A NORTHERN PAIUTE GRAMMAR WITH TEXTS

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A NORTHERN PAIUTE GRAMMAR WITH TEXTS

by TIMOTHY JON THORNES

A DISSERTATION Presented to the Department of Linguistics and the Graduate School of the University of Oregon in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy June 2003

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UMI Number: 3095278

Copyright 2003 by Thornes, Timothy Jon

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“A Northern Paiute Grammar with Texts,” a dissertation prepared by Timothy Jon Thornes in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy degree in the Department of Linguistics. This dissertation has been approved and accepted by:

Dr. Scott DeLancey, Chair o ithe Examining Committee

Date

Committee in Charge:

Dr. Scott DeLancey, Chair Dr. T. Givon Dr. Spike Gildea Dr. C. Melvin Aikens

Accepted by:

Dean of the Graduate School

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©2003

Timothy Jon Thornes

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An Abstract of the Dissertation of Timothy Jon Thornes in the Department of linguistics

for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

to be taken

June 2003

Title: A NORTHERN PAIUTE GRAMMAR WITH TEXTS

Approved: Dr. Scott DeLancey

The Northern Paiute language is the northwestern-most member of the extensive Uto-Aztecan language family. The language consists of numerous dialects extending from the middle Snake and Owyhee River drainages across the northwestern third of the Great Basin region of eastern Oregon, Nevada, and parts of eastern California. With the various Mono dialects, it makes up the Western Numic sub-group of the Numic branch of UtoAztecan. All of the field and supporting data for this work comes from dialects spoken to the north of a major dialect division. Most of the raw field data comes from the dialect presently spoken by older members of the Bums Paiute Tribe in the Harney Valley region of eastern Oregon. This work deals with all of the major aspects of the Northern Paiute language, including a description of its phonology, major and minor word and phrase classes, basic clause structure and verb classes, non-declarative srpeech acts, word formation processes, voice and transitivity, directional and aspectual system, nominalization and clausecombining strategies. Also included are several analyzed texts, both to contextualize much of the illustrative data and to provide natural language data for study of areas not covered

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in detail here. Northern Paiute has an interesting phonology, consisting of voiceless vowels, limited-domain vowel harmony, and extreme gradience in the articulation of consonants. This gradience is conditioned in part by an abstract, geminating feature that most Numicists attribute to a lexically assignedfinalfeature, but also, in part, by prosodic and other features. The language has two core cases, overtly specified only on pronouns and noun phrase dependents. Word order is strongly verb-final, but pragmatically quite flexible. Northern Paiute has a rich array ofpost-positions for marking location and path notions. Nominalization is a striking feature of the language, both for deriving nominals and for marking the verbs of various types of subordinate clauses. The verb complex consists of a rich array of operators on inherent transitivity as well as numerous lexical-derivational processes, such as instrumental prefixes and secondary verbs, that qualify and specify different aspects of the event coded by the verb.

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CURRICULUM VITAE NAME OF AUTHOR: Timothy Jon Thornes PLACE OF BIRTH: Veblen, South Dakota DATE OF BIRTH: May 16,1961 GRADUATE AND UNDERGRADUATE SCHOOLS ATTENDED: University of Oregon, Eugene Concordia College, Moorhead, Minnesota DEGREES AWARDED: Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics, 2003, University of Oregon Master of Arts in Linguistics, 1996, University of Oregon Bachelor of Arts in English, Philosophy minor, 1984, Concordia College AREAS OF SPECIAL INTEREST: Morphosyntax Endangered Language Documentaiy Fieldwork Native North American Languages Grammaticalization SERVICE AND NON-ACADEMIC EMPLOYMENT December 1996-present.

Tribal Linguist, Language Teaching Consultant, and Elders'Group Participant. Bums Paiute Tribe. Bums, Oregon.

January 1995-present.

Ethnographic Consultant. Klamath Tribes. Chiloquin, Oregon. Paiute-English translator and video production assistant. Hare-in-the-Gate Productions and Idaho Power Administration.

November 2001

April-September 2001

Planning Committee member. Bums Paiute Tribe. Bums, Oregon.

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vu

May-October 1999

Linguist/Ethnographer for Bureau of Reclamation Oral Histories Project. Bums Paiute Tribe. Bums, Oregon.

June 1988-January 1991.

Peace Corps volunteer. Rural Primaiy School Construction Program. Gabon, Central Africa.

ACADEMIC EMPLOYMENT: 2002-2003

Graduate Teaching Fellow. Department of Linguistics. University of Oregon. Eugene, OR.

Summer 2000-2003

Instructor. Northwest Indigenous Languages Institute. University of Oregon. Eugene, OR.

Januaiy-June 2001

Graduate Teaching Fellow. Department of Linguistics, University of Oregon. Eugene, OR.

Januaiy-March 2000

Adjunct Professor of Linguistics. Western Oregon University. Monmouth, OR.

March-June 1999

Research Assistant. University of Oregon. Eugene, OR.

June-September 1997

ESL Instructor. American English Institute. University of Oregon. Eugene, OR.

1994-1999

Graduate Teaching Fellow. American English Institute and Department of Linguistics. University of Oregon.

GRANTS, AWARDS AND HONORS: 2001-2002

Oregon Doctoral Dissertation Fellowship. University of Oregon Graduate School.

2001-2002

Selected to Who’s Who among students in American Colleges and Universities by the University of Oregon graduate school.

1999-2001

National Science Foundation. Doctoral Dissertation Research Grant #BCS*9908986. Dr. Scott DeLancey, principal investigator.

1998-1999

Endangered Language Fund. Yale University.

1998-1999

Graduate Research Fund. University of Oregon Graduate School.

1995-1997

Sven and Astrid Liljeblad Foundation for Great Basin Studies. University of Nevada—Reno.

1995

Jacobs Research Fund. Whatcom Museum.

1995

American Philosophical Society. Phillips Fund Grant.

1995_1999

Faculty Research Awards. Department of Linguistics. University of Oregon

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PUBLICATIONS: 2000. Instrumental prefixes in Northern Paiute: a functional and typological perspective. V Encuentro de Lingiiistica en el Noroeste: Memorias. Universidad de Sonora: Hermosillo, Sonora, Mexico. 1999. "Secondary" verbs in Northern Paiute. Workshop on American Indian Languages: Santa Barbara Working Papers in Linguistics. 1996. Yahooskin—Northern Paiute Verb Morphology. M. A. thesis. University of Oregon, Eugene. 1995 - Yahooskin Ethnohistorical Report. Chiloquin: the Klamath Tribes. 1995 - Yahooskin Words and Phrases. Chiloquin: the Klamath Tribes.

PUBLIC PRESENTATIONS: June 2003

Invited Speaker. Joint workshop sponsored by the Confederated Tribes of Warm Springs and Portland State University. Portland, Oregon.

May 2003

Invited Panel Participant. Speaking to the Seventh Generation Conference. Oregon State University. Corvallis, Oregon.

January 2003

Varieties of Verb Formation in Northern Paiute.. Society for the Study of the Indigenous Languages of the Americas annual conference. Atlanta, Georgia.

November 2002

"Now that's REAL Paiute! Language Adaptation, Status, and Shift in a Northern Paiute Community. Department of Linguistics Colloquium. University of Oregon. Eugene.

February 2002

Gradient Allophones—Phony Gradience: Fortis-Lenis in Northern Paiute. Department of Linguistics Colloquium. University of Oregon. Eugene.

June 2001

Field work with elder speakers of endangered languages. Guest lecture. University of Oregon. Eugene.

November 2000

On the Northern Paiute Applicative. 39th Conference on American Indian Languages. San Francisco, California, (also presented as part of U of O Linguistics Department Colloquium series)

May 1999

Field work on Northern Paiute: Community relations and perspectives. Guest lecture. University of Oregon. Eugene.

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ix

November 1998

Instrumental prefixes in Northern Paiute: a functional and typological perspective. V Encuentro de Lingiiistica en el Noroeste. Universidad de Sonora: Hermosillo, Sonora, Mexico, (also presented as part of Linguistics Department Colloquium series)

October 1998

Linguistic connections and archaeological continuities in the northern Great Basin, with C. Melvin Aikens and Marcy M. Janes. 26th Great Basin Anthropological Conference. Bend, Oregon.

May 1998

"Secondaiy" verbs in Northern Paiute. Workshop on American Indian Languages. University of Califomia—Santa Barbara.

Januaiy 1998

Transitivity operators in Northern Paiute: their function and development. Society for the Study of the Indigenous Languages of the Americas annual conference. New York, New York, (also presented as part of U of O Linguistics Department Colloquium series)

September 1997

Instrumental prefixes in Northern Paiute. Native Languages of Oregon Workshop-Association for Linguistic Typology Conference, Eugene, Oregon.

July 1996

Core Northern Paiute verb morphology. Friends of Uto-Aztecan Conference. Salt Lake City, Utah.

May 1996

What’s in a name? Instrumental prefixes in Northern Paiute. Department of Linguistics Colloquium. University of Oregon. Eugene.

July 1995

First Place World Amateur Bronc-Riding Championships 1927: a Yahooskin-Northem Paiute Speaker. Friends of Uto-Aztecan Conference. Albuquerque, New Mexico.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This dissertation was written with the generous assistance of a great deal of individual and institutional support. Significant support from the National Science Foundation grant #9908986 provided me with the opportunity to work steadily on the collection, transcription, and analysis of texts and many finer points of Northern Paiute grammar. Institutional support also came from the American Philosophical Society, the Jacobs Research Fund, the Endangered Language Fund, the Sven and Astrid Liljeblad Foundation for Great Basin Studies, and the Department of Linguistics at the University of Oregon. I would also like to express my sincere appreciation to the University of Oregon Graduate School for the award of a Dissertation Fellowship during the 20012002 academic year, which gave me a large block of time to focus on writing. My faculty advisor, Scott DeLancey, assisted tremendously by providing instructional and editorial expertise in the production of this manuscript. I wish to thank him for his support and encouragement of my study of the Northern Paiute language. I also wish to thank Spike Gildea, Tom Givon, and Mel Aikens for their input into the drafting of this project and for all that they taught me in the time leading up to it. To Mike Nichols, I owe my thanks for invaluable discussions of numerous points of Northern Paiute grammar, and for his historical perspective. I would also like to thank Kay Fowler, for her support and input at various stages in my research. No doubt, the present work falls short in many areas of being fully satisfactory to these wonderful scholars, but without them, it most certainly could not have been done at all.

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My own family provided the unwavering support and belief in my inherited talents to keep me going through this adventure, and helped me to keep it all in its proper perspective. I look to Dawn, my partner in life, in awe and gratitude for believing in the importance of my time in the desert, for giving my life a healthy dose of poetiy, and for her faith in me, particularly when I could not always give it to myself. My debt of gratitude to my language teachers is, of course, immense. I acknowledge the patience and expertise of the late Irwin Weiser (1909-1996) and the late Maude Washington Stanley (1913-2000) as major contributors to this work. I would also like to thank Nepa Kennedy, Justine Louie Brown, Rena Beers, Myrtle Peck, Ruth Lewis, Phyllis Harrington and the entire Bums Paiute Elders Group for their invaluable and generous assistance in my ongoing study of Northern Paiute. To Ruth Lewis in particular, I owe a special thanks for the many patient hours spent transcribing and translating texts, for her amazing insights into the subtleties of her language, and for her dedication to the task of documenting it. To the Bums Paiute Tribe, I express my most sincere appreciation for welcoming me into their community and for making me feel at home there.

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DEDICATION

To the Bums Paiute Elders Group, with affection and admiration

and

To Dawn, for your love and many, many gifts

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TABLE OF CONTENTS C h a p te r 1

Page

INTRODUCTION.................................................................................................... l 1.1 L anguage S ta tu s .......................................................... 2 1.2 E n d an g ered Language F ie ld w o rk .......................................... 3 1.3 The S p e a k ers..............................................................4 1.4 The P re se n t W ork in C o n te x t.............................................. 6 1.5 N um ic L anguages and G reat Basin P re h is to ry .............................. 9 1.6G eneral F eatu res and C o n trib u tio n of th e P re se n t W o rk 11

2

PHONOLOGY.............................................................................................. 2.0 2.1

2.2

2.3

12

I n tro d u c tio n .............................................................. 12 Segm ental In v en to ry an d P ro c esse s........................................ 15 16 2.1.1 C o n s o n a n ts ............................................................ 2.1.2 V ow els........................................................................................19 2.1.2.1 L e n g th ......................................................................... 21 2.1.2.2 D iphthongs an d O th er V*V2 S e q u e n c e s 22 2.1.3 Processes Affecting C o n so n a n ts..........................................27 2.1.3.1 F o rtis v ersu s Lenis A r tic u la tio n ........................ 27 2.1.3.2 P a la ta liz a tio n ........................................................... 37 2.1.3.3 U v u la riz a tio n .......................................................... 39 2.1.3.4 D e v o ic in g .................................................................. 4 0 2.1.3.5 C o n so n an tal Sound S y m b o lism ......................... 42 2.1.4 Processes Affecting V ow els................................................... 43 2.1.4.1 H a rm o n y ................................................................... 4 4 2.1.4.2 Devoicing W ithin W o rd s....................................... 49 2.1.4.3 R a is in g ........................................................................50 2.1.4.6 R h o tic iz in g ............................................................... 51 S y lla b le s ..................................................................51 2.2.1 S yllable S tru c tu re an d C o n s tra in ts ..................................52 2.2.2 Processes Affecting S y lla b le s............................................... 54 2.2.2.1 E p e n th e s is .................................................................54 2 .2 .2 .2 Glide F o rm a tio n ...................................................... 55 2.2.2.3 E lision and M etath esis........................................... 57 2.2.3 R e d u p lic a tio n .......................................................................... 59 2.2.3.1 In itia l R e d u p lic a tio n ..............................................59 2 .2 .3 .2 N on -p ro d u ctiv e, In te rn a l an d Final R e d u p lic a tio n .......................................................... 61 Prosodic Inventory and P ro c e sse s...........................................62

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xiv C h a p te r

Page

2.3.1 W ord S tre ss ................................................................................. 63 2.3.2 S tress S h if t..................................................................................66 2.3.3 Vowel R eduction, Devoicing, and A pocope....................... 67 2.3.4 P h rasal S tress an d In to n a tio n ...............................................70 2.4 M orphophonem ic A lte rn a tio n s ....................................................... 72 2.4.1 F inal F e a tu re P h e n o m e n a ..................................................... 74 2.4.2 D iachronic P ro c esse s................................................................ 82 2.4.3 Glide E lision................................................................................ 83 2.5 P ro p erties of N o rth ern Paiute W ords versus C litics.................... 86 2.5.1 Prosodic F eatures of W ords................................................. 87 2.5.2 Prosodic F eatures of Clitics and P a rtic le s.......................89 2.5.2.1 P r o c litic s ....................................................................90 2.5.2.2 Second Position C litics........................................... 91 3

NOUNS AND NOUN PHRASES............................................................................94 3.0 In tro d u ctio n to M orphology and W ord C la s se s.............................94 3.1 N o u n s......................................................................................................... 98 3.1.1 In tro d u c tio n to N oun M orphology.......................................98 3.1.2 P l u r a l i t y ...................................................................................... 100 3.1.3 N oun Class M a rk e rs ................................................................. 104 3.1.4 D im in u tiv e M a rk in g ................................................................ 110 3.1.5 In stru m e n ta l Prefixes as M arkers of Sem antic "Class"...........................................................................................112 3.1.6 C o m p o u n d in g ......................................................................... 114 3.1.7 N o m in a liz e rs........................................................................... 116 3.1.7.1 S ubject N o m in a liz e r............................................... 117 3.1.7.2 "Proper" N o m inalizer..............................................121 3.1.7.3 In s tru m e n ta l N o m in a liz e r................................... 123 3.1.7.4 L ocative N o m in a liz a tio n ......................................124 3.1.7.5 P erfective N o m in a liz a tio n ................................... 126 3.1.7.6 P a rticip le, or A ction N o m in aliza tio n ................ 127 3.1.7.7 A sp ect-m ark in g in N o m in a liz a tio n s ................ 130 3.1.8 N oun to V erb D e riv a tio n ...................................................... 130 3.2 The N oun P h ra s e ................................................................................... 133 3.2.1 S em antic C oherence a n d S yntactic C o n s titu e n c y 133 3.2.2 Syntactic C ategories in Sim ple N oun P h ra s e s ..............135 3.2.2.1 A r t i c l e s ...................................................................... 135 3.2.2.2 M o d ifie rs....................................................................139 3.2.3 S yntactic C ategories in Com plex N oun P h r a s e s 144 3.2.3.1 P ossessor Noun P h ra se s..........................................144 3.2.3.2 R elative C lause M o d ifie rs.....................................147 3.2.4 "Conjoined" Noun P h ra se s.......................................................149 3.2.5 D iscontinuous N oun P h ra se s................................................. 151

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PRONOUNS AND DEMONSTRATIVES.............................................................. 1 5 5 4.1

4.2 4.3 4.4 5

Page

P ersonal P ro n o u n s .................................................................................155 4.1.1 Subject and O bject P ro n o u n s ............................................... 156 4.1.2 N um ber and th e In clu siv e/E x clu siv e D is tin c tio n 159 4.1.3 Person, Deixis, and T hird Person R eference.................... 160 4.1.4 The "Definite" P ronom inal B a s e ..........................................162 4.1.5 The "Indefinite" P ronom inal P ro c litic ............................... 165 4.1.6 P ro n o m in als R eferring to P e rip h era l A rg u m e n ts 167 4.1.7 The "R estrictive" B ase.............................................................170 4.1.8 The D ual/R eciprocal B a s e .................................................... 173 4.1.9 Possessor Pronouns and Reflexive P o sse ssio n ................. 175 4.1.10 H istorical R elationship to th e A nti-Passive P refix .... 177 M ore on Deixis: th e D em o n strativ e s............................................... 179 187 In te rro g a tiv e p ro n o u n s...................................................... 4.3.1 The "Any Old" C o n stru c tio n ................................................ 189 4.3.2 The In d efin ite , R eferring P ro n o u n .................................... 191 P ronom inal Functions of O ther W ord C lasses............................... 192

OTHER WORD AND MORPHEME CLASSES.....................................................194 5.0 In tro d u c tio n ............................................................................................ 194 5.1 A d je c tiv a ls ...............................................................................................196 5.1.1 S yntactic P ro p e rtie s ............................................................... 197 5.1.2 A djectivals as B are S te m s.....................................................2 0 2 5.1.3 A djectivals from S tative V e r b s ..........................................2 0 4 5.1.4 In ch o ativ e C o n s tru c tio n s .....................................................2 0 5 5.1.5 M aking C o m p ariso n s.............................................................. 2 0 7 5.1.6 N u m e r a ls .................................................................................. 210 5.1.7 Color T e r m s .................................................................214 5.2 P o stp o sitio n s............................................................................................ 216 5.2.1 Basic P roperties of P o stp o sitio n s..........................................218 5.2.2 Suffixes v ersu s E n c litic s....................................................... 2 2 0 5.2.3 Basic P ostp o sitio n C onstruction Types..............................2 2 2 5.2.4 In v en to ry a n d C o -D istrib u tio n al F e a tu re s ..................... 2 2 6 5.2.5 H istorical Source of P o s tp o sitio n s......................................2 3 3 5.2.6 P ostpositions into C a se -m a rk e rs........................................ 2 3 8 5.3 A d v e rb ia ls................................................................................................. 2 3 9 5.3.1 Locative A d v e rb ia ls............................................................... 2 4 0 5.3 .2 T em poral A d v e rb ia ls.............................................................. 2 4 3 5.3.3 M an n er A d v e rb ia ls.................................................................2 4 6 5.3.4 A dverbials D erived from A d je c tiv e s................................ 2 4 7 5.3.4 A dverbial and D iscourse P a r tic le s .................................... 2 4 9

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BASIC CLAUSE SYNTAX AND VERB CLASSES............................................ 2 5 2 Basic C lause P ro p e rtie s ........................................................................ 25 2 6.1.1 W ord O rd er P a tte r n s .............................................................. 2 5 5 6.1.1.1 W ord O rd e r V a r ia tio n ............................. 258 6.1.1.2 E lision of A rgum ents in D isco u rse......................2 6 2 6.1.1.3 Second P osition C litic s........................................... 2 6 3 6.1.2 T o w ard V erbal A g re e m e n t..................................................2 6 5 6.1.3 C ase-M arking P a tte r n s ..........................................................2 6 7 6.1.4 G ram m atical R e la tio n s: Sum m ary o f C overt P ro p e rtie s .................................................................................. 2 6 9 6.1.4.1 Subject P ro p e rtie s ................................................... 271 6.1.4.2 O bject P r o p e rtie s .....................................................2 7 8 6.1.4.3 P rim ary o b ject p ro p e rtie s .................................... 281 6.1.4.4 A nti-passive as p a tie n t—not o b ject— d e m o tio n ................................................................... 2 8 6 6.2 V erb C lasses a n d T r a n s itiv ity .............................................................2 8 8 6.2.1 Z ero-A rgum ent V erbs—N atural Forces P r e d ic a te s 290 6.2.2 P re d ica te N om inal C o n stru c tio n s......................................291 6.2.3 S in g le-A rg u m en t V e rb s ....................................................... 2 9 7 6 .2 .4 T w o-A rgum ent V e r b s ........................................................... 301 6.2.5 V erbs w ith Two O b jects.........................................................3 0 4 6.2.6 V erbs w ith N on-C ore P a rtic ip a n ts .................................... 3 0 7 6.2.7 "Labile" V erbs............................................................................311 6 .2 .8 S um m ary a n d P r o s p e c tu s ................................................... 313 6.3 O ther V erb C lasses: S uppletive an d "In stru m en tal" V e rb s 314 6.3.1 S u p p letiv e V e r b s .....................................................................315 6.3.2 In s tru m e n ta l V e r b s .............................................................. 3 2 3

6.1

7

NON-DECLARATIVE SPEECH ACTS................................................................ 3 2 7 7.0 7.1 7.2 7.3 7.4 7.5

8

Speech A c ts ............................................................................................. 3 2 7 N e g a tio n ....................................................................................................3 2 8 I m p e r a tiv e ...............................................................................................3 3 0 P ro h ib itiv e ...............................................................................................3 3 2 I n te r r o g a tiv e ............................................................................. 3 3 3 S econd-P osition C litic s ........................................................................ 3 3 6

THE VERB................................................................................................................ 3 4 2 8.0 8.1

I n tr o d u c tio n ............................................................................................ 3 4 2 Stem F orm ation P ro c e s s e s ..................................................................3 4 6 8.1.1 C o m p o u n d in g ............................................................................3 4 7 8.1.2 The D eb ilitativ e C o n stru c tio n ............................................ 3 5 0 8.1.3 In s tru m e n ta l P re fix e s ........................................................... 3 5 3 8.1.3.1 P a ra d ig m a tic A lte rn a tio n s and I n v e n to ry .................................................................. 3 5 4

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8.2

8.3

8.4

Page 8 .1 .3 .2 S em an tic R a n g e ...................................................... 3 5 8 8.1.3.3 M orpho-syntactic In te rd e p e n d e n c e ...................3 6 6 8 .1 .3 .4 T ra n s itiv ity and C a u s a tio n ................................ 3 6 8 Voice a n d T ra n s itiv ity ......................................................................... 3 7 0 8.2.1 D e tra n sitiv e m o rp h o lo g y .....................................................371 8.2.1.1 The M iddle-M arking P refix................................... 3 7 3 8.2.1.2 The A ntipassive (U nspecified O bject) P re fix .......................................................................................... 3 7 9 8 .2 .2 T ra n sitiv e m o rp h o lo g y .........................................................3 8 2 8 .2 .2 .1 The A p p lica tiv e ......................................................3 8 3 8 .2 .2 .2 The J u s s iv e ............................................................... 3 9 4 T ense-A spect-M odality.........................................................................3 9 5 8.3.1 In v en to ry of P refin al S u ffix e s............................................ 3 9 7 8.3.2 P erfective A spect.....................................................................401 8.3.3 The R elative F u t u r e .............................................................. 4 0 4 8.3 .4 S u b ju n c tiv e /Irre a lis .............................................................. 4 0 5 8.3.5 P u n c tu a l/M o m e n ta n e o u s .....................................................4 0 6 8 .3 .6 C o n tin u o u s ................................................................................4 0 9 8.3.7 H a b itu a l and R epetitive A s p e c t........................................ 410 8 .3 .8 Ite ra tiv e -D istrib u tiv e R e d u p lic a tio n ...............................412 8 .3 .9 D u ra tiv e G e m in a tio n ........................................................... 413 8.3.10 D iscourse c o n sid era tio n s.....................................................4 1 5 S econdary Verb C o n stru c tio n ............................................................416 8.4.1 D is trib u tio n .............................................................................. 4 2 0 8 .4 .2 C om plem ent-T ype S econdary V erb s................................ 4 2 2 8 .4 .3 T he G ra m m a tic a liz a tio n P a t h ........................................... 4 2 3

9CLAUSE-COMBINING................................................................................................ 4 2 7 9.0 In tr o d u c tio n ............................................................................................ 4 2 7 9.1 R elative C la u s e s ...................................................................................... 4 2 8 9.1.1 S ubject R elative C la u se s....................................................... 4 2 9 9.1.2 O bject R elative C la u s e ..........................................................4 3 2 9.1.3 N on-core A rgum ent R elative C lau ses............................... 4 3 5 9.2 V erbal C o m p le m e n ts............................................................................4 3 8 9.2.1 E m bedded C o m p le m e n ts............................... 441 9.2.2 N on-em bedded C om plem ents..............................................4 4 4 9.2.3 D irect and In d ire c t Q u o ta tio n s........................................... 4 4 7 9.2.4 "Sensation" C om plem ents.....................................................4 5 0 9 .2 .5 WH an d Subject C om p lem en ts........................................... 451 9 .2 .6 M a n ip u latio n an d M o d a lity ................................................ 4 5 2 9.3 A dverbial C la u s e s ................................................................................. 4 5 4 9.3.1 A dverbial C lause M o rp h o -s y n ta x ......................................4 5 6 9.3 .2 O th er A dverbial C lause T y p e s ........................................... 4 6 0 9.3.3 S ubject C ase-M arking in A dverbial C lau ses...................4 6 3 9.3.4 An In c ip ie n t A bsolutive P a t t e r n ....................................... 4 6 4 9.3.5 In te r-c la u sa l C o h e re n c e ....................................................... 4 6 6

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x v iii C h a p te r 10 TEXTS.....................................................

Page 473

10.0 In tro d u ctio n to th e T e x ts................................................................... 4 7 3 10.1 F our T rad itio n al T a le s.........................................................................4 7 4 10.1.1 P orcupine a n d C oyote..........................................................4 7 5 10.1.2 B ear and D e e r.........................................................................4 8 5 10.1.3 N em ech o zin n a....................................................................... 5 0 2 10.1.4 N em edzoho.............................................................................. 511 10.2 P ro ced u ral N arrativ e: C h o k ech erries........................................... 519 10.3 Boarding School D ays.......................................................................... 5 3 0 10.4 We T alked to th a t B ir d ....................................................................... 5 4 2 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS....................................................................................... 5 4 7 BIBLIOGRAPHY......................................................................................................... 54 9

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LIST OF TABLES Table 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7 5.8 6.1 6.2 7.1 8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4 8.5 8.6 8.7

Page N o rth ern P aiute C onsonants ......................................................................17 N o rth ern Paiute Vowels ............................................................................... 2 0 A ttestatio n of V‘V2 Sequences in N o rth ern P aiute .............................. 26 D istribution of Lenis and Fortis C o n so n a n ts............................................31 N o rth ern P aiu te H arm onizing Affixes .................................................... 4 7 Some F ortis-Inducing Stems an d Affixes ................................................ 77 N o rth ern Paiute P l u r a ls ................................................................................ 103 NCM suffixes in N o rth ern Paiute ................................................................ 106 N o rth ern P aiu te A r tic le s ............... 136 N orthern Paiute M odifier Case Suffixes ....................................................139 N o rth ern P aiute Subject and O bject P r o n o u n s ...................................... 157 N o rth ern P aiu te P e rip h era l A rgum ent P ro n o u n s ................................168 N orthern Paiute Pronom inal Bases w ith P ostpositions ....................... 169 Some N o rth e rn P aiu te D em onstrative Form s ........................................182 N o rth ern P aiute In terro g ativ e P ro n o u n s ................................................188 N o rth ern Paiute C ase-sensitive A d je c tiv a ls ............................................2 0 0 N o rth ern Paiute N um erals—One to E ight ................................................211 N o rth ern P aiute Color Term s ......................................................................215 N o rth ern Paiute Simple P ostpositions .......................................................2 2 9 N o rth ern P aiu te Locative A dverbials .......................................................241 N o rth ern P aiu te T em poral A dverbials .................................................... 2 4 5 N o rth ern P aiu te M anner A dverbials ........................................................ 2 4 7 Some N o rth ern Paiute P articles ..................................................................251 N o rth e rn P aiu te Suppletive V erbs ............................................................ 316 N o rth ern P aiu te In stru m e n ta l V erbs .......................................................3 2 5 N orthern Paiute Second P osition Clitics ...................................................3 3 8 D ebilitative Verb F o r m s .................................................................................3 5 2 N o rth ern P aiute In stru m e n ta l P refixes ...................................................3 5 6 V erbs w ith B enefactive-A pplicative P a tte rn ......................................... 3 8 6 V erbs w ith C ausative-A pplicative P a t t e r n ............................................. 3 8 7 N o rth ern Paiute D irectional and TAM Suffixes ..................................... 3 9 8 Secondary Verb Sources of D irectional/A spectual Suffixes ............... 418 S uppletion in N o rth ern P aiute P o stu re V erbs ........................................419

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 1 2 3 4

ABL AD ADJ ADV ALL APL APS ASP ATTR AUX C CAUS CISL COM COMPL CONT DEF DEM DESID DIR DIST DISTR DL DUR EMPH ESS EXCL FUT GEN HAB ILL IMPFV IN INCEP INCH INCL INST INSTR INT IP/xxxx IRR JUSS

1st person proclitic (object or possessor) 2nd person proclitic (object or possessor) 3rd person proclitic (object or possessor) 4th person (indefinite; (object or possessor)) a b la tiv e (fro m ) adessive (at, on, by) a d jectiv e a d v erb ial suffix a llativ e (to , at) applicative suffix a n tip assiv e prefix aspect suffix a ttrib u tiv e (c h a ra c te riz e d by) a u x ilia ry c o n so n an t c a u sa tiv e cislocative (m otion tow ard) c o m ita tiv e (w ith , acco m p an y in g ) com pletive c o n tin u a tiv e definite d e m o n strativ e (base or full form ) d e sid era tiv e d irectio n al suffix d istal d istrib u tiv e dual (in clu siv e) d u ra tiv e e m p h a tic essive (at, on, in) exclusive (p lu ra l) fu tu re g enitive case h a b itu a l o r re p e titiv e illative (to, in to ) im p e rfec tiv e inessive (in, into) inceptive (begin to inchoative (becom e, be about to do) in clu siv e (p lu ra l) in stru m e n ta l p o st-p o sitio n in s tru m e n t n o m in a liz e r in te n sifie r in stru m e n ta l p refix /+ g lo ss (ab b rev iated ) irre a lis jussive (tell to do)

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xxi LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS (continued) LOC MM MOD N, NP NCM NEG NMR NOM OBL PA PART PFV PL PNC POSS PRED PROH PROX PTCP PURP Q

QUOT RE RECIP REFL REG REPET RESTR RNDM SEQ SG SIM SIMIL SPL SR STAT SUB SUBJ SUPRA TEMP TNS TRNSL V VBR WH

locative (post-positional affix) m iddle m ark e r (reflexive, recip ro cal, passive, m iddle) m odal clitic (second position) noun, n o u n p h ra se noun class m ark er ("absolutive" suffix) n eg ativ e p a rtic le su b je ct n o m in alizer n o m in ativ e case (su b je c t) m ark er o b liq u e case (n o n -n o m in a tiv e /a c c u sa tiv e ) m ark er p a st (rem ote) p a rtitiv e (som e of, rela te d to ) p erfectiv e p lu ra l p u n c tu a l (m o m e n ta n e o u s) possessive (reflexive) p red ic a tiv e (u su . ad jectiv al) p ro h ib itiv e p ro x im al p a rtic ip le (actio n nom inalizer) p u rp o siv e q u e stio n m ark er q u o tativ e p a rticle re d u p lic a tio n (d istrib u tiv e V, p lu ral N /A D J, in ten siv e ADV) reciprocal reflex iv e/ reciprocal regionalis (in th e place of) re p e titiv e re stric tiv e p ro n o u n (th ird p erso n ; also, em phatic) ran d o m m o tio n (h ere an d th e re ) seq u en tial s in g u la r sim u lta n e o u s sim ilativ e (as, like) su p p le tiv e form sw itch re fe re n c e m arking s ta tiv e su b o rd in a tin g ; subessive (u n d er, below ) s u b ju n c tiv e su p raessiv e (upon, over, above) tem p o ral suffix ten se (generic ten se) tra n s lo c a tiv e (m o tio n away) vow el, v erb v e rb a liz e r w h a tc h a m a c a llit (in d e fin ite p ro n o u n )

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1

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

The N o rth e rn P aiu te language is th e n o rth w e ste rn -m o st m em ber of th e extensive U to-A ztecan language fam ily. The language c o n sists of a m ajo r n o rth -so u th d ialect division and n um erous su b d ia le cts extending from th e m iddle Snake and Owyhee River d rainages, east to th e D eschutes River, and so u th across the n o rth w estern th ird of th e G reat Basin region of e a ste rn O regon, w estern N evada, and p a rts of e a ste rn C alifornia to th e M ono Lake area. W ith th e various Mono d ialects, it m akes up th e W estern Num ic su b -group of th e Num ic bran ch of U to-A ztecan. All of th e d ata collected in th e field and supporting d a ta from o th er so u rces (M arsd en 1923, L iljeblad 1966 and m .s., N ichols 1974, Snapp and A nderson 1982) u sed in th is w ork com es from dialects of th e n o rth e rn area w ith th e m in o r exception of N atches (1923). M ost of th e d a ta from fieldw ork com es from th e d ialect c u rre n tly spoken by o ld er m em bers of th e B urns Paiute T ribe in th e H arney Valley region of e a ste rn O regon. I also c o n d u cted fieldw ork w ith a sp eak er from B eatty, O regon betw een 1994 a n d 1996. This w ork deals w ith all of th e m ajor aspects of N o rth ern P aiute g ram m ar, in clu d in g a d e sc rip tio n of its phonology, m orphology, m ajo r an d m inor w ord and p h rase classes, basic clause stru c tu re and verb

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2 classes, n on-declarative speech acts, w ord form ation processes, voice and tra n s itiv ity o p e ra to rs, th e d ire c tio n a l an d asp ectu al system , nom in alization, and clause-com bining stra te g ie s. Also in clu d ed are several analyzed tex ts, b o th to provide a context for m uch of th e illu stra tiv e d ata and to provide n a tu ra l language d a ta for fu tu re stu d ie s in a reas not covered in d etail in th e p re se n t work.

1.1 L anguage S ta tu s

The h isto ric al env iro n m en t of th e N o rth e rn P aiu te in clu d es a rich and v aried lan d scap e of ep hem eral lake b asin s, m arsh lan d s, high d e sert, an d u p lan d m eadow s (G rayson 1993). In th e n o rth e rn G reat B asin, people te n d e d to live in fairly sm all an d m obile groups d uring m ost of th e year, groups consisting of a few fam ilies. L arger group g ath erin g s usu ally took place in th e fall a ro u n d th e pinon nu t h a rv e st in a reas to th e so u th and com m unal ra b b it drives th ro u g h o u t m ost of th e N o rth e rn P a iu te a re a (W heat 1967, F ow ler an d L iljeb lad 1986, Fow ler 1992). N o rth ern P aiu te is spoken flu en tly by few er th a n 500 people. In m ost of th e com m unities w here N o rth ern P aiute speakers resid e, th e lan g u age is acu tely en d an g e re d , having only a h an d fu l of e ld e rly sp eak ers still living. Even in co m m u n ities w here th e re is still a re la tiv e ly h e alth y p o p u lation of speakers, it is nevertheless seriously th re a te n e d . For exam ple, th e m ajo rity of N o rth ern P aiu te sp eak ers live on th e Fort M cD erm itt re se rv a tio n on th e O regon-N evada b o rd e r. H ow ever, even in th a t iso la te d com m unity, th e lan g u ag e has becom e p rim a rily th e

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3 language of a d u lts an d is u se d in an ev er-narrow ing range of fu n ctio n al dom ains (C atherine Fow ler, in p e rso n al com m unication). R esidents of M cD erm itt re p o rt th a t a grow ing n u m b er of th e ch ild ren who le a rn th e lan g u age at hom e have begun to ab an d o n it in th e ir tee n s in favor of English. T here are sev eral com m unity e ffo rts to rev italize an d m ain ta in th e language. Such effo rts include in tro d u c tio n of th e language in to th e public school, a d u lt c u ltu re and language o rie n te d g a th erin g s, local p u b licatio n of m aterials, and even lessons b ro ad cast on a local radio sta tio n . At th e tim e of th is w riting, th e language continues to ad ap t to fit th e needs of its speak ers to som e ex ten t. Still, m any com m unities are faced w ith th e d iffic u lties in h e re n t in m a in ta in in g th is im p o rta n t elem en t of th e ir id en tity in th e face of th e m ounting p re ssu re s posed by th e d om inan t lan g u age an d society.

1.2 E n d an g ered L anguage Fieldw ork

The fact of language e n d an g e rm e n t is an u n avoidable fe a tu re of m any situ a tio n s involving lin g u istic fieldw ork. A consequence of th is fact is th a t lin g u ists have becom e keenly aw are of th e pressing need to docum ent th e w o rld 's m ost th re a te n e d languages before th ey are gone fo rev er (K rauss 1992, W oodbury 2 0 0 3 ). T here has also been, in rec en t y ears, a grow ing public aw aren ess of th e fact of an irretrie v a b le loss in lin g u istic d iv ersity (S h o rris 2 0 0 0 , G ibbs, 2 0 0 2 ). Such loss is generally

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4 sym ptom atic of a v a rie ty of socio-econom ic fac to rs faced by m inority lan g u ag e co m m u n ities a ro u n d th e w orld. Beyond th e sense of urgency a ro u n d lin g u istic d o cu m en tatio n , how ever, a re th e re a litie s su rro u n d in g fieldw ork in e n d a n g e re d languag e com m unities. Fieldw ork co n d u cted in such com m unities often involves m uch m ore th a n d a ta collection and analysis. Field lin g u ists need to be p re p a re d to play roles beyond th a t of resea rch e r, knowing th a t th e process of con ducting fieldw ork on an en d an g ered language has an im p act th a t is m ore far reach in g th a n th e re su lts of lin g u istic research . T rain in g in a p p lied lin g u istic s, com m unity p lan n in g an d developm ent, and ed u catio n are ju s t a few exam ples of w hat fieldw orkers in th e p re se n t clim ate can do to p rep are for th ese new and expanded roles. It is no longer possible—nor in my opinion desirable--to conduct fieldw ork w ith o ut a fu lle r u n d e rsta n d in g of th e b ro a d e r im plications and use of th a t work. N either, how ever, is it d esirab le to sacrifice high quality d o cu m e n ta tio n at th e a lte r of language rev ita liz a tio n p ro jec ts, how ever im p o rta n t such p ro je c ts m ay be. Balance is key.

1.3 The Speaker$

I have h a d th e g re a t fo rtu n e of w orking w ith m any excellent speakers of N o rth ern P aiute, an d believe th a t, w henever possible, it is im p o rta n t to acknow ledge th e ir skills an d c o n trib u tio n to lin g u istic research . As p a rt of th e process of gaining approval th ro u g h th e u n iv ersity to w ork w ith hum an "subjects," I developed a co n sen t form th a t

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5 includes, as one of its options, perm ission to be acknow ledged by nam e for th is vital c o n trib u tio n . In th e body of th is work, speakers will be refe rre d to by th e ir in itia ls. If no such c ita tio n ap p ears, th e re a d e r m ay assum e th a t it was not p ossible to a ttrib u te th e exam ple to a p a rtic u la r speaker, since elicitatio n sessions often occurred in sm all groups. As a resu lt, m ost of th e clearly refe ren c ed exam ples are from tex ts to ld by in d iv id u als, alth o u g h th e re m ay have b een o th e r sp eak ers p re se n t. I hereby acknow ledge th e la te Irw in W eiser (IW) and th e late M aude W ashington Stanley (MS), as well as Nepa Kennedy (NK), Rena Beers (RB), and Ju stin e Louie Brown (JB ). T ran scrip tio n and tex t-b ased e licitatio n was conducted w ith th e help of R uth Lewis, M yrtle Peck, and Phyillis H arrington. V arious o th e r m em bers of th e Burns Paiute E lders G roup also m et to discuss language issues and a ssiste d me in my u n d e rsta n d in g of th e language. Mr. W eiser re p re se n ts th e only speaker cited in th is w ork from ou tsid e of Burns. His dialect is re fe rred to in T hornes (1996) as th e Y ahooskin dialect. O th er language d a ta w ere o b ta in e d from v a rio u s p u b lish e d an d u n p u b lish ed sources. Exam ples from th ese sources are indexed by a u th o r in itia ls and page num ber. T hese in clude M arsden 1923 (WM), N atches 1923 (GN), L iljeblad 1966 (SL), N ichols 1974 (M N), and Snapp a n d A nderson 1982 (SA). GN re p re se n ts th e only source of d a ta cited in th is w ork from th e so u th e rn d ialect area-~w hat N ichols (1974) re fe rs to as N evada N o rth e rn P aiute (NN P). The re s t re p re se n t d a ta from th e n o rth e rn d ialects--O regon N o rth ern Paiute (N ichols 1974). SL re p re se n ts d a ta m ainly from Fort H all, Idaho. SA re p re se n ts F ort M cD erm itt, on th e

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6 O regon-N evada b o rd e r. Both WM and MN carry d ata from e a rlie r g en erations of speakers from B urns, Oregon.

1.4

The P re se n t W ork in C ontext

The e a rlie st p u b lish ed work of w hich I am aw are on th e N o rth ern P a iu te language is a p h o n e tic stu d y by W aterm an (1911). In d ex es to n um erous wax cylinder recordings of songs as well as a few sh o rt n a rra tiv e s in N o rth e rn P aiute from th e early 1900's can be found in Keeling (1990). T hese recording are housed at th e Lowie M useum of A nthropology on th e U niversity of C alifornia-B erkeley cam pus. In 1923, A. L. K roeber p u b lish ed posthum ously m orphological in fo rm a tio n as well as a few sh o rt tex ts collected e a rlie r in th e c en tu ry by W. S. M arsden, a d o cto r d uring th a t p erio d in B urns, O regon. In th e sam e (1923) volum e, G ilbert N atches, a flu en t sp eak er of N o rth ern P aiute from Pyram id Lake, N evada who w orked w ith K roeber at th e U niversity of C alifornia, p ublished a list of verbs an d a few sh o rt tex ts. Many of M arsden's original field notes are h o u sed in th e B ancroft lib ra ry at th e U niversity of C alifornia-B erkeley. Raw field d ata on N o rth ern Paiute collected by Sam uel B a rre tt (n .d .) is also h o u sed th e re . Angelo an d F reelan d (1929) re p re se n ts a n o th e r early p u b lish e d g ram m atica l stu d y of th e language based on fieldw ork conducted in Fort Bidwell, C alifornia. Dr. Sven L iljeblad's fieldw ork is th e m ost m ost extensive done on N o rth ern Paiute. A significant stock of w ell-organized, raw field d a ta is h o u sed in th e U niversity of N evada-R eno a rc h iv e s--m a te ria ls th a t will

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7 co n tin u e to prove in v alu ab le for com parative and lexical stu d ies. Dr. C atherine S. Fow ler of th e U niversity of Nevada has also collected N o rth ern P aiu te lin g u istic m a teria ls as p a rt of h e r ongoing e th n o g rap h ic resea rch in and a ro u n d th e G reat Basin. L iljeblad (1950) describes th e phonem es of Bannock, a d ialect of th e language spoken on th e Ft. Hall reserv a tio n in c e n tral Idaho. H is 'N o rth e rn P aiu te M anual' (1966), a lth o u g h u n p u b lish ed , is still w idely cited by sch o lars doing com parativ e w ork on Num ic languages (o r g en eral U to-A ztecan) and was o rig in ally d esig ned for a u n iv ersity course on th e stru c tu re of th e language. N evertheless, th e re is relativ ely little d e scrip tio n of th e syntax of th e language in Dr. L iljeblad's published or unpublished work, or of discoursere la te d phenom ena. An u n p u b lish ed d isse rta tio n by Dr. M ichael J. P. N ichols (1974) re p re se n ts an im p o rta n t h isto ric a l stu d y of N o rth e rn P a iu te gram m ar, a n d its re la tio n sh ip w ith in th e context of N um ic and U to-A ztecan. A pproxim ately one th ird of th a t w ork focuses on h isto rical phonology. The following th ird includes discussion in a h isto rical context of key areas of th e m orphology--in p a rtic u la r th e "absolutive suffixes" (w hat he refe rs to as n o un class m ark e rs), th e in stru m e n ta l p refix es, m any of th e clitics, and th e system of sp atial an d pronom inal deictics. Following a tre a tm e n t of th e color term s and w ord play are extensive appendices of P roto-N um ic re c o n stru ctio n s. Snapp and A n d erso n (1982) is a g ram m atical sketch o f N o rth e rn P aiute as p a rt of a series on Uto-A ztecan languages edited by Dr. R onald W. L angacker. A lthough asp ects of syntax are tre a te d briefly, th e sketch is

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8 m ore geared to w a rd th e m orphology and follows a fairly strict outline designed to make gram m atical com parisons to o th er Uto-Aztecan languages easier. The Y erington Paiute trib e p u b lish e d a g ram m ar and d ic tio n a ry w ith th e a ssista n c e of Arie P o ldev aart in 1987. The g ra m m a r follows th e sam e general outline as Snapp an d A nderson (1982) and, while it provides nu m ero us sam ple sentences, its focus again is largely m orphological. T horn es (1996) is a tre a tm e n t of N o rth e rn P aiu te verb m orphology. M iscellaneous N o rth ern Paiute data may also be found in Kroeber (1907 and 1909), L angacker a n d M unro (1975), A n derso n, A n d e rso n , an d L an gacker (1976), a n d L an g ack er (1976a, 1977a). I m p o r ta n t e th n o g ra p h ic w orks th a t include n u m ero u s lexical item s are Stew ard (1938), Kelly (1932, 1938), Fow ler an d L iljeblad (1986), and Fow ler (1992). Kelly (1932), W h eat (1967), a n d Fow ler (1992) r e p r e s e n t th e m ost significant works describing the cultural practices of various N o rth ern P aiute bands. By an d large, th e r e is significantly m ore p u b lish ed syntactic inform ation available for th e o th e r Numic languages, especially tho se of C entral a n d S o u th e rn Numic. Lamb (1958a) a n d N o rris (1986) are un published d issertatio n s dealing with different dialects of Mono, the com panion to N o rth e rn Paiute in W estern Numic. L oether (1991) is a study of W estern Mono verbal a rt and includes several texts. Comanche (C anonge 1958, C h arn ey 1993), S h o sh o n i (M iller 1972, Crapo 1976, Crum an d Dayley 1993), a n d Tiim pisa (M cL aughlin 1987, Dayley 1989) have received m ore sig n ific an t gram m atica l tr e a tm e n t for C entral

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9 Numic. Ute (Givon 1980a), S o u th e rn P a iu te (S ap ir 1930, B unte 1979), C hem ehueve (P re ss 1974), and Kawaiisu (Zigm ond et.al. 1990) com prise g ram m atical d e scrip tio n s of languages belonging to th e S o u th e rn Numic b ra n c h .

1.5 Num ic Languages an d G reat Basin P re h isto ry

Significant lexical an d g ram m atical sim ila rities have led m ost scho lars to assum e, as Lamb (1958b), a fairly shallow tim e d e p th for th e dispersal of the Numic languages. Given th e historical d istrib u tio n of Num ic languages across the G reat Basin region of w estern N orth America, Lamb (1958b) p ro poses a recent and rap id expansion of Num ic languages a nd th e ir speakers from a cen ter of dispersal aro u n d Death Valley, California. The influence of the proposed "Numic expansion" has been felt in linguistics, anthropology, and archeology ever since, a n d rem a in s the topic of intense scholarly debate (see especially Madsen and Rhode 1994, inter alia). Scholars in b o th lingu istics (Ja co b sen 1966a, 1966b, Goss 1977) a n d archeology (Aikens an d W ith ersp o o n 1986, Aikens 1994) p o in t to th e m any m ethodological shortcom ings up on which the p ro p o se d Numic expansion is based. Jacob sen (1966a), for example, points out th a t social factors in th e G reat Basin cultural area can serve to explain th e lack of d ialect d iffe re n tia tio n in W asho, th e only non-N um ic language in the G reat Basin. The "homogenizing effect of th e seasonal gatherin gs and m igrations (114)" he describes could also be applied to Numic. Such effects

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10 could account not only for the confounding facts of b orrow ing— in te rd ia le c ta l an d in te rlin g u a l—w ithin the Numic subfam ily, b u t also for th e lexical and g ram m atical sim ila ritie s b etw een the N um ic lan g u ag es in gen eral. According to Aikens (1994), c u ltu ra l c o n tin u ity in th e archeology of the Great Basin provides little h a rd evidence to either explain or su p port the Numic expansion as conceived by Lamb (1958b). R ather, he prop oses c ultu ral an d environm ental factors to account for the d is trib u tio n of Num ic speaking peoples at the tim e of c ontact with Euro-A m erican explorers an d settlers. Aikens proposes a c en ter of gravity for Numic in the central Great Basin th a t is quite old, with an expansion, or series of expansions, o u tw a rd d uring th e v arious drying perio d s known from th e archeological reco rd to have occurred. Many questions of p reh isto ry in the G reat Basin region rem ain unansw ered, including th e possible contact influences of languages at its p e rip h e ry (Nichols 1981, DeLancey 1996b, T h o rn es 1998b). Areal stu d ie s in N o rth A m erica (D arnell an d S h erzer 1971, S h erzer 1976, a n d C am pbell 1997'. 3 3 0-34 4) p o in t to a n u m b er of s h a re d fe a tu re s t h a t m erit e xp lanation , w h e th e r in te rm s of chance, sim ila r typological developm ent, c on tact influence, or even an cien t genetic rela tio n sh ip , a lth o u g h such e x p la n atio n s have not always been fo rthcom ing in the lingu istic lite ra tu r e . Boas (1917) a n d Sapir (1916) a rtic u la te th e m ajo r difficulties in h e re n t in applying tra d itio n a l ling uistic m eth o d s to an u n d e rs ta n d in g of p reh isto ry th a t p e rsist to th is day.

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11 1.6 General Features and C o ntribu tion of the P resent Work

N o rth ern Paiute has an in terestin g phonology, consisting of voiceless vowels, lim ite d -d o m a in vowel harm o n y , and extrem e gradience in th e a rticu la tio n of consonants. This gradience is conditioned in p a rt by an a b stra c t, gem inating fe a tu re t h a t m ost N um icists a ttr ib u te to a lexically assigned fin a l feature, but also, in part, by prosodic and o th er features. The language has two core cases, overtly specified only on p rono uns a nd noun ph rase depend ents. W ord o rd e r is strongly verb-final (SOV), but p rag m atically q uite flexible. N o rth e rn P aiute has a rich a rray of p o stp ositions for m arking location an d path notions. N om inalization is a striking fea tu re of th e language, b o th for deriving nom inals and for m arking th e verbs of various types of su b o rd in a te clauses. The verb complex consists of a rich a rra y of o p e ra to rs on in h ere n t tran sitiv ity as well as num erous lexical-derivational processes, such as instrum ental prefixes and secondary verbs, th a t qualify and specify different aspects of th e event coded by th e verb. The m ain goal of th e p re se n t work is to p resen t as clear a description of th e gram m ar of N orth ern Paiute as possible in the in te rest of both language typology an d N um ic or general Uto-Aztecan stud ies. In th e cou rse of w riting th is gram m ar, however, I have em phasized a re a s of personal in te rest at th e expense, no doubt, of o th er areas of equal or greater typological significance. Such a consequence is inevitable, however, given th e richness and complexity of th is b e au tifu l language.

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12 CHAPTER 2

PHONOLOGY

2.0 In tro d u ctio n

The ph onologies of th e Numic languages are in m any ways m ore complex th a n th ose of o th e r Uto-Aztecan languages.1 From both historical an d typological p erspectiv es, th e Numic languages p re s e n t several features of in te re st in the area of phonology and m orphophonem ics. Most significant am ong th e se fea tu res, an d tho se which have g a rn e re d the m ost a tte n tio n in previous studies, are:

•

voiceless vowels c o n so n a n t g ra d a tio n

•

final features

In rough outline, th e phonem ic sta tu s of voiceless vowels and th e exten t to which they a re pred ictab le, phonetically, has been an issue since S apir (1930). Com anche (C entral Numic) has been at th e c en ter of th e d e b ate since Canonge (1957), an d num erou s o th e r stu d ies have a d d re ss e d the issue (e.g. Goss 1970, Arm agost and Miller 2 0 0 0 inter alia), freq u en tly

T would like to acknowledge the generous input of Michael Nichols in the writing of this chapter. His thoughtful comments and insights into historical issues have helped tremendously in shaping my understanding of Northern Paiute phonology.

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13

reaching d ifferen t conclusions. No study to my knowledge has ever a rgued for voiceless vowel phonem es in eith er Mono or N orthern Paiute (W estern Numic), b u t th e pheno m en on raises a n u m b er of descriptive and th e o re tic a l issu es th a t m erit d e ta ile d tre a tm e n t. G radient p ro p erties of co nso nantal articu la tio n have g e n e ra te d som e d isp arities betw een previous analyses as to the n u m b er of contrastive con son an tal phonem es in th e language. One issue is w h e th er to tr e a t fortis or gem inate co n so n an ts as complex u n ita ry phonem es w ith d istin c t d istrib ution al prop erties or as a sequence of simple phonem es. Minimally c o n tra stiv e p a irs involving sim ple versu s gem inate co n so n an ts a re h a rd to come by an d are found only in a couple of consonantal co n trasts. N ear m inim al pairs can be found quite readily, however. C onsonantal processes involving g ra d a tio n have been t r e a te d from b oth a sychronic a n d d ia c h ro n ic p e rsp ec tiv e (Langacker 1976b, M iller 1980, M cLaughlin 1992). According to Langacker (1976b), th e pro cesses a re only active in th e Num ic languages, w hereas th e outcom e of a form erly active system elsew here in Uto-Aztecan has generally resu lted in two sets of clearly c o n trastiv e phonem es. From a th eo re tic al sta n d p o in t, the p h eno m en on raises the prob lem s in h e re n t in tre a tin g phonem ic c o n tra sts as fully discrete, as opposed to idealized targets (Goldsmith 1995, m.s.), p a rticu la rly w hen th e functional load of such c o n tra sts ap p ears to be light. Related to voiceless vowels and consonant grad atio n is th e problem of final fea tu res in N o rth e rn Paiute, as in oth er Numic languages. The term refers to a series of lexically-determ ined consonantal fea tu res th a t surface only in specific environm ents an d affect th e a rtic u la tio n of

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14

consonants. The postulation of "final features" accounts for a great deal of allom orphy. R elative to Shoshoni, w hich by som e analyses (M iller 1972, M cLaughlin 1987) has four or even five final fe a tu re c o n tra sts, final features in N o rth ern Paiute are quite simple, consisting of only one or two. The analysis depends upon w hether or not one considers th e re to be only one active or "marked" feature and one passive feature. The phonological effects are still dram atic, however, and req u ire detailed description. Ever since Sapir (1930) m ade th e first detailed description of th e system of final fea tu res in S o u th ern Paiute, analysts have looked at final featu re phenom ena from b o th lexical and phonological perspectives. The tra n s itio n a l n a tu re of th e system m erits a h istorical exp lan atio n an d so p resen ts a n u m b er of challenges for analysis in a sy n ch ronically -orien ted g ram m ar. The c o n trib u tio n of th e p re s e n t c h a p te r is in expanding th e am oun t of detail and nu m b er of examples th a t address th ese and o th er issues in the phonology of N orthern Paiute. I do not claim to have resolved these longstanding issues in th e ensuing description, b u t in stead hope to clarify the synchronic facts for the N o rth e rn Paiute dialects I have stu died . The goal of w riting a reference g ram m ar preclu des d etailed theoretical tre a tm e n t of the issues raised by the sound system of N o rth e rn Paiute. I do believe th a t an explanation of c ertain in tra cta b le issues in N o rth e rn Paiute phonology m ust be inform ed by th e ir re la tio n to h isto ric al d e velopm ents in Numic, and th a t an eye to w a rd w here such a system is going is also necessary. Clues exist in the synchronic g ram m ar, I

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15 argue, t h a t lead us to w a rd an u n d e rs ta n d in g o f the m echan ism s th a t have con trib u ted to the sta te of affairs we p resently see in the language.

2.1 Segm ental In v en to ry and Processes

The inven to ry of c o n tra stiv e seg m ental p honem es in N o rth e rn P aiute is small by com parison to m any languages of the region. The wide range of surface p hon etic realizations (allophones) in th e language makes for a fairly complex system , how ever, p a rtic u la rly w here c e rta in types of functional co n trasts a p p ea r to occur at a level below th a t of the phonem e. This occurs where an inflectional category, such as a d istinctio n in aspect (see section 2.1.3.1, 8.3.9), is d e p en d e n t solely upon the phonetic realization of a medial consonant. The analysis p re se n te d h e re is largely in accord w ith those p resen te d for o th e r Numic languages. T here a re some distin ctio n s betw een my analysis and th a t of L iljeblad (1950, 1966), Nichols (1974), an d Snapp and A nderson (1982). As a m a tte r of convenience, I tr e a t length as contrastive only for vowels, and fortis (otherw ise refe rred to as gem inate) consonants as sequences of identical consonants in all cases except for the glides. The fortis c o u n te rp arts of glides are distinct, phonetically, and th e ir d istrib u tio n ind icates a fully phonem ic contrast. The choice to tre a t gem inate consonants as sequences of simple c o n so n an ts is, in my view, not p a rtic u la rly su b sta n tiv e in ligh t of the tra n s itio n a l n a tu re of th e phonem ic system in N o rth e rn Paiute. M iller (1972) uses the fact th a t fo rtitio n or gem ination as a process occurs across

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16

m orphem e b o u n d a rie s as th e ju stific atio n for trea tin g th em as sequences of sim ple consonants. As th e ir occurrence is not always m orphophonem ically p redictable, I explore in some detail th e n a tu re of the relation ship betw een fortis and lenis consonants in section 2.1.3.1 as well as in section 2.4.1 on final features. The phonem ic analysis I propose includes five (5) contrastive monom oraic vowels. Vowel length is also contrastive. There are fo u rtee n (14) contrastive c o n sonants plus a fortis fea tu re which, for analysis at the phonem ic level, I will tr e a t as a contrastive phoneme. Possible sequences of consonants are lim ited to a fortis featu re plus consonant, resulting in gem ination, or a glottal consonant plus a sonorant. Stress is contrastive only very rarely, and is otherw ise so p red ictab le and carries such a low functional load th a t it hard ly m erits d escrip tio n as a d istin c t phonem e.

2.1.1 C onsonants

Table 2.1 c h arts th e sim ple consonantal phonem es an d th e ir distinctive place an d m a n n e r fea tu res. Note th a t voicing, at le a st in the n o rth e rn dialects, is not a c o n trastive featu re in N o rth ern Paiute.

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17

Table 2.1 N o rth ern Paiute C onsonants

stop

bilabial

alveolar

P

t

fricative

labiov e la r kw

v e la r

glottal

k

?

s

affricate nasal

alveop a la ta l

ts m

glide

V *

C

n

q y

w

h

PLUS: fortis feature

The d is trib u tio n of this sim ple inventory includes occurrence in both initial and m edial position for all except /? /, /c /, and /q /. Phonetically, a glottal release [?] may o p tio n a lly a p p e a r w o rd -in itia lly in case t h a t w ord begins with a vowel. The relation ship b etw een the alveopala ta l affricate [c] and the glide [y] is explored in section 2.1.3.2, a n d the two phones are som etim es h e ard in free v ariatio n in initial p o sitio n 2, although for reasons I will explore, I consider [c] in these circum stances to be an allophone of /y /, not phonemic / c / . N um erous studies of the phonology of Numic languages have centered on th e need to p ostulate an ab stract series of w hat are essentially conso nantal fea tu res as p a rt of th e consonantal inventory. This need arises from the fact th a t th e re is in all Numic languages at le a st one m ore

W hether this variation is actually the result of final feature processes (section 2.4.1) across word or clitic boundaries or some other conditions merits exploration.

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18

series of consonants (and in some cases, th ree ) th a t are co ntrastiv e only in m edial position. F u rth e r, th ere are a ltern a tio n s th a t occur across m orphem e b o u n d a rie s th a t p a tte rn with these series. A full discussion of th e various analyses would take us too far afield for w hat is m eant to be a th e o ry -n e u tra l description. I will for the m om ent adopt th e convention of Nichols (1974) by m arking the fortis final fea tu re by an a p o stro p h e ( ' )as if it were an a b stra c t c o nso nant at the phonem ic level, re p re se n te d in virgules ( / / ) in th is chapter. In la te r ch ap ters, the tra n s c rip tio n strategy will be m ore broadly p honetic, showing som ething closer to th e surface realization of the consonants and w ritte n in italics. This is sim ilar to the convention a d o p te d in Liljeblad (1950, 1966) an d is, I w ould argue, a m ore p ractical system up on which to base a w riting system . N arrow phonetic tra n sc rip tio n will som etim es be provided in squ are brackets ( [ ] ) for th e p u rp o se of d e m o n stra tin g actual p ro n u n cia tio n .

Section 2.4.1

describes final features as m orphophonem ic process in N o rth ern Paiute in som e detail, and section 2.4.2 presen ts discussion of the diachronic p rocesses th a t may in p a rt account for the developm ent of m edial consonantal co ntrasts. P ostulating a set of contrastive co nso nantal ph onem es is highly p ro b lem atic in N o rth e rn Paiute. The analyst is faced w ith a n u m b e r of analytical choices th a t seem to re n d e r a tru ly phonem ic re p r e s e n ta tio n too a b stra c t to be very useful. I will th ere fo re tu rn , in section 2.1.3 to describing the d istrib u tio n of contrastive u n its p e rhaps b est labeled sim ply as seg m en ts. T here is clear allophony u n d e r th e s e segm ental c o n tra sts, w hich I will describe in detail. At a m ore a b stra c t phonem ic level,

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19 however, a n u m b er of forces are at w ork th a t re n d e r any stip u la tio n of processes th a t predict surface realization difficult at best. The presence or absence of an additional stop series defines one aspect of the m ajor n o rth /s o u th dialect division w ithin N o rth ern Paiute. A subset of the so u th e rn dialect grouping (refe rred to as Nevada N o rth ern Paiute, or NNP, by Nichols, 1974) is distinctive in having an ad d itio n al series of stops, typically described as voiced fo rtis. The only p u blish ed m aterial from th is su b g ro u p is a gram m atical sketch a n d d ictio n ary p re p a re d by Arie Poldevaart for th e Yerington Paiute trib e of Shurz, Nevada (1987). According to Nichols (1974:293), th is su b -g ro u p includes "several com m unities n e a r W alker River and W alker Lake, Nevada." This is in co ntrast to Liljeblad’s (1966) claim th a t th e voiced fortis series is a feature of the e n tire so u th e rn dialect a r e a . 3

2.1.2 Vowels

The vowel system in N o rth ern Paiute consists of 5 sim ple vowel phonem es plus c o ntrastive length. The articu la to ry d is trib u tio n of th ese vowels is illu stra te d in Table 2.2.

3It is generally agreed that this stop series in the southern dialect area corresponds to the prenasalized stop series elsewhere in Numic.

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20 Table 2.2 N o rth ern Paiute Vowels

h ig h

front

c e n tra l

back

i

i

u

m id low

0 a

As the c h art shows, th e vowel system does not make m axim al use of th e vowel space. T hat is, the system is not sym m etrical from a phonetic sta n d p o in t. In tere stin g ly , o th e r Numic lan guag es—p a rticu la rly , all of Central Numic, Mono (W estern Numic), and Kawaiisu (S o u th ern N um ic)— have a mid, fro n t vowel phonem e, / e / which frequently corresponds to the diphthong /a i/ in th e languages w ithout it. Nichols (1974, 36ff) refers to this correspondence as the Proto-Numic "sixth vowel." Descriptions of S ho sh oni (M iller 1972, Crapo 1976, M cLaughlin 1987, Dayley 1989), illu stra te w hat is som etim es free v a ria tio n betw een ph onetic [e] and [ai] and som etim es th e phonologically u n m o tiv a te d (i.e. c o ntrastiv e) d is trib u tio n of only one or th e o th er in p a rtic u la r m orphem es, illu stra tin g the tran sitio n al s ta tu s of th e c o n tra st in these languages. Diachronic c o nsideratio ns aside, it is m ost natu ral to include a discussion of [ai] in a se p ara te section on diphthongs, since in N o rth ern P aiute it p a tte rn s phonologically with diphthongs in c o n tra st to sim ple vowels. First, th e re is no sh o rt versus long contrast for [ai] as for the simple vowels. Second, [ai] a ttra c ts p rim ary stre ss as do the o th er d iph tho ngs in th e lan guage (section 2.1.2.2). Phonetic [e] or [e], it should

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21 be noted, does occur as an allophone of / a / (see section 2.1.4.3 on vowel raising). On the basis of th e ir phonological predictability, however, I would argue th a t th ese instances of vowel "raising" b ear no relatio nsh ip to th e Proto-N um ic sixth vowel. It also b ears noting th a t phonetic [o] is really an allophone of /o f w hen not following velar or glottal consonants, and is an allophone of / u /u n d e r c o n d itio n s involving vowel h a rm o n y explored in sectio n 2.1.4.1, and not vice versa. T hat is, phonetic [o] technically re p re se n ts allophonic m erg er of phonem ic / o / and / u /. Nonetheless, in other chapters, I will utilize th e o rth o g rap h ic symbol £ to represent /o /. I am not entirely confident th a t I have been con sisten t, however, and have certainly , on occasion, used £ w here & would have been m ore app ro p riate.

2.1.2.1 L en e th

Phonem ic vowel length occurs for all 5 vowels in N o rth e rn Paiute. Long vowels occurring in eith er th e first or th e second syllable of the w ord will draw prim ary stre ss (see section 2.3.1 on w ord stress). I w rite long vowels as sequences of two short vowels.

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22 /i/ vs. /ii/

/yippi/ 'broad valley'

/tiipi/

'earth'

/i/ vs. / » /

/simi-/ 'one'

/ siipi/

'willow'

/u / vs. /uu/

/hupa/ 'soup'

/huupi/

'stick'

/o / vs. /oo/

/moko/ 'shoe'

/moona/

'(PL)travel'

/a / vs. /a a /

/nana/ 'man'

/naana/

'men'

Long vowels are not restric te d to stressed syllables, however.

[tuyupaa]

/tukupaa/

'preacher'

[timuhaadi]

/timuhaadi/

'jealous person’

[kitawaaka]

/kitawaaka/

'chew a hole'

[qai miyappaana]

/kai mia-paana/

'don't go!'

Long vowels never u ndergo the devoicing processes described in section 2 .3 .3 .

2.1.2.2 D ip hth ong s and O th e r V1V2Sequences

Diphthongs can be analyzed as a sequence of two distinct simple vowel phonem es. The dip hth ong /a i / is p erhaps the m ost common in the language, and freq u e n tly corresp o n d s to a mid, fro nt vowel phonem e / e / elsew here in Numic. As with long vowels, syllables containing diphthon gs c arry p rim ary stre ss w hen th ey occur in the first o r second syllable of a w ord (as in the first two exam ples in 3), b u t not w hen they occur in o th e r syllables (as in the last two exam ples in 3).

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23

3)

[qaiba]

/kaipa/

‘m o u n ta in ’

[mannai]

/mannai/

‘to do; to act’

[miyakai]

/miakai/

‘to go off som ewhere’

[pahonayai]

/pahonayai/

‘to be tired / sleepy’

For the purposes of syllable stru c tu re and the fea tu res of prim ary stress, I consider the sequences of non-high—high vowels / ai/, /au/, and / oi/ "true" diphthongs. O ther non-h ig h—high vowel sequences are not a tte ste d in my corpus. A nother can d id ate for c o n sid era tio n as a tru e diphthong may be th e high vowel sequence / ii/, although this sequence of vowels is, perhaps historically, susceptible to e ith e r coalescence or h a rm o n y ! True diphthongs are d istin c t in a couple of im p o rta n t ways from oth er vowel sequences. One is th a t th e re is no glide form ation (see section 2.2.2.2) w ith tru e d ip h th o n g s. Also, in a tr u e d ip hth ong , high pitch is h e a rd over the en tire W sequence, ju s t as with long vowels. In n o n ­ id en tical vowel sequences t h a t involve glide form ation, th e high pitch associated with prim ary stress falls on the second vowel of th e sequence. The in te rac tio n of pitch-accent and correlating glide-form ation is discussed in m ore d etail in section 2.2.2.2.

4Nichols (1974) presents evidence for coalescence in various recordings of this sequence

as in, for example, [t'ripi] versus [tiipi] ’earth; ground.’ I only record the latter pronunciation of ’earth’ in my fieldnotes. The rarity of the /ii/ sequence in my corpus may support the conclusion that coalescence or full harmonization of the sequence is a more regular process in the present generation of speakers.

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24 The following exam ples show the phonetic d istrib u tio n of pitchaccent over tru e d ip h th o n g s in N o rth e rn Paiute:

4)

[qaiba]

/kaipa/

'm o u n tain '

[sukwai]

/sukwai/

'to have a need for'

[qoipa]

/koipa/

'bighorn sheep'

[sorpi]

/ soqoi/

'to ta n a hide'

[kaup§]

/kaupa/

leg'

[tiwau]

/tiwau/

'again; also'

[kupuki]

/kupiiki/

'to ren d er fats'

im

/inii/

'cute'

One p a ir of fairly comm on VV sequences involves / u / as the second in the sequence following one of the o th er two high vowels. Significantly, m ost all of the instances in my corpus involve occurrences across m orphem e b o u n d a rie s. These behave m ore like tru e d ip h tho ngs in th a t pitch-accent falls m ost typically on the first vowel, but is not c arried across the entire sequence.

SThis stem is likely, at least historically, tri-morphemic: ku + pii +ki = IP/fire + Vroot + APL I have so far found no other instances of an analyzable verb root pii in my corpus.

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25 5)

M

[hiffiu]

/hipiu/

'drink! (REALIS)'6

[nuu]

/miu/

'QUOTATIVE (REALIS)'

[kariu]

/katiu/

'stand up! (REALIS)'

[udiu]

/utiu/

'deep (OBL)’

W hether or not to call these tru e diphthongs is not of concern here. I p re se n t h ere sim ply a descrip tio n of the a rticu la to ry facts along w ith the cau tio n th a t from an a rtic u la to ry sta n d p o in t, th e re is no difference betw een a lab io -v elar glide and w hat I have re p re se n te d pho nem ically as /u / in these examples. Table 2.3 is m e a n t as a sum m ary of th e accen tu al a n d distribu tional facts of all possible non-identical VV sequences in N orth ern Paiute.

6In this and the other examples, the /-u/ is a distinct morpheme, identified in parentheses. The 'punctual/realis' (PNC) suffix has an apparently freely varying allomorph /-hu/.

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26

Table 2.3 A ttesta tio n of V W 2 Sequences in N o rth ern Paiute V1V2

p itch -accen t

d istribution ; features

ai

across entire sequence

very com m on; tru e d ip h th o n g

ai

N/A

N/A

au / ao

across entire sequence

com m on; tru e d ip h th o n g

oi

across entire sequence

comm on; tr u e d ip h th o n g

ui

N/A

N/A

ou

harm onizing sequence attested only as off-glide

oa / u a

second vowel

common; glide-form ing

ui

second vowel

common; glide-form ing

ui

N/A

recorded only as glide + V

uo

harm onizing sequence N/A

ii

across entire sequence

not common; susceptible to coalescence

iu

first vowel

common across m orphem e b o u n d a rie s

io

N/A

N/A

ia

second vowel

common; glide-form ing

ii

N/A

recorded only as glide + V

iu

first vowel

common across m orphem e b o u n d a rie s

io

harm onizing sequence recorded only as glide + V

ia

second vowel

common; glide-form ing

Diphthongs, like long vowels, appear also to be resistant to the process of vowel devoicing d escrib ed in section 2.3.3.

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27 2 . 1.3 Processes Affecting Consonants

Most significant among th e processes th a t affect the articu latio n of consonants in N o rth ern Paiute involves so-called consonant g radation. This process p re se n ts a n u m b er of problem s involving th e interface betw een phonology an d m orphology. M cLaughlin (1987) has even p re se n te d evidence in P an am in t (Tiimpisa) for th e in te ra c tio n of this process with distinctions in w ord class. In this section, I describe the d istrib u tio n al facts involving the a rticu la tio n of co nso nants in N o rth ern Paiute and make some generalizations regarding allophony. I also p resen t some of the more significant areas of n e u tra liz atio n of c o n tra sts and confounding variables involving cro ss-p h o n em ic allophony.

2,1.3.1 Fortis versus Lenis Articulation

Consonants at the same place of articu la tio n c o n tra st in term s of the stre n g th of th e ir articu latio n . Note the following m inim al p a irs for oral and nasal stops:

6a)

b)

c)

[tina]

[tinna]

'tree root'

'pronghorn antelope'

[ tm

[tippa]

'pine nut'

'm outh'

[wara]

[wattd]

'seepweed seed'

'pole'

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28

Of p a rtic u la r in te re s t are inflectional contrasts like the following:

7)

[haga]

[hakka]

'who (NOM)'

'whom (OBL)'

In a very general sense, a co nso nant th a t is a rtic u la te d w ith full and forceful occlusion of th e a rtic u la to ry m echanism is tra d itio n a lly te rm e d fo rtis. On the o th e r h a n d , a consonant a rtic u la te d with loose engagem ent of th e a rtic u la to ry m echanism is te r m e d lenis. Numic stud ies have often te n d e d to tre a t the te rm s fo rtis and gem inate as synonym ous. In verbs, m edial c o n tra sts in stre n g th of a rticu la tio n imply an aspectual d istin ctio n , explored f u r th e r in section 2.1.3.1 an d 8.3.9. As po inted out by M iller (1972), the lenis-m ed ial form may be expanded thro ugh the addition of directional a n d /o r aspectual suffixes. The fortis (or gem inate) m edial form may not, however, a n d im plies d u ra tio n in m ost cases in N o rth ern P a iu te .7 O ther aspectual contrasts also coincide with the realization of th e m edial consonant, often in ways idiosyncratic to p a rtic u la r verbs.

7 There may be prosodic reasons for the realization of this contrast as well, where stems in their "unmarked" or "durative” form without expansion are pronounced with a lengthened medial consonant. Other areas of the grammar attest phonetically "longer" forms—absolutive suffixes and free pronouns (sections 3.1.3 and 4.1, respectively)— when occurring without expansion. This idea merits further study.

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29 8 a)

b)

[kari-]

[kattl]

'sit (non-final)

'sit (DURATIVE)'

[nigd-]

[nikka]

'dance (non-final)'

'dance (DURATIVE)’

The te rm s fo rtis and lenis are com plicated som ew hat by th e fact th a t th ey in c o rp o ra te a set of distin c t a rtic u la to ry variables including:

length ( + /- gemination) = du ratio n of closure voicing (+ /- voice) strength (+ /- frication) = completeness of closure

The te rm s fo rtis and lenis targ et idealized extrem es along a continu um w ith respect to each of these variables. One could p e rh aps co n sid er len g th and stre n g th of a rticu la tio n as two variables w ith in th e sam e c o n tin u u m 8. A fortis consonant is ideally an unvoiced gem inate stop, w hereas a lenis consonant is ideally a voiced fricative. The m ain pro blem w ith a tte m p tin g to apply an analysis th a t tre a ts such fe a tu re s as b in a ry for N o rth e rn P aiute is th a t it sim ply does not c ap tu re th e tru ly g rad ie n t fe a tu re s th a t characterize n a tu ra l speech. A g reat deal of a p p a re n tly free v a ria tio n also occurs. T herefore, in m any of the generalizations I a ttem p t to make, the re a d e r will find hedges like 'typically,' 'ideally,' 'in m ost cases,' and th e like.

8 Such featural gradations are well-attested in historical accounts of consonantal weakening. (Thanks to Spike Gildea for pointing this out to me.)

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30 Table 2.4 provides a b ro ad outline of th e consonantal a lte rn a tio n s in N o rth ern Paiute. The table includes b oth the allophones and the d istrib u tio n of the simple consonants and of the geminate, or fortis, consonants as well. The phonetic realization of w ord-initial consonants are in a se p ara te row from those realized intervocalically.

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31 Table 2.4 D istribution of Lenis and Fortis Consonants

Stop

lenis

#

_ _ _ _ _ _ _

v_v fortis

#

_ _ _ _ _ _ _

v_v Fricative

lenis

#

Bilabial

A lveolar

P

t

P, b, jJ

t, d, r

P

t

kw

k

PP

tt

kkw

kk

#

lenis

#

#

lenis

#

ts

_ _ _ _ _ _ _

ts, dz, z ts

_ _ _ _ _ _ _

_ _ _ _ _ _ _

v_v fortis

#

_ _ _ _ _ _ _

v_v Glide

lenis

#

_ _ _ _ _ _ _

v_v fortis

#

k, g, Y

§§

v_v Nasal

yw

k

_ _ _ _ _ _ _

v_v fortis

kw, gw,

V elar

5. \

v_v Affricate

Labiov e la r kw

99

_ _ _ _ _ _ _

v_v fortis

Alveop a la ta l

tts m m, w

n n

1 0

m

n

mm

nn y

w

y

w

_ _ _ _ _ _ _

v_v

V

c

kw

9 I am using this subscript to represent a fricative articulated between the alveolar [s] and the palatal [J] or [§]. 10 Other Numic languages have been described (e.g. Miller 1972) as having a lenited medial allophone of /n/, either [n] or [y], but I have not noted such allophony in Northern Paiute.

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32 Notice th a t although e ith e r the fortis or the lenis articu la tio n of consonants may occur w ord-m edially, the c o n tra st is n e u tra liz ed in wordinitial position for stops. Initial stops, although never phonetically voiced o r spirantized, a re never fully g em in ated e ith er. Rather, they surface as simple, unaspirated, voiceless stops. The addition of prefixes or proclitics may induce e ith e r inter-vocalic len itio n or fortition, depending upon the final feature specifications of the prefix or proclitic. The significant allom orphic v a ria tio n b ro u g h t a b out by final features is discussed in detail in section 2.4.1. I am m aking an a n alytical choice in th is section, however, th a t trea ts lenition as a phonological process and fortition as a m orphophonem ic one. The choice is in some sense an a rb itra ry one, and m ost certainly has p ro fo u n d consequences for th e analysis. Given th a t lenition is such a comm on and productive assim ilatory process crosslinguistically, however, tre a tin g it as a phonological process h ere will simplify th e final fe a tu re analysis in th a t it will only be n ecessary to stipulate a single m orphophonem ic process affecting the consonantal series of N o rthern Paiute. As m entioned, consonant len ition involves two co-related articulatory processes—voicing and spirantization. This process occurs m ost often inter-vocalically. Both sp ira n tiz a tio n and voicing are assim ilatory processes w hereby c o n son ants, p a rticu la rly o b stru e n ts, acquire vocalic featu res. Gem inate, or fortis, consonants are re s ista n t to lenition. U nder the process of lenition, simple oral stops surface eith er as voiced stops or voiced fricatives. The following examples d e m o n stra te

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33 lenition of stem -initial consonants as the resu lt of compounding, prefixation, and the addition of a possessive proclitic11:

9a)

[kuggi] 'dust; dusty' + [p55 ] 'trail' = [ku$>ibo] ~ [kuggufio] /kussipo/

b)

[ma-] 'IP/hand' + [purii] 'see' + [-ki] 'APL12' = [mabuniki] ~ [ma^uniki] /mapuniki/

c)

'The Milky Way'

'to show'

[i=] 'my (proclitic)' + [pia] 'mother' = [ibia] ~ [i|5ia] /ipia/ 'm y m o th e r'

d)

[?uya] 'sugar (borr.)' + [kamma] 'to taste' = [guY^Yamnra] /sukakamma/ 'sweet-tasting'

e)

[ti-] 'ANTIPASSIVE' + [kuhani] /tikuhani/

f)

'to cook (intr.)'

[i=] 'my (proclitic)' + [kumd] /ikuma/

'to cook (tr.)' [tiguhani] ~ [tiYuhani]

'husband' = [igumd] ~ [iyuma]

'my h u sb a n d '

The simple alveolar stop / t / m ost typically surfaces as an alveolar tap [r] u n d e r lenition, som etim es as its voiced c o u n te rp art [d], b u t n ev er as an alveolar fricative.

uAs I am presenting lenition as the default, or unmarked value in the fortis/lenis opposition, I am anticipating the analysis of final features in section 2.4.1. In it, I propose that lenition as a process only occurs in the absence of a fortis final feature in a preceding stem, prefix, or proclitic. 12 Note that the applicative suffix is immune to gradation processes (see section 2.4.1)

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34 i o a ) [tab!-] 'day' + [tikka] 'to eat' = [tabidika] - [tabirika] /tapitika/ b)

[ma-] 'IP/hand' + [tikki] 'to put or place' = [macfikjO ~ [marikj] /matiki/

c)

'lunch; to have lunch'

'to put X down'

[i=] 'my (proclitic)' + [tu£mi] /ituami/

'children' = [idudmi] ~ [iruami]

'my child ren '

The simple labio-velar / k w/ surfaces as [gw] or, m ore rarely, as [yw] u n d e r lenition. On the o th e r han d, [kw] as the fortis counterpart of /w / never surfaces as [gw] or [yw]. R ather, th e re is phonetic n e u tra liz atio n only betw een fortis / w / and simple /k w/-

11 a)

[ma-] 'IP/hand' + [-kwiu]^ 'to obtain; to stick to' = [magwiu] /makwiu/

b)

'to get; to stick to the hand'

[i=] 'my (proclitic)' + [kwa§£i] /ikwassi/

'shirt' = [igwaggi]

'my sh irt'

In N o rth ern Paiute, allophonic v a ria tio n is quite scalar—th a t is, th e re is no discrete point along it th a t makes phonetic tra n s c rip tio n of, say [b] vs. [£] descriptively m eaningful. The conditioning factor or factors

C erta in verb roots, traditionally called instrumental verbs in the Numic literature, appear to require an instrumental prefix. These are written with a hyphen, indicating that these are essentially bound forms. Section 2.3.4.1.2 describes the phenomenon of instrumental prefixes in some detail.

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35 involved in th is v a ria tio n a re n o t e n tire ly clear, b u t m ay be r e la te d in p a rt to carefulness in speech and in p a rt to idiolectal v ariation. In future chapters, the tra n sc rip tio n of all c o u n te rp arts to these allophones will he given as th e c o u n te rp a rt to the voiced stop phone [b]. Medial gem inate stops u n d e r conditions of rapid speech sometimes surface as simple, u n a sp ira te d stops, resultin g in some surface-phonetic ne u tra liz atio n w ith sim ple stop phonem es. This may also be rep resentative of a system in tran sitio n . In m ost such cases, I will tran scribe the segm ents as simple, voiceless stops. Among the nasal stops, I am only able to detect leniting effects associated w ith th e bilabial /m /, which freq uently surfaces as a nasalized semi-vowel [w] as in the following:

12)

/nimi/

-->

[nitfi] 'person; Indian'

/u/+/m a/

-->

[owd] 'with it (as an in stru m e n t)'

The affricate /ts / does have an allophone recorded occasionally as the voiced c o u n te rp a rt [dz], but the stopped release is often so lightly a rtic u la te d th a t it frequen tly surfaces as [z].14

^Michael Nichols (in personal communication) in his fieldwork recorded the [dz] allophone much more frequently than [z] among an older generation of speakers. Such a development could be the result either of contamination of English in speakers pronunciation, or the result of natural weakening.

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36 13)

[ma-] 'IP/hand' + [tsama] /matsama/

'to touch/feel' = [madzama] ~ [mazdma]

'to touch ( t r .)’

One m ight expect som e surface n e u tra liz atio n of phonem ic /ts/ and /s / to a common allophone [z] and this may indeed be a confounding factor. Often, it is only the occasional trace of the onset of the affricate th a t serves to help identify [z] ~ [dz] as phonemic /ts / as opposed to /s /.

14)

[na-]

'MIDDLE' + [sutihai] 'to bless; to show pity toward' = [nazutiha]

/nasutihai/

'to feel sorry; to humble oneself

U nder lenition, palatalized / k / will surface as the voiced affricate [j], corresponding to the voiceless, palatalized [c]. Surface n e u tra liz a tio n occurs with respect to the voiceless, non-lenited allophone [6] as the palatalized allophone of / k /, [c] resu ltin g from th e m orphophonem ic fortition of the semivowel / y /, and the / c / phoneme. This issue is discussed m ore fully in th e next section.

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37 2.1.3.2 P a la ta liz a tio n

P alatalization of the simple velar stop / k / to either [j] or [c] occurs w ithin m orph em es an d across m orphem e b o u n d a rie s following th e high, front vowel / i / and preceding the low vowel / a / . Palatalization does not occur preceding / i/, /i/, /u /, or /o /.

[iginu]

/ikinu/

'spoon'

[tigi]

/tiki/

'to put or place; to bet'

[§ig%]

/sikupi/

'ra b b itb ru sh '

[pagiyo]

/pasiko/

'camus'

[iyo]

/iko/

'tongue'

[tonrja]

/tonika/

'flower'

[ija]

/ika/

'to enter (SG)'

[supica]

/supika/

'to want; to be enam or

There occurs some m erging in the surface realization of palatalized /k / and phonem ic / £ /. Also, as I m entioned, [£] as the fortis c o u n te rp a rt of the glide / y/ may p re s e n t a confounding factor w ith resp ect to phonem ic re p re se n ta tio n . Very likely, / £ / arose as a phonem e in th e language as an allophone of /y / u n d e r fortition following the loss or reanalysis of a m o rp h e m e b o u n d a ry .

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38 This hypothesis accounts both for the lim ited d istrib u tio n of phonem ic / c / , a n d for the fact th a t phonetic [j] is always an allophone of /k / u n d e r b o th palatalization and lenition--never a lenited allophone of phonem ic / c / . This analysis also a p p ea rs to be confirm ed by my corpus, in which [j] never occurs except in th e env iron m ent alread y e stab lish ed for p alatalizatio n —th a t is, betw een / i / and / a / . Clear examples of the phonemic status of / c / may be readily found, however, an d th e en v iro n m en t clearly suggests c o n tra st w ith b o th / y/ and /k/:

16)

[koci]

/koci/

'to retu rn '

[tihica]

/tihica/

'deer'

[natuya]

/natiiya/

'to be strong or courageous'

[nigd-]

/nika/

'to dance'

Nichols (1974) also p resen ts com parative evidence th a t a p p ea rs to confirm th a t / c / in N o rth ern Paiute likely developed first as an allophone o f/y /, as I have suggested.^ A g reat deal of m inor dialectal v ariatio n exists to the p re s e n t day in N o rth e rn Paiute. The m ost significant phonological v a ria tio n I have

^His cognate set for 'deer', for example, has tihiya (sometimes with a final feature) for all of the Central Numic languages plus Kawaiisu, as compared to tihica in 16).

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39 e n c o u n te re d in my stu dy of various n o rth e r n dialects is in th e p h onetic realization of / c / —a merging of the fortis allophone of / y / , and the palatalized allophone of /k /. In the Yahooskin dialect, as described in W eiser and T hornes (1995) these phonem es are all realized as [ky], corresponding perfectly w ith w hat in th e Burns dialect (an d in the dialects spoken on th e M cDermitt and Duck Valley reserv ations) is consistently realized as [c ] . 16 O ther m ore m inor instances of surface p alatalizatio n also occur, p a rticu la rly of / s / as [§] or even [s] in some ideolects eith er preceding or following / i / . Exact p h o netic realizatio ns vary, p a rticu la rly b etw een older and younger speakers in B u rn s.1? For example, older speakers ten d to say [pi§a] 'good/ well', w hereas younger speakers pronounce the same w ord [pisa],

2.1.3.3 U v u la riz a tio n

Velar stops are realized as uvular co nso nants preceding th e low, back vowel / o / and th e low, central / a / .

Uvularization is often

accom panied by frication as well. The following exam ples are illustrative:

l6Interestingly enough, there is one elder speaker at Burns whose pronunciation patterns like Yahooskin. As she has lived in Burns most of her life, I can only suspect that the feature is the result of a family ideolect. 17Who qualifies as 'older' versus 'younger' likely varies by community. In Burns, I place the boundary rather impressionistically at somewhere around age 65 or 70.

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40 17)

[moqo]

/moko/

'shoe'

[maG5] ~ [maKo]

/mako/

'bag'

[moq5?ni] - [moqx5?ni]

/moko?ni/

'woman'

[qai] ~ [qxffl]

/kai/

'no; not'

[yaGa] ~ [yana]

/yaka/

'to cry'

Such frica tio n is a n a tu ra l b y -p ro d u ct of u v u lar a rticu la tio n , perhaps since the shape of the articu lato rs in this position often produces a release th a t is, at least acoustically, like an affricate.

2 . 1. 3.4

Devoicing

Devoicing of m edial18 consonants occurs u n d e r two distinct conditions. In the m ost straig h tfo rw ard case, a so norant will surface as voiceless when occurring in a c lu ste r w ith the glottal glide /h /. Sometimes, the existence of the voiceless sonorant is the only indication of a phonem ic /h C / sequence, p resu m ab ly u n d e r coarticu lation. Voicelessness may also sp read to an adjacent vowel. Note the following:

l8Recall that in word-initial position, all stops surface as simple, unaspirated, and voiceless.

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41 18)

[pahmu] - [pamu]

/pahmu/

'tobacco'

[puhrmtsiba] ~ [purrhtsiba]

/puhmitsipa/

'to blink’

[puhwana] ~ [pawana]

/piihwana/

'to scrape fur off a hide'

[tibuhwai] ~ [tibuwai]

/tipuhwai/

'to seek; a vision'

[mayuwakiwini]

/mayuhmakiwini/

'tickling'

Simple m edial stop consonants may also surface as voiceless, thou gh not as gem inate, w hen adjacent to voiceless, or "whispered", vowels in u n stre sse d syllables. Voiceless vowels app ear m ost typically at w ord b o u n d a rie s—a process described in more detail in section 2.3.3. For the purposes of this section only th e ir effect on consonants is p resen ted here. The distrib u tio n al facts are such th a t only voiceless stop allophones occur as onsets of syllables containing voiceless vowels.

19a)

[huupi]

/huupi/

'cradleboard'

[momoatipi]

/mumuatipi/

'elders'

BUT b)

[stibi]

/siipi/

'willow'

[norikwa]

/notikwa/

'wife'

The extent of th e progression of vowel-devoicing has been found to vary, p a rtic u la rly w ith c e rta in w ords, an d in such cases, th e rea liz a tio n of eligible stops is also variable:

20)

[supirakwaru] ~ [supixakwatu] ~ [supirak^atp] ~ [supitak^tp] , /supitakwatu/

'to know; to u n derstand'

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42 If the onset of the final syllable is a sonorant, regressive voweldevoicing may be effectively blocked, allowing for a voiced allophone of the consonant to surface. In 21), we find allophonic v ariation of [d] versu s [j]— as allophones of / k / —due to the sonorant-initial suffix:

21)

[apica]

/apika/

'to speak (PL); to discuss'

[apijana]

/apikana/

'when speaking / discussing'

2.1.a .s C o n so n an tal Sound Sym bolism

Evidence for a sound-sym bolic relation ship betw een the consonant phones [s]/[z] and [ts]/[dz] is present in N o rth ern Paiute. The relationship betw een the fricatives and th e affricates is one of w hat Nichols (1971) refers to as "dim inutive shifting" involving the relatio n sh ip of w hat she te rm s consonant "hardening" and th e connotative sem antics asso ciated w ith the d im inutive. Such sem antics e x te n d beyond sim ple physical size into categories of "endearm ent, affection, pity, or the like (826)." Also included may be notions like "light, bright, quick, cold (as opposed to dark, heavy, slow, w arm ), in a d d itio n to the size dim ension (841)." I have not done an e x ten ded survey of th e vocabulary, and so rely on Nichols (1971) an d Nichols (1974) for examples of th is vestigial process. I have nothing to ad d to th e ir c o n trib u tio n here, re n d e re d phonetically. The second colum n re p re se n ts th o se item s th a t carry th e d im inutiv e g rade of th e consonant.

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43 [is*]

'wolf

[idza]

'coyote'

[sizia?a]

'girls (teenaged)'

[tsidzia?a]

'girls (preadolescent)'

[yozi]

'fly (PL); flock'

[yodzi]

'fly (SG)’

[pisa]

'good'

[pidzapi]

'want; like'

[idki]

'hot'

[idzitsi] ~ [izitsi]

'cold'

It may be w o rth noting th a t th e d im inutiv e suffix {tsi} begins w ith th e same grade of consonant as th a t which follows the p a tte rn of dim inutive so u nd sym bolism in th e language. Section 3.1.4 d e scrib e s th e general function of this d erivational suffix. Such scant evidence for dim inutiv e c o nso nant sym bolism as th a t presen te d above is nonetheless im p o rtan t for com parative purp oses and so I include it here. Nichols (i974:7iff) p resen ts examples both of such pairs in N orthern Paiute and of evidence for historical lexicalization p a tte rn s whereby one or the o th e r consonant has been lexicalized in d fferent Numic lan guag es.

2.1.4 Processes Affecting Vowels

A num ber of processes affect the articu la tio n of vowels in N o rth ern Paiute. Vowel h arm o n y as an active process is lim ited, th oug h still significant. There is evidence to suggest th a t it was once m ore w idespread, e ith er at th e pre-N um ic or the Proto-U to-A ztecan stage in th e h isto ry of the languages. I refer th e re a d e r to Nichols' (1974) im p o rtan t discussion of the Numic and Uto-Aztecan root canon.

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44 Another of th e m ost striking processes affecting vowels is th a t of vowel devoicing. Vowel-devoicing occurs u n d e r two conditions, one phonological and one I refer to as prosodic. The prosodic process is perhaps th e m ost striking and is discussed m ore fully in section 2.3.3.

2.1.4.1 Harmony

Vowel harm ony as a phonological process is lim ited in N o rth e rn Paiute. The process could p e rhaps best be tre a te d as a m orphophonem ic one, since only c ertain affixes exhibit allom orphy th a t can be ascrib ed to harm ony. However, th e re is evidence for som e lim ite d -d o m a in h a rm o n y w ord-internally, and so I include the discussion here. Such lim iteddom ain harm ony does not rep re se n t a productive phonological process. Vowel h a rm o n y may be m ost rea d ily found w here th e vowels of some m onosyllabic affixes take on th e height features of a vowel in an adjacent syllable. Most in stan ces of height harm ony in N o rth e rn Paiute involve a lte rn a tio n s b etw een [u] and [o] (and possibly [a])-- e ith e r by th e lowering of / u / adjacent to syllables with e ith er /o / or / a / , or by raising / o / adjacent to syllables containing /i/, /i/, or /u /. Height assim ilation also likely accounts for gaps in the occurrence of certain logically possible vowel sequences (see table 3, section 2.1.2.2). Note th e following p a tte rn s of [oCa]:

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45 22 )

[mo?asu]

/mu?asu/

'already; be ready'

[magwioka]

/makwiuka/

'join tog ether’

[okd]

/uka/

'that one (OBL)'

Typically, it is not so problem atic for th e analyst to identify [o] as an allophonic v a ria n t of th e high, back phonem e / u / ra th e r th a n of low, back /o /, due in p art to the effects of /o f on th e surroun ding consonants, p a rtic u la rly v elars (see "U vularization," section 2.1.3.3).

23)

[oka]

/uka/

'that one (OBL)'

[toqaano]

/tokaano/

'night tim e'

The one confounding e n vironm ent p resen tin g p ro b lem s in identifying p h o n e tic [o] as an allophone of / u / or /o / could be in a syllable im m ediately p receding one containing / a / , as described above, b u t one w ithou t an in te rv en in g v e la r co n so n an t. Liljeblad (1966) acknow ledges "a phonemic overlapping of / u / and / o / [what in the p resen t analysis is / o / : TT] resu ltin g in a b ew ild ering idiolectal v a ria tio n .” (15) Deciding which canonical vowel to relegate to th e un derly in g phonem ic re p re s e n ta tio n is an a rb itra ry decision when it comes to harm onizing affixes. The b est th eo re tic al analysis w ould sim ply sta te th a t th e vowels of harm onizing affixes are unspecified for a height feature, which it o btains from th e vowel of an adjacen t syllable. For convenience sake, I will rep resen t /u / as th e a b stra c t, u nderlying vowel in th e exam ples

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46 in th is c h ap ter, while in fu tu re c h ap ters the surface a llom orph y will generally be r e p re se n te d in the tra n s c rip tio n . The following exam ples d e m o n stra te affixes which actively p a rtic ip a te in a synchonic vowel harm o n y process:

24a)

-nu

'in stru m e n ta l n o m in alizer' (cf. section 3.1.7.3)

[iginu] igi-nu scoop-INSTR

[karrnu] kati-nu sit-INSTR

[tuggtinu] tussu-nu grind-INSTR

[wikono] wiko-nu roll-INSTR

'spoon'

'chair'

'grinding-stone'

'ring for a gam e'^

b)

-tu

'c rea tiv e v erbalizer' (cf. section 3.1.8)

[nawobituna] na-wobi-tu-na MM-wood-VBR(make)-PTCP 'w hen m ade into lu m b e r' c)

[tutu] tii-tu tea-VBR(make) 'make tea'

[tootodi] too-tu-di hole-VBR(make)-NMR 'one who makes holes'

mu- IP (cf. section 8.1.3): 'of or pertaining to the nose or m outh'

[mucfihai] mu-tihai IP/-bless 'to kiss' (lit. m outh-bless)

[mojiasa] mu-pasa I P /- b e d ry 'to drin k dry' (lit. m outh-dry)

The harm o ny facts are n o t always so stra ig h tfo rw a rd , and it is som etim es difficult to detect a clear phonetic difference betw een phonetic [u] and [o], p a rticu la rly in u n stre sse d syllables. The a d d itio n of a n o th e r

^The hoop and pole game, called [titokwinai] involves shooting arrows or throwing a spear through a ring, usually made of willow, that is rolled at some distance from the shooter. Fowler (1991) records the game as [pattsai].

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47 low vowel suffix in th e following example app ears to clarify the acoustic facts:

25 )

-?yu

'a ttrib u tiv e ; nom inative' (cf. section 3 .2 .2 .2 , 5.1.1)

[noo?yu]

/noo?yu/

'all (NOM)'

[noo?yona]

/noo?yuna/

'being all / everyone'

Table 2.5 provides a sam ple of affixes m ost commonly exhibiting allom orphy a ttr ib u ta b le to some form of lim ite d -d o m a in heig h t harm ony b a sed upon a height fea tu re of an adjacent syllable in the stem to which th e y a tta c h .

Table 2.5 N o rth e rn Paiute H arm onizing Affixes A llom orphs

Functions

-tu, , -to, -to

'Creative V erbalizer’

-?yu, -?yo

'N om inative Case; A ttributiv e'

-nu, -no, -na

'In stru m e n ta l Nom inalizer'

-u, -0

'P unctual Aspect'

mu-, mo-

'In stru m e n ta l Prefix: pertainin g to th e nose or a prom inence' 'In stru m e n ta l Prefix: pertain in g to heat o r fire

ku-, koti-, tu-, to-

'In s tru m e n ta l Prefix: force d irec te d outw ard; p e rta in in g to rock' *harm onv not productive

Note th a t the in stru m e n ta l prefix pertain in g to rock or to force d irec te d o u tw a rd includes an allom orph containing th e high, c en tral /i/. This, according to my corpus, is the m ost common, and perh ap s th e base, allom orph. I include it here as suggestive of a historical process. The

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48 historical process suggested here is one in which a prefix vowel harm onizes to a root vowel, the prefix derives a new lexical item, becom es fully lexicalized, an d th e re s u lt is ste m -in te rn a l vowel harm ony. Stems of th e shape CV1CV1 w here th e vowels a re id en tica l are very n u m ero u s in th e language. Given the sim ple CV syllable shape a n d the m odest segm ental inventory, th is fact alone may not be significant. However, the gaps in th e logically possible CVCV stem form s may prove m ore telling, as in, for example:

2 6 a ) /yaka/

'to cry'

/yoko/

'to copulate'

*/yoka/

(bo th u n a tte s te d )

BUT NOT b)

*/yako/

I p re se n t such evidence here only as a con trib u tio n to avenues of f u rth e r study. My analysis of it rem ain s im p re ssio n istic.20 If indeed stemin te rn a l vowel harm o n y was h isto ric ally pro ductiv e, we w ould expect it to g e n erate the synchronic p a tte rn s seen here.

2°i.e. I haven't made any corpus-wide counts.

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49 2 .1 .4 2 Devoicing W ithin W ords

The occurrence of phonetically devoiced, or "whispered" vowels is a prevalent and very strik ing fea tu re of N o rth ern Paiute phonetics. It is most typically a prosodic process, occurring in th e final syllable of a word, if un stre sse d , and often spreading up to the syllable im m ediately following the one which b e ars p rim a ry stress (see section 2.3.3). As a phonological, as opposed to a prosodic, phenom enon, vowels may be devoiced in u n stre sse d syllables after voiceless fricatives or affricates, specifically /h /, /s /, or /ts/. Under these conditions, voiceless vowels may occur reg ard less of w h ether or not th ere is spreading from a w ord boundary. I analyze voiceless vowels u n d e r these conditions as the result of phonological processes, and those sensitive to spreading from a w ord boun dary as th e resu lt of prosody. The following exam ples d e m o n stra te th e form er process occurring in the first syllable and in a n on-stressed word-m edial syllable following /ts / as well as in b o th the first and th ird syllables following / h / :

27)

[tsih6poro]

/tsihopoto/

'sh in b o n e '

[namatsikwinipunina]

/namatsikwinipunina/

'slanted'

[hutuhy]

/hutuhu/

'm arrow '

The m ore extensive prosodic vowel-devoicing process is described in se ctio n 2.3.3

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50 g g ,4 ,3 Rafsin&

A p hon etically sh o rt [ae] or [e] following the palatal glide /y /, surfaces in one form in my notes. The form is also anom alous in th a t it re p re se n ts a ra re in stan ce of p rim ary stre ss occurring on the first m ora (see also section 2.3.1). It appears to be an allom orph of the dem onstrative /ya?a/ m eaning 'here; a ro u n d here.' It is even found in free v a ria tio n with this n o n -reduced form :21

28 )

[yaetu] ~ [yetu] ~ [ya?ato] /ya?atu/

'this w a y /d ire c tio n '

O thers have re p o rte d m ore w idesp read allophony of [a] and [e] in th e neighborhood of th e alveopalatal glide, as, for example, in the ubiquitous discourse particle /yaisi/ 'and so; then', surfacing in some dialects eith er as [yeigi] or [y£i§i]. The process is a subtle one, and I may sim ply have m issed m ore in stan ces of it in my tra n s c rip tio n s.

21Note, too, the height-harmonization of the suffix vowel here.

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51 2 . 1 . 4 .6 Rhoticizing

The high, c en tral vowel [i] takes on "r-coloring" in the environm ent following [r], th e alveolar tap (phonem ically, /t/ ) . Examples of rhoticization include:

29 )

[huuri]

/huuti/

'river'

[kii£]

/kiti/

'groundhog'22

/ititi/

'hot; be hot'

2.2 Syllables

This section's focus is on the stru ctu re and processes at the level of th e syllable. Syllable s tru c tu r e is fairly sim ple in N o rth e rn Paiute, consisting m ostly of open, CV(V) syllables. Morae, or tim ing un its, are lim ited to one or two per syllable for the purposes of stress placem ent. A de scriptio n of syllable stru c tu re is an im p o rtan t p rere q u isite to u n d e rstan d in g stre ss placem ent in N o rth ern Paiute, a topic covered in se ctio n 2.3.1. Other processes th a t relate to the syllable include glide-form ation, glottal insertion, and elision. Limited evidence exists for m etath esis as

^It should be noted that in colloquial pronunciation, some non-native speakers add an [r] to the Anglicized version of the word: [ki dor]

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52 well, although th is is p e rhaps m ore of a rem n a n t, historical process th a n an active phonological one. These processes affect syllable stru c tu re by a lterin g th e shape of syllables, m ain tain in g th e i r in te g rity by effectively blocking vowel hiatu s, o r reducing th e n u m b er of syllables in a word. Reduplication is also a productive process in N o rthern Paiute. Stem- or w ord-initial CV syllables are dup licated in a process th a t cuts across nearly all th e m ajor w ord classes and w ith functions p a rtic u la r to each w ord class.

2.2.1 Syllable S tru c tu re an d C o n stra in ts

Far and away th e m ost com m on syllable type in N o rth e rn P aiu te is CV(V), th a t is, a sim ple consonant followed by a vowel, e ith e r long or sh o rt, or a diphthong. C onsonant c lu sters are practically non -ex isten t in N o rth ern Paiute. The affricate /ts /, for exam ple, is really a u n ita ry phoneme, as is the labio-velar / k w/ . Geminate, or fortis, consonants appear to behave as u n ita ry in m ost resp ects, a lthou gh they a re p e rh a p s e asier to tre a t as sequences of identical consonants, since th e ir occurrence may also be the result of processes th a t occur across m orphem e boundaries. These processes—the so-called "final feature" phenom ena—are discussed in section 2.4.1. The only sequence of n on-identical consonants involves th e glottals, which may p recede s o n o ra n ts —m ost com m only / n / and /y /. Glottal plus so n o ra n t sequences, if analyzed as resulting in a closed syllable, never resu lt in heavy syllables for the p u rpo se o f a ttrac tin g stress. Examples in

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53 my corpus of /h C / sequences are those p resented in the discussion of consonant devoicing in section 2.1.3.4. Phonem ic /?C / sequences are m uch m ore com m on a n d may occur in b o th stem s and affixes. Some examples of /?C / sequences in different positions relative to both stressed and u n stre sse d syllables are included in 30).

[kwi?naa]

'golden eagle'

[witd?ni]

'to g a th e r plant food by knocking onto a m at'

[ma?yaga]

'pinky'

[tsoni?ya]

'to bum p the head'

[si?mi]

'only'

[sisi?mi]

'from tim e to tim e'

[wi?waga]

'to fan (e.g. a flame)'

[mi?na?wigu]

'some tim e ago'

[ha?qi§a]

'beaver'

Glottal stops are also inserted betw een would-be vowel sequences in cases where a prefix or proclitic is added to a vowel-initial stem, effectively blocking coalescence or dipthongization as well as supplying an onset for an otherw ise vow el-initial syllable. Phonetically, glottal stops are often h e a rd starting vow el-initial and some so n o ra n t-in itia l w ords in isolation. See section 2.2.2.1 for fu rth e r discussion an d examples of epenthetic glottal stops.

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54 2.2.2 Processes Affecting Syllables

In this section, I address those phonological processes th at specifically affect th e stru c tu re of syllables in N o rth ern Paiute. These processes include epenthesis, glide form ation, elision, and m etathesis. E penthesis involves th e in se rtio n of a glottal stop inter-vocalically u n d e r c ertain conditions. Although essentially a m orphophonem ic process, I include a discussion here with o th er processes th a t affect syllable stru c tu re . Glide fo rm atio n resu lts in certain n on-identical vowel sequences in contrast to the "true" diphthongs discussed in section 2.1.2.2. The p h on etic re s u lt is typically a tra n s itio n a l elem ent betw een th e vowels, or a complex onset. Elision and m etathesis are perhaps related processes, at lea st historically, involving the glottal glide / h / , and so are described in th e same section.

2.2.2.1 E penthesis

Between a vow el-initial stem and e ith e r a prefix or proclitic, an epenthetic glottal stop is inserted, effectively creating a CV syllable stem initially and blocking h iatu s of a m orphophonem ic VV sequence. N ote the following examples with both prefixes and proclitics:

31a)

[nimmo na?akwi] nim i -no na -akwi person-COM MM-shoot 's /h e fought to g eth er with the people’

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55 b)

[aha u?igwi] if = ha u= igwi you = Q 3= smell 'Do you smell that?'

Many nom inal form s, p a rticu la rly w hen spoken in iso latio n , end in a glottal stop plus an "echo vowel" of the sam e quality as the vowel of the final syllable. This vowel typically surfaces as voiceless. Nichols (1974) identifies th e function of glottal stop plus echo vowel "to m ark a noun as a term of a d d ress (e ith e r a kin term or a p ro p e r name), o r to convert a com m on anim al n am e in to th e nam e of a m ythological c h a r a c te r (52)." These p a rtic u la r fu nctions ap p ea r to have b een lost am ong p re s e n t day speakers at Burns, although the sequence is frequ ently h e a rd in citation form s. Phonetically, /V?V/ may be h e a rd as a slightly lo n g e r vowel with creak y voice.

2.2.2.2 Glide F o rm atio n

Glide form ation occurs in certain sequences of non-identical simple vowels. Glide form ation arises in all a tte s te d high—non-high vowel sequences, namely /ia /, /ia/, and /ua / , 23 as well as in th e h i g h - h i g h vowel sequence /ui/. The glide surfaces as hom organic to the initial vowel of the

Phonetically, /u/lowers to [o] adjacent to /a/.

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56 sequence, either as a tra n s itio n betw een th e two vowels or as a phonetic replacem ent of th e first vowel. As a concom m itant to glide form ation, th e prosodic high pitch asso ciated w ith prim a ry stre ss occurs on th e second vowel in underlyingly simple VV sequences. Glide form ation effects not only the phonetic s tru c tu re of th e syllable, b u t also th e m oraic s tru c tu re and th e re b y th e stress placem ent. Note:

3 2 a ) /ia /—>[iya] ~ [Ya] in the first or second syllable:2^

b)

c)

[miya] ~ [mYa]

/mia/

'go (SG)'

[mimiya] ~ [mimya]

/mimia/

'go (DL)'

[piya] ~ [pya]

/pia/

'm other'

/ia /—>[iJa] ~ [Jd] in the first or second syllable25: [piid] ~ [pia]

/pia/

'friend'

[pibiJa] ~ [pibJa]

/pipia/

'friends'

[nowiJa] ~ [nowJa]

/nowia/

'to move (i.e. one's household)'

/u a /—>[owa] ~ [wa] [towdki] ~ [twaki]

/tuaki/'children'

[yadowa] ~ [yadwa] /yadua/

'to speak (SG.)'

^Although some of the examples are in clearly reduplicated pairs, the phenomenon is not limited to such conditions. ^[j] represents a palatal glide homorganic to the high, central vowel [i] and in contrast to the alveo-palatal glide [y] homorganic to the high, front vowel [i].

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57 d)

/ui/~>[uwi] ~ [wl] [puwi] - [pwi]

/pui/

'eye'

[yaduwl] ~ [yadwi]

/yadui/

'to talk to s.o.'

It is im p o rta n t to note th a t glide form ation in th e first exam ple in each p a ir of surface form s ap p ea rs to create a syllable, and th a t p rim ary stre ss occurs on th e th ir d m ora, ra th e r th a n on th e second. For analytical purposes, one could p erhaps propose th a t the glide-forming initial vowel of the sequence does not carry a m ora, and th erefo re these are simply app arent exceptions to the reg u la r stre ss p a tte rn (see section 2.3.1 for a discussion of word-level stress in N o rth ern Paiute).

2,2,2.3 Elision and M etathesis

Inter-vocalic glottal consonants / h / and / ? / are may be freely elided in rap id speech, p a rtic u la rly w hen th e vowels a re identical. To w hat extent such elision could be responsible for the development of contrastive vowel length is the topic of a n o th e r study. Examples like th e following are of interest:

3 3 a ) [na?d] na?a grow 'grow'

[naana] na?a-na grow-PTCP 'growing; grow th'

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58 b)

[yu?uni?yu] ~ [yuuni?yu] yu?uni?yu 'this kind; of this type'

c)

[tinikwihi] ~ [timkwii] tinikwihi 'to sing'

There also a p p ea r to be in te rg en e ratio n al differences involving glottal elision like the following:

3 5)

[mo?asu] (older speaker) [maasu] (younger speaker) mu?asu 'already; be ready.'

Here elision correspon ds with vowel h iatu s, resulting in a long vowel. This example could reflect a com bination of possible historical processes th a t could have re s u lte d in phonem ic vowel length. Although th e re is no evidence for m etath esis as a productive phonological process in N o rth ern Paiute, examples like the following suggest it historically.

34)

[pihi) pihi

[puhwana] piihwana

[wanapi] wana-pi

'fur'

'to defur/scrape a h id e’

'cloth (plus ABS)'

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59 The example is of poten tial in te rest in th a t it exhibits a p p aren t historical m etath esis of a glottal consonant and vowel, resu ltin g in both a long vowel and a phonetically voiceless so noran t.

2.2.3 R edu plicatio n

The w id espread process in language whereby a root, stem , word, or some well-defined portion of it is repeated is called reduplication. R eduplication is an im p o rta n t gram m atical p rocess in N o rth e rn Paiute. The gram m atical functions of red u p licatio n a re discussed in sections 3.1.2, as it relates to plural noun form ation, and 8.3.8, as it rela te s to red uplication as it relates to verbal aspect. This section will provide a brief overview of red u p lica tio n types, b o th productive, w ord-initial reduplication, and other, less productive reduplicative form s associated m ost often w ith im itative sound-sym bolism .

2.2.3.1 Initial R edup lication

The m ost productive type of redu plicatio n is of th e initial CV’ syllable of a word or stem, in nearly all a tte s te d cases carrying a fortisinducing (or gem inating) final featu re (see section 2.4.1). R eduplication is of the first consonant-vowel (CV) sequence of the word and involves th e fortis co u n te rp art of the stem -initial consonant. Reduplicative processes occur with different word classes in N o rth e rn Paiute, m ost productively w ith verbs and som ew hat less so with

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6o nouns, adjectives, and adverbs. The following exam ples illu stra te CV' red u p lica tio n in noun forms:

[moqo?ni] moko?ni

[mommoqo?ni] mo' - moko?ni RE-woman

'woman'

'women'

[wa?itsi] wa?itsi

[wakwa?itsi] wa’ - wa?itsi RE-man

'old man'

'old men'

In verbs, stem -in itial redu plication is also of th e initial CV syllable. The following exam ples illu stra te red u p licatio n of verbs in context:

3 7 a ) awamoa = sakwa ni mia-kwi morning = MOD I go-FUT 'I will have to go in the m orning' b)

awamoa = sakwa ta m i’-mia-kwi morning = MOD we.DL RE-go-FUT 'We (two) will have to go in the m orning'

That red u p licatio n is a fairly productive process on verbs is evidenced by the fact th a t it is n ot lim ite d to th e stem , b u t may include verbal prefixes. It does, however, exclude pronom inal proclitics. Note the following, w hereby th e proclitic in 38b) is followed by a lenis-initial consonant, b u t th e red u p lica ted syllable induced fortition.

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6i 3 8 a ) su= mogo?ni NOM=woman

ka= nana OBL=man

madatsi?i strik e(w ith the h a n d )

'the w om an slap p ed th a t m an' b)

su= nana u= bi’- pi- madatsi NOM=man 3=RE-IP/butt- strike 'the m an is spanking h im /h e r'

Productive redup lication can also be useful, therefore, in determ ining initial w ord b o u n d a rie s exclusive of proclitics.

2.2.3.2 N on-p ro ductive. In te rn a l and Final R eduplication

N um erous exam ples of ste m -in te rn a l red u p lica tio n o ccur in my corpus. These instances of reduplication differ from the productive type described in the previous section in key ways. First of all, red u p lica tio n is of a fixed po rtion of th e form in question, most typically the first syllable of a historically analyzable root, although root-final redup lication is also occasionally a tte s te d . Often, an in stru m e n tal prefix p recedes the reduplicated ro o t—a key diagnostic for the fact th a t reduplication is root-, and not stem -, initial. Second, redu plicatio n of this type is relatively n o n ­ productive by com parison to the w ord- or stem -initial red u p licatio n already described. T hat is, it is not a derivational or inflectional process with a clear functional purpose beyond a possible historically soundsymbolic one. T hird, it ap p ears m ost comm only w ith verbs th a t in h ere n tly involve re p e a te d action, as well as onom atopoeic form s and b ird nam es, suggesting an ideophonic basis for th e type.

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62

The following exam ples are rep re se n ta tiv e . The form s in 39) illu stra te ro o t-initial, root-final, and ro o t-in te rn a l reduplication . 39a) and b) are verb form s. 39b) and c) are clear exam ples of im itative soundsym bolism which is q u ite com m on in th e language.

3 9 a ) u=tsatu- tubi -na 3=IP/grasp-RE-?stretch?-PTCP 'pull it (as in stretching a d eer hide during tan n in g )'

V erb -tr.

b)

sugigi -nimi IMITATIVE- RNDM. SG 'the bubbling sound of b rain s th rou gh a deer hide when squeezed, in dicating th a t it is read y for ta n n in g ' (im itativ e) V e rb -in tr.

e)

kaw 6 wo?i 'a hand-held bell (esp. of the kind used in the Shaker religion)'

In examples 39b) and c), the initial syllables of th e im itative ro o t do not re p re se n t an iden tifiab le form ative, w hereas analysis of an in stru m e n ta l prefix in 39a) is clear. F u rth e r exp loration of ideophonic p a tte rn s and o th er types of sound symbolism in N o rth ern Paiute is needed.

2.3 Prosodic Inventory and Processes

N o rth ern Paiute has acoustic fea tu res th a t resem ble p itch-accen t. In d ee d , L iljeblad (1950) even analyzed th e langu ag e as having pho nem ic to n e. Stress, p a rtic u la rly p rim a ry stre ss, is accom panied by p ro m in e n t, high pitch and a c e rta in am o u n t of vowel le n g th en in g . The len g th en in g th a t occurs as the resu lt of stre ss on an organically sh o rt vowel, however,

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63

is not equal to th a t of an organically long vowel. Im pressionistically, an organically long vowel is longer in d u ra tio n t h a n a stre sse d sh o rt vowel, although the a p p ro p ria te acoustic m easures have not been done. Prim ary stre ss very regu larly falls on the second m ora of a word, followed by a dow nstepping of altern a tin g secondary stre sse s over every o th e r mora. This "law of a ltern a tin g stresses" (Sapir, 1930:39) may be u n d e rm in ed in N o rth e rn Paiute by prosodic, regressive vowel-devoicing. Only vowels receiving p rim a ry stre s s a re im m une from e ith e r phonologically (section 2.1.4.4) or prosodically (section 2.3.3) conditioned devoicing. A p relim in a ry overview of in to n a tio n p a tte r n s is u n d e rta k e n in section 2.3.4. C ertain in to n a tio n p a tte rn s are c o rre lated to clause type and to c o n stitu en t d islocation in narrative.

2.3.1 W ord Stress

W ord-level p rim a ry stre ss very regularly falls on the seco nd m ora in N o rth e rn P a iu te .26 By counting long vowels an d dipthongs as having two m orae, this g e n eraliza tio n yields a rule w hereby a long vowel or dipthong in th e first syllable receives the prim ary stress. W here th e re is

26 A pattern reconstructed for proto-Uto-Aztecan in Munro (1977).

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64 no organic (i.e. underlying) long vowel or diphthong in th e first syllable of a word, p rim ary stress falls on the second syllable.

4 0 a ) w ith long vowels and dipthongs:

b)

[huuri]

/huuti/

'river'

[qaiba]

/kaipa/

'm ou ntain'

[yapd]

/ya’pa/

'ipos (wild carrot)'

[kill]

/kiti/

'groundhog'

with sh o rt vowels:

Stress an d accom panying high pitch is evenly d is trib u te d over a long vowel. I have found some cases where apparent elision of a glottal stop, although resu ltin g p h o netically in a long vowel, re ta in s a slightly rising pitch p a tte rn . The re s u lt can be a pair like the following:

41)

[naana] naana 'men'

[naana] na?a-na grow-PTCP 'growing; grow th'

Secondary stress typically follows Sapir's "law of alternating stresses" (1930:39), t h a t is, every o th e r m ora following th e p rim a ry s tre s s e d m o ra receives secondary stress. The significant exception to this general ru le is w hen the sh o rt vowels th a t w ould carry such secondary stre ss are devoiced, typically as the result of the prosodic process described in section 2 . 3 -3 .

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65 There are cases w here prim ary stre ss occurs on th e first m ora, bu t th ese are the ra re exception. Of in te rest here, however, is th e fact o f at le a st one m inim al p a ir th a t can be a ttrib u te d to stre ss placem ent.

42a)

[mo?a]

'tomorrow'

b)

[mo?&]

'm a te rn a l g r a n d m o th e r 2?'

Other exceptions to the stress rule include the following:

43a)

[uni-]

'of th a t type; like th at'

b)

[mo?asu]

'already; be re a d y / p repared'

It is im p o rtan t to note th a t these exceptions are lim ited to initial syllables w ith a sh o rt [u] or [o] (actually an allophone of / u / in these exam ples), and are not of a m ajor w ord class like noun or verb, b u t are, r a th e r , a d v e r b ia ls .28 The lim ited functional load c arried by th ese exceptions leads me to analyze stress as not contrastive to th e sam e degree as o th er phonem es in th e language. In the case of 43a), the form is also a tte s te d w ith a long initial vowel [uuni-] and, in some dialects (see Snapp a n d A nderson 1982 for d a ta from Ft. M cD erm itt), w ith an in te rv en in g [h],

2?Also, 'daughter's child (female speaking).' Reciprocal kinship terms are an interesting feature of Northern Paiute. 2842a) and 43b) may well be related historically, the latter being a derived adverbial as the /-su/ suffix would suggest. 43a) may likewise be a recent lexicalization of a demonstrative base /u -/ plus a similative enclitic /-ni/ meaning 'as; like'.

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66 [uhtini-]. Loss of intervocalic glottal consonants an d glides is attested elsewhere in the language, and so could explain these sporadic exceptions to a very re g u la r ru le of p rim a ry stre ss.

2.3.2 Stress Shift

T hat prim ary stre ss is prosodically and not lexically assigned is even c le a re r u n d e r w hat I will call stress shift. Under w ord-form ation processes such as prefixation (e ith e r derivational or detransitivizing, in th e case of verbs), red uplication, or com pounding, stress is always realig ned to the second m ora of the phonological word. The following examples are illu stra tiv e :

4 4 a ) w ith red u p lica tio n :

b)

c)

[moq6?ni] moko?ni

[momm6qo?ni] momoko?ni

'w oman'

women

w ith in s tru m e n ta l prefixes: [pinuyui] pinuyui

[mabmuyui] mapinuyui

'spin (intr.); be spinning'

'spin (tr.); cause to spin'

w ith de-transitivizing prefixes: [kuhani] kuhani

[tiguhani] tikuhani

[natiguhaniki] natikuhaniki

'cook (tr.)'

'cook (intr.)'

'cook for oneself

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67

d)

w ith co m pounding: [wMpj] waapi

[titega] tihaga

[waatihaga] waa-tihaga

'juniper

'a gulley; draw ’

'ju n ip er-d raw (place nam e)'

I refer the read er to section 2.5.1 for a discussion of stress shift as a p a rt of the definition of th e phonological w ord in N orthern Paiute.

2.3.3 Vowel Reduction, Devoicing, and Apocope

At the ends of words, as well as phrases, and in u n stre sse d syllables, a num ber of prosodic processes of reduction affect phonetic vowel quality. These processes can range from a phonetic neutralization of co ntrasts--fo r exam ple, [u] and [o] as describ ed in section 2.1.4.1 on vowel harm ony--loss of vocalization of vowels—the striking, pan-N um ic feature of voiceless vowels—and, related to vowel-devoicing, the full apocope of vowels in wordfinal syllables. I prefer to analyze voiceless vowels in N o rth ern Paiute as p a rt of a num ber of prosodic processes involving vowel red u ctio n and apocope. Voiceless vowels occur m ost commonly in w ord-final syllables, and vowel devoicing may be regressive to adjacent syllables, as long as th e onset of such syllables consist only of ob stru ents. Syllables with so noran ts as onsets do not undergo prosodic vowel devoicing. A vowel carrying p rim a ry stre ss, however, is never devoiced. These facts lead to the conclusion th a t vowel-devoicing is a prosodic

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phenom enon. The following exam ples illu stra te vowel-devoicing in p o s t­ stressed, word-final syllables:

4 5 a ) 3-syllable w ords, 1st 2 syllables m ono-moraic:

b)

[tso?apa]

/tso?apa/

'ghost; spirit*

[mayopa]

/makopa/

'to break one's word'

2 and 3-syllable w ords, 1st syllable bi-moraic: [tupiJ

/tiipi/

'earth ; ground'

[tiasipi]

/tiasipi/

'frozen; ice'

The extent to which devoicing may regress can be seen in th e following examples:

4 6 a ) [supltakwatu] supitakwatu 'know; u n d e rs ta n d ' c)

b)

[yoqotikacakwi] yogotika ’yakwi 'used to have supper'

[sakwapokwokwacakwj] sakwapokwokwa ’yakwi 'would lie a ro u n d in a m uddy place'

Vowel-devoicing does not proceed past sonorants, however, a n d the vowels of sonorant-vow el syllables are not devoiced, even at the end of words:

47)

[apica]

/apika/

'to speak (PL); to discuss'

[apijana]

/apikana/

'when speaking / discussing'

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69 The only possible exception to this rule is where the so no rant itself may be devoiced in a c lu ste r w ith / h / , as d escribed in 2.1.3.4. I have not found any exam ples, however, where the conditions for b o th vowel and s o n o ra n t devoicing in tersect. N on-identical vowel sequences and long vowels are also resistan t to devoicing.

48)

[tsatabirikakjti] tsa-tabi-tika-ki-ti IP/-noon-eat-APL-TNS

[tsatikakiu] tsa-tika-ki-u IP/-eat-APL-PNC

'allow to eat lunch'

'allowed to eat'

As 48) shows, the vowel of th e applicative suffix is fully voiced when im m ediately followed by th e pu nctu al suffix, whose occurrence p rod uces a non-identical vowel sequence, even im m ediately following a voiceless vowel. Certain w ords and suffixes ten d m ost often to be p ron oun ced with voiceless vowels. This fact may be at least p a rtially respon sible for some analyses th a t describe voiceless vowels as contrastive in som e Numic languages. One f u rth e r featu re of analyses th a t describe voiceless vowels as phonem ic has been an a ttem p t to link voiceless vowels to consonant gradatio n and final features. I discuss the link as the resu lt of diachronic processes briefly in section 2.4.3. Detailed historical analysis of th e connection is well beyond the scope of th is study, however. Acoustically speaking, one usually has no tro u b le identifying th e quality of voiceless vowels in question. Occasionally, too, the voiceless

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70 allophone is in free v ariatio n w ith its voiced co u n te rp art. Also, on occasion, when speakers are asked to repeat a word slowly, some voicing of th e vowel occurs, enabling the analy st to id entify th e vowel quality. Finally, in some cases w here the identification of the vowel in q uestion is p a rtic u la rly difficult, the w ord form may be e x tend ed by th e a d d itio n of c ertain derivational or inflectional affixes. These affixes som etim es trigger th e voiced allophone of the vowel in question. T here rem a in c e rta in am biguities, how ever. The c e n tra l vowels [i] an d [a], for example, ten d to becom e quite in d istin guish able when voiceless. Also, as previously noted, th e vowels in certain w ords and affixes ten d always to be pron oun ced voiceless, even w hen a speaker is asked to rep eat a w ord carefully. F urth erm ore, it is not always possible to bu ild on a w ord form with additional suffixes, and, even in cases w here this is possible, the vowels in these suffixes may be pronounced voiceless as well. As illu stra te d , regressive voicelessness can occur over several syllables.

2.3.4 Phrasal Stress an d In to n a tio n

Stress at a level hig h er th a n th e w ord in N o rth e rn Paiute is described briefly in Snapp and A nderson (1982). T heir d e scrip tio n im plies th a t N o rth ern Paiute is a stre ss-tim e d language in th e sense th a t stre sse s occur at fairly equal tim ing intervals, reg a rd less of the n u m b e r of in tervenin g syllables betw een p rim a ry stre sse s in a p h ra se o r sentence. The necessary acoustic studies have not, to my knowledge, been

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71 conducted, and so th e ir ju d g em en ts, as well as my own, a re n ecessarily im pressionistic. Into n atio n al p a tte rn s can serve as a useful tool in u n d e rstan d in g p h rasal s tru c tu re an d w ord o rd e r v a ria tio n in N o rth e rn Paiute, as in many languages. Again, th e necessary acou stic stu d ie s have yet to be c arried out th a t w ould help us to b e tte r u n d e rs ta n d th e relationship betw een in to n a tio n and syntactic n otions like constituency and clause integration, as well as its relationship to pragm atic notions like topic and focus. Thus far, I have only a tte m p te d to pay close a tte n tio n to pauses, m arking them w ith com m as in th e te x ts in c h a p te r 9, a n d have o therw ise u se d in to n a tio n im p ressionistically to note clause an d p a ra g rap h b o u n d aries. In section 6.1.1.1 on w ord o rd e r variation, I have n oted th a t slight pause occurs betw een clauses and right dislocations. In section 9.3.2 on non-em bedded complements, I note the correlation of pause and less syntactic in te g ra tio n b etw een m ain a n d su b o rd in a te clauses. Studies th a t c o rre late in to n a tio n with th e syntactic b e h av io r of clitics and discourse particles, such as U n d errin er (2002), would no doubt yield in te restin g re s u lts for N o rth e rn Paiute, given th e prevalence of form s th a t, based upon phonological and m o rpho -syn tactic behavior, fall somewhere on a cline betw een word- and affixhood. The m ajor prosodic distinctions th a t distinguish clitics and particles from w ords and affixes are discussed in section 2.5.

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72 2.4 M orphophonem ic A lternations

The Numic languages p re s e n t an often bew ildering a rra y of allom orphy, m aking th e concept of th e u n ita ry , u nderlyin g p h o n e m e difficult to su pp ort, if not practically irrelevant. This section a ttem p ts to make a d etailed d escrip tio n of such allom orphy in N o rth ern Paiute. I try to avoid taking any p a rtic u la r th eo re tic al stance. The details of the system a re complex enough to make a pu rely synchronic d e sc rip tio n difficult. The idea of und erlying c o n so n an ts th a t surface only u n d e r c e rta in conditions is not unusual. French liason presents one such example:

49)

[vutRavaye]

/vu tRavaye/

[vuzale]

/vuz ale/

vous travaillez vous allez

'you work' 'you go'

The allom orphy of th e singular indefinite article in English ('a' versus 'an') also represen ts an example. In both cases, it is p erhap s m ost efficacious to make th e claim th a t th e form w ith th e c o n so n an t is th e underlying form of th e m orphem e (French /vuz/ 'you (form al)' and English /aen/ 'SG.INDEF'), and th a t this consonant is lost before a stem with an initial consonant. One problem of N o rth e rn Paiute m orphophonology is th a t th e analyst is c o n fro nted with the difficulty of describing th e n a tu re of the u nderlying c o n son ant o r c o nson antal featu re. The featu re we are concerned with here is one th a t results in the gemination of the following

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73 consonant. T here is no clear d istrib u tio n al p a tte rn as with F rench liaso n or the English indefinite article, however. Also, the affect of th is featu re on the following con son an t varies depending on th e n a tu re of t h a t consonant. Most previous analytical m odels of Numic fin a l fea tu res29 cover th e d a ta reliably and "predict" the surface pho netics--at least, in w hatever sense the m an ip u latio n of th e inp u t to a rule can be said to predict anything. I w ould argue th a t such analyses do not, pro perly speaking, explain th e d a ta . I begin by describing th e issue of final features in N o rth ern Paiute as well as the distrib u tio n al facts of the consonant phones. From this description, the problem s th a t arise for synchronic analysis sh o uld be app arent. In section 2.4.2, I discuss briefly w hat I believe to be the m echanism s of histo rical developm ent as th e only exp lanation for the

^Although Nichols (1974) clearly defines the term final feature for the non-Numicist and Miller (1972) uses the term in his grammatical sketch of Gosiute Shoshoni, the term apparently arose informally and gained currency among Numicists and general UtoAztecanists sometime in the early 1970s (Michael Nichols, in personal communication).

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74 complexity of the facts we see in the language. The m ore m inor m orp hop ho nem ic processes are sum m arized in section 2.4.3.

2.4.1 Final F e a tu re P hen om en a

This section owes much to the discussion of final features in Nichols (1974), as well as to the work of n u m erous o th ers who have s tu d ie d the various system s of o th e r Numic languages in de ta il (Sapir 1930, M iller 1980 , M cL au g h lin 1987, 1992, I a n n u c c i 1973) The te r m fin a l feature was adopted (see especially Nichols (I9 7 4 :i2 ff)) to d escrib e a m o rp h o p h o n em ic p h e n o m e n o n w hereby th e m an ner of articu la tio n of certain stem - or suffix-initial consonants alters depending upon the stem or affix preceding it. Such final fea tu res in the vario u s Numic languages include p ren a sa liz atio n , p re a sp ira tio n , fo rtitio n /g e m in a tio n , and lenition. Only the l a tte r two occur in N o rth e rn Paiute, although th ere are historical rem n an ts of the effects of o th er final f e a tu re s in th e la n g u a g e ^ 0 A discussion of these effects on the synchronic inventory of consonants would take us too far afield, and so I will leave a discussion of them for com parative studies. Again, Nichols (1974) is still the m ost c u rre n t discussion of N o rth ern Paiute historical phonology.

3°See

Miller (1980) for a concise description of the historical effects of preaspiration on the consonantal inventory in Central Numic.

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75 The a lte rn a tio n is not p red ictable by phonological rule and th erefo re m ust be a p a rt of the lexical en try of the initiating stem or affix--a final feature. The following examples illu stra te this process:

5 0 a ) ni ka =sakki-wai tu?i mi?a I OBL=raft -LOC try go.SG 'I tried to go by (on a) raft.' b)

paba-o nohi-kwai ni-nkni-ja big-OBJ house-LOC RE-walk/travel-TRNSL 'Go over to th a t big house!' These exam ples illu stra te a lte rn a tio n of the initial consonant of the

postposition -k/wai betw een the labio-velar glide / w / and its fortis c o u n te rp a rt /k w /. T here exists nothing in the phonological environm ent to predict th e a lte rn a tio n --b o th of the noun stem s to which the suffix a ttac h es end in a high, fro n t vowel an d b o th have th e sam e CVCV shape. One has a m edial fortis consonant and the o th er has a m edial lenis consonant, b ut in the suffix the fortis-lenis opposition is ju s t the reverse. I refer the re a d e r again to Table 4 in section 2.1.3.1 which specifies the distribu tion of lenis and fortis consonants. Lenis an d fortis contrast m edially and are n e u tra liz e d w o rd-initially. Stem- or m o rphem einitially, co n tra sts occur only as th e resu lt of th e final featu re specification of a preceding stem or affix. Clearly, some lexical specification is necessary to account for the allom orphy. Sapir (1930) re fe rre d to th ese a lte rn a tio n s in S ou th ern Paiute as the result of the "inner form" of the stem in question. That is, for the examples in 49), th e "inner form" of th e N orthern Paiute w ords for 'raft'

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76 a n d /o r 'house' a re d istinct, an d m ust carry som ething m ore th a n th e basic segm ental in form atio n one records upon hearing the w ords in isolation. I follow the analysis p resen te d in Nichols (1974) and assum e fortition to be the m arked featu re and lenition to be unm arked. T herefore, I will refer to lenition as a phonological process, quite common crosslinguistically, th a t p h onetically "softens" co nsonantal a rticu la tio n betw een vowels. F o rtitio n (or gem ination), on th e o th er hand, is the active feature, induced by a preceding stem, affix or proclitic. I will refer to such stem s, affixes and proclitics th a t carry th is feature as fortisinducing. Table 2.6 is a sam ple of fortis-inducing stems, affixes, and proclitics in N o rth ern Paiute. Note th a t the active featu re is not re s tric te d to any p a rticu la r w ord or affix class. N eith er is it th e case th at all m em bers of a p articu lar class, with the possible exception of the num bers, exhibit fortisinducing properties. For the purpose of this discussion, fortis-inducing elem ents are re p re se n te d with a form -final apostrophe ('), following the convention a d o p te d in Nichols (1974). A llom orphs may be p re d ic te d from the lenis c o u n te rp arts of the initial consonants of the affected elem ents appearing u n d e rlin e d in the chart. Occasionally, m ore th a n one fortisinducing elem ent occurs in th e sam e w ord form (note th e context accom panying th e verb /mi?a/ 'go.PL'), yielding sequences of fortis-initial allom orphs.

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77 Table 2.6 Some F ortis-inducing Stems and Affixes STEM

CLASS

GLOSS

CONTEXT

tipi'

NOUN

'rock'

tini-kwai-tu rock-AREA-ALL

tuha’

POSTP

'under'

'in the rocks' a=Do?a tuha-kwai-tu 4= b ark under-AREA-ALL

-naga'

POSTP

'th ro u g h ;

'b eneath the bark' sawa-naea-kwai sagebrush-VIA-AREA

am ong’ mi?a'

VERB

'go.PL'

'in among the sagebrush' mi?a-kwovoa-ka?a-vakwi go.PL-in.a.row-TRNSL-ASP

taya'

VERB

'send'

'would go in single file' u=tava-kwinai-u 3=send-throw.aside-PNC

-di'

NMR

'ag en tive

'sen d h e r/h im away' na-mia-tabidua-di-kwai MM-moon-shine-NMR-LOC

nom inalizer' ni'-

INSTRP

IP/speech

tsi'-

INSTRP

IP /sh arp

i'=

PRO

'2.SG'

mau'

DEM

'there-DEF'

pisa’

ADJ

'good'

watsi’-

NUM

'four'

'in th e m oonlight' (SL:57.4) ni-cadua IP-talk.SG 'to speak' tsi-kwidu?i IP-stir 'stir fwith, e.g., a spoon)' i=kwoo 2 = h ead 'vour head' mau ciewi-u DEM sit.DL-ASP 'sit down there fvou two)' nisa-kwai-tu good-LOC-ALL 'to a good place’ watsi-kwai-tu four-LOC-ALL 'four o'clock (past)'

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78 Any e x te n d e d lexical d a ta b a se m ust inclu de in fo rm a tio n reg a rd in g th e m orphophonem ic direction of a p a rticu la r stem or affix. As the effects of th is p a rtic u la r final featu re in N o rth e rn Paiute are m ost d ra m a tic w ith the glides / y / and /w /, it is often easier to identify in these contexts. One cautionary note is in o rd er here. Both the fortis c o u n te rp art of the palatal glide / y / and the palatalized allophone of the velar stop / k / surface as [c] ([ky], in the Yahooskin dialect) phonetically. Since fo rtition is one diagnostic for identifying a fortis-inducing stem, care m ust be tak en w here p a la ta liz atio n may also be at work. The following exam ples p air m orphem es of the sam e class which do and do not carry a fortis-indu cing final fea tu re an d t h e ir sh a re d context.

51)

noun stems:

a)

sakki-wai raft-LOC 'in a raft'

52 )

pronom inal proclitics:

a)

i=bia ~ i=fiia i = m o th e r

b)

b)

'my m o th e r'

nobi-kwai house-LOC 'to the house'

i=pia 2 = m o th e r 'your m o th er'

53)

i n s t r u m e n t a l prefixes:

a)

wi-tatsigi-gono IP/long-tap-CONT.PL ’tapping with a stick (e.g. as a team in a stick gam e)’

b)

to-datsigi-wini IP/fist-tap-CONT.SG 'tapping with the fist or knuckles (e.g. on a door)'

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79 Stems, clitics, and most affixes identified as fortis-inducing, exhibit th is pro p erty in all contexts, exhibiting th is sam e effect upon th e initial consonant of different m orphem es following them . The sam e is tru e of those m orphem es th a t do not induce the fortitio n of a following consonant. W ith th ese, any in itial co n so n an t of the d ifferen t m o rphem es t h a t may follow them will surface as lenis. The final feature process is highly p rodu ctiv e. Initial consonants associated consisten tly with c ertain m orphem es are inviolable, however. T hat is, for th ese m orphem es, the initial consonant surfaces always as e ith e r fortis (54a) or lenis (54b):

5 4 a ) /-ki/ 'APPLICATIVE'

b)

/-kwi/ 'FUTURE' (always fortis initial)

tsa-mia-ki by.grasping-go-APL

mia-kwi go-FUT

'drive (a car)'

'will go'

/-bodo/ 'back-and-forth'

(always len is-in itial)

mia-bodo go-back.and.forth 'to go back and forth'

Sapir (1930) n oted th is fact for a handful of noun and verb suffixes in S o utherm P aiu te a n d acc o u n te d for it by giving such in v iolab ility p rio rity over m orphophonem ic a lte rn a tio n . His analysis is sim ila r to w hat m ore recen t th eo ries of phonology w ould handle by sim ply p r e ­ associating a consonantal feature which effectively blocks association of a n o th e r fe a tu re from th e preceding m orphem e.

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8o A nother d istrib u tio n al issue arises due to the fact th a t w ord-m edial fo rtis/len is co n tra sts even exist w here "there may be no evidence to indicate th a t a m orphem e b o u n d a ry is, or ever was, present." (Nichols 1 9 7 4 :1 4 ). W hat th e in v ariab ility exception and th e m edial c o n tra s t illu s tra te is a system th a t carries incipient c o n tra st betw een a fortis and a lenis series of consonants. However, given some of the lim ited distrib u tio n al facts, the ra rity of m inim al p a irs, and th e prod uctive allom orphy, it is clear th a t th e system is syn chron ically at stage midway betw een sim ple allophony and full phonem icization. Two analytical choices are typically m ade as a consequence of the invariability exception an d th e spo rad ic w ord-m edial c o n tra sts. E ith er 1) the final feature is itself tre a te d as a consonant, or 2) one analyzes the language as having two phonem ically d istin c t co nso nantal series. The fo rm er analysis is very likely h isto ric ally tru e . The l a tte r analysis is one w hich may in d ic a te a de v elo p m e n tal d ire c tio n . A synch ronically responsible answ er lies som ew here in between. One m ore possible confounding factor in the analysis of final features a rises in cases w here th e re is in te rse ctio n with ste m -in tern a l consonant g ra d a tio n rela tin g to aspect (see section 2.3.3.1.2). I have shown th a t some in stru m e n tal prefixes induce fo rtition obligatorily and should th u s be analyzed as carrying th e fortis final fea tu re lexically. I also analyze instru m en tal prefixes as a productive process of stem -form ation (section 2.3.4.1.2). In theory , my analysis leaves open th e possibility th a t a ro o tinitial consonant could surface as either fortis o r lenis following an

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8i in stru m e n tal prefix due to a distinction in aspect. I have found one such c o n tra st w ith two d ifferen t in stru m e n ta l prefixes in my co rp u s th u s far:

5 5 a ) tsawinai IP /grasp-throw .aside 'pitch/pull to one side (fast motion)' b)

tsakwinai IP/grasp-throw .aside 'pitch /p u ll to one side (relatively slower m otion)'

5 6 a ) tawinai IP/foot-throw.aside 'kicking (quickly)’ b)

takwinai -wini IP/foot-throw.aside-CONT.SG 'kicking (s.t.) c o n tin u a lly / repeatedly'

Nichols (1974), has in d ic ate d th a t for some in his in ventory of in stru m e n tal prefixes the m orphophonem ic d irectio n of th e prefix is not entirely fixed. The possible intersection of final features w ith an inflectional process like aspect has yet to be fully explored. Such an exploration is beyond th e scope of th e present study, although I refer th e re a d e r to section 2.3.3.1.2 for a discussion of m edial consonant fo rtitio n as d u rativ e aspect in N o rth e rn Paiute.

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82

2.4.2 Diachronic Processes

M orphophonem ic processes in N orthern Paiute point to a system in flux. W hen one considers how final fea tu res may have developed in the Num ic languages, it is only th ro u g h the red u c tio n and elision of co nso nantal phonem es th a t th e phenom ena be explained. T hat is to say, w hat has b e en previously p re s e n te d as th e underlying phonem ic in p u t to a generative phonological rule, such as th a t p re s e n te d in Chomsky and Halle (1968), is really an a b strac t expression of a historically prior state of affairs in th e Num ic languages. Vowel-devoicing and elision may well be an extant clue as to how red u c tio n of the segm ental in fo rm a tio n may have led to th e stra n d in g of consonantal features word-finally. As the contrastive effects of these fea tu res at th e m orphophonem ic level becom e lexicalized, the developm ent of new phonem ic c o n tra sts may occur. N o rth e rn Paiute, having ju s t one such contrastive feature, rep resen ts the possible collapse of a m ore elabo rate system such as th a t described for Shoshoni (cf. Miller 1972 a n d M cL augh lin 1985). Still, th e sta tu s of fortis vs. lenis as an incipient phonem ic co n trast in N o rth ern Paiute rep re se n ts an interestin g challenge to th e usefulness of im posing stric t c rite ria for establishin g th e segm ental inventory of a language. O th e r com plicating factors a re socio-linguistic, a n d involve a g reat deal of contact-ind uced borrowing. The social situ atio n in the G reat Basin th a t has existed for m illenia is one involving the seasonal in te rac tio n of relatively small bands of people and trib a l groups. Larger group

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83 g atherings occurred usually a ro u n d th e harvesting of a p len tifu l food reso u rce (S tew ard 1933 an d 1938, Fowler an d Liljeblad 1986, Fow ler 19 90, inter alia). Environm ental conditions in th e G reat Basin n e ce ssitated a great deal of m obility and in te ra c tio n w ith neighboring g ro u p s—a situ a tio n th a t inevitably leads to borrow ing, w h e th er betw een dialects of th e sam e language o r betw een r e la te d —or u n r e la te d —languages. The im pact of such bo rro w ing u p o n the phonological system , p a rtic u la rly w hen th e languages are closely related, can be quite profound. As has been noted (Nichols 1974, Miller 1980), it has often m ade rec o n stru ctio n of P roto-N um ic forms problem atic, even though the identification of cognate sets is in m ost cases stra ig h tfo rw a rd .

2.4.3 Glide Elision

Although glide elision has been discussed briefly in section 2.2.2.2 above, its effect upon th e allom orphy of two p a rticu la rly im p o rta n t verb prefixes m erits description here. W hen the m iddle m arker (MM) /n a-/ is followed by th e in stru m e n tal prefix (IP) relating to long objects or natural forces /wi-/, the initial glide of th e in stru m e n tal prefix is deleted and th e vowels harm onize. Note:

5 7 a ) [wita?niwini] wita?ni -wini IP/long-gather-CONT.SG 'gathering buckberry' (or o th er p lan t food by knocking onto m at)'

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84 b)

[riStafriidi] na- wi-

ta?ni -di

MM-IP/long-gather-NMR 'buckberries (M cD erm itt)31' 58 a) [wikwitsi?i] wi-kwitsi?i

IP/long-strike(.DUR?) 'to whip' b)

[nakwitsi] na- wi-

kw itsi

MM-IP/long- strike 'to be beaten/w hipped'

In a rela te d process, th e o th er detransitivizing prefix, th e antipassive (APS) /ti-/, followed by the same IP /wi-/ exhibits glide elision as well. Vowel h a rm o n iza tio n is red u n d a n t, considering th a t the vowels of bo th prefixes are identical.

5 9 a ) [wimatsia] wi-matsia

IP/long-spread 'spread o v er/acro ss (as, e.g., jam on bread, paint on wall, etc.)' b)

[tamatsia] ti-wi-matsia APS-IP/long-spread 'jam (literally, 'spread X')'

^This appears to be an indirect term associated with the activity, literally, something like 'that which is gathered by whacking.' In Burns, the term is wiyipui.

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85 6 o a ) [wikoqi] wi-koqi

IP/long-scrape 'to scrape' b)

[tSkoqi] ti-wi-korji

APS-IP/long-scrape 'scraping sound (literally, 'scrape X)'

The following set of examples illustrates th e process for a single verb stem w ith b o th the m iddle m ark e r and th e antipassive prefixes:

6 la)

[wind] wina

p u t(w .r.t. a c o n ta in e r) 'put (e.g. a cup)' b)

[nSna] na-wina

MM-put 'be in a location (e.g. w ater in a bowl)' c)

[tiina] ti-wina

APS-put 'dish up (food)'

This process as it involves th e m iddle-m arking prefix /n a -/ can also be seen in case of a word-initial / y/ plus /i/ sequence, as d e m o n stra te d by the following example:

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86 6 2 a ) yikwi 'do; act'

b)

niikwi (na-yikwi) 'to be treated'

The above evidence is in co n trast to analyses of o th e r Numic la n g u a g e s (e.g. Crum a n d Dayley 1993 a n d C harney 1993) t h a t p r e s e n t nii- as an allom orph of na- , r a th e r th a n as a co n tra ctio n . W h eth er synchronic evidence for c o n tra ctio n in C entral Numic like th a t ju s t presented for N orthern Paiute exists needs to be more fully addressed. O ther processes affecting the phonetic shapes of m orphem es (e.g. p a la ta liz atio n and vowel harm ony) have been a d d re sse d in sections 2.1.3.2 and 2.1.4.1. I now tu r n to a discussion of m orphem e types as defined by phonological characteristics.

2 .5 P roperties of N orthern Paiute W ords versus Clitics

As d e m o n stra te d elsewhere in this work (see especially sections 2.2.2.3 and 2.3.6 for extended discussion of w ord form ation processes in nouns and verbs, respectively), N o rth e rn P aiute makes use of n u m ero u s m orphological strategies in the form ation of words. These strategies fall u n d e r two m ain g en eral ru b rics, namely, d e riv a tio n a l an d c om positio nal. D erivational, b o u n d m orph em es function to derive new lexical item s with distinct, b u t related, m eanings. Derivational p ro p erties do not necessarily entail a change in w ord class. By com positional strategies, I refer to such processes as com pounding and in co rp o ra tio n whereby otherw ise free m orphem es com bine w ith one a n o th e r to c reate new lexical item s. The

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87 sem antics of these item s are by and large com posite—entailing som ething of th e m eaning of each freely occurring item. As with some of the derivational m orphology, however, th e sem antic outcom e of the process is not necessarily p redictable. For the purpose of th e p resen t discussion, it is im p ortant to p resen t a phonological basis of what I take to be a w o rd in N o rth ern Paiute, w hat is, strictly speaking, an affix or b oun d form, an d w hat is a clitic—a form th a t shares some properties of both a w o rd an d an affix bu t is in o th e r ways distinct from them . C ertain im p o rtan t phonological p ro p erties serve to distinguish these formal types.

The discussion in this section serves as

im p o rta n t backgrou nd for the following c h a p te r on m orphology and for a discussion of the formal properties of word classes in N orthern Paiute.

2.5.1 Prosodic Features of Words

Each w ord has one a n d only one syllable th a t receives th e p rim ary stress (see section 2.3.1). This stress falls on the second m ora in alm ost every case—on the second syllable, if the vowel of the first syllable is short, a nd on the first syllable, if th a t syllable contains a long vowel or dipthong. Based upon this analysis, stre ss can be very useful in defining w ord b oun daries. As a sim ple example, let us take the p hrase [pa0 d?yuno|li]. Although it is tru e th a t the two stre sse s I have m arked as p rim a ry a re not com pletely iden tical, b o th are quite p ro m in e n t and c ertain ly stro n g e r th a n the secondary stre ss in a single, long w ord like [wa&tih&ya]. The first ph rase we can analyze as consisting of two words paba?yu nobi 'big house,'

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88 while the second we can analyze as th e single, com pound w ord waa-tihaga 'juniper-draw '. W hat I have te rm e d s tr e s s s h ift also aids in defining word boundaries. As sta te d above, prim ary stre ss in N o rth ern Paiute falls on the second m ora of the word. Therefore, with prefixation, reduplication, or compounding, stress is realigned to the second m ora of the phonological word, as described in section 2.3.2. A rep resen tativ e exam ple is re p e ate d here:

6 3 a ) [moqo?ni] moko?ni

b)

'woman'

[momoqo?ni] mo-moko?ni 'women'

As an in teresting follow-up on th e im portance of stress in defining word bo un daries, consider the following examples, whereby th e re is no difference at the segm ental level, b u t only in th e realization of stress:

6 4 a ) [nikatoogimasid?] ni ka =toogi-ma sia? I OBL=dog -INST afraid 'I'm scared of th a t dog.' b)

[mkatoogimasia?] ni ka =toogi ma -sia? I OBL=dog IP/CAUS-afraid 'I scared the dog.'

Finally, vowel red u c tio n and devoicing, since they a re m ost typically b o u n d a ry -le v el p h e n o m e n a occu rrin g w o rd-finally follow ing th e

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89 prim ary stress, are also good phonological indicators of w ord b o undaries. Once again, I will refer the re a d e r to the discussion in an e a rlie r section (2.3.3) of these prosodic processes. In o rd er to avoid circularity, however, it is im p o rtan t to note th a t th e basic p a tte rn s of stress and vowel devoicing are readily established throug h the elicitation of words in isolation. Both of th e se p a tte r n s a re extrem ely p ro ductive, and a re th ere b y useful in assisting th e analy st in finding w ord b o u n d a rie s in rapid, n a tu ra lly occurring speech.

2.5.2 Prosodic Features of Clitics an d Particles

The key prosodic features of clitics th a t d istin g u ish them from e ith e r words or affixes are:

1) th ey are often m ono-m oraic 2) th ey do n ot carry p rim a ry stre ss 3) they do not participate in stress shift

P ro p erties 1) and 2) a re key in distinguishing clitics from in d ep e n d en t words. Property 3) distinguishes them from affixes. I will a d d ress these and o th er p ro p erties briefly here as they relate to the different clitic types.

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90 2 .5 .2 .l Proclitics

Proclitics are bo und not to particu lar word-classes, b u t to the first m em ber of a phrase-class, or constituent. Pronom inal object proclitics directly precede a verb or a certain m inor class of adverbials.

6 5 a ) ii = ha u= naka you = Q 3= h ear 'Do you hear it?' b)

nii u= sikwi naka I 3= ju s t hear 'I ju st heard of it (I didn't see it happen).’

Pronom inal possessor proclitics and case-sensitive de te rm in e r proclitics are bound to th e first m em ber of a noun phrase, be it a m odifier or a head noun.

6 6 a ) moodi i= tipia M aude 1= te a m m a te 'M aude is my tea m m a te .' b)

su= naatsi udi-?yu NOM= boy tall-P RED 'The boy is tall.'

c)

ni ka=paba-u nana punni

I OBL=big-OBJ man see 'I see the big man.'

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91 Note th a t the d e te rm in e r proclitic is b o u n d to th e noun p h rase, not th e head noun, as illu s tra te d by 64c). Occasionally, th e re may be a sequence of two proclitics modifying th e sam e NP, in which case they ap p ea r in a fixed order, with th e case-sensitive d e te rm in e r proclitic preceding the possessor proclitic.

67)

su= mi= naa pino?o awamoasi yotsi-u -yai -na NOM =i.PL=father also early.morning rise-PNC-HAB-PTCP 'Also, our fa th e r would get up early in th e m orning. . .'

More detailed discussion of the syntax of proclitics can be found in la te r chapters. For the purpose of th e p resen t discussion, it is im p o rtan t to disting uish proclitics as a category in te rm e d iate betw een prefixes and in d e p e n d e n t w ords. As I have shown, they are not b o u n d to a p a rtic u la r word class, nor do they participate in the phonological processes expected of prefixes.

2.5.2.2 Second Position Clitics

Second position clitics (or second-position enclitics) always occur directly following the first c o nstituent, no m a tte r to w hat w ord- o r p h raseclass th a t c o n stitu e n t belongs. They never carry stress, and th e vowels may be pro nou nced as voiceless or otherw ise be greatly reduced.

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92 68 a) [taml sakwa windyakwi] tammi = sakwa winai-ga-kwi

we.INCL = MODAL fish-TRNSL-FUT 'Let's go fishing.' b)

awamoa = sakwa tammi winai-ga-kwi

morning=MODAL we.INCL fish-TRNSL-FUT 'Let's go fishing in the morning.'

The second-position clitics in N orthern Paiute all appear to function w ithin the context of m odality or non -d eclarative speech-acts. As such, they ap pear m ost p ro m inen tly in first-p e rso n n a rra tiv e or q u o ted speech, as observed in Comanche (Todd McDaniels, p.c.). First person in d ep e n d en t p rono uns a p pear to be incipient m em bers of the class of second-position clitics in N orthern Paiute, reflecting a panUto-Aztecan "tendency to gravitate to second position, historically, and often synchronically" (L angacker 19773:25). In th is p o sitio n they are p h o n e tica lly re d u c e d b o th by carrying only one m ora a n d by n o t carrying p rim a ry stre ss.

6 9 a ) [ria kadihica punni]

b)

[kadiMca ni punm]

ni ka=tihica punni

ka=tihica ni punni

I OBL=deer see.DUR 'I see the deer.'

OBL=deer I see.DUR 'I see the d e e r.'

The possibility th a t some erstw hile in d ep en d en t p ron ouns are developing some characteristics of other, w ell-established second position clitics needs to be m ore rigorously explored. One m eans for exploring th is issue would be to gath er acoustic data on the o th er second position clitics to

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93 see if th e acoustic fea tu res are m atched by p ronouns occurring in this position. Syntactically, it is also im p o rtan t to explore the relative position of these pronouns with th a t of other second position clitics. Examples like the following a pp ear to place it at the end of the string:

70 )

kai -ha = sakwa F= 1 ni i=kwassi-guba kati -cai NEG=Q = MODAL (=) I 2=tail -upon sit.SG-HAB 'Couldn't I sit on your tail?'

(NK: Porcupine and Coyote)32

32 In the chapters to follow, all examples from text are referenced by speaker and title. No such reference indicates data drawn from field notes of session of direct, or text-based elicitation.

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94

CHAPTER 3

NOUNS AND NOUN PHRASES

3.0 Intro d u ctio n to Morphology and W ord Classes

The tr a d itio n a l te rm p a r t o f sp eech is used to refer to categories of words like nou n, v e rb , a d je c tiv e , a d v e r b , etc. Most of us recall definitions of p a rts of speech categories like "a noun is a person, place, thing, or idea." However, such a definition does not indicate on a case by case basis w h e th er or not a p a rtic u la r w ord or concept is a noun in a given language. Take ’snow’ as an example from English. In English, the w ord 'snow' may exhibit th e behavior of eith er a noun "Look at all th at snow!" or a verb "By nightfall, it h a d snowed th re e feet." In order to consider m em bership in a category, it is essen tial for the gram m arian to first describe the b e h a v io rs asso ciated w ith category m em bership. Only th e n can one begin to discuss th e sem antic or p rag m a tic basis of m em bersh ip in a p a rtic u la r category or explain the functio nal un ity of th e category itself. It is a m a tte r of preference th a t I use the term w o r d c la s s as a cover te rm for a stru c tu ra l o r syntactic category whose m em bers sh a re a set of gram m atica l b e h av io rs. In any g ram m atica l d e sc rip tio n , it is im p o rta n t to begin w ith the form al c h aracteristics of the m ajo r w ord classes, th a t is, th e ir stru c tu ra l definitions. "Structural definitions are d ia g n o stic —they

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95 allow us to identify a noun, verb, etc., when we see one." (Delancey 2001, emphasis in original). The m ajor word classes th a t serve as the starting point of this description are the open classes. T hat is to say, m em b ership in th e m ajor w ord classes u n d e r discussion is very large and is open to the intro d u ctio n of new m em b ers--w h eth e r th ro u g h borrow ing from o th e r languages or th ro u g h innovation, typically by m eans of the d eriv atio n al pro cesses available in th e language. A n a tu ra l s ta rtin g point for a d e scrip tio n of w ord classes is from the m orphology associated with these classes. G enerally speaking, the m orphological c h a ra c te r of N o rth e rn Paiute is m o derately synthetic. That is to say, m ost of the inflectional and derivational processes are formally associated w ith bo und affixes--prefixes a nd suffixes--which may be readily id en tified th ro u g h simple m orphological analysis. The in te rn a l s tru c tu re of w ords may includ e a su b sta n tia l n u m b er of d istin ct affixes, and th ese affixes generally have ordering restric tio n s with respect to one another. The sy nthetic c h a ra c te r of N o rth e rn P aiute is m ost evident in the verb complex, which m ay p o te n tia lly c a rry th e se m an tic c o n te n t o f an e n tire sentence, w hen com pared to a m ore analytic (i.e. less m orphologically rich) language like English. N ote exam ple 1):

1)

[nattikuhanikiwini] na- ti- kuhani -ki -wini MM-APS-IP/by.fire-prepare -APL-CONT.SG ’S/He is cooking for her/him self.'

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96 One fea tu re which d istin g u ish es N o rth e rn P aiute from languages referred to as p o lysyn th etic—a p ro p e rty associated with num erou s o th er N orth A m erican languages and language fam ilies--is t h a t th e re is, technically speaking, no d irec t in d ex a tio n of actual p a rtic ip a n ts in the event on th e verb. U sually, languages de scrib e d as po lysy n th etic carry bo und affixes on the verb th a t function like pro nou ns to show c o ntrasts and carry info rm atio n a b out th e core p a rtic ip a n ts --fo r example, subjects and objects. Aside from a sensitivity to n u m b er with a re s tric te d set of suppletive verbs, and n u m b er su p p le tio n w ith c e rta in d irec tio n a l and asp ectu al suffixes, th e re is no system of verb agreem ent in N o rth ern Paiute. The sam e form of the verb in exam ple l) above would be u sed if the subject were first or second person ( T versus 'you'). The language requires an in dep endent subject pro n o u n (unless fully u n d e rsto o d from context) as an overt in d icato r of the gram m atical subject of th e sentence, as illu s tra te d in 2).

2)

[nu nattlkuhanikiwini] ni na- ti- kuhani -ki -wini I MM-APS-IP/by.fire-prepare -APL-CONT.SG 'I am cooking for myself.’

And yet, m orphological syn thesis is quite p ro m in e n t in th e verb complex. In fo rm a tio n regarding th e d irec tio n of m otion, in te rn a l event stru c tu re , m eans an d m a n n e r of action, c au sa tio n , reflexivity, an d o th e r types of info rm atio n a re c a rrie d by m orphology on the verb. Elsew here in

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97 th e g ram m ar, however, N o rth e rn P aiute displays fe a tu re s th a t a re q uite a n aly tic --th a t is, m ost of the o th e r w ord classes carry m inim al o r no morphology. For th ese classes, it is especially im p o rtan t to characterize th em in term s of th e ir syntactic b e h av io r by noting th e ir d istrib u tio n a l properties. So, for example, a description of the word class noun is incom plete w ith out a discussion of its syntactic d istrib u tio n in th e noun phrase. An account of the morphological prop erties of nouns is a useful starting point, b u t is an insufficient diagnostic for class m em bership. N o rth ern Paiute has a n u m b er of elem ents th a t lie som ew here betw een in d ep enden t w ords and fully dep en dent, or bound, affixes. M orphem es th a t are fre e r th a n affixes, b u t still have re s tric te d distrib u tio n al p roperties are clitics and particles. Clitics are either b o u n d to p a rtic u la r constituents—syntactic u nits--su ch as noun or verb p hrases, or are re s tric te d in th e ir d istrib u tio n to a p a rtic u la r syntactic po sitio n in a clause, such as second position. Particles are still freer in th e ir distrib u tio n , but, unlike m ost o th er w ord classes, are not stem s to which b o und affixes attach. They also do not con stitu te a coherent w ord class of th e ir own. Some p a rticle s c arry stre ss. In m any cases, th e ir exact function in discourse is not fully u n d e rsto o d or is u n d e rsto o d only very g e n e ra lly . I will begin w ith a d escriptio n of th e form al, m orphological p ro perties of nouns, followed by a syntactic description of noun phrases in N o rth ern Paiute. C hapter 8 is ded icated to verb morphology, as well as to the defining properties of the different subclasses of noun m odifiers (e.g. adjectives and quan tifiers) and adverbs (ch ap ter 5). Postpositions,

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98 although technically a closed class (i.e. one th a t does not readily adm it new m em bers), are complex and also discussed in ch ap ter 5. The same holds tru e for p rono uns and dem onstratives, whose discourse-level functions also m erit detailed description (chapter 4). Most o th er m inor categories are described within the context of the m ajor w ord classes, e ith er as subclasses or as gram m atical o p erato rs on the m ajor w ord classes, or in a discussion of the syntax of phrases or of the basic clause.

3.1 Nouns

3.1.1 In tro d u ctio n to Noun M orphology

Inflectional m orphology on nouns is lim ited in N o rth ern Paiute to plu ral m arking (section 3.1.2). Plural inflection is highly re s tric te d and idio syn cratic, applying m ainly to te rm s for h u m a n beings. R e d u p lica tio n an d suffixation a re the only m arginally p rodu ctiv e p ro cesses for m arking p lu ra lity on h u m a n n o uns an d kin te rm s in N o rth e rn P aiute. Core cases, involving a lignm ent w ith g ram m atical r e la tio n s like subject and object (as well as p o ssesso r or genitive case) are not m arked on n o uns directly, as th ey are in C entral an d S o u th e rn Num ic languages. In ste a d , th ey a re m ark e d p rim a rily on no un p h ra s e dependents (section 6.1.3)—articles, d em on strativ es, m odifiers, and the like—and on p ro n o u n s (section 4.1). N oun p h ra s e case-m arking and its alignm ent w ith g ram m atical re la tio n s is d isc u sse d in 3.2 an d 6.1.3.

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99 A num ber of non-core case m arkers, referred to here as postpositions, also provide im p o rta n t relatio nal info rm atio n in N o rth ern Paiute g ra m m a r. Such oblique-marking has some parallels with the English p rep o sitio n al system, b u t with a n u m b er of d istinctive c h arac teristics. Postpositions are best described as noun phrase enclitics, since they a p p e a r to be bo und to the final elem ent of th e noun p h ra se w h eth er or not th a t final elem ent is the h e ad noun, and are th ere fo re not, p roperly speaking, p a rt of the in te rn al stru c tu re of nouns. Also, since they do not m ark obligatory core noun cases, like subject and object, they do not m erit tre a tm e n t as noun inflection. Some of the richness and complexity of the postpositional system in N o rth ern Paiute is tre a te d in section 5.2. A lthough p lu rality is th e only inflectional process occurring d irectly on nouns, num ero us derivational processes occur, eith er as sim ple noun form ants, or as p a rt of th e creation of noun ste m s—either from existing noun stems or from the stems of other word classes. These processes will be explored in detail in the sections th a t follow. An elab orate an d pervasive system of nom inalization is one of the m ost striking, and typologieally in te restin g , fea tu res of N o rth e rn P aiute m o r p h o s y n ta x .1 N om inalization serves an im p o rta n t deriv atio n al function for form ing noun stems, an d so is discussed in th is chapter. A closely related function of nom inalization is as p a rt of the process of clausal

would like to thank Scott DeLancey for helping me to appreciate the typological significance of this feature, and for drawing my attention to the important parallels found in Tibetan languages.

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lOO

su b o rd in a tio n an d em bedding, w hereby en tire clauses or p h ra se s are nom inalized in o rd e r to take on nom inal fun ctions—e ith e r as noun m odifiers or as the arg um ents of verbs. The various nom inalizers are discussed in section 3.1.7. The role of certain of theses nom inalizers in the form ation of different types of su bordinate clauses are covered m ore th o ro u g h ly in C h a p te r 9.

3.1.2 P lu r a lity

Plurality, the expression of a c o n tra st in num ber with respect to nouns, is m arked by suffixation on some h u m an nouns, as 3) illu stra te s:

3 a)

tua 'son'

b)

tuami 'children' (in alien ab le)

c)

tuaki 'children' (alienable)

3c) is the only exam ple of {-ki} fun ctio nin g as an a p p a re n t p lu ral suffix in my c o rp u s—h ere signalling alienability as well.2 Liljeblad (1964:51) also finds th is suffix occurring on a few Shoshoni loan w o rd s.3 The {-mi} suffix is the m ore common plural suffix, and is likely rela te d to th e form th a t occurs as p a rt of th e second and th ird person plural

2Alienability refers to referents for whom there is no required or understood possessor. Here the reference is simply to some children, not anyone's children in particular. 3The only example he provides, however, namely siiwoki?i (place name) 'country at the great bend of the Snake River’ is not transparently plural.

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1

101 pronouns, {kni} an d {umi}, respectively. As the m ore productive expression of p lu ra lity in th e language, {mi=}, a proclitic to the noun phrase, functions as a p lu ral d e te rm in e r.4 Both th e plural suffix and the plural d e te rm in e r rep re se n t th e h istorical red u c tio n of in d ep en d en t plural pronouns. The loss of th e initial u n stre sse d syllable th ro ugh reduction resu lts in hom ophony betw een 2nd and 3rd person plural possessor form s and the p lu ra l d e te rm in e r. Plurality is also expressed by red uplication with some nouns. Reduplication in N o rth ern Paiute is been described in more detail in section 2.2.3. Simple initial CV or CV' reduplication, w here (') rep re se n ts fo rtitio n of th e stem consonant, is m ost common, as illu stra te d by 4) and 5 ):5

4 a)

piawabi

b)

'old woman' 5a)

wa?itsi 'old man'

pi - biawabi 'old women'

b)

w a '- kwa?itsi 'old men; elders'

It should be noted th a t since fo rtis/len is consonantal c o ntrasts are n e u tra liz ed w ord-initially, one could assum e th a t an "underlying" stem -

4As a verbal proclitic, it marks 2nd and 3rd person plural objects. 5CV reduplication is irregularly fortis-inducing in Northern Paiute. Scott DeLancey (in

personal communication) has pointed out a similar feature of initial CV reduplication in Klamath, whereby the initial consonant of the stem following the reduplicated CV syllable is glottalized.

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102 initial fortis consonant surfaces u n d e r reduplication, as opposed to th e re being a sporadic "final feature" associated with reduplication itself. This possibility is difficult to prove or disprove, however, and since it doesn't follow the general p a tte r n of m u ta tio n found elsewhere, th e p re se n t analysis may be p re fe ra b le . Vowel len g th en in g an d glottal stop in se rtio n a re even m ore highly ir re g u la r in d ic a to rs of p lu rality. Examples 6) a n d 7) re p re s e n t th e only exam ples in my corpus.

6a)

nana

b)

'man' 7a)

naatsi 'boy'

naana 'men'

b)

na?atsi 'boys'

Table 3.1 is a sam ple of nouns from my corpus which inflect for plural. The different form s of the plural are distinguished, w ith the suppletive form s ap p earin g last in the ch art.

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103

Table 3.1 N o rth ern Paiute Plurals REDUPLICATIVE moko?ni

'woman'

mommoko?ni

'women'

tsia?a

’girl'

tsidzia?a

'girls’

tmbitsi?i

'young m a n ’

tutuibitsi?i

'young m en'

pia?a

'friend'

pibia?a

'friends’

woho

'enem y'

wohomi

'enemies'

tua

'son'

tuami

'sons; children'

padi

'd a u g h te r'

padimi

'd augh ters'

naa

’father'

naami

'fa th e r and

SUFFIXAL

p a te rn a l uncles' SUPPLETIVE siadimi6

'young w om an'

sisia?a

'young wom en'

nana

'm an'

naana

'men'

naatsi

'boy'

na?atsi

'boys'

W ith m ost o th e r nouns, p lu rality is expressed by th e v arious dependents of the noun phrase, specifically, quantifiers or articles. G eneral an d num eral q u a n tifie rs are describ ed in section 5.1 an d articles in section 3.2.2.1.

6I do not have a satisfactory synchronic or diachronic analysis to account for the final two syllables of this form. The form may consist historically of a root /sia/, plus a nominalizing suffix / -di/, and plural suffix /-mi/. Inter-lingual or -dialectal borrowing could account for why a plural form came to have singular reference.

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104

3 -1 .3 N oun Class M arkers

One significant m orphological featu re of some nouns in N o rth ern Paiute and in o th er Uto-Aztecan languages is the obligatory occurrence of a suffix when the noun is spoken in isolation or is otherwise not p a rt of a com pound or occurring with a postposition. This context is som etim es referred to as a noun's "absolute" form. Sapir (1930) referred to these as absolutive suffixes in his descrip tio n of the Southern Paiute language. Nichols (1974), L angacker (1977a), an d o th ers have d isc u sse d h isto ric al developm ents of th e absolutive suffixes in Uto-Aztecan, developm ents from which one can in te rp re t lexicalization at various stages, from Pre-N um ic to th e p resen t. The system is active w ith a fairly narro w su b set of nouns in N o rth ern Paiute, m ainly th o se referrin g to p lan ts and m eteorological term s. I will adopt th e term inological convention used by Nichols (1974) and refer to m em bers of th is class of nom inal m orphology as noun class m arkers, abb reviated NCM, to avoid confusion with the m ore w idespread, and e ntirely u n re la te d , use of the te rm absolutive in discussions of ergative-abso lutiv e system s of case alignm ent. The following exam ples illu stra te the p a tte rn of occurrence of noun class m ark ers (NCM) as they occur w ith a p a rtic u la r sem antic class of nouns, m ost comm only p lan t nam es. Example 8a) shows th e w ord for 'juniper' in its "absolute" form with a NCM. 8b) and c) d em o n strate th a t the base form of 'juniper' is {waa-}, in two contexts w here the NCM does not occur: w hen p a rt of a co m pound (8b) an d w hen occurring w ith a postposition or postpositional complex (8c).

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105

8 a)

su =waa -pi paba?yu NOM=iuniper-NCM big 'the ju n ip e r is b ig /th a t's a big ju n ip e r'

b)

waa -tihaga j u n ip e r - d r a w (place nam e)

c)

waa -naga -kwai juniper-INTER-LOC 'among the ju n ip e rs'

NCM's n e ith e r involve a change in w ord class n o r do they a lte r th e m eaning of the stem in any way. T hey sim ply form in d e p e n d e n t stem s from otherwise dependen t roots. Nichols' (1974) excellent discussion of th e ir developm ent and h isto ric a l in te r p r e ta tio n effectively eschews any a tte m p t at applying a synch ro n ically c o h e re n t sem an tic v alue to th e s e suffixes. At the sam e tim e, it is im p o rta n t to note th a t a m ajority of th e ro o ts th a t may a p p ea r w ith an NCM a re p lan t nam es. By th e sam e token, a significant p o rtio n of th e extensive p lan t nam e inventory carry NCM's w hen o c cu rrin g in d e p e n d e n tly .7 The NCM's in N orthern Paiute are {-pi -bi’}, {-pi -bi’}, and {-pa -ba’}. The allom orphy is due in p a rt to the final featu re specification of the root

71 am purposely avoiding any description that implies that the NCM is "dropped" under certain conditions. The NCM must have had lexical content at some point in its history, and perhaps was itself a common second member of a compound. Functionally, NCM's may have been analogous to something like a genitive classifier in languages of the south Pacific (cf. Carlson and Payne (1989)), or to any of the various "class terms" identified in Tai languages (cf. DeLancey (1986)). While historically fulfilling a grammatical requirement, they may, perhaps, persist synchronically to fulfull a moraic requirement in some cases.

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io6 (see section 2.4.1 for a discussion of final features) and to regressive final vowel devoicing (section 2.3.3), although it is often u n c le ar which is the deciding factor. Table 3.2 provides some exam ples from my corpus with each of the different NCM's.

Table 3.2 NCM suffixes in N o rth ern Paiute Root8 waasiiN/A wogoN/A N/A sawawahasaitoisanapihaopayuhu tika madaanikumipaumahikwaniniaN/A N/A 9 N/A

"Absolute" form waapi siibi sipabi wogopi tuupi kodabi/i’ sawabi wahabi saibi toibi sanapi pihabi opabi yuhupi tikabi madabi anibi kumiba paumaba hikwaba niniaba paatusuba kaiba koipa

Gloss 'juniper' '(silver) willow' 'aspen' 'ponderosa pine' 'm ah o g an y ' 'm an z an ita' 'big sage' 'g rass/h ay ' 'tule' 'cattail' 'pitch' 'sugar' 'salt' 'fat/grease' 'bread' 'tick' 'ant' 'cloud(s)' 'rain' 'wind' 'th u n d er' 'star(s)' 'm o u n tain ' 'bighorn sheep'

8Not all roots are attested, due to lexicalization and reanalysis of the NCM as part of the root/stem. ^Nichols (1974:325) reconstructs Proto-Numic *kawi 'mountain' without the NCM.

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107

T ree nam es typically occur w ith {-pi ‘-bi’} although these suffixes are not lim ited to trees. O ther p lan ts carry th e {-pi -bi’} suffix. Note, too th at o th er items relating to food (e.g. 'salt', 'grease') and insects (certain ant species were g a th e re d as food in the m em ory of my c o n su lta n ts) carry a NCM. The following exam ples fu rth e r d e m o n stra te c o n stru ctio n s where the b are stem w ith out th e NCM occurs, even w hen the stem is th e second m em ber of th e com pound, as in 9b):

9 a)

ani-bi ant-NCM

b)

'ant' 10 a) mada-bi tick -NCM 'tick'

ani-nobi ant-h ouse 'anthill'

b)

puku -mada horse-tick 'horse tick'

The form for 'bread' {tikabi} in Table 3.2 may in fact be analyzable as th e stem {tika} 'eat' plus the perfective suffix {-pi}. As Nichols (1974) points out, the fu nction of th e perfective suffix (p articu larly in nom inalization, describ ed in section 3.1.7.5) may be a confounding factor, or even a potential source construction for the continued developm ent of a NCM. The following c o n tra st may also be illu strativ e of such a developm ent:

11a)

ka= tuku kuhani-u OBL=meat cook -PNC 'Cook the meat!'

b)

kai tuku -bi NEG meat-PFV 'to be very skinny’ (lit. 'not m eated')

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io8 The form {tuku} 'm eat' does not in fact have distinct free an d b ound forms, and so l i b ) illu strates one possible stage in the developm ent and lexification of NCM’s. As pointed out elsewhere in this chapter, num erous stem s in N o rth e rn P aiu te freely occur (i.e. w ith out special m arking) in b o th nom inal and verbal c o n stru ctio n s. The developm ent of a spectual m arking from nom inalizers is wellattested , cross-linguistically (see, for example, Gildea 1998, inter alia). In the case of the development of NCM's in Pre-Numic or Uto-Aztecan, it is p r u d e n t to assum e th a t th ey began as generic noun stem s occurring frequently in com pounds. We could th e n assum e th a t in th e case of {-pi}, th e d evelopm ent of a m ore general nom inalizing fu n ctio n may e ith e r be consequent or parallel to its developm ent as NCM, with the developm ent as a perfective suffix occurring still later. The NCM {-pi}, on th e o th e r h an d , never developed a nom inalizing function. Nichols (1974) links the freq u e n tly co m p ounded n o u n stem {pui} 'seed; berry; eye' in N o rth ern Paiute (Proto Numic *pusi 'small, dark spot; dot; eye; seed; b erry ’) to a distin c t NCM in So uth ern Numic languages, b ut hesitates to ascribe a historical link to {-pi} in N o rth e rn Paiute. Such a link may be ju stified , however, b a se d on th e sam e explanation Nichols provides of th e re having b een "different stages in th e lexicalization of NCM's with p a rticu la r stem s (143)" to account for the reanalysis of the NCM in some cases as part of the stem. The lack of NCM with c ertain stem s in th e c o n stru ctio n s exem plified by 8b) and 8c) above rep re se n ts a tra n s itio n a l stage betw een an identifiable nou n stem like

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109 {pui}, still serving a sem an tically tr a n s p a re n t role in th e fo rm atio n of n o u n -n o u n com pounds, and th a t of full reanalysis. The {-pa ‘-ba’} NCM occurs frequently, b u t not exclusively, w ith in d ep e n d en t nom inals referrin g to m eteorological phenom ena. The b are stem s to which th is p a rtic u la r suffix a tta c h e s a p p ea r m ost often in verbal constructions:

12 a) hikwa-ba wind-NCM

b)

'wind' 13a) kumi-ba cloud-NCM

ini hikwa-wini very wind-CONT 'it's really windy'

b)

’cloud(s)’

kumia-gina cloud-CISL 'it’s clouding up’

Some in d e p e n d e n t evidence exists to suggest th a t one m arginally synchronic function of th e suffix {-pa (-ba)} may involve th e fo rm a tio n of stative predicates. A subclass of stative v erb s10 requ ire it w hen predicated.

14 a) ini moko?ni wati?a -ba INT woman jealous -STAT 'The wom an is really jealous (a jealou s-ty pe)'

10 Further exploration into this stem class is needed to clarify the nature of the suffix. Perhaps significantly, a homophonous form {-ba} also functions as a postposition meaning 'at; beside.'

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110 b)

nimmi ini toidzi -ba we.EXCL INT lazy -STAT 'We're too lazy.' As w ith th e developm ent of {-pi}, the m arking of aspect is m ost likely

a developm ent from a nom inalizing or adpositional function of {-pa (-ba)}. The aspectual function is not productive, however, and in m ost cases where the suffix is analyzable it is a noun form ative like th e o th er NCM's in the language. It has clearly lexicalized with some stem s, however, as the exam ples with no a tte s te d base form show (e.g. {kaiba} 'm o u n tain '), providing synchronic evidence for h istorical developm ents th a t pa ra lle l those discussed for {-pi} above.

3.1.4 D im in utive M arking

The nom inal suffix {-tsi} is best term ed a dim inutive suffix as it generally m arks the refe ren ts of nouns as being small in size. The suffix also exhibits a comm on m etap horical extension of th is concrete physical m eaning in t h a t it may a tta c h e ith e r an e n d ea rin g or possibly a p e jo ra tiv e m eaning to th e noun stem w ith which it o c cu rs.11

“Nichols (1974) refers to the suffix as 'diminutive-affective.' Since it is widely understood that diminutive and augmentative markers most often incorporate some affective meaning as well, as here described, I will assume that 'diminutive' is a sufficient label for the suffix.

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Ill sadi?i -tsi dog -DIM

15a)

b)

'little (cute) dog'

ton -tsi cute -DIM

c)

'cutie; cute one’

agai -tsi salmon -DIM 'W arm Springs Indian'

In a num ber of instances, th e suffix has apparently lexicalized as p a rt of the s te m --th a t is, th ere is no known form th a t exists in depend ently w ithou t th e dim inutive suffix. Such exam ples can be found am ong term s t h a t re fe r to hum ans.

16a) naatsi 'boy'

b)

tuibitsi?i 'young m a n '12

c)

wa?itsi 'old man'

The term for 'boy' could, at least historically, be derived from the te rm for 'm an' {nana} or 'father' {naa} th ro u g h th e ad d itio n of th e dim inutive suffix. None of the speakers I have worked with recognize the relationship , however, as they do with the previous exam ples. I refe r the re a d e r to section 1.1.3.5 for a b rie f discussion of dim inutive consonant symbolism in N o rth ern Paiute (see also Nichols I9 7 4 :7 iff a nd Nichols 1971).

12 The sporadic occurrence of the word final sequence {-?V} may represent the lexicalization of the "proper" nominalizer (cf. 3.1.7.2).

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112 3 -1.5 In stru m e n ta l Prefixes as M arkers of Sem antic "Class"

A nother class of m orphem es serves a kind of classificatory function w hen they occur w ith nouns. These are th e instrum ental prefixes, abbreviated IP. IP's a re u sed m ost commonly with verbs to indicate som ething of th e m eans or m a n n e r by which an action is c a rrie d out. T heir pervasive role in w ord fo rm ation processes relating to verbs is chronicled in detail in section 8.1.3. T heir role in the fo rm atio n and classification of nouns has not been as widely discussed, b u t is significant enough to w a rran t some discussion here. IP's occur as form atives for term s relating to body p a rts and o th er stem s th a t otherw ise have the m orp ho-syntactic p ro p erites of nouns in N o rth e rn P aiu te. U nder th e se circu m stan ces, th ey have a classifying effect. This effect is p a rticu la rly striking in sets like th ose in 15) involving two comm on in stru m e n ta l prefix es—{ma-> 'of or pertaining to th e h a n d ’ and {ta-} ’of or pertaining to the foot.'

17a) ma?witsogo

b)

'wrist' c)

masihani

'ankle' d)

'fingers' e)

matogo 'thum b '

ta?witsogo

tasihani 'toes’

f)

tatogo 'big toe'

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113 As I m entioned, IP's most often appear in th e form ation of verb stems. In the derivation of stem s used as nouns, the root may b e a r a historical re la tio n sh ip to a verb, yet this relatio n sh ip is not always obvious. O ther in stan c es of in s tru m e n ta l prefixes having an a p p a re n t classifying function in the form ation of nouns include sets like th ose in 18) a n d 19).

18)

{ti-}: 'of or pertaining to stone’

a)

tipi

b)

'rock' c)

tibiwa

tiipi ~ tiipi 'e arth ; ground'

d)

'territo ry ; h o m elan d'

tikwiha?ni 'Castle Rock (place name)'

19)

{pa-}: 'of or pertaining to w ater'

a)

paa

b)

'water' c)

pakwi 'fish; chub’

patsona 'spring; source'

d)

paumaba 'rain'

A nominal source for some IP's is obvious, as with {paa} 'w ater' above. The w ord {tipi} 'rock' could be historically analyzable as bi-m orphem ic, including the IP {ti-}, or perhaps its nom inal source, plus one of the NCM

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114 suffixes {-pi}, as has been suggested by Nichols (1974).« Historical developm ents of individual IP's have always been a prob lem atic area. From the perspective of w ord form ation, the process has a great deal in common with com pounding--its m ost likely source construction--w hich I tu r n to in the next section.

3.1.6 C om pounding

Com pounding is qu ite prev alen t in N o rth e rn Paiute, resu ltin g in complex stem s t h a t d is tr ib u te syntactically as verbs or n ou ns in various construction s. Prim ary stre ss is c arried by the first elem ent of the com pound as per the rules of stress described in 1.3.1. The second m em ber of th e com pound may surface prosodically as a suffix and lose its p rom inan t, second m ora stress, as illu stra te d by the following examples.

2 0 a ) [oha?a] oha?a

b)

[paoha?a] pa-

+ oha?a

w ater + infant 'infant'

'w a te r baby (m ythic c r e a t u r e ) 14'

^Similar examples include m ubi'nose’ {mu +bi> = IP/nose + NCM, and n o b i'house' {no + bi} = IP/round + NCM. The traditional wickiup, a winter dwelling, was dome-shaped. ^These creatures reportedly lure young women to their death by imitating the cry of an infant.

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115 21 a)

[pukti] puku

b)

'horse'

[sogbpuku] sogo- + puku on.foot + horse 'dog1®'

The free, bi-m oraic stem {paa}, 'w ater' is phonetically sh o rte r in this context. Recall th a t as an in stru m e n ta l prefix, th e sh o rt form is quite productive in a variety of derivations. In all likelihood, frequ ently com pounded in itial elem ents developed into th e p rodu ctiv e in stru m e n ta l prefix system we see in th e Numic languages in th e sam e way th a t freq uently com pounded second elem ents may have developed into noun class m arkers (NCM's). In 21b), th e in itial elem ent {sogo-} only occurs in c o m b in atio n w ith free stems. Like a num ber of th e in stru m e n tal prefixes, it functions like a m an n er adverbial, an d could be con sid ered an in cip ient m em ber of th a t category.

The first or second elem ent of a com pound will surface w ith out

its NCM suffix (see section 3.1.3), if a noun, and w ithout case inflection, if a m odifier (see section 3.2.2.3). These com pounding fea tu res are illu stra te d by th e following:

2 2 a ) sii -bi willow-NCM 'willow'

b)

siitsida willow-cup 'drin king cup'

*5Most consultants recognize this as a more archaic term. All recognize the term sadi?i as a more common alternative, as well as the recent borrowing toogi.

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116

2 3 a ) paba -?yu big - NOM/PRED

b)

'big / be big'

paba- huudi bigriver 'Snake River'

3.1.7 N om in alizers

The d erivatio n of nouns from o th e r p a rts of speech, p a rticu la rly from verbs, involves a variety of suffixes in N o rth ern Paiute. Indeed, I w ould argue th a t th ese p rocesses are am ong th e m ost im p o rta n t diagnostics for distinguishing the word, or m ore accurately, th e stem classes noun and verb. N ouns stem s, by and large, may freely occur as predicates (see section 6.2.2 for a discussion of predicate nom inal types). However, the reverse is not the case. Verb stem s m ust be nom inalized in o rd e r to occur in typical nom inal c o n stru ctio n s--as clausal arg u m en ts, as noun ph rase heads, as verbal com plem ents, etc. Many nom inalizing suffixes can be viewed as implying a specific re la tio n sh ip b etw een th e derived no un and th e action d e n o te d by the verb from which it is d eriv ed —as agent, in stru m e n t, or location. Com pare the exam ples in 24), w here different nom inalizer suffixes occur on th e sam e v e rb stem .

2 4 a ) kati -nu sit -INSTR.NMR 'chair' (lit. 'sit-with')

b)

kati -di sit -NMR 'sitter; resident' (lit. 'sit-one who')

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117 Some of the suffixes described in this section serve also to m ark verbs in su b o rd in a te clauses. N om inalization is pervasive in N o rth ern Paiute. In complex clauses, different nominalizing suffixes serve to indicate different types of d epend ent or subo rdin ate clauses as well as indicating som ething of th e n a tu re of the relatio n sh ip s holding betw een p a rticip a n ts in m ain and su b o rd in a te clauses. These issues are taken up in m ore detail in C hapter 9 on clause-com bining strategies, b u t described only briefly here. I use the term nom inalizer to refer to an affix th a t derives a noun, typically from a n o th e r w ord class. The derived noun carries all th e rights and privileges of d istrib u tio n of a non-deriv ed noun. The term nom inalization in this and fu tu re discussions, however, refers m ore broadly both to this derivational process, and to processes of su bordination th at tr e a t verb p h rases or en tire clauses as noun p h rases in complex sentence types.

3.1,7.1 Subject N o m in alizer

The m ost comm on nom inalizer in N o rth ern Paiute is the suffix {-di}. W hen applied to a verb stem denoting an action, the resu ltin g derived no un can be viewed as playing the agent role of th e action d e n o te d by the verb, as illu s tra te d by th e exam ples in 25). This is one rea so n why the te r m agentive nom inalizer is commonly applied to such suffixes.

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118

25a)

tinicui -di teach -NMR

b)

'teacher' c)

hoawai -di hunt -NMR 'h u n te r'

nayakwi -di ( p la y )h a n d g a m e -NMR 'gam bler'

The function of {-di) as a nom inalizer is m uch b ro a d e r th a n sim ple agent nom inalization, however. W hen added to stative p red ic ates, the resu ltin g no un in d ic ate s one who has th a t c h arac teristic, w h e th e r an im a te or in a n im a te --c le a rly not an agent.

26a)

nazui zdi stro n g -NMR 'strong one'

c)

b)

patsiponoa-di round -NMR 'round one'

puhi -di blue -NMR 'blue one'

Passivized v e rb s--th o se m arked m orphologically w ith th e m iddlem arking (MM) prefix {na->—refer to the patient o f th e activity w hen no m inalized w ith {-di}, as in th e exam ples in 27). This fact u n d e rlies the ratio n al for p refe rrin g th e te rm subject nom inalizer for the suffix.

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119 2 7 a ) [n£ta?nidi] na- wita?ni MM- g a th e r l6-NMR

b)

'buckberries (McDermitt)' (literally, ’w hat is g a th e red ')

[nakuhanidi] na^ kuhani-di MM-cook -NMR '(the) cooked; what is cooked'

These general features of {-di} are related to its function in the form ation of relative clauses in N o rth ern Paiute. In th is function, the head n o u n m odified by th e relative clause is always th e notional subject of th e relative clause, as in 28a) and b).

28 a) su= tihica o?o wini -di NOM=deer yonder stand.SG -NMR 'the deer th a t's standing over th ere..' b)

su= naatsi ka= tipi winai -hu -di NOM=boy OBL= rock throw -PNC -NMR 'the boy th a t th re w the rock..'

Note th a t nom inalization in N o rth ern Paiute is not incom patible w ith aspect m arking as w ith the pun ctual suffix in 28b). The degree to which nom inalized verbs may re ta in finite c h a rac teristics is d isc u sse d in section 3.1.1.7 and is explored fu rth e r in C hapter 9 as p a rt of the description of complex clause types.

l6The meaning of this stem is associated with the gathering of small seeds or berries by placing a canvas beneath the plant/bush and shaking or knocking them onto it.

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120 It is possible to in te rp re t examples where th e nom inalized verb has the referring privileges o f a run-of-the-m ill noun as examples of headless relative clauses—'teacher' = '(one) who teaches', for example.17 Example 29) is a referring expression th a t includes a locative p h rase plus a n o m inalized verb.

29)

taba-tsiboi -kwa sun -emerge-LOC

kati-di sit -NMR

'the President' (literally: "the one who resides to the East")

The productive use of {-di} in deriving agent nouns from action verbs m erits its inclusion here as p a rt of the inventory of processes for deriving n oun stem s. To sim ply in te r p r e t all fully referrin g no un stem s deriv ed in th is way as h e ad less relative clauses, in my view, sim ply b lu rs or ignores the relation ship b etw een nom inalization and su b o rd in a tio n in a language like N o rth e rn P a iu te .18

17 Another possible analysis (Spike Gildea, in personal communication) is that relative clauses generally are in apposition to the NP head in Northern Paiute. One could present a counterargument based upon restrictive referential function and constituent intonation contours, a topic for future study. 18 Discussions of typologically parallel issues may be found in opposing analyses of relativization in Tibeto-Burman languages (cf. Matisoff (1972), Genetti (1992), Noonan ( 1 9 9 7 ). DeLancey (1999b)). I am inclined to be sympathetic to Noonan's description of nominalization in languages like Chantyal and, by extension, Northern Paiute as part of a complex functional domain that includes relativization, among other functions.

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121 3 . 1 . 7 .2

"Proper" N om inalizer

A nother suffix th a t can be in te rp re te d as a nom inalizer is the sequence glottal stop plus (usually voiceless) echo vowel—a copy of th e final vowel of the stem. This suffix was discussed briefly at the end of section 1.2.2.1 an d has b e e n id e n tifie d (N ichols 1974) as carrying b o th a vocative fun ctio n and as a m eans for referrin g to anim als as myth c h a ra c te rs. I have found a few c o ntrastive exam ples of {-?V} serving a fu n ctio n sim ila r to the agent nom inalizing function of {-di}, described above. The p a ir in 30) even ap p ea rs to d e m o n stra te some free v ariatio n betw een th e two:

30)

na- topakida Ja. MM- IP/fist.beat-PRPR

~

na- topakida -di MM- IP/fist.beat -NMR

'boxer'

I was unable to tease out any difference in m eaning or use betw een th e two forms. Clearly, however, th e range of functions associated w ith {-TV} is m uch m ore re s tric te d th a n for {-di}, since it does not play a role in su bord in atio n . One finds th e {-TV} suffix m ost often on b a n d an d place nam es, w here it ap p ears to nom inalize a noun-verb com pound, as the exam ples in 31) illu s tra te .

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122 31a) kidi dika -?a groundhog -eat -PRPR 'S urprise Valley Band (Ft.Bidwell, CA)' (literally, 'g rou ndh og-eaters') b)

wada dika -?a seepweed.seed -eat -PRPR 'H arney Valley Band (Burns, OR)' (literally, 'seed-eaters')

c)

yapa - w ini

-?i

ipos -stand.SG-PRPR 'w ild -carro t-stan d ' (place name) d)

waa -

konogi

-?i

iu n ip e r-b e .a ro u n d -PRPR 'ju n ip er-all-aro u n d ' (place name)

I have found no evidence in my corpus of this suffix being used contrastively in th e way th a t Nichols (1974) describes. In his d escription , he includes th e c o n tra stiv e p a ir in 32).

3 2 a ) idza 'coyote'

b)

idza?a 'Coyote (m yth c h a ra c te r)'

This c o n tra st may have b een n eutralized or lost to some extent among th e p re se n t day elder speakers of Burns, Oregon. In the late 60s, Nichols' (p ersonal com m unication) m ain c onsultant, also of Burns, was con sid ered by many in th e com m unity to be the only one left capable of im parting tra d itio n a l n a rra tiv e s in the old way. The loss of the c o ntrastiv e use of th e suffix as illu s tra te d in 32) may be sym ptom atic of the loss o r d e g en e ra tio n of th e oral tra d itio n in the community.

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123 There rem ains in use among the p re se n t gen eratio n of speakers, however, a p revalence of form s, p a rtic u la rly p ro p e r nam es, w hich end in a glottal stop plus an echo vowel, as in the b a n d and place nam es noted above. Likely, th is is exactly the c o n tra st Nichols noted for anim al nam es. Since anim al c h a ra c te rs are p rev a len t in th e m ythological tr a d itio n s of N o rth America, th e suffix could have developed as a m eans of d istin g u ish in g b etw een anim als experienced as a p a rt of everyday living a n d th o se who, d u rin g th e m ythic p a st, h a d a n u m b e r of h u m a n c h arac teristics—including th e capacity for speech—and are responsible in m any ways for how th e w orld works. Therefore, although the suffix does a p pear to function m uch like a nom inalizer, one could describe it m ore bro ad ly as a p ro p e r n o u n form ant.

3 .1.7 .3 I n s tr u m e n ta l N o m in alizer

N o m inalizatio n of activity verbs to signify the in s tr u m e n t by which the activity is c arried out is productive in N o rth e rn Paiute. Indeed, the suffix has even b een u sed to derive term s for m ore m odern in stru m e n ts, as in 33a) and b) below. The in stru m e n ta l nom in alizer {-nu '-no'}is used for this purpose. Note the following:

3 3 a ) yadua^Qo talk -INSTR 'telephone'

b)

kati -nu sit -INSTR 'chair'

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124

c)

tussu -nu g rin d -INSTR

d)

'grinding-stone'

wiko zug. roll -INSTR 'ring for hoop and pole game'

Height harm ony of th e suffix vowel to th e final vowel in th e stem , as described in section 2.1.4.1, resu lts in the allom orphy we see h e re .19

3 . 1 . 7 .4 Locative N o m in alizatio n

The use of a common postposition, namely {-wai -kwai’}, as a m eans of deriving locative nouns from verbs or verb p hrases may is also a kind of nom inalization. The allom orphy of the enclitic is d eterm ined by "final feature" processes, as described in section 2.4.1. The p ostp o sitio n can be analyzed as ren d erin g a verb or verb phrase into a kind of headless relative clau se—a nom inalizing function we have already seen d e m o n stra te d for the suffix {-di}—b u t here the resulting nom inal plays a locative role with resp ect to th e action de n o te d by the verb. The following examples help illu stra te . The relative clause p o rtions in question are u n d ersco red to help in identification:

19There could be a historical relationship among the instrumental nominalizer {nu} and/or the comitative postposition {no}, and a verb stem {noo} meaning 'to carry/haul.’

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125

34)

u/ni ti- datsa -kwai-tu mi-mia-u they APS-kill.SG-LOC -LOC RE-go -PNC 'They (two) w ent to where X killed (it) .' (lit. "to the killing place")

In 34), th e verb stem has been d etransitiv ized, w ith b oth notional argum ents unspecified. In 35), both the notional subject an d object are overtly specified, in the configuration expected of a non -sub ject relative clause.

35)

ta pinaosu mi-mia-u -kwi ka= kidi i=nuni-kwai-tu we.DLback RE-go-PNC-FUT OBL= groundhog i=see -LOC-ALL 'You and I will go back to w here I saw the g ro undh og.' (lit. "to my seeing the groundhog place)

Note in p a rtic u la r th e encoding of the notional subject of th e verb as a proclitic, a form reserved for syntactic objects or possessors. Alternative analyses to the one I have prop osed are possible. The fact th a t in all th ese examples, the postp osition, which u n d e r most circum stances is bo und to a noun, is here found a ttach ed to a verb, could simply imply t h a t po stposition s a re enclitics—not suffixes. R ather th a n being bound to nouns or p rono uns, they are, ra th e r, b o u n d to noun phrases. We could th en tre a t th e examples above as a special non-subject relative clause type, w hose notion al arg u m en ts a re expressed as they are for o th er no n-sub ject nou n ph rases (see 3.1.7.6), but whose verb is otherw ise unm arked for its role as a d ep en d en t clause verb. The

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126

postposition is simply bo und to th is phrasal co nstituent as an enclitic, r a t h e r t h a n p e rfo rm in g an a c tu a l no m inalizing functio n . At any rate, since the exam ples above clearly re p re s e n t a d istin c t c o n struction type, I believe it is plausible to analyze {-wai -kwai’} as h a ving developed a special nominalizing function in these cases.

3.1.7.5 P erfective N o m in aliza tio n

The suffix {-pi} perfo rm s the aspectual function of m arking perfective on verb forms. It im plies th a t the action is com pleted and rep re se n ts a resu lta n t sta te of affairs holding in the present. U nder some c irc u m sta n ce s, th e re s u ltin g form may th e n e n te r into a nom inal con stru ctio n . In 36a), we see th e tra n sitiv e verb m eaning 'to p lan t X' in its predicate function. In 36b), the verb is b oth unspecified for its object, with the anti-passive (APS) prefix, and m arked perfective (PFV). The definite, nom inal sta tu s of the form is signalled by its occurrence in a noun p h ra s e m a rk e d by {su=} 'NOM,' the nom inative d e te rm in e r proclitic:

3 6 a ) ni "carrots" masi?a I carrots plant.DUR 'I'm planting carrots.' b)

su= ti- masia j j i miitsi -?yu NOM=APS- plant -PFV short -PRED 'The plant is sh o r t.1

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127

M odifiers 37a) an d denom inalized verbs 37b) may also be no m inalized w ith {-pi}.

3 7 a ) [momoatipi] mo + moa + ti + RE + old + TNS + PFV

b)

'elders'

[mariimituupi] ma + a*01* + tuu + id IP/hand + person + MAKE + PFV 'Indian C reator’

Recall th e form al sim ilarity of this perfective suffix w ith one of the no un class m ark e rs as describ ed in section 3.1.2 and th e accom panying historical discussion. The examples above d em o n strate how a m ark e r of th e perfective may have developed from an o ld er n om inalization.

3,1.7.6 Participle, or Action N om inalization

One suffix is very prev alen t in N o rth e rn P aiu te in a v a rie ty of functions th a t relate to both to aspect and to nom inalization. This is the ubiquitous {-na} suffix. It is p e rh a p s b est analyzed as m arking c u rre n t, ongoing states. W hen it occurs as a suffix to noun stems, its function is like a copula or an existential.

38 a) ka= momo?asu mi= idza mi= issa ka= nimi -na OBL= long.ago PL=coyote PL= wolf OBL=person-PTCP 'Long, long ago, when the coyotes and wolves were people. . .' b)

su= taidzi?i miu inakwi NOM=Taidzi QUOT say

oo?nosu ni ka= naatsi -na long.ago I OBL=boy -PTCP

'Taidzi said, "Long ago, when I was a boy. . '"

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128

W hen it is suffixed to a verb stem , it serves a general nom inalizing function, b u t also im plies stative aspect. The nom inalizing fun ction can be in te rp re te d as in te rco n n e cte d w ith a b ro a d e r function of tre a tin g events as general, ongoing s ta te s .20

3 9 a ) i= nossi zm. waha -na 1= d rea m -PTCP tell.of -PTCP '. . telling my d rea m s . . '(telling my dream ing) b)

yaa i= haba -na here 1= shade -PTCP 'H ere's my shadow .' (here my shading)

The suffix also m arks the verb of non-subject relative clauses, as in 4 0 a ) —a fun ctio n com plim entary to th a t of {-di}, described in section 3 .i.7 .i- - a s well as verbal com plem ents, as in 40b). The notio nal subject a p p ears as a proclitic on th e relative clause verb, in te rp re ta b le syntactically as a possessor proclitic.

40a)

su =miidi i= kuhani -na kai toki kamma NOM=meat i=. cook -PTCP NEG correct taste 'The meat I cooked doesn't taste right.' (lit. "the m eat of my cooking")

2°0ne could in fact make the same interpretation with respect to the examples in 33), only with predicate nominals—’coyote and wolf being people’ and 'I being a boy.'

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129

b)

tammi ti= pabi?i kyadua -na naka -kwi we.INCL POSS=elder.brother talk -PTCP listen-FUT 'We'll listen to what the chief is saying.' (lit. "our b ro th e r's talking")

In clause chaining, it generally im plies sim u lta n eity of events, as in th e following exam ple from th e 'Cave Myth' text in M arsden (1923). The dust rises, the Wolf sees it, and at the same tim e knows what his little b ro th e r, Coyote, has done--nam ely, allowed all th e game anim als to run free, making hunting difficult for those who follow:

41)

yaisi isu th en this

kaiba kussi timatai -na m ountain dust rise -PTCP

yaisi then

usu pabi?i th a t e ld e r.b ro th e r

u= punni zQM. uka kussi -ba 3= see -PTCP that.OBL dust -LOC?

yaisi th e n

pisa u=supidakwatu well 3 = u n d e rsta n d

'. . th en as the d u st rose from this m ountain, and the e ld er b ro th e r (Wolf) saw it, th a t dust, th en (he, Wolf) u n d ersto o d it (i.e. w hat it m ea n t).' (WM: The Cave Myth)

Taking all of these functions together, I refer to the suffix simply as a participle (PTCP), since th e re is a b ro ad unity of its various functions. These functions are likely historical extensions from its role in su bo rd in ate clauses. Its incipient aspectual function may also be in te rp re te d as an extension of th a t role.21

^Noonan (1997) describes an analagous range of functions for nominalization in Chantyal (Tibeto-Burman).

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3.1.7.7 A sp ec t-m a rk in g in N o m in alizatio n s

There appears to be little to re s tric t th e use of aspect m arking in th e context of a n om inalization in N o rth e rn Paiute. That is to say, a n o m inalization has fin ite c h aracteristics. One im plication of deriving a noun or n o u n p h ra s e from a v erb o r verb p h ra s e in m any langu ages is th a t ten se-a sp ec t in form ation is excluded, or at least greatly re s tric te d (cf. Givon 1990). This re s tric tio n does not apply to N o rth ern Paiute, however.

4 2 a ) yau su= nana usu mia-kwi -di here NOM=man he go -FUT-NMR 'H ere's the man who'll go.' b)

ma?a su= nana usu mia-u -di th ere NOM=man he go -PNC-NMR 'There's the m an who ju s t left.'

Finite nom inalizations are in fact w ell-attested cross-linguistically. In N o rth ern Paiute, th is feature could be rela te d to the fact th a t stem classes like nouns need not be derived to function as predicates, b ut can take te n s e -a sp e c t m arking directly.

3.1.8 N oun to Verb D erivation

Although w hat I refer to as nouns n eed not carry special m orphosyntax to fu nction as p red ic ates in N o rth e rn Paiute, th e re are specialized verbalizers, or denom inal suffixes, th a t serve to form special

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131

pred ic ate types from stem s which otherw ise serve a nouns in the la n g u a g e. Three suffixes in N o rth ern Paiute serve to derive verbs from stem s th a t typically d is tr ib u te as n ouns in th e language. These a re given in 43) th r o u g h 45).

43)

{-tu}:

/-tu ,-to ,-d u ,-d o /

'to make or prepare N’ a)

okao tiwao tii -tu 3.OBL also tea -MAKE 'That, too, makes tea.'

b)

ni kopi?i I coffee -MAKE 'I made coffee.'

c)

iwa na -nobi -kwi m any M M -house-MAKE-FUT 'Lots of houses will be built.'

44)

{-ka?yu}:

/-ka?yu,-ga?yu,-kaana.-gaana / 'to have or be ch aracterized by N'

a)

ii = ha kuna -ka?vu you = Q firewood-HAVE 'Do you have firewood?’

b)

pisa miawo-sa?vu good knees -HAVE '(idiom .) to have a knack for showing up a ro u n d m ealtim e'

c)

wa-kwa?itsi piti -u mi=hii agaitsija hiisapa pu-puku -paana RE-old.man arrive-PNC PL=some W.S. whoever RE-horse-HAVE '. . some old men from Warm Springs arrived on horseb ack . . ' (NK: Boarding School Days)

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132

45)

{-ga}:

'to h un t N'

ni kidi

-ga

-gaa

-kwi

I g ro iin d h o g-H U N T -TRNSL-FIJT

'I'm going to go groundhog hu nting.'

The allom orphy exhibited by these suffixes is the resu lt of the final featu re phenom enon discussed in section 2.4.1 as well as some vowel h a rm o n y pro cesses d e scrib e d in 2.1.4.1. One im p o rtan t fact about de-no m inalizatio n is th a t it is not req u ire d in o rd er for nouns to en ter into predicate constructions. As discussed in some detail in section 6.2.2, nouns may e n te r into p red icate co n stru ctio n s w ithout derivation, as in equative zero-copula constructions. The v erb alizers liste d above, however, derive a p a rtic u la r p red ic ate type, as evidenced by th e ir sem antics. Although different nom inalizers also imply different participant types, in m ost cases, it bears repeating th a t verbs require such d e riv a tio n in o rd er to e n te r into nom inal constructions. This is, as I've said, an im p o rta n t c rite ria l diagnostic for identifying m em bers of th e nou n versu s v e rb category. Some so u rces (Crum and Dayley 1993) have de scrib e d w h a t I call verbalizers as verbs th a t obligatorily in corpo rate th e ir objects, b u t I feel th is analysis reflects a se m an tic bias. H istorically, th ey may well have developed from defective verbs, b u t synchronically, none of th ese form s ever occurs in d ep e n d e n tly in th e language. I analyze th em as noun suffixes also b ased on th e fact th a t they never carry stress and, at lea st in

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133

two cases, do not carry th e m inim al m oraic re q u ire m e n ts of a phonological word.

3.2 The N oun P hrase

3.2.1 Sem antic C oherence an d S yntactic C o n stitu en c y

The m ajor functions of the noun p h ra s e —to identify, elab o rate upon, and track referen ts in d isc o u rse —are c arried out by a n u m b er of different strategies. The complexity of a p a rtic u la r NP reflects p ragm atic choices regarding referen tial statu s, definiteness, and presupposition. A noun phrase can be very sim ple—consisting only of a pro n o u n , a pro p er noun, or a simple indefinite n oun —o r it may be quite c o m p le x consisting of a head noun and its modifiers. Aside from simple m odifiers— adjectives and q u a n tifie rs—m odifiers in N o rth e rn Paiute may also include an embedded possessor noun phrase or relative clause. Possessor NP's are discussed in section 3.2.3.1. Relative clauses in N o rth ern Paiute are described in detail in section 9.1. One in te restin g featu re of noun p h ra se s in N o rth ern P aiute is th a t a h e a d no un per se is not a syntactic re q u ire m e n t. R ather, a fully refe rrin g m odifier, for example, m arked for syntactic case may fill th e syn tactic slot of a NP. That is, like p ronouns, modifiers may be used to targ et a specific referent—'many,' 'this one,' 'the tall one,' etc.—without the necessity of carrying a kind of dum m y NP head like 'one', as som etim es req u ire d in English. This refe ren tial fea tu re of m odifiers, along w ith th e fact th a t they

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134 c a r r y case-m arking to signal core a rg u m e n t relation s, makes th e discontinuity of NP's possible in tex t (cf. section3.2.5). The noun ph rase in N o rth ern Paiute is distinguished as th e subject o r o th er core argu m ent of th e sentence via case-m arking. C ase-m arking is not an inflectional p ro p erty of head nouns, but of noun p h ra se dependents. It occurs on in d ep e n d en t pron oun s an d dem onstratives, articles, and p r e ­ head m odifiers--in p a rticu la r, q u an tifiers and some adjectives. Articles and possessor pronouns are proclitics. The two may co­ occur, but th e article precedes the possessor proclitic since they operate at different levels of syntactic stru ctu re. That is to say, possessor proclitics operate at the level of the possessor NP (se c tio n s.2.3.1), w hereas articles o p e ra te at the level of th e h ig h er NP, which may or may not be complex (3-2.2 .1). Q uantifiers, cardinal num bers, qualifiers (adjectivals), colors, etc. act as m odifiers. The m orp hosyntactic behaviors of th e v arious categories I include u n d e r the general term m odifier are not identical, however. In th e context of the noun phrase, a color term is always tightly b o u n d to the h e a d noun, form ing a com pound w ith it.

A relative clause typically

follows the h ead noun, but is not completely restric te d to th a t position. W hen a relative clause occurs before th e head noun, however, the article precedes it, as articles are typically the first elem ent of th e NP. I begin w ith a descrip tio n of th e various syntactic categories th a t occur as p a rt of a noun phrase. This is followed by a description of the various NP types, b a sed up on b o th th e ir in te rn a l s tru c tu re a n d th e ir sy ntactic d istrib u tio n .

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135 3-2.2 Syntactic Categories in Simple Noun P hrases

Simple noun phrases are of two basic types: 1) consisting of a p rono un (pronouns are described in C hapter 4) and 2) consisting of a head noun and its d e p e n d e n ts—articles and m odifiers. The unm arked form of this NP type can be described as: [(Article=) (Modifier(s)) Head Noun]. The following two sections describe the properties of articles and m odifiers as they rela te to th e no un p h ra se in N o rth e rn Paiute, including syntactic d is trib u tio n and case-m arking features.

3 . 2.2,1 A rticles

A key set of o p e ra to rs in the N o rth e rn Paiute noun p h ra se are the proclitics. One set of proclitics always appears as the first elem ent of a NP. These are the articles. A rticles in N o rth e rn P aiu te effectively m ark the initial bo und ary of a NP c o nstituent. They are sensitive to num ber-sin g u lar versus p lu r a l—and th e sin g u lar articles are f u r th e r sensitive to case, having b o th nom inative (subject) and oblique (object ) 22 forms, as su m m arize d in T able 3.3.

^ h i s form also aligns with NPs that are not one of the core arguments in a transitive clause, and may therefore be described as simply applying to non-subjects. In Northern Paiute there are only two cases in the classical sense. Oblique here refers to the case forms for syntactic objects, objects of postpositions, etc., and could perhaps be more accurately referred to as the non-nominative case.

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136

Table 3.3 N o rth ern P aiute Articles N o m inative

Oblique

su=

ka=

S in g u la r Plural

mi=

The following exam ples d e m o n stra te case alignm ent for articles. Note th a t articles are u sed with p ro p e r nam es, as in 46b):

4 6 a ) su= paninadi tiasi -pi NQM= lake freeze-PFV 'The lake is frozen.' b)

su=Trudy tiipi hiwi-wini NOM=T. dirt dig -CONT.SG 'Trudy's digging (in) th e d irt.'

c)

su= tsia?a NOM= girl

ka= tipi mayi -u OBL=rock find -PNC

'The girl found the rock.’ d)

mi= na?atsi mi= tsitsia?a massiPa PL= boys PL= girls frighten 'The boys are scaring those girls.'

As 46d) illu stra te s, th e plural-m ark in g article does not disting uish nom inative from oblique case. W hen contextual cues or o th e r p rag m atic factors are not in place, SOV w ord o rd e r may serve as the default stra te g y fo r d e te rm in in g g ram m atical re la tio n s (cf. C h a p te r 6.1.1). A nother im p o rta n t p ro p erty of articles in N o rth e rn P aiu te is th a t th e y ty p ic ally m a rk o nly definite NP's. Indefinite or generic NP's usually occur w itho ut articles.

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137

4 7 a ) ni miidi kuhani I meat cook 'I'm cooking meat.'

b)

umi kidi hoawai-ga -kwi they groundhog h u n t -TRNSL-FUT 'They're going to h u n t groundhog.'

Nichols (1974) and Langacker (1977a) describe th e dev elo p m en t of the articles from d em o n strativ e p ron oun s. This developm ent occurred th ro u g h red u ctio n processes w hereby the second, prim ary stre sse d syllable was m ain tain ed --w h a t a re now th e a rtic le s—and the d e m o n stra tiv e base was lost. Full forms of dem onstrative base plus case suffix are m aintained in an em phatic or p ro n o m in a l fun ctio n in N o rth e rn Paiute. D em onstratives are also th e p rim ary source for th e th ird p e rso n prono uns in th e language. As w ith th e d e m o n s tra tiv e form s from which th ey h isto ric ally derive, a rticle s a p p ea r in som e in stan ces to behave p ronom inally, serving to track referents, as in this example from text:

48)

su= tsagwidi o-ba pidi -u ka= kutsu-pa. su= tipiija . . NOM=porcupine 3-LOC arrive-PNC OBL=cow -LOC NQM= ask 'The porcupine came up to it, to the cow. Hg (porcupine) asked, " . . (NK: Porcupine and Coyote)

Interestingly, th e no m inative article also a p p ea rs in text to m ark first m entions, p a rtic u la rly if th e re fe re n t is im p o rta n t for th e ensuing discourse. This is m ost typically a feature of indefiniteness. The following sh o rt excerpt from text d e m o n stra te s the use of an article {su=} to m ark both the in tro d u c tio n of a new p a rticipant into the discourse an d its second

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138

m ention. The antelope was not m entioned p rio r to this episode, but persists as the topic for some ten clauses.

49)

oo?no-su h ii unau, at.the.tim e-A D V th in g s o u t.th e re su= tinna una in a kw a w inibodoti. NOM=antelope DEM this.direction stand.around oo ka unaku tuam i -ga, su= tinna. there OBL o ut.th ere fawns -HAVE NOM=antelope oo?no h a yu inai?yaina papatsi?i, a t.th e .tim e som ehow w as.m aking.noise loudly inai'fyaina, was. m aking, noise ka= tiipi hau m a?i?yakw i ti= kaupa-m a tia?, OBL=ground however w ould.stom p/do POSS=leg -with thusly '. . . an d at th a t m om ent th e re was som ething out th e re , an antelone was stand ing aro u n d ; and (she) h a d fawns, th a t an telop e, a n d was making a kind of loud noise; as (she) was making th a t noise, (she) would stom p the ground with h e r leg ju s t so. .' (NK: Root-digging Time)

As the passage above illu stra te s, an article is not entirely re stric te d to m arking definiteness, but may also include as one of its functions the m arking of p a rtic ip a n ts t h a t a re of th e m a tic im po rtance. The u se of th e nom inative subject case form to m ark a discourse topic can be in te rp re te d as a reflection of th e p rag m a tic link betw een m arking topics and m arking subjects ind ependent of definiteness.

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139 q.2.2.2 Modifiers

U nder th e g en eral te rm modifier I include adjectival m odifiers and quantifiers. The various subclasses of m odifiers and th e ir distinctive distrib u tio n al and functional p ro p erties are discussed in m ore detail in section 5.1. In this section, I will explore the properties of m odifiers only as th ey rela te to th e no un p hrase. The syntactic d istrib u tio n of m odifiers w ithin th e noun p h rase is generally before the head noun. T here are a variety of subclasses of m odifiers in N o rth ern Paiute, some of which may be d istin g u ish ed on m orph o-sy ntactic g ro und s, o th ers only on sem antic gro und s. A n u m b e r of m odifiers, it can b e a rg u e d (cf. section 5.1.3), are really a subtype of stative verb. As such, the d istrib u tio n of these m odifiers ten d s to be freer th a n th a t of m odifiers m ore clearly categorized as adjectives on both sem antic an d m orpho syn tactic grounds. T heir freedom of d istrib u tio n is sim ilar to relative clauses in this respect. Many m odifiers carry case info rm ation. C ase-m arking p a tte rn s of m odifiers d istin g u ish th e core gram m atical relations subject an d object in N o rth ern Paiute by m eans of suffixation. The two m odifier suffixes are ?yu}, n o m in a tiv e /a ttr ib u tiv e (NOM) a n d {-u} (also {-ku}) oblique (OBL), f u r th e r su m m arize d in Table 3.4 below.

Table 3.4 N o rth ern Paiute Modifier Case Suffixes N o m in ativ e

Oblique

-?yu

-u / -ku

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{-

140

The following exam ples illu stra te th e case-m arking p a tte rn of m odifiers in N o rth ern Paiute:

5 0 a ) su= udi -?vu naatsi kima -u -gi -na NOM= tall -NOM boy come-PNC-CISL-PTCP 'The tall boy is coming th is way.' b)

ni u= punni ka= udi dL naatsi I 3= see OBL= tall -OBL boy 'I see him, the tall boy.'

c)

tina?a -?vu piawabi owi igya -u short -NOM old.lady DEM enter.SG-PNC 'A sh o rt old lady went in there.'

d)

ni ka= tina?a -ku piawabi punni I OBL=short -OBL old.lady see 'I see th a t little old lady.'

e)

waha -?vu kaazi nawigiba kima -u -gi two -NOM car beside come -PNC-CISL 'Two cars are coming side by side.'

f)

nimmi waha m kaazi -ga?yu we.EXCL two -OBL car -HAVE 'We have two cars.'

No a p p aren t conditioning factors exist to account for the d istrib u tio n of the allom orphs of the oblique suffix on modifiers. Rather, different m odifiers simply take different forms of the oblique suffix. Modifiers in possessor NP's or in NP objects of postpositions are m arked oblique. N o rth ern Paiute distinguishes ju st two core m orphological cases in modifiers.

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141 GEN-NP--> Mod-(k)u + N 51a) paba-u nana nobi big -OBL man house . . (the) big m an’s house . .

Obj of P P -> Mod-(k)u (+ N) -PP b)

ka= udi -u naatsi -no OBL=tall-OBL boy -COM . . with the tall boy . .

As a predicate, th e m odifier carries nom inative case.

52a)

su= nobi paba-?yu NOM=house good -NOM 'The house is big.'

b)

osu nana pisa-?yu DEM man good-NOM 'That m an is go o d /k in d .’

Although it is qu ite ra re to find a noun p hrase consisting of more th a n one p re -h e a d m odifier in text, c o n su lta n ts readily p ro duce th em and accep t th e m as g ra m m a tic a l.

53a)

su= siibi iwa -u oha - siaka- ga?yu NOM=willow many-OBL ye llo w -lea f -HAVE 'The (willow) tree has lots of yellow leaves.'

b)

mi=waha-?yu nimi mo-moko?ni yuutu kimma PL=two -NOM In dian RE-woman this.way come.DUR 'Those two In d ian w om en are coming this way.'

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142

c)

pahi -?yu pa-paba-?yu atsa - nobi o?o three-NOM RE-big -NOM red - house there 'Three big, red houses are over th e re .'

Ordering p a tte rn s with respect to co-occurring m odifiers a ppear to follow a general p a tte rn based loosely on sem antic subtypes. An article will occur first as a proclitic to the e n tire noun phrase (53b), followed by a q u a n tifie r. Color term s, w hen they occur w ith in a noun p h ra s e always a p p e a r directly preceding th e h e ad n o u n a n d do not carry case in fo rm atio n . Modifiers expressing value o r dim ension may, like the color term s, directly p reced e th e h e a d no un in a nom inal com pound. W hen they do so, th e y a p p e a r w ith o u t case m arking.

5 4 a ) puhi-patsona blue-spring 'C rater Lake' c)

b)

pisa - mani-di good - do-NMR 'do-gooders/those who do good'

paba-huudi big- river 'Snake River'

Com pare 54c), w here th e m o d ifier-nou n com pound fu nctions as the nam e for a river, w ith 55), w here a m o re sy n ta ctic a lly in d e p e n d e n t m odifier occurs.

55)

paba-?yu huudi big-NOM river '. . . a big river . . .'

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143 As already stated , less in h ere n t qualities, like those expressed by quantifiers, are m arked for case and do not ap p ea r to form com pounds with th e h e ad noun. W hen co-occurring with o th e r m odifiers, th ey a p p ea r f u rth e s t from the h e a d noun, as in 53) above. M odifiers may them selv es occur as no un p h rase heads, carrying th e sam e referring q ualities as p rono uns.

56 )

o?o iwa -?yu na?a . . DEM many-NOM grow ' . . . lots were growing out th e re . . '

This referring p o ten tial a n d th e fact th a t they are m arked for case allows for d iscontin uity of elem ents th a t refer to the sam e e n tity --th a t is, th a t belong to the same notional NP.

57)

waha-?yu tia? ka= mo-moko?ni tihona -ga two-NOM thusly OBL= RE -woman dig.roots-TRNSL 'There were two women going o u t root-digging . . .'

Section 3.2.5 h as f u rth e r exam ples and discussion of disco n tin u ity betw een h e ad nouns and th e ir no tional d ependen ts. Pronom inal behavior of such dependents is also described in section 4.4.

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144 3-2.3 Syntactic Categories in Complex N oun P hrases

Complex noun ph rases are of two types: 1) consisting of an em bedded possessor NP, and 2) consisting of a relative clause. The in te rn al stru c tu re of possessor NP's is the same as th at of simple NP's. They are m arked with oblique case and p ossessor pronom inal proclitics are identical in form to direct object proclitics on verbs. Only in dependent possessor pronouns carry a special genitive case suffix. I refer the rea d er to section 4.1.9 for a detailed discussion of possessor pronouns. The in te rn al s tru c tu re of th e various types of relative clause is described in detail in section 9.1. They may consist of a verb and its core arg u m en ts or sim ply of a nom inalized verb. T heir syntactic p o sitio n w ith respect to the noun phrase appears to be freer th a n o th er m odifiers, although th ey m ost often follow th e h ead noun.

3.2.3,1 Possessor Noun Phrases

Noun ph rases referring to the possessor of a n o ther noun are generally simple. The syntactic stru c tu re of two NP's in a possessorpossessed relationship is m ost often u n ad o rn ed juxtaposition, w ith the possessor noun phrase preceding the possessed noun phrase.

58 a) ii u= titsamia-ki, mido kaazi you 3= drive -APL Myrtle car 'You drive it, Myrtle's c a r .'

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145

b)

kaabidzi nodikwa K. wife 'Kaabidzi's wife'

This feature distinguishes N o rth ern Paiute from some of th e o th e r Numic la n g u a g e s , w h ich may m a rk genitive case on nouns referrin g to th e po ssessor (cf. Dayley 1989). It is easy to see how simple juxtaposition of possessor-possessed can be a source stru c tu re for N oun-N oun com pounds, although in tru e compounds, there is a loss of prim ary stress in the second noun of the compound. This syntactic co nstruction is also th e historical source for the developm ent of postpositions from rela to r nouns in N orthern P a iu te —a com m on p rocess cro ss-lin g u istically (S ta ro sta 1985, DeLancey 1997). Com pounding in noun fo rm atio n is discussed in section 3.1.6. The developm ent of postpositions from rela to r nouns is described m ore fully in se ctio n 5.2.5. In d ep en d en t p ro n o u n s exhibit case form s th a t d istingu ish the genitive form from both nom inative and oblique form s by m eans of the suffix {ga>, whose initial con sonant is invariably lenis. This c o n tra sts with the oblique suffix on ind ependent pronouns, {ka}, whose in itial consonant is in variably f o r tis .23 See Table 4.2 in section 4.1.6 for a list of the pro nom inal form s relating to non-core a rg um ents in N o rth e rn Paiute.

23The fortis/lenis distinction is described in detail in section 2.1.3.1.

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146

A possessor th a t is not p a rt of a n o th e r noun p h ra se —i.e. when it functions e ith e r as one of a clause's core argum ents or as a predicate no m in al—is m arked w ith the pa rtitiv e suffix {-ti}, w hether the possessor appears as a no un or as an in d ep e n d en t pron oun .

59 a) m idoji ya?a; i -ga zti o?o M. -PART h ere vou-GEN-PART th e re Myrtle's is here; yours is over there. b)

su= piza-?yu niga zti NOM=good-NOM mine-PART 'The good ones are mine.'

c)

niga zH u-su tsakwinai -hu m in e -PART 3-NOM IP/grasp-throw.aside-PNC 'S /H e th re w m ine away.'

W hen m odifiers occur in a possessor noun p hrase, they a re m arked oblique, as illu stra te d in section 3.2.2.2 above.

6 0 a ) ni umi waha zu nimi nobi punni I 3.PL two -OBL people house see.DUR 'I see those two people's house.' b)

umi wahazU nimi nobi naha-?vu 3.PL two -OBL people house big -NOM 'Those two people's house is large.'

C hapter 9 explores complex clauses in general, an d includes discussion of the reflexive-possessor proclitic on subo rdin ate-m arked verbs

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of a dependent clause, indicating coreference to th e notional subject of th a t clause:

61)

su= tippi naatsi ti= winai -hu -na NOM= rock boy REFL= t hrow-PNC-PTCP pa a -wai tsopa-u -piti -ga water-LOC sink -PNC-arrive-TRNSL 'The rock th e boy th rew w ent in to th e w ater and sank.' (literally, "the rock of the boy his throw ing. . .")

The complex noun p h rase includes a nom inalized verb a n d its notional subject as the post-head m odifier of 'rock.' The function of the reflexive-possessor proclitic is to refer to the notional subject of the relative clause.

3 .2. 3 .2 Relative Clause M odifiers

I have m ade passing m ention of relative clauses at several points th ro u g h o u t th is chapter. Relative clauses in N o rth ern Paiute (as well as o th e r s u b o rd in a te clause types) carry a n u m b er of the m o rp h o sy n tac tic featu res of nouns and nou n phrases. Thus far, we have seen the use of su bo rdin ating m orphology on the verbs of relative clauses doing double du ty as n om in alizers (see especially sections 3.1.7.! a n d 3.1.7.6 above) and the use of possessor proclitics to reference the notional subject of the rela tiv e clause v erb (se ctio n 3.2.3.1).

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148

To re la te relative clauses to th e general s tru c tu re of th e noun phrase, we will reserve th e d e scription of each relative clause type for the c h a p te r on clause-com bining (c h a p te r 9). In m ost cases, th e relative clause follows th e h e ad nou n t h a t it modifies.

6 2)

yaisi usu m i o?o aata -di th en th at.o ne PL there sit.PL-NMR hayu ni= nimai-yakwi "Talk English! Talk English!" how i.EXCL= insist -HAB '. . and one of them (who was) sitting th ere kept on telling us, "Talk English! Talk English!" ' (NK: 'Boarding School Days')

T here are occasions w here a relative clause may precede its h e ad noun, occurring in th e syntactic p o sitio n w ith in the n o u n p h ra s e w here m odifiers occur. In th is position, the relative clause typically consists only of a nom inalized verb, arguably a m odifier d erived from a stative p re d ic a te --th e h isto ric al source for m any modifying elem ents.

6 3 a ) na- kuhani -di miidi MM-cook -NMR m eat 'cooking-meat / m eat for cooking / meat th a t is cooked' b)

ka= ninikwi-di tsagwi-u su= natiiva-di mogo?ni OBL=heavy -NMR lift -PNC NQM=strone-NMR w o m an 'The stro n g w om an lifte d th e heavy th in g .'

Very likely, one re q u ire m e n t of a p repo sed relative clause in N o rth ern Paiute is th a t it consist only of th e nom inalized verb w ith no

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149 notional a rg um ents aside from the head noun itself. The nom inalized verb in exam ple 63a) is d e tra n sitiv ize d by m eans o f th e m iddle voice m ark e r since th e verb is in h e re n tly tra n s itiv e . Syntactically, th is leaves only th e h e ad noun of the complex NP as a notional argum ent. The second nom inalized verb in exam ple 63b) is a stative verb th a t has possibly lexicalized the m iddle m arker.

3.2.4 "Conjoined" Noun Phrases

The second of two conceptually conjoined noun ph rases is m arked with the com itative p o stposition {no} in N o rth e rn Paiute. As w ith any o th e r postpo sitio nal phrase, case-m arking on m odifiers w ithin the postpositional ph rase is oblique even when the entire conjoined NP is the notional subject of the sentence.

6 4 a ) ni i -no I vou-COM

mia -kwi go.SG-FUT

'I'll go with you.' b)

ka= sa?a su= hii umi -ba pitti, OBL= la te r NOM=thing they-LOC arrive wida?a b e ar

waha-u ti= tuami -no two -OBL POSS=children-COM

' L ater on, (she) arrived to w here they were, Bear and h e r two cubs.' (NK: Bear and Deer)

From the p oint of view of the m orpho-syntax, th e re is nothing to indicate th a t th e nou n p h ra se m ark ed w ith th e com itative p o stp o sitio n in

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150

eith e r example is a core arg um ent. In 64a), th e form of th e verb is indicative of a sin g u lar subject. In 64b), th e no un p h rase m eaning "her two children" carries oblique case as the object of the comitative postposition. One issue su rro u n d in g such co n stru ctio n s is w h e th er th is strategy is used for conjoining noun ph rases th a t cannot be in te rp retab le as co-actors. Example 65a), I am told, may be u sed w h eth er or not th e two people are to g eth er, and 65b) is sim ply a sta te m e n t a b o u t a p ro p e rty sh a re d by both ju n ip e r and sag eb rush.

6 5 a ) Rena A m i-no tauna-wai R. A. -COM town -LOC 'Rena and Ami are in to w n .’ b)

mi=waapi -no su= sawabi ini kwanna PL=iuniper-COM NOM =sagebrush very smell.DUR 'The ju n ip e rs and sagebrush are strong-sm elling.'

As 65b) indicates, the postposition is also not restricted to the second no un p hrase, a ltho ugh nom inative case-m arking is r e s tric te d to th e NP w ithout th e postposition. On a re la te d note, one form has been analyzed in Snapp and A nderson (1983) as a conjunction for indicating different subject. This is th e form {pinno?o}which is very likely a lexicalization of the re s tric te d th ir d perso n p ro n o u n {pi’} plus the comitative postpositio n {no} and nom inalizing {-?V}.

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151 6 6 a ) ii ninnoPo you as.well 'And you?' OR 'How about you?' b)

mi= yaisi widaPa tuami, umiu ninnoPo owi -su tsunua -kwi PL= th en Bear children they as.well DEM-ADV enter.PL-FUT '. . . and those Bear cubs, they, too, were to go in th ere . . . ' (NK: 'Bear and Deer')

The length of the nasal comes from the fact th a t the p ro n o u n induces fortition. I in te rp re t th is form as m eaning som ething like "as well" while also implying em phasis. Its gloss as DS ('different subject') in Snapp and A nderson (1983) may re q u ire r e in te r p r e ta tio n in lig ht of its conjunctive an d em phatic functions.

3.2.5 D iscontinuous Noun Phrases

Case m arking is, as we have seen, typically a featu re of n oun p h rase dependents, not heads. F u rth e r, as I explore in section 4.4, practically any elem ent th a t can be co nsidered a NP d epen dent may also function pronom inally, filling th e syntactic slot of a NP in the clause. It is th e com bination of these facts, I would argue, th a t allows for discontinuity in NP's. Example 66) above has an adverbial {yaisi} 'a n d th e n ' in te rv en in g betw een the p lu ral article {mi}and the re st of th e NP. 67) has a subject p ro n o u n betw een a m odifier and h e ad noun.

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152

67a)

T6tsiku nemf wegena'A kana.24

tiitsi -ku nimmi wigina?a-kaa -na small-OBL we.EXCL wagon -HAVE-PTCP 'we had a small wagon . b)

waha-?yu tia? ka= mo -moko?ni tihona -ga two-NOM thusly OBL= RE -woman dig.roots-TRNSL 'There were two women going out root-digging . . .'

W hether to in te rp re t these examples as discontinuous NP's o r simply a m odifier "small" behaving pronom inally in an initial focus p osition in the clause poses an im p o rtan t question. Initial position generally receives m ore p ro m inent sentence-level stre ss and, in case th a t elem en t is tru ly in focus, this initial elem ent is more prosodically salient. I have also found examples like th e following th a t display a discontinuity of the possessor and possessum.

6 8)

imi ni nobi punni 3.PL I house see.DUR 'I see their house.'

Such disco n tin u ity raises issues regarding refe ren tial coherence and th e referring sta tu s of NP d e p enden ts in N o rth e rn Paiute. T here are a nu m b er of ways to explore these issues in the context of n a tu ra l speech. One is prosodically. The examples so far p resen te d exhibit in ton atio nal

24As recorded (by Kroeber) in the original source—Natches (1923).

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153 salience in p a rt because of th e ir occurrence in initial p o sitio n —w here focused elem ents are generally placed (cf. section 6.1.1.1). I have addressed, albeit im pressionistically, some of the prosodic fea tu res of N o rth e rn P aiute at th e clause level in section 2.3.4. I have also explored some of the p ragm atic factors involving word o rd e r v a ria tio n in section 6.1.1.1. There does app ear to be a c o rrelatio n b etw een m arked w ord o rd er p a tte rn s and prosodic features akin to those observed in M ithun ( 1 9 9 3 b). A nother q u e stio n regarding a p p a re n t d isco n tin u ity as illu s tra te d above involves w h e th er o r not, in online discourse, am biguity arises. Referential sta tu s is not lim ited to nouns and p ronouns, I would argue, but extends to modifiers as well in N orthern Paiute. This allows not only for th e d iscon tinuity of elem ents referrin g to th e sam e e n tity (Blake, 1983), but for an NP to consist only of a modifier. As U n d e rrin e r (1996) has p o in te d out in h e r study of n o n c o n fig u ra tio n ality in K lam ath —a language de scrib e d in B arker (1964) as having extrem ely flexible w ord o rd e r —it is plausible to assum e a "sem antic notion of headship such th a t th e noun, if present, provides the m ost explicit reference (102: em phasis added)." Am biguity rare ly arises in N o rth ern Paiute discourse as to which p a rticip a n t is ascrib ed which m odifier. This is due in p a rt to context, b u t perh aps in equally large m easure to principles of in fo rm atio n flow (cf. Tomlin 1987 inter alia). New info rm atio n is m ore m arked, linguistically, a n d is subject to c o n stra in t at the clausal level (DuBois 1985)—th a t is, it is kept to a m inim um . As sta te d in section 6.1.1.1, p ro n o u n s or zero an ap h o rs typically take up th e

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referen tial load w hen it comes to old inform ation, th u s reserving more elab o rate m eans of reference for new info rm ation . F u rth e r investigation of reference tracking needs to be done.

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155

CHAPTER 4

PRONOUNS AND DEMONSTRATIVES

4,i. ..PersQftai Prom?.»ng

The g ram m ar of p ro n o u n s in N o rth ern Paiute exhibits distin ctio n s along several dim ensions. These dim ensions include person, num ber, inclusivity, gram m atica l case, alienability, as well as d isc o u rse -p ra g m a tic inform ation relating to definiteness and topicality. Pro nou ns referrin g to t h ir d p e rso n are form ally in d istin g u ish a b le from the d e m o n stra tiv e s in the language, since th ey involve a m orphological base th a t is sensitive to spatial deixis—th a t is, to relative distance from the speaker. These bases may be b ound to secondary case affixes or postpositions. Certain postpo sitio nal suffixes occur exclusively with such pronom inal or dem onstrative bases. Lexicalized combinations of pronoun + postposition are of interest in th a t one finds reflexes of Proto-Uto-Aztecan pronom inal form s th a t a re only m arg in ally p ro d u ctiv e in synchronic N o rth e r n P aiu te gram m ar. The extensive exam ples in section 6.1.3 on case-m arking, as well as the discussion in section 6.2 on verb types, illu stra te the p a tte rn in g of p ro nom inal form s w ith th e gram m atical re la tio n s subject an d object. Although I discuss the general prop erties of subject and object pron oun s in

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156

the next section, m ost of the exam ples in th is chapter serve to d e m o n stra te o th er features of pronouns, in p a rticu la r those features associated with th e ir role in discourse. I will begin this discussion of personal and spatial deictics in N o rth e rn P aiute with an inventory of th e ir form al d istin c tio n s along several dim ensions, beginning with th e core case distinctions.

4.1.1 Subject and Object P ronouns

The m ain o vert coding s tra te g y for d e te rm in in g g ram m a tic a l relations in the N o rth ern Paiute basic clause is case. T here are two core case d istin ctio ns in N o rth ern Paiute gram m ar--no m inative and o b lique— th a t serve to distin guish subject and object relations in the sim ple tran sitiv e clause type (as discu ssed fu r th e r in ch ap ter 6). Subject p ro n o u n s are free in N o rth ern Paiute, w hereas form s referencing gram m atical objects may be e ith e r bo und or free. Free subject pron oun s exhibit a g re a te r degree of syntactic independence in the clause, for the m ost p art, th a n do full nou n ph rases. Phonetically, free p ro n o u n s consist of at least two m orae1 and carry stress. Bound object pronom inals are verbal proclitics, t h a t is, th ey are re s tric te d in t h e ir syntactic d is trib u tio n to a position im m ediately preced in g th e verb or verb complex. Phonetically, they a re m on o-m o raic

1This is significant only in the actual pronunciation of forms consisting of one open syllable—the vowel in these cases is phonetically long.

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157 and never carry stre ss, n or do th ey p a rtic ip a te in w hat I te rm (section 2.3 .2 ) stress sh ift. Section 2.5.2.1 d escribes th e relevant phonological featu res th a t distin guish proclitics from b oth in d ep en d en t w ords and prefixes. Although object pronouns (as well as possessor pronouns) are most often b o u n d proclitics, they also have free c o u n te rp arts whose pragm atic fu n ctio n s inclu d e em ph asis and d isam big uation. Table 4.1 lists the free and bou nd forms of the subject and object prono uns in N o rth e rn Paiute.

Table 4.1 N o rth e rn Paiute Subject and Object P ronouns Pronouns l.S G l.PL.EXCL l.DL l.PL.INCLUDE 2.SG 3-SG (DEICTICS) 2 / 3 .PL 4.SG.INDEF

Subject p ro nou ns

Object proclitics

Object pronouns

ni

i=

nika

nhnmi

mi=, ni=

nimmika

ta

ta=

taka

tammi

ti=

tammika

i

i=

kni

isu, usu, masu

U-, 0=

ika, uka, maka

kni

mi=

umi

a=

The plural forms of the object proclitics appear to be reductions of the corresponding in d epend en t subject forms. The ind ep enden t object pronouns, w ith only two exceptions, are form ed by adding th e oblique case suffix / - ka/. There is considerable redu ction in pronom inal form s in online speech, cre atin g som e am biguity, p a rtic u la rly am ong th e t h ir d p e rs o n

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158

form s. Such red u ctio n and loss of th e initial, u n stre sse d syllable h a s likely led to the developm ent of the d e te rm in e r proclitics, as discussed in section 3.2.2.1, from th e free th ir d p erso n prono uns. Phonetic red u c tio n has likely also led to the m erging of second and th ird person plural forms. I have often found it difficult to confidently tran scrib e the vowel of th e initial syllable in n a tu ra l speech contexts, and the line b etw een the free subject and object form s for second an d t h ird person plural may not be as clean as Table 4.1 suggests. Indeed, a bi-m oraic form of th e plural {mi} app ears to have developed a syntactic freedom sim ilar to th e in d ep e n d en t pronouns, as in lb).

la)

yaisi mi= tihica tua - m i .. . then PL= deer child -PL mi= tibiqa tia?a ti= pia tia?a PL= ask so/th u s POSS= m other so/thus 'Then those fawns . . they asked her so, about th e ir m other . . . ' (NK: Bear and Deer)

b)

m ii uu ka= ha?usapa timasu matai -si PL thusly OBL= somehow ???? do/create -SEQ 'So somehow t h a t's w hat they created . . . ' (NK: Nemechozinna)

In la ), {mi} in th e second line is co-referential to th e noun p hrase 'those fawns' and is the notional subject of 'ask about' even though it app ears as a verbal proclitic. This is generally only th e case w hen the verb is in a su b o rd in a te clause an d is accom panied by su b o rd in a tin g m orphology. As described elsew here (sections 9.1 and 9.2), such clauses can be analyzed as nom inalized and the proclitic functioning as a

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159

possessor. In la ), however, the verb 'ask' occurs w ithout nom inalizing m orphology. In lb ), {mi} appears in clause-initial position, fully d e ta ch e d from th e verb, and clearly co-referential with the subject of 'create.' In this position, note th a t it contains a phonetically long vowel—th a t is, it is bimoraic, as req u ired for all free pronouns.

4.1.2 N um ber and th e Inclusive/E xclusive D istinction

As illu stra te d in Table 4.1, p ronom inal form s a re d istin g u ish ed for num ber. First and second person singular (and th e first p erson dual) form s are the sim plest, consisting of CV or V stru c tu re s, while p lural form s app ear to be derived by m eans of one of two suffixes: l) {mi}, on first person plural form s (also note the free form for the second p erson singular) and 2) {mi}, on non-first person plurals.2 In Table 4.1 above, sin g u la r and plural forms are placed to g e th e r in o rd e r to highlight th e ir form al relationship. A special dual category applies only to first p erson and is alw ays inclusive in reference (i.e. 'I and you'). The form al distinction in first p erson non-singular form s to indicate w h e th er or not th e h e a re r is included in th e reference is an im p o rta n t fe a tu re of N o rth ern P aiute gram m ar. The first p e rso n p lu ral exclusive

2 Nichols (1974:218) states that "the -mi- forms in NP [Northern Paiute], Sh [Shoshoni], SP [Southern Paiute].. . result from the contraction of the [Proto-Uto-Aztecan] plural *mi . . . with the [PUA] accusative *i.”

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i6o form is {nimmi}— essentially the first person singular p ro n o u n (a gem inating m o rphem e) plus a p lu ral suffix. The inclusive dual first person form is {ta} which, in co m bination w ith th e sam e p lu ral suffix, yields th e inclusive p lu ral form {tammi}. T hird person pronom inal bases are essentially a lim ited sub set of the d em o n strativ e bases (section 4.1.3). Only the m ed ial-d istal {u} form occurs with the plural suffix {mi} to form the in d ep en d en t th ird person p lu ral pronoun. Since th is base is u n stre sse d , and often d ram atically reduced, I am not always e n tirely confident of my tr a n s c rip tio n of the in itial vowel, however. Nichols (i9 7 4 :2 0 2 ff) p re s e n ts a relativ ely c le a re r (

form al d istin c tio n among th e N o rth e rn P aiute deictic categories betw een second and th ir d p erso n plural subject form s th a n I have been able to discern in th e course of my fieldwork.

4.1.3 Person, Deixis, and T hird Person References

N o rth e rn P aiute pronom inal form s distin guish speech act participants (SAP's)—th a t is, first and second p erson —from non-SAP refe ren ts—i.e. th ird person. First person (the speaker) and second person (th e h e a re r) are fairly stra ig h tfo rw a rd . The v ariety of form s for th ir d person referen tial categories include:

This chapter owes much to the discussion of deictics in Nichols (1974), although my analysis differs slightly with respect to certain details.

3

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i6i

1)

proxim al: {i}

2)

distal: {u>

3)

definite (deictically n e u tra l): {ma}

4)

indefinite (or fourth p e rso n 4): {a}

5)

em phatic, or relative: {pi}

The free th ird person forms consist of one of the bases {i}, {u}, or {ma} (1-3, above) plus one of th e core case-m arkers ({su} for n o m in ative an d {ka} for oblique). Two of these bases include inform ation on spatial deixis— th a t is, th e ir m eaning rela te s to actual o r conceptual distan ce from the speaker (and, typically, the h e a re r as well). Note the parallel to the object proclitics (cf. Table 4.1) where {i}= and {u}= distingu ish first and th ir d perso n singular objects, corresponding to proximal versus distal deixis. Fu rth er discussion of the formal pro perties of categories 1) and 2) above will be tak e n up in the section on d em o n strativ es (4.2). T h ird person referen tial categories 3)~5) req u ire some special tre a tm e n t in the next sections.

4 Also called ’obviative.'

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162 4.1.4 The "Definite" Pronominal Base

The fun ction of th e deictically n e u tra l form {ma} is groun ded in th e discourse context. The{ma} form appears m ost often in conversation, in first p erson n arrativ e, and in directly q uoted speech—contexts where the speaker can assum e th a t the h e a re r has ready access to th e referen t.

2a)

ma -su sadi?i naitsa -?yu DEM-NOM dog mean -NOM.PRED 'That dog is m ean.'

b)

ma -ka -u i= gia -u DEM-OBL-OBJ 1= give-PNC 'Give me th at!'

The discourse function of this form m erits fu rth er explorations. In general, the referen tial sense of {ma} can best be characterized as 'the referen t m entioned or known to us both.' It is th erefo re alm ost exclusively definite in N o rth ern Paiute, with no spatial deixis associated with it as th e re is w ith th e o th e r two b a s e s .6 It can apply either to referents, as in the examples above, or to locations. The following examples are from first p e rs o n n a rra tiv e w here th e {ma} forms indicate a location assum ed to be

5 Armagost (1985) and McDaniels (1995) explore the function of {ma} in the Central Numic language, Comanche. 6 Nichols (1974:202-203) calls {ma} an 'intermediate distal,' but in my analysis it differs from the others in having no deictic content at all.

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163

known to the h e a re r —e ith e r th e speaker's hom e or the trib a l allotm ent lands.

3a)

saa tiwao nimmi nobi -kwai; later also we.EXCL house-LOC nimmi u= noo -pitti -si tiwao we 3= haul-arrive-SEQ also ka= mabi tia? oo?nosu . OBL= MA.DEM so a t.th at.tim e '. . . an d la te r we w ent hom e, bringing it (the c h okecherry h a rv e st) th e r e iust so at th at tim e . . ' (NK: Chokecherries)

b)

tuumutsica pikwai, nimmi kima-na d a r k . p o i n t b e lo w w e .E X C L c o m e -P T C P ma?a nim m i tibiwa -wai kimma . . MA.DEM we.EXCL hom e.territory-LOC come '. . down below W right's Point, we were coming, we came hom e in th a t d ire c tio n . . ' (NK: Boarding School Days)

A rm agost (1985) in te r p r e ts the cognate form in C om anche as an "u ndistin g u ish ed deictic, actually outsid e th e spatial fram ew ork (303)." This appears to be tru e of N o rth ern Paiute as well. Along w ith th is g e n eral fun ctio n, A rm agost (1985) f u r t h e r describes a kind of obviative role for {ma} in C om anche n a rra tiv e . Obviative system s gen erally fu nction to d istin g u ish two t h ir d p e rso n refe ren ts in term s of relative them atic im portance. W h eth er o r not th is characterizes the role of {ma} app ropriately for N orth ern Paiute is not e n tirely clear. Obviative (versus p roxim ate) re fe re n ts are th o se th ir d person referents th a t are not the focus of interest. This function could be

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164 tho ugh t of as overlapping with the definiteness features of {m a}used when, as discourse continues, speakers assum e ready access to its refe ren t and can th ereb y bring in o th e r th ir d p e rso n p a rticip a n ts. I have fo und no evidence in my tex t corpus, however, of a clear refe ren tial c o n tra st betw een {ma} form s and refe ren ts indicated by m eans of th e o th e r deictic, th ird person bases.7 In fact, it is possible to have two pronom inal forms in {ma} in a single clause.

3)

ma -su nana ma -ga uhunakwa-?yu DEM-NOM man DEM8-GEN beyond -PRED 'T hat m an is ta lle r th a n h i m / h e r / t h e m .'

The co-occurrance of two {ma} form s in a single clause u n d erm in es a n analysis b ased upon a pro xim ate/obv iative opposition. Even th e notion of to picality is challenged here, since a single u tte ra n c e is not typically the hom e to m ore th a n one topic.

7 Crum and Dayley ( 1 9 9 3 ) actually refer to the {m a} forms in Western Shoshoni as part of a set of proximate forms, and those without {m a } as their obviative counterparts. Such disagreement in the application of the terms may simply indicate that the function of {ma} in discourse has only a marginal relationship to obviation. 8This form can be any 3rd person, singular OR plural.

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165

4 -1-5 The "Indefinite" Pronominal Proclitic

The pronom inal proclitic / a =/ th a t is here loosely refe rred to as a fo u rth p erson (4) pro nom in al, surfaces m ost often on tran sitiv e verbs in citation form and in situ atio n s where the object of the verb app ears to be very low in topicality. Nichols (1974) suggests th a t it is a m a rk e r of in definiteness—serving a kind of com panion function to /m a -/. Its occurrence as a possessive proclitic, as suggested by Poldevaart (1987), may d esig n ate c e rta in n ou ns as inalienably possessed, filling a morphological slot in citation forms or when th e possessor is unknown or otherwise not central to the discourse. It induces fo rtition of th e initial consonant of the stem to which it a tta c h e s.

4 a)

a=kwinai 4 = th ro w 'throw'

b)

a=niwi 4 = liv er 'liver'

Some early w ord lists, such as those collected by Samuel B arrett (nd .), include n u m ero u s e n trie s th a t carry th is proclitic. P re se n t day speakers are more likely to drop th e proclitic in citation form, possibly since the g ra m m a r th a t d istin g u ish e s alienable from in alien a b le possession has become lost o r corrup ted due to extended contact w ith English and language shift, or p erh aps to some speakers ability to decontextualize w ord form s in d irect elicitation.

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i66 It appears, a lth o u g h som ew hat infreq u en tly , in text u n d e r circum stances w here a referen t, low in topicality, occurs in th e possessor or transitive object proclitic slot.

5a)

a= piabi una kima -na yaisi m ii ini -kima 4 - female DEM come -PTCP then QUOTE say -come 'Their m o th e r was coming out th e re and calling out as she cam e.' (NK: Bear and Deer)

b)

yaisi a= tsawinai -si tsagi?i kati -pini then 4= IP/grasp- throw -SEQ close sit.SG -ASP 'Then, having th ro w n them aside (i.e. rocks), (Coyote) sat down nearby . .' (WM: Cave Myth)

The context for both of these examples suggests th a t definiteness is not the issue, since id entity of both referen ts is clear from the previous context. Rather, th e conditioning factor may be th a t the re fe re n t of /a = / is also low in topic p ersisten ce. In 5a), for example, th e b e a r cubs are the w ould-be referen ts. However, they have ju s t been killed by the fawns and have no f u rth e r role in the re st of th e story. The conceptually parallel roles of / m a - / in the d e m o n stra tiv e system and / a = / in th e pronom inal system —th e ir sensitivity to discourse level p h e n o m e n a —m erit a g rea t deal of f u r th e r ex p lo ratio n in a n a rra tiv e context. Referential distance and topic persistence could, for example, be m ea su re d using tex t co unts (cf. Givon 1979) in o rd e r to b e tte r u n d e rs ta n d th e ir function in discourse.

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167 4-1.6 Pronominals Referring to Peripheral Arguments

Different p ronom inal form s serve th e im p o rtan t function of distinguishing the core p a rtic ip a n ts of th e clause along several dim ensions, as we have seen. Form ally, case-m arking p a tte r n s m ake ju s t two d istin c tio n s—nom inative and oblique—for m ain clause p a rtic ip a n ts .9 Subject form s of the pro nou ns are free in simple clauses, w hereas object form s are typically b o u n d to th e verb as proclitics. Aside from form ally d istingu ishing core p a rtic ip a n ts in tra n s itiv e clauses, personal pron oun s may also be used to refer to p erip heral participants—either as postpositional objects or as possessors. The formal parallels betw een pro nom in al form s for p e rip h e ral a rg um ents and those for the core argum ents subject an d object are obvious if we com pare Table 4.2 w ith Table 4.1, above. Table 4.2 below lists th e v arious free and b oun d pron om inal form s for p e rip h e ral arg u m e n ts in N o rth e rn Paiute.

I use the term oblique, rather than the more restrictive term accusative, here, as elsewhere, in this study.

9

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i68 Table 4.2 N o rth e rn Paiute P e rip h era l A rgum ent P ro n o u n s Non-Core Pronouns

PostP Objects

Possessor Proclitics

Possessor Pronouns

(bound)

l.S G

ni-

i=

niga

2.SG

i-, kni-

i=

iga

3-SG

i-, u-, ma-,

u=

iga, uga, maga

l.DL

ta-

ta=

taga

1.INCLUDE

tammi-

ti=

tammiga

l.EXCL

nknmi-

ni= / m i-

nimmiga

2 / 3 -PL

umi-

mi=

umiga

4.INDEF 3.EMPH

a= pi-

REFL.POSS RECIP.DL

ti= na-

Notice th a t many of th e pronom inal form s th a t refer to postpositional objects are formally identical to the in d ep enden t subject pron oun s. I tre a t th e pronom inal form s in the first colum n of Table 4.2 as th e m orphological bases to which the postpositions may be bound. The bim oraic req u irem en t is fulfilled with the addition of a simple postposition, with the prim ary stress falling, as expected for a phonological word, on the second m ora, or syllable. Bound possessor forms, like the bound object forms in column 2 of Table 4.1, do not result in stress shift, and so are also tr e a te d a proclitics. Table 4.3 illu stra te s th e use of th e pronom inal bases w ith two sim ple postpositions.

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169 Table 4.3 N o rth ern Paiute Pronom inal Bases with Postpositions -no

'w ith (acco m p anying)'

-pa

'by; beside'

ni-nno

'with me'

ni-pa

'by me'

i-nno

'with you' (SG)

i-pa

'by y o u ’ (SG)

imi-no

'with you' (SG)

imi-ba

'by you' (SG)

i-no

'with h e r/h im /it' (PROX)'

i-ba

'by h e r/h im /it' (PROX)'

u-no

'with h e r/h im /it' (DIST)'

u-ba

'by h e r/h im /it' (DIST)'

ma-no

'with h e r/h im /it' (DEF)

ma-ba

'by h e r/h im /it' (DEF)

ta-nno

'with us' (DL)

ta-pa

'by us' (DL)

ti-nno

'with us' (INCL)

ti-pa

'by us' (INCL)

tammi-no

’with u s’ (INCL)

tammi-ba

'by us' (INCL)

ni-nno

'with u s’ (EXCL)

ni-pa

'by us' (EXCL)

nimmi-no

'with u s’ (EXCL)

nknmi-ba

'by u s’ (EXCL)

kni-no

'w ith th e m /y o u all'

imi-ba

'by th e m /y o u all'

mi-nno

'w ith th e m /y o u all'

mi-pa

'by th e m /y o u all'

pi-nno

'with whom; also'

pi-pa

'by w hom ; by w hich'

na-no

'both'

na-ba

'next to each oth er'

The allom orphy of the postpositions is predictable from the final fea tu re assignm ents of the pronom inal bases (cf. section 2.4.1).

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170

4 -1.7 The "Restrictive" Base

Two of th e pronom inal bases in th e first column of Table 4.2 deserve special atten tio n . As a pronom inal base, {pi}, in N o rth ern Paiute, restric ts th ird person reference to th e head of a relative clause th a t is a p erip h eral argum ent. The postposition to which the base is bound provides the inform ation as to th e role of the head in th e sentence—as location, in stru m e n t, o r som e o th e r p e rip h e ra l arg u m en t.

6a)

tua -ki pi -kwai na- tsahani -na child-ALIEN RESTR -LOC MM-keep/hold-PTCP 'children's sh e lte r hom e' (lit. the place where children are kept)

b)

mi= himma PL= what

witsimo?o pi -ma na- kwiba -na ball RESTR -INSTR MM- strike -PTCP

'things for hitting a ball with (i.e. baseball bats)' c)

pi -kwai-ku mi= ti-woisa-na RESTR-IN -ESS PL= APS-wash.clothes-PTCP '(th a t's ) w hat they did th e ir washing in . .' (MS: Autobiography)

N o rth e rn P aiute also has adverbial form s th a t are a p p a re n t lexicalized com binations of this pronom inal base with postpositions. As in its synchronic use as a relative pronoun, th e fortis (or gem inating) final featu re is clear in th ese lexicalizations. Two such examples include:

7a) * *

pinnau pi’ - nau PRO-DIR 'back (re tu rn in g ); again'

b) * *

pinno?o pi’ - no PRO-COM 'also; as for; and'

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171

In d ep e n d en t "reflexive" p ro noun s are form ed th ro u g h com bination of the enclitic ={su} with one of th e pronom inal bases, including {pi}. The resultin g form s are u se d m ainly for em phatic purposes. In fact, they ra re ly occur in actual reflexive c o n stru c tio n s10--th a t is to say, in tra n sitiv e clauses whose verb carries a m iddle-m arking (MM) prefix to indicate th a t th e agent and p a tie n t arg u m e n ts a re c o -referen tial (se ctio n 8.2.1.1). The m ost comm on situ a tio n in discourse for such reflex ive/em phatic p rono uns to arise is as a m eans of signaling em phasis on a p a rtic u la r participant. In these cases, the base is often resum ptive, as it co-refers to a n o th e r noun ph rase in th e sam e clause. If th e referent is e ith e r th ird p erson singular o r plural, the base to which / =su/ encliticizes is {pi}.

8)

mi=izisawi si-sia?a, PL=Pitt.River RE-girl omi -u ka yuu tui = himma wadzi-ki-?yai-na , they-OBL? KA h ith e r try = s.t. hide-APL-HAB-PTCP vii =su =ga hayuapi mi= ti- diha -n a , RESTR =self =MOD some.way PL= RE-steal -PTCP 'Those P itt River girls, th ey may have lost those thin gs, o r maybe stole those (things) them selves . . .' (NK: Boarding School Days)

This resu m ptive use is th e only cond ition u n d e r w hich {pi} surfaces in this constru ctio n . O th e r pro nom in al bases, w hen occurring with{su}

10 Speakers do, however, accept their inclusion as a grammatical option.

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172 (o r w ith o th e r enclitics, for th a t m atter) are rarely, if ever, co -referen tial w ith a n o th e r n o u n p h rase.

9 a)

nii =su u= hanni I =self 3= do.DUR

b)

ii =su u= hanni you =self 3= do.DUR

'I'm doing it myself.'

'You're doing it yourself.

The p rim a ry phonological featu re th a t e stab lish es {su} as an enclitic is th a t th e p rim a ry stre ss always falls on th e p ro nom in al base, which always surfaces as bi-m oraic. Recall th a t w ith postpositions, th e b o n d to the pronom inal base is stronger, and the second m ora stress rule applies to the com bination as it would to a phonological word, as the exam ples in Table 4.3 show. A no ther enclitic th a t accom panies {pi} in th is re s u m p tiv e -e m p h a tic function is {si?mi} 'only; alone.'

10)

Tim pii= si?mi 00 katti T. RESTR=alone DEM sit.DUR 'Tim is sitting over th ere alone.'

The p rono m inal base {pi}, may also itself be related to an enclitic whose function in N o rth ern Paiute is to indicate contrastive focus.

11 a)

ni = p i kai I = EMPH NEG ' . . but not me! (as for me, no!)' (NK: Boarding School Days)

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173

b)

u -ka -u =tia?a, ni = p i supidakwatu uu =tia?a mi=yikwi DEM-OBL-OBJ = so I = EMPH know thus = so us=did 'As for m e, (I) know that, what (they) did to us.' (NK: Boarding School Days)

U nder th ese circum stances, th e form has little if any actual refe re n tia l function.

4.1.8 The D ual/Reciprocal Base

The o th er pronom inal base th a t req u ires special a tte n tio n here is {na}, which typically im plies reciprocal involvem ent, as well as dual (or som etim es collective) reference in constructions where it is bound to a postposition.11 H ere th e d a ta may be only suggestive, as th e re ap p ea rs to be lexicalization of certain {na} + postposition combinations, as well as a p ro d u ctiv e adverbial d e riv a tio n a l p a tte r n (sectio n 5.3.1). Of p a rtic u la r in te rest are those form s in {na} which a p p ea r to suggest the developm ent of case-sensitive dual pronouns.

12 a) nano nimmi piza na- timaza?i both we.EXCL good MM-help.TR 'We help each o th e r (work tog ether).'

u The possibility of a relationship between this {na} and the middle marker (section 8 .2.1.1) merits further exploration.

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174

b)

nano ki-gima-o both RE-come-PNC 'Both came.'

13a) namiku ni mi= nobi punni both.OBJ I PL=house see.DUR 'I saw both those houses.' b)

nimmi namiku punni we.EXCL both.OBJ see.DUR 'I see (them ) both.'

The subject form {nano} is clearly analyzable as /n a -/, the dual or reciprocal base, + {no}, the comitative (COM) postposition th a t expresses accom panim ent, as illu s tra te d in Table 4.3 an d in the following:

14a) im i ni-no kimma 3.PL I -COM come.DUR 'T hey're coming with me.' b)

ni i -no mia -kwi I 2-COM go.SG-FUT 'I'll go with you.'

c)

1311= kai u= pisapi -di im i -no tu?i na- koiwinai-Tyakwi PL= not 3= like -NMR them-COM try MM- fight -HAB ’. . tho se th a t d id n 't like it would try to fight with them .' (NK: Boarding School Days)

It is interesting th a t some b oun d postpositions and free adverbials th a t con cep tu ally en ta il a g round (Talm y 1983, 2 0 0 0 , i n te r a lia ) a n d th a t e ith e r b ound o r otherw ise su rro u n d a fig u re are {na} form s.

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175 15a)

-naga

'among'

b)

-nakwa

'direction; -ward'

c)

-napa

'across; on the other side o f

d)

nama

’joined; together'

e)

nainapa

'across from'

f)

nauma

'divided; between'

g)

na?una

'am idst; su rro u n d e d by'

As a derivational process with adverbials, see (see esp. section 5.3.1). The productive use of {na}in the dom ain of detra nsitivity is discussed in section 8.2.1.1.

4.1.9 Possessor Pronouns and Reflexive Possession

In form, the possessor proclitics are identical in N o rth ern Paiute to th e object pro clitics t h a t accom pany tra n s itiv e v e rb s .12 T heir in d ep e n d en t form s also function for em phasis as well as disam biguation, althou gh a genitive suffix {ga} (GEN) distinguishes these independent forms as possessors. Recall th a t independent object pronouns take the oblique case suffix {ka) (OBL). The m ost im p o rtan t distinction betw een th e set of possessor proclitics and transitive object proclitics is the inclusion of th e reflexive possessor

^ h i s formal union is particularly important for the analysis of subordinate clause types whose notional subjects appear as proclitics to the dependent verb. See Chapter 9 for details.

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176

proclitic {ti} (REFL). This proclitic indicates th a t the possessor is coreferential w ith th e g ra m m a tic a l sub ject o f the sentence in which it occurs. As such, it constitutes a fairly reliable test for subjecthood, as described in section 6.1.4.1 on th e p ro p e rtie s of gram m atical subject in N o rth e rn Paiute.

16 a)

o?o yaisi umi ka tj= nobi na?una-wai DEM then they KA REFL= house arou nd -LOC '. . so th e n they w ent ro u n d and ro u n d th e ir house . .' (NK: 'Bear and Deer')

b)

su= wassa pino?o nainapa mida -u NOM= sandhill.crane as.for across stretch -PNC

kaopa REFL= leg

'. . the crane stretched his legs across . .' (NK: 'Bear and Deer’)

The reflexive po ssesso r may even precede th e n oun p h ra se subject w ith which it is co-referential.

17)

uusapa pinau una ti= nanimi -ba umi p iti -ga always back DEM POSS= relative -by 3 .PL arrive -TRNSL 'again, they went back to th e ir people . . ' (NK: 'N em echozinna')

This reflexive function of th e proclitic need not even o p e ra te w ithin th e sam e clause, b u t may indicate co-reference w ith the subject of a preceding clause, or p e rhaps th e topic of th e im m ediate discourse. The following b rief excerpt from text d em o n strates a co-reference relationship between the possessor of one clause with a zero-m arked subject of a preceding clause—Wolf, a myth ch arac ter and e ld er b ro th e r to C o y o te -

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177 even where the possessed noun phrase itself functions as subject of the clause.

oo?no pisa mi?i tiikwi?i -na. DEM good QUOT tell -PTCP

18)

'"That's good," (he, Wolf) was saying.' yaisi &= kwarja mia. th en ]IEFL= y o u n g e r.b ro th e r go.SG 'Then his younger b r o th e r w ent.' (WM: The Cave Myth)

Such a cross-clausal co-reference function also helps to explain th e use of th is proclitic on some su b o rd in a te clause verbs (cf. section 9.1).

4.1.10 H istorical Relationship to the A nti-Passive Prefix

Historically, th ere is a possible relationship betw een th e reflexivepossessive proclitic and the verbal prefix th a t indicates an unspecified object--w hat I describe in section 8.2.1.2 as the a nti-passive prefix {ti} (APS). As a proclitic on verbs, th e function of {ti} is to express corefe ren tiality w ith a n o th e r argu m en t. Use of th e proclitic on verbs is lim ite d to su b o rd in a te clause verbs, however, which exhibit a n u m b er of fea tu res relating to nom inalization in N o rth e rn Paiute, and is tr e a te d as a gram m atical possesso r in C hapter 9. I m entio n th e function h e re as both parallel to its reflexive-possessive pronom inal function and as a p o tential source c o n stru ctio n for its developm ent as a verb prefix (cf. Langacker 1 9 7 6 a ).

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178 In tere stin g ly enough, I have found a few exam ples w here {ti} occurs as a nom inal prefix as well, w ith a co nceptu ally p arallel, b u t sem antically distinct, fun ctio n to the anti-passive verb prefix. W hen prefixed, r a th e r th a n procliticized, to a noun form, it appears to eschew any p ossessorrela te d m eaning for one relating to w hat I will call cu sto m a ry use. Note the following exam ples of clearly analyzable n oun stem s, one an in alien a b le body p a rt, carrying th e prefix {ti} w hen refe rrin g to th e noun in term s of c u stom ary use.

19 a)

ti-tsopigi A PS-brain 'brains (used for hide-tanning)'

b)

ti-huupi APS-stick 'sticks (bone-game c o u n te rs)’

Langacker (1976a) describes w hat he refers to as "no n-distinct argum ents" in th e Uto-Aztecan family, and A nderson, A nderson, and Langacker (1976) describe som e general fea tu res of {ti} in N o rth e rn Paiute th a t relate th e functions of co-reference and the expression of unspecified arg u m ents. My own im p re ssio n is th a t th e re m ust have o c c u rre d a functional split in th e developm ent of *{ti} in N o rthern Paiute, as opposed to a synchronic, conceptually a b strac t function of "non-distinctness" for th is m orp hem e.

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179

4,2 More on Deixis: the Dem onstratives

D e m o n strativ e s m ay fu n ctio n p ro n o m in a lly --th a t is, th e y m ay b e a r th e referen tial ch arac teristics of a n oun p h ra se --o r as nou n p h ra se m odifiers. I have already n oted th a t in d ep e n d en t th ir d p e rso n sing ular prono uns are indistin g u ish ab le from dem o nstrative pronouns--{usu} can mean 'she,' 'he,' 'it,' or 'th at one.' The following examples show d em on strativ es functioning as th ird p erso n p rono uns (noun p h ra se head s) and as noun p h rase m odifiers, w here they occur before th e h e a d n o u n .^

2 0 a) u -su pisa i= niniima DIST-NOM good 1= IP/speech-feel 'That m akes me happy (the news makes me feel good).' b)

u -su nana paba -?yu DIST-NOM man big -NOM/PRED 'That m an is big.'

c)

i -su pisa patakwitsi?a PROX-NOM good shine.DUR 'This is nice and shiny.'

d)

i -ca a= tuku ni oqana-wini PROX-OBL 4 14=meat I salt -CONT.SG 'I'm salting th is m eat.'

*3 As

discussed elsewhere (section 3.2.2.1), reduction and loss of the initial, unstressed syllable has led to the development of case-sensitive determiners in the language (cf. Nichols 1974). ^Here, the meat is not attached to anything in particular, and so the 4th person prolitic occurs; it's just "some meat."

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180 The d em o n strativ e bases are b o u n d form s th a t d istin g u ish th e spatial deictic no tio n s—proximal versus d istal—of relative distance from the speaker as well as relating topicality in discourse, as described in sectio n s 4.1.3 and 4.1.4 above. The d e m o n stra tiv e system also includes a wide range of adverbial functions, including location, direction, tim e, reaso n, m an n er, etc. The basic locative ad v erb ials distin g u ish th e sam e th re e p rim a ry deictic notions as exhibited by the pronom inal bases—'here,' 'there,' and 'the aforem entioned location.'

21a) yaa i=dudzi?i here i=dog 'This is my dog.' b)

nii yau yui -kati I here warm -sit 'I'm sitting h ere warm ing u p .’

c)

su= huupi o?o hapi NOM=stick there lie 'The stick is lying th ere .'

d)

owi jja -u th ere enter-PNC 'Go in there!'

These form s may take a variety of postpositio nal suffixes, which are n e ith e r entirely identical to, n o r as elaborate as the system of postpositions th a t occur with noun forms (see section 5.2 for a discussion of postpositions). One common postpositional suffix th a t occurs with d e m o n stra tiv e s is th e allative {tu} (ALL), which generally in d ic ate s

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i8i m otion along a path. The dem onstrative codes the goal or d irection of such m otion.

2 2 a ) kn i yaa -tu u= tsa -winai -u 3.PL here-ALL 3= IP /grasp -throw -PNC 'They b ro u g h t him th is way.' b)

owi -tu nim i mia-na there-ALL we.EXCL go -PTCP 'we were heading out th a t way . . ' (NK: Chokecherries)

c)

00/20 yaisi una -tu kwaya mia -si at.th at.tim e th e n over.there -to far.off go.SG -SEQ

'And th en (they) w ent far out th a t way. . .' (NK: Bear an d Deer)

Although the pa ra lle ls betw een th e spatial deictic system an d the t h ir d p erso n pro n o u n s are clear, th e variety of form s th a t th e deictics can take are much m ore e la b o rate th a n can be accounted for by th ir d p e rso n reference. Table 4.4 lists some of the form s dem onstratives can take, along w ith th e ir different adverbial functions. These a re organized in p arallel w ith the th re e pronom inal bases described in section 4.1.3. Examples and discussion follow.

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182

Table 4.4 Some N o rth e rn Paiute D em onstrative Form s D em onstratives

Proxim al

Distal

Topical

N o m inative

i-su

u-su

ma-su

Oblique

i-ka

u-ka

ma-ka

Kind/Type-

ya?uni-, yuuni-

uuni-

maTuni-, muuni-

Location

00, o?o

Direction

yaa, ya?a, yau, yuu yuu-tu, yaa-tu

oo-tu

maa, ma?a, mau, muu muu-tu

Location (general)

iwi

owi, oi

mai

Location (specific)

ibi

obi

mabi

Distal p a th /d ire c tio n

una

Discourse (adverbial)

yau

Direction1®

wakitu

uu, 00

T em poral

oono, oo?no

Static

oi-?yu[-na]

mau

Proxim al form s vary phonologically betw een [i] and [y] initially, depending u pon w h e th er w hat follows is a consonant or vowel, respectively. U nder the distal colum n are actually form s in b o th {u} and {0} (p h o n etically [o]). Nichols (1974:219) describes th e developm ent of {0} as a rem ote distal deictic from {u} via vowel symbolism. The deictic division-distal versus rem ote d ista l—is not always sharp, however. For example, I

*5 This form may be analyzable, but I don't have any evidence, aside from the allative suffix.

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183

find in my corpus som e parallelism betw een the use o f {o?o} ’out th ere (rem ote location)' and {una} 'out th ere (rem ote a re a /d ire c tio n ).’ The sound-sym bolic developm ent, if as recent as Nichols suggests, has not developed into a full-blown deictic contrast, as {u} and {o} forms ap p ea r to be in c o m p lem en tary d is trib u tio n . The d a ta are som ew hat m essy w ithin the distal category, p a rticu la rly w hen one considers th e poorly u n d e rsto o d discourse functions of some of the deictic forms.

2 3 a ) yaa i=piza - pia?a here i=good - friend 'This is my best friend.' b)

yuuni?yu wanapi idzaga nadzakibui th is.k in d cloth easily te a r 'This kind of cloth tears easily.'

c)

ni =bi yuuniku kakia I =EMPH th is.k in d w ear.around.neck 'I'm w earing th is a ro u n d my neck.'

d)

ni ma?uni-ku [/mutiniku] idzaga tabisui I DEM.kind-OBL easily break 'I (can) b reak th a t kind easily.'

e)

usu muu?niyu DEM.NOM DEM.kind.NOM 'He's like th a t (always).'

f)

uu nimmi na-?yikwi that.w ay we M M -d o /tre at 'That's how we were tre a te d .'

Detailed and often subtle distinctions in path and location are also code by m eans of d em o n strativ es in N o rth e rn Paiute.

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2 4 a ) mabi kati-u DEM sit-PNC 'Sit back there!' (implies into or in the direction of an unseen location) b)

mawi kati-u DEM sit-PNC 'Sit th ere (on s.t.)!' (implies a specific location, like a chair, or area-usu ally v isible)

c)

mau kati-u DEM sit-PNC 'Sit down over there!' (implies a m ore general, b u t visible, lo catio n— e.g. across the room) The u se of th e se d e m o n stra tiv e s w ith accom panying locative nou n

p hrases will be taken up again in section 5.2 on postpositions. The p revalence of variou s d em o n strativ e form s in text im plies a variety of d isc o u rse -re la te d functions, m ost of which are not yet fully understood. Fixed expressions th a t include com binations of dem onstratives and o th er p a rts of speech, for example particles, a p pear to rep resen t the stylistic choices of individual speakers. Some of these issues a re tak e n up f u r th e r in section 5.3.4, b u t a fuller analysis will need to await more d etailed tex tual analysis. I include h ere two b rie f passages from text by NK, who m akes am ple use of dem o n strativ es and particles in spontaneous speech.

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25)

MR tia?a, thus so

owi -u. uu. DEM-U thus

mi= yikwi nimi-puya m i- ti- diha mii ini -na us= do we -?? PL= RE-steal QUOT say -PTCP owi -u =ka, uu mi= yikwi DEM-U =KA thusly us= do 'So it was over th e re (th a t they) assum ed we were stealing things, and for th a t reason (they) did th a t to us.' (NK: Boarding School Days) 26)

yaisi nami -ku mi=tatima?o -ga, then both -OBL PL= carry.off -TRNSL 00 owi -tu patikwa u -ma -tu. owi -u DEM DEM -ALL island DEM -LOC-ALL DEM -U

’ . . and th en (it) carried off both of them , out th ere to th a t island, rig h t th e re . (NK: Nem echozinna)

One formal featu re of d e m onstrativ e pro nou ns includes the additio n of a suffix {u} in p a rtic u la r d iscourse contexts. Although I have not clearly d iscerned a function for this suffix, distributionally, it appears to a tte n d d e m o n stra tiv e form s occurring at clause b o u n d a rie s --e ith e r initially or finally.

2 7)

una tia?a patikwa u -ma, patikwa, una -u out.there thus island DEM -LOC island out.there-U '(It) was out th e re on an island, an island out there. (NK: Nem echozinna)

In n a rra tiv e , one finds d e m o n stra tiv e s m arked w ith {u} m ost freq u en tly initially—in a position of focus—even before the ubiquitous connective (yaisi) 'then; and th en ' as in th e following:

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28 a) una -u yaisi su= hii kodabi m ii ti= ni?a -na out.there -U th en NOM=WH m anzanita QUOT POSS= call -PTCP 'Nothing, no m ore b a d things to b o th e r them out th ere , ju s t w hat's called "kodabi.'" b)

una -u yaisi uuni -kwai piti -ga ou t.there -U th en th at.k in d -LOC arrive.SG -TRNSL na- tihona -di -kwai MM- dig.roots -NMR -LOC ' . . out th ere , (they) th e n arrived at th at, the root-digging place.' (NK: Bear and Deer)

One also finds {-u} form ed d e m o n stra tiv e s clause in te rn a lly as the sole syntactic p a rtic ip a n t in the clause:

29)

yaisi owi -u yotsi -u -ga -?yakwi tui- ha?u -tui then DEM -U fly.SG -PNC -TRNSL-HAB any- how -any ' . . and (it) would fly off from th ere in every direction.' (NK: Nem echozinna)

It occurs w ith p ro n o u n s indexing p a rtic ip a n ts as well, usu ally when th ese are set off w ith comma in to n a tio n at the s ta rt of a clause, and as such w ould appear to function as a focussing devise.

30)

umi -u yoqo -na they -U evening -PTCP k a - una -u umi sogomiakai -mo?o KA= out.there -U they on.foot- go.around -RNDM.PL ' . . as for th em , in th e evening th ey w ere out th e re walking a ro u n d .' (NK: Nem echozinna)

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i

87

The suffix appears to serve some sort of pragm atic function, loosely associated with reinforcing a refe ren t o r location. Pronom inal form s th a t index e ith e r a lo cation or a p a rtic ip a n t occur with the suffix only w hen not p a rt of a larg e r noun p hrase. This condition appears to be one way, since form s w ithout the suffix may occur e ith e r alone, or as a noun ph rase d e te rm in e r. A m ore th o ro u g h inv estig atio n is necessary.

4.3 In te rro g a tiv e p ro n o u n s

To complete the description of pronom inal types, it is im p o rtan t to include some discussion of the class of pronouns generally referred to as interrogative pronouns. These pronouns, like the so-called "Wh-words" in English, refer to noun p h rases whose identity is unknown or in question. As in English, they perfo rm a crucial function in questio n form ation, a topic discussed fu rth e r in chapter 7 on non-declarative speech acts. Form ally, in te rro g a tiv e p ro n o u n s, like d e m o n stra tiv e p ro n o u n s, consist of a base—either {ha} or {hi}-- plus a suffix bearing p a rticip a n t inform ation. Many of th ese suffixes are identical to the ones th a t a ttac h to dem onstrative bases (Table 4.4), with some no table exceptions, as illu stra te d in Table 4.5 below.

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Table 4.5 N o rth e rn Paiute In terro g ativ e p ro n o u n s In te rro g a tiv e s

Form

Gloss

N o m inative

haga, himma

'who,' 'what'

Oblique

haka, himma

'whom,' 'what'

G enitive

haga-ti

'whose'

Condition

ha?u, hau

'how (in what condition)'

M an n er

hayu

'how (in w h at m a n n e r)'

Kind/Type-

hauni-

'w hat kind; why' (-case suf)

Location

hanno

'where'

Direction

hau-tu

'which w ay/ directio n '

T em poral

hanano

'when'

Q u a n tity

haa?no-

'how many' (-case suffix)

Indefinite Pronoun

hii

'thing ; w h a tc h a m a c a llit'

The following are some examples of th e use of interrogative p ronouns in questions, F u rth e r discussion is taken up in section 7.4, w ithin the context of non -declarative speech acts.

31a) haga tauna-wai who town -LOC

b)

'Who’s in town?' c)

hanano ii koci w hen you r e t u r n 'W hen did you re tu rn ? '

haka ii izi?i punni whom you y e sterd a y see.DR 'W ho(m) did you see y esterday?'

d)

ha?u tabia how a p pear 'What does it look like?'

The role of in terrog ativ e form s aside from forming actual questions, in which case th ey always a p p ea r as th e first elem ent of th e sentence, is

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also as a m eans of filling a syntactic slot in a sta te m e n t w here th e id en tity of the refe re n t is e ith e r unknow n or u n im p o rtan t.

3 2 a ) kai yaisi haga i= tiikwi -cai -kwi NEG then who 2= tell -HAB-FUT \ . th en th ere won't be anyone to tell you.' (NK: Kids Then and Now) b)

pinausu tiwao koci haa?no -?yu yaisi back also re tu rn how.much-NOM th en '. . an d so th ey came back w ith w h atev er they had. . ' *(NK: Root-digging Time)

The use of interrogatives in th e form ation of em bedded questions, a kind of verbal com plem ent, is explored fu rth e r in the context of com p lem en tation in section 9.3.5. I include one example h ere to illu stra te .

3 3)

00 saa?a u= naka-puni, hayu saa?a ini -wini thus la te r 3= hear -ASP how la te r reply-CONT.SG ' "Then listen to it, how it answ ers.” ' (NK: We Talked to th at Bird)

4.3.1 The "Any Old" C onstruction

A special c o n stru ctio n exists with respect to interro gatives in N o rth ern Paiute th a t derives form s th a t seem to em phasize o r exaggerate the non-specificity asso ciated with them . The sem antics is som ething like English "any old" constructions as in "He does things any old way." In N o rth ern Paiute, such exaggerated non-specificity is coded by m eans of the

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clitic {tui}. This clitic often occurs both before and after an interrogative, bu t may also a p pear on e ith e r side.

3 4 a ) yaisi owi -u yotsi -u -ga -?yakwi tui= hau =tui then there-U fly.SG -PNC -TRNSL -HAB any= how =any ' . . and (it) would fly off from th ere in every direction.' (NK: Nem echozinna) b)

ka= oo?nosu una tippi -kwai tui= hanno =tui na- tiki. OBL=long.ago over.there rock - LOC any= where =any MM- put 'Long ago, (they) were b u rie d in th e rocks out th e re anyplace.' (MS: A Burial Place)

c)

una caisi mi?a hannosapaga, hanno =tui over.there th e n go.PL som ewhere w here =any 'Way out th e re , th en , (they) w ent som eplace, j u s t an yw here.' (NK: Nemedzoho)

d)

una tui- himma watti -na over.there any= w hat look.for -PTCP '(It) was out th ere looking for things . . ' (NK: Nemechozinna)

Although th e "any old" c o n stru ctio n is m ost commonly found with in terro g ativ e p ro n o u n s, it can occur w ith general d e m o n stra tiv e s as well-even th e definite base {ma}.

35 )

ma?a =tui aata -u DEM.DEF=any sit.PL-PNC 'Sit anyw here you all!'

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191 4-3-2 The Indefinite, Referring Pronoun

The special indefin ite, yet referring, p ro n o u n {hii} serves a sim ilar function, b u t its function is often extended in discourse to th e intro d u ctio n of a new topic, or possibly to shift tem porarily to a n o th e r topic. Frequently, in th e cou rse of telling a story, a n a rr a to r may use {hii} as p a rt of first m ention, ju s t before specifying the actual identity of th e referent, as in the following.

36)

osu yaisi M nimidzoho yaisi mi= hoa -u . . th a t.o n e th e n th in g People.Masher then PL= spot-PNC 'th a t one, th en , th e thing, N em edzoho spotted them . .' (NK: Nemedzoho)

The Cannibal is c e n tra l to th e ensuing n a rra tiv e , b u t was not previously m entioned. As a tem p o rary switch of topic, note th e following.

37 )

oo?nosu a t.th e .tim e

im una -u, th in g DEM-U

su= tinna una i-nakwa wini -bodoti. o NOM=antelope out.there PROX-direction stand.SG -around '. . an d at th a t m o m ent th e r e was som ething out th e re , an an telo p e was standing a ro u n d . (NK: Root-digging Time)

The antelope's behavior is discussed for several clauses, before the n a rra tiv e re tu rn s to th e activities o f th e c e n tra l p a rtic ip a n ts —th e n a r r a t o r

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192 a n d h e r fam ily o u r root-digging. The following exam ple w ith M a s the head of a noun p h ra se even carries a case-sensitive article.

38)

ka sa?a su= hii umi -ba pitti KA later NOM= th in g they-L O C arrive.DUR wida?a wau ti= tuami -no black.bear two.OBL POSS= children-COM '. . and la te r th e w h a tch a m a ca llit cam e over to th em , th e Bear w ith her two cubs. .' (NK: Bear and Deer)

Again, th is is th e in tro d u c tio n of Bear, a central c h a ra c te r for the rest of the n arrativ e. I suspect th a t this p ronom inal form plays a key role in th e persistence of a topic in the ensuing discourse, much like th e function of the proxim al dem onstrative 'this' in English, as described in W right and Givon (1987). The n ecessary qu an tified analysis of its role in text rem ains to be done, however.

4.4 Pronom inal Functions of O ther W ord Classes

As described elsew here (section 3.2 on noun ph rase types), any no tio n al e lem ent o f th e no un p h ra se may fu n ctio n p ro n o m in ally --in pa rticu la r, the m odifiers. Both q u an tifiers and some adjectives may, u n d e r some circum stances, have all the referrin g p ro p erties of pro nou ns. T heir role as subject or object is overtly coded by case-m arking.

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193 39 a ) iwa -?yu pidi -u many-NOM arrive-PN C 'Many cam e.'

b)

ii =ha udi -u punni you=Q tall-OBL see.DUR 'Do you see the tall one?'

This fea tu re allows for th e possibility th a t elem ents referrin g to the sam e entity in a conceptual noun p h rase need not occur to g eth er. This aspect of N o rth ern Paiute syntax also discussed in section 3.2.5.

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194

CHAPTER 5

OTHER WORD AND MORPHEME CLASSES

k.o

In tro d u c tio n

The purpose of this chapter is to provide a sketch of the m ajor distrib u tio n al and functional p roperties of th re e b ro ad w ord and m orphem e classes in N o rth e rn Paiute th a t p a rtic ip a te w ithin th e b ro a d dom ain of modification. These include adjectivals, postpositions, and a dverbials. The functional unity of each of these foci, at least for p resen t purposes, is based m ainly upon trad itio n a l sem antic features. For example, adjectivals include th o se form s th a t modify nouns o r noun p h rases—including adjectives and quantifiers. Postpositions serve to express the relationships of p eriph eral p articip ants to e ith e r th e p red ic ate — in term s of sem antic ro le—or to oth er p a rtic ip a n ts—m ost frequently in spatial term s. Some functions of the system of postpositions overlap with th a t of the adverbials. A dverbials perform a wide range of modifying functions and may have scope over verbs, clauses, adjectivals, o r o th e r adverbials. Some features of these classes have been described in o th er areas of this study in term s of how they relate to th e m ajor w ord classes or c o n stru ctio n types.

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195 W hat is comm on to all of th ese functional classes, is th e ir stru c tu ra l, d istrib u tio n al, and h isto rical heterogeneity. Several subclasses may be consid ered u n d e r the general te rm adjectival based upon distinct m orphological and d istrib u tio n a l featu res. Cardinal n um bers and color term s, for example, are tr e a te d in som ew hat m ore detail in sections 5.1.6 a n d 5.1.7, resp ec tiv e ly . The language also readily re c ru its o th er form classes, such as verbs, in adjective-like functions. However, th ese can usually be d isting uished from w hat I term "true adjectives" b ased upon th e ir ability to e n te r into ce rta in c o n stru ctio n s. The incho ativ e and com parative co nstruction s are d e scrib e d in sections 5.1.4 a n d 5.1.5, respectively. The system of postposition s in N orthern Paiute is quite elaborate, and exhibits complex d istrib u tio n al p a tte rn s consisting of several stra ta of both bo und and free forms. The various p a tte rn s reflect historical developm ents, including lexicalized co m b in ations and g ram m atica liz atio n from two sources: 1) sta tiv e verbs—th a t a ppear to behave like place or manner adverbs, and 2) relator nouns (S ta ro s ta 1985 a n d DeLancey 1997)- th a t e n te r into th e system via the p ro d u ctiv e possessor NP-NP p a tte rn of sim ple jux tap o sitio n of nom inals. Adverbials a re ty pically a m ixed bag in any lan guage, a n d in clu d e form s with a b ro a d a rra y of form al an d fu nctional charac teristics. Some adverbials a p p e a r to be h istorically derived from stative v erb form s, and, in some cases, may be in te rp re te d as postpositions. Again, it is impossible at th is stage in th e inv estig ation to always clearly d istin g u ish w hat I

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196

include u n d e r the class "adverbial" from o th er form classes, or to identify all the possible sub-classes which likely exist.

r .i

A djectivals

U nder the g en eral heading adjectivals, I include b oth qu an tifiers and w hat are typically te rm e d adjectives. The m ain fu n ctio n o f th e adjectival class is to modify or referen tially specify a nom inal. T here is a very strong tend ency for a djectivals to occur b efore the noun they m odify w ith in w hat may p ro p erly be called a noun phrase (NP) (cf. section 3.2), a lth oug h they are not strictly b o u n d to th a t syn tactic po sitio n (cf. 3.2.2.2, 3.2.5). Indeed, adjectivals in N o rth e rn P aiute may carry all th e re fe re n tia l p ro p erties of p ro n o u n s in th e language, and may, therefore, occur as the head of a noun phrase, e ith er alone or with a d e te rm in e r proclitic (cf. section 4.4). An adjective class exists in N o rth e rn Paiute th a t shares a key m orph osyn tactic fe a tu re of th e q u a n tifie rs —namely, a sen sitiv ity to the m ajor case d istin ction in th e langu ag e—nom inative versus oblique. Casemarking is described in section 3.2.2 and as an overt coding p ro p e rty of g ram m atical r e la tio n s in se c tio n 6.1.3.

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197 5-1.1 Syntactic P r o p e r tie s

The following exam ples illu stra te two basic m orpho-syntactic p ro p erties of adjectives and quantifiers in N o rth ern Paiute: l) pren om in al position within a NP, and 2) the presence of case-sensitive suffixes.

la)

su— udi -?yu naatsi kima -u -gi -na NOM= tall -NOM boy come-PNC-CISL-PTCP 'The tall boy is coming th is way.'

b)

ni u= punni ka= udi -u naatsi I 3= see OBL= tall -OBL boy 'I see him, the tall boy.'

c)

waha -?yu kaazi nawigiba kima -u -gi two -NOM car side.by.side come -PNC-CISL 'Two cars are coming side by side.'

d)

nimmi waha-u kaazi -ga?yu we.EXCL two -OBL car -HAVE 'We have two cars.'

e)

tina?a -?yu piawabi owi igya -u short -NOM old.woman DEM enter.SG-PNC 'A little old wom an w ent in th ere .'

f)

ni ka= tina?a -ku piawabi punni I OBL=short -OBL old.lady see 'I see th at little old woman.'

The form of the oblique case-suffix on adjectival stems is u n p re d ic ta b ly e ith e r / -uj or /-ku/, depending u pon the stem. M odifiers may them selves occur as n o u n p h ra se heads, carrying th e sam e referring qualities as pronouns.

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198

2 a)

o?o iwa -?yu na?a. . DEM many-NOM grow ' . . . lots were growing out th ere . . '

b)

iwa -u nimmi mayi-u many-OBL we.EXCL find -PNC 'We found a l o t . . ' (NK: Chokecherries)

This referrin g p o ten tial and the fact th a t they a re m arked fo r case allows for discon tinuity of elem ents th a t refer to the sam e e n tity —th a t is, elem ents th a t notionally belong to the same NP (cf. also section 3.2.5).

3a)

waha-?yu tia? ka= mo -moko?ni tihona -ga two -NOM thus OBL=RE -woman dig.roots-TRNSL 'There were two women going out root-digging . . .' (NK: Nemedzoho)

b)

tiitsi -ku nimmi wigina?a-kaa -na small-OBL we.EXCL wagon -HAVE-PTCP 'We had a small wagon . .' (GN: An In cid e n t)1

The num eral 'two' in 3a) appears pre-posed to clause-initial position, followed by the discourse particle {tia?}, even th o u g h it is n o tio n a lly a p a rt of the NP th a t includes 'the women.' In 3b), the adjective 'sm all' and its notional head 'wagon' are se p ara ted by a subject pronoun. The casem arking of th e adjectival in e ith e r case rein forces its un ity w ith the nom inal to which it co-refers. Many syntactic th e o rists have tr e a te d such

1This example is from Natches (1923).

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199 m odifiers as noun p h rase adjuncts, given th a t th ey need n o t o ccur w ith in th e sam e sy n tactic c o n s titu e n t, and given th a t th ey may also o ccur in place of a full nou n p h ra s e (Blake 1983, Hale 1983, Je lin e k 1984). I concur w ith th is analysis, b u t reserve discussion of its th eo retical im plications for fu tu re studies of N o rth e rn Paiute in this context. The fact t h a t an ad jectival w ith case-m ark in g h as all th e sy n tactic privileges associated w ith a full NP m akes it tem pting to apply a derivational function to the case suffixes as well. However, in term s of a th eo ry of w ord class, such an analysis is not very enlightening, for one m ust still recognize a class of stem s th a t take these p a rticu la r suffixes in exactly these contexts. I refer to this class as the case-sensitive adjectivals. Table 5.1 is a p a rtial in ven to ry of adjectivals th a t exhibit th e casemarking p a tte rn s ju s t described. Inclu d ed in th e table are th e stem s, w ith the form for the oblique case suffix in parentheses.

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200 Table 5.1 N o rth e rn Paiute Case-sensitive Adjectivals pisa-u

'good'

sita-ku

'bad; badly'

paba-u

'big'

tiitsi-ku

'small'

udi-u

'tall; long; deep'

tina?a-ku

miitsi-u

'short'

miitsi-ku

'short (of a person)' 'short'

iwa-u

'm an y; m u ch '

hiitsi-ku

hii-u

'few; a few'

iniitsi-ku

'few; several; not m anv' 'cute'

inii-u

'cute'

iimitsi-ku

'odd; strange'

pidi-u

mua-tipi

'old; be old'

simi-u

'new; young; a n ew ’ ’one’

noo-ku

'all'

waha-u

’two’

toki-ku

pahi-u

'three'

naica-ku

'correct; correctly' 'm ean; vicious’

DEM-ni-ku BASE

'as; like; of type X'

From Table 4.4, I include the 'KIND/TYPE' dem onstrative affix, as it also exhibits th e case sensitivity explored here. At least one of th ese adjectives, {paba} 'big,' may be red u p lica ted to indicate p lu ral co-reference.

4 a)

mi= pa-ppaba-?yu si- sia?a, umi obi mani-pini -na PL=RE-big -NOM RE-girl they DEM do -PFV/STAT-PTCP '. . those big girls, they were doing things (out of cruelty)' (NK: Boarding School Days)

b)

umi atsa nobi pa- ppaba-?yu they red house RE-big -NOM/PRED 'Those red houses are big.' (SA:54)

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201 Notice th a t all form s th a t include {tsi} take {ku} as th e oblique case form, reinforcing some sort of lexical specification for the -u/-ku distinction. Five of th e form s in Table 5.1 ap p ea r to include th e dim inutive suffix {tsi} (DIM) (cf. section 3 .i.4)--alth oug h both {hii} 'few' and {inii} 'cute' have been rec o rd ed b oth w ith and w itho ut it.

5a)

hiitsi-?yu maa tiipi -nakwa-kwapi few -NOM DEMground-on RE- lie.PL 'Few a re laying th e re on th e ground.'

b)

ii hiitsi-ku [toisabui] tsapoka -pi you few -OBL (chokecherries) IP/grasp-pick-PF V 'You picked a few (chokecherries).’

c)

hii -u tia? koi -si, few-OBL thus kill.PL-SEQ 'having killed a few. . ' (NK: F ather and Son)

d)

inii tiitsi -?yu oija?a ~ iniitsi -?yu oqa?a cute small-NOM infant cute.DIM -NOM infant 'a cute little infant'

A n o th er com plication ap p ears with th e form {miitsi} 'short' th a t I have recorded with both forms of the oblique suffix.

6 a)

su= dimaziapi miitsi -?yu NOM=plant short -NOM/PRED 'The plant is short.'

b)

u-ka ni punni miitsi -u nana 3-OBL I see.DUR short-OBL man 'I see the short man.'

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202 c)

nii miitsi-ku tsopihi-ga?yu I short-Obj hair-have 'I've got short hair'

I have little to ad d th a t m ight serve to explain e ith e r th e a p p a re n t lexical specification or sporadic optionality with respect to th e use of one oblique case suffix or th e other. A possible historical connection betw een the {ku} form and one of the locative postpositions could provide one clue. If the development of {ku} into the dom ain of core case-role m arking is rela tiv e ly m ore re c e n t th a n {u} in the sam e fu nction, th e n one m ight expect its entran ce into th e system to be som ew hat piecem eal and not e n tire ly reg u la r.

5.1.2 Adjectivals as Bare Stems

There are th re e situ atio n s I have id en tified w hereby the casesensitive adjectivals liste d in Table 5.1 occur w ithout case suffixes. The first situ a tio n is w hen th ey form a com pound w ith the nou n th ey m odify-a situ a tio n already discussed in section 3.2.2.2. In such com pounds, the adjective stem rep re se n ts a m ore in h ere n t quality of th e n oun it modifies.

7 a)

pidi - nimi new - person 'youth; young people'

b)

pidi -?yu nimi new-NOM person 'a young person'

8a)

paba - huudi big - river 'Snake River'

b)

paba-?yu huudi big -NOM river 'a big river'

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203 The tig h te r sem antic co nnection can be viewed as iconically reflected in th is tig h te r sy n tactic bond. The second situ a tio n is w hen an adjectival stem behaves in some sense adverbially.

9a)

pisa ni=sutihai yaa tabino well us.EXCL=bless PROX day 'Bless us well today. . ' (A Prayer)

b)

00 tia? nimmi iwa ti- tsapoka -?yakwi so thus we.EXCL much APS-pick.berries-HAB '. . so we would pick a lo t/ do lots of picking.' (NK: Chokecherries)

c)

mi= nimi mua yaa iwi -u simi -?yakwi PL= people old here PROX-U gather-HAB '. . the people of old would gath er to g eth er right here.' (NK: Old Voices)

d)

ni tauna-wai pidi piti -u I town -LOC new arrive-PNC 'I'm going to tow n presently.'

e)

paba wohi ~ca?i big shout-HAB 'Shout loudly!'

f)

pitti -si du nimmi u=woisa su= waha ka= huudi-kwai 00, arrive-SEQ also we.EXCL 3=wash NOM=two OBL=river -LOC DEM 'a fte r we arrived, (we) w ash ed t h a t twice th e re in t h e river.' (NK: Chokecherries)

A certain degree of sem antic shifting a tte n d s th is adverbial use. Finally, a th ir d s itu a tio n w here case-sen sitiv e adjectivals ap p ea r strip p ed of case-m arking is as com plem ents of th e verb {?mani} 'become.'

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204 1 0 a) i= tua paba Tmani 2=son big become 'Your son is getting big.' b)

ii pisa ?mani you good become 'You're getting well.'

This construction is also explored in section 5.1.4 as a diagnostic for m em bership in the lim ited "true" adjective class of N o rth ern Paiute.

5.1.3 A d jectivals from Stative Verbs

Many adjectivals a re tr a n s p a re n tly re la te d to verbs as evidenced e ith e r by an accom panying p erfectiv e suffix {pi} (PFV), or by the nom inalizing suffix {di} as a subject nom inalization. The perfective suffix has also been shown (cf. section 3.1.7.5) to perform a nom inalizing function. W ith th e su bject no m in a liz er (section 3.1.7.1), th e adjectival is essentially in d istin g u ish a b le from a subject relative clause.

Verb-PFV adjectivals: 11a)

mi= kidi kai yuhu-pi PL=marmot NEG fat -PFV 'The groundhogs a re n 't fa t.’

b)

ni u=punni ka= yuhu-pi nana I 3=see OBL=fat -PFV man 'I see him, th e fat m an.'

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205 c)

toissapui passa-pi chokecherries dry -PFV 'The chokecherries are d ry /h av e been d rie d .1

d)

passa-pi tihica tuku dry -PFV deer meat 'dry d eer m eat (jerky)'

Verb-NMR adjectivals: 12a) su= mogo?ni ini na%u?i NOM=woman INT strong 'The woman is strong.' b)

ii = sakwa nazjjidi nana 2 = MOD strong man 'You m ust he a tough guy.'

c)

ka= ninikwi-di tsagwi-u OBL=heavy -NMR IP/grasp-lift

su= natiiyadi mogo?ni -PNC NOM=strong woman

'The stro n g w om an lifted th e heavy th in g .'

As th e exam ples above illu stra te , perfective and nom inalized verb form s may both c arry th e sem an tics an d readily e n te r into c o n stru c tio n s typically a sso c iated w ith adjectivals. M orphologically, however, th ey can be readily d istin g u ish ed from th e adjective class.

5.1.4 In ch oative C o n stru c tio n s

As we have seen, th e re are m orp ho-syntactic d istin c tio n s betw een "true" adjectivals and those derived from o th er w ord classes. Perhaps the m ost significant m orphological d istin ction is in the ability of the tru e adjectivals to c arry d istin c tio n s in case-m arking. A n oth er im p o rta n t

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206

d istinction is b ased upon th e ir ability to e n te r into p a rticu la r constructions. N o rth e rn Paiute has two d istin c t c o n stru ctio n s th a t m ean roughly 'to beco m e/to tu rn into X.' These are typically refe rred to as inchoative con structions. One inchoative c o n stru ctio n involves th e subjunctive verb suffix {dua} (SUBJ). W hen added to stative verbs (or nouns), it m eans 'become X.'

13a) mi= kidi yuhu-dua tamano PL= m arm ot fat -SUBJ spring 'The groundhogs get fat in the spring.' b)

ni = sa?a I = may

tikiya?i -dua skinny -SUBJ

'I m ight get skinny.'

The o th e r in choative c o n stru c tio n is syntactically p e rip h ra s tic an d involves th e in d e p e n d e n t verb {?mani} meaning 'becom e.' In this inchoative c o nstruction, a "true" (un derived ) adjectival stem occurs as a com plem ent of th is verb, w ith o u t case-m arking.

14a) ii udi ?mani -pi you tall become-PFV 'You're getting tall.' b)

if udi ?mani -dua you tall become -SUBJ '(someday) You'll get tall.'

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207 c)

ii pisa ?mani -kwi you good become-FUT 'You'll get well.'

d)

ii pisa ?mani you good become 'You're getting well.'

The type of inchoative co nstruction req u ire d is th ere fo re an im p o rta n t te s t for w ord class m em bership. Adjectivals derived from verb stem s simply take the subjunctive verb suffix, w hereas "true" adjectives occur in th e ir b a re stem form as com plem ents to an in d e p e n d e n t verb m eaning 'becom e.'

5.1.5 M aking C om parisons

Making com parisons can be done in several ways in N o rth ern Paiute, depending upon the n a tu re of th e com parison. The com parative co n stru ctio n typically involves one of two locative adverbial expressions: 1) {uhunakwa} 'behind; m ore th a n ' w hen the subject of the com parison is g re a te r t h a n th e object and 2) {minakwa} 'before; less th an ' when the subject of the com parison is less th a n the object. The object of th e com parison may occur in e ith e r oblique or genitive case. The basis for the com parison, when overtly expressed, appears as the predicate. Both tru e an d derived adjectivals may e n te r in to a com parative c o n stru c tio n .

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15a) i=?uhunakwa kati -u i=behind ° sit.SG-PNC 'Sit behind m e’ b)

u-su ni-ga uunakwa yuhu-pi 3-NOM i -GEN beyond fat -PFV 'He is fa tte r th a n I.' (SA:55)

c)

i - su gapa u- ga simi -u uunakwa paba-?yu PROX-NOM bed 3- GEN one -OBL beyond big -PRED 'This bed is bigger th a n th a t one.' (SA .55)

If the basis for the com parison is understood, it may be left unspecified. In th ese cases, the locative adverbials them selves app ear pred icate form w ith the suffix {?yu}.

16a)

masu nana u-k a uhunakwa -?yu DEM man 3 -OBL more -PRED 'T hat m an is ta lle r th a n him .'

b)

masu nana u -ka minakwi -?yu DEM man 3 -OBL less -PRED 'T hat m an is s h o r te r th a n him .'

Again, the object of th e com parison may be expressed in th e genitive (GEN), ra th e r th a n oblique (OBL) case.

17a)

masu nana u-ga uhunakwa-?yu DEM man 3 -GEN more -PRED 'T hat m an is ta lle r th a n h im .'

b)

masu nana ni -ga uhunakwa -?yu DEM man 1 -GEN taller -PRED 'That m an is ta lle r th a n me.'

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209 Some o th er expressions include using the locative adverb {kwayakwa} 'beyond; past* to indicate 'older th an ,' and {tamiho?i} 'late; later' to indicate 'yo unger th a n .'

18 a) kwayakwa tiwao nimi tabinnati tiwao nimi tsuga tihona. beyond also we.EXCL hillside also we.EXCL biscuitroot dig.roots ' . . and, too, on the other side of the hill, we dug biscuitroot. ' (NK: Root-digging Time) b)

ni manigi tommo -ba u= kwayakwa I five year -LOC 3= beyond 'I'm five years o ld er th a n h e r/h im .'

c)

kai ti- tamihoi -paana; yabi -su piti -u NEG APS-late -PROH quick-ADV arrive.SG-PNC 'Don't be late; arrive on time!'

d)

masu manigi tommo -ba i= tamiho?i DEM five year -LOC 1= later 'Five y ears y o u n g er th a n me.'

The following a lternativ e has th e basis for com parison in the p red ic ate p osition, in th is case m arked in th e perfective, r a th e r th a n w ith a locative p o stpo sitio n as in 18b) and d), above.

19)

imi pia i= minakwa tommo -pi your m other 1= less year -PFV 'yo ur mom is y o u n g e r th a n me.'

The c om parative c o n stru c tio n is obviously not exclusively th e dom ain of adjectivals. Com parisons of equality, according to the analysis in Snapp an d A n derso n (1982) also involve locative expressions,

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210 particularly the use of one of two postpositions: l) {no} 'as; with (accom panying)'—th e COMITATIVE, and 2) {wa?ni} 'as/like'—the SIMILATIVE. These postpositions are bound as suffixes to the object of the com parison.

20a) i -su naatsi ti= naa -no?o -su ?wini PROX-NOM boy POSS=father-COM-ADV stand.SG 'This boy is as tall as (lit. "stands with") his father.' (SA:55) b)

mi=sooyasi niikwi-kwa?ni nimmi niikwi-cakwi. PL=soldier treat -SIMIL we.EXCL treat -HAB 'As soldiers are treated, so we were treated .' (NK: Boarding School Days)

I consider th is function simply an extension of th e ir prototypical functions as postpositions, however. Postpositions are discussed in more de ta il in section 5.2.

5.1.6 N u m e ra ls

The card in al n u m b e rs in N o rth e rn P aiute have th e capacity to rea ch into th e th o u sa n d s, a lth oug h th is capacity is rarely u se d and speakers are not equally skilled in doing so. The larg er num bers are all base ten, although the num bers below te n show traces of base five and four, given t h a t n u m b ers la rg e r th a n five a re d eriv ativ es of th e low er n u m b ers. N um bers one th ro u g h eight carry th e sam e case suffixes as o th e r case-sensitive adjectivals (cf. Table 5.1)—'nom inative' {?yu} (NOM) and 'oblique' {u} (OBL). Cardinal nu m bers from nine an d above are

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211 p h rasal, a n d are m ath e m a tic a lly d erived via a d d itio n , s u b tra c tio n , or m u ltip lic atio n . W hen counting, th e form s for one th ro u g h eight occur w ith the n o m inativ e/pred icativ e suffix. Table 5.2 lists th e base form ,--defined as the form which is c a rrie d over into the h ig her num bers or o th e r p hrase ty p es—followed by th e n o m in a tiv e /p re d ica tiv e and accu sative/o blique form s for th ese num erals.

Table 5.2 N o rth e rn Paiute N u m erals—One to Eight BASE

NOM/PRED

OBLIQUE

simi-

skni?yu

skniu

one

waha-

waha?yu

wahau

'two'

pahi-

pahi?yu

pahiu

'three'

watsi-

watsikwi?yu

watsikwiu

'four'

manigi-

manigi?yu

manigiu

'five'

naapahi-

naapahi?yu

naapahiu

'six'

natakwatsi-

natakwatsikwi?yu

natakwatsikwiu

'seven'

namiwatsi-

namiwatsikwi?yu

namiwatsikwiu

'eight'

gloss

Some features of this system include: 1) The root for 'six’ is th e same as for 'three,' with the addition, perhaps, of the d u a l/rec ip ro c a l pronom inal base (cf. section 4.1.8). 2) The roots for both 'seven' and 'eight' appear to be the same as for 'four.' Setting aside the dual/reciprocal base {na}, I have no analysis for th e rem aining /-ta-/ of'seven' or /-wi-/ of 'eight.' Also note th at the

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212 base form s for th ese th re e nu m b ers also appear w ithout th e syllable /-kwi/. Again, I have, at p resen t, no historical analysis for it. 3) The num eral 'five' ap p ea rs to include th e general in s tru m e n ta l prefix (IP) 'of or pertaining to the han d.' Some variation of this connection is common, cross-linguistically. 4 ) As a cross-dialectal aside, in my fieldwork w ith a speaker of th e Yahooskin, or Silver Lake dialect, the num eral 'eight' was given as /wall’a kadu?upi/, literally, 'two gone.' This was also recorded in Kelly (1930) in S u rp rise Valley an d likely re p re se n ts a la te r d evelo pm ent by analogy to th e n u m era l 'n ine.'

The rem aining n u m era ls are p h rasal and do not have c ase-sensitive forms distinct from th e ir base forms. I include ju s t enough h ere for the re a d e r to deduce th e n um eral system up to one th o u sa n d . At th a t point, th ere is some disagreem ent among speakers—at least in Burns—as to how to proceed. I include a p h rasal analysis for some num erals in th e in te rlin e a r gloss.

21a)

simi kadu?u

one

-pi

h)

sim i m a- no

be.missing-PFV

'nine' (lit. 'one gone') c)

-?yu

one hand-COM-ATTR 'ten ' (lit. 'together with one hand ')

sim i mano?yu simi-ma

tsipugi

-di

ten one -with/INST add/release -NMR 'eleven' (lit. 'ten with one added') d)

sim i mano?yu

wahama

tsipugidi

one to g eth er with.two added 'twelve'

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213 e)

waha mano?yu

two

f)

'tw enty' g)

'th irty '

namiwatsi mano?yu

eight

h)

together

missing to g eth er

'ninety'

naapahi-kwaiti

six

sim i kadu?upi mano?yu

one

'eighty' i)

pahi mano?yu

th r e e to g e th e r

to g eth er

j)

-LOC

simi kadu?upi-kwaiti

one missing -LOC

'six h u n d red ' (lit. 'right at six') 'nine h u n d red '

An a ltern ativ e fo r th e teen s, tw enties, etc. includes sh o rte n in g 'ten ,' 'twenty,' etc., to 'one,' 'two,' etc. as in the following.

22 a) simi?yu wahama tsipugidi one with.two added 'twelve'

b)

watsikwi?yu manigima tsipugidi

four with.five 'forty-five'

added

Also, in a p hrasal context, 'nine' (literally, 'one gone') will occasionally lose the final /-pi/ 'PFV' suffix, as in these alternatives to 2 ih ) an d 21j) above.

2 3 a ) simi kaduu mano?yu 'ninety'

b)

sim i kaduu-kwaiti

'nine h u n d red '

Skill in {tatsiqa} 'counting' is not, I have found, co-extensive with g e n e ra l fluency in th e lang uage. C ertainly, th e r e have always b e e n occasions w here counting is necessary—for example, in tra d e o r gambling.

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214

2 However, few occasions w ould have re q u ire d counting m uch beyond the tw enties.

5.1.7 Color T erm s

A nother im p o rtan t su b set of adjectivals are th e color term s. In this section, I provide a sim ple inventory and describe th e m o rpho -syn tactic p ro p e rtie s th a t re n d e r them a clear subclass of adjectivals. Nichols (1974: 25off) devotes a section to the description of N o rth ern Paiute color term s from the perspective of th e ir typological and historical context. Nichols (1980) also describes th e renewal of color term s in the overall Numic system as a m eans of accounting for developm ents in the individual Num ic langu ages. In citation form, the basic color term s occur w ith an absolutive suffix (cf. section 3.1.3) th a t is unique to them--{kwicaadi} in the Burns dialect, {kwikya} in the Yahooskin, or Silver Lake dialect. These suffixes are very likely m orphologically complex, p e rh a p s including a p alatalized allom orph of the verbalizing suffix {kaa} 'HAVE/be characterized by' w ith th e Burns form also a p p aren tly including th e nom inalizing suffix {di} (NMR). Color term s in the context of actual noun p h rases are the m ost syntactically b o u n d of all the adjectives in th a t th ey always form

2 Especially when playing {nayakwi} 'stick game.'

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215 com pounds w ith th e n o uns they m odify (cf. sectio n 3 .2.2.2). O ther adjectives, as we have seen, may o p tio nally do so, p a rtic u la rly w hen expressing m ore in h ere n t pro perties.

2 4 a ) usu hudziba oha- mubi -ca -?yu DEM bird yellow-nose -HAVE-ATTR 'That b ird has an orange beak' b)

ni tuu - tipi punni kaiba

I black-rock see

-maku

mountain-LOC

'I saw a black rock on the m o u n ta in .’ (SA:52)

Table 5.3 includes th e basic color term s of N o rth ern Paiute, both th e ir b a se —com pounding—forms, and th e ir citation form s w ith the absolutive suffix.

Table 5.3 N o rth e rn Paiute Color Terms BASE

CITATION

gloss

tuu- / tuhu-

tuhukwicaadi

'black'

toha-

tohakwicaadi

'white'

atsa-

atsakwicaadi

'red'

oha-

ohakwicaadi

'yellow'

puhi-

puhikwicaadi

'grue' (g reen /b lu e)

isi-

isikwicaadi

'grey'

ikwitsi-

ikwitsikwicaadi

'b ro w n /tan '

Nichols (1974) notes a g reat deal of cross-dialectal v a ria tio n with respect to the term for 'brown' in N orthern Paiute. Therefore, it is

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216 im p o rta n t to note t h a t th e te rm s lis te d h e re a re from my w ork w ith speakers of the Burns dialect only. There are ways of modifying the basic color term s to extend the spectrum . One way this can be done is w ith the suffix {-sucuadi} 'light' as in /atsa-sucuadi/ 'pink' (lit. 'light red .' A nother way is by using the general in tensifying a d v erb {ini} (INT) to m ean som ething like 'dark,' as in /ini puhikwicaadi/ 'd a rk b lu e.' The th ir d common way is with th e degree adverb {sakwani} 'barely/alm o st,' as in /sagwani oha-kwidaadi/ to m ean 'yellowish.'

.5.2 Postpositions

N o rth e rn P aiute postpositions, like English prepositions, m ark p e rip h e ra l arg u m en ts and specify a wide range of spatial, tem p o ral, and o th er relation ships. They a pp ear m ost commonly as suffixes to nouns or to p ro n o m in al and d e m o n stra tiv e b a se s.3 The system of N o rth ern Paiute postpositions is quite extensive. Liljeblad (1966) identifies 20 simple b o und postpositions (what he calls "secondary cases") along w ith 30 com pound forms. He places the sim ple form s u n d e r four category headings: 1) essives, 2) latives, 3) coextentials, and 4) no n -p arad ig m atic. The com pound form s are categorized on a p p aren t co-distributional

3 See section 4.1.6 and Table 4.2 for a description and list of Northern Paiute peripheral argument pronouns.

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217 g ro u n d s as: l) in tra -p a ra d ig m a tic , 2) in te r-p a ra d ig m a tic , an d 3) nonp a ra d ig m a tic . My u n d e rs ta n d in g of the basic system has b e n efite d g reatly from the insights p re se n te d in Liljeblad’s (1966) work as well as in Snapp an d A nderson (1982). I have also found Sapir's excellent ( i9 3 0 :2 i7 ff) descrip tio n of th e class in S o uth ern P aiu te extrem ely helpful, b o th by confirm ing several fe a tu re s of my own analysis, and by d ire c tin g my atten tio n to still others. Differences in b o th inventory and analysis are due, in p a rt, to the rich ness and com plexity of th e system, b u t p e rh a p s m ore crucially to differences in th e c riteria used to d eterm ine inclusion in th e category. Liljeblad (1966), for example, lim its his discussion to the sim ple b oun d form s, w hereas Snapp and A nderson (1982) include b oth b o u n d an d free form s in th e ir inventory. T here is even some d isa g ree m e n t b etw een th e two works as to which form s are free and which, bound. Category m em bership is clearly a grad ien t p ro position . The language has rec ru ite d , and continues to recruit, m em bers of o th e r w ord classes into the postpo sition category. I incorporate the approach taken in DeLancey (1997, 2001) into th e p resen t discussion to d escribe th e g rad ie n t featu res of the postpo sition category in N orthern Paiute. A lthough I begin this description w ith th e simple bou nd form s and th e ir com binations, I also discuss both ind ependent forms of postpositions and the historical developm ents th a t m ake d istinctio ns betw een it a n d o th e r categories r a t h e r fuzzy.

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218

5.2.1 Basic Properties of Postpositions

Postpositions serve to signal a variety of relatio nsh ip s c arried by non-core, o r periph eral, argum ents to a p redication an d its core argum ents. These relation ships a re m ost often spatial or directional (25 a)-d)), b u t also include tem p o ral (e), com itative (f), in s tru m e n ta l (g), sim ilative (h) and o thers.

2 5 a ) ka= tibo -doha ni u=tiki OBL=table-under I 3=put 'I put it u n d e r the table.' b)

su=

poijaadzi ti=

NOM=mouse

nobohi -wai

POSS=nest

lja

-u

-LOC enter-PNC

'The mouse went into its n e st.’ c)

ka=

wassa

-ba p iti

-u

OBL= sandhill.crane -by arrive -PNC 'She got to where Crane was. . ' (NK: Bear and Deer) d)

00

poo

-mupaa kim a -u -gina

DEM road-along come-PNC-CISL '(S /H e) is coming th ere along the road.' (SL:6o) e)

00

-no

im i tsasupica

DEM-TEMP you release ’At th a t time, (they) let you go. . ' (NK: Boarding School Days) f)

una -ku nobi -ga -?yu umi DEM -OBL h ou se -have-PRED they su=

tihica piabi

ti=

tuami

-no

NOM=deer female POSS= children-with 'Way o ut th e re they lived, the m o th e r d e e r w ith h e r children. . ' (NK: Bear and Deer)

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219 g)

kiki -ma

ta-

ttutubi

foot -INST IP/foot-stretch '(they) stre tc h (the hide) with th e feet' h)

su= piabi tiipi -wa?ni tabia NOM=female earth -SIMIL appear 'The female (grouse) looks like th e ground.'

As with English prepositions, the use of postpositions are frequently extended beyond concrete spatial notions into m ore a b strac t, tem poral, or idiom atic functions.

2 6 a ) hayu —pakotopa—ka= taibo -w ai na -ni?a how "blackbird" OBL=white.person-LOC MM -call 'What is "pakotopa" called in English?' b)

ni ?iwi -na

I

tokaano awamoa-kwai-tu

sleep-PTCP night

morning-LOC -ALL

'I slept all night until m orning.' c)

uuni?yu

su=

m oyo?ni

therefore NOM=woman

ma -kuba-?yu m ia

-u

DEM -over-ABL go.SG-PNC

'T hat's why th e w om an left (him ).'

The approach I take in this section is to begin w ith the central m em bers of the category and describe them in term s of th e ir basic functional, phonological, and d istrib u tio n al features. The form s I take as "central" to the system rep re se n t a closed class of m orphology th a t largely m irrors the prepositions of English in function and scope.

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220 5.2.2 Suffixes versus Enclitics

Simple postpositions are shown bound to th eir nom inal or pronom inal objects as suffixes in th e exam ples above, b u t have also b een described as enclitics, in p a rt because they are not re s tric te d in th e ir d istrib u tio n to any p a rtic u la r w ord or p h rase cla ss .4 Recall, for example, section 3.1.7.4 which discusses th e use of postpositions a ttach ed to verbs in a kind of nom inalizing or su bord in atin g function. The following exam ples illu stra te this use.

2 7 a ) 00 su= m ooni ni= m ia-pi -duu DEM NOM=money i.EXCL= go -PFV-through 'The money is th e r e w here we w ent th ro u g h .' b)

ta

pinaosu m i- mia-u

-kwi

ka=

kidi

i= puni -kwai -tu

we.DL back RE- go -PNC -FUT OBL= groundhog 1= see 'We (2) will go back to where I saw the groundhog.' c)

pisa -u = sakwa ta

ka u= tika -wai -tu

-LOC-ALL

hani

good-U = MOD l.DL KA 3= eat -LOC-ALL do "'Good, le t’s put it into his eating-place . . d)

ti=

nazikuudi

POSS= school

na- kia

(NK: Nemechozinna)

-no?o

MM-escape-TEMP

'when school is let o u t/ when one is let out of school'

4 This is the main argument posed in Charney (1993) for Comanche and Dayley (1989) for Tumpisa (Panamint).

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221 They also a p p ea r a tta c h e d to adjectivals (2 8a), ad verbial d e m o n stra tiv e s (2 8b), and locative adverbials (28c).

2 8 a ) pisa -kwai-tu mia good-LOC-LOC go.SG 'go to a good place’ b)

ya?uni -kwai imi hani . . PROX.type -LOC they d o /w e ar ’They wore th is kind (of thing)' (MS: Autobiography)

c)

yaisi ka ibi pa?a-kwai hau ma-mani -pini, then KA DEM high-LOC how RE-fix/do-PFV 'and th en (they) fasten (it) somehow way up to here . . ' (MS: A utobiography)

I tr e a t them as suffixes, however, an d indicate th e ir m orphological b o u n d a rie s with a hyphen (-) ra th e r th a n an equals sign (=) here and elsew here in th e gram m ar. T here are th re e rea so n s for tre a tin g th em as suffixes. First, the c en tral m em bers are m ore tightly b o u n d th a n o th e r enclitics in th e language in so far as w hen th ey co-occur w ith enclitics, they always p re c e d e th e m .5 Second, with pronom inal or d em o n strativ e bases postpositions clearly combine to form a single phonological word. Stress rules apply to th e com bination of p ronoun plus postposition, w hereas with enclitics, th e sim ple CV prono m inal bases a re phonetically bi-m oraic and take p rim a ry stre ss, which never falls on an enclitic.

5

Sapir (1930) also uses this argument.

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222 b)

2 9 a ) [pikwai]

[nimifla]

p i ’-wai

nimi-pa

'the place w here’

'by us (EXCL)’

c)

[piisu] p i ’ =su

'him /herself (EMPH)’

A th ird feature th a t distinguishes simple bo und postpositions from enclitics is th a t th e form er, b u t a p p a re n tly not the la tte r, u n dergo final feature effects, as described in section 2.4.1. These effects can be seen in 29a) and b) above. Indeed, postpositions are often the clearest diagnostic for final fea tu res in N o rth e rn Paiute and o th e r Numic languages.

5.2.3 Basic Postposition Construction Types

Two basic nom inal con stru ctio n types involving po stp o sitio n s are a tte ste d in N o rth ern Paiute: 1) th e m ost common simple N-plus-PP, exem plified in 25a)-h) above, and 2) the "pro nou n copy" con stru ctio n . A sub-type of th e simple N -plus-PP co n stru ctio n is th a t involving pronom inal or dem onstrative bases b oun d to postpositions as in 29a)-b), as well as tho se exem plified in section 4.1.6 and 4.2 in discussions of p eripheral a rg u m e n t p ro n o u n s an d d e m o n stra tiv e form s, respectively. The basic construction involves simple suffixation or, in the case of free postpositions, ju x ta p o sitio n of a nom inal (noun, prono un, d em on strative, or o th e r form class) plus a postposition or postposition complex.6

6 See Langacker (1977b) for a description of the various constructions involving postpositions in Uto-Aztecan languages.

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223 The con stru ctio n commonly re fe rre d to in the Uto-Aztecan lite ra tu re as the "pronoun copy" construction is also a tte ste d in N o rth ern Paiute. In this construction, th e postposition, or postposition complex, is bo und to a pronom inal or d em o nstrative base th a t is co-referring to an ind ep enden t nom inal th a t ap p ears elsew here in the clause, as in the following examples from text.

3 0 a ) nimmi yaisi tiwau paba matta u-kuba-ku ninuni tiwau u= tabatzi we then also big m etate 3-upon-LOC we also 3= crush '. . and th en we sm ashed them on a big m etate . .' (NK: Chokecherries) b)

yaisi nami -ku

m i= tatima?o -ga,

then both -OBL PL= carry.off -TRNSL 00

ow i

-tu

patikw a u

DEM DEM -ALL island

-ma -tu,

ow i -u

DEM -LOC-ALL DEM-U

' . . and th en (it) carried off both of them , out th ere to th a t island, rig ht th e re . (NK: Nem echozinna) c)

ka=

hikwa u-naga

OBL=wind

-ti

-kwa?ni

3-among-ESS -SIMIL

'Like it's in the wind.' (NK: Old Voices)

Sapir (1930:218) describ es this c o n stru ctio n type as p a rt of a "tendency for postpositions to attach them selves by preference to pronouns and d em o nstrative stem s." My own general im pression? is th a t th e re is also such a preference in N o rth ern Paiute, b ut th a t it does not of necessity

7 Statistical text counts have not been made.

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224 entail a p arallel preference for th e p ro n o u n copy construction. R ather, it entails a strong tendency to establish reference to a locatio n --eith er in a presentational construction or as the object of a postpositional p h ra se —and for the ensuing n a rra tiv e to make use of a n ap h o ric p ron oun s or dem onstrative form s—b oth with and w ithout postpositions. In the following excerpt from text, reference is first m ade to a 'rocky place,' and then, in the second clause, to an opening in the rocks. The woman proceeds to hide in th a t opening, and extensive reference is made to h e r location with respect to it using th e dem onstrative system --five anaphoric m entions in the last four clauses of the passage.

31)

yaisi ka= m a -u tippi -ga

-wai p itti -ga

then OBL DEM-U rock-HAVE -LOC arrive -TRNSL 'Then (she) reach ed a rocky place, paba su=

big

tippi higa?ni-pini pisa

NOM= rock open

-PFV good

'(it was) big an d th e rocks had a nice opening. natii?ya

tabi?a -pini paba-?yu

su=

tippi tia?a

steep(ly) appear -PFV big -NOM NOM=rock thus iw a

-u

tippi -ga

-wai

many -OBL rock -HAVE-LOC 'It looked steep, was big, the rocks, a really rocky place. su=

nim i mogo?ni u -tuha -u

lja

NOM=person woman 3 -u n d er -U en ter 'The In d ia n w om an w ent in u n d e r th ere . ow i -u watsi -kw i m ii

sunami -na

DEM-U hide -FUT QUOT think -PTCP "'(I) will hide in there," so (she was) thinking,

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225 n i— ka=

I

tokano— u -su

OBL=nighttime

sia?i pino?o

3 -NOM afraid as.well

'"I— nighttime-," she was afraid! u

-tuha

-?yu

-na

ya isi u

-tuha -?yu

-na

ya isi

DEM-under-ATTR -PTCP then DEM-under-ATTR-PTCP then pino?o 00 tia?a sia?i -na

as.for

so thus

oi

-?yu

afraid -PTCP there-ATTR

'U nder th ere , then, being u n d e r there, as for (her), (she) was afraid in t h e r e . . ' (NK: Nemedzoho)

As a sub-type of th e "pronoun copy" construction, one also finds, especially in text, the sam e p ostp o sitio n occurring on both a nom inal and a co-referring pronom inal or dem on strativ e base.

3 2 a ) una -u yaisi uuni -kw ai p itti -ga na- tihona -di -kw ai DEM-U then that.kind-LOC arrive.SG-TRNSL MM-dig.roots-NMR-LOC ' . . out th ere , (they) th e n arrived at th at, the root-digging place.' (NK: Bear and Deer) b)

m a -nakwa-na

pa?a-nakwa yaisi

su=

idza

kim a -u

-gi

-na

DEM-side -DIR high -side then NOM= coyote come-PNC -CISL-PTCP '. . when from out th e re up above came the Coyote.' (NK: Porcupine and Coyote)

Sometimes th e full nom inal object is suffixed with a different po stp o sitio n th a n th e co-referring anaphoric pronom inal base.

33)

kai

=ha = sakwa ni i= kw assi-w ai

u -ma

m ayua-kati

m ii

NEG =Q = MOD I 2= tail -LOC 3 -onto hold -sit.SG QUOT '"How about if hold on by your tail?" saying . .' (NK: Porcupine and Coyote)

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226

As I suggested in the discussion of the wide variety of dem on strative form s in N o rth e rn Paiute, many of th ese form s likely re p re se n t gram m aticalized com binations of dem onstrative base and postp osition. A full historical analysis of these forms is beyond th e scope of this work. There rem ain, as well, certain d istrib u tio n al peculiarities of postpo sitio ns th a t ap pear different with noun versus pronom inal objects. These, too, are only p a rtly u n d e rs to o d a n d aw ait f u r th e r study.

5.2.4 In ventory and C o-D istributional F e a tu re s

The distribu tion al features of N o rth ern Paiute postpositions are indicative of an ongoing h isto rical process w hereby new m em bers are still being recru ited, as explored fu rth e r in the next section. The central m em bers of th e category may be com pounded to extend th e ir sem antics in subtle ways. It is possible to establish at least th re e stra ta , or layers, of bo und forms based upon a tradition al position-class analysis. Snapp and A nderson (1982:39) classify the postpositions as first, second, and th ird o r d e r b a se d u p o n such an analysis. Crum a n d Dayley (1993) re fe r to th e comparable th ird o rd er postpositions in W estern Shoshoni as "postposition adjuncts" (79), since they are suffixed to the oth er postpositions of com binations thereof. The d istributional facts for p ostpositions in N o rth ern Paiute, and elsewhere in Numic, are indeed complex. I prefer to describe th e simple postpositions in term s of four distributional types: 1) first order, 2) second o rd er, 3) final, and 4) non-com bining.

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227 First order postpositions constitute the largest set and consist of both free an d b o u n d form s. They are always first in a series an d are usually followed by at least one oth er form, either a second o rder postposition or a final. First o rd er is w here the rec ru itm en t of newer form s as relator nouns (ala S ta ro sta 1985 an d DeLancey 1997) or locative adverbials (cf. section 5.3.1) occurs. The free fo rm s—th e nouns an d adverbials th a t ap p ea r in th is function—are often them selves m orphologically complex. Discussion of th is re c ru itm e n t is tak e n up in sections 5.2.5. Second o rd er postpositions may in fact consist of two actual morphological position classes, since one occasionally finds two co­ occurring. I define th is d istrib u tio n al class strictly in term s of w here they occur in relation to first o rd er postpositions and finals, however. Since it is often difficult to d e te rm in e the extent to which certain com bination s have becom e lexicalized, a m ore rigorous position-class analysis may reflect h isto ric a l facts, and, in my view, make th e sychronic p ic tu re u n necessarily opaque. Finals are p h on etically among th e sim plest, sem antically, th e m ost general, and, in term s of d istrib u tio n , always occur at th e end o f any combination of postpositions. In the absence of either first or second order postpositions, they also occur directly a tta c h e d to a nom inal or pronom inal object. This possibility is significantly m ore common with p ro n o m in a l/d e m o n s tra tiv e bases, however. W ith nom inal objects, finals alm ost always occur in com bination w ith o th e r postpositions. Non-combining postpositions are those which have not been found in com bination w ith any of th e o th e r d istrib u tio n a l classes. They are

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228

usu ally those form s which do not, strictly speaking, carry in fo rm a tio n regarding spatial relation ships. R ather, m em bers of this subclass te n d to m ark sem antic roles like b e n e fa c tiv e /re c ip ie n t, in stru m e n ta l, and com itative. I also include th e sim ilitive, partitive, and tem poral postpositons in th is class. Some may, at lea st historically, be m orphologically complex. Table 5.4 is an a tte m p t to sum m arize th e m ain fea tu res of the simple bound postpositions of N o rth ern Paiute. Column one lists their allom orphs, c ond ition ed m ainly by th e final fe a tu re sta tu s of the preceding m orphem e (cf. 2.4.1). W h ether or not th e postpositions them selves induce fortitio n is indicated by the presence or absence of a final apostrophe ('). Column two includes, for the forms he identifies, the labels given in Liljeblad (1966:570) for th e sim ple postpositions. Column th re e includes th e ir b ro a d sem antic c h arac teriza tio n by com parison to English prep osition s. Finally, colum n four characterizes w hat is known of th e ir d istrib u tio n .

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229 Table 5.4 N o rth ern Paiute Simple Postpositions A llom orph y

Labels

Gloss

D istribution

-naga', -nnaga'

INTERESSIVE

'in, among'

first order

-guba', -kuba'

SUPRAESSIVE

first order

-duha', -tuha'

SUBESSIVE

'upon, above, over' 'under, below'

first order

-ba', -pa'

ILLATIVE

'to, by, at, into'

first order

-wai', -kwai', - i

INESSIVE

'at, in, on, into'

second o rd er

-ma‘, -mma'

ADESSIVE8

'at, on, by'

second order

-wa', -kwa'

REGIONALIS

'at, in the area of'

second order

-du, -du?u, -tu, tu?u -?yu

TRANSLATIVE

'th rough '

second order

ABLATIVE

'from, out from'

-na, -nna

ABLATIVE

'from, out from'

-nakwa, -nnakwa -napa, -nnapa

LOC/TEMPORAL ADESSIVE DIRECTIVE

-mupaa, -mmupaa

PROLATIVE

-wigiba, -kwigiba

IL-/PRO-LATIVE

'in the direction of 'across from; on the other side o f 'along, alongside, by’ 'beside; alongside'

second order; d e m o n s tra tiv e s second order; d e m o n s tra tiv e s second o rd er

-du, -tu

ALLATIVE

'to, onto’

-ti

GENERAL ESSIVE

'to, at, right th ere '

second o rd er second order? second order? final; alone w ith d e m o n s tra tiv e s final; alone w ith d e m o n s tra tiv e s

8 Snapp and Anderson (1982) list this and the one labeled 'INSTRUMENTALIS' as the same postposition. Both distributional and semantic factors contribute to my sense of these as two distinct morphemes.

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230 Table 5.4 (continued) -ku

GENERAL ESSIVE9

'to, at, in'

-na, -nna

ATTRIBUTIVE

'of that class'

-mati, -irnnati

PARTITIVE

-ti -dami, -tami

PARTITIVE /POSSESSIVE OBLATIVE

'part of, belonging to' 'of or belonging to'

-no, -nno

COMITATIVE

-ma, -mma

INSTRUMENTAL

-no, -nno, -no?o, nno?o, -?no -wa?ni, -kwa?ni

TEMPORAL ESSIVE SIMILITIVE

'to, toward' 'with, a cco m p an y in g ' 'w ith, by m eans of 'at th a t tim e o f 'like, as' 'to, into’

-mi, -mi?i -tugu

TRANSLATIVE

'th ro u g h '

-na

DIRECTIVE

'd irec tio n away'

final; alone w ith d e m o n s tra tiv e s final; alone w ith d e m o n s tra tiv e s final final non-co­ o c cu rrin g non-co­ o c cu rrin g non-co­ o c cu rrin g non-co­ o c cu rrin g non-co­ o c cu rrin g only w ith d e m o n s tra tiv e s only w ith d e m o n s tra tiv e s only w ith d e m o n s tra tiv e s

The following examples of various com binations are in te n d ed for illu stra tio n of th e placem ent of the simple postpositions in th re e (or p e rh a p s four) stra ta .

9 Liljeblad (1966) does not list this among his secondary cases. Snapp and Anderson (1982) list a semantic contrast between {ku} and {ti} as "customarily" versus "temporarily" located, respectively, contrast that is not fully described and is not clearly borne out by the available data.

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231 3 4 a ) *= tsoaba

-kuba

-kw ai u= winai -u

2=shoulder-SUPRA-IN

3= throw-PNC

'Throw it over y our shoulder!' b)

ii

wi?i -u

-dua

ka= paa -wai-tu

you fall-PNC-SUBJ OBL=water-IN-ALL '. . you m ight fall in the w ater.' (NK: Porcupine and Coyote) c)

sawa

-naga

-?yu

yaga-na

naka-?yakwi

sagebrush -INTER -ABL cry -PTCP hear -HAB . (w e’d) h ear (it) calling from among the sagebrush.' (NK: We Talked to th a t Bird) d)

ti=

too -kwai-?yu

ki?a

-u

-ki

POSS=hole-IN -ABL escape-PNC-CISL 'They came out from th e ir hole' (SL:64) e)

00 yaisi huu -tu -ti tipi pisa kaakwaba watti so then flow-TRAN-ESS rock good be.sharp search 'So th e n along th e riverbed, (he) searched for a nice, sharp rock. .' (NK: Porcupine and Coyote)

f)

a= po?a-tuha-kwai-tu

4= bark-SUB-IN -ALL '(It's) beneath the bark' g)

mogo?ni ka= tipi -tuha -ku

woman

uu

OBL=rock-SUB-ESS thusly

' . . as th a t woman was u n d e r the rocks . .' (NK: Nemedzoho) h)

pi

-kwai-ku

RESTR-IN

m i= ti-

woisa

-na

-ESS PL=APS-wash.clothes-PTCP

'(th a t's ) w hat they did th e ir washing in . .' (MS: A utobiography) i)

u

-na u -na -kwa -na -tu waihi -wai-tu DEM-DIR DEM-DIR-REG-ABL-ALL Owyhee-IN-ALL

' . . over th ere from on the o th e r side to w ard Owyhee . . ' (MS: A utobiography)

Such com pounding is extensive, a n d has likely r e s u lte d in in d ep e n d en tly lexicalized com binations giving rise, essentially, to new

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232 postpositions in the language. It is, of course, difficult to make a secure ju d g em en t a b out th e degree to which such com binations are sy nchronically analyzable. L iljeblad (1966: 62-67) pro vid es an excellent survey of some of th e m ost typical com binations with glosses and exam ples for each. Of the 30 com bined form s Liljeblad lists, the sem antics of m ost are fairly straigh tfo rw ard, b a sed upon th e sem antics of the individual parts. I include some th a t rep re se n t such com binations--for example, {nakwa} 'in the direction o f (ADessive) and {mati} 'some of; related to' (PARTitive)—in Table 9.4 above for two reasons: 1) th ey te n d to d istrib u te as units, and 2) a com positional a p p ro a ch does n ot necessarily yield anything tra n s p a r e n t, sem antically. Examples of these form s follow.

3 5 a ) pa?a-nakwa -na

high -ADESS-ABL 'from up above' b)

u=tsaminita oo?no-su

3=flip

kai

u= passa-nakwa -tu

th en -ADV NEG 3= dry

pino?o passa-kw i

-ADESS-ALL also

dry

'So th e n (you) flip it over so the side th a t's not dry will dry, too. .’ (NK: Chokecherries) c)

u-su

moko?ni ni -mati

3-NOM woman

I -PART

'That wom an is rela te d to me.' d)

i -

ga

tuami

-mati

PROX-GEN children-PART 'some of h er children' (SA:64)

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-FUT

23 3 I have listed b oth {na} and {k/wa} as second order postpositions, but th e form {nakwa} is likely a lexicalized com bination. A com positional analysis of th e p a rtitiv e {mati} w ould likely include the adessive {ma} an d the essive {ti}. The essive alone also appears to function as a partitive/possessive suffix when the possessor is the head of a noun phrase.

36)

m ido-ti

M.

ya?a;

i

-ga

-ti

o?o

-PART here you -GEN-PART there

Myrtle's is here; yours is over there.

The consequences of ongoing recruitm ent of forms and lexicalized com binations of old forms has yielded the complex system we find today. It is to some of the features and possible historical explanations of such d e velo pm ents t h a t we now tu r n .

5.2.5 Historical Source of Postpositions

Cross-linguistically, adpositions hail from two sources via g ra m m a tic a liz a tio n : 1) serial verb construction s and 2) relator noun c o n stru ctio n s (DeLancey 1997). Verbal sources likely accou nt for several of the postpositions in the language (cf. {no} COM from {no} 'to carry; load'). Booth (1979) describes th e syntactic parallels betw een postpositions and verbs in Kawaiisu. Givon (2 0 0 0 ), utilizing m ethods of in te rn a l reco n stru ctio n , describes in detail the gram m aticalization of verbs into postpositions in Ute.

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234 The second source, the re la to r noun construction, likely accounts for much of the category m em bership of p ostpo sitio ns in N o rth e rn Paiute and is the focus of this section. The evidence for this as a source construction can be found by looking at free p o ssesse d nom inals th a t are u se d to add lo cation al specificity in th e language.

3 7 a ) i= tsabo -i -nakwa watsi -u i=buttocks-LOC-side hide -PNC 'Hide behind me!' b)

su= nana nobi kobi -na NOM=man house front -LOC 'The man is in front of the house.'

In 37a), a body p a rt term 'buttocks' is used in a sem an tic extension to mean 'behind.' Unlike the b ound postpositions discussed in previous sections, the "object" appears as a possessor proclitic, ra th e r th a n as a pronom inal base. The co n stru ctio n in 37b) can also be viewed as a possessor noun p h rase co nstruction (cf. section 3.2.3.1). Such co n stru ctio n s are commonly form ed th ro u g h sim ple ju x ta p o sitio n of two nouns--the possessor followed by th e possessum —which in N orthern Paiute carries no special genitive case-m arking. In b oth 37a) a n d b) above, fu rth e r locative specificity is expressed on the second, or head nom inalq u a -re lato r noun via bou nd postpositions. From this co n stru ctio n type, it is fairly easy to see how th e complex distributional facts of N o rth ern Paiute postpositions could have developed. By exploiting the simple jux tapo sitio n strategy of possessor noun phrases, relatio nal expressions develop th e more a b strac t sem antics of a re la to r

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235 noun. Eventually, th ey may becom e p h o n o lo g ically -red u ced and b o u n d to the erstwhile possessor nominal as a suffix. The body p a rt nom inal {tsabo} app ears to be a recent in n o v atio n ,10 coexisting in sy nchro nic N o r th e r n P a iu te g ra m m a r w ith an a lte rn a tiv e expression {uhunakwa} w ith the v ario u s m eanings 'behind; beyond; m ore th a n .'

38)

u -su u=soobi tsabo -i -nakwa 3-NOM 3=stove buttocks-LOC -side

OR

u -su u=soobi uhunakwa 3-NOM 3=stove behind 'It's behind the stove.'

Recall th a t th e com parative c o n stru c tio n (section 5.1.5, above) utilizes this same locative expression. Also, the object of the com parison-w hen a free p ro n o u n --ca n optionally ap p ea r in genitive c ase .n DeLancey (1997) describes a sim ilar op tio n occurring in th e re la to r noun c o n stru ctio n in T ibetan. Along the p a th to g ram m atica liz atio n as a postposition, he explains, genitive m arking is at first optional, th en disallow ed as th e re la to r noun loses syntactic head ship in th e construction.

10 Both in terms of its continued independent lexical function, and due to the fact that speakers recognize its use here as an extension of its more concrete semantics. 11 Only independent pronouns have distinct oblique versus genitive case forms in Northern Paiute.

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236

The postposition {kuba} 'upon, above, over' ap p ears tra n s p a re n tly rela te d to th e body p a rt term {koba} 'face' with only m inor phonological changes. As a postposition, {kuba} rarely carries stre ss a n d is always in ju xtap o sitio n following a n o th e r nom inal as its object.

3 9 a ) puku -kuba mi= taibo?o mo?o horse-upon PL= whites travel.PL 'The whites travelled on horseback . . ' (MS: Autobiography) b)

i= tsoaba -kuba-kwai u= winai -u 2=shoulder-over-LOC 3= throw -PNC 'Throw it over your shoulder!'

O ther form s have fairly clear h istorical relatio n sh ip s, b ut fall into a m ore in te rm e d ia te category.--som ew h ere betw een the in d ep e n d en t nom in al {tsabo} and the bound postpositional suffix {kuba}. These in te rm e d ia te form s still m ain tain a degree of syntactic indep endence, but occur only im m ed iately following a n o th e r nom inal w ith th e locative sem antics associated w ith adpositions. An exam ple is {kima} 'edge,' the base for two postpositions—{kimaba} a n d {kimai}—meaning, roughly, 'beside, alongside.' In fact, both of these form s are historically analyzable—the first with the illative suffix {ba}12

12 Nichols (1974) also analyzes {kuba} 'over' and {koba} 'face' as possibly bi-morphemic, consisting of the instrumental prefix {ku} 'pertaining to the face or neck (esp. as a location),' reconstructable for Proto-Numic.

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237 'by, at, to ' an d th e secon d w ith w hat Crum and Dayley (1993) call a postposition adjunct {i} th a t in W estern Shoshoni ap p ears w ith in tra n sitiv e verbs of motion. Indeed, some feature of the semantics of {ba} in d ic atin g static location and {i} indicating m otion are p re se n t in the d istrib u tio n of the two postpositions in N o rth e rn Paiute, as in the following exam ples from Snapp an d A n d erso n (1982).

4 0 a ) su= nana nobi kimaba NOM=man house beside 'The m an is beside th e house.' (SA: 40) b)

nana nobi kimai mia -u man house beside go.SG-PNC 'The m an w ent by th e ho use.' (SA: 40)

One no longer finds {i} serving a clear synchronic fu n ctio n in N o rth e rn P aiute as in W este rn Shoshoni (although it may accoun t for th e endings on some of the dem onstrative forms listed in Table 4.4 of section 4.2). However, such lexicalizations of simple postpositions with re la to r no uns are an expected p a tte r n of d evelopm ent w ithin th e category a n d is widely a tte s te d in th e system . Multiple cycles of lexicalized com binations of simple spatial postpositions or relator nouns plus postpositions provide the best explanation for th e complex an d often idiosyncratic d istrib u tio n al p a tte rn s we observe in th e system. O ther p a tte rn s are tak en up in th e discussio n of a n u m b er of locative adverbial form s in th e next section.

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238

5.2.6 Postpositions into Case-m arkers

There is an intriguing p arallel betw een two of th e basic postpositions—{?yu} 'ablative' and {ku} 'general essive'—and case-m arkers associated with adjectivals—{?yu} 'nom inative' and {ku} 'oblique'—th at m erits b rief discussion. It seems reasonable to assum e th a t these a d p o sitio n s (seco n d ary case-m ark ers) may have g ram m aticalized as casem arkers asso ciated w ith core argum ents (subjects and objects) in N o rth e rn Paiute. C ase-m arking is an im p o rta n t fea tu re of n oun p h ra se dependents in th e language, a lth o u g h o th e r Numic languages also exhibit case-m arking-p articu larly accusative (what I call oblique) case—on nouns. The accusative case suffix in the o th e r b ran ch es of Numic is p h o netically very sim ple, usu ally a final {a} suffix. N o rth ern Paiute lost accusative suffixation, although it is in the process of reinventing a nom inativeaccusative d istin c tio n via d e te rm in e r proclitics. A rea so n a b le story^ proceeds as follows. Case-marking on noun p h rase d ep en d en ts is a m ore recent developm ent, perhaps as the casem arking suffix on h e ad n ouns becam e m ore an d m ore red u c ed un til, at lea st in N o rth e rn Paiute, it was lost alto geth er. Syntactic disco n tin u ity may well have prov id ed one key m otivation for th e developm ent of case-

*3 Which

I must credit to Scott DeLancey (in personal communication).

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239 m arking on depend ents. W ith the dem ise of th e nom inal case suffixes, only d e p en d e n ts case-m arking was left. The rec ru itm en t of th e p a rtic u la r po stp osition s as case-m arkers we find in N o rth ern Paiute could be, at lea st in p a rt, sem antically m otivated b a se d upon a m etap horical conception of a tran sitiv e event. T h at is, the nom inative, su b ject a rg u m e n t as SOURCE (ablative) and accusative, object as GOAL (essive).

fi.3 A dverbials

This section focuses on the very h eterogenous category of adverbials. Sem antically, adverbs are defined as a w ord class whose m ain function is to m odify verbs, adjectives, or oth er adverbs, as well as having scope over p h ra se s or e n tire clauses. They generally characterize fea tu res like tim e, place, m ann er, and degree. There are no unifying form al or d istrib u tio n a l fea tu res th a t w ould c h arac terize an a dv erb category in N o rth e rn Paiute. R ath er, a m ore rigorous analysis th a n I p rodu ce h e re w ould likely reveal b o th num erous subclasses as well as overlapping m em bership with o th er m ajo r w ord or phrase classes. In this section, I will point out the most obvious derivational relationships to o th er w ord classes, as well as some of th e basic d istrib u tio n a l fea tu res th a t ch aracterize the m ost comm on form s I include h ere u n d e r the label "adverbial." Aside from th at, the p re se n ta tio n is divided on the basis of rough sem antic prop erties and includes an in v e n to ry a n d sev eral exam ples.

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240

Of th e suffixes com m only fo und accom panying ad v erb ials a re th e tem poral postposition {no} (TEMP), and the adverbial suffix, or enclitic, {su} (ADV), b oth of w hich may derive a dv erb ials from o th e r w ord or phrase classes. Recall th a t some of the forms discussed und er the "true adjective" class (cf. T able 5.1) may behave ad verb ially in th e i r b a re stem form. I will begin with a discussion of locative adverbials, since th ere is some degree of synchronic and diachronic overlap betw een th ese and the postpositions.

5.3.1 Locative A dverbials

One productive class of adverbial d erivation denoting location or direction is the use of p o stp o sitio n s, d escribed in section 5.2 above. There is plenty of overlap w ith th e form s in this section in term s of fu nction—and to some extent d istrib u tio n —bu t it is im p o rtan t to include at least a p a rtial inventory of in d e p e n d e n t adverbial expressions relating to locative concepts. Locative a d verbials typically have scope over verbs, b u t ap p ea r often to form adverbial p hrases with nouns, as with postpositions.

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241 Table 5.5 Northern Paiute Locative Adverbials tsagi?i

'close; nearby'

kwaya

'far; afar'

pinausu

'back again'

kwayakwa

kknaba / kimai

'beside; next to'

nauma

pa?a

'high; above'

pitami

'beyond; on the far side o f 'divided; betw een' 'down; below'

pinakwa

'next; following'

hunakwa

'outside'

pitakwana

'inside'

na?una

'am idst'

nanapinakwatu

nawigiaba

'side by side'

na?inakwa

'one after the other' 'both sides'

nakwai

'following; after'

nawi?i

'dow nward'

napo?ya

'upw ard'

Many of th e s e a re in te rn a lly analyzable, som etim es giving clues to th e ir relationship to o th er w ord classes. One significant clue is the prevalence of form s beginning w ith {na}, often synchronically in te rp re ta b le in its reciprocal fu n ctio n ^. The reciprocal prefix appears to be used with oth er locative adverbials, postpositions, as well as verbs to signify a reciprocal relation ship in space or to otherw ise derive a spatial concept. Notice th a t th is c o n stru ctio n derives adverbials which imply reciprocality--location 'with respect to each o th e r’--or m ultiplicity of involvem ent in a m o tio n or o th e r event.

*4

Recall section 4.1.8 on dual/reciprocal pronominal forms.

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242

4 la)

waha-?yu kaazi na- wigiba kima-u -gi two -NOM car MM-beside come-PNC-CISL 'Two cars are coming side by side.'

b)

u -ka -u nimmi, na- binakwa da? 3-OBL-U we.EXCL MM-next/following thus 'That's what we (heard), one after the o ther . .' (NK: Old Voices)

c)

na- na- pinakwatu owi sunua -u RE-MM-next DEM enter.PL-PNC 'One a fte r a n o th e r they w ent in th e re .'

d)

oo na- na- kwaya-di .. mani-na so RE-MM- far.off -NMR do -PTCP 'And so on and on (they were) doing . . ' (NK: Porcupine and Coyote)

e)

na- no?o -kwai -su ti?oi-koi MM-TEMP-LOC -ADV sick-DEBIL.PL 'They got sick at th e sam e tim e.'

Lexicalization of this p a tte rn has clearly occurred with some com binations of the rec ip ro ca l/m id d le -m a rk in g prefix, as evidenced by the following p a ir of examples.

4 2 a ) ni na-kwai mia-no I MM-LOC go-along(DIR) 'I'll follow (you).' b)

na-na-na-kwai nimmi mia-tapi RE-MM-MM-LOC l.PL.EXCL go-keep.on '. . one after another, we kept on going.' (NK: Root-digging Time)

The com bination of the reciprocal prefix {na} and th e locative postposition {k/wai} has a p p a re n tly b e en lexicalized as a locative ad verbial meaning 'following; a fte r.’ Example 42b) illu stra te s the possibility of

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243 deriving a n o th e r ad v erb ial form (w ith d is trib u tiv e m eaning) via th e reduplication of the reciprocal prefix in front of the lexicalized com bination. The form s {nauma} 'between' and {na?una} 'am id st' may also reflect such lexicalizations. The last two adverbials in Table 5.5—{nawi?i} 'downhill' and {napo?ya} 'u p h ill'—are clearly th e verbs {wi?i} 'fall; descend' and {po?ya} 'clim b; ascend' derived via m iddle-m arking. A few of the locative a d verbials may be analyzed as carrying the in s tru m e n ta l prefix {pi} 'of or pertaining to the buttocks or hips' as a directional. Note:

4 3 a ) nim i -tami we.EXCL-toward 'toward us'

b)

pi-tami IP /b u tt-to w a rd 'dow nward; downhill'

O th ers form s are also likely h istorically analyzable.

5.3.2 T em p o ral A dverbials

T em poral adverbial form s g enerally have as th e ir m odifying scope an entire clause. As with o th er clause-level m odifiers (e.g. some of the discourse particles), they typically app ear as the first word, or co nstitu en t, of a sentence.

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44 a) mu?asu ni pida -u already I start. fire-PNC 'I already got the fire going!' b)

oo?nosu nimmi u=mani long.ago we.EXCL 3= do 'We did th a t a long time ago.'

c)

toisu u= tika-wini nana piti -u still 3= eat -CONT.SG man arrive-PNC 'She was still eating w hen a m an cam e.'

d)

tokaano ni mo-moko?ni nagi -mia-bodo -ti night I RE-woman chase-go -back.and.forth-TNS 'I was chasing w om en a ro u n d all night.'

Table 5.6 is a b rie f inventory of th e m ost com m on tem poral adverbial expressions.

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245 Table 5.6 Northern Paiute Temporal Adverbials mu?asu

'already'

mumu?asu

'long ago'

oono / oo?no

oo?nosu

'long ago'^

toisu

'a t th a t tim e; then ’ 'still; yet'

kaisu

never; n ot yet'

pidisu

'soon; shortly'

mino?o

'now'

saa / sa?asu

'later'

nonotsa

'every tim e '

uusapa

'always'

sisi?mi

'sometimes'

mi?na?wi‘s u ’

'for a long time'

yaisi

'then ; and th en'

yaa tabino

yaa tokaano

yoqona

'(to)day; d a y tim e' 'evening'

awamua'su’

'(to )nig ht; n ig h ttim e ' 'm orning'

itsi?i

'yesterday'

mu?a

'tom orrow'

u?itsi?i'su’

uga umu?a

miha

'day before y e ste rd a y ' 'm onth; moon'

tommo

'day a fte r tom orrow ' 'year; w inter'

tamano

'spring'

taza

'su m m er'

yibano

'fall'

sati?i; nasati

'week; S u n d ay 16'

nanasati

'weekly; every Sunday’

nanasatica

'over a week; a week from now'

Several fea tu res characterize the form s in Table 5.6. First, note the prevalence of form s ending in e ith e r {no} or {su}, including one form w ith an ap p aren t com bination of b o th —{oo?nosu} 'long ago.1 {kaisu} 'never; not yet', for exam ple, is clearly an a dv erbialization of the negative p article {kai} 'no; not.' Some of the form s also exhibit reduplication—a common

*5 The

initial vowel is often symbolically lengthened for effect: [ooo?nosu] 'long, long ago' 16 Clearly an English borrowing.

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246

fea tu re th a t typically signifies em phasis or rep e titio n in N o rth e rn Paiute g ram m ar. Also, note the derivation of tem poral adverbials b ased upon the borrow ed stem {sati?i} 'Sunday' to denote the week as a tim e frame.

5.3.3 M an n er A dverbials

A nother sem antic class of adverbials includes those th a t indicate m anner—i.e. some feature of how an action takes place. As such, th e ir scope of m odification is m ost freq uently over a verb phrase. Many of them typically occur im m ed iately before th e m ain v erb in th e clause.

4 5 a ) u=nawahana nim i sikwi naka 3=story we.EXCL ju st/o n ly hear 'We ju s t h e a rd the story (we d id n 't see w hat hap pened).' b)

yuuni -?yu wanapi idzaga nathis.kind-NOM cloth easily

dzdkibui MM- tear

'This kind of cloth tears easily.' c)

u-su u-ka-u si?mi nicadua 3-NOM 3-OBL-U only IP/speech-talk.SG 'S /H e will talk only to h e r/h im .'

d)

u=pabi?i u=tibitsi naakwi -u -ga -yakwi 3= eld er.brother 3= really accompany-PNC-TRNSL-REPET 'His b ro th e r will really get him to go along with him.'

Table 5.7. is a p a rtia l in v en to ry of m a n n e r ad v erb ials in N o rth e rn Paiute. Verbs th a t have been stativized via m iddle-m arking is also a

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247 prod u ctiv e p a tte r n for developing form s th a t carry adverbial function. Such a derivation is so productive, th a t no form s are inclu d ed here.

Table 5.7 N o rth e rn P aiu te M anner A dverbials 'and; as for; as well' 'differently'

pinausu

'back; again'

yabi'su’

'h u rried ly '

obitsi?i

'slowly'

nagidza

'slowly; deliberately' 'rapidly; really'

namasua

'quickly'

sisiTmidi

'some'

idzaga

'easily; readily'

tibizi

sagwani

'alm ost; barely'

sikwi

'tru ly ; very; indeed’ 'just; only’

si?mi

'only'

simina

'm aybe'

siminna

'together'

tui

'nearly; try to ’

misu

’easily; be able to'

pino?o kima?atusu obida

C ertain d eriv atio nal fe a tu re s we have seen for the o th e r adverbials, like th e adverbial suffix {su}, are also p resen t here. The first two forms in Table 9.7 are lexicalizations of th e restrictiv e p ro n o u n {pi} w ith postpositions.

5.3.4 A dverbials Derived from Adjectives

We have alread y seen t h a t adjectivals in th e i r b a re stem fo rm --th a t is, w ith o u t case-m ark in g --m ay fun ctio n adverbially. For convenience, exam ples 9a)-f) from section 5.1.2 are re p e a te d here.

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248

9a)

b)

pisa ni=sutihai yaa tabino well us.EXCL=bless PROX day 'Bless us well today. . ' (A Prayer) oo tia? nimmi iwa ti- tsapoka -?yakwi so thus we.EXCL much APS-pick.berries-HAB . so we would pick a lo t/ do lots of picking.' (NK: Chokecherries)

c)

mi= nim i mua yaa iw i -usimi -?yakwi PL= people old here PROX-U gather-HAB '. . the people of old would g ath er to geth er right here.' (NK: Old Voices)

d)

ni tauna-wai pidi piti -u I town -LOC new arrive-PNC 'I'm going to town presently.'

e)

paba wohi -ca?i big shout-HAB 'Shout loudly!'

f)

pitti -si du nim m i u=woisa su= waha ka= huudi-kwai oo, arrive-SEQ also we.EXCL 3=wash NOM=two OBL=river -LOC DEM 'a fte r we arrived, (we) w ashed t h a t twice th ere in th e river.' (NK: Chokecherries)

A no th er d e riv a tio n involves th e suffix {tsi?i}, possibly related to the dim inutive suffix. W hen a tta c h e d to adjective stem s, the form behaves a d v e rb ia lly .

46 a) piditsi?i new-ADV 'not long ago' c)

b)

iw a -tsi?i natinahaki

much-ADV p u t.o n 'put a lot on (fill the plate)'

iwa -tsi -?yu many-DIM/ADV-ATTR 'm any on one stem ' (describing th e grow th p a tte r n of c ertain p lan ts)

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249

d)

su= tinna. oo?no hayu inai -?yai -na pabatsi?i NOM=antelope th en somehow making.noise-HAB-PTCP loudly 'And th en the antelope was loudly making some kind of noise . (NK: Root-digging Time)

I have not been able to discern a function for this suffix th a t would clearly distinguish it from the b a re stem derivation. I include it h e re for the sake of completeness.

5.3.4 Adverbial and Discourse Particles

O ther w ords in N o rth e rn Paiute th a t may be c o n sidered adv erbials a re c e rta in particles th a t express notions like degree, negation, o r have more difficult to define n a rra tiv e functions. The use of n a rra tiv e p articles is a m a tte r of stylistic choice, whose frequency is dependent both on n a rra tiv e type an d upo n th e speaker. C ertain d e m o n stra tiv e form s (cf. section 4.2) could be considered narrative particles, especially {00} a n d {uu}, which are usually tra n s la te d 'so' and Tike th a t,' respectively. One key fea tu re of th ese p articles is t h a t they exhibit a variety of d istrib u tio n a l p a tte r n s an d idiosyncratic behaviors.

47a)

ini moko?ni wati?a -ba

INT woman

jealous-STAT

'The wom an is really jealous (a jealous-type)' b)

im i nobi ini totsa?a 3.PL house INT dirty 'Their house is quite dirty.'

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250

4 8 a ) mi=kidi kai yuhu-pi

PL=marmot NEG fat-PFV 'The groundhogs a re n 't fat.' b)

kai

ni u= pisapi

NEG I

3= like

'I don't like it.'

Some particles ten d to co-occur. For example, {tia?} ro u g h ly tra n s la te d 'thusly' most often occurs following {uu} to m ean 'th a t's how it is/was' or {mii} to m ean 'th a t's w hat is/w a s th o u g h t or said.'

4 9 a ) uu tia?,. oono tiwau umi na- tinicui -pokwa-?yakwi like.that thusly th e n again they MM-teach -lie.PL -HAB 'And so it was, too, they would lie a roun d telling each o th er stories . .' (NK: Root-digging Time) b)

uu = sakwa tui ni m ii

tia?

thus = MOD try I QUOT thusly '"OK, I'll try it," so (she) said.' (NK: Porcupine and Coyote)

The role of th e quotative particle {mii} in d irect and in direct q uotatio n is described in section 9.2.3. M ultiple occurrences of particles, or even of th e sam e particle, over a single u tte ra n c e a re not at all uncom m on in tex t.

50a)

su

yaisi, 00 uu

kw assi -wini

uu tia?

NOM th e n so lik e.that ready -CONT.SG so thusly 'Then as it's getting done like so. . ' (NK: Chokecherries)

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251 b)

oo?no tiwau ii

then

ka?a

also you KA

hi

-nnaga

-kw ai tiwau u= tsaana

WH-through-LOC also

3= pour

'And th e n you p o u r it th ro u g h t th a t (strain in g m ateria l) . . ' (NK: Chokecherries)

Table 5.8 is a b rie f inventory of adverbial particles in N o rth e rn Paiute.

Table 5.8 Some N o rth e rn Paiute Particles kai

00

'very; g en eral intensifier (INT)' 'so; and'

tia?; tia?a

'thusly; like so'

mii

tiwau, du

'also; again'

ka, ka?a

ini

uu

'no; not; negative particle (NEG)' 'th a t way; like th a t' 'so; saying as much; gen eral quo tativ e (QUOT) u n c le a r (KA)

The role of discourse particles is only p artially understood. One general fu n ctio n is th a t they a p p e a r to pro vide n a rra tiv e coh erence by linking various pieces of complex discourse. The m ore concrete adverbials discussed in th is section, add inform ation a b out setting, tim e, m anner, etc. and assist the liste n e r in tracking various aspects of th e n arrative. So, too, the p articles often function at a m ore a b stra c t level to do th e same thing. F u rth e r study is needed to u n d e rs ta n d th e ir role.

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252

CHAPTER 6

BASIC CLAUSE SYNTAX AND VERB CLASSES

6.1 Basic Clause Properties

The way the re la tio n sh ip s b etw een refe ren ts and the events or sta te s they p a rtic ip a te in a re e x p re ssed in th e g ram m ar of a language is an area of crucial in te re s t to th e descriptive g ram m arian and th e typologist, and to the language te a c h e r a n d h e r stu d e n ts . A n u m b er of im p o rta n t gram m atical stra te g ie s are sensitive to or code these relatio nsh ip s. In any language description, a key question is "How do we know the role of the p a rtic ip a n ts in an event o r state?" P a rtic u la rly w hen discussing predicatio ns th a t req u ire two o r m ore p a rticip a n ts the question is usually "How do we know who does w hat in th e clause?" G ram m atical re la tio n s an d a rg u m e n t s tr u c tu r e r e q u ir e m e n ts a re key to describing th e syntax of th e basic clause. This ch ap ter tre a ts "the m ain, declarative, affirm ative, active clause" (Givon 1979) as basic, and uses it as a po in t of d e p a rtu re . Any n u m b e r of pragm atic a rg u m e n ts can be presented here for the choice of this clause type as the most basic. I do not propose any so rt of in tim ate stru c tu ra l or tran sfo rm a tio n al relatio nsh ip betw een th is and o th e r clause types. Rather, I sim ply follow Giv6n (1984, 1995) in describing o th e r clause ty p es—su b o rd in a te , non-

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25 3 d eclarative, negative, n o n -activ e--in term s th a t rela te th em to basic clause stru c tu re . The m ajor "overt coding" stra te g ie s for distingu ishin g g ram m atical relations in th e basic clause cross-linguistically include: word order, casem arkin g, and v e rb a g re e m e n t (K eenan a n d Com rie 1977, Giv6n 1995). The extent to which a language utilizes any of th ese strategies, of course, varies widely. A language may, for example, use each of th ese stra te g ie s to varying degrees, or rely heavily, ore even exclusively, u p o n ju s t one of th em . S em antic o r p ra g m a tic v a ria b le s may o v e rrid e p u rely gram m atical c o n sid e ra tio n s in d e te rm in in g the n a tu re o f th e overt coding stra te g y u se d in a p a rtic u la r in stan ce. N o rth ern Paiute has a fairly strong su bject-o bject-p redicate (SOV) w ord o rd er tend en cy in a simple tran sitive clause. Still, w ord o rd e r is subject to v a ria tio n in n atu rally -o ccu rrin g discourse depending u p o n a nu m b er of p rag m a tic c o n sid e ra tio n s (section 6.1.1.1). The lang uage also h as a case-m arking p a tte r n th a t may b e st be described as nom in ative-a ccu sative for distinguishing th e core p a rtic ip a n t roles (i.e. subject and object) in a transitive clause. The "starting point" fun ctio n (see M ith u n an d Chafe 1999) a p p e a rs to be fully gram m aticalized in the subject re la tio n for b oth tran sitiv e and in tra n sitiv e clauses. Form ally, th e single a rg u m e n t of an in tra n sitiv e verb and th e m ore ag en t-lik e a rg u m e n t of a tra n s itiv e verb c arry nom inative case-m arking. Recall (section 3.2) th a t the case-m arking distinctions in noun p h rases a p p ea r form ally on n o u n p h ra s e dependents and not on head nouns.

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254 Form al distinctions of pronouns and d em onstratives also follow th e n o m in a tiv e p a tte r n . A lthough th e re is not, strictly speaking, verb a g re e m e n t in N o rth e rn Paiute, p a tte rn s of verb su p p le tio n and d istribu tive red u p lic a tio n are sensitive to th e g ram m atical num ber of c ertain clausal argum ents. This featu re does not follow the sam e syntactic p a tte r n of e ith e r un m ark ed w ord o rd er or case-m arking. R ather, su p p le tio n is sensitive to the num ber of a bso lu tive—t h a t is, th e p a rtic ip a n t category th a t re p re s e n ts the un ity of the single a rg u m e n t of an in tra n sitiv e verb (S) and th e m ost p a tien t-lik e a rg u m e n t of a tra n s itiv e verb (O). M ithun and Chafe (1999) provide a functional e x p la n atio n for th is typological fact w hereby S an d O p a rtic ip a n ts p a tte r n to g e th e r in languages due to th e ir "imm ediacy of involvem ent" in events or states. This function, th ey argue, is "incom m ensurable" to th a t which g ram m aticizes subjects, which is exactly why th e re may be d istin c t, co­ occurring p a tte r n s w ithin a single language like N o rth e rn P aiute. "Im m ediacy of involvem ent" as a functional no tion is in tim ately tie d to o u r u n d e rs ta n d in g o f th e event, m aking th e g ram m atical coding in th e context of no un-verb com pounding or verb su p pletio n simply one m an ifestatio n of th is function. I will leave verb su ppletion aside for the m ost p a rt in any f u rth e r discussion of g ram m atical relatio n s, since the rela tio n s th a t con cern us here are the core syntactic relatio ns subject and object. Suppletion of some aspectual suffixes th a t are historically derived from suppletive v erbs do play a lim ited role in identifying g ram m atical subjects, however. In d ee d ,

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255 th e ir p a tte rn s of s u p p le tio n may even directly c o n tra d ic t th a t of th e verb stem to which th ey a ttach , as we shall see. See section 6.3.1 and 8.3.8 for a discussion of verb suppletion and d istrib utive red uplication in verbs, respectively.

6.1.1 W ord O rd e r P a tte rn s

N o rth ern Paiute may be said to have SOV as its basic w ord order, although exam ples of clauses w ith both subject and object co n stitu en ts expressed as full noun p h rases are actually quite rare in texts.

la)

yaisi ka u -su wida?a piabi ka= tihicha piabi patsa then KA 3-NOM bear female OBL= deer female kill.SG '. . and th e n the m other bear killed th e m o ther deer.' (NK: 'Bear and Deer')

b)

su= nana ka= naatsi ma?i NOM=man OBL=boy injure 'T h a t m an h u r t t h a t b o y .’

O ther o rd ers of the m ajor co n stitu en ts are possible and are usually deem ed acceptable by speakers as long as no am biguity resu lts. However, th ese a lte rn a te o rd e rs serve d ifferent p rag m atic function s in n a tu ra l discourse—functions outlined and exemplified in the next section. Typically, in a tra n sitiv e clause, one o r b o th core a rg u m e n ts are expressed as pronouns.

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2 a)

ni umi -no una mo?o kidi una -ti puni -ja I they-COM DEM travel.PL groundhog DEM-LOC see -TRNSL 'I and those others went a roun d out there looking for groundhogs . (MS: A Burial Place)

b)

nimidzoho yaisi mi= hoa -u People.Masher then PL= spot -PNC '. . th en th e N em edzoho spotted them . . ' (NK: 'Nemedzoho')

c)

u-su noo-ko ti= koi -kwi 3-NOM all -OBL l.INCL= kill.PL-FUT '"He'll kill us all!'" (NK: Nemechozinna)

d)

yaisi umi u= supidakwatu tia?a th en they it= know thusly '. . and so they knew about th a t.' (NK: Nemedzoho)

In depend ent object p ron oun s occur m ost often in im m ediate preverbal p osition (2a) w hen they are not bound to th e verb as proclitics (2b-d), although they are not entirely re s tric te d to th a t position. Subject p ro n o u n s, on th e o th e r h an d , a re freer, syntactically, and may occu r in a variety of positions relative to the o th er m ajor c o nstituen ts in th e clause.

3a)

awamoa = sakwa tihoawai -ja tammi morning = MOD hunt -TRNSL we.INCL 'In the m orning, we sh ou ld go hu n tin g .'

b)

ka= nana ni supidakwatu OBL-man I know 'I know th a t m an.'

As discussed briefly in section 1.5.2.2, first person subject p ro nou ns frequently appear in second position in a clause. In th a t section was discussed th eir possible development as second-position clitics, a well-

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257 defined category in N o rth ern Paiute for modals and o th er speech-act particles. The flexibility th a t exists in the o rdering of noun p h rases makes w o rd o rd e r a ra th e r u n re lia b le d e te rm in e r of g ram m atical rela tio n s. T here is an overw helm ing preference, however, for all th e a rg u m e n ts of the verb to occur b efore th e verb in te x t—th a t is, N o rth ern Paiute is stro n g ly v erb -fin al. N o rth ern Paiute shares a num ber of features associated crosslinguistically w ith Subject-Object-V erb (SOV) word o rd er as described in Greenberg (1966). Some of these correspondences include:

1)

A m ore developed system of suffixes over prefixes

2)

A system of postpositions, ra th e r th an prepositions

3)

Genitive (possessor) Noun + Possessed Noun order

4)

Adjectival m odifier + Noun o rd er

Such correspo ndences, as well as many oth ers, are p e rh a p s best u n d e rsto o d in term s of th e ir historical developm ent. For example, th e prevalence of suffixation in th e language is m ore readily u n d e rs to o d once we explore the types of suffixes th a t occur, for example, on verbs. A n u m b er o f th e s e s u ffix e s are c le a r ly r ela ted h is to r ic a lly to v erb s th a t

exhibit a seco n d ary m a n n e r fu n ctio n in a c o n stru ctio n akin to n u c le a r verb serialization (Foley and Olson 1985). Once we see th is con stru ctio n as the m ain source for th e developm ent of directional and aspectual suffixes, the prevalence of suffixation is b e tte r und ersto od (cf. section 8.4).

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Many postpositions in N o rth ern Paiute may be linked histo rically to relational nouns in a genitive N + possessed (relational) N construction (cf. section 3.2.3.1 on genitive NP's and section 5.2 on postpositions). T herefore, co rrespon dences 2) a n d 3) above may be explained th ro u g h a histo rical arg u m en t relating one c o n stru ctio n to th e oth er. An o ver­ arch ing d e p en d e n t + h e ad syntactic p a tte rn can also account for the features expressed in 2), 3), and 4).

6 ,1.1.1 W ord O rd e r V a ria tio n

Although in isolated senten ces—th a t is, sentences devoid (usually artificially) of a pragm atic context--SOV w ord o rd e r is prevalent, v ariation in the o rd er of clause constituents is not difficult to find in n a tu ra l discourse contexts. Pragm atically "marked" contexts a re often in to n a tio n a lly a n d / o r syntactically m ark e d as well. For example, e ith e r core a rg u m e n t—subject or object—may be p o s t­ posed, th a t is, appear following the verb in the clause. Such right dislocations (R-dislocation) are generally set off from th e preceding m aterial by comma in to n a tio n —a slight p a u se —as in the following Rd islocation of th e gram m atical subject.

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25 9 4)

ukao nakwaica yaisi miau, su nimidzoho, uu u-kau nakwai-ka yaisi mia -u, 3-OBL follow -TRNSL then go.SG-PNC su nimidzoho, uu NOM=People.Masher just.so . (it) followed after h er then, the Nemedzoho, ju st so.' (NK: Nemedzoho)

Right dislocation of the subject seems to occur when it is the object th a t is the im m ediate focus of the event coded by th e clause.1 In the following series of clauses from text, an infant is being acted upon by the two central ch arac ters of th e sto ry --first by th e in fan t's m other, and th e n by a m ythical m onster. Since the notional subjects are c en tral to the ensuing discourse, they a re overtly expressed in these exam ples as a clarifying a fte rth o u g h t—th a t is, post-verbally as R-dislocations.

5)

umi yaisi ka tiitsiku unao ka mattokwina, osu moko?ni u pia. u-mi yaisi ka= tiitsi -ku una -u u-ka mattokwi -na, 3-PL then OBL= small -OBL DIST-OBL 3 -OBL lean.against -PTCP u-su moko?ni u= pia. 3-NOM w om an 3= m oth er

'Then they, (she) lea n ed th a t little one out th e re ag ainst som ething, th a t woman, it's m o th e r . .’ (NK: Nemedzoho)

T am joining the company of many analysts in using the term 'focus' very loosely and impressionistically as a first pass.

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6)

oono yaisi ka tiitsiku ukao, u patsasi u tikka mi?i su nimitzoho. oono yaisi ka= tiitsi -ku u-ka -u, at.that.tim e th en 0 BL= small -OBL 3-OBL-OBL u= patsa -si u= tika mi?i 3= kill.SG-SEQ 3= eat QUOTE su= nimitzoho. NOM= People.Masher

' . and then, th e little one, having killed it, ate it, (they) say, the Nemedzoho.' (NK: Nemedzoho)

Comma into n atio n is all th a t serves to set off a R-dislocated subject. R-dislocations of gram m atical object are also set off by intonation. In a d d itio n , the c o n stru c tio n is m ark e d sy ntactically by carrying a coreferring pronom inal object proclitic—a p resu m p tive pron o un —on the verb. Syntactically, th en , one could rea d ily make th e case th a t the overt object NP is in apposition to the object proclitic.

7a)

Tim u= mubasa -ki -u, ka= kopi?i T. 3= IP/nose-dry -APL -PNC OBL= coffee 'Tim drained it, the coffee.'

b)

u= tsamarji -ki -u, ka= tsagwidi 3= IP/grasp- wade -APL -PNC OBL= porcupine '(She) took him across, th a t Porcupine.' (NK: 'Porcupine and Coyote')

c)

uu u=patsa - tabia, k a - kutsu just.so 3=kill.SG - appear OBL=cow 'That's how (he) killed her, the cow.' (NK: 'Porcupine and Coyote')

Both core a rg u m e n ts may also a p p e a r po st-verbally, again, however, with a p resu m p tiv e object p ro n o m in a l proclitic on the verb.

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7)

u=bmi ni ka= tina -ku nana 3=see I OBL=short-OBL man 'I see him, the sh o rt m an.'

R-dislocations can also consist of restrictive relative clauses referring to an a rg u m e n t o f th e m ain verb.

8)

paana kai mi= punni, ka= mi= aapo ti- tiha -ga -di however NEG PL= see OBL=PL= apple RE-steal-TRNSL-NMR '. . bu t (he) d id n't see them , those who were stealing apples . .' (NK: 'Boarding School Days')

In 8), a co-referring p resum ptive p ro n o u n occurs as a verbal proclitic on the m ain verb, and the post-po sed relative clause stands in apposition to this object. Note th a t R -dislocated argum ents are always definite n oun p h ra s e s —th a t is, th e ir referen tial sta tu s has always been e stab lish ed in the previous discourse. T heir m ention in a R-dislocation construction, therefore, ap p ears to be a m eans for m aintaining discourse coherence. Any m ajo r c o n s titu e n t m ay a p p e a r c la u se -in itia lly in N o rth e rn Paiute. Such co nstructions often function for topic (re)in sta tem en t or fo c u s o f contrast. First position is also where interrogative p ron oun s occur in th e form ation o f questions. Such prono uns are arguably in some kind of focus since they re p re se n t th e conceptual ta rg e t of the questio n (Schachter 1973). Non-SOV w ord o rd e rs in N o rth ern Paiute occur qu ite frequ ently in declarative sentences th a t are responses to such questions, depending upon which c o n stitu e n t is th e c o nceptu al targ e t.

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9 a)

hhrnna ii kuhani w hat you cook 'W hat are you cooking?'

b)

ka= miidi ni kuhani OBL=meat I cook 'I'm cooking m ea t.'

10 a) hakka ii ti- kuhani-ki -ti whom you APS-cook -APL-TNS 'Who are you cooking for?' b)

im i -duni ti- kuhani they-FOR I APS-cook 'I'm cooking fo r th em .’

These exam ples p oint to w a rd a fairly prev alen t fe a tu re in languages with v ariable w ord ord er, namely, th a t speakers ten d to place th e m ost im p o r ta n t in fo rm a tio n early in th e clau se (M ith u n 1992, Givon 1992)

6.1.1.2 Elision of A rgum ents in Discourse

One fe a tu re of N o rth e rn P aiu te n a rra tiv e m akes it p a rtic u la rly difficult to study the extent to which it is possible to establish a basic word order. Key p a rticip a n ts, once established, a re often simply o m itted in continued discourse. This holds tru e for both notional subjects and objects, although elision of notional subjects is m ore frequent u n d e r zero anaphora. T urn to section 6.1.4.1 for a discussion, with examples, of th is feature. It is fairly uncom m on in sta n d a rd discourse to find clauses th a t co n ta in a

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tra n sitiv e verb an d an overt expression of b o th core arg u m en ts, and exceptionally rare to find them both expressed as full NP's. Studies have show n (e.g. DuBois 1987) th a t new p a rtic ip a n ts are m ost freq u en tly in tro d u c e d as th e single a rg u m e n t of an in tra n sitiv e verb (S), or as th e object of a transitive verb (O). Since elision often occurs once reference is e stab lished , such a frequency c o rrelation may help to explain why one finds relatively few er no n-p ro n o m in al expressions of syntactic subjects in discourse.

6,1.1 ,3 Second Position Clitics

Syntactic second p o sitio n serves as a kind of anchor in N o rth e rn P aiu te basic clause syntax. A m inor, b u t im p o rta n t m orph em e class a p p e a rs exclusively in th e syn tactic p o sitio n im m ed iately following the first constituent of the sentence ("W ackernagel's position"), no m a tte r to w hat word or p h rase class th a t co n stitu en t belongs. This class includes the m odal auxiliaries—clitics th a t express the speaker's relationship to the e v e n t .2

11a)

tammi = sakwa winai-ja -kwi we.INCL = MODAL fish -TRNSL-FUT 'Let's go fishing.'

2 1 use an equals sign '=' to represent all clitic boundaries, despite their distributional distinctions.

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b)

awamoa = sakwa tammi winai-ja -kwi morning = MODAL we.INCL fish -TRNSL-FUT 'Let's go fishing in the m orning.'

Clitic strings a re not uncom m on, as the following text example illu stra te s.

12)

kai =ha = sakwa ni i=kwassi-guba kati -cai NEG=Q = MODAL I 2=tail -upon sit.SG-HAB '"Couldn't I sit on your tail?"' (NK: Porcupine an d Coyote)

Second p osition clitics may also follow m ore complex constituents, for exam ple full nou n p h ra s e s (13), complex tem p o ral p h ra se s (14), headless relative clauses (15), and o th e r complex expressions (16).

13a)

su= moyo?ni = sakwa ka= nana yadua-ki NOM=woman = MODAL OBL=man talk-APL 'The w om an sh o u ld ta l k / in t e r p r e t for t h a t m an.'

b)

mi=naana = sakwa mi= timadzai PL=men = MOD i.PL=help.TR 'The men should help us.'

14)

ka= moa awamoa = sakwa ta una owi -tiu tihona -ga OBL=tomorrow morning = MOD l.DL DEM DEM-LOC dig.roots-TRNSL "Tomorrow morning, let's go out th ere to dig roots . ." (NK: Bear and Deer)

15)

"a= kwaya-kwa wini -u -kati = sa?a tihani -dua . . " 4= far -LOC stand.SG -PNC -sit.SG = MOD butcher-SUBJ "(Whoever) ju m p s over th e fa rth e st can b u tch e r (it) . . " (NK: Porcupine and Coyote)

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16)

uu = sakwa ni just.so = MOD I su= kai i= m ayi =sakwa NOM= NEG 1= discover = MOD su= tokm o i= tsipugi -si m ii tia?a NOM= nighttim e 1= escape -SEQ QUOTE thusly

"'So m ust I, it m u stn 't notice me, my having escaped at night," so th in k in g .' (NK: Nemedzoho)

Examples 15) an d 16) a re p a rtic u la rly in te re stin g since th e second position clitic tre a ts an e n tire clause as occupying syntactic first position. In th e second line of exam ple 16), a fully finite clause precedes th e clitic. Examples like these serve to highlight th e role of second position in helping to identify expressions th a t re fe r to a p a rtic ip a n t or u n ita ry event and, therefo re, provide a kind of diagnostic for constituents at v arious levels.

6.1.2 T ow ard V erbal A greem ent

As in m any N o rth A m erican langu ages, som e v erbs in N o rth e rn P aiu te have supp letiv e form s th a t a re sensitive to g ram m atical n u m b e r of one of the core argum ents. Unlike default word o rd er (6.1.1) or case a lig n m en t (6.1.3) w hich d e m o n s tra te a c le ar nom inative-accusative p a ttern , nu m ber s u p p le tio n in N o rth ern P a iu te v erb s is s e n s itiv e to th e

absolutive arg um ent. T hat is to say, distin ct form s of th e verb are used depending upon th e n u m b er of e ith e r the su bject, if th e verb is in tra n sitiv e , or th e object, if the verb is tran sitiv e or d itran sitiv e. Note the following p airs w ith th e verbs m eaning 'fly; a rise ’ and 'kill.'

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17a) haimano ii yotsi -u when you fly.SG -PNC 'W hen are you taking off?' b)

iwa -?yu nagiti o?o yozi -u many-NOM geese DEM fly.PL-PNC 'Lots of geese flew out there.'

18a)

owiu ka umi u= patsa DEM KA they 3= kill.SG 'For th a t reason, they killed him .'

b)

nknm i kam m i koi -cakwi l.EXCL jackrabbit kill.PL -HAB 'We would kill jackrabbits.'

I w ould argue, however, th a t such form al d istinction s do not re p r e s e n t g ram m atical agreem en t, since th e suppletiv e p a tte r n s a re lim ited to j u s t a few verbs. R ather, they p red ic ate different event types, m uch like th e English verb pairs 'fly' vs. 'flock' and 'kill' vs. 'slaug hter.' Suppletive verbs are discussed in m ore detail in section 6.3.1. In cipient verb agreem ent may be fo u n d in th e use of p ro n o m in a l proclitics th a t re fe r m ost typically to th e gram m atical object. It is th eo re tic ally possible for the presum ptive p ro n o u n p a tte r n th a t occurs in R -dislocation co nstructions (section 6.1.1.1, exx. 7)-8), above) to develop in to a p a tte rn of agreem ent, as has been a tte s te d in o th e r languages, allowing for f u r th e r w ord o rd e r flexibility. However, in th e g ra m m a r of N o rth e rn Paiute, agreem ent does not function as an overt coding p ro p e rty for gram m atical rela tio n s. O th e r Numic languages, for exam ple Ute (Giv6n 1980a), have been d e scrib e d as exhibiting p ro n o m in a l a g re em e n t.

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6 . 1.3 Case-Marking Patterns

C ase-m arking in N o rth e rn P aiu te re p re s e n ts the m ost im p o rta n t ov ert coding stra te g y for in d icating th e g ram m atical re la tio n s h ip b etw een a verb and its argu m en ts. Surface case is d istin guish ed on p ro n o u n s and no un p hrase depend ents--especially d e te rm in e rs and modifying e le m e n ts— b u t not on head nouns. For core arg u m en ts, th e case-m arkin g alignm ent is clearly nom inative (NOM) versus oblique (OBL).3

19a)

su= paninadi tiasi -pi NOM=lake freeze-PFV 'The lake is frozen.'

b)

su= tsia?a ka= tipi mayi-u NOM=girl OBL=rock find -PNC 'The girl found the rock.'

c)

u-su iw i -dapi 3-NOM sleep-lie.SPL 'S/He is sleeping.'

d)

u-su u= patsa-u 3-NOM 3= kill -PNC 'S/He killed it.'

N o rth ern P aiute has d e te rm in e r proclitics th a t are sensitive to the basic case distinction, as 19a) and b) d em o nstrate. Pronom inal form s are

Recall that there are two major case forms in Northern Paiute, nominative and non­ nominative, or oblique, case, sometimes referred to as the accusative. 3

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also case-sensitive, as in 19c) and d). Note th a t in I9d), th e syntactic object occurs as a proclitic to the verb. Although not every no un ph rase carries case in fo rm a tio n , we can safely say th a t subjects a re m ark e d w ith no m inative case an d objects are m arked with the oblique case in N o rth e rn Paiute basic clauses. As discussed elsew here (section 3.2, 4.1.1), th e term oblique is used in its trad itio n a l sense to cover th e fact t h a t possessors and objects of postpositions receive the sam e case-m arking as transitive objects. D itransitive clauses may occur with two overt object n o u n p h rases, b o th of which may be m arked oblique.

2 0 a ) ni ka =tsida ka =nana hiimaka I OBL=cup OBL=man give(s.t.) 'I'm giving the cup to the m an.' b)

ni I

u-ka u=gia 3-OBL 3=give

'I gave th a t to him .'

Derived d itran sitiv e clauses also occur with two objects.

21a)

im i ka= kidi mi= tika-ki -u 3.PL OBL=groundhog i.EXCL= eat -APL-PNC 'They let us eat th e groundhog.'

b)

su= nana kuna i= kutsa -ki -u NOM=man firewood 1= split.wood -APL-PNC 'The m an split firewood for me.'

I am purposely focusing u pon th e fea tu res of core a rgu m ents h e re in o rd e r to establish the coding prop erties of the basic clause as it p ertains to

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269

gram m atical re la tio n s. N on-core a rg u m e n ts carry oblique case-m ark ing w hen the arg um ent is a full noun p h rase. The form of th e p ro n o u n s in oblique, postpositional ph rases is identical w ith the free nom inative form for some persons (cf. section 4..1.6). Case-m arking and o th er form al features of p ro n o u n s and noun p hrase dependents are fu rth e r explored in section 3.2. I am also using the sim ple clause as a baseline for u n d e rstan d in g g ram m atical re la tio n s as th ey a re e x p re ssed syntactically in com plex clauses.

As described in section 9.1, the notional argum ents of

su b o rd in a te clauses often carry different surface case-m arking, due to the fact th a t m any such clauses a re n om inalized an d carry th e m orph osyntactic fea tu res of no un ph rases.

6.1.4 G ram m atical R elations: Sum m ary of Covert P ro p e rtie s

The accessibility of nou n p h ra s e s b earing d istin c t gram m atical relations to syntactic processes has been a key elem ent of typologicallyoriented studies of subject- and objecthood, especially since Keenan (1976), Keenan and Com rie (1977) a n d Comrie (1982), as well as l a te r stu d ies (e.g. Givon 1995, inter alia). By exploring covert properties of core a rgu m en ts—in o th er words, p ro p erties aside from w ord order, casemarking, or verb a g re em e n t—one develops a b e tte r sense of th e n a tu re of g ram m atica l r e la tio n s in a p a r t i c u l a r langu age. The key fea tu re of a covert p ro p erty of, say, the subject rela tio n in a p a rtic u la r lan guag e is w h e th er, w hen describin g a p a rtic u la r c o n stru c tio n

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270

type, one m ust invoke some notion of subject. Reflexive pronouns re p re se n t one clear example. In English, when describing the co-reference pro perties of reflexive pronouns, it is necessary to invoke some notion of the English subject, for it is the entity expressed as the subject to which the reflexive p ro n o u n co-refers. Therefore, co -referentiality w ith reflexive p rono uns is a covert pro p erty of the subject relation. Covert stra te g ie s for defining gram m atical rela tio n s a re o u tlin e d by Keenan and Comrie (1977) in th e ir study of n o u n p h rase accessibility, as well as in Giv6n (1995). Such stra te g ie s involve c o n stru c tio n s t h a t can only be described with reference to, for example, "subject," "object," "oblique," etc. Since it is necessary to invoke the term "subject" in some languages w hen describing, for example, a specific relative clause c o n stru ctio n , such a c o n stru c tio n may fall u n d e r the category of a covert coding p ro p erty for defining subject in th a t language. This section sum m arizes some of th e covert pro perties relating to th e core p a rtic ip a n t rela tio n s subject and object in N o rth e rn Paiute. Prim ary and secondary objects are also distin g u ish ed in section 6.1.4.3 by appealing to a com bination of overt and covert properties. It is suggested h e re , how ever, th a t such d istin c tio n s may in fact be m ore p rag m a tic t h a n syntactic. Most of th e details of the individual constructions described h ere are fleshed out in the sections dedicated to them.

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271 6.1.4.1 Subject P ro p e rtie s

N o rth e rn P aiu te can be d e scrib e d as having a very clear g r a m m a tic a l subject category. That is to say, several key fea tu res of N o r th e r n P aiute g ra m m a r ap p eal d irec tly to a categ ory of a rg u m e n t th a t unifies th e single a rg u m e n t of an in tra n sitiv e clause a n d th e m ost in itia to r- or agent-like argu m en t of a tra n sitiv e o r d itra n sitiv e clause. We have a lre a d y seen t h a t n o m inative c ase -m ark in g is a key o v ert p ro p e rty of subjects in N orthern Paiute. In the following sections, I explore some of th e c o n stru c tio n types in th e language for which one m u st appeal fu r th e r to some notion of subject to describe th em —th a t is, the covert subject properties.

6 .1 .4 .1.1 Z e ro -a n a p h o ra

Once a referent is established, it is no longer necessary to indicate it in following clauses with full noun phrases. R ather, a naphors of various kinds cover th e a re a of m ain tain in g reference in the ensuing discourse. P ron oun s are am ong the m ost com m on anaphoric devices u se d in lan guag e for m aintaining reference in a discourse. A nother comm on a naph oric device is so-called zero-anaphora, w hereby th e re is no overt expression of a refe ren t in the ensuing discourse once a referent has been established. Z ero-anaphora is often taken to be a subject property. The ex tent to which th is is tru e for N o rth e rn Paiute may be observed in the following excerpt from text. The principal p articip an t,

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272

a young woman, was e stab lish ed in th e n a rra tiv e leading up to th is series of clauses. She is referred to once by m eans of a p ro nou n in 22a). In the ensuing clauses h e r p a rticip a n t sta tu s is sim ply u n d e rs to o d from the discourse context.

22)

u-su yaisi sia?i uusapa. 3-NOM th en afraid always 'She stayed scared then. yaisi una mia -na, then DEM go.SG -PTCP 'And so way off (she) was going, ka= yoijo -mia, OBL= evening -go.SG spending th e night, mo?asu yoqo -wini. a lre ad y evening -CONT.SG it's being evening already. yaisi k a - una -u tipi -ca -kwai piti -ga. then OBL= DEM -OBL rock -HAVE -LOC arrive -TRNSL 'Then (she) reached a rocky place . . ' (NK: Nemedzoho)

Although occasionally one finds th a t b o th th e subject an d the object are not overtly indicated, I have not found exam ples w here th e object is a zero a n ap h o r and th e subject is overt. F u rth e r, zero an ap h o ra for the object does not appear to p ersist beyond a single clause, w hereas subject zero an ap h o ra may p e rsist for several clauses, as in th e above example.

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27 3 6. 1.4 -1-2

Reflexive Possession

A reflexive-possessor proclitic (POSS) {ti} indicates th at the possessor is co -referen tial w ith th e gram m atical subject of the senten ce in which it occurs. As such, it constitutes a reliable test for subjecthood.

2 3 a ) o?o yaisi umi ka ti= nobi na?una -wai DEM then they KA POSS=house around -LOC . so th en they went ro u n d and ro und th e ir house . b)

su= wassa pino?o nainapa mida -u ti= kaopa NOM= sandhill.crane as.for across stretch-PNC POSS=leg '. . th e crane stretch ed his legs across . .'

This function of the proclitic need not operate only w ithin the sam e clause, however, b u t may also indicate co-reference with the subject of a preceding clause.

24)

oo?nopisa mi?i tiikwi?i -na; DEM good QUOT tell -PTCP yaisi ti= kwarja mia. th e n POSS= y o u n g e r.b ro th e r go.SG '"That's good," (he, Wolf) was saying; th e n his younger b ro th e r went.' (WM: The Cave Myth)

Indeed, as is typical in narrative, the subject of a series of clauses may not be overtly expressed when it is assum ed to be u n d e rsto o d from the discourse context. In the following example, th e reflexive-possessor

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274 proclitic expresses co-reference although no overt expression of the subject has occurred for m ore th an six clauses.

25 )

ti= ti- dakwihi-na, pinau owi -tu hani-?yakwi. POSS= APS- IP/feet- get -PTCP back there -to do -HAB ' . . w hat it grabs (with its claws), (it) brings back th e re .' (NK: Nem echozinna)

In th is example, the first clause is actually a nom inalized object relative clause (section 9.1) whose notional subject is expressed by m eans of the reflexive-possessor proclitic, anaphorically co-referential to N em echozinna, th e Flying C re atu re.

6.1.4.1.3 M iddle-M arking and Reflexivization

The m iddle-m arker {na} (MM) is a verbal prefix th a t serves to detransitivize in h e r e n tly tr a n s itiv e verbs. T he single sy n ta ctic a rg u m e n t of a m iddle-m arked verb b ears all the form al p ro p erties the subject of an in tra n sitiv e verb. The use of {na} covers b o th th e dom ain of a typical reflexive and th a t of a passive:

2 6 a ) i= pita ni pakia -wini 1= arm I IP/w ater-give -CONT.SG 'I'm w ashing my arm s' b)

ni na- pakia -wini I MM-IP/water-give-CONT.SG 'I'm washing (m y self)/b ath in g ' (lit. 'I give m yself w ater')

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27 5 2 7)

o?o uu ka u patsa tabi?a; DEM just.so KA 3= kill.SG appear u -su na- patsa tabi?a 3-NOM MM- kill.SG appear 'T hat's w hat killed her, it seems; she was killed, a pp aren tly.'

In the case of a reflexive reading, some sense of the tran sitiv e event rem ains, w ith th e notional agent an d p a tie n t b eing c o -re fere n tia l and in d icated by a single syntactic a rg u m e n t—the subject. In the case of a passive reading, only th e sem antic p a tien t is expressed, again as a syntactic subject, while the agent is left unexpressed. Occasionally, it is u n c le a r w h e th e r a p a rtic u la r m id d le-m ark ed clause is best tr a n s la te d as a reflexive or as a passive, for example with the p air {tinicui} 'teach' and {natinicui} 'learn' (literally, 'teach oneself' or 'be taught'). It is possibile to include an em phatic/reflexive pronoun as an overt expression of ag en t-subject/patient-object co-reference in a middle c o n stru c tio n (section 4.1.7).

2 8 a ) ni na- tsibana -wini I MM- shave -CONT.SG 'I am shaving.' b)

ni ni =su na- tsibana -wini I

I =self MM-shave

-CONT.SG

'I'm shaving m yself.' OR 'I m y se lf am sh aving.' 2 9 a ) su= naatsi na- bagia -wini NOM=boy MM- bathe -CONT.SG 'The boy is bath ing (him self).'

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276

b)

su= naatsi pi =su na- bagia -wini NOM=boy 3.RESTR =self M M -bathe -CONT.SG 'The boy is bathing him self.' OR 'The boy h im se lf is bathin g.'

The use of th e constru ction is restric te d , however, in th a t it requ ires th e em phasized c o n stitu e n t to be the g ram m atical subject.

30)

*su= naatsi ni =su i=tsibana NOM= boy I =self i=shave 'The boy shaved me m yself.'

Such c o n stru ctio n s, althou gh accepted by speakers, are certainly no t th e norm . R ather, th e p ro n o u n plus enclitic com bination is generally only used for em phasis, and usually sta n d s alone in a clause.

31a) nii =su u= hanni I =self 3= do.DUR

b)

'I'm doing it m yself.'

ii =su u= hanni you =self 3= do.DUR 'You're doing it yourself.'

6.1.4.1.4 Subject R elative Clauses

A relative clause whose h e ad noun is th e notional subject of the verb w ithin the relative clause is called a subject relative clause. Subject relative clauses a re d istinct from o th e r relative clause types in N o rth e rn Paiute. The verb o f a subject relative clause is nom inalized by m eans of th e subject nom inalizer {-di} (cf. section 3.1.7.1).

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2 77

3 2 a ) ni tihikya o?o winni -di punni I deer DEM stand. SG -NMR see 'I see a deer standing out th e r e 1 (Yah.) b)

su= naatsi ka= tipi winai -hu -di NOM=boy OBL= rock throw -PNC -NMR 'The boy th a t th rew th e rock . .'

As such, relative clause form ation is also sensitive to w h e th er o r not th e head of th e relative clause is th e notional subject, and th erefo re qualifies as a covert coding p ro p erty of th e subject gram m atical rela tio n in N o rth e rn Paiute.

6.1.4.1.5 Sw itch-R eference

Canonical system s o f sw itch-reference are usually th o u g h t of as som e feature of verb m orphology th a t is sensitive to w h e th er o r not the g r a m m a tic a l subjects of two consecutive clauses are the same, or different. S apir (1930) id en tifie d such a fun ctio n in th e su b o rd in a tin g verb m orphology of S outhern Paiute. Ja co b sen (1967) is c red ited w ith coining th e te rm sw itch-reference and has established some of th e typological p a ra m e te rs a ro u n d w hich th e languages of native N o rth Am erica ex p ress th is fu n ctio n (1980). Jacob sen (1980) cites the late Dr. Sven Liljeblad, a long tim e stu d e n t of N o rth ern Paiute, w hen he places the language among th o se characterized as having a m ark e r of sw itch-reference. In th e course of analyzing n u m ero u s te x ts a n d d irec tly eliciting a g reat m any se n ten c es, bo th simple and complex, I have yet to find clear evidence for an obligatory

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278

system of sw itch-reference, at least not insofar as it could function reliably as a covert su b je ct p ro p erty . As M ithun (1993a, 1999) cau tio n s in h e r w ork on sw itch-reference in C entral Pomo, sw itch-reference may be m ore a b o u t event d is c o n tin u ity th a n re fe re n tia l disco n tin u ity . Although I have found some a p p a re n t sw itch-reference p a tte rn s in N o rth e rn Paiute, th e d ata in th is area are not entirely clear. Some of th ese d a ta are p re s e n te d in c h a p te r 9 on clause-com bining. The a p p earan ce of some verbal suffixes or enclitics is suggestive in term s of possible switchreference. I rem a in cau tious, however, in proposing th a t c ertain verbal enclitics are in deed m arking referential discontinu ity as opposed to some o th er discourse feature.

6.JL4..2 ...Phiggt ,Properties

Covert coding p ro p e rtie s t h a t rela te to the gram m atical object relatio n in N o rth e rn Paiute are explored briefly in th is section. One such covert p ro p e rty was describ ed in section 6.1.1.1 w here right dislocations w ere described. Recall th a t some formal syntactic expression of the object is req u ire d pre-verbally in cases w here th e re is a pragm atically p o st-p o se d expression of the object. Following a b rie f syntactic description of two constructions th a t invoke some n o tio n of g ram m atical object in N o rth e rn Paiute, I tu r n briefly to the theoretical question of p rim ary versu s secondary objects (D ryer 1986), a n d conclude w ith som e th o u g h ts on th e p rag m a tic m otivations th a t d istin g u ish them , before moving on to verb classes.

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27 9 6 . 1. 4 -2.1

P a ssiv iz atio n

By com paring active and passive clause types, one covert p ro p e rty of th e syntactic object (sem antic p a tie n t) in an active, tra n s itiv e clause is t h a t, in th e passive c o n stru c tio n , th is a rg u m e n t is the n o m in a tiv e -m a rk e d subject. It is gram m atically im possible to overtly express th e agent-ofpassive in N o rth e rn Paiute in some functional equivalent of an English by­ phrase (e.g. 'The book was to rn by the m an.')

3 3 a ) u-su i= buuki tsakibu?i -u 3-NOM 1= book tear -PNC 'He tore my book.' b)

i = gwassina - tsakibu?i -piga?yu 1- shirt MM-tear -PFV 'My sh irt has been to rn .'

The gram m atical subject of th e d etran sitiv ized clause carries all the g ram m atical rig h ts a n d privileges of any o th e r subject, fo r exam ple, as the focus of a subject relative clause:

34)

o?o iwa -?yu su= uuni -?yu na?a DEM many -NOM NOM= that.kind -NOM grow su= na- tihona -di NOM= MM- dig.roots -NMR '"There's alot of th a t kind growing out th ere for th e digging.'" (i.e. th a t which is dug) (NK: Bear and Deer)

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280

In th is example, the verb {tihona} is detransitivized, since the se m an tic patient is th e focus of the clause--w hat is being dug. The nom inalization of th e verb is by m eans of th e subject nom inalizer {di}, reflecting a relative clause stru c tu re . The no m in alizatio n is m ark ed with no m inativ e c a se --th e m ain ov ert g ram m atica l coding stra te g y for indicating syntactic subjects. Section 8.2.1.1 describes the passive co n stru ctio n in m ore detail.

6.1.4.2.2 Object R elative Clauses

Object relative clauses are form ed w ith a differen t su b o rd in a tin g verb suffix t h a n th a t u se d for subject relative clauses. Compare:

3 5 a ) su= nana i= ti -kuhani-ki -di i= supidakwatu NOM= man 2= APS -cook -APL -NMR 1= know 'The m an cooking for you knows me.' b)

su= miidi i= kuhani -na kai toki kamma NOM= meat 1= cook -PTCP NEG correct taste 'The m eat I cooked (of my cooking) doesn't taste right.'

In 35b), even th o u g h 'th e m eat' is th e gram m atical sub ject of the higher clause, it is th e notional object of the relative clause, as indicated by th e use of the participial suffix {na} (PTCP) on th e relative clause verb. Also note th a t the notional subject of the lower, su b o rd in a te clause, when pronom inal, appears as a verbal proclitic--as the gram m atical po ssesso r of th e n on-finite verb.

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6. 1 . 4 . 3

P rim ary object p ro p e rtie s

Dryer (1986) ob serves t h a t lang uages m ay be d iffe re n tia te d in term s of th e syntactic p a tte rn in g of th e n o n -su b je ct arg u m e n ts in a ditran sitiv e clause. Some languages exhibit a d irect object (DO) versus indirect object ( 1 0 ) p a tte rn , w hereas o th ers exhibit a secondary object (SO) v ersus prim a ry object (PO) p a tte rn . A typical DO m aps onto the sem antic role patient, w hereas a typical 10 maps onto sem antic recipients or benefactives. A key question is w h e th er or not a "notional 1 0 " (i.e. rec ip ie n t/b e n e fa c tiv e ) in a d itra n sitiv e clause exhibits the sam e syntactic behaviors as the single DO of a tra n sitiv e clause. Several im p o rtan t th e o re tic a l p a p e rs w ritte n w ith in th e lexical-fun ctio nal g ra m m a r (LFG) fram ew ork explored sim ilar q u estion s w ith respect to Bantu languages in term s of object asym m etries (cf. B resnan and Moshi 1990, Alsina and Mchombo 1990). A com parison of object types, in p a rtic u la r th ose licensed as p a rt of the in h ere n t tra n sitiv ity of the verb as opposed to those th a t surface as th e re s u lt of a tran sitiv iz in g d e riv a tio n (causative, applicative), is m ade to determ ine the sim ilarities an d differences of th e ir syntactic p a tte r n in g - - th a t is, th e ir sy m m etries a n d asym m etries. N o rth ern Paiute objects are m ostly sym m etrical—b o th in te rm s of case m arking and in term s of th e ir accessibility to c ertain c o n stru ctio n types discussed for direct objects in transitive clauses. Most ap p aren t asym m etries can be explained in te rm s of in h e re n t topicality--notions of anim acy and a p e rso n h iera rch y . I have fou nd only one clear object asy m m etry —t h a t rela tin g to th e fu n ctio n of th e anti-passive p refix {i}

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282

(APS). The APS, I show, targ e ts p a tien t DO's only. Otherwise, it would ap p ea r th a t N o rth e rn Paiute d e m o n stra te s a clear SO / PO p a tte rn .

6.1.4.3.1 O rdering of two full object NP's

W ord order, as we have seen, has an im p o rtan t, if lim ited, role in distin g u ish in g th e su b ject an d object g ram m atical rela tio n s in N o rth e rn P aiu te. I have a rg u e d in section 6.1.1 th a t w ord o rd e r functions m ainly as a default p a tte r n an d for d isam b igu ation, alth o u g h tex t frequency and o th e r fea tu res of th e g ram m ar favor analysis of N o rth e rn P aiute as a SOV lan g u a g e. The evidence for a default w ord o rd e r p a tte rn to distinguish two gram m atical objects is even m ore lim ited. This is due in large p a rt to a tendency for elision of one or m ore argum ents as a discourse progresses. In the ra re instances of two overt object noun p h rases (double-object constructions), the default p a tte rn is for the p a tie n t DO to precede the notional (recipient/benefactive) 1 0 . Both objects receive oblique casem a rk in g .

3 6 a ) ni ka =tsida ka =nana hiimaka I OBL=cup OBL=man give 'I’m giving th e cup to th e m an.' b)

imi nika imi kia they me.OBL you.OBL give 'They’re giving me to you (as in m arriag e ).'

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283

One could argue th a t the o rd er of the two objects is m otivated by in h ere n t fea tu res of to p ic ality --su p p o rte d m ore clearly in th e next section. Recipients and benefactives are m ore likely to be hum an, or at least an im ate, which a re in h e re n tly m ore topical, as a rg u e d in a n u m b e r of places in th e l it e r a t u r e (e.g. Givon 1979, 1984).

6.1.4.3.2 O bligatory p ro m o tio n

One a re a o f a p p a re n t syntactic asym m etry b etw een th e tw o o b jects in a double object construction lies in th e ir accessibility to th e proclitic slot before the verb in N o rth e rn Paiute. W here b o th p a tie n t and benefactive objects are exp ressed pronom inally, the benefactive object has g re a te r access as an object proclitic, leaving th e p atien t unexp ressed or as an accusative-m arked full pronoun. The following example was offered as an a lte rn a tiv e to 36b), above.

37 )

imi nika i= kia they me.OBL 2= give 'T hey're giving me to you.'

Frequently, th e overt expression of a th ird person p a tien t is optional.

38)

(u-ka) i = gia (3-OBL) 1= give 'Give me (th at)!'

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However, it w ould a p pear th a t in cases w here e ith e r first or second person p a tien ts are involved, the pronom inal expression of one of th ese as a verbal proclitic is p refe rred over th a t of a th ir d p erson recipient or b e n e fa c tiv e a rg u m e n t.

39)

ma -tu ii i= ma -tipuni 3.DEF -LOC you 1= IP /h a n d -awake 'You woke me up for him.'

In 39), the benefactive argu m en t is expressed in a p ostpo sitional phrase. Access to the proclitic slot th erefore appears to be sensitive to a p erson hierarchy: 1/2 > 3. It is im p o rtan t to note th a t exam ples like these are extrem ely ra re in n a tu ra l speech, but a re suggestive of a discourseprag m atic m otivation for som e of the syntactic a sy m m etries one find s between objects. As with the default ord er of objects as discussed in the previous section, the in h ere n t topicality of first and second p erso n p a rtic ip a n ts could m otivate th e ir accessibility to a kind of privileged po sitio n im m ediately ad jacen t to th e verb.

6.1.4.3.3 S h ared p ro p e rtie s with second ary objects

Our two m ain syntactic te sts for object--passivization and relativizatio n—function equally well as covert p ro p erties for eith er object in double-object clauses, w hether in h ere n t or derived. The following exam ples illu stra te th e p otential for e ith e r p a tie n t or rec ip ie n t/b e n efa ctiv e objects to be the gram m atical subject of a passive constru ction .

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4 0 a) imi miidi i= kuhani -ki they m eat 1= cook -APL 'They're cooking m eat for me.' b)

su= miidi N 0 M= meat

nika na- kuhani -ki -wini l.OBL MM- cook -APL -CONT.SG

'The meat is being cooked for me / (s.o.) is cooking the m eat for me.' c)

ka= miidini na- kuhani -ki 0 BL= meat I MM- cook -APL 'I am being cooked the m eat / (s.o.) is cooking the m eat for me.'

W ord o rd e r rem ains p ragm atically d e te rm in e d —it is not rigid. In b o th 40b) and 40c), 'the m eat' appears initially, in the position of f o c u s first as the nom inative-m arked subject of the passive clause, second as the ob liq ue-m arked gram m atical object. 40b) for exam ple, could be in answ er to th e question 'W hat is being cooked for you?' and 40c), the qu estion might be 'W hat are you being cooked?' Recall th a t object relative clauses are form ally d istin c t from subject relative clauses in th a t th e notional subject ap p ears as a pronom inal pro clitic on th e s u b o rd in a te verb, which is m arked with th e p a rticip ial suffix.

41a)

su =nana kidi i=noho -ki -na i=supidakwatu NOM=man m arm ot i= ro ast -APL -PTCP 2 =know 'The m an I cook/am cooking groundhog for knows you.'

b)

su =nana i =ti -kuhani-ki -na i =supitakwatu NOM=man i=APS-cook -APL-PTCP 2 =know 'The m an I cook for knows y ou.’

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c)

su =miidi imi i =kuhani-ki -na sida ?mani -pi NOM=meat you.OBL l =cook-APL-PTCP bad become-PFV 'The meat I cooked for you has spoiled.'

These two c o nstru ctio ns—passives and relative clauses—therefore, do not serve to distinguish th e two objects of a ditransitive clause in N o rth ern Paiute. However, th e o th e r m ajo r d e -transitivizing con stru ctio n , th e a n ti ­ passive, does a p pear to make such a distinction.

6 .1.4 .4

Anti-passive as p a tie n t-n o t ob ject-d em otion

The a n ti-passiv e prefix {ti} (APS) appears on verbs when th e re is no overt expression of th e d irect object of an in h ere n tly tra n sitiv e v e rb .4

4 2 a ) ni miidi kuhani I meat cook 'I'm cooking m eat.'

b)

ni ti -kuhani I APS -cook 'I'm cooking.'

That th e prefix is not sensitive to the overt expression of th e rec ip ie n t/b e n efa ctiv e ob ject—w hat Dryer (1986) calls th e notional in d ire ct object (10)—is ap p aren t from th e following examples of derived d itra n sitiv e s.

4 In much of the literature on Uto-Aztecan languages, particularly since Langacker (1976a), the prefix is referred to as the "unspecified object prefix."

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287

4 3 a ) usu i - ti -kuhani -ki s/he i=APS -cook -APL 'S/H e's cooking for me.' b)

ni miidi 0 kuhani-ki -u -kwi I meat X cook -APL-PNC-FUT 'I'll cook meat for X.'

In 43a), we find the co-occurrence of both th e APS prefix and an object proclitic referring to the notional 1 0 . The prefix appears to m ark the absence, therefore, of an overt patient direct object (DO). This is confirm ed by 43b), in which the p a tie n t is expressed, but the benefactive, licen sed by th e applicative suffix, is unspecified, but which does not trig g e r th e occurrence of th e APS prefix. Therefore, it appears th a t th e prefix only serves to m ark the absence of th e sem antic patient, and not th e sy ntactic object per se. It is perhaps for this reason th a t th e language allows for th e co­ occurrence of b oth detransitivizing prefixes—the m iddle m arker (MM) and th e anti-passive (APS). The only a p p aren t c o n strain t is th a t th e verb be d itr a n s itiv e —w h e th e r in h e re n tly o r one d erived by m eans of th e applicative suffix (APL). In th is situ atio n th e notional 1 0 is, as we have seen, unaffected by th e anti-passive prefix, which signals an unspecified p atien t. The m iddle m a rk e r signals th e p rag m a tic an d syn tactic p ro m o tio n of th e rem a in in g object. The a rg u m e n t a p p ea rin g as th e g ram m atical sub ject, th e n , is th e benefactive. The se m an tic outcom e of the m iddle m ark er may be in te rp re te d as exhibiting e ith e r its reflexive or its passive function.

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288

44)

n* na- ti- kuhani -ki -wini I MM- APS- cook -APL -CONT.SG 'I am cooking for myself.’ OR ’I am being cooked for (s.o. is cooking for m e).’

F u rth e r discussion of the pro perties of the o p erato rs on transitivity in N o rth ern Paiute is found in section 8.2.

6.2 Verb Classes a n d T ran sitiv ity

Verbs may b e classified by th e n u m b e r a n d type o f a rg u m e n ts th ey re q u ire , by th e i r m o rp h o -sy n ta c tic b eh avio r, and by t h e i r m eaning. This section places verbs into classes based mainly upon transitivity an d valence fea tu res--ro u g h ly speaking, b ased upon th e n u m b er and type of a rg u m e n ts th ey re q u ire o r accept w ith o u t any special m orphology to in d icate a change in the syntactic expression o f th ese argu m en ts. The p resen tation of verb classes in the following sections is of necessity highly prelim inary. The pu rpose for th is p re s e n ta tio n is twofold: 1) to look at th e syntax of simple clauses as a function of verb classes, and 2) to explore a few of th e a lte rn a tio n s verbs and th e ir a rg u m e n ts may undergo as a p relim in ary in d ic ato r of verb class. As m ost recent work on verb classes, p a rtic u la rly th e w ork of Levin (1993), in d ic ate s, syn tactic behavior is d e te rm in e d by a v erb 's m eaning and, th ere fo re , by th e lexical knowledge of speakers. The altern a tio n s explored here which help us to u n d e rs ta n d verb classes in N o rth ern Paiute are, from th is perspective,

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289 sy m p to m atic of v erb al sem antics as u n d e rsto o d by N o rth ern Paiute speakers. The strategy used in th is ch ap ter is to explore N o rth ern Paiute verbs by looking at th e ir individual tra n s itiv ity fe a tu re s and at th e exp ression of th e arg u m e n ts re q u ire d by th e v e rb 's valence in o rd e r to m ake a general classification of verb types. Connecting th e syntactic b e h av io r of verb classes, however tentatively, to m ore fin e-g rain ed sem antic categories is a n o th e r goal of th is section. The general approach tak en here is m eant as a bridge to the discussion of gram m atical relatio ns in N o rth ern Paiute. Directions for future research into N o rth ern Paiute verb classes will also be discussed. A lthough th e fu nction of v a le n ce -alterin g m orphology and its im plications for the g ram m ar is d escrib ed in m ore detail elsewhere (section 8.2), its relevance to verb classes is clear. The in h ere n t valence of verbs is very im p o rta n t in N o rth e rn P aiu te m orph o -sy n tax , an d several verbal affixes act to signal some a ltern a tio n in it. For th e purpose of the p re s e n t c h ap ter, m orp h em es th a t a lte r th e in h e re n t valence a re discu ssed in term s of th e ir diagnostic p o tential for determ ining verb classes.

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290

6 . 2.1

Zero-A rgum ent V erbs—N atural Forces Predicates

As in m any languages, verbs referrin g to th e forces of n a tu re in N o rth ern P aiute re q u ire no overt NP argu m ents.

4 5 a ) kumia -gina cloud -CISL 'It's clouding up.' b)

ini hikwa -wini very w ind -CONT.SG 'It's really windy.'

c)

tiikwi -piti snow -INCH 'It's starting to snow.'

Nor is th e re any u nsp ecified arg um ent im plied by th ese pred icates. This is simply by way of d istingu ishin g such clause-types from those which u n d e r specific p rag m a tic c irc u m sta n ce s may occur in d isc o u rse w itho ut any overt a rg u m e n ts —so-called zero anaphora. Sem antically, th is verb class inclu des w e a th e r-re la te d or o th e r n a tu ra l p h enom ena or spontaneous occurrences. Many such verbs re q u ire th e suffix {-pa (-ba)} in o rd er to e n ter into nom inal c o n stru ctio ns. The suffix is generally asso ciated w ith th e noun class m arkers (NCM) d escribed in section 3.1.1.2. Rarely, one finds a distin ct form for nom inal versus verbal function, as with 'snow.' As a noun, th e form {nibabi} is used ((46), below), while {tiikwi} is used in verbal fu n ctio n ((45c), above).

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291 46)

su= nibabi sai -wini NOM=snow melt-CONT.SG 'The snow is melting.'

6.2.2 P red icate Nom inal C onstructions

The te rm copula is generally used to refer to a sem antically spare pred icate type corresponding roughly to the verb 'to be' in English. C opular c o n stru c tio n s typically take nom inal or adjectival co m plem ents, b u t do not otherw ise behave like typical tran sitiv e c o n stru ctio ns. Some N um ic lan guag es, for exam ple T um pisa Shoshoni (Dayley 1989) have been described as having a copula functioning in p red icate nom inal and predicate m odifier constructions. N o rth e rn P aiu te may be analyzed as not having a copula p e r se. R ather, in p red icate nom inal c o nstru ctio ns, the subject an d its com plem ent occur in sim ple ju x ta p o sitio n , w ith th e subject usually precedin g th e com plem ent.

4 7 a ) Maude 1= tipia M. i= tea m m a te 'M aude is my te a m m a te .' b)

i -su i= mido?o PROX-NOM 1= niece(fem.spkr) 'T hat's my niece.'

c)

u -su niga pia 3 -NOM l.GEN friend 'S/H e is my friend.'

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292

The partitive suffix is used to m ark possessors functioning as eith er core argum ents or as pred icate nom inals (see also section 3.2.3.1).

48 a) su= aawaya?i -na imi -ti NOM= moldy -PTCP your -PART 'The moldy ones are yours.' b)

su= piza-?yu niga Jti NOM=good-NOM mine-PART 'The good ones are mine.'

If the NP com plem ent includes a m odifier (cf. section 3.2.2.2), th is m odifier is m arked with th e nom inative (NOM) suffix {?yu}:

4 9 a ) i= pabi?i paba-?yu nana i= e ld .b ro th er big -NOM man 'My elder b ro th e r is a big man.' b)

pisa-?yu naatsi (ii) good-NOM boy (you) '(You're) a good boy.'

Dayley (1989) describes a copula in Tiimpisa th a t is o ptio n al in u n m arked tenses o r aspects, but req u ired elsewhere for the purp ose of carrying te n s e -a sp e c t m arking. N o rth e rn P aiute does n ot have such a requ irem ent, however. The tense-aspect issue is resolved in N o rth ern P aiute by sim ply tre a tin g th e p red ic ate nom inal as te n se -b e a rin g .

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29 3 5 0 a) ma-su i=naa -kwi DEF-NOM i=father-FUT 'H e/T h at one is going to be my father.' b)

una iwa -?yu nobi -kwi over.there many -NOM house -FUT 'Over th ere will be many houses.' Predicate m odifiers occur in the same form they do w hen p a rt of a

subject NP, th a t is, with the nom inative (NOM) suffix {?yu}.

5 1 a)

u -su nana paba-?yu DEM-NOM man big -NOM 'That m an is big.'

b)

su= tuku toisi pisa-?yu NOM=meat still good-NOM 'That meat is still good.'

c)

su= naatsi udi -?yu NOM=boy tall-NOM 'The boy is tall.’

d)

su= mogo?ni ini nadii -?yu NOM= woman INT tough -NOM 'The woman is really to ugh .'

The u n ity of adjectivals m ark ed w ith {?yu} appears to be stra ig h tfo rw a rd . In any case, it m arks a form th a t corefers to th e sy ntactic subject, w h e th e r w ith in w hat may be in te r p r e te d as a NP c o n stitu en t or in the syntactic position of predicate. If ten se-asp ect m arking is requ ired, it ap pears directly on the p redicate modifier:

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294 52a)

su= paa udi -?yu -na na?una -wai NOM= w ater deep -PRED -PTCP around -LOC ' . . . the w ater being deep all around.' (NK: 'Nemechozinna')

b)

nimi iwa -?yu -kwi person many -PRED -FUT 'There’ll be lots of people.'

Locative p red icates also typically occur in final p osition following the subject of th e clause. E ither location a t or m otion to is p a rt of the sem antics of locative predicates. Plain dem onstratives or postpositional p h rases may occur as locative predicates. Some sense of the path is often supplied by the postposition, as in 53c).

53a)

su =pipo o?o NOM =paper DIST 'The p ap er is over th ere .'

b)

osu o?o ~ 00 osu 3.NOM DIST ~ DIST 3.NOM 'There s /h e is.' OR 'S/H e is there.'

c)

umi tauna -wai -tu they town -LOC-ALL 'They're (going) to town.'

d)

su= patsiponoa -di u= tibo -guba NOM=round -NMR 3= table -atop 'The ro u n d thing is on the table.'

In 53d), we see th e appearance of a resum ptive pronoun, presum ably co-referrin g to th e nom inative subject of th e se n ten c e--th e ro u n d thing. The ex tent to which th is is a syntactic re q u ire m e n t is not

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295 fully u nderstoo d (see section 5.2.5 for discussion of postpositions an d th eir historical relationship to relatio nal nouns in a genitive NP). In m ost discourse situations, the reference of the thing whose location is being p red icated has been establish ed in a previous clause. A n other im p o rta n t p re d ic a te nom inal type, cross-lingu istically, are th ose in which express a possessive relationship betw een a subject an d its com plem ent. Possessive p redicates in N orth ern Paiute are form ed by m eans of a denom inalizing n oun suffix {ga} (cf. section 3.1.2.1.) m eaning 'to have; to be ch aracterized by.' As with predicate m odifiers, the denom inalized possessum carries the suffix {?yu} 'NOM' as a main clause predicate.

5 4 a ) m a waha -?yu nattua nobi -ca -?yu DEM two -NOM father/son house-HAVE-NOM 'Out th ere a father and son lived . .’ (lit. 'had a house') b)

ni toha- tsopihi -ga -?yu I w h ite -h a ir -HAVE -NOM 'I have white h a ir .’

c)

su= wassa udi -u kaupa-ga -?yu NOM= crane long-OBL leg -HAVE -NOM 'The sandhill crane has long legs.'

d)

pisa miawo-ga -?yu good knee -HAVE -NOM '(S/H e) has good knees.' (idiom , 'has a knack for showing up a t m ealtim e')

The allom orphy of th is deno m inalizer is described in section 3.1.2.1. Note th a t in example 54c), 'long' is m arked in oblique case, as it modifies,

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296

or corefers to, the nom inal 'leg' and not to the syntactic subject of the clause. The denominalizing suffix on 'leg' is followed by the case suffix th at implies co-reference to the subject. Posture verbs like 'sit,' 'stand,' and 'lie' will often fulfill a copular fun ctio n w ith locative com plem ents in N o rth e rn Paiute. T h eir fun ctio n is rem iniscent of classificatory verbs in A th a b ask a n lan g u a g es (M ith u n 1999), which a re sensitive to the shape or general c o nfiguration of the thing located, placed, or m oved.5

5 5 a ) tipi o?o (kati/hapi) rock DIST (sit / lie .SG) 'There's a rock (sittin g/lying) over there.' b)

iwa -?yu tipi wa-kwapi many-NOM rock RE-lie.PL 'A bunch of rocks are sc attere d a ro und (lying).'

c)

su= huupi o?o hapi NOM=stick DIST lie.SG 'The stick is (lying) over th ere .'

d)

iwa -?yu huupi 00 kwa-kwapi many-NOM stick DIST RE -lie.PL 'Lots of sticks are lying around there.'

5 This is often reflected in the area of place names which are descriptive of geological features, as in, for example, waa-kati-di 'Juniper Mountain (juniper-sit.SG-NMR)’ and pa 'a ti-kwini-di 'Abert Rim (high IP/rock-stand.SG-NMR). See Fowler (1992, chapter 3) for a discussion of Northern Paiute place name patterns.

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297 English p ostu re verbs serve an identical function. For example, 'sit' is used if the thing located is fairly equi-dim ensional, with no salient extension along e ith er th e vertical or th e h orizontal direction. On th e o th e r hand, 'sta n d ' an d 'lie' imply vertical and horizontal extension, respectively. A nim ates may accom pany any of th e se th r e e verbs, of c o u rse, sim ply b ecau se th ey have th e capacity for changing th e ir o rie n ta tio n . Classificatory verbs are sensitive to the n a tu re of th e thing located, possessed, placed, or given in an A thabaskan language. In N o rth e rn P aiute, th e system is m uch m ore lim ited in scope in th a t the p o stu re verbs d e scrib e d above have b oth a lim ited sem antic range a n d a re re s tric te d to predications of the sort 'be in a location.' Posture verbs in N o rth ern Paiute are suppletive for n u m b er (section 6.3.1) an d a re also im p o rta n t to th e g ram m ar as the sou rce of asp ectual suffixes in the context of the secondary verb c o nstruction (section 8.4). They are syn tactically in tra n sitiv e , and as such belong w ith th e sin g le ­ a rg u m e n t verbs de scrib e d in the next section. They were in clu d ed h e re as po tential sources for the developm ent of locative copulas.

6.2.3 Single-A rgum ent V erbs

In tra n sitiv e verbs re q u ire one core a rg u m e n t, w hich in N o rth e rn P aiu te is th e nom inative subject. In tran sitiv e v erbs include verbs of m otion or p o stu re , states, an d activity v erbs, am ong o th ers.

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298

5 6 a ) ni mia -u -kwi I go.SG-PNC-FUT 'I'm going (presen tly).’ b)

tammi yamoso-wai moo -du?a we.INCL P.N. -LOC travel.PL-SUBJ 'We shall travel to Ft. Bidwell.'

e)

su= togokwa o?o hutua -tapi NOM=rattlesnake DIST stretched.out-lie.SPL 'The rattlesn ak e is stre tc h ed out over th ere .'

d)

oo nimmi tiwao wo?yo?a -si th ere we.EXCL also stand.in.a.row-SEQ ' . . and we stood there in rows . . ' (NK: 'Boarding School Days')

e)

a=tuku pihi -pi 4=m eat rotten-PF V 'The m eat is r o tte n .’

f)

su= kidi kwassi NOM=groundhog r ip e /re a d y 'The groundhog is ready (for huntin g or eating).'

g)

mi=paatusuba pisa patakmtsia-wini PL=star well shine -CONT.SG 'The sta rs a re really shining.'

h)

su= nimicozinna yotsi-pidi -u NOM =Flying.Creature fly -arrive-PNC 'N em echozinna came flying . . .'

As e x p lored m ore fully elsew here in th is g ram m ar, tra n s itiv e verbs m ay be d e riv e d from in h e re n tly in tra n s itiv e v erb s by m eans of instrum ental prefixes (section 8.1.3), th e applicative suffix {ki} (section 8.2..2.1 ), a n d w hat Dayley (1989) calls th e ju ssiv e suffix {tiqi} (section 8.2.2.2). The meaning of the la tte r is 'tell to V' (i.e. 'tell X to perform the

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299 action of th e v e rb ).' All th re e d e riv a tio n s may p a tte r n syntactically like m orphological causatives by a d din g an ag en t a rg u m e n t to th e event fram e. The following exam ples illu stra te each of these m orphological devices an d th e re s u ltin g sy n ta c tic p a tte r n w ith in h e re n tly in tra n s itiv e verb s.

5 7 a ) ini INT

pinuyui s p i n / tu r n

b)

passa dry

o = mapinuyui 3=IP/hand- s p in /tu r n

'I'm spinning it'

'(it’s) spinning fast' 58 a) su= tuku NOM=meat

ni I

b)

'The m eat is dry.'

u= passa -ti 3= dry zAEL -TNS '(You) dry it!'

5 9 a ) mo?asu ni pida -u already I build.fire-PNC 'I already got the fire going.' b)

maiku ka= naatsi u= pida -tipi sta rt OBL=boy 3= build.fire -tell '(You) tell th a t boy to s ta rt th e fire!'

In the case of the applicative suffix, however, the outcom e of the derivation appears to d epend upon different classes of in transitive verbs. W ith in tra n s itiv e v e rb s h a vin g p a tien t subjects (sometimes referred to as unaccusative verbs), th e ap plicative suffix behaves sem antically like a causative, as in 58b), above. W hen th e applicative suffix is u sed with in tra n s itiv e v erb s w ith agentive subjects (also referred to as unergative), th e reading is benefactive, as in th e following.

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300

6 o a ) ii yadua-kwi you talk -FUT . you w ould/will respond . b)

(NK: Boarding School Days)

m i m i = yadua -ki -kwi -u PL i.PL= talk -APL -FUT -PNC \ . you all will in te r p r e t for us .

(NK: Boarding School Days)

In th e next exam ple, we see each d erivatio nal p a tte r n in a single clause chain—first with agentive 'do' becoming 'do for,' th en with nonagentive 'sit here and th e re ' becoming 'set aro u n d .'

61)

n i- hani zM -si, us= do -APL -SEQ tiwao 00 unau mi= ci- cigwi zM -si, also so out.there PL= RE-sit -APL -SEQ nimmi owi -tu nowia. we.EXCL in .th e re -to move '. . having given (arm y te n ts ) to us, an d having set th e m a ro u n d out th ere , we m oved in to th e m .' (MS: 'Autobiography')

The applicative as a voice construction is explored in section 8.2.2.1). For the p re s e n t purposes, it is im p o rtan t to note th a t these readings have d istin c t syntactic consequences, as explored in languages like H ualapai (Ich ih ash i-N ak ay am a, 1996) as well as N o rth e rn P aiu te (T hornes 2 0 0 0 b ). Chief am ong these is th a t u n d e r the causative reading, an agent a rg u m e n t is a d d ed to th e event fram e and the p a tie n t su b ject is a tran sitiv e object (58b) a n d the second clause of (61), above). U n der the benefactive reading, an agent rem ains th e subject of th e applicative-

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301 m arked clause and a benefactive object is a d d ed to the event fram e (6ob) and the first clause of (61), above). The sem antics of th e verbs and th e c o n stru al of events by the speakers may be shown to u nderlie one reading o r the other. Indeed, it w ould a p p ea r th a t, given the p ro p e r context, e ith e r reading is available to th e speaker, as in th e following.

62)

yaga -ki cry -APL 'to cry fo r/m o u rn ' OR 'to make cry'

The option does not ap pear to be available for m ost verbs, however, a n d so the applicative c o n struction is a useful m orpho-syntactic te s t for estab lishing different classes of in tra n sitiv e verbs. A p a rtia l inventory can be found in Table 8.3 and 8.4, to illu s tra te the distinct sem antic outcom es of the applicative c o nstruction for different verbs.

6 .2 .4 T w o-A rgum ent V erbs

In h e re n tly tra n s itiv e verbs a re th o se w hich typically re q u ire , o r at le a st imply, two core a rg u m e n ts —a subject in th e nom inative case and a direct object in th e oblique case. Transitive verb types include those in dicating a change of sta te or location, as well as activity verbs an d verbs of percep tion, cognition, an d m an ipu lation , am ong others. A n u m b er of tra n s itiv e v erbs may also tak e verbal com plem ents, as d e sc rib e d in section 9.2. Some basic tran sitiv e verb types are illu s tr a te d below.

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302

6 3 a ) ni ka= tuku kuhani I 0 BL= meat cook 'I'm cooking the meat.' b)

su= nana ka= naatsi ma?i NOM=man OBL=boy injure 'T h a t m an h u r t t h a t boy.'

c)

ni ma?uni -ku idzaga tapisui I DEM.kind -OBL easily break 'I (can) b reak th a t kind (of thing) easily.'

d)

mi= naa mi= nitama i.EXCL=father i.EXCL= tell 'Our father told us . .' (NK: Boarding School Days)

e)

osu yaisi hii nimidzoho yaisi mi= hoa -u 3.NOM th en thing People.G rinder th e n 3-PL= spot -PNC 'and th e n it, th a t thing, th e N em edzoho spotted them . . ’ (NK: Nemedzoho)

f)

u=supidakwatu pino?o, su= nimi mokoTni 3=know as.well NOM=Indian woman 'and (she) knew it, too, th a t Ind ian woman . . ' (NK: Nemedzoho)

T ran sitiv e v e rb s may be de-transitivized by m eans of eith er of two im p o rta n t prefixes in N o rth e rn P aiute: 1) th e m iddle m arker (MM) prefix {na}—covering the dom ain of reflexive and passive voice, and 2) the anti­ p a ssiv e (APS) prefix {ti}—indicating w hat has b e en typically re fe rre d to as an unspecified object (cf. L angacker 1976a, Snapp and A n d e rso n 1982), b u t m ore accurately reflecting an unspecified patient. The addition of one or the o th er of these prefixes indicates a reduction in th e nu m b er of core arg u m e n ts. Com pare 6 4 a )-d ) w ith 6 3 a)-d ) above.

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303

6 4 a ) ni kuhani I APS- cook 'I'm cooking.’ b)

su= nana tt. ma?i NOM=man APS-h u r t 'That m an h u rt s.o.'

c)

pa?osa - tsida idzaga na^ tapisui glass - cup easily MM- b reak 'The glass breaks easily/ is easily brok en .’

d)

yaa umi habino mii nimi na- nitama here 2.PL bed QUOTE we.EXCL MM-tell '"Here's your bed," we were told.' (NK: Boarding School Days)

The function of these prefixes is explored in more detail in section 8.2.1. T heir im p o rtan c e in the context of verb types lies in th e i r syntactic effects on in h e re n tly tra n s itiv e verbs. O bject-incorporation is not fully developed in N o rth ern Paiute. Rather, I tre a t most instances of possible noun-incorporation as N-V or X-V com pounding. T here are no identifiable criteria to distinguish proposed n o u n -in c o rp o ra tio n from com pounding in N o rth e rn Paiute.

65a)

witua -kwiba -wini drum -strike -CONT.SG ’play(ing) d ru m '

b)

otja-gama salt-taste 'salty'

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304 In the case of 65b), th e root for 'salt' appears w ithout an absolutive suffix as it w ould in a com pound (cf. section 3.1.1.2). T ran sitiv e verbs may also be d erived from in h e re n tly in tr a n s itiv e verbs m orpho-syntactically, as described in th e previous section.

6.2.5 Verbs with Two Objects

I n h e re n tly d itra n s itiv e verbs, or verbs w ith th r e e core a rg u m e n ts , co n stitu te a very re s tric te d su b set of verbs in N o rth ern Paiute. The verbs m eaning 'give' fit clearly into th is category.

6 6 a ) ni muzukaoka-si, u-su a= mai mooni i= gia -pini I close.eyes -SEQ 3-NOM 4= hand money 1= give -ASP 'I closed my eyes, a n d th is h a n d was giving me m oney . . ' (RB: 'A Vision') b)

ma -ka tsuga i= gia -u DEM-OBL biscuit.root 1= give -PNC 'Give those roots to me!

c)

ma -ka tsuga i= himi -u DEM-OBL biscuit.root 1= give.PL-PNC 'Give those roots to me! (e.g. in a bunch)'

Only one p ro nom inal object may occur in the proclitic slot preceding the verb. There are two strategies for dealing with the expression of two pronom inal objects. One strategy, illu stra te d in 67a), is to express one of the pronom inal objects in its ind ependent form, consisting of th e deictic base plus the oblique case form {ka}. The other, m ore com m on s tra te g y is to leave one or the o th e r object unspecified. Only the m ore topical of the

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305

two syntactic o b jects--usu ally the recipient or beneficiary, sem an tically — is expressed overtly in the proclitic slot, as in 67b) and c).

6 7 a ) ni u-ka u= gia I 3-OBL 3=give 'I gave th a t to him .' b)

ni I

u= gia -kwi 3= give-FUT

'I'll give it to him.' c)

haga i= gia -u who i=give -PNC 'Someone gave it to me.'

The surface syntax w ould te n d to su p p o rt th e view t h a t 'give' is only option ally triv a le n t, since th e re are no o th e r m o rpho -syn tactic im plications (e.g. the anti-passive (APS) prefix) for leaving one of the objects unspecified. The same could be said for a n o th e r verb, {tiikwi}, m eaning 'to tell (of).' It can be analyzed as e ith e r optionally triv a le n t or, as in the case of 'give,' restricting syntactic access to the object proclitic slot if th e p a tien t or them e is obvious or u n im p o rtan t (i.e. less topical).

68 a) ni u= supidakwatu ka u-su i= tiikwi I 3= know KA6 3-NOM i=tell 'I know it because he told me.’

6 As a particle, {ka} frequently serves a general connective function (cf. section 9.3 on adverbial clauses.

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306

b)

Ju stin e ti= nossi ni= tiikwi J. P 0 SS=dream i.EXCL=tell ’Ju stin e told us her drea m (s)1

In th e case of a h u m an p a tie n t o r them e, a d itra n sitiv e c o n stru ctio n with this verb is b e tte r tra n s la te d as 'to offer to (as in m arriage).'

69)

u-mi ti= padi i= tiikwi 3-PL POSS= dau ghter 1= tell/o ffer 'They are offering me th e ir d a u g h te r (i.e. as a wife).'

Clauses containing th re e core arg u m e n ts a re m ost com m only the re s u lt of th e applicative c o n stru ctio n in N o rth e rn Paiute. W ith in h ere n tly tran sitiv e verbs, the sem antic role of the additional object is m ost ty p ic a lly benefactive. Syntactically, th is a d d itio n a l core a rg u m e n t will a p p ea r as an accu sative-m arked object.

7 0 a ) ni = sa?a i= tsopihi i= tsi?wogi -ki I = MOD 2= hair 2= comb -APL 'I can comb your h a ir for you.' b)

imi miidi i= kuhani -ki they m eat 1= cook -APL 'They're cooking m eat for me.'

D etransitivising processes apply to derived d itra n sitiv e verbs as th ey do to an in h e re n tly tra n s itiv e o r d itra n sitiv e verb. The exam ples in 71) illu stra te how such processes apply to p a rtic u la r a rg u m e n ts in the ev en t fram e.

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307

71 a ) u-su i= ti- kuhani -ki 3-N0M 1= APS- cook -APL 'S/He's cooking for me.' b)

ni miidi na- kuhani -ki I meat MM- cook -APL 'I am being cooked m eat / s.o. cooked meat for me'

c)

ni na- ti- kuhani -ki I MM- APS- cook -APL 'I am being cooked for / s.o. is cooking for me

The anti-passive in 71a) applies to the patient, th e m iddle m a rk e r in 71b) applies to the agent, and, w here b oth occur in 71c), th e only overt a rg u m en t is t h a t lic en sed by th e applicative suffix, namely, th e benefactive. In overt double object constructions, the benefactive (or goal) a rg u m e n t typically occurs b etw een th e p a tie n t object and th e verb. As we have seen (section 6.1.1), however, w ord o rd er is not a reliable te s t for gram m atical re la tio n s, a n d sp eak ers o ften rely on p rag m atic context to keep track of p articip an t roles. Default w ord o rd er plays a secondary function in cases of am biguity.

6.2.6 Verbs w ith Non-Core P articip an ts

This section p re s e n ts a preview of verbs which, at lea st u n d e r c e rta in c ircu m stan ces, r e q u ire a p a rtic ip a n t w hich is m ark ed as n e ith e r subject n or object, bu t r a th e r w ith one of a fairly extensive set of

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308

postpositions (section 5.2). As such, non-core participants a re typically no t a syntactic re q u ire m e n t o f lic en sed by a p a rtic u la r verb. Verbs th a t are som etim es cited as requirin g m ore th a n th re e core argum ents a re verbs o f com m ercial tra n sa c tio n like 'buy' and 'sell.' The sem antic a rg u m e n ts of such v erb s include a b uyer, a seller, a p ro d u ct, and a price. DeLancey (2001) p o in ts out th a t cross-linguistically th e four sem antic arg u m en ts never all surface as core syntactic a rg u m e n ts . Rather, as in English, 'sell' has th ree core argum ents, and 'buy' only two. In N o rth e rn Paiute th e sam e tran sitiv e verb stem is u sed to predicate notions m eaning e ith er 'buy' or 'sell.' The difference in syntactic stru c tu re is th a t in th e case of 'buy' the m erchandise is m arked as the d irect object w hereas in the case of 'sell' the m erchandise is m arked as a non -co re arg u m en t by m eans of an in stru m e n ta l p o stpo sition.

72a)

U—kaazi ni timi -hu 3=car I buy -PNC

'I bought his car.' b)

u-su kaazi-ma timi-di 3-NOM car -INSTR buy-NMR 'He sells cars / is a car salesman.'

Since in th e 'buy' sense, th e verb behaves transitively , the applicative con stru ctio n is re q u ire d in o rd e r to include a benefactive argum ent. In the sense of 'sell,' on the o th er hand, th e m erchandise is m ark ed syn tactically as a n o n -co re argum ent, leaving open a d irect object slot for the b u y e r w ith o u t th e applicative.

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309 7 3 a ) ni ka= 'T -sh irt' i= tim i-ki -u I 0 BL= T-shirt 2= buy -APL -PNC 'I bought you a T-shirt.' b)

u-su nana ka= kaazi -ma i= timi -hu 3-NOM man 0 BL= car -INSTR i= buy -PNC 'That m an sold me the car.'

The in stru m e n ta l postposition also m arks the source in the case o f'b e afraid' if the source of the fear is expressed. The following excerpt from text includes two clauses—one which does not overtly express the source or in stru m e n t of the fear, and the o th er which does include it as the object of the in stru m e n ta l postposition.

7 4)

ni bi sikwi sia?i; I EMPH ju st afraid umi -ma ni sikwi sia?i they-INSTR I ju st afraid '. . . I was simply afraid; I was ju s t afraid of them ..' (NK: 'Boarding School Days)

A n other exam ple of som ew hat u n ex p ected m arking of a p a rtic ip a n t w ith th e in s tru m e n ta l p o stp o sitio n is in exam ple 75). The in s tru m e n ta l prefix (IP) generally derives a tran sitiv e verb stem , w ith th e possible exception of p o stu re verbs and certain verbs denoting states.

75 )

ni ka= puku -ma tsakati I OBL= horse -INSTR IP/grasp- sit 'I caught the h o rse .’

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3io The sense of the verb stem in this case may be more of 'hold' as in 'I held /cau g h t onto the horse.' The possible historical relationship of this postposition to the word for 'hand' {mai} may account for some of the idiosyncrasies of its use in m arking non-core a rgum en ts w ith these predicates. See section 8.1.3 for fu rth e r discussion of the role of in stru m e n tal prefixes in verb fo rm atio n processes. N orthern Paiute uses locative m arking to express the sense of 'p ut on X,' where 'X' is an article of clothing.

7 6 a ) hi - kwai = sakwa ni hanni WH-LOC = MOD I do.DUR 'W hat should I wear?' b)

i= kwassi-kwai hani -u your=shirt -LOC do -PNC 'Put on your s h irt.’

As one final idiosyncratic req uirem en t of a predication, consider the following, in which the sense of 'blam e X' req uires a distal dem onstrative form {oi} in im m ediate p rev erb al position, w h e th e r in active or passive voice. 7 7 a ) umi nimmi oi ni?yikwi they us.EXCL DEM blame 'They're blam ing us.' b)

umi oi na- ni?yikwi they DEM MM- blame 'They're to blam e.'

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311

I include th ese exam ples as in te restin g asides, mainly, to exemplify in N o rth e rn Paiute w hat is tr u e for all lan g u a g es—namely, th a t predicatio ns have complex, often idiosyncratic req u ire m e n ts. These idiosyncracies often reach beyond a sim ple evaluation of a verb's t r a n s itiv ity .

6.2.7 "Labile" Verbs

Some verbs freely occur w ith e ith e r one or two core a rgum en ts w itho ut any special deriv atio n al m arking. These "labile" verbs are verbs th a t express activities, or w hat are often refe rred to as cognate object verbs which entail a pragm atically u n d e rs to o d object. The verb 'eat' is an excellent exam ple of a labile verb in N o rth ern Paiute, as in English, which may sim ply nam e an a ctivity—'I am e a tin g ’—or in clude th e overt expression of the object—'I am eating chokecherries.'

7 8 a ) yaisi tiwao nimmi tika -gaa -?yakwi then too we eat -TRNSL -HAB 'Then, too, we would go to eat . . ' (NK: Boarding School Days) b)

u= tika mi?i, su= nimidzoho 3= eat QUOTE NOM= People.Masher '. . (he) ate it (they) say, the N em edzoho . . ' (NK: Nemedzoho)

The class of labile verbs also includes tho se conceived as having cognate objects. This class of verbs typically entails a notional object as p a rt of the m eaning of the verb, which may optionally be specified. In English, these include such verbs as 'sing (a song),' 'dream (a dream ),'

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312 'smile (a sm ile)' and so forth. In Northern Paiute,such verbs also include c e rta in verbs of w earing, as well as m ore cu ltu rally specific activity verbs.

7 9 a ) ni tanija -u -kwi I wear.shoes-PNC-FUT 'I'll put shoes on.' b)

ni moko tanija -u -kwi I moccasin wear.shoes-PNC-FUT 'I'll put on moccasins.'

8 0 a ) fa = sakwa tihona -ga we.DL = MOD dig.roots-TRNSL 'Let's go root-digging!' b)

fa = sakwa we.DL = MOD

karjica tihona -ga bitterroot dig.roots -TRNSL

'Let's go dig bitterroot!'

In m ost cases, verbs m ust be m orphologically tran sitiv ized or detransitivized by m eans of one of the devices described in section 8.2 in case the in h e re n t valence re q u ire m e n ts of th e v erb have been a ltere d . In general, we can place labile verbs into two categories: 1) as w ith 'eat' or 'dig roots,' the clause may simply express or not express a syntactic object, and 2) as in th e following example w ith 'sneeze', th e relatio nsh ip betw een in tra n sitiv e an d tra n s itiv e versio n s of th e clause is m uch like a causative, as in the following:

81a)

su= nana a?wisa?i-wini NOM=man sneeze -CONT.SG 'The man is sneezing.'

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313 b)

i= kaadi k a - nana a?wisa?i-wini i= cat OBL=man sneeze -CONT.SG 'My cat is making the m an sneeze.' (lit. 'my cat is sneezing th e m an')

A lthough in b o th exam ples it is the m an doing th e sneezing, in a) he is th e n om inativ e-m arked subject w hereas in b) he is the obliqu e-m arked object, an d the a d d itio n al arg u m en t is th e cause in the event fram e.

6.2.8 Sum m ary an d P ro sp ec tu s

The verb classification presented here, based upon issues su rro u n d in g tra n s itiv ity is, of course, p relim inary. N o rth e rn P aiute is in te re s tin g typologically in having a wide a rra y of m o rp h o -sy n tac tic devices th a t reflect th e in h e re n t tra n s itiv ity of th e verbs in th e language. C ertain such devices, as we have seen, are re q u ire d w hen the in h e re n t tra n s itiv ity is a lte r e d - - e ith e r th ro u g h transitiv izatio n , th e adding of core arg um ents, o r de-tran sitiv izatio n , th e red uction o r unspecification o r core argum ents. The discourse m otivations for such additions or red u c tio n s to the core a rg u m e n t s tru c tu re a re explored in section 8.2 on voice in N o rth e rn Paiute. The classification and sub-classification of verbs on the basis of th e ir m o rp h o -sy n tac tic b e h av io r and th e n um b er and form al exp ressio n of th e ir a rg u m e n ts in any p a rtic u la r lang uage is im p o r ta n t to an u n d e rs ta n d in g of th e verbal sem antics which form s the basis for such expression. A th o ro u g h study of verb classes can help to reveal some of the unifying sem antic fe a tu re s of th e verbs th a t exhibit sim ilar behaviors. This in tu r n

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314 is vital to the task of tran slatio n , as it is to an u n d erstanding of the cognitive re p re se n ta tio n of the events coded by verbs.

6.3 O ther Verb Classes: Suppletive and ’’In stru m en tal" Verbs

Verbs have so far been classified in term s of valence and features of tr a n s itiv ity —th a t is, by rela tin g th e m to th e type and n u m b e r of a rgu m ents they re q u ire in a clause. Also, as a m eans of testin g verb class m em b ership still fu rth e r, an in itial pass has been m ade th a t rela te s verb class to the effects of the various transitivity operators--applicative, passive, anti-passive affixes—at the disposal of the speaker of N orthern Paiute. This section covers in brief two verb classes that are described on form al as well as sem antic grounds. The first of these classes are the suppletive verbs. Probably all, or at lea st most, Uto-Aztecan languages exhibit su p p le tio n with resp ect to th e g ram m atical num ber of the absolutive a r g u m e n t . 7 T hat is to say, sup pletio n in in tra n sitiv e verb stem s is sensitive to th e n u m b er of th e gram m atical subject, w hereas sup p letio n in tra n s itiv e verb stem s is sensitive to th e n u m b e r of th e g ram m atical object. The second class includes the set of so-called instrum ental verbs. M em bership in th is class is on purely distrib u tio n al grounds, as th ese are

7 Langacker (1977a) states that this feature can be readily reconstructed for Proto-UA, while Mithun and Chafe (1999) point out that such a pattern for suppletion, as with noun-incorporation, compounding, and other absolutive-oriented constructions, is common cross-linguistically and reflects semantic and discourse principles.

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315 morphologically d epend ent verb roots th a t require one of a set of lexicalderivational prefixes known as instrum ental prefixes. The role of in stru m e n tal prefixes in stem form ation is covered in m ore detail in section 8.1.3. For d eterm in in g th e set of in stru m e n ta l verbs in N o rth ern Paiute, th e se prefixes simply serve as a diagnostic for class m em bership.

6.3.1 S uppletive V erbs

N o rth e rn P aiu te, like W e ste rn S hoshoni (Crum an d Dayley , 1993) has developed verb su pp letio n beyond th e basic singular and plural distinction found elsewhere in Uto-Aztecan and o th e r languages of the region. These languages also have dual form s for a few in tra n sitiv e verbs. A few dual suppletive verbs a re clearly d erived via red u p lica tio n . Plural suppletive forms often a ppear to carry vestiges of old affixes. The three basic po sture verbs (sit, stand, lie) make up m ost of the three-w ay suppletive category and also freq u e n tly a p p ea r in th e seco ndary verb construction (section 8.4). Indeed, the verbs corresponding to 'lie' can be analyzed as having four-w ay su p p le tio n — sin gular, dual, plural an d a special form ju s t for the secondary verb construction. Table 6.1 is an inventory of suppletiv e verb form s from my corpus, although I susp ect th e r e a re m any m ore as yet to be uncovered.

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316 Table 6.1 Northern Paiute Suppletive Verbs kati 'sit.SG'

[kjyigwi 'sit.DL'

aata?a 'sit. PL'

winni ' stand. SG'

wammi 'stand.DL'

kono 'stand.PL'

bapi 'lie.SG'

kwapi 'lie.DL'

pokwa~ wakwapi 'lie.PL'8

kima 'come.SG'

kikima 'come.DL'

kima?a 'come.PL'

mia 'go.SG'

mirnia 'go.DL'

mi?a 'go.PL'9

koci ’re tu rn . SG'

kokoGi 'return.DL'

kocimmi 'return.PL'

nknmi 'travel.SG'

moo, mo?o 'travel.PL'

yotsi 'fly.SG; rise.SG’

yozi 'fly.PL/flock; rise. PL'

ija ~ ig a ’enter.SG'

sunua 'enter.PL'

yadua 'talk.SG' (in tr.)

apica ~ apikya 'talk.PL'

yai ~ ya?i 'die.SG'

koi 'die.PL’

patsa 'kill.SG'

koi 'kill.PL'

tiki 'put/place.SG'

tiuna 'put/place. PL'

-kwonao 'open. SG'10

-wonitao 'open. PL'

wittima 'shut in.SG'

wktknita 'shut in.PL'

tsamina 'tu r n over.SG'

tsaminita 'tu r n over. PL'

gia 'give.SG'

himi 'give.PL'

witawaaka 'make a hole in'

witaaki 'make holes in ’11

8The first form is more common in the dialects I have studied. The second form could be a ’distributive' form distinct from the suppletive plural form. Interestingly, there also exists yet another form for 'lie' /-tapi/ that occurs only as a "secondary verb" (cf. section 8.4). 9This form is homophonous with the form inflected for durative by the insertion of a glottal stop. 10 The hyphen preceding the verb stem indicates that it also belongs to the class of dependent, instrumental verbs described in the next section.

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3 17 C ertain form s in Table 6.1 above a p pear to be d eriv ed via CV(') reduplication. This is m ost often the case in th e developm ent of the dual category (cf. go, come, re tu rn ), although one also finds an example of it in a p lu ra l as well (cf. lie). L angacker (1977a) claim s t h a t a dual category m ust be a m ore rec en t developm ent. The m otivation for such a developm ent is not to be found in the lite ra tu re , however. Recent developm ent of dual form s could explain some of the irreg u larity one finds, as c e rta in a d ju s tm e n ts to th e parad igm may have oc cu rred in o rd e r to m a in ta in a d is tin c t p lu ra l form . O ther item s of form al in te re s t include the plural form a tte s te d for the verb ’r e t u r n .’ The final syllable {mi} looks suspiciously like a plural suffix, and may re p re se n t e ith e r a historical leftover of verb a g re e m e n t— lost in extant N o rth ern P a iu te —or a possible borrowing from a n o th e r Numic language. This form is found in Liljeblad (1966), who did extensive work on Bannock, b u t is u n a tte s te d in my data. At the tim e of Liljeblad's work, according to Michael Nichols (in personal com m unication) m ost Bannock speakers w ere also fluent in N orthern Shoshoni, and so th e form could rep re se n t a Shoshoni borrowing. It is also interesting to compare the forms for 'open,' 'shut in,' and 'tu r n over.' All th re e form s a p p ea r to have a stem final a lte rn a tio n

u These forms are clearly derived from the intransitive (possibly nominal?) forms {tawaaka} 'hole' and {taaki} 'holes.'

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318 betw een a final [-a] in th e singular an d [-ita] in th e p lu r a l.12 I don't at p re s e n t have a histo rical ex plan atio n for th e a lte rn a tio n . Nichols (i9 7 4 :7 iff) po ints out the h istorical so und symbolic relation ship betw een [ts] and [z] or [dz] as accounting for c ertain p a tte rn s of th e ir d is trib u tio n in th e Num ic languages. Among his exam ples he includes th e suppletive p a ir for 'fly; rise' above. The fact th a t th e plural form s of 'die' and 'kill' are identical makes sense in term s of an "absolutive pivot" for the suppletion—th a t is, both verbs are about th e affected particip an ts, not the agent. The su p p le tio n in th e verb 'die' is c arried over into its functional extension as w hat I te rm th e "debilitative" suffix, discussed briefly in section 8.1.2. Finally note the forms for 'pierce' or 'make a hole/holes in.' Elsewhere, one finds the use of the ind ep endent roots in nom inal c on structions. In these cases, th ey w ould a p p ea r to be a highly irre g u la r s in g lu la r/p lu r a l pair.

82)

su=tagabo ka=tawaaka-kwai ija-u NOM=ball OBL=hole-LOC enter-PNC 'The ball went in the hole.'

Most noun stem s can occur in e ith e r nom inal o r verbal c o n stru ctio n s w ith out any special m orph o-sy ntactic consequences, a topic covered

12The [o] on the verb for 'open' is most likely, at least historically, the punctual aspect suffix.

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319 briefly in section 3.1.2. The h isto ric al developm ent of suppletive verb form s is complex an d re q u ire s system atic com parative study. Several illu stra tiv e exam ples of supp letive verbs in context are re p re se n te d in 8 3)-8 6 ).

8 3 a ) namasoa kati -u quickly sit. SG-PNC ’Sit down quickly!’ b)

mau ky[/c]igwi-u DEM sit.DL -PNC 'Sit down th ere you two!'

c)

ma?aatui aata -u anywhere sit.PL-PNC 'Sit anyw here you all!'

8 4 a ) su= poijaadzi ti= nobohi-wai ija -u NOM=mouse POSS=nest -LOC enter-PNC 'The mouse went into its nest.' b)

iwa -?yu poijaadzi nobohi-wai sunua -u many-NOM mice nest -LOC enter.PL-PNC 'Lots of mice went into th a t nest.'

8 5 a ) owiu ka umi u= patsa DEM KA they 3= kill.SG 'For th a t reason, they killed him .' b)

nimmi kammi koi -cakwi l.EXCL jackrabbit kill.PL -HAB 'We would kill jack rabb its.'

8 6 a ) ni u -ka u= gia I 3 -OBL 3 - give 'I gave th a t to him .'

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320

b)

uuni -ku ni= himi -na u -su oitu naboosi moko?ni. that.kind-OBL us= give.PL-PTCP 3 -NOM DEM boss woman . (an d she) gave us th ose things, th e schoolm arm .' (NK: Boarding School Days)

From a functional perspective, verb su ppletion ap p ears to be an irre g u la r m an ifestatio n o f a w e ll-a tte ste d aspectual category d istin c tio n in Native N orth A m erican la n g u a g e s --th a t of d istrib u tiv e action. D istributive action typically im plies e ith e r th a t the actio n is p erfo rm ed by m ore th a n one actor, or t h a t a single actor perfo rm s the action m ore th an once. In N o rth e rn P aiute, d istrib u tiv e action is regularly th ro u g h initial CV' redup lication (cf. section 8.3.8). If verb sup p letio n is actually sensitive to a p a rtic u la r con strual of th e event, as opposed to a s tra ig h tfo rw a rd gram m atical p ro p erty like num ber, one should find some m anifestation of this possibility in th e use of various suppletive forms. This is indeed th e case. The following two exam ples came up in a discussion of a m eeting. The suppletive pair {yadua} 'talk.SG' and {apica} 'talk.PL’ were each accepted by speakers as g ram m atica l w ith a p lu ra l su b je ct.

8 7 a ) mi=nimi api&a -gono PL= people talk.PL -CONT.PL 'Those people are talking.' b)

toisu nimmi yadua -gono still we.EXCL talk.SG-CONT.PL 'We're still talking.'

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321

Example 87a) was u tte r e d to describe a m eeting in which th e re was general discussion, occasionally w here m ore th a n one p erson spoke at once-a kind of collective action. Example 87b), on th e o th e r han d, came up in a context w here th e lin g u ist was reviewing item s of elicitatio n w ith a group. The event invoked was d iffe re n t from th a t invoked in 87a), in t h a t th e re was m ore tu r n - ta k in g involved, implying engagem ent in a se rie s of "singular" actions. Note th a t suppletion of the continuative aspect suffix rem a in e d sensitive to the n u m b e r of p a rtic ip a n ts, no m a tte r w hich verb stem was used. Verb suppletion may exist on the basis of o th er considerations as well. Note the following p a ir of examples with the verbs th a t tra n s la te as 'give.'

88 a) ma -ka tsuga i= gia -u DEM-OBL bisquit.root 1= give-PNC 'Give those roots to me!' (e.g. in a bucket) b)

ma -ka tsuga i= himi -u DEM-OBL bisquit.root 1= give.PL-PNC 'Give those roots to me! (e.g. by the handful)'

Here, suppletion occurs based upon the n a tu re or condition of the object th a t is being h a n d le d —w h eth er in a contained o r unified q u a n tity or in a bunch req u irin g r e p e a te d action. Such sem antic p a ra m e te rs rep re se n t som ething akin to the extensive system o f classificatory verbs fo und in A th a b ask a n lang uages. The v ario u s se m an tic p a ra m e te rs I have only o u tlin e d h e re call into question w h e th er it is really ap p ro p riate to refer to this as verb supp letion

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322

at all. These form s do not rep re se n t irreg u laritie s w ithin an inflectional v erb p a ra d ig m , b u t, r a th e r, c le a r sem antic distinction s in the n a tu re of th e activity as c o n stru e d by th e speaker. A language like N o rth e rn Paiute has lexicalized th e n a tu re of c ertain activities m ore n arrow ly th a n a language like English, at le a st w ith respect to certain predications. So, for example, English ’p u t’ can be used with all types of objects and situations: 'put the cup on the tab le,' 'put the car in th e garage,' 'put your J o h n Hancock right h e re .' In th is sense, N o rth ern Paiute does not have a general verbal equivalent to 'p u t.' R ather, th e language has a n u m b e r of different verbs th a t lexicalize m ore specifically th e n a tu r e of th e activity and, th ere b y , th e n a tu r e of th e object. For example, aside from th e suppletive p a ir {tiki} 'put/place.SG ' and {tiuna} 'p u t/p lace.P L ,' N o rth ern Paiute has a n o th e r verb stem {wina} w hich pe rta in s to placem ent or location with respect to a container, like a bowl or cup.

89 a) nigati u= wina[u] m ine 3= put(.PNC) 'Put mine (e.g. a container or food) down.' b)

su= paa owi tsida-wai niina {na + wina} NOM=water DEM cup -LOC M M .put(w .r.t.container) 'T h ere ’s w ater in th a t c u p .1 (lit. the w ater (has been) placed th e re in

a cup)

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323 The w ord m eaning 'lake' appears to have lexicalized the passive form of th is verb, to which th e in stru m e n ta l prefix m eaning ’w a te r’ {pa} has been added, as well as the nom inalizing suffix {di}.

90)

paniinadi pana- wina -di IP/water-M M - put.in.a.container-NM R 'lake'

6.3.2

In s tru m e n ta l V erbs

In stru m e n ta l verbs a re d e p e n d e n t roots which c an not occur independently w ithout one o f set of about two dozen instrum ental prefixes (IP's—cf. section 8.1.3). As IP's are lexical-derivational affixes, th ere are sem antic re s tric tio n s on w hich IP's can accom pany which in s tru m e n ta l verbs, alth oug h p a ra d ig m a tic a lte rn a tio n s like th e following a re common:

91)

-bosa 'pierce'

IP

IP+Vroot

gloss

ki-

ki-bosa

'bite th ro u g h '

tsa-

tsa-bosa

'hook s.t. and pull (fish)'

tsi-

tsi-bosa

'stick so m e th in g /sp e ar'

wi-

wi-bosa

'shoot/shoot w ith arrow '

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324 92)

-ka?a 'cut/sever'

IP

IP+Vroot

gloss

ki-

ki-ka?a

'bite in two'

tsa-

tsa-ka?a

'pull a p a r t (e.g. a string)'

tsi-

tsi-kya?ay$

'cut/slice (w ith a knife)’

wi-

wi-ka?a

'cut off/chop (by swinging an axe)'

Table 6.2 is a p a rtia l in v en to ry of in stru m e n ta l verbs in N o rth e rn Paiute.

^Palatalization of the initial consonant of this root is conditioned by a preceding high, front vowel.

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325 Table 6.2 Northern Paiute Instrumental Verbs -kwonao

*open

ma-kwonao

-ka?a

*cut

tsa-ka?a

-posa

*pierce

tsi-bosa

-si?yigi

*shake

tsa-si?yigi

-ma

*touch

tsa-ma

-pata

*spread

wi-pada

-kibu?i

•d e stro y

wi-kibu?i

-koba

*break

wi-koba

-ni?ya

*bum p

tso-ni?ya

'touch w ith the fingers’ 'spread out (e.g. b la n k e t) 'to rn a p a rt by w ind 'b re ak by sw inging' 'bum p the head'

-tatsi

*strike

ma-datsi

'slap'

-ta?ni

*knock

wi-ta?ni

-tabui

*fix/prepare

ma-tabui

'w hack (e.g. w ith a seed beater) 'get dressed'

-tsaga

•kill

ma-tsaga

'kill by pushing'

-(k)yota

*lift

ta-kyota

'lift with the toes/foot’

'open with the hand’ 'pull a p a r t’ 'pierce with a knife' 'shake (tr.)'

The existence of such d epen dent roots, as well as many o th er historically analyzable roots, indicates th a t the lexicalization of IP + Root com binations has b e en takin g place for a long tim e. W hat is in te restin g a bo ut in stru m e n ta l verbs in gen eral is th e ir sem antics, which seem to featu re a class of roots th a t indicate direct physical m anipulatio n or gesture. The m ajority of in stru m e n ta l roots indicate change of state (pierce, cut, open), and th e IP is req u ire d to indicate the m an n er by which the change is b ro u g h t a b o u t. Following the work of Talmy (1972, 1985), it would a p p ea r th a t m anner, as such, is not fully lexicalized as p a rt of the

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m eaning of m any N o rth e rn Paiute verb roots, req u irin g th e use of satellites, like in stru m e n ta l o r adverbial prefixes to supply it.

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327

CHAPTER 7

NON-DECLARATIVE SPEECH ACTS

7.0 Speech Acts

This b rie f ch ap ter covers a few of the m ajor altern ativ es to th e basic clause type, defin ed in section 6.1 as th e active, affirm ative, declarative, m ain clause (a fte r Givon, 1979). This c h a p te r covers, in brief, th e m ajor a ltern a tiv e s to th e th e affirm ative and d eclarative clause p ro to ty p e s in N o rth ern Paiute. A lternatives to the active clause are discussed in section 8.2 in the discussion of voice and transitivity. C hapter 9 on clausecom bining covers a variety of s u b o rd in a te clause types in th e language. The study of speech acts has long had a p ro m in e n t role in the philosophy of language , and may include a wide and subtly d iffe re n tia te d variety of u tte ra n c e types. Here, I p re se n t a sim ple survey of th e basic n o n -d ec lara tiv e clause types, including negation, im perative and prohibitive clauses (com m ands), interrogatives (question types), and m odality as expressed in c o n stru ctio n s involving second position clitics.

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328 7.1 N egation

Simple negation is accom plished th ro u g h the use of the negative p article {kai}, which may have scope over any c o n stitu e n t in th e clause. W herever it ap pears in th e clause, it receives the m ost pro m in en t, clauselevel stress. Although free to a p p ea r m ost anywhere in the clause, it often has scope over the entire clause and appears clause-initially, as it does in th e prohibitive c o n stru ctio n (section 7.3).

la)

kai ni pisa su-nami NEG I good IP-think 'I'm unhappy.'

b)

kai ni uuni -ku aawaya?i-na pizapi NEG I kind/type-OBL moldy -PTCP want 'I d o n 't w ant any moldy ones.'

The negative p article also frequen tly ap pears after th e subject of the sentence w hen it h as scope over th e verb p h rase, a lthou gh the p rag m atic effect appears to be slight. In non-initial position, it retain s the most p rom in ent clause-level stress.

2 a)

ni kai aawayai-na I NEG moldy -PTCP

pizapi mi= tsuga want PL= biscuitroot

'I d o n 't w ant any moldy b isc u itro o ts.’ b)

su= natizuabi kai togi i= manimma NOM=medicine NEG correct i=IP/CAUS- feel 'The m edicine d oesn 't make me feel quite right.'

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329

We also find it having scope over su bord inate clauses of different types.

3a)

su= sadi?i kai pizapi-na i= harjaqa NOM=dog NEG want-PTCP 2= growl(at) 'This dog growls at you if he doesn't like you.'

b)

su= moko?ni kai himma ma-si?a-di NOM=woman NEG anything CAUS-be.afraid-NMR 'T hat w om an is b ra v e / a brave one.'

There a ppear to be some verbs th a t req uire negation —th a t is, I have not found them , n o r have I been able to elicit them , w ith o u t th e negative particle {kai} (NEG). Such verbs, althoug h fairly rare, form an in te re s tin g subclass. Due to th is a p p a re n t req u irem en t, assigning a m eaning to the verb alone essentially re q u ire s deducing som ething for which the language itself does not account.

4 a)

mau kai tammi u=mapi?a-u th at NEG we.INCL 3=?? -PNC 'We gave up on him (a fte r trying to cure him )'

b)

kai ti-mapi?a NEG APS-?? 'not doing well; in failing h ealth '

BUT *mapi?a 5a)

kai ini mi=putabui NEG INT PL=perceive (visually) '(I) can't really make th e m out (th ey 're too far away).'

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330 b)

kai ini ti-putabui NEG INT APS-perceive 'to have poor vision'

BUT *putabui

In b oth of the cases above, th ere are comm on altern a tiv e s to the opposite of these "negative" verb stems. The negative p article com bines w ith the adverbializer suffix (or enclitic) {su} to m ean 'not yet; never.'

6 a)

kai -su na?i NEG -ADV burn(.DUR?) 'Not b u rn in g yet’

b)

ka= nana kai -su p itti, OBL=man NEG-ADV arrive 'The m an has not yet arrived . . '

c)

kai -su tiipi uu mani -pini NEG-ADV e arth th u s do/occur-PFV.STAT 'The w orld never works th a t way.'

7.2 Im p e ra tiv e

The im perative mood, or com m and form, of verbs freq u e n tly involves th e sim plest verb form. In N o rth ern Paiute, the verb of a clause in th e im perative ap p ears e ith er as its b are stem form ( 7 a)-b ) or accom panied by th e p u n c tu a l aspect suffix (u) (PNC) (7c)-d).

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331

7 a)

yadua 'Speak!'

b)

tinikwihi 'Sing!'

c)

kadi-u sit.SG-PNC 'Sit down!’

d)

winni-u stand.SG-PNC 'Stand up!'

There is a p a rtial sem antic p a tte rn for th is d istrib u tio n . This p a tte rn ap pears to be based upon th e in h ere n t aspect of the verb in question. The m ain feature th a t dictates th e presence or absence of th e suffix is the verb's telicity—th a t is, w hether or not an endp oin t is entailed by the sem antics of the verb in question. Verbs th a t encode telic, o r bounded events take th e p u n c tu a l suffix in the im perative, while th o se encoding atelic, or unbounded, events do not. By a lterin g th e in h e re n t aspect, th e sam e p a tte r n em erges.

8a)

habi-u lie.SG-PNC 'Lie down!'

b)

habi-dabi lie.SG-keep.on 'Stay lying dow n!’

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33 2 In 8b), an asp ectu al suffix implying d u ra tio n rem oves th e possibility of having a co-occurring p u nctual suffix.

7,3 P ro h ib itiv e

The prohibitive or negative com m and con stru ctio n in N o rth e rn Paiute is form ed w ith th e negative p a rticle {kai} (NEG) at the beginning of th e clause and th e verb followed by th e prohibitive suffix or enclitic {paana} (PROH).

9a)

kai pa?a-?yu tibimoa-paana NEG high-ATTR play-PROH ’Don't play up th ere!’

b)

kai i=mubi-kwai-tu tsama-paana NEG 2=nose-LOC-ALL touch-PROH 'Don't pick your nose!'

c)

kai u=tsitsuga-paana NEG 3=point-PROH 'Don't point at it!' (of a rainbow)

Prohibitive clauses are frequently, in the a p p ro p ria te context, followed by a sim ple (10a) or polite ( lo b ) im perative.

io a)

kai titamihoi-paana; yabi s u piti -u NEG APS- late -PROH quick-ADV arrive.SG-PNC 'Don't be late; arrive on time!'

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333 b)

kai yotsi -paana . mau = sapa habi-dabi NEG arise-PROH DEM = MOD lie.SG-lie.SPL 'Don't get up! Keep lying th ere (where you are)!'

The proh ib itive enclitic also functions as a disjunct p a rticle m eaning 'b ut; however; even th o u g h ' elsew here in th e language.

11)

ni kai sukima -paana kimma I NEG DESID-come-PROH come.DUR 'I d o n 't want to come, (b u t I am) coming.'

Its role in conjoined clauses is discussed fu rth er in section 9.3.

7.,4 Interrogative

T here are two m ain types of interrogative or question form ations: 1) th e polar or y e s/n o question an d 2) the inform ation or WH-question. The first of these is form ed th ro ugh the use of the question enclitic {ha} (Q), which is ap p ears im m ediately following th e w ord or c o n stitu e n t th a t is the focus of the polar question.

12 a) ii = ha tsiaya?i you = Q h u n g ry 'Are you h u ngry ? b)

ii = ha kuna -ka -?yu you = Q firewood-HAVE-PRED 'Do you have firewood?'

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334 c)

i - nakka = ha ii l=hear.D U R = Q you 'Do you h e ar me?'

d)

su= huba = ha pisa kamma NOM=soup = Q good taste 'Is the soup good-tasting?'

e)

uu = ha thu sly = Q 'Is that so?’ / 'Really?'

Syntactic first position is also th e position of focus (cf. section 6.1.1), resulting in the question particle often appearing in second position. However, w hen co-occurring with tru e second position clitics (section 7.5 below), its enclitic sta tu s becomes clearer.

13)

kai = ha = sakwa nikwassi-gubakati-€ai NEG = Q = MOD I tail -upon sit -around 'Couldn't I sit on your tail?'

In 13), th e questio n enclitic {ha} (Q) is b o u n d to the negative p article {kai} (NEG), while the second position modal clitic {sakwa} (MOD) is bound to th e first co n stitu en t of the clause. Speakers form tag q uestions sim ply by stating th e ir exp ectation in a d eclarative sta te m e n t, followed by th e tag p a rticle {haba} (TAG). Rising in to n a tio n usually accom panies th is p article.

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335

14)

tnvftasu mimia -u hkba already go.DL-PNC TAG '(Those two) left already, didn 't they?'

T here is no d istin c tio n b etw een negative and affirm ative tag questions in N orthern Paiute. The in te rro g ativ e base {ha} also appears with a couple of expressions of affect—w hat a re typically term ed expletives.

15a) haba 'Really!' (expression of surprise or disbelief at new inform ation; strongly accented first syllable) b)

hacdai 'Wow! Great!' (expression of w onderm ent or surprise; high tone and strong accent on second syllable) Inform ation, o r W H -questions are form ed simply by using one of a

n u m b er of interrogative pronouns (cf. section 4.3). The in te rro g ativ e p ro n o u n ap p ea rs clau se-initially , a n d is usually p ro n o u n ce d with p ro m in e n t clause-level stre ss a n d at a hig h er in to n a tio n peak th a n in a corresp ond in g declarative sentence.

16a) haga tauna -wai who town -LOC 'Who’s in town?' b)

haka ii izi?i punni whom you ye sterd a y see.DUR 'W ho(m) did you see yesterday?'

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336 c)

hannano ii koci w hen you r e t u r n 'W hen did you re tu rn ? '

d)

ha?u mani-pini how do -PFV.STAT 'How are th in g s (with you)?'

e)

haa?no -ku miidi ii kuhani-kwi how.much-OBL m eat you cook -FUT 'How m uch m eat will you cook?

Em bedded questions also occur in N orthern Paiute. These are a subtype of com plem ent clause, and so are discussed in section 9.2.5.

7.5 Second-Position Clitics

Modality, as trad itio n a lly defined, involves notions of eith er necessity (deontics) or possibility (epistem ics) (cf. Lyons 1977) as well as th e c o n tra st b etw een realis an d irrealis (Givon 1984). In so fa r as m odality can be said to fall u n d e r a functional dom ain, its expression is dispersed th ro ugh different areas of th e gram m ar of N o rth ern Paiute. It is expressed as p a rt of th e m orphology of th e verb (section 8.3), since it is often difficult to se p ara te from verbal aspect, and by m eans of adverbials (section 5.3). In N o rth e rn Paiute and o th e r Numic languages th e re is a n o th e r im p o rta n t c o n stru ctio n th a t o p e ra tes w ithin the b ro a d dom ain of m odality, p a rtic u la rly as it rela te s to no n -d eclarativ e speech acts. This c o n stru ctio n involves a set of form s th a t a p p ea r exclusively in syntactic second position (som etim es referred to as W ackernagel's position). These

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337 a re th e second position m odal clitics. Some details of th e ir syntactic d is trib u tio n a re covered in section 6.1.1.3. The phonological fea tu res th a t distinguish clitics in general from in d ep en d en t words and from affixes are described in section 2.5. The m orphem es th a t are clearly re s tric te d to second position form an in te re stin g subclass, a lthou gh th ey a p p ea r to be som ew hat lim ite d in N o rth ern Paiute. In my analysis, th e re are seven m em bers of th is class. They may, u n d e r som e c irc u m sta n ce s, co-occur an d a p p e a r in constructions with o th e r clitic types, giving rise to clitic strin g s of two, three, or more m em bers. The second-position clitics can often best be tra n s la te d by th e English m odals, alth o u g h th e i r sem antic dom ains exhibit som e tra n s la tio n a l overlap, at lea st in th e p resen t analysis. A more fine-grained functional d escriptio n is needed. In general, however, it can be said th a t the unifying fu nction of the second position clitics is within the dom ain of modality as it relates to n on­ declarative speech acts. They ap p ea r frequen tly in polite, o r otherw ise less direct speech. Table 7.1 lists the second-position clitics and some of th e ir functions in N o rth e rn Paiute. Note th a t some form s exhibit an evidential function, whereby th e speaker may use one of the second position clitics to imply som ething a b o u t th e so urce of in fo rm a tio n .1

11 have not, however, found evidentiality to be a robust grammatical category in the language.

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338 Table Second Position Clitic =sakwa

7.1

N o rth ern Paiute Second Position Clitics

F unctional Range 'm ust; could' — appears as p a rt of hortative constructions as well as in polite questions 'may; shall' — some im m ediate fu tu re sense;

=sapa

som etim es used to soften an im perative 'might; should' -- implies potential or possibility;

=sa?a

m ain clause v erb typ ically a p p e a rs w ith th e subjunctive suffix; also politeness =kaina, =gaina

'm ight have; p e rh a p s’ — im plies reaction to an in ferred possibility

=ka, -ga, =ja,

'm u st be; m ust have' -- evidential, u sually implying inference

=waa, =wa?a

'm u st have b e e n '—dubitive, typically im plies u n c e r ta in ty a b o u t p a st events

=tukwa

'm ust have (d one)'—

Section 2.5.2.2 explores the possibility th a t the first p erson p ro n o u n s may be incipient m em bers of th e second position clitic category. The following examples d em onstrate some of the range of use for each of the N o rth ern Paiute second position clitics listed in Table 7.1.

{sakwa} 17a) mi=naana = sakwa mi=timadzai PL=men = MOD i.PL=help.TR 'The men should help us.' b)

ii = sakwa maiku i=bida-ki you= MOD DEM i=start.fire-APL 'You should sta rt the fire for me.'

(POLITE COMMAND)

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33 9 hau = sakwa moa tabino ni ii=puni-dua how = MOD tomorrow noon I 2=see-SUBJ

c)

'How about I see you at noon tomorrow? (POLITE REQUEST) ka= mu a awamoa = sakwa ta una owi-tiu tihona -ga OBL=tomorrow morning = MOD l.DL DEM DEM-LOC dig.roots-TRNSL

d)

' "Tomorrow morning, let's go out there to dig roots." ' (HORTATIVE) (NK: Bear and Deer) {sapa} yao = sapa taa d- yoijo here = MODAL we.DL APS-evening 'We'll camp here.'

1 8 a)

b)

kai yotsi -paana. mau = sana habi -dabi NEG rise.SG-PROH DEM = MODAL lie.SG-keep.doing 'Don't get up! Keep lying there (where you are)!' (POLITE COMMAND)

{sa?a} 19 a)

i=tso-vihi = sa?a naa-dua i= IP /fu r = MOD grow-SUBJ 'My h a ir will (m ight) grow back.'

b)

kai owi-ti ti-tiha-paana ; ii = sa?a na-kwitknao-dua NEG DEM-LOC RE-steal-PROH you = MOD MM-lock.up-SUBJ 'D on't steal from th ere; they might lock you up.'

c)

OR d)

ii = sa?a i=sidi -u -si wi?iu-dua ka= baa -waitu you = MOD i=sneeze-PNC-SEQ fall -SUBJ OBL=water-LOC 'If I sneeze, you might fall in the w ater.' 'You may, from my sneezing, fall into th e w ater.' (NK: Porcupine and Coyote) nimmi

= sa?a

mai muhi tsu-tsunua-u

we.EXCL = MODAL DEM first

mii= da?

R E -enter -PNC say= th u sly

' "We should go in there first," so (they) said.' (NK: Bear and Deer) {kaina} 2 0 a ) kidi = eaina mayi-u-si. groundhog = MOD find-PNC-SEQ ' "(She) may have found a groundhog!" ' (NK: Root-digging Time)

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340 b)

oo = kaina mi=tiya?i-pi miu ta na- ninaka -ki -ti so = MOD PL= die -PFV QUOT l.DL MM-IP/speech-hear -APL-TNS 'P erhaps those who have passed on w ant us to h e a r th e m .’ (NK: Old Voices)

{=ga> 21 a)

tami = ia u=tsagi-?yu -na we.INCL = MODAL 3=near-PRED-PTCP 'We m ust be close to i t . . ' (NK: Root-Digging Time)

b)

simi-?yu umi -matiu ka miu — su= u= naa - pa hau . . . one -NOM 3.PL-PART KA say N 0 M= 3 =father = MOD how . one of them said—it m ust have been his dad .. '

c)

(NK: Nemechozinna)

uu=tia? kassa-ga?yu mi?i, paba-?yu = ea so=thusly wing -HAVE said big -NOM = MOD ' . . they say (it) h a d wings like th at; m ust be big ones . . ' (NK: Nem echozinna)

{waa} 2 2 a ) ha?u =■ waa [ii] how = MOD (you) 'How WAS th a t? ' (trying to jog a m em ory of p ast events) b)

ka= oo?nosu = waa iwa -?yu nobi OBL=long.ago = MOD many-NOM house 'Long ago, th e re were m any h ouses.'

c)

u -su - wa?a u= hanni 3-NOM = MOD 3=do.DUR 'I wonder if h e ’s still doing th a t (i.e. what he used to do) . . ’

{tukwa} 23)

su= i= sadi?i = tukwa k a - kaa -kuba -kwai mia-u -si, NOM=i= dog = MOD OBL=edge-over -LOC go -PNC-SEQ 'My dog m ust have gone over the edge and . . '

The q uestion particle {ha} has som etim es b een tr e a te d to g e th e r with the second position clitics, as it often occurs in th a t position. I would argue,

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341

however, th a t it is enclitic to w hichever c o n stitu e n t it has scope over in an u tte ra n c e , m uch like th e c o n tra stiv e enclitic {bi}2 or th e e m p hatic enclitic {su}3. Since the position of fo c u s (I use the term loosely here) in the language appears to be first position (see section 6.1.1.1), the resu lt is the frequen t occurrence of th is and o th er "narrow scope" p articles in syntactic second position. This could provide one explanation for the developm ent or gram m aticalization of syntactic second position to begin with. One avenue for fu tu re study is to explore how a fixed position at the level of the clause—p a rticu la rly second positio n —may have developed from one involving a fixed p o sition relative to a p a rtic u la r p h ra sa l category— namely, the c o n stitu e n t over w hich, in th e case of N o rth e rn Paiute, an enclitic has scope. Such a study w ould necessarily include an e x plo ratio n of th e interface betw een p ro so d y and pragm atics. Clitic ju n c tu re s , as we have seen (section 2.5) are prosodically distin ct from o th e r types of ju n c tu re . Also, from a functional perspective, clitics in N o rth ern Paiute typically c arry in fo rm a tio n a b o u t high er-lev el re la tio n sh ip s, in p a rtic u la r the relationship betw een the speaker an d the te x t—th a t is pragm atics.

2Meaning, roughly, 'as for X,' where X is the constituent to which the enclitic attaches (cf. section 4.1.7). 3 Sometimes translated 'self when attached to pronouns, but actually more like a noncontrastive focus marker (section 4.1.7).

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34 2

CHAPTER 8

THE VERB

8.0 In tro d u c tio n

One finds th e m ost m orph o-sy ntactic complexity in the N o rth e rn P a iu te verb. A lthough no t a p o ly sy n th etic language, stric tly speaking, the N o rth e rn Paiute carries a g reat deal of in tric a te lexical-derivational, aspectual, and relatio n al in fo rm a tio n in its v erb al m orphology.1 The N o rth ern Paiute verb consists of the root, th ree prefix classes plus initial CV red u p lic a tio n m arking the "distributive" category, s te m -in te rn a l red u p lic a tio n or g e m in ation re la te d to g ram m atical aspect, an d several suffix classes. R ather th an p resen t a purely position-class description of the m orphological stru c tu re of th e N o rth ern Paiute verb, I have p ro posed (T hornes 1996) a view of verbal s tru c tu re in te rm s of fu nctional categories. A slightly m odified version app ears in 1).

1The key feature of polysynthesis that is lacking is pronominal agreement, although object pronominals are bound to the verb as proclitics (cf. section 4.1.1).

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l)

[[Valence [IP/[Root]] Valence] + DIR/ASP] + SUB/NMR THEME STEM Prefinal Final

The STEM po rtio n consists of either a sim ple m ono-m orphem ic verb root or one derived lexically by m eans of one (or m ore) of an inventory of about two dozen instrum ental prefixes (IP). Certain types of STEM-STEM com pounds are also tre a te d as operating at th is core level of stru cture. Section 8.1.1 also describes in b rie f a set of m orphem es th a t appear to blu r the distinction betw een com pounding and IP-STEM derivation. Overall stem form ation processes relatin g to th e verb are tre a te d in th e next section. The THEME portion includes one or more of four derivational m orphem es—two prefixes (the 'm iddle m ark e r’ {na} (MM) and the 'antipassive' {ti} (APS)) and two suffixes (the 'applicative' {ki} (APL) and the 'jussive' {tiqi} (JUSS), all of which affect th e in h e re n t tra n sitiv ity of the verb stem. Voice and tra n sitiv ity are discu ssed in section 8.2. The zone following, and b ound to, the THEME portion of the verb stru c tu re includes d irection al and aspectual suffixes, w hat we can loosely refer to as the prefinals. They a re included h ere in the sam e general zone, although th ere are no less th an th ree position classes in te rn al to this zone. In m ost (but not all) cases directional m orphem es precede those coding aspect. As described m ore fully in section 8.4, this zone is an active one for g ram m atica liz atio n via th e "seco ndary verb" c o n stru c tio n (Crapo 1970). S u b o rd in atin g an d nom inalizing m orphology always ap p ea rs at the end of the verb complex following th e directional and aspectual

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344 morphology, and so can be called finals. There appear to be few, if any restrictio n s on th e co-occurrence of aspect-m arking and su b o rd in a te verb m orphology. The function of th is m orphology in clause combining an d in signaling inter-clau sal relation ships is described in ch ap ter 9. It is to the e n tire verb complex proposed in 1) th a t the pronom inal proclitics are bound. Proclitics do not affect stress shift, as described in section 2.3.2, b u t may carry final fe a tu re s th a t affect th e in itial consonant of the verb complex (cf. section 2.4.1), hence th e ir assignm ent to a category in te rm e d ia te to w ord and tru e affix. The following exam ples illu s tra te th e in te rn al verb com plexity and the relative position of some of the N o rth ern Paiute verb m orphology.

2a)

na - ti- guhanni -ki -wini -di REFL-APS-IP/heat- do -APL -CONT.SG-NMR '(s/h e) who is cooking for (h e r/h im )s e lf (SL:39)

b)

awamo?a = sakwa ta ti- hoawai -gya -kwi morning = MOD we.DL APS- hunt -TRNSL -FUT 'we oughta go h u n tin g in th e m orning'

c)

mi= na-nana na-dopakida -wini PL= RE-man RECIP-IP/fist- fight -CONT.SG 'those men are boxing (each other)'

d)

nimmi na- na- pagia -tiqa we.EXCL RE- MM-IP/water-give -JUSS 'We were told to bathe.' (NK: Boarding School Days)

d)

ni kai pisa u= punni i - tsatsopa -ki -u I NEG well 3= see 1= IP/grasp-remove-APL-PNC 'I can’t see it well, pull it (a sliver) out for me'

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345

e)

ti= domo -gi -na wi?i -u -ki -?yakwi yihqi ?= winter-CISL-PTCP descend-PNC-CISL-HAB porcupine2 'it is getting w inter, and th e porcupines come down' (SL:79)

f)

ka= pa?a -kwai na- dawinai -hu -si OBL= high -LOC REFL-IP/feet-throw-PNC-SUB '(he) ju m p ed up high . .'

g)

su= tiitsi -?yu naatsi pinoyo -gati -ga -wini NOM=small-NOM boy IP/butt-move-sit.SG-TRNSL-CONT.SG 'The little boy is crawling away backw ards on his b u tt.'

h)

su= nana u= pi- pimadatsi NOM= man 3= R E -IP/butt-IP/hand-strike 'The m an is spanking h im /h e r.'

i)

yaisi owi -tu nimmi na- tsapiti -ki -piti -ga then DEM-ALL we.EXCL MM-IP/grasp-arrive-APL-INCH-TRNSL 'And th e n we arriv ed at our destin atio n . . ' (NK: Boarding School Days)

The only form s th a t can in te rv en e betw een th e p ro n o m in a l pro clitic slot and the verbal complex are a restric te d set of m an n er adverbials (section 5.3.3). These include {sikwi} 'just; only,' {tibitsi} 'indeed; really,' {misu} 'easily; be able to,' and {tu?i} 'nearly; try to .' The last two carry b o th adverbial a n d m odal sem antics.

3a)

ni u= sikwi - naka I 3= ju st - hear 'I ju st heard of it.'

2 This form from Bannock is possibly a Shoshoni borrowing.

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346

b)

u= pabi?i 3 = e ld er.b ro th er

u=tibitsi - naakwi -u -ga -yakwi 3=really - aecompany-PNC-TRNSL-HAB

'His b ro th e r will really be accom panying him .' c)

ni mi=misu - makwi -u -kwi I PL=can - finish -PNC -FUT 'I will easily defeat you all.'

d)

nimmi noo -?yu -na i= tu?i -kwati -gaa -kwi i.EXCL all -NOM-ATTR 2=try -look.for-TRNSL-FUT 'We all were about to go and look for you.' (SL:78)

I begin with a discussion of stem -form ation processes th a t con stitu te the sem antic core of the N o rth e rn P aiute verb an d are a p a rtic u la rly rich a rea of N o r th e r n P aiute gram m ar. T heir in te ra c tio n w ith voice and tra n sitiv ity o p e ra to rs provides fertile g roun d upon which to explore the in terface b etw een syntax and th e lexicon.

8.1 Stem Form ation Processes

By stem fo rm a tio n I m ean any process th a t applies to the creatio n of th e STEM p o rtio n of the verb stru c tu re in 1) to which o p erato rs on tran sitiv ity at th e level of THEME can take place, as well as inflections, nom inalizations and th e like. Since at th is level we are talking a bou t lexical-derivational processes, as we will see, a great deal of idiosyncrasy occurs, b oth in term s o f sem antic and in term s of m orpho-syntactic b e h av io r. The sim plest verb stem in N orthern Paiute, of course, consists of an u n a d o rn e d root, to which valence o p e ra to rs and directional, aspectual,

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347 an d su b o rd in a tin g m orphology can attach . N um erous exam ples a p p e a r in section 6.2 in the discussion of verb classes. In the following sections we look at both stem form ation as a product of the com bination of two such roots—com pounding—and as the com bination of a lexical-derivation affix plus root—instrum ental prefixation. Following the next section on general features of compounds is a b rief section of the special debilitative construction, an in te restin g stem fo rm atio n process involving a specialized use of the suppletive verb m eaning 'die.'

8.1.1 C om pounding

Com pounding th a t re s u lts in stem s th a t d istrib u te syntactically as nouns is discussed in section 3.1.6, along with the phonological features of com pounds—m ost notably, stress placem ent as sensitive to the en tire stem. In th is section, my in ten tio n is to focus on com pounds th a t result in verb stems. In previous descriptions of N orthern Paiute, such as Snapp and A nderso n (1982), v e rb-verb com pounding in clud es w hat I w ould argue are two distinct constructions. One of these is what I call "true" com pounding at the core, or STEM layer of verb s tru c tu r e .3 The o th er involves th e secondary verb construction, described in section 8.4, which

3 1 adopt, somewhat loosely, the terminology used in Foley and Olson (1985) in their theoretical discussion of verb serialization to describe juncture at different levels of verb structure—namely the core versus the nuclear layers.

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348 consists of a restric te d set of clearly identifiable verb roots combining at the nuclear, or THEME layer of verb stru c tu re . This con stru ctio n is where th e g ram m aticalizatio n of asp ectual and d irectional m orphology has, and continues, to take

p la c e .4

It is im p o rtan t to distinguish betw een these two constructions since not only do th ey o p e ra te at d istin c t m o rpho -syn tactic layers, b u t they have fairly d istin guish ab le functions. Com pound stem s te n d to be rig h t­ headed, w ith th e first m em ber of the com pound often in te rp re ta b le as adding a m a n n e r fea tu re to th e complex. In secondary verb constru ctio n s, on the o th er hand, th e core lexical verb ap p ears first, and the secondary verb adds postural or associated m otion to the complex. The following a re exam ples of tru e com pounding th a t resu lts in a verb stem .

4a)

c)

watsi - mia hide - go.SG 'sneak off

b)

naka - supidia?i hear - heed

d)

'pu t things away'

'pay a tte n tio n ’ e)

tabi - tika day - eat 'lunch; to eat lu n c h ’

watsi -tima hide - put/place.PL

naka - hoawai hear - hunt 'be nosey/ eavesdrop’

f)

yoqo - tika evening - eat 'supper; to eat supper'

See, for example, Heine et al (1991) and Hopper and Traugott (1993) for an understanding of the principles of grammaticalization theory. 4

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349 g)

yuga - gia pick.up® - give

h)

'give (a c o ntainer) i)

sami - tiki soak - put/place.SG 'soak (tr.)1

mohi - mia lead - go.SG 'go first'

All of th e examples in 4) are composed of simple, ind ep endent verb stem s. I in te rp re t th e second stem as th e h ead and the first as serving th e d ep en dent, modifying function. Both {watsi} 'hide' in 4a)-b) and {naka} 'h e a r' in 4c)-d) are very com m on elem ents of com pounds, altho ugh th e ir m eaning ten d s to be m ore a b stra c t in com pounds. For example, {watsi} refers to any action p erform ed 'secretly.' With {naka}, it is often difficult to discern ju s t w hat its c o n trib u tio n to th e overall m eaning of the com pound is, as in 4c). In some com pound forms, the first half of th e compound no longer occurs as an in d ep e n d en t stem.

5 a)

sogo - mia on.foot - go.SG 'go on foot (SG)'

c)

5

b)

sogo - ?woyoa on.foot - go.in.single.file 'walk in single file'

natsi - magi by.raft - cross.w ater 'cross by raft'

More narrowly, pick up a container, especially of liquid.

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350 The d e p en d e n t stem {soko} is reconstructed in Nichols as the protoNum ic stem m ean in g 'e a r th , u su a lly wet e a r th ' (1974:336). I n d e p e n d e n t form s with a noun class m arker (NCM) can be found in Shoshoni and S o u th e rn P a iu te (M iller 1967, Nichols 1974). W hat is in te re stin g about th ese form s is th a t they are, in an im p o rta n t sense, tra n s itio n a l betw een com pounded elem ents and the in s tru m e n ta l prefixes described in section 8.1.3. They likely o rig in a te d from old noun or verb roots and became frequen t m em bers of com pounds, as with 'h id e' and 'h ear,' until they lost th e ir sta tu s as in d ep en d en t words. The m ain difference betw een th ese and IP's is th a t they are m ore re stric te d in th e i r d istrib u tio n , p a rtic u la rly with verbs of m otion.

8.1.2 The D ebilitative C onstructio n

The sup pletive verbs {yai} 'die.SG' and {koi} 'die/kill.PL' have gram m aticalized as a suffix or second m em ber of a com pound in a special function for denoting physical o r em otional states of red u ced capacity. I refer to this as the debilitative function, and to this suppletive p air of m orphem es, w hen used in th is capacity, as allom orphs of a special debilitative suffix (DEBIL). The debilitative suffix appears to combine with stem s of any strip e to derive a class of stative verb or p redicate. It som etim es has th e sem antics of an inchoative, m eaning 'to e n te r into such a s ta te .' It app ears to have becom e lexicalized w ith m any form s, w here th e form w ith o u t th e suffix is

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351

u n a tte s te d . Even w ith th e se form s, th e n u m b er suppletive p a tte r n is m a in ta in e d . Table 8.1 lists the form s I have found in my corpus. A lthough p e rh a p s m ost, if not all, form s have p lu ral c o u n te rp a rts w ith {koi}, I have only in clud ed th ose a tte s te d in my data.

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352 Table

8.1

D ebilitative Verb Forms

deb ilitativ e form

m e a n in g

root

apiyai issayai

'to experience post-coital fatigue’ 'to lie; to be a liar'

issa 'wolf6'

kudiziyai

'to be going crazy1

kumitsayai

'to have w arts'

kudizi 'crazy (borr.V kumitsa 'wart'

moatipi?yai

'to be aging'

moatipi 'old; elder'

paayai ~ paakoi

'to be intoxicated’

paa 'w ater'7

pahonaya?i ~ pahonakoi

'to be sleepy'

ti?oyai ~ ti?okoi

'to be ill'

tihoya?i tikiya?i ~ tikikoi

'to "teepee creep;"8 to behave as such a person' 'to be skinny from hu nger'

toidziyai

'to be lazy’

tsiayai ~ tsiakoi

'to be hungry'

tsia 'to hunger'

wa?itsiyai

'to be grey-haired’

wa?itsi 'old man'

T here are c ertain ly m any m ore form s th a n th is, as th e c o n stru c tio n is q uite productive an d open to creativity. Snapp and A nderson (1982) tr e a t it as a n o th e r type of com pounding. I tre a t th e debilitative as a suffix m ainly because of the specialized sem antics associated with it. There is a

6 In synchronic form, of wolf; historically, derived via consonant symbolism from the stem for coyote (Nichols 1974), the quintessential Trickster in Northern Paiute mythology. 7 The word for water is often used as a euphemism for alcohol. 8 A slang expression used especially around pow-wows and other gatherings to imply stealing around at night in search of sexual companionship.

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353

kind of frivolty to it th a t makes neologism possible, such as w ith the "aholic" derivation in English.

8.1.3 In s tru m e n ta l Prefixes

This section explores some of the most significant p roperties of a q u ite pervasive form ative p rocess w ith respect to th e verb stem in N o rth e rn P a iu te .9 This process involves the set of lexical-derivational m orphem es th a t com prise th e class of "in stru m en tal prefixes" as th ey have b e e n know n in th e lite r a tu r e on N o rth Am erican languages for th e p a st century. Sapir (1930) d efined in stru m e n ta l prefixes in S o u th e rn P aiute as including " . . . a c o nsiderable n um ber of elem ents of prevailingly in stru m e n ta l significance . . . u sed chiefly with verb form s, b u t not exclusively . . . [whose] origin is largely obscure." (101) In stru m e n ta l prefixes a p p ea r to c o n stitu te a b ro ad areal phenom enon in w estern N orth America, crossing several p ro p o se d genetic b o u n d a rie s (DeLancey, 1996b). It is often su ggested t h a t in stru m e n ta l prefixation m ust have developed from a process of noun-incorporation. This assum ption is m ore th an likely tru e for the developm ent of some N o rth ern Paiute IP's, bu t it often appears m ore likely th a t the c o n struction is a historical extension of verb-verb com pounding, as de scrib e d in 8.1.1. The origin and developm ent of in stru m e n ta l prefixes is, however, "largely obscure" given

9 See section 3.1.5 for a brief discussion of their classifying use with nominal roots.

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354

th e com parative problem of determ ining w h e th er or not a prop osed etym ology may its e lf co n tain an IP .10 A c le are r u n d e rstan d in g of th e ph enom enon will n e ce ssitate not only an analysis of th e likely sources for the in stru m e n ta l prefixes (where such is possible) in th e languages th a t have them , b ut also an analysis of th e gram m atical c h a ra c te ristic s am enable to th e ir developm ent. It is not possible to address these topics fully within the scope of the p resen t work, bu t see T hornes ( 2 0 0 0 a ) for a cross-linguistic study of in stru m e n tal prefixes a n d th e ir functional co rrelates. Sherzer and Foley (1971) also rep re se n ts a typological approach to the problem in Uto-Aztecan.

P a ra d ig m a tic A lte rn a tio n s an d In v e n to ry

The IP c o n stru ctio n involves a verb root in co m bination w ith any of a closed set of around two dozen prefixes whose sem antic force in the c o n stru c tio n com m only in d ic ate s som ething of th e m eans o r m a n n e r by which the action coded by the root is carried out. One striking aspect of the IP construction is the potential for paradigm atic sets like th ose in 6), all carrying th e sam e core m eaning, bu t whose sem antic sense is am plified by th e in s tr u m e n ta l prefix:

10 Nichols (1974) also noted this problem.

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355

6)

-kwonao

'open'

a)

ki-kwonao

'open (with the m outh or tee th )'

b)

ma-kwonao

'open (like a cat th ro u g h a pet door, by p ushing)'

c)

pi-kwonao

'open (with the hips or buttocks, by backing into)

d)

to-kwonao

'open (usu. by breaking in, using o utw ard force)'

e)

tsa-kwonao

'open (a ja r, a door, a bottle)'

f)

tsi-kwonao

'open (with a key, by in se rtin g som ething)'

g)

tso-kwonao

'open (with the head)'

h)

wi-kwonao

'open (with a can opener, by w ind)'

The v ariety of in te r p r e ta tio n s in p a re n th e s e s pro vid e a very general sense of the sem antic force of the prefixes in this construction, even though th ese in te rp re ta tio n s should by no m eans be ta k e n as exhaustive. I have a d o p te d th e convention th ro u g h o u t th is work of including in the in te rlin e a r line an abbreviated gloss of individual IP's. Table 8.2 is an inventory of in stru m e n ta l prefixes in N o rth e rn P aiute along with th e ir p rop osed source etym a from Nichols (1974). Also included is a fuller sem antic characterization for each prefix in o rd er to b e tte r u n d e rs ta n d th e ir range o f use as deriv atio n al devices. Many carry a gem inating, or fortis, final feature specification, e ith e r obligatorily or optionally.

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356 Table

8.2

N o rth ern Paiute In stru m e n ta l Prefixes

IP and proposed etyma

gloss

se m an tic c h a ra c te riz a tio n

ki

UA *ki?i 'bite'

'bite'

w ith the te e th ; by biting; edge

ku[']-

UA *kuh 'fire'

'heat'

w ith h eat; w .r.t. fire, smoke

ku/ko[‘] - PN *koba-i 'face'

'face'

face, neck, above, in front

ma[]- PN *mai UA *mo?o ’hand' mu[‘]- PN, UA *mupi 'nose'

'hand'

ni[]-

'speak'

w ith th e h a n d (usu. open); cau sativ e; w .r.t h a n d o r arm having a point; w .r.t. n o se/b eak , lip s /m o u th w ith speech; by talking

?PN *ni-a 'call'

'nose'

no-

PN *no- ??

'load'

e g g /h o u s e /ro u n d ; m o v e/ca rry

pa['h

UA *paa 'water'

'water'

pi['h

UA *pih 'back'

'butt'

pu-

PN *pui 'eye'

’eye’

p ertain in g to w ater, m oisture; N-I with / p a a / b u tto c k s/b a c k /b e h in d /b a se —usu. as a location w ith the eyes; by seeing

si[']-

UA *sup 'cold'

’cold’

cold; fear; shaking

'mind'

m en tal o r e m o tio n al activity

'sun'

s u n /d a y /lig h t; ap p ea r

'foot'

w ith the feet/leg (verbal); stepping; w .r.t. feet/leg w ith a rock; forceful activity, like 'fist' w ith the fist; axial m otion; o ut from th e body w ith the fingers; grasping; to w ard th e bodv w ith a sh a rp object; w ith the end of a long obiect; h e ad/shou ld ers;

su[']- UA *suuna 'heart' *suuwa 'believe' taPN *taba 'sun' ta[']PN *ta?rja UA *tannah 'foot' ta- UA *tun 'rock' to[7-

????

'rock' 'fist'

tsa

PN *tsa?i 'grasp'

'grasp'

tsi[]-

PN *tsi-a 'rose' ??

'sharp'

tso['J- UA *tsohqi 'head'

'head'

wi[']- ?UA *wipaa 'whip'

’long'

along or against the len g th of a long obiect; radial m otion; n a tu ra l forces

The m ost comm on m em b ers of in stru m e n ta l prefix in v en to rie s in th e languages th a t have th em in clu d e th o se t h a t classify an in s tr u m e n t in

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357 term s of physical prop erties (esp. shape) and those th a t indicate th e use of a body p a rt. In context, how ever, th e sem antic range is actually m uch bro ader, b lurrin g the b o u n d a rie s betw een one IP "type" and a n o th e r. The use of th e term "instrum ental" can in fact be misleading, since it is m ore often some fea tu re of th e m an n e r in which the action is c arried o u t which is in dicated , not th e n a tu re of th e in stru m e n t.

7 a)

tsi-kwidu?i IP /sh a rp -stir 'stir (e.g. soup)'

b)

wi-gwidu?i IP/long-stir 's tir (to make gravy)'

Here the co ntrast is not in th e shape or type of in stru m e n t u se d —one could use a w ooden spoon for eith er ta s k —but in the nature of the action. In 7a), the end of th e in stru m e n t is used, while in 7b), the p re p a ra tio n of gravy req u ire s th e in stru m e n t to be held at an angle closer to the horizontal in o rd e r to b lend th e th ic k en e r and prevent scorching. It is im p o rta n t to note th a t a full in stru m e n ta l p h ra se is g r a m m a tic a lly optional in clauses with verb stem s derived with IP's. In o th e r w ords, they a re n e ith e r an ap h o ric nor m arkers of agreem ent, as po inted out in M ithun (1989b) w ith respect to Central Pomo. The existence of a n accom panying in stru m e n ta l p h ra s e is d ic ta te d only by th e sp e ak e r's desire to be explicit a b o u t th e p a rtic u la r in stru m e n t involved in th e action. By com paring 8a) an d b), we can deduce th e n o n -re fe re n tia l n a tu re of IP's. In 8b), the 'head' is specified as an instrum ent in an instru m en tal phrase, but the IP corresponding to 'head' does not derive the verb stem, even though th ere is one available for doing so, as we can see in 8a).

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358 8 a)

tipi -ma ni tsoni?ya rock-INST I IP/head-bum p 'I bum ped my head on a rock.'

b)

ti = tsopigi -ma u= towinai -hu POSS = head -INST 3= IP/fist-throw-ASP '(he) shoved him w ith his head (down).'

The IP used in 8b) simply qualifies the m anner of m otion —in this case, axial (usually forceful) m otion d irected outw ard from th e body. W hat this la tte r exam ple d e m o n stra te s is th a t although it is often convenient to re fe r to th e IP c o n stru ctio n as qualifying the event by adding in fo rm atio n about the n a tu re of the "instrum ent" or "theme" argum ent, IP's do not, technically speaking, have refe ren tial pro p erties. In th is sense, they sh a re an im p o rta n t fu nction al fea tu re of noun in co rp o ra tio n in o th e r languages. W hat is invoked by e ith e r an IP or an in co rp o rated noun is not an arg u m en t of the verb, b u t ra th e r it functions to "narrow" the m eaning of th e v e rb ( M ith u n 1984, 1999).

8.1.3.2 S e m an tic Range

In lan g u a g es of w e ste rn N o rth America th a t have a sig nifican tly larg e r inventory of w hat Jacobsen (1980) term s "lexical prefixes"—such as Washo and Klam ath (DeLancey 1999—one often finds d istinct prefixes coding distinct lexical functions. For example, a predicate involving th e m ovem ent of a ro u n d object or them e utilizes a lexical prefix distin ct from a p red ic ate involving th e use of a ro u n d or b lu n t in stru m e n t.

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35 9 This featu re follows, in some sense, from the fact th a t a language w ould p re su m a b ly develop or m a in ta in an extensive in v e n to ry to m ore finely distin guish differen t fea tu res of an event. In N o rth e rn Paiute, with its sm a lle r inventory, an individual IP covers a much b r o a d e r se m an tic range for the purposes of qualifying the event coded in the predicate. That is to say, the n a tu re of the qualification is not entirely p redictable. Along w ith coding m eans and m a n n e r—th e prototypical fu n ctio n —IP's som ew hat idiosyncratically may indicate direction, location, or som e fea tu re of the th e m e . The following examples d e m o n stra te th e ir use as directio nals with a general m otion root.

9 a)

pinoyoa -ga IP /b u tt-m o v e .INTRn-TRN SL 'go backwards'

b)

u= tonoyoi 3=IP/fist-move.TR 'push it'

c)

u= tsanoyoi 3=IP/grasp-m ove.TR 'pull it’

11 Elsewhere (Thornes 1998a) I have noted the sporadic alternation of stem-final -a f - i corresponding to intransitive versus transitive versions of the same verb stem —perhaps a remnant of an old Uto-Aztecan causative *ina (Langacker 1977a).

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360

One feature of the system is th a t certain IP's appear to impose tra n s itiv ity over th e deriv ed verb stem in a p a tt e r n akin to a m orphological causative, as in 9b) an d c) ab o v e--th at is, they license an a g e n t a rg u m e n t (D eL ancey 1996a). This transitiv izing fe a tu re ap p ears to be, at least in p a rt, a function of th e derivational properties of the specific IP in question. In the following examples, we see th a t {pi} 'of or pertaining to the buttocks' favors a "non­ in stru m e n tal" reading unless, as in 10c), th e applicative (APL) suffix {ki} im poses tra n s itiv ity on th e v erb stem .

10a) picui IP/butt-be.w arm .D U R

b)

'backside is warm ' c)

ni yau piyui -kati I here IP/butt-w arm -sit.SG 'I'm sittin g h ere w arm ing (my) b u tt.'

pi-cui-ki-ti IP/butt-be.warm-APL-TNS 'warm s.t. w ith th e b utto ck s (e.g. leave a chair w arm by sitting on it)'

In spite of the clear cases whereby certain features of the predicated event are favored by certain IP ’s, th e re is also a degree of sem antic in te rd ep e n d en c e b etw een th e verb type and the qualifying function of the IP a ttend ing it in the IP con stru ctio n . W ith m any stative verbs as well as with the basic posture verbs (sit, stand, lie), the IP ten d s to qualify the n a tu re of the them e. The transitivizing effect of the APL suffix m ust accom pany th e in stru m e n ta l reading with some verb ro o ts —as it does with

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361

certain IP's. This is tru e even of IP-Root combinations th a t involve IP's th at are m ost com m only of the "in stru m e n tal" ty p e.12 The resu lt is th a t n e ith er the IP nor the verb root can be u sed as a basis for predicting a p a rticu la r sem antic o r syntactic outcom e. The IP {ma} 'of or p ertaining to action done with the hand,' p e rhap s the most common of all IP ’s, m ost often results in a transitive verb stem and has even developed fea tu res of a m orphological causative (section 8.1.3.4 below). Yet th e following p a ir indicates th a t w ith the verb root {yui} 'warm; be w arm ' it does not have th is effect (11a). R ather, the applicative is used to derive a causative reading (11b).

11a)

mayui - kati IP /h a n d -w arm - sit

b)

'sit h a n d -w arm in g '

i= mai yui -ki -kati i= h a n d s warm-APL-sit 's it w arm ing my h a n d s'

Likewise, the following exam ples d e m o n stra te the sam e p a tte rn , with the IP {tsi} 'by m eans of a sh a rp or pointed in stru m e n t; by po king,’ the IP again appears only to c o n trib u te added detail to the action coded by the ve rb .

12a) su = puusiti NOM= post

pisa wini -na good stand.SG-SUB

'The post is standing straig h t...'

12 John McLaughlin (in personal communication) says that this is the case with intransitive verb roots generally in Central Numic.

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362

b)

ka = puusiti o?o wini -ki OBL=post DEM stand.SG-APL 'Stand the post up th ere !’

c)

kosso kimaba fire beside

ka = amatabi a= tsikwini -ki OBL= ribcage 4= IP/sharp-stand.SG-APL

'Stand the ribcage up beside the fire (e.g. with willow sticks).'

Based u p o n d a ta like these, one could argue th a t tra n s itiv ity is a perip heral aspect of th e co nstructio n--a concom itant to the sem antics of the process—not a predictable syntactic function of it. W hat is also clear is th a t IP-Root com binations are sem antically in te rd e p e n d e n t—th a t is, not entirely dependent upon verb root o r upon IP. Examples like th e following paradigm of IP-Root com binations appear to m uddy the p ic tu re fu rth e r. In th is paradigm , a p a rtic u la r IP, in th is case {tso} 'of o r pertaining to the head or shoulders', exhibits a p a tte rn m ore akin to n o u n -in c o rp o ra tio n , resu ltin g in an in tra n sitiv e stem , as in I3e). This in c o n tra st to th e m ore com m on m e a n s-a n d -m a n n e r p a tte r n whose re s u lt is tran sitiv e, as in I3a)-d):

13)

-kyoda 'lift'

a)

ma-kyoda

'pick up'

b)

ta-kyoda

'lift with to es/feet'

c)

tsa-kyoda

'pull som eone up*

d)

tsi-kyoda

'lift w ith the tip of s.t. sh arp ’

e)

tso-kyoda

'ra ise head up'

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363 The IP {pa} 'of or pertaining to w ater,' is identical to th e ind ep endent stem {paa} 'w ater' and is quite clearly the incorporated form of this old proto-Uto-A ztecan root. It is rarely used to indicate w ater as m eans or "instrum ent" and does not result in a tran sitiv e stem. R ather, the prefix in d icates th e involvem ent of w a te r as lo cation (14a), th em e (14b an d c), or as otherw ise qualifying the action ( i 4 d ) . ‘3

14a) patibimoa IP /w a ter-p lay

b)

'play in the w ater' c)

pa-yui-ki IP/w ater-w arm -A PL 'h eat w ater'

na-ba-gia MM-IP/water-give 'bathe'

d)

pa - mudzia1* IP /w a ter-sp e w (from m outh) 'spew'

By appealing to c o n stra in ts on p ro d u ctiv ity --o r creativ ity --w ith respect to possible IP-Root combinations, it is possible to note an im portant functional c orrelation betw een the IP c o n struction and serial verbs in o th er languages. This can be seen: 1) by the poten tial for th e co­ o ccurrence of m ore th a n one IP w ith a p a rtic u la r ro o t and 2) by w hat Durie (1997) describes as the productive p o ten tial of V-V com binations lim ited only by w h e th er or not such com binations re p re se n t a recognizable event type for speakers.

13 This word is used, for example, to describe what Coyote did with the stolen pine nuts he carried in his mouth when he reached the Sierra Nevada. ^There may well be a lexicalized IP /mu-/ ’nose' in this stem.

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364 Skilled speakers are very creative in th e ir use of the IP construction, and yo unger speakers often assum e th a t such creativ ity can be explained by th e no tion th a t they know m ore, or older w ords. M ithun (1989a) m akes reference to such an effect in language obsolescence. In N o rth ern Paiute, younger speakers seem to have a stro n g er tendency to tre a t IP-Root com binations as lexical item s, and th ere fo re simply do not make use of th e ir creative poten tial in w ord form ation, a skill older, m ore fluent speakers retain. In 15), for example, th e com bination of two IP's qualify two different aspects of the single event. The verb root itself is very generic, and alone m eans, simply, 'to consume; to use up.'

15)

witsasu?a IP/long-IP/grasp-consum e 'win at gam bling'

The speaker, a m an in his late 8o's, explained the m eaning of the form by d em on stratin g the action of collecting all the chips on a poker ta b le --first the general action of using th e arm s as long in stru m e n ts {wi}, th e n th e m ore fin e-tu n ed gatherin g of the chips w ith th e fingers {tsa}. In som e sense, th en , in stru m e n ta l prefixes carry a c e rta in am o u n t of visualg e stu ral content. Example 16) re p re se n ts p e rh a p s a m ore h isto ric al analysis, and yet the sem antic co n trib u tio n of each co-occurring IP seem s q uite tra n s p a re n t.

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365 ** i6) pakoma -ma?i IP/w ater-IP/face-IP /hand-do/act 'wash th e face’

(**'bring w ater to the face with the hands')

Speakers also readily create a context for unusual or "invented" IPRoot com binations or may in te rp re t th e sam e stem differently, based on context. For example, with respect to th e derived stem in 17), one speaker u sed it to describe the m otion of a pet door, with th e IP, which usually classifies involvem ent of th e open hand, here functioning to classify th e flat shape of the door. A nother speaker used the same form w ith a m ore p ro to ty p ica l in s tru m e n ta l, a n d hence, tra n s itiv e , reading.

17)

makwonao IP/hand-open 'open'

(EITHER: transitive--"by pushing X" OR: in tra n sitiv e —"like a cat th ro ugh a pet door")

In the tran sitiv e reading, th e IP app ears to license an ag ent—like a m orphological causative. W ith th e in tra n sitiv e reading, on the o th e r hand, the IP appears to explicate some o th er feature of the event—the n a tu re of th e them e. Of fu rth e r in terest is the occasional ideophonic behavior of the IP {wi} 'actio n radially w ith a long in stru m e n t; by m eans of wind' in th e following example from text. In this passage, th e first and last instances qualify the action of the verb as involving th e wind as a causal force. In the central example, a redup licated form of this prefix occupies the entire STEM slot, and is m eant to indicate the so un d of the te n t m aterial flapping.

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366

18 )

u = moatipi, kadu?u wi?mani, initi hikwa it = being old nothing IP/long-becom e very windy . . kadu?u mi= wi- wi -?yakwi, . . nothing them RE- IP/long -HAB

wikibu?i IP/long-destroy

. it being old, (it) was blowing apart, it was so windy. . (the wind) w ould te a r them a p a rt (i.e. would "wi-wi-" them ), d estro yin g th em .' (MS: A utobigraphy)

In u n re la te d K lam ath (Scott DeLancey, personal com m un icatio n) and B arbareno C hum ash (Suzanne Wash, perso n al c om m u nicatio n) sim ilar lex ical-deriv ational prefixes sh are a sim ilar p a tte rn of polysemy relating the action of the w ind to action along th e length of a long i n s tr u m e n t. *5

8 . 1 . 3 .3 M orpho-svntactic In terd e p en d e n ce

Many IP-R oot com binations are m orpho-syntactically in te rd e p e n d e n t—th a t is, th e p o rtio n clearly identifiable as the core predicating elem ent (th e verb root) in o th er contexts does not occur as an in d ep e n d en t verb stem w ith o u t an IP. Miller (1972) and o th e rs in Numic studies refer to these as in stru m en ta l verb s. Jacobsen (1980) calls this

*5 Interestingly,

the prefixes in these languages also begin with the labio-alveolar glide

[w].

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367

c o n stru ctio n a bipartite stem in his study of Washo. Examples 6) and 13), as well as the following, illu stra te this p a tte r n .16

19)

-ka?a

'to cut / sever / split'

a)

ki-ka?a

'bite in two'

b)

tsi-kfa?a

'cut / slice (e.g. with a knife)'

c)

tsa-ka?a

'pull ap art (e.g. a string)'

d)

wi-ka?a

'cut off / chop (e.g. by swinging an ax)'

20)

-bosa

'to pierce'

a)

ki-bosa

'bite through'

b)

tsi-bosa

'stick / spear something'

c)

tsa-bosa

'hook som ething and pull (fish)'

d)

wi-bosa

'shoot with a bow and arrow'

This class of bound roots in N orthern Paiute appears most often to be of the chang e-of-state type. There is even evidence th a t two IP's may occur as the sole elem ents in a b ip a rtite stem , as in 21), w ith th e prevalent IP {ma-} 'of or p ertain in g to the hand' in th e bound root position.

16 The convention adopted by Numicists is to present the Root portion with a preceding hyphen to indicate its dependent status. As DeLancey (1991) points out, this construction type challenges traditional notions that distinguish "stem" from "affix."

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368

21 a)

tsa -ma IP /grasp-IP /h an d 'touch lightly (w. fingers)'

b)

wi -ma IP/long-IP/hand 'touch (by reaching out)'

Section 6.3.2 discusses in stru m e n ta l verbs as a special verb class and a p a rtial inventory is provided in T able 6.2. The d evelopm ent of b o u n d roots in the in stru m e n ta l prefix c o nstruction is sim ply one more stage in th e process of lexicalization.

8 .1 .3 .4 T ra n s itiv ity an d C a u sa tio n

A developm ent also a tte s te d in th e u n re la te d languages Lakhota (Rood and Taylor, 1996) and H aida (H ori, 1998) involves the g ram m aticalizatio n of the IP rela tin g to involvem ent of th e h a n d as a m orphological causative, as de scrib e d m ore fully in T h o rn es (1996, 2 0 0 0 a ) and illu s tra te d by th e following.

2 2 a ) u-su si?a?i -kwini 3-NOM be.afraid-CONT.SG 'S/he is afraid' 2 3 a ) ni I

pahonaya?i be.tired

'I'm tired.' c)

b)

u= ma- zi?a -u 3 =CAUS-be.afraid-PNC '(S /he) scared h e r/h im '

b)

su = natizuabi i = ma- bahonaya?i NOM=medicine 1= CAUS-be.tired 'The m edicine makes me tire d .'

su = natizuabi i = tsabahonaya?i NOM=medicine 1= IP/grasp-be.tired 'The m edicine makes me tire d .'

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3^9 The developm ent o f a causative from the IP set seem s a n a tu ra l developm ent, given th a t in m any in stan c es IP's have th e syntactic effect of a d din g an agent to th e event fram e. T his is p a rtic u la rly t r u e w ith verb roots coding change-of-state, where the IP indicates som ething of the means or m a n n e r by which th e change is b ro u g h t a b o u t by an agent. As a pa rticu la r IP form tak es on th is m ore general character, its privileges of co­ occurrence e xtend an d the m o rp hosyntactic su p p o rt of th e tran sitivizing applicative suffix is no longer required. The tr u e e x te n t to w hich th e in s tr u m e n ta l prefix system in general in te ra c ts with, fo r exam ple, th e applicative suffix has yet to be fully explored w ithin the context of verb type. I w ould hypothesize th a t since th e re rem ain only trac es of th e proto-U to-A ztecan causative suffix *ina, th e functional dom ain of c au satio n in N o rth e rn Paiute has, over time, been occupied by m ore th a n one m o rp h o -sy n tactic o p e ra to r on tra n s itiv ity (T hornes 1998a). As d isc u sse d in sectio n 8.2.2.1.2, however, it ap p ears th a t IP's and the applicative occupy d ifferent a reas along th e causative continuum p ro p o sed by Shibatani and P ardeshi (2 002 ), w ith IP's op eratin g at th e lexical-direct end an d the applicative behaving m ore like a m arker of ind irect, or m ed iate d causation.

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370 8.2

Voice a n d T ran sitiv ity

My approach in this section is to describe th e range of functions, both sy ntactic and p rag m atic, a sso c ia te d w ith th e verb m orphology th a t o p e ra tes w ithin th e b ro a d d om ains of voice and tra n s itiv ity .17 These op erators work in the overall verb stru c tu re to compose th e THEME portion of th e verb in 1). In p a rtic u la r w ith respect to the m iddle m arking prefix {na} (MM) an d the applicative suffix {ki}, the b road range of functions a sso c iated w ith th e m a re typologically in te re stin g and m e rit m ore extended discussion an d f u rth e r study. The unifying p ro p erty o f th e class of m orphem es described in th is section is th a t they all m a n ip u late th e in h e re n t valence p ro p e rtie s of the verb. The fe a tu re s th e s e m o rp h em es have with respect to tra n s itiv ity are also explored in section 6.2 with respect to verb classes. Recall from the previous section th a t in stru m e n ta l prefixes (IP's) may also m anipu late argum ent stru c tu re . The key difference betw een IP's an d th e m orphem es described here, however, is th a t IP's operate m ore idiosyncratically upo n a rg u m e n t s tr u c tu r e - - a p ro p e rty p re d ic ta b le from th e ir m ain lexicald erivational function. The m orphology explored here, however, o p e ra tes m ore or less syntactically. As we will see with reg ard to th e functional dom ain of th e applicative, however, the way it, too, o p erates upon i n h e r e n t a rg u m e n t s t r u c tu r e is n o t e n tirely m echanical.

17 Dixon and Aikenvald (2000) represent recent cross-linguistic work on mechanisms relating to transitivity and valence.

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371

8 . 2.1

D etran sitiv e m orphology

This section describes the various functions associated with two prefixes t h a t a p p e a r w hen the in h e re n t tra n s itiv ity of a verb stem is reduced—a process called detransitivization. One of these, the middlem arking p refix {na} (MM), codes a range of functions, including reflexive, reciprocal, and passive voice. The other, the antipassive prefix {ti} (APS), a p p ea rs w hen th e argum en t a ssociated with the sem antic role of p a tien t is unspecified. As we have seen (section 6.1.4.4), th e antipassive prefix may co-occur w ith an object proclitic, b u t only w here th a t p rono m inal proclitic refers to a benefactive a rg u m e n t in th e applicative c o n stru c tio n (section 8.2.2.1). This fact necessitates describing it as sensitive to an unspecified, p a tie n t argum ent, an d not, as it has previously been describ ed (Anderson, A nderso n, and L angacker 1976a, Snapp and A n derso n 1982, an d T h o rn e s 1996), as an u nspecified object prefix. Langacker (1976a) p re s e n ts the no tion of n o n -d istin c t arg u m e n ts to account for the p a tte r n s of voice-m arking found th ro u g h o u t Uto-Aztecan. The concept of "non-distinct argum ent" subsum es the m ore specific notions of co-reference and unspecified argum ents. In his study of p a tte rn s across U to-Aztecan, L angacker (1976a) p a irs reflexivity w ith c o -re fe re n tia lity b etw een th e syntactic arg u m e n ts of a tra n sitiv e event. The passive (or m edio-passive) is described as functionally associated w ith unspecified argum ents, as is w hat I call th e antipassive (or "unspecified object," cf. A nderson, A nd erson , and Langacker, 1976 an d Snapp an d A nderson, 1 9 8 2 ).

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37 2 Once th e functional related n ess of c o -referentiality and unspecificity is e stab lished , one can make th e observation th a t some languages have a se p ara te m ark e r for th e two, w h ereas o th ers have only one m eans of m arking b o th —th a t is, for m arking n o n -d istin c t arg u m en ts. The following rep re se n ts the basic schema:

24)

NON-DISTINCT

/ CO-REFERENCE

\ UNSPECIFIED

Both th e m iddle m arking an d th e antip assiv e m o rphem es in te ra c t w ith th e o th e r v ale n ce -alterin g m orphology in N o rth e rn P aiu te, cre atin g a rich system of a rg u m e n t trac k in g , focusing, a n d m an ip u la tio n . Elsewhere (cf. section 9.1) I describe the role played by the MM and APS m orphem es in th e form ation of headless relative clauses. In section 6.2 on verb classes, I describe in general term s th e ir use in m an ip u latin g the in h e re n t a rg u m e n t s tru c tu re of vario u s verb types b a se d solely upo n th e ir in h e re n t tran sitiv ity . In section 6.1.4, I explore c o n stru ctio n s involving th em as p a rt of th e inventory of covert p ro p e rtie s for d eterm in in g g ram m atical re la tio n s in N o rth e rn Paiute.

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8 . 2 . 1.1

The M iddle-M arking Prefix

The v erb al prefix {na} h as a range of functions which include the reciprocal and reflexive, as well as passive voice. The m orphem e is panNumic, but its extension into the passive dom ain does not occur in S o u th e rn N u m ic.18 This extension is w ell-attested in b o th Central and W e ste rn Num ic, how ever (Dayley, 1989, T h o rn es, 1996). S im ilar m arking p a tte rn s for reflexives and passives are common crosslinguistically. Kemmer (1993) refers to this as a "one-form middle" system in h e r work on m iddle voice typology. Kemmer (1993) places reflexives and m id dles along a contin uum of p a rtic ip a n t distin guish ab ility. At one extrem e of the cline is the pro to typ ical one p a rtic ip a n t (in tra n sitiv e ) event fram e and at th e o th e r is th e p rototy pical two p a rtic ip a n t (tra n sitiv e ) event fram e. In th e form er, th e p a rtic ip a n ts are m axim ally in d istig u ish a b le (th e re is only one), w h ereas in th e l a t t e r they are m axim ally d istin g u ish a b le (th e re a re two). R ather th an linking reflexives only to coreference as a su b p a rt of nond istin g u ish ab ility , she gains ex p la n ato ry g ro u n d by sta tin g th a t reflexives have m ore in com m on w ith tw o -p a rtic ip a n t ev en ts, even th o u g h th e p a rticip a n ts are conflated onto th e sam e referen t. M iddle situ atio n s are th e n placed along th e sam e continuum , b ut n e a re r the o n e -p a rtic ip a n t extrem e of th e scale, since, conceptually, they

l8Giv6n (1980a, 1981) clearly establishes a verbal suffix that fulfills this role in Ute, as does Sapir (1930) in his grammar of Southern Paiute.

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374 are closer to intran sitiv e events. This conceptual difference often surfaces as a difference in m arking across languages. Note:

25)

two-

reflexives

p a rtic ip a n t! event

middles

one| p a rtic ip a n t e vent

From th is function al-ty pological strategy can be explained v ariab le m arking p a tte rn s across languages for different dom ains along the c o n tin u u m . W here one lan g u ag e may em ploy s e p a r a te m arking stra te g ie s for se p a ra te po in ts along th e continuu m , a n o th e r may employ th e sam e o r sim ilar m arking stra te g ie s. Functionally, w hat I refer to as the m id d le -m a rk er in N o rth e rn Paiute covers a wide p o rtio n of the continuum proposed by Kemmer ( 1 9 9 3 )- This fun ctional range covers the reflexive, reciprocal, an d passive voice.

8.2.1.1.1 The Reflexive F u n c tio n

The function of {na} as a m arker of the reflexive is found across the Numic subfam ily. N o rth e rn P aiute only rare ly m akes use o f reflexive p ro n o u n s (cf. section 4.1.7) w hen they are necessary for d isa m b ig u atio n or em phasis. In the reflexive c o nstruction , th ere is coreference betw een two p a rtic ip a n ts in a tra n s itiv e event.

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375 2 6 a ) ni na- sibana -wini I MM- shave-CONT.SG 'I am shaving (m yself).' b)

i= bita ni paMa -wini i= a rm I IP/water-give-CONT.SG 'I'm w ashing my arm s'

c)

ni na- paMa -wini I MM-IP/water-give-CONT.SG 'I ’m w ashing (m yself)/b athing'

By com paring 26b) an d c), we see th a t coreference betw een the subject a n d object in a tran sitiv e event is m arked on the verb by the {na} prefix.

8 .2.1.1.2 The Reciprocal Function

Like reflexives, reciprocals involve co-referentiality betw een p a rtic ip a n ts in a tra n s itiv e event. W ith reciprocals, however, two (or m ore) p a rtic ip a n ts are acting on each oth er.

2 7 a ) im i iwa -?yu tihikya koi -hu they many-NOM deer kill.PL-PNC 'They killed m any d e er.' b)

im i - no una-su ka= issa -no na- ko?i they-COM DEM-ADV OBL=wolf-COM MM-kill.PL ' . . they (the Frogs) and Wolf made w ar with each o th e r . . ' (IW: Wolf and Frogs)

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376 As th ese exam ples show, reciprocals, the reflexives, a re derived m ainly from p ro to ty p ic a l tr a n s itiv e v e rb s. W h at Kem mer (1993) calls "n atu rally reciprocal" event types consist of verbs m arked w ith the m iddle-m arkin g prefix in N o rth e rn Paiute as well.

28 a) tapoi - gya meet-TRNSL '(we) m et (for the first time in awhile)' b)

una -su ta "Tall Jim cabin”-wai DEM-ADV we.DL TJ's cabin -LOC na - dapoi - gya - kw i MM-meet-TRNSL-FUT 'we two will go meet at Tall Jim 's cabin' (IW: Fieldnotes)

In th ese exam ples, we see th a t a n a tu ra lly reciprocal event like 'm eet' can be m arked. W hen it is m arked with {na}, it establishes the m eeting as involving tru e agents or "in itiato rs," th e re b y involving a m ore sem an tically tra n s itiv e event. W ithou t th e m ark er, th e act of m eeting is perceived as more or less a c c id e n ta l-m o re like 'ru n in to ’ th a n 'm eet (as for a purpose).’ The m ark e r is often reduplicated.

29)

na - na - ?akwi RE-MM-shoot 'shoot at each other'

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377 Reduplication of {na} f u rth e r in dicates th a t th e action is d istrib u tiv e (cf. section 8.3 .8 ). An event t h a t involves shooting generally im plies a rep eated action on the p a rt of b o th p articipants. Other functions of {na} in th e reciprocal dom ain involve its a ppearance as a prono m inal base (section 4.1.8) and to derive adverbials (section 5.3).

8.2.1.1.3 The Passive Voice Function

The pragm atic function of the passive voice is to signal the high to picality of the p a tie n t of a p ro toty pical tra n s itiv e event (Givon 1990). Syntactically, the resu lt of a passive c o n struction is one of detransitivization, whereby the agent is supp ressed or "demoted." In N o rth e rn Paiute, th e m iddle m arking prefix {na} (MM) is used in the passive construction. There ap pear to be no restrictions on aspectual marking, and no possibility for expression of the agent. The syntactic object of th e corresponding active sentence is "prom oted" to gram m atical subject, and case -m ark e d n o m in a tiv e .19

19 In Thornes (1996) I stated, prematurely, that passives in Northern Paiute are nonpromotional. I suspect I may have been led to this analysis by some partially analyzed text data, where it appeared, in subordinate clauses, that the notional subject was retaining its oblique case-marking.

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378 3 0 a) u -su i= buuki tsakibu?i-u 3-NOM 1= book IP /grasp-tear -PNC 'He tore my book.' b)

i= kwassi na- tsakibu?i-piga?yu 1= shirt MM- IP/grasp- tea r -PFV 'my sh irt has been to rn '

c)

o?o uu ka u= patsa tabi?a DEM thusly KA 3= kill.SG appear u-su na- patsa tabi?a 3-NOM MM- kill.SG appear 'T hat's w hat killed her, I guess; she was killed, apparently.' (NK: Bear and Deer)

Occasionally, it is difficult to establish w heth er the m iddle m arker in N orthern P aiute is functioning as a reflexive or as a passive. This is especially tru e in th e case of im personal constructions, which Givon (1990) cites as contributing to the rise of certain types of passive c on structions. They a re in te rm e d ia te betw een reflexives and passives. Consider th e following examples:

31a)

tinikyui 'teach'

b)

na - tinikyui MM-teach 'study / learn'

c)

mi?i pina na- na- tinicui QUOT w.r.t RE-M M -teach 'so are the stories. .’ (WM: The Cave Myth)

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37 9 These exam ples illu stra te 'learn' as being derived from 'teach' in a relationship like 'teach oneself.' However, the relationship could as easily be one whose tra n s la tio n a l equivalent m ight be som ething like 'be tau g h t.' Example 31c) shows th e d istrib u tiv e function of red u p lica tio n w ith the m iddle m arker. As we have seen elsew here (section

4.1.8X ),

th e re ap pears

to be a possible relation ship betw een the m iddle m arker and d u a l/re c ip ro c a l pronom inal base. Also, recall th a t th is m arker, in b oth its red u p lica ted and n o n -red u p lica te d form, pa rticip a te s in th e deriv atio n of locative adv erb ials (section 5.3.1). The functional range is no d oubt a resu lt of h istorical developm ents, perhaps from a pronom inal source, but is beyond the scope of the p resent study.

8.2.1.2 The A ntinassive fUnspecified Object! Prefix

In this section, we will look at a n o th e r device for detransitivization, namely, th e a n tip assive. A pragm atic fu nction of the a ntip assive is to "render norm al o b jec ts/e n d p o in ts pragm atically optional" (Croft, 1991:259). The a ntipassive, c o nsid ered as a voice type, h as also been widely c o rre la te d w ith high topicality of the s u b je c t/in itia to r, and correspondingly low topicality of the o b jec t/e n d p o in t.20 A lthough m ost o ften asso ciated with ergative languages as an analog to th e passive voice in nom inative languages (see esp. Jacobsen,

2°See Giv6n (1990) for examples and discussion from a variety of different languages.

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38o

1985), an tip assiv e p a tte rn s occur in n o n -erg a tiv e lang uages as well. Inso far as it is im p o rtan t to o ur discussion of valence-altering morphology, the effect of an tipassiv ization on tran sitiv ity is th a t it c o n stru es tra n s itiv e events as in tra n sitiv e by suppressing th e o b je c t/e n d p o in t. As Croft (1991) and others have noted, this has the effect of focusing a tte n tio n on the action itself, as opposed to the endpoint of th a t action. This effect has also been noted in section 9.1.2 in the discussion of headless object relative clauses. I n h e re n tly tra n s itiv e verbs in N o rth e rn P aiu te m ust be m orphologically m arked w ith th e prefix {ti} when the object is left unspecified.21

3 2 a ) ta = sakwa tihica huawai -ja -kw i we.DL = MOD deer hunt -TRNSL-FUT 'Let's go deer-hunting!' b)

tu?i ti - huawai -nimi ni try APS-hunt -RNDM.SG I 'I was hunting (unsuccessfully).'

c)

ni kai pisa ka= kidi kuhani I NEG good OBL marmot cook 'I can't cook groundhog well'

d)

ni kai pisa ti- kuhani I NEG good APS-cook 'I can't cook well'

^See Langacker (1976a) for a detailed discussion of this phenomenon in Uto-Aztecan. Also, Anderson, Anderson, and Langacker (1976) analyze this morpheme in Northern Paiute using Langacker's formula (cf. 25), above) for non-distinct arguments.

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38i The object of th e activ e-tran sitiv e verb in 32a) a n d c) is unspecified in 32b) and d), and so the antipassive prefix is required. The following example illu stra te s how it is possible to have an in stru m e n ta l subject with th e antipassive.

3 3)

isu wihi pisa ti- tsica?a PROX-NOM knife good APS-IP/sharp-cut 'this knife cuts well'

Because th e ir effect on transitivity is to delete an object relation, Croft (1991) claim s th a t a n tipassives are really th e fu n ctio n al inverse of applicatives, whose effect is often to add an object. We will see th a t the applicative in N o rth ern Paiute is not quite so stra ig h tfo rw a rd , however, in section 8.2.2.1. As we have seen in section 6.1.4.4, th e an tipassive prefix in N o rth ern Paiute indicates, m ore specifically, an unspecified p a tien t r a th e r th a n an unspecified object.

3 4 a ) usu s/he

i —ti -kuhani -ki 1=APS -cook -APL

'S/He's cooking for me.' b)

ni m iidi 0 kuhani-ki -u -kwi I meat X cook -APL-PNC-FUT 'I'll cook meat for X.’

In 34a), we find the co-occurrence of both th e APS prefix and an object proclitic referring to a benefactive. In 34b), th e benefactive object is unspecified, b u t the overt p atient object suppresses the occurrence of the

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382

antipassive prefix. Therefore, th e prefix appears only to be sensitive to unspecified p a tie n ts not syntactic objects.

8.2 .2 T ra n sitiv e m orphology

This section looks at two m orphem es which, when attac h ed to verbs, resu lt in the add ition of a core arg um en t to the clause. The first is the applicative suffix, which is of typological in te rest in th a t it behaves like a typical benefactive applicative w ith som e v e rb s—signaling the a d d itio n of a syntactic object whose sem antic role is benefactive—as well as like a m orphological causative w ith o th e r verb s--sign alin g an in crease in tra n sitiv ity th ro u g h th e a d d itio n of an arg u m en t whose sem antic role is as th e agent of th e causative event. It is comm only used w ith hu m an m anipulees w here the c au sa tio n is less d irect th a n th a t typically im plied by th e in stru m e n ta l prefixes, as ex plo red in section 8.1.3. The ju ssiv e , or 'tell to' suffix p a tte rn s like a causative as well, a lth o u g h again, th e m a n ip u la tio n is not d irec t, b u t verbal. Unlike causation as expressed by the applicative, it does not necessarily entail th a t th e m a n ip u la tio n was successful, alth o u g h it is typically assu m ed to be. With b oth the applicative and th e jussive, as with d itra n sitiv e s in general, th e re may be com petitio n for th e verbal proclitic slot. As discu ssed in section 6.1.4.3, th e causee or benefactive a rg u m e n t has greater access to this slot.

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383 8 . 2 . 2.1

The A pplicative

Applicative c o nstruction s, cross-linguistically, include a verbal affix in dicating th a t the in h e re n t arg u m en t s tr u c tu r e of the verb has been alste red to include an additional core argum ent. As describ ed elsew here (see especially section 6.2.3) the applicative suffix {ki} (APL) derives a tra n s itiv e from an in tra n s itiv e verb.

3 5 a ) ii yadua-kwi you talk -FUT '. . you would/will respond . .' (NK: Boarding School Days) b)

m i m i =yadua-ki -kwi -u . . PL i.PL=talk -APL -FUT-PNC '. . you all will in te rp ret for us . .' (NK: Boarding School Days)

3 6 a ) ni sita tinikwi(h)i I bad sing

b)

'I sing badly.'

u-ka tinikwi(h)i-ki 3-OBL sing-APL 'Sing for th a t guy!'

From a tra n s itiv e verb, it derives a d itra n sitiv e .

3 7 a ) ni = sa?a i=tsopihi tsi?wor)i I = MOD 2=hair comb 'Let me comb your hair.' b)

ni = sa?a i=tsopihi i=tsi?worji -ki I = MOD 2=hair 2=comb -APL 'Let me comb y o ur h a ir for you.'

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384

3 8 a ) u=mabutu?i 3= ro ll.cig arette

b)

Roll it! (a cigarette)'

i = mabutu?i-ki i=roll.cigarette-A PL 'Roll (it) for me!'

By com paring 38a) and b), we see th a t the applied, benefactive argum ent gains access to th e verbal proclitic slot, while the p a tie n t is left unexpressed. W ith some verbs, the applicative yields a rela te d , m alefactive m e a n in g .

3 9 a ) nisagwai IP /speech- be.angry

b)

'to curse'

mi= nisagwai -ki -?yakwi us= IP/speech- be.angry-APL-HAB '(they) were cruel to us (tau n tin g ) . (NK: Boarding School Days)

The sem antic role of the additional, or applied a rg u m e n t is not entirely pred ic ta b le, however, at lea st not by looking only at th e in h e re n t tra n sitiv ity of the verb in question. In some cases, the applicative c o n stru ctio n adds a sem antic agent to the event fram e, like a m orphological causative.

4 0 a ) su= tuku passa NOM=meat be.dry 'The m eat is dry.' 41a)

h)

u= passa-ki -ti 3= dry -APL-TNS '(You) dry it!'

su= puusiti pisa wini -na NOM=post well stand-PTCP 'The post is standing straight.'

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385 b)

sisi?ma u-kuba mi= wini -ki -u -?yai -na sometimes 3-upon us= stand-APL-PNC-HAB-PTCP . som etim es (they) made us stan d on th a t.' (NK: Boarding School Days)

In the case of m ost transitive verbs, the outcom e of the applicative con stru ctio n alm ost always involves the a d d itio n of a benefactive p a rtic ip a n t (cf. 37) and 38) above). However, w ith in tra n s itiv e verbs, th e re appears to be a kind of split, depending upon w hether or not the in tra n sitiv e verb is active, as with 'talk' and 'sing' in 35) and 36), or inactive, as w ith 'dry' and 's ta n d ' in 40 ) and 41). The activ e/in active distin c tio n follows the work of A ustin (1997) in his survey of causatives a n d applicatives in A u stra lia n languages. The following tables provide a sample of verbs derived via the applicative whose sem antic outcom es are benefactive (or m alefactive)— Table 8 .3 —and causative--Table 8.4.

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386

Table

8.3

Verbs w ith Benefactive-Applicative P a tte rn

pida

build a fire

pida-ki

build a fire for

tirni

buy

timi-ki

buy for

noo

carry

noo-ki

carry for

tsi?woi]i

comb

tsi?woiji-ki

comb for

kuhani

cook

kuhani-ki

cook for

tsika?a

cut

tsika?a-ki

cut for

mida

e x te n d /s tre tc h

mida-ki

extend for

nanisutihai

pray

nanisutihai-ki

pray for

hani

prep are/d o

hani-ki

prepare for/ give

noho

roast u n d e r ashes

noho-ki

roast for

mabutu?i

roll (tr.)

mabutu?i-ki

roll for

tinikwihi

sing

tinikwihi-ki

sing for

kutsa

split wood

kutsa-ki

split wood for

yadua

talk (sg. subject)

yadua-ki

in te rp re t

matipuni

wake up (tr.)

matipuni-ki

wake up for

sita

be b a d /a n g ry

sita-ki

be m ad at

nisagwai?i

curse

nisagwai?i-ki

be cruel to

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387

Table

8.4

Verbs with Causative-A pplicative P a tte rn

piti

a rr iv e

piti-ki

brin g

toki

be correct

toki-ki

do correctly

pisa

be good

pisa-ki

c u re /m a k e well

?iditi

be hot

?iditi-ki

make hot

timanaga

be paid

timanaga-ki

pay

ti?oyai

be sick

ti?oyai-ki

make sick

?yui

be w arm

?yui-ki

m ake w arm

nai

burn

nai-ki

m ake b u r n

mapi

cross w a te r/ wade

maiji-ki

take across

mani

do

mani-ki

cause to be/occur

nihna

feel/be injured

nikna-ki

m ake w e a ry / in ju re

wadzi

hide

wadzi-ki

lose

patakwitsia

shine (in tr.)

patakwitsia-ki

shine (tr.)

cicikwi

sit.DISTR

cicikwi-ki

s e t/p u t up (pl.obj.)

kati

sit.SG

kati-ki

se t/p u t up (sg.obj.)

?iwi

sleep

?mi-ki

make sleep

wakwami

stand.DISTR (intr.)

wakwami-ki

stand.DISTR (tr.)

wini

stand.S G (in tr.)

wini-ki

stand.SG (tr.)

yuai

stop (in tr.)

yuai-ki

stop (tr.)

kwissi

w eave

kwissi-ki

lasso

Lika

eat

tika-ki

m a k e /h a v e eat

pakomama?i

w ash th e face

pakomama?i-ki m a k e /h a v e w ash

kakia

w ear a ro u n d neck

kakia-ki

have w e ar a ro u n d neck

An initial g en eralizatio n over th e two p a tte rn s could be th a t the applicative licenses an agent with verbs th a t d o n 't have one in h ere n tly ,

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388

and a benefactive arg um ent to those th a t do. Such an analysis b a sed on a tem p late of available sem antic roles follows the analysis pro posed by Ic h ih a sh i-N ak a y a m a (1996) for H ualapai, a Yum an lan guag e of th e A m erican so u th w e st. As S hibatani an d P ard eshi (2 0 0 2 ) p oin t out, however, th e analysis is not e n tirely valid cross-linguistically, given the fact th a t clauses with m orphological causatives in o th er lang uages—e.g. Quechua and J a p a n e s e — can in fact "host" two agents. This may also be th e key to the N o rth ern Paiute applicative. W ith some activity v e rb s—e.g. 'eat,' 'wash the face,' a n d 'w e a r'—th a t alread y have an agent, the applicative c o n stru c tio n allows for two agents expressed in a relationship of indirect causation.

4 2 a ) pakomama?i 'wash the face' c)

b)

ni m i =tuaki pakomama?i -ki I PL =kids wash.the.face -APL 'I m ad e /h a d the kids wash th e ir faces.'

m i =tika -ki -u -si nimmi tiwao mia -si l.PL =eat -APL -PNC -SEQ we.EXCL again go.SG -SEQ 'Having allowed us to eat, we went on again. . .' (NK: Boarding School Days)

d)

haakitsa -wa?ni-ku kakia -ki hand kerchief -like -OBL w ear.at.the.neck -APL '. .(we) h ad to w ear (s.t.) like a han dkerchief a rou nd the neck.' (NK: Boarding School Days)

In th e se exam ples, we see th e applicative used w ith hum an m an ip u lees, and t h a t the m a n ip u la tio n is in d ire ct, variously in te r p r e te d either as 'have' (in 'have s.o. do s.t.), 'allow to do,' or even, in 42d), as sim ple obligation.

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389 8 . 2 . 2 . 1.1

The C au sa tiv e C o n tin u u m

The gen eral overlap in fun ctio n betw een th e in s tru m e n ta l prefix c o n stru ctio n and the applicative c o n stru ctio n in th e d om ain of cau sation may be explained, in p a rt by th e fact th a t they occupy d istin c t, if overlapping, dom ains of the causative c o ntinu um p ro p o sed by S hibatani and P ard eshi (2 0 0 2 ). T heir continuum of syntactic param eters~ -d eg ree of synthesis, degree of gram m aticalization, and degree of reg u larity --m ap s iconically onto th e sem antic c ontin uum of d irect v ersus m ed iate d causation. Direct c au sa tio n will be m ore synthesized and gram m aticalized b u t less productive and reg u la r th a n in direct, or m ediated, causation. For N orthern Paiute, the in stru m e n tal prefixes op erate at the STEM layer of verbal s tr u c tu r e (cf. 1), a n d behave m ore like lexical causatives. We have seen in section 8.1.3 th a t in general, the behavior of IP's is quite irreg ular, given th e n a tu re of th e lexical-derivational process. As pred icted from Shibatani and P a rd esh i's continuum , cau satio n as expressed by IP's is more direct. The applicative, on the o th er hand, operates at the level of THEME in th e verbal s tru c tu re , is m ore highly productive, and te n d s to code m e d ia te d c au sa tio n , p a rtic u la rly w hen it comes to h u m a n m an ip ulees. W hat unifies the benefactive an d causative p a tte rn s we find, I would argue, can only be u n d e rsto o d in term s of the historical developm ent of the applicative itself.

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390 8 . 2. 2 . 1.2

H istorical Developm ent

As n o ted in L angacker (1977a) an applicative of th e shape *kV m ay possibly be recon structed for proto-Uto-Aztecan, although it appears to be m ost active in Numic. Of p a rtic u la r in te re s t is the fact th a t the exam ples he provides of a cognate form outside of Numic are of the shape [ki], w ith th e high, fro n t vowel, w hereas w ith in Numic one finds only [ki], w ith th e high, central vowel. This stre n g th e n s th e possibility th a t the applicative could have developed from a verb m eaning 'give,' such as N o rth e rn Paiute {k/gia} 'give.SG' via th e secondary verb construction, described in section 8 . 4 . 22

43)

paa i = gia w a te r 1= give 'Give me some w ater!'

One even finds a possible reflex of give w ith th e high, central vowel.

44)

u-su nana ini na -kia -ba 3-NOM m an INT MM-give?-STAT 'That m an is really greedy (self-giving).'

22 One problem with this story lies in the realization of a fixed, non-lenited initial consonant for the suffix, while the initial consonant of the verb stem is gradient. I thank Spike Gildea (in personal communication) for pointing this out to me.

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391 If a verb like 'give' is indeed the source of the applicative suffix, I illu strate the historical p ath as it relates to the role of the applied a r g u m e n t in 45).

45)

historical continuum of "applied" objects:

b en efactiv e/ recip ient

>

m ed ia te d h u m a n c au se e

>

direct n o n -h u m a n cau see

The sem antics of 'give' and the relationship to 'benefactive' is quite tra n s p a re n t. As S hibatani and Pardeshi (2002) point out, 'give' is also a common cross-linguistic source for a m arker of m ediated causation. In N o rth e rn Paiute, and p e rh a p s in languages generally, h u m an beings do not make very good causees; this idea is, arguably, b ased upon fea tu res su rroun ding the notion of a gentivity (DeLancey 1984, Givon 1984). So, p erh aps, the developm ent outlin ed in 45) could help account for how the applicative c o n stru ctio n m ight come to op erate over b o th th e benefactive and causative dom ains. Once applied to h u m an causees (both with and w itho ut agentive p ro p e rtie s) the extension to n o n -h u m an (an d th ere fo re non-agentive) causees may be seen as straig h tfo rw ard . The developm ent of th e in stru m e n ta l prefix {ma} 'of or pertaining to th e hand ' as a m orphological causative could be seen as proceeding from ju st the opposite direction. As a lexical-derivational process, the in stru m e n ta l prefix c o n stru c tio n in d icated som ething of the m eans or m an n er of how th e action of th e verb takes place. This can be viewed, as in Talmy's (1972, 1985) of c ross-lin g u istic lexicalization p a tte rn s , as

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392 illu stra tin g th a t change-of-state verbs in N o rth ern Paiute do not lexicalize m ean s or m an n e r. One syn tactic outcom e is tra n s itiv ity th ro u g h th e licen sin g of an ag en t (asso ciated , e.g., w ith an in s tru m e n t), as in exam ple 6), w ith the in s tru m e n ta l verb m eaning 'open .' As is evidenced by th e fact th a t many, if not most, change-of-state verbs are bound ro o ts—in stru m ental verbs (cf. section 6 .3 .2 )—th e c o n stru c tio n likely began by coding n o n -h u m an m anipulees. As p a rt of the developm ent of a m orphological causative outlined in section 8.1.3.4, IP's associated with 'hand' began to work, in som e cases, w ith h u m an m anipulees as well. The following p a ir illu stra te s, to some extent, the co m plem entary dom ains of the applicative and IP constructions.

4 6 a ) su =natisuabi i=?iwi -ki -u NOM=medicine i=sleep -APL -PNC 'The m edicine made me sleep ("go to sleep right away").' b)

su =natisuabi i=tsa -?iwi -ki -u NOM=medicine i= IP /grasp -sleep -APL-PNC 'The medicine made me sleep ("worked on me").'

W hat is in te re stin g about th is p a ir are th e com m ents (in p a re n th e se s) m ade by th e speaker when asked if th e re was any difference in m eaning b etw een th em . W ith o u t th e in s tr u m e n ta l prefix , 46a) a p p e a rs to have a m ore m e d ia te d causative reading, w here th e h u m a n m anipulee m ain tain s m ore agentive p ro p e rtie s, like volition and control (cf. Givon 1984:107). The causee, I was told, p e rh aps lay down on the couch a fte r taking th e m edicine and slept.

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39 3 In 46b), on th e o th e r hand, th e com m ent was t h a t th e m edicine "worked on" the causee. She had no choice but to fall asleep, or perhaps provided little or no resistence to sleep. The agent is already licenced by the applicative, and th e IP codes the more direct, less m ediated, feature of th e cau sativ e event.

8.2.2.1.3 P rospectus: the Applicative as a Voice O peration

The extent to which one could view the applicative as a kind of voice construction needs to be explored fu rth er. In the n arrativ e 'Boarding School Days ,'23 I counted no fewer th a n two dozen uses of the applicative. A high percentage of these uses involved the central p a rtic ip a n ts —the n a rra to r and h e r fellow stu d e n ts--as benefactives o r as m anipulees in m ed iated or direct causative events. This leaves open th e possibility th a t the applicative may be used in the case of topical objects (especially h u m a n benefactives o r causees), in a way analogous to an inv erse voice c o n stru c tio n . The agent a rg u m e n ts in th e n a rra tiv e are, by and large, n o n -to p ic al—even to th e point w here they are unspecified in m any contexts. As an avenue for fu rth e r study, th e in te ra c tio n of the applicative with th e d e tra n sitiv e voice c o nstructio ns o u tlin e d in section

23 See excerpt, section 10.3.

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394

8.2.1 should serve to shed m ore light on the problem of highly topical n o n ­ core a rg u m e n ts.

8.2 .2.2 The Ju ssiv e

A transitivizing suffix on verbs m eaning roughly 'tell to V' has been referred to as the ju ssiv e in Shoshoni by Dayley (1989). I a do pt th e term h ere to refer to th e cognate m orphem e in N o rth e rn Paiute, {tirji} (JUSS), whose obvious, la n g u a g e-in tern a l source is an in d e p e n d e n t verb m eaning 'to ask for; to request.' Its position in the verb complex appears to be following the applicative, b ut before directional or aspectual suffixes. Its syntactic effect is transitiv izin g in the sam e way as a c au sa tiv e —th a t is, th ro u g h th e a d d itio n of an agent to th e event fram e.

4 7 a ) ni owi -ti mooni na- tiiji -kwi I DEM-LOC money MM-ask.for-FUT 'I'll get money (from a bank).' (lit. 'There, money will be requested.') b)

ii i= tsica?a -tiiji -u you 1= IP /sh arp-cut -JUSS-PNC 'You told me to cut it.'

Note th a t, as in th e applicative c o n stru ctio n or w ith in h e re n tly d itra n sitiv e verbs, th e p a tie n t arg u m en t in 4 8 b ) is d isplaced from th e verbal proclitic slot by the additional object, here a first person causee. The following example illu stra te s its co-occurrence w ith the app licative.

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395 48)

uuni -ku mi= wini -ki -tiqi -yakwi that.kind-OBL PL= stand-APL-TELL.TO-HAB . in such a place (a corner, they) would tell them to sta n d .'

T here a p p e a r to be clear lim its on argu m ent s tru c tu re w ith resp ect to the use of the transitivizing morphology. This is a p p aren t from the fact th a t it is not really possible to break down the contribution of each suffix to arg u m en t s tru c tu r e in exam ple 48). The re s tric tio n is t h a t th e causee licensed by both th e applicative and the jussive suffixes needs to be corefe ren tial. More complex causative events w ould require a p e rip h ra stic constru ctio n , like a se n ten tia l com plem ent. As with m any of the o th e r suffixes in the language, the g ram m aticalizatio n of th e jussive from an in d ep e n d en t lexical verb is discussed in the context of the secondary verb construction in section 8.4.

8 .3 Tense-Aspect-M odalitv

The largest category of verbal affixes in N o rth ern Paiute are those op eratin g w ithin th e general dom ain of tense, aspect, an d m odality (TAM) along with a sm aller set of those indicating direction of m ovem ent (DIR) or assiciated m o tio n /p o stu re . This is an area of great complexity in N o rth ern P aiute gram m ar, and th is section discusses only a few fea tu res of th is com plexity. F u r th e r stu d y is necessary, p a rtic u la rly w ith an extensive body of text m aterial an d carefully controlled elicitation techniques, to begin to fully u n d e rs ta n d th is system.

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396 One of the m ain reasons for this complexity is, I suspect, due to the fact th a t N o rth e rn Paiute does not have tense, in an absolute sense, or at le a st only m arginally. W hen I say th a t N o rth e rn P aiute h as only a very m arginal ten se system , I m ean th a t th e expression of lin e a r tim e is, by and large, not gram m aticalized as p a rt of its system of verbal inflections. R a th e r the language has various o th e r m eans for locating events in a discourse relative to e ith er the m om ent of speaking or to th e tem poral context supplied by the discourse. Perhaps th e only clear m arker of tense, as widely u n d e rsto o d , in N o rth ern Paiute is the fu tu re suffix {kwi}. W hat is equally clear, however, is th a t this suffix does not relate to tense in the absolute sense, defined by Comrie (1985) as being " in te rp re te d to m ean a ten se which includes as p a rt of its m eaning th e p resen t m om ent as deictic centre (36)." R ather, th e m eaning of the fu tu re suffix is m ore in keeping with the notion of relative tense, "where the reference point for location of a situation is some p o in t in tim e given by th e context (Comrie 1985:56, em phasis added)." Examples of th e N o rth e rn Paiute fu tu re suffix functioning as a relative ten se are found in section 8.3.3. W hat re n d e rs analysis of the N o rth ern Paiute TAM system difficult, is th a t it is, by an d large, an extensive aspectu al system. The m ain function of th e aspectual system is to express som ething about the in te rn al s tru c tu r e of events. As verbs them selves carry th e ir own, in te rn a l, lexical aspect, a variety of collocational restric tio n s resu lt th a t re n d e r a general analysis difficult.

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397

Although m ost of the system I describe u n d e r the dom ain of tenseaspect-m odality (TAM) involves an extensive set of verbal suffixes, both initial CV' red u p lica tio n (cf. section 2.2.3.1, 8 .3.8 ) and m edial con son an t gem ination (section 8.3.9) are also used to express functions w ith in the asp ectu al dom ain. The d istrib u tiv e category, exp ressed p ro ductively via initial CV' reduplication, is related to a p a tte rn of verb sup pletio n (section 6.3.1) th a t has b e en a tt r ib u t e d (so m ew hat p re m a tu re ly , I arg u e ) to g r a m m a tic a l num ber (L ang acker 1977a, Snapp an d A n d e rso n 1982). Medial consonant gem ination relating to durative aspect has been variously tr e a te d in th e lite ra tu r e as well. The suffixes I describe in the following section include those th a t fit into w hat I loosely refer to in 1) as the prefinal zone of the verbal stru c tu re . F unctionally, th e s e in clud e everything b u t the v a le n ce -alterin g suffixes described in the previous section and th e suffixes th at relate to su b o rd in a tio n (c h a p te r 9).

8.3.1 Inventory of Prefinal Suffixes

Table 8.5 lists the N o rth ern Paiute prefinal verb suffixes and th e ir allom orphs. By and large, I include the directional suffixes first in the table, followed by the TAM suffixes, although some suffixes span both general functions. Examples follow.

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398 Table

8.5

N o rth ern Paiute Directional and TAM Suffixes

Allom orphs

Gloss

-ga, -gya, -ja, -ka, kya, ca -gi, -ki

m otion away (TRNSL)

-bodo, -podo

back and forth

-kai, -cai

aro u n d ; h ere and th e re

-noo, -no?o

for a purpose (PURP)

-nim[i]

random m otion (RNDM.SG)

-moo, -mo?o

random m otion (RNDM.PL)

-gwati, -kwati

together; to V jointly

-dabi, -tapi

lie.SPL; keep on V-ing

-gadi, -kadi

sit.SG; keep on V-ing

-bid, -pid -u, -0, -hu

arrive; inchoative (INCH); be about to V; having iu st V-ed pu n ctu al; m o m en tan eo u s; (PNC)

-kwi, -ku

relative future; prospective (FUT)

-yai, -?yai, cai

h a bitual; repetitive (HAB)--with su b o rd in a tio n

-yakwi, -?yakwi, -cakwi

habitual; repetitive (HAB)—final suffix

-wini

con tin u ativ e sin g u lar subject (CONT.SG)

-[k/]wami

co ntinuative dual subject (CONT.SG)

-gono

con tin uative plu ral subject (CONT.PL)

-kuha

begin to V; inceptive (INCEP)

-makwi

finish Ving; completive (COMPL)

-pi

perfective (PFV)

-pin[i]

p erfective-stative (PFV.STAT)

-piga?yu

p e rfe c tiv e -a ttrib u tiv e (PFV.ATTR)

-ba

sta tiv e (STAT)

-ti

general ten se (TNS)--following applicative

m otion tow ard (CISL)

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399 Suffixes coding direction ten d to precede those coding aspect, although this is not always the case. Directional suffixes m ost n a tu ra lly occur w ith m otion verbs, although in some cases extend to non-m otion events, usu ally w ith se m an tic s th a t are m etap h o ric ally e x ten d ed , as in the following.

4 9 a ) mu?asu tabino -gi -na already noon-CISL-PTCP 'It's already getting close to noon . . ' b)

moasu yoijo -ga already evening-TRNSL 'It's getting late.' (lit. already, evening goes)

The ideas coded by the directional suffixes include: m otion tow ard or away from the speaker--cislocative (CISL) and translocative (TRNSL), respectively--random m otion (RNDM), m otion back and forth, scattered m otion or location, m otion tow ard a specific goal or purpose (PURP), and jo in t action.24 The following set of examples illustrate:

5 0 a ) k o c i- k i = sa?a return-CISL = MODAL '(you) m ust come back!' (SL:79) b)

nimmi tihona-gaa-kwi we.EXCL dig.roots-TRNSL-FUT 'We're going root-digging.'

24 Not clearly "directional," to be sure.

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400

c)

ti- hoawai -nimi ni APS-hunt -RNDM.SG I 'I've been hunting (aroun d).'

d)

im i pino?o ti - hoawai - mo?o they also APS-hunt-RNDM.PL 'they've been huntin g (aro u n d ), too'

e)

kai tanohomani mia-bodo-paana NEG ru n go.SG-back.and.forth-PROH 'Quit ru nning back an d forth!'

f)

kwi?naa tammi -kuba -kwai yotsi -no?o golden eagle we.INCL-over-LOC fly-PURP 'an eagle is flying over us (to a specific goal)'

g)

o?o tihona-kwati DEM dig.roots-together '(they) dug roots out there together.' (NK: Bear and Deer)

h)

umi-u, yopona ka= una-u umi sogo-mia-kai-mo?o they-U evening OBL=DEM-U they on.foot-go-around-RNDM.PL 'As for th em , in the evening th ey w ere out th e re w and ering a ro u n d .' (NK: Nem echozinna)

Aspectual notion s coded by verb suffixes include continuative, p u n c tu a l, h a b itu a l-re p e titiv e , perfective, stative, fu tu re , and the su b ju n c tiv e.

51a) su naatsi onoka pida - wini NOM=boy DEM build.fire-CONT.SG 'The boy is building a fire th ere .' (IW) b)

mi=na?atsi onoka pida - gona PL=boys DEM build.fire-CONT.PL 'those boys are building a fire th e re ’ (IW)

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401

c)

nainapa ka= tippi winai - hu across OBL=rock throw-PNC '(s/h e ) threw the rock across'

d)

nainapa mi=tippi winai -cakwi across PL=rock throw-HAB '(s/h e ) keeps throwing rocks across'

e)

tibidi izina-u -si ta m i - mia - kw i first light-PNC-SEQ we.DL RE-go-FUT 'when it's first light, we’ll go' (IW)

f)

ii = sa?a wi?i -u -dua you = MOD fall -PNC-SUBJ 'you might fall off!'

In the following sections, I survey the m ajor aspectual distin ctio n s coded in N orth ern Paiute. Detailed discussion of th e ir interrelatio n sh ip s is beyond th e scope of th e p resen t study. C ertain generalizations regarding collocational restrictions with respect to specific verbs are ad dressed , but are m ost c ertain ly incom plete.

8.3.2 Perfective Aspect

T hree clearly re la te d form s function as m ark ers of the perfective aspect in N o rth ern Paiute. These are {pi}, {pin(i)}, and {piga?yu}. A lthough th ey all tr e a t events as com pleted and unitary, th e ir dom ains of use are su b tly d istin ct. The aspectual suffix {pi} in N o rth ern Paiute functions m ost like a perfect o r past p a rticip le in th e language, expressing, m ost typically,

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402

resultant states or qualities entered into, such as 'fat, ' 'spoiled,' or 'frozen,' b u t also com pleted activities having p re s e n t relevance.

5 2 a ) oonosu nanotsa tamano mi=kidi yuhu-dua-yakwi long.ago every spring PL=m armot fat-become-HAB 'Long ago, every spring, the groundhogs would get fat.' b)

nanotsa tamano every spring

mi=kidi ini vuhu-ni PL=marmot INT fat-PFV

'Every spring, the groundhogs are very fat.' c)

su= m iidi mu?asu na- kuhani-vi NOM=meat already MM-cook -PFV 'The m eat's already cooked.'

Since the perfective codes states or events as completed, th ere is often some overlap with a m eaning like past tense. The sam e is tru e of the p u nctual suffix {u}, b u t the sem antic range of th e two is clearly distin ct u n d e r the "past tense" in te rp retatio n . Compare:

5 3 a ) mu?asu mia -pi already go.SG-PFV '(S/H e) is gone already.'

b)

mu?asu mia -u already go.SG-PNC '(S /H e) is gone already (just left).'

The sp e ak e r in te r p r e te d 53a) as implying an event set clearly in the no t-so -recent past, whereas 53b) "probably ju st happened." The suffix (pin(i)}, on the o th er hand, c arries with it the im plication of a state of affairs th a t is m ore extended in tim e, but still, perhaps,

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403

c on strued as som ew hat bounded. Verbs denoting events or activities are more likely to be inflected w ith (pin(i)}, r a t h e r th a n {pi}.

5 4 a ) kai-su tiipi uu mani -nini NEG-ADV earth thus do / occur-P FV. STAT 'The w orld never works like th a t.' b)

ha?o yaisi kai uu mani -nini how th en NEG thus do /o ccu r- P FV. STAT 'Why isn't it like that?' (EM :^ Regarding Men and W omen)

c)

ni hii -dui waanamoko -wai -tu mia -nini I fe w -a n y Winnemucca-LOC-ALL go.SG -PFV.STAT 'I w ent (have been) to W innem ucca a few tim es.' (SA: 75)

d)

ni muzukaokazi, I close.eyes u -su a=mai mooni i= gia -nini. 3-NOM 4 = h a n d money 1= give-PFV.STAT ni tibuhuwai, kadu?u hii. I open.eyes gone WH 'I closed my eyes and th is h a n d was giving me money. I open ed my eyes, and it was gone.' (RB: A Vision)

A no ther form w ith th e sim ple perfective {pi} as its base ap p aren tly extends to accom odate r e s u lta n t sta te s having past relevance. This form, th ro u g h th e a d d itio n of the denom inative suffix {ga?yu} 'have; be characterized by' form s the complex {piga?yu}. The past perfect sense

25 Elder's Meeting conversation, Burns Paiute Reservation.

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404

comes fo rth p a rtic u la rly well in histo rical and auto bio grap hical n a r r a tiv e .

55 )

nimmi du owi -tu mia-si tia? oo?no, we.EXCL also DEM-ALL go -SEQ thusly at.the.tim e sittaaaaa bad

yaisi then

ta? ??

?mani -piea?vu become-PA.PFV

' . . we w ent out th e re again, and in th e m eantim e it (a spring ) h ad becom e very b a d (due to the cattle).' (NK: We Fixed th a t Spring)

8.3.3 The Relative F u tu re

The verb suffix {-kwi} in N o rth e rn Paiute is u sed very pro ductively as a m ark e r of events in the future.

5 6 a ) owi yorjo -si mu?a tiwau tihona -kwi th e re evening -SEQ tom orrow again dig.roots -FUT "Having spent th e night there, (she) will do some m ore root-digging tom orrow . . . " (NK: 'Bear and Deer') b)

su= noo -ko ti= koi -kwi m ii tia?a NOM= all -OBL i.INCL= kill.PL -FUT QUOTE thus "'He'll kill us all," so (they were) saying.'

(NK: 'Nemechozinna')

However, it may be best described as a prospective aspect, or a relative fu tu re ten se suffix, since it functions equally well to m ark im pending events in a n a rra tiv e set squ arely in th e past.

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405

5 7 a ) m i yaisi wida?a tuami, umiu pinno?o owi -su tsunua -kwi PL th e n Bear children they as.well DEM-ADV enter.PL -FUT '. . . and those Bear cubs, they, too, were to go in th ere . . . ' (NK: Bear and Deer) b)

yaisi himma, uuni -ku tia?a, p i -kwai ni= hani-kwi -na then what that.kind-OBL so RESTR -LOC i.PL= do -FUT -PTCP uuni -ku ni= him i -na that.kind-OBL i.PL= give.PL -PTCP 'Then we w ere given th e things th a t we were to wear. . ' (NK: 'Boarding School Days')

Both of these examples, based upon the surrounding context, are set sq uarely in th e past.

8.3.4 S u b ju n c tiv e /Irre a lis

A n oth er im p o rta n t verb suffix {-dua} serves to m ark a range of functions th a t includes inchoative, dubitative, conditional, an d freq u e n tly occurs in conjunction with the m odal clitics (see section 7.5 for a discussion of th e functions of th ese im p o rtan t form s), occurring in syntactic second position. A fu ture sense may also a tten d this suffix, as in 58e). The following examples d e m o n stra te the dom ain of the suffix {-dua}, w hich I will refer to as a subjunctive (SUBJ) suffix.

5 8 a ) oonosu nanotsa tamano mi=kidi vuhu -dua -yakwi long.ago every spring PL=m armot fat -SUBJ -HAB 'Long ago, every spring, the groundhogs would get fat.'

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406

b)

"ii = sa?a i= sidi -u -si wi?i -u -dua . . " you = MOD 1= blow.nose-PNC-SEQ fall -PNC -SUBJ "You might fall off when I blow my nose . . " (NK: 'Porcupine and Coyote’)

c)

"a= kwaya-kwa wini -u -kati = sa?a tihani -dua . . " 4= far -LOC stand.SG -PNC -sit.SG = MOD hutcher-SUBJ "(Whoever) jum ps over the fa rth e st can b u tc h e r (it) . . " (NK: 'Porcupine and Coyote')

d)

tu?i nadawinai -u -si yaisi umatisu sikwi tabi -u -dua try jum p.over-PNC -SEQ th en against.it ju s t bum p -PNC -SUBJ (He) trie d to jum p up, b u t ju s t bum ped against it. (NK: 'Porcupine and Coyote')

e)

oono u-su kai ta na- puni -dua and /th en 3-NOM NEG l.DL MM- see -SUBJ ’ . . and she won't notice us . . '

(NK: 'Bear and Deer')

The range of uses of the suffix falls u n d e r the b road functional dom ain of irrealis. That is, the event is "hypothetical, possible, and u n c e rta in " (Givon 1984).

8.3.5 P u n c tu a l/M o m e n ta n e o u s

The d istrib u tio n o f one m orphem e in p a rtic u la r, called variously p u n c tu a l (Snapp and A n d erso n 1982), m o m e n ta n e o u s o r te rm in a tiv e (L iljeb la d , 1 9 6 6 ) is u n iq u e am on g th o se th a t fit s e m a n tic a lly in to th e

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407

aspectual class.26 For the most part, it directly follows the THEME portion of th e verbal stru c tu re , preceding any of th e o th er directional or aspectual suffixes. The punctual suffix im poses telicity on the aspect of the v erb --th at is, the endpoint of the action is implicit.

5 9 a ) mi= nim i u= watsi -ga?a PL= people 3= capture-TRNSL 'The people were about to catch up with him.' b)

mi= nim i ka= idza?a watsi -u PL= people OBL=coyote capture-PNC 'The people caught up w ith the coyote.'

c)

yaa-su awamua ta m i- mia-kwi PROX-ADV morning we.DL RE- go -FUT 'We'll go this m orning.'

d)

im i mu?asu awamua mi- mia-u they already m orning RE- go -PNC 'They already left th is m o rning.' (IW)

The exam ples show a c o n tra st in th e degree to which the events they code are bounded, th a t is, w h e th e r or not e ith e r th e initial o r term in a l endpoint is expressed or u n d e rsto o d (cf. Givon 1984). Like a perfective,

^Phonetically, it is realized as [-u], [-0], or t-hu]. The first two allomorphs are phonologically conditioned by preceding vowels. Whether there are conditioning factors involved that might predict the occurance of an epenthetic [h] or its deletion is still inconclusive.

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th e action s coded by th e v erb s w ith th e p u n c tu a l m orphem e in 59b) and d) are viewed from th e i r e n dp oin t (DeLancey 1982). Although th e b o und edness sense often entails realis or p a s t actions or events, th e r e a re clear cases where it is tru ly th e b o u n d e d quality th a t is being coded. In 60b), we see co-occurrence of the punctual with the sub ju nctive suffix.

6 0 a ) hanno = sakwa ta wii -kya where = MOD we.DL descend-TRNSL 'Which way should we go down?' (IW) b)

i = sa?a wi?i -u -dua you = MOD descend-PNC-SUBJ 'You might fall off!’

In 60b), th e tr u th value of the event is one of irrealis--hen ce the occurance of th e {dua} (SUBJ). In other words, the event spoken of is "hypothetical, possible, and un certain " (Givon 1984). At th e sam e tim e, however, the sem antic difference between "descend" and "fall off" is in large p a rt one of atelic versus telic (C om rie 1976). A nother function of punctual aspect is its use in the im p erative m ode for making com m ands. This function is described in section 7.2 and also relates to the in h e re n t b oundedness of events.

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8 . 3.6

C ontinuous

The contin uou s aspect has tra n s p a re n tly developed from the suppletive p o stu re verb m eaning 'sta n d ' in N o rth ern Paiute an d o th er Numic languages. The source c o nstruction is also clearly th e secondary verb c o n stru ctio n (section 8.4), a c o n stru ctio n involving som ething akin to "nuclear" level verb serialization (Foley and Olson 1985). As a suffix m arking continuous aspect, it exhibits sup pletion for the n u m b er of the subject of the clause:

61a) niga-wini dance-CONT.SG 'S/he is dancing.'

b)

niga-wami dance-CONT.DL

c)

'They (2) are dancing.'

niga-gono dance-CONT.PL 'They a re dan cin g .'

It is im p o rtan t to note, however, th a t speakers will occasionally use the singular form of the continuous aspect suffix as a kind of default:

6 2 a ) mi=paatusuba pisa patakwitsia-wini PL=star well shine -CONT.SG 'The s ta rs are really shining.' b)

mi=naana na- dopakida-wini PL=men MM-IP/fist-hit -CONT.SG ’Those men are boxing.’

The suffixes relating continuous aspect are alm ost always used to refer to ongoing states of affairs in the present.

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8 .3

7 H abitual and Repetitive Aspect

H abitual aspect occurs q uite freq uently in ethn ohistorical narrative, and is m ost often tra n s la te d in the texts into English as 'u sed to (do)' or 'would (do).' There are two suffixes th a t function w ithin the dom ain of h abitual (HAB) or repetitive, asp ect—{yakwi} 63a)-b) and {yai} 63c)-d). The la tte r m ost often occurs w ith th e p articiple {na} (PTCP) in su bo rd in ate clauses. Both Liljeblad (1966) an d Snapp and A nderson (1982) tr e a t th e two as distinct suffixes with subtly distinct sem antics. I have so far found little in my own data to secure a d istin c t function for th e two, and so tre a t them as d istrib u tio n a l allom orphs, since they a p p ea r to be in com plem entary d istrib u tio n w ith respect to the final, subo rdin atin g suffixes.

6 3 a ) obi tia? nknm i -?nimi -?yakwi paana kai mi= punni DEM thusly wander-RNDM.SG-HAB PROH NEG PL=see.DUR ' . . so (he) would w ander around, but d idn 't see them . . ' (NK: Boarding School Days) b)

una -?yu sawa -naga -?yu yaga-na naka -?yakwi DEM-ABL sagebrush-among-ABL cry -PTCP hear-HAB '. . (we) used to h e ar (it) calling out th ere among th e sag eb rush .' (NK: We Talked to th a t Bird)

c)

uu tu?i cigwi-cai -si = ga thusly try do -HAB-SEQ = MOD 'Having been doing th u sly (trying to pry up a larg e sto n e). . (NK: Nemedzoho)

d)

su=mi=naa pino?o awamoasi yotsi-u-yai-na NOM =i.PL=father also early.m orning rise-PNC-HAB-PTCP 'Also, o ur fath e r would get up early in th e m orning. . .'

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411 One never finds {yakwi} co-occurring w ith a su b o rd in a tin g suffix, while {yai} ap p ears alm ost exclusively in su b o rd in a te m arked clauses. In th e following excerpt from text, b oth form s express repetitive action, the only a p p aren t difference being which clause is m arked as su b o rd in a te .

6 4)

oo?no hayu inai -?yai-na papatsi?i, at.the.tim e somehow make.noise-HAB-PTCP loudly ka= tiipi hau ma?i -?yakwi. OBL= ground however stomp/do-HAB

'and (the antelope) was making a loud kind of noise an d stom ping the ground.' (NK: Root-digging Time)

Likewise, th is excerpt describes the hab its of a mythical m onster.

65)

su= yaisi ka u= piti -u -?yai-na ga NOM = then KA 3=arrive-PNC-HAB-PTCP KA hibi -piti -u -?yakwi mi?i drink -INCH-PNC-HAB QUOT 'Then w hen it arrived, (it) w ould s ta r t to d rink, (they) say. (NK: Nem echozinna)

I have not securely d e te rm in e d any conditioning factor for the occasional appearance of an intervening glottal stop before th e h abitual su ffix . The a ffr ic a te -in itia l a llo m o rp h y is likely th e resu lt of th e fin al

featu re ph enom enon d iscu ssed in section 2.4.1, b u t th is m erits m ore d etailed study.

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412

8.3 8

Iterativ e-D istrib u tiv e R eduplication

CV(') redup licatio n has been described in the phonology ch ap ter (cf. sectio n 2.2.3). A lthough it function s irre g u la rly to m ark p lu ra lity on nouns, on verbs it m arks w hat is known as th e distributive category. The term is used to unify the idea of plu ra lity o f action--th at is, th a t the action is perfo rm ed m ore th a n once, w h eth er it is the same singu lar action perform ed by plural actors 66a)-b) or a re p e a te d action perfo rm ed by a single a cto r 66c).

6 6 a ) yaisi ka= ibii pa?a-kwai hau ma-mani-pini then OBL=DEM high-LOC how RE-do/attach-PFV.STAT 'and th en (they) a ttac h it all th e way up to h ere . . ' (MS: A utobiography) b)

noo-?yu-na mia?a-si u=bu-puni-ja all-NOM-ATTR go.PL-SEQ 3-RE-see-TRNSL 'All of them are going to see him.'

c)

su= nana u= bi- pimatatsi NOM= man 3= RE- IP /butt-IP /hand-slap 'the m an is spanking h im /h e r'

The p arallel b etw een d istribu tive red u plication and p a tte rn s of verb suppletion have been discussed elsewhere (section 6.3.1). In some cases, red u p lica tio n m arks th e dual form in a suppletive paradigm , as in 67b).

6 7 a ) awamoa = sakwa ni mia -kwi morning = MOD I go.SG-FUT 'I have to go in the m orning'

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413 b)

awamoa = sakwa ta mimia -kwi morning = MOD we.DL go.DL -FUT 'We (two) have to go in the m orn ing ’

c)

mi=na?atsi o?o mi?a PL= boys DEM go.PL 'those boys are going out there'

R eduplication appears to be a very productive process w ith verbs for signifying ite ra tiv e or d istrib u tiv e a c tio n .2?

8.3.9 D u rativ e G em ination

An asp ectual d istin c tio n typically in te rp re te d as durative in d e scriptions of Numic languages is m arked by th e gem ination of a m edial consonant. Compare:

6 8 a ) yau ni taiwano happi DEM I all.day lie.SG.DUR 'I've been lying here all day.' b)

o?o habi-u DEM lie.SG-PNC 'Lie down over there!'

c)

27

yau ni taiwano katti DEM I all.day sit.DUR 'I've been sitting here all day.'

In Thornes (1996), I underestimate the productivity of this process on verbs.

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414 d)

if = ha sikwi kadi-nimi you = Q ju st sit-RNDM.SG 'Are you ju s t sitting around?'

One consequence of a lternation s of this sort is th a t th e gem inate form of th e verb is in com plem entary d istrib u tio n w ith any o th e r a sp ec tu al m arking. On the o th e r h a n d , n o n -g em in ate form s may, and m ost often do, carry one or more suffixes pertaining to aspect or su bord in atio n . I a d d re ss e d this phenom enon briefly in section 2.1.3.1 of the ch ap ter on phonology. Studies of Numic languages typically tr e a t it as th e sam e process of c onsonant grad atio n th a t occurs elsew here in th e language, p a rticu la rly across m orphem e b o u n d a rie s. One need not look very far afield, however, to find sim ilar processes occurring in neigboring languages. Klamath, for example, has been describ ed in Barker (1964) as having a process of ste m -in tern a l C-reduplication. This basically am ounts to consonant gem ination as w ell.28 In Klamath, as in N o rth e rn Paiute, the resu lt of the process is a change in verbal aspect.

28I would like to thank Scott DeLancey (in personal communication) for pointing out this parallel process.

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415

8 . 3.10

Discourse considerations

The n a tu re of aspect m arking in language makes it e ssen tial to study n a tu ra lly occurring tex t in o rd e r to gain a clear u n d e rs ta n d in g of its various functions. It is equally im p o rtan t for the fieldw orker to have access to as many distinct tex t genre as possible, for very often certain asp ectual d istin c tio n s are m ore p rev a len t in c ertain tex t types th a n in others. In procedural texts, for example, (NK: Chokecherries) verbs typically occur in the least m arked aspect. These text types consist in large m easure of simple clauses in the im perative mood (i.e. as com m ands), or as relatively u n a d o rn e d sta te m e n ts of fa c t--th a t is, the events are p re se n te d as less complex in term s of both in te rn al stru c tu re a nd in te rre la te d n e s s. On th e o th e r hand, o th e r n a rra tiv e s, such as trad itio n a l n a rra tiv e (NK: Bear and Deer) and autobiographical texts (NK: Boarding School Days) have a m ore complex n a rra tiv e stru c tu re , consisting of nu m ero u s intertw in in g events. T herefore, m ore a tte n tio n is typically paid to th e in te rn a l s tru c tu re of these events as evidenced by m ore complex aspectual m arking p a tte rn s . C ertain types of e th n o h isto rica l texts (NK: Root-Digging Time) have m ain verbs m arked frequ ently w ith h a b itu al aspect suffixes. I have only begun to u n d e rs ta n d why p a rtic u la r aspects are u sed at c ertain points in n arrativ es. Nor do I fully u n d e rsta n d th e distinct uses of the variety of aspectual suffixes th a t op erate w ithin the general dom ain of

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416

im perfective, p a rtic u la rly continuous or progressive action. In some cases, certainly, the in h e re n t aspect of the verb is a factor. Verbs th a t signify highly b o u n d e d event types, for example, are less likely to occur w ith the sam e a sp ec tu al suffixes as v erb s signifying events th a t typically are more extended or those th at signify states. In other cases, the choice of aspect is d e te rm in e d by th e p a rtic u la r event's re la tio n sh ip to the larg er n a rra tiv e or by stylistic choices. I tu r n now to a discussion of the secondary verb construction, histo rically th e source c o n stru ctio n of m uch of the verbal m orphology ju s t described, bu t also an active area of ongoing g ram m aticalization in N o rth e rn Paiute.

8.4 Secondary Verb C on stru ctio n

So-called "secondary verbs" in Uto-Aztecan have been described as verb s which, "in a d d itio n to serving in d ep e n d e n tly as p rim a ry verbs, may also be used alm ost like (optional) suffixes . . . in which capacity they in dicate a spectu al-lik e or adverbial-like m eanings" (Crapo 1970:182). This c o nstruction consists of a core predicating elem ent plus any of a fairly small set of otherw ise in d ep e n d en t predicating elem ents appearing in a well-defined slot for verb suffixes. As independent verbs, these elem ents include the p o stu re verbs (sit, stand, lie) and verbs of general m otion (e.g. travel, arriv e) which, in th e context of the se co ndary verb c o n stru ctio n , carry the sem antic force of aspectual and directional suffixes, a common

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417

c ro ss-lin g u istic p a tte r n of g ram m atica liz atio n (T rau g o tt an d H eine 1991, inter alia). The exam ples in 69) and 70) illu s tra te aspectu al an d d irectio n al suffixes th a t are clearly related to in depend en t verbs of postu re and m otion, respectively.

6 9 a ) toisi still

o?o winni DEM stand.SG

'(S /H e) is still standing out there.' b)

su=naatsi onoka pida - wini NOM=boy DEM build.fire-CONT.SG 'The boy is building a fire there.'

7 0 a ) hanno ii nimmi w here you travel.S G 'W here have you been?'

b)

tihoawai-nimi ni hunting-RNDM.SG I 'I've been huntin g aro u n d .'

The seco ndary verb c o n stru ctio n is arguably th e source c o n struction for m ost of the inflectional verb suffixes in the language (cf. T hornes 1 9 9 9 )* In section 8.4.1 describes the d istrib u tio n al p ro p erties th a t d isting uish it as a unique con stru ctio n type. Table 8.6 lists th e verbs which may e n te r into th e c o n stru c tio n an d th e ir g ram m atica liz ed usage as suffixes.

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418

Table

8.6

Secondary Verb Sources of Directional/Aspectual Suffixes

suffix

gloss of suffix

r e la te d verb

-ki

m otion tow ard speaker

kimma 'come'

-gia

m otion tow ard goal

gia?a 'go to' (SA)

-noo

m otion for purpose

noo 'accom pany'

-nimi

ran d o m m otion.SG

nimmi

-moo

random motion.DL/PL

moo / mo?o 'travel.PL'

-mina

go, random focus

mia / mi?a 'go'

-wini

continuous.SG

winni 'stand.SG'

-[kjwami

continuous.DL

wammi 'stand.DL'

-k/gono

continuous.PL

konno 'stand.PL'

~[k]winai

move a s id e /a w a y /a g a in s t

winai 'throw'

-[’Jyakwi

h a b itu a l/r e p e titiv e

yakwi 'carry'

-pidi

in ch o ativ e

pidi 'arrive. SG'

-tapi

keep V-ing

-tapi 'lie.SPL'

-kati

sit; rem a in

kati 'sit.SG'

-tipi

tell to V

tipi 'request'

-makwi

finish V-ing

makwi 'defeat'

'travel.SG'

One featu re of the verbal sources of secondary verbs in N o rth ern Paiute is th a t m ost of them come from the set of high frequency, suppletive verb stem s (cf. section 6.3.1). P osture verbs have three-w ay sup p letio n for singular, dual, and plural subjects, an d 'lie' has a fo u rth form th a t occurs only in the secondary verb construction. These form s are liste d in Table 8.7 .

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419 Table

8.7

Suppletion in N o r t h e r n Paiute po stu re verbs SIT

STAND

LIE

S in g u lar

kati

wini

hapi

Dual

yigwi

wami

kwapi

Plural

aata?a

kono

pokwa / wakwapi

Secondary form

-tapi

The g ram m aticalization of the verb 's ta n d ' is such th a t it m ain tain s its nu m b er su pp letio n p a tte rn even as a suffix coding c o ntinu ativ e aspect, as illu stra te d in 71), a rep e titio n of exam ple 61), section 8.3.6.

71a) niga-wini dance-CONT.SG 'S /h e is dancing.'

b)

niga-wami dance-CONT.DL

c)

'They (2) are dancing.'

niga-gono dance-CONT.PL 'They are d a n c in g .’

Evidence for the developm ent of use of the singular form as the default (as m entioned in section 8.3.6) in this co nstruction does exist, however, yielding exam ples like th o se in 72).

7 2 a ) mi= naana na-dopakida-wini PL= men MM-IP/fist-hit -CONT.SG 'Those men are boxing.'

29 This form as a reduplication of the dual could be a recent regularization of the paradigm or a distributive, as opposed to plural, form.

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420

b)

mi= waha?yu na?atsi na- koi -wini PL= two.NOM boys MM-kill.PL-CONT.SG 'Those two boys are fighting.'

Note th a t in 72b), th e re is even a conflict in the suppletive p a tte rn betw een the m ain verb an d th e suffix qua secondary v e rb --fu rth e r evidence for th e use of a default singular form.

8.4.1 D istrib ution

It is im p o rta n t to d istingu ish th e secondary verb c o n stru ctio n from typical com pounding of the type described in section 8.1.1. A lthough in som e d e scrip tio n s (e.g. Sapir 1930, Langacker 1977a, Snapp and A nderson 1982) this c o n stru ctio n is tr e a te d as a type of productive verbverb compounding, th e re is at least one significant form al difference betw een the second ary verb c o n stru c tio n and tru e lexical com pounding. This difference is reflected in the verb stru c tu re outline in 1), rep e ate d here.

1)

[[Valence [IP/[Root]] Valence] + DIR/ASP] + SUB/NMR THEME STEM Prefinal Final

The applicative, a valence-altering, THEME level o perator, follows lexical com pounds, as illu s tr a te d in 73c).

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421

7 3 a ) su= toissapui sami -pi NOM= chokecherry soak-PFV 'The chokecherries are soaked.’ b)

u?itzi?isu tiwau ii u= sami - tiki the.night.before also you 3= soak - put \ . and the night before, you put it in to soak . . 1

c)

ii = sakwa ka = toissapui i= sami - tiki -ki you = MOD OBL= chokecherry 1= soak - put-APL ’You should put the chokecherries in to soak for m e.’

In 74b), on th e o th er hand, we see th a t in the case of the secondary verb con stru ctio n , th e applicative suffix occurs betw een th e m ain verb and th e secondary verb. Here, th e secondary verb is 'sit.SG' which is not gram m aticalized as a m arker of aspect, b u t reta in s its p o stu ra l sem antics in the context of th e construction.

74 a) ni yau yui -kati I here warm-sit.SG 'I'm sitting h ere warm ing up.'

b)

ni i= giki ?yui -ki -kati I 1= feet warm-APL-sit.SG 'I sit warm ing my feet.'

An intervening applicative suffix is not possible in com pounds. These exam ples serve to illu stra te th a t the actual slot in the verbal stru c tu re for th e secondary verb is follow ing th e THEME.

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8 .4.2

Complement-Type Se condary Verbs

The last two secondary verbs listed in Table 8.6-- the jussive, or 'tell to V' suffix {tiqi} (JUSS) (cf. section 8.2.2.2) and th e completive {makwi} (FINISH) behave like com plem ent-taking verbs in o th e r languages. These are b oth tra n s p a re n tly rela te d to in d ep e n d en t lexical verbs. The (a) examples below d e m o n stra te th is use. Syntactically, th e ju ssiv e suffix p a tte r n s like a causative, adding an agent to the a rg u m e n t stru c tu re of th e m ain verb. The causee occurs as the prim ary object and, if pronom inal, displaces the direct object of a tr a n s itiv e m ain v erb, as in 75b).

7 5 a ) owi -ti mooni na- tiqi -kwi DEM-ESS money MM-request-FUT '(I)'ll get money (from a b a n k ).’ (lit. 'There, money will be requested.') b)

ii i= tsikya?a-tiqi -u you 1= IP /sh arp -cu t -JUSS-PNC 'You told me to cut it.'

c)

uuni -ku mi= wini -ki -tiqi -yakwi that.kind-OBL PL= stand.SG -APL-JUSS-HAB '. . . in such a place (a corner, they) would tell them to sta n d .'

75c) illu stra te s th e m o rpho syn tactic d istrib u tio n of th e suffix in the secondary verb slot following the applicative. The exam ples in 76) illu stra te the use of {makwi} 'defeat; win a com petition ' as an in d e p e n d e n t verb in 76a) and as a se co ndary verb in 76b).

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7 6 a ) nazuina oo tui mi= makwi -mi -na be.amused DEM try PL= defeat -GO.AND-SUB '(Wolf) was having fun over th e re trying to defeat th em .' (Yah.) b)

umi u=tika-makwi they 3=eat-FINISH 'They finished eating it.'

8.4.3 The G ra m m a tic a liz a tio n Path

Sem antically, th e se co n d a ry verb c o n stru ctio n e n ta ils the com bination of an a b stra c t secondary verb following th e m ore concrete, a rgu ably th e m ain, p re d ic a tin g elem en t. 78) illu s tr a te s th is w ith th e suppletive postu ral form m eaning 'lie.'

7 8 a ) su= nana iwi -tapi the= m an sleep-lie.SPL 'The m an is lying (there) asleep.' b)

su= togokwa o?o hutua -tapi NOM=rattlesnake DEM stretched.out-lie.SPL 'The rattlesnake is stretch ed out th e re .'

This c o n crete-ab stract p a tte rn p arallels o th er serial-like p a tte rn s in th e la n g u a g e , 3° as illu s tra te d in 79a) an d b). One m orph osy ntactic fea tu re of such p a tte rn s is th a t aspectual suffixes only a p pear on the final

3°

I do not, as yet, have a clear picture to present as to how common such patterns are in the language.

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424

verb, no su b o rd in a te m arking occurs, and both form s fall u n d e r th e same in to n a tio n a l contour.

7 9 a ) kai tanohomani mia -bodo -paana NEG run go.SG-back.and.forth-PROH 'Don't ru n around! (in the house)' b)

su= nimicozinna NOM= Flying.C reature

yotsi -pidi -u fly.SG -arrive.SG-PNC

'N em echozinna came flying . . .'

In 79b), th e re is even a loss of prim ary stress on th e second verb of the series, creating a single phonological word. Such sem antic, m o rpho-syntactic, and prosodic p a tte rn s lend them selves qu ite nicely to inflectional category developm ent, as can be seen with suppletive 'lie.SPL' in the following examples.

8 0 a ) nimmi wo?yo -ga -tapi we.EXCL be.in.line-TRNSL-keep.on(lie.SPL) 'We would keep on going single file.' b)

kutsu poo -do nimmi mia -tapi cow trail-LOC we.EXCL go -keep.on(lie.SPL) '. . we kept going along a cow trail. '

In 80), the actions coded by the verbs to which the form a ttach es do not involve even the possibility of lying down. Rather, the sem antic force of the form here is one of 'keep on V-ing,' a m arker of verbal aspect. F u rth e r study of th is p a tte r n m ay reveal an alig n m en t of specific sem an tics w ith p a rtic u la r verb types.

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425 As one fu rth e r example of inflectional category developm ent, note the following exam ples w ith the verb m eaning ’a rriv e .’ In 81), we see some of the earm ark developm ents of w hat Liljeblad (1966) refers to as an "inchoative," whose sem antic force is som ething on the o rd er of 'be about to V; having ju s t Ved.' 27a) illu stra te s its occurrence as an in dep endent, lexical verb, an d 81b) and c) as an aspectual suffix.

8 1 a ) su= wida?a piabi yaisi 00 piti -u NOM=bear female th en th ere arrive-PNC 'T hen th e m o th e r b e a r arriv ed.' b)

yo-kyoijoona hikwa -piti -?yakwi RE-evening wind/blow-arrive/INCH-HAB 'It begins to blow every evening' (SL:79)

c)

yaisi owi-tu nimmi na- tsapiti -ki -piti -ga then DEM-LOC we.EXCL MM-IP/grasp-arrive-APL-INCH-TRNSL 'Then we were reaching (our) d estination .' (lit. 'to go and ju st be caused to arrive')

In 81c), we see a ra th e r complex verb form utilizing several p re d ic a tin g an d d e riv a tio n a l elem ents, including 'a rriv e ' as th e m ain verb in th e complex as well as a m ore gram m aticalized se cond ary verb. Such complex form s are not at all uncom m on in texts. These p a tte rn s of g ram m aticalizatio n are in stru ctiv e as d e m o n stra tio n s of th e constructional n a tu re of the process of gram m atical category developm ent. T hat is to say, gram m aticalizatio n is not a bou t individual lexical item s developing m ore functional or rela tio n a l pro perties. R ather, it is about co nstructions like the secondary verb p a tte r n into w hich such item s may fall.

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426

The language provides an op portu n ity for th e study of th e extent of g ram m aticalizatio n along several dim ensions: l) th e degree of tra n s p a re n c y in th e relatio n sh ip of various suffixes to in d e p e n d e n t verb form s, 2) th e ex tent to which such form s retain, or are reta in in g , th e ir suppletive p a tte rn s in th e m odern language, 3) th e degree of sem an tic bleaching w ithin th e context of th e secondary verb co n stru ctio n , an d 4) th e in co rp o ra tio n of verbs th a t have not yet developed inflectional p ro p erties into the construction.

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427

CHAPTER 9

CLAUSE-COM BINING

Q.o

In tro d u c tio n

Clause-com bining stra te g ie s are an im p o rta n t featu re of the g ra m m a r of any language. It is at th is level th a t m any of th e m ajor features of discourse coherence becom e evident--in p articular, strategies for tracking p a rtic ip a n ts, for signaling the relatio n sh ip s betw een events, and for in d icating which events move th e story line fo rw ard and which supply th e crucial back g ro u n d in fo rm atio n . As we have already seen to some extent in th e section on no m inalization (3.1.7), N o rth e rn P aiute exploits nom in alization as a strategy for signaling th a t one clause is su b o rd in a te to, or d ep en d en t upon, a n o th e r higher, or m ain clause. As such, the s u b o rd in a te clause may take on certain features of noun ph rase syntax. These features are discussed in the first two m ajor sections of th is chapter on relative clauses and verbal com plem ents. S u b o rd in a te -m a rk in g is not th e exclusive dom ain of syntactically em bedded clauses, b u t also plays a key role in expressing a variety of relatio nship s betw een clauses. A dverbial clauses are described in the th ir d section. S u b ordinate-m ark ed clauses may be adverbial in scope or, more

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428

broadly, con tain in fo rm a tio n whose sta tu s is p ragm atically distin c t from th a t c a rrie d in m ain, u n m a rk e d clauses.

o .i Relative Clauses

Relative clauses b e a r a modifying relatio nsh ip to a head noun. In N o rth e rn Paiute, th ey typically follow th e n o u n they modify. In the following examples, the h e ad noun is u n d e rlin ed and th e relative clause is enclosed in square brackets.

ia )

ni ka= tihikva [ o?o wini -di ] punni I OBL= deer DEM stand.SG-NMR see.DUR 'I see the deer (that is) standing out th ere' (IW: Yahooskin fieldnotes)

b)

su =miidi [ i =kuhani-na ] kai toki kamma NOM=meat l =cook -PTCP NEG correct taste 'The m eat I cooked doesn't taste right.'

In these exam ples, th e h ead of the relative clause is case-m arked for its role in the m ain clause. In ia ), the head noun 'deer' carries the oblique case-m arking asso ciated w ith its object rela tio n to th e m ain verb even though it is the notional subject of the verb 'go' in the relative clause In lb ), th e head n oun 'm eat' carries nom inative case-m arking as th e subject of the m ain clause, although it is the notional object of the relative clause. By notional argum ents, I m ean th o se a rg um ents th a t are p a rt of the in h e re n t a rg u m e n t s tr u c tu r e of th e d e p e n d e n t clause verb.

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429

The role of h e ad nou n w ithin th e relative clause d e te rm in e s c ertain form al featu res of th e relative clause and its notional argum en ts. . The relative clause in la ) is called a subject relative clause, in spite of the role of th e h e ad nou n or, m ore properly, th e e n tire complex n o u n p h ra s e w ithin the higher clause. So, too, the relative clause in lb ) is called an object relative clause, a fte r th e im plied syntactic role of the h ead noun w ithin the rela tiv e clause. In what follows, we look at the formal properties of different relative clause types. Such form al prop erties center upon two issues: l) the type of n o n-finite m arking t h a t occurs on the relative clause verb, and 2) the m orpho-syntactic fe a tu re s of its notional argum ents. In N o rth e rn Paiute, as in other languages of the world, th e re occurs a clear form al expression of th e functional rela tio n sh ip betw een n o m inalization and relativ e clause fo rm atio n.

9.1.1 Subject Relative Clauses

The form al fea tu res of the subject relative clause in N o rth e rn Paiute are as follows:

1)

The verb of th e relative clause is m arked by th e subject nom inalizing suffix {di} (NMR).

2)

The notional subject of the relative clause is gapped (i.e. left u n e x p re ssed ) in the relative clause.

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430 3)

The object of th e relative clause is case-m arked oblique, based on rela tio n to d ependen t verb.

4)

The e n tire relative clause may be case -m ark e d depend ing upon the relationsh ip of the complex noun p h ra se to th e main v e rb .

The following examples of subject relative clauses come from the text 'Boarding School Days.'1

2a)

u-su umi [ o?o aata -di ] hayu 3-NOM they DEM sit.PL-NMR how(in.what.way) ni= nimai-cakwi "Talk English! Talk English!" l.EXCL=tell -HAB 'One of them th a t were sitting a ro u n d kept telling us, "Talk English! Talk English!"

b)

mi [ kai u= pidzabi-di ] imi -no tu?i na- koiwinai -?yakwi they not 3= like -NMR them -w ith try M M -fight.against -HAB ' . . . those th a t d id n 't like it would try to fight w ith them .'

c)

paana kai mi= punni, ka= [ mi= aapo ti- tiha -ga -di ] however NEG PL= see OBL= PL=apple RE-steal-TRNSL-NMR '. . b u t (he) didn't see them, those who were stealing apples . .'

In 2c), the post-verbal subject relative clause receives oblique casem arking con gruent w ith its syntactic role as th e object o f th e m ain clause. However, as w ith a rig h t-d islo cated object (cf. section 6.1.1.1), it appears

1 Excerpt, section 10.3.

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431 to be in apposition to an object proclitic th a t occurs on th e m ain clause v e rb . A kind of headless subject relative clauses is form ed by d e tra n sitiv izin g th e verb of th e relative clause w ith th e m iddle m arking prefix {na} (MM), and using th e subject nom inalizer. The following examples are from the text 'Bear and D eer.'2

3 a)

o?o iwa -?yu su= uuni -?yu na?a DEM many -NOM NOM=that.kind-NOM grow su= [ na- tihona -di ] NOM= MM- dig.roots-NMR '"There's alot of th a t kind growing out th e re for the digging.'" (i.e. th a t which is dug)

b)

La = sakwa umi -no [ na- kwii -di ] l.DL.INCL = MOD 3.PL-COM MM- smoke -NMR '"We should (go) with them to the smoke pit.'" (i.e. th a t which sm okes)

These clause types are referring expressions whose notional subjects, as in a passive c o n stru c tio n (cf. sectio n 8.2.1.1.3) are p ragm atically u n im p o r ta n t.

2 See section 10.1.2.

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432 9 -1.2

Object Relative Clause

The form al features of th e object relative clause in N o rth ern Paiute are as follows:

1)

The verb of the relative clause is m arked by p re se n t p articiple suffix {na} (PTCP).

2)

The notional subject may be in te rp reted as the possessor (object) of the d e p en d e n t verb, receiving oblique case m arking or, when pro nom inal, occurring as a verbal proclitic.

3)

The object (head) of the relative clause is gapped.

4)

The e n tire relative clause, including the head, may be casem ark ed for its syntactic role in the m ain clause.

These features apply equally to e ith e r p atien ts or benefactives of in h ere n t or derived ditran sitiv es.

4a)

su= miidi [ i=kuhani-na ] kai toki kamma NOM=meat i=cook -PTCP NEG correct taste 'The m eat I cooked doesn't taste right.'

b)

su= nana [ i =ti- kuhani-ki -na ] i= supitakwatu NOM=man l=APS-cook -APL-PTCP 2=know 'The man I cook for knows you.'

c)

su= miidi imi [ i= kuhani-ki -na ] sida ?mani -pi NOM=meat you.OBL 1= cook -APL-PTCP bad become-PFV 'The meat I cooked for you has spoiled.'

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433 d)

su= nana [ kidi i=noho -ki -na ] i= supidakwatu NOM=man m arm ot i=roast-APL-PTCP 2= know 'The m an I cooked groundhog for knows you.'

As an altern ative to d), th e following u tteran ce was also offered.

4d')

su= [ kidi i= noho -ki -na ] nana i= supidakwatu NOM=marmot l= roast-APL-PTCP m an i=know 'The m an th a t I cooked groundhog for knows you.'

In 4d'), the relative clause occurs betw een the d e te rm in e r proclitic and th e head noun. The significance of this alternative lies in th e fact th a t th e nom inative pro clitic m arks the e n tire complex noun p h ra s e co n stitu e n t, r a t h e r th a n th e h e ad nou n 'm an.' Recall th a t the reflexive-possessor proclitic {ti} (POSS), described in section 4.1.9, is used to indicate co-reference between a possessor and the clausal subject.

5a)

otja?a ti= pia pitsi baby PO SS=m other nurse 'Baby is nursing its m other'

b)

su= moko?ni ti= tua?a wipito?i NOM=woman POSS=child carryfw ith straps a ro u n d sh oulders) 'The wom an is packing h e r child on h e r back.'

It is also used resum ptively to indicate co-reference w ith the notional subject of the verb of an object relative clause, p a rtic u la rly w hen it appears as a full noun.

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434 6 a)

su= tipi [ naatsi ti= winai-hu -na ] NOM= rock boy POSS=throw-PNC-PTCP paa -wai tsopa-u -piti -ga water-LOC sink -PNC-INCH-TRNSL 'The rock the boy th rew sank in the w ater.' (OR 'The rock of the boy his throwing sank in th e w ater.')

b)

mi= na?atsi ka= tipi mayi-u ka= [ tsia?a ti= winai -hu -na ] PL- boys OBL=rock find-PNC OBL= girl POSS=throw-PNC-PTCP 'The boys found the rock th a t the girl threw .' (OR 'The boys found the rock of the girl her throw ing.')

Such exam ples are less com m on in n a tu ra l speech, since th e notional subject of an object relative clause is m ost often a pronoun, and th erefo re simply fills the pronom inal proclitic slot before th e verb. The verb of a h ead less object relative clause may be m ark ed w ith the anti-passive prefix on the d ependent verb to indicate an unspecified object. Both of these examples come from 'Nemechozinna' (The Flying C r e a tu r e ) . 3

3

See section 10.1.3.

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435 7a)

ti= [ ti- dakwihi -na, ] pinau owi -tu hani -?yakwi. POSS= APS- IP/feet- get -PTCP back there -to do -HAB ' . . what it grabs (with its claws), (it) brings back to th ere .' (lit. '(it) brings back its grabbing to th ere ')

b)

owi -tu ka okau, ti= [ ti- tatsiki -na ] owi -tu hanni -kwi DEM -to KA DEM.OBL POSS= APS- chip -PTCP DEM-to do -FUT ’(They) were going to to put those chippings into th ere . . ' (lit. '(they) will put th e ir chipping in th e re ')

The notional object of the object relative clause is unspecified in 7), althou gh th e e n tire h eadless relative is an argum en t of th e m ain clause. A key difference betw een the exam ples in 7) and th o se in 3) is th a t the n o tional subjects in 7) are m ore clearly topical, while in 3) they are not. Both of these examples have the reflexive-possessor proclitic co-referring to the notional subject—the agent—of the relative clause verb. The co­ reference req u ire m e n ts associated with it extend to the c u rre n t topic, in th ese exam ples, whose last overt m entio n is actually several clauses back.

9.1.3 N on-core Argum ent Relative Clauses

Non-core argum ents are also accessible to relativization in N o rth ern Paiute, sharing m ost of the sam e featu res as in object relative clauses:

1)

As with object relative clauses, th e relative clause verb is typically m arked w ith th e p a rtic ip le suffix {na} (PTCP).

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436

2)

Also, the notional subject has the gram m atical p ro p erties of the possessor (object) of the dependent verb—oblique case marking or verbal proclitic statu s.

3)

How ever, the non-core argum ent is not gapped, bu t is expressed by th e re s tric tiv e (rela tiv e) p ro n o u n {pi} (RESTR) bound to a postposition, indicating the role of the head nou n in the relative clause.

The following exam ples of n on-core argu m ent relative clauses all come from text, and are m eant to illu stra te a variety of non-core roles of th e head n o u n w ithin th e relativ e clause.

8a)

u-su [pi -kuba u= kati -cai -na, ] yaisi oo -tu patsa -u 3-NOM RESTR-SUPRA 3= sit.SG-HAB-PTCP then DEM-ALL kill.SG-PNC 'He killed the one he was riding th ere . . .' (upon-whom his=sitting) (NK: Porcupine and Coyote)

b)

oo [ pi -kwai ni= ma?na?wi -na ] DEM RESTR-LOC us= do/act -PTCP 'There w here we played . . ' (at-it our=playing) (NK: Boarding School Days)

c)

yaisi himma uuni -ku tia? [ pi -kwai ni= hani -kwi -na ] th en things kind-OBL thusly RESTR-LOC us=do/wear-FUT-PTCP 'Then th e things th a t we were to w ear . . ' (at-it our=w earing.w ill) (NK: Boarding School Days)

d)

uuni -ku ti- magwi -na that.kind-OBL APS-carry -PTCP mi= himma [ witsimo?o pi -ma na- kwiba -na ] PL= what ball RESTR-INSTR MM- strike -PTCP ' . . th e kind of thing (he) carried, a thing for hitting a ball with (a baseball b at) . . ' (som ething ball w ith-it being-struck) (NK: Boarding School Days)

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437 This stra te g y is sim ilar to th a t em ployed in English w ith th e relative p ro n o u n s 'which' or 'whom' in a relative clause like 'th e thing with which a ball is h it.' In the N o rth ern Paiute relative clause construction, th e role of th e p a rtic ip a n t is m a in ta in e d by m arking th e restric tiv e pronoun with a postposition. I have found a couple of exceptions to both the participial verb form requ irem ent and to th e add itio n of the restrictive pronoun. Note the following:

9 a)

oo?no -su nimidzoho yaisi, at.that.tim e-A D V People.M asher th en ka= [ kai pi -ma -tu mi= gimma ] OBL= NEG RESTR-LOC-ALL PL= come.DUR 'And the Nem edzoho, to whom they w eren 't coming . . ' (NK: 'Nemedzoho')

b)

umi [ ti- patsa -kwai -tu ] mimia -u they APS-kill.SG-LOC-ALL go.DL-PNC 'They (two) w ent to where X killed (it).' (lit, 'to the killing place') (NK: Porcupine and Coyote)

In example 9a), the restrictive p ronoun is used to indicate the role of th e h e ad noun, b u t th e verb ap p ea rs w ith o u t th e {na} p a rticip le, even though the notional subject appears as an object/p ossessor proclitic. The n om inal sta tu s o f th e c la u se is a lso e v id e n t from th e o b liq u e d ete r m in e r

proclitic m arking its role in th e h igh er clause. In 9b), th e re is no restrictive p ro n o u n and in stead the verb is both m arked with the anti-passive and followed directly by a postp osition. This con stru ctio n is, I w ould argue, a n o th e r kind of headless relative, one with

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438 all notional argum ents unspecified to draw a tte n tio n only to the location itself. As with headless object relative clauses, th e notional subject may a p pear as a possessor proclitic. However, it appears th a t the placem ent is open to some variability. The following p air of examples could be in te rp re te d as tem po ral adverbial clauses or a kind of headless relative.

10 a) ti= nazikuudi na- kia -no?o POSS=school MM-release-TEMP OR b)

nazikuudi-na ti= na- kia -no?o school -PTCP POSS=MM-release-TEMP 'when school was let o u t/ when (we) were let out of school' (NK: Boarding School Days —text elicitation)

These exam ples re p re se n t syntactic a ltern a tiv e s w ith respect to the placem ent of the reflexive-possessor proclitic—at the beginning, as in 10a), or bo und to th e relative clause verb, as in 10b). The proclitic is coreferential to an u n d ersto o d subject or topic. Here, as in 9b), the verb is m arked with a postposition, in this case th e tem poral postpositio n {no?o} (TEMP) marking the role of th e entire clause.

Q.2 V erbal C om plem ents

Clauses, or propositions, th a t function as argum ents of h igh er clauses are called verbal (or sentential) com plem ents or com plem ent clauses. Direct object com plem ents are the argum ents of a specific class of verbs,

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439 generally re fe rre d to as com plem ent-taking verbs. C om plem ent-tak in g verbs include verbs of perception, such as 'see' and 'hear,' verbs of cognition, such as 'think' and 'know,' and u tte ran c e verbs, such as 'ask' and 'say.' Verbs of m anipulation, usually coding direct and in d ire ct causation, and m odality verbs expressing obligation, perm ission, a ttem p t, ability, and desire also fall into the b ro ad category of com plem ent-taking verbs, in th a t th e ir syntactic com plem ents may consist of an e n tire su b o rd in a te clause. Givon (1979, 1980b) discusses com p lem e n ta tio n c ro ss-lin g u istica lly in term s of a binding hierarchy, w hereby the com plem ents of some com p lem en t-tak in g verbs exhibit a tig h te r sy n tactic b o n d w ith th e m ain clause th an others. One expression of this bond is in the degree to which a su bo rd in ate clause exhibits th e characteristics one expects of a clausal a rg u m e n t--th a t is, th e c h aracteristics of a noun p hrase. These c h a ra c te ristic s are typically b o rn e out in how the a rg u m e n ts of a subo rdin ate clause are expressed as well as in the less finite marking p a tte rn s of the su b o rd in a te verb. Lower on th e bin din g h iera rch y , v erbal co m p lem e n ts m a in ta in m ore fe a tu re s of th e ir m ain clause c o u n te rp a rts, including typical syntactic expression of th e ir argum ents and the full range of possible TAM m arking, in d e p e n d e n t of the TAM m arking of th e m ain clause. Syntactic binding, according to Givon (1990), is an iconic expression of th e unity of the events expressed by th e m ain and s u b o rd in a te clause verbs. Thus, the b in din g h e ira rc h y m akes a typological, u n iv ersally valid, and te s ta b le claim a b o u t which verb types will exp ress m ore sy n tactic u n ity w ith th e ir

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440 com plem ents th a n o th ers. Lowest on th e h e ira rch y will be u tte ra n c e verbs, for exam ple, whose clausal arg u m e n ts re p re se n t events th a t are d istin ct from, or less in te g ra te d with, the event coded in the m ain clause. On th e o th e r h an d , c o m p lem e n ta tio n involving d irect m a n ip u la tio n e n ta ils th a t th e m ain and com plem ent events are m ore in te g ra te d --v ie w e d as th e sam e ev en t--an d will, th ere fo re , be m ore bound, syntactically (G ivon 1990). In N o rth ern Paiute, as we have seen, relative clauses exhibit several syntactic fea tu res of n oun p h ra s e s —m ost significantly, nom inalizing m orphology on the su b o rd in a te clause verb and oblique case-m arking of th e notional subject of th e su bordinate clause. Both of th ese nom inal fea tu res may be exploited in form ing com plem ent clauses in N o rth e rn Paiute, b ut only the {na} participle is used to m ark the verb of the nonfinite com plem ent clause.

11a)

ni ka=tihikya o?o wini -di punni I OBL=deer DEM stand.SG-NMR see.DUR 'I see th e deer (that is) standing out th ere' (IW: Yahooskin fieldnotes)

b)

ni ka= Justine sua?i -na nakka I OBL=J. laugh-PTCP hear.DUR 'I hear Ju stin e laughing.' (RB: Phone conversation)

I in te rp re t th e nom inalized clause in 11a) as a subject relative clause, restricting reference to a p a rtic u la r deer (the one th a t is standing out th e re ). The relative clause verb is m arked with the subject n o m inalizer {di} (NMR) and the head noun 'deer' is case-m arked oblique for

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441 its role as the object of 'see.' In l ib ) , on the o th er hand, the subordinate clause is m arked w ith the p re se n t participle suffix {na} (PTCP), and is itself case-m arked oblique for its role as the object of 'hear.' Given th at the notional subject of th e complem ent clause is a p ro p er name, th e re is no need to restrict reference—the speaker is ju s t stating what it is she is h e a rin g .

9.2.1 E m bedded Com plem ents

C om plem entation at th e lower end of Givon's binding hierarchy, with the exception of direct q u o tatio n (next section), typically involves one of two strategies. The first of these is the one I refer to as the em bedded com plem ent strategy, exem plified b y lib ) , above. E m bedded com plem ents take on features of direct objects in the prototype transitiv e clause, including p a tte rn s of case-m arking and w ord o rd er (cf. sections 6.1.3 and 6.1.1). The following m o rpho-syntactic fea tu res characterize em bedded com p lem e n ta tio n :

1)

The verb of the com plem ent clause is m arked with the {na} p a rtic ip le - r e f e r r e d to elsewhere as the 'action nom inalizer' (cf. s e c tio n 3.1.7.6).

2)

The notio n al subject of the com plem ent clause, p a rticu la rly w hen pro n o m in al, may a p p ea r e ith e r as an object pro clitic on

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442 th e verb of the com plem ent, or as an in d ep e n d en t p ro n o u n case -m ark e d genitive. 3)

The entire com plem ent clause may be case-m arked oblique w ith th e d e te rm in e r proclitic {ka} (OBL).

4)

The em bedded, non-finite com plem ent clause ap p ears in the syntactic object p o sitio n --th at is, betw een th e m ain clause subject, if p resen t, an d th e m ain clause verb.

I consider feature 1) a requirem ent for embedded, non-finite--"true"-co m p lem en tatio n , altho ugh such m arking is in no way r e s tric te d to com plem entation. We have already seen the role of the {na} p a rticip le in non-subject relative clause form ation (see examples (4)-(8). Its role in adverbial clauses and su b o rd in a tio n generally will be taken up in section 9 .3 .

From the perspective of non-finite properties, feature 2) is really a m a tte r of in te rp retin g the syntactic role of th e notional subject as th a t of p o ss e s so r , 4 since only rarely is it possible to distinguish objects and possessors in N orthern Paiute morpho-syntax. Possessor and object pronom inal proclitics are identical (recall discussion, section 4.1.9). Nouns them selves do not carry case inflection, so the language relies on a strategy of simple noun -n oun ju xtapositio n to form possessor noun phrases

4 Although see Bunte (1979,1986) for a discussion of features of Southern Paiute

morphosyntax that appear to more clearly distinguish subordination from possession.

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443 (section 3.2.3.1). As with feature 1), oblique case-m arking of notional subjects occurs in subo rd in ate clauses of all kinds, p a rticu la rly w hen the notional subject of the sub ordinate clause is different from th a t of the main clause. Occasionally, it is difficult to distinguish fea tu res 2) and 3), when th e subo rdinate clause has a definite nom inal as its notional subject. In e ith er case, the oblique d eterm iner proclitic {ka} (OBL) occurs as the first elem ent of the subo rd in ate clause. Feature 4), as we will see, is not a strict requ irem ent for c o m p le m e n ta tio n in general, alth o u g h w hen the co m plem ent clause occurs in o th e r position s relative to th e m ain verb, th e re are certain m orpho-syntactic consequences. These consequences are discussed in the next section describing n on-em bedded com plem ents. The following examples d e m o n stra te th e featu res of fully em bedded object com plem ents in N o rth ern Paiute.

12 a)

tammi ti= pabi?i dadua-na naka -kwi we.INCL POSS=elder.brother talk -PTCP listen-FUT 'We'll listen to what our chief is saying.'

b)

una -?yu sawa -naga -?yu yaga-na naka -?yakwi. DEM-ABL sagebrush-among-ABL cry -PTCP hear -HAB ' . . (we) w ould h e a r (it) calling out th e re from among th e sagebrush.' (NK: We Talked to th a t Bird)

c)

u -su ka= nimidzoho u=nagi -kya -na punni 3-NOM OBL=People.Masher 3= chase-TRNSL-PTCP see 'S /H e saw th e Nemedzoho chasing h e r/h im .'

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444

d)

ni i= cadua -na naka -supidakwatu I 2 - talk.SG-PTCP hear -u n d ersta n d 'I understood what you said.'

Interesting ly enough, the on-line use of em bedded com plem ents in n a tu ra l speech is quite rare. The m eans for creating em bedded com plem ent clauses does exist in th e g ram m ar of the language, and speakers readily accept and produce them , especially in artificial contexts like direct elicitation. However, it appears th a t w ould-be com plem ent clauses are expressed m ainly in p a ra tac tic c o n stru c tio n s--e ith e r in apposition to pronom inal objects, or to adverbial particles.

9.2.2 N on-em bedded Complements

A m ore com m on c o m p lem e n ta tio n stra te g y involves placing th e com plem ent clause in a syntactic p o sitio n o th er th a n in the typical slot for tran sitiv e objects im m ediately before th e m ain clause v e rb —w hat I call the non-em bedded com plem ent strategy. The following p a ir of exam ples may be com pared w ith 12c) and d) above as syntactic options for com p lem e n ta tio n in N o rth e rn Paiute.

13a)

u -su u= punni k a - nimidzoho u-naki -kya 3-NOM 3= see OBL= People.Masher 3=chase-TRNSL 'S/Hei saw th e Nemedzoho chasing her/him ;.'

b)

ni i= naka- supidakwatu - kaa, i=?ini-nna I 2= h ear-u n d ersta n d - SR 2=say-PTCP 'I understood what you said.’

'

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445 The following fea tu res characterize non-em bedded c o m p lem e n ta tio n .

1)

The com plem ent clause verb is not obligatorily m arked with th e {na}participle.

2)

The notional subject of the com plem ent clause, when different from th a t of the m ain clause, typically appears in oblique case or as a verbal proclitic.

3)

The m ain, com plem ent-taking verb carries an object proclitic th a t is co-referential either to the notional subject or to the e n tire co m plem ent clause.

4)

The com plem ent clause itself is freer, syntactically, with resp ect to th e m ain clause th a n it is in th e em bedded type, but ten d s to follow th e m ain clause verb.

5)

The m ain and com plem ent clauses are se p a ra te d by a slight pause, comma into n atio n , or otherw ise fall u n d e r se p ara te in to n a tio n contours.

6)

A sw itch -referen ce suffix (SR) may appear on the m ain clause verb w hen th e subject of the m ain and com plem ent clause is different.

The following exam ples f u rth e r d e m o n stra te the n on-em bedding strateg y of co m p lem en tatio n in N o rth e rn Paiute.

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446 14a) ni u=naka- oicikiti, ka= naatsi ni-ka tiikwi-na I 3= hear-believe OBL=boy I -OBL tell -PTCP 'I believe w hat the boy told me.' b)

ii = ha i= naka -supidakwatu -ka i= ini -nna you = Q i= h ear-u n d erstan d -S R i= say-PTCP 'D o/D id you u n d e rstan d what I'm saying/said?'

14a) re p r e s e n ts a tra n s itiv e com plem ent a n d b), an in tra n sitiv e . Notice th a t b o th th e arg u m e n ts of th e com plem ent verb in 14a) a p p e a r in oblique case. Snapp and A n derso n (1983) find exam ples w here th e notional subject of the com plem ent, even w hen different from th e subject of the m ain clause, is left unexpressed.

15)

u -su i= bunni kai pim i kw ati -na 3-NOM 1= see NEG 3.EMPH shoot-PTCP 'He saw I w asn't shooting at him .' (SA:8o)

It would a p pear th a t no single feature associated with c o m p lem entation in N o rth e rn P aiute is necessary and sufficient. R ather, any fea tu re or com bination of fe a tu re s may be em ployed—as th ey a re in su b o rd in a te clauses generally—in N o rth e rn Paiute com plem entation. Indeed, a n o th e r non-em bedding option appears to m aintain all of th e finite features of both clauses.

16)

ni u=supidakwatu u-su kai i= bunni I 3=know 3-NOM NEG i=see.DUR 'I knew he d idn't see me.' (SA:8i)

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447 Example 16) consists of two finite clauses in simple juxtaposition. The only m o rpho -sy ntactic link b etw een them ap p ears to be the object pronom inal proclitic of the first clause, which refers cataphorically to the content of the second clause. The subject of the would-be com plem ent (the second clause) is in nom inative case an d its verb has no su b o rd in a te m a rk in g . The preference for the less integrated, non-em bedded c o m p le m e n ta tio n stra te g y in N o rth e r n P a iu te m ay have a p ra g m a tic explanation regarding inform atio n flow in on-line speech. Coherence in n atu ral discourse often places co n strain ts on the am ount of new in fo rm a tio n th a t can be in tro d u c ed . As with th e p rag m atic fun ctio n of c ertain adverbial clause types and th e w idespread use of su b o rd in a tio n in tex t (cf. c h a p te r 10), rep e titio n an d p a ra p h ra s e are pervasive. Speakers may p refe r to p re s e n t th e info rm atio n con tain ed in a com plem ent clause periphrastically, and make us of pro-form s or p a ra p h rases to refer to the event of th e com plem ent clause. More extensive study of the texts is needed to fully grasp how inform ation is packaged in N o rth ern Paiute texts of various types.

9.2.3 Direct and In direct Q uotations

Q u otatio ns a re generally m ore finite th a n the o th e r com plem ent ty pes and have some d istin c t g ram m atical fea tu res. D irect and in d ire ct q u otations in N o rth ern Paiute make use of the quotative p article {mii} (QUOT) and its allom orphs (cf. section 5.3.4). In direct q uotations, this

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448 p article most often indicates the term in a l b o u n d ary of th e q uoted m a te ria l.

17a) [ owi -u watsi -kwi ] m ii sunami -na DEM-U hide.SG-FUT QUOT think -PTCP "(I) will hide in there," so (she was) thinking.' (NK: Nemedzoho) b)

[ kai himma mi=supidakwatu m i mi=yadua-ki -kwi -u ] NEG what us= understand PL us=talk -APL-FUT-PNC m ii mi= naa mi= nitama QUOT o u r= father us= tell . you will in te rp ret for us w hat we don't u nderstand," our dad told us.' (NK: Boarding School Days)

Nearly as often, however, the quotative particle brackets the q uoted m aterial, m arking its initial as well as its te rm in a l b oun dary.

18 a) su= yaisi, kutsu yaisi miu, [.uu= sakw atui nii,] m ii = tia? NOM= then cow th en QUOT thusly = MOD try I QUOT = thusly 'So then the cow said, "OK, I'll try it." ' (NK: Porcupine and Coyote) b)

yaisi th en

i - pia miu [ u= yadui -cai 1= m oth er QUOT 3= talk.to -HAB

00 saa?a u= naka-puni, hayu saa?a ini -wini ] m ii so later 3=hear-ASP how la te r reply-CONT.SG QUOT 'Then my m o th e r said, "Talk to it! And th e n listen to it, how it answers." ' (NK: We Talked to th a t Bird)

The quoted m aterial itself is fully finite and is set apart in ton ationally. Direct quotes a re usually spoken at a hig h er fu n d am e n ta l p itc h th a n th e s u r ro u n d in g m a te ria l.

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449

The quotative p article is also u se d w ith com plem ents th a t are indirect quotations.

19 a) ni [ aawayai-pi ] m ii ni a= supica I moldy -PFV QUOT I 4= think 'I think this is moldy.' b)

[ ka= oha?a yakka ] m ii da? sumayu -si OBL=infant cry.DUR QUOT thusly think/believe-SEQ ' . . by thinking th a t baby was crying . .' (NK: People-M asher)

As with direct q u otatio ns, in d ire ct q uotatio n s are highly finite, p o ten tially carrying the full rang e of aspect m arking on th e verb and never utilizing su b o rd in a te m orphology. However, as in 19b) above, e ith e r the notional subject or the e n tire in direct quote may be case-m arked oblique. Intonationally, too, ind irect q uotations are m ore in teg rated with th e m ain clause. The quotative p article alone, o r in conjunction with a n o th e r p article {tia?a} 'thusly; so' appears ubiquitously in text. Its function is som ething like the expression 'they say' in English discourse--a kind of evidentiary usage.

2 0 a ) paba-u kassa-ga?yu mii. big -OBL w ing(s)-H A V E QUOT

' . . (it) had big wings, they say.' (NK: Nem echozinna)

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450 b)

mi= pii hanni mi?i. PL=blood do/take QUOT u -ma -u = ga kwitso?ai u -su m ii tia? 3 -INST-U = MOD survive 3-NOM QUOT thusly '(It) took th e ir blood, they say, and it m ust have survived on it, so they say.' (NK: Nemechozinna)

9.2.4 "Sensation" Complements

In N o rth ern Paiute, th ere is a small set of sensation verbs th a t can take com plem ents whose verbs are m arked w ith the sim ilitive p o stp o sitio n {k/wa?ni} (SIMIL). The verb appears with the perfective suffix {pi} (PFV) or is nom inalized with {di} before the postposition is added in my corpus .5 These com plem ent-taking verbs include {tabia} 'appear,' {niima} 'feel; sense,' and {naka} 'hear; listen .' In conjunction with sim ilative-m arked complements, they tran sla te as 'looks like,' 'seem s/feels like,’ and 'sounds like,' respectively.

21a) ma-su aawaya?i-pi -wa?ni tabi?a DEM-NOM moldy -PFV-SIMIL appear 'Those look moldy.' b)

5 The

u -su ti= pia patsa -pi -wa?ni niima 3-NOM l.INCL=mother kill.SG-PFV-SIMIL feel '. . it feels like she might have killed our m other.' (NK: Bear and Deer)

nominalizer induces fortition, while the perfective doesn't.

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451 c)

yaisi nimi apigya -na nimmi nakka -di -kwa?ni niima then people talk.PL-PTCP we.EXCL hear.DUR-NMR-SIMIL feel . and it seems like we h e ard people talking.' (NK: Old Voices)

d)

apija -di -kwa?ni miu na-naka talk.PL-NMR-SIMIL QUOT RE-hear ' . . "Sounds like (somebody's) talking!" ' (NK: Old Voices)

9.2.5 WH an d Subject C om plem ents

Em bedded W H -questions form a n o th e r com plem ent type in languages generally. These are usually the com plem ents of v erbs of perception, cognition, or u tte ran c e (PCU-verbs).

2 2 a ) 00 saa?a u= naka-puni, hayu saa?a ini -wini thus la te r 3= h e a r -ASP how la te r reply-CONT ' "Then listen to it, how (it) answers." ' (NK: We Talked to th at Bird) b)

u-su supidakwatu haka ti= adi titiha -u -na 3-NOM know whom POSS=gun steal-PNC-PTCP 'He knows who stole his gun.' (SA:82)

Like c om p lem ents generally, W H -com plem ents may c arry nonfinite featu res. In example 22a), th e com plem ent does not carry such features and looks like the no n-em bedded type. In 22b), on th e o th er hand, the verb of the com plem ent carries th e participle, and the notional subject is th e interrogative pro n o u n in its oblique form. Com plem ent clauses may also a p p ea r as se n ten tia l subjects in N o rth e rn P aiu te. The verb of a sub ject com plem ent always carrys th e {na} participle.

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452 2 3 a ) iwa himma hani-na ni pahonaya?i much w hat do -PTCP I tired 'Lots of work gets me tired.' b)

kam i wigia na- kwisi -na ini na- manakwi jackrabbit blanket MM-weave-PTCP INT MM-do 'Rabbit blanket weaving is h a rd to do.' (SA:79)

9.2.6 M a n ip ulatio n and M odality

At th e u p p e r end of Givon's (1990) com plem entation scale are verbs coding m an ip u latio n and m odality. In N o rth ern Paiute, n early all of th ese notions are gram m aticalized to various degrees, as p art of th e verbal complex. As such, they are tre a te d m ore extensively in o th e r a re as of the gram m ar. This sectio n only serves to direct the re a d e r to th e relev ant sections. M an ip ulatio n is highly co-lexicalized in N o rth e rn P aiute gram m ar. I n s tru m e n ta l prefixes (sectio n 8.1.3) freq u e n tly behave sy ntactically like m orphological causatives, and at least one appears to have begun to g ram m aticalize as such. One in s tru m e n ta l prefix {su} 'of or pertaining to m ental activity,' has developed into a sam e subject desiderative. M anipulation is also gram m aticalized in two verb suffixes—the applicative {ki} (APL) (section 8.2.2.1) and the jussive {tiqi} (JUSS) (8 .2 .2 .2 ). The applicative, unlike th e in s tru m e n ta l prefixes, functions m ainly w ithin th e d o m ain of in d ire ct causation. The ju ssiv e 's m ain function is to encode verbal m anipulation of the 'tell X to V’ type, and is tr a n s p a re n tly re la te d to an in d e p e n d e n t verb m eaning ’to re q u e st.'

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453 Suffixes expressing tense, aspect, and m odality (TAM) are described m ore fully in section 8.3. Many of th ese also have clear verbal sources and have g ram m atica liz ed by m eans of th e secondary verb construction. The historical developm ent is discussed in section 8.4. Modality is also variously expressed in a set of second position clitics (cf. section 7.5), and by m eans of a couple loosely b o und preverbal auxiliaries—{tu?i} 'try to; nearly' and {misu} 'be able to; easily.' They also carry a dv erbial-lik e m eanings and are in clu d ed in the in v en to ry of types of m a n n e r a d v erb ials in Table 5.7. Along w ith two o th e r m a n n e r ad v erb ials—{sikwi} 'just; only' and {tibizi} 'indeed; really'--{misu} and {tu?i} a re th e only o th e r form s in my corpus th a t may a p p ea r b etw een the verbal proclitic an d th e verb stem.

2 4 a ) mabi nim i mia-?yai -na, ka= mooni tu?i kwatti DEM i.EXCL go -HAB-PTCP OBL=money try look.for.DUR 'We w ent over th e re (m ore th a n once) to try and look for the m oney.' b)

tu?i nadawinai -u -si try jum p -PNC-SEQ '(He) tried to jum p up . . ' (NK: Porcupine and Coyote)

c)

ni a=misu - pahapi I 4= can IP/water-lie.SG 'I can/could swim.'

d)

ni mi=misu - makwi -u -kwi I PL=can - finish -PNC-FUT 'I will easily defeat you all.'

These form s, along with th e ir d istrib u tio n a l c o u n te rp arts, a re also d escribed briefly in section 8.0 on verb stru c tu re in N o rth e rn Paiute.

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454 Q.q Adverbial Clauses

One of th e main functions of adverbial clauses is to establish relatio nsh ip s beyond the level of the sentence (Thom pson and Longacre 1985). Much of the sem antics of different adverbial clause types is not overtly expressed in N o rth ern Paiute, b ut is inferred, since the language does not have a large inventory of su bo rdin ating conjunctions. That is to say, the surface g ram m ar does not, by and large, specify th e exact n a tu re of the re la tio n sh ip betw een the adverbial clause and th e m ain clause. The p rim a ry disc o u rse-p ra g m a tic function of adverbial clauses in language is to provide cohesion (Thom pson and Longacre 1985, Givon 1990). P art of th is cohesion stem s from the fact th at, in text, adverbial clauses freq u en tly p a ra p h ra se , or even repeat, in fo rm a tio n th a t has already been established. P a rap h ra se and re p e titio n are pervasive features of N orthern Paiute discourse. The extent to which th ese features are used are partially a m a tte r of stylistic choice, to be sure. However, th is stylistic penchant extends across speakers and genres (cf. Fowler, ms. a n d Fowler and Abel, 2 0 0 0 ). It is not possible to clearly distinguish clausal su bord in atio n and c o o rd in a tio n in N o rth e rn P aiute gram m ar. As o th e rs (cf. Givon 1990, Longacre 1985) have p o inted out, the logical notion th a t c o o rd in a tio n combines two elem ents of equal rank is artificial, since in on-line speech, the range and com plexity of disco u rse v ariab les m itig ates stron gly against any such ranking possibility. Even in English co ordinate c on stru ctio ns, w hether of NP's, VP's, or entire S's, it can usually be d e m o n stra te d the the

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455 c oodinated elem en ts are, in fact, not ran ked e q u ally --e ith e r pragm atically or, as is often the case, even syntactically. In most cases of coordination at the verb p hrase or clause level in N o rth ern Paiute, su bord in atin g m orphology appears on one of the verbs in th e chain. Simple ju xtap osition could be considered the c o u n te rp a rt of coordination in the language, b ut for th e p resen t purposes, I will simply discuss the g ram m ar of clause com bining. This will allow, I think, for a less biased analysis w ithout going too far into th e su b o rd in a tio n versus coordination issue. We have already seen in our discussion of com plem entation th a t finiteness and su b o rd in a tio n is itself a m a tte r of degree. This section is only a first pass of a study of adverbial clauses and inter-clausal relatio nsh ip s in general in N o rth ern Paiute. In it, I will discuss the m orpho-syntax of su b o rd in a te clauses and provide an inventory of how some of the m ajor adverbial relation ships are expressed by means of adverbial clauses. Finally, I will take a general view of clausecombining strategies in discourse in o rd er to assist th e re a d e r in in te rp re tin g the texts th a t make up the final ch ap ter of th is study.

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456 9-3-1 Adverbial Clause Morpho-syntax

Adverbial clauses involve sim ilar m o rpho-syntactic fea tu res as do o th e r complex clause ty p e s—in p a rtic u la r, su b o rd in a tin g m orphology and oblique case-m arking of the notional subject of the subordinate clause or of the clause itself. Subordinating verb m orphology is used to help estab lish th e n a tu re of the sem antic link betw een clauses in discourse. N o rthern Paiute relies m ainly upon two verbal suffixes in the form ation of adverbial clauses—the sequential suffix {si} (SEQ) and the p resen t participle suffix {na} (PTCP). G enerally speaking, {si} m arks the verbs of su bo rd in ate clauses th a t code events th a t tem p o rally p reced e a n o th e r event. T ra n sla te d into idiom atic English, the {si} clause m eans som ething like 'having V-ed' or 'a fte r V-ing.' It also frequently tra n s la te s as verb phrase conjunction in English.

2 4 a ) nimmi oi piti -ga -si we.EXCL DEM arrive-TRNSL-SEQ nimmi iwa nim m i ti- tsapoka we.EXCL much we.EXCL APS-pick 'Having arrived th ere, we picked a lot . . ' (NK: Chokecherries) b)

ni u=madupui -hu -si 00 tiki I 3=IP/hand-coil -PNC-SEQ DEM put/place 'I coiled it up and put (it) over there.'

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457 c)

mi= tika-ki -u -si nimmi tiwau mia-si us= eat-APL-PNC-SEQ we.EXCL again go -SEQ na- noo -ka -si oo ka= yamoso -tami MM-carry-TRNSL-SEQ DEM OBL=Ft.Bidwell-toward 'Having allowed us to eat, we w ent on again, and w ere h a u le d on out th ere to Fort Bidwell . . ' (NK: Boarding School Days)

The p re se n t participle suffix {na} (PTCP), in contrast to {si} (SIM), typically signals th a t two (or m ore) events are, at lea st roughly, c o ntem poran eous. T herefore, clauses m arked with {na} are often tra n s la te d like English 'when,' 'as,' or 'while' adverbial clauses. They, too, may also tra n s la te into conjoined verb p hrases or sentences.

2 5 a ) 00 tia?a yaisi u -su kutsu yadada kai sunami-na so thusly th en 3-NOM cow eagerly.agreed NEG think -PTCP 'And so it was th a t the Cow eagerly accepted w ithout thinking. (NK: Porcupine and Coyote) b)

mi=tihica kai himma tika-na tikikoi -na, tiya?i PL=deer NEG s.t. eat-PTCP skinny.PL-PTCP die.PL 'W hen d e er d o n 't have anything to eat, th ey grow skinny an d d ie .’

c)

yaisi i -su kaiba kussi timatai-na th en PROX-NOM m ountain dust rise -PTCP yaisi u-su pabi?i u=punni-na u -ka kussi-ba then 3-NOM elder.brother 3=see -PTCP 3-OBL dust -STAT yaisi pisa u= supidakwatu th e n well 3= u n d e rs ta n d 'th en as th e d u st rose from this m ountain, and the eld er b ro th e r (Wolf) saw th a t dust, (he, Wolf) u n d ersto o d it (i.e. w hat it m eant).' (WM: The Cave Myth)

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458 Only th e m ain verb, w h e th er or not it is the final verb of th e series, appears w ithout a su bo rdinating suffix. The following exam ple provides a nice com parison of the tem poral function of the two su bord inating suffixes.

26 )

sa?a yaisi, mi?nawi mani-ca -si later th en long.time do -TRNSL-SEQ pi- bia? iwa ti -tsadima-na piti -wini. RE-friend m any APS-carry -PTCP arrive -CONT 'L ater on, a fte r being out doing (th at) awhile, th e friends arrived bringing lots (of apples).' (NK: Boarding School Days)

The first, {si} m arked verb rep re se n ts a preceding action, w hereas the second, {na} m ark ed verb re p re se n ts an action co n te m p o ra n eo u s with th e final, finite verb of the sentence. One syntactic difference b etw een verbs m arked w ith e ith e r of the two su b o rd in a tin g suffixes is th a t aspect m arking m ore freq u en tly accom panies {si} th a n occurs w ith {na}-marked verbs.

27a)

uuni -ku nimmi mago?o-kwai-tu tsapoka -kw i -si, that.kind-OBL we.EXCL bag -LOC -ALL gather-FUT-SEQ oo?no kai yabi sida manakwi a t.th a t.tim e NEG h u rry b a d becom e ' . . we were to (to put what) we picked into the bags, (so th a t it) w o u ld n 't spoil right away.' (NK: Chokecherries)

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459 b)

u -su ka ni-pa piti -u -si 3-NOM KA I -by arrive-PNC-SEQ i= matai?i -u -si simina i= patsa -kwi i=capture-PNC-SEQ maybe i=kill.SG-FUT ' "Once it reaches me and captures me, (it) will probably kill me . ' " (NK: Nemedzoho)

c)

uu tu?i cigwi-dai -si = ga thusly try do -HAB-SEQ = MOD ka= kwaya?a sogo - kima -si OBL=far on.foot - come-SEQ su= nimidzoho?o pahonayai-si NOM= People.Masher be.tired -SEQ 00 -tu su= inapa -u pino?o DEM-ALL NOM= fall.asleep-PNC as.for 'H aving been doing thusly, an d having come a long ways on foot, the Nemedzoho grew tired, and ju s t dropped off to sleep, as well.' (NK: Nemedzoho)

The examples above d e m o n stra te the co-occurrence of the sequential m a rk e r w ith th e fu tu re /p ro s p e c tiv e , h a b itu al, an d p u n c tu a l aspect suffixes. One finds {na} co-occurring with different aspectual suffixes m uch less frequently, b u t th e re ap p ears to be no strict rule against it.

28 a) yaisi himma uuni-ku tia? pi -kwai ni= hani -kw i-na then things that.kind-OBL thusly RESTR-LOC us=do/wear-FUT-PTCP uuni -ku ni= himi -na that.kind-OBL us=give.PL-PTCP 'Then once (they) gave us th e th ing s th a t we w ere to w ear . . ' (NK: Boarding School Days) b)

uu mani-?yai -na thusly do -HAB-PTCP ' . . and th a t's w hat they would do.' (MS: Autobiography)

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9 -3-2

O th e r Adverbial Clause Types

It is at th is point th a t th e various o th e r sem antic re la tio n sh ip s th a t may h old betw een th e a d v erb ial an d m ain clause are typically in tro d u c e d and t h e ir m orpho-syntactic features discussed. N orthern Paiute does not exploit a special set of gram m atical features in the form ation of adverbial clauses. R ather, th e sem antic re la tio n sh ip holding betw een th e m ain and su b o rd in a te clauses in N o rth e rn Paiute is often inferred, r a th e r th an overtly expressed. The two su bo rd in atin g suffixes discussed in the previous section are also used in m arking adverbial clauses denoting a variety of relatio n sh ip s-conditional, cause, counterfact, and concession. To form conditional type clauses, the sequential subo rd in ate suffix {si} (SEQ) m arks the verb of the clause denoting th e condition. The adverbial clause precedes the m ain clause, and th e co n d itio n -re su lt relationship is implicit.

2 9 a ) ni kopi?i iwa hibi -si kai i?wi I coffee much drink-SEQ NEG sleep.DUR '(If) I drink too much coffee, (I) can't sleep.' b)

kai ii = sa?a i=sidi -u -si NEG 2 = MODi=snort -PNC -SEQ

wi?i -u -dua fall -PNC -SUBJ

'And th en the Cow said, "No, if I snort, you could fall!" (NK: Porcupine and Coyote)

In 29b), th e notional subject of the adverbial clause is realized as a verbal proclitic.

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461

Adverbial clauses denoting the cause in a cause-effect relatio nsh ip te n d to follow th e m ain clause denoting the effect. The adverbial clause is n ot m arked w ith a su b o rd in a tin g suffix, although the notio nal subject m ay a p p ea r as a v erbal proclitic, w hen p rono m inal. The p a rticle {ka}, occurs before the clause coding the cause w heth er or not th e re is a switch of subject.

3 0 a) ni u=supidakwatu ka u -su i= tiikwi I 3 -know KA 3-NOM 1= tell 'I know because he told me.' b)

ni= kaupa yaisi ni- niima ka ?uu our=leg then RE-feel KA DEM

ni=manakwi us= do/act

'. . th en o ur legs were sore from doing that. . ' (MS: Autobiography)

There is m ore th a n one in te rp re ta tio n of {ka} in these examples. One is th a t it is sim ply a connective particle occurring, as it usually does, a t a c o n stitu e n t bou ndary. A nother is th a t it is th e oblique d e te rm in e r proclitic, syntactically b o u n d to th e e n tire adverbial clause. In th e following example, the adverbial clause comes first, the p a rticle {ka} ap p ears in second position, and the verb is m arked with the participle {na} (PTCP).

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462

3 i)

H = ka i= tuami tamma-kwi -na you = KA 2=children leave -FUT-PTCP umi oi -?yu -na nobi -kwai-?yu -na they DEM-ABL-ATTR house-LOC-ABL-ATTR tui - hau -tui ma?na?wi -na any how any act/b ehave-P T C P 'If you leave you r ch ild ren b ehind, to stay at hom e, they get into m ischief (behave j u s t any old way).' (NK: Kids, Then and Now)

A su b o rd in a te clause denoting a counterfact condition appears em bedded in a resu lt clause in the following example.

32)

ka= ha?uapaga - sakwa nimmi OBL= whatever = MOD we.EXCL [ka= kai himma supidakwadu -na ] OBL= NEG things know -PTCP u= mani 3= do 'W hatever would we have done, if we h a d n 't le a rn e d th ose things?' (NK: Root-digging Time)

Here, {ka} in the em bedded clause appears clearly to be a proclitic. The prohibitive verbal enclitic (cf. section 7.3) also functions as a kind of disjunctive particle, like the English conjunction 'but.'

33)

obi tia? nimmi -?nimi -?yakwi paana kai mi= punni DEM thusly wander-RNDM.SG-HAB PROH NEG PL=see.DUR ' . . so (he) would w ander around, b u t d idn 't see them . . ' (NK: Boarding School Days)

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463 The sem antics of a concessive adverbial clause re la tio n sh ip usually involves a second position modal clitic (cf. section 7.5). The interaction of m odals, aspect, and th e g ram m ar of s u b o rd in a tio n m erits f u rth e r exploration in the context of establishing th e sem antic relatio n sh ip s holding betw een com binations of clauses.

9.3.3 Subject Case-M arking in Adverbial Clauses

Most of the {si}-marked verbs in the exam ples p re s e n te d so far have th e sam e subject. This is not a g ram m atical c o n stra in t, however, b ut m ore likely a pragm atic one c e n tere d on topic continuity. W hen the gram m atical subject of two clauses—one a su bo rdinate, {si} m ark ed clause, the other, a m ain clause—is different, th ere appear to be two options for expressing the subject of the subo rdin ate clause. The subject of the {si}m arked clause may a p p e a r as n om inative or oblique, a lth o u g h th e sem antic relation ship betw een the two clauses may be different as a result.

3 4 a ) u-su nana pidi -u -si, u-su moko?ni mia -u 3-NOM m an arrive-PNC-SEQ 3-NOM woman go.SG-PNC 'W hen t h a t m an came, th a t w om an left. b)

ka= nana pidi -u -si su= moko?ni mia -u OBL=man arrive-PNC-SEQ NOM=woman go.SG-PNC 'Because th e man came, the wom an left.'

In 34a), the relatio nsh ip b etw een the two events is c o n stru e d as simply sequential. The expression of th e notional subject 'the m an' as

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464

oblique in the first clause of 34b), however, im plies th a t som ething th e m an did caused the w om an to leave. The exact sem antic re la tio n sh ip is in ferred b u t the stro n g e r conceptual connection betw een th e two events is a reflection of the g re a te r m orpho-syntactic in teg ratio n of th e two clauses. Adverbial 'w hen' clauses, b o th with and w ithout {na}, may also have a notional subject appearing in oblique case or as an object proclitic on the verb, as w ith com plem ent and n o n -su b je ct relative clause types.

35)

una -u ka mi= tihona, DEM-U KA us= dig.roots una -?yu sawa -naga -?yu yaga-na naka -?yakwi DEM-ABL sagebrush-among-ABL cry -PTCP hear-HAB 'Out th e re when we w ere root-digging, (we) would h e a r (it) calling out th e re among th e sag eb ru sh .' (NK: We Talked to th a t Bird)

As w ith {si} m arked clauses, th e subject of the su bord ate {na} m arked clause and th a t of th e m ain clause may be th e sam e or d ifferent.

9.3.4 An In c ip ie n t Absolutive P a tte rn

O ccasionally, th e sy ntactic rea liz atio n of an a rg u m e n t as a verbal proclitic appears to be a m atter of consistency across clauses. This is an a rea th a t m erits a g re a t deal of f u r th e r study, p a rtic u la rly since the p a tte rn occasionally appears to be one for dealing with a topical absolutive a rg u m e n t.

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465 Some com plexity in th e syntactic realization of arg u m e n ts is p re s e n te d here, w hereby the notional subject of an adverbial clause appears as a verbal proclitic. This is in keeping with a general m orphosyntactic p a tt e r n involving th e rea liz atio n of arg u m e n ts in su b o rd in a te clauses generally, bu t it ap p ea rs to involve a p ragm atic choice.

3 6)

uu = sakwa ni su= kai i= ma?yi = sakwa thusly = MOD I NOM= NEG 1= notice = MOD su= tokano i= tsipugi -si NOM= night 1= escape-SEQ ' "So m ust I, it m ustn't notice th a t I have escaped in the night." ' (NK: Nemedzoho)

Note th a t the in depen dent, nom inative form of the first p erson p ro n o u n was p re s e n te d initially, but th a t th e n first person ap p ears as a v erbal proclitic first on a tra n sitiv e verb (as the O arg u m en t), th e n on an in tra n s itiv e (as th e S a rg u m e n t). Som ething sim ilar is happening in the following sequence from a procedural narrative. The focus of this portio n of the n arrativ e is on the chokecherry juice th a t is being thickened as a pudding.

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466

37)

oo yaisi oo u= wina -na so then DEM 3= set.aside-PTCP 'So then (you) set it aside, yaisi saa?a u=?itzitzi -u -si then later 3=cold -PNC-SEQ 'and later when it's cold, u=higa -ssi; 3=cool -SEQ 'it having cooled off, yaisi tiwau oo?no tia? u-mati misu - tika th en also a t.th e.tim e thusly 3-PART be.able - eat 'then (you) can go ahead and eat some.' (NK: Chokecherries)

Here again we have the th ir d p erson p ro n o u n refe rrin g to th e ju ice appearing as th e verbal proclitic on th ree consecutive verbs, first as the O a rg u m e n t of a tra n s itiv e verb, th e n as th e S a rg u m e n t of tw o in tra n s itiv e v erb s. 9.3.5 In te r-c la u sa l Coherence

As m en tio n ed in th e in tro d u c tio n to th is section, an im p o rta n t discourse function of adverbial clauses is to contribute to discourse cohesiveness by providing various types of inter-clausal links. Of p a rtic u la r im portance is w hat T hom pson and Longacre (1985) re fe r to as "tail-head linkage," for bridging clausal and p a ra g rap h level b o u n d a rie s. In this section, we will look at how clauses m arked with {si} an d {na} con trib ute to cohesion. Let us begin by looking at {si} m arked adverbial clauses. One way th a t such clauses m ain ta in cohesion is sim ply by carrying o r rep e a tin g

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467 inform ation th a t has been e stablished in th e preceding discourse. Such clauses, as we have seen, often tran sla te best as 'having done so and so' or 'such and so having happened .' Beyond sim ple sequencing of events in discourse, {si} m arked clauses provide a kind of feedback link to the preceding discourse. In the following examples, I will in d en t the su b o rd in a te m arked clauses from text for visual ease (following M ithun 2002).

38)

ka sa?a su= hii umi -ba pitti KA la te r NOM= WH they -home.of? arrive.DUR L ater on, she arriv ed to w here they were, wida?a xvaha -u ti= tua -mi -no bear two -OBL POSS= child -PL -with brow n b e a r and h er two children. o?o umi -ba pitti -si DEM they -home.of? arrive.DUR -SEQ Having a rriv e d th e r e w here th ey w ere, yaisi su= wida?a m ii u= nitama o -ka tihica piabi then NOM= bear QUOT 3= tell DEM -OBL deer female the bear spoke to her . . ' (NK: Bear and Deer)

3 9)

mi= pia owi -su ti- yotjo m ii PL= m o ther th ere -NOM APS- evening " . . your m other is spending the night out there," (she) said. owi yorjo -si th e re evening -SEQ "She'll spend the night mua tiwao tihona -kwi tom orrow again dig.roots -FUT and tom orrow do some more digging." (NK: Bear and Deer)

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468

The {si} m arked clause contains all and only old in fo rm atio n established in the first clause of the sequence. In both of these examples, the verb of the preceding clause is sim ply rep e ate d and m arked w ith {si}. Such couplets are com m on in n a rra tiv e and serve to m ain tain a c le ar link across clauses in n arrativ e. As a back-channeling technique, a speaker's in terlocu to r will som etim es supply th e non-finite form of the couplet. In this way, th e h e a re r provides some of the coherence links for e ith e r a n a rra tiv e or c o n v ersa tio n . As an a ltern a tiv e to com plete repetitio n, a p a ra p h ra se rela tio n sh ip may also hold betw een the adverbial clause an d th e finite, preceding clause. As is m ost often the case, the adverbial clause verb is a generic verb, usually one of th e verbs m eaning 'do.'

40)

o?o yaisi umi ka ti= nobi na?una -wai DEM th en they KA POSS= house around -LOC So th e n they (w ent) ro u n d and ro u n d th e ir house, iwa nada?yikwi m any m a k e .tr a c k s m ak in g m any tr a c k s . ka yu?u mani -si KA this.way do -SEQ Having done this, kwaya -wai nadawinai far.off -LOC jum p they ju m p e d far off.

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469

4 l)

tihica tua -mi kwaya -wai nadawinai -u -ga deer child -PL far.off -LOC jum p -PNC -TRNSL The fawns lept away. uu ma?na?wi -si thusly do -SEQ Having done so, su= bia?a sun pinagi uu nakwai NOM= friend NOM= younger.one thusly follow the younger one followed after.

New c o nceptual p a ra g ra p h s freq u e n tly begin w ith a {si} m ark e d adverbial clause, som etim es also accom panied by a tim e adverbial whos function is to set the stage for the next series of events. In the following sequence from a p ro ce d u ral n a rra tiv e , the c ru sh ed cho kecherries have been shap ed into patties and set out to dry in the sun. The speaker signals a b reak in the tim e sequence an d th e beginning of a new p ara g rap h .

42)

saa yaisi, tibizi saa ii mi?na?wi mani-ca-s[i] la te r th en indeed la te r you long.time do-TRNSL-SEQ 'L ater on, much later--you have to go and do (wait) for quite awhile, tu sunaga-na also calculate-PTCP 'a n d make a d e te rm in a tio n — ii tiwau tsam - [u=]tsaminita you also tu r n - [3 = ](IP /g ra sp )tu rn .o v er.P L 'a n d th e n you flip them over, oo?no-su kai u=passa-nakwa-tu pino?o passa-kwi at.the.time-ADV NEG 3=dry-side-ALL as.well dry-FUT 'so th e n the side th a t's not dry will dry, too.

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470 Certain generic verbs, p a rticu la rly 'do,' 'be,' and 'say,' have a tendency to develop into clausal connectives by ju s t th is route (Thom pson and Longacre (1985). Indeed, th e u b iq u ito u s n a rra tiv e p a rticle {yaisi} m eaning 'and; th e n ' may well be a defunct generic verb th a t lexicalized th e sequential sub ordinating suffix {si}.6 Even m ore pervasive in discourse are su b o rd in a te clauses m arked with the particip ial suffix {na} (PTCP). Aside from m arking events as co n tem p o ran eo u s w ith o th e r events, {na} m arked clauses, like tho se with {si}, also te n d to carry p a ra p h ra se s and repetitio n. We have seen the syntactic role of {na} in non-subject relative clauses and in c o m p lem entatio n. W hat is striking about th e ir frequency in n a rra tiv e , is th at, as M ithun (200 2) has suggested for the role of su bord in ativ e mood in Yup'ik, {na} m arked clauses ap p ea r to su p p o rt background inform ation . N o n -sub ord inate clauses are reserved for inform ation th a t moves the n a rra tiv e fo rw ard . I include h ere an exten ded excerpt from the p ro ced u ral text 'C hokecherries' to d em o n strate the po tential backgrounding function of {na} m arked clauses.

6 Although only suggestive, Southern Paiute has a verb {ai} meaning 'say' that functions as a main verb, quotative particle, and hearsay marker (Bunte 1979).

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471 43)

saa yaisi, tibizi saa ii mi?na?wi mani-ca-s[i] la te r th en indeed later you long-time do-TRNSL-SEQ 'L ater on, m uch later--yo u have to go and do (wait) for quite awhile, tu sunaga-na also calculate-PTCP 'a n d make a d e te rm in a tio n -ii tiwau tsam— [u=]tsaminita you also tu rn - [3 = ](IP /g ra sp )tu rn .o v er.P L 'a n d th e n you flip them over, oo?no-su kai u=passa-nakwa-tu pino?o passa-kwi at.the.time-ADV NEG 3=dry-side-ALL as.well dry-FUT 'so th en the side th at's not dry will dry, too. uu uusapa nimi u=yigwi-na; th u s always we.EXCL 3=do-PTCP 'th a t's w hat we always did; yaisi ka tibizi pisa ini u=passa-u-piti-ga-si; th en KA indeed well INT 3=dry-PNC-INCH-TRNSL-SEQ 'a n d when it gets really good and dry, oo?no tu mi=pia bina pisa-u toha-mago-kwai tiwau, u=hanni; then also our=m other w.r.t. good-OBL white-bag-LOC also 3=do 'then, too, our m other w ould p ut it into a good, w hite bag. uuni-kwai noo-ko nim i u=hani-na tiwau that.kind-LOC all-OBL we.EXCL 3=do-PTCP also 'That's w here we put all of th at, unaa kai ini hauni-kwai yu?u tia? nim i u=tsakwini tiwau DEM NEG INT some.kind-LOC PROX thusly we.EXCL 3=hang also and hang it up som ewhere safe like th is.'

By com paring th e in fo rm a tio n co n ta in e d in the s u b o rd in a te (in d en ted ) and m ain clauses, we find th a t the n o n -su b o rd in a te clauses contain the key info rm ation necessary to the p ro cedure describ ed (flipping

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472 over the chokecherry p a ttie s to dry, p u ttin g them in to a clean, w hite cloth bag, and hanging the bag som ew here for safe-keeping). The su b o rd in a te clauses, on the o th er hand, provide little by way of new inform ation, in ste a d supplying b ack grou nd in fo rm a tio n --th e crucial th re a d s th a t hold th e discourse together. The role of subo rd in atio n in N o rth ern Paiute at the discourse level m erits a great deal of f u rth e r study. The link betw een discourse features like backgrounding, topicality, and p resu p p o sitio n and syntactic notions like su b o rd in a tio n and no m inalization is crucial to developing an u n d e rstan d in g of the high density of su b o rd in a te clauses in N o rth ern P a iu te text. F u r th e r study, how ever, can not be a d eq u a te ly u n d e rta k e n w ithout also tracking the p o ten tially interactive role played by discourse p articles, case-m arking, and aspect.

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473

CHAPTER 10

TEXTS

10.0 In tro d u ctio n to the Texts

Text collection is a vital p a rt of linguistic fieldwork. Nothing reveals m ore about the ling uistic stra te g ie s em ployed by speakers to com m unicate th a n exten ded stre tc h e s of n a tu ra lly -o cc u rrin g speech in a language. C ertain a re as of gram m ar can never be fully u n d e rs to o d w ith out a corpus of texts of various genre. Discourse features such as w ord o rd er variation, control of reference, an d the pragm atic dom ain of voice, as well as sem antic features of th e aspectual system and the complex spatiald irectio nal system in N o rth e rn Paiute cannot be fully a p p re c ia te d w ithou t rich and v a rie d tex t data. These texts represen t ju st a sample of those collected in the field. In them , the re a d e r can explore the b ro a d e r context for m any of the c o nstru ctio ns described in th is gram m ar. All of the tex ts here are from a single speaker of the Burns dialect, w hat Nichols (1974) has re p re se n te d as th e central Oregon subdialect of Oregon N o rth ern Paiute. The speaker is Nepa Kennedy (NK), an excellent speaker and c u rren tly recognized in Burns as th e best storyteller. She was b o rn in 1918, shortly afte r th e end of W orld W ar I in w aatihaga, or ju n ip e r-d ra w —

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474 an area to the n orth of the Burns Paiute Reservation. I include h ere four tra d itio n a l tales, an excerpt from an auto b io g rap h ical n a rra tiv e , a p ro ce d u ral n a rra tiv e , an d a couple of sh o rt e th nog raphical texts. Present at several of the recording sessions were Rena Beers (RB) and Ju s tin e Louie Brown (JB), b oth b o rn in 1918. They, too, are excellent speakers and provided "native listener" supp ort during the m aking of these recordings. These women are also the sources of much of the elicited data in th is work. Ruth Lewis provided m any h o u rs of invaluable a ssistance in the tra n sc rip tio n and tra n s la tio n of the recordings re p re se n te d here. Textbased elicitation was also conducted during the process, and so she, too, is a significant source of d ata th a t appears in th is m anuscript. I p re se n t th e tex ts in the m an n er indicated in section 9.3.5, th a t is, with su b o rd in a te -m a rk e d clauses in d en ted along with c ertain of the p a ra p h r a s e d m a te ria l.

10.1 Four T rad ition al Tales

The following four tra d itio n a l n a rra tiv e s were to ld in one sitting by Nepa Kennedy at a m onthly m eeting of the Burns Paiute Elders Group on th e Burns Paiute R eservation h eld on May 9, 1997. T here w ere p e rh a p s a dozen people present, including speakers, sem i-speakers, and passive bilinguals. One of th e la tte r, a woman in her early 50's, in te r p r e te d the stories in English after each was told.

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475 l o . i . i Porcupine and Coyote

"This is a b o u t , aa ," u -ka -u tia?a tsagwidi —"No!"-DEM -OBL -U thusly porcupine 'This is about, ahh' . .There's th at porcupine— 'No!' hii kutsu uuni -?yu WH cow th at.k in d -NOM This cow, th a t kind . . hauga kutsu uuni -?yu da? ka?a som ehow cow th at.k in d -NOM thusly KA(SR?) Somehow th e re 's this cow . . su= tsagwidi u -ka -u da? nainapa huudi, NOM= porcupine DEM -OBL -OBL thusly across river It's the Porcupine th a t's crossing the river, nainapa tsa- matji -kwi across IP/grasp- cross(.water) -FUT w ants to get across. huudi -tu tsa- maiji -ki river -ALL IP /grasp- cross(.water) -APL ka= manaapa-tu su= dzagwidi - ga nimia -na OBL=across -ALL NOM=porcupine = MOD? IP/speech- go.SG -PTCP to the other side the Porcupine asks to go. oono-su su=dzagwidi o-ba pidi-u ka= kutsu -pa at.that.tim e -ADV NOM= porcupine DEM -by arrive.DUR -PNC OBL= cow -by At th e tim e, the P orcup in e arriv ed th e re by the Cow. su tibir/a NOM ask ii -ha =sakwa nainapa i= tsa- magi -ki 2 =Q =MOD across 1= IP/grasp- cross(.water) -APL He asked, "Could you take me across?"

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476 ni ka tiitsi -?yu -na tinai -?yu -na =sakwa l.SG KA small -ATTR -?? short -ATTR -?? -MOD patsa -?yu mii tia?a kill.SG -ATTR? QUOT thusly "I'm a small one, a sh o rt one and might drown," so said (he). su= yaisi kutsu yaisi miu NOM= th en cow th en QUOT uu =sakwa tui ni mii tia? th u sly =MOD try l.SG QUOT th u sly So th en the cow said, "OK, I'll try it." ni hanno =sakwa yaisi ii kati -cai mii tia? l.SG where -M OD th e n 2 sit.SG -aro u n d QUOT thusly "I, but where would you be sitting?" so (she) said. su= tsagwidi yaisi miu NO M - porcupine th en QUOT kai =ha =sakwa ni i= mubi -kuba kati -cai mii tia?a NEG =Q -MOD l.SG 2= nose -over/on.top sit.SG -around QUOT thusly Then the Porcupine replied, "Couldn't I ju st sit on your nose?" su= yaisi su= kutsu caisi miu NOM= then NOM- cow then QUOT kai ii =sa?a i= sidi -u -si NEG 2 -m ig h t 1= snort -PNC -SEQ wi?i -u -dua mii tia?a fall -PNC -SUBJ QUOT thusly And th en the Cow said, "No, you m ight fall when I blow my nose!" yaisi tiwao su= tsagwidi -su th en also NOM- porcupine *** -NOM kai =ha =sakwa ni i= naka -wai kati -cai mii NEG =Q -MOD l.SG 2= ear -LOC sit.SG -DIR QUOT Then again, the Porcupine, "Why don 't I sit in your ear?" said.

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o -su yarn miu 3 -NOM th en QUOT kai ii =sa?a i= tsogwinoa -si NEG 2 =might 1= shake.the.h ead -SEQ ii wi?i -u -dua mii tia? you fall -PNC -SUBJ QUOT thusly paa -wai -tu water -LOC -to And she said, "No, you might fall when I shake my head," saying, "Into w ater." oo na- na- kwaya -di mani -na so RE- MM- far.off -NMR do -PTCP And so on (they were) doing . . . kai =ha =sakwa ni i - kwassi -wai o -ma mayua-kati mii NEG =Q =ought l.SG 2= tail -LOC DEM -INST hold.onto-sit.SG QUOT "How about if hold on by your tail?" saying, u -su tsagwidi mii tia?a 3 -NOM porcupine QUOT thusly th a t Porcupine said th at. oono su= kutsu daisi miu a t.th a t.tim e NOM= cow th e n QUOT kai ii =sa?a i= kwassi wi- witso?i -u -si NEG 2 =might 1= tail DISTR- wag.swing -PNC -SEQ wi?i -u -dua mii tia?a fall -PNC -SUBJ QUOT thusly And th e n the Cow said, "No, you m ight fall off when I wag my tail!" oo uu na- na- kwaya -di mii i?na?wi so thusly RE- MM- far.off-NM R QUOT say.DUR? So on and on like th a t (they) were speaking. saa yaisi u -su tsagwidi su la te r th en 3 -NOM porcupine NOM kai =ha =sakwa ni i= tsabo -[wa]i kati -cai mii tia? < > NEG =Q =MOD l.SG 2= butt -LOC sit.SG -DIR QUOT thusly L ater on, then, th a t Porcupine, "Couldn't I be sitting in your ass?" said.

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478 oo tia? yaisi u -su kutsu yadada so th usly th e n 3 -NOM cow eagerly.agreed kai sunami -na NEG think -PTCP And so it was t h a t th e Cow eagerly accepted w itho ut thinking. 00 caisi su= tsagwidi u= tsabo -[wa]i kati -u -ga so then NOM= porcupine 3= b u tt -LOC sit.SG -PNC -TRNSL So th e n the Porcupine w ent to sit in h er ass. nainapa yaisi marji -u ka= paa -du manapa -tu across th en cross(.water) -PNC OBL= water -LOC across -to (They) w ent across, th ro u g h th e w ater, across th at. u= tsa- maiji -ki -u ka= tsagwidi 3= IP/grasp- cross(.water) -APL -PNC OBL= porcupine (She) took him across, th a t Porcupine. 00 mia kwatti DEM go.SG together.PL T hey w ent to g e th e r. yaisi manaapa yaisi tii piti -u -ga th en across th en ?? arrive-PNC -TRNSL And so th en (they) reached the o th er side. 00 -tu caisi u -su tsagwidi nadawinai -hu DEM -ALL then 3 -NOM porcupine jum p -PNC And th e re , th a t Porcupine ju m p e d out. u -su pi- -kuba u kati -cai -na 3 -NOM RESTR- -over/on.top DEM sit.SG -HAB -PTCP The one he was riding, yaisi 00 -tu patsa -u then DEM -ALL kill.SG -PNC (Porcupine) killed th ere. su= tsagwidi u= patsa-u u-ka ti= mugu -ma NOM= porcupine 3= kill.SG -PNC DEM -OBL POSS= quill -INST The Porcupine killed h e r with his quills,

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479 ka= ibi u= namahi -kwa[i] kati -na OBL PROX.ILL 3= privates -LOC sit.SG -PTCP by sittin g in h e r p rivates. uu u= patsa tabi?a ka= kutsu th usly 3= kill.SG app ear OBL= cow T h at's how (he) killed her, th a t cow. oono yaisi su= tsagwidi yaisi manapa manai -si a t.th at.tim e th en NOM= porcupine th e n across do -SEQ And th e n once the Porcupine had gotten across, una -ti wihi wati -ga DEM -LOC knife look.for -TRNSL (he) w ent looking for a knife over th ere, huu -tu uuni -tv -ti flow -ALL that.kind -ALL -LOC by th e river-- at th a t place (along th e shore). oo tia?a so thusly T h at's how it was. 777 =sakwa tihani mii tia?a l.SG =MOD sk in /b u tc h e r QUOT thusly "I've gotta b u tch e r (it)," thusly, mii tia?a sunami su= tsagwidi QUOT thu sly th in k NOM= porcupine so thou ght the Porcupine. oo yaisi huu -tu -ti pisa -u kaakwaba so then flow -ALL -LOC good -OBL sharp So th en along th e riverbed, som ething good and sharp, uuni -ku himma tipi pisa kaakwaba wati th at.k in d -OBL what rock good sharp look.for a nice, sharp rock (he) searched for. oo -tu puni -wini so -ALL look.for -CONT.SG W hile looking along th ere,

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himma =sakwa ni ma?yi -u -si what =MOD l.SG find -PNC-SEQ "I have to find som ething u -ma tihani DEM -INST skin/butcher to b u tch e r with," mii ini -si QUOT say -SEQ (he) was saying, mana -kwa -na pa?a-nakwa DEM(known) -LOC -ABL water- side when from out th e re alongside the w ater yaisi su= idza kima -u -ki -na then NOM= coyote come -PNC -CISL -PTCP came the Coyote, u -dami yaisi u -ba piti -u DEM -toward then DEM -by arrive.DUR -PNC to w a rd him , th e n b e sid e him, (he) arrived. yaisi mii th e n QUOT T hen (Coyote) said, himma i wati -wini -nimi hauga mii tia?a w hat 2 look.for -CONT.SG -RNDM.SG somehow QUOT thusly "What are you looking around for?" so said. kai yaa-ti ni si?a-wihi watti NEG here -LOC l.SG skinning-knife look.for "No,well, I'm looking aroun d here for a skinning knife," mii tia?a, su= hii tsagwidi QUOT thusly NOM= WH porcupine so saying, th a t porcup ine. u -su u -su idza yaisi u= timadzai -wini bi 3 -NOM 3 -NOM coyote then 3= help -CONT.SG EMPH? T hat one, th a t Coyote, he was helping him then,

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481

aha ni = sa?a timadzai yaa -tu puni -u -kwi mii tia?a yes l.SG MOD help here -ALL see -PNC -FUT QUOT thusly "Yes, I can help look around here," so saying. owi yaisi 00 -ti wati -na there then DEM -LOC look.for -PTCP So th ere (they) looked. yaisi sa?a ka ti- mayi-u th en later KA APS- find-PNC T hen la te r (they) m u st have fo u n d som ething, yaisi tiwao ka= ti= pia ti- patsa -kwai -tu mi- mia -u, ka= kutsu then also OBL= POSS= friend APS- kill.SG -LOC -ALL RE- go -PNC OBL= cow and also went to w here th e ir friend was killed, the cow. u -ba yaisi pi- piti -u -gaa -si DEM -by then RE- arrive -PNC -TRNSL -SEQ Having arriv e d b eside it, yaisi u -su tiwao idza pii owi manai -caa then 3 -NOM also coyote EMPH there do -TRNSL th a t Coyote, he went an d took over. yaisi miu ka= tsagwidi nitama th en QUOT OBL= porcupine tell Then (he) told the Porcupine, kai =ha -sakwa taa na- piti -ki -u mii tia?a NEG =Q =MOD l.DL MM- arrive -APL -PNC QUOT thusly "Why don't we have a contest?" so saying. a= kwaya -kwa ta wini -u - kati =sa?a 4(obviat.)= far.off -LOC. l.DL stand.SG -PNC - sit.SG =MOD "(W hoever) ju m p s over th e fa rth e st can tihani -dua mii tia?a sk in /b u tc h e r -SUBJ QUOT thusly do the butchering," so saying. 00 -ti caisi, su-, su= tsagwidi yaisi miu so -LOC then NOM= NOM= porcupine then QUOT So then, the Porcupine said,

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aha ni =sa?a mohi- mia -u mii tia?a yes l.SG =might lead -go.SG -PNC QUOT thusly "Alright, I'll go first," so saying. mohi -mia -u -si gya?a mo?o lead -go.SG -PNC -SEQ thusly? there? Having led off, kwaya mia -u far.off go.SG -PNC (he) w ent a long ways. tupunua -u -ga -si tiwao move.out.of.sight -PNC -TRNSL -SEQ also Having m oved n early out of sight as well, saiyaaa tiwao ini -gima -u su= tsagwidi ??? also say come -PNC NOM= porcupine and th en came along as fast as possible, the Porcupine. tu?i nadawinai -u -si try jum p -PNC -SEQ (He) trie d to jum p up, yaisi u -ma -ti -su sikwi tabi -u -dua pisa tia?a NOM= coyote th e n also thusly KA be.good thusly misu tanohomani b e .ab le ru n As for the Coyote, he can ru n very well th a t way. ini kiPma -u -si INT come -PNC -SEQ (He) really came fast pinoPo a= nagaPa u -kuba -wai nadowinai -u also 4 - LOC? 3 -over -LOC jum p -PNC and easily ju m p e d over it, ka woPwooPyu -si mii KA whoop(im itative)-SEQ QUOT having w hooped like th a t. hayu ini -si gya ho w (in .w h at.w ay ) say -SEQ th u sly T h a t’s how (he) was crying out, woPwooPyu-si mii tiaPa w hoop(im itative)-SEQ QUOT th usly "Woo Woooo", so saying, yaisi k a - kwaya -kwa tiwao tunuubau-ka then OBL= far.off -LOC. also land.on.all.fours-TRNSL u -kuba -wai mia -u, su= idza DEM -over/on.top -LOC go.SG -PNC NOM= coyote And he w ent over it th e fa rth e st, landing on all fours, th e Coyote. oo caisi u -su idza pii owi -u tihani -kwi so then 3 -NOM coyote EMPH there -OBL skin/butcher -FUT So th e n th a t one, the Coyote got to b u tch e r (it). u -su yaisi tsagwidi 00 kati 3 -NOM then porcupine DEM sit.SG u= watsi -ki -u u -ka 3= hide.SG -APL -PNC DEM -OBL He then, Porcupine, lo st it, th a t (m eat),

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ka kai u= mabi?a -na KA NEG 3= achieve -PTCP because he could n't make it. kai u -kuba -kwai nadakwinai -na NEG DEM -over/on.top -LOC jump -PTCP miipina QUOT as.for mii tia?a QUOT th u sly (He) d id n 't jum p over it, it was said. oo uu k a - ti= ti- patsa -na so thusly OBL= POSS= APS- kill.SG -PTCP So it was of his kill, u -su idza pii owi manai caisi 3 -NOM coyote EMPH there do then th a t Coyote, he took it over th en u -ma koggwi -u DEM -INST take.away -PNC and took it away. yaisi u= tihani -si th en 3= s k in /b u tc h e r -SEQ After (he) b u tch e red it, yu?u u -mi pimisu nanimi makka this.way DEM -PL.NOM REFL-PRO relative give(food) in this way, (he) gave (the m eat) to feed his own relations, mii -na waha -di QUOT -PTCP tell(story) -NMR is how it was told. oo caisi oo?no toosapa so th e n a t.th a t.tim e a ll.th e re .is And so th at's all th ere is.

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485 ni u -ka -u uu [laughing] [[Oh]] l.SG DEM -OBL -PNC thusly I'm done with it. o?o owi -ti [That's the end of it, that] DEM there -LOC There it is.

10.1.2 Bear and Deer

una -ku nobi -ga -?yu umi DEM -OBL house -have -ATTR they Way ou t th e re so m ew here, th ey h a d a camp, su= tihica piabi umi ti= tua -mi -no NOM= deer female they POSS= child -PL -with the deer, th e m o th e r d eer and h e r children. ka sa?a su- hii umi -ba pitti KA la te r NOM= WH they -home.of? arrive.DUR L ater on, th a t one arriv ed to w here they were, wida?a waha -u ti- tua -mi -no bear two -OBL POSS= child -PL -COM brow n b e a r and h e r two children. oo umi -ba pitti -si DEM they -home.of? arrive.DUR -SEQ W hen th e y a rriv e d , yaisi su= wida?a miu u= nitama u -ka tihica piabi then NOM= bear QUOT 3= tell DEM -OBL deer female th e b ear spoke to her, th a t m o th e r deer, ka= mua awamoa -sakwa ta, una owi -ti -u tihona -ga mii OBL= tomorrow morning =MOD l.DL DEM there -LOC -OBL dig.roots -TRNSL QUOT "Tomorrow m orning we should go out th ere to dig roots," she said.

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486

oo iwa -?yu su= uuni -?yu na?a; DEM many -NOM NOM= that.kind -NOM grow "T here/s alot of th a t kind growing out th ere su= na- tihona -di mii u= nitama NOM= MM- dig.roots -NMR QUOT 3= tell for the digging," she told her. su= yaisi tihica piabi nicanada, NOM =then d eer fem ale speak.excitedly T hen the m o th e r deer spoke up excitedly, ahaa uu ta mii inakwi yes th u sly l.DL th u sly reply "Yes, le t/s do that!" she replied. mua awamoa yaisi yozi -si tom orro w m orning th en fly.PL -SEQ So the next m orning, once (they) got up, haoga yaisi umi mi?a som ehow th e n they go.PL th ey left. mi= tua -ki yaisi owi -su PL= child -ALBL then there -ADV The ch ild ren stayed behind. o?o -no yaisi una -tu kwaya mia -si DEM -with then DEM -ALL far.off go.SG -SEQ So th e n it was th a t they w ent far off, sogo - mia -si on.foot - go -SEQ going on foot una -u yaisi uuni -kwai piti -ga na- tihona -di -kwai DEM -OBL th en that.kind -LOC arrive -TRNSL MM- dig.roots -NMR -LOC an d arriv ed th e re at th e root-digging place.

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487

oo tihona - kwatti DEM dig.roots - together.PL They dug roots out th e re to g e th e r.1 yaisi owi -tu th e n th ere -ALL oo -tu yaisi ka u -su wida?a piabi ka= tihica piabi patsa DEM -ALL then KA 3 -NOM bear female OBL= deer female kill.SG Then at th a t place, rig h t th e re , the m o th e r b e ar killed the m o th e r deer. U—patsa

3= kill.SG Killed her. yaisi piisiPmi caisi koci -nami th e n alone th e n r e tu r n -?? Then all alone she retu rn e d . yopo -na 00 mi= nobi -kwai -tu evening -PTCP DEM PL= house -LOC -ALL It was evening w hen she got home. ha- uni -ku aapaga mi= nobi -ca -ku Q- th at.kind -OBL unknown PL= house -have -OBL (Aside: 'I don't know what kind of house they had.') yaisi mi= tihica tua -mi yaisi mi= tibirja then PL= deer child -PL then PL= ask T hen th o se fawns qu estioned her; mf= tibiija tia?a ti= pia tia?a PL= ask thu sly POSS= m o th e r thusly they q u e stion ed h e r so, about th e ir m other,

1There is a well known portion of the story here having to do with how Bear feigns chewing fleas at the Deer's neck to kill her.

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hanno u -su ni= pia mii w here 3 -NOM i.PL.EXCL= m other QUOT "Where is she, our m other?" saying. 00 yaisi u -su wida?a piabi mii inakwi DEM then 3 -NOM bear female QUOT reply So th e n th a t m o th er b e a r replied, iwa su= hii iwa na?a su= na- tihona -di una many NOM= WH many grow NOM= MM- dig.roots -NMR DEM "There were so many ro ots growing out th ere mi= pia owi -su ti- yorjo PL= m other th ere -ADV APS- evening th a t y ou r m o th e r is staying overnigh t th e re ." mi?i QUOT So she said. owi yoijo -si th ere evening -SEQ "She'll spend the night mua tiwao tihona -kwi tom orrow again dig.roots -FUT and tom orrow do some more digging." mi?i mi= nimo?aka thu sly PL= deceive T hat's how she lied to them. umi yaisi u= toisupikya th ey th e n 3= believe And th ey b eliev ed her. u= naka - supidakwatu 3= listen - k n o w /u n d e rsta n d Heeded what she said. uu tia?a t h u s ly th u s ly So it was.

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489

yaisi tiwau ni mua tiwau u -ba -tu -su then also l.SG tom orrow also DEM -by -ALL -ADV Then, also, she said, "I'll go back tom orrow tihona -ga -kwi mii tia?a dig.roots -PURP -FUT QUOT thusly to where she is to dig roots, too," saying thus. oo mi= nimo?aka yaisi so PL= deceive then That's how she lied to th e m — hannosupaga yaisi mia u -su m i-, m i- hii su= wida?a somewhere then go.SG 3 -NOM PL= PL= WH NOM= bear (Aside: I d on't know w here she went, though, th a t brown b ear) umi piisi?mi owi -?yu -na yaisi umi they alone th e re -ATTR -PTCP th e n they They stayed th e re alone, umi yaisi tihica tua -mi yaisi apica they th en deer child -PL th e n talk.PL and they, those fawns, had a discussion. sida? bad "It’s bad. u -su ti= pia patsa -pi -wa?ni niima ta - pia mii tia?a 3 -NOM i.INCL= m other kill.SG -PFV -SIMIL feel l.DL - m other QUOT thusly It feels like she killed our m other," they said. oono kai pitti a t.th a t.tim e NEG arrive.D U R "At the tim e, she d id n 't retu rn , u -su ta= nimoaka mii tia?a 3 -NOM i.DL= deceive QUOT thusly th a t one was lying to us," (they) said. u= ni- supidakwatu tia?a 3= w ith.speech- k n o w /u n d e rs ta n d thu sly So they u n d e rs to o d w hat h a d h appened.

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490 oo yaisi umi, umi -u -tu ti- ni- hani -u -kwi so then they they -U -ALL APS- with.speech- do -PNC -FUT umi tihica tua -mi they deer child -PL T h en th ey w ere schem ing ag ain st th em , th o se fawns. ta = sakwa umi -no na- kwii -di l.DL MOD they -with MM- smoke -NMR "We should go with them to the smoke pit," mii tia?a ka m i- wida?a tua -mi QUOT thusly KA PL= bear child -PL so they said about those b ear cubs. tammi =sa?a kwii tia?a -?yu -ka kwii tia?a -?yu ka l.PL.INCL = MOD asphyxiate thusly -ATTR -TRNSL? asphyxiate thusly -ATTR -TRNSL? "We can 'Kwii tia'yuga! Kwii tia'yuga!' mii =sa?a tammi ini -gono -yai ini -wami QUOT MOD l.PL.INCL say -CONT.PL -HAB say -CONT.DL so we can cry out." oo =sa?a tammi mi= tsayiba -u so =MOD l.PL.INCL PL= release -PNC "By (crying out) like th at, we can let them out." mi= mamoakaa-na mii tia?a PL= p rete n d -PTCP thu sly thusly So they w ould preten d, oo yaisi, umi, uu tia?a umi -tu ti- ni- hani -u so th e n they thusly thusly they -ALL APS- w ith.speech- do -PNC So th e n th ey schem ed ag ain st them like th a t. umi ti- dikitsi?i -ku tia?a pino?o, mi= wida?a tua -mi pino?o mi= koi -kwi they RE- small.DIM -OBL thusly also PL= bear child -PL also PL= kill.PL -FUT Those little thin g s, those b e ar cubs, (they) will kill them mk= ini -na PL= say -PTCP w hen th e y cry out to them .

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491 su= yaisi, oo yaisi mi= tiikwi -si yaisi NOM= th en so then PL= tell -SEQ th en So th e n , having to ld them , ka uu, yaisi mi= tihica tua -mi yaisi miu KA thusly th en PL= deer child -PL th en QUOT t h a t / s how it was, and those fawns said, nimmi =sa?a mai muhi tsu-tsunua -u mii tia?a l.PL.EXCL =MOD DEM(known) first RE- enter -PNC QUOT thusly "Let us go in there first," so said. oo =sa?a ka kwii tia?a -?yu -ka kwii tia?a -?yu ka so =MOD KA asphyxiate thusly -ATTR -TRNSL? asphyxiate thu sly -ATTR -TRNSL? "And when, 'Kwii t i a ’yuga! Kwii tia'yuga!' mii ni- inakwi =sa?a QUOT i.PL= reply =MOD we cry out, ni= tsayiba -u mii tia?a i.PL= release -PNC QUOT thusly you let us out," they said. umi yaisi owi mi= tihica tua -mi tsunua -kwati they then there PL= deer child -PL en ter -together? T hen th ose fawns w ent in th e re together. o?o yaisi miu ini -mo?o kwii tia?a -?yu -ka DEM th en QUOT say -RNDM.PL asphyxiate thusly -ATTR -TRNSL? T hen they cried out, "Kwii tia'yuga! kwii tia?a -?yu -ka mii tia?a asphyxiate th u sly -ATTR-TRNSL? QUOT th usly "Kwii tia'yuga!" like th at. oo yaisi umi wida?a tua -mi mi= tsayiba -u so then they bear child -PL PL= release -PNC And so those b ear cubs let th em out. ka mi yaisi wida?a tua -mi umi -u pino?o owi -su tsunua -kwi KA PL then bear child -PL they -OBL also DEM -ADV enter -FUT And those b ear cubs, too, were to e n te r into th a t place.

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umi yaisi kwii tia?a -?yu -ka th ey th e n asphyxiate th u sly -ATTR -TRNSL? And th e n they, "Kwii tia'yuga! nknmi kwii tia?a -?yu -ka we asphyxiate th u sly -ATTR -TRNSL? mii tu?i ini -si -paana kai QUOT try say -SEQ -PROH NEG W e're suffocating!" so they were trying to cry out. kai umi mi= tsacipa NEG they PL= release But they d id n 't release them . uu mi pino?o mi= tsutinaka -u th usly PL also PL= tre a t.in .re tu rn -PNC T h at was how th ey too k revenge ka= ti= pia mi= patsa -kwai OBL= POSS= m other PL= kill.SG -LOC for the killing of th e ir m other. ka umi tua -mi, oo tihica tua -mi KA they child -PL DEM deer child -PL Those children, those deer fawns, owi uu mi= ma??i DEM thusly PL= do/did t h a t 's why th ey did th a t. kai mi= tsacipa NEG PL= release Didn't release them . umi owi kwii - tia?a -?yu -su they th e re asphyxiate - thu sly -ATTR -ADV So they suffocated in there. oo yaisi umi ka= ti= nobi na?una -kwai so th en they OBL= POSS= house around -LOC So th e n they (w ent) ro u n d and ro u n d th e ir house,

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iwa nada?yikwi 'you know' m an y m a k e .tr a c k s m aking m any tra c k s . ka= yuu mani -si OBL= PROX do -SEQ Having don e this, kwaya -kwai nadowinai far.off -LOC jum p they ju m p e d far off. oono -su kai ta= na- puni -kwi m ii at.that.tim e -ADV NEG i.DL= MM- see -FUT QUOT "Then she won't be able to track us," (they) said. u -su piti -u -si 3 -NOM arrive -PNC -SEQ W hen she arriv ed , ka= wida?a piabi -ma umi sia?i -na OBL=bear female -w ith (instr.) they be.afraid -PTCP they w ere a fraid of th a t m o th e r bear. u -su ta -ka tiwao koi -kwi 3 -NOM l.DL -OBL also kill.PL -FUT "She will kill us, too, ka piti -u -si m ii tia?a KA arrive -PNC -SEQ QUOT thusly when she arrives," so they said. mu?asu umi u= tua -mi koi -u already they 3= child -PL kill.PL -PNC They h ad alre ad y killed h e r children. 00 yaisi umi na?una -kwai iwa nada?yikwi so th e n th ey a ro u n d -LOC m any m ake.track s So th e n th e y m ade m any tra c k s, kwinua mia -poto -ti umi tihica tua -mi circle go.SG -to /fro -TNS they deer child -PL going a ro u n d in a circle, th o se fawns.

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oo yaisi kwaya -kwai wini -u -ka so then far.off -LOC stand.SG -PNC -TRNSL And th e n far off they ju m p ed , oo?no u -su kai ta= na- puni -dua mii tia? at.that.tim e 3 -NOM NEG i.DL= MM- see -SUBJ QUOT thusly "Then she w o n /t notice us," so (they) said— su- pia?a u- pabi?i hiisapaga =su NOM= friend 3= e ld e r.b ro th e r whatever =EMPH (Aside: 'those friends, brothers, or whatever.') tihica tua -mi kwaya -kwai nadowinai -hu -ga deer child -PL far.off -LOC jum p -PNC -TRNSL The fawns le p t away. uu ma?nawi -si thusly do -SEQ Having done so, su= pia?a su= pinagi uu nakwai NOM= friend NOM= younger.one thusly follow the younger one followed after. saa?a yaisi, saa?a yaisi u -su wida? kimma la te r th e n la te r th e n 3 -NOM b e a r come L ater on th en , t h a t brow n b e a r was coming. a= piabi una kima -na 4= female DEM come -PTCP The m o th e r was coming o u t th e re yaisi miu ini- kima th e n QUOT say- come an d calling out. ha?o tia?a ka umi h o w (in .w h a t.m a n n e r ) t h u s ly KA th ey (Aside: 'How was it?') yadua -no?o talk.SG -PURP Cussing arou nd.

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495 hayu ini -nimi how (in.w hat.w ay) say -RNDM.SG Somehow calling out. hauga umi pino?o una -u mi= tsi- kwami -ki -ti, 'you know' somehow they also DEM -OBL PL= IP/sharp- stand.DL -APL -TNS Somehow, they had them (the cubs) all stre tc h e d out. mi= tsi- kwami -ki tia?a PL= IP /sh arp- stand.DL -APL thusly they h ad th em stre tc h e d o u t— ka mi= ti- ya?i -si—da hau, KA PL= APS- die.SG -SEQ - it how(manner) Once they were d e a d —th a t it?— mi- tsopigi-- ca ha?u tici?i— PL= h ead -- h o w (in .w h at.m an n er) th e ir h e a d s—however it w as— mi= tihica tua -mi mii tia?a tiwao PL= deer child -PL thusly thusly also th ose fawns did th at, (they) say also. oo yaisi mi= pia una kima -na so then PL= m other DEM come -PTCP T hen th e ir m o th e r coming from way off u= punni 3= see.DUR saw th a t. miu ha?o mi= tabia mani -mo?o QUOT how PL= appear do -RNDM.PL She said, "What are you guys doing?" ha?u mi mii ini- kima how PL QUOT say- come "How are you?" she called out. su- wida?a piabi mii bina ka mi= puni -si tia?a NOM= b ear female QUOT w.r.t. KA PL= see -SEQ thusly The m o th er b e ar said th a t upon seeing them .

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mu?asu m i- tihica tua -mi kwaya manai -ca already PL= deer child -PL far.off do -TRNSL Those fawns were already gone. su= wida?a piabi yaisi o?o piti -u NOM= bear female th en DEM arrive -PNC T h en th e m o th e r b e a r arriv ed. yaisi pisa =ga ha?o mi= igwi nacoda -u th e n good =MOD how (in.w hat.m anner) PL= smell tracks? -OBL T hen she could really smell them , umi ti= tua -mi na- koi -si, they POSS= child -PL MM- kill.PL -SEQ t h a t h e r ch ild ren were killed, u -ka na?una -di -kwai ja igwi nacoda 3 -OBL around -NMR -LOC thusly smell tracks? and she could smell the tracks going ro u n d and round. yaisi ka mi= mia -pi -du then KA PL= go.SG -PFV -ALL So, w here th ey went, mia -u bino?o, go.SG -PNC also she went, too. su= wida?a u -su tia?a uuni -?yu NOM= bear 3 -NOM thusly that.kind -NOM mi= tiyoho -kaa PL= pursue -TRNSL The bear, she took off after them . una ka yaisi mi?a, kwaya, DEM KA then go.PL far.off Way off th e y w ent. yaisi ka paba huudi, th e n KA big riv er T h en th e r e was a big river.

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497 su= paa hu?u NOM= w ater flow.DUR The w a ter was flowing mi= manapa -?yu yaisi, una u -su hii katti PL= across -ATTR then DEM 3 -NOM WH sit.SG and they got across th e re where som eone was sitting. udi -u kaupa -ga -?yu long -OBL leg -have -ATTR He had long legs. u -ka -u mi= nimi ka, hayu ni?a wassa 3 -OBL -U PL= p erson KA how (in.w hat.w ay) call/n a m e san d h ill.cran e (Aside: 'That's what the Indians call "wassa." udi -u kaupa -ga -?yu, tall -OBL leg -have -ATTR He had long legs. u -su o?o katti 3 -NOM DEM sit.SG He sat over th ere. u -ba umi pi- piti -u DEM -by they RE- arrive -PNC They got to w here he was. su= wida?a tia?a u -ba piti -u mi= piabi, 'not the little ones,' NOM= bear thusly DEM -by arrive -PNC PL=female The b e a r got th e re , th e m other. mu?asu tia?a mi= otu?ma a lre ad y th u sly PL= o v e r.th e re They w ere a lre a d y over th e re ; mu?asu u -su tsa- maiji -ki -u already 3 -NOM IP/grasp- cross(.water) -APL -PNC he alread y got (them ) across; u -su wassa ka umi, mi= tihica tua -mi, 3 -NOM sandhill.crane KA they PL= deer child -PL the sandhill crane got them ; those fawns.

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498 mu?asu mi= manapa already PL= across T hey're across already. oo yaisi u -su wida? piabi oo kima -u -ki -na, so then 3 -NOM bear female so come -PNC -CISL -PTCP T hen t h a t m o th e r b e a r cam e along, u -ba piti -u DEM -by arrive -PNC She got there. ka= wassa -ba piti -u OBL= san dhill.cran e -by arrive -PNC She got to w here th e crane was. o?o mi= nakwai kima pino?o 'he know' DEM PL= follow come also She was coming a fte r them . u= supidakwatu 3= k n o w /u n d e rs ta n d (C rane) knew it. o?o kima -u -gi -na DEM come -PNC -CISL -PTCP (Bear) was coming along. yaisi miu tia?a ha?o ii tabia - kati th e n QUOT th u sly h o w (m an n e r) 2.SG a p p ea r sit.SG Then she said, "Hey, w hat's with you!2" i= mida -ki i.SG.OBJ= stretch -APL "Stretch (your leg) out for me!"

2 This is a kind of fixed expression. Bear is obviously angry, according to consultants.

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499 m ii ja ini- kima, QUOT thu sly say- come so she was calling out; miu ini -ki tia?a su= wida?a piabi QUOT say -CISL thusly NOM= b e ar female So, she called out, th a t m other bear, u -su yaisi pino?o, u= ia -na =ga 3 -NOM th en as.for 3= be.intim idated.by -PTCP =MOD He was in tim id a te d by her, su= wassa pino?o nainapa mida -u ti= kaupa NOM= sandhill.crane as.for across stretch -PNC POSS= leg so the crane stretched his legs across. nainapa mo?asu posagi -du across already bridge -MAKE Across th ere, he made a bridge. 00 yaisi mi, u -su wida?a piabi o -tu kima -u so then PL 3 -NOM bear female DEM -ALL come -PNC Then she, the m o th e r bear, came across th ere. una nauma -kwai yaisi, oono wini - kwinai -si DEM midway -LOC th en a t.th at.tim e stand.SG -aside -SEQ Out in the m iddle then, (she) stopped, yaisi ti= tsida -ga gwii -u th en POSS= cup -HAVE get -PNC and got out her cup oono hibi -u -kwi -si nauma -kwai tia?a, a t.th a t.tim e drink -PNC -FUT -SEQ midway -LOC thusly to get a d rin k th ere in th e middle, 00 yaisi ti= tsida du paa hani -u -si so then POSS= cup also water do -PNC -SEQ a n d th e n having g o tte n ou t h e r cup for w a ter yaisi hibi -u th en drink -PNC (she) th e n drank.

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500

oo yaisi paa -wai -tu wi?i -u mi= haitsi so then w ater -LOC -ALL fall -PNC PL= friend And th e n into the w ater she fell, your friend. u -su ka ti= kaupa uu 3 -NOM KA POSS= leg thusly That one w ith his leg out like this, ka= tsida pu?miu u= wi- da?ni -u -si KA= cup against.it? 3= IP/long- tap.shake -PNC -SEQ she (Bear) tapped the cup against it, u -su pino?o tobo?ni -u 3 -NOM also double.up -PNC and he (Crane) doubled up. su - posagi tobo?ni -u NOM= bridge double.up -PNC The bridge doubled up. u -su yaisi, oono su= wida?a owi -tu wi?i -u 3 -NOM th en at.th at.tim e NOM= b ear th ere -ALL fall -PNC su= m i- pia sisi -si NOM= PL= mother ??-SEQ T hat one th en , at th a t tim e th e b e a r fell, th e ir m other. 00 uu ka u= patsa - tabia so thusly KA 3= kill.SG - appear It appears th a t's w hat killed her; u -su na- patsa - tabia; 3 -NOM MM- kill.SG - appear she was killed, ap paren tly. u -su pino?o uu u= sutinaga -u su= wassa 3 -NOM also thusly 3= trick -PNC NOM= sandhill.crane T hat one tric k ed her, th a t crane.

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501 aha, uu yaisi una yaisi umi, y e s th u sly th e n DEM th e n they m i- tihica tua -mi pisa -kwai p iti -gaa,

PL= deer child -PL good -LOC arrive -TRNSL Yes, and so it was they w ere out th ere , tho se fawns arrived at a b e tte r place. kaiba,

m o u n ta in The m o u n ta in s. kai 'you know' kadu?u hii tia?a sita -?yu mi= mazama -di

NEG gone WH thusly bad -NOM PL= bother -NMR Nothing, no more bad things to b o th e r them out th ere, una -u yaisi su= hii kodabi m ii -di nia -na

DEM -U then NOM= WH manzanita QUOT -NMR call -PTCP ju st w hat's called "kodabi." oo ka piza mi= tikasana

DEM KA good PL= food T hat's th e ir favorite food. uuni -ku yaisi tika -cai -kwati una -?yu;

that.kind -OBL then eat -HAB -together DEM -ATTR They eat th a t stu ff all th e tim e out th ere. mi= tihica tua -mi

PL= deer child -PL Those fawns. aha

yes Yes. oo ow i -tu -kwai uu

DEM there -ALL -LOC thusly T hat's where it ends. 'That's how it ended.'

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502

10.1.3 N em ech o zin n a

nimicozinna uu da?.

F ly in g .C re a tu re s lik e .th a t th u s 'Nemechozinna' is like th at. una a da? padkw a u -ma, patikwa, una -u.

DEM thus island 3 -AD island DEM -U (It) was out th e re on an island, an island out there. u -ma -?yu -na ka= 00 tui haimo mia -?yai -na,

DEM -AD -ABL -PTCP OBL DEM any where go.SG -HAB -PTCP From out on th e re , (it) goes a ro u n d everywhere, su= paa na?unna -kwai, paa a= nauma -kwai su= patikwa, uuni -?yu.

NOM= w ater a roun d -LOC w ater 4= midway -LOC NOM= island th at.k in d -NOM th e w a te r all a ro u n d , in th e m iddle of th e w a ter was th e island, th a t kind. 00 da? uwi -ku nobi -caa -na,

so thus DEM -LOC house -have -PTCP So it was, (it) lived right there, yaisi owi -u y o d zi -u -ka -?yakwi, tui hau tui.

th en th ere -U fly.SG -PNC -TRNSL -HAB

any- how (m anner) -any

and (it) would fly off from th e re in every direction. unaa tui himma watti -na,

DEM any- what look.for -PTCP (It) was out th e re looking for things, ti= ti- da- kwihi -na,

POSS= APS- IP/feet- get -PTCP w hat (it) grabs (with its claws),

3 Analysis:

nimi-yotsi-na person-fly.SG-PTCP

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503 pinau ow i -ttu hanni -?yakwi.

back.again there -ALL do -HAB and brin gs back th ere . una waha -?yu nattua nobi -ca -?yu,

DEM two -NOM father.and.son house -have -PRED/ATTR nimi, ti= naa -no ti= tua -no;

person POSS= father -COM POSS= son -COM Out th ere lived a fath e r an d son, Indians, a fath e r with his son; umi -u, yoijo -na ka= una -u umi sogo- m ia -kai -mo?o,

they -U evening -PTCP KA DEM -U they on.foot - go -around -RNDM.PL an d them , in th e evening th ey w ere out th e re walking a ro u n d , una mia -kwati.

DEM go.SG -together out th e re going to g eth er. simi -?yu umi -mati -u ka miu,

one -NOM they-P A R T -U KA QUOT One of them said, su= u= naa =ga hau,

NOM= 3= fath e r =MOD how (in.w hat.m anner) perh ap s his father, inaa su= uuni -?yu nimicozinna kwakwaakwa -u -ki -?yakwi‘

over.here NOM= that.k in d -NOM Flying.Creature KWA-KWA-PNC -CISL -HAB kwihi mi?i.

call.out QUOT "Around here, th a t 'N em echozinna' comes a ro u n d calling out, 'Kwa kwaa kwa!' miu tia? ka yaga -kkapa miu tia?,

QUOT th u s KA cry.out -?? QUOT th u s "That's the way it cries out," so saying. miu ini -ki -tua, m ii tia?.

QUOT say -CISL -SUBJ QUOT thus "They say it comes making th a t noise."

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504 yaisi oo tia? yaisi m i= sunami -kwa?ni -su,

then so thus th en PL= think SIMIL -ADV uu mannai.

like.th at d o /a c t T hen it h a p p e n e d ju s t as (they) th o u g h t. sii—uuni -?yu kima -u -gi -na, N 0 M= that.kind -NOM come -PNC -CISL -PTCP

T h at th in g cam e along, yaisi nami -ku m i= tattima -u ~ka,oo ow i -tu patikwa u -ma -tu, ow i -u.

then both -OBL PL= carry -PNC -TRNSL so DEM -ALL island 3 -AD -ALL DEM -U and carried off b oth of them , out th ere to th a t island, right th ere. m i= wittimita -di -kwa?ni uu.

PL= shut.in.PL -NMR SIMIL like.that They were like captives. mu?asu nimi mogo?ni pino?o oi,

already p erson wom an as.for th ere An In d ia n w om an was a lre a d y th e re , u= ti- da- kwihi -na, uu tia?. 3= APS- IP /feet- get -PTCP like.that thus (who) it had grabbed, so. kai tia?- uu- titiha sunami -na oi pino?o ka,

NEG thus like.that RE- poor(ly) think -PTCP DEM as.for KA Not so- like that- (she) was feeling sad about being there, hanno -ku -apaga na- ta- kw ihi -na;

where -ABL -some? MM- IP/feet- get -PTCP from w here ever (she) was taken. 00 pino oi -ku, 00 u- su wini -nimi -?yakwi su= paa kimai,

so also DEM -OBL so 3- NOM stand.SG -RNDM.SG -HAB NOM= water beside As for her, she was standing a ro u n d beside the w ater, kai ha- uni -ku, kima -wa?ni -u

NEG Q- that.kind -OBL come - SIMIL -U with no way of crossing (coming off),

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505 su= paa udi -?yu -na na?una -kwai. N 0 M= water deep -PRED -PTCP around -LOC

since the w ater all a ro u n d was deep. oouusapa oi.

so always th ere T h at's why (she) is always th e re . oo yaisi, umi -u yaisi- umi oi -tu tattkna -ka -si

so th en they-U th en they th ere -ALL carry.off -TRNSL -SEQ ka= ow i -u pattigwa -ma -tu u -ma -ti, umi -baa -tu,

KA= DEM -U island -AD -ALL 3 -AD -ESS they -ILL -ALL So th e n having been taken th e re , onto the island (w here she was), 00 ka pino?o umi nattua hanni

so KA also they father.and.son do so, too, the fath e r and son were brought. umi pino?o o?o.

3.PL also DEM They were out th ere, too. yaisi ka= nimi moko?ni punni oono -ko.

then OBL= person woman see DEM -OBL T hen (they) saw th a t In d ia n w om an th e re . tia? 00 ti- ta- k wihi -nna,

thus so APS- w ith.the.foot/feet- get -PTCP As w ith (h er) taking, ow i -tu m i= tatima caisi tiwao, im i pino?o

th ere -ALL PL= carry th en also they as.for so, (it) carried them , too, they as well-miu tia? innakwi,.

QUOT th u s reply So they were w ondering, ha?u = sakwa taa maiyu kia tabia m ii tia?

how = MOD l.DL there(know n) -ABL escape appear QUOT thus "How can we get away from here?" so saying.

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506

yaisi, oo yaisi, u- su simina ti= koi -kwi m ii tia.

then so then

DEM-NOM maybe us.INCL= kill.PL-FUT QUOT thus

And so then, "That one might kill us," so saying. su= noo -ko ti= koi -kwi m ii tia?.

NOM= all -OBL us.INCL= kill.PL -FUT QUOT thus "He'll kill us all," so saying. ha?u = sakwa taa u= sutiinaga m ii tia?.

how (m anner) =MOD l.DL 3= trick QUOT th u s "What should we do to get the best of it?" (they) were saying. ka= u -ka -u nimicozinna, uu tia?,

KA 3 -OBL -U Flying.C reature lik e.th at thus kassa -ga -?yu mi?i

wing(s) -HAVE -PRED QUOT T h at 'N em echozinna' was like th a t, having wings, they say, pappa -?yu =ga paba -u kassa -ga -?yu m ii < m h m > .

big -PRED =MOD big -OBL wing(s) -HAVE -PRED QUOT m ust be big ones, (it) h a d big wings, they say. aha, yaisi, umi yaisi, yaisi ka 00

yes th e n they th e n th e n KA so ka= yuu mi—nim i ta- kw ihi -?yai -na m i= p ii -ma -wo,

KA this.way PL= person IP/feet- get -HAB -PTCP PL= blood -INST ?-?? Yes, then, th en they, in this way, w hen it grabbed people for th e ir blood-m i= pii hanni mi?i.

PL= blood do

QUOT

(It) took th e ir blood, (they) say. u -ma -u ka kwitso?ai u- su, m ii tia?.

3 -INST -U KA survive 3 -NOM QUOT thus (It) survived on it, t h a t one, so they say. (Aside in English: 'Can, you know, sound like weird') tikwa?ni naanaka.

APS- SIMIL sound . . sound like (it).

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507

u -ma kwitzo?ai ka oo yodzi -kya?i -nimi -?yakwi, mi?i. 3 -INST survive KA so fly.SG -around -RNDM.SG -HAB QUOT By living on th a t, it w ould fly all a ro u n d , (they) say. oo yaisi, umi nattua yaisi miu, so th e n they fa th e r.a n d .so n th en QUOT So then, the fath er and son said, ha?u = sakwa taa u= sutinaga -si how (m anner) = MOD l.DL 3= trick -SEQ u= patsa, m ii tia?. 3= kill.SG QUOT th u s "How should we fool it and kill it? ” so saying. yaisi o?o -ti =ga umi ti—himma, then DEM -ESS =MOD they ?—4 w h a t Then they m u st have been rig h t th e re (looking) for som eth ing , ka= tuupisa uuni -ku una -ku mayi, tuupisa tippi OBL= obsidian that.kind -OBL DEM -OBL find obsidian stone and found th a t obsidian out there, obsidian stone. oono, aa mi= tuupisa, u -ka -u =ga mi= nattua, ka= u= mia -?yakwi and.then PL= obsidian 3-OBL-U =MOD PL= father.and.son KA 3= go.SG -HAB mi= tattsigi -na PL= chip/crum ble -PTCP And, ahh, some obsidian, th a t's w hat th e fath e r an d son m u st have chipped it w hen it (N em echozinna) was gone. ti-tikitsi?i u= tatsigi-na, RE-small.DIM 3= chip/crum ble -PTCP "Chip it into small pieces; pisa -u = sakwa taa ka?a, u= tikka -kwai -tu hanni m ii tia?. good-OBL =MOD l.DL KA 3= eat -LOC-ALL do/prepare QUOT thus "Let's (do it) well, and put it into his eating-place," so (they were) saying.

4 Started to say tippi 'stone.'

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508

u—hibi -kwai -tu ka= uuni -ku

3= drink -L 0 C -ALL OBL- that.kind -OBL that.kind -OBL [pii- nim m i,] uuni -ku tikka -kwai -tu tia?.

(blood-- we) that.kind -OBL eat -LOC -ALL thus "Where it drinks, th a t kind, w here it eats like that." owi -tu ka u -ka -u, ti= ti- tatsiki -na.

there -ALL KA DEM -OBL -OBL POSS.RFL- APS- chip/crum ble -PTCP ow i -tu hanni -kwi, p i -kwa?i, owi -tu

there -ALL do -FUT 3(restric.)- -LOC there -ALL T h at's w here (they) were going to p ut those chippings, rig h t in th a t place. su= ya isi ka u= p iti -u -?yai -na =ga.

NOM- then KA DEM -INCH -PNC -HAB -PTCP -MOD T hen w hen it a rriv e d , hibi -piti -u -?yakwi mi?i

drink -INCH -PNC -HAB

QUOT

(it) w ould s ta r t to drink, (they) say. u -ka -u yaisi u -su =ga, hanni.

3 -OBL -U then 3 -NOM -MOD do And t h a t's w h a t it m u st have done. u -su, u= hibi -piti -?yai -na. 3 -NOM 3= drink -INCH -HAB -PTCP It sta rte d drinking it. yaisi ka= u -nno -kko, u -nno -pi m ii tia?

then OBL- 3 -COM -OBL 3 -COM -PFV QUOT thus umi uu ti- mmadabui -ki -si,

they like.that APS- m ake/fix -APL -SEQ Then of (from ?) th at, (they) say, since they fixed it up like th at, yaisi u -ka -u hanni -si u -su,

then 3 -OBL -U do/prepare -SEQ 3 -NOM su= nimicozina yaisi,

N O M - Flying.C reature th en having done th a t, it, N em echozinna th e n

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509 oo ka u -mati iwa hibi -si ja, so KA 3 -PART much d rink -SEQ thus

dran k a lot from th at, tu?i cozi -u -si ja

try fly.PL-PN C -SEQ thus trie d flying off, oo -tu habi -u -piti mi?i.

DEM -ALL lie.SG -PNC -INCH QUOT a nd ju s t dropped, (they) say. kai yotsi.

NEG fly.SG (It) couldn't fly. saa yaisi umi, miu tia?,

la te r th en 3 .PL QUOT thus himma = sakwa taa, hanni -si

what =MOD l.DL do /p rep are -SEQ kassa hanni -si,

wing(s) d o /p rep are -SEQ L ater on they said, "We shou ld do som ething having tak en the wing, tammi sakki -du -si

l.PL.INCL boat -make(VLR) -SEQ m ai -yu mia, mi?i.

DEM -ABL go.SG QUOT "We'll make a boat and get out of here," (they) said. uuni -ku hani -kwi m ii sakki.

that.kind-O B L do -FUT QUOT boat (Aside: (They're) going to make a boat (I'm ) saying.) m i uu ka ha?usapa timasu m attai -si,

PL lik e.that KA som ehow (m anner) ?from th at? d o /c re a te -SEQ So som ehow t h a t's w hat they created,

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510

yaisi ka u -ka -u, nimicozinna u -ka -u kassa noo -ko hani -si,

th en KA 3-OBL-U Flying.Creature 3-OBL-U wing(s) all -OBL do -SEQ k a - pooti hani -si

OBL= boat do -SEQ and th en , having ta k e n th e wings of N em echozinna, an d m ade a boat, su yaisi, ka= hikwa uu, NOM= then 0 BL= wind like.that hikwa ka m i uu wi- mia -ki -kwi, uu.

wind KA PL like.that IP/long- go.SG -APL -FUT like.that th e n the wind would blow ju st so and make it go, like th at. m i= sakki -du -si

PL= boat -make(VLR) -SEQ oi ka umi ka= moko?ni noo ka tiwao,

th e re KA 3.PL OBL= wom an carry KA also T h e ir having m ade a b o a t, they took th e w om an w ith th em , oi -?yu kia tia?. th ere -ABL escape thus and th a t's how th ey escaped. 00 -tu pats a u -ka, ka= nimicozinna m ii tia?.

DEM -ALL kill.SG 3 -OBL OBL= Flying.Creature QUOT thus They killed it th e re , th e N em echozinna (they) say. 00 oi -tu -kwai tiwao.

so there -ALL -LOC also T hat's the last p a rt (of th e story). uusapa pinau una ti= na- nimi -ha umi pitti -ga.

always back.again DEM POSS= MM- relative -by they arrive -TRNSL Once again, th ey w ent back to th e ir trib es. mi?i.

QUOT So (they) say. 'That's the end of it!'

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511

10.1.4 Nemedzoho

waha-?yu tia? ka mo- mmoko?ni,tihona -ga.

two -NOM thus KA PL-

woman dig.roots -TRNSL

T here were two w om en out root-digging. simi -?yu =ga, hii -?yu tui [i-]ca m o- mmoko?ni tihona -ga,

one -NOM =MOD? several -NOM any (PROX)-OBL RE- woman dig.roots -TRNSL m i= nimi mo- mmoko?ni

PL= person RE- woman One of (them )--several women were out root-digging, In d ian women. sim i -?yu =ga tiitsi -ku oija?a -ga -?yu,

one -NOM =MOD? small -OBL newborn -HAVE -PRED One of them h ad a little new born baby, na- tuta -di ka hau tici?i

MM- p u t.in .c rad le b o ard -NMR KA how (m anner) some.way ha- uni -ku -apaga, miu.

Q- that.kind -OBL -some? QUOT th a t was in a c rad leb o ard , som ething like t h a t , 5 I guess (they) say. una -?yu =ga tihona.

DEM -PRED =MOD dig.roots (They) m ust have been way o ut th e re root-digging. u -su yaisi hii nimidzoho yaisi m i= hoa -u,

3 -NOM then WH People.M asher6 then PL= spot -PNC It was th e n th a t thing, Nemedzoho, sp o tted them , m i= m ayi -u, una -u.

PL= find -PNC DEM -U and found them out th ere.

5 The speaker occasionally used the expression hau tici?i to acknowledge other versions of the story. 6 Analysis: nimi-tsoho person-mash/crush. Some speakers add the nominalizing suffix {di}.

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512 umi yaisi ka tiitsi -ku una -u ka m attokwi -na,

they th en KA small -OBL DEM-OBL KA lean.against-PT C P u -su moko?ni u= pia.

3 -NOM w om an 3= m other T hen they, (she) lea n ed th a t little one out th e re against som ething, th a t woman, it's m other. oono yaisi ka= tiitsi -ku u -ka -u, u= patsa -si

at.that.tim e then OBL= small -OBL DEM -OBL -U 3= kill.SG -SEQ u= tikka mi?i su nimitzoho. 3= eat QUOT NOM= People.Masher And th en , th a t little one, having killed it, ate it, (they) say, th e Nem edzoho. yaisi, yaisi umi u= supidakwatu tia?.

th e n

th e n th ey 3= u n d e rs ta n d thus

Then, and so th ey knew a bou t th a t. umi, yaisi una -?yu =ga sikw i -apaga

they then DEM -PRED =MOD? just -some oha?a yaga -cakwi mi?i, su= nimidzoho.

baby cry -HAB QUOT NOM= People.Masher They (did), an d (he) was out th e re (som ehow) p rete n d in g to cry like a baby, th a t Nemedzoho, 00 m i= pahi -na tia?, so PL= coax/beckon -PTCP thus to get th e m to come ka m i na- mmata m i= mo- mmoko?ni 00 tihonadi,

KA PL DL- LOC PL= RE- woman DEM dig.roots -NMR to w here (it) was, those women who were out th ere digging, na- -ma -tu -ti na- -ma -ti kimma -u.

DL- -AD -ALL -ESS DL- -AD -ESS come -PNC to th ere , right th e re (w here it was) come. ka= oha?a yakka m ii tia? sumayu -si,

OBL= baby cry QUOT th u s believe -SEQ by th in k in g th e baby is crying;

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513 ka m ii tia? ti- ssu- ?yikwi -na,

KA QUOT thus APS- IP/m ind- do/consider -PTCP u -su tia? uuni -?yu tia?.

3 -NOM thus th at.kind -NOM thus th a t's how (it) was figuring; it was like th at. oo yaisi, umi nammapitikwa,

so th en they flee T h en th ey fled, u= suppittakkwattu -si pino? u -su—,

3= know /understand -SEQ also 3 -NOM-becau se th ey knew it was him , 11= sukwaha?yu.

3= b e.u nconv in ced and w ere unconvinced by it (th e ruse). umi una ka— tui hau -tu tui watsi - mia.

they DEM KA-- any how (m anner) -ALL any hide - go.SG So they snuck away out th ere som ew here (in different direction s). sim i -?yu =ga yaisi nim i moko?ni, 00 su= u= pia u -ga—,

one -NOM ??of then person woman so NOM= 3= m other 3 -GEN One of them , an In d ian woman, it's m other, oha?a pia, hau -tu -sapaga pino?o,

baby m o ther how (m anner) -ALL -some? as.for the baby's m other, she (went) som ew h ere, kai umi ti= pi- bia?a -no mia -na,

NEG they POSS= RE- friend -COM go -PTCP not going with her friends, sikw i -su pino?o nama- m ia -u.

ju st/on ly -ADV also DL?- go.SG -PNC b u t in stea d ran off separately. una -tu yaisi mi?a, haimu -sapaga hannu tui.

DEM -ALL th en go.PL w here -some? w here any Way out th e re , th en , (she) w ent som eplace, anyw here.

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514 oo?no -su nimitzoho yaisi, ka kai p i -ma -tu m i= gimma,

at.that.tim e-A D V People.M asher th en KA NEG RESTR-AD-ALL PL= come And the Nemedzoho, to whom they d id n 't come(??), yaisi pino?o, yaisi m i= ?igwi - nayota -u -kaa,

then as.for

th en PL= scent - track -PNC -TRNSL?

m ii na- su- yik w i -na.

QUOT MM- think.on-PTCP as for It, "(I) should track them by scent," figured. yaisi ka u -ka nimi, [ka pi- m i] ka= u= pia[bi] tia?, u -ka -u simi -u,

then KA DEM -OBL person [??] OBL= 3= female thus 3 -OBL-U one -OBL u -ka -u nakwai -ca yaisi m ia -u, su= nimidzoho, uu. 3 -OBL-U follow -TRNSL then go.SG -PNC NOM= People.Masher like.that T hen it was, th e Indian, th e m o th er th a t was alone (it) followed after, th a t Nemedzoho, like so. tiyoho - mia uu.

p u rsu e - go.SG lik e.th at Pu rsu ing like th a t.. u -su yaisi sia?i uusapa.

3 -NOM th e n b e .afraid always She stayed scared then. yaisi unaa, m ia -na ga,

then DEM go.SG -PTCP KA And so way off (she) was going, yorjo - mia,

evening - go.SG spending the night, mu?asu ti= ?yopo -wini.

already POSS= evening -CONT.SG it's being evening already. y aisi ka= una -u tippi -ca -kwai p itti -ga,

then KA= DEM -U rock - HAVE - LOC arrive -TRNSL T hen (she) rea ch e d a rocky place,

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515 p a b a - su= tippi higa?ni -pini, pisa.

big NOM= rock be.open -PFV.STAT be.good It was big-- and the rocks (had) a nice opening. natii?ya tabia -pini paba -?yu su= tippi tia?,

steep(ly) appear -PFV.STAT big -NOM NOM= rock thus iw a -u tippi -ca -kwai.

m any -OBL rock -HAVE -LOC It was steep-looking (a ledge), a big (place), rocky, a really rocky place. su= nimi moko?ni u -tuha -u i/a. NOM= perso n wom an 3 -u n d er -U enter.dow n

The In d ian w om an craw led in u n d e r th e re . uwi -u watsi -kwi,

DEM -U hide -FUT "(I) will hide in there," miu sunami -na,

QUOT th in k -PTCP so (she was) thinking, nii —ka= tokaano,

l.SG

OBL= nighttim e

"I— nighttime-," u -su sia?i pino?o.

3 -NOM be.afraid as.for She was afraid! u -tuha -?yu -na yaisi, 3 -under -PRED -PTCP then u -tuha -?yu -na yaisi pino?o,

3 -under -PRED -PTCP then also 00 tia? sia?ina oi -?yu,

so thus be.afraid -PTCP there -PRED Being u n d e r th ere, being u n d e r th ere, as for her, (she) was afraid in th ere, oi -?yu yakka =ga,

there -PRED cry =MOD in th e re crying, p robab ly ,

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516 u -su u -ma sia?i -na.

3 -NOM 3 -INST be.afraid -PTCP since she was afraid of it. u -su, u -su ka ni -pa pitti -u -si, 3 -NOM 3 -NOM KA l.SG -by arrive -PNC -SEQ i= matai?yu -si,

i.SG= capture -SEQ simina i= patsa -kwi,

maybe l.SG= kill.SG -FUT m ii tia? sunami -na.

QUOT th u s th ink -PTCP "That one, afte r it reaches me and captures me will probably kill me," so (she w as) th in k in g . oo caisi nimitsoho?o, mti?asu yoijo -na uu,

so th en

People.M asher already evening -PTCP like.that

ka= nim i mogo?ni ka= tipi -tuha -ku ?uu,

OBL= person woman OBL= rock -u nder -OBL like.that So th e n th e N em edzoho--it was already evening, and the In d ia n w om an was u n d e r the rocks— u= ?igwi -nacoda -piti -gaa -si oo u -ba,

3= smell -track -arrive -TRNSL -SEQ DEM DEM -by having tra c k e d h e r by scen t th e r e by her, uwi -u p iti -u -ga.

DEM -U arrive -PNC -TRNSL (it) reach ed t h a t place. su= yaisi sida sunammi,

NOM= then bad th ink She was w orried, ka= obi -?yu -na u= supitakwatu pino? su= nimi moko?ni.

OBL= DEM -PRED -PTCP 3= know /understand also NOM= person woman because she knew it was out th e re , too, th a t In d ian woman. 00 yaisi, su= nimitsoho u= tu?i tsa- hani ti--,

so then NOM= People.Masher try IP/grasp -do /prepare rock— And th en th e Nemedzoho trie d to lift t h a t—

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ka= tipi tu?i tsa- hani.

OBL= rock try IP/grasp- do /prepare trie d to lift th a t rock, tu?i tsa- higa?ni -cakwi.

try IP/grasp- be.open -HAB kept trying to p ry it open. uu tu?i cigw i -cai? -isi ja,

like.that try do.with -HAB -SEQ th u s Having b een doing th a t, ka= [k]waya?a so go- kim a -si,

OBL= far.off on.foot come -SEQ and having come a long ways on foot, su= nimitsoho?o pahona -yai -si,

NOM= People.Masher be.tired -DEBIL -SEQ the Nemedzoho grew tired , oo -tu -su innapa -u pino?o.

DEM -ALL NOM= fall.asleep -PNC also and ju st dropped off to sleep right there. uwi -u -ka?a =ga.

sleep -PNC -TRNSL =MOD Must have fallen fast asleep. oo?no -su nimi mogo?ni pino?o tokaano -ga,

a t.th a t.tim e -ADV p e rso n wom an also nighttim e -TRNSL A nd th e n th e In d ia n woman, w hen it got to be nighttim e, ha?u = sakwa ni, u= kim ai mia

how (m anner) = MOD I 3= by/beside go.SG "How can I get by it? u -su simina i= ?igwi -u -kwi 3 -NOM maybe i.SG= smell -PNC -FUT m ii tia? sunami.

QUOT th u s th in k "It might smell me," so (she) thought.

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518 pino?o, oi -?yu tsibui -kwi m ii ini -na, also DEM -PRED emerge -FUT QUOT say -PTCP Also, (she) was saying th a t (she) would escape from there, uu = sakwa nii, su= kai i= ma?yi = sakwa like.that = MOD I NOM= NEG l.SG= discover = MOD su= tokaano i= tsipugi -si m ii tia? NOM= nighttime i.SG= escape -SEQ QUOT thus "So m ust I, it m u s tn 't notice me, my having escaped at night," so thinking. oo yaisi u -su =ga, una -u ka hanno -sapaga tsibui, so then DEM -NOM =MOD DEM -OBL KA where -some? emerge So th en she m ust have escaped, som ewhere; su= nimi moko?ni u= kimai mi?a obiiidaa mi?i. NOM= person woman 3= by/beside go.PL slowly QUOT t h e I n d ia n w om an w ent by it verrryyyy slowly, it is said. su= uu habi -tapi, NOM= like.that lie.SG -keep.on It kept lying th ere, ?isododo -cakwi tia?. snore -HAB thus sn o rin g away like th a t. ?iwicca?a -pi, sleep .soundly -PFV (It) was sound asleep, ka kai mani -si hau tici?i, KA NEG do -SEQ how (m anner) some.way exhausted, somehow, k a - kwaya?a u= tiyoho -na. OBL= far.off 3= pursue -PTCP from p u rsu in g h e r such a long ways. 00 caisi su= nim i mogo?ni oi -?yu tsibui -si, so then NOM= person woman there -PRED emerge -SEQ So, the In d ian wom an escaped from there,

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519 unaaa hanno -sapaga mia.

DEM where -some? go.SG and w ent off som ewhere. uu tsibui -tabia ka u -su, ka= nimitsoho.

like.that emerge -appear KA 3 -NOM OBL= People.M asher T h a t’s how she got away from him, th a t Nemedzoho. uu tia? oo?no -?yu u -su.

like.that th u s a t.th at.tim e -PRED 3 -NOM T hat's the end of it. m i= ni- itiya?i -ki.

PL= IP/speech- fall.asleep.PL -APL (I) make you guys fall asleep!

10.2 P ro c ed u ra l N arrative: C hokecherries

The following n a rra tiv e is p a r t a u to b io g rap h ical—th e n a rr a to r is recalling specific places, people, and events from h er y o u th —and p art pro ce d u ral—she describes the storage and prep a ratio n of chokecherries, an im p o rtan t featu re of the tra d itio n a l N o rth ern Paiute diet. The tex t was rec o rd e d at the sp e ak e r's hom e on J a n u a r y 9, 1999 in th e presence of the a u th o r—a non-speaker. No o th er native speakers were presen t. The to tal recording tim e was about fifteen m inutes.

uka-u nimmi, aa, toi?issapui, —th a t's the name of it— th at-U we.EXCL, ah, chokecherries 'W e('ll talk about) th e chokecherries, uka-u m i= nimi ka= sa?a-su tsa-poka-kaa unaa

that-U PL=people OBL=later-ADV IP/grasp-gather-TRNSL DEM 'T hat’s what people go to pick later on,

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520

m a a ka= yibano, togi?i oo?no kwassi-no?o

DEM 0 BL=fall correct at.that.tim e ripe-TEMP 'ou t th ere in the fall when (they're) ripe. nimmi [yaisi] una-tu mia-?yikwi. siibi-ku ti?ya?i-pi, mi=bia-no

we [then] DEM-ALL go-HAB willow-LOC burn-PFV our=mother-COM 'Then we would go out th ere to 'Burnt Willows' with our m other, siibi-ku ti?ya?i-pi nimmi, mia-?yai-na,

willow-LOC burn-PFV we.EXCL go-HAB-PTCP to 'Burnt Willows' we would go, nimmi oi piti-ga-?yai-na

we DEM arrive-TRNSL-HAB-PTCP 'we arriv ed th e re . obii kwaya?a nimi tugu-nakwa sogo-wo?yokaa.

DEM afar we.EXCL uphill-SIDE on.foot-single.file 'Way up th ere , uphill, we walked single file, mi=mago hi-hima-na;

our=bag RE-carry-PTCP 'carryin g o u r bags, m i-him m a nimmi aaa wogo?—pahiba,

ou r= th in g s we.EXCL, ah, thick-- canvas 'ou r th in g s—it was m ade of thick canvas, uuni-ku nimmi mago?o-kwai-tu tsapoka-kwi-s[i],

that.kind-OBL we.EXCL bag-LOC-ALL gather-FUT-SEQ 'the bags into which we were to place w hat we picked, oo?no kai yabi sida manakwi

a t.th a t.tim e NEG h u r r y b a d becom e '(so th a t) it w ouldn't spoil right away. nimmi na-na-nakwai mia-na.

we RE-RECIP-follow go-PTCP 'We went one a fte r another, m i-bia noo-?yu-na nii m i= hii

our=m other all-NOM-PTCP I PL=WH 'ou r m o th e r and everyone, I, those others,

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noo-?yu-n[a] i=hamma?a, mi=naa?atsi-noo-su

all-NOM-PTCP i=elder.sister PL=boys-COM-ADV 'everyone, my big siste r and the boys, nim mi wo?yoga-dabi?i,

we single.file-keep.on.DUR 'we ju st kept on in single file. ka=himma kutsu poo-do nimmi mia-dapi.

OBL=thing cow trail-along we go-keep.on 'Some way, we followed a cow trail, mia-dabi-na mia-dabi-na unaa kwaya?a,

go- keep.on-PTCP go- keep.on-PTCP DEM far 'ju st going an d going wayyy out th e re ; su=nadi?ya tabia-?puni-su,

NOM=tough appear-see-ADV 'It was p retty rugged-looking, ka na-matsi-kwini-puni-na,

OBL=MM-slant-stand-see-PTCP 'and steep. su=, pi-kw ai oo su=pisa-?yu toi?isabui.

NOM=RESTR-LOC DEM NOM=good-NOM chokecherries "That's the place of the g o o d chokecherries," miu mi=pia ini-na,

QUOT o u r= m o th er say-PTCP 'so o ur m o th e r was saying, owi-tu nimi mia-na.

DEM-ALL we.EXCL go-PTCP 'and to th e re we went. sisi?midi kai pa?a na??a.

some.of NEG high grow.DUR 'Some of them w eren't growing so high, i-nna-nno

PROX-DIR-COM? (gestures height) 'about like this.

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oo?no mi=to?isabui, sisi?midi pidami naa-na at.the.tim e PL=chokecherries som e.of below grow-PTCP 'And some of them chokecherries were growing down low, iwa-u [no]pui-ca-?yu. . ; many-OBL ? berries-HAVE-PRED 'and had lots of berries. iwa-u pui-caa-na, many-OBL berries-HAVE-PTCP 'There were lots of berries, nimi iwa— u=tima-na we.EXCL m any-- 3=taste(take)-PTCP 'and we trie d (them ), pisa - kamma toissabui —'Just right!' good taste chokecherries 'and (they) were good-tasting c h e rrie s--Ju st right! togi?i-ku tia?a kamma right-OBL th u s taste ’(They) ta s te d ju s t right. oo tibizi pisa-?yu toi?isabui, "there indeed good-NOM chokecherries" "Those are really good chokecherries!" miu [o]mi ini-kuha-?yakwi. so they say-INCEP-HAB 'they would s ta rt to say. kai inii mitso?mi kam—mitsobi - kamm[a]. not INT b itte r ta st-- b itte r tasting 'Not too b itte r tasting. nimmi oi piti-ga-s[i] we.EXCL DEM arrive-TRNSL-SEQ 'Having got th ere , nimi iwa nimi ti-dzapoka oi-?yu-[na]; we.EXCL much we.EXCL APS-pick DEM-PRED(-PTCP) 'we picked a lot at th a t place.

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523 noo-?yu-[na] mi=pia-no-su nimi ti-dzappoga

all-NOM(-PTCP) our=motherCOM-ADV we.EXCL APS-pick 'Everyone, we picked along with ou r m other. (new p a ra g ra p h , picking finished) saa yaisi nimmi iw a nimi ti-dzapoka-si

la te r th en we.EXCL much we APS-pick-SEQ 'L ater on we, having picked a lot, tiwa nimmi pinao-su tiwau nimmi kimma-dapi,

also we.EXCL back-ADV also we.EXCL come.DUR-keep.on 'we came on back again. m i—mi=ti-dzapoka-na

us— us=APS-pick-PTCP 'W hat we picked nimmi tza— tzan— , ni=hi-kwai-ku nimmi, oo tia? nimmi tsa-cakwi-na we ??- ?? 7- our=WH-LOC-ESS we so thusly we IP/grasp-do-PTCP

'we c a rrie d in our w h atcham acallit (bag) like so nimi tibo[pi]—pina?o-su du [nimmi] kima-dapi

we.EXCL downhill- back-ADV [we.EXCL] come-keep.on 'a n d we came on back down the hill. oo tia? nimmi iw a ti-tzapoka-?yakwi

so thusly we.EXCL much APS-pick-HAB 'We had always picked a lot. pitti-si nimmi yaisi tiwau

arrive-SEQ we.EXCL th e n also 'Then, too, w hen we arrived, pitti-si du nimmi

arrive-SEQ also we.EXCL 'a fte r we arrived,

7 Probably started to say {tsano} 'carry over the shoulder.'

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J

524

u=woisa su— waha ka=huudi-kwai 00,

3=wash NOM=two OBL=river-LOC DEM 'w ashed it twice th e re in the river.' nim mi waha ?u=wo-kwo?isa-s[i] ka- oka—himma

we.EXCL twice 3=RE-wash-SEQ KA- th at- som ething 'Having twice w ashed it out, tho se things, ka= u-naga-kwai-ti nimmi himma, u=po?a

OBL= 3-among-LOC-ESS we.EXCL thing 3=bark 'w h atever was in th e re , th e bark, uka-u tia? uuni-ku nimmi uka-u, pisaa,

that-U so that.kind-O BL we.EXCL that-U , well, 'th a t's w hat we (did), thoroughly, ka= toisabui si?mi u-su nimmi uka-u si?mi, hani-na nimmi,

OBL=chokecherries only 3-NOM we that-U only do-PTCP we 'un til th e re was nothing b u t chokecherries, we w ere doing. saa tiwau nimi [a] nobi-kwai nimmi u=noo-pitti-si tiwau;

la te r too we.EXCL [ah] home-LOC we.EXCL 3=carry-arrive-SEQ also 'Later, too, once we had brou ght it home, ka=mabii tia? oo?no-su,

OBL=DEM.TOP so long.ago-ADV nimmi yaisi tiwau paba matta u-kuba-ku nimmi du u=tabatzi

we.EXCL th e n also big m etate 3-upon-ESS we.EXCL also 3=crush 'this way, at th a t tim e, we sm a sh e d th em on a big m etate. u=hani[-u],

3=do(-PNC) '(We) did that, u=tussu

3= g rin d '(and) g ro und it. 00 tia? mi?na?wi na-waaki-wini,

and so long.time MM-work.on-CONT.SG 'It takes a long tim e working on (it),

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kai uu . . .

not th u s (dism issing gesture) 'not ju st like that! (slang) na-dus— u=tussu ka=tipi-ma-ku

ground— 3=grind OBL=rock-AD-ESS 'It's ground-- (they) grind it on a stone. umi oo?no-su nimi uu tia? uu nimmi manakwi

they long.ago-ADV we.EXCL th u s so th u s we.EXCL did 'As they (did) long ago, so we did. (new p a ra g ra p h , p ro c e d u ra l n a rra tiv e begins) yaisi tiwau, aaa, ii tiwau, uu yigw i-si

th en also ahh you also thus do-SEQ 'Then, too, once you have done so, yaisi tiwau, u=masikidu-kwi,

th en also 3=IP/hand.form -FU T 'then (you) will shape th a t (into patties); i=mai-ma [u=j massikidu-na tiwau aa

2=hand-INST [3=] IP/hand.shape-PTCP also, ahh 'with your hands, make patties (o f the crushed berries) ka=pisa ti=tabitiwa punni

OBL=well POSS=sunshine see.DUR 'w h en th e sun is shining nicely. ii paba-u—pahiba una u=wi-ppada-si,

you big-OBL canvas DEM 3=IP/long-spread-SEQ 'Once you have sp re a d out a big canvas, u-kuba yaisi noo-ko mi=hanni

3-SUPRA then all-OBL PL=do 'then place all of it/th e m on top, tiuna-na;

place-PTCP 'p u ttin g (them , th e p a ttie s) h e re an d th e re .

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526

su= yaisi oo?no u-kuba-?yu passa-kwi;

SU th en a t.th e.tim e 3-SUPRA-ATTR dry-FUT 'So th en (they) will dry on th ere; u-su ka, pisa ti=tabitiwa misu - passa-wini.

3-NOM KA well POSS=sunshine be.able - dry-CONT.SG 'w hen it's nice and sunny, it d ries readily. (new p a ra g ra p h , drying and sto ra g e) saa yaisi, tibizi saa ii mi?na?wi mani-ca-s[i]

la te r th en indeed la te r you long-time do-TRNSL-SEQ 'Later on, much later--yo u have to go and do (wait) for quite awhile, tu sunaga-na

also calculate-PTCP 'a n d m ake a d e te rm in a tio n -ii tiwau tsam—[u=]tsaminita

you also tu rn - [3 = ](IP /g ra sp )tu rn .o v er.P L 'a n d th en you flip them over, oo?no-su kai u=passa-nakwa-tu pino?o passa-kw i

at.the.time-ADV NEG 3=dry-side-ALL as.well dry-FUT 'so th en the side th a t's not dry will dry, too. uu uusapa nimi u=yigwi-na;

thus always we.EXCL 3=do-PTCP 't h a t ’s w hat we always did; yaisi ka tibizi pisa ini u=passa-u-piti-ga-si;

then KA indeed well INT 3=dry-PNC-INCH-TRNSL-SEQ 'a n d when it gets really good and dry, oo?no tu m i=pia bina pisa-u toha-mago-kwai tiwau, u=hanni;

at.th e.tim e also ou r= m oth er w.r.t. good-OBL white-bag-LOC also 3 = d o /p u t 'then, too, our m other would p ut it into a good, white bag. uuni-kwai noo-ko nimi u=hani-na tiwau

that.kind-LOC all-OBL we.EXCL 3=do-PTCP also 'That's w here we put all of th at,

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527 unaa kai ini hauni-kwai yu?u tia? nimi u=tsakwini tiwau

DEM NEG INT some.kind-LOC PROX thusly we.EXCL 3=(IP /grasp)hang also and hang it up som ewhere safe like this.' (new p a ra g ra p h , m aking p u d d in g ) oo caisi ka=tommo caisi ii ka=toi?sabui pitsabi-na,

so th en OBL=winter th e n you OBL=chokecherries want-PTCP 'Then durin g the w inter, if you w ant chokecherries, ii uka-u ii hani-u-kwi.

you that-U you do/prepare-PN C-FU T 'you can p re p a re them . u?itzi?i-su tiwau ii u=ssami-tiki

before.yesterday-ADV also you 3=soak-put.SG 'A couple nights before, you pu t it in to soak, ka u-su ini ohopa ka passapi[na]

KA 3-NOM INT hard KA dry-PFV(-PTCP) 'because it's very h a rd and dry. u=sami-ttigi[-si]

3=soak-put.SG(-SEQ) 'H aving soaked it, u-su yaisi oi-?yu wiboa-na

3-NOM then DEM-ATTR separate-PTCP 'it th en separates in th ere, [ka] yotsoga manakwi pino?.

[KA] soft become as.well 'and softens as well. oo?no tiwau ii ka=hi-nnaga-kwai tiwau u=tzaana

at.the.tim e also you OBL=WH-among-LOC also 3=pouring 'And th e n you p o u r it th ro u g h som ething (s tra in in g m a te ria l) sayadi-naga-kwai du tsaana

cloth-among-LOC also pouring 'pouring it th ro u g h a cloth (flour sack),

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528

ka huba si?mi hanni

OBL=juice only do.DUR 'leaving only th e juice. uka-u yaisi tiwau ii ka=huba tiwau saana-kwai tiwau ii, u=hani-si

that-U th en also you OBL=juice also kettle-LOC also you 3=do-SEQ 'It's that, then, the juice you put in a kettle u=kuhani;

3=cook 'to cook. toisu u=ittiti-wini

still 3=hot-CONT.SG 'While it's still hot, tiwau ii ka=tikaba himmaga tu wi-kwitui-u-s[i],

also you OBL=bread.flour whatever also IP/long-blend-PNC-SEQ 'you blend in the flour or w hatever (corn starch ), uuni-ku tiwau oi-tu u=hani-u-s[i]~

that.kind-OBL also DEM-ALL 3=do-PNC-SEQ 'like so, putting th a t into it, u=tsa-kwitui-wini.

3=stir-IP/grasp-CONT.SG 'continuing to s tir it. (new p a rag rap h , last stage of p re p a ra tio n ) [u-]su yaisi, oo uu kwassi-wini uu tia?

(3-)NOM th en so like ripe/ready-CONT.SG so thusly 'T hen it is getting done (thickening) like th at, o— oo tia? u=sunaga-na

li- like thusly 3=determ ine-PTCP 'so it is, (you) determ ine togi-ku u=mani-gya

correct-OBL 3=become-TRNSL 'th a t it's ju st about right;

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tiwau ii aa oo u=wina-u-si tiwau

also you ahh, so 3=set.aside-PNC-SEQ also 'and you set it aside kai tiwau cuhu u-mi?i hanni; uu.

NEG also fat 3-LOC do/add.D U R thusly b ut don 't add fat to it. sisi?miti nimi uu pina cuhu u-mi?i hani

som e.of people thusly w.r.t. fat 3-LOC d o /a d d 'Some people do that, add fat to it, nimi = bi kai.

we.EXCL = MOD neg 'but not us. (new p a ra g ra p h , p r e p a ra tio n com plete) 00 caisi, mo?asu na-ma-makwi-u,

so then already MM-RE-finish-PNC 'Then (it's) already done. kai ioii mani-pinja]

NEG INT do-PFV.STAT 'It's not very difficult to do. 00 yaisi 000 wina-na

and th en th ere set.aside-PTCP 'So then (you) set it aside, y aisi su— saa?a u=?itzkzi-u-si

then ?- later 3=cold-PNC-SEQ 'a n d la te r when it's cold, u=higa~ssi;

3=cool-SEQ 'it having cooled off, yaisi tiwau oo?no tia? u-mati misu - tika

th e n also a t.th e.tim e thu sly 3-PART be.able - eat 'th e n (you) can go ahead and eat some.

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530 ka=saa?a tika-na 0 BL=later eat-PTCP ’L ater, w hen eating, ii tika-kuba-tuu you eat-SUPRA-ALL 'u p o n eating, ii [u=]sugana-u-si, you (3=)sweeten-PNC-SEQ you can sw eeten it, ka [u=] sagwani u=sugana-u-si . . KA (3=) barely 3=sweeten-PNC-SEQ ju s t lig h tly sw eeten it, [u-Jsu u-no pi§a kamma. (3-)N 0M 3-COM good taste.DUR and w ith th a t it ta ste s good. uu na-tika tabia. th u sly M M -eat ap p ear T h at’s how it is supposed to be eaten. 'T h a t’s th e way they cook it, I'm telling!'

10.3 Boarding School Davs

The follow ing is an excerpt from a com plex and len g th y (ab o u t 800 lin es) autobiographical n a rra tiv e . I include here th e sp e ak e r's discussion of h e r in itial experiences at a boarding school in Fort Bidwell, C alifornia. She relates both details of the trip from Burns, Oregon to Fort Bidwell, the stric t, m ilitary d iscipline at th e school, as well as th e o ften cruel tre a tm e n t at th e h an d s of o th er, p a rtic u la rly older, stu d e n ts.

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531 The tex t is in te restin g on several levels—b oth as a life story and as a h isto rical docum ent. It is a testim ony to the difficulties e n co u n tered by native ch ild ren sen t far from th e ir fam ilies and ro u tin e s to experience in stitu tio n a liz e d "assim ilation." The n a rra to r did not u n d e rsta n d E nglish on h e r a rriv a l, b u t was im m ed iately c h astise d for speaking th e only language she knew —N o rth ern P aiute. L inguistically, perh ap s th e m ost strik in g point of in te re s t is th e relativ ely m ore fre q u e n t use of th e applicative and o th er voice co n structions (cf. section 8.2). I assum e th a t th is is, by and large, due to th e fact th a t th e m ost topical p a rtic ip a n ts —th e n a rra to r and h e r fellow stu d e n ts —are low in th e fea tu res typically a sso ciated w ith a g en tiv ity — featu res like volition and control. The tex t was rec o rd ed in th e sp e ak e r's hom e on Ja n u a ry 9, 1999 in the presence of th e a u th o r—a non-speaker. No o th er native speakers w ere p resen t. The to ta l recording tim e was ab o u t forty-five m inutes.

nimmi nimmi tia?a oo?no -su tiwau k a - nazikuudi mi= tinani we.EXCL we.EXCL th u s a t.th a t.tim e -NOM also OBL= school i.PL= in stru c t We, so once upon a tim e they to ld us to go to school; nimmi tiwau 00 -tuyamoso -[wa]i -tu na- bibia -kwi, we.EXCL also DEM -ALL Ft.Bidwell -LOC -ALL MM- take -FUT we would be tak en out th ere to Ft. Bidwell. oono mi= mi= naanapia?a mi= naa miu mi= nitama a t.th a t.tim e PL i.PL.POSS= p a re n ts i.PL.POSS= fa th e r QUOT i.PL = tell At th a t tim e it was our p a re n ts, our dad said to us,

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53 2 ini mia -si pisa?a, INT go.SG -SEQ be.good ti- naka -tua -si APS- listen -SUBJ -SEQ himma pisa supidakwatu -si, w hat good k n o w /u n d e rstan d -SEQ "Go ah ead an d go, le a rn as m uch as you can; ka na oo -tu nazikuudi ka ii su- mia -na, KA ?? DEM -ALL school KA 2.SG DESID- go.SG -PTCP "go to school if you w ant to go." oo?no tui hannano ka?a, yuu kai himma mi= supidakwatu, a t.th a t.tim e any w hen KA th is.w a y NEG w hat i.PL .O B J= u n d e rs ta n d "T h ere'll be a tim e w hen, over h ere, w hat we d o n 't u n d e rsta n d , mi mi= yadua -ki -kwi -u mi?i, PL i.PL.OBJ= talk -APL -FUT -PNC QUOT you will in te rp re t for us," said, mii mi= naa m i- nitama. QUOT i.PL.POSS= fath er i.PL.OBJ= tell th a t's w hat our dad to ld us. yaisi ooPno nimmi ka= yamoso -[wa]i -tu na- bibia th en a t.th at.tim e we.EXCL OBL= Ft.Bidwell -LOC -ALL MM- take At th a t tim e th en , we w ere tak en to Fort Bidwell: hii -?yu -na mi= naatsi pinoPo hii -Pyu -na, several -NOM -PTCP PL= boy also several -NOM -PTCP several boys as well, several, iwa -Pyu -tui hii -Pyu, nimmi pinoPo si- siaPa m any -NOM -any several -NOM we.EXCL also RE- girl a bunch of us girls, too, mo- mmokoPni pinoPo, pinoPo na- bibia RE- woman also also MM- take w om en, too, w ere taken.

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53 3 oono mi 'Rosy' owi, a t.th a t.tim e PL R. th e re At th e tim e Rosy was th ere , yaisi su= i - hamma?a, 'Em m a' th en -NOM i.SG.POSS= e ld er.sister E. a n d my big s is te r Emm a, yaisi tiwau ni, yaisi i= pia tiwau 'Oodo' padi u -su, th e n also l.SG th e n i.SG.POSS= frien d also Otto d au g h ter 3 -NOM and also, I and my friend, too, O tto's d aughter, she (w as). oo?no -su nimmi owi -tu na- bibia -si, a t.th at.tim e -NOM we.EXCL th ere -ALL MM- take -SEQ So th e n w hen we w ere tak en th e re , yaisi su= 00 -ti -u nana, owi -u, naboosi th en NOM= DEM -ESS -U man DEM -U boss/leader ka= hii tici?i uuni -?yu mi= no?o -tua OBL= WH som e.way th at.k in d -NOM i.PL.OBJ= carry -SUBJ an d a m an from th e re , th e b o ss,8 w h atev er he is, th a t guy w ould h au l us. mi= noo -tua -si mana i.PL.OBJ= carry -SUBJ -SEQ DEM(known) H aving ta k e n us th e re nimmi na- noo -ga hauga nimmi una ka= paba huudi we.EXCL MM- carry -TRNSL som ehow we.EXCL DEM OBL= big river we, tak en away som ehow we got to a big riv er (o r lak e9) out th e re . una -u, una -?yu nimmi tsa- tabi- ttka -ki -ti 3 -OBL DEM -PRED we.EXCL IP/grasp- day- eat -APL -TNS O ut th e re , it was th e re we m ade o u r lunch

8 Presumably the Schoolmaster. 9 Lake Abert.

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534 himma kaakiza hi -no -ko, w hat crackers WH -COM -OBL sigupakwi uuni -ku wiwonita -u -si chub th a t.k in d -OBL open.can.w ith.key -PNC -SEQ of crackers w ith som ething, sa rd in es, th e kind (you) open from a can, uuni -ku mi= tsa- tika -ki -u th at.k ind -OBL i.PL .O B J- IP /grasp- eat -APL -PNC th a t kind (they) le t us eat. mi= tika -ki -u -si i.PL.OBJ= eat -APL -PNC -SEQ H aving allow ed us to eat, nimmi tiwau mia -si we.EXCL again go.SG -SEQ we w ent on again, na- noo -ga -si o?o ka= yamoso -tami, MM- carry -TRNSL -SEQ DEM OBL- Ft.Bidwell -tow ard w ere c arried on out th e re to Fort Bidwell. oo nimmi mia -na, obii 'Lakeview' kwayadi, DEM we.EXCL go.SG -PTCP in.there? L. beyond T here we w ere going, to th e o th er side of Lakeview. (A side, in E nglish: 'I d o n 't know w hat th ey call it; but anyway, ) oo tia?a o -tu nimmi mi?a. so thus DEM -ALL we.EXCL go.PL So th ro u g h th e re we w ent. 'Lakeview' u= kwayadi ka= mda poo -di o -tu L. 3= beyond OBL= old road -NMR DEM -ALL Lakeview, beyond th a t on th e old ro ad 10

10 Fandango Pass.

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535 nimmi obii wogo- naga -kwai tibojjo we.EXCL in .th e re ? tre e (p in e ) th ro u g h -LOC dow nhill we (w ent) th ro u g h th e re , dow nhill th ro u g h th e pine tre e s; u -su poo sita -?yu, 3 -NOM road bad -PRED The ro ad was bad, ini na- matsikwini -na, INT MM- be.tipped.to.the.side -PTCP really tip p e d to one side. simi u -su kaazi pi- -tu mia -na, one 3 -NOM car RESTR- -ALL go.SG -PTCP J u s t one car (could) go on th a t, nimmi yaisi kai himma -- kai nimmi himma tapoigya we.EXCL th e n NEG w hat -- NEG we.EXCL w hat m eet a n d we d id n 't m eet up w ith any th in g , uusapa nimmi mia -ga -na alw ays/stay we.EXCL go.SG -TRNSL -PTCP mia -na go.SG -PTCP but ju s t kept going and going. nimmi kwaya nimmi tiboijo o -tu mi?a. we.EXCL far.off we.EXCL downhill DEM -ALL go.PL We, a long ways dow nhill we w ent. yaisi owi -tu nimmi na- tsa- piti -ki -biti -ga ka= owi -u th en there -ALL we.EXCL MM- IP /grasp- arrive -APL -INCH -TRNSL OBL= th ere -U T hen we a rriv e d at th e d e stin a tio n , oo pi- -kwai uuni -ku nazikuudi ni= na- hani -kwai DEM RESTR- -LOC that.kind -OBL school we.EXCL MM- do/prepare -LOC th e re at th a t place w here we p rep a red for school, nimmi na- noo - pitti -ga -si we.EXCL MM- carry - arrive.DUR -TRNSL -SEQ w here we w ere c arrie d off to.

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536 oo yaisi mina?a nimmi owi pitti -ga -si so th en ?? we.EXCL th ere arrive.DUR -TRNSL -SEQ So th e n w hen we a rriv e d th e re nimmi na- na- ba- gia -tipi we.EXCL RE- MM- IP /w ater- give -tell.to we w ere to ld to b ath e. yaisi himma uuni -ku tia?a pi- -kwai ni= hani -kwi -na th en w hat th at.k in d -OBL th u s RESTR- -LOC i.PL= d o /w ear -FUT -PTCP uuni -ku ni= himi -na th at.k in d -OBL i.PL.POSS= give.PL -PTCP T hen we w ere given th e th in g s th a t we w ere to w ear, u -su oi -tu naboosi mokoPni sa?a — 3 -NOM th ere -ALL boss woman la te r — A fter th a t (cam e) th e school m arm — piawabi moko?ni uuni -?yu kai pidi -nimi. older.w om an wom an th a t.k in d -NOM NEG young -?person? an o ld er w om an, not a young person. uuni -?yu una mi= izisaawi si- sia?a, u= tibuku?i th at.k in d -NOM DEM PL= Achomawi? PL- girl 3= get.best.of Those th a t w ere over th e re , th o se P itt River girls w ould get th e b est of h er sisi?mi u -no na- koi -?yakwi tiwau som etim es 3-COM MM- kill.PL -HAB also so m etim es fig h tin g w ith h e r even. uuni -?yu paana nimmi obi- ti na- na- ba- gia -tipi th at.k ind -NOM however we.EXCL DEM -ESS RE- MM- IP /w ater- give -tell.to Anyway, we w ere to ld to b a th e in th e re , obii pitami -?yu DEM - PROX below -PRED d o w n stairs in th e re (a b asem e n t). obi -u 'show er,' owi nimmi, na- na- ba- gia -tipi DEM -U show er there we.EXCL RE- MM- IP /w ater- give -tell.to In th e show er, th e re we w ere to ld to b athe.

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537 mi= ba—mi= hii si- sia?a pa- ppaba -?yu si- sia?a, PL= bi(g)— PL= WH PL- girl PL- big -NOM PL- girl T here w ere th o se girls, th e big girls, umi obi mani -pini -na they DEM do -PFV.STAT -PTCP th ey w ould be doing (th in g s) th ere , mi= ni- sagwai?i -ki -?yakwi i.PL= IP /speech- be.angry -APL -HAB being cruel to us, nimmi =bina ka= waha -?yu -na oodo padi -no we.EXCL =w .r.t. OBL= two -NOM -PTCP Otto daughter -COM to us, the two (of us), (I) and O tto's daughter. nimmi, ni= himma tsa- hani -kwi -si we.EXCL i.PL= what IP /grasp- do -FUT -SEQ W hen we w ere taking off o u r thin g s nimmi na- pa- gia -kwi -si we.EXCL MM- w ater- give -FUT -SEQ and w ere ab o u t to b ath e, yaisi u -su mi= oo aata -di hayu then 3 -NOM PL= DEM sit.PL -NMR somehow th en th a t one (of) those w here sittin g th e re som ehow ni= nimai -?yakwi "Talk English! Talk English!" l.PL= tell -HAB " kept telling us, "Talk English! Talk English!" mii uusapa nimmi na- nimai -?yakwi QUOT alw ays/stay we.EXCL MM- tell -HAB th u s co n tin u ally we w ould be to ld . u -ka ni sikwi nakka ka =bi 3 -OBL l.SG ju st/o n ly hear.DU R OBL =EMPH? T h a t’s w hat I ju s t h e a rd (w ith o u t u n d e rsta n d in g ); ka= mi= nimi- yadua -na OBL= i.PL= person- talk -PTCP it w as o u r P a iu te language

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538 kai naka- bidzabi -na mii, NEG hear- like -PTCP PL th ey d id n 't w ant to h ear, miu mi= nitama. PL QUOT i.PL.OBJ= tell so (they) told us. nimmi yaisi, kai nimmi hayu inakwi we.EXCL th e n NEG we.EXCL how (in.w hat.w ay) reply We th en , we d id n 't speak, nimmi kai tinima?yu -kaa, we.EXCL NEG quiet.dow n -SR? b u t becam e silen t, because nimmi mi= ni- sagwai?i -ki -ti. we.EXCL PL= IP /speech- be.angry -APL -TNS they w ere cruel to us. oo caisi uu nimmi k a - owi -?yu -na so th en like.that we.EXCL OBL= th ere -PRED -PTCP So th a t's how it was for us th ere. sa?a yaisi tiwau obi -u nimmi habi -no la te r then also DEM -U we.EXCL lie.SG -INSTR L ater on th e n we (w ent) th e re to o u r bed pi- -kwai ni= habi -kwi -na -tuu RESTR- -LOC i.PL= lie.SG -FUT -PTCP -MAKE to make up th e place w here we w ere to lie down. nimmi na- hani -tirja -si we.EXCL MM- do -tell.to -SEQ A fter we were to ld to fix up (our beds), yaa -u habi -kwi— here -U lie.SG -FUT-"T hat's w here (you) will lie dow n-yaa umi habi -no mii nimmi na- nitama here you.PL lie.SG -INSTR QUOT we.EXCL MM- tell "This is your bed," so we were told.

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himma uuni -ku izikwi ni= himi -na w hat th a t.k in d -OBL blanket i.PL.POSS= give.PL -PTCP (They) gave us som e k ind of b lan k et noo -ku -su uuni -ku tia?a. all -OBL -NOM th at.k in d -OBL thus an d every th in g else; p i -kwai tsota?mipi uuni -ku mi= hanni -ki -ti. RESTR -LOC pillow that.kind -OBL i.PL= d o/get -APL -TNS a pillow, th a t kind, th ey got for us. oo yaisi nimmi oo tia?a so th en we.EXCL so thus T h at's how it was fo r us th en . oo caisi owi -u, so th en th ere -U So th e n th e re (a t th a t place) oo?no umi si?mi si- sia?a ka= yuu,. a t.th e .tim e they som etim es RE- girl OBL= this.w ay th e n those girls (did) th is som etim es, tokaano aapo tidiha -ga -?yai -na -kaa at.night apples steal -TRNSL -HAB -PTCP -SR? w ould go out at night to steal apples. una -ti taibo tibiwa -wai -tu ka= aapo, th e re -ESS w hite.m an hom eplace -LOC -ALL OBL= apple supidakwatu -na hanno, know -PTCP w here (They) knew w here (to go) for apples, on th e w hite m an's p ro p erty , na- masia -na owi -tu, MM- plant -PTCP th ere -ALL to an o rch ard . umi si- sia?a mi oso nanaanapi si- sia?a, they RE- girl PL ?? older RE- girl The girls, th e old er girls,

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umi oo ka= himma tsotaPmipi 'pillow' umi -kwai, th ey so OBL= w hat pillow 'pillow ' th a t.k in d -LOC They, som ething, a pillow , (placed) in to th a t, ka= aapo ti= hanikwina -di OBL= apples POSS= pick -NMR th e ap ples th a t th ey picked, timaahimana mia -Pyakwi. pillowcase go(do) -HAB a pillow case w ould go (and do). u -su i=hama nimi -no mia -Pyakwi su= 'Em m a' 3 -NOM 1= eld er.sister people -COM go -HAB NOM= Emma She, my e ld e r s is te r u sed to go w ith them , Emma. obii ka= hi -tu? mi= si- siaPa mia -Pyakwi. th ro u g h .th ere KA WH -ALL PL= RE- girl go -HAB T hrough th e re som ew here, th o se girls w ould go; 'fire escape' -odu, u- kuba owi -u kadi -u -ka 'fire escape' -ALL 3- SUPRA there -U sit -PNC -TRNSL by way of th e fire escape, on th e re , sittin g obii pidami kadi -u -piti -ga -Pyakwi. th ere below sit -PNC -INCH -TRNSL -HAB and w ould slide down th ere. hiiPyonadui uu PmanimooPyakwi; few -PRED -ATTR -any thus become -RNDM -HAB It was ju st a few of them who w ould go and do th at; wadzi- maPnaPwi, tokaano hide- do.DUR nighttim e se cre tly doing at night.

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541 su= hii pino?o tikwihi una -u ka= pino?o, tokaano mia -ka?i -nimi -?yakwi, NOM= WH also copu DEM -U OBL= also nighttim e go -around -RNDM.SG -HAB T hat one, too, a cop w as out th e re at night w alking aro u n d . wa?itsi nana pino?o, o ld .m an m an also (He was) an old guy, too. yaisi himma =bina, uuni -ku ti- ma- kwihi -na th en w hatever th a t.k in d -OBL APS- IP /h a n d - grab -PTCP T hen w h a te v e r it w as (he w as) carry in g , mi= himma witsimo?o pi- mma na- kwiba -na PL= what ball RESTR- INST MM- strike -PTCP som ething for h ittin g a b all w ith, uuniku, ti- ma- kwihi -na pino?o th at.k ind -OBL APS- IP /h a n d - grab -PTCP also th e kind (he) carried , too, kai adi na- ma- tikki himma uuni -ku, NEG gun MM- IP /h a n d - put.SG w hat th a t.k in d -OBL n o t w ielding a gun o r an y th in g , u- ka -u, u- ma -u caisi ka= hayu ka kai ii togi -ku 3 -OBL -U 3- INST -U OBL= how KA NEG you correct -OBL it was th a t w ith w hich, if you (d id ) som eth in g w rong, i= kwiba -kwi [ha?o ti ci?i], 2= strike -FUT (som ething like th a t) (he) w ould h it you or som ething. mii ja ti- su- ?yikwi -na, say th u s APS- IP /m in d - d o /ac t -PTCP so (he was) supposing.

11A verb form: ti- kwihi APS- grab (one that grabs)

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542 uuni -ku ti- ma- yakwi -na su= ti- woitsami -di ka= tokaano, th a t.k in d -OBL APS- IP /h a n d - carry -PTCP NOM= w atchm an OBL= night T h a t's w hat he w as c a rry in g , th a t n ig h t w atch m an , obii ja nimi -?yakwi, th e re th u s w alk -HAB o u t th e re as (he) w alked around, paana kai mi= punni. but(/how ever) NEG PL= see.DUR b u t w ith o u t seeing them ka= mi= aapo titiha -gaa -di OBL= PL= apple steal -TRNSL -NMR th o se who w ent out stealing apples. ni kai mi?a -ka kai— I NEG go -TRNSL N E G I never w ent, no-ni kai tia?a ni -ka naakwi I NEG th u s I -OBL invite.to.accom pany Not me, since (they) d id n 't invite me. umi noo -?yo -na umi pa- paba -?yu si?mi mi?a si- si?a. they all -NOM -PTCP they big -NOM only go.PL RE- girl All those big ones, only they w ent, th e girls.

10.4

We T alked to th a t Bird

The sh o rt au to b io g rap h ical sto ry re la te d h ere was to ld on A pril l, 2 0 0 0 , also at the sp eak er’s hom e in th e presence of the a u th o r. It is rich in d irect quote com plem ents, som etim es doubly em bedded, and o th e r com plex c o n stru ctio n s.

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543 su= taibo da? owi -d -u ni- supidakwatu, NOM= w hite.person thus there -ESS -U IP /speech- know T his w hite guy w ants to le a rn , ka= hudziba tiitsi hudziba, OBL= bird sm all b ird ab o u t th a t b ird , a little b ird, iizizi mii na- ni?a desert.sparrow ? QUOT MM- call "Eezizi" is w hat it's called. pisa iwa -su nana?atazu dnikwihi -di hudziba tiitsi -?yu good m any -ADV different.P L sing -NMR b ird small -NOM I t’s a b eautiful singer, th a t little b ird (knows lots of d ifferent songs). una -u ka mi= tihona una -?yu over.there -OBL KA i.PL= dig.roots over.there -PRED O ut th e re w hen w e’re digging ro o ts, sawa -naga -?yu yaga -na sagebrush th ro u g h -PRED cry -PTCP naka -?yakwi h e a r -HAB (w e'd) h e a r (it) calling out th e re from am ong th e sag eb ru sh . umi yaisi i= pia miu th e y th e n i.SG = m o th e r T hen my m o th e r said , u= yadui -cai QUOT 3.SG= talk .to -HAB "Talk to it! oo saa?a u= naka -puni so la te r 3= listen -STAT "Then listen to it, hayu saa?a ini -wini mi?i how la te r say -CONT.SG QUOT "how (it) responds," (she) said.

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544 oo?no, hayu u -su i= pia tinikwihi, a t.th a t.tim e how (in .w h at.w ay ) 3 -NOM 2= m o th e r sing "Then, 'How does she, your m other sing?' mii u= tibiqa QUOT 3= ask "so, ask it. oono -su u= naka -puni a t.th a t.tim e -NOM 3= liste n -STAT "And th en liste n to it. yaisi su= iizizi i -su pmo?o atazu ini -wini th en NOM= desert.sparrow ? PROX -NOM also different say -CONT.SG "Then 'Eezizi,' as for it, (it) will be saying som ething different. yaisi tiwau kai tinimayu -si th en again NEG quiet.dow n -SEQ "Then w hen it q u iets down again, yaisi ii tiwau u= yadui -si tiwau th e n you again 3= ta lk .to -SEQ again "then you ta lk to it again," mii mi= nitama QUOT i.PL= tell (she) told us. hayu u -su i= hamma tinikwihi how (in.w hat.w ay) DEM -NOM 2= e ld e r.siste r sing "’How does she, your big sister sing?’ mii tibirja QUOT ask " (you) ask," mii =bina QUOT =w .r.t. (she) said. ni yaisi miu =sapa ni ina?wi I th e n QUOT =m ight I say T hen it was my tu rn to speak.

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u= tibiija -cakwi, 3.= ask -HAB I w ould ask it ni yaisi 11= naka -puni -?yakwi. I th en 3= listen -STAT -HAB th e n I would liste n to it. yaisi atazu tiwau ini -wini su= hudziba tiitsi -?yu. th e n different again say -CONT.SG NOM= b ird sm all -NOM T hen again it w ould say som ething d ifferen t, th a t little b ird . iizizi u -su uuni -?yu miu d esert.sparrow ? 3 -NOM th at.k in d -NOM QUOT T hat 'Eezizi,' it was like th at. yaisi tiwau ini -su u= yadui tiwau umi th e n again INT -ADV 3= ta lk .to again they? T hen (I) talk ed to it som e m ore again. hayu u -su i= mu?a tinikwihi how (in.w hat.w ay) DEM -NOM 2.SG= m a te rn a l.g ra n d m o th e r sing "How does she, your g ran d m o th er sing?" mii u= tibiija mii tiwau QUOT 3-SG= ask QUOT again (I) asked it, also. ni tia?a miu I th u s QUOT I spoke thus. 00 yaisi atazu tiwau su= hudziba tiwau ini -wini. so th e n d ifferen t again NOM= b ird again say -CONT.SG And th e n again th e b ird was saying som eth in g d ifferen t. uu ma?na?wi, th u sly do Thus it continues to do ka oo?no u= yadui -cai -di -kwa?ni tia?a. KA a t.th a t.tim e 3= talk.to -HAB -NMR -SIMIL thus as if (you're) talking to it.

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546 hauga uuni -?yu mii tia?a. som ehow th at.k in d -NOM QUOT so /th u s Som ehow , it says th a t way. ha?u =sapa =ga umi -u u= supidakwatu -na h o w (in .w h at.m an n er) =m ight =MOD they -OBL 3.SG= know -PTCP tabia -na appear-P T C P I d o n 't know how they knew about it; miu ni= tinicui QUOT i.PL= teach th a t's they w ere teach in g us. oo?no nimmi ka= una -?yu -na a t.th at.tim e we.EXCL OBL- o u t.th ere -PRED -PTCP At th e tim e, w hen we w ere ou t th e re , u= yadui -cai -?yakwi 3 .SG - taik.to -HAB -HAB (we) w ould talk to it. miu uu QUOT th u s T h at's how it was.

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

1 2 3 4 ABL AD ADJ ADV ALL APL APS ASP ATTR AUX G CAUS CISL COM COMPL CONT DEF DEM DESID DIR DIST DISTR DL DUR EMPH ESS EXCL FUT GEN HAB ILL IMPFV IN INCEP INCH INCL INST INSTR

1st person proclitic (object or possessor) 2nd person proclitic (object or possessor) 3rd person proclitic (object or possessor) 4th person (indefinite; (object or possessor)) ab lativ e (from ) adessive (at, on, by) adjective adverbial suffix a lla tiv e (to, at) applicative suffix an tip assiv e prefix aspect suffix a ttrib u tiv e (c h a ra c te riz e d by) a u x ilia ry consonant c au sa tiv e cislocatiye (m otion tow ard) co m itativ e (w ith, accom panying) com pletive c o n tin u a tiv e definite d em o nstrative (base or full form ) d e sid era tiv e directional suffix distal d istrib u tiv e dual (inclusive) d u ra tiv e e m p h a tic essive (at, on, in) exclusive (p lu ral) fu tu re genitive case h a b itu a l or rep etitiv e illativ e (to, in to ) im perfective inessive (in, into) inceptive (begin to inchoative (becom e, be about to do) inclusive (p lu ral) in stru m en tal p ost-position in stru m e n t n o m in alizer

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548 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS (continued) INT IP/xxxx IRR JUSS LOC MM MOD N, NP NCM NEG NMR NOM OBL PART PFV PL PNC POSS PRED PROH PROX PTCP PURP Q QUOT RE RECIP REFL REG REPET RESTR RNDM SEQ SG SIM SIMIL SPL SR STAT SUB

in ten sifier in stru m e n tal prefix/-t-gloss (abbreviated) irre a lis jussive (tell to do) locative (post-positional affix) m iddle m arker (reflexive, reciprocal, passive, m iddle) modal clitic (second position) noun, noun p hrase noun class m arker ("absolutive" suffix) negative p a rtic le subject nom inalizer nom inative case (su b je ct) m arker oblique case (n o n -n o m in ativ e/accu sativ e) m ark er partitiv e (som e of, related to) perfective p lu ral p u n c tu a l (m o m en tan eo u s) possessive (reflexive) p red icativ e (usu. adjectival) p ro h ib itiv e proxim al p articip le (action nom inalizer) purposive q u estio n m arker quotative p article reduplication (d istrib u tiv e V, plu ral N/AD J, in ten siv e ADV) reciprocal reflexive/ reciprocal regionalis (in the place of) re p e titiv e restrictiv e pronoun (th ird person; also, em phatic) random m otion (here and th e re ) sequential sin g u la r sim u ltan eo u s sim ilative (as, like) suppletive form sw itch referen ce m arking sta tiv e su bordinating; subessive (under, below)

SUBJ

su b ju n c tiv e

SUPRA TEMP TNS TRNSL V VBR WH

supraessive (upon, over, above) tem poral suffix tense (generic tense) tra n slo c a tiv e (m otion away) vow el, verb v erb a liz er w h atch am aeallit (in d e fin ite pro n o u n )

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54 9

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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