Old Assyrian Institutions 9062580998, 9789062580996

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UITGAVEN VAN HET NEDERLANDS INSTITUUT VOOR HET NABIJE OOSTEN TE LEIDEN

voorheen Publications de L'Institut historique-archeologique neerlandais de Stamboul sous la direction de Machteld J. MELLINK, J.J. ROODENBERG et K.R. VEENHOF

XCVIII

OLD ASSYRIAN INSTITUTIONS

OLD ASSYRIAN INSTITUTIONS

(MOS STUDIES 4)

J.G. DERCKSEN

-

.

. .,

... .- ~,"' , ~ ' ••. ' ,1: "

Frontispiece: Reverse of the case of RSM 1909. 585A, with rwo parallel impr essions of the seal of Sargon l, king of Assur. Photograph '.9 Trustees of the National M usewns of Scotland.

. - .. " :

NED ERLANDS lNS TITU UT VOOR HET NABIJE OOSTEN 2004

Copyright 2004 by Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten Witte Singe! 25 Postbus 9515 2300 RA Leiden, Nederland [email protected]

Dern Andenken Walter Andraes, Ausgraber von Assur 1904-1914

All rights reserved, including the rights to translate or to reproduce this book or parts thereof in any form

J.G. Dercksen Old Assyrian Institutions (MOS Studies 4). Uitgave: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten te Leiden (voorheen Uitgave van het Nederlands Historisch-Archeologisch lnstituut te Istanbul. ISSN 0926-9568; 98) ISBN 90-6258-099-8

Printed in Belgium

Contents List of Illustrations ................................................................................................................................

........................................................................................................................................xiii

Preface

Bibliography .........................................................................................................................................

Introduction

Part 1

xii

xv

··················································································································· 1

The City Hall at Assur

Chapter 1: The City Hall at Assur ...................................................................................................... 5 1.1 The location: the archaeological evidence ................................................................................. 5 1.1.1 The so-called Schotterhojbau ........................................................................................... 5 1.1.2 The Old Palace, courtyard IX ........................................................................................... 7 1.1.3 The Middle Assyrian administrative building ................................................................. 9 1.2 Discussion .................................................................................................................10 1.3 Conclusion .................................................................................................................13

Chapter 2: The Role of the City Hall in Commerce ....................................................................... 14

2.1

2.2 2.3

2.4 2.5

The range of commodities ........................................................................................................14 2.1.1 Textiles .................................................................................................................14 2.1.1.1 Textile production at Assur? ................................................................................. 15 2.1.2 Tin .................................................................................................................17 2.1.3 Lapis lazuli .................................................................................................................18 2.1.4 Iron .................................................................................................................22 2.1.5 Copper .................................................................................................................23 2.1.6 Barley .................................................................................................................23 2.1.7 Other commodities ..........................................................................................................25 The tin-route to Assur ...............................................................................................................25 The market .................................................................................................................31 2.3.1 The market in Kanish ......................................................................................................31 2.3.2 Markets in Assur .............................................................................................................33 2.3.2.1 Mah'irum ................................................................................................................. 33 2.3.2.2 'Houses' .................................................................................................................35 The city's assaying office .........................................................................................................37 Conclusion .................................................................................................................39

Chapter 3: The Debt Policy of the City Hall ................................................................................... 40

3.1 3.2 3.3

The responsibility of the eponym .............................................................................................40 The use of sureties .................................................................................................................42 Causes for indebtedness ............................................................................................................44

viii

CONTENTS

3.4 3.5 3.6

Interest ·················································································································46 Confiscation of the debtor's possessions ................................................................................. 48 Conclusion ................................................................................................................. 51

CONTENTS

Chapter 7: The Datum-Contribution and the Sitapkum-Method to Raise Funds .................... 119

7 .1

Chapter 4: The Officials of the City Hall ......................................................................................... 52

4.1

The eponym ................................................................................................................. 52 4.1.1 The word ffmum .............................................................................................................. 52 4.1.2 The origin and function of the eponymate ..................................................................... 53 4.1.3 The selection of the eponym ........................................................................................... 56 4.1.4 The place of the eponymate within the life of a merchant ............................................ 58 4. 1.5 The titles for eponyms in Assur ..................................................................................... 60 The nibum ................................................................................................................. 62 The steward (laputta'um) .......................................................................................................... 65 The mu~i'um ................................................................................................................. 72 The bi rum-functionaries (of the Storehouse) ........................................................................... 73 The secretary (tupsarrum) ........................................................................................................ 74 Conclusion ................................................................................................................. 74

4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6 4.7

ix

7.2

The datum-contribution .......................................................................................................... 119 7 .1.1 Meaning and quantities ................................................................................................. 119 7.1.2 The purpose of the datum payable to the Kanish colony ............................................ 121 7 .1.3 Datum-payers and men of (i.e. participating in) the settlement of accounts .............. 121 7.1.4 Who paid the datum ...................................................................................................... 125 7 .1.5 Special categories employed by the colony: Persons Present, Absentees, and Deceased ................................................................ 126 7.1.5.1 Persons Present .................................................................................................... 126 7.1.5.2 Absentees ............................................................................................................. 127 7.1.5.3 Deceased .............................................................................................................. 131 7.1.6 Conclusion ............................................................................................................... 131 'Communal pouring' (sitapkum) ............................................................................................ 132 7.2.1 The procedure and its terminology .............................................................................. 132 7.2.2 The commodities deposited .......................................................................................... 135 7.2.3 The frequency of 'communal pouring' ........................................................................ 138 7.2.4 Datum and 'communal pouring' at other colonies ...................................................... 140 7.2.5 The purposes of 'communal pouring' .......................................................................... 144 7.2.6 Conclusion ............................................................................................................... 147

Chapter 5: The City Hall as Part of the City-State ........................................................................ 76

5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4

5.5 5.6

The functions of the City Hall .................................................................................................. 76 The City Hall and the treasury of divine Assur ....................................................................... 77 The importance of go!d ............................................................................................................. 81 Facilitating trade: the naruqqum-system .................................................................................. 83 5.4.1 Why in gold ................................................................................................................. 83 5.4.2 Possible control by the city-state .................................................................................... 86 The use of seals by representatives of the city ......................................................................... 90 The City Hall after the Old Assyrian period ............................................................................ 94

Chapter 8: The Office of the Colony and Private Enterprises. Part I: The Declared V aloe of Goods (awztum) ................................................................. 148

8.1

8.2 8.3

Chapter 6: The Office of the Colony at Kanish .............................................................................. 99

8.4 8.5 8.6

6.1 6.2 6.3

8.7 8.8

Part 2

6.4

6.5

The Office of the Colony at Kanish

On the topography of the Karum-area ...................................................................................... 99 The office of the colony .......................................................................................................... 103 The colony's finances ............................................................................................................. 104 6.3.1 The finances of the Kanish colony ............................................................................... 104 6.3.2 The colony as a debtor .................................................................................................. 107 Taxation ............................................................................................................... 110 6.4.1 The saddu'atum payment ............................................................................................. 110 6.4.2 The saddu'atum of the Kanish colony ......................................................................... 112 Conclusion ............................................................................................................... 117

The meaning of the verb awa'um and the word awitum ....................................................... 148 8.1.1 The word awitum as the object of a specific verb ....................................................... 148 8.1.2 Occurrences of the verb without awitum ..................................................................... 149 8.1.3 Discussion ............................................................................................................... 150 The calculation of the declared value ..................................................................................... 151 The awitum-documents ........................................................................................................... 154 8.3.1 The documents .............................................................................................................. 154 8.3.2 Contents and sealing practice ....................................................................................... 155 The purpose of the declared value .......................................................................................... 156 A different method of levying ................................................................................................ 158 The lists ............................................................................................................... 159 8.6.1 The declared value in tin .............................................................................................. 159 8.6.2 The declared value in silver .......................................................................................... 161 The meaning ofpurum ............................................................................................................ 162 Conclusion ............................................................................................................... 163

Chapter 9: The Office of the Colony and Private Enterprises. Part II: The 'Caravans' ........................................................................................................

9.1 9.2 9.3

164

The caravan: a form of partnership? ....................................................................................... 164 The realtionship between the persons mentioned in the summary lists ................................ 167 The terminology of an ellatum ............................................................................................... 169

X

9.4

9.5 9.6 9. 7

CONTENTS

CONTENTS

Elements of the settlement of accounts of the ellatum .......................................................... 9.4.1 Losses ............................................................................................................... 9.4.2 Pre-emption ............................................................................................................... 9.4.3 Unforeseen expenses .................................................................................................... The settlement of accounts (nikkassu) ................................................................................... A different use of an ellatum .................................................................................................. Conclusion ...............................................................................................................

171 171 173 175 175 176 180

12.3

xi

12.2.2 The riibi~um or attorney ............................................................................................. 240 12.2.3 The messenger ............................................................................................................ 241 12.2.4 Institutional functionaries: the week-eponym and the kiirum-eponym in Kanish ... 243 Conclusion ............................................................................................................... 244

Conclusion

....................................................................................................................................... 245

Appendices Chapter 10: The Office of the Colony and Private Enterprises. Part III: Communal Trade through Enterprises .............................................................. 181 10.1 10.2 10.3 10.4 10.5

The use of ellatus for wool trade ............................................................................................ Wool trade in Anatolia ............................................................................................................ Wool trading ellatus ............................................................................................................... The case ofU~inalam .............................................................................................................. Conclusion ...............................................................................................................

181 183 185 189 190

Chapter 11: The Settlement of Accounts of the Kanish Colony ................................................. 191 11.1 11.2 11.3 11.4 11.5 11.6 11.7 11.8 11.9

A reconstruction of the settlement of accounts of the Kanish colony ................................... 191 The word nikkassu and its spelling ......................................................................................... 192 The frequency of the settlement of accounts ......................................................................... 193 The use of written documents in the accounting ................................................................... 195 Participation ............................................................................................................... 198 The shareholder and his share: awilum and qiitum ................................................................ 200 Missing the settlement of accounts: sahiitum ........................................................................ 206 The withdrawal fee (sihittum) ................................................................................................ 213 The book value of the deposited commodities ...................................................................... 215 11.9.1 Thecalculation:zamiirum .......................................................................................... 215 11.9.2 The increase in value .................................................................................................. 217 11.9.3 The book value of deposited commodities ................................................................ 220 11.10 Three examples of settling accounts ...................................................................................... 221 11.10.1 VS 26, 46 and Naster ................................................................................................ 222 11.10.2 Kt 91/k 329 ............................................................................................................... 226 11.10.3 AKT 3, 61 ................................................................................................................. 227 11.11 Interim settling of accounts .................................................................................................... 228

Chapter 12: Between Public and Private ....................................................................................... 231 12.1

12.2

The implications of holding a public office ........................................................................... 12.1.1 The payment of officials in the service of the City of Assur .................................... 12.1.2 Responsibility ............................................................................................................. 12.1.3 Other consequences .................................................................................................... Who staffed the institutions .................................................................................................... 12.2.1 Big and small men ......................................................................................................

232 232 233 236 23 7 237

Appendix 1: The Y ear-Eponyms during the Period under Discussion ............................................. 249 Appendix 2: Clemency in Old Assyrian ............................................................................................ 251 Appendix 3: The Pack-Donkey .......................................................................................................... 255 1 The caravans ................................................................................................................................... 255 2 The donkey as the pack-aninial ...................................................................................................... 257 2.1 The preferred breed .......................................................................................................... 257 2.2 The supply of donkeys ..................................................................................................... 259 2.3 The life expectancy of a donkey ...................................................................................... 260 2.4 The replacement of weak aninials ................................................................................... 264 2.5 The care of a donkey ........................................................................................................ 265 3 The nabritum or paddock ............................................................................................................... 267 4 The equipment of a donkey ............................................................................................................ 270 4.1 The saddlecloth (ukiipum) ............................................................................................... 272 4.2 The packsaddle or saddlecloth (masradum) ................................................................... 272 4.3 The packsaddle or packing-rack (matlihsum) ................................................................. 273 4.4 The pouches (zurzum) ...................................................................................................... 274 4.5 The ropes (eblum) ............................................................................................................ 275 4.6 Half-packs ........................................................................................................................ 277 4.6.1 The loads ................................................................................................................. 278 4.6.2 Kibsum and upqum .................................................................................................. 279 5 The drivers ...................................................................................................................................... 283 6 The donkey as a riding aninial ....................................................................................................... 284

Indexes Index of individuals ............................................................................................................................ Index of geographical names .............................................................................................................. Index of deities .................................................................................................................................... Index of Akkadian, Sumerian and Hittite words ............................................................................... Index of Old Assyrian texts ................................................................................................................

289 291 291 291 294

List of Illustrations

Frontispiece: Reverse of Dalley 6A (RSM 1909.585A). Photograph© Trustees of the National Museums of Scotland

Figure 1: The Schotterhojbau. From: P.A. Miglus 'Untersuchungen zum Alten Palast in Assur', MDOG 121 (1989), 107 Abb. 12 ......................................................................................... 6 Figure 2: Groundplan of the Old Palace with courtyard IX. From: E. Heinrich Die Paliiste im A/ten Mesopotamien (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, 1984), 23 Abb. 23 ........................................................................................................................................... 8 Figure 3: Part of the groundplan of the palace of Zimri-Lim at Mari. From: E. Heinrich Die Paliiste im A/ten Mesopotamien (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, 1984), 70 Abb. 40 ........................................................................................................................................... 8 Figure 4: The Middle Assyrian administrative building. From: P. A. Miglus Das Wohngebiet van Assur. Stratigraphie und Architektur. Ausgrabungen der DOG in Assur. D Allgemeines I. WVDOG 93, (Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag, 1996), Plan 120 .................................. 11 Figure 5: Obverse and reverse of TC 1, 1. Musee du Louvre, AM 1487. © Photo RMN - Franck Raux ......................................................................................................... 63 Figure 6: Reconstructed seal of the City Hall. From: Iraq 20 (1958), 18 Fig. 4 ................................ 90 Figure 7: Reconstructed seal used by the nibum ..................................................................................91 Figure 8: Obverse of Dalley 6A (RSM 1909.585A). Photograph© Trustees of the National Museums of Scotland ................................................... 235 Figure 9: Obverse of Kt 90/k 97/a. From: T. Ozgil9 Killtepe Kanis/Nesa. The Earliest International Trade Center and the Oldest Capital City of the Hittites (The Middle Eastern Culture Center in Japan, 2003), 288 no. 332. Photograph reproduced by courtesy of Prof. Dr. Tahsin Ozgu9 ................................................................................................................. 244

PREFACE

It is a fitting circumstance, undreamed of when work on this book was first started, that the completion of this study on the Old Assyrian city-state coincides with the centenary of the start of the German excavations at Qal' at Sergat, the site of ancient Assur, in September 1903. The excavations were directed by Walter Andrae from 19041914. This book represents the outcome of the author's part in the Leiden project on the Economy of Ancient Mesopotamia, which was financed by The Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) in the years 1996-2000. The generous support by NWO is here gratefully acknowledged. More information and new Ktiltepe texts relevant to the topics discussed here became available for study after the manuscript had been closed, and this made it necessary to partly rewrite the chapters. The text of the article referred to by R.M. Jas in the Preface to his Rainfall and Agriculture in Northern Mesopotamia (Istanbul 2000) is here included as Appendix Three. Work on this book could not have been completed without the support of friends and colleagues at the (former) Carsten Niebuhr Institut, Copenhagen, and the Assyriologisch Instituut (formerly TCNO/Assyriologie, now TCMA) of Leiden University. A number of them also provided me with references to texts and collations of published material. Thanks are due to i. Albayrak, S. Bayram, V. Donbaz, C. Gtinbatt1, K. Hecker, C. Michel, M. Trolle Larsen and K.R. Veenhof for generously making available to me transliterations of Ktiltepe texts which they are preparing for publication and for their kind permission to quote from these texts. Particular thanks to Mervyn Richardson for numerous practical suggestions and for correcting the English text; his indefatigable wit made work during the final stages much more agreeable. A stor tak to Chris Staffe who greatly improved the accessibility of the book through her detailed criticism. The illustrations in this book have been reproduced by courtesy of the Council of the British School of Archaeology in Iraq, Gebr. Mann Verlag, Peter A. Miglus, the Trustees of the National Museums of Scotland, Prof. Dr. Tahsin Ozgti~, the Reunion des Musees Nationaux (RMN) and its photographer Franck Raux, Klaas R. Veenhof, and Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG.

Word-dividing wedges in the cuneiform original have been transliterated ':' in accordance with the usage of the Old Assyrian Project Group.

Leiden, January 2004

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Abbreviations of text publications and journals follow those given in AHw. New as well as some frequently used abbreviations are:

AC ACM! AHw AMM AOAIT AP CAD CMK

FM GAG GKT

I MARI OAA I

OACC OACP OACTA

P. Garelli, Les Assyriens en Cappadoce, Paris 1963.

M. Ichisar, Les archives cappadociennes du marchand Jmdilum, Paris 1981. W. von Soden, Akkudisches Handworterbuch, Wiesbaden 1958-1981. Anadolu Medeniyetleri Miizesi Yzllzgz,Ankara. K.R. Veenhof, Aspects of Old Assyrian Trade and its Terminology, Leiden 1972. A.-M. Ulshofer, Die altassyrischen Privaturkunden, Stuttgart 1995. Chicago Assyrian Dictionary. C. Michel, Correspondence des marchands de Kanish, Paris 2001. Florilegium marianum, Paris 1991-. W. von Soden, Grundrij3 der akkadischen Grammatik. K. Hecker, Grammatik der Kultepe-Texte. K. Hecker, G. Kryszat, L. Matou§, Kappadokische Keilschrifttafeln aus den Sammlungen der Karlsuniversitiit Prag, Praha 1998. MARI. Annales de recherches interdisciplinaires, Paris 1982-. M.T. Larsen, The Assur-nada Archive (Old Assyrian Archives, 1), Leiden 2002. M.T. Larsen, The Old Assyrian City-State and its Colonies, Copenhagen 1976. M.T. Larsen, Old Assyrian Caravan Procedures, Istanbul 1967. J.G. Dercksen, The Old Assyrian Copper Trade in Anatolia, Istanbul 1996.

Albayrak, i., 'Koloni gagmda yerli bir bayan "Madawada"', III. Uluslararasz Hititoloji Kongresi Bildirileri/Acts of the Third International Congress of Hittitology (Ankara 1998), 1-14. -, 'Ki.iltepe belgelerine gore karum dairesinin idari yap1s1 ve politik stattisli', AMM Yzllzgz 2002 (Ankara 2003), 342-356. -, 'Ki.iltepe'den degi~ik bir masraf listesi', Archivum Anatolicum 5 (2002), 1-10. Alimov, K. et al., 'Prahistorischer Zinnbergbau in Mittelasien. Vorbericht der Kampagne 1997', Eurasia Antiqua. 'Zeitschrift fiir Archiiolo gie Eurasiens, 4 ( 1998), 137-199. Balkan, K., Observations on the Chronological Problems of the Karum Kanis, Ankara 1955. -, 'The Old Assyrian week', Studies in Honor of Benno Landsberger on his Seventy-Fifth Birthday (AS 16) (Chicago 1965), 159-174. -, Review of L. Matou§, Inscriptions cuneiformes du Kultepe. Vol. II., OLZ 60 (1965), 146162. Barber, E.J.W., Prehistoric Textiles. The Development of Cloth in the Neolithic and Bronze Ages, 1991. Barnett, R.D. & A. Lorenzini, Assyrische Skulpturen im British Museum, 1975 Bayram, S., 'Tasmmaz mallar hakkmda yeni Ki.iltepe vesikalari', Belleten 55 (1991), 297-314. -, 'ina naditim fa naruii'im', Archivum Anatolicum 4, 2000, 29-48. Beyer, K., 'Akkadisches limu und aramaisches f'm "Eponymat"', OrNS 57 (1988), 82-83.

XVI

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Biggs, R.D., 'An Old Assyrian letter', in: E. Leichty, M. deJ. Ellis, P. Gerardi (eds.), A Scientific Humanist. Studies in Memory of Abraham Sachs (Philadelphia 1988), 33-38. Bilgi~, E., 'Die Ortsnamen der 'kappadokischen' Urkunden im Rahmen der aalten Sprachen Anatoliens', AfO 25 (1945-51), 1-37. -, Die einheimischen Appellativa der kappadokischen Texte und ihre Bedeutung far die anatolischen Sprachen (Ankara 1954). Birot, M., 'Les chroniques "assyriennes" de Mari', MARI 4 (1985), 219-242. Bonechi, M., 'Conscription a Larsa apres la conquete babylonienne', MARI 7 (1993), 129-164. Carter, E., 'The Old Elamite period', in: P.O. Harper, J. Aruz, F. Tallon (eds.), The Royal City of Susa. Ancient Near Eastern Treasures in the Louvre (New York 1992), 81-82. Carter, E. & Stolper, M.W., Elam. Surveys of Political History and Archaeology, Berkeley 1984. Casanova, M., 'Le lapis-lazuli dans l'Orient ancien', in: Cornaline et pierres precieuses, Actes du colloque, Musee du Louvre/I995 (1999), 189-210. Charpin, D. 'Nouveaux documents du bureau de l'huile a l'epoque assyrienne', MARI 3 (1984), 83-126. -, 'Sapiratum, ville du Suhfim', MARI 8 (1997), 341-366. Charpin, D. & Durand, J.-M., 'Assur avant l' Assyrie', MARI 8 (1997), 367-391. - & -, 'La suzerainete de l'empereur (sukkalrnah) d'Elam sur la Mesopotamie et le "nationalism"' amorrite', Actes de la XXXVIeme RA/ Gand (1991), 59-66. Charpin, D. & Ziegler, N., Mari et le proche-Orient a l'epoque amorrite. Essai d'histoire politique, FM 5, Paris 2003. Clutton-Brock, J. & Davies, S., 'More donkeys from Tell Brak', Iraq 55 (1993), 209-221. Cole, S.W., Review of J.N. Postgate, The Archive of Urad-Serua and his Family: A Middle Assyrian Household in Government Service, AfO 40/41 (1993-94), 117-122. Crouwel, J.H. & Tatton-Brown, V., 'Ridden horses in Iron Age Cyprus', in: M.A. Littauer & J.H. Crouwel & P. Raulwing (ed.), Selected Writings on Chariots, other Early Vehicles, Riding and Harness, Leiden-Boston-Koln 2002. illi-Assur seized us (as witnesses) against Usmaya and he said to Usmaya: 5-71 gave you 4 1/3 rninas of silver as well as its saddu'atum-fee. s-14Why did you not ta-wi the silver on the awitum of those who travelled with you from Qattara and Kutkuta? 15 Tab-~illi-Assur said further: 16--2°Did the travellers who departed with you from Qagara and Kutkuta ask you a-wi-i your awitum! or not?420 The combination a-wi-it-ka a-wi-i occurs in lines 25-26 too. The expression in these two texts can be identified as awitam e!awii'um, and the noun derives from the verb.

8.1 The meaning of the verb awii'um and the word awitum The word aw"itum has most recently been discussed by K.R. Veenhof 416 and F.R. Kraus. 417 Both derived it from the verb ewii'um 'to become' and interpreted awitum as a feminine verbal adjective with the meaning 'what something has become' or 'into what something has been converted'. However, new evidence makes it necessary to revise that interpretation.

8.1.1 The word awitum as the object of a specific verb The word awitum occurs as the object of a verb in a number of texts, the first of which is the letter TC 1, 18, written by Assur-idi to Assur-nada (edited OAA 1, no. 18). Lines 17-29 read in translation: (Send me 40 rninas of silver for my joint-stock capital.) 17Let there be two documents from you; 11- 18book half (of the amount) as belonging to my naruqqum-partnership and 21 23 20 21 19 20 - Send Ili-Alum here. - Let - (the other) half as belonging to 'the merchant'. 26 23 24 another person le-wi half of his awitum. - He must keep the silver. u.. Let him give

416 VeenhofAOAIT, 231 n. 361. 4 17 Kraus RA 73 (1979), 141.

8.1.2 Occurrences of the verb without awitum There are at present four examples of the verb without awitum as its direct object: AKT 3, 52 (with specifications of merchandise summarized as 'merchandise'): (Merchandise): 1+-17PN 1_3 e-wi-u all this. (Merchandise): 26--27 all this is the aw"itum of Ennum-Assur. 28-29They seized us in mutual agreement. 30-32The colony gave us (as witnesses) for this case and we sealed (the tablet) together with them. 33In the presence of Ursisi and Adad-re~i; 34Ennanum was our partner.

418 TC 1, 18: 17fup-pu-kii lu 2 sf-na mi-is-lam 18fo na-ru-qf-a lu-up-tdm 19mz-is-lam sa DAM.GAR 20/uup-tdm U )-If-a-lams 21fur4-dam U: *mz-sa-*al 22a-wi-tf-su sa-ni-um 23le-wi KU.B qd-su 24lu-kii-ils sa-dua-tdm zsa-na sa a-wi-su e-wi-u 26li-df-in um-ma su-ut-ma 27KU.B fo DAM.GAR sf-ba-am 28mz-ma ahu-um a-na a-hi-im 29 1d i-sa-kdn. 419 Thus Landsberger (AO 24/IV, 26), who translated lines 22ff. 'Vor Gericht soil ihn ein anderer vertreten. ( ... ) Dern, der vor Gericht seine Sache fiihrt, soil er eine Provision geben!'; similarly, CAD N2, 86 and Veenhof AOAIT, 288. 420 Photo Landsberger B: 1DVG-$f-la-A-sur a-na 2Us-ma-a i$-ba-at-ni-a-tf-/ma 3um-ma DVG-$f-la-A-surlma 4a-na Us-ma-a-ma s4 1/3 ma-na KU.B 6a-df-na-ku-um u sa-du-!a-su 7a-df-na-ku-um 8mz-su-um KU.B 9i-na a-wi-tim 10sa is-tf-kii a-li-/ki 11fo is-tu Qa-fa-/ra 12u Ku-ut-ku-ta 13i-li-ku-ni 14 /a ta-wi !Sum-ma DVG-$f-la-A-sur-!ma 16a-li-ku-u is-tf-kii 17fo is-tu Qa-fa-ra u Ku-ut-!ku-ta 1811-$11-niis-u-lu-kii 19/a is-ulu-kii um-ma su-nu-ma 20a-wi-it-kii a-wi-i.

CHAPTER EIGHT

150 35 38 -

Subsequently, Kura and Su-Belum went to the colony and the colony passed the following judgement: 3841 The men must identify the sealings of their brothers and of their transporters and then seal together with the witnesses. 4246 Kura and Su-Belum identified the sealings of their brothers and of their transporters on the tablet of the law-suit before the dagger of divine Assur, they opened (the case of) the tablet and we sealed (the new case) together with them. 421 BIN 6, 21: 16a-na 3 ma-na AN.NA 17a-wi-su, 'I a-wi it at 3 minas of tin.' The sender of this letter has a certain Harhia bring 4 minas 50 shekels of tin to Assursamsi who is the tin's owner. He writes to Assur-samsi that he informed the transporter that he had declared the value of this merchandise to be (only) 3 minas. The form a-wi is not an imperative, as assumed by Hecker in GKT § 99a; the accusative suffix -su refers to the tin. CCT 4, 22a: 21 i-zi-iz i-na GfR 22 sa A-sur ta-am-a-am 23 i-na a-mu-tim la a-wi-a/ku-ni 24 ta-ma-a-am la i-mu-a, 'Come, swear to me by the dagger of divine Assur: I did not a-wi (anything) to you from the amutum-iron. He refused to swear.' 422 Kt 92/k 221: 9 ... ma-ma-an KU.AN 10 i-sa-u-mu-ni i-na 11ne-me-lim A-sur 12 u-la ewi is-ra-t{-su 13ka-ru-um Ka-ni-is 14 i-la-qe, 'Whoever buys amutum-iron will not e-wi (to) Assur from the proceeds; (instead) the Kanish colony will collect the tithe over it.'

8.1.3 Discussion The evidence from TC 1, 18 and Photo Landsberger B makes the derivation of aw"itum and elawii'um from the verb ewum 'to be', as advocated by Kraus and Veenhof, impossible. The verb e/awii'um in the G-stem has a transitive meaning in these examples, which would require the D- or S-stem of ewum. Several of the verbal forms in the references mentioned above were interpreted as forms of the G-stem of awum 'to say' by CAD (A/2, 86), AHw (91b), and Hecker GKT § 99a. Also the editors of AKT 3, 52 derived the verbal form in line 17 of that text from awum ('alles dies sagten') and they read a-wa-su in line 27 ('alles dies ist, was E. (an)sagte'). 421 AKT 3, 52: 14mi-ma a-nim Su-Be-Zurn15DUMU Ld-qe-ep A-mur-A-sur 16DUMU Su-Su-en 6 u Hu-nanum 17DUMU A-sur-ba-ni e-wu-u ( ...) 26 ... mi-ma a-nim 27sa En-um-A-sur a-wi-su 28i-na mi-ig-ra-tf-sunu 29 i$-bu-tu-ni-a-ti 30a-na a-wa-tim a-ni-a-tim 31ka-ru-um i-d{-ni-a-tf-ma 32is-ti-su-nu ni-ik-nu-uk 33IGI Ur-si-si IGI dIM-re-_si34En-nu-num tap-pd-i-ni 35 i-na wa-ar-ki-tim Ku-ra 36u Su-Be-Zurn a-na ka-ri-im 37 i-li-ku-ma ka-ru-um 38di-nam i-di-ma a-wi-Zu-u 39ku-nu-ki sa a-hi-su-nu 40 u ka-_sa-ri-su-nu u-du-u-ma 41 KI si-bi i-ka-nu-ku 42 IGI GfR fo A-sur fup-pd-am 43sa a-wa-tim ku-nu-ki 44sa a-hi-su-nu u ka-_sa-risu-nu Ku-ra 45u Su-Be-Zurn u-di-u-ma fup-pd-am 46ip-te-u-ma u is-tf- ni-ik-nu-uk. 422 CAD A/2, 86: ' ... so that I will not have to argue in court against you'; Hecker GKT § 103c7: 'iiber Eisen habe ich nicht zu dir gesprochen.'

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This derivation is problematic because the imperative in Photo Landsberger B is written a-wi-i, with an additional i. Since it is likely that this imperative is in the same (i.e. basic) stem as ta-wi in line 14 of that text, a derivation from awum must be dismissed because that is an ultimae u verb (GAG Erg. § 106x).423 Similarly, ta-wi makes it difficult to consider the imperative as a D-stem. As a consequence, the existence of a verb 'wz other than ewum 'to be' must be posited for OA. This removes the evidence for the alleged use of the G-stem of the verb *awum 'to say', which is then attested in the Gtand N-stems only.424 The meaning of this verb e!awii'um thus appears to be 'to declare, to make a declaration'. The word aw"itumthen means the declared value.

8.2 The calculation of the declared value The aw"itum was the declared value of merchandise expressed in a single valuta. This valuta was tin for caravans travelling from Assur to Anatolia, but silver for those that went from Kanish to Assur. This value formed the basis for the payment of the datum-toll on the consignments. Standard values were employed in the rating of the most common items of merchandise. It is unknown how these values had developed. Details of the rating of merchandise in Assur are mentioned in AKT 2, 11: The first aw"itumamounts to 2 talents 8 minas of tin. The load comprises: 54 kutiinum-textiles = 108 minas; 2 donkeys= 4 minas; 10 minas of hand-tin; 6 minas of tin. The second aw"itumis 34 minas 10 shekels. The load consists here of: 15 textiles = 30 minas; 1 donkey= 1 2/3 minas; 2 1/2 minas of hand-tin. Other texts containing similar details are: BIN 4, 29 (Veenhof AOATT, 229 no. 2): the awitum is 5 talents 20 minas; load: 4 talents 40 minas of tin and 10 kutiinum-textiles and 8 forum-textiles. The awitum includes 2 donkeys at 2 minas each necessary to carry this load. BIN 6, 79 (Veenhof AOATT, 232): the aw"itum is 9 talents; load: 4 talents 20 minas of tin, 40 minas hand-tin and 116 textiles (2 minas each), carried by 6 donkeys (at 1 1/3 minas each).

423 Better: a verb with the root 'WW, as explained to me by N.J.C. Kouwenberg. 424 The form nawu'iiku occurs in AKT 3, 103; it is a stative of the N-stem of the verb normally attested in the Gt: 5 ... a-su-mi 6AN.NA: a-na-kam is-ti DAM.GAR 7na-rw 1u-a-ku-ma: u4-mu-u 8e-tu-um: sa-ki-in.

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BIN 6, 185: the awztum is 12 minas; load consists of a bag with 6 textiles (2 minas each). TC 3, 24 (Veenhof AOAIT, 232): the awztum is 2 talents 18 minas; load consists of 61 kutanum-textiles (2 minas each), 12 minas hand-tin, carried by 2 donkeys (2 minas each). VS 26, 11: the awztum is 6 talents 8 minas; load consists of 110 textiles (2 minas each) (1. 26; kutanum, raqqatum, silipki'um, surum, and takusta'um), 140 minas of tin (1. 3 and 9), and 30 2/3 minas of hand-tin, carried by 6 donkeys (1 1/3 minas each). It follows that the standard value in tin for a textile was 2 minas. The value for a donkey fluctuates between 2, 1 2/3, and 1 1/3 minas, and will have depended on the animal's quality. There are of course texts which do not fit into this pattern. For example KTH 18, where the awztum is said to be 13 talents 30 minas; load: 240 textiles, 5 talents 31 2/3 minas of tin, carried by 11 donkeys. The textiles (at 2 minas each) and tin add up to 13 talents 31 2/3 minas, but the donkeys are apparently not included in the awztum. Veenhof (AOAIT, 232f.) was unaware of the values for donkeys and of that of 2 minas per textile. But he arrived at the conclusion that there could have been a standard value for all textiles of about 8 or 8 1/2 shekels of silver a piece, 'in which case the equivalence used by the tax officials could have been: 1 textile = 2 minas of tin.' There is no data available to ascertain whether the value of other commodities, like iron (asium, amutum) and lapis lazuli (husarum), was established for taxation en route in a similar way. But it is likely that the tithe levied by the Kanish colony on these goods replaced such taxation. How should these values for textiles and donkeys in Assur be interpreted? It is evident that the sale value of textiles and tin, as expressed in silver, was higher in Anatolia than their purchase price was in Assur. Veenhof gave the following averages: the margins for tin are 100 per cent more than in Assur, and those for textiles are 200 per cent more than in Assur. Toe awztum-ratios expressed in tin show a remarkable feature. Since the value of tin does not change in a system where tin is the standard of value, it is that of the other items that changes. When the exchange ratio between tin and silver is put at 15 shekels of tin per shekel of silver, a reasonable price in Assur, the fictitious value of a textile of 2 minas of tin is indeed 8 shekels of silver. This is almost double the price of a kutanum-textile which cost in Assur on average 3 1/2 to 5 1/2 shekels according to Veenhof. 425 A donkey cost around 16-17 shekels of silver; however, the declared value of 2 minas of tin equals only 8 shekels of silver, half of the animal's purchase price. While the ratios for textiles would be double of what seems reasonable in Assur, those for donkeys would be half of it.

42 5 Veenhof AoF 15 (1988), 250.

153

The situation in Anatolia is different. A kutanum-textile is there often valued at 15-30 shekels of silver, while donkeys could be sold for 20-30 shekels a piece. The prices of textiles and donkeys are now comparable, similar to their awztum-value in Assur. The Assyrians sometimes used a standard ratio between copper, tin, and silver of 60:6: 1 in Anatolia. 426 When applying these ratios, a textile with an awztum-value of 2 minas of tin equals 20 shekels of silver and a donkey represents 20 shekels at most. These are realistic, albeit low, ratios. 427 The conclusion emerges that the values employed for the declared value in tin approximately reflect the 'average' prices in Kanish and are unrelated to those in Assur. The awztum expressed in silver employs a standard ratio of 8 shekels of silver per shekel of gold, which is an average price in Assur. 428 This ratio in silver does not correspond to the actual exchange rate and thereby resembles the situation of the valuation in tin. This can be illustrated by the following case of an anonymous merchant sending silver and gold to Assur: According to VS 26, 74, a person called Ela is bringing 17 minas of silver and 2 minas of pasallum-gold. The nishatum on the gold and silver has been included in silver. The awztum of the whole consignment amounts to 33 minas. 429 The representatives in Assur report on the arrival of the consignment in TC 3, 43 (edited OACP, 98-99 type 3:2), according to which they sold the gold for silver: 1 1/2 minas at 8 1/4 to 1, and 1/2 mina of kupursinnum-gold at 6 2/3 to 1. The value of this consignment thus became 32 minas 42 1/2 shekels of silver, slightly less than the 33 minas which were calculated as the awztum. The nishatum was added to the package as is evident from the corresponding text TC 1, 70. 430 The total amount added as nishatum (one-twentyfourth) will have been 1 mina 22 1/2 shekels of silver, but is not mentioned. According to a passage in CCT 5, 34a the fee amounts to one-twentyfourth of the value of the gold expressed in silver at a ratio of 8 to 1.431 It is evident that the nishatum-fee was based upon the amount of silver established as the consignment's declared value.

426 Dercksen OACTA, 159 (correct the ratios in line 23 there). 42 7 Cf. VeenhofAoF 15 (1988), 251. 428 But note that the same ratio does also occur in Anatolia; WAG 48-1463 for fa abnisu; kt elk 48, 37: 8 1/2 - 9 shekels each for SIG 5 sada-me-e.

u 2 ma-na 4KU.GI pa-sa-lam 5 : ku-nu-ki 5E-la: na-ds-a-ku-nu-ti 6ni-isha-at KU.GI u KV.B-!pz-im 7KV.B-ma : na-df-i : SUNIGIN 33 ma-na 8a-wi-su. 43o TC 1, 70: 1 1 ne-pz-sum 17 ma-na 2ni-is-ha-su DIRI 3 u 2 ma-na KU.GI ri-ik-su 4 ni-is-ha-su KU.GI 5 KV.B_rpu-ma 1 [n]a-df 6SUNIGIN 33 ma-na KV.B 7a-wi-tum: sa DAM.GAR; cf. Hecker OI.Z 65 (1970), 357. The form nadi is employed instead of usual watar and does not refer to some pre-payment. 431 CCT 5, 34a: 1 1 1/2 GfN KU.GI 2u 1/2 GfN KU.B 3ni-is-ha-su, '1 1/2 shekels of gold and 1/2 shekel of silver, its nishatum.' 429 VS 26, 74: 3 17 ma-na KU.B

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8.3 The aw"itum-documents 8.3.1 The documents The value of consignments was recorded in a special document which is often called an 'aw"itum-lis' in Assyriological publications. These documents, which will here be called summary lists, probably functioned as a declaration shown en route to the authorities responsible for the levying of the taxes; they also served as a tool to charge the owner of the consignment with his proportionate share in the costs. Since the owner was listed by name, liability for these taxes was often expressed by the phrase 'the goods travel on the name of PN' (luqutum ana sumi PN etteq). Fixing the declared value, whether done in Assur or in Kanish, will have taken place as soon as the make-up of the caravan(-section) was known and may have happened at the city gate. A summary list may have been called a tuppum sa abullim 'tablet of the city gate'. This word occurs in KTS 1, 50d: 1-5

He brought [x] minas of silver of the son of Husarum (and) 22 minas of silver of Assur-taklaku; 5-62 7 minas of [silver] of the son of Buzazu. 7 - 11Let them impose the aw"itum (i.e. saddu'atum-fee) upon you for (the declared value of) 2 talents (of silver) and then you charge the owners of the silver in accordance with the tablet of of the city gate !432 The word following fa in line 10 is a hapax in OA. 433 The awitum is given in this text as 2 talents of silver and hence refers to a consignment sent to Assur. Note that the tax levied is also called aw"itum; the unpublished text kt n/k 389 contains a similar reference, but then in Kanish. 434 432 KTS 1, 50d: 1 [x x x m]a-na KU.B 2 .fo [DU]MU7 Hu-sii-ri-im 3 22 ma-na KU.B 4 .fo A-sur-ta-ak-/la9 ku 5ub-lam r21 ma-na 6 [KUFB 1 DUMU Bu-za-zu 7a-na 2 GU 8a-wi-tiim le-mu-du-/kii-ma a-ta a-ma-la 10 fup-pi-im sa-bu-lim 11be-li KU.B e-mu-su-nu-ma. The person called the 'son of Husarum' may be identified with Assur-irnitti (TPAK 1, 52: 8), while the son of Buzii.zu probably was Pusu-ken II, the grandson of the well-known Pusu-ken. Both persons lived near the end of the Level II period. 433 The sequence fuppim sa bu lim most likely represents a construction of the type 'tablet of. The word following fuppim probably is a sandhi-writing (cf. Hecker GKT § 20a) for .fo abullim 'of the city gate'; less likely is the reading .fo pulim with pulum as a variant of pilum, which would yield a 'tablet of limestone' (in that case a monumental inscription in Assur containing rules about aw itum, perhaps another term for naruiium 'stele'). A restoration -bu-lim for fuppum sa hubullim 'debt-note' or the word siibulum 'dried' fail to make sense here. 434 Kt n/k 389 (by courtesy of C. Giinbatt1): 4 ki-ma a-wi-i-ta-am 5.fo-li-im-tam : E 6 kii-ri-im e-mu-du-ni-ni 7a-wi-it B. 8 5 GU 45 ma-na, 'The declared value of B. was 5 talents 45 minas (of tin) when they imposed the complete awitum on me at the office of the colony.' The word awitum is apparently used for 'charge' in KTS 1, 14a (edited as OAA 1, no. 106) as well, a letter sent by Kurub-Istar to Assur-nada: 21 .•. 20 ma-na KU.B 22 ga-am-ra-am sa A-limki 23 a-na e-li-tf-kii 24 i-df-u a-ma-kam a-na Dl.JG-,l'f-la-A-sur25 su-up-ur-ma ma-la KU.B a-na 26 a-wi-tf-kii i-kii-su-du-kii-ni 27 a-na pa-ni-kii lu-se-bi 4 -lam, 'They imposed (payment of) 20 rninas of silver on your enterprise as expenses of the City (of Assur). Write there to Tab-silli-Assur to send as much silver ahead of you as falls to your share for your awitum.' The 20 rninas represent some form of mandatory participation or even a heavy fine. The same amount occurs in BIN 4, 84, where Imdilum

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155

The document appears to have been drawn up for the caravan leader under some form of supervision by an Assyrian authority, such as the office of the colony at Kanish or the City Hall at Assur. Institutional involvement in drawing up these documents is suggested by the identification of the participants by their patronymics in I 742 and by the objective formulation 'the awitum of Assur-imitti and his enterprise' in Dalley no. 12. The initially declared value of a caravan heading for Anatolia diminished with every payment of datum and head-tax, since the hand-tin with which such payments were usually made was included in the awitum. 435 This must somehow have been recorded in writing. The passage from Photo Landsberger B quoted above demonstrates that additions to the text could be made when consignments were added to the caravan.

8.3.2 Contents and sealing practice The contents of a summary list are restricted to the essential information which it wanted to convey: the value of consignments and the names of the owners. None of these documents mentions witnesses otherwise required to lend legal force to a transaction. Neither the information on the total of the declared value nor the name of the ellatum involved was written in a standard place of the tablet. It is likely that the summary lists were put in an envelope, which was sealed by the owners of the merchandise recorded on the tablet. Whereas several summary tablets have been published, I know of only one encased tablet still in its envelope, kt 91/k 285 (by courtesy of K.R. Veenhof). The text on the tablet itself is unknown because the case still remains unopened. The case mentions the names and patronymics of the three persons who sealed it, and further identifies the document inside as 'a tablet concerning the aw"itum of Elamma, Susaya and Enna-Suen' (tuppum sa a-wi-it ...). It does not mention the valuta in which this aw"itumwas expressed, nor does it contain the word ellatum. It is likely that kt 91/k 285 was drawn up in Kanish and contains a specification of the value in silver of a transport sent by these three merchants to Assur. By impressing their seals, they acknowledge the correctness of these amounts and assume full responsibility reports to Puzur-Assur that the authorities (in Assur) imposed payment of 20 rninas on each (enterprise?), which he calls a fine (amum). 435 Kt g/k 199 (Giinbath Archivum Anatolicum 5, 2002, 82-83): 1um-ma Bu-zu-ta-a u A-sur-i-mi-tf-ma 2ana A-la-hi-im qf-bi-ma 3 2 GU 10 ma-na AN.NA ku-nu-ki 4 16 TUG 20 ma-na AN.NA qa-tim 5 1 ANSE Su-Ku-bu-um u-si-,l'f-[am] 6SUNIGIN a-wi-t{-kii 3 GU 4 ma-na 7 is-tu A-limki a-d{ Ha-[mi-sii]nim 8 1 1/2 ma-na LA 2 GfN.TA da-tum 9 4 1/2 ma-na ik-su-ud-kii 10sf-t{ a-wi-t{-kii 5 GU 17 ma-na nis-tu Ha-mi-sii-nim a-d{ 12Sf-ma-la 2/3 ma-na 2 GfN.TA 13da-tum ik-su-ud 4 1/2 [ma-na] 5 GfN 14iksu-ud-kii : s{-t{ a-wi-t{-kii 155 GU 12 ma-na, 'Thus (said) Buzutaya and Assur-irnitti, speak to Ala.hum: SuKubum exported 2 talents 10 minas of sealed tin, 16 textiles, 20 minas of hand-tin, and 1 donkey; the total of your declared value is 3 talents 4 rninas. The road-tax from the City until Harnisanum amounted for you to 1 rnina 28 shekels per (talent). The rest of your declared value is 5 talents 17 minas. The road-tax from Harnisanum to Simalla amounted to 42 shekels per (talent), so it amounted for you to 4 rninas 35 shekels. The rest of your declared value is 5 talents 12 minas.' The amount mentioned in line 6 shows that also here the textiles and the donkey were rated at 2 minas each. The total in line 10 can only be explained by assuming that a consignment worth 2 talents 18 minas was added to the shipment at Harnisanum (for Hirmensanum in Mari, see Durand IAPO 17, 100).

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for payment of the tax concerned. Elamma, Susiiya, and_Enna-Suen may have been the only participants in what appears to have been this ellatum, but this is by no means certain. If the tablet within the envelope is of the same type as the summary lists, more than three persons may have been recorded on it. The space available on a case obviously limits the number of people that can impress their seals. It may have been sufficient for the leader of the caravan to seal, 436 which would be particularly practical in the case of VS 26, 155 with its 35 owners of merchandise. As one can see from the evidence presented below, the quantities of tin and silver contained in those lists are far from uniform. A few texts contain round figures, while the rest include amounts of half a mina of tin or silver. This suggests that the actual figures were rounded off to facilitate the calculation, similar to the rounding off of remaining amounts in kt g/k 199.

Such a document indicating that part of the load was free of tax has not yet been found. The passage does show that the purpose of the summary list was to indicate what part of the consignment was taxable and what was exempt; the latter category apparently included ikribu 'votive offerings' _439 The saddu 'a tum is also associated with the declaration of value in TC 1, 18 and Photo Landsberger B, both texts mentioned above (8.1.1). According to TC 1, 18, an amount of money, presumably silver, is given as saddu'atum to the person who is asked to convey half of the consignment from Kanish to Assur and who has to declare its value. The other text mentions that 4 1/3 minas of silver and the saddu 'atum on it have been handed over to a transporter; the consignment was apparently on its way to Assur. The transport tariff was paid by the person responsible for the transportation of the consignment, often the caravan leader. Documents recording the entrusting of silver or gold to a transporter usually contain the clause nishassu watar saddu 'assu sabbu 'its import duty has been added and he is fully paid with the transport tariff on it.' This clause refers to the import duty payable at the 'house' of the principal, where the silver is used to make purchases, and to the fact that the transporter has been paid the saddu 'a tum on the consignment. This payment is however not a fee for the transporter himself. The clause means that the transporter received the amount which he will have to pay as a tariff over the declared value, presumably en route. This amount constituted about onesixtieth of the awitum in silver. Larsen 440 noted that there are no texts supporting the view that the saddu 'atum was paid in Assur, nor do texts specify who received the tax. He assumed that it was paid only once, perhaps to the colony on departure. That would mean that the institution to which the transporter had to make his declaration on the value - never specified in the texts would receive the saddu 'atum immediately. But according to Photo Landsberger B the awitum had to be declared to the (leader of the) caravan when the transporter joined the caravan in Qattara heading for Assur. This indicates that the transport tariff was not levied in Kanish, but elsewhere. Goods going in the other direction were charged with datum, calculated over the value expressed in tin. Veenhof convincingly interpreted this type of declaration of value, or 'value of the merchandise computed in tin', as a means to facilitate the calculation of the datum or road-tax by tax-levying authorities. 441 In a subsequent publication, he shifted the focus of interest to the caravan-leader for whom a single value facilitated the division of costs he had made during the journey over the participants, and so establish each merchant's share in them. 442 In my opinion, this is a secondary use of awitum, although very practical as a means to recover costs.

156

8.4 The purpose of the declared value

The introduction of standard values in one valuta to facilitate the calculation of valuerelated taxes forms a logical step in the development of the OA trading system. The existence of these values for the three main commodities exported from Assur (tin, textiles, and donkeys), which are related to the yield in Kanish and used in the calculation of the awitum in Assur, as well as a standard value for gold sent to Assur, suggests that this system of valuation functioned within an Assyrian institutional environment. The declared value therefore probably served for taxation by the Assyrian authorities. 437 The example from kt 92/k 221 shows that making a declaration (ewwi) to the city of Assur parallels the levying of a tax by the colony of Kanish. The tax paid on the basis of awitum established in Kanish (and elsewhere outside Assur) was called saddu 'atum. The road-tax over the value expressed in tin was the datum. KTS 1, 50d and kt n/k 389 show that the word awitum itself was occasionally used for these taxes, reflecting the close relationship between the declared value and the taxes. The connection between saddu'atum and the declared value in silver can be deduced from KTS 1, 27b. This text deals with the sending of a consignment of silver and gold from Kanish to Assur. The owner of the consignment asks: Specify on the declared value of the enterprise how much silver is ikribu, so that it will not be liable to the payment of saddu 'atum during the joumey. 438 436 Cf. Teissier Sealing and Seals, 79. 437 Cf. Veenhof AOATT, 297: 'For the time being the most probable solution according to me is that the diitum sa harriinim was imposed on caravans by the local, non-Assyrian, authorities in Northern Mesopotamia and Northern Syria( ... ).'; Nashef Reiserouten (1987), 8, seems inclined to have Assyrian authorities collect the road-tax. 438 KTS 1, 27b: 11i-na a-wi-tim 12sa ILLAT-tim ki ma-l[a] rKlJ.B 1 13ik-ri-bu-ni 14wa-d{-ma sa-du-a-tdm 15 i-na ha-ra-nim 16/a i-ld-ma-ad.

157

439 For ikribii cf. Dercksen Archivum Anatolicum 3. 44o OACP, 144. 441 Veenhof AOATT, 230f. 'To facilitate the procedure of the d.-payment the value of the merchandise had to be converted into one valuta ( ...).' 442 VS 26 p. 29 ad no. 154: 'Der "Warenwert" ( ... ) der Anteile von Partizipanten in dieser Handelsunternehmung (vielleicht "Karawane" ellatum, vgl. Nr. 155: 41) wurde festgelegt, um als Grundlage fur das spatere Umlegen von Reisespesen und Steuem zu dienen.'

158

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As in the case of silver sent from Kanish, the information recorded in summary lists could prevent taxation on certain commodities. 443

shekels, but 4 minas 8 1/2 shekels were paid for this toll in Badna according to kt c/k 1615.448 The caravans were therefore confronted with payment of a road-tax or transport tariff calculated as a function of the valuta in tin or silver (the aw"itum) as well as with a toll paid for each donkey. Tax and toll were levied by two different institutions. The toll was levied by the local palaces on the basis of treaties concluded with the city-state of Assur, while the datum as a road-tax and the transport tariff (sad du' a tum) were paid to an Assyrian authority. Most of the towns mentioned as the destination to which datum was calculated are known to have possessed an Assyrian colony or trading post. The datumroad-tax at Kanish seems to have been levied by the office of the colony (cf. kt n/k 389).

8.5 A different method of levying The evidence adduced by Veenhof shows that the road-tax called datum is expressed as a sum per talent of tin charged from caravans heading for Anatolia. Hence his conclusion that the calculation of the awitum in tin made it possible to levy the road-tax en route and for it to be paid with the hand-tin entrusted to the caravan leader. Whereas the basis for taxation in the awitum-system is a percentage of the value of all merchandise in a single valuta, a different procedure existed to levy tolls. Evidence for this donkey-related taxation stems from texts which were published after the discussion by Veenhof in AOAIT. According to kt n/k 794, and probably also in the treaty between Assur and the king of Sehna (Tell Leilan), almost a century later, the local ruler is allowed to levy a fixed amount (tin, silver, copper) per donkey as a toll. This method is therefore unrelated to the actual value of the goods carried by the donkey. Kt n/k 794 (dating from the Level II period) concerns a town which appears to be in the vicinity of Hahhum near the Euphrates crossing, 444 on the road usually taken by caravans, where they would be charged with datum. The passage of interest reads: You shall not demand anything from us. Exactly like your father you shall take 12 shekels each from a caravan going to Kanish; from a caravan bound for Assur you shall take 1 1/4 shekels of silver per donkey, just like your father (did). You shall not take anything in excess (of that). 445 The 12 shekels 'each' must be understood as a payment per donkey. The value must be more or less the same as the 1 1/4 shekels of silver levied on caravans travelling in the opposite direction. This results in a value of about 9 1/2 shekels of tin per shekel of silver. AKT 3, 34 twice mentions a toll levied per donkey at a bridge in a region west of Kanish.446 The treaty from Tell Leilan is very damaged but the remains of several lines suggest a toll per donkey there as well. 447 Other references to amounts of tin paid as nishatum-toll are ambigious; according to BIN 6, 265: 4' -5', the nishatum in Zalpa amounted to 45

443 Cf. VS 26, 58: 27 ... i-na 13 TUG 2 TUG 28da-tam la i-la-mu-du, '2 out of 13 textiles are not liable for datum-tax.' 444 Cf. Garelli CRRAJ 34. 445 Kt n/k 794: 15 ... mi-ma 16la te-ri-su-ni-a-tf-ni 17ki-ma a-bi-ka-ma 18i-na e-li-tim 19e-li-tim 12 GfN.TA 20 AN.NA: ta-la-qi: i-na 21 wa-ri-tf-im 1 1/4 GfN.TA KU./B 22 i-na e-ma-ri-im 23ki-ma a-bi-ka ta-ka-/al 24 wa-at-ra-am : mi-ma 251a ta-la-qe. 446 Cf. further OIP 27, 54, 5: 3 shekels of tin paid in Washania as road-tax of a donkey. 447 Published in Eidem Garelli AV; (Col. II, 5ff. (6: ta]-la-qe-m[a]; 9: la t[a-ka]-al), and the end of col. Ill.

159

8.6 The lists The summary lists are texts which tabulate the amounts of tin or silver followed by a personal name and which conclude with the remark '(this is the) declared value (aw"itum) of the ellatum of PN'. Some lists identify persons by their father's name. The word aw"itum may be mentioned in one text, but omitted in another with almost the same contents. Compare, for example, CCT 6, 6c with KTS 1, 50d. The first text does not contain the word aw"itum, and records the entrusting to Suea before five witnesses of 22 minas of silver which was addressed to the 'owner(s) of the silver'. The package(s) had been sealed by Innaya and (other) members of his ellatum. 449 This co-sealing means all were equally responsible and one or more financiers (ummi 'anum) in Assur had provided capital to them as a group. The word ellatum here means 'society'. It was not necessary for all members of this society to have been present in person or even to have applied their seal; this is evident from the summary list Dalley no. 12, which includes the king of Assur among the members of Assur-imitti's ellatum (line 6: 45 ma-na sa ru-baim). The lists are presented in schematic form, beginning with the number of people involved, the summary mentioned in the text itself, and finally enumerates the individuals together with the value of their merchandise.

8.6.1 The declared value in tin BIN 4, 168 (edited as AP no. 306): 8 persons; 'saellat Pusu-ken; total 74 talents of tin; (together with) 14 sacks (and) 121 textiles; Iluki' Piisu-ken, 20 talents Dan-Assur, 20 talents La-qep son of Ilia, 5 talents 448 Nashef Reiserouten, 21. 449

CCT 6, 6c (edited as Inniiya II, no. 127): 122 ma-na KU.B 2ni-is-ha-su DIRI 3sa-du-a-su sa-bu 4ku-nu5 ki: fo I-na-a u ILLAT-su a-na 6$i-er: be-el: KU.B 7a-na Su-e-a 8ni-ip-qf-id (9-13: five witnesses).

THE DECLARED VALUE

CHAPTER EIGHT

160

Enna-Suen, 6 talents Su-Suen, 4 talents Iddin-Suen, 6 talents Ilis-tikal, 5 talents Ata[ ] , 8 talents VS 26, 154: 21 persons; 'total 120 talents 5 talents 21 minas' Assur-nada, 16 talents 41 minas Iddin-abum, 20 talents Assur-malik, 6 talents 38 minas Kuza, 14 talents 20 minas Assur-idi, 9 talents 35 1/2 minas Assur-nada son of Ili-iddinassu, 7 talents Ayak, 4 talents 20 minas Taskul, 3 talents 35 minas Puzur-Assur, 6 talents 57 1/2 minas Zuzu, 12 talents 5 minas Ikuppia, 5 talents 41 minas La-qep, 1 talent Lalia, 7 talents 40 minas Sukutum, 2 talents 10 minas Amurru-bani, 1 talent 46 minas Su-Nirah, 1 talent 30 minas Tab-Assur, 1 talent 46 minas the son of Hassusum, 1 talent 50 minas Hannianum, 10 minas Ennam-Assur, 30 minas Kula, 6 minas VS 26, 155: 34 persons; 'total 410 talents 11 minas of tin, awzt ellat Imdzlim' Imdilum, 47 talents Assur-nada son of [PN], 31 talents 50 minas Enlil-bani, 8 talents [PN], 24 talents 10 minas Assur-nada, 13 talents A-[ ], 19 talents 50 minas Assur-taklaku, 8 talents A-[ ], 5 talents 40 minas [PN], 3 1/2 talents Assur-tab son of [PN], 17 talents Assur-tab son of [PN], 16 talents Kura son of [PN], 1 talent 40 minas Su-Kubum, 11 talents 10 minas [PN], 4 talents 20 minas

161

[PN], 1 talent 10+ minas Sat-Assur, 1 talent 10 minas [PN], 20 talents 46 minas [PN], 17 talents 20 minas Assur-[ ], 57 minas Amur-ili, 4 1/2 talents [PN], 14 talents 41 minas Su[ ], 8 talents 21 minas Pu[ ] , 20 talents 30 minas Ikuppi-[ ], 14 talents [PN], 7 talents 28 minas Id[ a ] , 9 talents 50 minas Kur[ara], 5 talents 22 minas Abu-salim, 11 talents 10 minas + 10 talents 50 minas Salim-[Assur/ahum], 8 talents 43 minas Mannum-ki-Assur, 1 talent 51 minas Turam-il, 54 minas Pilah-[ ], 1 talent 25 minas A[ ], 15 talents 52 minas D[a ], 3 talents 25 minas

8.6.2 The declared value in silver Dalley no. 12 (edited as AP no. 380); 8 persons; 'total 18 talents 4 minas of silver, awzt Assur-imittz u ellitisu' Assur-imitti, 10 talents Zuppa, 3 talents Assur-muttabbil, 1 talent 4 minas of the king (sa ruba'um), 45 minas Enna-Suen, 1 talent 22 1/2 minas Aliihum, 55 minas Amur-Istar, 22 minas U zubiskum, 28 minas I 742: 9 persons; 'total 11 talents 56 1/2 minas of silver awztum' Imdilum son of Su-Laban, 4 talents 45 minas Amurru-bani son of Su-Ilabrat, 1 talent 35 1/2 minas Puzur-Assur son of Itur-ili, 1 talent Assur-imitti son of Dan-Assur, 24 1/2 minas Urani servant of Sukkallia, 1 t 8 1/2 minas Assur-idi son of Agua, 40 minas Assur-re'i son of Puzur-A, 30 minas Aliihum son of Amur-Assur, 50 minas

THE DECLARED VALUE

CHAPTER EIGHT

162

Su-Adad son of Iddin-Suen, 1 talent 3 minas

The relationship between the individuals registered in the same list will be discussed in the next chapter.

8.7 The meaning ofpurum TC 3, 187 (edited as AP no. 368) lists the names of at least 15 persons with an amount of silver. This is reminiscent of the summary lists, but the occurrence of fractions of a shekel makes it unlikely that a declared value is meant here. The text reads: Assur-bel-awiitim son of Panaka, 7 minas 37 1/2 shekels of silver Su-Kubum, his son, 3 minas 15 shekels Assur-imitti son of Amur-il, 11 minas 15 shekels Amur-Istar, his brother, 8 minas Pusu-ken, 21 minas 52 1/2 shekels Ili-biini son of Ikunum, 25 minas Assur-imitti son of Enniinum, 10 minas [PN], 2+ minas Assur-tiib son of Ennaza, 1 mina 15 shekels Alili, 13 minas Amurru-biini, 8 minas 20 shekels Al-tiib son of Aniili, 1 mina 18 shekels Nabi-Suen son of Enlil-biini, 8 minas 30 shekels the son of Abiya, 5 minas 40 shekels the son of Atiiya son of Su-Belum, 6 minas 40 shekels Total: 4 talents 28 minas 39 1/2 shekels is the purum of Pusu-ken. The individual mentioned in the summary occurs also in the list with one of the largest amounts of silver. It is possible that Pusu-ken functions here as the leader of an ellatum. The word written pu-ru-um is crucial for the understanding of this text. Although it can be identified as purum 'lot' (J. Lewy and AHw), its significance escapes me. J. Lewy interpreted the document as [A] balance-sheet recording property of Pusuken which had been - or still was - in the hands of partners, employees, or simply debtors of his. Accordingly, we may well assume that pu-ru-um saPu-su-ki-in means 'property of Pusuken' .450

45o RHA 36 (1939), 119f.

163

Whether the list details assets of Pusu-ken or, perhaps more likely, the value of merchandise, or even claims of an ellatum under his supervision, remains obscure.

8.8 Conclusion The OA city-state had created a system to facilitate taxation by Assyrian authorities of caravans crossing between Assur and Kanish. The system was based on assigning standard values in tin for the main commodities (tin, textiles, donkeys) conveyed to Anatolia, and in silver for gold shipped in the opposite direction. The tax paid on merchandise sent towards Kanish was called datum 'road-tax', that on shipments to Assur was called saddu 'atum 'transport tariff'. The values thus established were officially declared (awitum 'declared value') and recorded in a special document that served as the basis for taxation. The same document served as proof that certain commodities, such as temple-funds (ikribu), were tax-exempt. The summary lists frequently involved the value of a complete caravan and these texts therefore offer a unique opportunity to investigate the structure of such a caravan on the basis of the individuals mentioned there.

TIIE CARAVANS

CHAPTER NINE

THE OFFICE OF THE COLONY AND PRIVATE ENTERPRISES PART II: THE 'CARAVANS'

The word ellatum is usually rendered caravan and occurs in different contexts. The aim of this chapter is to investigate these occurrences and to establish whether the word indeed refers to a caravan, and what should be understood by that. Special attention is given to the interaction between the Assyrian authorities and private ellatus.

9.1

The caravan: a form of partnership?

A letter published by S. C::ec;en contains a reference to a rule about the compensation of losses from an ellatum (kt n/k 1570, see below). This text caused Veenhof to describe an ellatum as a large caravan that contained merchandise of many people organized by an important trader after whom the caravan was named. (. ..) Such caravans functioned as a single unit: all expenses, taxes, losses, and profits from the sales were added and apportioned among the participants. The organizer/leader, after whom the caravan was named, was responsible for the safety of the transport. For that reason, it was rational to have strict rules for apportioning and compensating losses fairly among the many participants. 451 According to this view, the ellatum is a form of partnership established at the initiative of one of the major merchants. It alone sells the merchandise conveyed in it to Anatolia and receives the proceeds, which are then distributed among the participants. The importance of these organisations for the trade on Anatolia caused the city authorities in Assur to formulate binding rules of conduct for those involved. I shall return to the idea that the ellatum is a partnership below. There are several well-known merchants among the persons that led or organized an ellatum, such as Imdilum and Piisu-ken (see Table 9.1). But some ellatus had two or even three 'leaders', see Ala.hum, Idnaya and Innaya. Such ellatus occur at present only in three texts which belong to the archive of Elamma, as well as in the unpublished texts kt elk 260 and 264.

45! Veenhof Chicago-Kent Law Review 70 (1995), 1731.

Abum-il, C 18 Alahum, kt 91/k: 418 Alahum and Buzia, kt 91/k: 361 Alahum (brother of Elamma), kt 91/k: 347 Alahum son of Sukuhum, kt elk: 261 Amur-Assur, kt elk: 260; KTP 35 Amur-Assur son of Sukkallia, BIN 6, 15 Assur-emuqi, CCT 2, 11; kt elk: 1055; kt elk: 1062 Assur-imitti, Dalley no. 12 Assur-karwa and Assur-imitti, kt 91/k: 323 Assur-malik, BIN 6, 143; CCT 5, 9a; I 426; I 600; ICK 2, 129; TC 3, 47 Assur-malik son of Luzina, AKT 3, 66 Assur-taklaku son of Su-Enlil, Cole 9; Assuris-tikal son of Sukkallia, CCT 4, 21b; kt 91/k: 357 Atata, AKT 3, 20 (! A-sa-sa) Azuza, kt elk: 260; 264 Azuza and Assuris-tikal, kt 91/k: 361 Buzia, CCT 5, 9a Elamma, kt 91/k: 347 Enlil-bani, KTP 35 Ennum-Assur son of Basasa and Enlil-bani, kt 91/k: 361 Enna-Suen, kt 91/k: 443 Ennamanum, CCT 6, 9a Eradi, kt v/k: 173 Hanananlill, CCT 1, 28d Iddin-Kubum, CCT 4, 30a; I 442; MNK 635 Idnaya and Hi-Alum, kt elk: 260; 264 Idnaya, Ili-Alum and Assur-idi, kt 91/k: 361 Ikuppia, AKT 3, 88; CCT 1, 4

165

Ili-Alum, kt 91/k: 476 Imdilum, VS 26, 155 Innaya, CCT 6, 6c Innaya and Assur-taklaku, kt 91/k: 291 Innaya and Su-Nunu, kt 91/k: 291 lstar-pilah, CCT 5, 7b Kasia, BIN 4, 150; C 32; Cole 9; kt elk: 260; KTP 35 Kulumaya, kt 91/k: 216 Kurub-Istar, CCT 1, 19a; I 492; TPAK 1, 147a La-qep, BIN 6, 158; C 32; CCT 1, 38b; CCT 6, 16a; kt elk: 260; kt elk: 839; kt n/k: 183; TC 1, 14; TC 2, 3 La-qep son of Qatum, kt 91/k: 361 Pilah-lstar son of Uzua, kt 91/k: 300 Pusu-ken, BIN 4, 168; CCT 1, 35; CCT 3, 9; kt elk: 260; 264; kt n/k: 183; kt 91/k: 361; ICK 1, 171; ICK 2, 112 Puzur-Assur, kt 91/k: 100 (caravan) Puzur-Istar, Ka 346 (caravan) Su-Anum, kt 91/k: 176 (caravan); kt 91/k: 361 Su-Kubum, I 539 Su-Kubum son of Qatum, ICK 1, 157; ICK 1, 171 Su-Nunu, Cole 9; I 683; TIC 15

the son of lbni-ili, AKT 3, 20 the son of Panaka, Burton; ICK 2, 337

Table 9.1: Persons after whom an ellatum has been named

CHAPTERNINE

166

1HE CARAVANS

167

'

The archive of Elamma, being prepared for publication by K.R. Veenhof, contains a number of texts dealing with Elamma's claims on various ellatus (e.g. kt 911k 361). The persons 'leading' these ellatus were not only the important ~erc~ants but also some less wealthy persons, who occur in the Elamma archive m a subordinate position. The archive in its present state contains no direct links between these claims and merchandise which Elamma, alone or with others, imported from Assur by means of one of the ellatus named. . . More than half of the ellatus in the Elamma archive are named with two persons. Instead of assuming an exceptional form of organization for the ellatus with which Elamma dealt, these multi-headed ellatus may result from the wish by the writer of these documents to be explicit and include also the names of the co-leaders or coorganizers, which were normally omitted by other w~ter~. In th~ case of the_ ellatu~ of Idnaya and his two partners, Hi-Alum seems essential smce he is also ment10ned m the kt elk texts. The multi-headed ellatus in the Elamma archive are: Alahum and Buzia, kt 911k 361 Assur-karwa and Assur-imitti, kt 911k 323 Azuza and Assuris-tikal, kt 911k 361 Ennum-Assur son of Basasa and Enlil-bani, kt 911k 361 Idnaya, Hi-Alum and Assur-idi, kt 911k 361 (cf. Idnaya and Hi-Alum in kt elk 260; kt elk 264) Innaya and Assur-taklaku, kt 911k 291 Innaya and Su-Nunu, kt 911k 291 Prosopographical investigations have yielded no satisfactory results_ concerning . a possible identification of these persons. It is therefore almost impossible to explam why two or three persons are named together. If Assur-taklaku is the s~me as the son of Innaya (son of Elali) by that name, there would be a case for assummg that father and son organized a caravan. . The ellatum of Idnaya, Hi-Alum, and Assur-idi (kt 911k 361 § 1) is proba?ly the same as that of Idnaya and Hi-Alum (kt elk 260 and 264 §6). A person beanng the name Idnaya occurs several times in the kt 911k texts as a debtor of Elamma. A partnership or other form of cooperation is reflecte~ in kt 9_llk 469,_ where ,Elamma and Idnaya settle accounts. None of these texts identifies Idnaya by his father s nam~. Elamma and Kunaya son of Manana had some dealings with the ellatum ~f IhAlum according to kt 911k 476, which states that Kunaya (son of Manana) will not return on Elamma concerning the 'cost and losses of the ellatum of Hi-Alum'.

9.2 The relationship between the persons mentioned in the summary lists It appeared from the previous chapter that ellatum is used as an organizational form for the joint conveyance of merchandise. The ellatum received the name of the leader or organizer and in the summary lists this is often the merchant registered for the highest amount. Dalley no. 12 lists the value in silver of goods belonging to 'Assur-imitti and his ellatum'. Although in all likelihood written at Kanish because of the use of silver as valuta, it includes an amount qualified by sa ruba 'im 'of the king (of Assur)'. This person is not known to have been in Anatolia and he only traded through representatives. Since the king is absent, the amount of silver must represent what he owns or else be a sum for which he is in some other way held responsible. Still, he appears to be included in the ellatum and it follows that the persons mentioned in a summary list as a 'caravan' are not necessarily a group of people travelling together; it is rather their merchandise that was conveyed together. The fact that they are mentioned together and are called an ellatum or group of persons - 'the ellatum of Pusu-ken/lmdilum' in BIN 4, 168 and VS 26, 155 has the same meaning as 'Assur-imitti and his ellatum' in Dalley no. 12 - implies a form of cooperation. This cooperation can be for a single trip or for a special purpose (destination, merchandise). The person giving his name to the ellatum appears to be the central person, although not every summary list ends with the word ellatum or with the name of its 'leader'. It is difficult to identify the individuals named in the summary texts when they are not identified by their father's name. Extensive prosopographical investigations, which I am unable to make here, might add circumstantial evidence on the basis of which closer identification may be made. Four individuals can be identified:

• Pusu-ken An 'ellatum of Pusu-ken' is listed in BIN 4, 168 (tin). The Dan-Assur, listed for the same amount of tin as Pusu-ken, could be the son of Salim-ahum by that name, known as a junior business partner of Pusu-ken. The other persons can at present not be identified. None of the other partners of Pusu-ken (e.g. Puzur-Assur, Imdilum, Salim-ahum or Su-Hubur) is mentioned. • Assur-nada VS 26, 154 lists the value in tin of consignments belonging to a group of individuals around Assur-nada, probably the son of Assur-idi by that name (for this family see Larsen OAA 1). Assur-idi is mentioned himself. The father of the second Assur-nada, Ili-iddinassu, occurs as a debtor of Assur-idi • Imdilum Two summary lists have Imdilum as the main person:

169

CHAPTERNINE

THE CARAVANS

155 (tin) lists 34 persons and identifies these as 'ellatum ~f Imdilum'; some names are only partly preserved, others are broken off. Patronyrmcs are only added when a homonym might cause confusion; _ I 742 (silver) lists 9 persons and does not name the ellatum. All names are identified by their father's name. . . With the exception of Imdilum, none of the persons mentioned ~n I 742 appe~rs to be listed in VS 26, 155. One of the persons listed in VS 26, 155 is a woman, SatAssur. This is important, since it demonstrates that the names do not necessarily refer to a merchant, but to anyone who has merchandise conveyed the caravan, ~.g. transporters and (female) relatives. A person by the name of ~at-A~sur occurs m_I 430, a letter sent by Imdilum to Amur-ili, according to which Sat-Assu~ ~as m Anatolia at the time. The same name occurs in CCT 1, 15b as that of the recipient of a consignment of silver sent to Assur, with Imdilum (in Kanish) as one of the witnesses to the act of consignment.

The proper names in the summary lists identify the owners of the goods and hence those liable for payment of taxes and other duties. The texts known today represent only a tiny fraction of the number that must have been written, and any conclusion reached here will have to be tested against documents becoming available for research in the future. However, the fact that five out of the seven known summary texts list 7-9 persons (7: kt 94/k 358 [by courtesy of M.T. Larsen]; 8: BIN 4, 168 and Dalley no. 12; 9: I 742), while the remaining two list 21 (VS 26, 154) and 34 persons (VS 26, 155), may be significant concerning the size of groups.

168

_ v's 26,

w!th

• Assur-imitti The silver text Dalley no. 12 lists 8 persons, among whom is included the king, and concerns Assur-imitti and his ellatum. Assur-imitti could be the same as the father of U~ur-sa-Istar, known from the kt n/k archive, who was an influential man in Assur. Enna-Suen and Uzubiskum are attested as correspondents of U~ur-sa-Istar. Amur-Istar could be the same as U~ur-sa-Istar's uncle by that name. It is likely that at least some of the persons listed were not present in Kanish when the awitum was recorded, but then the reason for adding SQ 'belonging to' only before the word for king remains unclear. There is one conclusion that can be drawn from these texts: the persons listed represent groups formed on an ad hoe basis for the j~int. n:ansport of mercha~dise in a caravan. The group consists of a 'leader' and of mdividuals known to him, but who were not necessarily present in the place from where the caravan left. These other persons do not have to be merchants but could be anyone convey~ng merchandise, including relatives or transporters (ka$$ilrum) who owned a few textiles as part of their remuneration. The absence of known business partners i~ these t_ex~s demonstrates that these groups or ellatus were not formed as a long-term enterpnse , nor were they in any way related to joint-stock capitals. C. Michel has argued that an amount and the corresponding prope_r na~e ~n a summary list refer to the goods and their owner that formed ~ section with~n. a caravan that was called sepum 'foot', an administrative term refemng to responsibllity.452This is unlikely to be true in general for seve_ralreas~ns. First, it has just been shown that not every name refers to a person making the Journey; secondly, the at times small amounts make it difficult to imagine a partial donkey-load being a section of a caravan. 452Michel Garelli AV, 143.

9.3 The terminology of an ellatum The word ellatum frequently occurs in a financial context, where people have claims on or receive payment from a caravan. Before discussing the origin of such financial claims it is necessary to consider the terminology that is employed in texts dealing with such claims. • Misittum and SQ[satum Two terms occur in a special meaning in the context of transactions involving an ellatum and the office of the colony and the palace. The one is misittum, 453 describing a storeroom and the goods kept there, as well as the value it represents; for example in kt h/k 87: 27-28, three cauldrons are said to be the misit zirim SQ hursia, 'stock of cauldron(s) in my storeroom' .454The other is SQ[satum 'the thirds'. The typical use of misittum and SQ[satum is as funds out of which payments are made: two-thirds of the amount comes from the misittum, and one-third from the SQ[satum. Often misittum precedes the word for caravan in such cases; the last appears to be in the plural because of the lack of vowel harmony in the spellings e-la-tim (CCT 1, 38b: 15; ICK 1, 157: 2-3) and e-la-tim (kt c/k 454: 31). The writing ILLATtim (e.g. CCT 1, 28d: 3) therefore represents the plural ellatim. The stock of caravans occurs almost exclusively as a fund out of which money is disbursed. The person entitled to the money can authorize others to collect his share (AnOr 6, 15 and kt 86/k 101: 14-18). The office of the colony seems to have been the place where the stock was located, and we may have to visualize it as a system of accounts kept by the office through which certain payments were made. The interpretation as a merchant's stock is to be preferred in two letters from SiiKiibum, TC 3, 42 and the more explicit Kayseri 90 (published as Innaya II, no. 79). These letters deal with making deposits to the office of the colony so as to ensure that Sii-Kiibum's share will be sufficient for the settlement. The second purpose 453 Dercksen OACTA, 77. M/2, 125: 'fund, stock, store'; AHw 648 s.v. rneseliturn '(schmaler) Magazinraum (wie in heth. Tempeln)'. J. Lewy rendered it rnilesitturn 'Magazin, Schatzhaus' in EL I, 101 note and Il, 104 note. K Hecker read rnefiturn, a rnaprist-formation which he tentatively derives from isu, GKI § 55b. Cf. Hirsch OrNS 41 (1972), 407.

454CAD

CHAPTERNINE

170

mentioned there is to obtain a share in a future cash payment, apparently payment in silver or copper for deposited textiles. The passage from TC 3, 42 reads: My dear brothers, deposit (merchandise as) my share (by taking it) out of my misittum in addition to what Innaya deposited (as my share), lest I must make a balance payment.455 Kayseri 90: My dear brothers, deposit my share out of my misittum, be it for the settlement of accounts or for cash payment, as much as my colleagues are depositing. Deposit that which is for the settlement for my settlement, (but) that which is for the cash payment, take the silver for the cash payment and send it to me. (...) Deposit my share, out of my misittum, together with the colleagues, no one shall drink water at my expense. 456 The word salsatum is used in naruqqum-contexts as well, and it can therefore easily be confused with the thirds of a caravan. M.T. Larsen (RIA 9, 183), when writing that the profit in a naruqqum-partnership is divided in thirds called salsatum, commented 'This type of accounting is characteristic also of the short-term partnerships referred to as ellatum, see e.g., CCT 1, 19a, CCT 1, 28d, CCT 5, 39a or Cole 9.' He thus abandoned his previously held view, 457 according to which the salsatum was one-third of the profit disbursed to the partners, while two-thirds were reinvested in the capital fund, the misit ellatim. The documents used as illustration (ICK 1, 124; CCT 1, 28d; TC 3, 195) contain claims on the 'thirds' and the 'stock' that have their origin in textiles bought by the palace (see below). 458

455TC

6 d , , X / -na-a • ' • ' '{ -tl-a , 3, 42·. 3a- h u-u-a , +-,\ •. q d -t'1 4 a-$e-er d'1- I,u-ni . 5u' a-tu-nu ,a 1-ta1-m1-, q -ti 1-. a-,u-nu ta-df-a mi-ma e a-pu-ul-ma. 456Kaysen. 90·. 4 a- hu-u-a' t'u-nu qa' tf 5 1-na lu a-na 6NfG .KA -s1, lu a-na 1 1-ta-afz1m · mi-ma ' • ' " ' • m1-s1-t1-a tap-pd-u-a 8 «.l'a» i-na-df-u it a-tu-nu 9i-ta-df-a-ma .l'a a-na 1°NfG.KA-sf a-na "NfG.KA-sf i-ta-df 12.fo a-na i-ta-af-lim 13 a-na i-ta-af-lim 14KU.B le-qe-a-ma 15.l'e-bi-ld-nim ( ...) 17 qd-tf : i-mi-.l'f-t{-a 18 qa-df ta-pd-e-ma 19 i-ta-d{-a 20 ma-ma-an : ma-e 21 i-$e-ri-a 22 /a i-sa-tf. 457Iraq 39 (1977), 135f. 458CCT 1, 28d (AP no. 173): Larsen understood nadi as 'has been deposited in the "fund of the

companies" by the company of Hananarum and Salim-ahum.' However, I understand Salim-ahum as the subject of nadi, so that -a-hi-im is a scribal mistake for -a-hu-um, and this means that the sum is not reinvested but represents an asset of Salim-ahum in the mi.sit ellatim of the ellatum of H The last word in line 8 is according to the copy ina, which makes no sense. Instead, I read it i-ld1-ql, the expected form after salsatum, with Salim-ahum as subject. TC 3, 195 (AP no. 493): 5 minas 26 shekels a-na e-ld-tim; 2 minas 43 1/2 shekels salsatum; 63 'IUG watrutum. The phrase ana elliitim is used here instead of mi.sit elliitim. It is an abbreviation for ana ellatim sakanum and means that the amount will be claimed from the caravan, or more precisely, from the account of the caravan in the mi.sit ellatim, at the time of the settlement. The 63 remaining textiles (not 'extra-fine'), mentioned after many erasures in the next line on the tablet, do not relate to the

THE CARAVANS

171

9.4 Elements of the settlement of accounts of the ellatum It is obvious that a structure such as a caravan needs settling accounts to close a period of activity. The financial consequences of an ellatum are losses (huluqqa'u), expenses (gamrum ), and the purchase by the palace of a number of textiles as preemption (fa fimim) or tithe (isratum). There is as yet no evidence that an ellatum was also involved in the organized sale of the merchandise transported by it. The basis for all claims on losses en route is formed by the declared value of the goods.459 After arrival of the caravan in Kanish, the merchandise was brought for clearance to the palace. The palace could buy a percentage of the textiles. The financial claims ~nd counterclaims which resulted from these transactions as well as from the journey itself called for a settlement of accounts between the office of the colony and the ellatum as well as among the individual participants in the ellatum.460 This settlement probably took place at the office of the colony. 461But it remains uncertain whether the so-called 'settlement of the tithe of the colony office' (nikkassu sa isratim sa bet karim) was part of the general settlement of accounts of the colony discussed in Chapter Eleven. The following sections discuss the evidence of three important objects of the settlement: the losses suffered on merchandise, the value of textiles bought by the palace as pre-emption, and what are called expenses.

9.4.1 Losses One of the rules recorded on the stele in Assur stipulates that an ellatum, that is, those participating in it, was liable for losses (huluqqa'u) that might occur during a journey of the caravan. This responsibility is in line with customary law according to which the person or body under whose care goods were when they were stolen or assets, and are in this respect compatible to the 51 1/3 textiles mentioned as lkuppia's debt at the end of CCT 1, 28d. 459Cf. kt 91/k 476 (by ccourtesy of K.R. Veenhof): 4 a-na gdm-ri-im 5 u hu-lu-qd-e sa IILAT 61-lf-a9 lim ... a-na 30 ma-na AN.NA 10.fo Ku-na-a: a-na ILLAT 11!-lf-a-lim nu-du-a-e 12 i-df-u qd-df IILAT13 • { x 14• , 'For cost(s) and losses of the ellatum of Hi-Alum (...). As for the 30 ma a-na a-w1-t -,u 1-za-su-um, minas of tin about which Kuniiya made a memorandum for the ellatum of Hi-Alum: (Elamma) will guarantee it to him together with the ellatum for his declared value.' 460 See, for example, kt h/k 114 (Sever III. International Congress of Hittitology, 1998, 532): 8ki-ma $U-ha-ru-k~ hu-lu-qd-e 9ma-du-tim is-ku-nu-ni 10a-.l'f-a-tf is-t{-.l'u-nu u-ld "ni-sf, 'We have not settled accounts wtth your _servants because they charged many losses (to us).' And BIN 6, 212: 180/u hu-lu-qd200 19 e lu gdm-ra-am .fo ha-ra-nim su-a-tf-ma ba-li-su-um, 'Render account to him for the losses as well as the travel expenses.' 461Cf. A~ 48: 24 ~U.B sal-sa-tim 25 .fo A-sur-is-tf-kdl: sa-ma-ld-i-ni 26 i-na E ka-ri-im : tal-qe, 'You took (x) s~lver, the thirds of A., our trading agent, at the office of the colony'; and ICK I, 157: 12 1/3 2

ma-na [KU.BJ i-na mi-sf-it 3e-la-tim 4i-na e-la-at 5Su-Ku-bi-im 6DUMU Qd-a-tim 1 i-na E 8ka-ri-im 9 ala-qe, '(silver) I shall take 2 1/3 minas of silver at the office of the colony from the stock of caravans

from the caravan of Sii-Kiibum son of Qiitum.'

'

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got lost was liable for them, and as a consequence had to pay compensation to the owner. This applies to the house owner from whose house silver disappears (cf. AKT 1, 73), as well as to the ruler in whose territory goods are lost. 462 The rule about losses recorded on the stele is mentioned in kt n/k 1570: 1Thus says the ruler, 5 speak 2-3to the Kanish colony and to 4 Kurub-Istar and his ellatum: 6- 8The City (assembly) passed the following verdict in the sacred precinct: 12 13 9 Concerning the losses of 10[PN] son of Ilia, 11[PN] son of Idnaya, - [PN son of 21 Assur-mu]ttabbil, 15[PN son of PN], (and of) 16-17[Sali]m-ahum [son of ...]-ili - 18 23theellatum of Kurub-Istar son of Puzur-ili shall compensate their losses to them · s1·1ver, or 19in accordance with the [words of] the stele, 20-21(whether they) be tm, 463 texiles. According to the unpublished letter kt n/k 390 (courtesy C. Gi.inbattl), the owner of some textiles which were lost during the journey asks his representative to appeal to the colony and make the other owners of textiles compensate for the losses. The colony would establish the extent of the losses that had occurred to the ellatum during a journey, and then make the ellatum distribute the compensation among the merchants involved. In the final instance therefore, it was the colony at Kanish that ensured the payment of compensations in Anatolia. The payment of compensation to individual persons is mentioned in: Kt 91/k 451: For the 17 kutanum-textiles which were lost in Badna the caravan paid us compensation (mallu'um) of 1 1/3 minas of tin each. CCT 2, 11 (Imdilum to Ikuppia, Ahu-waqar, and Puzur-Istar): 36 kutanum-textiles, conveyed with the ellatum of Assur-emuqi, which Assur-tab exported (from Assur), were lost in the mountainous region of Mama. Send me . or no t .464 your report whether the caravan pai"d compensat10n I 431 (Su-Kubum to Ennaya): From the 25 minas of tin, the losses of Burallum, you gave me silver for 15 minas (of tin) and said: I shall go and make (them) pay for a value of 10 minas and send it to you. 465

462 Cf. kt n/k 794: 6/u ta-se-e-u-ma lu 7tu-ta-ru-ni-a-ti-ni. 4 u 463 Sever DTCFD 34 (1990), 265: 1um-ma wa-ak-lum-ma 2a-na kii-ri-im 'Kii-ni-ii'; Kur-ub-lstar 10 9 ILLAT-tz-su 5q{-b{-ma 6[A-lu-u]m di-nam 7[i-na h]a-am-ri-im 8[i-di-i]n-ma [hu-lu-qd]-e [x x x (x)] 14 [x x x-i]m DUMU )-U-a 11[x x x (x)] DUMU /d-na-a 12[x x x (x)-u]m 13[DUMU A-sur-mu]-ta-bfl 15[DUMU x x x-i]m 16[Sa-li]m-a-hi-im 17 [x x (x)]-x-i-U 18[hu-lu-q]d-e-su-nu 19[ki-ma] na-ru-a-im 20[lu 2 AN].NA lu KU.B 21[/u T]UG.HI.A : ILLAT-at 22[Kur-u]b-lstar DUMU Puzur 4-i-!U '[u]-ma-ld-su-nu-ti. 18 11 16 15 464 CCT 2, 11: 36 ku-ta-nu sa ILLA[T] A-sur-e-mu-q{ sa A-sur-!DUG u-M-$i-u i-sa-du-im fo 21 Ma-a-ma ih-li-qu 19su-ma ILLAT: u-ma-li 20 /d u-ma-li: te-er-ta-ku-lnu li-li-kam.

173

9.4.2 Pre-emption

Among the stipulations agreed between Assur and the palace of Kanish was the palace's right of pre-emption of about 10 per cent of all textiles brought to it for clearance. 466 This right is called ana szmim or simply isratum 'tithe' .467 The palace paid for these textiles through the office of the colony, and claims originating from pre-emption are one of the reasons for the account of a merchant being credited there. 468 However, as Larsen already observed, the system of pre-emption is more complicated than this. Situations where the palace bought 10 per cent of the textiles and paid for them to the office of the colony do occur, 469 but this seems rather simplistic when compared to BIN 4, 123 (AP no. 100 with collations): They returned 11 from the 20 textiles of good quality which they had taken as pre-emption at the office of the colony. Among these textiles 1 belongs to Adadrabi, 1 to Assur-idi, and 1 to U~uranum. 47O It is remarkable to find the colony office as the place of action since this activity is usually associated with the palace. Stranger still is the fact that more than half of these textiles are returned. The amount of 20 textiles taken as pre-emption suggests that the consignment consisted of about 200 pieces which belonged to a caravan. The next two texts may help provide an explanation for this return. AKT 3, 19 is an example of a document recording the amount of textiles brought to the palace by a caravan (for clearance or for sale?) and their respective owners: 465 I 431: 37[i-na] 25 ma-na AN.NA hu-lu-qd-i 38[fo] Bu-ra-lim SA.BA sa 15 ma-na 39[K]U.B ta-d{nam um-ma a-ta-ma 40[a-l]d-ak-ma : fo 10 ma-na u-sa-ds-qa-ral1-lma 41[u]-se-ba-ld-kum. 466 Larsen OACP, 158; Veenhof AOATT, 369 and RlA 5, 37Ob. 467 TC 2, 52: 13-14 has ana simim ilqe'u whereas the parallel text Winkenbach 7: 8 reads ana simim ana sa kiirim ilqe 'u. Payment by the palace in two steps, first for two-thirds, then for one-third, is mentioned in CCT 2, 24: 21ff. 468 See, for example, kt 86/k 101 (by courtesy of K.R. Veenhot): 11 ku-ta-nam i-na 2ILLAT : A-sur-taak-ld-lku 'DUMU Qd-a-tim i-na E.GAL-lim 4a-na sa si-mi-im 5A-mur-A-sur DUMU Zu-u-a 6i-d{-in-ma a-na qd-tim 7sa A-sur-ta-ak-ld-ku 8u-fa-hi-i : i-na wa-$a "KU.Bfa E.GAL-lim 10sa-al-sa-tim 11i-na qd-tim 12sa A-sur-ta-ak-ld-ku 13A-mur-A-sur i-la-qe 14sf-ni-pe-e : i-na 15mi-si-it ILLAT-tim 16i-na qdtim-ma 17sa A-sur-ta-ak-ld-ku 18i-la-qe, 'Amur-A~far son of Zua gave 1 kutiinum from the ellatum of A~far-taklaku son of Qatum as pre-emption at the palace and he added it to A~far-taklaku's account. When the silver of the palace becomes available, Amur-A~far will take one-third from A~far-taklaku's account. Two-thirds he will take from the misit elliitim, also from A~~ur-taklaku's account ( ...).' 469 BIN 6, 15: 4is-ra-tim : fo ILLAT 5A-mur-A-sur DUMU 6Su-kii-U-a 7E kii-ri-im 8la-dp-ta-a-ku 9a-bi 4 a-ta 10i-nu-mi : ni-kii-ls{ 11u-za-kii Ii-lib-sf-Ima 12a-na qd-ti-kii 13fa-hi-ma : me-eh-lra-[t]dm 14KU.B sebi4-/lam, 'I am credited for the tithe of (my textiles transported by) the ellatum of Amur-A~~ur son of Sukkallia at the office of the colony. My dear father, pay attention when the settlement of accounts takes places and transfer it to your account but send the equivalent in silver to me.' 470 BIN 4, 123: 1i-na 20 TUG.HI.A 2SIG5-[ti]m sa E 3kii-ri-im a-na s{-mi-im il5-qe-u-ni 5SA.BA 11 TUG.HI.A E [k]ii-ri-lim 6u-ta-e-ru-nim 7i-na qe-ra-db WG.HI.A su-nu-ti 91 TUG sa dlM-GAL 101 TUG sa A-sur-i-d{ 11l TUG sa U-$U-ra-nim. A.M. Ulshofer interpreted the phrase ana simim laqii'um as referring to a purchase, but it is the pre-empting of textiles (see Veenhof AOATT, 369-370).

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Assur-taklaku, Su-Istar, Ili-wedaku, Enna-Suen, Bur-Assur, Ahu-waqar, Summalibbi-Assur Belum-bani, (and) Dada in the service of Su-Istar - (these are the owners) ot'the 300 kutanum-textiles and 300 pirikannum-textiles that we gave to the palace. The involvement of the office of the colony in executing a privilege of the palace further appears from kt n/k 528 (by courtesy of C. Gtinbatti). This text ment~ons the clearance of textiles belonging to Assur-imitti and Imdilum: 312 forum-textiles and 26 kutanum-textiles for wrapping were brought into the palace, which pre-empted 3 5 1/2. Lines 13-17 read: They made a calculation at the office of the colony ~nd as a re~ult they imposed (payment of) 6 textiles per hundred; you have deposited 20 textiles at the palace. They will give the balance of 15 textiles to us at the office of the colony. 471 The amount of textiles which the palace took as pre-emption is 35 1/2, although 1O per cent would yield only 34. But the different and considerably lower rate of 6 per cent is fixed by or at the office of the colony, resulting ~ 20 (instead of 20 1/4) textiles to which the palace is entitled. The owners have a claim on the palace for ~O textiles while the 15 (the 1/2 is passed over without comment) that were taken m excess ~ill be given as a balance (napalum) at the office of the colony. ~ince the palace had already taken the textiles, the initiative to this subsequent c~lc~lat10~ m~st have come from the office of the colony. The motivation for this step is given m lme 13 where it is said that the office of the colony assessed the situation, apparently in;olving a calculation of the percentage of textiles required to result in the quantity the Assyrian merchants were bound by treaty to deliver to the pala_ce. The office t?en charged (emadum) this percentage to the merchants involved. This procedure pomts to a close cooperation between the palace and the Assyrian institution. . The same percentage of 6 per cent is applied in AKT 3, 61 (al~o m Kanish) where, however, nothing is said about payment for the pre-empted textiles: A total of 116 textiles entered the palace. Out of these, the palace took 6 kutanumtextiles as nishatum. I was charged 6 kutanum-textiles per hundred and so the palace took 7 kutanum-textiles as pre-emption. The remainder of your textiles, 103 pieces, were cleared at the palace. 472

471 Kt n/k 528 (by courtesy of C. Giinbatt:J.):13E ka-ri-im iz-me-ru-ma 14 1 me-at-tarn 6 TUG e-mu-duma 1520 TUG i-na E.GAL-lim : na-da-tu-nu 16 15 TUG E ka-ri-im 11i-na-pu-lu-ni-a-tf. 472 Lines 8-12· 10· me-tum 6 ku-ta-ni ik-su-dam-ma ( ...). Pre-emption at a rate of 6 per cent appears to occur in let a/k '814. (unp.) as well: ~G.HI.A : a-ni-u-tum 29sa 1 me-at 6 TUG.HI.A i/ 5-m[u]-du, ''f1!ese textiles (i.e. 10 kutanum-textiles to be credited at the office of the colony) are part of the 6 per cent ...

THE CARAVANS

175

The sa szmim 'pre-emption' system is thus a device to deliver to the palace the amount of textiles agreed upon between this institution and the office of the colony. This was already hinted at by Larsen when he wrote 'It must have been established by agreements between the local administration and the Assyrian merchants how much the palace could buy (at a reduced price).' 4 73

9.4.3 Unforeseen expenses Joint responsibility by its participants for fines imposed on an ellatum appears from two unpublished letters in kt elk (261 and 288; by courtesy of K.R. Veenhof). These deal with a fine imposed on the ellatum of Ala.hum son of Sukuhum. According to kt elk 288, the Elders in Assur ordered Ala.hum and unidentified other persons (probably the other participants in his ellatum) to pay 7100 nails, for which Assur-idi borrowed 6 minas of silver as Ala.bum's half. The verdict by the Elders included a stipulation about repayment to Assur-idi. This involved the Assyrian authorities at the highest level, as appears from kt elk 261, a letter sent by the king to the Kanish colony. According to that text, Alahum's ellatum must repay to him the amount of silver which Assur-idi son of Suli and Ayyu-ken, acting for Alahum, had borrowed at interest in Assur. The verdict by the Elders envisages the possibility that Alahum already charged this claim to the participants in his ellatum during the settling of accounts (of the ellatum) in Kanish. Should the ellatum not already have paid the silver to Ala.hum, the Kanish colony is ordered to make this ellatum pay. The silver which the colony confiscates, either that which Alahum had received or that which the colony demands from the participants in the ellatum, must be sent under seal to the authorities in Assur.

9.5 The settlement of accounts (nikkassu)

The settlement of ellatum-related items at the office of the colony was preceded by the recording of a trader participating in an ellatum for an amount which is usually expressed in silver. The crediting is in most cases expressed by the verbs adamum, lapatum, or nada'um. As a result of the settlement the 'silver' is disbursed or transferred (taha'um) to another account (cf. BIN 6, 15). Two-thirds of the claim is taken from the merchant's account in the 'stock of the caravans' of a particular caravan, either at the office of the colony or at the palace, while one-third derives from the salsatum 'thirds'. These amounts often approximate to one-third and twothirds. Added up, they rarely form round figures; the frequent occurrence of fractions suggests that they are a percentage or a part of a share. Merchants could

473 Larsen OACP, 159.

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1HE CARAVANS

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have claims on several ellatus. It remains to be investigated whether the colony could be held responsible for not paying the thirds to a merchant.474 Kt a/k 868 (unpublished Ankara) contains a memorandum about 25 2/3 kutanumtextiles which an anonymous merchant deposited (nadaku) at the office of the colony, where he will collect 12 shekels of silver for each textile. The payment will occur in the following way: • he will receive 70 shekels from the 'thirds' of the ellatum of Sii.-Nunu; • he is booked for 2 1/3 minas (= 140 shekels) in the misittum of the ellatum of Sii.Nunu; • (Sii.-Nunu) will balance (inappalam) the rest to him, being [l 1/2 mina] 8 shekels. A purchase as pre-emption by the palace may form the background to this transaction. The textiles were delivered by the ellatum of Sii.-Nunu, who will be credited for them. Some of the archives excavated since 1948, especially kt a/k and kt elk, contain important details on the accounting of ellatus. The contents of such texs unfortunately make these documents unattractive to publish and as a result most of the evidence remains unpublished.475

9.6 A different use of an ellatum Whereas until now most references to ellatum relate to caravans formed for the import of merchandise, this section will deal with caravans used for a different purpose. The corpus is formed by a small group of texts describing the division of proceeds of an ellatum. Each text contains a form of the verb surru which is the Dstem of saru 'to provide plentifully' (or here perhaps factitive 'to make rich') or surru 'to begin'. The form nu-sa-ri-ma in kt a/k 827: 2 excludes a derivation from wara 'um, because that would have been nu-se-ri. The verb is often used in hendiadys with laqa 'um 'to take'. But it may also occur in the passive Dt-stem and without

474Cf. the claim by Enlil-bani on the Kanish colony for 'textiles of the ellatum of Ikuppia' in CCT 1, 4: 3

1 KlSIB lstar-pa-li-il5 DUMU ~~-Ku-bi~-i"; 2KlSIB Su-n:i~-a-bi-a DUMU A-sur-ni-su KlSIB A-hu-wa5 qar DUMU Su-Istar KlSIB Li-1p-/ta-nim DUMU La-li-1m 8 ma-na 18 2/3 GfN $a-ru-pa-am sf-im TUG-tf sa ILLAT-at 61-ku-p{-a i-$e-er ka-ri-im ?dEN.LfL-ba-ni i-su is-tu 8ha-mus-tim sa Su-Istar ITU.I.KAM qa-ra-a-tim 9 li-mu-um En-na-Su-in DUMU Su-Istar 10a-na 6 ha-am-sa-tim i-sa-qu-lu 11su-ma la is-qu-lu 2/3 GfN 15 SE.TA 12a-na 1 ma-na-im $f-ib-tam i-ITU.KAM 13u-$u-bu li-mu-u Ahu-wa-qar 14u Li-ip-ta-num, 'Seal of gtar-palil son of Su-Ku.bum, seal of Sumi-abia son of A~for-ngu, seal of Ahu-waqar son of Su-mar, seal of Lipit-Anum son of Lalum. Enlil-bani has 8 minas 18 2/3 shekels of refined (silver), the price of the textiles of the ellatum of Ikuppia, as a claim on the colony. From the week of Su-mar, KEL 114NID, they will pay back within 6 weeks. If they fail to pay, they will add two-thirds of a shekel and 15 shekels per mina per month as interest. The eponyms for the colony were Ahu-waqar and Lipit-Anum.' 475For an example of a published text (excavated long before 1948) see the fragmentary KTP 35, edited as AP no. 348, and listing claims on various ellatus totalling 51 minas 10 shekels (of silver).

177

laqa'um. 476 It is evident that the verb implies the division of proceeds. If it refers to the start of a procedure, one may regard the verb 'to begin' as an abbreviation for nikkass'i sasa'am sarru'um 'to begin accounting', with the collecting of proceeds as a result. ~e combin~tion 'to begin (accounting) and take' appears to have acquired a te~hmcal meamng. It does not refer to a provisional division of proceeds. The evidence stems from I 600 and kt a/k 827 (unpublished Ankara). I 600: Together with Assur-malik, Assur-imitti and Iddin-Assur, I am entitled to 5 1/2 minas in the funds of the ellatum of Assur-malik, from which they are going to take a share. Fro~ the 31 minas 12 shekels of silver which Sii.-Nawar and his associates paid, I received the 32 shekels per mina (which) fell to my share. From the proceeds (of the sale) of wool of the town(?) of Harka, (of which) our share amounts to 3 5/6 minas, I received the 3 5/6 shekels per mina which fell to my share. 477

Commentary to I 600 This text presents a number of difficulties which make any interpretation tentative. The part about wool will be further discussed below. The contents can be divided into three sections: 1. The writer formed a group of investors with Assur-malik, Assur-imitti and IddinAssur. Together they invested 5 1/2 minas (of silver) in the ellatum of Assurmalik. The disbursements have not yet taken place. 2. A group ~f people, called Sii.-Nawar et al., paid 31 minas 12 shekels, presumably to the office of the colony as a result of a specific business trip, out of which NN received 32 shekels of silver (or tin?) per invested mina. The purpose of this payment is unclear: if the sum represents only the profit, the capital amounted to 58 1/2 minas (32 shekels per mina is 53 1/3 percent). In that case, it remains unknown what happened with this capital. But if the sum paid by Sii.-Nawar is the capital plus the profit realised with it, all has been repaid; the capital amounted to 20 minas 48 shekels.

47~~or exarnpl~ in,TP~K

14

15

1, 59: 13s~-im sf-pa-tim lu a-na URUDU lu : a-na KU.B ma-la us-ta-rain! lu-u1:-ta-nim, Wnte me the pnce of the wool, whether (sold) for copper of for silver, as much as I will be given a share.' 477I 600: 1i-na sa ILLAT-at 2A-sur-ma-lik 3sa u-sa-ru-u-ni-ma 4 i-la-qe-u-ni 5is-tf : A-sur-ma-lik 6Asur-i-mi-ti 7 U 1-d{-A-sur 85 1/2 ma-na ad-ma-ku 9 i-na 31 ma-na 12 GfN 1°K.U.B fo Su-Na-war 11 ' tap-pa-u-su 12is-qu-lu-ni 13 1/2 ma-na 2 GfN.TA 14a-na a-pf 1 ma-na-im 15ik-su-d(-ma al-qe 16i-na s~ im SfG.HI.A 17fo Ha-ar-ka-a 183 5/6 ma-na ki-is-da-tu-lni 194 LA 1/6 GfN.TA a-na 20 a-p( ma-na-im 21 ik-su-d(-ma al-qe (end). 1

CHAPTERNINE

THE CARAVANS

3. A group of people, perhaps the same as those in section 1, is entitled to 3 5/6 minas (of silver) from the sale of wool from/in Harka. NN received one-sixtieth of this for each mina; could this represent four participants investing 15 minas each?

11 minas of tin at the office of the colony. 479 If this disbursement took place at the same rate (and perhaps the same occasion) as the one mentioned in kt a/k 827, the payment of 11 minas of tin at 33 shekels per mina of invested silver presupposes an 'investment' by Salim-ahum of 20 minas of silver. The second reference can be found in AKT 3, 66, a letter in which Salim-ahum writes to his son Ennam-Assur not to leave behind the equivalent in silver of the tin (disbursed) from the ellatum of Assur-malik son of Luzina. A text from the kt n/k archive which S.