A Grammar of Old Assyrian 9004340963, 9789004340961

Citation preview

A Grammar of Old Assyrian By

N.J.C. Kouwenberg

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BRILL LEIDEN

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I BOSTON

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Handbook of Oriental Studies Handbuch der Orientalistik SECTION I THE NEAR AND MIDDLE EAST

Editor-in-Chief

M. Weeden (London)

Editors

C. Leitz ( Tilbingen) H. Gzella (Leiden) C.Waerzeggers(Leiden) D. Wicke (Mainz) C. Woods (Chicago)

VOLUME 118

The titles published in this series are listed at brillcom/hol

The Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available online at http://catalog.loc.gov LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017003162

UNIVERSITATSBIBLIOTHEK MARBURG

Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: "Brill". See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface. ISSN 0169-9423

ISBN 978-90-04-34096-I

(hardback)

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Contents Preface XXXV List of Tables xxxv1 I Lists of Abbreviations and Conventions I

2

XXXIX

Introduction 1 1.1 Provenance and date of the Old Assyrian texts 1 1.2 The Old Assyrian corpus according to provenance 2 1.2.1 Tablets from Killtepe 2 1.2.2 Tablets from other sites in Anatolia 2 1.2.3 Tablets.from sites outside Anatolia 3 1.2.4 Royal inscriptionsfound in Assur 4 l.2.5 The corpus on which this grammar is based 6 1.3 The Old Assyrian corpus according to genre 7 1.3.1 The commercial texts 7 1.3.2 Texts of other genres 8 1.4 Old Assyrian as a dialect of Akkadian 10 1.4.1 The dialects ofAkkadian 10 1.4.2 The position ofAssyrian ll 1.4.3 Assyrian and Eblaite 12 1.5 Old Assyrian versus Middle Assyrian and Neo-Assyrian 1.5.1 MiddleAssyrian 13 l.5.2 Neo-Assyrian 14 Syllabary and Spelling 15 2.1 General features 15 2.1.1 Sign inventory 15 2.1.2 Word boundaries 16 2.2 Polyvalence of cuneiform signs 17 2.2.1 Accidental and systematic polyvalence 17 2.2.2 Indeterminacy of the vowel in CVm signs 18 2.2.3 CVm signs in hypercorrect spellings 20 2.2.4 A special use of (NIM) 21 2.3 Plene spellings 22 2.3.1 Plene spellings of long final vowels 22 2.3.2 Plene spellings of shortfinal vowels? 23 2.3.3 Plene spellings in word-final closed syllables 24 2.3.4 Plene spellings in penultimate syllables 24

13

VI

CONTENTS

2.4

2.5 2.6 2. 7

2.8 2.9 2.10 2.11 2.12

2.13

3

2.3.5 Plene spellings for short vowel + geminate consonant 2.3.6 Plene spellings versus broken spellings 26 2.3. 7 Initial plene writing 26 The spelling of geminate consonants 27 2.4.1 Geminate spellings of -mm- and-nn- 28 2.4.2 Spellings ofgeminates after a eve-sign 28 2.4.3 Incorrect spelling ofgemination 29 Broken spellings 29 2.5. l False broken spellings 30 Sandhi spellings and crasis 30 Logograms 32 2. 7.1 Logograms for Lexemes 32 2. 7.2 The Logogram IJI( .A )for plurality 33 2. 7.3 The "distributive" Logogram TA 34 2. 7.4 Phonetic complements 35 2.7.5 Phonetic complements to eve signs 36 Determinatives 36 The word divider 37 Frequent scribal errors 37 The Old Assyrian syllabary and the 'reconstruction' of Old Assyrian 38 The representation of the weak consonants 40 2.12.1 The ambiguity of broken spellings 40 2.12.2 Unsolved ambiguities 41 Principles and conventions of transliteration and transcription 43 2.13.1 e versus i 43 2.13.2 The glides y andw 44 2.13.3 The glottal stop 44 2.13.4 Vowel contraction 45 2.13.5 Final Long vowels 45 2.13.6 Logograms 45 2.13. 7 Words that are given in transliteration 45

Phonology 46 3.1 Introduction 46 3.2 Consonants 46 3.2.1 Inventory of consonantal phonemes 46 3.2.1.1 The glottalic consonants 47 3.2.1.2 The sibilants 48

25

CONTENTS

VII

3.2.2

3.2.3

3.2.4

3.2.5

3.2.6

3.2. 7

3.2.1.3 The phoneme s 48 3.2.1.4 The phoneme IJ 49 Consonant clusters 49 3.2.2.1 Vowel epenthesis in clusters of consonant plus n, l, r, andm 49 3.2.2.2 Vowel epenthesis in imperatives 50 3.2.2.3 Vowel epenthesis in clusters with IJ 51 3.2.2.4 Other cases of vowel epenthesis 51 Geminate consonants 52 3.2.3.1 Lexical and morphological gemination 52 3.2.3.2 Gemination resulting from assimilation and contact 52 3.2.3.3 Degemination 53 3.2.3.4 Alternation of geminate consonants and long vowels 53 Assimilation and dissimilation of consonants 54 3.2.4.1 Regressive assimilation of n 54 3.2.4.2 Regressive assimilation of m 55 3.2.4.3 Assimilation of velar stops 56 3.2.4.4 Assimilation of dental stops 57 3.2.4.5 Assimilation of labial stops 58 3.2.4.6 Assimilation of stem-final sibilants 59 3.2.4. 7 Assimilation involving s 60 3.2.4.8 Assimilation of the first radical to the t-infix of the verb 60 3.2.4.9 Dissimilation of consonants 61 Alternation of consonants 62 3.2.5.1 Alternation of s and s 62 3.2.5.2 Alternation of q and :> 63 3.2.5.3 Sporadic alternations of consonants 64 Loss of consonants 66 3.2.6.1 Loss of word-final m 66 3.2.6.2 Loss of final -n in grammatical morphemes 67 3.2.6.3 Loss of a consonant in other positions 67 Metathesis of consonants 69 3.2.7.1 Metathesis of consonants that form a cluster 69 3.2.7.2 "Distant" metathesis 69 3.2. 7.3 Metathesis of radicals 70

VIII

CONTENTS

3.3

3.4

The weak consonants 70 3.3.1 The glottal stop C) 70 3.3.1.1 The (non-)rendering of :i in the syllabary 70 3.3.1.2 Word-initial :i 71 3.3.1.3 Intervocalic :i 72 3.3.1.4 Post-consonantal :i 72 3.3.1.5 Syllable-final :i 74 3.3.2 The bilabial approximant w 75 3.3.2.1 The rendering of w in the syllabary 75 3.3.2.2 Word-initial w 76 3.3.2.3 Intervocalic w 78 3.3.2.4 Intervocalic w as a glide after u 79 3.3.2.5 Post-consonantal w 80 3.3.3 The palatal approximant y 81 3.3.3.1 The rendering of yin the syllabary 81 3.3.3.2 The historical sources of y 84 3.3.3.3 Intervocalic y 85 3.3.3.4 Problems concerning intervocalic y 86 3.3.3.5 Post-consonantal y 87 3.3.3.6 Post-consonantal y before the homorganic vowels i and e 88 Vowels 88 3.4.1 The Old Assyrian vowels and their background 88 3.4.2 The vowel e 89 3.4.3 Vowel quantity 90 3.4.3.1 Long vowels 90 3.4.3.2 Quantity of final vowels 90 3.4.4 Vowel alternation in short vowels 91 3.4.4.1 Alternation of a and e 91 3.4.4.2 Alternation of a and 'i 92 3.4.4.3 Alternation of a and i1 93 3.4.4.4 Alternation of i1 and 'i Ie 93 3.4.4.5 Alternation of 'i and e 94 3.4.5 Changes in short vowels determined by an adjacent consonant 95 3.4.5.1 The change a > ebefore r 95 3.4.5.2 The change 'i > ebefore r 96 3.4.5.3 The change 'i > ebefore m in grammatical morphemes 96 3.4.6 Vowel alternation in long vowels 98

CONTENTS

IX

Changes in long vowels determined by an adjacent consonant 99 3.4. 7.1 The change ii > e before r 99 3.4.7.2 The change i> e after:> (and before m?) 99 3.4.8 Vowel syncope 100 3.4.9 Vowel assimilation 101 3.4.9.1 General characteristics 101 3.4.9.2 l versus eas the outcome of assimilation 102 3.4.9.3 Vowel assimilation in the antepenultimate syllable 103 3.4.9.4 Non-assimilated verb forms 104 3.4.9.5 Non-assimilated nominal forms 105 3.4.10 Loss ofinitial andfinal vowels 106 3.4.11 Vowel contraction 107 3.4.11. 1 Contraction of a + a 108 3.4.11.2 Contraction of i/e + i/e 108 3.4.11.3 Contraction of u + u 109 3.4.11.4 Contraction of different vowels 109 Syllables and stress 112 3.5.1 Syllable structure of Old Assyrian 112 3.5.2 Stress 113 3.4. 7

3.5

4

The Structure of Nouns 115 4.1 Introduction and general features of nouns 115 4.1.1 Parts of speech 115 4.1.2 Primary nouns 115 4.1.3 Derived nouns 116 4.2 Enumeration of noun patterns 117 4.2.1 List of primary nouns 117 4.2.1.1 Primary nouns with less than three consonants 117 4.2.1.2 Primary PaRS nouns 118 4.2.1.3 Primary PaRSat nouns 119 4.2.1.4 Primary PiRS( at) nouns 119 4.2.1.5 Primary PuRS(at) nouns 120 4.2.1.6 Primary nouns with bisyllabic patterns 120 4.2.1.7 Primary nouns with reduplication 121 4.2.2 Deverbal nouns arranged according to pattern 121 4.2.2.1 Deverbal nouns with two radicals 121 4.2.2.2 Deverbal PaRS nouns 122

X

CONTENTS

4.2.2.3 4.2.2.4 4.2.2.5 4.2.2.6

4.3

4.4

4.5 4.6

Deverbal PaRaSt nouns 122 Deverbal PaRiSt and PaRuSt nouns 123 Deverbal PaRvS(t) nouns 123 Deverbal PiRS nouns (with PiRiSS and iPRiS) 124 4.2.2. 7 Deverbal PiRiSt nouns 124 4.2.2.8 Deverbal PuRS nouns 125 4.2.2.9 Deverbal PuRuS and PuRuSS nouns 126 4.2.2.10 Deverbal PuRuSt and PuRuSSat nouns 126 4.2.2.11 Deverbal PuRaS nouns 127 4.2.2.12 Deverbal nouns of the pattern PuRuSSa? 127 4.2.2.13 Deverbal nouns with exceptional patterns 128 4.2.2.14 Deverbal nouns with gemination of the second radical 129 4.2.2.15 Deverbal nouns with reduplication 129 4.2.2.16 Deverbal maPRaS( t) nouns 129 4.2.2.17 Deverbal maPRi/uS(t) nouns 130 4.2.2.18 Deverbal nouns with the prefix mu- 130 4.2.2.19 Deverbal nouns with the prefix sa- 130 4.2.2.20 Deverbal nouns with the pattern taPRiSt 131 4.2.2.21 Other deverbal nouns and adjectives with the prefix ta- 132 4.2.2.22 Deverbal nouns with an infix (PitRuS and PitRaS) 132 Denominal derivation by means of suffixes 132 4.3.1 The suffix-(a)t- 133 4.3.2 The suffix-utt- 134 4.3.3 The suffix -an- 135 Loan words 136 4.4.1 Sumerian loan words 136 4.4.2 Anatolian loan words 138 4.4.3 Hurrian loan words 139 4.4.4 Amorite loan words 139 4.4.5 Babylonian loan words 139 4.4.6 Loan words of unknown provenance 141 Compounding 141 Excursus: Grammatical aspects of Old Assyrian personal names 144 4.6.1 Phonologicalfeatures of personal names 145 4.6.1.1 Vowel syncope and vowel contraction 145

CONTENTS

XI

4.6.2

4.6.3 5

4.6.1.2 Loss of final -m and -n 146 4.6.1.3 Loss of case endings in E1 147 4.6.1.4 Loss of final vowels 147 4.6.1.5 Simplification of geminates 148 4.6.1.6 Vowel assimilation 148 Morphology 149 4.6.2.1 The declension of personal names 149 4.6.2.2 Predicative nouns and adjectives 151 Syntax: the order ofsubject and predicate 151

The Inflection of Nouns 153 5.1 Introduction 153 5.2 Gender 153 5.2.1 Gender of animate nouns 153 5.2.2 Gender of inanimate nouns 154 5.2.2.1 Inanimate nouns that are masculine 154 5.2.2.2 Inanimate nouns that are feminine 156 5.2.2.3 Nouns with conflicting data on agreement 157 5.2.2.4 Nouns with more than one form in the plural 158 5.2.2.5 General conclusions on the gender of inanimate nouns 159 5.3 Case 160 5.3.1 The case endings 160 5.3.2 Mimation 161 5.3.3 The "terminative" case 164 5.4 Number 165 5.4.1 Singular and collective 165 5.4.2 Dual 166 5.4.2.1 The endings of the dual 166 5.4.2.2 The use of the dual 167 5.4.3 Masculine plural 168 5.4.3.1 The regular plural endings 168 5.4.3.2 Irregular forms 169 5.4.3.3 The use of the plural 170 5.4.4 Feminine plural 171 5.5 The construct state 171 5.5.1 The construct state of the singular 172 5.5.1.1 The construct state of nouns with a monosyllabic stem ending in a single consonant 174

XII

CONTENTS

5.5.1.2

5.6

Nouns with a polysyllabic stem ending in a single consonant 175 5.5.1.3 Nouns with a monosyllabic stem ending in a geminate consonant 176 5.5.1.4 Nouns with a monosyllabic stem ending in a consonant cluster 177 5.5.1.4.1 Nouns with the pattern PaRS 177 5.5.1.4.2 Nouns with the pattern PiRS 177 5.5.1.4.3 Nouns with the pattern PuRS 178 5.5.1 .4.4 Feminine nouns with -t and a monosyllabic stem 179 5.5.1.5 Nouns with a polysyllabic stem ending in a geminate consonant 179 5.5.1.6 Nouns with a polysyllabic stem ending in a cluster 180 5.5.1.7 Table of construct state formation 181 5.5.1.8 Exceptions and problematic instances 182 5.5.1.8.1 abum, alJ.um and emum 182 5.5.1.8.2 kalu(-) 'all, every' and IJi'um 'mouth' 183 5.5.1.8.3 damum 'blood' 185 5.5.1.8.4 irtum 'breast' 185 5.5.1.8.5 Feminine nouns with -at instead of -ta/r 185 5.5.1.8.6 Construct states with -u 186 5.5.2 The construct state of the dual 186 5.5.3 The construct state of the masculine plural 187 5.5.4 The construct state of the feminine plural 188 The inflection of irregular and weak nouns 189 5.6.1 PvRS noun with:> as second consonant 189 5.6.2 PvRS nouns with? as third consonant 190 5.6.3 The declension of mer'um 'son' 190 5.6.4 The declension of mer'atum 'daughter' 192 5.6.5 PvRS nouns with y as third consonant 193 5.6.6 PaRS nouns with was third consonant 194 5.6. 7 Nouns ending in a long vowel plus ? 195 5.6.8 Nouns (and adjectives) ending in -ium 198 5.6.9 Words ending in -uum 199

CONTENTS

5. 7

6

XIII

The absolute state 200 5. 7.1 The absolute state for measures to express "one" 200 5. 7.2 The absolute state for measures after higher numerals 202 5. 7.3 The absolute state in distributive expressions 202 5.7.4 The absolute state in lexicalized adverbial expressions 203

The Syntax of Nouns 205 6.1 Introduction 205 6.2 The nominative 205 6.2. l The nominative as subject and non-verbal predicate 206 6.2.2 The nominative as the standard in interest rates and percentages 206 6.2.3 Other uses of the nominative 209 6.3 The genitive 210 6.3.1 Generalfeatures 210 6.3.2 The genitive without fa 211 6.3.3 Possible dependents after a construct state 212 6.3.4 The genitive with fa 213 6.3.5 The fa-genitive before the head noun 214 6.3.6 The "double genitive" 215 6.3. 7 Headless sa + genitive 216 6.3.8 The difference between the bound genitive and the fa-genitive 217 6.3.9 Semantic relationships expressed by the genitive 219 6.4 The accusative 220 6.4.1 The accusative as direct object marker 221 6.4. I. 1 Alternation of accusative and prepositional phrase in low-transitivity verbs 221 6.4.1.2 The double accusative in causative verbs 222 6.4.1.3 The cognate object accusative 223 6.4.2 The complement accusative 224 6.4.2.1 The complement accusative with verbs of providing 224 6.4.2.2 The complement accusative with verbs of taking and receiving 226 6.4.2.3 The accusative of separation in other verbs 227

XIV

CONTENTS

6.4.2.4

6.5

6.6

6. 7

7

The complement accusative for a personal goal or beneficiary 229 6.4.2.5 The complement accusative in transitive idiomatic expressions 230 6.4.3 The adverbial accusative 231 6.4.3.1 The accusative of place 231 6.4.3.2 The accusative of goal 233 6.4.3.3 The accusative of route 233 6.4.3.4 The accusative of source 234 6.4.3.5 The locational accusative of abstract nouns 235 6.4.4 The accusative of duration 235 6.4.5 The accusative of relation 236 6.4.6 The adverbial accusative proper 237 The dative 237 6.5. l The expression of the dative and allative in the noun 237 6.5.2 Special uses of the dative 238 The problem of "incorrect" case endings 238 6.6. l Nominatives as direct object 239 6.6.2 Accusatives as subject 241 6.6.3 Incorrect case endings involving the genitive 242 Appositions 242 6. 7.1 Functions of appositions 243 6. 7.2 Common appositions in commercial language 244 6. 7.3 The use of kunukkum 'seal' as an apposition 245

The Structure, Inflection and Syntax of Adjectives 247 7.1 Introduction 247 The structure of adjectives 247 7.2 7.2.1 PaRiS adjectives 249 7.2.2 PaRaS adjectives 249 7.2.3 PaRuS and PuRuS adjectives 249 7.2.4 Primary adjectives with unknown root vowel 7.2.5 Primary adjectives ofII/gem roots 250 7.2.6 Gt-stem adjectives: PitaRS-/PitRuS 250 7.2.7 D-stem adjectives: PaRRuS 251 7.2.8 S-stem adjectives: saPRuS 251 7.2.9 Adjectives with other patterns 252 7.2.10 Nisbe adjectives 253

250

CONTENTS

7.3

7.4

7.5

7.6

8

XV

De-adjectival derivation 254 7.3.1 Abstract nouns 254 7.3.2 The adjectival suffixes -(s)si- and+ 254 The inflection of adjectives 255 7.4.1 Declension 255 7.4.2 Dualforms of adjectives 256 7.4.3 The construct state and the absolute state of adjectives 256 7.4.4 A plural with gemination of ~alJ.rum 257 7.4.5 The declension of nisbe adjectives 257 7.4.6 Degrees of comparison 258 The syntax of adjectives 258 7.5.1 Attributive adjectives 259 7.5.1.1 Agreement 259 7.5.1.2 Word orderof noun and adjective 260 7.5.1.3 Noun and adjective separated 262 7.5.1.4 Constituents permissible between noun and adjective 262 7.5.1.5 Adjectives as subject or object complement 263 Substantivized adjectives 265 7.6.1 Types of substantivized adjectives 265 7.6.2 The masculine plural ofsubstantivized adjectives 266 7.6.3 Construct state of substantivized adjectives before a suffix pronoun 267 7.6.4 Construct state of substantivized adjectives before a noun 268 7.6.5 The absolute state of adjectives 269

Numerals 271 8.1 Introduction 271 The form of the cardinal numbers 271 8.2 8.2.1 "One" 271 8.2.2 "Two" 274 8.2.3 The numerals "three" to "ten" 274 8.2.4 "Eleven" to "ninety" 276 8.2.5 "One hundred" 276 8.2.6 "One thousand" 277

XVI

CONTENTS

8.3

8.4

8.5

8.6

8. 7

8.8

9

The syntax of the cardinal numbers 277 8.3.1 Cardinal numbers as dependents 277 8.3.2 Gender agreement in cardinal numbers 278 8.3.3 Number agreement in cardinal numbers 279 8.3.4 The position of the cardinal number 280 8.3.5 Cardinal numbers in noun phrases with an adjective 281 Ordinal numbers, fractions, and collective nouns 281 8.4.1 Ordinal numbers 281 8.4.2 Fractions derivedfrom ordinal numbers 283 8.4.3 Fractions not derivedfrom numerals 284 8.4.4 Collective nouns derivedfrom ordinal numbers 285 Multiplicative numbers 286 8.5.1 Form 286 8.5.2 Function 287 8.5.3 susalsum 'threefold' 289 Distributive numbers 290 8.6.1 Distributive numbers with the suffix -a 290 8.6.2 Distributive numbers with -a'um 291 8.6.3 Distributive nouns 292 The quantifiers kiilu- 'all, whole' and kilalliin 'both' 294 8.7.1 kalu 'all, whole' 294 8. 7.2 kilallan 'both' 295 Measures 296 8.8.1 Generalfeatures 296 8.8.2 Construction of measure nouns 297 8.8.3 Survey of measure nouns attested in Old Assyrian 299

Personal and Possessive Pronouns 301 9.1 Introduction 301 9.2 The form of the independent personal pronouns 301 9.3 The use of the independent personal pronouns 302 9.3.1 The independent personal pronouns for emphasis and contrast 303 9.3.2 The independent personal pronouns with "pronominal copying" 304 9.3.3 The independent personal pronouns for extraposition 304 9.3.4 The independent personal pronouns in non-verbal clauses 305 9.3.5 The independent personal pronouns in coordinated constituents 306

CONTENTS

XVII

9.3.6

9.4

9.5

9.6

9. 7

9.8

The independent personal pronouns after prepositions 306 9.3. 7 The independent personal pronouns with cardinal numbers 307 9.3.8 Oblique independent pronouns with ana 307 9.3.9 The 3rd person independent personal pronouns in anaphoric use 308 The suffix pronouns 308 9.4. l The paradigm of the suffix pronouns 308 9.4.2 The quantity of the final vowels 310 9.4.3 Apocopation offinal vowels 310 The suffix pronouns of the genitive 311 9.5.1 -i versus -e 311 9.5.2 -i/e versus -fa 311 9.5.3 Syncope of u/i in the bisyllabic plural suffixes 312 9.5.4 The use of the suffix pronouns of the genitive 313 The suffix pronouns of the dative 314 9.6. l The paradigm of the dative suffixes 314 9.6.2 Omission offinal -m 314 9.6.3 The 2nd person dative suffixes and the ventive marker 314 9.6.4 The 2nd person dative suffixes afterforms of the stative 315 9.6.5 The 3rd person dative suffixes and the ventive marker 316 9.6.6 Combinations of dative with accusative suffixes 316 9.6. 7 The 1st person plural dative suffix 317 The suffix pronouns of the accusative 318 9. 7.1 The forms of the 1st person singular 318 9.7.2 The ls accusative suffix-Ve 319 9. 7.3 Accusative suffixes preceded by the ventive 320 The possessive pronouns 321 9.8.1 The paradigm of the possessive pronouns 321 9.8.2 A selection of representative regularforms 322 9.8.3 The use of the possessive pronouns 323 9.8.3.1 The possessive pronouns in attributive function 324 9.8.3.2 The possessive pronouns in predicative function 325 9.8.3.3 Substantivized possessive pronouns 325

XVIII

CONTENTS

10 Demonstrative Pronouns and Related Adverbs 326 10.1 The expression of spatial deixis 326 10.2 The demonstrative pronouns 327 10.2.1 Generalform and use 327 10.2.2 Syntax of the demonstrative pronouns 329 10.3 The individual demonstrative pronouns 330 10.3.1 annium 330 10.3.2 ammium 331 10.3.3 allium 333 10.4 The presentative particles 333 10.4.1 anna 334 10.4.2 amma 336 10.5 The locational adverbs 338 10.5.1 Adverbs with the suffix-esam 339 10.5.2 Adverbs with the suffix -e 340 10.5.3 Adverbs with the suffix -akam 341 10.5.4 Adverbs with the suffix -anum 342 11 Interrogative and Indefinite Pronouns and Related Adverbs 345 11.1 Introduction 345 11.2 mannum 'who?' 345 11.3 mamman 'someone, anyone' 347 11 .4 minum 'what?' 348 11.5 mimma 'something, anything' 350 11.6 Forms derived from mimma 353 11.6.1 mimma'um 353 11.6.2 mimmasama, etc. 353 11.6.3 mimma sumsu 354 11. 7 ayyum and its derivations 355 11.7.1 The interrogative adjective ayyum 355 11.7.2 Interrogative and indefinite adverbs derivedfrom ayyum 357 11.8 Expressions for 'why?' 359 12 Multifunctional Particles 361 12.1 Introduction 361 12.2 The determiner sa 361 12.2.1 Formal aspects of sa 361 12.2.2 Syntactic uses of sa 362

XIX

CONTENTS

12.3

12.4

12.5

12.6

12.7 12.8

12.2.3 sa in adnominal prepositional or adverbial phrases 363 12.2.4 sa in adnominal subordinate clauses 364 mala 365 12.3.1 mala as a preposition 366 12.3.2 mala as a generalizing relative particle 367 12.3.2.1 Relative clauses with the head noun preceding mala 368 12.3.2.2 Relative clauses with mala preceding the head noun 369 12.3.2.3 Relative mala without a head noun 370 12.3.2.4 Relative mala in indirect questions 370 12.3.2.5 Correlative mala 372 12.3.3 mala as a subordinating conjunction 373 12.3.4 mala as an adverb 374 12.3.5 Rare and atypical uses of mala 375 asar 376 12.4.1 asar as a preposition 377 12.4.2 asar as a relative particle 378 12.4.2.1 Relative asar dependent on a head noun 378 12.4.2.2 asar in headless relative clauses 379 12.4.2.3 asar in headless relative clauses referring to persons 380 12.4.2.4 asar in locational indirect questions 380 12.4.3 asar as a conjunction 381 ale 'where?' 382 12.5.1 ale as an interrogative adverb 383 12.5.2 ale as a Locational relative particle 383 12.5.3 ale as a subordinating conjunction 384 12.5.4 alema 385 mate 'when?' 385 12.6.1 mate as an interrogative adverb 386 12.6.2 mate as a conjunction and a preposition 386 12.6.3 Indefinite matema 387 ke 'how?' 388 ke mll$i 'how much?' 389

13 Remaining Adverbs and Interjections 390 13.1 General features of adverbs 390 13.2 Sources of adverbs 390

XX

CONTENTS

13.3 Adverbial suffixes 391 13.4 List of adverbial suffixes 392 13.5 Lists of adverbs 394 13.5.1 Adverbs ofplace 394 13.5.2 Adverbs of time derivedfrom nouns indicating a time unit 395 13.5.3 Other temporal adverbs (in alphabetical order) 397 13. 5.4 Adverbs of manner (except -is-derivations from adjectives) 400 13.5.5 Adverbs derived from adjectives by means of -is 402 13.5.6 Other adverbs 404 13.6 Interjections 409 13.7 The particle ma (ma) 411

14 Prepositions 413 14.1 General features of prepositions 413 14.2 The syntax of prepositional phrases 415 14.2.1 Adverbal and adnominal prepositional phrases 415 14.2.2 Elements admissible between a proposition and its dependent noun 415 14.2.3 Prepositions as head of dependents other than nouns 416 14.3 Omission of prepositions 417 14.3.1 Omission of compound prepositions after sa 418 14.3.2 Omission of one out of two successive prepositions 419 14.4 Alphabetical enumeration of prepositions: I. Simple prepositions 420 14.4.1 adi 'until, within, during, concerning, with a view to' 420 14.4.2 adum/u 'concerning' 422 14.4.3 alJamma 'apartfrom' ( ?) 422 14.4.4 allan( um) and its byforms 'apartfrom, except, more than' 423 14.4.5 ana 'to, for, with a view to, by' 424 14.4.6 balum and its byforms 'without' 427 14.4.7 e 'apartfrom' 427 14.4.8 ezib 'apartfrom' 428 14.4.9 ina 'in, from, with' 428 14.4.9.1 Locative ina 429 14.4.9.2 Ablative ina 429 14.4.9.3 Instrumental ina 431 14.4.9.4 Comitative ina 431 14.4.9.5 Additional uses of ina 431

CONTENTS

14.5

XXI

14.4.10 iste 'with,from' 432 14.4.11 istu 'from, since, ago' 434 14.4.12 ki 'like' 436 14.4.13 kima 'as, like, instead of' 437 14.4.14 lama 'before' 439 14.4.15 pa-ni-is 'before' 439 14.4.16 qade 'togetherwith' 440 14.4.17 qadum 'including' 441 14.4.18 summa 'in the case of' 442 Alphabetical enumeration of prepositions: II. Compound prepositions 443 14.5.1 aB(B)um (?) 443 14.5.2 ha.bum 'door, gate, opening' 443 14.5.3 bare 'between, among' 444 14.5.4 idum 445 14.5.5 libbum 'heart, middle' 445 14.5.6 ~alJrum 'front' 448 14.5.7 muttum (?) 448 14.5.8 pam1 Jace' 449 14.5.8.1 anapanewith allative ana 449 14.5.8.2 ina pane with locative ina 450 14.5.8.3 ina pane with ablative ina 451 14.5.9 pub'um 'substitute, replacement' 452 14.5.10 piitum Jorehead, front' 453 14.5.11 iJi'um 'mouth, utterance' 453 14.5.12 qablum 'middle' 454 14.5.13 *qa/erbum 'middle' 454 14.5.14 qatum 'hand' 456 14.5.15 resum 'head' 456 14.5.16 ~erum 'back' 458 14.5.16.1 ana $er with allative ana 458 14.5.16.2 ina $er with locative ina 459 14.5.16.3 ina $er with ablative ina 461 14.5.16.4 ina $er in idiomatic expressions 461 14.5.17 samsum 'day' 462 14.5.18 *saplum 'bottom, underside' 462 14.5.19 sumum 'name' 462 14.5.20 *tib?um 'proximity' 463 14.5.21 ii.mum 'day' 463 14.5.22 *warkum, warkat( um) 'rear side' 463

XXII

CONTENTS

15 Enclitic Particles 466 15.1 Introduction 466 15.2 Order of enclitics 466 15.3 The enclitic particle -ma 467 15.3.1 -maoffocus:position 467 15.3.2 -ma offocus:function 469 15.3.2.1 -ma of focus in adverbs and adverbial phrases 469 15.3.2.2 -ma of focus after pronouns 470 15.3.2.3 -ma of focus after nominal constituents 471 15.3.2.4 -ma of focus after adjectives 471 15.3.2.5 -ma of focus after demonstrative pronouns 472 15.3.2.6 -ma of focus after interrogative and indefinite pronouns and adverbs 472 15.3.2.7 -ma of focus after subordinate clauses 472 15.3.3 -maofidentity 473 15.3.4 -ma of distinction 474 15.4 The particle -Ba 475 15.5 The particle -mi 477 16 The Inflection of the Strong Verb 479 16.1 General features 4 79 16.2 The derived verbal stems 480 16.3 The structure of the verbal paradigm 480 16.4 Denominal verbs 481 16.5 Fientive, stative, and adjectival verbs 482 16.6 The personal endings of the prefix conjugations 483 16.6.1 Generalform 483 I 6.6.2 The quantity of the final vowels 483 I 6.6.3 The first person dual 485 I 6.6.4 Irregular personal endings 486 I 6.6.5 The order of endings and suffixes 486 16. 7 The personal endings of the stative 487 16.7.1 The regular endings 487 16. 7.2 Stative forms combined with the subjunctive, ventive and suffix pronouns 489

CONTENTS

16.8

16.9

XXIII

The paradigm of the G-stem 490 16.8.1 The vocalization of the G-stem: the vowel classes 490 16.8.2 The individual vowel classes 492 16.8.3 Fluctuations in vowel class 493 The conjugation of the G-stem 494 16.9.1 The present 494 16.9.2 The preterite 495 16.9.3 The perfect 495 16.9.4 The stative 497 16.9.5 The imperative 499 l 6.9.6 The infinitive 500 16.9.7 The verbal adjective 502 16.9.8 The participle 502 16.9.9 The ventive 503 16.9.10 The subjunctive 505 16.9.10.1 The u-subjunctive 505 16.9.10.2 The ni-subjunctive 506 16.9.10.3 The relationship between the two subjunctives 506 16.9.10.4 The subjunctive in verb forms with suffix pronouns 508 16.9.10.5 The subjunctive in non-verbal clauses 510

17 The Derived Verbal Stems 511 17.1 Introduction 511 17.2 The Gt-stem and the Gtn-stem 511 17.2.1 The paradigm of the Gt-stem 511 17.2.2 The function of the Gt-stem 512 17.2.3 The paradigm of the Gtn-stem 514 17.2.4 The function of the Gtn-stem 515 17.3 The D-stem and its derivatives 517 17.3.1 The paradigm of the D-stem 517 17.3.2 The function of the D-stem 517 17.3.3 The paradigm of the Dt-stem 520 17.3.4 The function of the Dt-stem 520 17.3.5 The paradigm andfunction of the Dtn-stem 521 17.4 The S-stem and its derivatives 521 17.4.1 The paradigm of the S-stem 521 17.4.2 The function of the S-stem 522 17.4.3 The paradigm of the St-stems and the Stn-stem 523

XXIV

17.5

17.6

CONTENTS

17.4.4 The function of the Strstem and the St2 -stem 17.4.5 Form andfunction of the Stn-stem 526 The N-stem and the Ntn-stem 527 17.5.1 The paradigm of the N-stem 527 17.5.2 The function of the N-stem 528 17.5.3 The Ntn-stem 530 The quadriradical verbs 532 17.6.1 The "nabalkutumgroup" 532 17.6.2 The "suka"unumgroup" 533 17.6.3 Other (possible) quadriradicalforms 534

523

18 The Conjugation of the Weak Verbs 536 18.1 Introduction 536 18.2 The 1/w and the 1/*yverbs 536 18.2.1 The paradigm of thefientive 1/wverbs 538 18.2.2 The paradigm of the adjectival 1/w verbs and the 1/'y verbs 539 18.2.3 The derived stems of the 1/w and 1/'y verbs 541 18.2.3.1 The Gtn-stem 541 18.2.3.2 The D-stem 542 18.2.3.3 The Dt-stem and the Dtn-stem 543 18.2.3.4 The S-stem 543 18.2.3.5 The St-stem and the Stn-stem 545 18.3 The 1/voc verbs 545 18.3.1 The paradigm of the 1/voc verbs 546 18.3.2 The derived stems of the 1/voc verbs 548 18.3.2.1 The Gt-stem 548 18.3.2.2 The paradigm of atawwum 'to speak' 549 18.3.2.3 The Gtn-stem 551 18.3.2.4 The D-stem and the Dt-stem 551 18.3.2.5 The S-stem, St-stem and Stn-stem 553 18.3.2.6 The N-stem and the Ntn-stem 554 18.4 The 1/n verbs 557 18.4.1 Assimilation of n 557 18.4.2 The loss ofword-initial n- before i and u 559 18.4.3 Table of the paradigm of the 1/n verbs 560 18.5 The 11/voc verbs 560 18.5.1 The 11/u and the 11/i verbs 561 18.5.2 The G-stem of the 11/u and the 11/i verbs 561 18.5.3 The Gtn-stem 564

CONTENTS

18.6

18.7 18.8 18.9 18.10

XXV

18.5.4 The D-stem 564 18.5.5 The Dt-stem and the Dtn-stem 567 18.5.6 The S-stem 567 18.5.7 TheN-stem 568 The II/ aleph verbs 568 18.6.1 The G-stem of the II/aleph verbs of the a/a class 569 18.6.2 The G-stem of the II/aleph verbs of the i/i class 570 18.6.3 The Gt-stem and the Gtn-stem 572 18.6.4 The D-stem and the S-stem 573 18.6.5 The N-stem 573 18.6.6 The verb be'alum 'to possess, to have at one's disposal' 574 The II/a verbs 575 The 11/e verbs 577 The II/gem verbs 579 The III/weak verbs 580 18.10.1 The historical background of the Ill/weak verbs 580 18.10.2 The interaction of inflectional stem and ending 581 18.10.3 The 111/u verbs 582 18.10.3.1 The G-stem 582 18.10.3.2 The derived stems 584 18.10.4 The 111/i verbs 585 18.10.4.1 The G-stem 585 18.10.4.2 The impact of vowel syncope 587 18.10.4.3 The derived stems 589 18.10.5 The Ill/aleph verbs 590 18.10.5.1 The III/a verbs: G-stem 590 18.10.5.2 The III/a verbs: Derived stems 592 18.10.5.3 The III/e verbs: historical background 593 18.10.5.4 The III/e verbs: the G-stem of the "sam e is parallel to *aw > ii (both changes are completed in OA), word-initial *ya > i (completed) is parallel to word-initial wa > u (ongoing in OA, thus historically later). Moreover, the conjugations of the 11/i and IIl/i verbs on the one hand and and that of the 11/u and IIl/u verbs on the other, exactly mirror each other. This may help us to determine the status of y in positions where it has to be inferred from indirect evidence.

54

The apparent exception consisting of the ls oblique personal pronoun and its possessive derivation (always spelled i-a-t{, i-a-um, etc., in OA, see § 9.2 and § 9.8.1, respectively) are presumably to be interpreted as trisyllabic /iati/, / ia?um/, etc., rather than bisyllabic /yati/, /ya?um/, cf. Gelb 1955: 102a ad § 22c. For possible cases of word-initial yin non-Assyrian names, see GKT § 22b. For the PN 1-a-nu-ki-im-t{ quoted there, see§ 11.7.2 end.

PHONOLOGY

85

Thus the occurrence of y in OA is restricted to two positions: intervocalic and between consonant and vowel. 3.3.3.3 Intervocalic y In intervocalic position, y mainly occurs as a glide after i and e, especially in four contexts: (1) in 11/i verbs (e.g. Pres iqiYap, Inf qtYiipum, see § 18.5.2) and the III/I verbs (Pres 3pm iqabbiYu, etc., see § 18.10.4.1), although it is hardly ever graphically indicated (see § 3.3.3.1 sub (1) for examples); (2) in words in which a guttural consonant has been dropped after i, such as tiiimtum 'sea' < *tihiim(a)tum. Its OA reflex, e.g. (sa) t{-a-am-tem (TC l, 104: 8+ ), where /tiYamtum/ seems the most likely interpretation; (3) in the ls suffix of the genitive and all forms of the dual and plural, e.g. (sa) afJia '(of) my brother', eniiya and enea 'my eyes' (Norn and Ohl Du), and afJIJuYa and afJIJea 'my brothers' (Norn and Ohl PI). When the suffix is preceded by i or e, y is the natural glide and its actual occurrence is confirmed by spellings such as iste a-bi4 -i-a 'of my father' quoted in § 3.3.3.1 sub (1). When it is preceded by ii (in the Norn Du, e.g. e-na-a 'my eyes' BIN 6, 183: 15) or u (in the Norn PI, usually spelled -Cu-a or -Cu-u-a), the use of y as a glide is more hypothetical but suggested by the occasional spellings me-er-u-i-a 'my sons' and a-lJu-a-a 'my brothers' quoted in § 3.3.3.1; (4) in nisbe adjectives, such as panium 'earlier, first' and warkium 'later', Fem panitum, warkitum, etc., see § 7.2.10. It is assumed here that the basic form of the nisbe suffix is -iy- before a vowel, with y serving as a glide (/paniYum/). 55 This -iy- is realized as i before the suffix -t of the feminine. The glide in the masculine form is explicitly indicated in the exceptional spelling sa A-ki-d{-i-e quoted in§ 3.3.3.1 sub (1). The usual spelling omits the glide, e.g. (sa) A-ki-d{-e (VS 26, 17: 4+ ).

55

This is because there is no difference between the inflection of nisbe adjectives and that of other adjectives and nouns ending on -ium, such as rabium 'big' and nabsium 'safekeeping', whereas nouns that arguably have a long i in the corresponding syllable show a different inflection, see § 5.6. 7 for we/ari'um 'copper' and asi'um 'asi'um-metal' (admittedly, the exact form of these nouns is uncertain). However, it is generally assumed that the original form of the nisbe suffix is -ry- or -9Y-, see, for instance, Kienast 2001: 174 and GAG § 56q. In the rare cases where -iy- is word-final (e.g. in the Stat 3sm pani 'he is first, earlier' (pani-i Prag I 562: 8); pa-ni Prag I 442: 50), it has the neutralized status of most final vowels (see § 18.10.1 ), and may thus be realized as short or long according to circumstances.

CHAPTER 3

86

For geminated yin intervocalic position, see the nouns mentioned in § 3.3.3.1. 56 3.3.3.4 Problems concerning intervocalic y There are two major problems concerning intervocalic y. The first-already noted in § 2.12.2-is to what extent y serves as a glide after i/ e in verbs that have (or originally had) ;, or * r as second or third radical: the spelling does not show whether forms such as * inassfu 'they carry' of the III/ aleph verb nasa'um and *isamme;,u of the original III/*~ verb sam or *ah: resum 'head' < *ra:>s-, $enum 'cattle'< *9a:>n- and $erum 'back'< *$ahr- (only in compound prepositions, see§ 14.5.16), perhaps under the influence of adjacent rand/or$ (GAG § 9b ). The background of the vowel ein the numeral 'six': Masc *sessat, Fem *sedis and various derivations (see§ 8.2.3) and in the verb *Le'a'um 'to be able' (see§ 18.10.7) is unknown. As compared to the other three vowels, eIe is a marginal phoneme in OA, and many details of its occurrence are elusive as a result of the inadequate distinction of i and e ( see § 3.4.4.5 ). There are very few minimal pairs to confirm the phonemic status of eIe. For short eversus d, one could adduce asar 'where' and esar 'ten', aklum 'bread' and eklum 'dark', and amarum 'to see' (lnf)) versus emiirum 'donkey'. Short eversus 'i is found in esar 'ten' versus isar 'straight, right' (3sm Stat of isarum, so far only attested in personal names), and the Pret tusa "ili 'you (Fem) asked' or 'you (Masc) asked me' versus the Pres tusa"eli 'you (Fem)

59

Pace GKT § 9a, alternation of a and u is not an argument in favour of a pronunciation [o] (see Reiner 1973: 47-48). For the Assyrian forms quoted in GKT § 9a, see§ 3.4.4.3.

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ask' or 'you (Masc) ask me'< *tusa"ali, see § 3.4.9.2. A contrast between long e and ii is shown, for instance, by the endings of the dual (Norn eniin versus 0 bi enen 'two eyes', see § 5.4.2.1)), and between long e and i by tuppi 'my tablet' versus tuppe 'tablets' (0 bi) (see § 5.4.3.1), and by liqe 'take!' (Masc Sg) versus liqf 'take!' (Fem Sg) (see § 18.10.5.4 ). The vowel e/e may be 'stable', i.e. a vowel in its own right, or it may be an allophone of either ii or i. In the instances mentioned so far, it is stable, i.e. if there is a contrasting form with ii/ii or l/i, the two forms represent different lexemes. 60 Another source of stable evowels is formed by loan words, such as the initial e of epinnum 'plough' and etammum (etemmum) 'ghost of a dead person', both from Sumerian. In most cases, e/e is a conditioned allophone of a/ii or i/i and interchanges with them in the same word. For the alternation of ii and e, see § 3.4.4.1, for that of land e, see § 3.4.4.5, for that of ii long and e and long i and e, see § 3.4.6. 3.4.3 Vowel quantity 3.4.3.1 Long vowels All four vowels can be short or long (for the problems concerning the determination of vowel length, see § 2.11 ). Long vowels mostly stand in open syllables, but there does not seem to be a ban on long vowels in closed syllables and in overlong syllables, see § 3.5.1. Apart from "original" long vowels, that are determined by a specific vowel pattern in the noun or the verbal paradigm, there are also secondary long vowels, which result from the loss of the diphthongs *ay (> e) and *aw (> u); from the loss of syllable-final gutturals (see the examples quoted in § 3.4.2 and, e.g., alum 'city' < *;,ahl- and miidum 'much'< *ma ;,dum ); and from contraction of adjacent vowels, e.g. u-se-lu-ni 'they have brought up' (Subj) (CCT 4, 13b: 8), i.e. /uselftni/ < useliuni (see §3.4.11). 61 Also, the (weak) correlation between some types of plene spellings and questions suggests that basically short vowels may be lengthened in questions, usually the final vowel of the clause, see § 23.2.2.

3.4.3.2 Quantity of final vowels Since plene spellings are used inconsistently and sometimes also for vowels that we would expect to be short (see § 2.3), the quantity of word-final and clause-final vowels is problematic. Final vowels that are generally assumed to 60 61

Although the fluctuation between e and i is so pervasive and unpredictable that this is not always true for e/e versus l/i, see § 3.4.4.5. As customary in Akkadian grammar, long vowels resulting from contraction are marked by the use of a circumflex instead of a macron.

ii...

PHONOLOGY

91

be short include those of the personal pronouns, both independent (anaku, niati, etc.) and suffixed (-ka, -su, etc.), with the probable exception of the ls -i (genitive and accusative) and the 2sf -ki and perhaps atti, and those of the 1st and 2nd person endings of the stative (again with the possible exception of 2sf -iiti). Also the subjunctive markers -u and -ni are generally supposed to be short, mainly for historical reasons. 62 For the rest, short final vowels are restricted to some individual adverbs and conjunctions (e.g. warka 'later', inumi 'when', and kima 'like'). Long final vowels are found especially in the markers of the plural and the feminine in nouns and in finite verb forms: Norn tuppu, Ohl tuppe, Pres 3pm isaqqulu, 3pf isaqqala, 2sf tasaqqili. For these endings, the frequency of plene spellings seems sufficient to justify the claim that they are basically long. Of course, it is unknown to what extent they were actually realized as long, especially when there is no contrasting form with a short vowel. In addition, some adverbs, prepositions and conjunctions end in a long vowel, at least in origin, e.g. ale 'where?', iste and qade 'with', and adi 'until, concerning', see § 13.4 sub (7). As explained in § 2.13.5, in the transcriptions long vowels will only be indicated if they are spelled plene. This means that the same form is transcribed in different ways according to its actual spelling, e.g. the Norn PI tuppu of tuppum 'tablet' is transcribed tuppu only when it is spelled tup-pu-u; otherwise it is transcribed tuppu. 3.4.4 Vowel alternation in short vowels 3.4.4.1 Alternation of ii and e Most instances of the alternation of ii and e are determined by the presence of r, which may change a preceding ii to e, an instance of vowel change rather than alternation, to be described in § 3.4.5.1. In other environments, the change a> eis sporadic and without any clear pattern. Native Assyrian words showing it are:

- rebitum 'fourth', Fem of rab'um (ana r re 1 -bi4 -tem sattem 'for the fourth year' St. Oelsner p. 303 VAT 4537: 11-12) 63 - the preposition a/ellanum 'apart from'(§ 14.4.4)

62 63

Namely, their common origin with the imperfective markers -u and -na in Arabic, see Kouwenberg 2010: 227-232. (Also) to distinguish it from rabitum 'big, old' (Fem)? The masculine forms are different anyhow: rabium (rabyum) 'big, old' versus rab'um 'fourth'.

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- the hapax form lemuttum 'evil, distress' (le-mu-tarn CCT 4, 36a: 27) instead of lamuttum (a loan from Babylonian?) - ne/ispertum for naspa/ertum (NI-IS-pe-er-t e before r is the noun t..i.(-i)-ir-tum 'instruction, message, consignment', whose exact form remains elusive (see also § 4.4.5). All explicit spellings have i in spite of the following r, e.g. t[-i-ir-taka (BIN 4, 232: 10); ti-i-ir-ti (ATHE 65: 12); plural t[-i-ra-tum (AKT 6C, 616: 28). Other counter-examples are the formally problematic irtum 'breast', for which see § 5.5.1.8.4, and i-ir-dam 'slave' (Ace) ( CCT 5, 37c: 3) for erdam/urdam/wardam, see § 3.3.2.2. 70 3.4.5.3 The change r > ebefore m in grammatical morphemes The vowel r usually becomes ebefore a word-final -m that is part of a grammatical morpheme: the genitive ending -im, the 3sf dative suffix pronoun -sim, and the ventive marker -nim. 71 This is mainly observable in the nominal forms of III/weak verbs and in III/weak nouns and adjectives, such as: 72

70

71 72

For a parallel change of i > e before b, which occurs in Babylonian (GAG § 9h ), there is no evidence in OA (GKT § 16d), with the possible exception of the bizarre spelling me-e-ljlra-tem (ICK 2, 132: 5) 'equivalent, counterpart' for mibriitem, see § 2.3.5. On the ventive marker of the 2sf (-i/em or-i/em?), see§ 16.9.9 sub (3). In the rare instances currently attested of word-final -im that is part of the stem and where the vowel before m is observable, this vowel is normally i, as in ana sa-i-im bete 'for the buyer of the house(s)' (CCT 2, 22: 31); i-si-i(-ma) 'it was bought' (OIP 27, 57: 29), i.e. /issi'im(ma)/, see§ 18.6.5; and the construct state of simum 'purchase, price, proceeds',

l

PHONOLOGY

97

ana wa-$a-e(-ma) 'in order to leave' (POAT 24: 7 (= OAA 1, 127) ), i.e. /wa~a? emma/ ana ra-d{-e-em 'for the escort' (KTB 12: 4 ), i.e. /radiem/ iste tilikem pa-ni-e-ma 'with the first traveller' (TPAK 1, 48: 10-11+ ), i.e. /paniem( ma)/ $l-iB-e-em 'of (the month) $iB'um' (TPAK l, 98: 12+ ).

sa

Corresponding forms spelled with i after a syllable boundary are relatively uncommon (GKT § 17g), e.g.: ina da-as-i-im 'in the spring' (AAA l, 1: 7), i.e. /da~/im/

sa na-da-i-im '(what is) to be deposited' (AKT 3, 90: 16), i.e. /nada?im/ ina pa-ni-i-ma 'with the first (caravan)' (Sadberk 19: 10 (= OAA l, 30)+ ), i.e. /ippaniim(ma)/.

The change l > e before m is also shown by the plene spellings of final -e for original -im where mimation has been dropped, as noted in § 5.3.2; by the use of (e) in cases of vowel assimilation involving the ending -em (see § 3.4.9.2); and is confirmed by a few exceptional plene spellings of the genitive ending: 73 istu u4 -me-e-em a-NIM 'from this day onward' (89/k 355: 16-17) ana a-tze-e-em ueb-re-e-em 'to colleague(s) and partner(s)' (n/k 1316: 9-10) DUMU DIRI-e-em 'son ofWatrum' (AKT 5, 38: 23), i.e. /Watrem/.

Without any doubt, this rule also applies to the ventive marker -nim > -nem and the suffix pronoun -sim > -sem, but there is no factual evidence from OA itself. 74

73 74

which is spelled sl-im (passim) or s[-i-im (AKT 3, 39: 17+ ), never **s{-e-em (an exception is ra-e-em quoted in n.15 to Chapter 1). This suggests that the change l > e before m only affects m as part of a grammatical morpheme, just as the assimilation of -m to a following suffix, see § 3.2.4.2. This is supported by the irregular plene spelling sa-Li-i-ma 'he is well' (Prag I 550: 8) for /salim-ma/, see§ 2.3.5. In (si'im) siG-te-e-em (RA 59, 35: 5) 'the price of the wool', the correct reading is Lu-Di-e-em, see Michel and Veenhof 2010: 235. The change of -nim to -nem is visible in Middle Assyrian spellings with ES, SE and EN, such as i-id-du-nu-ne-es-se (KAV 1: vi 67) 'they will give (to) her'< iddunii.-nim-sim and sa id-di-na-ds-se-en-ni (KAV 1: iv 15) 'what he gave her'< iddinam-sim-ni, as first pointed out by Landsberger (1924b: 721-722); see also Mayer 1971: 15 n. 2, 33 and 58-59. For NeoAssyrian, see Deller 1959: 117-118.

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3.4.6 Vowel alternation in Long vowels Alternation of long vowels mainly concerns i and e. Since long vowels are more often indicated by means of plene spellings, alternation of i and e is easier to observe than that of 'i and e. Generally speaking, i and e each have their own domain, but there are also fairly numerous exceptions both ways. The original domain of e comprises the reflexes of PSem *ay, e.g. enum < *fayn-, e$um 'few' < "way$um, kenum 'reliable' (ke-e-nu-um TC 3, 70: 11), and sebum 'witness' (see § 18.5.1.1), and of PSem *-ar and *af.z-, see § 3.4.2 for examples. However, exceptions with (i) occur sporadically: d{-i-ik 'it has been killed' (TC 3, 264A: 11), 3sm Stat of duiikum, i-ne-ka 'your eyes' (AKT 1, 16: 25) from enum < *fayn-, and wi-i-da-ni 'we are alone' (AKT 6C, 528: 20) from wedum- < "waf.zd-. Moreover, plene spellings with ( e) are strongly predominant: - in the ending of the oblique masculine plural: tuppe 'tablets', sebe 'witnesses', etc.; for exceptions, see § 5.4.3.1. Note in particular tup-pt-i 'my tablet' (ATHE 42: 7) versus tup-pe-e-a ibid. 8 'my tablets', and various similar cases; - in finite forms without ending of the G-stem of III/e verbs, such as alaqqe 'I will take', pite 'open!', iradde 'he will bring' (where -e is structurally long, see § 18.10.1 ). Spellings with -i are exceptional, see § 18.10.5.3 for examples; - in the personal prefixes of the 1/voc verbs, see§ 18.3.1 sub (2). Plene spellings with (i) are the norm: - in the ls suffix pronoun -i, e.g. tup-p{-i 'my tablet' (TPAK 1, 190: 31 +), te 9 -ta-aps{-i 'you have treated me' (KTS 2, 43: 47), except after:>, see the next section; - in the 2sf ending -i, e.g. ep-sl-i 'make!' (Fem) (CCT 4, 37a: 16); se-li-i-su-nu 'bring (Fem) them up!' (CCT 4, 13b: 18), i.e. /seli'Isunu/; see § 16.6.4 sub (2) for exceptions; - in the genitive singular before suffixes, e.g. ma!Jar PN me-er-i-su 'before PN, his son' (AKT 2, 5: 10-11) and ana PN sa-ma-la-i-ni 'to PN, our assistant' (ATHE 48: 16+) (/samalla?Ini/), in contrast to -em when there is no suffix pronoun, see § 3.4.5.3; - in finite forms without ending of the G-stem of III/I verbs, e.g. inaddi 'he will deposit', qibi 'speak!', U$$L 'I/he will go out', etc. (where -i is structurally long, see§ 18.10.1). Spellings with-e are exceptional, see§ 18.10.4.1 sub (1) for examples; - in finite forms without ending of III/weak verbs which have the stem vowel i in the corresponding strong form, such as the G stative, e.g. nadi 'it is laid

PHONOLOGY

99

down' (pattern PaRiS) and the D and S preterite and imperative, e.g. usabbi 'I/he satisfied' (uPaRRiS ), raddi 'add!' (PaRRiS ), and sasmi 'let hear!' (saPRiS). Spellings with -e are rare, see § 18.10.6.1 sub (1) for examples. It is generally assumed that the S-stems of I/w verbs (sebulum 'to cause to bring' > 'to send', se$uum 'to cause to go/come out', etc., see § 18.2.3.4) also have e rather than i. This is based on the assumption that they are formed by analogy with the S-stems ofl/e verbs such as serubum 'to cause to enter' and seluum 'to cause to go/come up', where e goes back to PSem *-a'i'/1:z- (see Kouwenberg 2010: 455), and is confirmed by Middle Assyrian evidence (W. Mayer 1971: 76-77). However, there are no plene spellings to confirm e.

3.4.7 Changes in Long vowels detennined by an adjacent consonant 3.4. 7.1 The change ii > ebefore r Parallel to the change of ii > e before r, there are a few cases of ii > e before r: merastum '(time of) cultivation' (ina me-ra-as-tem ATHE 75: 15+ ), a maPRaSt form of the I/a verb ariisum 'to cultivate' (see § 18.3), instead of expected *marastum; and perhaps Luberum '( old) garment' (Ace PI Lu-be-re RA 60, 141: 4; lu-be-er-su CTMMA l, 79: 22 in difficult context), presumably a PuRaS form of labarum 'to be( come) old' (but see § 4.2.2.11 ). 3.4.7.2

The change i> e after:> (and before m?)

An original i often appears as e after?, e.g.:

ik-le-e 'he held me back' (St. Matous II p. 118: r. 4'), i.e. /ikle?e/ < *ikla"i sa-as-mt-e 'let me hear!' (c/k 283: 24+ ), i.e. /sasmi1e/ ta-sa-me-e-ni 'you (Fem) will hear' (Subj) (CCT 4, 35b: 4), i.e. /tasamme'eni/. For 2sf -i followed by the ventive ending -m, cf. SC-$i-e-em 'cause (Fem) to come out!' (BIN 6, 6: 15), i.e. /sef?iem/, and ti-ib-e-ma ataLkem 'stand up (Fem) and come here!' (BIN 6, 104: 14+ ), i.e. /tib'emma/. It is unclear, however, to what extent this is caused by the preceding:> or the following -m (cf. § 3.4.5.3), or by a combination of both. The latter option is suggested by the contrast between /kil''l/ and /tib?em-ma/ in:

umam isten ki-il5 -i-su-ma ti-ib-e-ma ataLkem 'detain (Fem) him for one day and (then) stand up and come here!' (KTH 6: 14-16).

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An exceptional instance of i > eafter? in the ls suffix pronoun of the genitive is me-er-e 'my son' (m/k 14: 17), i.e. /mer?e/ instead of mer'i. 3.4.8 Vowel syncope The vowel syncope rule-which is pan-Akkadian-stipulates that if an inflectional stem contains a sequence of two or more short syllables apart from the final syllable, the vowel of the last syllable of the sequence is syncopated: 75

-

*diimlqum 'good' (Masc Sg Norn)> damqum, Pl *diimlqiitum > damqiitum *siiklnii 'they have been placed'> saknii (3pm Stat of sakiinum) *istiikiinii 'they have placed'> istaknii (3pm Perf of sakiinum) *mltiigar 'agree!'> mitgar, Pl *mltiigiirii > mitagrii (Gt Imp of magiirum) 76 *diimlqiitum 'good' (Fem SgNom) > damiqtum, Pl. *diimlqiitum > damqiitum *libbiikunu > libbaknu 'your (PI) heart' *ittiiniibiilakkat > ittanablakkat 'he keeps going across' (Ntn Pres of nabalkutum ).

In strong roots, the rule applies across the board and with great consistency. 77 Sporadic cases in which vowel syncope has not been applied, such as ka-beru 'they (the pigs) are fat' (BIN 6, 84: 37), 3pm Stat of kabrum 'thick, fat', can be explained as cases of vowel epenthesis in clusters with a liquid consonant, see §3.2.2.1. In forms derived from III/weak roots, the vowel syncope rule results in clusters of a strong plus a weak consonant: -C;,-, -Cy- or -Cw-. The cluster -C;,is stable and regularly indicated by means of a broken spelling, e.g. mal'um 'full' (root mf), and iktal'ii 'they have detained', 3pm Perf of kalii'um, see § 18.10.5.1. The clusters -Cy- (e.g. in niqium/niqyum 'sacrifice') and -Cw- (e.g. in

75

76 77

See GAG § 12; Greenstein 1984; Kouwenberg 2010: 46-48; for OA: GKT § 44a and Greenstein 1984: 32-35. For the alleged instances of vowel syncope after a long vowel mentioned in GKT §44c, see §16.7.2 sub (3) and (4). The corresponding Babylonian form mitgur *tu-;,i/ertum. According to the Babylonian vowel contraction rules, *tu-;,i/ertum regularly becomes tertum, 52 but in OA we do not expect it to undergo vowel contraction at all. One way to account for this is the assumption that OA has borrowed the word from Old Babylonian in the form tirtum, PI tiriitum. 53 The frequency of wu"urum and its verbal noun tertum in Old Babylonian increases the likelihood of this option. Subsequently, t[(-i)-ir-tum has developed its specific commercial meaning (which is different from its Old Babylonian meaning, see CAD T 357-368 s.v. tertu). Other possible instances of Babylonian loan words in OA are qemum 'flour', which is the regular Babylonian reflex of *qamf:wm (GAG §15b), but in OA should appear as qam'um or qamyum (see§ 3.3.1.4), cf. zar'um 'seed'< *zarf-, 54 sipiitum 'wool' alongside genuine OA siiptum or siipiitum, and Lemuttum 'evil', which is once attested instead of Lamuttum (Le-mu-tarn CCT 4, 36a: 27) and, if it is not an error, may be taken as a Babylonian form. Also the use of miirum 'son' and miirtum 'daughter' alongside the regular OA forms mer'um and mer'iitum ( § 5.6.3 and § 5.6.4) may be due to Babylonian influence. Other elements borrowed from Babylonian are the introductory formula of letters (see § 27.4.4), as demonstrated by the spelling of umma and the occasional use of (bi) in qibima, and the verb satiirum 'to write' instead of Lapiitum in eponym lists (is-tur4 92/k 193: 71, see Veenhof 2003a: 10 and 16; istur4-su 01/k 287: 149, see Giinbatt1 2008b: 110).55

51

52

53

54

55

See the discussion in Militarev and Kogan 2000: L-LVII, where a number of general criteria are formulated for identifying loan words. For a comparison of OA vocabulary with that of Old Babylonian, see Kogan 2006a. In Kouwenberg 2010: 462, the noun is posited as te 1irtum < *tay 1irtum, withy instead of w, for which some parallels can be adduced. This is rather speculative, however, and too uncertain a basis to justify a normalization te'irtum. With i < Babe because of the consistent plene spellings with i (t{-i-ir-t ... , PI t{-i-ra-t ... , never **t{-e-er-t ... or **t{-e-ra-t ... ), in spite of the fact that i regularly becomes e before r ( § 3.4.5.2 ). Alternatively, qemum might be the outcome of metathesis of m and f:z: *qamf:zum > *qaf:zmum > qemum. Although metathesis involving gutturals is not without parallel, it seems an even more ad hoe solution than the assumption of borrowing. Also several OA proper names look like borrowings from other dialects. From third mil-

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141

4.4.6 Loan words of unknown provenance A large group of non-native words in OA is of unknown provenance, partly due

to our lack of knowledge of most neighbouring languages, and partly because the vocabulary of trade tends to be "international" and thus contain relatively many words of non-native origin whose provenance is unknown. Some of these are "Wanderworte", words which spread from one place and language to another along with the product they refer to. Typical "Wanderworte" in OA are kutanum, a kind of textile (see n. 21 ), the metals anniikum 'tin', parzillum 'iron', and siparrum 'bronze', the spices kamunum 'cumin', azapurum 'saffron' (a-zapu-ru AKT 6A, 144: 28), and other traded commodities such as lur(u)matum 'pomegranates', and sisium 'horse'. In OA, especially metals, textiles, containers, and useful plants with their products are conspicuous for the number of words of unknown provenance they contain (many of them shared with Babylonian and/or Sumerian).

4.5

Compounding

Generally speaking, Semitic languages do not tolerate the formation of compound nouns of the kind familiar from Indo-European languages (GAG § 59a; W.R. Mayer 2011). 56 However, there are some instances in Akkadian, and also in OA, of a noun phrase being treated as a single noun, which is an important criterion of nominal compounding: 57

56

57

lennium Akkadian may come ltibsiniit (with several variants) 'he/it has become pleasing to them (Fem Pl )' (ICK 2, 148: 7+), a typical third millennium name because of its 3pf suffix, see Westenholz 1987: 34 (although the dative -siniit may count as typically OA, it is not found in this form); and Mammiib,er < Man-miib,ir (seen. 1 to Chapter 11). From Babylonian may come A-a-am-si-I/5 (seen. 36 to Chapter 19); Si-lamassi and Si-gamrat (see § 9.2); Amur-(i)liissu (seen. 38); and Tiih-paluka 'your reign is pleasant' (Ta-pa-lu-ka ICK 2, 14: 6; nu10 -pa-lu-ka TPAK 1, 101b: 11), in whichpalum is Babylonian versus OA *palii'um (which also survives in Old Babylonian proper names, see CAD P 72b s.v. palu A lb-3'). An early instance that is already integrated into the Akkadian vocabulary is e$em$erum 'backbone', from *e$mum 'bone' (cf. Sem. * faf,n.-, in Akkadian only attested as Fem e$emtum) and $frum 'back'. The identification of nominal compounds is hampered by the rule that the head noun of a genitive construction with a construct state may be in the singular when it is notionally a plural (see § 5.5.3 for examples). Thus the decision whether a genitive phase is a compound or not hinges on the dependent. When it is ambiguous in number, as in he'el aWA-tem 'litigant, adversary in court' (e.g. RIMA 1, 21: 56), it cannot be established whether this is a compound or not, pace W.R. Mayer 2011: 343.

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(1) Multi-word proper names of which the final element is a noun with a case ending may be declined as a single noun (see§ 4.6). (2) Some fixed genitive constructions that refer to a specific entity can be declined as a single noun, as shown by the fact that they can replace the genitive by another case ending: - samassammii 'sesame'< saman sammem 'oil of herb/plant' 58 - ziqansarrii or ziqassarrii 'king's beard' (an ornament consisting of small beads), cf. Norn zi-qa-sa-ru (TC 1, 81: 2 and AKT 6A, 145: 40) 59

Other likely instances are *qa/erabbetum, lit. 'the middle of the house', which refers to a specific room in the house, 60 *ababum 'grandfather', 61 and especially *libetum 'the god of the house/family' discussed in§ 3.4.10, in which the apocope of the initial syllable testifies to its status as one word. However, these nouns are so far only attested in the genitive. (3) The phrase rabi + Gen 'chief/overseer of ... ' may be treated as a compound noun, as shown by two phenomena. First, although the dependent genitive can only be plural semantically, it may be singular to indicate that rabi is singular, e.g.:

58 59

60

61

In OA, only the genitive is attested: i.GIS sa sa-m[ a-s]a-me 'sesame oil' (BIN 6, 84: 20). For this interpretation, which seems plausible, see Hecker 1970: 145 n. 1 (with a question mark). It explains the common use of the logogram LU GAL ( e.g., zi-qa-LUGAL AKT 6B, 368: 34). All instances but two (KBo. 36, 113: 2 and AKT 6A, 144: 22-23) are spelled without mimation, which suggests that this noun is mostly plural; perhaps the exceptions are to be explained as hypercorrect spellings in accordance with § 5.3.2. Instances with unassimilated n are zi-qa-an-sd-re (CCT 5, 32a: 5) and zi-qa-an-LUGAL (AKT 5, 55: 5+ ). Note, however, that in at least two instances, the word is written over different lines: z[ i]-q[ a] I sa-re (TC 3, 51: 30-31, with assimilation of final n!) and zi-q[ a-an] I sar-re-em (AKT 6A, 144: 22-23). See CAD Q 125 s.v. qarab-biti 'storeroom'. The fact that *qa/erabbetum is normally spelled qa/qe-ra-~-tem is not by itself a decisive argument for regarding it as a compound noun, pace CAD Q 125b s.v. qarab-biti comm. section. An exception is [a ]-na [qe]-r ra-ab, be-tem (AKT 6B, 380: 31). E.g. b,ubul a-ba-bi4 -ku-nu 'your (PI) grandfather's debt' (89/k 253: 9); sa ( ... ) a-ba-bi4 -su (89/k 242: 16). The regular form abu abi- also occurs, e.g. kunukkii sa a-bu-u a-bi4 -a 'my grandfather's seals' (AKT 7A, 12: 18).

THE STRUCTURE OF NOUNS

DUMU

143

ra-bi4 sa-q{-em 'the son of the chief of the stewards' (AKT 6A, 197:

23) PN GAL a-La-!Ji-nem 'PN, the chief of the ala!Jinnums' (KTK 106: 6-7 (= EL 188)) PN DUMU GAL na-pa-!Je-em 'PN, the chief of the blacksmiths' son' (AKT 6A, 197: 21). Corresponding plural forms also occur, e.g.:

ina bet GAL sa-q{-e 'in the house of the chief of the stewards' (TMH 1, 4b: 13) PN GAL! na-pa-!Je-e 'PN, the chief of the blacksmiths' (KTK 86: 11). They suggest that this means of number marking of the singular is optional. It is possible that some of the plural forms are actually singular without mimation, and that some of the singular forms are hypercorrect spellings (especially NIM in GAL a-La-!Ji-nem, see § 5.3.2), but overall it seems that the genitive singular is used if a single "chief" is meant. This singular is to be explained as a backformation from the plural, after the phrase was reanalyzed as a single (compound) noun. 62 Second, a suffix pronoun attached to rabi + Gen may modify the phrase as a whole rather than just the genitive, as, for instance, in: KISIB PN1 ( ... ), KISIB PNF assitisu, KISIB PN2 GAL $a-bi4-SU 'seal of PN1 ( ... ), seal of PNF, his wife, seal of PN2 , his chief of troops' (n/k 32: 1012; sim. KKS 21b: 20-22),

rather than 'the chief of his troops'. In such instances, rabi $iibem is treated as a single noun.

62

This way of distinguishing singular and plural recurs in the headless Gen sa biltem 'he of the load', i.e. 'porter' (e.g., sa bi-i/5-tem BIN 4, 63: 23) versus Pl sa biliitem 'porters' (e.g. sa bi-la-tern ATHE 66: 5), see CAD B 236b s.v. biltu in sa bilti a for further references, and perhaps in mera ummiiinem 'affiliated trader' (e.g., ana DUMU um-mi-a-ne-em Prag I 515: 7-8), Pl mera ummiiine (e.g., IGI 2 me-er um-mi-a-ne TC 3, 110: 13; see§ 5.6.3 former), but the distinction between ummiiinem and ummiiine is seriously blurred by the omission of mimation and the possibility of hypercorrect spellings. Clear parallels of Babylonian bel teretim as plural of bel tertim 'officeholder' (GAG3 § 59a*; Reiner 1966: 133-135) do not seem to be attested.

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(4) A few adverbs or adverbial phrases with temporal meaning appear to be compounds of a temporal noun and another element: umakkaL '(only) one day, a whole day' (umum 'day' and kiiLu 'all, every'), ina kiLisaniima 'during/for a whole year'(?) (n/k 520: 23) (kiiLu in the genitive and sattum 'year'), and *saddaqdum 'last year', of which the structure is unclear, see Edzard 1964: 147 and CAD S/l 40b s.v. saddagda comm. sect. For umakkaL and *saddaqdum, see also § 13.5.2. (5) The fixed combinations of La+ noun described in§ 23.3.2 sub (1), such as La awilum "a non-gentleman" can also be regarded as a kind of compound noun. A related phenomenon is the possibility to treat a stereotyped phrase syntactically as a noun by construing it as dependent on a preposition. This is attested for: - mitum t,,amsat 'five-percent tax' and esartum isten 'ten-percent tax, tithe', for which see § 6.2.2 - $ab-er rabi 'great and small', i.e. 'the plenary assembly' of an OA city or karum (see§ 7.6.5), e.g. ana $a-be-er ra-bi (AKT 6C, 530: 18) - batiq (u) wattur 'for any price', lit. 'cheap or expensive', e.g. a-ma-TUM-ma aba-t{-iq u u-tu-ur dina 'sell (Pl) even the slave girls for any price!' (AKT 6A, 208A: 8-9+) - susalsum 'threefold', e.g., a-na su-sa-aL-sum (VS 26, 15B: 6), see further§ 8.5.3.

4.6

Excursus: Grammatical aspects of Old Assyrian personal names

OA personal names, especially compound names that consist of two or more elements, show grammatical features not or only rarely found in other contexts. These sections will only outline the most salient of such features and be limited to names that are semantically transparent and may be assumed to be genuinely OA. 63 They concern phonology(§ 4.6.1), morphology(§ 4.6.2) and syntax(§ 4.6.3). 64

63

64

This excludes Akkadian names borrowed from other Akkadian dialects, especially from Sargonic Akkadian and Ur III Babylonian, see n. 55 for a few examples. A detailed justification of which names are genuine OA and which are borrowed from another dialect cannot be given here. No study of the OA onomasticon has been published since Stephens 1928. For Akkadian names in general, see Stamm 1939 and Edzard 1998-2001. Previous literature on OA proper names includes Garelli 1963: 127-133, Hirsch 1972a, and

THE STRUCTURE OF NOUNS

1-:1-5

The elements of a compound personal name (usually two, here indicated as E1 and E2 in linear order) form a syntactic and phonological unity-a noun phrase or a clause-and are often treated as a single word. The degree of cohesion is apparent from the frequency of sandhi spellings of both types distinguished in § 2.6. Examples of type (a) and (b ), respectively, are 1-d{-nabu-um (Prag I 445: 7+) for Jddin-( ~abum 'The father has given', and We-ri-${ = Wer-ri$i 'Wer is my helper' (TC 3,209: 21), cf. We-er-ri-$u-um (AnOr. 6, 22: 46). Therefore, phonological rules, such as the vowel syncope rule and the vowel assimilation rule, exert their influence on the name as a whole. Compound names are often affected by phonological processes that have the overall effect of compressing the name through processes such as vowel syncope, vowel contraction, assimilation, degemination, loss of final vowels, and omission of case endings. These processes, to be illustrated in the next sections, should be distinguished from the well known shortening of names through omission of a part of the name (usually the final part), which results in hypocoristic names ("Kurznamen"). Examples are Damqiiya (AKT 6C, 542: 15) = Damiq-pi-Assur (sw 5-p{-A-sur ibid. 18), 1-ku-p{-a (AKT 6B, 339: 1), who is called 1-ku-p{-Jstar on his seal, and Enniiniitum (AKT 5, 11: 6+) = Enniiniit-Assur (ibid. 4+ ). Many names occur both in a compressed form and in their "original" form, in which the elements are spelled as independent words. For instance, the name Iddin-Assur 'Assur has given' appears as 1-d{-in-A-sur according to the normal spelling rules, but is more often spelled 1-d{-na-A-sur, 1-d{-A-sur, or Jd-na-Asur. Each of these spellings represents one or more types of compression to be discussed below. Often such variants can be shown to refer to the same person and presumably reflect different degrees of formality. Phonologicalfeatures of personal names 4.6.1.1 Vowel syncope and vowel contraction The process most affecting compound personal names is vowel syncope (see §3.4.8). It primarily affects sequences of two or three short vowels, but in personal names also long vowels sometimes seem to be involved (after first being shortened due to compression?), e.g. the final syllable of iii 'my god'. Vowel syncope leads to different results according to the context, see the following examples: 4.6.1

numerous sections in GKT. GKT § 4b lists some even older literature from before 1968. The OA onomasticon shows striking commonalities with that of Sargonic Akkadian and Ur III Babylonian (the latter is listed and analyzed in Hilgert 2002), but a detailed comparison is yet to be made.

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Na-ab-Su-en 6 (95/k 419: 1), i.e. /Nab-Suen/< Nabi-Suen 'Called(> chosen) by Suen', vs. Na-bi-Su-en 6 ibid. 7 Il5 -ba-ni (TC 3, 91: 55 (= OAA 1, 36) ), i.e. /11-bani/ < Ili-bani, 'My god is (my) creator',= 1-li-ba-ni ibid. 52. 65

Not attested in their original forms are: In-bi-Istar (BIN 4, 76: 3+ ), i.e. /Inb-Istar/ < lnl /iib-Istar 'Fruit of !star' Ir-ma-A-sur (BIN 4, 173: 9+ ), i.e. /Irm-Assur/ < Ir-;,iim-Assur 'Assur has conceived love'. 66

Since adjacent vowels do not normally contract in OA (see§ 3.4.11), the following cases where E2 starts with a vowel also represent syncope rather than vowel contraction, although the spelling does not reveal which process occurred: Ra-ba-A-sur (AKT 3, 4: 16), i.e. /Rab-Assur/ < Riibl-Assur 'Assur is great', cf. Ra-bi-A-sur (TC 3, 109: 3) O-$Ur-si-Istar (BIN 4, 47: 25+ ), i.e. /U~ur-s-Istar/ < U$Ur-sa-Istar 'Heed the (word) of Istar', cf. O-$ur-sa-Istar BIN 4, 47: 2 (same person) Su-da-ad (AKT 7A, 1: 3), i.e. /Sudad/ < Su-Adad 'He/The man of Adad', cf. Su- SaLma/u!Jum, see § 4.6) may quite well mean 'The brother is well'. If that is the case, the spelling SaL-Lim-a-!Je-em in TPAK 1, 36: 2 (Gen) is hypercorrect. Note especially: Lu assat Sa-aL-ma-!Je-em Lu me-ra SaL-me-!Je-em 'either the wife or the son of Salim-alJ.um' (KTK 1: 7'-9').

THE STRUCTURE OF NOUNS

149

(b) Norn [N]u-ulz-su-tum (TPAK 1, 108: 5) alongside Gen Nu-ulz-se-tem (AKT 3, 83: 2+ ), but also Gen Nu-ulz-sa-tem (AKT 3, 77: 2+ ). Norn Larma-sa-tum (CCT 4, 40b: 5), who is the same person as La-masu-tum (KUG 39: 3) alongside Gen La-ma-sa-tem (n/k 860: 3).

4.6.2 Morphology Noteworthy are two morphological aspects of personal names: their declension, and the form of predicative nouns and adjectives in names. 4.6.2.1 The declension of personal names OA PNs are declined as ordinary nouns if they have a case ending. The following types can be distinguished: (1)

Names that are nouns or adjectives, such as Ijusiirum, lit. 'lapis lazuli', Baqqunum 'bald' (or the like), La-qepum (see § 23.3.2), and names ending on -iinum, -atum, -dtum, etc. Some of these names occasionally show forms without case ending, such as La-qep for La-qepum (passim) and Asqud (Prag I 484: 21 and 25) for Asqudum, lit. a type of rodent. (2) Abbreviated names ending in -um ( GAG3 § 53d*), such as Ikilnum (Gen 1ku-ne-em Prag I 751: 14; Ace 1-ku-na-am TC 3, 81: 12+ ); and Enntinum (Gen En-na-nem passim; Ace En-na-na-am CCT 2, 22: 39). (3) Compound names of which E2 is a noun in the Norn and therefore declinable, such as Altibum (presumably from ale abum 'Where is the father?'): Gen A-la-be-em (ICK 1, 1: 9+ ), Ace A-la-ha-am (ibid. 47); Iddi(n)-Abum ('The father has given'): Gen 1-di-na-be-em (BIN 4, 39: 5+ ), Ace 1-di-a-baam (BIN 4, 61: 39+ ), and Libilr-kettum 'May truth become apparent' (Acc. Li-bur-ke-tam ICK 1, HA: 7 // llB: 4). (4) In compound names of which E2 is originally a genitive, the genitive ending is reinterpreted as marking the entire name and thus replaced by the case that is required in the clause: Sii-Kubum, lit. 'He of the (divine) foetus', i.e. originally Su Kubem: Norn Su-Ku-bu-um (TCL 1, 241: 10+ ), Gen Su-Ku-be-em (AKT 2, 29: 25+ ), Ace Su-Ku-ha-am (KTS 2, 45: 33, cf. Su-Ku-bu-um ibid. 3) Wald-ilum < Walad-ilem 'Child of the god' (Wa-al-di-lu-um AKT 6C, 586: 29). It is to be assumed that in the same way as Su-Kubum also the common names Sii-Belum and Sii-Anum are declined, but the ambiguity of the signs IGI = {him), {lim), and {lam5 ), and NIM= {nim), {num), and {nam) (see§ 2.2.2) often

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conceals the actual case ending. Note, however, the unambiguous Norn Su-Anu-um (VS 26, 112: 1+) and relatively unambiguous forms such as Ace Su-A-nam (AKT 7A, 203: 7) and Su-Be-lam (BIN 4, 69: 6+ ). 71 Opaque names not belonging to the previous categories are usually not declined, even when they end in -u, such as Ifa-nu, Ifa-nu-nu, and Bu-za-zu. Some of these names show occasional traces of declension, however, e.g.: A-sur-NI-su: Gen A-sur-NI-se-em (CCT 3, 43b: 2); Ace A-sur-NI-sa-am (CCT l, 12b: 9, alongside Norn A-sur-NI-su in 3); the nominative never has mimation whereas the name is uninflected in all other attestations; the meaning of ni-su is unclear. 72

In rare cases, even non-Akkadian names show traces of declension: the (Anatolian?) name Enisru, normally undeclined (e.g. CCT 5, 26a: 8, 15 and 18; BIN 6, 226A: 22), occurs as Enis'arum (E-ni-is-a-ruum St. Matous II, p. 292: 4; CCT 5, 49d: 7, both subject; E-ni-sa-ru Landsberger C 35: 3, subject) with a Gen E-ni-is-a-re-em St. Matous II, p. 292: 7; an attempt at Assyrianization? the Hurrian name Ijubidam (Wilhelm 2008: 185) often (always?) occurs in the form lfubidum, if it is subject (Ifu-bi-dum AKT 3, 87: 36 and 40+) and Ifibidem in the Gen (IGI Ifu-bi-dem j/k 419: 13); sa lfu-bi4 dem (CatEdinb.13: 9). Also with proper names we find instances of "incorrect" use of case endings (§ 6.6), e.g. IGI Da-da-nu-um (Prag I 475: 12) and IGI We-er-ri-$u-um (AnOr. 6, 22: 46). Most of these cases are doubtless due to the tendency to take the nominative as an all-purpose form for nouns, for which see also § 6.6.1.

71

72

It is possible that some compound names that normally do not have a case ending may take a genitive ending to mark that they are genitive: the Gen Da-gan-ma-al-ke-em (CCT 1, 9a: 3 ( = EL 333); CCT 3, 11: 6, KTB 8: 7 (= EL 201) (different persons)) may come from Dagan-malik 'Dagan is king(?)'; the Gen rr-a-sa-re-em (KTP 8: 19) is doubtless from la(= Ea)-sar 'Ea is king'; and A-sur-ke-NIM (n/k 27b: 24) is from Assur-ken 'Assur is reliable' rather than from Assur-kenum (although Assur-ken is not attested elsewhere). However, instances contrasting a genitive with -em with a nominative without ending in the same text do not seem to occur so far. Note also IGI A-sur-ni-su-um (AKT 5, 51: 20), which should be a genitive. Since the same person occurs as A-sur-ni-su in the same dossier (AKT 5, 50: 32 and 39), -um is presumably hypercorrect (see § 5.3.2 ).

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151

4.6.2.2 Predicative nouns and adjectives In accordance with the general rule, predicative nouns and adjectives usually take the 3rd person stative zero ending (see § 19.4 ), e.g. Dan-Assur 'Assur is strong', Assur-rabi 'Assur is great: Enlil-bani 'Enlil is (my) creator/father', Pusuken 'his word is reliable', Tiib-$ill( i)-Assur 'Pleasant is Assur's shade', all occurring passim. A feminine instance is Sarrat-Istar 'lstar is queen' (BIN 4, 88: 2 (= OAA l,

72)). Some predicative elements, however, take the nominative: 73 Sa-ru(-um )- word) of DN has proved reliable'; as genitive

46

The phrase sa pa/a'e is to be distinguished from sa-ba-e in tuppum sa sa-ba-e, the genitive of the Inf saba'um 'to be( come) satisfied', thus 'tablet of satisfaction', i.e. 'quittance', see CAD S/2 253-254 s.v. sebu v. le.

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TABLE 5.5

The declension of-itpi'um 'mouth' in the singular

indep. state

c. st. + noun

c.st. + -i

c. st. + other suffix

NomSg

(not attested)

pi

pi'i

pi-, pa-, pu-

GenSg

pi' em or pi' em pa'e or pa'e?

pi

pia

pi- (see n. 47)

AccSg

pi' am or pi' am, pa' am or pa' am

pi'i, pa'i or pu'i

pi-, pa-, pu-

passim, e.g. ana mala pt-i naspartika 'according to the wording of your message' (AKT 5, 11: 2-3); reliable instances of -pj_(-i) as accusative do not seem to occur; - construct state with a suffix pronoun: ( 1) For the nominative and accusative, pa-, pi-, and pu- are used indiscriminately, e.g. Norn pu-su 'his mouth' in the PN Pu-su-ke-en6 /Pusu-ken/ 'his word is reliable' (passim), pt-ka 'your mouth' (AKT 4, 54: 10), and pa-su-nu 'their mouth' (BIN 6,187: 8); Ace pa-i (CCT 3, 6b: 7 (= OAA 1, 22)+ ), p[-i (TC 2, 49: 42+ ), and pu-i (BIN 4, 45: 15+) 'my mouth'; pa-asu (94/k 324: 4); pa-su (KTB 1, 4 (= OAA 1, 27)+ ), pt-SU (92/k 319: 22+ ), and pu-su (CCT 6, 14: 72) 'his mouth'; pa-su-nu (VS 26, 16: r. 11 ), p[-su-nu (Prag I 545: 26+ ), and pu-su-nu (VS 26, llOA: 9) 'their mouth'. For 'my mouth' as nominative only pt-i (Prag I 650: 16) is attested, but this may be accidental. (2) The genitive is -pj_- (passim, e.g. i-vt-ki 'from your (Fem) mouth' (CCT 4, 35b: 31), mala pt-su 'in accordance with his statement' (TMH 1, 23a: 18)).47 - Plural forms are very rare: Ace pt-e sa sebea 'the statements of my witnesses' (94/k 493: 27 quoted in CAD P 463b s.v. pu A 3e); and perhaps Gen fa p[-e

47

It is significant that the construct state pi is spelled plene quite frequently before a noun but hardly ever before a suffix pronoun, although the regular form would be (ina) pi'ika, etc., like ina betika (see Table 5.2). So presumably this form was regularly contracted to /pika/. Perhaps pi'i/pi'i 'my mouth' can also be contracted to pt, but no "non-plene spellings" seem to occur to corroborate this.

THE INFLECTION OF NOUNS

185

(CCT 1, 45: 38 (= EL 245) ), if it is not a singular without mimation. They may point to a plural pi'u (Nom)/pi'e (Ohl). The variety of forms may be accounted for by starting from a bi-consonantal stem with an unstable (short?) vowel which adapted to the case vowel: Norn *pi'um, Gen *pi'im, Ace pa'am. 48 In the construct state, this would appear as pu(-), pi(-), pa(-) before a consonant-initial noun or suffix pronoun according to § 3.3.1.5. Before the suffix -i 'my', it is likely that :> is preserved, hence pu'i, pi'i, pa'i 'my mouth', but it would be quite natural for the long vowel to be generalized from the other construct state forms: pu'i, pi'i, pii'i. Apparently, the three different case forms later lost their distinctive function. 5.5.1.8.3 damum 'blood' The noun damum 'blood' (often plural, especially in the meaning 'blood money') shows the construct state forms damani (da-ma-ni Lu tabik 'may our blood be spilled' (n/k 794: 41-42)) and damaka (sirka u da-ma-ka anaku 'I am your flesh and blood' (b/k 95: 6-7)), which are not easy to explain (there is no evidence for a by-form *dama'um). 5.5.1.8.4 irtum 'breast' Irtum 'breast, breast meat' does not show the expected construct state **irat in accordance with § 5.5.1.4.4, but irtii/l(-), e.g. i-ir-tu-su (TC 3, 62: 38+ ), and ina ir-t{-i abika 'from the breast of your father' (91/k 134: 17). In combination with the fact that this noun frequently shows initial plene writing ( § 2.3. 7), this suggests a form irtum, perhaps alongside an older non-contracted i'irtum or the like. This would regularly give a Pl *i'ratum > iriitum (i-ra-tem ICK 1, 12b: 32+ ). 49 5.5.1.8.5 Feminine nouns with-at instead of -ta/I The construct state of a few bisyllabic feminine nouns has -at instead of or alongside -tii/l: - belat from beliitum (> beltum, see n. 47 to Chapter 2) 'lady, mistress', e.g. (DNF) be-La-at tuppem a-NIM 'DNF, the ''lady" of this tablet' (01/k 287: 146147 (= KEL G)) and beliti 'my lady' (be-Li-ti k/k 53: 26; be-l{-t{ k/k 46: 15);

48 49

See SED 1, 195-197 for a discussion of the etymological background of *pi'um and the problems involved. Also in Old Babylonian, this noun shows initial plene spellings with remarkable frequency, see CAD 1/J 183-188 s.v. Cf. also SAkk e-er-tim (RIME 2, 97 E2.l.4.3 V 7). The etymology (see SED 1, 11-12) does not give any clear indication of its original form in Akkadian.

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- perat from pe'ertum 'hair' in pe-ra-sa 'her hair' Or. 25, 143 BIN 4, 126: 16 (incant.), i.e. /perassa/; 50 - nti$erat from nti$ertum '(female) guardian' (na-$e-ra-at betika 'the guardian of your house' Prag I 735: 16'). 51 5.5.1.8.6 Construct states with -u In the extant OA incantations, four nouns have a construct state with an ending -u:

- bukru from bukrum 'first-born son' (bu-uk-ru apem 'the first-born son of the reed-forest' a/k 320: 2, quoted in Hecker 1996b, nominative pendens) - buntu from buntum 'daughter' (bu-un-tu ilem 'the daughter of the god' Or. 25, 142 BIN 4, 126: 5-6, predicate); - ma-ar-tu from mtirtum 'daughter' (ma-ar-tu Anem 'the daughter of Anum' ibid. 7, predicate) - $a-ru-u from $arrum 'snake' (ki-i $a-ru-u kertinem '(like) a snake of the vineyard' 90/k 178: 19). It is likely that these are borrowed from Babylonian. For ma-ar-tu, this is virtually certain, since OA uses a quite different form, see§ 5.6.4. 52 5.5.2 The construct state of the dual The construct state of the dual consists of the independent form minus final -n (see Table 5.2), e.g. Norn tup-pa-ka 'your two tablets' (TC l, 18: 17 (= OAA 1, 18)) and qa-ta-ka 'your hands' (VS 26, 31: 8); Ohl a-se-pe-e-a '(shoes) for my feet' (TPAK 1, 69: 18) and e-ne-ku-nu 'your (PI) eyes' (AKT 6A, 138: 45+) corresponding to the independent states tupptin, qtittin, * sepen and enen, respectively.

50

51

52

The deviant construct states of be'eltum and pe'ertum may represent a residue of an older rule that reflects the outcome of vowel syncope: independent state PvRvSatum > PvRvStum, but construct state PvRvSat > PvRSat (cf. § 17.2.1 for a similar alternation). Thus be'eltum < *ba'>a[tum but belat < *ba'>fat, and likewise pe-ra-sa < *pa'>rat-sa butpe'ertum < *pa'>artum. This is the only certain instance of the construct state of a feminine participle in OA, unless sa-i-la-at in iste se-eb-tem sa-i-la-at Kanes 'owed by the old woman, the diviner of Kanes' (ATHE 57: 3) is to be interpreted as the construct state of sii'iltum '(female) diviner' rather than as sa ilat Kanes 'of the goddess of Kanes', see CAD S/1 ll0a s.v. sii?iftu la. According to GAG § 64h, -at rather than -tii/l is regular in feminine participles. Construct state forms with -u sporadically occur in Sargonic Akkadian (Hasselbach 2005: 182), and in literary Babylonian, see von Soden 1931/33: I 212-223 and George 2003: 162.

II.

THE INFLECTION OF NOUNS

187

Since the oblique is identical to the oblique plural ending-e, unambiguous construct state forms of the dual are only found in the nominative and in words with the plural -iitum. 53 The construct state of the dual before a noun in the genitive is usually replaced with the singular (just as in the plural, see the next section), e.g.:

se-ep ilika $abat 'seize the feet of your god!' (CCT 3, 20: 40; sim. AKT 2, 54: 26-27 with uznum 'ear') alkamma e-en Assur u e-ne-a amur 'come here and see Assur's eyes and my eyes!' (AKT 3, 67: 9-10; sim. BIN 6, 47: 1-3; BIN 6, 164: 5-6; and VS 26, 71: 11 versus 30 ). A rare instance of a construct state dual followed by a noun is (gold) sa uz-ne $Ub,iirtem 'for the girl's ears' (AKT 6A, 104: 46), because the plural of uznum is uzniitum. In cases such as ma!Jar 2 me-er-e um-mt-a-NIM 'in the presence of two affiliated traders' (TC 3, 115: 7), mer'e may be dual or plural.

5.5.3 The construct state of the masculine plural The construct state of the masculine plural is identical to the independent form, e.g. siprusu 'his messengers', sipru kiirem 'the messengers of the kiirum' from siprum 'messenger', Pl sipru. However, when followed by a noun, the construct state of the plural is often replaced by the singular, 54 e.g.:

nenu la a-wi-il5 gimillem 'are we not men of favours?' (CCT 3, 11: 22-23) ilu anniutum be-e [l] miimitika 'these gods, the 'lords' of your oath' (00 /k 6: 89). Both options seem to be interchangeable, cf. um-mt-a-nu abia 'my father's investors' (92/k 328: 12), versus um-mt-a-an abia in the duplicate 92/k 543: 43. In participles followed by a nominal genitive, the use of the singular is the rule, as in the instances under (a), whereas plural forms (b) are exceptional:

53

54

The form i-da-ku-nu (CCT 3, 37b: 21 in difficult context), which looks like a nominative dual of idum 'hand, arm' and is termed a locative in GAG 3 § 66g*, is obscure. It is reminiscent of Standard Babylonian expressions such as i-da-a-sa (Ee II 14) and i-da-a-a (BWL p. 46: 113) 'at her/my side' (von Soden 1931/33: II pp. 97-98), but there is nothing comparable in OA. See also Hecker 2000: 262, and for Babylonian W.R. Mayer 1990: 452-453; Hirsch 1995/96: 122-131.

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(a)

DUB.SAR sa-q[-il5

diitem 'the scribe of the datum-payers' (Prag I 478:

1) ga-me-er awiitem nenu 'we are the ones who settled the case' (KUG 13: 49+) (b) (these men are) ga-me-ru awiitem 'the ones who settled the case' (Prag I 446: 42) kima a-li-ke pa-ne-su 'like his predecessors(?)' (CTMMA 1, 71: 40 ).

5.5.4 The construct state of the feminine plural In the feminine plural, the construct state before a noun is formed by dropping the case ending: awatum 'words, affairs' (see n. 16 to Chapter 4) • awat, as in a-wa-at kiirem 'the words (ordinances) of the kiirum' (CTMMA 1, 72: 28+ ). Before a suffix pronoun, the plural suffix -iit- is extended with ii in the nominative and (presumably) e in the oblique: Norn nasperiitiia 'my messages', Ohl nasperiitea. Currently, orthographic evidence fore rather than i is a single plene spelling ( [sa) s]al-sa-te-e-a 'of my one-third shares' ICK 2, 320: 7), but e also follows from the plausible assumption that the vowels in question arose by analogy with the masculine plural ending-ii/-e, see GAG§ 65k. 55 In a small group of words, alternative forms occur without ii/e (GKT §64g): - nisfpitum (Pl. t.) 'nis!,ziitum-tax': ni-is-!,za-su (CCT 5, 7a: 27+ ); ni-is-!,za-su-nu (TC 1, 98: 7) alongside regular ni-is-!,za-te-su KKS 34A: 19+ (Ace) - si'iimiitum (Pl. t.) 'merchandise, purchased goods': s[-a-ma-su (KUG 7: 6) alongside regular s[-a-ma-tu-su (CTMMA 1, 92b: 6) - be'iiliitum 'working capital' (Pl. t. ): be-u-la-su (KUG 7: 26), alongside regular be-u-la-te-su (BIN 4,211 tablet: 4 and 13) - itriitum 'overweight': it-ra-su (KTH 18: 3 (= OAA 1, 121)+) and i-te-ra-su (BIN 4, 13: 4) from ita/ ertum, which mainly occurs in the plural (and the singular should be ita/ertusu according to§ 5.5.1.6) - mi!,zriitum 'equivalent, counterpart': mt-i!,z-ra-su BIN 4, 160: 17 'its equivalent'.

These nouns are technical terms for different kinds of commercial activities, which suggests that they have influenced each other. 56 Larsen (1967: 9-10)

55

If the reading is correct, ealso occurs in ina r ke-na 1 -te-su 1ustly' (RIMA 1, 78: 17, RI of PuzurSuen, see § 1.2.4). Evidence from later Assyrian is conflicting: in Middle Assyrian, spellings with (te) and (ti) coexist: tup-pa-te-su-nu (Ace) (KAV 2: iii 16 (B § 6)) versus tup-pa-ti-su

56

(Gen) (KAJ 26: 2 and 164: 19). Other instances without -u/e- are found sporadically and may be errors: [a-w]a-at-ku-nu [da-n ]a-a 'your (Pl) affair(s) is/are serious' (Prag I 509: 9-10; cf. ibid. 11-13), and Lu-qu-at-

THE INFLECTION OF NOUNS

189

plausibly explains nis!Jassu from analogy with saddu'assu, with which it is often coordinated (in the phrase nis!Jassu DIRI saddu'assu sabbu 'the import tax is extra and he (the transporter) has been satisfied with his transport fee', see Larsen 1967: 35-36), and the other nouns may have been adapted to this pattern successively. The resulting form is identical in spelling to the singular but may have preserved its long vowel: nis!Jassu, itrassu, etc. 57

5.6

The inflection of irregular and weak nouns

Several classes of nouns or individual nouns show deviations from the rules formulated in the previous sections. They comprise nouns with ? as second consonant and nouns with ?' y or w as stem-final consonant. 5.6.I PvRS noun with ? as second consonant In accordance with § 3.3.1.5 and § 3.3.1.3, respectively, PvRS nouns with ? as second consonant, both deverbal (e.g. simum 'price, merchandise, purchase' from sa'amum 'to buy') and primary (e.g. belum 'lord, owner', temum 'policy, way of doing things', resum 'head', and datum 'road-tax') drop their ? in the independent state (*sfmum > simum), but are supposed to preserve? in the construct state of the singular, where it is intervocalic: si'im, etc. The best evidence is provided by the fact that datum followed by a third person suffix pronoun -su/-sunu 'his/their datum' is almost always spelled daa-su (AKT 3, 38: 24+) and da-a-su-nu (CCT 1, 41a: 10), hardly ever da-su(-nu). 58 This contrasts with parallel forms such as qa-su(-nu) 'his/their hand' and masu(-nu) 'his/their land' from qatum and matum. This strongly suggests that daa-su(-nu) is to be interpreted as /da?assu(nu)/ from a construct state da'at, and that the independent state datum comes from *da'tum (Veenhof 1972: 227-

228). Additional orthographic evidence for the preservation of ? in the construct state consists of a small number of broken spellings for simum, resum and datum (sl-i-im AKT 3, 39: 17 and 21+, re-e-es15 TPAK 1, 84: 16+; re-e-su-nu

ka 'your merchandise' (AKT 6A, 2: LE 5'), which looks like a contamination of Sg luqutka and PI luquateka. For the apparently similar form ta-aq-ri-ba-su TC 1, 101: 9 ( = EL 153), see

§4.2.2.20. 57

The phrase ni-is-!Ja-su (ula) wa-at-ra 'its import tax has (not) been added' (TC 1, 28: 5-6; ATHE 65: 25+) confirms that ni-is-!Ja-su is 3pf. For the variant nis!Jassu ( ula) watar, see

§ 22.1.2 sub (3). 58

An exceptional instance is da-su 'his datum' (c/k 355: 19).

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CTMMA l, 79: 27; da-a-at KTS 2, 58: 12+ ), which point to si'im, re'es and da'at. For belum and temum, corresponding spellings of the construct state do not seem to be attested. Thus it seems likely that at least some of the PvRS nouns with ? as second consonant preserve :i in their construct state. How consistently they do so is impossible to determine, also because independently of the regular phonological development of intervocalic :i, secondary forms with a long vowel may easily arise by analogy with nouns with an "original" long vowel: matum : miit • belum: x, where x = be[, replacing be'el. In accordance with the principles formulated in § 2.13.4, these nouns are transcribed here with :i intact: si'im, re'es, etc. 5.6.2 PvRS nouns with? as third consonant PvRS nouns with :i as third consonant include das'um 'spring', ku$'um 'cold, winter' (see § 3.2.1.1 for the spelling ku-$u-um ), mer'um 'son' (see § 5.6.3 ), mil'um 'fullness', nis'um 'present', qin'um 'envy' (i-q{-in-em AKT 5, 18: 12+ ), $ar'um 'snake' ($a-ar-a-am j/k 97: 16, Sargon Legend), $iB'um (name of the seventh month), tim'um 'oath' (t{-im-a-am Prag I 735: 21), and zar'um 'seed, offspring'. They normally handle :i as a strong consonant indicated by a broken spelling. In the construct state singular, however, :i is dropped before a consonantinitial noun or suffix pronoun and the preceding vowel lengthened in accordance with§ 3.3.1.5, e.g. za-ra-su 'his seed' (RIMA l, 20: 25), i.e. /zarasu/ < *zara'su, and passim in mer'um 'son', see the next section. This suggests that also before a noun the loss of :i entails a long vowel: ina mi-Li libbia 'in the fullness of my heart' (Landsberger C 20: 11 ), i.e. 'in my anger' with /milI/ < *miff. For an irregular construct state of $ar'um 'snake', see § 5.5.1.8.6. 5.6.3 The declension of mer'um 'son' The declension of mer'um 'son' (< mar?um according to § 3.4.5.1, a primary PaRS noun, see also Gelb 1935: 21-23) roughly comprises two types of forms: forms with e in which :i is preserved (mer'um ), and forms with original(?) a, in which :i is dropped, but it is uncertain what the resulting form looks like: marum, marum, or even marrum?). 59 The former type is by far the most common, cf. the following selection:

59

The very rare syllabic spellings of 'son' and 'daughter' in later Assyrian do not offer conclusive evidence about ?: MA has a few syllabic spellings of mar?uttu 'the status of son', some of which use a broken spelling (ana mar-u-ut-ti KA] 1: 6), whereas others do not (ana ma-ru-ti-sa KA] 3: 4+ ), and a syllabic spelling of 'daughter' (ma-ra-as-sa 'her daughter'

THE INFLECTION OF NOUNS

191

- independent state: Sg Gen ana ( ... ) me-er-e-em (HSS 10,223: 4); Sg Ace meer-am (n/k 720: 35); Pl me-er-u/me-er-e (passim); - construct state with a noun: Sg mostly mer are reminiscent of Babylonian marum 'son' and martum 'daughter', in particular the Pl ma-ra-t ... (versus OA

nian, see § 1.2.4. Examples include ma-re-e-r su, (RIMA 1, 10: 11') and ma-RI-su-nu (RIMA 1,

18: 51). 63

The form me-re-t{ (KTS 1, lb: 3) listed in AHw 614b s.v. miirtu(m) la is to be read mt-nam 'why?'.

THE INFLECTION OF NOUNS

193

mer'uiitum, see § 5.4.4 ), it is possible that they are borrowed from Babylonian, see §4.4.5. 5.6.5 PvRS nouns with y as third consonant PvRS nouns with y as third consonant comprise the primary noun mus( i)um 'night' (Pl mu-s{-a-tem AAA 1, 1: r.19), and the deverbal nouns niqium 'sacrifice', pU$ium 'whiteness, white spot', 64 and perhaps risium 'worry(?)'. 65 They show a complex picture, which is greatly obscured by the ambiguities of the OA (non-)spelling of y (see § 3.3.3.1 ). For niqium, the most common instance by far, we may posit the following declension on the model of the strong PvRS nouns (note that it is often difficult to distinguish between singular and plural): Independent state: - Sg Norn: *niqium - Sg Gen: niqiem or niqem(?) (ni-Qf-e-em AKT 4, 51: 19; ni-Qf-em TC 3,207: 4+) - Sg Ace: niqiam or niqyam (ni-q{(-a)-am (TC 3, 86: 22+; AKT 3, 67: 40+ ), niiq(-a)-am CCT 4, 6f: 9+ (= OAA 1,117); Prag I 564: 13) (see §3.3.3.5) - Pl Norn: *niqiu - Pl Ohl: niqie > niqe? (ni-q{-i-e CCT 5, 48e: r. 4', context broken; ni-Qi-e AKT 7A, 249: 15; ni-Qi AKT 6D, 841: 12 (or Sg without mimation?)) Construct state: - Sg Norn/Ace+ noun: niqi- < *niqiy- (§ 5.5.1.4.2) (ni-q{ !star ICK l, 132: 12) - Sg Norn/Ace+ -i: (niqyi >) niqf 'my sacrifice' (ni-q{ c/k 206: 19; ni-q{-i 89/k 395: 11) - Sg Norn/Ace+ other suffix: niqi- < *niqiy- (ni-q{-su AKT 3, 67: 40+; ni-q{-i-su AKT 6E, 1129 passim) - Sg Gen+ noun: niqi ((ana) ni-q{ KB c/k 791: 6); + suffix pronoun niqii > niqf ? (ni-q{-su-nu CCT 5, 35d: 15+; ni-qi-i-su Prag I 824: 24+; but also ni-iq-i-su BIN 6, 189: r. 5', i.e. /niqyisu/ against § 3.3.3.6?)

64 65

A PuRS form from a root *p$l:i, in which *f:i has become a palatal glide, see Kouwenberg 2006: 169-173. This noun appears to be a PiRS form of rasa'um 'to become worried', which mainly occurs in the prohibitive la tarassi 'do not worry!' (TC 3, 114: 23+ ). However, the spelling of the two instances attested (Gen Sg a$$er (... ) ri-U-i-a TPAK 1, 36: 9 and ina ri-si-i-ka n/k 1454: 8) allows for the possibility that the noun is actually risi'um, cf. § 5.6.7, especially the declension of *wari'um and asi'um.

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- PI Ohl: niqie > niqe? (ni-Qf-a c/k 234: 30; (ina) ni-Qf-e-su-nu ICK 1, 12b: 31+; but perhaps also with£: (ana) ni-Ql-i-su-nu BIN 4, 145: 28, which seems plural as compared to the singular ni-q{-su in 11). Notable forms of mus( i)um and pU$ium, which occur only sporadically, are the nominatives mu-su-um (91/k 138: 30) and pu-$u-um (87 /k 387: 6 quoted in CAD P 540-541 s.v. pil$u le), in which the final y of the stem is lacking (for pu-$u-um cf. ku-$u-um?, see§ 3.2.1.1). For risium, seen. 65.

5.6.6 PaRS nouns with was third consonant The primary nouns with the pattern PaRS and w as stem-final consonant that are listed in the dictionaries under the forms qanu( m) 'reed' and sadu( m) 'mountain', are problematic in the nominative and further show the wellknown alternation of glide spellings (with (Cu)) and broken spellings illustrated in § 3.3.2.5. 66 We may reconstruct the following declension: Independent state: - Sg Norn: qanuum or qanum ? (qa-nu-um ICK 2, 86: 16, direct object, see § 6.6.1) - Sg Gen: saduem or sadwem (sa-du-em CCT 2, Ila: 17 +; sa-ad-we-em KTS 2, 35: 14; qa-nu-em Prag I 488: 5) - Sg Ace: qanuam or qanwam (q by adding a short a to the stem, as if :>were a geminate consonant, cf. § 5.5.1.5: - infinitives: La-qa-u-su 'taking it' (OIP 27, 13: 13'), i.e. /laqa?usu/; 74 sa-ma-u-su 'hearing it' (TPAK 1, 198: 5), i.e. /sama?usu/ - from tappa'um: tap-pa-u-su 'his associate' (AKT 6D, 859: 5'); ta-pa-i-ni Ufk 430: 26) and tap-pa-i-ni (KTH 32: 30 (= EL 262)+) 'our associate', i.e. /tappa?ini/; tap-pa-as-nu 'their associate' (TC 3, 76: 26), i.e. /tappa?asnu/ (and similarly for other nouns with -a 'um) - from wari'um: URUDU-i-a-ka (TC 1, 23: 16) and URUDU-a-kd (TC 3, 135: 2+) 'your copper', i.e. /warfaka/; URUDU-u-su 'his copper' (TC 2, 18: 14+ ), i.e. /warfusu/; and URUDU-ak-nu 'your (Pl) copper', i.e. /warfaknu/ (AKT 6E, 884: 15); - from asi'um: a-si-a-ka 'your a.' (ATHE 62: 38+ ), i.e. /asfaka/; a-si-a-ku-nu 'your (Pl) a.' (AKT 1, 78: 28), i.e. /asfak(u)nu/; a-si-as-nu 'their a.' (ATHE 64: 30+ ), i.e. /asi?asnu/ from purii'um: pu-ru-a-ka (n/k 206: 33 quoted CAD P 535b s.v.), i.e. /punl?aka/; pu-ru-i-ni (AKT 5, 18: 44), i.e. /punl?ini/. The two procedures are not entirely interchangeable: it seems that :> is always dropped when the surrounding vowels are identical, and may be dropped when they are different: there are no forms with identical vowels such as **tappa'aka, **asi'ini and **purii'usu.75 The insertion of a short a to safeguard a syllable-final :> is also attested with the feminine suffix -at in a few other words, see § 3.3.1.5.

74 75

For L to the person( s) whom) your representative( s) has/have sent the tin and the textiles, that they must send the silver to you' (VS 26, 52: 33-35) a-le KB 10 GIN fJa-bu-lu$abtasasqila 'where (someone) owes 10 shekels of silver, seize (Pl) (him) and make (him) pay!'> 'seize anyone who .. .' (n/k 526: 37-38). Exceptional use of ale with a head noun may occur in the phrase ana kiir karma ale 'to every kiirum where' (see§ 5.7.3): ana PN1 siprini kiir karma a-le PN2 ( ••• ) wasbuni 'to PN1, our messenger (and) any kiirum where PN2 (AKT 5, 74*: 2-5; sim. BIN 6, 8: 1-6).

( ••• )maybe

staying'

However, since nouns in the absolute state usually serve as adverbs(§ 5.7), it may be better to regard these ale-clauses as dependent on an adverbial head. In relative clauses with wasmum (usmum) 'appropriate' as predicate and epiisum 'to do, to make' as main verb, headless ale occurs as an indefinite relative particle 'whatever, everything which', alongside mala (see § 12.3.2.3) and asar (see§ 12.4.2.2), e.g.: a-le usmatni epsii(ma) 'do (Pl) what is appropriate!' (BIN 6,138: 12-13, cf. ibid. 6). 12.5.3 ale as a subordinating conjunction In the expression asar Iale immagguriini atawwum (cf. § 12.4.3 sub (2) ), ale

seems to serve as a subordinating conjunction 'in order that', e.g.: (2 persons) tuppesunu ufJarrumiima a-le i-ma-gu 5-ru-ni e-ta-wu 'will certify their tablets and deliberate in order to come to an agreement' (VS 26, 114: 7-10; sim. Prag I 445: 8-10 and AKT 6A, 199: 8-11+ ).

MULTIFUNCTIONAL PARTICLES

385

12.5.4 alema Extended with -ma, ale is found sporadically in different environments and is often problematic. 28 It can be a relative particle like ale, as in:

a-Le-ma e-mu-ru-su [KB-p ]i-su ilaqqe 'wherever he will see him (he will receive his silver)' (TC 3, 219B: 10-11 (case), where the tablet 219A: 12-14 has a-Le)

a-Le-ma ana kiirem saddu'atam il5 -t{-q{-u ula igdamliini 'when they(? or: 'the persons who'?, see§ 12.4.2.3) collected the saddu'iitum-tax for the kiirum, (they) have not obliged me' (AKT 8, 81: 26-28; K.R Veenhof translates 'wherever', but the context does not support an iterative interpretation). Whether alema can also be an indefinite counterpart of ale (cf. § 11.7.2) is uncertain but a possible instance may occur in: (he has been paid for his food and his expenses of travelling back and forth(?)) u sa adi ammiikam wasbu Lu a-Le- *ma i-Lu-ku sabbii(ma) 'and he has also been paid for the time that he stayed there with you and travelled somewhere(?)' (AKT 3, 80: 35-37; a-Le- *ma coll. G. Barjamovic; sim. AKT 3, 89: 10-12). It would be highly unusual if ale could be indefinite without -ma, but possible instances are: a-le ne-mar-ma sebe nisakkassum(ma) '(when) we see (him) somewhere, we will produce witnesses against him' (BIN 6, 73: r. 10'), instead of ale a/emmurusu 'where I/he will see him', e.g. CCT 1, 10a: 21-24 see§ 12.5.2; and a-le ina amuttikunu l GIN ula addin 'I did not sell a single shekel of your (PI) amuttum anywhere(?)' (Mem. Garelli p. 73 A3: 10-12).

12.6

mate 'when?'

Mate is spelled ma-te, rarely ma-te-e (KTS 2, 44: 48; AKT 6B, 432: 6), and also occurs with apocopated final vowel: adi ma-at (BIN 6, 74: 28). -e probably reflects the Proto-Semitic locative suffix *-ay, see § 13.4 sub (7), and is thus 28

It seems likely that some instances of (apparent) alema are actually to be read ale-Ba, parallel to asar-Ba, e.g. TC 3, 219B: 10 quoted here and Prag I 437: 14 (where a-le-Ba a-watu-su kima ... is supported by the occurrence of the same expression in n/k 94: 3-4 quoted in§ 12.5.1). Collation is required to confirm this.

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CHAPTER 12

originally long. It is primarily interrogative 'when?'(§ 12.6.1), but also came to function as a conjunction and a preposition(§ 12.6.2). Extended with -ma, it often has indefinite meaning(§ 12.6.3). 12.6.1 mate l1S an interrogative adverb As an interrogative adverb mate occurs by itself or preceded by a preposition (ana mate or ammate 'when?, how long?'; ina mate or immate 'when?'; adi mate '(for) how long?'), and may be strengthened with -Ba (see§ 15.4). 29 A few examples:

(PN has built two houses since you left) ne-nu-Ba a-na ma-te neppas 'when are we going to build one?' (RA 59, 160: 34-35) a-di ma-te af;iiti Lu tusib 'how long should my sister wait (lit. sit)?' (i/k 120: 13-14) i-ma-te-Ba Libbam kima e-ba-ru-tem taddanam 'when will you give me courage as befits a colleague?' (TC 3, 73: 4849).30 A rare instance of mate with a cleft sentence is: ma-te sa aniiku ana tf-ir-tf-a asapparanni 'when was it that I wrote to you about my own affairs?' (CCT 2, 20: 8-9). 12.6.2 mate l1S a conjunction and a preposition mate underwent the same kind of development as ale and also came to function as a conjunction and a preposition, but only rarely. Ina mate or immate is

attested a few times as a temporal conjunction 'when', e.g.: i-ma-te KB PN e-ri-su-su u-ta-ar

29

30

Adi mate also occurs in the form ad mate in the PN Admate-ili 'How long, my god?', e.g. Ad-ma-te-i-li (Prag I 436: r. 12'), but perhaps this name is borrowed from Babylonian, see CAD M/1407b s.v. mati lb-1'. This text presumably also has i-ma-te-Ba in line 46 but the copy has a clear -ma (i-mate-ma awii.ti ana libbika imaqqut 'when will my word find favour with you (lit. reach your heart)?'), so that collation is required. In ma-te kiirum ... denam i-di-in-ma (BIN 4, 83: 3941), quoted in CAD M/1407-408 s.v. mati Id "eventually" and translated "later", read presumably ana kiirem TUR GAL nillikma «Di» kiirum TUR GAL denam idin(ma) 'we went to the kiirum in plenary session and the kiirum in plenary session passed verdict' (the scribe first forgot to repeat kiirum TUR GAL and then to delete the misplaced first sign of denam).

'

MULTIFUNCTIONAL PARTICLES

387

'when PN demands the silver from him, he shall give it back' (AKT 7A, 3: 6-7; sim. KTH 23: 7-13 (=EL 180) and perhaps TPAK 1, 47: 19-20, see K.R. Veenhof apud Dercksen 1997 /98: 336). As a preposition, mate is so far only attested in ina ma-te li-bi4 -ka URUDU suqlam 'pay me (back) the silver whenever you like' (KBo. 36,113: 11-12), which looks like an incidental construction based on the more common expressions malalibbi- (see§ 12.3.1 sub (1) ), asarlibbi- (see§ 12.4.1 sub (2)) andsummalibbi(§14.4.18 sub (2)). 12.6.3 Indefinite matema For the corresponding indefinite meaning (cf. § 11. 7.2 ), matema and ammatema are attested: 'at some/any moment'. 31 Materna occurs with a negation to express 'never', typically with a preterite, sporadically with a stative, as in the clauses under (a), and without a negation in rhetorical questions, where it is presumably indefinite (although semantically it could also be interrogative), as under

(b): (a) ma-te-ma mimma ula tagmilanni 'you have never done me any favour!' (BIN 4, 229: 16-17) ma-te-ma annuku kiam ula [t]a-bu 'the (price of) tin has never been so good' (Prag I 813: 10'-12') (b) ma-te-ma ana affiya u-na-ge 5-er-ka 'have I ever denounced(?) you to my brother?' (AKT 1, 14: 5-6; sim. KTS 2, 52: 8-10 ). ammatema is so far only attested in conditional clauses, such as: sum ma a-ma-te-ma PN1 ( ... ) a( na) PN2 ( ••• ) ituar 'if PN1 ever (after) raises a claim against PN2 ' (r/k 19: 10-14). 32

31

An exceptional indefinite instance of mate without -ma may be: ma-te i-lu-ku-ma tamkiirum KB 1 G i N ussarsuniitima u iiiti sa qarrubem uqarrubiinem 'one day, they ( my agents) will go ( trading), an investor will make a shekel of silver available to them and (then) they

32

will bring me what can be brought' (BIN 4, 32: 23-26). For a-na a-BA/MA-tern in VS 26, 100: 7, seen. 48 to Chapter 3. For the obscure adverb ina ma-ta/i-ma-ta, see § 13.5.3 end.

388

12.7

CHAPTER 12

ke 'how?'

The interrogative adverb ke 'how?', spelled ke or ke-e (see below) from a ProtoSemitic *kay (see, e.g. Lipinski 1997: 527-528) does not seem to be used as a conjunction or a preposition and is included here mainly for the sake of convenience.33 It is only rarely attested. Relatively clear instances are TC 3, 49: 38-39 quoted in § 26.3.23 and: 34 ke-e balum tf-ir-tf-su !Jursiassu usettuqu 'how can they transport his container over land without his order?' (Prag I 726: 6-8) ke-e annakam taddiniisu 'how (i.e. at what rate) did you (PI) sell the tin?' (AKT 6C, 598: 7-8, answer: 'it was sold at a rate of x shekels') annakam sa aniiku u PN nublanni ke-e 'how (is it concerning) the tin that I and PN brought to you?' (AKT 7A, 293a: 15-17 (/ / 293b: 13-15), i.e. 'what happened to .. .', where annakam is Ace through case attraction, see § 26.2.5). ke can be extended with-Ba(§ 15.4) and the irrealis particle -men(§ 23.5): ke-BA kuwii'am sumka izakkarma aniiku astappu 'how on earth would he be able to mention your name and I keep silent?' (i.e. 'how on earth would I keep silent when he ... ?') (CCT 4, 7b: 19-22; sim. h/k 317: 20) (if Assur had not summoned me to our father's house and the etemmums,) iimammen bet abini u etamme ke-me-en 6 nepus 'how could we deal with our father's house and etemmums today?' (93/k 514: 20-21 quoted in Michel 2008: 195 n. 84).

For the particle ki-i in AKT 3, 40: 24 and OIP 27, 6: 20, see§ 14.4.12.

33

34

The relationship of ke with the common preposition and conjunction kima remains to be determined, but the Neo-Assyrian forms a-ke-e 'how?' (Hameen-Anttila 2000: 63) and (a-)ki(-i) 'as' (ibid. 68) suggest that also in OA there is a difference in vowel between ke 'how?' and kima. Other instances are AKT 5, 18: 48-49; POAT 17: 16-18 (= OAA 1, 97); AKT 6D, 788: 26; and ATHE 61: 23. Problematic are RA 58, 119: 6 and St. T. Ozgii~ p. 518: 12.

MULTIFUNCTIONAL PARTICLES

12.8

389

ke ma$i 'how much?'

The compound interrogative ke ma$i 'how much?' is a combination of ke 'how?'35 and a fossilized 3sm stative of ma$ii'um 'to be( come) equal, sufficient'.36 It is used independently or followed by a noun in apposition, e.g.:

ke ma-$[ Lu kisdiituka 'how much would your profit be?' (BIN 4, 96: 10-11; sim. RA 51, 6: 17 (= OAAl, 134)) ana ke ma-$[ KB tu-ka-al-ni-a-t[ 'for how much silver do you detain us?' (AKT 6A, 59: 11-13). ke ma$i also occurs with-ma (see§ 15.3.2.6), with -Ba (see§ 15.4) and with the irrealis particle -men (see§ 23.5): ke ma-$[ siiridu ke ma-$[-ma unussunu 'how much were the packers, how much their equipment?' (CCT 6, 14: 52-53, presumably -ma = 'also', see § 15.3.3) ke ma-$[-Ba KB tagammar 'just how much silver are you going to spend?' (88/k 97b: 39-40) (if we had borrowed money after hearing your tablet) ke ma-$i-me-en6 $f-ib-tam nu-$i-i[ b] 'how much interest would we have payed?' (Prag I 836: 31-33). 35 36

Rather than from ki, but there are no plene spellings to confirm this. The position of the enclitic particle -Ba shows that ke ma$i was felt to be a single word, even though it is not affected by vowel assimilation(** kemi$i).

CHAPTER 13

Remaining Adverbs and Interjections 13.1

General features of adverbs

Adverbs are part of the overarching class of adverbial constituents ("adverbials"), which also comprise adverbial phrases and adverbial clauses. The latter two are productive syntactic units, and adverbs can be formally defined as adverbials consisting of a single word. They qualify a finite verb, an adjective, another adverb, or an entire clause and are typically invariable.1 Major semantic classes of adverbs are adverbs of place, time, manner and degree, evidential adverbs (which indicate the source of the information contained in the clause), and epistemic adverbs (which indicate the degree to which the speaker is committed to the truth of the utterance) (Payne 1997: 69-70).

13.2

Sources of adverbs

Many OA adverbs are derived from or related to words of other word classes:2

(I)

from a noun, showing a specific case form, e.g. the accusative (iimam 'today'), 3 or the absolute state (pu!,zur 'together', kiir kiirma 'in each karum'). More often they have an adverbial suffix; these suffixes are listed in

(2)

from an adjective, also with a specific case form, such as the nominative singular (rabbum(ma) 'quietly, discretely'), or the accusative singular, either masculine (e$amma 'at least') or feminine (warkitam(ma) 'afterwards, later'), more rarely the oblique feminine plural (keniitem(ma) 'really'). A productive way of deriving adverbs from adjectives is the suffix -is (lamnis 'badly'); more sporadic are its variant -isam (dannisamma 'strongly, very', see § 13.5.5) and the suffix -iinum (mal'iinum 'at the full rate of exchange', see§ 13.5.6);

§ 13.4;

1 For the occasional adnominal use of adverbs, see § 12.2.3. 2 For a more comprehensive description and references for the adverbs mentioned in this section, see the individual adverbs in later sections. 3 Here, too, the rule is that a genitive must always be preceded by a head (noun, determiner or preposition) and thus cannot be an adverb by itself (cf. § 6.3.1 ).

©

KONINKLIJKE BRILL NV, LEIDEN, 2017

REMAINING ADVERBS AND INTERJECTIONS

391

(3) from another adverb or a preposition, such as adini 'until now' from adi 'until' and akkiam 'therefore' from kiam 'thus'. This happens on a large scale with the enclitic particle -ma (see § 15.3.2.1 ), which can be attached to adverbs and adverbial phrases to strengthen their meaning; (4) from the deictic bases ann-, amm- and all- (see Chapter 10) and the interrogative base a.Y.Y- (see § 11.7), which can take a set of suffixes with locative (-iikam ), allative (-e and -esam) and ablative (-iinum) function. The deictic bases are also the source of two presentative particles (anna and amma, see § 10.4), and of the temporal adverbs allitis 'the day after tomorrow' and anni 'now', see § 13.5.3; (5) from a verb, e.g. wadi 'already' (assuming that this is the 3sm Stat of idii 'um 'to know', see§ 13.5.6), ibassi 'possibly, surely'(§ 13.5.6), and umma 'thus' (§ 27.4.1); (6) from a prepositional phrase, such as amminem 'why', inumisu 'then, at that time', essaniIemma 'for the second time, again', more rarely from other phrases, e.g. umakkal 'for a single day, all day long', * saddagdum 'last year'. There are also adverbs of which the background is unknown, such as el( l)iinum 'separately' and assurre ( + negation) 'on no account'. A few adverbs go back to Common Semitic and are "original" in the sense that they cannot be derived from a word of another word class, such as ale 'where?', mate 'when?, ever', and timali 'yesterday' (see n. 23 ).

13.3

Adverbial suffixes

In the formation of adverbs a large number of suffixes is involved. Apart from -is insofar as it derives adverbs from adjectives (see § 13.5.5), they all have a limited productivity in a specific group of words or are restricted to a small set of lexicalized entities. The locational adverbs derived from the deictic bases ann-, amm- and all- described in § 10.5 are exceptional in that they form a system, in which the meaning of each adverb is predictable. Generally speaking, adverbial suffixes in OA (and Akkadian at large) show two typical features, which are doubtless interrelated. First, they do not have a very specific meaning. The suffixes -iinum, -isam and -sum, for instance, each comprise a small number of semantically heterogeneous adverbs. Second, they tend to accumulate: many adverbs contain more than one suffix. The reasons behind this phenomenon seems to be either renewal and clarification of a semantic contrast that threatens to be weakened or lost, or to underline

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adverbial status. Both reasons may apply to the forms annesam and ammesam, if they are-as argued in § 10.5.1-extensions of the synonymous forms anne and amme by means of the explicit directional element s, whereas final -am may underline adverbial status, since it also occurs in annakam 'here' and ammakam 'there with you' and is therefore not specifically directional.

13.4

List of adverbial suffixes

This section enumerates adverbial suffixes with their functions in alphabetical order. For details about the individual adverbs, see the list of adverbs in the subsequent sections. ( 1)

-a is used after the stems pan- 'before', wark- 'behind' and qabl- 'middle', that indicate a relative position in space or time: (ina) pana 'before, earlier' (§ 13.5.3), warka or warkiima 'later' (§ 13.5.3), and *ina qabla 'in the middle'(§ 13.5.1). Pana and warka compete with longer forms such as panitam( ma) and warkanum, which are more frequent. A (presumably different) suffix -a (or-a?) also characterizes the presentative particles anna and amma (§ 10.4) and the interjection kena 'yes'(§ 13.6). (2) -a has distributive function, mainly in numerals and words denoting quantities, such as istena 'one each', sana 'two each', misla 'half', and bila 'per talent', see § 8.6. (3) -akam derives locative adverbs from the deictic bases ann- and amm-, the interrogative and indefinite stem a.Y.Y- and the noun asrum 'place': annakam, ammakam, asrakam and a,Y.Yiikam, see § 10.5.3. For the long vowel of -akam, see also § 10.5.3. (4) -ani (perhaps -iine, cf. (7)) derives adverbs with comparative meaning from nouns and is only found in incantations: etudani 'like a ram' and sapparani 'like a wild cow', see § 13.5.4. (5) -anum occurs in four different (groups of) adverbs: 1) it derives locative and ablative adverbs from the deictic bases ann-, amm- and all-(§ 10.5.4) and the interrogative/indefinite stem a.Y.Y- (§ 11.7.2 sub (4) ); 2) it is also locative in sap Lanum 'below, at the bottom' ( § 13.5.1) and perhaps in el( l)iinum 'separately' of uncertain origin (§ 13.5.6); 3) it is temporal in paniinum 'formerly, before', and warkanum 'afterwards, later'(§ 13.5.3); 4) it is part of the adverb mal'iinum, which qualifies gold and amuttum-metal (§ 13.5.6). (6) -attam seems to indicate manner in a few words, see GAG 3 § 1131 and § 13.5.4.

i...

REMAINING ADVERBS AND INTERJECTIONS

393

(7) -e is a locative and allative suffix in ale 'where?' (§ 12.5), in the allative

(8)

(9)

{10)

{11)

(12)

adverbs anne 'hither' and amme 'to you there'(§ 10.5.2), and in prepositions such as iste 'with, from' (§ 14.4.10), (ina) bare 'between' (§ 14.5.3), qade 'with' (§14.4.16)) and warke 'behind' (§14.5.22). It corresponds to -i in many cognate Babylonian words (see GAG § 113k; Kouwenberg 2012: 53) and derives from a Proto-Semitic suffix *-ay (Kienast 2001: 175; Hasselbach 2005: 166). It is therefore originally long. -esam derives allative adverbs from the deictic bases ann- and amm-, from asrum (§ 10.5.1) and from the interrogative base ayyum (§ 11.7.2 sub (2) ), see also -isam below. 4 For the long e, see § 10.5.1. -is productively derives adverbs from adjectives and from the numeral isten 'one'(§ 13.5.5), and may also occur in allitis 'the day after tomorrow' (§ 13.5.3). This suffix, or at least its consonantal part-s-, is an ancient directional element, which also occurs in the dative pronouns in all dialects of Akkadian except OA (GAG § 4lf and 42g), and appears as an obsolete and largely fossilized case ending in the older stages of Akkadian (including OA, see§ 5.3.3). -isam occurs (1) after temporal nouns with a distributive meaning: umisam 'each day, daily'(§ 13.5.2); (2) in panisam 'first, soon, before earlier' (§ 13.5.3); 3) in dannisamma 'strongly, very', apparently a strengthening of dannis (§ 13.5.5). -Isam is distinguished here from the allative suffix-esam discussed under (8) above for semantic reasons, but there is no actual orthographic evidence for this. -sum occurs in a handful of rather disparate words: in the temporal adverbs umsum(ma) 'until today' and sanassum(ma) 'annually'(< sanatsum) ( § 13.5.2, note the difference in meaning), in missum 'why?', presumably< min-sum (§ 11.8), and in two adverbs which only occur in incantations: qaqqarsu(m) 'to the ground' and tillisu 'into a ruin' (§ 13.5.1). It appears to be a combination of directional -s- with the suffix -um (cf. -iinum, see (12) below). 5 -um only occurs as part of the longer adverbial suffixes -iinum (5) and -sum (11 ), and by itself in the prepositions adum 'concerning' ( = adi) (§ 14.4.2), bal(iit)um 'without' (§ 14.4.6), and qadum 'including' (§ 14.4.17). 6

4 The shorter form without -am is not attested in Assyrian, but is known from Babylonian: annis, anummis, ullis, see Kouwenberg 2012: 60-63. 5 That -sum is originally directional is also suggested by SA.kk ki-r{-sum 6 'to the orchard', see Hasselbach 2005: 181. 6 For the alleged "locative-adverbial" case ending -um in OA (GAG § 66), see n. 22 to Chapter 5.

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394

13.5

Lists of adverbs

The following sections contain a list of the OA adverbs that are currently attested, arranged according to four semantic classes: adverbs of place, time, manner and degree, and a class of evidential and epistemic adverbs. Within each class, the arrangement is roughly alphabetical but related adverbs are put together. For references and examples, see in general the dictionaries, especially CAD; here, mainly some atypical instances are quoted. Three classes of adverbs are listed separately in other places: the locational adverbs with the suffixes -iinum, -iikam, -e and -esam in § 10.5, the interrogative/indefinite adverbs with the same suffixes in§ 11.7.2, and the distributive adverbs with the suffix -ii in § 8.6. 13.5.1

Adverbs ofplace

- a!J,am(ma) 'separately, apart, in addition', usually spelled a-!J,a-ma or a-!Jaam-ma,7 and presumably an adverbial accusative of a!J,um 'side'. For its possible use as a preposition 'apart from', see § 14.4.3. - a!J,itam( ma) 'aside, apart, elsewhere', an adverbial accusative feminine singular of a!Jium 'other, foreign', usually with izizzum 'to stand' (CCT 3, 2b: 23-24 ( = OAA l, 16)) and wasiibum 'to sit, to stay' (m/k 69: 87). - a-!Ja-a 'apart, separately(?)' in: 8

abnum a-!Ja-a illak 'the stone will fall apart' (VS 26, 12: 17-18) sumkunu sa 3 kunilti a-!Ja-a lapit 'the names of the three of you have been booked separately' (n/k 1618: 18-20; sim. AKT 6A, 61: 11-12 // 62: 10-12). Perhaps a-!Ja-a also occurs in the distributive expression a-!J,a a-!J,a, if this is to be interpreted as a!Jii a!Jii (or even ii!Jii iifJ,ii ?) from a!Jum (or ii!Jum?) 'side'; in the only instance attested, whose meaning is not quite clear (GKT § 61g 'Seite an Seite (?)', AHw 17b s.v. a!J,a 'da und dort(?)'; CAD A/l 163b s.v. a!J,a a!J,a 'oneby-one'):

7 Exceptionally a-!J.a-a-ma (AKT 4, 21: 2); instances without-ma are also exceptional: a-!J.a-am (n/k 67: 55); a-!J.a (POAT 41: 15), and even a-!J.u-um (OIP 27, 6: 7, if it belongs here). Perhaps these forms are to be regarded as errors. For a!J.um, cf. perhaps the exceptional spelling u4mu-um for umam 'today' mentioned inn. 12. 8 A-!J.a-a doubtless corresponds to Bab a-!J.e-e (CAD A/1 183-184: 'separately, individually, sporadically, apart'). Does it contain the distributive ending -a (§ 8.6)?

REMAINING ADVERBS AND INTERJECTIONS

395

ri-ik-(se)? sa a-b,a a-b,a immaknekem sa PN taptea(ma) 'you (Pl) have opened the packages which were ... in the sealed container' (CCT 3, 29: 11-12).9 - i-ZA-ri-sa-am '?' (TPAK l, 193: 11), perhaps derived from iZarum, a part of a building in royal inscriptions, with the distributive suffix -isam (Dercksen 1997 /98: 338). - *qabla, only in iqqablama 'in the middle'(?) from qablum 'middle', quoted in §14.5.12. - qaqqarsu(m) 'on/to the ground' (qa-qa-ar-su-um Or. 25, 142 BIN 4, 126: 13; qa-qa-ar-su 90/k 178: 20), from qaqqarum 'ground', only in incantations and perhaps borrowed from Babylonian (cf. VS 17, 34: 19, also an incantation). - sapliinum 'below' from the noun saplum 'bottom, underside' refers to a place in the house (i.e. a cellar or a lower floor?) (AKT 5, 9: 33; BIN 4, 90: 7-8, cf. CAD S/1 462a s.v. saplanu a-3': 'outstanding(?)') and on a tablet: PN 3 , the scribe sa-ap-la-nu-um kanik 'has sealed below' (88/k 1058: 6-7, i.e. at the lower edge of the tablet? or: as the final one, at the bottom?). - tillisu 'into a ruin' (only t[-li-su 94/k 520: 7, incant.) from tillum 'tell, ruin mound', perhaps borrowed from Babylonian.

13.5.2 Adverbs of time derivedfrom nouns indicating a time unit - *saddagdum (see § 4.5 sub (4)) 'last year': $fbtum sa sa-da-ag-de 8 -em 'last year's interest' (AKT 8, 309: 4-5); 1 naruq arsiitem (sa) sa-da-ag-de 8 -e 'one sack of last years' wheat' (AKT 6A, 290: 18-20); ina sa-da-ag-de 8 'last year' (AKT 4, 56: 9-10). - sanassumma 'every year, annually' (< sanat-sum + -ma), typically with iterative verb forms (e.g. 01/k 325b: 42; AKT 4, 51: 13), but with isaqqal in Kalley Collection C 34: 6 quoted CAD S/l 370a s.v. sanassu a). 10 - sattisam(ma) 'every year'; note sa-t[-sa (TC 3, 22: 27) without mimation, see §3.2.6.1. - sapattisam(ma?) 'every half-month' (or 'every fifteenth day of the month'?) from sapattum 'fifteenth day of the month' or 'fifteen days, half a month'

9

A-!Ja-is'? (RA 80,110: 9) and a-!Je-e-is (AKT 6A, 247: 6) may also be derived from a!Jum 'arm, side' but both are of unclear interpretation.

10

But AHw 1162a s.v.: 'dieses Jahr, heuer'. Sanassum(ma) contains the same suffix as umsum(ma), but with a different meaning. It seems synonymous with sattisam(ma), but sattisam( ma) is mainly used outside contracts.

396

-

-

-

11 12

13

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(CAD S/1449-450); so far only in warfJisamma usa-pa-ti-s[a-ma] 'monthly and even half-monthly' (KTP 7: 27-28, see Dercksen 2004a: 199 n. 542). umakkal '(only) one day, a whole day' (see §4.5 sub (4)), normally with a negation '(not) a single day'. It is usually spelled with u4 -, more rarely with u- (u-ma-kal ATHE 39: 22+; u-ma-ka-al TC 3, 102: 15), see CAD U /W 94a s.v. a). Noteworthy instances are 1 u4 -ma-kal u sina ume 'for one or two days' (01/k 379: 31+ ); ana u4 -ma-kal sa wardam iktu'uni 'for every (single) day that they have taken the slave as security' ( CCT 4, 3b: 18-19 (= OAA l, 126) ); la sa u4 -makal aniiku 'I am not a man of just one day' (AKT 3, 96: 29, tr. CAD U /W 94a s.v. a); 11 and (in all affairs in which I put my trust in you) sa u4 -ma-kal tetapas 'you (only) have done a single day's (work)(?)' (CatEdinb.14: 8-9). umam 'today, now, at the present moment' is a lexicalized accusative of duration of umum 'day'. It is normally spelled u4 -ma-am, more rarely u-maam (CCT 2, 29: 9+) or u-ma-am (TC l, 29: 33 ( = OAA 1, 17) ), and perhaps also u-ma-a (AKT 5, 26: 17) comes from this word. A strengthened form is umamma 'this very day, even today', exceptionally spelled u4 -ma-a-ma in CCT 2, 16b: 10, see§ 2.3.5. 12 umam is compatible with all tenses, see CAD U /W 92-93 s.v. uma. An idiomatic expression involving umam is umam urram 'today (or) tomorrow', i.e. 'any moment', 'very soon', 'as soon as possible', and see also the phrases with repeated umum quoted in § 23.6.6. umisam(ma) 'every day, daily', spelled with u4 - or u-, see CAD U/W 99b s.v., also h/k 18: 17;j/k 97: 20 (Sargon Legend)). umsum(ma) 'until today, still, always',13 spelled with u-um- (AKT 6A, 287: 34+ ), u-um- (TC 3, 93: 34 (= OAA 1, 14)+) and um- (Prag I 447: 22+ ), but so far not with u4 -um-. It usually occurs with stative verb forms or in non-verbal clauses, e.g. u-um-su-um PN in[ a e ]qlem wasab 'PN is still en route' (KTP 2: 5-6). Atypical is umu um-su-ma 'the term is until today' (i.e. expires today) (TPAK l, 6: 20, but see Dercksen 1997 /98: 335a for a different interpretation).

Cf. A. Livingstone (JSS 47 (2002) 309): 'I am not a take-all-day man'. The form u 4 -mu-um as an adverb instead of umam (91/k 173: 4 (versus u-ma-am in 9) and TPAK 1, 45: 21) may be due to scribal negligence, but cf. a!J.um instead of a!J.am(ma) mentioned in n. 7. The form u 4 -me-em (AKT 6B, 432: 9), a genitive without head in a difficult context, can hardly be correct. Comparison with sanassum 'annually' suggests 'daily, every day', but this does not seem to occur (although several instances of umsum are problematic). It seems that OA only uses umisam(ma) for 'daily', compare especially umisam(ma) inj/k 97: 22 and 26 (Sargon Legend) with SAkk u-um-sum in the same context in RIME 2, 29 E2.l.ll: 42.

REMAINING ADVERBS AND INTERJECTIONS

397

Problematic is: PN um-su-um-ma sa-Li-is-ni 'PN is/was until today our third (witness)'(?) (AKT 6A, 120: 31-32, M.T. Larsen: 'on that very day'). - inumisu and inumisuma 'then, on that day, at that moment', with -ma often 'on the same day, right away, immediately'< in( a) umisu 'on its day', 14 spelled i-nu-mt-su, i-nu-mt-su-ma, can both refer to the future (TC 2, 17: 24+) and the past (POAT 7: 7+ ). 15 - u"am( ma) 'tomorrow, later on, in the future' is an accusative of duration of urrum 'daylight, the day of tomorrow'.16 It is spelled u-ra-am or u4 -raam, strengthened u 4 -ra-ma (TPAK 1, 190: 29+ ), see CAD U /W 240b s.v. urra a-1'. The phrase urram $a!Jertam, lit. 'the small or young urram', seems to mean 'tomorrow morning':17 u 4 -ra-am $a-!Je-er-tam u allitis Lu nu$i 'let us set off tomorrow morning or the day after tomorrow' (a/k 1258b: 9-10, in answer to the proposal u 4 -ma-ma ( ... ) Lu nu$i 'let us set off already today' (ibid. 3-4) ). The expression u4 -ra-am se-ra-am, which in Babylonian means 'later on, in the future', so far only occurs in AKT 7A, 108: 17-18 in broken context. - war!Jisamma 'every month' (KTP 7: 27 quoted above under sapattisam and vs 26, 71: 50).

13.5.3 Other temporal adverbs ( in alphabetical order) - adini is doubtless derived from adi 'until', but there do not seem to be parallels of a suffix -ni with a suitable function. It is usually spelled a-d{-ni, rarely a-dt-ni (Bell. 40, 182 Bursa 3776: r. 6') and a-d[-ni-i (BIN 6, 119: 6). The strengthened form adinima is rare (a-d[-ni-ma CCT l, 44: 9+; a-d[-ni-ma-a TC 1, 29: 4 (= OAA 1, 17), in a question). Without a negation, adini means 'until now', 'still', usually occurs with the present of stative verbs such as basa'um 'to be present' and ka"uLum 'to hold', with a stative, or in a non-verbal clause, see CAD A/1 125 s.v. adini. A rare instance with a preterite is AKT 2, 36: 9 (cf. 8). With a negation, adini means

14

For -su in this context, see perhaps Stol 1996, especially 418-419.

15

For iniimisu as a conjunction (perhaps an error) in 94/k 426: 19, see § 26.3.13 end.

16

Other case forms of urrum attested in OA are istu u4 -re-em 'from tomorrow onward' (POAT 16: 26) and the absolute state urri in miisi u urri 'night and day' (AKT 6A, 233: 12+ ), see § 5.7.4. The unique form u 4 -ra-ni in u 4 -ra-ni attallak 'tomorrow I will leave' (AKT 6B, 394: 25) is hard to explain and may be an error for u 4 -ra-am.

17

Cf. OB ana u 4 -um $eyer (TIM 9, 6: 22) 'friihmorgens(?)' according to WR Mayer in AHw 1419a s.v. iimu A 2e, and SB ina BiOr. 69 (2012) 537.

TUR

iime 'in the early morning(?)' according to M. Stol,

398

-

-

-

-

-

18

19 20

CHAPTER 13

'not yet' and mainly occurs in past tense clauses with a preterite (passim) or a stative, e.g. TC 3, 55: r. 6' and 154: 6; KTS 2, 43: 7+. allitis 'the day after tomorrow' is built on the feminine singular allitum of the demonstrative pronoun allium 'that'(§ 10.3.3). It is so far only attested in legal contexts contrasting with urram 'tomorrow'; see further CAD U/W 81 s.v. ullitis lb. anni 'now: spelled a-ni (passim) or a-ni-i (AKT 1, 15: 20 (= OAA 1, 73 )+ ), also with -ma (annima 'right now, immediately' KTS 2, 45: 38+ ), is presumably derived from the first-person deictic base ann- (§ 10.3.1), although there is no orthographic evidence for -nn-. 18 anni is to be distinguished from anne 'hither'(§ 10.5.2). anni can be combined with all tenses and typically contrasts a recent or present situation with a past situation, or shifts the focus from a recent or present situation to the immediate future. It often contrasts with adverbs referring to the past (e.g. CCT 4, 17a: 24 vs. 25 and TC 3, 60: 3 vs. 6). It is usually placed at the head of the clause and seems to be fairly emphatic. Perhaps it may be regarded as the temporal counterpart of anniikam and ammiikam (§ 10.5.3). For examples, see CAD A/2 121 s.v. ani. Note also adi a-ni 'until now' (TC 3, 25: 11 ). e-sa-ni(-em )-ma 'for the second time, again, anew' (CCT 2, 13: 23; TPAK 1, 7: 15 and 191: 14; m/k 69: 82; 87 /k 249b: 15; a/k 583b: 11),19 perhaps from in( a) saniem-ma 'in the second (instance)' with initial i > e, see § 3.4.4.5 (influenced by essum 'new'?). 20 pana 'earlier, before, in the past' (pa-na KTS l, 34a: 30+ ), alternatingwithina pana (i-pa-na AKT 2, 31: 6), and combined with various other prepositions: kima just as before' (ki-ma pa-na-ma VS 26, 76: r. 6'-7'; ki-ma i-pa-na BIN 6, 206: r. 9'; ki-ma pa-na-ma Prag I 767: 2'), istu (is-tu pa-na-ma KTK 3: 5; AKT 8, 105: 9-10), and ina ser (i-$e-er sa pa-na 'even more than before' n/k 1456: 13 quoted in CAD P 76-77 s.v. pana lb). paniinum 'formerly, before' (TC 3,105: 3).

anni only occurs in OA and Sargonic Akkadian (Hasselbach 2005: 173-174). The Sargonic Akkadian spellings a-ni and a-ni do not solve the problem of -nn-. CAD A/2 121 lists the word as "ani (or anni)"; AHw 52b as anni. Perhaps also i-sa-ni-em (Prag I 534: 3) (unless this is ina saniem with ellipse of ii.mem 'on the next (day)', cf. RA 81, 65 no. 83(!): 18 i-sa-NIM ii.mem in the same context). Parallel to Bab issant (AbB 9,264: 30), and i-na sa(! sign TA)-ni-i ... ina salsi quoted CAD S/1 266a s.v. salsu adj. d-1' 'at the second time ... at the third time'. Another possibility is that it comes from a fossilized verb form isanni-ma originating as a "Koppelung" construction, just as tii.rma, see the end of this section.

REMAINING ADVERBS AND INTERJECTIONS

399

- paniamma (?) 'as soon as possible, right away, immediately' (see § 26.3.21 ). - pa-NI-sa(-am) 'first, soon', referring to the future, e.g. KUG 14: 8; BIN 4, 35: 30; BIN 6, 42: 4, and 'before, earlier' (referring to the past, e.g. CCT 3, 1: 22 (pa-ni-sa) andJCS 14, 3 No. 2: 1). Cf. also the preposition pa-ni-is (§ 14.4.15). - ina panitem( ma) 'in the past, earlier, at first' (often contrasting with anni 'now: e.g. CCT 4, 17a: 24 vs. 25 and n/k 720: 3 vs. 7) or with an adverb for 'later' (ina warkitem, e.g. BIN 4, 21: 4 vs.10; urkanum, e.g. BIN 4, 202: 7 vs. 11). Note also kima panitemma Just as before' (Prag I 473: r. 14') and i$$fr sa paniatem (CCT 3, 44a: 16) 'even more than before' (cf. pana). - warka 'later' (CCT 4, 30b: 22; Prag I 428: 18); also warkama (KTP 7: 13). - warkanum or urkanum 'afterwards, later', with preterite verb forms, e.g. CTMMA l, 75: 13 and passim; note TC 3, 84: 21 in a conditional clause. - warkatam(ma) or urkatam(ma), rarely warkat (AKT 6A, 141: 44 and 150: 7) 'later: usually refers to the future (TC 3, 36: 32+ ), rarely to the past (TC 3, 86: 11).21 - warkitam(ma) or urkitam(ma) 'afterwards, later' so far always refers to the past (CCT 5, lb: 28; CCT 6, 14: 12 and passim). - ina warkitem(ma) 'afterwards, later' usually refers to the past (Prag I 678: 10; TC 3, 85: 18 and passim), but also co-occurs with a vetitive (CCT 4, 18a: 12; BIN 6,125: 9'-10'). 22 - timali, timalima 'yesterday', 23 so far always in the context of legal proceedings (cf. allitis), e.g. t{-ma-li-ma (TPAK 1, 168: 4 ). - tiirma 'again' (BIN 4, 33: 48; TMH 1, 19b: 19 (=EL 247); c/k 283: 16), clearly a grammaticalization of the imperative of tu 'to guard closely': i-$e-er AN.NA-ki-ka ribi$ 'guard your tin closely!' (CCT 6, 47c: 19-20; sim. BIN 4, 35: 26 and CCT 3, 32: 20-22) - gimillam sakiinum ina $fr 'to grant sb a favour' - qiitam sakiinum ina $er 'to put the hand on' (silver or merchandise), i.e. 'to lay claim to', a rare substitute of simple ina (CAD S/l 142b s.v. sakiinu Sa qiitub) - aliikum ina $fr with enum as subject 'to keep an eye on', e.g. PN meriika ekka i-$e-ri-su lillik 'as to your son PN, keep an eye on him' (lit. 'may your eye go over him') (TC 1, 28: 42-43 and elsewhere); also with ana $er, see § 14.5.16.1 sub (4).

For other verbs with ina $fr in various metaphorical and idiomatic meanings, see § 14.5.16.4; (2) 'at the expense of, to the debit of' in contexts concerning debts, loans and payments: (Ulshafer 2003: 665-668), especially with *isii'um 'to have a claim on' and laqii 'um 'to take at the expense of, to charge to' (an alternative to iste, see Ulshafer 2003: 667), e.g.: 1 mana KB $arrupam i-$e-er PN ( ... ) tamkiirum isu 'the tamkiirum has a claim of one mina of silver on PN' (i.e. PN owes the tamkiirum one mina of silver) (AKT 3, 3: 1-5 and passim) KB 1 G f N $ibtam mimma i-$e-ri-a la ilaqqea 'so that they (Fem) cannot borrow a single shekel of silver at my expense' (ICK 1,192: 18-19).

Other verbs that are occasionally construed with ina $fr in this meaning include rasii'um 'to get, to acquire', rakiisum 'to bind', and siiitum 'to leave'. 57

57

For instances of ina $fr, see also Ulshofer 2003: 665-668; CADS 140b s.v. $fru A 2a-3' a'.

PREPOSITIONS

461

14.5.16.3 ina $er with ablative ina ina $er with ablative ina means'( away) from', literally with verbs of separation, such as nasii!Jum 'to remove', tabii 'um D 'to cancel, to resolve', and ruiiqum 'to get away from', and metaphorically in comparisons: 'as compared to' > '(more) than', e.g.: awilam lamnam i-$e-ri-a us/Ji 'rid (Fem) me of that evil man!' (POAT 29: 9-10, lit. 'remove from me!') iiitum pa-Li-( tum) i-$e-ri-a imtuqut 'my own palitum-garment has fallen from me' (and I am covered in rags like a slave) (CCT 4, 45b: 29-30) (people) sa i-$e-ri-ka $alJ/Juruni 'who are less important (lit. smaller) than you' (CCT 4, 2a: 15-16 ( = OAAl, 19)).

14.5.16.4 ina $er in idiomatic expressions ina $er also occurs in a large number of more or less idiomatic expressions, in most of which its general meaning can be paraphrased as 'against, to the disadvantage or detriment of, at the expense or to the debit of' a person. This tallies well with the original meaning ina $er 'on the back of (a person as a burden)'. Examples are: - eziibum ina $fr: awiitam i-$e-ri-a e tezib 'do not leave any (pending) law case upon me' (TC 3, 15: 18-19, tr. CADE 420a s.v. ezebu 2a-2') - nadii'um ina $er: awiitum sa PN adini i-$e-ri-a r na-dC 'the affair with PN is still hanging over me' (AKT 6A, 152: 7-9; sim. RA 51, 7: 11-13 (= OAA l, 134)) - sakiinum ina $fr:+ dinam: 'to impose a verdict on sb' (AKT 6B, 401: 12-15); + pirittum 'to instill fear in sb' (TC 3, 71: 4-7); + misil;tum 'to commit a robbery against sb' (Prag I 633: r. 9'-10') - salii'um ina$er: 'to inflict harm or damage to sb' (see CAD S/l 24la s. v. salii-;,u) - mii'e satii'um ina $fr: 'to drink water at the expense of' > 'to take advantage of' (BIN 4, 29: 44; sim. Kayseri 23: 20-22 quoted in CAD S/2 214a s.v. A v. le); see Veenhof 1987: 43.

satu

Other verb phrases with ina $er seem to have the more neutral meaning 'concerning', e.g.: - damiimum: i-$e-er lu-qu-t{-a adammum 'shall I wail about my goods?' (CCT 6, 14: 47)

462

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- fJualum and zuabum 'to toil': anaku annakam i-$e-er KB 1 GIN sa eppusu afJual u azuab 'here I sweat and toil for/ over every single shekel of silver which I earn' (VS 26, 71: 19-20; cf. CCT 4, 27a: 16-17 quoted in§ 14.5.15 sub (3) with i-na re-es15 in a similar context).

Quite atypical is tiabum ina $fr 'to be pleasing to sb' in summa amtum i-$e-riki la tabat 'if the slave girl does not appeal to you' (sell her and take her price) (ICK 1, 69: 7-9), where ina $er competes with the dative. A relatively large number of instances of ina $er pose serious problems of interpretation and require further study. 14.5.17 samsum 'day' The very rare use of ina samsi + Gen as a compound preposition is presumably secondary to the common conjunction ina samsi '(on the day) when' (§26.3.12): i-sa-am-si bi4 -ki-tem 'on the day of the mourning ritual' (AKT 8, 188: 7) and ina dlJTU-si ta-amre-em 'on the day of the tamrum(-ceremony?)' (c/k 127: 16). For ina samsi + Inf, see §20.3.2.4.

14.5.18 *saplum 'bottom, underside' A noun *saplum, unattested in OA, underlies the phrase ina sapal in i-na sa-paal BI-da-nem e-li-em 'below the upper ... ' (AoF 35, 100: 2). 58 14.5.19 sumum 'name' The phrase ana sumi (usually assumi) 59 may be considered a compound preposition with the meanings 'in the name of, on the ~ccount of, on behalf of' (see CAD S/3 291 s.v. sumu le-1' b') and 'because of, concerning, about' (alternating with adi, see 14.4.1 sub (4) ), e.g.: mimma a-su-mi-a la isqul 'he did not pay anything in my name/on my behalf' (AKT 3, 58: 11-12) luqutum a-su-mi PN eqlam ettiq 'the merchandise will go overland on PN's account' (i.e. at PN's risk) (TC 2, 70: 8-10+) a-su-mi-su uzni piti 'inform me about him' (01/k 379: 44-45).

58 59

ina sapal is common as a compound preposition in Old Babylonian, see CAD S/1468-473 s.v. saplu 3. Exceptional forms (scribal errors?) are a-su-ma (CCT 4, 13a: 14 ( = OAA 1, lll) and CCT 4, 42b: 5), a-su-um (AKT 8, 212: 17), and su-mi (su-mi a-wi-il5 -tem '(I paid) in the name of the lady' (AKT 6E, 1103: 5-6)).

PREPOSITIONS

463

Cf. also the adverbial phrase assumi kiam 'therefore', see § 13.5.4. For assumi + Inf, see§ 20.3.2.4; for assumi as a conjunction, see§ 26.3.7. 14.5.20

,i.JJ um 'proximity' 7

The compound preposition ina tilzi or ittilzi 'adjacent, next to' (of buildings) contains the construct state of *tilz'um 'proximity', a PiRS derivation of tab,ii'um 'to approach, to come near'. 60 It is usually spelled ti-[zi, but ti-lzi-i in KTK 103: 17; ti-fJi-i in KKS 21A: 2; and t}-lzi in Prag I 779: 8'. It only rarely occurs in its full form (ina tt-lzi Prag I 779: 8' in broken context; i-ti-[zi KTS 2, 63: 1), since it is mostly used as an adnominal modification of the preceding noun by means of sa, and thus loses ina according to § 14.3.1, e.g.: kiriam sa ti-lzi eq-la-te-su-ma 'an orchard which is adjacent to his fields' (o/k 52: 6-7) betam sa t[-lzi-ka 'the house which is next to you(r house)' (RA 58,125: 3). 14.5.21 umum 'day'

The frequent conjunction inilmi 'when' < ina ilmi (see n. 32 to Chapter 5) is sporadically used as a compound preposition: 'at the time of', e.g. i-nu-mi ni-kase 'at the settlement of accounts' (BIN 6, 15: 10; sim. BIN 6, 189: r. 5' and n/k 520: 35 quoted in Dercksen 1996: 126 n. 399). 14.5.22 ~arkum, warkat( um) 'rear side' An unattested noun *warkum and its feminine counterpart warkiitum 'rear side; future, sequel; legacy, estate' underlie a set of secondary or compound prepositions, of which warke and warkat are the most common. In accordance with § 3.3.2.2, wark- alternates with urk-: urke, urkat, etc. Occasionally, wark- is spelled with the sign (bar), to be read (war) (Syll. 4 p.10 No. 48), see§ 3.3.2.1, e.g. bar-ke (Prag I 430: 40); bar-ke-su-ma (TC 3, 129: 22'). 61 No spellings with (ba-ar) seem to occur. 62 60

61

62

For the etymology, cf. (a building) sa ana betta ta-ab-u 'which borders on my house' (AKT 3, 97: 34-35). CAD T 81-83writes tebu, which is Babylonian: *tib'um > tibum (GAG§ 15b) > tebum under the influence of b (GAG §9h) and/or by analogy with the corresponding verbal forms with e. It remains to be ascertained whether the forms without r mentioned in§ 3.2.6.3 sub (1) and the strange spelling i-wa-ar-Kl-wa-Kl-a-tem (TC 3, 103: 10), where it seems as if wa-KI is a correction of wa-ar-KI, are errors or point to loss of r in this context, see § 3.2.6.3. The forms ba-ar-ke-a (n/k 1454: 8) and ba-ar-ke-a (Innaya II, No. 240: 17) come from barkum 'knee'.

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(1) Warke is usually spelled wa-ar-ke or ur-ke, rarely wa-ar-ke-e (94/k 350: 12), wa-ar-ki-i (KTS 2, 43: 28) and ur-ke-e-a (01/k 217: 43). It probably belongs to the adverbs based on the suffix -e < *-ay (see § 13.4 sub (7) ). It can both be local 'behind, after, in pursuit of' and temporal 'after (the departure of)', e.g.: wa-ar-ke E Assur inaAlem 'behind the Assur-temple in the City' (BIN 4, 106: 6-7) kaspam saddin wa-ar-ke-a-ma sebilam 'collect the silver and send it after me!' (TC 3, 59: 26-27) wa-ar-ke-ka-ma puru'i ittaskan 'after your departure I have been slandered' (TC 2, 39: 11-12 ).

(2) The compound preposition ana warke is the allative counterpart of simple warke in: a-na ur-ke Ebe-et Assur lirdesu 'he must bring him to (the place) behind the Assur-temple' (c/k 253: 17-19).

Elsewhere, it only occurs in idiomatic expressions of unclear meaning with tutirum 'to turn back' (VS 26, 67: 13-14), sa!J,tirum 'to turn around' (TC 1, 95: 20 quoted in§ 17.5.3); and naplusum 'to look' (89/k 207: 28 and n/k 1371: 9-10), always with a suffix pronoun referring to the subject, e.g.: umu tamkarea ana bar-ke-su-nu iturunem 'the terms of my tamktirums have been prolonged(?)' (VS 26, 67: 13-14).

(3) warkat or urkat means 'after' (with verbs of going and sending), or 'after (the departure/ death of)', as in: kaspam usasqalma wa-ar-ka-at-ka usebbalakkum 'I will collect the silver and send it after you' (CCT 2, 38: 8-9) (let her live in the house together with you and) betam war-ka-at-ki Lu ta$$Ur 'let her guard the house after your departure' (AAA 1, 1: r.13'-14').

For warkat as an adverb, see § 13.5.3.

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(4) There are a few instances of ana warkat (AKT 3, 80: 18-19) and ina warkat (CCT 3, 31: 26), but their meaning is unclear; they may also represent the noun warkiitum 'rear side; future, sequel; legacy, estate'. Note the expression izizzum warke 'to stand behind' (e.g. CCT 3, Sb: 22-23 (= OAA 1, 35)), hence 'to guarantee for' (CCT 6, 19b: 25-26), often in the S-stem, e.g. missum $U/Jii.ram wa-ar-ke-a tusazziz 'why have you appointed a subordinate to guarantee for me?' (KKS Sa: 3-5, tr. CAD U/W390a s.v. uzuzzu 24a; sim. BIN 4, 6: 18-20). The unique instance of warka as a preposition in PN ana 5 ume wa-ar-ka Ki-li-a U$$iam 'PN will leave within 5 days after Kilia('s departure)' (TC 1, 28: 13-15) is presumably to be corrected to wa-ar-ka-(at), as long as no other instances turn up (in spite of the existence of an adverb warka, see§ 13.5.3).

CHAPTER 15

Enclitic Particles 15.1

Introduction

An enclitic particle is a morpheme that is phonologically bound to a preceding word, its host, but functions at phrase or clause level (Payne 1997: 22-23). In OA, the suffix pronouns of the genitive, dative and accusative (§ 9.4) are enclitics. In addition, there are five enclitic particles: -ni -ma, -Ba, -me(n) and -mi. Of these, -ni is the marker of subordination to be discussed in Chapter 16. -Me(n) is the irrealis particle to be discussed in§ 23.5. The ubiquitous enclitic -ma has two different functions: clause connection ("-ma of coordination") and focus marking ("-ma of focus"). 1 Since -ma of coordination is discussed in Chapter 24, this chapter only deals with -ma of focus(§ 15.3), -Ba(§ 15.4) and -mi(§ 15.5).

15.2

Order of enclitics

When more than one enclitic follows a word, they have a fixed order. The suffix pronouns always come directly after the word with its inflectional ending(s); for their relative order, see § 16.6.5. The five enclitic particles come after the suffix pronouns (if present). The only combinations of particles attested, are -ni + -ma, -ni + -Ba, and -ma + -men, and they always come in this order, e.g.: kima miitum dal-!Ja-at-ni-ma u.. . 'that the land is in turmoil and ... ' (v/k 57: 4-5+) sa a-sa-pa-ru-se-ni-Ba 'that which I should send her' (AKT 8, 206: 9, with -sem + -ni + -Ba; see also§ 15.4) ni-il5 -e-ma-me-en 'we would have been able to ... ' (VS 26, 10: 25; sim. ki-a-ma-me-en 6 KTK17: 20).

I In Babylonian, an important function of -ma is that of indicating the predicate in a nonverbal clause (GAG § 126). There are no certain instances of this in OA: instances of -ma in non-verbal clauses can always be explained as -ma of coordination or -ma of focus.

©

KONINKLIJKE BRILL NV, LEIDEN, 2017

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The addition of an enclitic particle to a word ending in a short vowel is likely to cause lengthening and/or stressing of this vowel, just as the addition of a suffix pronoun(§ 9.4.2): anaku, but anakiima, etc. 2

15.3

The enclitic particle -ma

The enclitic particle -ma (to be distinguished from the independent interjection ma discussed in§ 13.7) is normally spelled -ma, but there are a few cases of -ma-a, such as:

umma su-ut-ma-a 'he spoke as follows' ( CCT 5, 13b: 14') sa-ma-ma-a sebilanem 'buy (Pl) and send hither' ( CCT 3, 18b /19a: 6 and 13; sim. TC 3, 13: 21; TC 3, 88: 20 (= OAA 1, 40 ), and CTMMA l, 76: 20 ). Two further instances (TC 3, 94: 36 (= OAA 1, 15) and AKT 8, 206: 17 quoted in §12.3.5) occur in a question, which may account for the plene spelling. 3 Most instances of ma-a are to be assigned to the interjection ma. In the following description, -ma of focus is subdivided into three functions: -ma of focus proper (§ 15.3.1 and 2), -ma of identity (§ 15.3.3), and -ma of distinction ( § 15.3.4). Words which contain -ma as an integral part of their form, even though it may represent -ma of focus from a historical perspective, are not considered here.

15.3.1 -Ma offocus: position The -ma of focus qualifies constituents of various forms: an individual word, a phrase or an entire clause. If -ma qualifies a string of words that belong together, it is usually added to the final element, cf. the following examples of various types of noun phrases: a coordinated noun (a); a noun with an attributive adjective or a demonstrative pronoun (b );4 a noun with an apposition (c ); and a genitive construction (d): (a) umma PN1 PN2 u PN3 -ma 'thus (speak) PN1, PN2 and PN3 ' (Prag I 426: 2-3 and passim).

2 For instances such as I/5 -we-da-ak-ma (AKT 3, 43: 6) from 1/5 -we-da-ku (ibid. 3) + -ma, see §16.7.2. 3 The phrase a-na-ku-ma-a as-a-am i~ AKT 1, 15: 34 (= OAA 1, 73) is more likely to be parsed a-na-ku-ma a-as-a-am, see§ 2.3.7. 4 For instances with attributive possessive and demonstrative pronouns, see § 15.3.2.2.

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(b) qiitam sa-li-im-ta-ma 'a full share' (TC 3, 90: 21 (= OAA l, 91)) ammala tuppem saA-lemKi_ma a-NIM 'in accordance with just this tablet of the City' (ATHE 23: 5-6; siqi. KTP 3: 22') (c) ana PN1 riibi$em sa PN2 -ma 'to PN1, the riibi$um of PN2 ' (BIN 6, 219: 3-4) (d) l,zarriin Ta-aw-ni-a-ma 'the road via Tawnia' (ATHE 63: 18-19). However, there are some exceptions to this rule, such as 88/k 970: 67 quoted in § 6.3.2, and: A-sur-ma uilka 'Assur himself(?) and your god' ( CCT 3, 16b: 14 ( = OAA 1, 116)) na-aZ-Bi-tum-ma rabitum 'the big NaZBitum-festival' (c/k 127: 50)

A general exception concerns ordinal numbers, which often come before the head noun (see§ 7.5.1.2): -ma normally comes after the ordinal number (but 91/k 138: 25 quoted below is an exception), perhaps because the focal or contrastive nature that ordinal numbers often have overrules the tendency to attach -ma to the phrase as a whole, e.g.: ina sa-al-se-ma iimem 'on the third day' (CCT 3, 6b: 30-31; sim. BIN 4, 36: 5-6) ina saniem u 4 -me-ma 'the very next day' (91/k 138: 25).

Similarly, in the common expression 'with the first caravan or messenger', in which panium 'first' may both precede and follow the head noun, -ma always comes after panium, e.g.: i-pa-ni-e-ma alikem (AKT 6A, 166: 27-28) iste iilikem pa-ni-e-ma (TPAK 1, 48: 10-11).5

For sporadic instances of -ma between a preposition and its dependent (a-sumi-ma PN, etc.), see § 14.2.2.

5 A unique case, with -ma attached to both the head noun and the adjective, is iste a-Li-ke-ma pa-ni-em-ma (CCT 3, 13: 16-17). In view of iste alikem pa-ni-em-ma in line 4-5, the first -ma can be explained as "-ma of identity": 'also with the first caravan', see § 15.3.3.

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15.3.2 -Ma offocus: function The function of -ma of focus is to give emphasis to a particular constituent, often with a emotional nuance of surprise or indignation, or to contrast it with another one (often implicitly). English adverbs that seem appropriate to render -ma include 'self', 'only', 'even', just', 'still', 'already', etc., but in many cases a satisfactory equivalent is hard to find. Moreover, it is often hard to decide which semantic nuance applies in a given case. In some environments, the use of -ma seems to be stereotyped and to have little semantic impact, e.g. after kiilu 'all' and kilallan 'both'+ suffix pronoun (see§ 8.7), and after prepositional phrases with qade (§ 14.4.16). 6 -Ma of focus can be added to almost any kind of word, but there are great differences in frequency (see also AHw 570a s.v. -ma A 3).

15.3.2.1 -Ma of focus in adverbs and adverbial phrases In adverbs and adverbial phrases, the -ma of focus is very common with its usual functions of conveying emphasis or contrast. In adverbial expressions of time and place, -ma often emphasizes that something is the case just or right at the moment specified, is still or already the case, or is the same as something mentioned before, as in iimam(ma) '(right) today, (already) today' (§ 13.5.2), annakam(ma) '(right) here'(§ 10.5.3), asrakamma 'in the same place'(§ 10.5.3), and in the following phrases: ina e-ra-bi-a-ma 'right at my arriving', i.e. 'as soon as I arrive' (CTMMA l, 71: 8) ibbulut a-bi-a-ma 'when my father was still alive' (92/k 543: 42) (six black donkeys, thereof) emarum ina Ka-ne-es15 -ma met 'one donkey died (when we were) already (or: still?) in Kanes' (KTS 1, 55a: 24-25).

Instances with manner adverbs are less common, but from time to time we find instances such as ar!Jisma 'quickly' and dannis( am )ma 'strongly' as strengthening of ar!J,is and dannis (see § 13.5.5) and i-ta-ba-tem-ma 'friendly, peacefully' (h/k 20: 6) as strengthening of i-ta-ba-tem (CTMMA 1, 78a: 14+) from ina and tabatum 'friendliness'(§ 7.3.1).

6 Some special and rare uses of -ma of focus are discussed elsewhere: for -ma between preposition and dependent noun, see § 14.2:2; for -ma between head noun and dependent genitive, see § 6.3.2; for -ma with a paronomastic infinitive, see § 20.3.1.2.

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Comitative adverbial phrases with iste '(together) with' (§ 14.4.10 sub (1)) show -ma relatively often, perhaps by analogy with its near-synonym qade (§ 14.4.16), e.g.: iste u-nu-te-ma perekanne Lublunem 'let them bring the perekannum-textiles here together with the goods' (TC l, 43: 12-13 ).

Note also the following instances where -ma indicates that an adverbial constituent (which normally has a peripheral status) is actually the logical predicate: Liwitum a-su-mt-su-nu-ma ilJalliq 'the loss of the wrappings is at their expense' (CCT 1, 24a: 19-20, lit. 'the wrapping will be lost in their name', i.e. on their account, see Larsen 1967: 27; sim. CCT 1, 50: 8-9 quoted in § 24.5).

15.3.2.2 -Ma of focus after pronouns -Ma of focus is frequently attached to personal and possessive pronouns. With independent personal pronouns, -ma usually expresses notions such as 'self' or 'personally' (see also § 9.3.1 ), e.g.: assumi annikika (... ) a-ta-ma milik 'concerning your tin ( ... ), take a decision yourself' (VS 26, 5: 22-26) (let the owner of the lost goods come here) ami su-wa-t{-ma addassum 'then I will give my penalty to him personally' (TC 3, 85: 20-22).

Also after possessive pronouns (both suffixed and independent), -ma is emphatic or contrastive: 'my own', 'your own', etc., or 'only my .. .', 'only your .. .', e.g.: ana is-ri-sa-ma Luta"er 'he must restore it (the clay cone) to its own (i.e. original) place' (RIMA l, 20: 22-23) sftti kaspem 15 mana ina ku-nu-ke-su-ma ina betisu ibassi 'the rest of the silver-IS minas-is in his house under his own seals' (KTS 2, 44: 33-34) missu a-NIM sa ina i-a-tem-ma Luqutem ekkulu 'why is this that he (only) "eats" from my merchandise?' (TC 2, 3: 3536).

ENCLITIC PARTICLES

471

For examples with independent possessive pronouns, see § 9.8.2. Many instances of independent personal pronoun + -ma represent -ma of identity, see §15.3.3 sub (2). 15.3.2.3 -ma of focus after nominal constituents After nominal constituents that belong to the core of the clause (subjects, objects and prepositional phrases), -ma of focus occurs less frequently than after the categories described in the previous two sections. A selection of examples is: (As to the % mina of gold ... ) ekallum i$rupsiima ana KB-pe-ma ittuar 'the palace has melted it and it turned out to be silver!' (POAT 17: 6-8 ( = OM 1, 97), i.e. /kaspemma/) (expressing indignant surprise; sim. AKT3, 73:8) istiima ilLibbi miitem asi'am qiitum la i$$abtii ina na-aq-re-be-ma asi'um ibassi 'although no asi'um-metal has been obtained in the Libbi miitem, asi'um-metal is available in the neighbourhood' (CCT 2, 48: 24-27, contrastive) fJarriin Zu-Ki-ne-ma a$$Cri(a) tabliinessi 'bring (Pl) it (the wool) to me here along the ZuKinnum-road!' (JCS 14, 3 No. 2: 28-29, implicitly contrasting with the usual route?) (Listen (Pl) to my tablets (but) do (Sg) not cede them to PN) tuppe qa-atka-ma luka"ilsunu 'onryyou(r hand) must hold them!' (CCT 3, 34a: 16-17) PN ( ... ) a-wa-tam-ma la uta"eram 'PN did not even give me an answer' (00/k 7: 13-14) atta u-za-ni-ma la taptete 'you have not informed us at all' (AKT 6C, 5·35: 10-11). 15.3.2.4 -Ma of focus after adjectives Focus marking -ma after attributive adjectives is common with ordinal numbers (see § 15.3.1) and with the quantifying adjectives miidum 'much' and C$Um 'few', e.g.: kaspam ma-dam-ma 'a lot of silver' (AKT 3, 80: 26) ana iime e-$u-tem-ma 'within a few days' (TC 3, 74: 30) tuppu sa abia ma-du-tu-ma sarqu 'my father's tablets have been stolen in large numbers' (88/k 507b: 6061; sim. AKT 7A, 50: 26-27).

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Instances with other adjectives only occur sporadically. Examples are qatam salimtamma 'a full share' quoted in § 15.3.1 and: war!J,am ba-al-tam-ma 'for a whole month' (BIN 4, 33: 43-44) e-ma-ra-[ am] ma-al-a-ma 'a full (fully loaded) donkey' (BIN 4,226: 7-8). Also the adjectives used as subject or object complement discussed in § 7.5.1.5 may have -ma, e.g. KTS l, 2a: 18-19 and TC 3, 63: 40 quoted there. When erium 'empty, destitute' and wedum 'alone' have the suffixes -i- and-(i)ss- (see§ 7.3.2), they have -ma in all cases currently attested. With substantivized adjectives, the use of -ma of focus is less rare and similar to that after nouns, e.g. (if there is an unreliable one among my servants, ... ) sani-a-ma Laspurakkum 'I will send you another one' (Prag I 487: 13-14). 15.3.2.5 -Ma of focus after demonstrative pronouns With demonstrative pronouns, -ma mainly occurs when the pronoun is substantivized or used with the head noun omitted (a), and when it means 'the same' (b): (a) ina a-mi-tem-ma 'in that (same?) way' (91/k 174: 20-21) ma!J,ara-ni-u-te-ma 'before these (witnesses)' (AKT 5, 50: 38; cf. BIN 4, 105: 11 ( = EL 337) for the same expression without -ma) (b) awilu a-ni-u-tum-ma 'these same men' (AKT 6A, 251: 7, as the ones mentioned in 1-3) ina iimem a-mi-em-ma 'on that same day' (TC 2, 32: 7-8). 15.3.2.6

-Ma of focus after interrogative and indefinite pronouns and adverbs With the interrogative and indefinite pronouns and adverbs described in Chapter 11, -ma of focus is exceptional: it is not attested after minum 'what' and mamman 'somebody', and only sporadically after mannum 'who?' (§ 11.2), mimma 'everything' (§ 11.5), ki ma$i 'how much?' (§ 12.8) and ana ayyi/etem 'why?' (§ 11.8, e.g. c/k 583: 26). Most instances of -ma after these words reported in the dictionaries and text editions should actually be read -Ba, see n. 9. 15.3.2.7 -Ma of focus after subordinate clauses Just as adverbial phrases, also adverbial subordinate clauses can be qualified by-ma of focus, but unquestionable instances are hard to find among the great mass of instances of -ma of coordination (see also n. 5 to Chapter 25). A good example is:

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473

adiwa-as-ba-ku-ni-ma 9 TUG.TAsitapkum ibbisi(ma) 'while I was still present (in Kanes), an opportunity for an sitapkuminvestment occurred of nine textiles (per share)' (TC 3, 90: 23-24 (= OAA l, 91)).

15.3.3 -Ma of identity When -ma is added to a word whose referent occurs for the second time in a passage, it may indicate the identity of this referent with the referent mentioned before: 'also', 'the same ... ', 'again'.7 This use will be called here "-ma of identity". It is especially prominent with nouns, independent pronouns and adverbial expressions; it is less often found with finite verbs. (1) -Ma of identity with nouns:

12 mana KB PN ublakkum a!J,ammaS½ mana 8 GIN KB PN-ma ublakkum 'PN brought you 12 minas of silver, and separately PN also brought you 5½ minas and 8 shekels of silver' (CCT 4, 23a: 46-49, or: 'the same PN') 2/2 GIN ana UDU asqul % GIN 15 SE ana UDU-ma asqul 'I paid x shekels for a sheep (and) I paid y shekels, again for a sheep' (88/k 71: 21-22) (let the servants make packages of 10 or 15 minas each and bring them into the town under their clothes) 1 G u-tam lisallimunemma u lituruma 1 GU-ma luseribunem '(in this way) let them safely deliver one talent and return, and let them (then) bring in one talent again' (or: 'another talent') (BIN 4, 48: 2426); (2) -Ma of identity with independent pronouns: (I gave x silver to PN) 10 GIN KB ana nahlaptem sa'amem su-a-t[-ma addissum 'I gave ten shekels of silver, to him, 1QQ, in order to buy a cloak' (ICK 2, 83: r. 5'-8') (They calculated the amount of iron and wrote it down in their tablet to the karum Kanes) u mimma napalatea ina tuppem su-a-t[-ma lapputa( ma) 7 See GAG § 123a sub y 'gleichfalls'; AHw 569-570 s.v. -ma A 2 "identifizierend".

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'and all my answers have been written in that same tablet' (n/k 67: 1920); (3) -Ma of identity with adverbial phrases: 4 GIN iste Ku-ku-re-em 12½ GIN afJamma iste Ku-ku-re-ma '4 shekels (of silver) are owed by Kukurum and separately 12½ shekels are also owed by Kukurum' (TC 3, 82: 6-9, or: 'owed by the same K') (Every shekel of silver they get PN1 u PN2 will divide in half (misla izuzzu) and every shekel of silver they receive in their father's house) mt-is-la-ma izuzzu 'they will likewise divide in half' (BIN 6,216: 12-13); (4) -Ma of identity with finite verbs: (From the 49 textiles of PN's transport ( ... ) 5 textiles the palace preempted as a tithe) 8 ½ kutane ekallum ana simem il5-qe-ma '8½ textiles the palace likewise pre-empted' (ATHE 61: 11-12) (For 200 textiles of standard quality I have agreed (na-am-gu 5-ra-ku) (with them) for a price of 10 shekels of silver apiece) iste PN na-amgu5-ra-ku-ma 'I have also agreed with PN' (BIN 4, 4: 23-24) (end ofletter). In this function, -ma may stand at the end of a clause or a document, as in the last-mentioned example, and, for instance, AKT 1, 73: 15 and BIN 6, 47: 1-4.

15.3.4 -Ma of distinction A third function of enclitic -ma is what will be called here "-ma of distinction". It occurs when identical names are coordinated and indicates that they refer to different persons, e.g.:

1-na-ar 1-na-ar-ma 'Inar and (another) Inar' (g/t 36: 1-2, where the total of eight persons in line 5 proves that two persons are meant) A-sur-ba-ni DUB.SAR A-sur-ba-ni DUB.SAR-ma 'Assur-bani, a/the scribe, (another) Assur-bani, (who is) also a scribe' (Prag I 496: 10-11, a list of PNs of unclear purpose) ana rKu-li-a 1 A-sur-la-ma-s{A-sur-la-ma-s{-ma qibima 'say to Kulia, Assur-lamassi and Assur-lamassi' (AKT 5, 22: 1-3, a letter addressed to Kulia and two men called Assur-lamassi)

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(x silver) anaA-sur-SIPA ka-$a-ar A-sur-SIPA-ma 'destined for Assur-re'i, the caravan leader of (the other) Assur-re'i' (AKT 7A, 280: 29-30; the letter is addressed to three persons two of whom are called Assur-re'i)

15.4

The particle -Ba

The particle -Ba, always spelled -BA, only occurs in OA so that we do not know whether to interpret it as /-ha/ or /-pa/. 8 If its host ends in -m, as with minam and ana minem 'why?', this -m is usually omitted before -Ba (ml-naBa, etc., see below), suggesting that it assimilates to the labial of the particle (/minaBBa/, etc). However, forms without assimilation occur sporadically (minam-Ba CCT 4, 27a: 15+ ). 9 In all unproblematic instances, -Ba is attached to the first word of the clause and mainly comes after question words, conjunctions and independent pronouns. In almost all cases where the context is sufficiently clear, the main clause is a question, and the overall function of -Ba seems to be that of adding an emotional overtone of insistence, indignation of surprise to the question. Examples after question words are:10 mi-su-BA (copy!) naspertam sa kima i in OA, whereas */:l was dropped and in post-consonantal position replaced by a palatal glide: Imp PI *pit/:la > pitiya, but *tibra > tib'a (Kouwenberg 2006: 167-173). In the normalization system used here, glide spellings will therefore be rendered with a simple i: /iltaqiii/, /liqiam/, /patiat/, /illiqiu/. These options are 80

The etymology of lat