Inkstone' [SW, Shimfng] . [f yan (ji amC) LH jamc, OCM *jams 'To salt, pickle' [Liji ] (Downer 1 959: 28 1 ). [ Karenic-Sgaw h:>, Pwo ya 'salty ' ; WB yam 8 'saltpeter' (HST: 1 28); W T rgyam-tshwa < r-yam ' a kind of salt' (Li F. 1 976: 46); this ancient WT medicinal word has been considered a loan from CH (Benedict STC: 57 n. 1 86). Yan is sometimes thought to be related to � xi Tai *gem. For the phonesthemic final -m, see §2.9. yan 1 , yAn 11r (jian8JC) LH jan8/c, OCM *jan?/s, OCB *ran?/s 'Be overflowing > abundant, extensive' [Shi], ('floodplain ' :) 'lowland' [Zuo ]. I.E] ST: WT yar-ba 'to disperse, ramble, stray' . �� y a n (jian8) L H jan8, OCM *jan? [T] ONW ian 'To flow out, extend' [Guoyu]. Karlgren ( 1 956: 1 5) adds � qian f&� (khjan 3) LH khi-an, OCM *khrian ? 'To exceed, err, fail, lack' ?&� [Shi] > 'be defective, injured' • [Shi]. I.E] ST: WT 'k11yar-ba 'to err, go astray, deviate' . QYS div. I l l points to an earlier *r in the syllable, it may reflect an original final *-r (§7.7.2). '� j i a n �� (kjan B 3, kjunB) LH kf.anB, OCM *krian, *kan? ? ( 'Defective ' :) 'lame' � [Zhuang ], 'speak with difficulty' [Chuci ] . -
554
yan yan 2
(?jamB 3) LH ?i-amB, OCM *?ram? - [T] ONW ?am 'Be spreading over, covering, extensively' tit [Shi]; also QY k�m 8 'cover' [Mu tianzi], 'narrow pass ' [Zuo] ; 'to cover, shut' (nose, ears) m [Li]. yan :t4! (?jamB 3, ?j -e m8) LH ?tam8, OCM *?ram? To cover' [Meng] > 'thickening, gathering (clouds)' [Shi]. 3E ylin (?am B) LH ?emB, OCM *?rgm? ? 'Cover' [Li] . 3E y a n (?jam 3 ) LH ?tarn , OCM *?ram 'Submerge, soak' [Li]. [E] KT: S. homBI ( < PTai *h-), Po' ai h:>mB1 'to cover up' 3 E Po'ai h:>m A I 'to bury' ; PHlai *kom 1 'bury, cover' . M Y : Mun (Yao) h::tm 33 'to cover' (Strecker 1 989: 2 1). It i s not clear if and how PVM *?;;�mC 'moist, humid' [Thomas] is related. [C) The wf under -+ yan 4 may belong here, also -+ ye5 rtnl! 'kerchief'.
yan 3 :t4!m#t# .... y a n 2 tit yan 4 UiiimB) LH jam 8, OCM *jam? 'Pointed, sharp' (of p lowshare) Jf. [Shi]; ' sharp, pierce' �U [Li] , 'cut' [Xun] ; 'jade tablet with pointed top' JJR [Shu]. [E] ST *r-jam 'sharp ' . The word yan has lost the ST initial *r- ( §9.2. 1 ) which has been preserved in -+ lian8 li!:i! ' sharp' ( see there for cognates); in yan the ST *r- was treated as a pre-initial , in lhin as the word initial . ylin 5 1� (?jtmB) LH ?ffinB, OCM *?an? 'To lie down' (on bed, trees toppled by storm) [Shi, Shu] > 'low-lying land' [Zuo]. 3 E ylin iJf (?jen8JC) LH ?tan8JC, OCM *?an?/s 'Gutter, latrine' (< 'lowered place, depression') [Zhouli]. [E] ? ST: Lushai zaaJH < jaal 'to lie down, recline 3E zaJ?L < ja/7/h 'lay on the back'. The TB initial *j- is expected to correspond to MC div. I V (?jian8), not IlL This casts doubt on the genetic relationship. On the other hand there are no syllables of the corresponding div. IV type in MC, hence they m ight have merged with div. III, perh. under the influence of the similar etymon -+ an 1 $!: 'press down ' . yan 6 H.R (I]an8) LH lJ 'eyes' [Han period]. (f) Sin Sukchu SR l)jan (J::), PR j an, LR jen; MGZY yan (1:) [jan] ; ONW IJan [DJ This word replaces mu § in all modern dialects except M fn. Ace. to Sagart ( 1 999: 1 54) derived from � en HR ( lJmB) LH IJ;;>n8, OCM *IJ;:m? 'Knob, bulge' [Zhouli]. yan 7 a: (?jHimB 4 ) LH ?iam8, OCM *?em? 'Bitter wine' [SW] . [E] PMY *?i:m A 'bitter' [Wang F.]. ylin 8 -+ y a n 8 ya n 9 � 'hilltop' -+ y a n 8 y a n 10
(?jiam8 4 ) LH ?iamB, OCM *?em? 'Black mark on face ' ([jj fi �"f:) [GY ] ; mulberry') [Shi]. 555
'wild m ulberry tree' ( GY: 'mountain
yang
yan
= an (?jamB 3 , ?�m8) LH ?tam8, ?om8, 0CM *?am? ? 'Dark' [Xun]. yan 1 (?ienc) LH ?enc, OCM *?ens, OCB *?ens - [T] ONW ?en 'To be at ease, rest, feast' [BI, Shi]; 'be pleasant' (e.g. with a Iamb skin; laughing) � [Shi]. � yan � (?ienc, ?anc) LH ?enc, ?anc, OCM *?ens, ?rens ? 'Be peaceful, mild' [Shi]; 'peace, at rest' [Li]. [E] A Tai word m ay be related: S. Jen82 'have pleasure, play' (Manomaivibool 1 975: 357), but the initial J- is unexplained (§5. 1 1 ). A parallel stem i s -; an 1 ( §2.5). yan2 HI (I]anC) LH I]anc, OC M *I]rilns ? - [T] ONW l]lin 'Wild goose' [Shi]. [E] Yiln appears to derive from -4 e3 'goose' with the noun suffix *-n (§6.4.3), but the TB connections make that doubtful: WT IJaiJ-pa 'goose' , WB IJan8 (STC p. 99 n. 284; HST: 87) where the difference in final nasals, i.e. CH I W B -n for WT -f), is odd, but not unique (§6.4. 1 -2). CH -> PTai *hanB 1 < *hi)- 'goose' (Li F. 1 976: 46). Alterna tively, yiln and e may both reflect an earlier final *-1 (or *-r?). yan3
(?anC) LH ?anc, OCM *?rilns 'A quail-like game bird ' [Guoyu] , �.� [Liji]. [E] ST: KN-Lushai ?aarH 'fowl', Tiddim ?aakw 'fowl ' < *?aar. AA-Bahnaric lgs. have words for 'chicken' which look sim ilar: ler, iiir, ial, etc. The MC div. II vocalism (thought to derive from OC medial *r) occurs occasionally in words whose TB cognates have a final *r, see §7.7.2.
yan4
(?ienC) LH ?enc (- ?en B), OCM *?ens 'The swallow' [Shi]. jD) Some dialects have tone B: X-Changshii ic:n8, W -Wenzhou i 8. [E] Tai: Saek ?eenC2 - ?ec:n C2 'swallow', S. ?c:c:nBl. This word i s thought to be connected with -4 yiin 1 Ut":§ 'to swallow', but this i s doubtful (note that the two English homophones are etymologically unrelated as well).
yan5 � -; yan 1 UIZS] !J:< V( !l OMon 'to extend' > Mod. M on 'be level, flat, extensive'. ye1 1'Q: (jiaC) LH jaC, OCM *jah > jakh OCB *(l)jAks 'Night' [OB, Shi]. [f) Sin Sukchu SR je ONW ia < ja [N] OC initial *j- is likely in the phonetic series 1)\. The final OC *-k is not certain. In the oldest parts of Sh1]Fng (Daya 278; 255.5, and in 1 24.4) the rime words had no *-k (Baxter 1 992: 3 l l f). In later parts it rimes with words in *-akh (OCB *-aks) (Shi 1 7. 1 ; I 00.3); i n one older ode (Xiaoya 1 94.2) ye rimes with words in *-ak. This distribution suggests that in early Zhou times one strain of OC was lacking the *-k. In any case, OC often adds a final *-k to words which in TB have open vowels (§6. 1 ), therefore this is the ST etymon for 'night' : (E] ST: PT B *ya 'night' ( STC no. 4 1 7) > Chepang ya?-diiJ 'night', yoh 'yesterday', yoh-dyah-may 'last night ' ; WB ffa C 'evening' < ne-ja 'sun-night' , JP na?55 < nak55 'evening ' ; D ulong JD? 'night ' , Karen hja ( STC p. 1 88). Lushai zaan L - zanF < )a I) ( ?) 'night', nl-zaanL < jaanh < jaans 'last night', Areng (Khami!Kuki -Chin) }aiJ 'yesterday' (Loffler Anthropos 55, 1 960: 5 53); Limbu ya:n 'day' ( 24 hrs.) (quantifier suffix). -" xf1 Y is usually thought to be cognate, but TB keeps the etyma ST *rjak '24 .
561
ye hrs . , day, night' , and *ja 'night' strictly separate, and there i s no reason why this should not be done i n OC.
ye2 1ft (jiak) LH jak, OCM *jak < *r-jak 'Fluid, moisture' [Zhuang], 'to moisten' [Zhouli]. [E] ST: JYfB *ryak ( STC no. 204) > WT zag < ryak 'grease' (in l iquid state); WB L pan-rak 'juice of flowers' • � �-rak 'liquor'; NNaga *rja:k 'oi l ' , Lush sa -hriaJ! 'grease, oil ' (HST: 8 1 ). ye3 � (jap 3) LH jop (or wop ?) , OCM *wap (or *jap ?) 'To carry food to' (workers in the field) [Shi ] survives in PMin *ji ap (or *jiat ?) 'to eat' (J. Norman ' s Mln reconstruction). ye4
(j iap) LH jap, OCM *lap, OCB *ljap [f] ONW iap 'Leaf, foliage, generation' [Shi]. LH jap rather than jap i s suggested by M In forms. [D] In some southern dialects ye also seems to be the word for 'win g ' : W -Wenzhou ie02 'leaf', 2ie-45ph::y (written JtJm) 'wing' ; PMin *ziap > Yongan sbB2, Fuan siepD2, Zheyang siat 'wing ' ; Northern M ln *zia?D 2 'fi n ' (J. Norman, p. c.). Perh. a substratum had some influence on this semantic development, note Tai: S. sa 8/_JaapDI L Kanauri Jab 'leaf' , Nung selap ' leaves for packing food'; W B lyap 'very thin'; Limbu lap 'wing' , JP lap31 ' leaf', W T lo-ma < lop, West Tib. Job-ma 'leaf' � Jo < lop 'year' •� dab-ma < Nlap 'leaf, wing' [J. Sun ace. to Matisoff 1 995a: 6 7]. � shl tf:t (sjaiC) LH sas, OCM *!hats < *-ps 'Generation, epoch' [Shi] > 'world' [Li] (Pulleyblank 1 962: 234). [f] Sin Sukchu SR �i (*); MGZY shi (*) [?i]; ONW sei [ generations. [E] The relationship with WT rabs 'lineage, succession of families, generation' is not clear because the initial correspondence is unusual (OC *l = WT r). � yi (jiaiC) LH jas, OCM *lats < *laps ? 'Posterity, descendants' [Zuo]. [ Lushai zaap, Garo tso, Tangkhul Naga kh::>yap 'fan ' , WB yap; WT (g-)yab-mo 'the act of fanning' �� g-yob-pa 'to move about, swing, brandish '. 'be flashing ' ; perh. related to 'butterfly' � hu 6 -die M�. A variant i s � yi 2 7 This etymon is perh. cognate to � yan 2 � yan3 Jk where we also find the *w- - *! doublets. -
ye7
(IJ.iup) LH !)tap, OCM *IJap, OCB *ng(r)jap [f] ONW l)ap 'Work, deed, achievement' [BI , Shu]. - Etymology not clear. [f] Sin Sukchu SR IJ.ie ( A) ; ONW l)ap
ye8
(rti np) LH !)tap, OCM *l)ap 'Be awe-inspiring, terrifying, terrific' [Shi] belongs to the wf � yan8
yf 1
-
(?jet) LH ?it, OCM *?it 'Be one, single, whole' [OB, Shi]. rrJ Sin S. SR ?i ( A.); MGZY Yi CA.) [?ji]; MTang ?ir, ONW ?iit [DJ M-Xiamen lit. itD1; FuzhOu ei?D1; K-Meixian jitD1; Y -Guangzhou jatDI [E] ST: PTB *?it ( STC: 94): Chepang yal 'one' , Kanauri ?it 'one' , and WB ac 'unit, one' (HST: 1 1 4), Lushai zetH 'first, previous'. This word is found only at the periphery of the ST area and m ust therefore be old. Tai ?et occurs only in compounds and i s clearly a CH loan, the native Tai word for 'one' i s n-iqA2jBI.
-
yf 2 {jt (?i 4) LH ?i, OCM *?i 'This' [Shi], starting in the 4th - 5th cent. AD 'he, she, it' , survives as a 3rd person pron. i n W u dialects (Norman 1 988: 1 1 8). rr1 Sin Sukchu SR ?i (-'¥); MGZY Y i (-'¥) [?ji]; STCA ?t, ONW ?ii [E] ST: Lushai ?iL 'this, that', Chepang ?i? 'he', WB i 'this'. Perh. this is a widespread sound-symbolic area word, note the AA demonstrative *i I e [Pinnow 1 965: 32]. yf 3 :tz (?jei) LH ?ti, OCM *?;:)i (?), OCB *?j;)j 'Garment, clothes' [Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR ?i (-'¥); MGZY ?i f?i ] ; ONW ?i [D] PM in *?gi 'afterbirth' is the analog to a MC div. I ??i �� yi (?jgjC) LH ?tic, OCM *?gih, OCB *?j;)js 'To wear' [Shi]. [ PLB *wit � *?wit 'wear clothes, cause to wear' [Mati soff 2002 no. 1 8 1 ]: open vowel forms of etyma alternate often 563
y f - y{ with closed syllables in ST lgs. (§6. 1 ); ST medial w often disappears i n CH (§ 1 0.2. 1 ), thus the ST proto-form m ight have been *?w;:li(k/t).
yi 4 {:fR (?jei) LH ?ti, OCM *bi 'To lean on, rely on, depend on ' [Shi] is thought to be cognate to --> y13 � (Wang U). � yin j)l (?j�nC (GY]), LH ?tnc, OCM *?�ns 'To lean on ' [Men g). [C] Perh. --> yfn 1 [29 i s an allofam (Pulleyblank in Rosemont 1 99 1 : 32), but the vowels do not agree. This i s perh. a ST word: WB inC 'roll over and over obliquely, to lean' . yi 5
(?iei [C]) L H ?ei(h), OCM *?;';)i(h) or *?!(h) (Karlgren 1 93 3 : 28). 'Screen, shade, cover' [Guoyu] i s prob. cognate to -> yf3 3f y1 (?jeiB) LH ?ti 8, 0CM *?�i? 'A screen ' (with ax patterns) [Shu] . 3 � y 1 n 1),1 (?j;;m8) L H ?tn8, OCM *?;:ln? 'To conceal ' [Lunyu], 'low wal l ' [Zuo] (Karlgren 1 933: 2 8). 3 f iti � (?�iC) LH ?�s, OCM *?;';)s 'To screen, conceal ' [Chuci] (Wang U 1 982: 449).
yf 6
yi1
(?t) LH ?�, OCM *?� 'Potion' [Zhouli], 'physician' [Zuo]. [E) KT: PH!ai ja l 'medicine' , PKS *gja 2 'medicine, to cure', PTai *?f.aA l 'medicine'. 'I, my'
-->
y u 5 =* ' I , we'
y12 �tl§tl U it) LH j�. OCM *I� [f) ONW i� 'To transmit, bequeath, hand down, give' [Shi]. This word appears to form an introvert I extrovert pair with --> yL, .DJ 'take', l ike 'buy I sel l ' , 'borrow I lend ' ; however, the extrovert form ought to have tone C. Here, yf 'give' appears to be primary whi le yi would be a tone B derivation. The two are prob. not cognate after all, because of what would be an unusual morphology. 3� si �11] (zf.C) LH zi�c. OCM *s-l;:lh 'Continue, succeed, inherit' [Shi]. [ xu ? Ff ff'rU'J!f . [E] ST: Lushai thJa?L < thJa?!h < s-Ja?!h (?) 'descendant, offspring, posterity' ( CVST 3 : 5), WT slas 'retinue, train, attendants' 3f slar < sla-ru 'afterwards, hereafter, again ', the WT root *sla means 'late, later, after' (Geilich 1 994: 48). 3� yi n JwL U ienC) LH jinc, OCM *Jgns 'Be a fol lower, successor, heir, posterity' [Shi, Shu]. [ 'personator of a dead ancestor' [Shi] > 'corpse' (Carr, CAAAL 24, 1 98 5 : 1 ft). [N] In Old Korean F is used to transcribe what i s prob. a lateral l ike I (Vovin 1 999). I.B] The common assumption that shris cognate to 4 sr JE ( si B) LH si8, *si? 'to die' must be rejected because MC initial s- (< *lh-, *nh-, *hj-) never derives from an *s-, except when they share an initial *I or *n ( such a case is si below). Perh. cognate to � shen? � 'body' (Geil ich 1 994: 277). 3� shi §( (siB) LH si8, OCM *!hi? [f) ONW si 'To line up, marshal, display, arrange' fShi]. Perh . ..... sh13 f_R_ ' swear' is the same word. �< si (siC) LH siC, OCM *sib < *slih ? 'To spread, set forth, arrange' [Shi] > 'a set, row' (of ancestral vessels) [BI ] , (of bells) [Zhouli] > 'shop, market' [Lun, Zuo]. [ c hi 1 Uie) LH jai, OCM *lai , OCB *ljaj fl1 Sui-Tang i , ONW ie, y18 'To change, alter' (one's character) [Meng]. IJ!,] ST *laj: PTB *laay 'change, exchange' (Matisoff 1 995a: 42) > Chepang hies 'change condition ' (for better), WB Jai 8 'change, exchange; empty' (contents of one vessel into another, also hlai8) � hlai8-phai 'exchange ' ; JP Jaj33 'to change' � g;;>31_Jaj33 'change, exch. ' 3� m;;>3l_Jaf55 'change, substitute' ; Tiddim Chin Jai?L (< Jaih < -s) 'change', D imasa salai 'alter, change, exch.', Garo sre 'change, exchange' (STC p. 64). This etymon is distinct from -> yf9 � as Tiddim Chin shows. 3� yi Uiak) LH jek, OCM *lek 'To change' [OB, Shi]. The original OB graph shows the content of one vessel being changed over into another (K. Takashima, p. c.). [ Tai: S. JeekD2L < *dl- 'to change, exchange' ; PKS *hlik7 'exchange'. Sagart ( 1999: 7 1 ) adds -> c14 ��*� 'be given' to this item. Thi s root i s distinct from PTB *ley 'barter' (STC no. 283, 293), see -> she 1 IJ!,] Shorto 1 972 relates the TB items to PMK *kla(a)y > M on klai 'translate', K hmer khla:y 'change, dissolve ' . -> PTai *klaiA 1 'to pass by, change into' . The connection with -> gai B)( 'change' if any i s not clear. yf9 � Uie) LH jai, OCM *lai, OCB *ljaj 'To transfer, move' (population) [Shu], [Chuci]. IJ! ] ST: Tiddim Chin Ja l I Jal 'to migrate' , perh. also Tamang 4Je: 'displace' . Tiddim Chin shows that this etymon is distinct from -> yf8 f�. A cognate may be -> x12 :fj£. Tai: S. ree82 'wander about, move, changeable' is unrelated and prob. a MK loan: OKhmer *re free � rg;J/ 'to move, stir, change course or direction, come and go . . . ' yf 10 f�J1r (llie 3) LH qtoi, OCM 'Be proper, correct, suitable' [BI] ; 'proper conduct, demeanor, manner, [Shi] , dignity' 1� [BI, Shi]. [f] Sin S. SR i, (lJi)* (:IJL), LR l)i, i; MGZY ngi (:IJL) [l)i]; ONW l)e �� yl (llieC 3) LH l)toic, OC!\1 *I]aih 'Be right, righteous, proper' [BI , Shi]; 'true sense, meaning ' [Li ] ; (putative: 'consider to be right ' :) 'to plan, criticize' [Shi]. A phi l os ophical term like this is difficult to translate; in his Mozftranslation, Yi-pao Mei renders by English 'notion, idea, view, purpose, standard ' ; these overlap with the KN semantic field. - The role of tone C i s not clear ( §4.2). �� xf !fl (xje 3) LH htai, OCM *hl]ai 'Sacrificial animal, pure victim' > 'sacri ficial' (vessel) [Shi] is prob. a derivation from the present root, the voiceless initial goes perh. back to an earlier k- or s-prefix which forms nouns (§5.4). IJ!] ST *l)aj: PTB *IJa:y > KN-Lushai l)aiH I l)ai?L < l)ais 'to think, consider, be necessary, have need to, be customary ' ; KN-Khami l)ili ' 'to wish, need'; Lai l)aaj I l)a?j 'to yearn, long for' ; in KN this is the word for 'to love ' : Tiddim l)a:i 2 < l)a:i I l)ai?. Also note WT dlJOS 'reality, real, proper, true' which may be related. [C] Benedict ( 1 995 : 3 3 ) connects this group with wo }Jt ' I ' (under -> wu 2 -R) and yan gj! 'face' (under -> ya 2 f]::p m_: g!f); Matisoff (BSOAS 63.3, 2000: 3 64f) with """' ai 2 'love ' . 566
y f - yi
ff] ONW IJe y f l l {� (l)je 3 ) LH l)tai, OCM *IJai 'To come' [Shu ace. to GSR]. [E) ST *IJaj : JP IJaj33 'to come, arrive', NNaga *IJoj [French 1 983: 3 1 8]. [D) Ace. to FY (2. 1 4) an ancient Chen-Ylng dialect word for � hii * 'come' . (t}ieiC) LH l)eiC, OCM *l)th or *l)gih �� y l 'Come to' [Mo]. yf 1 2 tl U iwi) LH wi, OCM *wi 'To leave, hand down ' > (leave alone:) 'reject, throw away, neglect' [BI , Shi]. ff] Sin Sukchu SR i ('f); MGZY ywi ( 'f ) [yi] [E] This word i s perh. related to TB: Lushai vul 'to be offended, displeased' . U iwiC) L H wih, OC M *wih �� y l 'To present' [Meng]. This etymon is prob. not related to � kul 2 �)UJ. (l)jt) LH l)Kl, OCM *IJ;;> 'To doubt' [Lunyu], 'suspect, hesitate' [Li] > 'to fear' [Li] i s perh. related to � ai 5 'obstruct' . ff] MTang l]i [l)gi], ONW l]ig y f 14 yr 1 yr 2
y1 3
:mf
# � y f4 U i.tB) LH jgB, ocM *1;:)7 'To cease, end, finish, already' [Shi] . - Etymology is not clear. [I'] Sin Sukchu SR i Ct.); MGZY yi (_t) [ji]; MTang i ONW i;:)
J;J U i+8)
LH j;:)8, ocM *l;;>r 'To take' (e.g. prisoners) [OB], 'use, employ, in order to' tr. [Bl, Shi]. [I'] Sin Sukchu SR i (J:J; MGZY yi (1:.) [ji ] ; MTang i ONW i� [E] ST *lg: Lushai Ja L / laak < laah 'to take, get' , Tiddim IaaR / laakR < Iaa? 1 /aak 'to take', Newari Jaa- (Unger; Geilich 1 994: 1 37). But the TB items have also been associated with CH � yu9 W 'give'. Prob. related to � shi9 ;r;t 'use' ; a possible derivation may be � yl 1 --t; see also � yf2 flb�i:J . (?je8) LH ?taiB, OCM *?ai? ff] Sin Sukchu � SR ?i (_t) 'To lean against, pull aside, lead astray' [Shi], 'rely upon ' (Guoce] i s thought to be cognate to � yf4 (� (e.g. Wang Ll: 1 982: 392).
y! 4 }� (?je8) LH ?tai8, OCM *?ai? 'Luxuriant' (leaves) (Shi] may be related to � yuan 1 m 'trees with rich fol iage'.
-" Y f s � y1 6 � (l)jeB 3) LH I]tai8, OCM *t]ai? 'Ant' (Li ] > 'ant-colored' [Shuj. The first syllable in Mand. ma-yJ is prob. an old prefix which occurs also with other ani mal names (Unger Hao-ku 3 1 , 1 98 5 : 308). [I'] Sin Sukchu SR i CL); MGZY ngi (1::.) liJi ] [D) PM in *i]ia(i)8 yi (l)jei8) LH I)ti 8, OCM *I];:)i? 'Ant' (Chuci] , a phonological variant of the above (Baxter 1 992: 4 1 7; § 1 1 . 1 .2). [E] ST: KN-Lai hi]e?r-tee 'ant' ( tee 'small'). This i mplies that both forms show the change of ST *-r > OC *-i (§7. 7 .4). Folk etymology derives yf � from 'orderly'. U i;)k) L H j;)k, OCM *l;)k yl l ( 'To take I seize birds':) 'to shoot (birds) with stringed arrow' [Shi], ('taker I seizer' of yr s
�
567
yi birds etc . :) 'bird of prey' [Dadai Liji]. The word i s supposed to mean 'take' i n a Shfijlhg passage which would be the obvious semantic comm unality with 'arrow' and 'eagle'. It m ay then be a derivation from --7 y12 J;) 'take'. LE] I f this etymology holds, yl would not be related to WT mda' etc. ( mentioned under --7 shf9 �-;J 'shoot'). However, it could still be related to WT glag 'eagle, vulture' ( CVST 3 : 8).
yi 2 )tj.!J (l)jBiC) LH l)toS , OCM *l)a(t)s 'To mow, cut, reap' )tj.rj [Shi]; 'regulate, govern, orderly' )t [Shi]. lE] ST: WT riJa-ba, briJas 'to mow, cut, reap' , West Tib. col. riJab-pa ( HST: 1 1 1 ). The origin of the meanings 'regulate' i s ambiguous, it could be derived from 'to cut' (> 'tri m ' etc.?), or it could be derived from -> y ii 1 6 yi 3 ?J]\ Uii:lk) LH jak, OCM *jak [f] ONW iek 'Also, furthermore, then' [OB, Shi]. LE] ST *wiak ?: Lushai veL < ve?/h 'also' 3 � veft < vek ·again, over agai n ' . For TB wia ( < we-, wia-) = OC *ja-, see § 1 0. 1 . -
yi 4 �J�ij]\ UHik) LH jak , OCM *jak 'Armpit ' ?J]\ (OB], � [Zhuang], � (Li] , 'lift under the arms' [Zuo]. LEl ST and area word: TB-Mru yak 'armpit' (Loffler 1 966: 1 1 9) , Lushai zakL < jak 'armpit'; Newari ja:k-wa 'armpit' , Lepcha yak 'tickle' (L. Hayes L TBA 1 5.2, 1 992: 1 86); JR t;Jjak 'hand' ; PTB *(g-)yak > WB gyak-kali 'armpit' (STC: 1 67 ; 1 70), PLB *?jak 'tickle' , and *?gjak 'cubit' ( i.e. 'arm '). STC: 34 interprets the WB form as 'arm' (PTB *(g-)yak); Shf Xiangdong (2000: 1 27) related thi s word to PTB *lak 'hand, arm ' . PKS *khja:k7 'armpit' (Thurgood), *h-jak0 (Edmondson I Yang 1 988). Tai : S. rakD2 'the armpits' is perh. connected (Manomaivibool 1 975: 252). The syn. -> ge4 ,'lli- may represent a different root. yi 5 :;& -> yf 3 :;& yi 6 {sz Uiwak) LH wek, OCM *wek < *wai-k 'To do service, do tabor, corvee ' [Shi, Shu] > 'to serve' [Meng], 'to toi l ' [Zhuang], 'affair, matter' [Guoyu] ; > 'to function as, to be' [Guoyu] . Often words meaning 'do, make' also develop the mean ing 'function as, act as, to be' see -> wei3 �' -> zuo3 {'F. ' [f] Sin Sukchu SR lJYj CA.); MGZY ywi (A) [yi] LE] The word could be derived from wei � *wai 'to do' + k-extension ( §6. 1 ) and have spread to neighboring SE Asian lgs. because Chinese and other populations were required by CH governments to perform military or other service yi fsz : MK and Tai lgs.: V iet. vi�c, Muong [wi;)k] 'work, job' (Pulleyblank JCL 22. 1 , 1 994: 83). Tai : Saek viakD2L 'work ' , S. wiek3 [Maspero 1 9 1 2 : 73] . Perh. LB forms like Lahu ve? < s-wat 'work, toil , a job' (archaic) may also be connected (Benedict L TBA 1 4.2, 1 99 1 : 1 49). yi 7 �i'llt 'drag' --7 yl 1 6 ttlt yl 8 (?j;)p) LH ?ip, OCM *?;)p, OCB *?(r)jup 'Settlement, town ' [OB. BI, Shi], 'to take up residence' [Shi]; a general term for a place where people dwell, i .e. no implied reference to wall , market, administrative function, and the like. LEl Etymology not certain, but prob. ST and related to the root *?ip 'shelter' which is 'thatch' with which yi is prob . related. Alternatively, yi could be cited under 4 ql7 connected with PTB *?im 'house as a home' : Magar im -jum, WB im, Lushai ?inR < 568
yi ?in? 'dwelling house, home', TGTM *8dim, Kaike jim, WT khyim 'house, dwelling place, home, residence'.
yl 9 � (jieC) LH jeC, OCM *lek:h, OCB *ljeks 'Be easy, at ease, neglect' [Shi]. � was borrowed to write _. y1 6 f� (jiwak) LH wiek in some pre-Han texts as if there m ight still have been a *w element in the initial as in the TB cognate. [f] Sin Sukchu SR i (�); MGZY yi (�) Oi]; Sui-Tang i, ONW ie [E] ST: PTB *I way 'easy' ( STC no. 302): WB Jwai 'easy, yielding ' , JP loP1 'easy ' ; WT legs 'good, happy, comfortable' is phonologically I morphologically identical with OC; note also WT yag-po � 'jag-po 'good' (STC: 54). This word is sometimes thought to be related to yi 'change' (under _. yf8 ;f$), i.e. < 'changeable ' ( so K arlgren 1 956: 1 2), but the TB cognates show that these are different etyma. 'cha nge ' _. y1 8 � yi 1 0 yl 1 1 {� _. shf2 yl 12 lli* ... yl 1 3 ¥� � yl 13 Y�ffil (jiet) LH j it, OCM *lit 'To rush forth' Y� [Shu]; 'overflow' � [Xiaoj ing], 'inundate' [Li ] , 'overwhelm ' [Shi]. [D] In M-Xiamen the graph writes a different word jo?A 1 'to wave, shake ' . Perh. this wf i s merely a semantic extension of the wf under _. shf2 �[E] ST: Lepcha lyit I lit 'to overflow' (Unger Hao-ku 36, 1 990: 56). �� yl y�lji)l( (jiet, diet) LH jit, det, OCM *lit, *1ft 'To gush forth' 7� [Zhuang] ; 'rush past, overtake' lji)l( [Zuo]. �� die �� (diet) LH det, OCM *1ft - [f] MTang diar < di-ar, ONW det 'To rush' [Mo]; 'rush into ' � [Zuo].
yl t4 tfil:Y� _. xie 1 11fl:y� yl 1 5 lh (jiaiC) LH jas, OCM *!as 'Toil , fatigue' [Shi]. [EJ ST: WT Jas, OTib. and dial. bias 'work, toi l ' , TGTM *gjat < *gl- (HST: 1 62). The ancient Wu dialect word 11 � (ljaic) 'to do' [FY 6; EY] could be related. Alternative ly, li J� may be connected with _. H 20 If.(}] 'energetically'. Yi �f: 'toil ' (under _. xf3 �) may possibly be a vocalic variant. yi 1 6 Uiaic, j iat) LH jas, jat, OCM *lat(s) 'To pull ' [Xun], 'oar' [Chuci, also flit). [E] Sag art ( 1 999: 73) relates this word to 'leading string' _. xie2 *W:f.f!!"� . Another possible allofam is yl � UHiiC) 'drag, trai l ' [Shi], 'dragging, slow moving' ffit [Shi]. (?jiak 4) LH ?iek, OCM *?ek - [f] ONW ?iek yl 17 'To add, increase, profit ' [Shi], 'more, advantage' [Lunyu]. Ace. to Bodman ( 1 980: 66) this word is related to WT skye(d) 'growth, increase, profit, benefit ' �� skye-ba 'be born ' �� skyed-pa, bskyed 'to generate, procreate, produce' ; the WT forms should then derive from an earlier *s-?e. For the CH final -k, see § 6. 1 . yi 1 8 � (?jak) LH ?iek, OCM *?ek 'Throat' [Zhuang] > 'flesh on the neck' Hfui [Yili]. �E yl � (?ieiC) LH ?eC, OCM *"(fth < **?lkh 'To strangle' [Zuo]. 569
yl [E] ST: PTB *?ik ( STC no. 1 1 2) > Nung i < ik 'strangle' ; WB a c ' squeeze, throttle' (HST: 1 42). WT ske 'neck, throat' could either derive from *s-?e and then belong to this wf; or i t could belong to � j1ng 2 � 'neck'. [C] This wf i s prob. related to � e l JTI:l!if[i; 'narrow passage' , and I or to � yan I UjN 'gullet' (so Wang U 1 982: 268); or to � ye 'choke' (Wang Ll). � yi 18 u� yl l9 Jl\ful .... yl 2o lffiii � yl 1 s � yi 13 yi 21 i!:*c � (jh:"� k) LH j�k, OCM *l�k, OCB *lj;:"lk - [f] ONW ik y l 22 'Wing ' [Shi]. [D] PMin *zit 'wing ' : XHtmen sitD2 [E] ? ST: This i s perh. related to PTB *g-lak 'hand' (Matisoff 1 995a: 5 1 f) > W T Jag-pa 'hand, arm ' ; PLB *lak > WB Jak 'hand' ( STC: 1 7 1 ; HST: 37). Matisoff suggests that -> 11 1 1J (lj�k) OCB *C-r;5k 'strength' may be cognate to the TB items instead (the CH graph pictures an arm). Syn. CMin *ziap 'wing ' see ye4 �. =
i¥f H""'-f[S, y 1� 23 ,\:S'!, cir. y l 24 'l',.,.,IJ, ... yl 24 'IJ!UI (?j�k) LH ?iGk, OCM *?�k, OCB *?(r)jak - [f] ONW ?ik 'One' s breast, thoughts' fJI [Lie] > ( 'keep in one' s breast I thoughts' ?:) 'to remember' [Li] ; ( ' feeling in one' s breast' ?:) ' satisfied, tranqui l ' tll [Zuo]. � ii yl (?tC) LH ?klc, OC M *?�kh, OCB *?(r)jaks 'To think' [ShiJ, 'thought, intention, will' [Li]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR ?i (:!;· ) ; MGZY 'i (5':;; ) [?i] ; MTang ?i, ONW ?ia [ establi sh ' : PfB *l]eis > WT !]es-pa 'certain, true, firm ' , Lushai I]eiL < I]eih < l]es 'really, truly, verily ' , Tiddim !]c:l < !]t::ih < IJe:is 'certainly, be sure ' ; Limbu ncma < ness- 'to lie' ( including of geographical features, fields, etc.). The CH meaning 'to cultivate' is therefore derived.
yi 29 � (IJjeiC) LH I)ts or !)tic ?, OCM *l];:lS ? or *!);;,ih (< *!)gJs) ? 'Enraged boar' � [SW ] > 'bold, resolute' � [Shu], note the Lushai parallel for this semantic extension. [T] Sin Sukchu SR i (:t-); MGZY ngi ($;) [1Ji] LBl ST: KN: Lushai (saL-)t]haJL < IJhalh < IJhals 'wild pig ' � IJhal < !]ha!? 'ill-behaved, unruly, over-bold ' ; Paangkhua mai]iil � raiJiil 'wild boar' , Tiddim Chin IJa t < I]alh < IJals 'wild pig '. yi 30 �� .... yl 29 yi 31 � (jiaic) LH jas, OCM *lats 'Border' [Zuo] can be compared to WT Jdebs 'side, enclosure, fence' (HST: 47). 'posterity' --. ye4 yi 32 yi 33 --. shf2 -1( yi 34 .... y ( l l 1�
(jiii.k) LH jak � jak, OCM *lak 'Unfold, draw out' (a thread); 'long-drawn' > 'in line > repeatedly' [Lun]; 'continue' [Shi], 'in a l ine, succession' � [Lunyu] (paronym of --. xil 2 F:f1f,Z�); 'post horses, relay station ' [SW ] ; 'interpret, translate' [Li] ; 'be relaxed, pleased, delighted' [Shi] (paronym of --. yu8 ?i�Mif:�); 'be tired of, weary' � [BI , Shi] ( < 'relax'). [T] Sin Sukchu SR i? (),) ; MGZY yi (A) Uil 3� shi � (sjak) LH sak, OCM *lhak 'Unloose' [Yili], 'dissolve' [Li], ' let go, detach, unravel, explain ' [Zuo] > 'interpret, translate' ; 'put away, do away' [Shi] , 'to lay open ' (ground by plowing) ¥¥ [Shi]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR �i ( A ) ; MGZY shi (A) �i]; ONW sek [ WT rum 'darkness, obscurity ' , JP rim 31 'be dusk, dark' �� n 33-rim 33 'evening ' . (3) Lushai hlim L 'shadow, shade, be shady'. (4) Tai : S. klum C2 'dark, cloudy'. Wang Ll ( 1 982: 602) considers yfn � (?j::Jn8) LH ?.fn 8 'conceal' to be related (under ..... yr5 !!� ), but the differ ence in final nasals remains unexplained. [C] A probable allofam is ..... an 3 �� . A derivation is perh . ..... qfn3 � 'a blanket'. yfn 1 % U i::Jm) LH jim, OC M *l::Jm 'To walk' [SW, Hanshu]. lE] ST: The basic meaning of the PTB root *lam 'to trample' raises the possibility that this is its OC cognate: Tiddim Chin JaamM I JaamF 'to dance' �� Jam R 'way, road' , Lai 572
yin
yfn
laam I la?m 'to trample, dance' ; WT 'c11am -pa < N-lhyam 'to dance' 3� lam 'path, road' . The latter 'path, road' is derivable from the meaning 'to trample ' .
yfn2 :!:.& -> hen tN yfn3 r¥ U igm) LH jim, OCM *lgm (ligm ?) 'To soak' [Zhouli], 'excess, l icentious, l iberate, let loose' [Shu]; Mand. 'excessive' (rain), � [Huainanzi, GY). [T] Sin Sukchu SR im (-'f), PR, LR in; MGZY yim (-'f) Uim] [C] Wang U ( 1 982: 6 1 2; also Sagart 1 999: 1 27) considers this cognate to .... Iin 3 Allofam prob. -> chi'm 2 1ilrX 'a l iquid' , -. chen 2 tt. yfn4 �N (l)jen 3) LH l)tn, OCM *IJrgn - [D] PMin *IJyn - *IJuin 'Silver' [Shu] . IT] Sin S. SR qin (-'¥), PR, LR in; MGZY ngin ( [I]in]; ONW l]in [E] ST: WT dl]ul 'silver' , WT variant and Western Tib. dialects ml]ul; W B IJWe, PL * C-IJwei ( HST: 1 33). yln 1 Uiuen8) LH juinB, OCM *win? or *j/lun? 'Straight ' [Shi]; 'to straighten out, arrange, administer' [BI, Shu] ; 'administrator' [OB]. Ace. to Baxter I Sagart ( 1 998: 47) -> jun 3 � i s derived from this word, but this i s phonologically problematic. IT] MTang iun < iuin, ONW iuin yin 2 ij [ U ien8) LH jin8, OCM *lin? (?) 'Pull , draw' [Zuo] > 'draw the bow' [Meng] > 'to pull, lead on, encourage, prolong' [Shi] > 'stretch' [Lunyu]. LT] Sin Sukchu SR in (!::.) ; MGZY yin (.1. ) [jin]; ONW in [E] The word yln i s sometimes compared with WB G-hraif 'length' (recently Pan 2000: 73), WT ril] 'long ' , but the initials do not agree. 3� yi n f)[ U ienC) LH jinC, OCM *tins (?) 'Pulling-strap for carriage' [Shi]. [ 'ornament; flower, blossom ' [Shi]. [11 Sin Sukchu SR ?i!] ( -'¥ ) ; MGZY 'ing [lil)]; ONW ?el) (?re!]?) [E] Etymology not certain. Most l ikely is a ST connection: TB-Lushai aal)H I aanL 'to open (mouth), gape with open mouth' 3< aanL tr. 'to open the mouth to recei ve food, to open to' (as flowers to the sun, dew, etc.); hence yrng may derive from the notion of an open flower. Alternatively, note an AA word: PSBahn. *?a:!] 'bright l ight' , Bahn. ?a:l) 'shine' . Or Lushai eel)R 'light' n . 3< eel)R I een1" 'to shine, give light, bright, brilliant' . These last items may perhaps belong t o -+ ylng 1 'shadow' instead, which could also be related.
(?jo!]) LH ?t!], OCM *?�!] [11 ONW ?il) 'Eagle, falcon' [Shi]. [E] ST: This etymon agrees phonologically with WT skyil)-ser 'eagle, vulture' (Benedict MKS 1 8- 1 9, 1 992: 8), if one assumes derivation from *s-7yit} Alternatively, in spite of the difference in the initials, yfng is widely held to be related to a ubiquitous area word: PMK *knleel) ' hawk' or *k(a)laal] 'bird of prey, hawk, eagle' [Diffloth 1 980] > Khm kleiJ [Haudricourt 1 950: 566], PMonic *lil)-li;,!] 'hawk' (in Nyah Kur), Mon k;;mi�l) 'kite' [Diffloth 1 984: 69]. PTB *g-lal) (STC no. 333) > WB la iJ B ta C 'vulture Kachin laf) 'bird of the falcon family'; Garo do-rel) 'falcon, kite' , Bodo dau-lal)-a 'eagle', Dimasa dau-liiJ 'kite' (HST: 76) (do � dau 'bird'). PPMY *klal) 2 (Downer 1 982). The initial }- in these lgs. is difficult to reconcile with OC, see §5 . 1 1 . -
yfng 3
',
(?j�!]) LH 7tl), OCM *7�1) 'Breast, chest, breastplate, belt across breast of a horse' [BI, Shi); 'to resist' [Shi]. In contrast to the root yJ 'one's breast, thoughts ' (i.e. the inside of the chest; under -+ 574
yfng - yfng y1 2 4 'l�ijj), yrng and its cognates represent the exterior aspect of the 'chest, breast' . W ang U ( 1 982: 3 1 2) relates this word yl � ( --> y1 2 4 'i�iji) . LE] ST: Prob. related to Lushai eiJH 'the breast' . 3 f yi ng ffl! (?j;Jl)C) L H ?tl)c, OCM *?;Jl)h - [T] ONW ?il] ( 'To turn one's chest to' >) 'to face, respond' [Shi], 'correspond, agree' [Yi, Guoyu]. [
yfng 5
yfng 5 fl __, b1ng 2 3ft yfng 1 @ (l)jBI)) LH !)tal), OCM *l)ralJ - [f] ONW I)el] 'To meet' [Zuo] ; Mand. 'go to meet, greet, welcome, receive' . [D ] PMin *l)ial) > Ji�myang IJiaiJA I; Xiamen col. IJiaA2 I gia, lit. geiJA2 I gil) 'to receive ceremoniously'. 3f yi n g @ ( l)jBI]C) LH l)tal)C, OCM *l)ral)h 'Go to meet, receive' [Shi]. LE] ST *l)ral) : PTB *l)ral) (STC no. 1 55) > WB IJraiJ8 'contradict, deny' , Nung IjjeiJ 'deny' . Cognate i s ST *l)ra 8; see under --> ya 2 :ff1Mlfi'f5f for an overview over this large wf; the alternation between open syllable and final -I] is common in Sino-Tibetan lgs. ( §6.5.2). ying2 ?ff:l. j{ U ial]) LH jel), OCM *le!), OCB *(l)jeng 'To fil l , satisfy' ?ff:l [Shi] ; 'surplus' [Shi], 'profit' j{ [Zuo] . [E] ST: PTB *blil), *plil) 'fill ' > TGTM * 1 pli1], Bumthang Zha bleiJ, Chepang bliiJh-?o 'full' 3f le!]?- 'be ful l ' , PL-B *m-bli1] 3 > OBurm plan [IST: 35 1 ] , WB prafiC 'full' 3f phrafiC 'to fill ' ( STC: 1 76). Matisoff ( 1 988b) combines this etymon with --> pfng 1 -¥if 'level ' , --) tlng 2 m� 'straight' and --) zheng l IE!E)( 'straight'. - Syn. --) tiiin3 �. [C] An allofam i s perh. --> yun 1 l}2 'pregnant' , as well as --> tian4 ±:� M. ying3 :fk_ (yiwel) [AJ8JC]) LH yuelJ, OCM *welJ 'The light' (of a lamp, fire) /fk. [SW] > 'glowworm ' 1fif [Li] > 'dazzle, confuse, delude' /fk. [Zhuang]. - xuan §z (yiwen[C]) LH yuen(C), 0CM *wi'n(s) ? 'Troubled sight, delude, deceive' [Meng]. - xuan '):z (yienC) LH y(u)enC, OCM *wins 'Bright' [Guoce], 'dazzle, show off' [Zhan 'guoce]. For loss of medial w, see § I 0.2. 1 . 3f j iong )k][ (kiwe1J8) LH kuelJB, OCM *kwelJ? 'The light' [Shi]. [ 'kind of beautiful stone' [Shi]. = r6ng � Uwul)) LH wal), OCM *wrelJ ? - [f] ONW uelJ 'Flower' [Li] > 'flowering, prosperity' [Shi] > 'glory' [Zuo]. LE] This wf's stem i s *wel) 'bright, dazzle' ; it converges with --> shun 3 � *win 'move the eyes'. For the difference in finals, see §6.4. 1 . Perh. this wf could be ST and be related to Lushai VeiJH I venL 'be open, unobstructed by trees, clouds, be clear, be bright (weather)'. 575
ying
ylng
ying4
UiwalJ 4) LH wel), OCM *we!] 'To lay out, plan, build' [BI , Shi], 'to encamp' [Zuo] , 'to surround' [Gongyang] . [f) Sin Sukchu SR j ujlJ PR julJ, il], LR il]; MGZY y)iung ('¥) [julJ]; ONW iue!] ying (jiWal] 4) LH weiJ, OCM *wel) 'Grave area ' [Li] , i .e. a special area set aside. 3l: r6ng-guan �D U wer]-) OCB *wrje!]-kwans [Laozi eh. 26], (ywan-) OCB *wren-kwan [Mawangdui version] huan-guan 'Imperial palace' (Zhou Zum6 ace. to Baxter 1 992: 383), the term i s the equivalent of MK 'enclosure or rather around official building' ( '§) > 'royal palace' , see below. The received version seems to be a reinterpretation of the original words which are preserved in the M awangdui ms. ( ywan) L H yuan, OCM *wren, OCB *wren 3l: huan 'Ring' [Shi], 'encircle ' [Meng]; 'metal ring' [Guoce] ; 'royal domain' [Guliang] , 'enclosing wall around the imperial palace' � (Giles). For the -IJ -n alternation, see §6.4. 1 . [f) Sin Sukchu SR y wan ('¥); MGZY Xwan ('¥) [ywan]; ONW y uan LEJ This i s a prolific AA or area etymon with vocalic variants (Shorto 1 97 1 : 345; 1 973): ( I ) *wil): OMon wiri [W!i!I]] 'surrounding, round about' , tumwni Jtgmwil]l 'enclosure, enclosing hedge' , Lit. M on wuiiJ -> WB wuiiJ8 'surround, circle of people, do by joint effort' 3l: ;)-wuiiJ8 'circle, anything round' . The source of Chepang wii]h 'around' (Bodman 1 980: 60) is not clear, but may also be AA. note Khasi rwiiJ 'to go and return the same day'. (2) *wel]: Khmer viaria !wfi;)I]/ (OKhmer vyari) 'be enclosed, encircled, walled town, enceinte'. MK -> Tai : Shan V6IJ ( vel)), S. wi;;,IJ 'town ' . AA -> TB-Limbu WCIJ- 'to enlarge in a circle, to amass land ' ; Lushai veeiJH 'village, hamlet ' . (3) *warr M on /wal)/ 'enclosure around official building ' , Khmer va{11ri a / we;)I]/ (OKhmer vari - van( .ti]) 'to encircle ... enclose ... encircling wall, walled citadel, royal palace, walled town ' (-> Tai: S. WaiJ, Shan VaiJ 'palace'), Bahn.-Sre waaiJ 'cattle yard, pound' , PVM W;J.(JA circle' (Thompson). PT B *hwalJ (STC no. 2 1 7) > W B waiJ 'fence' ; Lushai huaiJH 'yard, enclosure' � huanll 'a garden, yard ' ; J P WaiJ33 ' surround, encircle, enclosure' , Kiranti WaiJ-WaiJ 'circular ' . [C) Possible allofam --t yong7 �, --t xHm 1 0 �. -7 ym1n 5 [I] , --t gu11 �J[; --t huang 1 �. -7 wang 2 M any of these words and wf 'round, turn ' are difficult to disentangle. �
�
y1n g 5 � (?j iwalJ 4) LH ?ye!), OCl\1 *?wel) 'To entwine' (as creeping plants) [Shi] may be the terminative form (§6.5 . 1 ) of --t wei3 ;.@ 'bend ' . LEJ ST: TB: Lushai veJ/ I ven L < veiJ? I veiJs 'to gird I wear round the waist' which prob. is related to this word rather than to --t yfng4 Allofam -7 yrng4 'neck lace ' . ying6 lfllm U i�l]) Lll jtl), OCM *j;)I] o r *1�1) ? 'A fly' [Shi]. LEJ ST: PTB *yal)A 'a fly' (STC: 1 67) > Chepang yary 'insect, fly' , WB yary 'a fly, insect'. Kanauri yaiJ 'a bee, a fly' (HST: 82), West Tib. bu-yaiJ 'bumblebee' . -7 yang 2 is perh. a dialect variant. ylng I � (?j131] 8) LH ?tal)8 , OCM *?ral]? ( ?) ' Shadow' [Zhouli]. •
576
y1ng
yong
[D] Coastal M In *'bi]8 > Fuzhou OUI]BI, Amoy !]81; Jian 'ou, mwyang ioi]Bl ( < *?ioi]8), Southern Mln iaBl [E] This word may be a cognate of -> yfng 1 'bright' , or rather the AA items mentioned there; the semantic association of 'shadow' with 'light' is paralleled in the wf _.. jlng 3 Alternatively, ying may be connected with _, yuan 1 3l[i: 'shady' . y1ng 2 jl (?jilii)B 4 ) L H ?iel)8, OCM *?el)? LH ?iol] 'ulcer' by 'Tumor, swelling' [Zhuang], Mand. 'gaiter' is related to _, yong 2 the *e - *o ablaut relationship ( § 1 1 . 3.5). An allofam is prob. y fn g (?eiJ) and other M C readings, 'bellied jar with small opening and one handle'. [SW ; M u Tianzizhuan]. •
ylng 1 iffi _, y!n g 1 iffi yl ng2 � 'respond' _, yfng 3 J)1!j 'breast, chest'. (l]EI)c ) [f] Sin Sukchu SR !]ii) (;t:;; ) ; MGZY ying ( ;t:;;) [iil)] 'Hard' [Tang: Han Yu]. * ning (I]j;:ll]) LH f}iGI), OCM *lpl) ('To become hard' >) 'to freeze, consolidate' [Shi, Shu]. and _, gang4 [E] This etymon is reminiscent of items cited under --> j ian 2
yi n g 3
yi ng4
-
llr!fUM .
'full' _, y u n 1
yi n g 5 HI .... yf2 �fr�a yon g 1 � (7jWOI]) LH ?tol), OCM *7ol) < PCH *?UI] 'City moat' [Shi]. (?jwol)AfBJC) L H ?toi]BfC, OCM *?ol)(7/h) ? < PCH *'lul) 3� yong , yong 'Obstruct, dam up' }ff [Zhouli], 'stop up' � [Zuo]. [E] ST: WB uiiJ 'pond, lake' (- alJ8 'pond, pool'?), Mru OIJ 'id.' (Loffler 1 966: 1 42), JP ?uiJ3J 'fill' (as a lake). Bodman ( 1 980: 87) suggests WT roiJ 'defile, ravine, valley ' , but the initials are difficult to reconcile. Prob. related to _, yun 4 f;ffflifi. ( 'stopped-up water' ?). yo ng 2
(?jWOI)) L H ?toi), OCM *?OI) 'Ulcer' [Meng] (< 'swelling ') is cognate to _, weng 'jar, swollen ' . _, ylng 2 LH ?iei]8 'tumor' is related to yong by the OC *e - *o ablaut relationship (§ 1 1 .3.5). [E] ST: WB uif]C 'bulge of anything' 3f uiiJB 'collection of humors' (boil). Perh. the PTB form *urn is a variant (for the final, see §6.7): WB urn 'protuberance, bulge', Mru um 'female breast, protuberance ' , Lushai um55 < uum 'swell , become prom inent' (fern. breast). Another etymon 'swollen ' has the same rime: _, zhong3 JLi MI.
yon g 3 � _, yu21 � y6ng 1 M U iwol)) LH jol), OCM *lol) 'To use, employ, need' [Shi, BIJ. 3� yong Jtl U iwol)c) LH jolJc, OCM *lol)h 'To use; obey' (a decree) [Shi], ('use' for a sacrificial ceremony:) 'to sacrifice' tr. [OB, Yi Zhoushu]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR jul) (�); MGZY y)iung (�) OuiJ]; ONW iuoiJ [E] ST: WT loiJs 'the use or enjoyment of something' (e.g. wealth). y6ng2 � _.. oil {� yong 1 :7]< (jW£:!]8) LH wai)B, OCM *wraiJ? ?, OCB *wrjaiJ? 'Long time, eternal' [BI , Shi] . This is the original graph for --> yong� 'swi m ' . [f] Sin Sukchu SR jujl) Lt), PR, LR jul); MGZY xyung (_t.) [fijuiJ]; C>NW ue!] 577
yong - you � yong Uwt:nf) LH waif , OCM *wra!Jh ? 'To chant' [Shu] (Karlgren 1 956: 8). [ to dodge, evasion, avoidance', OM on wen /WeiJ/ 'go elsewhere, avoid ' ; the derivative ra viiila /rwfig!)/ ('space, interval ' ) looks formally like the OC word. TB-Lushai veeiJH I veen L 'to watch, look after, protect, guard from, ward off'. Lepcha VUIJ 'to twist' (Forrest JAGS 82, 1 962: 334). yong � y6ng 1 !m you 1 {1)(: Ui;>u) LH ju, OCM *ju 'Place' [Shi ] . The function as an indefinite substitute for the post-verbal element (Dobson ' s term, LA C: 1 57), as in fei tian you ruo ;.Jf:xf&:Ei 'this is not what Heaven approves of', is derived from the meaning 'place' (Pulleyblank 1 995: 68); � suo 1 .PJT i s a semantic parallel. lE] Prob. ST: WT yul 'place', but the loss of ST *-1 in CH is unexplained (dissimilation from *juj?). you 2 1r?;; U igu) LH j u , OCM *liu, OCB *ljiw 'Long-trailing, longing, depressing, persistent, far away, distant' [Shi] . 578
you - you = you EE (ji;:m) LH ju, OCM *liu 'To prolong ; a shoot from a tree' [Shu]. 3 � ti!io 11* (dieu) LH deu, OCM *Ji G , OCB *liw - [f] ONW deu 'Branch, to be extending branches, extend, long' [Shi] > measure for long, slender objects [starting in Han ] ; since documents were written on slender wooden or bamboo strips, tiao became a measure for 'matters, items of business, affairs' (Norman 1 988: 1 1 6). 3 � tiiio 11* (thieu) LH theu, OCM *lhifi 'Pull leaves off branches' [Shi]. [ solitary, secluded, obscure, difficult to understand' [Yi ] , 'to confine' [Zuozhuan]. 3� you !WJ (?jieu B 4) L H ?iuB, OCM *?iu? 'Black' [Li]. 3� yao �'§J (?ieu8) LH ?eu8, OCM *?ifi? or *?iau? ? 'Dark' � [Guan] > 'retired, despondent' '§J [Zhuang] . 3� yao 'X� (?ieuC) LH ?euc, OCM *?iauh 'Obscure, secl uded' � [Yili]; 'obscure, deeply hidden ' � [Zhuang] (also MC ?ieu[8]). [E] ST: Mru iu (i.e. ?iu) 'dark' (Loffler 1 966: 1 5 1 ), perh. also related to WT g-yog-pa 'to cover' 3� g-yogs 'cover, lid'. Allofam is prob. ..... yao6-tiao i]�. you5 if*f (?j;;1u) L H ?u, OCM *?u 'To cover seeds with earth' [Lun , Meng] . [E] ST: Lushai vuurF 'to fill' (as grave, hole), 'fill u p ' (with earth), 'cover' . For absence of final consonant in CH, see §7.7.5. you 1 JL (j;;1u) LH wu, OC M *w;;1 - [T] ONW iu 'Guilt, fault, blame' [BI, Shi] . [E] ST: WT yus 'blame, charge, accusation ' (for the W T initial, see § 1 2.9 (2]). you 2 EE (ji;;1u) LH ju, OCM *liu or *ju (from *wu ?) 'Proceed from ' [Shi], 'go along ' [Li] , 'follow' [Shi]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR iw ("'F); MGZY yiw ("'F) [jiw]; ONW iu 3 � dl @ (diek) LH dek < deuk, OC M *lifik 'To advance, promote' [Shi], 'go along, follow, lead, walk, conduct' [Shu]. 3 � zhou � ( gj;;1uc) LH guc, OCM *d-liuh 'Descendant' , i .e. eldest son of the principal wife [Shu] ( < 'the outcome, follower') (Karlgren 1 956: 1 4). This word may belong to ..... yu 22 ��� 'give birth' instead. For additional possible cognates, see under -> sui 2 �you3 EE 'prolong ' ..... yo u 2 1� you4 iffi (ji;;1u) LH ju, OCM *lu 'Overflowing, abundant' [Meng], prob. unrelated to ..... you 1 0 �f�iffi and -> y6u 6 iJfHJJl 579
you - you [f) Sin Sukchu SR i w (3¥); MGZY yiw (3¥) [jiw] 3� tiio ¥8 (thau) LH thou, OCM *lhil 'Be swelling up' (river) [Shi] > 'to assemble, to crowd' [Zhuang] . 'Reckless' may be a semantic extension, but see -> t6u 1 {lfu. [ liu3 1frE (so Sagart 1 999: 1 27), -> qiu6 1!Z1; prob. unrelated to -> ' ,;rh ' :{1){ yrh you4 1m an d -> you 1 0 {, t:., i l::t:l · you7, yao 8 .... yu 16 Mtr you8 �@ Ui:m) LH ju, OCM *ju < PCH *wu ?, OCB *li:i or *jii 'Kind of monkey' [Shizi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR i w (3¥); MGZY yiw (3¥) [ji w] ; ONW iu LE] Several other Chinese and TB words for one or another kind of monkey look similar, but direct phonological equivalence is elusive. These items include: PTB *myuk or *mruk [ STC: 1 1 2, n. 3 1 4] : WB myak (myuk), Mru yuk 'monkey' could possibly be reconciled with y6u �@ which may represent the bare root of this etymon, but see -> h6u 5 �{�. Yue dialects have a form which is reminiscent of TB: Guangzhou ma 82-JuuA 1 ,� ,� 'monkey'. PL *C-lwaj 2 'monkey, gibbon ' > WB hlwai8 (Matisoff L L 1 .2, 2000: 1 69). MK: PNBahn. *hwa 'gibbon ', Wa-Lawa-Bulang *hwa7 'leaf-monkey'. Additional words for 'monkey' are -> yuan 6 �ft .... wei 6 !lti, .... yu9 ill , .... nao 2 �§t -> h6u 5 �{�. you9 �@ (ji ;:m) LH ju, OCM *ju ? 'To laugh' [Zhuang]. STC: 1 72 n. 458 compares this to TB items under -> chen 1 lil/R. you 1 0 �fi31ffi Uigu) LH ju, OCM *liu, �fi3 OCB *ljiw 'To be flowing ' �fl3�fl3 [Shi], 1ffi1ffi [Chuci]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR i w (3¥); MGZY yiw ( 3¥ ) [ji w] [N] Thi s word seems to be distinct from -> y6u 6 iJH.jJJi *ju 'to float' (not 'flow') which is suspected to have had OC initial *j-. It is also distinct from -> y6u4 1ffi *lu 'overflowing' which had apparently no medial *-i-. By the time of the ChUcf, OCM *liu and *lu had prob. merged. -> df7 �� could possibly be related. you 1 1:>Z .... you2 :15 you 2 1§ Ugu8) LH wu8, OCM *wgJ' - [D] M-Xiamen uC2 'Have, there is, some' ("definite existential quantifier" - Harbsmeier 1 98 1 : 88) [OB, Shi] > 'to possess, take possession ' [BI , Shi] > 'rich' [Shi] (Karlgren GSR 995o). [f] Sin Sukchu SR iw (_t); MGZY ngi w (_t) [!]iw] ; MTang eu < u, ONW u •
•
•
• •
580
you - you [N] The element 'meat' in the graph has occasioned much speculation; perh. the graph was originally intended for the word hai ft (x�i8) LH h8? 'dried meat' [Shi] which also has the 3Z.. element as phonetic. [E] ? ST: Possibly cognate to WT yod-pa 'to be, to have' (for the WT initial, see § 1 2 .9 [2]); WT o can derive from ST a, 8, o, even u, as well as wa and wg; WT final -d has its counterpart in CH tone B in a few grammatical words: WT IJed 'I ' 3� wo :JX *I]ai?, WT med 'not have' 3� ml }$ *mai?, hence WT yod 'be, have' could be the equivalent of *wg? 'have ' . 3� you {:tf UguC) L H wuc, OCM *wgh 'To offer, sacrifice' � {:tf [OB] > 'offer a drink, encourage to drink' {:tf [BI , Shi]. [ chang 2 1¥;. For the WT initial, see § 1 2.9 (2]); for the finals, see §6.5.2. youz ;:b u�m8, jguC) LH wu8, wuC, OCM *wg?, wgh 'Right (side), be to the right' [OB]. The OB graph is a drawing of the right hand of 581
you - yu oneself, from one ' s own perspective to which 'mouth' was later added to distinguish it from you which was commonly used to write 'repeat. agai n ' . [f) Sin Sukchu SR iw (�); MGZY ngiw [I]iw]; MTang e u < u, ONW u [J:):] ST *wgs > WT g-yas 'right ' ( side) (for the WT initial, see § 1 2.9 (2] ; HJYJB: 46). Pfai *khwaA 1 'right side', PNTai *gwaA2 ; PKS *h-waA 'right' . The semantics in this w f are parallel t o -. zuo ti.. 'Right' and 'left' are metaphors for two different concepts in OC: ( I ) 'to be on the right and left side of a person' > 'aid, help, support' ; (2) 'left' > 'unfavorable ' , 'right' > 'favorabl e ' ; note the simi lar notion implied by M ln-Xiamenen IE .::P tstnJif51-tshiu51 'right hand' , lit. 'correct hand' vs. {tU .::P to2I2f5-'-tshju53f21 ' left hand', lit. 'upside down I wrong hand' . This second metaphor explains the OB meaning 'left' > ( 'consider or treat as left = unfavorable' >) 'not approve, to oppose' . If this interpretation of 'left' is valid, then 'right' should also have meanings which are derivable from 'consider or treat favorably' (Takashima 1 996: 3 1 4ff), l ike the fol lowing word: * yo u 1fZ (j�u8) LH wu8, OCM *wg?, OCB *wjg'{ 'Be friendly' > 'friend, companion ' [BI , Shi] ( < 'consider right' 'favorably'). [) 'to forgive' {ff [Guan], 'to pardon, m itigate, m agnanimous' [Shi, Shu]. [, OCM *b 'I, my' [Shu]. [ an - [f] ONW ?an, -an 'In it, on it, there' [Shi] stands for *iF: � which is a fusion of yu 1F: with an element *-n with a demonstrative meaning; see §6.4.5 (Norman 1 98 8 : 86; Pulleyblank 1 995: 80). The Mand. tone I derives from MC ?jan. This word 's initial div. III j- is exceptional. The word is parallel to yuan � (under --> yu 1 T). �� yang :5R: (?jal)) LH ?tal), OCM *?al) 'To hit the center' (of a target), get into the middle (of a stream , of the night) vb. > middle, center' [Shi] (Pulleyblank 1 995: 1 7 1 ). 5 84
yu [f] Sin Sukchu SR 7ja? (¥); MGZY ( 'Yang >) 'yang (¥) [7jal)] [ y u 1 (Pulleyblank 1 995 : 53f), and their derivations with the terminative suffix *-!) result in quite different words which cannot be phonological variants.
yu9 1K prefix ..... a �PJ y u 1 0-tu tK*, yu-shl �'t-i ..... hu 1 yu l l #fl: Uiwo) LH ja, OCM *la - [f] MTang iy < i0 < ONW io 'To lift' U [Han] ; 'to praise' fl: [Shi]. � � yu Uiwoc) LH jac, OCM *lah 'Praise, renown' [Meng]. I.E] ST: WT bla - rla 'above, over, upper' (HST: 1 54). Thi s wf i s an allofam of --> yang 7 :f?;� with its WT cognates; prob. cognate to --> yu 27 �. and perh. also to --> ju6 'to rise, l ift' . --> 1'11 1 :1J: 'drag, trail ' y n 12 yu 13 g� ..... I i!i o 5 yli 14 tfr:r Uiu) LH jo, OCM *lo 'Make a boat by hollowing the log ' [SW] , � * 'hollowed tree, canoe' ; lu M (luo) 'boat' [Xi n Tangshu] is perhaps a variant of this word. I.EJ Thi s is an ancient area word: TB-WB hlo- 'boat' . PKS *lwaA 'boat' (Edmondson I Yang 1 98 8 : 1 57 *s-lwa(n) on the basis of Ai-Cham zu:nZ), PTai *dr+o A 2 , Be lua55. The ancient ( Han time) Yue language's word for 'boat' xu-Ju �j!JI [sio-lioh] [YuejueshU] belongs to an AA etymon chalii. The meaning of this wf is 'to hollow out, make hollow' (Huang Jfn-gui and Shen Xf-r6ng YYWZX 1 987.8: 4 1 ft). Allofams are --> du4 'container ' , perh. also --> yu l 9 m1'ltr 'hole' , ..... du 3 rl 'drain', ..... yu l 6 'scoop' . ..... chuan l f.Jf:f 'boat' may also be remotely related ( see there for cognates), --> zhou 1 ffi 'boat' is not. U iu) LH jo, OCM *lo yii 15 'Say yes, agree' [Shu]. !.El ST: WB /yo 'suit, agree with, be proper' . yii 16 ffiri U i u , d�u8) LH j o , do8, OCM *lo, *16? 'To scoop out (as a m ortar), pull toward oneself' [Shi , Karlgren: faulty verse?]. - y6u - yao Ui�u, j iau8) LH ju, jau8, OCM *lu - lau? 'To scoop hulled grain from a mortar' [SW: Shi]. This ordinary agricultural term shows d ialectal ( ?) variations in the rime *-o - *-u - *-au. !.El Area etymon: TB-Lushai b:JkF I JJ?L 'to scoop up' . MK: PMonic *[g]bk 'to scoop out with hand, take out with hand .. . ' . We should expect a CH final -k, perh. it was weakened to *-?. Perhaps related to -. yu 1 4 1'fu. y n 17 'IH'tr Uiu) LH jo, OCM *lo 'Pleasant, enjoy' [Shi]. !.El ST: WB lyoc 'loose, slack, subside' � hlyoC 'loosen, make l ax, lessen, diminish'. ' �#1� Syn. --> yu8 � :�' � Ji':J'. 585
yu �� tlio '1'!?3 (thau) LH thou, OCM *lhO 'To please' [Zuo]. Vocalic variants *o - *u occur elsewhere, see -+ y t.i 1 6 fWJ . * yue '[� [m Uiwl:it) LH jyat, OCM *lot - [f] ONW iuat 'Be delighted, pleased, glad' '[� [Shi]; 'be liked' [Shi], 'satisfied' rnJ [Shu]. � dul 5t!, (dua.iC ) LH duos, OCM *lots 'Glad' [Zhuang] . [C] OC M *lo i s the apparent root o f a large w f whose basic meaning is 'loosen, relax' : -+ shuo g)t *!hot 'Relax, loosen' > 'explai n ' ' Relax' > 'careless' -+ tou 1 {fflj *lho 'Relax, loosen ' > 'take off I away' -+ tuo3 Jm *lhOt -+ t0u 2 filii *lhO 'Take away, rob'
yu 18 �lfrr i@r Uiu) LH jo, OCM *lo (or *jo ?) 'To leap or pass over, transgress' i@r [Shu], �@J [Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR y (:lJI); MGZY y)iu (:lji) [jy] � yu �fiN UiuB) LH jo8, OCM *lo? (or *jo? ?) 'Be increasin g ' (grief), 'be pressing' (burden) � [Shi ] ; 'be suffering' fiN [Shi]; 'surpass' [Lun], 'convalesce' [Meng]. [ WB Ja B. yt127
(jiwo) LH ja, OCM *la - (T] MTang iy < il() < ONW io 'Carriage box, carriage' [Yi], 'carrier, c arry on the shoulders' [Zuo] . [E] Tai: S. I:J:yB 'car, carriage' (Unger Hao-ku 3 6 , 1 990: 67), but Gong Qunhu ( MZYW 2, 2000) compares this to Tai raa 2 'car' instead cW misprint for �! ?). This is prob. the same etymon as """ yu JAL:if 'lift ' . Baxter and Sagart ( 1 998: 48) suggest that yu is also related to """ che and --> ju6
yu 1 �� (juB) LH waB , OCM *wa? 'Feather, wing' [Shi]. (T] Sin Sukchu SR y (J:-.); MGZY xyu (l:) [fiy] [E] Possibly a ST item , note PTB *wa *(b)wa 'bird' (Matisoff LL 1 . 2 , 2000: 1 42f). It also appears to be connected with PKS *pwa Bl 'wing' (Matisoff I 985a: 445 : Benedict). (ju8) LH waB, OCM *wa? yu 2 'Eaves > abode, estate, territory' [BI , Shi]. [E] Etymology not clear. Perh. the s. w. as """ yu 1 �� 'wings' (i.e. 'wings' of a house?); or related to the stem *wa 'enlarge' under """ kuang 1 �5t? yii 3 � Uu8) LH waB , OCM *wa? 'Precipitation, rain' [OB, Shi]. rrJ Sin Sukchu SR y (J:: ) ; MGZY xyu (_l.) [fiy]; MTang y < uo, ONW uo 3E yu � (juC) LH woe, OCM *wah 'To rain (something), fall ' (rain, snow) [Shi]. [ Khambu bwa, Bahing rja -wa; Chepang wa?-?o; PL *r-jwa/we 1 , WB rwa, Lushai rua?L (HST: 1 22). A rare ST parallel stem *(r)we i s represented in CH by the wf -. yun" It is not clear if or how PT *xr-: S. haa 81 ' shower' , classifier for --> ling8 rain etc. could be related. Syn. --> d6ng3 1t, --> fen 2
yu 4 � Uu8) LH waB, OCM *wa? - m MTang y < uo, ONW uo 'Insect, reptile' [SW ] has been compared to PTB *was 'bee, honey' (STC p. 1 7 n . 62). H owever, M K-PWa *wak 'insect' is semantically closer (for the finals, see §3 .2.2).
yu 5-yu 1�1� ..., j u 5 '1:1 yu 6 (fliwoB) LH l)to8 , 0CM *l)a7 'Speak' [Shi]. m Sin Sukchu SR IJY (J::. ) ; MGZY xyu (1:.) [fiy]; MTang IJY < IJP < ONW I]io (?) � yu (fliwoC) LH I]toC, OCM *l)ah 'To tel l ' [Zuo]. [f SIJag-pa, bsiJags 'to praise, extol, recommend' � SI]ags 'incantation' ; PLB *s-I]ak 'bird' > W B hi]ak; JP I]a33 'to say'. >f yan (qj WT go 'headman, beginning, source' �� mgo 'head, summit, beginning' � mgon-po 'protector, master, lord' . WT mg-, mb- CH q-, m- does occur elsewhere, but is rare. Alternatively, the WT etyma could also be related to -4 gao 1 (kau) (so HST: 93), yet yuan's semantic agreement with WT is significant. Mei Tsu-Lin (in Thurgood etc. 1 985: 335f) considers both yuan and -? jiin 3 f!i (kju:m) 'lord, prince' variants whi ch he relates to WT mgon. [C) -4 yuan 1 2 fi m�y be the same word. A llofams are perh. -7 hou 1 J§, -4 yuan 3 lE[.
yua n 2
(ji wan8) LH juanB, OCM *Ion? 'Marsh between mountains' [SW] has perh. a Tai connection : S. JeenA 2 'marsh, mire ' (Manomaivibool 1 975: 235).
yuan3 !El: (fliwun) LH t]yan , OCM *IJwan, OCB *I)wjan 'A plain, highland' [Shi], 'spring, source' [Meng] i s perh. the s. w. as -4 yuan 1 :IT; 'head' (Qiu Xigui 2000: 275). yuan4 ·� (ruwun) L H I]yan, OCM *!]on or *!]wan 'Quiet talk' [SW : Men g) i s perhaps related to PTB *IJoj 'mild, quiet ' . !11 Uwiin) L H wen, OC.M *wen , OCB *wj::m 'Circle' [Shi ] ; 'round' [I] [Yi ] , [Meng], [I] [Hanfei]; 'return' � [Shu] ; yuan 'circle' i s symbolic for 'sky, heaven ' , fang 1J 'square ' for 'earth' [Huainan]. 1.11 Sin Sukchu SR yen (1fL); MGZY xwyan (1fL) [fiy cn]; ONW uan �E yuan U wanC) LH wenc, OCM *wens (?) 'Wall around a courtyard ' [Mo ] ; 'ring-shaped jade insignium' l2lZ [Xun], also MC jwun C; Downer ( 1 959: 280) adds caus. 'encircle oneself > put on' (a buff coat) :j:J [Zuozhuan]. 3 < xuan OCM *s-wen, OCB *-en (zjwan) L H 'To turn around, to wheel ' [Zuo], 'to turn around, return' jj!1fif [Shi], 'turn away, all round ' [Shi, Yi] > (turning this way and that:) 'agile' [Shi]; 'ring ' 1fif [Zhouli ]. [ WB wan 8 'circular', Kachin wan, Lushai va l 'be in the form of a ring or circle' (HST: 55) �E huaJL 'to surround, encircle' . CH -> Tai : S. wianA2 'revolve, encircle, circle' (Manomaivibool 1 975: 1 79). MC -jii- suggests that the OC vocalism was not /a/ but frontish (e, ia?), therefore prob. not (directly?) related to -t huan 1 :j:§:J:Jt . Or this CH wf, or some of its members, belong to -t yfng4 1t. Most l ikely, the area roots *we!] - *wen and *wial - *wel have converged i n QC. For synonyms, see -4 huf
yuan5
yuan6
Uwcm) LH wan, OCM *wan 'Monkey' [Zhuang, Guoce]. 593
yuan
yuan
LE] ST etymon with the OC nominal final *-n (§6.4.3): PTB *woy - *(b)woy (STC no. 3 1 4), JP woi-'3. Alternatively, the root could be AA: PMK *swaa? 'monkey' (Shorto 1 976: 1 062), PNBahn. *hwa 'gibbon' , Wa-Lawa-Bulang *hwa? 'leaf monkey' . For synonyms for 'monkey' , including possible variants, see ..., y6u 8 j@.
yuan7 IJl!J Uw1m) LH wan , OCM *wan, OCB *wjan [f] ONW uan 'Garden, park' fShi]. [E] This word is prob. derived from one or other root *wan 'round, encircle' (see _, huf [ill ) , semantically like yuan 'wall around a courtyard ' (..., ymb 5 Ill see ..., yfng4 . Therefore, the following are unrelated: TB-KN-Kom ra-hlj.n 'garden' ; AA-Khmer swna /suu�n/ 'care for, look after > flower I pleasure garden ' (Jenner I Pou 1 982: 373) -> KT *swjaan (Li ace. to Benedict A T: 37; 1 976: 90) > S. suanA 1 'garden' . < > PMY *weiJ 2 'garden' agrees phonologically with C H (M. Ratliff, p. c.). -
yuan8 :N Uwen) LH wan, OCM *wan 'Be slow' [ShiJ. Ace. to Karlgren ( 1 956: 1 4), the fol lowing is related: �� hua n ( y uanB) LH yuanB, OCM *wan? 'Slow, delay' [Meng] > 'slack, indulgent' [Zuo] > 'negligent' [Yi], but this word could instead belong to _, xuan 2 Bf 'soft, mild'. Gong ( 1 995) relates h uan to WT 'gor-ba 'to tarry, l inger, loiter ' . yuan9 �
_,
xuan l r!
yua n l l _, y a n 1 yuan 12 i! (l)jwen) LH l)yan, OCM *IJon or *!)wan 'Large turtle' [Zuo] is perh. the same word as . ., ymin 1 JC (Unger Hao-ku 28, 1 984: 25 1 , 260). On the other hand, this word may be related to � ao (l)aU) LH I]OU, OCM *I]il.U 'Turtle' [Liezi ] . If yuan should be the original form, the final nasal has been lost in the process of back formation. yuan 1 � Uwrm 8) LH wan8, OCM *wan? 'Far away, distant, far-reaching, extending' [Shi]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR yen (J:: ) ; MGZY xwyan ( J::) [fiyen] ; ONW uan � � yu�n � UwBnc) LH wane, OCM *wans 'Keep at a distance, keep away' [Shi]. [ caus. s-suffix (§4.3 .2). LE] This i tem has no apparent TB cognate, but may be an unexplained rime *-an variant of the wf _, jiong 2 i1QJ 1® *wel)7 'distant '. Allofam is perh. _, j iong3 'l'i *kwal)? which represents a transitional rime. Baxter and Sagart ( 1998: 60) relate this etymon to _, yue4 'pass over' . yua n 2 �7[! (?jwenB) L H ?yan8, OCM *?wan? o r *?on? 'Sleeve' is an ancient Jiangdong (lower Yangtze) dialect word ace. to Guo PU's commentary to FY 29. 32. It still survives in Mln dialects: PMin *?yon 8 > Fu'an unBI, Fuzhou uoiJ81, Xiamenen IJ 8, Ji�myang yeiJ 81 (Norman 1 983 : 206). 'Sleeve' is perh. connected with wan � 'wrist' (under _, yu1 yuan 1 JB (?jwenB) LH ?yan8, OCM *?on'/ , OCB *?jon? 'Trees with rich fol iage, umbrageous' [Guoyu] > 'pent up' (feelings) [Shi]. For a semantic parallel, see _, wei 1 0 , yu 594
yu�n - yue [T] Sin Sukchu SR ?yen (_1:. ) ; MGZY 'wyan C l) [?yen]
�t yu�n ?J; (?jwtmC) LH ?yanC, OCM *?ons, OCB *?jons
( 1 ) ('Pent up' :) 'resent, bear resentment' [Shi]. [ 'abbreviate, condensed, essential' [Li, Meng]. 3t yao *"' (?jiauc 4) LH ?iauc, OCM *?iaukh ? 'Bond, contract, agreement' [Zuo] . [E] ST: WB yok 'wind around, as thread' . yue 3 U� (?jwut, ?jwat) L H ?yat, OCM *?wat o r *?ot 'Sound of vomiting' [Li] . �E O U U� (?"u B) L H (oB, 0CM *?o? 'To vomit' [Zuo]. [E] This is an onomatopoetic expression, other lgs. in the area have similar words: PTB *?aw 'vomit' (HPTB: 227), PLB *ut 'to belch ' ; Lushai uakR ; PMonic *tl-r::>;)?, M on h�?o? 'to vomit, regurgitate' (Diffloth 1 984: 1 5 1 ] ; also WB an 'vomit'; WT skyug-pa ( < s-?yuk '!) 'vomit, eject'. yue1 H (qjwBt) LH l)yot, S !)tot, OCM *l)wat, OCB *l)wjat 'Moon > month' [OB, Shi]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR !)ye (A); MGZY xwya (A) [fiye] ; MTang !]uar, ONW l)Uat, (D] Mand. yue 'month ' , yue-liang � 'moon ' ; Ga.n I)yre?D2_kwa1JAJ H :7\:; 'moon' (in M and. 'moonlight'); Y -Guangzhou jytD2_kuoiJA I fj :7\:; 'moon' , Taishan I)gutD2_k:JI] A I; PMin *I]yot: Xiamen col. ge?D2, l it. guatD2 [E] ST: Unger (Hao-ku 39, 1 992) proposes as cognate WT IJo(s) 'waxing and waning moon, half moon ' , Lepcha ii6m. These belong to PTB *l)ow ( STC no. 296) > WT SIJO 'blue-green', Lushai IJOH 'white, fair', Thado l)OU 'clean ' , Lepcha ta-l)ot 'white hair, old' * IJO 'old' (Bodman 1 980: 1 36). The widespread semantic association of ' moon' with 'white' would support this etymology; see 4 bai 1 B , � po4 �. � po5 � for a parallel. There may possibly be a connection with � ai 1 ' white-haired' , but that i s phonologically problematic. M atisoff sets up PTB *s-I]w(y)at 'moon, star' (HPTB: 8 5) 595
yue or PTB *s-l)wa-t 'star I moon ' ( HPTB (24; 26). Tai rJuat02 'recurring period' (Manomaivibool 1 97 5 : 330) would be a CH loan if the ST etymology is correct.
yue2 Jjlj � wu l yue3 .d Lushai vaanL < vaanh ' sky' (in some lgs., 'sky' and 'cloud' are the same word). However, 'cloud' i s possibly cognate to 4 yi:m 2 �- 'revolve', thus ylin was lit. a 'whorl ' or 'swirl' i n the sky (the OB graph for ylin shows a whorl). Therefore one or other of the numerous synonymous and similar-looking roots in the area ( see under � huf [E]) i s probably represented here. Closest i s perh. AA-K hm er / wul/ 'to turn (around), revolve, rotate, spin, whirl, eddy, swirl ' . From *wul to *wun i s only one phonological step; an equally appropriate root PTB *wir would instead require two steps, in addition to -r > -n also the change u > i ( § 1 1 .5 . I ): TB-Lushai virR < vir? 'rotate, revolve, spin' � vfrL < virh ( < -s) 'a whorl ' , Mru wir 'rotate, spin ' , WT 'khyfr-ba 'to turn around in a circular course' , JP-Hkauri k;;�-win 'rotate' [Matisoff 1 974: 1 66]; WB ;;�-khyfn 'a time period, season ' (for semantics, note xun under 4 jiln2 �$]).
yun 1 ft U iuen8) LH juin8, OCM *jun? or *win? 'believe, trust ' ; if so, 'To trust, be true, sincere' [Shi] seems to be related to � xin 1 OC should be expected to be *win? (not *jun?). On the other hand, the word may be related to TB-WB yum 'believe, trust' (for the final nasal , see §6.7). rfJ Sin Sukchu SR yn Cl:); MGZY Jjun ( _!:) [jyn]
597
yiin
yil.n
Uiwen8) LH win 8 , OCM *w(r)gn(?) or *win(?) ?, OCB *wrjtn('i') 'To drop, fal l ' [Sh i ] ; 'fall to the ground' [Zuo], 'to rain, fall down like rain' [Gongyang ] ; 'to drop, lose' (one's life) {Guoyu] ; 'lose' [Zuo] > caus. 'to overthrow' �� [Zuo], 'destroy' m [Xun]. �t xun mJ (sj uen) LH suin, OCM *swin 'To drip, tears falling' [Guoyu] . [ LH ?oi] WT *-o, see § 1 2 .9); JP m;J31-sup31 'to suck', tfup31 ' suck ' . HPTB: 382 lists many TB variants. Note also AA: Kharia jo 'b 'to suck', Munda ct:p;J 'd, K hm er -japa 1-cii�pl 'to take in, suck ' . Foreign words with the rime -op, -up usually become MC -�p (via earlier -w�p. with the medial w lost due to dissimi lation); occasionally, such words appear in OC as *-ot, *-ut, thus -. chuo2 n�l\ 'drink' may be related. Karlgren ( 1 956: 1 8) relates this word to -'> can !tl 'hold i n the mouth'.
za2 n .... j £ 13 � J!i& z a i 1 � (ts�i) LH ts�. OCM *ts� - [f] ONW tsai 'Natural d isaster' (fire, drought, flood, locusts, eclipse, pestilence, etc.), 'accident, i nj ury' � [OB, Shi], [Li ] , 'conflagration ' [Zuo, SW, Hanshu]. [E] ? ST *ts� > TB: JP tsa31 'be damaged' � J�31-tsa3I 'to destroy' . This root blends i nto a homophone m eaning 'warm, heat, fever, pai n ' : PTB *tsa 'be hot' ( STC no. 62) > WT tsha-ba 'hot, heat, sharp (spices), illness' �� tshad-pa 'heat, fever' � tshan-ma 'hot, warm ' ; TGTM * I tshawa 'fever' , 2tsha 'be in pai n ' ; Chepang ea ' sore, wound ' �� ca 'have sores', M ikir so- 'hot, excessive, be ill, sore ' ; NNaga dzat 'suffer' [French 1 983: 223] , Garo sa 'ache, pain ' ; WB �-cha 'hunger, something faulty or hurtfu l ' , Lahu cha 'to shine, be bright' (of the sun). STC ( 1 70 n. 455) relates PTB *tsa ' hot, pain ' to -" jf6 m. but see there. [C] Prob. cognate to -'> Zfg 'slash and burn ' and possibly to -'> zei f!1X. ' z a i 2 �f;j(; (ts�i) LH ts�, OCM *ts� 'To plant' � [Li] ; 'to begi n ' � [Shu]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR tsaj (:\fL); MGZY dzay (:\fL) [tsaj]; ONW tsai n z a i 3 � (ts� iC) LH ts�c, 0CM *ts�h - [f] ONW tsoi C 'To initiate, start work, undertaking, achievement; at first' [Shi, Shu]. � zai � (dz�iC) LH dz�C, OCM *dzgh 'To board, erect building frames' [Shi , Zuo] . LE] The basic meaning o f this wf i s 'to be a t a place > t o p u t a t a place > put into place > plant I i nitiate'. The word -" zai 1 'to be in, at' is prob. related; this wf belongs per h. to ST *ts� 'come forth' from which -> zl1 -=f ( tsi8) i s derived. z a i � -" z A i 4 z a i 1 ft (dza.iB) L H dz�8, OCM *dz�? 'Be in, at, to exist' [OB, BI, Shi] appears to be the endoactive form of the i tems under -" zai 2 �� ( §4.5). On the other hand, Matisoff (ICSTLL, Bangkok 2000: 8) compares ziJ.i to Lahu chi �� ji 'stop, cease, come to rest' *N-dzay2 (JAM) or *cya2 �* *jya 2 (Bradley 1 979). Allofam -" cun ff. [f] Sin S. SR dzaj MGZY tsay CL*) [dzaj]; ONW dzai 599
z ai
zao
zai2
(ts�iC) LH ts;;,C, OCM *ts�h 'To load, carry, pour, fill, conveyance' [Shi]. � � zai � (dz�jC) LH dz;;,C, OCM *dz�h 'To load, a load' [Shi] >� zf (tst[8]) LH tsi;;,(8), OCM *ts;;,(?) 'A burden' [Shi]. [E] This wf could possibly be part of --> zai 2 �-AA . here in the sense of 'to put into place > put on, place onto, load ' .
z a i 3 � 'start' .... z ii i 2 �-AA
z a i 4 ¥} (ts�iC) LH ts;;,C, 001 *tsgh 'Twice, again and again ' [Shi]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR tsaj (:* ) ; MGZY dzay [tsaj]; ONW tsaiC 3� z a i � (ts�i8) LH ts;;,B, OCM *tsg( 'A turn ' (as i n : 'it is his turn to .. . '), 'a year' [Shu]. [ Jiangle tsoiJAI, Fuzhou tsal)Al) - *tsem (> Amoy tsia m A 1); Y-Gu{mgzhOu 55tsam A I •� z en (tiii;;, mC) LH tpmc, OCM *tsr::>ms --> ci 2 'To slander' tr. [Shi]. For semantics, see --> zhen 8 [E] Area word *C-rum - *C-rim 'needle'; the OC word is phonetically closest to lgs. which AN-PCham *jurum, I N are farthest afield (this is also the case with 'weave' --> ren5 dayum 'needle' (Benedict A T: 1 1 3); AA-PNBahn. jariim, PSBahn. prum, Sre jurum -> TB-Lepcha ryiim, M ikir ir]prim 'needle' ; IST: 237 l ists prum - prim > {im for Kuki-Chin lgs. OC can be derived from a form *jrum or *crum . Cf. also PKS *tshom A 'needle'.
z ii ng Y� (tsalJ) LH tsalJ, OC M *tsalJ 'Be good' (of quality of persons, horses, state) [Shi]. [E] ST: WT bzaiJ-po 'good' (HST: 87). zang 1 (tsar{) LH tSOI)c, OCM *tsal)h 'To bury' (a corpse) [Lunyu]. Old texts seem to confirm what the graph suggests, that the dead were once wrapped in straw or grass, i.e. literally 'concealed' ; therefore zang may possibly be related to .... cang �. [C] An allofamis is prob. --> sal) � 'burial ' . .... c an g i1( z ang2 zao 1 -> z u 1 ¥ z a o 2 £I (tsau) LH tsou, OCM *tsCI [f] ONW tsau 'Meet, encounter' [Shi]. > � c a.o (dzau) LH dzou, OCM *dzCI 'Come together' [Guoyu] , 'crowd' [Zuo]. 600
z a o - z ao [f) MGZY tsaw ('f) [dzaw]; Sin Sukchu SR dza w ('f) [f z u (tsu;Jt) L H tsu;;,t, OCM *tsut, OCB *Stut 'Group ' (of men, families, states) [Li] , 'soldier, army' [Zuo ). [f) MTang tsur < tsuir, ONW tsuit [ z u 1 !-{'- 'to die' (unlikely). * c ui 1 (dzwiC) LH dzuis, OCM *dzuts, OCB *dzjuts < *dzjups ? 'To collect, assemble' [Shi], 'assemblage, crowd' [Meng]. Bodman links this word to -> zu 1 4"; Baxter ( 1 992: 350) considers this word a tone C derivation from -> jf1 3 (dzjgp) 'collect' . [E] Bodman ( I 969) combines z{j 4" , cui zul � (under -> ju7 �) with -> tun 2 and other items into a large ST wf 'to collect, accumulate'.
zao 1
(tsau8) LH tsou8, OCM *tsu? 'Early' [Shu ]. Ace. to Norman ( 1 986: 382) the Northern M In 'softened i nitial ' indicates OC prenasalization which i s supported by Yao dzjou3 < *ntz- 'early'. [f) Sin Sukchu SR tsaw MGZY dzaw ( ..t.) [tsaw]; ONW tsou [.E] Zlio is prob. derived from .... zzto 3 'do, make, begin' and thus semantically similar to other words for 'morning' ( -> chen 5 -> su 3 )37\.). W B co8 'early, premature' �� c11oc 'be early' (as rains), JP tfau33 are prob. Tai loans ( Matisoff 1 974: 1 78): PTai *zau8 2 'time of cock crowing' (Luo Yongxian MKS 27, 1 997: 293) or *jauC 2 [Li Fang Kuei] .
zao 2 1i: (tsau 8) LH tsouB, 0CM *tsu? 'Flea' [Zhuang] . Unger (Hao-ku 39, 1 992) suggests cognation with -> sao 1 tl 'scratch' , hence lit. 'itcher' . z a o 3 Yf (tsauB) L H tsauB, OCM *tsau? 'To wash' [Li] . [.E] PMY *nts 1 aau 3 BJC 'to wash (bathe)'. Note also TB-Lushai suL I suukF < tsu?/h 'to wash' , but the vocalism does not agree with OC. zao1 (dzau8) LH dzou8, OCM *dz(l? 'An acorn, black-dying fruit' [Zhou1i]. CVST ( 4: 1 3 ) relates this word to WT ts1'os 'paint, dye' which, however, could phonologically also agree with .... cai2 *tshg? 'full of color, color' [Shi]. (tsh§uC) LH tshouC, OCM *tshuh z ao2 'To proceed to' [Shi, Meng], 'reach to' ( mountains the sky) [Hou Hanshu]. * jiu ff'fL (dzj;;,uC) LH dziuc, OCM *dzuh 'To proceed, achieve' [Shi] (Wang Li 1 982: 3 1 1 ). [f) Sin Sukchu SR dziw (:t.:;.); MGZY tsiw (:t.:;.) [dziw] ; MTang dzeu < dziu, ONW dzu [N] This wf is perh. related to .... zao 3 m, ..... zu I z ao 3 (dzau8) LH dzouB, OCM *dzu? - [f] ONW dzou 'To do, make, build' (boats, bridges), 'be active, begin' [Shi] ; 'to achieve ' [Shi]. 601
ze
zeng
[N] The element -" gao0 15 'report' with initial k- is not phonetic, it was part of the original word *tshOh 'to go and offer' (a sacrifice), 'go and appear in court' which usually would involve some announcement or report. Therefore, there is no need to postulate an *sk-like initiaL [E] ST: PTB *tsuk > WT 'tshugs-pa 'go into, commence, take root' >� 'dzugs-pa zug-pa 'to stick into, set, erect, put down, begin' •� 'tshud-pa 'be put into, enter' , PLB *tsukH 'build' (a house). An allofam is prob. -'> zao l 'early'. This wf is perh. related to -'> zao2 �. -" zu l z e 1 �Jj (tsgk) LH tsgk, OCM *ts:'>k 'Consequently, thereupon, otherwise' [BI, Shi] . m Sin S. SR tsgj (;\), LR tsgj7; MGZY diiy (;\) [tsgj ] ; ONW tsgk [E] Etymology not certain. Unger (see Geil ich 1 994: 289) suggests that this is zf LH tzi;:J, *tsg 'this' [Shi] with the distributive k-suffix ( §6. 1 .2). If true, the m eaning 'a norm ' [BI , Shi] would prob. represent a different word. �
z e 2 Ji (t�ck) LH t�Ek, OCM *tsrek, OCB *tsrU)ek (< *Strek?) 'Request, reprove, hold responsible' [Shu]. >� z hlil.i {jf (t�aiC) LH t�aic, OCM *tsrekh 'Debt' [Shu ] . Ace. to Baxter ( 1 992: 23 1 ). -" zhe8 B� is possibly related. z e 3 j� ( V iet. chet 'to die' ( Norman I M ei 1 976: 277); PSBahn. *kgsit - *bsgt 'to die, dead' , Katuic *ce:t 'dead' 3� *k/g0ce:t 'to kill' ; PMonic kc;)t 'to die' �E k-r-cet 'to kil l ' ; Khmer /sgt/ 'to die' n /bans!i;;Jt/ 'to kil l ' ( ban- is caus. prefix). For the initials, see § I 0.5 .2. _, c huo z ha zhai .:.=e (c,iek) LH z e 2 zhai2 � zhai 3 �
-"
_,
z hl 25, z hai � z h a :fL
603
z ha n
z ha n
(tsjam) L H tsam, OC M *tern, OCB d:l *tjem (Baxter 1 992: 54 1 ) ( 'To look at, gaze, look at omens, dreams':) 'prognosticate, interpret' [OB, Bl, Shi]. - z hii n (tsjlim) LH tsam , OCM *tarn (actually *tiam), *tjam (Baxter 1 992: 539) 'To look at, gaze' [Shi]. The OC vacillation between *-em and *-am points to an actual *-iam ( § 1 1 . 3 .2). [f] ONW tsam �� c ha n 1r!i�� (\hjam) LH �ham ?, OCM *threm 'To look, observe' fr!i [Li] > 'to spy' �� (also read t_hjamC) [Zuo]. [E] ? AA: OKhmer /cam/ 'to watch over, watch for, keep in mind' [Jenner I Pou 1 982: 67], Viet xem [sem] < *ts11j- (and also *�hj-?) 'to see, look at, watch'. The initial correspondance is not clear, though.
z h ii n 1
z hi:in 2 �rf:i� (tjam) LH tarn , OCM *tram or *trem ? - [f] MTang \am , ONW tam 'To moisten, soak through' [Shi], 1rf:i [Chuci]. Perh. cognate to """" jian 8 rlWfmtytf (so Karlgren 1 949: 80). [E] AA: Khmer /tram/ 'to soak, steep' �� /tamram/ ' soaking, immersion, anything soaked in water I brine' 3� OKhmer jrii!Jl, Khmer /cro'dm/ 'mud, foul-smelling mud'. PNBahn. *tram, PSBahn. *tdram 'soak', *k'dram 'sink' ; Katuic *t;Jrh['d/a]m 'soak'. z ha n 3 ITr:'l 'taste' """" tie 2 Or:'l (tsjan-dan) L H tsan-dan, OCM *dan zhan 4-tan 'Sandalwood' 'develop, set forth ' [Zuozhuan] > 'examine' [Liji]. � zhan � ( tj anC) LH tanC, OCM *trans 'A ritual robe' [Shi] is perhaps a derivation ( i.e. 'rolled draped around'?). [E] ST: WT rdal-ba, brdal 'to spread, unfold, extend over' (HST: 1 39), WB tan B 'extend in a l ine, stretch out straight' 3� :3-tanB 'line, row, duration, length'.
zhan 2 l'I!JT (t�iim 8) L H t�emB, OCM *tsrem? ?, OCB *tsrjam? 'To cut off, cut down' [Shi]. (dfam[CJ), L H dfam(c), OCM *dzram(s) 3f c ha n , z ha n 'Sharp' [Mo]. [ zhua tJr\ 'grasp' ; i t may perh. also be related to -> sao 1 'scratch' . z hii o 2 :f::!t 'To search for'. The word first appears in the Ming dynasty, etymology unknown (Norman 1 988: 76). zhiio 3 BB .... z hii o 3 BB z hao 1
(gjauC) LH gauc, OCM *drauh 'To call , summon' [BI, Shi]. [E] Prob. related to Tai: S. r�akA2 'summon, cal l ' (Manomaivibool 1 975: 1 52), for the initials see §7 . 1 .4, for the finals §6.9. �� zhiio :J1.{ (tsjau) LH tsau, OCM *tau [f] 01\'W tsau 'To beckon, summon' [Shi] > 'signalize' [Guoyu]. 3� z hao (tsjauc) LH tsauc, OCM *tauh 'To tell , declare' [BI, Shu] is perh. related.
zbao2 §:g .... zhao 1 z hao3 :tB �.� .... z ba o 3 BB z hao4 �b (gjau8) LH gau8, OCM *d-laur 'To prognosticate omen, symptom ' [Zuo] . lE] Perh. ST: Chepang hra w?- 'forebode, portend ill fortune, be i l l ' . z ha o 5 1-it .... z h uo l l ¥.; z he � (tjak, gjak) [f] Sin Sukchu SR t�;>j aw, d�aw ( A), LR t�jaw?; MGZY jew, cew (A) [tt>ew - dz..e w] A Mand. progressive suffix, first appears in the 9th cent. A D ; in Wu dial . : ts� ( < Southern MC tjr), it has now also assumed the function of the perfective aspect marker (Mei Tsu-Lin CAAAL 9, 1 978 : 39ff.). zh6 1 IfL (tjap) LH �ap, OCM *trap 'Hanging ears' [Zuo, N. Pr.J, also dii � (til.p) LH tap 'ears long and hanging down' [GY] is ace. to JY the comm on graph for zhe. [E] Perh. connected with Tai *tu:p 'hanging ears ' (of dog) (STC: 1 8 1 n. 479). z he 2 tff (tsjat) LH tsat, OCM *tet, OCB *tjet ( 1 998) - [f] ONW tsat 'To break off' tr. [Shi], 'destroy' [Yi], 'decide' [Shu]. 3� s he (zjat) LH dzat, OCM *det, OCB *N-tjet ( 1 998) - [f] ONW dzat 'To bend' intr. [Li ] , 'be cut off, broken off > to die prematurely ' [Shu]. [ yao I :;k_7fk [E] ST *tet - *tjat (for the vowels, see § 1 1 .3 .2): Chepang tet- 'break or snap a rope, tear cloth'. PTB *tsyat (STC no. 1 85), or rather *tyat (Baxter and Sagart 1 998: 43f): PLB *tsat - *C-tsat 'break in two, cut through, conclude' ; WT 'chad-pa, (;had 'to cut, explain ' 3� gcod-pa, bead 'to cut'. Lushai catL I ca?L (Lorr. chat) 'to break or snap' (as rope, string), 'asunder, apart' n (;hatL I cha?L 'to fetch or cut' (long pieces of cane etc.). [C] Karlgren 1 956: 16 relates -? zhe3 f!f 'wise' (< 'penetrating' ) to thi s wf.
608
zhe - z he zhe 3 flf (tjat) LH �at, OCM *trat [f] ONW tat 'Be intelligent, wise, c lever' sv [Shi] ; a Han period Qf-Song (eastern) d ialect word for 'know' [FY 1 . 1 ]. � c he ff& (lJjat, �hjat) LH gat, that, OCM *drat, *thrat, OCB *fithrjet, *thrjet 'To understand' tr. [BI, Shi]. [I'] ONW that [ zhen 1 tt. z hen 4 (tjal)) LH t,el), OCM *trel) [f] MTang telJ, ONW tel) 'To test, try out, correct, verify' [OB] . � z hen , z heng (tjiil), �hjiii)[C]) L H telJ, theiJ, OCM *t(h)reiJ 'To test, verify' [Li]. [E] Tai : S. thJeeJ]A1 'id . ' (Manomaivibool 1 975: 1 49). Perh. related to .... zheng 2 �. z hen 5
(tsjen) LH tsin , OCM *tin 'To be true, real ' [Zhuang]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR t�in (f); MGZY jin (f) [t?in] [E] ST: WT bden-pa 'true'. Perh. connected with .... zhen4
z hen 6 t� 4 zhen2 i�R z hen 7 (tsjen) LH tsin, OCM *tgn 'Be numerous, in a flock' (birds, sons) [Shi]. •� z hen g (tsjgl)) LH tstl), OCM *tgl) 'Be many, numerous ' (people, animals) [Shi] is apparently a variant of the above. z hen 8 Jl$E� (tsjgm) LH kim, OCM *kim [T] ONW tsim [D] PMin *tsim � *tSem 'Needle ' �� [Zuozhuan] , � [Liji ] > 'to criticize' � [Zuozhuan]. For a semantic parallel, see -> zan -> cl 2 JR. [E] Etymology not clear. OC -> Viet. kim 'needle' (Bodman 1 980: 1 83). -> Tai: Saek kimA 1 'needle ' ; PTai *khiemA 1 'needle' is perh. to be connected with �� (gjHim 4) [GY] . < > PYao *si:mA 1 'needle', PMiao *kroiJA 1 [Wang FS]. M K : Khmu skam 'needle' (related?) (Benedict MKS 1 8-1 9, 1 992: 4). HPTB: 1 98 compares the CH word with PTB *kap 'needle', both may go back to ST *bm � *bp. z hen 9 .... s hen 4 ¥�� z he n 1 tt (tsj�m 8) LH tsim8, OCM *kim?, OCB *Kjum? - [f] ONW tsim 'Headrest, pillow' [Shi]. A tone C verb 'to pillow oneself on' [Zuo] (Downer 1 959: 280) is an exoactive I caus. derivation (§4.3). 610
z he n - z heng [E] ST *kum - *kim: PTB *mkum ( STC no. 482) > WB khum 'block, bench, table' , PL *m-gum 2 ; Lushai khumL 'bedstead'; JP khum55 'headrest, pillow', Lepcha kam 'block', buiJ-khum 'pillow' ( Bodman 1 980: 1 83 ; HST: 1 1 8); Nung m;;,khJm (HPTB: 503). For the i - u variations, see § 1 1 .5 . 1 .
z he n 2
(�hjenC) L H t.hinc, OCM *thr;)ns or *rh;)ns 'Fever' [Sh i ] , 'suffer' [Shi ] is perh. a M K word: Khmer krun vb. ' have a fever' , the OC vowel *;:1 after an initial with *r could correspond to foreign *u as in -; chen6 'dust'.
z he n 3 � (tsjen[B]) LH tsinB, OCM *t;)n?, OCB *tjgn? 'Path between fields' [BI, Shi], 'boundary dikes' [Zhuang] i s perh. cognate to the synonymous -; ding 3 ll!J. z be n 4 fr(� -; j rn 1 �
z ben 1 .ll* (c,ijgmB) LH c,timB, OCM *drgm'l , *drg!]? 'My, our' [BI, Shi, Shu] , etymology not clear. z hen2 tl&BI (tsjenC) LH tsinc, OCM *tgns - ONW tsin ('To stir, be stirring ':) 'to shake, rouse, quake' tl& [Shi] > 'to alarm, fear' [OB, Shi] , 'scared' 1./& [Guoce]; 'thunder' [Shi]; > 'move' [Li] , 'lift ' tl& [Guoyu] > 'save, help' [Yi], 'endow, succor' !Ii [Mo]. [D] M-Xiamen col. tfn B1, l it. tsinB1 'to shake' ( tfn B1 does not agree with the QYS). = z hen 3, s hen (tsjenc, sjen) LH tsin, OCM *t�ns 'Pregnant' [Zuo], 'become pregnant' [Shi]. The reading shen has prob. been transferred from -; shen 2 'body' with which it is unrelated. 'Pregnant' is derived from 'to shake, rouse, excite ' (e.g. a grasshopper from hibernation, i.e. coming to life), hence lit. 'start stirring, moving' (of an embryo). �� z hen 5 1.1& (tsjen) LH tsin, OCM *tgn 'Majestic' [Shi] is prob. related because of the frequent semantic connection between 'shake' and 'fear, fearsome'. [E] Prob. ST even though the TB vowel does not agree: PTB *tur 'tremble, shake, pulse' [HPTB : 369] > WB tun 'tremble, shake' ; cf. also Chepang dh;;r- 'to shake, vibrate'. The semantic field of this wf is parallel to -> sou 3 , sou 1�: 'move I stir > pregnant, morning'. [C] A c losely related etymon is _, chen5 fi: 'morning '. -. z hen4 z hen3, shen -; z hen2 z hen4 1�!Jl& (tsjenC) LH tsin, OCM *t;ans 'Child, boy or g irl ' [Han texts] ; in the ancient Yan-Qf region (NE and Eastern China) the word meant 'someone who raises horses' (stable boy I girl ?), also refers to a 'maid' of an official 's wife [FY 3, 3]. Perh. related to -; zhen 2 i.e. someone moving about, being busy? z hen5 ID:tJ® -; c h e n 2 tX z hen6 #-5[ 'rope' -; yrn 2 0 1 z hen7 �t -; c hC n 7 z heng 1 iE 11£ -; z heng 1 l.Elf!x: z heng 2 (t�el)) LH t�el), OCM *tsrelJ 'To fight, quarrel ' [Shi] .
61 1
z heng
z heng
[f] Sin Sukchu SR t�;;�jlJ (3f), PR, LR tt>;:11J; MGZY /ing (f) [t�;:Jl)] ; ONW t�elJ LEJ ST: WT 'dziiJ-ba 'quarrel, contend, fight' (HST: 1 22), WB cac 'war, battle'.
-> j io n g 2 WiJ'lli! zheng 3-r6ng zheng 4 m (tsj �IJ ) LH tstl), OCM *t;:JI) 'To steam ' (food) [Shi]. Sagart ( 1 999: 73) derived the following from this word : : WT thalJ 'pine, fir, evergreen tree', WB thal]B 'fuel , firewood' , in compounds also 'pine, fir' (HST: 79). z heng 7 � 'to offer' _. c b e n g 2 ::7R7/c z heng 8 _. zheng2 z heng 9 'Elbow, heel ' occurs in southern dialects: PMin *tal) � *tial): Yong' an t JA 1, mm'ou tiaiJAI, Fuzhou taiJAI, Fu'an nalJAI, Amoy tJAI, Jieyang teA1; Y -Gu{mgzhOu sau BL tsaaiJA 1 'elbow' , kcekD1m ?-tsaal)A1 'heel '. Etymology not clear. z heng 1 _. c b e n g 2
zheng 2 � _. z heng 1 1Eif)(: z heng 1 1EiE!z (tsjal)c) L H tse!Jc, OCM *terJh 'Be straight, correct > govern, determine' :iE [Shi, Shu]; 'to govern, government' IJ& [BI, Shi, Shu], 'remonstrate' �If [Guoce]. [fJ Sin Sukchu SR t�il) (�); MGZY jing (�) [t�il)]; ONW tsel) [ ('to target, make straight for' :) 'to march on I against, campaign' 1JE [BI, Shi]. Contrary to traditional belief ( GSR 833o), the basic meaning is not 'to correct' > 'punish by military exped ition ' , although the (royal, i mpe ri a l ) attacker l ikes to see his action thus morally justified. 3� z he n g 2 (tsjaiJ8) LH tseiJB. OCM *tel)? 'Be orderly' [Zuo], caus. 'arrange, dispose' (troops) [Shi] (Unger Hao-ku 36, 1 990: 50) [l)/ 'be true, accurate, correct, right '. This wf could be related to --> tfng 1 -'; (so Karlgren 1 956: 1 6), but prob. not to _. tlng 2 t1f because the initials are different (*1- vs. *t-). Matisoff ( 1 988) combines this wf with --> yfng 2 'full ' , --> pfng 1 3f 'level ' , --> tfng 2 tH 'straight ' . z heng 2 � (tsj;;>lf) LH t StiJc , ocM *t;:Jl)h 'Testify, prove' [Lunyu]. Perh. related to --> zhen4 � , and I or _. zhen 5 [f] Sin Sukchu SR t�il) (�); MGZY jing (1;;) [t�ilJ]; ONW tsiiJ 612
zhf �� z hen g :f!\ij: (tj;;J!]) L H tilJ, OCM *tr;;Jl) ?
I.TJ MTang tilJ, ONW tiiJ 'To examine, verify, summon ' [Shu], 'test, testify, prove' [Zuo]. [E] MK-Khmer diaila /tfi;;J!]/ 'be true, accurate, correct' �� phdiaila /ptli;;>l)/ 'to correct, verify, confirm ' (or are these CH loans?). Perh. related to --> zhen4 ffi.
zhf 1
(tst) LH tS;;l, OCM *t;;> LT] Sin S. SR t:?i (:>f), PR, LR tn; MGZY j i (:>f) [t�i]; ONW ts;;J ( 1 ) Demonstrative pronoun 'this, he, she, it'. As a subject it is common in OB, sporadic in Sh1]fng and subsequent classical texts, but it is everywhere the normal object pronoun 'hi m , her, it'. Placed after the negatives bU /f and wu 1#, the obj . pronoun is reduced t o its initial t- and fused with the preceding negatives yielding fu 9fj (pju;;lt) 'not it' and wU o/1 (mju;;Jt) 'don 't...it', see under � bu l /f and � wu , m. ( 2) Derived from the pronoun i s the use as the common genitive m arker. A medieval colloquial genitive marker was written -7 dl2 }g; subsequently � de3 s"J appears for the first time i n a Song document (Coblin p. c.) and later in a Yuan i nscription of 1 23 8 (Mei Tsu-Lin BIHP 59. 1 , 1 988). However, these forms m ay be unrelated to zhr because they imply a final -k. 'it shf (zt) LH dz;:), OCM *d;:) Demonstrative pronoun 'this, now, then' [Shi]. Pulleyblank ( 1 995 : 89) considers shf a relati vely unemphatic form of � shi 1 4 :;!i!:. See also §3 .3 .3 . LT] Sin S. SR z;_i ('f), PR, LR 2;1 ; MGZY z h i [z,i ]; ONW dZ� [E) ST: WT da 'there'.
zhf 2 Z (tst) LH ts�, O CM *to *ti� ?) 'To go, proceed' [Shi]. [T] Sin S. SR t�i PR, LR tn; MGZY j i [t�i]; ONW ts;;J [E] ST *tj� ?: WT cha-ba 'to go, become, be going to' ; WB ca C 'begin , at first' �� ;;>-ca c 'beginning ' . These TB items do not belong to � chi:i 3 t:JJ as has been suggested. �� shf !M'§ (z+) LH dZ:;;l, OCM *do? (tone !) 'Time, season' [B I , Shi]. OC -> Tai : S. tiil < d- 'time, favorable occasion' . [ 'spirit, mind, record, treatise' [Zuo]. Note the semantic proximity with the root in the phrase '[My thoughts] are not equal to (where I am going :) my purpose' [Shi 54, 5]. [ shi 3 2 � (suggested by Wang U 1 982: 95). � z h 1 Jl::. NJl (t§.j.B) LH tsoB, OCM *to? 'Foot > heel ' [BI , Shi ) ; > 'to settle, stop' [Shi]. [ qi6 .�� 'to ride' may be related. -
zhf 5 1;D (tje) LH te, OCM *tre 'To know, understand' [Shi] . m Sin Sukchu SR t � i ( ¥); MGZY j i (¥) [t�i]; ONW te * z hl (tjeC) LH tee, OCM *treh 'Knowledge, wisdom ' [BI , Shu, Meng] > 'be wise' [Zuo] (Downer 1 959: 287). ( PLB *C-tikL, *tF 'one' > WB tac �� PLB *?di k 'only' (Matisoff 1 997a: 8 1 ) > Lahu tf 'only'; Limbu thik 'a l ittle, only' ; WT gcig 'one ' ; JR btiag ( Beyer 1 992: 83). Vowel e as in OC (from *-ja-): Bumthang t(h)ek, Cuona M onpa the?54 ( Matisoff l 997a: 20; HPTB: 507). >< PLB *day2 �� tf 'only' > WB thfB ' si ngle, alone' (Matisoff 1 997a: 2 1 ), JP taf 33 'single'. For the vowels, see § 1 1 .3 . 2 . -
z hf 7 fJl! (diei, tsje, zje) LH tse, OCM *te, *de 'Peace, happiness' [SW : Yi]. [E] ST: WT bde-ba 'happy' (HST: 9 1 ). zhf 8 fi (tsjet) LH tsit, OCM *tit m ONW tsit 'Foot fetters' [Zhouli]. The final *t is prob. a nominal suffix ( §6.2. 1 ). [E] ST: W B thit 'stocks for confinement'. * tAi, dl �:},;:iliA (dieic, dai) LH des, das, OCM *des, *das 'Foot shackle for crim inals' [Guan] ; ( 'shackle for axle':) 'wheel-axle cap' iliA 614
zhf [Chuci] (Unger Hao-ku 39, 1 992). The vowel correspondence i s unusual, perh. these two CH words are unrelated.
zhf 9a t� ( tsje) Lll tse < kie, OCM *ke 'Only' [Shi]. � z hJ 3 R (tsjeB) LH tseB < kieB, OCM *ke? - [I'] ONW kie - tse ? 'Only' [Post-Han]. The LHan and earlier readings belong to an OC particle [Shi]. This seems to be the s. w. as zhf t� above, but the difference in tone is unexplained (has tone B been transferred from the particle?). This wf is prob. not related to -> shi3 1 "ft 'only', nor to zhf6 'single'. [E] Prob. ST: TB *kya(-) 'one' as in Kamarupan lgs. ke, khe, perh. these are cognate to WT rkyal)-pa, W B khyal)B 'single' [Matisoff 1 997a: 1 8] . For the connections 'one' - 'single' 'only' , note Engl. 'only' ( < one-ly) and the items under zhf6 For the vowels, see § 1 1 .3.2. zhf9 b tE': (tsi) LH tsi, OCM *ti 'Be reverent, revere, respect' [BL Shu}. CVST (2: 1 26) relates this word to WT sti-ba 'honor, respect, reverence' . zhf 1 0 M!� (tsi) LH tsi, OCM *ki ? - [f) ONW tsi 'Grease' (for lubrication) [Shi]. SW says that zhrbelongs to animals with horns, -> gao3 'grease, fat' to animals without horns (e.g. pigs). The OC initial i s not cert�in, the phonetic implies an OC *k-, but palatalization of Er may have occurred so early in the Zhou period that it could also be used for words with original dental initials. [E] The TB area has words for 'grease, fat' with the final -il, but with initial consonants which are difficult to reconcile with the CH word: PTB *tsil ( STC: 1 68f.) > WT tshiJ 'fat' n . ; Kanauri tsil ' marrow' ; PL *tsi l 'fat' , WB chi 'oil ' , khralJ-chi 'marrow' [Matisoff 1 978: l 83f] (STC: 1 69 n. 452). Also, note AA: Santali itil 'be fat' , Khmer kan-[ul. z hf 1 1 � (Qi) LH !}i, OCM *dri [f] ONW di 'To tarry, slow' [Shi]. [E] ? AA: Semai /k�rdi?/ , Temiar /bdt?/ 'to cease from activity, wait' , M on /t?_?/, WMon dui ' 'to stop, keep quiet, stay put'. � z hi � (Qic) LH �uc, OCM *drih 'To wait' � [Xun] ; 'to sow late, unripe' t�#¥ [Shi] . z h f 1 2 �� (tsj�k) LH tstk, OCM *t�k [f) ONW tsik 'To weave' vb. [Shi]. [EJ ST: PTB *tak (STC no. 1 7) > WT 'thag-pa 'to weave' �� thags 'texture, web'; PLB *tak I *dak ' weave, spin '. �� z hl *� (tsi-C) L H ts�c. OCM *t�kh - [f) ONW ts�C 'Woven cloth, be woven' [Shi]. [ zhl 22 I[). [T] Sin Sukchu SR d�i (.l\); MGZY ci ( A) [dz;.i ] ; ONW dik � z h i � (tsjak) L H tstk, OC M *tak 'Simple, only' [Shi]. �� te ��][ ( dak) LH dak, OCM *d�k [T] ONW dak 'Single' �� [Li] , 'single, an only one' [YiliJ, 'only' [Lu j ; 'a mate, a match for' �� [Shi]. The meaning 'male animal, bull' � (see -'> te2 � ) could be derived from the meaning 'a mate, match' , but this i s speculation. [E] ? ST: tak 'one' in several Western Himalayan lgs., e.g. Darmiya taku 'one'.
zh12 fi (9jak) LH gtk, OCM *drak 'Straight, right' [ShiJ could either belong to -'> zhl 22 If 'set up' , or to -'> zhf1 'single' (so Karlgren GSR 9 1 9a). Probable allofam -'> de2 [E] ST: PLB *N-d(y)akL 'truly, very' , WB tyak-tyak 'very' ; Lushai takL 'real, true, genuine, very' . It is not clear if I how the following may be related: Lushai dikL 'right, accurate, true, proper, correct'; JP tik55 'always zhf3 fl�]�{tli:fi -'> z hl 22 z hf4
(diet, c;fjet) L H det, get, OCM *lit or *d-lit ?, OCB *dft rrJ ONW det 'Nephew, niece' [Zuo]. !EJ ST: PTB *b-l;;�y 'nephew, grandchild' (STC no. 448; Matisoff 1 995a: 5 2), OBurm. mliy, WB mre8 'grandchild' [1ST: 337]. For the initials, see §8. 1 . 1 ; §8. 1 .5 ; for the final *-t, see §6.2. -
zhf5 ¥:£\ (tsjap) LH tsip, OCM *tap rrJ ONW tsip 'bind' etc. i s perh. cognate. 'To hold , seize, take' [BI , Shi] . -'> zhf6 3� z hl (tsiC) LH tsiC, OCM *taps ? 'To catch, seize' [Shujing ] ; 'bird of prey' [Chuci J , 'seize a prey' [Li] (Baxter and Sagart 1 998: 57); 'ceremonial gift ' 7:!1 [Shujing] is thought to be cognate (Wang U 1 982: 59 l f). [E] ? ST: Perh. WT chab 'power, authority' (HST: 1 20). AA: Khmer and OKhmer /cap/ 'hold, grasp' is thought to be related, but the initials and vowels do not match very closely, see -'> jie2 W. zhf6 (tjap) LH t_ip, OCM *tr;;�p ? [f] ONW tip 'Rope, tether' [Shi], 'to bind' � [Zuo] ; 'to hobble, bind the front feet of a horse' [Zhuang]. [E] Note Lushai cepL I ce?L (Lorrain chep, cheh) 'to nip, clip, clamp, fasten, bind, pinch' , to which the CH word may be related. Perh. cognate to -'> zhf5 ¥:£\ 'hold' . z h f 7 � ( zh1 22 it. zhf9 � 'simple' ---> z h f 1 H z hf 1 0 , de ;flJl( -'> z hl 22 If 616
z h f - z hi .... s h�9 zhf 1 1 zhi I R�K -) Zhf 2 ;2_ zhi 2 ¥1C .... zhOu 2 11+[
z h l 3 f!. 'only'
....
z h f 9" fft
zhi 4
(tsi8) LH ki8 , 0CM *kii>, OCB *kj ij? 'Be fine tasting, excellent' [Shi ] > (flavor:) 'basic idea' [Yi ] ( so Karlgren GSR 552a). [11 Sin S. SR t�i Cl:: ) , PR, LR ta; MGZY ji (J:) [t1?i]; ONW tsi �� s hl (ziC) LH gic, OCM *gih, OCB *gjijs [f) ONW dziC 'Enjoy' ( food) [Shi] > 'enjoy, like very much' [Chu]. {E] ST: dgyes-pa 'rejoice' >f dge-ba 'happiness, virtue' (Bodman 1 980: 1 82; HST: 73).
zhi 5 'bring about' .... zhr 7 !IS@ zhr 6 m -) s hi l 7 t�. z h r 7 }IS .... z hl 1 zhi 8 � (tsje8) M Han tsai? or kiai? ? [11 ONW tse 'Paper' [Hou Hanshu]. {E] Bodman ( 1 980: 1 84) relates this to Viet. giay, PVM *k-caj? [Ferlus] 'paper' which, like the PMin form *tsioi8, presupposes an OC rime *-ai rather than the QY' s *-e. When this word was committed to writing, the rimes OC *-ai and *e had already merged in some dialects, a process which is observed already in late Zhou texts ( Pulleyblank 1 962: 2 1 6). zh1 9 * ( ti 8) LH ti8, OCM *tri? 'Embroidery' [BI, Zhouli]. � f c hf *ffi (\hi) LH thi, OCM *thri 'Embroidered cloth, fine cloth' [Shi]. [ Bodman 1 980: 1 23 ; HST: 1 07). C H -> Tai : S. trol)A1 'faithful, loyal' (Manomaivibool 1 975 : 1 48). z hOng 3 f}!}l (tsju!]) LH tsUI), OCM *tU!] ( = *C-ju!] ?) 'Father-in-law' [Ltishi]. [E] ST: Lepcha (a-)j6IJ 'uncle', Stod ;;�j;;JIJ 'maternal uncle, father-in-law' (Unger Hao-ku 63, 1 999: 246). The root initial was probably *j-, see §9.3. 62 1
z h6ng
z hong
z hOng 4 � (tsjul)) LH tsul), OCM *tUI) 'To end, terminate, complete, completely' [Shi]. Wang Li ( 1 982: 608) derives -> dong 1 ::} 'winter' from this word. [f] Sin Sukchu SR t�jul) (3¥), PR, LR t�ul); MGZY j ung (3¥) [t�u!] ] ; ONW tsuiJ [El ST: Chepang dol]?- 'to end, cease' (period of time, spell of weather, speech), KN-Lai dol) I do?l) 'to end' [LTBA 2 Ll : 2 1 0] . The connection with the following is not clear (for the difference in final consonants, see §6.7): WB tum C ? 'be ended' (season) ( CVST 2: 4), JP thum3l 'be ended, terminated', Lushai chumF < chum? 'finish reaping ' , also L a i thum 'be ended' * dz2-thum 'end something' [Van B i k L TBA 25.2, 2002: 1 06]. z hOng 5 (tsjuiJ) LH tSUIJ, OCM *tu!) *C-ju!] ?), OCB *tjUIJ 'Locust, grasshopper' [Shi]. [E] ST: WB kjuiiJB - gjuiiJB 'locust' (HST: 1 04). The root initial was prob. *j-, see §9.3. z hong 1 �� (tjwolJB) LH �ol)B, OCM *troiJ? 'A mound, peak; be great' � [Shi]; 'a mound, tomb' tj(. This i s still the word for 'tomb' in some d ialects, e.g. Mln-Jian'ou treyl)ZI; in most modern dialects, the word for 'tomb' is -> fen4 ;El. A possible Han period dialect variant is -> long ����. [El ST: PTB *m/r-dmJ (HPTB: 3 1 0) > WT rdulJ 'a small mound, hillock', WB tol) 'hill, mountain'. Note also PMY *tr2 ol) t 'mountain' [Purnell]. z ho n g 2 (tsjwo!]B) LH tso1J8, OCM *tol]? [f] ONW tiiuolJ 'Seeds, cereals' [Shi] > 'descendants' [Guoce] . [E] < > A A-PVM *k-co:l)? ' seed ' [Ferlus]. * zhong (tsjwo!]c) LH tsolJc, OCM *tol)h 'To sow' [Shi], later also 'to p lant' (a tree). [ zh0ng 3 something that first swells before growing sprouts. [E] ST: Chepang tul)?- 'to plant' * dul) ' shoot, sprout' (growing) �� dul)- 'to sprout, g row' (esp. plant), Tangsa (Barish) ltol)(?) (Weidert 1 987: 22). -
z hong 3 (tsjwolJB) LH tsolJB, OCM *tol)? 'Swell, swollen ' Jll [Zuo] > 'tumor' [Zhouli] > 'heel ' [Li] > 'follow in the footsteps of' fil [Zuo ] . For the semantic link between 'swollen' and 'heel' ( < * 'swelling'), see Matisoff (LTBA 1 7 .2, 1 994: 1 44). There are other etyma for 'swollen ' with the same rime: -> yong 2 41 and .... weng 'jar, swollen '. [f] Sin Sukchu SR t�jul) (.1:); MGZY jung (l:) [t�ul)] * z h ong ( zjwoi)B) LH dzolJB, OCM *dol)? 'Be swollen, inflated' [Shi]. [ 'important' [BI, Zuo], 'increase, to honor' [Zuo]. * c h6ng .]H (gjwol)) LH c}ol), OCM *drol) 'Double, two, accumul ate ' [Shi] > 'twice, repeat' [Zuo]. (gjwol)8) ( §4.3). [ yu 2 2 'produce'.
z h0 u 6
(t�gu) LH t�u, OCM *tsru 'Wrinkles, furrows; to frown' [Tang: Han Yu] (linger Hao-ku 35, 1 986: 34). 3� zhou � (t�guc) LH t�uc, OCM *tsruh 'To crinkle, crepe' [Shi]. [ su8 llf!fffi.l 'shrivel, contract' .
z ho u 1 M1 ( tjguB) LII tuB, OCM *tru? 'Wrist, elbow' [OB, Zuo]. [ Tai : S. truu 81 'early morning ' (Manomaivibool l 975 : 1 48).
(
y6u2 Eb
624
z ho u zhou7 zhu 1
z hu
..... z hO u 6 m (tsju) LH tso, OCM *to [T] ONW tsuo 'Be red, scarlet' [BI, Shi] may be an old basic word for 'red' , rivaling (Baxter 1 983 ). [.E] MK: PVM *t�h 'red' [Ferlus] . ..... zhe Mi may perh. be cognate.
-->
chi 3
$
zhfi 2 1* (tju) LH to, OCM *tro or *trio ? 'Tree trunk' [Yi ; Hanfei ] . [.E] Perh. AA: PMonic *chuu? 'wood' ; in M o n also 'tree' ( §5 . 1 0 .4). z hii 3 g* ..... s hii 1 9'-* z hu 4 � (tjwo) LH to, OCM *tra 'Pig' [Zuo]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR t�y (3f); MGZY jyu [t�y] ID] CDC cieAI; more archaic forms are preserved in southern dialects: M-Fiizhou tyA I, Chaozhou truA1, Xiamen tiA I; X-Changsha tyA I ; W-Kaihua toA J [.E ] Perh. a S T word: M r u tia '(wild) pig' (Loffler 1 966: 1 46). A lternatively, --> j ii:i8 � is said to be a dialect form of zhii [FY] ; but since jiii appears to be m uch older than zhii, the latter could have developed *Cr- > tr- > t which seems to be associated with rural words ( § 1 .3 . 1 ; §7. 1 .4). zhu 5 g� 'all' ..... duo ::f!r zhu 1 t'r (tjuk) LH tuk, OCM *truk 'Bamboo' [Shi]. [T] Sin Sukchu SR t�y (;\..) , PR t�u?; MGZY jyu (A) [t�y]; ONW tuk [.E) PTai: S. t:x>kDlL < *prook, PKS *thruk 'bamboo strip'; or PTai *?drok 'a kind of bamboo' (Luo Yongxian MKS 27, I 997: 293). PMiao *q;;�uD. zhu2
(\ijuk) LH (,iuk, OCM *d-luk 'To pursue' (animals, not men) [OB, Shu] (Schuessler 1 987: 85 1 ; Qiu Xigui 2000: 2 1 3). See --> zhuf2 ill for a near synonym which may be related in spite of the difference in finals.
zhu3 ;t; (tsj wok) L H tsok, OCM *tok - [T] ONW tsuok 'Torch ' [Li] . Note the syn. --> zhu63 '}!'] and the comment there. [.E] ST: PLB *duk 'burn, be blazing' 3� *?duk 'kindle, set on fire' [Matisoff TSR: 39] > WB tok 'blaze, flame, shine, glitter ' ; WT dugs-pa 'to make warm, to l ight, kindle'; Lushai dukL 'be glowing with heat' (like ashes) (HST: 1 5 1 ). This word may have a wider distribution, note M K : Bahnar t6k, Stieng duk 'to burn' . zhu4 Nlli.l (cJj wok) L H cJok, OCM *drok 'To check the foot, stop walking' [Yi], 'stamp the foot' [Xun]. 3� zhu {± (Q.juC) LH goc, OCM *dro(k)h 'To stop' [Lie] > 'dwell' in a place [Nan Qishu]. * dou (d;;�uC) LH doe 'To stop, dwell , stay' [Hou H anshu], perhaps a variant of zhU {± (Q.juC). [.E] ST: WT 'dug-pa 'to sit, dwell, stay, remain ' (HST: 1 41 ) ; or WT rdog-pa 'step, kick, walk ' ; JP thori1 'stop'. zhd5 m (tjuk) LH tuk, OCM *truk 'To stamp earth, earth up' {earth into walls) > 'build' [Shi ] ; 'beat, strike' [Zhouli]. [.E] ST *truk: WT rdug-pa 'to strike against, to stumble at'; W B tuik ' strike against, 625
z bu engage in combat'. For more ST cognates and I or parallel stems, see under -> chu 1 MJ.
z hu 1
(tsju8) LH tsoB, OCM *to? 'Master' [Shi]. LTJ Sin Sukchu SR t1;>y (J:); MGZY jyu (1:.) [t�y]; ONW tsuo8 [E] Etymology not clear; note these comparanda: ( 1 ) ST: WT jo-bo 'elder brother, lord, nobleman' 3� jo-mo 'mistress, lady, goddess'. (2) WT thu 'chief' (Peiros and Starostin CAAAL 22, 1 984: 1 25). (3) MK: PMon *[d]ndoo? Nyah Kur 'headman ' , Mon 'to teach, instruct'. (4) Tai: S. cok4 'a leader, chief' (for final -k, see §3 .2.2).
z hu 2
z h u 9 tt. :U (tsju8) LH tso8, OCM *to? 'A large deer living i n the mountains' [Yi Zhoushu] ; its tail was used as a duster. [E) This word is perh. connected to MK: PMonic *-truus 'boy, man ' , OKhmer *trus ' strong male of animals' ; Kha Boloven truy 'male of deer', but we should expect an *r in the OC initial.
zhu 3
->
z hu 4 � (tsjwo8) LH tsa8, OCM *ta? ? 'To boil, cook' [Li]. LTJ Sin Sukchu SR tt>Y (J:); MGZY jyu (J:) [t�y] - [D] PMi n *tsy8 [E] Bodman ( 1 980: 1 34) compares this word with WB kyak, Lushai tlakL < klak 'to boil' (vegetables). If related, an OC *kia? needs to be assumed which had palatalized by the time of the Llji, but this would leave Lushai still unexplained. z hU 5 ii -> z ho u 2 t1+1 (tjwo8) LH �a8, OCM *tra'i' z hu 6 'To store away, bag for clothes' [Zuo] (Mand. chu); 'to store, supplies, storehouse, ownership' [BI], 'to heap' [Guliang]. 3� c h u (gjwo) LH go, OCM *dra 'To collect, store up' [Guiyu]. Karlgren ( 1 956: 1 7) connects this word with zhii 'all ' (under -> duo � ). z hu 7 (tjwok) LH t_o k, OCM *trok 'To cut' [Guoyu] , 'cut out, eradicate' (zhu6) [Xun]. 3� zhu6 !lllJT (t}.k) LH �:->k, OCM *trok 'To hew, chop, carve' (trees, wood) !lllJT [Shi], 'to carve, chisel ' ij{ [Shi], 'break open' [Zuo]; 'to castrate' [SW : Shu], 'to beat, strike' {ifj{ [Shi]. [DJ In some Yue dialects this is the word for 'to chop, cut' (written -> du zhu 5 ff 'to pour'. I.E] Etymology not certain. On the one hand, this word seems to be the cognate of WT mdo 'point where two valleys I rivers meet', i.e. 'confluence, lower part of valley ' ; it could be the s. w. as -> zhu7 ff 'be touched '. On the other hand, this may be the same word as -> zhu 5 ff 'to pour' which, however, has a different WT cognate. zhu7 ff (tsjuc, tjuc) LH tsoc, tpc, OCM *toh, *troh 'To apply' [Zuo 1, 'be touched' [Zhuang], 'bring together' [Zhouli]. 3� dou ��m (t;)uC) LH toC, 0CM *toh 'To come in contact with, meet, next following day' [OB]. LE] ST: WB tuiC 'touch l ightly' , Lushai tuukF 'to touch ' (as in a game). This stem may be related to -> zhu8 100 'attach, connect'. z htt 8 11
z hu 4 ft;J zhu9 tl: (gju8) LH go8, OCM *dro? 'Pi llar' [Yili]. [f) Sin Sukchu SR dzy (1.); MGZY cyu (1::) [dzy] � z hii :J1 (tju8) LH �o8, OCM *tro? 'To prop up, support' [Guoce] (Karlgren 1 956: 9). lE] ST: TB-WB tuiiJ 'post, column'; SChin Daai ktui] 'post' [Hartmann ICSTLL 1 999: 6] JP to?31 < tok31 3� j;>55_to55 'pillar'. For the TB final -1), see §3.2.4). Perh. related to -> zhu69 _.
,
t�.
zhu 1 0 fx (tsjuk) LH tsuk, OCM *tuk 'Prayer; invoker' [BI , Shi], 'to pray' [Zuo]. This word may perh. be the same etymon as 'to bind, attach' ( i .e . 'a binder'), see -> zhu7 100 . [TJ Sin Sukchu SR t�y ( A); MGZY jyu ( A) [t�y] 3� zhou tx (tsj:;mc) LH tsuc, OCM *tukh 'To curse' [Shi ] ( Karlgren 1 956: 1 2). [ chu 1 fli for an overview.
z M 12 WJ (d�jwoC) LH d�ac, OCM *dzrah 'Aid, help' (in a cooperative endeavor) [Shi] , almost certainly a semantic generalization of .... chu3 �WJ;lil!IJ. [f] Sin Sukchu SR dz"u (J:.); MGZY cu (J:.) [d:�u] If); �� lft ( lj woC) LH l iac, OCM *rah 'To help' [SW] (Gong H wang-cherng 1 999: 9). -
zhu13
(tjwoC) LH t.ac, OCM *trakh 'To place, order of place, position' [Zuo]. [E] ST: PTB *ta ( STC no. 1 9) > WT sta-gon 'preparation' �� stad-pa 'to put on, lay on ' , Tsangla tila 'to put, place' , Kanauri ta 'place, set, appoint', Kachin d a 'put, place', PLB *ta 2 , WB tha 8 < ?ta 2 'put, place' , Lushai da?L 'to put, place, set, put aside' ( Comparative Vocabulary of Five ST Languages 2: 5). 3� z hu6 � (tjak) LH tak, OCM *trak [f] ONW tak i]. 'To put, apply' [L ( 'to go' [Yili]. [f] Sin Sukchu SR ts�w Ct); MGZY dz hiw (..t) [ts�w] ; ONW tsou8 [D] Mand. 'to walk' where 'run ' is replaced by � pao �El; southern d ialects use xfng fr for 'walk' (Norman 1 988: 1 97). M-Xiamen lit. ts:J B1, coL tsao81 'to run '. 3 � z ou (ts�uc) L H tsoc, OC M *tsoh 'To hasten forward, bring forward, offer, make a report, play music' [BI , Shi ] . [ entirely, utterly' [Shi]. Caus. 'bring to an end, accomplish' [Shi]. For the final *-t, see §6.2.2. [BJ ST: Limbu cu:tma (cu:t-) 'be finished, be completed' . Bodman ( 1 969: 327) relates this word to WT sdud-pa 'to close, conclude, terminate ' . c Ut W'f¥ ( dzwiC) L H dzuis, OC:vt *dzuts 'To be exhausted, suffering' [Shi], 'distressed' '[¥ [Meng]. 635
z u - z ui qiu 1:§ (dzj:;lu) LH dzu, OCM *dzu 'To end' (one' s l ife naturally) [Shi]. �� zao (tsau) LH tsou, OCM *tsO 'Complete, end' [Xun]. [C] This wf is perh. related to ..... z aoz m and ..... Zfl03 m ; possible allofam ..... qiii4 f;)(. ��
zu2
..... z ii o 2 z u 3 JE (tsj wok) LH tsiok, OCM *tsok 'Lower leg with foot, leg, foot' (of person, bed, vessel) [OB, Shi], also of hills (footh ills). [E] Etymology not certain. Zu agrees with a M K etymon except for the final consonants: PMonic *jul) ' lower limb, leg, foot, base' (in Mon), also 'foot of a hil l ' (Nyah Kur); Wa-Lawa-Bulang *joiJ 'foot' , Semai /jug!]/, Temiar /juk/ (from -!]). z u 4 lE (tsjwok) LH tsiok, OCM *tsok 'Enough, sufficient' [OB, Shi ] ; caus. in tone C LH tsioC 'to complete, form ' [Zuo] (Downer 1 959: 282). [f] Sin Sukchu SR tsy ( A), PR, LR tsu?; MGZY dzyu (A) [tsy] ; ONW tsuok [E] Prob. ST: WT c 1log-pa 'be sufficient' (HST: 1 44). z u 5 139€ zu
..... j u 7
(tsuoB) LH tsa8, OCM *tsa'i' - [f] ONW tso 'Deceased grandfather, ancestor' [BI , Shu] , 'sacrifice to the spirits of the road' [Shi]. Both meanings are derived from the basic notion 'move on' . [ 'to pass away, die' m [BI, Shu]; a H an period dialect word for 'to marry' (of a woman) in Qf [FY 1 , 1 4]. [ 'penetrate' [Lunyu]. •� juiin (tsjwan) LH tsyan, OCM *tson 'Chisel, sharp point' [Mo]. [E) ST: PTB *tsow 'thorn ' ( STC no. 276; HST: 46) > Chepang cu?, Bodo su? (Weidert 1 987: 26); Mikir arso < r-so 'sharpen' � � il)SO < m-so 'cutting edge' , WB chu 8 'thorn ' �� cu B 'prick, pierce' < PLB *tsu 2 • WT mtshon 'any pointed or cutting instrument '. [C] The word --> zuo6 (dzak) 'to bore, chisel out' may be related.
Z
Ul
(tswieB ?) 'Mouth, beak, snout' [JY] , a late word (Wang Li 1 982: 1 1 6) which is prob. the s. w. as z ul, zf )lj\j (tswie8, tsie) LH tsye8 ?, tsie ?, OCM *tsoi? ?, *tse or *tsai? 'Beak' [Li}. [E] This word is perh. related to WT mtshuJ-pa 'lower part of face, muzzle, beak'.
z ui 1 E'i¥ ( tswiC) LH tsuis, OC M *tsuts [f] ONW tsui 'Drunk' [Shi]. •� c ui !!$ (tshu�iC) LH tshu�s. OCM *tshfits 'To taste, drink' P$ [Liji]. [E] ST: WB cut 'suck, imbibe, absorb'. [C] This wf belongs perh. to the same root as ..... cul 'dip into' because of the common 636
zui - z uo notion that one 'soaks' in vices, note ___. yin3 1�; cui 11$ and �� may be the same word. Alternatively per h. connected with WT bzi 'intoxication ' ( {jnger Hao-ku 36, 1 990: 62).
Z Ut) 2
-t
J· :..u 7
� X!A
W (dzu�i 8) LH dzu;->i B, OCM *dzui? [f] ONW dzuoi 'Crime, offense, guilt' [Bl, Shi] . The original graph for zui looks similar to huang � so that Qfn Sh1 H mingdi replaced it with which was the original graph for 'fish trap' [SW ] (Wang Li 1 982: 406); the element fei �F is therefore not phonetic. The etymology is not clear, unless it is a ST word cognate to Lushai sua f 'bad, wicked, evil, wrong, to misbehave, sin ' � suaJH 'to rape' (a wom an). -
zun
(tsu;)n) LH tsu;)n, OCM *tsun 'To honor, perform (a sacrifice)' > 'ritual vessel' [OB BI, Shi] . [f] Sin Sukchu SR tsun ("'f); MGZY dzun ( 'F) [tsun] ; ONW tson, (E] ST: WT btsun-pa 'noble, honorable' �� mtshun � btsun 'household gods, soul of ancestors' ( HST: 95). ,
zun tf (tsu;)nB) LH tsu;)n8, OCM *tsun? 'Regulated, to regulate' [Li, Guoce]. (E] ST: WT tshuJ 'way of acting, conduct, right way, orderly' ( HST: 1 23). zu6 B'F (dzak) LH dzak, OCM *dzak 'Yesterday' [Zhuang]. Sagart ( 1 999: 67, 1 60) relates zu6 to -> xi'6 yesterday', among others. [f) Sin Sukchu SR dzaw (A), LR dzaw?; MGZY tsaw ( )'-) [dzaw]
(sjak) 'previously,
(tsaB) LH tsaiB, OCM *tsai?. 'Left (side)' [BI, Shi] > ('consider or treat as left' = 'unfavorable' >) 'not approve, to oppose' [OB] (Takashima EC 5, 1 979-1 980: 54), 'disagree' xiang-zuo :f§b: [Zuo] ; 'crooked' (road) [Hanshu]. [I'] Sin Sukchu SR ts;) (_!:), LR ts:::>; MGZY dzo Cl:) [ts:::>) ; ONW tso LDJ Y -GurmgzhOu 35ts;:;Bl, K-Meixi�m ts;:;B [N] For the meanings, see comments under -> you 2 The OB graph i s a drawing of the left hand of oneself, from one's own perspecti ve, just as you" 1:; 'right ' (side) shows the right hand in this fashion, to which 'mouth' 'phonetic loan ' ) was later added to distinguish it from you 1 X. which was commonly u sed to write 'and, further more ' . Since 'mouth' was already used for 'right' , another mark had to be found for the graphic differentiation of 'left', but the choice of gong I 'work' has occasioned much speculation. LEJ This word also occurs in PTai *zaiC 2 'left'. �� z uo ti:f6: (tsfiC) L H tsoiC, OCM *tsaih 'To help, assist, aid' (< be to one's (left) side) [BI, Shi]. The semantics are the mirror image of ___. you 2 1:;.
z uo
zuo l {6: -t z uo zuo2 (dzuaB) LH dzuai8, OCM *dz6i7 'To sit ' (Shi]. [f) Sin Sukchu SR dzwJ (..t) ; MGZY tswo (t.) [dzw:::>] ; LDJ PMin *dzoiB � z uo {:!::: (dzuaC) LH dzuaic, OCM *dz6ih 'Seat' [Zuo] (Downer 1 959; 275). 637
OiVW dzua
z uo [ 'to start, start work' [Shu], 'to sprout' [Shi] > 'to do, perform , work, set up, build' [OB, BI, Shi] > 'act as, be' [Shu] ; i ntr. 'to be active' [Shi]. Some OB forms of the graph suggest a hand, palm facing up, holding a small plant or stick. Also other words meaning 'do, make' develop the meaning 'function as, act as, to be' , see � wei 3 �, � yi 6 1�. LT] Sin Sukchu SR tsaw ( A), ts:J (-:!-), tsu (-:!-), PR ts:J, LR tsaw?; MGZY dzaw ( A) [tsaw], dzu (-:!-) [tsu] �� c u o }M' (tshuoC) LH tshaC, OCM *tshakh 'To establish' [Yi] , 'to place' [Lunyu], 'lay aside, cease' [Li] . lE ] This etymon may perh. be related t o W T mdzad-pa 'to do, act' , Kukish ea, M r u caiJ 'to do, make' (Li:iftler 1 966: 1 40), yet there are phonological and semantic difficulties, therefore the TB items are more likely related to __, sf1 P] . Z U O 4 �'J= --> j u I 0_§.
zuo5 W'F@fJft'F�'F __, c uo4 � z uo6, z a o � (dzak) LH dzak, OCM *dzauk 'To bore, chisel out' [Shi] ; 'a borer' [Lunheng] . lE] TB-WB chok 'chisel ' . �� z a o � (dzauC) L H dzauC 'A hole' [Zhouli] (Downer I 959: 275). [ Tai: S. lc"::>ql 'to make a hole' [Jenner I Pou I 982: 67]); this may possibly be an area etymon.
638
ENGLISH INDEX
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abandon . .. .... . . . .. . .. ... .. .. 3 8 4 a b i l i ty .. . . .. . . . . . . . . l 7 5 able . . . . .. . 202, 334, 398 about to .... ... . ... . .. .. .. . .. 3 06 above . . .. .. .... . . . . 3 3 0, 454 abridge .. .... . . .. . . . . .. . . .. ... . 3 0 4 abundant.... 1 85 , 230, 2 3 8 , 589 accept. . . . ... ... ... .. . . . 4 3 6 accompany .. . . . . . 3 2 8 , 467 accumulate .. .. .. 1 5 9, 236, 244, 292, 325, 3 54, 434, 503, 598 achieve ..... . ... . .. ... . ... ... 1 85, 6 1 7 achi evement... . .. 2 5 5 , 293 acorn . .... ... . ... ... . . .. .. . . 6 0 I acre . .. . . .. . ... .. . .. . ... . . 3 9 2 act i v e . . . .. . ... .. 3 5 5 , 404 add.. . . . . .. . 3 00, 602 adhere . . ... ... .. .. . ... . . 1 6 5 adj o i n ... . ... .. . . . . . . . . .. 2 4 4 adm i n i ster . ... .. ... . ..... . 5 7 3 admon i s h. . . . 3 1 4, 4 8 1 , 485 advance . . . .. . .. .. . . 579 advantage . . . ... ... . ... .. 5 6 9 affair.. . . . .. . . . . . .. . . .4 6 5 aflame .. . . . . . . .. . . .4 9 0 afrai d ... . .. . . . 327, 3 3 5 , 408 atler . .. . .. . .. .. . . . . .. . .. . . 2 8 0 afternoon . . . . . . . .. . . ! 7 7 aga i n . 246, 254, 5 8 1 , 600 aga i nst... ........................ 5 1 1 , 5 9 0 agitated . . . . .. . .... . 1 97, 369 agree ... . .. .. 3 1 0, 448, 4 76, 5 8 5 agriculture . .. . ... . . . .. . .... . . . 4 0 3 ahead . .... .. . . .. . . .. . . . 5 2 7 a i d . . ... . .. . ... .. . . 624, 629 aim .. .. .. .. .. .. . . . . 6 2 0 a i r.. ........................................... .4 2 3 alarm . . . . . . .. . . . . . 6 1 I a l i ke .. . . . . . .. . . .. 3 9 1 , 202, 290 al l... .... 220, 229, 254, 3 1 0, 3 1 6, 322, 424, 438, 523, 5 2 8 all together. . . .. .. . ... . 2 5 6 al ley . . ... . ... . . .. .. . 3 6 4 a l l i gator . . . . . .. .. 3 08, 505 alms bowl . . . . . . . l 69 alone ........ 2 1 7, 264, 3 3 9, 433, 629 .
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already . . .. . .. . . 5 6 7 a l s o . . . . . . .. . . .. .. .. ... 5 6 8 altar . .. . . . . .. . . . 23 7, 566 amber ....... . .. ..... . .. .. 2 8 2 ample . . . . .. .... . . . . ..2 4 5 ancestor. . . . . .. 2 1 0, 636 ancestral . .. . .. . .. . . ... . .. 6 3 4 anger . .. . . . . .236, 294, 397 a n g l e . .... .. . .. 2 1 2, 354 angry. . .... ... 299, 405, 423, 620 ann i h i late . . . . . .. . . .. 53 5 announce . . . . . .... ... .. . .2 5 2 an noy . . .. . .... . . . ... .. . . ... . s 4 6 answer. ... . .. ... . .. . ... .2 0 2 ant................................... 242, 567 ant eggs .. . .. ... . . ! 8 7 anth i i L ... .. .. . . . . .. . .... 2 1 2 anti q u i ty .. . . . ...... . .... . 2 5 9 a n x i o us .. . ... .. .. .. 325, 495 appanage .. . . . . ... ... .. . . .. . . 1 7 5 appear . .. .. . .. . ... . ... 3 04, 366 appearance. ...... ... 630 appe l lation .. .. . ... . . ... ... 2 7 2 apply . . . . .. . . . .. . 4 6 2 appreciate .. .. . .. . .. .. ! 8 5 approach . . . . .. .. . 295, 3 5 9 apricot . .. . . . .. . .. .3 7 7 apron . . . . . . ... . .. . . 2 4 I archer .. .. . ... . .... .... ... . . . 2 7 9 archery ... .. .. ... .. ..4 6 3 ardent.. ..................................... 1 6 0 ardor . . . . . .. . . ... . 2 3 6 arm ... . . .. ... . . . .. . l 64, 256 arm or . .... . . . . . . . . . 3 0 1 , 3 1 3 arm p i t ... . ... .. . . ... 252, 568 army .. ... .. .... . . . . .. .. . .. .4 6 1 arrange. . .. ... 1 55, 1 84, 3 5 7, 3 67,565 arrive ..... . 203, 207, 3 1 4, 342, 617 arrogant................................... I 5 I arrow .. . . . . . . . 2 80, 464 arsena1 . . . . . . .. . .. . . . . .. .. 3 3 7 arti san .. . .. .. . . . 255 ascend ... . 1 85 , 208, 293, 36 1 , 4 1 6, 6 1 9 ashamed .. ... 276, 3 9 8 ..
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639
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ENGLISH INDEX bark .......................2 3 3 , 260, 540 barrier ............................ 282, 5 2 9 barter........................................3 7 4 basket.. ...... 268, 292, 323, 3 3 8 , 343, 363 bat............................................. 1 6 5 bathe ........................................ 5 8 9 b athtub.................................... 3 44 battl e........................................6 0 5 battle array ............................. 1 8 4 battle-ax .................................. 5 9 6 bay.................................. 1 5 1 , 506 be .................................... 5 1 0, 5 6 1 b e i n ............................... 584, 599 be like..................................... .444 beach........................................4 8 9 beak ................................ 626, 636 beam ............................... 229, 3 5 5 bean ...................... .202, 442, 4 7 1 bear ........................203 , 275, 3 82 bear (n.) ......................... 3 9 8 , 542 beard .....................289, 358, 544 beard of grain ........................ 3 7 4 bearded ................................... .44 9 beaL.202, 205, 2 1 4, 293 , 3 3 6, 4 1 3, 427, 625 beaut i ful ... 3 09 , 3 5 3 , 378, 520, 556, 560 because.................................... 5 1 0 bed I 96 bee .................................. 2 3 8 , 269 before............................. 425, 527 beg........................ .306, 422, 493 begin .............................. 1 9 1 , 2 3 1 beg i n n i n g..................... l 95 , 399 b e h i nd .....................................2 8 0 believe ........................... 302, 5 3 9 be l l .......................................... . 3 6 0 bellows ....................................2 4 0 b el l s ......................................... 3 6 8 b e l l y ............................... 244, 246 below ....................................... 5 2 7 b e I t ... ........... I 80, 203, 3 1 3 , 5 3 2 bench ....................................... 6 1 I bend ........... I 94, 257, 323, 3 64, 43 5 , 506, 5 1 2, 560, 582, 608 bent ......................................... .4 3 7 bestow .................................... .4 5 5 between ................................... 3 0 3 beyond ....................................5 96 ............................................
b i g ......202, 236, 245, 4 1 2, 520 bind ... I SO, 247, 268, 29 1 , 305, 3 1 2, 346, 3 7 1 , 4 1 0, 537, 595, 6 1 6, 627 bind tight ...............................3 I 5 b i rc h ......................................... 2 8 3 b i rd .............. 372, 4 0 1 , 430, 630 b i rd net.................................... 3 7 0 bird of prey ............................ 5 6 8 b i rth ...................... 384, 459, 59 1 b ite .............. 2 1 2, 2 7 1 , 468, 560 . b i tter ..................... 3 3 7, 538, 5 5 5 black ......... 1 5 1 , 277, 364, 425, 493, 546, 579, 633 blame ....................................... 6 0 9 b lanket .................................... 4 2 9 b l aze...................... 439, 5 52-5 5 3 b l i n d .............................. 3 7 5 , 3 8 0 b l i n k ........................................ 4 7 6 block (vb.)...........2 6 1 , 449, 496 block (n.) ................................ 6 1 1 block up ........................ 1 49, 2 3 1 b l oo d .......... 285, 368, 3 8 5 , 547 b l o o m ...................................... 2 4 5 b lossom ...............229, 408, 574 blow ...................... l 96, 240, 5 4 1 b l u e ................................ l 76, 4 3 1 b l unt ........................................2 2 0 b lurred ..................................... 3 7 5 b 1 u s h ........................................ 3 9 6 boar .......................................... 5 7 1 board ............................... l 5 5 - 1 5 6 boastfu l .................................. . 3 3 7 boat ....................... 1 95 , 272, 623 boats ........................................ 2 3 1 body . ... 2 5 5 , 435, 457, 494 b o i l ... .............................. 308, 626 b o i ler ............................. 5 3 1 , 6 1 2 b o l d .......................................... 5 7 1 b o l t.......................................... . 3 0 5 b o n d ......................................... 5 9 5 b o n d s .......................................2 4 7 bone ............................... 260, 2 8 1 bones .................... 253, 270, 634 b o o k .........................................4 7 1 b ooty ....................................... 3 1 1 border ................... l 63 , 293, 5 7 1 bore ............. 1 95, 497, 636, 6 3 8 born ..........................................2 0 2 borrow .................. 3 0 l , 3 1 4 , 454 . .......
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bottle-gourd ..........................2 8 1 bottom ..................................... 2 0 9 boundaries .............................3 4 9 bound ary .............237, 3 07, 3 1 9 b o v i n e .................................... .4 8 2 b o w........................ 2 5 5 , 2 8 1 , 490 bow case ................................. . 2 5 I bowel ....................................... 3 8 7 bowel s .....................................2 4 4 bowl ...................... 344, 5 06, 5 8 3 b o x ........................ 2 1 6, 2 7 4 , 340 braid . .. .. . .. . . . I 65 brain ......................................... 3 9 7 branch ......... J 67, 1 77, 254-255, 377, 454, 579, 6 1 4 brand ........................................ 2 1 1 brave ........................................ l 60 breadth of four tingers ........ 2 4 0 brea k .............................. 4 1 6, 4 3 8 break off.. ................................ 6 0 8 break through .............. 202, 5 0 I breast .................. ..446, 5 4 1 , 5 74 breath .......................................4 2 3 breathe ..................................... 5 2 3 breathi ng ................................ l 9 0 breed ..................... 1 80, 5 9 1 , 633 bride......................................... l 6 7 b ri dge ..................................... .3 5 5 b r i d l e ....................................... 3 7 1 b r ig h t. ........ 1 68 , 266, 286, 3 1 8, 344, 3 8 8 , 5 3 0, 607, 632 b r i ghtly ................................... 6 3 1 b r i ghtness .................... 497, 5 2 9 bri 1 1 i ant..... 2 5 1 , 2 5 5 , 273, 2 8 5 , 574 bring .............................. 446, 6 1 7 bring out.. ............................... ! 9 l b r i st l es .......................... 367, 3 74 broad ........................................ 2 6 6 b ro i l .........................................3 5 8 broken .................................... .3 2 6 bronze ..................................... .4 9 9 brood .......................................5 9 l b room ......................................2 8 9 brothe r........ 1 49, 2 1 0, 340, 5 4 1 brown . ...................................... 2 8 5 b r u s h........... l 62 , 450, 474, 545 brush off................................. 2 4 1 b u b b l e ........................... 2 3 3 , 266 bubble u p .............................. .4 4 3 ..
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ENGLISH INDEX bucket... ................................... 5 0 0 buffal o . . . .... . . . . .. 3 39, 4 79 b u i l d . .. . . 1 85, 2 5 8, 5 76, 625 b u l ge . .. . .... . ... . . ... . . .. .. . 2 4 5 b u l l.. ......................................... 2 5 1 b u n d l e .. . .. . . . .. . . .3 2 6 burden . . ...... . 205, 245, 600 burial . .. . . . . . . . . . . ... . . 450, 600 b u rn .... . 229, 236, 27 1 , 2 86, 294, 308, 309, 357, 3 7 1 , 439-440, 448, 552-553, 63 1 b u r n i n g ... . . . . . ... .. . 4 9 0 b urst... . . . . .. . .. . 1 72, 4 1 6 b u ry ... ... ... . ... . . .. . . 1 6 1 , 600 b u s h e l ..... . . .. .. . . . . . . . .... 5 00 b u s hy .. . . ... . . . . ... . . .4 0 4 butterfly ..... ...... . . .. .. ... 2 8 1 buttock.. . . . . . ... 2 1 1 , 3 37 , 504 button . . . . . .. . . 4 0 3 b u y . . . ... .. . 209, 260, 3 73 cage . .. . . . .. 2 5 8 , 306, 3 63 cake . . .. .. . .. . . .... . . . . . . 2 2 7 calam i ty . . .. . .. . .. . 402, 5 5 7 calculate . . 2 1 8, 293, 3 5 3 , 472, 484 calf... . . ... . . . . . . .. 2 1 7, 345, 2 8 0 cal l ... ............................... 5 1 3 , 608 calm ... .. . . ... .. 1 50 , 496 camp.. ... . . . . ... . . . . . .. .... . I 5 3 can . . . . . . . .. . 275, 288, 398 canal.. . .. .... .. . . .. 2 1 6, 324 candle . . . . .. .. ... . . 2 0 8 canoe.... .. . . . ... . . . . . . 5 8 5 cap .. .. . . . .. .. . .. 1 66, 265, 3 84 capab l e . . . .... . 398, 402, 460 capita1.... . . .... ... .. . 3 1 6, 632 captiv e ... . . . ... .. ... . . . . . 5 2 6 careful .. .. . . . . . . 3 2 5 , 3 5 2 careless . . . . .. . . . . ... 3 1 3, 4 3 2 , 500 caress . . .. . . .. . . . . .... . . . 3 6 3 carp 350 carpenter ... .. . . . ..... . . 307 carpenter's square . .. .. . . 3 2 4 carriage . . . .... .. ... .. 5 8 7 carry .. .. ... 205, 245, 2 7 5 , 44 1 , 587, 600 carry in the arm . . ... . . . 1 5 8 cart.. .......................................... 4 0 0 carve .. . .. . . .2 1 2, 3 65 , 626 . . .... ..
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cast (vb.) . .. . . . . . 5 3 7, 5 6 1 castrate ... .. ... .. ... . . . . . . . 2 5 2 cat . . . .. ... . .. . . . . 348, 3 7 5 catch .. . 29 1 , 3 1 1 , 430, 6 1 6 category ... 1 79, 1 90, 206, 289, 347 cattai l ... . . . ..... .... . . ..... .. .4 I 8 cauldron . . .. . . .... 2 1 4, 396 caul k . . . . . .. . . . . .. 2 6 1 cause . . ... 1 63, 263, 350, 4 1 0 cautious .. . . 298, 3 1 6-3 1 7 cave . .. .. . .... . 246, 3 3 7 cavity .. . . . . . . .. .. . 3 1 7 cease ... ... . .. . . . . . . . 5 6 7 center . .. .. . . . . . ... . .. . .. 5 8 4 cereal . . . . . .. . . . . .. . . . .. . . ... . 2 6 0 cereals .. . ... . . .. . ... . . . .. . . .6 2 2 ceremony . .. . . .. . . . 351 certai n . .... .. . ... . .. .. . .. .. . S 7 1 chamber . ... ... . ... .. . . . . .2 5 8 change . ... 1 66, 203, 222, 248, 252, 254, 284, 566 channel . . . . ... . . . . .. . . 3 2 4 channel s ..... . . ....... . ... . . .. S 4 7 chant . ... ...... . .. . .. . . . . . 238, 5 7 8 chaos . ... . .. .. . . .. .... . . . .. . .. ... 2 9 0 charcoal . . . . .. . . . .. . ... .. .4 9 1 chariot ... ............... I 82, 1 85, 3 5 6 chasm .. ... .. . . . .. . .4 2 8 cheek .. . . .. ... . . 354, 5 3 7 cheekbone . .. . . ...... . . . ... 3 3 9 chest...... . ... . . .. .... ... . . 5 7 4 chestnut . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . .3 5 2 chew . . ... .. 1 74, 308, 323, 442 c h i cken. .. . .. . . .. . .. . 1 92, 292 chief. . . .. . . . .. . . . .. . . .. . 6 0 6 c h i l d. .. 225, 3 04, 445, 6 3 3 c h i n ... .. . . . .. . . . . . . .. . . . . . 2 7 1 c h i rp ..... . .. .. . .. . . . . 289 chisel . . . .. . 365, 636, 638 c h o k e .. . .. ... . .. .... .. . 2 7 8 , 560 choose .. . .. ... .. . . ..... .. . . 6 0 2 chop . . .. . . .. 22 1 , 3 3 1 , 626 chopping block ... ... . . . . 6 1 0 chopsticks . . . .. . .. 3 1 1 , 629 cicada. . . . ... . . ..2 8 9 c ircl e . . .... . 3 2 8, 5 76, 593, 623 city wall . . .... . .. . . . . . .. . . l 8 5 c l amor. ... . ... . . ... . . .I 5 1 c l an . . . . . . . . ... . 3 2 5 , 347, 466 .
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c l a s s . .. .. . . 1 79, 1 90, 2 89, 3 3 3 , 347, 3 67, 4 1 5, 520 c l aw . .... . . .. ... . . . 403 , 608 c l ay . . . .. ... . ... . . . . .. . .4 3 0 c lean . . . . . . . . . ... . . .. . 432, 632 c lear . I 86, 2 5 5, 432, 5 36, 609 clear away . .. .. . . . .. .2 4 1 clear weeds . . . . ... . . . . . 2 7 2 clearing . .. . .. .. ... . . . . .... .. 5 3 9 c learing sky . . .. . . . .. ... .2 9 3 c leave ... . 1 56, 1 72 . 1 87, 4 1 4, 4 1 7, 478, 5 2 2 c l ever .. . . .. . . .. .. . . .. . . 3 5 5 c l i ff.. . . ..... . .. . ... 1 50, 3 3 2 c l i m b . . . . .. . .. . . ..... . .. . 4 0 8 c l o d . . .. . .... .. ... ... . . .. . ..... .3 3 8 c l o s e. . l 64, 274, 295, 3 1 5, 3 8 3 close the eyes . ... . . ... .. .. 3 8 8 c l ot h . .. . . . . ... . . . .. l 73 , 6 1 5 c lothes .. . . . . . .. . . . 265, 563 c l o u d.............................. 597 c lo u d y .. . ... ... ........ . . 5 72 c l u b . . ... . . . . . . .. .. I 57 coat. .......................................... 5 04 coffin . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . 1 66, 242, 265 c o i n ..... .. . . . .. . . . . . . . .4 2 5 c o l d . .. 1 76, 2 7 1 , 347, 3 5 5 , 4 1 9, 433 col l apse .. .. . . . .... 1 60 , 6 1 9 c o l lar . .. ... . . . .. .. . 36 1 c o l l ect... . 1 59, 292, 325, 3 54, 469, 503, 60 1 ' 626 c o l or . . . . . . . . . . l 75 , 45 1 , 5 5 1 colt .. .. .. . . .. .. . .. 3 2 2 c o m b . . l 63 , 3 1 2, 367, 4 7 1 c o m b i n e . .. . . ... . . . .. . . 1 68, 303 com b usted . .... . .. . . .. . ... . 3 I 6 come .. . . 203, 253, 342, 567, 583, 6 1 7 come forth . ... . .. . .... .. ..... ...2 2 8 come out . . .. . . . .. . . l 9 1 , 202 come to . . . . . . . .. ... . . .. 2 94 come together... . . .. . 295, 600 comet . .... . . .. .. . .. . . .. . ... 2 8 9 comfort... ..... .. . . 243, 4 84 comfortabl e . .. . . . . . ..... 1 66 comm e nt . . . . .. . . . . . .. .4 I 5 common .. . . . . . . . . .2 2 9 companion . . .. . . . \ 90, 434 compare . . . . .. .. .. . .. . . . .3 0 7 . ..
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ENGLISH INDEX .... . .....
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compass . ..... . . .. 267 complete 1 59, 1 65 , 1 85, 298, 322, 3 8 1 , 4 1 3 , 437, 528, 622 completely ... . .. .3 1 6 comply .. . .. . . . . 549 concave . . .. 3 1 3 , 3 1 8, 506 conceal . . .... .. . I 76, 493 , 564 concede ... . . . .... ...... .. . .4 3 9 conc u b i n e . . . . . 1 64, 3 1 1 condemn . . ... . . . . 2 3 2 condensed . .... .. . .. .. 5 9 5 conduct .... . . . . 207 conduct water ... . 62 8 con0agration ... .. ..... . 5 99 conform . . ... . . . 23 1 , 540 confused .. 235, 290, 3 07, 3 7 5 , 379, 3 86, 388, 5 1 5 congealed . . .. . . . 25 I congratulate . . ... . . } 0 0 connect... ..............266, 3 1 1 , 3 5 3 connected ... . . .. ... 5 2 6 , 627 conquer ... ...... . .. 3 34 , 460 consider . 2 1 8, 3 5 5 , 3 6 8 constant . . . . . . . .. 2 7 7 c on s u l t ... . . .. . .. . .2 3 2 consume .. . . . .. 3 1 6 contact... . . ... ... .. 3 1 1 , 628 contai n . .... .. . .. .. . . . . 2 7 0 content .. .. .. . .. . ... . 5 5 2 contest..................................... 5 5 I cont i n u e . 1 8 1 , 254, 2 9 8 , 3 00, 545, 5 5 3 , 5 7 3 contract .. .. . ... . ... ... .. 5 95 contribute . . . ... . . . 3 1 4 controL. ... ... . . 3 04 , 3 4 8 conven ient . .. .. . .. l 66 cook ... .. 3 0 8 , 3 69, 626 cooking pot . .. . 268 cool .. .. . . .. ... . 3 5 8 copper. . .. .. . . . 42 1 , 499 cord . .. 268, 3 70-37 1 , 427, 592 corner... . ..... . ..309, 5 8 7, 635 corpse .. .... . ..345, 450, 565 corpulent .... . .. . .. . .4 0 9 correct.. .................................... 6 1 2 correspondi n g ... . . . . . I S S corvee .. .. . ... . ... .... . ..5 6 8 cotton ...... . .. ..... 3 84 , 627 cough . . . . . 333, 3 7 1 , 482 counse l... ....................... 3 89 , 3 9 1 ...
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c ount........... 353, 35 6, 472, 484 country 1 56, 23 1 , 498, 5 3 1 c ourt.. .. .... . . . .49 8 cove .. .. ... . . ... ....... 1 5 1 , 4 1 8 covenant . . .... . . .. . .. 3 8 8 cover . .. .... 1 60, 24 1 , 246, 275, 288, 3 76, 3 80, 383, 5 5 5 covetous . . ... .. 390, 4 8 8 cow . . . . ... .......... . .. . 4 0 2 cowry .. .. .. .. . ... . 1 5 9 crab .... .... .. . . 430, 5 3 8 craggy ... . ........ ... . 1 79, 200 crane . . . .. . . 276 crawl ... . .. ..... . .. . . .4 0 8 crazy .. .... . . . . 3 3 9 credit.. ..................................... .4 5 4 creepers . ... .. . . .. . .. 3 4 6 creeping ... . . . ... .. .... .. 5 0 6 crevice . . .. .. . . . 3 0 3 cricket. .. . . . . . . .. . 5 2 4 crime ... . . . . .. 6 3 7 c r i n k le ... . ......... .... . . 6 2 4 criticize . 1 99, 4 1 5, 6 1 0 crocodi le ... . .... . 2 2 3 crooked ..... 257, 286, 3 2 3 , 364, 435, 583 cross . . .. .258, 278, 3 0 7 cross over . . ...... ... . . ..... . 2 6 9 cross-bar . . . .4 2 8 crossbow .. . ... . . .4 0 4 c ros s i ng . . .. . . . . .. 2 0 1 crosspiece ... ... . 277 crossroads ............ .... ... .43 6 crotch . .. . ... . . . 3 4 0 crow . .. .. . . . . 517 crowd . .. . ... . .. . . .. ..2 9 8 crowd together .... . . . 1 6 I cruel .. .... . . . . . .. 351 crumble .. .. . . 3 4 7 crush .. ...... ... .... ... 1 97, 3 8 1 cry . . . . . . ... 272, 3 1 0 cry o f deer .. ....... . . .. . 5 7 9 c u l t i vate. . ........... .... . 296, 403 c ulture d . . . .514 cup 1 59 curdled m i l k ... .... .... . ..... 3 4 5 cure ... ... ....... . . . . 3 57 , 560 cured . ... 1 90, 437 curl . . . . . . .... .... . .. .4 0 9 current ...... ..... . . ... . ...... 3 6 2 . . . . . ..
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curse. .... .... .. . .... 628 c u rved ... . . 2 5 5 , 3 2 3 , 4 3 5 , 437 c us to m .. . . 266, 482 c ut......22 1 , 252, 284, 3 1 2, 3 34 , 342, 423, 494, 502, 607, 626, 63 1 . . ... ... 3 3 I cut down .. cut hair . . .. .... . .4 9 5 cut off .. 1 78, 2 1 9, 228, 326, 470, 604, 628 cut one ' s throat... .................. 5 5 0 cut open . . . . . .. .3 3 6 cut out .. . .. .. . . 3 07, 62 1 cut the feet.. ............................ 5 2 0 cut u p . . . . .. . . . 313 dagger-ax . . . . . . . . 2 5 2 dam .. . . .. . . 492, 607 damage . . .. .. . l 63 , 5 5 7 dangerous . . . . 529, 5 5 4 dare ... .. .... .. .. .. . . .. 2 4 9 dark . 1 5 1 , 277, 2 8 8, 3 79-380, 3 8 7 , 4 9 1 , 546, 55� 572, 579 dawn .... .. ....... 205, 3 78, 526 d ay . . ..... . . . .. .442 dayt i m e .. ... . . 624 dazz1e ....................................... 5 7 5 dead .. ... . . .. . ... . . .. 3 4 5 deaL . . . . . . . 363, 480 debt . . . .. . . . . .. .... . 6 0 2 decay . .. . 1 9 1 , 45 1 , 5 8 1 deceit .. . .. .. .. . . . . 2 8 5 deceive 203, 223, 420, 5 1 6, 5 3 5, 5 7 5 decide .. . ... 2 1 9, 326, 6 0 8 decorate . . . . . .. . .2 4 2 decrease...................................3 0 4 deed . . . .... ... . . .. 5 6 3 deep .... 200, 3 29, 4 5 8 , 3 66, 605 deer.. ............ 3 8 1 , 606, 620, 626 defeat . ..... .. . . ... ... .... I 54 defend . . . . ... ... . . . . 5 90 d e fi ant .. .. . ... .. 5 5 I defl ect...................................... 5 6 5 ............................ 3 1 2, 3 3 3 d e li c ate. . . .... .... . . . 559 d e l ineate .. . ... . ... . . 2 84, 3 5 0 deman d . . . . 493 d e m o n . . . . . .. . . 1 86, 3 7 9 dense . .. . . 3 8 0 , 3 8 3 , 5 1 3 densely . . . .4 1 0 .
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ENGLISH INDEX .
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depend ..... .. ....... .... .. ..4 6 7 depict... . . ... . . . . . 2 8 3 , 5 3 7 descend . ..... .299, 3 07 , 527 descendant .... .. . . .. . . .. . 5 7 9 descendants .. . .. . .......... . 5 6 2 desire . . ..... . 3 3 2 , 3 90, 5 3 1 destroy ... . 252, 2 84, 2 86, 3 85-386 detail.. ...................................... 5 3 2 detest .. . .. . . .. .. .. . 2 94 develop . . .. ... . .. . . 6 0 4 dew ............... . .. ...... .. 366, 4 3 9 dewlap .. . . . . . .. .. .. . 2 8 1 diameter .. ........... . . ... ...... 3 I 7 d i e ... . ... . . .. l 60, 478, 6 3 6 d i fference . .. ...... ... ... .. . .. ! 7 8 d ifferent .. .. . ..... .. .... l 67, 5 04 d i ffic u lt... .. .. . . .337, 384, 3 9 6 d i ffi c u lt i e s . . ... .. . ... . . 2 2 3 d i ffi c ulty .. . . ........ . .. ... .4 3 0 d i g out.. .... ... . ... ... ..... . . 3 3 7 dig through . . .. . . .. . 5 0 I d i gging stick . . .. . . . . . 3 4 6 d i g n i ty ... .. ... .. . .... S I O, 566 d i ke .. 23 1 , 492, 494, 607, 6 1 1 d i ! i gence .. .. .. . 3 86, 5 32 d i m vision ... .... . .. . . .. 3 7 9 .. .. .
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d i m i n i s h ... l 66, 3 89, 474, 486 d i p . .. ..... . . . .. .. .4 3 9 d i p i nto .. . . . . .. .. ... 2 0 0 d irect... ........................... 1 63 , 6 1 2 d i rty . . .. . . .. .. . ... . 3 9 7 d isappear .. . ... . .. . ........ .3 8 9 d isapprove . ... ..... ... ... ... 2 3 2 d isaster. . ... . . . ... . . ... ... 5 9 9 d iscard .. . . . . .. . . . . I 8 3 d iscern ... ... ... . ... . . I 7 9 disconcerted . . .... . ... . .. . 5 4 6 d i scord .. ... .. ..... .. . . . 54 1 discriminate .... . . . .... . . . ... I 5 6 d i sc us s .. .. .. .. . . .. . . ....3 6 9 d i s ease .. . .. . . .. ... . . 204 d isgrace . .... . .. 258, 3 67, 542 dish. . . . . .... .. .. . . 3 8 7 d i smem ber.. .. .. . . .... . .4 1 6 d i sobedient... .... . . .. . .. . 2 7 7 d i sorder. .... .. . ... . . 2 7 8 , 3 6 9 disparate . .. .... . ......... . . .... 1 8 0 d isperse. ... 344, 4 1 1 , 449, 5 5 4 d ispersed . . ... ....... ... . . 5 3 7 .
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d i s p lay . . ..... 1 84, 367, 565 d ispleased . . . . . . . ....... . ..4 0 5 d i s pu t e .... .. ... .... . .. . .. .. I 5 6 dissatisfied . .. . . 270, 426 d i s s o l v e ...... .. . ... . . 5 3 5 , 5 7 1 d i stant .. .. 3 1 9, 3 39, 495, 506, 578, 594, 63 1 d i stinction . ...... . .. . ......... l 7 8 d i st i ng u i s h . ..... . . . . . . l 5 6 d istressed . .. . .. 290, 3 1 9, 433 d i stri b u te .. . .. 1 55 , 3 57, 360 d i strict... ............... 1 66, 3 2 9 , 5 3 1 d isturb ... . .. .3 1 0, 397, 450 d i st urbed ..... .. .... . ..... . 3 6 9 d itch . .... .............. . . ... 2 1 6 d i v i d e .. .. 1 56, 1 67, 234, 3 1 3 , 326, 3 5 7 d i v i n e . .... . ...... . . l 72 , 3 6 1 d i v i s io n ..... . . . ... 3 1 2 d o ... .. . ...... ... . ..... 60 1 , 6 3 8 doei l e . ...... ..... ..... ......... .4 7 6 document... .. ... . ..... 1 77 , 2 1 1 d o g . .. . . .. ... . 2 5 7 , 437, 4 8 1 domain ... . . ...... .. 293, 576 d o m i ni o n ..... . ... ... . .. . . 5 9 0 donkey . .... . .. . . . . . 3 6 7 door .. .. .. ... ...232, 282, 4 5 3 door posts . .. ... ... . ... . ! 8 6 d o u b l e . . . . l 59,2 1 3 , 246, 407, 602, 622 d o u bt . ........ . .. . . .. 29 1 , 567 down . .. . .. ... . . . . .. ... ... 5 2 7 dowry .... . .... ..... ... ..... .. 2 8 8 drag .... ..... ... ........ ... 3 5 2 , 367 dragon ... ...... . . .308, 363, 4 3 5 drain........ 257, 324, 364, 537, 586 draw ......... ...... .. . 283, 573 draw water... . ... .. .. ..2 9 2 dread .......... ... . .. .. .. . ..... 3 2 5 dream .. . . . . .. .. ...... ... . 3 8 1 dress . . ...... .. . .. .. .. ... . 2 6 5 dried . .. . . ... . ..... 3 3 2, 3 3 6 drink .. . . 273, 343, 360, 526, 573, 5 8 1 d r i p .. . .. .. 209, 3 64, 5 9 8 d r i p p i n g.. ...... .. ....... 3 5 3 , 544 d r i v e. .... ...... . .. .. 435, 590 drive out ... .............................. 1 69 drizzle ...... .... .... ... .. . . .. 3 7 4 .
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d roop .... ... . ... ... .. . 3 4 9 drop . . . . .. .206, 3 7 1 , 598 drought ........ . ... .. .. . .. .. . ..2 4 9 drown ......... .. ... ...... ... .. 3 8 5 d ru m .. ..... .... . .. 223, 260, 49 1 d r u n k .. ..... 2 1 4, 249, 3 84, 5 9 1 , 636 dry . . 249, 275, 3 32 , 4 I 8, 453, 489 dry up ... . .. .. .. . .. . .. . .. .3 1 2 d u c k .. . .......... ........ .... . . .4 1 3 duekweed . .. ...... . ... .... ..4 1 5 duke ... .... . .. .... .... . .. 2 5 5 d u l l . .. . .. . .. . . . . 220, 3 8 0 d u m b. . . .. . . . .. .. . ... I S O d u m p l i n g..... . .. .... ... .. .. .3 0 9 d u n g . . ... . . . . . 237, 465 d u s k .. . . . . ... ... . . . .. .. 3 7 9 d u s t . ..... ... l 84, 2 3 7 , 3 89, 4 9 1 d ut i e s .. .. . .... . .... ... .... . 6 1 6 dwel l .. ........ 1 94, 322, 603, 625 dye .. .. . . . . .. ..... . . .. .43 9 dy nasty ..... .. .. .. . . 203 each ...... .. .... . ....... .... 2 5 3 , 378 each other .. ... . .... . 5 3 I , 543 eager ... . . . ... . ... ... 2 9 5 eagle......................................... 5 74 ear .... .. .. . . 22 1 , 225, 294 ear of grain .... . . 485, 6 1 8 early . ... . . . ... ... . 4 8 3 , 60 I earnest . .. . .. .. .. . . .2 2 0 earth ... .... .......... . . . ... 2 1 0 earth u p .. . . . .. . .... .. 2 3 7 earthenware . ... . ... . 2 2 3 earthworm . . .. . . 45 3 , 5 74 ease... .. . ..... .. .....................4 9 0 east ... .... . . . . . . .... .. 2 1 5 easy .. ..... .... .443, 569, 592 easygoi n g.. . .. . . .. .... . .... . l 8 0 eat .. .... 1 74, 1 86, 1 98 , 205, 230, 323, 463 eaten enough .. . ... . . . ... .. 1 5 8 eaves . . .... .......... ..... . . 5 8 7 echo . . . . ... ... . . ... .. ... 5 3 4 ecl i pse .. . ..... ........ ... . ... .4 6 3 e d g e. . . .. . ..... . ...... 1 67, 3 7 7 eei J43 effort .... . . .. . 3 84 , 427, 52 1 e g g. .. . ..... . . . ... .. .... .3 6 9 eggpl ant.. ............................... .42 8 .. . .. . . . . .
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ENGUSH INDEX egoti s t i c . .. . .. . .. .4 7 7 egret .. .. ..... .. . ... .. .. 3 66 e i ght.. ... .. ... . . . . .... .. . I 5 2 eject.......................................... 2 2 8 e lbow . ...... .. ........ . . . 6 1 2, 624 e ldest ... .. . . . ... . .. .... l 69, 3 8 1 elephant .. ..... ..2 5 1 , 5 3 4, 5 9 2 elevate .......... ........ .. . ... . ... . 5 3 1 e l i m i nate . l 69, 1 92 , 24 1 , 436, 535 emaciated . 296, 3 3 2 , 368, 436 embrace . . .. . . 300 embroi dery ... . . .. . .. . . .6 1 7 53 1 e m i nent ......................... employ ...... .. .. .. ....... .. 2 5 5 , 3 5 0 empty............. .. ... l 89, 3 3 5 , 543 encircle . . ... .. .. 5 1 1 , 5 7 6 enclosure .. ... . ....... ... ... ... 5 3 6 encourage . .. . .. .. . . . .4 8 0 encroach . .. . . . . . . .4 2 9 end .. l 95 , 3 1 4, 389, 5 67 , 622 endure ..... .. . . ... . . 3 30, 44 1 enemy . ..... ......... .. 209, 595 energeti c ... ..... . 309, 4 3 0, 3 52 engrave.. .. .. ... 2 1 2, 3 34, 3 5 0 engravi ng .... ... ... . .... ... .. . .4 2 3 enjoy ... ... . . ........ .... .. .. . 5 8 5 , 6 1 7 enlarge. . . ..... . .. .. ... . 2 3 3 , 3 3 9 enough .. . .. . . .. . . 6 3 6 enraged ... ... .... .. .... ... . .... . 5 3 0 enshroud . ... .. . .. .. ...... . ..... 3 5 5 entangle ..... ... . . ... .. 3 09, 5 0 8 enter .. ... ....... .. .. 3 1 6, 4 4 6 entice . . .. .... ........ ..... . ..4 7 3 entirely .. .... . .. .. . 3 1 9, 6 3 5 entrap .. ... ... . . . .... .. . . .. 3 3 4 entrust ....... . ..... .. ............. . 2 9 8 entw i ne .. .. 247, 3 05, 5 7 6 enve lop ... ..... ..... 270, 4 9 2 , 504 envoy. . . .. . ... . ......... .. .. 3 5 0 epidemic .. .... ...... .... .... . 3 5 2 equal .. ......... 1 62, 1 90, 206, 42 1 erect. . ...... .. ... .. .. ... 498, 599 err...... ........ ... . ....... .. 344, 5 54 error. ... .. ... ............... .. ... . 3 8 9 escape . . .. I 72, 220, 46 1 , 504 e s ta bl i sh . ... 305, 472, 498, 570 estate . ..... ... . . . ... .. ... 5 8 7 eternal... . . . . .. .. . . 5 77 even . . . . .. . . 597 . . . . . . . . . ....
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eveni ng ... .... ..... 3 79, 393, 522 every . . . . . . . . . 229, 378 everyth ing.... ... .. l 66, 328, 409, 502, 523, 623 e v i l .. ...................... l 9 1 , 223, 493 exami n e...... 1 79, 293, 446, 6 1 3 example . . ..... . . .. 3 58, 4 1 3 excavate . . . .... ... . ..... 3 2 7 exceed .... ... . . ... . ..... 269, 554 excess .... . .. .. ... ........ . 3 4 4 excessive . .... .. .. . . .. ........ 5 7 3 exchange ...... . .... ... .. .... . 3 0 7 excrement . .... ... . . 4 6 5 excuse. ... .... ..... .. l 98, 4 7 6 execute ... . ......... .. ... 3 3 0, 3 62 exert .............. .. .. .... 3 7 5 , 3 8 6 exhaust.... 204, 2 3 4 , 3 1 0, 3 1 6, 3 3 5 , 389, 523 exhausted 347, 368, 4 1 2, 433 e x i s t . ....... ... .... .. .. 200, 5 9 9 expected ... . . .. . . .4 2 1 expel .......... 1 52, 1 9 1 , 234, 406, 4 3 9, 5 7 1 expensive . ........ ... .. .. ..... 2 6 8 e x p l a i n .... 1 80, 3 1 3, 476, 5 7 1 extend .... 3 8 1 , 489, 5 5 3 , 605 extensive .. .. . . .. . . ... 266, 3 7 5 exti n g u i s h .. . . ....... 303, 3 8 5 exto1 ... ... . . . ........... .. . . ... 5 5 7 extraord i nary ........ .........2 6 7 extreme ..... ... . . ... . 294, 4 3 3 eye .. .. . . . 3 9 l , 392 eyebrow . .... ...... ... . . . 3 77 eyelashes . ....... ......... . .3 1 2 ... ..... 5 5 5 eyes ... . . .... eyes ight .. . . .. . . .. . ... . 3 9 I eyetooth ... .. . . . . . ...2 I 1 face .. . ...... ... 384, 5 3 3 , 5 5 1 face down .. . ..... ..... . ... .. . 2 7 5 fade .. ... .. . . .. . . . .. . . 2 1 2 fai l .. ... .. ... . ....... .. . . 4 6 1 , 5 5 4 faint.. ........... . ........ ........ ..... 3 4 9 fair 256 falcon ..... ...... ..... ...... . . 5 7 4 fal l .. 206, 234, 3 6 1 , 3 7 1 , 505, 5 1 2, 527, 598, 6 1 9, 630 fal l (rain) .. . . . ... .3 6 1 fal l down ..... .. . . ... l 63 , 2 1 1 fal l over .. ... . . .. ..... . . .....3 4 9 .
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false . . ... ... . . . .. 223, 3 0 1 fam i l i ar. .. .. . .. . .. . ... 266 fam i l iarity . . .. .... .... 2 9 5 fam i ly . .. . . .. ....... . .. .3 0 0 fam i ne ... ..... ....... .. . 292, 3 1 6 far. ................................... 495, 578 far apart . ......... . . .. ..... 338 far away . .. . . .... .. .. . .. . . 3 1 9 far-reaching.. . .... . . . . 553 farm .... ... . . ....... .. . ... l 8 0 fat... ....233, 2 5 1 , 326, 357, 409, 45 1 father.... ............. ...... .... .. . 2 4 3 fat i gu e . .. .. .. .. 5 6 9 fau lt.. ..................... 5 l l , 579, 634 favor .. . . . ... 2 5 8, 3 5 9 favorite . . .. ... . . .... . ..... ..2 9 5 fawn ... ...... ..... . . .. . . . ... .. . 398 fear... .206, 224, 276, 3 1 6, 325, 3 60, 4 5 6, 480, 5 1 0, 54 1 fearsome . .... ... . . . ... .......... .3 I 6 feast... . . . . . 533, 556 feather.... . ... .... .. 2 7 5 , 2 80, 5 8 7 fecu n d i ty ... ... ... . . . .. . . 3 7 7 feed . ........ .... ... .463, 5 1 4, 5 5 8 feel .. . .. .. .... . ............ .. . 2 5 0 feel ings . . .... .. . ... .4 3 3 female . ... . ... .. .. 1 98 , 405, 4 1 5 femur . .. . . . . .. .. ....... . .4 9 9 fence ..... .. .. ........ l 65 , 229, 349 fern . ... . ... ... . ... ..... ... . . 3 2 7 ferti l e . ..... ... .. . 233, 2 5 1 , 5 1 5 fever .. ... . . ....6 1 1 few . . .. .. . . 297, 454 fief . .. . .... . ... . . . .4 6 9 fi e l d ...................... .496, 584, 632 fi e ry . . . . .. .. . . . .. .. 2 7 6 fight ... ................... 202, 279, 6 1 1 fi l l... . .... ... . .. .40 1 , 496, 575 fi l t h . . . .. . 258 fi n . . . . . . ...... . ..... . .42 1 finger . . .. . . .. 3 1 8, 403 fin i sh .... .. .. l 65 , 298, 3 1 0, 3 5 7 , 3 8 1 , 3 89, 5 2 8 , 5 6 7 , 635 fi n i shed . . . .. ... ... .... . J 1 6 fire ... . . .. ... .. ... .. 2 9 0 firewood .... 1 79, 308, 5 3 8 , 6 1 2 firm . . ... .. .... . .. .. 3 02 , 5 70-5 7 1 first.. ...................... l 9 1 , 3 8 1 , 593 fi sh .. ...... ........ . . 3 5 0, 5 8 6 .
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ENGLISH INDEX .. .. ...............................
fissure. . . I 87 fi st ........................................... .43 7 fit 275 five ........................................... 5 1 9 fix ............................................. 2 0 2 flag .......................................... .4 2 1 flame ..................... 1 66, 286, 5 5 3 flash ............................... 5 5 3 , 5 62 fl ash i ng ................................... 5 7 0 flask ......................................... 2 8 1 flat .................................. l 65 , 4 1 5 flawed ...................................... 5 2 7 flea............................................ 6 0 I flee .................................. 1 60, 5 04 flesh ...................... 3 74, 3 8 1 , 444 fl o�.-230, 242, 3 62 , 4 1 4, 5 8 0 fl our ............................... 2 3 5 , 2 3 7 flo u r i s h i ng .................. . 4 1 0, 543 flow ............. 1 97, 3 62 , 5 4 7 , 5 8 0 flow into ................................. 2 6 6 flow over.. ............................... 2 3 0 flower.......... 283, 543, 5 74 , 5 7 5 flowing.................................... 3 5 3 fl u i d ......................................... 5 6 2 fl ute ...................... .499, 536, 597 fl uttering ................................ 5 0 9 fly ...... 229, 2 3 3 , 236, 3 80, 557, 576 fog .................................. 3 66, 5 2 1 fo ld ................................. 2 1 3 , 609 fo llow ........ 1 99, 280, 368, 476, 480, 485, 552, 579 fol lower................................... 5 6 4 food............. 323, 340, 5 3 3 , 5 62 foo l i sh ..................................... 3 3 9 foot.. ............ 268, 3 09, 427, 6 1 3 footpri nt . . ..................... 299, 5 1 9 forcefu l .................................... 3 8 6 ford ........................ 2 1 8, 299, 3 5 2 forehead .... 2 1 1 , 2 1 4, 450, 5 3 3 , 552, 5 5 8 forest.. ............................ 3 5 8 , 366 forget ............................. 3 8 1 , 5 0 7 fork ................................. 1 65 , 1 77 forked ...................................... 6 1 4 form ...................... .494, 540, 630 former ...................................... 5 2 7 formerly .................................. 3 9 6 fortune ........................... 242, 5 3 2 foundat i o n .......... 209, 292, 296 .................................. ............
fou r.......................................... .4 7 8 fowl .......................................... 2 9 2 fox .................................. 28 1 , 347 fragments .............................. ..4 8 7 fragrance ................................. 5 3 I fragrant.. ..... 2 3 1 , 236, 540, 548 free ............................................ 5 0 4 freeze .............................. 26 1 , 577 fresh ............................... 459, 528 friend ............................. 4 1 0, 582 frighten ................................... 3 I 4 frog................................. 270, 506 frost.. ........................................ 3 0 8 frui t ................................ 269, 464 fue l .......................................... . 4 4 0 fu l fi l l ....................................... 3 8 1 fu l l . .............. 2 0 5 , 495, 5 7 5 , 5 9 1 fur .......................... 3 76, 4 1 2, 434 furrow ...................................... 2 2 8 furrows .................................... 6 2 4 furthermore ............................ 5 9 6 gadfly ............................ 3 8 0, 5 1 3 gag........................................... .42 5 ga11 ........................................... 2 0 5 gal l o p ..................................... .43 5 gam b l e ..................................... 2 1 8 garden ................... l 8 1 , 268, 5 94 gar l i c ...................................... ..4 8 4 gate .............. 248, 274, 379, 5 8 6 gather.. ...... 1 75, 22 1 , 3 54, 3 70, 462 gem -adorned .......................... 4 3 4 generation .................... 203, 5 62 generous ... 1 80, 220, 280, 3 3 8 , 443 genitive ................................... 2 0 8 get.. ........................................... 2 0 8 gho st.. ...................................... 2 6 7 g i ft.................................. l 67, 5 8 1 g i nger ...................................... 3 0 7 g i r1... ........................................ .4 0 5 g i ve ... 1 63 , 1 67, 1 99, 244-245, 258, 422, 455, 462, 470, 476, 564, 588 g l ad .......................................... 5 8 6 gleam i n g................................. 5 6 2 g l o r i o u s .................................. 2 6 6 g l o ssy .................. .445, 5 1 5 , 529 g l u e ................................ 2 1 3, 3 9 9 glutinous rice ........................ 4 0 6
645
gnaw ............................... 334, 402 g o .............................................. 6 1 3 go against.. ............................. 5 9 0 go around ............................... 2 8 6 go away ...... 1 83 , 428, 436, 636 go down .................................. 2 9 9 g o out ...................................... 2 2 8 go to........ 253, 444, 508, 525, 583 goa1 .......................................... 6 1 3 goat .......................................... 5 5 7 god ........................................... 2 1 0 g o l d .......................................... 3 1 5 g o o d ............ 273, 3 00, 453, 600 g o o d s ....................................... 2 2 2 goose ............................. 222, 556 gorgeous ................................. 4 0 4 gourd ...................................... .4 0 9 govern ..................................... 6 1 9 graceful ................................... 5 0 9 gradually ................................ 3 0 3 grain ............ 260, 3 0 1 , 356, 520 grains ....................................... 2 7 3 granary .................................... 1 7 6 grandch i ld .............................. 4 8 6 grand m other .......................... 1 6 2 grandsons ............................... 3 4 0 grant.. ...................................... .4 5 5 grape ....................................... .4 1 8 grasp ......... 1 68 , 1 77, 237, 300, 325, 537, 629 grass ........... 1 76, 1 92, 305, 3 5 8 , 375, 482 grass l an d ................................ 5 6 1 grease.................... 2 5 1 , 54 1 , 6 1 5 great .. ......... 1 5 5, 1 87, 202, 238, 278, 3 0 I , 339, 520 green .............................. 1 76, 43 1 grief.. ........................................ l 6 9 grieved .......................... 3 1 0 , 4 5 1 g r i n d .............................. 389, 5 5 4 g r i ndstone .............................. 3 5 2 groom ............................ 4 1 8, 635 ground ........................... 2 1 0, 498 group ............................. 438, 6 0 1 grow ............................... 2 3 3 , 605 gruel ............................... 450, 624 guarantee ................................ 2 I I guard ......... 248, 283, 3 1 4, 469, 473, 5 1 3
ENGLISH INDEX guest.. ................... 1 67, 3 34, 3 67 g u i l t ............................... 5 79, 6 3 7 g u l l et ....................................... 5 5 2 gums ....................................... .4 5 8 g u s h ....................................... ..4 4 3 g u s h i n g................................... 2 4 1 guts .......................................... 1 8 1 gutter ............................. 3 24, 5 5 5 hair . .... 1 66, 228, 265, 3 76, 453 half . . . . . .. ... I 5 6 hall .......................................... . 4 6 6 h a l o .......................................... 3 1 5 hammer. ................................... 2 1 9 hamper. .................................... 3 7 0 hand ............................... 1 53 , 469 handful.. ............ ..................... I 5 3 handle ......... 1 68, 1 77, 243, 443 hang ... 1 96, 264, 447, 5 1 2, 546 hangi ng ................................... 6 0 8 h ap p i ness ............................... 6 1 4 happy ......... 294, 300, 330, 3 38, 433, 5 89 hard ................................ 250, 577 hard s h i p ........................ 3 3 7, 4 3 0 hare ................................. 43 8, 5 02 harm ......................................... 2 5 2 harmoni ous .................. 273, 3 1 1 harmony .................................. 2 7 4 harrow ...................................... 4 0 8 harvest... .... 29 1 , 3 5 1 , 400, 44 1 , 45 1 , 469 hasten ................... 1 60, 435, 6 3 5 hasty ........................................ 2 9 5 hat... .......................................... 3 7 6 hatch .............................. 240, 5 9 1 hate .............. 223, 277, 598, 603 haunch ..................................... 2 5 3 have .......................................... 2 7 9 have i n the mouth ................ 2 7 0 hawk ......................................... 5 9 2 hay .................................. 1 92, 2 0 1 h e ........................... 327, 4 3 6, 4 8 8 head ............. 365, 470, 5 0 1 , 593 headrest.. ................................. 6 I 0 heal. .......................................... 3 5 7 healthy .......................... 3 0 5 , 3 3 2 heap ................................. 2 3 6 -2 3 7 hear.. ............................... 226, 5 1 4 heart ... ............................ 44 1 , 5 3 8 heat... .............................. 443, 529 ......... ........ ..... ...... .. .
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heaven ........................... 235, 495 heavenly ................................ .42 5 heavy ............................. 6 1 8, 622 hedge .................... 1 65 , 229, 349 heel... .............................. 6 1 2, 622 hegemony ............................... 1 6 9 h e i r ........................................... 5 6 4 helmet... ......................... 3 9 1 , 624 h e l p ....................... 623, 629, 637 help across ............................. 2 9 9 hem ........................................... 5 5 2 hemp .............................. 373, 525 hen ............................................ 3 5 3 herb .......................................... 5 9 2 herd ................................ 322, 4 3 8 herdsman ................................ 3 9 3 hero .......................................... 3 1 3 heron ........................................ 3 6 6 hesitate .......................... 1 87, 284 h i bernating ............................ 6 1 6 h i g h ............ 2 5 1 , 346, 352, 36 1 , 3 63 , 428, 479, 5 1 0-5 1 1 , 5 54, 558, 63 1 highest point... ...................... 2 9 4 h i l l... ............ 244, 250, 36 1 , 503 h i nder ...................................... 1 4 9 h i p ............................................ l 6 4 h i re ........................................... 2 6 3 h i t ............................................. 6 2 1 hoarfrost ................................. 3 5 5 hoe ..... l 70, 1 92, 272, 404, 425, 634 h o l d .... l 68, 3 06, 443, 5 3 7, 6 1 6 hold between ......................... l 6 3 hold i n the mouth .............. ..4 2 6 hold together.. ....................... 3 0 3 hold up .................................... 2 3 9 hole ............ 2 1 5, 324, 3 3 1 , 334, 337, 3 3 8, 428, 5 86, 638 hollow ........ 246, 335, 409. 506 honey ....................................... 3 8 3 honor ............................. 3 5 9, 6 3 7 hoof......................................... .4 94 hook ......................................... 2 5 7 hope ...................... 299, 508, 523 hori zontal ............................... 2 7 8 horn ....................... 253, 256, 3 09 horse ..................... 322, 326, 373 h o t .................................. 440, 448 hot water ................................ .4 9 I
646
h o u s e ......... 3 00, 3 85 , 466, 5 1 7, 527, 568 how................................. 274, 5 1 7 how many ............................... 2 9 7 h u l l grain ................................ 1 8 9 h u m b l e ... . . . . .I 58 h un d red . . . . . I 54 h ungry ................. 224, 292, 397 h u nt... .................... 3 57, 470, 496 h u rt... ..................... 342, 493, 5 5 7 h usband .................................. 2 3 9 h u s k ...................... l 78, 260, 3 3 2 h u s ke d..................................... 3 5 2 h u t ............................................ 3 64 I .. ... . .. . .403, 5 1 8, 5 8 3 ice ................ l 68, 22 1 , 235, 2 5 1 ignorance ................................ 3 8 0 ignorant .................................. 5 0 0 ill l 69 i l l ustr i o u s .............................. 5 3 0 image ....................................... 5 3 5 i m itate .................. 2 3 1 , 3 1 0, 5 5 2 i m m i nent ................................ 2 9 3 i m p artia1 ................................. 2 5 6 i mperial.. ................................. 2 8 5 i mportant... ............................. 5 2 0 i n c ite ....................................... .4 8 0 i n c l i ned ................................... 2 2 2 i ncrease ...... 1 59, 2 3 6-237, 255, 3 1 3 , 3 3 9, 569, 602 i ncreasing............................... 5 8 6 incubate .................................. 5 9 0 i n d i go ...................................... 3 4 3 i n ferior .......................... 3 5 8, 5 5 0 i n hale .................... l 90, 4 7 3 , 5 2 2 i n herit ...................................... 5 6 4 i nj ure .......... 2 5 2 , 3 34, 5 5 7 , 602 i n k ............................................ 2 7 7 i nkstone .................................. 5 5 4 i n l et.. ....................................... .4 1 8 i n q u i re ..................................... 2 3 2 i nscribe ................................... 3 6 5 i nscription ............................. 3 8 7 i nsect .................... l 89, 3 8 8 , 588 i nsert.. ...................................... I 78 i n s i d e ............................ . 446, 62 1 i n s i g n i um ............................... 6 0 6 i n s incere ................................. 4 1 4 i n s i p i d ..................................... 2 0 6 i nspect... ........................ 33 1 , 5 3 1 .. . .... .... .................
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ENGLISH INDEX i nspection ............................. .4 7 6 i nstruct. ................ 288, 549, 590 i n s u l t .. .................. 258, 420, 5 1 9 i n t e l l i gent .............................. 6 0 9 intend ...................................... 3 0 6 i ntermediate ........................... I 5 6 interpreters............................. 2 0 9 i nterrogative .......................... 5 8 7 i ntert w i n i n g...........................2 8 2 interval .................................... 3 0 3 i ntestines ... l 8 1 , 1 98, 244, 3 5 7 i n t i m i d ate............................... 5 I 0 i nundate .................................. 2 7 8 invade ..................................... . 4 2 9 investigate .......... 3 1 9, 4 5 8 , 4 8 9 i r o n................................. 3 0 2 , 4 9 7 i rresolute ............ .... ..... ..... . ! 7 9 irrigate..................................... 2 6 6 i s l an d ............................. 207, 623 i s l et .. .............................. 1 87, 623 i so lated ................................... 3 3 9 itch ................................. 3 1 4, 5 5 9 i vo ry ........................................ 5 3 4 j ad e........................................... 2 8 5 j a i 1 ............................................2 6 3 jar. ................ I 5 1 , 1 97, 5 1 5, 520 j asm i ne .................................... 3 8 9 jaw .................................. 224, 2 70 j ealous..................................... 3 7 6 j o i n .... J 62, 287, 295, 299, 3 1 1 , 34 1 ' 488, 499, 528, 5 8 8 j o i n t h e hands ....................... 2 5 7 j o i n e d ......................................2 7 4 j o i n t . ........................................ 3 1 2 j ok e .......................................... 5 2 6 j o y ............................................ 3 4 6 j oy o u s ..................................... 2 72 j ug ........................................... .4 1 5 j uice ......................................... 6 1 4 j uj u be ...................................... 2 9 5 j u mp............................... 497, 5 7 8 Jup iter .................................... .4 8 5 j ust now .................................. 2 3 I kerchief................................... 5 6 2 kerne1.. ..................................... 2 7 5 k i c k .......................................... 2 1 I k idney .................................... .4 5 8 k i l l... ........... 330, 3 62, 452, 470, 488-489, 5 6 1 k i l n ........................................... 5 5 9 .
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k i n d .......................................... S 3 5 kind (n.) .................................. 5 3 5 ki ndness ................................. 3 5 4 k i ng .......................................... 5 0 7 k ingfisher............................... 2 0 0 knee....................... 3 1 2, 323, 523 knee cover .............................. 2 4 I kneecap . ..... . . .. ...... .. . . ! 6 8 kneel ........................................ 2 6 8 k n i fe ............................... 207, 42 1 knock ....................................... l 94 knock against... ..................... 2 4 8 knocker ................................... 1 9 6 knot. ............................... 3 1 2, 403 know ......... 1 54, 206, 3 04, 442, 469, 523, 5 3 6, 6 1 4 knowledge .............................. 5 4 4 labor. .............................. 430, 568 lac ............................................ .3 4 2 l ack................................. 234, 5 5 4 l acquer..................................... 4 2 0 l adder....................................... 4 9 3 ladle ........... 266, 524, 6 1 0, 628, 63 1 ladle out... ............................... 3 2 9 l ady ............................... . 40 1 , 466 l a m b ............................... 2 5 1 , 627 lame................................ l 7 1 , 554 lamp ......................................... 2 0 8 l ance ......................................... l 7 7 l an d . ...................... 365, 498, 5 0 1 landing place......................... 2 9 9 l ane................................. 3 64, 534 l arge ........... 1 87, 245, 375, 420, 529 l ate ............................................ 3 9 3 lath ........................................... 1 6 3 l atrine ...................................... l 7 7 l augh.......... 1 84, 225, 5 3 6, 550, 580 law ......................... 229, 3 1 6, 3 67 l ax S65 lay down ................................. 2 3 2 lay hands o n .......................... 3 7 9 l azy ........................ 3 1 3, 344, 5 2 8 l ead..... 306, 3 6 1 , 3 68, 424, 5 7 9 lead (n.) .................................. .4 2 4 leaf.................................. 448, 5 62 l ea k....................... .324, 3 64, 5 3 7 l ean ................................. 2 2 2 , 436 .....
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647
lean against.. .......................... 5 6 7 lean on ........................... 564, 607 l eap ........................................... 5 8 6 l earn ......................................... 5 47 leather...... ................................ 3 4 1 leave ..................... .348, 436, 455 leech...................... 285, 422, 6 1 8 l e e k ........................................... 3 2 l l e ft ............................................ l 7 1 left (side) ................................6 3 7 leftover.................................... 5 8 4 I e g....... 233, 259, 3 09, 54 1 , 636 l e i sure ................... 443, 527-528 lend ....................... 3 1 4, 454, 493 I ength ...................................... 6 0 6 l eopard .......................... 1 7 1 , 4 1 2 let go.......... . 425, 450, 455, 5 7 1 l et loose ................................. .4 9 1 let off. ..................................... .4 5 5 l e v e l ..................... .4 1 5, 490, 565 l evel land................................ I 8 1 l ibation ................................... 3 4 7 l ic k ................................. 467, 496 288 l i d ................................... Iie .................................... 3 89, 555 l ie down .................................. 2 4 0 l i ft.... . . l 85, 293, 3 04, 3 1 1 , 3 24, 505, 585 I i g h t ............................... 2 86, 575 l ight (weight) ....................... .4 3 2 l ight (n.) ....................... 3 56, 575 l i g h t n i n g ...................... 2 1 2, 5 63 l i ke that... ............................... .4 3 9 l i ke this .................................. .4 4 7 I i m b.......................................... 6 1 4 1 i m e ......................................... .4 9 l l i m i t .. .......... 3 07, 3 1 4, 3 1 9, 5 50 l ineage ..................................... 3 4 7 l i n t e l ........................................ 3 7 7 I i o n .......................................... .4 6 1 l i p s ................................. 1 97, 5 1 5 l i q u i d ....................................... l 84 l i sten ....................................... .4 9 7 l i terature ................................. 5 1 4 l it i gate.......................... . 4 80, 5 4 1 l it t l e .............................. . 454, 454 l iv e ................................. l 76, 459 I i ver. ............................... 205, 249 l oad ............. l 85 , 275, 44 1 , 600 l o cust.. .....................................6 2 2
ENGLISH INDEX l odge .............................. 367, 4 8 3 !odg i n g .................................. .4 5 6 l o n g ..... 506, 5 5 3 , 577,578, 605 long time ................................ 3 2 0 look ............ 332, 3 76, 467, 508, 529, 53 1 , 604 look at... ............... 2 1 0, 263, 3 05 look down ............................. .3 5 9 look up .................................... 5 5 8 l ooks ............................. . 45 1 , 5 3 5 loose ....................................... .4 8 0 loosen ...................................... 3 1 3 l ord ................................. 1 69 , 3 5 1 lose ................................ . 4 6 1 , 507 lose one's breath .................. l 49 l ot u s......................................... 3 5 3 l o u se .............................. 297, 46 1 love ... 1 49, 273, 3 54, 3 59, 393, 429, 633 l o v e l y . ..................................... 3 0 9 low I 58 lower ........................................ 2 0 9 lower garment... ..................... ! 8 0 lowland ................................... 5 5 4 loyal .........................................6 2 1 l u m p ......................................... 3 3 8 l un gs ........................................ 2 3 3 luxuriant... 230, 3 1 7, 404, 4 1 0, 5 1 9, 567 madder .................................... .3 6 4 magazine ................................ .3 3 7 magic ....................................... 2 8 5 magistrate ............................... 2 6 4 majestic ................ 5 1 1 , 554, 6 1 1 make ............................... 5 1 0, 6 0 1 male ............ 25 1 , 255, 259, 3 9 1 , 396, 465, 493, 542 malt ......................................... .4 0 2 man ........................ 239, 3 86, 440 manacle . ................ .................. 2 6 3 manacles ................................. 2 5 7 manage ....... I 56, 264, 4 77, 590 manager ................................... 6 3 5 mans i o n ................................. .4 9 8 manure ..................................... 2 3 7 many .......... 1 79, 220, 29 1 , 2 9 7, 3 59, 48 1 , 6 1 0 maple ....................................... 2 3 8 mark off................................... 2 8 4 market... ......................... 466, 544 ............................................
marmot .......................... 4 3 8 , 5 3 9 marriage .................................. 2 8 9 marrow................. .335, 485, 499 marry .............................. 3 0 1 , 436 marsh ............................ . 44 7, 5 93 m arsh l and .............................. .4 8 2 marshy ..................................... 3 2 4 mart i a l .................. 309, 3 1 3 , 5 1 9 masonry .................................. 2 9 5 master ................. ..46 1 , 626, 524 match ....................................... \ 6 2 matchmaker... ......................... 3 7 7 mate....................... \ 90, 407, 434 materia\ ................................... 3 5 7 materials ................................. 6 3 2 meal .......................................... 5 9 1 meaning .................................. 5 6 6 measure ..... l 77, 2 1 8, 304, 3 55 , 369 meat....280, 3 77, 3 8 1 , 444, 505 mechanical ............................. 2 9 3 medicine ................................. 5 6 0 meet......... 258, 295, 3 99, 407, 4 1 1 , 5 5 1 , 575, 600 meet with ............... ................. 2 3 8 m e l o n ....................................... 2 6 4 melt ................................ 477, 5 3 5 membrane ............................... 2 5 3 mend .............................. I 72, 6 1 7 merit.. . ...................................... 2 2 8 metal ....................................... .3 l 5 m ethod ................. 23 1 , 472, 570 m i d d l e ....... l 56, 1 7 1 , 3 1 3 , 584, 62 1 m ight ....................................... 5 9 0 m i l d ....................... 3 90, 444, 546 m i le .......................................... 3 5 0 m i l itary ................................... 5 1 9 m i l k . ............ 345, 395, 446, 623 m i l let ........ 299, 422, 47 1 , 472, 483 m i nd ............................... 44 1 , 5 3 8 m ingle ..................................... 3 0 7 m i n i ster. ................................. .4 6 8 m i rror. ............................ 3 0 5 , 3 1 9 m i s s .......................................... 3 8 1 m i s t . ............................... 235, 5 2 1 m i s take .......................... 1 78, 2 0 I m i xed .......... 20 1 , 235, 307, 403 moat ............................... 257, 577
648
m o d e l ... ...... 229, 3 67, 466, 5 3 1 , 540 moderate ................................ .3 04 m odest... ........................ 543, 424 m o i sten ..... l 97, 303, 407, 445, 468, 5 1 5, 543, 604, 632 m o i st u re . .. ... .. ... .......... S 62 m o lar........................................ 2 7 1 m o ld (vb.) ............................. ..4 9 2 m o l e ......................................... 6 1 9 m oment ................................... 5 5 3 3 97, 5 1 3 , 580, m o n key ..... 589, 593 month ........................... . 447, 595 m o on........ 222, 233, 4 1 7, 509, 595 m o reover....................... 3 06, 3 3 9 m o rn i ng ..... 1 84, 3 88, 4 8 3 , 607 mortar ...................................... 3 2 1 m os q u ito ................................ 5 1 4 m o s s ......................................... 4 8 8 m other . ....... 3 7 3 , 3 92, 395, 5 90 motley ..................................... 3 7 5 m o u l d ..................................... .4 3 9 m o u n d ................. 2 1 2, 2 1 9, 237, 244-245, 3 1 6, 3 63-364, 434-435, 622 m o unt ............................ 1 85 , 493 m o un ta i n ............. 3 60, 453, 596 mounta i n pass ...................... .4 4 9 mourn ...................................... 3 5 9 m ou r n i n g ................................ 4 5 0 m outh ......... 289, 3 36, 529, 636 mouth, have in ...................... 1 7 5 mouth, hold/put i n .............. ! 5 0 move .......... 2 1 5, 222, 450, 48 1 , 520, 560, 566 move on ................................. . 3 7 4 mow....................... 3 5 1 , 3 54, 568 m u d ................................ 398, 5 0 1 m uddy ................................... ..4 0 4 m u lberry ............ ..4 5 0, 459, 5 5 5 m untjac ................................... 2 9 7 m u s i c ....................................... 5 9 6 m usk deer .............................. .4 5 7 m ust ............................... 1 63 , 5 60 m ustard ................................... 3 1 4 m ute . ........................................ 5 5 0 m ut ua l l y ....................... 53 1 , 543 mysterious ............................ .) 8 5 .
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ENGLI S H INDEX . ....
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n a i l . ...... ... .. ... . ... ... . .4 0 3 naked ... .... 1 86, 3 7 0 , 5 0 I name . . . .... . . . 3 87, 54 1 narrow. . .. . . l 66, 223, 300 nature. ...... ... ... . . . 4 3 3 , 5 4 1 nave l .. ................... l 7 1 , 4 1 2, 42 1 near . 226, 3 1 5, 3 8 3 , 398, 400 necessary .. ..... . . 1 63 neck . ... 2 1 6, 250, 272, 3 1 8, 3 6 1 , 534 necklace ...... ... .. . .. . . . .. 5 7 5 need .. ..... . . .. .. .. . .. 5 6 6 need le .. .... . . . 61 0 neglect.... 232, 234, 267, 5 07, 567, 569 nephew . . . .. . 1 9 1 , 6 1 6 nest..... . ...... ... . . . 1 82, 5 2 2 nes t l i n g .. ... . ... . ... . .... .2 6 1 net... .. .. . 259, 282, 508 new 538 new moon . . . . .... .... 3 9 9 n e x t . .. . . .... ... ... .. ... 1 9 8 n i ght . ..... . . .. . . 3 87, 5 6 1 n i n e ... .. .. . ... . . .3 2 0 n ob i l ity... ... .. . . . . . . .3 0 8 noon . . . ... .. ...... . . .. 6 2 4 norm . ........... .... 2 3 1 , 602 n o rth . . ....... . . 246, 3 99 n o s e . .. . . .. ... . . l61 n o t ... ... 1 72, 232-233, 5 1 1 , 5 1 7 not have . . 376, 3 8 2 , 385 not yet . . . . . . . . . ... 5 1 2 notches .. ...... .... . . . .. . . . .4 2 3 n o u r i s h . 1 94, 323, 463, 542, 558, 5 9 ! n um ber................. 3 5 3 , 3 5 6, 472 numerous . . .. 1 88, 3 59, 420, 458, 48 1 , 6 1 0, 623 oar ..... ... . 296, 440, 5 6 9 oath . ... . .. .. ... ... .. . .... .4 6 8 obey .... . .. . ..... 4 76, 577 o b l i q ue . 1 5 8, 1 7 1 , 1 77, 297, 414 oblong . . . . . ... .44 7 obscure .. 3 06, 375, 3 90, 579 o bserve . . ... ... . .... . . .. . 6 04 obstacle. ... . . . ....... ... .6 0 7 obstruct.. ... l 49, 1 59 , 1 64 , 224, 340, 529, 572, 577 ocean . . .. . . . .3 8 8 ...
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o d d . ... . .. . ... .....2 9 2 offend . .. . .. ... ...... 2 5 8 , 5 1 9 offer .. .. . .. . 1 85, 5 8 1 , 635 office . .. . .. . .... .... ... 2 6 4 officer . .... . . .. 285, 465 offi c ial.. ......................... 264, 3 5 0 . 633 o ffspring.... . ...... . old. . .. 259, 32 1 , 345, 42 1 old man . .. 482, 5 1 5, 606 older. . .. . ... .. 3 8 1 omen ...... . . . . . . ....... 6 0 8 o n e.... .. . .. . . ... ..378, 563, 6 1 4 one-footed... .... .. . .... ..2 9 7 one-sided . . . ........ . . .4 1 4 o n i o n .. ........ . ..... . 1 9 9 o n l y ... . 204, 469, 5 0 1 , 5 1 0, 6 1 5, 6 1 6 open .. ..... 1 54, 1 80, 326, 3 30, 4 1 4, 422, 603 o p e n i n g .. 336, 428, 586 opponent . . .... . l 90 oppose.. ... 230, 248, 5 1 1 , 590, 637, 406 oppress ... . .. 5 0 2 orange .... ... .. . ...... . . . 3 2 3 orch i d . . ... .. . .. . .. 3 4 3 order . . .... 1 98, 2 1 0, 3 5 7, 3 6 1 orderly .... .. . . . 543, 6 1 2 o r i g i n .. . ..... .. . l 60 ornament.. ............................... 2 4 2 orphan .... ... .. ..... ... . . 2 6 4 other ....... .. . . 1 65, 504 outer wall . ........ . . . . . .. 3 4 1 o ut l i ne . . ... . ..... .. 369 . .5 0 6 o uts i d e . . .. . .. .. . oval ... . .. .. . . 5 0 5 overcast... ...................... 3 8 0, 572 overcome ... . .. .. 460, 493 overflow .. 205, 230, 3 1 5 , 344, 569 overflowing . .. .. .. . .. 554, 579 overthrow . . ........ . 1 7 1 , 246 overturn ... .. 246, 432 overwhelm . .... ...... . ... . 5 6 9 owl .................................. 32 1 , 535 o x.... . . ... ... . . .. 25 1 , 402 pac i fy ...... .... .... ....... 565 pained . .. . 1 77, 499 painful... ..... ... . .. 204, 472 paint... ............................ 1 75, 2 8 3 .. . . .
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649
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pair .. 1 90, 3 53 , 3 56, 407, 4 1 0 , 4 1 3, 475 palace. ... .... ... .. .. . 256, 576 palm .. . .. .. . . .... .. . . 2 4 0 pang o l i n .. . ... ... . .... ) 6 0 paper . . ... . ... .... . . . .. 6 1 7 paralyzed . . . .. ... ....2 1 3 pard o n .. .. . . ... ..455, 565, 5 7 1 pare . . . . .. .. .... . .... .. . ... . 54 7 parents. ... .. ... .. .. .. . ... 4 2 9 park . . . .. . . .. . 2 6 8 part . .... .. . . ... . 2 3 4 parti a l . ... .... ........ . . .4 1 4 partner .. .. .. . ... ...... .. .4 3 4 party .. . . .. . . . 206 pass ........ .. .... . . .2 6 9 pass b y . . ... .. ..... 2 6 9 pass gas. ......... . . ... . 4 I 3 pass over.... .. . . . . . .. ..2 3 0 pass through . .... . ...... .. 3 1 7 passage .. . . .... .. . 5 8 6 past.. .... . ... . . . . . .. .. ... 5 0 8 pasture. . . ..... ... .... 393, 43 1 patch .. ........... . . ... . ... 1 7 2 path ... . .. . .. . . 492, 6 1 1 patrol .. .. . ....... . . . 5 1 3 paw . ... ... . . .. .. . .. .... ... .. 2 3 0 peaceful... . . . . 1 50, 4 1 5, 5 5 6 peach . . .. ... .. . . .4 9 2 peak . . .... .. ... .... 23 8, 428 pear. . .. ... .............. 3 4 8 , 3 9 5 peasant ... ... .. . ... ... . 4 0 3 peel... .............................. 1 57, 260 peel off.. .................................. 5 04 peg .. .. . . ... . .44 7 pen .. . ... ..... 263, 345 penetrate . . .... 499, 636 pent u p ...... . .. ... 1 50, 5 94 people ... .. . 3 8 0, 3 86 perceive . ... ... . . . . 3 7 6 perch . .. .. . .. . . 295, 299 perforate ........ . .. . . . . . .4 9 7 perpetuate ... .... . ... . I 8 I persi m m o n . .. . ... . ... .4 6 6 persistent... .. . .. . . . .. 2 6 3 person . . . . 403, 440 perverse .. ... .. .. 2 86 pesti lence . .. . . . ........ 6 0 3 pestl e . . . . .. . . .. . 1 92 , 2 1 9 petals . . . .. . . . . . I 5 6 ...
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ENGLISH INDEX .
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pheasant. .. . . . ... . . 6 2 1 phl egm . . . .3 3 3 phoenix . .. .. . .. . 239 p i c k . . . . ... .. . . . 22 1 , 462 pickle ... . . . .. ... .. .. ..... 5 5 4 piece . .... . .. .. . ... 2 4 8 pierce ....... . 1 89, 1 99, 2 1 5, 266, 555 p i g .... l 52, 3 0 1 , 465, 504, 620, 625 p igeon .. .... .. . . . ..... 3 2 0 p i l l ar ............. .. . . . . 284, 6 2 8 p i l l ars . . .. . .... . . . ..6 3 1 p i m p l es .. . . 234 p i n ... . . . . . . . .4 4 7 p i nch .. 200, 40 1 , 425, 4 5 7 p i ne . . . . . 479, 6 1 2 pipe ........ ... .. . . ...... 5 3 6 p i t .. .............. 3 3 1 , 440, 49 1 , 5 3 0 pitfa l l ... .................................... 3 1 7 p i t y . . ... . .... . . 1 49, 1 59, 3 54 pivot. . .. . . .4 7 1 place . .. .. 1 94, 486, 5 1 2, 629 p l a i n . .. . . .4 1 5 , 482, 593 p l a i t.. .. . . .. ... . . .3 2 0 p l an ... 2 1 8, 369, 3 8 9, 3 9 1 , 576 plant............ 472, 482, 5 70, 599 plaster ..... .. . 430, 5 0 1 p l ay .. . . .. 526 play with . . . . .. . . 3 6 3 please . ... . .. .5 8 6 p leased . . . 3 90, 443, 589 p !ow . 228, 254, 278, 296, 348, 3 92, 479 . .. I 9 I plowed field p l uc k . ... 1 57 , 1 75 , 370, 424 p l u m ... . . .. 349, 3 7 7 plume-fan . . . .. . .4 5 2 pod .. .... ..... . . . ... 5 3 7 p o i n t . .. ... . . . .. ... 3 74 poi nted .. ... ........ . .. 3 0 2 p o i s o n .. . . . 2 1 6, 3 1 5, 3 4 5 poisoned wine . . ... . . . l 8 3 pole ... .. . . . .. 248, 620, 623 po l is h ... ..... 200, 264, 3 52, 389 pol i s h ed . . . .. ... .. . . . 5 2 9 pond .. l 87, 3 1 8, 489, 492 p o o l .. ..................... l 87, 4 8 9, 5 1 6 poor .. .. . . ... .. 2 7 1 , 4 1 5 poplar . .... . .. . . . . 5 5 8 .
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popu l at i o n . .. .... ........ .3 8 0 porc u p i ne . ... . . . .. .. . 2 8 9 position .. 4 86, 5 1 2, 629 posterity .. . . . .. . . .5 6 2 posts . . ..... . . 250 pot .... . .... 1 97, 2 1 4 potter's wheel.. . . .3 2 8 pottery... .. . ... . 492, 5 5 9 pound . . . l 78, 207 pounding . . . 505 pour... .359, 492, 5 3 7 , 6 1 0, 627 pour out ....... . .. . . . . . 2 6 6 poverty ........ . .. ...... ... 4 3 3 powdery .................................. ! 7 I power ... . . .4 3 7 practice . ... . ... . .. 524 praise .. . . ... . ... 228, 5 8 5 pray ..... . . .... 420, 6 2 8 precious ...... . . l 58, 1 83 , 2 6 8 prec i pitous. ..... ... .. 200, 332 pregnant.. . . 409, 483, 598, 6 1 1 prepare. . . . 1 59, 4 1 3 present................. l 85, 20 I , 239, 257-258, 288, 3 1 4, 342, 423, 476, 480, 567 presented . .. . ........ . . ! 99 preserve ... ... ..... ..... . . . . ! 5 7 press .. . ... .. 405, 5 5 0 press between . 300 pretend ...... ..... .... . . ... 5 3 5 prevent . .. 2 8 3 price ... .. . . . . .. .3 0 I principal . ... ... ... 5 9 3 prison ... . .. . . ... 5 8 8 prisoner. .... . . . .. . 3 1 1 , 526 private . .. . .. . .... . .4 77 proceed . .269, 579, 60 1 proclaim . . .. .. .. . . . . 5 4 6 produce .. . .. . . I SO profit.. . . ..... . . ... 5 6 9 profitable . . .. . . . 3 5 I profound ... . .. .. . .... 329 prognosticate ... ... .. ... 604, 608 prohi b i t . . .. . . 3I5 pro l i fi c ... . . 377 proper . ..... . 566 property .. ... . . . .. . 6 3 2 prosper . . . . 230, 540 prosperous . .. .. 1 80, 332 prostitute. .. ... . . . . 2 9 7 . .. .
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protec t . ...... l 57, 246, 248, 283, 416 prove .. .. . . . . 612 p rovi d e .. ...... .. ... . 2 5 7 prov ince .. .. . ... . . . 1 66, 203 prov i s i o n s ... . .. . .3 5 6 provoke . ... ... .. ... .. .4 9 7 public . . . . . . .. 256 p u l 1.............. 3 67, 424, 569, 5 7 3 p u l l out . . . ........... .. . l 8 9 p u l l up . . . 336 p u l se ... . . ... 3 7 4 p u n i s h .. . . .. .470, 540, 609 p u n i s h m e nt.. ..... .. .... l 64, 402 p u r i fy .. .. ... .. . .. . .... .. . .3 5 5 purple . .. . .. . 250, 2 7 0 p urpose . .. .... . .... . . . . 6 1 3 pursue . . .. . 625 , 630 p u s ... . . . . . . .. . . . .. .404 push . .. ..... .207, 297, 5 02 push down .. . . . .. ... . 1 50 put 629 put around . . .. . . . 3I2 put away .. . . . .2 3 2 p u t r i d . .... ..... .. .. 1 90, 243 p y t h o n ... ... ... .. ..... . ... I 5 2 q u a i 1 .. . . . . 556 quarrel . .. .. 2 1 6, 397, 48 1 queen . . . . 279 q u i et............................... 3 1 8, 390 q ui v e r 303, 602 rab b i t . . . . . . . . 438, 5 02 raccoon dog . . ... . . 3 4 7 rack . .. .. . . . . ... . . 2 5 3 raft .. . . .. 228, 242, 408 rafter . . . 3 55 rai l i n g .. . . . .... .. .. 3 06 rain ... 2 1 5, 3 59, 4 1 5 , 587, 598 rai nbow . . . . .. 278 raise l 85, 237, 494, 540, 620 rake . .. . .. . .4 0 8 ram . . 236, 2 5 9, 3 1 2 rami e .. . .. .. . 6 2 7 rank .. .. . .. .... 3 57, 367, 540 ransom . . .... . ... 4 7 1 rap i d .. . .. . .. . 483, 549 rap i d s . . .. ... .. . . . . . 343 rare . ... . . .. .. .. . . 2 6 7 rat.. .... .. .438, 47 1 , 582 rations . . . . 3 60 .
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ENGLISH INDEX .
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ravine .. . . ... .. .. ..... . .. ... 3 I 7 raw . .... .... .... .. . . ... 43 1 , 540 reach .. . . 203, 293, 3 96, 423, 488, 499, 6 1 7 reach to..... .. . ...... . . . 2 9 8 read . ... ......... .. .. .. ... .... . 2 1 6 ready .. .. .. . .. 1 59 real .. ...... . . . .. ..... .... .. .... . 6 1 0 real l y ..... . .. ... .. ... . 4 6 4 reap. . . . . . . . 3 5 1 , 45 1 , 568 rear...... . . .. .. . . l 94 , 5 5 8 reason .. . . .. . . 263, 3 5 0 rebel .. . . .. . . . 230, 3 69 rebe l l i o u s .. . . . . . . ..... ... .3 9 9 receive .. . 1 85, 239, 3 60, 470 recite .. . . . .. . . . 23 8 reckless . . 3 76, 5 00, 508 recompense .... .. . . ... . . 3 4 5 record ..... . .2 9 8 , 469, 6 3 0 red. . . 1 84, 1 88, 204, 276, 278, 398, 426, 491 , 526, 609, 625 reduce . .. .. 1 66, 474 reed-organ . .. .. . .... .. .. . . 4 6 0 refine . . .... . . . . . ... .3 5 5 regi o n ........ . .. .... . .. 23 1 , 5 3 4 regret.. .... .... . ... . .. ... . 3 60 regulate . 1 64, 298, 348, 350, 6 1 9, 62 1 , 637 reins . .. . . . .. . . .. .. 3 4 6 reject . .. . .. .. .. . 2 3 4 rej oice .. ... .. ... 525, 539, 6 1 7 rel ax . . . . . . 5 04, 5 92 re1axed . .. .. ..... . . .. . ....... .4 0 9 release . . . . .... ... 464, 480 re i i nq u i s h .. .... . ... .... 1 80, 2 3 2 rel y ..... 2 82 , 467, 5 64, 567 rely o n .. . .. . .. . . .. . ... 5 7 2 remain .. .... ..... ... .. ..... .... 3 62 remains .. . . . . ...... 545 remember . 298, 400, 469, 5 7 0 remiss ... .... ... . . . . ... 5 92 remove . . 1 69, 1 82, 1 89, 1 92 , 234, 439, 464 rend ..... .. . . .. . ... . ... ... .4 1 4 repair . ...... .. ... I n, 4 5 3 , 542 repay . .. . . ... . . . 1 5 8 repeat ... .. 2 1 3 , 5 24, 5 8 1 , 600 repeatedly .. ....... 246, 442, 5 7 1 reply . . . . . . . l 90, 202 report .... .. . . . .. . . .. 1 5 8, 2 5 2 ..
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repress . . .. 1 50, 224 rept i l e . . . ....... ... . .... . .. 5 8 8 request.. ... ... . . .. ... 2 80, 602 rescue . . . . .... . .. . . 6 2 4 resemble ...... . .. .. 479, 5 3 5 resentment.. . .. . . ... 2 7 0 resist . .. ... .... ... 1 59, 277, 5 90 respect ... .... 256, 3 5 1 , 495, 6 1 5 respectfu l ... . .. ... . .. .. ) I 7 respond . . .... . . l 58, 202, 575 rest. .. . 3 1 8, 456, 5 2 3 , 556 restore .. . . . ... . 2 4 6 restra i n . .. . . .. .5 2 9 restrict .. .... ........ .. ...... ... . . . 5 9 5 resul t.. . . .. . .. . . . . .. .. . 2 6 9 retreat.. .. . . ....... . . ..... 2 4 6 return .. ... .. . .. . . 246, 267 reverent .. ... . .... ... 296, 6 1 5 revo1ve ...... . . .. ..... 2 8 6 , 598 reward . .. .. . .. ..... ....... 20 I rhinoceros .... .. ...... .. . 5 2 3 r i b s . . ...... . . . . .. . 5 3 6 rice . 1 55, 207, 230, 3 8 1 , 486, 528 rice cake ... . . . ...... . . 325 rice seedl ing .... . .. ...... . 3 0 I rich ..... . 233, 242, 439, 520 ride . .. . .. 1 85, 420 ridge . . . . . ... . .. .. . 2 5 0 right ... ......... 206, 566, 5 8 \ , 6 1 6 righteous ..... ... . ..... . . . 5 6 6 rim 550 r i ng . . .... 328, 5 76, 578, 593 rip open . ..... .. .......... .. . ... . 6 0 9 ripe ......... . ... . ..44 1 , 47 1 , 49 1 rise .. 208, 293, 3 1 1 , 324, 422, 454, 557 rising sun . .. ...... ... ... . . . 5 0 3 rituals . . . .. .. ... . . ... 3 5 1 river.. . 1 95, 274, 3 06, 475, 5 2 3 river bank . . ... . .. .... . . 1 5 0 road .. . . .. 365, 367, 3 69, 5 4 0 roam . .... .... . . . . . .. ... ... 5 3 3 roast .. .......... 1 S t , 229, 3 08, 6 1 9 rob .. . . . .. . .. . .. 336, 369 robber ... .. ... . . . . . . . .6 0 2 robe . . . .. .. ... .. . ..... 6 2 1 rocks . . .. ... . ... . ... ....3 4 6 r o l l.. . . . . . . .. . . . 3 2 6 roof.. . .. ... . ..... ... ... . .... 5 1 7 ..... . .
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room . . . .... ... 232, 5 1 7 root.. ...................... l 60, 209, 254 roots. . . ... .. .. I S 3 rope . . . . 250, 2 86, 368, 390, 486, 5 2 5 , 5 7 3 , 6 1 6 rot.. . .. . . .. l 9 1 , 347, 45 1 , 5 8 1 rotate ... . . . . . .. . ....... 3 2 8 rotten .. . . ... . . ....... . . . 2 4 3 r o u n d . . ..... .... 284, 502, 576 rounded .. . . . . . .4 8 8 rouse .. . . .. . ... . 327, 6 1 1 row. . . . .. . ... ... . 3 5 3 , 540, 565 r u b .. . . . . .. . .. ..... 200, 545 rudder .... . . .. . .. . .. .. 2 2 1 r u i n .. .. . ..... .... . .. .. . .. ! 5 4 r u i n s .. . . .. .... . . . . .4 3 5 r u l e . . . ... . . 2 1 1 , 3 58 , 3 67, 565 ruler . . .. . .. . . 1 64, 3 2 8 r u n . .. . 1 60, 409, 435, 635 run away ... . ..... . . . . 4 9 2 r u s h . .. ... . . .. . .. .. ..... 3 5 8 r u s h i n g ... ..... .. . . . . 241 rustic . .. . .. .. . . 1 63 , 5 6 1 sack .. ..... . ...... .. . .. ... . 3 9 6 sacri fice . . . . . 2 l 0, 578, 5 8 1 sacri ficial .. .. . . .. . 5 6 6 sad .. ...... . ... .. .... 379, 4 1 9, 45 1 sadd l e .. . . .... ... . . ... .. .... I S O s a i l .. . .. . .. . .. 229, 5 5 3 salary . . .. . . ..... . . 239 s a l i v a . ... .. .. .. .. ... . ... ... . 5 2 8 salt. ........................2 0 l , 26 1 , 554 s a l ty . . .... . 1 88, 365, 526, 528 sal utati o n . . . ......... . . ...... 2 5 7 s a lute . .. . . . .... . ...... . l 5 5 sand . .. . . . ... ... .. . .4 5 2 sandal . ... . . . . .. . .. ..... 5 2 5 sandalwood .... ............. . ... 6 0 4 sash . ...... .. . 203, 3 70, 5 3 2 satiate . . .. .. . ... .. ... . . . . .. 5 5 2 satiated . ... ... ....... .. . 1 5 8, 5 9 1 satisfied ... . . . .. .... . 426, 552 s at i s fy ... . .. .... . . ..... . . 5 7 5 sauce . . . . . ... . .2 7 0 save . . .. . ... . . ... ... . 3 1 9 say. .. .. . .. 5 1 3 , 595, 597 scab .. . . . .. .. .. 5 3 0 scabies . . . . .... 314 scale . . . .. . . . .3 1 3 scale of fish . .. .. . 360 .
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ENGLISH INDEX scales ....................................... 3 0 1 scar ........................................... 1 5 2 scare ............................... 276, 480 scared ....................2 2 4 , 456, 476 scarf.......................................... 3 7 6 scatter . .....................................4 4 9 scholar.................................... .46 5 school... ......................... 5 32, 545 scold ........................................ 3 7 3 scoop ....................................... 2 6 6 scoop out.. .............................. 5 8 5 scorpion .................................. J 7 9 scrape......... 254, 264, 3 1 2, 474, 547 scratch ........................... 266, 4 5 0 screen ......... 1 64, 229, 24 1 , 4 1 6, 452, 5 1 3, 564 scribe ....................................... 3 5 0 scro l l . ....................................... 3 2 6 scum ......................................... 2 3 9 sea................................... 2 70, 4 1 0 seal ........................................... 5 5 0 seam ......................................... 2 3 8 search ........ 293, 3 1 9, 3 83 , 48 1 , 608 season ............................ 1 84, 2 9 8 seat ........................................... 2 9 6 second . ................. I 98 , 454, 5 5 0 sections of a fruit . ................ I 5 6 secure........... .................. 26 1 , 590 sediment ....................... 345, 40 1 see ....... 2 1 8, 3 04, 3 06, 3 76, 509 seed l i n g .................................. 5 5 6 seeds ........................................ 6 2 2 seek .......................................... 3 2 0 seize ...................... 3 1 1 , 327, 6 1 6 select.............................. 1 79, 3 04 sel f... ............................... 296, 634 sel l.... . .209, 260, 3 74, 4 7 0 , 5 9 1 send ............. 350, 4 1 0, 425, 4 8 0 send out .................................. 1 9 I separate ...... 1 54- 1 55 , 1 67, 1 87, 234, 253, 303, 4 1 1 separated ................................. 3 4 8 sequel ............................ l 98, 2 1 0 series....................................... .4 1 5 serpent..................................... 3 0 8 servant.. ..... 1 58 , 209, 264, 2 8 5 , 404, 4 1 8, 468, 488 servants ......................... 1 64, 4 1 4
serve ............................... 265, 568 sesame ..................................... 3 7 3 set 620 set forth ................................... 3 6 7 settle ........... 295, 498, 603, 6 1 3 seven ....................................... .4 1 9 sever......................................... 3 1 3 several .. ................ 297, 6 1 7, 632 shac k l e .................................... 6 1 4 shade.............................. 564, 572 shadow .................................... 5 7 6 shaft of arrow......................... 2 4 8 shake .......... 3 60, 366, 520, 559, 61 1 shal low ................................... .4 2 5 shaman .......................... 3 6 1 , 5 1 6 shame .................... l 88, 3 67, 542 s h a n k ....................................... 3 3 5 shape .............................. 540, 6 3 0 share ......................................... 2 3 4 sharp ......... 3 02, 3 5 1 , 3 54, 369, 555, 604 sharp point... .......................... 2 3 8 sharpen.................................... 3 5 2 sheaves ....................................2 3 7 shed (n.) .................................. 6 0 5 sheep.............................. 2 1 7, 5 5 7 she l l .. .................... 3 0 1 , 3 3 3 , 3 7 0 shelte r................... 3 64, 423, 5 72 s h i e l d .................... 220, 248, 365 s h i n .......................................... 1 6 8 shine .............................. 477, 607 s h i n i n g. ................................... 6 0 9 s h i ny ........................................ 1 7 6 s h i vering ............................... . 4 0 6 shoe.......................................... 5 3 8 s ho ot... ....... 1 65 , 228, 463, 489, 567 s h oots ..................................... .402 shore ....................................... .4 1 8 short. ........................................ 2 1 9 s h o u l d ..................................... 5 1 0 shoulder........................ 1 70 , 3 02 s h o u t... ....... 272, 280, 308, 3 1 0, 5 1 8, 5 5 9 show............................... 265, 376 s h r i n k ...................................... 4 8 4 s h u t . ......................................... l 64 shut i n ..................................... 2 6 1 s h y............................................ 2 7 6 .............................................
652
sick ........................294, 395, 5 5 7 s i c k l e ................... .354, 607, 6 1 8 s i d e..... l 65 , 23 1 , 409, 4 1 4, 5 3 3 s i d e s......................................... 5 3 6 s i e ve ........................................ .4 5 2 s i g h .......................................... 3 1 l s ignal.. ........................... 2 86, 548 s i gn a l ize ................................. 5 09 s i l e n t.. ................. .......... 1 5 0, 390 s i l k ........................ 1 70, 478, 528 s i lkworm ................................. l 75 s i l ver........................................ 5 7 3 s i m i lar ........................... 1 62 , 536 s i mp l y ..................................... 6 1 6 si ncere ........ 334, 5 3 9, 597, 62 1 s i ncerity .................................. 2 0 5 si new ..................... 226, 3 1 5, 3 5 1 s i n g .......................................... l 8 1 s i n g l e ......... 204, 264, 490, 493, 614 s i n k ....................... l 83 , 303, 400 s i ster ..................... 378, 544, 633 s i t.. ............................................ 6 3 7 s i x............................................. 3 62 s k i l l fu l .................................... 3 5 5 s k i n ............. 2 4 3 , 2 6 0 , 34 1 , 4 1 2 s k u l l . ........................................ 2 1 7 s ky .................................. 2 3 5 , 4 9 5 s l ack ............ 3 1 3, 409, 480, 546 s lacken ................................... .464 s l ander....... 303, 5 1 6, 600, 604, 634 s l ant ......................................... 5 6 5 s lanted ..................................... l 6 9 s lanti n g ..... 1 58, 1 77, 2 2 2 , 297, 422, 432 s l aughter. ................................ 3 3 9 s lave ......................................... 4 0 4 s l eep........... 378, 3 8 3 , 43 1 , 475, 484, 5 1 6 s leepy ...................................... 2 9 0 s l eet.......................................... 5 3 0 s leeve.................... 379, 5 94, 624 s l ender........................... 528, 5 5 9 s I i p ................................. 2 1 2, 6 I 9 s l i ppery ...................................2 8 3 s lo p e .............................. 1 58, 208 s low... I SO, 406, 506, 592, 5 94, 615 s l o w l y ...................................... 5 2 8
ENGLISH INDEX small ... ....... 382, 385, 4 87, 5 1 1 , 526, 5 3 5 , 582 smear....................................... .4 5 2 sme l l ... ....... 1 62, 1 90, 497, 5 14 , 53 1 , 540 sme l t ........................................ 5 6 1 s m i ! e .............................. 4 5 8 , 5 3 6 smoke ...................................... 5 4 8 snai ! ......................................... 5 1 5 snake ........... 246, 287, 375, 4 5 5 s n atch ...................................... \ 8 2 s n ivel ...................................... .4 7 8 snore 279 snow............................... 235, 547 soak............ 27 1 , 303, 3 ! 5 , 375, 407, 445, 543, 5 55, 573, 604 soaked ..................................... 3 0 3 soak i n g ................................... 6 0 5 soar 239 sober ....................................... .4 3 2 s o ft ..... 400, 442, 444-446, 546 soi1 ........................................... 5 0 J s o l d i e r ..................................... 6 0 I s o l i d........ 2 1 7, 220, 26 1 , 302 someone ........................ 3 9 1 , 5 8 1 s o n.................................. 3 04, 402 son-in-law .................... 460, 546 song ...................... 252, 462, 50 I soot ......................................... .3 7 8 sorcerer.................................... 5 0 0 sore ................. .......................... l 62 sorrowful ................................ l 9 7 sort ........................................... 5 2 0 s o u l ................................ 290, 4 1 7 s o u n d .................... 346, 3 8 8 , 460 sour ......................................... .4 8 4 s o u t h........................................ 3 9 6 south side ............................... 5 5 8 sovereign...................... 1 64, 279 SOW ........ ..... 1 7 1 , 3 0 1 , 620, 622 soybean .................................. . 2 I 6 space between ........................ 6 2 7 spade ........................................ 3 0 2 speak........... 476, 490, 5 8 8 , 597 spear............................... 1 98 , 602 spear (fish) ............................. l 7 7 speech ......................................2 8 3 s p i cy .......................... .............. 3 4 2 s p i n ................................ 2 3 2 , 293 ...........................................
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s p i n e ........................................ 2 9 5 spinning wheel ..................... 3 5 3 s p i r i t ........ 267, 3 6 1 , 456, 458, 508 s p i t ................................. 4 1 0, 502 spittle ............................ l 87, 505 s p l een ..................................... .4 1 2 s p l e n d i d ...... ... ........... ...... I 8 0 s p l i nter................................... .4 3 8 s p l i t... l 67, 1 72, 1 87, 350, 4 1 2, 4 1 4, 522 spoke ...................................... .42 7 s potted .. ..... ............ ....... ...... ! 7 0 spread ........ l 7 1 , 489, 546, 565, 604 spread out... ......... l 73 , 1 88, 565 s p r i n g ...................................... 1 9 7 spring (water) ....................... .43 7 sprinkle ......................... 452, 462 s prout ... ..... 202, 228, 3 80, 550, 556, 638 square ...................................... 2 3 1 s quat . ...................................... .3 2 2 squeeze .................................... 4 0 I s q u i rre l . ................................... 5 3 9 stab................................. 1 99, 3 3 9 stable ...................................... .2 6 3 staff .......................................... 6 0 7 sta i r .......................................... 2 4 8 stairs ..................... 208, 3 1 1 , 493 stalk ...................... 248, 3 3 5 , 499 stamp ............................. 3 5 8 , 5 5 0 stand ........ 298, 3 5 1 , 422, 472, 498 star.................................. 1 84, 5 3 9 stare ..... ...... ..... ... . ... ....... .... I S S start .......................................... 5 9 9 start up .................................... 2 3 7 start work ................................ l 9 2 starve ....................................... 2 2 4 state.......................................... 2 6 8 stay ........................................... l 94 steal...................... .42 8 , 439, 500 steam .....................2 3 5 , 443, 6 1 2 ste e l ..........................................2 5 0 steelyard ................................. 2 7 7 steeped .................................... 2 0 4 steer.......................................... 2 5 9 stem....................... 2 1 0 , 250, 499 step........................................... l 7 3 ..
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step over ................................. 3 3 7 steps ......................................... 2 4 8 stick ......................249, 499, 607 stick to .................................... 2 1 3 stiff. .......................................... 3 02 s t i l l.. ......................................... l 8 1 stim u l ate ................................ . 3 4 2 s t i n g......................................... 5 9 9 stitch ........................................ 6 3 2 stomach......................... 2 1 8, 5 1 3 stone .............................. 327, 462 stony ....................................... .4 2 7 stoo 1......................................... 2 9 6 s t o p ............. l 53 , 498, 6 1 3 , 625 stop up .......................... 40 1 , 6 1 8 store ............ 1 76, 332, 598, 626 store h o u se .............................. 2 4 4 straight. ..... 294, 4 86 , 498, 573, 6 1 2, 6 1 6 strain.............................. 364, 462 strange........................... 264, 292 stranger .................................. .3 6 7 strang l e ................................... 5 6 9 straw............ 248, 3 1 1 , 322, 3 3 3 straw mat... ..............................3 0 5 street ........................................ 5 3 4 strength............... . 3 5 1 , 405, 570 stretch ................... 5 5 3 , 573, 605 stride.............................. 340, 6 1 4 stri ke.......... l 94, 1 96 , 202, 207, 293, 336 stri n g ......... 203, 2 6 6 , 3 4 6 , 368, 386, 424, 460, 5 92 string of cowries . . .. .. ....A I 0 stringed i nstrument........... ..4 8 9 striped ..................................... 5 1 4 strive .............................. 3 84, 635 strong ......... 3 02, 3 05 , 404, 427 strong h o l d ............................. l 5 7 stu m b l e ......................... 2 1 2, 6 1 9 s t u m p s..................................... 6 3 3 s t u p i d ......... 1 60, 379, 5 87, 630 stutter ...................................... l 8 6 s u b d u e .................................... .4 3 5 s u bj ect.. .................................. . 4 6 8 submerge ................................ 5 5 5 submerged .................... l 83 , 303 s u b m i t ........................... 240, 3 07 s ubstitute . .............................. 2 0 3 s ubtract .................................. .4 8 6 ... . .
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ENGLISH INDEX .... .
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succeed . . . . 254, 564 successor . .... . . ...... . . . . 5 6 4 suck . . .473, 4 76, 5 99 suckle . .. . 260, 323 sudden . .. . .. .. . . l 7 1 suffer. .. .. 290, 297, 3 79, 603 sufferi ng . . ... . 204, 3 8 6 s u i ta b l e . . . ....... 3 0 0 summon .. . ... . 608 s u n .... . ... . .. .. . 442, 546 s u n k .... . . . .. .. . . .. . 2 0 4 s u n l i g h t ..... .. . . . .. . .. .... 4 0 0 sunrise .. ... . . 205, 4 72 s u n s h i n e .. .. . ... 5 5 8 supervisor .. . . ..... 255, 477 s u pport . \ 59, 1 94, 203, 240, 245, 250, 628 suppress. 1 86, 224, 240, 3 3 0, 460 surpas s i ng . . . 313 surp l u s .. . . . . . .5 8 4 s u rround . . . .. 5 l l , 576 suspect ... . . . . . ... 5 6 7 suspend .. . 264, 433 swal low . 205, 3 60 , 444, 476, 503, 552, 556 swarming .... . .. l 9 7 swear . ... .. ... . . . . 4 6 4 sweat .. . .. . . 2 7 1 , 400 sweep . . . .. . . . 24 1 sweet . . . 249, 496 swe ll ... . . 236, 245, 273, 409, 622 swe l l ing .. . . .... . . ... . . 5 7 7 swim . ........ 434, 578, 5 8 0 swine . . . . .. . . . .. 5 2 5 swol len . .. . .. . I 5 I sword . . 3 02 , 305, 5 3 7 sym metrical .. . . . . 256 table . . . . 296 tablet . .. . ... ... . . ... 2 1 3 taboo . .. . .. .. ... 5 1 1 take 354, 424, 436, 44 1 , 494, 567 take away . . . ... 1 82, 504 ta lent........................................ l 7 5 t a l k . 207, 428, 490, 582, 593 t a l l y. .. ... . . . .. .. . ..2 4 4 tangerine . . . . . . .. . 3 2 3 tangled ... .. . . . . .. 3 4 8 ..
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target... ........................... 279, 40 1 taro . . . . .. .. . 5 8 9 tarry . .. . . 6 l 5 task . .. . . .. 521 taste .. . . l 8 1 , 1 98 , 497, 5 1 2 tasti ng .. .. ... . 6 1 7 tax . . . . . . . . . .. ..4 7 6 taxes .. ... . 245 tea . .. . .. . . . 1 7 8 teach . .. .. .. . . .. 3 1 0, 547 teacher . . .... ... . 3 9 2 tears . ....... . . . .. . ... 347, 494 tel l .. . . . . .. . 488, 5 8 8 temple . 1 79, 256, 3 8 5 , 634 ten .. .. .. . .. . . .... . ... ..... . 4 6 2 ten day cycle. . .. 328 ten thousand . .... . .. .. 5 0 7 tender . . . .. . 3 9 8 tenth . . . .. . .3 5 0 terrify i ng ..... ... 5 6 3 territory .. . . 3 07, 5 8 7 test.. . . . ..... . .. ..... .. .. . 6 \ 0 testify .. ... .. . . .. .. .6 1 2 t h at . .. .... ..... ... .. 240, 395 thatch ..... .. .. 1 98, 275, 423 then . . ... . .. . 3 9 5 theory . .. . .... . . .3 6 9 there . ... .. . . . 240, 5 8 3 therefore . . . . .. 5 7 2 thereupon . .. .. . .. .. 6 0 2 t h i c k...... . . 2 1 7, 220, 280, 404 t h i c ket .. . . . . . . .3 2 5 thigh . . . . . 259, 503 t h ighbone ............................... l 64 t h i n . .. .. . . . . .. l 70 , 526, 528 t h i n g .... . .. . .. . .. . 4 6 5 t h i ngs . . ... . ... ... . .. . 5 2 0 t h i n k . . 400, 477, 5 1 0, 53 1 , 566, 570 t h i rs t . . . .... . .. 3 3 2 thi rs ty . . . 333 t h i s . 1 98, 420, 464, 466, 563, 613 t h o rn .... .. . . . ... 1 99, 636 thorns .. .... ... .. . 2 9 5 thorny... . . . . ... .. . 3 1 6, 6 1 0 thorny bush . . . .. . 1 9 3 t h o ughts . . .5 7 0 thousand . . .. ..... .. 4 2 4 thread . .. 368, 3 7 1 , 429, 5 3 0 .. .
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three . . . .. . . .4 4 9 t h re s h o l d . . 268, 293, 340 throat ... . ................279, 3 1 8, 569 throw ... . . l 7 1 , 232, 500 throw away ... . . . . 5 6 7 thumb . .. 200, 202, 392 t h u n d e r . ... . . .. .. . 3 4 6 thundering . . . .. . .... .3 6 3 t i b i a. . . . ... .. .. . .. . 4 2 7 tie 312 tie together . . . ... . . 5 04 tied around . . .. 6 2 3 tiger .. . . . .... .. . . 2 8 1 , 3 4 9 t i l e s .. .. . . . ... 2 2 3 t i m e ... .... . . . . 42 1 , 6 1 3 t i n . . .. . ... . . . 5 2 4 t i p . . .. . ... . . l 67, 1 95, 3 89 t i red .... 204, 326, 347, 4 1 2, 484 t o flow into . ... . .. 6 2 8 t o pass over . ... 2 I 8 toad . . . . . ... 380 today . . . ... ...... . ... ... .3 1 4 together ... 1 66, 1 68, 2 74, 2 87, 3 1 0-3 1 1 , 322, 326, 488, 543 together with . .. . 294, 298 to i l ... ...................... 345, 524, 569 t o m b .. .. . .. . . . . 3 9 3 , 622 t o n g u e ... .. .. . .467 tooth .. .. . .. . . ... 1 88, 550 t o p . . . ..... . . ... ... .. . .. 2 1 1 torch . .... . .. . . 308, 625 tortoi s e .. .. . . . . 5 2 4 t o u c h . . .... 250, 389, 627-628 tour . .. . . ..... . . . . . 540 towards . . .. . . . 533 tower . . . . .3 2 4 town ... . . . .. . . 568 track .. . 230, 299, 454, 609 trai n . .. . ... . . .. ... . . 5 2 9 trample . 1 53 , 296, 358, 402, 444 tranq u i l . . . .. .. 402, 484 transfer . . . . 5 66 transgress . 269, 3 6 1 , 586, 596 trans late . . ... .. ... 5 3 5 tran s m i t.. .. . . . .. .. 564, 629 transport ... .. . .. .. ... 1 55, 586 transversal... . .. .. 2 7 8 trap . . . .. . . . .49 1 ..
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ENGLISH INDEX .....
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trapped .. . .. . . . .. . 5 30 travel... .................. 253, 269, 540 traveler .... ... . .. . . . 3 6 7 tray . . .... .. .. . .. . . \ 5 0 tread . . ..... . . . .. 3 5 8 , 444 treasure . .. . . . .. . . 1 5 8 , 1 76 treasury . . . . .. . 244 tree. 254-255, 3 92, 472, 539 t re l l is ..... . . .... .. .. ..2 4 7 tremble . .... . .. ... . 206, 224 tribute . . . . . . . . .... 2 5 7 ..... . .. . . . 3 0 7 trim .. .. .. trip 619 tripod . .. .. . . .. 2 1 4 troop .. .. . .. .. . . . . 3 6 7 t roops . ... ... .. 2 1 9, 3 2 8 trouble.. . . . .. .. . 386, 397 troubled sigh .. ... . . ... . 3 8 I trousers . ... . . . . . . .. . 3 3 7 true . . .. .... .. .. .. .. .. ..6 1 0 truly .. . ... .. . . . 464, 6 1 6 trunk .. . . . .... . . . 254 trust.. .............................. 5 39 , 597 try ... ... . .. 1 8 1 , 6 1 0 t u b ... .. . . . . . . . ... 5 1 5 tube . . . .. .... . .. . .4 9 9 t u ft. ................................. 2 2 1 , 265 tumor .. . . 622 tum u l u s . . . . 236-237 tureen.. .. . . . .. .. . . .2 6 8 turn 230, 284, 328, 409, 600, 629 turn over .. . . .. 207, 326 turtle . . .. . .. .267, 3 58, 5 94 t u s k ..... ... . . . . . .. . 1 8 8 tweezers . . .... ... . .. . . 3 0 0 twi l ight . . . . . . ... .. . 3 7 8 , 475 twinkle .. . . . .. 289, 5 5 3 twins . .. . . . . .3 6 8 twist ...232, 293, 309, 320, 370 two .... . .. ... .. 226, 3 56 , 4 1 3 u g l y .......................................... l 9 1 ulcer . . . ... .. . .. . . 5 7 7 umbrageous ... . . .. . . 5 9 4 uncle . . .. . . . ... .2 5 5 , 3 2 1 , 606 unconscious Jy . . .. . 3 7 9 u nderstand . 288, 3 1 0, 3 1 3, 590, 609 underwear . .. . ..... . .. . . .3 9 9 uneq u a l . . . . .. .. .. ! 8 0 ..
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u neven .... . ... .. 200, 3 3 1 u n fo l d . . ... .... 245, 57 1 , 604 u n happy . . . . ..... . I 5 9 u n i form ... . ... . . . . .597 u n i q u e .... . . .. .. ... . 2 9 2 u n ite . . 274, 295, 34 1 , 528 unripe .. ... . .. ... ... . \ 6 2 . .. . ... } 1 3 untie ..... .... ... u p r ight .. . . .... ..486, 498, 620 uprooted . . .. ... .... ... .. l 5 2 urge .. .. \ 6 1 , 297, 483, 502 urgent . . . .... ... . 294-295 urinate . .. . . ..... ... 1 77, 40 I usage .... .... . ... . .. ... . 2 6 6 u s e .. . ... . . ... .. . ... .. . 466, 5 7 7 ute n s i l . . . .... . .... ... . 3 2 2 vacant ... .. . . ... . . . . . 2 6 7 vagina .. .. .. . . l 6 1 , 6 1 8 v a l l ey .. . ... .. .. \ 53 , 259, 523 vapor. .. . . ..... .. . 235, 267 variegated . .. . 1 5 5 , 1 70 varnish ... . . .. . .... .. . .42 0 vast... .............................. 273, 338 vau l t.........................................4 3 3 vegetables . . ... . . . 1 75 , 483 vein . . .. . . . . . . 3 7 4 v e i n s . .. .. .. . . . . . . . .. 3 :J: 9 veranda . .. . ... . . .. . .. 3 4 4 verifications . ...... . ..... .. . .3 0 7 verify . . . .... . .......... .. . 6 1 3 very . . . . . ... . . . . ... 6 1 6 vessel... ................. 1 65, 2 1 5, 545 v ictory.... . .. . ... . . .3 I I v i gorous . . . . . .. .. . . .... . 5 1 2 v i l l age . . . . . .349, 434, 534 v i l l a i n .. . . ... . . .. .. 3 0 2 vine . . ... . . .... . ... 3 5 4 v i o l ate ... . .. . . . . ... . .24 8 v i ol e n t . .. ... . . . 3 58, 3 8 6, 406 v i rtue .. . . .. . . ... 208 v i s i t.......................................... 3 0 4 voice . .. ... . ...... . ..... 3 4 6 v o m i t ... ..... 228, 3 34, 502, 548, 595 v u l gar .. . .... . . . . l 6 1 , 482 v u l v a . . . .. . .. . . ... 6 2 7 wade . . ... . .. . ... 303, 456 waist............ 203, 3 1 3 , 3 1 8, 5 5 9 wait... ..................... 208, 544, 6 1 5 wake ..... .. .. ..... . .. .. 327, 520 .
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walk . \ 73, 253, 296, 3 74, 572 wall... ........... 295, 349, 4 1 6, 593 wander . .. ... . . ... 5 8 0 want... ............................. 560, 5 8 9 war .. . . . ... . . 605 ward off... . ............................... 2 4 8 warm .. .. .. 405, 5 1 4, 529, 539, 545, 546 warn .. ... ... . ... 298, 3 1 7 warp ... . ...... .. ... 3 1 7 wash .. . .. 266, 3 82, 468, 492, 5 1 5, 525, 543, 5 89, 60 1 , 632 wash bas i n . . . . . . . .4 9 2 wasp . ........ .. ... . 2 69 waste . .. . . .. .. . . 4 3 4 , 507 watch . ... .. . ..265, 279, 529 water ..... . .. . . . . .. .... 475, 494 waterfa l l . .. .. . . ..... .. ) 5 9 wave . . 1 69 , 203, 344-345 wax . . .. .. .. . . . . .. 3 4 2 way . ... . . . .. .. . 2 0 7 we . . . . . . . 5 1 8, 5 8 3 weak .. . . 1 89, 445, 447-448 wealth . . .. . . . .. 2 9 3 wealthy ... .. . . .. ... .. 2 4 2 weapon .. .. . . . .... l 68 wear .. .. . . 1 60. 563 weary ... . . . .... . .. .. .. 4 I 2 weasel .. . . . . .. .. . .. 539, 582 weave . ... .... .. .. 44 1 , 6 1 5 wedge . . . . . .. . . .. 5 3 6 weed .... . . . . . ... .. 404, 597 weeds . .. ... .. ... .. . . 3 7 5 , 5 1 9 weep l 5 1 , 3 1 0, 337, 494 weigh . ... ... . . . 1 84, 328 weir. . ... . . . . . . ... ..2 8 2 welcome . . .. .. . ... .. .. ... 5 7 5 well (n.) .. .. . .. .. .. 3 1 7 well rope . . .. ........ .. 5 9 2 west . .. . .. . .. ... . 522 wet . . . . .. . . . 46 1 , 490 whale . .. . . .. .. .. . 3 I 6 what . ... .. ..273, 458, 5 1 7 wheat.. . . . .... . 3 74 wheel.. ................... 1 82, 3 69, 593 when ..... .... .. ... .. . . .. I 7 5 where . . . . . . . . 273 whetstone .. . .. . .. 2 0 I whirl... ............................ 4 1 4, 5 09 whi skers .. . . . .... . . 2 2 4 ....
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ENGLISH INDEX whisper. .................................. .4 1 9 whistle ..................................... 5 3 6 whistl i n g ................................ 3 6 2 white .......... 1 49, 1 53 , 2 5 1 , 273, 276, 4 1 6, 482 who 457 why .................................. 2 7 3 -2 74 wicked ..................................... 6 1 9 wickedness ............................ .3 0 2 wide............. 1 73, 1 87, 266, 283 widower...................................2 6 4 wife .............. l 67, 245, 405, 4 1 9 w i l l ........................................... 6 2 0 w i l l i ng..................................... 3 3 4 w i llow ............................ 422, 5 5 8 w i lt ........................................... 5 0 5 wind ......... 1 80, 238, 240, 343, 3 5 5 , 478 wind around........................... 3 4 6 w i n d i ng ................................... 5 0 9 wing ... l 89, 236, 275, 5 70, 587 w i n k ...................... 327, 476, 548 ....... . . ............ ......................
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winnow .... . . .... . ... ..... I ? ! winter....................................... 2 1 5 wipe......................................... .3 8 3 wipe off.. ................................. 2 4 1 wisdom .................................... 6 1 4 wise ................................ 46 1 , 609 wish ................................ 5 89, 595 with .......................................... 5 8 8 withdraw .....220, 486, 5 03-504 w ither.................... 2 1 2, 505, 5 09 w ithered ........................ 336, 5 8 3 woman ........ 245, 298, 405, 4 1 6 womb .. . . . . ..... . .... . .. I 5 7 wood ........................................ 3 9 2 wooden frame ........................ 2 3 2 woof......................................... S \ 2 wool ......................................... 3 8 4 word ......................................... l 9 8 work ...................... 255, 563, 638 worm .............................. \ 89, 593 worn ............................... l 63, 220 worse ........................................ 3 5 8 ...
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wrap.... l 57, 247, 309, 3 5 5 , 504 wrapped ................................... 6 2 3 wrigg l i n g................................ \ 9 7 wrinkles .................................. 6 2 4 wrist ............................... 583, 624 write ...................... 3 50, 365, 537 writhe....................................... 5 0 9 writing tablet... . ........... 283, 296 wrong............................. 232, 493 y a k .................................. 237, 348 yawn ..... ................................... .4 2 6 year.. ...400, 42 1 , 44 1 , 485, 600 y east.. ...................................... .4 0 2 yel l ow ...................................... 2 8 5 yesterday ................................ 6 3 7 y i e l d ........................................ .4 3 9 y o ke ...................... 223, 254, 3 00 y o u ..... 226, 399, 443, 445, 448 y o u n g ........ 1 89, 225, 448, 454, 500, 5 3 5 , 5 82
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Axe! Schuessler studied Classical Chinese, Tibetan , and other Asian languages, as wel l as Indo-European linguistics and Sanskrit at the Universitat Miinchen, where he received his Ph.D. in Chinese philology in 1 966. He is now professor emeritus of Wartburg College in Iowa, where he taught until 1 996. He has written articles mostly on Old Chinese phonology and has compiled an inventory of the Early Zhou Chinese lexicon (Dictionary of Early Zhou Chinese, Uni versity of H awai 'i Press, 1 9 8 7).